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5, 


A  DICTIONARY 

OF 

CHRISTIAN   ANTIQUITIES, 

BEIUG 

A  CONTINUATION  OF  'THE  DICTIONAEY  OF  THE  BIBLE.' 

EDITED    BY 

WILLIAM    SMITH,   D.C.L.,   LL.D., 

AND 

SAMUEL  CHEETHAM,  M.A., 

ARCHDEACON   OF  SOUTHWARK,    AND 
PROFESSOR  OF  PASTORAL   THEOLOGY   IN   KING'S   COLLEGE,   LONDON. 


IN    TWO   VOLUMES.— Vol 


ILLUSTRATED  BY  ENGRAVINGS  ON  WOOD. 


LONDON: 

JOHN    MUEKAY,     ALBEMAKLE     STEEET. 

1880. 

'i'hc  rigid  of  Translation  is  reserved. 


UNIFORM    WITH    THE    PRESENT    WORK. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  CHRISTIAN  BIOGEAPHY,  LITERA- 
TURE, SECTS  AND  DOCTRINES.  By  Various  Writers.  Edited 
by  Wm.  Smith,  D.C.L.,  and  Rev.  Professor  Wage,  M.A.  Vols.  1 
and  2.     (To  be  completed  in  4  Vols.)     Medium  8vo.    31s.  6d.  each. 


\\^ 


a 


londuk:  pkinted  by  william  clowes  and  sons,  stamfobd  street, 
akd  chabing  cross. 


/// 


LIST  OF  WRITEES 

IN  THE  DICTIONAEIES  OF  CHRISTIAN  ANTIQUITIES 
AND  BIOGKAPHY. 


INITIALS.  NAJVIES. 

A.H.D.  A.  ArthuPv  Herbert  Dyke  Aclakd,  M.A., 

Of  Christ  Church,  Oxford. 
S.  A.  Sheldon  Amos,  M.A., 

Late  Professor  of  Jurisprudence  in  University  College, 
London. 
M.  F.  A.      Rev.  Marsham  Frederick  Argles,  M.A., 

Fellow  of  St.  John's  College,  Oxford,  and  Principal  of 
St.  Stephen's  House. 
H.  T.  A.      Rev.  Henry  Thomas  Armfield,  M.A.,  F.S.A., 

Rector  of  Colne-Engaine,  Essex ;  late  Vice-Principal  of 
the  Theological  College,  Salisbury. 

F.  A,  Rev.  Frederick  Arnold,  B.A.,  of  Christ  Church,  Oxford. 
W.  T.  A.     William  Thomas  Arnold,  M.A., 

University  College,  Oxford. 
C.  B.  Rev.  Churchill  Babington,  D.D.,  F.L.S., 

Disney  Professor  of  Archaeology  in  the  University  of 
Cambridge;  Rector  of  Cockfield,  Suffolk;  formerly 
Fellow  of  St.  John's  College,  Cambridge. 

G.  P.  B.      Rev.  George  Percy  Badger,  D.C.L.,  F.R.G.S. 
H.  B — y.     Rev.  Henry  Bailey,  D.D., 

Rector  of  West  Tarring  and  Honorary  Canon  of  Canter- 
bury   Cathedral;    late     Warden    of    St.    Augustine's 
College,  Canterbury,  and  formerly  Fellow  of  St.  John's 
College,  Cambridge. 
C.  J.  B.       Rev.  Charles  James  Ball,  M.A., 

Master  in  Merchant  Taylors'  School.  , 
J.  B — Y.      Rev.  James  Barmby,  B.D., 

Vicar  of  Pittington,  Durham ;   formerly  Fellow  of  Mag- 
dalen   College,    Oxford,    and    Principal    of    Bishop 
Hatfield's  Hall,  Durham. 
A.  B.  Rev.  Alfred  Barry,  D.D., 

Principal    of    King's    College,   London,   and    Canon   of 
'  Worcester. 

S.  A.  B.       S.  A.  Bennett,  B.A., 
Of  Lincoln's  Inn. 


LIST  OF  WRITERS. 


E.  W.  B.      Eight  Eev.  Edward  White  Benson,  D.D., 

Bishop  of  Truro. 
T.  S.  B.       Eev.  Thomas  S.  Berry,  B.A., 
Trinity  College,  Dublin. 
W.  B.      Walter  Besant,  M.A., 
(iu  Diet.  Ant.)        Secretary  of  the  Palestine  Exploration  Fund  ;  late  Scholar 

of  Christ's  College,  Cambridge. 
E.  B.  B.       Eev.  Edward  Bickersteth  Birks,  M.A., 

Fellow  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 

C.  W.  B.      Eev.  Charles  William  Boase,  M.A., 

Fellow  of  Exeter  College,  Oxford. 
H.  B.       Henry  Bradshaw,  M.A., 
(iu  Diet.  Biog.)      Fellow  of  King's  College,   Cambridge  ;  Librarian  of  the 

University  of  Cambridge. 
W.  B.  Eev.  William  Bright,  D.D., 

Canon   of  Christ   Church,    Oxford ;    Eegius    Professor   of 
Ecclesiastical  History  in  the  University  of  Oxford. 

H.  B.       The  late  Eev.  Henry  Browne,  M.A., 
(in  Diet.  Ant.)       Vicar  of  Pevensey,  and  Prebendary  of  Chichester  Cathedral. 
I.  B.  Isambard  Brunel,  D.C.L., 

Of  Lincoln's  Inn ;  Chancellor  of  the  Diocese  of  Ely. 

J.  B.  James  Bryce,  D.C.L., 

Of  Lincoln's  Inn ;  Eegius  Professor  of  Civil  Law  in  the 
University  of  Oxford. 
T.  E.  B.       Thomas  Eyburn  Buchanan,  M.A., 

Fellow  of  All  Souls  College,  Oxford. 

D.  B.  Eev.  Daniel  Butler,  M.A., 

Eector  of  Thwing,  Yorkshire. 
J.  M.  C.      Eev.  John  Moore  Capes,  M.A., 
Of  Balliol  College,  Oxford. 
J.  G.  C.       Eev.  John  Gibson  Cazenove,  D.D.,  F.E.S.E., 

Canon  and  Chancellor  of  St.  Mary's  Cathedral,  Edinburgh  : 
formerly  Provost  of  Cumbrae  College,  N.B, 
C.  Venerable  Samuel  Cheetham,  M.A., 

Archdeacon  of  South wark  ;  Professor  of  Pastoral  Theology 
in  King's  College,  London,  and  Chaplain  of  Dulwich 
College ;      formerly     Fellow     of      Christ's     College, 
Cambridge. 
C  G.  C.      Eev.  Charles  Granville  Clarke,  M.A., 

Late  Fellow  of  Worcester  Colldge,  Oxford. 

E.  B.  C.       Edward  Byles  Cowell,  M.A., 

Professor   of  Sanskrit   in  the   University  of  Cambridge, 
Fellow  of  Corpus  Christi  College. 
M.  B.  C.       Eev.  Maurice  Byles  Cowell,  M.A., 
Vicar  of  Ash-Bocking, 

F.  D.  F.  H.  Blackburne  Daniel,  Esq.,  M.A., 

Of  Lincoln's  Inn. 


LIST  OF  WRITERkS.  ^ 

INITIALS.  NAMES. 

T.  W.  D.     Eev.  T.  W.  Davids, 

Upton. 
L.  D,  Eev.  Lionel  Davidson,  M.A., 

Curate  of  St.  James's,  Piccadilly. 
J.  LI.  D,      Eev.  John  Llewelyn  Davies,  M.A., 

Eector  of  Christchurch,  Marylebone  ;   formerly  Felluw  of 
Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 
C.  D.  Eev.  Cecil  Deedes,  M.A., 

Secretary    to    the    Central    African   Mission ;    formerly 
Chaplain    of     Christchurch,    Oxford,    and    Vicar    of 
St.  Mary  Magdalene,  Oxford. 
W.  P.  D.      Eev.  William  Purdie  Dicksox,  D.D., 

Professor  of  Divinity  in  the  University  of  Glasgow. 
A.  B.  C.  D.  Miss  A.  B.  C.  Dunbar. 
S.  J.  E.        Eev.  Samuel  John  Eales,  M.A., 

Principal  of  St.   Boniface,   Warminster ;    formerly  Head 
Master  of  the  Grammar  School,  Halstead,  Essex. 
A.  E.  Eev.  A.  Edersheim,  D.D.,  Ph.D., 

Vicar  of  Loders,  Bridport. 
J.  E.  Eev.  John  Ellerton,  M.A., 

Eector  of  Barnes,  Surrey. 
C.  J.  E.       Eev.  C.  J.  Elliott,  M.A., 

Vicar   of   Winkfield,    Windsor ;     Hon.  Canon  of  Christ 
Church,     Oxford ;     formerly    Crosse     and    Tyrwhitt 
Scholar  in  the  University  of  Cambridge. 
E.  S.  Ff,     Eev.  Edmund  Salusbury  Ffoulkes,  B.D. 

Vicar  of  St.  Mary  the  Virgin,  Oxford  ;  formerly  Fellow 
and  Tutor  of  Jesus  College,  Oxford. 
A.  P.  F,        The  late  Eight  Eev.  Alexander  Penrose  Forbes,  D.C.L., 

Bishop  of  Brechin. 
W.  H.  F.     Hon.  and  Eev.  William  Henry  Fremantle,  M.A., 

Eector  of  St.   Mary's,  Marvlebone,  and   Chaplain  to  the 
Archbishop   of  Canterbury ;    formerly  Fellow  of  All 
Souls  College,  Oxford. 
J.  M.  F.       Eev.  John  Mek  Fuller,  M.A., 

Vicar  of  Bexley ;  formerly  Fellow  of  St.  John's  College, 
Cambridge. 
J.  G.  Eev.  James  Gammack,  M.A., 

M.C.A.A.,  Corr.  Mem.  S.  A.  Scot.     The  Parsonage,  Drum- 
lithie,  Fordoun,  N.B. 
C.  D.  G.      Eev.  Christian  D.  Ginsburg,  LL.D., 

Elmlea,  Wokingham. 
C.  G.  Eev.  Charlks  Gore,  M.A., 

Fellow  of  Trinity  College,  Oxford. 
W.  F.  G.     The  late  Eev.  William  Fredkriciv  Greenfield,  M.A., 

Master  of  the  Lower  School,  Dulwioh  College. 
E.  S.  G.       Eev.  Egbert  Scarlett  Grignox,  B.A., 

Formerly  Eector  of  St.  John's,  Lewes. 


LIST  OF  WRITERS. 


A.  W.  H.     The  late  Eev.  Arthur  West  Haddan,  B.D., 

Rector  of  Barton-on-the-Heath ;  Hon.  Canon  of  Worcester ; 
sometime  Fellow  of  Trinity  College,  Oxford. 
C.  E.  H.      Eev.  Charles  Edward  Hammond,  M.A., 

Lecturer  (late  Fellow  and  Tutor)  of  Exeter  College,  Oxford. 

E.  H.  Eev.  Edwi>^  Hatch,  M.A., 

Vice-Principal  of  St.  Mary  Hall,  Oxford. 

E.  C.  H.       Eev.  Edwards  Comerford  Hawkins,  M.A., 

Head  Master  of  St.  John's  Foundation  School,  Leatherhead. 

L.  H.  Eev.  Lewis  Hensley,  M.A., 

Yicar   of  Hitchin,    Herts;    formerly  Fellow   of   Trinity 
College,  Cambridge. 

C.  H.  Eev.  Charles  Hole,  B.A., 

Lecturer   in    Ecclesiastical   History   at    King's    College, 
London ;  formerly  Eector  of  Loxbear. 

H.  S.  H.       Eev.  Henry  Scott  Holland,  M.A., 

Senior  Student  and  Tutor  of  Christchurch,  Oxford. 

H.  Eev.  Fenton  John  Anthony  Hort,  D.D., 

Hulsean   Professor    of  Divinity,    Cambridge ;    Chaplain 
to  the  Bishop  of  \\  inchester. 
H.  J.  H.      Eev.  Henry  John  Hotham,  M.A., 

Vice-Master  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 

J.  H.  Joh-nt  Hullah,  LL.D., 

Honorary  Fellow  of  King's  College,  London. 

W.  I.  Eev.  William  Ince,  D.D., 

Canon  of   Christ    Church,    Oxford ;  Eegius  Professor   of 
Divinity  in  the  University  of  Oxford. 

W.  J.  Eev.  William  Jackson,  M.A.,  F.S.A.,  F.E.A.S., 

Formerlj'^  Fellow  of  Worcester  College,  Oxford ;  Bampton 
Lecturer  for  1875. 

G.  A.  J.       Eev.  George  Andrew  Jacob,  D.D., 

Formerly  Head  Master  of  Christ's  Hospital,  London. 
Eev.  David  Eice  Jones. 

Eev.  William  James  Josling,  M.A., 

Eector  of  Moulton,  Suffolk ;  formerly  Fellow  of  Christ's 
College,  Cambridge. 
C.  F.  Keary, 

Of  the  British  Museum. 
Eev.  Stanley  Leathes,  D.D., 

Professor  of  Hebrew  in  King's  College,   London;    Pre- 
bendary of  St.  Paul's ;  Eector  of  Cliffe-at-Hoo,  Kent. 
Eight  Eev.  Joseph  Barber  Lightfoot,  D.D., 

Bishop  of  Durham. 

Eichard  Adelbp:rt  Lipsius,  D.D., 

Professor  of  Divinity  in  the  University  of  Jena. 
John  Malcolm  Ludlow, 

Of  Lincoln's  Inn. 


w 

.  J. 

J. 

c. 

F. 

K. 

s. 

L. 

L. 

E. 

A. 

L. 

J. 

M 

L 

LIST  OF  WEITEES.  vii 

INITIALS.  NAMES. 

J.  E.  L.       Eev.  John  Kobicrt  Lunn,  B.D., 

Vicar  of  Marton-cum-Grafton,  Yorkshire  ;  formerly  Fellow 
of  St.  John's  College,  Cambridge. 
J.  H.  L.       Eev,  Joseph  Hirst  Lupton,  M.A., 

Surmaster  of  St.  Paul's    School  ;    formerly  Fellow   of  St. 
John's  College,  Cambridge. 

G.  F.  M.      Eev.  George  Frederick  Maclear,  D.D., 

Head  Master  of  King's  College  School,  London. 

F.  W.  M.     Frederic  W.  Madden,  M.E.A.S., 

Brighton  College. 
S.  M.  The  late  Eev.  Spencer  Mansel,  M.A., 

Vicar  of  Trumpington ;  formerly  Fellow  of  Trinity  College, 
Cambridge. 
W.  B.  M.     The  late  Eev.  Wharton  B.  Marriott,  M.A., 

Formerly  of  Eton  College,  and  sometime  Fellow  of  Exeter 
College,  Oxford. 

A.  J.  M.      Eev.  Arthur  James  Mason,  M.A., 

Fellow  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge  ;  Examining  Chap- 
lain to  the  Bishop  of  Truro,  and  Canon  Missioner  of 
Truro  Cathedral. 

G.  M.  Eev.  George  Mead,  M.A., 

Chaplain  to  the  Forces,  Plymouth. 

F.  M.  Eev.  Frederick  Meyrick,  M.A., 

Eector    of    Blickling,    Norfolk ;     Prebendary  of    Lincoln 
Cathedral ;     Chaplain    to    the     Bishop     of    Lincoln ; 
formerly  Fellow  of  Trinity  College,  Oxford. 
W.  M.  Eev.  William  Milligan,  D.D., 

Professor  of  Divinity  and  Biblical  Criticism  in  the 
University  of  Aberdeen. 

G.  H.  M.     Eev.  George  Herbert  Moberly,  M.A  . 

Eector  of  Duntesbourne  Eous,  near  Cirencester  ;  Examining 
Chaplain  to  the  Bi.shop  of  Salisbury ;  formerly  Fellow 
of  Corpus  Christi  College,  Oxford. 
T.  D.  C.  M.  Eev.  Thomas  Daniel  Cox  Morse, 

Vicar  of  Christ  Church,  Forest  Hill. 
H.  C.  G.  M.  Eev.  Handley  Carr  Glyn  Moule,  M.A., 

Fellow  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 
J.  E.  M.       John  Eickards  Mozley,  M.A., 

Formerly  Fellow  of  King's  College,  Cambridge. 
J.  B.  M.       J.  Bass  Mullinger,  M.A., 

St.  John's  College,  Cambridge. 
A.  N.  Alexander  Nesbitt,  F.S.A., 

Oldlands,  Uckfield. 
P.  0.  Eev.  Phipps  Onslow,  B.A., 

Eector  of  Upper  Sapey,  Herefordshire. 
F.  P.  Eev.  Francis  Paget,  M.A., 

Senior  Student  and  Tutor  of  Christ  Church,  Oxford ; 
Examining  Chaplain  to  the  Bishop  of  Ely. 


viii  LIST  OF  WRITERS. 

INITIALS.  NAMES. 

G.  W.  P.     Eev.  Gregory  Walton  Pennethorne,  M.A., 

Yicar   of   Ferring,    Sussex,    and   Eural    Dean ;    formerly 
Vice-Principal  of  the  Theological  College,  Chichester. 
W.G.F.P.  Walter  G.  F.  Phillimore,  D.C.L., 

Of  the    Middle   Temple;    Chancellor  of   the   Diocese   of 
Lincoln  ;  formerly  Fellow  of  All  Souls  College,  Oxford. 
n.  W.  P.     Eev,  Henry  Wright  Phillott,  M.A., 

Eector  of  Staxinton-on-Wye ;  JPraelector  of  Hereford 
Cathedral;  formerly  Student  of  Christ  Church  and 
Master  in  Charterhouse  School. 

A.  P.  Eev.  Alfred  Plummer,  M.A., 

Master  of  University  College,  Durham. 

E.  H.  P.       Eev.  Edward  Hayes  Plumptre,  D.D., 

(or  P.)  Professor   of  Xew  Testament  Exegesis  in  King's  College, 

London ;  Prebendary  of  St.  Paul's  Cathedral ;  Vicar  of 
Bickley ;  formerly  Fellow  of  Brasenose  College,  Oxford. 
De  Pressense.  Eev.  E.  De  Pressense, 
Of  Paris. 

J.  E.  Eev.  James  Eaine,  M.A., 

Canon  of  York ;  formerly  Fellow  of   the  University   of 
Durham. 
W.  E.  Very  Eev.  William  Peeves,  D.D., 

Dean  of  Armagh. 

H.  E.  E.      Eev.  Henry  Egbert  Eeynolds,  D.D., 

Principal  of  Cheshunt  College. 
G.  S.  Eev.  George  Salmon,  D.D., 

Eegius  Professor  of  Divinity,  Trinity  College,  Dublin. 
P.  S.  Eev.  Philip  Schaff,  D.D., 

Bible  House,  New  York. 

F.  H.  A,  S.  Eev.  Frederick  Henry  Ambrose  Scrivener,  M.A.,  D.C.L., 

Prebendary  of  Exeter  and  Vicar  of  Hendon,  Middlesex. 
W.  E.  S.      Eev.  William  Edward  Scudamore,  M.A., 

Eector  of  Ditchingham  ;    formerly  Fellow  of  St,  John's 
College,  Cambridge. 
J.  S.  Eev.  John  Sharpe,  M.A., 

Eector  of  Gissing,  Norfolk ;  formerly  Fellow  of  Christ's 
College,  Cambridge. 

B.  S.  The  late  Benjamin  Shaw,  M.A., 

Of  Lincoln's  Inn;  formerly  Fellow  of  Trinity  College, 
Cambridge. 

W.  M.  S.      Eev.  William  Macdonald  Sinclair,  M.A., 

Domestic  Chaplain  to  the  Bishop  of  London. 
E.  S.  Eev.  Egbert  Sinkek,  M.A., 

Librarian  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 
I.  G.  S.        Eev.  Isaac  Gregory  Smith,  M.A., 

Vicar  of  Great  Malvern  ;  Prebendary  of  Hereford  Cathe- 
dral ;  formerly  Fellow  of  Brasenose  College,  Oxford ; 
Bamptun  Lecturer  for  1873. 


INITIALS. 

E 

P. 

s. 

E 

T. 

s. 

J. 

deS. 

J. 

W. 

s. 

LIST  OF  WRITERS. 


Very  Eev.  Egbert  Payne  Saiith,  D.D.,  Dean  of  Canterbuiy. 
Eev.  E.  Travers  Smith,  M.A. 

Vicar  of  St.  Bartholomew's,  Dublin. 

Eev.  John  de  Soyres,  B.A. 

Eev.  John  William  Stanbridge,  M.A., 
Fellow  of  St.  John's  College,  Oxford. 
W.  S.  Eev.  William  Stewart,  D.D., 

Professor    of    Biblical    Criticism    iu    the    University   of 
Glasgow. 

G.  T.  S.       Eev.  G.  T.  Stokes,  M.A., 

Vicar  of  All  Saints,  Blackrock,  Dublin. 

J.  S — T.       John  Stuart,  LL.D., 

Of  the  General  Eegister  House,  Edinburgh. 
S.  Eev,  William  Stubbs,  M.A,, 

Canon  of  St.  Paul's ;  Eegius  Professor  of  Modern  History 
in  the  University  of  Oxford. 

C.  A,  S.       Eev.  Charles  Anthony  Swainson,  D.D., 

Margaret  Professor  of  Divinity  in  the  University  of 
Cambridge ;  Canon  of  Chichester  Cathedral ;  formerly 
Fellow  of  Christ's  College,  Cambridge, 

H,  B.  S.       Eev.  Henry  Barclay  Swete,  B.D., 

Eector  of   Ashdon ;  formerly  Fellow  and  Divinit}'  Lec- 
turer of  Gonville  and  Caius  College,  Cambridge. 

E.  S,  T.       Eev.  Edward  Stuart  Talbot,  M.A., 

Warden  of  Keble  College,  Oxford. 
C.  T.  Eev.  Charles  Taylor,  M.A., 

Fellow  of  St.  John's  College,  Cambridge. 
E,  St.  J.  T.  Eev,  Eichard  St.  John  Tyrwhitt,  M.A,, 

Formerly  Student  and  Ehetoric  Eeader  of  Christchurch, 
Oxford. 

E.  V.  Eev.  Edmund  Venables,  M.A., 

Canon  Eesidentiary  and  Precentor  of  Lincoln  Cathedral ; 
Chaplain  to  the  Bishop  of  London. 

H.  W.  Eev.  Henry  Wage,  M.A., 

Chaplain  of  Lincoln's  Inn,  and  Professor  of  Ecclesiastical 
History  in  King's  College,  London. 
^l.  A,  W.     Mrs.  Humphrey  Ward, 

Oxford, 

F.  E.  W.     Eev.  Frederick  Edward  Warren,  B.D„ 

Fellow  of  St,  John's  College,  Oxford, 
IT,  W.  W.   Veil.  Henry  William  Watkins,  M.A., 

Warden    of   St.    Augustine's    College,    Canterbury,    and 
Archdeacon  of  Is  orthumbeiiand ;    Professor  of  Logic 
and  Metaphysics  in  King's  College,  London. 
E.  B.  W.     Eev.  Edward  Barnet  Wensley,  B.A., 

Vicar  of  All  Hallows,  Hoo,  Eochester. 

CHRIST.  A  XT. VOL.    IT.  Li 


900        KEYS,  POWER  OP  TPIE 

in  early  bas-reliefs.  See  D'Agineourt,  Sculp- 
ture, planche  viii.  11,  where  the  apostle  is 
certainly  receiving  a  key,  as  it  appears  a 
single  one,  though  two  are  delivered  to  him 
on  other  monuments.  In  Aringhi  (t.  i.  p. 
293)  there  appear  to  be  two  handles,  though 
the  wards  of  only  one  key  are  visible.  On 
the  sarcophagus  on  which  this  subject  occurs, 
St.  Paul  is  bearing  the  cross  and  receiving  a 
roll  of  the  Gospel  from  the  Lord's  hand,  with 
another  apostle.  Martiguy  refers  to  Ferret 
(vol.  i.  pi.  vii.)  for  a  remarkable  but  dubious 
fresco  of  the  catacomb  called  Platonia,"  where 
our  Lord  is  seen  half  issuing  from  a  cloud,  with 
St.  Peter  on  His  i-ight  and  St.  Paul  on  the  left, 
and  giving  the  keys  to  the  former.  From 
Bottari  (i.  185)  we  give  a  woodcut  of  this  sub- 
ject, which  Bianchini  regards  as  of  great  an- 
tiquity (note  in  Anast.  1  ita  Urbani,  n.  18).  It 
forms  part  of  the  bas-relief  round  a  vase.  St. 
Peter  and  the  keys  appear  next  to  our  Lord  in 
the  church  of  St.  Cecilia,  in  a  mosaic  restored 
by  Paschal  I.,  about  820  (Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  ii. 
tab.  hi.  160). 


From  Martigny,  after  liotlari. 

St.  Peter  is  also  represented  with  the  keys  on 
a  sarcophagus  at  Verona  (Maftei,  Museum,  Veron. 
p.  484 ;  Arch.  Numm.  vii.  22),  and  in  the  mosaic 
of  the  great  vault  of  the  basilica  of  St.  Peter, 
on  the  Via  Ostieasis,  dated  441  (Ciampini,  V.  M. 
tab,  Ixviii.);  also  in  that  of  S.  Maria  in  Cosme- 
dm,  at  Ravenna,  A.n.  553,  where  he  seems  to  be 
presenting  them  before  the  throne  of  the  Lamb 
{ibid.  ii.  tab.  xxiii.).  Martigny  mentions  a  Greek 
MS.  in  the  Vatican,  dating  as  far  back  as  the 
emperor  Justin  I.,  where  St.  Peter  holds  three 
keys  on  a  large  ring.  (Alemanni,  de  Lateranens. 
parietin.  tab.  vii.  p.  55.  See  also  Perret,  vol.  iii. 
pi.  xii.)  Alemanni  considers  the  third  key  as 
conveying  authority  over  the  Empire  and  the 
temporal  power  in  general.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

KEYS,  POWER  OF  THE.  The  meta- 
phor implied  in  the  symbolic  use  of  the  word 
"  key  "  is  obviously  derived  from  the  fact  that 
he  who  has  the  key  of  a  house  can  admit  or 
exclude  whom  he  will.  Thus  in  Isaiah  xxii.  22 
the  promise  is  given  to  Eliakim  that  on  his 
shoulder  shall  be  laid  "  the  key  of  the  house  of 
David,  ...  so   he   shall   open   and  none   shall 


-•  Probably  that  built  by  St.  Damasus.  Anastasius- 
"Et  aedificavit  Plutoniam,  ubi  corpora  apostolorum  jacu- 
crunt,"  i.  e.  S.  Petri  et  S.  Pauli.  Ducange :  Platoma ;  Pla- 
tomae;  Platonae— marmora  in  tabulas  disjecta. 


KEYS,  POWER  OF  THE 

shut;  and  he  shall  shut  and  none  shall  open." 
With  a  similar  intention  the  Lord  Himself  is 
said  (Rev.  iii.  7)  to  have  the  "key  of  David," 
and  again  (Rev.  i.  18)  to  have  "the  keys  of  hell 
and  of  death." 

With  the  same  use  of  metaphor  our  Lord  gave 
the  famous  promise  to  St.  Peter,  "I  will  give 
unto  thee  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of  jieaveu" 
(Matt.  xvi.  19),  implying  a  power  of  opening 
and  shutting  the  portals  of  the  church  on  earth. 
We  are  not  here  concerned  with  the  critical 
interpretation  of  the  passage,  but  simply  with 
the  use  of  the  term  "  power  of  the  keys " 
(clavium  potestas)  in  the  ancient  church. 

The  general  belief  of  the  fathers  was,  that  the 
words  were  addressed  to  St.  Peter  as  represent- 
ing the  whole  church  (Van  Espen,  de  Censur. 
Eccl.  c.  2,  §  1  ;  0pp.  tom.  iv.  ed.  Colon.  1777). 
Cyprian  {de  Unit.  Eccl.  c.  4)  identifies  the  power 
given  to  St.  Peter  with  that  given  to  all  the 
apostles  after  the  Resurrection  ;  it  was  given  in 
the  first  instance  (he  thinks)  to  one  man  to  indicate 
more  emphatically  the  orjeness  of  the  church  ; 
and  he  proceeds  to  insist  on  the  oneness  of  the 
episcopate.  This  power  he  seems  in  another 
place  {Epist.  73,  7)  to  limit  to  the  remission  of 
sins  in  baptism.  The  power  of  "binding  and 
loosing,"  and  of  putting  away  sins  by  the  healing 
method  or  treatment  (curatione  peccata  dimit- 
tendi),  is  expressly  assigned  to  bishops  in  the 
treatise  De  Aleatoribus  (c.  1)  in  Cyprian's  works 
(vol.  ii.  p.  93,  ed.  Hartel). 
I  Augustine  (c.  Advers.  Legis,  i.  17)  says  ex- 
;  pressly  that  Christ  gave  the  keys  to  the  church, 
and  that  St.  Peter  in  receiving  them  represented 
the  church.  So  also  in  commenting  on  St.  John 
{Tract.  50,  quoted  by  Gratian,  causa  24,  qu.  1, 
c.  6),  he  repeats  that  St.  Peter  in  receiving  the 
keys  symbolised  (significavit)  the  holy  church  ; 
and  again  {Tract.  124)  he  says,  "the  church 
which  is  founded  on  Christ  received  from  Him 
the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of  Heaven  in  the  person 
of  Peter,  that  is  the  power  of  binding  and  loosing 
sins."  Leo  the  Great  {Scnn.  3  in  Anniv.  suae 
Assumpt.  and  Serm.  2  de  Xat.  Apostt.  in  Gratian, 
cau.  24,  qu.  1,  c.  5)  holds  that  the  power  in 
the  church  derived  from  St.  Peter  must  be 
administered  in  the  spirit  of  St.  Peter  in  order 
to  have  validity  :  "manet  ergo  Petri  privilegium, 
ubicunque  ex  ipsius  fertur  aequitate  judicium, 
nee  nimia  est  vel  severitas  vel  remissio ;  ubi 
nihil  erit  ligatum,  nihil  solutum,  nisi  quod  beatus 
Petrus  aut  solverit  aut  ligaverit." 

The  "power  of  the  keys,"  then,  is  held  to 
reside  primarily  in  the  church  at  large,  though 
it  be  exercised  through  its  bishops  and  other 
ministers.  And,  as  Jansen  (quoted  by  Van 
Espen,  u.  s.)  has  noted,  in  the  primitive  church 
sinners  were  in  fact,  after  a  first  and  second 
admonition,  brought  before  the  whole  church  of 
the  place,  that  is,  the  whole  body  of  Christians 
duly  convened,  and  there,  if  found  impenitent, 
excommunicated  with  the  assent  and  approba- 
ti=on  of  all  (1  Cor.  y.  4).  The  evidence  of  Ter- 
tullian  {Apol.  c.  39)  and  Cyprian  {Epistt.  30, 
c.  5 ;  55,  c.  5  ;  64,  c.  1)  shews  that  questions 
involving  the  reception  or  excommunication  of 
a  member  of  the  church  were  not  decided  by  the 
bishop  alone,  but  by  the  bishop  with  the  assent 
of  the  presbyters,  deacons,  and  faithful  laity. 
And  although  in  after  times  the  power  of  the 
keys  came  to   be  exercised  by  the  ministers  ol 


KIAKA 

the  church  and  ecclesiastical  judges  without  I 
consulting  the  church,  yet  the  source  of  that 
power  remains  in  the  church,  so  that  it  has 
always  the  right  to  prescribe  the  conditions  on 
which  that  power  is  to  be  exercised.  It  is  on 
the  "  power  of  the  keys  "  that  the  right  of  the 
church  to  exclude  offenders  from  its  pale,  and 
again  to  readmit  them  to  its  privileges  and 
graces,  to  prescribe  penance  and  grant  absolu- 
tion, is  held  to  depend.  The  distinctions  between 
the  "  forum  internum,"  or  penitential  jurisdic- 
tion, and  the  "  forum  externum,"  or  penal  juris- 
diction ;  and  between  the  "  potestas  ordinis " 
and  the  "  potestas  jurisdictionis,"  were  probably 
not  drawn  before  the  twelfth  century  (Morinus, 
ck  Sacrum.  Poenit.  vi.  25,  §  12) ;  with  these 
therefore  we  are  not  here  concerned.  [Excommu- 
nication, Penitence.]  [C] 

KIAKA  (or  GEAR,  CERA,  etc.),  virgin 
(ob.  circa  a.d.  680  according  to  her  chronicler, 
though  this  date  is  probably  too  late),  comme- 
morated at  Killchrea,  in  the  south  of  Ireland,  on 
Oct.  16.  There  is  also  another  commemoration, 
perhaps  of  a  translation,  on  Jan.  5  (^Acta  Sancto- 
rum, Oct.  vol.  vii.  p.  950).  [R.  S.] 

KIERAN  (CIARAN,  CIERAN,  etc.)  (1) 
bishop  and  abbat  of  Saigir  in  Ossory,  in  Ireland 
(ob.  circa  A.D.  520),  commemorated  on  March  5. 
{Acta  Sanctorum,  March,  vol.  i.  p.  387.) 

(2)  Or  Queran,  abbat  of  Cluain-Mac-Nois,  in 
Westmcath,  in  Ireland  (ob.  circa  a.d.  548),  to 
whom  is  due  one  of  the  most  famous  of  the 
Monastic  Rules  of  Ireland.  He  is  commemorated 
on  Sept.  9.  {Mart.  Usuard.  "  In  Scotia,  Querani 
abbatis :"  Acta  Sanctorum,  Sept.  vol.  iii.  p.  370.) 
[R.  S.] 

KILIAN  (KYLLENA,  KILLENA,  KIL- 
LINUS,  CHILIANUS,  etc.),  the  apostle  of 
Thuringia  and  bishop  of  VViirzburg,  in  the  latter 
part  of  the  7th  century,  commemorated  on 
July  8  (Usuard,  Wandelbert,  Rabanus,  Notker). 
This  day  had  its  proper  office,  and  seems  to  have 
had  a  vigil  at  an  early  period  {Acta  Sanctorum, 
July,  vol.  ii.  p.  609).  [R.  S.] 

KINDRED.     [Prohibited  Degrees.] 

KINEBURGA  and  KINESWITHA,  vir- 
gins, daughters  of  Penda,  king  of  Mercia  (ob. 
a.d.  655),  who,  with  their  kinswoman  Tibba, 
are  commemorated  on  March  6,  or  according 
to  some  martyrologies  on  March  5.  In  one  case, 
a  separate  commemoration  of  Kineswitha  is 
assigned  to  Jan.  31  {Acta  Sanctorum,  March, 
vol.  i.  p.  443).  [R.  S.] 

KINEDUS     (KYNEDUS,     KINETHUS, 

etc.),  hermit  and  confessor  in  Gower,  in  South 
Wales,  in  the  6th  century  (ob.  circa  A.D.  529), 
commemorated  on  August  1.  {Acta  Sanctorum, 
Aug.  vol.  i.  p.  68.)  [R.  S.] 

KINGS,  PRAYER  FOR.  Prayers  for  the 
reigning  Sovereign  were  introduced  into  the 
Liturgy  at  a  very  early  date,  in  obedience  to  the 
injunction  of  St.  Paul.  In  the  so-called  Cle- 
mentine Liturgy  we  read :  "  Furthermore  we 
implore  Thee,  O  Lord,  on  behalf  of  the  King, 
and  those  in  high  station  (eV  virepoxv^  ^^d  all 
the  army,"  &c.  Tertullian  writes '  {ad  Sca- 
pulam,  c.  2) :  "  We  sacrifice  for  the  safety  of  the 
Emperor ;  but  to  our  God,  and  his,  but  in  the 
manner  which  God   has  commanded,  in  simple 


KINGS,  PRAYER  FOR 


901 


prayer.''  So  Arnobius  {Contra  Gentes,  iv. 
36),  in  a  passage  thought  to  refer  to  the  Dio- 
cletian persecution:  "Why  have  our  writings 
deserved  to  be  given  to  the  flames;  our  meet- 
ings to  be  cruelly  broken  up,  in  which  pra_yer 
is  made  to  the  Supreme  God  ;  peace  and  pardon 
asked  for  all  in  authority ;  soldiers,  kings, 
friends,  enemies ;  alike  for  those  who  are  still 
alive,  and  for  those  released  from  the  bonds 
of  the  flesh  ?  "  So  also  Cyril  of  Jerus.  {Cate  -h. 
mijst.  v.):  "Then  after  that  spiritual  sacrifice 
is  completed  ....  we  beseech  God  for  the 
common  peace  of  the  churches,  for  the  tran- 
quillity of  the  world,  for  kings,  for  soldiers,"  &c. 
Many  other  patristic  references  to  the  practice 
might  be  adduced."  St.  Athanasius  {Apol.  ad 
Constan.)  states  that  prayer  was  made  in  the 
liturgy  for  the  heretical  emperor  Coustantius ; 
and  Theophylact,  on  1  Tim.  ii.  1,  2,  observes 
that  the  minds  of  Christians  would  probably  be 
disturbed  if  ordered  to  pray  for  unbelieving 
kings  at  the  time  of  the  Holy  Mysteries,  and 
that  St.  Paul  on  this  account  gave  as  the  motive 
for  the  command,  and  the  inducement  to  obey 
it,  that  we  may  lead  a  quiet  and  peaceable  life. 

In  accordance  with  these  passages  the  name 
of  the  reigning  sovereign  was  inserted  in  the 
Diptychs  which  were  read  in  the  liturgy,  and 
was  so  continued  from  the  time  of  Leo  the  Great 
till  the  twelfth  century. 

The  Liturgy  of  St.  Chrysostom  contains  the 
following  prayer  in  the  canon  {a.va<popa) ;  after 
the  commemoration  of  the  saints,  and  prayers 
for  the  orthodox  bishop  and  clergy,  the  church 
and  the  "  religious,"  follows  : — "  Moreover  we 
offer  unto  Thee  this  reasonable  service  ....  on 
behalf  of  our  most  faithful  and  Christ-loving 
kings,  and  all  their  court  [lit.  palace,  TraAarioi'] 
and  army.  Grant  them,  0  Lord,  a  peaceful 
reign,  that  in  their  tranquillity  we  too  may 
lead  a  calm  and  quiet  life  in  all  righteous- 
ness and  holiness."  The  Liturgy  of  St.  Basil, 
in  the  corresponding  place,  contains  the  prayer : 
"  Remember,  0  Lord,  our  most  religious  and 
faithful  kings,  whom  Thou  hast  ordained  to 
have  rule  upon  earth.  Invest  them  [lit.  crown, 
irrecpdvwffov]  with  the  armour  of  truth,  with 
the  armour  of  Thy  blessing :  shelter  their  head 
in  the  day  of  battle :  strengthen  their  arm  : 
exalt  their  right  hand  :  confirm  their  kingdom  : 
subdue  to  them  all  barbarian  nations,  who  wish 
for  war:  grant  to  them  a  deep  peace  which 
shall  not  be  taken  away :  speak  to  their  hearts 
good  things  concerning  Thy  Church  and  all  Thy 
people,  that  in  their  tranquillity  we  may  lead 
a  calm  and  quiet  life  in  all  righteousness 
and  holiness.  Remember,  0  Lord,  all  rulers  and 
authorities,  and  our  brethren  who  are  in  the 
palace,**  and  all  the  army." 

Both  the  Liturgies  of  St.  Chrysostom  and  St. 
Basil  contain  also  the  following  prayer,  imme- 
diately after  that  for  the  bishop  and  clergy,  in 
the  eip-qviKa  [see  Litany]  at  the  beginning 
of  the  service,  which  are  the  same  for  both 
liturgies:  "  For  our  most  religious  and  divinely- 


''e.g.  Dion.  Alex,  (apud  Eiistb.  Hist.  vii.  u);  St. 
Aug.  (Ep.  59,  ad  PauUn.);  Tertullian  {Apul.  30.  31); 
St.  Ambrose  Q-te  Sacr.  iv.  c.  4),  &c. 

b  (V  T<p  TTaKaTiif.  We  shoulJ  say,  "who  are  about 
court,"  or  "  who  are  members  of  the  household,"  but  the 
expressions  are  somewhat  too  familiar  to  form  part  of  a 
prayer. 

3  N  2 


902 


KINGS,  PRAYER  FOR 


protected   kings,  for  all  their  court  (^iraAaTiov) 
and  army,  let  us  beseech  the  Lord, 

"  R.  Kyrie  Eleison. 

"  For  his  help  to  them  in  war,  and  that  He 
will  put  under  their  feet  every  enemy  and  foe, 
let  us  beseech  the  Lord, 

"  R.  Kyrie  Eleison."« 

The  Roman  canon  contains,  near  the  beginning  : 
"  Imprimis,  quae  tibi  offerimus  pro  ecclesia  tua 
Sancta  Catholica  ....  una  cum  famulo  tuo 
Papa  nostro  N.,  et  Antistite  nostro  N.,  et  Hege 
nostra  N.,  et  omnibus  orthodoxis,"  &c. 

There  are  also  votive  masses,  pro  imperatore 
and  pro  rege. 

The  following  prayer  is  found  in  Roman 
missals  from  an  early  date.^  It  is  one  of  a 
series  of  intercessory  prayers  said  on  Good 
Friday,  after  the  reading  of  the  Passion  accord- 
ing to  St.  John,  headed  successively  :  "  Pro  pace 
ecclesiae,"  "  Pro  Papa,"  "  Pro  universis  gradibus 
ecclesiae,"  "  Pro  Imperatore,"  &c.,  and  each  in- 
troduced with  its  own  preface  of  "  Oremus,''  &c. 
That  for  the  emperor  is  as  follows : — 

"  Oremus  et  pro  christianissimo  Imperatore 
nostro  N.,  ut  Deus  et  Dominus  noster  subditas 
illi  faciat  omnes  barbaras  nationes  ad  nostram 
perpetuam  pacem. 

"  Oremus.  Fledamus  genua.  Levate.  Om- 
nipotens  sempiterne  Deus,  in  cujus  manu  sunt 
omnium  potestates  et  omnium  jura  regnorum, 
respice  ad  Romanum  benignus  imperium ;  ut 
gentes,  quae  in  sua  feritate  confidant  potentiae 
tuae  dextera  comprimantur.  Per  Dominum. 
Amen." 

The  Ambrosian  canon  has  nearly  the  same 
words  as  the  Roman :  "  una  cum  famulo  et 
sacerdote  tuo  Papa  nostro  III.,^  et  Pontifice 
nostro  III.  et  famulo  tuo  III.  Imperatore,  sed  et 
omnibus  orthodoxis,"  &c.;  and  the  two  missal 
Litanies  said  on  the  Sundays  in  Lent,  each  con- 
tained a  similar  prayer:  ''Pro  famulo  tuo  III. 
Imperatore,  et  famuli  tua  ///.  Imperatrice,  et 
omni  exercitu  eorum.  R.  Kyrie  Eleison." 

[Litany  used  on  first,  third,  and  fifth  Sundays 
in  Lent.] 

The  litany  used  on  the  alternate  Sundays  has 
an  almost  identical  clause. 

The  Mozarabic  Liturgy,  in  which  the  eucha- 
ristic  intercession  is  short,  contains,  in  its  present 
form,'  no  special  prayer  for  the  king. 

Prayers  for  the  king,  however,  are  by  no 
means  confined  to  the  Liturgy,  but  are  found 
under  varied  forms  scattered  throughout  the 
offices  of  the  church. 

Thus  in  those  of  the  Greek  Church  the  inter- 
cessions (^IpriuiKo)  at  the  end  of  the  daily  mid- 
night olfice  contain  the  clause,  "  Let  us  pray 
for  our  most  religious  and  divinely- 
protected  kiugs, 

"  R.  Kyrie  Eleison. 

"  For  the  prosperity  and  the  efiiciency  of  the 
Christ-loving  army, 

"  R.  Kyrie  Eleison." 

Also  at  the  end  of  Vespers  is  a  praj'er  headed 
by  the  rubric,  "And  we  confirm  the  kings,  say- 


«  This  clause  is  omitted  in  some  modern  editions  of 
St.  Clirysostom's  liturgy. 

<•  It  is  in  the  collection  of  liturgies  by  Pamellus. 

e  Mentioning  his  name.  See  Menard  on  Greg.  Sacram. 
note  997,  p.  572. 

f  The  Mozarabic  canon  bears  signs  of  having  been  re- 
arranged. 


KISS 

ing  "  (reaJ  ridels  arepeovixiv  roiis  fiaaiXus  Ae 
■youTes),  which  begins  thus  :  "  0  King  of  heaven, 
confirm  our  faithful  kings,  establish  the  faith, 
calm  the  nations,  give  peace  to  the  world," 
&c.  The  Eucliology  again  contains  a  long 
prayer  "  for  the  king  and  his  army,"  to  be 
used  in  time  of  war  and  threatenings  of  war. 

In  the  Latin  Church  we  may  refer  to  the 
ordinary  form  of  Litany  said  according  to 
Roman  use  on  Fridays  in  Lent,  St.  Mark's  Day, 
and  the  Rogation  Days,  which  contains  the 
petition,  "  Ut  regibus  et  principibus  Christiauis 
pacem  et  veram  concordiam  [atque  victoriam 
Sarurn]  donare  digneris, 

"  Te  rogamus  audi  nos." 
And  also  to  the  verse  "  Domine  salvum  fac^regem, 
R.  Et  exaudi  nos  in  die  qua  invocaverimus  te," 
which  enters  into  the  preces  of  Lauds  and 
Vespers  according  to  the  Roman  Breviary,  and 
into  those  of  Prime  according  to  the  Ambrosian. 
[H.  J.  H.] 

Prayer  was  also  made  for  kings  in  the  daily 
hour-oflSces.  Thus  the  Council  of  Clovesho, 
A.D.  747  (c.  15,  de  Septem  Canonicis  Horis), 
desires  the  clergy,  secular  and  monastic,  in 
saying  the  ordinary  offices,  not  to  neglect  to 
pray  for  kings  and  for  the  safety  of  the  Christian 
church  (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Councils,  iii.  367) ; 
and  the  monks  of  Fulda  in  their  petition  to 
Charles  the  Great  (c.  i.  Migne,  Patrol,  cv.  419), 
pray  the  emperor,  in  the  first  place,  that  they 
may  be  permitted  to  continue  their  daily  prayer 
for  him  and  his  children,  and  all  Christian  people, 
which  they  said  after  the  Capitulum.  [C.] 

KINGS,  THE  THREE.  [Epiphany,  I. 
620.] 

KISS — Kiss  of  Peace  {aa-iraffix6s,  flp-hvn, 
osculum  pads,  pax,  salutatid). 

The  kiss,  the  instinctive  token  of  amity  and 
affection,  from  the  earliest  time  found  a  place  in 
the  life  and  the  worship  of  the  Christian  Church. 
The  symbol  of  peace  and  love  could  nowhere 
find  a  more  appropriate  home,  in  its  highest  and 
purest  idea,  than  in  the  religion  of  peace  and 
love.  As  a  form  of  Christian  greeting,  indi- 
cating the  inner  communion  of  spirit,  ''a  holy 
kiss  "  is  four  times  enjoined  by  St.  Paul  at  the 
close  of  his  Epistles  (Rom.  x\n.  16  ;  1  Cor.  xvi. 
20;  2  Cor.  xiii.  12;  1  Thess.  v.  26);  and  "a 
kiss  of  charity  "  (or  "  of  love ")  once  by  St. 
Peter  (1  Pet.  v.  14).  No  limitation  is  expressed 
or  implied.  The  Christians  were  simply  bidden 
thus  to  "  greet  one  another."  Nor  is  there  any 
doubt  that  the  primitive  usage  was  for  the 
"  holy  kiss  "  to  be  given  promiscuously,  without 
any  restriction  as  to  sexes  or  ranks,  among  those 
who  were  all  one  in  Christ  Jesus  ;  who  thus,  in  St. 
Augustine's  words,  "in  token  of  Catholic  unity, 
when  about  to  communicate  in  the  church,  de- 
monstrated their  inward  peace  by  the  outward 
kiss "  {de  Amicit.  c.  vi.).  In  the  frequent 
allusions  to  the  kiss  of  peace  which  occur  in  the 
early  Christian  worship,  there  is  no  reference  to 
any  restriction,  while  the  cautions  and  admoni- 
tions we  meet  with  as  to  its  profanation  and 
abuse  plainly  indicate  the  indiscriminate  cha- 
racter of  the  salutation.  A  primitive  extra- 
canonical  scripture,  quoted  by  Athenagoras,  a.d. 
177  {Legal,  pro  Christian.  §32),  shews  that  the 
kiss  was  sometimes  given  a  second  time,  in 
certain  cases,   for  the  gratification  of  appetite, 


KISS 

adding,  "  therefoi-e  the  kiss,  or  rather  the  salu- 
tation, should  be  given  with  the  greatest  care, 
since,  if  there  be  mixed  with  it  the  least  defile- 
ment of  thought,  it  excludes  lis  from  eternal 
life."  Clement  of  Alexandria  also  condemns  "  the 
shameless  use  of  the  kiss  which  ought  to  be 
mystic,"  with  which  certain  pei'sons  "  made  the 
churches  resound,  occasioning  foul  suspicions 
and  evil  reports"  {Faedagog.  lib.  iii.  c.  11). 
Origen,  too,  commenting  on  Rom.  xvi.  16,  after 
stating  that  this  and  similar  passages  had  given 
rise  to  the  custom  among  the  churches,  for 
Christians  after  prayer  to  receive  one  another 
with  a  kiss,  goes  on  to  say  that  this  kiss  should 
be  "  holy,  i.e.  chaste  and  sincere  ;  not  like  the 
kiss  of  Judas,  but  expressive  of  peace  and  sim- 
plicity unfeigned "  (in  Roman,  lib.  x.  §  33). 
Tertullian  speaks  of  the  reluctance  likely 
to  be  felt  by  a  heathen  husband  that  his 
wife  should  "  meet  any  one  of  the  brethren 
to  exchange  a  kiss,"  "alicui  fratrum  ad 
osculum  convenire  "  (ad  Uxor.  lib.  ii.  c.  4).  The 
calumnious  charges  against  the  Christians  to 
which  this  custom  gave  rise,  joined  to  the 
real  peril  of  it,  especially  when  false  brethren 
began  to  creep  into  the  Church,  led  to  the  abro- 
gation of  the  promiscuous  salutation,  and  its 
restriction  to  persons  of  the  same  sex.  The 
Apostolical  Constitutions  supply  the  earliest  ex- 
ample of  this  distinction :  "  Let  the  deacon  say 
to  all,  '  Salute  )-e  one  another  with  the  holy 
kiss ;'  and  let  the  clergy  salute  the  bishop,  the 
men  of  the  laity  salute  the  men,  the  women  the 
women  "  (Const.  Apostol.  lib.  viii.  §  2).  We  find 
the  same  less  distinctly  stated  in  the  19th  canon 
of  the  council  of  Laodicea  (a.d.  371):  "After 
the  presbyters  have  given  the  peace  to  the 
bishop,  then  the  laymen  are  to  give  the  peace 
to  one  another  "  (Labbe,  Concil.  i.  1500).  An 
early  Oriental  canon  given  by  Renaudot  (Liturg. 
Orient.  Collect,  vol.  i.  p.  222)  from  the  collection 
of  canons  by  Ebdnassalus  (c.  xii.),  lays  down 
the  same  rule:  "The  men  shall  kiss  one  another, 
but  the  women  shall  kiss  other  women ;  nor 
shall  men  give  the  kiss  to  them."  It  also  pre- 
vailed in  the  Western  Church.  An  Ordo  Eo- 
manus,  probably  anterior  to  the  9th  century, 
ordains  that  the  "archdeacons  should  give  the 
peace  to  the  bishop  first ;  then  the  rest  in  order ; 
and  the  people,  the  men  and  women  separately  " 
(Muratori,  torn.  ii.  p.  49).  Amalarius,  when 
speaking  of  the  dangers  and  inconveniences 
which  led  to  this  limitation,  remarks  that  if  the 
men  are  distinguished  from  the  women  in  their 
place  in  church,  much  moi-e  should  they  be  in 
the  reception  of  the  kiss  (de  Eccl.  Offic.  lib.  iii. 
c.  32). 

This  primitive  custom  seems  to  have  been 
maintained  in  the  Western  Church  till  after 
the  13th  century.  We  find  from  the  acts  of 
the  'Council  of  Frankfort,  A.D.  794  (c.  50), 
and  those  of  the  Council  of  Mentz,  A.D.  813 
(c.  44),  that  it  was  practised  in  the  8th 
and  9th  centuries.  Cardinal  Bona  says  that 
it  is  mentioned  as  still  in  use  by  Innocent  III. 
(A.D.  1198-1216)  in  his  Myst.  Miss.  (lib.  vi. 
c.  5).  But  not  long  afterwards  we  first  read  of 
the  introduction  of  a  mechanical  substitute  for 
the  actual  kiss,  in  the  shape  of  a  small  wooden 
tablet,  or  plate  of  metal,  bearing  a  representa- 
tion of  the  Crucifixion  (Osculatorium,  deoscula- 
toriicm,  pax).      This,  after  having  been  kissed 


KISS 


903 


by  the  priest  and  deacon,  was  handed  by  the 
latter  to  the  communicants,  who,  by  all  kissing 
it,  were  held  to  express  their  mutual  love  in 
Christ.  This  departure  from  primitive  usage, 
in  deference  to  the  gi-owing  corruption,  is  attri- 
buted to  the  Franciscans  by  Bona  (Ber.  Liturg. 
lib.  ii.  c.  xvi.  §7).  The  earliest  notice  of  these 
instruments  is  in  the  records  of  English  councils 
of  the  13th  century  (Scudamore's  jS'otit.  Eucha- 
rist, p.  438).  The'rite  of  the  holy  kiss  has  not 
entirely  ceased  in  the  Greek  Church.  In  the 
Armenian  Church  the  people  simply  bow  to  one 
another;  but  in  the  strictly  Oriental  churches, 
of  whatever  language,  the  kiss  is  observed  with- 
out any  difference  (Renaudot,  Lit.  Orient,  vol.  ii. 
p.  76). 

The  holy  kiss  originally  formed  an  element  of 
every  act  of  Christian  worship.  No  sacrament 
or  sacramental  function  was  deemed  complete  in 
its  absence.  To  quote  the  words  of  Bona,  "Os- 
culum non  solius  communionis,  sed  et  omnium 
Ecclesiasticarum  functionum  signaculum  et  si- 
gillum,  quod  in  omnibus  Sacramentis  adhiberi 
solebat "  (Her.  Liturg.  lib.  ii.  c.  xvi.  §  7).  Even 
common  prayer  without  the  kiss  was  considered 
to  lack  something  essential  to  its  true  character! 
Tertullian  calls  it  "  signaculum  orationis,"  "  the 
seal  of  prayer,"  and  asks  "  what  prayer  is  com- 
plete from  which  the  holy  kiss  is  divorced  ?  what 
kind  of  sacrifice  is  that  from  which  men  depart 
without  the  peace  ?"  (Tert.  de  Orat.  c.  18). 

(a.)  Kiss  of  Peace  at  the  Holy  Communion. — 
The  Holy  Eucharist  is  the  Christian  rite  with 
which  the  Kiss  of  Peace  was  most  essentially 
connected,  and  in  which  it  was  preserved 
the  longest.  It  is  found  in  all  primitive  liturgies, 
and  is  mentioned  or  referred  to  by  the  earliest 
writers  who  describe  the  administration  of  the 
Lord's  Supper.  The  primitive  place  of  the  lioly 
kiss  is  that  which  it  still  maintains  in  the 
Oriental  Church,  between  the  dismissal  of  the  non- 
communicants  and  the  Oblation.  The  earliest 
author  who  mentions  it,  Justin  Martyr,  thus 
writes  :  "  When  we  have  ceased  from  prayer,  we 
salute  one  another  with  a  kiss.  There  is  then 
brought  to  the  president  bread  and  a  cup  of 
wine,"  &c.  (Apolog.  i.  c.  65.)  St.  Cyril  of  Jeru- 
salem places  it  between  the  washing  of  the 
celebrant's  hands  and  the  Siirsum  corda.  "  Then 
the  deacon  cries  aloud,  '  Receive  ye  one  another ; 
and  let  us  kiss  one  another.'  ....  This  kiss  is 
the  sign  that  our  souls  are  mingled  together, 
and  have  banished  all  remembrance  of  wrongs  " 
(cf  Matt.  V.  23),  (Cat.  Lect.  xxiii.,  iVyst.  v. 
§3).  In  the  same  way  the  19th  canon  of  the 
Council  of  Laodicea,  already  referred  to,  places 
"  the  Peace  "  before  the  holy  oblation  ;  and  St. 
Chrysostora,  "  when  the  gift  is  about  to  be 
offered  "  (de  Compunct.  Cordis,  lib.  i.  c.  3) ;  and 
the  Pseudo-Dionysius,  at  the  time  of  the  obla- 
tion of  the  bread  and  wine  (de  Eccl.  Hierarch. 
c.  3).  St.  Chrysostom,  in  another  passage,  after 
describing  the  exclusion  from  the  holy  precincts 
of  those  who  were  unable  to  partake  of  the  holy 
table,  writes  :  "  When  it  behoveth  to  give  and 
receive  peace,  we  all  alike  salute  each  other," 
and  then  proceeds  to  speak  of  the  celebration  of 
the  "  most  awful  mysteries  "  (Horn,  xviii.  in  2 
Cor.  viii.  24,  §  3). 

The  Apostolical  Constitutions  also  introduce 
the  Holy  Kiss  after  the  two  prayers  for  the 
faithful  before  the  Oblation  (lib.  viii.  c.  11).   The 


904 


KISS 


primitive  liturgies  are  lilvewise  unanimous  in 
assigning  to  the  l^iss  the  same  position  in  the 
Eucharistic  ritual.  In  that  of  St.  James  it 
comes  just  before  the  Sursum  curda  and  tlie 
Vere  dignnm,  &c.  (Renaudot,  vol.  li.  p.  30);  in 
that  of  St.  Mark  it  follows  the  Great  Entrance, 
and  immediatelj'  precedes  the  creed  and  the 
oblation  of  the  people  (Jh.  vol.  i.  p.  143)  ;  in 
those  of  St.  Basil  and  St.  Cyril  it  also  occurs 
before  the  Anaphora  (ib.  pp.  12,  39),  and  occu- 
pies the  same  place  in  that  of  St.  Chi-ysostom 
{ib.  vol.  ii.  p.  24-3).  In  all  it  is  introduced  by  a 
prayer  asking  for  the  gift  of  peace  and  unfeigned 
love,  undefiled  by  hypocrisy  or  deceit  (^Collectio 
ad  Pacem,  Euxh  t5j$  elp-fivris).  The  rite  is  also 
found  in  all  Oriental  (as  distinguished  from 
Greek)  liturgies,  and  always  follows  the  depar- 
ture of  the  non-communicants,  and  precedes  the 
Anaphora  and  Preface  (Renaudot,  vol.  ii.  pp.  30, 
76,  134,  &c.).  It  is  introduced  by  three  prayers 
(cf.  Concil.  Laod.  can.  19),  that  of  the  Veil,  that 
of  the  Kiss,  and  another  of  Preparation,  but  in 
uncertain  order  (Scudamore,  Not.  Euch.  p.  435). 

When  we  turn  from  the  Eastern  to  the 
Western  church  we  find  the  Kiss  of  Peace 
generally  occupying  a  difl'erent  position  in  the 
Eucharistic  rite.  It  is  not  at  all  probable  that 
in  primitive  times  the  usage  of  the  Occidental 
was  difl'erent  from  that  of  the  Oriental  churcli 
on  this  point.  Indeed,  in  the  earliest  liturgies 
of  the  Spanish  and  Galilean  churches,  as  well  as 
in  the  most  anci';nt  forms  of  the  Ambrosian  rite, 
the  Holy  Kiss  occupies  its  primitive  position 
between  the  dismissal  of  the  catechumens  and 
the  Preface.  In  the  Mozarabic  liturgy  the 
collect  of  peace  follows  the  prayer  and  com- 
memoration of  the  living  and  the  dead.  The 
priest  then  says,  "  Make  the  peace  as  ye  stand," 
and  proceeds  to  give  the  kiss  to  the  deacon,  or 
acolythe,  who  gives  it  to  the  people  while  the 
choir  chant  "  My  peace  I  give  unto  you "  &c. 
(Martene,  de  Aiit.  Ecd.  Bit.  lib.  i.  c.  4,  art.  12 ; 
Ord.  2,  vol.  i.  p.  461 ;  Isidor.  Hispal.  de  JSbcl. 
Off.  lib.  i.  c.  15).  The  Galilean  use  was  similar. 
A  Gothic  missal  printed  by  Muratori  (Lit.  Rom. 
Yet.  vol.  ii.  col.  517,  s.  q.)  gives  the  CoUectio  ad 
Pacem,  with  petitions  referring  to  the  Kiss,  im- 
mediately before  the  Preface,  after  the  recita- 
tion of  the  diptychs  and  the  collect  post  nomina 
(cf.  Martene,  u.  s.  Ord.  i.  p.  454).  Its  position  is 
the  same  in  the  Missale  Gallicanum  Vetus 
(Muratori,  u.  s.  col.  698,  s.  q.),  and  the  Saci-a- 
mentariuiii  Gallicanum  {ib.  col.  776  if.),  (cf. 
Bona,  Eer.  Liturg.  lib.  i.  c.  12,  p.  369  ff.). 
The  position  of  the  kiss  is  also  indicated  by  the 
mention  of  it  by  Gerraanus  (bishop  of  Paris  in 
the  6th  century),  immediately  before  the  Pre- 
face {Expodt.  de  Missa,  apud  Martene,  Thesaur. 
Anecdut.  vol.  v.  p.  95).  But  in  the  churches  of 
Africa  and  Rome  from  the  5th  century,  when 
the  earliest  notices  of  it  occur,  onwards  to  the 
time  of  its  virtual  abrogation,  it  stands  at  a 
later  period  in  the  service,  after  the  consecra- 
tion, and  immediately  before  the  communion. 
Thus  in  a  sermon  included  among  those  of  St. 
Augustine,  but  more  truly  ascribed  to  Caesarius 
of  Aries,  we  read:  "When  the  consecration  is 
completed,  we  say  the  Lord's  Prayer.  After 
that,  J'ax  vobiscum  is  said,  and  Christians  kiss 
one  another  with  the  Kiss  which  is  the  sign  of 
peace."  (Aug.  Homil.  de  Divcrm,  Ixxxiii.) 

The  reference  to   the  kiss  in  the   undisputed 


KISS 

works  of  St.  Augustin  (e.  g.  Contra  literas  Peti- 
Uani,  lib.  ii.  c.  23  ;  Homil.  VI.  in  Joann.  §  4)  do  not 
define  its  place  in  the  ritual.  From  the  letter 
to  Decentius,  bishop  of  Eugubium,  ascribed  to 
pope  Innocent  I.,  A.D.  416,  "  but  certainly  of 
later  date  "  (Scudamore,  Kot.  Euch.  p.  437),  we 
find  that  the  Peace  was  given  in  some  of  tlie 
Latin  churches  previously  to  the  consecration. 
Whether  in  the  injunction  that  it  should  be 
given  after  the  completion  of  the  mysteries, 
that  the  laity  might  thus  signify  their  assent 
to  all  that  had  been  done,  the  writer  Avas  in- 
troducing a  novelty,  or  reasserting  the  primitive 
Latin  use,  is  warmly  contested  between  Basnage 
(Annal.  Eccl.  Polit.  anno  56)  and  Sala  (iii.  352). 
Bona  refutes  the  groundless  assertion  that  the 
use  of  the  Holy  Kiss  was  first  introduced  into  the 
Roman  liturgy  by  Innocent  I.,  "Non  enim  insti- 
tuit,  sed  abusum  emeudavit  "  {Rer.  Liturg.  lib. 
ii.  c.  xvi.  §6).  The  impugned  custom  must  pro- 
bably have  been  the  remnant  of  an  earlier  rule. 
Whatever  may  have  been  the  date  of  the  change 
of  the  position  of  the  Kiss,  in  which  respect  they 
difl^ered  from  all  the  other  liturgies  of  the  East 
and  West,  it  is  certain  that  in  the  liturgies  of 
Milan,  Rome,  and  Africa,  the  Salutation  of  Peace 
followed  instead  of  preceding  the  consecration. 
On  the  conclusion  of  the  canon,  the  bread  being 
broken,  and  divided  for  distribution,  and  the 
Lord's  Prayer  recited,  the  clergy  and  people  in- 
terchanged the  Kiss  of  Peace,  and  all  communi- 
cated. In  the  sacramentary  of  Gregory,  the 
salutation  follows  the  Lord's  Prayer  and  pre- 
cedes the  Agnus  Dei  (Muratori,  Liturg.  Rom. 
Vetus,  vol.  ii.  p.  6).  The  Ordo  Romanus,  earlier 
than  the  ninth  century,  given  by  Muratori  (ib. 
col.  984,  §  18),  places  it  at  the  end  of  the  canon 
while  the  host  is  being  put  into  the  chalice.  "  The 
archdeacon  gives  the  peace  to  the  bishop  first, 
then  to  the  rest"  [of  the  ministers]  "in  order, 
and  to  the  people  "  (§  18).  In  the  second  Ordo, 
not  much  later,  there  is  a  slight  variation  in 
the  rubric :  "  the  rest  [give  the  peace]  in  order ; 
and  the  people,  men  and  women,  separately  " 
(ib.  col.  1027,  §  12).  In  the  liturgy  of  Milan, 
the  Peace  is  bidden  by  the  deacon  before  the 
priest  communicates,  in  the  words,  "Offer  the 
Peace  to  one  another,"  to  which  the  people  re- 
spond, "Thanks  be  to  God."  The  priest  then 
says  a  secret  prayer  for  the  peace  of  the  church, 
based  on  John  xiv.  27,  or,  as  an  alternative, 
utters  aloud,  "  Peace  in  heaven,  peace  on  earth, 
peace  among  all  people,  peace  to  the  priests  ot 
the  church  of  God.  The  peace  of  Christ  and  the 
Church  remain  with  us  for  ever."  Then,  accord- 
ing to  the  MS.  printed  in  the  revision  of  St. 
Charles  Borromeo,  A.D.  1560,  he  gives  the  peace 
with  the  formula,  "  Hold  the  bond  of  love  and 
peace  [habete  vinculum  instead  of  the  more  usual 
osculum'],  that  ye  may  be  meet  for  the  sapro- 
sanct  mysteries  of  God  "  (Martene,  de  Ant.  Eccl. 
Rit.  vol.  i.  p.  478;  lib.  I.  c.  iv.  art.  12,  Ord.  3; 
Bona,  Rer.  Liturg.  lib.  II.  c.  xvi.  §  6,  p.  584).  This 
formula  occurs  also  in  the  liturgies  of  York  and 
Bangor,  and  may  have  been  borrowed  by  Augus- 
tine from  the  older  Gallican  liturgies.  The 
mention  of  the  Kiss  in  the  account  of  the  Eu- 
charist celebrated  during  a  tempest  at  sea  by 
Maximian,  bishop  of  Syracuse — "  they  gave  one 
another  the  kiss;  they  received  the  Body  and 
the  Blood  of  the  Redeemer"  (Gregor.  Magn. 
Dial.   lib.  iii.  c.  36)— also   shews    that  at   that 


KISS 

time  it  came  immediately  before  communion. 
In  the  modem  Roman  liturgy  the  Pax  vobiscum 
stands  in  the  same  place,  Letween  the  Lord's 
Prayer  and  the  Agnus  Dei. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  eucharistic  rite  it 
was  customary  for  the  bishop  to  give  the  Kiss 
to  the  laity  who  had  received  it  from  him.  On 
this  custom  see  the  notes  of  Valesius  (m  Cornel. 
Epist.  IX.  ad  Fab.),  in  which  he  refers  to 
Jerome  (  Epist.  Ixii. )  and  Paulus  Diaconus  (de 
Vit.  Fair.  Emeritens.  c.  vii.). 

Before  leaving  this  part  of  the  subject,  it  may 
be  mentioned  that  Tertullian  informs  us  {de 
Orat.  c.  18)  that  certain  persons  in  his  day  ob- 
jected to  giving  or  receiving  the  Holy  Kiss  in 
public  on  a  fast-day,  "subtrahunt  osculum 
pacis."  This  custom  he  strongly  reprehends, 
Lot  only  because  the  kiss  was  the  "seal  of 
prayer,"  which  was  incomplete  without  it,  but 
because  such  an  omission  of  the  accustomed 
rite  proclaimed  the  act  of  fasting  in  violation  of 
our  Lord's  injunction  (Matt.  vi.  17,  .18).  The 
same  objection  did  not  hold  against  the  received 
custom  of  omitting  the  kiss  on  Good  Friday, 
"die  Paschae  .  .  .  merito  deponimus  osculum," 
because  that  was  an  universally  acknow- 
ledged fast-day.  An  illustration  of  this  omis- 
sion may  be  Revived  from  the  remark  of  Pro- 
copius  (^Hist.  Arcan.  c.  9),  that  Justinian 
and  Theodora  began  their  reign  with  an  evil 
omen,  commencing  it  on  Good  Friday,  a  day 
when  it  was  unlawful  to  give  the  salutation. 
The  kiss  was  also  omitted  on  Easter  Eve,  but 
was  given  on  all  other  stated  fasts  (Muratori,  in 
Tertull.  loc.  cit.).  (Augusti,  Handbuch  der  chiHst. 
Arch.  vol.  ii.  p.  718,  s.  q. ;  Bona,  Ber.  Liturg. 
lib.  II.  c.  xvi.  §  6-7 ;  Bingham,  Orig.  Eccl.  bk. 
XV.  c.  iii.  §  3;  Binterim,  Denkiciirdigkeiten,  vol. 
iv.  part  iii.  p.  485,  s.  q.;  Goar,  Eucholog.  p.  134; 
Martene,  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  lib.  i.  c.  iii.  §§  4,  5; 
Muratori,  Liturg.  Bom.  Vet.  passim;  Palmer, 
Antiq.  of  English  Bitnal.  vol.  ii.  pp.  100-103 ; 
Keuaudot,  Liturg.  Oriental.  Collect,  vol,  i.  p.  222, 
ff.;  vol.  ii.  p.  76,  fi". ;  Scudamore,  Notit.  Eucharist. 
c.  ii.  §  2,  pp.  434-442.) 

(b.)  The  luss  of  Peace  at  Baptism. — After 
the  administration  of  the  sacrament  of  baptism, 
the  newly-baptized  person,  whether  infant  or 
adult,  received  the  Holy  Kiss  as  a  token  of 
brotherly  love,  and  a  sign  of  admission  into  the 
family  of  Christ.  The  kiss  was  first  given  by 
the  baptizer  and  then  by  the  other  members  of 
the  congregation.  There  is  a  reference  to  this 
custom  in  a  letter  of  Cyprian  (ad  Fidum  Epi- 
scopum,  Ep.  Isiv.  (Iviii.)  §4),  where  the  language 
is  so  beautiful  that  it  deserves  to  be  given  at 
length.  Cyprian  is  correcting  the  erroneous 
idea  that  an  infant,  as  still  impure,  should  not 
be  baptized  before  the  eighth  day  after  its  birth, 
asserting  that  as  soon  as  it  was  born  it  was  meet 
for  baptism.  He  writes:  "No  one  ought  to 
shudder  at  that  which  God  hath  condescended  to 
make.  For  although  the  infant  is  still  fresh 
from  its  birth,  yet  it  is  not  just  that  any  one 
should  shudder  at  kissing  it,  in  giving  grace, 
and  making  peace ;  since  in  kissing  an  infant 
every  one  of  us  ought,  for  his  very  religion's 
sake,  to  bethink  him  of  the  hands  of  God  them- 
selves, still  fresh,  whicli  in  some  sort  we  are 
kissing  in  the  man  lately  formed  and  freshly 
born,  when  we  are  embracing  that  which  God 
hath  made."     This  custom  of  giving  the  Kiss  of 


KISS 


905 


Peace  to  infants  at  baptism  Martene  erroneously 
confines  to  the  African  church.  But  it  is  re- 
ferred to  not  only  by  Augustine  (Contr.  Epist. 
Pelag.  lib.  iv.  c.  8),  but  also  by  Chrysostom, 
(Homil.  50  de  Utilitat.  legend.  Script.)  :  "  Becaui^e 
before  his  baptism  he  was  an  enemy,  but  after 
baptism  is  made  a  friend  of  our  common  Lord ; 
we  therefore  all  rejoice  with  him.  And  upon 
this  account  the  kiss  is  called  '  peace '  (jh 
^lArjfia  elpriuT]  /caAetTai),  that  we  may  learn 
thereby  that  God  has  ended  the  war,  and 
brought  us  into  friendship  with  Himself."  A 
relic  of  this  rite  still  survives  in  the  Pax  tecum 
found  in  many  baptismal  rituals  (Augusti,  Sand- 
buck,  vol.  ii.  p.  451 ;  Bingham,  bk.  xii.  c.  iv. 
§6;  Binterim,  vol.  i.  c.  i.  §2,  p.  163;  Rhein- 
wald,  Kirchlich.  Archdoloj.  II.  iii.  §  108). 

(c.)  The  Kiss  at  Ordination. — The  imparting 
of  the  brotherly  kiss  to  the  newly  ordained 
formed  an  essential  element  of  the  service  for 
the  ordination  of  presbyters  and  bishops  in  all 
churches.  It  is  enjoined  in  the  Apostolical  Con- 
stitutions in  the  ordination  of  bishops:  "Let 
him  [the  newly  consecrated  bishop]  be  placed  in 
his  throne,  in  a  place  set  apart  for  him  among 
the  rest  of  the  bishops,  they  all  giving  him  the 
kiss  in  the  Lord  "  {ap.  Const,  lib.  viii.  c.  5),  and 
is  mentioned  by  the  Pseudo-Dionysius  {de  Eccl. 
hierarch.  c.  v.  p.  2,  §6),  who  states  that  the 
newly  ordained  presbyter  was  kissed  by  the 
bishop  and  the  rest  of  the  clergy.  So  also  iu 
the  Sacramentary  of  Gregory,  in  the  consecra- 
tion of  a  bishop,  we  find  the  direction,  at  the 
conclusion  of  the  rite,  after  the  delivery  of  the 
ring,  staff",  and  gospels :  "  then  the  elect  gives 
the  kiss  to  the  pope,  and  to  all  the  deacons. 
The  archdeacon  holding  him  conveys  him  into 
the  presbytery,  and  he  gives  the  kiss  to  the 
bishop  and  the  presbyters."  He  is  again  kissed 
by  the  pope  on  the  reception  of  the  host  (Mura- 
tori, M.  s.  vol.  ii.  col.  442).  At  the  ordination  of 
presbyters  they  are  similarly  enjoined  to  give 
the  kiss  of  peace  to  the  ordaining  bishop,  and 
then  to  the  bishops,  presbyters,  deacons,  and 
other  ministers  who  are  present,  and  they  re- 
ceive it  themselves  from  the  ordaining  bishop  at 
the  holy  communion,  and  are  thrice  kissed  by 
him  at  the  conclusion  of  the  rite  with  the 
words,  pax  Domini  sit  vobiscum  {ibid.  col.  429, 
430).  In  the  Greek  church  the  order  is  the 
same,  both  with  bishops  and  presbyters.  In  the 
ordination  of  the  patriarch  of  Alexandria  the 
kiss  is  given  in  the  same  place,  and  in  the  same 
order  (Renaudot,  vol.  i.  p.  481);  while  in  that 
of  a  presbyter,  after  the  imposition  of  hands,  the 
stole  is  brought  over  the  right  shoulder  of  the 
new  presbyter,  the  casula  is  put  on,  and  he  then 
kisses  the  bishop  and  presbyters,  and  goes  and 
takes  his  stand  among  them,  reading  his  missal. 
(Goar,  Eucholog.  p.  298,  6 ;  Bingham,  bk.  ii. 
c.  xi.  §10;  c.  xix.  §  17;  bk.  iv.  c.  vL  §  15; 
Binterim,  vol.  1.  part  i.  p.  492 ;  Augusti,  Hdbch. 
vol.  iii.  p.  242.) 

(d.)  At  Espousals.— On  the  espousal  of  two 
Christians,  the  contract  was  solemnly  ratified  by 
a  kiss  given  by  the  man  to  his  future  wife.  This 
was  an  innocent  custom  dictated  by  nature, 
adopted  by  the  members  of  the  church  from  their 
heathen  ancestors,  among  whom  the  marriage  rite 
was  ratified  by  the  kiss,  "  uxorem  aut  maritum 
tantum  osculo'putari  "  (Quintil.  Declamat.  276). 
It  is  moutioned  by  Tertullian  as  an  old  heathen 


906 


KISS 


custom  (de  Veland.  Virgin,  c.  11).  So  much 
stress  is  laid  on  the  kiss  as  the  ratification  of 
espousals,  that  Constantine  made  the  inheritance 
of  half  the  espousal  donatious,  on  the  death 
of  one  party  before  the  consummation  of  the 
marriage,  to  depend  on  the  kiss  having  been 
given  or  not.  (^Cod.  Theodos.  lib.  iii.  tit.  5 ;  de 
Sponsalibus,  leg.  5  ;  Cod.  Justin,  lib.  v.  tit.  3 ; 
de  Donat.  ante  Nupt.  leg.  16)  ;  (Bingham,  bk.  xxii. 
ch.  iii.  §  6  ;  Binterim,  vol.  vi.  part  2,  p.  164.) 

(e.)  To  the  Dying. — The  kiss  dictated  by 
natural  affection  to  dying  friends  was  not  for- 
bidden by  the  church  of  Christ.  We  find  it 
mentioned  by  the  Pseudo-Amphilochius  in  his 
life  of  St.  Basil  (c.  129).  It  is  prescribed  in 
several  early  monastic  rituals  in  the  case  of  a 
sick  monk  ;  e.  g.  in  the  ritual  of  the  abbey  of  St. 
Giles  of  Noyon,  ante  ann.  500.  After  receiving 
extreme  unction,  the  mouth  of  the  sick  man  is 
washed,  he  then  first  kisses  the  cross,  and  after- 
wards all  who  are  present ;  and  in  that  of 
St.  Ouen  of  Rouen,  c.  a.d.  400,  where,  after 
communion,  the  sick  man  kisses  the  cross,  and 
is  then  kissed  by  the  priest,  and  afterwards  by 
all  the  monks  present  in  succession,  each  ask- 
ing pardon  of  him  both  before  and  after  the 
kiss.  (Martene,  M.S.  lib.  ii.  c.  11 ;  lib.  iii.  c.  15; 
Ordo  viii.,  sii.) 

(f.)  To  the  Dead. — At  the  funerals  the  voice 
of  nature  was  again  listened  to,  and  a  final  kiss 
was  given  to  the  corpse  before  the  actual  inter- 
ment. This  tribute  of  natural  affection  is  men- 
tioned by  Ambrose  on  the  occasion  of  the  funeral 
of  his  brother  Satyrus :  "Procedamus  ad  tumu- 
lum,  sed  prius  ultimum  coram  populo  valedico, 
pacem  praedico,  osculum  solvo "  (Ambros.  de 
Excessu  Satyri,  c.  17).  The  Pseudo-Dionysius 
describes  how,  after  the  prayer  made  by  the 
priest  over  the  dead  body,  it  is  kissed  by  him, 
and  then  by  all  who  are  present  (de  Eccl.  Hier- 
arch.  c.  vii.  §8).  We  learn  also  from  Goar 
that  it  was  given  to  the  dead  {Eucholog.  p.  542), 
and  the  custom  is  punctually  observed  in  the 
Greek  church  to  the  present  day.  The  prohibi- 
tion of  the  kiss  by  the  Council  of  Auxerre,  a.d. 
578  {Condi.  Autissiodor.  can.  12)  had  reference 
to  the  superstitious  practice  of  administering 
the  eucharist,  with  which,  as  we  have  seen,  the 
Osculum  pads  was  inseparably  connected,  to  the 
dead  :  "  Non  licet  mortuis  nee  Eucharistiam,  nee 
osculum  tradi  "  (Augusti,  Hdhch.  vol.  iii.  p.  306  ; 
Bingham,  bk.  xxiii.  ch.  iii.  §  14). 

(g.)  As  a  Mark  of  Reverence  and  Respect. — 
As  a  token  of  reverence  it  was  the  habit  to  kiss 
not  only  the  hands,  feet,  and  vestments  of 
bishops  and  other  ecclesiastics,  but  also  the 
walls,  doors,  thresholds,  and  altars  of  the  sacred 
buildings.  The  references  to  this  custom  are 
very  frequent.  Paulinus,  the  biographer  of  St. 
Ambrose,  says  this  token  of  respect  was  com- 
monly paid  to  priests  in  his  day  ( Vit.  Ambros. 
p.  2).  St.  Ambrose  himself  refers  to  the  hands 
of  priests  being  kissed  by  kings  and  princes 
when  requesting  their  prayers  (de  Dignitat. 
Sacerd.  c.  ii.),  and  St.  Chrysostom  relates  how, 
on  the  first  arrival  of  Meletius  at  Antioch,  the 
people  eagerly  touched  his  feet  and  kissed  his 
hands  (Horn,  de  Melet.  §  2,  p.  521).  But  no  more 
need  be  remarked  on  a  custom  so  common  in  all 
countries. 

The  custom  of  kissing  the  pope's  feet  is  of 
considerable  antiquity.    In  the  ordinals  included 


KNOP 

in  the  sacramentary  of  Gregory  the  newly  or- 
dained presbyter  is  enjoined  to  kiss  the  feet  of 
the  ordainer,  and  the  newly  consecrated  bishop 
of  the  consecrating  pontiff.  In  the  latter  case, 
if  the  pope  be  not  the  consecrator,  the  mouth  is 
to  be  kissed  instead  of  the  feet  (Muratori,  u.  s. 
cols.  429,  443).  In  the  Ordo  Romanus  of  a  pon- 
tifical mass,  the  deacon  is  directed  to  kiss  the 
pope's  feet  before  reading  the  Gospels  ( ih.  col. 
1022,  §  8).  The  earliest  mention  of  this  mark 
of  homage  in  Anastasius  (Vitae  Pontif.  Roman.) 
is  in  the  case  of  Constantine,  A.D.  708-714, 
before  whom  Justinian  the  younger  prostrated 
himself,  on  meeting  him  in  Bithynia,  wearing 
his  crown,  and  kissed  his  feet  (Anastas.  xc.  §  173). 
The  reverent  affection  of  the  early  Christians 
for  the  house  of  God  and  everything  belonging 
to  it  was  indicated  by  embracing  and  kissing  the 
doors,  threshold,  pillars,  and  pavement  of  the 
church,  and  above  all,  the  hoi}'  altar.  We  have 
a  striking  example  of  this  last  in  an  account 
given  by  St.  Ambrose  of  the  eagerness  mani- 
fested by  the  soldiers  who  brought  the  welcome 
intelligence  of  the  revocation  of  the  young  Va- 
lentinian's  decree  for  surrendering  the  Porcian 
basilica  to  the  Arians,  to  rush  to  the  altar 
and  kiss  it  [Ambros.  Epist.  xxxiii.  (xiv.)].  So 
Athanasius  speaks  of  those  who  "  approach  the 
holy  altar,  and  with  fear  and  joy  salute  it " 
(Eomil.  adv.  eos  qui  in  Homine  spem  figunt,  tom. 
ii.  p.  304),  and  the  Pseudo-Dionysius,  of  "saluting 
the  holy  table  "  (Ecd.  Hierarch.  c.  ii.  §  4).  The 
custom  of  kissing  the  doors  is  vividly  depicted  in 
Chrysostom's  words  :  "  See  ye  not  how  many  kiss 
even  the  porch  (irpSdvpa)  of  this  temple,  some 
stooping  down,  others  grasping  it  with  their 
liaud,  and  putting  their  hand  to  their  mouth  " 
(Ilomil.  XXX.  i. ;  2  Cor.  xiii.  12).  Prudeutius 
also  speaks  of  those  who 

"  Apostolorum  et  martyrum 
Esosculantur  limina." 

Peristeph.  Hijmn  ii.  vv.  519,  520. 
And  again — 

"Oscula  perspicuo  figunt  impressa  metallo." 

Peristeph.  Hymn  xi.  v.  193. 

And  Paulinus  describes  a  rustic  who,  having  lost 
his  oxen,  and  appealing  to  St.  Felix  for  their 
restoration — 

"  Stemitur  ante  fores  et  postibus  oscala  figU." 

Natal,  vi.  Felicis,  v.  250. 
These  prostrations  and  kisses  must  be  re- 
garded as  nothing  more  than  natural  tokens  of 
reverence  and  affection.  The  kisses  of  the  altar, 
the  Book  of  the  Gospels,  the  sacred  vessels,  &c., 
which  occur  so  abundantly  in  the  early  rituals, 
have  a  distinctly  liturgical  character  (see  Mar- 
tene, u.  s.  lib.  i.  c.  iv.  art.  3,  §  2,  and  art.  5,  §  6 ; 
Goar,  EuchoL  p.  298,  6).  ,  [E.  V.] 

KNEELERS.  [Penitents.] 
KNEELING.  [Genuflexion,  I.  723.] 
KNOP  (Xodus,  pomellum),  the  bulbous  orna- 
ment on  the  stem  of  a  chalice.  It  is  found  in 
some  of  the  earliest  known  chalices,  though  it 
could  not  be  said  that  every  chalice  had  a  knop 
amongst  the  earliest  Christians.  The  cups  on  all 
the  so-called  Jewish  coins  represented  in  Migne, 
Dictionnaire  d'  Archeologie  Sacre'e,  all  have  a 
knop.  It  will  be  enough,  he  says,  to  consult 
these  in  order  to  get  an  idea  of  the  form  of  the 
chalice  actually  used  by  our  blessed  Lord  at  the 


KOINONIKON 

institution  of  the  Eucharist.  It  may  be  observed 
that  all  the  chalices  figured  on  Jewish  coins  of 
the  time  of  Simon  the  Maccabee  (B.C.  143 — B.C. 
135)  seem  to  be  uniformly  provided  with  a  knop 
(Madden,  History  of  Jewish  Coinage,  p.  43,  ed. 
1864).  Hence  it  appears  that  the  knop  in  the 
sacred  cup  was  pre-christian. 

The  chalices  that  have  survi%'ed  to  us  from  the 
period  traversed  in  this  work  are  extremely  rare  ; 
and  the  examples  of  the  knop  within  the  same 
period  are  therefore  rare  also.  (See  Mr.  Albert 
Way  ou  '  Ancient  Ornaments,  Vessels,  and  Appli 
ances  of  Sacred  Use,'  Archaeological  Journal, 
vol.  iii.  p.  131).  The  knop,  however,  occurs  in 
what  Dr.  Liibke  describes  as  "  the  oldest"  of  the 
chalices  known  in  Germany,"  which  was  given 
to  the  Monastery  of  Kremsmiinster  by  the  Duke 
Tassilo,  who  founded  the  monastery  iu  the  year 
777  {Ecclesiastical  Art  in  Germany,  p.  140,  ed. 
1876,  Engl.  transL).  Amongst  the  decorations 
of  this  chalice  is  a  figure  of  our  Lord,  in  the 
act  of  benediction.  From  the  position  of  His 
hand  the  chalice  seems  to  be  of  Eastern  origin. 
The  Gourdon  Chalice,  which  Labarte  (Ilistoire 
des  Arts  industriels,  vol.  i.  p.  495,  ed.  1864) 
shews  to  have  been  buried  between  A.D.  518  and 
A.D.  527,  stands  upon  a  conical  stem,  and  has  a 
bead,  the  germ  of  the  knop,  at  the  junction. 
This  is  the  earliest  example  known.  [Chalice, 
I.  338.] 

It  is  a  mistake  to  suppose  that  the  knop  was 
invented  for  the  purpose  of  adding  strength  to 
the  chalice-stem, — a  result  which  it  could  not 
effect,  for  the  strength  of  a  knopped  stem  would 
still  be  only  the  strength  of  its  weakest  or 
thinnest  part.  It  may  have  been  introduced 
first  for  the  purpose  of  decoration,  though  after- 
wards it  was  expressly  adopted  to  assist  the  priest 
m  holding  the  chalice  between  his  fingers  in  the 
act  of  consecration.  He  joins  his  finger  and 
thumb,  and  then  holds. the  chalice  with  the  re- 
maining fingers.  In  the  Latin  rite  the  priest 
while  holding  the  sacred  host  in  his  right  hand 
over  the  chalice  is  directed  to  hold  the  chalice 
itself  in  his  left  hand,  "  per  nodum  infra  cup- 
pam."  The  dates  given  above  shew  that  the 
knop  existed  before  the  doctrine  of  Transubstan- 
tiation  was  formulated. 

Authorities. — The  writer  is  not  aware  of  any 
monograph  on  the  subject  in  any  language.  The 
knop  is  not  even  mentioned  in  the  Hierolexicon 
by  the  brothers  Maori.  Fol.  Romae,  1677.  But 
besides  the  works  quoted  above,  the  reader  may 
consult  Annales  Archeologiques,  vol.  xxi.  p.  336 
and  vol.  xxii.  p.  21 ;  the  Arundel  Society's  publica- 
tion on  Ecclesiastical  Metal  Work  of  the  Middle 
Ages,  and  Diversarum  Artium  Schedula,  by  Theo- 
philus.  [H.  T.  A.] 

KOINONIKON  (KoivccvikSv).  [Compare 
Commendatory  Letters,  I.  407.]  I.  A  letter 
of  communion  given  to  travellers,  enabling  them 
to  communicate  with  the  Church  in  the  place  to 
which  they  journeyed.  The  Nomocanon  of  the 
Greeks  (c.  454  ;  Cotel.  Mon'im.  Gr.  i.  142)  orders 
that  "  no  stranger  be  received  (to  communion) 
without  a  koinonicon."  Such  letters  were  also 
called  e-KidToKia  or  (IpnviKa.,  as  by  the  Council  of 
Chalcedon,  A.D.  451  (Can.  11)  :  "  We  have  decreed 
that  all  the  poor  and  those  needing  help  shall, 
after    investigation,    travel    with    letters    (epi- 

»  It  is  figured  on  p.  339,  vul.  i.  of  this  work. 


KOINONIKON 


907 


stolia),  that  is  to  say,  with  ecclesiastical  eirenica 
only,  and  not  with  letters  of  commendation " 
((TvffTaTiKo?^  ;  comp.  2  Cor.  iii.  1).  The 
former  word,  epistolium,  we  find  used  in  the 
West,  as  by  the  2nd  Council  of  Tours,  A.D.  566, 
which  decreed  "  that  no  one  of  the  clergy  or 
laity,  except  the  bishop,  presume  to  give  epi- 
stolia "  (Can.  6).  The  other  name,  eirenica,  is 
used  by  the  Council  of  Antioch,  A.D.  341  :  "  No 
stranger  is  to  be  received  without  letters  of 
peace  "  (Can.  7) ;  Sim.  in  the  West,  Cone.  Elib., 
as  below. 

It  appears  that  the  issue  of  such  letters  of 
communion  had  to  be  watched  and  regulated  in 
every  part  of  the  Church.  Thus  the  Council  of 
Antioch  (Can.  8)  allowed  chorepiscopi  to  grant 
them,  but  forbade  presbyters.  From  the  Council 
of  Eliberis,  a.d.  305  (Can.  25),  we  learn  that 
intending  travellers  sometimes  obtained  them 
from  confessors,  as  the  lapsed  did  their  libelli  : 
"  To  every  one  who  has  brought  confessors' 
letters  are  to  be  given  letters  communicatory, 
the  confessor's  name  being  cancelled,  forasmuch 
as,  under  the  glory  of  this  name,  they  everywhere 
astonish  the  simple."  The  same  Council  (Can.  31) 
forbade  women  (supposed  to  be  the  wives  of 
bishops  and  presbyters)  to  write  litterae  pacificae 
for  the  laity,  or  to  receive  them.  The  Council 
of  Aries,  in  314  (Can.  9)  : — "  Concerning  those 
who  present  letters  of  confessors,  it  is  decreed 
that  such  letters  be  taken  from  them,  and  that 
they  receive  others  communicatory."  The 
Council  of  Carthage,  a.d.  348  (Can.  17)  :  "  Let  no 
clerk  or  layman  communicate  in  a  strange  con- 
gregation (in  aliena  plebe)  without  his  bishop's 
letters."  The  Council  of  Agatha,  in  505  (Can.  52), 
and  that  of  Epaone  in  517  (can.  6) :  "  Let  no  one 
grant  communion  to  a  presbyter,  or  deacon,  or 
clerk,  travelling  without  his  bishop's  letters." 

In  the  Capitularies  of  the  French  kings  we 
find  these  documents  called  litterae  peregrin- 
orum,  travellers'  letters  (cap.  v.  an.  806,  torn.  i. 
col.  456),  and  formatae  (1225).  The  last  name 
is  given  to  them  by  the  Council  of  Milevi,  a.d. 
416  (Can.  20):  "It  is  decreed  that  any  clerk 
who  desires  to  go  to  court,  wherever  it  be,  on  his 
own  business,  shall  receive  a  formata  from  his 
bishop.  But  if  he  shall  choose  to  go  without  a 
formata,  let  him  be  removed  from  communion." 
[Forma,  I.  682.] 

II.  The  same  names  were  given  to  those  let- 
ters which  bishops,  on  their  ordination,  sent  to 
other  bishops  as  an  offer  and  claim  of  commu- 
nion, and  to  letters  which  passed  between 
bishops  at  any  time  as  a  token  of  adherence  to 
the  same  faith.  Thus  Cyril  of  Alexandria,  "  If 
John,  the  most  religious  bishop  of  Antioch,  sub- 
scribe it  (a  confession  of  faith),  .  .  .  then  give 
to  him  ra  koivuiviko.  "  (Inter  Acta  Cone.  Eph. 
Labbe,  iii.) ;  that  is,  as  the  ancient  translation 
of  the  West  renders  it, — "  the  letters  com- 
municatory" (A'oi'.  Coll.  Cone.  col.  910;  Baluz. 
Sijnodicon,  c.  204).  A  more  common  expression 
was  KOLvoiviKo.  ypdfjLfj.aTa.  This  is  used  by  the 
Council  of  Antioch,  a.d.  269,  when  announcing 
to  the  popes  of  Alexandria  and  Rome  the  election 
of  Domnus  to  the  see  of  Antioch.  It  requested 
them  to  send  him  letters  of  communion,  that 
they  might  receive  the  like  from  him  in  return 
(Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl.  vii.  30).  Using  the  same 
term,  St.  Basil  challenges  those  who  accused  him 
of  being  in    communion   with    Apollinarius   to 


908 


KOINONIKON 


produce  any  letters  of  communion  that  had 
passed  between  them  (Epist.  343 ;  torn.  ii.  p. 
1122).  The  same  expression  used  by  Cyril  of 
Alexandria  {Ep.  ad  Maxirnian.  inter  Acta  Cone. 
Eph.  c.  81)  is  rendered  in  the  ancient  Latin 
version  of  the  Acts  of  the  Council  of  Ephesus  by 
the  unusual  phrase  of  litterae  communicativae 
(Baluz.  Aoua  Collect.  Concil.  col.  597).  In  the 
version  of  his  epistle  to  Theognostus  (Synod. 
c.  85)  we  have  the  more  common  litterae  com- 
municatoriae  (col.  793).  St.  Augustine,  writing 
in  397,  says  :  "  We  wrote  to  some  of  the  chiefs  of 
the  Donatists,  not  letters  of  communion  (commu- 
nicatorias  litteras),  which  now  for  a  long  time, 
owing  to  their  perversion  from  the  Catholic 
unity  throughout  the  world,  they  do  not  receive, 
but  such  private  letters  as  it  is  lawful  for  us  to 
address  even  to  Pagans "  (Ep.  xliii.  §  1).  He 
repeats  this  in  his  work  Contra  Litteras  Peti- 
liani  (I.  1).  The  same  father  declares  the  bishop 
of  Carthage  to  be  "  united  per  communicatorias 
litteras  to  theChurcli  at  Rome,  .  .  .  and  to  other 
lands,  whence  the  gospel  had  come  to  Africa  " 
(Ep.  xliii.  §  7).  He  again  and  again  speaks  of 
such  letters  as  a  sign  and  proof  of  the  inter- 
communion of  churches  (ihid.  §§  8,  16,  19). 
These  letters,  like  those  granted  to  travellers, 
came  under  the  general  head  of  formatae.  Thus 
Augustine,  speaking  of  a  schismatical  bishop, 
says,  "  We  asked  whether  he  could  give  letters 
communicatory,  which  we  call  formatae,  where 
I  wished  "  (Ep.  sliv.  §  5). 

HI.  A  Iroparion  in  the  Greek  liturgy,  which 
is  varied  for  "  the  day  or  the  saint "  (Goar,  Lit. 
Chrys.  p.  81 ;  Typicon  Sabae,  7).  It  is  now  sung 
after  the  response  to  the  Sancta  Sanctis,  and  be- 
fore the  hot  infusion  and  fraction.  Originally, 
however,  it  was  sung,  as  its  name  implies,  during 
the  communion  of  the  people.  This  is  evident 
from  the  following  statement  in  the  Chronicon 
Paschale  of  Alexandria  (tom.  i.  p.  714;  ed.  Nie- 
buhr).  "  This  year,  in  the  month  Artemisius,  the 
Roman  May,  12th  Indiction,  under  Sergius  the 
Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  was  first  introduced 
the  custom  that  after  all  have  received  the  holy 
Mysteries,  while  the  clerks  are  removing  the 
precious  ftins,  patens,  and  cups,  and  other  sacred 
utensils,  also  after  the  distribution  of  the 
Eulogiae  from  the  side-tables,  and  the  singing  of 
the  last  verse  of  the  koiyionicon,  this  antiphon 
should  be  sung,  Let  our  mouth  be  filled  with 
praise,"  kc.  This  was  in  the  year  624  of  our 
era.  In  the  Liturgy  of  St.  James,  from  which 
the  Greek  is  derived,  the  words,  "  0  taste  and 
see  how  gracious  the  Lord  is "  (from  Ps.  34), 
are  both  said  by  the  priest  and  sung  by  the 
choir  (Cod.  Liturg.  Assein.  v.  57)  before  the 
communion  of  the  former;  but  probably  the 
Greek  anthem  rather  took  the  place  of  four 
psalms  (23,  34,  145,  117),  which  were  said  at  the 
fraction  in  St.  James.  A  shorter  form  would  be 
sufficient,  when  the  communicants  became  fewer. 
The  words,  "  0  taste,"  &c.,  were  sung  at  Jeru- 
salem in  the  4th  century,  after  the  response  to 
the  Sancta  Sanctis,  and  therefore  also  before  the 
communion.  St.  Cyril,  addressing  the  newly 
baptized,  says  (Catech.  Myst.  v.  17),  "  After  this 
ye  hear  him  who  sings  with  divine  melody, 
exhorting  you  and  saying,  '  0  taste,'"  &:c.  In 
St.  JIark's  Liturgy,  the  celebrant  says  a  certain 
prayer,  "  or  else.  Like  as  the  hart,"  &c.,  i.e. 
rsaim42  (Liturg.  Orient.  Reuaud.  i.  162);  but 


LABARUM 

there  is  no  proper  koinonicon.  In  'the  Clementine 
"  the  33rd  Psalm  (34th)  is  to  be  said  while  all 
the  rest  are  communicating  "  (Coteler.  i.  405). 
The  Armenian  Liturgy  provides  proper  hymns  to 
be  sung  by  the  choir,  "  while  they  who  are  worthy 
are  communicating"  (Le  Brun,  Diss.  x.  art.  21). 
In  the  Coptic  rite  "  they  sing  from  the  psalm  " 
during  the  fraction,  which  is  followed  imme- 
diately by  the  communion  of  the  celebrant 
(Renaud.  i.  24).  In  the  Greek  Alexandrine  of 
St.  Basil,  "  the  people  say  the  50th  (51st)  Psalm 
and  the  koinonicon  for  the  day  "  between  the 
fraction  and  the  communion  (Renaud.  i.  84, 
345).  In  that  of  St.  Gregory,  only  the  105th 
Psalm  is  then  said  (ihid.  124).  In  the  Syrian 
St.  James,  used  both  by  Melchites  and  Jacobites, 
and  therefore  earlier  than  the  schism,  the 
koinonicon  is  represented  by  an  invitatory,  sung 
by  the  deacon  and  subdeacons  while  the  people 
are  communicating  (Renaud.  ii.  42) :  "  The 
Church  cries.  My  brethren,  receive  the  body  of 
the  Son ;  drink  His  blood  with  faith,  and  sing 
His  glory,"  &c.  A  similar  form  occurs  in  the 
Nestorian  Liturgy  (ibid.  596  ;  Lib.  Malah. 
Raulin,  326).  According  to  the  Abyssinian, 
which  comes  from  St.  Mark,  "skilled  persons 
chant  some  verses,  while  the  sacrament  is  minis- 
tered to  the  people,  .  .  .  which  the  people  repeat 
singing"  (Biblioth.  Max.  PP.  xxvii.  663). 

The  Greek  koinonicon  corresponds  to  a  hymn 
which  they  began  to  sing  at  Carthage  in  St. 
Augustine's  time,  "  when  that  which  had  been 
ofiered  was  being  distributed  to  the  people " 
(Retract,  ii.  11);  to  the  Antiphona  ad  Commu- 
nionem  of  Rome,  Said  to  have  been  introduced 
by  Gregory  I.  (Honorius,  Gemma  Animae,  i.  90) ; 
and  to  the  Antiphona  ad  Accedentes  of  the 
Mozarabic  Missal  (Leslie,  p.  7).  In  the  last,  we 
may  observe,  the  anthem  from  Whitsun  Eve  to 
Lent,  and  on  All  Saints'  day  is,  "0  taste  and 
see,"  &c.,  so  familiar  to  the  East.  It  cannot  now 
be  ascertained  whether  anything  was  sung  during 
the  communion  in  the  original  liturgy  of  Gaul 
(Liturgia  Gallicana,  Mabill.  53).         [W.  E.  S.] 

KYEIE  ELEISON.    [Litany.] 


LABARUM.  In  Christian  antiquity  the 
military  standard  bearing  the  sacred  monogram 
>tC  -P  ,  adopted  by  the  emperor  Constantine 
as  an  imperial  ensign  subsequently  to  his 
celebrated  vision  and  the  victory  over  Maxen- 
tius,  as  described  by  Eusebius  (Vit.  Const. 
lib.  i.  c.  28-31),  and  in  later  times  the  device 
itself,  or  the  cross  alone.  The  labarum  has  often 
been  spoken  of  as  if  it  were  something  altogether 
novel  both  in  form  and  use  (Gretser,  de  Cruce 
Ghr.  vol.  i.  p.  493).  But  the  thing,  and  probably 
also  the  name,  were  already  familiar  in  the 
Roman  army.  The  labarum  of  Constantine  was, 
in  fact,  nothing  more  than  the  ordinary  cavalry- 
standard  (vexiilum),  from  which  it  differed  only 
in  the  Christian  character  of  its  symbols  and 
decorations.  Like  that  it  preserved  the  primi- 
tive type  of  a  cloth  fastened  to  the  shaft  of  a 
spear,  and  consisted  of  a  square  piece  of  some 
textile  material  elevated  on  a  gilt  pole,  and  sus- 


LAB ARUM 

pendeJ  from  a  cross  bar,  by  which  it  was  kept 
expanded.  The  eagle  of  victory  surmounting 
the  shaft  was  replaced  by  tlie  sacred  monogram 
contained  within  a  chaplet.  The  emblems  em- 
broidered on  the  banner  were  also  Christian. 
They  were  usually  wrought  in  gold  ou  a  purple 
ground.  To  the  eye  of  the  early  Christians,  ac- 
customed to  discern  the  emblem  of  salvation  in 
everything  around  them,  the  cruciform  frame- 
work of  the  Roman  standard  had  already 
marked  it  out  as  an  appropriate  symbol  of  the 
true  faith.  "  In  your  trophies,"  writes  Ter- 
tuUian  (Apolog.  c.  16),  "  the  cross  is  the  heart 
of  the  trophy  ....  those  hangings  of  the 
standards  and  banners  (caiitabrorum  aliter  laba- 
ronim)  are  the  clothings  of  crosses " :  and 
Minucius  Felix  (c.  29),  "  the  very  standards,  and 
banners  (canUhra  aliter  lahara),  and  flags  of 
your  camps,  what  are  they  but  gilded  crosses, 
imitating  not  only  the  appearance  of  the  cross 
but  that  of  the  man  hanging  on  it."  Nor  was 
there  one  of  the  Roman  ensigns  the  consecration 
of  which  to  the  honour  of  Christ  would  have  so 
powerful  an  influence,  especially  ou  the  army. 
For,  as  Sozomen  informs  us,  "  it  was  valued 
beyond  all  others,  being  always  carried  before 
the  emperor,  and  worshipped  by  the  soldiery  as 
the  most  honourable  symbol  of  the  Roman 
power "  (Soz.  H.  E.  lib.  i.  c.  4).  When  there- 
fore Constantino  adopted  it,  consecrated  by  the 
symbols  of  his  newly  adopted  faith,  as  "  the 
saving  sign  of  the  Roman  empire"  {(TceTripiov 
<rt)fjLi1ov  rris  'Paifxaiicv  apxvs),  he  took  the  surest 
method  of  uniting  both  divisions  of  his  troops, 
pagans  and  Christians,  in  a  common  worship,  and 
leading  those  who  still  clave  to  the  old  religion 
to  a  purer  faith,  since,  to  quote  Tertullian  again 
(u.  s.),  "the  camp  religion  of  the  Romans  was 
all  through  a  worship  of  the  standards." 

Neither  was  the  word  labarum  a  newly-coined 
one.  Even  if  the  various  reading,  labarum  for 
cantahrum,  in  Tertullian  and  Minucius  Felix  is 
rejected,  Sozomen,  when  describing  the  result 
of  Constantine's  vision,  speaks  of  it  as  a  word 
already  in  use — "  he  commanded  the  artists  to 
remodel  the  standard  called  by  the  Romans 
labarum"  —  rb  Trapa  'Voiixaiois  KaXoxiixivou  \a- 
^iopov  {H.  E.  lib.  i.  c.  4).  According  to  Suicer 
(^sub  voce)  the  word  came  into  use  in  the  reign 
of  Hadrian,  and  was  probably  adopted  from  one 
of  the  nations  conquered  by  the  Romans.  The 
orthography  varies  in  different  writers,  as  is 
usual  with  a  half-naturalised  foreign  word.  It 
is  written  \d0wpov  by  Sozomen  and  Nicephorus 
(H.  E.  vii.  37),  and  Xa^ovpov  by  Chrysostom 
{Homil.  iii.  in  1  Tim.),  who  speaks  of  it  as  "  the 
royal  standard  in  war  usually  called  laburum." 
Its  derivation  is  still  uncertain,  "  in  spite," 
writes  Gibbon,  "  of  the  efforts  of  the  critics,  who 
have  ineffectually  tortured  the  Latin,  Greek, 
Spanish,  Celtic,  Teutonic,  Illyric,  Armenian,  &c., 
in  search  of  an  etymology."  We  find  Kafj.^dvw, 
"to  seize;"  €v\dfiiia,  "piety ;"  Aacfupa,  "spoils;" 
Kaicpos,  a  "  cloke ; "  and  even  the  Latin  labo?;  with 
other  still  more  far-fetched  derivations  enume- 
rated by  Gothofried  {Cod.  Theod.  vol.  ii.  p.  142). 
Ducange's  derivation  from  a  supposed  Celtic 
root,  lab  hair  =  panniculus  exercitus,  is  repu- 
diated by  Celtic  scholars.  The  word  is  most 
probably  of  Basque  origin,  in  which  language, 
according  to  Baillet  {Dictionnaire  Celtiqu:,  s.  v.) 
Idbarva    signifies    a    standard.      According    to 


LABAEUM 


909 


Larramendi  (Diccionario  Trilingue),  the  word  is 
of  Cantabrian  origin,  and  is  derived  from 
lauburu,  signifying  anything  with  four  heads  or 
limbs,  such  as  the  cruciform  framework  of  a 
military  standard.  Cantabrum,  used  as  a 
synonym  for  labarum,  indicates  the  country 
from  which  it  was  derived. 

The  form  of  the  labarum  is  very  minutely 
described  by  Eusebius  (T7f.  Const,  lib.  i.  c.  31): 
"  A  long  spear,  overlaid  with  gold,  formed  the 
figure  of  a  cross  by  means  of  a  transverse  bar  at 
the  top.  At  the  summit  of  the  whole  was  fixed 
a  wreath  of  gold  and  precious  stones,  within 
which  the  symbol  of  the  title  of  salvation  was 
indicated  by  means  of  its  first  two  letters,  the 
letter  P  being  intersected  by  X  in  the  centre 
(xiafo^ueVou  toO  p  Kara,  rh  ix^ra'naTov)  .... 
From  the  cross  bar  of  the  spear  was  suspended  a 
square  cloth  of  purple  stuff  profusely  em- 
broidered with  gold  and  precious  stones.  Be- 
neath the  crown  of  the  cross,  immediately  above 
the  embroidered  banner,  the  shaft  bore  golden 
medallions  of  the  emperor  and  his  children." 
This  original  standard  formed  the  pattern  of 
others  which  Constantine  ordered  to  be  made  to 
be  carried  at  the  head  of  all  his  armies.  Fifty 
of  the  stoutest  and  most  religious  soldiers, 
viracriTKTTai,  were  selected  by  him  as  the  per- 
petual guard  of  the  labarum,  which  was  to  be 
borne  by  them  singly  by  turns.  Eusebius  relates 
a  story  he  had  heard  from  the  emperor  himself 
of  a  fierce  engagement  in  which  the  soldier 
whose  duty  it  was  to  carry  it,  panic  struck, 
transferred  the  labarum  to  another  and  fled, 
paying  for  his  cowardice  with  his  life,  while  the 
soldier  who  boldly  carried  the  sacred  symbol 
escaped  unhurt  (Euseb.  u.  s.  lib.  ii.  c.  8).  Not 
content  with  having  it  represented  on  his 
standards,  Constantine  commanded  that  the 
monogram  should  also  be  engraved  on  the 
shields  of  his  soldiers  (ib.  lib.  iv.  c.  21).  Lac- 
tantius  (de  Mort.  Persec.  c.  44)  is  silent  as  to  the 
standard,  and  only  records  the  representation  on 
the  shields — "  transversa  X  litera,  summo  capite 
circumflexo  (i.e.  with  a  line  drawn  through  the 
middle  and  turned  into  a  loop  at  the  top,  form- 
ing the  letter  Bho)  Christum  in  scutis  notat." 

Prudentius  describes  the  monogram  as  deco- 
rating both  the  standards  (the  labarum  proper) 
and  the  shields  of  Constantine's  army  on  his 
triumphal  entrance  into  Rome  after  the  defeat 
of  Maxentius. 

"  Christus  purpureum  gemmanti  textus  in  auro 
Signabat  labarum  ;  clj'peorura  insignia  Christus 
Scripserat ;  ardebat  summis  crux  addita  cristis." 

Contr.  Symmach.  i.  487-489. 
and  again  : 
"  Agnoscas  Regina  (Roma)  libens   mea  signa  necesse 
est, 
In  quibus  effigies  crucis  aut  gemmata  refulget, 
Aut  longis  solido  ex  auro  praefertur  in  hastis." 

Jb.  464-466. 

and  speaks  of  its  acceptance  by  the  senate  as  an 
object  of  adoration : 

"  Tunc  ille  senatus 
Jlilitiae  uUricis  titulum,  Christique  verendum 
Nomen  adoravit  quod  collucebat  iu  armis." 

Ib.  494-496. 

Paulinus  furnishes  us  with  a  singularly  de- 
tailed description  of  the  monogram,  forming  a 
golden  cross,  depending  from  '^  "  corona  lucis," 


910 


LABAKUM 


in  the  basilica  of  St.  Felix  at  Nola,  explaining 
how  all  the  characters  of  XPICTOC  are  con- 
tained in  it : 

"  Nam  nota,  qua  bis  quinque  notat  numerante  Latino 
Calculus,  haec  Graecis  chi  scribitur,  et  mediam  rho 
Cujus  apex  et  sigma  tenet,  quod  rursus  ad  ipsam 
Curvatus  virgam  facit  o  velut  orbe  peracto. 
Nam  rigor  obstipus  facit  i  quod  In  HoUade  iota  est; 
Tau  idem  stylus  ipse  brevi  retro  acumine  ductus 
Efficit,"  kc.—Poem.  xix.  (Carni.  xi.  in  St.  Felicem). 

The  notes  of  Muratori  on  this  curious,  and  not 
very  easily  intelligible,  passage,  should  by  all 
means  be  consulted. 

Once  adopted  by  Constantine  as  the  imperial 
ensign,  it  was  continued  by  his  successors. 
Ambrose,  begging  the  emperor  Theodosius  to 
take  forcible  possession  of  a  Jewish  synagogue, 
exhorts  him  to  order  his  troops  to  carry  in  "  his 
victorious  ensign,"  i.e.  the  labarum  consecrated 
with  the  name  of  Christ  (Epist  lib.  vi.  Ep.  29)  ; 
and  in  another  passage  utters  the  following 
pi'ayer  for  the  success  of  Gratian's  arms  against 
the  Goths :  "  Turn,  0  Lord,  and  raise  the  stand- 
ard of*  Thy  faith.  Here  it  is  not  the  eagles,  nor 
the  flight  of-  birds  that  lead  the  army,  but  Thy 
Name,  0  Lord  Jesus,  and  Thy  worship"  (Ambros. 
d(i  Fide,  lib.  ii.  ad  fin.).  The  sacred  symbols 
were  naturally  removed  from  the  standards  by 
Julian  (Soz.  IT.  E.  lib.  v.  c.  17 ;  Greg.  Naz. 
cont.  Julian  I.  torn.  i.  p.  75),  but  were  restored 
by  Jovian  and  his  Christian  successors,  and 
continued  to  be  borne  by  the  later  Byzantine 
emperors. 


Examples  of  the  labarum,  both  as  a  standard 
and  as  borne  on  the  shield,  in  different  forms, 
are  abundantly  furnished  by  the  series  of 
imperial  medals  given  by  Ducange  in  his 
Familiae  Augustae  Byzantinae,  which  usually 
forms  part  of  the  same  volume  with  the  Con- 
stantinopolis  Christiana,  from  which  the  subse- 
quent illustrations  are  chiefly  drawn. 


II.  and  Constans: 


Fig.  1  is  from  a  tiny  coin  of  Constantine  IL, 
"  a  third  brass  of  the  smallest  size."  The 
engravings  are  much  larger  than  the  coins  they 


LABARUM 

represent.  This  "  most  important  of  the  numis- 
matic memorials  of  the  triumph  of  Christianity," 
"  of  a  rarity  commensurate  with  its  interest," 
(C.  W.  King,  Early  Christian  Numismatics, 
p.  25),  represents  the  labarum  as  described  by 
Eusebius.  The  spiked  end  of  the  shaft  of  the 
banner  transfixes  a  serpent  (cf.  Euseb.  Vit.  Const. 
iii.  3).  On  the  banner  are  emblazoned  three 
roundels  (interpreted  by  Mr.  King's  engraver, 
but  without  sufficient  warrant,  as  DEO),  above  is 
the  sacred  monogram  ;  on  the  exergue  CONS. 
The  obverse  bears  "  the  boyish,  not  to  be  mis- 
taken, features  of  Constantine  IL"  {Ibid.') 
Examples  of  Constantine  L  with  the  same 
j  reverse  type  are  in  existence  [Numismatics]. 
Fig.  2,  of  Constantino  IL  (tab.  v.  p.  21), 
represents  him  in  military  dress,  standing  on  a 
galley,  steered  by  Victory.  He  bears  a  phoenix 
on  a  globe  in  his  right  hand,  and  in  his  left  the 
labarum  in  the  form  of  a  banner,  with  the  sacred 
monogram ;  the  motto  is  Fel(icium)  Tcmp(o7-um)  * 
reparatio.  This  was  a  favourite  device  with 
Constantius  II.  and  Constans  (King,  u.s.,  p. 
68).     Fig.  3,  a  coin  of  Constans  (tab.  xi.  p.  33), 


3.    Coin  of  Constans.    From  Ducange. 


shews  the  emperor  holding  a  labarum  of  the 
same  form  in  his  right  hand,  with  the  motto 
Triumphator  Gentium  barhararum.  This  design 
is  frequently  repeated,  e.g.  tab.  xii.,  xiii.,  pp. 
35,  37  ;  tab.  ii.  p.  56.  The  emperor  is  some- 
times represented  holding  the  labarum  in  one 
hand  and  seizing  a  captive  in  the  other,  e.g.  a 
coin  of  Gratiau  (fig.  4,  tab.  ii.  p.  56);  at 
other  times  trampling  a  captive  under  foot 
(tab.  xiii.  p.  37).  A  not  unfrequent  design 
represents  the  labarum  planted  in  the  gi-ound 
with  fettered  captives  seated  beside  it,  e.g.  tab. 


vi.  p.  23 ;  vii.   p. 


i.   p.  27,  &c.      Some- 


times we  find  the  sacred  monogram  on  a  shield, 
as    in    fig.    5,   a   coin    of  Aelia    Flaccilla,   wife 


of  Theodosius  (pi.  i.  p.  61),  where  the  shield 
is  borne  by  a  seated  Victory.  As  examples 
of  the    monogram    alone,    we   give    a    coin    of 


Or  perhaps  Fel\ix\  Templpris]  Separatio. 


LABARUM 

Decentius,  fig.  6  (pi.  xiii.  p.  37),  and  one  of 
Justinian,  fig.  7  (pi.  ii.  p.  90),  as  well  as 
a  remarkable  gem  (tig.  8),  figured  by  Lipsius  dc 


LACUNARY  WORK 


911 


No.  5.    Coin  of  Aelia  Flaceilla.     From  Ducange. 

Gnice  (p.  74),  bearing  on  the  obverse  Victory 
bearing  a  palm  and  a  chaplet,  with  the  legend 
Vict.  Aug.     In  several  of  these  we  notice  the 


No.  6.    Coin  of  Decentius.     From  Ducange. 

Greek  characters  A,  D.,  on  either  side  of  the 
monogram.  The  meaning  of  this  addition  is 
elaborately  e.xplained  by  Paulinus,  I.e.     A  very 


Coin  of  Justinian. 


beautiful  representation  of  the  labarum  is  found 
on  a  lamp  engraved  by  Mamachi.  It  is  in  the 
usual  form  of  a  standard  supported  on  a  spear, 


No.  8.    From  a  Gem. 

with  the  sacred  monogram  encircled  with  a 
wreath  above,  and  ENTcoToiNIKA  {sic)  em- 
broidered on  the  banner  itself.  A  soldier  fully 
armed  stands  on  either  side  guarding  the  standard. 
[Lamp.] 

(Augusti,  Hdbch.  der  Christ.  Arch.  vol.  iii.  pp. 


571  ff. ;  Ducange,  Glossar.  sub  voc. ;  Euseb.  Vit. 
Const,  lib.  i.  c.  31  ;  lib.  ii.  c.  8 ;  lib.  iv.  c.  21  • 
Gothofried  in  Theod.  Cod.  vol.  ii.  pp.  143  ff. ; 
Gretser  de  Cnice,  lib.  ii. ;  King,  Early  Christian 
Xumismatics ;  Lipsius  de  Cruce,  c.  15,  16;  Meur- 
sius,  Glossar. ;  Milman,  Hist,  of  Christianity,  vol. 
ii.  p.  287  ;  Munter,  Sinnbilder,  pi.  iii.  Nos.  70,  71 ; 
Suicer,  Thesaurus,  sub  voc. ;  Vossius,  Etymol. 
sub  voc.)  [E.  v.] 

LABIS.    [Spoon.] 

LABOR  ANTES.     [Copiatae;  Fossarii.]; 

LABRA  (\dPpa),  a  form  of^the  Egyptian 
word  \avpa,  a  lane  or  narrow  street  (Epiphan. 
Haeres.  69),  has  been  misunderstood  (Macri, 
Hierolex.  s.  v.  Labra)  as  equivalent  to  "  parish  " 
or  "  district."     See  Laura.  [C] 

LACERNA.     [BiRRUs;  Paenula.] 

LACRYMATORY.  A  name  given  by  some 
modern  antiquaries  to  certain  small  vessels  not 
unfrequeutly  found  in  tombs,  once  supposed  to  be 
intended  to  contain  tears.  They  are  in  fact 
Vasa  unguentaria,  vessels,  intended  to  contain 
perfumes,  like  the  aXd^affrpov  of  the  Gospels. 
(Matt.  xxvi.  7,  etc.)  See  Soman  Antiquities 
found  at  Rougham,  described  by  the  late  Prof. 
Henslow  ;  edited  by  Prof.  Churchill  Babington  ; 
Beccles[1872].  Prof.  Babington  refers  to  Millin, 
Diet,  des  Beaux-Arts,  s.  v.  Lacrymatoire.     [C] 

LACTANTIUS,  Bede;  Letatius,  Usuard, 
one  of  the  Scillitan  martyrs,  July  17,  appears 
as  Lactatus,  July  18  {Mart.  Hieron.  D'Ach.). 

[E.  B.  B.] 

LACTICINIA,  dishes  prepared  from  milk 
and  eggs  (oioyaAa),  the  use  of  which  was  per- 
mitted, according  to  some  authorities,  in  Lent 
and  other  times  of  fasting  [Fasting  ;  Lent]. 

[C] 

LACTINUS,  Lacteanus,  Lactocus  or  Molac- 
tocus,  founder  of  the  abbey  of  Fresh  ford  (Aghad- 
hur)  and  abbat  of  Clonfert  (died  622),  com- 
memorated March  19.  Thei-e  was  a  spring 
sacred  to  him  in  Cassel  and  a  convent  (Lis- 
lachtin)  in  Ardfert  diocese  (v.  Acta  SS.  Mart, 
iii.  32).  [E.  B.  B.] 

LACTIS  DEGUSTATIO.  [Baptism,  §  66, 
L  164;  Honey  and  Milk,  I.  783.] 

LACTISSIMA,  i.e.  LAETISSIMA,  martyr, 
April  27  {Mart.  Hieron.  D'Achery.  Spic.  iv.). 

[E.  B.  B.] 

LACULATA,  sc.  vestis,  a  kind  of  dress,  in 
which  were  square  spaces  {lacus),  containing 
pictures,  added  in  various  ways  :  "  Laculata  est 
quae  lacus  quadratos  quosdam  cum  pictura  habet 
intextos,  aut  additos  acu."  (Isid.  Etym.  xix. 
22.)  For  this  sense  of  lacus,  cf.  Columella 
(i.  6),  where  the  word  is  used  for  square  spaces, 
with  which  granaries  are  divided  for  the  storing 
of  different  kinds  of  grain  separately.  (See 
Ducange,  Glossary,  s.  v.)  [R-  S.] 

LACUNARY  WORK.    {Lambris,  Fr.)  The 

htcunaria  or  latj'ieoria  were  hollow  spaces  or 
panels  originally  formed  by  the  planks  arranged 
at  regular  intervals,  to  compose  the  ceiling  of  a 
i-oom.      During  the   Romano-Byzantine    period 


912 


LADICUS 


tliese  were  gilded  and  inlaid  with  ivory  (Horace, 
Od.  ii.  18)  ;  sometimes  they  were  adorned  with 
paintings  (Suet.  Vit.  Ncr.  31).  The  vaulted 
or  waggon-roofed  variety  was  called  Camara  or 
Camera.  [Dict.  of  Gr.  and  Rom.  Antiq.  s.  v.] 
The,  panelling  was  applied  also  to  the  soffit  or 
under  surface  of  an  arch  ;  but  this  practice  is  appa- 
rently not  earlier  than  the  Renaissance,  and  was 
an  innovation  on  the  original  custom,  since  earlier 
arches  had  no  soffits  properly  so-called.  The 
ancient  basilicas  had  the  ground  of  these  recesses 
enriched  with  CaUsons  square,  trefoil,  hexa- 
gonal, in  much  variety;  often  again  with  roses, 
masques  of  animals,  and  such  like  ;  but  these  in 
later  examples.  The  lacunary  work  was  em- 
ployed both  in  public  and  private  buildings ; 
"  Laquearia,  quae  nunc  et  in  privatis  domibus 
auro  teguntur,"  says  Pliny  {Hid.  Natur.  xxxiii. 
18),  and  especially  in  Italy  the  ceilings  of  all  the 
rooms  of  a  house  would  be  of  this  kind  ;  some 
being  more  richly  ornamented  than  others.  It 
is  to  be  distinguished  from  mosaic  work  (musi- 
vum  opus) ;  see  Mosaic. 

When  in  the  third  and  fourth  centuries  A.D. 
the  Christians  began  to  erect  large  and  costly 
churches,  the  ceilings  were  often  ornamented  with 
this  work.  Eusebius  (  Vit.  Const,  lib.  iii.  capp. 
31-10)  tells  us  that  the  church  which  Constan- 
tine  built  at  Jerusalem  had  a  vaulted  roof 
{KUfj-dpay  KaKwvapiav),  of  which  the  whole  was 
divided  into  panels,  carved  and  gilded. 

Paulinus,  bishop  of  Nola  in  Campania  (a.D. 
409-431),  has  described  in  one  of  his  letters 
{Ep.  12,  ad  Severin.)  a  new  church  there,  upon 
which  the  highest  decorative  art  of  the  period 
appeai-s  to  have  been  exercised.  Of  this  the  ronf 
of  the  nave  and  galleries  were  panelled  (lacu- 
nato).  The  term  is  frequently  used  by  St. 
Jerome  (a.d.  340-420),  who  did  not  altogether 
sympathise  with  the  prevailing  habit  of  lavish- 
mg  adornment  on  churches.  He  says  {Ep.  2  ad 
Xepotian.'),  "  Marmora  nitent  auro,  splendent 
laquearia,  gemmis  altare  distinguitur,"  &c. 

Patiens,  bishop  of  Lyons,  is  recorded  to  have 
built  a  cathedral  church  in  that  city,  of  which 
we  have  a  contemporary  description  from  the 
pen  of  Sidonius  Apollinaris  (a.d.  431-482).  He 
says  : 

" Intus  lux  micat,  atque  biacteatum 
Sol  sic  sollicitatur  ad  lacunar 
Fulvo  ut  concolor  errct  in  metallo." 

That  is,  the  golden  sunshine  played  over  the 
golden  plates  of  the  panels  in  the  church. 

But  yet  the  lacunar  hardly  appears  to  have 
been  the  prevailing  style  of  ornamentation  in 
these  eai-Iy  centuries,  at  alJ  events  for  churches. 
It  was  revived  and  much  extended  under  the 
Renaissance.  [S.  J.  E.] 

LADICUS.    [Laudiceus.]  [E.  B.  B.] 

LAELIUS,  Spanish  martyr,  June  27  {Mart. 
Hicron.  D'Ach.).  [E.  B.  B.] 

LAETANIA.    [Litany.] 
LAETANTIUS  [';.  Lactantius]. 

LAETUS.  (1)  Bishop  of  Leptina  in  Africa, 
martyred  by  Hunneric,  Sept.  G.  Ado,  &c.  {v. 
Baronius  and  Acta  SS.  Sept.  ii.  677). 

(2)  Presbyter  at  Orleans,  f  Nov.  5  (Usuard). 
[E.  B.  B.] 


LAITY 

LAIDGEN,  Jan.  11,  Colgan,  Acta  SS.  Hih.  p, 
57  =  Laidcend,  Jan.  12,  in  the  Felire  of  Aengus 
the  Culdee.  He  was  of  Clonfert,  A.D.  660  (i/arf. 
Donegal).  (2)  May  20.  (3)  Oct.  23.  (4)  of 
Achadh-raithen,  :Nov.  28  {ibid.).  [E.  B.  B.] 

LAITY.  I.  In  the  Old  Testament,  when  the 
Israelites  in  general  are  distinguished  from  the 
priests,  they  are  spoken  of  as  "  the  people."  In  the 
Greek  of  the  Septuagint  this  is  6  \a6s.  See  ex- 
amples in  Lev.  iv.  3  ;  Deut.  xviii.  3  ;  Ezra  vii.  16  ; 
Is.  xxiv.  2 ;  Jer.  i.  18,  v.  31  ;  Hosea  iv.  9.  Hence 
the  use  of  \aiK6s  to  denote  one  not  of  the  priest- 
hood. Thus  Clemens  Alex,  says  that  the  hang- 
ing at  the  door  of  the  tabernacle  (Exod.  xvi.  36) 
was  a  "protection  against  lay  nnheliet"  {Strom. 
V.  5,  33).  The  author  of  the  Questions  and 
Ansirers  to  the  Orthodox,  ascribed  to  Justin 
Martyi',  observes  that  while  the  law  "  destroys 
by  fire  a  priest's  daughter  guilty  of  fornication, 
it  slays  by  stoning  the  daughter  of  the  layman  " 
(toO  AoVkoG  avSpoi)  {Resp.  ad  Qu.  97).  Philo 
calls  the  layman  of  his  nation  iSicoTrjs,  a  private 
person.  Thus  he  says  that  at  the  passover  "  the 
ISiHrai  do  not  bring  the  victims  to  the  altar, 
and  the  priests  sacrifice  ;  but  the  whole  nation, 
by  the  ordinance  of  the  law,  assumes  the  priestly 
office  "  for  the  occasion  {Je  Vit.  Mas.  iii.).  Un- 
less restrained  by  revelation,  the  first  Christians, 
being  educated  as  Jews,  would  naturally  draw  a 
somewhat  similar  line  between  their  own  office- 
bearers and  the  mass  of  believers.  How  far  they 
were  encouraged  to  do  so  by  their  inspired 
teachers  may  be  gathered  to  a  great  extent  from 
Scripture  itself.  Not  to  dwell  on  the  relation 
of  the  whole  body  to  the  Apostles,  whose  com- 
mission was  in  some  respects  extraordinary,  we 
find  each  local  church  or  congregation  subject 
to  other  rulers  {7}yovtx4vois,  Heb.  xiii.  17),  who 
were  "  over  them  in  the  Lord  "  (1  Thess.  v.  12  ; 
comp.  1  Tim.  iii.  5,  v.  17),  under  the  name  of 
overseers  (cViV/coxot,  bishops)  and  elders  {wpicr- 
jSurepoi,  whence  priest),  to  whose  teaching, 
exhortation,  and  rebuke,  and  to  whose  judgment 
in  some  things,  they  were  required  to  submit 
(1  Tim.  iv.  6,  11,  vi.  17;  2  Tim.  ii.  2,  iv.  2; 
Tit.  i.  9,  13,  ii.  15,  iii.  10).  To  their  care  and 
oversight  the  "laity"  were  committed,  as  a 
flock  to  the  shepherd  (Acts  xx.  28  ;  1  Pet.  v.  1,  2). 
The  distinction  was  observed  everywhere;  elders 
being  ordained  in  every  church  (Acts  xiv.  23  ; 
Tit.  i.  5  ;  comp.  Acts  xi.  30),  and  provision  was 
made  for  the  perpetuity  of  the  system  (2  Tim. 
ii.  2).  Sometimes  the  laity  were  distinguished 
as  "the  church"  or  "the  brethren."  E.g. 
"  when  Paul  and  Barnabas  were  come  to  Jeru- 
salem, they  were  received  of  the  church,  and  of 
the  apostles  and  elders  "  (Acts  xv.  4) ;  and  when 
"  the  apostles  and  elders,  with  the  whole  church  " 
send  a  letter  to  "  the  brethren  which  were  of 
the  Gentiles  in  Antioch  and  Syria  and  Cilicia," 
it  begins  thus,  "  The  apostles  and  elders  and 
brethren  send  greeting  unto  the  brethren  "  {ib. 
22,  23).  This  epistle  was  accordingly  delivered, 
not  to  the  rulers  of  the  church  at  Antioch,  but 
to  "  the  multitude  "  (30).  Compare  Acts  xii.  17  : 
"  Show  these  things  unto  James  (the  ruler)  and 
to  the  brethren;"  and  1  Tim.  iv.  6  :  "If  thou 
put  the  brethren  in  remembrance  of  these  things, 
thou  shalt  be  a  good  minister  of  Jesus  Christ." 
The  distinction  visible  iu  these  passages  is  pre- 
served  in  the  earliest  extra-Scriptural  records 


LAITY 

of  the  church.  Thus  Clement,  himself  bishop  of 
Eome,  in  an  epistle  by  which  he  sought  to  allay 
dissensions  at  Corinth,  addressing  "the  brethren" 
there,  says,  "  Ye  did  all  things  without  respect 
of  persons,  and  walked  by  the  laws  of  God,  being 
subject  to  those  who  had  the  rule  over  you,  and 
yielding  due  honour  to  the  presbyters  among 
you"  (^Ep.  i.  c.  1).  He  illustrates  the  relative 
position  of  the  laity  and  clergy  by  the  parallel 
of  the  Jewish  priesthood  and  people:  " To  the 
high-priest  his  proper  ministries  have  been 
assigned,  and  to  the  priests  their  proper  place 
appointed,  and  on  the  Levites  their  services  have 
been  imposed.  The  layman  (o  AaiKo's)  is  bound 
by  the  precepts  that  affect  laymen.  "  Let  each  of 
you,  brethren,  give  thanks  unto  God  in  his  own 
station  (jayfiari),  keeping  a  good  conscience, 
and  not  overstepping  the  appointed  rule  of  his 
ministry  "  (cc.  40,  41).  This  state  of  things  was 
to  continue  ;  for  the  apostles,  he  tells  us,  not  only 
appointed  the  first  rulers  in  each  church,  but 
also  "  gave  direction  how,  at  their  decease,  other 
approved  men  should  succeed  to  their  ministry  " 
(c.  44).  In  the  Visions  of  Hennas,  which  many 
critics  assign  to  the  age  of  Clement,  the  laity, 
under  the  name  of  "  the  elect,"  are  spoken  of  as 
being  taught  and  ministered  to  by  the  apostles 
and  bishops  and  doctors  (i.  e.  presbyters :  see 
Pearson,  Vind.  Ignat.  ii.  13,  3)  and  ministers  " 
(i.  e.  deacons)  {Fast.  i.  Vis.  iii.  5).  The  following 
sentence  from  Ignatius  is  common  to  all  the 
recensions :  "  My  soul  be  surety  for  them  who 
are  subject  to  the  bishops,  presbyters,  deacons  " 
(^Ep.  ad  Polycarp.  c.  vi. ;  Cureton,  Corp.  Ignat. 
p.  12).  In  the  epistles  known  to  Eusebius, 
A.D.  324  (^Hitt.  Eccl.  iii.  30)  such  expressions  are 
frequent.  In  Tertullian,  A.D.  192,  the  word 
" laicus "  occurs  often,  i^.g.  "The  chief-priest, 
which  is  the  bishop,  has  the  right  of  giving 
(baptism).  Then  presbyters  and  deacons,  not, 
however,  without  the  authority  of  the  bishop, 
for  the  honour  of  the  church,  which  being  saved, 
peace  is  saved.  From  another  point  of  view 
even  laymen  have  the  right"  {de  Baptismo, 
xvii.).  The  sijme  writer  says  of  certain  heretics 
that  among  them,  "  one  man  is  to-day  a  bishop, 
next  day  another.  To-day  one  is  a  deacon,  who 
to-morrow  will  be  a  reader ;  to-day  one  is  a 
presbyter,  who  to-morrow  will  be  a  layman;  for 
they  enjoin  priestly  (sacerdotalia)  duties  on  lay- 
men "  {de  Praescr.  Haerct.  c.  41).  In  the  so- 
called  apostolical  canons,  the  first  fifty  of  which, 
at  least,  are  supposed  to  have  been  collected 
about  the  end  of  the  2nd  century,  the  word  lay- 
man is  of  very  frequent  occurrence.  Thus,  "  If 
any  clerk  or  layman  who  is  segregated,  or  not 
received,  goes  to  another  city,  and  is  there  re- 
ceived (to  communion)  without  letters  com- 
mendatoiy,  let  both  receiver  and  received  be 
segregated"  (can.  12).  By  can.  31,  a  presbyter 
who,  in  contempt  of  his  bishop,  gathers  a  separate 
congregation,  and  all  the  clerks  who  adhere  to 
him  are  to  be  deposed,  "  but  the  laymen  to  be 
segregated."  See  also  canons  15,  24,  43,  48,  57, 
62-66,  69,  70,  71,  84,  85.  Cyprian,  a.d.  250, 
speaks  of  a  "  conference  held  with  bishops,  pres- 
byters, deacons,  confessors,  and  also  with  the 
laymen  who  stood  firm  "  (in  a  persecution)  for 
ronsultation  on  the  treatment  of  the  lapsed 
(Epist.  30,  ad  Pom.).  Elsewhere  he  says,  "  The 
faith  of  the  militant  people  (of  God)  is  disarmed, 
while  its  vigour  and  the  fear  of  Christ  is  taken 


LAITY 


913 


away.  Let  the  laity  see  how  they  provide  for 
this.  On  the  priest  falls  greater  labour  in 
asserting  and  defending  the  majesty  of  God " 
(_Ep.  59,  ad  Cornel.}.  The  more  fre(juent  name 
for  the  laity  with  this  writer  is  plebs,  e.g.  "  The 
clergy  and  people  (plebs)  and  the  whole  brother- 
hood received  with  joy  "  certain  schismatics  who 
had  returned  to  the  church  (Ej).  51,  ad  Corn.). 
He  warned  some  unruly  persons  that  "  when  a 
bishop  was  once  made  and  approved  by  the  testi- 
mony and  judgment  of  his  colleagues  and  the 
people  (plebis),  no  other  could  in  anywise  be 
appointed  "  (£/).  44,  ad  Corn.). 

II.  Laymen  duly  qualified  might  give  religious 
instruction  among  the  Jew.":.  In  the  synagogues 
it  was  usual  for  the  elder  to  ask  anyone  of  repute 
to  comment  on  the  lesson  for  the  day  (Luke 
iv.  17  ;  Acts  xvii.  2),  or  to  deliver  a  "  word  of 
exhortation"  (Acts  xiii.  15).  This  liberty  was 
continued  under  the  Gospel  in  the  case  of  those 
who  .had  the  gift  of  "  prophecy  "  (Rom.  xii.  6  • 
1  Cor.  xii.  10,  28,  xiv.  1-6,  31,&c.).  Among 
unbelievers  all  Christians  were  expected  to  teach 
the  gospel  as  opportunity  was  given.  "  They 
that  were  scattered  abroad  "  by  the  persecution 
on  the  death  of  Stephen  "went  everywhere 
preaching  the  word "  (Acts  viii.  4).  The  ma- 
jority of  these  would  be  laymen.  Thus  St.  Paul, 
before  he  received  the  laying  on  of  hands  (Acts 
xiii.  3),  "  preached  boldly  at  Damascus  in  the 
name  of  Jesus  "  (Acts  ix.  27)  ;  Aquila  and  Pris- 
cilla  "  expounded  unto  ApoUos  the  way  of  God 
more  perfectly "  (ib.  xviii.  26) ;  and  Apollos 
himself  •'  mightily  convinced  the  Jews,  and  that 
publicly,  shewing  by  the  Scriptures  that  Jesus 
is  the  Christ  "  (28).  "  At  first  all  taught  and 
baptized  on  whatever  days  and  seasons  occasion 
requii'ed  .  .  .  That  the  people  might  grow  and 
multiply,  it  was  at  the  beginning  permitted  to 
all  to  preach  the  gospel,  and  to  baptize,  and  to 
explain  the  Scriptures  in  church,  but  when  the 
church  embraced  all  places,  houses  of  assembly 
were  constituted,  and  rulers  (rectores)  and  the 
other  offices  in  the  church  were  instituted.  .  .  . 
Hence  it  is  that  now  neither  do  deacons  preach 
in  the  congregation,  nor  clerks  nor  laymen 
baptize  "  (Hilar.  Di.nc.  Coimn.  in  Ep.  ad  Eph. 
iv.  11,  12).  When  Demetrius  of  Alexandria  com- 
plained that  Origen,  who  was  not  a  priest,  had 
been  asked  by  the  bishops  of  the  district  to  "dis- 
course and  to  interpret  holy  Scripture  publicly 
in  church  "at  Caesarea,  the  bishops  of  Jerusalem 
and  Caesarea  denied  the  truth  of  one  ground 
taken  by  Demetrius,  viz.  that  laymen  had  never 
been  known  to  preach  before  bishops.  "  If," 
said  they,  "  any  persons  are  anywhere  found 
capable  of  benefiting  the  brethren,  they  are  en- 
couraged by  the  holy  bishops  to  preach  to  the 
people.  Tiius  at  Larandi,  Euelpis  was  asked  by 
Neon ;  and  at  Iconium,  Paulinus  by  Celsus  ; 
and  at  Smyrna,  Theodore  by  Atticus; — our 
brethren  now  in  bliss.  And  it  is  probable  that 
this  has  been  done  in  other  places  without  our 
knowing  it"  (Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl.  vi.  19).  Fru- 
mentius  and  Aedesius,  while  laymen,  laid  the 
foundation  of  the  church  in  Abyssinia  (Socr. 
Hid.  Eccl.  i.  19).  The  same  service  was  rendered 
to  Iberia  (Georgia)  by  a  female  captive,  who 
having  healed  by  her  prayers  the  king  and  his 
wife  and  son,  exhorted  them  to  believe  in  Christ, 
through  whose  name  their  cure  had  been  effected 
(Jih.  c.  20). 


914 


LAITY 


A  law  of  Valeutinian  and  Theodosius,  published 
in  394,  "  touching  laymen  who  presume  to  dis- 
pute about  religion,"  forbids  the  opportunitj' 
being  permitted  to  any  one  of  "coming  into 
public  and  discussing  or  handling  matters  of 
religion"  {Cod.  Theodos.  2  in  Capit.  Car.  Mag. 
vii.  195).  Four  years  later  a  council  held  at 
Carthage  decreed  that  "  a  layman  should  not 
dare  to  teach  in  the  presence  of  clerics,  unless 
they  themselves  aske  1  him;"  and  absolutely, 
that  "  no  woman,  however  learned  or  holy, 
should  presume  to  teach  men  in  a  meeting" 
(cann.  98,  99).  Leo  I.,  a.d.  453,  writing  to 
Maximus  the  patriarch  of  Antioch,  in  view  of 
danger  from  the  growth  of  the  Nestorian  and 
Eutychian  heresies,  entreats  him  to  take  order 
"  that  beside  those  who  are  priests  of  the  Lord, 
no  one  presume  to  claim  for  himself  the  right  to 
teach  or  to  preach,  whether  he  be  monk  or  lay- 
man "( £>i;'s<.  92,  c.  6).  He  repeats  this  in  a 
letter  to  Theodoret  of  Cyrus  {Ep.  93,  c.  6),  and 
expresses  a  hope  that  his  letter  to  Maximus 
would  be  dispersed  by  him  and  "  come  to  the 
knowledge  of  all."  The  council  in  Ti-ullo  at 
Constantinople,  A.D.  691,  declares  "  that  a  lay- 
man ought  not  to  dispute  or  teach  publicly, 
thence  arrogating  to  himself  the  right  to  teach, 
but  that  he  should  be  obedient  to  the  order 
handed  down  from  the  Lord."  Those  who  should 
violate  the  canon  were  to  be  segregated  for  forty 
days  (can.  64).  There  is,  we  think,  no  evidence 
that  laymen  were  at  any  time  permitted  to  read 
the  eucharistic  lessons,  either  in  the  East  or 
West.  A  law  of  Charlemagne  entirely  forbids 
it :  "A  layman  ought  not  to  recite  a  lesson  in 
church,  nor  to  say  the  alleluia,  but  only  the 
psalm  or  responsories  without  alleluia  "  (Cajsif. 
v.  112).    [Lection.] 

IIL  Hilary,  the  deacon,  as  above  quoted, 
appears  to  say  that  laymen  could  not  confer 
baptism  even  in  the  first  post-apostolic  age. 
This  was  probably  the  general  opinion ;  for  the 
Greek  compiler  of  the  Clementine  Constitutions 
ascribes  the  following  prohibition  to  the  apostles 
themselves :  "  We  do  not  permit  laymen  to  per- 
form any  of  the  sacerdotal  functions,  as  sacrifice 
or  baptism,  or  laying  on  of  hands,  or  the  lesser 
or  greater  benediction"  (iii.  10).  This  would 
make  them  absolutely  incapable ;  and  the 
opinion  of  their  incapacity  was  probably  widely 
spread  in  the  East  to  the  end  of  the  fii-st  four 
centuries  after  Christ.  St.  Basil,  a.d.  370,  im- 
plies that  he  held  it,  when  he  speaks  with  ap- 
probation of  an  argument  against  baptism  by 
schismatical  priests,  which  he  attributes  to 
Fii-milian,  one  of  his  predecessors  at  Caesarea, 
and  to  St.  Cyprian.  It  was  to  the  effect  that 
schismatical  priests  being  cut  off  from  the  body 
of  Christ,  and  thus  losing  their  orders,  having 
now  "  become  laymen,  have  no  power  either  to 
baptize  or  to  ordain,  being  no  longer  able  to 
impart  to  others  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Ghost, 
from  which  they  have  fallen  themselves.  On 
which  account  they  commanded  that  those  who 
came  to  the  church  from  them  (i.e.  from  any 
schismatical  body)  should  be  cleansed  by  the 
true  baptism  of  the  church  "  (Epist.  ad  Amphil. 
i.  can.  1).  An  ancient  Greek  scholium,  found  in 
one  MS.  of  this  epistle  {Cod.  Amberbnch.),  en- 
larging on  this  point,  says,  "  He  falls  from  the 
sacerdotal  grace,  which  he  received  from  Him  to 
whom  he  was  united,  and  becomes  for  the  future 


LAITY 

a  layman,"  not  able  to  impart  to  others  that 
which  he  no  longer  has,  nor  able  to  obtain  a  new 
supply  of  it  from  the  body  which  he  has  joined 
(Bever.  Fa?id.  ii.  annot.  221).  We  must  observe, 
however,  that  St.  Basil,  though  with  evident 
reluctance,  admitted  the  baptisms  of  priests  in 
schism,  feeling  himself  overruled  by  numbers  : 
"  But  since  it  has  seemed  good  to  some  of  those 
in  Asia,  out  of  consideration  for  the  multitude, 
that  their  baptism  should  be  received,  let  it  be 
received"  (Ep.  u.  s.).  May  we  not  suppose  that 
he  Nyfould  also  have  confessed,  if  the  question  had 
come  before  him,  that  the  church  had  power  to 
authorise  or  accept,  under  special  circumstances, 
the  baptisms  of  laymen  in  full  communion  with 
her? 

TertuUian,  on  the  other  hand,  whom  St.  Cy- 
prian used  to  call  his  master,  teaches  that, 
abstractedly,  laymen  have  power  to  baptize, 
but  that  they  can  only  e.xercise  it  by  permission, 
expressed  or  understood.  He  argues  that  "  what 
is  received  equally  (by  all)  can  be  imparted 
equally"  (by  all);  but  he  adds,  "How  much 
more  is  the  discipline  of  reverence  and  modesty 
incumbent  on  the  laitj'',  seeing  that  it  is  the  part 
of  those  greater  than  themselves  (i.e.  the  priests 
and  deacons)  not  to  take  on  them  the  otfice  of 
the  episcopate,  which  is  assigned  to  the  bishops. 
Emulation  is  the  mother  of  schisms  "  (dc  Bapt. 
17).  The  principle  laid  down  by  TertuUian 
receives  a  curious  illustration  from  the  well- 
known  story  told  by  Rufinus,  A.D.  390  (Hist. 
Eccl.  i.  14),  of  some  boys  baptized  in  play  by 
Athanasius  when  himself  "  quite  a  child  "  (Socr. 
A.D.  439,  Hist.  Eccl.  i.  15).  The  bishop  of  Alex- 
andria, who  happened  to  see  what  was  done  from 
a  distance,  finding  on  inquiry  that  water  had 
been  duly  used  and  the  right  form  of  woi-ds  said, 
decided,  after  conference  with  his  clergy,  that 
the  children  should  not  be  rebaptized,  but  he 
supplemented  their  irregular  baptism  by  con- 
firming them  himself.  There  is  a  difficulty  in 
the  story  from  the  great  youth  which  it  assigns 
to  Athanasius  about  the  year  312  ;  but  it  would 
not  have  been  related  by  Paifinus,  or  repeated  at 
length  by  Sozomen,  A.D.  460  (Hist.  Eccl.  ii.  17), 
without  some  protest,  if  the  ground  on  which 
the  bishop  was  said  to  have  acted  had  not  been 
widely  accepted  in  the  church  at  that  time. 

From  the  council  of  Elvira,  about  A.D.  300, 
we  first  learn  under  what  circumstances  it  was 
held  lawful  for  a  layman  to  baptize.  Its  38th 
canon  decraes  that  "  during  foreign  travel,  at 
sea,  or  if  there  be  no  church  near,  one  of  the 
faithful,  who  has  his  own  baptism  entire  (not 
clinic,  duly  confirmed,  and  probably  also  not 
impaired  by  lapse  in  persecution),  and  is  not  a 
bigamist,  may  baptize  a  catechumen  in  extremity 
of  sickness,  on  condition  that  if  he  recover,  he  take 
him  to  the  bishop  that  he  may  receive  the  benefit 
of  the  laying  on  of  hands."  St.  Jerome,  writing  in 
378,  says  that  "without  chrism  and  the  command 
of  the  bishop,  neither  presbyter  nor  deacon  have 
the  right  to  baptize ;  which  nevertheless  we 
know  to  be  often  permitted  to  laymen,  if  neces- 
sity compel.  For  as  one  receives,  so  can  he  also 
give  "  (Contra  Lucif,  9).  The  reader  will  ob- 
serve here  the  reasoning  of  TertuUian  very 
similarly  expressed.  St.  Augustine,  about  400  : 
"  If  any  layman,  compelled  by  necessity,  shall 
have  given  to  a  dying  man  that  which,  when  he 
received    it    himself,  he    learnt    the   manner  of 


LAITY 

giving,  I  know  not  if  any  one  could  piously  say 
that  it  ought  to  be  repeated.  For  to  do  it  with- 
out necessity  is  to  usurp  the  office  of  another ; 
but  to  do  it  under  pressure  of  necessity  is  either 
no  fault  or  a  venial "  {Contra  Epist.  Farmen.  ii. 
xiii.  29).  In  a  work  written  shortly  after  this 
he  shows  a  disposition  to  go  further,  and  to 
recognise  the  outward  act  under  whatever  cir- 
cumstances performed.  He  is  speaking  of  several 
questions  that  might  be  raised, — "  whether  that 
baptism  is  to  be  owned  which  is  received  from 
one  who  has  not  himself  received  it;"  whether 
it  is  valid,  whatever  the  faith,  or  motive,  or 
position  (as  a  catholic  or  schismatic)  of  the  giver 
or  receiver,  or  of  both,  &c.  He  even  includes 
the  case  of  baptism  conferred  on  the  stage  where 
the  actors  are  heathens,  and  here  he  clearly 
leans  to  the  affirmative,  if  the  person  baptized 
has  had  a  sudden  access  of  faith  at  the  time ; 
but  when  God  has  not  thus  interposed  (neque 
lUe  qui  ibi  acciperet,  ita  crederet,  sed  totum 
ludicre  et  mimice  et  joculariter  ageretur),  he 
thinks  that  only  an  e.xpi-ess  revelation  could 
decide.  He  would  in  all  such  questions  defer 
to  a  "plenary  council;"  but  an  answer  to  the 
last  must  be  sought  by  united  and  most  earnest 
prayer  {de  Bapt.  c.  Donat.  vii.  53).  He  says 
also  that  at  all  events  he  would  at  such  a 
council  "  not  hesitate  to  maintain  that  they 
have  baptism  who  have  received  it  consecrated 
by  the  words  of  the  gospel  anywhere  and  from 
any  one  whomsoever  without  deceit  on  their  own 
part  and  with  some  faith "  (J.b.  §  102).  In 
Gratian  (P.  iii.  de  Comccr.  iv.  21)  we  have  an 
extract  from  a  letter  ascribed  to  Augustine : — 
"  We  are  wont  to  hear  that  even  laymen  are 
accustomed  to  give  the  sacrament  which  they 
have  received  in  a  case  of  necessity,  when  neither 
bishops,  presbyters,  nor  any  of  the  ministers  are 
found,  and  the  danger  of  him  who  seeks  it,  lest 
he  die  without  that  sacrament,  is  pressing." 
In  another  passage  from  the  same  epistle  we 
find  a  story  (which  the  writer  confesses  to  be 
uncertain)  of  a  catechumen  and  a  penitent  in 
danger  of  being  shipwrecked  together.  As  they 
were  the  only  Christians  in  the  ship  the  peni- 
tent baptized  the  catechumen  and  was  in  turn 
reconciled  by  him.  What  they  did  was  approved 
by  all  {ib.  c.  36).  The  question  raised  by  St. 
Augustine,  as  to  the  effect  of  a  mock  baptism 
on  the  stage,  probably  suggested  a  tale  of  wonder 
which  we  find,  with  differences  of  detail,  both 
in  the  East  and  West.  An  actor  who  personated 
a  catechumen  receiving  baptism  was  said  to 
have  been  suddenly  and  miraculously  converted. 
One  version  lays  the  scene  at  Rome  in  the  pre- 
sence of  Diocletian,  about  285,  and  gives  the 
name  of  Genesius  to  the  comedian.  The  other 
calls  him  Gelasinus,  and  makes  the  place  Helio- 
polis  in  Phoenicia,  and  the  year  297.  In  both 
cases  the  neophyte  is  said  to  have  been  led  forth 
to  martyrdom  (Tillemont,  Mem.  Eccl.  in  St. 
Gene's).  The  authorities  are,  for  Gelasinus,  the 
Paschal  Chronicle  of  Alexandria,  compiled  in 
630  (p.  642);  and  for  Genesius,  some  Acta  of 
uncertain  date  which  were  copied  by  Ado  in  his 
Martijrologiuin  (a.d.  859)  at  Aug.  25. 

Gelasius,  bishop  of  Rome,  A.D.  494,  speaking 
of  deacons  : — "  Let  them  not  presume  to  baptize 
without  (the  authority  of)  the  bishops  or  pres- 
byters, unless  extreme  necessity  compel  them, — 
those  officers  being  perchance  settled  a  long  way 

CHRIST.  ANT. — VOL.  H. 


LAITY 


915 


off, — to  do  which  is  for  the  most  part  permitted 
even  to  lay  Chi-istians  "  {Epist.  ad  Episc.  Lucan. 
4-c.  §  7).  Isidore  of  Seville,  a.d.  610,  cites  our 
Lord's  words  to  the  apostles  (John  xx.  22,  23  ; 
Matt,  xxviii.  19)  to  shew  that  it  is  "not  lawful 
for  laymen  (privatis  =  tSiwrais)  nor  for  clerks 
not  of  the  higher  orders  (sine  gradu  ;  see  Vulg. 
1  Tim.  iii.  13),  to  baptize,  but  for  priests  only  " 
(sacerdotibus  =  bishops  and  presbyters).  There- 
fore, he  concludes,  it  is  not  lawful  even  for 
deacons  to  do  so  "  without  (the  authority  of) 
the  bishops  and  presbyters,  except  when  they 
are  far  absent  and  the  last  necessity  of  illness 
compel, — which  is  for  the  most  part  permitted 
even  to  the  lay  faithful,  lest  any  one  should  be 
called  out  of  this  world  without  the  saving 
remedy  "  {de  Eccl.  Off.  ii.  24). 

IV.  There  is  evidence  to  shew  that  during  the 
earlier  part  of  our  period  the  laity  came  up  to 
the  holy  table  to  make  their  offerings  and  to 
communicate.  Dionysius,  the  pope  of  Alex- 
andria, A.D.  254,  speaks  of  a  layman  as  "  going 
up  to  the  table,"  and  "  standing  at  the  table  " 
(Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl.  vii.  9).  Even  women  (nisi 
in  abscessu)  were,  according  to  him,  then  pei-- 
mitted  to  "  approach  the  holy  of  holies  "  and  to 
"  draw  near  to  the  holy  table  "  {Ep.  ad  Basilid. 
can.  2).  St.  Chrysostom : — "  Let  no  Judas,  no 
Simon,  come  up  to  the  table  "  {Horn.  50,  in  St. 
Matt.  §  3).  By  the  19th  canon  of  the  council  of 
Laodicea,  about  365,  it  was  "  permitted  to  those 
only  who  were  in  holy  orders  to  enter  the  place 
of  the  altar  and  to  communicate  there."  This 
probably  only  sanctions  a  custom  already  be- 
coming general.  Theodosius  the  Great,  at  Milan 
in  390,  took  his  offering  up  to  the  altar,  but  was 
not  allowed  to  remain  in  the  chancel  for  the 
communion  (Theodoret,  Hist.  Eccl.  v.  18).  In 
the  East,  however,  he  had  been  accustomed  to 
stay  and  to  communicate  within  the  bema  {ib. : 
comp.  Sozom.  Hist.  Eccl.  vii.  24).  His  grandson 
Theodosius  says  of  himself  in  431,  "We  draw 
near  the  most  holy  altar  only  to  offer  the  gifts, 
and  having  gone  into  the  enclosed  tabernacle  of 
the  sacred  circles,  at  once  leave  it"  {Concil. 
Labbe,  iii.  1237).  For  the  East  the  rule  was 
finally  settled  by  the  council  in  Trulto,  A.D.  691. 
It  forbade  any  of  the  laity  to  "  enter  within  the 
sacred  altar-place,"  except  the  emperor,  "when 
he  wished  to  offer  gifts  to  the  Creator  "  (can.  69). 
Turning  to  the  West  we  find  the  Council  of 
Tours,  A.D.  566,  permitting  "  the  holy  of  holies 
to  be  open  to  laymen  and  women  for  pi-ayer  and 
communion,  as  the  custom  is,"  but  forbidding 
laymen  to  "  stand  by  the  altar,  at  which  the 
sacred  mysteries  are  celebrated,  either  on  vigils 
or  at  masses "  (can.  4).  This  prohibition  was 
confirmed  by  a  council  held  at  some  uncertain 
place  in  France,  about  the  year  744  ;  but  the 
permission  is  not  also  repeated  (can.  6  ;  Capit. 
Reg.  Franc,  i.  153).  The  whole  of  the  canon  of 
Tours,  however,  appears  in  the  Capitularies  of 
Charlemagne  (vii.  279).  In  the  earliest  editions 
of  the  Ordo  Romanus,  the  bishop  is  represented 
as  "  going  down  "  to  I'eceive  the  gifts  of  the 
people,  and  being  "  conducted  back  to  the  altar  " 
after  receiving  them  {Mus.  Ital.  ii.  10,  74). 
This  exhibits  the  custom  at  Rome  in  the  8th 
century.  At  that  time  the  meu  and  women 
were  on  different  sides  of  the  church,  and  the 
clergy  went  to  their  several  places  to  communi- 
cate them  (i6.  10,  50).  In  an  epistle  of  Theo- 
3  0 


916 


LAMB,  THE  HOLY 


dosius  and  Valentinian  (^Codex  Theodos.  ix.  45) 
the  nave  (6  va6s)  of  the  church  is  called  ivKrrfpiov 
rod  Xaov,  "  the  praying-place  of  the  laity."  In 
a  law  of  Justinian,  a.d.  528  {Codex  I.  iii.  xlii.  10), 
the  clergy  are  exhorted  to  a  punctual  observ- 
ance of  their  hours  of  prayer  by  an  appeal  to 
the  example  of  "  many  of  the  laity,  who  for  the 
good  of  their  souls  constantly  frequent  the  most 
holy  churches,  and  shew  themselves  diligent  in 
the  practice  of  psalmody."  From  this  we  may 
infer,  as  probable,  that  at  that  time  laymen  often 
met  together  in  church  to  sing  psalms  out  of 
the  hours  of  public  worship,  and  when  the  clergy 
were  not  present.  [W.  E.  S.] 

LAMB,  THE  HOLY.  In  the  Orthodox 
Greek  Church  the  oblation  of  bread  for  the 
Liturgy  (j)  irpoff^opd,  ohlata)  is  prepared  of 
leavened  bread,  baked  with  special  care,  in  the 
form  of  a  moderate-sized,  round,"  flat  loaf  or  cake. 
In  the  centre  is  a  square  projecting  portion,  im- 
pressed with  a  stamp  called  the  seal  ((T(ppayis),^ 
consisting  of  a  cross,  in  the  angles  of  which  are 
stamped  the  words  fc  XC  N  I  KAj  «'•«•  'ItjcoCs 
Xpicrrhs  vLKa.  This  square  projection  is  called 
the  Hohj  Lamb,  or  in  the  rubrics  the  Holy 
Bread  (6  ayws  apros).  The  circular  {arpoyyv- 
AoeiSijs)  shape,  as  of  a  coin,  is  considered  by 
Dui-andus  (iv.  c.  41)  to  symbolise  the  price  of 
man's  redemption.  The  form,  however,  seems 
to  have  varied.  Gabriel  of  Philadelphia'^  {Apol. 
pro  Ecd.  Orient.')  states  that  the  bread  for  the 
oblation  was  made  either  round  or  square  ;  and 
adds  that  the  round  shape  is  symbolical  of  our 
Lord's  Divinity,  the  square  of  the  universality 
of  redemption.  Allatius,  too  (de  Eccl.  Occ.  et 
Orient.  Cone,  lib.  iii.  c.  15,  s.  18),  writes:  "The 
Greeks  when  they  make  the  bread  for  the  sacri- 
fice, for  the  most  part  do  not  make  it  round 
(ut  plurimum  non  rotundant),  but  draw  it  out 
into  four  arms  in  the  form  of  a  cross  :  they  then 
impress  the  seal  (sigillum),  just  explained,'^  in 
the  centre  of  the  cross  and  at  the  exti-emities  of 
each  arm.  The  priest  who  is  about  to  celebrate 
takes  the  bread,  in  the  Prothesis,  and  divides  it  in 
such  a  manner  that  each  portion  has  a  complete 
seal,  and  these  parts  are  called  seals  {a(ppay7Ses, 
signacula)."     [Fract:on.] 

According  to  this  aescription  each  portion 
would  be  approximately  square;  but  whether 
the  whole  oblation  be  round  or  square,  the  Holy 
Lamb  itself  is  square. 


IC 

XC 

KA 

Nl 

In  the  "office  of  the  Prothesis,"  called  5ici- 
Ta|jj  Tjjs  Qiias  Koi  Upas  Xnrovpyias,  which 
is  performed  in  the  chapel  of  the  Prothesis,  on 
the  north  side  of  the  bema,  as  introductory  to 
the  liturgy,  and  in  which  the  priest  assumes  the 
eucharistic  vestments,  and  selects  and  prepares 
the  elements  for  consecration ;  he  separates  the 


»  V.  Neale,  Introd.  p.  242. 

b  This  word  is  sometimes  used  for  the  impression ; 
sometimes  for  the  bread  itself,  as  bearing  the  impression. 

<^  Martene,  vol.  1.  p.  117. 

■1  This  is  identical  with  that  described  as  Impressed  on 
the  Holy  Lamb. 


LAMB,  THE 

"  lamb  "  from  the  rest  of  the  oblation,  cutting 
it  away  squarewise  with  the  "  spear  "  (^  ayia 
Ao'7X'7),  which  is  a  knife  in  the  form  of  an 
elongated  spear-head,  with  a  short  handle, 
ending  in  a  cross,  and  symbolical  of  the  spear 
which  pierced  our  Lord's  side ;  and  lays  it  on 
the  paten  or  disc  (o  ayios  SiV/cos),  arranging 
afterwards  in  a  specified  order  particles  {fxepl- 
5es)  cut  in  a  pyramidal  form  from  the  oblation. 

Five  loaves  or  oblations  are  usually  prepared 
in  the  Prothesis ;  in  the  Russian  Church  in- 
variably so,  according  to  King  (p.  144),  but  in 
Greece  one  only  is  often  prepared,  and  of  old  the 
number  varied.  The  oblation  thus  prepared  is 
covered  with  the  "  asteriscus  "  [p.  149],  a  sort  of 
frame,  consisting  of  two  bars  crossing  each 
other  and  joined  by  a  hinge  at  the  centre,  and 
bent  into  such  a  shape  as  to  form,  when  they 
are  at  right  angles,  a  support  for  the  "  veils," 
of  which  there  are  three ;  the  innermost  being 
called  5i(r/coKoAu^jua,  and  the  outer  a.rjp.  It 
then  remains  in  the  Prothesis  till  the  "great 
entrance,"  i.e.  of  the  Elements  in  the  liturgy. 

At  the  "  fraction  "  in  the  liturgy  the  priest 
breaks  the  Holy  Lamb,  there  called  "the  Holy 
Bread  "  (rhv  ayiov  &pTov),  into  four "  parts,  and 
an-anges  them  crosswise  in  the  disc,  thus — 

0 

EH      H 


a 


He  makes  the  sign  of  the  cross  over  the  chalice 
with  the  part  j^  I ,  which  he  then  puts  into 
the  chalice  ;    he  communicates  himself  and  the 


assistants  with    the    part      xc     '  ^^^  ^^^ 


maining  two  parts  are  divided  among  the  lay 
communicants  (Neale,  Introd.  518). 

For  details  of  the  office  of  the  Prothesis,  and 
their  symbolical  significance,  see  SiaTa|is  t^s 
Q^ias  Ka\  lepas  XeiTovpyias,  as  given  in  the 
Euchologion  mega ;  also  Goar,  Bit.  Graec.  (note 
in  S.  Joan.  Chrysost.  Missam) ;  Neale,  Introduc- 
tion, pp.  341,  &c. ;  JIartene,  de  Antiq.  Eccl.  Bit. 
vol.  i.  p.  117  ;  and  Allatius  (ut  supra). 

[H.  J.  H.] 

LAMB,  THE.  [In  Art.]  It  appears  best  to 
treat  early  representations  of  the  lamb  as  sym- 
bolic of  our  Lord  (whether  in  the  act  of  suffer- 
ing or  of  triumph),  apart  from  those  of  the 
sheep,  which  represent  human  members  of  the 
church  of  Christ.  They  are  frequently  brought 
together  on  the  sarcophagi,  and  especially  in  the 
later  mosaics  within  our  period,  as  at  SS.  Cosmas 
and  Damianus,  and  at  St.  Praxedes,  in  Rome  ;  and 


e  In  the  Roman  Liturgy  the  Host  (oblata)  is  divided 
into  three  parts:  in  the  Mozarabic  into  nine,  with  special 
symbolism. 


LAMB,  THE 

the  distinction  is  often  sustained  by  the  simple 
expedient  of  making  the  Divine  Lamb  of  larger 
size  than  His  followers,  as  Aringhi,  vol.  i.  p.  307 
(lib.  ii.  cap.  x.),  or  He  bears  the  cross  or  mono- 
gram (ib.  pp.  293,  295) :  both  at  p.  425.  In  the 
church  of  SS.  Cosmas  and  Damianus  (see  Ciam- 
pini,  Vetera  Monimenta,  vol.  ii.  tab.  xv.  xvi.)  three 
symbolic  phases  of  the  form  of  the  sheep  or  lamb 
are  set  forth.  First  He  is  represented  above  the 
keystone  arch  of  triumph  as  prone,  on  a  small 
highly-decorated  altar,  "  as  it  were  slain."  Be- 
low stand  full-length  figures  of  our  Lord  and 
saints  in  glory,  separated  by  the  narrow  belt  of 
Jordan,  JORDANES,  from  the  sheep  of  the  world 
helow,  who  are  issuing  from  the  gates  of  "  Jeru- 
salem" and  "Bethleem,"  to  gather  round  the 
central  Lamb  with  the  nimbus,  representing  tlie 
Lord  in  His  humanity  [Bethlehem].  After  the 
crucifixion,  eveiy  paschal  supper  must  have  been 
understood  to  prefigure  the  Lord's  death  by  its 
symbolic  lamb.  But  it  was  not  perhaps  till  the 
triumph  of  the  cross  under  Constantine,  when 
the  upright  or  penal  cross  had  taken  the  place 
of  the  decussated  symbol  [Cross  :  Monogram], 


LAMB,   THE 


9i: 


From  Aringhi,  i.  293. 

that  the  lamb,  as  victim,  came  to  be  a  constant 
object  of  contemplation,  and  His  image  began 
to  be  combined  with  the  cross.  In  the  great 
distresses  of  the  succeeding  centuries,  the  hopes 
and  imaginations  of  clergy  and  people  luay  well 
have  been  drawn  to  the  Book  of  Revelation, 
and  the  distinction  between  the  lamb  as  slain 
in  sacrifice  and  the  lamb  conquering  and  trium- 
phant seems  to  have  been  strongly  felt  and 
freely  insisted  on.  In  the  sixth  century,  and 
as  the  cross  gradually  became  exclusively  a 
symbol  of  the  manner  of  the  Lord's  death,  not 
as  of  old,  of  His  person  or  humanity,  the  lamb 
with  crown  or  nimbus  was  placed  at  the  inter- 
section of  the  limbs  of  crosses  [Crucifix],  and 
was  in  fact  a  mystic  crucifix,  with  reference  to 
the  image  in  the  Apocalypse,  until  the  human 
form  was  substituted  or  added  after  the  Quini- 
sext  Council.  See  Borgia,  de  Cruce  Vaticano  and 
de  Cruce  Vcliterna.  On  the  sarcophagus  of  Junius 
Bassus  (Bottari,  tav.  xv. ;  Aringhi,  vol.  i.  p.  277) 
the  spandrels  of  its  pillared  front  are  ornamented 
with  curious  sculptures  of  the  symbolic  lamb 
performing  miracles  and  acts  of  ministry,  mysti- 
cally selected  from  the  Old  and  New  Testaments. 
He  is  striking  water  from  the  rock,  changing 
water   into  wine,    administering    baptism    to   a 


smaller  lamb,  touching  a  mummy  Lazarus  with 
a  wand,  and  receiving  the  tables  of  the  law. 

The  lamb  appears  in  tlie  vault  mosaics  of  the 
chapel  of  Gal  la  Placidia,  in  liavenna,  and  is  pro- 
minent on  the  ornamented  capitals  of  St.  Vitale. 

In  a  quite  distinct  symbolism,  the  lamb  is 
found  accompanying  Adam  and  Eve  (Arino-hi  i. 
pp.  613,  621,  623)  as  the  sign  of  the  appointed 
labours  of  the  latter  in  spinning.  Abel  is  also 
seen  offering  a  lamb  (Bosio,  iii.  v.  p.  159  ; 
Bottari,  tav.  cxxxvii). 

Under  article  Gems  [vol.  i.  p.  718]  will  be 
found   a   highly    interesting    engraving    of   an 


Tomb  of  Junins  Bassns.  (Aringhi,  i.  277.  Bottari,  p.  xv.) 

annular  stone,  representing  the  Lamb  of  God 
surrounded  by  a  nimbus. 

The  lamb  appears  with  the  insignia  of  the 
Good  Shepherd  (the  pastoral  crook  and  vessel  of 
milk)  in  Aringhi  (i.  557)  from  a  painting  in  the 
Callixtine  catacomb.  Also  with  the  monogram, 
Aringhi,  i.  293,  Woodcut,  No.  1. 

In  Ciampini  (de  Sacr.  j^dif.  tab.  xiii.),  the 
usual  procession  of  the  sheep  of  the  Hebrew  and 
Gentile  folds  centres  in  a  lamb,  whose  blood  is 
received  in  a  chalice,  and  flows  away  in  five 
streams.  This  formerly  existed  in  the  ancient 
Basilica  of  the  Vatican,  but  had  been  restored 
by  Innocent  III.,  and  can  perhaps  with  difficulty 
be  taken,  as  it  stands  in  Ciampini's  plate,  for  an 


authentic  copy  of  the  ancient   condition  of  the 
mosaic.     He  is  represented  on  an  altar  table  in 
302 


918 


LAMB,  OFFERING  OF 


Ciampini  (V.M.  tab.  xv.  vol.  ii. ;  also  tab.  xlvii.), 
perhaps  with  reference  to  the  Paschal  Feast. 

Two  or  more  sheep  ot"  the  church  frequently 
accompany  the  Good  Sheplierd,  besides  the  one 
which  He  bears  on  His  shoulders.  They  are 
often  made  to  look  to  Him  with  an  expression  of 
awe  and  affection,  and  His  hand  is  sometimes 
extended  to  bless  them  (Aringhi,  i.  531,  532, 
573,  587,  from  catacomb  paintings ;  on  sarco- 
phagi, i.  295,  303,  307). 

The  Chukch  is  supposed  to  be  symbolised  by 
the  curious  painting  of  a  lamb  between  two 
wolves  [vol.  i.  p.  389].  The  original  is  rude  in 
execution.  As  an  emblem  of  innocence,  the 
lamb  is  found  in  Boldetti,  p.  365,  and  with  an 
Orante,  Bosio,  p.  445.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

LAMB,  OFFERING  OF.  The  general 
rule  as  to  oblations  upon  the  altar  was  that 
nothing  should  be  offered  there  but  the  first 
fruits  of  corn  and  grapes  in  their  season  (^Can. 
Apost.  3,  Cone.  African,  can.  4),  and  bread  and 
wine  for  the  eucharist  were  constantly  offered. 
In  some  churches,  as,  e.  g.  the  Galilean,  the  rule 
was  not  so  strict,  so  that  money  and  other 
things  were  permitted  to  be  offered  (Cone.  Aurel. 
i.  can.  16)  ;  and  it  appears  from  a  passage  in 
Walafrid  Strabo  (d.  849)  {de  Rebus  Eeclcs.  c.  18), 
that  a  custom  even  existed  in  some  places  of 
consecrating  a  lamb,  or  offering  it  upon  the 
altar,  on  Easter  Day.  This  accusation  is  repeated 
by  Photius,  patriarch  of  Constantinople  a.d.  866, 
in  his  letter  against  the  doctrines  and  practices 
of  the  West  {Ep.  2,  ad  Pair.).  The  writers  who 
replied  to  Photius  in  defence  of  the  Western 
church,  Eatramnus  and  Eneas,  bishop  of  Paris, 
do  not  apparently  deny  the  existence  of  such 
a  custom.  Du  Pin  {Gent,  ix,  p.  113)  notices 
that  an  example  of  this  usage  is  to  be  found 
in  the  life  of  St.  Udalric,  and  that  a  form  was 
provided  in  the  old  Ordo  Romanus  for  con- 
secrating the  lamb  to  be  sacrificed.  Cardinal 
Bona,  too  {Rer.  Liturg.  ii.  8,  n.  5),  may  be  cited 
as  a  witness  to  the  truth  of  the  statement. 

At  first  sight  the  practice  looks  very  like  a 
continuation  of  the  Jewish  passover.  The  strong 
repulsion,  however,  of  the  church  from  Jewish 
practices  in  those  ages  seems  to  render  this 
unlikely ;  and  we  must  probably  regard  it  as 
being  a  singular  and  extremely  crude  way  of 
indicating  a  mystical  reference  to  the  sacrifice 
of  Jesus  Christ,  the  Lamb  of  God. 

It  can  only  have  been  an  infrequent  and 
obscure  practice,  and  after  the  period  mentioned 
we  hear  no  more  of  it.  [S.  J.  E.] 

LAMBERT  (1)  Bishop  of  Maestricht  f  709 
(al.  A.D.  696),  comm.  Jun.  5,  Mart.  Metr.  Bede : 

"  Junius  in  Nonis  mundo  miratur  ade(m)ptum 
Et  Sancti  Lantberti  animam  trans  sidera  verti," 

but  Sept.  17  (as  a  Martyr)  Mart.,  Bed.,  Hieron., 
GelL,  Ado.,  Rab.,  Us.,  Notk.,  Cal.  Angl.,  Stab., 
Autis. : 

"  Lambertus  quintum  denum   (xv.  Kal.  Oct.)  virtute 

coronat 

Factio  quern  caesum  semper  tremibunda  pavescit." — 

Wandelbert. 

A  church  with  shrine  was  erected  on  the  site  of 

the  martyrdom,  and  Grimoald,  son  of  Pepin,  was 

killed   there  while  praying  for  his  sick  father, 

A.D.  714.     Thither,   in   a.d.  727,  the  relics    of 


LAMPEA 

Lambert  were  translated  from  St.  Peter's  church, 
Maestricht,  and  the  see  also,  and  the  saint 
became  patron  of  the  city  of  Liege,  that  grew 
up  round  his  cathedral.  The  shrine  was  un- 
hurt when  the  church  was  burnt  by  the  Nor- 
mans, A.D.  882  {Acta  SS.  Sept.  v.  556).  Dec.  24 
was  the  local  anniversary  of  the  translation  {v. 
Reiner,  ib.  p.  552).  There  were  also  churches  to 
him,  before  A.D.  770,  at  Nyvels  and  Hermael, 
near  Maestricht,  where  the  blind  and  lame  were 
cured  on  occasion  of  the  aforesaid  translation 
(v.  Godescalcus,  ib.  p.  580).  Lidge  appears  to 
liave  been  a  favourite  pilgrimage.  Sept.  17  is 
noted  as  a  feast,  in  Cal.  Verd.,  and  a  9th  cent, 
calendar  discovered  by  Binterim  (Denkwurdig- 
keiten,  v.  i.  460). 

LAMBERT  (2)  Bishop  of  Lyons,  7th  century, 
t  Apr.  14,  church  at  Fontenelle  dedicated  to  him, 
Oct.  1.  {Mart.  Hieron.  Florentini ;  Acta  SS.  Boll. 
Apr.  ii,  215.) 

(3)  Martyr  at  Saragossa,  commemorated  Apr. 
16  {lb.  p.  410).  [E.  B.  B.] 

LAMBESE,  COUNCIL  OF  {Lambesitanwn 
Concilium),  said  to  have  been  held  (a.d.  240)  at 
Lambese  in  Algeria,  when  ninety  bishops  con- 
demned Privatus  for  heresy,  as  we  learn  from 
St.  Cyprian  {Ep.  55  :  comp.  Mansi,  i.  787). 

[E.  S.  Ff.] 

LAMBESES,  martyrs  of,  in  Africa,  Feb.  23 
(Mart.  Hieron.  D'Ach.),  namely,  Luciana,  Felix, 
and  36  others.  [E.  B.  B.] 

LAMMAS,  a  name  applied  in  England  to 
August  1,  the  festival  of  St.  Peter  in  the 
Fetters  (ad  Vincula)  [Petkr,  St.,  Festivals 
of].  Somner's  account  of  it  {Diet.  Sax.  Lat. 
Angl.  s.  V.)  is,  that  Lammas  is  a  corruption  of 
Hlafmaesse,  or  loaf-mass,  because  it  was  an  an- 
cient custom  to  offer  on  that  day  loaves  made  of 
the  new  corn  [Fruits,  Offering  of  ;  Loaves, 
Benediction  of].  A  fanciful  hypothesis  is, 
that  St.  Peter  became  patron  of  lambs,  from  the 
Lord's  words  to  him,  "  Feed  my  lambs  "  (John 
xxi.  15).  [C] 

LAMPADARY  {KaixTraUpios).  1.  An  official 
of  the  Greek  church,  whose  business  it  was  to 
set  the  wax-tapers  in  their  places  before  they 
were  kindled.  (Heineccius,  Abbildung  der  Griech- 
ischen  Kirche,  ii.  299  ;  ill.  48,  58.) 

2.  An  officer  of  the  Imperial  Court  at  Con- 
stantinople, whose  duties  are  but  imperfectly 
known.     (Ducange,  s.  v.)  [C] 

LAMPADIUS,  martyr  at  Antioch,  July  19 
{Mart.  Hieron.  D'Ach.,  Eptern.).  [E.  B.  B.] 

LAMPADUS,  "our  father  the  wonder- 
worker," hermit  of  Irenopolis,  commemorated 
July  4  {Men.  Basil.)  He  has  a  special  office  July 
5  in  the  present  Byzantine  liturgy.  From  this 
it  appears  that  "  the  cave,  where  his  precious 
and  holy  relic  "  lay,  was  at  one  time  a  favourite 
pilgrimage  (Arcudius,  AnthoL).  [E.  B.  B.] 

LAMPASUS,  martyr  at  Africa,  Feb.  19 
{3fart.  Hieron.  D'Ach.,  Gellon.).  [E.  B.  B.] 

LAMPRA.  Easter  Day  is  sometimes  called 
XafMirpd  (sc.  ■^/te'po  or  KvpiaKri)  simply.  Thus, 
the  Pentecostarion  (quoted  by  Suicer,  Thesaurus 


LAMPROPHOKIA 

s.  V.)  speaks  of  el  KavoviS  ttjs  XajXTrpas  fiera 
raiv  eip/xSiv,  the  canons  [of  odes]  for  Easter  Day, 
with  the  hirmoi.  [C] 

LAMPROPHOKIA  (\afx7rpo<popia),  the  wear- 
ing of  white  clothing  (iadris  Aafiirpd),  especially 
by  the  baptized  in  the  week  following  their 
Baptism  [§  60,  I.  163].  (Suiccr's  Thesaurus, 
s.  TV.  \afj.Trpo(j)op€a},  Xafiirpocpopia,  \afnrpocp6- 
pos.)  [C] 

LAMPS.  The  lamps  of  the  early  Christians 
have  been  found  in  many  places  in  great  abun- 
dance, more  especially  in  the  catacombs  of  Rome 
and  other  cemeteries.  For  the  early  Christians 
were  accustomed,  in  common  with  Jews  and 
pagans,  to  place  lamps  in  the  company  of  the 
dead  *  (Raoul  Rochette  in  Me'in.  de  I' Acad,  des 
Inscr.  t.  xiii.  pp.  758-764  (1838)  ;  Birch,  Anc. 
Pott,  part  iv.  c.  ii.  ;  Martigny,  Diet.  s.  v.  Larnpes 
Chre'tiennes,  and  the  references).  Lamps  of  clay 
were  found  upon  sarcophagi,  at  Vulci,  in  1834, 
with  Christian  symbols,  in  company  with  coins 
of  Coustantine  and  his  successors  (Raoul-Ro- 
chette,  M.  s.  p.  763) ;  and  have  been  met  with 
either  outside  or  inside  Christian  tombs  and 
chambers  in  Rome,  Naples,  Corneto,  Syracuse, 
Aries,  Lyons,  Carthage,  and  Alexandria.  Others, 
of  bronze,  with  chains  attached  for  suspension, 
have  been  exhumed  from  the  subterranean  gal- 
leries and  crypts  of  Rome,  and  in  some  rare  cases 
hanging  from  the  roof  or  vault ;  also  clay  lamps 
and  candlesticks  have  been  discovered  in  niches 
in  the  same  situations,  to  give  light  to  guide  the 
wanderer  through  the  gloom  (Martigny,  u.  s.  and 
references).  A  few  (of  clay)  have  been  found  in 
churches  in  Egypt,  and  were  probably  used  for 
evening  service  (see  Ducange,  s.  v.  Lucernariurri). 
Clay  lamps,  with  Christian  sj-mbols,  have  also 
been  met  with  among  the  ruins  of  the  Palatine 
in  Rome,  and  of  houses  in  Geneva  (De  Rossi, 
Bull  diArcli.  Crist.  1867,  pp.  23-28),  and  in  the 
recent  excavations  in  and  about  Jerusalem,  in 
other  places  beside  tombs.  Indeed  clay  lamps 
have  been  found  in  very  many  parts  of  the 
ancient  Christian  world ;  but  not  always  bear- 
ing Christian  svmbols.     Manv  from  the  Roman 


LAMPS 


919 


a  Many  of  them  shew  signs  of  having  been  much  used, 
and  there  is  little  doubt  that  from  about  the  4th  century- 
lamps  and  candles  were  often  kept  alight  before  the 
tombs  of  the  saints.  This  excited  the  indignation  of 
Vigilantius  (a.d.  404),  who  thought  It  heathenish  and 
idolatrous ;  St.  Jerome  {wlv.  Vigil,  c.  7),  who  is  inclined 
to  excuse  it,  as  done  "  pro  honore  martyrum,"  nevertheless 
styles  it  "  imperitla  et  simplicitas  sjiecularium  hominum 
vel  certe  religiosarum  foeminarum."  Not  very  long  after- 
wards, however,  Perpetuus,  bishop  of  Tours,  left  pro- 
vision in  his  will  (a.d.  474),  "  ut  oleum  paretur  pro  Domini 
Martini  sepulcro  indesiuenter  illustrando "  (D'Acbery, 
Spicil.  t.  iii.  p.  303,  ed.  1723).  At  an  earlier  period 
more  dislike  was  felt  to  keep  lights  burning  during  the 
day  in  cemeteries.  The  c<juncil  of  Elvira  in  Spain  (a.d. 
324 .?)  says  in  its  34th  canon :  "  Cereos  per  diem  placuit  in 
coemeterio  non  incendi :  inquietandi  enim  sanctorum 
spiritus  non  sunt,"  where,  however,  we  have  a  converse 
superstition.  See  Bingham,  ^Inii'g.  lib.  viii.  c.  6,  $21.  The 
practice  of  placing  lamps  within  sepulchres  was  easily 
explained  in  a  pious  sense,  "ad  signiiicandum  lumine 
fidei  illustratos  sanctos  decessisse,  et  modo  in  superna 
patria  lumine  gloriae  splendere  "  (St.  Jerome,  quoted  by 
Martigny,  Diet.  p.  351),  but  both  the  references  {adv. 
Vigil,  et  Vit.  Paulae,  tacitly  taken  from  Boldetti,  Cimit. 
p.  525)  are  erroneous. 


catacombs,  for  example,  have  only  scallops  and 
ornamental  patterns  of  various  kinds  (Ferret. 
Cat.  de  Borne,  t.  iv.  pi.  xix.) ;  and  the  same  re. 
mark  may  be  made  of  some  of  the  lamps  from 
Jerusalem  in  the  museum  of  the  Palestine 
Exploration  Fund,  rea.sonably  presumed  to  be 
Christian  (Rev.  G.  J.  Chester  in  Recovery  of 
Jerusalem,  pp.  484-486,  with  figures),"  as  well 
as  of  others  from  Egypt  and  various  other  coun- 
tries contained  in  the  British  Museum.  In  our 
own  country  early  Christian  lamps,  like  all 
other  Christian  works  of  the  Roman  period, 
are  of  the  rarest  possible  occurrence.  Hiibner 
{Inscr.  Brit.  Lat.  p.  240,  n.  27)  mentions  one 
in  the  museum  at  Newcastle,  with  the  chrisma 
(•]^),  and  there  is  another,  of  red  clay,  in  the 
collection  of  the  Rev.  S.  S.  Lewis,  with  the  same 
device  in  the  centre  and  palm  branches  at  the 
sides,  found  in  Cannon  Street,  London  (very  like 
that  figured  by  Bartoli,  Ant.  Luc.  part  iii.  t.  22). 
A  third  was  found  at  Colchester,  of  pale  terra- 
cotta, having  the  chrisma  slightly  raised  and 
coloured  black  (Journ.  Brit.  Arch.  Assoc.  1855, 
p.  91,  and  H.  Syer  Cuming,  in  litt.).  Lamps 
were  also,  though  rarely,  made  of  silver.  In 
an  inventory  of  church  plate  delivered  by  Paul 
of  Cirta  to  the  persecutors  in  the  time  of 
Diocletian,  occurs  the  item,  "  lucernae  argen- 
teae  septem  "  (Ad  calc.  Optati,  p.  266  in  Bing- 
ham, M.S.);  and  it  appears  that  a  silver  lamp 
has  been  found  in  Rome  (R.  Rochette,  u.  s. 
p.  759);  a  single  example  of  an  amber  lamp, 
without  any  ornament,  has  also  been  met 
with  in  the  same  city,  in  the  cemetery  of  St. 
Callixtus  (Boldetti,  Cimit.  p.  297,  t.  i.  7).  The 
forms  and  symbols  which  the  terra-cotta  and 
bronze  lamps  present  are  sufficiently  different 
to  make  it  desirable  to  describe  them  separately. 
(a)  Terra-cotta  lamps. — They  are  of  various 
forms,  but  one  of  the  most  common  is  that 
which  much  resembles  a  modern  teapot.  It  has 
a  round  body,  with  one  or  two  apertures  for 
oil ;  an  ascending  handle,  often  looped  or  per- 
forated for  suspension ;  and  a  horizontal  spout 
opposite  the  handle  for  the  wick.  But  the 
handle,  body,  and  spout,  are  all  liable  to  modifi- 
cations of  form,  and  the  first  and  last  (often 
nearly  obsolete)  are  sometimes  wholly  wanting. 
The  lamp  may  thus  approach  the  form  of  a  boat 
or  of  a  shoe,  to  both  which  it  has  been  some- 


*>  Among  these  is  an  Arabesque  pattern,  which  may  be 
intended  for  vine  branches,  where  Jlr.  Chester  supposes  a 
reference  to  the  Eucharist  to  be  intended.  The  vine 
branch  with  grapes  is  realistically  represented  on  a  lamp 
of  yellow  unglazed  clay  of  the  common  type  from  Melos, 
in  the  writer's  possession,  where  many  Christian  lamps, 
nearly  all  bearing  the  cross,  have  been  found ;  it  may 
■possibly  be  Christian.  A  not  very  legible  potter's  mark  (.'), 
perhaps  E<I> :  MH,  is  cut  on  the  under  side.  Potters' 
marks  have  not  been  found  on  any  Christian  lamps  at 
Jerusalem,  and  they  would  seem  from  the  silence  of 
authors  to  be  very  rare  on  Christian  lamps  generally.  De 
Rossi  mentions  a  lamp  with  the  Good  Shepherd  and  vine- 
branches,  recently  found  in  the  Palatine  excavations, 
having  on  the  under  side  "the  name  of  the  potter  or 
proprietor  of  the  works  stamped  in  beautiful  letters,  as  on 
thepagan  lamps,  reading  ANNI  SER."  probably,  as  he 
suggests,  for  Anni  Serviani.  The  letters,  he  thinks,  are  of 
the  2nd  or  3rd  century ;  so  that  this  will  be  amongst  the 
earliest  Christian  lamps  in  existence  {Bull.  diArch.  Crist. 
1867,  p.  15,  and  1870,  p.  79,  pi.  vi.  figs.  1,2).  Mr.  H.  Syer 
Cuming  has  a  similar  specimen. 


920 


LAMPS 


times  compcai-ed ;  indeed,  it  was  sometimes  made 
in  direct  imitation  of  these  objects  either  in  clay 
or  in  bronze. <=  Occasionally  the  handle  is  of  a 
whimsical  form,  as  a  female  holding  palm- 
branches  (Perret,  Cat.  vol.  iv.  pi.  xv.  fig.  3),  or, 
it  may  have  a  crescent  outline  (Seroux  d'Agin- 
court,  Heciieil,  pi.  xxiv.  n.  4).  Pagan  lamps  are 
not  rarely  made  in  imitation  of  altars  and  other 
objects  (see  Birch,  passim);  and  we  have  an 
example  of  a  Christian  lamp  in  the  form  of  an 
altar  (Perret,  ic.  s.  pi.  xix.  fig.  4). 

The  great  mass  of  the  terra-cotta  lamps  found 
in  the  catacombs  of  Rome,  "  lesquelles  sont  au 
premier  rang  des  objets  d'antiquit^  chretienne 
qu'on  en  retire "  (Raoul  Rochette,  Catac.  de 
Bomo,  p.  49),  appear  to  be  of  the  4th  and  5th 
centuries ;  some  are  considered  to  be  older  (Se'- 
roux  d'Agincourt,  Becueil,  passim),  while  a  few 
seem  to  be  later.  Martigny  (Bid.  p.  152)  thinks 
that  a  great  many  (un  grand  nombre)  may  be  re- 
ferred to  the  2nd  or  to  the  3rd  century  ;  but  this 
is  perhaps  too  much  to  say.  Those  of  Gaul  may 
be,  like  the  sepulchral  inscriptions,  mostly  of  the 
5th  and  6th  centuries  ;  but  it  would  be  interesting 
to  investigate  the  dates  of  Christian  lamps  more 
accurately  than  appears  to  have  been  done  at 
present.  Several  recently  found  in  the  Palatine 
in  Rome,  bearing  the  fish,  lamb,  palm,  chrisma, 
and  cross,  are  considered  by  De  Rossi  to  be  of 
the  4th  and  5th  centuries ;  but  others  with  the 
two  last  types  (ornamented  with  gems)  he  in- 
clines to  place  in  the  6th  century.  Two  of  the 
three  lamps  from  Geneva  figured  by  him  (one 
with  the  Apostles'  heads,  the  other  with  a  palm- 
tree),  he  places  in  the  4th  century ;  the  other 
bearing  a  chrisma,  beautifully  inlaid  with  crosses, 
squares,  cSic,  about  the  beginning  of  the  6th. 
(See  his  Bull,  di  Arch.  Crist.  1867,  pp.  11,  24, 
25.)  Those  from  Egypt  in  the  British  Museum 
are  probably  of  the  4th  and  5th  centuries.  The 
principal"!  types  are  as  follows : — 

(1)  Christ  as  the  Good  Shepherd.  Bearing  a 
sheep  on  his  shouldei-s,  probably  from  Rome"^ 
(Bartoli,  Ant.  Luc.  Sap.  pars  iii.  t.  28,  Rome, 
1691).  The  same  type,  with  other  sheep  at  his 
feet,  sun  and  moon  above,  accompanied  by  ark 
and  dove,  scenes  from  Jonah's  life,  &c.,  cata- 
combs of  Rome.     (Id.  29,  and   Perret,   Cat.  de 


<=  Without  referring  to  pagan  examples,  we  have  a 
notable  instance  of  the  boat  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  (see 
below) ;  a  bronze  lamp,  on  whose  handle  a  dove  is 
perched,  and  which  may  therefore  not  improbably  be 
Christian,  the  body  of  which  is  a  foot  in  the  soldier's  shoe 
(caliga),  is  figured  by  Licetus  (Luc.  Ant.  p.  770) ;  another, 
in  the  form  of  a  boot,  with  palm  branches  on  the  sides,  of 
terra  cotta,  probably  Christian,  is  figured  by  Boldetti, 
Cimit.  p.  64. 

*  It  is  probable  that  among  the  lamps  found  in  Africa 
more  especially,  of  which  the  museums  of  Turin  and 
Algiers  possess  large  collections,  there  may  be  types  not 
here  enumerated.  See  Martigny's  remarks  on  the  rarity  of 
their  emblems  {Diet.  p.  353).  The  figures  of  lamps  in  the 
older  books  of  Licetus,  &c.,  are  but  rarely  quoted,  being 
of  rude  execution.  Some  of  these  and  various  others  are 
repeated  in  Matranga's  edition  (Rom.  1841)  of  Mamachi's 
Origines  et  Antiq.  ChriUianae,  especially  in  torn,  iii., 
while  sime  would  seem  to  have  been  originally  executed 
for  Matranga's  work.  The  subjects  are  (with  the  excep- 
tion of  the  labarum,  see  below)  of  the  same  general  cha- 
racter as  those  which  are  here  mentioned  independently. 

"  When  the  locality  of  the  lamps  figured  in  this  book 
is  expressly  mentioned,  it  is  always  Rome;  where  in- 
deed the  title-page  professes  that  they  were  all  found. 


LAMPS 

Lome,  vol.  iv.  pi.  xvii.  fig.  2  ;  De  Rossi,  Bull,  di 
Arch.  Crist.  1870,  pp.  85-88.)  The  same  type  of 
the  shepherd,  vine  branches  at  the  sides,  Rome. 
(Perret,  u.  s.  pi.  xiii.  fig.  1 ;  see  also  a  previous 
note.)  Others  in  De  Rossi,  Bull.  Arch.  1870,  pi.  1 
(from  Ostia),  and  Sacken  und  Kenner,  Die  Samm- 
lungen  des  K.K.  Milnz-  und  Antiken-Cahinctes,  p. 
256  (Wien,  1866),  who,  as  well  as  other  writers, 
observe  the  similarity  of  the  style  of  the  figure 
to  that  of  Hermes  Kriophoros.  Some  of  these 
may  probably  be  earlier  than  the  4th  century. 


Clay  Lamp,  with  Chnst  accomp  iinetl  by  augelb,  Ac      (De  Ro  si.) 

(2)   Chnst    accompanied    by    angels.      Chiist 
standmg,   havmg    a   cruciform   nimbus   m   the 


LAMPS 

Byzantine  style,  bearing  a  long  cross,  between 
two  flying  angels,  trampling  on  a  lion  and 
adder  (cf.  Ps.  xci.  13).  The  Palatine,  Rome; 
of  the  florid  style,  probably  later  than  the  5th 
century.  (De  Rossi,  Bull,  di  Arch.  Crist.  1867, 
p.  12,  fig.  1.  Another  and  more  perfect  example 
in  the  Castellani  collection,  exhibited  (1876)  in 
the  British  Museum.)  Christ  seated,  front 
view,  between  two  flying  angels,  each  holding  a 
crown.  Found  in  a  subterranean  chamber  at 
Corneto,  full  of  Christian  lamps,  given  to  R. 
Rochette  by  Melch.  Fossati,  who  regarded  it  as 
a  Transfiguration,  but  this  is  doubtful.  (R.  Ro- 
chette, u.  s.,  p.  762,  note  ;  Martigny,  u.  s.  p.  352.) 

(3)  Fish,  a  symbol  of  Christ.  Rome,  Catacombs, 
and  Palatine.  (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  p.  12,  fig.  5 ; 
Perret,  u.  s.  pi.  vii.  fig.  1,  and  pi.  ix.  fig.  3.) 
Carthage  (British  Museum).  Fish  surrounded 
by  six  dolphins  ;  very  fine  work  in  red  clay, 
Algeria.  (Martigny,  u.  s.  p.  353.)  See  also  below, 
under  Inscriptions,  and  Fish  (vol.  i.  p.  673). 

(4)  Lamb,  a  symJml  of  Cnrist.  Rome,  Cata- 
combs, and  Palatine.  (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  p.  12, 
fig.  2 ;  Perret,  u.  s.  pi.  ix.  fig.  2.) 

(5)  Chrisma  or  monograin  of  Christ.  As  X  com- 
bined with  P  (>^ ),  having  a  circle  in  centre ; 
paim-branches  at  the  sides  of  the  lamp  (Bartoli, 
u.  s.  t.  22).  With  loop  of  P  to  left ;  beautiful 
gemmed  work  ;  probably  about  the  6th  century  ; 


LAMPS 


921 


clay  Lamp,  with  j^'emmed  cLrisma.    (De  Rossi.) 

Rome.  (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  p.  12,  fig.  8.  For  similar 
work  compare  Birch,  Anc.  Pot.  vol.  ii.  fig.  192.) 
Others  in  Se'roux  d'Agincourt,  u.  s.  pi.  xxiv. 
fig.  vii.  ;  De  Rossi,  u.  s.  p.  12,  figs.  3  and  4  ; 
Perret,  passim,  &c.  With  loop  of  P  to  left, 
formed  like  a  crook ;  Rome.  (Seroux  d'Agin- 
court,  M.   s.   pi.   xxiv.    fig.    ix.)     The   chrisma, 


besides  being  found  on  Roman  lamps  in  various 
forms,  occui-s  also  commonly  in  Gaul  (Martigny, 
u.  s.),  and  has  been  met  with  in  Britain  (see 
above),  and  in  the  catacombs  of  Syracuse  (British 
Museum)  and  in  Carthage  (British  Museum), 
and  doubtless  in  many  other  places. 

(6)  Alpha  and  Omega  (a  monogram  between 
them) ;  Rome.  (Sei'oux  d'Agincourt,  u.  s.  t. 
xxiv.  fig.  vi.)  Chrisma  between  them,  the  let- 
tei-s  inverted  (Rev.  S.  S.  Lewis). 

(7)  The  Cross.  Latin  cross,  with  circle  in 
centre  (De  Rossi,  ?;.  s.  p.  12,  fig.  6);  Greek  cross 
(Perret,  u.  s.  pi.  xiii.  fig.  4).  Including  five 
circles,  and  various  pellets,  a  representation  of  a 
pendant  (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  p.  13,  fig.  11  ;  Seroux 
d'Agincourt,  u.  s.  pi.  xxiv.  fig.  viii.).  All  the 
above  are  from  Rome.  With  the  extremities 
forked,  accompanied  by  an  inscription  (see  be- 
low); also  the  Maltese  cross;  Jerusalem.  (Chester, 
u.  s.  pp.  481r-5,  both  figured.)  The  cross  is  com- 
mon on  Gaulish  lamps,  and  found  on  several 
vases  from  Milo  (Melos)  (Martigny,  u.  s.).  Car- 
thage (gemmed  work)  ;  Calymna  (one  curiously 
formed  of  lozenges,  with  open  centre) ;  Egypt. 
(All  in  the  British  Museum.) 

(8)  AjMstles.  Figure  seated  on  a  throne  sur- 
rounded by  twelve  heads ;  De  Rossi  thinks  a 
prince  or  other  illustrious  convert  is  j-epresented 
as  in  the  midst  of  the  Apostles;  Geneva,  in  the 
ruins  of  a  house.  Probably  of  the  5th  century. 
(De  Rossi,  u.s.  p.  25,  fig.  1.)  Heads  of  the 
twelve  Apostles  surrounding  a  gemmed  chrisma  ; 
Roman  catacombs.  {Mns.  Gorton,  t.  84 ;  Perret, 
U.S.  pi.  xiii.  rig.  2.)  [Two  heads,  suggested  to  be 
Peter  and  Paul,  in  caps  surmounted  by  cruciform 
stars,  are  really  those  of  the  Dioscuri ;  same 
localitv.  (Seroux  d'Agincourt,  u.  s.  pi.  xxiv. 
fig.  5.)] 

(9)  Fisherman,  as  symbol  of  an  Apostle. 
Holding  net  and  staff  in  his  right  hand,  a  fish 
in  his  left ;  on  reverse  of  lamp  a  gemmed  cross. 
{Mus.  Corton.  t.  85.) 

(10)  Female  saint  between  angels,  Carthage. 
(British  Museum.) 

(11)  CoC'\,  symbol  of  vigilance  (Martigny,  u.  s. 
p.  177),  by  some  presumed  to  refer  to  St.  Peter 
(Chester,  u.  s.  p.  483) ;  Rome.  (Perret,  u.  s. 
pi.  ix.  fig.  4.     Compare  one  in  Brit.  Mus.) 

(12)  Dore,  symbol  of  innocence,  Rome.  (Perret, 
u.  s.  pi.  XV.  fig.  4.)  Common  on  lamps  of  Gaul. 
(Martigny,  n.  s.)  Carthage ;  on  one  lamp  two 
doves  facing;  on  another,  one  only.  (British 
Museum.)     See  also  Sacken  und  Kenuer,  u.  s. 

(13)  Pencock,  with  tail  spread  out,  and 
ornamented  with  three  nimbi ;  emblematic  of 
the  Trinity.  In  Mr.  H.  Syer  Cuming's  collec- 
tion. (Cuming,  in  hit.  See  also  Journ.  Brit. 
Arch.  Assoc.  1855,  p.  91.) 

(14)  Horse,  symbol  of  the  end  of  life's  course; 
Rome.     (Perret,  u.  s.  pi.  xix.  fig.  2.) 

(15)  5^a<7.  (Cf  Ps.  xlii.  1.)  Rome  ?  (Licet., 
de  Lucern.  Antiq.  recond.  p.  927,  with  fig.) 
Algeria  (Miinter,  Symb.  p.  112,  referred  to  by 
Martigny,  u.  s.  p.  353). 

(16)  Hire,  supposed  to  be  symbol  of  the 
swiftness  of  life,  Lyons;  on  a  vase  of  red  clay, 
in  the  possession  of  the  abbe  JIartigny.  (Mar- 
tigny. u.  s.  p.  353.    See  also  p.  368,  s.  v.  Llevrc.) 

(17)  Frog,  as  a  symbol  of  the  resurrection. 
Egypt,  in  the  catacombs  of  Alexandria  among 
other  places,  in  conjunction  with  the  cross. 
(Birch,  Am.  Pott.  vol.  i.  p.  52 ;  Chester,  u.  s.  p. 


922 


LAMPS 


483.  See  also  below  under  Inscriptions.)  Sevei-al 
examples  iu  the  British  Museum.  Many  lately- 
found  bear  a  late  Greek  A  (A),  impressed  on  the 
bottom,  probably  for  Alexandria,  where  they 
were  made.  Chestei-,  in  Academy,  Feb.  5,  1876, 
p.  123,  who  has  some  valuable  remarks  on  the 
varied  forms  of  these  lamps. 

The  symbolic  interpretation  of  the  frog  may 
be  regarded  as  determined  by  the  inscription 
given  below ;  but  it  is  not  so  certain  that  some 
of  the  animals  mentioned  above  were  meant  to 
have  any  symbolical  interpretation  whatever. 
Some  of  them  occur  on  Pagan  lamps  (Birch,  u.  s. 
vol.  ii.  p.  289),  as  does  also  the  lion,  which  like- 
wise is  found  on  a  lamp,  of  Christian  fabric 
apparently,  in  the  British  Museum.  This  ani- 
mal was  sometimes  taken  as  a  Christian  symbol 
of  watchful  power.  (Martigny,  u.  s.  p.  369.  See 
also  the  articles  in  this  Dictionary  under  the 
titles  of  the  animals  named  above.) 

(18)  Chalice,  Western  Christendom.  (Chester, 
M.  s.  p.  483.)  One  with  two  handles,  a  tree 
springing  from  it,  Calymna  (British  Museum). 
Cf.  Chalice,  vol.  i.  p.  337. 

(19)  Palm-tree,  Rome.  (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  p. 
13,  fig.  9.)     Geneva.    {Id.  p.  25,  fig.  2.) 

(20)  Palm  branches,  Rome.  (Perret,  m.  s.  pi. 
xiii.  fig.  4,  and  pi.  xix.  fig.  4.)  Jerusalem,  much 
conventionalised.  (Chester,  m.  s.  pp.  483-4,  one 
figured.)     Egypt.    (British  Museum.) 

(21)  Star,  inscription  around  ;  see  below ; 
Egypt.  (Seroux  d'Agincourt,  u.  s.  pi.  xxii.  fig.  14.) 

The  following  subjects,  to  say  nothing  of 
doubtful  types,  are  from  the  Old  Testament : — 

(22)  jVoaA's  ark  and  dove.  See  above,  under 
No.l. 

(23)  Scenes  from  life  of  Jonah.  See  above, 
No.  1.  Jonah  beneath  gourd.  (Mamachi,  u.  s. 
torn.  i.  p.  254,  tab.  iv.  fig.  3.)  Jonah  and  the 
whale  (a  sea-dragon).     (British  Museum.) 

(24)  Spies  bearing  grapes,  Carthage.  (British 
Museum.) 

(25)  Jewish  candlestick,  under  various  forms. 
With  seven  branches,  six  being  bent  in  the 
middle  at  right  angles ;  palm  branch  (?)  on 
either  side.  Catacombs  and  Palatine,  Rome. 
(Seroux  d'Agincourt,  u.  s.  pi.  xxiv.  fig.  iii. ;  De 
Rossi,  u.  s.  p.  7,  fig.  12.)  No  palms,  and 
branches  of  candlestick  curved  (Birch,  Anc. 
Pott.  vol.  ii.  fig.  192  ;  Bartoli,  u.s.  t.  32  ;  per- 
haps a  Jewish  work ;  probably  from  Rome). 
Quite  conventionalised  Rome  (Perret,  u.  s.  pi. 
xiii.  fig.  5) ;  sometimes  with  a  Christian  inscrip- 
tion; Jerusalem.  (Chester,  u.  s.  pp.  484,  485, 
one  figured.)  Algeria.  (Martigny,  u.  s.  p.  353.) 
Carthage.    (British  Museum.) 

Of  pagan  types,  Christianised,  we  have  the 
following : 

(26)  Venus  holding  apple,  transformed  into 
an  Eve,  as  Seroux  d'Agincourt  suggests,  but? 
Catacombs  of  Rome ;  good  work,  and  probably 
of  a  very  early  period.  (Seroux  d'Agincourt, 
u.  s.  pi.  xxiv.  fig.  2.) 

(27)  Orpheus,  who  is  made  as  a  kind  of  symbol 
of  Christ.  Catacombs  of  Rome.  (Perret,  u.  s. 
pi.  xvii.  n.  i.) 

There  are  also  some  other  lamp-types  of  the 
Christian  period,  but  which  can  hardly  be  in- 
tended to  bear  an}'  Christian  significisncc.  The 
most  curious  is  a  fish  swallowing  an  aquatic 
bird  (De  Rossi,  Bull.  diArch.  Crist.  18  TO,  tav.  iv. 
n.  9,  seemingly  about  the  6th  century) :  another 


LAMPS 

is  a  man  killing  a  lion  with  a  sword  (British 
Museum).  Some  lamps  appear  to  bear  Christian 
portraits,  either  full-length  (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  1867, 
p.  25),  or  the  bust  only  ;  one  in  the  British  Mu- 
seum has  apparently  the  head  of  an  emperor, 
perhaps  of  Justinian. 

Passeri  {Lucern.  Fict.  vol.  iii.  pp.  126-7,  t. 
xcii.)  publishes  a  lamp  of  the  usual  type  bearing 
the  Graces,  at  the  bottom  of  which  is  a  cross, 
in  dotted  lines,  which  leads  him  to  suspect  that 
it  is  made  by  a  Christian  artist ;  and  adds,  "  nam 
et  aliae  plures  apud  me  asservautur,  quae 
omnino  Christianae  sunt,  et  tamen  ethnicorum 
symbolis  atque  imaginibus  adornantur,  prae- 
sertira  Victoriae,  Herculis,  Palladis  et  ApoUinis 
citharoedi  sive  Orphei,  quas  omnes,  cum  per 
otium  licebit,  sua  in  sede  collocatas  publlcabimus." 
This  promise  does  not  appear  to  have  been  ful- 
filled; and  the  Christianity  of  such  lamps  (the 
Orpheus-type  excepted)  may  be  questioned.  De 
Rossi  cannot  accept  the  cross  on  the  bottom  of 
a  lamp  "  per  segno  certo  di  Christianesimo " 
{Bull,  di  Arch.  Crist.  1870,  p.  80). 

The  same  types,  as  was  to  be  expected,  are 
not  found  in  all  places  where  Christian  lamps 
have  been  discovered  in  considerable  numbers. 
The  Rev.  G.  J.  Chester  observes  of  those  of  Jeru- 
salem :  "  Many  lamp-types  of  more  Western 
Christendom,  from  the  catacombs  of  Rome,  Syra- 
cuse, and  Carthage,  such  as  the  Good  Shepherd, 
the  Sacred  Monogram,  the  Dove,  the  Cock  of  St. 
Peter,  and  the  Chalice,  are  entirely  absent ;  and 
the  same  may  be  said  of  the  disgusting  and  pro- 
bably Gnostic  device  of  the  toad "  [rather  frog] 
"  associated  with  the  cross,  so  often  found  in  the 
catacombs  of  Alexandria  and  elsewhere,  in  Egypt. 
The  earthenware  bottles,  with  the  effigy  of  St. 
Menas,  an  Egyptian  saint,  who  flourished  in  the 
4th  century  ....  so  commonly  found  with 
Christian  lamps  in  Egypt,  are  also  absent.  [See 
Bockh,  C.  I.  G.  p.  8978  and  Academy,  u.  s.]  The 
usual  symbols  of  the  Jerusalem  lamps,  which  are 
all  of  a  rude  and  cheap  description  .  .  .  are  the 
cross  .  .  .  ;  the  seven-branched  candlestick  .  . 
.  .  and  the  palm  branch  ....  These  emblems, 
which  the  Christians  of  the  mother  of  churches 
used  and  rejoiced  iu,  in  common  with  their  bre- 
thren in  more  western  lands,  are  all  more- or  less 
conventionalised,  and  are  represented  in  a  dis- 
tinctive and  different  manner."  {Recovery  of 
Jerusalem,  pp.  483-4.) 

The  types  commonly  occupy  the  disc  or  centre 
of  the  body  of  the  lamp,  while  the  sides  are  either 
plain  or  more  usually  decorated  with  floral  or 
geometrical  ornaments,  or  with  subordinate  types, 
as  a  wreath  of  palm-branches,  or  medallions  en- 
closing the  chrisma,  &c. ;  or,  more  rarely,  they 
bear  inscriptions.  In  the  lamps  of  Palestine,  how- 
ever, the  emblems  are  placed  along  the  edge,  and 
not  in  the  body  of  the  lamps,  which  are  in  most 
cases  not  round  but  pear-shaped  (7?ecou.  of  Jerus. 
p.  484). 

Inscriptions  on  terra-cotta  lamps. — These  are 
rare,  only  three  being  contained  in  Bockh 's  Greek- 
Christian  inscriptions,  though  a  few  others  are 
now  known.  The  following  are  the  most  im- 
portant : — 

(1)  Seroux  d'Agincourt,  Recucih  p.  59,  pi. 
xxii.  fig.  14;  Bockh,  C.  I  G.  n.  8980  : 

TOT  AnOT  nOATOKTOC  {sic), 

i.  e.  rov  ayiov  YloXv^vKrov  {the  Holy  Polyeuctus) 


LAMPS 

written  near  the  edge  of  a  lamp,  with  a  star  in 
the  centre,  found  in  a  church  at  Coptos  in 
Upper  Egypt,  probably  dedicated  to  that  saint. 
Others  of  the  same  character,  bearing  the  names 
of  St.  Sergius,  abbat,  and  St.  Christina,  abbess 
(a/i;ua),  and  St.  Cyriaous,  may  be  seen  in  Bockh, 
nos.  8979,  8981,  and  Birch,  Anc.  Pott.  vol.  i. 
p.  52.  The  lamp  in  the  Roman  College,  on 
which  is  written  in  ink  O  AFHOC  CAKEPAOC, 
may  have  been  destined  for  the  priests'  use. 
(S«e  Martigny,  u.s.) 


LAMPS 


923 


(2)  G.  J.  Chester,  Recov.  of  Jerusalem,  p.  485, 
with  figure ; 

*a>C  XT  *EN1  nAClN, 

i.e.  ^ws  XpKTTOv  (palvei  -kcktiv  (the  light  of  Christ 
shines  to  all ;  adapted  from  1  John  ii.  8).  Another, 
similar,  accompanied  by  a  cross ;  both  are 
from  Jerusalem.  The  same  inscription  variously 
blundered  occurs  on  several  lamps  found  in  the 
same  neighbourhood,  on  more  than  one  of  which 
the  Jewish  candlestick  occupies  the  same  posi- 
tion as  the  cross  in  the  lamp  here  figured.     The 


Clay  Lamp, 

museum  at  Leyden  has  a  lamp  (from  Egypt  ?) 
inscribed  *u,C  EH  *a.TOC  (Light of  Light);  and 
Dr.  Birch  mentions  the  same  legend,  and  also 
OEOAOriA  ©EOT  XAPIC  (  Theology  is  the  grace 
of  God),  as  occurring  on  Christian  lamps  from 


Egypt  (M.S.).  Of  other  lamps  from  Jerusalem  one 
bears  the  same  candlestick  with  seven  lights, 
and  reads  in  letters  partly  inverted,  Kvxvapia 
KaXa.  (beautiful  lights),  in  allusion  to  the  type. 
Another  appears  to  have  IX©  for  IX0TC  (the 
Fish).  See  Chester,  as  above  (where  more  in- 
formation may  be  found),  and  the  Egyptian  lamps 
in  the  British  Museum. 

(3)  Chabouillet,  Catal.  des  Camees,  ^c.  de  la 
Bibl.  hnpe'r.  p.  607.  (A  drawing  sent  to  him  by 
M.  Muret.)  A  lamp,  doubtless  found  in  Egypt, 
formerly  in  the  collection  of  the  Abbe'  Greppo, 
has  upon  it  the  representation  of  a  frog,  with  a 
cross  and  the  inscription — 

EFo)  EIMI  ANACTACIC, 
The  transformations  of  the  frog  seemed  to  the 
designer  symbolical  of  the  Resurrection ;  there 
seems  no  necessity  to  suppose  any  Gnostic  feel- 
ing. The  words  are  an  adaptation  from  John 
si.  25. 

(4)  A  lamp  is  figured  by  Matranga  in  ]\Iama- 
chi,  Orig.  et  Antiq.  Christ,  tom.  iii.  p.  37,  tab.  vi. 
fig.  2,  on  which  a  labarum  of  considerable 
size  stands  between  two  soldiers ;  on  the  tablet 
below  the  wreathed  chrisma  is  written  in  two 
lines,  EN  THTTn  (sic)  NIKA.  The  margin 
is  finely  decorated  with  leaves,  wreaths,  and 
medallions.  Apparently  from  the  catacombs 
of  Rome  (in  coemeteriis  repertum).  This  is 
termed  vetustissirmim  monumentum ;  it  may  be 
of  about  the  5th  or  6th  century,  to  judge  from 
the  figure. 


Clay  Lamp,  with  labaram  between  soldiers,  reading  ev  TOVTia 
(mlisiielt)  fUa.     (Matrauga.) 

(5)  Raoul  Rochette  (u.  s.  p.  763)  mentions  that 
lamps  of  the  4th  century  were  found  in  1834  in 
a  little  Christian  cemetery  at  Vulci,  bearing  the 
type  of  heads  surrounded  by  a  nimbus,  with  in- 


924 


LAMPS 


scriptions  terminating  with  pax  cum  SANTIS  (sic) 
or  CUM  ANGELis.  The  early  part  probably  men- 
tioned the  name  of  the  person  buried. 

With  regard  to  the  paste,  glaze,  and  style  of 
art,  it  varies  a  good  deal.  The  greater  part 
appear  to  be  of  the  bright  red  uuglazed  ware, 
called  false  Samian,  which  have  been  found  in 
Egypt,  among  other  places,  where,  however,  the 
art  of  making  lamps  "  seems  to  have  been  in  a 
very  low  condition,  and  certainly  inferior  to  its 
state  in  Rome  and  the  provinces  of  Greece  and 
Asia  Minor."  (Birch,  u.  s.  i.  52,  ii.  291.)  The 
lamps  of  Palestine  are  of  unequal  merit,  none 
being  very  high  ;  while  among  the  Roman  lamps, 
of  various  ages,  some  are  of  very  good  work. 

The  number  of  Christian  lamps,  of  terra-cotta, 
which  enrich  the  museums  of  Europe,  to  say 
nothing  of  those  in  private  hands,  is  very  large; 
Martigny  calls  them  almost  infinite  (ii.  s.).  In 
this  country  the  museum  of  the  Palestine  Ex- 
jdoration  Fund  contains  the  largest  collection  of 
Christian  lamps  of  that  region  :  in  the  British 
Museum  there  is  a  considerable  number  (between 
one  and  two  hundred)  of  others  from  yarious 
localities. 

(b)  Bronze  lamps. — With  regard  to  the  lamps 
of  bronze,  which  have  been  found  in  the  cata- 
combs and  elsewhere,  they  are  generally  thought 
to  be  for  the  most  part  of  a  later  age  than 
those  of  clay ;  and  some  of  those  which  are 
preserved  in  museums  lie  under  a  suspicion  of 
being  forgeries  (Martigny,  Diet.  p.  352).  They 
have  sometimes  one  spout,  sometimes  two,  and  are 
generally  pierced  for  suspension  by  chains,  some 
of  which  still  exist.  The  chains  sometimes  met 
in  an  inscribed  tablet,  which  was  itself  suspended. 
The  curved  pin  for  trimming  the  wick  is  occa- 
sionally found  attached  (Boldetti,  ti.  s.  p.  64). 
The  earlier  symbols,  as  the  fish,  hardly  ever 
occur ;  the  chrisma  is  frequent,  and  also  the 
cross.  Several  of  these  lamps  are  figured  by 
Bartoli,  p.  iii. ;  Perret,  tom.  v.  u.  s.  tabb.  23,  24, 
25,  26,  30,  31 ;  Bottari,  Boma  Sotterr.  t.  iii. 
tav.  ccvi.-ccviii. ;  and  the  British  Museum  has 
about  twenty  others.^ 

The  following  notice  of  the  Christian  types 
which  occur  on  bronze  lamps  must  suffice : — 

(1)  Chrisma. — The  handle  formed  by  the 
chrisma  in  a  circle,  surrounded  by  vine  leaves 
(Bartoli,  t.  23).  The  same,  surrounded  by 
Jonah  and  his  gourd  (i6.  t.  30).  The  same, 
plain,  with  transverse   bar,   accompanied   by  a 


LAMPS 

and  01 ;  an  inscribed  tablet  above  (see  figure,  id. 
t.  24).  The  same  form  of  chrisma,  on  which  a 
dove  perches  (id.  i.  26), 


f  There  are  also  some  figured  in  tlie  older  work  of 
Licetus,  partly  taken  tVom  Casalius,  winch  seem  to  be  of 
metal.  See  a  very  curious  onp,  if  it  be  genuine,  with  two 
spouts,  a  star  on  the  body  of  the  lamp,  and  a.  horseman 
standing  on  the  side  attached  to  the  handle,  whicli  is  a 
circle  enclosing  a  chrisma,  p.  TSi2;  also  another,  p.  870 
(not  made  for  suspension),  having  the  Good  Shepherd 
bearing  a  sheep,  his  head  radiated,  a  suspicious  pecu- 
liarity. For  others  more  like  those  mentioned  in  the 
text,  see  pp.  951,  954,  994,  which  lust  gives  a  female 
called  a  Venus,  under  a  gourd,  otherwise  much  resem- 
bling Bartoli,  t.  30.  If  indeed  the  two  figures  represent 
the  same  specimen,  the  drawing  of  Licetus  is  vi  ry  bad; 
yet  this  seems  to  be  the  ca^e:  see  Bellori's  remarks. 

The  writer  desires  to  express  his  special  oblisation  to 
Mr.  Percy  Gardner  for  drawing  up  descriptions  of  tlie 
more  important  bronze  lamps  contained  in  the  British 
JIuseum,  as  well  as  to  the  other  officers  of  the  museum 
for  affording  him  every  facility  to  inspect  the  object 
mentioned  both  in  this  and  in  his  other  articles. 


Bronze  Lamp,  with  handle  formed  by  thu  chrisma,  and  a  and  (o 
beariiin:  the  name  of  Nonius  Attlcus  vir  clarissimus  et  illustris 
(Bartoli.) 

(2)  Cross. — Handle  formed  by  a  cross,  above 
which  dove  (Perret,  u.  s.  t.  v.  fig.  5).  Other 
handles  are  formed  by  crosses  of  various  forms 
(British  Museum).  By  a  cross,  on  the  top  of 
a  gryphon's  head,  a  chrisma  on  the  body  of  the 
lamp  (Bartoli,  t.  25).  Same  type,  but  lamp  has 
two  spouts,  and  no  chrisma  (British  Museum  ; 
same  type,  but  done  above  cross  ;  Syracuse, 
recently  found ;  Rev.  S.  S.  Lewis).  By  a  cross 
placed  between  and  overshadowed  by  wings 
(British  Museum).  A  cross  placed  in  the  middle 
of  an  ornamented  handle,  with  three  central 
discs  (British  Museum).  A  few  of  the  above 
lamps  are  somewhat  boat-shaped. 

(3)  Bird. — Body  of  lamp  in  the  shape  of  a 
phoenix  (British  Museum,  two  specimens).  Cf. 
Licetus,  p.  871  (with  figure).  Others  in  British 
Museum  in  form  of  a  peacock  or  a  duck,  pro- 
bably Christian. 

(4)  Palm  branches. — Placed  near  the  nozzles 
(Bottari,  u.  s.  t.  ccviii). 

(5)  Boat,  as  a  symbol  of  the  Church  (see  Mar- 
tigny. Diet.  s.  V.  '  Navire  '). — (a)  A  bronze  lamp 
in  the  form  of  a  boat,  is  now  in  the  cabinet  of  the 
Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany  (Bartoli,  u.  s.  t.  31 ; 
Cahier  et  Martin,  Melanges  Archeol.  vol.  iii.  p.  15  ; 
Perret,  u.  s.  t.  1).  Two  figures  (Peter  steering 
and  Paul  preaching")  are  at  the  ends  of  the  boat, 
which  bears  an  inscription  on  a  label  at  the  top 
of  the  mast  in  three  lines  : 

DOMINVS  LEGEM 

DAT  VALERIO  SEVERO 

EVTROPl  VIVAS. 

This  inscription  has  long  been  a  puzzle  for  the 
learned.  (See  Bellori  at  the  end  of  Bartoli,  p.  11 ; 
also  Martigny,  Diet.  p.  352.)  De  Rossi  (BiiH.  di 
Arch.  Crist.  1867,  p.  28)  seems  to  have  hit  on 
the  true  explanation,  by  suggesting  that  Eutro- 
pius  is  the  praenomen  of  Valerius  Severus ;  and 
that    the    acclamation    congi'atulates    him    on 


LAMPS 

having  accepted  the  law  of  the  Gospel,  he  having 
previously  a  pagan. 


LAMPS 


925 


^i®Mi!  M  VI  [LI  pfe|U=n 


This  most  interesting  lamp  was  discovered 
during  excavations  of  the  Mons  Coelius  at  Rome, 
in  the  17th  century,  and  appears  to  have  been 
first  published  by  De  la  Chausse  in  his  Museiun 
Eomanum,  Rom.  1690,  and  has  since  been  re- 
peatedly noticed,  but  only  recently  correctly 
drawn  by  M.  Giniez.  It  is  probably  one  of  the 
earliest  Christian  bronze  lamps  known,  being 
found  along  with  other  antiquities  "  of  a  good 
period  of  the  empire  "  (Bellori). 


(6)  Bronze  lamp,  perhaps  intended  for  a  boat, 
of  very  fine  work,  terminating  at  the  poop  in  a 
gryphon's  head,  an  apple  in  his  mouth  ;  the 
chrisma,  on  which  a  dove  is  perched,  is  between 
its  eai-s ;  on  the  body  of  the  lamp  is  another 
chrisma;  at  the  other  end  (the  prow)  is  a  dol- 
phin, with  a  loaf  (?)  in  his  mouth. 

The  dolphin,  though  no  true  fish,  is  here,  as 
elsewhere,  taken  to  be  the  symbol  of  Christ  (as 
a  fish).  The  apple  in  the  dragon's  mouth  is 
interpreted  by  Monsignor  Bailies  to  be  the  apple 
of  Eve ;  while  the  loaf  in  the  dolphin's  mouth  is 
regarded  by  him  as  the  living  bread  of  the 
Eucharist.     [See  Dolphin,  Fish,  Gems.] 

Probably  (see  De  Rossi)  of  the  end  of  the  4th 
or  beginning  of  the  5th  century.  Found  in  the 
excavations  of  Porto.  (De  Rossi,  Bull,  di  Arch. 
Crist.  1868,  p.  77,  tav.  1,  fig.  1,  and  for  1870, 
pp.  72-76.) 

It  should  be  added  that  lamps  as  well  as 
candles  were,  from  the  -ith  century  onwards, 
placed  in  churches  on  candelabra  suspended 
from  the  roof.  These  were  of  metal,  bronze, 
silver,  or  even  gold.  Allusion  is  repeatedly  made 
to  them  in  the  Liber  pontificalis,  and  elsewhere  ; 
they  were  often  of  large  size  and  elaborate  orna- 
mentation. They  were  commonly  known  by 
the  name  of  Pharos  (watch-tower)  or  Corona, 
indicative  of  their  general  shape.  (See  Ducange, 
Gloss,  under  each  word ;  and  Martigny,  Diet. 
p.  153.)  They  were  of  various  forms  as  respects 
details.  (See  Papias,  quoted  by  Ducange,  u.  s. 
Pharus.)  A  representation  of  one  which  ap- 
proaches our  period  is  given  in  a  MS.  of  about 
the  9th  century  by  Spallart,  Tubl.  Hist,  des  Cost, 
et  Moeurs,  pi.  xx.  n.  4,  referred  to  by  Guenebault 
(see  below).  It  is  in  the  form  of  an  architec- 
tural composition  surrounded  by  towers.  See 
CORO]^A  LUCis.  (For  copious  references  to  the 
earlier  and  later  literature  of  Christian  lamps, 
see  Fabricius,  Bihl.  Antiq.  pp.  1035,  1036;  Guene- 
bault, Diet.  Iconogr.  des  Monum.  Chre't.  p.  105, 
Paris,  1843.  In  M.  Cahier's  paper  on  the  Couronne 
de  lumiere  d'Aix-la-Chapelle  is  much  information 
about  early  Christian  lamps  and  chandeliers 
(Cahier  et  Martin,  Me'l.  d ' Archeol.  yo\.  iii.  pp. 
1-61).  There  are  also  treatises  by  Fauciulli,  De 
Lampadibus  et  Lucernis  peiisilihus  in  sacris  aedi- 
bus  Christianorum,  4to.  (with  plates) ;  and 
Greppo,  Sur  Vusage  des  Cierges  et  des  Lampes 
dans  les  premiers  siecles  de  I'Eglise,  Lyon,  Svo. 
1842,  which  the  writer  has  not  seen.)*     [C.  B.] 


a  Since  the  above  was  written  the  Rev.  S.  S.  Lewis  has 
called  the  writer's  attention  to  an  able  paper  by  M.  de 
Villefosse  in  the  Musire  Arche'ologique  for  1875,  entitled 
"Lampes  Chreliennes  inedites"  (3),  to  which  is  added  an 
enumeration  of  the  Chrisdan  lamps  (15)  in  the  Museum 
of  the  Louvre.  Most  of  them  have  the  same  general 
types  as  those  named  in  this  article ;  but  the  following 
from  Algeria  and  Tunis  are  additional: — (1)  The  Three 
Children  in  the  furnace,  in  Phrygian  caps,  accompanied 
by  the  Guardian  Angel;  (2)  The  M.igi  (in  Phrygian  caps) 
and  the  Star  (imperfect) ;  both  these  are  figured  ;  C3)  Bust 
of  St.  Paul  (?);  (4)  Daniel  (?).  All  are  of  clay.  Mr. 
VV.  R.  Coopor,  in  a  paper  On  Ihf  Iioriis  Myth  in  lieUtion 
to  ChriUianitt/,  read  before  the  Victoria  Institute  (JIarch 
6,  1876),  meiitions  two  terra-cotta  lamps,  shewing  the 
influence  of  the  Horus  myth  on  Christian  works  of  art. 
One  in  the  Boston  Museum,  of  wliich  he  gives  a  figure, 
bears  "  a  large  Gre-k  cross,  which  completely  divides  it 
into  tour  sections,  in  the  two  lower  of  which  is  placed  the 
crux  ansata,  or  the  mystical  cross  of  life,  which  was 


926        LAMPS,  LIGHTING  OF 

LAMPS,  LIGHTING  OF.  Lamps  in 
churches  were  in  early  Christian  times  lighted 
just  before  the  beginning  of  vespers,  which  were 
originally  appointed  to  be  said  at  the  twelfth 
hour,  i.e.  the  last  hour  before  sunset,  whence 
the  office  itself  is  sometimes  called  duodecima. 
"  Prima  sic  dici  debet,  pungentibus  jam  radiis 
solis,  et  respera  adhuc  declinantibus  radiis  ejus." 
"  In  aestivo  vero  tempore  adhuc  altius  stante  sole 
Lucernaria  inchoentur  propter  breves  noctes" 
(^Reg.  S.  Bened.  cc.  c.  34).  The  Benedictine 
practice  in  the  last  century  is  said  to  have  been 
to  say  vespers  in  the  winter  at  3  P.M.,  in  the 
summer  at  3J  P.M.  (Grancolas.  Com,  in  Brev. 
cap.  xxxviii.) 

The  lighting  of  the  lamps  was  accompanied 
by  certain  prayers  and  psalms.  These  were 
known  as  psalnii  and  preces  lucernales  (St.  Basil, 
adAmphil.  ;  St.  Jerome,  Ep.  ad  Laetam,  &c.),  and 
the  office  of  vespers  as  lacernarium  or  lucernalis'^ 
V.  lucernaria  hora  (St.  Aug.  Sermo  i.  ad  f  rat  res  in 
Er.).  "  Hora  nona  [i.e.  as  the  context  shews, 
after  the  ninth  hour]  lucernarium  facimus,"  and 
the  hours  of  prayer  are  thus  enumerated : 
"  hora  tertia,  sexta,  nona,  lucernarium,  medio 
noctis,  gallicinio,  mane  primo."  [S.  Jerome 
in  P$.  119  (12U).]  The  apostolic  constitutions 
also  bid  the  faithful  come  together  at  eventide  to 
sing  psalms  and  offer  prayers,  and  they  call  Ps. 
140  (141)  eirtXvxviov  (i.'  59  and  viii.  35). 

These  psalms  and  prayers  were  originally  said 
separately  from,  and  as  introductory  to,  vespers 
properly  so  called ;  later  they  were  incorporated 
into  the  office,  the  first  part  of  which  was  known 
as  Lucernarium,  or  in  Greek  rh  Kvxvi-iiiv,  and 
the  whole  office  of  vespers  was  sometimes, 
though  less  accurately,  called  by  the  same 
name.  The  directions  for  the  '"  lychnic  "  in  the 
Greek  Euchology,  for  a  solemn  vigil  {aypvirvia), 
are  as  follows  :  The  officer  who  put  the  lamps 
or  candles  in  their  places  was  called  AojUTroSo- 
ptos ;  he  who  lighted  them,  KaTayopidprjs  (al. 
KaTTfiyopidpris,  Goar,  272). 

The  priest,  having  vested  in  the  sacristy  (i'epa- 
relov),  comes  out  and  censes  the  whole  church 
and  the  icons,  and,  entering  into  the  bema,  censes 
the  holy  table,  saying  with  a  loud  voice — 
"  Glory  be  to  the  holy,  and  consubstantial,  and 
life-giving  and  indivisible  Trinity,  in  all  places 
now  and  ever,  and  to  ages  of  ages.  R.  Amen." 
Then  the  superior,  or  the  appointed  monk  (6) 
irpoiCTTws  ii)  6  laxdels  fx-ovaxos^),  sings  the 
prooemiac  psalm,  i:e.  Ps.  103  (104),  the  priest 
remaining  within  the  bema,  with  the  holy  doors 
closed.  At  the  verse,  "  When  Thou  openest  Thy 
"hand  they  are  filled  with  good,"  he  comes  out 
with    the    canonarch   (or   precentor — juera   rov 


always  held  In  the  hands  of  the  Egyptian  gods  and  god- 
desses, and  which  the  good  spirit  applied  to  the  lips  of 
the  mummy  to  hring  it  again  to  life."  (Catacombs  of 
Alexandria.)  He  considers  the  adaptation  of  Egyptian 
sacred  emblems  to  Christian  purposes  to  be  clear  enough 
in  these  figures.  Another  from  Dendereh,  which  he 
figures  after  Denon,  has  the  crux  ansata  for  the  principal 
cross,  the  looped  postern  of  which  surrounds  the  mouth 
of  the  lamp,  and  the  central  stem  is  extended  upwards, 
Bo  as  to  resemble  a  Greek  cross  also.  No  inscription  on 
either  lamp. 

»  By  this  term,  however,  Cassian  appears  to  mean 
Jfocturns. 

b  St.  Basil,  Ep.  37,  ad  Xeocaesar tenses. 


LAMPS,  LIGHTING  OF 

Kuivouapxov  %  and,  after  a  prescribed  reverence, 
goes  to  his  place :  the  canonarch  remains  stand- 
fug  in  the  centre,  and  recites  the  stichi,  or 
veT-sicles  for  the  day.  At  the  verse  of  the  psalm, 
"In  wisdom  hast  Thou  made  them  all,""*  the 
priest  removes,  and,  standing  bare-headed,  says 
the  "  prayers  of  the  lychnic  "  before  the  holy 
doors.  These  prayers  are  seven  prayers  for 
pardon  and  protection  during  the  night,  each 
ending  in  the  usual  manner  with  the  ascription 
of  praise.  After  their  conclusion  the  priest  says 
the  great  "  synapte  "  (tV  /J-eyd-KT^v  avva-KT-i]v). 
The  appointed  section  (or  Cathism — Kadia/xa)  of 
the  Psalms  is  then  said,  and  after  that  the 
deacon  says  the  little  "  synapte." '  The  office  of 
vespers  proper  is  then  continued. 

When  there  is  no  vigil,  the  rite  is  simple. 
The  holy  doors  are  not  opened,  but  the  priest, 
standing  before  them  bare-headed  and  vested  in 
a  stole,  says  with  a  loud  voice — "  Blessed  be  our 
God  in  all  places  now  and  ever,  and  to  ages  of 
ages."  Then  the  superior  or  the  appointed 
monk  recites  the  prooemiac  psalm  without 
modulation  {x^na,  i.e.  "  fusa  voce  sine  cantu," 
&c.,  Goar),  and  the  rest  of  the  office  is  gone 
through  as  before. 

In  the  Ambrosian  office,  the  antiphon  at  the 
opening  of  vespers  is  still  called  "  Lucernarium," 
and  contains  an  obvious  allusion  to  the  name. 

That  for  ordinary  Saturdays  and  Sunday  is  : 

"  For  Thou.  0  Lord,  shall  light  my  candle ;  0  Lord  my 
God,  make  my  darkness  to  be  light. 

"  V.  For  in  thee  I  shall  discomfit  a  host  of  men  [Lat. 
eripiar  a  tentatione] ;  0  Lord  my  God  make  my  darkness 
to  Ije  light. 

"  Iterum.    For  Thou,  O  Lord,"  &c. 

and  that  for  other  week  days : 

"  The  Lord  is  my  light  and  my  salvation  ;  whom  then 
shall  1  fear  ? 

"  V.  The  Lord  is  the  strength  of  my  life :  of  whom  then 
shall  I  be  afraid  ? 

"  Iterum.    The  Lord  is  my  light,"  &c. 

The  Mozarabic  vespers  also  begin  (after  the 
Kyrie  Eleison  and  Paternoster,  said  secretly) 
with  the  salutation  by  the  priest,  "  In  nomine 
Domini  nostri  Jesu  Christi  lumen  cum  pace.  E. 
Deo  Gratia,"  and  the  "  Lauda  "  which,  with  its 
prayer,  immediately  follows,  has  reference  to 
the  old  rite,  and  is  of  precisely  the  same  cha- 
racter as  the  Ambrosian  "  lucernarium." 

The  well-known  hymn  attributed  by  some  to 
St.  Ambrose,  "  Deus  qui  certis  legibus  noctem 
discernis    ac    diem,"     said    in    the    Mozarabic 


=  This  word  is  interpreted  by  Goar  (p.  29),  "  Canonum 
dux  et  inceptor,"  and  may  be  sufficiently  nearly  repre- 
sented by  Precentor. 

d  Tbere  is  a  difficulty  in  understanding  these  direc- 
tions, as  the  verse,  "  In  wisdom,"  &c.,  occurs  earlier  in 
the  psalm  than  "  When  thou  openest,"  &c. 

'  The  word  synapte  {(rvvavrfi)  is  explained  by  Goar  as 
"  prayers  compiled  (compositas)  for  various  persons  and 
objects,  and  collected  into  one;  whence  the  Greeks  call  it 
(ruva-TTTri,  we  {i.e.  the  Latins)  coUecta."  Its  form  is  that 
of  a  Litany,  with  Kyrie  KleUon  repeated  after  each  clause. 
Of  the  two  forms,  here  called  great  and  small,  one  is 
fuller  than  the  other.  Prayers  of  this  character  are  alfo 
called  Urevri,  from  their  length,  sometimes  also  clpTji/tKa, 
because  the  first  petition  they  cont;iin  is  for  peace,  or 
Sia-KovLKOL,  because  said  by  the  deacon.  They  are  of 
varied  form  and  contents,  and  occur  very  frequently  in 
the  Greek  offices.  The  earliest  form  of  a  synapte  is  given 
in  the  Apostolic  Constitution,  viii.  9. 


LAMPS,  LIGHTING  OF 

breviary  on  the  second  Sunday  in  Lent,  is  headed 
in  a  hymnary  printed  by  Thomasius,  vol.  ii., 
"  recedente  sole,  ac  die  cessante,  hora  incensi 
Lucernae  ;"  and  the  hymn  of  Prudentius,  "  In- 
ventor rutili  Dux  bone  fulminis,"  is  called 
"Hymnus  ad  incensum  Lucernae."  This  is 
the  ordinary  opinion.  Lesley,  however,  in  the 
preface  to  the  Mozarabic  Missal,  gives  reasons 
derived  from  the  composition  of  the  hymn  in 
ftivour  of  its  having  been  composed,  not  for 
daily  use,  but  for  the  lighting  of  the  Paschal 
canr'le  on  Easter  Eve.  The  hymn  is  said  in  the 
Mozarabic  breviary  on  the  Sunday  after  the 
Octave  of  the  Epiphany,  and,  according  to 
the  Sarum  and  York  rites,  on  Easter  Eves  at 
the  benediction  of  the  Paschal  candle. 

See  also  Martene,  De  Ant.  Ril.  iv.  42,  &c. ; 
Grancolas,  Commen.  in  Brev.  Rom.  i.  c.  38,  &c. ; 
Casali,  de  Veter.  Sacr.  Christ.  Eitib.  c.  44 ; 
Gavanti,  sec.  iv.  c.  6. 

Reference  to  the  Lxicernarium  may  be  seen  in 
the  following  collects,  which  are  the  first  collects 
(oratioues)  at  vespers  in  the  Ambrosian  rite  on 
an  ordinary  Wednesday  and  Friday. 

On  Wednesday. — Vespertinum  incensum  nos- 
trum quaesumus  Domine,  clementer  intende,  ut 
ignitum  eloquiem  tuum  credentium  corda  puri- 
ticet.     Per  Dominum. 

On  Friday. — Gratias  tibi  agimus,  omnipotons 
Deus,  quod  declinante  jam  die,  nos  vespertini 
luminis  claritate  circumdas  :  petimus  immensam 
clementiam  tuam  :  ut,  sicut  nos  hujus  luminis 
claritate  circumvallas,  ita  Sancti  Spiritus  tui 
luce  corda  nostra  illuminare  digneris.  Per 
Dominum.  [H.  J.  H.] 

LAMPSACUS,  COUNCIL  OF  {Lnmpsa- 
cenum  concilium),  held  at  Lampsaki  on  the  Helles- 
pont, A.D.  364,  as  Pagi  shews.  Orthodox  bishops 
were  invited  to  it;  and  it  is  described  as  "a 
council  of  Homoousians  by  Sozomen  (vi.  7)  if 
the  reading  is  correct.  But  those  who  directed  it 
must  have  been  really  Semi-Arians  ;  for  they  pro- 
fessed to  be  partisans  of  the  Homoiousian  foi-mula, 
and  of  the  creed  published  at  Antioch,  besides 
siding  with  Macedonius  by  whom  the  godhead  of 
the  Holy  Ghost  was  denied.  What  made  Sozo- 
men think  well  of  them  probably  was  that  they 
were  treated  with  marked  favour  by  Valenti- 
nian  ;  while  they  condemned  the  extreme  party 
which  Valens  espoused,  and  which  he  ordered 
them  into  exile  for  dissenting  from.  On  this 
too  they  seem  to  have  despatched  a  still  more 
orthodox  account  of  themselves  to  Rome,  which 
contented  Liberias  (Soc.  iv.  12 ;  comp.  Mansi,  iii. 
378,  and  Roman  Councils,  16).  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

LANCE,  HOLY  {kyia  \6yxn,  cultellus) ;  a 
liturgical  instrument  of  the  Greek  Church,  in 
the  shape  of  a  small  knife  formed  like  a  spear. 
The  annexed  representation  from  Goar  gives  its 
form.  It  is  used  in  the  common  Greek  rite  in 
the  preparatory  office  of  prothesis  to  divide  th* 
Host  from  the  holy  loaf  previous  to  consecration. 
This  earlier  fraction,  the  primitive  antiquity  of 
which  is  doubtful,  is  distinctly  symbolical,  and 
has  no  reference  to  the  subsequent  distribution, 
for  which  another  fraction  has  always  been 
made.  The  typical  allusion  to  the  circumstances 
of  our  Lord's  Passion  receives  greater  force  and 
vividness  in  the  Greek  Church,  from  the  use  of 
the  "  holy  spear  "  for  the  division  of  the  loaf,  as 


LANDULF 


927 


commemorative  of  the  piercing  of  our  Lord's 
body  by  the  Roman  soldier.  The  priest  makes 
four  cuts  to  separate  the  host  from  the  oblation, 
and  also  stabs  it  more  than  once,  accompanying 


The  Holy  Lance.    (From  Goar.) 


every  cut  or  stab  with  appropriate  texts  of 
Scripture,  e.g.  "  He  was  led  as  a  lamb  to  the 
slaughter,"  "  One  of  the  soldiers  with  a  spear 
pierced  His  side,"  &c. 

The  use  of  the  holy  spear  is  not  found  in  the 
purely  Oriental  liturgies,  e.g.  those  of  the 
Syrians  and  Egyptians,  a  fact  which  leads 
Renaudot  to  question  whether  the  rite  is  of 
primitive  antiquity,  since  these  churches  bor- 
rowed their  discipline  from  the  Greek  Church 
in  the  earliest  ages.  It  is  entirely  unknown  in 
the  Western  Church. 

(Augusti,  Handbuch,  vol.  ii.  p.  751  ;  Bona,  Eer. 
Liturg.  lib.  i.  c.  xxv.  §  6  ;  Goar,  Euchol.  p.  116 ; 
Neale,  Eastern  Church,  p.  342 ;  Scudamore,  Not. 
Euch.  p.  539.)  [E.  v.] 

LANCIANA,  martyr  at  Amecia  in  Pontus, 
Aug.  18  {Mart.  Hieron.  D'Ach.).         [E.  B.  B.] 

LANDAFF,  COUNCILS  OF  {Landacensia 
concilia).  Three  such  are  given  in  Mansi  (ix.  763 
sqq.)  dated  A.D.  560 ;  but,  even  if  genuine,  they 
were  simply  meetings  of  the  bishop,  his  three 

j  abbats,  and  his  clergy,  for  excommunicating  or 
absolving  great  ofienders  :  in  the  1st  case  Meuric, 

I  in  the  2nd  Morgan,  kings  of  Glamorgan :  in  the 
3rd  Gwaednerth,  king  of  Gwent ;  all  of  them 
under  Oudoceus  third  bishop  of  Llandaff,  and 
therefore  scarcely  before  the  7th  century.  "  The 
book,  however,  in  which  these  records  occur  is  a 
compilation  of  the  12th  century"  (Haddan  and 
Stubbs,  Councils  and  Documents,  i.,  notes  to  pp. 
125  and  147).  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

LANDEBEKT.  [v.  Lambert  (1).] 

LANDELIN,  founder  of  the  abbeys  of 
Lobbes,  and  of  St.  Crispin  at  Valenciennes, 
t  June  15,  A.D.  687  (v.  Acta  Sanctorum,  Jun.  iii! 
538).  [E.  B.  B.] 

LANDEEIC,  bishop  and  founder  of  the 
Maison  Dieu  at  Paris  (7th  cent.),  f  June  10  (v. 
Acta  Sanctorum,  Jun.  ii.  280).  [E.  B.  B.] 

LANDOALD,  apostle  of  Ghent,  commemo- 
rated March  19  (v.  Acta  Sanctorum,  Mar.  iii.  35), 
also  June  10  (MS.  Eal.  Belg.).  [E.  .B.  B.] 

LANDKADA,  abbess  of  Bilsen  under  Lam- 
bert, t  July  8  {Acta  Sanctorum,  Jul.  ii.  619). 

[E.  B.  B.] 

LANDRIC,  bishop  of  Metz,  c.  700,  f  Apr. 
17  {Acta  Sanctorum,  Apr.  ii.  483). 

[E.  B.  B.] 

LANDS  OP  THE  CHUECH.  [Property 
OF  THE  Church.] 

LANDULF,  bishop  of  Evreux,  Aug.  13  (7th 
century)  {Mart.  Hieron.  D'Ach.),  called  Laudulf, 
Acta  Sanctorum,  Aug.  iii.  96.  [£.  B.  B.] 


928 


LANDUS 


LANDUS.  [y.  Lannus.] 

LANIPENDIA.  In  the  Rule  of  Caesarius 
for  Virgius  (c.  27  in  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  p.  732)  the 
care  of  the  wool  from  which  the  sisters'  habits 
■were  to  be  made  is  committed  to  the  care  of  the 
superior  (praepositae)  or  the  kmipendia,  the 
sister  appointed  to  take  charge  of  the  woollen 
manufacture.  The  word  is  used  in  a  similar  sense 
by  Pauius,  Digest.  24,  1,  38.  [C] 

LANISTA.  (1)  A  trainer  of  gladiators,  who 
frequently  contracted  for  the  supply  of  swords- 
men for  Roman  spectacles.  The  horror  which 
the  Christians  felt  for  GLADIATORS  [see  the 
word]  was  of  course  intensified  in  the  case  of  one 
who  was  regarded  as  a  trader  in  man's  flesh,  and 
an  accessary  to  murder.  Thus  Tertullian  {de 
Idol.  c.  11)  says  that  if  homicides  are  excluded 
from  the  church,  lanistae  are  of  course  excluded. 
What  they  had  done  by  the  hands  of  others,  they 
must  be  reputed  to  have  done  themselves. 

Prudentius  (c.  Symmach.  ii.  1095),  speaking  of 
the  inhumanity  of  the  vestals  in  going  to  the 
gladiatorial  shows,  seems  to  use  lanista  in  the 
sense  of  a  gladiator  simply : 

"  sedet  ilia  verendis 
Vittarum  insignis  phaleris  fruiturque  lanlstis." 

(2)  The  word  lanista  was  sometimes  used 
contemptuously  by  Christian  writers  to  designate 
a  priest  who  actually  slew  victims  with  his 
hands.  Thus  Ennodius  of  Ticino  (f  521),  in  his 
sermon  on  the  dedication  of  a  church  of  the 
Apostles  on  the  site  of  an  idol's  temple  {Diet.  ii. ; 
in  Migne,  Patrol.  63,  p.  2(38  C),  speaks  of  the 
multitude  of  victims  slain  by  the  butcher-priests 
(per  lanistas).  He  even  speaks  of  the  priest 
under  the  Mosaic  law  as  "  lanista  Judaicus." 
{Beaed.  Cerei,  Opusc.  ix.  260  B.) 

(Bingham's  ^niij.  XVI.  x.  13;  Maori ///erote. 
s.  v.  Lanista.')  [C] 

LANITANUS  or  LAMTANUS,  martyr  at 
Thessalonica,  June  25  (Mart.  Eieron.  D'Ach.). 
[E.  B.  B.] 

LANNUS,  martyr  at  Horta  in  Italy,  May  5 
(v.  AA.  SS.  Mav,  ii.  49 ;  compare  p.  9=^). 

[E.  B.  B.] 

LANTA,  martyr.  May  31  or  June  1  (Mart. 
Eieron.  D'Ach.).  [E.  B.  B.] 

LANTEEN.  [In  Architecture.]  The  ele- 
vated portion  of  the  fabric  covering  the  intersec- 
tions of  the  nave  and  transepts  of  a  church.  In 
the  earlier  churches  of  the  dromical  or  basilican 
plan  the  cruciform  arrangement  is  not  of  fre- 
quent occurrence  ;  where  it  is  met  with  it  is 
sometimes  merely  indicated  by  the  position  of 
the  columns,  no  corresponding  alteration  being 
made  in  the  roof.  Sometimes  the  transept  takes 
the  form  of  another  nave  with  its  own  continu- 
ous roof  placed  at  right  angles  to  the  true  nave, 
from  which  it  is  separated  by  the  "arch  of 
triumph."  Neither  of  these  arrangements 
allows  of  the  introduction  of  a  lantern.  The 
earliest  examples  of  this  feature  are  met  with  in 
the  Lombard  churches,  epecially  those  of  Pavia, 
in  which  a  combination  was  attempted  of  the 
long  nave  and  aisles  of  the  old  basilicas,  and  the 
dome  of  the  Byzantine  churches.  The  section  of 
St.  Michael's,  at  Pavia  [Gallery,  I.  706],  affords 


LAODICEA,  COUNCILS  OF 

a  very  good  example  of  this  combination.  ^N" 
there  see  the  centre  of  the  cross  elevated  into  a 
low  octagonal  tower,  covered  with  a  tiled  ro-i 
containing  a  hemispherical  cupola,  supported  >>u 
arched  pendentives.  We  have  a  similar  arrange- 
ment in  the  churches  of  San  Pietro  in  cielo  d'oro, 
built  by  king  Luitprand,  after  A.D.  712,  and  San 
Teodoro,  c.  750,  in  the  same  city.  This  novel 
feature  speedily  found  general  favour,  and  by 
the  influence  of  the  Carlovingian  kings  of  Italy, 
the  Lombard  style  having  passed  into  the  Rhenish 
provinces  and  into  France,  the  lantern  was 
universally  adopted  in  later  churches.      [E.  V.] 

LAODICEA,  COUNCILS  OF  {Laodicma 
Concilia).  (1)  Held  at  Laodicea,  in  Phrygia, 
whither  St.  Paul,  according  to  the  inference 
drawn  from  Col.  iv.  16,  addressed  a  letter  now 
lost  (Westcott,  Canon,  p.  408,  and  App.  E.) : 
and  St.  John  a  remonstrance,  as  one  of  the 
churches  named  in  the  Apocalypse.  Its  date 
has  been  much  canvassed.  It  was  once  thought 
contemporary  with  the  council  of  Neo-Caesarea, 
and  prior  to  that  of  Nicaea.  Beveridge  says  the 
mention  of  the  Photinians  in  the  7th  canon 
negatives  this,  as  there  was  no  such  sect  then. 
But  Ferrandus  the  deacon,  in  quoting  this  canon, 
omits  the  Photinians.  The  Isidorian  version  does 
the  same.  Besides,  the  classing  of  Photinians, 
who  were  fell  heretics,  between  the  Novatiaus 
and  Quartodecimans,  who  were  merely  schis- 
matics, in  a  canon  where  no  others  are  named, 
seems  more  the  act  of  a  scribe  than  a  council. 
Dionysius,  however,  bears  out  the  Greek.  On 
other  grounds  it  may  be  said  that  these  canons, 
having  been  from  the  earliest  times  placed  after 
the  canons  of  Antioch  in  the  code  of  the  church, 
we  can  hardly  date  them  earlier  than  A.D.  341  ; 
and  if  their  connexion  with  a  council  of  Illyria, 
suggested  by  Beveridge  (Annot.  p.  193),  and 
with  the  semi-Arian  bishop  Theodosius,  sug- 
gested by  Godfrey  {ad  Philostorg.  viii.  3-4),  be 
allowed,  probably  not  earlier  than  a.d.  375 
[Illyrian  Council,  I.  813].  It  would  be  thus  a 
semi-Arian  council,  like  that  of  Antioch,  whose 
canons  were  received  ultimately  by  the  church 
for  their  intrinsic  worth.  We  will  consider  the 
form  in  which  they  have  come  down  to  us 
further  on.  They  were  59  in  number,  all  on 
discipline :  but  the  59th,  when  given  in  full,  is 
sometimes  divided,  so  as  to  form  a  60th. 

By  the  1st  second  marriages  may  be  condoned 
after  a  time.  By  the  11th  the  appointment  of 
female  presbyters  (TrpefffivTi5es)  is  forbidden. 
Fourteen  canons,  beginning  with  the  14th,  relate 
to  services  in  church,  and  should  all  be  studied, 
particularly  the  19th,  which  is  a  locus  classicus 
on  the  ordering  of  the  liturgy.  The  35th  seems 
directed  against  the  errors  which  St.  Paul  con- 
demns (Col.  ii.  18).  The  45th  forbids  baptizing 
after  the  second  week  in  Lent.  The  46th  ap- 
points Maundy  Thursday  for  the  redditio  symholi. 
The  50th  forbids  the  breaking  of  the  Lenten  fast 
on  that  day.  By  the  52nd  weddings  and  birth- 
days are  not  to  be  celebrated  in  Lent.  By  the 
57th  bishops  are  not  to  be  ordained  in  future  to 
villages  and  country  places  :  and  all  who  have 
been  are  to  do  nothing  without  leave  from  the 
city  bishop.  The  presbyters  destined  to  be  their 
substitutes  are  to  be  similarly  bound. 

And  now  comes  the  59th  canon,  of  which  there 
is  a  shorter  and  a  longer  form :  the  longer  con- 


LAODICEA,  COUNCILS  OF 

taiuing  a  catalogue  of  the  books  of  the  Old  and 
New  Testaments,  specified  as  what  ought  to  be 
read  in  church  by  this  council.  But  this  half  of 
the  canon  is  not  found  in  the  Latin  vei-sion  of 
these  canons  by  Dionysius,  nor  in  the  Greek  col- 
lection of  John  Scholasticus,  any  more  than  in 
the  Latin  collections  of  Martin  or  Cresconius 
all  of  which,  however,  exhibit  the  shorter  form. 
Again,  it  is  omitted  in  most  Greek  as  well  as 
Latin  MSS.  of  these  canons.  On  these  grounds 
Professor  Westcott,  after  considerable  research, 
and  with  a  praiseworthy  desire  to  be  impartial, 
has  decided  against  its  genuineness  (Canon,  pp. 
382-90,  and  App.  D.  1).  But  he  has  here  de- 
ferred too  much  to  his  German  authorities,  and 
by  so  doing  has  missed  more  than  one  cardinal 
point  in  this  inquiry.  This  is  how  the  matter  really 
stands.  We  seem  to  know  of  no  Greek  version 
of  these  canons  earlier  than  the  one  represented 
by  Dionysius  in  his  translation.  They  form  part 
of  the  165  canons  which  he  says  he  translated 
from  the  Greek.  And  this  version  could  not 
have  been  known  to  the  West  much  earlier  than 
his  own  time,  or  these  canons  would  not  have 
been  omitted  entirely  from  the  older  Latin  col- 
lection described  as  the  Prisca  Versio,  of  which 
the  oldest  MS.  is  in  the  Bodleian,  and  from  other 
collections  indicated  by  the  Ballerini  (cfe  Ant. 
Coll.  ii.  3). 

Yet  that  there  must  have  been  another  Greek 
version  of  them  circulating  in  the  West,  coinci- 
dently  with,  if  not  before,  the  Dionysian  one,  is 
clear,  for  this  reason.  The  Isidorian  version  of 
these  canons  includes  this  catalogue :  and  among 
the  canons  attributed  to  the  council  of  Agde, 
A.D.  506,  by  Hincmar  and  others  (Mansi,  viii. 
323,  with  the  note),  no  less  than  four  of  these 
Laodicean  canons,  the  20th,  21st,  30th,  and  36th, 
ai"e  reproduced  word  for  word,  except  where 
MSS.  differ,  in  the  Latin  of  the  Isidorian  vei-sion 
(i6.  p.  366).  Thus  this  catalogue  must  have 
been  circulating  in  Spain  and  in  the  south  of 
France,  translated  of  course  from  the  Greek 
when,  or  possibly  before,  Dionysius  published 
his  version  in  which  it  is  wanting. 

Another  even  more  cardinal  point  remains. 
Anybody  who  will  compare  the  form  in  which 
these  canons  are  presented  to  us  by  Dionysius, 
with  all  the  others  translated  by  him,  will  see 
dii'ectly  that  it  cannot  have  been  the  form  in 
which  they  were  passed,  but  that  it  is  a  mere 
abstract,  identical  with  the  form  in  which  all 
canons  are  quoted  in  the  Greek  collection  of 
John  Scholasticus  (nff>l  rod,  &c.),  and  the  Latin 
collections  of  Ferrandus  and  Martin.  The  ab- 
stract supplies  merely  the  principle,  not  the 
details  of  each  canon.  Dionysius  translated  all 
the  other  canons  in  full,  because  the  Greek  con- 
tained them  iu  full.  Of  the  Laodicean  he  trans- 
lated no  more  than  a  summary,  because  the 
Greek  contained  no  more.  The  Greek  from 
which  the  Isidorian  version  was  made  was  like- 
wise no  less  an  abstract,  except  in  this  one  case. 
Thus,  except  in  this  one  case,  the  original  canons 
have  not  been  preserved,  which  accounts  for 
tlieir  late  appearance ;  and  there  is  a  reason 
both  for  this  exception  and  also  for  its  not  having 
obtained  general  currency.  Particular  churches 
had  their  own  catalogues  of  the  Scriptures — 
their  own  use — which  they  would  not  have  ex- 
changed for  another.  Accordingly,  Ferrandus 
and    Martin    have    dispensed   themselves    from 


LAODICEA,  COUNCILS  OF      929 

including  any  catalogue  in  their  collections. 
Dionysius  includes  the  African  in  his,  because 
he  was  giving  the  African  canons  in  full.  Cres- 
conius has  it  in  his  collection  for  the  same  reason, 
but  omits  it  in  his  compendium,  on  grounds 
similar  to  those  on  which  the  Laodicean  was 
omitted  in  the  Greek  copy  which  Dionysius  and 
others  had  before  them.  John  Scholasticus,  pa- 
triarch of  Constantinople,  where  probably  there 
was  no  earlier  use,  gives  that  of  the  apostolic 
canons,  as  being  most  authoritative.  Anyhow,  he 
would  have  shrunk  from  borrowing  on  such  a 
point  from  this  synod,  it  being  a  semi-Ai-ian  synod. 
Professor  Westcott  has  not  failed  to  observe 
that  the  Laodicean  Catalogue  is  identical  with 
that  of  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem.  Just  so,  but 
was  not  St.  Cyril  connected  at  one  time  with 
the  semi-Arians  ?  Still  further,  may  not  its 
origin  be  thus  held  to  account  satisfactorily  for 
its  getting  into  the  Spanish  collection  ?  In 
general  the  Latin-speaking  churches  were  much 
attached  to  the  books  of  Wisdom  and  Ecclesi- 
asticus,  of  Tobit  and  Judith,  which  the  African 
catalogue  receives  freely,  but  which  this  ex- 
cludes, and  to  the  Apocalypse,  which  this  ex- 
cludes also. 

Let  us  now  see  which  way  intrinsic  considera- 
tions point.  The  first  half  orders  that  no  private 
psalms,  nor  uncanonical  books,  should  be  read  in 
church.  What  were  private  psalms  ?  There 
was  just  one  such,  at  all  events,  that  was  popu- 
lar in  the  Alexandrian  church.  It  is  called 
sometimes  "  a  private  psalm  of  David ; "  and 
sometimes  "  extra  numerum."  But  it  is  reck- 
oned the  151st  psalm  by  St.  Athanasius  him- 
self (£/>.  ad  Marccll.  §  25);  and  it  is  also  found 
as  such  in  the  Alexandrine  Codex.  Now%  in  the 
latter  half,  or  catalogue,  the  Psalter  is  pointedly 
said  to  consist  of  150  psalms,  as  if  with  the 
direct  object  of  excluding  this.  Again,  what  is 
the  one  book  of  the  New  Testament  which  is  not 
found  in  this  catalogue  ?  It  is  the  Apocalypse — 
certainly  not  the  least  known  in  Asia  Minor  ; 
yet  when  we  recall  the  character  of  the  special 
reference  to  the  Laodicean  church  which  it  con- 
tains, its  absence  from  the  traditional  list  of 
books  to  be  read  in  that  church  is  surely 
natural. 

But  for  this  one  omission  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment, and  saving  that  Baruch  is  coupled  with 
Jeremiah  in  the  old,  and  no  reading  of  the  Apo- 
ciypha  tolerated  in  church  at  all,  this  Laodicean 
catalogue  coincides  with  our  own  throughout : 
and  it  is  identical  with  that  of  St.  Cyril,  as  has 
been  said,  and  embodies  the  mature  judgment 
expressed  by  Eusebius,  a  still  more  pronounced 
partisan  and  contemporary.  Thus  its  genuine- 
ness really  presents  no  opening  for  attack  on 
general  grounds  ;  while  the  special  arguments 
in  its  fovour,  intrinsic  as  well  as  external,  are 
full  as  strong  as  we  could  expect,  always  bearing 
in  mind  that  these  canons  have  come  down  to  us 
through  a  collector,  and  not  in  the  shape  in 
which  they  passed  (Mansi,  iii.  563-600  with  the 
notes ;  Hefele,  §  93).  The  parallel  case  which 
occurs  in  Cresconius  illustrates  this  to  a  nicety. 

Possibly  these  canons  had  not  been  added  to 
the  code  of  the  church  when  it  was  confirmed  at 
Chalcedou  ;  yet  they  must  have  formed  part  of 
it  when  Dionysius  translated  them,  and  as  such 
been  confirmed  by  the  quinisext  and  7th  coun- 
cils.    But  whether  the  59th  was  confirmed  in 


930     LAODICEA,  COUNCILS  OF 

its  longer  or  its  shorter  form,  it  was  certainly 
not  confirmed  to  the  exclusion  of  the  Apocalypse 
from  the  church  catalogue. 

2.  A.D.  481-2,  at  which  Stephen  junior,  who 
had  been  elected  to  the  see  of  Antioch,  but 
thrust  out  on  false  charges,  was  restored 
(Mansi,  vii.  1021).  [K.  S.  Ff.] 

LAOSYNACTES  {KaocrwaKr-ns),  an  official 
of  the  patriarchal  church  of  Constantinople, 
whose  business  it  was  to  assemble  the  deacons 
and  take  care  that  they  attended  to  their  duties. 
(Suicer,  Thesaurus,  s.  v.)  [C] 

LAPETA,  COUNCIL  OF  {Lapetense  Con- 
cilium), one  of  three  synods  held  A.D.  495,  or 
thereabouts,  under  Barsumas,  Nestoriau  arch- 
bishop of  Nisibis,  at  Lapeta,  near  Bagdad.  Three 
canons  are  given  to  it;  but  a  thirteenth  has 
been  cited.  By  the  third  of  them  all  the  clergy, 
as  well  as  the  laity,  are  permitted  to  marry  at 
their  diseretion  (Mansi,  viii.  143,  et  seq.) 

[E.  S.  Ff.] 

LAPIDES  SACRI.  I.  Bounds  or  landmarks, 
so  called  because  originally  consecrated  to  Ju- 
piter by  Numa  Pompilius  (Festus,  s.  v.  Ter- 
minus). 

They  must  be  distinguished  from  the  mile- 
stones or  milliaria,  which  were  also  known  as 
lapides.  (DiCT.  OF  Ge.  and  Rom.  Ant.  art. 
Milliare ;  Terminalia.) 

The  reverence  for  boundaries  was,  however, 
of  far  older  growth.  The  Mosaic  law  forbade 
the  removal  of  a  landmark  (Deut.  xxvii.  17). 
Josephus  (Antiq.  Jud.  lib.  i.  c.  2)  attributes  the 
first  use  of  boundaries  to  Cain. 

Among  the  Greeks  landmarks  were  commonly 
put  under  the  protection  of  some  divinity  (Plato, 
de  Leg.  viii. ;  Ulpian,  Collat.  Leg.  Mosaic,  xii. ; 
Paulus,  Sentent.  i.  16,  and  v.  22,  2). 

Caius  Caesar  (a.d.  37-41),  in  his  agrarian 
law,  imposed  a  fine  on  those  who  should  remove 
landmarks,  dolo  malo,  of  fifty  aurei,  to  go  to  the 
state  {Digests,  lib.  xlvii. ;  tit.  de  Termino  Moto, 
22,  n.  3). 

Nero  (a.d.  54-68)  ordered  the  slave  who 
should  commit  this  offence  to  be  put  to  death, 
unless  his  master  would  pay  the  penalty  (jb.  and 
see  Callistratus,  de  Cognitionibus,  lib.  3,  5). 

Hadrian  (a.d.  117-138)  promulgated  a  law 
punishing  the  offence  with  various  periods  of 
imprisonment,  with  forced  labour  or  with  stripes, 
according  to  the  position  and  age  of  the  offender 
(ib.  n.  2). 

In  the  Corpus  Juris  Civilis  a  great  mass  of 
references  has  been  collected  by  way  of  com- 
mentary on  these  laws,  which  may  be  consulted 
with  advantage. 

Later  codes  are  much  less  distinct  than  the 
foregoing  in  their  provisions,  and  less  severe. 
In  the  code  of  Theodosius,  A.D.  438  (lib.  is.  tit. 
1 ;  de  Accusatione,  lib.  1),  we  have  merely,  "  qui 
fines  aliquos  invaserit,  publicis  legibus  subju- 
getur." 

Similarly  in  that  of  Justinian,  A.D.  529  (lib. 
ix.  tit.  2,  de  Accusationibus  et  Inscriptionibus), 
"eos  qui  termiuos  effoderunt,  extraordinarid  anim- 
adversione  coerceri  deberi,  praeses  provinciae  non 
ignorabit." 

II.  This  phrase  is  also  employed  to  censure 
the  effacing  of  the  ancient  boundaries  of  dioceses, 
by  bishops  desirous  of  extending  their  jurisdic- 


LAPSI 

tion.  Pope  Innocent  (a.d.  402-417),  in  one  of 
his  letters  {Ep.  8,  ad  Florentiurri),  reminds  the 
bishop  to  whom  he  wrote  that  the  Scriptures 
forbade  the  removing  of  boundaries,  and  that 
therefore  he  should  abstain  from  endeavouring 
to  reduce  others  under  his  rule.  In  this  sense 
wc  find  pope  Leo  I.  (a.d.  440-461)  also  writing 
to  Anastasius,  bishop  of  Thessalonica  {Ep.  i.  c.  8): 
"  Suis  igitur  termiuis  contentus  sit  quisque,  nee 
supra  mensuram  juris  sui  affectet  augeri." 

Among  the  False  Decretals  are  to  be  found 
many  instances  of  the  employment  of  the  j)hrase 
in  this  symbolic  sense,  which  is  so  far  an  evi- 
dence of  usage  at  the  time  when  they  were 
concocted. 

III.  In  the  record  of  the  proceedings  of  the 
second  Nicene  Council,  a.d.  787,  we  find  sacred 
images  or  statues  referred  to  under  this  phrase- 
ology. [S.  J.  E.] 

LAPSI.  The  term  applied  to  Christians  who 
in  time  of  persecution  denied  their  faith.  In  the 
early  persecution  under  Domitian,  a.d.  95-6, 
when  it  may  be  presumed  that  all  who  had 
been  converted  to  Christianity  had  counted  the 
cost  of  their  profession,  the  name  does  not  occur. 
But  the  severe  onslaught  on  Christianity  which 
was  made  a  century  later,  in  the  reign  of 
Severus,  foxind  the  Christians  less  prepared  to 
resist  unto  blood  in  behalf  of  their  religion. 
Some  bribed  the  soldiers  and  accusers  to  over- 
look them,  others  paid  a  sort  of  periodical  tax  to 
secure  toleration.  The  exemption  thus  par- 
chased,  though  stopping  short  of  a  positive 
lapse,  was  at  best  a  compromise  ;  and  although 
the  usage  was  permitted  by  some  bishops,  it, 
like  flight  in  time  of  persecution,  was  abhorrent 
to  the  rigid  Montani-sm  of  TertuUian  (Tertull. 
de  FvA)d  in  Persecutione,  cc.  12,  13).  The  next 
pei*secution  was  that  under  the  emperor  Decius, 
A.D.  249-51.  It  was  a  systematic  attempt  to 
eradicate  Christianit}',  not  so  much  by  pujting 
its  adherents  to  death,  as  by  compelling  them  to 
recant.  Participation  in  a  heathen  sacrifice  was 
the  test  ordinarily  applied.  And  the  shameful 
eagerness  with  which  Christians  rushed  to  purge 
themselves  by  this  test,  and  even  carried  their 
infants  with  them,  is  disclosed  by  Cyprian  (de 
Lapsis,  cc.  6,  7).  Multitudes  also  only  avoided 
the  actual  sacrifice  by  bringing  certificates 
[LiBELLi]  from  the  magistrates  to  the  effect 
that  they  had  offered.  During  the  troubles  of 
the  church  under  Valerian,  A.D.  258-60,  instances 
of  recantation  were  far  more  rare.  But  in  the 
final  persecution,  which  began  under  Diocletian, 
A.D.  303,  and  raged  with  intense  severity  until 
the  edict  of  Constantine  establishing  religious 
equality,  A.D.  313,  the  Christians  were  exposed 
to  a  new  trial,  to  which  numbers  succumbed. 
An  attempt  was  made  to  extirpate  the  sacred 
scriptures,  and  the  lapsi  who  delivered  up  their 
books  were  branded  with  the  name  of  Tradi- 

TORES. 

The  treatment  of  the  lapsed  who  had  polluted 
themselves  with  Paganism  in  the  Decian  per- 
secution occupies  a  considerable  part  of  the 
Epistles  of  Cyprian.  His  treatise  de  Lapsis, 
written  immediately  after  the  termination  of  the 
persecution,  is  an  appeal  to  them  to  seek  re- 
admission  into  the  church  by  penitence.  The 
terms  however  on  which  they  should  be  ad- 
mitted were  not  easily  decided.     Cyprian  him- 


LAPSI 

self  had  gone  into  concealment  while  the  perse 
cution  was  hottest,  a  course  which  somewhat 
compromised  him  in  the  eyes  of  the  Eoman 
clergy  {Ep.  viii.),  but  which  he  defended  on  the 
ground  that  he  had  received  a  divine  direction 
\Ep.  svi.  3),  and  that  his  presence  only  exaspe- 
rated the  fury  of  the  populace  (^Ep.  xx.  1,  de 
Lapsis,  c.  8).  From  his  concealment  he  had  to 
determine  how  the  lapsed  should  be  treated. 
The  matter  was  complicated  by  a  practice  which 
appears  to  have  originated  in  the  African  church 
during  the  Severan  persecution  (Tertull.  ad 
Martyr,  c.  1),  of  confessors  and  martyrs  giving 
letters  of  recomm.endation  to  penitents,  request- 
ing the  bishops  to  shorten  their  penance.  The 
practice  was  kept  in  some  order  by  deacons 
visiting  the  martyrs  in  prison,  and  guiding  and 
checking  them  in  the  distribution  of  their 
favours  (£):».  xv.  1).  On  the  cessation  of  the 
Decian  persecution  the  privilege  was  greatly 
abused  ;  for  not  only  were  letters  given  to  any 
indiscriminately,  but  given  in  the  name  of 
martyrs  who  wero  dead  {Ep.  xxvii.  1,  2),  and 
given  in  such  a  form  as  to  include  the  friends  of 
the  petitioner  {Ep.  xv.  3).  The  custom  after- 
wai-ds  led  to  such  disorders  as  to  call  for  the 
interference  of  councils  (Cone.  Eliber.  c.  25, 
1  Cone.  Arelat.  c.  9).  The  holders  of  these 
letters  demanded  immediate  communion,  which 
some  bishops,  yielding  to  the  popular  clamour, 
granted  {Ep.  xxvii.  3).  The  decision  of  Cyprian 
was  that  the  holders  of  letters  of  martyrs  who 
were  pressed  by  sickness,  might  be  at  once 
restored  after  confession,  even  before  a  deacon  if 
death  was  imminent  (Ep.  xviii.)  and  after  impo- 
sition of  hands  (Ep.  xix.) ;  but  that  the  rest 
must  wait  till  tranquillity  was  restored  and 
"  the  bishops  meeting  with  the  clergy  and  in 
the  presence  of  the  laity  who  stood  fast,"  could 
grant  them  the  public  peace  of  the  church.  If 
any  meanwhile  received  the  lapsed  into  com- 
munion, they  should  themselves  be  excommuni- 
cated {Ep.  xxxiv.  Iv.  3).  This  decision  was 
announced  to  the  Roman  clergy  (Ep.  xxvii.)  and 
to  the  confessors  at  Rome  (Ep.  xxviii.),  and  met 
with  the  approval  of  the  Roman  church  (Ep).  xxx.). 
In  the  spring  of  251  Cyprian  returned  to 
Carthage,  and,  in  a  council  with  his  bishops 
(^Ep.  Iv.  4),  made  a  formal  investigation  into 
the  case  of  the  lapsed.  The  conclusion  announced 
was  that  libellatics  were  to  be  received  at  once 
(^Ep.  Iv.  14) ;  that  some  who  had  once  sacrificed, 
but  when  put  to  the  trial  a  second  time,  rather 
«ndured  banishment  and  confiscation  of  goods, 
were  likewise  to  be  restored  (Epp.  xxiv.  xxv.); 
that  others  who  had  at  first  confessed  Christ,  and 
when  afterwards  exposed  to  torture  denied  Him, 
and  had  been  doing  penance  for  three  years, 
should  no  longer  be  excluded  (Ep.  Ivi.) ;  and 
that  those  who  were  sick  should  receive  peace 
only  at  the  point  of  death  (Ep.  Ivii.  1).  Of  the 
remainder,  the  penance  should  be  long  pro- 
tracted, but  the  hope  of  ultimate  communion 
not  denied  (Ep.  Iv.  4).  These  decisions  were 
also  submitted  to  Rome,  and  accepted  by 
Cornelius  in  a  largely-attended  synod  (Ep.  Iv.  5). 
So  matters  remained  till  the  following  year, 
when  Cyprian  receiving,  as  he  intimated,  a 
divine  warning  of  the  renewal  of  the  persecu- 
tion, announced  to  Cornelius  that  a  Carthaginian 
synod  had  resolved  to  receive  into  communion 
all  the  lapsed  who  desired  to  return  (Ep.  Ivii.). 

CHRIST.  ANT. — VOL.  II, 


LASEEN,  ORDEE  OF 


931 


It  was  on  the  solution  of  these  questions  that 
Novatian  broke  away  from  the  church.  At  the 
beginning  of  the  difficulty  two  letters  attributed 
to  him  (Epp.  xxx.  xxxvi.  apud  Cyp.)  requested 
that  the  lapsed  who  were  sick  might  be  restored 
to  communion.  But  afterwards,  when  his 
notions  had  become  more  rigid,  he  took  up  the 
position  that  the  church  had  no  power  to 
restore  them  on  any  terms  ;  he  did  not  deny 
that  they  might  personally  repent,  but  that  any 
repentance  could  ever  lead  to  a  re-admission  to 
church  communion.  A  lapser  by  a  unanimous 
decree  of  the  Western  church  was  debarred 
from  ordination  (Ep.  Ixvii.  6).  And  a  priest 
who  lapsed  was  restored  only  to  lay  communion. 
Cyprian  indignantly  repudiates  the  libel  that  the 
lapsing  priest  Trophimus  was  allowed  after  due 
penitence  to  resume  his  sacerdotal  functions  (Ep. 
Iv.  8).  But  in  troubled  times  these  rules  could 
not  always  be  enforced  (Bingham,  Antiq.  VI. 
ii.  4).     [Compare  Libelli.]  [G.  M.] 

LAEGIO,  martyr  at  Augsburg,  Aug.  12, 
Usuard  (from  Acts  of  St.  Afra).  He  may  be  the 
same  as  the  following,  and  Augsburg  a  mistake 
for  August.  [E.  B.  B.] 

LARGUS,  martyr  on  Salarian  Way,  trans- 
lated to  Ostian  Way  by  pope  Marcellus  ;  com- 
memorated March  16  (Mart.  Eom.  Gell.,  Bede, 
Ado,  Usuard,  Wand.) ;  and  Aug.  8  (Kal.  Bucher ; 
Mart.  Hieron.  D'Ach.,  Gell. ;  Mart.  Ado,  Usuard), 
(others  do  not  name  him  this  day);  and  (2) 
martyr  in  the  East,  Aug.  9  (Mart.  Jlieron.)  ;  and 
(3)  at  Aquileia,  Mart.  16  (Usuard),  17  (Hieron. 
I)'Ach.)  are  probably  the  same.  Is  the  name 
Aquileia  introduced  from  the  martyrdom  of 
Hilary  ?  [E.  B.  B.] 

LARNAX  (\dpva^)  is  sometimes  used  for  a 
coffin.  Thus  the  author  of  the  life  of  St. 
Martina  of  Rome  (Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  p.  18)  says 
that  her  body  was  placed  in  a  coffin  or  shrine  of 
onyx  (onychinum  larnacem).  Compare  Torigi 
de  Cryptis  Vatkanis,  p.  551,  2nd  ed.  (Maori 
Hierolex.  s.  v.  Larnax).  [C] 

LASCO,  martyr  in  Asia,  Feb.  23  (cod.  Usuard. 
Marchian.).  D'Achery's  edition  of  the  Mart. 
Hieron.  has  Cosco.  It  may  be  the  name  of  a 
place,  or  a  confusion  with  Grisco.         [£.  B.  B.] 

LASREN,  Lasrian,  Laisrenn,  Molaisi,  Dolaisi, 
are  forms  of  a  name  under  which  are  distin- 
guished or  confounded — (1)  son  of  Nadfraech, 
abbat  of  Devenesh,  on  Lough  Erne,  d.  Sept.  12, 
563,  commemorated  at  Belach  Ui  Michen,  Sept. 
15.  (2)  or  Lazarinus,  abbat  of  Durrow,  3a-d 
abbat  of  lona,  d.  Sept.  16,  a.d.  605.  (3)  at 
Men  (in  Queen's  Co.  ?),  Sept.  16.  (4)  on  Lough 
Laoigh  in  Ulster,  Oct.  25.  (5),  (6),  (7),  (8), 
Dec.  26,  Jan.  17  and  19,  March  8.  (9)  son  of 
Caire,  hermit  at  Lamlash,  on  coast  of  Arran, 
abbat  of  Rathkill  and  Leighlin,  consecrated  bishop 
at  Rome  ■i-639,  commemorated  April  18  (Mart. 
Donegal,  p.  105,  Bp.  Forbes,  Kalendars  of 
ScAtisk  Saints,  p.  407  (who  names  him  Molio, 
because  a  cave  at  Lamlash  is  called  St.  Molio's 
cave);  Acta  SS.  Bolland.  Apr.  ii.  540).  (10) 
abbat  of  Innis  Murray,  f  -A-^g-  l-»  ^'-  Reeves, 
Adamnan,  p.  287.  [E.  B.  B.] 

LASREN,  ORDER  OP,  or  Molaisi,  one  of 
the   eight  orders  of  Irish  monks.     This  Lasren 
was    either   (1)  celebrated   for  love  of  a   stone 
3  P 


932 


LASSAEA 


prison  and  of  hospitality,  or  (2)  "  a  flame  of  fire 
with  his  comely  choristers."  (^Martyrology  of 
Donegal,  Dublin,  1864,  pp.  245-247.)  [E.  B.  B.] 

LASSAEA,  virgin,  Jan.  29  (Colgan,  AA. 
SS.  Hihern.).  Thirteen  others  are  commemorated 
in  the  Mart.  Donegal,  q.  v.  [E.  B.  B.] 

LATEEAN,  COUNCIL  OF  (Lateranensc 
Concilium),  held  a.d.  649,  soon  after  the  ac- 
cession of  pope  Martin,  in  the  church  called 
Constantine's,  at  his  palace  on  the  Lateran, 
and  chronologically  the  first  of  that  name. 
Its  deliberations  were  purely  doctrinal  and 
antimonothelite.  Its  acts  have  come  down  to 
us  in  Greek  as  well  as  in  Latin,  though 
Latin  was,  of  course,  the  language  employed. 
The  Greek  documents  are  said  to  have  been 
translated  into  Latin  in  each  case  by  one  of  the 
Roman  notaries,  before  they  were  read  out : 
letters  from  the  African  church,  being  in  Latin, 
were  read  out  as  they  stood.  The  number  of 
bishops  subscribing  to  it  was  106,  almost  all 
Italians,  including  the  pope;  and  of  its  sessions, 
or  secretaries — so  called  from  being  held  in  the 
sacristy — five.  The  first  was  opened  by  a  speech 
from  the  pope,  followed  by  a  letter  to  him  from 
Maurus,  bishop  of  Eavenna,  to  the  same  effect, 
which  was  read  and  approved.  At  the  second, 
other  orthodox  documents  addressed  to  himself 
or  his  predecessor  were  recited.  At  the  third, 
writings  of  a  contrary  description,  by  Theodore, 
bishop  of  Pharan,  and  the  patriaixhs  of  Alex- 
andria and  Constantinople,  Gyms  and  Sergius, 
together  with  the  Ecthesis  of  the  emperor  Hera- 
clius,  inspired  by  the  latter,  were  produced  and 
reflected  upon.  At  the  fourth,  after  some 
further  comments  on  what  had  been  read  at  the 
third,  two  more  documents  of  the  same  kind 
were  rehearsed: — 1,  a  letter  of  Paul,  actual 
patriarch  of  Constantinople,  to  the  late  pope 
Theodore ;  and  2,  the  Type  of  Coustans,  the 
reigning  emperor.  Both  having  been  pronounced 
•unsound,  codices  of  the  dogmatic  rulings  of  each 
of  the  previous  five  general  councils  were  pro- 
duced from  the  papal  archives  and  read  out  in 
answer  to  them  all.  Among  these  was  the  cele- 
brated ordinance  at  the  end  of  the  definition  of 
the  fourth  council,  on  the  unalterableness  of  the 
creed.  Attention  was  again  directed  in  the  last 
session  to  that  subject,  by  reciting  what  the  fifth 
council  had  said  of  its  entire  agreement  with  the 
other  four,  and  with  all  the  great  fathers  and  doc- 
tors of  the  church  :  extracts  from  whom  were 
then  read,  to  shew  their  harmony  with  each 
other.  Similarly,  passages  were  produced  after- 
wards from  the  works  of  earlier  heretics,  to  expose 
their  agreement  with  the  errors  that  were  now 
broached.  Twenty  canons  followed  in  condemna- 
tion of  Monothelism  and  its  patrons  in  the  East, 
who  are  several  times  mentioned  by  name  ;  com- 
plete reserve  being  maintained  about  pope  Hono- 
rius  throughout.  Letters  to  announce  this  re- 
sult, or  in  connexion  with  this  subject,  were 
despatched  by  the  pope  to  the  emperor  Constans, 
tlie  metropolitans  of  Carthage  and  Philadel)ihia, 
and  other  churches  of  the  East ;  besides  an  en- 
cyclic to  the  faithful  in  general.  In  all  of  them 
he  styles  himself  "  servus  servorum  Dei."  Mau- 
rus, bishop  of  Ravenna,  it  should  be  added,  in 
writing  to  him,  arrogates  the  same  stvle. 
(Mansi,  x.  789-1188.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 


LAUDA 

LATEECULUS.  A  tile  or  earthenware- 
tablet  on  which  the  times  of  the  moveable  fes- 
tivals, or  at  least  of  Easter,  were  inscribed,  with 
the  view  of  giving  public  notice  of  them.  Thus- 
the  4th  council  of  Orleans  (a.d.  541)  enacted 
(c.  1)  that  Easter  should  be  celebrated  according 
to  the  laterculus  or  cycle  of  bishop  Yictorius.. 
That  confusion  arose  in  Spain  at  a  somewhat  later 
date  from  the  difference  of  the  Paschal-cycles  in 
use  (diversa  observantia  laterculorum)  is  evident 
from  the  5th  canon  of  the  4th  council  of 
Toledo  (a.d.  633),  which  enjoins  the  several 
metropolitans,  three  months  before  Epiphany, 
to  consult  each  other,  and  when  they  have 
ascertained  the  proper  day  for  the  celebration 
of  Easter  to  signify  it  to  their  comprovincial 
bishops. 

(Maori  Hierolex.  s.  v.  Laterculus.')  [C] 

LATIN,  USE  OF  [Liturgical  Language]. 

LATINA,  martvr,  June  2  {Mart.  Ilieron. 
D'Ach.).  ■  [E.  B.  B.] 

LATINUS,  bishop  of  Brescia  (2nd  century),. 
March  24  {Acta  Sanctorum,  March,  iii.  473). 

[E.  B.  B.] 

LATOPOLIS,  COUNCIL  OF  {LatopoU- 
tanum  Concilium),  a.d.  347,  at  Latopolis,  in 
Upper  Egypt,  at  which  St,  Pachomius  was  put 
on  his  defence.    (Mansi,  iii.  141.)        [E.  S.  Ff.] 

LATEOCINALIS  is  a  name  given  to  the 
synod  which  met  at  Ephesus  A.D.  449  [Ephesus, 
Council  of  (6),  I.  615].  It  was  also  applied 
by  pope  Nicolas  to  the  "  ccnciliabulum" 
assembled  by  Photius,  patriarch  of  Constanti- 
nople, in  the  year  863.  [C] 

LATUINUS,  first  bishop  of  Seix  in  Nor- 
mandy, t  June  20  {Acta  S3.  Jun.  v.  10).  The 
name  is  almost  certainly  Teutonic.      [E.  B.  B.] 

LAUDA.  (1)  A  short  antiphon  which 
occurs  after  the  gospel  in  the  Mozarabic  mass. 
In  the  Begula  prefixed  to  the  breviary,  a  lauda 
is  thus  distinguished  from  an  antiphona — ^^  Anti- 
phona  est,  quae  dicitur  sine  Alleluia  ;  et  Lauda 
quae  cum  Alleluia  dicitur."  But  a  laud(C  retains 
its  name  when  Alleluia  is  omitted  at  the  proper 
season.  The  Gospel  is  concluded  with  "  Amen," 
and  then  after  the  salutation  "  The  Lord  be  with 
you,"  Pi.  "And  with  thy  spirit,"  follows  the 
Lauda.  The  normal  form  is  a  verse,  usually, 
though  not  always,  taken  from  the  Psalms,  p-re- 
ceded  and  followed  by  Alleluia.  Thus  the  Lauda 
for  Ascension  Day  is  "  Alleluia,  V.  God  is  gone 
up  with  a  merry  noise,  and  the  Lord  with  the 
sound  of  the  trump.  Alleluia."  After  the  first 
Sunday  in  Lent  Alleluia  is  omitted  till  Easter 
Eve,  when  it  is  resumed  ;  an  additional  latida 
without  Alleluia  being  said  on  that  day  after  the 
Epistle.  On  the  Thursday  before  Easter  the 
Lauda  is  longer  than  usual,  and  consists  of  seven 
verses  (not  consecutive)  of  Ps.  cviii.  (cix.  Eng. 
Ver.)  ;  and  on  Good  Friday  there  is  no  Lauda, 
but  Preces  instead. 

In  the  Ambrosian  mass  the  corresponding  anti- 
phon is  called  Antiphona  post  Evangelium.  In 
the  Roman  there  is  nothing  which  corresponds, 
and  the  Creed  follows  the  Gospel  immediately. 

(2)  An  antiphon  of  the  same  character  as  the 
foregoing,  but  longer,  and  broken  up  into  vei'se- 


LAUDACIA 

and  response,  several  of  which  occur  in  the  day- 
hours  of  the  Mozarabic  breviary.  They  vary 
with  the  office  of  the  day.  They  are  thus 
said : — 

At  Vespers,  two  ;  one  at  the  beginning  of  the 
office,  short,  and  usually  with  a  reference  to  the 
time  of  day  ;  the  other  before  the  hymn,  some- 
what longer,  and  with  "Glory  and  honour," 
&c.  (*),  introduced  before  the  last  clause.  Also 
at  the  close  of  the  office  after  the  benediction, 
additional  laudae  are  found.  Most  frequently 
o^e,  though  often  two  or  more  (for  instance,  on 
the  tliird  Sunday  in  Lent  there  are  as  many  as 
six),  each  followed  by  a  short  prayer  (oratio), 
generally  a  reproduction  of  the  sentiment  of  the 
Lauda.  These  correspond  in  some  measure  to 
the  Commemorationes  of  the  Roman  breviary. 

At  lauds  two  are  said  in  the  course  of  the 
office,  and  one,  or  sometimes  moi-e,  each  with  its 
prayer  at  the  end,  as  at  vespers. 

At  each  of  the  lesser  hours,  except  compline, 
when  there  is  none,  a  lauda  is  said  before  the 
hymn.  This  is  the  general  arrangement,  but 
there  are  of  course  exceptions.  There  is  also  a 
short  "  commemoration"  (of  the  time  of  day) 
after  vespers  and  lauds  daily,  which  consists  of 
a  short  lauda  and  a  prayer. 

As  specimens  of  the  ordinary  form  of  lauda, 
those  for  the  first  vespers  of  the  first  Sunday  in 
Advent  may  be  given : — 

Lauda  at  the  beginning  of  the  Office. — "From 
the  rising  up  of  the  Sun,  unto  the  going  down  of 
the  same.  P.  The  Lord's  name  be  praised.  V. 
Blessed  be  the  name  of  the  Lord,  from  this  time 
forth  for  evermore." 

[This  Lauda  never  has  "  Alleluia."] 

Before  the  Hymn. — "Alleluia.  Send  us  help 
from  the  sanctuary ;  and  strengthen  us  out  of 
Sion,  0  Lord.^  P.  When  we  call  upon  thee. 
Alleluia,  Alleluia.  V.  We  will  rejoice  in  thy 
salvation,  and  triumph  in  the  name  of  the  Lord 
our  God.  P.  And  strengthen  us  out  of  Sion,  0 
Lord.  V.  Glory  and  honour,  &c.  P.  When  we 
call  upon  thee."  [H.  J.  H.] 

LAUDACIA  (^Mart.  Gell.);  Laudaia  (fl'/eron. 
D'Ach.) ;  martyr,  July  26.  Probably  a  copyist's 
error  for  the  place  Laodicea.  [E.  B.  B.] 

LAUDACUS.    [Laudiceus.] 

LAUDANA  or  LAUDUNA.  In  Anastasius 
Vitae  Pontiff,  (s.  v.  Adrian,  §  325,  Migne),  we 
read  that  pope  Adrian  made  two  "  laudanas"  of 
silver,  weighing  eight  pounds  each,  which  he 
placed  over  the  Rugae  [probably  doors  or 
curtains]  of  the  presbytery,  where  the  silver 
arch  is.  Calepinus  supposes  these  laudanae  to 
have  been  rods  or  cornices  of  silver ;  but  in  fact 
their  nature  and  use  appear  to  be  altogether 
matter  of  conjecture. 

(Maori  Hierolex. ;  Ducange,  Gloss,  s.  v.)    [C] 


LAUDS 


933 


»  The  Mozarabic  form  of  the  Gloria  Patri  is  "  Gloria 
et  Honor  Patri  et  Filio  el  Spiritui  Sancto  in  saecula  saecu- 
lorum.'  The  word  Honor  was  added  at  the  fourth  coun- 
cil of  Toledo,  the  addition  being  justified  by  the  words 
of  Ps.  28  [£•.  r.  29]  v.  2,  "  Afferte  Domino  gloriam  et 
honorem,"  &c.,  and  by  the  ascription  of  praise  in  Apoc. 
V.  12,  "  Dignus  est  Agnus. .  .accipere  honorem  et  gloriam 
et  benedictionem"  (^Brecis  Missae  Muzarabum  Explicatio, 
A.  Lorenzana). 

•>  This  "  P  "  is  explained  by  Arevalus  as  Psalmus.  It 
has  also  been  taken  to  stand  for  Presbyter. 


LAUDEMIUM  (also  written  Laudimium). 
The  name  which  is  given  to  the  price  which  a 
farmer  or  a  vassal  paid  to  the  owner  or  feudal 
lord  of  the  and  on  being  invested  with  the  posses- 
sion of  a  copyhold  tenure  [Emphyteusis],  or 
on  a  renewal  of  the  investiture  ;  or  for  the  right 
of  alienating  the  fief  to  another.  "Concessimus 
quod  de  feodis  et  retrofoodis  in  emphitheosin 
....  datis  ....  nulla  financia  debeatur,  nisi 
seu  fuerint  castra,  ville,  seu  loca  alia  ....  quo  a 
nobis  in  feudum  vel  homagium,  seu  ad  servitium 
aliud  teneantur,  de  quibus  alienationem  fieri 
nolumus  sine  nostro  Laudemio,  aut  nostra  gratia 
speciali."  (Prjecep.  Lud. :  x.  Fr.  licg.,  quoted 
by  Ducange.)  The  amount  of  the  Laudemium 
varies^.  In  Germany  it  is  stated  to  be  2  per  cent, 
of  the  estimated  value  of  the  property  at  the 
time  of  entering  or  renewal :  and  in  Bavaria, 
and  practically  in  a  large  part  of  Germany,  to 
amount  to  5  per  cent,  of  that  value.  The  law 
of  emphyteusis  was  derived  from  the  Roman  law, 
and  introduced  into  ecclesiastical  law  with  but 
slight  modification  of  the  civil  procedure.  The 
object  of  e?n/)A^<t,'!<sis  was  always  real  property, 
usually  land,  but  it  might  be  a  building.  The 
owner  of  the  property  was  called  dominus  emphy- 
teuseos;  and  the  tenant,  emphyteuticarius,  or 
emphyteuta. 

The  word  laudes  is  used  in  a  similar  sense  for 
the  price  paid  by  a  vassal  to  his  feudal  lord  for 
the  power  of  alienating  his  fief  to  another ;  and 
laudare  in  the  sense  of  receiving  such  laudes. 
The  words  laudemium  and  laudes  both  imply  the 
consent  and  approbation  which  the  feudal  lord 
gives  to  the  translation,  (v.  Ducange  in  loco, 
Pichler,  Jus  Can.  lib.  ii.  lit.  xvii.  24,  &c.) 

[H.  J.  H.] 

LAUDICEUS,  bishop,  buried  in  the  cemetery 
of  Callistus,  and  perhaps  after  the  time  of  Sixtus 
III.  commemorated,  with  the  other  popes  and 
bishops  there  buried,  on  Aug.  9  TDe  Rossi,  Roma 
Sott.  ii.  33-46,  228,  229).  '         [E.  B.  B.] 

LAUDOMAE  [v.  Launomarus]. 

LAUDS  (1),  see  HouES ;  Office,  the  Divine. 

(2)  Under  the  Lower  Empire  when  public 
honour  was  done  to  a  great  personage  the 
acclamations  of  the  people,  which  took  a  con- 
ventional shape,  were  called  Laudes  (Gr.  TroAu- 
XpS^iov).  The  customary  formula  under  the 
heathen  emperors  may  be  learnt  from  the  cries 
of  the  Roman  army  on  an  occasion  mentioned  by 
Lampridius  (^Vita  Diaduin.):  "Jupiter  Optime 
Maxime,  Macrino  et  Antonino  vitam.  Tu  scis, 
Jupiter,  JIacrinus  viuci  non  potest.  Tu  scis, 
Jupiter,  Antoninus  vinci  non  potest  "  (Lindenbr. 
in  Ammian.  Hist.  xvii.  13).  After  a  speech  of 
Constantius  to  his  soldiers  (a.D.  358)  the  whole 
assemblage  of  them,  "  vocibus  festis  in  laudes 
imperatoris  assurgens,  Deumque  ex  usu  testata 
non  posse  Constantium  vinci,  tentoria  laeta  re- 
petit  "  (Ammian.  u.  s.).  Whether  they  gave  a 
Christian  turn  to  the  laudes  or  retained  the  old 
cry  does  not  appear.  The  historian  uses  the 
word  Deum  in  the  case  of  Julian  (363),  whose 
soldiers  would  certainly  appeal  to  Jupiter: 
"  Principem  superari  non  posse  Deum  usitato 
more  testati  "  (xxiv.  1)  ;  and  it  is  worthy  of  note 
that  the  soldiers  of  Valens,  when  deserting  to 
Procopius  at  Mygdos  in  365,  called  Jupiter  to 
witness  :  "  Testati  Jovem  invictum  Procopium 
3  P  2 


934 


LAUDULF 


fore  "  Qbid.  sxvi.  6).  The  custom,  however,  at 
length  assumed  a  Christian  character,  and  was 
observed  even  in  churches.  When  St.  Augustine, 
in  a  synod  held  in  the  church  of  the  Peace  at 
Hippo,  A.D.  426,  proposed  Eraclius  as  his  coad- 
jutor with  right  of  succession,  "a  populo  acclama- 
tum  est.  Deo  Gratias :  Christo  Laudes,  dictum 
est  vicies  terties.  Exaudi  Christe,  Augiistino 
vita,  dictum  est  sexies  decies.  Ta  patron,  te 
episcopun,  dictum  est  octies "  (August.  Epist. 
213,  §  1).  A  similar  instance  occurs  in  the  his- 
tory of  a  synod  hel  I  under  Symmachus,  who 
became  pope  in  498  :  "  Exaudi,  Christe.  Sym- 
macho  papae  vita  sit,"  was  repeated  twelve 
times  (Gratian,  ii.  xvi.  57).  About  the  year  520 
we  read  of  the  legates  of  the  bishop  of  Kome 
being  met  by  Justin  the  emperor  and  Vitalian 
the  consul,  "cum  gloria  et  laudibus  "  (Anast. 
Biblioth.  Vitae  Pont.  E.  n.  53  ;  comp.  nn.  84, 
105  ;  Greg.  Tur.  Hist.  Franc,  vi.  11).  The  por- 
traits of  the  usurper  Phocas  and  his  wife  were 
received  with  acclamations  at  Rome  on  April  25, 
602,  "in  the  basilic  of  Julius  by  all  the  clergy 
and  senate,"  the  cry  being,  "Exaudi,  Christe. 
Phocae  Augusto  et  Leontiae  Augustae  vita " 
(Relatio  inter  Epp.  Greg.  M.  xi.  1 ;  Labbe,  Cone. 
v.  1509  ;  comp.  Vita  Greg.  auct.  Joan.  Diac. 
iv.  20).  On  one  of  Charlemagne's  visits  to 
Kome  Hadrian,  while  "celebrating  masses  to 
Almighty  God,  caused  lauds  to  be  paid  to  the 
aforesaid  Charles  "  (Anast.  u.  s.  n.  97).  When 
the  same  prince  was  crowned  by  Leo  HI.  on 
St.  Peter's  Day,  800,  the  lauds  were,  "  Carolo 
piissimo  Augusto  a  Deo  coronato,  magno,  paci- 
fico  imperatori "  (ibid.  98).  After  anointing 
him  the  pope  said  mass,  or  more  probably  pro- 
ceeded with  it — the  account  being  thus  con- 
tinued :  "  Et  peracta  missa  ....  obtulit  ipse," 
&c.  From  later  authorities  we  learn  that 
acclamations  in  a  mass  took  place  after  the 
collect.  See  Martene,  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Rit.  i.  iv.  iii. 
13  ;  Ordo  Rom.  xii.  i.  2,  xiii.  7,  10  (ante  episto- 
1am  post  orationem),  xiv.  31 ;  in  Mus.  Ital.  ii. 
They  were  at  length  formed  into  litanies  to 
Christ  and  the  saints — e.g.  the  priest  says  thrice 
and  the  clerks  respond,  "Christus  vincit,  Chris- 
tus  regnat,  Christus  imperat.  Then  the  priest 
says,  Exaudi  Christe.  The  clerks  answer,  Ki- 
colao  summo  Pontifici  et  universali  papae  vita. 
The  litany  follous.  Salvator  mundi,  Tu  ilium 
adjuva.  S.  Petre,  S.  Paule,  S.  Andrea,  &c. 
And  the  response  to  each  is,  Tu  ilium  adjuva. 
Then  follows,  Exaudi  Christe.  Ludovico  a  Deo 
coronato,  magno  et  pacifico  regi  vita  et  victoria. 
Eedemptor  mundi,  Tu  ilium  adjuva.  S.  Mi- 
chael, S.  Gabriel,  S.  Raphael,  S.  Joannes,  &c., 
vnth  the  response  to  each,  Tu  ilium  adjuva ;"  and 
similarly  for  any  number  of  persons,  fresh  saints 
being  invoked  for  each  (Bona,  Rer.  Lit.  ii.  v.  8, 
from  Goldastus,  Antiq.  Aleni.  ii.  2).  Compare  a 
form  in  Martene  u.s.  from  a  Soissons  MS.  Du- 
randus  {Pontificale  MS.  cited  by  Sala  on  Bona 
u.  s.)  speaks  of  lauds  which  began  like  the  fore- 
going (Christus  vincit,  etc),  as  said  not  after 
the  collect,  but  "  immediately  after  the  Kyrie 
eleison."  [W.  E.  S.] 

LAUDULF  [v.  Lahdulf]. 

LAUNOMARUS,  abbat,  f  at  Dreux,  Jan.  19 
(Gth  or  7th  centuiy),  Usuard  (Wandelbert  ?),  r. 
Acta  SS.,  Jan.  ii.  593.  [E.  B.  B.] 


LAURENCE,  ST. 

LAURA.  The  small  monastic  communities 
in  Egypt,  Palestine,  and  Syria,  called  Lauras,  are 
a  connecting  liuk  in  the  history  of  the  rise  and 
progress  of  monachism,  between  the  solitary  as- 
ceticism of  the  hermitage  and  the  more  organ- 
ised, less  self-dependent  asceticism  of  the 
monastery.  A  laura  was  an  aggregation  of 
separate  cells,  under  the  not  very  strongly  de- 
tiued  control  of  a  superior,  the  inmates  meeting 
together  only  on  the  first  and  last  days,  the  old 
and  new  Sabbaths,  of  each  week  for  their  common 
meal  in  the  refectory,  and  for  their  common 
worship  in  the  chapel  attached  to  each  of  these 
lauras.  On  the  other  days  of  the  week  they 
dwelt  apart  irom  one  another,  each  in  the  silence 
and  solitude  of  his  cell,  subsisting  on  bread  and 
water,  the  oidinary  fare  of  the  primitive  founders 
of  monasticism.  The  cells,  though  separate, 
were  in  close  proximity  to  one  another,  like  the 
wigwams  of  an  Indian  encampment,  and  all 
clustering  round  the  chapel  of  the  community. 
(Bened.  Anian.  Concord.  Regul.  Menardi  Comment. 
in.  i. ;  Du  Cange,  Glossar.  Lat.  s.v.  Laura  ;  Joan. 
Hierosol.,  Vit.  Joan.  Damasc.  p.  693.)  Usually 
each  cell  contained  one  inmate  only  ;  but  under 
Pachomius,  in  Tabenna,  three  resided  together  in 
each  cell  (Sozom.  H.  E.  iii.  14). 

The  origin  of  the  word  "  Laura  "  is  uncertain. 
By  one  account  it  is  Ionic  (Du  Cange,  Giossar.  Gr. 
s.v.)  ;  by  another,  it  is  a  contraction  of  the  Greek 
for  labyrinth  (\a^vpiv6oi)  and  expressive  of  the 
narrow  pathways  winding  in  and  out  among  the 
cells  ("  wynds  ") ;  more  probably  it  is  another 
form  of  '•  labra  "  (\a/8pa),  the  popular  term  in 
Alexandria  for  an  alley  or  small  court.  (Suicer, 
Thes.  Eccles.  s.v. ;  Epiphan.  Haeres.  xlix.)  The 
worst  explanation  of  the  word  is  that  which 
derives  it  from  "  ol  \aol  peovfft,'"  as  if  it  wei'e 
a  thoroughfare,  along  which  a  crowd  streams. 

One  of  the  most  celebrated  lauras  was  one 
founded  by  Chariton,  a  hermit,  at  Pharan,  near 
Jerusalem  (Bulteau,  Hist,  de  I'Ordre  de  S. 
Benoist,  I.  i.).  Others  are  recorded  to  have 
been  founded  in  the  5th  century  by  Sabas,  a  cele- 
brated desert-saint,  Gerasimus,  Euthymius  and 
the  empress  Eudocia. 

As  the  coenobitic  life  became  more  prevalent, 
young  and  inexperienced  monks  were  discouraged 
generally  from  venturing  on  the  solitary  life 
without  previous  training  with  other  monks, 
under  the  authority  and  supervision  of  an  abbat. 
Thus  Euthymius  advised  the  youthful  Sabas  to  quit 
his  separate  cell  in  the  laura,  and  to  join  a  coeno- 
bium  for  a  time  (Cyril.  Scythopol.  Vit.  S.  Sab.). 
Gerasimus  is  said  to  have  established  a  coeno- 
bium  in  the  midst  of  his  laura  (Cyril,  Scythopol. 
Vit.  S.  Euthym.). 

Obviously  life  in  a  laura  incurred  a  twofold 
danger,  being  exposed  at  the  same  time  to  the 
temptations  peculiar  to  solitude,  and  to  those 
which  are  incidental  to  a  number  of  persons  living 
together  under  no  strict  rule,  without  much  re- 
straint of  any  kind,  and  without  the  necessity  of 
constant  occupation.  The  denizens  of  a  laura  are 
sometimes  termed  "  lauretae "  (Mosch.  Prat. 
cc.  3,  4) ;  they  have  been  compared  to  the 
"  inclusi  "  of  Western  monachism,  but  there  are 
many  points  of  difference.  [See  Inclusi.] 

[I.  G.  S.] 

LAURENCE,  ST.  [in  Art].  St.  Laurence 
usually  carries  a  copy  of  the  Gospels  to  denote 


LAURENCE,  ST. 

his  office  of  deacon.  In  the  church  of  St.  Lau- 
rence, in  Agro  Vorano,  at  Rome,  there  is  a 
mosaic  of  the  6th  century,  representing  the 
martyr  with  an  open  book  in  his  hand,  on  which 
may  be  read  the  words  "  dispersit,  dedit  pau- 
peribus"  (Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  tab.  Ixvi.  2),  in 
allusion  to  his  kindness  to  the  poor. 


St  Laurence.    From  Martigny. 

Like  other  martyrs  he  bears  a  cross,  frequently 
jewelled  (Aringhi,  ii.  354).  In  the  basilica  of 
Galla  Placidia,  at  Ravenna,  there  is  a  mosaic 
shewing  him  standing  before  the  heated  gridiron, 
holding  the  cross  and  the  Gospels  {Vet.  Mon. 
i.  Ixvii.).  On  the  bottom  of  a  glass  cup  the 
sacred  monogram,  with  A  on  one  side  and  ai  on 
the  other,  is  placed  behind  the  head  of  the  saint 
(Bottari,  tab.  cxcviii.).  Sometimes  we  find  him 
seated  between  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  as  though 
the  Apostles  having  introduced  him  into  the 
heavenly  city  were  giving  him  an  honourable 
place  therein  (Buonarr.  p.  104).  Another  glass 
cup  has  the  figure  of  the  saint,  with  the  legend 
Victor  Vivas,  in  nomine  Lavreti  (Buonarroti, 
xix.  2);  this  cup  may  very  likely  have  been 
used  at  an  agape  on  the  martyr's  day,  which 
was  observed  at  Rome  with  m'uch  solemnitv. 
Lupi  (Dissert,  e  Lett.  i.  192-197)  describes 
two  ancient  representations  of  the  martyrdom 
of  St.  Laurence ;  one,  a  cameo,  shews  the'  saint 
stretched  upon  a  gridiron,  while  two  execu- 
tioners stir  the  fire  beneath,  and  a  third  brings 
wood  to  replenish  it ;  in  the  other,  a  leaden 
medallion,  we  see  the  martyr  at  the  moment 
of  death ;  his  soul,  personified  by  a  female 
figure,  ascending  with  clasped  hands,  receives 
a  crown  from  the  outstretched  arm  which 
symbolises  the  Almighty  ;  the  emperor,  laurelled 
and  sceptred,  is  seated  in  a  curule  chair,  and 
seems  by  his  attitude  to  be  giving  directions  ; 
a  slave  stands  by  his  side.  Arevallo  (in  Prudent. 
p.  936)  gives  a  glass  which  represents  the 
martyr  face  downwards  on  the  gridiron,  his 
name  lavreciv  being  written  above. 

(Martigny,  Bict.  das  Antiq.  Chret.  s.  v.)   [C] 

LAURENCE  (Laurentiu?,  Lorenzo,  Laurent, 
Louwerijs),  chief  deacon  of  Rome,  broiled  to  death 
Aug.  10,  A.D.  258. 

The  fact  is  not  mentioned  by  extant  writers 
till  the  middle  of  the  4th  century,  and  yet  had 


LAURENCE  935 

an  immediate  and  wide-spread  influence  (which 
it  will  be  the  object  of  this  article  to  trace)  on 
the  life  of  the  church. 

It  may  be  taken  as  a  typical  instance  of  mar- 
tyrdom,  so  that  under  this  head  it  will  be  pos- 
sible to  gather  specimens  of  all  the  honours  that 
were  paid  to  martyrs. 

I.  As  administrator  of  the  charities  of  the 
metropolitan  church,  Laurence  is  celebrated 
in  ancient  liturgies  almost  as  much  as  for  his 
sufferings.  "  He  hath  dispersed,  he  hath  given 
to  the  poor,"  is  quoted  in  the  Greek  cathisma. 
and  is  the  introit  in  the  Gregorian  missaL 
The  Mozarabic  lessons,  Ecclus.  xxxi.  5-12- 
2  Cor.  ix.  7-13 ;  Matt.  vi.  19-34,  apply  rather  to 
the  deacon  than  to  the  martyr,  and  there  is  the 
same  epistle  in  the  Ambrosian  liturgy  (Patrol. 
Ixxxv.  811).  Nor  did  he  only  administer  tem- 
poral relief,  but  the  reading  of  the  Gospel  and 
the  cup  of  the  Lord.  Hence  the  late  legend  o< 
his  connexion  with  the  Holy  Grail.  However 
he  had  died,  all  the  Christians  and  all  the  poor 
of  Rome  would  have  felt  his  loss. 

_  II.  When  such  a  man  was  stretched  naked 
(anAQieeU,  lit.  'simplified,'  Menologij  of  Basil) 
on  an  iron  grating  over  a  slow  fire,  and  "  his 
living  limbs  hissed  over  the  coals  "  (the  phrase 
is  found  alike  in  the  Roman  Sacramentaries  of  Leo 
and  of  Gelasius,  in  the  Mozarabic  and  the  Gothic), 
the  grief,  the  horror,  the  admiration,  and  the 
awe,  would  make  it  an  anniversary  never  to  be 
forgotten.  The  death  by  torture  of  a  Roman 
citizen  was  not  a  common  thing.  It  was  a  deed 
intended  to  strike  terror  far  and  wide. 

in.  His  anniversary  is  fixed  to  Aug.  10  by  the 
Feriale  of  Liberius  (a.d.  354),  and  the  universal 
consent  of  Western  and  Byzantine  calendars. 
Aug.  11,  if  ever  found,  is  merely  a  slip.  In  the 
metrical  martyrology  of  Bede,  for  '  bissenis ' 
read 

"  Bis  hinis  victor  superat  Laurentius  hostem." 
The  lectionary  of  Luxeuil  and  sacramentary  of 
Bobbio  are  said  to  stand  alone  in  the  West  in 
omitting  Laurence  (Patrol.  Ixxxv.  811).  But  as 
the  same  sacramentary  commemorates  Laurence 
daily  in  the  ordinary  mass,  it  is  manifest  that 
the  omission  only  shews  that  Columban's  monks 
had  no  special  service  for  the  day,  not  that 
they  omitted  the  commemoration.  He  is  found 
in  the  Feilire  of  Aengus  the  Culdee. 

There  does  not  seem  to  be  the  same  general 
consent  about  any  other  festival  of  the  church 
whatsoever. 

IV.  Priidentius,  in  his  hymn  for  the  day.  de- 
clares that  from  that  day  forward  the  worship  of 
the  foul  gods  grew  cold,  that  his  death  was  the 
death  of  the  temples  (ttipl  ffTi(pa.vwv,  iii.  497, 
509).  The  canon  in  the  Greek  liturgy  speaks  of 
him  (ode  5)  as  "  finally  plucking  down  the  me- 
morial of  the  impious  conceit  of  the  erring." 

If  this  be  so,  it  is  important  to  fix  the  epoch 
of  his  death.  Now  this  may  be  done  with  certainty, 
though  from  the  close  of  the  5th  century  onwards 
there  was  a  wide-spread  error  as  to  the  date, 
which  referred  it  to  the  jjcrsecution  of  Decius. 
We  are,  however,  enabled  to  correct  the  error  by 
the  abundant  evidence  that  Laurence  suffered  a 
ie^v!  days  after  pope  Xystus  or  Sixtus  II.  And 
we  know,  from  the  contemporary  evidence  of 
Cyprian,  that  Sixtus  was  executed  on  the  6th 
of  August  in  the  opening  of  the  persecution  of 


936 


LAURENCE 


Valerian,  A.D.  258  (Cypr.  Ep.  82,  ed.  Migne). 
Cyprian  himself  suffered  in  the  following  month. 
v.  Now  generally  the  Greek  menologies,  the 
Egyptian- Arabic  menology  (v.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  tom. 
li.  125  b),  the  Spanish-Gothic  calendar  (Migne, 
Patrol.  Ixxxv.  1051),  and  the  Mozai-abic  missal 
and  breviary,  transfer  Xystus  from  the  6th  to  be 
subordinated  to  and  celebrated  along  with  Lau- 
i-ence  on  the  10th.  This  is  the  more  remarkable, 
as  Xystus  is  said  to  hare  been  of  Greek  extrac- 
tion, and  as  the  Mozarabic  lessons  are  concerned 
■with  the  diaconate  of  Laurence.  The  fact  that 
while  Ambrose  has  separate  hymns  (72,  73)  for 
Sixtus  and  Laurence,  Prudentius  has  only  one 
for  both,  seems  to  shew  that  these  were  the 
primitive  arrangements  in  Spain.  They  are  quite 
peculiar  to  that  country  in  the  West.  The 
Synaxarion  in  the  menology  of  Basil  makes  Xystus 
say  to  Laurence,  "  To-morrow  we  are  delivered 
up."  But  Prudentius  (like  Ambrose,  de  Off.  i.  41) 
makes  him  predict  the  martyrdom  of  the  latter 
after  an  interval  of  three  days,  c.  28. 

VI.  The  canon  in  the  Greek  liturgy  is  addressed 
to  Laurence  alone,  and  consists  of  eight  odes,  32 
troparia  on  the  Acrostic  [see  I.  14]. 

AavpeVrioc  KpaTLUTOV  vfxvia  irpo^povuii. 

Vn.  In  Ethiopia  Laurence  seems  to  be  com- 
memorated as  Lavernius  on  Nahasse  15  =  Aug.  8 
(v.  Ludolf,  Comm.  Hist.  Ethiop.  p.  425).  In  the 
ancient  Syrian  martyrology,  Sixtus  is  the  only 
Roman  martyr  (see  De  Rossi,  Roma  Sotterranea, 
ii.  376).  Eusebius  in  his  history  seems  ignorant 
of  the  martyrdom  even  of  Sixtus.  Cyprian  does 
not  mention  Laurence.  The  calendar  of  Carthage, 
like  the  rest  of  the  West,  distinguishes  the  fes- 
tivals of  Xystus  and  Laurence. 

VIII.  There  is  another  saint  joined  with  Lau- 
rence in  the  Greek  liturgy,  his  jailor  and  convert 
Hippolytus,  whose  name  seems  to  have  suggested 
that  he  should  be  dragged  along  the  ground  by 
wild  hoi'ses  till  he  died : 

Toi/'lTTTroAvTOi'  tJTTroSea-fiior  Xlyia 
€vavTiov  TTao^ovTOi  Tjj  KATJtret  7Tddo<;. 

His  death  is  clearly  mentioned  as  subsequent  to 
those  of  Laurence  and  Xystus.  The  calendar  of 
Polemeus  Silvius  at  Rome  in  A.D.  448,  includin 
nine  only  of  the  most  popular  festivals,  omits 
Xystus,  imt  inserts  both  Laurence  and  Hippo- 
lytus (Migne,  Pair.  Lett.  xiii.  676). 

IX.  These  two  festivals  were  the  great  harvest 
home  of  the  Roman  church.  St.  Laurence's  day 
is  still  the  signal  for  burning  the  stubble  in  the 
Campagna  (Knight,  Latium,  3).  So  the  rustics 
would  perhaps  be  better  able  to  resort  to  the 
city  for  the  second  festival,  which  is  graphi- 
cally described  by  Prudentius. 

X.  The  Sacramentary  of  Leo  has  only  one 
mass  distinctly  for  Hippolytus's  festival,  but 
seven  for  Sixtus,  and  fourteen  for  Laurence. 
The  1st,  10th,  and  12th  of  these  seem  to  be 
for  his  vigil,  for  they  speak  of  '  preventing '  his 
day.  There  is  also  a  mass  for  the  vigil  in  the 
Sacramentaries  of  Gelasius  and  Gregory. 

XI.  In  the  Sacramentary  of  Gregory,  two 
masses  are  given  on  the  day  itself,  an  early  and 
a  public  mass.  The  Capitulare  given  in  Martene 
( J7tes.  V.  76),  which  is  referred  by  De  Rossi  to 
the  opening  year  of  Benedict  11.,  gives  the  gospel 
for  the  vigil  Matt.  svi.  24-28 ';  for  the  early 
mass  Matt.  x.  37-42 ;  for  the  public  mass  John  xii. 
24-26.     One  of  Augustine's  sermons  for  the  fes- 


LAUEENCE 


tival  (Sermon  305)  is  on  the  last-named 
Sermon  304  refers  to  Prov.  xxiii.  1,  2  as  the  Old 
Testament  lesson.  Serncons  302  and  303  seem  to 
refer  to  Matt.  v.  12  and  Luke  xxi.  19  as  read  in 
the  gospel  for  the  day,  but  the  references  may 
really  be  to  Matt.  x.  42  and  Matt.  xvi.  25,  in 
which  case  the  arrangements  would  be  the  same 
in  Africa  as  at  Rome,  and  Sermon  303,  in  which 
he  complains  of  the  small  attendance  and  great 
heat,  would  be  preached  at  the  vigil.  In  the 
modern  Roman  missal  the  gospel  is  John  xii. 
24-26  still,  and  the  epistle  is  abridged  from  that 
in  the  Mozarabic  and  Ambrosian  liturgies.  Chry- 
sologus  of  Ravenna,  in  his  135th  sermon,  quotes 
Phil.  i.  29  as  part  of  the  epistle  for  the  day. 
This  would  be  very  applicable  to  the  deacon  in 
the  absence  of  his  bishop.  To  Maximus  of  Turin 
three  homilies  (74-76)  and  four  sermons  (70-73) 
on  this  feast  are  ascribed.  The  3rd  of  these 
sermons  (72)  is  word  for  word  the  same  as  is 
ascribed  to  Leo.  Three  times  m  the  other  sermons 
he  quotes  Luke  xii.  49,  which  may  have  been  one 
of  the  gospels  read  at  the  festival  in  Turin. 

XII.  The  Sacramentary  of  Gelasius,  though  it 
does  not  give  a  second  mass  to  the  day,  gives 
vesper  collects  such  as  this: — "  Jlay  his  blessing 
be  with  us  in  Thy  glory  whose  confession  in  Thy 
virtue  has  to-day  been  made  our  plea."  Cf.  2  Pet. 
L3. 

XIII.  The  Sacramentary  of  Gregory  does  not 
give  a  special  service  for  the  octave.  No  more 
does  the  modern  missal,  though  the  day  is  still 
observed.  This,  and  the  octave  of  Peter  and 
Paul,  are  the  only  two  in  Usuard.  The  per- 
manence of  his  felicity  is  made  in  Leo  and 
Gelasius  the  ground  for  a  repeated  memorial 
of  it. 

XIV.  The  Gothic  missal  has  neither  vigil  nor 
octave.  From  the  absence  of  a  triple  benedic- 
tion the  feast  would  seem  to  have  been  less 
important  in  France  than  those  of  Andrew, 
Stephen,  John,  the  Holy  Innocents,  Cecilia  and 
Clement.  Neither  Boniface  nor  Charlemagne 
prescribe  it  as  a  holiday  (sabbatizandum),  only 
Chrodogang  names  it  among  those  on  which 
there  is  to  be  full  service  (Bintcrim,  Denkwur- 
digkeiten,  t.  5,  pt.  1,  p.  299).  In  this  missal 
Sixtus  and  Hippolytus  are  not  associated  with 
Laurence  on  his  day,  but  he  is  commemorated 
in  the  proper  prefaces  on  theirs  as  well  as  on 
his  own.  The  Sacramentary  of  Leo  says  much 
of  Sixtus  leading  the  way  for  his  deacons,  but  it 
commemorates  two  others  of  them  along  with 
him.  The  Gothic  missal  applies  the  same  thus : 
"He  was  an  example  to  others,  for  Laurence 
followed."  And  on  the  13th  it  says :  "  Who 
when  Hippolytus  was  yet  occupied  in  the  tyrant's 
service  of  a  sudden  madest  him  the  fellow  of 
Laurence."  So  the  Mart.  Jlieron.,  which  belongs 
to  Auxerre,  names  both  Laurence  and  Hippo- 
lytus on  the  6th,  as  well  as  on  their  own  days. 

XV.  In  the  Greek  church  the  triple  festival 
falls  -vithin  the  octave  of  the  Transfiguration, 
which  is  therefore  commemorated  on  it.  Hence 
in  one  echos  the  martyrdoms  are  viewed  as 
themselves  a  theophany. 

XVI.  In  the  litany  used  at  compline  through- 
out Lent,  in  the  Greek  church,  Laurence  is  named 
next  to  the  Apostles  and  Stephen.  He  is  in- 
voked in  the  Breton  Litany  (Haddan  and  Stubbs, 
Councils,  ii.  82).  Also  in  the  Coronation  Litany 
(Muratori,  lAt.  Rom.  ii.  463). 


LAURENCE 

XVII.  He  is  commemorated  in  the  ordinary 
canon  of  the  mass,  in  the  Gelasian,  Prankish 
and  Gregorian  missals,  and  in  that  of  Bobbio. 
He  is  put  next  to  the  early  popes  and  Cyprian. 

(For  the  Western  liturgies  in  the  above  article 
we  have  used  Muratori  Liturgia  Eomana,  t.  i. 
389-401,  658-662;  t.  ii.  108-113,  625-629; 
also  t.  i.  696 ;  ii.  3,  693,  777-  For  the  Eastern, 
Arcudius,  Anthologica.) 

Churches  op  St.  Laurence. 
A.  Borne,  Foris  Murum. 

I.  The  Basilica  di  San  Lorenzo  fuori  is  said 
to  have  been  founded  by  Constantine  (Anastasius, 
Vita  Silvcstri). 

n.  Of  Sixtus  in.  we  are  told,  "  Moreover  he 
made  a  basilica  to  the  blest  martyr  Laurence, 
which  Valentinianus  Augustus  (the  3rd)  granted, 
where  also  he  offered  gifts  "  (Anast.  Vit.  xlvi.). 
This  was  a  new  basilica  beside  the  old.  Re- 
dedication  of  it  to  Laurence,  Sixtus  and  Hip- 
poly  tus  is  mentioned  in  the  Mart.  Hieron., 
Nov.  2  (De  Rossi,  Roma  Sott.  ii.  36).  Hilary  made 
■beside  the  church  of  Laurence,  monasteries  and 
■a  bath  and  a  praetorium  of  St.  Stephen  (Anast. 
Vit.  xlviii.).  Then  after  the  one  year's  popedom 
-of  Anastasius,  Symmachus  in  the  days  of  Theo- 
doric,  "constructed  beside  the  church  of  St. 
Laurence,"  as  well  as  of  St.  Paul  and  St.  Peter, 
"habitations  for  the  poor"  (Anast.  Vit.  liii.). 
We  read  in  the  time  of  Belisarius  (a.d.  537), 
that  "  the  churches  and  bodies  of  the  martyrs 
were  exterminated  by  the  Goths  "  (Anast.  Vit. 
Ix.  §  99). 

Anastasius  tells  us  that  Pelagius  H.  (a.d. 
577-590),  who  was  made  pope  at  a  time  when 
the  Lombards  were  devastating  Italy,  and  when 
there  were  such  rains  as  threatened  a  deluge 
{and  would  therefore  endanger  a  church  built 
on  a  hillside),  "  made  over  the  body  of  the  blest 
martyr  Laurence  a  basilica  constructed  from 
the  foundation,  and  adorned  his  sepulchre  with 
tablets  of  silver  "  (Anast.  Vit.  Ixv.).  The  mosaic 
inscription  enables  us  to  identify  the  presbytery 
or  most  ancient  part  of  the  present  church  as 
identical  with  this  church  of  Pelagius.  The  old 
pavement,  recently  brought  to  light,  dates  from 
the  6th  century. 

For  a  discussion  of  this  basilica  De  Rossi  in  the 
Bulletini  for  1864  may  be  consulted. 

B.  Rome,  within  the  Walls. 

I.  In  Damaseo,  parochia.  — We  are  told  by 
Anastasius  that  Pope  "  Damasus  made  two  basi- 
licas, one  to  St.  Laurence  near  the  theatre  of 
Pompey,  another  outside  the  walls  on  the  Aure- 
lian  Way,  where  he  himself  rests,"  t385. 

II.  In  Fontc. — S.  Lorenzo  in  Fonte  is  near  the 
Forum  of  Trajan  on  the  way  to  the  Esquiline, 
and  is  said  to  contain  the  fountain  that  sprang 
up  at  his  prayers  to  enable  him  to  baptize 
Hippolytus.  This  church  may  also  have  been 
founded  by  Damasus :  see  an  ejiigram  in  Migne 
(^Patrol,  xiii.  411  n.). 

III.  In  Lucinae. — The  church  in  Lucinae,  which 
is  on  the  site  of  the  Horologium  of  Augustus,  is 
said  by  Tillemont  to  be  often  mentioned  in  the 
time  of  Symmachus,  A.D.  498-514  (Tillem.  AUm. 
-iv.  597). 

IV.  In  Miranda,  monasterium. — S.  Lorenzo  in 
Miranda  is  in  the  temple  of  Antoninus  Pius,  and 
iFaustinae  in  the  Forum,  near  the  church  of  St. 


LAURENCE 


937 


Adriano,  in  the  old  temple  of  the  Three  Fates. 
There  was  a  monastery  that  had  long  been  in 
ruins  and  inhabited  by  seculars,  that  Adrian  re- 
stored in  the  name  of  SS.  Adriano  and  Lorenzo 
and  richly  endowed. 

v.  In  regione  tertia,  parochia.  —  Simplicius 
(a.d.  468-483)  constituted  a  hebdomada [Octave] 
for  the  third  region  at  St.  Laurence,  that  presby- 
ters should  remain  there  for  the  sake  of  penitents 
and  baptism.  S.  Lorenzo  a'  Monti  may  repre- 
sent the  parish,  but  not  the  site  of  the  church. 

VI.  In  Panis  perna. — The  church  in  Panis 
perna  is  said  to  be  where  Laurence  was  put  to 
death  in  the  baths  of  Olympias.  There  have 
been  many  conjectures  as  to  the  name,  but  it  is 
simply  explained  by  the  f;\ct  that  there  was  a 
temple  of  Silvanus  or  Pan  at  this  place  (see 
Venuti,  Antichitii  di  Soma,  c.  vi.  p.  101). 

VII.  Ad  Taurellum. — The  roof  of  a  church  of 
Laurence  ad  Taurellum,  "  dum  nimis  vetustissi- 
mum  inerat,"  was  repaired  by  Adrian.  Of  S. 
Lorenzo  in  piscibus,  de'  PP.  delle  scuole,  close  to 
St.  Peter's,  I  find  no  trace  unless  it  be  this. 

VIII.  In  Formosa. — The  church  in  Formosa  was 
close  to  the  church  of  St.  Cyriacus,  probably 
therefore  on  the  Pincian  (Anastasius,  Vita  Adri- 
ani  Pair.  xcvi.  n.  95).  This,  and  those  in  Lucina 
and  in  Damaseo,  were  the  three  important 
churches  of  Laurence  in  Rome  in  Charlemagne's 
time.  Montfaucon  (Diar.  Ital.  c.  14,  p.  205)  gives 
no  reason  for  identifying  it  with  Panis  perna. 

IX.  In  Palatinis,  Monasterium. — There  was  a 
monastery  of  St.  Laurence  "  on  the  Palatine  in  the 
deserts"  that  Adrian  restored  and  joined  with 
a  monastery  of  Stephen,  called  Bajanda.  It 
is  often  mentioned  later,  as  a  limit  of  floods. 
Mr.  Burn  {Rome,  p.  177,  see  plan  at  p.  155) 
thinks  he  has  identified  the  basilica  of  Jove, 
where  Laurence  was  tried,  as  on  the  Palatine. 

XI.  Oratorium  in  the  lateran. — There  was  a 
chapel  of  Laurence  in  the  Lateran  where  Toto 
was  ordained,  A.D.  768. 

XII. — Stations  in  the  Churches. — There  were 
stations  in  the  churches  and  basilica  on  LXX™*- 
Sunday  ad  S.  laurentium  ;  gospel,  the  labourers 
in  the  vineyard. 
Foris  Murum. 

The  Friday  after  the  1st  Sunday  in  Lent. 
The  ord  Sunday. 

The  Saturday  before  the  5th  Sunday. 
Ihe  Wednesday  after  Easter.    John  xxi. 
In  Lucinae  ;  Friday  after  the  Zrd  Sunday  in 

Lent. 
In  Damaseum ;    Tuesday  after  the  ith  Sun- 
day. 
Those  in  italics  are  still  observed. 

•C.  Elsewliere. 
I.  In  Constantinople. — The  relics  of  St.  Ste- 
phen are  said  to  have  been  brought  by  Eudocia, 
the  wife  of  Theodosius  II.,  to  Coustautinople  in 
A.D.  439,  and  laid  in  the  church  of  St.  Laurence 
there,  which  her  husband's  sister  Pulcheria  had 
built  near  her  own  palace,  in  a  place  called 
Petrion  or  Blachernae,  on  the  left  of  the  Ceratine 
Gulf,  in  front  of  a  church  of  the  Virgin.  Mar- 
cellinus  Comes  (in  De  la  Eigne,  vi.  1,  365) ; 
Theodorus  Lector  {ib.  505)  ;  Procopius  (de  Aedit. 
Justin,  i.  6,  17).  The  union  of  the  relics  of 
Stephen,  Laurence,  and  Agnes  in  this  church  is 
said  to  be  commemorated  Sept.  29,  but  is  not 
in  the  Menology  of  Basil  (Tillem.  iv.  598). 


938 


LAUEENCE 


II.  At  L'avjnna. — There  was  in  the  beginning 
of  the  5th  century  a  church  of  St.  Laurence  at 
Ravenna. 

III.  At  Milan. — The  basilica  of  St.  Lorenzo  at 
Milan  was  originally  the  cathedral.  There  is 
an  epigram  on  it  by  Ennodius,  bishop  of  Ticino 
(a.d.  505),  poem  Ivi.  (De  la  Eigne,  Bihl.  Vet. 
Fatr.  vi.  1,  301). 

IV.  At  Tivoli  and  Porto. — There  was  also  a 
church  of  Laurence  at  Tivoli,  restored  by 
Leo  III.  And  at  Porto  he  had  both  a  church 
and  a  monastery  on  the  island,  with  vineyards 
attached. 

V.  At  Norcia  there  was  a  church  destroyed 
by  the  Lombards,  and  rebuilt  by  Sanctulus,  as 
we  are  told  by  Gregory  the  Great  {Dial.  3,  3G). 

VI.  In  Switzerland.  —  At  Brionum  Castra 
(probably  Brione,  in  the  Val  Verzasca)  there 
was  a  church  of  St.  Laurence  burnt  down  by 
the  Lombards,  in  the  rebuilding  of  which  a  cele- 
brated miracle  occurred.  See  Gregory  of  Tours 
{Glor.  Mart.  i.  42). 

VII.  In  Gaul. — The  churches  of  St.  Laurence 
traceable  in  Gaul  are — 

a.  At  Vienne,  built  by  St.  Severus  about  a.d. 
450,  on  a  hill  between  four  mountains  above  the 
town,  with  a  treasure  found  on  the  spot  {Acta  SS. 
August,  t.  ii.  p.  350). 

6.  To  St.  Laurence  and  St.  Germain  at  Cler- 
mont, built  by  Eoricus,  king  of  the  Goths,  where 
St.  Gall  was  buried  (Greg.  Tur.  ffist.  Franc,  ii.). 

c.  A  monastery  in  Paris  in  the  time  of  Clotaire, 
of  which  St.  Domnolus  was  abbat  before  he  was 
bishop  of  Le  Mans.  It  is  now  a  parish  in  the 
faubourgs  (see  Greg.  Tur.  Jlist.  Franc,  vi.  9,  25). 

d.  On  Mont  Lois,  near  Tours,  built  by  Per- 
petuus, sixth  bishop  of  that  city  (^ibid.  x.  6). 

VIII.  In  Africa. — Relics  of  Laurence  were 
deposited  under  an  altar  at  Setif,  in  Africa,  in 
A.D.  452  (De  Rossi,  Foma  Sott.  i.  220). 

(2)  An  earlier  martyr  named  Laurentius 
is  mentioned  by  Cyprian  (Ep.  34),  commend- 
ing Celerinus:  "His  grandmother,  Celerina, 
was  long  ago  crowned  with  martyrdom ;  also 
his  uncle  on  the  father's  side,  Laurence, 
and  on  the  mother's  side  Egnatius.  Sacrifices 
for  them,  as  ye  remember,  we  offer  as  often  as 
we  celebrate  in  common  the  passions  and  anni- 
versary days  of  the  martyrs."  Yet  the  Calendar 
of  Carthage  knows  no  other  Laurence  but  the 
saint  of  Aug.  10.  The  little  Roman  martyrology 
celebrates  him  along  with  Celerinus  on  Feb.  3, 
but  it  appears  by  the  Mart.  Hieron.  that  this 
day  properly  belongs  to  Celerina,  and  that  the 
African  Laurence  belongs  to  Sept.  24  or  28. 

(3)  Another  is  mentioned  April  12.  {Mart. 
Hieron.) 

(4)  Laurentinus  and  Pergentinus,  boys,  bro- 
thers, martyred  at  Arezzo  under  Decius,  June  3. 
{Mart.  Bom.)  The  Mart.  Hieron.  mentions 
Laurentius  only. 

(5)  The  martyrdom  of  Laurence  and  Hippoly- 
tus  under  Decius  at  Fossombrone  (Forum  Sem- 
pronianum),  Feb.  2  {Mart.  Hieron.)  is  very  sus- 
picious. St.  Apronianus  is  commemorated  the 
same  day.  The  cathedral  of  Fossombrone  is 
sacred  to  this  St.  Laurence.  {Acta  SS.  Feb.  i. 
286.) 

(6)  The  illuminator,  bishop  of  Spoleto,  Feb.  3. 
Seemingly  an  apocryphal  personage.  {Acta  SS. 
Feb.  i.  362.) 


LAVABO 

LAUEENCE  (7)  On  May  10,  the  Byzantine 
distich  is, — 

(TvvaXXayri  Tt9  ffpbs  @€bv  AavpevTiio 
TTovoii  'ESefi  Aa/36i/Ti  tt)V  iroppiuTtovrjv. 

{Acta  SS.  May,  ii.  389.) 

(8)  Presbyter  of  Novari,  and  ecclesiastical 
writer  of  the  4th  century.  Martyred,  with  the 
boys  he  taught,  by  the  Arians  on  April  30. 
{Acta  SS.  April,  iii.  763.) 

(9)  Archbishop  of  Milan,  f  July  19,  a.d.  512. 

(10)  Bishop  of  Siponto  in  Apulia,  f  Feb.  7, 
A.D.  550.     {Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  57.) 

(11)  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  f  Feb.  2,  A.D. 
619.  Into  Laurencekirk  in  Scotland  no  woman 
might  enter.     {Acta  SS.  Feb.  i.  289.) 

(12)  Bishop  of  Xaples,  f  July  19,  a.d.  717. 

[E.  B.  B.] 
LAUEENTINUS.    [Laurence  (4).] 

LAUEIANUS,  of  Seville,  killed  Julv  4  (6th 
century).     {Mart.  Hieron.)  [E.'  B.  B.] 

LAUEINUS,  martyr  of  Terni,  Aj.ril  14. 
{Mart.  Hieron.)  [E.  B.  B.] 

LAUEUS  (1)  and  Florus,  twins,  sculptors, 
thrown  into  a  well  in  lUyricum  by  Licinius. 
Their  relics  were  revealed  to  Constantino,  and 
brought  by  him  to  their  native  Byzantium, 
August  18.     {Menology  of  Basil.) 

(2)  Of  St.  Malo,  7th  century,  f  Sept.  30. 
{Acta  SS.  Sept.  viii.  692.)  [E.  B.  B.] 

LAUSTEANUS,   died  640,  commemorated 
Apr.  11  {Men.  Scot.),  as  well  as  Lasren,  Apr.  18. 
[E.  B.  B.] 

LAUTO,  bishop  of  Coutances,  f  Sept.  22, 
A.D.  568.  [E.  B.  B.] 

LAVABO.  The  description  of  the  Eucharistie 
rite  by  Cyril  of  Jerusalem  {Catech.  Myst.  v.  2, 
p.  325)  begins  with  the  deacon  presenting 
water  to  the  celebrant  {r<S  iepu),  and  the  pres- 
byters who  encircle  the  altar,  for  the  purpose  of 
ablution.  And  this  (Cyril  continues)  was  not 
merely  for  the  sake  of  personal  cleanliness,  it 
was  a  symbolic  act,  to  which  refer  the  words  of 
David,  "  I  will  Avash  my  hands  in  innocency, 
0  Lord,  and  so  will  I  go  to  thine  altar"  (Ps. 
XXV.  [E.  V.  xxvi.]  6.)  It  does  not  appear  from 
this  whether  the  verse  was  actually  chanted' 
during  the  ablution,  though  its  appositeness  is 
recognised.  (Compare  Dionys.  Areop.  Hierarch. 
Feci.  c.  3.)  According  to  some  MSS.  of  the 
Liturgy  of  St.  Chrysostom  (Daniel,  Codex  Lit. 
iv.  330),  the  priest  and  deacon  after  vesting  for 
the  liturgy  wash  their  hands  in  the  prothesis,. 
saying,  "  Ni'ifo^oi  tv  aOi^ois,"  and  the  rest  of 
the  psalm.  In  the  Roman  rite,  the  washing  of 
the  hands  occurs  after  the  oblation  of  the  un- 
consecrated  elements,  and  thus  precedes  the 
preface  and  the  more  solemn  part  of  the  office. 
After  the  censing  of  the  altar  and  the  priest, 
while  the  deacon  is  censing  the  other  ministers, 
the  priest  washes  his  hands,  saying,  "Lavabo 
inter  innocentes  manus  meas  et  circumdabo 
altare  tuum,  Domine,"  and  the  rest  of  the  psalm.. 
As  Amalarius  of  Metz  (f  837)  does  not  mention 
this  custom,  it  was  probably  introduced  in 
the  Roman  office  after  he  wrote  his  treatises  de 
Ecclesiasticis  Officiis  and  Eclogae  de  Officio  Missae 


LAVACRUM 
LAVACRUM.    [Baptism;  Font.] 

LAVATORY  [Monastic].  Monasticism  has 
never  been  partial  to  frequent  personal  ablutions. 
On  the  contrary,  it  has  from  the  first  discouraged 
them,  as  a  form  of  self-indulgence,  and  as  incon- 
sistent with  bodily  austerities.  Probably  this 
inherent  antipathy  to  bathings  and  washings  was 
in  great  measure  a  result  of  the  reaction  from 
the  luxury  and  licentiousness  of  the  Roman  baths 
under  the  empire.  Certainly  the  maxim  which 
places  cleanliness  next  to  godliness  has  no  place 
in  the  biographies  of  the  saints  and  heroes  of 
monasticism,  even  in  climates  where  bathing 
would  seem  almost  one  of  the  necessities  of  life. 
Jerome  warns  ascetics  against  warm  baths  as 
morally  enervating  (Hieron.  Ep.  ad  Ihistic.'); 
and  in  a  letter  to  one  of  his  female  disciples 
denounces  every  sort  of  bathing  for  women  (Id. 
Ep.  ad  Laet.).  Augustine  allows  a  bath*  once 
a  month  only  (Aug.  Ep.  109).  This  aversion  to 
bathing  is  one  of  the  many  indications  of  the 
tendency,  which  seems  inseparable  from  monas- 
ticism, to  the  Manichean  notion  of  matter  being 
intrinsically  evil. 

The  various  monastic  rules  agree  very  closely 
in  discouraging  the  use  of  baths.  Even  the  tole- 
rant rule  of  the  great  Benedict  only  permits 
them  for  those  who  are  weak  and  delicate,  for- 
bidding them  generally  ("  tardius  eoncedatur  ") 
for  the  young  and  healthy  (Bened.  Ecg.  c.  36). 
Evidently  he  is  speaking  only  of  baths  within 
the  walls  of  a  monastery ;  bathing  in  a  river  or 
lake,  or  in  the  sea,  being  of  course  out  of  the 
question  (cf.  Martene  ad  he).  Hildemarus  in- 
terprets the  expression  "  tardius  "  to  mean  only 
before  the  three  great  festivals  —  Christmas, 
Easter,  Whitsuntide.  Other  commentators  re- 
strict the  phrase  to  Christmas  and  Easter  only ; 
others  take  it  as  a  permission  for  the  monks  to 
bathe  after  doing  any  very  dirty  work,  &c. 
(Martene  ad  loc.)  Similarly,  Isidorus  Hispalensis 
orders  baths  to  be  used  very  sparingly,  only  as  a 
remedy,  never  for  gratification  (Isidor.  l^eg.  c. 
20).  The  rule  of  Caesarius  of  Aries  permits 
them  only  in  cases  where  the  doctor  prescribes 
them,  and  without  any  regard  to  the  inclina- 
tion of  the  patient  (Caesar.  lieg.  c.  39).  The 
rule  ascribed  to  Augustine  is  to  the  same  effect 
(Heg.  Aug.  c.  29),  and  adds  that  no  monk  is  to 
go  alone  to  the  baths,  nor  to  choose  his  com- 
panions, but  that  two  or  three  of  the  brethren 
are  to  be  told  olf  by  the  prior  for  this  purpose. 
In  the  same  way  the  council  of  Aachen  in  A.D. 
817  enacts  that  the  control  and  regulation 
of  the  baths  is  to  belong  to  the  prior  {Cone. 
Aquisgr.  c.  7).  An  anonymous  rule,  which  has 
been  ascribed  to  Columbanus,  called  Regula 
Cujusdam,  orders  delinquent  monks,  as  a  penance, 
to  make  the  necessary  preparations  for  the 
washing  of  their  brethren's  heads  on  Saturdays, 
and  for  their  baths  just  before  the  great  festi- 
vals, especially  Christmas  {Reg.  Cuj.  c.  12;  cf. 
Columban.  Poenitcnt. ;  ap.  Menard,  Comment,  ad 
loc).  Radegundis  is  said  to  have  built  baths  for 
the  use  of  the  nuns  in  the  convent  (of  Ste.  Croix) 
which  she  founded  at  Poitiers  ;  before  long  some 

*  III  his  Confessions,  where  he  describes  his  grief  for 
the  death  of  his  mother,  he  speaks  of  bathing  as  recom- 
mended to  him  for  his  depression  of  spirits,  and  mentions 
an  absurd  derivation  of  the  Greek  word  ^oj^avdov  as 
meaning  a  relief  to  anxiety. 


LAW 


939 


irregularities  occurred,  which  the  abbess  was 
accused  of  conniving  at,  in  regard  to  the  use  of 
these  baths  (Gregor.  Turon.  Hist.  Franc,  x.  16). 
See  further  Martene,  de  Antiquis  Ecclesia'e 
Eitihus.  [I.  G.  S.] 

LAW. 

SYLLABUS. 

I.  "  Law "  and  "  Law  of  Nature,"  and  early  Christian 

authorities  iipon. 

II.  Positive  Law  of  the  State.    Attitude  of  the  earlier 

Christians  to. 

Law  of  the  State  as  directly  affecting  the  Christian 
Church  before  Constantine,  and  legislation  of 
Constaiitine. 

Legislation  between  time  of  Constantine  and  of  Jus- 
tinian. 

Justinian's  legislation. 

Legislation  of  the  Barbarian,  Frank,  and  English. 
kings. 

Legislation  of  Charlemagne. 

III.  Internal  legislation  of  the  aiurch. 

The  word  Law  has  this  in  common  with  tho 
Latin  jus,  the  French  droit,  and  the  Germaa 
recht,  that  it  is  at  once  abstract  and  concrete. 
It  means  both  the  idea  of  rules  of  conduct 
proceeding  from  a  competent  authority  and 
also  the  rules  themselves.  The  word  and  the 
various  meanings  conveyed  by  it  have  been 
submitted  to  searching  criticism  of  late  years  in 
this  country,  especially  by  Bentham  and  writers 
more  or  less  distinctly  influenced  by  him.  The 
only  part  of  the  controversies  thus  originating 
which  is  relevant  here  is  that  which  relates  to 
the  use  of  the  word  law,  in  such  expressions  as 
"  Law  of  Nature,"  "  Natural  Law,"  "  Law  of 
God,"  "  Moral  Law."  It  is  not  very  satis- 
factory nor  historically  true  to  conclude,  with 
Mr.  Austin  {Lectures  on  Jurisprudence),  that 
the  original  use  of  the  term  Laio  is  a  political 
one,  and  that  the  ethical  and  theological  uses 
are  wholly  metaphorical  and  derived.  Sir  H. 
S.  Maine's  review  of  the  history  of  the  expres- 
sion "  Law  of  Nature  "  {Ancient  Law,  chap,  iv.), 
rather  supports  the  doctrine  that  the  expression 
was  borrowed  from  quite  another  region  than 
the  political  one,  and  that  it  was  in  the  task  of 
correcting  and  amending  this  one  that  it  found 
its  most  worthy  uses.  There  is  no  doubt  that 
Hooker's  opposition  of  "  humane  law,"  "  that 
which  men  probably  gathering  it  to  be  expe- 
dient they  make  it  a  law,"  to  that  other  law 
which,  "  as  it  is  laid  up  in  the  bosom  of  God, 
they  call  eternal,  receiveth  according  to  the 
different  kinds  of  things  which  are  subject  unto 
it  different  and  sundry  kinds  of  names,"  cer- 
tainly expresses  a  logical  distribution  of  law  as 
old  as  the  Christian  Church  itself,  and  some- 
what older.  The  constant  references  in  Cicero's 
writings  to  the  distribution  of  jus  into  natura 
and  lex  (see  particularly  Be  Leg.  i.  15,  16,  and 
Orat.  partit.  37),  are  especially  interesting  from 
the  attention  which  Lactantius  (vi.  8)  calls  to 
them,  in  the  celebrated  passage  in  which,  citing 
Cicero's  panegyric  on  the  "  vera  lex  recta  ratio 
naturae  congruens  constans  sempiterna,"  he  i 
speaks  of  "  dei  lex  ilia  sancta  ilia  coelestis  quam 
Marcus  Tullius  in  libro  de  Kepublici  tertio 
poene  divina  voce  depinxit."  The  expressions 
of  St.  Paul  in  reference  to  a  law  written  in  the 
hearts  of  the  Gentiles  (Rom.  ii.  15)  are  quite  in 
accordance  with  the  doctrines  of  the  leading 
Roman  jurists  a  century  after  his  time,  when 


940 


LAW 


Roman  law  was  at  its  climax ;  as  for  instance 
appears  from  the  language  of  Paulus  (47  Dig. 
iii.  1,  §  3)  about  theft,  "  quod  lege  naturali  pro- 
hibitum est  admittere."  The  early  Christian 
writers  constantly  allude  to  the  law  of  nature, 
and  often  base  elaborate  arguments  either  on 
its  existence  or  on  its  precepts.  Thus  Origen 
(c.  Celsum,  viii.  52)  speaking  of  the  persuasion 
he  had  of  the  salvation  of  the  heathen  whose 
lives  had  been  good,  and  recalling  noble  prac- 
tical maxims  laid  down  even  by  the  enemies  of 
the  faith,  says,  "  you  will  find  no  men  in  whom 
the  common  notions  of  what  is  good  and  bad, 
just  and  unjust,  have  been  wholly  blotted  out." 
So,  again,  Tertullian  {ach.  Jvd.  cap.  v.)  says  he 
contended  that  "  before  the  law  of  Moses  was 
written  on  tables  of  stone,  there  was  an  un- 
written law  which  was  naturally  understood 
and  held  in  trust  by  the  patriarchs."  St.  Am- 
brose {Epist.  ad  Bom.  cap.  v.)  divides  the 
"  natural  law  "  into  three  parts,  one  concerned 
with  shewing  honour  to  the  Creator,  another 
with  leading  a  good  life,  and  a  third  with 
making  known  God  and  the  right  way  of  life 
to  others.  St.  Jerome  (^Epist.  ad  Galat.  chap. 
iii.)  says  that  by  this  "  legem  naturaleni  "  Cain 
acknowledged  his  offence,  and  Pharaoh,  before 
the  law  was  given  by  Moses,  confessed  his  mis- 
deeds. St.  Chrysostom  builds  an  elaborate  argu- 
ment on  the  existence  and  import  of  a  law  of 
nature  (^Homil.  xii.  ad  Pop.  Ant.),  and  says  that 
"  at  the  beginning  God  made  the  knowledge  of 
good  and  evil  self-taught ;  for  we  stand  in  no 
need  of  learning  that  indulgence  is  evil  and  self- 
irestraint  good,  but  we  know  it  from  the  first ; " 
and  "  when  He  said  '  thou  shalt  do  no  murder,' 
He  did  not  add,  '  for  murder  is  doing  wrong ; ' 
but  He  simply  said,  '  thou  shalt  do  no  murder,' 
thereby  merely  forbidding  what  was  sinful  with- 
out teaching  why  it  was  so."  The  general 
subject  of  the  attitude  of  the  earlier  writers, 
Christian,  Jewish,  and  Heathen,  towards  the 
law  of  nature,  will  be  found  discussed  in  such 
works  as  Selden,  '  De  Jure  Naturae  et  Gen- 
tium secundum  disciplinam  Hebraeorum,'  Pu- 
fendorf,  '  Jus  Gentium  et  Naturae,'  and  the 
Prolegomena  to  Grotius,  'De  Jure  Belli  et 
Pacis.'  From  the  above  extracts  it  will  suffi- 
ciently appear  from  what  sources  a  knowledge 
•of  the  law  of  nature  was  to  be  extracted,  and 
what  was  the  import  of  the  assertion  of  the 
later  canonists  that  no  dispensation  from  it  was 
obtainable. 

As  contrasted  with  the  "Law  of  Nature," 
what  is  sometimes  called  "  Positive  Law  "  may 
be  considered  under  three  heads  : — L  Such  part 
of  the  general  laws  of  the  state  as  happened  to 
affect  Christians  because  of  conflicts  of  allegiance 
to  which  it  casually  gave  rise.  II.  Such  special 
laws  of  the  state  as  were  enacted  in  different 
countries  and  at  successive  epochs  for  the  pur- 
pose of  regulating  the  Christian  society,  and 
determining  the  organisation  of  the  Church ; 
and  III.  Such  internal  regulations  as  were  made 
by  the  church  itself,  either  in  pursuance  of 
what  it  held  to  be  an  inherent  legislative  autho- 
rity, or  in  the  character  of  a  subordinate  legis- 
lature, exercising  permissive  powers  in  depen- 
dence on  the  state. 

I.  The  attitude  of  Christians  towards  the 
general  law  of  the  state  in  the  territory  of 
which  they  found  themselves,  was  broadly  de- 


LAW 

fined  for  them  at  the  very  opening  of  Christian 
history,  in  the  words  so  much  quoted  in  after 
times,  "  Render  unto  Caesar  the  things  which 
are  Caesar's,"  and  in  the  part  of  the  twelfth 
chapter  of  St.  Paul's  epistle  to  the  Romans,  in 
which  the  Apostle  discusses  the  relation  of  the 
members  of  the  Church  to  the  "powers  that  be." 
It  would  seem  that  during  the  whole  of  the 
first  century  no  questions  of  seriously  conflicting 
allegiance  presented  themselves,  the  only  aspect 
in  which  the  early  church  found  itself  in  oppo- 
sition to  the  laws  of  the  empire  being  that  it 
was  not  formally  incorporated  among  the  recog- 
nised cults,  that  is,  it  was  not,  like  Judaism,  a 
"  religio  licita."  Nevertheless  Tertullian  in- 
timates that  it  had  slipped  in  as  such,  and  that 
Tiberius  had  even  proposed,  on  receiving  the 
report  of  Pontius  Pilate,  to  give  Christ  a  place 
among  the  gods  (^Apol.  c.  5,  and  26).  Pliny's 
letter  to  Trajan  (about  A.D.  Ill)  describes  the 
Christians  in  Bithyuia  as  a  law-abiding  people, 
"  bound  together  by  no  unlawful  sacrament,  but 
only  under  mutual  obligations  not  to  commit 
theft,  robbery,  adultery,  or  fraud."  It  was, 
however,  when  he  submitted  them  to  the  test 
of  adoration  before  the  statues  of  the  gods  and 
of  the  emperors,  and  the  malediction  of  Christ, 
that  they  were  recalcitrant.  The  amount  of 
subservience  to  customs  bearing  the  semblance 
of  idolatry  which  was  justifiable  in  a  Christian 
became  the  subject  of  serious  perplexity  between 
the  period  at  which  the  Christians  had  grown 
to  be  numerous  and  important  enough  to  attract 
public  attention,  and  that  at  which  the  church 
secured  its  political  victory  over  paganism. 
The  diflSculty  was  encountered  at  two  points ; 
one,  where,  owing  to  general  suspicion  on  other 
grounds,  a  Christian  was  subjected  to  the  test 
of  sacrificing  or  doing  an  overt  act  of  worship 
to  the  emperor ;  the  other,  where  the  common 
functions  of  a  civil  or  military  life  involved  what 
seemed  to  be  idolatrous  usages.  It  is  a  matter 
of  some  doubt  how  far  the  Christians  of  the 
2nd  and  3rd  centuries  consented  to  serve  in  the 
imperial  armies,  though  the  expressions  of 
Christian  writers,  and  the  arguments  of  Ter- 
tullian with  respect  to  the  extent  to  which 
Christians  might  go  in  receiving  military  re- 
wards, leave  no  doubt  as  to  the  prevalent 
opinion  that  service  was  not  sinful  in  itself,  nor 
as  to  the  actual  practice  (Tertull.  de  Corona 
Mint.  cap.  xi. ;  see  Milman's  History,  bk.  ii. 
cap.  vii.  and  Neandei-).  Some  of  the  Christian 
writers  bestow  great  pains  in  solving  fine  casu- 
istical problems  as  to  how  far  conformity  might 
go.  Thus  Tertullian  (de  Idololatrid,  cap.  xvii.) 
thinks  a  Christian  might  walk  simply  in  a  pro- 
cession but  must  not  sacrifice,  nor  give  the  word 
for  another  to  sacrifice,  nor  place  the  victims, 
nor  bind  their  temples,  nor  pronounce  any 
solemn  words,  nor  make  any  adjuration.  Then, 
again,  he  discusses  the  question  as  to  what  slaves 
and  faithful  freemen  should  do  when  their 
masters  or  patrons  are  officially  engaged  in 
sacrificing.  He  intimates,  in  another  place 
{Apol.  c.  34),  that  it  might  be  allowable  to  call 
the  emperor  lord  but  not  god. 

With  respect  to  the  general  duty  of  obeying 
the  law  of  the  state,  the  Christian  writers  are 
unanimous  in  upholding  it.  Indeed  they  habitu- 
ally base  their  defence  against  imputations  from 
without  on  their  loyalty.     Thus  Justin  Martyi* 


LAW 

(^Apol.  i.  17)  says  that  "  wherever  we  are  we 
-pay  the  taxes  and  tribute  imposed  by  you,  as  we 
were  instructed  to  do  by  Him,"  and  "  while  we 
worship  God  alone  in  all  other  matters,  we 
cheerfully  submit  ourselves  to  you,  confessing 
you  to  be  the  kings  and  rulers  of  men."  Irenaeus 
(v.  24),  speaking  even  more  strongly,  and  allu- 
ding to  the  perpetual  "  calumny  of  the  devil  " 
to  the  contrary,  says,  "  we  ought  to  obey  powers 
and  earthly  authorities,  inasmuch  as  they  are 
constituted  not  by  the  devil  but  God;"  and 
"  that  kings  are  the  ministers  of  God,  and  are 
put  in  authority  by  the  command  of  that  same 
One  to  whose  command  men  owe  their  very 
existence."  Tertullian  {Apol.  c.  42)  presents  a 
vivid  picture  of  the  complete  implication  of  the 
life  of  the  Christians  with  that  of  the  pagans, 
in  a  passage  which  leaves  no  doubt  that  it  was 
the  persuasion  of  the  church  that  conformity 
was  a  general  duty,  and  nonconformity  only  a 
particular  exception  from  it.  "  Itaque  non  sine 
foro  non  sine  macello  uon  sine  balneis  tabernis 
officiis  tabulis  nundinis  vestris  coeterisque  com- 
merciis  cohabitamus  in  hoc  saeculo  :  navigamus 
et  nos  vobiscum  et  militamus  et  rusticamur  et 
mercamur  ;  proinde  miscemus  artes,  opera  nostra 
publicamus  usui  vestro." 

Later  Christian  history,  however,  brought 
forward  a  wholly  new  class  of  problems  arising 
out  of  the  active  interference  of  the  secular 
government  with  the  internal  affiiirs  of  the 
church.  This  led  to  the  question  being  mooted 
which  has  never  been  theoretically  answered  as 
to  how  far  the  chuixh  and  its  members  are 
morally  entitled  to  resist  a  law  which  indirectly 
affects,  as  they  think  perniciously,  the  interests 
of  the  church.  The  letter  of  Gregory  the 
Great,  addressed  to  the  emperor  Maurice  (a.d. 
582-602),  who  had  interdicted  all  persons  occu- 
pying civil  functions  from  becoming  clerks  or 
entering  a  monastery,  may  be  cited  in  order  to 
shew  what  was  probably  a  characteristic  mode 
of  solving  such  problems  after  the  time  that  the 
church  became  an  authority  competing  with  the 
state.  "  As  for  me,  submitting  to  thy  order,  I 
have  sent  this  law  to  the  various  countries  of 
the  earth,  and  I  have  said  to  my  serene  lords  in 
this  paper  whereon  I  have  deposited  my  reflec- 
tions, that  this  law  goes  against  that  of  the  all- 
powerful  God.  I  have  therefore  fulfilled  my 
duty  upon  each  side  ;  I  have  rendered  obedience 
to  Caesar,  and  I  have  not  been  silent  as  to  what 
appeared  to  me  to  be  against  God."  (Greg.  M. 
Epist.  Hi.  p.  65.) 

II,  The  laws  of  the  state  specially  affecting 
the  Christian  Church  may  affect  it  as  a  corpo- 
rate society,  or  assemblage  of  corporate  societies  ; 
or  may  affect  its  officers  individually  ;  or  its 
members  individually.  And  among  the  laws 
that  affect  the  members  of  the  church  indi- 
vidually will  properly  be  included  all  those 
which  confer  privileges  or  impose  disabilities  on 
any  persons  whatever  on  the  ground  of  their 
not  being  members  of  the  church.  Thus  the 
general  purposes  of  the  laws  directly  affecting 
the  church  may  be  arranged  as  those  of  (1) 
conferring  privileges,  or  imposing  disabilities  on 
members  of  the  church  as  such,  or  upon  other 
])ersons  not  being  such,  as,  e.g.,  Jews,  pagans, 
heretics,  and  apostates  ;  (2)  prescribing  and  con- 
trolling the  organisation  of  the  chm-ch,  per- 
sonal and  material;  and,  with  this  view  con- 


LAW 


941 


ferring  privileges  or  imposing  disabilities  on 
church  officials  of  all  classes  ;  (3)  regulating  the 
property  of  the  church,  of  its  officers,  and  of  its 
members  ;  (4)  determining  questions  of  dispu- 
table jurisdiction  in  respect  of  ecclesiastical, 
civil,  and  criminal  suits  and  offences ;  and  (5) 
giving  effect  to  the  internal  legislation  of  the 
church  itself.  It  might  be  expected  that  at 
some  periods  of  church  history  some  of  the 
classes  of  laws  owing  their  origin  to  these  diffe- 
rent purposes  would  be  found  to  be  more  promi- 
nent than  the  rest,  and  at  other  periods  other 
classes  of  laws.  Indeed,  it  is  the  case  that  for 
long  periods  together  some  of  these  classes  of 
laws  often  seem  to  be  wholly  absent,  either 
through  the  inactivity  of  the  state,  or  from 
there  being  no  materials  recognisable  by  the 
state  on  which  law  could  operate.  For  instance, 
in  early  days  the  whole  of  the  civil  law  as 
affecting  the  church  would  be  gathered  up  in 
the  disabilities  and  penalties  inflicted  on  its  in- 
dividual members.  But  between  the  time  of 
Pliny's  letter  and  the  persecution  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  4th  century,  under  Galerius  and 
Diocletian,  the  organisation  of  the  church  was 
becoming  recognised,  if  not  formally  protected, 
and  even  the  property  of  the  church  secured 
to  it  by  law. 

Thus  it  seems  that  about  the  time  of  Alexander 
Severus  (a.d.  222),  "Christian  bishops  were 
admitted  at  court  in  a  recognised  official  cha- 
racter, and  Christian  churches  began  to  rise  in 
different  parts  of  the  empire,  and  to  possess 
endowments  in  land  "  (Milman,  ii.  231).  "  The 
Christians  "  (says  Gibbon,  writing  of  this  period, 
c.  xvi.)  "  were  permitted  to  erect  and  consecrate 
convenient  edifices  for  the  purpose  of  religious 
worship  ;  to  purchase  lands,  even  at  Rome  itself, 
for  the  use  of  the  community ;  and  to  conduct 
the  elections  of  their  ecclesiastical  ministers  in 
so  public,  but  at  the  same  time  in  so  exemplary, 
a  manner,  as  to  deserve  the  respectful  attention 
of  the  Gentiles."  But  the  history  of  a  few 
years  later  shews  upon  what  a  frail  foundation 
these  privileges  rested;  and  it  was  not  till  after 
Constantine's  victory  over  Maxentius  in  A.D.  312 
that  the  legal  rights  and  duties  of  the  Christian 
church,  its  officers,  and  its  members,  began  to 
be  ascertained  with  a  constantly  advancing  pre- 
cision. It  is  not  necessary  to  distinguish  here 
the  successive  steps  by  which  Constantino  first 
supported  by  his  legislation  paganism  and 
Christianity  impartially  ;  then  co-operated  with 
the  organisation  of  the  church ;  and  finally  (as 
in  his  dealings  with  Arius)  overbore  that  organi- 
sation by  the  weight  of  his  personal  authority. 
There  are  scarcely  enough  materials  in  existence 
to  decide  the  question  as  to  how  far,  at  any 
time,  Constantine  went  in  suppressing  the  use 
of  pagan  rites  by  the  general  law.  After  re- 
viewing all  the  autliorities  and  the  passages  in 
Euscbius  directly  bearing  on  the  point.  Dean 
Milman  is  of  opinion  that  Constantine  only 
abolished  two  kinds  of  sacrifices,  that  is,  private 
sacrifices  connected  with  unlawful  acts  of  the- 
urgy or  of  magic  ;  and  the  state  sacrifices  here- 
tofore offered  by  the  emperor  himself,  or  by 
others  in  his  name.  The  passage  in  the  Theo- 
dosian  Code  {Cod.  Th.  xvi.  10,  2),  from  a  law 
of  Constans  in  which  he  cites  an  edict  of  his 
father,  is  distinctly  in  favour  of  an  universal 
prohibition.      "Cesset  superstitio,  sacrificiorum 


942 


LAW 


aboleatur  insania.  Nam  quicunque  contra  legem 
divi  Frincipis  parentis  nostri  et  hanc  nostrae 
inansuetudinis  jussionem  census  fuerit  sacrificia 
celebrare  competens  in  eum  viudicta  et  praesens 
sententia  exseratur."  We  have  in  the  Theodo- 
sian  Code  very  clear  indications  of  the  legal 
measures  by  which  Constantine  (1)  fenced  round 
the  Christian  community,  by  inflicting  dis- 
abilities on  those  outside,  as  in  the  law  (6W.  Th. 
V.  1)  to  the  eil'ect  that  all  privileges  given  in 
respect  of  religion  attached  only  to  "  Catholicae 
legis  observatoribus ;  haereticos  autem  atque 
schismaticos  non  tantum  ab  his  privilegiis 
alienos  esse  sed  etiam  diversis  muneribus  con- 
stringi  et  subici ;  "  (2)  recognised  the  organisa- 
tion of  the  church  by  allowing  slaves  to  be 
manumitted  "  in  gremio  Ecclesiae,"  provided  it 
was  done  "sub  aspectu  antistitum"  (Cod.  Th. 
iv.  71),  and  supported  its  institutions  by  allow- 
ing no  other  business  than  emancipations  and 
manumissions  to  be  performed  on  Sunday  (Cod. 
Th.  iii.  12,  1,  2,  3).  Constantine  also  exempted 
the  clergy  from  the  burdensome  liability  to 
serve  on  town  councils  (Cod.  Th.  xvi.  2;  1,  2, 
3).  A  provision  was,  however,  introduced  which 
throws  light  on  the  notion  of  ordination  pre- 
vailing at  the  time,  to  the  effect  that  if  any 
one  should,  subsequently  to  the  making  of  the 
law,  become  ordained  solely  in  order  to  evade 
his  civil  obligations,  he  must  be  restored  to  his 
civil  character  (restitui  et  civilibus  obsequiis 
inservire).  The  whole  of  this  law  may  be  in- 
structively contrasted  with  the  legislation  of 
Justinian  (Cod.  i.  4,  26),  by  which  he  specially 
provides  for  bishops  becoming  an  essentially 
constituent  part  of  provincial  town  councils. 

In  the  two  hundred  years  which  intervened 
between  the  time  of  Constantine  and  that 
of  Justinian,  legislation  directly  affecting  the 
Christian  church  made  rapid  progress  in  all  its 
departments.  It  was  in  the  joint  reign  of  Gra- 
tian,  Valentinian,  and  Theodosius  (a.D.  380)  that 
the  formal  law  was  passed  which  figures  in  the 
codesboth  of  Theodosius  and  of  Justinian,  by  which 
Chi-istianity  was  constituted  the  exclusive  reli- 
gion of  the  Roman  empire,  both  in  the  East  and 
in  the  West.  "  We  command  all  who  read  this  law 
to  embrace  the  name  of  Catholic  Christians, 
deciding  that  all  other  idiots  and  madmen  should 
bear  the  infamy  attaching  to  their  heretical 
opinions,  and  as  they  will  first  meet  with  the 
penalty  of  divine  vengeance,  so  they  will  after- 
wards receive  that  condemnation  at  our  hands 
which  the  Heavenly  Judge  has  empowered  us  to 
administer."     (Cod.  Jus.  I,  i.  1.) 

From  this  period  laws  begin  to  appear  for 
determining  questions  of  disputable  jurisdiction, 
such  as  the  law  of  Arcadius  and  Honorius  A.D 
399  (Cod.  Th.  xvi.  11,  1),  giving  the  bishops  ex- 
clusive jurisdiction  in  "religious  "  matters,  but  in 
these  only  :  "  quotiens  de  religione  agetur  episco- 
pos  convenit  judicare:  coeteras  vero  causas  quae 
ad  ordinaries  cognitores  vel  ad  usum  publici  foris 
pertinent  legibus  oportet  audiri."  At  the  very 
end  of  the  Theodosian  Code  appears  what  is  called 
an  "extravagant"  law  of  Valentinian, Theodosius, 
and  Arcadius,  "  de  episcopal!  judicio,"  prescrib- 
ing that  bishops  be  not  occujiied  in  trying  ordi- 
nary matters,  but  whenever  a  matter  presented 
itself  relating  to  Christian  authority  (quae 
pertineat  ad  Christianam  facultatem),  it  should 
be  decided  by  the  highest  priestly  functionary  in 


LAW 

the  district  (see  Acdientia  Episcopalis,  1. 152), 
The  special  penalties  imposed  on  immoral  clergy 
belong  also  to  the  part  of  the  law  which  regu- 
lates and  supports  the  organisation  of  the 
church.  Such  were  those  imposed  by  the  law  of 
Valens  and  Valentinian  (a.D.  370,  Cod.  Th.  xvi. 
11,20)  on  ecclesiastics,  or  "ex  ecclesiasticis  vel 
qui  continentium  se  volent  nomine  nuncupari 
viduarum  ac  pupillarum  domos  adeant ;"  they 
were  "publicis  exterminari  judiciis,"  and  were 
held  incapable  to  take  any  benefit  under  a  will 
of  a  woman  to  whom  they  had  attached  them- 
selves under  pretext  of  religion.  The  practice 
of  requiring  such  laws  as  directly  affect  the 
church  to  be  publicly  read  in  the  church,  is  an 
interesting  token  of  the  public  recognition  of 
these  Christian  buildings.  The  law  just  cited  is 
said  to  have  been  read  in  the  churches,  "  lecta  in 
ecclesiis ;"  and  Theodosius  the  younger  had  his 
law  against  the  Nestorians,  and  Constantine  his- 
letter  to  the  church  of  Alexandria,  in  absolution 
of  Athanasius,  read  in  the  churches;  and  the 
practice  was  in  use  under  the  Visigoths  at  the 
close  of  the  laws  of  which  people  we  read, 
"Suprascriptas  leges  omnes  lectas  in  ecclesia  S. 
Mariae  Toleti  sub  die  xi.  Kalend.  Feb." 

The  laws  affecting  the  Christians  which  were 
enacted  between  the  time  of  Constantine  and  the 
publication  of  the  Theodosian  Code  in  A.D.  438, 
are  mostly  contained  in  the  16th  book  of  that 
code,  the  code  itself  having  been  promulgated  in 
the  same  year,  both  in  the  Eastern  and  Western 
empires.  The  next  important  legislative  events 
occurred  in  the  middle  of  the  sixth  century,  in 
the  reign  of  Justinian.  The  product  of  Jus- 
tinian's legislative  exertions  in  respect  of  the 
church  appears  in  the  first  book  of  his  code  (the 
revised  edition  of  which — the  only  one  which  has 
come  down  to  us, — was  published  in  A.D.  534), 
and  his  Novells  which  cover  a  period  of  legisla- 
tion extending  from  A.D.  535  to  A.D.  565.  The  first 
book  of  the  code  also  contains  the  laws  which 
had  been  passed  by  successive  emperors  since  the 
publication  of  the  Theodosian  Code.  Of  this  in- 
termediate period  between  A.D.  438  and  A.D.  534, 
there  appear  in  Justinian's  Code  (Book  2)  several 
important  laws  regulating  the  rights  and  liabi- 
lities of  the  clergy,  confirming  the  claims  of  the 
church  to  have  property  transferred  to  it  in  life 
and  on  death  {Cod.  i.  2,  14),  directing  the 
clergy  as  to  the  administration  of  property  left 
by  will  for  the  redemption  of  captives,  and  for 
the  use  of  the  poor  (i.  3,  28),  and  determining 
the  rights,  duties,  and  general  functions  of  those 
betaking  themselves  to  a  conventual  and  monastic 
life.  The  right  of  sanctuary  as  available  in  all  parts 
of  the  empire  is  explicitly  vindicated  and  defined 
by  a  law  of  Leo  I.  in  a.d.  466.     (Cod.  i.  12,  6.) 

The  comprehensive  legislation  of  Justinian,  es- 
pecially that  which  took  place  between  A.D.  535 
and  A.D.  565,  and  is  recorded  in  his  Novells,  ex- 
tends to  all  the  branches  of  law  in  which,  accord- 
ing to  the  above  classification,  it  is  possible  for 
the  civil  law  directly  to  affect  the  Christian 
community.  It  will  be  convenient  to  review  the 
general  character  of  the  laws  passed  in  Justi- 
nian's reign  in  conformity  with  that  classifica- 
tion. 

(1.)  Of  laws  conferring  privileges  or  im- 
posing disabilities  on  individual  members  of  the 
church,  or  on  other  persons  because  they  are 
not  such  members,  the  fifty-second  constitutioa 


LAW 

{Novell.  Autli.')  is  an  instance,  the  effect  of  which 
was  to  exclude  Jews.  Samaritans,  Montanists, 
and  other  heretics  (aliter  respuendos  homines 
quos  nondum  hactenus  recta  et  immaculata 
fides  illucet  sed  et  in  tenebris  sedent  animis  vera 
non  sentientes  sacramenta)  from  the  beneficial 
exemptions  enjoyed  by  the  orthodox  in  respect  ot 
service  on  town  councils,  and  to  allow  their  tes- 
timony in  courts  of  law  only  in  cases  in  which 
the  interest  of  an  orthodox  suitor,  or  that  of  the 
state  seemed  to  call  for  it.  Another  instance  is 
supplied  by  the  limitation  of  the  newly  conceded 
rights  of  intestate  succession  in  accoi'dance  with 
natural,  instead  of  the  older  civil  relationship  to 
those  who  belonged  to  the  "Catholic  Faith." 
(^Nov.  Authen.  114.)  Yet  a  further  instance  is  the 
law  forbidding  marriages  between  god-parent 
and  god-child  (^Cod.  v.  4,  26)  on  the  ground  that 
"  nothing  else  could  so  surely  introduce  an  affec- 
tionate paternal  relationship,  and  thereby  justly 
foi-bid  marriage,  as  a  tie  of  this  sort  by  which 
souls  are  bound  together  through  the  mediation 
of  God." 

(2.)  With  laws  regulating  and  protecting  the 
organisation  of  the  church  Justinian's  legisla- 
tion is  replete,  and  the  134th  Novell  is  a  small 
code  in  itself.  Bishops  and  monks  were  abso- 
lutely forbidden  to  act  as  guardians,  and  priests 
and  deacons  were  allowed  to  act  only  on  their 
formal  request,  and  they  were  all  forbidden  to 
undertake  any  civil  function.  The  bishops  were 
forbidden  to  move  from  place  to  place  without 
the  permission  of  the  metropolitan  or  the  em- 
peror. The  bishops,  patriarchs,  and  archbishops 
in  each  province  were  to  assemble  once  or  twice 
a  year,  and  to  examine  into  all  causes  and 
offences.  By  the  59th  Novell  it  is  forbidden  to 
introduce  the  "  sacred  mysteries "  into  private 
houses,  unless  certain  of  the  clergy  were  espe- 
cially invited  with  the  approval  of  the  bishop. 
The  limitation  of  the  number  of  the  clergy,  and 
of  the  expenses  attending  on  ordination,  were 
carefully  provided  for  {Nov.  Auth.  3,  5,  16). 

(3.)  Of  laws  regulating  the  property  of  the 
church  the  seventli  constitution  is  an  important 
specimen.  It  lays  down  the  general  principle 
that  no  church  or  church  officer  is  entitled  to 
part  with,  by  gift,  sale,  exchange,  or  perpetual 
lease,  any  immovable  property  of  the  church,  or 
the  sacred  vessels  of  the  church,  save  only  (in 
this  last  case)  for  the  redemption  of  prisoners, 
the  right  of  the  Government  to  force  a  sale  at 
a  fair  price  being  reserved.  A  later  law  {Nov. 
Auth.  43)  permits  the  alienation  of  immovables 
in  the  case  of  inability  to  pay  state  dues,  and  if 
the  income  of  the  immovables  does  not  suffice  ; 
and  a  still  later  law  {Nov.  Auth.  67)  provides 
that  lands  and  other  immovables  left  to  the 
church  by  will  for  the  redemption  of  captives, 
or  for  the  support  of  the  poor,  may  be  sold  for 
the  purpose  should  it  appear  that  no  certain  in- 
come from  the  property  can  be  relied  upon  other- 
wise [Alienation,  I.  50].  To  the  same  class  of 
topics  belong  the  legal  restrictions  upon  building 
churches,  monasteries,  and  houses  of  prayer  with- 
out first  making  a  preliminary  grant  of  the 
])roperty  to  provide  for  the  services  {Nov.  Auth. 
tJ9,  2). 

(4.)  Laws  regulating  jurisdiction,  of  course, 
became  increasingly  precise  at  this  period,  and 
the  final  >lovell,  already  cited,  contains  nume- 
rous provisions  ou   the   subject.     By  the  80th 


LAW 


943 


Novell,  persons  having  any  cause  of  action 
against  monks,  ascetics,  or  nuns,  must  bring  the 
case  before  the  bishop;  by  the  129th  Novell,  the 
bishop  might,  in  case  a  judge  deferred  giving 
sentence,  either  press  the  judge  to  proceed  or 
himself  investigate  the  case  afresh,  pronounce 
sentence,  and  report  the  neglect  to  the  empei-or. 
Provision  was  also  made  for  parties  trying  their 
case  before  a  friendly  tribunal  composed  of  the 
judge  and  the  bishop,  so  as  to  avoid  the  necessity 
of  referring  the  case  to  the  tribunal  at  the  capital. 
Bishops  administering  justice  with  partiality  were 
to  be  punished.  In  the  134th  Novell  important 
provisions  are  contained,  by  which  all  causes  of 
complaint  against  a  member  of  the  clerical  body 
are  to  be  laid,  in  the  first  instance,  before  the 
bishop,  and  the  sentence,  if  accepted  by  both 
parties  within  ten  days,  is  to  be  carried  out  by  the 
civil  judge  ;  if  the  sentence  is  not  accepted  the 
civil  judge  is  to  examine  the  case  afresh,  and  if  he 
differs  from  the  bishop  an  appeal  is  allowed  (see 
Appeal,  I.  126).  In  criminal  cases,  if  the  bishop 
condemns,  the  convicted  clerk  is  first  to  be  shorn 
of  his  "  honour  and  grade  "  according  to  eccle- 
siastical rules,  and  is  then  tried  by  the  civil 
judge.  If  the  civil  judge  is  approached  first, 
and  the  prisoner  is  found  to  be  a  clerk,  the  case 
must  go  before  the  bishop,  who,  if  he  finds  the 
clerk  guilty,  is  to  deprive  him  of  his  office  and 
hand  him  back  for  sentence  to  the  civil  judge. 
If  the  bishop  does  not  find  him  guilty  he  is  to 
defer  the  deprivation,  while  security  is  taken  and 
the  case  referred  to  the  emperor  for  his  decision. 
(5.)  As  to  laws  enforcing  the  internal  legis- 
lation of  the  church,  the  120th  Novell  is  im- 
portant, the  first  chapter  of  it  solemnly  giving 
the  force  of  law  to  the  sacred  ecclesiastical  rules 
expounded  or  established  by  the  four  Councils  of 
Nicaea,  Constantinople,  Ephesus,  and  Chalcedon. 
Subsequently  to  the  time  of  Justinian,  the 
Iconoclastic  controversy  in  the  East  (commencing 
A.D.  726)  is  interesting,  in  reference  to  the  pre- 
sent subject  as  exhibiting  the  firm  legislative 
control  that  the  Eastern  emperors  either  re- 
tained or  assumed  to  themselves  over  the  ritual 
of  the  church.  The  conquests  of  Justinian  in 
Italy  led  to  his  complete  body  of  laws  being 
applied  en  m':isse  to  the  subjects  of  his  re-con- 
quered provinces,  for  whose  use  the  Novells,  or 
such  of  them  as  originally  appeared  in  the  Greek 
language,  were  translated  into  Latin.  But  before 
the  victories  of  Justinian  in  Italy  the  Theodosian 
Code  had  already  been  introduced  in  an  almost 
complete  shape  into  the  code  of  the  Visigoths 
issued  in  A.D.  506  by  Alaric  11.  He  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Theodoric,  his  father-in-law,  who 
united  thereby  the  kingdoms  of  the  Ostrogoths 
and  the  Visigoths.  In  this  way  it  appears  that 
in  the  early  part  of  the  sixth  century  the  laws 
affecting  the  church,  as  they  were  embodied  in 
the  Theodosian  Code  and  in  the  code  and  Novells 
of  Justinian,  were  introduced  into  Italy  almost 
simultaneously  from  the  East  and  the  West ;  and 
it  may  be  conjectured  that,  in  this  way,  the 
legislation  of  Justinian,  as  well  as  of  his  pre- 
decessors, became  the  basis  of  the  legislation  of 
the  barbarian  kings.  There  is  reason,  however, 
to  suppose  that  the  barbarian  kings  were  less 
disposed  to  interfere  with  the  internal  order  of 
the  church  than  the  Eastern  emperors.  They 
were  mostly  Arians,  they  were  not  gifted  with 
the  theological  subtletv  which    seems  to   have 


9U 


LAW 


distinguished  some  of  the  rulers  in  the  East,  and 
some  of  the  most  eminent  of  them  are  conspicuous 
either  for  toleration  or  for  religious  indilference 
(see  Guizot's  Civilisation  in  France,  Lect.  xii.). 
In  an  edict  of  Clothaire  II.  (a.d.  615)  we  have  a 
distinct  recognition  of  the  principle  that  the 
clergy  are,  in  the  first  instance,  to  be  tried  by 
an  ecclesiastical  and  not  by  a  civil  court ;  and, 
for  the  case  of  suits  between  the  clergy  and 
other  persons,  a  court  is  established  composed 
of  chiefs  of  the  church  sitting  together  with 
the  ordinary  secular  judge.  The  law  of  the 
Eipuarian  Franks  (Lex  Hip.  xxxi.  §  3,  Iviii. 
§  1)  provides  for  the  clergy  being  tried  by  the 
Koman  law.  The  Salic  law,  in  its  oldest  form, 
bears  few  marks  of  ecclesiastical  legislation,  and 
is  almost  exclusively  occupied  with  defining  the 
pecuniary  penalties  for  civil  and  criminal  oflences. 
In  its  reformed  shape  it  wears  the  impress  of  the 
mature  ecclesiastical  legislation  of  Charlemagne. 
The  laws  of  the  Saxon  kings  in  various  English 
kingdoms  afford  instruction  as  to  contempo- 
raneous legislation  in  all  the  German  kingdoms 
under  the  influence  of  the  Roman  church.  The 
code  of  Ethelbert,  who  seems  to  have  begun  to 
reign  about  a.d.  561,  contains  a  number  of  pre- 
cise regulations  on  general  matters,  of  which 
only  the  first  touches  the  church,  robbery  from 
which  is  to  be  punished  by  a  fine  of  twelve  times 
the  value  stolen  ;  robbery  from  the  bishop,  by  a 
line  of  eleven  times  the  value  ;  from  a  priest,  oi 
nine  times  ;  a  deacon,  of  six  times ;  and  so  on. 
In  the  code  of  Wihtraed,  who  seems  to  have 
begun  to  reign  in  a.d.  691,  there  is  a  fair  amount 
of  ecclesiastical  legislation,  including  the  principle 
that  the  church  shall  enjoy  immunity  from  taxes, 
and  sundry  minute  rules  in  respect  of  compen- 
sation for  offences  by  and  against  the  clergy. 
The  celebrated  laws  of  Ina,  who  came  to  the 
throne  about  a.d.  688,  mark  a  distinct  stage  in 
social  and  political  advance.  While  dealing 
largely  with  the  common  criminal  offences, 
against  which  the  previous  codes  were  mainly 
directed,  they  also  contain  numerous  specific  laws 
directly  affecting  the  church  ;  as  that,  "  the  minis- 
ters of  God  shall  observe  their  own  proper  laws  "  ; 
that  "  children  shall  be  brought  to  be  baptized 
within  thirty  days,  under  a  penalty  of  thirty 
solidi  " ;  that  "  a  slave  doing  work  at  his  master's 
bidding  on  the  Lord's  day  shall  thereby  become 
free  "  ;  and  that  "  the  right  of  sanctuary  availed 
to  save  the  life  of  a  criminal,  but  he  must  make 
compensation  "  (Wilkins's  Leges  Anglo-Saxonicae 
Ecclesiasticae  et  Civiks).  Some  curious  instances 
of  the  active  co-operation  of  the  church  and  the 
state  in  respect  of  punishing  the  offences  of  the 
clergy  against  the  ordinary  civil  and  criminal 
law  in  the  earlier  part  of  tlie  seventh  century  in 
Britain  appear  in  some  very  early  works  cited 
by  Mr.  Haddan  and  Professor  Stubbs  {Councils 
and  Ecclesiastical  Documents  relating  to  Great 
Britain  and  Ireland,  1869).  The  Liber  Landa- 
vensis  (a  compilation  of  the  twelfth  century) 
records  the  excommunication  by  Oudaeus,  bishop 
of  Llandaif,  at  the  beginning  of  the  seventh  cen- 
tury, of  Mensig  and  of  Morgan,  kings  of  Glamor- 
gan, for  murder,  after  sweai'ing  amity  upon  relics 
in  the  bishop's  presence,  in  each  case  lands  being 
given  to  the  see  of  Llandaff  by  the  culprit  when 
reconciled.  The  same  work  records  similar  pro- 
ceedings in  the  case  of  a  fratricide  committed  by 
Gwoednerth,  king  of  Gweat ;  and  in  other  cases 


LAW 

Eddius,  in  his  life  of  Wilfrid  (a.d.  709),  mentions 
that  the  holy  bishop,  Wilfrid,  on  one  occasion,, 
standing  before  the  altar,  and  turning  to  the 
people,  "  enumerated  before  the  kings  the  lands 
which  previous  kings  had  granted  and  the  sacred 
sites  which  the  British  clergy  had  deserted  ia 
flying  before  the  enemy."  This  seems  to  imply 
a  re-endowment  by  the  Saxon  kings  with  lands 
previously  held  by  the  British  church. 

The  legislation  of  Charlemagne,  which  con- 
tinued through  his  entire  reign,  that  is,  from 
A.D.  768  to  a.d.  814,  and  which  was  reproduced 
over  and  over  again  in  closely  resembling  forms 
in  the  different  countries  successively  reduced 
under  his  rule,  recalls  that  of  Justinian  by  its 
comprehensiveness  and  its  particularity.  Never- 
theless, the  capitularies  of  Charlemagne  not  only 
mark  the  progress  which  the  church  had  made 
during  the  past  200  years  in  internal  organisa- 
tion, but  they  also  seem  to  bespeak  the  spon- 
taneous energy  of  the  church  in  legislating  for 
itself,  rather  than  the  mere  weight  of  imperial 
authority,  to  which  so  many  of  the  earlier  laws 
were  due.  Much  of  Charlemagne's  legislation  in 
respect  of  the  church  is  identical  with  that  of 
Justinian,  and  with  that  lof  the  earlier  Saxon 
codes,  and  this  affords  evidence  that  legislation 
of  this  sort  was  largely  controlled  by  ecclesias- 
tical usage  and  tradition,  and  by  the  direct  in- 
fluence exercised  by  the  authorities  of  the  church 
on  the  civil  lawgiver. 

It  will  be  convenient  to  exemplify  Charle- 
magne's legislation  by  reference  to  such  of  the 
main  department  of  possible  legislation  in  refe- 
rence to  the  church  as  were  above  distinguished 
for  the  purpose  of  convenient  arrangement,  and 
are  alone  prominent  at  this  date.      They  concern 

(1)  the   organisation  and   ritual   of  the  church, 

(2)  the  property  of  the  church,  of  its  officials, 
and  of  its  members,  and  (3)  jurisdiction. 

(1.)  In  respect  of  the  organisation  and  ritual 
of  the  church,  the  laws  of  Charlemagne  are  ex- 
tremely numerous  and  precise.  Thus  (Cap.  A.D. 
769)  priests  are  to  be  subject  to  their  bishops, 
and  to  give  an  exact  account  on  the  first  day  of 
Lent  of  their  ministry,  and  of  the  rites  they 
have  performed  ;  and  to  entertain  the  bishop  ou 
his  visitations.  No  priest  is  to  undertake  the 
care  of  a  church  without  the  bishop's  assent,  nor 
to  pass  from  one  church  to  another.  Priests  are 
not  to  celebrate  mass  except  in  places  dedicated 
to  God,  or,  if  upon  a  journey,  in  a  tent  and  at  a 
table  consecrated  by  the  bishop.  The  bishops 
and  clergy  were  specially  interdicted  from  en- 
gaging in  battle  or  accompanying  the  armies,  ex- 
cepting a  few  bishops  with  their  attending  priests 
selected  to  perform  sacred  duties ;  also  from 
hunting  with  dogs  and  keeping  hawks  and 
falcons.  Every  bishop  was  to  visit  his  diocese 
(parochia)  once  a  year,  and  put  a  stop  to  pagan 
rites  and  ceremonies  (auguria,  phylacteria, 
incantationes  vel  omnes  spurcitias  gentilium). 
Bishops  were  to  have  due  authority  over  priests 
and  other  clerics  within  their  diocese  (Cap.  A.D. 
779),  and  to  be  themselves  subject  to  the  metro- 
politans. A  bishop  was  not  to  receive  a  cleric 
attached  to  another  diocese,  nor  to  ordain  him  to 
a  higher  function.  The  faith  and  good  life  of 
candidates  for  ordination  was  to  be  investigated 
by  the  bishop,  and  fugitive  clerics  and  strangers 
were  not  to  be  received  or  ordained  without 
"  literae  commendaticiae "    and   the    licence   of 


LAW 

their  own  bishop  (Cap.  A.D.  789).  Bishops  were 
precisely  directed  as  -to  the  subjects  of  their 
preaching,  such  as  belief  in  the  doctrines  of  the 
Trinity,  of  the  Incarnation,  and  of  the  Resurrec- 
tion, sins  for  which  eternal  punishment  was  due, 
love  of  God  and  one's  neighboui-,  faith,  hope, 
humility,  patience,  alms,  confession,  and  the  like. 
A  number  of  general  directions  were  given  to  the 
clergy  as  to  conduct,  such  as  in  respect  of  swear- 
ing in  the  course  of  conversation  (sed  simjjliciter 
cum  puritate  et  veritate  omnia  decet),  enter- 
ing taverns,  getting  drunk,  or  making  others  so, 
and  preaching  the  gospel  to  the  people  on  festal 
and  the  Lord's  days.  Precise  regulations  are 
given  as  to  the  observance  of  the  Lord's  day. 
No  servile  work  was  to  be  done,  or  journeys  un- 
dertaken, except  for  purposes  of  warfare,  fetching 
food,  and  burying  the  dead.  Everyone  was  to 
attend  church,  and  the  celebration  of  the  mass, 
and  praise  God  for  all  the  good  things  He  had 
done  on  that  day.  Official  public  meetings  and 
the  public  administration  of  justice  were  not  to 
take  place  on  that  day,  except  in  cii-cumstances 
of  urgent  necessity  (Cap.  A.D.  789,  de  partibus 
Saxoniae).  The  bodies  of  Christian  Saxons  were 
to  be  buried  in  the  cemeteries  of  the  church,  and 
not  in  the  "  tumuli  "  of  the  pagans.  Children 
were  to  be  baptized  within  a  year,  or  a  fine  was  im- 
posed on  the  person  responsible  for  the  neglect.  The 
right  of  sanctuary  was  defined  very  much  in  the 
same  language  as  in  earlier  laws.  Homicides  and 
other  persons  accused  of  committing  crimes 
punishable  with  death  would  not  be  excused  by 
taking  refuge  in  a  church,and  no  food  must  be  given 
them  there  (Cap.  a.d.  779).  By  a  later  capitulary 
of  A.D.  789  none  were  to  be  violently  expelled 
from  a  sanctuary,  but  they  were  to  remain  till 
a  formal  judicial  inquiry  could  take  place  (dum 
placitum  praesentetur) ;  see  also  Cap.  a.d.  803, 
3.  Breaking  into  a  church  -was  an  offence 
punishable  with  death.  A  synod  was  to  meet 
twice  a  year  (Cap.  a.d.  806).  A  province  was 
never  to  be  divided  between  two  metropolitans. 
Lastly  (Cap.  a.d.  803),  reading  in  church  was  to 
be  distinct  (lectiones  in  ecclesia  distincte 
legantur). 

(2.)  As  to  the  propcHy  of  the  church,  a  con- 
siderable part  of  Charlemagne's  laws  is  concerned 
with  regulating  the  right  to  tithes.  The  general 
principle  of  paying  tithes  is  laid  down  in  the 
capitulary  of  a.d.  789  ("  De  partibus  Saxoniae  "), 
that  every  one,  noble  as  well  as  free  born,  should 
give  the  tenth  part  of  his  substance  and  his 
labour  to  the  church  and  the  priests."  The 
principle  is  affirmed  over  and  over  again,  and 
applied  in  detail  to  various  kinds  of  property. 
The  history  of  this  part  of  Charlemagne's  legis- 
lation is  passed  succinctly  in  review  by  Professor 
Brewer  in  an  Appendix  to  his  Endowment  and 
Establishment  of  the  Church  of  England,  Part 
L,  to  which  it  is  suflScient  for  the  present  pur- 
pose to  refer.  Bishops  and  abbats  were  cautioned 
as  to  bestowing  a  diligent  custody  on  the  trea- 
sures of  the  churches,  lest  by  treachery  or  neg- 
ligence any  gems,  vases,  or  other  treasures  be 
lost  (Cap.  A.D.  806,  3).  It  was  specially  provided 
(Cap.  A.D.  804,  3)  that  if  any  one  wishes  to  build 
a  church  on  his  own  property,  he  must  first  have 
the  bishop's  assent  and  licence,  and  that  the 
ancient  tithes  payable  to  the  older  churches 
must  not  be  diverted  to  the  new  one. 

(3.)  With  respect  to  Jwmc?(ciwn,  no  judge  was 


LAW 


945 


to  punish  a  priest,  deacon,  or  cleric,  "  without 
the  consenting  knowledge  of  the  pontifex,"' 
under  pain  of  separation  from  the  church  till  he 
confesses  and  amends.  Bishops  were  to  admin- 
ister justice  to  the  clergy  in  their  dioceses  ;  and 
if  an  "  abbat,  priest,  deacon,  sub-deacon,  does  not 
obey  the  bishop,  the  metropolitan  must  interpose, 
and  if  he  cannot  settle  the  matter,  the  parties 
must  come  to  the  king  "  cum  Uteris  metropoli- 
tani"  (Cap.  a.d.  7'J4).  Priests  accused  of  crimes 
were  to  be  tried  at  a  synod  in  accordance  with  a 
capitulary  of  pope  Innocent's;  if  they  were  con- 
victed, they  were  to  be  removed  from  the  sacer- 
dotal office.  By  Cap.  a.d.  812,  if  bishops  and 
abbats  could  not  settle  their  disputes  they  must 
come  before  the  king  himself.  All  other  officials 
were  warned  against  presuming  to  try  such 
high  matters  without  special  authorisation  from 
the  king.  The  decrees  of  the  councils  of  Kicaea, 
Chalcedon,  Antioch,  and  Sardica  were  incorporated 
in  the  legislation.  From  the  preface  to  some  of 
the  capitularies,  it  seems  that  the  laws  were  in 
fact  passed  as  much  by  the  authority  of  the 
church  as  by  that  of  the  state.  Thus  the 
capitulary  of  a.d.  779  opens  "  Anno  feliciter 
undecimo,  &c.  qualiter  congregatis  in  vnxiin  syno- 
dali  concilio  facto  capitulare  episcopis  ahhatibus 
virisque  inlustribus  comitibus  una  cum  Domino 
nostro  se,"  &c.     [See  Capitulary.] 

III.  The  laws  made  by  the  church  itself, 
whether  in  pursuance  of  an  inherent  legislative 
faculty  it  holds  itself  to  possess,  or  as  a  sub- 
ordinate legislature  dependent  on  the  state, 
must  be  considered  under  the  heads  of  (1)  the 
modes  by  which  the  law  has  at  different  periods 
been  made,  and  (2)  the  modes  by  which  it  has- 
been  enforced.  (1.)  It  will  have  been  seen  from 
the  preceding  review  to  what  an  extent  at 
different  periods  and  from  opposite  causes,  such 
as  the  complete  preponderance  of  the  state  over 
the  church  at  one  period  and  the  intimate  impli- 
cation of  the  state  with  the  church  at  another, 
the  same  authority  which  enacted  laws  for  the 
state  also  prescribed  the  most  mimxte  regulations 
for  the  internal  order  of  the  church,  and  often  at 
the  same  moment  and  in  the  same  document.  So 
true  is  this,  that  in  the  case  of  some  of  the  capitu- 
laries of  Charlemagne,  and  of  the  legislative  acts 
of  the  early  Saxon  kings  in  England,  it  is  hard  to 
say  whether  the  law-making  authority  was  a 
church  synod  or  the  king  surrounded  by  his 
ordinary  councillors,  the  bishops,  abbats,  and 
chief  secular  officials  in  the  kingdom.  Neverthe- 
less, the  church  claimed  fi-om  the  earliest  times 
the  right  of  independent  legislation,  though  the 
limits  of  this  right  became  soon  contested  in 
practice  through  the  interposition  of  the  Eastern 
emperors,  and  in  theory  also  as  soon  as  the 
church  of  Rome  assumed  for  itself  the  claim  of 
being  the  chief,  or  even  the  exclusive  organ  of 
church  legislation  (see  Council,  I.  473  ;  Canon 
Law,  I.  265;  Decretal,  I.  539),  and  thereby 
precipitated  the  inevitable  controversy  with  the 
secular  authority  in  different  countries. 

(2.)  The  modes  by  which  the  church  has  been 
enabled,  or  has  attempted,  to  make  her  laws 
effective  by  applying  suitable  penalties  for  their 
infraction  have  always  been  in  f;ict  largely  sub- 
ject to  the  explicit  or  implicit  control  of  the 
state,  and  the  more  so  as  the  church  and 
the  state  became  co-extensive.  Nevertheless, 
the  church  has  also  succeeded  in  herself  punish- 


046 


LAW 


ing  her  own  members  and  officers  for  breaches  of 
lier  laws,  and,  in  the  times  of  her  greatest 
strength,  has  done  so  even  when  the  ofTender, 
as  in  the  case  of  Theodosius  the  Great,  was  a 
crowned  head.  Apart  from  excommunication, 
partial  or  total,  temporary  or  permanent,  and 
public  reproof  or  degradation  of  office,  the  most 
common  forms  that  ecclesiastical  penalties  gra- 
dually took  was  the  enforcement  of  some  painful 
austerity  or  discipline  [Penitence],  subse- 
quently commuted  for,  or  admitting  of,  a  re- 
gular substitute  in  a  fine.  [Fines,  I.  671.] 
it  is  well-known  by  what  gradual  but  cer- 
tain steps  this  notion  of  accepting  pecuniary 
compensation  for  some  of  the  lighter  offences 
gradually  led  to  the  principle  of  admitting  for 
all  but  a  very  few  "  mortal "  sins  a  like  satisfac- 
tion ;  and  then  to  the  whole  system  of 
Indulgences  [I.  834]  by  which  ecclesiasti- 
cal penalties  were  mitigated.  An  examination 
of  the  older  Salic  law  and  the  Ripuarian  law, 
already  alluded  to,  will  go  far  to  explain  how  the 
notion  of  pecuniary  compensation  for  sins  so 
easily  took  root  in  the  Western  church.  It  was, 
in  fact,  the  common  form  of  all  the  civic  legis- 
lation in  the  German  kingdoms  which  was  not 
directly  borrowed  from  Rome.  It  has,  however, 
been  observed  that  Tertullian's  education  as  a 
lawyer  led  him  in  his  treatise  De  Focnitenfid 
(c.  19),  to  regard  the  ecclesiastical  fine  exacted 
for  "  homicidium,  idololatria,  fraus,  negatio,  blas- 
phemia  et  fornicatio,"  rather  as  a  "  satisfactio  " 
or  temporary  security  for  future  good  conduct 
than  as  a  penalty  for  past  transgressions.  Pro- 
bably both  ideas  coalesced  in  the  late  church  law 
relative  to  penance. 

The  question  naturally  suggests  itself  how 
far,  before  the  death  of  Charlemagne,  the  church 
was  in  a  position  to  rely  upon  the  co-operation 
of  the  state  in  enforcing  her  own  laws  and  the 
procedure  of  her  own  courts  ;  for  instance,  by 
imparting  to  a  sentence  of  deprivation  its  appro- 
priate civil  consequences.  The  truth  was  that, 
Ironi  the  times  of  the  earlier  Christian  emperors, 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  bishops,  in  respect  of 
■certain  matters  and  persons,  was  placed  upon 
exactly  the  same  level  as  the  jurisdiction  of  a 
civil  court  (see  especially  the  law  of  Honorius 
and  Theodosius  II.,  a.d.  408,  giving  the  force  of 
a  civil  judgment  to  the  sentence  of  a  bishop  on 
a  voluntary  reference  to  his  arbitration — a  law 
often  imputed  to  Constantine, — and  Justinian's 
134th  Novell  already  cited).  Again,  under  the 
municipal  government  of  the  empire,  in  all  the 
later  stages  of  its  history,  the  bishop  was  in- 
timately concerned  in  civic  administration  of 
the  most  secular  kind  in  all  the  chief  towns 
and  especially  at  Rome  (see  1  Cod.  Jus.  iv.,  and 
Guizot's  Civilisation  in  Europe,  Lect.  ii.  and 
Gibbon  in  reference  to  Gregory  I.  chap.  xlv.). 
Lastly,  Charlemagne,  in  constituting  his  itinerant 
magistracies,  combined  in  one  commission  a 
Comes  and  a  bishop,  "  ut  uterque  pleniter  suum 
ministerium  peragere  possint"  (Cap.  a.d.  803, 
chap.  iv.).  It  thus  resulted  that  all  the  machinery 
was  constantly  at  hand  for  enforcing  the  judg- 
ment of  the  bishop  in  strictly  ecclesiastical 
matters  in  the  same  way  as  the  judgment  of  a 
secular  court. 

But,  furthermore,  it  is  to  be  borne  in  mind 
that  the  canons  by  which  ecclesiastical  penalties 
were  imposed  were,  up  to  the  death  of  Charle- 


LAW 

magne,  scarcely  distinguishable  from  the  ordinary 
laws  of  the  empire.  Thd  legislative  body  was, 
as  often  as  not,  constituted  in  exactly  the  same 
way  whether  engaged  in  secular  or  religious 
legislation,  and  frequently  discharged  both 
classes  of  business  at  the  same  sitting.  Both 
Justinian  and  Charlemagne  expressly  incorpo- 
rated among  the  published  laws  of  the  realm 
the  canons  of  four  general  councils  (not  the 
same  ones)  ;  an  incessant  control  and  supervision 
is  exercised  by  the  civil  ruier  over  the  sitting 
of  councils,  and  provision  is  made  for  the  time 
being  fairly  distributed  between  secular  and 
religious  business.  Thus  king  Sigibert,  in 
addressing  Desiderius,  the  bishop  of  Cahors 
(a.d.  650),  directs  that  no  "  synodale  concilium  " 
be  held  in  his  kingdom  without  his  knowledge. 
The  seventeenth  council  of  Toledo  in  A.D.  694 
decreed  that  in  the  first  three  days  of  every 
such  assembly  ecclesiastical  affairs  should  be 
debated,  and  then — but  not  till  then — the  affairs 
of  the  state;  and  Charlemagne  (Cap.  A.D.  811, 
chap,  iv.)  directs  that  the  abbats,  bishops,  and 
counts  are  to  be  distributed  into  different 
chambers  with  a  view  to  laymen  not  interfering 
with  ecclesiastical  affairs.  Again,  while  it  is 
probable  enough  that  during  the  pei-iod  here 
concerned  excommunication  was  felt  to  be  a 
heavier  punishment  than  any  ordinary  punish- 
ment known  to  the  secular  laws,  and  therefore 
needed  no  supplement  from  these,  there  are 
signal  instances  on  record  of  specific  legislation 
for  the  purpose  of  moderating  or  increasing  the 
effect  of  an  ecelesiastical  sentence.  Thus,  in 
A.D.  595,  Childebert  makes  a  decree  against 
those  who,  on  being  excommunicated  for  murder, 
still  continue  obstinate.  Pepin  (Cap.  a.d.  755) 
makes  a  similar  decree  :  "  Si  aliquis  ista  omnia 
contemserit  et  episcopus  emendare  minime 
potuerit  regis  judicio  exilio  condemnetur  ; " 
and,  lastly,  Charlemagne,  in  redressing  a  curious 
abuse  which  followed  from  persons  excommuni- 
cated for  murder  wandering  about  the  country 
and  presenting  scandalous  exhibitions  of  distress, 
decrees  (a.d.  789)  "nee  isti  nudi  cum  ferro 
sinantur  vagari  qui  dicunt  se  data  sibi  poeni- 
tentii  ire  vagantes.  Melius  videtur  ut  si 
aliquid  inconsuetum  et  capitale  crimen  com- 
miserint  in  loco  permaneant  laborantes  et 
servientes  et  poenitentiam  agentes  secundum 
quod  sibi  canonice  impositum  est." 

It  may  be  said,  generally,  that  up  to  the 
epoch  at  which  the  legal  organisation  of  the 
church  was  distinct  and  complete  enough  to 
enable  the  pope  to  contend  on  equal  terms 
with  the  emperor,  either  the  necessities  for 
secular  aid  in  support  of  ecclesiastical  discipline 
were  too  rare  to  attract  general  attention,  or 
such  general  harmony  of  spirit  and  such  a  use 
of  common  judicial  machinery  prevailed,  as  to 
disguise  the  real  character  and  amount  of  the 
secular  interference,  or  the  extreme  eccle- 
siastical penalties  were  in  practice  more  potent 
than  any  civil  ones,  and  therefore  stood  in  no 
need  of  support  from  these. 

(See  Phillips,  Kirchenrecht ;  Walter,  Kirchcn- 
recht ;  Bickell,  Gesckichte  des  Kirchenrechtes ; 
Hebenstreit,  Historia  ■  Jurisdictionis  Ecclesias- 
ticae ;  Biener,  de  Collectionibus  Canonum  Eccle- 
siae  Graecae ;  Baluze,  Capitnlaria  Begum  Fran- 
corum  ;  Gengler,  Germanische  Denkmdler ;  Had- 
dan    and    Stubbs,    Councils    and   Ecclesiastical 


LAWSUITS 

Documents  illustrative  of  the  Ecclesiastical  His- 
ory  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland;  Wilkins, 
Leges  Anglo- Saxoniae  Ecclesiasticae  et  Civiles ; 
Codex  Theodosianus  ;  Corpus  Juris  Civilis.') 

[S.  A.] 
LAWSUITS.    [Litigation.] 

LAWYERS.  The  attitude  of  the  church 
towards  lawyers,  as  towards  all  persons  holding 
anything  like  official  positions,  was,  during  the 
era  of  persecutions,  that  of  suspicion  and  almost 
dislike.  In  some  churches  they  could  not  be 
oraained  ;  for  we  find  in  a  letter  of  pope  In- 
nocent I.  (A.D.  402-417)  (-£>.  23,  ad  Cone. 
Tolet.  c.  2)  that  he  complained  of  the  custom 
existing  in  the  Spanish  church  of  admitting 
such  to  ordination,  and  proposed  "  that  no 
one  should  be  admitted  to  the  clerical  order 
who  had  pleaded  causes  after  he  was  bap- 
tized." That  this  represents  the  practice  of  the 
Eoman  church  there  can  be  little  doubt,  nor 
that  the  rule  was  soon  extended  over  the 
French  and  Spanish  churches.  And  he  orders 
that  for  the  future  such  persons,  if  ordained, 
should  be  deposed,  together  with  those  who 
ordained  them :  "  ut  quicunque  tales  ordinati 
fuerint,  cum  ordinatoribus  suis  deponantur."  We 
find  the  council  of  Sardica  (a.d.  347)  enacting  in 
its  thirteenth  canon  that  a  lawyer  (o-xoAaffTi/cbs 
airh  ■T^)s  ayopas)  might  proceed  through  the 
grades  of  reader,  deacon,  and  priest,  even  to  the 
episcopate,  if  he  were  a  suitable  man.  But  as 
Du  Pin  observes  {Cent.  iv.  p.  261),  the  Sardican 
canons  were  never  received  by  the  whole  church, 
nor  embodied  in  the  collection  authorised  by  the 
council  of  Chalcedon. 

We  find  that  such  legal  assistance  as  was 
required  by  a  church  or  diocese  was  in  the  East 
often,  perhaps  usually,  rendered  by  a  clergyman. 
The  record  of  the  council  of  Ephesus  shews  us 
Asphalius,  a  presbyter  of  Antioch,  managing 
the  law  business  (ra  irpayfiara  rrjs  uvttjs  €k- 
K\r]tTias)  of  that  church.  Similarly  John,  who 
appears  in  the  account  of  the  Constantinopolitan 
council  held  under  Flavian  A.D.  448),  and  eccle- 
siastical history  affords  many  other  instances. 

And  in  the  course  of  another  hundred  years, 
this  state  of  things  had  so  far  developed  that  it 
was  necessary  for  Justinian  to  prohibit  (^Novell. 
cxxiii.  c.  6)  the  clergy  from  practising  in  the 
courts,  or  discharging  the  official  function  of 
bail  or  surety:  "Sed  neque  procuratorem  litis, 
aut  fidejussorem  pro  talibus  causis  episcopum, 
aut  alium  clericum,  cujuslibet  gradus,  aut  mon- 
achum  proprio  nomine,  aut  ecclesiae,  aut  mon- 
asterii  sinimus;"  and  the  reason  assigned  is 
that  they  would  be  thereby  hindered  in  their 
sacred  ministry.  In  earlier  times,  the  apostolic 
canons  (can.  6)  had  briefly  forbidden  bishop, 
priest,  or  deacon,  to  undertake  any  secular  cares, 
on  pain  of  deposition.  The  Theodosian  code  has 
many  provisions  against  the  oppressions  practised 
by  those  holding  legal  offices;  excessive  and 
illegal  exactions,  maintenance  for  themselves 
while  on  their  circuits,  and  such  like,  which  do 
not  immediately  concern  us  here. 

The  quotation  given  above  from  the  Kovellae 
of  Justinian  shews  that  a  need  was  actually  ex- 
perienced by  churches  and  religious  houses  for 
the  aid  of  men  learned  in  the  law  in  the  manage- 
ment of  their  property  and  the  defence  of  suits 
at   law.     The   need   grew  with  the  growth  of 

CHRIST.  ANT. — VOL.  11. 


LAY  COMMUNION 


94^ 


ecclesiastical  possessions  ;  and  a  tendency  shewed 
itself  among  the  clergy  and  monasteries  even 
in  the  West,  to  find  the  men  required  out  of  the 
members  of  their  own  body,  in  spite  of  the 
canonical  prohibitions,  which  seem  to  have  been 
in  a  great  degree  arbitrary  from  the  first,  or 
which  at  best  rested  on  a  tradition  descending 
from  the  period  of  the  persecutions.  Pope  Ge° 
lasius  (492-496)  admitted  these  officers  to  the 
minor  orders :  "  Continue  Lector,  aut  Notarius, 
aut  certe  Defensor  effectus,  post  tres  menses 
existat  Acolythus."  The  formula  with  which 
the  defensores  were  admitted  is  curious  :  "  Si  nulli 
conditioni  vel  corpori  teneris  obnoxius,  nee  fuisti 
clericus  alterius  civitatis,  aut  in  nullo  canonum 
obviant  statuta,  officium  Ecclesiae  Defensorum 
accipias,"  &c.  We  may,  perhaps,  conclude  from 
a  letter  of  pope  Gregory  the  Great  (590-604) 
that  the  notaries  of  the  church  of  Rome  were 
usually  subdeacons  (lib.  vii.  Ep.  17). 

But  by  the  time  Ave  come  to  the  latter  part 
of  the  7th  century,  we  find  that  these  legal 
offices  were  for  the  most  part  in  the  hands  of 
laymen,  at  all  events  in  Gaul.  The  second 
council  of  Macon  (a.d.  585)  had  a  canon  for- 
bidding lawyers  to  prosecute  suits  on  the  Lord's 
Day,  under  pain  of  being  disbarred  (can.  1). 
And  we  find  among  the  Decreta  of  pope  Euge- 
nius  II.  (a.d.  824)  one  forbidding  "  advocati," 
evidently  laymen,  to  usurp  or  seize  by  force  any 
recompense  beyond  what  they  wore  entitled  to 
by  ancient  right  and  custom.  [S.  J.  E.] 

LAY  BAPTISM.  [Baptism,  §  80,  I.  167; 
Laitv,  §  3.] 

LAY  COMMUNION.  Offences  which  in 
a  layman  were  punished  by  a.(popt(rix6s,  segrega- 
tion or  suspension  of  the  right  to  communicate, 
were  in  the  clergy  punished  by  reduction  to 
"lay  communion."  That  is  to  say,  they  were 
reduced  to  the  condition  of  laymen,  deprived  of 
office,  and  forbidden  to  exercise  their  clerical 
functions.  When  a  clerk  was  said  to  be  denied 
lay  communion,  it  meant  that  he  was  excommu- 
nicated as  well  as  deprived.  As  two  erroneous 
opinions  have  been  maintained  respecting  lay 
communion,  one  that  it  meant  communion  in 
one  kind,  the  other  that  it  was  reception  of  the 
sacrament  with  the  laity,  i.e.  without  the  bema 
or  the  chancel,  it  is  desirable  to  illustrate  the 
subject  by  an  ample  chain  of  testimony.  The 
15th  Apostolical  canon  orders  that  any  clergy- 
man staying  in  another  diocese  against  the  will 
of  his  own  bishop,  shall  not  be  allowed  to  cele- 
brate, "  but  may  nevertheless  communicate  there 
as  a  layman."  By  the  62nd,  a  clerk  who  had 
denied  Christ,  or  his  own  office,  in  a  time  of  per- 
secution, was  "after  penance  to  be  received  as  a 
layman."  Cornelius  of  Rome  writing  to  Fabius 
of  Antioch,  about  251,  says  of  one  of  the  bishops 
who  had  consecrated  Novatian,  but  afterwards 
confessed  his  fault,  "  All  the  people  present  en- 
treating for  him,  we  communicated  with  him  as 
a  layman  "  (Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl.  v.  43).  When 
Rufinus  translates  this,  about  the  year  490,  he 
says,  "  He  was  received  into  lay  communion," 
that  phrase  having  sprung  up  in  the  interval. 
Cyprian,  writing  in  252,  says  of  Trophimus,  who 
is  supposed  to  be  the  bishop  mentioned  by  Cor- 
nelius, "  He  was  so  admitted  that  he  communi- 
cates as  a  layman  "  {Epist.  55  ad  Anton.).  Two 
years  later  the  same  father  says  that  Basilides, 
3  Q 


948 


LAY  COMMUNION 


another  offending  bishop,  on  his  repentance, 
"  thought  himself  sufficiently  happy,  if  it  were 
granted  him  to  communicate  even  as  a  layman  " 
{Ep.  67  ad  Felicem,  &c.).  Again,  in  a  letter  to 
Stephen  of  Rome,  a.d.  256,  St.  Cyprian  declares 
that  it  had  been  decided  at  Carthage  "  by  con- 
sent and  common  authority "  that  presbyters 
and  deacons,  who  had  fallen  into  heresy  or 
schism,  should  "  on  their  return  be  received  on 
this  condition,  that  they  should  communicate  as 
laymen"  {Epist.  72  ad  Staph.).  There  is  extant 
an  account  of  a  council  held  in  that  city  in  the 
same  year,  at  which  a  bishop  delivered  it  as  his 
opinion,  that  "all  schismatics  and  heretics  who 
had  turned  to  the  church  should  be  rebaptized, 
but  that  those  who  seemed  to  have  been  ordained 
should  also  be  received  among  the  laity  "  (sent. 
4).  The  council  of  Elvira,  a.d.  305,  orders  that 
a  deacon  who  had  committed  a  great  crime  before 
ordination,  and  did  not  come  forward  as  his  own 
accuser,  should  be  five  years  in  penance,  and  then 
"receive  lay  communion"  (can.  76).  This  is 
the  earliest  instance  of  the  use  of  that  expres- 
sion. At  the  council  convened  at  Cologne  to 
consider  the  case  of  the  Arian  bishop  of  that 
city,  one  of  the  bishops  present  expressed  him- 
self thus  :  "  Because  Euphrates  denies  that  Christ 
is  God,  I  agree  that  he  cannot  be  a  bishop,  who 
ought  not  to  receive  even  lay  communion " 
(Synod.  Agripp.  sent.  2).  This  council  is  assigned 
with  some  doubt  to  the  year  346.  We  may 
observe  that  in  the  last  two  instances  there  is  a 
probable  reference  to  the  Eucharist,  the  reception 
of  which  was  the  chief  privilege  and  sign  of 
communion  in  the  other  sense.  In  347  the 
council  of  Sardica  decreed  that  if  two  bishops 
whom  it  deposed  "  asked  for  lay  communion,  it 
should  not  be  denied  them  "  (can.  19).  St.  Atha- 
nasius,  writing  in  349  or  the  year  following, 
says  that  it  was  "  notorious,  and  a  thing  beyond 
doubt  with  every  one,  that  CoUuthus  (who  had 
affected  the  title  and  performed  the  acts  of  a 
bishop)  had  died  a  presbyter,  and  that  every 
ordination  by  him  had  been  annulled,  and  all 
ordained  by  him  in  the  schism  had  been  made 
laymen,  and  so  came  to  synaxis  "  (Apol.  contra 
Arianos).  St.  Basil  A.D.  370  :  "  Those  clerks 
who  sin  a  sin  unto  death  are  deposed  from  their 
order,  but  not  kept  from  the  communion  of  lay- 
men. For  thou  shalt  not  punish  the  same 
offence  twice"  (ad  Amphiloch.  c.  32).  Siricius 
of  Rome,  a.d.  385 :  "  Let  any  clerk  who  shall 
have  married  either  a  widow,  or  at  all  events  a 
second  wife,  be  at  once  stripped  of  every  privi- 
lege of  ecclesiastical  dignity,  lay  communion 
only  being  conceded  to  him  "  (Epist.  ad  Himer. 
c.  11).  At  a  general  African  council  assembled 
at  Hippo  in  393,  it  was  decreed  that  the  Donatist 
clergy  should  on  their  return  to  the  church  be 
"  received  into  the  number  of  the  laity  "  (can.  41). 
The  council  of  Toledo,  A.D.  400  (can.  4)  decreed 
that  a  subdeacon  who  married  for  the  third 
time  should,  after  suspension  from  communion 
for  two  years,  "  being  reconciled  by  penance, 
communicate  among  laymen."  A  Roman  council 
under  Felix,  A.D.  487,  of  bishops  who  had  been 
rebaptized  among  heretics :  "  It  will  be  proper 
that  they  lie  under  penance  (should  they  repent) 
to  the  last  day  of  their  life  ;  and  that  they  be 
not  on  any  account  present  at  the  prayers,  not  of 
the  faithful  only,  but  even  of  the  catechumens, 
to  whom  lay  communion  only  is  to  be  restored  at 


LAY  COMMUNION 

their  death  "  (can.  2).  The  council  of  Agde,  in 
France,  A.D.  506,  of  clergymen  guilty  of  crime : 
"  Deposed  from  the  honour  of  office  let  such  an 
one  be  thrust  into  a  monastery,  and  there  let 
him  receive  lay  communion  only  as  long  as  he 
lives"  (can.  50).  The  council  of  Lerida,  in 
Spain,  A.D.  524,  of  clergymen  who,  after  pro- 
fessing repentance,  had  fallen  again  into  gross 
sin  :  "  Let  them  not  only  be  deprived  of  the 
dignity  of  office,  but  not  even  receive  the  holy 
communion,  except  when  dying  "  (can.  5).  Here 
the  sacrament  is  distinctly  meant,  by  the  recep- 
tion of  which  they  might  have  been  consigned  to 
"  lay  communion  "  in  its  true  and  proper  sense. 
The  council  of  Orleans,  a.d.  538,  orders  that 
any  clerk,  from  a  subdeacon  upwards,  who  shall 
cohabit  with  his  wife,  be  "  deposed  from  office 
according  to  the  decrees  of  former  canons,  and 
be  content  with  lay  communion  "  (can.  2),  By 
two  other  canons  of  this  council,  the  offenders 
are  to  be  reduced  to  lay  communion,  but  that 
phrase  is  not  employed.  In  one  case,  "  deposed 
from  office,  communion  being  granted  to  him,  he 
is  to  be  thrust  into  a  monastery  for  the  whole 
period  of  his  life  "  (can.  7)  ;  in  the  other,  "  com- 
munion being  granted  to  him,  he  is  to  be  de- 
graded from  his  order "  (can.  26).  That  "  lay 
communion  "  was  used  as  a  punishment  to  the 
end  of  our  period  and  later  appears  from  the  fol- 
lowing chapter  out  of  the  6th  book  of  the  Capitu- 
laries of  the  French  Kings  collected  by  Benedict 
the  deacon,  A.D.  845  :  "  If  any  bishop,  presbyter, 
or  deacon,  or  subdeacon  shall  go  to  the  war,  and 
put  on  warlike  arms  for  fighting,  let  him  be  de- 
posed from  every  office,  so  that  he  have  not  even 
lay  communion"  (c.  Ixi.  Comp.  Canones,  Isaac 
Episc.  Lingon.  tit.  xi.  c.  x.). 

From  the  foregoing  extracts  it  will  be  inferred 
that  the  expression  "  lay  communion "  had 
generally  no  immediate  reference  to  the  reception 
of  the  Eucharist.  It  merely  denoted  the  whole 
position  of  a  layman  in  full  communion  with  the 
church.  But  as  that  sacrament  was  only  given 
to  persons  in  full  communion  with  the  church, 
it  came  to  the  same  thing  whether  a  deposed 
clerk  were  said  to  be  allowed  lay  communion, 
or  to  receive  the  sacrament  of  the  holy  commu- 
nion. One  who  passed  out  of  penance  into  lay 
communion  would  of  course  be  formally  absolved 
by  the  bishop,  before  he  could  receive  the  sacra- 
ment ;  but  there  is  no  reason  to  believe  that 
any  form  of  admission  was  generally  employed, 
when  a  disqualified  cierk  passed,  without  per- 
forming penance,  into  the  position  of  a  lay  com- 
municant. Thei-e  appears,  however,  to  have 
been  one  exception  in  the  church  of  Rome,  if  we 
may  trust  to  an  Epistle  ascribed  to  Innocent  I., 
about  404,  but  believed  on  good  grounds  to  be 
spurious  :  "  It  is  the  law  of  our  church  to  grant 
lay  communion  only  to  those  who  come  over 
from  the  heretics  (who  however  have  been 
baptized  among  them)  by  the  imposition  of 
hands  "  (Ep.  ad  Epist.  Maccd.  c.  4). 

A  criminous  clerk  fell  into  lay  communion  by 
the  application  of  a  principle  laid  down  by  many 
councils  and  writers;  viz.  that  one  who  had 
been  under  public  penance  was  incapable  of 
orders.  Thus  St.  Augustine :  "  It  hath  been 
most  strictly  decreed  that  after  penance  per- 
formed for  crime  liable  to  condemnation  no  one 
should  be  a  clergyman"  (Ep)ist.  185,  ad  Bonif 
c.  X.  §  45).    [See  Penitence  ;  Orders,  Holy.] 


LAY  COMMUNION 

Heretics  returning  to  the  church  were  always  sub- 
jected to  this  discipline.  St.  Augustine  represents 
the  Donatists  arguing  thus  :  "  If,  say  they,  it 
behoves  that  we  do  penance  for  having  been  out 
of  the  church,  and  against  the  church,  that  we 
may  be  capable  of  salvation,  how  is  it  tliat  we 
remain  clerks  or  even  bishops  after  that  pen- 
ance ?  "  {ibid.  §  44).  Replying  to  this,  St.  Augus- 
tine says  in  eflect  that  their  recognition  was  not 
good  in  itself  for  the  church,  but  was  permitted 
in  order  to  end  a  worse  evil,  the  continuance  of 
the  schism.  When  the  Nicene  council,  a.d.  325, 
admitted  the  Novatian  clergy  to  communion,  it 
imposed  no  penance,  and  even  allowed  them  to 
retain  their  rank  and  exercise  their  functions,  if 
they  live  in  places  where  there  was  room  for  it 
(can.  8).  When  Cornelius  of  Rome,  251,  re- 
ceived the  Novatian  presbyter  Maximus  to  com- 
munion, he  also  permitted  him  to  continue  in  his 
office  (Epist.  49,  inter  Epp.  Cypr.'). 

II.  There  was  another  punishment  for  offend- 
ing clerks,  of  which  we  read  in  a  few  canons 
under  the  name  of  communio  peregrina,  the 
communion  of  travellers,  or,  as  it  has  been  less 
properly  rendered,  of  strangers.  The  3rd  canon 
of  Riez,  A.D.  439,  directs  that  a  schismatical 
bishop  shall  on  his  return  to  the  church  either 
be  "encouraged  by  the  title  of  chorepiscopus, 
as  the  8th  canon  of  Nicaea  speaks,  or  by  peregrine 
communion,  as  they  say."  The  council  of  Agde 
orders  that  contumacious  and  neglectful  clerks 
shall  have  "  peregrine  communion  assigned  to 
them,  but  so  that  when  penance  shall  have 
corrected  them,  they  may  be  again  enrolled  and 
reassume  their  order  and  dignity  "  (can.  2).  Here 
we  observe  in  passing  that  the  penitentia  of 
which  this  canon  speaks  must  be  repentance  or 
private  penance  ;  because,  as  we  have  seen,  no 
one  could  exercise  any  clerical  function  who  had 
ever  been  subject  to  public  penance.  The  same 
council  says:  "If  any  clerk  shall  have  stolen 
from  a  church,  let  peregrine  communion  be 
assigned  to  him  "(can.  5).  The  16th  canon  of 
Lerida  directs  that  a  clerk  who,  on  the  death  of 
his  bishop,  had  stolen  anything  from  his  house, 
or  fraudulently  concealed  anything,  shall  be 
condemned  with  the  longer  anathema,  as  guilty 
of  sacrilege,  and  that  the  communion  of  tra- 
vellers be  hardly  granted  to  him."  The  2nd 
and  5th  canons  of  Agde  appear  in  the  code  of 
Charlemagne  and  his  successors  compiled  by 
Angesisus  and  Benedict  in  the  9th  century 
{Capit.  Eeg.  Franc,  i.  1075,  1094,  1225). 

Peregrine  communion  has  been  supposed  by 
several  writers  to  be  identical  with  lay  commu- 
nion. That  they  differed,  and  how,  will  appear 
from  the  following  considerations.  (1.)  There 
would  otherwise  be  no  propriety  in  the  name, 
travellers  having  no  more  to  do  with  lay  com- 
munion than  residents.  (2.)  The  council  of 
Agde  in  one  canon  (50)  imposes  lay  communion 
on  clerks  guilty  of  capital  offences,  forgery,  and 
false  witness :  while  others  inflict  peregrine 
communion  on  contumacy  (c.  2)  and  theft  from 
a  church  (c.  5).  From  this  we  infer  that  the 
latter  penalty  was  something  less  severe  than 
the  former.  (3.)  Again,  the  2nd  canon  of  Agde 
shows  that  a  clerk  reduced  to  peregrine  commu- 
nion might  be  restored ;  whereas  we  have  seen 
that  lay  communion  was  for  life.  (4.)  The  name 
suggests  the  nature  of  the  punishment.  It 
appears  to  intimate  that  the   clerk  on  whom  it 


LAZAKUS 


949 


was  inflicted  was  placed  in  the  position  of  a 
traveller  who  came  to  a  strange  church  without 
bringing  letters  of  communion.  [See  KoiNO- 
NiKON.]  Such  a  visitor  was  admissible  to  the 
less  sacred  offices  of  religion,  but  not  permitted 
to  receive  the  Eucharist  until  a  letter,  vouching 
for  him,  arrived  from  his  own  bishop.  Hence 
we  see  that  peregrine  communion  involved  ab- 
stention from  the  sacrament  for  a  time,  which 
lay  communion  did  not.  [W.  E.  S.] 

LAY  ELDERS.     [Elders.] 

LAZARUS  (1).  In  Ethiopia  his  first  death 
is  commemorated  March  13,  his  resurrection 
March  16,  his  second  rest,  in  Cyprus,  of  which 
he  was  bishop.  May  22.  From  Citium  in  Cyprus 
his  relics  were  brought  to  Constantinople,  Oct. 
17,  A.D.  890,  by  Leo  the  Wise  (Tillem.  ii.  36). 
Before  that  time  he  had  no  fixed  day  among  the 
Greeks,  unless  he  be  meant  by  Lycarion,  Feb.  8 
{Menol.  Basil.),  but  was  celebrated  on  the  vigil  of 
Palm  Sunday  (Tillem.  ii.  37).  At  Rome  in  the 
7th  century  he  was  commemorated  with  Martha 
only,  Dec.  17 — a  custom  seemingly  taken  from 
their  convent  near  Bethany  (Mart.  Bom.; 
Usuard). 

(2)  Bishop  of  Milan,  f  Feb.  11,  a.d.  449. 
(Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  521.) 

(3)  The  name  occurs  in  the  3fart.  Hieron. 
April  12. 

(4)  Oct.  18.     (Cal  Ethiop.^ 

(5)  With  Thalassius,  Dec.  6'.     (Col.  Ethiop.) 

[£.  B.  B.] 
LAZARUS  (in  Art).  The  Resurrection  of 
Lazarus  is  naturally  a  subject  very  frequently 
represented  in  Christian  Art.  We  find  it  in 
catacombs,  churches,  and  cemeteries,  in  paint- 
ings, sculptures,  and  mosaics,  on  simple  slabs, 
and  on  sarcophagi  (Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  ii.  tab. 
97).  In  some  cases,  where  no  such  painting, 
mosaic,  and  sculptui-e  exists,  either  outside  or 
inside  the  tomb,  we  find  small  statues  of  Lazarus, 
in  metal  or  ivory,  affixed  to  the  exterior.  In 
early  representations  of  this  great  event,  Lazarus 
appears  as  a  small  mummy-like  figure  swathed 
in  bandages,  the  head  is  bound  with  a  napkin, 
which  surrounds  the  face,  leaving  it  uncovered 
(Buonarroti,  Vetri,  tab.  vii.  1).  The  Lord  stands 
before  this  figure,  which  is  placed  upright  at 
the  entrance  to  a  small  temple,  and  in  most 
instances  He  touches  it  with  a  rod.  Sometimes 
He  extends  His  right  hand,  whilst  in  the  left 
He  holds  a  half-opened  volume  (Bottari,  tab. 
xxviii.-xlii.  etc.).  In  some  examples  the  right 
hand  is  free,  and  raised  in  the  act  of  benediction 
according  to  the  Latin  form  (Aringhi,  ii.  121), 
sometimes  His  hand  is  laid  upon  the  head  of 
Lazarus  (id.  ii.  183).  An  example  in  the  ceme- 
tery of  Callixtus  (id.  i.  565)  shews  us  an  exact 
representation  of  a  chrysalis  instead  of  the 
swathed  figure;  possibly  allusion  to  the  resur- 
rection may  be  here  intended.  On  some  Gal- 
lican  sarcophagi,  Lazarus  appears  extended  on 
the  ground,  no  tomb  being  visible,  as  in  an 
example  in  the  "  Muse'e  Lapidaire "  of  Lyons 
(No.  764;  Millin,  Midi  de  la  France,  Atlas, 
pi.  ]xv.).  On  glass  cups,  where  the  greater 
portion  of  the  design  is,  as  usual,  in  gold,  the 
graveclothes  are  in  silver  (Buonarroti,  vii.  2  ; 
Perret,  iv.  pi.  xxxii.  97).  Disregarding  the 
sacred  text,  we  find  some  artists  giving  folding- 
doors  to  the  tomb  of  Lazarus  (Buonarroti,  vii. 
3  Q  2 


950 


LAZAEUS 


3),  though  it  was  in  fact  closed  with  a  stone. 
Sometimes  it  is  hewn  out  of  the  natural  rock, 
without  any  attempt  at  architecture  (Aringhi, 
ii.  331),  and  shrubs  are  placed  upon  the  two 
steps  at  the  entrance. 

Some  artists,  who  probably  had  but  a  slight 
acquaintance  with  Jewish  customs,  have  placed 
the  body  of  Lazarus  in  a  sarcophagus  (Bottari, 
tab.  Ixxxix.),  adorned  with  lions'  heads,  and 
even  supported  by  sphinxes,  subjects  of  very 
rare  occurrence  in  early  Christian  Art  (ib.  tab. 
cxciii.).  The  diminutive,  even  infantine,  pro- 
portions of  the  body  of  Lazarus,  as  represented 
by  ancient  artists,  cannot  fail  to  excite  attention. 
It  may  be  that  the  beginning  of  a  new  life  is 
thus  symbolized ;  but  more  probably  this  is 
only  an  instance  of  a  custom  frequent  in  other 
representations  of  the  Lord's  miracles,  of  making 
the  object  of  the  miracle  small  in  comparison 
with  the  Lord  Himself  [Blind,  Healing  OF,^ 
L  241].  A  curious  fresco  in  the  cemetery  of 
Kennes  (Aringhi,  ii.  329),  shews  the  swathed 
figure  standing  on  the  flat  without  any  support, 
and  without  the  usual  temple.  In  paintings 
and  on  glass  [Glass,  I.  730],  the  two  essential 
figures — the  Lord  and  Lazarus — are  alone  repre- 
sented. A  fragment  of  a  mosaic  given  by  Marchi 
{3fonum.  tab.  xlvii.)  furnishes  perhaps  the  only 
exception  to  this  rule.  In  this,  a  female  figure, 
presumably  one  of  the  sisters  of  Lazarus,  kneels 
at  the  feet  of  the  Lord,  and  extends  her  hands 
towards  him. 


Lazarus.    From  JIartigny. 

This  is  of  much  more  frequent  occurrence  m 
the  bas-reliefs  of  sarcophagi.  These  are  of  more 
recent  date,  and  always  complete  the  scene  with 
the  figures  of  Martha  and  Mary  (Aringhi,  i. 
335),  or  at  least  the  latter,  prostrate  or  kneeling, 
at  the  feet  of  the  Saviour  (ih.  i.  323,  etc.),  or 
sometimes  devoutly  kissing  his  hand  (ib.  i.  423). 
A  curious  sepulchral  stone,  unfortunately  broken, 
shews  two  hands  behind  the  Lord,  all  that  re- 
mains of  a  figure,  probably  that  of  Mary,  which 
formerly  stood  there  (Ferret,  iv.  13).  Sometimes 
the  scene  is  completed  and  enlarged  by  the 
figures  of  two  or  more  disciples,  towards  whom 
the  Lord  turns  as  if  to  draw  their  attention  to 
the  miracle  (Aringhi,  1.  427). 


LECTEEX 

The  Christian  artists  of  these  early  times  fre- 
quently connect  Old  and  New  Testament  subjects, 
between  which  any  real  or  fancied  analogy  is 
traceable.  Thus,  in  many  instances,  particu- 
larly on  sarcophagi,  we  have  Moses  sti-iking  the 
rock,  introduced  as  a  pendant  to  the  resun-ec- 
tion  of  Lazarus.  We  even  find  the  two  subjects 
united,  as  in  the  fresco  of  an  arcosolium  given 
by  Aringhi  (ii.  123).  In  another  fresco  in  the 
cemetery  of  Rennes,  the  figures  of  the  Lord  and 
Moses  are  nearly  identical  in  dress,  in  attitude, 
and  even  in  countenance  (ib.  329).  Even  on 
simple  sepulchral  slabs  we  find  the  two  subjects 
associated  in  a  similar  manner  (Ferret,  v.  pi. 
Ixiii.  29). 

The  tomb  of  Lazarus  was  guarded  with  reli- 
gious care  by  the  faithful,  and  visited  by  them 
with  the  other  sacred  and  memorable  places  in 
Palestine  (Jerome,  Epist.  ii.).  We  learn  from 
Jerome  also  (De  Loc.  Heh.  s.  v.  Bethania) 
that  a  church  was  built  upon  the  site.  This  is 
also  mentioned  by  Bede,  but  it  seems  certain 
that  there  was  no  church  there  in  the  time  of 
Constantine,  as  the  itinerary  of  Jerusalem  made 
in  that  emperor's  reign  contains  no  allusion  to 
it.     (Martigny,  Diet,  des  Antiq.  Chr^t.  s.  v.) 

[C] 

LEA  (1)  Widow,  friend  of  Jerome,  t  at  Beth- 
lehem, March  22  {Acta  SS.  Mar.  iii.  381). 

(2)  Martvr  in  Africa,  Sept.  28  (Mart.  Hier. 
Florentini).'  [E.  B.  B.] 

LEACUS,  martyr  at  Nicomedia,  Jan.  27 
(Mart.  Hieron.  D'Ach.),  in  Africa,  Mart.  Gellon. 
[E.  B.  B.] 

LEANDER.  Bishop  of  Seville,  and  con- 
verter of  Goths  from  Arianism  under  Recared,. 
commemorated  Feb.  27,  Ado  (Usuard).  His  name 
is  added,  without  specification,  in  the  Hierony- 
mian  Martt.  Also  on  Feb.  28  (D'Ach.  Spicileg. 
iv.  630).  [E.  B.  B.] 

LECERUS,  deacon  at  Antioch,  Jan.  1.^ 
(Mart.  Hieron.  D'Ach.).  [E.  B.  B.] 

LECTERN  (ledorium,  lectoria).  A  standing 
desk  in  a  church,  from  which  certain  portions  of 
service  were  read.  It  appears  to  have  been  of 
later  introduction  than  the  Ambo  [Ambo],  and 
to  have  differed  from  that  by  being  placed  in  the 
centre  of  the  choir  instead  of  at  the  side.  Lec- 
toria  are  very  frequently  mentioned  in  the  "  liber 
pontificalis  "  of  Anastasius  among  the  gifts  made 
by  the  popes  to  the  basilicas.  They  are  described 
as  being  of  large  size,  often  made  of,  or  coated 
with,  the  precious  metals,  and  richly  moulded 
and  embossed.  They  were  usually  provided  with 
candelabra  (cerostata)  standing  on  either  side, 
lighted  on  Sundays  and  festivals  (Anastas.  pp. 
397,  419,  546).  Leo  III.  (a.d.  795,  816)  gave  a 
lectorium  "  of  purest  silver  of  wondrous  size  " 
with  candelabra  to  St.  Peter's  (Anastas.  p.  399). 
Leo  IV.  (a.d.  847-855)  also  gave  to  the  same 
basilica  one  of  silver,  chased,  standing  on  four 
feet,  surmounted  by  a  lion's  head,  with  four 
candelabra  plated  with  silver  (ib.  552).  St. 
Eligius  is  stated  to  have  plated  a  lectorium  with 
gold  (Audoeuus,  Vit.  S.  Elig.  apud  Ducange). 
iiariulphus  (apud  Ducange)  speaks  also  ot 
lectoria  constructed  of  marble,  silver  and  gold. 

The  cloth  that  covered  a  lectorium  was  termed 
lectorinus.  (Annal.  Mediolan.  apud  Muratori, 
torn.  xvi.  col.  810.)  [E.  V.] 


LECTICARIUS 

LECTICARIUS.  The  name  given  in  Jus- 
tiuiau's  Novella  43  (Pi-ef.)  to  the  members  of  a 
guild  for  interring  the  dead,  from  their  carrying 
the  Icctica  or  bier.    See  COPIATAE,  Decanus  (!.)• 

[C] 

LECTION  {Lectio  :  avayvoiais ;  Let^on ;  Eng. 
Lesson),  The  words  arayvaxris  and  Lectio  may 
be  taken  in  a  wider  sense  to  include  all  readings 
which  formed  part  of  Divine  Service.  [Epistle  ; 
Gospel  ;  PROPHEcy.]  The  word  Lection  is  here 
however  taken  in  a  narrower  sense,  to  denote 
the  readings  of  selected  passages  during  the 
ordinary  daily  ofBce.  Such  readings  were  of 
three  kinds. 

1.  Passages  of  Holy  Scripture. 

2.  Passages  from  comments  or  homilies  of  the 
Fathers. 

3.  Acts  of  Martyrs  or  other  saints. 

The  readings  from  Holy  Scripture,  of  which 
Justin  Martyr  speaks,  wei'e  connected  with  the 
administration  of  the  Eucharist,  and  are  therefore 
to  be  regarded  rather  as  corresponding  to  the 
Epistle,  Gospel,  and  Prophecy  of  later  times, 
than  to  the  lections  with  which  we  are  now  con- 
cerned. It  is  not  until  a  later  date  that  we  find 
distinct  indications  of  the  mingling  of  lections 
with  Psalmody,  as  in  the  Hour-Offices  of  the 
present  day. 

There  are  in  the  Eastern  Daily  Offices  no  lec- 
tions from  Scripture.  The  scheme  of  service 
given  in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  (ii. 
37-62)  contains  none,  and  even  to  this  day  the 
ordinary  Greek  offices  are  entirely  devoid  of 
them.  In  the  morning  office  on  Sundays  and 
Festivals  the  Gospel  is  read.  That  lections  from 
Scripture  were  in  use  in  the  province  or  district 
represented  at  the  council  of  Laodicea,  in  the 
fourth  century,  we  have  distinct  evidence  in  the 
canon  quoted  below,  though  ultimately  another 
system  prevailed  in  the  East  generally.  This 
system  was  that  of  the  intermixture  of  Odes  with 
psalms ;  and  Archdeacon  Freeman  regards  these 
odes  as  the  equivalents  of  the  Western  lections, 
which,  with  their  long  responsories,  came  to  be  in 
fact,  "  a  long  and  elaborate  piece  of  music  inter- 
rupted at  intervals  by  a  very  brief  recitative  out 
of  Holy  Scripture  "  {Dicine  Service,  i.  70,  125, 
345).  We  may  perhaps  regard  this  absence  of 
lections  from  the  Eastern  offices  as  an  indication 
of  their  connection  with  the  synagogue,  where 
Moses  appears  to  have  been  read  "  every  Sab- 
bath day  "  only. 

The  council  of  Laodicea,  about  A.D.  360,  en- 
joined (c.  17)  that  in  the  assemblies  for  worship 
(trwaleffi)  the  psalms  should  not  be  said  in  con- 
tinuous series,  but  that  between  each  psalm 
there  should  be  a  lection  (Juvayvoxris)  ;  and  this 
only  from  Canonical  Scripture  [Canonical 
Books,  I.  279].  At  a  somewhat  later  date, 
John  Cassian  tells  us  (Z)e  Coenob.  Inst.  ii.  4) 
that  throughout  all  Egypt  the  custom  was  to 
divide  the  psalms  into  groups  of  twelve ;  after 
the  saying  of  each  twelve  there  followed  two 
lections,  of  the  Old  and  the  New  Testament. 
This  very  ancient  custom  is  observed  (ha  says) 
the  more  religiously  in  all  the  monasteries  of 
that  district,  because  it  was  reputed  to  be  no  in- 
vention of  man,  but  to  have  been  brought  from 
heaven  by  an  angel.  The  third  council  of 
Carthage  (c.  47)  forbade  anything  but  canonical 
Scripture  to  be  read  in  churches.  St.  Augustine 
also  {Epist.  64,  c.  3)  speaks  of  the  danger  of 


LECTION 


951 


reading  in  the  church  other  writings  than  those 
contained  in  the  canon  received  by  the  church. 
Isidore  of  Seville  {Eegula,  c.  7)  says  that  in  the 
office  •'.he  lections  were  taken  generally  from  the 
Old  and  New  Testament,  but  on  Saturdays  and 
Sundays  from  the  New  only. 

The  Rule  of  Caesarius  ad  Monachos  (c.  20)  pre- 
scribes that  in  vigils  from  the  month  of  October 
to  Easter  there  should  be  two  Nocturns  and  three 
"  Missae  "  [i.e.  lections,  whether  from  the  Bible 
or  from  Passions];  also  (c.  25)  that  on  every 
Sabbath,  every  Lord's  day,  and  every  Festival, 
there  should  be  twelve  psalms,  three  antiphons. 
and  three  lections  ;  one  from  the  Prophets,  one 
from  the  Apostle,  and  a  third  from  the  Gospel. 
The  Rule  of  Aurelian  (Migne,  Patrol,  vol.  68, 
p.  304)  orders  in  the  nocturns  on  ordinary  days 
two  lections  of  the  Apostle  or  the  Prophets,  and 
Capitulum  in  Paschal  nocturns  three,  from  the 
Acts,  the  Apocalypse,  and  the  Gospels.  It  also 
(c.  14)  enjoins  that  the  ordinary  course  of  the 
lections  be  interrupted  and  proper  lections  sub- 
stituted, on  festivals. 

St.  Benedict's  Rule  (c.  9)  prescribes  that  in 
the  winter  half  of  the  year,  when  the  long  nights 
permitted  prolonged  nocturns,  after  the  saying 
of  six  psalms  and  the  abbat's  benediction,  while 
all  sat  on  benches  there  should  be  read  in  turns 
by  the  brothers  from  the  book  on  the  lectern 
three  lections,  with  a  responsory  at  the  end  ot 
each,  the  last  responsory  followed  by  a  Gloria. 
These  lections  are  to  be  not  only  from  the  Old 
and  New  Testament,  but  also  from  the  exposi- 
tions of  Scripture  by  orthodox  doctoi-s  and 
Catholic  Fathers  of  the  highest  repute  (nomina- 
tissimis).  After  these  three  lections  come  the 
remaining  six  psalms,  with  Alleluia;  then  the 
lection  of  the  Apostle  {i.e.  the  Capitulum)  said 
by  heart,  the  verse  and  the  Kyrie  Eleison.  Who 
are  to  be  reckoned  "  nominatissimi  doctores  "  is 
matter  of  some  doubt ;  some  only  reckon  Am- 
brose, Jerome,  Augustine,  and  Gregory  to  belong 
to  this  class  ;  others  add  such  writei's  as  Basil, 
Hilary,  John  Chrysostom,  Gregory  Nazianzen, 
and  Bede.  See  the  note  on  c.  9  in  the  Eegiila 
Commentata  (Migne,  Patrol,  vol.  66,  p.  272). 

We  learn  iVom  the  Miracula  S.  Stephani  (ii. 
2 ;  in  Martene,  iv.  v.  2)  that  a  letter  of  bishop 
Severus  was  read  after  the  canonical  lections. 
And  it  appears  from  a  letter  of  Gregory  the 
Great  {Epist.  x.  22)  that  in  some  cases  at  least 
comments  of  distinguished  doctors  were  read  in 
his  time;  for  he  disapproved  the  conduct  of 
Marinianus,  bishop  of  Ravenna,  who  had  ordered 
his  (Gregory's)  comments  on  the  Book  of  Job  to 
be  read  at  vigils ;  "  bid  him,"  he  writes  to  John 
the  sub-deacon,  "  cause  comments  on  the  Psalms 
to  be  read  at  vigils,  as  being  especially  adapted 
to  promote  good  dispositions  among  the  seculars  ; 
for  while  I  am  yet  in  the  flesh,  I  will  not  have 
anything  which  I  may  chance  to  have  written 
published  at  once  to  all  men."  From  which  it 
appears  that  there  was  no  objection  to  the  read- 
ing of  comments  on  Scripture  in  the  offices — • 
which,  indeed,  seems  to  have  been  a  recognised 
practice— but  only  to  reading  comments  of  the 
then  living  pope. 

In  the  life  of  St.  Stephen  the  younger, 
A.D.  767  (Migne,  Patrol.  Ser.  Graec.  vol.  100, 
p.  410),  we  read  that  the  saint  while  yet  a 
boy,  instead  of  sitting  down,  as  was  the  custom 
during  the  reading  of  the  lections,  stood  close  to 


962 


LECTION 


the  chancel  rails  and  listened  to  the  reader,  and 
so  learned  to  repeat  what  was  read,  whether  a 
martyrdom,  or  a  life,  or  a  sermon  of  some  pious 
Father,  especially  St.  John  Chrysostom. 

The  council  of  Clovesho,  A.D.  747  (c.  15,  Had- 
dan  and  Stubbs,  iii.  367),  forbids  the  clergy  to 
sing  or  read  in  their  offices  anything  not  sanc- 
tioned by  common  usage;  that  is,  they  are  to 
use  only  what  is  sanctioned  by  Holy  Scripture 
and  what  the  practice  of  the  Roman  church 
permits  (tantum  quod  ex  S.  Scripturarum 
auctoritate  descendit  et  quod  Romanae  Ecclesiae 
usus  permisit).  This  canon  shews  that  lections 
wei'B  taken  not  only  from  Holy  Scripture,  but 
from  other  books  sanctioned  by  the  Roman 
church. 

In  the  lections  used  in  the  daily  office,  which 
were  not  wholly  scriptural,  many  defects  and 
errors  had  been  introduced  before  the  eighth 
century,  especially  in  the  Galilean  lectiouaries. 
This  led  Charlemagne,  in  a  Constitutio  de  Emen- 
datione  Lihrorum  et  Officiorum  Ecclesiasticorum, 
of  the  year  788  (Baluze,  Capitul.  \.  203),  to 
make  the  following  provision  for  their  amend- 
ment :  "  Whereas  we  have  found  many  of  the 
lections  compiled,  with  however  good  intent,  for 
use  in  the  nocturnal  office,  unfit  for  their  pur- 
pose, as  having  no  name  of  an  author  appended 
and  being  full  of  innumerable  blunders ;  we  do 
not  allow  in  our  days  inhai-monious  solecisms  to 
be  heard  in  divine  lections  in  the  sacred  offices, 
and  have  given  our  mind  to  bring  the  same  lec- 
tions into  a  better  way.  And  we  laid  the  per- 
fecting of  that  work  upon  Paul  the  deacon,  one 
of  our  household,  namely,  that  carefully  going 
thi-ough  the  sayings  of  the  Catholic  Fathers,  he 
might  (as  it  were)  gather  certain  flowers  out  of 
their  exquisite  meads,  and  weave  those  which  are 
most  profitable  into  one  garland.  Who,  desiring 
to  yield  devoted  obedience  to  our  Highness,  after 
reading  through  the  tracts  and  sermons  of  divers 
of  the  Catholic  Fathers  and  choosing  the  best,  has 
presented  to  us  in  two  volumes  a  series  of  lec- 
tions, cleared  of  errors,  suitable  for  each  festival 
throughout  the  circle  of  the  year.  Of  all  which 
pondering  the  text  with  our  sagacity,  we  sanction 
the  same  volumes  with  our  authority,  and  de- 
liver over  to  you,  religious  readers,  to  read  in 
the  churches  of  Christ." 

That  the  practice  of  reading  Acts  of  Martyrs 
on  their  festivals  had  begun  before  the  time  of 
St.  Augustine  is  evident  from  a  sermon  of  his  on 
St.  Stephen  {Senno  315,  c.  1),  in  which  he  lays 
stress  on  the  fact  that  the  passion  of  the  first 
martyr  was  contained  in  a  canonical  book,  while 
acts  of  other  martyrs  to  be  recited  at  their  com- 
memorations could  scarcely  be  found  at  all. 
And  again  he  says  {Sermo  273,  c.  2),  "You 
heard  the  questions  of  the  persecutors  and  the 
answers  of  the  confessors  when  the  passion  of 
the  saints  was  read."  Nor  was  this  a  custom 
peculiar  to  Africa.  Various  old  monastic  rules 
(e.f/.  Aurelian  dc  Ordine  Psallendi,  Migne's  Patrol. 
tom.  68,  p.  396)  prove  that  the  reading  of  lives  of 
the  saints  or  acts  of  martyrs  in  the  offices  was 
also  a  custom  of  the  Galilean  church.  A  lec- 
tionary  of  Luxeuil,  which  Mai-tene  believed  to 
be  of  the  seventh  or  eighth  century,  contains 
lections  from  the  acts  of  SS.  Juliana  and  Basilica. 
Avitus  of  Vienne  (f  523)  in  a  fragment  of  a 
homily  {Fr.  vi. ;  Migne,  Patrol.  59,  p.  297)  men- 
tions that  the  passion  of  the  martyrs  of  Agaune 


LECTION 

was  read  "  according  to  custom  "  ;  and  Caesarius 
of  Aries  {Sermo  300  in  Augustine's  Works,  v.  v^ 
p.  2319,  Migne)  speaks  of  the  long  readings 
from  passions  (passiones  prolixae)  in  the  church. 
Gregory  of  Tours  {De  Gloria  Martyrum,  i.  86) 
states  that  the  Passion  of  Polycarp  was  publicly 
read. 

In  the  church  of  Lyons  it  seems  that  none  but 
Scripture  lessons  were  anciently  read,  even  on 
the  vigil  of  a  saint.  The  bishops  who  were  pre- 
sent at  the  Collatio  Episcoporum  before  king 
Gundebald  in  the  year  499  (D'Achery,  Spicilcgmn, 
iii.  304  ff.  Paris,  1723),  unanimously  determined 
to  hold  vigil  at  the  tomb  of  St.  Justus,  whose 
festival  happened  to  occur  at  that  time.  In  this 
office  we  find  that  the  lections  were  wholly  from 
the  Scriptures  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament ; 
no  acts  of  St.  Justus  were  read  even  in  the  vigil 
of  bis  own  festival.  Nor  was  the  church  of 
Rome  by  any  means  ready  to  admit  Acts  of  Mar- 
tyrs into  the  public  offices.  The  Decretal  of 
Gelasius  I.  (Gratiani  Becret.  Dist.  xv.  c.  3,  §  17)^* 
states  that  such  acts  are,  in  accordance  with 
ancient  custom,  not  read  in  the  Roman  church, 
out  of  caution,  for  in  many  cases  the  names  of 
the  writers  are  unknown,  and  they  are  some- 
times written  by  infidels  or  unskilful  persons  in 
a  manner  altogether  unworthy  of  the  subject. 
And  even  at  a  comparatively  late  date  Acts  of 
Martyrs  seem  to  have  been  excluded  from  the 
offices  in  some  districts,  for  Martene  (iv.  v.  4) 
states  that  in  many  MS.  lectionaries  of  the  Cis- 
tercian order  in  Maine,  about  five  hundred  years 
old  in  his  time  (i.e.  so  late  as  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury), no  lections  are  found,  but  passages  of 
Scripture  and  homilies  of  the  Fathers. 

And  the  same  distrust  of  the  numerous  acts  of 
martyrs  which  were  current  in  the  church, 
appears  in  the  sixty-third  canon  of  the  Trullan 
Council,  at  the  end  of  the  seventh  century.  "We 
decree,"  runs  the  canon,  "that  Martyrologies 
falsely  composed  by  enemies  of  the  truth,  with 
the  view  of  dishonouring  the  martyrs  of  Christ, 
and  bringing  those  who  hear  them  into  unbelief, 
should  not  be  published  in  the  churches,  but 
delivered  to  the  fire ;  and  we  anathematize  those 
who  receive  them  or  give  heed  to  them  as  true."^ 
In  the  same  spirit  pope  Hadrian  writes  (Epist. 
ad  Car.  Magn.) :  "  Lives  of  the  Fathers  not 
resting  on  authority  (sine  probabilibus  auctori- 
bus)  are  not  read  in  the  church.  Those  which 
bear  the  names  of  orthodox  writers  are  both 
received  and  read.  For  the  canons  of  the  church 
sanction  the  reading  of  the  Passions  of  the  Mar- 
tyrs in  the  church  when  their  anniversaries  are 
celebrated." 

In  the  time  of  St.  Augustine,  if  not  earlier, 
the  practice  had  established  itself  of  assigning 
certain  lections  to  certain  days  ;  these,  says  the 
saint  in  the  opening  of  his  exposition  of  the  first 
epistle  of  St.  John,  were  so  fixed  in  their  courses 
that  no  others  could  be  read.  To  the  same  effect, 
the  first  [Mansi's  second]  council  of  Braga  [circ. 
A.D.  563],  decreed  (c.  2)  that  in  the  vigils  or 
"  missae  "  ''  of  festivals,  all  [the  clergy  of  the 
province]  should  read  the  same  and  not  different 
lections. 


*  The  copies  of  this  document  vary  greatly,  and  it  is 
difficult  to  say  how  much  is  interpolated. 

•>  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  this  word  was  noi 
limited  to  altar-ofiSces.    [Missa.] 


LECTION 

It  does  not  appear  however,  even  when  certain 
lections  were  assigned  to  certain  days,  that  their 
extent  was  limited  in  the  same  exact  manner  as 
in  modern  Breviaries ;  the  reader  continued  to 
read  the  passage  of  Scripture,  or  of  a  Father,  or  the 
Passion,  as  the  case  might  be,  until  the  chief  person 
in  the  choir  signed  to  him  to  stop.  A  common 
practice  in  monastic  churches  was  for  the  pre- 
siding brother  to  clap  his  hands  ;  in  the  church  of 
St.  Martin,  at  Tours,  he  called  out  "  fac  finem," 
words  which  Martene  (iv.  v.  6)  found  written  at 
the  end  of  the  lections  in  an  old  lectionary. 
Charles  the  Great,  when  he  was  present  at  the 
office,  used  to  stop  the  reader  by  some  kind  of 
cough  or  grunt  (sono  gutturis) ;  and  in  a  church 
where  the  emperor  was  present  it  was  useless  to 
"  get  up  "  a  portion  beforehand  ;  every  one  in  the 
choir  had  to  be  prepared  to  read,  if  called  upon, 
any  portion  of  the  lections  of  the  day  (Z'e  Eccl. 
Cura  Car.  Mag.,  quoted  by  Martene,  iv.  v. 
6).  In  the  Roman  church  it  was  an  ancient 
custom  for  the  deacons  to  sing  the  first  words  of 
Ta  autern  Domine  at  the  end  of  lections  {Ordines 
Hom.TpTp-  123  and  174).  It  was  not  uncommon 
for  the  end  of  the  lections  to  be  marked  before- 
hand in  the  book  with  a  piece  of  wax,  such  as 
Martene  (u.s.)  says  that  he  has  often  seen  in 
ancient  lectionaries  still  adhering  to  the  spot. 

As  to  the  extent  of  each  lection  it  is  ordered  in 
the  rule  of  Aurelian  that  three  or  four  pages  be 
read,  according  as  the  copy  used  was  -written  in 
larger  or  smaller  characters. 

The  practice  of  reading  a  certain  series  of 
passages  in  the  offices  having  once  grown  up,  it 
was  natural  that  books  should  be  formed  contain- 
ing the  requisite  extracts.  This  took  place  in 
fact  at  a  comparatively  early  period.  Sidonius 
ApoUinaris  (Epist.  iv.  2)  mentions  among  the 
good  deeds  of  Claudian  (f  470),  brother  of  Ma- 
mertus  of  Vienne,  that  he  drew  up  a  lectionary  : 

"  Hie  solemnibus  annuls  paravit 
Quae  quo  tempore  lecta  convenirent." 

Gennadius  (De  Scriptt.  Eccl.  c.  79)  says  of 
Musaeus,  a  Galilean  writer  contemporary  with 
Claudian,  that  he  extracted  from  Holy  Scripture 
the  lections  for  the  festivals  of  the  whole  year, 
with  responsories  and  capitula  adapted  to  the 
lections  and  the  season. 

The  Liber  Pontificalis  (c.  218,  p.  1055,  Migne) 
relates  of  pope  Zacharias  (f  752)  that  he  placed 
in  charge  of  the  armarius  or  librarian  of  St.  Peter's 
church  at  Rome  all  the  codices  belonging  to  his 
own  house,  which  are  read  throughout  the  year 
at  matins  (qui  in  circulo  anni  leguntur  ad  matu- 
tinum).  It  is,  however,  not  quite  clear  in  this 
case  whether  the  books  in  question  were  lection- 
aries, or  whether  they  were  not  rather  the  works 
from  which  lections  were  taken.  The  work  de- 
scribed under  INSTRUCTION  (I.  862)  was  a  lec- 
tionary, though  of  limited  extent. 

Lections  were  generally  said  not  by  pei'sons  in 
major  orders,  but  by  sub-deacons  or  persons  in 
minor  orders.  Gregory  the  Great  (^Epist.  iv.  44  ; 
App.  n.  5,  p.  1334,  Migne)  laid  down  on  this  point 
that  the  saying  of  Psalms  and  other  lections  was  to 
Le  performed  by  sub-deacons,  or,  in  case  of  neces- 
sity, by  yet  lower  orders  ;  a  decree  which  seems  to 
exclude  mere  laymen  from  this  office  altogether. 
To  the  same  effect  the  second  [third]  council  of 
Braga  (c.  45)  decreed  that  no  one  should  act  as 
singer  or  reader  in  the  choir  without  regular 


LECTIONAKY 


953 


ordination  to  such  office  (non  liceat  in  pulpitc 
psallere  aut  legere  nisi  qui  a  presbytero  [al. 
episcopo]  lectores  sunt  ordinati ;  compare  Cone. 
Laod.  c.  15).  The  second  Council  of  Nicaea  also 
(c.  14)  censures  the  practice  of  young  persons, 
who  had  received  no  imposition  of  hands  from 
the  bishop,  reading  on  the  ambo,  whether  in 
monastic  or  other  churches.  The  first  [second] 
Council  of  Braga  (c.  11)  ordered  that  readers 
should  not  perform  their  office  in  the  church  in 
their  secular  dress.     [Laity,  II.  914.] 

Silence  was  proclaimed  before  a  lection. 
"  What  trouble  is  there,"  says  St.  Ambrose 
(Enarr.  in  Fs.  i.  (c.  9,  p.  741),  "  to  obtain 
silence  in  the  church  when  lections  are  read ! " 
And  it  was  usual  for  the  bishop  or  the  principal 
person  present  in  choir  to  give  his  benediction 
and  sign  to  the  reader  to  begin.  The  reader 
coming  in  with  his  book,  says  Gregory  of  Tours 
{De  Mirac.  S.  Martini,  i.  5),  was  not  allowed  to 
begin  to  read  until  the  saint  [Ambrose]  gave  him 
permission  by  a  nod.  This,  however,  relates  to 
an  altar-lection. 

It  is  evident  from  several  passages  quoted 
above  that  the  lections  were  read  on  the  ambo  or 
pulpitum,  by  which  we  are  to  understand  in 
many  cases  not  merely  a  pulpit  or  lectern,  but 
the  whole  of  the  raised  stage  or  foot-pace  in  a 
church  on  which  the  choir  was  stationed.  The 
church  of  the  monastery  of  Bee  had,  in  Mar- 
tene's  time  (IV.  v.  11),  at  the  top  of  the  steps  of 
the  ambo  a  pulpit  for  lections. 

For  the  congregation  to  sit  during  the  reading 
of  lections  was  regarded  in  early  times  as  a  con- 
cession to  infirmity  ;  "  when  long  Passions  or 
other  lessons  are  read,"  says  Caesarius  of  Aries 
{Scrm.  300,  M.S.),  "  let  those  who  are  unable  to 
stand,  humbly  sit  in  silence,  and  with  attentive 
ears  listen  to  what  is  read."  Sitting  afterwards 
became  the  usual  posture.  St.  Benedict  in  his 
rule  (c.  9)  expressly  permitted  the  brothers  to 
sit  during  lections  ;  and  at  a  later  period  (about 
1060)  Peter  Damian  {Opusc.  39)  speaks  of  sitting 
during  lections  as  a  universal  custom  of  his 
time. 

With  the  reading  of  lections  was  connected 
from  ancient  times  the  use  of  ResponsoRIES  (see 
the  article). 

(Martene,  de  Eitihus  Antiquis ;  Grancolas, 
Traite'  de  I'Office  Divin ;  Freeman,  Principles  of 
Divine  Service,  vol.  i.)  [C] 

LECTIONARY.— I.  Proofs  of  early  Use.— 
Those  who  refer  the  use  of  a  formal  table  of 
stated  lessons  taken  from  Holy  Scripture  to  the 
Church  of  the  3rd  century  [Vol.  I.  p.  622]  can 
plead  in  favour  of  their  opinion  that,  before  the 
close  of  the  4th  century,  such  a  practice  was 
both  universal  and  regarded  as  already  ancient. 
Chrysostom  devotes  a  whole  homily  to  explain 
the  reason  why  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  are 
publicly  read  throughout  the  festal  season  be- 
tween Easter-day  and  Whitsun-day,  and  else- 
where states  that  the  rule  of  the  fathers  (jSiv 
Traripu>v  b  v6fjLos)  directs  that  book  to  be  laid 
aside  after  Pentecost.  Even  such  a  purely  arbi- 
trary arrangement  as  the  reading  of  the  book  of 
Genesis  in  Lent  had  become  so  inveterate  in  his 
time  (ravra  -yap  rjfuv  avtyviiffB-n  a-hfxepov),  that 
after  having  gone  through  the  first  part  of  that 
book  in  his  discourses  at  Constantinople  in  the 
Lent  of  A.D.  400,  he  defers  the  remainder  until 


964 


LECTIONAEY 


the  season  came  round  again  the  following  year : 
the  offering  up  of  Isaac  alone,  as  Augustine  tells 
us,  "  ideo  in  ordine  suo,  diebus  quadragesimae, 
lion  recitatur,"  as  being  reserved  for  the  services 
of  Holy  Week.  Chrysostom  also  advises  his 
hearers  to  read  at  home  during  the  week-days 
such  Saturday  and  Sunday  lessons  as  they  knew 
would  be  expounded  in  course  on  the  next  Lord's 
day,  and  Bingham  (Antiquities,  book  xiv.  eh.  iii. 
s.  3)  adds  to  these  well-known  passages  others  to  the 
same  purport  gathered  from  Origen,  Augustine, 
and  Ambrose,  vouching  for  the  custom  (de  more) 
of  reading  Job  and  Jonah  during  the  Holy  Week. 
Cyril  of  Jerusalem  also  (a.d.  348),  having  to 
speak  of  the  Ascension,  remarks  that  on  the 
previous  day,  being  a  Sunday  (rp  x^^^  ^M^P? 
Kara  tV  KvpiaK^f),  that  event  had  formed  the 
subject  of  the  appointed  lesson  (eV  t?;  ffwd^ei 
TTJs  Tu>v  avayvwaixaruiv  aKoAovdias).  Since  in 
all  these  scattered  notices  wo  meet  with  nothing 
to  contradict,  but  everything  to  correspond  with 
the  established  order  of  later  times,  Dean  Burgon 
is  fully  justified  in  his  conclusion  that,  "al- 
though there  happens  to  be  extant  neither 
Synaxarium  (i.  e.  Table  of  proper  lessons  of  the 
Greek  Church),  nor  Evangelistarium  (i.  e.  Book 
containing  the  ecclesiastical  lections  in  extenso), 
of  higher  antiquity  than  the  8th  century, — yet 
that  the  scheme  itself,  as  exhibited  by  those 
monuments — certainly  in  every  essential  parti- 
cular— is  older  than  any  known  Greek  manu- 
script which  contains  it  by  at  least  four,  in  fact 
by  full  five  hundred  years  "  (Last  Twelve  Verses 
of  St.  Mark,  p.  195).  Yet  even  the  oldest  Greek 
manuscripts  (for  to  the  Greek  calendar  of  lessons 
we  are  for  the  present  confining  ourselves)  bear 
distinct  traces  of  having  been  used  for  liturgical 
purposes.  Without  insisting  upon  more  doubt- 
ful instances,  it  is  thus  that  we  can  best  explain 
the  omission  of  the  confessedly  genuine  verses 
(Luke  xxii.  43,  44)  from  four  of  our  chief  uncial 
MSS.  (A,  B,  R,  T)  of  the  4th  and  5th  centuries ; 
the  sacred  words  not  having  been  publicly  read 
in  their  proper  place,  but  after  Matth.  xxvi.  40, 
as  a  part  of  the  service  for  the  vigil  of  Good 
Friday,  where  they  occur  in  every  extant  lec- 
tionary,  and  even  in  one  cursive  copy  of  the 
Gospels  (Cod.  69),  which,  though  itself  as  late  as 
the  14th  century,  is  known  to  follow  a  very 
ancient  text.  The  double  insertion  of  the  noble 
doxology,  Rom.  xvi.  25-27,  after  ch.  xiv.,  as  well 
as  in  its  proper  place  at  the  end  of  the  epistle, 
by  the  Codex  Alexandrinus  of  the  5th  century,  is 
best  accounted  for  by  its  being  so  set  in  lection- 
aries  as  part  of  the  proper  lesson  for  the  Saturday 
before  Quinquagesima.  Codex  Bezae  (D),  again, 
of  about  the  5th  century,  prefixes  to  Luke 
xvi.  19  the  formula  ilinv  5e  koI  kripav  irapa- 
fioXriv,  which  is  the  liturgical  introduction  to 
the  Gospel  for  the  5th  Sunday  of  St.  Luke.  An- 
other of  Cod.  D's  prefixes,  koI  elirev  roh  /laOr]- 
rals  avTov,  John  xiv.  1,  is  almost  identical  with 
that  in  the  English  Prayer  Book  for  St.  Philip 
and  St.  James's  Day.  But  the  strongest  case  of 
all  is  perhaps  Mark  xiv.  41,  where  after  direxfi 
is  read  in  Cod.  D  and  a  few  of  later  date  (e.g. 
Cod.  69),  the  senseless  interpolation  rh  reAos  or 
riXos,  "the  end,"  which  manifestly  came  into 
the  text  from  the  margin  of  ver.  42,  where  it 
indicates  in  the  usual  manner  the  close  of  the 
Gospel  for  the  third  day  of  the  carnival  week. 
Since  in  this  last  case  the  patent  transcriptural 


LECTIONAEY 

error  is  met  with  also  in  the  Peshito  Syriac,  and 
in  some  forms  of  the  Old  Latin  version,  which 
together  will  probably  carry  us  back  to  the  2nd 
century,  it  is  h?rd  to  resist  the  inference  "  that 
the  lessons  of  the  Eastern  church  were  settled 
at  a  period  long  anterior  to  the  date  of  the 
oldest  manuscript  of  the  Gospels  extant " 
(Burgon,  p.  226). 

IL  Greek  Liturgical  Books.  —  The  earliest 
known  Synaxaria,  or  tables  of  ecclesiastical 
lessons  throughout  the  year,  are  found  in  two 
copies  of  the  Gospels  now  at  Paris,  Cvdd.  Cyprius 
(K)  and  Campianus  (M).  These,  together  with 
fragments  of  Menologia,  or  tables  of  saints'-day 
lessons,  annexed  to  them,  were  published  by 
Schoiz  at  the  end  of  the  first  volume  of  his  Greek 
Testament,  in  1830.  The  margins  of  both  these 
manuscripts,  and  of  their  contemporary.  Cod.  L, 
also  at  Paris,  all  three  being  of  the  8th  or  9th 
century,  are  covered  with  liturgical  notes  either 
by  the  original  scribe  or  by  a  hand  of  the  same 
period,  which  indicate,  mostly  in  red  ink,  the 
beginnings  and  ends  of  the  lessons  (APXH, 
TEAOC),  the  days  on  which  they  are  to  be  used, 
and  often  the  initial  words  whereby  they  are  to 
be  introduced.  After  this  date  quite  a  majority 
of  manuscripts  of  the  Gospels  proper  are  fur- 
nished with  marginal  notes  of  this  kind,  and 
very  many  with  synaxaria  and  menologia,  full  of 
crabbed  abbreviations  and  sometimes  added  in  a 
later  age.  Perhaps  no  known  evangelistarium, 
or  book  containing  the  ecclesiastical  lessons  in 
full,  like  those  English  church  lectionaries  which 
have  recently  come  into  use,  can  be  ascribed 
with  confidence  to  an  earlier  period  than  the 
9th  century.  A  fragment  at  St.  ^ Petersburg, 
described  by  Tischendorf,  contains  some  Arabic 
writing  decidedly  more  modern,  yet  dated  A.D. 
1011.  A  noble  and  complete  copy  at  Parham 
(No.  18),  written  at  Ciscissain  Cappadocia,  bears 
the  date  of  a.d.  980,  and  Harl.  5598  in  the 
ritish  Museum  is  only  fifteen  years  later.  A 
few  others,  e.g.  Cod.  Nanian.  171,  in  the  Grand 
Ducal  Library  at  Venice,  and  Arundel  547  in  the 
British  Museum,  are  probably  anterior  to  the 
dated  copies  just  mentioned,  which,  however,  we 
are  safest  in  taking  as  the  groundwork  of  our 
conjectural  estimates  in  regard  to  others  which 
are  not  dated.  Evangelistaria  of  the  10th  and 
11th  centuries  are  almost  alwa3^s  large  folios, 
written  (as  was  convenient  for  the  purpose  they 
were  intended  to  serve)  in  bold  characters  of  the 
uncial  form,  a  fashion  which  in  other  books  had 
almost  entirely  given  place  to  the  cursive  or 
running  hand.  Their  material  is  a  coarse  thick 
parchment,  quite  inferior  to  the  fine  vellum  em- 
ployed a  few  centuries  before,  though  the  leaves 
of  a  few,  such  as  Parham  18,  are  still  thin, 
white,  and  delicate.  The  lectionaries  are  almost 
always  written  with  two  columns  on  a  page, 
and  the  headings  and  initial  letters  are  often 
illuminated  in  gold  and  colours.  Musical  tones, 
in  red  ink,  above  and  below  the  text,  must 
have  been  designed  to  guide  the  reader's  voice. 
Uncial  codices  of  lessons  from  the  Gospels  num- 
ber about  seventy,  those  of  the  Acts  and  Epistles 
are  less  than  ten  ;  but  indeed  copies  of  the  latter 
(commonly  called  the  Apostolos  or  Praxapostolos) 
of  any  age  scarcely  amount  to  eighty,  while  of 
those  of  the  Gospels  about  three  hundred  survive 
in  various  libraries,  public  and  private.  Some 
of  the  cursive  or  more  recent  lectionaries  are 


LECTIONARY 

sumptuously  bound,  the  covers  being  adorned 
with  enamel  and  silver  gilt  ornaments,  in  rare 
cases  forming  single  figures  or  groups,  of  much 
artistic  merit.  Tables  of  the  Greek  church 
lessons  were  printed  at  Venice  in  1615-24  in 
two  volumes  which  do  not  range  together  {Cam- 
bridge Univ.  Library,  ii.  288),  and  again,  at  the 
same  place,  in  1851.  The  following  lists,  how- 
ever, ai'e  derived  from  manuscripts  which  in  the 
mcnolojia  difter  widely  from  each  other.  While 
the  great  church  festivals  are  common  to  them 
all,  different  generations  and  provinces,  and  even 
dioceses,  had  their  favourite  worthies  whose 
memory  they  specially  cherished ;  so  that  the 
character  of  the  menology  (which  sometimes 
formed  a  considerable,  sometimes  but  a  small, 
portion  of  a  whole  lectionary)  will  help  to  direct 
us  to  discover  the  district  in  which  the  volume 
itself  was  written.  The  lectionaries  we  have 
chiefly  used  for  our  present  purpose,  are,  in  the 
Gospels,  Arundel  547,  Parham  18,  Harl.  5598 
(all  described  above),  Christ's  College,  Cam- 
bridge, F.  1,  8,  of  the  11th  century;  Burm-y  22, 
in  the  British  Museum,  presenting  a  very  remark- 
able text,  with  a  subscription  dated  A.D.  1319  ; 
Dean  Gale's  0.  iv.  22,  of  the  12th  century,  now  at 
Trinity  College,  Cambridge  ;  but  this  last  con- 
tains the  full  lessons  from  Easter  to  Pentecost, 
with  those  of  the  Saturdays  and  Sundays  only 
((ra)3/8aTo«up(o/cal)  for  the  rest  of  the  year. 
Wake  12,  of  the  11th  century,  at  Christ  Church, 
is  not  an  evangelistarium,  but  replete  with  notes. 
For  the  Apostolos  we  have  used  but  one  copy, 
unfortunately  imperfect,  the  week-day  lessons 
of  which  are  unusually  full,  viz.  MS.  No.  iii.  24 
(of  about  the  12th  century)  in  the  library  of  the 
Baroness  Burdett-Coutts.  In  some  service-books 
will  be  found  a  few  (in  B-C.  iii.  42  they  are 
many)  lessons  taken  from  either  division  of  the 
New  Testament,  which  were  read  in  connection 
with  the  liturgies  of  St.  Basil  and  St.  Chrysostom. 
III.  The  Greek  Ecclesiastical  Fear. — The  Greek 
church  seasonably  begins  its  ecclesiastical  year 
with  the  highest  of  our  festivals,  being  Easter 
Day  (^  071a  Koi  fxeyd\T]  KvptaK^  tov  iraffxa)) 
reckoning  the  seven  weeks  onward  from  Easter 
week  (vj  5taKivT}<ri/uos)  and  Low  Sunday  (aj/ri- 
waaxa.)  to  Whitsun-day  (^  KvpiaK^  Trjx  irevTr]- 
K0(rT7)s).  The  Gospels  from  St.  John  (except  a 
few  proper  lessons)  and  the  Epistles  from  the 
Acts  run  on  successively  throughout  these  seven 
weeks,  and  evidently  form  one  continuous  scheme 
for  every  day  in  each  week.  Beyond  this  season, 
for  the  rest  of  the  year,  the  Saturday  and  Sunday 
lessons  stand  apart  from  those  of  the  five  or- 
dinary week  daj's,  which  indeed  seem  to  have 
been  selected  at  a  later  period  than  the  rest.  On 
the  morrow  of  the  Pentecost  (jj  (Travptov  ttjs 
ire)/TT)K0(rT7}s),  St.  John's  Gospel  having  been 
exhausted,  that  of  St.  Matthew  begins,  and  is 
read  for  eleven  weeks  without  interruption,  the 
Sunday  after  Whitsuntide  not  being  kept  as 
Trinity  Sunday,  as  it  has  been  in  the  Western 
church  since  the  12th  century,  but  as  the  Greek 
All  Saints'  Day.  The  Greeks  commemorate  the 
Council  of  Nice  on  the  Sunday  before  Pentecost. 
On  the  second  day  of  the  eleventh  week  after 
Whitsun-day  St.  Mark's  Gospel  is  taken  up,  and 
read  from  the  Monday  to  the  Friday  (irapo- 
a-KfvT))  inclusive,  for  seven  or  at  least  for  five 
weeks,  the  Saturday  and  Sunday  lessons  being 
still  derived  from  St.  Matthew.     At  this  point 


LECTIONARY 


955 


comes  in  the  difficulty,  arising  from  the  yearly 
variation  of  Easter  Day  in  the  calendar,  which 
the  Western  church  provides  against  by  varying 
the  number  of  its  Sundays  after  Trinity.  By  the 
time  that  fifteen  Sundays  have  elapsed  after 
Pentecost,  the  Greek  civil  new  year  may  have 
begun  (Sept.  1)  and  with  it  the  new  indiction, 
when  the  Gospel  of  St.  Luke  was  opened   (^apxh 

TTjS    IvSlKTOV    TOV    VfOU    fTOVS,    i}yOVU    TOV  fvay- 

ye\i(TTov  AovKa,  Arundel  547,  Parham,  18).  The 
ecclesiastical  lessons  from  St.  Matthew  and  St. 
Mark,  however,  from  the  7th  century  down- 
wards, would  seem  to  have  gone  on  until  after 
the  day  of  the  Exaltation  of  the  Cross,  Sept.  14 
(which  is  still  used  in  England  to  fix  our  autumnal 
Ember  week),  by  way  of  doing  special  honour 
to  a  festival  recently  instituted.  (Aeou  yifdaKetu 
oTi  &pxeTai  6  AovKcis   ai'ayi.vu)(7Kea6ai   oLTrb  ttjs 

KvpiUKrji    fMiTO.    T1]V     VlpWfftV    TOTf  yap  Koi  7)   ICTTJ- 

/xepia  yivfTai  h  Ka\uTat  viov  fTos.  *H  JJti  otto 
Tf)s  Ky'  TOV  (TeTTTeuPplov  6  AovKas  avaytvdixr- 
/cerai,  Burney  22,  p.  191.)  From  whichsoever 
period  the  reading  of  St.  Luke  commenced,  it 
proceeded  without  any  break  for  eleven  weeks, 
and,  varied  with  the  lessons  from  St.  Mark  for 
the  five  middle  days  of  the  week,  for  five  or  at 
least  for  three  weeks  more,  when,  if  the  Easter 
of  the  new  year  was  early,  the  fast  of  Lent  would 
be  approaching.  After  reading  as  many  of  the 
lessons  from  St.  Luke  as  were  necessary,  that  for 
the  seventeenth  Sunday  of  St.  Matthew  (ch.  xv. 
21-28),  called  from  its  subject  the  Canaanitess, 
was  always  resumed  (whether  it  had  been  read  in 
its  proper  place  or  not),  for  the  Sunday  preceding 
that  before  the  carnival  (irpb  rrjs  airoKptw),  our 
Septuagesima,  called  by  the  Greeks  the  Pro- 
digal, from  the  subject  of  its  Gospel  (Luke  xv. 
11-32).  Then  follow  the  Sunday  of  the  carni- 
val (t^s  a-KOKpiai),  our  Sexagesima,  and  that  of 
the  Cheese-eater  (ttjs  Tvpocpdyov),  corresponding 
to  our  Quinquagesima.  Next  come  the  vigil  of 
the  fast  of  Lent,  its  six  Sundays  (the  last  being 
Toiv  ^d'Ciuv,  Palm  Sunday),  and  the  very  full 
services  of  the  Holy  Week,  the  ecclesiastical 
year  ending  of  course  on  Easter  Even.  Since  the 
whole  number  of  Sundays  thus  enumerated  (even 
when  the  Canaanitess  is  reckoned  twice)  would 
amount  to  but  fifty-three,  a  number  which  might 
easily  of  itself  be  insufficient  to  fill  up  the  inter- 
val between  two  consecutive  Easter  Days,  we 
must  bear  in  mind  that  the  menology  supplies 
lessons  for  the  Sundays  before  and  after  Christ- 
mas and  Sept.  14,  and  for  a  Sunday  after  Epi- 
phany, which  could  either  be  added  to  or  substi- 
tuted for  the  ordinary  Gospels,  as  occasion  re- 
quired. The  system  of  lessons  from  the  Acts 
and  Epistles  is  much  simpler  than  that  of  the 
Gospels.  Except  between  Easter  and  Pentecost 
they  are  not  found  at  all  for  common  week  days, 
except  in  a  very  few  lectionaries.  The  book  of 
Genesis,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  read  on  such 
week  days  during  Lent. 

IV.   Table  of  Gospels  and  Epistles  daily  read 
throughout  the  Year  in  the  Greek  Church. 
"Ek  tou  Kara.  'lmo.vvr\v  (7  weeks  or  8  Sundays). 
Easter  Pay   (tt)  ayia  "i 

(cat  /leyiAr)  KvpiaKrj  >John      I.     1-17  Acts         1.    1-8 
TOU  TTa<Txa)  } 

2nd   (lay  T^s  5iaKi>n)- >  1.18-28     „  i.  12-26 

aiy.nv  5    " 

3rd Luke  xxiv.  12-35    „  ii.  14-21 

4th John  i.  35-52     „  U.  38-43 


956  LECTIONAKY 

5th  day      . .         . .     John  iii.    1-15  Acts  iii.    1-8 

6th  (rrapao-xev^)   . .          „  ii.  12-22  „  ii.  22-36 

7th  (o-a^piTo.)      . .         „  iii.  22-33  „  Iii.  11-16 

'AuTCna<Txa.  or  Low|  ^   ^9_3^  12_2o 

Sunday  J 

2nd  day  of  2nd  week      „  ii.    1-11  „  iii.  19-26 

3rd „  Iii.  16-21  „  iv.    1-10 

4th „  V.  17-24  „  iv.  13-22 

5th „  V.  24-30  „  iv.  23-31 

6th  {TTapaa-Kevfi)  . .         „  v.  30-vl.  2  „  v.    1-11 

7lh  ((TajS/SaTo))'       ..         „  vi.  14-27  „  v.  21-32 

Kvpiaxij  y,  or  2nd  \ Mark   xv. 43- )  =     ,_^ 

after  Easter             J    „  xvi.  8   5" 

2nd  day  of  3rd  week    John  iv.  46-54  „  vi.  8-vii.  60 

3rd vi.  27-33  „  viii.    5-17 

^%^^l\^^°^^''^'''}    "  vi.  48-54  „  viii.  18-25 

5th „  vi.  40-44  viii.  26-39 

6th  {irapauKevrj : 

4th  in  Gale)         ..       „  vi.  35-39  „  viii.40-ix.19 

7th  (o-o;8^aT(i))        . .       „  XV.  17-xvi.  1  „  ix.  19-31 

Kvpi-aKiiJ',  or  3rd   I  y_    i_i5  i.^.  3j^2 

after  Easter  5  " 

2nd  day  of  4th  week  „  vi.  56-69  „  x.    1-16 

3rd „  vii.    1-13  „  x.  21-33 

4th „  vii.  14-30  „  xiv.    6-18 

5th „  viii.  12-20  „  x.  34-43 

6th  (jTopacTKeur))     . .  „  viii.  21-30  „  X.  44-xi.  10 

7th  ((Ta^^iTioj       . .  „  viii.  31-42  „  xii.    1-11 

KvpLaKTJ  i',  or  4th  after  ^l 

Easter  (o/<;ie  Sawia- >„        iv.    5-42      „        xi.  19-30 

ritan  woman).  ) 

2nd  day  of  5th  week       „     viii.  42-51      „      xii.  12-17 

3>-d .•    viii.  51-59  {  "•  J;  2^ 

4th „        vi.    5-14  „  xiii.  13-24 

C  „  xiv.  20-27 

5th „     ix.  39-x.  9{  (-XV.  4,  B-C 

(  iii.  24). 

6th  (n-apao-KcwTj)     . .       „  X.  17-28  „       XV.    5-12 

7th  laaP^dT<oj       . .       „  X.  27-38  „       XV.  35-41 

^aSaller""'    }"        -    ^"^^  "  -- ^^'^^ 

2nd  day  of  6th  week       „        xi.  47-54  „  xvii.    1-9 

i  „  xvii.  19-27 

3rd ,       xii.  19-36^  (28,  B-G 

(  iii.  24). 

4th „       xii.  36-47  „  xviii.  22-28 

"Asce'n^&'y     }     -P- (Matins)    Mark  xvi.  9-20 

For  the  Liturgy     Luke  xxiv.  36-53  Actsi.  1  (or  9)-12 

6th  (^apa<rKev„-)       { '^°^'' (i  i  Gak)!"  }   "       ''^- ^-^ 

7th  (.a^^ar.)  {  ^^^.^  ^i^ts'l^^^'o).]"         ^-  ^"^^ 

Kvpiafcn^-orethafteri  .  ^^  jg_3g 

^''"-T-^/sT"    "^'""'  John  xvii.  1-13^1 6-18;' 28-36, 

TJ'j^l-!l!a)  """'"'1  I      ^C  iii.  24). 

2nd  day  of  7th  week       „  xiv.  27-xv.  7  Acts  xxi.    8-14 

3ra xvi.    2-13       „      xxi.  26-32 

4th „      xvi.  15-23      „  xxiii.    1-11 

5th ,      xvi.  23-33      „    XXV.  13-19 

6th  inapacTK^vii)    ..       „     xvii.  1 8-26  {"     ^^^';^|i;  }" 
7th  (o-a/SiSdro))       . .       „     xxii.  14-25      „    xxviii]  1-31 

KupiaKjJ  rrii  ncvTrj-  i 

Kotrri)?,  Trpioi  >      „       XX.  19-23 

(Matins)  ) 

For  the  Liturgy  „  vii.37-viii.l2    „        ii.    i-ii 

N.B. — Joliu  vii.  53-viii.  11  is  not  included  in 
the  lesson  for  the  Pentecost,  but  is  appointed  in 
menologies  to  be  read  at  the  feasts  of  certain 
penitent  women  (p.  65). 

'E/c  TOv  Kara  Mar^atoi'. 
2nd  day  of  1st  week  i 

(t^  irravpLov  t^5  >Matth.xviii.  10-20  Eph.  v.  S-19 

TreVTTJKOCTTJJ!)  3 


LECTIONAKY 

3rd  day  of  1st  week    3Iatth.  iv.  25-v.  1 1 


4th „ 

v.  20-30 

(Hiat  B-C  iii. 

5th „ 

V.  31-41 

24). 

6th  (TTapaa-Kevjl)     . .       „ 

vii.    9-18 

7th  (o-ajS^dTv)         . .       „ 

V.  42-48 

Rom 

i.  7-12 

Kuptaxij  a'.  All  Saints  („ 

X.  32,  33;) 

Heb 

xi.  33 

(rCv    iyCujv     ndv] 

37,38;  > 

xii.  2 

rcop)                             I  „ 

Xix.  27-30   ] 

" 

2nd  day  of  2nd  week  i  " 

vi.  31-34  i 
vii.    9-14  J 

Rom 

.  ii.  1-0 

3rd ',', 

vii.  15-21 

„ 

ii.  13,  17-27 

4th „ 

vii.  21-23 

ii.  28-iii.  4 

5th „ 

viii.  23-27 

11 

iii.    4-9 

6th  (inapa,TKtvfi)     . .       „ 

ix. 14-17 

iii.    9-18 

7th  {aappirv)        . .       „ 

vu,    1-8 

„ 

iii.  19-26 

KvpiaKrj  P' 

iv.  18-23 

„ 

ii.  10-16 

2nd  day  of  3rd  week      „ 

ix.  36-x.  8 

„ 

iv.    4-8 

3rd „ 

X.    9-15 

„ 

iv.    8-12 

4th „ 

X.  16-22 

iv.  13-17 

5th „ 

X.  23-31 

„ 

iv.  18-25 

6th  inapacKivfi}     ■■    j" 

X.  32-36  ;■) 
xi.    1      ] 

„ 

V.  12-14 

7th  (o-a/S^ctTo.)        . .       ," 

vii.24-viii.4    „ 

iii.28-iv.3 

Kvpiaxfl  v'   . . 

vi.  22,  23 

„ 

V.    1-10 

2nd  day  of  4th  week      „ 

xi.    2-15 

," 

V.  15-17 

3rd „ 

xi.  16-20 

„ 

V.  i7-21 

4th „ 

xi.  20-26 

vii.  1.... 

5th , 

xi.  27-30  f 
Xii.    1-3    I 

(mat  B-C  iii. 

6th  (TTopao-Keuf))     . .       „ 

24 

. 

7th  (<ra/3^dT<i>)        . .       „ 

viii.  14-23 

Rom 

.  vi.  11-17 

KvpLaKJj  S'   ..         ..       „ 

viii.    5-13 

„ 

vi.  18-23 

2nd  day  of  5th  week      „ 

xii.    9-13 

„vii.l9-viii.3 

3«     ..         ..         ..    {•• 

xii.  14-16  ; ) 
22-30) 

„ 

viii.    2-9 

4th „ 

xii.  38-45 

,^ 

viii.    8-14 

5th •[" 

6th  (7rapacrKeui7)     . .        „ 

xii.    46-  7 
xiii.    3        J- 

„ 

viii.  22-27 

xiii.    3-12 

ix.    6-13 

7th  (o-ajS^dTO.)         . .        „ 

ix.    9-13 

„ 

vUi.  14-21 

Kvpiaxrj  e'    . .           . .        „ 

viii.  23-ix.  1 

„ 

X.    1-10 

2nd  day  of  6th  week       „ 

xiii.  10-23 

,, 

ix.  13-19 

3rd „ 

xiii.  24-30 

„ 

ix.  17-28 

4th „ 

xiii.  31-36 

ix.  29-33 

5th „ 

xiii.  36-43 

{;: 

ix.  33 ; 
X.  12-17 

6th  (,rapao-K6v]7)     ..       „ 

xiii.  44-54 

X.  15-xl.  2 

7th    (<TOj3/3ciT<0)          . .          „ 

ix.  18-26 

„ 

ix.    1-5 

KvpLOKrj  S'                ..        „ 

ix.    1-8 

„ 

xii.    6-14 

2nd  day  of  7  th  week       „ 

xiii.  54-58 

„ 

xi.    2-6 

3rd „ 

xiv.    1-13 

xi.    7-12 

4th „ 

xiv.35-xv.ll 

^ 

xi.  13-20 

5th „ 

XV.  12-21 

", 

xi.  19-24 

6th  incpaaK^vij)    ..        „ 

XV.  29-31 

„ 

xi.  25-28 

7th  (o-a^^dry)        . .        „ 

X.  37-xi.  1 

„ 

xii.    1-3 

KvpiaKfi  C                ••        ,. 

ix.  27-35 

„ 

XV.    1-7 

2nd  day  of  8th  week       „ 

xvi.    1-6 

xi.  29-36 

3rd „ 

xvi.    6-12 

xii.  14-21 

4th „ 

xvi.  20-24 

," 

xiv.  10-18 

5th „ 

xvi.  24-28 

„ 

XV.    8-12 

6th  (Trapao-KevrJ)     . .        „ 

xvii.  10-18 

„ 

XV.  13-16 

7th  (o-a^^dTo.)        . .         „ 

xii.  30-37 

„ 

xiii.    1-10 

Kvpiajcfj  rf    ,.          . .         „ 

xiv.  14-22 

1  Cor.  i.  10-18 

2nd  day  of  9th  week       „ 

xviii.    1-11 
sviii.  18-20 ; ' 

Kom 

XV.  17-25 

3rd ]" 

xix.  1,2; 
13-15 

sv.  26-2& 

4th 

XX.    1-16 

ICor 

xvi.  17-20 

5th „ 

XX.  17-28 

.   ii.  10-15 

6th  (_rrapa<TK€vfi)      . .    <" 

xxi.  12-14 ; 
17-20 

}" 

ii.  16-iii.  8 

7th  (o-aj3;3dT<o)        . .       „ 

XV.  32-39 

Rom 

.  xiv.  6-9 

KvpicucrJ  e' 

xiv.  22-34 

1  Cor.    iii.  9-lT 

2nd  day  of  10th  week     „ 

XXl.  18-22 

„ 

iii.  18-23 

3rd , 

xxi.  23-27 

„ 

iv.    5-8 

4th „ 

xxi.  28-32 

V.    9-13 

5th „ 

xxi.  43-46 

", 

vi.    1-6 

6tU  Cn-apo(7/C£ujj)     . .       „ 

xxii.  23-33 

» 

Vi.  T-n 

LECTIONARY 

Tthdayof  lOthweekfMatth.xvii.  24-)  p^^  „^  ,„  ^o 
(<ra/3;3aTa,)  i  xviii.  1     /  ^°™-  ^''^  ^°  ^^ 

Kvpiaxfj'  L  ..  ..  „  xvii.  14-23  1  Cor.  iv.  9-16 
2nd  day  of  11th  week  „  xxiii.  13-22  „  vi.20-vii.'? 
3rd „  xxiii.  23-28        „     yii.    7-15 

, .,  (  „  XXIV.  13  or   }^  ., ,  - 

5'll \       U  or  15-28  i      '*'■ 

6th  (,ropa<7«evr7)     ..    {"    ^4^51'"^"'}  „  ends  yii.  35 

7th  (^trappdrtf)       ..       „     xix.    3-12  „        i.    3-9 

Kvpuucrj  la  . .       „  xviii.  23-35  „      ix.    2-12 

'Ek  Toii  Kara  ilapKOV. 

2nd  day  of  12th  week    Mark     i.    9-15  „  vii.  37-viii.  3 

3rd ,        i.  16-22  „    vlii.    4-7 

4th „        i.  23-28  „      ix.  13-18 

5th „         i.  29-35  „        X.    2-10 

6th  (TTopao-KevVj)     . .         „       ii.  18-22  „        X.  10-15 

7th  (o-o^jSaTo.)       ..  Matth. XX. 29-34  „        i.  26-29 

■KvpMKfj  tP'            ..  „    xix.  16-26  „     XV.    1-11 

2nd  day  of  13th  week  Mark  iii.    6-12  „      x.  14-23 

3rd „      iii.  13-21  „     x.  31-xi.  3 

4th „      iii.  20-27  „      xi.    4^12 

6th „       iii.  28-35  „      xi.  13-23 

Cth  (Trapao-Kcvn)     . .  „      iv.    1-9  „  si.  31-xii.  6 

7th  (o-ojS^aTw)'  Matth.  xxii.  15-22  „       ii.    6-9 

Kupiaxniv'              ••  "        xxi.  33-43  „    xvi.  13-24 

2nd  day  of  14th  week  Mark  iv.  10-23  „    xii.  12-18 

3rd „      iv.  2 1-34  „    xii.  18-26 

4th „      iv.  35-11  „   xiii.  8-xiv.  1 

5th „       V.    1-20  „   xlv.     1-12 

6th  (,rapa<T«.;f))     ••         "   {    3"5!vl^t '}    "   ^'^^  1^-20 

7th  (o-a^jSolTw)         Matth.  xxiii.  1-12  1  Cor.  iv.    1-5 

KvpioKij  to'             . .     „       xxii.    2-14  2  Cor.   i.  21-ii.  4 

2nd  day  of  15th  week    Mark  v.  24-34  1  Cor.  xiv.  26-33 

3rd „      vi.    1-7  „      xiv.  33-40 

4th „      vi.    7-13  „       XV.  12-30 

6th „       -vi.  30-45  „       XV.  29-34 

6th  (jrapaaKevrj)    . .         „      vi.  45-53  „       xv.  34-40 

7th  (o-a/SjSaTo))        Matth.  xxiv.    1-13  „      iv.  17-v.  5 

„  _     ,  ..  „^   ,„  (2  Cor.    iv.    6-11 

KupioKT,  le  . .     „      xxu.  35-40 1  ^jg  3_q  jjj  34). 

2nd  day  of  16th  week    j^^*'' vii.'^a"  ^*"}  1  Cor.  xvi.  3-13 

3rd „     vii.    5-16    2  Cor.      i.    1-7 

4th ,     vii.  14-24         „  i.  12-20 

5th vii.  24-30        „  ii.    4-15 

6th  inapaa-Kevrj)    . .         „    viii.    1-10        „      ii.  15-iii.  3 

Htu  r     00'     X    ( Matth.  xxiv.  34-37 : ^  ,  ^„,  ^  n->  is 

7th  (o-aP/SaTo.)    <                          42-41    f  X.  23-28 

Then  follow,  if  read  in  this  place — 
HvpioKfl  if  . .  Matth.  XXV.  14-30    2  Cor.  vi.  1-10 

N.B. — If  this  week  was  required  before  the 
new  year  or  new  indiction  began,  some  of  the 
lessons  from  St.  Mark  which  follow  the  12th 
Sunday  of  St.  Luke  were  taken  for  this  17  th 
week  so  far  as  needed,  and  after  them  (the 
Epistles  for  the  week  being  2  Cor.  iii.  4—12  ;  iv. 
1-6;  11-18;  v.  10-15;  15-21). 

(o-a^^aTcj.)  i^  Matth.  xxv.  1-13    1  Cor.  xiv.  20-25 

'Ek  toO  Kara  AovkSlv. 

'"oftYwIe^r^:'}!^"'^-- 1^-22  2  Cor.    vi.  11-16 

3rd „  iii.  23-iv.  1  „      vii.    1-11 

4th „      iv.    1-15  „      vii.  10-16 

5th „      iv.  16-22  „     viii.    7-11 

Cth  (napaa-Kevrj)     . .         „       iv.  22-30  „      viii.  10-21 

7til  (o-ojSpaTwj       . .         „      iv.  31-36  1  Cor.  xv.  39-45 

N.B.— If  the  16th  or  17th  Saturdays  of  St. 
Matthew  be  not  read  at  the  end  of  the  old  year, 


LECTIONARY 


957 


then  the  omitted  Epistles  are  used  when  St.. 
Luke  commences,  and  the  Epistle  for  each  suc- 
ceeding Saturday  and  Sunday  must  be  looked 
for,  out  of  its  place,  one  or  two  weeks  back. 
But  if  this  be  actually  the  18th  Sunday  after 
Pentecost,  all  the  following  Epistles  will  be  given 
correctly. 


KvpiaKJ)   a    of   the 
new  year  (Aposto- 

los   11)') 

2nd  day  of  2nd  week 

3rd     . . 

4th     . . 

5th     . . 

6th  (napacrxevfj) 


7  th  (<Toi3 


KvpiaKJj  §.'    (Apost.    7 

16')                               3  " 

2nd  day  of  3rd  week  „ 

3rd 

4th 

5th 

6th  (irapatTK^vxi)     •  •  »i 

7th  (crajSjSaTw)        . .  J  „ 
Kv^iaKJ)   y     (Apost. ) 

2nd  day  of  4th  week  „ 

3rd „ 

4th „ 

6th „ 

6th  (vapaaKevfi)    . .  „ 

7th  (craiS/SaTo))        ..  „ 
KvpiaKJj   6'     (Apost.  1 

2nd  day  of  5th  week  „ 

3rd „ 

4th „ 

5th „ 

6th  (TTapotTKeuj))    . .  „ 

7th  (croj3/3a'Tw)       ..  „ 


►  Lukev.    1-11  2  Cor.     ix.    6-11 


iv.  33-44  „  viii.  20-ix.l 

v.  12-16  „  ix.    1-5 

v.  33-39  „  ix.  12-x.  5 

vi.  12-16  „  X.    4-12 

vi.  17-23  „  X.  13-18 
)  1  Cor.   XV.  58- 

(.  xvi.  3 

;  2  Cor.    xi.  31- 
xii.  9 

vi.  24-30      „  xi.  5-9 

vi.  37-15      „         xi.  10-18 
vi.  46-vii.  1     „        xii.  10-14 
vii.  17-30       „        xii.  14-19 
vii.  31-35       „  xii.  19-xul.  1 
v.  27-32      „  i.    8-11 


V.  17-26 
vi.  31-36  P 


vii.  11-16    Gal. 


-19^ 


vii.  36-50  2  Cor.   xiii.  2-7 
viii.    1-3        „        xiii.  7-11 

viii.  22-25  Gal.  i.  18-ii.  5 
ix.    7-11       „  ii.    6-16- 

ix.  12-18      „       ii.  20-iii.  7 

vi.    1-10  2  Cor.    iii.  12-18 

viii.  5-15  Gal.  ii.  16-20 
ix.  18-22  „  iii.  15-22- 
ix.  23-27  „  iii.  23-iv.  5 
ix.  43-50      „  iv.    9-14 


IX.  49-56 
X.  1-15 
vii.    1-10 


IV.  13-26 

iv.  28-v.  5 

f  2  Cor.       V.  1-10 

1(4] 


KvpioKT)  c'  (Apost.  7 

2nd  day  of  6th  week 

3rd 

4th 

5th 

6th  (jrapacTKevirj)     . . 
7th  (o-aiS^aTw) 
KupioKTj   s'    (Apost.  ( 

«y')  I 

2nd  day  of  7th  week 

3rd 

4th „         xi.  42^6 

.47- 


B-C  iii.  24). 
xvi.  19-31    Gal.      vi.  11-18 
X. 22-24 


V.    4-14 
xi.    1-9        „  V.  14-21 

xi.  9-13  „  vi.  2-10 
xi.  14-23  Eph.  1.  9-17 
xi.  23-26       „  i.  16-23 

viii.  16-21    2  Cor.  viii.    1-5 


27-35 ; 


29-33 
34-41 


5th 


■_  ■•{:: 

6th  (irapao'Kevjrj)     . .        „ 
7th  (o-a^lSaTo.)   '      . .        „ 

KupiaKJj   C  (Apost.    \ 
kS')  j"    " 

2nd  day  of  8th  week    <   " 

3rd „ 

4th „ 

5th , 

6th  (irapaaKevfj)     . .        „ 
7th  (aa^^aTif)         ..        „ 


KupiaK]7  Tj'    (Apost 

2nd  day  of  9th  week' 

3rd 

4th 

5th 


xii.  1 


•Eph.    ii.    4-10 

„      ii.  18-iii.  5 

iii.    5-12 

iii.  13-21 

iv.  12-16 


2-12      „         iv.  17-25 
1-6      2  Cor.    xi.    1-6 


viii.  41-56    Eph. 

xii.  13-15 ;  7 

22-31      j  " 

xii.  42-48  „ 

xii.  48-59  „ 

xiii.    1-9  „ 

xiii.  31-35  „ 

ix.  37-48  Gal. 


ii.  14-22 

v. 18-26 
V.  25-31 
7.  28-vi.  6. 
vi.  7-11 
vi.  17-21 
i.    3-10 


■}- 


1-7 


6th  (Trapacr/cevr)') 
7th  (o-a^jSa'Tw) 


X.  25-37     Epl 
xiv.  12-15      Phil.       i.    2. 
xiv.  25-35 

{Iliat  B-C  iii. 
24) 


968  LECTIONARY 

Kvpia<rj  ff    (Apost.  I  Luke  xii.  16-21    Eph.      v.    5-19 

2nd  d;iy  of  10th  week  „  xvii.  20-25 

C  „  xvii.  26-37  ; 

•^"^ I  „  sviii.  18 

C  „  xviii.  15-lT; 

^t° \  26-30 

5th „  xviii.  31-34 

6th  (^wapaaKivrj)    . .  „  xix.  12-28 

7th  ((raj3|3aTw)        . .  „         X.  19-21    Gal.  V.  22-vi.  2 

KvpiaKrj    I      (Apott.   V  ^^  j.j;i    jQ_^^     j-ph.      vi.  10-17 

2nd  day  of  11th  week  „  xix.  37-44 

3rd „  xix.  45-48 

4th „       XX.    1-3 

5th „  XX.    9-18 

6th  (irapacrKtun)     ••  "  XX.  19-26 

7th  (o-a/S/SaTu)        . .  „       xii.  32-40    Col.  i.  9-13 

Kupio/fj)  la'  (Apost.  )  ^f^,  je_24    2  Cor.  ii.  14-iii.  3 

2nd  day  of  12th  week     „  xx.  27-44 

3rd „  xxi.  12-19 

,.,                                 f   „  xxi.  5-8;  10, 

^'ll \  11 ;  20-24 

5th „  xxi.  28-33 

6th  (TTopao-Kevrj)     •  •  |   "  xxii-  8 

7th  (o-a/S/SaTw)       ..       „  xiii.  19-29     Eph.      ii.  11-13 

KvpioK^i^'    (Apost.  I    _  xvii.  12-19    Col.       iii.    4-11 
2nd  day  of  13th  week  Mark  viii.  11-21 

3rd ,  viii.  22-26 

4th „  viii.  30-34 

5th „  ix.  10-16 

6th  (n-apaa/ceujj)    . .        „  ix.  33-41 

7th  (o-a/^^aTU)")       . .     Luke  xiv.  1-11     Eph.     v.    1-8 

KvpiaKTJiv'    (Apost.  I    _^  xviii.  18-27      Col.      ui.  12-16 

2nd  day  of  11th  week    Markix.42-x.l  iThess.    i.    6-10 

3rd „        X.    2-11  „        i.  9-ii.  4 

4th „         X.  11-16  „         ii.    4-8 

5th ,          X.  17-27  „         ii.    9-14 

6th  (napaiTKivrj)     ..        „          x.  24-32  „          ii.  14-20 

7th  (a-ap^aru)       ..    Luke  xvi.  10-15  Col.        i.    2-6 

Kvpcojcrj   tS'  (Apost.)  _   xviii.  35-43)  (^Tim.i.'lS-n, 

'"^J                          >  I  B-Ciii.  24). 

2nd  day  of  15th  week  jMark   x.  46-52  IThess.  iii.  1-8 

3rd „         xi.  11-23  „        iii.  6-11 

4th „        xi.  22-26  „  iii.  ll-iv.6 

5th „        xi.  27-33  „      Iv.    7-11 

6th  (Trapao-Keujj)    ..  „       xii.    1-12  „    iv.  17-v.  5 

7th  (o-a/SjSaTO))       . .  Luke  xvii.  3-10  Col.      ii.    8-12 

"^  APO  "  "'  '-^^°'*'}   "      s!s-    1-10  1  Tim.  vi.  11-16 

2nd  day  of  16th  week    Mark  xii.  13-17  1  Thess.  v.  4-11 

3rd „      xii.  18-27  „       v.  11-15 

4th „       xii.  28-34  „        v.  15-23 

5th ,      xii.  38-44  2  Thess.  1.    1-5 

6th  (napacTKevrj)     . .       „      xiii.    1-9  „    i.  11-ii.  5 

7th  ((Ta/3^aT(j)       . .  Luke  xviii.  1-8  1  Tim.  ii.    1-7 

KvpiaKiji^(ithePub-l  ■■■  q  ,,(2  Tim.  iii.  10-15 

Zican,  Apost.  Ay')  f"  ^^'»- 9-1*1  (B-C  iii.  42).- 
2nd  day  of  17th  week   Mark  xiii.  9-13 1  ^  Thess._n.  13- 

3rd „     xiii.  14-23  „      iii.    3-9 

4th „     xiii.  24-31  „      iii.  10-18 

5th {"     ^1^;^     }lTim.     i.    1-8 

6th  (jrapaerMUTJ)     ..        „      xiv.    3-9  „         i.    8-14 

7th(.a^^a™)       ..{^"'^^Sf"}       ..--13--.  5 

N.B. — The  Gospel  for  the  Sunday  preceding 
that  which  the  Western  church  calls  Septuage- 
sima  is  always  that  of  the  Canaanitess  (Matth. 
XV.  21-28),  which  would  sometimes  displace  one 
or  two  of  those  immediately  preceding,  as  in  the 


LECTIONARY 

case  of  our  Sunday  next  before  Advent.  Two 
weeks'  lessons  from  the  Epistles  are  also  kept  in 
reserve,  to  be  used  here  if  necessary.  They  are 
numbered  from  the  weeks  after  Pentecost,  as 
indeed  are  all  the  Epistles  in  the  Greek  lec- 
tiouaries,  viz. — 

KupiaKrJ  A5' 2  Tim.  iii.  10-15 

(2)        1  Tim.     ii.  5-15 

(3) „        iii.  l-]3 

(4)        „        iv.  4-9 

(5) „  iv.  14-v.  10 

(6) V.  17-vi.  2 

o-a/S/SttTu)  Ae'               . .          . .  „        iv.  9-15 

Kvpia/cT)  Ae' 2  Tim.     ii.  1-10 

(2)  .' iTim.    vi.  2-11 

(3)        „      vi.  17-21 

(4)        2  Tim.     1.    8-14 

(5) „      i.  14-ii.  2 

(6)        „        ii.  22-26 

(7o^/3a'Ta)  W              ..          ..  „       ii.  11-19 

The  day  before  Septuagesima  Sunday  is — 

o-a)3j3aTw     Trpb    -nj!    1 

dn-oKpew     (before    >  Luke  XV.    1-10 

Carnival)  ) 

KvpiaKJj    vpo     i-^s    ) 

awoKpiui  (the  Pro-  V  „      xv.  11-32    1  Thess.  v.  14-23 

digal)  ) 

2°^^^ff  Carnival  I  jj^^j^    xi.  1-11    2  Tim.    iu.  1-10 

3rd „      xiv.  10-42  „  iii.  14-iv.  5 

4th „  xiv.  43,  XV.  1        „      iv.    9  18 

5th „      XV.    1-15    Titus      i.    5-12 

6th  (napacrK(vrj)  ..■)  "  ok  33L41 '  f  "  i- tS-ii.  10 
7th(.a^^a.<,)       ..\^f;^!i\lCor.    vi.  12-20 

'^:;ri^nt^      Matth.xxv.3l5^^e^:V^^ 
our'Sexagosima)     )  *"  <    20,  B-C  iii.  24) 

2nd  day  of  the  week  ^ 
of  the  C7ieese-ea«er- (Lukexix.29-40;i  u  ,      .       ,  ,„ 
(Tvpo<^(ivou  :  a         (    xxii.  7,8,  39     i  "■''"■    '^-    '"" 
lighter  fast)  J 

3"i {"Sii:  f"}"  --i^-vi-B 

4th deest. 

cti,                               i   >.  xxiii.  1-43;J  ^...  ,,  „, 

5* i                 44-56    7    '■  ^"-l-i-^' 

6th  (jrapaa-Kevrj)     . .  deest. 

(Rom.  xiv.  19-23 

7th  (o-ap^dTu)       . .     Matth.  vi.  1-13.?    „  xvi.  25-27 

i  (p.  50) 

'KvpiaKrj  TTj?  Tvpojta-  "J 
yov    '(the     Cheese-  (  .  ._,,  ...  ,i_^i^.  4 

ea<er, our Quinqua-f    "      ^i- 1*  -1      „xm.iixiv.4 
gesima)  ) 

Genesis  was  read  on   the  five   middle  week 

days  of  Lent  (p.  50).     The  special  lessons  from 

the  New  Testament  were — 

i/rjo-reta;  (Vigil  ofi  Matth.  vii.  7-11. 

Lent)  ) 

Twv  njo-TEcui'  (Lent). 

o-a^^dTw  a'  .,  Mark     ii.  23-iii.  5  Heb.  i.    1-12 

KvpLoKJi  a  ..  John            i.  44-52  „  xi.  24-40 

<ra(3(3<£T(t>  p'  ..Mark           1.35-44  „  iii.  12-14 

KvpiaK-rj  j3'  . .        „              ii.     1-12  „  i.  10-ii.  3 

o-ajS/SctTO)  y'  . .        „              ii.  14^17  „  X.  32-33 

KuptaKj}  y  ..       „      viii.  34-ix.  1  „  iv.  14-v.  6 

o-o^^dT<[)6'  ..       „           vii.  31-37  „  vi.    9-12 

Kupiaxn  &'  •■       „           ix.  17-31  „  vi.  13-20 

o•a^^dT<o  e'  . .       „          viii.  27-31  „  ix.  24-28 

Kvpiax^  e'  . .       „             X.  32-45  „  ix.  11-14 

"^"w^i-us)'  *""* }  ■^°^°-  ^'-  ^"^^  "  ^''-  2S-xiii.  S 
KvpittKjJ  S-'  rCiv  patwv  (Palm  Sunday)— 

Trpwi  (Matins)    Matth.  xxi.  1-11 ;  15-17 


LECTIONAEY 

Kvpi.aKTJ  ^  els  Ttji'  Xn-rjv  Mark  X.  46-xi.  11 

„   '    For  the  Liturgy— John  xii.  1-18    Phil.  iv.  4-9 

The  services  of  the  Holy  Week  (^  h.-yia.  t] 
fj.eyd\ri)  are  given  at  full  leugth  in  nearly  all 
the  lectionaries,  viz. — 

Matth.    sxi.  18-43 
„      xxlv.    3-35 
„    xsii.  15-xxiv.  2 
„    xxiv.  36-xxvi.  2. 
John  xi.  47-53,  or  xii.  17-47 
Matth.  xxvi.  6-16 
Luke  xxii.  1-36,  or  39 
Matth.  xxvi.  1-2C 
Eve— Gospel  of  the  Bath  (viwttjp)  John  xiii.  3-10 
After  the  Bath     . .         . .      „     xiii.  12-17  ; 
Matth.  xxvi.  21-39  ;  Luke  xxii.  43,  44  (p.  50) ; 
„       xxvi.  40-xxvii.  2  1  Cor.  xi.  23-32. 

At  this  season  were  read  the  twelve  Gospels  of 
the  Holy  Passion  (rwv  ayiaiv  TraQuiv),  viz. — 

(7)  Matth.  xxvii.  33-54 

(8)  Luke  sxiii.  32-49 

(9)  John  xix.  25-37 

(10)  Mark  xv.  43-47 

(11)  John  xix.  38-42 

(12)  Matth.  xxvii.  62-66 
1  of  the  vigil   of  Good 


LECTIONAEY 


959 


2D(i  day 

.    Matins 

Liturgy 

Srd  day 

.     Matins 

Liturgy 

4  th  day 

.     Matins 

Liturgy 

5th  day 

.     Matins 

Liturgy 

(1)  John  xiii.  31-xviii.  1 

(2)  „      xviii.  1-28 

(3)  Matth.  xxvi.  57-75 

(4)  John  xviii.  28-xix.  16 

(5)  Matth.  xxvii.  3-32 

(6)  Mark  xv.  16-32 
Gospels   for  the   hou 


Friday  (t^s  07/05  irapafj-ovris) — 

Hour    (1)    Matth.    xxvii.    I    (6)  Luke  xxii.  66-xxiii.49 

1-56  (9)  John  xix.  16-37 

(3)  Mark  xv.  1-41  1 

Good   Friday   (t^  dyia   napaffKev^)    for   the 
Liturgy — 

Matth.  xxvii.  1-38;  Luke  xxiii.  39-43;  Matth.  xxvii. 

39-54;  John  xix.  31-37 ;  Matth.  xxvii.  55-61. 

1  Cor.  i.  18-ii.  2. 

Easter  Even  (t^  dylcji  koI  fieyaXqi  ffaPPdrifi) — 

llatins  (,rpa,t)  Matth.  xxvii.  62-66 1  Ga^l^'^Uritu 

Evensong  (eo-TTc'pas)      „      xxviii.    1-20    Rom.  vi.  3-11 

To  these  lessons  from  the  New  Testament  for 

the  whole  ecclesiastical  year  from  Easter  Day  to 

Easter  Even  nearly  all    the   lectionaries   annex 

eleven    morning    Gospels    of    the    Resurrection 

(^evayye\ia    avaffracri/j.a    eaiOiva),    which    were 

read  in  turn,  one  every  Sunday  at  matins,  viz. — 

1-10 


(7)  John 

(8)  „ 

(9)  .. 

(10)  „         xxi.    1-14 

(11)  „  xxi.  15-25 


19-31 


(1)  Matth.  xxviii.  16-20 

(2)  Mark        xvi.    1-8 

(3)  „  xvi.    9-20 

(4)  Luke      xxiv.    1-12 

(5)  „         xxiv.  12-35 

(6)  „         xxiv.  36-52 

V.  Syriac  Lectionaries. — A  valuable  evange- 
listarium,  written  in  a  peculiar  dialect  of  the 
Syriac  language,  called  for  the  sake  of  distinc- 
tion the  Jerusalem  Syriac,  was  first  used  by 
Adler  in  the  Vatican  (MS.  Syr.  19),  and  has  lately 
been  published  in  full  by  Count  F.  Miniscalchi 
Erezzo  (Verona,  1861-64).  This  book  enables 
us  to  see  that  the  ordinary  lessons  of  the  Syriac 
church  at  the  period  that  it  bears  date  (a.d. 
1030),  and  probably  long  before,  were  identical 
with  those  of  the  Greek  church  as  described 
above.  In  fact  the  Jerusalem  Lectionary  differs 
from  the  Greek  for  the  portions  which  it  con- 
tains little  move  than  the  various  Greek  copies 
do  from  each  other.  It  does  not  supply  the 
ordinary  woek-day  lessons  e.xcept  from  Easter  to 
Pentecost  and  those  of  the  Holy  Week  :  the 
Menology  also,  as  might  have  been  expected 
(p.  51),  is  widely  different  in  the  two  churches. 
Modern  Syrian  manuscripts  and  editions,  how- 
ever (such  as  that  published  by  Professor  Lee  in 
1816),  are  constructed  on  other  principles  ;  and 


agree  with  the  Greek  only  on  the  occasion  of 
such  high  festivals  as  hardly  admitted  a  choice 
in  their  selection. 

VI.  The  Coptic  Lectionary. — For  the  Coptic, 
the  other  great  branch  of  ancient  Christianity  in 
the  East,  we  depend  for  the  present  mainly  on  a 
Coptic  and  Arabic  manuscript,  translated  by  Pre- 
bendary Malan  in  his  Original  Documents  of  the 
Coptic  Church,  No.  IV.  (1874),  which  he  believes 
to  agree  very  well  with  what  is  known  else- 
where of  Ll-Cotmarus,  the  volume  of  lessons  for 
the  whole  year.  It  contains  only  the  Sunday 
and  feast-day  Gospels  throughout  the  year,  with 
the  appropriate  versicles  and  greetings  anne.xed 
to  each  at  full  lengtli ;  although  we  have  the 
e.xpress  testimony  of  Cassian  (Lnstitut.  iii.  2)  for 
the  5th  century,  that  tlie  Egyptians  read  both 
Epistle  and  Gospel  every  Saturday  as  well  as 
every  Sunday  in  their  public  services.  The  Sun- 
days are  arranged  according  to  the  months  of 
the  Coptic  ecclesiastical  year,  which  began 
August  29.  The  vigil  or  eve  was  always  re- 
garded as  the  commencement  of  each  day.  The 
manuscript  being  defective,  the  lessons  for  the 
first  three  Sundays,  and  some  few  others,  cannot 
be  given. 

Month  of  Tot  (Aug.  29-Sept.  27)— 

4th  Sunday— Evensong  . .  Matth.  ix.  18-26 
Matins  . .  „  xv.  21-28 
Liturgy    . .    Luke  vii.  36-50 

Month  of  Babeh  (Sept.  28-Oct.  27)— 

Ist  Sunday — Evensong  Jfatth.  xiv.  15-21 
Matins  deesl  folium. 

Liturgy  ..  Mark        ii.    1-12.' 

2nd  Sunday — Evensong  . .  Matth.  xvii.  24-27 

Matins  . .  Mark      xvi.    2-5 

Liturgy  . .  Luke         v.    1-1 1 

3rd  Sunday — Evensong  ..  Mark        iv.  35-41 

Matins  . .  Luke    xxiv.    1-12 

Liturgy  ..  Matth.  {deest  folium). 

4th  Sunday— Evensong  . .      „          xiv.  22-33  ? 

Matins  ..  John        xx.    1-18 

Liturgy  . .  Luke      vii.  11-22 

Month  of  Hator  (Oct.  28-Nov.  26)— 

1st  Sunday— Evensong  . .  Mark  iv.  10-20 
Matins  . .  Matth.  xxviii.  1-20 
Liturgy       . .  Luke      viii.    4-15 

2nd  Sunday — Evensong  . .      „  xii.  22-31 

Matins       ..  Mark      xvi.    2-8 
Liturgy      ..  Matth.  xiii.    1-8 

3rd  Sunday — Evensong  . .      „  xi.  25-30 

Matins       . .  Luke    xxiv.    1-12 
Liturgy      . .      „        viii.    4-8 

4th  Sunday— Evensong  ..  Matth.  xvii.  14-21 
Matins  ..  John  xx.  1-18 
Liturgy      . .  Mark        x.  17-31 

Month  of  Kihak  (Nov.  27-Dec.  26)— 

1st  Sunday — Evensong   ..  Mark  xiv.    3-9 

Matins        . .       „  xii.  41-44 

Liturgy      . .  Luke  i.    1-25 

2nd  Sunday — Evensong    . .      „  vii.  36-50 

Matins        . .      „  xi.  19-23 

Liturgy      ..       „  i.  26-38 

3rd  Sunday— Evensong   , .  Mark  i.  29-34 

Matins        ..  Matth.  xv.  21-31 

Litui^y      . .  Luke  i.  39-56 

4th  Sunday — Evensong   . .       „  viii.    1-3 

Matins        . .  Mark  iii.  28-35 

Liturgy      . .  Luke  i.  57-80 

Month  of  Tubeh  (Dec.  27-Jan.  25)  — 

1st  Sunday— Evensong  . .  Luke  iv.  40-44 
Matins        ..       „  iv.  31-37 

Liturgy       . .  Matth.      ii.  19-23 


960 


LECTIONARY 


2nd  Sunday — Evensong   . .      „   xiv.  22-33,  or 

Mark  vi.  45-54  (^Hial  MS.) 
Matins        ..  Mark       iii.    7-12 
Liturgy      . .  Luke       xi.  2Y-36 

3rd  Sunday — Kvensong  . .  John  v.  1-18 
Matins        ..      „  iii.    1-21 

Liturgy       . .       „  ju.  22-36 

4th  Sunday— Evensong   . .      „  v.  31-47 

Matins        . .       „  vi.  47-53 

Liturgy      . .      „  ix.    1-38 

Mouth  of  Amshir  (Jan.  26-Feb.  24)— 

1st  Sunday — Evensong  . .  John  vi.  15-21 
Matins  . .  „  viii.  51-59 
Liturgy      . .      „  vi.  22-38 

2nd  Sunday — Evensong   . ,       „  iv.  46-54 

Matins        . .      „  iii.  17-21 

Liturgy      . .      „  vi.    5-14 

3rd  Sunday — Evensong   . .      „        v.  39-vi.  2 

Matins        . .       „  xii.  44-50 

Liturgy      . .       „  vl.  27-40 

(in  another  copy  v.  27-46) 

4th  Sunday— Evensong   . .  Luke     xvii.    1-10 

(in  another  copy  to  ver.  19) 

Matins       . .  John         v.  27-39 

Liturgy      . .      „         xix.    1-10 

The  four  days  which  follow  this  Sunday  com- 
pose the  fast  of  Jonah. 

2nd  day  of  week   ..     Matins     ..      Matth.      vii.    6-12 
Liturgy    . .         „  xii.  35-39 

3rd  day      . .         . ,     Matins      . .     Luke       xiii.    6-9 
Liturgy    . .        „  xi.  29-36 

4th  day      . .        . .     Matins      . ,     Matth.       xi.  25-30 
Liturgy    . .        „      xv.  32-xvi.  4 
5th  day  (Passover  ■)  Matins      ..     Mark       viii.  10-21 
of  Jonah)  j  Liturgy     . .     John  ii.  12-25 

<zreat  Sunday  of  the  first  gathering  in  of  Crops — 
Evensong     , .     Mark       xi.  22-26 
Matins         . .     Luke     xxi.  34-38 
Liturgy        ..     Matth.       vi.    1-4 
For  any  fifth  Sunday  of  the  Month  in  the  first  six 
Months  of  the  Tear — 
Evensong     . .     Matth.  xiv.  15-21 
Matins  . .     Mark       vi.  35-44 

Liturgy        . .     Luke       ix.  12-17 

Gospel  lessons  for  the  seventh  mouth,  Bar- 
mahat  (Feb.  25-March  26),  and  the  eighth 
month,  Barmudeh  (March  27-April  25)  are  not 
given,  inasmuch  as  the  proper  lessons  for  the 
holy  season,  from  the  beginning  of  Lent  to  Pen- 
tecost, here  intervene  and  extend  to  the  second 
Sunday  of  the  ninth  month,  Bashansh. 

The  Holy  Fast— 
1st  Sunday— Evensong   . .  Matth.  vi.  34-vii.  12 

Matins        . .      „  vii.  22-29 

Liturgy      . .       „  vi.  19-33 

(2nd,  3rd,  and  4th  Sunday  wanting.  Hiat  MS.) 
5th  Sunday— Evensong   . .  Luke   xviii.    1-8 

Matins        . .  Matlh.  xxiv.  3-36 

(in  another  copy  Luke  xviii.  9-14) 

Liturgy      . .  John  v.    1-18 

<;th  Sunday — Evensong   . .  Luke     xiii.  22-35 

Matins        . .  Matth.  xxiii.  1-39 

(in  another  copy  Matth.  sx.  17-28) 

Liturgy       . .  John  ix.  1-39 

Saturday  of  Lazarus — 

Matins.    Luke  xviii.  31-43  (in  another 
copy  Mark  x.  46-52) 

Liturgy.  John  xi.  1-45 
7th  Sunday  of  Hosannas  (Palm  Sunday)— 

Evensong    . .  John       xii.    1-11 

Matins       . .  Luke     xix.    1-10 

Liturgy    (1)  Matth.    xxi.  1-17 

(2)  Mark       xi.    1-11 

(3)  Luke     xix.  29-48 

(4)  John        xii.  12-19 


LECTIONARY 

Great  Thursday  of  the  Covenant  of  the  Basin- 
Gospel  ..  John  xiii.  1-17 
Liturgy     . .  Matth.  xxvi.  20-29 

[Good  Friday  has  no  service  noted] 

Saturday  of  Lights  (Easter  Even)— 

Matins      . .  Matth.  xxvii.  62-66 
Liturgy    ..      „      xxviii.    1-20 

Feast  of  the  Glorious  Resurrection- 
Matins      ,.  Mark       xvi.    2-8 
Liturgy    .,  John  xx.    1-18 

Feast  of  Terms,  or  of  the  Fifty  Days— 
1st  Sunday— Evensong   ,.  Luke     v.    1-11 


Matins 

..  John  xxi.    1-14 

Liturgy 

. .       „      XX.  24-31 

2nd  Sunday— Evensong 

. .       „        vi.  16-23 

Matins 

. .       „        vi.  24-34 

Liturgy 

. .       „        vi.  35-46 

3rd  Sunday— Evensong 

..       „       vii.  30-   ? 

Matins 

. .       „      viii.  21-30 

Liturgy 

. .       „      viii.  30-50 

4th  Sunday— Evensong 

. .       „        vi.  54-69 

Matins 

. .       „     viii.  51-59 

Liturgy 

. .       „       xii.  35-50 

5th  Sunday— Evensong 

. .       „      xiv.  21-25 

Matins 

..       ,.       XV.    4-8 

Liturgy 

..       „       XV.    9-16 

Ascension  Day— Evensong    Luke  ix.  51-62 

Matins 

.  Mark  xvi.  12-20 

Liturgy 

.  Luke  xxiv.  36-53 

6th  Sunday— Evensong 

.  Mark  xii.  28-40 

(in  another  copy  John  xiv.    1-7) 

Matins 

.       „     xiv.    3-20 

Liturgy 

.       „     xvi.  23-33 

7  th  Sunday  (Pentecost)- 

Evensong 

„      vii.  37-44 

Matins 

.       „    xiv.  26-xv.  4 

Liturgy 

.       „    XV.  26-xvi.  15 

Month  of  Bashansh  (April 

26-May  25)— 

3rd  Sunday— Evensong 

.  Matth.  xxii.  34-40 

Matins 

(  From  Luke  :    the 
■  t        Eesurreclion 

Liturgy 

.  Luke        X.  25-28 

4th  Sunday — Evensong 

.  Matth.    xii.    1-8 

Matins 

.  John       XX.  1- 

Liturgy 

.  Luke        iv.    1-13 

Month  of  Bawaneh  (May  2 

6-June  24)— 

1st  Sunday— Evensong 

.  Matth.  xvii.    1-13 

Matins 

.      „    xxvui.  ?  -20 

Liturgy 

.  Luke        xi.    1-13 

2nd  Sunday— Evensong 

.      „           iv.  38-41 

Matins 

.  Mark     xvi.    2-5 

Liturgy 

.  Luke         V.  17-26 

3rd  Sunday— Evensong 

.  Matth.    vii.    7-12 

Matins 

.  Luke    xxiv.    1-12 

Liturgy 

.  Matth.    xii.  22-34 

4th  Sunday— Evensong 

.      „            V.  27^8 

Matins 

.  John       XX.    1-18 

Liturgy 

.  Luke        vi.  27-38 

Month  of  Abib  (June  25-J 

uly  24)— 

1st  Sunday— Evensong 

.  Luke        ix.    1-6 

Matins 

.  Matth.  xxviii..' -20 

Liturgy 

.  Luke         X.    1-20 

2nd  Sunday— Evensong 

.      „         xvi.    1-18 

Matins 

.  Mark     xvi.    2-5 

Liturgy 

.  Matth.  xviii.  1-11 

3rd  Sunday— Evensong 

.  Luke     xiv.    7-15 

Matins 

„       xxiv.    1-12 

Liturgy 

.      „           ix.  10-17 

4th  Sunday— Evensong 

.       „          vii.    1-10 

Matins 

.  John       XX.    1-18 

Liturgy 

.      „           xi.    1-45 

Month  of  Mesre  (July  25- 

A.ug.  23)— 

Ist  Sunday— Evensong 

.  Mark        vi.  45-56 

Matins 

.  Matth.  xxviii.?-20 

Liturgy 

.  Luke       XX.    9-19 

2nd  Sunday- Evensong 

.  Luke    xviii.    9-17 

Matins 

.  Mark     xvi.    2-5 

Liturgy 

.  Luke         V.  27-39 

LECTIONAEY 


LECTIONARY 


961 


Luke  xi.  2Y-36 

„  xxiv.    1-12 

Mark  iii.  22-34 

Luke  xvii.  20-3Y 

John  XX.    1-18 

Mark  xiii.    3-31 


3nl  Sunday— Evensong 

Matins 

Liturgy 
4th  Sunday — Evensong 

Matins 

Liturgy 

Short  or  intercalary  month  Nissi  (Aug.  24-28, 
with  a  sixth  day  in  leap  year) — 

Sunday— Evensong  . .  Luke  xxi.  12-33 
Matins  . .  Mark  xiii.  32-37 
Liturgy      . .  Matth.  xxiv.  3-35 

For  a  fifth  Sunday  in  any  of  the  six  summer 
months  two  sets  are  given,  to  be  used  as  re- 
quired— 

Evensong  . .  Matth.  xiv.  15-21  . .  Luke  xiv.  16-24 
Matins  , .  Mark  vi.  35-44  . .  Matth.  xvi.  5-11 
Liturgy     . .  Luke      ix.  12-17  . .  Mark      viii.  13-21 

VII.  The  National  Lectionaries  of  the  Eastern 
Churches  compared. — This  Coptic  table  of  Sunday 
Gospels  throughout  the  year  is  far  ruder  and 
less  satisfactory  in  every  way  than  that  of  the 


Sunday  before  Christmas 
Christmas  Eve 


Greek  church,  to  which,  at  first  sight,  it  bears 
a  little  resemblance.  On  closer  inspection  it 
may  be  observed  that  the  Gospels  for  the  early 
morning  service,  several  of  which  recur  three  or 
four  times  over,  are  often  identical  with  the 
Gospels  of  the  Resurrection  used  periodically 
by  the  Greeks  at  the  same  hour  (p.  57).  The 
Copts  also  agree  with  the  Greeks  in  reading  St. 
John's  Gospel  almost  exclusively  between  Easter 
and  Pentecost,  while  the  appointed  Gospels  for 
the  Holy  Week  (including  the  preceding  Satur- 
day), as  also  for  Ascension  Day,  accord  to  a 
degree  which  cannot  be  accidental.  The  same 
may  be  said  in  regard  to  the  services  of  the 
great  unmovable  season  of  Christmas,  which  we 
here  subjoin.  The  Jerusalem  Syriac  lessons  are 
the  same  as  the  Greek.  We  infer,  on  the  whole, 
from  these  partial  resemblances  in  the  midst  of 
general  diversity,  that  the  lessons  for  the  chief 
festivals,  being  in  substance  the  same  in  all  the 
lectionaries,  were  settled  at  an  earlier  date  than 
those  for  ordinary  occasions. 


Christmas  Day  

Dec.  26 — tis  Trji/  (Tvva^iv  T^s  BeOTOKOv 

(^Communion  of  the  Mother  of  God')       „ 
Saturday   irpb  tCiv    tj>u>Tuv  (^Feast  of 

Lights,  or  Epiphany)     ..        . .  „  iii.    1-6 


Greek. 

Coptic. 

Matth. 

i.    1-25 

Luke 

ii.    1-20     .. 

Evensong     . 

.    Matth.      i.    1-17 

Matins 

i.  18-25 

Liturgy 

.     Luke       ii.    1-20 

Matth. 

ii.    1-12    '.'. 

Evensong    . 

iii.  23-38 

Matins 

.     John         i.  14-17 

,. 

ii.  13-23     .". 

Liturgy        . 

.     Matth.     ii.    1-12 

Sunday  np'o  tUv  (^wtwv 
Vigil  of  the  eeo<j)avCa 
Qeo^fCa  (Epiphany)— Matins 
Liturgy 


Mark  i.    1-8 

Luke  iii.    1-18 

Mark  i.    1-9 

Matth,  iiL  13-17 


Eve  of  the  Glorious  Baptism- 
Evensong     ..     Matth.  iv. 
Matins         ..     John  iii. 
Liturgy        ..    Luke  iii. 

Gloriotis  Baptism — 

Evensong     ..     Matth.  iii. 

Matins         ..    Mark  i. 

Liturgy        ..    John  i. 


1-12 
1-H 

18-34 


Thus  the  Coptic  Christians  agree  with  the 
Greeks  in  commemorating  the  Lord's  baptism 
only  on  Jan.  6,  and  not  the  visit  of  the  Magi, 
which  was  principally  regarded  in  the  Western 
church  [Epiphany].  Yet  the  Gospels  relating 
to  the  baptism  (Matth.  iii.  13-17,  Luke  iii.  23) 
appear   in   the    old   lectionary  of  the   Galilean 


church,  which  had  early  and  close  communion 
with  the  East  (p.  60);  and  Luke  iii.  15-23  is 
still  the  English  second  lesson  for  the  morning 
service. 

A  comparison  of  the  lessons  for  the  other  fes- 
tivals pertaining  to  our  Lord  suggests  the  same 
conclusions  as  those  for  the  Christmas  season. 


Greek. 

Coptic. 

be  Temple      Luke    ii.       22-40     . 

Evensong     . 

.     Luke         ii.  15-20 

Matins 

ii.  40-52 

Liturgy        . 

il.  21-39 

-Matins              „            ix.  29-36     . 

Evensong     . 

ix.  28-36 

or  Mark        ix.    2-9 

Matins 

.     Matth.  xvii.    1-9 

Liturgy         Matth.  xvii.    1-9      . 

Liturgy 

.     Mark        ix.    2-13 

In  contrast  with  these  resemblances  it  is  well 
to  note  that  in  the  services  for  the  7th  century 
festival,  that  of  the  Elevation  of  the  Cross,  which 
has   such  influence  on  the  later  forms  of  the 


Sunday  before  the  Elevation 
Sept.  14. — Elevation  of  the  Cross 
Saturday  after  the  Elevation 
Sunday  after  the  Elevation  . . 


Greek  lectionaries  (p.  52),  there  is  but  a  single 
passage  in  common  between  the  two  nations,  and 
that  one  (John  viii.  28-30)  too  obvious  to  be  over- 
looked by  either. 


Greek. 

Coptic. 

Gal.          vi.  11-18 

John        iii.  13-17 

iCor.          i.  18-24     . 

.     Sept  14.— Evensong  John  viii.  28^2 

John       xix.    6-35 

Matins          „        xii.  26- 

1  Cor.          i.  26-29 

Liturgy        „         X.  22- 

John      viii.  21-30 

Gal.           ii.  16-20 

Mark  viii.  34-ix.  1 

In  the  Jerusalem  Syriac,  John  xi.  53  precedes 
ch.  six.  6-35  as  the  Gospel  for  Sept.  14. 

VIII.  Lectionaries  of  the  Western  Church. — 
The  tables  of  lessons  we  have  hitherto  examined 
have  little  in  common  with  the  Epistles  and 
Gospels  of  the  English  church,  and  were  evi- 
dently constructed  on  a  different  pi-inciple.  The 
season  of  Advent,   which  is  purely  a  Western 


institution,  being  regarded  as  a  prelude  to  the 
high  festival  of  Christmas,  has  appropriately 
opened  the  ecclesiastical  year  through  western 
Christendom,  at  least  from  the  7th  century 
downwards.  The  yearly  changes  rendered  ne- 
cessary by  the  variation  of  the  Easter  season 
were  henceforward  made  by  fixing  the  proper 
positions  for  Advent  and  Septuagesima  Sundays, 


9G2 


LECTIONAEY 


as  in  our  Book  of  Common  Prayer.  The  Western 
lectionaries,  however,  while  they  agree  with 
each  other  in  their  general  character  and  ar- 
rangements, present  considerable  diflerences  in 
detail,  which  well  deserve  the  student's  at- 
tention. Although  the  Comes  or  Lectionary 
ascribed  to  St.  Jerome  by  its  editor  Pamelius 
(Liturgica,  Colon.  1571),  and  by  others  [Epistle], 
may  not  safely  be  regarded  as  a  work  of  the  4th 
century,  and  is  probably  three  or  four  centuries 
later,  yet  as  regards  the  Epistles  and  Gospels  it 
corresponds  closely  with  the  Roman  service- 
book,  whose  selection,  having  been  long  familiar 
to  Englishmen  through  the  Use  of  Sarum  (circa 
A.D.  1078),  was  wisely  retained  in  all  important 
particulars  by  those  who  compiled  the  two 
Prayer  Books  of  Edward  Vlth's  reign.  Besides 
the  Comes,  and  widely  departing  from  it,  exist 
lectionaries  of  the  Galilean  and  Spanish  churches, 
the  former  rendered  accessible  by  the  labours  of 
Cardinal  Bona  (De  rebus  liturgicis,  Paris,  1672), 
of  Thomasius  {Liber  Sacramentorum,  Rome, 
1680),  and  of  Mabillon  (De  litui-gia  Gollicana, 
Paris,  1685,  &c.)  [Gospels].  There  can  be  little 
doubt  that  the  peculiar  features  of  the  Gallican 
service-book  were  derived  from  that  close  inter- 
course which  subsisted  between  the  churches  of 
Asia  and  of  Southern  Gaul,  commencing  with 
the  mission  of  Pothinus  in  the  middle  of  the  '2nd 
century.  Its  variations  from  the  Roman  standard 
attracted  the  notice  of  our  St.  Augustine  at  the 
end  of  the  6th  century  (Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  i.  27), 
and  held  their  ground  for  nearly  two  centuries 
later,  when  Pepin  and  Charlemagne  gradually 
brought  in  the  Roman  missal.  The  Spanish 
or  Mozarabic  liturgy  seems  originally  to  have 
been    the    same   as  the  Gallican,  but  in  course 


LECTIONARY 

of  time  considerable  divergences  arose  between 
them.  It  had  not  to  yield  to  the  Roman  Use 
before  the  end  of  the  11th  century,  and  its 
memory  was  long  cherished  by  reason  of  the 
proud  national  feeling  of  the  Spanish  clergy  and 
people  (Palmer,  Origines  Liturgicae,  sect,  x.)  In 
this  Mozarabic  Use  from  Easter  to  Pentecost,  in 
the  Gallican  during  Easter  week,  and  in  the 
Cojnes  on  the  octave  of  Pentecost,  the  Apocalypse, 
which  we  have  not  yet  met  with,  is  read  as  a 
kind  of  third  lesson,  and  before  the  Epistle.' 
Again,  in  Greek  lectionaries,  portions  taken  from 
the  Old  Testament  are  of  rare  occurrence,  as  in 
Christ's  College  Evangelistarium,  where  passages 
from  the  Septuagint  version  (Isa.  iii.  9-13 ;  Hi. 
13-liv.  1;  Jer.  xi.  18-xii.  15;  Zech.  xi.  10-14) 
are  included  in  the  services  for  the  Holy  Week. 
In  the  Latin  books,  however,  they  are  found  to  a 
far  greater  extent,  nor  ought  any  argument  for 
a  more  modern  date  be  drawn  from  their  pre- 
sence in  the  Comes.  St.  Ambrose  expressly 
testifies  that  in  his  time  the  book  of  Jonah  was 
read  in  the  Holy  Week,  and  the  first  chapter  of 
that  prophet  is  found  in  the  Gallican  and  the 
Spanish,  as  well  as  in  the  Comes,  as  part  of  the 
course  for  Easter  Even.  The  book  of  Job,  on  the 
other  hand,  is  not  met  with  there,  although  the 
language  of  Jerome  as  well  as  of  Ambrose  might 
lead  us  to  expect  it  (Bingham,  Antiquities,  book 
xiv.  ch.  iii.  3).  Reserving  for  a  separate  article 
[Prophets]  much  further  notice  of  the  lessons 
from  the  Old  Testament  (which  were  chiefly 
taken  from  Genesis,  the  Proverbs,  and  Isaiah), 
we  subjoin  the  table  of  Western  Epistles  and 
Gospels  for  the  Sundays  and  greater  feasts 
throughout  the  year,  according  to  the  three  most 
ancient  authorities. 


COJIES. 

Ga 

LLICAN. 

Mozarabic. 

1st  Sunday  in  Advent 

Rom. 

xiii.  11-14 

Rom. 

XV.  14-29 

Matth. 

xxi.    1-9 

. 

Luke 

iii.     1-lS 

2nd      ,.             „         

Rom. 

XV.    4-13 

. 

Rom. 

Xiii.     1-8 

Luke 

xxi.  25-33 

Matth. 

xi.     2-15 

3rd       „             „        

iCor. 

iv.     1-5 

Rom. 

Xi.  25-36 

Matth. 

xi.    2-10 

Matth. 

xxi.     1-17 

4th        „              „         

Phil. 

iv.    4-T 

1  Cor. 

XV.  22-31 

John 

i.  19-28 

Mark 

xii.  38-  xiii.  S3 

Cliristmas  Eve 

Rom. 

i.     1-6 

([Matth. 

i.  18-21,) 

John 

i.     1-15     . 

■(           Sarum  Usel    i 

Christmas  Day            

Heb. 

i.     1-12 

Heb. 

i.     1-13     . 

Heb. 

i.     1-12 

John 

i.     1-14 

Luke 

ii.    1-19     . 

Luke 

ii.     6-2U 

Sunday  after  Christmas 

Gal. 
Luke 

iv.    1-7 
ii.  33 

• 

Circumcision     . . 

Gal. 

iii.  23-29 

iCor. 

X.  14-31     . 

Phil. 

iii."l-8 

Luke 

ii.  21 

Luke 

ii.  21-46     . 

Luke 

ii.  21-tO 

Sunday  after  Circumcision     . . 

Eph. 

i.     3-14     . 

Heb. 

vi.  13-vii.  3 

Matth. 

ix.     2-35     . 

John 

i.    1-17 

Epiphany          

Isai.  Ix 

(for  Epistle) 

Isai. 

Ix.     1-16      . 

.     isai. 

Ix.    1-19 

Matth. 

ii     1-12 

Tit. 
Matth. 

i.  Il-ii.  7     . 
iii.  13-17     . 

Gal. 

iii.  27-iv.  7 

Luke 

iii.  23 

Matth. 

ii. 

John 

ii.    1-11 

Octave   of  Epiphany    (and   Sunday  ) 
within  the  Octave)                         j 

John 

i.  29-34 

1st  Sunday  after  Octave  of  Epiphany 

Rom. 

xii.     1-5 

^ , 

ICor. 

i.    6-31     . 

Rom. 

i.    1-17 

Luke 

ii.  41-52 

Luke 

iv.  16-22     . 

Luke 

ii.  42-52 

2ud       „                „                   „         .. 

Rom. 

xii.     6-16 

ICor. 

X.     1-13     . 

Kom. 

vi.  12-18 

.Tohn 

ii.    1-11 

Matth. 

xxii.  36-xxiii.  12    Luke 

iv.  14-22 

3rd        „               „                  ,.        .. 

Rom. 

xii.  16-21 

Rom. 

vi.  19-23 

Matth. 

viii.     1-13 

Luke 

Xl.  29-41 

4th        „               „                   „        .. 

(Rom. 
JL'ltth^ 

xiii.     8-10? 
iii.  1-5,  Sarum" 

} 

Rom. 

vii.  14-25 

viii.  23-27 

Luke 

xii.  10-31 

Feast  of  Purification 

r- 

iii.    1-4  (fori 

i  Mai. 
tPhil. 

iii.    1-4; 

Epistle) 

i 

• 

iii.     1-18 

Luke 

Ii.  22-32 

Luke 

ii.  22-40 

6th  Sunday  after  Octave  of  Epiphany 

Col. 
;  Matth. 

iii.  12-17 
xi.  25-30? 

V 

Rom. 

T.nVp  1 

viii.    3-11 

ii     Ri_Tiit     IT 

(.[  „  xiii.  24-30,  Sarum]  5 


LECTIONARY 


LECTIONARl' 


96i 


S(.'ptuagesima  Sunday 
Spxagesima  Sunday     . . 
Quinquagesiraa  Sunday 
Dies  Cinerum     . . 

1st  Sunday  in  Quadragesima 

2nd 

3rd 

4th 

5  th 

Dies  Palmarum 

G-reat  AVeek,  2nd  day  . . 

„  3rd  day  . . 

4  th  day 

In  Coena  Domini 

Paraaceue  (Good  Friday)    , 

<3reat  Sabbath  (Easter  Even) 


Pascha  (Easter  Day)    . . 

Tilaster  Monday 

£aster  Tuesday 

4th  day  in  Easter  week 

5  th  day 

6th  day  „ 

Sabbath 

Octave  of  Easter  Day  . . 

2nd  Sunday  after  Easter 

3rd 

4th 


5th 

Rogation  Days 
Vigil  of  Ascension 
Ascension  Day  . . 


2  Cor. 

xi.  19-xii.  9 

I.ulce 

viii.    4-15 

iCor. 

xiii.    1-13 

Luke 

xviii.  31-43 

_i  Joel 

ii.  12-19  (fo 

'} 

Epistle) 

Matth. 

vi.  16-21 

2  Cor. 

vi.     1-10 

2  Cor 

Matth. 

iv.     1-11 

1  Thesb 

.     iv.     1-V 

Matth. 

XV.  21-23 

Eph. 

V.     1-9 

Euke 

xi.  14-28 

Gal. 

iv.  22-v.  1 

John 

vi.     1-14 

Heb. 

ix.  11-15 

John 

viii.  46-59 

Phil. 

ii.     5-11 

Heb. 

Mark 

xi.    1-10.' 

John 

Matth. 

xxvi.  1-xxvii. 

61 

Isai. 

1.     5-11 

Zech. 

xi.  12-13 

Dan. 

John 

xii.    1,  &c. 

;  Jer.  xi 

18  and  Wisd. 

7 

Jer. 

JfOZARABIC. 

1  Cor.  i.  10-ir 

Luke  xiv.  26-35 
1  Cor.  ii.  10-iii.  6 
I>uke  XV.  11-32 
1  Cor.  xii.  27-xiii.  3 
Luke       xvi.     1-15 


James 


13-21 


Matth.  iv.     1-1 1 

2  Cor.  V.  20-vi.  10 

John  iv.    5-42 

James  ii.  14-23 

John  ix.     1-38 

1  Pet.  i.  1-12 
John  xi.    1-52 

2  Pet.  i.  1-11 
John  vii.  2-24 
1  John  i.  1-7 
John  X.  1-16 
Gal.  i.  1-12 
John  xi.  55-xii.  13 


^  ii.  12,  &c. 

Mark  xiv.  l,  &o. 
Isai.  Ixii.  11,  &c. 
liii.  1,  &c. 
Luke  xxii.  1,  &c. 
1  Cor.  xi.  17-32 
John       xiii.    1-38  ? 


xix. 

7-13 

iii. 

1-22     . 

.     1  John        ii.  12-17 
Matth.  xxvi.    2-16 

Matth.    xxvi.    2-5 


^Hos.  vi.  1,  &c.    Ex.     ■)     Isai.    Iii.  13-liii.  12 
I  xii.  2,  &c.  5     Jer.  xi.  15-20 ;  xii.  7- 

John  xviii.  1-xix.  37     ..     Amos      viii.    4-11 


Gen.  i.  v.  xxii.;  Ex. 
xii.  xiv.;  Baruch  iii.; 
Ezek.  iii.;  Isai.  iv. ; 
Jonah  i. ;  Dent.  xxxi. 
xxxii. ;  Dan.  iii. ;  Ps. 
xiii. ;  Col.  iii. ;  Matth. 
xxviii. 


Gen.  vii.  in-viii.  21 ; 
xxii.  1-19 ;  xxvii.  i-40 ; 
Ex.  xii.  1-50;  xiii.  18- 
xiv.;  XV.;  Ezek.  xxxvii. 
1-14;  Isai.  i.  iii.  iv. ; 
Jonah  i. ;  Rom.  vi.  3- 
12 ;  Matth.  xxviii. 


1  Cor.  xi.  20-34 
Luke      xxii.    7-62 

Isai.  Iii.  13-Iiii.  12 
Prov.  iii.  24-26 
1  Cor.  V.  6-vi.  11 
JIatth.  xxvii.  1-54 
John  xix.  31-35 
Gen.  i.  v.  xxii. ;    Ex. 

xii.    4 ;     Isai.    ii. ; 

Ezek.  xxxvii. ;  Hab. 

i. ;  Jonah  i. ;  Dan.  iii.; 
Rom.  vi.  1-1 1 ;  Matth. 

xxviii, 


ICor. 

V 

7,8 

.     ICor. 

XV. 

.     Apoc. 

i. 

1-8 

Mark 

xvi. 

1-11 

.     Luke 

xxiv. 

1-12     '. 

.     Acts 
John 

14-39 
1-18 

Acts 

ii. 

14-25 

.     Apoc. 

1.  ii. 

1-7      . 

.     Apoc. 

ii 

1-7 

Luke 

xxiv. 

13-35 

.     Acts 

ii. 

14-40      . 

.     Acts 

i. 

15-26 

Markxv.47-.xvi.  11     . 

.     Mark 

xvi. 

9-20 

Acts 

xiii. 

26-33 

.     Apoc. 

ii. 

8-17      . 

.     Apoc. 

ii. 

8-U 

Luke 

xxiv. 

36-48 

.     Acts 

i. 

15-26     . 

.     Acts 
Luke 

ii. 
xxiv. 

42-47 
13-35 

Acts 

xiii. 

10-25 

.     Acts 

XV. 

1-13     . 

.     Apoc. 

ii. 

12-17 

John 

.xxi 

1-14 

.     ICor. 

XV. 

47-56     . 

.     Acts 

iii. 

1-9 

John 

xi. 

1-45      . 

.     Luke 

xxiv. 

36-46 

Acts 

viii 

26-40 

.     Apoc. 

xiv. 

1-7       . 

.     Apoc. 

ii. 

18-29 

John 

XX 

11-18 

.     Acts 

iii. 

1-19     . 

.     Acts 

iii. 

12-29 

John 

XX 

.     1-9     . 

.     Luke 

x.\iv. 

46-53 

1  Pet. 

iii. 

18-22 

.     Apoc. 

xix. 

5-16     . 

.     Apoc. 

iii. 

1-6 

Matth. 

x.xviii 

16-20 

.     Acts 

V. 

17-41      . 

.     Acts 

iii. 

19-26 

John 

XX. 

11-18     . 

.     John 

xxi. 

1-14 

1  Pet. 

ii 

1-10 

.     Apoc. 

xxi. 

1-8       . 

.     Apoc. 

iii. 

14-22 

John 

XX. 

1-10 

.     ICor. 

XV. 

31-45      . 

.     Acts 

viii. 

26-40 

John 

xxi. 

1-14      . 

.     John 

xxi. 

15-19 

John 

V. 

4-10 

.     1  Cor. 

XV. 

12-28      . 

.     Apoc. 

v. 

1-13 

John 

XX. 

19-31 

.     John 

XX. 

19-31     . 

.     Acts 
John 

XX. 

26-39 
19-31 

1  Pet. 

ii 

21-25 

Apoc. 

iii. 

1-6 

John 

X.  12 

(11)-16 

Acts 
Jolm 

iii. 

V. 

5-12 
1-18 

1  Pet. 

ii 

11-19 

Apoc. 

xiv. 

1-7 

John 

xvi. 

16-22 

• 

Acts 
John 

iv.' 

13-22 
45-54 

James 

j. 

17-21 

.     Luke 

xvi. 

22-31      . 

.     Apoc. 

xix. 

11-16 

John 

xvi'. 

6-15 

Acts 

iv. 

23-31 

Luke 

viii.  40-ix.  2 

James 

i 

22-2T 

.     Acts 

xvi. 

19-36      . 

.     Apoc. 

.xxii. 

1-5 

John 

xvi 

23-30 

.     ilark 

vii. 

31-37     . 

.     Acts 
Mark 

i^i! 

12-32 
13-22 

James  v.  16-20 

Luke  xi.    6-13 

Eph.  iv.    7-13 

John  xvii.     1-26 

Acts  i.     1-11 

Mark  xvi.  14-20 


Acts  i.  i-11  ;  Eph.  iv. 
1-13;  John  xiii.  33- 
35 ;  xiv.  1-14  ;  Luke 
xxiv.  49-53 


Apoc. 
Acts 
John 


CHRIST.  ANT.— VOL.  H. 


964 


LECTIONAKY 


LECTIONARY 


Comes. 

Sunday  after  Ascension         . .         . .        1  Pet.        iv.  (7)-ll 
John   XV.  26-xvi.  4 

Vigil  of  Tentecost        Gen.  i.  xxii. ;  Ex.  xv. ; 

Deut.  xxxi. ;  Isai.  iv. ; 

Jer.  iii. ;  P.s.  xlii. 
Acts  xix. ;  John  xiv. 
Day  of  Pentecost         Acts  ii.    1-11 

John        xiv.  23-31 

Octave  of  Pentecost Apoc.  iv.    1-10 

Acts  V.  29-42? 

•John  iii.     1-15 

2nd  Sunday  after  Pentecost  . .         . .        1  John  iv.    8-21 

Luke  xvi.   1  or  19-31 

3rd        „               „                  ....         1  John  iii.  13-13 

Luke  xiv.  16-24 

4th        „               „                  ....         iPet.  V.     6-11 

Luke  XV.     1-10 

5th        „                „                  ....         Rom.  viii.  18-23 

Luke  vi.  36-42 

6th        „               „                 ....        1  Pet.  iii.    8-15 

Luke  V.    1-11 

7th        „                „                  ....         Rom.  vi.    3-11 

Matth.  V.  20-24 


Gallican. 

MOZABABIC. 

Acts  xviii.  22-xix.  12. 

Apoc. 

vii.     9-12- 

John      xvii.     1-26     . 

Acts 

xiv.     7-16 

Mark 

ix.  13-28 

Num. 

xi.  16-29 

Acts 

xix.     ]-6 

John 

iii.     1-18 

Joel            ii.  21-32     . 

Apoc. 

xxii.     6-17 

Acts            ii.     1-21     . 

Acts 

ii.     1-21 

John         xiv.  16-29     . 

John 

xiv.  15-27 

Gal.            vi.     8-14     . 

Eph. 

i.  16-ii.  10 

Matth.     xvi.  24-27     . 

Luke 

xix.     1-16 

ICor. 

xiv.  26-40 

Matth. 

iv.  18-25 

2  Cor. 

iii.  4-iv.  6 

Matth. 

viii.  23-27 

Gal. 

iii.  13-26 

Matth. 

xil.  30-50 

Phil. 

ii.     5-18 

Matth. 

viii.  28-ix.  g 

iCor. 

iii.  18-iv.  5 

Matth. 

xiii.    3-23 

ICor. 

i.  18-ii.  9 

Matth. 

xiii.  24-43 

For  the  rest  of  the  ecclesiastical  year  we  can 
use  only  the  Comes,  whose  lessons  are  here 
almost  identical  with  those  of  our  Book  of  Com- 
mon Prayer,  only  that  they  are  sometimes  rather 
shorter. 


8th  Sunday  after  Pentecost . . 

Rom. 

vi.  19-23 

Mark 

viii.    1-9 

9th      „ 

Rom. 

viii.  12-17 

Matth. 

vu.  15-21 

10th      „ 

ICor. 

x.    6-13 

Luke 

xvi.     1-9 

11th      „ 

ICor. 

xil.    2-11 

Luke 

xix.  41-47 

12th       „ 

ICor. 

XV.     1-10 

Luke 

xviii.     9-14 

13th      „ 

2  Cor. 

iii.     4-9 

Mark 

vii.  31-37 

14th      „ 

Gal. 

iii.  16-22 

Luke 

X.  23-37 

15th      „ 

Gal. 

V.  16-24 

Luke 

xvii.  11-19 

ICth      „ 

Gal. 

v.  26-? 

Matth. 

vi.  24-33 

nth     „ 

Eph. 

iii.  13-21 

Luke 

vii.  11-16 

18th      » 

Eph. 

iv.     1-6 

Luke 

xiv.     1-11 

19th      „ 

iCor. 

i.     4-8 

Matth. 

XXU.  34-46 

20th      „ 

Eph. 

iv.  23-28 

Matth. 

ix.     1-8 

21st       „ 

Eph. 

V.  15-21 

Matth. 

xxii.     1-14 

22nd     „ 

Eph. 

vi.  10-17 

John 

iv.  46-53 

23rd      „ 

Phil. 

i.     6-11 

Matth. 

xviii.  23-35 

24th      „ 

Phil. 

iii.  17-21 

Matth. 

xxii.  15-21 

25th       „ 

Col. 

i.    9-11 

Matth. 

ix.  18-22 

26th      „ 

Rom. 

xi.  25-32 

Mark 

xii.  28-34? 

Sunday  next  before  Advent  . . 

Jer.  xxiii.  5-8  (for 

the  Epistle) 

John 

vi.    5-14 

The  Roman  service-books  do  not  contain  the 
lessons  for  the  26th  Sunday  after  Pentecost, 
though,  like  the  Comes,  they  appoint  Jer.  xxiii. 
5-8  and  John  vi.  5-14  for  the  Sunday  next  be- 
fore Advent.  The  Sarum  missal  adopts  the 
modern  method  of  reckoning  by  Sundays  after 
Trinity,  and  even  in  the  Comes  the  extra  lesson 


from  the  Apocalypse,  and  perhaps  the  Gospel 
also,  bear  upon  the  mystery  now  commemorated 
on  the  octave  of  Pentecost.  Thus  in  the  Roman 
use,  as  in  our  modern  books,  the  Sundays  of  the 
year  provided  with  Epistles  and  Gospels  are 
fifty-four,  in  the  Comes  fifty-five,  since  the  ser- 
vice for  the  octave  of  Epiphany  could  be  taken 
for  the  first  Sunday  after  Epiphany,  if  six 
Sundays  should  intervene  between  Jan.  6  and 
Septuagesima.  It  also  deserves  notice  that  in 
the  Ambrosian  liturgy,  which  has  not  yet  been 
displaced  by  the  Roman  in  the  province  of  Milan, 
as  also  in  the  Mozarabic  use,  there  are  six  Sun- 
days in  Advent,  which  commences  on  the  first 
Sunday  after  St.  Martin's  day  (Nov.  11),  not  on 
the  Sunday  nearest  to  St.  Andrew's  day  (Nov.  30), 
as  in  the  rest. 

X.  Menologies,  or  Calendars  of  Saints^  Days^ 
Kith  their  -proper  Lessons. — The  several  schemes 
for  ordering  the  Epistles  and  Gospels  throughout 
the  year,  as  adopted  by  the  ancient  church  in  its 
various  branches,  bear  so  little  resemblance  to 
each  other  that  it  seemed  advisable  to  keep  the 
Greek  Synaxaria  separate  from  the  corresponding 
tables  of  the  Coptic  and  Western  communions.  The 
menologies,  on  the  other  hand,  wherein  the  lesser 
festivals  and  saints'  day  services  are  arranged 
according  to  their  respective  places  in  the  eccle- 
siastical year,  may  very  well  be  comprised  in  a 
single  table.  We  select  from  the  mass  of  such  days 
those  which  have  been  widely  celebrated  or  are 
in  any  other  way  characteristic  or  remarkable. 
The  italic  letters,  c,  g,  m,  r,  s,  will  suffice  to 
indicate  what  belongs  to  the  Coptic,  Galilean, 
Mozarabic,  Roman  (^Comcs),  or  Jerusalem  Syriac 
books  respectively.  The  lessons  to  which  no 
such  letter  is  annexed  are  of  Greek  origin,  and 
we  commence  with  the  beginning  of  the  Eastern 
ecclesiastical  year,  being  Aug.  29  with  the  Copts, 
Sept.  1  with  the  Greeks.  The  variations  noted 
(e.  g.  Sept.  2  infra)  are  those  of  Greek  manuscripts 
adapted  to  church  reading. 

Aug.  29.    The  New  Year  (1st  d.iy  of  Tot)— 

Evensong    ..     Matth.   ix.  14-17? 
Matins        . .     Mark      ii.  18-22. 
Liturgy      . .     Luke     iv.  14-22.  c. 
The  Copts  kept  the  Beheading  of  John  the 
Baptist  a  day  later,  vide  infra. 
Sept.  1.    Simeon  Stylites — 

Col.  iii.  12-16.    .Luke  iv.  16-22.    Also  in  s. 


LECTIONARY 

Sept.  2.    John  the  Faster — 

1  Tim.  ii.  1-Y  (Heb.  vii.  26-30,  B-C  iii.  24). 
Mark  v.  14-19  (Wake  12). 
John  X.  9-16  (Harl.  5598,  Gale). 
John  XV.  1-11  (Parham,  18). 
„    3.    Our  Fatner  Antioma — 

John  s.  7-16.    s. 
„    4.    Babylas  and  the  saints  with  him— 

Luke  X.  1-3 ;  x.  12.    Also  in  s. 
„    5.    Zacharias,  Father  of  the  Baptist— 

Matth.  xxiii.  29-39.    «. 
„    6.    Eudoxius,  martyr- 
Mark  xii.  28-37.    Also  in  s. 
„    8.    Birthday  of  the  Mother  of  God- 
Matins,  Luke   i.  39-56.   .s  (in  Parham  18, 

Luke  i.  39-56,  is  read  Sept.  1). 
Liturgy,   Phil.   ii.  5-11  ;    Luke  x.   38-42; 
xi.  27,  28.    Also  in  s. 
„  14.    For  the  Greek,  Syriac,  and  Coptic  services  of 

this  season,  see- above,  p.  60. 
„  15.    Nicetas— Heb.    xiii.   7-16;    Matth.    x.   16-22. 

Also  in  s. 
„  16.    Euphemia — Rom.  viii.  14-21;  Luke  vii.  36-50 

(Gale).    Also  in  s. 
„  18.    Theodora— Epistle  as  Sept.   2  ;    Gospel,  John 
viii.  3-11.    (So  Parham  18  ;  but  Theodosia, 
Luke  vii.  36-50  in  Codex  Cyprius.) 
This    section,  as  we  noticed  above,    p.  53,  is 
only    read   at  commemorations    of  the    present 
kind.      The    Jerusalem    Syriac   and    the    Codex 
Cyprius    have    it   for  Pelagia   Oct.  8,    and    the 
Christ's  College   copy  has  John  viii.   1-11   also 
for  Pelagia,   but  on  Aug.  31.       In  two  of  the 
Burdett-Coutts    manuscripts  John  viii.  3-11   is 
appointed  els  jj-iravoovvras  Ktti  yvvaiKcSy. 
Sept.  20.  Eustathius  and  his  company — 

Eph.  vl.  10-17;  Luke  xxi.  12-19.  Also  ins. 
„     21.  Jonah,  the  prophet— Luke  xi.  29-33.    s. 
„    24.  Thecla— 2  Tim.  i.  3-9 ;  Matth.  xxv.  1-13.  Also 
by  the  Greeks  on  Nov.  8,  Heb.  ii.  2-10; 
Luke  X.  16-21. 
,,    29.  Michael  and  all  Angels,  r— 

Comes.    Apoc.  iv.  1-11 ;  Matth.  xviii.  1-10. 
Mozar.    Apoc.  xii.  7-11 ;   2  Thess.  i.  3-12; 
Matth.  xxv.  31-46. 
Kept  by  the  Coptics  on  Nov.  8— 
Evensong  . .  Matth.  xiii.  44-52. 
Matins        . .  Luke    xv.    3-7. 
Liturgy      . .  Matth.  xiii.  31-43. 
„    30.  Gregory  the  Armenian — 

Col.  ;  Matth.  xxiv.  42-47  (51  s). 

Oct.  2.  Cyprian  and  Justin— John  xv.  1-11  (Gale). 
„      3.  Dionysius   the  Areopagite — Acts   xvii.  16-23, 

3ii;  Matth.  xiii.  45-54.     Also  in  s. 
„      6.  Thomas  the  Apostle— 1  Cor.  iv.   9-16;   John 

XX.  19-31. 
„      9.  Jamos,  son  of  Alphaeus— Matth.  x.  1-7  ;  14, 15. 
„    11.  Nectarius— Matth.  v.  11-19  (Gale). 
„ ■  13.  Papjlus,  Carpus,  and  Trophimus— 

Matth.  vii.  12-21. 
„    18.  Luke  the  Evangelist- 
Col,  iv.  5-19 ;  Luke  x.  16-21.     Also  in  s. 
„    21.  Hilarion— 2    Cor.  ix.   6-11;    Luke  vi.   17-23. 

-ilso  in  s. 
„    23.  James,  6  i.Se\<(>66eo^ — James  i.  1-12 ;  Mark  vi. 

1-7  (5  s).    Kept  by  s  Dec.  23. 
„    25.  The  notaries  Marcian  and  Martorus  or  Martria — 

1  Cor.  ii).  9-]  7  ;  Luke  xii.  2-12.     Also  in  s. 
„    26.  Demetrius  and  commemoration  of  earthquake — 

2  Tim.  ii.  1-10  ;  Matth.  viii.  23-27.    Also 
in  «. 

„    30.  Cyriacus,  patriarch  of  Constantinople — 
JamiB  V.  12-16,  19 ;  Jolin  x.  9-16. 
Nov.    1.  All  Saints,  r— 

Mozar.      ..  Apoc.  vii.  2-12;  2  Cor.  i.  1-7; 

Matth.  V.  1,  2. 
Sarum,  Use.  Apoc.  vii.  2-12 ;  Matth.  v.  1-12. 


LECTIONARY 


965 


The  Greeks  kept  this  festival  on  the  Sunday 
after  Pentecost,  but  on  Nov.  1  (some  place  it 
July  1),  The  Holy  Poor  (ri..  i.yCu>„  avapyv- 
pCiov),  Cosraas  and  Damianus— 

1  Cor.  xii.  27-xiii.  7 ;  Matth.  x.  1,  5-3. 
So    also  s,  with  the  title  '  Thamnaturgorum 
Kezma  et  Damian.' 
T.   3.  Dedication  of  church  of  George  the  Martyr   c— 

Evensong  .,  Matth.  x.  16-23. 

Matins        ..       „        x.     1-23. 

Liturgy      ..  Luke    xxi.  12-36. 
4.  Commemoration  of  the  Four  Beasts,  c— 

Evensong   ..  Mark  viii.  34-ix.  1. 

Matins        . .  John  xii.  26-36. 

Liturgy      ..      „       1.  43. 

13.  JohnChrj'sostom  — 

Heb.  vii.  26-viii.  2;  John  x.  9-lC. 

14.  Philip  the  Apostle- 

Acts  viii.  26-39;  John  i.  44-55. 

16.  Matthew  the  Apostle— 

1  Cor.  iv.  9-16;  Matth.  ix.  9-13. 

17.  Gregory  Thaumaturgus— 

1  Cor.  xii.  7,  8,  10,  11  (B-C  iii.  24)     Matth. 
X.  1-10  (Wake  12). 

21.  Martyrdom  of  Mercurius,  c— 

Matins        .,  Luke  xii.  2-12. 

25.  Clement  of  Rome — 

Phil.  iii.  20-iv.  3;  John  xv.  17-svi.  1. 

27.  Silas  the  Apostle,  bishop  of  Corinth- 
Acts  xvii.  10, 13-16;  xviii.  4,  5. 

30.  Andrew  the  Apostle— 

1  Cor.  iv.  9-16 ;  John  i.  35-52. 
,    3.  Copt.   (5  in   B-C  iii.  42).     Entrance  into  the 
Temple  of  the  Holy  Virgin  (a  distinct  feast 
from  that  kept  Feb.  2),  c  — 
Matins        . .  Matth.  xii.  35-50. 
4.  Barbara  and  Julian- 
Gal,  iii.  23-29 ;  Mark  v.  24-34.    Also  in  s. 

20.  Ignatius,  6  0«o0opo;— 

Heb.  iv.  14-v.  6  (Rom.  viii.  28-39,  B-C  ill. 
24) ;  Mark  ix.  33-41.    Also  in  s. 

22.  Anastasia— Mark  xii.  28-44,  s. 
Saturday  before  Christmas — 

Gal.   iii.   8-12;    Matth.  xiii.   31-58  (Luke 
xiii.  19-29,  Gale). 
Sunday  before  Christmas — 

Heb.  xi.  9,  10,  32-40;  Matth.  i.  1-25  (17,  s) 

24.  Christmas  Eve— Heb.  i.  1-12;  Luke  ii.  1  20. 
UpoeopTLa—l  Pet.  ii.  1-10  (B-C  iii.  24). 
Matins  of  the  Nativity,  s— Matth.  i.  18-25. 

25.  Christmas  Day— Gal.  Iv.  4-7  ;  Matth.  ii.  1-12. 

26.  (Greek  and  s)  eis  tjjv  avva^iv  t^s  &(ot6kov — 

Heb.  ii.  11-18;  Matth.  ii.  13-23. 
Saturday  after  Christmas— 

1  Tim.  vi.  11-16;  Matth.  xii.  15-21. 
Sunday  after  Christmas- 
Gal,  i.  11-19 ;  Mark  i.  1-3 :  the  same  lessons 
being  appointed  for  Innocents'  Day  (Dec. 
29)  with  the  Greeks  and  Copts. 
26  r,  27  Greek  (in  Wheeler  3,  Aug.  2).    Stephen- 
Acts  vi.  1-7 ;  Matth.  xxi.  33-42. 
Comes.  Acts  vi.  8-vii.  60?  Matth.  xxiii.  34-39, 
Gallic.     „     vi.  1-viii.  2;      „      xvii.  23-xviii.  11. 
Mozar.     „     vi.  4-viii.  4 ;     „     xxiii. 

27.  John  the  Evangelist— 

Comes.  Ecclus.  xv.  1-;  John  xxi.  19-24. 
Gallic.  Apoc.  xiv.  1-7 ;  Mark  x.  35-45. 
Mozar.  Wisd.  x.  9-18  ;  1  Thess.  iv.  12-16; 
John  xxi.  15-24. 
The  Greeks  keep  the  feast  of  John  the  Divine  on 
May  8,  and  the  Jer.  Syriac  that  of  John  the  son 
of  Zebedce- 

1  John  i.  1-7;  John  xix.  25-27  ;  xxi.  24,  25. 
His  fi6Ta(7Ta(Tis  is  kept  Sept.  26  with  Epistle 
12  John  iv.  1 ;  16-19  (B-C  iii.  24). 

28.  Holy  Innocents  r — 

Comes.  Apoc.    xiv.  1-5  ;    Matth.    ii.  13-18. 
Gallic.  Jer.    xxxl.  16-20;    Apoc.    vi.  9-11; 
Matth.  il. 

3  R  2 


966 


LECTIONARY 


Dec.  28.  Holy  Innocents,  r — 

Mozar.  Jer.    xxxi.   15-20  ;     2  Cor.    i.    2-7 ; 
Matth.  xviii.  1-1 1. 
Jan.    1.  Circumcision— 1  Cor.  xiii.  12-xiv.  5;    Lulse  ii. 
20,21;  40-52. 

For  Western  service,  see  p.  61. 
„      3.        Matth.  iii.  1,  5-11,  s. 

Saturday  n-pb  tuiv  ifxJJTuiv — 1  Tim.  iii.  ]3-iv.  5  ; 

Matth.  iii.  1-6. 
Sunday  Trph  toiv  <t>uin>v—2  Tim.  Iv.  5-8  (B-C 
ill.  24);  Mark  i.  1-8. 
„      5.  Vigil  of  er')(^ai/i'a— 1  Cor.   ix.  19-s.  4;   Luke 

iii.  1-18. 
„       6.  @eo<l>avia  (Epiphany) — 

JIatins    ..  Mark  i,  9-11. 
Liturgy  ..  Tit.  ii.  11-14;   iii.  4-7  :  Matth. 
iii.  13-17. 
Saturday    (xera.    to.    <|)uTa  — Eph.    vi.    10-17; 

Matth.  Iv.  1-11. 
Sunday  fura  ra  (Jxira— Eph.  iv.  7-13  ;  Matth. 

iv.  12-17.     Also  in  s. 
For  the  Coptic  Epiphany  services  see  p.  60 ; 
for  those  of  the  West,  p.  62. 
„      7.  John  the  Fore-runner — 1  John  v.  1-8;  John  i. 

29-34.     Also  in  «. 
„      8.  Blarriage  at  Cana,  c— 

Evensong  . .  Matth.  xix.  1-12. 
Matins        . .  John  iv.  43-54. 
Liturgy      ..  John  ii.  1-11. 
„    10.  Gregory  the  Younger  (Nyssen) — Eph.  iv.  7-13 ; 

Matth.  iv.  25-v.  12  (John  x.  39-42,  s). 
„    11.  Theodosius  the  Coenobiarch — Luke  vi.  17-23; 

XX.  1-8,  s. 
„    15.  'luidwov  Tou  Kakv^Crov  (Juhanna  Tentorii) — 

Matth.  iv.  2.1-v.  12,  s. 
„    16.  Mourning  for  our  Laciy,  the  Virgin,  c — 
Evensong    . .  Luke  x.  38-42. 
Matins        . .  Matth.  xii.  35-50. 
Liturgy      . .  Luke  i.  39-56. 
18.  Chair  of  St.  Peter,  r— 

Comes.  Heb.    v.  1-10  ?  Matth.  xvi.  13-19. 
Gallic.  Acts  xii.  1-17;    Matth.    xvi.  13-19  ; 

John  xxi.  15-19. 
Ifozar.  1  Pet.  v.  1-5  ;  Matth.  xvi.  13-19. 
20.  Euthymius— 2  Cor.  iv.  6-11 ;  Matth.  xi.  27-30. 

22.  Timothy— 2  Tim.  i.  3-9  ;  Matth.  x.  32,  33,  37, 

38;  xix.  27-30. 

23.  Clement— Phil.  ii.  9-?  Matth.  xii.  1-8. 
„    28.  Efrem  patris  nostri — Matth.  v.  14-19. 

Feb.     1.  Vigil  of  Presentation— (irpb   eopr^;),  Heb.  vi. 
19,  20  ;  vii.  1-7. 
„      2.  Presentation  of  Christ  in  the  Temple— 

Heb.  vii.  7-17;  Luke  ii.  22-40.     Also  in  s. 

For  Coptic  service  see  p.  60;  for  Western,  p.  62. 

„      3.  Simeon  6  fleoSoxo!  and  Anna — Heb.  ix.  11-14; 

Luke  ii.  25-38. 
„    15.  Onesimus  the  Apostle,  bishop  of  Illyricum — 

PhUem.  1-3,  10-18,  23-25. 
„    23.  Polycarp — Eph.  iv.  7-13  ;  John  xii.  24-36. 
„    24.  Finding  of  John  Baptist's  Head — 
Matins        ..  Luke  vii.  18-29. 
Liturgy      . .  2  Cor.  iv.   6-11 ;    Matth.  si. 
5-14  (2-15,  s). 
March  8.  Hennas  the  Apostle,  bishop  of  Dalmatia— 
Heb.  xii.  1-10. 
„      9.  The  Forty  Martyrs  in  Sebais— Heb.  xii.  1-3? 

Matth.  XX.  1-16.    Also  in  s. 
„    24.  Vigilof  the  Annunciation— Luke  i.  39-56  (Gale). 
„    25.  Annunciation — Heb.  ii.  11-18;   Luke  i.  24-38. 
Also  in  s. 
ilozar.  Phil.  iv.  4-9 ;  Matth.  i.  1-23. 
Sarum  Use.  Luke  i.  26-38. 
April  1.  Mariam    Aegyptiacae— Luke   vii.  36-50.      See 
note  on  Sept.  18. 
„    23.  St.  George  the  Martyr,  o  Tpo7raio(J>dpo5 — 

Matins     . .  Mark  xiii.  9-13  (B-C  iif.  42). 
Liturgy  ..  Acts  xii.  l-ll  (Cod.  Bezae),  or 
1  Cor.  iii.  9-17. 


LECTIONARY 

April  25.  (Oct.  19,  B-C  iii.  24)  Mark  the  Evangelist- 
Col,  iv.  5,  10,  11,  18;  Mark  vi.  7-13. 
„    30.  James,  son  of  Zebedee— Matth.  x.  1-7,  14,  15. 
May  2.  Athanasius— Heb.  iv.  14-v.  6;  Matth.  v.  14-19. 
„    21.  Constantine  and  Helen — Acts  xxv.  13-19  (xxvi. 

1,  12-20,  B-C  iii.  24);  John  x.  2-5,  27-30. 
„    26.  Jude  the  Apostle— John  xiv.  21-24. 
June  11.  Baitliolomew  and  Barnabas  the  Apostles — 
Acts  xi.  19-30  ;  Mark  vi.  7-13. 
„    14.  Eli.sha  the  Prophet— James  v.  10-20;  Luke  iv. 

22-30.    Also  in  s. 
„     19.  Jude  6  <15eA.</)oe«os— Mark  vi.  7-13. 
„    23.  Vigil  of  John  the  Baptist- 
Comes.  Jer.  i.  5 ;  Luke  i.  5-17. 

Isai.  xii.  27,  &c. ;  Luke  i.  18-25. 
„    24.  liirth  of  John  the  Baptist — Rom.  xiii.  11-xiv.  4; 
Luke  i.  1-25,  57-80.    Also  in  s. 
Comes.  Isai.  xlix.  1-?  Luke  i.  57-68. 
Gallic.  Isai.    xl.    1-10;    Acts  xiii.  16-47; 

Luke  i.  5-25,  56-67,  68,  80. 
Mozar.  Jer.  i.  5-19;  Gal.  i.  11-24;  Luke  i. 
57-80. 
„    28.  r.  Vigilof  St.  PeterandSt.  Paul— Acts  iii.  l,&c.; 

John  xxi.  15-24. 
„    29.  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  — 2  Cor.  x.  21-xii.  9; 
Matth.  xvi.  13-19.    Also  in  s. 
Gallic.  Acts  viii.  15-27  ;  Malth.  v.  1-16. 
Mozar.  Eph.  i.  1-14;  John  xv.  7-16. 
Sarum.  Acts  xii.  1-11 ;  Matth.  xvi.  13-19. 
„    30.  The  Twelve  Apostles— Matth.  x.  1-8  (ix.  36- 
X.  8,  s). 
July    8.  Procopius— Luke  vi.  17-19;  ix.  1,  2;  x.  16-21. 
„    22.  Mary  Magdalene,  j)  nvpo</)dpos — 2Tim.  ii.  1-10  ; 
Mark  xvi.  9-20  (Luke  viii.  1-3,  s). 
Aug.    1.  The    Maccabees — Heb.  xi.  24-40 ;    Matth.  x. 
16-22.     Also  in  s. 
Mozar.  Wisd.   v.  1-5,  16,  17;  Eph.  i.  1,  &c.; 
Luke  ix.  1-6. 
„    6.  Transfiguration— 

Matins        . .  Luke    ix.  29  (28,  «)-46,    or 

Mark  ix.  2-9. 
Liturgy       ..  2  Pet.  i.  10-19;  Matth.  xvii. 
1-9  (s  adds  10-22). 
For  the  Coptic  see  p.  60  ;    Mozar.  as  in  octave 
of  Pentecost. 
„    7.  Dometius  the  Martyr— Mark  xi.  22-26  ;  Matth. 

vii.  7,  8. 
„    15.  Assumption    of   the    Virgin— Phil.    ii.    5-11; 

Luke  X.  38-42. 
„    20.  Thaddeus  the  Apostle— 1  Cor.  iv.  9-16  ;  Matth. 

X.  16-22. 
„    25.  Titus— 2  Tim.  ii.  1-10;  Matth.  v.  14-19. 
„    29  (30  of  Copts,  as  29  begins  their  new  year).    Be- 
heading of  John  the  Baptist- 
Matins     . .  Matth.  xiv.  1-13. 
Liturgy   . .  Acts  xiii.  25^32  (39,  B-Ciii.24) 
Mark  vi.  14-30. 
Also  in  s. 

Comes.  Heb.  xi.  36,  &c. ;  Mark  vi.  17,  &<;. 
Gallic.  Heb.  xi.  33-xii.  7  ;  Matth.  xiv.  1-14. 
Mozar.  2  Cor.  xii.  2-9 ;  Matth.  xiv.  1-14.  ' 

At  the  end  of  the  Calendar  are  added  in  most 
lectionaries  a  few  proper  lessons  for  special  occa- 
sions.    Such  are  the  following : — 

Eis  TO  eyxaivia,  Dedication  of  a  Church— 2  Cor.  v.  15-21, 
or  Heb.  ix.  1-7  ;  John  x.  22-28. 
Comes.  Apoc.  xxii.  2,  &c.     Gallic.  Gen.  xxviii.  11-22. 
1  Cor.    iii.  8,  &c.  1  Cor.  iii.  9-17. 

1  Kings  viii.  22,  &c.  John  x.  22-28. 

Luke  xix.  1,  &c.  Luke  xix.  1-10. 

?  acrfld'oOi'To; — James  v.  10-15;  Eom.  vi.  18-23;  xv. 
1-7;  Matth.  viii.  14-17  ;  x.  1 ;  John  iv.  46-53. 
avon^piai/- James  v.  17-20  (B-C  iii.  24);  Matth. 
xvi.  1-3;  Luke  iv.  24-26  (Harl.  5598). 
5  KOiixrjeevTa'; — Acts  ix.  32-42;  Rom.  xiv.  6-9;  1  Cor. 
XV.  20-58;  2  Cor.  v.  1-10;  1  Thess.  iv.  13-17  ; 
John  V.  24-30.    The  last  two  lessons  are  included 


LECTOR 

in  the  efoSiaTTi/cbc,  or  Greek  Burial  Service,  in 
B-C  iii.  42. 
Sanctae  Cliristianae,  s — Matth.  xxv.  1-13. 
Justorum,  s— Mattli.  xi.  2Y-30. 

Comes.  1  Mace.  ii. ;  1  Thess.  iv. ;  1  Cor.  xv. ;  Ezek. 
xxxvii.;  Apoc.  xiv. ;  John  v.  vi.  xi. 
Depositio  Episcopi — 
Gallic.  Isai.  xxvi.  2-20.        Mozar.  Job  xix.  25-27. 
1  Cor.  XV.  1-22.  Rom.  xiv.  7-9. 

John  vi.  49-59.  John  v.  24-30. 

Depositio  Christiani — 

Gallic.  1  Cor.  xv.  51-58;  John  v.  19-30. 

XI.  Relation  of  Lectionaries  to  the  Chapter- 
divisions  of  the  New  Testament. — Since  lection- 
aries exhibit  the  text  of  the  New  Testament 
piece-meal,  and  in  an  order  peculiar  to  them- 
selves, the  usual  divisions  into  larger  chapters 
(Kecpd\aia),  and,  in  the  Gospels,  into  the  so- 
called  Ammonian  sections,  have  no  place  in 
them.  At  the  end  of  certain  ordinary  manu- 
scripts of  the  Gospels,  however,  we  find  stated 
the  number  of  lections  (avayvuxruaTa)  which 
each  contains,  not  without  some  variation  in  the 
several  amounts.  Wake  25  at  Christ  Church, 
and  [5]  ii.  A.  5  at  Modena  agree  in  reckoning 
the  avayvdiafxaTa  in  St.  Matthew  at  116,  in  St. 
Mark  at  71,  in  St.  Luke  at  114,  in  St.  John  at 
67.  Euthalius,  bishop  of  Sulci,  in  the  latter 
part  of  the  5th  century,  divided  the  Acts  into 
16  avayvdxreis  or  avayvda-fjiara,  St.  Paul's 
Epistles  into  31  ;  but  these  must  have  been  long 
paragraphs,  and  can  have  had  no  connection  with 
the  much  shorter  lessons  in  the  Praxapostolos 
which  we  have  enumerated  above. 

XII.  Literature. — Add  to  the  references  an- 
nexed to  [Gospel],  and  to  those  cited  in  the 
course  of  the  present  article,  F.  H.  Rheinwald, 
Kirchliche  Archiiologie,  Berlin,  1830,  pp.  273-6, 
442-459  ;  Campion  and  Beaumont,  Frailer  Book 
Interleaved,  Cambridge,  1866,  passim  ;  F.  H.  Scri- 
vener, Flain  Introduction  to  the  Criticism  of  the 
New  Testament,  2nd  edition,  Cambridge.  1874, 
pp.  69,  71,  75-82,  290-3.  [F.  H.  S.] 

LECTOR.    [Reader.] 

LEGACY.    [Property  of  the  Church]. 

LEGATE.  The  words  Trpea^evrris,  legatus, 
legator  ills  (Bede,  E.  H.  i.  29,  etc.)  are  used  in  eccle- 
siastical documents  for  agents  or  emissaries  of 
ecclesiastical  authorities. 

I.  Various  imtances  of  the  emplo;iment  of 
legates  or  deputies. — Sometimes  they  were  sent  by 
councils.  Two  bishops,  Epigonius  and  Vincentius, 
were  sent  by  the  6th  council  of  Carthage  on  an 
embassy  to  procure  from  the  emperor  the  light 
of  asylum  for  criminals  in  all  churches.  {Cod.  Ecd. 
Afric.  can.  56.)  Legates  were  sent  from  the  same 
council  to  the  bishops  of  Rome  and  Milan  (c.  56) 
and  to  the  Donatists  (c.  69).  It  is  also  probable 
that  after  the  time  of  Constantine  legates  were 
sent  from  the  great  councils  to  announce  their 
decisions  to  the  emperor.  (Vales.  Annot.  in 
Theodoret.  H.  E.  iv.  8.)  Legates  were  also  sent 
to  councils  as  the  representatives  of  provinces. 
{Cod.  Ecd.  Afric,  praefat.  et  cc.  90-96.)  At 
the  sarne  council  (c.  90)  some  of  the  bishops  of 
Numidia  explained  that  they  were  present  as 
individuals,  as  a  foimal  legation  could  not  be 
sent  on  account  of  the  troubles  in  the  province 
[compare  Council,  I.  482].  Sometimes  they  were 
sent  as  representatives  of  individual  bishops. 
Lucifer  of  Cagliari  (for  instance)  sent  his  deacon 


LEGATE 


067 


to  represent  him  {els  rhf  aiirov  tottov)  at  an 
Alexandrian  synod,  with  power  to  accept  its 
decrees  on  his  behalf  (Socrates,  If.  E.  iii.  6). 
So  at  the  council  of  Hertford,  it  is  said  that 
Wilfrid  of  Northumberland  was  present  in  the 
persons  of  his  legates,  "per  proprios  legatarios 
adfuit."  (Bede,  //.  E.  iv.  5,  p.  147  ;  Haddan 
and  Stubbs,  iii.  119.)  They  were  also  sent  by 
bishops  to  transact  their  business  with  other 
sees.  Such  were  the  legates  (vpeo-ffevrds)  sent 
by  Flavian,  bishop  of  Antioch  to  Rome,  A.D.  381 
(Theodoret,  I/.  E.  v.  23).  Bede  (//.  E.  i.  33,  p. 
74)  speaks  of  a  certain  abbat  Peter,  who  being 
sent  as  a  legate  to  Gaul,  was  drowned  on  his 
passage  at  Arnfleet,  and  also  {H.  E.  ii.  20,  p.  102) 
of  a  bishop  of  Rochester,  who  was  sent  by 
Archbishop  Justus  as  his  legate  to  Honorius, 
bishop  of  Rome,  and  drowned  in  the  Mediter- 
ranean. 

II.  Legates  of  the  Roman  See. — In  the  Roman 
empire,  the  officials  through  whom  the  emperor 
governed  his  provinces  were  called  Legati{J)iCT. 
OF  Greek  and  Rom.  Antiq.  s.c]  As  the  extent  of 
the  ecclesiastical  dominion  claimed  by  the  Roman 
see  was,  from  a  comparatively  early  period,  too 
wide  to  admit  of  the  personal  superintendence 
and  administration  of  the  pope,  he  appointed  re- 
presentatives (probably  following  the  imperial 
precedent)  to  exercise  some  portion  of  his  autho- 
rity, in  cases  where  he  could  neither  be  present 
himself,  nor  regulate  the  business  in  hand  by 
letter.  Such  representatives,  though  we  may  in- 
clude them  all  under  the  general  term  "  Legates," 
were  known  by  various  names,  according^to  the 
office  which  they  discharged.  They  were 
sometimes  sent  for  a  .special  occasion,  as  to 
represent  the  pope  at  a  council.  These  were 
legati  missi,  sometimes  said  to  be  a  latere.  At 
the  court  of  Constantinople,  and  sometimes  else- 
where, the  pope  was  always  represented  by  a 
permanent  official,  called  an  Apocrisiarius  or 
Responsalis,  corresponding  nearly  to  the  Nuncio 
of  modern  times.  And  again,  when  appeals  to 
Rome  became  frequent,  the  pope  constituted 
vicars  apostolic  in  the  most  distant  regions 
of  his  dominions  ;  that  is,  he  empowered  a 
local  prelate  to  decide  such  appeals  in  his 
name,  reserving  only  the  most  important  for  the 
decision  of  the  Roman  see  itself.  Such  a  com- 
mission was  at  first  given  to  a  particular  bishop 
personally ;  but  when  it  had  been  conferred  on 
several  successive  incumbents  of  the  same  see,  it 
naturally  came  to  be  regarded  as  a  privilege  of 
that  see.  Legates  of  this  kind  were  called  in 
the  Middle  Ages  Legati  nati. 

It  is  confessed  that  during  the  first  three  cen- 
turies of  the  church  there  are  but  faint  traces 
of  the  exercise  of  papal  authority  through  legates  ; 
though  it  is  sometimes  assum'ed  that  the  three 
persons  whom  Clement  sent  to  Corinth  with  his 
letter  {Epist.  ad  Cor.  c.  59),  Claudius  Ei)hebus, 
Valerius  Bito,  and  Fortunatus,  were  not  mere 
messengers,  but  plenipotentiaries  of  the  apostolic 
see  (Binterim,  III.  i.  166).  With  the  accession 
of  Constantine  a  new  period  begins  in  this  respect 
for  the  churoli. 

1.  The  term  "de  latere "  is  an  ancient  one, 
and  seems  to  imply  one  from  the  household  or 
familiar  friends  of  the  sender,  with  the  implica- 
tion that  ho  carried  with  him,  as  it  were,  a  por- 
tion of  his  principal's  personality.  So  Leo  I. 
(^Epist.  67),  speaking  of  his  legate  at  Constanti- 


968 


LEGATE 


nople,  asserts  that  the  people  of  Constantinople 
possessed  a  certain  portion  of  himself,  "  quandam 
mei  portionem."  The  council  of  Sardica  (c.  7) 
desired  the  bishop  of  Rome,  in  case  of  need,  to 
send  "  presbj'ters  from  his  own  side  "  (ottJ)  toO 
ISiov  TrXivpov  irpecrlivTepovs,  de  latere  suo  pres- 
byteros)  into  the  provinces  in  order  to  determine 
appeals  from  bishops  who  had  been  forced  to 
abdicate  by  provincial  councils  [Appeal,  1. 127]. 
Legates  of  this  kind  were  sent  on  various 
occasional  missions.  Thus  Leo  L  sent  Julian  of 
Cos  to  the  emperor  Marcian  after  the  council 
of  Chalcedon  for  the  purpose  of  opposing  the 
progress  of  the  Eutychian  and  Nestorian  heresies, 
and  invested  him  for  this  particular  duty  with  the 
full  power  of  the  papal  see  (Leo  Mag.  Epist. 
113  [al.  56]),  and  in  an  epistle  to  Pulchei-ia 
states  that  he  has  constituted  him  his  full  repre- 
sentative that  he  might  be  a  pledge  and  hostage 
of  his  own  loyalty  (Id.  EjAst.  112  [al.  58]). 
Sometimes  the  legates  were  to  act  in  conjunc- 
tion with  the  bishops  of  the  province  to  which 
they  were  sent.  So  Leo  L  sent  Lucentius  (a 
bishop)  and  Basilius  (a  priest)  to  Constantinople, 
joined  in  commission  with  Anatolius,  then  bishop, 
after  the  pseudo-synod  of  Ephesus,  with  power 
to  receive  into  communion  those  who  should 
repudiate  their  share  in  the  council,  the  case  of 
Dioscorus  alone  being  reserved  for  the  judgment 
of  Rome  (Leo  L  E/jist.  85  [al.  46]).  Some- 
times they  were  sent  merely  to  inquire  and 
report.  So  Leo  L  sent  Prudentius,  a  bishop,  to 
Africa  to  ascertain  the  truth  concerning  certain 
alleged  irregularities  connected  with  the  ordina- 
tion of  bishops.  In  this  case  he  was  to  possess 
the  authority  of  the  papal  see  as  far  as  inquiry 
went,  but  only  to  report  to  Rome  the  result  of 
his  inquiries  (Leo  I.  Epist.  12  [al.  87]). 

The  great  missionaries  of  early  times,  who 
have  gone  forth  under  the  authority  of  the 
Roman  see,  are  frequently  spoken  of  as  papal 
legates.  Thus  Augustine  of  Canterbury,  who 
was  sent  by  pope  Gregory  the  Great,  is  some- 
times spoken  of  as  his  legate,  though  it  does  not 
appear  that  when  he  became  archbishop  of  the 
English  greater  powers  were  conferred  on  him 
than  on  other  archbishops  who  received  the  pall 
from  Rome  (Thomassin,  L  i.  31,  6).  Of  Boni- 
foce,  the  great  apostle  of  Germany,  Hincmar 
says  (^Epist.  30,  c.  20,  p.  201)  that  popes 
Gregory  IL  and  Gregory  IIL  constituted  him 
"legatum  Apostolicae  sedis,"  for  the  reforma- 
tion of  the  Christian  religion  in  the  parts 
where  he  laboured.  His  commission,  which  was 
a  peculiar  one,  empowered  him  to  ordain  presby- 
ters and  afterwards  bishops,  without  assigning 
him  any  particular  see.  It  was  not  until  the 
year  751  that  pope  Zacharias,  the  successor  of 
"Gregory  III.,  made  him  bishop  of  Wentz  and 
meti-opolitan  of  Germany  and  part  of  Gaul 
(Thomassin,  I.  i.  31,  1-5). 

The  Councils  of  the  church  have  from  the 
first  aiforded  a  field  from  the  claims  of  papal 
legates.  At  Nicaea  the  representatives  of  the 
Roman  see  were  the  two  presbyters,  Victor  [or 
Vitus]  and  Vincentius,  who  would  have  accom- 
panied the  pope,  if  he  had  been  able  to  make  the 
long  journey  from  Rome  to  Bithynia.  Who  were 
the  presidents  in  this  fimous  assembly  has  been 
matter  of  endless  dispute.  Eusebius  (  TaYa  Comt. 
iii.  13)  simply  says  that  the  emperor,  after  his 
opening  speech,  gave  place  to  the  presidents  of 


LEGATE 

the  assembly  (irapeSiSou  rbv  \6yov  rols  rrji 
ffvuoSov  irpoeSpois) :  but  who  were  these  ? 
Athanasius  {Apol.  de  Fuga,  c.  5,  quoted  by 
Theodoret,  E.  H.  ii.  15)  speaks  of  the  venerable 
Hosius  as  a  man  who,  from  his  weight  of  charac- 
ter, of  course  took  a  leading  part  in  any  synod 
where  he  was  present  (iroias  yap  ovx  7]-yf]Taro 
ffvvdSov);  but  he  gives  no  hint  that  he  derived 
any  precedence  from  papal  delegation.  There 
can,  in  fact,  be  little  doubt  that  Hosius  and 
Eusebius  of  Caesarea  were  the  real  presidents  at 
Nicaea,  and  that  mainly  through  the  favour  of 
the  emperor.  Golasiusof  Cyzicus(Labbe,  ii.  155), 
writing  towards  the  end  of  the  fifth  century,  is 
the  first  to  assert  that  Hosius  appeared  at  Nicaea 
as  a  delegate  of  Rome,  and  the  same  authority 
(i6.  267),  in  the  confessedly  imperfect  list  of  sub- 
scriptions, makes  Hosius  sign  first,  followed  by 
the  Roman  presbyters  Victor  (or  Vito)  and 
Vincentius.  Perhaps  Gelasius,  who  was  evidently 
a  wholly  uncritical  reporter,  has  transferred  to 
Nicaea  the  practice  of  his  own  age.  For  by  the 
fifth  century  it  had  become  a  common  practice 
for  the  popes  to  send  representatives  to  councils. 

In  what  capacity  Hosius  presided  at  the  Coun- 
cil of  Sardica  has  been  much  discussed  ;  it  seems 
probable  that  he  owed  his  pre-eminence  rather 
to  his  personal  merits  and  the  favour  of  the 
emperor  than  to  any  appointment  of  the  see  of 
Rome. 

The  African  bishops  in  council  at  Carthage, 
A.D.  419,  protested  against  the  presence  of  the 
legates  from  Rome,  declaring  that  sanction  for 
sending  such  legates  could  be  found  in  none 
of  the  councils,  and  entreating  him  to  with- 
draw them  for  the  sake  of  peace  (Cod.  Eccl. 
Afric.  c.  138;  Bruns,  Canones,  i.  200).  The 
legates,  however,  Faustinus,  bishop  of  Potentia, 
and  two  presbyters  named  Philippus  and  Asellus, 
were  received  at  the  council,  the  place  of  Faus- 
tinus being  second  to  Aurelius  the  president,  in 
conjunction  with  Valentinus,  bishop  of  Numidia. 
(Cod.  Eccl.  Afric.  Praefat.,  in  Bruns,  Canones, 
i.  156.) 

In  the  council  of  Constantinople  of  the  year 
381,  neither  Damasus  of  Rome  nor  any  other 
Western  prelate  took  any  share,  either  personally 
or  by  legate. 

Cyril,  patriarch  of  Alexandria,  was  locum- 
tenens  or  legate  of  Rome  in  the  Nestorian  con- 
troversy; "vicem  nostram  propter  marina  et 
terrena  spatia  ipsi  sancto  fratri  meo  Cyrillo 
delegavimus,"  says  Celestinus  in  the  document 
by  which  he  professes  to  excommunicate  Nes- 
torius  (Labbe,  iii.  373).  To  the  council  of  Ephe- 
sus the  pope  had  sent  two  bishops,  Arcadius 
and  Projectus,  and  a  presbyter,  Philip,  with 
instructions  to  regulate  their  conduct  by  the 
advice  of  Cyril,  but  in  all  things  to  uphold  the 
authority  of  the  see  of  Rome.  They  were  not 
to  press  their  attendance  upon  the  assembly ; 
when  they  were  present,  they  were  to  take  notes 
of  what  passed,  without  joining  in  the  debates ; 
at  the  close  of  the  council,  they  were  to  report 
to  the  pope  himself,  and  afterwards  accompany 
Cyril  to  Constantinople,  to  lay  the  conclusions  of 
the  Fathers  before  the  emperor  (Greenwood, 
Cathedra  Petri,  i.  335).  Great  pains  were  taken 
on  this  occasion  to  make  the  vindication  of  ortho- 
doxy at  Ephesus  appear  the  work  of  the  pope, 
acting  through  Cyril  and  the  legates ;  their 
instructions  were  read  in  the   council    and  re- 


LEGATE 

corded  in  its  minutes;  the  legate  Philip  then 
declared  its  proceedings  to  have  been  in  confor- 
mity with  them,  and  in  the  name  of  the  see  of 
Rome  pronounced  the  condemnation  and  deposi- 
tion of  Nestorius,  "  according  to  the  formula 
which  the  holy  pope  Celestinus  had  committed 
to  his  care."  Arcadius  and  Projectus  signified 
their  assent.  Cyril  then  caused  the  papal  i-atifi- 
cation  to  be  recorded  in  the  terms  in  which  it 
had  been  conveyed  to  them  (Greenwood,  p. 
339  f.). 

These  may  suffice  as  instances  of  the  employ- 
ment of  legates  to  represent  the  Roman  see  in 
the  great  councils.  One  or  two  examples  may 
be  given  of  legates  sent  from  Rome  to  England, 
as  having  a  special  interest  of  their  own. 

At  the  council  of  Hatfield  (a.d.  680)  John  the 
Roman  precentor  was  present,  having  come  from 
Rome  under  the  guidance  of  the  English  Bene- 
dict Biscop,  to  introduce  the  Roman  manner  of 
saying  the  offices  in  his  new  monastery  at  Wear- 
mouth.  It  is  said  of  him  that  he  joined  with 
the  rest  in  confirming  the  decrees  of  the  Catholic 
faith  (pariter  Catholicae  fidei  decreta  firmabat), 
i.e.  in  receiving  the  decrees  of  the  first  five 
general  councils,  and  declaring  the  orthodoxy  of 
the  English  church  in  respect  of  the  Monothe- 
lites;  but  nothing  is  said  of  any  precedence 
granted  to  him  ;  the  council  was  summoned  by 
command  of  the  English  kings,  and  presided  over 
by  the  English  archbishop  Theodore  (Bede,  H.  E. 
iv.  17,  18 ;  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  iii.  141  fl'.). 

The  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle  (ad  an.  785)  relates 
that  in  that  year  there  was  a  contentious  synod 
at  Calcyth  [probably  Chelsea],  and  also  that  in 
that  year  messengers  were  sent  from  Rome  by 
pope  Adrian  to  England,  to  renew  the  faith  and 
the  peace  which  St.  Gregory  had  sent  us  by 
Augustine  the  bishop,  and  they  were  worship- 
fully  received.  The  head  of  this  legation  was 
George,  bishop  of  Ostia.  These  legates,  in  fact, 
were  present  at  two  councils,  one  in  the  north 
and  one  in  the  south  of  England,  probably  at 
Finchale  and  Chelsea  respectively,  but  as  to  the 
extent  of  the  authority  they  claimed  we  know 
nothing,  except  that  they  made  application  to 
the  Mercian  and  Northumbrian  kings  respec- 
tively for  the  assembling  of  the  councils.  Their 
names  do  not  appear  among  the  subscriptions 
(Haddan  and  Stubbs,  iii.  443-461). 

The  bearers  of  the  letters  sent  by  pope  John 
IV.  (A.D.  640)  to  the  Irish  bishops  and  abbats 
about  the  Pelagian  heresy  were  in  some  sort 
legates,  as  two  of  them  at  least — Hilary,  the 
arch-presbyter,  and  John,  the  primicerius  —  are 
described  as  vicegerents  of  the  apostolic  see 
(servans  locum  sanctae  sedis  apostolicae).  (Bede, 
H.  E.  ii.  19,  p.  100.) 

And  it  may  be  observed  generally  that  in 
the  earlier  ages  of  the  church  papal  legates  in 
councils  by  no  means  took  the  position  which  a 
later  age  assigned  to  them,  after  Gregory  VII. 's 
vigorous  assertion  of  the  privileges  of  his 
see.  Thus  the  legate  Faustinus,  at  the  council 
of  Carthage,  took  his  place  below  the  bishop  of 
that  see,  Aurelius;  Eusebius  of  Vercelli,  legate 
as  he  was,  yielded  precedence  at  Alexandria  to 
Athanasius.  At  Chalcedon  [I.  334]  the  lay 
dignitaries  occupied  the  place  of  honour,  and 
controlled  the  proceedings  of  the  council  through- 
out;  on  their  left  were  the  Roman  legates,  on 
.their  right  Dioscorus  of  Alexandria  and  Juvenal 


LEGATE 


969 


of  Jerusalem.  Julianus,  who  was  rather  a  legate 
to  the  emperor  than  to  the  council,  took  his 
place  after  the  first  twenty  bishops.  Cyril  took 
the  first  place  among  the  bishops  in  the  third 
general  council  at  Ephesus,  but  this  precedence 
was  probably  due  as  much  to  his  rank  as  patri- 
arch of  Alexandria,  as  to  the  fact  that  on  this 
occasion  he  was  vicegerent  of  the  pope  [Ephescs, 
I.  615].  Moreover,  legates  did  not  (in  the  period 
with  which  we  are  concerned)  attempt  to  set 
themselves  above  the  sovereign  power,  but  ad- 
dressed themselves  to  kings  and  emperors  re- 
specting the  summoning  of  councils  and  other 
ecclesiastical  business.  As  the  claims  of  papal 
legates  simply  represent  the  claims  of  the  papacy, 
the  further  account  of  them  must  be  referred 
to  the  article  Pope. 

2.  The  Apocrisiarii  or  Eesponsales  were  so 
called,  as  being  the  persons  through  whom  the 
Eesponsa  or  judgments  of  their  principal  were 
communicated  to  the  court  to  which  they  were 
accredited.  Hincmar  says  that  Apocrisiarii 
were  instituted  when  Constantine  removed  the 
seat  of  empire  from  Rome  to  Byzantium,  from 
which  time  agents  (responsales)  both  of  Rome 
and  of  other  chief  sees  were  maintained  at 
the  imperial  court;  a  statement  probable  in 
itself,  though  the  authority  is  late.  Hosius, 
bishop  of  Cordova,  certainly  acted  as  a  kind  of 
ecclesiastical  minister  at  the  court  of  Constan- 
tine, but  there  is  no  evidence  whatever  that  he 
represented  the  see  of  Rome  there,  or  that  he 
held  any  definite  office  under  Constantine  (Stan- 
ley, Eastern  Church,  p.  112,  3rd  edition).  Petrus 
de  Marca  {Do  Concord.  Sacerd.  et  Imp.  v.  16) 
places  the  formal  institution  of  Apocrisiarii  at  a 
later  date.  Referring  to  the  letter  of  Leo  the 
Great  to  Julianus,  bishop  of  Cos  {Epist.  86),  in 
which  the  pope  gives  him  a  general  commission 
to  act  on  behalf  of  the  Roman  see  at  the  court 
of  Constantinople  in  the  repression  of  the  Nes- 
torian  and  Eutychian  heresies,  he  says,  "  this 
gave  occasion  to  the  sending  of  agents  or  apocri-- 
siarii  (responsales)  of  the  apostolic  see  to  the 
capital  city,  especially  after  the  time  of  Justinian  ; 
.  .  .  for  at  that  time  there  were  constantly  in 
the  court  diiiconi  responsales,  who  both  took 
charge  before  the  emperor  of  cases  in  which  the 
Roman  church  was  peculiarly  interested,  and 
kept  watch  over  matters  of  faith  and  discipline. 
At  the  same  time  they  were  as  it  were  hostages 
of  the  public  faith,  guaranteeing  the  obedience 
due  to  princes." 

Several  legates  of  the  Roman  see-  at  the  court 
of  Constantinople  are  known  to  history.  Thus 
Liberatus  records  {Breviariurn,  c.  22)  that  pope 
Agapetus  made  the  deacon  Pelagius  his  apocri- 
siary  at  the  imperial  court ;  and  Gregory  the 
Great  relates  that  he  himself,  when  a  deacon, 
acted  as  apocrisiary  of  Pelagius  II.  with  the 
emperor,  using  the  expression,  "tempore  quo 
exhibendis  responsis  ad  Principem  ipse  trans- 
missus  sum "  (^Dialogus,  iii.  23).  Justinian 
(A'ovel.  6,  c.  2 ;  123,  c.  25)  desires  bishops  not 
to  come  in  person  to  court,  but  to  transact  their 
business  there  by  the  agency  of  apocrisiarii. 

After  the  6th  Oecumenical  Council  we  find 
Constantine  Pogonatus  writing  to  Leo  II.  to  send 
him  an  apocrisiary,  who  in  all  ecclesiastical 
matters  should  not  only  represent  his  person  but 
actually  possess  his  power,  "in  emergentibus 
sive  dogmaticis  sive  canonicis  et  prorsus  in  omni- 


ovo 


LEGATION 


bus  ecclesiastieis  negotiis  vestrae  sanctitatis  ex- 
primat  ac  gerat  personam."  (Cone.  vi.  Act  18, 
Labbe.)  Leo  in  consequence  sent  the  subdeacon 
C'onstantine,  who  had  been  one  of  his  legates 
at  the  council,  and  requested  the  emperor  to 
receive  him  as  his  minister,  "  ut  ministrum 
digne  suscipiat."  Thomassin  (Vet.  et  Nov.  Eccl. 
TJiscip.  i.  2,  c.  108,  §§  27,  28)  thinks  that  this 
was  an  evasion  of  the  request  to  send  a  legate 
with  full  powers,  lest  he  should  be  induced 
by  the  power  of  the  emperor  to  commit  him- 
self to  acts  for  which  the  papal  see  would  be 
responsible. 

3.  The  popes  of  Rome  have  frequently  granted 
special  privileges,  such  as  may  be  called  legatine 
or  vicarial,  to  certain  distinguished  sees.  The 
first  of  these  was  that  of  Thessalonica.  In  the 
year  379  the  great  prefecture  of  lllyricum 
Orientale  was  assigned  to  the  Eastern  emperor. 
But  the  see  of  Rome  had  probably  for  a  long 
time  claimed  patriarchal  authority  over  this 
division  of  the  empire,  and  Damasus,  the  then 
pope,  was  unwilling  to  allow  a  mere  political 
severance  to  affect  his  spiritual  authority,  and 
therefore  appointed  Acholius,  bishop  of  Thessa- 
lonica, metropolitan  of  that  prefecture,  his  repre- 
sentative or  vicar  for  the  diocese  of  lllyricum 
Orientale  (Greenwood,  Cathed.  Pet.  i.  259).  From 
the  scantiness  of  our  information  as  to  this  trans- 
action we  know  little  or  nothing  of  the  exact 
nature  of  the  powers  conferred  on  this  legate. 
Leo  the  Great  (Epist.  ad  Anilmm  Thess.)  con- 
firms to  the  archbishop  of  Thessalonica  powers 
over  lllyricum  which  (he  says)  had  been  con- 
ferred under  his  predecessors  Damasus,  Siricius, 
and  Auastasius.  See  the  Eesponsio  Pii  VI.  ad 
Metropolitanos  Mogunt.  etc.  super  Xuntiaturis 
Apost.  Romae  1790.  Vicarial  or  legatine  powers 
were  also  conferred  on  the  see  of  Aries,  the 
"  Galilean  Rome."  Thus  Zosimus  (a.d.  418)  made 
Patroclus,  bishop  of  Aries,  his  vicegerent ;  Hilary 
gave  the  same  office  to  Leontius ;  Gelasius  I.  to 
Aeonius;  Symmachus  to  Gaesarius ;  Vigilius  to 
Auxonius ;  and  at  length,  the  same  privilege 
having  been  continued  to  a  series  of  bishops,  it 
was  definitely  granted  and  assigned  to  the  see  of 
Aries  (Gregorii  Eijist.  iv.  50,  52,  54).  See  also 
Gregory's  seventh  response  to  Augustine  of  Can- 
terburj',  in  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Councils,  iii.  22. 
And  the  same  thing  took  place  also  with  regard 
to  other  sees. 

(Petrus  de  Marca,  de  Concordia  Sacerdotii  et 
Imperii,  lib.  v.  ;  Bohmer,  Jus  Ecclesiasticum, 
lib.  iii.,  tit.  37,  c.  36  ;  Van  Espen,  Jus  Eccle- 
siasticum ;  Thomassin,  Nova  et  Vet.  Eccl.  Eiscipl. ; 
Walther,  Kirchenrecht ;  Jacobson  in  Herzog, 
Eeal-Encyclop.,  s.  v.  Zegaten.)     [P.  0.  and  C.] 

LEGATION  (Legatio,  irpeffPeia).  A  body 
of  legates  enti-usted  with  any  commission,  e.g. 
Soc.  H.  E.  iv.  12  ;  Soz.  JI.  B.  vi.  11.  When  the 
legates  were  not  a  mere  deputation,  but  had  full 
power  to  act  on  their  own  authority,  it  was 
called  a  free  legation,  "  legatio  libera "  (Cod. 
Eccl.  Afric.  c.  94,  97  ;  see  Ducange,  Gloss.).  The 
commission  given  to  the  legates  was  called  a 
letter  of  legation,  "  literae  legationis."  At  the 
6th  council  of  Carthage  the  various  legates  pre- 
sented their  credentials,  which  were  read  to  the 
council,  "  offerentibus  legationis  Uteris  et  reci- 
tatis  "  (Cod.  Eccl.  Afric.  c.  90).  Sometimes  it 
appears   to  have   been  used   for  the   duty  en- 


LEGENDA 

trusted  to  a  legate.  Thus  Leo  I.  (Epist.  26) 
speaks  of  a  commission  given  to  the  em-jn-ess 
Pulcheria  to  procure  the  summoning  of  a  fresh 
council  after  the  Pseudo-Synod  of  Ephesus  as  a 
legation,  hac  sibi  specialiter  a  beatissimo  Petro- 
Apostolo  legatione  commissi.  But  the  word  for 
the  most  part  is  convertible  with  Legate. 

[P.  0.] 

LEGENDA.  This  word  properly  denotes 
whatever  is  appointed  to  be  read  to  the  con- 
gregation during  public  worship.  It  has  how- 
ever acquired  the  restricted  sense  of  the  records 
of  the  lives  and  acts  of  the  saints  and  martyrs, 
which  were  appointed  to  be  thus  read.  Collec- 
tions of  these  records  date  from  the  2nd  century, 
and  were  known  as  Ada  (i.e.  the  registers 
containing  the  official  records).  Sanctorum,  or 
Acta  Martyrum.  They  contained  the  most  im- 
portant sayings  and  deeds  of  the  saints,  both 
martyrs  and  confessors.  The  earliest  reputed 
compiler  of  the  acts  of  martyrs  is  St.  Clement  of 
Rome,  who  is  said  to  have  employed  scribes 
^^  notaries,"  to  collect  the  acts  of  martyrs 
throughout  the  different  districts  of  the  city. 
The  practice  appears  to  have  spread  into  the 
African  church.  St.  Cyprian  (Ep.  37,  ad  Clerum} 
writes :  "  Denique  et  dies  eorum  quibus  ex- 
cedunt,  annotate,  ut  commemorationes  eorum 
inter  memorias  martyrum  celebrare  possimus." 

Eusebius  also  (Hist.  v.  4)  speaks  of  such  a 
collection,  "  Whoever  cares  to  do  so,  may  easily 
obtain  the  fullest  information  on  this  subject  by 
reading  the  epistle  itself,"  which,  as  I  have 
already  said,  I  have  inserted  in  the  collection  of 
the  Acts  of  Martyrs"  [tj;  tOiv  fiapTvpioiv 
(Tvvayooyfi].  He  gives  at  length  the  account  of 
the  martyrdom  of  Polycarp  and  his  companions 
(iv.  15.     See  also  vii.  41-42). 

Hence  Eusebius  has  been  often  looked  upon  as 
the  first  to  compile  a  martyrology.  St.  Jerome 
made  a  compendium  of  the  acts  as  compiled  by 
Eusebius. 

Any  further  question  as  to  the  growth  of 
martyrologies  belongs  more  properly  to  another 
place  [Martyrology].  It  is  sufficient  here  to 
point  out  their  origin  and  antiquity. 

In  the  persecution  of  Diocletian  many  au- 
thentic records  of  this  nature  perished,  in  con- 
sequence of  a  general  edict  to  burn  them 
(Gregor.  Turon.  de  Gloria  Martyr.).  Gelasius 
(a.d.  492)  rejected  as  spurious  writings  of  this 
nature  then  in  circulation,  and  forbade  them  to 
be  read  in  churches. 

The  third  council  of  Carthage  (a.d.  397), 
Can.  47,  after  ruling  that  besides  the  canonical 
scriptures  nothing  should  be  read  publicly  in  the 
church  under  the  name  of  Holy  Scripture,  adds 
that  the  passions  of  the  martyrs  may  be  read  on 
their  anniversaries.  "  Liceat  etiam  legi  passiones 
martyrum,  quum  anniversarii  eorum  dies  cele- 
brantur."  And  it  appears  from  various  sermons 
of  St.  Augustine  (Ser.  xlvii.  de  Sanctis,  &c.)  that 
the  practice  was  general  in  his  day.  Cassio- 
dorus,  in  the  6th  century,  writing  to  certain 
abbats  says  (Instit.  div.  Lect.  c.  32),  "  Passiones 
martyrum  legite  constanter." 

The  practice  was  to  read  the  "  acts  "  of  those 
saints  and  martyrs  who  were  to  be  commemo- 
rated in  the  liturgy  on  the  day  following,  in  order 
that  the  faithful  might  join  in  the  commemora- 


/.  e.  from  the  martyrs  of  Lyons  to  Eleutherus. 


LEGENDA 

tion  with  memories  refreshed.  When  the  daily 
services  were  reduced  to  order,  the  martyrology 
was  appointed  to  be  read  in  choir,  at  the  end  of 
Prime,  after  the  Orison  (Oratio)  which  is  fol- 
lowed by  the  usual  "  Benedicamus  Domino,"  R. 
Deo  gratias ;  the  lection  which  contains  the 
memorials  of  the  saints  for  the  next  day  being 
read.  The  lection  is  followed  by  the  Verse  and 
Response.  V.  Pretiosa  in  conspectu  Domini. 
R.  Mors  sanctorum  ejus  ;  and  a  few  prayei's. 

From  a  MS.  appendix  to  the  Roman  Respon- 
sorialand  Antiphonary,  which  is  considered  to  be 
of  the  9th  century,  it  appears  that  the  passion 
and  acts  of  a  saint  were  only  read  in  the  churches 
dedicated  to  that  saint  (ubi  ipsius  titulus  erat) 
until  the  time  of  pope  Adrian  I.  A.D.  772. 

This  reading  of  the  martyrology  with  the 
prayers  which  follow  it  is  usually  considered  a 
distinct  office  from  Prime,  and  known  as  officiuiii 
capitulare.  In  many  churches  it  was  said  in  a 
diiierent  place.  Thus  in  the  old  statutes  of  the 
church  of  Paris :  "  Thence  {i.e.  from  the  choir 
after  Prime)  they  go  into  the  chapter  house, 
[or  possibly  another  chapel  in  the  church], 
where,  after  the  reading  of  the  acts  of  the 
saints,  and  the  diptychs  of  the  deceased,  let 
prayers  be  made  for  their  repose."  [Inde  in 
capitulum  ''  progrediuntur,  ubi  gestis  sanctorum 
ct  diptychis  defunctorum  perlectis,  fiant  preces 
pro  eorum  requiem.]  Again  in  the  rite  of 
Avrauches :  "  "Prime  ended,  let  the  brothers 
assemble  in  the  chapter  house,  and  let  the 
lection  of  the  Martyrology  be  read,  lest  any 
festival  of  a  saint  which  should  be  celebrated  on 
the  morrow  be  omitted  through  inadvertence." 
[Prima  fiuita,  in  capitulum  conveniant  fratres, 
Martyrologii  lectio  legatur;  ne  aliqua  sancti 
festivitas  in  crastino  celebranda  negligenter 
omittatur.]  So  also  the  old  ritual  of  St.  Martin 
at  Tours.  Chrodegang,  bishop  of  Metz,  A.D. 
742,  introduced  the  practice  into  his  chapter 
among  his  reforms.  On  the  other  hand  the 
m-artyrology  was  often  read  in  choir,  not  in 
chapter.  This  was  directed  by  the  old  ordi- 
narinm  of  Senlis,  which,  after  directions  for  the 
office  of  Prime,  proceeds  :  "  After  the  afoi-esaid 
orison  the  calendar  <=  (calenda)  is  read  by  one  of 
the  boys,  and  terminates  thus :  and  of  all  the 
many  other  holy  martyrs  and  confessors  and 
virgins.  Then  the  anniversary  which  is  con- 
tained in  the  Martyrology  is  announced."  So 
also  the  ordinarium  of  the  Cathedral  of  Tours. 
"  Then  follows  the  lection  trom  the  martyrology, 
read  m  cAoiV  with  a  sufficiently  loud  voice  .  .  .  . 
A  boy  says  '  Jubc,  Domine,  benedicere.'  The 
priest  gives  the  benediction,'^  and  after  the  reading 
of  the  lection  is  to  say  "  Pretiosa  in  conspectu," 
&c.  After  this  a  boy  is  to  announce  the  anni- 
versary which  is  to  be  celebrated  on  the  following 
day.  The  reading  of  the  Martyrology  in  chapter 
appears  to  have  been  limited  to  the  more  im- 
portant monastic  houses  and  colleges  of  canons, 
and  usually  in  connexion  with  the  reading  of  the 
rule  of  the  house,  which  by  the  council  of  Aix  la 
Chapelle  (a.d.  817)  was  directed  to  be  bound  in 


LEGENDA 


971 


•■  Locus  in  quem  conveniunt  Monachi  et  Canonici,  sic 
dictum,  inquit  Papias,  quod  capitula  ibi  legantur(Du- 
cange  in  loco).    [Chavtek-house,  I.  349.] 

"^  /.  e.  the  list  of  names  for  the  day. 

i  /.  e.  the  appointed  benedictory  formula  befure  the 
lection. 


one  volume  with  the  martyrology.  The  custom 
gradually  died  out  (it  had  ceased  at  St.  Martin's 
at  Tours  in  the  15th  century)  ;  and  in  the 
printed  breviaries,  monastic  as  well  as  secular, 
the  officiian  capitulare  is  printed  so  as  to  form 
part  of  Prime  without  any  break. 

In  a  decree  of  the  Congregation  of  Rites  (10 
Jun.  1690.  Weratus  in  Ind.  Deer.  Brev.  163) 
we  find  the  following  ruling : — 

"  After  what  has  been  said,  the  hour  of  Prime 
is  terminated  when  'Benedicamus  Domino'  is 
said,  and  what  follows  is  only  a  sort  of  appen- 
dix ;  whence  it  appears,  that  in  the  same  manner 
as  the  church  here  inserts  daily  the  reading  of 
the  Martyrology,  and  Prime  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin,  when  this  is  to  be  said,  so  anything  else 
may  be  inserted  ;  though  we  do  not  recommend 
that  this  should  be  done,  because  what  is  now 
supplemented  is  considered  to  complete  Prime  as 
it  were  [Primam  veluti  integrare],''  or  to  be  an 
additional  part  of  it." 

In  addition  to  the  readings  at  Prime,  on  fes- 
tivals with  three  nocturns,  the  lessons  of  the 
second  nocturn  are  as  a  rule  taken  from  the  acts 
of  the  saint  of  the  day. 

The  custom  of  reading  at  nocturns  such  acta 
as  were  worthy  of  credit  is  thought  to  have 
grown  up  in  the  8th  century;  that  of  reading 
them  in  the  liturgy  much  earlier,  as  has  been 
already  stated.  They  were  read  before  the 
epistle  and  briefly  recapitulated  in  the  preface. 
In  the  course  of  the  liturgy,  the  bishop  ascended 
the  chair  (cathedram  conscendente)  and  gave  an 
explanation  of  them,  which  was  the  origin  of 
the  sermons  of  the  Fathers  in  honour  of  the 
martyrs  (see,  inter  alia,  S.  August.  Sermo  2,  de 
S.  Steph.).  This  custom  was  kept  up  in  France 
till  the  9th  century,  and  in  Spain  till  beyond 
the  10th ;  and  the  acts  were  inserted  in  the 
sacramentaries  and  missals  of  both  countries.^ 
They  were  never  inserted  in  the  Roman,  as 
appears  from  the  Gelasian  and  Gregorian  sacra- 
mentaries and  missals,  which  make  but  spare 
and  cautious  mention  of  the  martyrs  and  their 
sufferings  in  the  preface  alone. 

Among  Latin  martyrologies,  those  compiled 
by  Bede,  and  by  the  Benedictine  monk  Usuardus, 
in  the  9th  century,  may  be  mentioned. 

The  Greek  equivalent  to  the  martyrology  is 
the  menology  {jxrivoXoyiov^,  so  called  because  its 
contents  are  arranged  according  to  months.  The 
lection  for  the  day  is  called  the  "  synaxarion  " 
{ffwa^dptov),  and  is  inserted  at  full  length  in 
the  menaea  (which  contains  the  variable  parts 
of  the  office,  and  so  in  some  measure  correspond 
to  the  proprium  Sanctorum  of  the  Latin  brevi- 
aries) after  the  sixth  ode  of  the  canon  for  the  day 
said  at  Lauds.  It  is  introduced  by  its  proper 
stichos,  nearly  always  two  iambic  lines,  con- 
taining some  allusion  to  the  saint  or  play  upon 
his  name,  followed  by  a  hexameter  line,  of  tho 


•  /.  e.  to  fill  up  the  measure  of.  Compare  Lucretius, 
i.  1031. 

f  The  Mozarabic  Missal  is  still  distinguished  for  the 
variety  and  length  of  its  prefaces,  allied  Ilkitioves.  I'licy 
vary  with  each  mass,  and  that  for  St.  Vincent,  for  ex- 
ample, occupies  more  than  three  closelyprintid  quarto 
columns,  and  one  and  a  half  or  nearly  two  columns  of  the 
same  type  is  a  frequent  length.  The  prefaces  of  the  old 
Galilean  Missal,  called  Immolationes  or  Contestatioiies, 
are  as  varied  as  the  Mozarabic,  but  as  a  rule  consider- 
ably shorter.    [Pkeface.] 


972 


LEGEE,  ST. 


nature  of  a  "  memoria  technica "  of  the  date.e 
There  is  usually  more  than  one  synaxarion  to  a 
day,  each  in  commemoration  of  a  different  saint ; 
in  which  case,  with  few  exceptions,  each  has 
its  own  iambic  stichos;  but  the  first  alone  the 
hexameter  line.  Other  saints  of  the  day  are 
commemorated  by  the  simple  reciting  of  their 
names  and  death,  stating  usually  its  manner, 
followed  by  a  stichos,  but  with  no  synaxarion. 
These  readings  and  commemorations  are  con- 
cluded with  the  clause — "By  their  holy  inter- 
cessions, 0  God,  have  mercy  upon  us.  Amen  " 
(rots  avTwv  ayiais  irpsa^eiais,  6  6eh?,  e'Ae'rj- 
iTou  v/xas.  'AfjLvv)-^  There  are  great  variations 
in  difl'erent  menologies.  The  emperor  Basil  the 
Macedonian  directed  one  to  be  compiled,  A.D. 
886,  which  may  be  taken  as  a  type  of  others. 

Baronius,  Pracf.  ad  Martyr.  Bom.  Paris, 
1607  ;  Bona,  do  Div.  Psal.  c.  xvi.  19  ;  Durant, 
de  Kit.  Eccl.  iii.  o.  18  ;  Gavanti,  Comm.  in  Bub. 
Miss.  Bom.  sec.  v.  c.  21 ;  Martene,  de  Ant.  Bit. 
iv.  8 ;  and  the  Breviaries  and  the  Menaea 
passim ;  Cavalieri,  Op.  Lit.  vol.  ii.  cap.  37, 
Dec.  2,  and  c.  41,  Dec.  12  and  17,  &c.  See 
also  Augusti,  Christ.  Archaeologie,  vol.  vi.  p.  104. 
[H.  J.  H.] 

LEGER,  ST.    [Leodegarius.] 

LENEY,  COUNCIL  OF  {Leniense  Con- 
cilium), held  at  Leney  in  Ireland,  A.D.  630, 
or  thereabouts,  respecting  Easter,  which  was 
kept  differently  then  in  Scotland  and  Ireland 
from  what  it  was  in  Rome.  In  other  words, 
if  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  moon  fell  on  a 
Sunday,  it  was  kept  on  that  Sunday,  and 
not  the  following.  St.  Fintan  here  prevailed 
with  his  countrymen  in  favour  of  the  old  rule ; 
but  it  was  unfair  of  contemporaries  to  call 
them  '  Quartodecimans '  on  that  account.  (Ussher, 
Brit.  Eccl.  c.  17 ;  comp.  Mansi,  x.  611.) 

[E.  S.  Ff.] 

LENT  (Te(T(TapaK0(TT7i,  Quadragesima.  The 
English  name  is  derived  from  the  Anglo-Saxon 
Lencten,  spring ;  with  which  may  be  compared 
the  German  Lenz,  and  the  Dutch  Lente.  The 
titles  for  this  season  in  languages  of  Latin  deri- 
vation are  merely  corruptions  of  the  name 
Quadragesima,  as  the  French  Careme,  Italian 
Quaresima,  etc.  So  also  in  the  Celtic  languages, 
as  the  Welsh  Garawys,  Manx  Kargys,  Breton 
Corayz,  etc.  In  Teutonic  and  allied  languages, 
the  name  for  the  season  merely  indicates  the  fast, 
as  the  German  Fastenzeit,  Dutch  Vaste,  etc.  So 
also  in  the  Calendar  of  the  Greek  church  it  is  i) 
j/rjo-Teia). 

1.  History  of  the  observance. — We  can  trace 
up  to  very  early  times  the  existence  of  a  prepa- 
ratory fast  to  Easter,  for  it  is  mentioned  defin- 
itely by  Irenaeus  and  Tertullian.  While,  however, 
the  fast  seems  to  have  been  one  universally  kept, 
there  seems   to  have  been  very  great  latitude  as 


B  The  following,  for  St.  Polycarp  (Feb.  23),  may  serve 
as  a  specimen : 

Stichoi.    crol  IIoXuKapTros  <iA.0KavTw6r)  Adye, 

KapTiov  troKvv  Sous  ck  Jrvpb;  Ici/OTpoTTios. 
€iKa5t  €f  TptTctTTj  Kara  <^Ab^  JloXvuapnov  eKav<r€V. 

fa  Tins  is  the  usual  form  of  words  and  the  invariable 
purport  of  the  clause.  Sometimes  U  runs  "By  the 
prayers  of  thy  martyrs,  0  Lord  Christ,  have  mercy  upon 
us  and  save  us.  Amen  "  (rats  ro)v  trOiv  fiapnipui/  cixais, 
-Xpiare  6  ©ebs,  i\ir)<70v  Kai  auitrov.  'A-iJ.rjv'). 


LENT 

to  the  duration  of  the  fast.  Thus  Irenaeus  writ- 
ing to  Victor,  bishop  of  Rome,  and  referring  to 
the  disputes  as  to  the  time  of  keeping  Easter, 
adds  that  there  is  the  same  dispute  as  to  the 
length  of  the  preliminary  fast.  "  For,"  he  says, 
"  some  think  they  ought  to  fast  for  one  day, 
others  for  two  days,  and  others  even  for  several, 
while  others  reckon  forty  hours  both  of  day  and 
night  to  their  day  "  (oi  Se  rfcraapaKovra  wpas 
ilfiepivas  re  Koi  vvKTeptvas  crvuix^Tpovcn  TrjV 
fifj.4pai'°'  avrSiv).  Irenaeus  then  goes  on  to  say 
that  this  variety  is  not  merely  a  thing  of  his 
own  time,  but  of  much  older  date  (jro\v 
Trp6Tepov)  ;  an  important  statement,  as  carrjMng 
back  the  existence  of  the  fast  practically  up  to 
apostolic  times  (Irenaeus,  Ep.  ad  Vict. ;  apud 
Euseb.  Hist.  Eccles.  v.  24). 

Before,  however,  we  pass  on  to  consider  the 
references  in  Tertullian,  it  must  be  noted  that 
much  discussion  has  arisen  as  to  the  punctuation 
of  the  above  passage ;  for  the  translation  of 
Ruffinus  puts  a  full  stop  after  reffaapaKovra,  a 
plan  which  is  adopted  by  some,  as  by  Stieren  and 
Harvey,  the  most  recent  editors  of  Irenaeus.  We 
must  remark,  however,  that  not  only  are  the 
MSS.  said  to  be  unanimous  in  giving  the  first- 
mentioned  reading,  but  as  Valesius  (not.  in  loc.) 
justly  points  out,  the  general  run  of  the  Greek  is 
palpably  in  favour  of  the  same  way.**  (For  a 
defence  of  the  opposite  theory,  see  Massuet,  Diss. 
in  Iren.  ii.  23.) 

We  pass  on  next  to  consider  the  evidence  fur- 
nished by  Tertullian,  who  in  one  place  speaks  of 
the  fast  "die  Paschae,"  as  "communis  et  quasi 
publica  jejunii  religio"  (De  Orat.  c.  \i).  This, 
of  course,  would  be  a  fast  on  Good  Friday.  That 
the  fast,  however,  was  not  confined  to  this  day 
only,  we  learn  from  another  place,  where  writing 
as  a  Montanist  he  says  of  the  Catholics  that  they 
considered  that  the  only  fasts  which  Christians 
should  observe  were  those  "  in  which  the  bride- 
groom was  taken  away  from  them  "  (De  Jejunio, 
c.  2  ;  cf.  also  c.  13,  where  he  draws  a  distinction 
between  the  obligation  of  the  fast  of  the  above- 
mentioned  days  and  other  fasts,  especially  the 
Stations,  so  called).  Here  then  we  have  a  fast 
for  the  period  during  which  our  Saviour  was 
under  the  power  of  death. 

Thus  far  it  would  appear  that  there  was  in 
any  case  a  fast,  whether  on  the  day  of  our  Lord's 
death,  or  for  the  above  longer  period  ;  but  in  some 
cases  extra  days  were  added,  varying  in  difterent 
churches.  At  a  later  period  the  same  kind  of 
variation  prevailed,  as  we  find,  e.g.  from  Socrates 
and  Sozomen.  Thus  the  former  (Hist.  Eccles.  v. 
22)  speaks  of  those  in  Rome  as  fasting  for  three 


»  For  rjixepav,  Valesius  (not.  in  loc.)  conjectured  that 
imja-TeCav  should  be  read,  on  account  of  the  difBculty  of 
understanding  the  expression  "day,"  as  applied  in  any 
sense  to  a  period  of  40  hours.  There  is,  however,  no  MS. 
authority  for  this,  and  it  cuts  the  knot  of  the  difficulty 
rather  than  solves  it. 

•>  Thus  a  climax  seems  indicated  in  the  koi  of  oi  Se  Kal 
nKtCouai,  and  we  should  look  for  some  connecting  par- 
ticle with  the  iipas.  The  Latin  of  Ruffinus  is  "  nonnulli 
etiam  quadraginta,  ita  ut  boras  diurnas  ....":  the  ita 
has  a  decidedly  suspicious  appearance  after  the  termina- 
tion of  the  preceding  word.  Moreover,  the  fact  intro- 
duced by  ita  ut,  as  to  the  fast  being  observed  during  the 
hours  both  of  day  and  night,  is  simply  inexplicable  when 
taken  in  connexion  with  the  preceding  "  nonniiUi  etiam 
quadraginta." 


LENT 

weeks  before  Easter,  except  on  Saturdays  and 
Sundays. "=  In  Illyria,  through  all  Greece,  and  in 
Alexandria  [those  of  Illyria,  the  West  {oi  irphs 
Svaiv),  thi'oughout  all  Libya,  in  Egypt  and  Pa- 
lestine (Sozomen,  Hist.  Eccles.  vii.  19)],  a  fast  of 
six  weeks'  dui-ation  was  observed.  Others  again 
continued  it  for  seven  weeks:  these  are  spoken  of 
vaguely  by  Socrates  as  &\Koi,  and  more  specifi- 
cally by  Sozomen  as  those  of  Constantinople,  and 
the  countries  round  about  as  far  as  Phoenicia.^ 
Socrates,  however,  states  that  these,  while  begin- 
ning the  fost-  seven  weeks  before  Easter,  only 
fosted  for  fifteen  days  by  intervals  (jpels  /xdvas 
■Kev6r)ixepovs  e/c  ^laXrfp.jxa.rwv')  ;  and  Sozomen 
speaks  of  some  who  fasted  three  weeks  by  inter- 
vals (o-iropaSTji/)  out  of  the  six  or  seven  weeks. 
Lastly,  some  fasted  for  two  weeks,  as  the  Mon- 
tanists  did. 

Gregory  the  Great  {Horn,  in  Evang.  i.  16.  5 ; 
vol.  i.  1494,  ed.  Bened.)  speaks  of  the  fast  as  of 
thirty-six  days'  duration,  that  is  to  say,  of  six 
weeks,  not  counting  in  the  six  Sundays.  It  will 
have  been  noticed  above  that  Sozomen  speaks  of 
six  weeks  as  the  period  observed  by  the  Westerns, 
whereas  it  lasted  through  seven  weeks  in  Con- 
stantinople and  the  East.  Now  in  the  East, 
Satui-day  as  well  as  Sunday  partook  of  a  festal 
chai-acter,«  and  thus  the  number  of  actual  fasting 
days  would  be  in  either  case  thirty-six.  Of 
course  those  Eastern  churches  which  only  took 
six  weeks  would  have  but  thirty-one  days'  fast. 
[The  Saturday  which  was  Easter  Eve  was  of 
course  in  all  cases  excepted  from  the  general  rule 
of  Satui'days.]  In  any  case  thirty-six  was  the 
maximum  number  of  days'  fast''  (of.  Cassian, 
Collat.  xxi.  24,  25  ;  Patrol,  xlix.  1200). 

By  whom  the  remaining  four  days  were 
added,  that  is  Ash- Wednesday  and  the  three  days 
following  it,  does  not  clearly  appear.  Gregory 
the  Great  (ob.  a.d.  604)  has  often  been  credited 
with  it  (see  e.g.  the  Micrologus,  c.  49  ;  Patrol. 
cli.  1013),  but  his  remark  which  we  have  referred 
to  above  seems  conclusive  against  this.  The 
evidence  also  derivable  from  the  Gregorian 
sacramentary,  into  which  we  must  enter  in 
detail  when  we  come  to  speak  of  the  liturgical 
part  of  our  subject,  points  the  same  way.  Thus 
the  headings  for  these  first  four  days  never 
include  the  term  Quadragesima,  which  occurs  for 
the  first  time  on  the  Sunday  ;  and  there  seems 
ground  for  omitting  the  words  caput  jejunii  in 
the  heading  to  Ash-Wednesday.  Martene  (De 
Ant.  Eccles.  Bit.  iii.  58,  ed.  Venice,  1783)  shews 
that  even  after  the  time  of  Gregory  the  Great, 


LENT 


973 


c  There  is  some  difficulty  here  in  the  remark  as  to  the 
Roman  fast  not  holding  on  the  Saturday.  See  Valesius's 
not.  in  loc. 

d  In  illustration  of  the  longer  period  of  the  fast  ob- 
served in  the  East,  we  may  refer  to  the  case  mentioned 
by  Photius  (^Biblioth.  107  ;  Patrol.  Gr.  ciii.  3T7). 

'  For  an  illustration  of  this,  see  e.  g.  Chrysostom  {ffom. 
xi.  in  Gen.  }  2  ;  vol.  Iv.  101,  ed.  Gaume),  who  speaks  of 
the  relaxation  afforded  in  Lent  by  the  cessation  of  the 
fast  on  Saturday  and  Sunday.  As  regards  the  West  an 
exception  must  be  made  in  the  case  of  Milan,  where 
Saturday  was  viewed  as  in  the  East  (see  Ambrose,  de 
Mia  et  jejunio,  infra),  also  for  Gaul  (see  Aurelian, 
infra). 

'  We  may  refer  here  to  the  notion  that,  since  thirty-six 
days  was  one-tenth  of  the  year,  therefore  in  Lent  was 
fulfilled  the  Mosaic  precept  of  paying  tithes  (Cassian, 

I.C.). 


the  four  additional  days  cannot  for  some  time 
have  been  observed,  at  any  rate  at  all  universally, 
for  the  Regula  Magistri,  a  writing  apparently  of 
the  7th  century,  orders  that  from  Sexagesima 
the  monks  should  fast  till  the  evening  on  Wed- 
nesdays, Fridays,  and  Saturdays,  but  that  on 
other  days  up  to  Quadi-agesima  they  should  take 
their  meal  at  the  ninth  hour.  Thus  by  the 
addition  of  these  six  days,  the  diminution  caused 
in  Lent  by  the  taking  out  of  the  six  Sundays 
was  exactly  counterbalanced  (c.  28,  Patrol. 
Ixxxviii.  997).  Clearly,  therefore,  this  writer 
can  in  no  way  have  viewed  Lent  as  definitely 
beginning  with  Ash- Wednesday,  and  indeed  the 
following  day  is  not  reckoned  as  part  of  the  fast 
at  all.  On  the  other  hand,  the  addition  is  cer- 
tainly not  to  be  fixed  later  than  the  time  of 
Charlemagne,  for  (Martene,  I.  c.)  the  title  "  feria 
quarta  in  capite  jejunii"  occurs  in  MSS.  of  sacra- 
mentaries  of  and  perhaps  before  his  time.  Similar 
evidence  is  furnished  by  the  Rule  of  Chrodegang, 
bishop  of  Metz,  in  the  latter  part  of  the  8th 
century  (c.  30,  Patrol.  Ixxxix.  1071),  and 
apparently  in  the  Penitential  of  Egbert,  arch- 
bishop of  York  from  a.d.  732  to  766  (I,  i.  37, 
Patrol.  Ixxxix.  410). 

Others  have  referred  the  addition  to  Gregory 
II.  (ob.  A.D.  731),  but  the  matter  seems  quite 
doubtful. g  It  may  be  remarked  here  in  connex- 
ion with  this  latter  prelate,  that  the  Micrologus 
(c.  50,  supra)  states  that  it  was  he  who  first 
required  the  Thursdays  throughout  Lent  to  be 
kept  as  fasts,  contrary  to  the  ancient  Roman 
usage.  It  is  to  Melchiades  that  the  appointment 
of  Thursdays  as  exceptions  to  the  law  of  fiisting 
in  Lent  is  referred.  This,  however,  is  very 
doubtful,  when  viewed  in  connexion  with  the 
words  of  Gregory  the  Great  already  quoted. 

Considering  the  diversity  which  we  have 
found  to  prevail  as  to  the  duration  of  Lent,  it  is 
curious  to  see  how  persistently  the  word  rearcra- 
paKoarr]  is  adhered  to,  a  point  which  puzzled 
Socrates  (I.  c.)  in  the  5th  century.  Although 
the  origin  of  this  name  is  by  no  means  clear, 
there  are  at  any  rate  some  reasonable  grounds 
for  connecting  it  with  the  period  during  which 
our  Lord  yielded  to  the  power  of  death,  which 
was  estimated  at  forty  hours  {e.g.  from  noon  on 
Friday  till  4  A.M.  on  Sunday]  ;  and  we  have  seen 
that  Tertullian  twice  refers  to  the  fast  as  con- 
tinuing for  the  days  "in  quibus  ablatus  est 
sponsus."  We  must  also  not  lose  sight  of  the 
forty  days'  fasts  of  Moses,  Elijah,  and  our  Lord, 
as  being  especially  suggestive  of  the  number  of 
forty.  It  will  have  been  noticed  that  when  the 
duration  of  the  fast  was  considerably  lengthened, 
in  the  majority  of  cases  the  number  of  days  of 
actual  festing  was  still  approximately  forty. 

2.  Object  and  purport  of  Lent. — We  may  inquire 
in  the  next  place  what  was  the  primary  idea  in 
the  institution  of  such  a  fast,  and  what  othei- 
reasons  were  subserved  in  the  maintenance  of  it. 

(a)  From  a  passage  of  Tertullian  already 
cited  {dc  Jejunio,  c.  13)  it  is  clear  that  the  fast 
primarily  lasted  for  the  time  during  which  our 
Lord  was  under  the  power  of  death,  to  mark  the 
mourning  of  the   church  when  the  bridegroom 


B  It  is  clear  that  in  some  parts  the  additional  four  days 
cannot  have  been  accepted  for  a  long  time,  for  Martene 
(p.  59)  speaks  of  the  end  of  the  11th  century  as  the  period 
when  they  were  recognised  in  Scotland. 


974 


LENT 


was  taken  away.  Of  this  mourning  then,  Lent 
is  the  perpetual  commemoration.  It  is  interest- 
ing to  note  here  that  the  Montanists  who  ob- 
served three  Lents  in  the  course  of  the  year 
(Jerome,  Epist.  41,  ad  Marcellam,  §  3  ;  voL  i. 
189,  ed.  Vallarsi),  and  kept  one  of  them  after 
Pentecost  (Jerome,  Comm.  in  Matt.  is.  15 ; 
voL  vii.  51),  still  agreed  with  the  Catholics  in 
viewing  it  as  the  mourning  for  the  abs.'ut 
bridegroom,  in  accordance  with  our  Lord's  de- 
claration. 

(fl)  This  primary  reason  having  been  fixed, 
we  need  not  dwell  on  that  reason  for  its  main- 
tenance drawn  from  its  use  as  a  means  of  quick- 
ening zeal,  and  as  an  aid  to  devotion  generally, 
since  this  is  applicable  to  any  fast  and  has  no 
exclusive  reference  to  Lent.  This  particular 
fast,  however,  served  as  a  special  preparation  for 
several  important  events  directly  connected  with 
Easter.  Chief  among  these  was  the  Easter  com- 
munion, which,  even  in  the  earlier  days  of  the 
church,  when  Christians  ordinarily  communi- 
cated every  Sunday,  must  have  had  an  excep- 
tional prominence  ;  much  more  in  later  times 
when  this  frequency  of  communion  had  greatly 
diminished,  and  we  find  for  example  canons  of 
councils  ordering  that  all  Christians  should  com- 
municate at  least  three  times  a  year,  of  which 
Easter  should  be  one.  (See  e.g.  Concil.  Aga- 
thense  [a.D.  506],  cann.  63,  64  ;  Labbe,  iv.  1393.) 
This  idea  is  dwelt  upon  by  Chrysostom  (w  eos 
qui  primo  pascha  jejunant,  §  4  ;  vol.  i.  746,  ed. 
Gaume ;  also  Horn.  1,  §  4,  vol.  iv.  10),  and  by 
Jerome  {Comm.  in  Jonam,  iii.  4 ;  vol.  vi. 
416). 

(y)  Easter  again  was  the  special  time  for  the 
administration  of  baptism,  which  was  necessarily 
preceded  by  a  solemn  preparation  and  fasting. 
The  importance  of  the  Lent  fast  to  those  about 
to  be  baptized  is  dwelt  upon  by  Cyril  of  Jeru- 
salem {Catcch.  i.  5;  p.  18,  ed.  Touttee).  The 
names  of  those  who  sought  baptism  had  to  be 
given  in  some  time  before  {hvoy-aroypaipia,  Pro- 
catech.  c.  1,  p.  2  ;  cf.  c.  4,  p.  4).  A  council  of 
Carthage  ordains  that  this  shall  be  done  a  long 
time  (diiC)  before  the  baptism  {Cone.  Carth.  iv. 
[a.D.  398]  can.  85  ;  Labbe,  ii.  1206),  but  a  canon 
of  Siricius,  bishop  of  Rome  (ob.  A.D.  399)  defines 
the  time  as  not  less  than  forty  days  {Ep.  i.  ad 
Himerinm,  c.  2;  Labbe,  ii.  1018). 

(5)  Lent  was  also  a  special  time  of  prepara- 
tion for  penitents  who  looked  forward  to  re- 
admission  for  the  following  Easter.  (See  Cyprian, 
Epist.  56,  §  3:  Ambrose,  ^^^is^  20  ad  Marcel- 
linam  sororem,  c.  26  ;  Patrol,  xvi.  1044  :  Jerome, 
Comm.  in  Jonam,  I.e. :  Greg.  Nyss.  Epist.  Canon. 
ad  Letoium,  Patrol.  Gr.  xlv.  222:  Petr.  Alex- 
andr.  can.  1,  Labbe,  i.  955  :  Coticil.  Ancyranum 
[A.D.  314],  can.  6,  ib.  1457.) 

3.  Manner  of  observance  of  Lent. — The  special 
characteristics  of  Lent  consisted  in  various  forms 
of  abstinence  from  food,  the  cessation  of  various 
ordinary  forms  of  rejoicings,  the  merciful  inter- 
ference with  legal  pains  and  penalties,  and  the 
like. 

(a)  First  of  all  must  be  noted  the  actual  fast, 
which  was  generally  a  total  abstinence  from  all 
food  till  the  evening,  except  on  Sundays,  and  in 
some  cases  on  Saturdays.  (Ambrose,  da  Elia  et 
Jcjunio,  c.  10  ;  Patrol,  xiv.  743  :  Serm.  8  in  Psal. 
118  ;  Patrol,  xv.  1383:  Basil,  Horn.  i.  de  Jejunio, 
c.    10;    Patrol.    Gr.    xx.xi.    181:    Chrysostom, 


LENT 

Horn.  iv.  in  Gen.  c.  7,  vol.  iv.  36  ;  ffom.  vi.  in 
Gen.  c.  6,  vol.  iv.  58  ;  Horn.  viii.  in  Gen.  c.  6, 
vol.  iv.  76.) 

As  to  the  particular  kinds  of  food  made  use  of 
when  the  fast  was  broken  for  the  day,  there 
would  appear  to  have  been  in  early  times  the 
utmost  latitude.  This  may  be  gathered,  for 
example,  from  the  passage  of  Socrates  already 
quoted  {Hist.  Eccles.  v.  22).  "Now  we  may 
notice,"  he  says,  "  that  men  differ  not  only  with 
respect  to  the  number  of  the  days,  but  also  in 
the  character  of  the  abstinence  from  food,  which 
they  practise.  For  some  abstain  altogether  from 
animal  food,  while  others  partake  of  no  animal 
food  but  fish  only.  Others  again  eat  of  birds  as 
well  as  fishes,  saying  that  according  to  Moses 
they  also  were  produced  from  water.  Others 
abstain  also  from  fruits  {a.irp6Spva)  and  eggs, 
while  some  partake  only  of  dry  bread,  and 
others  not  even  of  that.  Another  sort  fast  till 
the  ninth  hour,  and  then  have  their  meal  of 
various  sorts  of  food"  {Sid^opou  fxovai  ttjv 
kaTiaaiv).^  He  then  goes  on  to  argue  that  since 
no  rule  of  Scripture  can  be  produced  for  this 
observance,  therefore  the  apostles  left  the  decision 
of  the  matter  to  every  man's  judgment.  It  will 
thus  be  seen  that  though  the  fast  was  to  be  kept 
throughout  the  day,  there  was  as  yet  an  absence 
of  any  restriction  as  to  the  character  of  the  food 
taken  in  the  evening  ;  it  being,  of  course,  assumed 
that  great  moderation  was  shewn,  and  that 
luxuries  were  avoided,  in  fact  that  the  fast  was 
not  to  be  a  technical  matter  of  abstaining  from 
this  or  that  food,  merely  to  enjoy  a  greater  luxury 
of  a  different  kind.  The  abstaining  from  flesh  as 
any  absolute  and  fundamental  rule  of  the  church 
was  not  yet  insisted  on,  but  still  remained  to  some 
extent  a  matter  of  private  judgment.  An 
example,  which  illustrates  a  transitional  state  of 
things,  is  found  in  the  incident  related  by  Sozomeu 
{Hist.  Eccles.  i.  11)  of  Spyridon,  bishop  of  Tri- 
mythus,  in  Cyprus.  He,  when  once  visited  by  a 
stranger  at  the  beginning  of  Lent,  offered  him 
some  swine's  flesh,  which  was  the  only  food  he 
had  in  the  house.  The  latter  refused  to  partake 
of  it,  saying  that  he  was  a  Christian.  "  All  the 
more  therefore,"  said  the  bishop,  "  should  it  not 
be  refused,  for  that  all  things  are  pure  to  the 
pure  is  declared  by  the  word  of  God."  Bingham 
{Orig.  xxi.  1.  17),  who  cites  the  above  instance,  has 
strangely  omitted  to  add  that  before  acting  thus, 
the  bishop  besought  the  Divine  indulgence 
(eii^OjUej'os  Rol  ffvyyvd!>iu.r)v  oiTrjcras),  as  though 
he  were  straining  a  point  in  doing  as  he  did, 
though,  on  the  other  hand,  such  straining  had  not 
yet  become  a  violation  of  a  universally  recog- 
nised law.  We  find  a  somewhat  parallel  illustra- 
tion in  Eusebius  {Hist.  Eccl.  v.  3),  where  a 
certain  Christian  prisoner  named  Alcibiades,  who 
had  lived  on  bread  and  water  ail  his  life,  received 
a  divine  monition  through  Attains,  one  of  his 
fellow  prisoners,  that  he  did  not  well  in  thus 
refusing  the  good  gifts  of  God. 

On  the  other  hand,  we  continually  find  protests 
being  made  against  the  conduct  of  those  who,  so 
long  as  the  technical  rules  were  observed,  thought 
themselves  at  liberty  to  indulge  in  every  luxury, 
instead  of  devoting  the  money  saved  by  the  fast 

^  The  Greek  here  seems  rather  curious.  Valesius  con- 
jectured that  we  should  read  aSiMJ>opov,  sine  disarimine 
cibvrum. 


LENT 

to  the  relief  of  the  poor.'  (Augustine,  Scrm.  205, 
§  2,  vol.  V.  1337,  ed.  Gaurae  ;  Serm.  207,  §  2,  ih. 
1341;  Scrm.  210,  §  10,  ih.  1353;  Leo,  Scrm.  3, 
de  Jejunio  Pentecostes,  vol.  i.  319,  ed.  Ballerini.) 

The  same  kind  of  reaction  of  feeling  manifested 
itself  in  the  indulging  in  special  enjoyments  in 
the  days  before  the  fast,  and  of  this  the  carnival 
may  serve  as  aa  illustration.'' 

It  is  not,  however,  to  be  supposed  from  all  this, 
that  there  is  an  absence  of  positive  enactments 
on  the  subject.'  Thus  one  of  the  so-called 
aDostolical  canons  orders  that  all  clerics  shall  fast 
in  Lent  under  penalty  of  deposition,  unless  they 
can  plead  bodily  infirmity ;  a  layman  to  be  ex- 
communicated (can.  69).  The  fourth  council 
of  Orleans  (A.D.  541)  also  enjoins  the  observance 
of  Lent,  adding  a  rule  that  the  Saturdays  are  to 
be  included  in  the  fast.  (Concil.  Aurel.  iv.  can. 
2  ;  Labbe,  v.  382 ;  cf.  Concil.  Toletanum  viii. 
[a.d.  653],  can.  9  ;  Labbe,  vi.  407.)  It  may  be 
noted  that  Aurelian,  bishop  of  Aries  (app. 
A.D.  545)  in  laying  down  the  rule  for  monies, 
orders  that  the  fast  shall  be  observed  every  day 
from  Epiphany  to  Easter,  save  upon  Saturdays 
and  Sundays  and  greater  festivals  (^Patrol.  Ixviii. 
396).  It  was  evidently  considered  that  there 
should  be  a  stricter  rule  for  such  than  for  Chris- 
tians generally.  The  last  part  of  the  order  refers 
to  an  increased  severity  of  the  fast  during  the 
last  week ;  see  e.  g.  Epiphanius,  Expos.  Fidei 
c.  22  ;  vol.  i.  1105,  ed.  Petavius.  On  this  part  of 
the  subject  reference  may  be  made  to  the  special 
article.     [Holy  Week.] 

O)  A  second  point  which  characterised  the 
season  was  the  forbidding  of  all  things  which 
were  of  a  festal  character.  Thus  the  Council  of 
Laodicea  (circa  A.D.  365)  ordered  that  the  obla- 
tion of  bread  and  wine  in  the  Eucharist  should 
be  confined  to  Saturdays  and  Sundays  during 
Lent  (can.  49,  Labbe,  i.  1505).  A  later  council, 
that  in  Trullo  (a.d.  692)  ordains  that  on  days 
other  than  the  above  two  and  the  day  of  the 
Annunciation,  there  may  be  a  communion  of  the 
presanctified  elements  (can.  52  ;  Labbe,  vi.  1165). 
Again,  the  Council  of  Laodicea  forbids  the  cele- 
bration of  festivals  of  martyrs  in  Lent,  except 
upon  Saturdays  and  Sundays  (can.  51) ;  and 
the  following  canon  forbids  the  celebration 
of  marriages  and  of  birthday  festivals  in  Lent, 
without  any  reservation.  This  last,  however, 
perhaps  only  gradually  came  to  be  observed,  for 
in  the  collection  of  Eastern  canons  by  Martin, 
bishop  of  Braga  in  Spain,  he  cites  no  other  canon 
for  this  use  but  that  of  the  Council  of  Laodicea. 
Cf.  also  as  to  this  point  Augustme,  Serm.  205,  §  2 
(vol.  V.  1336);  Kghert,  Penitential,  i.  21  (^Patrol. 
Ixxxix.  406)  ;  Theodulfus  of  Orleans,  Capitul.  43 
(^Patrol,  cv.  205);  Nicolaus  I.  Resp.  ad  consult. 
Bulg.  c.  48  ;  (Patrol,  cxix.  1000). 

A  foi-tiori  all  public  games,  theatrical  shows, 
and    the    like,    were    forbidden    at    this  season. 


LENT 


975 


i  Thus  Augustine  {Serm.  205,  I.  c),  "  ut  pretiosos  cibos 
quaerat,  quia  carne  non  vescitur,  et  iuusitatos  liquores, 
qui*  vinum  non  bibit." 

k  On  tliis  point,  see  J.  C.  Zeumer,  Bacchanalia 
Christianorum,  vulgo  das  Cai-neval,  Jenae,  1699. 

'  The  subject  of  dispensations  relaxing  the  strictness 
of  rules  as  to  diet  in  Lent  falls  outside  our  present  limits. 
We  may  perhaps  just  call  attention  to  the  wipid  Lacti- 
CINIA  (cf.  French  Laitage),  often  occurring  in  such  docu- 
ments for  a  mainly  milk  diet,  as  a  curious  parallel  to  the 
Tupoi^aYO!  of  the  Greeks. 


Gregory  of  Nazianzum  reproves  one  Celeusius,  a 
judge,  who  had  authorised  spectacles  durino-  the 
fast  {Epid.  112;  vol.  ii.  101,  ed.  Bened.). 
Chrysostom,  in  a  homily  delivered  in  Lent,  asks 
his  hearers  what  profit  they  have  gained  froin 
his  sermons,  when  through  the  instigations  of  tho 
devil  they  all  have  "rushed  off  to  that  vnin 
show  (iroixirri)  of  Satan,  the  horse-race  "  {Horn. 
vi.  in  Gen.  c.  1  ;  vol.  iv.  48) ;  and  again  he 
speaks  of  the  great  injury  men  who  follow  such 
practices  do  to  themselves,  and  the  scandal  they 
are  to  others  ™  {Horn.  vii.  in  Gen.  c.  1  ;  vol. 
iv.  59). 

(7)  The  severity  of  the  laws  was  relaxed 
during  Lent.  Thus  the  Theodosian  Code  in  a  law 
promulgated  in  A.D.  380  prohibits  all  hearing  of 
criminal  cases  during  that  season  (Cod.  Theodos. 
lib.  ix.  tit.  35,  leg.  4 ;  vol.  iii.  252,  ed.  Gotho- 
fredus).  Another  law,  published  in  A.D.  389,  for- 
bids the  infliction  of  punishments  of  the  body 
"  sacratis  Quadragesimae  diebus"(oj9.  cit.'Z'jo). 
As  a  parallel  case,  probably  referring  to  the 
Lent  season,  we  may  allude  to  what  is  said  by 
Ambrose,  in  his  funeral  eulogy  of  the  younger 
Valentinian,  where  he  praises  him  in  that  when 
some  noblemen  were  about  to  be  tried  in  a  cri- 
minal case,  and  the  prefect  pressed  the  matter, 
the  emperor  forbade  a  sentence  of  death  during  a 
holy  season  (de  Obitu  Valentin.  Consolatio.  c.  18 ; 
Patrol,  xvi.  1424).  See  also  Nicolaus  I.  (oj).  cit. 
c.  45,  col.  998),  Theodulfus  of  Orleans  (op.  cit. 
c.  42,  col.  205). 

A  rarely  occurring  exception  only  serves  to 
bring  out  more  sharply  the  general  observance 
of  the  rule,  and  thus  it  may  be  noted  that  the 
younger  Theodosius  orders  (a.d.  408)  that  in  the 
case  of  the  Isaurian  robbers,  the  examinations  by 
torture  should  be  held  even  in  Lent  or  at  Easter 
(Cod.  Theodos.  lib.  ix.  tit.  35,  1.  7 ;  p.  255,  <?c?. 
cit.),  on  the  ground  that  the  suffering  of  the  few 
was  expedient  for  the  benefit  of  the  many. 

Not  only  the  criminal,  but  also  the  civil  code 
was  relaxed,  for  Ambrose  speaks  of  the  sacred 
season  of  the  week  before  Easter  when  "  solebant 
debitorum  laxari  vincula "  (Epist.  20,  c.  6 ; 
Patrol,  xvi.  1038"). 

(5)  Besides  all  these  negative  characteristics, 
we  find  also  the  endeavour  to  maintain  a  higher 
spirit  of  devotion,  by  an  increased  number  of 
religious  services.  Thus  in  many  cases,  it  would 
appear,  sermons  were  delivered  to  the  people 
daily  throughout  Lent,  and  Chrysostom's  Homi- 
lies on  Genesis,  to  which  we  have  already  often 
referred,  and  those  eis  rovs  a.v'Spia.vras  were  of 
this  kind.  (See  esp.  Horn.  xi.  in  Gen.  c.  3  ;  vol. 
iv.  102).°     We  may  also  cite  here  Theodulfus  of 


n>  A  curious  extension  of  this  idea  is  found  in  the 
Scarapeus  of  abbat  Pirminius  (ob.  a.d.  758),  who  among 
other  things  deprecates  the  use  of  vi  hides  in  Lent 
{Patrol.  Ixxxix.  1041).  Again  Nicolaus  I.  protests 
against  the  practice  of  hunting  at  that  season  (op.  cit. 
c.  44,  col.  997). 

"  We  may  note  here  that  the  council  of  Nicaea  (a.d.  325) 
appoints  Lent  as  one  of  th>'  two  periods  in  the  year 
for  the  .-fitting  of  a  synod  of  the  bishops  of  the  province  to 
revise  the  sentence  of  excommunication  infliclid  by  any 
of  the  number  in  the  preceding  season,  as  a  check  upon 
undue  severily  (can.  9,  Labbe,  li.  32). 

o  For  another  special  manifestation  of  the  same  idea, 
see  the  rule  laid  down  by  the  third  coimcil  of  Braga,  that 
the  three  days  at  the  beginning  of  Lent  should  be  devoted 
to  special  forms  of  prayer,  with  litanies  and  psalms,  by 


976 


LENT 


Orleans,  in  whose  Capitulare  (c.  41,  supra)  it  is 
ordained  that  all,  save  excommunicate  persons, 
shall  communicate  on  every  Sunday  in  Lent. 
(Cf.  also  Augustine,  Serm.  141  in  Append,  c.  5, 
vol.  v.  2715.) 

4.  Liturgical  Notices. — The  earliest  Roman 
sacramentary,  the  Leonine,  is  unfortunately  de- 
fective in  the  pari  where  Lent  would  occur,  and 
we  therefore  rirst  notice  the  references  in  the 
Gelasian  sacramentary  (Pa6-o^.  Ixxiv.  1064  sqq.). 
This,  in  the  form  in  which  we  now  have  it,  has 
prefixed  to  the  services  for  Lent  an  ordo  agentibus 
publicam  poenitentiam  (c.  16),  wherein  it  is 
ordained  that  the  penitent  be  taken  early  on  the 
morning  of  Ash  Wednesday,  clothed  in  sackcloth, 
and  put  in  seclusion  till  Maundy  Thursday, 
when  he  is  reconciled.  Then  follow  the  forms 
for  the  we^k  from  Quinquagesima  to  the  fol- 
lowing Sunday,  provision  being  made  for  the 
Wednesday,  Friday,  and  Saturday,  viewed  as 
preliminary  to,  but  as  yet  not  forming  part  of. 
Lent.  Thus  in  the  Secreta  of  the  first  Sunday 
in  Lent,  we  find  "Sacrificium  Domini,  quadra- 

gesiinalis  initii  solemniter  immolamus " 

Services  are  given  for  all  the  Sundays  in  Lent, 
and  for  all  the  week-days  except  Thursday  [save 
only  in  the  case  of  Maundy  Thursda}'].  In  the 
Micrologus  (/.  c),  Melchiades,  bishop  of  Rome 
(ob.  A.D.  314)  is  credited  with  the  order  that 
the  Thursdays  in  Lent  should  not  be  observed  as 
fasting  days.  As  we  have  above  remarked,  the 
same  authority  speaks  of  Gregory  11.  as  having 
been  the  first  to  require  the  Thursdays  to  be 
observed  like  the  other  days  of  Lent. 

After  the  forms  for  the  first  week  is  given 
that  for  the  first  sabbath  of  the  first  month  "  in 
xii.  lect.  mense  primo,"  which  is  followed  by 
forms  for  ordination.  The  mass  for  the  third 
Sunday  bears  the  heading,  "  Quae  pro  scrutiniis 
electorum  (i.e.  for  baptism)  eelebratur."  In  the 
Canon  mention  is  to  be  made  of  the  names  of 
those  who  are  to  act  as  sponsors  for  those  about 
to  be  baptized,  and  afterwards  the  names  of  these 
latter  themselves.  The  fourth  Sunday  is  headed, 
"pro  scrutinio  secundo,"  with  the  recitations  of 
names  as  before,  as  also  on  the  fifth  Sunday.  After 
this  are  given  the  various  forms  requisite  for 
baptism,  and  the  attendant  rites,  ad  faciendum 
catechumenum,  bcnedictio  salis,  exorcism,  etc., 
with  the  setting  forth  of  the  creed  (Greek  and 
Latin),  and  the  Lord's  Prayer.  It  may  be  noted 
finally  that  Palm  Sunday  bears  the  further  head- 
ing iJe  Passione  iJomiw,  a  title  which  in  the  Gre- 
gorian sacramentary  is  given  to  the  previous 
Sunday.  For  details  as  to  the  week  from  thence 
to  Easter  (the  real  Passion-week,  though  this 
name,  by  an  imitation  of  Roman  usage,  is  often, 
with  infinitely  less  point,  applied  to  the  preceding 
week),  reference  may  be  made  to  the  special 
article  [HoLY  Week]. 

In  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary,  after  forms  for 
Septuagesima,  Sexagesima  and  Quinquagesima, 
comes  the  mass  for  Ash  Wednesday  (col.  35,  ed. 
Menard).  It  is  headed  Feria  iv.,  Caput  Jejumi, 
the  latter  words,  however,  are  wanting  in  one  of 
the  best  MSS.,  the  Cd.  Beg.  Suec,  a  fact  which 
has  a  bearing  on  the  question  as  to  Gregory  the 
Great  having  been  the  first  to  add  on  the  four 

ecclesiastics  assembling  together  from  the  neighbouring 
churches,  and  "  per  sanctorum  Basilicas  ambulantts." 
(Conca.  Bracar.  iii.  [a.d.  572],  can.  9,  Labbe,  v.  »98.) 


LENT 

days  at  the  beginning  of  Lent,  a  view  which  we 
considered  his  own  words  already  cited  rendered 
very  improbable.  It  may  further  be  noted  that 
while  this  saci-amentary  provides  services  for 
every  day  from  Ash  Wednesday  to  Easter,  there 
is  no  trace  of  the  word  Quadragesima  till  the 
first  Sunday,  the  previous  Saturday,  e.  g.,  being 
Sabbatum  intra  Quinquagesimam. 

In  the  Ambrosian  Liturgy,  the  service  for 
Quinquagesima  is  immediately  followed  by  that 
for  "  Dominica  in  capite  Quadragesimae "  (Pa- 
melius,  Liturgg.  Latt.  i.  324).  The  services  for 
the  week  days  in  this  liturgy  are  the  same  as 
in  the  Gregorian.  The  Sundays  after  the  first 
bear  the  following  names,  from  the  subjects  of 
the  Gospels,  (2)  Dominica  de  Samaritana,  (3)  de 
Abraham,  (4)  de  Caeco,  (5)  de  Lazaro,  [to  the 
Saturday  in  this  week  is  the  heading  in  traditione 
Symboli,  that  is,  for  the  approaching  baptism], 
(6)  in  Rands  olivarum. 

The  ancient  Galilean  lectionary  and  missal, 
edited  by  Mabillon,  make  no  mention  of  Septua- 
gesima, Sexagesima,  and  Quinquagesima,  or  of 
Ash  Wednesday.  The  former  gives  for  the 
Prophetic  Lection  and  Epistle  for  the  "  Inicium 
Quadraginsimae  "  (sic)  i.  e.  the  first  Sundav  in 
Lent,  Isaiah  Iviii.  1-14,  2  Cor.  vi.  2-15.  (Mabil- 
lon, de  Liturgia  Gallicana,  lib.  ii.  p.  124.)  The 
Gospel  is  unknown,  as  well  as  all  the  lections  for 
the  succeeding  days  till  Palm  Sunday,  eight 
leaves  of  the  MS.  being  wanting.  The  numbers, 
however,  prefixed  to  the  sets  of  lections  shew  that 
the  missing  ones  correspond  exactly  with  the 
number  of  Sundays  in  Lent,  with  nothing  for 
any  week  day.  For  Palm  Sunday  the  Prophe- 
tic Lection,  Epistle  and  Gospel,  are  respectively 
Jeremiah  xxxi. . .  .34  [the  beginning  is  unknown, 
owing  to  the  gap  in  the  MS.],  Heb.  ii.  3-34, 
John  xii.  1-24. 

In  the  Golhico-Gallic  missal  are  seven  masses 
in  all  for  the  season  of  Lent,  the  first  being 
headed  "  in  initium  Quadraginsimae  (op.  cit.  p. 
228),  followed  by  four  headed  "  Missa  jejunii," 
and  these  by  one  "  Missa  in  Quad."  The  seventh 
is  a  "  Missa  in  Symbuli  traditione  "  (cf.  op.  cit., 
infra,  p.  338  sqq.).  Probably  the  two  last 
masses  are  both  for  Palm  Sunday ;  and  these 
are  followed  by  one  for  Maundy  Thursday.  As 
regards  the  mass  "  in  Symbuli  traditione  "  it 
will  have  been  observed  that  the  Ambrosian 
liturgy  orders  the  creed  to  be  communicated 
to  the  catechumens  on  the  previous  Saturday. 
Palm  Sunday  was  the  time  ordinarily  chosen 
in  Spain  and  Gaul  (cf  Isidore,  de  Eccles.  Off.  i. 
37.  4 ;  Patrol.  Ixxxiii.  772  :  also  Concil.  Agath. 
[a.d.  506],  can.  13;  Labbe,  iv.  1385),  where 
eight  days  is  fixed  as  the  period  before  baptism 
when  the  creed  is  to  be  imparted.  Leslie  (op. 
cit.  283)  speaks  of  the  above  name  as  given  to 
the  fourth  Sunday  in  Lent,  but  only  cites  a 
canon  of  the  third  council  of  Braga,  which  fixes 
the  interval  as  twenty  days  (Concil.  Brae.  iii. 
[a.D.  572],  can.  1  ;  Labbe,"  v.  896).  According 
to  Isidore  (/.  c).  Palm  Sunday  was  called  capiti- 
lavi'im,  because  the  children's  heads  were  then 
washed  with  a  view  to  the  approaching  Easter 
baptism. 

In  the  Mozarabic  liturgy,  as  we  now  have 
it,  Sundays  are  reckoned  up  to  the  eighth  after 
the  octave  of  the  Epiphany,  followed  by  the 
"  Dominica  ante  diem  Cineris,"  and  this  by 
"  feria  iv.  in  Capite  jejunii."     It  is  clear,  how- 


LENT 

ever,  that  in  Spain,  Lent  originally  began  on  the 
Sunday  after  Quinquagesima,  which  left  thirty- 
six  fasting  days  (cf.  Isidore,  I.  c.  :  Concil.  Tolet. 
viii.  can.  9,  supra),  and  thus  there  is  no 
form  foi  Ash  Wednesday  in  the  Hispano-Gothic 
use.  The  Mozarabic  missal,  therefore,  has 
borrowed  from  the  Toledo  missal  the  office  for 
the  benediction  of  the  ashes ;  the  Gospel  and 
prayers  correspond  with  those  for  the  first  Sun- 
day in  Lent  in  the  Hispano-Gothic  use,  and  the 
Prophetic  Lection  and  Epistle  with  those  for  the 
following  Wednesday.  Altogether  the  services 
in  the  Mozarabic  liturgy  are  much  out  of  order 
(Leslie,  Xot.  in  Liturg.  Mozarah. ;  Patrol.  Ixxxv. 
287).  As  a  further  consequence  of  the  putting 
on  of  Ash  Wednesday  and  three  following  days, 
whereas  in  the  Hispano-Gothic  use  the  title 
Dominica  in  (ante)  carnes  tollendas  belongs  to  the 
first  Sunday  in  Lent,  in  the  Mozarabic  it  refers 
to  Quinquagesima. 

This  latter  has  forms  for  Sundays,  Wednesdays, 
and  Fridays  throughout  Lent,  and  also  for 
Maundy  Thursday  and  Easter  Eve.  Under  Ash 
Woilnesday  is  given  the  form  for  the  benediction 
of  the  ashes.  In  this  rite  (which,  it  may  be 
remarked  in  passing,  is  one  of  those  noted  by 
Gillebert,  bishop  of  Limerick  [ob.  after  a.d.  1139], 
which  may  only  be  performed  by  a  priest  in  the 
absence  of  the  bishop,  see  Benedictioxs,  p.  195), 
the  priest  or  bishop  (sacerdos),  after  blessing  the 
ashes,  sprinkles  them  with  holy  watei-,  and  they 
are  then  received  from  his  hand  by  the  clerics 
and  laymen  present.  As  each  takes  of  them  he 
is  addressed  in  the  words,  "  Memento,  homo,  quia 
fcinis  es,  et  in  cinerem  reverteris,  age  poenitentiam, 
et  prima  opera  fac."  The  Prophetic  Lection, 
Epistle  and  Gospel  for  this  day  are  Wisdom 
i.  23-33  ;  James  i.  13-21 ;  Matt.  iv.  1-12. 

A  common  name  in  Spain  for  the  first  Sunday 
in  Lent  was  Dominica  in  Alleluia,  because  of  the 
markedly  festal  way  in  which  the  day  was  ob- 
served, and  from  the  special  singing  of  Alleluia 
on  that  day.  We  may  take  this  opportunity  of 
remarking  that  the  ancient  Spanish  use  was  to 
close  on  this  day  the  doors  of  the  baptistery, 
which  were  sealed  with  the  bishop's  seal,  till 
Maundy  Thursday.  The  seventeenth  Council  of 
Toledo  [a.d.  694]  dwells  on  this  rule  (cap.  2 ; 
Labbe,  vi.  1364: ;  cf.  Hildefonsus  Toletanus  [ob. 
A.D.  669]  Adnot.  de  cognitione  baptismi,  c.  107  ; 
Patrol,  xcvi.  156).  A  notice  of  the  same  custom 
as  prevailing  in  "  the  Alexandrian  church  is 
found  in  the  ancient  lectionary  published  by 
Zaccagnius  {Collectanea  Monumentorum  Veterum, 
p.  718). 

The  following  are  the  Old  Testament  Lections, 
Epistles  and  Gospels  given  in  the  Mozarabic 
liturgy  for  the  Sundays  in  Lent ;  those  for  the 
Wednesdays  and  Fridays  we  have  not  thought  it 
necessary  to  add.  (i.)  Isaiah  Iv.  2-13  (but  for- 
merly 1  [3]  Kings  xix.  3-14,  Leslie,  op.  cit.  296)  ; 
2  Cor.  V.  20-vi.  11  ;  John  iv.  3-43.  (ii.)  Prov. 
-xiv.  33-xv.  8  ;  Gen.  xli.  1-46  ;  James  ii.  14-23  ; 
John  ix.  1-36.  (iii.)  Prov.  xx.  7-28;  Num. 
xxii.  2-xxiii.  11;  1  Peter  i.  1-12;  John  vi. 
56-71.  (iv.)  "mediante  die  festo  "  [a  name  due 
not  only  to  the  fact  that  on  this  day  was  the 
middle  point  of  Lent  according  to  the  Hispano- 
Gothic  use,  but  also  because  of  the  occurrence  of 
the  words  "  Jam  autem  die  festo  mediante 
ascendit  Jesus  in  templum  "  in  the  Gospel  for  the 
day:  Leslie,  op.  cit.  353]   Ecclus.  xiv.  11-22; 


LEO  L 


97T 


1  Sam.  i.  1-21 ;  2  Pet.  i.  1-12  ;  John  vii.  1-15. 
(v.)  Ecclus.  xlvii.  24-30,  21-33  ;  1  Sam.  xxvi. 
1-25  ;  1  John  i.  1-8 ;  John  x.  1-17.  (vi.) 
"Dominica  in  ramis  Palmarum,  ad  benedic ju- 
dos Hores  vel  ramos."  [For  this  rite  see  HoLr 
Week;  also  Leslie,  op.  cit.  388.]  Ecclus.  iii. 
2-18;  Deut.  xL  18-32 ;  GaL  i.  3-13 ;  John  xi. 
58-xii.  14. 

In  the  Greek  church  there  is  a  special  service 
book,  called  the  Triodion,  for  the  period  extend- 
ing from  what  would  be  with  us  the  last  of  the 
Sundays  after  the  Epiphany  (called  with  them 
the  Sunday  of  the  Pharisee  and  Publican,  from 
the  Gospel  for  the  day)  to  Easter  Eve.  Septua- 
gesima,  Sexagesima,  and  Quinquagesima,  are  re- 
spectively the  Sundays  of  the  Prodigal  (from  the 
Gospel  for  the  day),  ttj^  aTroKpeu  (because  from 
Sexagesima  onwards  flesh  was  not  eaten  ;  cf.  ou  /xi] 
(pdyo)  Kp4a  1  Cor.  viii.  13,  which  enters  into  the 
Epistle  for  the  day),  and  rrjs  Tvpopdyov  (from 
the  nature  of  the  diet  taken  in  the  ensuing 
week).  The  Lent  of  the  Greek  church  is  begun 
on  the  day  after  Quinquagesima,  no  special 
regard  being  paid  to  Ash  Wednesday.  The  Ar- 
menian church,  however,  begins  on  the  Monday 
before  Quinquagesima;  the  fast  of  this  first 
week  being  known  as  the  Artziburion,  a  word 
of  very  doubtful  origin  (Neale,  Eastern  Church, 
Introd.  p.  742).  The  Epistles  and  Gospels  used 
in  the  Greek  church  for  the  six  Sundays  of  Lent 
are  as  follows  :  (i.)  KvpiaKrj  tt)s  opdoSo^ias  (in 
memory  especially  of  the  final  overthrow  of 
the  Iconoclasts),  Heb.  xi.  24-26,  32-40;  John 
i.  44-52.  (ii.)  Heb.  i.  10-ii.  3;  Mark  ii.  1- 
12.  (iii.)  KvptaK^  aravpoTTpo(TKvvi\(ny.os,  or  simply 
(TTavpoTTpoa-Kvvriais  [See  Cross,  Adoration  of, 
L  501],  Heb.  iv.  14-v.  6  ;  Mark  viii.  34-ix.  1. 
(iv.)  Heb.  vi.  13-20;  Mark  ix.  17-31.  (v.) 
Heb.  ix.  11-14;  Mark  s.  32-45.  (vi.)  Phil.  iv. 
4-9,  Gospel  for  Matins,  Matt.  xxi.  1-11,  15- 
17,  for  Liturgy,  John  xii.  1-18. 

5.  Literature. — For  the  foregoing  matter,  I 
am  much  indebted  to  Bingham,  Origines,  bk. 
xxi.  ch.  i. ;  Binterim,  Denkwiirdigkeiten  der  Ckrist- 
Katholischen  Kirche,  vol.  ii.  part  2,  pp.  592  sqq. ; 
vol.  V.  part  i.  pp.  169  sqq.  Augusti,  Denkwiirdig- 
keiten aus  der  Christlichen  Archdolo jie,  vol.  x. 
pp.  393  sqq. ;  Ducange,  Glossarium,  s.  v.  Quad- 
ragesima ;  ilartene,  de  Antiquis  Ecclesiae  Bitibus, 
vol.  iii.  cc.  18,  19.  Reference  may  also  be  made 
to  Filesacus,  Diatriba  de  Quadragesima  Chridian- 
orum,  in  his  Opuscula,  Parisiis,  1614;  Dassel,  de 
Jure  Temporis  Quadragesimalis,  Argentorati, 
1617;  Daille,  de  Jejuniis  et  Quadragesima, 
Daventriae,  1654 ;  Romberg,  de  Quadragesima 
veterum  Christianorum,  RelmstSidt,  1677;  Liemke, 
Die  Quadragesimal  fasten  der  Kirche,  Miinchen, 
1853.  [R.  S.] 

LEO  I.  (1)  the  Great,  pope  a.d.  440-461, 
is  named  first  of  all  confessors  in  the  Breton 
Litany  (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  ii.  82),  second  only 
to  Silvester  in  that  at  the  mass  for  an  em- 
peror in  Sacr.  Gregor.  (Muratori,  463),  Nov. 
10,  and  commemorated  that  day  {Mart.  Ilier. 
Raban),  but  April  11,  (Bedc,  Raban,  Notker), 
"  Cujus  temporibus  synodus  Chalcidonensis  ex- 
titit"  is  added  on  that  day  first  by  Usuard.  Com- 
memorated in  the  Greek  church.  Fob.  18. 
April  11  is  probably  the  day  of  his  translation 
to  a  more  conspicuous  tomb  in  the  basilica  of 
St.  Peter,  by  Sergius  (A.D.  687-701).     He  had 


978 


LEO 


jin  oratory  in  the  da3's  of  pope  Paul  below  the 
basilica  of  St.  Peter  without  the  walls  (Anast. 
8o-<35). 

LEO  (3)  Pope  A.D.  68:!,  June  28  (Anastasius, 
the  Capitulary  published  by  Fronto,  Mart.  Rom. 
liede,  Ado,  Usuard).  Sollerius  would  malte  out 
that  this  was  originally  a  festival  of  Leo  I.  But 
it  is  not  certain  tliat  al!  the  celebrations  in  the 
sacramentary  of  Gregory  reall)'  date  from  Gre- 
gory's time.  (For  the  collects  there  given  v. 
Muratori,  p.  100,  or  Migne ;  v.  Rossi,  i.  127.) 

(3)  Bishop  of  Catania,  Feb.  20  {Cal.  Byz.) 

(4)  Martyr,  March  1  {Mart.  Hieron.). 

(5)  Bishop  of  Sens,   Apr.  22   {Mart.  Hieron.). 

(6)  Confessor  at  Troyes,   May  25  (Usuard.) 

(7)  Or  Leontius,  {Mart.  Gellon.)  martyr,  Oct. 
2  {Mart.  Hieron.). 

(8)  Subdeacon,  martyr  at  Kome,  June  30 
(^M.art.  Hieron.  Usuard). 

(9)  Martyr,  drowned  by  the  mob  at  Patara  in 
Lycia,  under  LoUianus,  on  February  18  {Cal.  Byz. 
V.  Tillem.  v.  581);  not  in  the  Menology  of  Basil. 
He  seems  to  have  beea  confounded  with  Leo  I. 
His  acts,  however,  assign  his  death  to  June  30, 
an  attempted  identification  with  (8). 

[E.  B.  B.] 

LEOBARDUS,  monk  of  Tours,  f  Jan.   18, 

A.D.  583.     {Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  562.)      [E.  B.  B.] 

LEOBINUS,  bishop  of  Chartres,  f  A.D.  557 ; 
commemorated  Sept.  15.  (Bede,  Eaban,  Wan- 
delbert,  Usuard.)  [E.  B.  B.] 

LEOCADIA,  virgin,  of  Toledo,  commemo- 
rated Dec.  9  {Cal.  Hispano-Goth.  ;  Mart.  Bom. 
Parviun).  Ado  adds  that  she  died  in  prison  on 
hearing  of  the  tortures  of  Eulalia.  She  had 
three  churches  in  Toledo :  one  on  the  site  of  her 
martyrdom,  in  which  the  Gothic  kings  were 
buried ;  a  parish  church  at  the  spot  where  she 
■was  born;  and  a  cathedral  over  her  tomb,  in 
which  the  councils  of  Toledo  were  held.  On  the 
Saracen  invasion,  about  A.D.  724-,  her  relics  were 
carried  into  Hainault.  {De  Vitis  Sanctorum, 
Cologne  1605.    Sollier's  Usuard.)        [E.  B.  B.] 

LEODEGARIUS,  Leudegarius,  Laude- 
GARius  (St.  Leger),  bishop  of  Autun,  killed  by 
Ebroin,  mayor  of  the  palace,  A.D.  678,  and  com- 
memorated Oct.  2,  with  a  special  service  in  the 
Gothic  missal,  as  a  martyr :  "  0  beatum  virum 
Laudegarium  antistitem  qui  corpus  nexibus  ab- 
solutum,  ora  labiis  minuatum  oculisque  orbatum, 
exilium  perpetratum,  lubricitatis  saeculi  post- 
positum,  diversis  tormentis  passum,  exemplum 
episcopis  reliquit,  .  .  .  coronam  immarcicilibus 
floribus  remuneratur  unde  multae  post  reliquiae 
in  Gallis  floruerunt."  The  grammar  is  not 
perfect,  nor  is  it  clear  what  is  meant  by  the 
relics  of  his  heavenly  crown  blooming  in  Gaul. 
He  is  not  named  in  the  metrical  martyrology  of 
Bede.  The  place  of  his  martyrdom  is  still  St. 
Leger's  wood.  He  was  buried  at  Serein.  After- 
wards the  bishops  of  Autun,  Arras,  and  Poitiers, 
contended  for  the  possession  of  his  body.  They 
drew  lots,  and  it  fell  to  the  latter,  and  was 
translated  to  the  monastery  of  Maxentius  at 
Poitiers,  March  16,  where  a  church  had  been 
dedicated  to  him  the  30th  October  preceding. 
{Acta  SS.  Oct.  i.  427,  428.)  Monasteries  were 
dedicated   to   him  at   Morbach   in  Aisace,   and 


LEONILLA 

Massevaux  or  Masmiinster  on  the  Upper  Khine, 
about  A.D.  726.     {lb.  p.  434.) 

LEODEGARIUS  (2)  Priest  in  Le  Pertois, 

6th  century,  f  June  23.    {Acta  SS.  Jun.  v.  414.) 

[E.  B.  B.] 

LEODOWINUS,  archbishop  of  Treves  (7th 

century),  f  Sept.  29.     {Acta  SS.  Sept.  viii.  169.) 

[E.  B.  B.] 

LEOGISILUS,  Lenogisilus,  or  Lonegisi- 
Lus,  presbyter  at  Le  Mans  (7th  century),  ■[•  Jan. 
13      {Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  112.)  [E.  B.  B.] 

LEOLINUS,  bishop  of  Padua  (4th  century), 
t  June  29.   {Acta  SS.  June,  v.  483.) 

[E.  B.  B.] 
LEOMENES,  Pontius,  of  Epineium  in  Crete, 
under  Decius,  martyred  Dec.  23.     {Cal.  Byz.) 
[E.  B.  B.] 

LEONADIUS,  (1)  commemorated  in  Ethiopia, 
Dec.  27 ;  called  by  the  Copts  Leontius  the  patri- 
arch, and  commemorated  by  them  on  the  28th. 
(Ludolf,  Comm.  ad  Hist.  Ethiop.  p.  403.) 

(2)  Commemorated  in  Ethiopia  along  with 
Benikarus,  on  Jan.  7.     {Ih.  404.)        [E.  B.  B.] 

LEONARD,  (1)  A  noble  disciple  of  St.  Re- 
migius,  founder  of  the  monastery  of  Noblat  (St. 
Leonard),  near  Limoges ;  commemorated  Nov.  6. 
He  is  now  honoured  in  the  Greek  church  also  on 
that  day  (Arcudius,  Anthologion). 

(2)  A  monk  of  Le  Mans,  who  refused  to  be 
prior,  t  Oct.  15,  A.d.  570.  His  relics  translated 
to  Corbigny  A.D.  877.  {Acta  SS.  Oct.  vii.  45.) 
The  two  following  are  found  in  the  additions  to 
Usuard. 

(3)  Confessor  at  Vendoeuvre,  Nov.  27. 

(4)  Confessor  at  Chateaudun,  Dec.  8. 

[E.  B.  B.] 
LEONIANUS,  abbat  of  Yienne,  f  Nov.  16, 
circa  A.D.  510.  [E.  B.  B.] 

LEONIDES,  (1)  Bishop  of  Athens,  commemo- 
rated April  15.     {Cal.  Byz.) 

CTKOTOS  (Tvvtlxe  Ta?  '\6rjvai  aSpoov 
BwdfTO^  auTat?  rjkLOv  Aewrt'Sovs. 

He  is  perhaps  intended  by  the  mention  of  the 
name  on  April  16  in  the  Hieronymian  Martyro- 
logi/. 

(2)  Father  of  Origen,  and  martyr  circa  A.D. 
204.  On  June  28,  the  name  is  joined  with 
Potamiaena  and  the  other  disciples  of  Origen, 
and  thus  attached  as  a  companion  to  Irenaeus 
the  same  day.  {Mart.  Hieron.  ;  Acta  SS.  June 
vii.  321.)  Supposed  to  be  the  one  mentioned 
with  Arator,  Quiriacus,  and  Basilius,  April  22 
in  the  Mart.  Hieron.  and  Acta  SS.  April,  iii.  10. 

(3)  Martyr  at  Antioch,  April  26.  {Mart. 
Hieron.) 

(4)  Burnt  to  death  with  Eleutherius,  Aug.  S. 
The  Mart.  Hieron.  names  Leonides  only,  and 
assigns  him  to  Philadelphia.  Some  menologies 
add,  "  and  the  babes,"  and  say  that  their  synaxis 
was  performed  "  in  the  house  of  St.  Irene,  in  the 
buildings  of  Justinian  outside  the  gate."  {Acta 
SS.  Aug.  ii.  342.) 

(5)  The  name  is  mentioned  March  1  or  Jan. 
28,  as  a  martyr  at  Antinous  in  the  Thebais,  under 
Decius.    {Acta  SS.  Jan.  iii.  448.)         [E.  B.  B.] 

LEONILLA,  martyred  with  her  three  twin 
grandchildren    under  M.  Aurelius  or  Aurelian, 


LEONIS 

in  Cappadocia,  and  translated  to  Langres  in 
Gaul  (Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  437);  commemorated 
Jan.  17  (Cal.  Bijz.,  Mart.  Hieron.,  Bede,  Ado, 
Usuard,  but  not  in  the  Parvum  Romanum).  The 
Greeks  call  her  Neonilla.     (Men.  Basil.) 

[E.  B.  B.] 
LEONIS,  martyr  at  Augsburg,  or  more  pro- 
bably at  Rome  (Acta  SS.  Aug.  ii.  703  a),  Aug. 
12.  [E.  B.  B.] 

LEONIUS  (1)  Confessor,  of  Melun  (St.  Liene) ; 
commemorated  Nov.  12  (Usuard,  Wandelbert). 
Baronius  refers  him  to  Nov.  16,  but  this  is  a 
confusion  with  Leo  (Sollier). 

(2)  Of  Poitou,  if  not  the  same,  Feb.  1.  (Acta 
SS.  Feb.  i.  91.)  [E.  B.  B.] 

LEONORIUS,  bishop  in  Brittany  in  the  6th 
century,  f  Julv  1.     (Acta  SS.  July,  i.  121.) 

[E.  B.  B.] 

LEONTIUS  (1)  and  his  brother*,  fellow-mar- 
tyrs of  Cosmas— Oct.  17  (Cal.  Byz.);  Sept.  27 
(Mart.  Bom.  Farv.  etc.). 

(2)  Martyr  at  Tripoli  in  Syria,  under  Ves- 
pasian, June  18.     (Menol.  Bas.) 

(3)  Bishop  of  Autun  (5th  century),  f  July  1. 
(Mart.  Hieron.) 

(4)  Martyr  at  Nicopolis  of  Armenia,  under 
Licinlus,  July  10  (Menol.  Bas.).  In  the  Mart. 
Hieron.  Alexandria  stands  for  Armenia  [contracted 
aria].  He  is  assigned  to  the  right  place  next 
day. 

(5)  Martyr  under  Diocletian  at  Perga  in  Pam- 
phyjia,  August  1.     (Menol.  Basil.) 

(6)  Martyr  at  Amasea  in  Pontus,  August  19. 
(Mart.  Hieron.) 

(7)  In  Lucania  with  Valentia,  August  20. 
(Mart.  Hieron.) 

(8)  The  entry  is  repeated  next  day,  but  the 
name  is  said  here  to  belong  to  a  bishop  of  Bor- 
deau.x  of  the  6th  century.     (Acta  SS.  Aug.  iv. 

(9)  Martyr  with  Carpophorus  at  Vicenza,  cf. 
Peter  de  Natalibus,  1.  7,  c.  87,  either  Aug.  20 
(AA.  SS.  iv.  35)  or  March  19  (Acta  SS.  March, 
iii.  29). 

(10)  Martyr  at  Alexandria  with  Serapion,  Sept. 
15.     (Mart.  Hieron.) 

(11)  In  Cappadocia,  Nov.  22  (ih.).  Bishop  +  A.D. 
337.     (Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  63.) 

(12)  Martyr  in  the  days  of  the  Mussulmans 
in  Ethiopia,  May  26.    (Ludolf,  Comm.  p.  416.) 

[E.  B.  B.] 
LEOPARDUS,  martyr  at  Rome;   honoured 
at   Aix-la-Chapelle    from'  the    time    of  Charle- 
magne, Sept.  30.     (Acta  SS.  Sept.  viii.  430.) 

[E.  B.  B.] 

LEOTHADIUS,  bishop  of  Auch,  f  Oct.  23, 

A.D.  717  ?     (Acta  SS.  Oct.  x.  122.)      [E.  B.  B.] 

LEPERS,  LEPROSI.  There  are  few  notices 
of  the  treatment  of  lepers  in  the  early  church. 
It  is  probable  the  disease  did  not  assume  such 
dimensions  as  to  call  for  special  enactments. 
Ugolini,  under  the  heading  De  Morhis  Biblicis, 
has  collected  (Thesaurus,  \o\.xkx.  1544)  several 
reasons  why  leprosy  was  less  prevalent  in  the 
Christian  than  in  the  Jewish  church.  The 
council  of  Ancyra  (a.d.  314)  has  a  canon  (c.  17) 
directed  ^against  roi/y  aXo^eutro^eVous  koI 
Xeirpovs  ovras  iJToi    Xiirpda-avTa't ;    which  may 

CHRIST.  ANT.— VOL.  II. 


LESTINES,  COUNCIL  OF         979 

refer  either  to  actual  lepers,  or  may  signify  that 
those  who  polluted' themselves  with  unnatural 
crimes  contracted  a  moral  leprosy.  The  council 
orders  that  their  station  shall  be" among  the  x«'- 
fia^Sfievoi,  inter  hyemantes  [Hiemantes].  In  the 
Gallic  church  the  bishops  are  directed  by  the 
5th  council  of  Orleans,  A.D.  549  (c.  21),  to  take 
care  that  no  lepers  within  their  diocese  are  left 
destitute,  but  that  they  are  supplied  with  food 
and  raiment  from  the  church  funds.  The  3rd 
council  of  Lyons,  a.d.  583  (c.  0),  gives  a  similar 
injunction,  with  the  addition  that  "the  lepers  are 
to  be  prohibited  from  wandering  from  one  diocese 
to  another.  In  some  instances  they  must  have 
been  in  danger  of  being  cut  ofl'  from  all  church 
membership,  for  pope  Gregory  II.,  A.D.  715-731 
(Ep.  xiii.  ad  Bonifac),  gives  a  formal  sanction 
to  the  Holy  Communion  being  administered  to 
them,  although  not  in  company  with  others 
free  from  disease.  Some  special  directions  are 
also  given  by  pope  Zacharias,  A.D.  741-752  (Ep. 
xii.)  de  regio  morbo  laborantibus  ;  the  regius 
morbus  in  this  instance  has  been  held  by  some 
to  signify  leprosy.  Martene  (De  Bit.  Antiq. 
iii.  10)  has  printed  from  French  rituals  vari- 
ous specimens  of  the  forms  and  services  to  be 
observed  in  the  treatment  of  lepers,  but  they 
lie  outside  our  period.  [G.  M.] 

LEPTIS,  COUNCIL  OF  (Leptense  Con- 
cilium),  held  A.D.  386,  or  thereabouts,  at  Leptis, 
in  Africa,  when  nine  canons  contained  in  a  synodi- 
cal  letter  of  pope  Siricius  to  the  African  bishops, 
were  received.  By  the  second  of  them  it  is  or- 
dained that  no  single  bishop  may  ordain  another, 
(Mansi,  iii.  670,  and  Supplem.  ad  Colet.  i.  252, 
and  see  ArracAN  Councils.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

LERIDA,  COUNCIL  OF  (Herdense  con- 
cilium), held  A.D.  546 — not  524,  as  was  once 
thought — at  Lerida  in  Catalonia,  and  passed 
sixteen  canons  on  discipline,  to  which  eight 
bishops  subscribed,  the  bishop  of  Lerida  sub- 
scribing last,  and  after  him  one  presbyter  repre- 
senting a  ninth.  By  canon  1,  all  who  minister 
at  the  altar  are  commanded  to  abstain  from 
shedding  of  blood  under  pain  of  being  suspended 
for  two  years,  and  excluded  from  promotion 
ever  afterwards.  By  canon  8,  no  clerk  may  lay 
hands  upon  any  slave  or  pupil  of  his  who  has 
taken  sanctuary.  By  canon  10,  those  who  re- 
fuse to  leave  church,  when  ordered  out  for  mis- 
behaviour by  the  priest,  are  to  be  deemed  con- 
tumacious and  treated  accordingly.  By  canon 
14,  the  faithful  may  not  communicate,  nor  so 
much  as  eat,  with  the  rebaptized.  Other  canons 
are  given  to  this  council  by  Burchard :  among 
them,  one  referring  to  the  purgation  of  pope 
Leo  III.,  which  took  place  two  and  a  half  cen- 
turies afterwards  (Mansi,  viii.  609  sq.  ;  comn. 
Catalan,  Cone.  Hisp.  iii.  172).  [E.  S.  Ff.J 

LESSON.    [Lection  ;  Lectionary.] 

LESTINES,  COUNCIL  OF  (Liptinense 
Concilium),  said  to  have  been  held  at  Liptines, 
or  Lestines,  in  Hainault,  a.d.  743,  or  according 
to  Mansi,  745;  described  as  one  of  the  five 
councils  under  St.  Boniface,  but  beset  with  as 
many  difficulties  as  the  rest.  1.  All  the  four 
canons  assigned  to  it  reappear  among  Carlonian's 
capitularies,  dated  Liptines,  A.D.  743  (Mansi,  xi. 
Append.  105);  indeed  the  first  of  them  speaks  of 
3  S 


080     L-ETTERS  COMMENDATORY 

the  counts  and  prefects,  as  well  as  bishops,  who 
had  met  there  to  confirm  what  a  former  synod 
had  passed.  2.  The  heading  says  it  was  celebrated 
under  Carloman,  and  makes  no  mention  of  Boni- 
face. 3.  Hincmar  and  others,  who  are  supposed 
to  refer  to  it,  affirm  that  a  legate  from  Rome, 
named  George,  presided  at  it  jointly  with  St. 
Boniface.  But  George  was  not  sent  into  France 
by  Zachariah,  but  by  Stephen  II. ;  nor  before 
Feb.  755  (^God.  Carol.  Ep.  viii.  ed.  Migne),  by 
when  St.  Boniface  had  been  dead  eight  months. 
Hence  some  have  supposed  a  second  council  ol 
Liptines  in  that  year.  The  question  is  rather, 
whether  the  fii'st  has  been  truly  described  as  a 
council.  (Mansi,  xii.  370-5  and  589.  Comp. 
Hartzheim's  Cone.  Germ.  i.  50,  et  seq.) 

[E.  S.  Ff.] 
LETTERS  COMMENDATORY  [Commen- 
datory Letters]. 

LETTERS  DIMISSORY  [Dimissory  Let- 
ters]. 

LETTERS,  FORMS  OF  [Liber  Diuenus  ; 
Superscription]. 

LETTERS,  PASCHAL  [Paschal  Let- 
ters]. 

LETTERS,  PASTORAL  [Pastoral  Let- 
ters]. 

LETTERS  ON  VESTMENTS.  In  the 
examples  of  early  Christian  art  to  be  seen  in  the 
frescoes  of  the  catacombs,  and  the  mosaics  of  the 
basilicas,  the  dresses  of  the  persons  depicted  are, 
in  innumerable  instances,  marked  by  one  or  more 
letters  or  monograms  on  the  border  or  outer  fold. 
The  letters  thus  employed  are  very  various,  and 
usually,  if  not  always,  belong  to  the  Greek  alpha- 
bet, and  it  must  be  acknowledged  that  hitherto 
no  satisfactory  explanation  of  their  occurrence 
has  been  given.  Those  most  frequently  met 
with  are  I,  H,  X,  T,  T,  T.  The  last  letter,  the 
capital  gamma,  was  of  such  frequent  use  on  the 
ecclesiastical  robes  of  the  Greek  church,  that  it 
gave  its  name  to  a  class  of  vestments  [Gam- 
madia],  Arbitrary  symbols  are  also  found,  to 
which  no  meaning  can  be  assigned,  such  as  [], 
J,  J,  il,  Z,  [z:,  I,  (J).  The  earlier  school  of 
Christian  archaeologists  which  was  resolved  to 
find  a  sacred  meaning  in  every  detail  of  the  pic- 
ture or  bas-relief  under  consideration,  had  no 
difficulty  in  deciding  that  T  and  X  represented 
the  cross  in  different  forms,  while  both  I  and  H 
stood  for  Jesus,  and  V  invariably  denoted  an 
apostle  (Bosio,  Eom.  Sott.  lib.  iv.  c.  3,  p.  592  ; 
Ariughi,  Eom.  Su'd.  ii.  lib.  vi.  c.  28;  Mellini 
apud  Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  torn.  i.  c.  xiii.  p.  98). 
This  supposed  law,  hastily  deduced  from  in- 
sufficient evidence,  has  been  entirely  refuted  by 
wider  examination.  Ciampini  (J.  c.)  proves  it  to 
be  quite  baseless.  The  theory  however  pro- 
pounded by  him,  and  supported  by  Buonarroti 
(  Vetri,  p.  89),  that  those  letters  and  monograms 
on  the  dresses  were  the  weavers'  marks  is 
equally  destitute  of  a  solid  foundation,  and  is 
ridiculed  by  Ferrario  (Costume  antico  e  mode  mo : 
Europa,  vol.  iii.  p.  149  ;  Monum,enti  di  Sant'  Am- 
brogio  in  Milano,  p.  176),  since  the  same  marks 
appear  in  mosaics  most  widely  separated  both  by 
time  and  place.  Other  theories,  e.g.,  that  the 
letters  indicate  the  name  of  the  individual  repre- 
sented, or  of  the  mosaic-workei\«,  or  even  of  the 


LEVITE 

tailors  who  made  the  clothes,  prove  equally  un- 
tenable, aud  the  hopelessness  of  discovering  any 
principle  that  would  satisfactorily  account  at  the 
same  time  for  the  variety  and  the  identity  of  the 
marks  has  led  some  to  assert  that  they  were 
used  capriciously  (e.g.,  Suarez,  bishop  of  Vaison, 
de  Vestibus  literatis,  p.  7),  without  any  fixed  law 
simply  in  imitation  of  an  already  established 
custom.  The  existence  of  this  custom  of  weaving, 
or  embroidering  letters  in  the  fabric,  or  sewing 
them  on  to  the  stuft",  is  proved  by  classical 
authorities.  Pliny  speaks  of  the  ostentation  of 
Zeuxis  the  painter,  in  having  his  name  woven  in 
golden  letters  on  the  border  of  his  pallium  at 
Olympia  (^Hist.  Nat.  lib.  xsxv.  c.  36,  §  2). 
Apuleius  speaks  of  "  lacinias  auro  literatas " 
{De  Asin.  aur.  lib.  6,  ad  init.).  Vopiscus  de- 
scribes Carinus  as  adopting  the  same  custom 
(Vopisc.  in  Garin.).  Suidas  (s.v.)  defines  Tpt$o>- 
i'0(t>6pos  as  "one  wearing  a  robe,  having  on  it 
signs  like  small  letters"  ((T7?/i6?a  us  ypafifidria). 
The  purple  davi  sewn  on  the  senatorial  robes, 
which  gave  its  designation  to  the  litidavium,  are 
considered  by  Rubenius  to  have  been  "  letters, 
not  mere  stripes,"  "  literas  laciniis  palliorum 
insertas  "  (De  lie  vestiaria,  lib.  iii.  c.  12).  In  the 
well-known  vision  of  Boethius,  the  ascent  from 
practical  to  theoretical  wisdom  is  symbolised  by 
the  letter  n  woven  into  the  bottom  of  the  bor- 
der of  the  robe  of  Philosophy,  and  0  at  the  top, 
the  intervening  space  being  occupied  with  letters 
arranged  like  the  steps  of  a  ladder  (/>e  Gonsolat. 
lib.  i.  pros.  1).  Although  it  is  impossible  to 
believe  that  the  selection  of  the  letters  in  the 
Christian  representations  was  entirely  capricious, 
it  must  be  confessed  that  no  satisfactory  expla- 
nation of  them  has  yet  been  given,  and  that  the 
subject  requires  further  elucidation.        [£.  V,] 

LEUCIUS  (1)  Bishop  of  Brindisi,  or  Leon- 
Tius,  or  Laurentius  (Greg.  Ep.  vi.  62  (ix.  73), 
cf.  De  Rossi,  Rom.  Sott.  ii.  228),  is  commemorated 
Jan.  11.      (Mart.  Hieron.) 

(2)  Companion  martyr  of  Thyrsus,  at  Nico- 
media,  under  Decius,  Dec.  14  (Gal.  Byz.  and 
Men.  Basil.);  but  Jan.  18  and  20  Mart.  Hieron. 
which  on  the  latter  day  refers  them  to  Nijon  iu 
Switzerland,  whither  their  relics  had  been  trans- 
ferred ;  and  at  Apollonia  Jan.  28.  (Mart.  Rom.. 
Parv.  etc.)  [E.  B.  B.] 

LEUDOMARUS,  bishop  of  Chalons,  t  Oct. 
2,  before  A.d.  589.     (Acta  SS.  Oct.  i.  335.) 

[E.  B.  B.] 

LEUGATHUS,  martyr,  Oct.  22.  (Acta  SS. 
Oct.  ix.  536.)  [E.  B.  B.] 

LEUTFREDUS,  a  confessor  who  by  his 
prayei'S  caused  a  fountain  to  well  forth  in  Meer 
near  Montfort-l'Amaury.     June  21,  Usuard. 

[E.  B.  B.] 

LEVITE.  (Aemrijs,  AeueiTTjr,  Leiifa.)  Pro- 
fessor Lightfoot  has  remarked  (on  FhiUppians, 
p.  187,  2nd  ed.)  that  "the  Levite,  whose  function 
it  was  to  keep  the  beasts  for  slaughter,  to  cleanse 
away  the  blood  and  offal  of  the  sacrifices,  to  serve 
as  porter  at  the  temple  gates,  and  to  swell  the 
chorus  of  sacred  psalmody,  bears  no  strong  re- 
semblance to  the  Christian  deacon,  whose  minis- 
trations lay  among  the  widows  and  orphans,  and 
whose  time  was  almost  wholly  spent  in  works  of 
charity."     Nevertheless,  when  the  three  orders 


LEVITO 

•of  the  Christian  ministry  came  to  be  universally 
Tocognised,  the  analogy  between  the  bishop  with 
his  attending  presbyters  and  ministering  deacons, 
and  the  high-priest  with  his  attending  priests 
and  mini  tering  Levites,  was  on  the  surfjice 
so  strong,  that  the  terms  appropriate  to  the 
one  soon  came  to  be  transferred  to  the  other. 
Thus  Origen  {Horn.  12  in  Jerem.  3,  iii.  p.  196, 
ed.  Delarue),  quoted  by  Lightfoot  (ih,  p.  256), 
regards  the  priests  and  Levites  as  correspond- 
ing to  the  presbyters  and  deacons  respectively. 
From  the  third  century  onward  Levite  is  a 
frequent  designation  of  the  Christian  ministry. 
Thus  the  2nd  council  of  Carthage,  a.d.  390, 
designates  (c.  2)  the  three  orders  of  the  ministry 
-as  antistites,  sacerdotes,  and  Levitae  {Codex  Eccl. 
Afric.  c.  3).  Synesius  {Epist.  58,  p.  35,  ed. 
Paris,  1640)  speaks  of  the  different  grades  of  the 
ministry  as  Levites,  presbyters,  and  bishops. 

In  the  early  portion  of  the  Apostolical  Consti- 
tutions, however,  the  bishops  are  regarded  as  suc- 
ceeding to  the  Levitical  privileges  of  the  older 
dispensation.  The  bishops  who  serve  the  holy 
tabernacle,  that  is,  the  Holy  Catholic  Church, 
are  the  Levites  in  respect  of  the  congregation  (ii. 
25.  5);  the  bishops  inherited  the  Levitical  privi- 
lege of  receiving  gifts  for  the  benefit  of  the  com- 
munity (iv.  8.  1).  On  the  other  hand,  in  the 
later  portion  of  the  Constitutions  (viii.  46.  3  fF.) 
the  high-priest,  priest,  and  Levite  are  regarded 
as  analogous  to  bishop,  presbyter,  and  deacon. 

[C] 
LEVITO  (also  Levitonarium,  Lehito,  Lehito- 
narium,  Lehetes ;  Ae0iT<iv,  Ae^riTciv,  \(^r}To>v- 
dpwv,  AeviTuy,  etc.).  The  name  Levito,  a  word 
apparently  of  Coptic  origin"  (see  Tattam's 
Lexicon  Acgyptiaco-Latinum,  in  Append.),  is 
used  for  a  kind  of  sleeveless  cloak,  ordinarily 
worn  by  Egyptian  monks — "  Lebitonarium  est 
colobium  sine  manicis,  quali  monachi  Aegyptii 
utuntur  (Isidore,  Etym.  xix.  22).  The  word 
occurs  frequenuly  in  the  Rule  of  Pachomius,  of 
which  we  have  Jerome's  translation  from  Euse- 
bius  {Vita,  c.  2;  Regula,  cc.  2,  67,  70,  81  ;  in 
Jerome,  vol.  ii.  53  sqq.  ed.  Vallarsi).  From  this 
we  learn  that  each  monk  was  allowed  two 
Levitonaria  and  a  Psiathium,  or  mat,  in  his  cell. 
The  material,  of  which  this  dress  was  made, 
was  doubtlessly  linen.  Menard  {Not.  ad  Con- 
cord. Regularum,  Benedicti  Anianensis,  c.  2 ; 
Patrol,  ciii.  1237)  argues  that  in  the  passage 
of  Isidore  cited  above,  the  word  lineum  has 
dropped  out  after  colobium,  for  Papias,  the 
grammarian,  quoting  apparently  from  Isidore, 
so  reads  it.  Also,  Ruffinus  {de  Vitis  Patrum, 
c.  7  ;  Patrol,  xsi.  411)  speaks  of  it  as  "  stupeum 
colobium."  Cassian  again  {de  CocmMonim  In- 
stitutis,  i.  5  ;  Patrol,  xlix.  68,  where  see  Gazet's 
note)  speaks  of  the  Egyptian  monks  as  "  colobiis 
lineis  induti."  Also  the  Rule  of  Pachomius 
speaks  of  it  directly  as  "tunica  linea."  We 
need  not  therefore  attach  weight  to  the  defini- 
tion given  by  Suidas,  x'tojj'  ^lovaxi-Khs  4k  rpi- 
X<i>v  ffvi/redeifjLivos.     For  further  references,  see 

»  In  the  article  Colobiuh  it  is  suggested  that  the  word 
is  derived  from  Levita,  since  the  colobium  was  the  special 
vestment  of  deacons.  This  view,  though  found  in  some 
mediaeval  writers,  is,  I  think,  quite  untenable,  as  the 
passages  already  cited  point  distinctly  to  a  primarily 
monastic  use,  and  connect  the  drees  essentially  with 
ICgypt. 


LIBELLI 


981 


Ephrem  Syrus  {do  Humilitate,  c.  88  ;  vol.  i.  326, 
ed.  Assemani)  and  Palladius  {Hist.  Lausiaca,  cc! 
38,  5^;  Patrol.  Gr.  xxxiv.  1099,  1138);  also 
Ducange,  Glossaries,  s.  vv.  TR.  g  "1 

LIAFWINI.     [LiviNus.] 

LIASTINONUS  (Liastamon),  Egyptian 
martyr ;  commemorated  Feb.  9  {Mart.  Hieron  • 
Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  294).  [c.  H.]  ' 

LIBANIUS  (Levangius),  bishop  of  Senlis, 
6th  century;  commemorated  Oct.  19  (Acta 
SS.  Oct.  viii.  447).  [C.  H.] 

LIBANUS,  Egyptian  abbat ;  commemorated 
Ter.  3  =  Dec.  29  {Cal.  Etiiiop.).  [C.  H.] 

LIBAEIA,  virgin  and  martyr  in  Lorraine, 
4th  century  ;  commemorated  Oct.  8  {Acta  SS 
Oct.  iv.  228).  [C.H.] 

LIBEL  {Libellus  famosu^).  The  frequent 
enactments,  both  in  ecclesiastical  and  civil 
legislation,  against  the  circulation  of  libels, 
that  is,  scandalous  charges  circulated  in  writ- 
ing, prove  the  frequency  of  the  practice. 
The  Theodosian  Code  (lib.  is.  tit.  34,  de 
Famosis  Libellis)  has  detailed  and  rigorous 
enactments.  Even  the  reader  or  collector  of 
such  libels  is  to  be  liable  to  capital  punishment. 
And  that  of  Justinian  has  provisions  substan- 
tially the  same.  This  seems  to  have  been 
because  the  person  in  possession  of  or  circulating 
a  libel,  was  presumed,  in  law,  to  have  been  the 
author  of  it  and  punished  as  such  (sciat  so  quasi 

auctorem  hujusmodi subjugandum).    And 

this  presumption  might  probably  be  rebutted  by 
suitable  evidence.  The  Apostolical  Canans  (Nos. 
54,  55,  83)  deal  only  with  the  case  of  a  clergy- 
man maligning  another  cleric,  or  a  bishop,  or  the 
emperor ;  in  the  latter  case  he  was  to  be  deposed. 
Sozomen  {Hist.  Eccles.  lib.  i.  c.  17)  remarks  on  the 
proneness  of  the  clergy  to  present  to  the  emperor 
accusations  {^i^Kia)  against  each  other  before 
the  first  council  of  Nice,  and  relates  that  Con- 
stantine  ordered  all  these  libelli  to  be  burnt 
unread. 

In  a  collection  of  canons  said  to  have  been 
delivered  by  pope  Adrian  to  Ingilram,  bishop  of 
Metz,  we  find  one  apparently  founded  on  the  rule 
of  law  mentioned  above,  and  embodying  similar 
provisions.  And  the  Council  of  Eliberis  (a.d. 
305)  anathematised  in  its  52nd  canon  those 
who  should  be  found  to  have  circulated  libels, 
"  faniosos  libellos,"  in  the  church. 

In  the  6th  century  denunciations  of  this 
offence  become  much  rarer.  From  that  period 
forwards  we  have  only  a  very  few  canons,  and 
those  in  general  terms,  against  libel.  The  councils 
are  mostly  occupied  with  a  different  class  of 
offences,  such  as  would  naturally  arise  in  the 
ruder  state  of  society  which  followed  upon  the 
irruption  of  the  barbarians  and  the  fall  of  the 
empire.  [S.  J.  E.] 

LIBELLATICL    [Libelli.] 

LIBELLI.  I.  In  the  Decian  persecution  the 
constitution  of  the  courts  employed  to  enforce 
conformity,  and  the  number  of  minor  officials  deal- 
ing with  individuals,  rendered  evasion  easy.  The 
approved  form  of  submission  to  the  state  ritual 
was  (as  under  Trajan)  to  offer  sacrifice  or  incense, 
but  it  was  possible  also  to  tender  submission  in 
writing.  The  name  of  one  who  "  professed  "  in 
3  S  2 


982 


LIBELLI 


this  way  was  subscribed  to  a  renunciation  of 
Christianity,  or  to  a  denial  of  the  charge,  or  to  a 
declaration  of  having  recently  or  habitually  at- 
tended sacrifices,  or  sometimes  (unless  Augustine 
has  fallen  into  an  unlikely  mistake)  to  a  mere 
profession  of  readiness  to  comply.  This  docu- 
ment was  delivered  to  a  magisti-ate,  entered  on 
the  Acta,  and  finally  published  in  the  Forum. 

II.  Certificates  of  e.xemption,  like  the  "Par- 
liamentary Certificates "  of  our  own  history, 
were  offered  by  ofliicials  for  money,  and  ac- 
tually thrust  on  persons  who  believel  them- 
selves, after  privately  avowing  their  faith,  to  be 
only  purchasing  exemption  from  the  obligation 
to  conform.  This  would  have  been  simply  a 
species  of  confiscation,  which  has  rarely  given 
great  oifence  (the  church  penance  for  it  was  of 
si.\  months'  duration,  S.  Pet.  Alex.,  can.  5 ;  but 
on  the  Montanist  view  of  such  acts  see  Tillemont 
sur  la  persecution  de  Dece,  note  iii).  But  it  is 
evident  from  the  efforts  of  Cyprian  to  awaken 
penitence  in  respect  of  them,  that  the  purport  of 
this  kind  of  libellus  was  not  less  objectionable 
than  the  first.  They  cannot  have  sanctioned 
exemption  without  some  gi-ounds  alleged,  and 
those  grounds  can  scarcely  have  been  any  other 
than  that  the  certifying  officer  declared  himself 
satisfied  of  the  sound  paganism  of  the  recipient. 

The  difficulties  found  by  authors  on  the  sub- 
ject of  libelli  have  arisen  from  the  assumption 
that  they  were  all  of  one  kind,  or  that  there 
could  be  any  regular  formal  procedure  for  the 
evasion  of  procedure.  On  the  contrary,  every 
conceivable  means  would  be  adopted.  The  ac- 
counts are  not  irreconcilable,  but  are  about 
different  things.  Cyprian's  language  is  precise 
to  technicality  in  the  use  of  professional  terms. 

I.  (1),  That  libellus  which  the  suspected  Chris- 
tian tendered  is  characterised  in  Cyprian  de 
Lapsis,  xxvii.  22,  "  Professio  est  denegantis,  con- 
testatio  christiani  quod  fuerat  (cf.  for  this  pecu- 
liar phrase,  Cyp.  c.  Demetr.  xiii.  11,  id  quod 
prius  fueram)  abnuentis."  In  Ep.  30,  iii.  3, 
"  Professio  libellorum "  is  again  the  exhibition 
or  putting  in  of  such  documents.  Profiteri  is 
the  proper  term,  as  in  the  Acts  of  St.  Agape 
(Ruinart,  p.  424),  Christi  negationem  scriptam 
profiteri,  and  compare  Aug.  de  Bap.  c.  Bon.  iv. 
6.  Again,  contcstatio  means  the  plea,  or  state- 
ment of  his  own  case,  made  by  either  party  to 
a  suit,  answering  to  the  Sico/uoffio  of  the  Athe- 
nian courts.  The  Roman  clergy  in  Cypr.  Up. 
30,  iii.  3,  argue  correctly  that  although  a  man 
may  never  have  approached  the  altar,  he  is 
bound  by  the  fact  of  having  put  in  a  legal 
affirmation  (contestatus  sit)  that  he  had  done  it. 

In  the  above  passages  the  libellus  is  a  docu- 
ment emanating  from  the  recanting  persons. 
Such  are  described  in  Peter  of  Alexandria 
(can.  5)  as  x^'po^po^ijfraj'Tey.  The  nature  of 
its  contents  is  indicated  in  the  passage  of  the 
de  Lapsis,  "  He  has  declared  himself  to  have 
done  whatever  another  in  fact  sinfully  did " 
(faciendo  commisit),  although  this  passage  im- 
plies further  the  appearance  of  a  deputy,  a  slave 
or  heathen  friend  to  personate  him  in  the  sacri- 
ficial act,  as  was  common  in  the  persecution  of 
Diocletian. 

The  offence  of  the  bishop  Martial  {Ep.  67,  vi.) 
who  was  "  stained  with  the  libellus  of  idolatry," 
is  explained  by  this  use  of  the  word  contestatus. 
In  the  public  proceedings  (actis  publico  habitis  ] 


LIBELLI 

apud)  before  the  Ducenary  Procurator,  he  had 
appeared  to  put  in  a  declaration  that  he  had 
denied  Christ  and  adopted  a  heathen  cultus. 
He  is  not  accused  of  having  ever  actually  sacri- 
ficed, and  according  to  Augustine  (/.  c.)  libelli 
might  contain  only  a  declaration  of  readiness  to 
do  so. 

(2)  A  second  class  are  spoken  of  by  Novatiau 
and  the  Roman  clergy,  as  having  virtually  "  given 
acknowledgments,  quittances,  or  discharges " 
(accepta  fecissent,  the  best  authenticated  read- 
ing, is  a  common  term  (Dirksen,  Manuale,  s.  v.), 
but  "  acta  facere,"  which  Neander  adopts, 
makes  good  sense,  namely,  "  to  put  in  a  plea  in  a 
process  "),  though  not  present  in  person,  "  cum 
fierent ;"  inasmuch  as  they  had  made  a  legal 
appearance  (praesentiam  suam  fecissent)  by  com- 
missioning a  proxy  to  register  their  names  (man- 
dando  ut  sic  scriberentur)  on  the  lists  of  con- 
formity. Novatian  argues  that,  as  one  who 
orders  a  crime  is  responsible  for  its  commission, 
so  one  who  sanctions  (consensu)  the  reading  in 
public  (publice  legitur)  of  an  untrue  declaratioa 
about  himself  is  liable  to  be  proceeded  against 
as  if  it  were  true. 

II.  The  other  kind  of  libellus  which  emanated 
not  from  the  renegade  but  from  the  magistrate, 
is  described  with  equal  precision.  In  the  Epistle 
to  Antonian  (55,  xi.  8),  Cyprian  says  some  of  the 
Libellatici  had  received  such.  An  opportunity 
for  obtaining  one  presented  itself  unsought 
(occasio  libelli  oblata  .  .  .  ostensa) ;  they  went 
in  person  or  by  deputy  (mandavi)  to  a  magis- 
trate, informed  him  of  their  religion,  and  paid  a 
sum  for  exemption  from  sacrifice.  Since  no 
magistrate  could  issue  an  order  simply  staying 
the  execution  of  an  edict,  his  certificate  un- 
doubtedly contained  a  statement  of  the  satis- 
factory paganism  of  its  holder.  Thus  Cyprian 
tried  to  awaken  their  consciences,  while  they- 
felt  that  they  had  avowed  their  religion,  and 
that  the  form  of  the  document  was  not  their 
affair. 

Again,  in  the  Exhortation  of  Martyrdom, 
Christians  are  urged  if  a  libellus  is  offered  (libelli 
oblata  sibi  occasione)  not  to  embrace  the  gift 
(decipientium  malum  munus),  by  the  example 
of  Eleazar,  who  refused  the  facilities  offered  him 
of  eating  lawful  flesh  as  a  make-believe  for  pork. 
The  official  connivance  in  each  case  would  have 
enabled  them  to  seem  to  do  what  they  did  not. 
The  libellus  is  here  something  offered,  and  is  a 
munus. 

Thus  nothing  remains  more  clear  than  that 
the  libellus  of  conformity  is  used  for  two  kinds 
of  documents.  Maran  thought  the  distinction 
was  merely  as  to  whether  persons  had  been  pre- 
sent or  not  at  the  registration  of  their  names 
(vita  Cypriani,  vi.).  Rigalt  says  that  the  libella- 
tici only  purchased  a  libellus  of  exemption. 
Tillemont  alone  has  guessed  that  there  might 
be  two  ways,  "Peut-estre  que  Ton  faisait  et 
I'un  et  I'autre."  Whether  a  document  was  issued 
also  in  cases  of  registration  is  not  apparent ;  but 
all  three  sorts  of  persons  are  included  under  the 
name  of  libellatici. 

III.  Libellus  is  the  proper  name  of  a  perfectly 
distinct  kind  of  document  issued  by  confessors  or 
martyrs  in  prison,  to  those  who  had  "  fallen." 
When  the  reaction  commenced  among  the  lapsed, 
in  their  desire  to  recover  their  lost  standing, 
some  reappeared  before  the  tribunals  and  suffered 


LIBELLI 

torture  or  death ;  others  dedicated  themselves 
to  the  service  of  confessors,  others  entered  on 
penances  of  undefined  duration  (Cypr.  Epp.  24, 
21,  56).  Many  more  relied  on  vicarious  impu- 
tations of  merit,  by  means  of  intercessions, 
always  owned  as  availing  for  the  individual 
before  God  (praerogativa  eorum  adjuvari  apud 
Deum  possunt,  Ep.  18,  cf  Ep.  19,  ii.),  but  now 
first  used  in  subversion  of  church  order.  At 
first  a  letter  from  a  martyr  to  the  bishop  only 
prayed  that  the  case  of  a  lapsed  friend  might  be 
enquii-ed  into  on  the  cessation  of  persecution ;  a 
period  of  penitence  and  the  imposition  of  hands 
being  understood  to  be  necessary  just  as  for 
other  sins;  some,  like  Saturninus,  declined  to 
venture  even  on  this  ;  Mappalicus  requested  it 
only  for  his  sister  or  mother  (Cypr.  Ep.  20). 
But  the  presbyters  who  composed  at  Carthage 
the  faction  hostile  to  Cyprian  perceiving  the 
effectiveness  which  might  be  given  to  the  prac- 
tice, anticipated  not  only  the  bishop's  enquiry 
but  even  the  death  of  martyrs,  and  "  offered  the 
names"  of  lapsed  persons  (see  Aubespine,  Obss. 
Ecc.  L.  i.  §  vii.,  prefixed  to  Priorius's  Optatus, 
1676,  p.  40),  and  gave  them  communion  as  duly 
restored  penitents  {Ep.  34)  upon  receiving  such 
letters  from  confessors  without  the  bishop's 
sanction.  These  libelli  sometimes  specified  only 
one  of  a  group  to  whom  they  were  granted, 
"Communicet  ille  cum  suis  "  {Ep.  15).  Then 
they  were  issued  in  the  name  of  deceased  con- 
fessors, and  of  confessors  too  illiterate  to  write 
themselves  {Ep.  27),  and  this  so  copiously  that 
some  thousands  were  supposed  to  be  circulating 
in  Africa  {Ep,  20).  The  chief  authority  in  this 
issue,  Lucianus,  when  remonstrated  with  by 
Cyprian,  seems  to  have  replied  almost  at  once 
•by  promulgating  in  the  name  of  "  all  the  con- 
fessors "  (compare  the  letter  of  ikiras  xopo^ 
fj.apTvpaiv  from  Nicomedia,  end  of  cent.  iii. 
Lucian  ap.  Routh,  Reliquiae,  vol.  iv.)  an  indul- 
gence te  "  all  the  lapsed,"  and  requesting  Cyprian 
himself  to  communicate  it  to  the  provincial 
bishops,  the  sole  condition  annexed  being  that 
their  conduct  since  their  fall  should  have  been 
satisfactory.  This  extraordinary  document  is 
extant,  as  Cyp.  Ep.  23.  Cyprian  himself  was 
prepared  to  concede  some  weight  to  these  libelli 
in  cases  not  undeserving  of  restitution,  but  the 
influence  of  the  martyrs  was  ignored  in  the  coun- 
cil {Carth.  Sub.  Clip,  i.)  which  regulated  the  terms 
•of  readmission.     [African  Councils,  I.  38.] 

These  seditious  libelli  of  the  martyrs  seem  to 
have  had  no  existence  at  Rome.  This  was  no 
•doubt  due  to  the  influence  in  the  exactly  oppo- 
site direction  of  Novatian  over  the  confessors, 
whom  he  commends  for  maintaining  "  Evan- 
^elica  discipiina "  {Ej}.  30,  iv.  4),  and  who  at 
first  adhered  to  him,  and  not  to  the  milder  Cor- 
nelius. The  Roman  presbyters  sympathise  with 
"the  African  episcopate,  and  deplore  the  similar 
revolts  in  Sicily,  and  in  "  nearly  all  the  world." 
They  say  of  Rome,  "  We  seem  to  have  escaped  so 
far  the  disorders  of  the  times."  The  petition  of 
Celerinus  at  Rome  to  the  confessors  of  Carthage 
for  "  Peace  "  to  be  granted  to  his  sisters,  implies 
that  libelli  could  not  practically  be  obtained  at 
Rome  {Ep.  22) ;  accordingly  the  Roman  con- 
fessors who  correspond  with  Cyprian,  urge 
humility  on  the  Carthaginians,  and  go  beyond 
him   in   strictness   {Epp.    27,   31,  32). 

[E.  W.  B.] 


LIBER  DIURNUS 


983 


LIBER  DIURNUS.  The  Liber  Diurnus 
Pontificum  Homanorum  is  a  collection  of  for- 
mulae used  in  the  correspondence  and  ordinary 
business,  the  "negotia  diurna,"  of  the  Roman 
Curia. 

Its  date  is  determined  within  certain  limits 
by  internal  evidence.  In  c.  ii.  tit.  ix.  p.  28, 
Constantine  Pogonatus  is  referred  to  as  departed. 
The  formula  which  contains  this  reference  there- 
fore must  have  been  drawn  up  or  added  to  after 
the  year  685.  And  Gamier  argues  that  the 
book  must  have  been  compiled  before  the  year 
752,  as  it  contains  formulae  of  addresses  to 
eparchs,  which  would,  he  thinks,  not  have  been 
inserted  after  the  date  when  eparchs  were  super- 
seded. He  considers  the  Liber  Diurnus  to  have 
been  drawn  up  in  the  time  of  Gregory  II.  (715- 
731),  mainly  on  the  ground,  that  in  the  second 
"  professio  fidei  "  of  a  newly-elected  pope  which 
it  gives  (p.  33  ff.),  expressions  and  sentiments 
occur  identical  with  some  found  in  letters  of 
that  pope  to  the  emperor  Leo.  Zaccaria,  how- 
ever, has  shewn  that  at  any  rate  the  MS.  which 
Garnier  used  was  almost  certainly  not  written 
earlier  than  the  time  of  Gregory  IV.,  as  it  con- 
tains an  allusion  (c.  ii.  tit.  2,  p.  13)  to  the  date 
of  that  pontiff's  consecration  (Nov.  a.d.  827). 
And  as  it  is  very  probable  that  many  forms 
were  left  standing  after  they  had  ceased  to  be  in 
actual  use,  no  certain  inference  as  to  the  date  of 
the  collection  as  a  whole  can  be  drawn  from  the 
fact,  that  forms  are  given  for  addresses  to  an 
exarch. 

It  was  made  use  of  by  the  early  canonists,  as 
Ivo  of  Chartres,  Anselm,  Deusdedit,  and  Gratiau 
(Dist.  xvi.  c.  8) ;  but  as  in  the  course  of  time 
forms  of  proceeding  changed,  it  gradually  fell 
out  of  use,  and  copies  became  rare. 

Some  time  before  the  year  1650  the  well- 
known  Lucas  Holstenius  saw  in  the  Cistercian 
monastery  of  S.  Croce  in  Gerusalemme  at  Rome 
an  ancient  MS.*  of  the  Liber  Diurnus,  and  with 
some  difficulty  obtained  from  the  abbat  leave  to 
have  it  transcribed  —  a  task  which  is  said  to 
have  been  performed  in  a  single  night.  While 
he  was  preparing  to  publish  this,  he  heard  of 
another  MS.  at  Paris,  in  the  possession  of  Sir- 
mond,  which  was  sent  to  him  at  Rome  (Sir- 
mondi  Opera,  iv.  pp.  685  f.  and  701).  He  does 
not  appear  however  to  have  made  any  use  of 
this  MS.,  for  what  reason  we  do  not  know.  His 
edition  was  printed,  and  a  copy  is  found  in  the 
Vatican  Library  with  the  following  title-page  in 
Holstenius's  own  hand-writing :  "  Diurnus  Pon- 
tificum, sive  vetus  Formularium,  quo  S.  Pom. 
Ecclesia  ante  annos  M  utcbaiur.  Lucas  Hol- 
stenius edidit  cum  Notis.  Romae  typis  Lud. 
Griniani,  MDCL.  8vo."  The  notes  are  wanting, 
but  Zaccaria,  towards  the  end  of  the  last  century, 
saw  Holstenius's  preparations  for  them  still  pre- 
served at  Rome.  The  sheets  were  ready  then  in 
1650,  but  not  issued.  The  same  book  exactly, 
with  the  exception  of  some  slight  variations  in 
the  last  sheet,  is  found  with  the  printed  title, 
"  Liber  Diurnus  Pomanorum  Pontificum  ex  anti- 
quissimo  codice  ms.  nunc  jjrimum  in  luccm  editus 
Bomae  typis  Josephi  Vannicd,  1658."  But  the 
censors  intervened,  and  the  book  was  not  pub- 


"  This  MS.  is  described  by  Pertz  (Ital.  Eeise,  in  Archiv 
fur  iiltere  Deutscfui  Gcschidttskunde,  v.  27)  us  an  8vo, 
volume  of  parchment  of  (probably)  the  8th  century. 


984 


LIBER  DIURNUS 


lished,  though  some  sheets  of  it  were  sent  to 
Petrus  de  Marca  in  1660  (Baluze  on  de  Marca, 
de  Concordia,  I.  ix.  7).  It  is  almost  certain  that 
this  suppression  of  the  book  was  due  to  its  con- 
demnation of  pope  Honorius  (^Professio  Pontif. 
p.  41)  as  abetting  heretics,  a  sentiment  which 
seemed  to  Cardinal  Bona,  when  the  matter  was 
submitted  to  him  as  president  of  the  Congrega- 
tion of  the  Index,  a  perilous  one.  In  the  ponti- 
ficate, however,  of  Benedict  XIII.  (1724-1730) 
copies  of  the  edition  called  of  1658  (really  of 
1650)  were  permitted  to  circulate. 

Meantime  Jean  Gamier  published  an  edition 
of  the  Liber  Diurnus  in  quarto  at  Paris,  in  the 
year  1680.  This  seems  to  have  been  founded  on 
the  Paris  MS.  In  1685  Mabillon  {Mus.  Ital.  i. 
75)  saw  at  Rome  the  original  MS.  which  had 
been  copied  for  Holstenius,  and  finding  in  it 
some  formulae  not  contained  in  Garnier's  edition, 
inserted  them  in  his  Museum  Italicum  (i.  pt.  2, 
pp.  32,  37),  together  with  a  selection  of  passages 
in  which  the  reading  of  the  MS.  difiered  from 
that  of  Garnier's  edition.  These  additions  and 
various  readings  were  used  by  Hoflmann  in  pre- 
paring the  edition  which  he  inserted  in  his  Nova 
Collectio  Scriptorum,  vol.  ii.  pp.  1-268  (Leipzig, 
1733).  J.  D.  Schopflin  in  his  Comuientat tones 
Hist,  ct  Crit.  (Basil.  1741),  pp.  502-524,  having 
had  access  to  a  copy  of  the  edition  of  Holstenius, 
noted  almost  all  the  places  in  which  this  differs 
from  that  of  Garnier,  and  also  added  (pp. 
525-530)  those  portions  which  are  wanting  in 
Garnier's  edition,  omitting  four  paragraphs,  for 
what  reason  is  not  apparent.  The  edition  of 
Eiegger  (Vienna,  1762)  is  a  mere  reprint  of  the 
original  Paris  edition.  This  is  also  reprinted  in 
Migne's  I'atrologia,  vol.  105,  with  Mabillon's 
additions. 

Garnier  found  the  hundred  and  four  formulae 
in  the  codex  without  arrangement  or  division 
into  parts  or  chapters.  He  arranged  the  matter 
and  divided  it  into  seven  chapters.  Of  these 
the  first  contains  the  proper  forms  for  papal 
letters  to  the  emperor,  the  empress,  the  patri- 
cian, the  exarch,  a  consul,  a  king,  a  patriarch, 
etc. ;  the  second  treats  of  the  election  and  conse- 
cration of  a  pope,  together  with  the  proper  forms 
of  the  letters  to  be  written  on  such  occasions  to 
the  emperor,  the  exarch,  and  other  official  per- 
sonages ;  the  third,  of  the  consecration  by  the 
pope  of  the  suburbicarian  bishops ;  in  the  fourth 
are  four  formulae  for  the  bestowing  of  the  Pal- 
lium ;  the  fifth  contains  twenty-one  formulae 
for  various  transactions  between  the  pope  and 
the  bishops  of  his  own  consecration ;  the  sixth 
relates  to  the  management  of  the  estates  of  the 
Church ;  and  the  seventh  to  the  granting  of 
privileges  to  various  ecclesiastical  corporations, 
as  monasteries  and  hospitals. 

The  book  contains  matter  of  great  interest 
both  in  a  dogmatic  and  an  archaeological  point 
of  view.  The  "  Professions  "  of  a  newly  elected 
pope  refer  to  such  matters  as  ecclesiastical  tra- 
dition, the  respect  due  to  the  creeds  of  Nicaea 
and  Constantinople,  the  heresies  to  be  abjured 
and  condenmed,  the  claims  of  the  Roman  primate. 
The  particulars  of  the  order  to  be  observed  and 
the  persons  to  be  informed,  on  a  vacancy  of  the 
papal  see,  are  brought  into  clearer  light  by  this 
document  than  by  any  other  of  so  early  a  date. 
Much  is  learned  as  to  the  relation  between  the 
pope   and   the   bishops   of  his  own  archdiocese, 


LIBERIUS 

and  also  between  the  pope  and  the  metropolitans 
who  owned  his  jurisdiction,  as  to  the  conditions 
and  the  periods  of  ordination  generally,  to  the 
residence  of  bishops,  to  the  care  and  distribution 
of  the  property  of  the  church  ;  as  to  the  different 
classes  of  churches — basilicas,  tituli,  oratories, 
and  the  like — their  consecration,  their  endow- 
ment, and  the  offices  to  be  performed  in  them ; 
and  as  to  the  care  of  the  sick  and  poor.  In  a 
word,  a  considerable  portion  of  the  ecclesiastical 
— especially  the  Roman  ecclesiastical — life  of 
the  8th  century,  or  thereabouts,  receives  illus- 
tration from  the  Liber  Diurnus. 

(See  Garnier's  preface  to  the  Liber  Diurnus 
[Migne,  Patrol,  cv.  pp.  11-22];  and  Zaccaria'.s 
Dissert,  de  L.  D.,  in  his  Bibliuth.  Bit.  t.  ii.  sec. 
ii.  pp.  ccxxix.-ccxcvi.,  Rome,  1781  ;  and  in 
Migne,  cv.  pp.  1361-1404.  The  most  recent 
edition  is  that  by  Eug.  de  Rozifere ;  Paris, 
1869.)  [C] 

LIBERA  NOS.  The  amplification  of  the 
petition  "  Deliver  us  from  evil,"  in  the  Lord's 
Prayer,  found  in  almost  all  liturgies.  For  in- 
stance, that  of  the  Galilean  (which  is  variable), 
is  on  Christmas  Day — "  Libera  nos,  omnipotens 
Deus,  ab  omni  malo  et  custodi  nos  in  omni  opere 
bono,  perfecta  Veritas  et  vera  libertas  Deus,  qui 
regnas  in  saecula  saeculorum."  That  of  St. 
James's  Liturgy  is  given  under  Embolismus 
[i.  609].  Many  liturgies  contain  supplications 
for  the  intercession  of  saints  in  the  Libera  nos. 

[IXTERCESSION,  I.  844.]  [C] 

LIBERALIS  (1)  Martyr  of  Alexandria;, 
commemorated  April  24  (^ifart.  Hieron. ;  Acta 
SS.  Apr.  iii.  265).  [C.  H.] 

(2)  Of  Altinum  in  Venetia,  confessor,  circ. 
A.D.  400 ;  commemorated  April  27  (Usuard. 
Auct.  ;  Acta  SS.  Apr.  iii.  489).  [C.  H.] 

LIBERATA  (1)  Of  Ticinum  (Pavia),  circ. 
A.D.  500;  commemorated  Jan.  16  (^Acta  SS. 
Jan.  ii.  32).  [C.  H.] 

(2)  Of  Mons  Calvus  (Chaumont),  6th  century  ; 
commemorated  Feb.  3  (Usuard.  Auct.  ;  Acta  SS. 
Feb.  iii.  361).  [C.  H.] 

(3)  Of  Comum  (Como),  virgin  and  martyr, 
circ.  A.D.  580 ;  commemorated  Jan.  18  (^Acta 
SS.  Jan.  ii.  196).  (C.  H.] 

LIBERATUS  (1)  Of  Amphitrea  (unknown) ; 
commemorated  Dec.  20  (^Mart.  Usuard.)  [C.  H.] 

(2)  Abbat  and  martyr,  circ.  i  1).  483 ;  com- 
memorated in  Africa  Aug.  17  (Usaard.  Auct. ; 
Acta  SS.  Aug.  iii.  455).  [C.  H.] 

(3)  Physician  and  martyr,  circ.  A.D.  484 ; 
commemorated  in  Africa  Mar.  23  (^Acta  SS.  Mar. 
iii.  461).  [C.  H.] 

LIBERIUS  (1)  Archbishop  of  Ravenna,  circ. 
A.D.  200 ;  commemorated  April  29  (Usuard. 
Auct. ;  Acta  SS.  Apr.  iii.  614).  [C.  H.] 

(2)  (LiBERUS,  LiBUS)  Bishop  ;  commemorated 
at  Rome  May  17  (^Mart.  Hieron. ;  Aata  SS.  May 
iv.  26).  [C.  H.] 

(3)  Bishop  of  Rome ;  commemorated  Sept.  23- 
(Hart.  Hieron.,  Ado,  Append. ;  Usuard.  Auct.  ; 
Acta  SS.  Sept.  vi.  572) ;  Tagmen  4=Aug.  27, 
and  Tekempt  7  =  Oct.  4  (Neale,  Cal.  Ethiop.);. 
Aug.  27  and  Oct.  6  (Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.). 

[C.H.] 


LIBERTINUS 

LIBERTINUS,  martyr  at  Gildoba  in 
Thrace  ;  commemorated  Dec.  20  (^Mart.  Hkron. ; 
cf.  Usuard,  ad  diem,  Obss.).  [C.  H.] 

LIBIUS  (LiBus),  martyr  in  Pannonia;  com- 
memorated Feb.  23  (Mart.  Hieron. ;  Usuard. 
Auct. ;  Acta  SS.  Feb.  iii.  366).  [C.  H.] 

LIBORIUS,  bishop  of  Mans,  patron  of  Pader- 
born,  4th  century,  confessor ;  commemorated 
July  23  and  June  9  (Usuard.  Aitct.  ;  Ado,  Mart. 
Append. ;  Acta  SS.  July,  v.  394 ;  see  also  Usuard. 
Auct.  ad  April  28,  May  28).  [C.  H.] 

LIBOSA  ;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia  Feb. 
22  (Mart.  Hieron. ;  Acta  SS.  iii.  289).     [C.  H.] 

LIBOSUS ;  commemorated  at  Rome  June  3 
{Mart.  Hieron. ;  Acta  SS.  June,  i.  287). 

[C.  H.] 

LIBRA.  In  the  later  Roman  empire  the  pound 
of  gold  was  divided  into  72  .lurei  or  solidi  (CoAex, 
s.  tit.  70,  s.  5 :  see  DiCT.  OF  Greek  and 
Roman  Antiq.  s.v.  "  Aurum").  It  was  probably 
from  this  circumstance  that  a  number  of  72 
witnesses  was  called  Libra  Occidiia  (Baronius  ad 
an.  3U2,  §  91  ff.).  The  same  term  is  said  to  be 
applied  to  the  suffragan  bishops  of  the  see  of 
Rome,  who  were  in  number  about  72  (Macri, 
Hierolex.  s.  v.  Libra ;  Bishop,  I.  240).         [C] 

LIBRANUS,  of  Clonfad,  in  Meath,  abbat  of 
lona,  6  th  cent.,  and  at  Durrow,  Mar.  11  (Aengus). 
[E.  B.  B.] 

LIBRARIES   BELONGING  TO  CHURCHES  AND 

MONASTERIES.  The  information  that  we  are  able 
to  give  on  this  subject  is  fragmentary,  but  not 
without  interest. 

I.  The  most  ancient  library  of  Christian  books 
mentioned  by  any  historian  is  that  at  Aelia 
(Jerusalem),  collected  by  Alexander,  the  bishop 
of  that  city,  a.d.  212.  Eusebius  of  Caesarea, 
writing  about  330,  says  that  it  contained  the 
epistles,  from  one  to  another,  of  many  learned 
ecclesiastics  of  the  time  of  Origen  (A.D.  230), 
and  that  he  had  himself  made  very  great  use  ot 
it  in  compiling  his  history  (Hist.  Eccl.  vi.  20). 
There  was  a  much  larger  and  more  famous 
library  at  Caesarea  in  Palestine,  which  appears 
to  have  been  founded  by  Origen,  with  the 
munificent  aid,  we  may  suppose,  of  his  friend 
Ambrosius,  and  to  have  been  greatly  enlarged  by 
Pamphi.us,  the  friend  of  Eusebius,  a.d.  294. 
That  it  existed  before  the  time  of  Pamphilus 
is  cle  r  from  St.  Jerome's  account:  "Having 
sought  for  them  (books)  over  the  world,  but 
devoting  himself  especially  to  the  books  of 
Origen,  he  gave  them  to  the  library  at  Caesarea  " 
(Expos,  in  Fs.  126,  Ep.  34  ad  Marceltam,  §  1). 
The  same  author  calls  it  the  library  of  Origen 
and  Pamphilus  (De  Vir.  Hlust.  c.  113).  In  this 
library  there  was,  as  he  informs  us,  the  supposed 
Hebrew  original  of  St.  Matthew's  Gospel  (ibid. 
c.  3),  which  is  probably  the  book  (in  the  same 
collection)  which  he  elsewhere  describes  as  a 
Gospel  in  Syro-Chaldaic,  used  by  the  Nazarenes 
(Contra  Felag.  iii.  2).  In  another  work  he  says, 
"I  have  been  somewhat  diligent  in  searching 
for  coi)ies,  and  in  the  library  of  Eusebius  at 
Caesarea  I  found  six  volumes  of  the  Apology 
for  Origen  "  (by  Pamphilus)  (C.  liujin.  ii.  12). 
It  contained  copies  of  the  greater   part  of  the 


LIBRARIES 


985 


works  of  Origen,  made  by  Pamphilus  himself 
(Hieron.  de  Vir.  Illuit.  c.  75).  The  originals  of 
the  HexTpla  were  there,  and  Jerome  corrected 
his  copy  from  them  (Comment,  in  Tit.  iii.  9). 
Before  the  time  of  Jerome  this  library  had 
fallen  more  or  less  into  decay,  but  endeavours 
to  restore  it  were  made  by  two  successors  of 
Eusebius,  viz.  Acacius,  340,  and  Euzoius,  366 
(Hieron.  ad  Marcell.  u.  s.).  Of  Euzoius,  ho 
says,  on  the  authority  of  Thespesius  Rhetor,  that 
he  "  strove  with  great  labour  to  refurnish  with 
parchments  the  library  of  Origen  and  Pampliilus, 
which  was  already  decayed"  (He  Vir.  Hlust. 
c.  113).  Isidore  of  Seville,  A.D.  636,  asserts 
that  the  library  of  Pamphilus  at  Caesarea  con- 
tained nearly  30,000  volumes  (Orig.  vi.  6). 

There  is  extant  the  legal  record  of  some 
proceedings  that  took  place  at  Cirta  or  Constan- 
tia,  in  Africa,  during  the  persecution  of  303- 
304.  It  relates  that  the  officers  "  went  to  the 
church  in  which  the  Christians  used  to  assemble, 
and  spoiled  it  of  chalices,  lamps,  &c.,  but  when 
they  came  into  the  library  (bibliothecam),  the 
presses  (armaria)  there  were  found  empty" 
(in  Gesta  apud  Zertophilum,  Optati  0pp.  App.  ed. 
1703;  comp.  August,  c.  Crescon.  m.  29).  Con- 
stantine  directs  Eusebius  the  historian  in  a 
letter  which  the  latter  has  preserved  (De  Vita 
Const,  iv.  36)  to  cause  to  be  written  for  the  new 
churches  in  Constantinople,  "  by  calligraphic 
artists,  thoroughly  skilled  in  the  art,  fifty 
volumes  of  the  sacred  writings,  such  as  he  knew 
to  be  most  necessary  for  the  supply  and  use 
of  the  church,  on  well-prepared  parchments, 
legible  and  portable  for  use."  Such  a  gift  would, 
we  may  suppose,  be  in  many  cases  the  germ  of  a 
great  church  library.  Julian  the  emperor,  A.D. 
362,  orders  Ecdicius  the  prefect  of  Egypt  to 
send  him  the  library  of  George,  the  Arian  bishop 
of  Alexandria :  "  See  that  all  the  books  of 
George  be  sought  out.  For  there  were  at  his 
residence  many  philosophical,  many  rhetorical 
works,  and  many  of  the  doctrine  of  the  impious 
Galilaeans  (Christians),  which  we  could  wish 
were  all  destroyed,  but  lest  with  these  the  more 
useful  be  made  away  with,  let  them  also  bo 
carefully  sought  for.  But  let  your  guide  in 
this  seai-ch  be  the  scribe  [perhaps  secretary] 
(vordpios)  of  George  himself.  .  .  .  But  I  am 
myself  acquainted  with  the  books  of  George  ;  for 
he  lent  me  many,  though  not  all,  when  I  was 
in  Cai)j)adocia,  for  transcription,  and  had  them 
back  again  "  (Epist.  Jul.  9).  Julian  was  collect- 
ing books  to  enrich  the  library  founded  by 
Constantius  in  the  portico  of  the  imperial  palace, 
and  removed  by  himself  to  a  more  suitable 
edifice,  which  he  had  erected  for  the  purpose. 
See  Ducange,  Constantinopolis  Christiana,  ii.  9.  3. 
Hence  it  appears  that  the  books  of  which  tlie 
church  was  robbed  did  not  return  to  her. 
Georgius  Syncellus  tells  us  that  he  had  brought 
to  him  from  the  library  of  Caesarea  in  Cappa- 
docia  an  excellent  copy  of  the  book  of  Kings, 
"  in  which  was  an  inscription  to  the  effect  that 
the  great  and  holy  Basil  (bishop  of  that  see 
from  370  to  378)  had  himself  compared  and 
corrected  the  copies  from  which  it  had  been 
transcribed"  (Chronogr.  p.  382;  ed.  Dindorf). 
St.  Jerome,  after  referring  a  correspondent  to 
several  authorities,  says,  "  Turn  over  the  com- 
mentaries of  all  whom  I  have  mentioned  above ; 
and   make   good   use   of    the    libraries   of    th<! 


986 


LIBRARIES 


churches  ;  and  thou  wilt  arrive  more  quickly  at 
that  which  thou  desirest  and  hast  begun  "  {Epist. 
ad  Pammach.  49,  §  3;  comp.  Epist.  112,  ad 
A'xgust.  §  19).  St.  Augustine,  writing  at  Hippo 
about  the  year  428,  says,  •'  I  have  heard  that 
the  holy  Jerome  wrote  on  heresies  ;  but  neither 
have  we  been  able  to  find  that  little  work  of  his 
in  our  own  library,  nor  do  we  know  from  where 
it  may  be  obtained  "  (Z^e  Haer.  sub  fin.)  When 
Augustine  was  dying,  "he  directed  that  the 
library  of  the  church  and  all  the  books  should 
be  carefully  kept  for  posterity  for  ever." 
He  also  left  libraries  to  the  church,  "  con- 
taining books  and  treatises  by  himself  or  other 
holy  persons "  (Possid.  Vita  Aug.  31).  Theo- 
dosius  the  younger,  408-450,  "collected  the 
sacred  books  and  their  interpreters  so  diligently, 
as  not  to  come  behind  Ptolemy  "  (Niceph.  Call. 
Ifist.  Eccl.  xiv.  3).  Whether  his  collection  was 
for  the  imperial  library  or  the  Patriarchium,  we 
are  not  told ;  but  the  fact  is  worth  noting, 
because  it  shews  the  spirit  of  the  age.  The 
leadmg  ecclesiastics  would  not  be  behind  the 
emperor.  Hilary  of  Rome,  A.D.  461,  according 
to  the  Liber  Pontificalis,  "made  two  libraries 
in  the  Lateran  baptistery  "  (Anast.  Vit.  Pont. 
47).  From  the  same  authority  we  learn  that 
the  works  of  Gelasius,  A.D.  482,  were  "  kept  laid 
up  in  the  library  and  archive  of  the  church  " 
down  to  the  9th  century  (n.  50).  Gregory  I. 
A.D.  598,  replying  to  the  request  of  Eulogius  of 
Alexandria  that  he  would  send  him  the  Acts  of 
the  Martyrs  collected  by  Eusebius,  says,  "Besides 
those  things  which  are  contained  in  the  books  of 
Eusebius  himself  concerning  the  deeds  of  the 
holy  martyrs,  I  know  none  in  the  archives  of 
this  our  church,  or  in  the  libraries  of  the  city 
of  Rome,  except  a  few  collected  in  the  roll  of 
a  single  book  "  (Epist.  vii.  29).  A  narrative 
assigned  to  the  year  649  or  thereabout,  shews 
that  there  was  at  that  time  a  library  already 
attached  to  St.  Peter's.  It  is  said  that  when 
Taio,  bishop  of  Saragossa,  who  had  been  sent 
from  Spain  by  king  Chindasuind  to  procure  the 
latter  part  of  the  Muralia  of  Gregory,  could  not 
learn  from  the  pope  or  anyone  else  where  it  was, 
the  very  press  in  which  it  lay  was  pointed  out  to 
him  in  a  vision,  as  he  watched  and  prayed  by 
night  in  that  church  {De  Visione,  etc.,  Labb.  Cone. 
v.  1844).  Wiilibald,  A.D.  760,  in  the  life  of  St. 
Boniface,  says  that  the  four  books  of  St.  Gregory 
were  to  his  day  put  into  the  "libraries  of 
churches  "  (Pertz,  Jlonum.  Germ.  Hist.  ii.  334). 
At  this  period,  and  earlier,  as  we  learn  from  an 
epistle  of  Taio,  above  mentioned,  few  books  were 
composed  or  copied  in  the  west,  and  all  were  in 
danger  of  destruction,  from  the  constant  wars 
which  desolated  the  Latin  world  {Epist.  ad 
Quiricum  ;  Praefat.  Saec.  ii.  0.  S.  B.  §  v.  Iv.  17). 
His  evidence  refers  to  Spain,  but  the  evil  was 
felt  at  Rome  equall}',  as  we  learn  from  a  state- 
ment of  the  Roman  synod  in  680,  to  the  empe- 
rors who  had  convened  the  3rd  council  of  Con- 
stantinople. After  describing  themselves  as 
"settled  in  the  northern  and  western  parts"  of 
the  empire,  the  Latin  bishops  say,  "  VVe  do  not 
think  that  any  one  can  be  found  in  our  time  who 
can  boast  of  great  knowledge,  seeing  that  in  our 
regions  the  fury  of  various  nations  is  every  day 
raging,  now  in  fighting,  now  in  overrunning  and 
plundering ;  whence  our  whole  life  is  full  of 
care,  surrounded  as  we  are  by  a  band  of  nations, 


LIBRARIES 

and  having  to  live  by  bodily  toil,  the  ancient 
maintenance  of  the  churches  having  by  degrees 
fallen  away  and  failed  through  divers  calamities  " 
(Labbe,  vi.  681).  Agatho,  then  bishop  of  Rome, 
made  this  an  excuse  for  the  ignorance  of  his 
legates,  whom  he  sent  to  the  council,  as  he  said, 
"out  of  the  obedience  which  he  owed"  to  tiie 
emperox-s,  "not  from  any  confidence  in  their 
knowledge  "  {ibid.  634).  Bede  {De  Temp.  Puit. 
66,  followed  by  Hincmar,  Opusc.  20  c.  Hincm. 
Laud.)  says  that  when  they  arrived  at  Constan- 
tinople they  were  "  very  kindly  received  by  the 
most  reverend  defender  of  the  Catholic  faith  Con- 
stantine  (Pogonatus),  and  by  him  exhorted  to 
lay  aside  philosophical  [ojtu  Hincm.]  disputations, 
and  to  seek  the  truth  in  peaceable  conference, 
all  the  books  of  the  ancient  fathers  which  thev 
asked  for  being  supplied  them  out  of  the  library 
at  Constantinople."  The  records  of  the  council 
tell  us  that  the  same  legates  besought  the 
emperor  that  the  "  original  books  of  the  pa- 
tristic testimonies  adduced  might  be  brought 
from  the  Patriarchium  "  (^cf.  vi.  Labb.  vi.  719); 
and  we  find  the  bishop  of  Constantinople  himself 
speaking  of  the  "  books  of  the  holy  and  approved 
fathers  which  were  laid  up  in  his  Patriarchium  " 
{Act.  viii.  ibid.  730 ;  comp.  751,  780).  A  large 
number  of  extracts  from  the  fathers  are  said 
to  have  been  compared  with  the  originals  in  the 
"  library  of  the  Patriarchium "  {Act.  x.  coll. 
788,  790,  798,  &c.)  Several  testimonies  alleged 
are  also  said  to  have  been  compared  with  a 
"  silver-bound  parchment  book  belonging  to  the 
(TK(vo(\>v\6.Kiov  of  the  most  holy  high  church  " 
in  the  same  city  {ibid.  813,  814,  &c.).  There  was 
at  Constantinople  also  a  registry  or  repository  of 
documents  {xa.pTo<pv\aKtov,  u.s.  963)  under  the 
charge  of  an  oflicer  called  the  xapTo<pv\a^ 
{ibid.).  Whether  this  was  a  department  of  the 
library  or  distinct  from  it  does  not  appear.  The 
great  esteem  in  which  the  church  library  at  Con- 
stantinople was  held  by  all  parties  is  attested  by 
the  fact  that  the  iconolater  Theophanes  refused 
to  look  at  a  copy  of  Isaiah,  brought  from  the 
emperor's  library,  alleging  that  all  his  books 
were  corrupted,  but  asked  for  one  from  the 
library  of  the  Patriarchium  instead  {Continuatio, 
iii.  14). 

For  some  centuries  after  this  the  Greeks 
possessed  advantages  for  the  acquisition  of 
knowledge  over  the  Latins  ;  though  there  were 
many  in  the  west,  especially  among  the  bishops, 
who  employed  themselves  in  collecting  and 
multiplying  good  books.  Thus  Bede  says  of 
Acca,  who  succeeded  Wilfrid  at  Hexham,  A.D. 
710,  that  he  "  gathered  together  the  histories  of 
the  sutferings  (of  the  martyrs,  &c.),  with  other 
ecclesiastical  books  most  diligently,  and  made 
there  a  very  large  and  noble  library "  {Hist. 
Eccl.  V.  20).  Egbertus,  bishop  of  York  from 
732-766,  is  another  example  in  our  own  country. 
Alcuin,  in  796,  writing  to  Charlemagne  from 
Tours,  where  he  had  opened  a  school,  says,  "  I 
am  partly  in  want  of  books  of  scholastic  erudi- 
tion, that  are  somewhat  ditficult  to  be  procured, 
which  I  had  in  my  own  country,  through  the 
good  and  most  devoted  diligence  of  my  master, 
or  my  own  labour,  such  as  it  was."  He  there- 
fore desired  that  some  youths  might  be  sent 
into  Britain  to  bring  back  whatever  was  neces- 
sary, "  that  there  might  not  only  be  '  a  garden 
enclosed'  at  York,  but  that  there    may  be  at 


LIBRARIES 

Tours  also  '  plants,  an  orchard  with  pleasant 
fruits'"  (Cant.  iv.  13),  {Epist.  38).  From 
William  of  Malmesbury  (i'e  Gest.  Reg.  Angl. 
i.)  we  learn  that  the  master  of  whom  Alcuin 
speaks  is  Egbert  of  York.  Alcuin  also  cele- 
brates in  verse  the  library  which  Aelbert, 
another  bishop  of  York,  attached  to  his 
cathedral  church,  and  gives  the  names  of  many 
of  the  fathers,  poets,  and  grammarians,  whose 
works  were  contained  in  it  {Poema  de  Pont. 
Ehor.  11.  1525  et  soq.  tom.  ii.  p.  257).  In  787  a 
great  stimulus  was  given  to  the  formation  of 
libraries  in  cathedral  churches  within  the 
dominions  of  Charlemagne,  by  an  order  issued 
by  him  for  the  establishment  of  schools  in  con- 
nexion with  them  (Labbe,  Cone.  v.  1779).  Such 
schools,  as  we  have  seen,  implied  a  good  collec- 
tion of  books.  A  later  edict  of  the  same  prince, 
after  providing  that  there  be  "set  up  schools  ot 
reading  boys,"  adds,  "  Let  them  learn  the 
psalms,  notes,  chants,  the  art  of  determining  the 
seasons  (compotum),  and  grammar  [in  its 
ancient  sense],  in  every  monastery  and  episcopal 
church  (episcopium).  Let  them  also  have 
Catholic  books,  well  coiTected "  (Capit.  ann. 
789,  c.  70).  These  laws  of  Charlemagne  would 
certainly  lead  to  the  foundation  of  cathedral 
libraries  where  they  had  not  existed  before.  It 
is  probable  that  the  smaller  libraries  found  in 
connexion  with  many  other  churches  owe  their 
origin  in  a  great  measure  to  a  similar  edict 
of  Lewis  in  81t>.  By  this,  bishops  were  ordered 
to  "  see  that  the  Presbyters  had  a  missal  and 
lectionary  and  other  books  necessary  to  them  " 
(c.  28  ;  Capit.  Beg.  Franc,  i.  569).  What  some 
at  least  of  these  "  other  books,"  supposed  to  be 
necessary,  were,  we  may  gather  from  the  fol- 
lowing list  in  an  ancient  polyptychon,  preserved 
in  the  church  of  St.  Remigius,  at  Rheims  :  "  A 
book  of  the  gospels,  a  psalter,  an  antiphonary, 
a  breviary  [_i.c.  a  table  of  the  gospels  for  the 
year,  in  which  they  were  indicated  by  their  first 
and  last  words].  ...  a  computus,  an  order  of 
baptism,  a  martyrology,  a  penitential,  a  pas- 
sional, a  volume  of  canons,  forty  homilies  of  St. 
Gregory"  (ibid.  ii.  1159).  As  soon  as  such  a 
collection  went  beyond  the  requirements  of  the 
service,  as  in  this  case  it  did,  the  foundation  of 
a  church  library  was  already  laid. 

II.  We  read  of  libraries  attached  to  monas- 
teries in  the  west  at  a  somewhat  early  period. 
The  rule  of  St.  Benedict,  a.d.  530,  speaks 
of  the  benefit  to  be  derived  from  the  read- 
ing of  the  Catholic  fathers,  their  conferences, 
institutes,  and  lives  (c.  73),  in  a  manner  which 
implies  access  to  a  considerable  number  of  such 
works.  Compare  the  rule  of  Ferreolus,  a.d. 
553  (c.  19).  In  Lent  every  monk  under  the 
rule  of  St.  Benedict  received  a  book  "from  the 
library"  (bibliotheca),  which  he  was  to  read 
through  before  he  could  have  another  (c.  48). 
The  rule  of  Isidore,  a.d.  595,  enters  into  details  : 
"Let  the  keeper  of  the  sacrarium  (here  =  secre- 
tarium)  have  charge  of  all  the  books;  from 
whom  let  all  the  brethren  receive  them  one  at  a 
time,  which  they  shall  carefully  read  and  handle, 
and  always  return  after  vespers.  Let  the  books 
be  asked  for  every  day  at  the  first  hour ;  and 
let  none  be  given  to  him  who  shall  ask  later  " 
(c.  9).  To  shew  the  care  with  which  the  books 
were  treated,  we  may  mention  that  monks  were 
allowed  to  have  handkerchiefs  in  which  to  wrap  j 


LIBRARIES 


087 


them  (Theodmar.  Cassin.  ad  Car.  Magn.  in 
Capit.  Jieg.  Franc.  11.  108G),  and  that  the  council 
of  Aix,  817,  left  it  to  the  prior  to  determine, 
"  when  books  had  been  received  from  the  library," 
whether  others  should  be  given  out  or  not 
(cap.  19).  It  would  seem  that,  except  in  Lent, 
the  ordinary  monk  did  not  have  books  out  of 
the  library  for  his  private  use ;  but  the  practice 
of  reading  aloud  at  meals  implies  a  variety  of 
suitable  works.  We  hear  of  this  even  before 
the  days  of  Benedict,  viz.  in  the  rule  of  Caesa- 
rius,  A.D.  502  :  "  While  they  eat  at  table,  let  no 
one  speak,  but  let  one  read  some  book ;  that  as 
the  body  is  refreshed  by  food,  so  may  the  soul 
be  refreshed  by  the  word  of  God  "  (c.  9  ;  comp. 
Reg.  S.  Ben.  c.  38).  Other  times  for  reading 
were  also  appointed  in  some  houses,  as  by  the 
rule  of  Donatus  for  nuns,  a.d.  640  :  "  From  the 
2nd  hour  to  the  3rd,  if  there  be  no  need  for 
them  to  work,  let  them  employ  themselves  in 
reading  ....  Let  one  of  the  elder  read  to  the 
rest,  as  they  work  together"  (c.  20). 

Cassiodorus,  who  built,  or  entered,  the  monas- 
tery of  Vivarium,  about  the  j'ear  562,  collected 
books  for  it  from  the  more  distant  parts  of  the 
world,  and  directed  his  monks  that,  if  they  met 
with  any  book  that  he  wanted,  they  should  make 
a  copy  of  it,  "  that  by  the  help  of  God  and  their 
labour,  the  library  of  the  monastery  might  be 
benefited"  {Dc  Instit.  Div.  Litt.  8).  In  the 
preface  to  his  work  on  Orthography,  he  gives 
a  list  of  twelve  books  on  the  subject  which  he 
used  in  compiling  his  own.  As  he  was  then  93 
years  old,  they  were  presumably  all  at  hand  in  his 
own  monastery.  The  fact  suggests  a  good  col- 
lection of  works  on  general  subjects,  as  well  as 
on  divinity.  Among  the  Epistles  of  Gregory  I. 
is  one  written  (a.d.  599)  to  the  Defensor  of 
Naples  representing  that  the  books  of  the  monas- 
tery of  Macharis  had  in  a  time  of  trouble  been 
carried  into  Sicily  by  a  certain  pi-esbyter,  who 
had  died  and  left  them  there,  and  requiring  that 
they  should  be  restored  (Fpist.  viii.  15).  The 
monks  of  our  own  country  were  not  behind 
others  in  collecting  books.  E.g.  Benedict  Biscop, 
abbat  of  Wearmouth,  having  visited  Rome  in 
671,  "brought  home  not  a  few  books  of  all 
divine  erudition,  either  bought  with  a  set  price 
or  given  to  him  by  the  kindness  of  friends,  and 
when  on  his  return  he  came  to  Vienne  he  re- 
ceived those  which  he  had  bought  and  intrusted 
to  friends  there  "  (Bede,  Hist.  Abbat.  Wirem.  §  4). 
In  678  he  paid  another  visit  to  Rome,  and  then 
"brought  home  an  innumerable  quantity  of 
books  of  every  kind  "  (^ibid.  5).  "  A  great  quan- 
tity of  sacred  volumes  "  was  part  of  the  result 
of  a  third  visit  in  686  (§  8).  In  his  last  illness 
he  gave  directions  that  "the  very  noble  and 
complete  library,  which  he  had  brought  from 
Rome,  as  necessary  for  the  instruction  of  the 
church,  should  be  anxiously  preserved  entire, 
and  neither  suffer  injury  through  want  of  care 
nor  be  dispersed  "  (9).  This  collection,  which 
was  divided  between  the  monasteries  of  Wear- 
mouth  and  Jarrow,  was  "  doubled  "  by  the  zeal 
of  his  successor,  Coelfrid  (12).  It  is  to  these 
libraries  chiefly  that  we  owe  the  learning  of 
Bede.  The  order  of  Charlemagne  in  787  al- 
ready mentioned  was  addressed  to  abbats  as  well 
as  bishops,  and  the  only  copy  extant  is  that 
which  was  sent  to  the  abbat  of  Fulda.  It  is 
interesting  to  know  that  less  than  50  years  after 


988 


LIBEARIES 


its  promulgation,  the  famous  Rabanus  Maurus 
built  a  library  there,  which  he  amply  stored 
with  books  (  Vita  per  Eodolf.  in  Cave,  Hist.  Litt. 
nom.  Raban).  A  beginning  had  been  made,  how- 
ever, so  far  back  as  754.  When  Boniface,  the 
Apostle  of  Germany,  was  murdered  by  the 
Pagans  at  Dokem  in  east  Frisia,  they  "  broke 
open  the  repository  of  books  .  .  .  and  scattered 
those  which  they  found,  some  over  the  level 
fields,  others  in  the  reed-bed  of  the  marshes,  and 
flung  and  hid  others  away  in  all  sorts  of  places." 
They  were  afterwards  found  and  taken  to  Fulda, 
where  three  of  them  are  still  shewn,  viz.  a  New 
Testament,  a  book  of  the  Gospels,  said  to  have 
been  written  by  the  martyr  himself,  and  a 
volume  stained  with  his  blood,  containing,  with 
other  tracts  of  St.  Ambrose,  de  Spiritu  Sancto 
and  Bono  Mortis  (Willibaldi  Vita  S.  Bonif.  x\. 
37,  and  Mabillon's  note).  In  799  Charlemagne 
founded  an  abbey  at  Charroux,  which  "he  en- 
riched with  many  reljcs  and  most  munificent  gifts 
brought  to  him  from  the  east,  and  with  a  very 
rich  library  "  (^Gallia  Christiana,  ii.  1278).  Many 
monastic  libraries  were  destroyed  by  fire  in  the 
9th  and  following  centuries,  in  several  of  which 
books  must  have  been  accumulating  during  a 
lengthened  period.  For  example,  in  870,  when 
the  Danes  destroyed  the  minster  of  Medhamsted 
(Peterborough),  founded  about  656,  "  a  vast 
library  of  sacred  books  was  burned  with  the 
charters  of  the  monastery "  (^Ann.  Bencd.  iii. 
167,  §  16,  from  Ingulf.).  In  892  the  monastery 
at  Teano,  near  Monte  Cassino,  was  burned  down, 
"  in  which  fire  most  of  the  deeds  and  instruments 
of  the  Cassinates  were  consumed,  with  the  very 
autograph  of  the  rule  which  the  holy  father 
Benedict  had  written  with  his  own  hand  "  {ibid. 
p.  28;s,  §  67).  About  the  year  900,  the  Hun- 
garians destroyed  the  monastery  of  Nonantula 
by  fire,  and  "  burned  many  books  "  {ibid.  305, 
§30). 

We  can  give  no  certain  information  on  the 
origin  and  condition  of  monastic  libraries  in  the 
east  during  the  period  to  which  we  are  confined. 
We  may,  however,  infer  with  great  probability 
that  monasteries  began  very  early  to  collect 
books,  from  the  fact  that  manuscripts  of  the 
highest  antiquity  are  found  in  them  at  the  pre- 
sent day.  About  400  volumes  of  MSS.  are  now 
in  the  British  Museum,  which  were  brought  in 
the  years  1839,  1842,  1847  from  a  single  Syrian 
monastery,  viz.  that  of  St.  Mary  Deipara,  in 
the  Desert  of  Nitria,  or  Valley  of  Scete.  As  a 
proof  of  the  antiquity  of  some  of  these  books, 
we  may  mention  that  the  three  volumes  in 
which  occur  the  several  copies  of  the  Epistles 
of  St.  Ignatius  published  by  5lr.  Cureton  are,  one 
earlier  than  550,  another  some  50  or  60  years 
later,  and  the  third  "certainly  not  later  than  the 
7th  or  8th  century  "  {Corpus  Ignatianum,  Introd. 
xxvii.  xxxiii.).  In  the  second  of  these  volumes 
IS  a  notice  curiously  similar  to  one  quoted  above 
respecting  an  English  abbat,  to  the  eflect  that 
Moses  of  Nisibis,  the  superior  of  the  monastery, 
"gave  diligence  and  acquired  that  book  together 
with  many  others,  being  250,  many  of  which  he 
purchased,  and  others  were  given  to  him  by 
some  persons  as  a  blessing  [see  EuLOGlAE  (5)], 
when  he  went  to  Bagdad  "  (xxxi.).  This  bears 
date  A.D.  931.  The  MS.  bible  found  by  Tischen- 
dorf  (1844,  1859)  in  the  monastery  of  St.  Cathe- 
rine,   on   Mount    Sinai,   is   assigned   to  the  4th 


LIBEARIUS 

century  (A^or.  Test.  Sinait.  Tisch.  Proleg.  ix.). 
He  obtained  many  other  books  from  the  same 
library,  and  many  from  monasteries  in  Palestine, 
at  Berytus,  Laodicea,  Smyrna,  in  Patmos,  and  at 
Constantinople  {yotitia  Edit.  Cod.  Sinait.  p.  7).  In 
his  collection,  now  at  St.  Petersburg,  are  various 
Greek  fragments  of  the  5th  and  6th  centuries 
(ibid.  p.  56);  five  of  the  New  Testament  of  tha 
6th  and  7th  ;  and  one  of  the  7th  or  8th  (p.  50): 
parts  of  some  Homilies  of  St.  Chrysostom  (p.  55), 
and  some  liturgical  remains  of  the  8th  (p.  56)  j 
all  in  the  same  language ;  and  a  Syriac  version 
of  hymns  and  sermons  by  Gregory  Nazianzen 
written  in  the  7th  (p.  64).  We  do  not  multiply 
such  facts,  because,  though  very  probable  indi- 
cations of  the  existence  of  monastic  libraries  in 
the  East  within  our  period,  and  of  the  nature  of 
their  contents,  they  do  not  amount  to  a  direct 
and  positive  proof.  [W.  E.  S.] 

LIBEARIUS.  The  word  librarius  has  two 
meanings — viz.  either  a  '  book-seller  '  or  a  '  tran- 
scriber :'  we  are  concerned  with  it  in  the  latter 
sense.  Of  course  there  must  have  been  tran- 
scribers in  abundance  before  Christian  times,  if, 
as  is  said,  the  libraries  of  the  Ptolemies  at 
Alexandria,  and  of  the  kings  of  Pergamus  in  Asia 
Minor  contained  between  them  a  million  volumes 
and  upwards  in  all  languages  (DiCT.  OF  Gr. 
AND  Rom.  Ants.  art.  '  Bibliotheca ').  Tran- 
scribers were  frequently  slaves  at  first,  or  else 
worked  for  money,  and  were  not  well  paid. 
Hence  the  endless  complaints  of  their  ignorance, 
f  arelessness,  or  dishonesty  which  occur  in  the 
Fathers  as  well  as  in  classical  authors  (Wower, 
de  Folymath.  c.  18,  ap.  Gronov.  Thes.  x.  1079). 
But  with  Christian  times  the  oflice  of  transcriber 
for  libraries  insensibly  passed  into  better  hands. 
It  was  not  that  he  became,  strictly  speaking,  a 
public  functionary,  but  he  copied  far  more  fre- 
quently for  ecclesiastical  bodies  than  for  private 
persons :  and  was,  in  most  cases,  a  member  of 
the  body  for  which  he  worked.  Thus  he  worked, 
not  for  money,  but  as  a  duty :  and  not  on 
chance  books,  but  on  books  carefully  selected  for 
their  contents  by  his  superiors.  This  altered 
the  character  of  his  performances  materially, 
besides  going  far  to  ensure  their  preservation. 
It  is  a  simple  fact  in  history,  that  Christianity 
stands  between  us  and  the  written  records  of  all 
preceding  ages,  and  is  our  sole  guarantee  for 
their  trustworthiness  in  their  present  state. 

Origen  was  one  of  the  first  Christians  who  is 
said  to  have  employed  transcribers  regularly  for 
literary  purposes  '{Pi0\ioypd(f>ovs,  Euseb.  E.  IT. 
vi.  23).  Alexander,  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  his 
friend  and  patron,  was  one  of  the  first  to  form 
an  episcopal  library,  which  Eusebius  found  of 
great  use  in  collecting  facts  for  his  history 
{ib.  c.  20).  Eusebius  himself,  by  order  of  the  em- 
peror Constantine,  had  50  choice  copies  of  the 
scriptures  made  by  experienced  caligraphists 
on  vellum,  arranged  in  ternions  and  quater- 
nions (  Vit.  Const,  iv.  34-7,  and  Vales,  ad  /.). 
Pamphilus,  the  presbyter  and  martyr,  with 
whom  Eusebius  was  so  intimate,  enriched  Caesarea 
with  a  large  library,  consisting  of  the  works  of 
Origen  and  other  ecclesiastical  writers,  tran- 
scribed by  himself  (ib.  c.  32,  comp.  St.  Hier. 
de  Vir.  Illust.  s.  v.):  and  it  was  still  in  exist- 
ence, and  handy  for  readers,  when  St.  Jerome 
wrote.     [Libraries.] 


LIBRARIUS 

When  parchment  was  scarce,  one  work  was 
often  eftaced  to  make  way  for  another.  This 
may  have  been  dictated  here  and  there  by  re- 
ligious prejudice  :  but  in  general  what  was  least 
wanted  at  the  time  made  way  for  what  was 
most.  The  Scriptures  themselves,  or  the  works 
of  the  Areopagite — then  regarded  with  almost 
equal  reverence — were  written  over  sometimes, 
as  well  as  works  like  the  Republic  of  Cicero — 
"  Latent  hodie,"  says  Knittel  (quoted  by  Mone, 
de  Libr.  Palimp.  p.  2)  in  palimpsestis  libris 
codices  Novi  Testamenti  remotissimae  antiqui- 
tatis  :  haec  est  prima  ratio,  cur  magnae  sint  uti- 
litatis  codices  rescripti." 

We  must  never  forget,  in  estimating  their 
practices  or  productions,  that  Christian  tran- 
scribers were  of  all  ranks  and  capacities.  "  The 
highest  dignitaries  of  the  church  and  princes 
even,  says  Mr.  'ia.y\or  (^Transmission  of  Ancient 
Books,  c.  ii.  §  5),  "  thought  themselves  well 
employed  in  transcribing  the  Gospels  and 
Epistles,  the  Psalter,  or  the  Homilies  and 
Meditations  of  the  Fathers :  nor  were  the 
classical  authors neglected  by  these  gratui- 
tous copyists."  And  again  :  "  Every  church  and 
every  convent  and  monastery  had  its  library, 
its  librarian  and  other  officers  employed  in  the 
conservation  of  books  "  (jb.  c.  1,  §  1).  Then, 
further,  as  Mr.  Taylor  observes,  "  The  property 
of  each  establishment — and  the  literary  property 
of  each  establishment  was  always  highly  prized 
— passed  down  from  age  to  age,  as  if  under 
the  hand  of  a  proprietor :  and  was  therefore 
subjected  to  fewer  dispersions  and  destructions 
than  the  mutability  of  human  affairs  ordin- 
arily permits  "  (c.  i.  §  1).  And  again :  "  The 
places  in  which  the  remains  of  ancient  literature 
were  preserved  during  the  middle  ages  were  too 
many,  and  too  distant  from  each  other,  and  too 
little  connected  by  any  kind  of  intercourse,  to 
admit  of  a  combination  or  conspiracy  for  any 
supposed  purposes  of  interpolation  or  corruption. 
Possessing,  therefore,  as  we  do,  copies  of  the 
same  author,  some  of  which  were  drawn  from 
the  monasteries  of  England,  others  from  Spain, 
and  others  collected  in  Egypt,  Palestine,  or  Asia 
Minor,  if,  on  comparing  them,  we  find  that  they 
accord  except  in  variations  of  little  moment,  we 
have  an  incontestable  proof  of  the  care  and  in- 
tegrity with  which  the  business  of  transcription 
was  generally  conducted  "  (i7>.) ....  Transcribers 
were  frequently  concealed  under  other  names, 
from  being  attached  to  some  special  office,  or 
else  from  their  art  having  come  to  be  divided 
into  different  branches.  They  were  the  notaries, 
chancellors,  clerks,  readers,  amanuenses,  of  most 
convents,  as  Mabillon  shews  {Dipl.  i.  13).  St. 
Isidore  tells  us  of  another  distinction  which  is 
still  more  to  the  point.  "  Librarii,"  he  says, 
"idem  et  antiquarii  vocantur  :  sed  librarii  sunt, 
qui  et  nova  et  Vetera  scrihunt :  antiquarii,  qui 
tantummodo  Vetera,  unde  et  nomen  sumpserunt " 
(Eti/m.  vi.  14).  If  this  be  true,  and  other 
authorities  might  be  cited  for  it,  there  was  a 
class  of  copyists  whose  labours  were  confined  to 
re-transcribing   old   MSS. 

Illuminators,  again,  formed  another  branch 
of  the  profession.  They  designed  the  initial 
letters,  laid  on  the  gold,  or  painted  the  minia- 
tures. Under  this  last  word,  again,  we  have 
the  record  of  another  class:  miniatores,  who 
filled  in  the  '  rubrics.'     In   general,   the    tran- 


LIBRAKIUS 


989 


scriber  left  blanks  both  for  the  rubrics  and 
illuminations,  as  we  see  from  many  MSS.  whose 
blank  spaces  have  been  but  partially  filled,  or 
left  altogether  untouched.  Sometimes  it  hap- 
pened that  there  were  transcribers  who  did  all 
for  themselves.  Otherwise,  we  may  occasionally 
find  the  dates  of  the  handwriting  and  of  the 
decorations  separated  by  a  wide  interval. 
[Miniature.] 

After  a  MS.  had  been  transcribed,  it  passed 
through  other  hands  to  be  corrected  (Mabill. 
Suppl.  c.  xiii.  29) :  and  the  corrections  in  many 
cases  not  being  erasures,  we  see  what  was  judged 
erroneous,  and  what  was  judged  right  at  the 
time.  They  are  perhaps  oftener  corrections  of 
spelling,  or  of  words  omitted,  than  of  any- 
thing else :  while  numerous  errors  of  grammar 
are  left  untouched. 

Handwriting,  of  course,  varied  with  the  age, 
though  two  or  more  were  almost  always  in  full 
use  at  the  same  time.  The  handwriting  of 
the  loth  century,  for  instance,  was  always 
liable  to  be  imitated  by  transcribers  who  lived 
much  later,  but  it  was  unknown  to  tran- 
scribers who  lived  much  earlier.  Antiquaries 
could  reproduce  obsolete  styles,  but  could  not 
anticipate  styles  as  yet  unborn.  Consequently, 
the  rise  of  the  different  styles  may  be  fixed 
with  some  accuracy;  not  so  their  duration 
after  they  had  become  current. 

"  The  instruments,"  say  the  authors  of  the 
Nouv.  Trait.  Diplom.  (p.  ii.  §  i.  c.  10),  "with 
which  antiquity  required  that  the  work-room  of 
a  transcriber  should  be  provided,  were  the  ruler, 
compass,  lead,  scissors,  penknife,  hone,  sponge, 
style,  brush,  quill  or  reed,  inkstand  or  inkhorn, 
writing  table,  desk,  vial  with  liquid  for  thinning 
ink  become  too  thick,  vial  with  vermilion  for 
writing  titles  of  books  or  chapters,  and  a  box  of 
pounce.  Each  of  these  instruments  had  its  own 
special  use." 

Their  materials  were  more  limited.  "  Parch- 
ment," says  Mr.  Taylor  (c.  ii.  §  1),  "  so  called, 
long  after  the  time  of  its  first  use  from  Per- 
gamus,  a  city  of  Mysia,  where  the  manufacture 
was  improved  ...  is  mentioned  by  Herodotus 
and  Ctesias  as  a  material  that  had  been  from  time 
immemorial  used  for  books."  Almost  all  the 
early  MSS.  we  possess  are  written  on  this.  "  In 
the  east,  leaves  of  the  mallow  or  palm  were 
used  in  remote  times  .  .  .  and  the  inner  bark 
of  the  linden  or  teil  tree  .  .  .  called  by  the 
Romans  'liber,'  and  by  the  Greeks  'biblos,' 
was  so  generally  used  as  a  material  for  writing 
as  to  have  given  its  name  to  a  book  in  both  lan- 
guages. .  .  .  Tables  of  solid  wood  called  codices, 
whence  the  term  '  codex  '  for  a  MS.  on  any  mate- 
rial .  .  .  were  also  employed  .  .  .  leaves  or 
tablets  of  lead  or  ivory  are  mentioned  .  .  . 
and  still  oftener  'tablets  covered  with  a  thin 
coat  of  coloured  wax,'  removable  *  by  an  iron 
needle  called  a  style.'  Paper  made  from  the 
papyrus  in  Egypt  was  in  considerable  demand  at 
one  time,  but  it  was  found  to  be  less  durable 
than  parchment.  Cotton  paper,  '  charta  bom- 
bacina,'  which  began  to  be  used  in  the  west  about 
the  10th  century,  led  to  the  introduction  of 
paper  from  rags,  as  at  present,  about  two  cen- 
turies later. 

"Transcribers  frequently  subscribed  their 
names  at  the  end  of  a  MS.,  with  the  year  in 
which  it  was  written,  accompanied  by  a  pious 


990 


LIBET  POENITENTIALES 


wish  that  posterity  might  profit  b}'  its  perusal, 
and  other  particulars ;  numerous  instances  might 
be  cited.  The  celebrated  '  codex  Amiatinus,'  used 
by  Tischendorf  in  his  latest  edition  of  the  Vui gate 
of  the  Old  Testament,  has  an  inscription  at  the 
end  of  the  book  of  Exodus,  from  which  he  infers 
it  was  transcribed  by  one  of  the  disciples  of  St. 
Benedict  named  '  Servandus,'  about  A.D.  541  " 
{Prolog,  p.  viii.  ix.).  Mabilion,  in  his  Diarium 
Italicum,  mentions  a  MS.  of  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles  and  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul,  inscribed 
with  the  name  of  Theophylact,  presbyter  and 
doctor  of  law,  and  dated  6492  from  the  Creation, 
or  A.D.  984  (c.  25).  This  was  in  Greek. 
Another,  the  Life  of  St.  Gregory  the  Great,  by 
John  the  deacon,  in  Latin,  has  the  following: 
"  Ego,  Ugo,  indignus  sacerdos,  iuchoavi  hunc 
libinim  8  Cal.  Sept.  et  explevi  eum  14  Cal.  Oct. 
feliciter  concurrente  sexto,  indict.  15."  Another, 
a  work  of  Matthew  Palmer  the  poet :  "  Anto- 
nius,  Marii  filius,  Florentinus  civis  atque  nota- 
rius,  transcripsit  Florentiae  ab  originali  11 
€al.  Jan.  mccccxlviii.  Valeas  qui  legas."  .  .  . 
(76.  and  comp.  c.  27.)  "  Qui  legitis,  orate  pro 
ine,"  was  another  pious  and  favourite  parting 
sentence."  Most  of  the  oldest  MSS.,  however 
unfortunately,  supply  no  such  clue  to  their 
authorship  or  date,  and  there  are  very  few  that 
have  not  had  later  additions  appended  to  them, 
often  in  the  same  handwriting,  which  throw 
doubts  upon  their  earlier  parts.  Often,  again, 
the  same  work  has  not  been  copied  all  through 
by  the  same  scribe  ;  and  sometimes  the  writing 
of  contemporary  scribes  varies  as  much  as  the 
writing  of  one  age  from  another.  Dedicatory 
pieces  again,  especially  when  in  verse,  are  apt  to 
mislead.  Sometimes  it  is  their  complimentary 
vagueness,  sometimes  it  is  the  affectation  of  a 
Jiigher  antiquity  than  really  belongs  to  them,  that 
has  enhanced  the  value  of  a  MS.  unduly.  When 
Waterland,  for  instance,  speaks  of  the  Vienna 
MS.  as  "  a  Galilean  psalter,  written  in  letters  of 
gold,  and  presented  by  Charlemagne,  while  only 
king  of  France,  to  pope  Adrian  I.,  at  his  first 
entrance  upon  the  pontificate,  in  the  year 
772 "  (^Crit.  Hist.  p.  101),  he  draws  his  con- 
clusion from  the  dedicatory  verses  in  gold  letters 
at  its  commencement.  But  these  might  have 
been  written  by  any  king  Charles,  on  giving 
this  psalter  to  art^  pope  Adrian.  And  there  was 
a  combination  of  just  such  another  king,  and 
just  such  another  pope  in  Charles  the  Bald  and 
Adrian  II. 

For  authorities,  see  Montfaucon,  Palaeog. 
Graeca  ;  Mabillon,  Iter  Ital.  and  de  Re  Diplrnn. 
with  the  SuppL,  Xouvcwi  Traite  Dipl.  in  6  vols. ; 
Schwarz,  de  Ornam.  Lib.,  with  additions  by 
Leuschner ;  Casley,  Pref.  to  MSS.  in  the  King's 
Library ;  Mone,  de  Libr.  palirnp. ;  Gueranger, 
Inst.  Liturg.  p.  ii.  c.  vi. ;  Labarte,  Handbook,  c. 
ii.,  and  Arts  Indust.  vol.  iii. ;  Taylor,  Transmis- 
sion of  Anticnt  Books;  and  the  magnificently 
illustrated  works  of  Count  Bastard,  Professor 
Westwood,  and  M.  Silvestre.  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

LIBEI  POENITENTIALES  [Penitential 
Books]. 

LICERIUS    (Glycerius),   bishop   and   con- 


^  The  names  of  the  principal  caligraphers  whose  names 
have  been  preserved  have  been  collected  by  Gueranger, 
Institutions  Liturg.  torn.  iii.  p.  2S8  ff.— [Ed.] 


LIGATURAE 

fessor  at  Conserans,  6th  century  ;  commemorated 

Aug.  27  (Usuard.  Aiict.  ;  Acta  SS.  Aug.  vi.  47). 

[C.  H.] 

LICINIUS  (Lizinius),  bishop  of  Angers, 
confessor;  commemorated  Feb.  13  (Murt. 
Usuard. ;  Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  678) ;  June  8  (Mart. 
Ado).  [C.  H.] 

LICTA;  commemorated  at  Caesarea,  April  5 
(3fart.  Hieron.)  [(1  H.] 

LICTISSmUS  (Lectissimus),  martyr  ;  com- 
memorated in  Africa  Apr.  26  (Mart.  Hieron. ; 
Acta  SS.  Apr.  iii.  415).  [C.  H.] 

LIDORIUS  (Lydorius,  Littorius,  Lito- 
RIUS),  bishop  of  Tours,  4th  century  ;  com- 
memorated Sept.  13  (3Iart.  Hieron.,  Usuard. 
Auct.  ;  Acta  SS.  Sept.  iv.  61).  [C.  H.] 

LIGATURAE  (Ligamenta,  Ligamina,  Alli- 
gaturac,  Subatligatnrae,  Seaeis,  KaraSeafis,  Ka- 
ToSeo-yUoi,  ■mptafj.ixaTa,  Trepiairra)  were  amu- 
lets or  phylacteries  bound  (ligatae)  to  any  part 
of  the  body  of  man  or  beast,  in  the  hope  of 
averting  or  driving  away  evil.  The  name  was, 
however,  often  given  to  amulets  attached  to  the 
person  in  any  other  way  ;  as  when  suspended, 
in  which  case  they  Avere  sometimes  called  by 
the  Greeks  i^apTy]^ara.  This  is  one  among 
many  gainful  superstitions  which  St.  Chrysostom 
charged  "  certain  of  the  vagabond  Jews  "  (Acts 
xix.  13)  with  practising,  as  their  fathers  had 
done  before  them.  Thus  he  says  to  Christians 
to  whom  they  promised  health  by  such  means  : 
"  If  thou  persevere  for  a  short  time,  and  spurn 
and  with  great  contumely  cast  out  of  the  house 
those  who  seek  to  sing  some  incantation  over,  or 
to  bind  some  periapts  to  the  body,  thou  hast  at 
once  received  refreshment  from  thy  conscience  " 
(^Adv.  Jud.  Hom.  viii.  §  7).  The  heathen  were 
equally  addicted  to  their  use.  Two  or  three 
examples  out  of  many  given  by  Pliny  in  his 
Natural  History  will  suffice  to  shew  this.  Wool 
stolen  from  a  shepherd,  bound  to  the  left  arm, 
was  supposed  to  cure  fever  (xxix.  4)  ;  the  large- 
tined  horns  of  the  stag-beetle  bound  to  infants 
"  acquired  the  nature  of  amulets  "  (xxx.  15).  A 
stone  taken  from  the  head  of  an  ox  bound  to  an 
infant  relieved  it  in  teething  (ibid.).  As  the  ox 
was  believed  to  spit  this  stone  out,  if  it  saw 
death  coming,  its  head  must  be  cut  off  suddenly. 
These  facts  may  serve  to  indicate  the  source 
of  the  superstition  among  Christians.  Until  the 
conversion  of  the  emperors  this  practice  was 
regarded  by  all  as  magic  and  unlawful.  Thus 
Tertullian  (a.d.  192)  says  of  the  wound  caused 
by  the  bite  of  a  scorpion,  "  Magic  binds  some- 
thing round  it ;  medicine  meets  it  with  steel  and 
cup  "  (Scorpiac.').  In  the  Apostolical  Constitu- 
tions, probably  compiled  about  the  end  of  the 
2nd  century,  bishops  are  forbidden  to  receive  as 
catechumens  those  who  "  make  ligaturae  "  (Trepi- 
du/xara,  viii.  32).  The  earliest  intimation  of 
their  use  by  professed  Christians  occurs  in  the 
36th  canon  of  the  Council  of  Laodicea,  held  pro- 
bably about  365  :  "It  is  unlawful  for  those  of 
the  sacerdotal  and  clerical  orders  ...  to  make 
phylacteries,  which  are  the  bonds  of  their  souls. 
We  have  ordered  those  who  wear  them  to  be 
cast  out  of  the  church."  It  is  implied  here  that 
these  "  phylacteries "  were  bound  on,  i.e.  were 
ligaturae.      When  Martin  of  Braga  (a.d.  560) 


LIGATUEAE 

made  his  collection  of  canons,  he  rendered  the 
word  "  phylacteries ''  by  "  ligaturae  "  (can.  59  ; 
Labbe,  v.  912).  The  words  were,  in  fact,  treated 
by  many  as  synonyms,  except  when  the  Jewish 
practice  mentioned  in  Scripture  was  intended. 
Of  this  we  shall  have  further  proof  as  we  pro- 
ceed. St.  Epiphanius  (a.d.  368)  explains  that 
the  "  phylacteries "  of  Matt,  xxiii.  5  are  not 
"  periapts,"  as  might  be  supposed  "  fi'om  the 
circumstance  that  some  called  periapts  phylac- 
teries "  {Hacr.  15,  c.  Scrihas).  When  a  distinc- 
tiou  was  made  by  Christian  writers,  the  name 
of  phylactery  was  restricted  to  those  ligatui-ae 
which  had  writing  in  them.  Thus  Bonitace  at 
the  council  of  Liptines,  A.D.  743  :  "  If  any  pres- 
byter or  clerk  shall  observe  auguries  ...  or 
phylacteries,  id  est  scripturas,  let  him  know  that 
he  is  subject  to  the  penalties  of  the  canons " 
{Stat.  33).  To  proceed:  St.  Basil,  in  Cappa- 
docia  (a.d.  370)  seems  to  imply  an  extensive 
recourse  to  such  amulets  by  Christians :  "  Is 
thy  child  sick  ?  Thou  lookest  about  for  a 
charmer,  or  one  who  puts  vain  characters  about 
the  neck  of  innocent  infants,  or  at  last  goest  to 
the  physician  and  to  medicines,  without  any 
thought  of  Him  who  is  able  to  save  "  (m  Fsalm 
xlv.  2).  Gaudentius,  bishop  of  Bi'escia  (A.D.  385) 
warns  his  neophytes  against  all  such  practices 
as  among  the  '•  abominations  of  the  Gentiles " 
and  "  by-ways  of  idolatry."  "  Deeds  of  witchcraft, 
incantations,  suballigaturae,  .  .  .  are  parts  of 
idolatry"  {Tract,  iv.  de  Lect.  Exodi).  St. 
Augustine,  in  Africa,  speaks  of  our  subject  in 
writings  ranging  from  397  to  426.  Thus  after 
mention  of  several  "  superstitious  "  practices,  he 
says,  "To  this  class  belong  also  all  ligaturae 
and  remedies  which  even  the  science  of  the  phy- 
sicians condemns,  whether  in  precantations  or 
in  certain  marks  which  they  call  characters,  or 
in  any  object  to  be  suspended  and  bound  on," 
&c.  {De  Boctr.  Christ,  ii.  20,  §  30).  A  refe- 
rence to  earrings  in  this  passage  is  cleared  up 
by  another  {Ep.  ad  Possid.  245,  §  2),  "  The  exe- 
crable superstition  of  ligatures,  wherein  even 
the  earrings  of  men  are  made  to  serve  as  pen- 
dants at  the  tops  of  the  ears  on  one  side  {De 
Boctr.  Chr.  in  summo  aurium  singularum)  is 
not  practised  to  please  men,  but  to  serve  devils." 
Here,  it  will  be  observed,  objects  that  were 
merely  suspended  are  called  ligaturae.  In  a 
sermon  to  the  people  the  same  father  says,  "  One 
of  the  faithful  is  lying  bed-rid,  is  tormented 
by  pains;  prays,  is  not  heard;  or  rather  is 
heard,  but  is  proved,  is  exercised  :  the  son  is 
scourged  that  he  may  be  received  back.  Then 
when  he  is  tortured  by  pains,  comes  the  tempta- 
tion of  the  tongue.  Some  wretched  woman  or 
man,  if  he  is  to  be  called  a  man,  comes  to  his 
bedside,  and  says,  '  Jlake  that  ligature  and  thou 
wilt  be  well.  Such  and  such  persons  (ask 
them)  did  it  and  were  made  well  by  it.'  He 
does  not  yield,  nor  obey,  nor  incline  his  heart ; 
yet  he  has  a  struggle.  He  has  no  strength,  and 
conquers  the  devil.  He  becomes  a  martyr  on 
his  bed,  crowned  by  Him,  who  for  him  hung  on 
the  tree  "  {Serm.  285,  §  7).  Compare  a  strictly 
parallel  passage  in  Serm.  318,  §  3.  Elsewhere 
he  says,  that  the  "  evil  spirits  devise  for  them- 
selves certain  shadows  of  honour,  that  so  they 
may  deceive  the  followers  of  Christ ;  and  this 
so  far  .  .  .  that  even  they  who  seduce  by  liga- 
turae, precantations,    by   machinations   of    the 


LIGATURAE 


991 


enemy,  mix  the  name  of  Christ  with  their  pre- 
cantations "  {Tract,  vii.  in  Ev.  Joan,  §  6).  Again, 
"  Wheu  .hy  head  aches,  we  praise  thee,  if  thou 
hast  put  the  gospel  to  thy  head,  and  not  had 
recourse  to  a  ligatura.  For  the  weakness  of 
men  has  gone  so  far,  and  men  who  fly  to  liga- 
turae are  so  much  to  be  bewailed,  that  we  re- 
joice when  we  see  that  a  bedridden  man  tossed 
with  fever  and  pains  has  placed  his  hope  in 
nothing  but  in  the  application  of  the  gospel  to  his 
head ;  not  because  it  was  done  to  this  end,  but 
because  the  gospel  has  been  preferred  to  liga- 
turae "  {ibid.  §  12).  St.  Chrysostom  (398)  is 
witness  to  the  prevalence  of  the  superstition 
both  in  Syria  and  Greece,  e.g.  in  a  homily 
preached  at  Antioch,  "  What  should  one  say  of 
periapts,  and  bells  hung  from  the  hand  and  the 
scarlet  thread,  and  the  rest,  full  of  great  follv? 
while  nothing  ought  to  be  put  round  the  child, 
but  the  protection  of  the  cross.  But  now  He 
who  hath  converted  the  world  ...  is  despised, 
and  woof  and  warp  and  such  ligaturae  {irepi- 
d/j.fj.aTa)  are  intrusted  with  the  safety  of  the 
child  "  {Ham.  xii.  in  Ep.  i.  ad  Cor.  §  7)  "  Wliat 
should  we  say  of  those  who  use  incantations  and 
periapts,  and  bind  brass  coins  of  Alexander  the 
Macedonian  about  their  heads  and  feet?"  {Ad 
Tllum.  Catech.  ii.  5).  He  says  of  Job  tliat  he 
did  not,  when  sick,  "  bind  periapts  about  him  " 
{Adv.  Judae.  Horn.  viii.  §  6) ;  and  of  Lazarus 
that  "  he  did  not  bind  plates  of  metal  (ire'roAa) 
on  himself"  {ibid.).  "Some,"  he  says,  "tied 
about  them  the  names  of  rivers"  {Horn.  viii.  in 
Ep.  ad  Col.  §  5).  It  appears  that  some  alleged 
the  compatibility  of  such  practices  with  a  sound 
belief.  Hence  St.  Chrysostom  warns  his  hearers, 
that  "  though  they  who  have  to  do  with  periapts 
offer  numberless  subtle  excuses  for  them,  as 
that  'we  call  on  God  and  nothing  more,'  and 
that  '  the  old  woman  is  a  Christian  and  one  of 
the  faithful,'  it  is  nevertheless  idolatry  "  (ibid.). 
He  bids  them  as  Christians  make  the  sign  of  the 
cross,  and  to  know  no  other  remedy  out  of 
medicine  {ibid.).  Like  St.  Augustine  he  en- 
coui-ages  the  sufferer  to  resist  the  temptation  to 
use  amulets  by  telling  him  that  patience  has 
the  merit  of  martyrdom  :  "  Thou  hast  fallen  into 
a  sore  disease,  and  there  are  present  many  who 
would  force  thee  to  relieve  the  malady,  some 
by  incantations,  others  by  ligaturae  {irepia.fj.ixo.Ta), 
some  by  some  other  means  ?  Through  the  fear 
of  God  thou  hast  borne  up  nobly  and  with  con- 
stancy, and  wouldst  choose  to  suffer  anything 
rather  than  endure  to  commit  any  act  of  idola- 
try ?  This  wins  the  crown  of  martyrdom,"  &c. 
{Horn.  iii.  §  5,  in  Ep.  i.  ad  Thess.  Comp.  Horn. 
viii.  in  Ep.  ad  Col.  U.S.).  In  France  Caesarius 
of  Aries  (a.d.  502)  denounces  the  use  of  "  dia- 
bolical phylacteries  hung  "  on  the  person  {Serm. 
66,  §  5).  'Gregory  of  Tours  (A.D.  573)  speaks  of 
a  hariolus  who  "  mutters  charms,  casts  lots, 
hangs  ligatui-ae  from  the  neck  "  of  a  sick  boy 
{Mirac.  ii.  45).  In  another  case  which  he  re- 
lates, to  expel  "the  noonday  demon,"  they 
applied  "  ligamina  of  herbs,"  with  incantations 
{De  Mir.  S.  Mart.  iv.  36).  In  a  third,  the 
parents  of  the  patient,  "as  the  custom  is  of 
country  people,  carried  to  him  liganienta  and 
potions  from  the  fortune-tellers  and  soothsayers  '* 
{ibid.  i.  26).  Isidore  of  Seville,  in  Gothic  Spain, 
writing  in  636,  copies  in  his  Etijmologicon  (viii. 
9)  the  passage  cited  above  from  St.  Augustine, 


•992 


LIGHTHOUSE 


de  Doctr.   Christ.     St.   Eloy,    bishop   of  Xoyon, 
A.D.  tJ40 :  '•  Let   no   Christian  presume  to  hang 
man  or  any  animal 


ligamina   on   the  necks  of 
whatsoever,  even  though   it  be  done  by  clerk; 
and  it  be  said  that  it  Is  a  holy  thing  and  con- 
tams  divine   lections  "  {De  Ecct.  Caih.  Convers. 
§  5).     In  742,  Boniface,  writing  to  Zacharias  of 
Itome  on  the  difficulties   put  in  his  way  by  the 
report  of  scandals  tolerated  in  that  city,  says 
that  his  informants  declared  that  they  saw  there 
among  other  relics  of  paganism,  "  women  with 
Ijhyiacteries    and    ligaturae,    bound,    in    pagan 
fashion,  on    their   arms   and   legs,  and  publicly 
•offering   them  for  sale   to  others"  (EpuL  49). 
The   i)ope,  in  reply,  says  that    he    has   alreadv 
■endeavoured    to     suppress     those    superstitions 
{^Epkt.  i.  9).     Boniface   himself,   the   ne.\t  year 
at  the  council   of  Liptines,  sanctioned  a  decree 
for  the  abolition  of  all  pagan  practices.     A  list 
•of  them  was  appended  to  it,  and  in  this  we  find, 
■"  Phylacteries  and  Ligaturae  "  (n.  10).     In  the 
6th  book  of  the  Carolingian  Capitularies  is  the 
following    law:    "That    phylacteries    or     false 
■writings,  or  ligaturae,  which  the  ignorant  think 
good   for  fevers    and  other   diseases,    be   on    no 
account  made  by   clerks  or  laymen,  or  by  any 
•Christian,   for  they  are   the   insignia  of   magic 
art "  (cap.  72).     Instead   of  such  means,  prayer 
and  the  unction  prescribed  by  St.  James  are  to 
be  used.     By  the  42nd  canon  of  the  council  of 
Tours  (813)  priests  are  directed  to  admonish  the 
people  that  "  ligaturae  of  bones  or  herbs  applied 
to  any  mortal   thing  (man  or  beast)  are  of  no 
avail,   but    are   snares   and    deceits    of  the    old 
enemy  "  (Sim.  Add.  iii.   Capit.  llcg.  Franc,  cap. 
•93).      When    the    Bulgarians,    A.D.    866,    asked 
Nicholas  I.  if  they  might  retain  their  custom  of 
"  hanging   a    ligatura  under  the   throat  of  the 
sick,"  he  replied,   "  ligaturae  of  this   kind  are 
phylacteries  invented  by  the  craft  of  the  devil, 
and  are   proved   to  be   bonds  for  men's  souls" 
{Epist.   97,  §  79).     Probably  we    shall    not   be 
wrong    in    inferring   from   the    foregoing    testi- 
monies that  the  practice  prevailed  at  one  time 
■or  another  in  every  part  of  Christendom.     It  is 
also  probable   that  it  suggested  the  manner  of 
many  attempts  to    cure   by   those    who    looked 
solely  for  divine  aid.     E.g.  St.   Cuthbert   (a.d. 
085)  sent  a  linen  belt  to  the  abbess   Elfled,  who 
was   sick.     "She  girded  herself  with  it,"   and 
was  healed.     The  same  belt  "  bound  round  "  the 
head   of  a  nun  cured    her  of  headache  (Baeda, 
Vita  S.  Cuthb.  c.  23). 

In  the  8th  century  we  find  a  name  of  profes- 
sion applied  to  those  who  offered  to  cure  by 
means  of  ligaturae  :  "  We  decree  that  none  be- 
come cauculatores  and  enchanters,  nor  storm- 
raisers,  nor  obligatores."  (See  Cone.  Aquisqr 
(A.D.  789),  can.  63  (Labbe,  64)  ;  Capit.  Car.  M.  et 
Lud.  P.  i.  62  ;  vi.  374.)  Similarly  in  a  later  law 
of  Charlemagne  (c.  40 ;  Capit.  Reg.  Fr.  i.  518). 
[VV.  E.  S.j 
LIGHTHOUSE  {Pharos).  The  lighthouse, 
as  a  symbol  of  the  hapjiy  termination  of  the 
voyage  of  life,  is  of  frequent  occurrence  in  the 
cemeteries  of  the  early  Christians.  Sometimes 
a  ship  in  full  sail  appears  to  be  steering  towards 
it  (Boldetti,  Osservazioni,  p.  372,  but  it  is  often 
found  without  the  ship,  as  in  the  monumental 
slab  of  FiRMiA  Victoria  (Fabretti,  Inscript. 
Ant.  p.  506),  in  which,  appearing  with  the 
•crown  and  palm  branch,  and  in  conjunction  with 


LIGHTNING,  PRAYER  AGAINST 

the  name  Victoria,  it  plainly  typifies  the  trium- 
phant close  of  a  Christian  career. 

A  kind  of  tower  in  four  stories,  crowned  with 
flame,  bearing  an  e.\act  resemblance  to  a  funeral 
pyre,  is  found  on  some  imperial  medals,  par- 
ticularly on  those  of  Antoninus  Pius,  Marcus 
Aurelius,  and  Commodus  (Mionnet,  De  la  rarete 
et  du  pri.v  des  Medailles  Romains,  t.  i.  pp.  218, 
226,  241).  This  symbol,  however,  though  it 
misled  Fabretti,  does  not  appear  to  have  any 
Christian  significance  (Martigny,  Diet,  des  Antiq. 
Chre't.  s.  V.  Phare).  pc] 

LIGHTNING,      PRAYER      AGAINST. 

Among  the  prayers  for  special  occasions  which 
follow  the  general  form  of  office  for  a  Lite  in  the 
Greek  church,  to  be  embodied  in  it  as  occasion 
shall  serve  [y.  Lite],  is  one  to  be  used  in  the  time 
of  danger  from  thunder  and  lightning.  The 
prayer  is  too  long  to  quote ;  it  contains  a  con- 
fession of  sin,  an  appeal  to  God's  mercy,  and  an 
earnest  supplication  that  he  would  assuage  the 
fury  of  the  elements. 

In  the  Roman  Ritual,  under  the  head  de  Pro- 
cessionihuc,  we  find  "  Preces  ad  repellendam  tem- 
pestatem."     The  order  is  as  follows : 

The  bells  are  rung,  and  those  who  are  able  to 
attend  assemble  in  the  church,  and  the  ordinarv 
litanies  are  said,  in  which  the  clause  "  a  fulgure 
et  tempestate,  R.  Libera  nos  Domine."  is  said 
twice  :  and  after  the  litany  and  the  Lord's  prayer, 
Ps.  147  (147,  V.  12,  E.  V.  Lauda  Jerusalem). 
Then  follow  some  preces  or  versicles,  said  by  the 
priest  and  people  alternately,  and  the  office  con- 
cludes with  five  collects,  and  aspersion.  Of  the 
collects,  the  first  is  of  an  ordinary  penitential 
character.     The  last  four  are  these : 

"A  domo  tua,  quaesumus  Domine  spiritales 
nequitiae  repellantur,  et  aeriarum  discedat  malig- 
nitas  tempestatum." 

"  Omnipotens  sempiterne  Deus,  parce  metuen- 
tibus,  propitiare  supplicibus :  ut  post  noxios 
igues  nubium,  et  vim  procellarum,  in  miseri- 
cordiam  transeat  laudis  comminatio  tempes- 
tatum.a  ^ 

"  Domine  Jesu,  qui  imperasti  ventis  et  mari,  et 
facta  fuit  tranquillitas  magna,  e.xaudi  preces 
familiae  tuae,  ut  hoc  signo  sanctae  crucis  + 
omnis  discedat  saevitia  tempestatum." 

"Omnipotens  et  misericors  Deus,  quo  nos  et 
castigando  sanas,  et  ignoscendo  conservas: 
praesta  supplicibus  tuis  ut  et  tranquillitatibus 
optataeb  consolationis  laetemur,  et  dono  tuae 
pietatis  semper  utamur.     Per." 

The  Roman  missal  contains  a  mass  "contra 
tempestates  "  in  which  the  collect  is  the  first  of 
these  four  collects,  and  the  post-communion  the 
last. 

In  the  Amhrosian  ritual  there  is  a  "  Benedictio 
contra  aeris  tempestatem,"  of  the  same  type  as 
that  in  the  Roman. 

The  clergy  and  people  kneel  before  the  high 
altar,  where  the  tabernacle  of  the  sacrament ''is 
opened,  and  after  Deus  in  adjutorium,  &c., 
these  Psalms  are  said:  1,  14  [E.  V.  151-  53 
[E.  V.  54];  69  [E.  V.  70];  86  [E.  V.  871;  92 
[E.  V.  93].  -■' 

Then  follow  the  Litanies,  Pater  noster,  some 


a  This  collect  is  quoted  by  Martene  (ii.  302)  from  an 
old  MS.  of  cir.  a.d.  500. 
"  hujus  opt.  in  missal. 


LIGHTS,  CEREMONIAL  USE  OF 

preces,  iind  two  prayers,  each  much  longer  than 
the  corresponding  Roman  collects,  but  to  the 
same  effect,  and  the  office  ends  with  an  aspersion 
with  holy  water  at  the  door  of  the  church. 

[H.  J.  H.] 

LIGHTS,  THE  CEREMONIAL  USE 
OF.  It  maj'  be  safely  affirmed  that  for  more 
than  300  years  there  was  no  ceremonial  use  of 
lighted  candles,  torches,  or  lamps  in  the  worship 
of  the  Christian  church.  This  is  evident  from 
the  language  of  early  writers,  when  they  have 
occasion  to  refer  to  the  heathen  practice  of  burn- 
ing lights  in  honour  of  the  gods.  Tertullian,  for 
example,  a.d.  205,  ridicules  the  custom  of  "ex- 
posing useless  candles  at  noon-day  "  (Apol.  xlvi.), 
and  "  encroaching  on  the  day  with  lamps  "  {ibid. 
XXXV.).  "  Let  them,"  he  says,  "  who  have  no 
light,  kindle  their  lamps  daily  "  (De  Idolol.  xv.). 
Lactantius,  A.D.  303  :  "  They  burn  lights  as  to 
one  dwelling  in  darkness  ....  Is  he  to  be  thought 
in  his  right  mind  who  offers  for  a  gift  the  light 
of  candles  and  wax  tapers  to  the  author  and 
giver  of  light?  ....  But  their  gods,  because 
they  are  of  the  earth,  need  light  that  they  may 
not  be  in  darkness  ;  whose  worshippers,  because 
they  have  no  sense  of  heaven,  bring  down  to  the 
earth  even  those  superstitions  to  which  they  are 
enslaved"  {Instit.  vi.  2).  Gregory  Nazianzen, 
about  70  years  later,  says,  "  Let  not  our  dwell- 
ings blaze  with  visible  light ;  for  this  indeed  is 
the  custom  of  the  Greek  holy-moon  ;  but  let  not 
us  honour  God  with  these  things,  and  exalt  the 
present  season  with  unbecoming  rites,  but  with 
purity  of  soul  and  cheerfulness  of  mind,  and 
with  lamps  that  enlighten  the  whole  body  of  the 
church  ;  that  is  to  say,  with  divine  contempla- 
tions and  thoughts,"  &c.  {Orat.  v.  §  35).  The 
reader  will  observe  that  the  objection  is  not 
to  the  use  of  lights  in  idolatrous  woi-ship  only, 
but  to  all  ceremonial  use  of  them,  even  in  the 
worship  of  the  true  God. 

I.  There  was,  however,  already  by  the  end  of 
the  3rd  century  a  partial  use  of  lights  in  honour 
of  martyrs,  which  would  greatly  facilitate  their 
introduction  as  ritual  accessories  to  worship  at 
a  later  period.  We  learn  this  in  the  fii-st  in- 
stance from  their  prohibition  by  the  council  of 
Illiberis  in  Spain,  probably  about  the  year  305  : 
"  It  is  decreed  that  wax  candles  be  not  kindled 
in  a  cemetery  during  the  day  ;  for  the  spirits  of 
the  saints  ought  not  to  be  disquieted  "  (can.  34). 
By  the  saints  we  must  here  understand  the  faith- 
ful who  went  to  the  martyria  for  prayer.  This 
is  the  explanation  of  Binius,  Dupin,  Mendoza, 
and  others.  They  would  certainly  be  more  or 
less  distracted  by  the  presence  of  the  lights,  and 
they  might  fear  to  excite  the  attention  of  the 
heathen  by  them.  Many,  if  we  may  infer  from 
the  language  of  the  writers  quoted  above,  would 
be  offended  at  the  rite  itself.  The  practice, 
nevertheless,  maintained  its  ground  in  Spain  and 
elsewhere.  For  at  the  beginning  of  the  next 
century,  we  find  it  attacked  by  Vigilantius,  him- 
self a  Spaniard,  of  Barcelona.  Jerome,  who 
replied  to  him,  does  not  deny  that  such  a  custom 
existed.  His  language  even  shews  that  he  did 
not  in  his  heart  disapprove  of  it ;  but  he  pleads 
that  it  was  due  to  the  "ignorance  and  simplicity 
of  laymen,  or  at  least  of  superstitious  (religio- 
sarum)  women,"  who  "  had  a  zeal  for  God,  but 
not  according  to  knowledge."  Speaking  for  the 
church   at  large   he  says,  "We  do  not"^  as  you 


LIGHTS,  CEREMONIAL  USE  OF     993 

groundlessly  slander  us,  burn  wax  tapers  in  clear 
light,  but  that  we  may  by  this  means  of  relief 
moderate  the  darkness  of  the  night,  and  watch 
till  dawn."  Yet  he  inconsistently  defends  the 
practice  which  Vigilantius  condemned,  comparini; 
those  wlio  supplied  the  lights  "  in  honour  of  the 
martyrs "  to  her  who  poured  ointment  on  our 
Lord  {Contra  Vigilant.  §  8). 

II.  In  the  time  of  St.  Jerome  we  first  hear  of 
another  practice,  which  would  inevitably  end  in 
the  ceremonial  use  of  lights ;  viz.  their  employ- 
ment as  a  decoration  in  churches  on  festi- 
vals. This  is  first  mentioned  by  Paulinus  of 
Nola,  A.D.  407,  who  thus  describes  his  own 
custom  on  the  feast  of  St.  Felix,  to  whom  his 
church  there  was  dedicated:  "The  bright  altars 
are  crowned  with  lamps  thickly  set.  Lights  are 
burnt  odorous  with  waxed  papyri.  They  shine 
by  night  and  day :  thus  night  is  radiant  with  the 
brightness  of  the  day,  and  the  day  itself,  bright 
in  heavenly  beauty,  shines  yet  more  with  light 
doubled  by  countless  lamps  "  (Poem.  xiv.  Nat.  3, 
1.  99;  comp.  P.  xix.  N.  II,  11.  405,  &c.).  This 
does  not  prove  his  common  use  of  lights  by  day, 
but  that  is  made  probable  by  another  poem,  iu 
which,  describing  apparently  the  ordinary  appear- 
ance of  his  church,  he  says  : — 

"  Tectoque  supeme 
Pendentes  Lychni  spiris  retinentur  ahenis, 
Et  medio  in  vacuo  laxis  vaga  lumina  nutaiit 
Funlbus :  undantes  flammas  levis  aura  fatigat." 

Poem,  xxxvii.  Nat.  ix.  1.  389. 

If  such  a  practice  prevailed  in  any  degree 
duing  the  4th  century,  it  probably  affords  the 
explanation  needed  in  the  well-known  story  of 
Epiphanius,  who  once,  when  passing  through  a 
country  place  called  Anablatha,  "saw,  as  he 
went  by,  a  lamp  burning,  and  on  inquiring  what 
place  that  was,  learnt  that  it  was  a  church  " 
{Epist.  ad  Joan.  Ilieros.). 

III.  The  ritual  use  of  lights  for  which  such  a 
custom  prepared  the  way  would  probably  have 
been  only  occasional  for  many  ages,  but  for  the 
conditions  under  which  the  worship  of  Chris- 
tians was  held  during  the  first  300  years.  Se- 
crecy was  necessary  when  persecution  was  active, 
and  great  privacy  at  all  times.  This  led  to 
their  assembling  after  the  daylight  had  failed,  or 
before  the  sun  rose.  When  the  disciples  at 
Troas  "  came  together  to  break  bread,"  it  was 
evening,  "  and  there  were  many  lights  in  the 
upper  chamber,  where  they  were  gathered  to- 
gether "  (Acts  XX.  7,  8).  Pliny  the  younger, 
some  50  years  later,  told  the  emperor  that  the 
Christians  were  in  the  habit  of  meeting  fur 
common  worship  "  before  it  was  light  "  (A))/-. 
lib.  x.  n.  97).  From  Tertullian  {De  Corona,  iii.) 
we  learn  that  it  was  the  custom  of  his  day  to 
"  take  the  sacrament  of  the  Eucharist  in  assem- 
blies held  before  dawn."  The  fear  of  discovery 
which  induced  this  precaution  caused  them  also 
to  avail  themselves  of  the  catacombs  and  other 
subterranean  places  in  which,  while  they  were 
more  free  to  choose  their  time  of  meeting,  the 
natural  darkness  of  the  place  itself  would  make 
artificial  light  essential.  St.  Jerome,  speaking 
of  the  catacombs  at  Rome  at  a  time  when  they 
were  no  longer  in  use  for  Christian  worship 
says,  "  They  are  all  so  dark  that  to  enter  into 
them  is,  in  the  language  of  the  psalmist,  like 
going  down  into  hell"  {Comment,  in  Ezek.  lib. 


994    LIGHTS,  CEREMONIAL  USE  OF 

xii.  c.  xl.).  Some  of  the  first  churches  even 
were,  for  the  reason  that  we  have  indicated, 
built  under  ground.  There  is  one  still  to  be 
seen  at  Lyons,  containing  the  remains  of  St.  Ire- 
uaeus,  "  fort  profonde  et  fort  obscure,"  which  is 
believed  to  be  "  one  of  the  first  churches  in 
which  the  first  Christians  of  Lyons  used  to 
assemble  "  (  De  Moleon,  Voi/ages  Liturgiqnes, 
p.  71).  Now  there  is  every  reason  to  believe 
that  the  necessary  lights  of  this  period  became 
the  ceremonial  lights  of  the  next.  We  do  not 
know  when  they  ceased  to  be  necessary.  Even 
in  the  7th  and  'Sth  centuries,  the  station  before 
the  celebration  of  the  Eucharist  on  high  festivals 
still  began  at  daybreak  (Ordo  Horn.  i.  4  ;  ii.  1; 
iii.  ."  ;  Musae.  Ital.  torn.  ii.).  They  could  hardly 
be  needed  to  give  light  at  that  time ;  but  a 
mystic  meaning,  already  attached  to  them,  must 
have  led  to  their  retention.  The  following  is  a 
description  of  their  use  in  a  pontifical  mass  of 
that  period.  When  the  bishop  left  the  secreta- 
rium,  he  was  preceded  by  7  acolytes,  each  bear- 
ing a  lighted  wax  candle  (firdo  i?.  i.  8 ;  ii.  5 ; 
iii.  7).  As  they  came  near  the  altar,  they  di- 
vided, 4  going  to  the  right,  and  3  to  the  left, 
that  he  might  pass  through.  When  the  deacon 
went  to  the  ambo  to  read  the  Gospel  two  of  the 
lights  were  carried  before  him  in  honour  of  the 
book  which  he  bore  in  his  hands  (i.  11;  ii.  8  ; 
iii.  10).  Our  earliest  authority- now  quoted  does 
not  tell  us  whether  the  lights  were  extinguished 
at  any  part  of  the  service  ;  but  according  to  the 
next  in  date  they  were  "extinguished  in  their 
place  after  the  reading  of  the  Gospel"  (ii.  9). 
This  was  clearly  a  reminiscence  of  their  original 
use.  From  the  first  two  we  learn  that  after  the 
Kyrie  the  acolytes  set  the  candle-stands  (cereo- 
stata)  on  the  floor  (i.  26  ;  ii.  5  ;  comp.  v.  6). 
The  second  further  tells  us  that  they  were  put 
"  4  on  the  right  and  3  on  the  left,  or  (as  some 
will  have  it)  in  a  row  from  south  to  north  " 
(ii.  5).  At  a  later  period  they  were  set  "  so  as  to 
form  a  cross  "  (vi.  5).  After  the  Collect  they 
were  in  the  earlier  age  put  "  in  one  line  from 
east  to  west,  in  the  middle  of  the  church " 
(ii.  6).  In  a  later,  we  find  them  when  extin- 
guished set  behind  the  altar  (v.  7) — a  practice 
which,  in  conjunction  with  the  need  of  light  at 
an  early  celebration,  in  due  time  paved  the 
way  for  the  introduction  of  altar-lights.  The 
earliest  document  to  which  we  have  here  re- 
ferred is  supposed  by  Ussher,  Cave,  and  others  to 
have  been  compiled  about  the  year  730 ;  but  it 
evidently  did  not  create  all  the  rites  which  it 
prescribes.  We  therefore  assume  that  those 
now  described  were  practised  at  Rome  at  least 
during  the  latter  part  of  the  7th  century. 

IV.  To  the  same  period  we  may,  on  the  same 
grounds,  refer  the  oflice  of  the  Tenebrae  in 
its  first  stage.  It  was  celebrated  on  the  night 
before  Good  Friday.  One-third  of  the  lights  in 
the  church  were  extinguished  after  the  first 
psalm  of  Nocturns ;  another  third  after  the 
second,  and  the  remainder,  with  the  exception 
of  seven  lamps,  after  the  third.  These  seven 
were  extinguished  at  Matins;  the  first  on  the 
right  side  of  the  church,  when  the  antiphon 
before  the  first  psalm  was  heard  ;  the  second,  on 
the  left,  at  the  end  of  the  psalm,  "and  so  on 
either  side  alternately  down  to  the  Gospel,  i.e. 
the  Benedictus;  but  at  the  Gospel  the  middle 
light  is  put  out "  (^Ordo,  i.  33  ;  comp.  App.  §  2). 


LIGHTS,  GEEEMONIAL  USE  OF 

V.  The  Paschal  Light  (Paschal  Post,  Cereus 
Paschalis)  is  heard  of  at  an  earlier  period.  We 
have  an  almost  certain  reference  to  it  in  the 
Liber  Fontijicalis,  where  we  are  told  (n.  42), 
that  Zosimus,  a.d.  417,  "  gave  permission  for  the 
blessing  of  candles  in  the  suburbicarian  dioceses." 
Some  copies  {Concil.  Surii,  Annul.  Baronii)  even 
read  cereum  Paschalem  here,  and  the  passage 
can  hardly  refer  to  anything  else.  This  was  the 
tradition  of  Sigebert  of  Gemblours  :  "  Zosimus 
the  pope  orders  a  wax  candle  to  be  blessed 
throughout  the  churches  on  the  holy  Sabbath  of 
Easter  "  (ad  ann.  417 ;  Biblioth.  PP.  vii.  1358. 
Similarly  Leo  Ostiensis,  Chron.  Cassin.  iii.  31). 
Two  forms  for  the  benediction  of  the  Paschal 
Light  were  composed  by  Ennodius,  who  became 
bishop  of  Ticino  in  511.  They  are  still  extant 
(see  his  works  by  Sirmond,  Opusc.  9,  10,  p.  453). 
Gregory  the  Great,  writing  in  605  to  a  bishop 
who  was  sick,  says,  "  Let  the  prayers  which  in 
the  city  of  Piavenna  are  wont  to  be  said  over 
the  wax  candle,  and  the  expositions  of  the  gospel 
which  are  made  by  the  bishops  (sacerdotibus)  at 
the  Easter  solemnity,  be  said  by  another  "  (Epist. 
si.  28,  al.  33). 

From  the  first  Ordo  liomanus  (about  730)  we 
learn  that  on  Maundy  Thursday,  at  the  9th 
hour,  a  light  was  struck  from  flint  in  some  place 
outside  the  basilic  at  the  door,  if  there  was  no 
oratory,  from  which  a  candle  was  lighted  and 
brought  into  the  church  in  the  presence  of  the 
congregation.  A  lamp  lighted  "  from  the  same 
fire"  was  kept  burning  until  Easter  Eve,  and 
from  that  was  lighted  the  wax  candle  which 
was  solemnly  blessed  on  that  day  {^Ordo  Rom.  i. 
32).  Zachary,  who  became  pope  in  741,  in  a 
letter  to  Boniface  of  Mentz,  says  that  "three 
lamps  of  great  size  (so  lighted)  placed  in  some 
more  secret  part  of  the  church,  burned  to  the 
third  day,  i.e.  Saturday."  He  adds  that  oil  for 
them  was  collected  from  every  candle  in  the 
church,  and  that  "  the  fire  for  the  baptism  of 
the  sacred  font  on  Easter  Eve  was  taken  from 
those  candles"  (^Ep.  xii.  Labbe,  Cone.  tom.  vi. 
col.  1525).  It  will  be  observed  that  lampas  and 
candela  are  here  synonymous.  From  the  frag- 
ment of  a  letter  of  Hadrian  I.  A.D.  772,  to  the 
monks  of  Corbie,  we  learn  that  the  priests  and 
clerks  did  not  put  on  their  stoles  and  planetae 
on  Easter  Eve  "  until  the  new  light  was  brought 
in  that  the  wax  candle  might  be  blessed  "  {Com- 
vunit.  Fracv.  in  Ord.  Jiom.  Mabill.  3Ihs.  It. 
tom.  ii.  p.  cii.).  The  blessing  was  pronounced 
by  the  archdeacon  (Rabanus,  de  Instit.  Cler.  ii. 
38). 

There  are  two  forms  of  the  Benedictio  cerei  in 
the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  (Murat.  Liturg. 
Rom.  Vet.  tom.  ii.  col.  143).  The  former  of 
these  is  also  found  in  the  Missale  Gothicum 
{Liturg.  Gallic,  p.  241),  in  the  Missale  Gallica- 
num  {ibid.  p.  357),  and  again  in  the  Besan^on 
Sacramentary  discovered  by  Mabillou  at  Bobio 
{Mus.  Ital.  tom.  i.  p.  321).  This  may  be  thought 
to  prove  that  the  rite  was  derived  to  France 
from  Rom.e. 

In  Gothic  Spain  and  Languedoc,  both  the 
prayers  and  ceremonial  differed  from  those  of 
Home.  The  clergy  assembled,  not  on  Maundy 
Thursday,  but  Easter  Eve  at  the  9th  hour  ia 
the  processus,  a  chamber  connected  with  the 
church,  and  in  small  churches  identical  with 
the  sacrarium.     There  the  deacons  received  12. 


LIGHTS,  CEREMONIAL  USE  OF 

wax  candles  from  the  bishop,  who  retained  one 
fur  himself.  They  then  entered  the  sacnirium, 
where  the  bishop  himself  proceeded  to  strike  the 
flint.  A  candle  (candela)  was  first  lighted  with 
the  fire  thus  obtained,  and  a  lamp  (lucerna)  was 
then  lighted  from  the  candle.  They  then  re- 
turned into  the  processus,  where  the  bishop  took 
his  seat.  He  next  lighted  his  own  candle  from 
the  lamp  which  a  deacon  had  brought  from  the 
sacrarium,  and  the  deacons  then  lighted  theirs, 
also  from  the  lamp.  The  deacon  who  held  it 
ther  received  a  blessing  from  the  bishop,  for 
which  no  words  were  prescribed ;  and  the  bishop 
said  an  "  Oratio  ad  benediceadam  lucernam." 
They  then  entered  the  church  in  procession,  the 
deacons  with  their  lights  preceding  the  lamp, 
the  bishop  and  presbyters  following  it.  As  they 
entered  the  choir  they  sang  an  antiphon  (Lumen 
verum,  St.  John  i.  9)  with  versicle  (populus  qui 
sedebat,  St.  Matt.  iv.  16)  and  gloria.  The  bishop 
or  a  priest  next  goes  to  the  altar  and  says  a 
prayer  "  ad  benedicendum  cereum."  After  this  the 
deacons,  who  are  themselves  to  bless  the  paschal 
lamp  and  candle,  receive  a  benediction  from  the 
bishop,  which  is  to  fit  them  for  that  office.  They 
then,  while  the  bishop  is  in  his  chair  behind  the 
altar,  and  the  presbyters  are  standing  by  him, 
solemnly  pronounce  a  long  form  of  blessing 
(benedictio  lucernae)  given  in  the  sacramentary. 
A  similar  benedictio  cerei  followed,  and  the 
bishop  then  comes  in  front  of  the  altar,  and 
proceeds  with  the  service  of  the  day  {Missale 
Jlozarabicutn,  Leslie,  pp.  174-178). 

The  benediction  of  the  lamp  appears  to  have 
been  peculiar  to  this  office,  and  the  prayer  is 
said  by  Elipandus,  A.D.  792,  to  have  been  com- 
posed by  Isidore  of  Seville  {Epid.  ad  Alcuin.  §  xi. 
inter  0pp.  Ale).  He  quotes  a  passage  in  it : 
"  Induit  camera,  sed  non  exuit  majestatem," 
&c.  by  which  we  are  enabled  to  identify  it.  See 
Miss.  Moz.  p.  176.  It  is  certain  that  the  4th  coun- 
cil of  Toledo,  A.D.  633  (can.  9),  at  which  Isidore 
presided,  recognised  both  the  paschal  lights: — 
"  The  lamp  and  the  candle  are  not  blessed  in 
some  churches  on  Easter  Eve,  and  they  inquire 
why  they  are  blessed  by  us.  We  bless  them 
solemnly  because  of  the  glorious  sacrament  of 
that  night ;  that  in  the  benediction  of  the 
hallowed  light  we  may  discern  the  mystery 
of  the  sacred  resurrection  of  Christ,  which 
took  place  on  this  votive  night.  And  forasmuch 
as  this  rite  is  practised  in  churches  in  many 
lands,  and  districts  of  Spain,  it  is  fit  that  for 
the  unity  of  peace  it  be  observed  in  the 
churches  of  Gallicia." 

At  Rome  there  was  a  singular  custom  in  con- 
nexion with  the  paschal  candle  which,  so  far  as 
we  have  been  able  to  discover,  was  not  adopted 
elsewhere.  The  number  of  years  from  the  cru- 
cifixion was  inscribed  on  it.  Bede  (Z^c  Tempor. 
Hat.  c.  45)  records  such  an  inscription,  which 
had  been  copied  at  Rome  by  some  pilgrims  from 
England,  viz.  :  "  From  the  passion  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  are  668  years." 

The  paschal  candle  played  a  considerable  part 
in  the  baptisms  which  took  place  on  Easter  Eve. 
When  the  font  was  blessed,  "  at  the  invocation 
of  the  Holy  Spirit,  which  the  priest  pronounces 
with  a  loud  voice,  i.e.  with  deep  emotion  of  mind, 
the  candle  that  has  been  blessed,  or  those  that 
have  been  lighted  from  it,  are  put  down  into  the 
water  to  shew  the  presence  of  the  Holy  Ghost " 

CHRIST.  ANT. — VOL.  II. 


LIGHTS,  CEREMONIAL  USE  OF    995 

(Pseudo-Alcuin,  de  Dtv.  Off.  Hittorp.  col.  259)' 
Only  the  lower  part  was  immersed  (i'lid.),  while 
the  whole,  when  lighted,  represented  Christ  the 
pillar  of  light;  the  part  not  yet  burning,  but 
ready  to  furnish  the  means  of  light,  symbolised 
the  Holy  Ghost  (Amal.  Var.  Led.  Hittorp.  1447). 
This  was  the  baptism  of  the  font  mentioned  above 
by  Zachary.  When  the  catechumens  had  been 
baptized,  an  unlighted  candle  was  put  into  fhe 
hand  of  each.  Litanies  were  then  sung  in  the 
Roman  ritual  (probably  only  Kyrius),  and  then 
the  Agnus  Dei,  during  which  the  precentor  gave 
the  word,  "  Light  up,"  and  the  candles  of  the 
neophytes  (Amalar.  de  Antiphon.  c.  44 ;  Pseudo- 
Alcuin,  Hitt.  col.  260),  and  all  throughout  the 
church  {Ord.  Rom.  i.  45  ;  Amal.  ihid.),  were  at 
once  lighted.  Till  that  moment  the  lamps  and 
candles  of  the  church  were  not  lighted  for  three 
nights,  "  to  teach  us,"  says  the  archdeacon  of 
Rome  to  Amalarius  (u.  s.),  "  to  turn  away  from 
joyfuluess  to  sadness,"  as  "joy  was  quenched  in 
the  hearts  of  the  disciples  of  Christ  so  long  as  he 
lay  in  the  tomb  "  (Amal.  ibid.').  They  were  re- 
lighted at  the  Agnus  to  shew  that  every  one  ought 
to  receive  light  through  that  "  Lamb  that  taketh 
away  the  sins  of  the  world  "  (Amal.  de  Eccles. 
Off.  i.  30).  The  mass  of  the  resurrection  began 
after  the  lighting  of  the  candles  (Oi-d.  Bom.  i. 
45,  and  Append.  10;  Amal.  de  Antiph.  c.  44; 
Rabanus,  de  Instit.  Cler.  ii.  38).  For  "  the 
seven  white  days,"  i.e.  until  Low  Sunday,  the 
newly  baptized  were  daily  present  at  the  celebra- 
tion of  the  Eucharist  in  their  white  robes  and 
with  their  candles  in  their  hands  (Alcuin,  Ep.  ad 
Car.  Magn.  in  Hittorp.  col.  300  ;  Raban.  u.  s. 
cap.  39).  The  symbolism  is  thus  explained : 
"  The  eight  days  of  the  neophytes  represent  the 
course  of  this  present  life.  For  as  the  Hebrew 
people,  after  passing  the  Red  Sea,  entered  the 
land  of  promise,  trampling  over  their  foes,  pre- 
ceded by  night  throughout  their  journey  by  a 
pillar  of  fire,  so  our  baptized,  their  past  sins  done 
away,  are  daily  led  to  the  church  preceded  by  a 
lighted  pillar  of  wax "  ( Pseudo-Ale.  M.  s. 
col.  262). 

VI.  We  first  hear  of  these  baptismal  lights  in 
the  4th  century.'  Zeno  of  Verona,  A.D.  360, 
speaks  of  the  "  salt,  fire,  and  oil,  and  poor  tunic  " 
given  to  the  newly  baptized  {Tract,  i.  xiv.  4). 
St.  Ambrose,  374,  addressing  a  lapsed  virgin, 
says  :  "  Hast  thou  forgotten  the  holy  day  of  the 
Lord's  resurrection  in  which  thou  didst  offer 
thyself  to  the  altar  of  God  to  be  veiled  ?  In  so 
great  and  so  solemn  an  assembly  of  the  church  of 
God,  amid  the  blazing  lights  of  the  neophytes, 
among  candidates  for  the  kingdom  of  heaven, 
didst  thou  come  forward  as  if  to  become  the  bride 
of  the  King"  {De  Laps.  Virg.  v.  19).  Gregory 
Nazianzen,  in  a  discourse  delivered  on  Easter  Day 
about  385  :  "  Our  white  dresses  and  light-bear- 
ing yesterday,  which  we  celebrated  both  pri- 
vately and  publicly,  all  conditions  of  men  nearly, 


»  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  a.d.  350,  has  been  supposed  to 
mention  these  lights :  "The  cill  to  be  soldiers  of  Christ, 
and  the  lamps  that  load  the  bride  home,  and  the  de&ire  of 
the  kingdom  of  heaven,  ....  have  been  yours"  {Calech. 
Praef.  i.) ;  but  he  is  speaking,  not  to  the  baptized,  but  to 
competentes,  and  by  the  bridal  lamps  he  means  those 
motions  of  the  Ho'.y  Ghost  and  spiritual  instructions 
which  had  lighted  their  way  to  Christ,  and  to  the  en- 
trance of  His  kingdom. 

3  T 


996    LIGHTS,  CEREMONIAL  USE  OF 

and  every  high  officer,  illumining  the  night  with 
abundant  fire,"  &c.  (In  S.  Pascha,  xlv.  §  2). 
About  the  year  500,  a  large  number  of  Jews  were 
converted  at  Auvergne,  and  we  are  told  by 
Gregory  of  Tours,  573,  that  at  their  baptism 
"  candles  blazed,  lamps  shone,  the  whole  city  was 
bright  with  the  white-robed  flock  "  {Hist.  Franc. 
y.  11).  At  the  request  of  Gregory,  Fortunatus 
wrote  a  poem  on  the  event  {Poem.  v.  5),  from 
which  we  may  cite  the  following  lines : — 
•'  Undique  rapta  manu  lux  cerea  provocat  astra  : 

Credas  ut  Stellas  ire  trahendo  comas. 
Lacteus  hinc  vestl  color  est;  bine  lampade  fulgor 

Ducitur,  et  vario  lumine  picta  dies." 

We  should  infer  from  this  that  at  baptisms 
of  great  interest  others,  beside  the  neophytes, 
carried  lights.  This  is  confirmed  by  the  account 
which  an  eyewitness  gives  of  the  baptism  ot 
Theodosius  the  Younger,  A.D.  401  :  "All  were  in 
white,  so  that  you  might  fancy  the  multitude 
covered  with  snow.  Illustrious  patricians  went 
before,  and  every  dignitary  with  the  military 
orders  all  carrying  wax  lights,  so  that  the  stars 
might  be  supposed  to  be  seen  on  earth  "  (Marcus 
Gaz.  Epist.  ad  Arcad.  apud  Baron,  ad  ann.  §  28). 
The  symbolism  of  these  lights  is  thus  explained 
by  Gregory  Nazianzen  to  some  candidates  for 
baptism  :  ""The  lamps  which  thou  wilt  kindle  are 
a  mystical  sign  of  that  lamp-bearing  from  thence- 
forth, wherewith  we,  bright  and  virgin  souls, 
will  go  forth  to  meet  the  Bridegi-oora"  (Orat.  xL 
in  Sand.  Bapt.  §  46). 

VII.  The  gospel  lights,  to  which  incidental 
reference  has  been  made,  are  first  heard  of  in  the 
4th  century.  St.  Jerome,  A.D.  378,  tells  us  that, 
"through  all  the  churches  of  the  east,  when  the 
gospel  is  to  be  read,  lights  are  kindled,  though 
the  sun  is  already  shining ;  not,  indeed,  to  dispel 
darkness,  but  to  exhibit  a  token  of  joy  ;  .  .  .  .  and 
that  under  the  figure  of  bodily  light,  that  light 
may  be  set  forth  of  which  we  read  in  the  psalter 
'  Thy  word  is  a  lantern  unto  my  feet,  and  a  light 
unto  my  paths'"  {Cont.  Vigilant,  c.  iii.).  In  the 
west  the  custom  is  first  mentioned  by  Isidore  of 
Seville,  writing  in  636,  which  makes  it  probable 
that  it  travelled  to  Rome  through  Spain,  as 
several  other  rites  appear  to  have  done.  He 
says  {Etymol.  vii.  xii.  29),  "  Those  who  in  Greek 
are  called  acolytes  are,  in  Latin,  called  ceroferarii, 
from  their  carrying  wax  candles  when  the  gospel  is 
to  be  read,  or  the  sacrifice  to  be  offered  ;  for  these 
lights  are  kindled  by  them,  and  carried  by  them, 
not  to  dispel  darkness,  for  the  sun  is  shining  the 
while,  but  for  a  sign  of  joy,  that  under  the 
form  of  bodily  light  may  be  represented  that 
light  of  which  we  read  in  the  gospel :  '  He  was 
the  true  light.'  " 

VIII.  There  is  ample  evidence  of  the  use  of 
lights,  both  stationary  and  processional,  at 
funerals  in  every  part  of  the  Christian  church. 
When  the  body  of  Constantine  lay  in  state,  "  they 
lighted  caudles  on  golden  stands  around  it,  and 
aflbrded  a  wonderful  spectacle  to  the  beholders, 
such  as  was  never  seen  on  the  earth  under  the 
sun  since  the  world  was  made "  (Euseb.  Vita 
Constant,  iv.  66).  Gregory  Nyssen,  A.D.  370, 
speaking  of  his  sister's  funeral,  says  that  "  No 
small  number  of  deacons  and  sub-deacons  pre- 
ceded the  corpse  on  either  side,  escorting  it  from 
the  house  in  orderly  procession,  all  holding  was 
candles "  (JDe  Vita  S.  Macrinae,  in  fin.).     From 


LIGHTS,  CEREMONIAL  USE  OF 

Gregory"  Nazianzen,  we  learn  that  the  rite  was 
in  frequent,  if  not  general,  use  at  this  time;  for 
referring  to  the  burial  of  Constantius,  he  says : 
"  He  is  carried  forth  with  the  acclamations  and 
escort  of  the  people,  and  with  these  our  solemn 
rites,  viz.  hymns  by  night,  and  torch-bearing, 
with  which  we  Christians  are  wont  to  honour  a 
religious  departure  "  (m  Julian.  Invect.  ii.  Or.  v. 
16).  St.  Jerome,  of  the  obsequies  of  Paula,  A.D. 
386 :  "  She  was  borne  by  the  hands  of  bishops, 
who  even  put  their  shoulder  to  the  bier,  while 
other  pontifis  carried  lamps  and  candles  before 
her  {Ad  Eustoch.  Ep.  cviii.  §  29).  St.  Chryso- 
stom  :  "  Tell  me  what  mean  those  shining  lamps. 
Do  we  not  conduct  them  (the  dead)  forth  as 
athletes  ?  "  (in  Epist.  ad  Hebr.  c.  2  ;  Horn.  iv.  § 
5).  When  the  remains  of  Chrysostom  himself 
were  removed  from  Comana  to  Constantinople  in 
438,  "  the  assemblage  of  the  faithful  covered  the 
mouth  of  the  Bosphorus  at  the  Propontis  with 
their  lamps "  (Theodoreti  Hist.  Eccl.  iv.  36 : 
comp.  34).  At  the  funeral  of  St.  Germanus  of 
Auxerre,  A.D.  447,  "  the  multitude  of  lights  beat 
back  the  rays  of  the  sun,  and  maintained  their 
brightness  even  through  the  day  "  (Constant,  in 
Vita  S.  Germ.  ii.  24;  ap.  Surium,  Jul.  31). 
When  Euthymius  died  in  Palestine,  A.D.  467,  the 
patriarch  of  Jerusalem  "  went  down  to  the  laura 
himself,  and  transferred,  with  accompaniment  of 
lamps  and  psalms,  that  holy  body  of  the  blessed 
one  to  the  abode  which  he  had  himself  built, 
trusting  it  to  his  own  hands  alone  "  {Euthymii 
Vita,  c.  112;  Eccl.  Gr.  Monuni.  ii.  296,  Cotel.). 
Corippus,  the  grammarian,  describing  the  cere- 
monial at  the  funeral  of  Justinian,  A.D.  565, 
says  that,  "  a  thousand  stands  of  gold  and  silver 
with  candles  set  on  them  filled  the  halls,"  and 
that  when  the  corpse  was  taken  out  for  burial, 
"the  whole  populace  went  out  in  procession 
from  the  palace,  the  mournful  bands  burning 
funereal  torches"  {De  Laud.  Justin.  Min.  iii. 
9,  38). 

At  Paris,  in  585,  king  Guntram  buried  a  mur- 
dered grandson  "  with  the  decoration  of  innu- 
merable candles"  (Greg.  Turon.  Hist. Franc,  vii. 
10).  When  queen  Radegund  was  buried  at 
Poictiers  in  587,  "  the  freewomen,  who  carried 
candles  (cereos)  before  her,  all  stood  round  tlie 
grave.  Every  one  gave  her  name  inscribed  on 
her  candle.  They  all,  according  to  the  order 
prescribed,  gave  the  candles  to  one  of  the  ser- 
vants. A  dispute  arises  among  the  people ;  som.e 
said  that  the  candles  themselves  ought  to  be  put 
into  her  holy  tomb ;  others  said  not "  (  Vita  St. 
liadeg.  auct.  Baudonivia,  cap.  v. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Aug.  13).  The  question  was  settled  by  one  of 
the  candles  leaping  out  of  the  hands  of  the  ser- 
vant who  held  them,  and  falling  at  the  feet  of 
the  corpse. 

IX.  From  this  use  of  lights  the  transition  was 
easy  to  leaving  them  in  the  sepulchre,  or  near 
the  grave,  when  the  nature  of  the  place  admitted 
of  it.  We  accordingly  often  read  of  lights  in 
the  martyria  or   oratories  ei-ected  over  the  re- 


b  Gregory  {Orat.  vii.  15)  has  been  quoted  as  saying 
that  his  mother  carried  a  lamp  at  the  funeral  of  her  son 
Caesarius,  but  the  original  has,  not  Aon7raSo<|)opia,  but 
\aij.npo<l)opia,  and  tells  us  that  the  wore  a  shining  white 
dress.  The  error  is  due  to  the  old  Latin  translation, 
which  gives  "  cereorum  gestatione  "  as  the  equivalent  to 
Kaij.npo<l>opCti,    See  edit.  Morell.  Or.  x.  torn.  i.  p.  169. 


LIGHTS,  CEREMONIAL  USE  OF 

•mains  of  martyrs.  We  have  already  seen  this 
forbidden  in  the  daytime  by  the  council  of  Illi- 
beris,  about  305,  because  it  tended  to  distract 
those  who  resorted  to  them  for  prayer.  St. 
Jerome,  as  we  have  also  seen,  owns  and  defends 
the  practice,  though  ascribing  it  to  weak  and 
ignorant  persons.  We  may  cite  an  instance  from 
the  Dialogues  of  Gregory,  A.D.  595.  That  author 
relates  that  St.  Peter  once  appeared  to  the  sacris- 
tan, not  long  deceased,  of  the  church  dedicated  to 
him  at  Rome,  and  in  which  the  saint's  body  lay, 
wnen  he  had  risen  at  night  "  to  trim  the  lights 
by  the  entrance  "  (lib.  iii.  c.  24).  Gregory's  sug- 
gested explanation  is,  that  he  did  so  in  order  to 
shew  that  he  was  always  cognizant  of,  and 
always  ready  to  reward  "  whatever  was  done 
out  of  reverence  for  him."  Gregory  of  Tours 
tells  us  that  two  energumens  entering  a  monas- 
tery at  Malliacum(Maille-Lallier),  declared  that 
it  contained  the  tomb  of  St.  Solemnis,  and  said  : 
"  When  you  have  found  it,  cover  it  with  hang- 
ings, and  burn  a  light."  Miracles  followed  the 
discovery,  and  we  read  that  one  person  who  had 
been  cured  of  an  ague,  "  having  prayed  and 
lighted  candles,  held  them  in  his  hands  through- 
out the  night,  keeping  vigil  there "  (^De  Glor, 
Conf.  21).  A  lamp  gave  perpetual  light  at  the 
tomb  of  St.  Marcellinus  of  Iverdun  {ibid.  c.  69), 
and  of  St.  Marcellus  of  Die  in  Dauphiny  (ibid. 
70).  The  oil  in  both  these  instances  was  sup- 
posed to  be  endued  with  miraculous  power. 
Franco,  bishop  of  Aix,  A.D.  566,  having  been 
plundered  by  a  powerful  neighbour,  is  said  to 
have  addressed  St.  Merre,  before  whose  tomb  he 
had  prostrated  himself,  in  these  words  :  "  Neither 
light  shall  be  burnt  here,  nor  psalmody  sung, 
most  glorious  saint,  unless  thou  first  avenge  thy 
servants  of  their  enemies,  and  restore  to  holy 
church  the  things  by  force  taken  from  thee" 
(ibid.  71). 

X.  The  next  step,  naturally,  was  to  treat  any 
supposed  relic  of  the  saint,  however  small,  with 
similar  tokens  of  veneration.  In  the  5th  cen- 
tury, we  read  of  a  man  who  had  been  cured  of 
lameness  after  praying  in  a  church  where  relics 
of  St.  Stephen  and  other  saints  were  thought  to 
be  preserved,  "lighting  candles  and  leaving  his 
staff  there "  before  he  went  home  (Evodius,  de 
Mirac.  St.  Steph.  i.  4;  App.  vi.  0pp.  Aug.). 
Gregory  of  Tours  having  dedicated  an  oratory, 
removed  thither  from  a  church  relics  of  St. 
Euphronius  and  others,  "  candles  and  crosses 
shining  "  as  they  went  (Be  Glor.  Conf.  20).  In 
another  oratory  at  Tours  were  alleged  relics  of 
.John  the  Baptist,  before  which  a  lamp  burnt, 
the  oil  of  which  bubbled  miraculously  {Mime. 
i.  15).  The  bishop  of  a  certain  sea-town  in  the 
east,  hearing  that  some  relics  of  St.  Julian  were 
in  a  ship  that  had  just  arrived,  "moved  the 
people  to  go  in  procession  to  the  port  with 
lighted  torches "  (ibid.  ii.  33).  During  an  epi- 
demic at  Rheims  m  546,  a  relic  of  St.  Remigius 
was  carried  through  the  city  "  with  lighted 
candles  on  crosses,  and  with  candlesticks  "  {De 
Glor.  Confess.  89).  Lights  fixed  on  crosses  were 
an  invention  of  St.  Chrysostom,  who  employed 
them  in  those  nocturnal  processions  which  he 
'instituted  at  Constantinople  to  counteract  a  simi- 
lar custom  of  the  Arians  (Socrates,  Hist.  Eccl. 
vi.8). 

XI.  Lights  before  relics  were  naturally  fol- 
lowed by  lights  before  images,  when  the  latter 


LIGHTS,  CEREMONIAL  USE  OF    997 

began  to  be  unduly  honoured.  There  are  no  in- 
stances, however,  earlier  than  the  6th  century. 
Some  MSS.  of  Gregory  of  Tours  relate  a  miracu- 
lous cure  performed  with  oil  from  a  lamp  before 
the  picture  of  St.  Martin  in  a  church  at  Ravenna 
{De  Mirac.  St.  Mart.  i.  15).  This  proves,  at 
least,  that  the  practice  was  known  to  the  writer, 
while  its  novelty  and  partial  distribution  may  be 
inferred  from  the  fact  that  Paulus  Warnefridi,  tell- 
ing the  same  story,  says  that  "  there  was  an  altar 
in  honour  of  St.  Martin,  with  a  window  near  it,  in 
which  a  lamp  was  set  to  give  light  "  {De  Gcst. 
Longob.  ii.  13).  In  the  east,  John  Moschus,  A.D. 
630,  tells  the  story  of  a  hermit  who,  when  about 
to  visit  any  holy  place,  used  to  set  a  caudle 
before  the  picture  of  the  blessed  Virgin,  trust- 
ing to  her  to  keep  it  burning  until  he  returned 
{Fratum  Spirit,  c.  civ.).  In  715,  Germanus, 
Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  writing  to  another 
bishop,  says :  "  Let  it  not  scandalize  some  that 
lights  are  before  the  sacred  images  and  sweet 
perfumes.  For  such  rites  have  been  devised 
to  their  honour.  .  .  .  For  the  visible  lights  are 
a  symbol  of  the  gift  of  immaterial  and  divine 
light,  and  the  burning  of  sweet  spices  of  the 
pure  and  perfect  inspiration  and  fulness  of  the 
Holy  Ghost  {Ep.  ad  Thomam,  in  Labbe,  Cone.  vii. 
313).  In  787,  the  second  council  of  Nicaea  gave 
its  sanction  to  the  practice  already  popular  by 
a  decree  that  "  an  offering  of  incense  and  lights 
should  be  made  in  honour "  of  the  icons  of 
Christ,  of  angels,  of  the  blessed  Virgin,  and 
other  saints  (Labbe,  u.  s.  556).  This  was  one  of 
the  practices  which  even  the  more  moderate  of 
the  emperors  opposed  to  image  worship  en- 
deavoured to  put  down  {Epist.  Mich.  Balb.  ad 
Ludov.  Pium  in  Decreta  de  Cultu  Imag.  Gold- 
ast.  p.  619). 

XII.  During  the  last  three  centuries  of  our 
period,  a  custom  prevailed  of  offering  candles  to 
God,  and  at  length  to  the  saints,  with  prayer  for 
recovery  from  sickness,  and  other  benefits.  E.g.  a 
girl  who  had  been  long  ill  made  a  candle  of  her 
own  height,  which  she  lighted  and  held  burning, 
"  by  the  help  of  which  (God  pitying  her  in  the 
name  of  the  holy  woman  St.  Radeguud),  the  cold 
was  expelled  before  the  candle  was  consumed  " 
{  Vita  S.  Radeg.  §  32  ;  Venant.  Fortun.  a.d.  587  ; 
compare  the  Lifehy  Baudon.  §  20).  Gotselin,  the 
monk  who,  in  the  9th  century,  wrote  a  life  of 
St.  Augustine  of  Canterbury,  when  relating  the 
cure  of  a  cripple,  says,  that  he  had  received  from 
a  charitable  woman  "  a  light  to  offer "  to  the 
saiut  (§  2,  Acta  SS.  0.  B.  tom.  i.).  By  the 
council  of  Nantes,  a.d.  660,  all  persons  were  for- 
bidden "  to  make  a  vow  or  to  carry  a  candle  or 
any  gift  when  going  to  pray  for  their  health, 
except  at  the  church  to  the  Lord  their  God " 
(can.  20).  The  object,  it  must  be  explained,  was 
to  put  down  heathen  superstitions,  not  to  dis- 
courage saint-worship.  In  the  life  of  St.  Sabas, 
ascribed  to  Cyril  of  Scythopolis,  A.D.  555,  there 
is  a  story  of  a  silversmith  who,  having  been 
robbed,  "  went  immediately  to  the  martyrium 
of  St.  Theodore,  and  for  five  days  supplied  (and 
probably  tended,  encyaa)  the  lights  of  the 
nave,  and  remained  there  night  and  day  weeping 
at  the  rails  of  the  bema  "  (§  78,  Cotel.  Mon. 
Grace,  iii.  355). 

XIII.  Candles  were  also  offered  as  a  token  of 
thankfulness  for  mercies  received.     For  example, 
when  Justin  the  Younger,  on  his  accession,  went 
3  T  2 


*J98      LIGHTS,  CEREMONIAL  USE  OF 

with  the  empress  to  a  public  service  of  thanks- 
giving, they  both  offered  frankincense  and  candles 
(Corippus,  u.  s.  ii..9,  71 ;  comp.  v.  317).  A  wax 
candle  was  offered  at  the  tomb  of  St.  Eucherius 
of  Orleans,  A.d.  738,  by  a  woman  whom  he  had 
converted  {Vita  S.  Eucker.  §  10;  Acta  SS. 
0.  B.  iii.  599). 

XIV.  The  Liber  Pontificalis  {Anastat.  Dihlioth. 
■a.  85)  tells  us  that  Sergius  I.  a.d.  687,  ordered 
that    on    the    feast   "of  St.  Simeon,  which  the 
Greeks  call   hijpapante,  a  litany  (i.e.  procession) 
should    go    forth    from    St.    Adrian's,    and    the 
people  meet  it  at  St.  Mary's."     The  Greeks  had 
observed   the   feast    for  some  time  (with  what 
ceremonies  we  cannot  say) ;  but  this  appeal's  to 
be  its    introduction   at    Ixome.       Sergius  was  a 
Syrian    of  Antioch    by    birth,    and    was    more 
likely  to  bring  in  an  eastern  custom  than  many 
of  his   predecessors.     This    feast   (Feb.   2)   was 
afterwards  called  the  Purification  of  St.  Mary, 
and  was  marked  by  so  profuse  an  use  of  lights 
that  it   acquired  the  name  of  Missa   Luminum 
(Candlemas).      Lights  are  not  mentioned  in  the 
above   account,    nor    by    the    interpolater    who 
in    the    9th    century   or  later  adapted  Gregory 
Nyssen's    Sermon   de    Occursu   Domini    to    the 
feast;    but   they  were  so  common  in  processions 
at  Rome,  that  they  were  probably  carried  in  it 
from  the  first ;  especially  as  the  words  of  Simeon 
(Luke   ii.  32)  suggested  them  as  appropriate  to 
the  occasion.     The  earliest  witness  to  their  use 
however  is   Bede,  730,  who  says  that  the  festi- 
val   took    the   place    of  the    old    lustrations   of 
February:     "This    custom    of    lustration    the 
Christian  religion  did  well  to  change,  when  in 
the  same   mouth,  on  the   day  of  St.  Mary,  the 
whole  people    with  the  priests  and  ministers  go 
in  procession  through  the  churches  and  suitable 
jiarts  of  the  city  with  the  singing  of  hymns,  all 
carrying    in    their    hands   burning    wax    lights, 
given  them  by  the  pontiff"  {De  Temp.  Eat.  10). 
The    only    other    witness   before    the    death    of 
Charlemagne  is  Alcuin,  in  a  sermon  (in  Hypa- 
/rtnif,  §  2)  before   that  prince:  "The  solemnity 
of    this    da}',    while    it    is   unknown    to    some 
Christians,  is   held  by  many   in  greater  honour 
than    the    other    solemnities   of  the  year;    but 
above    all    in    that    place,    where    the    Catholic 
Church  has  obtained  the  primacy  in    its    chief 
pastor,  is  it  held  in  so  great  reverence,  that  the 
whole  populace   of  the  city   collected  together, 
shining  with   huge  lights  of  wax  candles,  cele- 
brate   the    solemn  rites  of  masses,  and  no   one 
n-ithout    a   light    held    in   his    hand  enters  the 
approach   to  a   public  station ; — as  if,  in  sooth, 
being  about  to  otier  the  Lord  in  the  temple,  yea, 
to  receive  also  the  light  of  faith,  they  are  out- 
wardly  setting  forth  by  the  sacred  symbolism 
(religione)  of  their  offering    that    light  where- 
with they  shine  inwardly  "  (Baluz.  Miscell.  ed. 
Mansi,  ii.  52).     Martene  and  others  have  cited 
similar  references  to  the  lights  of  this  festival, 
which,  if  genuine,  would  be  earlier  than  Bede, 
from    homilies  ascribed    to    St.  Eloy,   bishop  of 
Noyon,    A.D.    640,    and    Ildefonsus,    bishop    of 
Toledo,  657  ;  but  those   homilies  are  by  careful 
critics  assigned  respectively  to  the  9th  and  12th 
centuries.     See  Oudin  in  nn. 

It  will  be  observed  that  Bede  speaks  of  the 
candles  as  "  given  "  by  the  bishop  of  Rome.  He 
does  not  say  "  blessed."  Similarly,  Pseudo- 
Alcuin  (De  Div.   Off.  Hittorp.   231):     "They 


LILY 

receive  all  a  single  wax  candle  from  the  hand  of 
the  pontiff."  Amalarius,  a.d.  827  (De  Eccl.  Off. 
iv.  33)  and  Rabanus,  847  (De  Instit.  Cleri,  ii.  33), 
also  mention  the  lights,  but  not  any  benediction. 
Nor  can  we  find  any  form  of  blessing  in  any 
sacramentary  written  before  the  9th  century. 
There  is  one  in  a  Tours  missal  of  that  age,  but 
so  inferior  in  composition  that  it  can  hardly  be 
older  than  the  missal  itself.  We  give  it  here  : — 
"^  Prayer  at  the  Blessing  of  the  Liyhts.  O 
God,  the  true  light  (lumen),  propagator  and 
author  of  the  light  (lucis)  everlasting,  pour  into 
the  hearts  of  Thy  faithful  the  brightness  of 
perpetual  light  (luminis);  and  (grant)  that 
whosoever  in  the  holy  temple  of  Thy  glory  are 
adorned  with  lamps  of  present  lights,  being 
purified  from  the  contagions  of  all  vices,  may  be^ 
able  to  be  presented  unto  Thee,  with  the  fruit  of 
good  works,  in  the  temple  of  Thy  heavenly 
habitation :  for  the,"  &c.  (Martene,  de  Ant.  Eccl. 
Hit.  iv.  15,  5).  [W.  E.  S.] 

LILIOSA,  martyr ;  commemorated  Aug.  27 
(Usuard.  Mart.) ;  Bede  as  LiEiOSA  same  day. 

LILY.  Though  this  flower  may  be  con- 
sidered as  a  sQ-iptural  symbol  from  St.  Matt.  vi. 
28,  no  particular  meaning  seems  to  have  at-^ 
tached  to  it  at  any  early  date.  The  Kpiva  of 
that  passage  may"  be  the  scarlet  anemones 
which  every  traveller  must  have  observed  in 
the  Holy  Land  during  the  spring,  or  rather,  as 
the  writer  is  inclined  to  fancy,  the  delicate  and 
lovely  cyclamens  which  flower  in  great  plenty 
in  both  spring  and  autumn  in  the  valley  of  Jeho- 
shaphat.  The  early  Christian  decorators  made^ 
little  generic  distinction  in  the  wreaths  of 
flowers  they  painted  or  carved  on  graves. 
The  Italian  use  of  the  lily  may  probably  date 
from  Giotto  and  the  early  Florentine  Renaissance,^ 
and  would  then  refer  to  the  red  or  white  Giglio  of 
the  city  arms.  The  subject  of  the  Annunciation, 
so  frequently  treated  from  the  earliest  Byzantine 
or  Lombard-Romanesque  dates,  would  sooner  or 
later  bring  the  favourite  flower  of  Florence  and 
of  France*  in  special  pictorial  relation  to  the 
blessed  Virgin.  In  later  days,  it  is  considered 
as  the  lily  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  and  accordingly 
forms  a  symbolic  essential  to  pictures  of  the 
Annunciation  (Giienehault,  Dictioiinaire  desMonu- 
ments,  s.  v.).  But  as  a  symbol,  carved  or  painted, 
it  is  either  ethnic  or  mediaeval,  though  used  to 
convey  the  idea  of  virginal  beauty  in  Cant.  ii. 
2,  16,  &c.  Its  connexion  with  the  lotus,  dwelt 
on  by  Auber  (Symbolisme,  iii.  546),  is  not  made 
out,  and  appears  to  be  simply  architectural,  and 
founded  on  the  convex  or  concave  form  of  the 
bells  of  capitals  of  columns  (1  Kings  vii.  19, 
22).  See  Ruskin,  Stones  of  Venice,  ii.  128, 
242,  137. 

The  following  meanings  are  attached  to  the 
lily  in  the  C'lavis  attributed  to  Melito  of 
Sardes  (Spicilegium  Soksmcnse,  iii.  p.  475). 
It  is  fairest  of  flowers,  and  so  resembles  Him 
(Cant.  ii.  1).  It  is  golden  on  white,  it  has 
petals  and  six  leaves,  both  perfect  numbers, 
representing  perfect  deity  and  humanity.  It 
possesses  both  beauty  and  medicinal  virtue 
("  membris  medetur  adustis  "),  and  so  resembles 
the  mother   of  God,  who   has  pity  on  sinners. 


«  No  earlier  than  Philip  Augustus  (Auber,  vol.  iii. 
p.  547). 


LIMINIUS 

Its  green  signifies  liuraility;  its  whiteness, 
chastity ;  its  golJea  hue,  charity.  It  is  the 
holy  church  ;  it  is  the  glory  of  immortality  ;  it 
is  the  Holy  Scriptures,  with  reference  to  Cant. 
iv.  5  ;  and  a  variety  of  impertinences  of  symbo- 
lism, which  have  been  its  weak  side,  and  the 
Lane  of  religious  art,  from  a  distressingly  eai-ly 
date  m  the  history  of  religion  and  art  alike. 

[R.  St.  J.  T.] 

LIMINIUS,  martyr,  in  Auvergne,  circ.  a.d. 
25-5  ;  commemorated  Mar.  29  {Acta  SS.  JIar.  iii. 
769).  [C.  H.] 

LINEXTIUS,  confessor  near  Tours,  6th 
century ;  commemorated  Jan.  25  (^Acta  SS. 
Jan.  ii.  628).  [C.  H.] 

LINUS  (1)  Bishop  and  martyr  at  Tyre; 
•commemorated  Feb.  20  (_Mart.  Usuard.). 

(2)  Bishop  of  Rome,  martyr ;  commemorated 
Sept.  23  (Usuard.  Awt. ;  Ado,  3Iart.  Append.  ; 
Acta  SS.  Sept.  vi.  539),  and  Nov.  26  {Mart. 
Usuard. ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart.).  One  of  the  saints 
of  the  Gregorian  canon.  [C.  H.] 

LIOBA  (Leobgytha,  Truthgeba),  abbess, 
circ.  A.D.  780;  commemorated  Sept.  28  (2Iart. 
Ado,  Append.,  Usuard.  Auct.  ;  Acta  SS.  Sept.  vii. 
748).  [C.  H.] 

LION.  It  is  difficult,  as  Ciampini  admits 
/(Vet.  2Ion.  tab.  17),  to  attach  specially  Chris- 
tian meaning  to  the  form  of  an  animal  which 
has  been  an  ethnic  or  universally  human  sym- 
bol of  strength  and  courage  from  the  earliest 
records  of  Egypt  and  Assyria.  As  part  of  a 
composite  form,  the  shape  of  the  lion  is  con- 
aected  with  the  cherubic  symbol.  [See  Cherub 
an  Smith's  Diet,  of  the  Bible.']  The  twelve  lions 
of  Solomon's  throne  (1  Kings  x.  19,  20),  to  which 
Ciampini  alludes,  were  intended  of  course  as 
emblematic  sentinels,  after  the  f;ishion  of  Assy- 
rian imagery  ;  and  he  also  notices  that  the  eagle 
is  used  in  the  .same  mannei-,  often  in  company 
v/ith  the  lion,  apparently  for  state  and  ornament 
alone.  It  is  pretty  certain,  however,  that  the 
ideas  of  watchfulness  and  vigour,  or  authority 
in  the  faith,  were  connected  with  the  leonine 
form,  as  it  not  unfrequently  occurred  in  Christian 
churches,  especially  under  Lombard  rule.  It  is 
placed  at  the  doors,  very  frequently  as  a  solid 
base  to  small  pillars  in  the  porch,  or  tympanum  ; 
and  also  at  the  foot  of  ambons  or  pulpits ;  as  a 
symbol  no  doubt  of  watchfulness,  or  even  of 
wakefulness,  according  to  the  tradition  of  the 
lion's  sleeping  with  open  eyes.  The  lions  of 
the  gate  of  Mycenae  may  be  an  instance  of 
ancient  Greek  use  of  the  form  in  this  sense.  To 
this  effect  Martigny  quotes  Alciati's  Emblems 
{Beliciae  Ital.  Foetarum,  p.  20,  Francof.  1558): 
"  Kst  leo,  sed  custos,  oculis  qui  dormit  apeitis ; 
Templorum  idcirco  ponitur  ante  fores." 

It  is  natural,  of  course,  that  archaeologists  of 
all  dates  should  wish  to  attach  a  specially 
Christian  symbolism  to  the  lion-form.  But,  as 
Ciampini  shews,  the  principal  sculptures  of  the 
subject  are  of  early  pre-Christian  date  ;  he  gives 
two,  in  particular,  from  ancient  Egypt  ( Vet. 
Mon.  i.  tab.  17),  and  the  same  associations  have 
attended  the  image  of  the  king  of  beasts  from 
the  first  records  of  ideas.  By  the  early  church, 
it  was  adopted,  like  the  originally  ethnic  images 


LITANY  999 

of  the  shepherd,  the  vine,  or  the  fish ;  though 
not  sanctioned,  like  them,  by  the  Lord's  use 
of  the  image. 

Lions  are  sometimes  represented  as  grasping 
the  "  hystri.x "  or  porcupine,  or  holding  a 
small  human  figure  in  their  claws,  appa- 
rently with  tenderness,  in  the  latter  case  (see 
Ciampini).  The  hystrix  will  in  this  case  repre- 
sent the  power  of  evil,  the  human  form  the  race 
of  mankind.  The  Veronese  griffin,  mentioned  by 
Prof.  Ruskin  {Modern  Painters,  vol.  iii.  ch.  viii. 
p.  106),  holds  a  dragon  in  his  claws  to  typify 
victory  over  evil  by  the  angelic  powers. 

On  a  gem  figured  vol.  i.  p.  715,  the  lion  and 
serpent  are  represented  on  each  side  of  a  dove, 
which  is  placed  on  a  wheatsheaf,  bears  the  olive 
branch,  and  evidently  represents  the  church. 
This  Mr.  King  considers  an  illustration  of  the 
precept  to  be  wise  as  serpents  and  harm- 
less as  doves ;  though  it  seems  possible  that  the 
idea  of  contest  with  the  lion  and  adder,  the 
young  lion  and  the  dragon,  may  be  connected 
with  it.  This  subject,  though  rare,  occurs  in  a 
Vatican  ivory  from  the  abbey  of  Lorch,  part  of 
the  binding  of  its  ancient  Evangeliary :  and 
again  in  Gori  {Thcs.  Diptycliorum,  vol.  iii.  iv.). 

For  the  lions  as  attendant  on  Daniel,  on  sarco 
phagi  and  elsewhere,  see  Bottari,  passim. 

[R.  St.  J.  T.] 


From  Biistard, '  Sacramentary  of  Gellone." 

LIPHARDUS  (1)  (LiETPHARDUS),  bishop  of 
archbishop  of  Canterbury  and  martyr,  circ. 
A.D.  640 ;  commemorated  Feb.  4  (Bede,  Mart., 
Auct. :  Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  492).  [Lifardus.]  Bede 
has  Liphard  under  both  days. 

(2)  (Lifardus),  of  Magdunum  (Meun)  ;  com- 
memorated June  3  {Mart.  Hieron. ;  Bede,  Aact. ; 
Usuard.  Auct. ;  Acta  SS.  June,    i.  298). 

[C.  H.] 

LIPPIENSE  CONCILIUM.  [Paderborx, 
Council  of.] 

LIPSTADT,  COUNCIL  OF.  [Pader- 
born.] 

LIPTINENSE  CONCILIUIVI.  [Lestixes, 
Council  of.] 

LITANY  {Xiravela,  Litania  v.  Letania).  A 
litany  is  strictly  any  united  jirayer  and  suppli- 
cation in  the  churches  or  assemblies  of  the 
faithful.  "  Litania,  quae  Latine  Rogatio  dicitur, 
inde  et  Rogationes."  Ordo  Eumanus.  By  the 
word,  however,  is  usually  understood  a  form  of  . 
alternative  prayer,  intercessory  or  deprecatory, 


1000 


LITANY 


and  of  a  penitential  character,  containing  invo- 
cations to  the  Holy  Trinity  and  to  the  saints,  in 
which  the  people  respond  to  each  clause  of  the 
priest  by  the  repetition  of  a  short  and  expressive 
formula. 

Litanies  date  from  the  earliest  times  of  settled 
forms  of  Christian  worship.  Originally  they 
were  confined  to  the  liturgy,  properly  so  called ; 
but  in  course  of  time,  as  forms  of  public  prayer 
developed  themselves,  they  are  more  frequently 
found  apart  from  the  liturgy,  and  appropriated 
to  occasions  of  more  than  ordinarily  earnest  and 
penitential  supplication,  and  specially  associated 
with  processions,  during  which  they  were  re- 
peated. Hence  the  procession  itself  was  often 
called  litania. 

The  word  is  sometimes  spelt  "letania,"  and 
some  have  drawn  a  distinction  between  the  two 
forms,  and  argued  that  letania  means  a  day 
appointed  for  special  rejoicing.  "  Laetura  ac 
festivum  diem  significat.""  The  words  are, 
however,  generally,  and  probably  always,  used 
as  synonyms.'' 

The  earliest  and  simplest  form  of  Litany  is 
"^  the  Kyrie  Eleison,  repeated  three,"  six,"*  twelve," 
forty,'  or  more  times.  Mabillon  (Coinm.  in  Ord. 
Bom.  i.  2,  p.  34)  describes  a  procession  in  which 
the  people  chanted  alternately  three  hundred 
times  Kijrie  Eleison,  Christe  Eleison ;  and  the 
Capitulary  of  Charlemagne  (vi.  c.  197)  directs 
tliat  during  the  funeral  office,  if  the  people  do 
not  know  the  Psalms,  the  men  should  repeat 
Kyrie  Eleison  and  the  women  Christe  Eleison 
while  they  were  being  chanted. 

The  expression  has  been  thought  by  some  to 
have  been  suggested  by  a  sentence  of  Arrian 
^^  (Comment,  de  Epicteti  Disput.  ii.  c.  7),  "Calling 
upon  God  we  beg  of  Him  Kvpu  iKi-qcrov."  It 
occurs  however  with  slight  variations  in  the 
V  Old  Testament,  and  was  in  use  in  the  Christian 
church  before  the  date  of  the  sentence  just 
quoted.  It  has  been  used  in  the  ecclesiastical 
offices  of  all  nations,  and  from  the  earliest  times. 
It  is  found  in  the  liturgies  of  St.  James,  of  St. 
Mark,  and  of  the  Greek  feathers,  as  well  as  in 
those  of  the  Armenians,  Syrians,  and  other 
Oriental  Christianr,  whose  rites  are  among  the 
oldest  extant,  and  who  repeat  it  in  the  ver- 
nacular. 

There  is  some  uncertainty  by  whom  it  was 
introduced  into  the  Latin  Church.  The  chief 
writers  on  Ritual  s  attribute  the  introduction  to 
Gregory  the  Great.  But  the  custom  appears  to 
__  have  been  in  use  before  his  time,  as  the  .5th 
canon ''  of  the  2nd  council  of  Vaison,  in  the  time 


•■>  V.  Pappenbrock,  Acta  Sanct.  Jun.  28,  in  S.  Leon, 
ii.,  where  tie  gives  his  rcasous. 

i"  August!  {Chris.  Arch.  10.  33)  says,  "Aber  dieser 
•willkurlich  geniachte  Unterschied  scheint  nur  auf  einem 
Wortspiele  zu  beruhen." 

=  In  the  daily  ofRces,  i)as«iTO. 

"1  As  in  the  litanies  after  Terce  on  certain  days,  in  the 
Ambrosian  use. 

e  As  after  the  hymn  at  Lauds,  and  in  Lent  at  the  end 
of  Vespers  in  the  same  use,  and  in  Vespers  of  the  Greek 
church. 

f  As  in  the  daily  night  and  day  hours  of  the  Greek 
church. 

g  e.  g.  Micrologus,  Amalarius. 

^  There  is  some  confusion  in  the  canons  of  the  two 
councils  of  Vaison  (Vasio,  in  Gallia  Narbonensis) ;  the 
first  was  in  the  time  of  Leo  the  Great,  a.d.  442. 


LITANY 

of  Felix  IV.  (al.  III.),  a.d.  529,  seems  to  shew, 
which  speaks  of  the  Kyrie  Eleison  as  being  theL^ 
established  in  all  the  provinces  of  the  East  and 
of  Italy,  and  directs  it  to  be  used  in  the  churches 
of  Gaul ;  and  Gregory  himself  (lib.  7,  Ep.  G4), 
in  answer  to  some  who  spoke  of  him  as  wishing 
to  introduce  the  rites  of  the  church  of  Constan- 
tinople into  that  of  Rome,  says  :  "  We  neither 
have  hitherto  said,  nor  do  we  now  say,  Kyrie 
Eleison,  as  it  is  said  by  the  Greeks  "  [nos  neque 
disimus,  neque  dicimus,  &c.],  and  then  he  points 
out  the  double  distinction:  (1)  that  with  the 
Greeks  the  whole  congregation  say  it  together, 
whereas  with  the  Romans  the  clergy  and  people 
say  it  alternately ;  and  (2)  that  the  Roman  use 
is  to  repeat  Christe  Eleison  as  often  as  Kyrie 
Eleison  has  been  said,  which  the  Greeks  never  do.'  "^ 

The    words    were   always   said   by  the   Latin 
church  in   Greek,   for  which   practice    different 
symbolical  reasons  have  been  given.    St.  Aiigust. 
(Ep,  178)  compares  it  with  the  use  of  the  Greek 
Homoousion,   and   remarks  that  as  by  the  word 
Homoousion  the  unity  of  substance  of  the  Triuitv 
is   confessed  by  all   believers,  so  by  that  other, 
Kyrie  Eleison,  the    nature   of   the    One  God   is 
invoked  by   all   Romans   and    barbarian.      The 
words  were  said  after  the  Introit,  but  originally 
the  number  of  repetitions  was  not  prescribed, 
but    Kyrie  Eleison  was  repeated   by   the   choir     . 
until   the   presiding   prelate    directed    it   to  be    . 
changed    into    Christe   Eleison :    "  Schola   vero,    | 
finita   Antiphonia,    ponit    Kyrie   Eleison,    Prior    I 
vero  scholae  custodit  ad  Pontificem  ut  ei  annuat    1 
si   vult   mutare ''    numerum    Letaniae' "   (Ordo 
jRom.  V.  num.  6). 

It  appears  that  in  the  9th  century  the  number 
of  repetitions  was  prescribed  (v.  Amalarius,  de 
Div.  Off.  iii.  cap.  6),  and  by  the  12th  century  at 
latest  was  established  at  nine,  i.e.  Kyrie  Eleison 
(thrice),  Christe  Eleison  (thrice),  Kyrie  Eleison 
(thrice).  At  this  number  it  has  since  remained. 
Various  symbolical  reasons  have  been  assigned 
for  this  number,  on  which  it  is  not  necessary  to 
dwell.  In  the  Ambrosian  rite  Kyrie  Eleison  is 
said  thrice  after  the  Gloria  in  E.ccelsis,  thrice 
after  the  Gospel,  and  thrice  at  the  end  of  the 
mass. 

It  has  been  questioned  to  whom  the  invocation 
is  to  be  considered  as  addressed.  When  the  form 
Kyrie  Eleison  alone  is  used,  the  prevailing  opinion 
appears  to  be  that  it  is  addressed  to  the  second 
person  in  the  blessed  Trinity,  and  Anastasius  Si- 
naiticus""  ( Contemp.  in  Hexaemxron.  lib.  vii.  cont.), 
referring  to  Dionysius  the  Areopagite,"  says  that 
God  the  Word  was  properly  called  Lord  (Do- 
minus,  Kupios),  after  and  with  reference  to  the 
Incarnation,  and  the  dominion  which  He  there- 
upon received.  "  H«  is  called  Lord  [Dominus, 
nempe  Kupios]  because  He  has  the  Lordship  [ex 
eo  quod  /cypi€U€i].  Rightly,  therefore,  and 
fittingly  and  suitably,  when  God  the  Word  in 
His  advent  to  man  took  flesh  and  was  seen  upon 
earth,  was  He  also  called  Lord.  For  previously 
He  was  called  God  (fleo's),  as  being  the  overseer 
(9€aiprjT7)s)  of  the  world." 


i  In  the  Ambrosian  rite  the  invocation  Clirisle  Elei 
is  very  rarely  found,  and  only  in  borrowed  forms, 
k  Otherwise  called  "mutare  Litaniam." 
1  i.  e.  in  alteram  formulam,  so.  Christe  Eleison. 
™  Vid.  SiUioth.  Max.  Patrum,  vol.  xiv. 
»  Jb.  vol.  ii. 


LITANY 

When  Christe  Eleison  is  interposed,  the  invo- 
cation is  usually  considered  to  be  addressed  suc- 
cessively to  each  of  the  persons  in  the  Trinity 
(see  Amalarius,  lib.  iii.  6,  and  iv.  2  ;  and  S.  Tho. 
Aquin.  Summa,  part  iii.  qu.  83,  art.  4). 

We  have  entered  at  some  length  into  the  use 
of  liijrie  Eleison,  as  these  words  are  the  germ  of 
p-all  litanies.  We  will  now  proceed  to  their  use 
and  development. 

I.  As  to  the  use  of  litanies  in  the  Liturgy. 
In  the  Greek  liturgies  from  the  earliest  times 
long  intercessory  prayers,  broken  into  clauses, 
each  with  the  same  beginning,  and  responded  to 
in  the  same  words,  have  formed  part  of  the  in- 
troductory or  proanaj)horal  part  of  the  liturgy. 
In  the  Clementine  liturgy,  these  prayers  begin 
as  follows.  They  are  called  "The  Bidding  of 
Prayer   over   the  Faithful "  (irpoffcpitiyriffis  iiirep 

TCOV  iriCTTciu). 

"  Let  us  pray  for  the  peace  and  the  stability 
of  the  world  and  of  the  holy  churches,  that  the 
God  of  the  universe  may  give  us  His  perpetual 
peace  which  cannot  be  taken  away;  that  He 
would  keep  us  to  the  end  of  our  lives  in  the 
fulness  of  piety  and  godliness.  Let  us  pray  for 
the  holy  Catholic  and  Apostolic  Church  through- 
out the  world,  that,"  &c.,  and  so  on ;  the  sttc- 
cessive  petitions  comprising  prayers  for  the 
diocese,  the  bishop  and  clergy,  the  married,  the 
single,  relations,  travellers,  captives,  slaves, 
enemies,  those  who  are  in  error,  infants,  &c. 

Here  no  response  is  given  at  the  end  of  each 
clause,  but  each  begins  with  the  same  form,  Let 
us  pray  fur  (virep  ....   5e7]eciifj.€v). 

In  the  Liturgy  of  St.  James  these  prayers 
occur  in  the  same  position  as  in  the  Clementine 
liturgy,  shortly  before  the  beginning  of  the 
Anaphora.  Thiey  are  of  precisely  the  same 
nature,  though  differently  worded.  They  are 
called  the  catholic  and  universal  collecta  or 
synapte  (jrvvaTTTrf) ;  and,  after  a  ievf  opening 
words  by  the  deacon,  begin  thus  :  "  That  God 
may  send  peace  from  heaven  ;  that  He  may  be 
gracious  unto  us,  and  preserve  our  souls, 

" Let  us  beseech  the  Lord" 
and  so  on  for  twelve  such  clauses,  each  ending 
Let  us  beseech  the  Lord  (toC  Kvpiov  5eT]6di/j.iv), 
and  the  last  followed  by  Kvpie  4\4y]ffoi/  (thrice). 

In  the  liturgies  of  St.  Basil  and  of  St.  Chry- 
sostom  these  prayers  are  the  same  for  each. 
They  occur  in  both  at  the  opening  of  the 
liturgy,  before  the  prayer  of  the  first  autiphon. 

The  deacon  says :  "  Let  us  beseech  the  Lord  in 
peace. 

"  H.  Kyrie  Eleison. 

"  Deacon.  For  peace  from  above,  and  for  the 
salvation  of  our  souls,  let  us  beseech  the  Lord. 
"  R.  Kijrie  Eleison, 

"  For  the  peace  of  the  whole  world,  for  the 
stability  of  God's  holy  churches,  and  the  unity 
of  them  all,  let  us  beseech  the  Lord. 

"  R.  Kyrie  Eleison." 
and  so  on,  the  petitions  making  mention  of  all 
orders  of  men,  for  the  king,  his  court  and  army, 
for  success  in  battle,  for  fine  weather,  for  the 
fruits  of  the  earth,  &c.  These  prayers  are 
called  in  the  rubrics,"  elpriviKa,  because  of  the 
introduction,  "Let  us  beseech  the  Lord  in  peace," 
the  first  petition  in  all  of  them,  as  will  be  seen 
in  the  examples  given,  being  for  peace.    They  are 


LITANY 


1001 


Goar.   Not.  in  S.  Chi-ys.  Lit. 


also  known  as  SiaKoviKo.,  because  said  by  the 
deacon;  as  ffwaTn-i]  [Collecta] p,  because  they 
form,  as  it  were,  a  concatenation  of  petitions 
fitted  together  into  one;  or  as  Ectene  (e'/cTei'^), 
because  they  are  ordinarily  long.  They  were 
recited  by  the  deacon  from  the  Ambo. 

In  the  Armenian  liturgy  a  litany  of  the  same 
character,  except  that  the  response  is  not  always 
the  same,  is  said  by  the  deacon  and  the  choir 
alternately,  immediately  after  the  Trisagion,"^ 
and  before  the  lections  from  Scripture,  and  the 
Creed. 

In  the  West,  missal  litanies  were  also  common. 
It  was  usual  to  say  them  immediately  after  the 
Eyrie  on  those  days  on  which  Gloria  in  Excelsis 
was  not  said,  and  this  custom  continued  until 
the  9th  century.  They  contained  prayers  for 
all  estates  of  men,  and  were  of  the  same  cha- 
racter as  the  Creek. 

An  old  form  contained  in  a  MS.  at  Fulda, 
and  called  a  missal  litany,  begins  thus : 

"  Let  us  all  say  with  our  whole  heart  and  mind, 

"  0  Lord  hear  and  have  mercy  [Domini  exaudl  et 
miserere]. 

"  Thou  who  beholdest  the  earth  and  makest  it  tremble, 
"  We  beseech  Thee,  0  Lord,  hear  and  have  mercy. 

"  For  profouiidest  peace  and  tranquillity  of  our  times, 
"  We  beseech  Thee,"  &c. 

"  For  the  holy  Catholic  Church,  which  is  from  the 
borders  of  the  world  unto  the  ends  thereof, 

"  We  beseech  Thee,"  &c., 
and  so  on  for  15  clauses. 

In  the  Ambrosian  liturgy,  the  missal  litany  is 
still  said  on  the  Sundays  in  Lent,  immediately 
before  the  Oratio  super  populum,  which  corre- 
sponds with  the  Eoman  collect  for  the  day. 
There  are  two  litanies,  of  which  one  is  used  on 
the  first,  third,  and  fifth  Sundays  in  Lent,  the 
other  on  the  alternate  Sundays.  They  are 
framed  entirely  on  the  Greek  model ;  often  in 
almost  the  same  words.  They  are  said  by  the 
deacon,  the  choir  responding.  The  first  runs 
thus : 

"  Imploring  the  gifts  of  divine  peace  and  indulgence 
with  our  whole  heart  and  soul,  we  beseech  Thee, 
"  Lord,  have  mercy. 

"  For  the  holy  Catholic  Church,  which  is  here,  and  is 
dispersed  throughout  the  whole  world,  we  beseech  Thee 
"  Lord,  have  mercy,"       &c.,    &c. 

The  original  of  this  litany,  which  is  a  good 
specimen  of  missal  litanies,  is  as  follows : 

"Divinae  pacis  et  indulgentiae  muncra  supplicantes  ex 
toto  corde  et  ex  tota  mente  precamur  te, 

"  Domine  miserere  "  (repeated  at  the  end  of  each 
clause). 

"Pro  Ecclesia  sancta  Catholica,  quae  hie  et  per  uni- 
versum  orbem  diffusa  est,  precamur  Te."  [These  two 
words  repeated  at  the  end  of  each  clause.] 

"  Pro  Papa  nostro  III.^  et  Pontifica  nostro  III.  et  omni 
clero  eorum,  omnibusque  Sacerdotibus  ac  Ministris,  pre- 
camur Te. 

"  Pro  famulis  Tuis  III.  Imperatore,  et  III.  Rege,  Duce 
nostro,  etoninl  exercitu  eorum, 

"  Pro  pace  Ecclesiarum,  vocatione  gentium,  et  quiete 
populorum, 

"  Pro  civitate  hac  et  conservatione  tgus,  omnibusque 
habitantibus  in  ea, 

"  Pro  aeris  temperie  ac  fructu  et  fecunditate  terrarum, 


p  The  English  word  coUect  conveys  quite  a  different 
notion. 

1  This  must  be  distinguished  from  the  Sanctus  of  the 
liturgy. 

'  Sc  Illo. 


1002 


LITANY 


"  Pro  virginibus,  viduis,  orphanis,  captivis,  ac  poeniten- 
tibus, 

"  Pro  navigantibus,  iter  agentibus,  in  carceribus,  in  vin- 
culis,  in  metallis,'  in  exiliis  constitutis, 

"  Pro  lis  qui  diversis  infirmitatibus  detinentur,  quique 
spiritibus  vexantur  immundis, 

"  Pro  iis  qui  in  Sancta  Ecclesia  Tua  fructus  miseri- 
cordiae  largiuntur, 

"  Exaudi  nos  Deus  in  omnl  oratione  atque  deprecatione 
nostra, 

"  Dicamus  omnes,  Domine 


The  other  litany  is  of  precisely  the  same 
nature,  but  worded  diflerently. 

In  the  Mozarabic  liturgy,  missal  litanies, 
called  iJreces,  are  said  on  the  first  five  Sundays 
in  Lent,  after  the  psallendo,  which  follows  the 
prophecy,  or  Old  Testament  lection,  and  before 
the  epistle.  There  is  no  essential  difference  of 
character  in  them  from  those  hitherto  men- 
tioned, though  prayers  for  mercy  for  the  par- 
ticular congregation  occupy  a  larger  space,  and 
there  is  a  much  greater  number  and  variety  in 
them.  They  also  have  a  distinctly  rhythmical 
and  stanzaic  character,  and  an  approximately 
accentual  scansion,  which  a  few  corrections  of 
the  text,  often  corrupt,  would  probably  restore 
throughout.  Those  for  the  first,  second,  and 
third  Sundays  are  addressed  to  the  Saviour ; 
those  for  the  fourth  and  fifth  are  put  into  His 
mouth.  Their  rhythmical  character  is  clearly 
seen  in  the  following  opening  of  that  for  the 
second  Sunday  in  Lent,  which  is  in  accentual 
iambic  lines : ' 

"  Preces.    Miserere    et    parce  clempntissime    Douiine 
populotuo:  Quia  peccatyimus  Tibi. 
Prostrati  omnes  lacrymas  producinius, 
Pandentes  Tibi  occulta  quae  admiMmus 
A  Te  Deus  veniam  deposcimus. 

E.  Quia  peccaviiii'js  Tibi. 
"  Orationem  sacerdotum  accipe, 
Et  quaeque  postulant  [?  poscunt]  affluenter  tribue, 
Ac  Tuae  plebi  miserere  Domine. 

Quia  peccaviinus  Tibi." 
And  so  on  for  nine  such  stanzas. 
Or  in  that  for  the  third  Sunday : 
"  llogamus  Te,  Rex  Saeculorum,  Deus  Sancte, 
Jam  miserere,  peccavimus  Tibi. 
Audi  clamantes,  Pater  altlssime, 
Et  quae  prccamur,  clemens  attribue, 

Exaudi  nos  Domine.    Jam  miserere,  itc. 
Bone  Redemptor,  supplices  quaesumus, 
De  toto  corde  flentes,  requirimus 

Adsiste  propitius.    Jam  miserere,  &c." 
And  so  on  for  seven  stanzas. 

That  for  the  fourth  Sunday  begins  thus : 

"Vide  Domine  humilitatem   meam,  quia  erectus  est 
inimicus. 

"R.  Miserere  Pater  Juste  et    omnibus  indulgentiam 
dona." 
"  A  Patre  missus  veni  "  Praedictus  a  Prophetis 

Perditos  requirere,  Natus  sum  ex  Virgine, 

Et  hoste  captivatos  Assumpsi  formam  servi 

Sanguine  redimere,  Dispersos  coUigere, 

Plebs  dira  abjecit  me.  Venantes  ceperunt  me. 

R.  Miserere,  &c.  R.  Miserere,  &c." 

And  so  on  for  nine  stanzas,  recounting  the  inci- 
dents of  the  Passion. 

In  the  Roman  liturgy  these  litanies  did  not 
establish  themselves  permanently.     None  appear 

s  A  very  frequent  petition  in  these  litanies. 
»  In  the  office  books  they  are  printed  without  distinc- 
tion of  lines. 


LITANY 

in  the  sacramentary  printed  by  Thorn  isins 
(vol.  vi.),  which  cannot  be  later  than  the  end  of 
the  6th  century." 

The  interpolated  or  farced  kyries,  said  at  the 
mass  instead  of  the  simple  kyrie  on  certain  days, 
hardly  come  within  our  limits  of  time  ;  but  a 
reference  to  them,  in  connexion  with  the  subject 
before  us,  may  be  allowed.  They  were  common 
in  the  Middle  Ages,  and  probably  were  intended 
to  assist  the  devotion  and  bring  out  the  mystical 
signification  of  the  words.  A  few  are  printed 
in  an  edition  of  the  Roman  missal  of  Paul  III., 
with  the  heading  "  Sequuntur  quaedam  devota 
verba  super  Kyrie  Eleison,  Sanctus,  et  Agnus 
Dei,  ibi  ob  pascendam  nonnullorum  Sacerdotum 
devotiouem  posita,  quae  licet  non  sint  de  ordi- 
nario  Rom.  Ecc,  tamen  in  certis  missis  ibidem 
annotatis  licite  dicendae."^  These  interpolated 
kyries  were  called  "  tropes." 

The  following  is  appointed  for  festivals,  other 
than  those  of  the  highest  class : 

Kyrie,  Rex  genitor  ingenite,  vera  essentia,  Eleison. 

Kyrie  luminis  fons,  rerumque  conditor,  Eleison. 

Kyrie,  qui  nos  tuae  imaglnls  signasti  specie,  Eleison. 

Christe  Deus  formae  humanae  particeps,  Eleison. 

Christe  lux  oriens  per  quern  sunt  omnia,  Eleison. 

Christe  qui  perfecta  es  sapientia,  Eleison. 

Kyrie,  Spiritus  vivifice,  vitae  vis,  Eleison. 

Kyrie,  Utriusque  vapor  in  quo  cuncta,  Eleison. 

Kyrie  expurgator  scekrum  et  largitor  gratiae,  quae- 
sumus propter  nostras  offensas  noli  nos  relinquere, 
consolutor  dolentis  animae,  Eleison. 

II.  In  other  of  the  daily  offices  of  the  church, 
litanies  of  the  same  description  as  those  in  the 
liturgy  often  occur.  For  instance,  in  the  Greek 
church  a  litany,  whether  called  "synapte"  m- 
by  any  other  name,  is  said  in  the  daily  office  of 
nocturns,  and  at  great  vespers  of  a  vigil  at  the 
office  of  lighting  of  lamps.  Thev  also  form  part 
of  many  of  the  offices  of  the  church  contained 
in  the  euchology. 

In  the  Ambrosian  office,  litanies  are  said 
(among  otlier  days)  after  terce  on  Wednesdays 
and  Fridays  in  Lent  ("  litaniae  post  tertiam ''). 
These  consist  mainly  of  a  series  of  penitential 
antiphons,  divided  into  two  parts  by  invocations 
to  saints  and  two  collects,  and  other  forms. 

The  Mozarabic  daily  offices  abound  in  short 
litanies,  of  the  same  nature  as  those  in  the  mass. 
They  are  placed  at  the  end  of  most  of  the  offices 
in  Lent  and  on  days  of  penitence.  They  are  in 
most  cases  evidently  rhythmical,  and  are  ad- 
dressed to  the  Saviour. 

The  following  is  from  terce  on  Tuesday  in  the 
fourth  week  in  Lent,  and  is  a  fair  specimen : 


"  Among  other  reasons,  (1)  because  Filioque  does  not 
appear  in  the  Creed ;  (2)  bectmse  there  are  no  masses  for 
Thursday  in  Lent,  which  (on  the  authority  of  Anasta- 
sius)  Gregory  11.  instituted  early  in  the  8th  century; 
and  (3)  because  masses  for  some  festivals  are  wanting 
which  were  instituted  early  in  the  7th  century. 

»  They  were  in  common  use  in  England,  and  are  said 
by  some  to  have  beon  introduced  by  Bede,  and  twenty- 
nine  are  given  from  the  various  missals.  The  Sarum 
missal  directs  that  on  all  double  feasts  throughout  the 
year  one  of  the  following  Kyries  (which  are  there  given), 
with  its  verses  (cum  suis  versiculis),  shall  be  sung  at  the 
choice,  within  certain  limits,  of  the  precentor.  It  is  said 
they  were  in  use  in  Sicily  in  the  middle  of  the  last  cen- 
tury. The  one  given  in  the  text  is  found  in  the  Sarum 
and  Hereford  missals. 


IJTANY 

Preces.  Dicamus  omnes :  Miseiere  nobis  Deus. 

K.  Miserere  nobis. 
V.  Tu  Redemptor,  Jesu  Christe,  salva  mundum  Tua 

morte.  R.  Miserere  nobis. 

Qui  pro  nobis  es  percussus,  et  inique  Judicatus. 

R.  Miserere  nobis. 
Qui  ligatus  crucera  portas,  et  in  cruce  Patrem  vocas. 
R.  Miserere  nobis. 
Cujus  latus  peifoditur,  et  humilitas  arridetur. 

Miserere  nobis. 
The  "  miserationes  "  said  at  compline  on  week 
days  in  Lent  are  of  tiie  same  nature.     There  is 
a  different  form  for  each  day  in  the  week. 

III.  The  typical  form  of  litany  difters  from  tlio.se 
already  noticed.  It  was,  moreover,  appropriated 
to  other  occasions  of  prayer,  and  used  at  other 
times  than  the  ordinary  liturgy  or  daily  offices, 
and  specially  in  connexion  with  processions. 

The  original  and  simplest  form  was,  as  we 
have  seen,  Kyric  Elcison  and  its  repetitions. 
The  smallest  and  most  usual  number  of  these 
i-epetitions  was  three,  in  the  place  of  the  second 
of  which  the  Roman  church,  at  an  earh'  period, 
substituted  the  form  Christe  Eleison.  To  this 
introduction  was  added  an  invocation  to  each 
Person  of  the  Blessed  Trinity  severally  and  to 
all  collectively,  with  miserere  nobis  at  the  end  of 
each  clause.  Then  followed  invocations  to  the 
Blessed  Virgin,  angels  and  saints,  each  with  ora 
pro  nobis.  Then  "deprecations"  from  various 
evils,  spiritual  and  temporal,  each  followed  by 
Libera  nos  Domine  ;  supplications  for  the  church 
■and  all  estates  of  men,  each  followed  by  Te 
rogamus,  audi  nos;  the  whole  series  concluding 
with  the  Agnus  Dei  thrice  repeated,  with  the 
three  successive  responses — Parce  nobis  Domine; 
Exaudi  nos  Domine ;  miserere  nobis.  Then 
Christe  audi  nos  ;  Christe  exaudi  nos  ;  Kyrie,  &c. ; 
Pater  nosier,  a  few  "preces"  (said  alternately), 
a  psalm,  or  disconnected  verses  of  psalms  said 
consecutively,  and  sometimes  called  "  capitula," 
and  the  whole  concluded  with  prayers  or  collects 
(orationes),  mainly  for  forgiveness  and  pro- 
tection. 

This  is  the  outline  of  a  Roman  litany  in  its 
full  development.  The  names  of  the  saints 
invoked  varied  with  the  place,  or  the  occasion, 
or  the  service,  as  in  the  Ambrosian  litanies  in 
Lent,  already  referred  to,  in  which  they  vary 
with  each  litany.  The  list  was  always  headed 
by  the  Virgin  and  the  heavenly  host,  the  Agjius 
Dei  was  added  in  the  9th  or  10th  century.^ 
According  to  some  authorities  the  essential  parts 
of  a  litany,  without  which  no  form  of  prayer  is 
properly  entitled  to  the  name,  are  the  invocation 
of  saints,  and  the  Christe  audi  nos,  &c.,  at  the 
end  of  the  supplications. 

The  following  litany  is  found,  under  the  title 
Litania  Bomana,  in  an  old  MS.  sacramentary  of 
Gregory  the  Great.  It  was  doubtless  adopted 
in  some  church  or  churches  of  Gaul,  as  appears 
from  the  introduction  of  the  names  of  some 
saints  who  were  not  specially  venerated  at 
Rome  (S.  Maurice,  f  A.D.  286,  S.  Germanus, 
+  A.D.  448,  &c.),  and  from  the  petition  for  the 
Emperor  of  the  Franks. 

Incipit  Litania  Fomana. 
Kyrie  Eleison     ..     ter.        S.Philippe          ..     ora. 
Christe  audi  nos  . .    tcr.        S.  Bartliolomace  . .    ora. 


I-etter  from  J.  M.  Tommasi  to  Eras.  Gattola,  abbat 
and  librarian  of  ilontecasino,  dated  Rome,  1690. 


LITANY  1003 

Sancta    JIaria,       ora  pro  S.  Matthaee..  ,.  ora. 

nobis.  S.  Simon      . .  . .  oi-a. 

Sancte  Jlichael  . .  ora.  S.  Thaddaee  . .  ora. 

S.  Gabriel    . .  . .  ora.  S.  Mattbia   . .  . .  ora. 

S.  Raphael  . .  . .  wa.  S.  Barnaba  . .  . .  oca. 

S.  Johannes  . .  ora.  S.  Marce      . .  . .  ora. 

S.  Petre        . .  . .  ora.  S.  Luca        . .  . .  ora. 

S.  Paule       . .  . .  ora.  S.  Stephane . .  . .  ura. 

S.Andrea    ..  ..  ora.  S.  Line ora. 

S.  Jacobe     ..  ..  ora.  S.  Clete        ..  ..  ora. 

S.  Johannes..  ..  ora.  S.Clemens..  ..  ora. 

S.  Thoma     . .  . .  ora.  kc.  &c. 

S.  Jacobe      . .  . .  ora. 

[And  so  on  for  101  names.^] 

Omnes  Sancti Orate  pro  nobis. 

Propitius  ehto Parce  nobis  Domine. 

Propitius  ebto Libera  nos  Domine. 

Ab  omni  malo Libera. 

Ab  hoste  malo Libera. 

A  periculo  mortis     Libera. 

Per  crucem  tuam      Libera. 

Peccatores Te  rogamus  audi  nos. 

Ut  pacem  nobis  dones     . .     . .     Te  royamus. 

Ut  sanitatem  aeris  dones        . .     Te  rogamus. 

Ut  fructum  terrae  nobis  dones      Te  rogamus. 

Ut  aeris  temperiem  nobis  dones    Te  rogamus. 

Ut    domnum  Apostolicum  ill.  in  sancta 

religione  conservare  digneris,  Te  rogamus, 

Ut  domnum  Imperatorem  et  e.xercitum 

Francorum  conservare  digneris,  Te  rogamus. 

Ut  cunctum  populum  Chribtianum  pre- 
tloso  sanguine  tuo  redemptum  con- 
servare digneris,  Te  rogaraiis. 

Ut  iram  tuam  ab  eo  auferre  digneris,        Te  rogamus. 

Fill  Dei,  Te  rogamus. 

Agnus  Dei  qui  toUis  peccata  mundi.        Miserere  nobis. 

Christe  audi. 

Kyrie  eleison. 

Later  forms  of  litanies  are  fuller,  but  in  cha- 
racter do  not  differ  from  the  earlier. 

In  the  early  Latin  church  various  kinds  of 
litanies  were  distinguished  by  different  names. 
The  principal  of  these  were — 

1.  The  greater  litany  (litania  major),  called 
also  the  sevenfold  litany  (litania  septiformis). 

This  is  said  to  have  been  instituted  by  Gregory 
the  Great,  A.D.  590,  to  be  observed  on  St.  Mark's 
day  (April  25),  for  the  purpose  of  averting  the 
Divine  wrath  on  the  occasion  of  a  pestilence 
then  ravaging  the  city.  In  a  sermon  preached 
the  day  before,  he  urged  the  people  to  come  at 
daybreak  the  next  day  with  contrite  heart  and 
amendment  of  life  to  the  sevenfold  litany,  for 
which  he  then  proceeds  to  give  directions.  It 
was  so  called  from  its  being  divided  into  seven 
litanies  or  processions,  each  of  which  started 
from  a  different  church,  and  singing  litanies  on 
their  road,  all  met  in  the  church  of  St.  Mary 
the  Great.  "Let  the  litany"  (i.e.  the  pro"- 
cessiou),  he  continues,  "  of  the  clergy  proceed 
from  the  church  of  St.  John  the  Baptist ;  the 
litany  of  men  from  the  church  of  St.  Marcellus 
the  Martyr;  the  litany  of  monks  from  the 
church  of  SS.  John  and  Paul ;  the  litany  ot 
the  handmaidens  of  God  from  the  church  of  the 
Blessed  Martyrs  Cosmas  and  Damian;  the  litany 
of  married  icomen  from  the  church  of  the  Blessed 
Stephen  the  Protomartyr  ;  the  lit.iny  of  ii:iduv:s 
from  the  church  of  the  Blessed  Martyr  Vitalis; 
the   litany  of  the  poor  and  infants   from   the 


«  The  number  of  these  invocations  was  sometimes 
much  larger.  A  litany  of  the  church  of  Tours,  assigned 
to  a  date  not  later  than  a.d.  800,  has  more  than  300. 


1004 


LITANY 


churcli  of  the  Blessed  Martp-  Cecilia  ""  (S.  Greg. 
Ep.  lib.  ii.  2).  In  another  passage  Gregory 
speaks  of  litanies  as  already  in  existence,  and 
their  observance  as  familiar  to  the  people  : — 
"The  return  of  this  annual  devotional  cele- 
bration reminds  us,  beloved  brethren,  that  we 
ought,  by  the  help  of  God,  to  celebrate  with 
earnest  and  devout  hearts  the  litany  which  is 
called  by  all  the  greater  (major)." 

But  there  is  an  uncertainty.  It  may  well  be 
that  Gregory  found  some  litanies  on  a  smaller 
scale  in  existence,  and  developed  them.  These 
litanies  on  St.  Mark's  day  are  still  observed  in 
the  Ambrosian  rite. 

2.  There  were  the  litanies  on  the  three 
Rogation  days.  These  are  said  to  have  been 
instituted  by  St.  Mamertus,  archbishop  of 
Vienne,  A.D.  477.  St.  Avitus,  his  disciple, 
Sidonius  Apollinaris  (lib.  i.  7,  &c.),  and  Gregory 
of  Tours  (^Hist.  Franc,  lib.  ii.  c.  34),  relate  the 
circumstances.  The  latter  says  there  had  been 
a  great  and  destructive  earthquake  in  the  city 
of  Vienne,  which  also  suifered  from  war  and 
wild  beasts,  and  that  as  Wamertus  was  cele- 
brating mass  on  Easter  Eve,  the  royal  palace  in 
the  city  was  struck  with  fii-e  from  heaven 
(divino  igne)  and  destroyed.  Upon  this,  he 
ordered  litanies,  with  fasting,  for  the  three  days 
previous  to  Ascension  Day.  The  rite  was  adopted 
in  other  French  churches,  and  enjoined  by  the 
council  of  Orleans,  a.d.  511.  These  litanies  were 
not  introduced  into  the  clmrch  of  Rome  till  the 
pontificate  of  Leo  III.  (A.D.  795-816).  In  Spain 
they  were  received  still  later.  Acco]-ding  to 
Ambrosian  use,  they  are  not  observed  on  the 
original  days  of  their  institution,  as  is  supposed 
on  account  of  our  Lord's  words,  "  Can  the 
children  of  the  bridechamber  fast,  u-iile  the 
bridegroom  is  with  them,"  &c.  (St.  Mark,  ii.  19), 
but  a  week  later,  i.  e.  on  the  Monday,  Tuesday, 
and  Wednesday  in  the  octave  of  the  Ascension. 
The  litanies  are  said  after  terce  as  on  the  days 
in  Lent,  and  are  of  the  same  description,  but 
somewhat  longer.  In  the  Mozarabic  breviary 
the  four  days  next  before  Pentecost  are  ap- 
pointed as  days  of  fasting  — "  ad  exorandum 
D".  nostrum  J.  C.  pro  peccatis  nostris,  ac  pacem 
impetrandam  vel  pro  sacris  lectionibus  audiendis  ; 
et  ut  veniat  Spiritus  Paraclitus,  et  munda  nostra 
reperiat  habitacula  Ecclesiam  D"'.  frequentemus  " 
(^Rub.  in  Brev.  Moz.).  The  ordinary  service  is 
modified  by  the  addition  of  short  preces  at  the 
end  of  terce,  sext,  and  none. 

There  is  some  variation  in  the  name  by  which 
the  litany  of  the  Rogation  days  is  known.  At 
first  it  seems  to  have  been  called,  in  Rome  at 
least,  letania  "  minor,"  partly  to  distinguish  it 
from  the  litany  on  St.  Mark's  day,  which  was 
always  called  "  major,"  and  to  which  the  epithet 
was  appropriated,  and  partly,  possibly,  as  sug- 
gested by  Durandus — "  quae  minorem  nacta  sit 
auctorem  ;  non  Romanum  Pontificem,  sed  Ma- 
mertum  Viennae  Allobrogum  Episcopum."  These 
litanies,  however,  were  soon  called  "major,"  as 
in  the  council  of  Mentz,  can.  33,  a.d.  813 — 
"  Placuit  nobis  ut  Litania  major  observanda  sit 
a  cunctis  Christianis  diebus   tribus,"   &c.    Me- 


»  This  sevenfold  order  is  said  to  have  been  kept  up  at 
Tours  as  late  as  the  ITth  century,  the  clergy  of  the  seven 
churches  in  the  city  starting  each  from  their  own  church 
and  meeting  in  the  abbey  church  of  St.  Martin. 


LITANY 

nardus  also  says  (in  Litania  majore):  "  Haec 
Litania  mijor  est  Rogationum,  quae  in  triduo 
ante  Dominicam  Ascensionem  celebranda,"  &c.  It 
was  also  sometimes  called  Gallicana,  from  the 
country  in  which  it  was  instituted,  while  the 
Litany  on  St.  Mark's  day  was  called  Homana. 

The  directions  for  the  order  of  the  Litany  and 
procession  on  the  Rogation  da3's  are  given  very 
fully  from  a  MS.  ceremonial  of  the  Church  of 
Vienne  by  Martene,  iii.  126,  and  also  the 
Litanies  themselves  for  each  day  from  a  MS. 
ordinary  of  the  church  of  Lyons.  They  present 
no  peculiar  features,  but  are  interesting  as 
pointing  out  clearly  where  the  Stations  occur,. 
and  at  what  churches.  They  are  always  said 
after  Terce.  After  the  ordinary  litany,  in  which 
no  psalm  is  said  (Nulla  dicas  capitula  sed  ora- 
tionem  tantum),  Sext  is  said,  the  processional 
office  continuing  with  more  invocations  and  anti- 
phons,  and  at  the  last  station  of  the  day  None 
is  said,  and  then  31ass.  Afterwards  the  proces- 
sion returns,  saying  alternately  certain  pieces, 
and  the  whole  terminates  with  the  "  Litany  for 
any  trouble "  [Letania  de  quacunque  tribu- 
latione]. 

Litanies  of  the  same  character  were  said  in 
some  churches  at  other  times.  Thus  the  Moza- 
rabic breviary  prescribes  Litanies  and  days  of 
fasting  on  the  Jejunium  calcndarum  Januarii,  i.e. 
the  three  days  next  before  the  Epiphany,  for 
three  days  before  the  festival  of  St.  Cyprian 
[Sept.  13],  and  for  three  days  before  that  of 
St.  Martin  [Nov.  11],  called  Jejunium  calendarum 
jS~orcmbris.  as  well  as  on  certain  other  week  days. 

The  Ambrosian  rite  also  appoints  Litanies  for 
the  week  days  of  the  last  week  in  Advent,  called 
Feriae  de  Exceptato. 

3.  Certain  Litanies  were  also  called  septenary, 
quinary,  ternary  (septena,  quina,  trina').  They 
were  thus  said  at  the  font  on  Easter  Eve  : 

The  first  subdeacon  begins  Eyrie  Eleison,  then 
the  second  repeats  ICyrie  Eleison,  and  so  on  till 
the  seventh. 

Then  the  first  begins  Christe  Eleison,  and  so 
on  till  the  seventh. 

Then  the  first  begins  Christe  audi  nos,  and  so 
on  till  the  seventh. 

And  the  whole  Litany  is  gone  through  in  the 
same  manner,  each  clause  being  repeated  seven 
times,  once  by  each  of  seven  subdeacons.  In  the 
Invocations  of  the  saints,  seven  names  are  recited 
out  of  each  order  of  saints  (dicuntur  de  quolibet 
choro  septem  sancti),  seven  from  the  apostles, 
seven  from  the  martyrs,  seven  from  the  con- 
fessors, and  seven  from  the  virgins. 

Then  follows  the  quinary  litany,  said  in  the 
same  manner  by  five  subdeacons,  the  names  of 
five  saints  being  recited  from  each  order,  and 
then  the  ternary,  said  in  the  same  manner  by 
three. 

Litanies  were  also  used  at  baptisms,  at  ad- 
ministering extreme  unction,  and  on  other  occa- 
sions, which  it  is  not  necessary  to  specify. 

In  a  MS.  Pontifical  of  Salzburg,  the  following 
metrical  litany  occurs  : — 

Rex  sanctorum  Angelorum,  totum  mundum  adjuva, 
Ora  primum  tu  pro  nobis,  Virgo  mater  Germinis 
Et  ministrl  Patris  summi,  ordines  Angelici, 

Hex  Sanctorum. 
Supplicate  Christo  regi,  coetus  Apostolici, 
Supplicetque  permagnorum  sanguis  fusus  Martyrum, 

Hex  Sanctorum- 


LITE 

Implorate  Confessores,  consonate  VirKines, 
Quo  donetur  magnae  nobis  dies  Indulgentiae, 

Hex.  Sanctorum. 
(and    so    on    through    all    the   orders  of  saints, 
ending  thus) : 
Praesta  Patiis,  atque  Nati  compar  Sancte  Spiritus, 
Ut  te  solum  semper  omni  diligamus  tempore, 

Hex  Sanctorum. 

The  following  is  "ex  pervetusto  codice  seu 
ordine  Eomano  Wirtinensis,  in  dioecesi  Monas- 
teriensi : — 

"  Letania"  (for  the  first  day  of  Rogation). 
Humill  prece  ad  Te  clamantes  semper  exaudi  nos. 
Summus  et  Omnipotens  Genitor  qui  cuucta  creasti, 

Aeternus  Christus  Filius  atque  Deus  ; 
Necnon  sanclifiMns  Dominator  Spiritus  almus, 
Unica  majestas  trinaque  sola  Dei, 

Ad  Te  clamantes. 
Ipsa  Dei  Genetrix,  reparatrix  iiiclyta  mundi, 

Quae  Dominum  casto  corpore  concipiens, 
Perpetua  semper  radians  cum  virginitate 
Indignos  famulos  Virgo  Maria  tuos, 

ITumili. 
Angelici  proceres,  coelorum  exercitus  omnis, 

Aeterno  semper  lumine  conspicuus. 
Agmine  ter  triuo  supero  per  sidera  regno 

Laudibus  aeternum  concelebrans  Dominum, 
Petrus  cum  Paulo,  Thomas  cum  Bartholomeo, 

Et  Jacob  sanctus  nos  relevent  precibus. 
Andreas,  Matthaeus,  Barnabas  atque  Johannes, 
Matthias,  Lucas,  Marcus  et  altisonus, 

(and  so  on  for  78  Elegiac  verses,  embodying  the 
usual  invocations  of  saints,  and  supplications  of  a 
litany). 

These  curious  litanies  are  given  by  Martene, 
vol.  iii.     [See  also  Lite,  Peocessiox.] 

[H.  J.  H.] 

LITE  (Aitt7).  This  word  is  explained  as  the 
united  supplication  of  many.  In  the  Greek 
church  it  has  acquired  the  technical  meaning 
of  a  religious  procession  accompanied  with 
prayer ;  or  of  prayer  for  a  special  object  made 
during  such  procession.  Hence  Xtrr)  and 
TrepiiraTos  are  used  by  Codinus'  as  synonyms,  and 
both  as  equivalents  of  the  Latin  irrocessio,  en 
^aWofxevov  rov  upQpov  yiyverai  b  vfpiiraTos, 
Kai  icTTtv  avdyKt]  yeveadai  ws  edos  Xtrriy,  eV  Se 
ry  Airfj  TrepnraTTJaai  tov  /SaciAe'a.  "  Matutinis 
decantatis,  procesiio  fit,  et  necesse  est  suppli- 
cationem  in  procedendo  fieri,  et  in  suppUcatione 
Imperatorera  procedere."  (Codinus  L>e  off.  aul. 
Const,  c.  ii.)  Again  AittJ  and  \iraueia  are  used 
by  Cedrenus''  as  synonymous,  avxiJ-ov  yevofxevov 
\iTaveiav  iiroiricTavro  at  rov  ^affiAeccs  a5e\<poi 
....  eVoir/cre  5c  Koi  kripav  \nrtv  6  TraTpidpx'ns 
<rvv  ra>  K\i]pcf.  So  Xnavevav  is  used  in  the 
sense  of  "to  walk  in  such  a  procession"  {Typi- 
cum  Sabae,  c.  42). 

Litae  were  used  on  various  occasions  of  public 
calamity  and  intercession.  The  Greek  euchology 
contains  a  general  "office  for  different  Litae, 
and  vigils  with  supplications"  [aKoKovQia  us 
dia<p6povs  Mrds  Kal  aypvitvias  TrapaK\ri<Tewv^, 
the  framework  of  which  is  common  to  all  Litae, 


"  Codinus  held  the  office  of  Curopalate  at  the  court  of 
the  last  emperors  of  Constantinople,  and  wrote  (among 
other  works)  de  Offlciis  Eccl.  et  aulae  Conslantin.  Grae. 
et  Lat. 

b  A  Greek  monk  of  the  11th  century,  who  wrote  Com- 
pendium Historiarum  from  the  beginning  of  the  world  to 
A.D.  1057. 


LITE 


1005 


and  is  adapted  to  the  special  occasion  by  the  in- 
troduction of  proper  prayers,  epistle,  gospel, 
and  canon.  These  and  some  other  minor  varvino" 
portions  are  given  for  the  following  emergencies  : 
in  time  of  Drought ;  in  peril  of  Earthquake ;  in 
time  of  Pestilence  ;  in  storms  on  Land  and  at  iSea  ; 
on  occasion  of  Inroads  of  Barbarians ;  in  anti- 
cipation of  War.  There  are  also  special  prayers 
for  occasions  of  intercession,  such  as,  in  any 
public  calamity  ;  for  the  Christian  people  ;  for  the 
Emperor  and  his  Army;  in  times  oi famine ;  in 
danger  of  thunder  and  lightning." 

The  outline  of  the  service  is  as  follows: 

The  customary  opening  formulas  (Ter  sanc- 
tus— rpiaayiov.  Most  Holy  Trinity — iravayia 
Tpias).  The  Lord's  prayer.  Eyrie  eleison  twelve 
times. 

Psalm  142  [143,  E.  V,  Domine  exaudi]. 

The  great  Synapte.'^ 

A  few  Troparia  of  the  usual  character. 

Psalm  6. 

"Then  the  first  of  the  priests  says  a  prayer 
proper  to  the  Lite,  and  the  deacon  the  little 
Synapte"  (elra  \4yei  6  ■KpSnos  rwu  Upewv  fj.iau 
euxvv,  Kara  Tr;v  Ajttjj',  6  Sh  SiaKOVos  ffwaTrT^i/ 
/xiKpciv). 

Then  begins  the  second  station  : — 

[»fai  apx^M-^da  ttjs  SevT€pas  (Trd.(Teccs.~\ 

Psalm  101  [102,  E.  V,  Domine  exaudij. 

A  few  Troparia. 

The  second  of  the  priests  says  another  prayer. 

The  little  Synapte. 

Psalm  78  [79.     Deus  venerunt]. 

A  few  Troparia  and  the  gradual  psalms. 

The  proper  gospel  and  canon.     Dismissal. 

[euayyeKwv  Kara  Tr]v  AtTTji/,  Koi  6  Kavaij/ 
irapOfj,oiujs.^ 

The  special  prayers  in  these  offices  are  long; 
several  occupying  a  closely  printed  folio  column 
and  a  half,  or  more,  and  one  (in  time  of 
pestilence)  almost  five  such  columns. 

A  Lite  of  a  somewhat  different  nature  from 
the  foregoing  occurs  in  the  course  of  Great 
Vespers  of  a  Vigil. 

After  the  prayer  of  Inclination  of  the  head 
[evXT?  TVS  Ke(pa\oK\ta-ias'}  the  rubric  proceeds : 
"  Then  we  sing  in  this  manner  the  idiomela^ 
proper  to  the  saint  of  the  day,  making  procession 
in  the  Narthex  {Xiravevovres  iv  rcS  vapQ^Ki)  the 
priest  and  the  deacon  going  first  with  lights  and 
censer.  Glory.  Stichos  of  the  saint.  And  now, 
Theotokion^,  and  after  this  the  deacon,  if  he  is 
present,  or  if  not,  the  priest,  says  this  prayer." 

Then  follows  a  prayer  for  protection  through 
the  intercessions  of  the  saints,  and  prayers  for  all 
conditions  of  men,  framed  as  an  ordinary  Ectene, 
but  with  Kyrie  eleison  repeated  not  after  each 
clause,  but  three  times  after  a  group  of  several 
in  the  course  of  the  prayer,  and  forty  times  at 
the  conclusion. 

The  priest  then  says  a  short  prayer,  bids 
Peace  to  all,  and  after  the  injunction  by  the 
deacon  to  bow  the  head  to  the  Lord,  says  a  prayer 
for  protection  identical  in  substance  with  that 
immediately  preceding  the  Ectene. 

c  There  are  corresponding  offices  for  nearly  all  these 
occasions  in  the  rituals  of  the  'Western  church. 

d  The  same,  with  the  omission  of  the  clauses  for  the 
king,  Jtc,  as  that  said  in  the  oflice  of  the  Luceunariom. 

«  i.  e.  certain  antiphons,  or  stichi,  i.  e.  verses. 

'  i.  e.  an  antiphon  to  the  B.  V.  M. 


1006    LITERAE  COMMENDATOEIAE 

Then  the  Aposticha  (^airSarixa)^  are  begun, 
and  while  they  are  being  sung,  the  procession 
returns  into  the  nave,  preceded  by  lights,  and 
singing  both  the  Aposticha  and  the  Stichi 
belonging  to  them  (eTroSovres  Koi  rods  rvx^^ras 
(TTixous  avTwv). 

The  office  then  finishes  with  the  benediction 
of  the  loaves  [see  Article]. 

[This  is  extracted  from  the  office  for  vespers 
(cLKoXovdla  Tov  ecnrepiyov)  given  in  the  euchology. 
The  "  order  of  the  sacred  ministry  "  {Sidra^ts 
TTjs  lepoBiaKovias),  in  the  same  book,  gives  fuller 
and  more  complicated  rubrics,  but  the  office  is 
the  same.] 

S3-meon,  Archbishop  of  Thessalonica*",  speaking 
of  this  office  (op.  cont.  Hacres.)  says,  "This 
(KiT'fi')  is  celebrated  out  of  doors  (f^oo6(v)  in 
the  Narthex  of  the  church,  on  Saturdays  and 
chief  festivals"  He  assigns  also  as  the  reason 
whj-  the  Lite  is  celebrated  in  the  Narthex,  that 
as  the  Saviour  descended  to  our  lower  regions, 
so  we  implore  His  mercy,  standing  at  the  doors 
of  the  church  as  though  at  the  doors  of  heaven. 

Other  occasional  and  extraordinary  Litae  take 
place,  he  says,  when  any  plague  or  public 
calamitv  threatens.  [See  also  LlTANY  and  Pro- 
CESSXON.]  [H.  J.  H.] 

LITERAE  COMMENDATOEIAE.  [Coji- 

MENDATORY  LETTERS.] 

LITERAE    DIMISSORIAE.     [Dimissory 

Letters.] 

LITERAE  FORMATAE.     [Forma.] 

LITERAE  PASCHALES.  [Paschal  Let- 
ters.] 

LIETEAE   PEREGEINORUM.    [Koino- 

UIKON,  I.  907.] 

LITIGATION  ilitcs).  Lawsuits  of  any 
kind,  especially  before  secular  courts,  were  dis- 
couraged as  far  as  possible.  The  3rd  Council  of 
Carthage  (c.  9)  provides  that  any  of  the  clergy 
who  might  appeal  to  a  secular  court  in  a  civil 
matter,  should  in  case  of  success  forfeit  what 
they  had  gained,  if  they  desired  to  retain  their 
offices.  The  4th  council  of  Carthage  goes  still 
farther.  A  bishop  is  altogether  forbidden  to 
undertake  any  lawsuit  about  a  temporal  matter 
(Statut.  Ecd.  Antiq.  c.  19;  BrUns,  Canones,  i. 
143).  The  disputes  of  the  clergy  among  them- 
selves were  to  be  settled  by  the  bishop,  either  by 
persuasion  or  authority,  those  refusing  to  obey 
him  were  to  be  condemned  by  the  synod  (c.  59). 
Any  catholic,  lay  or  clerical,  who  referred 
any  cause,  just  or  unjust,  to  the  decision  of  a 
non-catholic  (alterius  fidei)  judge  was  to  be 
excommunicated  (c.  87).  The  council  of  Chalce- 
don  (c.  9)  provides  a  series  of  appeals  to  eccle- 
siastical courts,  ending  with  the  tribunal  of  the 
emperor  at  Constantinople  (c/.  Codex  Ecd. 
Afric.  c.  125).  The  council  of  Vannes  however 
(c.  9)  permits  the  clergy  to  appeal  to  the  secular 
courts  by  permission  of  their  bishops,  but  an 
appeal   from   the  decision  of  a  bishop,  or  a  suit 


8  Gear  {in  loco)  calls  these  to.  airb  cttixov  cm'xjjpa. 
They  are  sticheia  appended  to  stichi,  or  fragmentary 
verses  from  I  be  psaltiis,  and  are  explaiiied  as  "  versus  e 
Davidicis  versibus  compositi." 

•»  £ibl.  Max.  Pat.  xxii. 


LITURGICAL  BOOKS  \ 

against  a  bishop,  must  be  made  to  other  bishops, 
and  on  no  account,  on  peril  of  excommunication,    ] 
be  referred  to  a  secular  court.     The  council  of 
Agde  (c.  31,  32 ;  Bruns,  Can.  ii.  152)  provides  that    ' 
those  who  refuse  to  cease  from  litigation  at  the 
bidding  of  the  bishop  shall  be  excommunicated, 
and   forbids  any  of  the  clergy  to  carry  a  cause    ■ 
into  a  secular   court  without  permission  of  the 
bishop,  but   permits   them   to  plead   in   a  cause 
that   has  already  been  taken    there.     The    evi- 
dence of  those  who  were  prone  to  litigation  was    '■ 
to   be  regarded  with  suspicion  and  not  received 
without    very    careful    inquiry    into    its    truth    , 
(Statut.  Eccl.  Antiq.  c.  58).     In  all  lawsuits  the 
faith  and  moral  chai-acter  of  both  parties  were  to 
be  taken  into  consideration  (ibid.  c.  96).     [P.  0.] 

LITTEUS  (Liteus),  bishop  and  confessor  in  1 
Africa  ;  commemorated  Sept.  10  (Mart.  Usuard.  ' 
Ado  ;  Acta  SS.  Sept.  iii.  483).  [C.  H.]       ' 

LITURGICAL  BOOKS.  The  present  article  i 
relates  not  merely  to  such  books  as  are  neces-  1 
sary  for  the  performance  of  the  Liturgy  proper,  j 
or  Mass;  but  to  all  that  are  used  in  the  per-  ; 
formance  of  the  offices  of  the  church. 

L  Before  enumerating  these,  it  will  be  con- 
venient to  attempt  some  answer  to  the  question, 
"  When  were  liturgies  or  other  formularies  com- 
mitted to  writing  for  use  in  the  church  ?  " 

It  is  sometimes  alleged  that  the  great  variety 
and  length  of  the   prayers,  &c.  in   the   liturgies 
and  offices  of  the  church  preclude  the  supposi- 
tion that  these  can  ever  have  been  said  without     ; 
book.     And  this  is  no  doubt  true ;   but  it  only     j 
throws  us  back  on  the  further  enquiry,  when  it    ! 
was  that  liturgies  and  services  became  so  lengthy 
and  complicated  as  absolutely  to  require  written     i 
manuals  for  their  due   performance — a  question     i 
to  which  no  definite  answer  can  be  given. 

We  cannot,  in  fact,  inquire  when  liturgies 
were  first  written,  without  first  inquiring  when 
they  were  first  celebrated  in  set  forms  ;  forms 
must  have  been  adopted  before  they  were  written 
down,  though  it  by  no  means  follows  that  they  j 
were  at  once  written ;  some  forms  may  have  ] 
been  long  handed  down  by  tradition  before  they 
were  committed  to  writing. 

As  it  is  certain  that  the  Jews  used  forms  of 
devotion  in  the  Temple  and   in   the  Synagogue     j 
before  the  Incarnation,  and  as  the  services  of  the     ! 
church  were  unquestionably  influenced  by  those 
of  the  Synagogue,  it  seems  to  be  a  fair  presump- 
tion  that  Christians   also  adopted  set   forms  in 
their    public  devotions    from   an   early   period.* 
To  this  it  is  objected  that  Justin  Martyr  (Apol. 
i.  0.  67)  describes  the  president  of  a  Christian 
assembly  as  sending  up  prayers  "according  to  his 
ability" — an   expression  which  (it   is  thought)     I 
must  imply  that  the  prayers  were   wholly  de-     j 
pendent  upon  the  powers  of  him   who  uttered     | 
them.     But  in  fact  it  is  probable  that  the  words 
oarj   Svva/xis  avrZ  simply  mean  "  with   all   his 
strength,"    referring    to    the    vehemence   with 
which  the  prayer  was  uttered,  and  not  to  the 
matter  of  it ;  and  Valesius  has  noted  (on  Euseb.     1 
H.  E.    iv.    15,  §   36),   that  ai/airffxirtiv  is  used 
specially  of  uttering  with  a  loud  voice.     Indeed, 
when  Justin  describes  (1.  c.)  the  Christians  as 


*  In  saying  this,  the  writer  does  not  contend  that  forms 
of  prayer  were  adopted  to  the  exclusion  of  ex  tempore 
prayer. 


LITUEGICAL  BOOKS 

standing  up  together  in  a  body,  and  uttering 
prayers  (evxds  irfjUTrOjUer),  we  can  hardly  avoid 
the  conclusion  that  the  harmonious  utterances  of 
a  multitude  must  have  taken  some  well-known 
form,  perhaps  rather  of  the  nature  of  short 
"  preces "  than  more  lengthened  "  orationes." 
And  when  he  says  (Apol.  i.  c.  13)  that  Chris- 
tians thought  it  right  to  send  "  pomps  and 
hymns"''  to  the  Creator  by  means  of  language, 
rather  than  as  the  heathen  did,  his  words  suit 
better  the  majestic  style  of  Eastern  prayers  and 
odes,  such  as  we  have  them,  than  the  unpre- 
meditated effusions  of  a  presiding  brother. 

Another  objection  is  found  in  Tertullian's 
assertion  (AjjoL  c.  30),  that  Christians  prayed 
without  a  prompter  (sine  monitore)  because  they 
prayed  from  the  heart.  We  know  too  little 
of  the  functions  of  the  heathen  "  monitor " 
to  be  able  to  say  with  certainty  what  kind 
of  contrast  is  intended.  If  the  monitor 
dictated  the  icoi-ds  of  the  prayer,  the  passage 
seems  to  imply  that  Christians  needed  no  such 
aid,  but  prayed  in  such  words  as  the  heart 
prompted  ;  if  the  monitor,  like  the  deacon  in 
Christian  assemblies  at  a  somewhat  later  date, 
simply  proclaimed  the  object  for  which  prayer 
was  to  be  made  from  time  to  time,  no  such  in- 
ference can  be  drawn.  And,  as  Bingham  has  re- 
marked (xiii.  V.  5),  in  public  prayer  the  presiding 
brother  or  presbyter  must,  in  any  case,  have 
dictated  words  to  the  rest,  whether  with  the 
help  of  a  set  form  or  not,  or  there  could  have 
been  no  common  worship.  On  the  whole,  we 
conclude  that  Tertullian,  in  the  passage  before 
us,  simply  means  that  Christians  needed  no 
urging  to  pray,  as  some  of  the  heathen  did ;  they 
needed  no  prompting  but  that  of  their  own 
hearts. 

Again,  it  is  contended  (e.g.  by  Le  Brun,  torn, 
ii.  Diss.  i.  p.  11  ff.)  that  certain  expressions  of  St. 
Basil  prove  conclusively  that  liturgies  were  not 
committed  to  writing  in  his  time.  The  passage 
in  question  is  the  following  :  ra  rrjs  eiTiKKr\aeais 
p-qfj-ara  eVl  rrj  avaSei^ei  rod  aprou  ttjs  evxa- 
piarlas  Ka\  rod  Tror-qpiov  TTjy  evXoyias  ris  twv 
ayicov  iyypd(pccs  rty-lv  KaTaXtAoLirev;  (Dc  Spiritu 
Sancto,  c.  27,  §  66)  •  that  is,  "  which  of  the 
saints  left  behind  for  us  in  writing  the  words  of 
the  invocation  at  the  displaying  (or  dedicating) 
of  the  bread  of  thanksgiving  and  the  cup  of 
blessing  ?"  On  this  passage  we  have  to  remark, 
that  St.  Basil  is  here  defending  apostolic  tradi- 
tion ;  if,  he  says,  we  were  to  reject  everything 
which  has  not  direct  written  [i.  e.  scriptural] 
authority  as  being  of  no  great  importance,  we 
should  very  much  endanger  the  church  ;  for 
many  well-known  practices  rest  only  on  tradi- 
tion ;  as  the  use  of  the  sign  of  the  cross  in 
baptism,  the  turning  towards  the  East,  the  use 
of  the  words  of  invocation  [Epiclesis].  That  he 
is  referring  to  the  want  of  scriptural  authority 
for  certain  parts  of  the  church  service,  not  to 
the  absence  of  written  copies,  is  evident  from 
the  words  which  follow  the  passage  quoted 
above  :  "  for  we  do  not  by  any  means  content 
ourselves  with  those  words  which  are  recorded 
in  the  Epistles  or  the  Gospels,  but  we  prefix  and 
suffix  others,  as  being  of  great  efficacy  in  respect 


b  For  the  application  of  the  word  Tronwij  to  language, 
compare  Pseudo-Plato,  Axioch.  p.  369  d,  rro/ijiSj  Kai 
pjj/iioTiov  ayAaitr/jios. 


LITUEGICAL  BOOKS        1007 

of  the  mystery,  receiving  them  from  the  un- 
written discipline  (ik  tJjs  a.ypa.(pov  SiSaaKaAias 
irapaAa/S^rres)."  Clearly  when  St.  Basil  says 
that  the  words  of  the  Epiclesis  were  not  received 
in  a  written  form  from  any  of  the  saints,  he 
means  that  they  were  not  contained  in  scripture, 
but  formed  a  part  of  that  mass  of  non-scriptural 
tradition  which  included  so  many  well-known 
church  observances.  On  the  question,  whether 
these  formularies  were  committed  to  writing  in 
his  own  time,  his  words  determine  nothing ; 
what  he  says  is  virtually,  that  they  were  not 
contained  in  any  writing  of  the  apostolic  age. 
In  any  case,  St.  Basil's  expressions  relate  only 
to  the  Epiclesis  in  the  liturgy,  the  exact  words 
of  which  may  perhaps  not  have  been  committed 
to  writing  until  a  comparatively'  late  period, 
from  the  dread  of  profanation  by  the  heathen. 

In  another  of  Le  Brun's  arguments  (torn.  ii. 
Diss,  i.,  art.  5,  p.  29-32),  that  the  fathers 
expressly  forbade  the  Lord's  Prayer  or  the 
Creed  to  be  written  down  on  paper  or  parch- 
ment, he  seems  to  have  forgotten  both  that  the 
Lord's  Prayer  and  the  Creed  were  regarded  as 
much  more  secret  and  sacred  than  most  other 
portions  of  divine  service,  and  that  these  cautions 
were  addressed  to  catechumens. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  has  been  supposed  that 
some  at  least  of  St.  Paul's  quotations,  which  are 
not  found  in  canonical  scripture,  are  taken  from 
Christian  liturgies.  As,  for  instance,  in  1  Cor. 
ii.  9,  the  quotation,  "  eye  hath  not  seen  nor  ear 
heard  ..."  which  is  introduced  with  the 
words  "  KaBws  yiypairrai"  is  by  no  means  exactly 
taken  from  Isaiah  Ixiv.  4,  and  may  (it  is  con- 
tended) have  been  taken  from  a  liturgy.  The 
expression  does  in  fact  occur  in  the  liturgy  of 
St.  James  (Daniel,  Codex,  iv.  113),  which  how- 
ever is,  as  a  whole,  unquestionably  of  much 
later  date  than  the  apostolic  age.  With  greater 
probability  it  has  been  thought  that  the  expres- 
sion "  faithful  is  the  word  "  {-KKnhs  o  \6yos), 
several  times  occurring  in  the  pastoral  epistles 
(1  Tim.  i.  15  ;  iii.  1  ;  2  Tim.  ii.  11 ;  Tit.  iii.  8) 
implies  the  quotation  of  a  saying  or  yvdixtf 
familiar  to  the  Christians  in  their  assemblies, 
perhaps  one  which  they  were  accustomed  to 
repeat  "with  one  voice;"  the  passage  2  Tim. 
ii.  11  in  particular  has  very  much  the  rhythni 
of  an  "  ode  "  intended  for  chanting. 

Whether  we  should  reckon  the  books  or  rolls 
found  in  ancient  Christian  pictures  [I.  877]  as 
liturgical  books  is  very  doubtful.  But  we 
come  upon  the  traces  of  at  least  some  forms 
committed  to  writing  in  the  2nd  century.  Celsus 
(Origen  c.  Cels.  vi.  40,  p.  302  Spencer)  says 
that  he  saw  in  the  possession  of  Christian  priests 
certain  "  barbaric  books,  full  of  names  of  demons 
and  portentous  expressions."  These  were  in  all 
probability  forms  of  Exorcism  [I.  651],  though 
Daniel  {Codex,  iv.  28  tl".)  considers  them  to  have 
been  Diptyciis.  They  were  at  any  rate  some 
kind  of  formulary  used  by  Christians.  And  the 
way  in  which  Origen  replies  to  Celsus,  that 
Christians  who  duly  worship  God  in  the  set 
prayers  (Trpoo-rax^eicons  ei'X"'^^)  ^*'^  ^'"'^^  i'iam 
the  assault  of  demons,  seems  at  any  rate  to 
indicate  the  existence  of  forms.  Eusebius  de- 
clares (//.  E.  V.  28,  §  5)  that  written  odes 
(ypa<pi7ffai)  testified  from  the  very  beginning  to 
the  divinity  of  Christ  the  word  of  God  ;  a  pass- 
age which  reminds  us  of  the  well-known  phrase 


1008        LITURGICAL  BOOKS 

of  Pliny  {F.plst.  x.  96  [al.  97]),  "  carmen  Christo 
quasi  Deo  dicere."  In  the  account  of  the  mar- 
tj-rdom  of  Felix  (f  250)  of  Tubyza  in  Africa 
(Baluz.  Miscdl.  ii.  77),  the  emperor  is  said  to 
have  put  forth  an  edict,  that  the  books — mean- 
ing apparently  those  which  were  the  property 
of  the  church — should  be  taken  from  the  bishops 
and  priests  by  violence  if  necessary ;  and  in  the 
same  narrative,  the  priest  Januarius  and  the 
readers  Fortunatus  and  Septimianus  declare  that 
the  bishop  had  the  custody  of  the  books.  In 
the  4th  century,  the  evidence  of  the  existence 
of  liturgical  books  becomes  more  clear  and 
definite.  Pseudo-Athanasius,  for  instance,  speak- 
ing of  the  rage  of  the  Arians  against  the  orthodox 
(Epist.  Ath.  et  Episc.  ad  Marcum,  in  Migne,  vol. 
28,  p.  1445),  says  that,  among  other  things,  they 
burned  the  church  books.  It  is  not  impro- 
bable that  the  book  which  Hilary  of  Poitiers 
is  said  to  have  compiled  (Jerome  de  Scrip- 
torihus  Eccl.  c.  100),  called  Lihcr  Hijmnorum  ct 
Mysteriorum,  was  a  collection  of  forms  for  the 
celebration  of  the  sacraments.  Gennadi  us  {De 
Viris  III.  c.  48)  describes  certain  books  which 
Paulinus  of  Nola  compiled  as  Sacraincntarium 
and  Hymnarium.  Victor  Vitensis  {Persec.  Vandal. 
i.  12)  tells  how  Geiseric  compelled  the  priests 
to  give  up  the  sacred  vessels  or  all  their  books 
(ministeria  divina  vel  libros  cunctos). 

The  existence  of  something  of  the  nature  of  a 
"  mass-book  "  in  the  5th  century  is  testified  by 
Gregory  of  Tours  in  the  following  circumstance 
{Hist.  Franc,  ii.  22).  Sidonius  Apollinaris  (f  ca. 
488),  when  the  book  from  which  he  was  accus- 
tomed to  read  the  sacred  office  (per  quem  sancta 
sollemnia  agere  consueverat)  had  been  mis- 
chievously taken  away,  was  able  to  go  through 
the  whole  service  of  the  holy  day  "  a  tempore," 
to  the  admiration  of  all.  This  is  mentioned  as 
an  instance  of  his  readiness  and  command  of 
expression,  not  of  his  memory ;  but  even  if  we 
suppose  that  the  saint  extemporised  the  office, 
the  passage  equally  proves  that  a  "libellus" 
was  in  common  use.  Gregory  also  (  Vitae  Patr. 
c.  16,  §  2,  p.  1229)  relates  of  Venantius,  that 
coming  one  day  to  the  chui-ch  he  said,  "  my  eyes 
are  dim  and  I  cannot  see  the  service  book 
(libellum),"  and  requested  a  presbyter  to  say 
the  office,  which  was  (as  the  subsequent  narra- 
tive shews)  the  altar  service. 

II.  List  of  Liturgical  Books. — The  rule  of  Chro- 
degang  (c.  79,  in  Cone.  Germ.  i.  119)  lays  down 
that  every  priest  ought  to  have  in  his  church 
the  books  which  are  necessary  to  enable  him  to 
read":  masses,  epistles,  gosjjels,  baptismal  and 
penitential  offices,  the  series  of  offices  for  the 
year  (circulos  anni)  or  the  nocturnal  lections, 
without  further  defining  the  books.  The  English 
Aelfric  at  a  somewhat  later  date  required  that 
every  presbyter  should  possess  before  ordination 
a  psalter,  a  book  of  the  Epistles,  a  book  of  the 
Gospels,  a  mass-book  (librum  missalem),  books 
of  the  Canticles,  a  manual  or  encheiridion,  a 
"  gerim,"  a  penitential,  and  a  lectionary  (Har- 
douin's  Cone.  vi.  982).  Instead  of  the  word 
"gerim,"  Mansi  gives  {Suppl.  Cone.  i.  1168) 
"Numerale,"  which  is  thought  to  mean  a  calendar 
or  martyrology.      [Libraries,  II.  986.] 

We  proceed  now  to  give  a  list  of  liturgical 

=  Or  "understand,"  If  "intelligi"  be  the  right  reading 
rather  than  "  legere.'' 


LITURGICAL  BOOKS 

books  actually  existing,  and  used  (in  most  cases) 
from  ancient  times. 

0.  Of  the  Western  Church. — For  the  saying 
of  the  several  offices  at  the  altar  or  in  the  choir 
there  would  evidently  be  required — 

1.  Some  kind  of  directory  as  to  the  order  and 
manner  of  performing  the  services  and  cere- 
monies appropriate  to  the  several  days.  Such  a 
book,  which  would  contain  what  in  modern 
times  we  call  the  Rubrics,  the  Latins  called 
Ordo. 

2.  The  actual  matter  of  the  prayers,  thanks- 
givings, prefaces,  &c.,  which  were  to  be  iised  in 
the  offices.  The  Sacramentary  or  Missal 
contained  the  prayers,  &'c.,  used  in  the  altar 
offices  on  the  several  festivals  throughout  the 
year. 

The  plenary  Missals,  which  contain  all  that  is 
necessary  for  the  performance  of  the  altar-ser- 
vices, do  not  f:vll  within  our  chronological  limits. 
The  Collcctarium  contained  the  Collects  [I. 
403],  and  Capitula  [I.  289],  to  be  said  in  the 
Hour-offices. 

3.  The  Psalter  contained  the  Psalms  ar- 
ranged for  saying  in  the  daily  offices,  together 
with  the  Canticles  [I.  284],  and  the  Psalm 
Quicunque  Vult. 

4.  Provision  was  of  course  made  for  the  read- 
ing the  Scripture-portions  appointed  in  the 
offices,  whether  at  the  altar  or  in  choir.  This 
was  done  either  by  marking  in  a  copy  of  the 
Gospels,  Epistles,  or  other  books  of  Scripture, 
the  passages  to  be  read  in  the  several  offices;  or 
by  extracting  the  several  passages  and  arranging 
them  in  a  separate  book  [Epistle,  I.  621 ;  Gos- 
pel, I.  740  ;  Lectionary,  II.  953]. 

5.  The  Antiphoxary  [I.  100]  contained  the 
Antiphons,  Responds,  and  Invitatories  used  in 
divine  service. 

6.  The  Hymnarium  contained  the  metrical 
hymns  used  in  the  offices. 

7.  It  was  sometimes  found  convenient  to 
place  the  Benedictions  in  a  separate  volume 
called  a  Benedictional  [I.  199]. 

8.  The  Manual  contained  those  offices  (other 
than  the  Mass  and  the  Hour- offices),  which  a 
presbyter  could  administer;  and 

9.  The  Pontifical,  those  which  only  a  bishop 
could  perform. 

10.  The  Penitential  (Pocnitentiale)  contained 
not  only  the  form  of  administering  penance,  but 
also  the  penances  required  for  various  forms  of 
sin.     [Penitential  Books.] 

11.  The  Passional  {Passionale,  or  Liber  Pas- 
sionarius)  contained  the  acts  of  the  martyrs  who 
were  commemorated  on  certain  days  of  the  year. 
[Legenda,  Martyrology.] 

/3.  The  Greek  Liturgical  books  in  the  list  given 
below  are  probably,  in  several  cases,  of  later 
origin  than  the  eighth  century  ;  but  as  there  is 
great  difficulty  in  determining  their  exact  date 
it  seemed  best  to  give  the  whole  list  according  to 
the  modern  arrangement. 

1.  The  Directory  for  saying  the  offices  was 
called  by  the  Greeks  Typicum  (TuTri/cdv). 

2.  The  Liturgy  proper  (Xeirovpyla)  contains 
the  fixed  portions  of  the  office  of  the  altar.  If 
to  this  the  offices  for  the  administration  of  the 
other  sacraments,  benedictions,  etc.  are  added, 
the  whole  volume  is  called  EuciiOLOGiON. 

3.  The  Menaea  contains  the  portions  both  of 
the    choir-services   and   altar-offices   which  are 


LITUKGICAL  BOOKS 

proper  for  the  several  Saints'-days  or  other  fes- 
tivals. 

4.  The  HOROLOGiON  [I.  784]  contains  the 
daily  offices  for  the  hours  of  prayer. 

5.  The  Greeks,  like  the  Latins,  have  a  book  of 
the  Gospels  (tuayy^XLOv)  ;  of  Epistles  {airdaroXos, 
or  Trpa^airSffToKos) ;  and  of  Lessons  from  the  Old 
Testament  (avayvwatoiv  ^i^Kos).     Also 

6.  The  Psalter  (\\/aKTripi.ov),  containing  the 
Psalms,  arranged  for  recitation,  and  several  other 
offices  or  portions  of  offices. 

7.  The  Triodion  contains  the  Canons  of  odes 
to  be  used  in  Lent;  and  a  similar  book,  the 
Pentecostarion,  contains  the  proper  odes,  &c. 
for  the  period  from  Easter  to  the  octave  of 
Pentecost. 

8.  The  Paracleticon,  or  Paracletice,  con- 
tains the  Troparia  for  the  ferial  offices. 

9.  The  OcTOECHUS  contains  the  ferial  Stichera 
and  Troparia  from  the  vespers  of  the  Saturday 
till  the  end  of  the  liturgy  on  Sunday. 

10.  The  Menologion  is  equivalent  to  the 
Martyrology  of  the  Western  Church. 

The  Antiiologion  [I.  91]  and  Synopsis  ought, 
perhaps,  scai'cely  to  be  reckoned  among  liturgical 
books,  as  they  are  mere  compilations  for  the  use 
of  ordinary  worshippers,  from  the  Paracletice, 
Menaea,  and  Horologion,  of  such  portions  as  are 
most  commonly  in  use. 

The  Hirmologion  is  a  collection  of  HiRMOi 
(L  773). 

The  Synaxaria  are  "  the  abbreviated  lections 
from  the  Menologion,  extracted  from  the  Menaea, 
and  published,  for  convenience  sake,  by  them- 
selves "  (Neale's  Eastern  Ch.  Int.  890). 

The  Panegyricon  is  a  collection  of  sermons, 
by  approved  authors,  for  various  festivals. 

III.  Among  liturgical  books,  the  first  place, 
both  for  its  importance  and  the  splendour  with 
which  it  was  written,  illuminated,  and  decorated 
[see  below],  is  to  be  given  to  the  Evangeliary,  or 
book  of  the  Gospels.  Evangelistaria,  or  books  con- 
taining only  those  passages  of  the  Gospels  which 
were  read  in  the  altar-office,  are  rare  within  our 
period,  while  many  ancient  MSS.  of  the  Gospels 
bear  marginal  words  or  marks  which  shew  that 
they  have  been  used  for  liturgical  purposes  [Lec- 
tionary]. 

The  book  of  the  Gospels  was  an  object  of 
veneration  in  many  ways.  When  the  church 
was  able  to  celebrate  its  services  and  arrange 
its  churches  without  fear  of  persecution,  and  the 
sacred  books  were  no  longer  concealed  from  the 
prying  eyes  of  informers;  then  it  came  to  be 
usual  to  lay  the  book  of  the  Gospels  in  some 
conspicuous  place  in  the  church,  or  even  on  the 
altar  itself  [Altar,  I.  Q'o\  (Augustine,  de 
Civ.  Dei,  X.  29  ;  see  the  representations  figured 
by  Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  tab.  xxxvii.).  Compare 
Entrance,  Gospel.  In  councils  it  was  not  un- 
usual for  the  Codex  of  the  Gospels  to  be  enthroned 
with  great  solemnity  at  the  beginning  of  the 
assembly,  as  was  done  in  the  councils  of  Chalce- 
don,  in  the  third  and  fourth  of  Constantinople, 
the  second  of  Nicaea,  and  in  the  Roman  synods 
of  the  years  642,  745,  and  969.  In  the  Chris- 
tianised Empire,  Justinian  ordered  the  book  of 
the  Gospels  to  be  deposited  in  the  courts  of  jus- 
tice (Binterim,  iv.  i.  225).  From  Chrysostom 
{Horn.  72  [al.  73]  in  Matt,  p.  669,  Migne),  and 
Jerome  {Comm.  on  Matt,  xxiii.  6,  p.  186),  we 
learn  that  in  their  time  it  was  not   unusual  for 


LITURGICAL  BOOKS 


1009 


Christians  to  have  a  copy  of  the  Gospels  hung 
from  their  necks,  which  was  also  a  practice  of 
pious  ladies  in  the  fifth  century,  according  to 
the  testimony  of  Isidore  of  Pelusium. 

The  oath  in  the  Gospels  was  from  ancient 
times  regarded  as  one  of  the  most  solemn  adju- 
rations.   [Oath.] 

On  the  use  of  the  book  of  the  Gospels  in  ordina- 
tion, see  Bishop,  I.  221,  and  Ordination. 

The  Fathers  of  the  Eighth  General  Council 
{Constantinoi)le,  a.d.  869,  c.  7)  approved  the 
veneration  paid  to  the  book  of  the  Gospels  by 
the  faithful. 

The  Evangeliary,  to  protect  it  from  injury, 
was  commonly  placed  in  a  clasped  or  sealed 
CAPSA  when  not  actually  in  use ;  an  example 
may  be  seen  in  a  mosaic  of  the  Liberian  church 
in  Rome,  said  to  have  been  completed  under 
Sixtus  III.  (Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  i.  16).         [C] 

lY.  Liturgical  Books  in  Art. — Dom  Gue- 
ranger  (Institt.  Liturg.  iii.  223  ff.)  dwells 
on  the  devoted  care  with  which  the  sacred 
books  were  transcribed,  edited,  and  corrected,  in 
early  days.  There  was  required  of  them,  he  says, 
accuracy  and  fidelity  enough  to  set  all  men  free 
from  the  least  fear  of  alteration  in  the  text ;  per- 
sonal morality,  well  suited  to  the  sanctity  of  di- 
vine mysteries ;  and  a  degree  of  dignity,  if  possible 
of  splendour,  in  execution  such  as  might  impress 
the  eye  and  the  mind  with  religious  respect.  The 
MSS.,  when  completed  in  the  scriptoria,  wei-e  cor- 
rected under  the  care  of  bishops  and  abbats,  who 
either  entrusted  that  duty  to  confidential  hands, 
or,  in  many  cases,  executed  it  themselves.  The 
cojjyists  would  have  thought  it  sacrilege  to  de- 
part in  any  degree  from  the  words  given  them 
to  reproduce. 

Gueranger  (iii.  225)  quotes  the  prologue 
found  in  Alcuin's  sacramentary,  as  a  specimen 
of  the  spirit  in  which  church-books  were  com- 
piled and  copied. 

"  But  since  there  are  some  other  forms  whicli 
the  holy  church  necessarily  makes  use  of,  and 
which  the  said  fother  saw  had  been  set  forth 
by  others,  and  so  himself  had  passed  them  by, 
on  this  account  we  thought  it  worth  the  while 
to  gather  these  up  like  blossoming  flowers  of  the 
field,  and  collect  them  in  one,  and  set  them  apart 
in  the  body  of  this  MS.  .  .  .  and  for  the  sake 
of  this  distinction  we  have  set  this  prologue  in 
the  midst,  so  as  to  be  the  end  of  the  first  part 
of  the  book  and  the  beginning  of  the  second.  .  .  . 
We  pray  you  therefore,  whoever  shall  have 
taken  in  hand  this  roll  to  read  or  transcribe  it, 
that  ye  pour  out  your  prayers  to  the  Lord  for 
me,  for  that  we  have  been  diligent  to  collect  and 
correct  these  things  for  the  profit  of  as  many 
as  may  be.  And  we  pray  you  to  copy  it  agam 
so  diligently,  as  to  its  text,  that  it  comfort  the 
ears  of  the  learned,  and  allow  not  any  of  the 
simpler  sort  to  go  astray.  For  it  will  be  no 
avail,  as  saith  blessed  St.  Jerome,  to  have  made 
correction  in  a  book,  unless  the  corrected  reading 
be  preserved  by  the  diligent  care  of  the  book- 
keepers." 

Some  of  the  personal  prayers  or  benedictions 
of  actual  scribes  are  of  great  beauty,  but  few 
appear  to  have  been  preserved  before  the  11th 
century.  One  or  two  may  be  repeated  here. 
Gueranger  has  extracted  the  first  from  a  Greek 
evangeliary   of  that    period.     Their    mournful 


1010         LITURGICAL  BOOKS 

piety  is  certainly  difTereut  from  the  quiet  greet- 
ing of  St.  Paul's  secretary,  "I  Tertius,  who 
wrote  this  epistle,  salute  you." 

"  This  book  has  been  written  by  the  hand  of 
a  sinner.  May  the  most  holy  mother  of  God, 
and  Saint  Eutychius,  vouchsafe  to  accept  its 
homage,  and  may  the  Lord  God,  by  intercession 
of  the  most  holy  mother  of  God  and  Saint  Euty- 
chius, grant  us  eternal  life  in  heaven.     Amen." 

The    two    illustrious  (and   ominously  named) 
caligraphs    of   the    9th-century   evangeliary    of 
St.  Emmeran  of  Ratisbon  speak  to  this  purpose 
on  its  last  page,  in  Latin  elegiacs : — 
"Bis  qnadringenti  volitant  et  septuaginta 
Anni,  quo  Deus  est  virgine  natus  Homo ; 
Ter  denis  annis  Karolus  regnabat  et  uno, 

Cum  codex  actus  illius  iinperio. 
Ilactenus  undosum  calamo  descripsimus  aequor, 

Littoris  ad  finem  nostra  carina  manet, 
Sanguine  nos  uno  patris  matrisque  creati, 
Atque  sacerdotis  servit  uterque  gradum, 
Eu  Berengerius,  Luitliardus  nomine  dicti, 

Quels  fuerat  sudor  difficilisque  nlmis. 
Hie  tibimet,  lector,  succedant  verba  precantis, 
Ut  dicas,  capiant  rrgna  beata  poli." 

Mabillon,  Iter  Germaniciim,  p.  53. 
"  Twice  four  hundred  years  are  fled  and  seventy, 
since  the  God-Man  was  born  of  a  virgin :  thrice  ten  years 
and  one  Charles  had  reigned  when  by  his  command  this 
book  was  begun.  Thus  far  we  have  traced  our  course 
over  a  troubled  sea  with  oui-  pen ;  our  bark  is  staid  on 
the  shore  at  last:  we  two  were  born  of  the  blood 
of  one  father  and  one  mother,  and  each  of  us  serves 
the  office  of  priest,  even  we,  called  by  name  Berengarius 
and  Luithard,  to  whom  has  been  toil  much  and  hard. 
Here,  0  reader,  mayest  thou  thj'self  take  up  words  of 
prayer,  and  say.  May  they  reach  the  blessed  kingdom  of 
heaven." 

Charlemagne  exerted  himself,  amidst  all  the 
cares  of  his  vast  empire,  to  multiply  exact  copies  '^ 
of  evangeliaries,  psalters,  and  sacramentaries, 
often  destined  as  presents  to  his  bishops  for  the 
use  of  their  dioceses.  There  can  be  no  doubt  of 
the  important  effect  produced  on  deep  and  imagi- 
native minds,  not  greatly  aided  nor  encumbered 
by  book-study,  by  the  lovely  ornament,  and  some- 
times energetic  and  powerful  realizations  of 
actual  events,  which  are  found  in  the  great 
MSS.  of  early  ages.  There  is  no  reason  to  doubt 
the  story  that  king  Alfred  received  help  in  the 
pursuit  of  knowledge,  if  he  was  not  induced  to 
learn  to  read,  by  the  ornamental  letters  of  a 
MS.  (Asser,  pp.  7,  8,  ed.  Walsingham).  Charle- 
magne's devotion  to  the  subject  induced  him  to 
attempt  the  art  of  caligraphy  and  illumination 
with  his  own  hand  (Eginhard,  Vita  B.  Caroli 
Magni,  cap.  vii.),  "  sed  parum  prospere  successit 
labor  praeposterus  et  sero  inchoatus." 

Mabillon  and  Montfaucon  both  describe  a  MS. 
which  is  said  to  have  been  copied  by  the  hand  of 
Eusebius  ofVercelli  in  the  4th  century.  (See 
Iter  Italicum,  xxv.  p.  9,  ed.  1687 ;  Diarium 
Italicum,  p.  445,  1702.)  It  contains  the  gospels 
of  St.  Matthew  and  St.  Mark,  as  Mabillon  says  ; 
and  it  may  here  be  observed,  in  passing,  that  the 
early  grandeur  of  uncial  characters,  majuscular 
or  minuscular,  often  made  it  necessary,  for  want 
of  space,  to  divide  the  evangeliaries  into  parts  ;  or 


d  Krazer  (De  Liturg.  p.  224)  quotes  Charlemagne's 
Capitularies  (i.  62)  thus :  "  Pueros  vestros  non  sinatis  eos 
vel  legendo  vel  scribendo  corrumpere :  et,  si  opus  est, 
Kvangelium,  et  Psalterium,  et  Missale  scribere,  yexfeclM 
aetatis  homines  scribant  cum  omnl  diligentia." 


LITURGICAL  BOOKS 

oven  prevented  their  completion.  The  Eusebian 
evangeliary  is  in  uncial  writing,  chiefly  minus- 
cular, says  Gueranger  (Institutions  Liturgiques, 
iii.  312),  and  Montfaucon  gives  its  alphabet.  But 
both  he  and  Mabillon  speak  of  it  as  in  a  most  la- 
mentable state  of  fragility  and  decay,  caused  more 
by  damp  and  former  accidents,  than  by  its  age. 
"  Membrana  situ  fere  corrupta  est,  characteres 
paene  fugientes  et  semideleti  tantisper  a  Eomana 
scriptura  degenerant,"  says  the  latter ;  and 
Montfaucon  seems  to  have  regretted  its  probable 
destruction  somewhat  the  less  because  he  found 
it  as  a  version,  "  a  vulgata  nostra  toto  coelo  dis- 
crepantem."  It  has  been  published  by  Bianchini, 
Rome,  1749,"  and  is  said  to  be  still  preserved  in 
the  treasury  of  its  ancient  convent. 

In  the  5th  century  the  principal  authentic 
specimens  of  evangeliaries  yet  remaining  are  the 
Vatican  MS.  above  mentioned  (1209),  the  Gothic 
evangeliary  of  Ulfilas,  kept  at  Upsal,f  the  Latin 
evangeliary  of  St.  Germain  des  Pro's,  and  those 
at  Cambridge,  with  perhaps  the  most  important 
of  all,  the  Syriac  gospels,  transcribed  by  the 
monk  Rabula  in  586,8;  now  in  the  Laurentian 
Library  at  Florence.  The  Leonian  sacramentary, 
the  psalter  of  St.  Germain  des  Preis,*'  and  that  of 
Zurich,'  complete  Gue'ranger's  selection  of  litur- 
gical MSS.  of  this  century.  Without  giving  his 
full  list  (iii.  289-292)  of  the  works '  and  °eali- 
graphers  of  the  7th,  8th,  and  9th  centuries, 
we  may  mention  the  evangeliaries  of  Monza,'' 
of  Notre  Dame  de  Paris,  and  that  which  bears 
the  name  of  Colbert,  both  in  the  Bibliothfeque 
National  at  Paris;'  the  Anglo-Sa.xon  Cottonian 
MS.  in  the  British  Museum,  and  St.  Kilian's 
at  Wurzburg,  in  the  cathedral  treasury,  with 
the  Cottonian  psalter  of  St.  Augustine.  Of  the 
8th  century,  the  Sacramentary  of  Gellone  will 
be  found  admirably  illustrated  by  Count  Bastard, 
vol.  i. ;  and  the  great  Greek  evangeliary  of 
Vienna,  with  the  Missale  Fi-ancorum,  Missale 
Gothicum,  the  Cottonian  MSS.,  and  others,  in 
Silvestre's   Paleo.jraphie  Univcrselle. 

Before  proceeding  farther,  it  may  be  well  to 
call  the  reader's  attention  to  the  accurate  mean- 
ings of  a  few  terms,  and  one  or  two  necessary 
explanations.  The  first  has  reference  to  the 
real  function  of  the  caligrapher,  as  distinguished 
from  that  of  the  illuminator  or  miniature-artist 
of  later  times.  The  illuminators,  as  Gueranger 
observes,  begin    their  reign  at  the  end    of   the 


'  The  silver  cover  of  this  ancient  MS.  is  described  by 
Mabillon,  and  will  be  referred  to  later  in  this  article. 

f  See  Migne,  Umias. 

s  Assemani,  Catalogue  of  Laurentian  Library ; 
D'Agincourt,  Hist,  de  V Art  par  les  Monuments ;  Peinture 
pi.  xxvii. 

•>  See  Nouveau  Traite  de  Diplomatique,  vol.  i.  p.  CS6, 
nos.  2  and  3  in  plate. 

i  Dom.Tassin.  Nouveau  Traite  de  Diplomatique,  tom.  i. 
p.  686,  no.  14  in.  plate. 

k  Mabillon,  Iter  Italicum,  p.  213:  "Codex  ex  mem- 
branis  purpureis,  quadralis  Uteris  aureis  exaratus,  sed 
mutilum;  Gregorii  Antiphonariumcontinens;  cum  oper- 
culis  ex  ebore,  quae  ex  una  parte  praeferunt  effigiem 
Davidis  regis,  ex  alia  Sancti  Gregorii  cum  disticho,"  etc. 
"Kst  et  duple.x  alterius  codicis  majoris  operculum  ex 
auro,  cum  cruce  ex  utraque  parte,  addita  hinc  et  inde 
haec  inscriptione.  Ex  donis  Dei  dedlt  Theodolinda  Eeg. 
in  Baselec.i  {sic),  quam  fundavit  in  ModiJecia  juxta  pala- 
tium  suum." 

'  Count  Bastard,  vol.  i.  Peintares  des  MSS. 


LITURGICAL  BOOKS 

12th,  and  enter  on  decided  pre-emiuence  in 
the  13th  century.  They  have  little  to  do  with 
our  period,  and  their  work  marks  the  com- 
jnencement  of  a  new  period  when  the  study 
of  natural  beauty  had  begun,  and  the  vege- 
table kingdom  in  particular  began  to  be  illus- 
trated for  ornamental  purposes  in  the  service 
books  of  the  church.  A  distinction  will  be 
found,  under  article  MINIATURES,  between  truly 
caligraphic  and  artistic  ornament.  (See  West- 
wood,  Palaeographia  Sacra.)  Much  of  what  we 
have  to  say  on  the  subject  of  artistic  ornamenta- 
tion belongs  to  article  Miniatures:  for  the 
present  the  distinction  must  always  be  observed 
between  the  beauty,  elegance,  or  splendour  of 
the  letters  as  writing,  which  is  caligraphy,  and 
the  power  of  colour,  form,  and  imagination  dis- 
played in  pictures  attached  to  the  writing,  which 
is  fine  art.  It  is  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  to 
assign  proper  limits  between  these  phases  of 
decoration:  and  it  is  enough  to  say  that  they 
are  combined  in  most  liturgical  MSS.  of  the 
earliest  date  which  still  remain  to  us ;  and, 
further,  that  in  most  of  the  most  valuable  the 
caligraphic  art  has  its  full  share  of  importance, 
and  that  the  decoration  is  subordinate  to  the 
writing,  and  dependent  on  the  text,  not  only  as 
to  meaning  and  import,  but  also  in  appearance. 
The  effect  of  the  whole  page,  as  to  form  and 
colour,  has  evidently  been  the  chief  object  of  the 
caligraphic  artists  as  such,  apart  from  the 
genuine  piety  of  aim  which  really  seems  to  have 
influenced  them  as  their  main  motive.  The  text 
and  its  pictures  form  a  whole,  united,  generally 
speaking,  by  the  etl'ect  of  grandly  ornamented 
capital  letters  ;  unless,  of  course,  the  MS.  be  on 
purple  vellum,  when  the  ground  colour  gives 
the  main  effect,  and  determines  all  the  rest  of 
the  ornament.  Perhaps  only  one  modern  artist 
has  revived  this  idea  of  the  old  caligraphists 
i  in  a  perfectly  original  way,  but  with  exact 
I  analogy.  The  illustrations  and  ornamented 
j  writing  of  Blake's  various  poems,  copied  and 
j  executed  by  his  own  hand,  renew  and  illustrate 
i  that  excellent  moderation  of  judgment  of  the 
old  copyists,  which  made  their  pictorial  orna- 
ment, however  beautiful  and  ingenious,  still 
always  subsidiary  to  their  caligraphy.  The 
pictures  were  beautiful,  they  thought,  the  text 
was  sacred ;  but  even  because  the  latter  was 
chief  and  the  one  thing  needful,  too  much  atten- 
tion could  not  possibly  be  given  to  the  former. 

The  capital  letters  in  liturgical  MS.  are  gener- 
ally of  the  kind  called  rustic,  especially  when 
several  lines  consist  of  smaller  capital  letters. 
But  they  are  frequently  executed  in  the  best 
Roman  style,  as  in  the  evangeliaries  of  Soissons 
and  of  Gellone,  and  in  the  sacramentary  of  Drogon. 

I  (Count  Bastard,  vol.  i.  ii. ;  Silvestre,  Faleographie 
Universelle,  S^e  partie,  §  2.)  The  uncial  cha- 
racters, or  rounded  capitals,  with  their  parti- 
cular beauties  of  size,  clearness,  .and  order, 
appear  and  reappear  in  all  the  richer  MSS. 
_  down  to  the  11th  century,  when  writing  begins 
"  to  be  altogether  Gothicised  or  made  cursive,  and 
the  ornament  is  concentrated  on  the  initial 
letters,  and  their  accompanying  miniatures. 
The  artistic  use  of  varied  colour  may  be  said 
to.be  based  on  the  minium  or  red  lead,  from 
■which  the  word  miniature  is  derived.  Green 
and  yellow  follow  almost  immediately  in  the 
Visigothic  and  Merovingian  work  •,  but  while  the 
CHRIST.  ANT.— VOL.  II. 


LITURGICAL  BOOKS 


1011 


richest  MSS.  were  executed  on  purple  or  azure 
grounds,  the  use  of  varied  hues  was  of  course 
out  of  the  question,  and  writing  and  ornament 
were  alike  executed  in  gold  cr  silver.  A  very 
grand  specimen  of  the  earlier  chrysographs,  as 
they  are  called,  in  uncial  capitals  of  gold  and 
silver,  is  the  celebrated  psalter  of  St.  Germain 
(Bastard,  i.  1).  But  the  use  of  purple  vellum 
for  books  destined  for  the  use  of  imperial  stu- 
dents goes  back  to  comparatively  early  days  of 
the  empire,  on  the  eve  of  the  triumph  of  the 
Christian  faith  ;  Maximin  the  younger  received  a 
purple  vellum  MS.  of  Homer  as  a  present  from 
his  mother  (Jul.  Capitolin,  Vita  Maxim.').  Sacred 
books,  and  in  particular  the  evangeliaries,  would 
naturally  have  been  the  first  objects  of  Christian 
splendour,  when  such  a  thing  became  possible. 
The  gospels  of  Ulfilas,  the  psalter  of  St.  Germain 
above  mentioned,  with  that  of  Zurich,  and  the 
evangeliary  of  Brescia,  are  on  purple,  and  the 
evangeliary  of  Brescia  on  azure-blue  vellum ; 
but  that  of  St.  Germain  has  one  side  of  each 
page  dyed  purple,  the  other  in  azure. 

St.  Wilfrid  of  York  gave  a  purple  evangeliary 
to  his  cathedral  in  the  7th  century  :  the  8th 
produced  those  now  at  Vienna  and  Monza. 
Charlemagne  presented  one  to  his  church  at 
Aix-la-Chapelle,  and  another  of  his  evangeliaries, 
entirely  on  purple  vellum,  is  still,  says  Guc- 
ranger,  the  principal  ornament  of  the  library  of 
Abbeville."  The  splendid  MS.  preserved  in  the 
library  of  the  Remonstrants  at  Prague,  appears 
to  the  writer  to  be  of  about  the  same  date.  The 
great  emperor's  attachment  to  the  art  of  cali- 
graphy has  been  mentioned,  and  the  splendour 
of  the  early  empire  was  revived  by  him  in  this 
use  of  purple  or  azure  books,  necessarily  written 
in  either  gold  or  silver.  They  reappear  during 
the  Carolingian  age,  and  go  out  of  use  almost 
entirely  in  the  10th  century,  though  the  Bod- 
leian Library  at  Oxford  possesses  a  purple  evan- 
geliary, with  whole-page  pictures,  dating  from 
the  11th. 

Silver-ink  MSS.  are  much  rarer  than  chryso- 
graphs, strictly  so-called,  but  both  metals  are 
frequently  used  together,  as  in  the  evangeliary 
of  Ulfilas  and  the  psalters  of  St.  Germain  and  of 
Zurich.  The  evangeliaries  of  Verona  and  Brescia 
are  written  almost  entirely  in  letters  of  silver." 
In  the  others  the  text  is  silver,  with  golden 
headings  and  initials,  gold  being  used  also  for 
the  sacred  names. 

Purple  vellum  begins  to  be  economised  in  or 
before  the  9th  century,  as  in  Charlemagne's 
psalter,  presented  to  Adrian  VIII.  about  the  end 
of  the  8th.  This  is  now  in  the  Imperial  Library 
at  Vienna,  and  has  a  limited  number  of  purple 
pages.  The  antiphonary  of  Monza,  of  nearly  the 
same  date,  is  entirely  purple. 

In  the  sacramentaries  of  the  9th  century,  the 
canon  of  the  mass  is  frequently  on  purple,  or  the 
frontispiece  and  first  pages  of  the  hooks;  or  texts 
to  which  special  attention  is  to  be  drawn,  are 
thus  distinguished.  Gradually  the  purple  is 
arranged  with  other  hues  on  a  white  ground, 
and  begins  to  be  used,  artistically  speaking,  as  a 
colour. 

Golden  writing  was  not,  or  was  not  long,  con- 


>n  Notice  par  M.  de  Belleval,  Wemoires  de  la  Societe 
Royale  d'emulation,  d'AbbeviUf,  1836,  37. 
"  The  latter  admits  a  few  golden  lelters. 

3  U 


1012        LITURGICAL  BOOKS 

fined  to  the  purple,  violet,  or  azure  MSS."> 
Many  which  have  but  few  coloured  pages  are 
chrysographs  throughout ;  as  the  evangeliaries  of 
Charlemagne  (or  of  St.  Martin  des  Champs),  of 
St.  Martin  and  St.  Medard  of  Soissons  (in  Count 
Bastard's  second  volume).  The  expense  of 
purple  vellum  seems  to  have  been  very  great ; 
so  much  so,  tliat  as  early  as  the  4th  century  the 
bishop  Theonas  enjoins  on  Lucianus,  the  em- 
peror's chamberlain,  not  to  have  the  MSB.  of  the 
imperial  library  entirely  in  colour,  unless  by 
special  order  (D'Achery,  Spicilegium,  torn.  xii.). 
Charlemagne  seems  to  have  reserved  this  magni- 
ficence especially  for  evangeliaries,  the  Vienna 
psalter  being  only  gold  in  part.  For  chryso- 
graphs on  white,  in  the  9th  centuiy,  they  are 
too  numerous  to  allow  of  more  than  brief  men- 
tion of  a  few,  besides  those  of  St  Medard  and 
St.  Martin  already  named.  The  evangeliaries  of 
St.  Emmerand  at  Munich,  of  Lothaire  in  the 
National  Library  of  France,  with  his  psalter; 
those  of  the  abbeys  of  Hautvillers  (Bastard,  ii.) 
and  Lorch  (the  latter  now  at  the  Vatican,  with 
fine  uncial  writing  on  alternate  bands  of  purple 
and  azure),  and  the  antiphonary  of  Goubert, 
monk  of  St.  Bertin,  are  named  by  Dom  Gue- 
ranger.  Those  of  Charlemagne,  or  St.  Martin 
des  Champs  (Gothic  writing),  and  of  St.  Medard, 
and  another  very  grand  one,  written  for  Charle- 
magne, in  fine  uncial,  with  large  whole-page 
illustrations  [see  Miniatures],  the  sacramen- 
tary  of  Drogo  (golden  uncial,  rustic  capitals, 
and  cursive  Gothic,  with  splendid  Roman  initials), 
the  evangeliaries  of  Lothaire  and  Louis  le  Debon- 
naire,  are  all  magnificently  illustrated  by  Count 
Bastard,  vol.  ii.,  with  that  of  Hautvillers.  He 
also  gives  pictures  from  two  magnificent  bibles, 
written  for  Louis  le  Debonnaire  and  Charles  the 
Bold ;  and  one  presented  to  the  latter  monarch 
by  Count  Vivien,  abbat  commendatory  of  Tours, 
which  shews  great  progress  in  miniature  paint- 
ing, and  attains  something  like  a  climax  of  splen- 
dour in  ornamental  caligraphy.  The  ceremony 
of  its  presentation  to  Charles  the  Bald  is  illus- 
trated on  its  title-page  with  considerable  skill, 
and  perhaps  with  some  attempts  at  portraiture. 
Its  writing  is  a  perfect  example  of  what  is  called 
the  Caroline  uncial  and  demiuncial. 

Gueranger  goes  back  to  the  7th  century  for 
the  first  employment  of  artistic  design  by  the 
liturgical  caligraphers  of  the  Western  church. 
They  began  naturally  with  their  initial  letters, 
making  the  illustration  a  part  of  the  page  con- 
sidered as  a  whole,  and  keeping  their  art  in 
equal  alliance  with  their  caligraphy.  In  the 
Eastern  church  the  Eabula  MS.  shews  how  much 
could  be  done  even  in*  the  6th  century,  but  its 
miniatures  are  inserted  in  rectangular  spaces, 
and  independent  of  the  writing.  (See  Professor 
Westwood'.s  Palaeographia  Sacra,  Introduction ; 
also  Crucifix  and  Miniature.) 

The  canons  of  Eusebius  of  Caesarea  were  very 
early  added  to  the  sacred  text :  they  are  found 
in  the  MS.  of  Rabula,  in  the  6th  century,  accom- 
panied with  a  free  and  luxuriant  ornament :  and 


o  The  names  of  these  colours  are  somewhat  vague  and 
must  necessarily  convey  rather  different  ideas  to  differ- 
ent persons.  The  greater  number  of  purple  WSS.  are  at 
present  of  what  would  be  called  a  puce  colour,  mostly  dark 
and  rich,  but  occasionally  lightened  by  time,  or  deadened 
almost  into  black. 


LITURGICAL  BOOKS  j 

in  the  western  world  the  evangeliary  of  Ulfilas, 
of  the  same  period,  possesses  them.     The  idea  of 
architectural  decoration  of  pages  struck  the  cali- 
graphers at  once,  as  was  natural.     To  consider  a    • 
row  of  parallel  columns  as  an  arcade,  separated  by     ! 
pillars,  and  to  lavish  wreath-,  scroll-,  and  flower-     1 
work,  or  even  birds,  on  their  traceries,  was  an     ! 
obvious  and  pleasing  system  of  decoration.     The    1 
Colbert  evangeliary  (Bastard,  i.),  7th  century,  has 
its  columns  drawn  firmly  and  beautifully  with  the 
pen :  and  it  is  most  interesting  to  the  artist,  in    i 
an  age  of  mechanical   copying,   to  observe    the 
extraordinary    power    and    freedom    of  manual     ! 
execution  in  many  of  these  MSS.,  which  in  the    J 
opinion  of  the  present  writer,  fully  raise  the    ! 
ancient  caligraphy  to  the    level  of  a  fine  art.    ; 
The  0  of  Giotto  was  doubtless  a  fair  test  of  his    ' 
great  executive  power ;    but    it    is   excelled    in    i 
difficulty  and  interest  by  the  pen-drawn  birds    j 
and  grotesques  of  the   IMSS.     See  Grotesque,    j 
1.  751  f ;  Lion,  H.  999,  for  instances  of  true  pen-    ' 
drawing.     It  is  singular  that  the  last  relics  of    | 
the  vanished  art  should  be  the  swans  or  birds    \ 
of  the  modern  writing-master's  flourish. 

The  8th  and  9th  century  MSS.  are  richest  in    j 
their   decoration   of  the   canons,   and   those   of   1 
St.    Martin   des   Champs,    St.    Medard,   of  the    | 
Church  of  Mans,  of  Hautvillers,  and  that  written    i 
for  Lothaire,  are  models  of  gorgeous  grotesque. 
Sometimes  there  are  twenty  or  twenty-five  pages 
of  them,  worked  out  with  inexhaustible  varia-    i 
tions  and  fancies.     Gold  and  silver  are  lavished    ; 
everywhere ;  the  horizontal  lines  end  in  nonde-    : 
script  heads,  the   leaf-work   is   rich  but  chaste,    i 
and  wreaths  about  the  pillars  like  "the  gadding 
vine;"  and  a  first  faint  sign  of  naturalistic  imi-    | 
tation  appears  in  the  very  skilful  use  of  gold  to    j 
imitate  the  wavy  cloudings  and   changing  lines    I 
of  polished  marble  pillars.     Animals  and  small    j 
figures  present  themselves  apparently  just  where    j 
they  like,  though  always  in  places  well  adapted 
to  balance  of  pattern  and  ordered  arrangement. 
They  are  in  some  cases  emblematic,  as  the  evan- 
gelical symbols  present   themselves  constantly, 
and  there  are    endless    nondescripts.     A  list  is 
appended,  taken  from  the  above-mentioned  MSS., 
which  differ   from   the  wild  grotesques  of  the 
Gellone  sacramentary  of  7th  century,  by  being    ' 
often  drawn  with  careful  attention  to  natural 
character.i*  | 

A   decided  falling   off  in  colour-power,  with    j 
some  carelessness  of  di-awing,  will  be  observed  in    j 
the  Hautvillers  MS. :  the  bibles  of  Charles  the 
Bald  are  either  Franco-Saxon  or  Gallo-French,    I 
showing  the  serpentine  spirals  and  endless  inter-    I 
lacings  of  the  Northern-Gothic   work.      Count 
Vivien's  MS.  shews  equal  splendour  and  higher 
aim  in  the  artist :  the  great  zodiac  illumination    , 
is  given  by  Count  Bastard  (vol.  ii.).  I 

In  the  Visigothic  work  of  the  Sacramentary 
of  Gellone,  8th   century,  there  is  a  crucifixion, 


p  List  of  animals  represented  in  9  th  century  MSS.  o 
the  Western  church  :— 

Antelope.  Peacock. 

Centaur.  Pheasant. 

Cock  and  hen.  Khinoceros     (bull-like), 
Crane.  marking  the  idea  of 

Dove  (white).  the  "  Unicorn  " 

Eagle.  (MS.  Lothaire). 

Elephant.  Swan. 

Hound  (and  compounded  Stag  and  hind. 

as  griffin).  Stork. 

Lion  (and  compounded).  Stockdove. 


LITURGICAL  BOOKS 

with  angels ;  much  blood  is  used,  and  the  draw- 
ing is  very  rude.  There  is  a  miniature  of  the 
crucifix  in  the  canon  of  the  mass,  the  cross 
forming  the  T  in  the  words  "  Te  igitur."  In 
the  same  MS.  the  Mass  of  the  Invention  of  the 
Cross  has  in  its  initial  letter  the  figure  of  a  man 
squaring  a  tree-trunk,  as  if  to  foi-m  the  upright 
stem.  The  *'  Leofric "  sacramentary,  in  the 
Bodleian,  9th  century,  has  highly-ornamented 
initials  in  the  canon  of  the  mass,  but  is  without 
figures.  Our  Lord  sits  in  the  initial  of  the  word 
Quoniam,  at  the  beginning  of  St.  Luke's  Gospel, 
in  the  MS.  of  St,  Medard.  The  grand  whole- 
page  St.  Matthew  of  the  Charlemagne  evan- 
geliary,  with  its  mystic  fountain  and  symbolic 
building  of  the  Church,  is  an  interesting  example 
of  the  decoration  of  manuscripts.  As  Gueranger 
remarks,  the  ideas  of  the  heavenly  city  or  palace, 
and  possibly  the  pillars  and  polished  corners  of  the 
Hebrew  Temple,  may  have  been  in  the  minds  of 
the  artists  (Ps.  cxliv.,  12).  We  cannot  agree  with 
him  (Inst.  Lit.  p.  366)  as  to  their  admirable 
knowledge  of  perspective ;  but  ingenuity  of 
invention,  splendour  of  material,  harmony  of 
colour,  and  minute  accuracy  of  hand,  can  go 
no  further  than  in  most  of  their  works.  In- 
formation about  Byzantine  architecture  is  cer- 
tainly to  be  gathered  from  the  illustrations 
of  the  Menologium  or  Calendar  of  the  emperor 
Basil  the  Younger,  and  other  works;  as,  fur 
instance,  Charlemagne's  evangeliary.  They  re- 
mind the  student  of  the  architectui-al  back- 
grounds of  Giunto  of  Pisa,  in  the  lower  church 
of  Assisi  and  elsewhere. 

The  ease  with  which  cheap  copies  of  the  holy 
scriptures  and  other  books  are  to  be  obtained  in 
our  own  day,  may  prevent  us  from  understand- 
ing the  real  and  practical  value  of  the  sacred 
MSS.  of  the  earlier  ages,  and  still  more  from 
understanding  the  single-hearted  devotion,  and 
happy  self-concentration,  with  which  the  copyists 
seem  to  have  carried  on  their  labours.  It  is 
probable  that  in  most  cases  the  best  educated 
monks,  or  men  of  more  natural  refinement  than 
others,  must  have  been  employed  in  the  scrip- 
toria of  the  great  houses ;  at  least  in  every 
monastery  which  professed  the  life  of  labour  and 
prayer  with  sincerity,  some  sensible  division  of 
labour,  according  to  various  capacities,  must 
have  taken  place,  and  the  fine  hands  of  the 
caligraphist  or  painter  would  hardly  be  set  to 
hew  wood  or  draw  water,  unless  for  temporary 
discipline. 

It  is  singular  that  Martene,  who  records  forms 
of  benediction  in  use  for  all  other  objects,  from 
emperors  and  empresses  down  to  pilgrims'  staves 
and  scrips,  says  nothing  in  his  chapter  "De 
Benedictionibus,"  of  forms  for  dedication  of 
sacred  books,  though  he  gives  the  full  order  for 
blessing  a  writing-desk  (scrinium)  or  book-case 
(capsa),  {De  Antiquis  Ecdesiae  Bitibus,  lib.  iii.  cap. 
1).  This  is  quoted  from  an  English  pontifical  MS., 
and  a  second  from  a  MS.  of  St.  Victor,  said  to  have 
been  500  years  old,  in  his  own  time.  The  first, 
however,  seems  to  apply  to  an  area  or  credence, 
and  neither  are  within  the  limits  of  our  period. 

A  specimen  of  malediction  on  any  person  guilty 
of  stealing  a  13th-century  MS.  is  not  to  be 
omitted  (Colbert,  Bibliotheque  Nationcdc).  "  This 
sacred  gospel  has  been  copied  by  the  hand  of 
George,  priest  of  Rhodes,  by  the  exertions  and 
care  of  Athanasius,  cloistered  monk,  and  by  the 


LITUEGICAL  BOOKS 


1013 


labour  of  Christonymus  Chartinos,  for  their 
souls'  health.  If  any  man  dares  to  carry  it  off, 
either  secretly  or  publicly,  let  him  incur  the 
malediction  of  the  twelve  apostles,  and  let  him 
also  receive  the  heavier  curse  of  all  monks. 
Amen."  The  first  day  of  the  month  of  Septem- 
ber, year  6743,  of  Jesus  Christ  1215." 

The  missal  of  St.  Maur  des  Fosses  speaks  to 
the  same  purpose.  "  This  book  belongs  to  St. 
Mary  and  St.  Peter,  of  the  monastery  of  the 
Trenches.  He  who  shall  have  stolen  or  sold  it, 
or  in  any  manner  withdrawn  it  from  this  place  ; 
or  he  who  shall  have  been  its  buyer,  may  he  be 
for  ever  in  the  company  of  Judas,  Pilate,  and 
Caiaphas.  Amen,  amen.  Fiat,  fiat.  Brother 
Robert  Gualensis  (of  Wales  ?),  being  yet  young 
and  a  Levite,  hath  devoutly  written  it  for  his 
soul's  health,  in  the  time  of  Louis  (le  Gros), 
king  of  the  French,  and  of  Ascelin,  abbat  of  this 
place.  Richard,  prior  and  monk,  caused  this 
book  to  be  copied,  in  order  to  deserve  the 
heavenly  and  blessed  country.  Thou,  0  priest, 
who  ministerest  before  the  Lord,  be  mindful  of 
him.     Pater  noster." 

The  bindings  and  outer  cases  (capsae)  of  the 
more  important  liturgical  books  are  in  them- 
selves a  subject  of  no  small  interest.  That  of 
the  Eusebian  evangeliary  of  Vercelli  is  thus 
described  by  Mabillon  (iter  Ital.  p.  9,  April 
1685).  "  Codicis  operculum  ex  argento,  a  Beren- 
gario  imperatore  ab  annis  fere  octingentis  in- 
stauratum,  ex  una  parte  Salvatoris  efTigiem, 
ex  alio  sanctum  Eusebium  exhibet;  ad  cujus 
caput  hi  versus  adscripti  leguntur : 

Praesnl  hie  Eusebius  scripsit,  solvitque  vetustas ; 
Rex  Berengarius  sed  reparavit  idem. 

In  infima  vero  parte  ad  pedes  Eusebii 

Argentum  [o  ?]  postquam  fulvo  decompsit  el  auro, 
Ecclesiae  Praesul  obtulit  ipse  suae." 

He  also  mentions  (p.  213,  Jan.  1686)  the  ivory 
covers  of  St.  Gregory's  purple  antiphonary,  at 
Monza,  one  of  which  has  a  medallion  of  David, 
the  other  of  the  donor.  The  great  MS.  of  Theo- 
dolinda  (supra)  has  a  golden  cover,  with  the  cross 
on  each  side.  These  ancient  relics  may  be 
classed  according  to  their  material  and  orna- 
ments, whether  of  carved  ivory,  of  chased  metal, 
or  of  metal  with  jewelled  ornaments.  A  special 
interest  attaches  to  the  ivory  covers,  not  only 
from  their  intrinsic  value,  but  from  the  use  of 
ancient  consular  diptychs  [Diptych].  There  is 
no  doubt  that  many  of  these  ancient  ivories 
have  been  employed  by  later  ages  in  the  bindings 
of  liturgical  books,  sometimes  with  slight 
changes  and  adaptations,  as  in  the  antiphonary 
of  Monza.  This  is,  perhaps,  the  typical  ex- 
ample of  a  consular  diptych,  converted  to 
ecclesiastical  use.  Two  ivory  panels  or  plaques 
bear  each  its  figure,  perfectly  recognisable  as  a 
consul  of  the  5th  century,  by  the  dress  and  the 
mappa  of  the  games.  But  one  of  them  has  been 
converted  into  St.  Gregory  the  Groat,  by  the  addi- 
tion of  a  tonsure,  and  the  addition  of  a  cross  to 
his  staff  of  office.i  The  other  has  had  his  wand 
lengthened  and  curved  into  a  shepherd's  staff, 
and   passes  for   David.      The  consular  ivory  of 


1  This  Professor  Westwood  denies,  Karhj  Christian 
Sculptures,  p.  34. 

3  U  2 


1014 


LITURGICAL  BOOKS 


Flavius  Taurus  Clementinus,  now  at  Nuremberg, 
had  an  ecclesiastical  diptych-list  engraven  on 
the  ivory  itself,  and  the  Diptychon  Leodiense, 
in  memory  of  the  consul  Flavius  Astyrius,  forms 
one  of  the  sides  of  an  evangel  iary  in  St.  Martin's, 
of  Liege,  and  is  also  engraved  on  the  inside.  (See 
Donati,  De  Dittici  degli  Anticid  profani  e  sacri, 
Lucca,  1753-4;  Gori,  Thesaurus  veterum,  Dipty- 
chuin,  Flor.  1751,  fol. ;  and  Maskell,  Ivories, 
1876.) 

There  is  a  passage  in  Cassiodorus  in  which  he 
speaks  of  having  designed  and  published,  or  set 
forth  in  a  collected  volume,  a  number  of  examples 
of  carvings,  or  designs  of  some  kind,  for  the 
external  bindings  of  sacred  books.  "  We  have 
moreover  designed  skilful  artifices  in  the  cover- 
ings of  our  MSS. ;  so  that  there  might  be  a 
covering  of  outer  ornament  over  the  beauty  of 
the  sacred  text,  herein  perhaps  in  some  sort 
imitating  that  example  of  the  Lord's  figuring. 
Who  clothed  in  marriage  garments  those  whom 
He  thought  worthy  of  invitation  to  His  supper. 
Among  which  we  have  set  forth  many  examples 
of  designs  (facturarum)  represented  in  one 
volume,  that  any  studious  person  may  choose  for 
himself  any  form  of  covering  he  shall  prefer." 
(De  Institutione  divin.  Scripturarum,  cap.  xxx.) 
These  would  probably  be  executed  in  ivory  for 
the  most  part.  The  ivory  of  Murano  (described 
by  Costadoni  in  the  collection  of  Calogera,  torn. 
XX.)  is  of  the  greatest  interest,  as  it  is  covered 
with  reliefs  of  the  ancient  cubicula  of  the  cata- 
combs and  of  the  earlier  sarcophagi,  and  it  may 
be  considered  earlier  than  the  8th  century.  The 
nail-holes  intended  to  fix  the  ivory  panel  on  the 
cover  of  the  book  to  which  it  belonged  still 
remain,  as  is  the  case  with  many  ivories,  which 
have  been  used  for  reliquaries  and  shrines,  as 
in  the  case  of  the  diptychs  of  Symmachus  and 
Nicomachus  (Gori,  Thesaurus,  tom.  i.  p.  207). 
For  9th-century  ivories  as  bindings  of  church 
books,  those  of  the  evangeliary  of  Lorch  in  the 
Vatican,  and  of  the  sacramentary  of  Droyon 
and  evangeliary,  No.  99  of  the  Bibliotheque 
Nationale,  may  be  referred  to.  The  collection, 
or  catalogue,  of  Professor  Westwood,  is  the  best 
reference  in  this  country  for  all  the  more  ancient 
documents  on  ivory. 

The  Gothic  evangeliary  of  Ulfilas  is  called 
Codex  Argenteus,  on  account  of  its  rich  binding 
of  that  metal  ;  and  the  evangeliaries  of  St. 
Medard  and  St.  Emmeran  possess  covers  of 
enamel  and  gold  respectively,  the  latter  with 
embossed  portraits.  Plates  of  vermilion-enamel 
occur  in  the  Eusebian  gospels,  and  one  of  the 
covers  of  the  Lorch  evangeliary  is  of  this  mate- 
rial. This  use  of  different  metals  was  practised 
by  Victor  IIL,  while  at  Monte  Casino,  under  the 
name  of  Didier ;  who  ornamented  an  epistolary 
for  his  abbey,  with  gold  plate  on  one  side  and 
silver  on  the  other ;  this  binding  was  called 
dimidius  (D'Achery,  Spicilegium,  tom.  iii.  p.  402). 
Precious  stones,  and  even  relics,  have  been  en- 
closed in  these  bindings,  as  by  Didier  of  Monte 
Cassino,  in  the  MS.  of  St.  Emmerand,  in  the 
splendid  ones   of  the    Sainte-Chapelle,'   and  in 


r  On  the  gold  bindings  of  the  Sainte-Chapelle  evan- 
geliaries ; — 
No.  Kmeiiiids.  Pearls.  Sapphires.    Rubies. 

1.  30  140  35  24        (10th  cent.) 

2.  20  60  12  10         Onyx  2. 


LITURGICAL  BOOKS 

many  instances,  and  with  great  magnificence,  in 
the  Eastern  church.' 

The  subjects  represented  in  ivory  or  metal  on 
covers  of  sacred  books  are  of  course,  in  most 
cases,  simple  in  choice  and  in  execution  during 
our  period.  Gue'ranger  mentions  in  particular 
the  grand  ivory  cover  of  the  Lorch  evangeliary 
in  the  Vatican,  which  bears  some  resemblance 
in  its  carving  to  the  work  of  the  later  sarco- 
phagi, and  which  he  vindicates  on  Gori's  autho- 
rity {Thes.  vet.  Diptych,  tom.  iii.  tab.  iv.)  from 
the  imputation  of  being  a  pagan  ivory,  altered 
and  adapted  to  Christian  use.'  Our  Lord  is 
represented  as  holding  the  Gospel  and  treading 
down  th(;  Lion  and  the  Dragon,  attended  by  two 
angels  l»'ariug  sceptres  and  rolls  ;  above  are  two 
flying  angels  with  a  clipeate  cross,  and  below, 
two  subjects  of  the  Magi  before  Herod,  and  also 
making  their  offerings  to  the  Holy  Child  and 
His  Mother. 

On  the  great  MS.  99  of  the  Bibliothfeque  Na- 
tionale, are  Lazarus,  the  Samaritan  woman,  and 
the  Entry  into  Jerusalem,  treated  much  as  in 
the  sarcophagi.  See  Tre'sor  de  Numismatiquc, 
Bas-reliefs  et  Ornements,  X.  Se'rie,  II.  Classe, 
2  partie,  pi.  ix.  x.  xi.  The  sacramentary  of 
Drogon  has  liturgical  rites  chased  or  embossed 
on  its  cover  in  eighteen  compartments. 

The  embossed  figure  of  our  Lord  on  the  Ver- 
celli  Gospels  is  probably  one  of  the  earliest  in  such 
a  place,  and  dates  from  about  888.  Representa- 
tions of  the  crucifixion  also  begin  in  that  age. 

The  folio  work  of  Prof.  Westwood,  published 
1869,  contains  an  appendix  note  on  the  mag- 
nificent book-covers,  "auro  argento  gemmis- 
que  ornata,  which  are  repeatedly  mentioned 
in  connexion  with  fine  early  copies  of  the 
Gospels.  They  have,  for  the  most  part,  long 
ago  disappeared  ;  but  there  still  exist  a 
number  of  metal  cases  which  have  served  to 
hold  some  of  the  smaller  Irish  MSS.,  which 
generally  exhibit  restorations  at  various  periods." 
They  are  also  generally  ornamented  with  crystals 
or  other  gems,  and  are  known  under  the  name 
of  cumhdachs.  See  article  on  the  Book  of  Armagh, 
p.  80 ;  on  the  Psalter  of  S.  Columba,  p.  82  ;  the 
Book  of  Diurna,  pp.  83,  84 ;  and  the  Gospels  of 
S.  Mulling,  p.  93.  Plate  51,  fig.  9,  represents  a 
party  of  ecclesiastics  from  the  cumhdach  of  the 
Stow  missal,  p.  88.  The  front  of  that  of  St. 
Molaise  or  Molasch  is  at  fig.  6,  pi.  53.  "It  is 
5|  inches  by  4|  inches,  and  3J  inches  deep ;  of 
bronze,  bound  with  silver,  overlaid  with  open- 
work, riveted,  on  white  metal,  silvered  ...  a 
cruciform  or  wheel-cross  design,  with  the  em- 
blems of  the  Four  Evangelists  at  the  angles,  bar- 
barously designed.  Portions  of  gold  filigree  and 
interlaced  ornaments,  with  some  jewels,  occupy 
some  of  the  remaining  compartments  of  the  open- 
work, one  ruby  still   remaining  in  its  setting." 

The  capsae  or  cases  in  which  the  books  thus 
gorgeously  ornamented  were  deposited  for  safety 
were  generally  made  of,  or  adorned  with,  plates 


B  Even  in  Constantinople.  The  Russian  service  books 
have  been  pronounced  the  most  splendid  in  the  world 
(La  Neuville,  Relation  de  Moscow.,  k  Paris,  1698,  p.  193, 
quoted  hy  Gudranger). 

t  It  appears  to  be  i-th  or  9th  century  by  the  nimbi,  the 
imago  clipeata,  and  its  overloaded  ornament;  it  cannot 
be  supposed  to  be  of  anything  like  primitive  or  classical 
antiquity. 


■LITURGICAL    LANGUAGE 

of  gold,  silver,  &c.  They  are  mentioned  re- 
peatedly in  mediaeval  documents  beyond  our 
period ;  but  Gregory  of  Tours  says  that  Childe- 
bert  obtained,  in  the  plunder  won  from  Amalaric, 
about  twenty  of  these  cases  for  evangeliaries,  all 
covered  with  pure  gold  and  precious  stones" 
(Hist.  Francor.  cap.  Ixiii.  p.  114;  Migne,  71, 
250).  St.  Wilfrid  of  York's  evangeliary  had  a 
case  of  this  kind  (Ada  SS.  O.S.B.  Saec.  IV. 
part  ii.  '  Vita  S.  Wilfredi '). 

The  study  of  this  subject  must  necessarily 
lead,  as  has  been  said,  to  a  full  understanding  of 
the  reverence  paid  to  the  text  of  the  Gospels,  in 
particular,  during  the  dark  ages,  and  at  a  period 
when  that  text,  like  the  oral  prophecies  of  the 
Lord  in  Samuel's  early  days,  was  rare  and  pre- 
cious in  the  eyes  of  those  who  were  its  keepers. 
Yet,  in  looking  at  the  few  and  splendid  relics  of 
the  magnificence  of  Byzantine  or  Carolingian 
ritual,  it  is  impossible  to  help  thinking  of  the 
vast  mass  of  perished  MSS.  of  far  earlier  days, 
written  on  humbler  materials  and  for  humbler 
hands  ;  and  on  the  important  question,  how  far 
the  skill,  enterprise,  and  numbers  of  the  regular 
book-transcribing  and  selling  trades  of  Rome  and 
the  larger  cities  of  the  empire  may  have  multi- 
plied cheap  copies  of  the  Holy  Scriptures  in  the 
first  three  centuries.  This  is  for  other  hands  ; 
an  article  on  the  learning  of  the  early  Church 
by  the  Rev.  Prof  Milligan  {Cont.  Rev.  vol.  x. 
April  1869)  is  well  worthy  of  reference  as  bearing 
on  the  subject ;  but  the  important  and  strictly 
correct  remark  of  the  Commendatore  de  Rossi, 
that  the  early  cycle  of  Christian  ornament  in 
the  Catacombs  is  merely  a  cielo  hiblico,  or  scrip- 
tural repertory  of  Christian  symbolism  and  his- 
tory, bears  also  on  this  observation.  It  is 
impossible  not  to  see  that  in  the  earliest  cen- 
turies the  Holy  Scriptures  were  held  to  be  the 
exclusive  repertory  of  subjects  for  Christian  art, 
and  that  the  true  and  exclusive  use  of  Christian 
popular  art  was  general  instruction  in  Scripture. 

It  seems  possible  that  evangeliaries  or  forms 
of  sacramental  ministration  may  have  been  mul- 
tiplied on  papyrus,  like  other  books,  in  large 
numbers  by  means  of  dictation — possibly  to  edu- 
cated slaves  or  freedmen.  If  so,  they  have 
perished  with  other  books  in  the  wrecks  of 
ancient  civilisation. 

The  following  inscription  from  the  first  folio 
of  the  Gospels  of  Ti-eves  may  be  taken  (as  pre- 
fixed to  the  facsimiles  of  Anglo-Saxon  and  Irish 
miniatures)  to  represent  the  commendatory  in- 
scriptions of  the  Greek  MSS. 

"  Scriptori  vita  aeterna ;  Legenti  pax  per- 
petua ;  Videnti  felicitas  perennis ;  Habenti  pos- 
sessio  cii  salute.  Amen  Do  gracias  :  Ora  pro 
me  :  D's  tecum."  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

LITURGICAL  LANGUAGE.  It  would 
seem  natural  that  prayer  and  praise  in  the  con- 
gregation should  be  made  in  the  vernacular 
tongue  of  the  people  ;  and  in  the  early  days  of 
Christianity  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  it  was 
so.     St.  Paul's  depreciation  of  "speaking  with 


»  The  same  author  tells  a  story  of  a  goldsmith  who 
fraudulently  combined  with  the  saint's  messenger  to  sub- 
Btitute  silver  for  gold  in  the  binding  of  an  evangeliary. 
Both  were  swallowed  up  by  tlie  earth,  "  viveiites  et 
VOciferanteB."    {De  Glvria  Confess,  cap.  Lslii.  p.  946.) 


LITURGICAL  LANGUAGE     1015 

tongues,"  in  comparison  with  "  prophesying  " 
(1  Cor.  xiv.  1-17),  has  not  indeed  a  direct  bear- 
ing on  the  question  of  liturgical  language,  for 
the  "  tongues  "  of  which  he  speaks  do  not  appear 
to  have  been  foreign  languages,  but  utterances 
which  only  persons  specially  gif^ted  could  inter- 
pret ;  but  his  reasoning  on  the  necessity  of  so 
giving  thanks  and  so  speaking  that  the  congre- 
gation may  be  edified,  and  may  not  merely  hear 
sounds  which  convey  no  definite  impression,  ap- 
plies in  full  force  to  services  celebrated  in  lan- 
guages "  not  understanded  of  the  people."  Even 
Gueranger  {Instit.  Lit.  iii.  86,  88  ;  compare  Bona, 
de  Reh.  Lit.  i.  5),  eagerly  as  he  defends  the  mo- 
dern Roman  usage,  "  has  no  difficulty  in  conceding 
that  originally  the  church  must  have  employed 

the  vulgar  tongue  at  the  altar As  for 

the  apostles  themselves,  there  is  no  doubt  that 
they  celebrated  the  liturgy  in  the  language  of 
the  people  whom  they  instructed."  In  truth,  we 
may  safely  conclude,  on  the  testimony  of  Origen 
(c.  Celsum,  viii.  c.  37,  p.  402,  Spencer),  that  in 
the  third  century  "each  man  prayed  to  God  in  his 
own  common  speech  (/coxa  tV  eouToC  5id\€K- 
Tov),  and  sang  hymns  to  Him  as  he  could." 

Over  a  large  portion  of  the  East  there  can  be 
no  doubt  that  Greek— in  which  were  written 
the  great  liturgies  which  bear  the  names  of  St. 
James,  St.  Basil,  St.  Chrysostom,  and  St.  Mark — 
was  the  language  of  public  devotion ;  for,  from 
the  beginning  of  the  fourth  century,  Greek  was 
the  official  language  of  the  Eastern  empire,  and 
Constantinople  the  seat  of  a  patriarchate.  Nume- 
rous liturgies  are  also  found  in  Syriac,  whether 
translations  of  Greek  originals  or  of  independent 
origin.  The  Armenian,  the  Ethiopic,  and  the 
native  Egyptian  churches  had  also  vernacular 
services.  Of  the  early  use  of  the  latter  we  have 
an  instance  in  the  circumstance  which  Athana- 
sius  (Vita  Antonii,  c.  2,  p.  633)  relates  of  St. 
Anthony,  that  he  was  induced  to  sell  all  that  he 
had  by  hearing  the  parable  of  the  rich  young 
man  read  in  church.  As  we  are  expressly  told 
that  the  saint  knew  none  but  his  native  lan- 
guage, this  lection  must  have  been  in  Coptic. 
Where  a  vernacular  version,  from  whatever 
cause,  was  not  used  in  the  services,  an  inter- 
preter explained  what  was  read.  Thus  Proco- 
pius  held  three  offices  in  the  church  at  Scytho- 
polis;  first,  that  of  reading;  second,  that  of 
interpreting  Syriac  (in  Syri  interpretatione 
sermonis)  ;  third,  that  of  exorcist. 

It  is  probable  that  even  in  the  West  the  first 
missionaries  of  Christianity  spoke  mainly  Greek, 
the  "  lingua  franca "  of  the  educated  class 
throughout  Europe,  and  of  the  scattered  commu- 
nities of  Jews  and  Jewish  proselytes  in  Gentile 
cities.  The  church  in  Rome  to  which  St.  Paul 
wrote  was  a  Greek-speaking  community,  and  so 
it  continued  to  be  for  seveuil  generations.  Poly- 
carp  came  to  Rome  to  confer  with  Anicetus  on 
the  observance  of  Easter  in  the  year  170.  Euse- 
bius  tells  us  (//.  E.  v.  24)  that  on  this  occasion  the 
pope — himself  almost  certainly  a  Greek — ceded 
to  the  stranger  the  privilege  of  consecrating  the 
eucharist.  It  is  in  the  highest  degree  improbable 
that  Polycarp  celebrated  in  any  other  languago 
than  Greek.  At  the  beginning  of  the  third 
century  Hippolytus  wrote  in  Greek,  and  evi- 
dently contemplated  the  church  in  Rome  as  a 
Greek-speaking  society.  The  inscriptions  on  the 
tombs  of  popes  Fabian  (a.d.  251),   Lucius  (a.D. 


1016       LITUKGICAL  LANGUAGE 


LITURGICAL  LANGUAGE 


252),  and  Eutychianus  (a.d.  275)  are  in  Greek ; 
a  fact  which,  as  De  Rossi  (^Roma  Sott.  Christ,  i. 
p.  126)  points  out,  evidences  the  official  use  of 
the  Greek  tongue  by  the  Roman  church  in  its 
solemn  acts.  And  at  an  even  later  date,  pope 
Sylvester  (t335)  wrote  against  the  Jews  in  the 
Greek  tongue ;  unless  indeed  the  treatise  which 
we  possess  is  a  Greek  translation  of  a  Latin  ori- 
ginal. From  this  time  all  trace  of  Greek  as  the 
language  of  the  church  of  Rome  vanishes ;  it 
probably  migi-ated  to  Byzantium  with  the  em- 
peror and  the  court.  Pope  Leo  (440-461)  seems 
to  have  been  ignorant  of  Greek  ;  he  was  cer- 
tainly unable  to  write  it,  for  he  speaks  of  the 
necessity  of  having  an  accurate  Greek  translation 
made  of  his  letter  to  Flavian  {Epist.  131  ad 
Julian.');  and  the  words  of  Proterius  (Leon. 
Epist.  133),  apologising  for  the  omission  of  a 
Latin  translation  of  his  letter,  the  responsibility 
of  which  (as  it  seems)  he  wished  to  leave  to 
the  pope,  seem  to  imply  that  he  could  not  read  it 
in  Greek.  Survivals  of  the  days  when  Greek  was 
the  liturgical  language  of  the  church  of  Rome  are 
found  in  the  Kyrie  Eleison  so  frequent  in  her 
services ;  in  the  use  of  the  Greek  Trisagion — 
Agios  0  Theos,  agios  ischyros,  agios  athanatos,  elei- 
son imas — in  the  Holy  Week ;  in  the  recitation 
of  the  Creed  in  Greek  on  behalf  of  a  child  to  be 
baptized  [Creed,  L  492];  in  the  reading  of 
certain  lections  in  Greek  as  well  as  in  Latin 
[Instruction,  L  862];  and  in  the  singing  of 
the  angelic  hymn  in  Greek  in  the  Christmas 
mass  (Martene,  Bit.  Ant.  I.  iii.  2,  §  6). 

In  the  half-Greek  districts  of  Southern  Italy, 
Greek  rites  naturally  lingered  long ;  but  the 
Greek  element  received  a  large  accession  when 
Leo  the  Isaurian,  in  the  eighth  century,  placed  a 
considerable  part  of  Southern  Italy  under  the 
ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  of  the  patriarchs  of  Con- 
stantinople, who  not  only  founded  new  sees,  but 
made  vigorous  efforts  to  introduce  Greek  rites. 
And  these  efforts  of  the  pope's  adversaries  were 
seconded  by  the  pope's  adherents ;  for  many 
Basilian  monks  who,  like  the  pope,  defended 
images,  took  refuge  in  the  same  region,  where 
they  naturally  maintained  their  own  services  in 
their  monasteries,  which  were  numerous  (P.  P. 
Rodota,  Deir  Origine,  Progresso,  e  stato  p-esentc 
del  Eito  Greco  in  Italia  osservato  dai  Grcci  Monaci 
Basiliani  e  Albanese,  Roma,  1758).  There  is  a 
strong  indication  of  the  mixture  of  the  two 
languages  in  the  following  circumstance.  The 
author  of  the  life  of  Athanasius  of  Naples  (1877), 
commonly  supposed  to  be  Peter  the  Deacon, 
speaks  of  "  laity  and  clergy  not  ceasing  in  com- 
mon prayer  in  Greek  and  Latin."  Even  the 
purely  Western  Benedictine  Order  was  not  insen- 
sible to  the  influence  of  the  Greek  colonies  in  its 
neighbourhood.  Thus  we  read  that  the  monks 
of  Monte  Cassino  on  Easter  Tuesday,  going  from 
their  monastery  to  the  church  of  St.  Peter,  sang 
mass  with  a  bilingual  chant  (Greek  and  Latin) 
to  the  end  of  the  gospel  (^Codcx  Cassin.  in  Mar- 
tene, Monach.  Bit.  III.  xvii.  n.  14). 

In  Southern  Gaul  we  find  another  region 
which  had  received  its  civilisation  mainly  from 
Greece.  There,  says  Dean  Milman,  "  Latin  had 
not  entirely  dispossessed  the  Greek  even  in  the 
fifth  century;"  and  Jourdain  {Traductions 
d'Aristote,  p.  44)  refers  to  a  MS.  of  Limoges  in 
the  National  Library  at  Paris  (No.  4458),  which 
gives  the  Gloria,  Sanctus,  and  Agnus  Dei  in  the 


mass  of  Pentecost,  in  Greek.  Doublet  {Antiq.  de 
S.  Denis,  c.  48,  p.  366)  tells  us  that  on  the  fes- 
tival of  St.  Denis  the  monks  of  the  abbey  of  St. 
Denis,  near  Paris,  chanted  the  whole  mass  in 
Greek,  in  honour  of  the  Greek  apostle  of  France, 
with  Epistle  and  Gospel  in  Latin  as  well  as  in 
Greek. 

The  MS.  Sacramentary,  No.  2290,  of  the  Paris 
National  Library,  which  is  of  the  ninth  century, 
contains  at  the  beginning  the  Gloria  in  Excelsis, 
the  Nicene  Creed,  the  Sanctus,  and  the  Agnus 
Dei,  in  Greek,  but  in  Latin  characters.  In  the  so- 
called  "  Athelstane's  Psalter"  (British  Museum, 
Galba,  A.  xviii.),  in  a  portion  of  the  MS.  which 
belongs  to  the  early  part  of  the  ninth  century, 
we  find  a  short  Litany,  the  Lord's  Prayer,  the 
Apostles'  Creed,  and  the  Sanctus,  in  Greek,  in 
Anglo-Saxon  characters.  And  in  a  Psalter  in 
the  library  of  Corpus  Christi  College,  Cambridge, 
called  "  Pope  Gregory's  Psalter,"  is  a  Creed  in 
Greek. 

At  the  time  when  Christianity  was  first 
preached,  Latin  was  rapidly  becoming  the  com- 
mon tongue  of  a  large  part  of  Western  Europe  ; 
the  conquests  of  Rome,  as  St.  Augustine  remarks 
(De  Civ.  Dei,  xix.  7),  imposed  the  Latin  language 
on  the  subject  races.  Latin  was  commonly 
spoken  in  the  Roman  colony  of  Africa,  and  in 
Africa  we  find  the  most  considerable  Latin 
writers  of  the  early  ages — Tertullian  and  Cyprian. 
St.  Augustine  tells  us  of  himself  (Conff.  i.  14) 
that  he  learned  Latin  in  the  nui'sery,  and  C6n- 
trasts  the  perfect  ease  with  which  he  acquired 
this  with  the  difficulty  which  he  afterwards 
experienced  in  learning  Greek.  In  preaching  at 
Hippo  he  assumes  that  his  congregation  all  spoke 
Latin,  while  some  at  least  did  not  understand 
the  native  Punic  ;  for,  quoting  a  Punic  proverb, 
he  thinks  it  necessary  to  translate  it  into  Latin : 
"quia  Punice  non  omnes  nostis  "  {Serin.  167,  on 
Eph.  v.  15,  16).  The  earliest  distinct  mention 
of  a  liturgical  form  in  Latin  appears  to  be 
Cyprian's  citation  of  the  Sursum  Corda  {De  Orat. 
Dom.  c.  31).  Gaul  from  the  time  of  its  subju- 
gation adopted  the  Roman  customs  and  idiom 
with  remarkable  readiness ;  and  in  later  times 
the  civilised  Gauls  imposed  their  tongue  on  their 
Prankish  and  Norman  conquerors.  An  incident 
related  by  Sulpicius  Severus  {Vita  S.  Mai-t. 
c.  9)  may  serve  to  shew  that  Latin  was  what  we 
may  fairly  call  the  vernacular  of  at  least  a  por- 
tion of  Gaul  in  the  fourth  century.  Martin  was 
taken  by  force  from  his  beloved  monastery  by  a 
crowd  of  the  neighbouring  villagers  to  be  made 
bishop.  In  the  church  to  which  he  was  taken 
some  one  in  the  crowd,  opening  a  Psalter  at  ran- 
dom, read  aloud  from  the  eighth  psalm  the  verse, 
"Ex  ore  infantium  et  lactentium  perfecisti 
laudem  propter  inimicos  tuos,  ut  destruas  ini- 
micum  et  defensorem."  »  There  was  instantly  a 
shout  raised,  for  the  people  looked  upon  the  pas- 
sage as  of  ill  omen  to  Defensor,  a  neighbouring 
bishop  who  had  opposed  Martin's  election.  In 
Spain  also,  after  its  subjugation  by  the  Romans, 
the  Latin  language  came  into  common  use.  It 
seems  also  to  have  been  spoken  in  Dalmatia. 
Jerome  at  least,  who  was  born  there,  clearly 
regarded  it  as  his  native  language,  and  complains 
that  he  never  heard  of  it  in  its  purity  while  he 


'■  The  word  defensorem  is  used  in  the  older  version 
for  the  uUorem  of  the  pre-sent. 


LITURGICAL  LANGUAGE 

■was  living  in  the  East  (^Epist.  7  [al.  43]  ad 
Chrora.  p.  18).  Even  in  Britain  after  the  time 
of  Agricola  the  upper  classes  adopted  to  some 
extent  the  Roman  language  and  customs  (Tacit. 
Agric.  c.  21). 

When  Latin  was  so  generally  diffused,  it  could 
not  fail  soon  to  become  the  vehicle  of  public 
worship.  When  public  prayer  was  first  offered 
in  Latin  in  Rome  itself  we  cannot  tell,  but  it  is 
an  obvious  conjecture  that  when  the  "  old  Italic" 
version  of  the  New  Testament  came  into  use  in 
Rome,  prayers  and  thanksgivings  were  also  said 
in  the  Latin  tongue.  That  at  an  early  date 
Latin  became  the  liturgical  languageof  (at  least) 
much  the  greater  part  of  Italy,  of  Gaul,  and  of 
Spain,  admits  of  no  doubt  whatever.  The 
"clerks"  and  officials  everywhere  spoke  Latin 
throughout  the  Western  empire.  And  even  when 
Christianity  was  introduced  into  regions  where 
little  or  no  Latin  was  spoken,  as  Britain  and  Ire- 
land, there  is  no  evidence  of  vernacular  services; 
the  early  evangelists  of  Britain,  St.  Patrick  and 
his  followers  in  Ireland,  the  Roman  missionaries 
to  the  Angles  and  Sa-xons,  alike  seem  to  have  re- 
tained the  Roman  language  in  the  offices  which 
they  introduced.  Probably  it  would  have  seemed 
a  kind  of  profonation  to  translate  sacred 
phrases  into  the  "gibberish"  of  barbarian  tribes. 
Indeed  it  came  to  be  maintained  that  a  certain 
sacredness  attaches  to  the  three  languages,  Greek, 
Latin,  and  Hebrew,  of  the  inscription  on  the 
Lord's  crass  (Hilary  of  Poitiers,  Prol.  in  lib.  Pss. 
c.  15 ;  Honorius  of  Autun,  Gemma  Animae,  i.  92), 
and  that  these  tongues  alone — Syriac  being  taken 
to  represent  the  ancient  Hebrew — are  fit  vehicles 
for  the  public  pi-ayers  of  Christians.  Hilary 
further  elevates  Latin  to  a  dominant  position 
among  the  three  tongues,  as  the  language  of 
Rome,  "  specialiter  evangelica  doctrina  in  Romani 
imperii,  sub  quo  Hebraei  et  Graeci  continentur, 
sede  consistit."  Ulfilas  did  indeed  give  the 
Goths  a  vernacular  version  of  the  Bible,  but 
-even  here  there  is  no  trace  remaining  of  Gothic 
offices. 

That  the  Latin  of  the  service-books  was  often, 
even  among  the  so-called  "Latin"  races,  a 
tongue  "  not  understanded  of  the  people  "  seems 
scarcely  doubtful.  In  Italy,  for  instance,  where 
even  at  this  day  the  peasantry  speak  several 
dialects  neither  mutually  intelligible  nor  intel- 
ligible to  those  who  only  understand  the  literary 
Italian,  we  cannot  suppose  that  the  language  of 
Leo  and  Gregory  was  everywhere  understood. 
The  same  may  be  said  of  Spain  and  Gaul,  and 
still  more  of  Britain  and  Ireland.  Provision  was 
no  doubt  made  for  instructing  the  several  races 
in  their  own  tongues  wherein  they  were  born,  and 
there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  the  nature  of  the 
several  offices  was  explained  to  the  faithful ;  but 
the  offices  themselves  seem  to  have  been  invari- 
ably said  in  Latin.  Whatever  may  be  the  case 
■with  the  Syriac  or  other  Eastern  offices,  in  the 
districts  where  Greek  and  Latin  were  the  eccle- 
siastical languages  the  gulf  between  the  tongue 
of  the  church  and  the  tongue  of  the  people  was 
always  widening ;  the  dialect  of  the  streets 
came  to  differ  widely  from  the  unchanging  idiom 
of  the  church,  even  while  it  retained  the  same 
name.  In  the  eighth  century  this  divergency 
became  so  marked  that  it  was  recognised  by 
authority.  A  council  at  Frankfort  in  the  year 
794  (c.  52,  Concc.  Germ.  i.  328 ;  Baluze,  Capit.  \ 


LITURGICAL  LANGUAGE       1017 

Beg.  Fr.  i.  270)  expressly  repudiated  the  theory 
of  the  three  sacred  languages,  on  the  ground 
that  God  heareth  prayer  in  every  tongue ;  and 
Charles  the  Great,  insisting  (^Capit.  v.  161,  in 
Baluze,  i.  855)  that  all  men  should  learn  the 
Creed  and  the  Lord's  Prayer,  makes  provision  for 
the  case  of  those  who  know  none  but  their 
mother  tongue :  "  qui  aliter  non  potuerit  vel  in 
sua  lingua  hoc  discat."  The  same  monarch  fur- 
ther directs  (^Capit.  vi.  185 ;  Bal.  i.  954)  that 
every  presbyter  should  teach  men  publicly  in  his 
church,  in  the  tongue  which  his  hearers  vinder- 
stand,  truly  to  believe  the  faith  of  Almighty 
God  in  Unity  and  Trinity,  and  also  those  things 
which  are  to  be  said  to  all  generally ;  as  of 
avoiding  evil  and  doing  good,  and  of  the  judg- 
ment to  come  in  the  Resurrection.  He  who 
cannot  do  this  of  himself  is  to  get  a  proper  form 
of  words  written  out  by  some  more  learned  person, 
which  he  may  read ;  and  he  who  cannot  even  do 
this  must  exhort  the  people  in  the  words,  "  Re- 
pent ye,  for  the  kingdom  of  heaven  is  at  hand." 
Herard  {Capit.  55,  Bal.  i.  1289)  ordered  that  no 
man  should  be  admitted  to  be  a  godfather  who 
did  not  understand  the  Creed  and  the  Lord's 
Prayer  in  his  own  tongue,  and  the  nature  of 
the  covenant  made  with  God.  A  council  at 
Rheims,  a.d.  813  (c.  15),  enjoined  bishops  to 
preach  in  the  dialects  of  their  several  dioceses, 
and  in  the  same  year  a  council  at  Tours  (c.  17) 
ordered  bishops  to  translate  their  homilies  into 
the  rustic-Roman  or  the  Teutonic  tongue.  So 
the  council  of  Mayence  (c.  2)  in  the  year  847. 
At  a  still  earlier  date  the  council  of  Lestines, 
A.D.  743  {Concc.  Germ.  i.  51 ;  Swainson,  The 
Nicene  and  Apostles'  Creeds,  p.  22)  had  ordered 
the  Renunciations  and  Professions  in  baptism  to 
be  made  in  the  vernacular — which  is  given  in 
the  canon — of  the  Teutonic  converts.  These 
instances  shew  that,  while  care  was  taken  to  in- 
struct the  faithful  in  the  cardinal  truths  of 
Christianity,  the  offices  in  general  were  in  the 
ecclesiastical  tongue,  Latin. 

When  the  Slavonic  races  were  converted  in 
the  9th  century,  pope  John  VIII.  (a.d.  880)  not 
only  permitted  but  recommended  that  the  divine 
offices  and  liturgy  should  be  said  in  their  ver- 
nacular. It  is  interesting  to  notice  that  he 
expressly  repudiates  the  theory  of  three  sacred 
languages  and  no  more,  saying  that  Scripture 
calls  upon  all  nations  and  all  peoples  to  praise  the 
Lord,  and  that  the  apostles  spoke  in  all  tongues 
the  wonderful  works  of  God  {Epist.  293,  ad  Swen- 
topulc.  Migne,  126,  p.  906).  Nor  is  it  (he  con- 
tinues) in  any  way  contrary  to  sound  faith  and 
doctrine  to  say  masses  in  the  Slavonic  tongue ; 
or  to  read  the  gospel,  or  lessons  of  the  Old  or 
New  Testament,  well  translated  or  interpreted  ; 
or  to  sing  other  hour-offices  in  it ;  for  He 
who  made  the  three  chief  tongues  (linguas 
principales),  Hebrew,  Greek,  and  Latin,  also 
made  the  others  to  His  honour  and  glory.  The 
pope  however  makes  this  reservation,  that  the 
gospel,  to  give  it  the  more  honour,  should 
always  be  read  first  in  Latin,  and  afterwards 
translated  into  Slavonic.  Swentopulk  and  his 
judges  may,  if  they  please,  hear  mass  in  Latin. 
The  Russian  church  retains  to  this  day  its  ver- 
nacular services. 

The  following  are  instances  of  provision  being 
made  for  the  wants  of  a  district  where  several 
languages  were  spoken.     Theodosius  the  archi- 


1018 


LITURGY 


mandrite  built  within  the  ciixuit  of  his  monas- 
tery four  churches  ;  one  for  the  brothers  of  the 
house,  in  which  the  offices  were  said  in  Greek  ; 
one  in  which  they  were  said  in  the  vernacular 
of  the  Bessae,  a  barbarous  tribe  of  the  neighbour- 
hood ;  one  in  which  they  were  said  in  Armenian  ; 
and  a  fourth  in  which  the  brothers  who  were 
vexed  with  devils,  and  those  who  had  charge  of 
them,  had  their  special  service.  The  ordinary 
daily  offices  were  thus  said  severally  ;  but  when 
the  eucharist  was  celebrated,  the  office  was  said 
in  the  several  churches  and  tongues  to  the  end 
of  the  gospel,  and  then  the  several  congregations 
(except  the  demoniacs)  assembled  in  the  Greek 
— the  proper  monastic — church  for  the  remain- 
ing portion  of  the  celebration  (Simeon  Metaphr. 
Vita  Theod.  c.  24-,  in  Surius,  Jan.  11).  It  is 
not  quite  clear  whether  the  restriction  of  the 
more  solemn  part  of  the  mysteries  to  one  church 
and  one  tongue  arose  simply  from  a  desire  to 
symbolise  more  emphatically  the  oneness  of  the 
community,  or  from  a  reluctance  to  recite  the 
anaphora  in  any  other  than  one  of  the  recognised 
"sacred"  languages;  and  the  same  ambiguity 
attaches  to  the  following  somewhat  similar  in- 
stance. St.  Sabas  is  said  (Cyril  Scythop.  Vita 
Sab.  cc.  20, 32,  in  Cotelerius,  Mon.  Eccl.  Graec.  iii. 
247,  264)  to  have  provided  the  Armenians  with 
an  oratory,  and  afterwards  with  a  church,  where 
they  might  say  the  psalmody,  the  megalion,  and 
other  portions  of  the  divine  office  separately  in 
their  own  tongue,  but  at  the  time  of  oblation 
join  the  Hellenists  and  communicate  with  them. 
The  same  event  is  narrated  in  Surius  (Dec.  5) 
in  the  following  form.  Sabas  transferred  the 
Armenian  congregation  to  the  church  which 
he  had  built,  on  condition  that  the  glorificatio 
and  reading  of  the  gospels  should  take  place  in 
their  own  tongue,  while  they  should  partake  of 
the  divine  mysteries  with  the  I'est.  And  the 
writer  adds,  that  when  some  adopted  an  addition 
made  by  Peter  the  Fuller  to  the  angelic  hymn 
[Sanctus],  Sabas  desired  them  to  chant  that 
hymn  in  Greek,  that  he  might  know  whether 
they  adopted  the  correct  version  ;  he  apparently 
did  not  understand  Armenian. 

Literature. — Ussher,  Historia  Dogm.  de  Script. 
et  Sacris  Vernaculis ;  Bona,  de  Reh.  Liturg.  I. 
V.  4 ;  Bingham,  Antiq.  XIII.  iv. ;  Martene,  de 
Eit.  Ant.  I.  iii.  2 ;  Krazer,  de  Liturgiis  Occ. 
sec.  V.  c.  3 ;  Blnterim,  DeniiwUrdigkeiten,  vol.  iv. 
pt.  2,  p.  93  ff. ;  Martigny,  Diet,  des  Antiq.  Chre't. 
s.  v.  Langues  Liturgiques ;  Bishop  A.  P.  Forbes, 
On  Greek  Rites  in  the  West,  in  the  Church  and 
the  World,  1867,  p.  145  ff. ;  W.  E.  Scudamore, 
Notitia  Eucharistica,  p.  207,  first  edition  ;  Probst, 
Liturgie  der  drei  ersten  Christl.  Jahrhunderte, 
Einleitung,  §  4.  [C] 

LITURGY.  (1.)  The  Greek  words  \movpyla, 
Xiirovpyo^,  Keirovpyflv,  in  their  early  usage  are 
applied  to  the  work  or  the  agent  in  any  public 
service.  Etymologically  we  may  compare 
07\ixiovpy6s.  AfiTovpyeTv  thus  means  to  perform 
come  service  for  the  public.  In  Athens,  it  came 
to  be  used  technically  for  the  duty  which  wealthy 
men  were  especially  called  upon  to  render  to 
the  state,  and  the  \fiTovpyia  was  the  ser- 
vice which  they  rendered.  [See  "  Leiturgia," 
IN  DiCTIONAKY  OF  GREEK  AND  EOMAN  ANTI- 
QUITIES.] 

(2.)  Except  in  a  passage  of  Plutarch,  where 


LITURGY 

the  limitation  is  effected  by  the  context,  we 
do  not  find  in  classical  Greek  any  sacred  appli- 
cation of  the  word  Liturgy  other  than  is  con- 
tained in  the  above.  But  in  the  Septuagint  it 
is  generally,  though  not  exclusively,  used  in  this 
behalf.  Thus  we  have  the  word  and  its  deri- 
vatives applied  to  the  service  at  the  altar  ;  or  to 
the  service  in  or  to  the  tabernacle  ;  and  in  Daniel 
vii.  10,  "Thousand  thousands  ministered  unto 
Him." 

(3.)  In  the  New  Testament  the  usage  of  the 
words  is  less  restricted.  Thus,  kings  are 
ministers  to  God,  in  attending  on  the  duties  of 
their  high  office  (Rom.  xiii.  6).  Hence  we  pass 
on  to  the  parabolic  use  of  the  word  Kiirovpy6s, 
in  Rom.  xv.  16.  "  So  that  I  should  be  a  minister  to 
Jesus  Christ  {Kurovpyhv  'I.  X.)  for  the  Gentiles, 
in  administering  in  sacerdotal  or  sacred  fashion 
{IfpovpyovvTo)  the  gospel  of  God,  in  order  that 
the  offering  up  of  the  Gentiles  might  become 
accepted,  being  sanctified  in  the  Holy  Ghost." 
Another  instance  of  this  parabolic  use  is  to  be 
found  in  Phil.  ii.  17.  "  But  even  if  I  am  poured 
out  as  a  libation  over  the  sacrifice  and  ministri/ 
(^\fiTovpyia)  of  your  faith,  I  rejoice  and  congra- 
tulate you  all."  Thus  the  special  meaning  cf 
the  word  and  its  cognates  in  any  particular  pus- 
sage  must  be  determined  (if  at  all)  by  the 
context.  There  can  be  no  doubt  of  the  meaning 
in  Luke  i.  23,  "  when  the  days  of  his  ministration 
were  accomplished."  Some  doubt  is  felt  as  to  Act? 
xiii.  2,  "  As  they  ministered  to  the  Lord,  and 
fasted."  Chrysostom  explains  the  word  by  KijpvT- 
t6vtodv  (preaching):  it  would  rather  seem  to  refer 
to  some  public  ministration  to  the  Lord,  such  as 
was  accompanied  with  a  fast.  Of  the  Saviour 
it  is  recorded  (Heb.  viii.  C),  that  He  has  obtained 
a  more  excellent  ministry  than  the  ministry  of 
Aaron :  the  explanation  being  given  in  vv.  1,  2. 
"  He  is  seated  on  the  right  hand  of  the  Majesty 
in  the  heavens,  a  minister  of  the  sanctuary  and 
of  the  true  tabernacle."  Thus  the  angels  are 
ministeri\ig  spirits,  sent  forth  for  service  (ejs 
5toKo;'iai'),  for  the  sake  of  those  who  are  to  in- 
herit salvation, 

(4.)  In  early  Christian  literature  the  word 
\€iTovpye7i/  was  soon  adopted  in  reference  to 
sacred  functions.  Thus  Clemens  Romanus  (1.  c. 
8)  speaks  of  the  old  prophets  as  the  ministers  of 
the  grace  of  God,  speaking  through  the  Holy 
Spirit.  And  in  c.  44  he  speaks  of  the  office  of 
the  apostles  as  being  their  Liturgy  or  Ministry. 
In  the  process  of  time  the  word  liturgy  came, 
in  practice,  to  be  regarded  as  the  appropriate 
designation  of  the  Eucharistic  office,  but  it  is 
not  quite  clear  when  this  limitation  was  gene- 
rally accepted.  At  the  council  of  Ancyra, 
(a.d.  314),  a  presbyter  who  had  offered  to  an 
idol,  was  forbidden  (c.  i.)  "  either  to  offer  or  to 
address  the  congregation,  or  to  minister  any 
part    whatever   of   the    hieratic  ministrations," 

i)      '6\<ilS     \HT0Vpy(7v      TO.      Ttiv      lipaTlKUV       \(l- 

Tovpyiuiv.  Canon  2  enforced  a  similar  rule  on 
deacons  who  had  lapsed.  Athanasius  speaks  of 
the  Arians  stopping  the  bread  (rtav  Xtirovpywv 
Kol  TcSv  irapdivwv)  of  the  ministers  and  the 
virgins.  In  the  acts  of  the  council  of  Ephesus 
mention  is  made  of  the  evening  and  morning 
liturgies,  and  Theodoret  (iii.  114)  is  also  quoted 
as  speaking  of  the  evening  liturgj',  i.e.  the 
evening  service.  The  same  writer  (iii.  1065) 
speaks   of  the   liturgy  of  the  Holy   Baptism: 


LITURGY 

and  Ep.  cxlvi.  p.  1032,  he  says  that  in  almost 
all  the  churches  the  apostolic  benediction  (2 
Cor.  xiii.  13)  forms  the  introduction  to  the 
mystical  liturgy.  The  additional  mystical  of 
course  limits  the  term  Liturgy,  and,  in  fact, 
we  shall  find  that  this  benediction  stands  at 
the  commencement  of  the  anaphora  in  most  of 
the  liturgies  that  will  come  under  our  review. 
It  is  not  found  in  that  of  St.  Mark,  nor  the 
Coptic  St.  Basil,  nor  in  the  Mozarabic.  I  may 
mention  also  here  that  it  is  not  found  in  either 
the  iioman  or  the  Ambrosian  or  the  Galilean 
Canon.  Theodoret  therefore  refers  to  the  litur- 
gies of  the  Oriental  churches  proper.* 

(5.)  Turning  now  to  the  services  for  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  Eucharist,  which  are  specifi- 
cally called  Liturgies,  we  may  note  in  passing 
that  the  newly  discovered  complement  to  the  first 
letter  of  Clemens  Romanus  contains  liturgical 
phrases  which  we  find  also  in  the  liturgy  of  the 
church  of  Alexandria,  of  which  below.  Apart 
from  this,  the  earliest  records  of  such  service 
are  contained  in  the  letter  of  Pliny  to  Trajan, 
and  the  Apology  of  Justin  Martyr.  From  the 
former,  we  know  that  the  Christians  used  to 
meet  on  a  stated  day  before  it  was  light,  and 
repeat  alternately  a  hymn  to  Christ  as  God,  and 
bind  themselves  sacramento  that  they  would 
commit  no  crime ;  then  they  separated,  and 
came  together  again  a  second  time  to  partake  of 
food,  ordinary  and  innocent.  The  use  of  the 
word  sacramentuin  here  certainly  seems  to  point 
to  the  reception  of  the  Eucharist,  for  it  is,  of 
course,  inconceivable  that  an  oath  to  this  effect 
should  be  repeated  on  every  occasion : — it  may, 
however,  point  to  the  Baptismal  promise.  But 
^  the  accounts  in  Justin  Martyr  give  us  more  infor- 
mation. He  describes  the  service  as  it  was 
performed  after  the  administration  of  Baptism, 
and  again  on  an  ordinary  Sunday.  Combining 
the  two  accounts  together  we  learn  that  during 
the  service  the  records  of  the  apostles  or  the 
writings  of  the  prophets  were  read  by  a  special 
reader,  and,  when  he  had  ceased,  the  President 
instructed  the  congregation,  urging  them  to 
imitate  the  noble  things  of  which  they  had 
heard.  United  or  common  prayer  was  offered  for 
those  who  were  assembled,  for  those  who  had 
been  baptized,  and  for  all  believers  everywhere, 
that  now  that  they  had  learned  the  truth  they 
might  by  their  good  works  be  enabled  to  keep 
God's  commandments  so  that  they  might  attain 
to  eternal  salvation.  The  prayers  were  said 
standing,  and  apparently  by  all :  and  these 
being  concluded  they  saluted  each  other  with 
the  kiss  of  peace.  Then  bread  was  brought  to 
the  president  and  a  cup  of  wine  and  water ;  and 
now  he,  alone,  with  all  his  energy,  sent  up  his 
prayers  and  thanksgivings,  and  the  people  as- 
sented with  the  word  "Amen,"  and  the  deacons 
gave  to  each  of  those  who  were  present  a  por- 
tion of  the  bread  and  wine  and  water  over 
which  the  thanksgiving  had  been  offered,  and 
portions  were  also  sent  by  their  hands  to  those 
who  were  absent,  and,  Justin  adds,  the  wealthy 
and  willing  give  freely,  each  according  as  he 
I  wishes,  and  the  collection  is  deposited  with  the 
president,  and  he  assists  the  orphans  and  widows, 


LITURGY 


1019 


»  The  use  of  Kenovpyia  as  embracing  the  evening  ser- 
vice continued  even  to  tlie  end  of  the  6th  century  (see 
Eustratius ;  Mlgne,  86,  p.  2380  b). 


those  who  are  impoverished  by  sickness  or  other 
cause,  those  that  are  in  prison,  and  strangers 
who  may  happen  to  be  sojourning  amongst  them  : 
and  Justin  twice  announces  that  this  is  done  on 
the  day  called  Sunday.  In  his  dialogue  with 
Trypho  we  have  frequent  references  to  the  Eucha- 
rist. From  one  of  them  we  learn  that  at  the 
time  when  the  Christians  offered  their  sacrifice 
to  God,  mention  was  made  of  the  sufferings 
which  the  Son  of  God  underwent  (Dialogue, 
§  117). 

(6.)  A  question  has  arisen  whether  this  ac- 
count refers  to  the  service  in  Palestine — for 
Justin  was  a  native  of  Samaria — or  to  the  service 
near  Rome,  the  seat  of  the  emperors  to  whom 
his  apology  was  addressed.  The  question  seems 
to  be  settled  by  the  following  considerations : — 
The  kiss  of  peace  is  given  in  the  Roman  church 
in  the  solemn  mass  after  consecration:  here  it 
is  before  it.  Again,  it  is  one  of  the  points  which 
are  noted  as  differencing  the  Roman  from  the 
other  missae,  that  in  the  Roman  order  there 
was  generally  no  lesson  from  the  prophets.  Here 
there  was  such  lesson  every  Sunday. 

Thus  we  have  apparently  sufficient  warrant 
for  the  conclusion  of  Palmer  (Origines  Liturgicae, 
vol.  i.  p.  42)  that  Justin  Martyr's  account  is  of 
the  liturgy  of  the  patriarchate  of  Antioch. 
And  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  later  narratives 
agree  with  his  description  as  far  as  it  goes.  All 
the  points  he  introduces  are  found  in  the  later 
liturgy  of  Jerusalem. 

(7.)  Liturgy  of  Jerusalem. — Passing  over  for  the 
time  the  liturgy  contained  in  the  eighth  book 
of  the  Apostolic  Constitutions,  we  proceed  from 
Justin  Martyr,  who  must  have  written  about 
A.D.  150,  to  the  lectures  of  Cyril,  who  was 
bishop  of  Jerusalem  from  the  year  351  to  386. 
Cyril  has  left  us  seventeen  lectures,  delivered, 
apparently  about  the  year  347,  to  the  catechu- 
mens in  the  course  of  Lent,  and  five  to  the  re- 
cently baptized,  delivered  shortly  after  Easter. 
In  these  five  he  gives  descriptions  and  explana- 
tions of  the  sacramental  offices,  and,  in  the  last 
of  all,  an  account  of  the  Communion  Service. 
His  hearers  had  been  present  at  it,  but  they 
had  not  been  taught  the  meaning  of  its  several 
parts. 

(8.)  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  every  marked 
feature  of  the  office,  as  it  then  existed,  is  noted 
here  by  St.  Cyril.  He  commences,  however, 
after  the  dismissal  of  the  uninitiated  ;  at  a  point 
(that  is)  corresponding  to  the  close  of  the  sermon 
in  the  account  of  Justin  Martyr.  He  describes  the 
ablutions,  possibly  with  Lavabo[II.  938],  followed 
by  the  Kiss  of  peace,  and  then  proceeds  to  the 
Sursum  Corda,  Preface,  Sanctus,  Consecration, 
Intercession,  Lord's  Prayer  [Canon,  I.  269], 
Sancta  Sanctis,  Gustate,  and  Communion  [I. 
413]. 

(9.)  It  is  interesting  to  compare  with  this  the 
liturgy  of  St.  James, — the  liturgy,  that  is,  of  the 
church  of  Palestine. 

We  have  it  in  two  forms :  the  one  form  from 
two  Greek  manuscripts  (with  a  fragment  of  a 
third),  of  which  the  first  was  written  during 
the  12th  century  at  Antioch;  the  second  MS. 
appears  to  have  been  transcribed  at  Mount  Sinai 
during  the  10th  (Palmer,  i.  21,  22).  The  second 
form,  published  by  Kenaudot,  vol.  ii.  p.  29,  is 
found  in  Syriac,  and  is  still  retained  amongst  the 
Monophysites  or  Jacobites  in  the  East  (Palmer, 


1020 


LITUEGY 


i.  16).  The  points  of  similarity  are  sufficient 
to  prove  that  they  had  a  common  origin,  and 
undoubtedly  what  is  common  to  the  two  must 
have  been  in  use  in  the  united  church  'at  the 
beginning  of  the  5th  century,  i.e.  before  the 
schism  of  A.D.  451. 

(10.)  We  see,  therefore,  here,  on  the  one  hand, 
how  the  service  of  Cyril's  time  was  even  in  a 
hundred  years  augmented  by  many  additions, 
and  we  .'ind  on  the  other  that  nearly  everything 
which  Cyril  mentions  remains  untouched,  both 
in  the  Greek  and  Syriac  liturgies.  We  have 
the  "  Sursum  Corda  "  in  both, — the  "  Vere 
dignum,"  the  "  Sanctus  sanctus";  the  precise 
words  that  the  Holy  Spirit  may  make  this  bread 
the  Body  of  Christ,  and  this  cup  the  Blood  of 
Christ,  the  prayers  for  the  living,  the  com- 
memoration of,  and  the  petitions  for,  the  dead. 
The  very  words  used  by  Cyril  are  found  in  the 
Greek.  And  thus  we  take  a  step  forward  in 
our  history ;  and  it  is  interesting  further  to 
notice  that  Jerome  in  his  controversy  with  the 
Pelagians  (book  ii.  sect.  23;  Migne,  vol.  xxiii. 
p.  587),  mentions  that  the  voices  of  the  priests 
daily  sing  that  "Christ  is  the  only  sinless  One." 
We  find  the  expression  both  in  the  Syriac  and  in 
the  Greek  liturgies  before  us :  "  He  is  the  only 
sinless  one  that  has  appeared  upon  the  earth." 
Again,  in  the  same  dialogue,  book  iii.,  sect.  15, 
p.  612,  Jerome  says  that  our  Lord  taught  His 
apostles  that  "  daily  at  the  sacrifice  or  sacrament 
of  His  body  (the  manuscripts  read  Sacramento) 
believers  should  dare  to  say — Our  Father  which 
art  in  heaven."  He  refers,  no  doubt,  as  before, 
to  the  liturgy  of  Jerusalem,  for  his  work  seems 
to  have  been  written  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
the  Holy  City  shortly  after  the  opinions  of 
Pelagius  had  received  encouragement  from  the 
bishop  Johannes.  Once  more  in  his  commentary 
on  Isaiah,  book  ii.  chap.  vi.  v.  20  (vol.  xxiv.  88 
of  Migne),  Jerome  says,  "  Quotidie  caelesti  pane 
saturati  dicimus  ;  Gustate  et  videte  quam  suavis 
est  Dominus," — words  which  occur  (I  believe) 
only  in  the  liturgy  of  St.  James.  The  whole 
psalm  is  recited  in  the  Syriac  St.  James. 

(11.)  Further  illustrations  have  been  drawn 
from  the  Homiletic  writings  of  St.  Chrysostom, 
of  which  several  were  written  when  he  was  a 
presbyter  of  the  church  of  Antioch  (see  Palmer, 
i.  80,  and  Bingham,  Antiquities,  book  XHI.  vi.). 
It  will  be  unnecessary  to  carry  out  this  com- 
parison at  length,  but  we  may  note  that  Chry- 
sostom speaks  of  the  whole  congregation  joining 
in  common  prayer  for  those  who  were  afflicted 
by  evil  spirits  and  those  who  were  in  a  state  of 
penance ;  and  then  he  reminds  his  hearers  how, 
when  only  the  initiated  remain,  they  prostrate 
themselves  on  the  pavement,  rise  together,  and 
the  priest  alone  offers  up  the  prayers,  and  the 
people  respond.  He  mentions  the  benediction, 
"The  Grace  of  our  Lord,"  and  the  address,  "  Up 
with  our  mind  and  hearts."  He  speaks  of  the 
reasonable  service,  the  bloodless  sacrifice ;  he 
speaks  of  the  cherubim  and  seraphim,  of  the 
invocation  of  the  Holy  Spirit  to  be  present  and 
touch  the  gifts  lying  upon  the  holy  table  ;  he 
speaks  of  the  commemoration  of  the  living  and 
the  dead,  of  the  Lord's  Prayer,  of  the  holy 
things  for  holy  persons,  of  the  breaking  of  the 
bread  of  the  Cortimunion.  All  these  but  one 
(of  which  below)  are  found  both  in  the  Syriac 
and  in    the  Greek,  and  so   far  our  position   is 


LITUEGY 

strengthened — that  much  that  is  common  to  the 
two  belongs  at  least  to  the  4th  or  5th  century. 

(12.)  Two  points  remain  to  be  noticed. 
i.  After  the  words  of  institution  the  oblation  in 
the  Greek  is  this :  "  remembering  then  His  life- 
giving  sufferings.  His  saving  cross.  His  death  and 
resurrection  from  the  dead,  and  His  ascension 
into  heaven  ;  His  session  at  the  right  hand  of 
Thee,  0  God  and  Father,  we  ofier  to  Thee  this 
fearful  and  bloodless  sacrifice." 

The  words  in  the  Syriac  liturgy  correspond 
almost  exactly  to  these,  except  that  the  oblation 
is  made  to  Christ :  "  We  remember  Thy  death 
and  resurrection.  Thy  ascension  into  heaven,  Thy 
sitting  at  the  right  hand  of  God  the  Father,  and 
we  ofler  to  Thee  this  fearful  and  bloodless  sacri- 
fice." The  difference  is  momentous,  and  the 
question  at  once  arises  which  of  the  two  is  the 
more  ancient  form. 

The  Syriac  is,  as  we  have  seen,  in  use  at  the 
present  day.  The  Greek  is,  as  we  shall  see, 
affected  by  later  additions  from  foreign  sources  ; 
but  this  fact  alone  would  not,  of  course,  decide 
the  question  as  to  the  original  form  of  this 
momentous  formula, 

(13.)  ii.  Our  second  point  is  this:  Palmer 
draws  attention  (^Origines,  i.  24,  25)  to  several 
indications  that  the  Greek  liturgy  of  St.  James 
has  been  affected  by  late  interpolations.  These 
we  need  not  repeat  here.  I  would  add  that  the 
introduction  of  a  Creed  in  the  proanaphora  is  a 
further  indication  that  the  liturgy  was  altered 
after  the  date  which  I  have  specified.  Another 
indication  of  change  is  this  :  that  the  prayer  for 
the  king,  mentioned  by  St.  Cyril  and  retained  by 
the  Syriac  (p.  35),  is  omitted  in  the  Greek,  proba- 
bly because  the  state  rulers  of  Palestine  favoured 
the  Jacobites  more  than  the  orthodox.  The 
appeal  x'^'/'f  Kexapnwjxivri,  which  is  introduced, 
is  entirely  out  of  place,  and  ungrammatical ;  it 
must,  therefore,  be  a  late  addition  :  and  it  is  not 
in  the  Syriac.  There  is  no  prayer  in  the  Greek 
for  the  energumeni,  nor  for  the  penitents,  nor  for 
the  catechumens,  and  no  notice  of  their  exclu- 
sion. This  fact  also  shews  that  the  text  of  the 
manuscripts  which  we  possess  had  been  altered  at 
a  period  when  the  custom  of  excluding  tho  two 
former  classes  had  ceased  to  be  observed. 

(14.)  The  paucity  of  the  Greek  manuscripts  of 
course  indicates  that  the  rite  of  St.  James  has 
long  ceased  to  be  of  general  observance ;  in  fact, 
it  was  first  interpolated  out  of  the  liturgy  of 
Constantinople,  and  then  gave  way  before  it. 
Yet  it  is  said  to  be  still  used  in  islands  of 
the  Archipelago  and  elsewhere  on  St.  James's  day, 
but  no  manuscripts  of  the  modern  form  have 
been  brought  to  the  west.  The  conclusion  is 
that  the  Greek  use  was  generally  discontinued 
before  the  13th  centui-y.  Charles  the  Bald 
stated  that  the  rite  was  celebrated  before  him  ; 
and  we  learu  from  Theodore  Balsamon  and  his 
contemporary  Marcus,  orthodox  bishop  of  Alex- 
andria, that  it,  or  a  rite  which  went  by  this 
name,  was  still  used  in  the  12th  century  on  great 
feast-days  in  the  churches  of  Jerusalem  and  the 
rest  of  Palestine.  It  was  at  that  time  unknown 
at  Antioch. 

(15.)  Liturgies  of  the  Churches  of  Egtjpt. — 
It  will  be  best  now  to  turn  to  the  liturgies 
of  the  churches  of  Alexandria,  with  which  I 
would  connect  the  liturgy  of  the  Coptic  version 
of  the  Apostolic  Constitutions.     We  have  three 


LITURGY 

notices  of  the  celebration  in  this  version  ; 
two  of  them  analogous  to  that  in  the  eighth 
book  of  the  Greek  version,  which  is  called  the 
Clementine  liturgy,  and  is  really  an  account 
of  a  service  after  the  consecration  of  a  bishop. 
There  are  several  points  of  deep  interest  con- 
nected with  the  Coptic  constitutions,  not  the 
least  that  the  Copts  had  introduced  into  their 
language  the  Greek  terms  for  presbyter,  deacon, 
bishop,  Spirit,  Eucharist,  offering,  salutation ; 
indeed  we  may  say  every  technical  term  con- 
nected with  the  celebration.  We  read  (Tattam, 
Apostolical  Cvustitutions  in  Coptic,  with  Trans- 
lation ;  Orient.  Trans.  Fund,  1848  ;  bk.  ii. 
p.  32),  "After  the  salutation  and  the  kiss  of 
peace,  the  deacons  present  the  offering  to  the 
newly-made  bishop;  he  puts  his  hand  upon  it 
with  the  presbyters,  and  says  the  eucharistia." 
It  begins  with  the  prayer,  "  The  Lord  be  with 
you  all,"  and  the  people  say,  "  And  with  thy 
spirit."  The  bishop  says,  "  Lift  up  your  hearts  ;" 
they  reply,  "  We  lift  them  up  unto  the  Lord." 
He  says  again,  "  Let  us  give  thanks  unto  our 
Lord  ;"  the  people  say,  "  It  is  right  and  just ;" 
and  then  he  is  directed  to  say  the  prayers  which 
follow  according  "  to  the  form  or  custom  of  the 
holy  offei-ing."  It  is  quite  clear  that  the  service 
was  in  Greek  throughout  when  this  version 
of  the  "  canons  of  the  apostles "  was  made. 
But  Archdeacon  Tattam,  to  whom  we  owe  our 
edition  of  the  book,  unfortunately  missed  some 
of  the  points  in  his  translation ;  and  thus,  to  the 
mere  English  reader,  his  words  can  scarcely  be 
said  to  represent  adequately  the  character  of  the 
original.  Thus  evxwfiiv,  he  translates  "  Let  us 
pray."     It  was  really  a  mistake  for  exo/u-ev. 

(16.)  We  have  a  further  account  in  the  same 
second  book  (Tattam,  p.  62).  This  may  be  com- 
pared with  the  last  lecture  of  St.  Cyril  of 
Jerusalem,  for  it  is  the  account  of  the  Communion 
as  administered  to  the  newly  baptized.  We  have 
again  the  instruction  that  the  deacon  should 
bring  the  oflering  to  the  bishop,  and  that  the 
latter  should  give  thanks  over  the  bread  and 
over  the  cup  of  wine,  because  of  the  similitude 
of  the  one  to  the  flesh  of  Christ,  and  of  the 
other  to  the  blood  of  Christ.  Mention  is  made 
of  an  offering  of  milk  and  honey  in  remembrance 
of  the  promise  made  to  the  fathers  :  "  I  will  give 
you  a  land  flowing  with  milk  and  honey."  Then 
the  bishop  divides  the  bread,  and  gives  a  portion 
to  each.  "  This  is  the  bread  of  heaven,  the  Body 
of  Christ  Jesus  "  (the  last  clause  in  Greek).  The 
presbyter  or  deacon  takes  the  cup,  and  gives 
them  the  blood  of  Jesus  Christ  our  Lord,  and  the 
milk  and  the  honey,  saying,  "  This  is  the  Blood 
of  Christ  Jesus,"  and  he  who  receives  says, 
"  Amen." 

The  account  concludes:  These  things  have 
been  delivered  to  you  briefly  concerning  the 
holy  Baptisma  and  the  holy  Offering. 

(17.)  There  is  yet  a  third  account  in  the  fourth 
book  (§  Ixv.  p.  116).  This  is  a  second  represen- 
tation of  the  service  after  the  ordination  of  a 
bishop  ;  it  is  somewhat  longer  than  the  other, 
supplying  additional  details.  Thus  we  have  the 
direction  of  the  deacon :  "  Let  no  unbeliever 
remain  in  this  place ;"  the  words  bidding  them 
salute  one  another  with  a  holy  kiss  ;  the  exclu- 
sion of  the  catechumens  and  the  "  hearers," 
and  of  all  who  were  not  partakers  of  the  holy 
mysteries.     The  deacons  bring  the  gifts  to  the 


LITURGY 


1021 


bishop  to  the  holy  altar  (eua-iaarrjpiov),  the  pres- 
byters standing  on  his  right  hand  and  on  his  left, 
and  the  "  high  priest  "  prays  over  the  offering 
that  the  Holy  Spirit  may  descend  upon  it  and 
make  the  bread  the  body  of  Christ,  and  the  cup 
the  blood  of  Christ.  Then  all  partake;  first 
the  clergy,  then  all  the  people,  and  then  all  the 
women  ;  a  psalm  was  sung  during  the  distribu- 
tion, and  when  all  was  over  the  deacons  called 
out,  "  We  have  all  partaken  of  the  blessed  Body 
and  Blood  of  Christ ;  let  us  give  thanks  to  Him  ;" 
the  bishop  gives  them  the  blessing,  and  they  are 
told  to  depart  in  peace. 

(18.)  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  rubrics  of 
these  second  and  fourth  books  represent  the  ser- 
vice at  slightly  different  epochs  ;  thus  the  word 
apxiepevs,  which  is  limited  to  the  Jewish  high 
priest  on  p.  108,  is  given  to  the  bishop  on  p.  122, 
The  word  6v(na<nriptov  occurs,  however,  twice  in 
the  first  book  (p.  20).  But  the  whole  account  will 
serve  us  as  an  introduction  to  the  later  liturgies 
of  the  church  of  Alexandria  as  we  find  them  in 
the  Greek  and  Coptic  versions. 

(19.)  Of  the  Alexandrine  Fathers,  Clemens 
speaks  {Stromat.  i.  19)  of  those  who  use  bread 
and  water  in  the  offering  not  ia  accordance 
with  the  canons  of  the  church ;  and  Origen 
of  our  offering  sacrifices  to  the  Father  through 
Christ  (on  Isa.  vi.  6 ;  Homil.  i.  near  the  e'nd ; 
torn,  xii'i.  LommatzscK).  Of  the  liturgies  that 
have  come  down  to  us  as  connected  with  various 
branches  or  offshoots  of  the  church  of  the  patri- 
archate of  Alexandria,  Renaudot  gives  several, 
but  they  may  be  reduced  to  three  distinct 
works : — 

(1)  The  Greek  liturgy  of  St.  Mark  and  the 

Coptic  of  St.  Cyril. 

(2)  A  Coptic,  Arabic,  and   Greek  liturgy,  en- 

titled the  liturgy  of  St.  Basil.  This 
must  be  carefully  distinguished,  as  we 
shall  see  hereafter,  from  the  liturgy  of 
the  church  of  Caesarea. 

(3)  A  Coptic,  Arabic,  and  Greek  liturgy,  en- 

titled the  liturgy  of  St.  Gregory  the 
Theologian,  i.e.  Gregory  Nazianzen. 

To  these  we  must  add  what  is  called  'The 
Universal  Canon  of  the  Aethiopic  Church.' 

(20.)  The  Greek  liturgy  of  St.  Mark  and  the 
Coptic  liturgy  of  St.  Cyril  are  related  to  each 
other,  as  are  the  Greek  and  Syriac  liturgies  of 
St.  James;  they  have  much  in  common  ;  but 
the  liturgy  of  St.  Cyril  has  been  used  even  to 
the  present  day  by  the  Monophysites,  who  have 
formed  the  mass  of  the  Egyptian  Christians, 
whilst  that  of  St.  Mark  was  in  use  only  for  a 
limited  time  by  the  Melchites  or  orthodox.  For 
the  latter  body  being  small  in  numbers,  and 
weak  in  influence,  have,  for  many  ages,  been 
drawn  within  the  circle  of  the  church  of  Con- 
stantinople, and  have  used  the  liturgy  of  that 
church.  And  thus  it  is  that  apparently  only 
one  copy  of  the  Greek  liturgy  of  St.  Mark  has 
survived.  This  was  found  in  a  monastery  of 
the  order  of  St.  Basil,  at  Rossano,  in  Calabria. 
Renaudot  saw  it  at  Rome  in  the  house  of  the 
religious  of  the  same  order.  The  MS.  is  of  the 
10th  or  11th  century.  By  comparing  the  two 
together,  we  are  able  to  infer  what  was  the 
common  property  of  the  whole  patriarchate 
before  the  schism  of  A.D.  451,  and  thus  also  to 
discover  what  each  body  added  at  later  periods. 

The  liturgies  of  St.  Basil  and  St.  Gregory  are 


1022 


LITUKGY 


also  used  by  the  Monophysites  (Renaudot,  i.  154); 
the  former  on  fast  days,  the  latter  on  feast  days, 
except  in  Lent  and  the  month  "  Cohiac," 
during  which  the  liturgy  of  St.  Cyril  is  used. 

(21.)  We  will  turn  first  to  the  Greek  liturgy  of 
St.  Mark  and  the  Coptic  of  St.  Cyril.  We  have 
already  mentioned  that  words  recently  dis- 
covered in  the  Epistle  of  Clemens  Romanus  are 
found  here.  These  words  are  (Bryennius,  p. 
105),  "  Raise  those  that  are  fallen  ;  bring  back 
those  who  are  wandering ;  feed  those  who  are 
hungry  ;  deliver  those  of  us  who  are  in  bonds  ; 
comfort  the  feeble-minded."  They  are  all  found 
both  in  the  Coptic  (Renaudot,  vol.  i.  p.  65), 
and  in  the  Greek  (Neale,  Greek  Liturgies,  ed. 
1868,  p.  21).  The  Coptic  has  also  :  "  Save  those 
of  us  who  are  in  trouble,"  which  are  also 
Clementine.  This  fact  is  interesting  in  more 
ways  than  one,  as  we  shall  see.  I  may  men- 
tion now  that  it  is  a  renewed  proof  of  the 
connexion  between  the  churches  of  Ale.xan- 
dria  and  Rome,  to  which  Dr.  Neale  speaks  in 
his  'General  Introduction '  (vol.  i.  p.  120).  In 
the  Greek  St.  Mark,  we  have  the  introductory 
or  proanaphoral  portion,  which  is  quite  distinct 
from  anything  in  the  Coptic.  In  point  of  fact, 
the  liturgy  of  St.  Cyril  begins  with  the  kiss  of 
peace  immediately  preceding  the  Sursum  Corda 
(Renaudot,  i.  38).  We  are  informed  that  the 
"  Preparation  "  which  is  given  in  the  Coptic  St. 
Basil  (Renaudot,  i.  1-82)  is  always  used,  what- 
ever the  liturgy  proper  may  be.  Passing  on  to 
the  canon,  I  would  observe  that  the  intercessory 
prayers,  which  are  offered  by  the  priest  after  the 
giving  of  thanks  in  the  "dignum  et  justumest," 
are  addressed  in  the  Greek  liturgy  to  the  Father, 
in  the  Coptic  to  our  Lord.  In  both,  the  Virgin 
is  commemorated,  whilst  the  "  Hail  thou  that 
art  highly  favoured,"  occurring  in  the  Greek,  is 
not  found  in  the  Coptic.  This,  therefore,  is 
apparently  of  late  introduction.  In  the  Coptic 
the  prayer  is  addressed  to  Christ  to  receive  "  the 
sacrifices  and  oblations  of  those  who  offer  on  His 
spiritual  heavenly  altar ;"  in  the  Greek  a  similar 
prayer  is  addressed  to  God.  The  petitions  which 
I  have  mentioned  just  now  as  occurring  in 
Clemens  Romanus  occur  at  this  part  of  the  ser- 
vice. The  words  of  St.  Paul  with  reference  to 
Christ  (Eph.  i.  21)  are  found  in  both,  and  thus 
it  is  with  reference  to  Christ  that  the  words 
follow,  "  Thousand  thousands,  and  ten  thousand 
times  ten  thousand  of  holy  angels  and  archangels 
stand  before  Thee  !  "  Then  the  words  of  institu- 
tion follow.  In  both  versions  the  appeal  is 
made  to  God  the  Father  that  we  are  setting 
forth  the  death  of  His  Son,  and  confessing  His 
resurrection,  and  waiting  for  His  second  coming 
to  judge  the  world  ;  and  with  this  before  our 
mind  "  we  have  set  before  Thee  Thine  own  of 
Thine  own  gifts."  The  epiclesi.s  or  invocation 
follows,  the  same  in  both,  bearing,  however,  in- 
ternal marks  that  it  was  composed  after  the 
council  of  Nicaea,  a  prayer  for  sanctification,  and 
the  Lord's  Prayer.  Here  the  Coptic  of  St.  Cyril 
lapses  into  the  Coptic  St.  Basil.  The  Greek, 
however,  proceeds  to  the  end.  The  "  Sancta 
Sanctis,"  on  p.  28,  and  the  "  unus  Pater  sanc- 
tus,"  etc.,  on  the  same  page ;  the  benediction  and 
the  dismissal,  p.  30. 

(22.)  By  comparing  the  Coptic  St.  Basil  with 
the  Greek  and  Arabic  versions  of  the  same 
liturgy,  we   are  again  able,  in  some  degree,  to 


LITUKGY 

note  the  history  of  liturgic  change.  It  would 
appear  that  many  of  the  Greek  phrases  were 
continued  in  use  in  the  Coptic  church,  as  we 
have  already  noticed  them  in  the  Coptic  version 
of  the  Apostolic  Constitutions  (Renaudot,  i.  13). 
Here,  after  the  "  Sanctus,"  the  liturgy  reverts 
to  the  history  of  our  fall,  our  being  placed 
in  paradise,  our  transgression.  It  thus  ])asses 
onwards  with  great  beauty  through  the  warn- 
ings given  by  the  prophets  to  the  birth  of 
the  Saviour,  His  love  for  us,  His  death.  His 
resurrection.  His  ascension.  Then  it  records 
how  He  left  to  us  this  great  mystery  of  piety 
(the  words  of  1  Tim.  iii.  16)  and  instituted  the 
Eucharist,  giving  the  words  of  the  institution. 
Then  it  proceeds,  as  in  the  Greek  St.  Mark,  only 
where  that  had  "  we  have  offered  to  Thee  of 
Thine  own  gifts,"  here  we  read,  "  we  do  offer 
Thee."  The  Epiclesis  follows,  in  the  Coptic  the 
appeal  being  to  Christ,  in  the  Greek  and  Arabic 
to  God. 

Then  come  the  intercessory  prayers  (not 
before  the  words  of  institution,  as  in  St.  Mark 
and  St.  Cyril),  and  these  are  addressed  to  God. 
Commemoration  is  made  also  of  the  Virgin  and 
other  saints,  including,  in  the  Coptic  St.  Basil, 
several  of  a  late  date,  and  the  diptychs  are  read 
and  the  Lord's  Prayer  follows  ;  then  an  interest- 
ing absolution  of  a  precatory  character  and  the 
"  Sancta  Sanctis."  The  fraction  takes  place  and 
a  confession  (which  we  also  find  in  the  Gregorian 
liturgy),  "  that  this  is  the  flesh  of  Christ  which 
He  received  from  the  Virgin,  and  made  one  with 
His  divinity  and  delivered  for  us  all  on  the 
cross."  Further  intercessions — in  some  respect 
like  those  of  Clemens  Romanus,  but  with  the 
addition,  "  give  rest  to  those  who  have  fallen 
asleep  before  us  " — follow  in  the  Arabic,  but  arc 
not  in  the  Coptic.  The  dismissal  of  the  people 
takes  place,  and  then  that  of  the  deacons.  This 
does  not  occur  in  the  Coptic.  The  communion 
of  the  people  is  mentioned  in  the  Coptic  (p.  24), 
but  not  in  the  Greek  or  Arabic. 

(23.)  The  liturgy  of  St.  Gregory  will  not  detain 
us  long  ;  it  begins  in  the  Greek  and  Arabic  with 
a  prayer  which  is  also  found  in  the  Greek  St. 
James  (Neale,  G.  L.,  p.  54),  with  a  few  words  in- 
terpolated that  the  "sacrifice  may  be  for  the 
rest  and  refreshment  of  our  fathers  who  have 
fallen  asleep  before  us,  and  for  the  strengthening 
of  Thy  people."  Moreover,  in  the  Greek  "St. 
James  "  it  is  addressed  to  God,  in  the  Egyptian 
"  St.  Gregory  "  to  Christ.  This  liturgy  resem- 
bles the  Egyptian  St.  Basil  rather  than  that  of 
St.  Cyril ;  after  the  ''  vere  dignum,"  however, 
there  is  a  hymn  of  thanksgiving  which  we  do 
not  find  there,  but,  in  some  respects  like  the 
other,  it  passes  on  to  a  touching  appeal  to  God. 
"No  language  can  measure  the  ocean  of  Thy 
love  :  Thou  madest  me  a  man,  not  Thyself  being 
in  need  of  my  service ;  ....  it  is  Thou  who, 
in  the  bread  and  the  wine,  hast  delivered  to  me 
the  mystic  participation  of  Thy  flesh." 

The  account  of  the  Institution  follows  in  the 
form  of  a  narrative  addressed  to  the  Saviour, 
and  the  priest  continues  :  "  Remembering  Thy 
coming  upon  earth.  Thy  Death,  Thy  Resurrec- 
tion, Ascension  and  coming  Advent,  we  offer  to 
Thee  of  Thine  own  gifts " ;  and  he  beseeches 
Christ  to  come  and  complete  the  mystic  service, 
to  send  His  Spirit  and  sanctify  and  change  the 
gifts  into  the  Body  and  Blood  of  our  redemption. 


LITURGY 

Intercessory  prayers  now  follow,  and  the  com- 
memoration of  the  saints  departed:  the  diptychs 
are  read,  and  another  appeal  to  Jesus  Christ. 
The  Lord's  Prayer  follows,  and  after  a  while  the 
thanksgiving  after  Communion  ;  but  here  both 
the  Coptic  and  the  Arabic  fail  us,  so  that  the 
prayers  in  the  Greek  which  follow  appear  to  be 
late. 

(24.)  It  remains  only  to  speak  of  the  Ethiopia 
canon,  which  commences  (Renaudot,  vol.  i.  472) 
with  some  beautiful  passages  from  Holy  Scripture. 
FroHi  p.  476  we  have  much  in  common  with 
the  Coptic  St.  Basil.  The  canon  proper  begins 
on  p.  486,  but  it  is  strange  that  we  have 
nothing  corresponding  to  the  "  Lift  up  your 
hearts  "of  almost  all  the  other  liturgies.  The 
intercessory  prayers  precede  the  words  of  institu- 
tion, and  then  follows  the  appeal,  "  We  are  set- 
ting forth  Thy  death,  0  Lord.  We  believe  Thy 
resurrection,  ascension,  and  second  advent,  and 
keeping  the  memorial  of  Thy  death  and  resurrec- 
tion we  olier  to  Thee  this  bread  and  this  cup." 
The  epiclesis  follows  :  the  prayer  for  pardon  for 
the  living,  the  prayer  for  rest  for  the  dead.  The 
Sancta  Sanctis  with  the  confession  as  we  found 
it  in  St.  Basil,  the  Communion  of  the  people, 
the  thanksgiving  after  Communion  and  the  Lord's 
Prayer — the  only  instance  that  yet  we  have 
met  with  of  such  position.  We  need  not  discuss 
the  other  Ethiopic  forms ;  they  are  seven  in 
number,  but  five  have  never  been  published 
<Neale,  i.  325).  ^ 

(25.)  Some  question  has  arisen  as  to  the  rela- 
tive claims  of  these  liturgies  of  St.  Basil  and  St. 
Mark  to  be  the  primitive  liturgy  of  the  Egyptian 
church.  Kenaudot  gives  the  place  to  "  St.  Basil," 
Palmer  to  "  St.  Mark."  The  latter  found."!  his 
judgment  in  part  on  the  comparison  of  both 
with  the  Universal  Canon  of  the  Ethiopians, 
which  he  considers  to  "  agree  exactly  in  order 
and  substance  with  the  liturgies  of  Cyril  and 
Mark,  and  no  others  "  (i.  p.  90).  An  entirely 
independent  collation  leads  the  writer  to  reject 
this  statement,  and  to  regard  the  Alexandrine 
St.  Basil,  and  the  Ethiopian  Canon  as  intimately 
connected  with  each  other.  A  comparison  of 
the  liturgies  with  quotations  by  any  of  the 
Alexandrine  Fathers,  may  facilitate  our  judg- 
ment. 

(26.)  We  shall  receive  but  little  assistance  from 
the  general  tone  of  Origen's  treatise  on  prayer, 
except  by  noting  that  when  he  expresses  (as  he 
seems  to  do)  his  wish  that  prayer  should  he  ad- 
dressed mainly  to  the  Father  "through  the  Son, 
his  language  would  seem  to  intimate  that  in  his 
time  the  general  custom  of  his  church  was  to  ad- 
dress their  prayers  to  Christ,  His  reference  to 
the  thousand  thousands  and  myriads  of  myriads 
(against  Celsus,  viii.  34)  may  be  paralleled  out  of 
■all  the  liturgies.  Cyril  of  Alexandria  (we  take  these 
references  from  Palmer,  i.  102-3)  refers  to  the 
Seraphin  (not  Cherubin  as  Palmer  has  it)  veil- 
ing their  faces  ;  this  is  not  mentioned  in  "  Basil," 
but  it  is  mentioned  in  the  others.  The  same 
father  says  {Epist.  ad  Johan.  Autinch.),  "  We  are 
taught  also  to  say  in  our  prayers,  '  0  Lord  our 
;ive  us  peace :  for  Thou  hast  given  us  all 


LITURGY 


1023 


God, 


things,'" — words  to  which  we  find  the  nearest 
resemblance  in  the  Bnsilian  Coptic  and  Greek.  St. 
Mark  has  only  "  0  king  of  peace,  give  thy  peace 
to  us  in  harmony  and  love."  Origen  on  Jere- 
miah (xiv.  §  14)  remarks,  "  We  often  say  in  our 


prayers.  Give  me  a  portion  with  the  prophets, 
give  me  a  portion  with  the  apostles."  A  petition 
resembling  this  is  found  both  in  the  Coptic  St, 
Basil  and  St.  Cyril,  and  the  Greek  St.  Mark.  It 
would  be  scarcely  fair  to  draw  from  this  the 
conclusion  that  what  is  called  St.  Basil's  Liturgv 
was  used  at  Alexandria  in  the  time  of  Cyril, 
rather  than  that  which  we  call  St.  Mark's;  but 
it  would  seem  that  when  St.  Cyril  wrote  the 
words  I  have  quoted,  the  liturgy  which  bears 
his  name  had  not  been  amended.  Other  refer- 
ences have  been  noticed  in  Dionysius  of  Alexan- 
dria, Isidore  of  Pelusium,  and  Athanasius,  but 
they  do  not  throw  any  light  on  the  point  before 
us.  It  is  worthy  however  of  remark  that  Isidore 
states  distinctly  that  the  sacerdos  or  bishop 
uttered  the  words  "  Peace  be  with  you,"  from 
the  extremity  or  highest  point  of  the  church, 
"  imitating  the  Lord  assuming  His  chair  when 
He  gave  His  peace  to  His  disciples." 

(27.)  Liturgy  of  Caesarea. — There  can  be  no 
doubt  that  St.  Basil,  who  was  bishop  of  Caesarea 
in  Cappadocia  during  the  years  370-379,  com- 
mitted to  writing,  and  delivered  to  the  order  of 
monks  which  he  established,  a  liturgy.  And  when 
we  look  at  the  well-known  words  which  have 
been  often  quoted  from  his  treatise  on  the  Holy 
Spirit  [Canon,  I.  269],  we  can  scarcely  doubt 
that  this  liturgy  preserved  (at  least  in  its  chief 
features)  that  form  and  order  which  had  been  tra- 
ditionally used  within  the  diocese  or  (possibly) 
the  patriarchate  of  Caesarea.  Our  difficulty  is 
to  recover  the  service  as  it  came  from  the  hands 
of  Basil.  We  have  the  form  which  passes  by 
his  name  and  now  in  the  East  shares  with  the 
so-called  liturgy  of  St.  Chrysostom  the  rever- 
ence of  the  churches.  It  is  used,  we  are  told, 
on  all  Sundays  in  Lent  but  Palm  Sunday,  on 
Maundy  Thursday  and  Easter  Eve,  on  the  festival 
of  St.  Basil  himself,  and  on  the  vigils  of  Christ- 
mas and  of  the  Epiphany.  Dr.  Neale  and  Dr. 
Littledale  {Greek  Liturgies)  have  printed  this 
from  two  recent  editions,  published  the  one  at 
Venice,  the  other  at  Constantinople ;  whilst 
Daniel  has  given  it  in  a  form  presenting  con- 
siderable variations  from  both. 

The  Alexandrine  liturgy  assigned  to  Basil 
we  have  already  noticed.  With  the  exceptions 
mentioned  below  (§  29),  it  differs  entirely  from 
the  Greek  St.  Basil.  Besides  this  there  is  a 
Syriac  liturgy  which  goes  by  the  name  of  Basil, 
a  Latin  translation  of  which  Renaudot  gives 
from  Masius  in  his  second  volume.  But  most 
important  for  our  purposes  is  the  Greek  copy, 
found  in  a  manuscript  of  the  end  of  the  9th 
century  which  belonged  once  to  the  library  of 
St.  Mark  at  Florence  (introduced  probably  at 
the  time  of  the  council),  but  is  now  in  the  Bar- 
berini  collection  at  Rome.  This  was  printed  for 
the  first  time  in  Bunsen's  Bippolytns  and  his 
Aye  (vol.  iv.),  and  again  in  his  Analecta  Ante- 
Nicaena  (vol.  iii.  pp.  201-236),  and  it  is  strange 
that  it  has  not  attracted  the  attention  it  de- 
serves. 

(28.)  This  liturgy  commences  with  the  prayer 
which  the  priest  offered  in  the  sacri.sty,  when 
he  placed  the  bread  upon  the  disc:  this  is  fol- 
lowed by  the  prayers  of  the  three  antiphons. 
These  are  all  found  in  the  liturgy  as  published 
by  Daniel,  but  we  must  exclude  here,  as  through- 
out, almost  all  the  rubrical  directions  relating 
to  the  action  and  language  of  the  deacon.     The 


1024 


LITUKGY 


prayer  of  Introit  is  given  next,  then  the  prayer 
of  the  Trisagion,  and  the  prayer  said  by  the 
bishop  when  he  took  his  throne.  This  is  now 
omitted,  in  consequence,  no  doubt,  of  the  change 
of  ritual.  Prayers  for  the  catechumens,  for 
the  faithful,  for  the  bishop  himself  (the  last 
connected  with  the  cherubic  hymn)  follow,  and 
then  the  prayer  of  oblation,  which  is  distinctly 
stated  to  be  a  prayer  of  the  holy  Basil.  The 
kiss  of  peace  here  follows,  and  the  order  to  the 
deacons  to  look  "  to  the  doors  ;"  and  the  people 
say  the  creed.  Then  come  the  apostolic  bene- 
diction and  the  '  Sursum  Corda.'  The  "  dignum 
et  justum  est  "  is  entirely  eucharistic,  and  this 
is  succeeded  by  an  eucharistic  introduction  to 
the  words  of  institution.  But  here,  unhappily, 
a  sheet  (four  leaves)  of  the  manuscript  is  missing, 
and  we  are  unable  to  say  what  was  the  exact 
form  of  the  prayer  of  invocation,  or  of  that  of 
intercession  until  we  come  to  the  petition  for 
the  clergy,  in  the  middle  of  which  the  next  sheet 
commences.  The  words  with  which  the  Lord's 
Prayer  is  introduced  are  interesting.  It  is  fol- 
lowed by  a  petition  that  Christ  our  God  would 
attend  to  us  from  His  holy  habitation,  and  come 
to  sanctify  us,  seated  above  with  the  Father,  and 
invisibly  present  with  us.  Then  the  "  sancta 
Sanctis,"  and  the  "  unus  sanctus  :"  and  the  priest 
is  directed  to  take  portions  from  the  holy  Body, 
and  place  them  in  the  holy  cup.  Then  "  after 
all  have  partaken,"  whilst  the  deacon  is  saying 
TTjy  evxV)  the  priest  eVeuxfTai.  This  is  a 
prayer  of  thanksgiving  for  the  reception.  Col- 
lects follow :  one  to  be  uttered  outside  the 
sanctuary,  the  other  when  the  priest  retires  to 
the  sacristy,  and  so  the  liturgy  concludes.  If  we 
may  supply  from  the  more  modei-n  liturgy  the 
parts  lost  in  the  missing  sheet,  availing  our- 
selves of  the  analogy  which  the  collations  of 
the  rest  of  the  work  suggest,  we  must  conclude 
that  the  words  of  institution  were  embodied  in 
an  address  to  God  the  Father,  and  pleaded  that 
'•  remembering  the  sufferings  of  His  Son,  His 
cross.  His  death,  His  resurrection,  ascension,  and 
second  coming,  and  offering  to  God  His  own  of 
His  own — in  all  things,  and  because  of  all 
things — we  bless  Him,  we  glorify  Him,  we  give 
thanks  to  Him."  In  the  prayer  of  invocation 
the  priest  pleads  that  being  admitted  to  minister 
at  God's  holy  altar,  not  because  of  his  own 
righteousness  but  because  of  God's  mercy  and 
pity,  he  draws  nigh  to  it :  and  that  having 
offered  the  antitypes  of  the  holy  Body  and 
Blood  of  His  Christ,  he  beseeches  God  that  His 
Spirit  should  come  on  the  congregation  and  the 
gifts  and  (^avaSe7^at)  exhibit  the  bread  and  cup  as 
the  precious  Body  and  Blood  of  our  Lord.  There 
is  a  prayer  that  all  who  partake  of  the  one  bread 
and  the  cup  may  find  mercy  with  all  the  saints 
(the  Virgin  and  St.  .John  the  Baptist  are  espe- 
cially mentioned),  and  then  after  a  while  the 
prayer  passes  on  to  petitions  for  the  living. 

(29.)  Reverting  now  for  a  moment  to  the  Alex- 
andiine  liturgy  of  St.  Basil,  we  must  notice 
that  the  three  prayers,  which  in  the  Greek  and 
Arabic  are  distinctly  ascribed  to  the  great 
bishop,  i.e.  the  prayer  of  the  Kiss  of  Peace 
(Renaudot,  1.  60),  the  prayer  at  the  breaking 
of  the  bread  (p.  72),  and  the  doxology  (now  in 
the  Lord's  Prayer)  and  prayer  of  bending 
the  head  (p.  76)  are  all  of  them  found  in  the 
Barberini  copy,  and  are  all  of  them  contained  in 


LITUKGY 

the  modern  liturgy.  Not  one  of  them  however  is- 
in  the  Coptic  St.  Basil ;  these  facts  may  possibly 
allow  us  to  infer  that  the  Alexandrine  Greek 
received  its  title  from  the  prayers  of  St.  Basil 
which  it  incorporated,  but  that  the  Coptic  ver- 
sion was  made  before  they  were  admitted.  If 
so,  we  ha?e  some  little  light  thrown  upon  the 
relative  dates  of  the  various  documents,  and  it 
would  appear  that  the  Coptic  is  older  than  the 
Greek  Alexandrine  in  its  present  form.  We 
have  already  mentioned  that  in  no  other  respect 
can  we  trace  any  similarity  between  the  Alex- 
andrine Basil  and  those  which  bear  the  great 
Bishop's  name  in  the  Barberini  manuscript  and 
in  the  modern  Oriental  Church. 

(30.)  Daniel  has  noted  the  portions  which  are 
common  to  the  modern  Basil,  and  the  so-called 
liturgy  of  St.  .James.  A  comparison  with  the 
Barberini  manuscript  will  help  us  to  judge  how 
far  these  portions  are  modern.  For  example,  in 
both  we  have  the  apostrophe,  "  Let  all  human 
flesh  be  silent  and  stand  with  trembling,  for  the 
King  of  kings  and  Lord  of  rulers  comes  forward 
to  be  sacrificed,  and  to  be  given  for  the  food  of 
the  faithful."  In  the  liturgy  of  St.  James  this 
is  found  near  the  commencement  of  the  service, 
when  the  priest  is  bringing  in  the  holy  gifts :  in 
that  of  St.  Basil,  it  is  placed  after  the  invocation, 
before  the  communion  of  the  priest.  It  seems 
scarcely  appropriate  in  either  place.  The  fact 
is  that  it  is  not  to  be  found  either  in  the  Syriac 
St.  James,  or  in  any  of  the  liturgies  that  bear 
the  name  of  St.  Basil. 

Daniel  is  silent  on  the  comparison  between  the 
Greek  and  Syriac  liturgies  of  St.  Basil  (see 
Renaudot,  vol.  ii.  543).  On  comparing  the  latter 
with  the  Barberini  copy  (supplemented  where  it 
fails  from  the  modern  service),  it  will  be  found 
that  from  the  apostolic  benediction  to  the  words 
speaking  of  the  memorial  of  Christ's  death  and 
resurrection,  the  language  is  nearly  identical 
(Renaudot,  ii.  545-548  ;  Bunsen,  214-223).  This 
identity  stops  suddenly  where  the  latter  has, 
"We  offer  to  Thee  Thine  own,  of  Thine  own," 
the  former  passing  on  to  an  appeal  for  mercy 
and  pardon.  The  invocation  is  nearly  identical, 
but  the  Syriac  immediately  afterwards  gives  in- 
dications of  being  interpolated  ;  it  has  a  super- 
abundance of  epithetic  additions.  This  is  fol- 
lowed by  prolonged  intercessory  prayers,  one  of 
which  connects  the  liturgy  with  the  church  of 
St.  Peter  and  St.  James ;  but  the  collect  intro- 
ducing "  Our  Father  "  is,  as  we  have  said,  the 
same.  The  prayer  beginning  "  Father  of  mer- 
cies, God  of  all  comfort,"  has  received  modifica- 
tions. The  distinguishing  feature  of  the  Syriac 
liturgy  is,  that  the  verbal  oblation  of  the  vene- 
rated and  bloodless  sacrifice  is  made  after  the 
invocation. 

(31.)  Liturgy  of  Constantinople. — The  patri- 
archate of  Constantinople  dates  from  the  year 
381,  and  the  churches  subject  to  this  metropolis 
have  used  for  many  years  a  liturgy  which  bears 
the  name  of  St.  Chrysostom.  Lebrun  contends 
that  there  was  no  liturgy  ascribed  to  this  great 
father  for  300  years  after  his  death  ;  and  it 
seems  not  improbable  that  the  work  which  now 
bears  his  name  received  that  name  as  being 
used  in  the  city  of  which  he  was  the  most 
famous  bishop  in  its  earlier  years.  The  modern 
liturgy  of  St.  Chrysostom  is  used  most  exten- 
sively in  the  east ;  Dr.  Neale  says,  through  the 


LITURGY 

four  patriarchates  and  Russia,  except  on  the 
days  when  the  liturgy  of  St.  Basil  is  used.  To 
us  this  is  a  disadvantage,  because,  if  this  were 
the  only  evidence  we  possessed,  it  would  be  the 
more  difficult  to  discover  what  parts  of  it  are 
truly  ancient.  Dr.  Neale  gives  the  service  as  he 
found  it  in  a  work  printed  at  Venice  in  1840, 
corrected  by  a  later  edition  from  Constantinople  ; 
Daniel  (vol.  iv.  327-372)  "  ad  normam  ecclesiae 
Graecorum  hodie  acceptam  et  probatam."  Dr. 
Neale's  book  was  originally  published  in  the 
year  1850,  two  years  before  Baron  Bunsen  printed 
in  the  fourth  volume  of  his  work  Hippolyius 
and  his  Age,  a  transcript  of  this  liturgy  from 
the  Barberini  manuscript.  It  seems  to  be  inex- 
cusable, however,  that  Daniel,  whose  fourth 
volume  came  out  in  1853,  should  have  been  con- 
tent with  the  meagre  collations  with  this  MS. 
given  bv  Gear  in  his  Euchologion,  and  have 
neglected  the  transcript  of  Bunsen. 

(32.)  With  the  aid  of  this  manuscript  we  may 
put  upon  one  side  as  of  uncertain  date  the 
thirteen  paragraphs  which  occupy  pages  337 
to  339  in  Daniel's  book,  and  besides  this,  we 
must  reject  the  eight  succeeding  pages,  with  the 
exception  of  one  brief  prayer.  Almost  all  the 
rubrical  directions  (as  in  St.  Basil)  disappear ; 
they  belong  to  a  period  since  the  time  of  Charle- 
magne. Once  more,  the  prayers  which  the  deacon 
is  requested  to  repeat  outside,  whilst  the  priest 
within  the  veil  is  praying  fxviTTiKcis,  must  be 
rejected  also  as  of  later  introduction ;  and  the 
division  of  the  consecrated  bread  into  the  four 
parts,  each  part  containing  two  letters  of 
icxcNiKA  [see  Elements,  I.  603;  Fraction, 
I.  687],  is  also  proved  to  be  later. 

The  rubric  directing  the  elevation  of  the  bread 
(Daniel,  p.  365 ;  Neale's  G.  L.  p.  140)  is  also 
shewn  to  be  modern  ;  so  too  the  introduction  of 
the  boiling  water.  And  one  thing  more  attracts 
attention.  As  in  the  rite  of  St.  Basil  so  here, 
it  was  assumed  that  all  would  partake.  This  is 
altered  now.  Lastly,  in  the  modern  Greek  ritual 
there  is  an  appeal  at  the  very  close  to  St.  John 
Chrysostom  that,  "  having  used  his  liturgy,  we 
may  have  his  intercession  that  our  souls  may  be 
saved ;"  this  is  also  proved  now  to  be  of  later  date 
than  the  year  900.  Indeed,  the  liturgy  itself  is 
sine  titulo  (Bunsen,  iii.  197).  The  very  ascription 
of  the  Liturgy,  therefore,  to  St.  Chrysostom  may 
be  of  a  date  subsequent  to  the  time  when  this 
MS.  was  transcribed. 

(33.)  It  only  remains  for  us  to  note  that  in  this 
the  early  edition  of  St.  Chrysostom,  the  Kiss  ot 
Peace  precedes  the  Creed,  and  the  Creed  precedes 
the  Apostolic  Benediction.  The  "  dignum  et 
justum  est "  is  truly  eucharistic,  and  the 
"  Sanctus,  sanctus  "  is  speedily  followed  by  the 
words  of  institution.  The  text  with  reference 
to  the  bread  resembles  that  accepted  now  in  the 
Epistle  to  the  Corinthians,  tovt  ((tti.  rh  c(ofj.d. 
ft-ov  rh  VTTip  vfj.aiv.  The  liturgy  proceeds  :  "  Re- 
membering His  saving  command  and  all  things 
done  by  Him,  and  oHering  Thine  own  of  Thine 
own,  we  praise  Thee."  The  priest  proceeds: 
"We  offer  to  Thee,  moreover,  this  reasonable 
and  bloodless  service,  and  we  beseech  Thee,  send 
down  Thy  Holy  Spirit  on  us  and  on  these  gifts 
that  lie  here  befcire  Thee,  and  make  this 
broad  the  Body  of  Thy  Christ  .  .  .  ."  The 
offering  is  represented  as  made  on  behalf  of  all 
who  have  gone  to  rest  in  the  faith,  "  Fathers, 


LITURGY 


1025 


patriarchs,  prophets,  especially  the  Holy  Virgin." 
Then  intercessions  follow  on  behalf  of  the  living ; 
— amongst  them,  "for  those  in  mountains, 
caves,  and  holes  in  the  earth."  (This  is  now 
omitted.)  "  For  faithful  Kings,  and  our  Queen. 
lover  of  Christ."  (This  possibly  points  to  a 
precise  date  when  the  original  of  this  manu-cript 
was  prepared.)  Then  there  is  a  prayer  of  com- 
mendation to  God  of  ourselves,  our  lives,  and 
our  hopes,  followed  by  the  Lord's  Prayer.  Christ 
is  entreated  to  come  to  sanctify  us.  At  last 
we  have  the  "  Sancta  Sanctis,"  the  "  Unus 
sanctus,"  and  the  thanksgiving  after  the  Com- 
munion. 

(34.)  Liturgy  of  the  Nestorians  or  Chaldean 
Christians. — Notwithstanding  the  fearful  mas- 
sacres to  which  even  during  the  last  forty  years 
they  have  been  subjected,  there  still  remain 
among  the  cities  of  Mesopotamia  Christians  who 
trace  their  origin  to  the  influx  of  Nestorians 
after  the  council  of  Ephesus.  They  possess  three 
liturgies,  or  rather  three  anaphorae,  ascribed 
respectively  to  the  Apostles  (i.  e.  SS.  Adaeus  or 
Thaddeus  and  Mari),  to  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia, 
and  to  Nestorius  himself.  Those  are  used  at 
specified  times  of  the  year,  but  the  pro-anaphoral 
and  post-Communion  portions  of  the  liturgy  of 
the  "  Apostles  "  are  never  omitted.  Latin  trans- 
lations of  the  three  from  Syriac  manuscripts 
brought  into  Europe  by  emissaries  of  the  Roman 
church  are  given  by  Renaudot  in  his  collection 
(vol.  ii.). 

An  English  translation  of  the  services  now  in 
use  has  been  recently  published  by  Dr.  Badger. 
Any  effort  to  point  out  what  portions  of  these 
are  really  ancient,  apart  from  the  instruction  we 
have  received  from  our  previous  investigations, 
must  rest  on  hypothesis  only ;  hut  the  distin- 
guishing features  of  the  liturgy  of  the  Apostles 
are  (1)  that  in  it  our  Lord's  words  of  institu- 
tion are  not  introduced  at  all,  and  (2)  that  the 
prayers  of  intercession  both  for  the  living  and 
the  dead  are  connected  with  the  oblation  which 
is  made  before  the  epiclesis.  In  the  liturgies  of 
Theodore  and  of  Nestorius,  the  words  of  institu- 
tion are  found.  It  would  certainly  seem  from 
this  that,  so  far,  the  'Liturgy  of  the  Apostles' 
must  be  very  ancient,  as  it  is  inconceivable  that 
the  words  of  our  Lord,  if  at  any  time  brought 
into  the  service,  could  at  any  subsequent  period 
have  been  omitted  (see  §  59  below). 

There  are  some  points  of  difference  between 
the  liturgy  as  given  by  Renaudot  and  that  given 
by  Dr.  Badger,  indicating  probably  that  even 
during  the  last  few  hundred  years  additions  have 
been  made  to  that  which  had  been  in  use ;  but 
as  these  additions  must  fall  into  a  period  far 
below  the  9th  century,  it  is  unnecessary  to  discuss 
them  further  here.  We  should  mention,  how- 
ever, that  the  canon  begins  with  the  ajiostolic 
benediction,  and  we  have,  as  everywhere  else,  the 
"  sursum  corda."  The  words  are  intro'iuced 
simply  in  the  liturgy  of  the  Apostles  ;  but  in 
the  liturgies  of  Theodore  and  Nestorius,  as  given 
by  Dr.  Badger,  they  are  embodied  in  a  highly 
rhetorical  appeal.  Some  passages  of  a  Ncsto- 
rian  tendency  are  discoverable  in  the  last-named 
liturgy.     The  other  two  have  no  such  traces. 

(35.)  Liturgy  of  the  Apostolic  Constitutions. — 
It  remains  now  only  that  we  should  briefly 
discuss  the  liturgy  of  the  Apostolic  Constitu- 
tions,  commonly   called,    "The  Liturgy  of  St. 


1026 


LITUKGY 


Clement."  [Apostolical  Constitutions,  I.  pp. 
119-126.]  We  have  already  given  (§§  15, 
17)  a  brief  account  of  the  Eucharistic  services 
as  we  find  them  in  the  Coptic  edition  of 
these  constitutions.  Ludolf,  in  his  Oommentarius 
ad  Historiam  Aethiopicam  (pp.  324-327),  gives  a 
Latin  translation  of  the  corresponding  passage 
in  the  Ethiopic  version  of  the  constitutions. 
This  has  been  reproduced  by  Baron  Bunsen  in  his 
Analecta  Ante-Nicaenn  (vol.  iii.  pp.  106-126).  It 
commences  with  "  The  Lord  be  with  you,  and 
v/ith  thy  spirit.  Up  with  your  hearts,"  etc.  ; 
then  an  Eucharistic  address  to  God  for  the  gift 
and  work  of  His  Son,  passing  at  once  to  the 
words  of  institution,  which  are  given  in  the 
simplest  form.  The  prayer  proceeds,  "calling 
to  mind,  therefore,  His  death  and  His  resurrec- 
tion," etc.,  "  we  ofler  to  Thee  this  bread  and 
cup,  rendering  Then  thanks  that  Thou  hast  made 
■us  worthy  to  stand  before  Thee,  and  to  perform 
the  functions  of  Thy  priesthood."  The  Holy 
Spirit  is  invoked  upon  the  oblations,  but  there  is 
no  prayer  that  He  will  make  them  the  Body  and 
Blood  of  Christ.  The  prayer  is,  "  that  those 
who  partake  of  the  gifts  may  be  fulfilled  with  that 
Spirit."  We  have  the  "  Sancta  Sanctis,"  and 
the  "  Uuus  Pater  sanctus,"  etc.,  and  the  "  Hymn 
•of  Praise ;"  the  latter,  possibly,  consisting  of  the 
148th  Psalm.  The  people  enter  to  receive  the 
"  medicine  of  their  souls,"  and  the  thanksgiving 
follows  with  a  collect.  The  service  concludes, 
"  Depart  in  peace,  and  so  the  Eucharist  is  ac- 
complished." It  will  be  noticed  that  the  Lord's 
prayer  is  not  introduced. 

(36.)  Neither  is  the  Lord's  Prayer  introduced 
in  the  so-called  liturgy  of  St.  Clement.  This 
liturgy  is  found  in  some  MSS.  of  the  eighth  book 
of  the  Greek  Apostolical  Constitutions,  but  in  the 
valuable  O.xford  manuscript  {Codex  Baroccianus) 
it  is  entirely  omitted.  There  are  other  marks 
that  it  is  an  interpolation  of  late  date.  In  the 
manuscripts  where  it  occurs,  it  follows  on  the 
service  for  the  consecration  of  a  bishop,  as  it  does 
in  the  Coptic  and  Ethiopic  constitutions.  The 
Greek  liturgy  begins  with  the  apostolic  benedic- 
tion, and  the  unbelievers,  the  hearers,  the  cate- 
chumens, etc.,  are  then  dismissed  in  order.  Then 
comes  a  long  intercessory  prayer,  the  "  kiss  of 
peace  "  is  given,  and  the  apostolic  benediction  is 
repeated  in  a  slightly  different  form  ;  we  have 
the  "sursum  corda"  and  the  "dignum  et 
justum."  This  is  Eucharistic,  detailing  the 
blessings  of  the  creation  and  the  history  of 
God's  dispensations  to  mankind.  When  we  reach 
the  victories  of  Joshua,  the  ascription  of  glory 
by  the  Cherubim  and  Seraphim,  "  Sanctus, 
sanctus,  sanctus,"  is  introduced,  and  the  Thanks- 
giving passes  on  to  record  the  mercies  of  the 
incarnation,  death,  burial,  resurrection,  and 
ascension  of  our  Lord;  then  the  bishop  intro- 
duces the  words  of  institution,  and  recites  how, 
"  Remembering  His  sufferings.  His  resurrection. 
His  ascension,  and  second  coming,  we  offer  to 
Thee,  our  King  and  God,  according  to  His  appoint- 
ment, this  bread  and  this  cup,  giving  thanks  to 
Thee  by  Him ;"  then  follow  the  epiclesis  and  the 
great  intercessory  prayer,  the  various  clauses  of 
which  are  introduced  by  the  words,  "  We  pray 
Thee,"  or  "  we  entreat  Thee,"  or  "  we  ofler  to 
Thee,"  or  "  we  beg  Thee."  After  this  come  the 
"  Sancta  Sanctis  "  and  the  "  Glory  to  God  in  the 
highest."     All  the  people  receive  in  order ;  first, 


LITURGY 

presbyters,  then  deacons,  sub-deacons,  etc.  The 
psalm,  "  I  will  always  give  thanks  to  thee," 
(which  includes  the  words,  "  0  taste  and  see,") 
is  sung  during  the  Communion.  The  post-Com- 
munion service  begins  with  a  prayer  of  thanks- 
giving, the  benediction  from  the  bishop  follows, 
the  deacon  says,  "  Depart  in  peace." 

(37.)  Considerable  doubts  are  felt  as  to  whether 
the  liturgy  was  ever  celebrated  after  this  fashion. 
At  all  events  we  have  here  the  advantage  of 
examining  a  rite,  as  it  was  proposed  at  some  time 
not  later  than  the  4th  century.  It  can  scarcely 
have  been  altered  or  interpolated  since  that 
time.  It  is  worthy  of  mention  that  the  liturgi- 
cal expressions,  which  have  been  noted  in  the 
recently  recovered  pages  of  the  genuine  Epistle 
of  Clemens  Romanus,  are  not  found  here  as  they 
are  found  in  the  Alexandrine  service  books  ;  this 
would  be  an  additional  proof,  if  proof  were 
wanting,  that  the  ascription  of  the  liturgy  to 
St.  Clement  is  purely  fictitious. 

(38.)  Liturgij  of  the  Churches  of  Carthage,  etc. — 
In  passing  from  Alexandria  along  the  coast  of 
Africa  to  Carthage  we  pass  from  an  order  of 
things  of  which  the  characteristics  were  Greek 
to  another  whose  characteristics  were  Latin. 
The  early  writers  of  the  Carthaginian  churches 
are  so  important  and  so  voluminous  that  from 
their  works  which  have  come  down  to  us  we 
can  supply  many  details  of  the  Carthaginian 
services — our  sources  of  information  being  per- 
haps more  trustworthy  than  any  "liturgy" 
would  be  which  professed  to  have  been  prepared 
by  St.  Augustine.  Thus  we  know  from  Tertullian 
{Apology,  xxxix.)  that  in  the  gatherings  of  the 
faithful,  "  the  most  approved  seniors  presided." 
The  same  chapter  in  the  Apology  mentions 
that  at  their  gatherings  the  Christians  in 
one  body  sued  God  by  their  prayers.  They 
prayed  for  the  emperors  and  for  their  ministers, 
for  the  state  of  the  world,  for  the  quiet  of  all 
things,  "  for  the  delay  of  the  end."  The  sacred 
writings  were  called  to  remembrance,  selections 
being  made  apparently  with  a  view  to  the 
emergencies  of  the  times, — and  an  exhortation 
followed.  Then  we  infer  that  all  were  directed 
to  leave  the  church  who  were  under  censure. 
A  collection  of  money  was  made  on  one  day  of 
the  month,  the  money  collected  being  used  for 
the  relief  of  the  poor,  and  for  the  succour  of 
those  who  were  suffering  for  conscience  sake. 
No  doubt  Tertullian  is  describing  features  of  the 
ordinary  Sunday  Eucharist.  The  section  passes 
on  to  speak  of  the  Agapae.  Elsewhere  we  learn 
that  the  passages  from  Scripture  were  taken 
from  the  Prophets,  from  the  Epistles  or  Acts  of 
the  Apostles,  and  from  the  Gospel  {Apology, 
xxii.),  and  that  psalms  or  {Ad  Uxor.  ii.  9)  hymns 
intervened  between  these  sections.  Tertullian 
frequently  insists  that  these  rites  had  been 
"  handed  down  to  us."  In  praying  they  turned 
to  the  east  {Apology,  xvi.),  lifting  up  their 
hands  to  God  the  Father  {Idolat.  vii.  7).  We 
have  two  ascriptions  of  glory,  one  {Ad  Uxor. 
i.  1)  "  To  whom  be  honour,  glory,  majesty, 
dignity,  and  power,  for  ever  and  ever."  The 
other  {l)e  Oratione,  iii.),  "To  whom  be  honour 
and  power  for  all  ages." 

With  regard  to  the  second  part  of  the  eucha- 
ristic office,  to  which  he  apparently  gives  the 
title  '  Officium  sacrificii '  we  have  additional 
evidence.     The  prayers  for  the  emperor  seem  to 


LITURGY 

have  been  repeated  here;  the  words  Sursum 
suspicicntes  (Apology,  xxx.)  probably  refer  to  the 
Sursum  corda,  which  we  know  was  used  at 
Carthage  in  the  time  of  Cyprian.  The  Lord's 
Prayer  formed  part  of  the  prayers ;  after  it  the 
faithful  drew  near  and  gave  to  each  other  the 
kiss  of  charity  (de  Oratione,  xiv.).  The  com- 
munion followed.  This  part  of  the  service  was 
undoubtedly  kept  as  a  mystery  from  unbelievers. 
At  some  time  during  the  service  apparently, 
special  mention  was  made  of  individuals  by  whom 
or  on  whose  behalf  the  oblations  were  offered. 
With  reference  to  the  living,  this  seems  to  have 
been  done  on  the  day,  monthly  or  otherwise, 
when  they  made  their  gifts ;  on  behalf  of  the 
dead,  on  the  anniversary  of  their  removal. 

(39.)  Cyprian,  who  died  in  258,  gives  us  infor- 
mation which  indicates  the  progress  of  ritual 
<!ven  in  the  few  years  which  had  elapsed  since 
the  writing  of  these  works  of  Tertullian's.  The 
offerer  is  the  bishop  (sacerdos)  or  the  presbyter, 
"  they  offer  the  sacrifices  to  God "  (Epistles 
iv.  and  bviii.).  The  sacrifice  was  celebrated 
daily  (Ep.  liv.).  The  lessons  were  read  from 
a  pulpitum.  The  Sursum  corda  and  Hahemus 
ad  Dominum  are  spoken  of  explicitly  in  the 
treatise  on  the  Lord's  Prayer.  The  mixed 
cup  was  used,  signifying,  as  Cyprian  stated, 
"  the  union  of  Christ  with  His  people."  The 
sacrament  was  given  into  the  hands  of  the 
people ;  and  frequently,  if  not  generally,  they 
took  a  portion  of  it  home,  reserving  it  in  a  small 
box,  and  partaking  of  it  from  day  to  day.  The 
bread  and  wine  used  for  the  sacrament  were 
taken  out  of  that  which  had  been  offered,  and 
Cyprian  complains  of  the  rich  as  at  times  con- 
suming a  part  of  the  sacrifice  which  the  poor 
had  offered.  —  Towards  the  end  of  the  4th 
century  (a.d.  398)  the  well-known  laws  were 
enacted,  forming  part  of  the  canons  of  the  African 
church,  by  which  the  offerings  at  the  sacra- 
ment were  restricted  to  bread  and  wine  mixed 
with  water,  and  the  sacrament  was  always  to 
be  received  fasting,  except  on  Maundy  Thurs- 
day, and  at  the  altar  prayer  was  always  to 
be  addressed  to  the  Father.  These  are  fre- 
quently spoken  of  as  if  they  were  canons  of  the 
universal  church.  As  a  body  they  seem,  how- 
ever, in  the  first  instance,  to  have  been  observed 
only  in  the  country  where  they  were  enacted, 
and  we  have  had  numerous  instances  already 
which  shew  that  the  last  canon  was  never 
accepted  in  the  churches  of  the  East. 

(40.)  We  come  now  to  St.  Augustine,  from 
whose  voluminous  writings  we  may  learn  much 
on  the  subject  before  us.  Mone  (Lateinische  und 
Griechische  Messen)  has  collected  from  Augus- 
I  tine's  sermons  the  chief  passages  there  found 
j  bearing  upon  the  liturgy,  and  to  him  I  am 
indebted  for  much  contained  in  this  and  the 
preceding  paragraphs.  The  exclusion  of  all  save 
the  initiated  and  those  in  full  communion  with 
the  church  from  being  present  at  the  Eucharist, 
was  still  most  rigidly  maintained  in  the  province 
of  Carthage.  The  three  lessons  from  the  Pro- 
phet, Epistle  and  Gospel  were  now  taken  appa- 
rently according  to  a  fixed  rule;  between  the 
Epistle  and  the  Gospel  a  psalm  was  sung  (Sermon 
<;lxv.  1):  and  this  was  the  daily  use  of  the 
church.  The  second  part  of  the  service  (Ser- 
mon 311)  commenced  with  the  Sursum  corda, 
in  which  the  answer  of  the  people  was  Ilabemus 

CHRIST.  ANT,— VOL.  II. 


LITUEGY 


1027 


ad  Dominum ;  the  priest  responded,  "  Let  us 
give  thanks  to  our  Lord  God"  (68,  5).  The 
people  attested,  "/i  is  meet  and  right  so  to  do" 
(227).  In  the  canon  the  martyrs  were  men- 
tioned, but  prayer  no  longer  was  made  on  their 
behalf.  The  prayer  of  consecration  is  called 
the  Sanctificatio,  and  Augustine  reserves  to  the 
priests,  as  distinct  from  the  laity,  the  function 
of  offering  the  sacrifice.  After  the  consecration 
followed  the  Lord's  Prayer,  apparently  said  by 
the  clergy  alone.  The  Pax  vobiscum  followed, 
and  the  kiss  of  peace  (Sermon  227).  Then  the 
communion,  then  the  dismissal.  Apparently 
there  was  at  some  period  a  confession  of  sins, 
beginning  with  the  word  confiteor  (Sermon  67), 
at  which,  as  well  as  at  the  petition  Forgive  us 
our  debts,  the  people  smote  their  breasts. 
Augustine's  se-rmons  give  us  of  course  ample 
illustrations  of  the  addresses  which  were  made  to 
the  people  on  these  occasions,  no  doubt  at  the 
early  part  of  the  service,  as  in  the  time 
of  Tertullian;  and  the  great  bishop  tells  us 
(Sermon  f  9),  that  post  sermonem  jit  missa  cate- 
chumenis :  manebunt  fideles. 

It  will  be  noticed  that  we  have  had  no  inti- 
mation here  of  the  apostolic  benediction,  with 
which  the  Greek  liturgies  generally  commence, 
nor  a  word  informing  us  of  the  character  of  the 
prayer  of  consecration.  There  is  no  intimation 
of  any  epiclesis  or  invocation  ;  no  hint  given 
as  to  the  sanctus.  Of  course  we  must  remem- 
ber that  the  Communion  office  proper  was 
essentially  a  mystery,  and  we  have  no  right 
to  expect  a  priori  that  the  sermons  would  give 
us  as  much  information  regarding  it  as  in  fact 
they  do.  We  might  surmise  that  Augustine's 
private  letters  would  prove  a  more  fertile  field 
of  information  than  his  sermons. t"  To  these, 
therefore,  let  us  now  turn. 

(41.)  I  would  mention,  therefore,  first,  that 
we  read  in  Letter  cxxxiv.,  addressed  to  Apringius, 
the  pro-consul,  that  Augustine  "  invoked  Christ 
on  his  behalf  in  the  holy  mysteries."  Thus  we 
have  an  instance  here  of  a  prayer  addressed  to 
Christ.  A  reference  to  the  feasts  held  in  the 
churches,  and  deemed  by  the  ignorant  people  to 
be  "  solatia  mortuorum,"  will  be  found  in  No. 
xxii.  Infants  communicated,  indeed  their  com- 
munion was  deemed  to  be  necessary  for  their 
salvation  (Epist.  clxxxii.  §  5,  and  clxxxvi.  §  29). 
The  offering  was  considered  to  be  of  the  Body 
and  Blood  of  the  Lord  ;  and  Augustine  mentions 
that,  on  one  certain  day  of  the  year  (of  course 
Maundy  Thursday),  it  was  received  in  the 
evening.  His  sermons  have  not  spoken  of  any 
benediction,  but  Letter  clxxix.  (§  4)  shews  that 
there  was  one,  and  tells  us  what  the  form  of  the 
benediction  was.  The  bread  used  at  the  Com- 
munion appears  to  have  been  brought  to  the 
church  in  the  form  of  one  loaf.  At  all  events, 
Augustine  says  (Epist.  clxxxv.  §  50,  p.  994  of 
Gaume.)  that  the  one  bread  is  the  sacrament  of 
unity.  Letter  ccxvii.  (Gaume,  p.  1212)  speaks 
of  the  priest  at  the  altar  exhorting  the  people 
to  pray  for  unbelievers,  that  God  would  con- 
vert them  to  the  faith ;  for  the  catechumens, 
that  He  would  inspire  in  them  a  desire  for 
regeneration ;    and    for   the    faithful,    that    by 

b  The  sermons  ad  infantes  de  Sacramento  (227  and 
272)  contain,  however,  much  information  to  our  pur- 
pose. 

3  X 


1028 


LITURGY 


His  gift  they  may  persevere  in  that  which 
they  have  begun — a  prayer  analogous  to  what 
we  have  seen  in  the  liturgy  of  St.  Clement. 
The  Domine  Deus  Sabaot/i,  and  the  Holy,  Holy, 
Holy,  are  introduced  in  his  interesting  letter  to 
Januarius  (Iv.),  in  which  mention  is  also  made 
of  the  Alleluia,  and  of  the  custom  of  praying 
standing  between  Easter  and  Pentecost. 

In  the  Oriental  liturgies  mentioa  was  made  of 
the  church  dispersed  throughout  the  world;  the 
words  are  found  in  Letter  Ixxxvii.  The  custom  of 
adoring  is  referred  to  in  more  than  one  place.  But 
the  classical  passage  is  in  his  famous  letter  to  Paul- 
inus  (No.  cxlix.),  in  which  he  tries  to  explain 
the  meaning  of  the  different  words  in  1  Tim.  ii.  1, 
prayers,  orations,  supplications,  etc.  If  we  take 
the  words  as  they  are  found  consecutively  in  our 
version,  he  would  say  that  the  sujjplications 
embrace  all  that  is  done  in  the  celebration  of  the 
sacrament  before  that  which  is  on  the  table  of 
the  Lord  begins  to  be  blessed, — the  prayers, 
when  it  is  being  blessed  and  sanctified  and  broken 
for  distribution,  the  part  "  which  ends  in  almost 
every  church  with  the  Lord's  Prayer," — the 
intercessions,  when  the  people  is  being  blessed 
by  the  imposition  of  hands  and  commended  to 
God's  great  mercy, — the  giving  of  thanks,  con- 
cluding all. 

(42.)  We  thus  have  the  following  clearly  laid 
down  as  contained  in  the  African  Liturgy  in  the 
time  of  St.  Augustine.  The  preliminary  part 
included  lessons  from  Scripture,  hymns,  sermons, 
and  the  prayers  for  the  unbelievers,  catechumens, 
and  believers  which  we  have  described  above. 

Then,  all  being  excluded  except  the  initiated, 
the  oblations  of  the  people  appear  to  have  been 
made,  and  the  opening  words,  '■  Sursum  corda," 
with  the  "  Vere  dignum  et  justum  est;"  with  this 
we  connect  of  course  the  "  Sanctus."  Then 
came  what  Augustine  would  call  the  "sancti- 
fication  of  the  sacrifice,"  concluding  with  the 
fraction,  and  probably  a  prayer  of  fraction, 
such  as  we  found  in  the  Alexandrian  litur- 
gies ;  the  Lord's  Prayer  ensued.  Then  came 
the  kiss  of  peace,  this  being  followed  by  the 
benediction  of  the  people,  "  whom  the  priest 
offers  up  to  God;"  then  the  participation  of  the 
sacrament  and  the  giving  of  thanks, — the  last 
part  of  the  service  before  the  dismissal.  The 
three  petitions  mentioned  by  Augustine  (Letter 
cxlix.)  are  also  mentioned  by  Fulgentius  of  Ruspe 
in  his  letter  to  Bitellus  (No.  cvii.) ;  two  of  them 
are  alluded  to  in  a  treatise  of  the  same  bishop, 
Be  bono  perseverantiae.  It  is  probable  that  no 
great  change  was  introduced  into  the  liturgy  for 
many  years  after  the  death  of  the  great  bishop 
Augustine. 

(43.)  Spanish  Liturgies,  of  the  time  of  Isidore. 
— The  liturgy  of  the  Spanish  Church  in  its 
earlier  years  has  a  singular  interest  in  several 
respects.  It  is  quite  clear  that  it  was  framed  in 
the  first  instance  independently  of  the  Roman 
Church,  although  in  the  time  of  Innocent  the 
First  great  efforts  were  made  to  render  it  similar 
to  that  of  the  church  of  the  prince  of  the  Apos- 
tles. But  time  was  required  for  these  efforts  to 
succeed.  Thus  Gu^ranger  (vol.  i.  p.  133)  refers 
to  a  council  of  Gironne,  held  in  the  year  517 
(Labbe,  vol.  i.  p.  568),  the  first  canon  of  which 
directed  that  throughout  the  province  of  Tarra- 
gona the  use  of  the  metropolitan  church  was  to 
$e  observed.     The  council  of  Braga,  in  the  year 


LITURGY 

565,  passed  an  enactment  of  the  same  character 
for  the  province  of  which  it  was  the  metropolis, 
which  would  be  nearly  conterminous  witli  Gal- 
licia.  The  same  lessons  were  to  be  read  at  mass 
through  all  the  churches ;  all  the  bishops  or 
presbyters  and  the  people  were  to  retain  the 
salutation,  "  The  Lord  be  with  you,"  "  And  with 
thy  spirit,"  "  in  the  manner  that  all  the  East 
observed  it  from  apostolic  tradition,"  but  at  the 
same  time  directions  were  given  that  the  masses 
were  to  be  celebrated  in  the  order  which  their  late 
bishop,  Profuturus,  had  received  in  writing  from 
the  authority  of  the  apostolic  see.  In  633  a  uni- 
formity was  established,  not  in  each  province 
severally,  but  throughout  the  whole  extent  of  the 
peninsula  or,  as  it  is  called,  through  all  Spain  and 
Gaul  (that  is  Gallia  Narbonensis) ;  and  amongst 
other  things  it  is  mentioned  about  the  same  time 
that  the  Kyrie  Eleison  was  repeated,  and  the 
"Sicut  erat  in  principio"  was  added  to  the  "  Gloria 
Patri,"  to  meet  the  heresy  of  the  Priscillianists, 
"  as  it  had  been  done  not  only  at  the  apostolic 
see,  but  also  throughout  all  the  East,  Africa,  and 
Italy." 

(44.)  Isidore,  the  famous  archbishop  of  Se- 
ville, who  presided  in  one  or  more  councils 
at  Toledo,  has  left  us  two  books  on  the 
ecclesiastical  offices,  which  are  supposed  to 
have  been  written  about  the  year  633.  (He 
succeeded  Leander  as  bishop  in  the  year  595, 
and  died  in  the  year  636.)  In  the  thirteenth 
and  three  following  chapters  of  the  first  book, 
he  gives  us  information  as  to  the  liturgy  of  his 
day.  He  mentions  that,  "  In  Africa  the  Alleluia 
was  sung  only  on  Sundays,  and  on  the  fifty  days 
after  Easter ;  but  with  us,  according  to  the 
ancient  tradition  of  the  Spains,  it  is  sung  at  all 
times,  except  the  days  of  Lent  and  other  fast 
days."  It  would  appear  also,  that  what  was 
called  the  offertorium  was  sung.  With  reference 
to  the  order  of  t'ne  mass,  or  "  the  prayers  with 
which  the  sacrifices  offered  to  God  are  conse- 
crated," he  claims  that  St.  Peter  was  the  author 
of  the  service  which  was  celebrated  throughout 
the  whole  world.  He  speaks  of  there  being 
seven  prayers  or  orations,  the  first  being  one  of 
exhortation  to  the  paople,  inciting  them  to 
earnest  prayer  to  God  ;  the  second  is  a  prayer 
to  God,  that  He  will  mercifully  receive  the 
prayers  and  oblations  of  the  faithful ;  the  third 
is  poured  forth  either  for  those  who  offer,  or  for 
the  faithful  who  have  departed  this  life,  that  by 
the  same  sacrifice  they  may  obtain  pardon ; 
fourthly,  comes,  connected  with  the  kiss  of 
peace,  a  prayer  that  all,  being  mutually  recon- 
ciled to  each  other,  may  partake  worthily  of  the 
sacrament  of  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Christ, 
because  the  indivisible  Body  of  Christ  admits  not 
of  dissension.  Then  follows,  fifthly,  the  illatio, 
which  answers  to  the  Preface  in  the  Roman 
Missal.  It  is  described  by  Isidore  as  con- 
nected with  the  sanctification  of  the  oblation 
in  which  "  the  whole  universe  of  terrestrial 
creatures  and  heavenly  powers  are  urged  to  join 
in  the  praise  of  God."  and  the  "  Hosanna  in  the 
Highest  "  is  sung.  Then  succeeds,  sixthly,  that 
which  in  some  manuscripts  is  described  as  the 
"  confirmatio  "  of  the  sacrament,  in  others,  the 
"  conformatio,"  that  "  the  oblation  which  is 
now  offered  to  God,  being  sanctified  by  the  Holy 
Spirit,  may  be  conformed  to  the  Body  and  Blood 
of  Christ."     Seventhly,  the  Lord's  Prayer  fol- 


LITURGY 

lows,  in  which  he  notices  likewise  seven  pe- 
titions— the  first  three  for  things  eternal,  the 
last  four  for  things  temporal.  In  chapter  xvi. 
Isidore  speaks  of  the  Nicene  Creed  as  proclaimed 
to  the  people  at  the  time  of  the  sacritice,  and  in 
the  next,  of  the  priestly  benedictions.  In 
chapter  xviii.  he  teaches  on  the  nature  of  the 
sacrifice.     [Compare  Elements,  I.  602.] 

(45.)  Isidore  does  not  mention  the  part  of  the 
seiTice  at  which  the  Nicene  Creed,  as  he  calls  it, 
was  recited ;  but  we  know  that  at  the  third 
council  of  Toledo,  in  589,  king  Reccared  had 
ordered  that  the  creed  of  the  hundred  and  fifty 
should  be  recited  "in  the  liturgy  before  the 
Lord's  Prayer  throughout  all  the  churches  of 
Spain  and  Gaul,  according  to  the  form  of  the 
Oriental  churches."  [Creed,  I.  491.]  This 
position  of  the  creed  is  not  that  which  was 
adopted  by  the  Roman  church,  but  it  is  that 
which  the  creed  of  the  hundred  and  fifty  occu- 
pies in  the  liturgy  which  we  must  proceed  now 
to  discuss,  namely — 

(46.)  The  Spanish  or  Mozarabic  Liturgy. — 
The  Mozarabic  Liturgy  was  first  printed  under 
the  direction  of  Cardinal  Ximenes,  in  the  year 
1500.  The  manuscript  which  he  used  must  have 
been  of  a  comparatively  late  date ;  for  as  Loren- 
zano,  subsequently  archbishop  and  cardinal, 
noticed  in  the  preface  to  his  edition  (which 
was  dedicated  to  Benedict  XIV.  and  has  been  re- 
printed in  Migne's  series,  vol.  Ixxxv.)  the  book 
makes  mention  of  St.  Francis,  St.  Dominic,  St. 
Thomas  Aquinas,  St.  Anthony  of  Padua,  all 
belonging  to  the  13th  century,  to  which  I  would 
add,  that  in  the  first  part,  amongst  the  greater 
festivals,  there  is  a  mass  for  the  feast  of  Corpus 
Christi,  which  we  know  was  not  introduced  until 
the  same  century.  It  would  be  extremely  diffi- 
cult, therefore,  to  say  what  parts  of  the  services 
are  ancient,  and  what  portions  fall  below  the 
chronological  limit  by  which  we  are  bound  ;  and 
it  must  be  understood  that  much  that  follows 
is  stated  under  reservation. 

(47.)  On  comparing,  however,  the  account  given 

by  St.  Isidore,  with  the  masses  which  we  find  in 

the  Mozarabic   Liturgy  (as  given  by  Lorenzano, 

Migne,  p.  109;  compare  Daniel,  i.  p.  65,  etc.), 

I     we  have  every  point  mentioned  by  Isidore  repro- 

I     duced  in  the  liturgy.     The  exhortation  to  the 

!     people  is  found  almost  everywhere,  under    the 

j     heading  Missa.      We   have   the  Alleluia  at  the 

j     beginning,  apparently,    of    every  mass,    except 

I     those  to  be  used  in  Lent  (Daniel,  pp.  55-57). 

We  have  the   prayer    that   God  would  receive 

the  oblation  (ibid.  p.  67).     We  have  the  prayer 

for  the  offerers  (ibid.  p.  69).      The  prayer  for 

the  Holy  Spirit  must  have  been  displaced,    for 

in  the  modei-n  form  it  follows  here.     We  have 

the  "  Dominus  vobiscum  "  and  "  Et  cum  Spiritu 

tuo"  (p.  71).     That  connected  with  the  kiss  of 

peace,  which  is  the  fourth  prayer  mentioned  by 

Isidore,  follows  on  p.   77.     Then  the  "■  Illatio" 

follows,  p.  79.       It  is,  as  Daniel  describes  it,  a 

somewhat  long   ascription  of    glory,  beginning 

with    the    "Dignum  et   justum    est,"   varying 

almost  every  Sunday  of  the  year,   but   always 

ending  with  the    "Sanctus,  sanctus "   and    the 

"Hosanna  in  the  Highest."    The  "  Confirmatio," 

or  "  Conformatio,"  consists  of  the  narrative   of 

the  institution.   The  choir  recite  the  creed  whilst 

the  priest  elevates  the  consecrated  elements;  the 

Lord's  Prayer  follows,  and  the  benediction  before 


LITUEGY 


1029 


the  communion.  Thus,  with  the  one  excep- 
tion of  the  invocation  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  the 
position  of  each  prayer  mentioned  by  Isidore  is 
found  here  to  be  the  same  as  that  to  which  he 
assigned  it. 

(48.)  There  are  some  points  which  have  not  yet 
been  mentioned  which  establish  still  more  closely 
the  connexion  of  this  liturgy  with  those  of  the 
Oriental  churches.  We  have  three  Lessons  at 
least — four  in  Lent.  The  first,  or  first  two,  from 
the  Old  Testament ;  the  next  from  the  Acts  ot 
the  Apostles  or  the  Epistles;  the  last  from  the 
Gospel.  The  ofl'ering  was  distinctly  made  before 
the  consecration,  the  choir  retained  the  use  of 
the  Greek  words,  "  Agyos,  Agyos,  Agyos."  The 
Apostolic  Benediction  is  found  as  in  the  Greek 
liturgies.  After  the  Kiss  of  Peace  we  have  the 
"  Sursum  corda  "  and  the  "  Habemus  ad  Domi- 
num."  In  the  other  Latin  liturgies  the  words 
of  institution  are  always  introduced  thus:  "Qui 
pridie  quam  pateretur."  In  the  Greek  liturgies 
it  always  was,  "  Who,  in  the  night  in  which  He 
was  betrayed."  The  Mozarabic  follows  the 
Oriental  form,  and  this  serves  as  an  indication 
that,  at  all  events,  in  some  points  the  Spanish 
has  never  been  altered,  for  the  prayer  which 
follows  is  (I  believe)  throughout  the  volume 
entitled  Post  pridie :  oratio,  i.  e.  the  modern 
rubric  assumes  that  the  prayer  of  consecration 
had  run  in  the  Roman  form.  [Canon,  I.  272.] 
Once  more,  we  have  the  Sancta  Sanctis  here, 
and  the  choir  sings,  Gustate  et  viclete  quoniam 
suavis  est  Dominus.  I  think  I  might  add  that 
we  have  the  words,  "  Give  redemption  to  the 
captives,  health  to  the  infirm,"  as  we  had  them 
in  the  liturgy  of  St.  Mark,  and  "  Rest  to  the 
departed,"  as  we  found  the  addition  made  in 
another  of  the  Oriental  liturgies. 

(49.)  But  most  curious  of  all  is  the  rite  which 
is  peculiar  to  the  Mozarabic  Liturgy,  of  dividing 
the  bread.     [Fraction,  I.  688.] 

(50.)  One  point  more  remains  to  be  noticed  : 
That  the  prayer  "  Post  nomina "  is  very  fre- 
quently addressed  to  Christ,  and  in  many 
of  the  petitions  so  addressed  our  Lord  is 
entreated  to  "  accept  the  offering  now  made  to 
Him ;"  the  same  may  be  noted  in  the  petitions 
Post  pridie,  in  which  our  Lord  is  entreated  to 
sanctify  the  sacrifices.  (See  for  examples,  Migne, 
pp.  129,  138,  175,  195-,  202,  204,  etc.)  Thus  it 
is  ai)parent  that  the  canon  of  the  church  of 
Carthage,  to  which  attention  has  been  drawn, 
was  not  observed  in  Spain  at  the  time  when 
these  services  were  framed. 

(51.)  Gallican  Liturgies. — We  know  from  the 
correspondence  which  passed  between  Gregory 
the  Great  and  the  missionary  Augustine  that  the 
customs  of  the  churches  in  Gaul  and  at  Rome 
were  different,  even  in  the  Mass  or  Eucharist. 
(Greg.  Ep.  xi.  64;  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  iii.  19.) 
The  difference  continued  during  the  seventh  and 
the  greater  part  of  the  eighth  centuries  ;  but  the 
introduction  of  the  Roman  chant  into  Gaul  in 
the  time  of  Pepin  was  followed  up  by  a  command 
of  Charlemagne  that  every  presbyter  should 
celebrate  the  Mass  according"  to  the  Roman  order 
{Capitul.  V.  cap.  219-371),  and  for  this  purpose 
Charles  obtained  a  copy  of  what  professed  to  be  the 
Gregorian  Sacramentary  from  his  friend  Pope 
Hadrian.  This  order  was  not  carried  out  with- 
out some  heartburnings,  for  we  find  in  the  next 
century  the  abbat  Hilduin  remarking  to  Louis 
3X2 


1030 


LITURGY 


the  Pious  that  the  older  rites  had  been  observed 
in  Gaul  from  the  very  earliest  times,  and,  as  a 
proof,  he  referred  to  "  the  missal  books,  which 
were  most  ancient  and  were  almost  eaten  up 
by  age."  (Hilduin,  Vita  Dionys.  Areop.,  in  Surius, 
Oct.  9  ;  Palmer,  i.  145.) 

(52.)  We  must,  of  course,  conclude  that  these 
"  missal  books "  were  not  reproduced  in  the 
schools  founded  by  Charlemagne  and  watched 
over  by  Alcuin  and  others.  Indeed,  they  became 
so  rare  before  the  accession  of  Charles  the  Bald, 
that  that  monarch  mentioned  in  his  famous  letter 
to  the  clergy  of  Ravenna  (quoted  by  Mabillon,  Lit. 
Gall.  p.  20)  that  he  was  indebted  to  the  clergy 
of  the  church  of  Toledo  for  his  knowledge,  that 
"  up  to  the  time  of  his  grandfather,  the  Gallican 
churches  had  celebrated  the  divine  offices  in  a 
manner  diflereut  from  those  adopted  in  the 
churches  of  Rome  and  Milan."  We  cannot  be 
surprised,  therefore,  at  finding  that  the  liturgical 
remains  of  the  early  Gallican  church  are  very 
scanty,  and  we  shall  welcome  with  the  greater 
thankfulness  the  discoveries  of  Thomasius,  Mar- 
tene,  Mabillon,  and  Mone. 

(53.)  If  we  remember  the  early  connexion  of 
the  churches  of  Lyons  and  Vienne  with  the  East, 
we  shall  of  course  expect  that  the  ritual  of  these 
churches  must  exhibit  some  points  of  resemblance 
with  the  ritual  of  the  church  of  Ephesus.  From 
the  undoubted  writings  of  Irenaeus  (I  abstain 
from  using  the  so-called  Pfalfian  fragment),  we 
learn  but  little  of  the  eucharistic  office  of  his 
day,  but  we  do  learn  that  it  contained  the  words 
els  Tovs  aluvas  twv  aluvcev,  that  the  service 
included  an  offering  or  sacrifice  to  God  through 
Christ  Jesus  of  the  first  fruits  of  His  creatures, 
that  there  was  an  invocation  (iKKKriffLs  or 
e7rt/cAij(ris)  on  the  bread  and  the  temperaincntum 
offered  (i.  3.  1 ;  iv.  17.  5  ;  18.  4,  5).  These  points 
remind  us  of  the  Oriental  rites.  Later  allusions 
""to  the  Gallican  service,  found  in  the  writings  of 
Gregory  of  Tours  and  others,  have  been  col- 
lected by  Mabillon  in  his  learned  work,  de 
Liturgia  Gallicana,  published  in  1685 ;  and 
additional  light  is  thrown  upon  the  subject  by 
the  discovery  in  the  library  of  St.  Martin's,  at 
Autun,  of  two  letters,  ascribed  in  the  MS.  to 
Germanus,  the  famous  bishop  of  Paris,  who  died 
in  the  year  576.  The  discovery  was  made  by 
Martene,  who  published  the  document  verbatim 
et  literatim  in  his  Thesaur.  Anecd.  torn.  v.  They 
are  reproduced  in  Migne's  series  (vol.  Ixxii.  pp. 
83-98),  and  Migne  has  given  as  an  appendix  to 
them  Mabillon's  work  de  Liturgia  Gallicana 
(pp.  101-447),  and  also  the  same  writer's  fui-ther 
work,  entitled  Sacratnentarium  Gallicanum  (pp. 
448-576). 

(34.)  We  have  altogether  in  these  reprints  : — 

a.  The  letters  of  St.  Germanus,  of  which  I  have 
spoken.  They  seem  to  be  somewhat  fragmentary, 
and  I  am  disposed  to  regard  the  former  as  giving 
an  account  specifically  of  the  service  on  Easter 
Eve  and  Easter  Day.  (Migne,  ut  sup.  pp.  89- 
98.) 

b.  A  Lectionary  of  the  Gallican  church,  which 
Mabillon  found  at  Luxeuil,  and  which  he  assigned 
to  the  end  of  the  seventh  century.  (Migne,  pp. 
171-216.) 

c.  A  Missal,  entitled  in  the  manuscript,  though 
in  a  later  hand,  Missale  Gothicum.  This  is  con- 
sidered by  the  learned  as  representing  the  ritual 
of  the  south  of  France  about  the  beginning  of 


LITURGY 

the  eighth  century.  (It  contains  a  service  for 
the  martyrdom  of  St.  Leodgar,  who  was  killed  in 
678.)  The  volume  is  very  interesting,  exhibiting 
indisputable  marks  that  the  services  it  contains 
were  framed  not  merely  at  different  times,  but 
on  different  principles.  Several  holy  days  are 
noted  by  Mabillon  as  having  been  introduced  at 
a  period  subsequent  to  the  Lectionary,  which  he 
described  as  above.     (Migne,  pp.  225-318.) 

d.  Then  follows  a  missal  entitled  Missale 
Francorum,  in  consequence  of  petitions  that  it 
contains  for  the  king  and  kingdom  and  rulers  of 
the  Franks.  This  missal  concludes  (at  least  in 
its  present  form)  with  a  fragment  of  the 
Roman  canon  as  it  exists  in  the  Gregorian  Saora- 
mentary ;  the  earlier  part  is  occupied  with  very 
interesting  ordination  offices.  Morinus  consi- 
dered the  MS.  to  be  of  the  sixth  century,  but 
Mabillon  puts  it  later.  It  evidently  belongs  to 
an  epoch  at  which  the  Roman  services  were 
ousting  those  of  the  Gallican  church.  (Migne, 
pp.  318-340.) 

The  MSS.  (c)  and  (d)  are  now  in  the  Vatican. 
The  former  is  numbered  Vat.  Reg.  626,  or  Alex. 
Vat.  317  (the  accounts  differ);  the  number  of 
the  other  is  apparently  Alex.  Vat.  257.  They 
must  have  come  from  the  Library  of  Fleury, 
which  was  dispersed  by  the  Huguenots. 

c.  The  Missale  Gallicanum  which  follows  in 
Mabillon  (Migne,  pp.  340-382)  is  also  at  the 
Vatican  (Vat.  Pal.  493);  it  came  from  the 
library  at  Heidelberg.  It  contains  interesting 
expositions  of  the  Creed  and  Lord's  Prayer,  and, 
almost  unmutilated,  the  services  for  Easter  Day. 
It  is  believed  to  represent  the  use  of  Mid-France 
in  the  eighth  century. 

/.  To  these  must  be  added  the  Sacramenta- 
rium,  Gallicanum,  above  referred  to.  It  was  found 
by  Mabillon  at  Bobio,  and  was  regarded  by  him, 
as  by  others,  as  indicating  the  services  of  the 
neighbourhood  of  Besan(;on.  It  commences  with 
the  Gregorian  Canon  under  the  title  Missa  Rom- 
ensis  cottidiana  (Migne,  pp.  451-580). 

g.  And  M.  Mone,  the  librarian  at  Carlsruhe, 
discovered  in  the  library  under  his  care  palim- 
psests from  which  he  was  enabled  to  decipher 
several  old  masses.  The  volumes  came  from 
the  famous  Benedictine  convent  of  Reichenau, 
the  island  near  Constance.  Baron  Bunsen  has 
thrown  additional  light  upon  them  in  the  third 
volume  of  the  Analecta  Ante-Nicaena. 

(55.)  A  comparison  of  these  manuscripts  shews 
that  if  the  suppositions  regarding  their  origin 
are  correct,  there  must  have  been  a  great  variety 
in  the  details  of  the  Eucharistic  services  in  the 
various  dioceses  or  provinces  of  France.  Taking, 
however,  the  liturgy  of  St.  Germanus  as  our 
guide,  we  learn  that  in  his  time,  on  the  day  or 
days  of  which  he  describes  the  services,  when 
the  priest  came  from  the  sacristy  the  clerk  sang 
a  kind  of  introit,  and  then  the  deacon  proclaimed 
silence.  The  salutation  followed,  Dominus  sit 
semper  vobiscum,  with  the  usual  response.  Lec- 
tions were  read  from  a  Prophet,  an  Apostle,  and 
a  Gospel.  The  "  Aius,"  or"A7ios,  in  Greek  and 
then  in  Latin,  preceded  the  "  prophet,"  and  the 
Song  of  Zacharias  followed  it.  The  Benedicite 
followed  the  Apostle,  the  "  Aius  "  being  again 
sung  before  the  Gospel.  The  book  was  carried 
to  the  pulpit,  preceded  by  seven  candles,  signify- 
ing the  seven  gifts  of  the  Spirit.  [Compare 
Gospel,  I.  743.]    A  homily  followed  upon  the 


LITURGY 

Gospel,  and  a  prayer  by  the  deacon.  Then, 
Germanus  says,  intimation  was  given  that  the 
catechumens  must  leave  the  church ;  but  his 
words  seem  to  shew  that  though  the  form 
was  kept  up,  the  occasion  had  ceased.  The 
oblations  were  now  brought  in  (they  are  de- 
signated as  being  the  Body  and  Blood  of 
Christ,  which  seems  to  me  to  indicate  that  we 
have  here  the  service  of  Easter  Eve)  amidst  the 
singing  of  the  choir ;  the  Lauds  or  Alleluia  fol- 
lowed, "  as  in  the  Revelation  "  (iv.  8-11),  and  the 
Angelic  Hymn ;  and  the  names  of  the  departed 
saints  were  recited,  "  as  if  heaven  were  opening 
at  the  second  coming  of  Christ."  The  Kiss  of 
Peace  was  given,  and  then  the  Sursum  corda,  the 
"  confractio  et  commixtio  corporis  Christi  "  (the 
breaking  being  connected  with  a  strange  legend), 
whilst  the  prostrate  clerks  were  singing  an 
anthem  (apparently  the  Sanctus,  Sanctus).  On  this 
followed  the  Lord's  Prayer,  the  benediction  of 
the  people  ("  Pax  fides  et  communicatio  corporis 
et  sanguinis  Domini  sit  semper  vobiscum  "),  and 
the  communion.  Then,  what  Germanus  called 
the  Trecanum,  which  he  describes  as  containing 
"  the  mystery  of  the  Trinity,"  in  such  words  as 
seem  to  me  to  suit  only  the  efs  0710?  k.  t.  A.  of 
the  Oriental  liturgies  ;  and  with  this  Germanus's 
account  of  the  form  of  the  service  terminates. 
It  will  be  noticed  that  he  omits  to  inform  us  of 
the  moment  when  the  consecration  took  place, 
although  we  find  in  an  earlier  part  of  the  letter 
that  "  pridie  quam  pateretur  Dominus,"  our 
Saviour  said,  "  Hie  est  calix  sanguinis  mei 
mysterium  fidei  qui  pro  multis  effundetur  in 
remissionem  peccatorum :"  which  are  the  words 
of  the  Gregorian  Canon.  This  omission  and  other 
reasons  prevent  me  from  accepting  this  account 
as  a  description  of  the  ordinary  liturgy  of  the 
Galilean  church  at  the  time  of  Germanus. 
The  account  seems  rather  to  be  that  of  one  of 
the  services  at  the  season  of  Easter. 

(56.)  With  this  we  may  compare  the  results  of 
Mone's  discoveries  amongst  the  palimpsests  at 
Carlsruhe.  We  should  not  be  justified  in  regard- 
ing the  originals  of  these  as  all  of  one  date,  but 
we  may  supplement  the  account  of  Germanus  by 
what  we  find  here.  It  would  appear  that  there 
was  occasionally  or  generally  a  prayer  post  pro- 
phetiam,  and,  after  the  catechumens  were 
dismissed,  a  praefatio,  which  was  an  address  to 
the  congregation,  explaining  the  service  which 
followed,  and  calling  upon  them  to  join  heartily 
in  it.  This  was  followed  by  a  collect.  The 
oblations  were  then  made,  and  the  names  both 
of  living  and  departed  members  of  Christ's  body 
were  read,  prayers  being  offered  both  ante  nomina 
and  post  nomina.  Then  came  the  kiss  of  peace 
and  the  prayer  ad  pacem,  and  the  service  pro- 
ceeded with  the  Sursum  corda,  etc.  (though  this 
is  not  mentioned)  and  the  contestation  which 
answered  to  the  modern  preface.  Of  these  con- 
testations there  was  evidently  a  great  variety. 
This  of  course  led  up  to  the  Sanctus,  and  we  have 
various  collects  entitled  post  sanctum ;  the  words 
of  institution  (we  have  not  them  at  length)  were 
introduced  "  qui  pridie,"  and  part  of  them  seem  to 
have  been  uttered  secreto,  for,  after  them,  comes 
in  one  missa  a  "  post  secreta."  (We  have  three 
instances  here  of  an  invocation.)  Then  came 
the  Lord's  Prayer  with  variable  introductions,  all 
entirely  different  from  the  Gregorian,  and  a 
variable  embolismus.    Then  must  have  followed 


LITURGY 


1031 


the  Communion,  for  the  nest  prayer  is  entitled 
generally  postcommunio,  once  only  post  mys- 
terium; then  came  the  collect  and  the  final 
benediction. 

(57.)  The  first  sacramentary  published  by  Ma- 
billon  entirely  upholds  the  correctness  of  our  in- 
ferences drawn  from  these  palimpsests,  and  at  the 
same  time  exhibits  marks  of  progress  towards 
later  modes  of  thought.  In  these  missals,  which 
were  prepared  for  the  Sundays  and  older  esta- 
blished festivals,  we  have  ihe  praefatio,  still  the 
title  for  an  address  to  the  congregation:  the 
collectio  post  nomina  frequently  shews  that  the 
names  recited  had  been  names  of  the  living 
who  had  made  their  offerings  or  sacrifices,  at 
the  same  time  that  it  included  at  times  a  prayer 
for  the  dead.  The  Vere  dignum  et  justum  est  is 
entitled  (generally  in  the  older  services)  immolatio 
missae,  sometimes  contestatio.  The  form  of  the 
mysterium  or  secreta  always  begins  Qui  pridie. 
The  words  of  consecration  are  not  given.  The 
post  secreta  is  either  a  prayer  or  an  expression 
of  belief.  There  seems  to  have  been  two  hene- 
dictiones  populi,  one  a  prayer  before  com- 
munion, the  other  a  blessing  before  dismissal. 
The  general  character  of  the  Missale  Gallicanum. 
(Migne,  pp.  339,  etc.)  is  the  same.  We  still  find 
the  titles  immolatio  and  contestatio  prefixed  to 
the  Vere  dignum  et  justum  est,  but  there  are 
a  few  indications  that  a  change  of  service  was 
being  introduced  when  the  manuscript  was  pre- 
pared, such  as  immolatio  nunc  missae  or  contes- 
tatio nunc,  and  in  a  very  few  instances  the  post 
communionem  is  altered  to  post  eucharistiam.  The 
character  of  the  collects  post  nomina  is  the  same 
as  in  the  Gothic  missal. 

(58.)  The  other  two  sacramentaries  i.e.  the 
Missale  Francorum,  and  the  Sacramentarium 
Gallicanum  (which  Mabillon  found  at  Bobio) 
contain,  either  in  whole  or  in  part  (the  former 
manuscript  being  mutilated),  the  Gregorian 
canon.  We  must  therefore  assign  them  to  the 
ninth  century  (or  the  later  years  of  the  eighth) 
at  the  earliest.  In  the  former  the  title  super 
oblat.  has  replaced  the  words  post  nomina,  and 
the  offerings  have  become  the  oblations  of  God's 
people.  The  names  of  the  offerers  are  no  longer 
recited :  and  the  Memento  etiam  appears  in  the 
canon,  after  the  consecration.  We  have  still 
benedictions  "  ad  plebem,"  pp.  336,  337. 

From  the  letter  of  the  Monks  of  Mount 
Olivet  to  pope  Leo  HI.,  we  know  that  the  creed 
of  Constantinople  was  used  in  the  chapel  of 
Charlemagne.  [Creed,  §  15,  I.  492.]  We  find 
no  notice  of  it  in  any  of  the  manuscripts. *•' 

(59.)  Soman  Liturgy. — We  must  now  turn  to 
one  of  the  most  difficult  subjects, — the  history 
and  characteristics  of  the  liturgy  in  use  in 
Rome.  We  have  seen  evidences  that  it  diff"ered 
materially  from  the  Liturgy  of  Gaul  in  the 
middle  of  the  8th  century,  and  we  know,  with 
considerable  accuracy,  the  form  which  it  as- 
sumed before  the  end   of  the   9th  century ;  but 


<:  A  prayer  in  the  earlier  MS.  (p.  227),  "  Give  deliver- 
ance to  the  captive,  sight  to  the  blind,"  may  remind  us  of 
a  similar  petition  in  the  Alexandrine  liturgies.  The 
prayers  posi  nomina,  ad  pace  in,  post  secreta,  are  also  fre- 
quently addressed  to  our  Lord.  There  is  a  distinct  invo- 
cation of  the  Holy  Spirit  on  pages  246,  257,  and  on  page 
266  (  the  Thursday  in  Holy  Week)  I  notice  the  "  Agnus 
Del." 


1032 


LITUKGY 


the  evidence  is  very  limited  as  to  its  previous 
growth.  In  the  accounts  of  the  9th  century  we 
meet  with  statements  that  Alexander  (A.D.  100 
to  106)  comhined  the  history  of  the  Passion  of 
our  Lord  with  the  prayer  of  the  priest,  when 
the  masses  were  celebrated  (see  §  34) ;  that 
Xystus  (107-116)  directed  that  during  the 
service  the  people  should  sing  the  hymn  Sanctus, 
Sanctiis,  Sanctus,  etc.;  that  Telesphorus  (117- 
127)  ordered  that  at  the  commencement  of  the 
V  sacrifice  the  angelic  hymn  Gloria  in  cxcehis 
Deo  should  be  sung  on  the  night  of  the  Nativity 
alone.  These  and  similar  statements,  found  in 
the  works  of  Walafrid  Strabo  and  others, 
indicate  a  belief  that  the  portions  referred 
to  were  of  great  antiquity.  Greater  credence 
may  perhaps  be  given  to  details  such  as  these 
which  follow.  Caelestinus  (422)  is  said  to  have 
directed  that  Psalms  of  David  should  be  sung 
before  the  sacrifice,  in  addition  to  the  reciting  of 
parts  of  St.  Paul's  Epistles  and  the  Holy  Gospel. 
Of  Leo  the  Great  (440-462),  it  is  distinctly 
stated  that  he  added  the  words  "  sanctum 
sacrificium  et  caetera  :"  and  of  Gelasius  (about 
495),  that  he  framed  with  great  caution 
prefaces  for  the  sacraments.  The  letter  of 
Vigilius  to  Profuturus,  Bishop  of  Braga,  has 
been  already  referred  to :  he  sent  to  the  Spanish 
bishop  the  text  of  the  "  canonical  prayer," 
"  which  by  God's  mercy  we  have  received  (he 
said)  from  apostolic  tradition."  The  letter  is 
preserved,  the  enclosure  unhappily  is  lost.  But 
in  the  letter  he  gives  the  important  informa- 
tion that  "  in  the  celebration  of  masses,  at 
no  time  and  on  no  festival  was  the  order  of  the 
prayer  ditferent.  They  always  consecrated  in 
the  same  form  the  gifts  ofl'ered  to  God."  Then 
we  come  to  the  work  of  Gregory  the  Great,  of 
whom  it  is  stated  by  the  Deacon  John  that  he 
made  additions  to  the  ritual  of  the  church, 
that  he  ordered  the  Alleluia  [I.  56]  to  be  said 
at  other  times  beside  Pentecost,  the  Kyrie  eleison 
to  be  sung,  and  the  Lord's  Prayer  to  be  recited 
immediately  after  the  canon  over  the  sacrifice. 
(The  Canon  here  would  seem  to  be  the  list  of 
saints  commemorated  in  the  Nobis  quoque  pecca- 
torihus.  For  an  example  of  this  limited  meaning, 
see  Muratori  de  Lit.  Bom.  i.  555.)  Gregory  is 
also  declared  by  his  biographer  to  have  reduced 
into  one  volume  the  Gelasian  codex  of  the 
solemnities  of  the  mass,  by  removing  many 
things,  altering  a  few,  and  adding  others  "  pro 
exponendis  Evangelicis  lectionibus."  His  letter 
to  John  the  bishop  of  Syracuse  (Epist.  is.  12) 
seems  to  shew  that  the  Deacon  John  was  correct 
in  his  account  of  the  alterations  which  Gregory 
had  introduced,  and  several  writers  agree  in 
narrating  that  Gregory  added  the  words  "  dies- 
que  nostros  in  tua  pace  disponas."  They  are 
found  in  the  prayer  Jfanc  igitur.  With  these 
brief  hints  we  shall  be  better  able  to  examine 
the  documents  which  have  come  down  to  us. 

(60.)  The  first,  and  undoubtedly  the  oldest,  is 
a  sacramentary  discovered  in  the  library  at 
Verona,  and  published  by  Blanchini  in  the  year 
1735.  He  gave  to  it  the  title  Sacramentarium 
Leonianum,  and  attributed  it  (without  any  docu- 
mentary evidence)  to  pope  Leo  the  Great.  An 
examination  of  the  contents  of  the  work  has  in- 
duced almost  all  the  great  ritualists  to  differ 
herein  from  Blanchini ;  and  it  seems  now  to  be 
generally  agreed  that  the  manuscript  was  pre- 


LITURGY 

pared  by  some  ecclesiastic  for  his  own,  either 
private  or  public,  use.  It  is  mutilated  at  the 
commencement,  and  does  not  give  the  canon  of 
the  Mass.  It  contains,  however,  a  collection  of 
prayers  such  as  were  used  at  the  eucharistic  ser- 
vices, one  or  two  collects  for  the  day,  a  prayer 
of  oblation,  a  Vere  dignum,  a  prayer  after  com- 
munion, and  a  benediction.  Of  these  there  is  an 
immense  variety  ;  thus  there  are  eight  "  sets  " 
of  prayers  for  the  festival  of  St.  John  and 
St.  Paul,  and  twenty-eight  for  that  of  St.  Peter 
and  St.  Paul  (Migne,  Iv.  pp.  47,  49,  etc.). 
Titles  to  the  prayers  occur  very  rarely;  we 
have,  however,  preces  for  the  collects  on  p.  110  ; 
super  oblata  on  pp.  106,  110;  and  on  the  same 
pages,  postcommunio  and  super  populum.  We 
are  thus  severed  from  the  post  nornina  of  the 
Gothic  sacramentary,  and  brought  more  into 
connexion  with  the  Missale  Francorum  and  the 
Bobio  manuscript.  The  Ballerini  have  remarked 
that  in  a  mass  for  Pentecost  the  prayer  Hanc 
igitur  is  represented  as  preceding  the  Communi- 
cantes  (p.  40).  On  p.  70  there  is  an  emholismvs 
(the  only  one  I  have  discovered),  and  on  p.  75, 
"Quod  ore  sumpsimus,  Domine,  quaesumus, 
mente  capiamus,"  etc.,  and  a  distinct  invocation 
of  the  Holy  Spirit  on  pp.  79,  147  (compare 
p.  139).  On  p.  117  we  find  two  prayers,  still 
more  resembling  the  Gregorian  JIanc  igitur 
and  Quam  oblationem ;  the  former  has  the  words 
"diesque  meos  clementissima  gubernatione  dis- 
ponas " ;  in  the  latter  it  seems  to  have  been  as- 
sumed that  the  reader  needed  only  the  first  few 
words,  his  memory  would  supply  the  rest.  If 
so,  we  carry  the  petition,  Q'iiam  oblationem,  back 
to  a  period  before  the  time  of  Gelasius. 

We  meet  with  so  many  prayers  for  the  ruler.s 
or  princes  of  the  "  Roman  Name  "  that  we  can 
have  no  difficulty  in  assigning  the  book  to  some 
Roman  priest  or  bishop  ;  and  the  manner  in  which 
the  Roman  primacy  is  urged  (as  we  find  it  in 
no  other  sacramentary)  may  be  deemed  to  jus- 
tify Blanchini  in  his  opinion  that  Leo  might 
have  been  the  compiler.  We  learn  from  Ger- 
bert  (^Vetus  Liturgia  Alemannica,  i.  80)  that 
the  effect  of  the  discussions  which  followed 
his  publication  on  the  mind  of  Blanchini  was 
this :  he  became  persuaded  that  the  work  was 
still  more  ancient  than  at  first  he  deemed 
it  to  be,  and  attributed  it  to  Sylvester,  who 
was  pope  from  314  to  355.  One  thing  is  clear, 
that,  when  the  book  was  written,  the  liturgy  at 
Rome  had  not  assumed  the  character  which 
Vigilius  ascribed  to  it  in  the  middle  of  the  sixth 
century,  unless  we  limit  most  rigidly  his  lan- 
guage as  to  the  form  of  consecration. 

(61.)  In  the  year  1680  the  learned  Thomasius 
(afterwards  Cardinal)  published  the  contents  of 
a  manuscript  which,  having  belonged  to  Petau, 
was  then  in  the  library  of  Queen  Christina,  and 
is  now  in  the  Vatican  (Vat.  1455  according  to 
Daniel,  316  according  to  Muratori).  This  part 
of  Thomasius'  work  was  republished  by  Muratori 
in  the  first  volume  of  his  learned  work  Liturgia 
Bomana  Vetus,  and  with  it,  in  Migne's  series, 
vol.  Ixxiv.  p.  847,  etc.  The  manuscript  is  of  the 
tenth  century,  and  is  entitled.  Liber  Sacramen- 
torum  Bomanae  Ecclesiae  ordinis  anni  circuli. 
It  contains  several  prayers  for  the  princes  of  the 
Roman  kingdom  and  the  governors  of  the  Roman 
empire  (Muratori,  pp.  729-731);  but  one  of  the 
well-known   collects  for  Good  Friday  (p.  561) 


LITURGY 

has  the  prayer,  "  Eespice  propitius  ad  Romanum 
sive  Francorum  benignus  imperium."  Thus  the 
Koman  work  had  been  adapted  for  use  in  France 
in  the  ninth  or  tenth  century,  and  it  is  impos- 
sible to  say  how  tar  this  adaptation  extended. 
We  know  that  there  were  in  the  monastery  at 
Centula  (St.  Richerius  near  Corbey)  in  the  ninth 
century,  fourteen  Gelasian  and  three  Gregorian 
missals,  and  thus  it  was  inferred  by  Thomasius 
that  this  manuscript  might  represent  the  Gela- 
sian order.  All  doubt  on  the  subject  was  re- 
moved in  the  year  1777  by  Gerbert,  who  dis- 
covered three  similar  books  in  the  libraries  of 
Switzerland,  and  the  sacramentary,  as  distinct 
from  the  Canon  of  the  Mass,  may  now  un- 
hesitatingly be  described  as  Gelasian.  It  con- 
sists of  three  books,  the  prayers  for  great  festi- 
vals, ordinary  holy  days,  and  ordinary  Sundays, 
being  arranged  separately.  Scattered  over  the 
work  we  have  the  word  oratio  prefixed  to  the 
collect  of  the  day  ;  the  secreta  as  now  in  the 
Roman  missal ;  the  Vere  dignuui  varying  with 
almost  every  festival ;  on  p.  553  the  words 
infra  actionem  form  a  rubric  to  the  Communi- 
cantes,  and  the  Banc  igitur  is  similarly  intro- 
duced. Then  we  have  post  communionem,  and 
Isistlj  ad  populum.  Thus  the  benediction  followed 
the  communion.  There  is  no  mention  anywhere 
of  the  use  of  the  Constantinopolitan  Creed  in  the 
service  (perhaps  we  might  scarcely  expect  such 
mention),  but  in  the  Order  for  the  preparation  for 
Baptism  (which  had  commenced  on  the  Monday 
in  the  third  week  in  Lent,  on  p.  533),  after  the 
"  opening  of  the  ears,"  the  acolyth  recited  this 
Creed  in  the  name  of  the  children,  and  the  clause 
on  the  Procession  ran  in  Greek,  "  tonectupatros 
emporeuomenon " ;  in  Latin,  "  ex  Patre  proce- 
dentem  "  (compare  Dr.  Heurtley's  Harmonki  Sym- 
holica,  p.  158,  or  the  writer's  Creeds,  p.  138). 
The  omission  of  the  clause  Filioque  is  a  further 
indication  of  the  connexion  of  this  volume  with 
Eome. 

(62.)  But  when  we  come  to  the  canon  of  the 
Mass,  the  "  Canon  actionis  "  as  it  is  called,  which 
is  to  be  found  in  the  third  book  (Muratori, 
p.  S95),  we  find  the  words,  "  diesque  nostros  in 
tua  pace  disponas;"  and,  with  the  exception  I 
shall  mention  just  now,  this  canon  agrees  in 
•every  respect  with  what  was  deemed  in  the  tenth 
century  to  be  the  Gregorian  canon.  It  will  be 
remembered  that  the  Gregorian  canon  is  also  to 
be  found  in  the  "  Missale  Francorum  "  and  the 
"Missale  Gallicanum "  of  Besani;on,  although 
the  books  in  other  respects  differ  from  the 
Roman  use.  It  seems  probable,  therefore,  that 
the  work  before  us  indicates  that,  although  the 
Gelasian  Prefaces  etc.  were  used  in  some  parts  of 
France  in  the  ninth  or  tenth  century,  sttll  the 
directions  of  Charlemagne  had  been  carried  out 
completely,  and  the  Gregorian  ca7ion  had  re- 
placed all  others.'' 

1 

j  d  Some  questions  on  this  point  seem  to  be  set  at  rest 

j       by  observation  of  the  following  fact.    Ratram,  in  his 

lelter  to  the  Emperor  Charles  the  Bald  on  the  Body  and 

I       Blood  of  our  Lord,  $  2,  refers  to  two  cciUects  used  by  the 

I       priest  in  the  service  of  the  Mass.      Of  these  collects  one 

I       IS  in  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary,  and  indeed  is  used  to 

the  present  day.      Both  are  contained  in  that  published 

by  Thomasius  and  Muratori  as  the  "  Gelasian,"  and  they 

are  found  nowhere  else.     Thus  we  may  conclude  that 

ttis  really  was  the  Gelasian  sacramentary  as  used  in 

France  in  the  ninth  century;  and  that  this  Gelasian 


LITURGY 


1033 


(63.)  The  exception  to  which  I  have  referred  is 
this.  In  the  prayer  Communicantes  of  the  Gre- 
gorian canon  the  twelve  martyrs  commemorated 
were  all  connected  immediately  with  the  church 
in  Rome.  In  the  MS.  before  us  mention  is  also 
made  (either  in  the  text  or  margin)  of  Dionysius, 
Rusticus,  Hilary,  JIartin,  Augustine,  Gregory, 
Jerome,  Benedict,  Eleutherius.  Of  these,  Hilary 
and  Martin  are  also  named  in  the  Missale 
Francorum  ;  and  they,  with  Ambrose,  Augustine, 
Gregory,  Jerome,  Benedict,  in  the  Bobio  or 
Besanyon  copy.  Thus  these  names  carry  us  down 
to  a  period  far  later  than  Gelasius.  Indeed,  at 
p.  515  we  have  capitulum  Sancti  Gregorii  Papae. 

(64.)  Again,  there  is  here  no  Memento  etiam  of 
those  who  have  "  preceded  us  with  the  sign  of  faith 
and  rest  in  the  sleep  of  peace."  It  seems,  how- 
ever, that  this  is  missing  from  several  important 
manuscripts  of  the  Gregorian  canon  (see  Daniel, 
i.  38),  and  thus  the  omission  cannot  be  regarded 
as  a  point  of  difference  between  it  and  the  text 
before  us.  The  same  may  be  said  of  the  clause, 
Pro  quibus  tihi  offerimus  in  the  Memento  Domine. 
Thus  we  have  no  satisfactory  direct  evidence  of 
the  contents  of  the  canon  as  left  by  Gelasius.' 
But  I  must  mention  that,  as  we  have  it  here,  we 
find  that  after  the  Lord's  Prayer  and  the  emho- 
lismus  the  Peace  was  given  by  the  priest,  with 
the  usual  response ;  announcements  were  made 
of  festivals  or  fasts,  and  of  sick  persons  to  be 
prayed  for ;  post  haec  conimunicat  sacerdos  cum 
omnipopulo;  fourteen  collects  are  given  under 
the  title,  "  Post  commun."  and  as  many  more 
under  the  words,  "Item  Benedictiones  super 
populum  post  communionem."  —  There  is  no 
account  of  these  benedictions  in  the  brief  sum- 
mary of  the  Gregorian  rite  to  which  I  must  now 
proceed. 

(65.)  After  these  remarks  the  Gregorian  Litur- 
gy will  not  detain  us  long.  Muratori  speaks 
of  four  or  five  MSS.  which  were  known  in  his 
time ;  to  these  the  search  of  later  investigators 
has  added  several  more,  so  that  Daniel  professes 
to  give  the  various  readings  in  the  Ordo  and 
Canon  of  nineteen  MSS.  Of  these  several  present 
similar  titles  :  "  Liber  sacramentorum  de  circulo 
anni  expositum  a  sancto  Gregorio  Papa  Romano 
editum  ex  authentico  Libro  Bibliothecae  Cubiculi 
scriptum."  Muratori  thinks  (not  unreasonably) 
that  this  repetition  of  the  same  grammatical 
error  indicates  that  these  were  all  (or,  all  but 
one)  transcripts  of  one  copy  taken  from  the 
cuhiculum  of  the  custodians  of  the  relics  at 
St.  Peter's.  The  copy  which  he  uses  in  his 
margin,  has  editus.  But,  as  Muratori  says, 
no  one  can  believe  that  we  have  the  book  as  it 
came  from  the  hand  of  Gregory.  The  masses 
vary  in  the  several  editions ;  some  copies  have 
only  nine  prefaces ;  others  have  many  more. 
The  festivals  vary ;  all  (as  I  understand)  include 
a  commemoration  of  St.  Gregory  himself.  Even 
the    account,    "Qualiter    missa    Romana    cele- 

sacramentary  continued  in  use  in  combination  with  the 
Gregorian  canon.  And  it  follows  that  we  have  no  dis- 
tinctive copy  of  the  true  Gelasian  canon.  (The  passage 
from  Ratram  may  be  seen  in  Gieseler,  third  period,  divi- 
sion i,  5  14,  note  6;  and  the  collects  referred  to  in 
Muratori,  i.  C57.  671.) 

e  It  would  appear  that  one  of  Gerbert's  MSS.  of  the 
Gelasian  sacramentary  contains  two  prayers  for  the  faith- 
ful departed ;  one  before,  the  other  after,  the  consecration. 
[Canon,  I.  271.] 


1034 


LITURGY 


bratur,"  varies    in    the    details    which    I    shall 
mention  as  I  proceed. 

(66.)  What  is  now  called  the  Ordo  (of  which  we 
have  DO  notice  in  the  Gelasian  Sacramentary)  is 
given  briefly  but  satisfactorily.  Mention  is 
made  of  the  Introit,  the  Kyrie  eleison,  the  Gloria 
in  excelsis  Deo,  to  be  used  on  Sundays  and  festivals 
if  a  bishop  is  present,  otherwise  only  at  Easter. 
When  the  Litany  is  said,  neither  the  Gloria  in 
excelsis  nor  the  Alleluia  is  sung.  Then  followed 
the  Oratio  or  Oratio  Missalis,  i.  c.  the  collect  for 
the  day ;  the  Apostolum  (sic)  or  Epistle ;  then 
either  the  Gradalis  or  the  Alleluia ;  then  the 
Gospel.  This  was  followed  by  the  offertory,  and 
the  prayer  super  ohlata,  which  varied ;  it  is  called 
the  secreta  in  one  MS.  It  concluded  with  the 
Avords,  Per  omnia  saecula  saecidorum,  which  were 
recited  aloud.  The  absence  is  noted  (Gerbert,  p. 
301)  of  the  salutations  before  the  Epistle  and 
before  the  Gospel,  of  the  Creed,  and  of  the 
Sermon.  Then  the  canon  commenced,  but  the 
records  end  with  the  salutation  after  the  embo- 
lismus;  i.e.  we  have  no  account  of  the  communion, 
or  the  kiss  of  peace,  or  the  benediction.  The 
Vatican  MS.  used  by  Muratori  has,  however,  one 
line  more,  Agnus  Dei  qui  tollis  peccata  mundi, 
miserere  nobis,  which  is  also  contained  in  two  or 
more  other  MSS.  In  the  body  of  the  books  we 
have  for  each  day  a  prayer  ad  complendam, 
answering  to  the  similar  prayer  in  the  modern 


(67.)  I  think  it  is  certain  that  all  the  known 
MSS.  of  this  sacramentary  were  used  north  of  the 
Alps,  yet  not  one  of  them  refers  to  the  use  of 
the  "Nicene"  Creed  in  the  service  of  the  Mass. 
We  know,  however,  that  the  Galilean  churches 
used  the  Gloria  in  excelsis  every  Sunday,  and 
that  the  recitation  of  the  creed  spread  very 
much  after  the  fall  of  Felix  and  Elipandus.  The 
collects  super  ohlata  have  never  (I  believe)  any 
reference  to  the  offerers.  This  had  been  dis- 
couraged by  Pope  Innocent  I.  The  persons  named 
in  the  Te  igitur  are  different  in  the  different 
manuscripts.  In  some  places  the  king  was 
prayed  for ;  in  others  the  emperor :  many 
omitted  the  petition,  pro  omnibus  orthodoxis, 
and  all  the  MSS.  but  one  (the  Vat.  Othob.) 
omit  the  words.  Pro  quibus  tibi  offerimus.^  The 
Memento  etiam  on  behalf  of  those  who  have  died 
with  the  sign  of  faith  is  absent  from  five  of  the 
MSS.,  and  in  two  other  early  copies  it  is  inserted 
in  the  margin.  The  names  adduced  in  the  prayer 
commencing  Nobis  quoque  are  again  all  Roman. 
(This  collect  is  referred  to  by  Innocent  III.  as 
indicating  the  growth  of  the  Roman  service.) 

(68.)  Ambrosian  Liturgy. — The  church  of  Milan 
was  said  to  have  been  founded  by  Barnabas,  and 
it  seems  to  be  undoubted  that  it  was  regarded  as 
entirely  independent  of  Rome  until  Gregory  in 
593  attempted  to  exercise  patriarchal  privileges 
within  the  province.  Milan  certainly  had  a 
liturgy  of  its  own,  which,  notwithstanding  re- 
peated eflbrts  on  the  part  of  the  Roman  patriarch, 
was,  though  with  some  modifications,  retained 
until  our  own  times.  One  of  the  most  important 
of  these  efforts  was  encouraged  by  Charlemagne, 
who,  in  his  anxiety  to  compel  the  Lombards  to  fol- 
low the  example  he  had  set  to  his  earlier  subjects, 


f  They  are  omitted  in  loco  both  in  the  Bobio  MS.  and 
in  the  Missale  Francorum,  and  in  the  e.xplanation  of 
Amalarlua. 


LITURGY 

carried  off  to  Rome  all  the  service-books  he  could 
collect  at  Milan,  with  the  intention  of  replacing 
them  by  Roman  offices  (Mabillon,  Jter  Ital. 
tom.  i.  part  ii.  p.  106,  etc.).  Eugenius,  a  Galilean 
bishop,  induced  Leo  to  exercise  some  forbear- 
ance in  the  matter,  and  thus  the  Milanese  rite 
was  preserved  ;  but,  as  the  account  proceeds, 
only  one  copy  of  the  earlier  service-book  could 
be  discovered,  so  that  from  it  the  more  recent 
copies  must  have  been  taken. 

(69.)  This  statement  seems  to  be  in  some  degree 
corroborated  by  the  fact  that  no  manuscript  of 
very  ancient  date  has  been  discovered  containing 
the  Ambrosian  rite.  The  sacramentary  published 
by  Pamelius  in  1571  differs  considerably  even  in 
the  canon  from  the  modern  rite  given  by  Daniel, 
and  it  differs  too  in  the  service  for  the  Thursday 
before  Easter  from  that  which  Saxe,  the  librarian 
at  Milan,  furnished  from  a  very  old  manuscript 
to  Muratori  (cfe  Lit.  Rom.  i.  131).  The  text  of 
Daniel  approximates  more  nearly  to  that  of  the 
modern  Roman  Ordo  and  Canon  than  that  given 
by  Pamelius,  shewing,  I  conceive,  that  the  efforts 
of  various  popes  to  induce  the  Milanese  to  resign 
their  inheritance  have  tended  to  encourage  the 
admission  of  details  from  the  Roman  liturgy. 
Thus,  the  text  of  the  Confiteor  (Daniel,  p.  50) 
and  the  absolutions,  the  Mimda  cor  meum  (p.  62), 
the  Lfanc  igitur  (p.  84,  in  which  the  well-known 
Gregorian  words  Diesquc  nostros  in  tua  pace  dis- 
ponas  are  to  be  found),  the  Supplices  te  rogamus 
(p.  90),  the  Libe)-a  nos  (p.  96)  do  not  occur  in 
Pamelius,  nor  do  other  prayers  of  great  import- 
ance given  by  Daniel  (pp.  100,  102,  104) :  and 
the  language  of  many  others  differs  considerably. 
(70.)  Taking  the  text  of  Pamelius  as  our  guide, 
we  observe  that,  after  two  private  prayers  said 
by  the  priest  before  and  whilst  he  draws  near  to 
the  altar,  an  Lngressa  takes  the  place  of  the 
Roman  Introit;  and  that  before  the  Gloria  in 
excelsis  there  is  an  oratio  super  popidum,  cor- 
responding to  our  collect  for  the  day.  The 
salutations,  Dominus  robiscum,  etc.,  are  very 
frequent  ;  after  the  Gloria  in  excelsis  (in  which, 
as  in  the  older  copies,  the  Qui  tollis  jxccata  mundi 
miserere  nobis  is  not  repeated)  the  Kyrie  eleison 
follows.  (In  the  Gregorian  it  precedes  the  Angelic 
Hymn.)  Three  lessons  were  read,  as  in  the 
Gallican  and  Spanish  rites — the  Prophecy,  the 
Epistle,  the  Gospel ;  a  Psalmulus,  consisting  of 
two  (or  more)  verses  suited  to  the  Prophecy,  was 
sung  after  it ;  a  Benedictus  preceded  the  Epistle, 
and  a  verse  for  the  day  with  the  Alleluia  followed 
it  ;  the  first  few  words  of  the  Gloria  in  excelsis 
and  a  suitable  benedictory  prayer  preceded  the 
Gospel ;  salutations,  the  Kyrie  eleison,  and  an 
antiphon  succeeded  it.  The  oblations  of  the 
bread  and  the  cup  were  then  made,  and  they 
were  made  even  until  our  own  day  in  a  manner 
recalling  the  earlier  conceptions  of  the  church  ; 
they  were  brought  in,  not  by  the  deacon,  but  by 
ten  aged  men  and  as  many  women,  and  presented 
by  them  to  the  priest.  He  had  previously  offered 
an  oratio  super  sindonem,  which  varied  with  the 
day  or  season  ;  then  came  the  orationes  secretae 
ad  munus  oblatum,  and  a  prayer  resembling  the 
suscipe  Sancte  Pater  of  the  Roman  office,  and  two 
others  commencing  Et  s^cscipe  Sancta  Trinitas 
(these  differ  in  very  interesting  details  from 
those  which  in  the  Roman  book  follow  the 
recitation  of  the  creed).  According  to  the  book 
before  us  a  prose  hymn  entitled  offerenda  was 


LITUEGY 

then  chanted  (it  began  Ecce  apertum  est  templum 
tahernaculi  testimonii,  and  ended  with  the  Sanctus 
of  the  Apocalypse),  and  this  introduced  the  creed. 
Then  followed  the  varying  prayer  super  oblatam 
repeated  aloud,  and  the  "  preface  to  the  canon  " 
followed.  The  prefaces  (they  are  so  entitled) 
are  numerous.  The  canon  commenced  in  a  manner 
similar  to  the  Gregorian,  but  the  Hanc  igitur  and 
Quara  oblationemwere  replaced  by  a  single  prayer 
commencing  Fac  nobis.  (This  is  not  in  Daniel, 
nor  's  there  notice  there  of  the  washing  of  the 
fingers  of  the  priest  which  here  ensued,  its 
position  differing  from  that  in  the  Roman  book.) 
Then  immediately  ensued  the  consecratio  panis 
per  verba  Christi  and  the  consecratio  calicis,  and 
the  commemoratio passionis  resnrrectionis  etascen- 
sionis  Domini — all  differing  from  the  Gregorian 
te.xt ;  but  we  have  the  Memento  etiam  and  the 
Xobis  quoque.  The  Per  quem  differed  materially  : 
there  was  a  special  prayer  for  the  confraction  and 
commixtion,  and  the  Lord's  Prayer  followed  with 
a  doxology.  The  Pads  nuntiatio,  including  a 
prayer,  Pax  in  caelo,  pax  in  terra,  pax  in  omni 
populo,  pax  sacerdotibus  ecclesiarum  Dei ;  pax 
Christi  et  ecclesiae  maneat  semper  nobiscum.  Then 
followed  prayers  of  the  priest  before  and  after 
he  communicated,  and  the  communion  of  the  by- 
standers (V.  Corpus  Christi,  R.  Amen).  With  the 
last  exception,  and  that  of  the  offering  of  the 
priest  after  his  reception,  Deo  gratias,  Deogratias, 
etc.,  the  modern  or  Daniel's  text  here  differs 
almost  entirely  from  that  of  Pamelius,  which  has 
nothing  analogous  to  the  prayers  of  the  Roman 
Liturgy.  Then,  an  appeal  to  the  church  to 
rejoice,  entitled  transitorium ;  a  varying  prayer 
l')ost  communionem ;  Dominus  vobiscum ;  Kyrie  elei- 
son ;  Benedicat  et  exaudiat  nos  Dens ;  Procedamus 
in  pace,  R.  in  nomine  Christi,  and  the  service 
concluded. 

(71.)  The  importance  of  our  subject  is  such  that 
it  is  necessary  to  say  a  few  more  words  on  the 
canon  which  Muratori  printed  in  his  famous  work 
(p.  131),  from  the  copy  furnished  to  him  by  Saxe. 
Here  we  find  the  Hanc  igitur  oblationem  adapted 
for  the  day,  and  the  Quam  oblationem,  neither  of 
which  is  in  Pamelius ;  but  there  is  a  prayer 
commencing  Haec  facimus,  to  which  I  know  of 
nothing  analogous  anywhere  else.  The  service 
is  represented  as  then  passing  on  to  a  prayer 
resembling  in  some  respects  that  commencing 
Per  quem,  and  on  this  the  Lord's  Prayer  follows. 
Thus  then  (if  Muratori's  account  may  be  im- 
plicitly trusted)  we  have  no  offering  after  con- 
secration, no  prayer  for  those  who  have  departed 
with  the  sign  of  faith,  no  commemoration  of  the 
(Roman)  martyrs,  no  ceremony  of  fraction  before 
the  Lord's  Prayer  ;  all  of  which  are  contained  in 
the  rite  as  published  by  Pamelius.  The  fact  is 
remarkable,  and  the  discrepancy  seems  to  require 
some  explanation.  We  have  an  indication  in  both 
services  that,  as  we  have  them,  they  are  later 
than  800 ;  for  in  both  we  have  a  prayer  for  the 
emperor,  and  Charles  was  not  crowned  emperor 
before  that  year. 

(72.)  We  have  no  account  of  the  early  liturgy 
of  the  patriarchate  of  Aquileia. 

(73.)  Liturgies  of  the  British  Islands.— Wc  are 
in  almost  entire  ignorance  of  the  character  of 
the  liturgies  of  the  ancient  British  and  Celtic 
churches.  It  is  of  course  most  probable  that 
they  resembled  in  some  degree  the  uses  of  the 
churches  in  Gaul  or  Spain,  but  of  the  extent  of 


LITURGY 


1035 


this  resemblance  it  is  impossible  to  speak  pre- 
cisely. A  curious  document  originally  published 
by  Spelman,  and  much  used  by  Ussher,  Stilling- 
fleet,  and  others,  may  be  found  in  Haddan  and 
Stubbs  (i.  138-140).  It  seems  to  have  been 
written  in  the  latter  part  of  the  seventh  or  in  the 
eighth  century,  and  professes  to  give  some  notes 
on  the  various  '  courses '  in  use  in  Western 
Europe.  The  '  Cursus  Gallorum  '  is  refei-red  to 
St.  John,  and  it  is  stated  that  it  was  used 
widely.  The  'Cursus  Scottorum,'  of  which  a 
marked  feature  was  that  the  Sanctus,  the  Gloria 
in  excelsis  Deo,  the  Lord's  Prayer,  and  the  Amen 
were  chanted  by  all  the  congregation,  male  and 
female,  is  assigned  to  St.  Mark  ;  and  its  intro- 
duction into  Britain  and  Scotland  is  attributed 
to  Germanus  of  Auxerre  and  Lupus,  who  visited 
the  islands  about  the  year  429.  It  thus  (as  Pro- 
fessor Stubbs  says)  is  silent  on  the  liturgy  of 
Britain  before  429,  and  its  evidence,  so  far  as  it 
is  worth  anything,  only  "  asserts  that  the  Irish 
liturgy  used  by  St.  Patrick  was  neither  Roman 
nor  Galilean,  but  Alexandrian."  Coming  down 
to  the  next  century,  we  find  an  assertion  attri- 
buted to  Gildas,  that  the  Britons  were  opposed 
to  the  whole  world  and  to  the  Romans  in  parti- 
cular, "in  the  mass"  (H.  and  S.  i.  112).  The 
date  is  questioned  by  j\Ir.  Stubbs,  who  would 
refer  the  assertion  to  a  later  period ;  but,  of 
course,  if  true  in  the  seventh  or  eighth  century 
it  must  have  been  true  in  the  sixth  as  to  the 
opposition  to  Rome.  The  words  of  Gregory  to 
Augustine  (i6.  iii.  19)  authorised  the  latter  to 
form  a  purely  Anglican  rite,  and  we  know  from 
his  proposals  to  the  British  bishops  (Bede,  U.  If. 
ii.  2,  in  Palmer,  i.  178),  that  in  matters  of  cus- 
tom, in  which  at  the  time  "  the  latter  differed 
from  the  use  of  Rome  and  of  the  church  univer- 
sal," Augustine  would  give  ujj  all  points  but 
three.  He  insisted  that  they  should  celebrate 
Easter  at  the  proper  time,  should  baptize  after 
the  Roman  ritual,  and  should  join  him  in  preach- 
ing the  word  of  the  Lord  to  the  English  nation. 
"Everything  else,  however  contrary  to  our  cus- 
toms, we  will  bear  with  equanimity.""  Of  course 
as  long  as  the  Britons  and  Celts  refused  to  ob- 
serve the  Roman  Easter,  they  must  have  refused 
to  adopt  the  Roman  ritual  for  the  Eucharist. 
And  we  know  that  the  Roman  Easter  was  not 
observed  either  in  Scotland  or  Ireland  before  the 
beginning  of  the  eighth  century.  Bede  (H.  E.  v. 
15,  see  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  ii.  110)  states  that 
Adamnan  came  to  Aldfred,  king  of  the  Angli, 
about  the  year  704,  and  whilst  staying  with 
him  saw  the  canonical  rites  of  the  church,  and 
was  then  persuaded  how  undesirable  it  was  for 
him  and  his  people,  very  few  in  number  and 
living  in  an  extreme  corner  of  the  earth,  to  re- 
tain customs  which  were  opposed  to  those  of  the 
whole  Christian  world.  Adamnan  succeeded  in 
inducing  the  North  Irish  churches  to  adopt 
the  Roman  Easter,  but  he  died  before  he  could 
persuade  his  own  monastery  at  lona  to  do  the 
same.  It  yielded,  however,  about  the  year  716 
(H.  and  S.  ii.  114).  The  British  churches  per- 
sisted for  a  few  years  longer,  but  at  length,  be- 
tween the  years  755  and  850,  the  bishops  in 
Wales  gave  way  one  by  one  (ib.  i.  203,  204), 
following  the  example  of  their  countrymen 
amongst  the  West  Saxons,  who  had  yielded  to 
the  persuasion  of  Aldhelm  in  705  (ib.  i.  674). 
(74.)  One  Tirechanus,  writing  about  the  year 


1036 


LITURGY 


750  (H.  and  S.  i.  115,  141,  154),  stated  that 
the  second  order  of  Irish  saints  (beginning  from 
the  year  544)  receive  their  office  of  the  Mass 
from  David,  Gildas,  and  Cadoc.  Dr.  O'Connor, 
in  the  year  1819  gave  some  account  of  a  manu- 
script (then  in  the  library  at  Stowe,  now  in  the 
collection  of  Lord  Ashburnham)  which  contained 
a  missal  that  must  have  been  in  use  in  Ireland. 
His  account  has  been  supplemented  and  cor- 
rected by  Dr.  Todd.  We  are  still,  unhappily,  in 
great  ignorance  as  to  the  character  of  the  service 
contained  in  the  MS.  Two  things  of  moment, 
however,  are  known.  First,  that  a  copy  of  the 
Nicene  Creed  is  found  in  it,  omitting  the  word 
Filioque.  But  we  are  not  told  whether  this  is  in 
the  office  of  the  Mass  or  in  the  scrutiny  in  pre- 
paration for  baptism.  If  the  latter,  we  are  re- 
minded of  the  Gelasian  or  Gregorian  Sacramen- 
tary,  for  the  exclusion  of  the  Filioque  ^^omts  to  a 
mark  of  difference  in  the  Irish  church  from  the 
churches  of  Spain  and  Gaul.  We  are  told,  se- 
condly, that  there  are  several  collects  in  this 
missal  before  the  Epistles ;  and  we  know  that  at 
a  synod  of  Macon,  held  about  624,  the  objection 
was  raised  against  the  famous  Columbanus,  that 
he  celebrated  the  solemnities  of  the  Mass  with  a 
multiplicity  of  prayers  or  collects.  Eustatius, 
who  was  then  abbat  of  Lu.xeuil  (the  convent  had 
been  founded  by  Columbanus),  defended  the  use. 
Additional  confirmation  is  furnished  by  the  two 
very  interesting  books  of  ^Mullen  and  Dimma,  in 
the  library  of  Trinity  College,  Dublin.  They 
are  undoubtedly  Irish,  and  although  they  con- 
tain only  services  for  the  visitation  of  the  sick, 
yet  these  services  bear  very  strong  resemblance 
to  each  other,  and  the  words,  Rcffecti  Christi 
corpora  et  sanguine,  tihi  semper  dicamus,  Domine, 
alleluia,  alleluia  (which  are  repeated),  are  found, 
almost  identically,  in  the  words  of  the  Spanish 
Liturgy,  Refecti  Christi  corpore  ct  sanguine,  te 
laudamus  Domine,  alleluia,  alleluia,  alleluia.  A 
post-communion  collect  commencing /I'e/ecij  is  fre- 
quently found  in  the  Gallican  and  other  services, 
but  the  jubilant  alleluia  is  connected  with  it  only 
in  the  Mozarabic  rite.  I  have  not  seen  in  the 
Spanish  books  the  concluding  thanksgiving,  JDeus 
tibi  gratias  agamus,  etc. 

Mabillon  (De  Liturg.  Gall.  lib.  i.  col.  iii.  §  2) 
shews  that  the  Roman  order  was  not  introduced 
into  Ireland  before  the  12th  century. 

(75.)  Mr.  Haddan(H.  and  S. ii.  p.  275)  considered 
that  the  one  fragment  of  Scottish-Celtic  liturgical 
documents,  that  has  as  yet  seen  the  light,  is  con- 
tained in  the  book  of  Deer  ; — a  portion  of  the  ser- 
vice for  the  Visitation  of  the  Sick.  It  resembles 
closely  that  contained  in  the  books  I  have  just 
named,  and  thus  it  seems  probable  that  the  service 
was  known  from  Aberdeen  to  Wexford.  We  thus 
connect  the  eai-ly  Scottish  rites  also  with  those 
of  Spain.  It  seems  that  in  the  12th  century  the 
bishop  of  Glasgow  introduced,  with  the  consent 
of  Pope  Alexander  III.,  the  Sarum  offices  into  his 
cathedral,  and  that  his  example  was  followed  by 
other  bishops  in  the  next  century  (H.  and  S. 
275  and  33).  As  the  Sarum  missal  contains  the 
Gregorian  Canon,  the  inference  is  that  the  Scotch 
use  up  to  that  time  must,  like  the  Irish,  have 
continued  to  difffer  from  that  adopted  in  Gaul 
and  England. 

(76.)  Returning  to  England,  we  have  only  to 
notice  that  the  Sarum,  Bangor,  York,  and  Here- 
ford uses,  which  continued  until  the  16th  century, 


LITURGY 

all  agreed  in  adopting  the  text  of  the  Gregorian 
Canon.  We  must  conclude  that  that  canon  had 
been  introduced  universally  before  the  end  of  the 
10th  century,  and  thus  we  have  proof  that  the 
13th  canon  of  the  council  of  Cloveshoo  (a.d.  747) 
had  secured  complete  obedience,  and  that  "  in 
the  celebration  of  the  masses  all  things  were 
then  done  after  the  example  which  they  had  in 
writing  from  the  Roman  church."  This  canon 
seems  to  refer  only  to  days  kept  in  memory  of 
events  in  the  life  of  our  Lord,  but  the  sjjirit  of 
the  enactment  is  manifest.  And  doubtlessly 
when  the  Welsh  bishops  finally  adopted  the 
Roman  Easter,  they  adopted  simultaneously  the 
Gregorian  Liturgy.  [C.  A.  S.] 

Literature. — It  is  impossible  to  attempt 
to  give  here  a  complete  account  of  the  very 
extensive  literature  connected  with  liturgies. 
The  following  list  contains  the  principal  col- 
lections and  editions  of  ancient  liturgies,  and 
works  useful  in  the  study  of  the  principal  rites 
of  antiquity. 

General  Collections. — J.  A.  Assemani, 
Codex  Liturqicus  Ecclesiae  Universae ;  Rome, 
1749-66.  H.  A.  Daniel,  Codex  Liturgicus  Eccle- 
siae Universae  in  Epitomen  I'edactus;  Leipzig, 
1847-1853.  [Includes  the  most  characteristic 
portions  of  modern,  as  well  as  ancient,  liturgical 
forms.] 

Special  Collections  and  Editions. — E. 
Renaudot,  Liturgiarum  Orientalium  Collectio, 
Paris,  1716.  [Reprinted,  Frankfort,  1847].  T. 
Brett,  A  Collection  of  the  principal  Liturgies, 
particularly  the  Clementine,  the  Liturgies  of 
S.  James,  S.  Mark,  S.  Chrj/sostom,  S.  Basil; 
translated  into  English  by  seceral  hands.  With  a 
Dissertation  upon  them.  London,  1720  [Re- 
printed, London,  1838].  J.  M.  Neale,  Transla- 
tion and  Parallel  Arranf/ement  of  the  Anaphorae 
of  S.  Chrysostom,  S.  Basil,  S.  James,  S.  Mark, 
Copto- Jacobite  S.  Basil,  Lesser  S.  James,  Theo- 
dore the  Jnterpreter,  the  Armeno-Gregorian,  and 
the  Mozarabic  Bite,  in  the  Introduction  to  his 
History  of  the  Eastern  Church,  p.  525  ff. ; 
London,  1850;  Tetralogia  Liturgica ;  sive  S. 
Chrysostomi,  S.  Jacobi,  S.  Marci  missae,  quibus 
accedit  Ordo  Mozarabicus,  parallelo  ordine ; 
London,  1849;  The  Liturgies  of  S.  Mark,  S. 
James,  S.  Clem£nt,  S.  Chrysostom,  and  the  Church 
of  Malabar,  with  Translation ;  London,  1859 ; 
The  Liturgies  of  S.  Mark,  S.  James,  S.  Clement, 
S.  Chrysostom,  S.  Basil  [in  Greek  and  in  English], 
London,  1868.  H.  Denzinger,  liitus  Orientalium, 
Coptorum,  Syrorum  et  Armeniorum  in  adminis- 
trandis  Sacramentis  ;  Wtirzburg,  1863-64.  [Bi- 
shop Rattray],  Liturgia  Prirnitiva  Hierosolymi- 
tana  ;  being  the  Liturgy  of  St.  James,  etc.,  London, 
1744.  W.  Trollope,  The  Greek  Liturgy  of  St. 
James,  with  Introduction,  etc.,  and  a  Latin 
Version  of  the  Syriac  Copy;  Edinburgh,  1848. 
Jac.  Goar,  Euchologium  Magnum,  sive  Rituale 
Graecorum;  Paris,  1647.  R.  F.  Littledale, 
Offices  from  the  Service-books  of  the  Holy  Eastern 
Church  ;  London,  1863. 

J.  Pamelius,  Liturgica  Latinorum,  Cologne, 
1571 ;  some  later  copies  bear  the  title  Missale 
SS.  Patrum  Latinorum ;  J.  M.  Thomasius,  Opera 
Omnia,  ed.  Vezzosi ;  Rome,  1747.  Gregorii  Did 
Sacramcntorum  Liber  was  printed  by  Pamelius 
in  his  Liturgica  Latinorum  (Coloniae,  1571), 
from  a  Cologne  MS.  Again  by  Angelo  Rocca 
from  a  Vatican  MS.,  in  his  edition  of  Gregory's 


LITURGY 

Works,  torn.  viii.  (Rome,  1597).  Again  by 
Hugh  Menard  from  a  MS.  at  Corbey,  with 
a  collation  of  many  other  MSS.  and  of  the 
printed  copies,  and  very  copious  notes,  Paris, 
1642.  The  text  and  notes  of  Menard,  with  the 
Scholia  of  Rocca,  were  reprinted  by  the  Bene- 
dictine editors  in  the  Works  of  Gregory,  vol.  iii. 
(Paris,  1705);  and  in  Migne's  Patrologia,  vol. 
78.  The  Sacramentarium  Gelasianum  was  pub- 
lished by  Thomasius  in  1680  ;  reprinted  in  his 
Operi,  torn.  vi.  (Rome,  1751);  in  Migne's 
Patrologia,  vol.  74.  The  so-called  Leonine 
Sacramentary  was  published  by  Jos.  Blanchini 
in  the  Prolegomena  to  the  work  of  Anastasius 
Bibliothecarius  (Muratori,  Scriptores  Ital.  iii.  55), 
under  the  title  Codex  Sacramentorum  Vetus  a 
S.  Leone  Papa  confectus.  These  three  sacra- 
mentaries,  with  other  liturgical  documents, 
were  republished  in  an  improved  form  by  Mura- 
tori, Liturgia  Eornana  Vetus  (Venetiae,  1748), 
with  a  learned  dissertation  de  Lihris  Liturgicis, 
which  is  reprinted  in  Migne's  Patrol,  vol.  74. 
An  Ordo  Pomanus  Antiquus  was  printed  by 
Hittorp  [see  below] ;  Mabillon  published  iifteen 
Ordines  Romani  in  his  Museum  Italicum,  vol.  ii. 
(Paris  1689)  ;  reprinted  in  Migne's  Patrologia, 
vol.  68. 

Rationale  Caerimoniarum  Missae  Amhrosianae, 
Mediol.  1499.  Repi-inted  in  Pamelius,  Liturgica 
Latinorum,  i.  p.  293  ;  Missale  Mediolanense  jussu 
ct  cura  C.  Borromaei,  Mediol.  1560.  Several 
times  reprinted.  Beroldi  Mediolanensis  Ordo  et 
Caerimoniale  Missae  Amhrosianae,  in  Muratori, 
Antiq.  Italicae,  iv.  p.  86  fF. 

Missale  mixtum  secundum  Regulam  B.  Isidori, 
dictum  Mozarahe,  cum  notis  .  .  .  Alex.  Leslaei, 
Rome,  1755 ;  Missale  Mozarahe  jussu  Francisci 
Ximenii  ed.  per  Alphonsum  Ortizium  Canonicum 
Toletanum,  Toledo,  1500  [Rare] ;  Missa  Gothica  sen 
Mozarahica . .  explanata  adusumpercelebris  Moza- 
rabum  sacelli  Toleti  [cura  Card.  F.  a  Lorenzana], 
Angelopoli,  1770.     Migne's  Patrol,  voll.  85,  86. 

The  Expositio  Brevis  Liturgiae  Gallicanae  by 
Germanus  of  Paris  was  printed  by  Martene  and 
Durand  in  their  Thesaurus  Anecdotorum,  v.  pp. 
85-100.  [Reprinted  in  Migne,  Patrologia,  vol. 
72] ;  J.  Morinus  appended  certain  Sacramentaria 
et  Ritualia  ex  parte  Gallicana  to  his  Comm^ntarii 
de  Sacris  Ordinationihus,  Paris,  1655;  J.  M. 
Thomasius  printed  in  his  Codices  Sacramentorum 
(Rome,  1680),  a  Missale  Gothicum  sice  Galli- 
canum  Vetus,  a  Missale  Francorum,  and  a 
Missale  Gallicanum  Vetus.  These  were  reprinted 
by  Mabillon,  de  Liturgia  Gallicana,  lib.  iii. 
(Paris,  1685).  Mabillon  also  printed  in  his 
Museum  Italicum  (Paris,  1687)  a  Sacram^ntarinm 
Gallicanum  from  a  MS.  at  Bobio  which  he 
believed  to  be  of  the  7th  century.  [All  re- 
prmted  in  Migne's  Patrologia,  torn.  72.]  The 
Gallican  Liturgies  are  collected  in  Liturgia 
Ephesina,  the  Ancient  Liturgies  of  the  Gallican 
Church  now  first  collected  by  J.  M.  Neale  and 
G.  H.  Forbes;  Burntisland,  1855,  ff.  F.  J. 
Mone  published  eleven  Fragments  of  Gallican 
Liturgies  in  his  Griechische  und  Lateinische 
Messen  aus  den  zweiten  his  sechsten  Jahrhundert ; 
Frankfort,  1850;  reprinted  in  Migne's  Patro- 
logia, vol.  138,  with  a  valuable  Disquisitio 
Critica  by  H.  Denzinger  (p.  855). 

M.  Gerbert,  Vetus  Liturgia  Alemannica,  St. 
Blaise,  1776 ;  Monumenta  Veteris  Liturgiae 
Alemannicae,  ib.  1777-9. 


LITURGY 


1037 


W.  Maskell,  The  Ancient  Liturgy  of  the 
Church  of  England  according  to  the  Uses  of 
Sarum,  Bangor,  York  and  Hereford ;  first  edition, 
London,  1844;  second,  enlarged,  lb.  1846. 

Liturgical  Writings. — J.  S.  Durantus,  de 
Ritibus  Ecclcsiae  Catholicae  libri  tres,  Rome,  1591. 
Often  reprinted.  R.  Hospinian,  Historia  Sacra- 
mentaria, pt.  i.  Ziirich,  1598 ;  pt.  ii.  lb.  1602. 
In  his  Opera  edited  by  Heidegger,  pt.  iii.  iv. 
(Geneva,  1681).  G.  Cassander,  Liturgica  de 
Ritu  et  Ordine  Dominicae  Coenae  celebrandae,  etc. 
in  his  Opera,  Paris,  1616.  M.  Hittorp,  de 
Divinis  Ecclesiae  Catholicae  Officiis  et  Mysteriis 
varii  vetustorum  aliquot  Ecclesiae  Patrum  et 
Scriptorum  Libri;  Paris,  1619;  several  times 
reprinted.  [A  very  useful  collection  of  ancient 
treatises  on  the  liturgy.]  B.  Gavanti,  Thesaurus 
Rituum  Sacrorum ;  Antwerp,  1646;  edited  with 
many  additions  by  C.  M.  Merati  ;  Venice,  1762. 
F.  B.  Casalius,  de  veteribus  sacris  Christianorum 
Ritibus ;  Rome,  1647.  De  veteribus  Aegyp- 
tiorum  et  Romanorum  Ritibus ;  Rome,  1644. 
H.  Rixner,  de  Institutis  ac  Ritibus  veterum  Chris- 
tianorum circa  sanctum  Eucharistiam ;  Helm- 
stadt,  1670.  J.  Bona,  Rerum  Liturgicarum  libri 
ii. ;  Rome,  1672.  Several  times  reprinted  ;  ela- 
borately edited  by  Sala;  Turin,  1747.  J.  A. 
Quenstedt,  dc  sanctae  Eucharistiae  Ritibus  anti' 
quis ;  Wittenberg,  1680.  Casp.  Calvor,  Rituale 
Ecclesiasticum,  Origines  et  Causas  Rituum  .  .  . 
reccnsens ;  Jena,  1705.  J.  Grancolas,  L'Ancien 
Sacrameritaire  de  I'Eglise,  ou  la  maniere  dont  on 
administrait  les  Sacremcns  chez  les  Grecs  et  chez 
les  Latins  ;  Paris,  1699.  Les  Anciennes  Liturgies, 
ou  la  maniere  dont  on  dit  la  sainte  Messe  dans 
chaque  siecle ;  Paris,  1704.  Traits  de  la  Messe  et 
de  Foffice  Divin ;  Paris,  1713.  Edm.  Martene, 
de  antiquis  Ecclesiae  Ritibus,  Rouen,  1700-2 ; 
second  and  very  much  amplified  edition,  Antwerp, 
1736-38  ;  4  vols.  fol.  including  the  treatise  de 
antiquis  Monachorum  Ritibus  ;  reprinted,  Venice, 
1777  ;  Bassano,  1788.  A.  De  Vert,  Explication 
des  Ceremonies  de  PEglise,  Second  Edition,  Paris, 
1709-13.  C.  M.  Pfaff,  de  Oblatione  Eucharistiae 
in  primitica  Ecclesia  usitata ;  The  Hague,  1715. 
De  Liturgiis  et  Libris  ecclesiasticis ;  Tiibingen, 
1718.  J.  L.  Selvagius,  Antiquitatum  Christ- 
ianarum  Institutiones ;  Padua,  1776.  [Re- 
printed, Ib.  1780.]  A.  Zaccaria,  Bibliotheca 
Ritualis ;  Rome,  1776-81.  Onomasticon  Rituale 
Selcctum;  Faventiae,  1787.  P.  Lebrun,  Ex- 
plication des  Prieres  et  des  Ce're'monies  de  la 
Messe;  Paris,  1777.  The  same  in  Latin,  Explica- 
tio  literalis,  historica,  et  dogmatica  Precum  et  Caeri- 
moniarum Missae,  a  J.  A.  Dalmaso  Latine  reddita, 
Venet.  1770.  F.Brenner,  Geschichtliche Darstellung 
der  Verrichtung  und  Ausspendung  der  Eucharistie 
von  Christus  bis  auf  unsere  Zeiten ;  Bamberg, 
1824.  J.  J.  I.  Dollinger,  Die  Eucharistie 
der  drei  crsten  Jahrhunderte ;  Mainz,  1826. 
W.  Palmer,  Origines  Liturgicae,  with  a  Disserta- 
tion on  Primitive  Liturgies  ;  London,  1832 
[often  reprinted].  P.  Gueranger,  Institutions 
Liturgiques;  Paris,  1840-1851.  H.  Alt,  Der 
kirchliche  Gottesdienst,  being  vol.  i.  of  Der 
christliche  Cultus,  second  edition,  Berlin,  1851. 
T.  Harnack,  Der  christliche  Oemcindegottesdienst 
im  apostolischen  und  altkatholischen  Zeitalter, 
Erlangen,  1854.  P.  Freeman,  The  Principle  of 
Divine  Service,  London  and  Oxford,  1855-1862. 
J.  M.  Neale,  Essays  on  Liturgiology,  London,  1863 ; 
second  edition,    by  R.    F.  Littledale,  ib.  1867; 


1038 


LIUDGER 


Ferd.  Probst,  Liturgie  der  drei  ersten  christUcheii 
Jahrhunderte,  Tiibingen,  1870  ;  Sakramente  und 
Sakramentalien,  Tiibingen,  1872  ;  W.  E.  Scuda- 
more,  Notitia  Eucharistlca,  London,  1872  ;  second 
e^tion,  London,  1876. 

J.  G.  Janus,  de  Liturgiis  Orientalihus  Dis- 
sertatio,  Wittenberg,  1724;  J.  M.  Neale,  The 
Liturgies  of  the  Eastern  Church,  in  the  Intro- 
duction to  his  History  of  the  Eastern  Church, 
p.  317  ff.,  London,  1850;  J.  W.  Etheridge, 
The  Syrian  Churches,  their  early  History,  Ritual, 
4-c.,  London,  1849;  G.  P.  Badger,  The  Kesto- 
rians  and  their  liitiuds,  London,  1852 ;  S.  C. 
Malan,  The  Divine  Liturgy  of  the  Armenian 
Church,  translated,  London,  1870;  Original 
Documents  of  the  Coptic  Church,  translated, 
London,  1872,  etc. ;  J.  M.  Rodwell,  Ethiopia 
Liturgies  and  Prayers,  translated  from  MSS., 
London,  1864,  etc. ;  G.  B.  Howard,  The  C/u-ist- 
ians  of  St.  Thomas  and  their  Liturgies,  Oxford 
and  London,  1864. 

Leo  Allatius,  de  Libris  et  Rebus  Ecclesiasticis 
Graecorum  Dissertationes  variae,  Paris,  1646 ; 
in  Fabricius,  Bibliotheca  Gracca,  torn.  v. ;  W.  Care, 
Dissertatio  de  Libris  et  Officiis  Ecclesiasticis  Grae- 
corum, in  his  Historia  Literaria,  torn.  ii.  ed.  Oxon. 
n4:4r-5 ;  J.  M.  Heineccius,  Abbildung  der  alten 
und  neuen  Griechischen  Kirche,  Leipzig,  1711. 

N.  P.  Sibbern,  de  Libris  Latinorum  ecclesiasticis 
et  liturgicis,  Wittenberg,  1706 ;  A.  Krazer,  de 
Ecclesiae  Occidentalis  Liturgiis,  Augsburg,  1786; 
A.  G.  Graser,  Die  Riim.-Kathol.  Liturgie  nach 
ihrer  Entstehung  u.  Ausbildung,  Halle,  1829. 

J.  Mabillon,  de  Hitu  Ainbrosiano,  in  his 
Museum  Italicum,  torn.  i.  pt.  2,  p.  95  ff. 

Sam.  Maresius,  Disputatio  Historico-TJieologica 
de  Mozarabum  Officio,  in  his  Disputationes  selectae, 
pt.  ii.  pp.  355-368,  Groningen,  1663 ;  Disser- 
tation on  the  ancient  Spanish  Liturgy  in  the 
third  volume  of  Espaiia  Sagrada  by  H.  Florez, 
Mantuae  Carpet.  1748;  Jo.  Pinius,  Tractatus 
Historico-Chronologicus  de  Liturgia  Antiqua  His- 
2)anica,  Gothica,  Isidoriana,  Mozarabica,  Toletana, 
Mixta,  in  the  Acta  Sanctorum,  July,  torn.  vi. 
pp.  1-112  ;  C.  W.  Fliigge,  Bemerkungen  iiber  die 
Mozarabische  Liturgie,  in  Henke's  Magazin  fiir 
Religions-Philosophie  u.  s.  v,'.,  Bd.  iv.  p.  115  &. 

[C] 

LIUDGEE,  bishop  of  Mimigardford  ;   com- 
memorated March  26  {Acta  SS.  Mar.  iii.  616-). 
[C.  H.] 

LIVAKIUS,  martyr  at  Marsal  ;  commemo- 
rated jS'oT.  25  (Usuard.  Av/)t.'). 

LIVENTIUS  (Usuard.  Auct.  Jan.  25).     [Li- 

NENTIUS.]  [C.  H.] 

LIVING,   COMMEMORATION  OF. 

[Canon;  Diptychs.] 

LIVINUS  (LiviNius,  LiAFWiNus,  Lebuinus, 
Lebwin,  Livin),  apostle  of  Flanders,  7th  cen- 
tury, archbishop  and  martyr ;  commemorated 
Nov.  12  (Usuard.  Auct. ;  Mart.  Ado  Append.  ; 
Acta  SS.  Ord.  Bened.  ii.  431  ;  Surius,  Prob. 
Sanct.  Hist.,  ad  diem).  [C.  H.] 

LIZERIUS,  Roman  martyr  at  Venice,  temp. 
Diocletian ;  commemorated  Oct.  2  {Acta  SS. 
Oct.  i.  324).  [C.  H.] 

LIZINIUS.      [Licinius.] 

LLAWDOG  or  LLEUDAD,  Welsh  saint, 
late  in  6th  century,  commemorated  Jan.  15,  at 


LOAVES 

Llanllawdog  in  Carmarthen  (Rees,  Welsh  Saints 
(Lond.  1636),  p.  274).  [E.  B.  B.] 

LLECHID,  early  in  6th  century,  Dec.  2,  at 
Llanlechid,  in  Carnarvon  (ib.  p.  223). 

LLEUDAD  V.  Llawdog.  [E.  B.  B.] 

LLIBIO,  late  7th  century,  Feb.  28,  at  Llan- 
llibio,  in  Anglesey  {ib.  p.  308).  [E.  B.  B.] 

LLONIO  Lawhir  ap  Alan,  early  6th  century, 
has  a  church  at  Llanio,  in  Cardigan  (i'6.  p. 
221).  [E.  B.  B.] 

LLWCHAIARN,  late  6th  century,  Jan.  11, 
at  Llanllwchaiarn  (ib.  p.  275).  [E.  B.  B.] 

LLWNI,    late    7th    centur)-,    Aug.    11,     at 
Llanllwni,  in  Carmarthen  (ib.  308).     [E.  B.  B.] 
LLWYDIAN,  late  7th  century,  Nov.  19  (ib.). 

[E.  B.  B.] 
LLYR,  late  7th  century,  Oct.  21,  at   Llan- 
llyr  in  Cardigan  (ib.     V.  also  p.  169). 

[E.  B.  B.] 

LLYWEL   or  Luhil,  at   Llywel   in    Brecon 

mid.  6th  century,  p.  253.  '  [E.  B.  B.] 

liOAVES,  Multiplication  of.  Represen- 
tations of  this  miracle  are  very  frequent  in 
early  Christian  art.  Perhaps  the  most  common 
form  of  treatment  is  that  given  by  Bottari  (pi. 
Ixxxv.),  in  which  the  Lord  lays  one  hand  on  the 
loaves  and  the  other  on  the  fishes  presented  by 
two  disciples,  whilst  at  his  feet  are  the  "  baskets" 
containing  the  "  fragments."  A  sarcophagus  in 
the  Vatican,  however,  presents  a  noteworthy 
variation  from  this  type  (Ld.  pi.  xix.).  Here 
the  loaves  are  placed  in  three  baskets  at  the 
Lord's  feet ;  in  His  right  hand  He  holds  a  rod, 
which  He  extends  over  them,  whilst  He  lays  His 
left  hand  on  the  fish,  presented  by  a  disciple  (see 
woodcut).  The  principal  symbolic  use  of  this  sub- 
ject was  doubtless  to  keep  before  the  minds  of 
the  faithful  the  perpetual  supply  of  the  heavenly 
bread  provided  in  the  Eucharist  for  the  nourish- 
ment of  their  souls.  Hence  we  find  the  second 
of  the  two  recorded  miracles  of  multiplication 
is  the  one  usuallj^  chosen  for  representation,  as 
in  it  the  loaves  multiplied  are  supposed  to  have 
been  of  wheat,  the  "  barley  loaves "  being  ex- 
pressly mentioned  on  the  first  occasions.  The 
seven  baskets,  which  are  of  almost  invariable 
occurrence  in  these  representations,  show  unmis- 
takably that  the  second  of  those  miracles  is 
referred  to.     [Compare  Manna.] 


From  Bottan  C^arcophagUa  of  J 


LOAVES,  BENEDICTION  OF 

The  Lord  almost  always  appears  with  a  rod  in 
his  haad  (Buonarr.  Vetri.  tav.  viiij.).  Upon  a  sar- 
cophagus given  by  Bottari  (iii.  p.  201)  the  Lord 
holds  a  rod  in  one  hand,  and  from  the  other  rays 
ot'  light  appear  to  stream  upon  three  baskets  of 
loaves.  This  subject  is  represented  in  paintings, 
in  sarcophagi  (v.  Bosio,  passim)  and  sepulchral 
slabs  (Perret,  vol.  v.  pi.  xlvii.  18),  on  glasses 
(Buonarr.  loc.  laud.),  and  on  mosaics  (Ciampini, 
Vet.  Monim.  ii.  98).  On  a  curious  sarcophagus 
in  the  Vatican  the  Jews  appear  to  seize  the 
Lord,  perhaps  to  take  him  by  force  and  make 
him  a  king  (St.  John  vi.  15).  [C] 

LOAVES,  BENEDICTION  OF.  The  pro- 
cession of  the  Lite  which  occurs  in  the  office  of 
Great  Vespers  [v.  art.  Lite]  returns  into  the 
nave  of  the  church  while  the  Aposticha  are  being 
sung  ;  and  each  one  puts  down  his  candlestick* 
on  either  side  of  a  table*",  already  prepared  by 
the  Cellarite  (or  steward),  on  which  stands  a  dish 
with  corn  and  five  loaves,  such  as  we  are  in  the 
habit  of  offering  in  church, ;  and  on  either  side 
of  the  dish  are  two  vessels  {kyyita)  ;  the  one  on 
the  left  filled  with  wine,  the  other  on  the  right 
with  oil.  The  priest  with  the  deacon  stands 
within  the  beautiful  doors  {rwv  wpaiwv  -KvKZvy. 
When  the  Aposticha  are  finished.  Nunc  diniittis, 
the  Trisagion,  and  the  Lord's  prayer  are  said ; 
and  after  certain  troparia  belonging  to  the  day, 
and  certain  ceremonies  which  are  detailed  in  the 
rubrics,  relating  mainly  to  the  censing  of  the 
loaves,  the  priest  takes  one  loaf  in  his  hand,  and 
says  the  following  prayer  in  a  loud  voice : 

"  0  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  our  God,  who  didst 
bless  the  five  loaves  in  the  desert,  and  didst  feed 
five  thousand  men  ;  do  Thou  bless  these  loaves 
also,  the  corn,  the  wine,  and  the  oil ;  and  mul- 
tiply them  in  this  holy  monastery  [or  in  the 
city],  and  throughout  the  whole  world  which  is 
Thine,  and  sanctify  the  faithful  who  partake  of 
them.  For  Thou  art  He  that  blesseth  and 
sanctifieth  all  things,  Christ  our  God  ;  and  to 
Thee  we  offer  up  [di/aTrg'jUTro^ej']  glory,  with 
Thine  eternal  [lit.  without  beginning]  Father, 
and  Thine  all  Holy  and  Good  and  Life-giving 
Spirit,  now  and  to  all  ages.     Amen." 

Then  Psalm  33  [34  E.  V.  Benedicam  Domino] 
is  said  as  far  as  the  words,  "  Shall  want  no 
manner  of  thing  that  is  good." 

And  the  priest  goes  from  his  place,  and  stands 
before  the  Holy  doors  looking  West.  And  after 
the  end  of  the  psalm  he  says  : 

"The  blessing    of  the    Lord   and   His  mercy 


LOCALIS  OKDINATIO 


1039 


»  TO  ixavova.\i.a.    So  called  because  carried  in  the  hand. 

*>  TerpaTToSiof.  Called  in  the  parallel  rubric  in  the 
office  for  Vespers  ai/oAoytoi',  which  word  is  explained  as 
pulpitum  portabile. 

<=  It  is  disputed  what  is  meant  by  this  term.  Here 
it  evidently  means  the  doors  which  separate  the  body 
(voos)  of  the  church  from  the  narthes ;  for  the 
rubric  on  the  procession  of  the  Lite,  which  starts  from 
the  interior  of  the  church,  says— SieAedi/Te?  Slol  twi/ 
wpouoi/  ■nvKCiv  .  .  .  icTTaiTat  fv  t(u  vdperiKi,  whence  they 
are  now  returning.  Dr.  Neale,  however,  holds  that  these 
doors  are  the  exterior  doors  of  the  narthcx.  The  question 
appears  to  be  connected  with  some  ambiguity  in  the  use 
of  th«  term  narthex,  and  probably  with  some  structural 
variation  in  different  churches.  See  Ducange,  Constan. 
Christna  and  Gloss.  Gr.  harb.  986;  Goar,  Euch.  pp.  12, 14, 
Ac. ;  Neale,  Intr.  pp.  197,  &c.    [Doges,  p.  574.] 


come  upon  you,  by  His  grace  and  love  for  men 
now  and  ever  and  to  all  ages." 

And  the  dismissal  takes  place. 

A  note  at  the  end  of  the  office  of  vespers  adds  : 
"Be  it  known  that  the  bread  which  has  been 
blessed  is  a  preservative  against  all  sorts  of  evils, 
if  it  be  taken  with  flxith." 

The  following  form  of  "  Blessing  bread  and 
distributing  it  to  the  poor  on  the  feasts  of  the 
Ascension  or  Pentecost  "  is  from  an  old  Pontifical 
of  Narbonne,  and  is  stated  [Martene,  iii.  193]  to 
have  been  used  in  other  churches. 

After  rubrical  directions  for  the  procession, 
and  other  ritual  observances,  the  deacon  reads 
the  gospel  from  St.  John  vi.  1.  The  officiating 
priest  or  bishop  (Sacerdos  vel  Pontifex)  begins, 
and  the  choir  continues  the  antiphon  De  quinque 
panibus,  &c. 

The  Priest.  Dispersit  dedit  pauperibus. 

v.  Beatus  qui  intelligit  super  egenum  et  pauperem. 

R.  In  die  mala  liberabit  eum  Domiuus. 

v.  Nnmquid  panem  poierit  dare  ? 

K.  Aut  parare  mensam  in  deserto  ? 

V".  Pluit  illis  manna  ad  manducandum, 

R.  Et  panem  coeli  dedit  eis, 

V.  Cibavlt  illos  ex  adipe  frumenti,  • 

R.  Et  de  petra  melle  saturavit  eos. 

V.  Manducaverunt  et  saturati  sunt, 

R.  Et  desiderium  attulit  eis. 

V.  Panem  angelorum  manducavit  homo. 

R.  Misit  eis  cibaria  in  abundantia. 

V.  Domine  exaudi  orationem  meam. 

R.  Et  clamor  mens  ad  te  veniat. 

And  the  form  concludes  with  two  collects  (the 
former  of  which  is  substantially  the  same  as  the 
Greek  prayer  already  given,  in  a  Latin  shape)  for 
blessing  the  bread,  and  that  it  may  convey 
spiritual  and  bodily  health  and  protection 
against  all  diseases  to  those  who  partake  of  it. 
[H.  J.  H.] 

LOCALIS  OEDINATIO.  By  ancient  cus- 
tom, no  priest,  deacon,  or  other  ecclesiastic  was 
permitted  to  be  ordained  without  having  a 
definite  sphere  in  which  to  exercise  his  minis- 
try, or,  in  the  later  phrase,  without  a  title  to 
orders.  This  was  termed  in  the  Western  Church 
localis  ordinatio,  and  the  clergy,  because  ordained 
to  the  charge  of  a  particular  church  or  monas- 
tery, were  termed  locales.  And  it  was  specially 
forbidden  that  a  clerk  should  be  ordained  to  two 
churches,  "  cauponarum  enim  est "  {Syn.  Nic.  IT. 
can.  15).  The  first  Council  of  Aries  (a.d.  314) 
recognises  this  custom  incidentally  in  its  22nd 
canon,  ordering  that  priests  and  deacons  who 
should  relinquish  the  churches  to  which  they 
were  bound  by  their  ordination  (in  quibus 
ordinati  sunt)  should  return  and  officiate  there 
only,  and  that  those  who  did  not  obey  should  be 
deposed.  And  the  Council  of  Valencia  in  Spain 
(a.d.  524)  expressly  forbids  ordination  unless  the 
candidate  should  have  first  promised  to  keep  to  a 
single  post  (se  futurum  localem)  in  order  that 
none  ordained  might  be  able  to  transgress  ecclesi- 
astical rule  and  discipline  with  impunity  by 
removing  from  one  church  to  another.  To  the 
same  effect  the  Oecumenical  Council  of  Chalcedon 
(a.d.  451)  in  its  6th  canon,  forbidding  any  to  be 
ordained  airoXeXvfXfi'ws,  i.e.  absolutely  and  with- 
out a  title.  It  annuls  ordinations  performed  in 
breach  of  this  rule.  By  the  two  following  canons 
it  declares  all  clergy  residing   in  monasteries  or 


1040        LOOALIS  ORDINATIO 

serving  chapels  of  the  martyrs,  to  be  locales. 
Aud  we  find  pope  Leo  {Ep.  92,  ad  Rustic,  c.  i.) 
instructing  his  correspondent  accordingly  that 
ordination  without  this  designation  to  a  particu- 
lar place  was  null,  "  vana  est  habenda  ordinatio, 
quae  nee  loco  fundata  est,  nee  auctoritate  munita." 

The  principle  in  fact  was  that  such  ordinations 
had  no  mission,  and  this  idea  kept  in  mind  will 
in  every  instance  give  the  reasons  of  the  rule. 
It  is  not  to  be  understood  as  binding  a  priest  to 
the  same  church  throughout  his  life,  but  it  would 
seem  that  he  was  expected  to  keep  as  a  general 
rule  to  the  same  diocese.  He  owed  obedience  to 
the  bishop  who  ordained  him  to  his  first  grade,  and 
was  bound  to  go  and  exercise  his  ministry 
whither  he  was  sent  by  him.  The  3rd  Council 
of  Carthage  (a.d.  397)  obliged  Julian,  a  bishop, 
to  send  back  to  another  bishop,  Epigonius,  a 
youth  whom  the  latter  had  ordained  as  reader, 
although  Julian  had  advanced  him  to  the  diacon- 
ate,  and  so  might  seem  to  have  a  claim  upon  him 
(can.  44).  It  was  not  usual  for  a  bishop  to  pro- 
mote to  a  higher  grade  a  clerk  ordained  by 
another  bishop.  This  was  expressly  forbidden 
by  the  ninth  canon  of  a  synod  held  at  Angers, 
and  by  the  tenth  of  another  held  at  Vannes  in 
Brittany.  It  was  the  breach  of  this  well-known 
and  understood  rule  that  occasioned  the  loud 
complaints  made  by  Demetrius  of  Alexandria 
when  Origen,  who  was  one  of  his  deacons,  was 
raised  to  the  presbyterate  in  Palestine  by  the 
bishops  of  Caesarea  and  Jerusalem.  We  find 
Gregory  the  Great  (a.d.  590)  writing  to  the 
bishop  of  Syracuse,  requesting  him  to  send  back 
to  their  ordinary  certain  clerks  who  had  taken 
refuge  with  him,  having  been  ordained  by 
another  bishop  (^Epist.  hi.  42). 

Canonical  penalties  were  imposed  for  breaches 
of  this  rule.  The  Council  of  Ilerda  (^Lcrida,  a.d. 
524)  suspended  the  bishop  so  offending  from  the 
power  to  ordain  (can.  12).  The  third  of  Or- 
leans (538)  sequestered  him  altogether  from  offi- 
ciating for  six  months  (can.  6).  The  civil 
power  appears  at  some  periods  to  have  been  called 
in  to  relegate  wandering  clerks  to  their  own 
diocesan  {Cone.  Tolet.  xiii.  A.D.  683,  cann.  11,  12). 
The  number  of  these  seems  to  have  been  very 
great  throughout  the  Western  Churches.  Isidore, 
writing  in  A.D.  595,  calls  them  Acephali,  and 
speaks  of  them  as  disgracing  the  church,  and 
hardly  deserving  the  name  of  clergy  at  all 
(Isid.  Hispal.  de  Eccles.  Offic.  lib.  ii.  c.  3). 

The  same  Gregory  wishing  to  appoint  the 
archdeacon  of  Catania  to  the  vacant  see  of  Syra- 
cuse, formally  asked  for  him  a  release  by  the 
bishop  of  Catania  from  this  bond  of  localis  {Epist. 
iv.  30).  In  like  manner  the  assent  of  the  arch- 
bishop of  Ravenna  was  formally  applied  for  before 
the  appointment  of  Florentius,  archdeacon  of  Ra- 
venna, to  the  see  of  Ancona  (£/5isf .  xii.  6).  Many 
such  instances  occur  in  history.  Charlemagne 
himself  presided  over  a  council  held  at  Frankfort 
in  794,  when  complaint  was  made  of  the  wander- 
ing habit  of  a  part  of  the  clerg)',  and  sundry  pro- 
hibitions of  this  were  repeated  {Cap.  Frankf.). 
That  neither  bishop,  presbyter,  nor  deacon  should 
migrate  from  city  to  city,  but  remain  attached 
to  their  own  church  according  to  rule  (can.  7). 
That  bishops  should  not  receive  wandering  clergy 
(can.  27).  That  none  should  be  ordained  unat- 
tached (absolute)  (can.  28). 

Nor  could  they  throw  off  their  clerical  character 


LOCALIS  OEDINATIO 

iu  order  to  escape  this  bond  of  localis  {Syn. 
Caesaraugust.  can.  6 ;  Cone.  Chalccd.  can.  7 ; 
Justinian,  Novell,  vi.  c.  l,declericis  in  aliam  vitae 
formam  transeuntibus).  But  the  clerk  could  not 
be  removed  from  his  church  or  preferment  at  the 
mere  will  of  the  bishop  (Greg.  Mag.  Ejjist.  i.  19  ; 
iii.  13),  though  he  might  be  transferred,  "  noii 
invitus,"  from  one  to  another  {Cone.  Carthag. 
iv.  can.  27).  The  bishop  might  not  in  ordinary 
cases  send  a  clerk  into  another  diocese  {Cone. 
Antioch.  can.  22  ;  Can.  Apost.  c.  35)  ;  but  he  might 
send  him  on  a  mission  to  the  heathen,  as  e.  g. 
Gregory  the  Great  sent  Augustine  to  the  heathen 
English. 

The  priest  might  not  travel  without  the 
licence  and  commendatory  letters  of  his  bishop 
under  penalty  of  suspension  {Cone.  Laodic.  a.d. 
361,  can.  42  ;  also  can.  41 ;  and  especially  Cmcil. 
Milev.  a.d.  416,  can.  20,  which  is  very  express  and 
detailed  on  this  point).  Similar  canons  were 
passed  by  the  second  of  Seville  (A.D.  619,  can.  3  ; 
Worm.  868,  can.  19).  In  506  the  Council  of 
Agde  imposed  by  its  64th  canon  the  penalty  of 
three  years'  suspension  upon  priests  for  absence 
from  their  churches  for  even  three  weeks. 

The  clerk  seems  not  to  have  been  quite  helpless 
before  the  power  of  his  bishop.  The  Council  of 
Sardica  (A.D.  381)  gave  permission  to  a  clerk 
unjustly  accused  to  appeal  to  neighbouring 
bishops,  and  to  these  a  discretion  to  hear  and 
judge  of  such  a  case  (can.  17).  But  it  is  very 
cautiously  worded,  and  seems  to  point  rather  to 
the  rehabilitation  of  the  clerk  in  his  own  diocese, 
than  his  admission  to  another.  The  thirteenth  of 
Toledo,  however,  in  its  12th  canon  gives  to  clerks 
a  distinct  right  of  appeal  to  the  metropolitan 
and  even  to  the  sovereign.  And  see  also  a  letter 
of  Pope  Leo  I.  {ad  Anastas.  c.  9),  which  imposes 
upon  the  metropolitan  the  obligation  of  compel- 
ling such  a  fugitive  to  return  to  his  own  church. 
And  Cone.  Wornmt.  can.  18. 

There  were  occasional  exceptions  to  this  rule 
of  making  all  clergy  locales.  Paulinus,  bishop 
of  Nola  (A.  D.  353-431)  writes  in  his  first  letter 
to  Sulpicius  Severus  that  he  was  ordained  a 
presbyter  at  Barcelona  upon  the  express  condition 
that  he  should  not  be  bound  to  that  church.  But 
his  was  altogether  a  special  case  ;  that  of  a  man 
of  high  rank  and  large  fortune  who  was  induced 
to  take  upon  him  the  priesthood  by  the  urgent 
persuasions  of  the  people.  The  case  of  Jerome 
(A.D.  340-420)  again  is  peculiar.  He  was 
ordained  a  presbyter  by  Paulinus,  bishop  of 
Antioch,  having  previously  stipulated  that  he 
should  not  be  obliged  to  quit  his  monastic 
life.  He  says  {ApoL  ad  Pammach.  tom.  ii.  p. 
181)  that  he  told  Paulinus  "si  tribuis  pres- 
byterum  ut  monachum  nobis  non  auferas,  tu 
videres  de  judicio  tuo."  And  from  the  tone  of 
his  description  it  would  seem  that  like  Paulinus 
of  Nola,  he  too  had  been  solicited  to  receive 
ordination.  Yet  we  learn  from  Epiphanius 
that  it  struck  him  as  very  unusual  and  im- 
proper that  Jerome  and  another  presbyter,  Vin- 
centius,  lived  in  retirement,  discharging  none 
of  the  duties  of  their  function ;  not  even  cele- 
brating the  holy  communion  ;  a  very  remarkable 
thing  at  that  time.  But  Jerome,  whatever  may 
have  been  his  actual  motive,  was  really  in  agree- 
ment with  the  principle  of  the  canon  of  Chalcedon 
referred  to  above,  which  forbade  men,  ordained  as 
he  had  been,  to  exercise  their  office.     Theodoret 


LOCULUS 

(^Histor.  Eelig.  c.  xlii.  3)  records  that  Flavian, 
another  bishop  of  Antioch,  sent  for  Macedonius, 
a  famous  monk  out  of  the  neighbouring  desert, 
and  having  ordained  him  a  presbyter  against  his 
will,  allowed  him  to  return. 

It  is  evident  that  even  these  exceptions  are 
more  apparent  than  real ;  that  the  rule  of  localis 
was  absolute,  and  was  strictly  observed. 

It  extended  also  to  bishops.  No  bishop  was 
to  be  consecrated,  e.xcept  to  a  particular  diocese, 
and  to  that  he  was  to  confine  himself.  We  find 
the  1st  Council  of  Xicaea  (can.  15)  recognising 
this  fact  in  the  plainest  manner,  and  applying  it 
to  all  the  clergy,  bishops,  priests,  or  deacons. 
The  above  refers  to  clergy  obtaining  these  re- 
movals, so  to  speak,  by  fair  means :  can.  16  of 
the  same  council  deals  with  the  case  of  presby- 
ters and  deacons  breaking  the  rule  of  localis 
altogether  lawlessly.  Justinian  promulgated  a 
law  (Novell,  lib.  iv.  c.  2)  forbidding  bishops  to 
be  absent  from  their  dioceses  more  than  a  year, 
except  by  command  of  the  emperor.  The  3rd 
of  Carthage  (397)  forbids  (can.  38)  the  ti-ansla- 
tion  of  bishops ;  and  this  canon  recites  the  case 
which  formed  its  occasion,  viz.  that  Cresconius, 
bishop  of  Villa  Regia,  had  left  his  see,  and  settled 
himself  over  that  of  Tubunae,  contrary  to  the 
rule.  For  a  bishop  might  not  be  transferred 
from  his  original  see  without  the  approval  of  a 
provincial  synod  (iv.  Carth.  can.  27,  which  no 
doubt  embodies  an  earlier  rule). 

Yet  even  here  we  find  some  exceptions.  Sozo- 
men  (Hist.  Eccles.  vi.  c.  34)  relates  that  Barses 
and  Eulogius,  monks  of  Edessa,  and  Lazarus,  a 
monk  of  Mount  Sigoron,  were  raised  to  be 
bishops,  not  of  any  diocese,  but  purely  and 
simply  as  an  honour,  ov  iT6\eois  rivhs,  aWa. 
Ti/xTJs  eveicei/.  These  appear,  however,  to  be 
the  only  cases  expressly  recorded  of  a  honorary 
episcopate,  until  a  much  later  period.  In  the 
2nd  Council  of  Macon  (a.d.  585)  there  wei-e 
three  bishops  present  who  subscribed  the  acts 
of  the  council  "  non  habentes  sedes."  The 
Council  of  Vermeria  [Verberie,  dioc.  Soissons] 
(a.d.  752)  complains  of  the  number  of  vagrant 
bishops,  and  refuses  to  recognise  the  ordinations 
performed  by  them  (can.  14),  and  three  years 
after  (A.D.  755)  one  at  Verneville  appealed  to 
such  bishops  not  to  ordain  in  the  dioceses  of 
others  (can.  13).  For  the  case  of  the  chorepiscopi, 
or  assistant  bishops,  see  Chorepiscopus.  Their 
want  of  title  and  jurisdiction  in  the  Western 
Church  was,  in  the  reign  of  Charlemagne,  held 
to  be  fatal  to  their  episcopal  character,  "  nam 
episcopi  non  erant,  qui  nee  ad  quandam  epi- 
Ecopalem  sedem  titulati  erant,  nee  canonice  a 
tribus  episcopis  ordinati."  The  whole  class 
were  therefore  to  be  recognised  as  presbyters 
onl}-,  and  their  ordinations  were  to  be  disallowed 
"pro  inanibus  vacuisque  habitae."        [S.  J.  E.] 

LOCULUS.    [Catacombs,  I.  30G.] 

LOCUTORIUM.    [Parlour.] 

LOGIUM.     [Ratioxale.] 

LOGUOEGUE,  martyr,  commemorated  May 
4  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

LOIS,  grandmother  of  Timothy,  commemo- 
rated July  27  {Arm.  Gal.).  [C.  H.] 

LOMANUS,  bishop  of  Trim,  commemorated 


LORD 


1041 


with  bishop  Fortchern  Feb.  17  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Feb.  iii.  13).  [C.  H.] 

LONDON,  COUNCIL  OF  {Londinense  Con- 
cilium), A.D.  605  or  thereabouts,  according  to 
Mansi  (x.  495),  following  Spelman  and  Wilkins, 
who  mistook  a  general  assertion  of  St.  Boniface 
for  one.  (Stubbs's  Wilkins,  notes  to  pp.  51-2.) 
[E.  S.  Ff.] 

LONGI  (Ma/cpoi).  A  name  by  which  some 
Egyptian  monks  were  known,  who  were  con- 
cerned in  the  dispute  between  Theophilus  of 
Alexandria  and  St.  John  Chrysostom,  archbishop 
of  Constantinople  (Sozomen,  Hist.  Eccl.  lib.  vi. 
c.  30).  He  explains  that  the  appellative  applied 
only  to  three  brothers,  Ammonius,  Eusebius,  and 
Dioscorus,  who  were  remarkably  tall. 

[S.  J.  E.] 

LONGINUS  (1)  Said  to  have  been  the  soldier 
who  pierced  the  Lord's  side.  His  martyrdom  at 
Caesarea  in  Cappadocia  was  commemorated  March 
15  {Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Usuard,  Mart.  ;  Boll.  Acta 
SS.  March,  ii.  384).  In  the  Vet.  Horn.  Mart,  he 
occurs  under  Sept.  1,  and  in  the  Auctaria  of  Bede 
under  March  15  and  Nov.  22.  Under  the  latter 
date  a  person  of  the  same  name,  but  otherwise 
not  designated,  occurs  as  suffering  in  Cappadocia 
(Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Said  to  have  been  the  centurion  who  stood 
by  the  cross,  martyr,  commemorated  Oct.  16 
(Byzant.  Cat. ;  Basil,  Menol. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg. 
iv.  271).  The  Bollandists  make  Longinus  the 
soldier  and  Longinus  the  centurion  both  martyred 
at  Caesarea  in  Cappadocia  and  both  commemo- 
rated on  March  15  (Acta  SS.  March,  ii.  384).  In 
Bede's  Auctaria,  Oct.  23,  occurs  a  Longinus  who 
suffered  at  Caesarea  in  Cappadocia. 

(3)  Soldier  and  martyr  at  Marseille,  comme- 
morated July  21  (Bede,  Auct.). 

(4)  Martyr  in  Africa,  commemorated  Sept.  28 
(Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

LONGUS  (1)  Martyr  at  Rome,  commemo- 
rated Oct.  2  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr  in  Phrygia,  commemorated  Oct. 
27  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

LOQUUMFAS,  female  martyr  at  Barcelona, 
commemorated  Feb.  15  (Hiercm.  Mart.). 

[C.  H.] 

LORD  (Kvpios,  SeffTTorris,  Domimis).  On  the 
Old  Testament  (LXX)  usage  of  these  several 
words,  see  DiCT.  of  the  Bible,  art.  Lord. 

I.  Dominus,  see  under  that   heading  in  vol.  i. 

II.  Kvpios  is  a  general  title  of  respect,  and, 
when  employed  in  the  vocative,  exactly  like  Sir 
in  English  (St.  John  iv.  11,  sii.  21). 

Aeo-TToTrjj  is  employed  sometimes  in  the  same 
connexion  :  the  use  of  dominus  in  later  times  is 
exactly  similar. 

Aea-irorris,  Kvpios,  and  dominus  are  bestowed 
upon  bishops.  In  a  letter  from  Eusebius  of 
Nicomedia  to  Paulinus,  bishop  of  Tyre,  we  find 
him  styling  his  correspondent  lord  (Kvpws). 
This  was  probably  an  excess  of  adulation.  The 
Prooemium  to  the  acts  of  the  1st  Council  of 
Aries  (a.d.  314)  speaks  of  pope  Sylvester  as 
"Lord"  (Dominus).  Similarly  the  epistle  of  the 
synod  at  Gangra  (324)  speaks  to  the  bishops  of 
Armenia,    as  "  dominis  honorabilibus    consacer- 


1042 


LORD 


•dotibus."  A  letter  of  the  Egyptian  bishops  to 
pope  Marcus  (336)  asking  for  copies  of  the  Nicene 
canons,  is  addressed  (if  we  may  trust  the  text) 
"domino  sancto  et  Apostolici  culminis  vene- 
rando  papae.  And  he,  in  replying,  used  a  similar 
formula,  "  dominis  venerabilibus  fratribus."  So 
the  epistle  of  the  Orientals  to  pope  Julius  I. 
(337). 

In  and  after  the  time  of  Constantine  we  find 
many  examples  of  this  usage.  St.  John  Chry- 
sostom,  writing  to  pope  Innocent  (a.D.  402-417, 
Episc.  122,  ad  Innoc.  Episc.  Rom.),  superscribes 
his  letter  "  TQ  SeairSTTj  fxov  t^  alSecrt/xcoTaTif) 
Kol  6eo(pi\i(TTa,Tca  eTTi(TK6'ir(f>  ....  'lodvvris  ev 
Kvpl(f>  x"'P*"'-"  ^^  ^^'^^  henceforward  it  was 
applied  to  men  of  high  rank,  both  in  church 
and  state,  "pariterque  caeteri  principes  atque 
nobiles  turn  ecclesiae  turn  reipublicae  "  (Spel- 
man,  Glossar.  s.  v.  "  Lord  "). 

But  yet  the  designation  "  Lord"  was  not  uni- 
versal in  addressing  bishops :  many  letters  are 
found  without  it :  and  it  is  remarkable  that  St. 
Jerome,  writing  to  pope  Damasus,  although  he 
was  his  superior  and  patron,  calls  him  merely 
"  beatissimus  papa."  (The  letter  is  curious,  as 
being  written  to  suggest  that  the  '•  Gloria  Patri" 
and  Alleluia  should  be  added  to  the  psalms  when 
sung  ;  which  had  not,  up  to  that  time,  been 
done  at  Rome.)  Yet  in  the  very  next  letter 
we  find  Stephen,  archbishop  of  Aphricae  (?  An- 
iiphra  in  Libya),  addressing  the  same  man  in  a 
synodical  letter,  as  "  lord"  (dominus).  So  also 
this  very  Damasus  in  a  letter  to  the  bishops  of 
Bithynia  calls  them  "  domini  venerabiles." 

The  truth  seems  to  be  that  whenever  any  one, 
cleric  or  layman,  addressing  a  bishop,  wished 
to  be  particularly  respectful,  he  said  "  dominus" 
not  otherwise. 

By  the  early  part  of  the  6th  century  it 
had  become,  in  some  parts  of  the  church,  an 
ofiicial  style  of  those  in  high  position,  whether 
ecclesiastical  or  civil.  The  early  Frank  kings 
both  received  it  themselves  and  bestowed  it 
upon  others.  (Epist.  Clodov.  Beg.  Franc,  ad 
Syn.  Aurel.  I.)     Compare  Sdpersckiption. 

III.  Kvpios,  Dominus,  was  especially  a  title 
of  the  emperors,  both  in  earlier  and  later  times, 
before  and  after  the  Christian  era.  Augustus, 
indeed,  forbad  by  an  edict  the  addressing  of 
himself  as  Dominus  (Suet.  Vit.  August,  c.  53), 
probably  from  a  prudent  political  motive;  and 
Tiberius  (Suet.  Vit.  Neron.  c.  27)  renewed  the 
prohibition.  But  afterwards  the  use  of  the 
title  became  very  common  ;  and  Domitian  caused 
himself  to  be  styled,  not  only  "  Dominus"  but 
"Deus"(Suet.  Vit.Domit.c.lZ).  Tertullian  (^^jo- 
log.  c.  34)  praises  the  moderation  of  Augustus, 
and  explains  in  what  sense  he  himself  employed 
the  word  ;  "  dicam  plane  imperatorem  dominum, 
sed  more  communi ;  sed  quando  non  cogor  ut 
Dominum  Dei  vice  dicam.  Ceterum  liber  sum 
illi ;  Dominus  enim  mens  unus  est,  omnipotens 
Deus  aeternus.  .  .Qui  pater  patriae  est,  quomodo 
dominus  est  ?  Sed  et  gratius  est  nomen  pietatis 
quam  potestatis :  etiam  familiae  magis  patres 
quam  domini  vocantur." 

Arius  and  Euzoius,  writing  to  Constantine 
about  A.D.  326,  call  him  "dominus  noster." 
The  bishops  of  the  Council  of  Rimini  (A.D.  359) 
address  Constantius  as  "domine,  amabilis  Deo 
Imperatcr." 

IV.  Lord  (dominus)  appears  to  be  sometimes 


LORD'S  DAY 

used  during  this  period  in  the  sense  of  "  saint." 
{Epist.  Cahilon.  Cone,  ad  Theod.)  [S.  J.  £.] 

V.  Liturgical  ttse.  The  word  Kvpios  is  applied 
both  to  the  first  Person  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  as 
in  St.  James,  c.  26  (Daniel,  Codex,  iv.  105), 
where  God  the  Creator  is  invoked  as  Kvpie  6 
@i6s ;  to  the  second,  as  in  St.  James,  c.  5, 
where  He  is  addressed  as  6  Kvpios  Kal  @ehs 
rifjiuiv  'l7\(Tovs  XpKTTds  ;  and  to  the  Holy  Trinity 
itself,  as  in  St.  James,  c.  10,  where  Father,  Son, 
and  Holy  Spirit,  to  whom  the  hymn  is  sent  up, 
are  addressed  as  Kvpie  u  Qehs  Vifj-oiv.  Aea-KOTTjs 
is  similarly  used;  in  St.  James,  c.  21,  for 
instance,  we  find  it  Aeairora  6  &ehs  6  iravro- 
Kparccp,  6  Uariip  rod  XpKTTov  crov,  where  God 
the  Father  is  addressed ;  in  St.  James,  c.  3,  the 
Son  is  addressed  as  AeV^rora  Kvpn  'ItjitoD 
XpiiTTe.  In  Latin,  the  word  Dominus  is  used  as 
an  appellation  both  of  the  Father  to  whom  the 
prayer  is  addressed,  and  of  the  Son  through 
whom  it  is  oSered. 

In  most  Western  rites  the  reader,  when  about 
to  recite  a  lection,  says  "  Jube,  domine,  bene- 
dicere."  It  has  been  doubted  whether  this  is 
addressed  to  God  or  to  the  priest.  It  probably, 
however,  as  archdeacon  Freeman  {Divine  Service, 
i.  113)  has  pointed  out,  is  a  request  to  the  priest 
that  he  would  desire  a  blessing,  and  might  be 
rendered,  "  Sir,  desire  God  to  bless  us"  (compare 
Leslie's  Portiforium  Sariib.  p.  5,  and  note,  p. 
lii.).  The  corresponding  Greek  form  is  simply 
iv\6'yrt(Tov  Seffirora,  as  (e.g.)  in  the  Byzantine 
liturgy  (Daniel,  iv.  327,  329,  etc.),  where  the 
Seo-iroTTjx  is  clearly  the  priest.  It  is  noteworthy, 
that  in  the  East  the  priest  responded  to  the 
request  by  blessing  God  {ev\6ynTos  6  @e6s),  in 
the  West  by  blessing  himself  and  the  congrega- 
tion. See  on  this  point  the  Eegula  Benedicti 
Commentata,  note  on  c.  9,  in  Migne,  Patrol,  vol. 
Ivi.  p.  272.  [C] 

LORD'S  DAY.  (rj  KvpiaKij  v/J-epa,  Dominicus 
or  Dominica  dies.)  The  origin  of  the  name  is  un- 
doubtedly to  be  found  in  the  well-known  passage 
(Rev.  i.  10),  iyevofM-qv  eV  TTvevfiaTi  iv  -rfi  Kvpi- 
aK^  7]ij.epa.  Even  if  that  passage  stood  alone,  it 
would  be  difficult  to  accept  either  of  the  rival 
interpretations,  one  of  which  refers  the  name  to 
the  Sabbath,  and  the  other  to  the  "  Day  of  the 
Lord."  But  taking  into  consideration  the  re- 
markable catena  of  patristic  usage  which,  from 
Ignatius  downwards,  establishes  the  regular  and 
technical  use  of  j]  icvpiaKT]  for  the  "  first  day  of 
the  week,"  it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  these 
interpretations  may  be  dismissed  as  unworthy 
of  serious  attention.  The  same  usage,  moreover 
(especially  in  connection  with  the  history  of  the 
Paschal  controversy),  seems  effectually  to  dis- 
pose of  a  third  interpretation,  which  understands 
by  the  rv  KvpiaKrj  the  annual  festival  of  the 
Resurrection,  or  Easter  day.  (On  these  points 
see  Dr.  Hessey's  article  "  Lord's  Dag  "  in  Smith's 
Dictionary  of  the  Bible.)  We  accept,  there- 
fore, unhesitatingly  the  traditional  interpretation 
which  sees  in  this  passage  of  St.  John  a 
reference  to  the  weekly  Lord's  day,  as  a  well- 
known  and  established  festival  in  the  apostolic 
church.  The  more  common  scriptural  desig- 
nation of  that  day  is  the  ^  ,1110  or  fj.ia  cra^Pdrwi 
(Matt,  xxviii.  1  ;  Mark  xvi.  2  ;  Luke  xxiv.  1  ; 
John  sxi.  19 ;  Acts  xx.  7  ;  1  Cor.  xvi.  2.)  In 
one  passage,  Mark  xvi.  9  (the  disputed  passage 


LORD'S  DAY 

at  the  close  of  the  Gospel),  we  have  irpwrTj  aa^- 
PdTov  or  ffa^^aTwv.  The  use  of  the  t]  KvpiaKij 
by  St.  John  marks  ti-ansition  to  the  common 
post-apostolic  usage.  In  one  well-known  passage 
in  the  (so-called)  Epistle  of  Barnabas  (c.  xvi.), 
for  a  reason  suggested  by  the  context,  we  find 
the  day,  in  contrast  with  the  Jewish  sabbath, 
called  the  oySo^  ^,"f'p")  ^^  expression  taken  up 
and  amplified  into  the  oySori  7]/J.epa  ^  Kal 
TTpaiTTi  of  subsequent  Fathers.  At  a  later  period, 
v.'hen  the  hebdomadal  division  of  the  time  began 
to  prevail  in  the  Roman  empire,  we  find  Chris- 
tian writers  designating  the  day  by  its  heathen 
name  (the  ^  tov  rjAiov  Aeyo/jLivt)  -y^/j-^pa  of 
Justin  Martyr).  And  from  the  time  of  the  cele- 
brated edict  of  Constantine,  which  speaks  of  the 
"venerabilis  Solis  dies,"  the  two  names  were 
much  interchanged,  Christian  writers  sometimes 
using  (though  less  frequently  than  we  do)  the 
name  "Sunday,"  and  on  the  other  hand  the 
•  Christian  designation  making  its  way  into  the 
statute  book,  as  in  the  edict  of  Gratian,  a.d.  386 
("  Solis  die,  quern  Dominicum  rite  dixere  ma- 
,  jores  ").     [Week.] 

(I.)  Turning  from  the  name  to  the  thing,  it 
seems  impossible  to  doubt  that  from  the  earliest 
existence    of   the    church    the    Lord's    day  was 
observed   as  the  characteristic  Christian  festival, 
hallowed  as  a  commemoration  of  that  Resurrec- 
tion of  the  Lord,  which  was  the  leading  subject 
in  the  earliest  forms  of  Christian  preaching.     To 
this  primary  consecration  of  the  day  was  added  a 
second,  in  the  descent  of  the  Holy  Spirit  on  the 
day  of  Pentecost,  which  in  that  year  fell  on  the 
1    first  day  of    the   week.      The    passage    in    the 
!    Epistle  of  Barnabas  referred  to  (5i^  /coi  'dyo/j.ey 
'    Ti]v  ij/xepau  TiV  07507V  6is  evippo(ruvr]v,   iv  y  Kai 
I     0  'iTjffoCs  dvicrrri  e/c  rSsv  feKpwv  Kal  (pavepoodels 
i     avi^t)  €is  Tohs  oiipai/ovs)  seems  even  to  indicate 
';    the  notion  that  it  was  the  day  of  the  Ascension 
i    also.     We  may  naturally  ask,  How  could  a  day 
\    so  hallowed  fail  of  reverent  festal  observance  ? 
I    We  trace  indications  of   such   observance,   brief 
;    indeed,    but    unmistakeable,   in    Holy  Scripture 
I    itself  (see  Dr.  Hessey's  article  in  his  Bampton 
I   Lectures)  ;  and  these  are  still  further  illustrated 
by  the  testimony  of  early  writers. 

But  the   undoubted  fact  of   this    observance 
by  no  means  involves  the  inference  often   drawn 
from  it,  that  the  keeping  of  the  Lord's  day  must 
be  traced  to  an  apostolic  decree,  transferring  to 
it,   directly   or  by   implication,  the   sanctity  of 
(  the  Sabbath,  which  was   familiar   to  the  early 
I  Christians,  as  being  themselves  Jews,  or  having 
been  converted  under    Jewish    influence.     It  is 
j  almost  needless  to  say  that  of  such  a  decree  we 
i  have  no  evidence  whatever,  either  in  Holy  Scrip- 
j  ture  or  in  Church  History.      Now  in   regard  to 
!  Holy  Scripture,  it  would,  indeed,  be  most  unsafe 
j  to  allege  its  silence   as    conclusive    against  the 
j  existence  of  such  a  decree  ;  although  that  silence 
I  must  to  some  degree  tell  against  it,  especially 
when  we  consider  the    many  references  in  the 
Pastoral  Epistles  to  details  of  church  order  and 
practical  religious  life.     But  we  are  not  left  here 
to  negative  evidence.     There  are  positive  indica- 
tions of  an  absolute   freedom  of   dealing    with 
such  subjects,  quite  incompatible  not  merely  with 
the  existence  of  a   formal  apostolic  decree,  but 
even  with  the  idea  that  the  observance  of  the 
Lord's  day  had  yet  attained  to  the  supreme  and 
unique   sanctity  accorded  to    it  in    later    ages. 
CHUIST.  ANT.— VOL.  II. 


LORD'S  DAY 


1043 


St.  Paul's  treatment  of  the  general  question  of  the 
observation  of  days  in  Rom.  xiv.  5  (hs  fx\v  Kpiv^i 
7;jU.epai'  Trop'  rjixepap,  ts  5e  Kpiyei  -Kauav  i^jxipav 
iKaaTos  eV  tij)  iSicf  vol'  Tr\r]po^opfi(r6a}),  and 
his  unqualified  condemnation  of  the  "  observ- 
ing of  days"  in  Gal.  iv.  10— to  say  nothing 
of  the  tone  of  his  celebrated  reference  to  the 
abolition  of  the  sabbath  in  Col.  ii.  16 — appear 
decisive  on  this  point.  Granting  that  the 
especial  reference  of  the  apostle  was  in  all 
cases  to  the  Jewish  festivals,  it  is  instructive  to 
compare  with  his  sweeping  treatment  of  the  sub- 
ject the  apologetic  comments  on  these  very  pas- 
sages, made  by  patristic  writers,  at  a  time  when 
the  Lord's  day  and  other  Christian  festivals  had 
established  themselves  in  definite  observance.  See, 
for  example,  St.  Jerome's  twofold  attempt  to  an- 
swer ("  simpliciter  "  and  "  acutius  respondere  ") 
the  objection,  "  Dicat  aliquis  ;  Si  dies  observare 
uon  licet  .  .  .  nos  quoque  simile  crimen  incurra- 
mus,  quartam  sabbati  observantes  et  Parasceven 
et  diem  Dominicam "  (^Comm.  in  Gal.  lib.  ii. 
ad  c.  iv.  10).  If  we  pass  from  Holy  Scripture 
to  the  writers  of  the  early  church,  the  fact  of 
utter  silence  on  this  subject  becomes  more  and 
more  significant,  when  we  remember  their 
natural  anxiety  to  appeal  on  all  points  to  apo- 
stolic authority,  their  constant  declaration  or 
assumption  that  all  Jewish  observances  had 
passed  away,  and  their  delight  in  tracing  in  these 
transitory  observances  types  of  the  higher 
Christian  ordinances,  which  were  not  to  pass 
away.  Hence  we  must,  indeed,  fully  agree  with 
those  who  urge  that  the  celebration  of  the  Lord's 
day  is  one  of  these  essential  and  principal  ele- 
ments of  the  religious  life  of  the  church,  which 
can  plead  apostolical  authority.  A  priori  we 
should  hold  it  all  but  impossible  that  the  day 
should  have  been  neglected  among  the  followers 
of  Him  who  "  was  declared  to  be  the  Son  of  God 
with  power  by  the  resurrection  from  the  dead." 
From  the  indications  in  holy  Scripture,  which  have 
been  so  often  commented  upon,  we  cannot  doubt 
that  it  was  so  regularly  hallowed,  as  to  make 
its  observance,  both  to  Christian  and  heathen, 
a  distinctive  mark  of  Christianity.  But  the 
notion  that  the  Lord's  day,  in  that  complete- 
ness of  sacred  distinction  from  all  other  days 
which  is  now  universal  among  all  Christians,  was 
formally  established  by  apostolic  decree  is  pro- 
bably, in  relation  to  historical  truth,  much  what 
the  old  legend  of  the  composition  of  the  Apostles' 
Creed  is  to  the  actual  process  of  its  formation. 
In  both  cases  what  are  chief  treasures  of  our 
later  Christianity  grew  up  by  the  natural  fitness 
of  things  and  were  never  formally  made.  It  is 
obvious  that  the  true  view  of  their  genesis  de- 
tracts nothing  from  their  sacredness,  nothing 
from  their  claim  to  be  of  the  essence  of  the 
Christian  system. 

The  history  of  the  celebrated  Paschal  contro- 
versy is  singularly  instructive  on  this  very 
point.  If  the  Lord's  day  had  been  already 
stamped  by  definite  apostolic  decree  as  the 
one  great  Christian  festival,  deriving  its  sacred- 
ness from  the  resurrection  of  the  Lord,  it 
would  have  been  impossible  for  the  churches  of 
Palestine  and  Asia  to  dream  of  keeping  the 
annual  commemoration  of  the  resurrection  itself 
on  any  day,  except  the  Lord's  day.  But  the 
gradual  acceptance  of  the  Roman  view,  disre- 
garding all  Jewish  associations  in  consideration 
3  Y 


1044 


LOED'S   DAY 


of  the  greater  fitness  of  the  Lord's  day"  is 
exactly  that  which  we  might  expect  to  result 
from  such  a  process  of  gradual  establishment  of 
the  Lord's  day,  as  has  been  described  above. 

(IL)  It  is  likely  that  in  this  case,  as  in  so  many 
others,  the  close  of  the  apostolic  age  was  a  period 
of  rapid  development  of  formal  church  ordinance. 
The  existence  in  A.D.  170  of  a  regular  treatise 
on  the  subject  by  Melito,  bishop  of  Sardis  (see 
Eusebius,  Hist.  Eccl.  iv.  26),  connected  ap- 
parently with  the  Paschal  controversy,  seems 
plainly  indicative  of  such  a  development.  The 
well-known  passage  of  Justin  Martyr  in  his 
Apology,  describes  how  "  on  the  day  called 
Sunday  "  there  was  a  religious  assembly  of  those 
who  dwelt  either  in  the  cities  or  in  the  country. 
It  notes  the  chief  points  of  an  established 
service — viz.  the  reading  of  the  Apostles  or  the 
-  rophets,  the  sermon,  the  prayers,  the  partaking 
of  the  bread  and  wine  consecrated  by  thanks- 
giving and  prayers,  and  the  giving  of  alms,  con- 
taining the  germ  of  the  clearly  ancient  liturgies. 
Nor  is  it  possible  to  doubt  that  this  celebration 
had  become  so  marked  as  to  impress  the  mind 
of  the  heathen  with  the  distinctive  character  of 
the  status  dies  of  Pliny's  famous  letter  to  Trajan. 
In  the  passage  from  Dionysius  of  Corinth  (a.d. 
175),  quoted  by  Eusebius  (//.  E.  iv.  22),  the 
keeping  of  the  Lord's  day  is  spoken  of  as  a 
matter  of  course  {ttjv  ffTjixepov  Kvpi.aKT]v  rrjv 
ayiav  Tjfifpav  StriydyoijLfi/),  very  much  as  we 
might  speak  now.  And  in  the  method  of  its 
observance  (the  celebration  of  the  Holy  Com- 
munion being,  of  course,  excepted)  much  was 
probably  borrowed  from  the  practice  of  the 
synagogue  on  the  sabbath  day.  But  it  must 
not  be  supposed  for  a  moment  that  such  obser- 
vance was  identified  in  any  degree  with  sabbatical 
observance,  or  based  on  formal  obligation  of  the 
fourth  commandment.  On  the  contrary,  the 
principle  of  its  observance  is  exactly  that  which 
is  indicated  in  the  celebrated  passage  of  Ignatius 
(ad  Magn.  ix.),  fnjK^Ti  cra^^aTi^oi'Tes  aWa  Kara 
KvpiaK^u^  ^wvres,  Iv  y  Kal  r]  ^co?)  ^,aaii'  auereiKef 
5i'  avTov.  To  "  sabbatize  "  is  the  mark  of  the 
Jew ;  the  Christian  is  to  live  Kara  KvpiaK-nv,  i.e. 
not  only  in  the  observance  of  the  Lord's  day, 
but  according  to  the  spirit  of  that  day,  as  some- 
thing wholly  diverse  from  the  conception  of  the 
sabbath.  The  very  types  of  the  observance  of 
the  Lord's  day,  often  fanciful  enough,  which 
were  traced  in  the  Old  Testament,  mark  an  entire 
separation   in   thought    from   the  idea    of  the 


»  In  the  treatise  of  Bede,  de  Aequinoctio  Vernali,  there 
is  a  curious  account  of  a  council  of  Caesarea,  held  under 
Theophilus,  on  the  Paschal  controversy.  In  the  course  of 
it  (see  Labbe,  Concilia,  i.  714)  the  bishops  are  repre- 
sented as  declaring  the  Benedictions  of  the  Lord's  day. 
(a)  Because  on  it  the  light  was  created.  (&)  Because  on 
it  the  people  passed  to  freedom  through  the  Red  Sea. 
(c)  Because  on  it  the  manna  was  given,  (d)  Because 
Moses  (Ex.  xii.  16;  Lev.  xxiii.  7,  8)  commanded  to  keep 
"  the  first  and  the  last  day  "  (hoc  est  dominicus  et  sab- 
batum).  (e)  Because  in  Ps.  cxviii.  the  words  are  spoken 
of  it :  "  This  is  the  day  which  the  Lord  bath  made." 
(/)  Because  the  Lord  on  it  rose  from  the  dead.  The 
historical  value  of  the  account  Is  of  course  more  than 
questionable.  But  the  light  which  it  throws  on  the 
traditional  ideas  of  the  Lord's  day  is  very  interesting. 

b  The  ^lorji/  fonnd  here  in  the  ordinary  text  is  probably 
to  be  omitted,  as  in  the  Latin.  If  it  be  read  it  must  be 
taken  with  ^in-es. 


LORD'S  DAY 

sabbath.  In  the  Epistle  of  Barnabas  (c.  xvi.) 
for  instance,  the  sabbath  is  a  type  of  the  mil- 
lennium after  the  six  thousand  years  typified  in 
the  six  days  of  creation ;  the  Lord's  day,  as  the 
eighth  day,  is  the  beginning  of  another  world 
(^AA.oy  KocTfiov  apxv").'^  Justin  Martyr,  when 
he  describes  the  special  celebration  of  public 
service  of  the  "  day  called  Sunday  "  derives  its 
sacredness,  first,  from  its  being  the  first  day  on 
which  God,  dispelling  darkness  and  chaos,  made 
the  world,  next,  from  the  resurrection  on  it  of 
the  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  This  is  in  his  Apology, 
addressed  to  the  heathen  (Apol.  i.  67).  Where 
he  argues  with  the  Jews,  he  actually  makes  the 
eighth  day  of  the  circumcision  a  type  of  our 
receiving  the  true  circumcision  of  the  heart 
through  the  Resurrection  of  Jesus  Christ  from 
the  dead  on  the  first  day  of  the  week,  which 
after  the  completion  of  the  cycle  of  the  days  is 
the  eighth  day,  though  it  is  still  the  first  (Dial, 
with  Trijpho,  sect.  19).*  This  conception,  fanci- 
ful as  it  is,  is  taken  up  more  than  once  by  later 
writers.  Thus  St.  Augustine  asks  of  circumcision, 
"  Quare  ergo  octavo  die  ?  Quia  in  hebdomadibus 
idem  primus  qui  octavus  ....  Finitur  Sep- 
timus, Dominus  sepultus  :  reditur  ad  primum, 
Dominus  resuscitatus.  Domini  enim  resuscitatio 
promisit  nobis  aeternum  diem,  et  consecravit 
nobis  Dominicum  diem  "  (Serin,  de  Script,  clxix. 
1170  c).  Hence  our  Lord  Himself,  as  being  the 
rest  of  the  just,  giving  them  a  aa^j^amfffibs  in 
the  millennial  kingdom,  is  occasionally  called 
the  Great  Sabbath,  of  which  the  "  little  sabbath  " 
of  the  Jews  is  but  a  type.  The  idea  is  perhaps 
suggested  by  Col.  ii.  10,  where  the  sabbath  and 
the  other  Jewish  festivals  are  "  the  shadow  of 
things  to  come,  but  the  body  "  (or  substance) 
"  is  of  Christ."  And  His  rest  in  the  tomb  marked 
what  was  technically  known  as  the  Meya  aa^- 
^arov,  the  last  of  the  ancient  sabbaths ;  His 
rising  from  the  dead  on  the  Lord's  day  began 
the  new  Christian  era.  The  notion  afterwards  em- 
bodied in  the  title  of  the  "  Christian  sabbath  " — 
that  the  Lord's  day  is  a  spiritualized  sabbath, 
to  which  the  obligation  of  the  fourth  command- 
ment is  transferred,  perhaps  a  revival  of  a 
patriarchal  sabbath  of  all  mankind,  which  had 
been  for  a  time  overborne  by  the  rigid  legalism 
of  the  Mosaic  sabbath — has  no  locus  standi 
whatever  either  in  Scripture  or  in  primitive 
antiquity. 

But  it  should  be  noticed  that  the  development 
of  the  Lord's  day  in  relation  to  the  sabbath 
would  naturally  differ  considerably  in  Jewish  and 
Gentile  Christianity.  To  the  Jewish  Christians, 
in  the  earliest  stages  of  the  history  of  the  church, 
the  sabbath  and  the  sabbatical  rest  would 
remain  unaltered.  Just  as  they  united  the 
"  being  with  one  accord  in  the  temple  "  with  the 
"breaking  of  the  bread  at  home,"  so  the  cele- 


=  Compare  St.  Aug.  Serm.  de  Tempore,  cclix.  2  (vol.  v. 
p.  154:8  a  Ben.  ed.  1838):  "Octavus  dies  in  fine  saeculi 
novam  vitam  significat:  Septimus  quietem  futuram 
sanctorum  in  hac  terra."  The  sermon  was  preached  on 
the  first  Sunday  after  Easter  (the  octave),  and  begins — 
•'  Hodiernus  dies  magno  Sacramento  perpetuae  felicitatis 
est  nobis." 

d  Even  in  the  eight  saved  in  the  ark  for  a  new  world 
he  finds  a  type  of  the  eighth  day,  on  which  Christ,  the 
head  of  a  new  humanity,  arose  from  the  dead.  (pioA 
with  Trypho,  c.  138.) 


LORD'S  DAY 

bration  of  the  new  Lord's  day  would  present 
itself  to  them  as  soraetliing  co-existing  with  the 
sabbath,  incapable  of  being  confounded  with  it.'= 
The  idea  of  Christian  worship  would  attach  mainly 
to  the  one;  the  obligation  of  rest  would  con- 
tinue attached  to  the  other  ;  although  a  certain 
interchange  of  characteristics  would  grow  up,  as 
worship  necessitated  rest,  and  rest  naturally 
suggested  worship.  Under  these  circumstances 
the  two  days  would  be  regarded  as  festivals,  per- 
haps at  first  almost  co-ordinate ;  afterwards  the 
dignity  of  the  Lord's  day  must  have  continually 
increased,  and  that  of  the  sabbath  as  continually 
decreased.  Even  after  Jewish  Christianity,  as 
such,  had  passed  away,  the  effect  of  this  original 
attitude  of  mind  might  easily  remain.  To  it 
may  probably  be  traced  the  well-known  con- 
tinuance of  the  sabbath  as  a  festival  in  the 
Eastern  church  (with  the  sole  exception  of  the 
great  sabbath  of  Easter  Eve).  Even  the  tra- 
dition that  Marcion  kept  the  sabbath  as  a  fast, 
because  it  was  the  festival  of  the  God  of  the 
Jews,  to  whom  he  refused  all  homage,  perhaps 
illustrates,  by  its  spirit  of  antagonism,  the  con- 
nexion of  the  festal  observation  of  the  sabbath 
with  the  old  Jewish  influence  upon  the  church. 
The  quasi  co-ordination  of  the  Lord's  day  with 
the  sabbath  in  the  'Apostolical  Constitutions' 
brings  it  out  in  its  most  striking  form.  [On  this 
subject  see  Sabbath.]  But  it  concerns  our 
present  purpose  chiefly  to  remark  that  this 
preservation  of  the  ancient  sabbath  in  the  church 
must  have  acted  as  a  constant  witness  against 
any  tendency  to  "  sabbatize  "  the  Lord's  day. 

Among  purely  Gentile  Christians  it  would  be 

far   otherwise.     To  them,  except  for  its  sacred 

historic  associations,  the  sabbath  would  have  no 

existence.     The   attempt   to   "exercise  dominion 

over  them  in  respect  of  the  sabbath  day  "  was 

one  of  the  Judaizing  usurpations  which  St.  Paul 

bade  them  repel.     Hence  to  them  the  Lord's  day 

would    be    the    one   sole    weekly    festival.     The 

sabbath  appeared  simply  as  the  eve  of  the  Lord's 

day ;  even  for  that  reason  it  might  naturally  be 

kept  as  a  fast,  according  to  the  general  though 

not   universal    custom  of  the  Western   church; 

and,  wherever  strong  anti-Judaic  feeling  developed 

itself,  it  would  incline  men   to  adopt  the   same 

practice  out  of  sheer  antagonism.     But  for  this 

very  reason,   paradoxical  as  the  statement  may 

seem,  the  tendency  to  sabbatize  the  Lord's  day 

would  be  far  stronger  than  under  the  other  con- 

(    dition  of  things.    The  study  of  the  Old  Testament, 

I     and  especially  the  recognition  of  the  decalogue  as 

the  code  of  divine  morality,  must  have  suggested 

I    that  the  weekly  celebration  of  a  hallowed'day  of 

1    rest  was  a  moral  duty,  concerning  all  mankind  as 

j    such,  to  be  regarded,  indeed,  as  a  privilege,  but 

I    yet,  if  necessary,  to  be  enforced  on  the  disobedient 

I    as  a  law.     Where  could  such  a  day  be  found  but 

I    in  the  Lord's  day  ?    Kound  that  day  would  gather 

I    naturally  and  insensibly  all  the  ideas  which  once 

attached  to  the  sabbath.     It  would  be  felt  that 

such  a  transference  of  idea  could  only  take  place 

I    mutatis   mutandis.     Such    distinctions   would  be 

!    made   between   the   characteristic   principles    of 

"=  This  is  illustrated  t>y  Eusebius'  notice  of  the  Ebionite 
practice  {Eccl.  mst.in.21):  to  ,j.ii>  <ra/3/3aToi.  Kal  rnv 
a\X.r)v  'lov&aiKriv  i.yu>yrtv  i^ioi'w?  €K€ii/oij  7rap6,/,u'AaTTOi/' 
Tats    6'  a6  KupiaKar?   ^nepai;  ^^ti'   Ti    TTapan\-n<Ti.a  iU  j 


LOED'S  DAY 


104^ 


Jewish  and  Christian  observance  as  we  find  m 
St.  Jerome  on  Gal.  iv.  10,  asserting  the  greater 
elasticity  and  spirituality  of  the  Christian 
system.  But  these  would  not  prevent  a  certain 
tendency  to  sabbatize  the  day,  from  which  the 
very  preservation  of  the  ancient  sabbath  would 
guard  the  churches,  in  which  Jewish  influence 
had  been  strong. 

In  this  process  of  development  the  difference 
in  character  and  tone  between  Eastern  and 
Western  Christianity  is  remarkably  shewn.  The 
Greek  mind,  as  represented  by  the  Alexandrian 
school,  inclined  more  to  theoretical  principle ; 
the  Latin  mind,  as  in  the  school  of  Carthage, 
to  practical  rule.  Clement  of  Alexandria,  tor 
instance,  urges  that  to  the  true  Gnostic  every 
day  is  a  holy  day,  and  when  he  alludes  to  the 
Lord's  day  he  deals  with  its  observance  (just  as 
with  the  fasts  of  the  Wednesday  and  Friday) 
transcendentally  {KvpiaK^v  iKeivrjv  rrjv  rifxipav 
TToitl,  orav  awo^dWr]  (pavKov  vuTjfia  Kal  "yvcecrriKhv 
■KpoffXa^T],  TTjv  ev  avT^  tov  Kupiov  avdcxracriv 
So^d^wv,  Strom,  vii.  12).  At  the  same  time  his 
implicit  opposition  of  the  Lord's  day  to  the 
sabbath,  as  of  the  positive  to  the  negative,  is 
notable,  as  unconsciously  preparing  for  the 
"  spiritual  sabbath  "  of  the  future.  He  speaks 
of  the  seventh  day  as  being  a  rest  only  in  the 
sense  of  an  abstinence  from  evil,  but  it  is  said  to 
introduce  the  first  day,  which  is  our  "  real  rest," 
and  the  true  birthday  of  light  (e(35ojU7j  roivvv 
Tjixfpa  avd-rravais  KrjpvTTeTUL  a.7Toxv  kcikwv, 
iTOi/xd^ovaa  tt/j/  apxiyoyov  T^/xepav  rrjy  t^  ovtl 
avdiravcnv  rifiicv  tt/j'  St;  Kal  Trpd>Tr]v  tQ  ovtl 
(pairhs  yiviffiv,  Strom,  vi.  16).  His  idea  is  to 
contrast  the  whole  of  the  lower  system  of  the 
law  with  the  higher  light  of  the  gospel.  But  the 
passage,  as  it  seems  to  suggest  the  representation 
of  the  one  by  the  sabbath,  and  the  other  by  the 
Lord's  day,  might  lead  naturally  to  the  concep- 
tion of  some  substitution  of  the  one  day  for  the 
other.  Exactly  in  the  same  spirit  Origen,  in 
defending  the  Christians  against  Celsus,  quotes 
the  dictum :  eoprij  ouSeV  ecmy  7)  to,  Seoi'ra 
Trpdrreiv,  and  urges  that  the  true  Christian  is 
always  keeping  Lord's  days ;  and  referring  to 
Gal.  iv.  10,  apologises  (much  as  St.  Jerome 
does)  for  the  setting  apart  of  the  "  Lord's  days 
and  the  Fridays,  Easter  and  the  Pentecost,"  as  a 
necessary  discipline  for  the  less  perfect.  But 
he,  like  Clement,  contrasts  the  Lord's  day  with 
the  sabbath,  as  superior  to  it  in  nature,  when 
in  mystical  commentary  on  Exod.  xvi.  4,  5,  he 
finds  a  foreshadowing  of  its  superiority,  in  the 
gift  on  that  day  of  the  manna  withheld  on  the 
sabbath.  He  makes  the  manna  symbolic  of  the 
bread  of  heaven,  the  Word  of  God,  unceasingly 
showered  down  on  the  Lord's  day,  and  interprets 
"  in  the  evening  ye  shall  know  that  I  am  the 
Lord,"  of  the  rolling  away  of  the  stone  and 
the  earthquake  at  the  close  of  the  great  sab- 
bath on  the  eve  of  the  first  Lord's  day  (see  vol. 
ii.  p.  154,  Bened.  ed.  1733).  And  again,  on 
John  i.  6,  in  a  curious  mystical  interpretation  of 
the  names  of  Zacharias,  Elizabeth,  and  John,  he 
describes  the  end  of  the  old  dispensation  as  the 
(Ta^fiariafiov  Kopctivls,  and  declares  that  from 
it  we  cannot  derive  rr]v  /neTo,  rh  ffd^parov 
at/dTravffiv,  the  gift  of  which  is  connected  witl, 
conformity,  as  to  the  death,  so  to  the  resurrection 
of  Christ  (see  vol.  iv.  p.  86).  Even  in  these 
writers  we  see  a  spiritual  gravitation  towards  a 
3  Y  2 


1046 


LORD'S  DAY 


rii'tual  substitution  of  the  Lord's  day  for  the 
sabbath,  not  prevented  by  the  assertion  of  the 
same  superiority  over  it  which  the  gospel  mani- 
fests over  the  law.  If  we  turn  to  Tertullian,  the 
same  conception  of  substitution  presents  itself  in 
a  more  concrete  form.  He  is  anti-Judaic  enough  ; 
the  sabbaths  and  all  the  ceremonials  of  the  law 
are,  in  his  eyes,  absolutely  gone  ;  they  were  but 
preparatory,  and  cannot  continue  when  their 
function  is  completed.  But  in  pleading  against 
frequenting  idolatrous  festivals  he  makes  the 
keeping  of  the  Lord's  day  and  the  Pentecost 
the  badge  of  Christianity,  contrasting  them  with 
the  heathen  festivals  on  one  side,  and  the  sab- 
baths and  "  feriae  aliquando  a  Deo  dilectae  "  on 
the  other.  In  speaking  of  the  habit  of  stand- 
ing in  prayer  on  the  Lord's  day,  he  urges  that 
on  that  day  we  should  cast  off  all  worldly 
anxieties,  "  difterentes  etiam  negotia  ne  quem 
diabolo  locum  demus  "  (de  Oratione,  c.  23).  The 
rest  enjoined  is,  no  doubt,  simply  a  means,  not 
an  end;  but  it  is  notable  as  the  first  direct 
recognition  of  a  sacred  rest,  as  inseparable  from 
the  idea  of  the  Lord's  day.  In  a  time  like  Ter- 
tullian's,  when  the  church  system  was  fully,  even 
rigidly,  organised,  it  is  not  difficult  to  trace  here 
a  preparation  for  some  Sabbatarianism  hereafter. 

In  fact,  two  lines  of  thought  must  have  co- 
existed in  the  church.  On  the  one  side  there 
was  the  conviction,  not  only  that  the  Jewish 
sabbath  had  passed  away,  but  that  the  spirit  of 
strict  legal  observance,  especially  in  any  negative 
aspect,  was  foreign  to  the  whole  spirit  of  the 
gospel.  On  the  other  side,  there  was  the  ten- 
dency to  more  regular  and  formal  Christian 
observance,  gathering  naturally  round  the 
recurring  weekly  festival  of  the  resurrection; 
and  allied  with  this,  the  perception  of  the  value 
of  an  ordinance  of  weekly  rest,  such  as  that  or- 
dained in  the  fourth  commandment,  to  man  as 
man.  From  this,  by  a  natural  transition,  would 
grow  up  the  disposition  to  set  up  the  Lord's  day, 
first  for  religious  worship  and  then  for  rest,  in 
some  rivalry  to  the  ancient  sabbath,  as  being, 
indeed,  superior  in  dignity  and  spirituality,  but 
yet  a  supreme  and  unique  festival,  to  be  ob- 
served with  equal  strictness.  These  last  lines  of 
thought  might  enter  sometimes  into  alliance, 
sometimes  into  conflict.  Each  would  in  turn 
emerge  into  prominence,  and  the  conception  of 
the  Lord's  day  would  fluctuate  accordingly. 

(III.)  But  with  the  beginning  of  the  conversion 
of  the  empire  a  crisis  came.  The  most  important 
epoch  in  the  history  of  the  Lord's  day  is  marked 
by  the  issue  of  the  celebrated  edict  of  Constan- 
tine:  "Omnes  judices  urbanaeque  plebes  et 
cunctarum  artium  officia  venerabili  die  Sol  is 
quiescant.  Euri  tamen  positi  agrorum  culturae 
liberfe  licenterque  inserviant,  quoniam  fre- 
quenter evenit  ut  non  aptius  alio  die  frumenta 
sulcis  aut  vineae  scrobibus  mandentur,  ne  occa- 
sione  momenti  pereat  commoditas  coelesti  pro- 
visione  concessa"  (see  Cod.  Just,  book  iii.  tit.  12, 
3).  This  edict  was  clearly  intended  to  pay 
honour  to  the  great  Christian  festival,  although, 
in  accordance  with  Constantine's  general  policy, 
it  declined  to  identify  the  emperor  with  the 
religion,  which  he  desired  only  indirectly  to 
support,  and  only  gradually  to  establish.  The 
use  of  the  heathen  name  of  the  "  solis  dies," 
with  the  vague  title  "  venerabilis  "  — a  title 
rendered  the  more  ambiguous  by  the  known  re- 


LORD'S  DAY 

verence  which  Constantine  had  delighted  to  pay 
to  the  Sun-god — was  probably  something  more 
than  conventional.  But  the  effect  of  the  edict, 
at  a  time  when  Christianity  was  rising  as  rapidly 
as  heathenism  was  sinking  into  decay,  must  un- 
doubtedly have  told  mainly  on  the  Christian 
festival.  It  would  invest  the  observation  of  the 
Lord's  day  with  all  the  strength  (and  the  weak- 
ness) which  the  sanction  of  civil  law  to  religious 
observance  must  necessarily  produce.  But  more 
particulaily  by  the  prominence  given  to  the  idea 
of  rest  from  ordinary  work,  which  was  emphasised 
all  the  more  by  the  exemption  granted  to  agri- 
cultural labour  on  the  plea  of  necessity,  it 
introduced  a  new  conception  of  the  day  itself.' 
The  advocates  of  the  Sabbatarian  view  in  later 
times  were  not  wholly  wrong  when  they  com- 
pared Constantine  to  Moses,  on  the  ground  that 
he  instituted  a  kind  of  new  sabbath  in  the  Chris- 
tian church.  For  whatever  tendency  there  was 
already  existing  to  sabbatize  the  Lord's  day 
would  be  enormously  increased  by  this  inter- 
ference of  the  temporal  power.  The  idea  of 
rest  would  become  primary  instead  of  subsidiary  ; 
the  observance  would  have  more  of  the  law,  less 
of  the  spirit. 

The  tendency  towards  Sabbatarianism  was 
evidently  slow,  for  it  had  the  old  and  well- 
established  conception  of  the  day  to  overcome. 
But,  although  slow,  it  appears  to  have  been  sure. 

The  edict  itself  was  only  the  beginning  of  a 
long  series  of  imperial  laws,  constantly  in- 
creasing in  stringency  and  in  unambiguous  con- 
nexion of  the  solis  dies  with  Christianity. 
Eusebius  (de  Vit.  Const,  iv.  18,  19,  20)  declares 
that  Constantine  himself  went  much  farther  in 
this  course,  as  his  adhesion  to  Christianity 
became  inore  decided.  He  speaks  of  two  edicts 
to  the  army,  enjoining  rest  from  arms  on  that 
day  and  celebration  of  religious  worship,  by 
the  Christians  in  the  church  service,  by  the 
pagans  in  the  fields,  offering  to  the  supreme 
Deity  a  prayer  authorised  by  the  emperor.  This 
prayer  he  quotes.  It  is  a  prayer  in  which 
nothing  occurs  distinctively  Christian,  but  which 
is  essentially  monotheistic  and  entirely  uncon- 
nected with  the  pagan  mythology.  In  speaking 
of  the  ordinance  for  the  Christians,  Eusebius 
calls  the  day  the  ScoTTjpios  T]fi(pa  ^v  Kal  (pcoThs 
elvai  Kal  iiAiov  i-Triiuvfiov  crvfx^aLvet  :  in  refer- 
ence to  the  heathen,  simply  7;  rov  ipwrhs  riix4pa. 
He  then  adds,  Sib  toTs  uTrb  ttjj/  "Pafxaiwu  ap- 
XV^  iroAtTsuOjueVots  airaffiv  o'xoAtjj'  6.yeLV  rais 
eircovvjiiois  rov  'Surripoi  rj/aepais  ivovOiTH. 
oixoius  5e  T?;!/  irpb  rod  aafifidrov^  rifxaV  iJ.vf}iJ.ris 


f  In  another  law  of  Constantine,  a.d.  331,  there  is  a 
recognition  of  the  fitness  of  certain  exceptional  legal 
operations  for  this  day :  "  gratum  et  jucundum  est,  eo  die 
quae  sunt  maximfe  votiva  compleri,  atque  ideb  emanci- 
pandi  et  manumittendi  die  festo  cuncto  licentiam  ha- 
beant"  (Cod.  Theod.  II.  tit.  viii.  1).  This  appears  to 
have  been  borrowed  from  older  practice  as  to  heathen 
festivals.  But  it  is  not  improbable  that  in  this  case 
there  was  a  special  reference  to  the  characteristic  idea 
of  the  Lord's  day,  as  the  day  of  the  completion  of  our 
redemption. 

s  This  is  an  emendation  for  ras  toO  crappdrov,  evi- 
dently necessary.  There  is  a  passage  in  Sozomen  (_Hist. 
Eccl.  i.  c.  8)  which  forms  an  excellent  elucidation  of  this, 
especially  of  the  last  clause,  in  the  words  eri'/aa  Be  Ti)v 
\s.v()i.a.Kr\v,  (OS  iv  Ta.vr(j  Tou  XpiCTToO  drao-rai'TOS  eK  vtKpSiv 
Ti]v  5e  erepov,  ws  iv  avrfj  a-Tavpi>i0ivTOi. 


LOEDS  DAY 

eVeKO  fioi  SoKe7v  tS>v  tv  ravTais  tc5  koiv^  'Xwrripi 
Treirpdx6a.t  ixvr]fiovevofj.4vuii>.  This  jsassage  ex- 
tends the  statement  to  the  civil  population,  and 
adds  the  celebration  of  the  Friday  to  that  of  the 
Sunday.  It  is  true  that  these  edicts  of  Constan- 
tine  are  not  found  in  the  codes,  and  that  Euse- 
bius  is  anxious  to  make  the  most  of  the 
Christianity  of  the  subject  of  his  panegyric.  But 
it  is  incredible  that  he  should  have  been  either 
misinformed  or  insincere  in  the  main  substance 
of  hie  statements  ;  and  it  would  have  been  quite 
accordant  with  Constantine's  temporising  policy 
to  issue  such  commands,  as  special  edicts,  not  to 
be  enrolled  among  formal  laws.  However  this 
may  be,  under  Constantine's  successors  there 
were  reiterated  enactments  in  this  direction,  free 
from  the  ambiguity  of  the  original  law. 

Thus  we  have  two  laws  prohibiting  exaction 
of  debt  on  that  day,  one  under  Valentinian  and 
Valens  (a.d.  368),  protecting  Christians  against 
being  forced  into  litigation  on  that  day,  the 
"dies  solis,  qui  dudum  faustus  habetur "  {Cod. 
Tlieod.  VIII.  tit.  viii.  1)  ;  the  other  under 
Gratian,  Valentinian,  and  Theodosius  (a.d.  386), 
extending  this  immunity  to  all,  calling  the  day 
plainly  the  "  dies  solis  quem  Dominicum  rite 
dixere  majores,"  and  branding  any  infringer  of 
the  law  as  "  uon  modo  notabilis,  verum  etiam 
sacrilegus  "  (jOod.  Tlieod.  VIII.  tit.  viii.  2).  The 
progress  marked  by  the  contrast  of  these  two 
laws  is  significant.  The  formei-,  recognising  the 
Christians  as  a  sect,  is  exactly  of  the  same 
nature  as  a  law  of  Honorius  and  Theodosius  in 
409,  protecting  the  Jews  from  being  forced  to 
work  or  litigation  on  the  sabbath  or  other  of 
their  sacred  days  (jCod.  Theod.  II.  tit.  viii.  3). 
The  latter  accepts  Christianity  as  the  religion  of 
the  empii-e,  and  enforces  on  all  by  law  the 
sacredness  of  its  chief  festival. 

Again,  the  celebration  of  the  day  was 
gradually  separated  by  law  from  all  heathen 
and  even  secular  associations.  In  389,  under 
Theodosius,  the  "  solis  dies "  and  the  "  Sancti 
Paschae  dies "  (the  weeks  before  and  after 
Easter)  are  included  with  the  harvest  and  vint- 
age seasons,  the  Kalends  of  January,  and  the  days 
of  the  foundation  of  Rome  and  Constantinople, 
as  forensic  holidays  {Cod.  Thcod.  II.  tit.  viii.  2). 
In  386  it  was  ordered  that  no  one  should  pre- 
sent to  the  people  any  spectacle  on  the  "  dies 
solis,"  "  ne  divinam  venerationem  confecti  sol- 
lemnitate  confundat  "  {Cod.  T/ieod.XV.  tit.  v.  2). 
In  425,  under  Theodosius  the  younger,  we  find 
a  law  enacting  an  entire  abstinence  from  all 
amusements  of  the  theatre  or  the  circus,  on  the 
"Dies  Dominicus,"  Christmas  day,  Epiphany, 
Easter,  and  the  Pentecost,  in  order  that  the 
whole  minds  of  Christians  may  be  devoted  to 
worship  of  God.  It  denounces  any  infringement 
of  the  law  by  "  the  infatuated  impiety  of  the 
Jews  or  the  stolid  error  and  madness  of  heathen- 
ism," and  orders  the  celebration  even  of  the  em- 
peror's birthday  to  be  set  aside  for  the  sake  of 
the  Christian  holy  day  {Cod.  Theod.  XV.  tit.  v.  5). 
The  same  law  is  reiterated  in  even  stronger 
terms  under  Leo  and  Anthemius  (a.d.  469),  in 
reference  to  the  Lord's  day,  which  is  to  be  kept 
absolutely  sacred,  not  only  from  business,  but 
also  from  "  obscene  pleasures "  of  the  theatre, 
the  circus,  and  the  amphitheatre  {Cod.  Just.  lib. 
ui.  tit.  xii.  11).  Nor  should  we  pass  over  a  re- 
markable law  of  Honorius  and  Theodosius  (a.d. 


LORD'S  DAY 


1047 


409),  which  expressly  orders  that  on  the  Lord's 
day  the  judges  shall  have  prisoners  brought 
before  them,  to  inquire  whether  they  have  been 
treated  humanely,  to  see  that  food  is  give'n  to 
the  destitute,  and  that  the  prisoners  be  allowed, 
under  guard,  to  go  to  the  bath.  The  bishops 
were  to  put  the  judges  in  mind  of  this  duty 
{Cod.  Just.  i.  tit.  iv.  9).  It  may  be  noted  that 
at  a  later  period  (a.d.  529)  under  Justinian,  the 
bishops  were  ordered  to  visit  the  prisoners  on 
Wednesdays  or  Fridays  (the  Lord's  day  being 
probably  thought  to  be  too  much  occupied),  to 
inquire  into  the  cases  of  the  prisoners,  and  to 
see  whether  any  neglect  of  duty  on  the  part  of 
the  magistrates  had  taken  place  {Cod.  Just.  tit. 
iv.  22).  But  the  fifth  council  of  Orleans, 
twenty  years  later  (a.d.  549),  orders  the  arch- 
deacon or  provost  (praepositus  ecclesiae)  to  make 
the  visitation  on  the  Lord's  day  itself,  with  a 
view  to  the  relief  of  necessitous  prisoners  (see 
Labbe,  Councils,  vol.  ix.  p.  134).  It  should  be 
observed  that  these  laws  recognise  the  positive 
duty  of  works  of  charity  on  the  Lord's  day, 
precisely  as  He  Himself  had  recognised  it  on  the 
sabbath. 

This  long  series  of  temporal  enactments  (iu 
considering  which  we  have,  for  the  sake  of  ex- 
hibiting them  as  a  whole,  anticipated  chronolo- 
gical order)  must  have  told  very  powerfully  upon 
the  conception  of  the  Lord's  day  in  the  church 
itself,  not  only  tending  to  formalize  its  celebra- 
tion, but  to  invest  it  in  great  degree  with  the 
character  of  a  sabbath.  Still,  however,  there 
was  no  connexion  of  its  observance  with  the 
obligation  of  the  fourth  commandment,  and 
therefore  no  application  to  it  either  of  the  laws 
of  the  Jewish  sabbath,  or  of  our  Lord's  teaching 
on  the  subject,  as  modifying  and  spiritualizing 
these  laws. 

But  when  the  legal  enforcement  of  rest  on 
the  Lord's  day  was  once  established,  the  next 
step  would  not  unnaturally  follow.  In  fact,  the 
conception  of  it,  as  formally  sanctioned  by  a 
divine  law,  would  recommend  itself  to  difterent 
schools  of  thought.  It  would  be  a  refuge  to  any 
who  scrupled  to  accept  in  respect  of  Christian 
festivals  the  authority  of  a  merely  temporal 
power,  not  yet  absolutely  identified  with  Chris- 
tianity. It  would  appear  to  earnest-minded 
men  as  a  short  and  ready  way  of  maintaining  a 
high  spirituality  of  tone,  in  the  face  of  the  con- 
ventional and  insincere  observance  to  which  the 
imperial  interference  would  probably  give  rise. 
It  would  afford  to  the  courtly  satellites  of  the 
emperor  an  opportunity  of  flattering  his  desire 
of  being  "  a  bishop  as  to  things  and  men  with- 
out," by  representing  him  as  being  the  restorer 
of  a  half-forgotten  divine  law.  From  various 
causes  it  would  make  its  way;  and,  if  once 
admitted,  its  simplicity  and  cogency  would  help 
it  to  supersede  other  pleas  for  the  sacredness  of 
the  day. 

(IV.)  This  effect  is  not  at  first  visible  in  the 
great  leaders  of  ecclesiastical  opinion  and  faith. 
In  them  we  find  the  same  general  line  of  thought 
which  has  already  been  described.  It  will  be 
sufficient  to  quote  a  few  leading  examples  from 
the  East  and  West.  St.  Athanasius  delights  to 
trace  signs  of  honour  done  prophetically  to  the 
Lord's  day,  the  resurrection  day  of  the  Lord 
{avaffTda-iixos  iifiepa),  as  in  the  title  of  the  sixth 
Psalm,    "  Upon    the    eighth "  (which,  however, 


1048 


LOED'S  DAY 


seems  to  have  no  reference  to  the  eighth  day  at 
all)  or  in  the  celebrated  passage  of  Ps.  cxviii.  24, 
"This  is  the  day  which  the  Lord  hath  made," 
which  he  connects  with  the  "  stone  made  the 
head  of  the  corner  "  (see  v.  22).  In  the  treatise 
"  de  Sabbato  et  Circumcisione  "  (which  is  ascribed 
to  him,  and  questioned  by  the  Benedictine 
editors  somewhat  hesitatingly),  there  is  a 
curious  passage,  comparing  the  sabbath  and  the 
Lord's  day.  His  idea  is  that  the  first  creation 
had  its  end,  and  therefore  its  sabbatical  rest ; 
the  second  or  new  creation  has  no  end,  and 
"  therefore  God  rested  not  in  it,  but  worketh 
hitherto"  (ews  apri  epyaCerai),  referring,  of 
course,  to  John  iv.  17.  Accordingly  (he  says) 
"we  keep  no  sabbath  day  (o65e  ffa^^ari^oiJiev 
Tj/xepav),  but  we  look  forward  to  the  sabbath  of 
sabbaths "  in  heaven,  which  "  the  new  creation 
does  not  accept  as  its  end,  but  its  manifestation 
and  perpetual  festival."  But  he  adds,  "as 
God  commanded  men  formerly  to  keep  the  sab- 
bath day  as  a  memorial  of  the  end  of  the  older 
dispensation,  so  we  keep  the  Lord's  day  as  a 
memorial  of  the  beginning  of  the  second  new 
creation  "  (^ourws  ttiv  KuptaKrjv  rip.wfji.€v  ixv{]fj.T]v 
oZaav  apx^is  Sevrepas  ava/CTio'eajs).  (See  vol. 
iii.  pp.  42,  43,  44,  Bened.  ed.)  On  the  subject  of 
circumcision,  he  repeats  the  old  symbolism  of 
the  eighth  day,  as  signifying  the  Lord's  day  ; 
and  adds  significantly,  ?;  6y56-n  rh  ira^^arou 
iKvcrev  Koi  OX)  rh  ad^^cnov  ttji'  oyhorjv.  But 
though  in  all  this  there  is  some  suggestion  of 
future  ideas,  there  is  still  no  view  of  the  Lord's 
day  as  a  sabbath.  The  passage  in  the  Homily 
de  Semente  (falsely  ascribed  to  him),  in  which 
we  find  the  words,  "  The  Lord  changed  the  sab- 
bath day  into  the  Lord's  day  "  (,ueTe077Ke  5e  o 
Kvpios  T7]v  Tov  (Tal3Pa.T0v  i)fiipav  els  KvpiaKrif^ 
speaks  obviously  in  this  the  language  of  later 
times  ;  and  is  as  absolutely  at  variance  with  the 
tone  of  his  teaching  on  this  subject  as  with  his 
general  style  and  line  of  thought. 

This  same  idea  is  still  more  fully  and 
strikingly  worked  out  by  Epiphanius.  He 
calls  the  sabbath  of  the  Jews  the  "little 
sabbath,"  and,  referring  to  the  disciples'  sup- 
posed breach  of  the  sabbath  in  the  corn-fields,  he 
says  that  it  signified  the  relaxation  of  the  bond 
of  this  little  sabbath,  because  "Christ,  the 
great  Sabbath  was  come,"  of  whom  Noah  was  a 
type  and  Lamech's  words  (Gen.  v.  29)  a  pro- 
phecy ;  who  is  the  great  sabbath,  first,  because 
He  gives  us  rest  from  our  sins,  and  nest, 
because  the  Father  and  the  Holy  Spirit  have 
rested  in  Him  (avairfiraurat  ev  avT(^),  and  in 
Him  all  saints  found  rest"  (adv.  Haer.  lib.  i. 
torn.  ii.  p.  32).  He  refers,  indeed,  to  the  Lord's 
day,  as  of  apostolic  celebration,  but  in  this  he 
joins  with  it  the  Wednesday  and  Friday  (adv. 
Haer.  lib.  i.  torn.  ii.  pp.  23,  24);  and  mentions 
the  occasional  festal  observation  of  the  sabbath, 
and  Marcion's  deliberate  protest  against  this  by 
keeping  it  as  a  fast.  From  him  alone  we 
should  hardly  gather  even  what  we  know  to 
liave  been  true  of  the  gradual  emergence  of  the 
Lord's  day  into  an  unique  observance,  both  as 
to  worship  and  as  to  rest. 

In  connexion  with  this  pei-iod  it  may  be  well 
to  glance  at  the  remarkable  treatment  of  this 
subject  in  the  "  Apostolical  Constitutions " 
which  [see  Apostolical  Constitdtions]  must 
be  referred  to  about  the  fourth  and  fifth  cen- 


LORD'S  DAY 

turies.  These  exemplify  in  the  clearest  way 
the  statement  above  made,  that  the  preservation 
of  the  observance  of  the  old  sabbath  tended  to 
give  clearness  and  certainty  to  the  true  idea  of 
the  Lord's  day.  In  Book  ii.  c.  59,  2,  we  find 
the  sabbath  and  "  the  day  of  the  resurrection,  the 
Lord's  day  "  joined  in  an  exhortation  to  special 
religious  assemblies,  which,  however,  goes  on  to 
dwell  especially  on  the  Lord's  day,  as  that  to 
which  "  the  reading  of  the  prophets,  and  the 
proclamation  of  the  gospel,  and  the  offering  of 
sacrifice  and  the  gift  of  spiritual  food"  pe- 
culiarly belong.  In  Book  v.  c.  18,  19,  we 
have  a  vivid  description  of  the  fast  of  the 
"  Great  Sabbath,"  "  when  the  bridegroom  was 
taken  away,"  and  of  the  vigil  of  the  Easter 
day,  ending  in  the  "  offering  of  the  sacrifice." 
Otherwise  the  general  command  is  to  keep  both 
the  sabbath  and  the  Lord's  day  as  feasts,  the 
one  in  memory  of  the  work  of  the  Creator,  the 
other  of  the  resurrection  (see  Book  vii.  c.  23, 
2).  In  a  prayer  of  thanksgiving  given  in  Book 
vii.  c.  36,  there  is  a  remarkable  passage  on  the 
sabbath  and  the  Lord's  day,  which  tells  how 
the  "  sabbath  is  the  rest  from  creation,,  the  com- 
pletion of  the  world,  the  seeking  of  God's  laws, 
the  praise  of  thanksgiving  to  God  for  all  that 
He  has  given  us.  But  rising  above  all  these 
ideas,  the  Lord's  day  manifests  to  us  the  Me- 
diator Himself,  the  guardian  and  lawgiver  of 
men,  the  source  of  resurrection,  the  firstborn 
before  all  creation,  God  the  Word,  man  born  of 
the  Virgin  Mary,  .  .  .who  died  and  rose  again; 
and  so  commands  us  to  offer  to  God  the  highest 
of  all  thanksgiving."  In  Book  viii.  33, 1,  we  find 
a  command  given  in  the  names  of  St.  Peter  and 
St.  Paul,  "Let  servants  work  five  days,  on 
the  sabbath  and  the  Lord's  day  let  them  rest, 
with  a  view  to  instruction  in  godliness  in  the 
church."  This  command  introduces  a  series  of 
commands  to  rest  on  holy  days.  It  is  notable, 
as  looking  like  an  apostolic  extension  of  the 
enactment  of  the  fourth  commandment.  But 
when  the  decalogue  is  expounded,  we  find  that 
commandment  explained  thus,  "Thou  shalt 
keep  a  sabbath,  on  account  of  Him  who  ceased 
from  creation  but  not  from  providence,  a  sab- 
bath not  of  idleness  of  hands,  but  of  medita- 
tion on  his  laws"  (ii.  361).  There  is  no  idea  of 
its  transference  for  a  Christian  to  the  obser- 
vance of  the  Lord's  day. 

In  St.  Chrysostom  there  is  perhaps  the  first  in 
dication  of  the  idea  that  the  sabbath  was  so  far 
of  perpetual  obligation,  that  the  one  day  in  seven 
should  always  be  set  apart.  In  his  10th  Homily 
on  Genesis,  c.  1,  we  find  him  declaring  that  "  God 
from  the  beginning  teaches  us  figuratively,  in- 
structing us  to  set  aside  one  day  (or  '  the  first 
day ')  in  the  cycle  of  the  week,  and  to  devote  it 
to  work  in  spiritual  things ;  for  it  was  for  this 
reason  that  God  hallowed  the  seventh  day " 
(^'5r/  evnvdiv  4k  irpooifxiwy  alvty/xaTuiSws  Sida- 
(TKaKiav  rjfjuv  b  @ihs  Trap4xeTai,Trai5evooi'  rrju  fxlav 
rnxipav  iv  raj  kvk\w  rrjs  e65o,aa5os  airaaav 
avariQivaL  koI  a(popi^iiv  Trj  rwv  -KvevnarMajv 
ipyacria,  Sia  yap  tovto  6  SeinrSTris,  /c.t.A.)  (See 
Bened.  ed.  vol.  iv.  p.  80.)  This  treatment,  how- 
ever, of  the  subject  is  but  slightly  indicated,  and 
it  exists  side  by  side  with  teaching  of  a  more 
ancient  type.  Thus  the  sabbath  is  to  him  also 
the  type  of  eternal  rest  in  heaven  (Comm.  on. 
Heb.  iii.  8,  vol.  xii.  p.  63).     In  his  39th  Homilj 


LOED'S  DAY 

on  St.  Matthew,  he  speaks  of  the  formal  sabbath 
as  a  condescension  to  the  hardness  of  the  hearts 
of  the  Jews,  and  urges  that  we  should  always 
keep  festival  by  abstaining  from  evil,  and  "be 
idle  with  a  spiritual  idleness  "  (apyain^v  apyiav 
TTvev/j-aTiK-fiv),  by  keeping  our  hands  from  reck- 
lessness (vol.  vii.  p.  435).  Still  it  is  significant ; 
it  appears  to  indicate  a  transition  towards  the 
later  idea  of  connecting  the  fourth  commandment 
directly  with  the  observance  of  the  Lord's  day. 
The  circumstances  of  his  time,  and  the  evils  with 
which  he  had  to  grapple,  may  have  suggested 
this  short  and  easy  way  of  maintaining  the  sanc- 
tity of  the  great  Christian  festival. 

We  turn  to  the  West,  and  take  as  specimens  of 
church  opinion,  the  three  whom  Milman  has 
called  the  great  organizers  of  Latin  Christianity. 
St.  Ambrose  (on  Ps.  xlii.)  holds,  like  St.  Atha- 
nasius,  that  the  Lord's  day  is  "  the  day  which  the 
Lord  hath  made,"  of  Ps.  cxviii.  ;  of  all  the  days 
on  which  God  works  mighty  works,  it  has  the 
leadership  (praerogativa),  because  illuminated  by 
the  rising  of  the  Sun  of  Righteousness.  In  his 
commentary  on  Ps.  xlviii.  we  observe  a  marked 
instance  of  the  tendency  to  supersede  the  sabbath 
by  the  Lord's  day.  the  Psalm  is  to  be  sung 
"  Secunda  Sabbati."  What  (he  asks)  is  this  but 
"  the  Lord's  day,  which  followed  the  sabbath  ?  " 
He  clearly  means  that  it  followed  -  it  in  old 
times,  not  only  in  order,  but  in  dignity ;  for 
he  goes  on  to  speak  of  the  "  eighth  day,  at 
once  the  eighth  and  the  first,"  as  "  sanctified 
by  the  resurrection,"  and  now  accordingly  having 
"  ex  numeri  ordine  praerogativam,  et  ex  Piesur- 
rectione  Domini  Sanctitatem."  He  actually 
interprets  the  adPBarov  SiVTepd-n-pcorov  as  sig- 
nifying that  "  the  sabbath,  which  was  once  first, 
now  begins  to  be  but  the  second  after  the  first ;" 
and  lastly,  he  uses  the  phrase  "Prima  requies 
cessavit,  secunda  successit,"  connecting  with  this 
the  declaration  of  the  "  sabbath  keeping  for 
the  people  of  God  "  (in  Heb.  iv.  8,  9).  Similarly 
commenting  on  the  passage  "  Vespere  Sabbati, 
quae  lucescit  m  primam  Sabbati,"  he  remarks, 
"Before  the  resurrection  the  Evangelist  spoke 
of  the  sabbath  ;  after  the  resurrection  he  called 
it  the  first  day  of  the  week."  It  is  true  that  he 
speaks  of  the  "  rest  in  Christ "  as  the  true  and 
"  great  sabbath,"  in  the  same  sense  as  Epiphanius 
(de  Obitu  Theod.,  vol.  ii.  1206  B,  Bened.  ed. 
1690).  But,  while  he  would  have  doubtless 
repudiated  the  idea  that  the  Lord's  day  was  the 
"Christian  sabbath,"  his  words  certainly  prepare 
for  it. 

St.  Jerome's  treatment  of  the  subject  is 
markedly  characteristic.  He  {adv.  Jovin.  ii.  25) 
deals  with  the  six  days  of  work  as  representing 
this  life,  the  seventh  the  "  true  and  eternal 
sabbath,"  in  which  we  shall  be  free.  In  the 
passage  already  referred  to  (in  Galat.  lib.  II. 
vol.  vii.  p.  456,  Bened.  ed.)  he  lays  it  down  that, 
strictly  speaking,  all  days  are  equal  to  a  Christian, 
"  nee  per  Parasceven  tantum  crucifigi  Christum 
ct  die  Dominica  resurgere,  sed  semper  sanctam 
resurrectionis  esse  diem  et  semper  eum  carne 
vesci  Dominica,"  and  he  goes  on  to  contrast  the 
strict  limitation  of  the  Jews  to  certain  days  with 
the  freedom  of  the  Christian  to  f^ist,  to  pray,  to 
celebrate  a  Lord's  day  by  receiving  the  Body 
of  the  Lord,  at  all  times.  On  Ezek.  xx.  10,  11, 
he  has  a  curious  passage,  declaring  the  sabbath 
and  circumcision   to  liave  been  given  as  signs, 


LOED'S  DAY 


1049 


"  ut  sciamus  nos  perfecto  ot  aeterno  sabbato 
requiescendum  a  saeculi  ojieribus."  "  Unde  in  sex 
diebus  operantes  septimo  die  requiescimus,  ut 
nihil  aliud  die  ac  nocte  faciamus,  nisi  omne  quod 
vivimus,  deberi  Domino  noverimus,  et  redeunte 
hebdomade  totos  nos  nomini  ejus  consecremus." 
While  he  bears  constant  testimony  to  the  solemn 
observation  of  the  Lord's  day  by  religious  wor- 
ship, it  is  truly  remarked  by  Dr.  Hessey  {Bampton 
Lectures^  Lect.  III.)  that  he  describes  the  Egyptian 
coenobitae,  as  after  church  making  garments  for 
themselves  or  others,  and  tells  the  story  of  his 
visits  to  the  tombs  of  the  apostles  and  martyrs, 
not  as  religious  ceremonies,  but  as  seemly  re- 
creations. Throughout,  both  as  to  theory  and 
practice,  his  view  of  the  Lord's  day  is  highly 
spiritual,  with  no  tendency  whatever  to  legal  or 
sabbatical  observance. 

The  same  remark  applies  to  the  teaching  of 
St.  Augustine,  who  constantly  refers  to  the 
question  of  the  sabbath,  and  not  unfrequently 
to  the  Lord's  day.  He  expresses  himself  with 
singular  clearness  against  any  continuance  of 
sabbatical  obligation.  In  his  De  Gcnesi  ad 
Litteram  (Book  iv.,  0pp.  vol.  iii.  208)  he  ex- 
pressly says  that  in  the  time  of  full  revelation 
of  grace,  that  method  of  observance  of  the 
sabbath,  which  was  symbolized  by  the  rest  of  a 
single  day,  was  taken  away  from  the  observance 
of  the  faithful  (observatio  ilia  sabbati,  quae 
unius  diei  vacatione  figurabatur,  ablata  est  ab 
observatione  fidelium).  Similarly  in  his  Epistle 
to  Januarius  {Ep.  Iv.  vol.  ii.  203)  he  expressly 
distinguishes  the  fourth  (or,  as  he  calls  it,  the 
third  commandment,  connecting  it  mystically 
with  the  third  Person  of  the  Holy  Trinity),  as 
one  to  be  observed  figuratively,  from  all  the 
others,  which  are  to  be  observed  literally.  In 
both  passages  he  urges  on  the  faithful  a  per- 
petual sabbath,  partly  of  rest  from  the  "  old 
works,"  partly  of  working  whatever  good  they 
work  with  a  view  to  the  eternal  sabbath  of 
heaven.  The  Lord's  day  (he  adds)  was  declared 
not  to  the  Jews  but  to  the  Christians  by  the 
resurrection  of  the  Lord,  and  fi-om  that  time 
only  began  to  have  its  festal  character.  There 
was  indeed  a  mystical  signification  of  the  eighth 
day  (octavi  Sacramentum)  under  the  law,  which 
he  traces  fancifully  enough,  but  it  was  reserved 
and  concealed,  and  the  sabbath  alone  given 
fa-  celebration.  Exactly  in  the  same  way  he 
declares  against  the  Manicheans  {contra  Adi- 
mantum,  sect.  2,  16,  and  contra  Faustum,  book 
vi.  vol.  viii.  209,  240,  343),  that  the  literal  or 
carnal  observation  of  the  sabbath  is  abolished, 
while  its  spiritual  significance  remain.s,  in  the 
acceptance  of  the  invitation,  "  Come  unto  me, 
and  I  will  give  you  rest."  His  principle  is 
formally  enunciated  thus,  "Apostolicam  inter- 
pretationem  spiritualiter  teneo  ;  Carnalem  Servi- 
tutis  observationem  libertate  contemno."  In  his 
treatise  de  Spiritu  ct  Littera,  sect.  xiv.  (vol.  x. 
328)  he  takes  it  so  absolutely  for  granted  that 
the  observance  of  the  sabbath  according  to  the 
letter  is  carnal,  that  he  thinks  it  necessary  to 
plead  that  the  principle,  "  the  letter  killeth," 
applies  not  only  to  the  fourth  commandment, 
but  to  the  other  nine.  The  sabbath  day,  he 
says  elsewhere  (on  Ps.  cl.  vol.  iv.  2411),  signifies 
rest,  the  Lord's  day,  resurrection.  The  two  ideas 
are  in  his  view  contrasted,  as  the  old  and  new 
covenants  are  contrasted.      Such  is  his  genuine 


1050 


LORD'S  DAY 


teaching.  There  is,  indeed,  a  passage  in  one  of  the 
Homilies  de  Tempore  {Horn.  251),  attributed  to 
him,  but  unhesitatingly  rejected  by  the  Bene- 
dictine editors,  and  assigned  by  them  to  the 
9th  century,  in  which  he  is  made  to  say  that 
"  the  doctors  of  the  church  decreed  to  transfer 
all  the  glory  of  the  Jewish  sabbath-keeping  to 
the  Lord's  day,  so  that  what  they  celebrated  in 
figure,  we  might  celebrate  in  reality "  (see 
vol.  V.  p,  3101).  But  this  is  in  direct  opposition 
to  St.  Augustine's  general  teaching ;  it  clearly 
breathes  the  spirit  of  a  later  time,  and  shews 
traces  of  a  well-known  passage  of  Alcuin. 

(V.)  In  these  leading  representatives  of  Chris- 
tian thought,  we  find,  therefore,  not  only  a  pre- 
servation of  the  older  and  truer  ideas,  but, 
generally  speaking,  a  care  (possibly  prophetic) 
to  enforce  the  spirituality  of  the  Lord's  day  more 
carefully  than  ever.  It  is  rather  in  the  enact- 
ments of  councils,  embodying  the  common  opinion 
of  the  church  at  large,  that  we  trace  the  changes 
of  conception  which  have  been  described  above. 

The  great  Council  of  Nicaea,  taking  the  Lord's 
day  and  its  observance  for  granted,  merely  di- 
rects that  on  the  Lord's  day  and  within  the 
Pentecost,  all  shall  pray  standing  (Canon  20). 
Subsequent  councils,  however,  of  the  4th,  5th 
and  6th  centuries  legislate  frequently  on  the 
subject. 

The  first  class  of  enactments  is  directed  to  the 
enforcement  of  ritual  and  devotional  observances. 
Thus  absence  from  the  church  on  their  Lord's 
days  is  made  a  ground  for  excommunication ; 
fasting  on  the  Lord's  day  is  denounced  as  savour- 
ing of  Manicheism ;  the  refusal  to  join  the 
prayers  and  receive  the  Holy  Eucharist,  and  the 
practice  of  leaving  the  church  during  preaching, 
are  censured  and  punished ;  all  frequenting  of 
the  games  or  the  circus  on  the  Lord's  day  is  ! 
strictly  forbidden  (see  Hessey's  Bampton  Lee-  ! 
lures,  Lect.  III.).  These  enactments  have  no 
special  significance  as  to  the  conception  of  the 
day.  They  simply  take  for  granted  its  religious 
celebration  after  the  primitive  fashion ;  their 
existence  only  indicates  that  this  celebration 
was  becoming  more  and  more  a  matter  of  legal 
regulation  and  enforcement. 

There  is,  however,  another  class  of  enactments 
intended  to  secure  and  guard  a  quasi-sabbatical 
rest.  To  this  the  well-known  canon  of  Laodicea 
(a.d.  363)  seems  certainly  to  belong.  (See  ' 
Labbe,  Concilia,  vol.  ii.  pp.  564,  565.)  It  de- 
clares that  Christians  "  are  not  to  Judaize  and 
rest  on  the  sabbath  day,  but  to  work  on  that 
day,  and  preferring  the  Lord's  day  in  honour,  on 
it,  if  possible,  to  rest  as  Christians  (rrtv  5e 
KvpLUKJiv  TrpoTiixoivTis,  ilje  SvvaiuTo,  crxof^d^etv 
uis  Xpiariavul).  Obviously  there  is  a  marked 
distinction  intended  between  the  Jewish  and 
Christian  idea  of  rest ;  but  still  the  result  is  to 
transfer  a  sabbatical  rest  to  the  Lord's  day,  and 
so  to  make  it  a  kind  of  s]iiritualized  and  Chris- 
tianized sabbath.  This  step  being  once  taken, 
its  necessary  consequences  follow,  accumulating 
regulations  of  prohibition  or  injunction,  until 
the  original  distinction  is  obscured  or  lost.  The 
councils,  in  fact,  were  placed  between  tendencies 
to  extreme  observance  and  to  extreme  neglect. 
Thus  at  the  third  Council  of  Orleans  (A.D.  538), 
we  see  that  a  certain  public  opinion  had  been 
growing  up  (persuasum  est  populis)  that  on 
the  Lord's  day  no  horse  or  ox  or  carriage  should 


LORD'S  DAY 

be  used,  no  food  prepared,  nothing  done  for  the 
cleanliness  of  the  house  or  person.  This  the 
council  wisely  desires  to  check,  and  protests  that 
such  minute  •  regulations  "  savour  rather  of 
Jewish  than  Christian  observance"  (ad  Judaicam 
magis  quam  ad  Christianam  observantiam  per- 
tinere).  It  is  accordingly  laid  down,  somewhat 
vaguely,  that  the  freedom  hitherto  used  on  the 
Lord's  day  should  be  preserved  (quod  antea 
fieri  licuit,  liceat).  But  in  the  very  same  canon 
abstinence  from  rural  work  in  general  is  not 
only  advised,  in  order  that  men  may  have  leisure 
for  church-going  and  prayer,  but,  in  case  of 
neglect,  enforced  by  ecclesiastical  censure  (see 
Labbe,  vol.  ix.  p.  10).  On  the  other  hand,  the 
second  Council  of  Mjicon  (A.D.  585)  declares 
itself  driven  to  legislation,  because  "  the  people 
rashly  profane  the  Lord's  day,  and  as  on  oi'dinary 
days  (privatis  diebus)  devote  themselves  to  un- 
ceasing work."  Accordingly  the  first  canon 
pleads  eloquently  for  the  observation  of  the 
Lord's  day,  "  which  has  given  us  the  new  birth 
and  freedom  from  all  our  sins  "  (quae  nos  denuo 
peperit  et  a  peccatis  omnibus  liberavit) ;  on  it 
"  being  made  free  from  sin  and  become  servants 
to  righteousness,  let  us  show  the  service  which 
is  perfect  freedom  "  (liberam  servitutem  exhibea- 
mus).  "  The  day  is  the  day  of  perpetual  rest, 
which  is  suggested  to  us  by  the  type  of  the 
seventh  day  in  the  law  and  the  prophets." 
Hence  it  is  urged  that  men  should  abstain  from 
litigation  and  pleading,  and  should  not  even 
allow  themselves  on  plea  of  necessity  to  yoke 
their  oxen.  Their  whole  soul  is  to  be  absorbed 
in  hymns  and  praises ;  their  eyes  and  hands 
raised  all  day  to  God.  Not  that  there  is  value 
in  bodily  rest  (corporali  abstinentia),  but  in  an 
obedience  by  which  earthly  actions  may  be  set 
aside,  and  the  soul  raised  to  heaven.  All  this  is 
spiritual  exhortation ;  but  it  is  significantly 
added  that  disobedience  will  be  punished  pri- 
marily by  God,  secondarily  "  by  the  implacable 
anger  of  the  priest ;  "  pleaders  shall  be  non- 
suited, peasants  or  slaves  severely  scourged, 
clerks  or  monks  suspended  for  six  months  from 
communion  with  their  fellows.  (See  Labbe,  ix. 
947.)  It  will  be  observed  that  in  this  canon 
there  is  a  vague  reference  to  the  seventh  day's 
rest,  laid  down  in  the  fourth  commandment,  as 
foreshadowing  the  Lord's  day.  But  this  is  a 
tentative  step  anticipatory  of  the  future.  Every 
enactment  of  quasi-sabbatical  rest  prepared  for 
a  Sabbatarian  theory  ;  but  it  was  far  from  being 
as  yet  established. 

This  is  clear,  if  we  turn  to  the  writings  of 
Gregory  the  Great,  the  foremost  man  of  his 
day  in  character  as  in  office,  and  the  unconscious 
founder  of  the  future  papal  power.  He  ob- 
viously followed  St.  Augustine  in  his  view  of 
the  Lord's  day  and  its  significance,  and  in  some 
of  his  references  to  Old  Testament  types  of  its 
sacredness  *"  (see  Horn,  in  Ezek.  ii.  4).  In 
a  celebrated  letter  to  the  Romans  (Epist.  xiii. 
1),  written  in  reference  to  some  introduction 
of  strict  re.st  on  the  sabbath,  he  declares  that  it 


h  One  is,  however,  peculiar.  On  Job  1.  5,  he  contends 
that  in  his  sanctifying  his  sons  after  the  seven  days,  he 
prefigured  the  eighth  day  or  Lord's  day.  He  adds :  "  (juia 
ergo  octavo  die  offerre  septem  sacrificia  dicitur,  planus 
septiformis  gratiae  Spiritu  pro  spe  resurrectionis  Domino 
deservisse  perhibetur." 


LORD'S  DAY 

is  Antichrist,  who  "  at  his  coming  shall  cause 
the  sabbath  day,  and  the  Lord's  day  to  be  kept 
from  all  work  " — in  the  one  case,  he  adds,  for  the 
sake  of  Judaizing,  in  the  other,  because  he 
himself  shall  pretend  to  die,  and  to  rise  again. 
In  regard  to  the  sabbath,  which  is  his  chief 
■  subject,  he  lays  down  the  broad  principle  that 
the  laws  of  the  old  covenant  were  but  typical, 
and  in  the  light  of  Christ's  coming  can  be 
kept  only  in  spirit.  "Our  true  sabbath  is  the 
Lord  Jesus  Christ  Himself."  He  then  protests 
against  a  prohibition  of  the  bath  on  the  Lord's 
day  (evidently  on  Sabbatarian  grounds),  in  a 
tone  which  would  apply  to  many  other  such 
ordinances.  He  is  content  to  lay  it  down  that 
on  the  Lord's  day  we  are  to  cease  from  all 
earthly  work,  and  to  devote  ourselves  alto- 
gether to  prayer  (atque  omni  modo  orationi- 
bus  insistendum),  in  order  that  any  spiritual 
neglect  in  the  si.t  days  may  be  atoned  for  on 
the  day  of  the  resurrection.  It  would  have 
been  impossible  for  him  so  to  have  written,  had 
the  idea  of  the  transference  of  the  obligation  of 
the  fourth  commandment  to  the  Lord's  day 
attained  to  anything  like  general  acceptation. 
There  is  a  curious  passage  in  a  letter  of  Gre- 
gory to  St.  Augustine  of  Canterbury  (considered 
to  be  of  doubtful  authenticity)  which  deals  with 
fasting,  and,  referring  apparently  to  Sundays  in 
Lent,  draws  a  singularly  unpleasant  picture  of 
Sunday  festivities.  "  De  ipsa  vero  die  Domi- 
nica haesitamus  quidnam  dicendum  sit,  cum 
omnes  laici  et  saeculares  ilia  die  plus  solito 
caeteris  diebus  accuratius  cibos  carnium  appe- 
tant,  et  nisi  nova  quadam  aviditate  usque  ad 
mediam  noctem  se  ingurgitent,  non  aliter  se 
hujus  sacri  teraporis  observationem  suscipere 
putant ;  .  .  .  unde  nee  a  tali  consuetudine  averti 
possunt,  et  ideo  cum  venia  suo  ingenio  relin- 
quendi  sunt,  ne  forte  pejores  existant  si  a  tali 
consuetudine  prohibeantur  "  (Haddanand  Stubbs, 
I  Cone.  iii.  54;  Greg.  0pp.  ii.  1302,  in  App.  ad 
]  Epist.  siii.,  from  Gratian,  Dist.  iv.  can.  6).  It  is 
possible  that  this  practice  indicates  a  reaction 
[  against  the  Sabbatarianism  referred  to  in  Gre- 
1  gory's  letter.  Curiously  enough,  it  exactly 
corresponds  to  those  excessive  sabbath  festivities 
with  which  the  Fathers  of  the  5th  century  re- 
proach the  Jews. 

Meanwhile  the  current  of  opinion  and  legis- 
lation still  continues  to  set  in  the  Sabbatarian 
direction.  Legends  of  miraculous  judgment  on 
those  who  work  on  the  Lord's  day  become  rife. 
In  the  Life  of  St.  Germanus  of  Auxerre  (written 
by  Venantius  Fortunatus  in  the  6th  century) 
we  are  told  how  the  hand  of  a  man  at  Essone, 
working  on  the  Lord's  day,  and  of  a  girl  at  Melun, 
spinning  on  the  same  day,  were  suddenly  con- 
tracted (ita  contrahitur  digitus  ut  unguium 
acumen  partem  transiret  in  alteram),  and  how 
both  were  miraculously  healed  by  St.  Germanus 
(cc.  14, 16  ;  Migne,  Patrologie,  Ixxii.  61).  As  time 
goes  on,  such  portents  become  more  numerous 
and  more  striking ;  the  hand  which  chops  wood 
cleaves  to  the  hatchet,  or  is  withered ;  a  cake 
made  on  the  Lord's  day  streams  with  blood; 
a  mill-wheel  set  in  motion  refuses  to  turn  (see 
Heylin,  On  the  Sabbath,  part  ii.  c.  v.  3,  and 
Ilessey's  Bampton  Lectures,  lect.  iii.  n.  261). 

Naturally  the  decrees  of  councils  and  the 
commands  of  secular  authority  follow  in  the 
same  course.     Thus  in   England,  in  the  7  th  and 


LOED'S  DAY 


1051 


8th  centuries,  the  laws  of  Ina,  king  of  the  West 
Saxons  (about  690),  lay  it  down  that  "  If  a 
'  theowman '  work  on  Sunday  by  his  lord's 
command,  let  him  be  free,  and  let  the  lord  pay 
XXX  shillings  as  'wite'  [fine].  But  if  the 
'  theow '  work  without  his  knowledge,  let  him 
suffer  in  his  hide,  or  in  '  hide-gild '  [ransom]. 
But  if  a  freeman  work  on  that  day  without  his 
lord's  command,  let  him  forfeit  his  freedom,  or 
sixty  shillings  ;  and  let  a  priest  be  liable  to 
twice  as  much."  (See  Haddan  and  Stubbs, 
Councils,  \\i.  215.)  A  law  of  about  the  same 
date  makes  the  observation  of  the  eve  of  Sunday, 
as  well  as  the  Sunday  itself.  "  If  an  '  esne '  do 
any  servile  labour,  contrary  to  his  lord's 
command,  from  sunset  on  Sunday  eve  till  sunset 
on  Monday  eve  [i.e.  sunset  on  Saturday  to 
sunset  on  Sunday],  let  him  make  a  '  bote'  of 
Ixxx  shillings  to  his  lord.  If  an  '  esne '  do  so 
of  his  own  accord  on  that  day,  let  him  make  a 
'  bote  '  of  vie?,  to  his  lord,  or  his  hide  "  (Laws  of 
Wihtred,  K.  of  Kent,  a.d.  696,  11.  9  and  10,  in 
Haddan  and  Stubbs,  iii.  235). 

In  the  Council  of  Clovesho  (a.d.  747)  it  is 
ordered  that  all  abbots  and  presbyters  shall 
remain  in  their  monasteries  and  churches  on  the 
Lord's  day,  abstaining  from  all  business  and  from 
all  travelling,  except  on  inevitable  necessity.  But 
the  object  is  stated  to  be  that  the  Lord's  day 
may  be  wholly  dedicated  to  the  worship  of 
God,  and  that  they  may  be  ready  to  teach  and 
to  minister.  Of  the  laity  it  is  only  said  that 
on  the  Lord's  day  and  other  great  festivals 
the  people  shall  be  invited  by  the  priests  to 
assemble  in  church  for  the  hearing  of  the 
word  and  the  celebration  of  the  mass.  (See 
Haddan  and  Stubbs,  iii.  367.)  About  the  same 
time  we  find  a  "  Judicium  dementis  "  (supposed 
to  be  Willebrord,  a.d.  693),  indicating  a  still 
greater  extent  of  Sabbatarian  rigour.  "If  on 
the  Lord's  day  any  one  by  negligence  works  or 
bathes  or  washes  his  head,  let  him  do  penance 
seven  days  ;  if  he  repeats  the  offence,  forty  days  ; 
if  he  does  so  contumaciously  (si  per  dampnatio- 
nem  facit  hoc  die)  and  refuses  to  amend,  let  him 
be  expelled  from  the  Catholic  church  like  a 
Jew."    (See  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  iii.  226.) 

(VI.)  Still,  however,  it  will  be  observed  that 
even  now  no  connexion  of  the  Lord's  day  with  the 
fourth  commandment  is  avowed ;  and  the  process  of 
Sabbatarianism  is  therefore  not  complete.  There 
is  some  reason  to  think  that  in  this,  as  in  some 
other  ecclesiastical  matters,  we  are  to  look  to 
the  time  of  Charlemagne  for  the  final  step.  So 
late,  indeed,  as  a.d.  797,  a  celebi-ated  decree  of 
Theodulph  of  Orleans  (Capitula,  n.  24 ;  see  Labbe, 
Co'tncils,  vol.  xiii.  p.  999),  which  was  apparently 
observed  beyond  the  limits  of  his  diocese,  speaking 
of  the  Lord's  day,  preserves  the  old  teaching  as 
to  the  grounds  of  its  consecration,  and  deals  with 
its  observance  freely  and  spiritually :  "  Diei 
vero  Dominici,  quia  in  eo  Deus  lucem  condidit, 
in  eo  manna  in  eremo  pluit,  in  eo  Redemptor 
humani  generis  sponte  pro  salute  nostra  a  mor- 
tuis  resurrexit,  in  eo  Spiritum  Sanctum  super 
discipulos  infudit,  tanta  esse  debet  observantia, 
ut  praeter  orationes,  et  missarum  solemnia,  et 
ea  quae  ad  vescendum  pertinent,  nihil  aliud  fiat. 
Nam  et  si  necessitas  fuerit  navigandi,  sive  itine- 
randi,  licentia  datur,  ita  duntaxat,  ut  horum 
occasione  missa  et  orationes  non  praetermit- 
tantur.     Conveniendum  est  sabbato  die  cum  lu- 


1052 


LOED'S  DAY 


minaribus  cuilibet  Christiano  ad  ecclesiam,  con- 
veniendum  est  ad  vigilias  sive  ad  matutinum 
officium.  Concurrendum  est  etiam  cum  obla- 
tionibus  ad  missarum  solemnia.  Et  dum  ad 
ecclesiam  convenitur  nulla  causa  dici  debet  vel 
audiri,  nulla  jurgia  sunt  habenda :  sed  tantum- 
modo  Deo  vacandum  est,  in  celebratione  videlicet 
sacrorum  officiorum,  et  exhibitione  eleemosy- 
narum,  et  in  Dei  laudibus  cum  amicis,  proximis, 
et  peregrinis  spiritaliter  epulandum." 

But  Alcuin,  Charlemagne's  great  ecclesiastical 
adviser,  speaking  of  the  Jewish  observation  of 
the  sabbath,  says  expressly,  "  cujus  observa- 
tionem  raos  Ohristianus  ad  diem  Dominicum 
competentius  transtulit  "  (^Hornil.  xviii.  post 
Pentec.  quoted  by  Heylin).  It  is  true  that  this 
is  said  to  have  been  done  by  custom  ;  thei'e  is  no 
word  of  scriptural  authority,  or  even  of  any 
institution  of  the  apostles.  But  still  this  pas- 
sage seems  to  enunciate  for  the  first  time  the 
idea  of  "  the  Christian  sabbath." '  And  its 
meaning  is  illustrated  by  the  laws  of  the  time. 
A  law  attributed  to  Clotaire  lays  it  down  that 
no  one  should  work  on  the  Lord's  day,  "  quia 
hoc  lex  prohibet,  et  Sacra  Scriptura  in  omnibus 
contradlcit."  Under  Pepin  (a.d.  791)  a  council 
at  Friuli  had  strictly  enforced  the  observance  of 
the  day,  with  some  special  restrictions  appa- 
rently taken  from  the  observance  of  the  sabbath. 
But  Charlemagne  opens  an  imperial  edict  on  the 
subject  with  the  express  words,  "  statuimus  se- 
cundum quod  et  in  lege  Dominus  praecepit," 
and  proceeds  to  minute  prohibitions  against 
various  kinds  of  work  and  to  injunctions  for 
attendance  at  divine  service.  (See  Heylin,  part 
ii.  c.  V.) 

It  is  notable  that  not  long  after  an  edict 
appears  at  Constantinople  by  the  emperor  Leo 
Philosophus  (a.d.  884)  for  the  observance  of  the 
Lord's  day,  referring  to  the  old  edict  of  Con- 
stantine  as  too  lax  in  its  exemptions,  and  declaring 
absolute  rest  for  labour,  as  "  decreed  by  the 
Holy  Spirit  and  the  apostles  taught  of  Him  " 
(quod  Spiritui  Sancto  ab  ipsoque  institutus 
apostolis  placuit),  arguing  that  "if  the  Jews 
honoured  their  sabbath,  irhich  was  but  a  shadow 
of  ours,  how  much  more  should  we  honour  the 
day  which  the  Lord  hath  honoured,  and  on  it 
delivered  us  from  dishonour  and  death  ! "  {Con- 
stit.  54,  see  Heylin,  part  ii.  c.  v.).  We  note 
here  that  it  is  on  apostolic  authority  that  the 
sanctity  of  the  Lord's  day  is  based,  although  at  the 
same  time  the  Jewish  sabbath  is  looked  upon  as 
the  shadow  of  the  Christian.  The  period  is,  in 
fact,  one  of  transition.  That  the  sabbatical 
authority  of  the  Lord's  day  was  not  held  in 
theory  is  clear,  from  the  fact  that  the 
general  teaching  of  the  schoolmen  follows  the 
express  declaration  of  Aquinas  that  "the  ob- 
servance of  the  Lord's  day  in  the  new  law 
supersedes  the  observance  of  the  sabbath,  not 
by  obligation  of  the  (divine)  law,  but  by  the 
ordinance  of  the  church  and  the  custom  of 
Christian  people  "  (non  ex  vi  legis  sed  ex  cons-ti- 
tutione  ecclesiae  et  consuetudine  populi  Chris- 
tiani),  or  as  it  is  elsewhere  expi-essed,  "  non  de 
jure  divino,  sed  de  jure  humane  canonico."     But 


'  Heylin  iHist.  of  Sabbath,  part  ii.  c.  v.  13)  asserts  that 
the  phrase  itself  is  first  found  in  Petrus  Alfonsus  in  the 
12th  century  :    "  Dies  dominica  . . .  Christianorum  sab- 


LORD'S  DAY 

the  "  custom  of  Christian  people,"  when  once 
directed  in  the  line  of  quasi-sabbatical  obser- 
vance, would  be  apt  to  ground  itself  naturally 
on  the  divine  law,  which  such  observance  seemed 
to  suggest,  and  to  which  reference  is  certainly 
made  in  the  decrees  already  quoted. 

It  lies  beyond  the  limits  of  this  article  to  trace 
the  steady  and  excessive  development  of  festal 
observance  in  the  mediaeval  church,  the  tendency 
to  place  other  holy  days  on  nearly  the  same  level 
as  the  Lord's  day,  and  to  guard  all  alike  by 
quasi-sabbatarian  regulations  of  an  elaborate  and 
burdensome  nature.  Nor  can  we  do  more  than 
allude  to  the  twofold  protest  made  against  this 
at  the  Reformation.  On  the  Continent  generally, 
it  tended  to  reject  all  holy  days,  and  treat  the 
Lord's  day  itself  as  a  matter  of  simple  church 
ordinance,  which  any  church  at  its  will  might 
alter  ;  in  England,  Scotland,  and  Holland,  it 
singled  out  the  Lord's  day,  placing  it  on 
a  scriptural  basis,  as  the  Christian  sabbath, 
ordained  in  the  fourth  commandment,  and  sur- 
rounded it  too  often  with  a  more  than  Judaic 
rigour. 

The  conclusions,  to  which  within  the  historical 
limits  assigned  to  this  article  we  must  come, 
may  be  thus  briefly  recapitulated. 

(a)  The  Lord's  day  must  be  regarded  as  a 
festival,  coeval  with  the  existence  of  Christianity 
itself — growing  up  naturally  from  the  apostles' 
time,  gradually  assuming  the  character  of  the 
one  distinctively  Christian  festival,  and  draw- 
ing to  itself,  as  by  an  irresistible  gravitation, 
the  periodical  rest,  which  is  enjoined  in  the 
fourth  commandment  on  grounds  applicable  to 
man  as  man,  and  which  was  provided  for  under 
the  Mosaic  law  by  the  special  observance  of  the 
sabbath. 

(6)  The  idea  of  the  Lord's  day  is  wholly  dis- 
tinct from  that  of  the  sabbath,  never  for  a 
moment  confused  with  it  in  the  early  church, 
in  which,  indeed,  the  observance  of  the  sabbath 
long  survived,  sometimes  as  a  festival,  some- 
times as  a  fast.  Wherever  rest  is  associated 
with  it,  such  rest  is  invariably  regarded  as 
entirely  secondary,  as  simply  a  means  to  a 
higher  end.  Accordingly  the  original  regula- 
tion of  observances  connected  with  the  Lord's 
day  is  positive  and  not  negative,  and  directed 
by  principle  rather  than  by  formal  rule. 

(c)  The  tendency  to  sabbatize  the  Lord's 
day  is  due  chiefly  to  the  necessities  of  legal 
enforcement — first,  as  exemplified  in  the  series 
of  imperial  laws,  then  in  the  decrees  of  councils, 
generally  backed  by  the  secular  power — dealing 
inevitably  in  prohibition  more  than  in  injunc- 
tion, and  so  tending  to  emphasize  negative 
instead  of  positive  observance.  For  such  enact' 
ments  the  law  of  the  Old  Testament  "  mutatis 
mutandis "  became  naturally  a  model,  and  the 
step  was  an  easy  ons,  from  regarding  it  as  a 
model  to  taking  it  as  an  authority. 

(f/)  The  direct  connexion,  however,  of  such 
obsei'vance  with  the  obligation  of  the  fourth 
commandment  can  claim  no  scriptural  and  no 
high  ecclesiastical  authority.  Either  the  obser- 
vation of  that  commandment  is  expressly  de- 
clared to  be  figurative  (consisting  of  rest  from 
sin,  rest  enjoyed  in  Christ,  and  rest  foreseen  in 
heaven),  or  careful  distinction  is  made  between 
the  moral  obligation  of  religious  observance  in 
general,  and  the  positive  obligation,  now  passed 


LOKD'S  DAY 

away,  to  keep  the  sabbath  in  particular.  The 
notion  of  connecting  it  with  the  keeping  of  the 
Lord's  day  grows  up  in  the  first  instance  through 
the  natural  supersession  of  the  sabbath  by  the 
Lord's  day  in  the  Christian  church,  and  the 
temptation  to  transfer  to  the  latter  the  positive 
divine  sanction  of  the  firmer  ;  and,  once  intro- 
duced, maintains  itself  by  the  very  fact  of  pre- 
senting a  strong  and  intelligible  plea  against 
any  degradation  of  the  high  Christian  festival. 

On  this  subject  the  following  works  may  be 
consulted  with  advantage  :  Heylin's  History  of 
the  Sabbath,  part  ii.,  full  of  learning,  though  de- 
fective in  arrangement  and  criticism  ;  Bingham's 
Antiquities,  book  xx.  c.  ii.,  containing  much  valu- 
able matter,  though  needing  some  correction; 
Dr.  Hessey's  Bampton  Lectures  on  Sunday,  pre- 
senting the  literature  of  the  subject  accu- 
rately and  popularly ;  Probst,  Kirchliche  Dis- 
ciplin  der  Drei  ersten  Jahrhunderte  (pt.  iii.  c.  i. 
art.  1)  discuss  the  principal  [assages  bearing  on 
the  question  found  in  the  writers  of  the  first 
three  centuries ;  Binterim's  Denkwurdigkeiten 
der  Christ-Katholischen  Kirche,  vol.  v.  part  i. 
0.  4.  In  all  there  is  much  common  material, 
derived  from  the  obvious  source  of  informa- 
tion on  this  subject  —  the  writings  of  the 
Fathers,  the  edicts  of  the  Imperial  Codes,  the 
canons  of  councils,  and  the  mediaeval  laws  so 
often  based  upon  them.  The  distinction  is 
chiefly  in  the  inferences  drawn  from  these 
historical  materials.  [A.  B.] 

LOKD'S   DAY   (Liturgical).     The   obser- 
vance of  Sunday  began  after  None   on  Saturday, 
"  ut  dies  Dominica  a  vespere  usque   in  vesperam 
servetur  "  (Cone.  Francojurt.  a.d.  794),  and  the 
reason    is  given  by  Durandus   (Eat.   v.    9,  2): 
"  Quia  vespertina  synaxis  seu  hora  primum  est 
ofEcium  diei  sequentis."     The  Sunday  office  was 
longer  and  more  solemnly  observed  than  that  of 
other  days.     The  number  of  psalms  and  lessons, 
!    and  the  number  of  nocturns  at  the  night  office 
'    was  increased.     The  Gregorian   distribution    of 
:    the    Psalter    gives   eighteen   psalms    and    nine 
lessons   in    three   nocturns,    instead   of    twelve 
I    psalms  and  three  lessons  in  one    nocturn:  and 
I    the  Benedictine  twelve  psalms,   and  three  can- 
i    tides,  with   twelve  lessons    in   three    nocturns 
j    instead  of  twelve  psalms  and  three  lessons,  in 
!    two  nocturns  on  week  days.     Te  Deum  was  said 
[    at  the  end  of  Matins,  except  in  Advent,  and  from 
j    Septuagesima  to  Easter. 

I  The  nocturnal  office  and  that  of  Lauds  were 
!  to  be  said  (Mart,  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  iv.  9)  with 
I  modulation  tractim,  which  word  is  explained  as 
1  lenta  ac  morosa  modalatione.  Incense  was  offered 
(oblatum)  at  each  nocturn,  and  the  high  altar 
censed  at  Benedictus  at  Lauds.  The  solemn  bene- 
diction of  the  holy  water  "  salis  et  aquae,"  a  cus- 
tom which  is  considered  to  have  been  introduced 
by  pope  Leo  IV.  a.d.  847-855,  took  place  before 
mass ;  with  which  ceremony  a  procession  was  in 
many  places  joined.  At  the  mass  Gloria  in  ex- 
celsis  was  said  except  during  Advent,  and  from 
Septuagesima  to  Easter  Eve:  and  the  creed  was 
said  at  the  mass  and  at  Prime  in  the  Sunday 
office  throughout  the  year.  The  reserved  Eucha'- 
rist  was  renewed.  .Many  other  distinctions 
between  the  Dominical  office,  and  that  for  week 
days,  might  be  pointed  out.  Those  already 
enumerated  are  among  the  most  conspicuous. 


LOED'S  DAY 


1053 


In  the  Ambrosian  use  the  Dominical  office 
differs  from  the  Ferial  in  several  points,  of  which 
the  following  are  the  most  prominent.  No 
psalms  are  said  at  matins,  but  in  their  place  three 
canticles,  one  in  each  nocturn. 

In  Nocturn  I.  The  Canticle  of  Isaiah,  cap. 
xxvi.  Be  nocte  vigilat. 

In  Nocturn  II.  The  Canticle  of  Hannah,  1 
Reg.  II.  Confirmatum  est. 

In  Nocturn  III.  The  Canticle  of  Jonah,  cap.  1. 
Clamavi;  or,  during  the  winter:  i.e.  from 
the  first' Sunday  in  October  till  Easter,  the 
Canticle  of  Habakkuk,  cap.  ii.  Domine 
audivi. 

Each  of  these  canticles  has  its  proper  antiphon, 
and  is  followed  by  the  usual  form.  V.  Benedic- 
tus es,  Deus.     R.  Amen. 

After  the  third  canticle  three  lessons  are  read, 
each  with  its  response.  These  are  not,  as  on 
week  days,  taken  from  scripture,  but  from  a 
Homily  on  the  Gospel  of  the  day,  and  correspond 
therefore  to  the  lessons  in  the  third  nocturn  of 
the  Roman  Breviary.  These  are  followed,  except 
during  Advent  and  Lent,  by  Te  Deum,  which  is 
not  said  in  the  ferial  office,  and  if  Lauds  are  said 
separately,  the  office  ends  with  a  collect,  and  the 
customary  form.  V.  Bencdicamus  Domino.  K. 
Deo  Gratias. 

At  Lauds  after  Benedictus,  which  begins  the 
office  both  in  the  Dominical  and  the  Ferial  office," 
follow,  each  preceded  by  its  oratio  secreta,  and 
with  its  proper  antiphon,  the  canticle  of  Moses 
(Exod.  XV.)  Cantemus  Domino  and  Benedicite.  In 
the  place  of  these,  on  week  days  other  than 
Saturday,  Ps.  1.  (Ii.),  Miserere  is  said,  and  on 
Saturday,  Ps.  cxvii.  (cxviii.)  Confitemini. 

At  the  other  hours  there  are  certain  differ- 
ences in  the  disposition  and  number  of  the 
collects  and  antiphons,  by  whatever  names  they 
are  called,  but,  as  the  general  character  of  the 
office  is  unaltered,  it  is  not  necessary  to  enter 
minutely  into  them.  Certain  greater  festivals, 
called  Solennitates  Domini,  have  the  office  nearly 
identical  with  that  of  the  Sunday. 

In  the  Mozarabic  rite  the  daily  office  differs 
throughout  so  much  for  the  ordinary  Western 
type  that  it  is  not  easy  to  point  out  clearly  in  a 
few  words  the  variations  between  that  of  Sunday 
and  other  days.  The  most  conspicuous  variation 
is  at  the  beginning  of  matins,  which  on  Sunday 
(after  the  opening)  begin  with  the  hymn  Aeterne 
rerum  conditor,  followed  by  its  oratio,  and  the 
three  Psalm.s;  iii.  Domine  quid,  I.  (Ii.)  Miserere, 
Ivi.  (Ivii.)  Miserere  mei,  each  with  its  antiphon 
and  oratio,  while  on  week  days  the  correspond- 
ing portion  of  the  office  is  an  antiphon  called 
matutinarium,  and  Ps.  1.  (Ii)  Miserere,^  with  its 
antiphon  and  oratio.  Sundays  were  of  different 
degrees.  The  classification  varied  at  different 
times,  and  in  different  churches,  but  the  general 
Western  division  was  into  Greater  Sundays : 
Dominicae  majores  v.  solemnes  v.  privilegiatae  :  and 


a  Except  on  Sundays  in  Advent,  when  the  Song  of 
Moses  (Deut.  xxxii.),  Attende  Coelum,  is  said.  On  Christ- 
mas Day  both  are  said. 

''  This  is  the  direction  given  in  the  Regula  printed  at 
the  head  of  the  Breviary.  In  the  body  of  the  Breviary 
the  PsaUn  appointed  for  a  weolc-day  varies  among  the 
three  Sunday  psalms  ;  and  the  matutinarium  occurs 
later  in  the  office,  in  the  course  of  I.:uids.  The  Moz- 
arabic ritual  directions  are  sometimes  difiScult  to  reconcile. 


1054 


LORDS  DAY 


into  Ordinary  Sundays :  Dominicae  communes, 
V.  per  annum.  Martene,  de  Ant.  Mon.  rit.  iv. 
§  4,  from  the  statutes  of  Lanfranc,  says, 
"  Quinque  dies  Dominici  sunt,  qui  communia 
quaedam  inter  se  habent  separata  a  caeteris  diebus 
Dominicis,  Dominica  vid.  prima  de  Adventu 
Domini,  Dominica  primae  Septuagesimae,  Domi- 
nica prima  Quadragesimae,  Dominica  in  medio 
Quadragesimae,  Dominica  in  Palmis."  He  then 
proceeds  to  specify  certain  ritual  peculiarities 
of  those  days  mainly  relating  to  the  dress  of  the 
clergy,  and  the  performance  of  the  office  in 
choir."  In  this  classification  Easter  day  and 
Pentecost  have  already  been  reckoned  among  the 
"  quinque  praecipuae  festivitates." 

Another  classification  given  by  Durandus 
[vii.  1-4]  defines  Dominicae  principales  v.  so- 
lemnes  to  be  those  "  in  quibus  officia  mutantur," 
of  which  he  reckons  five.  Dominica  prima  de 
Adventu,  Dominica  in  Octavis  Pascha,  Dominica 
in  Octavis  Pentecostes,  Dominica  qua  cantatur 
Laetare  Hierusalem  [sc.  Midlent  Sunday]  et 
Dominica  in  Eamis  Palmarum ;  Easter  and 
Pentecost  being  as  before  otherwise  accounted 
for.  To  these  the  first  Sunday  in  Lent  was 
afterwards  added,  "  quia  fit  officii  in  ea  mutatio." 

The  later  Roman  arrangement,  which  is  still 
in  force,  subdivides  the  greater  Sundays,  Domi- 
nicae majores,  into  two  classes :  (1)  Sundays  of 
the  first  class,  Dominicae  primae  classis,  viz.  the 
first  Sunday  in  Advent,  the  fii'st  Sunday  in  Lent, 
Passion  Sunday,  Palm  Sunday,  Easter  day,  Low 
Sunday,  Whitsunday,  and  Trinity  Sunday :  and 
(2)  Sundays  of  the  second  class,  Dominicae 
secundae  classis,  viz.  the  second,  third,  and  fourth 
Sunday  of  Advent,  Septuagesima  and  the  two 
following  Sundays,  and  the  second,  third  and 
fourth  Sundays  in  Lent  The  other  Sundays  in 
the  year  are  ordinary  Sundays,  Dominicae  per 
annum. 

The  Ambrosian  rule  classifies  Sundays  accord- 
ing to  their  otfice,  as  follows : — Easter  day, 
Pentecost  and  Trinity  Sunday  are  reckoned 
among  the  Solemnitates  Domini,  the  highest  class 
of  festivals.  The  other  Sundays  are  divided  into 
two  classes — (1)  those  which  have  a  proper  office, 
and  (2)  those  which  have  the  ordinary  Sunday 
office. 

Those  which  have  a  proper  office — officium 
proprium — are  the  Sundays  in  Advent,  those  in 
Lent,  and  the  Sunday  after  the  Nativity. 

The  Sundays  between  Easter  and  Pentecost 
have  the  Paschal  office — Paschale  officium — which 
has  certain  ritual  peculiarities,  and  the  Sundays 
from  the  Epiphany  to  the  beginning  of  Lent  have 
a  mixed  office,  officium  partim  proprium,  partim 
commune. 

The  Sundays  from  the  second  after  Pentecost 
to  Advent  have  the  ordinary  office  (officium 
commune'). 

The  classification  of  Sundays  in  the  Greek 
calendar  is  not  so  minute.  Easter  day  stands  in 
a  class  by  itself,  at  the  head  of  all  the  festivals 
of  the  year ;  and  Palm  Sunday  and  Whitsunday 
are  reckoned  among  the  Twelve,^  which  rank  nest 
in  importance. 


'^  Among  other  points  it  is  directed  that  the  refectory 
tables  be  covered  with  clean  clotbs  (festivae  mappae ; 
sjnt  et  quotidianae,  lotae  tamen),  and  clean  towels  pro- 
vided (manutergia  Candida  et  honesta). 

*  Otherwise  called  6e<r7roTiKai  v.  /cvpia/cai  eoprat.  They 


LOED'S  DAY 

Many  Sundays  were  (and  are  still)  often  desig- 
nated by  the  fii'st  word  of  the  introit  of  the 
Roman  mass.  Thus  the  first  five  Sundays  in 
Lent  are  often  known  by  the  names,  Inwcavit,^ 
Reminiscere,  Oculi,  Laetare,  Judica  ;  and  the  four 
Sundays  following  Easter  as  Quasimodo,  Miscri- 
cordia  Domini,  Jubilate,  Cantate.  Some  again  aie 
customarily  known  by  some  peculiarity  in  the 
celebration.  Thus  the  Sunday  next  before 
Easter  ^  is  known  as  Palm  Sunday  and  Dominica 
2)almarum  v.  in  ramis  palmarum,  from  the  Bene- 
diction of  the  palm  branches,  and  the  subseqwent 
procession  which  takes  place  on  that  day  after 
terce  and  before  mass;  and  the  Sunday  after 
Easter  as  Dominica  in  albis,  or  more  fully  in 
albis  depositis,  as  it  is  called  in  the  Ambrosian 
missal ;  s  from  its  being  the  day  after  the  Satur- 
day on  which  those  who  had  been  baptized  on 
Easter  eve  laid  aside  their  white  garments  ;  or 
sometimes  as  Clausum  ^  Faschae,  from  its  being 
the  conclusion  of  the  Paschal  celebration,  and 
the  second  and  following  Sundays  after  Easter 
were  sometimes  called  Dominica  i'  and  ii*  and 
post  albas,  or  post  clausum  Paschae. 

Other  less  familiar  designations  for  particular 
Sundays  which  are  found,  are  Dominica  carnele- 
vale,  de  came  levario  v.  de  carne  levanda,  which 
would  be  Quinquagesima  Sunday  where  Lent 
began  on  the  following  Wednesday,  and  the  first 
Sunday  in  Lent  in  the  Ambrosian  ritual,  which 
begins  Lent  on  that  day :  Dominica  in  Quadra- 
gesima for  the  first  Sunday  in  Lent,  Dominica 
mediana  v.  mediante  die  festo  [Sliss.  Jlozar.]  for 
the  fourth  Sunday  in  Lent,  Dominica  Osanna  for 
Palm  Sunday,  also  Pascha  floridum  from  the 
flowers  which  were  associated  with  Palm 
branches  in  the  office  for  their  benediction. 
Thus  in  the  Mozarabic  missal  the  office  is  to  be  said 
ad  henedicendos flores  vel  ramos,  and  in  the  prayer 
of  the  office  the  clause  occurs,  "  Hos  quoque  ramos 
et  flores  palmarum  .  .  .  hodie  tua  benedictione 
sanctifica."  So  also  in  the  Ordo  Eomanus,  "  Dies 
palmarum,  sive  florum  atque  ramorum  dicitur  " ; 
also  in  the  Sarum  missal  the  office  is  called 
henedictio  florum  ac  frondium,  and  the  phrase 
creatura  florum  vel  frondium,  or  equivalent  ex- 
pressions frequently  recur  in  it.  In  the  York 
missal,  too,  we  find  the  words  "  hos  palmarum 
atque  florum  ramos,  etc.  ..."  Dominica  Poga- 
tionum  v.  D.  ante  Litanias  for  the  Sunday  before 
Ascension.'  Many  other  similar  names  might  be 
adduced,  though  several  would  not  fall  within 
our  limits  of  time. 


were  originally  seven  In  number,  and  a  mystical  reason 
for  that  number  is  given  from  St.  Chrysostom.  It  was 
afterwards  increased  to  twelve.  The  list  at  first  con- 
tained Easter  Day,  which  afterwards  was  placed  by  itself, 
and  has  otherwise  slightly  varied,  the  number  remaining 
at  twelve.  The  next  order  of  festivals  is  called  iSiuae'/caxo, 
i.  e.  not  of  the  twelve ;  but  it  contains  no  Sunday. 

e  Thus  the  rubrics  of  the  Missal  speak  of  Feria  ii»,  etc. 
post  Jnvocavit,  etc. 

f  So  termed  in  the  English  Prayer  Book. 

6  In  the  Ambrosian  rite  the  days  of  Easter  week  are 
called  Feria  iis  iii%  etc.  ...  in  albis,  and  those  in  the 
week  next  following  Feria  n\  iil«,  etc.  . . .  post  albas. 

h  This  expression  must  not  be  confounded  with  Claves 
Paschae. 

»  It  may  be  noticed  that  several  of  these  terms  have 
established  themselves  in  familiar  use  in  England,  though 
they  nowhere  appear  in  the  service  books,  e.  g.  Midlent 
Sunday,  FaJm  Sunday,  negation  Sunday. 


LORD'S  DAY 

The  Dominical  calendars  throughout  the  year 
varied  in  difFei-ent  churches,  and  deserve  a  few- 
words. 

The  Roman  Calendar,  as  in  use  to  the  present 
time,  is  substantially  the  same  as  the  early  Eng- 
lish (and  as  that  now  used  among  ourselves). 
The  chief  difference  is  that  in  it  the  Sundays 
throughout  the  summer  are  reckoned  '■^ post 
Pentecostcn"  instead  of  post  Trinitatem  as  in  the 
Sarum  (and  modern  English)  use;  and  that 
there  ure  fewer  of  them.  Thus  in  the  Roman 
missal  there  are  twenty-four  Sundays  2:>ost  Fente- 
costen,  in  the  English  twenty-five  post  Trini- 
tatem. In  the  York  missal  the  Sundays  were 
reckoned  post  octavas  Pentecostes. 

Allatius  (de  Dominicis  et  hebdomadibus  Grae- 
co>-um  dissertatio)  gives  a  Calendar  "  ad  usum 
Breviarii  Eomani  e  bibliothecae  Vaticanae  Codice 
antiquissimo";  which  (omitting  all  that  does 
not  relate  to  Sundays)  runs  thus  : — 

Dominica  prima  de  Adventu  Domini. 
Dominica  secunda  ante  Natale  Domini. 
Dominica  tertia  ante  Natale  Domini. 
Dominica  prima  post  Natale  Domini. 
Dominica  prima,  etc.  post  Epiphaniam. 

(The  Sundays  after  the  Epiphany  are  reckoned 
up  to  Lent,  but  the  names  for  the  last  three, 
Septuagesima,  etc.  are  recognised.) 

Dominica  in  Quadragesima. 

Dominica  prima  mensis  primi. 

Dominica  iii",  iv»,  v,  vi^^  in  Quadragesima. 

Dominica  .Sancta  in  Pasclia. 

Dominica  Octava  Pascliae. 

Dominica  i",  ii%  iii^i  post  Octavam  Paschae. 

Dominica  post  Ascensa  Domini. 

Dominica  Pcntecosten. 

Dominica  Octava  Pentecosten. 

Dominica  ii»,  etc.  Pentecosten. 

Dominica  post  Natale  Apostolorum  [i.  e.  SS.  Pet.  et 

Paull.  Jun.  29]. 
Dominica  i%  u%  etc.  post  Octavam  Apostolorum. 
Dominica  i%  ii",  etc.  post  S.  Laurentii  [Aug.  10]. 
Dominica  i\  ii»,  etc.  post  S.  Cypriani  [Sept.  26]. 

The  last  of  these  Sundays  is  that  ne.xt  after 
the  festival  of  St.  Andrew,  and  then  follow  the 
three  Sundays  of  Advent. 

The  Mozarabic  Calendar  contains  six  Sundays 
in  Advent.  The  Sundays  after  the  Epiphany  are 
numbered  continuously  till  the  beginning  of 
Lent,  omitting  the  names  Septuagesima,  etc., 
the  Sunday  corresponding  to  Quinquagesima 
being  known  as  Dominica  ante  diem  Cinerum  v. 
antecarncs  tollendas,  after  Pentecost  ai-e  reckoned 
as  the  first,  second,  etc.,  seventh  Sunday  after 
Pentecost.  After  the  seventh  no  Sunday  mass 
and  therefore  no  Sunday  name  is  given  till 
Advent,  e.xcept  one  for  "  In  Dominica  ante  jeju- 
nium  Calendarum  Novembrium." 

The  Ambrosian  Dominical  Calendar,  which 
in  its  main  features  is  of  high  antiquity,  is  as 
follows : — 

Dominica  i»,  ii",  iii*,  iv",  v»,  vi»  in  Adventu. 

(These  six  Sundays  are  exclusive  of  and  in 
addition  to  the  Vigil  of  the  Nativity,  when  it 
falls  on  a  Sunday.) 

Dominica  post  Nativitatem  Domini. 
Dominica  i»,  ii«,  etc.  post  Epiphaniam. 
Dominica  in  Septuagesima,  in  Sexagesima,  in  Quin- 
quagesima. 
Dominica  i»  in  Quadragesima  (the  beginning  of  Lent). 


LOED'S  DAY 


1055 


Dominica  ii'>  in  Quadragesima  (sometimes  called  the 
Sunday  of  the  Samaritan  Woman). 

Dominica  iii"  in  Quadragesima  (or  the  Sunday  of 
Abraham). 

Dominica  iv»  in  Quadragesima  (or  the  Simday  of  the 
Blind  Man). 

Dominica  v*  in  Quadragesima  (or  the  Sunday  of 
Lazarus). 

Dominica  Olivarum. 

Dominica  Rcsurrectionis,  v.  Dies  Sanctus  Paschae. 

Dominica  in  Albis  depositis. 

Dominica  ii^",  iii'',  iv»,  v*  post  Pascha. 

Dominica  post  Ascensionem. 

Dominica  Pentecostes. 

Dominica  i"  post  Pentecosten. 

Dominica  in  qua  celebratur  Festum  Sanctissimae 
Trinitatis. 

Dominica  ii»  post  Pentecosten,  v.  Dom.  infra  Octa- 
vam Corporis  Christi. 

Dominica  iii",  etc.  post  Pentecosten. 
Up  to  the  Decollation  of  St.  Job.  Bapt.  [Aug.  29]. 

Dominica  i\  ii^,  iii^,  iv»,  v>  post  Decollationem. 

Dominica  i",  ii^  Octobris. 

Dominica  iii*.    In  Dedicatione  Ecclesiae  majoris. 

Dominica  i",  ii",  ill"  post  Dedicationem. 
The  Greek  Dominical  Calendar  differs  in  many 
respects.  In  all  Western  calendars  the  ecclesias- 
tical year  begins  with  Advent.  The  Greek 
Church  has  no  such  season,''  and  the  year  begins 
with  the  Sunday  of  the  Pharisee  and  the  Publi- 
can^ which  corresponds  to  the  Sunday  next 
before  Septuagesima.  The  order  of  the  Sundays 
is  as  follows  : — 

Simday  of  the  Pharisee  and  the  PuhUcan  [also  called 
7rpO(7(^<oj^(ri)ixos].'" 

Sunday  of  the  Prodigal  Son,  answering  to  Septua- 
gesima Sunday. 

Sunday  of  Apocreos  [so  called  because  it  is  the  last 
day  on  which  meat  is  eaten]. 

Sunday  of  TyroplMgus  [the  last  day  on  which  cheese 
is  eaten]. 

First  Sunday  of  the  Fast,  or  Orthodoxy  Sunday, 
Stdtra^ts  T^?  TrptoTTj?  KvptaK^s  rdv  ayCujv  vrjareiiiiv, 
TjTot  T^s  6peo5oft'as  (^Typ.  Sabae,  cap.  xvii.).  The 
celebration  under  this  name  is  in  commemoration 
of  the  overthrow  of  the  Iconoclasts." 

Second,  Third,  Fourth,  Fifth  Sundays  of  the  Fast. 

Palm  Sunday  (/cupiaKT)  rCiy  /Saiaii')- 

Pascha  (or  Bright  Sunday,  Xai^vpa  KvpLaK-q). 

Antipascha  (or  the  Sunday  of  St.  Thomas),  some- 
times New  Sunday,  KaiiTj  ij  via.  KvpiaK-q  (Theod. 
Balsamon  in  Expos,  de  S.  Bas.  etc.  ad  Amphil.  de 
Spir.  Sanct.). 

Sunday  of  the  Ointment  Bearers  (juiv  nupo^dpioi'). 

Sunday  of  the  Paralytic. 

Sunday  of  the  Samaritan  Woman,  or  Mid  Pentecost 

[/JL€O'07reVTeK0{TT7J]. 

Simday  of  the  Blind  Man.° 

Sunday  of  ffie  Three  hundred  and  eighteen  [i.e.  the 

Fathers  of  Nicaea].    Sunday  in  the  Octave  of  the 

Ascension. 
Pentecost. 
All  Saints  Sunday  (Trinity  Sunday  or  First  Sunday 

of  Matthew). 


1=  There  is  a  fast  preparatory  to  the  Nativity,  called 
the  Fast  of  the  Nativity,  which  lasts  for  the  forty  days 
before  Christmas. 

1  This  and  similar  names  of  Sundays  are  derived  from 
the  subjects  of  the  Gospels  for  the  day. 

m  For  the  reasons  given  for  this  name,  see  Allatius 
de  Dominicis  et  Hebdomadibus  Graecorum,  s.  viii. 

n  There  is  a  long  and  peculiar  office  for  the  day  in  the 
Triodium,  but  it  is  without  our  limits  of  time. 

o  The  Sundays  after  Antipascha  are  variously  reckoned 
as  the  2nd,  3rd,  etc.,  or  as  the  3rd,  4th,  etc.  Sunday  after 
Pascha 


1056 


LOKD'S  PRAYER 


The  Sundays  from  this  point  are  called  Sundays 
of  Matthev}  or  of  Luke  according  as  the  gospels 
are  taken  from  those  Evangelists.? 

Second  Sunday  after  Pentecost,  or  Second  Sunday  of 

Matthew. 
Third  Sunday  after  Pentecost,  or  Thii-d  Sunday  ol 
Matthew. 
and  so  on,  up  to  the  Exaltation    of  the   Cross 
[Sept.  14],  the  Sunday  before  which  festival  is 
called : — 

The  Sunday  before  the  Exaltation ; 

and  that  following  is 
The  Sunday  after  the  Exaltation. 
After  this  the  Sundays  resume  their  reckou- 
ins;  from  Pentecost,  which  varies  with  the  years 
and  are  called  Sundays  of  Luke,  Avhose  gospel  is 
now  read. 

First  Sunday  of  Luke. 
Second    „  „ 


Sunday  before  the  Nativity. 

Simday  before  the  Lights  [vpo  tCiv  ^mtidv,  sc.  Epi- 
phany]. 
Sunday  after  the  Lights. 

The  numeration  from  Pentecost,  and  of  the 
Sundays  of  Luke  is  then  resumed  and  continued 
till  the  Sunday  of  the  Pharisee  and  the  Pu'dican. 
(Martene,  de  Ant.  Ecd.  Bit.  iv.  (See  also  Allatius, 
de  Bom.  et  Heh.  Graec;  Ducange  in  v.  Dominica; 
Micrologus  ;  and  the  Latin  and  Greek  office  books 
passim.     [Compare  Lectionary.]       [H.  J.  H.] 

LORD'S  PRAYER  (the  Liturgical  use  of 
the).^  I.  In  nearly  all  ancient  liturgies  this 
was  said  between  the  consecration  of  the  ele- 
ments and  the  communion.  The  earliest  direct 
witness  is  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  A.D.  3.50;  who, 
after  explaining  to  his  competentes,  the  Sanctus, 
prayer  of  consecration,  and  the  intercessions,  as 
they  occur  in  the  order  of  the  service,  proceeds, 
"  Then,  after  these  things,  we  say  that  prayer 
which  the  Saviour  delivered  to  His  intimate  dis- 
ciples, out  of  a  pure  conscience  addressing  God 
and  saying,  Our  Father,"  &c.  (Catech.  Myst.  v. 
8).  Optatus  in  Africa  (A.D.  368),  charging  the 
Donatist  bishops,  who  "  gave  remission  of  sins  as 
if  they  had  no  sin  themselves,"  with  a  self-con- 
tradiction, says,  "  For  at  that  very  time,  when 
ye  impose  hands  and  remit  offences,  soon  turning 
to  the  altar,  ye  are  obliged  to  recite  the  Lord's 
Prayer,  and  in  fact  say.  Our  Father,  which  art 
in  heaven,  forgive  us  our  debts  and  sins"  (cle 
Schism.  Don,  ii.  20).  Now  we  know  from  St. 
Cyprian  (de  Lapsis,  p.  128 ;  ed.  1690)  that  in 
Africa  penitents  were  reconciled  after  the  con- 
secration. St.  Augustine,  also  in  Africa  (a.d. 
397),  puts  the  Lord's  Prayer  there :  "  When  the 
hallowing  (of  the  elements)  has  taken  place,  we 
say  the  Loi-d's  Prayer"  (Senn.  227,  ad  Infantes, 
i.e.  the  newly  baptized  ;  see  before,  vol.  i.  p.  836). 
Again,  writing  in  414,  he  says  that  by  Ttpocr- 
evxo-^  in  1  T™-  "■  1>  ^^  understands  those 
Prayers  which  are  said  "  when  that  which  is  on 
the  Lord's  table  is  blessed,  and  hallowed,  and 
broken  for  distribution ;  which  whole  form  of 
prayer  nearly  every  church  concludes  with  the 
Lord's  Prayer"  (ad  Paulin.  Epist.  149,  §  16). 
Again,  to  competentes:  "  When  ye  are  baptized, 
that  prayer  is  to  be  said  by  you  daily.     For  in 


V  The  Sundays  of  Matthew  and  Luke  are  sometimes 
also  called  by  the  headings  of  the  sections  read. 


LORD'S  PRAYER 

the  church  that  Lord's  Prayer  is  said  daily  at 
the  altar  of  God,  and  the  faithful  hear  it"  (.SVrm. 
58,  c.  X.  §  12  ;  see  also  de  Serm.  Dom.  ii.  vi.  §  26  ; 
Senn.  17,  §  5 ;  49,  8).  St.  Jerome  must  have 
thought  the  practice  of  saying  it  somewhere  in 
the  liturgy  universal,  for  he  says  in  a  work 
written  about  415,  "  So  He  taught  His  apostles, 
that  daily  in  the  sacrifice  of  His  body,  believers 
should  make  bold  to  speak  thus.  Our  Father,"  &c. 
(^Dial.  contra  Pelag.  iii.  15.)  Germanus  of 
Paris  is  a  witness  to  the  use  of  France  in  the 
middle  of  the  6th  century  :  "  But  the  Lord's 
Prayer  is  put  in  that  same  place  (i.e.  after  the 
consecration  and  confraction)  for  this  reason,  that 
every  prayer  of  ours  may  be  concluded  with  the 
Lord's  Prayer  (Expos.  Brev.  in  Martene  de  Ant. 
Eccl.  Bit.  i.  iv.  xii.  ii.)  In  the  treatise  de  Sacra- 
mentis,  ascribed  to  St.  Ambrose,  but  probably 
written  in  France,  near  the  end  of  the  8th 
century  (see  Scudamore,  Notitia  Eucharistica, 
pp.  590,  622,  2nd  ed.)  we  read,  "/said  to  you 
that  before  the  words  of  Christ,  that  which  is 
offered  is  called  bread.  When  the  words  of 
Christ  have  been  uttered,  it  is  no  longer  called 
bread,  but  is  named  the  Body.  Wherefore  then 
in  the  Lord's  Prayer  which  follows  after  that, 
does  he  say,  '  our  bread '  (lib.  v.  c.  iv.  §  24)  ?  " 
Leontius  of  Cyprus  relates  of  his  contemporary, 
John  the  Almoner,  pope  of  Alexandria,who  died  in 
616,  that  during  the  celebration  he  sent  for  and 
exchanged  forgiveness  with  a  clerk,  who  was  not 
in  charity,  after  which  "with  great  joy  and 
gladness,  he  stood  at  the  holy  altar,  able  to  say 
to  God  with  a  clear  conscience,  forgive  us,"  &c. 
(  Vita  Joan.  c.l3  ;  Rosweyd,  p.  186).  St.  Augustine 
(as  above)  alleges  the  use  of  the  Lord's  Prayer 
after  the  consecration  in  "  nearly  every  church," 
We  find  it  in  that  place  in  every  ancient  liturgy, 
except  the  Clementine  (Constit.  Apost.  viii.  13), 
in  which  it  does  not  appear  at  all,  and  the 
Abyssinian  (Renaudot,  Liturg.  Orien.  i.  521),  in 
which  it  is  said,  as  in  the  English,  after  the 
communion.  In  the  Nostorian  of  Malabar  it 
occurs  both  before  and  after  the  communion 
(Liturg.  Mai.  Raulin,  324,  327). 

When  the  Greek  compiler  of  the  liturgy 
called  after  St.  Clement  of  Rome  omitted  the 
Lord's  Prayer,  he  was  probably  guided  by  the 
old  Greek  liturgy  of  Rome,  which  we  may 
suppose  to  have  been  before  him.  We  know 
from  St.  Gregory,  writing  in  598,  that,  until  he 
inserted  it,  the  Lord's  Prayer  was,  according  to 
the  plain  meaning  of  his  words,  certainly  not 
said  between  the  consecration  and  reception, 
and  therefore  probably  not  said  at  all  in  the 
Eucharistic  office  of  his  church.  He  had  been 
blamed  for  having  (among  other  innovations) 
"  given  an  order  that  the  Lord's  Prayer  should  be 
said  soon  (mox)  after  the  canon"  (Epist.  viii.  64). 
His  defence  was,  "  We  say  the  Lord's  Prayer 
soon  after  the  prayer  (of  consecration),  because 
the  apostles  were  wont  to  consecrate  the  host 
of  oblation  to  that  very  prayer  only  (ad  ipsam 
solummodo  orationem),  and  it  seemed  to  me  very 
unbecoming  to  say  over  the  oblation  a  prayer 
which  some  scholastic  had  put  together,  and  not 
to  say  the  prayer  (traditionem,  lege  fors.  ora- 
tionem) which  our  Redeemer  composed  over 
His  body  and  blood  "  (ibid.).  The  Lord's  Prayer, 
then,  had  not  been  said  over  the  elements  either 
during  or  after  the  act  of  consecration,  nor  is 
any  place  suggested  at  which  it  was  said.    From 


LORD'S  PEAYER 

one  of  the  canons  of  the  4th  Council  of  Toledo 
(a.d.  633)  we  should  infer  that  there  were  some 
in  Spain  who  did  not,  even  at  that  time,  think 
it  a  necessary  part  of  the  liturgy  :  "Some  priests 
are  found  throughout  the  Spains,  who  do  not 
say  the  Lord's  Prayer  daily,  but  only  on  the 
Lord's  day .  .  .  Whoever  therefore  of  the  priests, 
or  of  the  clerks  subject  to  them,  shall  fail  to  say 
this  prayer  of  the  Lord  daily,  either  in  a  public 
or  private  office,  let  him  be  deprived  of  the 
honour  of  his  order"  (can.  10). 

IL  The  statement  of  Gregory  that  the  apostles 
consecrated  by  saying  the  Lord's  Prayer  only  is 
probably  a  mistake  ;  but  it  is  repeated  by  Ama- 
larius,  A.D.  827,  and  Leo  VIL  A.d.  93G.  The 
first  says  of  the  wine  on  Good  Friday,  "  The 
apostolic  method  of  consecration  is  observed, 
which  said  the  Lord's  Prayer  only  over  the 
Lord's  body  and  blood.  Therefore,  if  it  were 
not  prescribed  by  the  Ordo  Romanus  that  the 
body  of  the  Lord  should  be  reserved  from  the 
5th  day  of  the  week  to  the  6th,  its  reservation 
would  be  unnecessary  ;  because  the  Lord's  Prayer 
alone  would  be  sufficient  for  the  consecration  of 
the  body,  as  it  is  for  the  consecration  of  the 
wine  and  water"  (de  Eccl.  Off.  Var.  Led. 
Hittorp.  col.  1445  ;  see  also  i.  15).  After  inqui- 
ries made  at  Rome  in  831,  Amalarius  omitted 
this  passage,  but  not  the  letter  of  Gregory,  who 
had  been  his  authority  (iv.  26).  Micrologus, 
without  citing  Gregory,  or  mentioning  the 
apostles,  remarks  that  the  Ordo  Romanus  com- 
mands the  priest  to  consecrate  on  Good  Friday 
wine  not  consecrated  before  with  the  Lord's 
prayer  and  immission  of  the  Lord's  body,  that 
the  people  may  be  able  to  communicate  fully" 
{de  Eccl.  Obs.  19).  The  Ordo  itself  ascribes  the 
consecration  to  the  mixture  only  (Amal.  u.  s. 
col.  1445  ;  see  Scudamore,  Notitia  Eiicharistica, 
p. 707,  ed.  2).  Leo  forbad  the  Lord's  Prayer  in  a 
grace  at  meals,  "  because  the  holy  apostles  were 
wont  to  say  this  prayer  only  in  the  consecration 
of  the  body  and  blood  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ" 
(JEpist.  ii.  Labbe,  ix.  697). 

III.    In   the    ancient     liturgies     the    Lord's 

Prayer    is    introduced    by    a  preface.      In    the 

Roman  and  Ambrosian  this  is  not  connected  with 

!    any  preceding  form,  but  in  the  Greek,  Oriental, 

i    and  Ephesine,  it  is  the  conclusion  of  a  separate 

prayer.    The  Roman  jsreface  is  as  follows,  "  Ore- 

'    mus.     Praeceptis   salutaribus  moniti  et   divina 

;    institutione  formati,  audemus  dicere  "  (Sacram. 

:    Gelas.  Murat.  i.  697).     The    Liturgy  of  Milan 

:    uses  the  same  form  generally,  but  on  some  feasts, 

I    as  Easter  and  Christmas  (Le   Brun,  Dissert,  iii. 

I    2 ;  Pamel.   Liturgicon,  i.    304),  the  following  : 

,   *'  Divino  magisterio  edocti  et  salutaribus  monitis 

I    instituti  audemus  dicere,"  which  is  identical  with 

1    a  Gothico-Gallican  form  (Liturg.  Gall.  Mabill. 

j    297).     The  original  Ambrosian  canon,  however, 

I    was  followed  by  a   prayer  for  the  presence  of 

I    Christ,  ending  thus,  "  That  we  may  receive  the 

:    verity  of  the  Lord's  body    and  blood;    through 

j    the   same  Jesus  Christ    our   Lord,   saying.   Our 

I    Father,"    &c.   (Murat.    Liturg.    Horn.    i.    134). 

I    The    Roman  and  Milanese  prefaces    have    been 

given  above  in  Latin,  that  the  reader  may  com- 

1   pare  them  with    the  language  of  St.  Cyprian, 

I   A.D.  252,  in  his  treatise  on  the  Lord's  Prayer 

(;n  init.) :  "  Evangelica  praecepta  .  .  .  nihil  sunt 

alia  quam  Magisteria  divina  .  .  .  Inter  sua  salu- 

tariamonita  et p-aecepfa divina  .  .  .  etiam  orandi 


LORD'S  PRAYER 


105^ 


ipse  formam  dedit."  Of  the  title  "  Our  Father," 
he  says,  "  Quod  nomen  nemo  nostriim  in  oratione 
auderet  attingere,  nisi  ipse  nobis  sic  permisisset 
orare  "  (compare  St.  Jerome,  as  above).  It  is  a 
probable  inference  that  a  .preface,  or  prefaces, 
resembling  those  quoted,  was  used  with  the 
Lord's  Prayer  in  the  Latin  church  of  Africa  in 
the  3rd  century.  In  the  old  Galilean  missals 
there  is  a  variable  prayer,  called  CoUectio  ante 
Orationem  Dominicam,  of  which  the  following 
is  a  brief  example  :  "  We  beseech  Thee,  0  God 
the  Father  Almighty,  in  these  petitions  where- 
with our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  thy  Son,  hath  com- 
manded us  to  pray,  saying.  Our  Father,"  &c. 
{Miss.  Goth.  Lit.  Gall.  190).  Some  of  these 
"  collects"  in  the  Gothico-Gallican  missals  are 
exhortations  (195,  202,  &c.).  One  (238)  is  partly 
addressed  to  God  and  partly  to  the  people.  The 
Gallicanum  Vetus  of  Mabillon  (p.  346),  and 
the  fragment  known  as  the  Reichenau  missal 
{GalUcan  Liturgies,  Neale  and  Forbes,  p.  1), 
have  each  an  example  of  exhortation.  This 
collect  disappears  from  the  missale  Francorum 
(^Lit.  Gall.  326)  and  the  Besan9on  sacramentary 
found  at  Bobio  {Mus.  Ltal.  i.  281),  as  they  had 
both  adopted  the  Roman  canon.  We  do  not 
know  the  preamble  used  by  the  Franks,  as  the 
MS.  fails  near  the  end  of  the  canon.  The  Be- 
san(,'on  canon  is  followed  by  a  Galilean  preamble, 
"  Uivino  magisterio  edocti,  et  divina  institutione 
(formati.  Miss.  Goth,  in  Lit.  Gall.  228)  audemus 
dicere,  Pater,"  &c.  In  the  Mozarabic  missal  the 
formulary  before  the  Lord's  Prayer  (headed 
Ad  Orationem  Dominicam)  is  often  long.  In 
some  instances  (Leslie,  20,  63,  85,  &c.)  it  is  not 
verbally  connected  with  the  latter.  It  may  be 
a  prayer  to  the  Father  (16,  20,  22,  &c.)  or  to  the 
Son  (6,  12,  93,  &c.),  or  an  address  to  the  people 
(10,  26,  32,  &c.).  The  following  example  can 
hardly  be  classed  under  any  of  these  heads : 
"  That  which  is  the  way  hath  He  shewn,  that 
we  might  follow  in  it;  that  which  is  the  life 
hath  He  taught,  that  we  might  speak  of  it ; 
that  which  is  the  truth  hath  He  ordained,  that 
we  might  hold  it.  To  Thee,  Supreme  Father, 
let  us  from  the  earth  with  trembling  of  heart 
cry  aloud.  Our  Father,"  &c.  (40). 

In  the  ancient  liturgy  of  Jerusalem,  known  as 
St.  James,  at  the  close  of  a  long  secret  prayer, 
the  priest  says  aloud,  "  And  deign  that  we,  0 
merciful  Lord,  may  with  boldness,  uncondemned, 
with  a  pure  heart,  a  contrite  soul,  unabashed 
face,  sanctified  lips,  dare  to  call  upon  Thee,  the 
holy  God,  the  Father  in  the  heavens,  and  to  say, 
Our,"  &c.  (TroUope,  99).  This  'ZK<poiivri<ns  ap- 
pears in  abridged  forms  in  the  derived  liturgies 
of  St.  Basil  (Goar,  174),  St.  Chrysostom  (80), 
and  the  Armenian  (Neale's  Introd.  622).  In 
St.  Mark,  the  priest  concludes  his  secret  prayer 
thus,  "That  with  the  holy  disciples  and  apostles, 
we  may  say  unto  Thee  this  prayer.  Our,"  &c. 
(Renaud.  i.  159.)  Then  he  says  aloud  the  form 
above  given  from  St.  James,  and  the  people  say 
the  Lord's  Prayer.  In  the  Syro-Jacobite  litur- 
gies there  is  also  a  secret  prayer,  which  leads 
up  to  the  Lord's  Prayer  thus,—"  That  we  may 
dare  to  invoke  Thee  .  .  .  and  pray,  and  say, 
Our,"  &c.  (Renaud.  ii.  39,  131,  &c.).  In  the 
Egyptian  (Renaud.  i.  20,  35,  50,  75,  116)  and 
Nestorian  (ii.  595)  liturgies,  the  Lord's  Prayer 
is  introduced  in  a  similar  manner  at  the  end  of 
the  prayer  of  Fraction. 


1058 


LOKD'S  SUPPER 


IV.  St.  Augustine's  expression,  "  All  the  faith- 
ful hear  it "  (see  above),  seems  to  imply  that 
in.  Africa  the  people  did  not  repeat  the  Lord's 
Prayer  themselves  in  his  time.  When  Gregory 
introduced  it  at  Eome,  he  did  not  assign  it  to 
the  congregation.  "Among  the  Greeks,  the 
Lord's  Prayer  is  said  hj  all  the  people,  but 
among  us  by  the  priest  alone "  (^Epist.  u.  s.). 
Yet  elsewhere  in  the  Latin  church  they  said  it. 
That  it  was  so  in  France  in  the  6th  century 
is  clear  from  a  story  in  Gregory  of  Tours.  A 
dumb  woman  "  on  a  certain  Lord's  day  stood 
with  the  rest  of  the  people.  But  it  came  to 
pass  that,  when  the  Lord's  Prayer  was  said, 
she  also  opened  her  mouth  and  began  to  sing 
that  holy  prayer  with  the  rest"  {Mirac.  S. 
Mart.  ii.  30).  In  the  Mozarabic  Liturgy  the 
people  responded  "  Amen"  at  the  end  of  the 
first  clause,  and  the  first  three  petitions  :  after 
"  Give  us  this  day  our  daily  bread,"  they  re- 
sponded, "  for  Thou  art  God"  :  after  the  two 
following  petitions,  "  Amen"  :  and  after  "  Lead 
us  not  into  temptation,"  they  concluded  with 
"  But  deliver  us  from  evil  "  (Leslie,  6).  In  all  the 
Eastern  rites,  as  in  their  sources,  St.  James  and 
St.  Mark,  this  prayer  is  said  by  the  people.  In 
the  Egyptian  (Ken.  i.  76,  77)  and  Syro-Jacobite 
(ii.  40,  131)  they  begin  at  "  Hallowed  be,"  &c. 
In  the  Nestorian,  they  say  it  all  (Badger,  Nes- 
torians,  ii.  237  ;  Renaud.  ii.  595). 

V.  St.  Augustine  more  than  once  alludes  to  a 
custom  of  beating  the  breast  when  the  words 
"  forgive  us  our  trespasses "  were  said  in  the 
liturgy :  "  If  we  are  without  sin,  and  we  beat 
our  breasts,  saying.  Forgive,  &c.,  in  this  very 
thing  at  least  we  sin,  even  gravely  ;  as  no  one 
can  doubt ;  seeing  that  we  lie  while  the  very 
sacraments  are  being  celebrated"  {Serm.  351,  3, 
§  6.  Similarly,  Serm.  388,  §  2).  To  what  ex- 
tent this  custom  prevailed  does  not  appear. 

For  the  form  which  followed  the  Lord's  Prayer 
in  every  ancient  liturgy,  see  Embolismtjs. 

[W.  E.  S.] 

LOED'S  SUPPER  {Coena  Domini,  Coena 
Dominica,  Aelirvov  KvptaKov).  I.  The  primary 
notion  was  of  the  Last  Supper  of  our  Lord,  at 
which  the  eucharist  was  instituted.  That,  says 
Hippolytus,  A.D.  220,  was  the  "  first  table  of  the 
mystical  supper  "  (in  Prov.  ix.  1,  Fragm.').  St. 
Chrysostom,  a.d.  398,  commenting  on  1  Cor.  xi. 
20,  says  that  St.  Paul,  by  using  the  words 
"Lord's  Supper,"  takes  his  hearers  back  to  that 
"  evening  in  which  the  Lord  delivered  the  awful 
mysteries "  (^Hom.  27,  in  Ep.  1,  ad  Cor.  §  2). 
With  this  view,  he  argues,  the  apostle  called  rb 
&piffrov  Selirvov,  that  which  in  practice  was 
taken  early  in  the  day  by  the  name  commonly 
given  to  the  meal  which  was  eaten  last  {ibid.). 
Somewhat  similarly  Pseudo-Dionysius  (probably 
about  520)  :  "  The  common  and  peaceable  par- 
ticipation of  one  and  the  same  bread  and  cup  .  .  . 
brings  (us)  to  a  sacred  commemoration  of  the 
most  divine  and  archetypal  {apxi<Tvf/.l36\ov) 
supper "  (^Eccl.  Hierarch.  c.  iii.  Cont.  iii.  §  1). 
Maximus,  the  commentator  on  this  book,  A.D. 
660,  here  explains  that  "  the  mystical  supper  of 
the  Lord  is  said  to  be  apx^o'v/xjioAov,  in  relation 
to  the  divine  mysteries  now  celebrated  "  (^Scho- 
lium  in  loc).  The  "  Lord's  Supper "  was, 
therefore,  in  the  conception  of  the  early  ages  of 
the  church,  in  the  first  instance  and  emphati- 
cally, that  supper  of  whicU  our  Lord  partook 


LORD'S  SUPPER 

Himself  with  His  disciples  the  night  before  His 
death,  and  of  which  the  first  reception  of  the 
holy  eucharist  was  conceived  a  part. 

II.  For  some  length  of  time  the  eucharist  was 
celebrated  in  connexion  with  a  meal  taken  by 
the  faithful  in  common,  in  resemblance  of  the 
Last  Supper  [Agape].  It  is  probable  that  at 
first  the  whole  rite,  agape  and  communion,  was 
called  the  supper,  or  the  Lord's  Supper,  partly 
to  veil  the  sacrament  from  unbelievers,  and 
partly  owing  to  the  language  of  St.  Paul  in 
1  Cor.  xi.  20  being  so  understood.  To  illustrate 
this,  we  may  mention  that  the  word  agape 
itself  in  one  passage  appears  to  cover  both  the 
meal  and  the  sacrament.  "  It  is  not  lawful 
either  to  baptize  or  to  make  an  agape  apart 
from  the  bishop."  This  is  found  in  the  epistle 
of  St.  Ignatius  to  the  church  at  Smyrna  (c.  8), 
one  of  those  mentioned  by  Eusebius,  and  the 
passage  itself  is  cited  by  Antiochus  Monachus, 
A.D.  614  {Horn.  124;  Migne,  No.  89,  col.  1822). 
Now  when  the  compiler  of  the  twelve  epistles  of 
Ignatius  came  to  this  passage,  he  expanded  the 
words  oi/Te  ayd-rry^v  ■Koiiiv  thus  :  "  Nor  to  olTer, 
or  bring  a  sacrifice,  or  celebrate  a  feast  "  (Sox^i')- 
See  Cureton's  Corpus  Ignatianum,  109.  Ter- 
tuUian  in  198  describes  the  agape  under  the 
name  of  a  supper :  "  our  Supper  shews  its 
nature  by  its  name.  It  is  called  that  which 
love  is  among  the  Greeks  "  (^Apol.  39).  At  a 
later  period,  when  the  agape  was  celebrated 
with  the  eucharist  on  one  day  of  the  year  only, 
viz.,  Maundy  Thursday,  in  commemoration 
of  the  institution  of  the  sacrament  on  that  day, 
it  was  still  called  the  Lord's  Supper.  E.g.  the 
council  of  Carthage,  A.D.  397,  decrees  that  the 
"  sacraments  of  the  altar  be  celebrated  only  by 
men  fasting  excepting  on  that  one  day  in  every 
year  on  which  the  Lord's  Supper  is  celebrated  " 
(can.  29).  Three  years  later  St.  Augustine, 
speaking  of  the  custom  of  bathing  at  the  end  of 
Lent,  says  that  "  for  this  purpose  that  day  was 
rather  chosen  in  which  the  Lord's  Supper  is 
yearly  celebrated"  {Epist.  54,  vii.  §  10).  Again, 
"  We  compel  no  one  to  break  their  fast  (prandere) 
before  that  Lord's  Supper,  but  neither  do  we 
dare  to  forbid  any  one"  (ibid.  §  9).  In  691  the 
council  of  Constantinople  (can.  i.  29)  cites  the 
canon  of  Carthage,  as  given  above,  and  abolishes 
the  permission  which  it  left. 

III.  The  eucharist  was  the  chief  part  of  the 
Lord's  Supper,  whether  that  name  was  applied 
to  the  occasion  of  its  institution  or  to  the  united 
observance  of  the  first  period  after  Christ. 
Hence  it  was  almost  inevitable  that  when  the 
unessential  part  of  that  observance  was  dropped, 
the  name  should  adhere  to  the  sacrament.  Some 
of  the  Fathers,  indeed,  thought,  as  we  shall  see, 
that  St.  Paul  applied  it  directly  to  the  eucharist 
in  1  Cor.  xi.  20  ;  so  that  the  designation  had  a 
double  origin.  It  is  necessary  to  bring  many 
testimonies  to  the  extent  of  this  usage,  because 
it  has  been  rashly  denied,  in  a  polemical  spirit 
(by  Maldonatus,  Suarez,  and  others),  that  the 
sacrament  was  called  the  "  Lord's  Supper,"  or  a 
"supper,"  however  qualified,  in  the  early 
church.  Our  earliest  witness  is  Tertullian,  who 
paraphrasing  the  words  of  St.  Paul  in  1  Cor. 
X.  21,  says,  "  We  cannot  eat  the  supper  of  God 
and  the  supper  of  devils "  (de  Sj)ect.  13). 
When  Hippolytus,  as  above,  calls  the  institutioa 
"  the  first  table  of  the   mystical   supper,"  he 


LORD'S  SUPPER 

implies  that  any  subsequent  celebration  may  be 
so  called.     Dionysius  of  Alexandria,   A.D.   254, 
says  that  Christ   "  gives  Himself  to  us  in  the 
mystical  supper  "  {Tract,  c.  Sainos.  R.  ad  Qu.  7). 
St.  Basil,  A.D.  370  :  "  We  are  instructed  neither 
to  eat  and  drink  an  ordinary  supper  in  a  church, 
nor  to  dishonour   the  Lord's  Supper    (by   cele- 
brating it)  in  a  house  "  {Regulae  brevius  tract. 
310).     St.  Augustine,  A.D.  396,  expressly  says 
that  St.  Paul  "  calls  that  reception  itself  of  the 
euchai-ist  the   Lord's  Supper"  {Ep.  54,  v.  §  7). 
Again,  "  He   gave    the    supper  to  His  disciples 
consecrated  by  His  own  hands ;  but  we  have  not 
reclined  at  that  feast,  and  yet  we  daily  eat  the 
same  supper  by  faith"  {Senn.  112,  iv.)     In  the 
regions  of  the  East  most  do  not  partake  of  the 
Lord's  Supper  every  day  "  (/n  Serm.  Bom.  ii.  7, 
§  25).     Judas  "  drew  near  to  the  Lord's  Supper 
equally"  (with  the  other  apostles)  {Tract.  50  in 
St.  Joan.   Ev.   §    10).     "He   permitted  him   to 
partake  of  the  holy  supper  with  the  innocent  " 
(Epkt.  93,  iv.  §  15;    Sim.  Fsalm,  c.  Fart.  Don. 
div.  16  ;  c.  Litt.  Petil.  ii.  23,  §  53 ;  106,  §  243  ; 
Enarr.  ii.   in   Ps.  xxi.  (xxii.)  §  27).     St.  Chry- 
sostom,  A.D.  398,  he  says  again,  "  As  oft  as  ye 
eat  it,  ye  do  shew  the  Lord's  death ;  and  this  is 
that  supper  "  (of  which  St.  Paul  speaks)  {Horn. 
xxvii.  in  Ep.  i.  ad  Cor.  §  5).     "  As  to  draw  near 
at  random  is  perilous,  so  not  to  partake  of  those 
holy  mystical    suppers    is    famine    and    death " 
{ibid.  §  8).     "  Believe  that  even  now  this  is  that 
supper  at  which  He  Himself  reclined  "   {Horn. 
50   in    St.  Matt.  xiv.   34-36).      Pelagius,   A.D. 
405  :  "  The  Lord's  Supper  ought  to  be  common 
to    all,   because   He    delivered    the    sacrament 
equally  to  all  His  disciples  who  were  present  " 
{Comment,  in  Ep.  i.  ad  Cor.  (xi.  20)  ;  inter  0pp. 
Hieron.  v.  ii.   997).     Cyril  of  Alexandria,  a.d. 
412  :    "  Let   us   run   together  to  the    mystical 
supper"  {Horn.  x.  torn.  v.  ii.  371,  and  commonly). 
Theodoret,    423:    "He    (St.    Paul)    calls    the 
Master's  mystery  the  Lord's  Supper"  {Comment. 
in  Ep.  L  ad  Cor.  xi.  20).    St.  Nilus,  440  :  "  Keep 
thyself  from  all  corruption,  and  be  every  day 
partaker  of  the  mystical  Supper ;  for  thus  the 
I    body  of  Christ  begins  to  be  ours  "  {Paraenetica 
i    n.    120).     Anastasius    Sinaita,    561  :    "  On    the 
5th  day  (of  Holy  Week)  He  gave   the  mystic 
j    supper  which  absolves  all  sin  "  {in  Hexaemeron 
'    v.).     Gregory    of    Tours,    573 :    "  The   day    on 
\    which  the  Lord  delivered  the  mystic  Supper  to 
i    the  disciples  "  {de  Glor.  Mart.  24).     Hesychius, 
:    601:  "The  thanksgiving,  that  is,  the  oblation 
;    which  holds  the  chief  place  in  the  Lord's  Supper  " 
I    (in   Levit.  p.    146    c).     The    sacrament  is  fre- 
;    quently  called  by  this  author  the  mystical  or 
',    the  divine  "  Supper  "  {ibid.).    Since  the  time  of 
\    Justinian   the  Second,  A.D.  686  (Leo.   Allat.   de 
\    Domin.    Graec.    xxi.),    the    choir    have  sung  on 
I    Maundy  Thursday  in  the  Liturgy  of  St.  Basil, 
]    "  Make  me  this  day,  0  Son  of  God,  a  partaker  of 
'    Thy  mystic  Supper  "  (Goar,  Euchol.  170).    The 
foregoing  testimonies  appear  to  give  an  ample 
,    sanction  to  the  usage  of  the  Church  of  England, 
and  to  the  statement  of  the  Catechism  of  Trent, 
that  "  the  most  ancient  Fathers,  following  the 
I    authority  of  the  apostle,  sometimes  called  the 
sacred  eucharist  also  by  the  name  of  supper  " 
(P.  ii.  de  Euch.  v.). 

IV.  In  the  6th  century  we  first  find  the  name 
♦Coena  Domini'  given  to  Maundy  Thursday, 
but  generally  then  with  some  addition  or  expla- 

CHRIST.  ANT.— VOL.  II. 


LORD'S  TABLE 


1059 


nation.  The  earliest  example  known  to  the 
writer  occurs  in  a  document  of  the  year  519, 
"  Quinta  feria,  hoc  est,  Coena  Domini  "  {Exempl. 
Sugg,  lae  Germani,  inter  Epp.  Hormisdae,  Labbe, 
Cone.  iv.  1488).  Gregory  of  Tours,  A.D.  573, 
uses  the  phrase  "  Day  of  the  Lord's  Supper  '* 
{Hist.  Franc,  ii.  21),  and  calls  its  rites  "Domi- 
uicae  Coenae  Festa "  {ibid.  viii.  43).  The  first 
council  of  Macon,  581,  "Coena  Domini  usipie  ad 
primum  Pascha"  (Can.  14).  Isidore  of  Seville, 
610,  calls  it  Coena  Domini  in  the  heading  of  a 
chapter,  but  explains,  as  if  the  usage  were  not 
familiar,  "  This  '  Supper  of  the  Lord  '  is  the  fifth 
day  of  the  last  week  of  Lent  "  {de  Eccl.  Off.  i.  28). 
The  Besan9on  sacramentary,  written  later  in  the 
7th  century,  gives  an  "  Epistle  of  St.  Paul  to  the 
Corinthians  to  be  read  on  Coena  Domini  "  {Mus. 
Ital.  i.  315).  The  Galilean  Lectionary  also 
gives  "  Lessons  for  Coena  Domini  at  Matins " 
{Liturg.  Gallic.  128).  In  the  first  Ordo  Ro- 
manus,  probably  about  A.D.  730,  the  day  is 
called  both  Feria  quinta  Coenae  Domini,  and 
Coena  Domini  {Mus.  Ital.  ii.  19,  30-33).  A  law 
of  Carloman,  in  742,  says,  "On  Coen.i  Domini 
let  him  (the  presbyter)  always  seek  fresh 
chrism  from  the  bishop  "  (c.  iii.  in  Capit.  Reg. 
Fi-anc.  147.  So  a  law  of  Charlemagne  in  769, 
col.  192).  In  744  a  chapter  of  Pepin  ordered 
•'  every  presbyter  always  on  Coena  Domini  to 
give  to  the  bishop  a  statement  of  the  method  and 
order  of  his  ministry  "  (c.  4  ;  u.  s.  i.  158).  In  the 
capitularies  of  the  French  kings  is  an  order  that 
"  the  presbyter  on  Coena  Domini  take  with  him 
two  ampullae,  one  for  the  chrism,  another  for 
the  oil  to  anoint  catechumens  and  the  sick " 
(L.  i.  c.  156).  See  other  instances  (coll.  824, 
865,  953,  &c.).  It  is  evident  that  this  singular 
designation  of  a  day  had  quite  established  itself 
by  the  end  of  the  8th  century.  See  Maundy 
Thursday.  [W.  E.  S.] 

LORD'S  TABLE.  I.  For  more  than  three 
hundred  years  after  the  institution  of  the  sacra- 
ment the  altar  is  but  once  called  a  table  in  the 
genuine  remains  of  Christian  writers.  The  ex- 
ception occurs  in  an  epistle  of  Dionysius  of  Alex- 
andria (a.d.  254)  to  Xystus  of  Rome.  He  speaks 
of  a  communicant  as  "standing  at  the  Table " 
(Euseb.  Hist.  Eccles.  vii.  9).  The  next  instance 
is  a  full  century  later,  viz.  in  the  commentary  of 
Hilary  the  deacon,  354 :  "  When  he  partakes 
of  the  table  of  devils,  he  outrages  the  Lord's. 
Table,  i.e.  the  altar  "  {Comm.  in  1  Cor.  x.  21).. 
The  explanation  in  the  last  words  implies  that, 
the  phrase  was  not  common  in  that  sense.  Tbe 
same  remark  applies  to  a  passage  in  the  Bispui. 
c.  Arianos  ascribed  to  Athanasius,  but  certakilj 
later.  The  table  in  Prov.  ix.  2  is  there  linder- 
stood  of  "  the  Table  "  prepared  by  Christ,  "  Tha-t 
is,  the  holy  altar"  (c.  17;  App.  0pp.  Athsn.  ii.L 
164).  The  usage  was  never  general  in  the 
West,  and  the  examples  found  in  the  Greek 
writers  of  the  4th  and  5th  centuries,  con- 
sidering how  much  they  have  left,  are  not 
really  numerous.  The  following  are  from  every 
great  division  of  the  church  : — St.  Basil,  A.D. 
370,  says  that  the  orthodox  in  the  district  of 
Gangra  "  overthrew  the  altars "  of  the  heretic- 
Basilides  and  "  set  up  their  own  Tables  "  {Epist, 
226).  Pauliuus  in  Italy,  393  :  "  There  is  every- 
where one  cup  and  one  food  of  the  Lord,  and  one 
Table  and  house   of  God"  {Poema  17).     Pru- 


1060 


LORD'S  TABLE 


dentins  in  Spain,  A.D.  405,  "  calls  the  altar  dedi- 
cated to  God  "  poetically,  ilia  sacrameuti  dona- 
trix  Mensa  {de  Coron.  Hymn.  9).  St.  Augustine 
in  Roman  Africa,  writing  probably  in  416  : 
"  The  sacrament  is  prepared  on  the  Lord's  Table 
(in  Dominica  Mensa),  and  is  taken  from  (de)  the 
Lord's  Table"  {Tract.  '26  in  Joan.  Ev.  §15). 
Cyril  of  Alexandria  not  many  years  later  speaks 
of  the  "holy  Table"  (adv.  Nestor.  4;  vii. 
116).  Socrates,  439,  relates  of  Alexander  the 
bishop  of  Alexandria  that  in  the  distress  caused 
by  the  apparent  triumph  of  Arius,  he  "  entered 
the  altar-place  and  prostrated  himself  on  his  face 
beneath  the  sacred  Table  "  (Hist.  Ecd.  i.  .37). 
At  a  later  period  the  name  of  Mensa  was,  in  the 
Latin  church,  generally  given  to  the  slab  alone, 
while  the  whole  structure  was  called  an  altar. 
In  the  east  on  the  other  hand,  the  latter  name 
became  unfrequent ;  the  phrases  "  holy  Table  " 
(ayia  rpair^^a)  or  "sacred  Table"  (lepo  Tp.) 
being  used  instead.  It  will  be  sufficient  to  refer 
here  to  the  rubrics  of  some  ancient  liturgies. 
That  of  St.  James  has,  "  When  the  priest  sets 
the  cup  on  the  holy  Table"  (Trollope,  111). 
St.  Basil,  *'  The  holy  mysteries  being  removed 
from  the  sacred  Table"  (Goar,  175);  "the 
setting  down  of  the  divine  gifts  upon  the 
holy  Table "  (164).  St.  Chrysostom  similarly 
has  both  "sacred"  (82)  and  "holy  (72,  73,  74, 
&c.)  Table."  The  Armenian,  "  holy  table  "  only 
(Neale's  Introd.  562,  594,  &c.).  The  rubrics 
of  SS.  Basil  and  Chrysostom  do  not  employ  the 
word  "  altar  " ;  but  it  occurs  in  those  of  the 
earlier  St.  James  (p.  36),  St.  Mark  (Renaud. 
Liturg.  Orient,  i.  141)  and  St.  Clement  (Constit. 
Apost.  viii.  12),  the  two  latter  using  no  other. 
We  find  it  also  in  the  Armenian  rubrics  (394, 
432),  in  those  of  the  Coptic  St.  Basil  (Renaud. 
i.  4,  5,  &c.) ;  the  Greek  Alexandrian  of  St. 
Gregory  (ibid.  91),  the  Ethiopian  (500),  the 
Syrian  Ordo  Communis  (with  "  table  of  life  ") 
(ibid.  ii.  42),  and  the  Nestorian  (ibid.  566,  &c.). 
"  Table  "  does  not  occur  in  the  Nestorian  rubrics. 
We  cannot  ascribe  them  to  the  age  of  Nestorius, 
but  the  fact  witnesses  to  the  early  usage  of  the 
churches  which  became  infested  with  his  heresy. 
They  adhered  to  the  tradition  of  Ignatius  and 
the  sub-apostolic  pei'iod,  while  the  Syro-Jacobites, 
who  separated  from  the  church  later,  reflect  the 
language  of  a  later  age. 

II.  We  have  cited  a  poem  of  Paulinus,  in  which 
he  calls  the  altar  "  the  table  of  God."  That 
such  language  was  not  usual  in  Italy  in  his  time 
appears  certain  from  the  fact  that  the  same  author 
in  a  prose  composition  gives  the  name  of  the 
"  Lord's  Table  "  to  a  table,  as  it  is  thought,  in 
the  Gazophylacium  on  which  were  set  the  gifts 
brought  for  the  use  of  the  poor.  "  Let  us  not 
suffer  the  Lord's  Table  to  be  left  void  for  ourselves 
and  empty  for  the  poor  "  (Serm.  34,  §  1)  ;  "  Thou 
wilt  know  how  much  more  profitable  it  is  to  put 
money  out  to  increase  on  the  Lord's  Table  "  (§  2). 
Our  inference  will  hold,  if  Paulinus  by  the  "  Lord's 
Table  "  means  a  chest  in  the  treasury,  or  even  if 
it  be  a  figure  for  the  alms  themselves. 

III.  The  phrase  "  Lord's  Table,"  "  mystical 
Table,"  &c.,  are  frequently  used  by  ancient 
writers  to  denote  not  the  structure  (the  use  of 
which  is,  however,  implied  in  them),  but  the  Holy 
Communion  itself.  This  usage  may  have  arisen 
from  the  language  of  St.  Paul  (1  Cor.  x.  21);  it 
would    certainly  be   fostered  by  it.     For  while 


LUBENTIUS 

some,  as  Hilary  the  deacon  (Comm.  in  loco,  "  Men- 
sae  Domini,  i.e.  altari "),  understood  "  the  Lord's 
Table  "  of  the  altar,  others,  as  Theodoret  (in  foe), 
supposed  the  sacramental  feast  to  be  intended. 
Thus  the  latter  paraphrases,  "  How  is  it  possible 
for  us  to  have  communion  with  the  Lord  through 
His  precious  body  and  blood,  and  with  the  devils 
too,  through  the  food  that  has  been  ofiered  to 
idols?"  This  use  of  those  terms  is,  however, 
common  without  any  reference  to  1  Cor.  x.  21. 
Thus  Gregory  Nazianzen,  A.D.  374 :  "  Rever- 
ence the  mystic  table  to  which  thou  hast  come ; 
the  bread  thou  hast  received,  the  cup  of  which 
thou  hast  partaken"  (Orat.  40,  de  Baptismo, 
i.  660).  St.  Ambrose,  374:  "The  mystical 
table  is  prepared  for  by  fasting  .  .  .  That  table  is 
attained  at  the  cost  of  hunger,  and  that  cup  .  .  . 
is  sought  by  a  thirst  for  the  heavenly  sacra- 
ments "  (de  Elia,  x.  §  33).  St.  Augustine,  396  : 
"Thou  hast  sat  down  at  a  great  table  (Prov. 
xxiii.  1)  .  .  .  What  is  that  great  table,  but  that 
from  which  we  receive  the  body  and  blood  of 
Christ  ?  "  (Serm.  31,  §  2  ;  Sim.  -S".  304,  §  1 ;  329, 
§  1 ;  332,  §  2  ;  Tract.  47,  in  St.  Joan.  Ev.  §  3.) 
On  the  words  "  the  poor  shall  eat  and  be  satis- 
fied "  (Fs.  xxii.  30),  "  for  they  have  been  brought 
to  the  table  of  Christ,  and  received  of  His  body 
and  blood  "  (de  Gratia,  K  T.  27,  §  66).  Again, 
after  speaking  of  a  "life-giving  feast"  which 
Christ  gave  to  His  church,  "satiating  us  with 
His  body,  inebriating  us  with  His  blood,"  he 
says,  "  the  church  exults,  fed  and  quickened  by 
this  table,  against  them  that  trouble  her  "  (Serm. 
367,  §  6).  St.  Chrysostom,  398:  "With  a 
pure  conscience  touch  the  sacred  table,  and  par- 
take of  the  holy  sacrifice  "  (Horn.  vi.  in  Poenit. 
ii.  326).  "On  the  festivals  they  come  anyhow 
to  this  table  "  (Horn.  vi.  de  Philog.  i.  499).  St. 
Hilary,  430 :  "  There  is  a  table  of  the  Lord 
from  which  (ex  qua)  we  take  food,  to  wit,  of  the 
Living  Bread  .  .  .  There  is  also  the  table  of  the 
Lord's  lessons,  at  which  we  are  fed  with  the 
meat  of  spiritual  teaching  "  (IVaci.  in  Ps.  127, 
§  10).  Anastasius  Sinaita,  561  :  "  Many  never 
trouble  themselves  about  the  self-cleansing 
and  repentance  with  which  they  come  to  the 
sacred  table  ;  but  with  what  garments  they  are 
adorned"  (de  Sacra  Synaxi ;  Migne,  120.  89,  col. 
830).  As  the  lay  communicants  did  not  "  sit 
at,"  "  touch,"  or  even  "  come  to  "  the  material 
table  or  altar  (see  Scudamore,  Notitia  Eucha- 
ristica,  361,  702,  ed.  2),  the  foregoing  passages 
cannot  be  understood  of  that.  There  are  many, 
however,  which  must  be  understood  of  it,  though 
from  the  inappropriate  epithets  employed,  they 
appear  at  first  sight  to  speak  of  the  sacrament, 
e.g.,  "  I  am  not  worthy  to  look  towards  this  thy 
sacred  and  spiritual  Table."  This  occurs  in  a 
prayer  or  preparation  said  before  the  priest 
places  himself  at  the  altar  in  the  liturgy  of  St. 
James  (Trollope,  p.  27).  [W.  E.  S.] 

LOT.    [Sortilege.] 

LOUTIERN  is  invoked  in  the  Breton  liturgy 
given  by  Haddan  and  Stubbs  (ii.  82).      [C.  H.] 

LOVE-FEAST.    [Agapae.] 

LUBENTIUS,  presbyter  and  confessor  of 
Treves,  commemorated  Oct.  13  (Usuard.  Awt., 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  vi.  202).  [C.  H.] 


LUBERCUS 

LUBERCUS,  martyr  of  Caesarea  in  Spain 
commemorated  April  15  {Hieron.  Mart.).  Lu- 
bertus  occurs  for  this  day  in  the  Auctaria  of 
Bede.  [C.  H.] 

LUCANIA,  martyr  in  Africa,  commemorated 
Dec.  18  {Hieron.  Mart).  [C.  H.] 

LUCANUS  (1),  African  martyr,  commemo- 
rated April  28  (Bede,  Mart.  Auct.j. 

(2'>  Bishop  of  Sabiona,  commemorated  at  Be- 
lunum  July  20  {Acta  SS.  Jul.  v.  70).     [C.  H.] 

LUCAS  (1)  (St.  Luke),  evangelist,  com- 
memorated generally  on  Oct.  18.  At  Jerusalem, 
March  15  was  set  apart  to  him  and  to  St.  James 
the  Apostle ;  at  Aquileia,  Sept.  3  was  observed 
for  the  "  ingressio  reliquiarum  "  of  St.  Andrew, 
St.  Luke,  and  St.  John  ;  in  the  city  "  Piralice," 
St.  Luke's  natalis  was  kept  on  Sept.  21  (^Hieron. 
Mart.).  In  the  Auctaria  of  Bede,  and  in  the 
Ethiopic  Calendar,  October  19  is  assigned  to 
St.  Luke.  The  relics  of  St.  Luke,  with  those 
of  St.  Andrew  and  St,  Timothy,  are  said  to  have 
been  transferred  by  order  of  the  emperor  Con- 
stantius  to  Constantinople,  and  there  deposited 
in  the  church  of  the  Apostles  [Andrew,  p.  82]. 
(Hieron.  cont.  Vigilantium ;  Patrol.  Lat.  xxiii.  345 ; 
Basil.  Menol.  Oct.  18).  St.  Luke's  translation 
was  observed  "in  Oriente  "  on  Oct.  18  {Hieron. 
Mart.),  and  his  natale  on  the  same  day  (Usuard, 
Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.).  His  commemoration  gene- 
rally is  given  under  Oct.  18  in  Basil,  Menol.  and 
Cal.  Byzant.  See  also  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  viii. 
310. 

The  sacramentary  of  Gregory  (p.  136)  has  a 
collect  for  St.  Luke's  natalis,  which  is  assigned 
to  Oct.  18;  it  prays  the  Lord  for  St.  Luke's 
intercession ;  but  the  festival  is  omitted  in  some 
MSS.  Xrazer  (de  Liturgiis,  497)  states  the 
general  belief  that  St.  Mark  and  St.  Luke  are 
not  mentioned  in  the  Roman  canon  in  the  prayer 
Communicantes  because  of  the  uncertainty  as"  to 
the  fact  of  their  martyrdom.  Ciampini  {da 
Sacr.  Aedif.)  does  not  mention  any  churches 
dedicated  to  St.  Luke,  but  he  cites  various 
authors  e.xplaining  why  the  vitulus  of  the  Apo- 
calypse was  assigned  as  the  symbol  of  this  evan- 
gelist {Vet.  Mon.  i.  192).  [Evangelists  in 
Art,  h  633.]  [C.  H.] 

(2)  Deacon  at  Emesa,  martyr  with  bishop  Sil- 
vanus  and  the  reader  Mocius:  commemorated 
Feb.  6  (Basil,  Mcnolog.) ;  Jan.  29  {Byzant.). 

(3)  Called  "  our  father  Lucas,"  of  Sterion  in 
Greece,  commemorated  with  "our  father  Par- 
thenius,"  bishop  of  Lampsacus,  on  Feb.  7  {Cal. 
Byzant.). 

(4)  Bishop,  martyr  of  Caesarea  in  Cappadocia, 
commemorated  March  2  (Bede,  Mart.  Auct.). 

(5)  Bishop  and  martyr  at  Nicomedia,  comme- 
morated March  15  (Bede,  Mart.  Auct.). 

(6)  JIartyr  in  Africa,  commemorated  March 
20  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(7)  Deacon  and  martyr  at  Cordula,  commemo- 
rated April  22  (Usuard.  Mart.  ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart.  ; 
Bede,  Mart.).     The  name  in  Bede  is  Lucus. 

(8)  Martyr  at  Milan,  commemorated  Nov.  27 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

-.A^l^^^^^^^'  commemorated   Dec.  11  (Taksas, 
15),  {Cal.  Aethiop.).  [C.  H.] 


LUCIANUS 


1061 


LUCEIA.     [Lucia.] 

LUCELLA  (1)  Martyr  at  Nicomedia,  com- 
memorated Feb.  16,  Mar.  25  {Hieron.  2Iart.). 

(2)  Martyr  in  Africa,  commemorated  May  7 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr  at  Eome,  commemorated  May  10 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr,  commemorated  Aug.  10  {Hieron. 
^art.)  [c.  H.] 

LUCELLUS,  martyr   in  Africa,   commemo- 
rated March  19  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 
LUCERNAE.    [Lights.] 

LUCERNARIA,  virgin,  commemorated  July 
30  (  Vet.  Bom.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

LUCERUS,  martyr,  Jan.  18  (Aengus),  ap- 
pears as  Luricus  in  the  Martt.  Hieronn.  Perhaps 
the  name  should  be  Glycerus.  [E.  B.  B.] 

LUCETELLA,  martyr,  commemorated  Mar, 
13  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

LUCIA  (1)  Virgin,  commemorated  Feb.  19 
{Cal.  Aethiop.). 

(2)  Virgin,  martyr  at  Thessalonica,  com- 
memorated June  1  {Hieron.  Mart.;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  June,  i.  48). 

(3)  Virgin,  martyr  at  Rome,  commemorated 
June  24  {Hieron.  Mart.),  and  on  June  25  {Vet. 
Mart.  Bom.). 

(4)  Virgin,  martyr  in  Campania,  commemo- 
rated July  6  (Basil,  Menol.). 

(5)  Noble  matron  at  Rome,  martyr,  com- 
memorated with  SS.  Geminianus  and  Euphemia 
on  Sept.  16  (Usuard.  Jfa;-i.  ;  Bed.  Mart. ;  Vet. 
Bom.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  vi.  286).  In 
Gregory's  Sacramentary  Sept.  16  is  assigned  as 
a  festival  to  Lucia  and  Geminianus,  neither  of 
whom  are  named  in  the  collect,  though  Euphemia, 
who  is  also  separately  commemorated  on  that 
day,  is  (Greg.  Mag.  Lib.  Sac.  130).  The 
"  natalis  "  (no  day  being  named)  of  Euphemia, 
Lucia,  and  Geminianus,  occurs  in  the  Antipho- 
narium,  but  their  names  are  not  in  the  collect 
(Greg.  Mag.  Lib.  Antiph.  710).  Basil's  Meno- 
logy  assigns  Sept.  17  to  Lucia,  widow,  and 
Geminianus  jointly. 

(6)  [St.  Lucy  of  Anglican  Calendar]  Virgin, 
martyr  at  Syracuse  under  Diocletian,  comme- 
morated on  Dec.  13  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart. ; 
Usuard.  Ma)'t. ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart. ;  Cal.  Byzant.). 
She  is  one  of  those  mentioned  in  the  canon 
(Greg.  Mag.  Lib.  Sac.  4,  290  n.)  occurring  in 
connexion  with  Agatha  and  Agnes.  There  is 
a  special  service  for  her  day  and  vigil  (day  of 
the  month  not  mentioned)  in  the  Liber  Bespon- 
salts  (842).  In  the  Liber  Antiphonarius  (654) 
the  festival  of  "  St.  Lucia,  virgin,"  occurs  be- 
tween the  second  and  third  Sundays  in  Advent, 
but  the  collect  does  not  contain  her  name. 

(7)  Virgin,  martyr,  commemorated  at  Antioch 
Dec.  14  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

LUCIANA  (1)  Martyr  in  Africa,  commemo- 
rated Feb.  23  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr  at  Constantinople,  commemorated 
May  18  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr  in  Lucania,  commemorated  Oct. 
29  {Hicrm.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

LUCIANUS   (1)   Bishop  and    confessor  at 
3  Z  2 


1062 


LUCIANUS 


Leontium  in  Sicily,  commemorated  Jan.  3  (^Ada 
SS.  Jan.  i.  136). 

LUCIANUS  (2)  Martyr  in  Africa,  commemo- 
rated Jan.  5  {Hiero7i.  Mart. ;  Florus  ap.  Bed. 
Mart). 

(3)  Presbyter  of  the  church  of  Antioch, 
martyr  at  Nicomedia,  commemorated  Jan.  7 
(Hieron.  Mart. ;  Florus  ap.  Bed.  Mart. ;  Usuard, 
2{art.  ;  Vet.  Rom.  Mart.  ;  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  357). 
The  Menology  of  Basil  and  Daniel  {Cod.  Lit.  iv. 
271)  place  him  under  Oct.  15. 

(4)  Martyr  at  Beauvais,  called  both  presbyter 
and  bishop  {Hieron.  Mart.;  Usuard.  Mart.; 
Florus  ap.  Bed.  Mart. ;  Acta  SS.  Jan  i.  459). 

(5)  Martyr  with  Paula  and  others ;  com- 
memorated Jan.  19  {Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  220). 

(6)  Martyr  at  Ravenna,  commemorated  Feb. 
1  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(7)  Martyr  at  Nicomedia,  commemorated 
Feb.  22,  and  another  at  the  same  place,  Feb.  24 
{Hieron.  Mart.).  Feb.  24  (Florus  ap.  Bed.  Mart. ; 
Acta  SS.  Feb.  iii.  460). 

(8)  Martyr  in  Campania,  commemorated  Mar. 

18  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(9)  Martyr  at  Caesarea  in  Spain  ;  commemo- 
rated April  15;  also  a  bishop  and  confessor  of 
the  same  place,  on  the  same  day  {Hieron.  Mai-t.). 

(10)  Martyr  in  Pontus,  commemorated  April 
16  {Hieron.  Mart.).  Bede's  Auctaria  mentions 
him  on  the  same  day,  at  a  place  unknown. 

(11)  Martyr  in  Africa,  commemorated  April 
28  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(12)  Martyr  at  Tomi,  commemorated  May  27. 
{Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.) 

(13)  Martyr  in  Sardinia,  commemorated  May 
28  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart. ;  Bed. 
Afart.  Auct.), 

(14)  Martyr  at  Rome,  commemorated  June  3 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(15)  Martyr  at  Caesarea  in  Cappadocia,  com- 
memorated June  7  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Rom. 
Mart. ;  Acta  SS.  June,  ii.  8). 

(16)  Martyr  in  Africa,  commemorated  June 
13  {Hieron.  Mart.;  Bed.  Mart.;  Acta  SS.  June 
ii.  678). 

(17)  Martyr  with  Peregrinus  at  Dyrrachium ; 
commemorated  July  7  (Basil,  Menol.). 

(18)  Martyr  at  Antioch,  commemorated  July 

19  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(19)  Martyr   in  Africa,   commemorated  July 

20  {Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(20)  Martyr  at  Ancyra  in  Galatia,  commemo- 
rated Aug.  31  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(21)  Martyr  iu  Cappadocia,  commemorated 
Oct.  14  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(22)  Martyr  at  Florence,  commemorated  Oct. 
25  (Bede,  Mart.  Auct.). 

(23)  Martyr  at  Nicomedia,  commemorated 
Oct.  26  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(24)  Martyr  in  Africa,  commemorated  Oct. 
30  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(25)  Martyr  at  Caesarea,  commemorated  Nov. 
18  {Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Florus  ap.  Bed.  Mart.). 

(26)  Martyr,  commemorated  Nov.  25,  but  no 
place  mentioned  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(27)  Martyr  in  Africa,  commemorated  Dec,  1 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 


I^UCIUS 

LUCIANUS  (28)  Martvr  at  Tripoli,  com- 
memorated Dec.  24  (Usuard.'  Mart.).        [C.  H.] 

LUCIDEUS,  Martyr  in  Africa,  commemo- 
rated Jan.  3  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.]. 

LUCIFERUS,  bishop  iu  Sardinia,  commemo- 
rated May  20  {Acta  SS.  May,  v,  197,*  vii. 
819).         ■  [C.  H.] 

LUCILLA  (1)  Martyr  in  Africa,  commumor- 
rated  Mar.  19  (Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(2)  Martyr  at  Nicaea,  with  400  others,  com- 
memorated Mar.  25  (Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(3)  Daughter  of  deacon  Nemesius,  martyr  at 
Rome,  commemorated  Aug.  27  (Florus  api 
Bed.  Mart.),  but  Oct.  31  according  to  Usuard. 

[C.  H.] 
LUCILLIANUS,  aged  martyr  at  Byzantium,, 
commemorated    June  3    {Cat.    Byzant. ;     Basil, 
Menol. ;   Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  260 ;  Acta  SS. 
June,  i.  274).  [C.  H.] 

LUCINA,  Roman  matron,  "  discipuia  apo- 
stolorum,"  martyr  at  Rome ;  commemorated 
June  30  (Usuard.  Mart.  ;  Vet.  Rom.  Mart.  - 
Acta  SS.  June,  v.  533).  [C.  H.] 

LUCINA.  In  the  Biumum  Romanum,  i.  7, 
c.  17,  we  find  :  "  Sed  dispensator  qui  pro  tempore 
fuerit  in  eadem  venerabili  diaconia  {i.e.  quando 
lucina  perficitur  in  eadem  Diaconia  pro  remis- 
sione  peccatorum  nostrorum),  omnes  diaconites 
et  pauperes  Christi,  qui  ibidem  conveniunt 
Kyrie  eleison  exclamare  studeant."  Ducange  sup- 
poses lucina  here  either  to  be  synonymous  with 
LuCERNA,  the  lamplighting,  or  to  be  a  mistake 
for  Litania.  But  in  another  instance  that  he 
quotes,  "  quantum  vix  in  undecim  lucinis  laborar* 
poterant,"  where  he  supposes  it  to  mean  simply 
'  days,'  it  would  be  more  natural  to  take  it  for 
some  special  occasion  of  busy  labour.  Whether 
a  great  baptism  day,  or  a  great  almsgiving  day,, 
or  what  else  might  be  meant  by  it,  and  whether 
the  name  be  taken  from  the  church  of  San 
Lorenzo  in  Lucina,  or  the  church  named  from 
the  office,  must  be  matters  of  pure  conjecture. 
[E.  B.  B.] 

LUCINUS  (1)  Martyr  "  in  Afrodiris,"  com- 
memorated April  30  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Two  martyrs  of  this  name  at  Rome 
were  commemorated  on  May  10  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr  at  Rome,  commemorated  July  10 
{Hiero7i.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

LUCIOLA,  two  martyrs  of  this  name,  one 
in  Africa,  the  other  it  is  not  said  where,  were 
commemorated  March  3  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

[C.  H.] 

LUCIOSA  (1)  Martyr,  it  is  not  said  where, 
commemorated  Feb.  25  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr  at  Thessalonica,  commemorated 
Feb.  27  {Hierm.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr,  it  is  not  said  where,  commemo- 
rated Mar.  2  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr  at  Rome,  commemorated  June  2 
{Hieron.  jMart.).  [C.  H.] 

LUCIOSUS,  martyr  at  Constantinople,  com- 
memorated May  18  {Hieron,  Mart. ;  Bede, 
Mart.  Auct.).  [C.  H.] 

LUCIUS  (1)  Confessor  at  Alexandria,  com- 
memorated Jan.  11  {Hieron.  Mart.). 


LUCIUS 

LUCIUS  (2)  Two  martyrs  of  this  name  were 
commemorated  Jan.  19  (^Ilieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr  at  Tarragona,  commemorated 
Jan.  21  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Jlartyr  at  ApoUonia,  commemorated  Jan. 
27  (Hieron.  Mart.).  An  African  martyr  of 
this  name  was  commemorated  the  same  day 
{Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  769). 

(5)  Martyr  in  the  city  of  Augusta  (London) 
in  Britain,  commemorated  Feb.  7  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(6)  Martyr,  commemorated  Feb.  8,  but  it  is 
not  said  where  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(7)  Bishop,  martyr  at  Hadrianople,  commemo- 
ivated  Feb.  11  {Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  519). 

(8)  Martyr  at  Interamna,  commemorated  Feb. 
15  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(9)  Martyr,  commemorated  March  2,  but  it 
is  not  said  where  {Hieron.  Mart.).  A  bishop 
and  martyr  of  this  name  at  Caesarea  in  Cappa- 
tlocia  was  commemorated  on  the  same  day  {Acti 
SS.  Mar.  i.  130). 

(10)  Pope  and  martyr,  commemorated  on 
Mm:  4  (  Vet.  Rom.  Mart. ;  Bede,  Mart.  Auct. ;  Acta 
SS.  Mar.  i.  301).  Two  martyrs  of  this  name  at 
Rome,  but  without  any  designations,  are  men- 
tioned in  the  Mart,  of  Jerome  under  this  day. 
Florus  (ap.  Bede  Mart.)  gives  the  bishop  and 
snartyr  of  Rome  under  Aug.  25. 

(11)  Martyr  in  Nicomedia,  commemorated 
March  13  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(12)  Bishop  and  martyr  in  Cappadocia,  com- 
memorated March  15  {Hieron.  Mart.).  The 
Acta  SS.  (Mar.  ii.  391)  say  that  Cappadocia 
should  be  Nicomedia. 

(13)  Martyr  at  Alexandria,  commemorated 
March  21  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(14)  Of  Cyrene,  commemorated  May  6  {Acta 
■SS.  May,  ii.  99)  ;  the  Meuology  of  Basil  makes 
him  martyred  at  Cyprus,  Aug.  21. 

(15)  Martyr  of  Alexandria,  commemorated 
May  13  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(16)  Martyr  ia  Africa,  commemorated  May 
23   (Bed.   3fart.  Auct.).     Hieron.  Mart,    names 

I  him  Lucus. 

(17)  Martyr  in  Sardinia,  commemorated  May 
23  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

\  (18)  Martyr  at  Nevedunum  (Nyon),  com- 
I  memorated  June  6  {Hieron.  Mart.).  The  Acta 
I  SS.  (June,  ii.  632)  mention  Lucius  and  Amantius, 
j  martyrs  of  Parma,  under  this  day,  but  leave  the 
j  period  uncertain. 

I  (19)  Martyr  in  the  city  of  Dorosterum,  com- 
'  raemorated  June  8  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(20)  Senator,  martyr  in  Cyprus,  commemo- 
i-ated  Aug.  20  {Acta  SS.  Aug.  iv.  28). 

(21)  Bishop  and  martyr  in  Africa,  commemo- 
rated Sept.  10  (Usuard.  Mart.). 

(22)  Martyr  with  Chaeremon  and  others  at 
Alexandria,  or  perhaps  elsewhere  in  Egypt,  com- 
-raemorated  Oct.  4  {Acta  SS.  Oct.  iv.  329). 

(23)  Martyr  in  Africa,  commemorated  Oct. 
18  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Acta  SS.  Oct.  viii.  344). 

!  (24)  Martyr  with  Tertius  at  Antioch,  buried 
'•at  Alexandria,   commemorated    Oct.    19    {Vet. 

Ham.  jVart.). 

(25)   Martyr  at    Nicomedia,    commemorated 

•Oct.  20  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 


LUDI SAGERDOTALES 


1063 


LUCIUS  (26)  One  of  four  "soldiers  of 
Christ,"  martyred  at  Rome  under  Claudius,  com- 
memorated Oct.  25  (Bed.  Mart.). 

(27)  Martyr  at  Rome,  commemorated  Oct.  27 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(28)  Martyr,  but  it  is  not  said  where,  com- 
memorated Oct.  28  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(29)  Martyr  in  Lucania,  commemorated  Oct. 
29  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(30)  Martyr  at  Rome,  commemorated  Dec.  1 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(31)  Martyr,  commemorated  Dec.  14  (Daniel, 
Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  277). 

(32)  Martyr  in  Africa,  commemorated  Dec. 
15  {Hieron.  Mart.;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

[C.  H.] 

LL^COSA,  martyr  at  Antioch,  commemorated 

on  ]\Iar.  5  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

LUCRATIVE  TAX  {Descriptio  Lucratico- 
rum,  and  also  unciae  and  denarismus).  A  pay- 
ment made  to  the  Curiales  of  a  city  by  the 
inheritors  of  an  estate  bequeathed  to  any  one 
not  a  member  of  the  Curia.  Property  left  to 
the  church  was  exempted  from  tliis  payment  by 
a  law  of  Justinian.  [Immunities  and  Peivi- 
LEGES  OF  THE  CLERGY,  sect.  ii.  §  8;  I.  826.] 
[S.  J.  E.] 

LUCRE.     [COVETOUSNESS.] 

LUCRETIA,  virgin  and  martyr  at  Emerita 
(Merida),  commemorated  Nov.  23  (Usuard. 
Mart).  [C.  H.] 

LUCRITUS,  martyr  in  Africa,  commemo- 
rated on  Jan.  14  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

LUCROSA,  martyr  at  Augustodunum 
(Autun),  commemorated  on  Sept.  24  {Hieron. 
Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

LUCUS  (1)  Martyr  in  Greece,  commemo- 
rated Jan.  8  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr  in  Africa,  commemorated  Jan.  18 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr  with  Musas,  both  deacons  at 
Cordula,  commemorated  April  22  (Bed.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr  in  Africa,  commemorated  April  24 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr  at  Constantinople,  commemorated 
May  8  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(6)  Martyr  at  Alexandria,  commemorated 
May  18  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(7)  Martyr  in  Africa,  commemorated  May 
23  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(8)  Martyr  at  Rome,  commemorated  June  2 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(9)  Martyr  at  Rome,  commemorated  June  12 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(10)  Martyr  at  Alexandria,  commemorated 
Aug.  9  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(11)  Martyr  at  Alexandria,  commemorated 
Aug.  16  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(12)  Martyr  in  Mauritania,  commemorated 
Oct,  17  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C  H.] 

LUCUSA,  martyr  at  Rome,  commemorated 
May  10  {Hkron.  Mart.).  [C  H.] 

LUDDULUS,  martyr,  it  is  not  said  where, 
commemorated  Oct.  9  {Hieron.  Mart).    [C.  H.] 

LUDI  SACEKDOTALES.  A  law  of  the 
Emperor  Theodosius  the  younger  {Cod.    Theod. 


1064 


LUGIDUS 


lib.  vii.  tit.  13;  de  Tironibus  Leg.  22) 
releases  certaia  persons  in  the  proconsular 
province  of  Africa  from  payment  of  the  tax 
known  as  aurimi  tironicurn,  a  sum  of  money 
levied  in  lieu  of  the  contingent  of  recruits  to 
the  legions  which  every  province  was  liable  to 
render.  And  these  persons  are  denominated 
sacerdotales.  The  question  arises,  what  class  of 
persons  are  denoted  by  this  term  ?  There  are 
two  theories  ;  the  one  that  the  persons  intended 
were  heathen  priests,  who  were  obliged  by  their 
office  to  exhibit  ludos  to  the  people  at  great 
expense ;  whence  the  reason  for  their  exemp- 
tion (Gothofred,  Comment,  in  Cod.  Theod.  in  loc.) 
The  exhibition  of  ludi  was  no  doubt  a  very 
expensive  charge.  But  there  appears  to  have 
been  no  kind  of  these  games  which  the  priests 
were  bound  to  exhibit  at  their  own  expense 
(see  DiCT.  OF  Gr.  and  Eon.  Antiq.  s.  v.  Ludi), 
whilst  those  few  in  which  they  and  not  the 
aediles  took  the  chief  place,  for  the  most  part 
belong,  as  e.g.  the  Liberalia,  to  the  class  oi  ferine 
stativae,  and  entailed  little  trouble  or  expense 
in  their  celebration.  Apart  therefore  from  the 
difficulty  of  supposing  a  Christian  emperor  to  be 
founding  a  special  exemption  for  the  benefit  of 
the  heathen  priesthood,  which  the  Christian 
clergy  were  not  to  share,  the  reasons  adduced 
appear  not  to  be  conclusive.  TertuUian  {Apol. 
c.  ix.)  mentions  incidentally  the  absolute  prohi- 
bition by  law  of  the  sacrifices  to  Saturn  through- 
out this  very  province  of  Africa,  in  the  reign  of 
Tiberius. 

The  other  theory,  maintained  by  Petit  (  Variar. 
Zed.),  regards  the  Christian  bishops  as  being  the 
persons  thus  exempted.  It  is  hardly  probable 
that  bishops  should  be  classed  with  the  heathen 
priests  under  the  common  title  sacerdotales,  a 
course  which  both  parties  would  have  resented 
as  an  insult.  And  it  is  not  clear  what  in  the 
case  of  bishops  could  have  been  the  "  majoribus 
expensis,"  which  are  alleged  as  the  reason  for 
this  exemption.  Yet  this  is  pei-haps  to  be  pre- 
ferred as  the  solution  of  an  obscure  question. 

[S.  J.  E.] 

LUGIDUS  (LuANUS),  abbat  of  Cluainfert 
in  Ireland,  commemorated  Aug.  4  (^Acta  SS. 
Aug.  i.  .339). 

LUGLIUS  and  LUGLIANUS,  brothers, 
martyred  at  Lillerium  in  Artois  and  Mondide- 
rium  in  Picardy,  sec.  vii.,  commemorated  Oct.  23 
(^Acta  SS.  Oct.'x.  111).  [C.  H.] 

LUGO,  COUNCIL  OF  (^Liwense  Concilium), 
held  at  Lugo,  in  Gallicia,  by  order  of  king 
Theodomir,  A.D.  569,  to  lay  down  the  bounds 
of  the  different  sees  in  his  dominions,  with  a 
view  of  curtailing  any  that  were  too  large, 
which  was  accordingly  done ;  Lugo  thus  itself 
becoming  a  metropolitan  see.  We  find  from 
the  sees  enumerated  that  his  dominions  ex- 
tended into  Portugal.  The  last  named  is 
called  that  of  the  Britons,  and  had  thirteen 
churches  belonging  to  them,  and  one  mon- 
astery, given  to  it.  A  second  council  is  sup- 
posed, by  Mansi  and  others,  to  have  taken  place 
A.D.  572 ;  the  only  real  foundation  for  it  being, 
that  Martin,  bishop  of  Braga,  transmitted  the 
collection  of  canons  approved  at  Braga  that 
year  in  a  letter  to  the  metropolitan  of  Lugo, 
with  this  address:  "  Js'itigesio  episcopo,  vel  uni- 


LUPENTIUS 

verso  concilio  Lucensis  ecclesiae : "  which  need 
not  imply  that  any  council  was  then  sitting,  or 
about  to  sit.  (Mansi,  ix.  815,  et  seq.,  with 
the  later  divisions  appended  there,  and  845.) 

[E.  S.  F.] 
LUGUSTA,  martyr  in  Africa,  commemorated 
May  19  (^Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

LUKE,  ST.,  THE  EVANGELIST  (in 
Art).  [See  Evangelists,  I.  633.]  Martiguy 
refers  to  Borgia  (De  Cruce  Veliterna,  p.  133)  for 
an  engraving  of  a  brazen  cross,  probably  of  the 
8th  or  9th  century,  which  bears  on  its  extremities 
busts  of  the  four  evangelists  in  person,  instead 
of  the  symbolic  creatures.  Here  St.  Luke,  like 
the  others,  bears  a  closed  book  in  one  hand 
and  points  to  it  with  the  other.  It  has  been 
supposed  that  the  evangelists  are  also  personally 
represented  on  sarcophagi,  as  in  that  of  Probus 
and  Proba  (Bottari,  tav.  xvi.  ;  and  at  pi.  cxxxi. 
in  particular).  In  this  last  example,  three 
figures  hold  the  volume  or  roll,  and  stand  in  all 
probability  for  St.  Matthew,  St.  John,  and  St. 
Mark.  But  the  roll  or  book  is  frequently  placed 
in  the  hands  of  all  or  any  of  the  apostles. 
However,  in  a  sepulchral  urn,  No.  36,  in  the 
Museum  of  Art,  the  apostles  are  represented 
with  books  rolled  up,  and  the  remaining  four 
with  them  unfolded :  the  names  are  written  on 
the  rolls;  St.  Luke's  as  lvcanvs.  The  non- 
apostolic  evangelists  are,  however,  seldom  added 
to  the  number  of  the  twelve. 

M.  Perret  (in  Catacomhes  de  Rome,  vol.  ii. 
pi.  Ixvi.)  publishes  a  greatly  damaged  fresco 
from  an  arcosolium  in  the  cemetery  of  Saint 
"Zoticus,"  wherever  that  may  be.  However, 
the  fresco  represents  four  standing  figures,  each 
of  whom  has  at  his  feet  a  ''  scrinium "  full  of 
rolls.  The  two  letters  MA  are  legible  near  one 
of  them,  which  maj'  be  St.  Matthew  or  St. 
Mark.  St.  Luke  must  be  one  of  the  othei's.  He 
is  also  represented  among  the  four  evangelists 
in  the  mosaics  of  the  baptisteries  of  Ravenna 
(Ciampini,  Vet.  Ifonumenta,  tab.  Ixxii.  A.D.  451). 
Four  figures  holding  books  cannot  well  be  other 
than  the  writers  of  the  Gospels,  though  Ciampini 
expresses  some  doubt  as  to  the  subject  of  the 
painting. 

The  earliest  representation  of  St.  Luke  as  a 
painter  is  in  the  Menologium  of  Basil  II.,  A.D.  980. 
See  D'Agincourt,  Peinture,  pi.  xxxi.,  where  the 
Virgin  is  sitting  to  him  in  a  pleasant  garden  scene 
(perhaps  on  a  house  top),  which  reminds  us  of 
some  of  Fra  Angelico's  works.        [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

LUKE,  ST.    [Lucas  (1).] 

LULLUS,  archbishop  of  Mainz,  commemo- 
rated Oct.  16  (Acta  SS:,  Oct.  vii.  pt.  2,  p. 
1083).  [C.  H.] 

LUMINAKE.     [Catacombs,  I.  311.] 

LUMINOSA,  virgin,  at  Papia  or  Pavia,  in 
Italy,  commemorated  May  9  (Acta  SS.  May,  ii. 
460).  [C.  H.] 

LUMINUM  DIES.     [Epiphany.] 

LUPATUS,  martyr  at  Rome,  commemorated 

Sept.  16  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

LUPENTIUS,  abbat  of  Catalaunum  (Chalons- 

sur-Marne),  commemorated  Oct.  22    (Acta  SS.. 

Oct.  ix.  609).  [C.  H.].   • 


LUPEECIUS 

LUPERCIUS  or  LUPEECULUS,  martyr 
at  Elusa  (Eause),  commemorated  Jane  28 
{Acta  SS.  June,  v.  351).  [C.  H.] 

LUPERCUS,  one  of  the  eighteen  martyrs  of 
Saragossa,  commemorated  April  16.  (Usuard. 
Mart.)  [C.  H.] 

LUPIANUS,  confessor,  commemorated  July 
1  (Acta  SS.  July,  i.  32).  [C.  H.] 

LUPICINUS  (1)  Bishop  of  Lyon,  commemo- 
rated Feb.  3  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Acta  SS.  Feb.  i. 
360). 

(2)  Martyr,  it  is  not  said  where,  commemora- 
ted March  3  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Abbat,  martyr,  in  the  territory  of  Lyon, 
commemorated  March  21  (Usuard.  Mart. ; 
Acta  SS.  Mar.  iii.  262). 

(4)  Martyr,  at  Rome,  commemorated  April  12 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr  in  Lydia,  commemorated  April  27. 

(6)  Hermit  and  confessor  in  Gaul,  commemo- 
rated June  24  (Greg.  Tur.  Vit.  Pat.  cap.  13, 
Patrol.  Lat.  Ixsi.  1064  ;  Acta  SS.  Jun.  iv.  817). 

(7)  Bishop,  martyr  at  Vienne  (Hieron. 
Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.)  [C.  H.j 

LUPRANPODUS,  martyr  in  Cappadocia, 
commemorated  Oct.  14  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

[C.  H.] 

LUPUS  (1)  Bishop  of  Chalons-sur-Marne 
commemorated  Jan.  27  (Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii. 
776). 

(2)  Martyr  at  Militana  in  Armenia,  com- 
memorated May  2  (Hieron.  Mart.) 

(3)  Bishop  of  Limousin,  commemorated  May 
22  (Acta  SS.  May,  v.  171). 

(4)  Martyr  at  Rome,  commemorated  May  31 
(Eieron.  Mart.) 

(5)  Martyr  at  Thessalonica,  commemorated 
June  1  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(6)  Bishop  of  Troyes  and  confessor,  his  depositio 
commemorated  at  Troyes  July  29  (Hieron. 
Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart. ;  Acta  SS. 
July,  vii.  51). 

(7)  Bishop  and  confessor  at  Sens,  commemo- 
rated Sept.  1  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.  ; 
Acta  SS.  Sept.  i.  248). 

(8)  Bishop  and  confessor,  his  depositio  com- 
memorated at  Lyon  Sept.  24  (Hieron.  Mart.). 
Usuard  calls  him  bishop  and  anchoret,  and 
places  him  under  Sept.  25  ;  as  also  Acta  SS. 
Sept.  vii.  81. 

(9)  Martyr  with  Aurelia  at  Cordova,  com- 
memorated Oct.  14  (Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart. 
Auct. ;  Acta  SS.  Oct.  vi.  476). 

(10)  Bishop  of  Angers,  confessor,  commemo- 
rated Oct.  17  (Acta  SS.Oct.  viii.  104). 

(11)  Bishop  of  Soissons,  commemorated  Oct. 
19  (Acta  SS.  Oct.  viii.  448).  [C.  H.] 

LURICUS  V.  LUCERUS. 

LUSOR,  youth  at  Bourges,  confessor,  his 
depositio  commemorated  Nov.  4.  (Hieron.  Mart.  ; 
Bed.  Mart.  Auct.)  [C.  H.] 

LUSTRALIS  COLLATIO  (so  called  because 
it  was  paid  at  the  end  of  every  lusti-um ;  also 


LUXURY 


1065 


Xpvcrdpyvpov,  chrysargyrum,  because  the  pay- 
ment was  made  in  gold  and  silver  coins).  A 
trading  or  licence  tax,  exacted  from  all  who 
carried  on  any  kind  of  trade.  The  inferior 
clergy  were  at  first  exempted  from  it.  (See 
Immunities  and  Privileges  of  the  Clergy, 
sect.  ii.  par.  3.)  [S.  J.  £.] 

LUTICIANUS,  martyr  at  Antioch,  com- 
memorated Dec.  9  (Hieron.  Mart.)  [C.  H.] 

LUTRUDIS  (LuTRUDE,  Lintrude),  virgin 
in  Gaul,  commemorated  Sept.  22  (Acta  SS. 
Sept.  vi.  451).  [C.  H.] 

LUXURIUS,  martyr  in  Sardinia,  commemo- 
rated Aug.  21 ;  presumably  the  same  as  Luxurus, 
martyr  in  Sardinia,  Sept.  26  ;  both  in  Hieron. 
Ma7-t.  He  is  called  Lusorius,  and  assigned  to 
Aug.  21,  in  Acta  SS.  Aug.  iv.  414.  [C.  H.] 

LUXURUS  or  LUXURIUS,  martyr  in  Sar- 
dinia placed  under  Aug.  21  and  Sept.  26. 

[C.  H.] 

LUXURY  (Luxuria).  The  original  signifi- 
cation of  the  word  luxuria  was  that  of  an  over- 
flow or  excess  of  fertility  in  crops  or  fields ; 
thence  it  had  the  meaning  of  wantonness  and  of 
luxury  generally :  in  mediaeval  ecclesiastical 
Latin  it  expresses  sins  of  uncleanness,  "  luxuriae 
concubinaticae,  luxuriosos  vel  adulteros  luxu- 
riam  explere  cum  consanguinea  sua."  (See  Du- 
cange,  s.  v.) 

'Ihe  church  from  the  very  first  assumed  an 
attitude  of  antagonism  to  luxury  in  every  form. 
Simple  and  comely  dress,  plain  food,  an  active, 
not  an  idle  life,  and  a  disregard  of  riches,  were 
the  outward  marks  of  a  Christian  profession ; 
and  the  circumstances  of  the  early  Christians 
were  obviously  such  as  to  restrain  any  tendency 
to  self-indulgence.  So  soon,  however,  as  the 
church  obtained  any  toleration  in  the  empire 
and  wealthy  members  joined  her  ranks,  the  case 
was  altered.  Even  as  early  as  the  2nd  century 
TertuUian  has  frequent  denunciations  against 
intemperate  "  voluptates."  He  will  not  allow 
the  public  shows  to  be  freque;:ted  by  Christians. 
"  The  state  of  faith,"  he  declares  (de  Spectac. 
c.  1),  "  the  argument  of  truth  and  the  rule  of 
discipline  bar  the  servants  of  God  from  the 
pleasures  of  the  public  shows."  The  outrageous 
immodesty  of  the  theatre,  no  less  than  the  con- 
tagion of  idolatry  in  the  whole  apparatus  of  the 
shows,  was  held  to  render  them  inconsistent  with 
the  renouncements  which  were  made  at  bap- 
tism. (For  the  words  of  renunciation,  see  Bap- 
Tisji,  L  160 ;  Renunciation.)  What  the  church 
opposed  was  not  festivity  in  itself,  but  the  vice 
inseparable  from  the  exhibition  of  the  public 
plays.  Cyprian,  for  example,  writing  to  Donatus 
(c.  7),  inveighs  with  severity  against  the  shows ; 
yet  he  dates  his  own  treatise  on  the  feast  of 
the  vintage  (ad  Donat.  c.  1),  which  he  implies 
that  he  was  himself  observing.  An  instance  of 
the  corruption  which  then  prevailed  in  theatri- 
cal representations  appears  from  the  play  which 
was  called  Maiuma,  part  of  which  consisted  in 
the  exhibition  of  naked  women  swimming  in 
water.  This  disgraceful  display  was  the  subject 
of  no  less  than  eight  imperial  laws,  and  was  not 
finally  prohibited  till  the  time  of  Arcadius  (Cod. 
Theod.  XV.  vi.  2). 


1066 


LUXURY 


The  tendency  to  luxury  in  the  adornment  of  ! 
the  person  in  the  2nd  and  3rd  centuries  is  ap- 
parent from  the  exhortations  of  TertuUiau  ((if 
Caltu-  Femin.)  and  Cyprian  (de  Hahitu  Virgin.'),  in 
the  West,  and  of  Clement  in  the  East  (Stromata, 
ii.  10).  They  could  not  tolerate  that  Christian 
women  should  exhibit  the  same  immodesty  in 
their  apparel,  and  should  deck  themselves  with 
the  same  meretricious  arts  as  were  common 
in  the  depraved  society  of  the  heathen  world. 
Cyprian  treats  of  what  is  becoming  in  dress  and 
Itehaviour  in  a  consecrated  virgin,  but  his 
treatise  also  exhibits  the  fashions  which  be- 
guiled women  generally  in  that  age.  He  warns 
them  (de  Habitu  Virgin,  c.  7)  against  exposins; 
their  face  and  figure  in  public  from  want  of 
modest  clothing ;  he  asks  (c.  9)  if  it  is  God's 
wish  that  their  ears  should  be  scarred  and  tra- 
versed with  costly  earrings,  or  that  a  circle  of 
black  should  be  drawn  round  the  eye ;  he  cau- 
tions them  against  tampering  with  what  God 
has  formed,  whether  with  "yellow  dye  or  black 
powder  or  rouge  ;  "  and  as  the  sum  of  the  matter 
he  gives  them  his  fatherly  advice,  "be  what  you 
were  fashioned  by  your  Father's  hand,  remain 
with  your  countenance  simple,  your  shoulders 
let  alone,  your  figure  natural,  wound  not  your 
•ears,  circle  not  arm  or  neck  with  precious  chain, 
fetter  not  ankles  with  golden  bonds,  stain  not 
your  hair,  and  keep  your  eyes  worthy  of  seeing 
God."  All  such  lascivious  arts  he  regards,  in 
common  with  other  Christian  fathers,  as  having 
been  taught  mankind  by  the  apostate  angels 
(Jhid.  c.  9).  Closely  allied  to  immodest  dressing 
is  wantonness  of  manners.  Cyprian  {ibid.  c.  iO) 
rebukes  those  of  his  flock  who  make  no  scruple 
when  they  attend  marriage  parties  of  abandoning 
themselves  to  revelry,  "they  interchange  unchaste 
speeches,  hear  what  is  unbecoming  and  say  what 
is  unlawful,  and  are  exposed  to  view,  and  coun- 
tenance with  their  presence  shameful  language 
and  convivial  excess."  The  wedding-feasts  very 
frequently  formed  an  excuse  for  riot;  and  the 
lascivious  singing  and  promiscuous  dancing  prac- 
tised on  these  occasions  were  brought  under 
canonical  censure.  The  clergy  more  than  once 
were  forbidden  {Cone.  Vend.  c.  11 ;  Cone.  Agath. 
c.  39)  to  sanction  such  gatherings  by  their  pre- 
sence. With  i-espect  to  bathing,  that  luxury 
was  not  altogether  prohibited,  but  the  public 
baths  were  to  be  used  with  a  regard  to  that 
honour  which  the  doctrine  of  the  Incarnation 
teaches  is  due  to  the  human  body.  As  a  proof 
of  the  need  that  the  church  should  regulate  the 
use  of  the  baths,  Cyprian  found  it  necessary  to 
exhort  even  the  virgins  to  abstain  from  bathing 
in  company  with  men  {de  Habitu  Virgin,  c.  11). 
For  a  fuller  account  of  these  various  develop- 
ments of  luxury,  see  Bathing,  Dancing,  Dress, 
Hair. 

Part  of  the  subject  of  over-indulgence  in 
the  pleasures  of  the  table  is  treated  under  the 
heading  of  Drunkennkss.  It  remains  to  notice 
the  efforts  of  the  church  to  check  luxury  iu  food. 
The  sumptuous  meals,  the  pains  and  expense 
lavished  in  obtaining  rare  delicacies,  the  un- 
bridled indulgence  of  the  appetite  which  pre- 
vailed among  the  wealthy  classes  of  the  Roman 
empire  are  matters  of  notoriety.  It  was  a  pri- 
mary duty  of  a  society,  one  of  whose  funda- 
mental moral  precepts  was  the  restraint  of 
fleshly  appetites,  to  make  a  stand  against  such 


LUXURY 

flagrant  abuses.  Tertullian  {Apolog.  c.  39)  con- 
trasts the  simplicity  of  the  Christian  agapao,  in 
which  the  guests  eat  as  much  as  hungry  men 
desire,  with  the  Apaturian  and  Bacchanal  fes- 
tivals, for  which  a  levy  of  cooks  is  ordered ;  and 
asks  his  opponents  which  is  most  likely  to  pro- 
pitiate heaven  in  time  of  calamity  {ibid.  c.  40), 
the  heathen  daily  fed  to  the  full  and  about  forth- 
with to  dine,  or  the  Christian  dried  up  with 
fasting  and  pinched  with  every  sort  of  abstinence. 
The  simplicity  of  the  agapae  did  not  long  sur- 
vive, and  some  allowance  must  be  made  for  Ter- 
tullian's  rhetorical  language,  and  his  own  habits 
of  rigid  self-denial ;  but  after  these  deductions 
sufficient  remains  to  shew  that  Christian  meals 
in  the  2nd  century  were  a  standing  protest 
against  luxury  and  excess  in  matter  of  food. 
Clement  of  Alexandria  inveighs  {Paedagog.  ii.  1) 
against  the  lavishness  and  gluttony  of  heathen 
meals,  and  exhorts  Christian  converts  to  be 
satisfied  with  plain  fare  ;  he  urges  that  meat 
should  be  eaten  without  sauces  and  boiled  rather 
than  roast,  but  recommends  in  preference  such 
food  as  olives,  herbs,  milk,  cheese,  fruit,  and 
honey.  Among  more  specific  directions  of  a  later 
date  the  fourth  council  of  Carthage,  a.d.  398 
(c.  15),  requires  the  African  bishops  to  maintain 
a  frugal  table.  The  plea  that  bishops  should  be 
free  in  entertaining  magistrates  and  others  in 
office  that  they  might  thus  obtain  readier  access 
to  them  to  intercede  for  criminals,  is  rejected  by 
Jerome  {Ep.  ad  Xepotian.  cc.  3,  4).  Judges,  he 
says,  will  shew  greater  respect  to  frugal  clergy 
than  to  luxurious  ones.  He  adds,  in  the  same 
epistle,  that  a  clergyman  who  takes  every  oppor- 
tunity of  going  to  the  entertainments  to  which 
he  is  invited  soon  sinks  in  estimation.  By  the 
Apostolical  Constitutions  (ii.  4)  widows  who  are 
brought  to  want  from  gluttony  or  idleness  are 
not  to  receive  relief  from  the  church.  The 
directions  in  the  Rule  of  Benedict,  which  was 
practical  rather  than  ascetic  in  its  aim,  give  the 
diet  which  was  considered  sufficient  for  all  the 
purposes  of  an  industrious  life  in  Italy  at  the 
beginning  of  the  6th  century.  Each  monk  was 
allowed  1  lb.  of  bread  daily,  but  flesh  only  in 
case  of  illness.  At  dinner  two  dishes  of  cooked 
pulmcntaria  were  to  be  placed  on  the  table,  and 
a  third  dish  of  fruit  and  salad  when  it  could 
be  got  {Eeguln,  cc.  39,  40).  The  composition  of 
these  "  pulmenta"  or  "  pulmentaria "  was  va- 
rious. Grain  and  vegetables  cooked  in  different 
ways  were  their  ordinary  ingredients.  Eggs,  fish, 
cheese,  and  even  fowls,  if  the  flesh  was  minced, 
were  admitted  into  them.  One  definition  states 
that  they  were  made  ex  mediae  qualitatis  ma- 
teria ;  another,  that  they  included  any  ordinary 
food  except  bread  and  meat.  (See  Ducange,  s.  v.) 
As  we  advance  into  the  middle  ages  the  ecclesi- 
astical injunctions  regarding  food  take  the  form 
of  prohibitions  of  gluttony  rather  than  of  luxury. 
Gross  feeding  was  one  of  the  particular  vices  of 
the  barbarian  tribes  which  were  being  gradually 
incorporated  into  the  church.  The  council  of 
Autuu,  A.D.  670  (Labbe,  Coneilia,  vi.  1888),  forbad 
any  priest  who  had  overeaten  himself  to  touch 
the  sacrifice.  In  the  Penitential  of  Gildas,  which 
probably  contains  the  earlier  canonical  rules  of 
the  British  church,  it  is  enacted  that  if  a  monk 
is  sick  from  too  much  food  on  a  day  when  he 
has  received  the  sacrifice,  he  shall  go  without 
his  supper  and  keep  seven  additional  fasts  Cc.  7) , 


LUXURY 

on  any  other  day  he  shall  keep  one  fast  aud  be 
severely  chideJ  (c.  8).  Similar  injunctions  are 
fdund  in  the  early  ecclesiastical  documents  of 
tho  Anglo-Saxon  church.  Theodore  in  his  Pcni- 
tctitid  (I.  i.  8)  imposes  a  penance  of  three  days 
on  any  one  making  himself  ill  by  gluttony,  with 
an  additional  penance  (c.  9)  if  the  ot^ence  is  com- 
mitted after  receiving  the  sacred  elements.  In 
these  rules  he  is  followed  by  Archbishop  Egbert, 
who  moreover  inflicts  ditferent  sentences  on 
ditfeient  orders.  Thus  a  '  clericus  '  overeating 
himself  is  to  fast  forty  days  {Poenitent.  xi.  7),  a 
monk  or  deacon  sixty,  a  priest  seventy,  a  bishop 
eighty  (Bed.  Poenitent.  vi.  3,  4).  Theodore  (I. 
i.  4)  made  an  exemption  in  favour  of  any  one 
who  had  been  fasting  a  long  time,  and  then  at 
Christmas  or  Easter,  or  any  of  the  saints'  days 
eat  moderately,  but  did  not  make  allowance  for 
the  weakness  which  succeeds  a  long  fast,  and 
causes  sickness  on  eating. 

The  eating  of  unclean  food  frequently  comes 
under  notice  in  the  Penitential  Books  of  the  7th 
;md  8th  centuries.  The  existence  of  these  decrees 
points  to  some  remote  influence  of  the  Mosaic 
Law  in  the  mediaeval  church,  and  also  indicates 
the  lingering  of  barbarous  habits  among  the 
converts  to  Christianity  in  the  remote  corners 
of  Europe.  The  Canones  Hihernenses  (Wasser- 
schleben.  Die  Bussordnungcn  der  Abendldndischen 
Eirche,  p.  136)  inflict  (c.  13)  four  years  on 
bread  and  water  on  any  eating  horseflesh ;  a 
severity  which  was  probably  called  for  by  some 
local  practices.  For  the  same  canons  only  impose 
(cc.  14,  15)  forty  days  on  those  who  eat  flesh 
which  dogs  have  torn  or  which  has  died  from 
natural  causes.  By  the  Penitential  of  Theodore 
(I.  vii.  6)  it  is  no  canonical  offence  if  carrion  is 
eaten  from  necessity.  In  the  case  (cc.  8,  9)  of 
food  which  has  been  contaminated  by  a  mouse 
or  weasel  having  been  drowned  in  it,  if  there  is 
a  small  quantity  it  must  be  thrown  away  ;  but 
if  there  is  much,  it  will  be  sufficient  to  sprinkle 
it  with  holy  water.  A  goat  or  deer  found  dead 
in  the  forest  (IL  xi.  1),  unless  there  is  some 
appearance  of  its  having  been  slain  by  the  hand 
of  man,  must  be  thrown  to  the  swine  or  dogs,  on 
no  account  be  eaten.  Birds  or  beasts  strangled 
in  nets  or  slain  by  hawks  (c.  2)  must  also  be 
rejected,  because  the  Capitnla  in  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles  prohibit  the  using  of  things  strangled. 
Fish,  however  (c.  3),  caught  in  a  net  may  be 
■eaten,  because  they  belong  to  another  order.  The 
direction  with  regard  to  horse-flesh  (c.  4)  differs 
from  the  Irish  canon.  Theodore  does  not  forbid 
it,  but  states  it  is  not  customary  to  eat  it.  Hares 
are  allowable  (c.  5),  their  flesh  is  said  to  be  good 
for  dysentery,  more  particularly  the  gall  mixed 
with  pepper.  The  Confessionale  of  Pseudo-Egbert 
adds  that  it  is  a  remedy  for  face-ache.  Bees 
(c.  9)  stinging  a  man  to  death  must  be  killed, 
but  their  honey  may  be  kept.  It  is  not  neces- 
sary to  reject  either  swine  or  fowl  (c.  7)  which 
have  fed  on  carrion  or  human  blood ;  but  any 
which  have  fed  on  human  flesh  must  not  be 
eaten  (c.  8)  till  the  meat  has  been  soaked.  Bede 
(Poenitential.  vii.)  lays  down  the  same  injunc- 
tions in  the  main  about  unclean  food.  In  these 
he  i.=  followed  by  Egbert,  with  some  curious 
varieties  of  penance.  Any  one  (Ec;bert,  Poerii- 
iential.  xiii.  4)  knowingly  eating  or  drinking  what 
Jias  been  polluted  by  a  cat  or  dog  shall  chant 
1.00  psalms,  or  fast  three  days  ;  if  the  ofi'ence  is 


LUXURY 


1067 


committed  unknowingly,  the  penalty  is  halved. 
So  any  secular  (c.  5)  deliberately  drinking  any 
liquor  in  which  a  mouse  or  a  weasel  has  been 
drowned,  shall  do  seven  days'  penance  in  a  mon- 
astery and  chant  300  psalms.  The  penalty  of 
eating  food  half  raw  was  three  days'  penance, 
or  chanting  the  psaltery. 

Luxuria  in  the  middle  ages  was  used  in  eccle- 
astical  language  to  signify  lust,  more  particu- 
larly such  indulgence  of  the  passions  as  was  not 
included  under  Adultery,  Fornication,  or  In- 
cest. The  lascivious  desire  which  stopped  short 
of  overt  act  was  not  generally  brought  under 
canonical  censure  ;  the  rule  of  discipline  being 
that  the  church  judges  actions  only,  and  of 
actions  those  alone  which  create  scandal.  Secret 
thoughts,  intentions,  and  desires  were  left  to  spi- 
ritual remedies.  So  the  council  of  Neocaesarea, 
A.D.314  (c.  4),  merely  states  that  any  man  who 
desires  to  sleep  with  a  woman  and  does  not 
accomplish  it,  has  fallen  from  grace.  No  men- 
tion is  made  of  penance.  Even  the  Penitentials 
which  pursue  offenders  into  the  minutest  details, 
either  assign  no  penalty  to  a  desire,  or  a  very 
slight  one.  The  British  canonical  book  which 
bears  the  name  of  the  Penitential  of  Vinniaus 
(Wasserschleben,  p.  108)  states  that  if  a  man 
has  meditated  uncleauness  but  checked  himself, 
although  the  sin  is  the  same,  the  penitence  mav 
be  light.  And  Theodore  (I.  ii.  21,  22)  only  bid"s 
such  a  man  seek  pardon  from  God ;  but  if  he 
has  proceeded  to  wanton  words,  then  he  must 
be  a  penitent  for  seven  days.  Kissing  a  woman 
per  desiderium  was  punished  with  twenty  days 
(I.  viii.  2).  Rape  was  severely  visited,  both  by 
civil  and  ecclesiastical  law.  One  of  the  laws  of 
Constantine  {Cod.  Tlieod.  IX.  xxiv.  1)  condemned 
to  the  flames  not  only  any  one  who  committed 
a  rape  on  a  virgin,  but  even  carried  her  off  with 
her  own  consent  against  the  will  of  her  parents. 
This  severity  was  a  little  modified  by  Constantius 
(^ihid.  c.  2)  ;  the  crime  was  still  a  capital  one, 
but  only  slaves  guilty  of  it  were  to  be  burned. 
Under  Jovian  the  scope  of  the  law  was  extended 
{Cod.  Theod.  IX.  xxv.  2),  not  only  was  it  a  capi- 
tal offence  to  ravish  a  consecrated  virgin,  but 
even  to  solicit  her  to  marry  against  the  rule  of 
her  profession,  whether  she  was  willing  or  not. 
The  offence  was  also  brought  under  canonical 
discipline.  The  Apostolical  Canons  (c.  66)  expel 
from  the  church  the  man  who  offers  violence  to 
a  virgin  not  espoused  to  him,  and  prohibits  his 
marrying  any  one  but  her  however  poor  she  may 
be.  Basil  assigns  (ad  Amphiloc.  c.  22)  four  years' 
penance  to  one  carrying  off  a  virgin  espoused  to 
another  man;  and  directs  (£*/).  244)  that  not 
only  shall  the  man  himself  suffer,  but  all  his 
accomplices  shall  be  censured,  even  to  his  family 
and  the  inhabitants  of  his  village.  The  proof  of 
the  widespread  existence  of  unnatural  crime 
during  the  decay  of  the  empire  is  too  strong  to 
be  questioned  (Clement  Alex.  Paedagog.  ii.  10 ; 
Cyprian,  cont.  Donat.  c.  8).  And  no  serious 
efforts  were  made  by  the  heathen  emperors  to 
put  an  end  to  it  (see  the  authorities  quoted 
by  Bingham,  Antiq.  XVI.  ix.  11).  In  the  Chris- 
tian imperial  code,  however,  it  was  treated  with 
extreme  severity.  Constantine  ordered  {Cod. 
Theod.  IX.  vii.  3)  that  offenders  should  be  exe- 
cuted ;  and  Theodosius  {ibid.  c.  6)  that  they 
sliould  be  burned.  The  decrees  of  the  church  on 
the  subject  shew  that  even  Christians  were  not 


1068 


LYCAEION 


altogether  clean.  TertuUian  (de  Pudicit.  c.  4) 
states  that  oflenders  were  kept  not  only  from  the 
porch  of  the  church,  but  from  contact  with  any 
part  of  the  building,  for  such  sins  were  not  "de- 
licta  "  but  "  monstra."  The  council  of  Elvira,  A.D. 
305  (c.  71),  denies  them  communion  even  at  death. 
By  a  canon  of  Ancyra,  A.D.  314  (c.  16),  those 
guilty  before  the  age  of  twenty  were  to  do 
penance  as  prostrators  fifteen  years,  and  then 
to  be  permitted  to  join  in  the  prayers  only  for 
another  five  years  before  being  admitted  to  full 
communion ;  if  they  are  older  than  twenty,  ten 
years  are  to  be  added  to  the  penance;  and  if 
they  exceed  fifty  years,  then  they  are  to  be 
granted  communion  only  at  death.  Basil  (cc.  7, 
62,  63)  fixes  their  penance  at  either  twenty  or 
thirty  years.  The  Penitentials  which  represent 
the  ecclesiastical  code  of  races  which  had  not  yet 
cast  oft'  the  vices  of  barbarism,  abound,  as  might 
be  expected,  with  injunctions  against  unnatural 
lusts.  In  the  British  code  the  Penitential  Book 
of  Gildas  (c.  1)  lays  down  in  curious  detail  the 
punishment  of  a  presbyter  or  deacon  who  had  so 
sinned.  His  penance  was  to  extend  over  three 
years,  every  hour  of  which  he  was  to  beg  pardon, 
and  every  week  he  was  to  add  an  extra  act  of 
penance  (superpositionem)  except  on  the  fifty 
days  after  Easter :  on  the  Lord's  day  he  might 
eat  bread  without  stint,  and  some  dish  fattened 
with  butter,  but  on  other  days  he  was  to  take 
only  a  British  formella  of  dried  bread  (paxima- 
tium)  and  vegetables  and  a  few  eggs.  His  allow- 
ance of  drink  was  to  be  a  Roman  hemina  of  milk 
to  recruit  his  strength,  but  if  he  had  work  to  do, 
he  was  to  be  given  a  Roman  sextarius  of  skimmed 
(tenuclae  vel  bolthutae)  milk  :  his  bed  was  to 
be  made  without  much  grass ;  and  if  at  the  end 
of  a  year  and  a  half  he  shewed  deep  repentance  he 
might  receive  the  eucharist  and  sing  the  psalms 
again  with  the  brothers.  By  the  Penitential  of 
Theodore  (I.  vii.  1)  boys  polluting  themselves 
were  to  be  flogged  ;  and  an  offence  against  nature 
combined  with  any  other  crimen  capitale  was  to 
be  expiated  onl}-  b}'  seclusion  in  a  monastery  for 
life.  For  further  particulars  on  a  matter  which 
does  not  admit  of  detail,  but  where  the  details 
are  only  too  numerous,  the  reader  is  referred  to 
these  early  Penitential  Books  (Theodor.  I.  ii.  vii.  ; 
Bed.  iii. ;  Egbert,  iv.  v.)  [G.  M.] 

LYCAEION,  monk,  martyr  with  Martha  and 
Mary,  commemorated  Feb.  8  (Basil,  Menol.). 

[C.  H.] 
LYDIA  (1)  Purple-seller  of  Thyatira,  com- 
memorated Aug.  3  {Acta  SS.  Aug.  i.  199). 

[C.  H.] 
(2)  Wife  of  Philetus,  a  senator,  martyr,  com- 
memorated March  27  (Basil,  Menol.').       [C.  H.] 


LYING.  It  does  not  appear  that  the  mere 
uttering  of  a  falsehood,  apart  from  any  injury  it 
might  inflict,  was  brought  under  ecclesiastical 
censure.  TertuUian,  writing  after  he  had  joined 
the  Montanists,  and  not  likely  therefore  to  err  on 
the  side  of  laxity,  contrasts  {de  Pudicit.  c.  19) 
the  deadly  sins  which  were  visited  with  excom- 
munication with  those  lighter  offences  of  daily 
incursion  of  which  discipline  took  no  cognizance  ; 
and  among  these  latter  he  enumerates  thought- 
lessly speaking  evil,  rash  swearing,  the  breaking 
of  a  promise,  and  the  telling  of  a  lie  from  shame 


LYONS,  COUNCIL  OF 

or  necessity.  This  list  does  not  include  perjury, 
which  was  treated  as  a  grave  canonical  ofl'ence. 
[Oaths.]  Whether  and  under  what  circum- 
stances it  was  held  pardonable  by  any  of  the 
fathers  to  tamper  with  the  truth,  is  a  matter 
difficult  to  decide  absolutely.  Passages  may  be 
adduced  which  support  a  strict  adherence  to 
veracity  at  all  times  and  at  all  hazards  :  on  the 
other  hand  there  are  passages  which  seem  to 
countenance  equivocation  or  economy.  What  is 
beyond  question  is  that  they  did  not  attempt  to 
build  up  a  system  of  accurate  casuistry.  That 
is  the  production  of  a  later  age.  A  collection  of 
quotations  bearing  on  the  subject  will  be  found 
in  Jeremy  Taylor  {Ductor  Dubitantium,  III.  ii.  5). 
One  of  the  tenets  which  Augustine  charges 
(contra  Mendac.)  the  Priscillianists  with  uphold- 
ing is,  that  they  were  at  liberty  to  forswear 
themselves  in  order  to  conceal  their  secret  doc- 
trines. 

On  false  witness  the  imperial  code,  following 
the  early  Roman  law,  aflfixed  a  heavy  penalty. 
The  false  accuser  was  to  undergo  the  same 
punishment  {Cod.  Theod.  IX.  xxxix.  1,  2,  3; 
XVI.  ii.  21)  which  his  accusation,  had  it  been 
substantiated,  would  have  brought  upon  the  ac- 
cused. This  law  of  retaliation  was  to  hold  good 
(ibid.  IX.  i.  9,  14)  whether  the  false  charge 
attacked  another's  reputation  or  property  or  life. 
The  frequent  mention  of  the  same  offence  in  the 
canonical  law  shews  that  the  evil  was  wide- 
spread in  the  church.  The  council  of  Elvira, 
A.D.  305  (c.  74),  sentences  a  false  witness  to  five 
years'  abstention  from  communion ;  the  kindred 
but,  in  the  circumstances  of  the  early  church,  far 
graver  offence  of  "  delatio  "  was  visited  by  a  life- 
long exclusion  (c.  73).  [Informer.]  The  council 
of  Agde,  A.D.  506  (c.  37),  puts  false  witnesses 
in  the  same  category  with  murderers,  and  ex- 
communicates them  in  general  terms  till  they 
repent  (cf.  Cone.  Venet.  c.  1 ;  IV.  Cone.  Carthag. 
c.  55).  The  legislation  with  regard  to  libel  occu- 
pies a  chapter  of  the  Theodosian  Code  (IX.  xxxiv. 
de  famosis  libellis).     [Libel.]  [G.  ]\I.] 

LYONS,  COUNCIL  OF  (Lugdunensia  Con- 
cilia). Of  the  councils  of  Lyons,  several  have 
been  misnamed  and  misnumbered. 

1.  Said  to  have  been  held  A.D.  197,  because 
this  seems  to  have  been  the  year  in  which  St. 
Irenaeus  addressed  a  letter,  in  the  name  of  the 
brethren  in  France,  over  whom  he  ruled,  to 
pope  Victor,  on  the  disputed  question  of  keeping 
Easter,  and  because  Eusebius  speaks  in  general 
terms  of  synods  and  meetings  of  bishops  having 
been  held  in  connection  with  it  (E.  H.  v.  23-4, 
comp.  Mansi,  i.  715  and  726). 

2.  A.D.  475,  when  a  priest  named  Lucidus  is 
said  to  have  retracted  his  errors  on  predestina- 
tion. But  the  only  record  of  this  is  found  in  a 
work  of  Faustus,  bishop  of  Riez,  who  was  him- 
self a  semi-Pelagian. 

3  and  4.  A.D.  501  and  516,  in  which  St.  Avitus, 
of  Vienne,  is  supposed  to  have  taken  part.  But 
the  first  was  a  mere  conference  between  the 
orthodox  and  the  Arians  (Mansi,  viii.  241,  comp. 
Pagi  ad  Baron.  A.D.  501,  n.  4),  and  to  the  second 
he  refers  himself  but  casually  (Ep.  xxviii.  comp. 
Mansi,  ib.  537). 

6.  A.D.  517,  where  Viventiolus,  bishop  of 
Lyons,  with  ten  others,  passed  and  subscribed  to 
six  canons.     In  the  first  of  these,  the  twentieth 


LYRE 

canon  passed  at  Epaone  respecting  incestuous 
marriages,  was  reaffirmed  with  special  application 
to  Stephen,  an  official  of  king  Sigismund,  whose 
possible  displeasure  may  have  dictated  the  second 
and  third.  St.  Avitus  is  also  thought  to  have 
taken  part  in  this  council,  but  he  is  not  named 
among  those  who  subscribed  to  it.  The  title 
given  to  it  of  the  first  council  of  Lyons  is  mis- 
leading; and  several  canons  are  cited  by  Bur- 
chard  and  others  as  of  this  council,  for  which 
there  would  seem  to  be  no  foundation  (Mansi, 
viii.  567-74). 

6.  Held  A.D.  567,  by  command  of  king  Gun- 
tram,  and  called  the  second  council  of  Lyons,  in 
which  two  bishops,  named  Salonius  and  Sagit- 
tarius, were  condemned  ;  eight  bishops  and  six 
representatives  of  absent  bishops  subscribed  to 
its  canons,  six  in  number  ;  the  bishop  of  Vienne 
subscribing  first,  and  of  Lyons  second.  Canon  2 
decrees  that  the  wills  of  the  departed  should  be 
religiously  maintained  and  carried  out,  even 
when  they  ran,  or  seemed  to  run,  counter  to  the 
civil  law.  Canon  4  decrees  that  persons  sus- 
pended from  cominuuion  are  to  be  restored 
only  by  him  who  suspended  them.  Canon  6  is 
of  a  piece  with  the  second  and  third  of  Gerona. 
(JIansi,  ix.  785-90,  comp.  Cone.  Gerund.) 

7.  Held  A.D.  589,  under  king  Guntram,  and 
called  the  third  council  of  Lyons.  Here  the 
bishop  of  Lyons  subscribed  first,  and  of  Vienne 
second,  of  eight  present  bishops,  and  twelve  who 
subscribed  through  their  representatives.  Once 
more  the  number  of  canons  passed  was  six ;  in 
most  cases  for  giving  eflect  to  former  canons. 
By  the  sixth  lepers  are  to  be  sufficiently  fed  and 
clothed  by  the  bishop  of  the  diocese  to  which 
they  belong,  and  not  allowed  to  be  wanderers 
(Mansi,  Ix.  941-4).  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

LYEE.  The  lyre  is  borne  by  the  mystic 
Orpheus  (see  Aringhi,  vol.  i.  pp.  547,  563,  both 
pictures  from  vaultings  of  the  Callixtine  cata- 
comb, and  Fresco,  L  696),  and  is  held  to  repre- 
sent the  attractive  power  of  the  Lord.  Aringhi 
quotes  St.  John  xi. :  "  And  I,  if  I  be  lifted  up,  will 
draw  all  men  to  Me,"  and  proceeds  to  reflect  on 
the  lyre  of  Orpheus,  "  qui  dulcisonis  et  concin- 
natis  ad  plectrum  vocibus  feras  pertrahebat." 
Eusebius  makes  ingenious  use  of  the  simile  in 
his  oration  de  Laudihus  Constantini  Imp.,  where 
he  speaks  of  the  Lord's  saving  all,  "  by  the  instru- 
ment of  the  human  body  with  which  He  invested 
Himself;  not  otherwise  than  Orpheus  the  singer, 
who  makes  known  his  skill  in  art  by  his  lyre, 
so  that,  as  it  is  said  in  the  Greek  tales,  he  could 
tame  all  kinds  of  beasts  with  his  singing ;  and 
by  touching  the  strings  of  his  instrument  with 
the  plectrum,  could  soften  the  wrath  of  merciless 
wild  beasts." 

Clemens  Alexandrinus  {Paedag.  iii.  1 1,  p.  246  d) 
includes  the  lyre  among  the  symbols  permitted 
to  be  used  as  signets.  [Gems,  L  712,  716.] 
For  a  curious  illustration  of  the  symbolic  lyre 
of  the  passions  or  bodilv  nature,  see  Calf,  L  258. 
[R.  St.  J.  T.] 


MACAEIUS 


1069 


M 

MACALLEUS,  bishop  in  Cruachadia  in 
Ireland,  5th  century  ;  commemoi-ated  April  25 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  iii.  366).  [C.  H.] 

MACAEIA  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated 
Feb.  28  (^Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Commemorated  at  Alexandria  April  6 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  or  MACHARIA,  commemorated  at  An- 
tioch  April  7  {Hieron.  Mart.;  Bed.  Mart. 
Auct.).  [C.  H.J 

MACARIUS  or  MACHARIUS  (1)  Alex- 
andrinus or  Urbanus,  abbat ;  commemorated 
Jan.  2.  (Hieron.  Mart.;  Usuard.  Mart.;  Vet. 
Bom.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Jan.  i.  84.)  Commemorated  by  the  Greeks 
Jan.  19.  (Cal.  Byzant. ;  Acta  SS.  1.  c. ;  Basil. 
Menol.  designating  him  Romanus.) 
•  (2)  Aegyptius,  presbyter  and  abbat  in 
Scithis;  commemorated  Jan.  15  {Vet.  Bom. 
Mart.  ;  Usuard.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  1007).  Commemorated  by  the 
Greeks  Jan.  19.  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Cal.  Byzmit.  ; 
Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  25 ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan. 
i.  84,  1007.) 

(3)  Martyr ;  commemorated,  not  said  where, 
Jan.  23  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart,  Auct.). 

(4)  Martyr,  commemorated  Jan.  26  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(5)  Commemorated  with  Eufinus,  Feb.  28 
(Usuard.  Mart.). 

(6)  Bishop  of  Jerusalem,  confessor,  4th  cen- 
tury, commemorated  Mar.  10  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Mar.  ii.  34). 

(7)  Bishop  of  Bordeaux  4th  or  6th  century, 
commemorated  May  4  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mav,  i. 
492). 

(8)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Lyon,  June  2 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(9)  Martyr  with  Megetia  of  Milan  ;  com- 
memorated July  16  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta 
SS.  July,  iv.  129). 

(10)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Antioch, 
July  19  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(11)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Laodicea, 
July  28  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(12)  Commemorated  with  Eugenius  Aug.  5 
{Cal.  Arm.);  assigned  to  Dec.  20  in  Basil,  iUfcno?. 
For  references  to  him  in  some  codices  of  the 
Sacramentary,  see  Greg.  Mag.  Lib.  Sacr.  22,  305, 
Migne. 

(13)  Martyr  with  Julianus  in  Syria;  com- 
memorated Aug.  12  {Hieron.  Mart.;  Vet.  Bom. 
Mart.;  Usuard.  Mart.;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  ii. 
700). 

(14)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia, 
Aug.  17  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(15)  Patriarch  of  Alexandria  ;  commemorated 
Sept.  1  {Cal.  Acthiop.). 

(16)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Nicaea,  Oct. 
21  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(17)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Puteoli,  Oct,. 
21  {Hieron.  Mart.). 


1070 


MACCABEES 


(18)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  in  Africa,  Nov.  9 
{Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

(19)  One  of  Libyan  birth;  commemorated  at 
Alexandria  Dec.  8  (  Vet.  Rom.  Mart.). 

(20)  Patriarch  of  Alexandria ;  commemo- 
rated Dec.  27  {_Cal.  Aethiop.).  [C.  H.] 

MACCABEES,  seven  brothers  martyred  at 
Antioch  with  their  mother  under  Antiochus ; 
oommemorated  Aug.  1  {Ilieron.  Mart.  ;  Vet. 
Bom.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  ;  Basil,  Menol).  As- 
signed to  July  30  in  Cal.  Armen.  ;  mentioned  in 
some  codices  of  the  Gregorian  sacrameutary 
(Lib.  Sacram.  409,  Migne).  [C.  H.] 

MACCARTHENNUS,  bishop  of  Clochora  in 
Ireland,  confessor  A.D.  506  ;  commemorated  Aug. 
15  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  iii.  209).  [C.  H.] 

MACEDONIUS  (1)  Critiiophagus,  Syrian 
anchoret ;  commemorated  Jan.  24  (Cal.  Byzaiit. ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  593). 

(2)  Commemorated  in  Asia  Mar.  12  (Hicron. 
Mart.). 

(3)  Presbyter  at  Nicomedia,  martyred  with 
his  wife  Patricia  and  daughter  Modesta;  com- 
memorated March  13  (Ilieron.  Mart. ;  Bed. 
Mart.;  Vet.  Ron.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart.;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Mar.  ii.  260). 

(4)  Bishop  of  Constantinople,  6th  century ; 
commemorated  April  25  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap. 
iii.  369). 

(6)  Martyred  with  two  youths  in  Greece; 
commemorated  June  28  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  June 
V.  358). 

(6)  Martyred  with  Theodulus  and  Tatianus 
in  Phrygia  ;  commemorated  Sept.  12  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Sept.  iv.  20). 

(7)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Caesarea, 
Nov.  1  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(8)  JIartyr  ;  commemorated  in  the  citj-  of 
Austis  Nov.  21  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MACELLINUS,  martyr,  his  deposit  io  at 
r.ome  June  2  (^Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MACHADORUS%  ]\Iartyr  with  others  at 
Antioch;  commemorated  July  19  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  July,  iv.  587).  '  [C.  H.] 

MACH ALDUS,  bishop  in  the  Island  of  Mona, 
5th  centurj' ;  commemorated  Ap.  25.  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Ap.  iii.  366).  [C.  H.] 

MACHAONIA,  martyr  in  Africa;  comme- 
morated Dec.  15  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MACHARIA.    [Macaria.] 

MACHARIUS.    [Macarius.] 

MACHARUS  (1)  Commemorated  April  12 
(^Micron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Commemorated  July  10  at  Alexandria 
and  at  Antioch  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MACHROSA,  martyr  in  Africa  ;  commemo- 
rated Dec.  15  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.l 

»  Macbadorus  is  the  heading  of  Acta  S.?. ;  but  in  the 
text  Macedo,  while  Hieron.  Mart,  (which  is  the  authority 
quoted)  has  Macharius,  in  Migne.  Potthast  also  gives 
Wachadorus. 


MACON,  COUNCILS  OF 

MACHUTUS,  bishop;  his  depositio  comme- 
morated at  Antioch,  Nov.  15  (Hieron.  Mart.). 
[C.  H.] 
MACIDALES,   martyr;    commemorated  at 
Rome,  June  12  (Hieron.  Mart.).     [Magdales.] 
[C.  H.] 
MACNISCIUS,  bishop  of  Coneria,   or  Con- 
nereth,  in  Ireland,  6th  century ;   commemorated 
Sept.  3  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  i.  664).        [C,  H.] 

MACON,^  COUNCILS  OF  (Matisco7iensia 
Concilia).  Three  councils  of  Macon  are  recorded  ; 
the  two  first  being  held  by  command  of  king 
Guntram. 

1.  A.D.  581,  when  21  bishops  subscribed  to  19 
canons :  Prisons  of  Lyons  first,  and  Evantius  of 
Yienne  next.  In  their  preface  they  declare  they 
are  not  going  to  make  new  canons  so  much  as 
sanction  the  old.  Yet  their  6th  canon  is  novel, 
as  well  in  speaking  of  archbishops  at  all,  as  in 
ordering  that  they  shall  not  say  mass  without 
their  palls.  So  is  the  7th,  which  threatens  civil 
judges  with  excommunication  if  they  proceed 
against  any  clerk,  except  on  criminal  chai-ges. 
So  is  the  9th,  which  orders  Mondays,  Wednes- 
days, and  Fridays  from  Nov.  11  to  Dec.  25  to 
be  kept  as  fasts.  Others  relating  to  married 
priests  and  bishops,  and  to  the  Jews  in  general, 
are  remarkable  for  their  severity.  Nine  more 
canons  are  cited  by  Burchard  and  others  as 
having  been  passed  at  this  council.  (Mansi,  ix. 
931-940.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

2.  A.D.  585,  when  43  present  and  20  absent 
bishops,  through  their  deputies,  subscribed  to  20 
canons.  In  their  preface  Priscus,  bishop  of 
Lyons,  is  styled  patriarch.  The  first  canon  is 
a  short  homily  for  the  better  observance  of 
Sunday.  By  the  second,  no  work  may  be  done 
for  six  days  at  Easter.  In  the  sixth,  the  41st 
African  canon  is  quoted  with  approval,  which 
orders  that  the  Eucharist  shall  be  celebrated  ou 
all  days  of  the  year  but  one  fasting ;  and 
further  provision  is  made  for  what  remains  after 
celebration,  by  directing  that  it  shall  be  con- 
sumed by  persons  of  unblemished  character, 
brought  to  church  for  that  purpose,  and  enjoined 
to  come  fasting,  on  Wednesdays  and  Fridays, 
having  been  first  sprinkled  with  wine.  By  the 
seventh,  slaves  that  have  been  set  free  b}'  the 
church  are  not  to  be  molested  before  the  magis- 
trate. By  the  eighth,  none  that  have  taken 
sanctuary  may  be  touched  till  the  priest  has 
been  consulted.  By  the  ninth  and  tenth,  the 
civil  power  may  not  proceed  against  any  bishop, 
except  through  his  metropolitan ;  nor  against 
any  priest,  deacon,  or  sub-deacon,  except  through 
their  bishop.  By  the  sixteenth,  no  relict  of  a 
sub- deacon,  exorcist,  or  acolyth  may  marry 
again.  By  the  nineteenth,  clerks  may  not  fre- 
quent courts  where  capital  causes  are  tried. 
The  twentieth  orders  the  holding  of  councils 
every  .  three  years,  and  charges  the  bishop  of 
Lyons  with  assembling  them,  subject  to  the  as- 
sent of  the  king,  who  is  to  fix  where  they  shall 
meet.  King  Guntram,  in  a  dignified  ordinance, 
published  at  the  close  of  this  council,  intimates 
that  the  civil  authority  will  not  hesitate  to 
step  in,  if  the  canons  are  not  enforced  with  due 
rigour.     (Mansi,  ix.  947-64.) 

3.  A.D.  624,  or  four  or  five  years  earlier,  ac- 
cording to  JIansi,  when  the  rule  of  St.  CoJum- 


MACORUS 

ban,  which  a  monk  named  Agrestinus  had  at- 
tacked, was  vindicated  by  Eustasius,  abbat  of 
Luxeuil,  his  successor.  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

MACORUS,  martyr  in  Africa ;  commemo- 
rated Apr.  17  {Hieron.  Mart).  [C.  H.] 

MACRA  (1)  Virgin,  martyr  at  Rheims,  about 
A. P.  303,  under  the  praeses  Rictiovarus  ;  com- 
memorated Jan.  6  (Usuard.  Mart, ;  Vet.  Rom. 
Mart. ;  Bed.  3£art.  Auct. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i. 
324). 

(2)  Virgin,  martyr,  in  Mauritania  Caesari- 
ensis  ;  commemorated  Jan.  9  (Vet.  Rom.  Mart.). 
The  name  occurs  as  Martiana  in  Ado.       [C.  H.] 

MACRIANA,  COUNCIL  OF  (Macritmum 
Concilium),  held  at  Macriana  in  Africa,  A.D.  418, 
according  to  some,  the  only  evidence  for  it  being 
two  canons  in  the  collection  of  Ferrandus  (n.  1 1 
and  23),  each  attributed  to  a  council  of  that 
name  (Mansi,  iv.  439,  and  see  African  Coun- 
cils). [E.  S.  Ff.] 

MACRINA  (1)  Grandmother  of  St.  Basil,  at 
Neocaesarea  in  Pontus ;  commemorated  Jan.  14. 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  952). 

(2)  Sister  of  Basil  the  Great ;  commemorated 
July  19  (Basil,  Menol. ;  Cal.  Byzant. ;  Daniel, 
Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  2G4). 

(3)  Commemorated  at  Rome  July  20  (Hieron. 
Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MACRINUS,  martyr  with  Valerianus  and 
Gordianus ;  commemorated  at  Nivedunum,  or 
Nyon,  Sept.  17  (Usuard.  Mart.;  Bed.  Mart. 
Auct.).  [C.  H.] 

MACROBIUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated 
at  Milan,  May  7  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Alexandria, 
July  13  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Damascus, 
July  20  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.)  ; 
called  Magrobius  in  Hieron.  Mart. 

(4)  Of  Cappadocia,  martyr  with  Gordianus 
and  others,  under  Licinius  ;  commemorated  Sept. 
13  (Basil,  Menol. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  iv.  55). 

[C.  H.] 
MACULUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at  Pe- 
vusia  in  Etruria,  Ap.  29  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MADELBERTA  virgin,  abbess  of  Mau- 
beuge,  about  A.D.  705 ;  commemorated  Sept.  7 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  iii.  103).  [C.  H.] 

MADELGISILUS,  hermit  at  Centulum  (St. 
Riquier)  in  Picardy,  in  the  7th  century  ;  comme- 
morated May  30  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  May,  vii.  264). 
[C.  H.] 

MADIARIA,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Antioch  March  26  (Hieron.  Ifart.).         [C.  H.] 

MADIEI.LIUS,  martyr  ;  commemorated 
Sept.  19  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MADILAMA,  virgin,  martyr;  commemo- 
rated Sept.  17  (Cal.  Acthiop.).  [C.  H.] 

MADNESS,  TREATMENT  OF.  [Demo- 
niacs, I.  543 ;  P:xorcis.m,  I.  650  ;  Hiemantes, 
1.772.] 

MAENA,  martyr  in  Sicily ;  commemorated 
June  4  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 


MAGI 


1071 


MAFORS  (or  Mavors ;  sometimes  Mafora  ; 
Mafwpiov  or  fj.a(p6piov)  was  a  short  veil  covering 
the  head  and  neck,  and  flovving  down  upon  the 
shoulders. 

I.  It  was  originally  an  article  of  female  dress  : 
a  cloak  or  veil.  St.  Athanasius  mentions  that 
the  niaforium  of  the  Virgin  Mary  was  believed 
in  his  time  to  be  preserved  in  the  palace  of  the 
Blachernal  at  Constantinople — Tb  Se  ayiov 
fxa(p6piov  deoroKOv  Iv  'BKax^pva.is  /ce7.  It  is  de- 
fined in  a  MS.  Greek  Glossary,  quoted  by  Du 
Cange,  as  ireirKov,  yvvaiKftov  ifiaTtov.  Another 
calls  it  distinctly  a  veil,  rb  ttjs  Ke<pa\T\s  trepi- 
^\.-i)lxa,  and  Suidas  (Lexicon)  treats  it  as  syn- 
onymous with  ricinium,  a  band  for  the  head. 

II.  The  term  was  also  applied  to  a  large  coarse 
cape  or  hood,  worn  by  monks  in  the  Eastern 
church:  the  monkish  scapular.  Cassian  (de 
Habitu  Monachor.  i.  c.  7)  describes  it  thus  : 
"Post  haec  angusto  pallio  tam  amictus  humi- 
litatem,  quam  vilitatem  pretii,  compendiumque 
sectantes,  colla  pariter  atque  humeros  tegunt  ; 
quod  mafortes  tam  ipsorum  quam  nostro  nun- 
cupatur  eloquio."  It  was  the  working  dress 
of  monks,  and  a  passage  in  Fortunatus  (  Vita  S- 
Hilarii,  c.  ii.  n.  2)  seems  rather  to  shew  that 
the  habit  of  a  monk  of  peculiar  sanctity  would 
sometimes  be  folded  or  draped  around  his  tomb  ; 
for  he  calls  it  "  peplum  seu  velum  quo  sepulcra 
et  tumbae  sanctorum  obvolvebantur. "  That, 
at  all  events,  is  the  apparent  meaning  of  the- 
passage. 

III.  Some  writers  reckon  mafortes  among  the 
vestments  used  in  the  services  of  the  church, 
i.e.  as  a  cope  or  amice.  "  Mafortem  tramoseri- 
cum  rodomelinum  aquilatum  ;  item  mafortem  e 
teleoporphyro  tramosericum  opus  marinum " 
(Charta  Cornittiana,  quoted  by  Ducange). 

Cassian  states  that  this  habit  was  not 
generally  used  by  monks  in  the  West. 

[S.  J.  E.] 

MAGARUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated  at 
Thessalonica  Feb.  27  (Hieron.  Mart.) . 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Sept. 
1 0  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAGDALENE,  MARY.     [Maria  (16).] 

MAGDALES,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Tripoli  June  12.  Thus  the  Bollandists  read  the 
text  of  Hieron.  Mart.,  where  Migne  reads  Tri- 
polis  and  Macidales  in  a  list  of  martyrs  at  Rome 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jun.  ii.  507  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 
[C.  H.] 

MAGDALVEUS,  bishop  of  Verdun,  con- 
fessor ;  commemorated  Oct.  4  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Oct.  ii.  499).  [C.  H.J 

MAGI,  adoration  of;  commemorated  Dec.  25 
(Basil,  Menol.).     Compare  Magi  in  Art. 

[C.  H.] 

MAGI  (in  Art)  (1)  before  Herod.  Two 
instances  of  this  rare  subject  have  been  discovered 
by  the  industry  of  M.  Kohault  de  Fleury,  and 
are  figured  in  his  beautiful  work  L'Evangile 
(Tours,  1875),  which  is  illustrated  entirely  from 
early  art.  One  is  from  a  rude  fresco  in  the 
catacomb  of  St.  Agnes,  of  which  we  subjoin  a 
woodcut,  without  being  able  to  speak  with  any 
certainty  as  to  its  date,  though  De  Floury  attri- 
butes it  to  the  2nd  century.  The  magi  bear 
their  gifts,  and  the  star  is  very  prominent.     la 


1072 


MAGI 


the  original  Herod's  face  has  a  look  of  anger  and 
suspicion,  but  this  may  possibly  hare  been  in- 
serted or  enhanced  by  some  ingenious  copyist  or 


other  ■workman,  nothing  being  easier  than  sinister 
expression,  especially  in  the  large-headed  and 
large-eyed  drawings  of  the  Roman  decadence. 
The  second  example  is  from  the  mosaics  of  Sta. 
Maria  Maggiore  at  Rome,  and  is  one  of  the  ori- 
ginal mosaics  of  the  5th  century.  Herod  bears 
the  nimbus,  a  rather  singular  instance  of  its 
occurrence  so  early.  Hebrew  elders  are  with  him 
unfolding  their  rolls  of  prophecy,  and  gazing  upon 
him  in  a  manner  which  appears  to  disquiet  him, 
as  though  the  text  of  St.  Matt.  ii.  3  was  in  the 
mind  of  the  artist,  and  could  not  have  been 
more  graphically  expressed  by  Raffi^elle  himself. 
Of  the  three  kings,  or  magi,  two  wear  the  Phry- 
gian bonnet  or  helmet,  the  third,  who  is  of  very 
youthful  appearance,  having  long  curled  hair. 
They  all  wear  long  close-fitting  hose,  apparently 
much  ornamented  down  the  front  of  the  leg, 
with  short  tunics,  altogether  presenting  a  rather 
mediaeval  appearance.  Martigny  refers  to  the 
painting  in  St.  Agnes  (see  woodcut),  and  says 
that  Herod  is  supposed  in  it  to  be  protesting 
with  hand  on  heart  his  good  intentions  towards 


MAGI 

the  Holy  Child.  See  also  Ferret,  vol.  ii.  pi. 
xlviii.  He  mentions  a  sarcophagus  at  Ancoua, 
for  which  he  refers  to  Bartoli,  Sopra  tm'  area 
marmorea,  etc.,  Torino,  1768,  which  contains 
the  same  subject,  with  many  figures.  It  will  be 
found  among  Mr.  Parker's  Photographs,  No. 
2677,  vol.  xviii.  Another  at  Aries  bears  the  first 
scene  of  the  history,  the  magi  in  the  act  of  ob- 
serving the  star,  two  pointing  it  out  ^  to  the 
third.  Figured  in  Rohault  de  Fleury,  L'L'cangile, 
vol.  i.  p.  62. 

(2)  Adoration  of.  A  special  interest  is  at- 
tached to  the  subject  of  the  Wise  Men  in  the 
primitive  ages.  It  seems  to  have  retained  its 
hold  more  strongly  on  the  Christian  imagination 
than  many  others,  and  has  always  been  a  fa- 
vourite of  graphic  artists. 

The  number  of  magi  is  almost  always  three. 
Two  or  four  sometimes  occur,  and  Martigny 
attributes  such  changes  of  treatment  to  artistio 
motives.  But  a  very  different  account  is  given 
by  Mr.  Hemans  (^Historical  and  Monumental 
Home,  p.  661)  of  the  appearance  of  two  instead 
of  three  in  the  celebrated  5th  century  mosaics  j 
of  Sta.  Maria  Maggiore.  "  The  Divine  Child," 
ho  says,  "  is  here  seated  on  an  ample  throne, 
while  another  personage  is  seated  on  a  lower 
chair  beside  Him.  In  the  original  composition 
that  personage  was  an  elderly  male  figure,  no 
doubt  intended  for  one  of  the  magi,  only  two  of 
whom  are  seen  in  the  mosaic  now  before  us, 
whereas  in  another  of  the  groups  (the  three 
before  Herod)  we  see  three  magi.  A  most  un- 
justifiable alteration  of  this  group  was  ordered 
when  the  church  was  restored  by  Benedict  XIV. 
Instead  of  the  male  figure  seated  beside  the 
Child  was  substituted  that  of  Mary  with  a 
nimbus-crowned  head  and  purple  vestments. 
Among  other  innovations  then  made,  one  of  the 
magi  was  omitted,  and  the  mother's  figure,  ori- 
ginally standing  behind  the  throne  of  the  Child, 
was  changed  into  that  of  an  angel,  adding  a 
third  to  the  group  of  celestial  ministers  in  the 
background."  The  mosaic  in  its  present  state  is 
figured  in  Rohault  de  Fleury,  L  Evangile,  i.  p.  6, 
xxi.  See  also  Angels  and  Archangels,  §§  3, 
15,  I.  U. 


Adoration  of  the  Shepherds  and  Magi.    Bas-relief,  Lateran,  on  Staircase.    Rohault  de  Fleury,  ■  Les  Evangiles,  vol,  i.  pi. 


There  can  be  little  doubt  that  this  subject  be- 
longed to  the  earlier  cvcle  of  the  catacomb  fres- 
coes. It  is  found  in  the  cemeteries  of  St.  Nereo 
■with  four  Magi,  in  that  of  SS.  Marcellinus  and 
Peter  ■with  two.  They  appear  for  the  most 
part  to  have  been  more  or  less  rudely  restored 
at  various  times.  Their  actual  appearance  may 
be  understood  from  Parker's  Photograph,  No. 
1613;  St.  Nereo  (a.d.  523?),  and  No.  2116 
(St.  Marcellinus,  A.D.  772).  It  is  figured  by 
Aringhi  (vol.  i.  p.  587),  from  the  walls  of  the 
Calli.-itine    Catacomb:   the   Magi    wearing    the 


Phrygian  cap  and  tunic,  with  modern  boots,  and 
rowelled  spurs  with  spur-leather.s  ;  an  addition 
in  itself  sufficient  to  cast  a  suspicion  of  restoration 
or  reconstruction,  even  as  early  as  Bosio's  time, 
over  all  the  paintings  in  the  catacomb.  At 
p.  615,  on  a  Callixtine  sarcophagus,  they  appear 
leading  their  horses,  or  perhaps  camels.  They 
are  bearing  their  offerings,  and  guided  by  the 
star  to  the  Holy  Infant,  who  is  wrapped  in 
swaddling-clothes,  and  outstretched  on  a  cradle 
under  the  shed  with  the  ox  and  the  ass.  The 
Blessed  Virgin  sits  apart,  and  Joseph  stands  by 


MAGI 

her  side.  Figured  again  from  the  catacomb  of 
S3.  Marcellinus  and  Peter  "  inter  duas  lauros," 
at  vol.  ii.  p.  117:  with  clavi  or  stripes  on  the 


MAGI 


1073 


tunics  and  on  the  robe  of  the  Virgin  mother. 
Again,  with  horses  at  ii.  159,  and  at  355,  395, 
from  unknown  sarcophagi ;  ten  times  in  all. 


The  Magi  and  Virgin.    Tomb  of  Eiarch  Isaac.    Kavenna,  Oth  ceufaiy.    Eohanlt  de  Fleury,  ■  Les  Evangiles,"  toI.  i.  pt  xi. 


Two  highly  interesting  6th-century  examples 
from  Ravenna  are  given  by  De  Fleury  (vol.  i, 
plates  xxi.  and  xxii.).  One  from  the  tomb  of 
the  exarch  Isaac  is  here  reproduced  in  wood- 
cut ;  the  other  is  the  well-known  mosaic  of 
Sant'ApoUinare  nella  Citta.  The  latter  is  perhaps 
the  earliest  type  of  the  Byzantine  Madonna  of 
the  earlier  middle  ages,  found  at  Torcello  and 
Murano,  still  retained  in  the  unchanging  art  of 
the  modern  Greek  church,  and  reproduced  most 
signally,  perhaps,  in  the  celebrated  Borgo  Allegri 
picture  of  Cimabue,  now  in  Sta.  Maria  Novella 
in  Florence.  The  attendant  angels  are  thoroughly 
Byzantine,  and  may  stand  as  examples  for  the 
severer  ecclesiasticism  of  Justinian's  day.  The 
magi  wear  the  traditional  hose,  with  somewhat 
mediaeval  crowns,  cloaks,  and  tunics.  Their  ages 
are  carefully  distinguished,  and  their  appearance 
curiously  Gothic.  Their  names,  SS.  Gaspar, 
Melchior,  and  Balthazar,  are  given  in  the  mosaic, 
perhaps  for  the  first  time.  The  Infant  raises 
His  hand  in  benediction,  and  the  Blessed  Virgin 
also.  The  group  forms  the  end  of  the  celebrated 
Procession  of  Female  Saints. 

An  Adoration  occupies  the  left-hand  side  of  the 
fine  sarcophagus  of  Ancona,  4th  century.  See 
above. 


A  curious  bas-relief  from  the  French  crypt  of 
St.  Maximin  is  given  by  De  Fleury  (v.  i.  pi.  xx.), 
which  he  assigns  with  possible  truth  to  the  3rd 
century,  and  which  we  reproduce. 


Perhaps  the  most  interesting  example  of  this 
subject  which  is  left  us  is  a  carving  made  on  the 
bone  of  a  whale,  now  in  the  British  Museum. 
It  is  among  Prof.  Westwood's  fictile  copies,  and 
is  figured  in  his  Catalogue  of  Fictile  Ivories,  p. 
234  ;  in  Stephens's  Old  Ixunic  Monuments,  vol.  i. 
pp.  470  sqq. ;  and  in  Mr.  Maskell's  Ivories,  An- 
cient and  Mediaeval,  p.  54.     It  was  described  by 


wimle.    Brit,  Maa.,  from  Maskell's 'Ivoriee.' 


Mr.  Franks  in  the  2nd  Series  of  Papers  of  the  I  the  cover  with  a  curious  carving,  which  Dr. 
Society  of  Antiquaries,  vol.  iii.  p.  382.  It  |  Westwood  is  apparently  right  in  con.sidering 
forms  part  of  a  square  coffer,  incised  with  sub-  meant  for  Wayland  Smith,  as  the  hammer  and 
jects  in  broad   outline  relief,   the  magi  sharing  |  pincers  are  unmistakeablc,  though  Mr.  Maskell 


1074 


3IAGIC 


thinks  it  is  a  beheading  of  St.  John.  The  three 
magi  have  round  massive  fells  of  hair,  which 
might  almost  pass  for  a  remembrance  of  the 
Phrygian  caps,  except  that  other  figures  on  the 
chest  have  the  same.  Their  boots  and  braccae 
are  unmistakeable  ;  they  are  offering  their  trea- 
sures in  covers  and  paterae  apparently,  and  are 
attended  by  an  ornamental  duck  or  swan. 
This  bird  is  repeated  to  fill  up  space.  The 
star  is  very  large,  and  of  many  rays  ;  there  is  a 
broad  Runic  border,  and  an  inscription  "  Magi  " 
in  runes  above  the  carving.  The  quasi-symbolic 
figures  of  the  Virgin  Mother  and  Child  are  ex- 
traordinary, the  former  ends  at  the  waist  in 
waving  flourishes,  perhaps  typical  of  drapery, 
but  ornamented  with  dots  like  an  Irish  initial 
letter  ;  the  Child  consists  entirely  of  a  larger 
face  or  medallion  held  as  usual  before  His 
3Iother;  the  writer  feels  little  doubt  of  its 
having  been  copied  or  adapted  from  some  MS.  of 
Durrow  or  lona  •,  and,  as  Mr.  Maskell  observes, 
following  Jlr.  Stephens,  it  is  one  of  the  costliest 
treasures  of  English  art;  and,  as  a  specimen  of 
Northumbrian  art  and  Northumbrian  folk-speech, 
it  is  doubly  precious. 

The  distinctively  Persian  dress  of  the  magi, 
as  represented  on  all  the  monuments,  certainly 
deserves  attention,  as  it  indicates  the  connexion, 
in  the  Christian  imagination,  between  the  reli- 
gion of  Zoroaster  and  the  coming  of  the  Lord, 
which  Zoroaster  was  supposed  to  have  foretold. 
See  Hyde,  de  Ecligione  veterum  Pey-sarum,  c.  31, 
p.  384,  ed.  Oxon.  1700),  and  Mwji  in  DiCT.  OF 
THE  Bible,  ii.  190.  F.  Nork  {Mythen  der  alten 
Perser  ah  Quellen  Christlicher  Glavhenslehren, 
p.  82)  considers  that  many  representations  of  the 
Adoration  of  the  Magi  bear  a  decidedlv  Mithraic 
character.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

MAGIC  {Ars  Magica,  from  magus,  Persian 
^5,    mugh).      "  Among    the    Persians,"    says 

Porphyry,  "  they  who  are  wise  respecting  the 
Deity  and  are  His  servants  are  called  Magi  " 
(de  Abst.  Aniin.  iv.  16,  p.  165,  cited  by  Rose 
(in  Parkhurst),  who  also  refers  to  Justin,  i. 
ix.  7,  sii.  13 ;  Curtius,  v.  1 ;  and  others). 
Xenophon  distinctly  ascribes  to  them  the  oflice 
of  priests :  "  Then  were  the  magi  first  ap- 
pointed to  sing  hymns  in  honour  of  the  gods 
at  the  dawn  of  every  day,  and  to  sacrifice 
daily  to  those  gods  to  whom  they,  the  magi, 
should  declare  sacrifice  due  "  {Cijrop.  p.  279 ; 
ed.  Hutch.).  The  name  {^ayoj)  is  not  used 
as  a  reproach  in  the  Septuagint.  See  Dan. 
i.  20;  ii.  2,  10,  27;  iv.  7.  The  prophet 
Daniel  was  the  head  of  the  "  Magi  "  in  Baby- 
lon (Dan.  T.  11).  It  is  also  the  title  given 
to  those  who  were  led  by  the  star  to  Bethlehem 
(Matt.  ii.  1,  7,  16).  Nevertheless  it  had  already 
acquired  a  bad  sense  among  the  Jews.  Thus 
Simon  (Acts  viii.  9)  is  said  ^ayei^eij/  and  to  use 
ixayiia  (11);  while  Elymas,  a  Jew,  is  expressly 
called  a  fxayos  (xiii.  6,  8).  This  was  the  popular 
usage,  and  at  length  it  prevailed  entirely. 
"  Custom  and  common  speech,"  says  St.  Jerome, 
"  have  taken  magi  for  malcfici — who  are  regarded 
in  a  diff'erent  light  in  their  own  nation ;  for  they 
are  the  philosophers  of  the  Chaldeans  "  (Comm. 
in  Dan.  ii.).  It  is  probable,  however,  that 
3Iagism  had  long  greatly  altered  for  the  worse, 
even  in  the  practice  ot  its  best  professors  in  its 


MAGIC 

original  homo ;  for  Origen,  speaking  of  the 
luagi  of  Persia,  says.  "From  them  the  magical 
art  of  their  nation  takes  its  name,  and  has  tra- 
velled into  other  nations  to  the  corruption  and 
destruction  of  those  who  use  it"  (c.  Cels.  vi.  80). 
Philostratus  is  also  speaking  of  these  Persian 
adepts,  when  he  makes  the  strange  statement, 
that  they  invoke  God  when  they  are  working 
unseen;  but  subvert  the  public  belief  in  the 
Deity,  because  they  do  not  wish  to  appear  to 
receive  their  power  from  Him.  (de  Vit.  Sophist. 
in  Protag.  498.) 

The  "  curious  arts  "  (ra  irfplepya)  renounced 
by  the  converts  at  Ephesus  (Acts  xix.  19)  were, 
according  to  the  common  meaning  of  the 
term  employed,  the  several  branches  of  magic. 
What  these  were  in  the  opinion  of  the  early 
Christians  we  learn  from  many  authors.  Ma- 
gicians, it  was  believed,  could  raise  phantoms 
resembling  persons  deceased,  could  extract  oracles 
from  children,  whom  they  entranced ;  nay,  from 
goats  and  tables  (Tertull.  Apol.  23).  In  a  book 
written  a  little  before  the  end  of  the  2nd  century, 
Simon  Magus  is  represented  boasting  : — "  I  can 
make  myself  invisible  to  those  who  desire  to 
seize  me,  and  again  visible  when  I  wish  to  be 
seen.  If  I  desire  to  flee,  I  can  pierce  mountains 
and  pass  through  rocks,  as  if  they  were  mud.  If 
I  were  to  cast  myself  down  from  a  high  mountain, 
I  should  be  borne  uninjured  to  the  ground.  If  1 
were  bound,  I  could  release  myself  and  bind 
those  who  had  chained  me.  If  imprisoned,  I 
could  make  the  bars  open  of  themselves.  I 
could  make  statues  live,  so  that  they  were 
thought  to  be  men  by  those  who  saw  them.  I 
could  cause  new  trees  to  spring  up  suddenly,  and 
produce  boughs  at  once.  If  I  flung  myself  into 
the  fire,  I  should  not  burn.  I  change  my  face, 
so  as  not  to  be  known  ;  nay,  I  can  shew  men 
that  I  possess  two  faces.  I  can  become  an  ewe 
or  a  she-goat.     I  can  give  a  beard  to  little  boys. 

I  can  shew  gold  in  abundance.  I  can  make  and 
unmake  kings"  (Recognit.  Clement,  n.^.  Comp. 
Pseudo-Clem.  Horn.  ii.  32  ;  Gcsta  Petri,  §  33). 
The  supposed  narrator  is  made  to  say  that  ho 
saw  a  rod  with  which  Simon  was  beaten  "  pas?, 
through  his  body  as  through  smoke  "  (Recog.  ii. 

II  ;  Ps.-Cl.  Hmn.  ii.  24),  and  that  a  woman,  his 
confederate,  was  seen,  by  a  vast  multitude  sur- 
rounding a  tower  in  which  she  was,  to  look  out 
of  every  window  on  each  side  at  the  same  moment 
(Recog.  u.s.  §  12)  ;  that  he  caused  another  to  look 
like  himself  (Gesta  Petri,  136),  and  "  spectres  and 
figures  to  be  seen  daily  in  the  market  place, 
statues  to  move  as  he  walked  out,  and  many 
shadows,  which  he  affirmed  to  be  the  souls  nl 
persons  departed,  to  go  before  him  "  (Horn.  iv.  4  : 
Gesta  Petri,  45).  Simon's  fatal  attempt  to  fly  is 
related  or  alluded  to  by  several  early  writers  ;  as 
by  the  author  of  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  (vi. 
9),  Arnobius  (adv.  Gent.  ii.  prope  init.),  Epipha- 
nius  (Hacres.  xxi.  5),  St.  Ambrose  or  Hegesippus 
(de  Excid.  Hieros.  iii.  2),  Sulpicius  Severus 
(Sacr.  Hist.  ii.  41),  Maximus  (Serm.  39),  Pseudo- 
Augustine  (contra  Fidgent.  Don.  23),  etc.  Many 
of  the  Gnostics,  as  Menander(Iren.  ffaer.i.  23,  §  5), 
Basilides  (24,  §  5),  and  Carpocrates  (25,  §  3),  with 
their  disciples,  were  accused  of  "  using  magic 
and  (mystic)  images,  and  incantations,  and  all 
other  curious  arts  (perierga)."  See  also  Euseb. 
Hist.  Eccles.  iv.  7.  St.  Irenaeus  relates  two 
stories  of  Marcus  (about  160),  which  shew  how 


MAGIC 

these  arts  were  still  brought  into  the  service  of 
heresy.  He  caused  wine  mixed  with  water, 
which  he  consecrated  in  the  Eucharist,  to  appear 
purple  and  red  (i.e.  we  presume,  like  venous  and 
arterial  blood) ;  and  again  handing  a  small  cup 
of  wine  and  water  to  a  woman,  he  ordered  her  to 
consecrate  it ;  which  done,  he  filled  from  it  to 
overflowing  a  much  larger  cup  {ibid.  i.  13,  §  2 ; 
Epiphan.  IJaer.  34,  §  2).  Magic,  under  one  name 
or  another,  professed  to  heal  by  various  means. 
It  waj  represented  to  the  sick,  "  If  you  would 
send  for  that  praecantator,  you  would  be  well  at 
once ;  if  you  were  willing  to  hang  such  written 
charms  (characters)  on  you,  you  could  soon 
recover  health.  .  .  Send  to  that  diviner ;  forward 
him  your  girdle  or  stomacher.  Let  it  be  measured, 
and  let  him  look  at  it ;  and  he  will  tell  you  what 
you  are  to  do,  and  whether  you  can  get  over  it.  .  . 
Such  an  one  is  good  at  fumigating  :  every  one  to 
whom  he  has  done  it,  has  become  better  at  once.  .  . 
Come  secretly  to  such  a  place,  and  I  will  raise 
up  a  person,  who  will  tell  you  who  stole  your 
silver  or  your  money  ;  but  if  you  wish  to  know 
it,  take  care  not  to  cross  yourself  when  you  come 
to  the  spot.  .  .  Women  are  wont  to  persuade 
each  other  that  they  ought  to  apply  some  charm 
(fascinum)  to  their  sicK  children"  (Caesarius, 
A.D.  502,  Serm.  79,  §  4).  As  we  proceed,  we  shall 
see  that  astrology,  storm-raising,  sortilegy,  etc. 
all  come  under  the  same  general  head  of  Magic. 
II.  The  belief  that  there  was  something  real 
in  these  arts  was  apparently  universal.  Even 
Celsus  alleged  them  as  a  set-otF  against  the 
miracles  of  Christ  (Orig.  c.  Cels.  i.  68).  St.  Peter 
was  accused  by  the  heathen  of  magic  (August. 
de  Civ.  Dei,  xiL  23).  The  Christian  regarded  it 
as  evidence  of  the  power  and  intervention  of  evil 
spirits  in  league  with  the  wonder-worker.  "  By 
visions  in  dreams,"  says  Justin  Martyr,  A.D.  140, 
"  and  by  magic  tricks  do  they  lay  hold  of  all 
those  who  do  not  strive  at  all  for  their  salvation  " 
(Apol.  i.  14).  It  was  said  that  they  could  be 
made  to  "  obey  mortals  by  certain  arts,  i.e.  by 
magical  incantations"  (liecog.  Clem.  iv.  26). 
The  truth  of  this  is  assumed  both  by  Celsus  and 
Origen,  A.D.  230  (c.  Cels.  vi.  39 ;  viii.  60-64) ; 
and  it  is  a  first  principle  with  Tertullian  {de 
Animd,  56).  Lactantius,  a.d.  303,  says,  "  Astro- 
logy, the  arts  of  the  aruspex  and  augur,  and 
Avhat  are  called  oracles  themselves,  and  necro- 
mancy and  the  magic  art  are  their  inventions  " 
iDiv.  Instit.  ii.  16).  Minutius  Felix,  A.D.  220: 
"  The  Magi  also  not  only  know  the  demons,  but 
whatever  of  the  marvellous  they  pretend  to 
perform,  they  do  it  by  the  aid  of  demons  "  (Octav. 
viii.).  St.  Augustine  affirms  the  same  thing: 
"All  such  arts,  whether  of  a  trifling  or  of  a 
noxious  superstition,  from  a  certain  pernicious 
association  of  men  and  demons  .  .  .  are  to  be 
altogether  renounced  and  eschewed  by  the  Chris- 
tian" (de  Doctr.  Christ,  ii.  23,  §  36 ;  see  de  Civ.  Dei, 
viii.  19).  He  distinguishes  between  "miracles 
of  human  and  magic  arts  jointly  (that  is,  of  arts 
«f  demons  working  thi'ough  men)  "  and  miracles 
"of  the  demons  themselves  wrought  by  them- 
selves "  (de  Civ.  Dei,  xxi.  6,  §  1).  His  theory  was 
that  there  were  certain  things  which  attracted 
and  gave  pleasure  to  evil  spirits  according  to 
their  several  natures,  as  animals  are  pleased  by 
the  food  proper  to  their  kinds.  As  spirits,  they 
took  delight  in  certain  properties  "  in  the  various 
kinds  of  stones,  herbs,  woods,  animals,  in  charms, 

CHRIST.   ANT. — VOL.    II. 


MAGIC 


1075 


and  rites  "  (ibid.).  He  thought  that  they  made 
their  peculiar  tastes  known  to  their  followers  : 
"  For  if  they  did  not  teach  it  themselves,  how 
could  men  learn  what  each  of  them  craved,  what 
he  loathed,  by  what  name  he  was  to  be  invited, 
by  what  compelled  "  (ibid.).  Some  affirmed  that 
human  souls  served  the  magician:  "They  are 
invoked  who  have  died  an  untimely  or  violent 
death,*  on  the  ground  that  it  seems  probable  that 
those  souls  will  be  most  helpful  to  violence  and 
injury,  whom  a  cruel  and  untimely  end  hath  by 
violence  and  injury  torn  from  life  "  (Tertull.  de 
Auiinu,  hi ;  Apol.  23 ;  comp.  St.  Chrysostom, 
de  Lazaro  Cone.  ii.  1).  Simon,  in  the  spurious 
Clementine  books,  is  made  to  confess  that  he 
murdered  a  young  boy,  and  by  terrible  adjurations 
bound  his  soul  to  assist  him  in  his  magic  practices 
(Recog.  ii.  13 ;  Horn.  Clem.  ii.  26  ;  Gest.  Petr. 
xxvii.).  Justin  Martyr  speaks  of  "  necromancies 
and  the  inspection  (of  the  entrails)  of  uncorrupted 
boys  (see  Dionysius  Al.  in  Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl.  vii. 
10 ;  so  Eus.  of  Maxentius,  viii.  14 ;  Vit.  Const. 
i.  36  ;  Aug.  de  Civ.  Dei,  xviii.  53)  and  the  invoca- 
tions of  human  souls  (Apol.  i.  18).  It  was  denied, 
however,  that  a  departed  soul  could  be  brought 
up,  and  alleged  that  the  magician  was  deceived 
by  the  demons  who  really  came  to  his  call  (Recog. 
iii.  49).  St.  Chrysostom :  "  This  is  a  pretence 
and  deceit  of  the  devil :  it  is  not  the  soul  of  the 
dead  man  that  cries  out,  but  the  demon  who 
makes  those  answers,  so  as  to  deceive  the  hearers  " 
(Horn.  28  in  Matt.  viii.  29). 

A  particular  spirit  (Saijuaji/  irapeSpos)  was  in 
many  cases  supposed  to  attach  himself  to  the 
sorcerer.  Thus  Justin  M.  (m.  s.),  "  They  who 
among  magicians  are  called  dream-senders  and 
TopeSpoi."  Irenaeus  says  of  Marcus,  "  It  is 
probable  that  he  has  also  a  familiar  (Soi/iora 
TLva  irdpfSpov),  through  whom  he  appears  to 
prophesy  himself,  and  causes  those  women  to 
prophesy  whom  he  deems  worthy  to  partake  of 
his  grace  "  (Haer.  i.  13,  §  3).  Elsewhere  he  speaks 
of  "  paredri  and  dream-senders  "  (ibid.  23,  §  4  ; 
Sim.  Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl.  iv.  7).  Tertullian :  "  We 
know  that  magicians,  to  explore  secret  things, 
call  up  (the  dead)  with  the  help  of  catabolici 
(spirits  that  seize  and  cast  men  down)  and 
paredri  and  pythonic  spirits  "  (de  Animd,  28). 

III.  An  opinion  prevailed  widely  in  the  early 
church,  derived  from  Jewish  sources,  that  magic 
was  first  cultivated  when  the  children  of  Seth 
intermarried  with  those  of  Cain ;''  and  that 
Ham,  who  had  addicted  himself  to  it,  dreading 


"  Blacothanati.  He  uses  the  word  twice  in  the  sama 
chapter.  Cassian  (7ns<ii.  vii.  14;  CoWaf.  ii.  5)  and  others 
(Lamprid.  in  Heliog. ;  Bede  in  Martyrol.  June  27; 
Passio  S.  Andr.  in  Surius,  Nov.  30;  Julius  Firmicus, 
very  often.  See  Gazaeus,  note  d,  on  Cass.  Instit.  u.s.  and 
Rocca  note  e,  on  Sacram.  Greg.  0pp.  Greg.  v.  275,  ed. 
1615)  use  the  less  correct  form  biothanatus.  Another 
occurs  in  the  preface  of  a  "  Sails  et  Aquae  Benedictio  " 
in  the  Vatican  Ins.  of  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary,  pub- 
lished by  Angelo  Rocca,  in  which  the  water  is  adjured  to 
drive  away  "  omnem  umbram,  omneni  satanam,  et  omnes 
machinationes  spirituum,  immundorum,  sive  bithonatum 
slve  errantium  ex  Invocatione  magicae  artis "  (Opp 
Greg.  M.S.  239).    [Biothanatos,  I.  2o7;  Faithful,  1. 658.] 

b  For  this  interpretation  of  Gen.  vi.  2,  boo  Euseb. 
Emis.,  A.D.  341  (Fragm.  Exeg.  in  Fentat.  Op.  p.  185), 
St.  Augustine  (de  Civ.  Dei,  xv.  23,  }  2),  St.  Chrysostom 
(Horn.  22  in  Gen.  vi.  1,  $  3),  Theodoret  (in  Gen.  Quaest. 
47),  etc. 

4  A 


1076 


MAGIC 


its  loss  at  the  deluge,  engraved  the  secrets  of  his 
art  "  on  plates  of  various  metals,  such  as  could 
not  be  spoilt  by  the  flood  of  waters,  and  on  very 
hard  stones"  (Cassian.  Collat.  viii.  21).  It  is 
elsewhere  affirmed  that  Ham  practised  and  taught 
magic  {Becog.  Clem.  iv.  27 ;  Horn.  ix.  3-7) ;  but 
not  by  writers  of  credit.  The  story  of  the 
engraved  plates  is  evidently  imitated  from  a 
tradition  in  Josephus  (Antiq.  i.  2,  §  3)  that  the 
children  of  Seth  engraved  an  account  of  their 
more  lawful  discoveries  on  "  two  pillars,  one  of 
brick  and  the  other  of  stone."  Another  opinion 
was  held  by  Justin  Martyr  (_Apol.  ii.  5)  and  Ter- 
tullian  (de  Idol.  9).  These  authors,  supposing 
that  "the  sons  of  God  "  in  Gen.  vi.  2  were  angels, 
make  them  the  instructors  of  man  in  the  art  of 
magic. 

IV.  For  more  than  three  centuries  after  Christ 
there  was  no  tampering  with  magic  on  the  part 
of  Christians.  Though  believing  in  the  reality 
of  the  art,  they  ridiculed  it  as  delusive  and 
worse  than  useless.  Thus  Tertullian  :  "  What 
then  shall  we  say  that  magic  is  ?  That  which 
nearly  all  call  it,  deception.  But  the  nature  of 
the  deception  is  known  to  us  Christians  only  " 
(de  Aniind,  bT).  Minutius  Felix  (Octav.  viii.), 
copied  by  St.  Cyprian  (cfe  Idol.  Van.  p.  14 ;  ed. 
1690) :  "  These  spirits  lie  concealed  under  con- 
secrated statues  and  images.  They  inspire  the 
breasts  of  the  soothsayers  by  breathing  on  them  ; 
they  quicken  the  fibres  of  entrails,  they  govern 
the  flights  of  birds,  they  rule  lots,  they  give  out 
oracles  ;  they  are  always  confounding  false  things 
with  true ;  for  they  are  deceived  and  they  also 
deceive"  (Cypr.).  St.  Cyprian  adds  that  they 
send  diseases  and  obtain  credit  for  a  cure  by 
simply  ceasing  to  afflict  (ibid.;  so  Lactantius, 
Div.  Inslit.  ii.  15).  "  They  fill  all  things  with 
snares,  cheats,  wiles,  errors "  (Lact.  t«.  s.  14). 
"  Skill  in  the  art  of  magic  is  good  for  nothing 
but  to  cheat  the  eyes  "  (id.  u.  s.  iv.  15). 

V.  The  early  Christians  further  believed  that 
the  demons,  who  were  the  real  agents  in  the 
wonders  of  magic,  could  be  controlled  by  the 
strong  faith  of  any  true  Christian  acting  and 
speaking  in  his  Master's  name.  Even  of  astro- 
logy, it  was  said,  "  until  baptism  that  which  is 
decreed  holds :  after  it  astrologers  no  longer 
speak  the  truth "  (Clem.  Alex.  Fragm.  §  78). 
The  failure  of  the  powers  of  evil  began  when 
Christ  came.  Tertullian :  "  We  know  the  con- 
nexion between  magic  and  astrology.  .  .  The 
latter  science  was  permitted  until  the  gospel, 
that  when  Christ  was  born  no  one  should  thence- 
forth cast  a  person's  nativity  from  the  sky.  .  . 
So  also  the  other  kind  of  magic  which  works  by 
miracles.  .  .  .  spun  out  the  patience  of  God 
even  to  the  gospel.  .  .  .  After  the  gospel,  thou 
wilt  nowhere  find  either  wise  men  (sophistas) 
or  Chaldeans,  or  enchanters  or  interpreters 
of  dreams,  or  magicians,  except  such  as  are 
notoriously  punished  "  (de  Idol.  9).  Origen 
held  that  "  magicians  having  intercourse  with 
demons,  and  invoking  them  as  they  have  learnt 
and  for  their  needs,  can  only  succeed  until 
something  more  divine  and  powerful  than  the 
demons  and  the  charm  (eTrtwSrjs)  which  calls 
them,  appears  or  is  uttered "  (c.  Cels.  i.  60). 
He  suggests  that  the  magi  of  St.  Matthew  ii.  1, 
finding  that  the  spirits  who  served  them  had 
"  become  weak  and  strengthless,  that  their  tricks 
were    exposed    and    their    power    brought    to 


MAGIC 

nought,"  and  remembering  the  prophecy  of 
Balaam,  were  led  to  think  that.  He  to  whom 
the  star  guided  them,  "must  be  stronger  than 
all  demons,  even  those  who  were  wont  to 
appear  to  them  and  inspire  them  "  (ibid.).  Hence 
it  was  said  that  magic  had  been  destroyed  by 
the  star  of  Bethlehem.  So  St.  Ignatius  A.D. 
101,  odev  i\ifTO  iraffa  Mo^ei'a  (Epist.  ad  Ephcs. 
19).  Compare  St.  Peter  Chrysologus,  A.D,  433 
(Serm.  156).  St.  Basil,  370  (de  Hum.  Christi 
Gcncv.  i.  591)  ;  St.  Ambrose  (Expos.  Ev.  S.  Luc. 
ii.  48),  etc.  Of  astrology  especially,  Clemens 
Al. :  "  For  this  reason  a  strange  and  new  star 
arose  that  put  an  end  to  the  ancient  astrology  " 
(dffTpoQecriav)  (Fragm.  §  74) ;  Sim.  Greg.  Naz. 
(Carm.  de  Frovid.  Arcan.  v.  1.  64).  All  this  was 
by  some  understood  in  the  command  that  the 
magi  should  depart  into  their  own  country 
another  way  (St.  Matt.  ii.  12).  Thus  Tertullian 
(u.  s.)  :  "  They  were  not  to  walk  in  the  ways  of 
their  former  sect."  St.  Augustine  more  gene- 
rally, but  therefore  inclusively,  "  Via  mutata, 
vita  mutata"  (Serm.  202,  §  4)  ;  Sim.  Chrysol. 
(Serm.  159);  St.  Ambr.  (Exp.  Ev.  S.  Luc.  L 
46);  St.  Leo  (Serm.  32,  §  4);  Greg.  M,  (in 
Evang.  Hom.  x.  sub  fin.). 

VI.  When  after  the  conversion  of  Constantino 
such  practices  were  found  among  professed 
Christians,  the  most  strenuous  efforts  were  made 
to  suppress  them  by  the  teachers  of  the  church, 
and  by  legislators,  both  civil  and  ecclesiastical. 
They  were  denounced  as  remnants  of  idolatry, 
and  a  practical  return  to  it.  Thus  Gregory 
Nazianzen,  370:  "For  this  did  the  star  lead, 
and  the  wise  men  fall  down  and  offer  gifts, — that 
idolatry  might  be  destroyed"  (Orat.  i.  tom.  i.  p. 
12,  compare  with  last  paragraph).  "Branches 
of  idolatry,"  says  Gaudentius  of  Brescia,  A.D, 
387,  "  are  witchcrafts  (veneficia),  precantations, 
ligatures,  phylacteries  (vanitates),  auguries,  lots, 
the  observing  of  omens,  parental  obsequies " 
(Tract,  iv.  in  Fasch.  ad  Neoph.).  St.  Augustine : 
"  It  is  a  superstitious  thing  whatever  hath  been 
ordained  of  men  towards  the  making  and  wor- 
shipping of  idols,  whether  it  pertain  to  the 
worship  of  a  creature  or  any  part  of  a  creature  as 
God,  or  to  consultations  and  certain  covenants 
by  means  of  signs  settled  and  agreed  on  with 
demons,  such  as  are  the  essays  of  the  magic 
art  "  (de  Doctr.  Christ,  ii.  20,  §  30). 

The  canons  and  laws  which  we  shall  now  cite 
will  shew  that  the  church  and  the  state  pro- 
hibited every  kind  of  magic  on  the  grounds 
above  mentioned.  They  will  at  the  same  time 
give  an  opportunity  of  explaining  some  details, 
which  would  be  hardly  worthy  of  a  separate 
notice. 

(1.)  Ecclesiastical  legislation. — The  first  con- 
ciliar  decree  against  any  branch  of  magic  was  that 
of  Ancyra  in  Galatia,  A.D.  315,  which  condemns 
to  five  years'  penance  "  those  who  profess  sooth- 
saying (KaTaiJ.avTev6fXfvoi)  and  follow  the 
customs  of  the  Gentiles,  or  bring  certain  men 
into  their  houses  to  discover  remedies  or  perform 
lustrations "  (can.  24).  The  version  of  this 
decree  in  the  old  Roman  Code  expands  the  first 
clause  thus :  "  Qui  auguria,  auspiciaque,  sive 
somnia,  vel  divinationes  quaslibet  secundum  mo- 
rem  Gentilium  observant  "  (in  App.  0pp.  Leonis, 
p.  18).  Here  augurium  and  auspicium  may  be 
understood  generally  of  the  observation  of  omens : 
originally  and  strictly  they  were  modes  of   di- 


MAGIC 

vination  from  the  cry,  flight,  and  manners  of 
feeding  of  birds.  Later  on,  when  the  evil  had 
increased,  the  council  of  Laodicea,  probably  about 
365,  with  more  details,  forbad,  under  pain  of 
excommunication,  "  priests  and  clerks  to  be  magi- 
cians or  enchanters  (eVaoiSous),  or  mathematici 
or  astrologers,  or  to  make  what  are  called  phy- 
lacteries, which  are  bonds  for  their  own  souls  " 
(can.  36).  The  mathematici  were  astrologers 
according  to  the  usage  of  that  age  ;  but  a  dis- 
tinciion  appears  to  be  made  here,  of  which  no 
satisfactory  account  has  been  given.  The  fourth 
council  of  Carthage,  398  :  "  He  who  is  enthralled 
to  auguries  and  incantations  is  to  be  driven  from 
the  assembly  of  the  Church "  (can.  89).  In 
569,  Martin,  bishop  of  Braga,  a  Greek  by  birth, 
sent  to  a  council  held  at  Lugo,  a  collection  of 
canons  drawn  chiefly  from  Greek  sources.  In 
this,  beside  the  canons  of  Ancyra  and  Laodicea 
we  find  one  (72  ;  Labbe,  v.  913),  forbidding  men 
to  "  observe  or  worship  the  elements,  or  the 
course  of  the  moon  or  stars,  or  the  vain  deceit 
of  omens  (signorum),  for  building  a  house  or 
planting  crops  or  trees,  or  contracting  mar- 
riages" (the  reading  of  Gratian,  P.  ii.  c.  26, 
qu.  V.  3).  In  the  same  series  (c.  74)  rites  and 
incantations  are  forbidden  at  the  gathering  of 
medicinal  herbs.  Only  the  Creed  or  the  Lord's 
I'rayer  might  be  said,  or  simply,  "  Let  God  the 
creator  of  all  things  and  their  Lord  be  honoured." 
Women  ai'e  told  to  use  no  chai-ms  in  working 
wool ;  but  only  to  "  invoke  God  as  their  helper, 
who  has  given  them  skill  in  weaving "  (75). 
This  may  be  illustrated  from  St.  Eligius,  640: 
'•  Let  no  woman  presume  to  hang  amber  beads 
(sucinos)  on  her  neck,  or  when  weaving  or  dye- 
ing, or  at  any  work  whatever,  name  Minerva  or 
other  ill-omened  persons,  but  desire  that  the 
grace  of  Christ  may  be  present  at  every  work, 
and  to  trust  with  their  whole  heart  in  the  virtue 
of  His  name "  (de  Beet.  Christ.  Conv.  §  5). 
The  Council  of  Auxerre,  578,  forbids,  among 
other  practices  of  the  kind,  resort  to  caragii 
(can.  4).  This  word  occurs  again  in  can.  14, 
Cone.  Narbon.  A.D.  589.  It  is  used  by  Eligius 
(i6.  §  5  his) ;  by  Bede,  701  {de  Jiemed.  Feccat. 
11),  and  earlier  than  these,  by  Caesarius  of 
Aries,  502  (if  those  sermons  are  his)  who  spells 
the  word  caragus  {Serm.  65,  §  4 ;  78,  §§  1,  3,  5). 
It  is  also  found  in  an  Anjou  Penitential,  printed 
by  Morinus  (de  Discipl.  Poenit.  App.  586), 
where  for  "  cararios  coriocos "  read  with 
Ducange  "  caragios  curiosos."  Pirminius,  a.d. 
750,  spells  it  Karagius  {Scaraps.  in  Mabill.  A7ia- 
lecta,  72).  The  word  is  derived  from  "  cha- 
racter" in  the  sense  of  a  talisman  or  amulet 
on  which  mystic  characters  were  written  or 
engraved.  The  fourth  council  of  Toledo,  633, 
deposed  and  condemned  to  perpetual  penance  in 
a  monastery  any  of  the  clergy  from  a  bishop 
downwards,  who  should  be  found  to  have 
consulted  magi,  aruspices,  arioli,  augurs, 
sortilegi,  or  those  who  professed  the  art  of 
magic  or  practised  such  things  (can.  29). 
The  council  in  TruUo,  a.d.  691,  subjects  to 
six  years  of  penance  all  who  "  give  them- 
selves over  to  soothsayers  or  to  those  who 
are  called  centurions  {eKarSfTapxai),  or  any 
such,  with  a  view  to  learn  from  them  what  they 
wish  to  have  revealed  to  them"  (can.  61). 
"  Centurion  "  in  the  sense  of  a  "  leading  man  " 
was   a   title    conventionally  given,    like    "wise 


MAGIC 


1077 


man  "  or  "  wizard,"  to  the  professors  of  such 
arts.  See  Hecatontarchae.  The  same  punish- 
ment was  awarded  to  those  who  "  led  about  she- 
bears  or  other  like  animals  to  the  delusion  and 
injury  of  the  more  simple,  and  who  talked  of 
foi-tune  and  fate  and  genealogy,  and  used  a  heap 
of  words  of  that  kind, ....  and  to  those  who 
are  called  cloud-chasers  (v€(poSiocKTai),  to  en- 
chanters, makers  of  phylacteries,  and  sooth- 
sayers ; "  whose  practices  the  council  declares  to 
be  "  pernicious  and  heathen  "  {'EWrjviKa).  Ac- 
cording to  Balsamon  and  Zonaras,  it  was  the 
custom  to  give  hairs  plucked  from,  and  dyes 
(ySa/i^uara)  that  had  been  hung  about,  bears  and 
other  animals  as  charms  against  disease  and  the 
evil  eye.  See  Amulets,  Ligatures,  Phylac- 
teries. These  dyes  are  probably  the  same  as 
the  succi  (herbas  et  succos^),  which  Caesarius 
{Serm.  66,  §  5)  forbids  Christians  to  "  hang  about 
themselves  or  their  friends,"  though  we  are  not 
told  that  these  were  supposed  to  derive  virtue 
from  an  animal.  Balsamon  explains  that  the 
cloud  chasers  were  those  who  drew  omens  from 
the  forms  and  grouping  of  the  clouds,  especially 
at  sunset.  He  adds  that  the  canon  condemns  in 
intention  those  who  wore  a  child's  caul  or 
employed  secret  things,  as  e.g.  the  gospels, 
for  ligaturae  or  practised  the  sortes  Davidicae 
(see  Sortilegy),  or  divined  with  barley.  The 
last  method  he  ascribes  to  women  who  used  to 
"  spend  their  time  in  the  churches,  and  by  the 
noly  icons,  and  declared  that  they  learned  the 
future  from  them."  In  Clemens  Al.  {Protrept.  ii. 
11),  we  read  of  "flour-prophets  and  barley- 
prophets."  Ecclesiastical  prohibition  occurs  in 
a  brief  canon  (12)  of  the  synod  of  Rome,  a.d. 
721.  In  789  the  canon  of  Laodicea  was  inserted 
by  name  in  Charlemagne's  capitulary  of  that 
year  (c.  18)  ;  but  in  an  abstract  which  heads  it 
the  word  fxdyoi  is  represented  by  "  coclearii." 
So  Capit.  Beg.  Franc,  i.  21;  v.  69.  "  Cocle- 
arius  "  is  a  corruption  of  "  Cauculator,"  which 
is  from  kuvkos,  a  cup  used  by  diviners  (see 
Gen.  xliv.  5),  or  by  makers  of  philtres.  [Calcu- 
LATORES,  p.  255.]  And  another  chapter  (63)  of 
the  same  capitulary :  "  We  command  that  none 
become  either  cauculatores  (see  again  Capit. 
i.  inc.  an.  c.  40  ;  Baluz.  i.  518  ;  Cap.  B.  Fr.  i.  62  ; 
vi.  374),  and  enchanters,  or  storm-raisers  (tem- 
pestarii),  or  obligatores  (see  Ligatures),  and 
that  where  there  are  such,  they  be  reformed  or 
condemned."  Storm-raisers  are  also  condemned 
by  a  law  of  805  (Capit.  ii.  25)  de  Incantatoribus 
ct  Tempestariis.  The  word  is  written  "  tempes- 
tuarius"in  a  decree  of  Herard,  A.D.  856  (cap. 
2).  Agobard,  archbishop  of  Lyons,  who  had 
been  an  adviser  of  Charlemagne,  wrote  a  treatise 
of  some  length  against  this  offence.  See  Tem- 
pestarius.  In  813  the  Council  of  Tours,  under 
that  prince,  directed  priests  to  warn  the  people 
that  "  magic  arts  and  incantations  are  altoge- 
ther unavailing  to  the  cure  of  any  human 
diseases,  and  to  the  healing  of  sick,  lame,  or 
dying  animals  ;  and  that  ligatures  of  bones  or 
herbs  a])plied  to  any  mortal  thing  are 
(can.  42). 


"-'  "  Sucinos "  would  seem  a  probable  amendment. 
See  Eligius  in  text  above.  Pirminius  joins  herbs  with 
amber  :  "  Karachares  (Characteras),  herbas,  succino  (sue- 
cinos)  nolite  vobis  vel  vestris  appendere  "  {Scaraps.  u.  s. 
69). 

4  A  2 


1078 


MAGIC 


(2.)  Imperial  legislation.— The  first  edict  of 
Constantine  that  has  any  bearing  on  our  suljjeet 
appeared  at  the  end  ofOctober  312,  nine  mouths 
before  the  defeat  of  Maxentius.  It  was  directed 
against  the  aruspices,  and  as  it  only  mentions 
the  exercise  of  their  art  in  houses  its  probable 
object  was  to  check  inquiry  by  divination 
into  the  destinies  of  the  empire  and  its  rulers. 
The  aruspex  was  to  be  burnt  alive,  and  his  em- 
ployers banished  (C'jd.  ix.  18,1.3;  de  Arusp.). 
His  next  (de  Magia).  in  321,  went  further,  but 
was  far  from  being  thorough.  It  declared 
generally  the  most  severe  punishment  to  be 
due  to  those  who  were  "found,  armed  with 
magic  arts,  to  have  made  attempts  against  the 
health  of  men,  or  to  have  turnerl  chaste  minds 
aside  to  lust,"  but  it  adds  that  "remedies 
sought  for  the  bodies  of  men  or  helps  innocently 
used  in  country  places,"  against  unseasonable 
weather  were  not  to  be  treated  as  offences  (A.  4). 
Constantine  and  Julian  in  357  :  "  Let  no  one 
consult  an  aruspex  or  a  mathematicus  .... 
No  one  a  hariolus.  Let  the  wicked  profession  of 
the  augurs  and  diviners  be  silenced.  Let  not 
the  Chaldeans  and  the  magi,  and  the  rest,  whom 
the  people  call  malefici  for  the  greatness  of  their 
crimes,  make  even  a  partial  attempt.  Let 
curiosity  of  divination  for  ever  cease  with  all  " 
(i6.  5).  The  penalty  was  death  by  the  sword. 
Another  law  not  a  year  later  threatened  death 
by  fire  to  those  who,  "  using  magic  arts,  dared 
to  disturb  the  elements,  undermine  the  life  of 
the  innocent,  and  calling  up  the  dead  by  wicked 
practices  to  kill  their  enemies  "  {ib.  6).  In  July 
358,  the  same  princes  published  an  edict  con- 
demning every  kind  of  divination,  avowedly  on 
the  ground  that  it  was  employed  in  a  spirit 
hostile  to  themselves  {ib.  7).  The  penalty  was 
death  with  torture,  and  no  rank  was  to  plead 
exemption.  The  crime  had  been  common  under 
heathen  emperors,  and  it  is  probable  that  most 
of  the  offenders  under  Constantius  were  heathen. 
Long  before  Tertullian  had  spoken  of  those  who 
publicly  honoured  Caesar,  but  privately  "  con- 
sulted astrologers  and  aruspices,  and  augurs,  and 
magi  respecting  his  life"  {Apol.  35,  where  in 
notes  to  the  ti-anslation  in  the  Library  of  the 
Fathers  Dr.  Pusey  refers  to  Tacitus,  Ann.  xii. 
52 ;  xvi.  30,  and  Spartianus  apud  Gothofred, 
Prol.  ad  Lib.  ad  Nat.  p.  11).  Firmicus  Lla- 
ternus,  in  his  treatise  on  astrology  written 
between  335  and  360,  cautions  his  disciples 
thus :  "  Take  care  never  to  answer  one  who 
questions  you  respecting  the  state  of  the 
republic  or  the  life  of  the  Roman  emperor; 
for  it  is  neither  right  nor  lawful  that  we 
should  by  a  wicked  cui-iosity  say  anything 
of  the  state  of  the  republic.  .  .  .  But  no  mathe- 
maticus has  been  able  to  define  -anything  true 
respecting  the  fate  of  the  emperor  "  {Matheseos, 
ii.  33).  The  necessity  of  this  caution  appears 
from  several  stories  in  Ammianus  {Hist.  xix. 
12),  and  others.  In  the  reign  of  Valens,  for 
example,  A.D.  373,  Theodoras  was  supposed  to 
be  indicated  as  his  successor  by  a  tripod  of 
laurel  wood  duly  prepared,  which  by  some  means 
spelt  out  his  name  to  the  fourth  letter  (0€o5). 
The  death  of  Theodorus  and  his  partisans  did 
not  appease  the  emperor,  who  caused  many  inno- 
cent persons  to  be  murdered  because  their  names 
began  with  the  same  letters,  or  on  grounds 
equally  frivolous  (Sozom.  Hist.  vi.  35).     Julian 


MAGIC 

himself  professed  to  believe  in  such  arts.  He 
acknowledged  that  the  oracles  had  failed  ;  but 
alleged  that  Zeus,  "  lest  men  should  be  altoge- 
ther deprived  of  intercourse  with  the  gods,  gave 
them  a  means  of  observation  through  the  sacred 
arts,  from  which  they  might  derive  sufl^cient 
help  in  their  need  "  (in  Cyrill.  Al.  c.  Jul.  vi.  p. 
198  ;  ed.  Spanh.).  In  364  Valentinian  condemned 
"  magicos  apparatus "  in  connexion  with  hea- 
then rites  performed  by  night  {Codex  Theodos. 
ix.  xvi.  7),  and  in  370  (probably)  made  the  art  of 
the  matheiiiiticus,  exercised  by  night  or  day, 
punishable  by  death  {ib.  8);  but  in  371  he  de- 
clared that  the  aruspex  was  not  guilty  of  witch- 
craft. "  We  do  not  blame  the  art  of  the  aruspex, 
but  forbid  it  to  be  exercised  injuriously  "  {ib.  9). 
He  regarded  it  as  a  necessary  part  of  the  hea- 
then worship  then  tolerated ;  but  its  secret  ex- 
ercise was  still  prohibited  under  the  law  of 
Constantine.  In  389  Valentinian,  Theodosius, 
and  Arcadius  decreed  that  every  malefims  should 
be  denounced  as  an  "  enemy  of  the  public 
safety ;"  but  chariot-drivers  in  the  public  races 
were  forbidden  to  inform  under  pain  of  death 
{ih.  11).  They  were  excepted,  because  many  of 
them  lay  under  suspicion  of  using  magic  to  give 
speed  to  their  own  or  to  injure  their  rival's 
horses.  See  on  this  among  Christian  writers, 
Arnob.  ado.  Gent.  i.  cir.  med. ;  Jerome,  Vita 
Hilar ionis,  c.  15  ;  St.  Chrysost.  Hmn.  xii.  in  Ep. 
1.  ad  Cor.  (iv.  11,  12);  Greg.  Naz.  ad  Seleuc. 
Iamb.  iii.  ;  Cassiodorus,  Variar.  iii.  51.  It 
should  be  mentioned  in  conclusion  that  the  ex- 
ception of  Constantine  in  favour  of  charms 
against  bad  weather  was  repealed  by  Leo  VI. 
who  became  emperor  in  886  {Constit.  65,  de  In- 
cantatorum  Poena). 

Under  some  of  the  following  words  :  Amulet, 
Astrologers,  Divination,  Genetiiliaci, 
Hecatontarchae,  Ligaturae,  Maleficus, 
Mathematicus,  Necromancy,  Philtres, 
Phylactery,    Planetarius,    Python,    Som- 

NIARIUS,      SORTILEGY,       SUPERSTITIONS,       TeM- 

PESTARius,  Tripod,  Vanitas,  may  be  found 
some  further  information  on  several  practices 
which  come  under  the  general  head  of  magic. 

On  this  subject  the  reader  may  refer  to  Bern. 
Basin,  de  Artibus  Magicis,  Par.  1483,  Francof. 
1 588  ;  to  Symphor.  Champerius,  Dial,  in  Magi- 
carum  Artium  Destructionem,  Lugd.  1506 ;  to 
Casp.  Peucer,  de  Divinationum  Generibus,  de 
Oraculis,  de  Theomanteia,  de  Magica,  de  Incan- 
tationibus,  de  Divinationibus  Extiincum,  de 
Auguriis  et  Aruspicina,  de  Sortibus,  de  Divina- 
tione  ex  Somniis,  Francof.  1593  ;  J.  J.  Boissard, 
dc  Divinatione  et  Magicis  Praestigiis,  Oppenh. 
about  1605,  reprinted  1611,  1613;  Martin 
Delrio,  Disquisitiotium  Magicaruni  Libri  Sex, 
Mogunt.  1617  ;  J.  C.  Bulenger,  de  Tota  Ratione 
Divinationis  ado.  Genethliacos,  de  Oraculis  et 
Vatibus,  de  Sortibus,  de  Auguriis  et  Aruspiciis, 
de  Licita  et  Vctita  Magia,  and  adversus  Magos  ; 
in  Opusc.  tom.  i.  Lugd.  1621;  J.  Wierus,  de 
Praestigiis  Daemonum  et  Incantationibus  ac  Vene- 
ficiis  Libri  Sex,  Liber  Apologcticus  et  de  Pseudo- 
Monarchia  Daemonum,  and  de  Lamiis,  Amstel. 
1660 ;  Ant.  Van  Dale,  de  Origine  ac  Progressu 
Idololatriae  et  Superstitionum  (p.  ii.  especially), 
Amstel.  1696;  and  L.  F.  Alfred  Maury,  La 
Magie  et  I'Astrologie  dans  I'Antiquite  et  au  Moyen- 
Age,  Paris,  1860.  [W.  E.  S.] 


MAGIGNUS 

MAGIGXUS,  martyr,  with  Nabor  and  Faus-  | 
tinus,  according   to  the  Bollandists'  reading  of 
Hieron.  Mart.,   where    Migne   reads    Jligignus ; 
commemorated  Sept.   26  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept. 
vii.  263).  [C.  H.] 

MAGINUS,  called  by  others  MAXIMUS, 
martyr  in  Tarragona  under  Maximinus  ;  com- 
memorated Aug.  25  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  v. 
118).  [C.  H.] 

MAGISTER.  (1)  Magister  discipUnae  or 
infantum.  A  custom  grew  up  in  Spain  towards 
the  end  of  the  fifth  century,  that  parents  should 
dedicate  their  children,  while  yet  very  young,  to 
the  service  of  the  church,  and  in  this  case  they 
were  educated  and  brought  up  in  the  house  of 
the  bishop,  by  some  "  discreet  and  grave  "  pres- 
byter, who  was  deputed  by  the  bishop  for  that 
duty.  He  was  called  praepositus  or  magister  dis- 
cipUnae. The  second  council  of  Toledo  (a.d. 
633),  held  under  Amalric,  one  of  the  Gothic 
kings,  says  in  its  first  capitulum,  of  such  young 
persons,  "  in  domo  ecclesiae  sub  episcopali  prae- 
sentijt  a  praeposito  sibi  debeant  erudiri."  Simi- 
larly, the  fourth  council  in  the  same  place  (a.d. 
693),  cap.  23  [al.  24],  "  si  qui  in  clero  puberes  aut 
adolescentes  existunt,  omnes  in  uno  conclavi 
atrii  commorentur,  ut  in  disciplinis  ccclesiasticis 
agant,  deputati  probatissimo  seniore,  quem  et 
magistruin  discipUnae  et  testem  vitae  habeant." 

Also  in  monasteries,  he  who  had  charge  of 
the  children  who  were  commonly  educated  in 
them  was  so  called ;  as  in  Ordericus  Vitalis,  lib. 
iii.  p.  462,  "  ad  infantum  magisterium  pro- 
movit."    [Schools.]  [S.  J.  E.] 

(2)  Magister  infirmarius,  the  chief  of  the 
brethren  in  a  monastery  deputed  to  visit  and 
attend  to  the  sick.     [Infirmary,  I.  837.] 

(3)  Magister  major,  a  title  sometimes  given 
to  the  chief  of  the  magistri  infantum.  See  (1) 
above. 

(4)  Magister  novitiorum,  the  officer  in  a 
monastery  to  whom  the  charge  of  the  novices 
was  especially  committed. 

Cassian  (de  Instit.  Coenob.  iv.  7)  tells  us  that 
a  candidate  for  admission  to  a  monastery  is  not  at 
once  to  be  admitted  into  the  general  body  of  the 
brethren,  but  given  for  a  time  into  the  charge  of 
an  elder  monk,  who  has  his  station  for  that  pur- 
pose not  far  from  the  entrance  of  the  monastery. 
During  this  period  the  novice  had  no  separate 
cell,  and  was  not  allowed  to  quit  the  master's 
cell  without  his  permission  (m.  s.  iv.  10).  Simi- 
larly the  Rule  of  St.  Benedict  (c.  58)  provides 
that  the  novice  shall  be  taken  to  the  cell  of  the 
novices,  where  he  is  to  meditate,  eat,  and  sleep  ; 
and  that  a  senior  monk  shall  be  assigned  to  him, 
who  shall  give  all  possible  pains  to  raise  his  spi- 
ritual state.  It  seems  from  this  that  St.  Bene- 
dict designed  to  give  a  separate  magister  to  each 
novice ;  but  the  practice  of  later  times  was  to 
have  one  room  and  one  master  for  all  the  novices. 
Compare  (1)  above. 

Cassian  tells  us  (CoUat.  20,  c.  1)  that  he  him- 
self acted  as  "magister"  to  Pinufius,  who 
(though  he  had  fled  from  another  monastery) 
was  treated  as  a  novice.  Euphrosyne,  in  man's 
dress,  was  committed  to  the  charge  of  a  senior 
by  the  abbat  of  a  monastery  to  which  she  had 
fled  (Life  in  Rosweyd's  Vitae  Patruni,  c.  8, 
p.  otJ5) ;  and  a  man  like  Joannes  Damascenus, 
already  of  distinguished  piety,  was  placed  by  the 


MAGNUS 


lOTD 


head  of  the  monastery  of  St.  Sabas  under  the 
charge  of  a  senior.  (Life  in  Surius,  c.  18,  v. 
p.  159,  ed.  Turin,  1876.)  See  Alteserrae  Asce- 
ticon,  lib.  ii.  c.  10.  [C] 

MAGISTRATES.   [Jurisdiction;  Law.] 

MAGISTRATUS.  Pelliccia  (i.  27,  quoted 
by  Augusti,  Handbuch,  i.  170)  states  that  "  ma- 
gistratus  nomine  primo  episcopus,  secundo  pres- 
byter in  usum  veniunt  ;  "  that  is,  that  the  two 
higher  orders,  bishop  and  presbyter,  are  admitted 
to  the  title  of  magistri,  while  the  inferior  orders 
which  subserved  them  were  ministri.  [Minister.] 
This  distinction  seems  to  correspond  with  that 
elsewhere  made  between  iepovfj.fvoi  and  virriptTaL 
(Cave,  Frim.  Christianity,  pt.  i.  ch.  8.)         [C] 

MAGITA,  martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Alex- 
andria Sept,  8  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAGLORIUS  [St.  Magloire],  bishop  of  Dol, 
circ.  A.D.  575  ;  commemorated  Oct.  24  (Mabill. 
Acta  SS.  0.  S.  B.  saec.  i.  p.  209).  [C.  H.] 

MAGNA,  martyr  in  Africa  ;  commemorated 
Dec.  3  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

[C.  H.] 

MAGNERICUS,  archbishop  of  Treves  in  the 
6th  century,  confessor  ;  commemorated  July  25 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  vi.  168).  [C.  H.] 

MAGNIFICAT.   [Canticle.] 

MAGNILIS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at 
Capua  Aquaria  Sept.  1  {Hieron.  Mart.).   [C.  H.] 

MAGNILUS  (1)  Martyr  in  Africa;  com- 
memorated July  30  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Rome  Aug.  23 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr  in  Mauritania;  commemorated 
Oct.  17  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr  in  Macedonia ;  commemorated  Oct. 
31  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAGNOBODUS,  commemorated  Oct.  16 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  vii.  2,  940).  [C.  H.] 

MAGNUS  (1)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Jan. 
1  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  21). 

(2)  Martyr  at  Rome  in  the  Forum  Sempronii ; 
commemorated  on  Feb.  4  (Usuard.  Mart.; 
Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(3)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  on  the 
Via  Flaminia  Feb.  14  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr  at  Interamna ;  commemorated 
Feb.  15  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(5)  Martyr  at  Thessalonica ;  commemorated 
April  2  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(6)  Martyr  with  eight  others  at  Cyzicus ; 
commemorated  April  29  (Basil.  Menol.). 

(7)  Martyr  in  Africa  ;  commemorated  May  26 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(8)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Rome  on  the 
Via  Tiburtina  July  18  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(9)  Martyr  at  Corinth  ;  commemorated  July 
20  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(10)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  on  the 
Via  Portuensis  July  29  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(11)  One  of  four  subdeacons  beheaded  at  Rome 
with  Xystus;  commemorated  Aug.  6  (Usuard, 
Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.). 


1080 


MAGNUS 


(12)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Alexandria 
Aug.  9  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(13)  Otherwise  ANDREAS,  martyr  with 
2597  companions ;  commemorated  Aug.  19 
(Usuard.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart. ;  Hieron.  Mart.). 
A  bishop  and  martyr  of  this  name  in  Italy,  and 
likewise  a  bishop  of  Avignon,  confessor,  were 
commemorated  on  this  day  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Aug.  iii.  701,  755). 

(14)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Capua  Aug. 
27  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(15)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Rome  "ad 
Sanctam  Felicitatem,"  Sept.  4  (^Hieron.  Mart. ; 
Bed.  Mart.  Auct.).  Another  of  this  name  was 
commemorated  on  the  same  day,  apparently  at 
Ancyra  in  Galatia  (^Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard. 
Mart.). 

(16)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Capua  Sept. 
5  (^Hieron.  Marti). 

(17)  Abbat  of  Fuessa  ;  commemorated  Sept.  6 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  ii.  735). 

(18)  Martyr  in  Sicily ;  commemorated  Sept. 
10  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(19)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Rome  Sept. 
16  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(20)  Bishop  of  Opitergium  (Oderzo),  after- 
wards of  Heraclea,  confessor ;  commemorated 
Oct.  6  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  iii.  416). 

(21)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Caesarea  in 
Cappadocia,  Oct.  23  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(22)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Nov.  1 ;  and  on 
the  same  dav  another  at  Terracina  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(23)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Nov.  8  at  Nico- 
media  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(24)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Bononia  in 
Gaul  (Boulogne),  Nov.  27  {Hier.  Mart.).    [C.  H.] 

MAGORIANUS,  of  Trent,  confessor  in  the 
5th  century ;  commemorated  March  15  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  March,  ii.  403).  [C.  H.] 

MAGRINUS,  martyr  at  Nevedunum  (Nyon) ; 
commemorated  Sept.  17  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

[C.  H.] 

MAGROBIUS,  martyr.  [Macrobius,  July 
20.]  [C.  H.] 

MAIANUS  or  MEVENNUS,  abbat  in 
Brittany,  in  the  6th  century ,  commemorated 
June  21  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  iv.  101).     [C.  H.] 

MAJESTAS.  An  ancient  rubric  given  by 
Martene  {do  Bit.  Ant.  I.  v.  2,  Ordo  36)  runs 
as  follows  :  "  Hie  libri  majestatem  deosculetur." 
Here  the  majestas  which  the  priest  is  to  kiss  is 
the  representation  of  the  Holy  Trinity  prefixed 
to  the  altar-book  or  tablet.  [C] 

MAJOLUS.    [Majulus.] 

MAJOR  (1)  Soldier,  martyr  at  Gaza  under 
Diocletian ;  commemorated  Feb.  15  (Basil. 
MenoL;  BoU.  Acta  SS  Feb.  ii.  901). 

(2)  Confessor ;  commemorated  at  Rome  in  the 
cemetery  of  Praetextatus  May  10  {Hieron. 
Mart).  [C.  H.] 

MAJORICA,  martyr;  commemorated  in 
Afrodiris  Ap.  30  {Hieron.  Mart.)  [C.  H.] 

MAJORICUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Milan  May  6  {Hkron.  Mart).  [C.  H.J 


MALEDICTION 

MAJOSA,  martyr;  commemorated  at  Thes- 
salonica  June  1  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAJULINUS  (1)  Martyr  at  Tarragona, 
commemorated  Jan.  21  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr,  at  Militana  in  Armenia  ;  comme- 
morated Ap.  19  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Nov.  16  {Hieron. 
{Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAJULUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated  in 
Africa  Jan.  18  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa  Jan. 
19  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Feb.  19 
{Hieron.  Mart). 

(4)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Rome  in  the 
cemetery  of  Praetextatus  May  10  {Hieron. 
Mart). 

(5)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  May 
11  {Hieron.  Mart ;  Boll,  ^cto  SS.  May,  ii.*625). 

(6)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  July 
11  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.]" 

MAJURUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Thessalonica  June  1  {Hieron.  Mart.).       [C.  H.] 

MALACHI  the  Prophet ;  commemorated  by 
the  Greeks  Jan.  3  {Cal.  Byzant. ;  Cal.  Aethiop. ; 
Daniel,  Cod.  Liturcj.  iv.  250  ;  Basil.  Menol.) ;  by 
the  Latins  on  Jan.  14  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i. 
931).  [C.  H.] 

MALARDUS  or  MALEHARDUS,  bishop 
of  Carnot  circ.  A.D.  660;  commemorated  Jan.  19 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  235).  [C.  H.] 

MALCHUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated  at 
Caesarea  in  Palestine  March  28  {Vet.  Rom. 
Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  in  the 
cemetery  of  Praetextatus  May  10  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Commemorated  at  Thessalonica  June  1 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Commemorated  at  Ephesus  with  Maxi- 
mianus  and  Martianus  and  four  others  July  27 
(Usuard.  Mart.). 

(5)  Monk  and  confessor  at  Maronia,  near  An- 
tioch,  4th  century ;  commemorated  Oct.  21 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  ix.  59).  [C.  H.] 

MALEDICTION  {Maledictio).  Maledictions 
[compare  Anathema]  were  used  on  various 
occasions,  as  (for  instance)  in  Excommunication 
[I.  641],  and  in  the  Degradation  of  clerks 
[L  542].  An  early  example  of  the  latter  is  the 
curse  of  Silverius  on  his  rival  Vigilius  (Binius, 
Concilia,  iv.  143):  "  Habeto  ergo  cum  his  qui 
tibi  consentiunt  paenae  damnationis  sententiam, 
sublatumque  tibi  nomen  et  munus  ministerii 
sacerdotalis  agnosce,  S.  Spiritus  judicio  et 
apostolica  a  nobis  auctoritate  damnatus." 
Another  is  that  mentioned  by  Gregory  of  Tours 
{Hist.  Franc,  v.  19),  where,  in  the  case  of 
Praetextatus,  bishop  of  Rouen,  king  Chilperic 
demanded  that  either  his  tunic  [Alb]  should  be 
rent,  or  the  108th  [109th  A.V.]  psalm,  which 
contains  the  curses  on  Iscariot  (qui  maledictiones 
Scarioticas  continet),  should  be  said  over  his 
head,  or  at  any  rate  judgment  of  perpetual  ex- 
communication recorded  against  him  [Maran- 
atha]. 


MALEFICUS 

A  specimen  of  a  curse  denounced  against 
those  who  took  possession  of  the  lands  of  a 
monastery  is  given  by  Martene  {de  Eit.  Antiq. 
ill.  iii.  Ordo  3) :  "  Ma.j  their  portion  and  their 
inheritance  be  the  torments  of  everlasting  fire, 
with  Korah,  Dathan,  and  Abirani,  who  went 
down  quick  into  hell,  with  Judas  and  Pilate, 
with  Annas  and  Caiaphas,  with  Simon  Magus 
and  Nero ;  with  whom  may  they  be  tormented 
in  everlasting  torment  without  end,  so  as  to  have 
no  fellowship  with  Christ  or  His  saints  in  the 
rest  of  heaven,  but  have  fellowship  with  the 
devil  and  his  companions,  being  appointed  to  the 
torments  of  hell,  and  perish  everlastingly.  So 
be  it !  So  be  it !"  [C] 

MALEFICUS,  the  name  popularly  given  to 
one  supposed  able  to  bewitch  a  person  or  his  pro- 
perty. "  Quos  vere  Maleficos  vulgus  appellat," 
says  Lactantius  (^Div.  Instit.  ii.  16),  and  simi- 
larly Constantius  {Leges,  4,  6  de  Malef.  in  Codex 
Theodos.  ix.  16),  and  St.  Augustine  (dc  Civ.  Dei, 
s,  9).  The  crime  was  itself  called  Maleficium, 
as  if  pre-eminently  a  deed  of  wickedness.  A  law 
of  Constantius,  A.D.  357,  after  reference  to 
aruspices  and  others,  proceeds  to  condemn  "  the 
Chaldeans  and  Magi,  and  the  rest  whom  the 
common  people  call  Malefici,  from  the  greatness 
of  their  misdoing"  (1.  4,  u.  s.).  They  were 
believed  to  obtain  their  power  to  injure  others 
from  evil  spii'its,  either  demons  properly  so 
called,  or  the  souls  of  the  dead.  Thus  Lactan- 
tius (m.  s.),  speaking  of  the  demons,  says  that 
the  Malefici,  "  when  they  exercise  their  execrable 
arts,  call  them  up  by  their  true  names  "  (not  by 
those  of  the  ancient  heroes,  etc.,  which  they 
assumed  to  deceive).  These  spirits  were  invoked 
with  bloody  sacrifices  and  other  pagan  rites. 
St.  Jerome,  distinguishing  between  Malefici  and 
other  professors  of  occult  arts,  says  that  the 
former  "  use  blood  and  victims,  and  often  touch 
the  bodies  of  the  dead  "  (Comm.  in  Dan.  ii.).  They 
corresponded  to  the  ySrirat  of  the  Greeks,  who 
were  so  called  from  the  peculiar  howl  in  which 
they  intoned  their  incantations:  "  Illicitis  artibus 
deditos  .  .  .  quos  et  Maleficos  vulgus  appellat 
...  ad  goetiam  pertinere  dicunt "  (August. 
u.  ?.).  roijTSi'a,  as  Zonaras  explains,  "  is  the 
doing  aught  to  the  injury  of  others  by  means  of 
incantations  and  invocation  of  demons  "  (Comm. 
in  St.  Bas.  Epist.  ad  Amph.il.  ad  can.  65:  sim. 
Balsamon,  ihid.).     See  Magic.  [W.  E.  S.] 

MALINUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Alex- 
andria with  170  others,  Ap.  28  (Hieron.  Mart. ; 
Bed.  Mart.  Auct.).  [C.  H.] 

MALLUSTUS,  martyr  ;  commemorated  at 
Cologne  with  330  others,  Oct.  10  (Hieron. 
Mart.).  Called  also  Malusius  (Bed.  Mart. 
Auct.).  [C.  H.] 

MAMA,  virgin  ;  commemorated  June  2 
{Cal.  Arm.).  [C.  H.] 

MAMAS  (1)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  in  the 
Greek  church,  July  12  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  July, 
iii.  303). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  with  Basiliscus  in 
the  Greek  church,  July  30  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  July, 
vii.  149). 

(3)  MAMES,  or  MAMMES,  martyr  at 
Caesarea  in  Cappadocia  under  Aurelian ;  com- 


MAMMITA 


1081 


memorated  Aug.  11^ (Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard. 
Mart. ;  Vet.  Rem.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.  ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  iii.  423).  Florus  assigns 
Aug.  7  to  him.  The  Greek  church  commemo- 
rated him  on  Sept.  2  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Cal. 
Byzant.).  Another  Marames  is  mentioned  under 
Aug.  17,  commemorated  at  Alexandria,  by 
Hieron.  Mart.)  George  Codinus  states  that  there 
was  at  Constantinople  a  temple  of  St.  Mamas, 
built  by  the  sister  of  empress  Mauricius,where  she 
interred  the  bodies  of  Mauricius  and  his  children 
{dc  Antiq.  Const.  61).  Which  St.  Mamas  (if 
thei'e  were  two)  he  does  not  say. 

(4)  Commemorated  in  Greek  church  Sept.  23 
(Cal.  Armen.). 

MAMELCHTA  or  MAMELTA,  martyr  in 
Persia,  probably  in  the  5th  century;  comme- 
morated Oct.  17  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  viii.  53); 
assigned  to  Oct.  5  in  Basil.  Menol.  [C.  H.] 

MAMERTINUS,    martyr    with    Marianus, 
monks  at  Auxerre,  in  the  5th  century ;  comme- 
morated April  20  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  ii.  759). 
[C.  H.] 

MAMERTUS,  bishop  of  Vienne  and  con- 
fessor after  A.D.  475;  commemorated  May  11 
(Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart. ;  Florus  ap. 
Bed.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  May,  ii.  629). 

[C.  H.] 

MAMERUS,  martyr;  commemorated  April 
12  (Hiero7i.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAMERUS,  martyr  ;  commemorated  in 
Africa  March  14  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [  C.  H.] 

MAMILIANUS  (1)  or  MAXIMILIANUS, 

martyr  at  Rome ;  commemorated  March  12 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  ii.  104). 

(2)  Bishop  of  Panormus,  probably  in  5th  cen- 
tury ;  commemorated  Sept.  15  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Sept.  V.  45).  [C.  H.] 

MAMMARIA,  martyr ;  commemorated  in 
Mauritania  Dec.  2  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAMMARIUS,  presbyter,  martyr,  A.D.  254 ; 
commemorated  June  10  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  June, 
ii.  268).  [C.  H.] 

MAMMARUS  (1)  Martyr  in  Phrygia  ;  com- 
memorated Nov.  6  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr  in  Africa ;  commemorated  Dec.  1 
(Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAMMAS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated  at 
Tarragona  Jan.  21  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Female  martyr ;  commemorated  July  17 
(Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  iv.  220). 
[C.  H.] 

MAMMERUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated 
in  Istria  June  5  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Nov.  24 
(Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAMMES  (1),  Martyr  at  Caesarea  ;  comme- 
morated July  16  (Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart. 
Auct.). 

(2)  Martyr;  commemorated  Aug.  17.  [Ma- 
mas.] [C.  H.] 

MAMMITA  and  her  companions,  martyrs  at 
Alexandria;  commemorated  Aug.  17  (Hieron. 
Mart.).  [C.  H.] 


1082 


MAMON 


MAMON,  martyr;  commemorated  at  Alex- 
andria Aug.  9  {Hkron.  Mart).  [C.  H.] 

MANAEN,  or  MANAHEN,  Herod's  foster- 
brother;  commemorated  at  Antioch  May  24 
(Usuard.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.  ;  Boll.  Acta 
SS.  May,  v.  273).  [C.  H.] 

MANASCHIERT,  COUNCIL  OF  (3Iana- 
schiertense  Consilium),  held  at  Manaschert  in  Ar- 
menia A.D.  687,  according  to  Mansi,  by  command 
of  Omar  the  Saracen  leader,  under  the  Armenian 
patriarch  John.  Its  decrees  on  doctrine  seem 
framed  in  opposition  to  the  si.\th  council,  where 
Monothelism  was  condemned  ;  while  several  of 
its  decrees  on  discipline  seem  condemned  pro- 
fessedly by  the  32nd  and  56th  of  the  TruUan 
canons  (Mansi,  xi.  1099.  Comp.  Constaxtinoplk, 
Councils  of  (34),  p.  444).  [K.  S.  Ff.] 

MANDRA.  A  favourite  appellation  for  mo- 
nastic establishments  in  the  East  was  rrumdra, 
/jLtLi/Spa,  a  fold,  used  both  alone,  eV  fiovaffrripiois 
inrdpxoi'Tes  drovv  jLiavSpai^  (Epii)han.  Haeres. 
80),  or  with  distinctive  epithets  ayia,  dda,  Upi, 
■KvevixaTiKT)  ixdvhpa.  The  sacred  precinct,  or 
cloistered  atrium  in  front  of  the  church  of 
St.  Simeon  Stylites,  surrounding  the  pillar  on 
which  he  stood,  was  popularly  known  as  Mandra, 
taking  the  name  of  the  enclosed  plot  in  the  midst 
of  which  the  column  was  erected  (Evagr.  H.  E. 
i.  13,  14).    [Archimandrite.]  [E.  V.] 

MANDUTIUS;  commemorated  Aug.  16 
{Cal  Byzant.).  [C.  H.] 

MANDYAS  {nav^vas,  fiai/Svi],  ixavdiov). 
This  name  is  now  given  in  the  Greek  church  to 
the  outer  garment  worn  by  monks,  which  is 
also  used  on  some  occasions  by  bishops,  who  are, 
as  a  rule,  drawn  from  the  monastic  orders.  In 
shape  it  is,  on  the  whole,  similar  to  a  cope,  being 
a  long  cloak,  reaching  almost  to  the  feet,  and 
fastened  at  the  throat. 

It  seems  originally  to  have  been  borrowed 
from  the  Persians,  and  is  defined  by  Hesychius 
as  elSos  inariov  Ufpa-wv,  iroKefxtKbv  ifxaTwv.  In 
the  West  we  find  it  frequently  spoken  of  as  a 
dress  worn  by  emperors  and  kings.  The  earliest 
instance  of  the  use  of  the  word  in  its  ecclesias- 
tical sense  is  apparently  in  Germanus,  patriarch 
of  Constantinople  {Hist.  Eccles.  et  Mystica 
Theorin;  Patrol.  Gr.  xcviii.  396).  For  later 
instances  reference  may  be  made  to  Ducange, 
Glossarium  Graecum,  s.v.,  and  Goar's  Eucholocjion, 
pp.  113,  495.  [R.  S.] 

MANECHILDIS,  or  MENEHOUD,  virgin 
in  Gaul;  commemorated  Oct.  14  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Oct.  vi.  526).  [C.  H.] 

MANETHO,  virgin  at  Scythopolis,  martyr ; 
commemorated  Nov.  13  (Basil.  MenoL). 

[C.  H.] 

MANGER  {Praesepe).  In  the  crypt  be- 
neath the  altar  of  the  Sixtine  chapel  which 
forms  part  of  the  Liberian  basilica  (S.  Maria 
Maggiore)  at  Rome  is  preserved  the  sacred 
culla,  which  forms  the  object  of  a  solemn  cere- 
mony and  procession  on  Christmas  Eve.  The 
culla  is  supposed  to  consist  of  five  boards  of  the 
manger  in  which  the  infant  Saviour  was  laid  at 
the  Nativity  [Magi  ;  Nativity].  This  manger 
was    visited  by  Jerome  and  his  disciple  Taula 


MANIPLE 

(Hieron.  Epist.  108,  ad  Eustochium,  §  10).  The 
boards  were  brought  to  Rome  from  Bethlehem', 
together  with  some  fragments  of  rock  from  the 
cave  which  is  the  tr;iditional  scene  of  the 
Nativity,  when  the  remains  of  St.  Jerome  were 
translated  in  the  middle  of  the  seventh  century 
by  pope  Theodore  I.  [Not  a.d.  352,  as  is  main- 
tained by  Benedict  XIV.,  dc  Canmiz.  Sanct.  1. 
iv.  pt.  2.]  They  are  now  enclosed  in  an  urn  of 
silver  and  crystal,  with  a  gilt  figure  of  tha 
Holy  Child  on  the  top.  (Wetzer  and  Welte, 
Kirchenlcxicon,  xii.  698,  s.  v.  Krippe  ;  Murray, 
Handbook  of  Rome,  p.  128,  9th  ed.)  The  modern 
practice  of  setting  up  in  churches  representa- 
tions of  the  manger  or  cradle  is  said  to  have 
originated  with  St.  Francis  of  Assisi.  [C] 

MANILIS,  martyr;  commemorated  May  11 
(^Hieron.  Mart.).  [c.  H.I 

MANILIUS,  martyr  ;  commemorated  ia 
Africa  April  28  {Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS 
April,  iii.  571).  [c.  H.] 

MANILUS  (1)  Martvr;  commemorated  in 
Africa  March  7  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  March  8 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Cappadocia 
March  15  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr;  commemorated  April  12  {Hie- 
ron. Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Perusia  April 
29  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(6)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa  May  11 
{Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MANIPLE  {Pallium  Zitiostimum  [?],  Map- 
pula,  Manipulus  [to  be  referred,  like  the  othei- 
uses  of  the  word,  to  the  primary  notion  of  hand- 
ful; see  Ducange,  s.  u.],  Manipula,  Sudarium^ 
Phanon,  Fanon  [cf.  German  Fahne  and  Latin 
pannus,  which  are  doubtlessly  allied :  see  Grimm 
Deutsches  Worterhuch,  s.  v.  ;  the  English  pennon 
also  is  apjiarently  derived  from  pannus],  Mantilc, 
Manutergium :  fyxelpiov). 

This  vestment  in  its  primary  form  appears  to 
have  been  merely  a  handkerchief  or  napkin  held 
in  the  hand,  but  in  later  times  it  became  an 
ornamental  vestment  pendent  from  the  left  wrist. 
It  perhaps  furnishes  us  with  another  illustration 
of  what  we  have  already  spoken  of  in  the  case 
of  the  dalmatic  (see  the  article),  of  the  gradual 
extension  of  what  was  in  its  origin  a  peculiar 
use  of  the  local  Roman  church  throughout  the; 
whole  of  the  West ;  an  extension  at  first  jealously 
resisted  by  the  Roman  clergy.  The  Eastern 
church  has  nothing  answering  to  the  maniple, 
but  apparently  the  iyxflpioi'  spoken  of  by  Ger- 
manus, to  which  we  shall  refer  below,  was  in  its 
time  a  real,  though  accidental,  parallel. 

Possibly  the  earliest  trace  of  the  original  use 
of  the  maniple  is  to  be  found  in  the  order  of 
Silvester  I.  (ob.  A.D.  335)  that  deacons  should 
wear  dalmatics  in  church,  and  that  their  left 
hand  should  be  covered  with  a  cloth  of  linea 
warp  {pallium  linostimum  :  see  Walafrid  Strabo, 
de  Pehus  Eccles.  c.  24 ;  Patrol,  cxiv.  952  ;  Ana- 
stasius  Bibliothecarius,  de  Vitis  Rom.  Pont., 
Patrol,  cxxvii.  1513).  Marriott,  who  is  disposed 
to  connect  this  with  the  later  maniple,  suggests 
{Vcstiarium  Christianum,   p.   108  n.)  that" the 


MANIPLE 

order  may  have  had  reference  primarily  to  the 

handling  of  the   eucharistic  vessels.     The  same 

"  order  as  to   the  use  of  this  cloth  was  made  by 

Zosimus  (ob.  A.B.  418)  (Anastasius,  op.  cit.  59  ; 

i;        Patrol,  cxxviii.  174). 

'  Others  have  argued  that  this  pallium  linosti- 

\        mum  is   rather  to  be  associated   with  the  stole 
)        (see  esp.  Macer,  Hierolesicon,  s.  v.  Linostima). 
I  In  the  time  of  Gregory  the  Great,  we   meet 

with  the  mappula  as  a  jealously  guarded  vest- 
ment or  ornament  of  the  Roman  clergy,  which 
had  been  in  use  among  them  for  some  time.  The 
clergy  of  the  church  of  Ravenna  having  ventured 
to  make  use  of  this  vestment,  the  Roman  clergy 
loudly  maintained  that  it  was  a  peculiar  right 
of  their  own,  and  protested  against  the  clergy  of 
Ravenna  wearing  the  7>iappxi/.a  either  there  or  at 
Rome.  Gregory,  writing  to  John,  bishop  of  Ra- 
venna, settled  the  matter  by  giving  permission 
to  the  chief  deacons  of  Ravenna  (primis  diaconibus 
vestris)  to  wear  the  mappula  when  in  attendance 
on  the  bishop ;  permission,  however,  being  abso- 
lutely refused  (vehementissime  prohibemus)  for 
other  times  and  to  other  persons  {Epist.  lib.  iii. 
56 ;  vol.  iii.  668).  Bishop  John,  in  his  answer, 
remarks  that  in  the  time  of  Gregory's  prede- 
cessors, whenever  a  bishop  of  Ravenna  had  been 
consecrated  at  Rome,  the  attendant  priests  and 
deacons  had  openly  used  mappulae  without  any 
fault  being  found,  and  that  this  had  been  the 
case  when  he  was  himself  consecrated  bishop. 

The  above  instance  has  generally  been  supposed 
to  belong  to  the  early  history  of  the  maniple,  as 
by  Bona  {de  Rebus  Liturgicis,  i.  24.  5),  Binterim 
(penkwiiixUgkeiten,  vol.  iv.  part  1,  pp.  203  sqq.). 
At  a  later  period,  however,  the  latter  writer  (pp. 
cit.  vol.  vii.  part  3,  pp.  359  sqq.),  followed  by 
Hefele  (Beitriige  zu  Kirchengeschichte,  Archdo- 
logie,  und  Liturgik,  ii.  180),  argued  that  it  is 
here  rather  to  be  understood  of  a  kind  of  moveable 
canopy  (see  Durandus,  Eat.  Div.  Off.  iv.  6.  11, 
and  Ducange,  s.v.)  •  and  it  may  fairly  be  admitted 
that  the  terms  in  which  both  the  contest  and  the 
concession  are  described  are  on  the  whole  more 
;  applicable  to  this  latter  view.  It  is  interesting 
/  to  add  here,  in  face  of  this  conflict  of  theories, 
that,  so  far  as  appears,  there  is  no  trace  of  a 
maniple  in  the  famous  mosaic  in  the  church  of 
St.  Vitalis  at  Ravenna,  which  is  assigned  to  the 
end  of  the  6th  century.  (Figured  above,  s.v. 
Dalmatic,  from  Gaily  Knight's  Ecclesiastical 
Architecture  of  Italy,  plate  x.) 

It  is  not  till  the  8th  or  9th  century  that  we 
meet  with  distinct  allusions  to  the  maniple  as  a 
sacred  vestment.  Mabillon  notices  a  donation 
bequeathed  to  a  monastery  in  the  year  A.D.  781, 
in  which,  with  numerous  other  church  orna- 
ments, "quinque  manipuli"  (the  earliest  instance 
we  have  been  able  to  find  of  the  7iame  maniple) 
are  mentioned  (Annalcs  Ordinis  S.  Bcncdicti,  lib. 
25,  c.  53).  Martene  again  refers  {de  Antiquis 
Eccksiae  Hitibus,  iii.  187;  ed.  Venice,  1783)  to 
an  ancient  missal  in  the  monastery  of  St.  Denis 
and  assigned  by  him  to  about  the  time  of  Charle- 
magne, in  which  was  given  a  prayer  at  the 
putting  on  of  the  maniple  :  "  praecinge  me, 
Domine,  virtute,  et  pone  immaculatam  vitam 
meam."  * 


MANIPLE 


1083 


'  A  curious  error  has  been  here  made  by  Hefele,  who 
(op.  cit.  p.  181)  has  inadvertently  cited  as  given  by  M^ir- 
tene  from  a  "  copy  of  the  Ambrosian  Liturgy  made  by 


We  may  next  cite  Rabanus  Maurus  (de  Cler. 
List.  i.  18  ;  Patrol,  cvii.  18),  who,  writing  early 
in  the  9th  century,  speaks  of  the  maniple  as  the 
'•  mappula  sive  mantile  . . .  quod  vulgo  phanonem, 
vocant,"  which  is  held  in  the  hand  at  the  cele- 
bration of  mass  by  the  "  sacerdotes  et  ministri 
altaris."  About  the  same  time  we  find  Ama- 
larius  (de  Eccl.  Off.  ii.  24;  Patrol,  cv.  1099) 
commenting  on  the  maniple  under  the  name 
sndarium,  and  entering  at  length  into  the  sym- 
bolism of  it.  We  also  find  a  reference  to  it  in 
the  treatise  de  Divinis  Officiis,  once  referred  to 
Alcuin  (c.  39;  Patrol,  ci.  1243).  This  work  is 
now,  however,  assigned  to  the  10th  or  llth 
century.  In  the  homily  da  Cura  Pastorali, 
ascribed  to  Leo  IV.  (ob.  A.D.  855),  the  injunctiou 
is  given  that  the  maniple  (fanon)  is  to  be  among 
the  vestments  invariably  to  be  made  use  of  when 
mass  is  sung  (Patrol,  cxv.  675),  the  others  spe- 
cified being  amice,  alb,  stole,  and  planeta  ;  and 
we  find  the  same  command  repeated  in  the 
following  century  by  Ratherius,  bishop  of  Verona 
(Patrol,  cxxsvi.  559). 

To  add  one  more  illustration,  the  order  is  made 
in  the  year  A.D.  889  by  bishop  Riculfus  of  Sois- 
sons,  that  each  church  should  possess  at  least 
'•duo  cinctoria  et  totidem  mappulas  mtidas " 
(Statuta,  0.  7  ;  Patrol,  cxxxi.  17). 

In  Rabanus  Maurus  and  the  other  liturgio- 
logists  cited  above,  the  maniple  is  spoken  of  as 
carried  in  the  hand,  the  left  being  sometimes 
specially  mentioned  ;  but,  in  course  of  time,  it 
was  worn  pendent  from  the  wrist  (see  e.  g.  Hugo 
de  St.  Victore,  Serm.  14;  Patrol,  clxxvii.  928; 
Honorius  Augustodunensis,  Gemma  Animae,  i. 
208  ;  Patrol,  clxxii.  606). 

It  ought  to  be  added  here  that  the  maniple 
does  not  appear  to  have  been  unicersally  em- 
ployed as  a  sacred  vestment  in  the  9th  century, 
for  e.g.  in  the  illustrations  in  the  Pontifical  of 
Landulfus,  which  is  assigned  to  that  period,  none 
of  the  priests  wear  maniples  (see  Marriott,  plates 
34-36).  Conversely  also,  it  may  be  remarked, 
we  find,  and  that  at  quite  a  later  period,  traces 
of  the  maniple  being  worn  by  lay  monks.  Thus 
e.  g.  Lanfranc  of  Canterbury,  speaking  with 
reference  to  the  ordering  of  subdeacons,  says, 
"  in  coenobiis  monachorum  etiam  laici  albis 
induuntur  et  antiqua  patrum  institutione  solent 
ferre  manipulum  "  (Epist.  13  ;  Patrol,  cl.  520). 
A  council  of  Poitiers  (a.d.  1100)  forbids  monks, 
unless  they  are  subdeacons,  to  assume  the 
maniple  (Concil.  Pictav.  can.  5;  Labbe,  vii.  725). 

With  the  growth  of  the  church's  wealth  and 
power  in  the  9th  century,  the  general  character 
of  vestments  was  considerably  modified  into  % 
more  costly  and  elaborate  form.  As  a  curious 
example  of  this  in  the  case  of  the  maniple,  we 
may  cite  the  will  of  Riculfus,  bishop  of  Helena^ 
(ob.  A.D.  915),  who  in  a  long  list  of  valuable 
articles  mentions  "  manipulos  sex  cum  auro, 
unum  sex  (/(?(/.  ex) iis  cum  tintinnabulis"''(Prt<roL 
cxxxii.  468).  Into  the  later  notices,  however, 
of  the  maniple  it  is  not  our  province  to  enter. 

The  Eastern  church,  as  we  have  said,  does  not 


command  of  Charlemagne,"  a  form  which  is  really  from 
a  copy  of  that  liturgy  printed  in  1560  by  the  command  of 
St.  Charles  [Boiromeo],  archbishop  of  Milan.  (Martene, 
op.  cit.  p.  173.) 

>>  Doubllfss  this  is  in  imit,ition  of  the  little  bells  oil 
the  robe  of  the  .Jewjah  hif;h  priest. 


1084 


MANIERA 


use  the  maniple,  but  probably  the  iyxeipiov, 
mentioned  by  Germanus,  is  practically  a  parallel. 
It  is  spolcen  of  by  him  as  worn  by  deacons 
attached  to  the  girdle,  and  as  symbolising  the 
towel  on  which  our  Lord  dried  His  hands  after 
washing  His  disciples'  feet  {Ifist.  Ecclcs.  ct 
Mystica  Theoria;  Patrol.  Gr.  xcviii.  394).  The 
epimanikion,  however  (^iirifx^viKiov,  fiav'iKtov, 
vironaviKiov),  while  presenting  an  apparent  simi- 
larity to  the  maniple,  is  utterly  different  from  it 
in  fact.  The  woi-d  (a  barbarous  compound  of 
Latin  and  Greek)  denotes  a  cuff,  as  being  worn 
upon  the  sleeves  of  both  arms,  and  is  now  one  of 
the  actual  ornaments  of  bishops  (to  whom  it  was 
long  restricted)  and  priests  (and  latterly  also  of 
deacons,  Neale,  I.  c.)  in  the  Greek  church  (Goar, 
Euchologion,  p.  Ill ;  Neale,  Eastern  Church, 
Introd.  p.  307). 

Finally,  we  may  give  a  passing  remark  as  to 
one  or  two  other  ecclesiastical  uses  of  some  of 
the  Latin  names  of  the  maniple.  Thus /anon  is 
also  used  for  the  name  of  the  cloth  in  which  is 
wrapped  up  the  bread  for  use  in  the  Eucharist : — 
so  in  an  Ordo  Romanus  "  fanonibus  puris  obla- 
tiones  tenent"  (Amalarius,  Ecloga  de  Officio 
Missae,  c.  19  ;  in  Menard's  Greg.  Sacr.  554) — 
and  also  for  the  cloth  which  enwraps  the  chalice 
{ibid.  c.  20).  It  is  used  again  for  a  kind  of  veil 
worn  on  the  head  of  the  pope  beneath  the  mitre 
(^Ordo  Romanus,  siv.  43 ;  op.  cit.  270  ;  cf.  also 
281,  357,  537  [even  in  death,  ib.  527]  ;  it  is  also 
styled  simply  mappa).  The  word  mappula  is 
used  in  the  Regula  Monachorum  of  Isidore  (c.  12, 
Patrol.  Ixxxiii.  882)  for  a  garment  worn  over 
the  shoulders  by  a  monk  who  has  not  a  pallium. 
In  the  Regula  Fructuosi  (c.  4 ;  Patrol.  Ixxxvii. 
1101),  mappula  is  used  apparently  in  the  sense 
of  a  towel  or  napkin,  as  a  part  of  the  equipment 
of  a  monk's  cell.  See  also  Reg.  S.  Benedicti, 
c.  55.  [R.  S.] 

MANIRRA,  martyr ;  commemorated  Feb.  28 
{Ilieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MANIUS,  bishop  of  Verona,  perhaps  in  5th 
century ;  commemorated  Sept.  3  (Boll.  Acta 
S8.  Sept.  i.  661).  [C.  H.] 

MANNA  (in  Art).  Two  examples  from 
Bosio's  plates  (see  Bottari,  tav.  clxiv.  and  tab. 
Ivii.)  are  supposed  by  Aringhi  to  represent 
Moses  pointing  to  four  or  seven  baskets  of  the 
manna  of  the  wilderness.  Bottari  expresses 
some  doubt  in  both  cases,  thinking  that,  at  all 
events  in  the  example  which  contains  seven 
baskets,  the  figure  must  be  intended  for  Our 
Lord.  This  may  be  the  case,  but  the  contents 
of  the  baskets  may  still  be  intended  for  manna, 
in  reference  to  St.  John  vi.  41.  Millin  (^Voyages 
dans  le  Midi  de  France,  etc.  xxxviii.  8,  lix.  3), 
gives  two  sarcophagi,  in  which  a  personage  who 
may  pass  for  Moses  stands  pointing  to  three 
jars  or  "  omers,"  probably  meant  for  manna, 
the  more  so  as  two  figures  bearing  a  bunch  of 
grapes  are  near  them  (Num.  xiii.  24).  Compare 
Loaves,  II.  1038. 

There  is  besides  a  newly  discovered  fresco,  of 
which  Martigny  gives  a  woodcut,  which  clearly 
represents  the  gathering  of  the  manna  ;  but,  if 
it  be  correctly  copied,  the  drapery  of  the  figures 
has  a  somewhat  mediaeval-Italian  appearance. 
It  represents  the  falling  manna,  with  four 
figures   spreading  their  garments  to  catch  it. 


MANSE 

(See  woodcut.)  It  was  discovered  in  1863 
in  the  catacomb  of  St.  Cyriaca.  It  occupies 
the  whole  side  of  a  crypt,  aud  the  manna  is  re- 
presented like  snow  or  hail.  Our  Lord's  men- 
tion of  the  manna,  and  open  appeal  to  it  as 
the  symbol  of  His  body  best  suited,  before  His 
death,  to  the  understanding  of  His  Jewish 
hearers,  may  very  probably  invest  these  pic- 
tures of  the  bread  of  the  wilderness  with  eucha- 
ristic  meaning.     They  may  be  supposed    to  be 


Maona.    (From  Martigny.) 

pictorial  repetitions  of  the  text  "  I  am  that 
Bread  of  Life."  And  this  is  yet  more  probable, 
where,  as  in  Bottari  Ivii.,  Moses  is  represented  in 
the  act  of  striking  the  rock,  as  an  accompanying 
sculpture. 

As  was  observed  before,  it  may  be  our  Lord 
rather  than  Moses,  who  is  represented  with  the 
seven  baskets,  though  it  was  the  miracle  of  the 
Five  Loaves  which  preceded  His  discourse  at 
Capernaum,  and  twelve  baskets  would  therefore 
be  more  correct.  Nevertheless,  His  words  con- 
nect the  manna  of  the  Mosaic  dispensation  both 
with  His  miracle,  and  with  the  institution  of  the 
Holy  Communion,  and  the  pictures  seem  clearly 
meant  for  the  same  purpose.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

MANNEA,  wife  of  the  tribune  Marcellinus, 
and  martyred  with  him  ;  commemorated  Aug.  27 
(Usuard.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MANNICA,  martyr;  commemorated  at  Csesa- 
rea.  in  Cappadocia,  Nov.  13  (Hierm.  Mart.). 

.[C.H.] 

MANSE.  (^Mansis,  mansa,  mansum,  mansus  ; 
also,  especially  in  Italy,  masa,  masagium  (whence 
messuage),  masata,  massa,  massus,  &c.  Fr.  mas, 
Norm,  mois,  Burgund.  meix.  The  most  common 
form  is  mansus.)  Strictly,  the  mansus  seems  to 
have  been  a  piece  of  arable  land  of  twelve  acres 
(jugera,  bunnaria),  which  suggests  mensus  as  the 
original  form  ;  but  it  was  not  restricted  to  pieces 
of  that  precise  extent.  When  it  is  not  so  used, 
the  quantity  is  mentioned  (see  Ducange  in  v.). 
Mansus  dominicatus  or  indominicatus  was  the 
homestead  attached  to  the  residence  of  the  lord 
and  occupied  by  him  (Kar.  Calv.  Exact.  Nor- 
mannis  Constit.  a.d.  877,  Capit.  Reg.  Fr.  ii.  257, 
258.  Sim.  Formulae  Marculfi  (Lindenbr.),  c.  79, 
ibid.  534,  etc.).  Charlemagne,  813  (Capit.  ii.), 
speaks  of  the  "  mansum  regale "  in  his  forests, 
i.e.  the  clearing,  or  field,  on  which  the  coloni 


MANSIONAEII 

dwelt  (cap.  19).  By  a  like  usage,  a  piece  of  land 
by  which  a  church  was  wholly  or  partially  en- 
dowed (=  the  "  glebe  ")  was  called  the  "  mansus 
ecclesiae."  A  law  of  Louis  the  Godly,  816  ("  De 
Mansis  uniuscujusque  Ecclesiae  "),  decrees  that  to 
every  church  be  allotted  one  whole  mansus  free 
of  service,  and  that  the  priests  settled  in  them 
should  "do  no  service  on  account  of  the  afore- 
written  mansus,  except  that  due  to  the  church  " 
(Cap't.  Aquisgr.  10  ;  also  in  Capit.  Reg.  Franc. 
i.  85,  V.  214).  Charlemagne  seems  to  have 
desired  a  larger  provision,  for  in  legislating  for 
the  Saxons,  he  says,  "  All  of  the  lesser  chapters 
have  agreed  that  the  country  people  who  go  to  a 
church  give  to  every  church  a  court  (curtem) 
and  two  mansi  of  land"  (cap.  15).  The  Lom- 
bardic  laws  (iii.  i.  46),  824  (Ludov.  P.),  provide 
that  "if  a  church  happen  to  be  built  in  any 
place  which  was  wanted,  and  yet  had  no  endow- 
ment," "one  mansus  consisting  of  twelve  bun- 
naria  of  arable  land  be  given  there,  and 
two  serfs  by  the  freemen  who  are  to  hear  office 
in  the  said  church,  that  there  may  be  priests 
there,  and  that  divine  worship  may  be  held  ;  but 
that  if  the  people  will  not  do  this  it  be  pulled 
down"  (v.  Espen,  ii.  iv.  iv.  23).  Hincmar  of 
Rheinis  in  852  asked  of  each  parish  priest  in  his 
diocese  "whether  he  had  a  mansus  of  twelve 
bunnaria,  beside  a  cemetery  and  a  court  (cortem) 
in  which  the  church  and  his  house  stood,  or  if 
he  had  four  serfs"  (Labbe,  Cone.  viii.  573). 

Mansi  were  given  to  churches  to  provide  them 
with  lights  (Capit.  Reg.  Fr.  ii.  5),  and  an  ancient 
gloss  on  the  canon  law  says,  "Mansus  appellatur 
unde  percipitur  frumentum  et  vinum  ad  Eucha- 
ristiam  consecrandam  "  (from  Chron.  Wortnat. 
apud  Ludewig.  ii.  Reliq.  MSS. — Ducange). 

By  a  law  in  the  Fourth  Book  of  the  Capitularies 
of  the  French  Kings  (iv.  28),  compiled  in  827, 
courts  of  justice  are  to  be  held  "  neque  in  ecclesia 
neque  in  atrio  ejus."  When  this  was  republished 
by  Charles  the  Bald  in  853  (tit.  x,  c.  7),  and 
again  in  868  (tit.  xxxviii.  c.  7),  he  altered  it  thus, 
^'Ne  malla  vel  placita  in  exitibus  et  atriis  ecclesi- 
arum  et  presbyterorum  mansionibus  .  ,  .  lenere 
presumant."  In  870  (tit.  xlv.  12)  he  worded  the 
prohibition  thus,  "  Mallus  neque  in  ecclesia  neque 
in  porticibus  aut  atrio  ecclesiae  neque  in  man- 
sione  presbyteri  juxta  ecclesiam  habeatur."  We 
infer  progress  in  the  settlement  of  the  clergy, 
and  that  near  their  churches,  through  the  pro- 
vision of  a  Curtis  [see  Mansa]  on  which  a  house 
might  be  built ;  but  it  does  not  appear  that 
"  mansio  "  was  used  in  a  conventional  and  special 
sense  to  denote  the  residence  (or  "  manse  ")  of 
the  priest.  It  meant  a  dwelling-house  of  any 
kind,  and  is  the  original  form  of  the  common 
word  maison.  [}V.  E.  S.] 

MANSIONARII.  [Compare  Prosmana- 
Rius.]  Officers  discharging  certain  duties  in 
connexion  with  the  fabric  and  services  of  the 
church.  Ducange  (Gloss.)  makes  the  word 
synonymous  with  "  aedituus "  and  "  matri- 
cularius,"  and  explains  it  as  deriving  its  mean- 
ing from  the  fact  that  a  residence  ("  mansio ") 
near  the  church  was  attached  to  the  office. 
iJionysius  Exiguus,  in  his  Coilex  Canonum,  gives 
"  Mansionarius "  as  a  rendering  of  the  word 
trpoofnavapioi,  who  are  reckoned  by  the  Council 
of  Chalcedon  (c.  2)  among  the  clerical  officers 
who  are  strictly  forbidden  to  obtain  their  situ- 


MANSOLACUM,  COUNCIL  OF     1085 

ations  by  bribery.  (See  Bruns,  Cmones,  i.  26.) 
Bingham,  however  (Eccl.  Ant.  iii.  13,  §  1), 
quotes  Justellus,  Beveridge,  and  other  authorities 
to  prove  that  the  npofffj.ai'dptoi  were  in  reality 
the  stewards  or  administrators  of  the  property 
of  the  church.  That  the  "  mansionarii "  were 
clergy  is  evident  from  the  words  of  Anastasius 
the  librarian,  who  in  his  lives  of  John  4th 
and  Benedict  2nd  expressly  reckons  them  among 
the  clergy  to  whom  legacies  were  left :  "  Hie 
dimisit  omni  clero  ....  diaconibus  et  mansion- 
ariis  solidos  mille."  Gregory  the  Great  (Dia- 
log. III.  25)  applies  the  title  "  custos  eccle- 
siae "  and  "  mansionarius  "  indiscriminately  to 
one  Abundius.  Their  special  functions  appear 
to  have  been  connected  with  the  lighting  and 
general  care  of  the  lamps  of  the  church  to  which 
they  belonged.  Gregory  the  Great  (Dialog,  i.  5) 
speaks  of  a  certain  Constautius  who  was  "  man- 
sionarius," and  had  charge  of  the  lamps,  and  in 
(Dialog,  iii.  24)  the  same  duties  are  allotted  to 
one  Theodosius,  who  is  called  "  custos "  in  the 
text  and  "  mansionarius  "  in  the  heading.  See 
also  John  the  Deacon  ( Vita  Greg.  III.  58).  In 
the  Ordo  Romanus,  i.  §  4)  the  mansionarius  of  a 
titular  church  in  Rome  is  to  go  forth,  with  a 
presbyter,  bearing  a  thurible  to  meet  the  pope 
when  he  came  to  celebrate  a  pontifical  mass. 
Again  (§  32)  he  carries  the  taper  solemnly 
kindled  on  Maundy  Thursday.  Mabillon  (Comm. 
Praevius,  p.  xxvii)  notes  that  during  the  first 
nine  centuries  in  the  "  patriarchal "  churches 
there  were  employed  "  mansionarii  seu  custodes 
ecclesiarum  ad  eas  ornandas  emundandas  aliaque 
pi-aestanda  quae  necessaria  erant."  Except  the 
above-mentioned  passage  in  the  Council  of 
Chalcedon,  there  is  no  trace  of  the  existence  of 
the  office  in  the  Eastern  church. 

2.  Hincmar,  of  Rheims  (Epist.  ad  Proceres 
Regni,  c.  21,  opp.  ed.  Paris.  II.  p.  209)  numbers 
among  the  officials  of  the  royal  household  a 
"  mansionarius,"  whose  duty  it  was  to  take  care 
that  those  who  were  obliged  to  provide  lodgings 
for  the  king  when  on  a  journey  should  be  pro- 
perly warned  of  his  approach.  [P.  0.] 

IxscRiPTiOxs.  —  An  inscription  given  by 
Marini    (Papiri    Diplom.    301)    is    as    follows : 

LOCUS  FAUSTINI  QUEM  COJIPAEAVIT  a  JULIO  MAN- 

siONARiO.  In  this  case  the  mansionarius  from 
whom  Faustinus  acquired  his  place  of  sepulture 
must  have  had  the  same  control  over  the  spot 
which  the  Fossop.  commonly  had.  The  mansio 
was,  in  fact,  the  cemetery,  though  it  docs  not 
appear  independently  that  mansio  is  used  in  the 
sense  of  Koijj.T]rripiov.  Compare  Manse  (Mar- 
tigny,  Diet,  des  Antiq.  Chr^t.  s.  v.).  [C] 

MANSLAUGHTER.     [Homicide.] 

MANSOLACUM,  COUNCIL  OF  (Bfansola- 
cense  Concilium),  said  to  have  been  held  at 
Malay-le-roi,  near  Sens,  a.d.  659.  "  On  y  fit 
quelques  rfeglemens  sur  la  discipline,"  say  the 
authors  of  L'Art  de  verifier  les  Dates  (i.  156),  in 
describing  it,  and  refer  to  Mabillon,  Act.  Sanct. 
Ord.  Ben.  saec.  iii.  pt.  ii.  614;  in  other  words, 
to  a  charter  of  privilege  granted  by  tlie  then 
archbishop  of  Sens  and  his  suffragans  to  the 
monastery  of  St.  Peter  at  Sens,  and  intended  for 
the  benefit  of  that  convent  alone.  It  is  also 
dated  by  Mabillon  two  years  earlier.  (Mansi, 
xi.  121.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 


1086 


MANSUETUS 


MANSUETUS  (1)  Bishop  of  Milan  ;  comme- 
morated Feb.  19  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  iii.  135). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Feb.  28  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(3)  Bishop  and  confessor  at  Toul ;  commemo- 
rated Sept.  3  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  i.  615). 

(4)  Bishop;  commemorated  in  Africa  Nov. 
28  (  Vet.  Bom.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr  with  ten  others ;  commemorated 
at  Alexandria  Dec.  30  (Usuard.  Mart.;  Bed. 
Mart.  Auct.).  [C.  H.] 

MANTIUS,  martyr  in  Lusitania  5th  century  ; 
commemorated  May  21  (Boll.  Ada  SS.  May, 
V.  31).  [C.  H.] 

MANUAEUS,  bishop  of  Bayeux,  circ.  a.d. 
480 ;  commemorated  May  28  (Florus,  ap.  Bed. 
Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  S3.  May,  vi.  767).      [C.  H.] 

MANUAL  LABOUR.  It  appears  to  have 
been  contemplated  by  the  earlier  councils  that  the 
clergy  should,  in  part  at  least,  maintain  them- 
selves by  the  work  of  their  hands.  The  Apu- 
stoUcal  Constitutions  (II.  63)  exhort  the  younger 
clergy  to  provide  for  their  own  necessities  by  the 
work  of  their  own  hands,  while  not  neglecting  the 
work  of  the  ministry.  Some  of  us,  it  is  added, 
are  fishermen,  some  tentmakers,  some  husband- 
men, for  no  worshipper  of  God  should  be  idle. 
The  fourth  council  of  Carthage  (Statut.  Eccles. 
Antii/ua,  cc.  51,  52)  enjoins  that  all  clergy,  how- 
ever learned,  should  provide  themselves  with  food 
and  clothing  by  some  handicraft  (artificiolo)  or 
agricultural  labour,  yet  so  as  not  to  neglect  their 
proper  duties  ;  and  (c.  53)  that  all  clergy  who 
were  sufficiently  strong  in  body  should  be  in- 
structed both  in  some  handicraft  and  in  letters. 
These  canons  are  evidently  referred  to  by  the 
second  Council  of  Tours,  a.d.  567  (c.  10),  where 
it  is  laid  down,  with  somewhat  curious  reasoning, 
that  there  could  be  no  justification  for  any  of 
the  clergy  who  employed  a  woman  not  belonging 
to  the  house  (extraneam  mulierem)  for  the 
alleged  purpose  of  making  his  clothes,  since 
there  was  a  general  order  that  they  should 
procure  both  food  and  clothing  by  their  own 
industry,  and  as  the  work  of  their  own  hands. 
Thomassin  {Vet.  ct  Nov.  Eccl.  Disoip.  iii.  3  ;  c.  8, 
§§  2-5)  thinks  that  these  canons  were  permissive 
rather  than  obligatory,  and  only  applied  to  the 
inferior  clergy,  noting  the  fact  that  St.  Paul  is 
the  only  one  of  the  apostles  who  is  said  to  have 
worked  with  his  own  hands.  Thus  the  first 
council  of  Orleans,  a.d.  511  (c.  5),  provides  that 
certain  lands  and  revenues  which  Clovis  had 
given  to  the  church  should  be  employed  in  re- 
pairing churches,  in  the  redemption  of  captives, 
and  in  paying  the  stipends  (alimoniis)  of  the 
priests  and  poor,  while  the  clergy  (clerici)  or,  as 
another  reading  is,  the  clergy  of  lower  degree 
(junioris  officii)  (see  Bruns,  Caiwncs,  ii.  162) 
should  be  compelled  to  help  in  the  labour  of  the 
church  (ad  adjutorium  ecclesiastici  operis  con- 
stringantur),  probably  on  the  lands  so  given. 

Among  ecclesiastical  writers  manual  labour  is 
evidently  considered  honourable  and  meritorious 
for  the  clergy,  and  in  some  cases  habitually 
resorted  to,  but  never  enjoined  as  a  positive 
obligation.  Epiphanius  (Ilaeres.  80 ;  nn.  5,  6) 
says  that  many  clergy,  while  they  might  live  by 
the  altar,  prefer  from  excess  of  zeal  (abundantii 


MAPHRIAN 

quadam  virtutis)  to  support  themselves  by  the 
work  of  their  own  hands  ;  and  (Haeres.  70,  n.  2) 
speaks  of  a  certain  sect  named  Audiani,  in  whose 
fellowship  bishops,  presbyters,  and  all  clergy 
lived  by  their  own  toil.  The  very  mention  of 
such  a  fact  seemingly  proved  that  this  was  out 
of  the  common  course.  Chrysostom  {Horn.  45, 
on  Acts)  speaks  of  four  difl'erent  grades  of  excel- 
lence set  before  the  clergy,  the  second  of  which 
consists  in  labouring  for  their  own  food,  the 
third  is  also  labouring  to  assist  the  poor. 
Augustine  {de  Op.  Monach.  c.  29)  asserts  that 
the  professional  labours  of  the  bishops  and  clergy 
are  sufficiently  onerous  to  exempt  them  from  the 
obligation  of  toiling  with  their  hands.  Many 
instances,  however,  are  to  be  found  in  which  the 
most  zealous  attention  to  spiritual  duties  was 
combined  with  hard  and  habitual  work  at  a 
trade  or  on  a  farm.  Socrates  (//.  E.  i.  12)  says- 
that  Spiridon,  bishop  of  Cyprus,  was  originally  a 
shepherd,  and  through  his  great  humility  con- 
tinued to  feed  his  flock  even  after  being  made  a 
bishop.  Sozomen  (//.  E.  vii.  28)  speaks  of  one 
Zeno,  bishop  of  Maiuma,  who  provided  for  his 
own  wants,  and  for  the  poor  of  his  flock,  by 
weaving  linen.  Gennadius  of  Marseilles  (de 
Scriptor.  Eccl.  c.  69)  says  that  Hilary  of  Aries 
toiled  with  his  own  hands,  not  only  for  his  own, 
support,  but  that  he  might  be  able  to  help  the 
poor.  From  Gregory  the  Great  {Dialog,  iii.  !)■ 
we  learn  that  Paulinus  of  Nola  was  an  excellent 
gardener,  and  (Dialog,  iii.  12)  that  one  Severus, 
a  priest  of  great  sanctity,  was  occupied  on  a  cer- 
tain occasion  in  pruning  his  vines.  Gregory  oC 
Tours,  in  his  Life  of  Nicetius  (c.  8),  says  that 
when  a  bishop  he  continued  to  live  among  his 
servants,  and  work  on  his  farm.  It  would  be 
easy  to  multiply  examples  of  this  kind,  they  all 
point  the  same  way  ;  the  very  fact  of  their  being 
recorded  seems  to  shew  that  they  must  be  con- 
sidered as  instances  of  exceptional  excellence, 
which  was  held  in  honour  and  esteem,  but  not 
illustrative  of  the  general  practice,  or  of  con- 
duct which  was  i-eckoned  obligatory  upon  either 
bishops  or  clergy.  Hincmar  of  Rheims  indeed, 
A.D.  845,  appears  to  have  endeavoured  to  make 
some  measure  of  manual  labour  compulsory  in  his 
diocese,  since  {Capit.  ad  Presbyteros,  c.  9,  opp.  i. 
p.  712)  he  orders  all  his  clergy  to  go  out  f;xsting 
to  work  on  their  farms  ;  but  the  general  sense  of 
the  church  in  this  matter  appears  to  be  repre- 
sented by  the  words  of  Epiphanius,  already 
quoted,  that  those  who  serve  the  altar  have  a 
right  to  live  by  the  altar.  [P.  0.] 

MANUEL  (1)  Martyr  under  the  Bulgarians 
at  Debeltus,  a.d.  812 ;  commemorated  Jan.  22 
{Cal.  Byzant.;  Basil.  Menol. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS,; 
Jan.  ii.  441). 

(2)  Martyr  with  Theodosius ;  commemorated 
March  27  (Basil.  Menol.). 

(3)  A  Persian  martyr  with  two  brothers  at 
Constantinople,  A.D.  362  ;  commemorated  June 
17  (Cal.  Byzant.  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  iii.  290; 
Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  261 ;  Basil.  Menol.). 

[C.  H.} 
MANUMISSION.    [Slavery.] 

MANUS  MORTUA.     [MopaMAiN.] 

MAPHRIAN  ("Fruit-bearing").  In  the 
Gth  century  Jacobus  Zanzalus,  bishop  of  Edes.sn, 


MAPrA 

the  leading  spirit  among  the  Jacobites,  finding 
that  the  whole  of  Asia  was  more  than  the 
jpatriarch  of  Antioch  could  possibly  superintend, 
ordained  Achudemes  as  chief  bishop  of  the 
East  beyond  Tigris,  with  the  title  of  Maphrian. 
This  dignitary  now  resides  in  the  convent  of 
Mar  Mattai  [St.  Matthew],  near  Mosul.  (Neale, 
Eastern  Church,  Introd.  152 ;  Germann,  Kirclie 
der  Thcmaschristen,  524.)  [C] 


MARCELLINUS 


1087 


MAPPA.        Under    the    Roman 


mappa, 


or   handkerchief,    carried    in 


empire    a 
the   hand 


seems  to  have  been  regarded  as  distinctive  of 
high  rank.  The  dropping  of  his  mapjya  by  the 
person  who  presided  was,  as  is  well  known,  the 
sit^nal  for  the  commencement  of  the  games  of 
the  amphitheatre  (Tertullian,  de  SpectacuUs, 
16).  It  was  among  the  insignia  of  the  emperors 
of  the  East,  especially  from  the  time  that  they 
tecarae  perpetual  consuls.  An  object  resembling 
a  mappa  is  sometimes  found  on  Christian  tombs, 
in  company  with  the  clacus  which  denotes  rank 
(Bottari,  i.  73).  In  those  diptychs  in  which,  on 
their  passing  into  the  service  of  the  church,  the 
consul  was  transformed  by  certain  modifications 
into  a  saint  or  dignitary  of  the  church,  the 
mappa  of  the  imperial  official  sometimes  ap- 
pears. It  is,  however,  in  some  cases  doubtful 
whether  the  supposed  mappa  is  not  rather  a 
volumen,  or  roll  of  a  book  (Martigny,  Diet,  des 
Antiq.  Chre't.  s.  v.).  [C] 

MAPPALICUS  (1)  Martyr ;  commemorated 
Feb.  21  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr,  after  a.d.  250 ;  commemorated  in 
Africa  Apr.  17  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Rom.  Mart. ; 
Usuard.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct. ;  Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Apr.  ii.  480). 

(3)  Martvr;  commemorated  at  Rome  Apr.  18 
{Eieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAR  (Syriac,  'f-^).  A  title  of  dignity 
among  the  Syrian  Christians,  signifying  Lord, 
and  applied  to  various  ecclesiastical  persons. 
Compare  Lord.  [C-] 

MARA,  abbat  in  Syria ;  commemorated  Jan. 
25  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  627).  [C.  H.] 

MARANA,  hermitess  with  Cyra  or  Cirrha  at 
Beroea,  Berrhoea,  or  Aleppo,  in  Syria ;  comme- 
morated by  the  Greeks  Feb.  28  (Basil.  Mmol.) ; 
by  the  Latins  Aug.  3  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  i.  226). 
[C.  H.] 

MARANATHA  (NHX  )nD ,  "The  Lord 
Cometh ;"  see  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  ii.  233), 
is  an  e.xpression  used  (1  Cor.  xvi.  22)  seemingly 
to  give  greater  force  to  a  solemn  denunciation 
by  a  reference  to  the  expected  coming  of  the 
Lord.  In  ecclesiastical  usage  it  is  sometimes 
found  as  part  of  the  formula  which  designates 
the  most  extreme  and  solemn  form  of  excommu- 
nication, that  "  until  the  coming  of  the  Lord." 
In  a  Spanish  canon  (iv.  Cone.  Tolet.  c.  75, 
A.D.  633)  the  expression  is  plainly  interpreted : 
"  qui  contra  hanc  nostram  definitionem  prae- 
sumpserit,  anathema  maranatha,  hoc  est,  perditio 
in  adventu  Domini  sit,  et  cum  Juda  Iscariote 
partem  habeant  et  ipsi  et  socii."  Compare 
xvi.  Cone.  Tolet.  c.  10  (a.d.  693),  and  the  Charta 
S.  Amandi  Tungr.  Episc.  quoted  by  Ducange, 
s.  V.     Similar  forms  of  anathema  are  not  uncom- 


monly found  in  the  statutes  of  Foundations 
against  those  who  violate  them.  []yiALKDiC- 
TION.]  In  all  these  cases  the  effect  of  the  use 
of  the  word  Maranatha  seems  to  be,  to  exclude 
the  offender  from  the  communion  of  the  church 
during  his  whole  life,  and  to  reserve  him  for  the 
judgment  of  the  Lord  at  His  coming  (Benedict 
XIY.  do  Synodo  Dioec.  x.  1,  §  7).  Suarez,  how- 
ever (  de  Censuris,  Disp.  viii.  c.  2),  holds  that 
such  a  sentence  is  in  all  cases  conditional  on  the 
continued  impenitence  of  the  sinner.  [Excom- 
munication, I.  639.] 

(Ducange,  s.  v.  Maranatha  ;  Bingham,  Anti- 
quities, XVI.  ii.  16  ;  Wetzer  and  Welte,  Kirchen- 
lexicon,  xii.  761.)  [C] 

MARANDUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at 
Antioch  Oct.  28  {Hieron.'  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MARANO,  COUNCIL  OF  (Maranense  Con- 
cilium), a  council,  or  rather  a  meeting  of  ten  schis- 
matic bishops  at  Marano  in  Istria,  a.d.  590,  when 
Severus,  bishop  of  Aquileia,  recanted  his  con- 
demnation of  the  three  chapters.  (Mansi,  ix. 
1019.    Comp.  IsTRiAN  Council.)       [E.  S.  Ff.] 

MARCA,  martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa 
Apr.  25  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MARCELLA  (1)  Roman  v.-idow,  ob  a.d. 
410  ;  commemorated  Jan.  31  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Jan.  ii.  1106). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Feb.  17  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  May  7 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Rome  at  the 
cemetery  of  Praetextatus,  May  10  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Rome  June  2 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(6)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  June  28  at  Alex- 
andria (Usuard,  Mart. ;  Vet.  Rom.  Mart.). 

[C.  H.] 
MARCELLIANUS  (1)  Bishop,  his  depositio 
and  translatio  commemorated  at  Auxerre  May 
13  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Commemorated  at  Thessalonica  June  1 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr  with  his  brother  Marcus ;  com- 
memorated at  Rome  on  the  Via  Ardeatina  June  18 
{Hieron.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Rom.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  ; 
Usuard.  Mart.) ;  their  uatalis  observed  on  June 
18  in  the  Sacramentary  of  Gregory,  their  names 
being  mentioned  in  the  collect  for  the  day  (Greg. 
Mag.  Lib.  Sacr.  105). 

(4)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  July  18  at  Rome 
on  the  Via  Tiburtina  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr  at  Rome  with  Secundianus  and 
Verianus,  in  the  reign  of  Decius ;  commemorated 
Aug.  9  (Usuard.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MARCELLINA  (1)  Martyr  ;  commemorated 
at  Nicomedia  Feb.  24  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Thessalonica 
June  1  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Rome  June  2 
{Hieron.  Mart.).  [C  H.] 

MARCELLINUS  (1)  Youthful  martyr,  with 
his  brothers  Argeus  and  Marcellus,  at  Tomi, 
commemorated   Jan.    2   (Usuard.    Mart.;     Vet. 


1088 


MAECELLINUS 


Rom.  Mart. ;   Bed.  Mart.  Auct.),  but  oe  Jan.   3 
in  Hieron.  Mart. 

(2)  Martyr  at  Nicomedia  ;  commemorated  Feb. 
22  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Mar.  30  (Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr;  commemorated  Ap.  2  {Hieron. 
Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(5)  Bishop  and  confessor ;  his  depositio  com- 
memorated at  Rome  Ap.  20  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(6)  Pope  and  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome 
Ap.  26  (Usuard.  Mart.  ;   Vet.  Rom.  Mart.). 

(jt)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Milan  May  6 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(8)  Two  martyrs  of  this  name  commemorated 
at  Milan  May  7  (Hieron.  Mart.) ;  one  at  Nico- 
media on  the  same  day  (Bed.  Mart.  Auct^. 

(9)  Presbyter,  with  Peter  the  Exorcist ;  com- 
memorated at  Rome  on  June  2  {Hieron.  Mart. ; 
Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.). 
His  natalis  with  that  of  Peter  is  commemo- 
rated on  this  day  in  Gregory's  Sacramentary, 
their  names  being  mentioned  in  the  collect 
(Greg.  Mag.  Lih.  Sacr.  104).  A  basilica  was 
said  to  have  been  erected  in  their  honour  by 
Constantino  on  the  Via  Laircana,  and  his  mother, 
Helena,  was  said  to  have  been  buried  there 
(Ciampini,  de  Sac.  Aedif.  122, 123). 

(10)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  June 
27  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(11)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Cologne 
Aug.  9  (Hieron.  Mart. ;  Florus  ap.  Bed.  Mart.). 

(12)  Tribune,  martyr  with  Mannea  or  Mannis 
his  wife;  commemorated  at  Tomi  Aug.  27 
{Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Rom. 
Mart.). 

(13)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Capua  Oct. 
7  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(14)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Oct.  20 
{Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(15)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Nov. 
26  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MARCELLINUS,  presbyter  and  confessor 
at  Deventer  circ.  a.d.  800 ;  commemorated  July 
14  {Acta  SS.  Jul.  iii.  702).  [C.  H.] 

MARCELLOSA,  martyr ;  commemorated  in 
Africa  May  20  (Hieron.  Mart.;  Bed.  Mart. 
Auct.)  [C.  H.] 

MAECELLUS  (1)  Youthful  martyr ;  com- 
memorated with  his  brothers  Argeus  and  Mar- 
celliuus  Jan.  2,  at  Tomi  (Usuard.  Mart.);  but 
Hieron.  Mart,  calls  him  Narcissus,  and  assigns 
Jan.  3  to  the  three  brothers. 

(2)  Bishop  of  Rome  and  confessor ;  his  de- 
positio at  Rome  in  the  cemetery  of  Priscilla,  on 
the  Via  Salaria,  commemorated  Jan.  16  (Hieron. 
Mart.);  the  same  day  given  to  his  natalis  by 
Usuard  and  Bede.  The  sacramentary  of  Gregory 
celebrates  his  natalis  on  this  day,  and  mentions 
his  name  in  the  special  collect  (Greg.  Mag.  Lib. 
Sacr.  18).  His  natalis  is  also  observed  in  the 
Antiphonary  (Greg.  Mag.  Lib.  Sac.  662).  The 
Vet.  Piom.  Mart,  assigns  Jan.  17  to  him,  on 
which  day  also  Hieron.  Mart,  gives  his  depositio 
commemorated  at  Langres. 

(3)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia 
Feb.  16  {Hieron.  Mart.). 


MAECIANA 

(4)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa  Feb.  18 
(Hieron.  Mart.). 

(6)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Feb.  19 
{Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(6)  Martyr,  commemorated  in  Africa  Ap.  2 
(Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(7)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Ap.  10 
(Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(8)  Bishop  of  Embrun,  confessor ;  commemo- 
rated Ap.  20  (Usuard.  Mart.). 

(9)  Bishop  of  Rome  ;  depositio  commemorated 
Ap.  20  (Florus,  ap.  Bed.  Mart.).  Usuard  and 
Vet.  Rom.  Mart,  name  him  Marcellinus. 

(10)  Martyr ;  depositio  commemorated  at 
Ephesus  May  25  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(11)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  June 
19  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(12)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  Juno 
27  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(13)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Lyon  June 
28.  On  the  same  day  this  or  another  Marcellus 
was  commemorated  at  Alexandria  (Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(14)  Martyr,  with  Anastasius,  "  apud  castrum 
Argentomacum ;"  commemorated  June  29 
(Usuard.  Mart.). 

(15)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Milan  July 
17  (Hieron.  Mart.  ;   Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(16)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Chalons-sur- 
Saone,  Sept.  4  (Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart.  ; 
Florus,  ap.  Bed.  Mart.).  Hieron.  Mart,  mentions 
another  of  the  same  name  under  this  day  comme- 
morated at  Ancyra. 

(17)  Bishop,  martyr;  commemorated  Oct.  4 
(Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(18)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Capua  Oct.  6 
(Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct. ;  Usuard. 
Mart.). 

(19)  Martyr,  with  Apuleus,  at  Rome,  tinder 
Aurelian  ;  commemorated  Oct.  7  (Usuard.  Mart. ; 
Vet.  Rom.  Mart. ;  Hieron.  Mart.). 

(20)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Rome  Oct.  9 
(Hieron.  Mart.). 

(21)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Acernum  iti 
Sicily,  Oct.  11  (Hieron.  Mart.;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(22)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Chalcedonia, 
Oct.  13  (Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Awt). 

(23)  Centurion,  martyr  at  Tingitana ;  comme- 
morated Oct.  30  (Usuard.  Mart.;  Vet.  Rom. 
Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(24)  Martyr;  commemorated  Nov.  16  {Hieron. 
Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(25)  Martyr  at  Nicomedia;  commemorated 
Nov.  26  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(26)  Archimandrite  of  the  monastery  of  the 
Acoeraetae ;  commemorated  Dec.  29  (Basil.  Me- 
nol.  ;  Simeon  Metaph.  Vit.  Sanct.  Dec.  29 ;  Cal. 
Byzant.). 

(27)  Deacon,  martyr ;  suffered  Dec.  7 ;  his 
burial  commemorated  at  Spoletum  Dec.  30  (  Vet. 
Rom.  Mart.)  In  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.  his  passio  is  on 
Dec.  30.  [C.  H.] 

MAECIA.    [Martia.] 

MAECIALIS.    [MARTIALIS.J 

MAECIANA.     [Martiana.] 


MAKCIANE 

MAECIANE,  queen ;  commemorated  Jan.  26 
{Cd.  Byzant).  [C.  H.] 

MARCIANUS.     [Martianus.] 

MARCILUS,  martyr  ;  commemorated  at 
Rome,  on  Via  Nomentana,  May  28  {Hieron. 
Mart.).  _  [C.  H.] 

MAECISUS,  martyr  in  Africa;  commemo- 
rated Oct.  4  {Hieron.  Mart).  [C.  H.] 

MARCOBUS,  martyr  in  Africa ;  commemo- 
rated Feb.  18  {Hieron.  Mart.)  [C.  H.] 

MAECOPUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Nicomedia  Feb.  16  {Hierm.  Mart).  [C.  H.] 

MARCULFUS,  abbat  of  Nantes,  circ.  a.d. 
558 ;  commemorated  May  1  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
May,  i.  70).  [C.  H.] 

MARCUS  (1),  the  Evangelist,  was  very 
generally  commemorated,  and  his  name  occurs 
in  the  Greek,  Latin,  and  Coptic  fasti,  but  not 
always  on  the  same  day.  Sept.  23  is  assigned 
to  his  natalis  at  Alexandria  in  Hieron.  Mart., 
but  one  MS.  omits  natalis  {Acta  SS.  infra). 
The  Cal.  Byzant.  commemorates  Mark,  "the 
apostle,"  on  Jan.  11,  and  the  BoUandists  identify 
him  with  the  evangelist,  who  is  called  in  the 
same  calendar,  under  Ap.  25,  "evangelist  and 
apostle,"  and  in  Basil.  Menol.,  under  the  same 
day,  "  apostle  and  evangelist."  April  25  is  the 
day  more  usually  assigned  to  him  (Usuard. 
Mart;  Bed.  3fart  ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart;  Daniel, 
Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  258;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Apr.  iii. 
344).  The  Sacramentary  of  Gregory  observes 
his  natalis  on  April  25,  mentioning  him  in  the 
collect  for  the  day  (Greg.  Mag.  Lib.  Sacr.  84). 
His  natalis  is  also  observed  in  the  Antiphonary 
(ibid.  711).  The  reason  of  his  not  being  men- 
tioned in  the  canon  at  the  prayer  Communicantes 
is  believed  to  be,  as  in  the  case  of  St.  Luke,  that 
the  fact  of  his  martyrdom  is  uncertain  (Krazer, 
de  Apost.  Eccles.  Liturg.  497).  There  was  a 
church  at  Constantinople  dedicated  to  him, 
erected  by  Theodosius  the  Great,  near  the  dis- 
trict or  ward  named  Taurus,  at  which  his  festival 
was  observed  CGeorg.  Codinus,  de  Antiq.  Con- 
stant 61  ;  BolL  Acta  SS.  ut  sup.).  There  was 
a  church  at  Rome  dedicated  to  St.  Mark  by  pope 
Marcus,  a.d.  337,  restored  and  adorned  by  Ha- 
drian I.  and  Gregory  IV.  (Ciampini,  Vet.  Man. 
t.  ii.  119),  and  there  was  a  chapel  in  the  Basilica 
Vaticana  dedicated  to  him  by  Marcus  Barbus, 
patriarch  of  Aquileia  (Ciampini,  de  Sac.  Aedif. 
68). 

(2)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Bononia  Jan.  4 
(^Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Jan.  5 
(Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Jan.  6 
(Hieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr;  commemorated  Jan.  8  (Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(6)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Feb.  16 
(Hieron.  Mart.). 

(7)  ST.,  "  our  holy  father ;"  commemorated 
March  4  (Basil.  Menol.). 

(8)  Egyptian  monk,  circ.  a.d.  400 ;  commemo- 
rated March  5  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mar.  i.  367). 

(9)  Martyr   with   others;  commemorated   at 


MARCUS 


1089 


Nicaea  March  13  (Usuard.  Mart.;  Hieron.  Mart.). 
This  day  is  given  in  Menol.  Basil,  to  the  bishop 
of  the  Arethusians  ;  see  March  29  injra. 

(10)  Martyr  with  others ;  commemorated  at 
Surrentum  March  19  (Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Usuard. 
Ma7-t. ;  Ado,  Mart.).  The  name  is  Martia  in  Vet. 
Bom.  Mart. 

(11)  Martyr  at  Rome  with  Timotheus  in  the 
2nd  century  ;  commemorated  Mar.  24  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Mar.  iii.  477). 

(12)  The  Athenian,  hermit  in  Libya ;  comme- 
morated Mar.  29  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mar.  iii.  779). 

(13)  Bishop  of  the  Arethusians,  martyr  in  the 
reign  of  Julian ;  commemorated  March  29  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Mar.  iii.  774 ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv. 
256).  The  Menology  of  Basil  assigns  March  30 
to  him. 

(14)  Two  of  this  name  were  commemorated  on 
April  12  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(15)  Bishop  of  Atinum  in  Campania,  martyr 
with  two  presbyters  A.D.  82 ;  commemorated 
April  28  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Apr.  iii.  548). 

(16)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Thessalonica 
June  1  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(17)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Byzantium 
June  7  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(18)  Martyr  with  Julius,  at  Dorostorum  in 
Moesia ;  commemorated  June  8  (Hieron.  Mart.  ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  ii.  56). 

(19)  Bishop  of  Luceria  in  Apulia,  circ,  A.D. 
328 ;  commemorated  June  14  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Jun.  ii.  800). 

(20)  Martyr  with  MarcelHnus  at  Rome  on  the 
Via  Ardeatina,  circ.  A.D.  287  ;  commemorated 
June  18  (Usuard.  Mart.  ;  Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Jun.  iii.  568).  Their  natalis  is  observed 
on  this  day  in  the  Sacramentary  of  Gregory,  and 
their  names  mentioned  in  the  collect  (Greg.  Mag. 
Lib.  Sacr.  105). 

(21)  Martyr  with  Mocianus ;  commemorated 
July  3  (Basil.  Menol.  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  i. 
641). 

(22)  Confessor ;  commemorated  July  4  (Boll. 
Acta  SS  July,  ii.  22). 

(23)  Martyr  with  two  companions ;  comme- 
morated in  Parthia  Sept.  9  (Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Sept.  iii.  367). 

(24)  Martyr  with  Alphaeus,  Alexander,  and 
others  under  Diocletian;  commemorated  Sept. 
28  (Basil.  Menol;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  vii.  600). 

(26)  Martyr  with  his  brother  Marcianus  and 
many  others,  in  Egypt ;  commemorated  Oct.  4 
(Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Maii. ;  Bed.  Mart. 
Auct. ;  Vet  Bom.  Mart  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  ii. 
391). 

(26)  Bishop ;  depositio  commemorated  at  Rome 
Oct.  6  (Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart  Auct.). 

(27)  Bishop  of  Rome  and  confessor ;  his  depo- 
sitio at  Rome  on  Via  Appia  commemorated  Oct. 
7  (Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart.) ;  his  natalis 
on  this  day  (Bed.  Mart.)  ;  Vet.  Rom.  Mart,  men- 
tions him  without  distinguishing  the  festival. 
His  natalis  on  this  day  commemorated  in  the 
Sacramentary  of  Gregory,  mentioning  his  name 
in  the  collect  (Greg.  Mag.  Lib.  Sac.  135).  See 
also  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  iii.  886. 

(28)  First  gentile  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  martyr 
circ.  A.D.  1 50  ;  commemorated  at  Adrianople  Oct. 


1090 


MARCUS 


22  (Usuard.  Jllart. ;  Vet.  Horn.  Mart.;  Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Oct.  ix.  477). 

(29)  One  of  four  "  soldiers  of  Christ "  mar- 
tyred at  Home  under  the  emperor  Claudius  and 
buried  in  the  Via  Salaria ;  commemorated  Oct. 
25  (Usuard.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.). 

(30)  Martyr  with  Soterichus  and  Valcntiua  ; 
commemorated  Oct.  26  (Basil.  McnoL). 

(31)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia 
Oct.  30  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(32)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa  Nov. 
16  (Hieron.  Mart.;  Bed.  Mart.  Aii^t.).  Another 
of  the  same  name  on  same  day  at  Antioch  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(33)  Martyr;    commemorated   in  Spain  Nov. 

20  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(34)  Martyr  with  Stephanus,  both  belonging 
to  Antioch  in  Pisidia,  under  Diocletian,  buried 
in  Pisidia  ;  commemorated  Nov.  22  (Basil. 
Menol.). 

(35)  ST.,  bishop,  martyr  ;  commemorated 
Nov.  23  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(36)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Dec.  5 
Hieron.  Mart.). 

(37)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Dec.  10  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(38)  Martvr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Dec. 
15  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MARCUSIUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated 
in  Africa  Jan.  19  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Tarragona  Jan. 

21  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 
MARDARIUS,    martyr,   with    four   others 

under  Diocletian  ;  commemorated  Dec.  13  (Basil. 
3{enol. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Litunj.  iv.  277).     [C.  H.] 

MARDIANUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Nicomedia  Oct.  26  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MARDONIUS,  martyr  with  others;  com- 
memorated at  Neocaesarea  in  Mauritania  Jan.  24 
(Usuard.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  590)  ; 
written  Mardunus  in  Hieron.  Mart.  [C.  H.] 

MAREAS,  with  Bicor,  bishops,  martyrs  in 
Persia  ;  commemorated  Apr.  22  (Usuard.  Mart.). 
[C.  H.] 

MARES,  com.  Jan.  25  {Cal.  Byzant.).  [C.  H.] 
MARGARITA  or  MARINA,  virgin,  mar- 
tyr at  Antioch  in  Pisidia ;  commemorated  July 
20  (Bed.  Mart.  Auct. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  v. 
24) ;  commemorated  at  Marina,  /j-eyaXo/xaprvp  in 
the  Eastern  church,  July  17  {Cal.  Bezant. ;  Dan. 
Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  263  ;  Basil.  Menol.)'.        [C.  H.] 

MARGARITA  {^apyapir-qs,  the  Pearl)  is 
a  term  for  the  particle  of  the  bread  which  is 
"broken  oft"  and  placed  in  the  rup  as  a  symbol  of 
the  union  of  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Christ 
[Fraction,  I.  687].  According  to  Daniel,  how- 
ever {Codex  Liturg.  iv.  208,  416),  it  is  equally 
applied  to  all  the  particles  which  are  placed  in 
the  cup  for  the  purpose  of  administration  to  the 
faithful,  according  to  the  Eastern  rite,  by  means 
of  a  Spoon.  [C] 

MARIA  [See  Mary  the  Virgin,  Festivals 
of]  (1)  Mary  sister  of  Lazarus,  martyr ;  com- 
memorated Jan.  19  at  Jerusalem  {Hieron. 
Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.) ;  Feb.  8  (Basil. 
Menol. ;    Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.   157) ;    June  6 


MARIA 

at  Constantinople  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jun.  i.  621). 
[Martha  (8).] 

(2)  who  called  herself  Marinus,  and  passed 
herself  for  a  man  ;  commemorated  Feb.  12  (Basil. 
Menol.)  and  other  days.     [Marina  (11).] 

(3)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia  Feb. 
24  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia 
March  12  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Nicaea  Mar.  13 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(6)  Martyr:  commemorated  in  Africa  Mar.  14 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(7)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia 
March  17  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(8)  Martyr  with  Aprilis  and  Servulus  ;  com- 
mem.orated  at  Nicomedia  Mar.  18  {Hieron.  Mart.; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mar.  ii.  619). 

(9)  Aegyptiaca  ;  commemorated  in  Pales- 
tine April  2  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Ap.  i.  67).  She  is  commemorated  on  April  1  as 
"Our  mother  Mary  of  Egypt"  in  Cal.  Byzant., 
Cal.  Acthiop.,  Daniel's  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  256. 
Bede's  Auctaria  gives  her  natalis  on  April  9,  and 
her  depositio  April  8. 

(10)  The  wife  of  Cleopas ;  commemorated 
April  9  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  i.  811). 

(11)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Rome,  in  the 
cemetery  of  Praetextatus,  May  10  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(12)  ad  Martyres  ;  her  natalis  on  May  1 3 
(Usuard.  Mart.).  Her  natalis  on  this  day  is 
kept  in  the  Sacramentary  of  Gregory,  but  her 
name  is  not  in  the  collect  (Greg.  Mag.  Lib.  Sacr. 
88).  Her  dedication  on  this  day  (Bed.  Mart.), 
appointed  by  pope  Boniface  (  Vet.  Bom.  Mart.). 

(13)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Thessalonica 
June  1  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(14)  Two  martyrs  of  this  name  commemo- 
rated at  Rome  June  2  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(15)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Aquileia  June 
17  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(16)  The  Magdalen  ;  commemorated  July  22 
{Yet.  Bom.  Mart. ;  Basil.  Menol. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
July,  V.  187).  "The  Ointment  Bearer  and  equal 
of  the  Apostles  "  {Cal.  Byzant.).  Her  house  at 
Jerusalem  said  to  have  been  turned  into  a  temple, 
A.D.  34  (Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  i.  155). 

(17)  Matron  of  Jerusalem,  the  mother  of  John 
surnamed  Mark  ;  commemorated  June  29  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  June,  v.  475). 

(18)  or  MIRIAM,  prophetess,  sister  of  Moses; 
commemorated  July  1  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  i. 
11). 

(19)  Virgin,  surnamed  Consolatrix,  in  the  8th 
century ;  commemorated  Aug.  1  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Aug.  i.  81). 

(20)  Patricia,  martyr  with  Julianus  and 
others  under  Leo  Iconomachus ;  commemorated 
Aug.  9  (Basil.  Menol). 

(21)  Martvr  ;  commemorated  at  Ravenna  Nov. 
12  {Hieron.  Mart). 

(22)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Antioch  Nov. 
16  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(23)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Dec.  5 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(24)  Martvr  ;  commemorated  at  Antioch  Dec. 
9  {Hieron.  Mart.). 


MARIA 

(25)  Martyr  ;  cordmemorated  Dec.  11  (Hiei-on. 
Mart).  [C.  H.] 

MARIAMNA,  supposed  sister  of  Philip  the 
apostle  ;  commemorated  Feb.  17  (Basil.  Menol. ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  iii.  4).  [C.  H.] 

MARIANA  (1)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at 
Antioch  Oct.  28  {Hkron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Nov.  16  {Hieron. 
Mart).  [C.  H.] 

MARIANUS  (1)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at 
Beaurais  Jau.  8  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Mar.  9 
(^Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Antioch  Mar. 
10  (ffieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Commemorated  with  Mamertinus,  both 
monks  of  Auxerre,  April  20  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap. 
u.  758). 

(5)  Reader,  martyr  with  Jacobus,  deacon ; 
commemorated  April  30  at  Lambesitana  (Usuard. 
Mart ;   Vet  Bom.  Mart ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct). 

(6)  Martyr  with  Fortunatus  and  others,  Afri- 
cans; commemorated  May  3  {Hieron.  Mart.; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  May,  i.  383). 

(7)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Afi-ica  May  6 
{ffieron.  Mart.). 

(8)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  May  7 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(9)  Martyr  at  Rome  on  the  Via  Nomentana ; 
commemorated  May  28  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(10)  Martyr  with  Januarius;  commemorated 
in  Africa  July  11  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
July  iii.  188). 

(11)  Confessor ;  depositio  commemorated  in 
Berry  Aug.  19  {Hieron.  Mart.;  Usuard.  Mart.  ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  iii.  734).  His  natalis  Sept. 
19  {Hieron.  Mart.).  Bede's  Auctaria  give  the 
depositio  on  Sept.  19  and  natalis  on  Aug.  19. 

(12)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  Oct.  27 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(13)  Deacon,  martyr  with  Diodorus,  presby- 
ter; commemorated  at  Rome  Dec.  1  (Usuard. 
Mart.). 

(14)  [Mamertinus.]  [C.  H.] 

MARICUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome 
Feb.  2  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MARINA  (1)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  in 
Africa  Jan.  27  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia  Feb. 
22  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr ;  commemorated  April  6  {Hieron. 
Mart ;  Bed.  Mart  Auct ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  i. 
538). 

(4)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  May  6 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Rome  June  2 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(6)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia 
June  8  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(7)  Virgin,  martyr;  commemorated  July  17 
and  20.    [Margarita.] 

(8)  Martyr  with  Theonius  ;  commemorated  at 
Alexandria  June  18  {Hieron.  Mart.;  Bed.  Mart 
Auct ;  Usuard.  Mart ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  June  iii. 
573). 

CHRIST.    ANT. — VOL.   II. 


MARIUS 


1091 


(9)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  July  1 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(10)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa  July  10 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(11)  Passed  as  a  monk  under  the  name  of 
Marinus,  perhaps  in  the  8th  century;  comme- 
morated July  17  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  iv.  278). 
She  is  also  called  Maria,  with  other  commemo- 
ration days.     [Maria  (2).] 

(12)  Commemorated  with  Febronia  Sept.  24 
{Cal.  Ann.).  [C.  H.] 

MARINIANUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at 
Rome  Dec.  1  (  Vet  Rom.  Mart).  [C.  H.] 

MARINUS  (1)  Presbyter,  martyr  with  Ste- 
phanus,  deacon ;  commemorated  at  Brixia  Jan.  16 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  2). 

(2)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Tarragona  Jan. 

21  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Feb.  2 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  The  name  assumed  by  a  female.  [Marina 
(11),  Maria  (2).] 

(5)  Soldier,  martyr  with  Asterius,  senator ; 
commemorated  at  Caesarea  in  Palestine  March  3 
{Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Usuard.  Mart.  ;  Vet.  Rom. 
Mart ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mar.  i.  224). 

(6)  Martvr;  commemorated  Mar.  17  (Basil. 
Menol. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mar.  ii.  755). 

(7)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Alexandria 
March  18  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(8)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia  Ap. 
27  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(9)  Presbyter,  martyr;  commemorated  "in 
Afrodiris  "  April  30  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(10)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Constantin- 
ople May  8  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(11)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Alexandria 
June  17  {Hieron.  Jfart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(12)  Martyr  with  Januarius,  Nabor,  and  Felix  ; 
commemorated  in  Africa  July  10  (Usuai'd.  Mart.; 
Vet.  Rom.  Mart.). 

(13)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Dorostorum 
July  18  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(14)  Presbyter,  confessor,  perhaps  in  7th  cen- 
tury ;  commemorated  at  Auxerre  July  20  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  July,  vii.  869). 

(15)  Senex,  martyr;  commemorated  at  Ana- 
zarbus  or  AnaZarba  in  Cilicia  Aug.  8  (Basil. 
Menol. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  ii.  346). 

(16)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Antioch  Aug. 

22  {Hieron.  Alart.). 

(17)  Deacon,  confessor,  patron  of  San  Marino  ; 
commemorated  Sept.  4  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  ii. 
215). 

(18)  Hermit  and  martyr  at  Maurienne,  cir. 
A.D.  731 ;  commemorated  Nov.  24  (Mabillon, 
ActaSS.  O.S.B.  saec.  iii.  par.  1,  p.  482,  ed,  Venet. 
1734). 

(19)  Senator,  martyr  under  the  emperor  Ma- 
crinus ;  commemorated  Dec.  16  (Basil.  Menol.). 

[C.  H.] 
MARITIMXJS,    martyr;    commemorated   at 
Syracuse  Dec.  13  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MARIUS  (1)  Martyr,  with  his  wife  Martha, 
and  their  sons  Audifax  and  Abacuc,  noble  Persians, 
who  suffered  at   Rome,  A.D.  270    in  the    reign 
4  B 


1092 


MAEIUS 


of  Claudius ;  commemorated  Jan.  20  {Hieron. 
Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Rom.  Mart. ;  Bed. 
Mart.) ;  Jan.  19  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  214). 

(2)  Abbat  of  Bodanum  (Beuvons)  in  the  6th 
centtuy ;  commemorated  Jan.  27  (Usuard.  Mart.  ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  772). 

(3)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  March  4 
(Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia 
March  12  (^Hieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Antioch  Apr. 
26  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(6)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Milan  May  25 
{Hieron.  Mart.), 

(7)  Solitary,  of  Mauriacum  in  Aurergne ; 
commemorated  June  8  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  ii. 
114). 

(8)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Alexandria 
July  14  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(9)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia 
Nov.  8  {Hieron.  Mart.);  Nov.  7  (Bed.  Mart. 
Auct. ;  Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAKE.  [Marcus.] 

MAEK,  ST.  See  Evangelists,  Symbols  of  ; 
also  St.  Luke. 

St.  Mark  is  represented  in  human  form  with 
the  other  three  evangelists  in  Borgia,  de  Crme 
Velitense,  p.  133.  Also  Bottari,  tav.  csxxi.,  on 
a  sepulchral  urn,  No.  36  in  the  museum  at 
Aries ;  see  also  Perret,  Catacombes,  vol.  ii.  pi. 
Ixvi. ;  and  Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  i.  tab.  Ixxii.  for 
the  baptistery  mosaic  at  Ravenna,  in  both  which 
pictures  the  four  evangelists  are  represented. 

[R.  St.  J.  T.] 

MAENAXUS,  Scottish  bishop ;  commemo- 
rated March  1  (Boll.  Acta  SS. ;  Mar.  i.  63). 

[C.  H.] 

MAEO  (1)  Anchoret  near  Cyrus  in  Syria ; 
commemorated  Feb.  14  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii. 
766). 

(2)  Martyr  in  Italy  in  the  reign  of  Nerva ; 
commemorated  April  15  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet. 
Horn.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  ii.  373).  [C.  H.] 

MAEOLUS  (1)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  in 
Africa  March  27  (Bed.  Mart.  Auct.) ;  in  Hieron. 
Mart.  Jiarobus. 

(2)  Bishop  of  Milan  in  5th  century;  comme- 
morated April  23  rBoll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  iii.  173). 
[C.  H.] 

MAEPUS,  martyr  ;  commemorated  in  Africa 
Feb.  16  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAEEIAGE.  The  subject  will  be  dealt 
with  in  the  ]iresent  article  under  the  three 
headings  of  I.  Marriage  Laws  ;  II.  Marriage 
Ceremonies;  III.  Divorce. 

I.  Marriage  Laws.  The  affirmative  law  of 
marriage,  which  has  come  down  from  the  creation, 
and  is  written  in  the  hearts  of  all  mankind,  is 
simply  that  an  unmarried  adult  man  may  marry 
an  unmarried  adult  woman,  provided  that  both 
parties  are  in  their  sound  mind,  both  of  them 
are  willing  to  enter  into  the  contract,  and  both 
of  them  capable  of  carrying  out  the  primary  end 
for  which  marriage  is  instituted.  This  affirma- 
tive law,   however,  is  at  once  and  everywhere 


MAEEIAGE 

limited  by  a  crowd  of  pi'ohibitive  regulations,, 
differing  in  different  countries  and  at  different 
times,  but  having  as  their  general  object — 1,  the 
prevention  of  incest ;  2,  the  prevention  of  evils 
which  might  accrue  (a)  to  the  state,  (6)  to  reli- 
gion, (c)  to  the  individuals  concerned. 

The  tirst  Jewish  converts  to  Christianity, 
bound  before  their  conversion  by  the  prohi- 
bitions of  the  Mosaic  law,  continued  to  be 
equally  bound  by  them  when  they  had  become 
Christians,  except  so  far  as  any  of  the  Mosaic 
regulations  had  been  abrogated  or  modified  by 
the  authority  of  Christ  and  His  apostles,  or  had 
become  necessarily  obsolete  owing  to  a  change  of 
circumstances.  The  modifications  made  by  our 
Lord  in  the  Hebrew  law  of  marriage  and  divorce, 
as  it  existed  in  his  time,  were  two.  He  restored 
the  rule  of  monogamy,  and  he  disallowed  of 
divorce,  except  upon  the  single  ground  of  the 
wife's  adultery.  Apostolic  authority  added  the 
regulation  that  Christians  should  marry  none 
but  Christians.  The  Mosaic  rules  that  became 
obsolete  were  of  slight  importance,  being  of  par- 
ticular rather  than  of  general  application ;  such 
as  the  laws  commanding  levirate  marriages,  pro- 
hibiting the  marriages  of  heiresses  out  of  their 
tribe,  and  making  regulations  as  to  the  marriage 
of  the  high  priest.  While  these  special  laws  fell 
into  abeyance,  the  general  prohibitions  continued 
to  be  still  binding  upon  the  Jewish  convert,  to- 
gether with  the  prohibition  of  polygamy,  divorce 
(for  any  reason  except  one),  and  heathen  mar- 
riage. 

When  the  Gentile  convert  embraced  Chris- 
tianity he,  in  like  manner,  was  already  bound 
by  the  prohibitions  which  the  Roman  law  had 
introduced  with  respect  to  marriage.  After  his 
conversion  he  was  still  bound  by  them,  as  being 
the  law  of  the  land,  and  not  contrary  to  his 
Christian  conscience.  In  addition,  he  was  bound 
by  the  Mosaic  prohibitions  (with  the  same  modi- 
fications and  additions  as  the  Jewish  convert), 
the  Jewish  convert  being  analogously  bound  by 
the  prohibitions  of  the  Roman  law,  as  being  the 
law  of  the  civilised  world. 

The  first  object  of  both  laws,  as  in  almost 
every  other  nation,  was,  as  we  have  said,  to  pre- 
vent incest,  which  shocks  the  common  instincts 
of  humanit)' ;  and  for  this  purpose  marriage  was 
prohibited  between  persons  related  or  connected 
with  each  other  within  certain  degrees.  These 
prohibitions,  and  the  enlargements  or  curtail- 
ments of  them  which  were  made  in  the  early 
church,  will  be  discussed  under  the  heading  of 
Prohibited  Degrees.  Here  we  shall  only  treat 
of  those  other  impediments  which  were  introduced 
for  the  good  of  the  state,  or  of  the  church,  or  of 
the  contracting  parties. 

In  the  13th  century  the  schoolmen  codified 
the  impediments  to  marriage  which  then  existed 
in  the  church  ;  and  their  code  has  been  accepted 
and  acted  upon  by  the  greater  part  of  Western 
Christendom  down  to  the  present  day.  It  is  con- 
tained in  the  five  following  lines,  which  are  given 
in  the  TJieologia  Moralis  of  Saint  Alfonso  de' 
Liguori  (lib.  vi.  §  1008),  as  embodying  the  rules 
which  regulate  present  practice  : — 

i.  Error,  ii.  Conditio,  iii.  Votum,  iv.  Cogna- 
tio,  V.  Crimen, 
vi.  Cultus    Disparitas,    vii.    Vis,    viii.    Ordo, 
ix.  Ligamen,  x.  Honeetas. 


MAERIAGE 

xi.  Aetas,   xii.    Affini.s,   xiii.   Si    clandestinus, 

xiv.  et  Impos. 
XV.  Kaptave  sit  mulier  nee  parti  reddita  tutae. 
Haec  socianda  vetant  connubia,  facta  re- 

tractant. 

From  the  IStli  century  onwards  these  impedi- 
ments have  more  or  less  been  regarded  as  nulli- 
fying marriage.  It  will  be  seen  that  the  first, 
the  seventh,  the  fourteenth,  and  the  fifteenth 
are  contrary  to  what  we  have  termed  the  pri- 
mary law  of  marriage,  which  postulates  on  both 
sides  a  knowledge  of  what  is  being  transacted, 
willingness,  and  capacity.  The  second,  which 
forbids  marriage  between  persons  differing  in 
condition,  was  introduced  by  the  state,  and  for 
state  purposes.  The  third,  the  sixth,  and  the 
eighth  originate  in  the  supposed  good  of  the 
church.  The  fourth  and  the  twelfth  have  for 
their  object  the  prevention  of  incest.  The  re- 
mainder are  intended  as  safeguards  to  one  of  the 
parties  concerned.  We  will  pass  each  of  these 
impediments  shortly  in  review,  inasmuch  as  they 
existed  though  they  were  not  formalised  in  early 
times. 

i.  Error.  This  impediment  required  no  canons 
for  its  establishment.  If  the  mistake  affected  the 
substantials  of  the  marriage,  such  as  a  mistake 
with  respect  to  the  person,  it  ipso  facto  invali- 
dated a  marriage,  as  there  could  be  no  marriage 
where  sufficient  knowledge  was  wanting.  If  it 
Had  to  do  only  with  the  quality  or  circumstances 
ind  accidents  of  the  marriage,  it  did  not  in- 
validate it  during  the  period  with  which  we  are 
dealing,  except  in  the  cases  which  have  to  be 
mentioned  under  the  next  heading. 

ii.  Conditio.  Under  this  head  three  questions 
arise :  the  marriage  of  slaves  with  slaves ;  the 
marriage  of  free  men  with  slaves ;  the  marriage 
of  persons  of  a  higher  rank  with  those  that  were 
of  a  rank  lower  than  themselves.  With  regard 
to  the  marriage  of  slaves  with  slaves  the  first 
converts  found  the  two  laws  to  which  they  paid 
respect  in  conflict  with  one  another.  According 
to  the  Roman  law,  there  could  be  no  such  thing 
as  the  marriage  of  a  slave :  he  was  a  thing,  not 
a  person,  and  the  utmost  he  could  attain  to  was 
contvhernium,  not  connubium,  whereas  the  Hebrew 
law  recognised  in  the  slave  a  capacity  of  con- 
tracting marriage.*  We  can  trace  a  struggle 
between  the  Roman  and  the  Hebrew  principle  in 
the  early  church,  but  the  genius  of  Christianity 
was  such  as  necessarily  to  cause  the  more  humane 
principle  to  triumph.  The  judgment  of  the 
church  appears  in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions, 
which  command  a  master  to  give  his  consent  to 
the  marriage  of  slaves  (lib.  viii.  c.  32).  Slaves 
therefore  might  marry,  but  a  condition  of  their 
doing  so  was  the  express  consent  of  their  master. 
This  is  repeated  in  St.  Basil's  Second  Canonical 
Epistle  to  Amphilochius  {Op.  tom.  iii.  p.  296, 
Paris,  1730),  which  pronounces  that  "the  con- 
tracts made  by  those  who  belong  to  others  are 
of  no  force"  (can.  xL),  except  when  made  by 
the  consent  of  their  master.     This  became  the 


MARRIAGE 


1093 


"  Contubernium  was  a  concubinage,  or  permanent  mar- 
riage-relation, between  one  man  and  one  woman,  and 
reccgnised  by  the  law  as  marriage.  Even  that  was  for- 
bidden to  their  slaves  by  many  masters  (see  Plutarch, 
Cato  Maj.  c.  21) ;  and  when  not  forbidden  it  was  com- 
monly impossible,  as  the  male  slaves  in  Rome  were  about 
five  times  as  many  as  the  female  slaves. 


law  of  the  early  church.  The  fourth  council  of 
Orleans,  a.D.  541,  ruled  that  slaves  who  put 
themselves  under  the  protection  of  the  church 
with  a  view  to  getting  married,  were  "to  be 
restored  to  their  parents  or  masters,  as  the  case 
might  be,  and  made  to  promise  that  they  would 
separate,  liberty  being  granted  to  the  parents 
and  masters  to  unite  them  afterwards  in  mar- 
riage if  they  thought  proper  "  (can.  xxiv..  Hard. 
Concil.  tom.  ii.  p.  1440).  The  second  council  of 
Chalons,  a.d.  813,  pronounced  that  the  marriages 
of  slaves  belonging  to  different  masters  were  not 
to  be  nullified,  if  once  the  masters  had  consented 
(can.  XXX.,  ibid.  tom.  iv.  p.  103G). 

The  legality  of  marriages  between  freemen 
and  slaves  was  not  so  easily  allowed,  inspiring 
as  they  did  a  repugnance  which  was  never  wholly 
overcome.  At  the  beginning  of  the  thii-d  cen- 
tury bishop  Callistus,  having  himself  been  a 
slave,  attempted  to  obtain  the  sanction  of  the 
church  at  Rome  for  the  marriage  of  free-born 
women  with  slaves.  But  he  did  not  succeed; 
and  we  find  Hippolytus  treating  his  attempt  as 
matter  for  a  passionate  accusation  against  him 
(see  Dollinger,  Hippolytus  and  Callistus,  p.  147, 
Eng.  tr.  Edinb.  1876).  The  Apostolical  Consti- 
tutions, which  recognise  the  propriety  of  the 
marriage  of  slaves  with  slaves,  do  not  permit 
the  marriage  of  a  freeman  with  a  slave.  "  If  a 
believer  has  a  slave  concubine,  let  him  give  her 
up,  and  lawfully  marry  a  wife.  If  he  has  a 
freewoman  for  a  concubine,  let  him  take  her  for 
his  legitimate  wife  "  {Apostol.  Cmist.  lib.  -viii.  c. 
32).  This  principle  is  again  laid  down  in  still 
harsher  form  by  pope  Leo  I.  a.d.  443  (Epist.  ad 
Busticum  Narhonens.  Resp.  vi..  Op.  p.  408,  Paris, 
1675).  Some  Welsh  canons  of  the  7th  century 
recognise  marriage  between  a  man  and  his 
female  slave,  and  in  case  it  has  taken  place 
forbid  him  afterwards  to  sell  her  ;  if  he  attempts 
to  sell  her,  he  is  to  be  condemned,  and  the  slave- 
wife  put  under  the  protection  of  the  priest 
{Canones  Wallici,  can.  Ix.  in  Haddan  and  Stubbs' 
Councils  of  Great  Britain,  vol.  i.  p.  137).i>  The 
17th  of  the  Capitula  of  Theodore  of  Canterbury, 
as  given  by  Harduin  (Concil.  tom.  iii.  p.  1773), 
declares  that  "a  man  of  free  birth  ought  to 
marry  a  woman  of  free  birth."  The  form  of 
the  expression  "  ought  to  "  (debet)  implies  that 
at  the  date  of  that  canon  the  feeling  against 
slave  marriages  had  grown  less  strong  than  it 
had  been,  but  we  cannot  be  sure  what  that  date 
is,  as  the  canon  is  not  Theodore's  (see  Haddan 
and  Stubbs'  Councils  of  Great  Britain,  vol.  iii. 
p.  210).'^  Among  the  genuine  canons  of  Theo- 
dore, A.D.  686,  are  found  two,  one  of  which  re- 
cognises the  validity  of  marriage  between  a 
freeman  and  a  slave,  and  forbids  the  husband  to 
dismiss  his  wife  if  the  consent  of  both  parties 
had  been  originally  given  to  the  marriage  (Pe- 
nitential, lib.  ii.  cap.  xiii.  §  5),  while  the  other 
still  sees  such  a  gulf  fixed  between  the  freed 
and  the  slave  that  it  allows  husbands  or  wives 


*■  The  place  and  dale  of  these  canons  is  somewhat  un- 
certain, and  the  canon  given  above  is  found  in  only  one 
of  the  two  MSS.  from  which  they  are  printed. 

«  The  only  trustworthy  copies  of  Theodore's  Peniten- 
tial are  those  of  Wasserschleben,  in  his  Lie  Bussord- 
■nungen  tier  Jbcndlcindischen  Kirche  (Halle,  1851),  and 
of  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  in  their  learned  and  accurate 
edition  of  the  Councils  and  Ecclesiastical  Documents 
relating  to  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  (0.\f.  1871). 
4  B  2 


10U4 


MAEEIAGE 


MARRIAGE 


who  have  gained  their  freedom  to  dismiss  their 
consorts,  if  the  latter  cannot  be  redeemed  from 
slavery,  and  to  marry  freeborn  persons  instead 
(^ibid.  §  4,  Haddan  and  Stubbs'  Councils  of  Great 
Britain,  vol.  iii.  p.  202).  A  third  canon  rules 
that  if  a  man  has  reduced  himself  to  slavery  by 
crime,  his  wife  may  at  the  end  of  a  year  marry 
another  man  if  she  has  herself  been  hitherto 
only  once  married  (ibid.  cap.  xii.  §  8,  p.  299). 
The  feeling  against  marriage  with  slaves  (natu- 
rally stronger  in  respect  to  the  marriage  of 
freeborn  women  with  male  slaves  than  of  free- 
men with  female  slaves)  found  its  most  bare- 
faced and  reckless  expression  in  some  of  the 
Barbarian  Codes.  By  the  laws  of  the  Visi- 
goths (lib.  iii.  tit.  ii.  c.  2,  in  Canciani,  Leges 
Barharorum,  vol.  iv.  p.  91)  judges  were  com- 
manded immediately  to  separate  a  freewoman 
from  her  slave  or  freedman  whom  she  had  mar- 
ried, as  guilty  of  an  atrocious  and  shocking  crime, 
for  which  she  and  her  paramour  were  to  be 
burnt;  and  it  was  further  enacted  that  if  she 
married  the  slave  of  another  she  and  her  hus- 
band were  to  receive  a  hundred  stripes,  which 
were  to  be  thrice  repeated  (c.  3).  The  Roman 
law  was  not  so  severe  as  this.  It  is  true  that 
a  senatus  consultum  of  the  year  52  had  enacted 
that  if  a  freewoman  formed  a  permanent  mar- 
riage relation  or  contubernium  (she  could  not 
contract  a  legal  marriage)  with  a  slave,  without 
permission  from  the  latter's  master,  she  should 
herself  become  the  property  of  the  master  (Tacit. 
Annal.  xii.  53) ;  and  a  freedman  who  aspired  to 
marry  his  patruna  was  liable  to  be  sent  to  the 
mines  or  the  public  works  (Paul.  Sent.  ii.  t.  29) ; 
and  by  a  law  of  Constantine  a  decurio  who 
married  another  man's  slave  was  ordered  to  be 
banished,  while  the  woman  was  to  be  sent  to 
the  mines  {Cod.  Theod.  lib.  xii.  tit.  i.  leg.  6).  But 
even  these  penalties  do  not  equal  those  of  the 
Barbarian  Code  in  severity,  and  they  were  more 
or  less  such  as  might  be  evaded.  Nor  does  there 
seem  to  have  been  any  desire  to  enforce  them 
harshly.  So  early  as  the  time  of  Hadrian  the 
childi-en  of  a  freewoman  and  a  slave  were  allowed 
to  be  regarded  and  treated  as  free  (Gaius,  i.  84). 
When  the  6th  century  is  reached,  we  find  Jus- 
tinian appointing,  in  case  a  master  gave  his  slave 
in  marriage  to  a  freeman  as  being  a  freewoman,  not 
that  the  marriage  should  be  regarded  as  null  and 
void  (which  would  undoubtedly  have  been  the 
earlier  ruling),  but  that  the  slave  should  thereby 
be  constituted  free,  and  the  marriage  should  hold 
good  (Auth.  Collat.  iv.  tit.  i.,  Novell,  xi.,  Corp. 
Juris  Civilis,  torn.  ii.  pt.  2,  p.  125).  By  the 
Carolingian  era  the  repugnance  entertained  to 
these  marriages  had  greatly  abated.  The  coun- 
cils of  Vermerie  (can.  xiii.)  and  of  Compi&gne 
(can.  v.),  A.D.  753  and  757,  admit  and  enforce 
the  legality  of  marriages  deliberately  entered  into 
between  the  free  and  the  slave,  whether  the 
man  or  the  woman  were  the  slave.  But  if  a 
man  married  a  slave  under  the  apprehension  that 
she  was  free,  the  error  was  considered  to  affect 
the  substance  of  the  contract,  and  the  marriage 
was  thereby  invalidated,  by  the  legislation  both 
of  Justinian  (Novell,  xxii.  c.  10,  Corp.  Juris, 
tom.  ii.  pars  2,  p.  125)  and  of  the  Carolingians 
(Concil.  Vermeriense,  can.  vi. ;  Concil.  Cornpen- 
diense,  can.  v..  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  iv.  pp.  1992, 
2005).  [Consent  to  Marriage  ;  Contract  of 
Marriage.] 


The  third  set  of  cases  to  which  this  Iiujiedi- 
ment  applied  was  that  of  marriages  between 
)iersons  of  dissimilar  rank  and  position.  The 
Julian  and  Papian  law  had  forbidden  the  mar- 
riage of  senators,  their  sons  and  daughters,  and 
the  descendants  of  their  sons,  with  fi'eedwomen, 
or  with  women  of  low  degree,  and  these  mar- 
riages were  declai'ed  null  and  void  under  Marcus 
Aurelius  and  Commodus.  The  slave-born  bishop 
of  Rome,  Callistus,  would  seem,  from  a  charge 
made  against  him  by  Hippolytus,  to  have  at- 
tempted to  run  counter  to  this  legislation  by 
giving  an  ecclesiastical  sanction  to  them.  By 
very  slow  degrees,  it  is  probable,  that  jiublic 
opinion  within  the  Christian  body  veered  round, 
until  it  became  favourable  to  them  ;  but  the  pro- 
hibition continued  to  be  maintained  on  grounds 
of  state  policy  by  the  Christian  emperors,  as  well 
as  by  their  predecessors.  Constantine  declares 
that  any  attempt  to  treat  the  issue  of  such  mar- 
riages as  legitimate  subjects  the  father,  if  he  be 
a  senator  or  high  official,  to  the  penalties  of 
infamy  and  outlawry  (^Cod.  Justin,  lib.  v.  tit. 
XXV.  leg.  1).  Valentinian  and  Marcian,  A.D.  454, 
following  in  the  steps  of  Constantine,  define  the 
forbidden  marriages  to  be  those  with  a  slave  or 
the  daughter  of  a  slave,  with  a  freedwoman  or 
the  daughter  of  a  freedwoman,  with  an  actress  or 
the  daughter  of  an  actress,  with  a  tavern-keeper 
or  the  daughter  of  a  tavern-keeper,  or  with  the 
daughter  of  a  procurer,  or  of  a  gladiator,  or  of 
a  huckster  (Cod.  Justin,  lib.  v.  tit.  v.  leg.  7,  Corp. 
Juris,  tom.  ii.  p.  425).  If  a  senator  or  the  son  of 
a  senator  married  within  these  prohibited  classes, 
his  children,  being  regarded  spurii,  followed  the 
position  of  their  mother,  and  in  the  eye  of  the 
law  he  was  not  married  at  all.  Nay,  more,  by 
the  Papian  law,  if  a  man  with  a  freedwoman  for 
his  wife  was  ci'eated  a  senator,  his  marriage 
was  thereby  dissolved.  Justinian  softened  the 
harshness  of  this  legislation,  which  became 
more  and  more  insupportable  as  the  dignity 
of  the  senate  was  more  and  more  lowei'ed  (Cod. 
Justin,  lib.  v.  tit.  iv.  legg.  23  seq.) ;  and  by  de- 
grees the  impediment  came  to  be  regarded  as 
less  and  less  imperative,  though  a  perverted 
application  of  it  continues  to  have  a  baneful 
operation  throughout  the  greater  part  of  Europe 
to  the  present  day.  See  the  Theologia  Moralis  of 
St.  Alfonso  de'  Liguori,  iv.  644. 

iii.  Votum.  We  may  distinguish  six  classes 
of  religious  women,  bound,  in  different  degrees 
of  strictness,  by  a  vow  or  understanding  which 
caused  an  impediment  to  marriage, — the  widows, 
the  Trp€(r;8uTi5es,  the  virgins,  the  devotae,  the 
nuns,  the  deaconesses.  The  special  duties  of 
each  of  these  classes  will  be  found  designated  in 
the  several  articles  devoted  to  them.  It  is 
enough  here  to  say  that  the  irpfa^vriSes  pro- 
bably formed  the  elder  division  of  the  widows 
(see  Hefele's  note  on  the  eleventh  canon  of  the 
Council  of  Laodicea,  Hist,  of  Councils,  vol.  ii. 
p.  306,  Eng.  tr.  1876);  that  the  virgins  did 
not  differ  essentially  from  the  widows  except 
in  respect  to  the  life  that  they  had  led  befci-e 
entering  the  order ;  that  the  ileaconesses  were 
generally,  but  not  necessarily,  selected  from  the 
widows  or  the  virgins;  that  the  devota  was  a 
woman  living  in  her  father's  household,  or  with 
some  respectable  woman  (Council  of  Hippo,  A.D. 
393,  can.  xxxi.),  but  given  up  more  or  less  for- 
mally  to   the   service   of  God ;  while  the  nun 


MARRIAGE 

made  one  of  a  religious  community  living  to- 
(Tcther  under  rule.  There  can  be  little  doubt 
that  the  members  of  each  of  these  classes  were 
from  the  beginning  bound  to  celibacy  by  the 
public  opinion  of  the  church,  which  they  would 
themselves  have  shared.  Morally  there  is  little 
distinction  between  such  an  obligation  recognised 
by  the  conscience  and  a  formal  vow.  Nor  is  it  pos- 
sible to  fix  the  time  when  the  former  slid  into  the 
latter.  At  first  the  obligation  was  based  upon  the 
idea  that  the  unmarried  were  more  free  than 
the  married  to  devote  themselves  to  spiritual 
works,  and  also  upon  a  widely  spread  sentiment 
that  a  celibate  life  was  one  of  superior  sanctity 
(see  Justin.  Apol.  i.  29,  p.  61,  Paris,  1742; 
Athenag.  Legat.  c.  xxxiii.  p.  311,  Paris,  1742). 
Before  long  another  idea  was  attached  to  the 
celibate  state ;  that  the  virgins  were  the  spouses 
of  the  church  and  therefore  of  Christ.  This 
notion  does  not  appear  in  the  13th  canon  of 
the  Council  of  Elvira,  A.D.  304  (de  Virginihus 
Deo  Sanctis),  nor  in  canon  xxvii.  of  the  same 
council,  nor  in  the  19th  canon  of  the  Council 
of  Ancyra,  A.D.  314,  dealing  with  the  same  sub- 
ject ;  but  it  is  found  when  we  reach  the  first 
Council  of  Valencia,  A.D.  374,  which  condemns 
those  who,  after  they  have  been  devoted  to  God, 
turn  to  earthly  marriages  (can.  iii.,  Hard.  Concil. 
tom.  i.  p.  196),  and  in  Optatus,  who  wrote  about 
the  year  370  (de  Schism.  Don.  lib.  vi.  p.  95,  ed. 
Dupiu).  It  is  also  found,  as  might  be  expected, 
in  TertuUian  {de  Virg.  Vel.  cap.  xv.).  In  the 
5th  century  it  was  generally  accepted  (see  St. 
Augustine,  Tract,  ix.  in  John  ii.,  Op.  tom.  iii.  p. 
1459,  ed.  Migne ;  St.  Jerome,  adv.  Jovin.  lib.  i., 
Op.  tom.  iv.  p.  156 ;  St.  Chrysostom,  ad  Theod. 
Laps.,  Op.  tom.  i.  p.  38,  Paris,  1718),  and  it  was 
symbolised  by  the  acceptance  of  a  veil,  velatio 
being  used,  as  we  shall  see  presently,  as  a  syn- 
onym of  matrimony.  Pope  Innocent,  in  his 
letter  to  Victricius,  distinguishes  clearly  between 
the  virgins  who  had  taken  the  veil,  and  those 
virgins  who,  without  taking  the  veil,  had  pro- 
mised to  embrace  the  celibate  life.  The  former 
are  in  an  analogous  position  to  that  of  married 
women,  and  if  they  marry  are  to  be  treated  as 
adulteresses  and  not  admitted  to  penance.  The 
latter  are  in  the  position  of  betrothed  women, 
and  are  to  do  penance  "  for  some  time,"  for 
breaking  their  promise  to  the  heavenly  spouse 
(caps,  xii.,  xiii.,  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  i.  p.  1002). 
From  the  earliest  times  it  is  probable  that  any 
member  of  these  classes  that  married  was  con- 
sidered to  have  been  guilty  of  a  sin  and  of  a 
scandal  (1  Tim.  v.  12),  but  the  marriage  was 
held  as  valid,  as  may  be  seen  by  St.  Cyprian's 
statement  that  virgins  who  could  not,  or  would 
not,  persevere  had  but  to  marry  (St.  Cypr. 
Epist.  IV.  ad  Pompon.,  Op.  p.  3,  ed.  Fell,  Oxon. 
1682).  As  soon,  however,  as  the  idea  of  the 
spiritual  marriage  with  Christ  had  taken  posses- 
sion of  the  mind  of  the  church,  the  earthly  mar- 
riage was  regarded  as  no  marriage  at  all.  The 
council  of  Ancyra,  A.D.  314,  requires  that  any 
devotae  who  marry  should  be  subjected  to  pen- 
ance for  a  year  (can.  xix.);  the  council  of 
Valence,  A.D.  374,  that  they  should  be  suspended 
from  communion,  and  not  be  re-admitted  to  it, 
nisi  plane  satisfcccrint  Deo  (can.  ii.).  St.  Basil, 
A.D.  375,  says  that  the  old  penalty  of  one  year's 
suspension  was  too  light,  and  that  now  virgins 
ought  not   to  be  admitted  to  communion  while 


MARRIAGE 


1095 


continuing  in  marriage  (Epist.  Canon.  II.  can. 
xvii.).  The  first  council  of  Toledo,  A.D.  400, 
rules  that  such  persons  are  not  to  be  admitted 
to  penance  unless  they  have  separated  from 
their  husbands  (can.  xvi.)  ;  and  that  if  they  are 
the  daughters  of  a  bishop,  priest,  or  deacon, 
their  parents  may  no  longer  associate  with  them 
(can.  xix.).  A  Roman  council  under  Innocent  I., 
A.D.  402,  imposes  a  penance  of  many  years 
(can.  j.).  A  synod,  called  after  St.  Patrick, 
A.D.  450  (can.  xvii.),  and  the  council  of  Chal- 
cedon,  a.d.  451  (can.  xvi.),  excommunicate  them, 
though  the  latter  council  allows  mercy  to  be 
shewn  to  them  by  the  bishop.  Pope  Gelasius, 
A.D.  492,  orders  that  any  who  marry  a  conse- 
crated virgin  shall  be  excommunicated  for  life 
(Epist.  V.  cap.  XX.,  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  ii.  p.  903). 
Pope  Symmachus,  a.d,  498,  forbids  the  marriage, 
and  orders  that  the  parties  to  it  be  suspended 
(ad  Caesar.  Resp.  iv.  5,  ibid.  p.  958).  The  pen- 
alty of  life-long  suspension  or  excommunication 
is  re-enacted  by  the  council  of  Macon,  A.D.  581 
(can.  xii.),  by  the  so-called  fourth  council  of 
Carthage  in  the  6th  century  (can.  civ.),  by  the 
fifth  council  of  Paris  at  the  beginning  of  the 
7th  century  (can.  xiii..  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  iii. 
p.  553),  and  by  other  late  councils.  Deaconesses 
who  marry  are  excommunicated  by  the  second 
council  of  Orleans,  A.D.  533  (can.  xvii.),  and 
Justinian  enacted  that  their  marriage  should 
cause  the  forfeiture  both  of  life  and  goods 
(Novell,  vi.  6,  Corp.  Juris,  tom.  ii.  par.  2,  p.  37). 
The  same  Novella,  however,  forbids  the  ordina- 
tion of  a  deaconess  under  fifty  years  of  age  ;  and 
of  course  at  such  an  advanced  age  her  tempta- 
tion to  many  was  much  diminished.  In  the 
4th  century  we  find  the  age  for  virgins  taking 
the  veil  fixed  at  twenty-five  by  the  council  of 
Milevis  (can.  xxvi..  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  i.  p.  1222). 
The  council  of  Agde,  A.D.  506,  forbids  nuns  to  be 
veiled  before  they  were  forty  (can.  xix.) ;  and  a 
novella  of  Leo  and  Majorian  protects  the  rights 
of  those  who  had  been  induced  to  take  vows  of 
virginity  before  that  age  (Novell,  viii.,  ad  calc. 
Cod.  Theod.  tom.  vi.  p.  36).     [Devota.] 

The  case  was  the  same  with  men  as  with 
women.  There  were  men  who  occupied  an 
analogous  position  to  that  of  the  devotae,  and 
the  same  rules  were  applied  to  them  as  to  the 
devotae.  Whoever  has  declared  that  he  will 
not  take  a  wife  from  a  resolution  of  remaining 
in  chastity  should  continue  a  celibate,  says 
Clement  of  Alexandria  (Strom,  lib.  iii.  c.  12). 
He  who  has  made  a  promise  of  virginity  and 
breaks  it  must  undergo  a  year's  penance,  says 
the  council  of  Ancyra,  a.d.  314  (can.  xix.); 
must  be  treated  as  guilty  of  fornication,  that  is, 
undergo  four  years'  penance,  says  St.  Basil,  A.D. 
375  (Epist.  Canon.  II.,  can.  xix.) ;  must  undergo 
public  penance,  says  St.  Leo,  A.D.  443  (Epist. 
ad  Bustic.  Resp.  14,  Op.  p.  410)  ;  must  be  ex- 
communicated, but  may  be  restored  by  the 
bishop's  humanity,  says  the  council  of  Chalcedon, 
A.D.  451  (can.  xvi.),  (Hard.  Concil.  tom.  ii.  p. 
607);  must  be  separated  from  his  wife  by  the 
judge,  who  must  be  excommunicated  if  he  will 
not  do  it,  says  the  secoml  council  of  Tours,  A.D. 
567  (can.  xv..  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  iii.  p.  360); 
must  undergo  the  penalty  due  for  fornication, 
says  the  council  in  Trullo,  A.D.  692  (can.  xliv., 
ibid.  p.  680).  After  the  covenant  that  they  have 
made   with    God,    the    marriage    of    monks    is 


1096 


MAERIAGE 


nothing  else  than  fornication,  says  John  Damas- 
cene (ift  Sacr,  Par.,  Op.  torn.  ii.  p.  701,  ed. 
Lequien).  An  increasing  rigour  of  sentiment  is 
exhibited  in  the  West,  until  we  reach  the  second 
Lateran  council  under  Innocent  II.,  a.d.  1139, 
when,  according  to  Basil  Pontius'  statement  (f?c 
Matr.  vii.  17),  which  Van  Espen  declares  to  be 
non  sine  fundamento,  the  monk's  and  nun's  mar- 
riage was,  for  the  first  time,  pronounced  abso- 
lutely null.  The  words  of  the  council  are : — 
"  To  enlarge  the  law  of  continence  and  God- 
pleasing  cleanness  of  life  in  ecclesiastical  persons 
and  sacred  orders,  we  appoint  that  bishops, 
priests,  deacons,  subdeacons,  regular  canons,  and 
monks  and  professed  religious,  who  have  broken 
their  holy  purpose  and  government  in  order  to 
couple  wives  to  themselves,  be  separated.  For 
such  coupling  as  this,  which  is  known  to  be  con- 
tracted against  ecclesiastical  rule,  we  do  not 
count  to  be  marriage.  And  when  they  have 
been  separated  from  one  another,  they  are  to  do 
proper  penance  for  such  great  excesses.  And 
we  decree  that  the  same  rule  is  to  be  observed 
about  nuns  (sanctimoniales  foeminae)  if  they 
have  attempted  to  marry,  which  God  forbid  that 
any  should  do  "  (cans.  vii.  viii..  Hard.  Concil.  tom. 
vii.  p.  1209).  [Contract  of  Marriage.] 
iv.  Cognatio.  [Prohibited  Degrees.] 
V.  Crimen.  The  two  offences  indicated  by 
this  heading  are  the  murder  of  a  husband  or 
wife,  committed  with  a  view  to  a  second  mar- 
riage, and  adultery  accompanied  with  a  promise 
of  future  marriage.  This  impediment  no  doubt 
existed  at  all  times,  but  it  is  not  specifically 
named  in  early  times,  perhaps  because,  accord- 
ing to  the  early  discipline,  murder  aad  adultery 
disqualified  a  penitent  from  marriage  altogether 
during  the  whole  time  of  his  or  her  penance,  and, 
therefore,  a  fortiori,  disqualified  from  a  mar- 
riage to  which  the  way  had  been  smoothed  by 
such  crimes.  The  council  of  Friuli,  a.d.  791, 
decreed  that  no  woman  put  away  for  adultery 
was  to  be  again  married  to  any  one  whatever, 
even  after  her  husband's  death  (can.  x..  Hard. 
Concil.  tom.  iv.  p.  860).  The  council  of  Vermerie, 
A.D.  753,  declares  that  "if  a  man's  wife  has 
entered  into  a  conspiracy  against  his  life,  and 
he  has  killed  one  of  the  conspirators  ia  self- 
defence,  he  may  put  her  away."  Later  copies  of 
the  acts  of  the  council  add  that  "  after  the  death 
of  his  wife  he  may  marry  again,  and  that  the 
wife  is  to  be  subjected  to  penance,  and  never 
allowed  to  remarry "  (can.  v..  Hard.  Concil. 
tom.  iii.  p.  1990).  The  first  council  of  Tribur, 
A.D.  895,  lays  down  the  general  rule  prohibiting 
marriage  between  a  man  and  a  married  woman 
with  whom  he  has  committed  adultery,  on  ac- 
count of  a  scandal  that  had  lately  occurred,  a 
man  having  persuaded  a  woman  to  sin  on  the 
promise,  confirmed  by  oath,  that  he  would  marry 
her  if  her  husband  died,  a  thing  described  as  res 
execrahilis  et  catholicis  omnibus  detestanda  (can. 
xl..  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  vi.  p.  452). 

vi.  Cultus  disparitas.  The  marriage  of  He- 
brews with  any  but  Hebrews  was  forbidden  by 
patriarchal  rule  and  by  Levitical  law  (Gen.  xxiv. 
3  ;  Ex.  xxxiv.  16  ;  Deut.  vii.  3 ;  1  Kings  xi.  2  ; 
Ez.  ix.  2),  the  object  of  the  prohibition  being  to 
preserve  both  the  race  and  the  religion  uncon- 
taminated.  In  Christianity  there  is  no  favoured 
race  to  be  preserved,  but  the  religious  ground  of 
the  regulation  remains  untouched.     Accordingly 


MARRIAGE 

I  St.  Paul  adapted  the  existing  Jewish  law  to 
changed  circumstances  by  ruling  that  marriage 
should  only  be  "  in  the  Lord  "  (1  Cor.  vii.  39), 
that  is,  that  Christians  should  marry  none  but 
Christians.  St.  Paul's  command  is  regarded  ps 
imperative  by  the  early  Fathers,  as  Tertullian 
{cont.  Marc.  lib.  v.,  Op.  p.  469);  Cyprian 
('Testimon.  lib.  iii.  c.  62,  Op.  p.  323,  Paris,  1726); 
St.  Jerome  {Epist.  xci.  ad  Ageruchiam,  de  Mond- 
gamia,  Op.  tom.  iv.  p.  742,  Paris,  1706);  St. 
Ambrose  (de  Abrahamo,  lib.  i.  c.  ix.,  Op.  tom. 
i.  p.  309,  Paris,  1686);  St.  Augustine,  Epist. 
cclv.,  al.  234,  ad  Busticum,  Op,  tom.  ii.  p.  882, 
Paris,  1679):  by  councils,  as  that  of  Elvira, 
A.D.  313  (Cone.  Elih.  cans.  xv.  xvi..  Hard.  Concil. 
tom.  i.  p.  252) ;  the  first  council  of  Aries,  a.d. 
314  (Cone.  Arelat.  i.  can.  xi.,  ibid.  p.  265);  that 
of  Laodicea,  A.D.  372  (Cone.  Laod.  can.  x.,  ibid. 
p.  783)  ;  that  of  Agde,  a.d.  506  (Cone.  Agath 
can.  Ixvii.,  ibid.  torn.  ii.  p.  1005) ;  the  second  of 
Orleans,  A.D.  533  (Cone.  Aurel.  ii.  can.  xix.,  ibid. 
p.  1176) ;  the  fourth  of  Toledo,  a.d.  633  (Cone. 
Tolet.  iv.  can.  Ixiii.,  ibid.  tom.  iii.  p.  59) :  and 
by  Imperial  legislation,  which  forbids  intermar- 
riage with  Jews  as  a  capital  crime  (Cod.  Theod. 
lib.  iii.  tit.  7,  leg.  2  ;  lib.  xvi.  tit.  8,  leg.  6).  St. 
Ambrose  and  the  councils  of  Elvira,  Agde,  Laodi- 
cea, and  in  TruUo  (can.  Ixxii.),  enlarge  the  pro- 
hibition so  as  to  make  it  apply  to  heretics  as 
well  as  to  the  unbaptized.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  Council  of  Hippo,  A.D.  393  (can.  xii.)  and  the 
Council  of  Chalcedon,  a.d.  451  (can.  xiv.)  seem, 
by  specifying,  to  confine  the  prohibition  of  such 
marriages  to  the  sons  and  daughters  of  bishops, 
priests,  and  inferior  clergy.  The  general  law 
was,  as  might  be  expected,  very  frequently  set 
at  nought.  St.  Jerome  bursts  out  with  a  fiery 
invective  against  the  women  of  his  day,  of  whom 
he  says  with  a  rhetorical  exaggeration  that  "  the 
greater  part  (pleraeque),  despising  the  apostle's 
command,  marry  heathens  "  (adc.  Jovin.  1.,  Op. 
tom.  iv.  p.  152).  St.  Augustine,  in  his  work  de 
Fide  ct  Operibus  (cap.  xix.,  Op.  tom.  vi.  p.  220, 
ed.  Migne),  says  likewise  that  in  his  time  mar- 
riage with  unbelievers  had  ceased  to  be  regarded 
as  a  sin;  and  he  himself  holds  that  it  ought 
not  to  preclude  from  admission  to  baptism.  St. 
Augustine's  mother  Monica,  Clothilda  wife  of 
Clovis,  Bertha  wife  of  Ethelbert,  and  Ethelburga 
wife  of  Edwin,  are  conspicuous  instances  of  the 
rule  being  transgressed  to  the  advantage  of 
Christianity. 

vii.  Vis.  This  impediment,  like  error,  ipso 
facto  invalidates  marriage,  the  essence  of  which 
consists  of  its  being  a  free  contract  made  and 
declared.  Physical  violence,  or  moral  violence, 
carried  to  such  an  extent  as  to  interfere  with 
the  freedom  of  action,  exercised  on  either  party 
to  the  contract,  destroys  that  liberty  of  the  will 
which  is  a  condition  of  the  contract  being  valid. 
Where  there  was  violence  there  could  be  no  free 
consent ;  where  no  free  consent,  no  contract ; 
where  no  contract,  no  marriage.  A  well-known 
instance  in  point  is  the  marriage  of  Jane  of  Navarro 
with  the  duke  of  Cleves,  which,  after  the  eleven 
yeai-s  old  maiden  had  been  carried  to  church  by 
her  uncle,  the  Constable  of  Montmorency,  and 
compelled  to  go  through  the  wedding,  was  broken 
oif  on  the  ground  that  the  bride  had  not  con- 
sented. 

It  was,  however,  a  question  whether  it  war 
the  consent  of  the  woman,  or  of  the  woman's 


MAREIAGE 

xelations,  that  was  necessary.  Among  the  He- 
brews the  father  was  regarded  as  liaving  the 
right  of  giving  his  daughter  in  marriage  (Gen. 
xxiv.  51).  The  early  Roman  law  looked  upon 
wife  and  children  as  goods,  belonging  to  the 
husband  and  father.  Consequently  there  was 
room  for  violence  to  be  employed  towards  one  of 
the  contracting  parties  with  a  view  to  force  her 
■consent,  which  the  law  would  not  have  recog- 
nised as  violence.  The  claim  of  the  woman  to 
an  independent  voice  was  to  a  great  extent 
ignored.  "  The  girl,"  says  St.  Ambrose  of  Re- 
becca, whom  he  holds  up  herein  as  au  example, 
"  is  not  consulted  about  her  espousals,  for  she 
awaits  the  judgment  of  her  parents  ;  inasmuch 
as  a  girl's  modesty  will  not  allow  her  to  choose  a 
husband  "  (de  Abrah.  lib.  i.  cap.  ult.,  Op.  tom.  i. 
p.  312,  Paris,  1686),  and  he  quotes  with  appro- 
bation Euripides'  lines : — 

Nu/x<^evjixaT(Of  y-^v  TOiV  6jixa)i/  TTaTqp  ejLtb? 
Meptfii/ai/  e'l'et,  k'  oiiK  eftbj/  KptVen/  TaSe. 

The  second  canonical  letter  from  Basil  to  Am- 
philochius  (Op.  tom.  iii.  p.  296)  calls  marriages 
entered  into  without  a  father's  sanction  by  the 
harsh  name  of  fornication  (can.  xlii.),  and  rules 
that  even  after  reconciliation  with  the  parents, 
three  years'  penance  is  to  be  done  by  the  daughter 
(can.  xxxviii.).  The  fourth  council  of  Orleans, 
A.D.  541,  says  that  they  should  be  regarded  in 
the  light  of  captivity  or  bondage  rather  than 
marriage  (can.  xxii.,  Hard.  CoiiciL  tom.  ii.  p. 
1439).  An  Irish  council  in  the  time  of  St.  Patrick, 
about  the  year  450,  lays  it  down  that  the  will 
of  the  girl  is  to  be  inquii-ed  of  the  father,  and 
that  the  girl  is  to  do  what  her  father  chooses, 
inasmuch  as  man  is  the  head  of  the  woman  (can. 
xxvii.,  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  i.  p.  1796).  See  also 
St.  Augustine  {Epist.  cclv.  al.  233,  Op.  tom.  ii. 
p.  1069,  ed.  Migne).  The  imperial  laws  were 
also  very  strict,  as  those  of  the  heathen  emperors 
had  been.  Constantius  and  Constans  made  clan- 
destine marriages  of  this  nature  a  capital  offence 
(Cod  Theod.  lib.  ix.  tit.  xxiv.  legg.  1,  2).  Even 
widows  under  the  age  of  25  were  forbidden  by  a 
law  of  Valentinian  and  Gratian  to  marry  with- 
out their  parents'  consent  (ibid.  lib.  iii.  tit.  vii. 
leg.  1)  ;  and  St.  Ambrose  desires  young  widows 
to  leave  the  choice  of  their  second  husbands  to 
their  parents  (de  Abraham,  lib.  i.  cap.  ult..  Op. 
tom.  i.  p.  312).  The  third  council  of  Toledo, 
A.D.  589,  enacts  that  widows  are  to  be  allowed 
free  choice  of  their  husbands,  and  that  girls 
are  not  to  be  compelled  to  accept  husbands 
against  the  will  of  their  parents  or  themselves 
(can.  X.,  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  iii.  p.  481).  The 
Penitential  of  Theodore  of  Canterbury,  A.D.  688, 
ordains  that  a  father  may  give  his  daughter  in 
marriage  as  he  will  until  she  is  sixteen  or  seven- 
teen, after  which  she  must  not  be  married  with- 
out her  own  consent  (lib.  ii.  cap.  xii.  §36). 

Nevertheless  the  independent  right  of  each  of 
the  contracting  parties  to  give  or  withhold  his 
or  her  consent  was  not  altogether  ignored.  A 
law  of  Diocletian  and  Maximin  declares  that 
none  are  to  be  compelled  to  marry  (^Cod.  Justin. 
lib.  V.  tit.  iv.  leg.  14,  Coiy.  Juris,  tom.  ii.  p. 
418),  and  this  liberty  was  testified  to  in  the 
forms  and  ceremonies  used  in  the  celebration  of 
marriages. 

As  a  protection  against  violence,  it  was  also 
enacted  that  no  guardian  might  marry  an  orphan 


MARRIAGE 


1097 


to  whom  he  was  guardian  during  her  minority 
(Cod.  Theod.  lib.  ix.  tit.  viii.  leg.  1),  and  that  no 
governor  of  a  province  might  marry  any  woman 
subject  to  his  control  during  the  time  of  his 
administration  (ibid.  lib.  iii.  tit.  vi.  leg.  1). 

viii.  Ordo.  St.  Paul  desired  Timothy  and  Titus 
to  select  for  the  ministry  persons  who  were  "  mea 
of  one  wife  "  (1  Tim.  iii.  2-12 ;  Tit.  i.  6).  The 
meaning  of  the  apostle's  words  is  ambiguous. 
By  some  they  are  regarded  as  enjoining  that 
the  persons  selected  for  the  ministry  should  be 
but  once  married;  by  others,  that  they  should 
not  have  put  away  their  wives,  and  have  taken 
others  in  the  lifetime  of  their  first  wives  ;  by 
others,  that  they  should  not  be  men  who  were 
unfaithful  to  their  wife  (whether  a  first,  or  a 
second,  or  a  third  wife)  by  keeping  a  concubine, 
according  to  a  common  Roman  practice,  or  other 
laxity  of  life  ;  by  others,  that  they  should  not  be 
polygamists,  in  accordance  with  Hebrew  customs. 
The  last  of  these  four  interpretations  is  supported 
by  the  authority  of  St.  Chrysostom  (Horn,  in 
1  Tim.  iii.  2,  Op.  tom.  xi.  p.  599,  Paris,  1734>; 
the  third,  which  does  not  exclude  the  fourth,  is 
the  exposition  of  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia  ( Catenae 
Graec.  Pair,  in  N.  T.  tom.  viii.  p.  23,  ed.  Cramer) 
and  of  Theodoret  (Com.  in  1  Tim.  iii.  2,  Op.  tom. 
i.  p.  474,  Paris,  1642).  The  authorities  and  argu- 
ments for  the  second  interpretation  may  be  seen  at 
length  in  Suicer's  Thesaurus,  s.  v.  Atyafiia.  The 
thought  underlying  St.  Chrysostom's  interpreta- 
tion is  that,  whereas  polygamy  was  allowed  by 
the  Jews,  and  was  still  practised,  as  shewn  by  the 
example  of  Herod,  and  proved  by  the  testimony 
of  Justin  (Dial,  cum  Tryph.,  Op.  tom.  ii.  442, 
460,  ed.  Otto),  it  might  have  been  the  purpose 
of  the  apostle  to  allow  a  converted  Jew,  who 
was  a  polygamist,  to  live  as  a  layman  without 
repudiating  his  existing  wives,  but  not  to  allow 
a  man  in  such  a  position  to  be  a  presbyter,  "  for 
the  Jews,"  says  St.  Chrysostom,  "  might  proceed 
to  second  nuptials  and  have  two  wives  together  " 
(in  1  Tim.  iii.  2).'^  The  exposition  of  Theodore 
and  Theodoret  is  in  harmony  with  the  words  of 
St.  Paul,  which  literally  translated  mean  '•  a 
man  of  one  woman,"  and  need  bear  no  further 
signification  than  one  who  was  faithful  to  the 
marriage  tie,  and  "  kept  himself  only  to  his  wife 
so  long  as  they  both  did  live"  (Marriage  Ser- 
vice). It  is  also  in  better  harmony  with  St. 
Paul's  argument  ("  one  that  ruleth  well  his 
own  house,  having  his  children  in  subjection 
with  all  gravity;  for  if  a  man  know  not  how  to 
rule  his  own  house,  how  shall  he  take  care  of 
the  church  of  God  ?  "),  than  that  which  sees  in 


d  DoUinger's  argument  to  the  contrary  (Hippolytus  and 
Callistus,  c.  iii.),  grounded  on  the  fact  that  a  simultaneous 
second  marriage  was  contrary  to'  the  law  of  the  Roman 
empu-e,  is  of  little  weight ;  for  the  contemptuous  tole- 
rance of  the  Koman  magistrate  would  not  have  conde- 
scended to  interfere  with  a  Jew's  acting  in  accordance 
with  his  own  law  (Cf.  Acts  sviii.  15,  xxv.  19):  he  would 
have  contented  himself  with  ignoring  the  marriage,  and 
regarding  the  issue  of  it  as  spurious  in  case  any  question 
about  it  arose.  The  second  marriage  would  in  his  eyes 
have  been  a  contubernium  such  as  many  of  his  own  fellow- 
countrymen  had  entered  into.  Besides,  many  Jews  would 
have  been  converted  to  Christianity  who  had  married  while 
living  in  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Herods,  and  it  is  impos- 
sible to  believe  that  the  Roman  magistrates  would  have 
troubled  themselves  with  the  internal  oeconomy  of  their 


1098 


MAERIAGE 


the  text  only  a  prohibitioE  of  a  second  marriage. 
Theodoret  says  that  he  deliberately  adopts  the 
view  of  those  who  held  "  that  the  holy  apostle 
declares  the  man  who  lives  contentedly  with 
one  wife  is  worthy  of  ordination,  and  that  he 
is  not  forbidding  second  marriages,  which  he 
has  often  recommended  "  (m  1  Tim.  iii.  2).  The 
general  understanding,  however,  of  the  words, 
which  was  accepted  in  the  early  church,  was 
that  St.  Paul  intended  to  exclude  Digamists 
from  the  ministry ;  and  his  instruction  to 
Timothy,  thus  understood,  became  converted 
into  a  rule  of  church  discipline.  See  the  Apo- 
stolical Canons  (can.  xvii.)  ;  the  Apostolical  Con- 
stitutions (vi.  17);  Origen  (^Hom.  xvii.  in  Luc., 
Op.  torn.  iii.  p.  953,  Paris,  1740,  who  says  plainly, 
"  Neither  bishop,  priest,  deacon,  nor  widow  must 
be  twice  married");  St.  Ambrose  (de  Off.  i.  50, 
§257,  Op.  torn.  ii.p.  66,  Paris,  1690);  St.  Augus- 
tine (de  Bono  Conjug.  c.  xviii.,  Op.  torn.  vi. 
p.  387,  ed.  Migne)  ;  St.  Epiphanius  {Haer.  lix.  4, 
Op.  torn.  i.  p.  496,  Pans,  1622);  and  the  coun- 
cils of  Anglers,  a.d.  455  (can.  xi..  Hard.  Concil. 
torn.  ii.  p.  480) ;  Agde,  A.d.  506  (can.  i.  ihid.  p. 
997);  Aries,  iv.  a.d.  524  (can.  iii.  ibid.  p.  1070). 
St.  Paul's  injunction,  thus  interpreted,  has  been 
continuously  the  rule  of  the  Oriental  church 
both  positively  and  negatively,  except  so  far  as 
it  has  been  violated  on  the  positive  side  by  the 
Council  in  TruUo,  A.D.  692,  forbidding  the  mar- 
riage of  bishops,  which  St.  Paul  appears  not  only 
to  have  permitted,  but  to  have  recommended,  if 
not  enjoined,  in  order  that  the  bishop's  power  of 
ruling  might  have  been  tested  in  a  smaller 
sphere  before  he  was  promoted  to  a  large  one 
(Concil.  in  Trullo,  can.  xlviii.,  Hard.  Concil.  tom. 
iv.  p.  1679). 

For  some  time  before  the  Christian  era  a 
change  of  sentiment  as  to  the  relative  excellence 
of  the  married  and  single  life  had  been  growing 
up  among  a  section  of  Jews.  The  national 
feeling  was  strongly  in  favour  of  marriage,  and 
a  man  who  was  unmarried  or  without  children 
was  looked  upon  as  disgraced  (see  the  legend  of 
Joachim  and  Anna  in  the  Protevangelion).  But 
the  spirit  of  asceticism,  cherished  by  the  Essenes, 
led  to  an  admiration  of  celibacy,  of  which  no 
traces  are  to  be  found  in  the  Old  Testament ;  so 
that,  instead  of  a  shame,  it  became  an  honour  to 
be  unmarried  and  childless.  In  the  early  church 
this  spirit,  at  first  exhibiting  itself  only  to  be 
condemned  in  the  Encratites  (Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl. 
iv.  29  ;  St.  Aug.  dc  Haeres.  xxv.),  the  Apostolici 
(St.  Aug.  do  Haeres.  xl.),  the  Manichees  (ibid. 
xlvi.),  the  Hieracians  (ibid,  xlvii.).  the  Eusta- 
thians  (Socrates,  Hist.  Eccl.  1143;  Council  of 
Gangra,  cans.  i.  ix.  x.  xiv.),  struggled  with  a 
healthier  feeling,  till  at  length  it  stifled  the 
latter. 

Another  cause  was  working  in  the  same  di- 
rection. The  days  of  chivalry  were  not  yet; 
and  we  cannot  but  notice,  even  in  the  greatest  of 
the  Christian  fathers,  a  lamentably  low  estimate 
of  woman,  and  consequently  of  the  marriage  re- 
lationship. Even  St.  Augustine  can  see  no  justi- 
fication for  marriage,  except  in  a  grave  desire 
deliberately  adopted  of  having  children  (Serin,  ix. 
li..  Op.  tom.  V.  pp.  88,  345,  ed.  Migne);  and,  in 
accordance  with  this  view,  all  married  inter- 
course, except  for  this  single  purpose,  is  harshly 
condemned.  If  marriage  is  sought  after  for  the 
sake  of  children,  it  is  justifiable  ;  if  entered  into 


MAERIAGE 

as  a  remedium  to  avoid  worse  evils,  it  is  pardon- 
able ;  the  idea  of  "  the  mutual  society,  help,  and 
comfort,  that  the  one  ought  to  have  of  the  other, 
both  in  prosperity  and  adversity,"  hardly  ex- 
isted, and  could  hardly  yet  exist.  In  the  decline 
of  the  Roman  empii'e,  woman  was  not  a  help- 
meet for  man,  and  kw  traces  are  to  be  found  "of 
those  graceful  conceptions  which  Western  ima- 
gination has  grouped  round  wedded  love  and 
home  affections.  The  result  was  that  the  gross, 
coarse,  material,  carnal  side  of  marriage  being 
alone  apprehended,  those  who  sought  to  lead  a 
spiritual  life,  that  is,  above  all,  the  clergy,  in- 
stead of  "adorning  and  beautifying  that  holy 
estate,"  and  lifting  it  up  with  themselves  into  a 
higher  sphere  and  a  purer  atmosphere,  regarded 
it  rather  as  a  necessary  evil  to  be  shunned  by 
those  who  aimed  at  a  holier  life  than  that  of  the 
majority. 

Four  questions  arose : — 1.  Whether  a  clergy- 
man might  marry  after  ordination  ;  2.  Whether 
after  ordination  he  must  cease  to  cohabit  with 
his  wife  whom  he  had  married  before  ordination  ; 
3.  Whether  a  man  already  married  might  be 
ordained ;  4.  Whether  a  twice  married  man 
might  be  ordained. 

On  the  first  question  the  East  and  West 
agreed  in  returning  a  negative  answer,  so  far  as 
bishops  and  presbyters  were  concerned.  In  the 
first  half  of  the  3rd  century  pope  Callistus  is 
charged  by  Hippolytus  with  introducing  the  in- 
novation of  allowing  clergymen  to  marry  after 
they  were  in  orders.  Dollinger  supposes  him  to 
have  sanctioned  no  more  than  the  marriage  of 
acolyths,  hypodiaconi  (the  title  still  borne  by  sub- 
deacons),  and,  perhaps,  deacons.  But  this  is 
unlikely,  or  Hippolytus  would  not  have  made  it 
so  serious  a  charge  against  him.  Callistus  pro- 
bably allowed  his  presbyters  and  deacons  to 
marry,  and  the  practice  continued  after  his  death 
among  his  special  followers  and  disciples — his 
"  school,"  as  Hippolytus  calls  them  (ov  Sia/nffei  rh 
SiSaaKakeiov  (pv\6.TT0v  to  e07j  Koi  Tr)v  TrapdSoaiv), 
but  it  did  not  prevail  against  the  opposite 
custom.  The  Council  of  Ancyra,  a.d.  314, 
allows  deacons  only  to  marry,  and  that  if  at 
the  time  of  their  ordination  they  had  given 
notice  of  their  intention  to  do  so  (can.  x.). 
The  Apostolical  Canons  restrict  the  liberty  of 
marriage  after  ordination  to  readers  and  singers 
(can.  XXV.).  Presbyters  are  ordered  by  the 
council  of  Neocaesarea,  a.d.  314,  to  remain  un- 
married if  they  are  unmarried  at  the  time  of 
their  ordination  (can.  i.).  Bishops,  priests,  and 
deacons  are  ordered  to  remain  unmarried  by 
a  Roman  council  under  Innocent  I.,  A.D.  402 
(can.  iii.).  The  only  authoritative  sanction  for 
marriage  after  ordination  is  found  in  a  decree 
of  a  Nestorian  synod  held  under  Barsumas, 
archbishop  of  Nisibis,  towards  the  end  of  the 
5th  century. 

On  the  second  question,  whether  clergy  mar- 
ried at  the  time  of  their  ordination  were  to  cease 
cohabitation,  there  gradually  developed  itself 
one  of  the  disciplinary  differences  which  after- 
wards declared  themselves  between  the  East  and 
West.  The  Eastern  church  has  never  forbidden 
marriage  before  ordination  to  its  presbyters,  and 
has  never  laid  upon  them  the  burden  of  absti- 
nence from  their  wives ;  and  there  is  no  doubt 
that  the  Eastern  discipline  in  this  respect  was 
th.j  discipline  of  the  whole  of  the  early  church. 


MAKEIAGE 

Thomassin,  Natalis  Alexander,  the  Bollandist 
Stilting,  and  Zaccaria  assert  that  married  asce- 
ticism prevailed  from  the  beginning  by  aposto- 
lical precept,  but  they  have  no  ground  for  their 
assertion.  Tillemont  acknowledges  that  for  the 
first  four  or  live  hundred  years  it  was  not  re- 
quired, and  De  Marca  argues  that  it  grew  up 
insensibly  as  a  voluntary  practice,  and  was  first 
made  binding  by  pope  Siricius  at  the  end  of  the 
4th  century. 

The  first  authority  on  the  question  is  Cle- 
ment of  Alexandria,  who,  in  contrasting  the 
practice  of  the  church  with  that  of  the 
heretics  of  his  day,  speaks  plainly  of  priest, 
deacon,  and  layman  as  "  ave-inAriinciis  yd/jicii 
Xp^fJ-evos "  (Stromat.  lib.  iii.  12,  Op.  p.  352, 
ed.  Potter,  Oxf.  1715),  by  which  words  he  desig- 
nates cohabitation,^  and  towards  the  end  of  the 
same  book  he  writes:  Tt  -n-pus  ravras  eiirfTv 
fXov<Ti  Tus  voixodeaias  ot  rr]v  CTropav  koI  Trjp 
yeveffiy  fj.vcraTTofxefot ;  iirel  koI  rhv  'EiricTKOTrov 
Tov  oIkov  KaXws  irpoicrra.tJLSVov  pofiodereT  Trjs 
'EKK\r}aias  acpr^yelcrOar  oIkov  Se  KvpLanhv  fj-ias 
yvvaiKhs  (TvvicTT7)(n  crv^vyia.  His  argument 
would  be  futile  if  he  did  not  look  upon  the 
bishop,  not  only  as  married,  but  specifically  as 
begetting  children  (Strom,  iii.  c.  xviii..  Op.  p. 
562).  The  opposite  view  was  taken  by  Origen, 
as  might  be  expected  from  the  deed  for  which  he 
is  noted  (^Hom.  xxiii.  in  Nura.,  Op.  tom.  ii.  p. 
358) ;  by  Epiphanius,  though  he  allows  that  a 
different  practice  prevailed  (Ilaeres.  lix.  4,  Op. 
tom.  i.  p.  496)  ;  by  St.  Jerome  {adv.  Jovin.  lib. 
i..  Op.  torn.  iv.  p.  175).  The  Apostolical  Canons 
forbid  bishops,  presbyters,  and  deacons  to  separate 
from  their  wives  on  the  pretext  of  piety  on  pain 
of  deposition  (can.  vi.)  ;  but  about  a  quarter  of  a 
century  later  was  passed  by  the  Spanish  council  of 
Elvira  (A. D.  305)a  canon  which  is  regarded  as  the 
earliest  injunction  on  the  clergy  to  cease  coha- 
bitation (can.  xxxiii.).f  An  attempt  was  made 
to  force  this  discipline  on  the  whole  church  at 
the  council  of  Nicaea,  A.D.  325,  but  it  was  frus- 
trated by  the  firmness  of  Paphnutius.  The  spirit 
that  dictated  the  attempt  was  not,  however,  ex- 
tinguished. It  became  a  fashion  with  some  to 
hold  aloof  from  the  ministrations  of  a  married 
presbyter  in  the  holy  communion,  to  such  an 
extent  that  the  council  of  Gangra,  held  about 
A.D.  350,  had  to  anathematize  those  that  did  so 
(can.  iv.).  Pope  Siricius's  letter  to  Himerius 
(Hard.  Concil.  tom.  i.  p.  849),  if  genuine  (it  is  so 
counted),  gave  expression  and  sanction  to  this 
unwholesome  feeling,  A.D.  385. s     A  council  held 


MAERIAGE 


1099 


'  The  Latin  translation  of  the  passage  is  as  follows : 
"  Jam  vero  unius  quoque  uxoris  virum  utique  admittit, 
seu  sit  Presbyter,  seu  Diaconus,  seu  Laicus,  utens  matri- 
monio  citra  reprehensionem.  Servabitur  autem  per 
filiorum  prooreationem."  Binterim  is  driven  into  saying 
that  "utens"  applies  only  to  "laicus,"  maintaining  that 
otherwise  the  reading  would  be"utentes"  and  "serva- 
buntur"  {Denkwiiidigkeiten,  vl.  289). 

'  According  to  its  grammatical  construction  this  canon 
deposes  from  the  ministry  all  clergy  who  refuse  to  live 
in  wcdlooli  with  their  wives.  It  is  generally  supposed 
that  the  wording  is  confused,  and  that  it  intends  to  pro- 
hibit what  it  seems  to  order.  If  it  were  construed  gram- 
matically it  would  be  similar  in  its  character  to  the  fourth 
c;inon  of  the  council  of  Gangra,  mentioned  a  few  lines 
lower  down  in  the  text. 

8  The  canons  of  a  supposed  council  held  at  Rome  by 
Siricius,  a.d.386,  the  ninth  of  which  "advises  (suademus) 


j  at  Carthage  under  Genethlius,  in  387  or  390, 
binds  bishops,  priests,  and  Levites  to  abstain 
from  their  wives  (can.  ii.),  and  the  canon  that 
it  passed  to  this  effect  was  taken  into  the  Codex 
Canonum  Ecclesiae  Africanae  (Hefele,  viii.  §§  lOG, 
121).  Socrates,  who  wrote  a.d.  439,  names 
Heliodorus,  bishop  of  Trica,  as  the  person  who 
had  introduced  into  Thessaly  the  novelty  of  de- 
posing clergy  who  lived  with  their  wives,  and  he 
speaks  of  that  custom  prevailing  in  his  day  in 
Thessalonica,  and  in  Macedonia  and  Hellas  ;  but 
he  declares  it  contrary  to  the  otherwise  universal 
custom  of  the  Eastern  church,  where  bishops 
and  priests  were  left  at  liberty  to  act  as  they 
pleased  in  this  respect,  "  for  many  of  them  have 
had  children  by  their  lawful  wives  during  the 
time  that  they  are  bishops  "  (Hist.  Eccles.  v.  22, 
Op.  p.  242,  Oxon.  1844).  The  argument  drawn 
horn,  the  incontrovertible  fact  that  popes  were 
the  sons  of  clergymen,  and  that  well-known 
bishops  and  priests  were  married,  and  that  sons 
and  daughters  of  bishops  and  presbyters  are  fre- 
quently referred  to  in  the  canons  of  councils,  is 
generally  eluded  by  assuming  that,  though  mar- 
ried, the  clergy  did  not  cohabit  with  their  wives 
after  ordination  ;  but  the  historian's  statement 
cannot  be  thus  put  aside,  confirmed  as  it  is  by 
overwhelming  evidence.  Gregory  Nazianzen, 
his  sister  and  brother,  were  probably  born 
while  their  father  was  now  a  bishop  : 
it  is  certain  that  they  were  born  after  their 
father  was  a  priest  (Carm.  de  Vita  sua,  1.  502); 
Cyprian  charges  Novatus,  a  priest,  with  cruelty 
to  his  wife,  which  caused  her  miscarriage  (Epist. 
xlix.) ;  and  Synesius,  as  we  know,  only  accepted 
his  bishopric  on  the  understanding  that  he  was  to 
be  in  no  way  separated  from  his  wife.  Never- 
theless, as  time  proceeded,  the  liberty  not 
only  of  cohabiting  with,  but  of  having,  wives 
was  extinguished,  so  far  as  bishops  were  con- 
cerned, in  the  East  and  West  alike.  Not  so  with 
regard  to  presbyters.  In  their  case  the  discipline 
of  the  two  halves  of  Christendom  became  more 
and  more  divergent.  The  East  never  yielded  the 
right  of  their  clergy  being  fathers  of  families  if 
married  before  ordination.  The  council  in  Trullo 
speaks  on  this  point  with  decision  and  warmth : 
— "  As  we  know  that  the  Roman  church  has 
ruled  that  candidates  for  the  diaconate  or  the 
presbyterate  are  to  make  profession  that  they 
will  no  longer  cohabit  with  their  wives,  we  ob- 
serving the  ancient  canon  of  apostolical  perfection 
and  order,  declare  the  marriages  of  all  in  holy 
orders  are  to  be  henceforth  accounted  valid,  and 
we  refuse  to  forbid  cohabitation,  and  will  not 
deprive  them  of  conjugal  intercourse  at  proper 
times.  Therefore,  if  a  man  is  found  fit  to  be 
ordained  subdeacon,  deacon,  or  presbyter,  he  is 
not  to  be  refused  on  the  ground  of  cohabiting 
with  his  wife.  Nor  at  the  time  of  ordination  is 
anyone  to  be  required  to  profess  that  he  will 
abstain  from  intercourse  with  his  lawful  wife  ; 
lest  we  thus  do  dishonour  to  marriage,  which 
was  instituted  by  God  and  blessed  by  His  pre- 
sence, the  gospel  declaring  aloud,  '  What  God 
hath  joined  together,  let  not  man  put  asunder,' 
and  the  apostle  teaching, '  Marriage  is  honourable 


PriesLs  and  Levites  not  to  live  with  their  wives,"  and 
the  fourth  and  fifth  forbid  the  marriage  of  a  clergyman 
with  a  widow,  are  spurious.  They  are  given  by  Hefele 
(viii.  }  105). 


1100 


MAEEIAGE 


in  all,  and  the  bed  undefiled,'  and  'Art  thou 
bound  to  a  wile,  seek  not  to  be  loosed.'  ...  If, 
then,  anyone  in  despite  of  the  apostolical  canons, 
be  induced  to  forbid  priests,  deacons,  and  sub- 
deacons  to  cohabit  and  hold  intercourse  with 
their  lawful  wives,  let  him  be  deposed.  And, 
likewise,  if  any  priest  or  deacon  dismisses  his 
wife  on  the  pretext  of  piety,  let  him  be  excom- 
municated, and  if  he  be  obstinate,  let  him  be 
deposed "  (can.  siii..  Hard.  Concil.  torn.  iv.  p. 
1666).  Meantime  the  Wpst  was  growing  stiller 
and  stifFer,  Spain  still  leading  the  way.  The 
first  and  the  ninth  councils  of  Toledo  (canons  i. 
X.,  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  i.  p.  990,  torn.  iii.  p.  975) 
forbid  cohabitation  with  increasing  rigour,  A.D. 
400  and  655.  The  French  councils  of  Aries  II., 
A.D.  452  (can.  xliv.,  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  iv.  p.  774), 
and  of  Macon,  A.D.  584  (can.  xi.),  denounce  the 
punishment  of  deposition  ;  and  Innocent  I.  iu 
his  letters  to  Victricius  and  to  Exuperius  (Hard. 
Concil.  tom.  i.  pp.  1001, 1003),  and  Leo  I.  (i;>?si. 
ad  Rusticum,  Resp.  iii..  Op.  p.  407)  speak  for 
Rome  in  the  same  sense.  Such  a  discipline  so 
severely  enforced  could  only  end  in  the  prohibi- 
tion of  marriage  altogether. 

The  third  question,  whether  the  married  state 
and  the  clerical  state  were  altogether  incom- 
patible, could  not  arise  while  St.  Paul's  teaching 
was  still  ringing  in  the  ears  of  Christians,  for  St. 
Paul  had  commanded  the  selection  of  married  men 
for  priests  and  deacons  (1  Tim.  iii.  2, 12  ;  Tit.  i.  6), 
the  reason  of  which  command  was  explained  by 
Clement  of  Alexandria  to  be  that  "  they  have 
learnt  from  their  own  households  how  to  govern 
the  church"  (Strom,  iii.  12);  but  it  necessarily 
arose,  and  was  necessarily  answered  in  the  affir- 
mative, as  soon  as  the  cohabitation  of  the  clergy 
with  their  wives  had  been  authoritatively  for- 
bidden. When  pviblic  opinion  came  to  require 
that  a  married  man  should  abstain  from  living 
with  his  wife,  it  was  only  a  question  of  time 
how  soon  it  would  require  him  to  have  no  wife 
at  all ;  and  to  many  the  latter  course  would 
appear  less  revolting  than  the  former.  A  one- 
sided development  of  the  scriptural  precepts 
contained  in  Matt.  xix.  12,  and  in  1  Cor.  vii.  1-7, 
necessarily  led  to  the  high  estimate  of  celibacy 
for  its  own  sake  that  is  found  in  some  early 
writers  (see  Ignatius,  Epist.  ad  Pohjcarp.  c.  v. ; 
Athenagoras,  Legat.  c.  xxxiii. ;  Justin.  Apol.  x. 
XV.),  and  more  naturally  found  its  issue  in  the 
imposition  of  celibacy  than  of  married  asceticism. 
The  arguments  used  from  the  time  of  Siricius 
onwards  against  cohabitation  were  of  equal  force 
against  marriage.  If  it  were  true  that  holiness 
and  abstinence  from  marriage  intercourse  were 
synonymous,  and  if  it  were  true  that  the  clergy 
were  bound  to  be  in  a  peculiar  manner  dedicated 
to  holiness,  the  conclusion  necessarily  drawn  was 
that  the  clergy  should  be  unmarried.  Siricius 
was  the  spiritual  father  of  Damiani  and  Hilde- 
brand.  It  is  true  that  there  was  a  long  struggle, 
sometimes  based  by  the  opponents  of  celibacy  on 
low  and  carnal  motives  ;  sometimes  fought  on  the 
higher  principle  which  brought  into  prominence 
those  other  scriptural  injunctions  which  ought 
to  limit  the  application  commonly  made  of  those 
precepts  on  which  the  idea  of  celibacy  had 
groimded  itself;  sometimes,  too,  appealing  to  the 
practice  of  the  earlier  church,  still  perpetuated 
in  the  East,  But  the  battle  could  not  be  a  suc- 
cessful one  unless  the  principles  laid  down  by 


MARRIAGE 

Siricius  were  repudiated,  and  the  honour  of 
married  life  and  married  intercourse  vindicated. 
In  961  we  find  that  "a  great  disturbance  took 
place"  in  South  Wales  (as  elsewhere)  "because 
the  priests  were  enjoined  not  to  marry  without 
the  leave  of  the  pope ;  so  that  it  was  considered 
best  to  allow  matrimony  to  the  priests " 
{Brut,  y  Tywysog.  p.  28,  Haddan  and  Stubbs, 
Councils  of  Great  Britain,  i,  286).  But  in 
1059  the  West  was  ripe  for  the  decree  of  the 
Roman  council  under  Nicholas  II.,  "  Whatever 
priest,  deacon,  or  subdeacon  shall,  after  the  con- 
stitution of  our  predecessor  of  blessed  memory, 
the  most  holy  pope  Leo  on  clerical  chastity, 
openly  marry  a  concubine  (wife),  or  not  leave 
one  that  he  has  married,  in  the  name  of  Almighty 
God  and  by  the  authority  of  the  blessed  apostles 
Peter  and  Paul,  we  enjoin  and  utterly  forbid  to 
sing  mass  or  read  the  gospel  or  epistle,"  &c. 
(can.  iii..  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  vi.  p.  1052).  In 
the  first  Lateran  Council  under  Callistus  II.,  A.D. 
1123,  the  word  "wife"  is  introduced,  together 
with  that  of  "  concubine."  "  We  utterly  forbid 
priests,  deacons,  and  subdeacons  to  live  with  con- 
cubines and  wives  ;  and  any  other  woman  to  be 
in  the  same  house  with  them,  except  those  whom 
the  Council  of  Nice  allowed  on  the  ground  of 
relationship,  namely,  mother,  sister,  aunt,  and 
so  on,  about  whom  no  suspicion  can  faiily  arise  " 
(can.  iii..  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  vii.  p.  1111).  The 
Lateran  Council  appeals  to  the  authority  of  the 
Council  of  Nice  as  though  forbidding  that  which 
it  deliberately  refused  to  forbid. 

The  fourth  question,  whether  a  twice-married 
man  might  be  ordained,  was  answered  in  the 
negative,  being  contrary  to  an  ecclesiastical  rule 
whicn,  as  we  have  stated  above,  was  founded 
on  a  probably  mistaken  apprehension  of  the 
meaning  of  St.  Paul's  injunction  to  Timothy  and 
Titus  (1  Tim.  iii.  2,  12 ;  Tit.  i.  6).  Accordingly, 
although  about  the  year  220  pope  Callistus 
admitted  twice  or  thrice  married  men  to  the 
Episcopate,  the  Presbyterate,  and  the  Diaconate, 
such  ordinations  were  forbidden  by  the  Apostolical 
Canons  (can.  xvii.)  and  Constitutions  (ii.  2,  vi. 
17),  by  St.  Basil's  canons  (can.  xii.),  and  by  all 
the  synods  that  dealt  with  the  subject,  except 
those  held  among  the  Nestorians.  Here  too, 
however,  a  difference  of  the  discipline  of  the 
East  and  the  West  exhibited  itself.  The  East, 
which,  whenever  it  could  be,  was  more  human 
and  less  rigorist  than  the  West,  refused  to  count 
marriages  which  had  taken  place  before  baptism 
as  disqualifications.  Provided  that  a  man  had 
been  but  once  married  since  his  baptism  he  was 
eligible  in  the  East  to  the  priesthood,  notwith- 
standing any  marriage  that  he  might  have  con- 
tracted as  a  heathen  or  as  a  catechumen  (see 
Council  in  Trullo,  can.  iii.).  Not  so  in  the  West. 
St.  Ambrose  and  St.  Augustine,  popes  Siricius  and 
Innocent,  the  councils  of  Valence  and  Agde, 
agree  in  pronouncing  that  no  such  distinction 
can  be  recognised.  Two  marriages,  whether 
before  or  after  baptism,  exclude  from  the 
ministry.  The  only  voices  raised  in  the  West 
against  this  ruling  are  those  of  St.  Jerome,  who, 
in  defending  the  regularity  of  bishop  Carterius's 
consecration,  declares  that  the  world  was  full  of 
such  ordinations  {Epist.  Ixix.,  Op.  tom.  i.  p.  654, 
Paris,  1846),  and  of  Gennadius  of  Marseilles  {de 
Eccles.  Dogm.  c.  Ixxii.  p.  38,  ed.  Elmenhorst). 
The   rule,  whether   in  its  Eastern   or  Western 


MAREIAGE 

I    form,   being    positive    rather    than    moral,    was 
!    constantly  broljen.      (In  proof  of  this,  see  Ter- 
tullian,  de  Exhortatione  Castitatis,  c.  vii.,  Op.  p. 
[    522,  Paris,  1675  ;  and  Hippolytus,  Philosoph.  ix. 
(     12,  for  early  times  :  a  series  of  councils  testifies 
i    to  the  same  fact  at  a  later  period.)     Sometimes 
a  local  custom  to  the  contrary  would  arise,  which 
maintained    itself  in    opposition   to  the  general 
j     rule.   In  the  5th  century  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia 
I    refused  to  be  bound  by  a  rule  which,  while  it 
I     professed  to  pay   deference  to  St.  Paul's  words, 
!     frustrated  the   purpose  of  the   Apostle.     Theo- 
I     doret,  following  his  lead,  declared  that  he  cared 
j'     nothing  for  a  practice,  however  general,  which 
I     was  based    upon   a   false    interpretation   of  St. 
[     Paul's  command ;  and  when  the  count  Irenaeus 
I     had   been  made    bishop   of  Tyre,  though  twice 
j     married,   and   thereupon    an    order    came    from 
the  emperor  to  depose  him  as  a  digamist  as  well 
as  a  Nestorian,  Theodoret  wrote  a  letter  justify- 
ing his    consecration    on    the    grounds  that   his 
consecrators    had    but    followed  the  example    of 
those    who    had   gone    before    them,    citing  the 
instance  of  Alexander   of  Antioch    and  Acacius 
of  Beroea,  who   had  ordained  Diogenes,  though 
twice   married,  and  that  of  Praulius  of   Jeru- 
salem, who  had  ordained    Domninus,  bishop    of 
Caesarea,  under  like  circumstances.    He  asserted, 
too,  that  the   consecration  of  the  twice  married 
Irenaeus  had  taken  place  with  the  full  approval 
of  Proclus  of  Constantinople,  the  chief  ecclesiastics 
of  Pontus,  and    the    bishops    of  Palestine    (see 
Epist.  ex..   Op.   tom.  iii.    p.    979,    Paris,   1642). 
But   this    uprising    of    common    sense     against 
harsh  rule  did  not  maintain  itself.    The  instances 
given  by  Theodoret  are  exceptions,  which  only 
prove  the  general  (though  not  universal)  rule, 
just  as  the  reiterated  canons  of  councils  prove 
its  frequent  transgression. 

The  rule  against  marrying  a  widow  or  a  divorced 
woman  was  as  stringent  as  that  against  a  second 
marriage.  Special  rules  of  conduct  were  applicable 
to  the  clergyman's  wife  as  well  as  to  the  clergy- 
man. The  wife  of  one  who  was  to  be  ordained  must 
not  have  been  married  to  a  previous  husband 
(see  the  Apostolical  Canons  and  Constitutions  in 
the  places  above  cited,  the  fourth  council  of  Car- 
thage, can.  Ixix.,  &c.),  nor  might  she  marry 
again  after  her  husband's  death.  (See  the  first 
council  of  Toledo,  held  a.d.  400,  can.  xviii. ;  the 
second  council  of  Macon,  a.d.  585,  can.  xvi. ; 
and  the  council  of  Vermerie,  a.d.  752,  can.  iii.) 
In  the  latter  respect  the  widows  of  kings  were  in 
Spain  placed  in  the  same  condition  as  the  widows 
of  clergymen.  The  thirteenth  council  of  Toledo, 
A.D.  683,  forbids  their  remarriage  as  a  facinus 
execrabile  (can.  v..  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  iii.  p. 
1741),  and  the  third  council  of  Saragossa  orders 
them  to  retire  to  a  convent  (can.  v.,  Concil. 
Gaesaraugustanum  III.,  Hard.  ihid.  p.  1784). 
[Celibacy;  Digamy.] 

ix.  Liga7)icn.  The  prohibition  of  polygamy  by 
our  Lord  and  the  Roman  law  and  practice  of 
monogamy  (Cod.  Justin,  lib.  v.  tit.  v.  lig.  2) 
were  sufficient  to  prevent  any  question  being 
raised  of  the  lawfulness  of  simultaneous  mar- 
riages. An  existing  marriage  was  an  insuperable 
impediment  to  contracting  a  second  marriage. 
Here  and  there  exceptions  to  the  rule  are 
found,  not  in  the  earliest  times,  resting  upon 
the  ground  of  conjugal  impotency  (for  which 
see  below),  and  of  enforced  or  voluntary  deser- 


MARRIAGE 


1101 


tion.  By  the  civil  law  a  soldier's  wife  was 
permitted  to  marry  again  after  her  husband 
had  been  absent  four  years  (^Cod.  Justin,  lib. 
V.  tit.  xvii.  leg.  7).  But  the  Council  in 
Trullo,  followisng  St.  Basil,  determines  that 
the  wife  must  wait  till  she  was  certified 
of  her  husband's  death,  however  long  a  time 
might  elapse  (can.  xciii.).  On  the  other 
hand,  the  council  of  Vermerie,  a.d.  752, 
enacts  that  if  a  wife  will  not  accompany  her  hus- 
band who  has  been  compelled  to  follow  his  lord 
into  another  land,  the  husband  may  marry  again 
if  he  sees  no  hope  of  returning  home,  submitting 
at  the  same  time  to  do  penance  (can.  ix..  Hard. 
Concil.  tom.  iii.  p.  1991).  Theodore  of  Canter- 
bury, A.D.  688,  pronounces  that  if  a  wife  has 
been  carried  away  by  the  enemy  so  that  her  hus- 
band cannot  redeem  her,  he  may  marry  another 
woman  after  one  year ;  if  there  is  a  chance  of 
redeeming  her,  he  is  to  wait  five  years,  and  the 
wife  in  the  analogous  position  is  to  do  likewise, 
before  remarrying.  He  adds,  that  if  the  first 
wife  returns  from  captivity  her  husband  is  to 
take  her  back  and  dismiss  his  second  wife  ;  and 
the  wife  likewise  (Penitential,  lib.  ii.  cap.  xii.  §§ 
20-22) ;  but  a  subsequent  clause  reverses  this 
ruling,  and  orders  that  the  wife  on  her  return  is 
not  to  be  taken  back  by  her  husband,  but  that 
she  may  marry  another  man,  if  she  has  been 
only  once  married  (ibid.  §  24).  Theodore's 
Capitula,  as  given  by  Harduin  (Concil.  tom. 
iii.  p.  1778)  fixes  seven  years  for  man-iage  after 
desertion,  and  one  year  in  case  a  wife  has  been 
carried  captive ;  but  these  Capitula  are  not 
genuine  in  the  form  in  which  they  have  come 
down  to  us.  In  Egbert's  Excerpts,  as  they  are 
called,  it  is  decided  that  the  man  whose  wife  is 
carried  away  may  marry  again  after  seven  years, 
and  similarly  with  respect  to  the  wife :  in  the 
case  of  the  wife's  voluntary  desertion,  the  man 
may  marry  again  after  five  or  seven  years,  with 
the  bishop's  consent,  but  must  do  penance  for 
three  years  (can.  cxxii.  cxxiii..  Hard.  Concil. 
tom.  iii.  p.  1972);  but  these  Excerpts  are  not 
Egbert's ;  they  probably  belong  to  the  ninth 
century,  perhaps  to  the  tenth.  Such  concessions 
as  these  are,  for  the  most  part,  not  only  of  a 
late  date  but  local  and  exceptional,  to  meet  par- 
ticular cases  as  they  arose.  Theodore  of  Can- 
terbury himself  notes  one  such  concession  as  un- 
canonical,  though  allowed  by  the  Greeks, 
namely,  that  two  married  persons  might  agree 
to  separate  and  one  of  them  go  into  a  monastery, 
the  other  marry  again,  unless  already  twice 
married  (Penitential,  lib.  ii.  cap.  xii.  §  8) ;  but 
he  allows  them,  in  such  a  case,  to  separate,  or 
in  case  of  incapacity  from  sickness  (ihid.  §  12). 
The  rule  of  Christian  life  was  plain.    [Bigamy.] 

X.  Honestas.  Betrothal  to  a  woman  is  sup- 
posed to  cause  an  impediment  to  marrying  her 
nearest  relatives,  so  that  if  a  man  be  betrothed 
to  one  sister  and  marries  another,  his  mar- 
riage is  null  and  void,  and  he  is  still  bound 
to  cari'y  out  his  betrothal-promise  to  the  first 
sister.  Antiquity  knows  nothing  of  this,  a 
spurious  decree  of  pope  Julius  is  quoted  as  the 
first  authority  for  it.  (See  Van  Espen,  Jus  Eccle- 
siasticum,  pars  ii.  §  i.,  tit.  xiii.  25,  p.  589.) 

xi.  Aetas.  The  age  before  which  a  marriage 
contract  was  null  and  void  was,  in  the  case  of 
the  woman,  twelve,  of  the  man  fourteen  years. 
(See  Selden,  Uxor  Ehraica,  lib.  ii.   c.  3  ;  Digest. 


1102 


MARRIAGE 


lib.  xxiii.  tit.  ii.  leg.  4  ;  Instit.  lib.  i.  tit.  x.\ii. ; 
Martene,  de  Antiquis  Ecclcs.  Ritibus,  cap.  ix. 
art.  i.  ii.) 

xii.  Affinis.  [Prohibited  Degrees.] 
xiii.  Clandestinus.  The  publicity  of  the  mar- 
riage contract  was  always  regarded  as  aE  essen- 
tial part  of  it.  Different  means  were  taken  in 
different  countries  for  ensuring  publicity,  bat 
that  it  should  exist  was  recognised  by  every 
civilised  stnte  as  the  foundation  of  its  social 
system.  Among  the  Jews  and  Romans  a  certain 
number  of  witnesses  was  required  ;*■  TertuUian 
declares  thdt  the  church  demands  publicity  (de 
Fudicitia,  cap.  iv.,  Op.  p.  557) ;  and  the  pre- 
sence of  witnesses  is  pronounced  by  a  law  of 
Theodosius  Jun.,  quoted  below,  to  be  one  of  the 
few  things  which  could  not  be  dispensed  with 
m  a  marriage  ceremony.  The  testimony  of  the 
church  officer  before  whom  the  contract  was 
made  natifrally  came  to  be  accepted  as  the  best 
testimony  that  could  be  had,  but  it  was  not 
until  the  council  of  Trent  that  all  marriages 
were  declared  null,  on  the  ground  of  their  being 
clandestine,  unless  they  were  celebrated  in  the 
presence  of  the  incumbent  of  the  parish  in 
which  one  of  the  contracting  parties  lived.  The 
council  of  Verneuil  orders  that  all  marriages 
shall  be  made  in  public,  whatever  i-ank  the 
parties  might  be  (Cone.  Vernens.  can.  xv., 
Hard.  Concil.  torn.  iii.  p.  1997).  The  council  of 
Friuli,  A.D.  791,  gives  the  same  order  with  a 
view  to  the  prevention  of  marriages  of  consan- 
guinity or  affinity  {Cone.  Forojuliense,  can.  viii., 
ib.  tom.  iv.  p.  859). 

xiv.  Impos.  Impotency  is  an  impediment 
which  makes  a  marriage  not  void,  but  voidable 
after  a  period  of  three  years.  In  Christian 
legislation  it  was  fii-st  recognised  by  Justinian, 
A.D.  528,  as  an  adequate  cause  for  a  divorce  {Cod. 
Justin,  lib.  V.  tit.  xvii.  leg.  10  ;  Auth.  Collat.  iv. 
tit.  1,  Novell,  xxii.  6,  Corp.  Juris,  tom.  ii.  pp. 
458,  124).  See  also  Photius,  Nomoeanon,  tit. 
xiii.  §  4.  Theodoi-e's  Penitential  declares  it  a 
sufficient  cause  for  a  woman  to  take  another 
husband  (lib.  ii.  cap.  xii.  §  32),  or  if  arising 
from  sickness,  for  a  separation  {ibid.  §  12).  In 
the  eighth  century  Gregory  II.,  replying  to  a 
question  of  Boniface  of  Germany,  goes  so  far  as  to 
lay  it  down  that  in  case  of  impotency  on  the 
part  of  the  woman,  arising  from  an  attack  of 
illness,  "  it  would  be  well  that  her  husband 
should  remain  as  he  is,  and  give  himself  up  to 
self-restraint ;  but  whereas  none  but  great  souls 
can  attain  to  this,  let  a  man  who  cannot  contain 
marry  rather,  but  he  is  not  to  withdraw  ali- 
mony from  her  who  is  only  prevented  by  in- 
firmity, not  excluded  by  loathsome  guilt  "  (cap. 
ii..  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  iii.  p.  1858).  At  the  end 
of  the  same  century,  Egbert,  of  York,  rules, 
though  with  great  reluctance,  in  a  similar  case, 
that  the  one  of  the  two  that  is  in  good  health 
may    marry  again  with  the   permission  of  the 


^  Athanaeus  says  that  one  object  of  the  nuptial  ban- 
quet was  to  serve  as  a  witness :  "  Sic  enim  moribus  et 
legibus  scitum  est.ut  in  nuptiis  epulum  fiat,  turn  ut  nup- 
tiales  Decs  veneremur,  turn  ut  pro  testimonio  id  sit." 
(Beipnosoph.  lib.  v.  c.  i.,  Op.  p.  185,  Lugd.  1657.) 
Another  way  in  which  publicity  was  effected  was  the 
insertion  of  the  marriages  in  the  Acta,  which  appeared 
daily,  lilie  modern  newspapers,  but  there  were  no  public 
marriage  registers. 


MARRIAGE 

one  that  is  sick,  provided  that  the  latter 
promises  perpetual  continence  and  is  never 
allowed  to  marry  during  the  other's  life,  under 
any  change  of  circumstances  {Dialogue  of  Egbert, 
Resp.  xiii.,  Haddan  and  tstubbs,  Councils  of 
Great  Britain,  vol.  iii.  p.  409).  The  laws  of 
Howel  Dda,  A.D.  928,  allow  a  woman  to  separate 
from  her  husband,  without  losing  her  dower, 
on  the  grounds  of  impotency,  leprosy  or  bad 
breath  {Cyfreithiau  Hywel  Dda,  bk.  ii.  c.  xxix. 
§  26,  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Councils  of  Great 
Britain,  vol.  i.  p.  247).  St.  Thomas  Aquinas 
and  later  moral  theologians  go  further  still; 
they  allow  that  an  excessive  disgust  for  a 
wife  justifies  a  man  in  regarding  himself  im- 
potent in  respect  to  her  (see  Liguori,  Thcol.  Mor. 
vi.  6.  3,  2).  These  are  concessions,  which,  how- 
ever they  may  have  been  acted  on  in  more  than 
one  conspicuous  instance,  cannot  be  reconciled 
with  the  rules  of  ordinary  mor.ality.  In  the 
6th  century  the  second  council  of  Orleans  ruled 
in  a  contrary  sense  (can.  xi.,  Hard.  Concil.  tom. 
ii.  p.  1175).  Impotency  existing  at  the  time  of 
marriage  being  incompatible  with  the  primary 
end  of  the  contract,  makes  the  contract  void  or 
voidable  without  the  intervention  of  any  statute 
or  canon  law. 

XV.  Raptus.  This  impediment  is  sometimes 
classed  under  that  of  vis.  It  means  not  ex- 
actly the  same  as  our  word  ravishment,  but  the 
violent  removal  of  a  woman  to  a  place  where 
her  actions  are  no  longer  free,  for  the  sake  of 
inducing  or  compelling  her  to  marry.  The  act 
of  Bothwell  in  carrying  away  Mary  Stuart, 
would  have  been  precisely  a  case  of  raptus  had 
there  been  no  collusion  between  them.  By  some 
raptus  is  distinguished  into  the  two  classes 
of  raptus  sediwtionis  and  raptus  violentiae. 
Whether  ravishment  in  the  strict  sense  of  the 
word  is  an  impediment  to  a  future  marriage  is 
a  question  which  has  been  answered  in  contrary 
ways.  Those  who  regarded  it  as  a  shameful 
act  that  a  man  should  gain  his  object  by  com- 
mitting a  great  crime,  decided  that  it  was  an 
insuperable  impediment  for  ever.  Those  who 
considered  that  the  injury  done  to  the  woman 
could  only  be  atoned  for  and  nullified  by  mar- 
riage, took  the  opposite  view,  and  required  the 
ravisher  to  marry  her.  The  Roman  law  made 
it  a  perpetual  impediment.  Laws  of  Constan- 
tine  and  Constantius  inflict  capital  punishment 
on  ravishers  {Cod.  Theod,  lib.  ix.  tit.  xxiv. 
legg.  1,  2);  and  Justinian,  after  having  pro- 
nounced the  penalty  of  death  for  the  crime, 
continues,  "  Nor  is  the  ravished  woman  to  be 
allowed  to  ask  for  and  obtain  her  ravisher 
as  her  husband  :  her  parents  are  to  marry  her 
to  whom  they  will,  except  the  ravisher,  in  lawful 
wedlock,  but  our  serenity  will  never  in  any  way 
consent  to  the  act  of  those  who  try  to  wed  in 
our  state  like  enemies.  For  every  one  who 
wishes  for  a  wife,  whether  free  or  freed,  is  to 
ask  her  of  her  parents  or  other  guardians  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  tenor  of  our  laws,  that  by 
their  consent  a  legitimate  marriage  may  take 
place  "  {Cod.  Justin,  lib.  is.  tit.  xiii.  leg.  1,  Corp. 
Juris,  tom.  ii.  p.  832).  The  law  of  the  Visigoths 
went  so  far  as  to  punish  ravisher  and  victim 
with  death  if  they  should  presume  to  marry 
(lib.  iii.  tit.  iii.  legg.  1,  2,  Canciani,  vol.  iv.  p.  93). 
On  the  other  hand  the  Ostrogothic  law  required 
the  man  to  marry  and  to  endow  the   woman. 


MARKIAGE 

Similarly  the  Apostolical  Canons,  after  having 
pronounced  excommunication  on  the  ravisher  of 
an  unbetrothed  virgin,  ruled  that  he  may  not 
take  another  wife,  but  must  keep  her,  though  poor 
(can.  Ixviii.).  The  laws  of  king  Ethelbert,  A.D. 
597,  order  that  the  ravisher  is  to  pay  a  shilling 
to  the  owner  of  the  girl  and  then  buy  her  of 
him;  but  if  she  were  betrothed  he  is  to  be 
fined  twenty  shillings  (Dooms,  Ixxxii.,  Ixxxiii., 
Haddan  and  Stubbs,  vol.  iii.  p.  49).  St.  Basil  says 
that  the  marriage  is  to  depend  upon  the  will  of 
the  woman's  friends  (Epiat.  Canon.  II.  can.  xxii). 
The  ravisher,  according  to  the  same  authority, 
is  to  do  penance  for  three  years  [ib.  can.  xxx). 
The  council  of  Chalcedon,  A.D.  451,  and  the 
council  in  TruUo  decree  that  a  ravisher  is  to 
be  deposed  if  a  clergyman,  anathematised  if  a 
layman  (cans,  sxvii.  xcii.,  Hard.  Concil.  torn.  ii. 
p.  611 ;  tom.  iii.  p.  1694).  The  first  council  of 
Orleans,  A.D.  511,  orders  that  a  ravisher  who  flies 
with  the  woman  to  a  church  is  to  be  made  a  slave 
with  power  of  redemption  (can.  ii.,  ib.  p.  1009). 
The  third  council  excommunicates  the  ravishers 
of  consecrated  virgins  (can.  xvi.,  ih.  pp.  14-2G). 
The  Roman  council  under  Gregory  II.  anathema- 
tises all  ravishers  (can.  x.  xi.  ib.  tom.  iii.  p.  1866). 
The  Capitula  of  Herard  of  Tours  forbid  the  mar- 
riage of  the  parties  concerned  (cap.  ex.,  ih.  tom.  v. 
p.  457).  The  Council  of  Meaux,  A.D.  845,  ad- 
vises it  (can.  Ixv.,  ib.  tom.  iv.  p.  1494). 

Second  Marriage. — Is  previous  marriage  an 
impediment  to  a  second,  third,  or  fourth  mar- 
riage ?  This  is  a  question  which  was  raised  in 
the  early  church,  and  discussed  with  some 
warmth,  and,  like  the  celibacy  of  the  clergy,  was 
answered  somewhat  differently  at  different  times 
and  in  different  places.  Certainly  there  is 
nothing  in  Holy  Scripture  to  forbid  successive 
marriages  (at  least  so  far  as  the  laity  are  con- 
cerned ;  the  question  of  the  second  marriage  of 
the  clergy  has  been  considered  above).  St. 
Paul  distinctly  states  that  after  the  death  of  one 
party  to  the  contract  the  other  may  marry 
again,  provided  that  the  second  husband  or  wife 
be  a  Christian  (Rom.  vii.  2  ;  1  Cor.  vii.  39) ;  and 
he  desires  that  under  such  circumstances  young 
widows  should  remarry  (1  Cor.  vii. ;  1  Tim.  v.  14). 
The  teaching  of  the  early  church  was 
framed  on  that  of  St.  Paul ;  but  some  miscon- 
ception of  the  views  of  early  writers  has  arisen, 
owing  to  their  designating  both  marriage  after 
divorce  and  marriage  after  death  by  the  same 
name  of  second  marriage.  Thus  Clement  of 
Alexandria,  in  the  third  book  of  the  Stromateis, 
which  is  devoted  to  the  subject  of  marriage, 
speaks  with  reprobation  of  second  marriage : 
but  a  careful  examination  of  the  context  leads 
to  the  conclusion  that  he  is  speaking  of  a  second 
marriage  while  the  first  husband  or  wife  is  still 
alive  (c.  xii.);  for  in  the  same  chapter  of  the 
same  book,  he  plainly  declares  second  marriage 
permissible,  adding,  however,  that  he  who  mar 
ries  a  second  time  falls  short  of  the  highest 
evangelical  perfection.  Whether  the  third 
(^anon  of  the  council  of  Neo-Caesarea  which  con- 
demns "  those  that  have  fallen  into  several  mar- 
riages," refers  to  successive  or  to  simultaneous 
marriages,  has  been  questioned,  but  it  is  likely 
that  it  is  aimed  at  some  form  of  polygamy  or 
marriage  after  divorce,  not  at  marriage  after 
death  (see  Brouwer,  de  Jure  Connubiorum,  lib. 
ii.  c.  six.  §  7,  Op.  p.  569,  Delphis,  1714). 


MARRIAGE 


1103 


Hermae  Pastor  deals  with  the  question  alto- 
gether in  St.  Paul's  spirit,  and  almost  adopts 
his  words  "  Qui  nubit,  non  peccat  sed  si  per  se 
manserit,  magnum  sibi  conquirit  honorem  apud 
Dominum"  (lib.  ii.  Mand.  4,  apud  Cotelerii 
Patres  Apostulicos,  tom.  i.  p.  90 ;  Amsterdam, 
1724,  where  see  note).  The  Apostolical  Consti- 
tutions ^(c.  ii.)  permit  second  marriage,  re- 
prove third  marriage,  and  forbid  fourth  mar- 
riage. "  For  you  ought  to  know  this,  that  once 
marrying  according  to  the  law  is  righteous,  as 
being  according  to  the  will  of  God ;  but  second 
marriages  after  the  promise  [of  widowhood]  are 
wicked,  not  on  account  of  the  marriage  itself, 
but  because  of  the  falsehood.  Third  marriages 
are  indications  of  incontinency.  But  such  mar- 
riages as  are  beyond  the  third  are  manifest 
fornication  and  unquestionable  uncleanness.  For 
God  gave  one  woman  to  one  man  in  the  crea- 
tion ;  for  they  two  shall  be  one  flesh.  But  to 
the  younger  women  let  a  second  marriage  be 
allowed  after  the  death  of  their  first  husband, 
lest  they  fall  into  the  condemnation  of  the  devil 
and  many  snares  and  foolish  lusts,  which  are 
hurtful  to  souls,  and  which  bring  upon  them 
punishment  rather  than  peace  "  (lib.  iii.  c.  2). 
Origen  goes  so  far  as  to  say  that  second,  third, 
and  fourth  marriages  exclude  from  the  kingdom 
cf  heaven,  but  he  proceeds  to  explain  that  by 
the  kingdom  of  heaven  he  means  that  church 
"  which  hath  neither  spot  nor  wrinkle  nor  any 
such  thing,"  that  is,  the  invisible  body  of  per- 
fect Christians.  He  allows  that  the  twice  mai-- 
ried  are  in  a  state  of  salvation,  but  says  that 
they  will  not  receive  a  crown  at  their  Master's 
hands  (Horn.  xvii.  in  Lice.,  Op.  tom.  iii.  p.  953); 
and  elsewhere  he  says  that  a  woman  who  mar- 
ries twice  will  not  forfeit  salvation,  but  will 
enjoy  less  beatitude  {/lorn.  xix.  in  Jerem.,  ib. 
p.  267).  Tertullian,  vehement  monogamist  as 
he  was,  yet  allows  that  second  marriage  is  only 
an  obstacle  to  saintliness,  not  in  itself  unlawful 
(ad  Uxor.  lib.  i.  cap.  7).  Fulgentius,  in  his 
work  on  the  Faith,  declares  second  and  third 
marriage  permissible  (de  Fide,  c.  xlii.,  Op.  p. 
484,  Ants.  1574).  Hilary  of  Poitiers  follows 
St.  Paul  in  teaching  that  second  marriage  is 
lawful  (Tract,  in  Psalm.  Ixvii. ;  Op.  p.  194: 
Paris,  1693).  Cyril  of  Jerusalem  pronounces 
second  marriage  a  thing  to  be  pardoned  (Catech. 
iv.  16,  Op.  p.  60,  Oxon.  1703).  The  Oration 
(falsely)  attributed  to  Amphilochius  holds  it 
permissible  in  case  there  are  no  children  by  the 
first  marriage  (Orat.  in  Occursum  Domini,  Op. 
p.  32,  Paris,  1644).  Pope  Gelasius  declares  it  per- 
missible in  laymen,  though  not  allowable  in  the 
clergy  (Epist.  v.  cap.  xxii..  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  ii. 
p.  903).  Epiphanius  (Haercs.  lix.,  Op.  tom.  i.  p. 
497),  Theodoret  (Com.  in  1  Cor.  xvii.  39),  St. 
Ambrose  (de  Viduis,  c.  xi..  Op.  tom.  ii.  p.  203, 
St.  Augustine  (de  Bono  Vid.  c.  vi.,  Op.  tom.  vi. 
p.  435),  St.  Jerome  (Epist.  xxvii.  ad  Marcellam, 
Op.  tom.  ii.  pars  2,  p.  64),  pronounce  in  like  man- 
ner in  favour  of  the  legality  and  against  the 
propriety  of  a  second  marriage.  This  was  the 
general  sentiment  of  the  early  church.  The 
severer  view  was  banished  from  within  the  bor- 
ders of  the  church  and  became  a  distinctive 
mark  of  Montanists  and  Novatians.  See  Ter- 
tullian, de  Exhortatione  Castitatis,  c.  vii.,  and 
de  Monogami'i,  passim.  The  council  of  Nicaea 
I  (can.  viii.)  deliberately  condemned  the  Noyatiaa 


1101 


MAEEIAGE 


view  by  requiring  that   none    should  refuse   to 
hold  communion  with  Digamists. 

Second  marriages  were  discountenanced  by 
the  imposition  of  a  penance,  but  how  soon  this 
practice  arose  is  questioned.  Some  think  that 
they  find  it  enjoined  in  the  canons  of  the  council 
of  Laodicea,  A.D.  360,  the  first  of  which  rules 
that  "in  accordance  with  the  ecclesiastical 
canon,  those  who  have  been  married  a  second 
time  in  a  free  and  lawful  way,  and  have  not 
taken  their  wives  in  a  clandestine  manner,  are  to 
be  allowed  communion  (ex  tenia  dari  com- 
munionem)  after  a  little  time  has  passed,  and 
they  have  hiid  a  period  for  prayer  and  fasting 
(orationibus  et  jejuniis  vacaverint)."  The  last  ex- 
pression has  been  not  unfrequently  understood, 
and  it  is  understood  by  Hefele  (Hist,  of  Councils, 
bk.  vi.),  to  refer  to  an  ecclesiastical  penance  that 
the  married  couple  had  to  undergo  for  their 
offence  in  marrying  a  second  time ;  but  it 
may  only  mean  that  a  space  was  to  intervene 
after  marriage,  which  was  to  be  devoted  by 
them  to  prayer  and  fasting  before  they 
offered  themselves  at  the  Lord's  table.  The 
"  ecclesiastical  canon  "  referred  to  in  the  Laodicean 
canon  is  not  one  that  restrains  second  mar- 
riages, but,  no  doubt,  the  eighth  canon  of 
the  council  of  Nicaea,  which  is  in  favour  of 
them ;  and  the  practice  of  setting  apart  a 
time  for  prayer  and  fasting  before  commu- 
nicating after  marriage,  whether  regarded  as 
a  penitential  discipline  or  not,  was  looked  upon 
as  a  proper  act  of  reverence,  whether  the  marriage 
was  the  first  or  the  second.  (See  Herard's 
Capitula,  cap.  Ixxsix.,  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  v.  p. 
456.  Compare  also  the  so-called  fourth  council 
of  Carthage,  can.  xiii.,  Hefele,  bk.  viii.;  and 
Theodore's  Penitential,  lib.  ii.  cap.  xii.  §§  1,  2.) 
By  the  end  of  the  7th  century  this  period  of 
prayer  and  fasting  was  distinctly  regarded  as  a 
time  of  penance,  but  it  was  a  penance  imposed 
upon  those  who  contracted  a  first  marriage,  as 
much  as  upon  those  who  entered  on  a  second 
marriage,  the  only  difference  being  that  a  longer 
period  was  assigned  in  the  latter  case  than  in 
the  former.  Theodore  of  Canterbury  orders 
that  in  a  first  marriage  the  husband  and  wife 
are  to  refrain  from  church  for  thirty  days,  and 
then  to  do  penance  for  forty  days,  and  give 
themselves  to  prayer,  before  communicating, 
while  a  man  who  makes  a  second  marriage  is  to 
do  penance  for  a  year  on  Wednesdays  and 
Fridays,  and  to  abstain  from  flesh  meat  for  three 
Lents.  This  is  a  plain  instance  of  penance  being 
required  for  second  marriage,  but  it  is  equally 
plain  that  the  offence  for  which  penance  has 
to  be  done  is  rather  that  of  marrying  than  of 
marrying  a  second  time  (Penitential,  lib.  i. 
c.  xiv.  §§  1,  2).  No  doubt,  however,  from  very 
early  times  a  difference  was  made  not  only  in 
respect  to  the  honour  paid  to  first  and  second 
marriages,  but  also  in  the  ceremonies  with  which 
they  were  performed.  The  Council  of  Iseo- 
caesarea,  A.d.  314,  forbids  presbyters  to  be  pre- 
sent at  the  festivities  of  a  second  marriage,  and 
the  ceremonies  of  crowning  the  bride  and  bride- 
groom, and  givingthe  benediction  were  commonly, 
though  not  universally,  omitted.  'O  Siyauos  ov 
anipavovrai  became  a  familiar  Greek  saying. 
St.  Basil  speaks  of  a  penalty  due  to  digamy  as 
already  a  well-known  custom  in  the  year  375, 
The    early  Roman    discipline    is    probably  ex- 


MAERIAGE 

hibited  to  us  in  the  commentary  attributed  to 
St.  Ambrose,  supposed  to  have  been  written  by 
Hilary  the  Deacon.  "  First  marriages  are  godly 
second  marriages  are  permitted  :  first  marriages 
are  solemnly  celebrated  under  the  benediction  of 
God,  second  marriages  are  left  without  honour, 
even  at  the  time  of  celebration,  but  they  are 
allowed  on  account  of  incontinency "  (Com.  in 
1  Cor.  vii.  40,  Op.  tom.  ii.  p.  138).  See  also 
Durandus,  Rntionale  Div.  Offic.  i.  ix.  15,  Op.  p. 
28,  Venice,  1577  ;  and  the  office  for  the  marriage 
of  Digamists  in  Goar's  Euchologium,  p.  401, 
Paris,  1647.  In  the  East  Nicephorus,  patri- 
arch of  Constantinople,  in  the  year  814,  fixes 
two  years  as  the  period  for  suspension  from 
communion  for  a  second  marriage  (Hard.  Concil. 
tom.  iv.  p.  1052). 

St.  Basil's  canons  forbid  third  marriages,  but 
did  not  require  the  separation  of  the  parties 
married.  Theodore  of  Canterbury,  A.D.  687,  im- 
poses a  penance  of  seven  years,  on  Wednesda}'* 
and  Fridays,  with  abstinence  from  flesh  meat  for 
three  Lents,  on  trigamists,  or  any  who  contract 
more  than  three  marriages,  but  pronounces  the 
marriages  valid  (Penitential,  lib.  i.  c.  xiv.  §  3). 
Nicephorus  of  Constantinople,  A.D.  814,  suspends 
trigamists  for  five  years  (Hard.  Concil.  tom.  iv. 
p.  1052).  Herard  of  Tours,  A.D.  858,  declares 
any  greater  number  of  wives  than  two  to  be 
unlawful  (cap.  cxi.,  ibid.  tom.  v.  p.  457).  Leo 
the  Wise,  emperor  of  Constantinople,  was  allowed 
to  marry  three  wives  without  public  remon- 
strance, but  was  suspended  from  communion  by 
the  patriarch  Nicholas  when  he  married  a  fourth. 
This  led  to  a  council  being  held  at  Constanti- 
nople, A.D.  920,  which  finally  settled  the  Greek 
discipline  on  the  subject  of  third  and  fourth 
marriages.  It  ruled  that  the  penalty  for  a 
fourth  marriage  was  to  be  excommunication  and 
exclusion  from  the  church  ;  for  a  third  marriage, 
if  a  man  were  forty  years  old,  suspension  for  five 
years,  and  admission  to  communion  thereafter 
only  on  Easter  day.  If  he  were  thirty  years  old, 
suspension  for  four  years,  and  admission  to  com- 
munion thereafter  only  three  times  a  year. 

A  widow  might  not  marry  again  till  the 
expiration  of  the  old  Romulean  ten-month  year 
from  the  time  of  her  husband's  death.  By 
Theodosius  this  term  was  extended  to  twelve 
months  (Cod.  Theod.  lib.  iii.  tit.  viii.  leg.  1). 

II.  Marriage  Ceremoxies.  The  marriage 
rite  was  divided  into  two  parts,  the  betrothal 
and  the  nuptials,  each  of  which  had  its  own 
peculiar  ceremonies  attached  to  it.  The  betrothal 
was  a  legal  contract,  entered  into  between  a  man 
and  a  woman,  binding  them  to  marry  within  a 
given  time,  which  time  came  to  be  fixed  at  two 
years ;  the  nuptials  were  a  further  contract, 
whereby  each  gave  to  the  other  certain  rights 
over  himself  or  herself,  and  received  in  turn  the 
gift  of  certain  rights  over  the  other.  Betrothal 
could  be  omitted  without  absolutely  and  in  all 
cases  invalidating  the  marriage,  but  when  formal 
betrothal  had  taken  place,  nuptials  could  not  be 
declined  by  either  party  without  incurring  both 
ignominy  and  punishment.  The  council  of  Elvira 
condemned  parents  who  break  their  promise  given 
at  espousals  to  excommunication  for  three  years 
(Cone.  Elib.  can.  liv.).  If  the  woman  breaks  her 
troth,  Theodore  of  Canterbury's  Penitential  con- 
demns her  to  restore  the  money  which  the 
man  had  given  for  her,  and  to   add  to  it  one- 


MAREIAGE 

third  ;  if  the  mau  refuses,  he  is  to  lose  the  money 
that  he  had  paid.  A  betrothed  woman  may  go 
into  a  monastery  instead  of  marrying,  but  her 
parents  may  not  give  her  to  another  man  unless 
she  shews  an  utter  repugnance  to  the  proposed 
match  (lib.  ii.  c  xii.  §§  36,  34). 

A.  Betrothal  ceremonies.  We  are  fortunate  in 
having  both  a  definition  of  betrothal  and  a 
description  of  the  ceremonies  which  accompany 
it  given  us  by  pope  Nicholas  in  his  Replies  to 
the  Bulgarians,  who  had  asked  his  counsel,  A.D. 
860.  "Betrothal,"  he  says,  "  is  the  promise  of 
future  nuptials  made  by  the  consent  of  the 
contracting  parties  and  of  their  guardians  ;"  and 

1  he  explains  that  the  betrothed  proceed  to  their 
nuptials  at  some  suitable  time  "after  the  man 
has  betrothed  the  woman  to  himself  with  arrliae 

I  by  adorning  her  finger  with  a  ring  of  fidelity, 
and  the  man  has  handed  over  a  dowry  agreed  to 

I  by  both  of  them  in  a  written  form  containing 
his  covenant  before  witnesses  invited  on  both 
sides."  This  passage  embodies  an  account  of  the 
traditional  practice  which  had  existed  for  centu- 
ries previous  to  the  date  of  Nicholas,  for  he 
distinctly  states  that  he  is  relating  to  the  Bul- 
garians "  the  custom  which  the  holy  Roman 
church  has  received  from  old  "  (Nicol.  Bespons. 
ad  consulta  Bulgarorum,  Resp.  iii..  Hard.  Concil. 
torn.  v.  p.  354).  We  see  here  that  there  are 
four  things  necessary  to  make  betrothal  regular: 
1,  arrhae ;  2,  a  ring  ;  3,  a  dowry ;  4,  witnesses. 
1.  The  most  essential  of  these  ceremonies  was 
the  bestowal  of  the  arrhae,  or  earnest  money, 
supposed  by  some  to  have  been  originally  given 
by  the  man  as  the  symbolical  purchase-money  of 
the  maiden,  answering  to  the  Jewish  rite  termed 
>]DD1  ("by  money"),  recalling  in  a  sort  both 
the  Roman  co-emptio,  and  the  barbaric  practice 
of  purchasing  wives.  But  it  is  probable  that  it 
was  no  more  than  a  pledge  such  as  was  given 
in  other  cases  where  bargains  were  struck  which 
could  not  be  immediately  carried  out.  It  served 
to  assure  the  woman  that  she  should  hereafter 
share  her  husband's  worldly  goods,  of  which  the 
coin  given  at  espousals  was  an  earnest,  and  it 
was  evidence  which  might  be  exhibited  by  the 
aggrieved  party  in  case  of  a  breach  of  promise 
of  marriage.  Thus  we  read  that  Andarchius 
went  to  law  with  the  daughter  of  Ursus, 
alleging  as  proof  of  his  espousals  with  her  that 
he  had  given  her  an  arrha.  (See  Gregory  of 
Tours'  History,  lib.  iv.  c.  41,  apud  Hist.  Franc. 
Script,  tom.  i.  p.  322,  Paris,  1636.)  That  the 
practice  existed  among  the  Western  nations 
before  they  were  Christianized  is  proved  by  the 
ambassadors  of  Clovis  betrothing  Clotilda  to 
him  by  presenting  a  shilling  and  a  penny, 
"according  to  the  custom  of  the  Franks." 
The  Espousals  service  is  called  by  the  name  of 
a.KoXov6ia  rod  a^a^Siuos  or  ordo  in  niiptiarum 
suharrhatione  in  the  Greek  Euchologion  (Goar, 
p.  380,  Paris,  1647).  Suharrhare  came  to  be 
equivalent  to  espouse.     [Arrhae.] 

2.^  The  ring  is  described  by  pope  Nicholas  as 
making  part  of  the  arrhae.  It  was  used  in  pre- 
Christian  times  in  marriages,  and  was  probably 
borrowed  by  the  Jews  from  pagan  usage.  Among 
the  Jews  it  occasionally  took  the  place  of  the  piece 
of  money,  the  payment  of  which  constituted  one  of 
the  three  forms  of  Jewish  marriage.  When  this  was 
the  case,  an  examination  was  instituted  to  see  if  its 
value  were  equal  to  that  of  the  legally  required 


MARRIAGE 


1105 


coin  before  it  was  accepted  as  an  equivalent  (Sel- 
den,  Uxor Ebraica,  ii.  14).  Among  Christians  it  was 
probably  adopted,  not  only  as  part  of  the  arrhae, 
but  as  having  (if  it  were  the  same  as  the  seal  ring 
described  by  Clement  of  Alexandria),  a  symbolical 
meaning  like  that  of  the  presentation  of  a  bunch 
of  keys,  shewing  that  the  wife  had  the  charge 
of  the  household  goods.  "He  gives  a  gold 
ring,"  says  St.  Clement,  "  not  for  ornament,  but 
that  she  may  with  it  seal  up  what  has  to  be 
kept  safe,  as  the  care  of  keeping  the  house 
belongs  to  her"  (^Paedagog.  iii.  11,  Op.  p.  287). 
Other  and  less  material  symbolisms  easily  at- 
tached themselves  to  the  ring :  it  was  a  type  of 
fiilelity,  of  safely  guarded  modesty,  of  union,  of 
protection,  of  the  Holy  Spirit's  encircling  grace. 
Tertullian  testifies  to  its  use,  in  the  words  "  digito 
quem  sponsus  oppignerasset  pronubo  annulo " 
{Apologet.  c.  ^i..  Op.  p.  7).  In  later  times  the 
ring  Avas  blessed  by  a  special  service.  Some 
Eastern  rituals  required  the  interchange  of  two 
rings  (Goar,  Enchologium,  p.  385).  The  latest 
issued  Rituale,  that  of  the  Old  Catholics,  contains 
a  form  for  the  blessing  either  of  two  rings  or 
of  one  (Old  Catholic  Bitual,  p.  39,  Eng.  tr.  Oxf. 
1876). 

3.  The  dowry  is  next  mentioned.  Among  the 
Greeks  and  Romans  it  was  the  custom  that  the 
dowry  should  be  paid  or  promised  at  the  betrothal 
by  the  relatives  of  the  woman  (see  Plautns, 
Trinummus,  act  v.)  ;  with  the  Hebrews  (as  with 
the  Germans — see  Tacitus,  de  Morihus  Germa- 
norxim,  c.  xviii.)  the  dowry  was  paid  by  the  man 
(Gen.  xxxiv.  12;  1  Sam.  xviii.  25),  but  occa- 
sionally the  father  gave  a  dowry  to  his  daughter 
(Judges  i.  XV.).  The  Hebrew  custom  prevailed 
in  the  early  church,  and  is  embodied  in  the  civil 
as  well  as  in  the  canon  law  {God.  Theod.  lib.  iii. 
tit.  13  ;  lib.  ii.  tit.  21).  St.  Augustine  says  that 
a  good  wife  looks  upon  the  tabulae  matrimo— 
niales  as  instrumenta  einpjtionis  suae,  whereby 
her  husband  has  become  her  lord  (dominus)  and 
she  has  been  made  his  handmaid  or  slave  (an- 
cilla),  as  she  gladly  acknowledges  (Sermo  xxxvii. 
cap.  6,  Op.  tom.  v.  p.  225,  ed.  Migne).  The 
promise  of  a  dowry  was  generally  consigned  to 
writing,  which  was  read  before  the  witnesses  to 
the  betrothal,  and  it  became  a  formal  legal  docu- 
ment, of  the  nature  of  a  marriage  settlement. 
The  following  is  an  abridged  form  of  nuptial 
tablets  as  used  by  the  Jews :  "  On  such  a  day  of 
such  a  month  in  such  a  year  at  such  a  place,  such 
an  one,  the  son  of  such  an  one,  said  to  such  an 
one,  the  daughter  of  such  an  one  :  '  Be  thou 
betrothed  to  me  for  wife  according  to  the  ordi- 
nances of  Moses  and  the  Israelites,  and  I,  if  it 
please  God,  will  pay  you  respect  and  honour,  I 
will  give  you  food  and  sustenance,  and  I  will 
dress  you  in  the  way  that  Jewish  husbands  do 
who  honour,  maintain,  and  clothe  their  wives  as 
they  ought.  I  also  give  to  you,  as  the  dowry  of 
your  maidenhood,  £4,  as  the  law  requires,  and  I 
pledge  myself  to  give  you  in  addition  board  and 
clothing,  and  I  will  live  with  you  according  to 
the  customs  of  the  whole  earth.'  Then  she  gave 
assent  to  be  his  wife.  He  then  declared  that  he 
would  give  such  and  such  a  sum  as  an  addition 
to  the  original  dowry.  The  goods  which  the 
woman  brought  with  her  are  estimated  at  such 
and  such  a  sum.  .  .  We  have  sealed  this  tablet 
or  dowry  settlement  at  the  time  above-mentioned ; 
the  whole  matter  is  clear,  settled,  and    deter- 


1106 


MARRIAGE 


mined"  (Selden,  Uxor  Ebraica,  ii.  10,  Op. 
torn.  iv.  p.  619).  In  the  Christian  tabulae  ma- 
trimoniales,  the  end  for  which  marriage  was 
instituted  was  also  inserted :  "  nam  id  tabulae 
indicant  ubi  scribitur,  'Liberorum  procreaudorum 
causEi '  "  says  St.  Augustine  (Serm.  ix.,  Op.  torn.  v. 
p.  88,  ed.  Migne) ;  and  again,  "  Recitantur  tabulae, 
et  recitantur  in  conspectu  omnium  attestantium, 
et  recitatur,  '  Liberorum  procreandorum  causa  '  " 
{Serm.  li.,  ibid.  p.  345)  ;  see  also  his  Eiiarr.  in  Ps. 
Ixxxi.  (Op.  torn.  iv.  p.  1045). 

4.  Witnesses  were  required  to  be  present, 
before  whom,  as  we  have  seen,  the  marriage 
settlements  were  to  be  read  and  handed  over. 
They  were  to  be  friends  of  both  parties,  and 
their  presence  was  required  not  only  to  prevent 
fraud  in  the  matter  of  the  dowry,  but  also  to  give 
a  public  character  to  the  transaction,  that  there 
might  be  a  proof  before  the  world  of  the  consent 
of  both  parties  to  the  contract.  One  of  them 
acted  as  best  man  to  the  bridegroom  (amicus 
interior,  conscius  secreti  cubicularis,  St.  Aug. 
Serm.  ccxciii..  Op.  torn.  v.  p.  1332)  and  one  as 
bridesmaid,  and,  in  case  of  the  mother's  death, 
as  temporary  guardian  to  the  bride.  It  would 
appear  probable  from  a  passage  in  St.  Ambrose 
(de  lapsu  Virginis,  c.  v.,  Op.  torn.  ii.  p.  310) 
that  the  requisite  number  of  witnesses  was  ten 
(Cf.  Ruth  iv.  2,  where  the  number  of  witnesses 
called  by  Boaz  is  ten). 

5.  Some  minor  ceremonies,  which  were  less 
essential  to  the  rite,  have  also  been  handed  down. 
One  of  these  was  a  kiiS,  which  might  or  might  not 
be  given,  but  which,  if  given,  was  considered  to 
bind  the  betrothed  more  closely  to  each  other,  so 
that,  in  case  of  the  man's  death,  half  of  his 
betrothal  gifts  were  delivered  to  his  betrothed  ; 
whereas  if  there  had  been  no  kiss,  they  were  all 
returned  to  his  relations  {Cod.  Theod.  lib.  iii. 
tit.  5,  leg.  5 ;  Cod.  Justin,  lib.  v.  tit.  3,  leg.  16). 

6.  Another  ceremony  of  similar  nature  was 
that  oi  joining  hands,  which  is  mentioned  together 
with  that  of  the  kiss  by  Tertullian  :  "  Corpore  et 
spiritu  masculo  mixta  sunt  per  osculum  et  dex- 
teras,  per  quae  primum  resignarunt  pudorem 
spiritiis  "  (de  Virg.  Veland.  c.  xi.,  Op.  p.  179). 

7.  In  the  time  of  Tertullian,  the  veil  was 
assumed  by  the  woman  at  the  betrothal  and 
worn  thenceforward,  but  the  custom  was  not 
universal  (Rebeccam  quidam  adhuc  velant),  and 
in  later  times,  like  the  ofl'ering  cf  the  ring,  was 
transferred  to  the  nuptials  (TertuU.  ibid.). 

8.  Siricius  in  the  4th  century  speaks,  in  an 
epistle  which  (rightly  or  wrongly)  is  regarded 
as  genuine,  of  a  benediction  of  the  priest  at 
betrothal,  of  so  solemn  a  nature  as  to  make  it 
sacrilege  in  the  betrothed  woman  to  marry  an- 
other m.an  (Siric.  Epist.  ad  Hiimr.  §  4,  Hard. 
Concil.  torn.  i.  p.  848).  The  betrothal  benediction, 
however  (if  it  existed),  must  not  be  confounded 
with  that  which  was  given  at  the  nuptials. 

B.  Nuptial  ceremonies.  Pope  Nicholas  pro- 
ceeds, in  the  Reply  above  quoted,  to  enumerate 
the  nuptial  ceremonies  which  were  in  use  in  his 
day  with  the  same  minuteness  with  which  he 
described  the  betrothal  ceremonies.  He  writes  : 
"  First  of  all  they  are  placed  in  the  church  with 
oblations,  which  they  have  to  make  to  God  by  the 
hands  of  the  priest,  and  so  at  last  they  receive 
the  benediction  and  the  heavenly  veil.''  He  adds  : 
"After  this,  when  they  have  gone  out  of  the 
church  they  wear  crowns  on  their  heads,  a  supply 


MARRIAGE 

of  which  it  is  usual  to  keep  always  in  the  church  " 
(AiC.  Respons.  ubi  supra). 

The  first  thing  that  forces  itself  upon  our 
notice  ou  reading  the  above  passage  is  that  in 
pope  Nicholas'  time,  and  for  such  previous  times 
as  the  ceremonies  described  by  him  had  existed, 
marriage  was  regarded  as  a  religious  rite ;  being 
(1)  performed  in  a  church,  (2)  accompanied  by 
offerings  and  oblations  made  to  God  by  the 
married  persons  through  a  priest,  (3)  followed  by 
the  solemn  benediction  of  the  church,  together 
with  (4)  other  ceremonies  of  an  ecclesiastical 
character:  and  this  was  the  aspect  in  which 
marriage  was  viewed  from  the  times  of  Ter- 
tullian, as  is  proved  by  the  following  passage: 
"  How  shall  I  state  the  blessedness  of  a  marriage 
which  the  church  brings  about,  and  the  oblation 
confirms,  and  the  benediction  seals,  angels  attest, 
and  the  Father  ratifies  "  (ac?  Uxor.  lib.  ii.  c.-8, 
p.  171).  In  these  words  Tertullian,  as  is  pointed 
out  by  Gothofred  (Cod.  Theod.  lib.  iii.  tit.  7,  leg. 
3,  tom.  i.  p.  280),  contrasts  the  marriage  cere- 
monies of  the  Christian  church,  a.d.  200,  with 
the  ceremonies  used  by  heathens  on  the  same 
occasion.  Among  heathens,  marriages  were 
brought  about  by  persons  called  concil iatores. 
In  the  case  of  Christians,  the  place  of  the  con- 
ciliatores  is  taken  by  the  church,  that  is,  by  the 
officers  of  the  church,  namely,  the  bishops, 
priests,  deacons,  and  widows  (see  the  passage  of 
Tertullian  referred  to  just  below),  the  heathens' 
offering  of  arrhae  is  replaced  by  the  oblation  of 
prayers  and  alms  offered  through  the  priest  ;i 
for  the  sealing  of  the  marriage  settlements  is 
substituted  the  seal  of  the  church's  benediction  ; 
the  testimony  of  angels  stands  in  the  place  of 
the  testimony  of  human  witnesses ;  and  ratifi- 
cation by  a  heavenly  Father  takes  the  place  of 
the  expressed  consent  of  parents.  Tertullian's 
rhetorical  description  does  not  of  course  imply 
that  the  old  ceremonies  were  abolished,  but  it 
does  imply  that  an  ecclesiastical  character  was 
given  to  them,  and  that  they  were  carried  out 
under  the  control,  and  by  the  hands,  of  ministers 
of  the  church.  Elsewhere  Tertullian  states  that 
Christian  marriages  had  to  be  announced  to  the 
church,  and  were  allowed,  or  disallowed,  by 
bishops,  priests,  deacons,  and  widows  (de  Pudi- 
citia,  c.  IV. ;  de  Monogam.  c.  xi.,  Op.  p.  531). 
One  object  of  this  regulation  may  have  been  to 
prevent  ignorant  members  of  the  flock  from  trans- 
gressing various  laws  of  the  state  with  which  they 
might  be  unacquainted  ;  but  this  was  not  its  only 
purpose ;  the  church,  that  is,  the  bishops, 
priests,  deacons,  and  widows,  would  thus  become 
the  conciliatores  of  a  Christian's  marriage,  accord- 
ing to  the  idea  employed  in  the  previously 
quoted  passage.  St.  Ignatius,  in  like  manner, 
says  that  people  who  marry  ought  to  be  united 
with  the  cognizance  and  approval  of  the  bishop : 
fiera  yvci/xTrfs  tov  'EinirKUTrov  (St.  Ignat.  Epiist. 
ad  Polycarp.  c.  v.).     St.  Ambrose  says  that  mar- 


>  It  is  surprising  to  find  Dr.  DoUinger  apparently 
translating  Ecclesia  conciliat,  confirmat  oblatio  by  "Tlie 
marriage  was  concluded  by  the  bisbop,  or  presbytei 
uniting  tbe  betrothed,  and  confirmed  bj'  offering  of  the 
Holy  Sacrifice  "  {Hippolytus  and  CalUstuf,  c.  iii.  p.  15s, 
Eng.  tr.).  It  is  impossible  to  believe  that  this  is  the 
vaeanm^  of  confirmat  ablatio  in  this  passage;  nor  does 
ecclesia  conciliat  seem  to  refer  to  the  actual  marriage- 
service,  but  rather  to  the  first  steps  taken  in  the  matter 
before  the  church  olHcers. 


MAREIAGE 

riage  has  to  be  sanctified  by  benediction  (Epist. 

six.,   Op.  torn.  ii.  p.  844);    Gregory  Nazianzen 

writes  that    at  the    marriage   of    "the    golden 

Olympias  "  there  was  a  number  of  bishops  (iiri- 

aKSiTtnv  ofiiAos),  and  that  he  too,  though  absent 

I    in  body,  was  present  in  will,  taking  part  in  the 

f    festivity,  and  joining  the  young  couple's  hands 

I    together,  and  placing  them  in  the  hands  of  God 

j    (Ejjist.  Ivii.,  Op.  tom.  i.  p.  815,  col.  1690).     The 

•    (so-called)  fourth  council  of  Carthage  (can.  xiii.) 

;    in  the   6th  century   speaks   plainly  of  priestly 

■     benediction    being    received    by    the    bride    and 

bridegroom  (Hard.  Concil.  tom.  i.  p.  979).     Sy- 

nesius  uses  the  expression,  "  The  holy  hand  of 

Theophilus  gave  me  my  wife  "  {Epist.  105). 

There  is  no  reasonable  doubt  that  the  place  in 
which  Christians  were  ordinarily  married  was  a 
church,  so  soon  as  it  became  safe  and  customary 
for  them  to  meet  in  churches  for  religious  pur- 
poses, and  that  the  way  in  which  they  were 
ordinarily  married  was  by  a  I'eligious  ceremony,'' 
Nevertheless,  it  is  equally  true  that  marriages 
could,  and,  especially  in  the  East,  often  did,  take 
place  in  houses  (see  St.  Chrys.  Horn,  xlviii.  in  Gen. 
c.  xxiv.),  and  that  the  religious  ceremony  does 
not  form,  and  was  not  regarded  as  forming,  the 
essence  of  marriage.  The  essence  of  marriage 
consists  in  the  contract  agreed  to  and  publicly 
made  between  the  contracting  parties.'  Conse- 
quently, marriages  unaccompanied  by  the  blessing 
of  the  church  were  still  considered  to  be  mar- 
riages, though  they  were  looked  on  with  disfavour, 
and,  as  Tertullian  says,  ran  the  risk  of  being 
condemned  as  adulteiy  {De  Fudicitid,  c.  iv.). 
Accordingly,  a  law  of  Theodosius  Junior,  A.D. 
428,  distinguishing  between  the  essentials  and 
non-essentials  of  marriage,  declares  that  the 
omission  of  other  rites  such  as  arrhae,  dowry, 
and  a  festive  procession,  did  not  invalidate  a 
marriage,  provided  that  (1)  the  contracting  par- 
ties were  of  equal  station  (see  above,  under  the 
heading  Conditio),  (2)  they  broke  no  specific  law 
by  their  union,  (3)  they  gave  their  consent,  (4) 
their  friends  were  present  as  witnesses.  The 
law  recognised  no  more  than  the  above-named 
four  qualifications  for  a  valid  marriage,"  nor  did 
the  church  attempt  to  annul  what  the  law 
allowed.  Probably  the  feeling  with  which  these 
marriages  were  regarded  on  which  the  church's 
blessing  was  not  invoked  was  much  the  same  in 
the  early  church  as  it  is  at  present  with  our- 


MAERIAGE 


1107 


^  Van  Espen  considers  it  doubtful  if  marriages  were 
contracted  in  a  church,  though  tiiey  were  no  doubt  con- 
tracted in  the  fcux  of  the  church  {De  Spans,  et  Matr- 
vi.  4). 

'  Shakspeare,  with  his  usual  exactness,  makes  a  priest 
describe  a  marriage  :— 

"  A  contract  of  eternal  bond  of  love. 
Confirmed  by  mutual  joinder  of  the  hands, 
Attested  by  the  holy  close  of  lips. 
Strengthened  by  interchangement  of  your  rings ; 
And  all  the  ceremony  of  this  compact 
Sealed  in  my  function  by  my  testimony." 

Twelfth  Night,  v.  1. 
The  essence  of  the  marriage  was  the  contract :  all  that 
was  necessary  (strictly  speaking)  on  the  part  of  the 
priest  was  his  testimony  to  the  contract  having  been 
fully  miide  and  d.  dared 

■n  Apuleius  introduces  Venus  denying  that  Psyche  is 
Cupid's  wife,  on  the  ground  that  -  Impares  nuptia",  et 
praeterea  in  villa  sine  testibus,  et  patre  non  consentiente 
legilimae  non  possunt  videri."  (De  Asino  aareo,  lib.  vi. 
p.  104.) 

CHRIST.    ANT. — VOL.    II 


selves.  The  secular  marriage  was  acKnowledged 
to  be  valid ;  but  the  parties  contracting  such  a 
marriage  were  supposed  to  have  incurred  serious 
loss  by  depriving  themselves  of  the  church's 
blessing  on  their  union,  and  to  have  acted  undu- 
tifully  and  only  as  irreligious  persons  would  act. 
This  liberty  of  contracting  marriage  other- 
wise than  by  the  benediction  of  the  church 
continued  in  the  West  till  the  time  of  Charles 
the  Great,  A.D.  800,  and  in  the  East  till  that  of 
Leo  the  Philosopher,  A.D.  900.  These  two  em- 
perors enacted  that  all  marriages  were  invalid 
except  such  as  were  performed  by  a  priest. 

There  is  no  sign  or  hint  of  marriage  being 
regarded  as  a  sacrament,  in  the  stricter  sense  of 
that  word,  in  early  times.  It  is  supposed  by 
some  that  it  began  first  to  be  so  regarded  in 
the  time  of  St.  Augustine,  A.D.  430,  but  this 
is  a  mistake  arising  from  the  use  which  St. 
Augustine  makes  of  the  word  "sacramentum," 
which  he  uses  frequently  in  connexion  with 
marriage,  but  nowhere  in  the  modern  sense 
of  the  word  sacrament.  Calvin  states  that  it 
was  not  regarded  as  a  sacrament  down  to  the 
time  of  Gregory  {Fnstit.  lib.  iv.  cap.  19,  §  34,  Op. 
tom.  ix.  p.  396,  Amsterdam,  1567),  but  he  does 
not  say  that  it  then  began  to  be  so  regarded. 
The  period  when  this  took  place  is  so  late  that 
it  does  not  fall  within  the  limits  of  the  time 
assigned  to  this  dictionary.  Binterim's  attempts 
to  father  it  upon  Tertullian,  St.  Augustine, 
St.  Chrysostom,  and  other  early  writers,  are  so 
manifestly  futile  as  to  raise  a  smile  (Benkwiir- 
digkeiten,  sechster  Band,  erstes  Kapitel,  §  2,  3). 

The  constituent  parts  of  the  marriage  service, 
as  named  by  pope  Nicholas  in  the  passage  quoted 
above,  are  1.  The  oblations.  2.  The  benedic- 
tion.    3.  The  veiling.     4.  The  crowning. 

1.  The  Oblations  consisted  mainly  of  prayers, 
which,  however,  were  accompanied  by  a  gift  of 
money.  The  offering  of  these  formed  the  intro- 
ductory portion  of  the  ceremony,  answering  in 
some  sort  to  the  prayers  and  thanksgivings 
which  in  our  form  for  the  solemnisation  of 
matrimony  precede  and  accompany  the  blessing 
pronounced  by  the  olBciating  priest  upon  the 
contract. 

2.  The  Benediction  was  a  form  not  unknown 
to  the  Jews  ;  amongst  whom  it  was  given,  not 
necessarily  by  a  priest,  but  by  the  eldest  friend 
or  relative  present.  The  following  is  an  abridg- 
ment of  a  Jewish  formula  of  benediction:^ 
"  Blessed  be  Thou,  0  Lord  our  God,  who  hast 
created  all  things  for  Thy  glory  !  Blessed  be 
Thou,  0  Lord  our  God,  the  creator  of  man. 
The  barren  shall  rejoice  and  cry  for  joy  as 
she  gathers  her  children  with  joyfulness  to  her 
bosom.  Blessed  art  Thou  who  makest  Zion  to 
rejoice  in  her  children  !  Make  this  couple  to 
rejoice  with  joy  according  to  the  joyousness 
which  thou  gavest  to  the  work  of  Thy  hands  in 
the  garden  of  Eden  of  old  !  Blessed  art  Thou 
who  makest  the  bride  and  bridegroom  to  re- 
joice !  Blessed  art  Thou  who  hast  created  for 
the  bridegroom  and  bride  joy  and  gladness, 
exultation,  singing,  cheerfulness,  mirth,  love, 
brotherly  kindness,  peace,  and  friendship!  0  Lord 
our  God,  may  there  be  heard  in  the  cities  of 
Judaea  and  in  the  streets  of  Jerusalem  the  voice 
of  mirth  and  gladne:5s,  the  voice  of  the  bride- 
groom and  bride,  the  voice  of  the  bridegroom's 
and  bride's  mutual  affection  out  of  their  cham- 

4  C 


1108 


MARRIAGE 


ber,  auJ  the  young  men's  festive  song  !  Blessed 
art  Thou  who  makest  the  bridegroom  to  rejoice 
with  the  bride  "  (Selden,  Uxor  Ebraica  ii.  12, 
Op.  torn.  iv.  p.  625).  The  particular  form  of  the 
Christian  benediction,  which  differs  from  the 
Jewish  by  being  a  blessing  on  the  newly  married 
pair  instead  of  a  thanksgiving  to  God,  was  at 
fij'st  probably  left  to  the  officiating  minister,  but 
it  would  soon  have  become  stereotyped  in  the 
rituals  of  the  several  churches.  The  following 
is  a  form  on  which  it  will  be  seen  that  the  final 
benediction  in  the  solemnisation  of  matrimony 
in  the  English  church  is  framed : — "  0  God, 
who  by  Thy  mighty  power  hast  made  all  things 
of  nothing,  who,  after  other  things  set  in  order, 
didst  appoint  that  out  of  man  (created  after 
Thine  own  image  and  similitude)  woman  should 
take  her  beginning,  teaching  that  it  should 
be  never  lawful  to  put  asunder  those  whom 
Thou  hadst  pleased  should  be  created  out  of  one  ; 
0  God,  who  hast  consecrated  the  state  of  matri- 
mony to  such  an  excellent  mystery  that  in  it 
Thou  didst  typify  the  Sacrament  of  Christ  and 
the  Church ;  0  God  by  whom  woman  is  joined  to 
man,  and  so  blessed  a  union  was  instituted  at 
the  beginning  as  not  to  be  destroyed  even  by  the 
judgment  of  the  flood ;  look  mercifully  upon 
this  Thy  servant  now  to  be  joined  in  wedlock, 
who  seeks  to  be  defended  by  Thy  protection. 
May  there  be  on  her  the  yoke  of  love  and 
peace !  May  she  be  a  faithful  and  chaste  wife 
in  Christ,  and  may  she  continue  a  follower 
of  holy  women !  May  she  be  loveable  to  her 
husband  as  Rachel,  wise  as  Rebecca,  long-lived 
and  faithful  as  Sarah  !  May  the  author  of 
wickedness  gain  no  advantage  against  her  from 
her  nets  !  May  she  continue  in  the  faith  and 
commandments,  constant  to  one  husband  !  May 
she  avoid  all  unlawful  deeds.  May  she  strengthen 
her  weakness  by  the  help  of  discipline  !  May 
she  be  modest,  grave,  bashful,  and  instructed  in 
God  by  learning  !  May  she  be  fruitful  in  child- 
bearing!  May  she  be  approved  and  innocent, 
and  may  she  attain  to  the  rest  of  the  blessed, 
and  to  the  heavenly  kingdom  !  And  may  she 
see  her  sons'  sons  to  the  third  and  fourth  gene- 
ration, and  may  she  reach  the  rest  of  the  blessed 
and  the  kingdom  of  heaven,  through,"  etc. 
(Martene,  de  Antiquis  Ecclesiae  ritibns  I.  is.  5, 
Ordo  Hi.  ex  MS.  Fontificali  Monasterii  Lyrensis). 
3.  The  practice  of  veiling  is  mentioned  by 
Tertullian  {de  Veland.  Virgin,  c.  xi.)  and  by 
St.  Ambrose  {Epist.  xi.x.  7,  Op.  tom.  ii.  p.  844)  ; 
che  former  of  whom  speaks  of  it  as  a  praise- 
worthy heathen  custom  commonly  used  in  the 
ceremony  of  betrotha',  after  which  (in  Tertul- 
lian's  days)  the  desponsata  wore  the  veil  habitu- 
ally. The  heathen  veil,  called  flamnieum,  was  of 
a  yellow  colour.  The  colour  adopted  by  Chris- 
tians was  purple  and  white,  though  the  name 
flammeum  was  still  sometimes  used  (St.  Ambr. 
de  Virgin,  c.  xv. ;  de  Inst.  Virg.  c.  xvii.).  It 
is  probable,  as  St.  Ambrose  has  observed  (de 
Abrah.  I.  ix.  93),  that  the  word  nuptials  is 
derived  from  the  word  obnubere,  which  means 
to  veil.  In  the  earliest  times  the  veil  was  part 
of  the  married  or  espoused  woman's  dress,  akin 
in  form  and  purpose  to  the  Eastern  yashmak. 
But  after  the  first  few  centuries  it  ceased  to  be 
worn  by  them,  and  the  veiling  came  to  be  a 
symbolical  act,  making  pai't  of  the  marriage 
ceremony,    and   symbolising   the    woman's    for- 


MARRIAGE 

saking  all  others  and  keeping  her  charms  for  her 
husband  alone,  and  also  her  being  submissive  to 
him.  "  Ideo  velantur  ut  nov^erint  se  semper  viris 
suis  subditas  esse  "  (Durand.,  Rat.  Div.  Off.  lib.  i. 
c.  ix.  9).  In  the  West  the  word  velatio  came  to 
signify  the  whole  marriage  ceremony,  and  it 
became  customary  to  lay  the  veil  on  both  bride 
and  bridegroom  at  the  time  of  the  benediction 
(Martene,  de  Ant.  EccL  2,  ix.). 

4.  The  crowniri'i  was  also  originally  a  heathen 
custom  (Euripides,  Iphigenia  in  Amide,  1.  905), 
and  was  therefore  at  first  disallowed  by  Chris- 
tians (see  Justin,  Apol.  c.  ix. ;  TertuU.  Apolog. 
i.  42),  but  was  soon  permitted  in  the  East 
(see  Clement  of  Alexandria,  Paedagog.  ii.  8, 
for  a  discussion  on  the  lawfulness  of  the  use 
of  crowns).  The  same  custom  prevailed 
among  the  Jews.  The  crowns  were  made  of 
gold,  silver,  olive,  myrtle,  or  flowers ;  their 
use  in  the  city  of  Jerusalem  was  forbidden 
during  the  Roman  siege,  as  being  too  great 
a  sign  of  joy  for  such  sad  times.  This  shews 
that  they  were  regarded  as  a  symbol  of  re- 
joicing by  the  Jews ;  and  as  such  probably 
they  were  adopted  by  the  Christian  Church, 
though  they  came  to  be  looked  upon  rather  as 
rewards  for  victory  over  passion  and  tokens  of 
virgin  purity,  in  consequence  of  which  they  were 
not  given  at  second  marriages.  In  the  Greek 
church  they  came  to  play  a  much  more 
important  part  than  in  the  Latin.  In  the 
West  as  we  learn  from  pope  Nicholas's  reply  to 
the  Bulgarians,  they  were  no  more  than  a  festive 
ornament  worn  by  the  married  pair  on  leaving 
the  church.  In  the  East  the  crowning,  which 
was  once  only  a  part  of  a  lady's  wedding  attire 
(see  St.  Amator's  Life,  Acta  SS.  May,  tom.  i.  52), 
became  so  substantial  a  part  of  the  nuptials  that 
the  whole  marriage  was  called  the  Crowning,  as 
in  the  West  it  was  called  the  Veiling.  The  crowns 
were  placed  on  the  heads  of  the  bride  and  bride- 
groom immediately  after  the  benediction,  appro- 
priate prayers  being  said  at  the  same  time. 
The  following  is  an  extract  from  a  form  given  by 
Goar  : — "After  the  amen  (to  the  benedictory 
prayer)  the  priest  takes  the  crowns  and  first 
crowns  the  bridegroom  saying  '  The  servant  of 
the  Lord  is  crowned,  for  the  sake  of  the  hand- 
maid of  the  Lord,  in  the  name  of  the  Father, 
and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost.'  The 
woman  is  crowned  in  the  same  manner.  Then 
he  joins  the  right  hand  of  the  woman  with  the 
right  hand  of  the  man.  Then  is  sung,  '  With 
glory  and  honour  hast  thou  crowned  them,  thou 
hast  placed  crowns  of  precious  stones  upon  their 
heads.'  Then  the  deacon  says,  •  Let  us  pray,' 
and  the  priest  offers  the  following  prayer : 
Crown  them  with  Thy  grace,  unite  them  in 
temperance  and  dignity,  bless  them  with  a  good 
old  age  and  with  unshaken  faith.  Grant  them 
length  of  days ;  grant  to  them  all  things  expe- 
dient for  them,  fear  of  Thee  and  thought  of 
Thee  ;  give  them  the  fruit  of  the  womb,  comfort 
them  with  the  sight  of  sons  and  daughters ;  let 
them  rejoice  in  Thee  and  respect  the  words  of 
the  Apostle,  '  Marriage  is  honourable  and  the 
bed  undefiled.'  Hear  us,  O  Lord  our  God  who 
wast  present  at  Cana  in  Galilee  and  blessed  the 
marriage  there  by  Thy  presence,  miraculously 
changing  the  water  into  wine.  0  Lord  of  all, 
bless  the  marriage  of  this  Thy  servant  and  this 
Thy  handmaid  as  Thou  didst  bless  Abraham  and 


MARKIAGE 

Sarah:  bless  them  as  Isaac  and  Rebekah  :  bless 
them  as  Jacob  and  Rachel :  crown  them  as 
Joseph  and  Asenath,  as  Closes  and  Sipphorah. 
May  Thy  eyes  be  upon  them  and  Thy  ears  open 
to  hear  the  voice  of  this  prayer.  May  this  be 
fulfilled  to  them  that  which  is  spoken  by  the 
Prophet,  saying,  '  Thy  wife  as  the  fruitful  vine 
on  the  walls  of  thy  house,  thy  children  like 
olive  branches  round  about  thy  table  ;  behold 
thus  shall  the  man  be  blessed  that  feareth  the 
Lord ' "  {Euchologium,  p.  396). 

At  the  end  of  eight  days  the  crowns  were 
solemnly  removed  while  the  following  prayers 
were  used :  "  0  Lord  our  God,  who  crownest 
the  year  with  Thy  blessing,  and  hast  given  these 
crowns  to  be  placed  upon  the  heads  of  those 
united  to  one  another  by  the  law  of  marriage, 
rewarding  them  thus  for  their  continence,  be- 
cause they  have  come  pure  and  clean  to  marriage 
instituted  by  Thee,  do  Thou  bless  their  union, 
now  that  they  lay  aside  their  crowns,  keep  them 
inseparably  united,  that  in  everything  they  may 
give  thanks  to  Thy  most  holy  name.  Father,  Son, 
and  Holy  Spirit,  now  and  ever,  world  without 
end.  Amen.  Peace  be  to  all.  Bend  your  heads 
to  the  Lord.  0  Lord,  we  glorify  Thee,  con- 
firming the  contract  of  Thy  servant,  and  finishing 
the  office  of  the  marriage  in  Cana  of  Galilee,  and 
taking  off  its  symbols.  Glory  to  the  Father,  Son, 
and  Holy  Ghost,  now  and  ever,  world  without 
end,  amen  "  (Goar,  Euchologium,  p.  400). 

5.  The  murriage-pomp,  another  ceremony 
which,  as  we  see  from  the  law  of  Theodosius  Junior 
above  quoted,  was  so  common  as  by  some  to  bo 
thought  essential  to  the  validity  of  nuptials,  con- 
sisted partlyof  a  procession  which  noisily  conducted 
the  bride  to  the  bridegroom's  house  with  torches 
and  lanterns  and  shouting  and  songs,  and  partly 
of  feasting,  singing,  and  dancing  in  the  house. 
The  songs  and  dances,  used  both  in  the  procession 
and  at  home,  having  come  down  by  tradition 
from  ancient  heathen  days,  were  of  an  immodest 
character,  like  the  4inda\duia  and  Fescennina  of 
Greece  and  Rome  (see  the  description  given  by 
St.  Ambrose  of  Samson's  wedding-feast,  Epist. 
xix..  Op.  torn.  ii.  p.  846),  and  were  therefore 
vehemently  denounced  by  fathers  of  the  church 
(see  St.  Chrysostom,  Horn,  slviii.  and  Ivi.  in 
Genes. ;  Horn.  xii.  in  1  Cor.,  Op.  tom.  iv.  pp. 
490,  639,  tom.  x.  p.  105),  and  by  councils  (see 
council  of  Laodicea,  canons  liii.  liv..  Hard. 
Concil.  tom  i.  p.  790) ;  though  the  festivity 
itself  was  not  objected  to.  Gregory  Nazianzen 
has  left  us  a  charming  letter  in  which  he  ex- 
cuses himself  for  not  having  been  present  at  the 
festivities  which  accompanied  Olympia's  wedding 
on  the  ground  that  a  gouty  old  gentleman  was 
out  of  ])lace  among  dancers,  though  in  heart  he 
joined  with  them  in  their  amusements  {Epist. 
Ivii.,  Op.  tom.  i.  p.  815).  The  expression  "  uxorem 
ducere  "  is  derived  from  this  fetching  home  of  the 
wife. 

6,  7.  Two  other  ceremonies  of  slighter  cha- 
racter have  to  be  named.  One  was  joining 
t'le  hands  of  bridegroom  and  bride,  to  which  we 
have  seen  Gregory  Nazianzen  referring  {Epist. 
Ivii.),  as  being  done  by  himself,  or  one  like  him- 
self, that  is,  a  bishop  or  minister  of  the  church  ; 
the  other  was  untying  the  hair  of  the  bride, 
which  we  may  gather  from  Optatus  (lib.  vi.  p. 
95,  Paris,  1702)  was  customary  both  in  mar- 
riages and  in  devoting  virgins  to-  the  service  of 


MARRIAGE 


1109 


God.  At  the  same  time  that  her  hair  was  untied 
it  is  probable  that  the  keys  of  the  household 
were  delivered  to  her  (St.  Ambr.  Epist.  vi.  §  3, 
ad  Sfiagrium,  Op.  tom.  ii.  p.  77). 

We  can  now  follow  a  primitive  Christian 
through  the  different  scenes  of  his  marriage. 
As  soon  as,  by  the  intervention  of  his  friends  and 
relations,  he  had  fixed  on  a  woman  for  his  con- 
sort who  was  of  marriageable  age,  and  not  too 
nearly  akin  to  himself,  nor  disqualified  for  his 
wife  by  the  enactments  of  any  special  law,  and 
had  gained  her  consent,  and  that  of  her  parents 
or  guardian,  he  announced  his  purpose  to  the 
oflicers  of  his  church,  and  if  they  pointed  out  no 
obstacle  arising  from  ecclesiastical  or  civil  law, 
a  day  of  betrothal  was  fixed.  On  the  day  ap- 
pointed the  parties  met  in  the  house  of  the 
future  bride's  father,  in  the  presence  of  as  many 
as  ten  witnesses,  the  bride  being  dressed  in  white 
(Clem.  Alex.  Paedag.  iii.  11) ;  and  the  man  offered 
his  arrhae,  among  which  was  a  ring  which  he 
placed  upon  the  third  finger  of  the  woman's 
left  hand.  These  having  been  accepted,  he  pro- 
ceeded to  hand  over  to  the  father  of  his  betrothed 
an  instrument  of  dowry  or  marriage  settlement, 
the  delivery  of  which,  after  it  had  been  read 
aloud,  was  testified  by  the  witnesses  present. 
The  betrothal  was  now  complete,  but  it  was 
generally  confirmed  by  a  solemn  kiss  between 
the  betrothed  and  a  joining  of  hands.  It  is  pro- 
bable that  an  informal  prayer  for  a  blessing 
upon  the  couple  completed  the  ceremony,  and  in 
the  earliest  times  a  veil  was  at  this  time  assumed 
by  the  woman.  The  betrothal  over,  the  man  re- 
turned to  his  home,  and  the  woman  continued 
living  under  her  father's  roof,  both  of  them  bound 
to  the  other  to  fulfil  a  contract  of  marriage  at 
some  future  time  within  the  next  forty  days,  or  at 
furthest  the  two  succeeding  years,  but  holding 
communication  with  each  other  only  through 
the  best  man  and  the  bridesmaids,  or  other  rela- 
tives and  friends.  At  the  time  of  betrothal  the 
nuptial  day  was  generally  named,  which  might 
be  at  any  season  of  the  year  except  during  Lent 
{Cone.  Laod.  can.  lii.).° 

When  the  wedding  day  had  arrived  each  of 
the  betrothed,  accompanied  by  friends,  proceeded 
to  a  church,  where  they  were  received  by  the 
priest  for  the  solemnization  of  their  marriage. 
The  bride  was  arrayed  in  the  veil,  which  she 
had  worn  since  her  betrothal,  as  she  walked  to 
church  during  the  first  two  or  three  centuries 
(Tertull.  de  Cor.  Mil.  c.  iv. ;  de  Veland.  Virg. 
cxi.),  but  after  that  time  she  received  the  veil 
from  the  priest's  hands  as  part  of  the  marriage 
ceremonial.  The  ceremony,  or  service  as  we 
may  call  it,  commenced  with  prayers  offered  by 
the  priest  in  behalf  of  the  bridegroom  and  the 
bride,  an  offering  in  money  being  at  the  same 
time  made  by  them.  After  this  the  free  con- 
sent of  each  to  the  contract  made  between  them 
was  declared.  The  ofliciating  minister  then 
joined  their  hands,  and  (perhaps)  placing  his 
hand  on  their  heads,"  he  uttered  over  them  a 


"  Lent  was  the  only  forbidden  season.  A  supposed  canon 
of  the  council  of  Lerida,  in  the  6tU  century,  interdicting 
the  celebration  of  marriages  in  Ailveut.in  tho  three  weeks 
preceding  the  Feast  of  John  the  Baptist,  and  in  the  period 
from  Septuagesima  to  tbe  octave  of  Easter,  is  spurious. 

o  Cui  enim  manum  imponit  Presbyter  ?  Cui  autem 
benedicct?  (Clem.  Alex.  Strom,  lib.  iii.  c.  vi..  Op.  p. 
4C2 


1110 


MAEEIAGE 


form  of  benediction,  conveying  to  them  the 
blessing  of  the  church  upon  the  union  which 
had  been  effected  by  the  contract  made  and  de- 
clared between  them.  Immediately  after  the 
benediction  in  the  Greek  church,  at  the  conclusion 
of  the  whole  service  in  the  Latin,  crowns  of  gold 
and  silver,  if  the  bride  and  bi'iJegroom  were 
rich,  of  leaves  or  flowers  if  they  were  poor, 
brought  from  the  treasury  of  the  church,  were 
placed  upon  their  heads,  and  arrayed  in  these, 
they  returned  to  the  house  of  the  bride's  father, 
from  whence,  as  the  evening  approached,  the 
wife  was  carried  by  her  husband  to  his  home  in 
a  joyous  procession,  attended  by  a  concourse  of 
friends  uttering  acclamations  and  wishing  joy  to 
the  newly-married  pair.  On  arriving  at  his 
home,  the  husband  led  in  his  wife,  and  she  untied 
her  hair  as  a  symbol  of  his  authority  over  her, 
and  he  delivered  over  to  her  a  bunch  of  keys  as 
a  symbol  of  her  authority  over  the  household. 
The  evening  was  spent  in  festivity,  which  con- 
sisted of  feasting,  dancing,  and  singing.  At  the 
end  of  seven  days  the  crowns  were  restored  to 
the  church  in  a  solemn  manner. 

If,  however,  there  were  any  who  desired  that 
a  religious  character  should  not  be  given  to  the 
ceremony,  they  were  permitted  to  dispense  with 
it  ;  and  their  marriage  was  regarded  as  valid 
provided  only  that  they  made  a  contract  one 
with  another  without  fraud  or  compulsion,  and 
declared  it  before  an  adequate  number  of  wit- 
nesses, and  did  not  otherwise  transgress  the 
imperial  laws. 

III.  Divorce.  Our  Lord's  rule  laid  down  in 
respect  to  divorce  is  plain  and  simple.  He  dis- 
allows it  on  any  other  ground  than  that  of  for- 
nication or  adultery  on  the  part  of  the  woman.? 
This  continued  to  be  the  rule  of  Christian  con- 
duct down  to  the  time  of  Constantino.  There  is 
a  consensus  amongst  the  doctors  of  the  early 
church  that  no  other  cause  is  adequate  for  the 
dissolution  of  marriage.  Thus,  Clement  of 
Alexandria  {Strom,  lib.  ii.  c.  xxiii..  Op.  p.  506), 
TertuUian  {adv.  Marc,  lib.  iv.  c.  xxxiv..  Op.  p. 
449),  and  somewhat  later,  St.  Chrysostom  {Horn. 
xvii.  in  Matt,  Op.  tom.  vii.  p.  227),  St.  Basil 
{Epist.  Canon  II.,  can.  xxi.),  and  St.  Jerome 
{Epist.  ad  Amand.,  Op.  tom.  iv.  p.  162).  In  the 
case  of  the  clergy  divorce  was  made  imperative 
en  the  discovery  of  the  wife's  adultery  by  the 
councils  of  Neocaesarea  and  Elvira  (canons 
viii.  and  Ixv.) :  laymen  were  left  to  their  own 
judgment  in  the  matter;  but  a  canon  of  Theo- 
dore of  Canterbury  requires  anyone  who  keeps 
his  wife  under  such  circumstances  to  do  penance 
for  two  years  on  two  days  of  the  week  and  fast 
days,  or  to  abstain  from  living  with  her  an  long 
as  her  penance  for  adultery  lasts  {Penitential, 
lib.  i.  cap.  xiv.  §  4).  But,  as  was  to  be  expected, 
a  difference  of  opinion  grew  up  as  to  the  force  of 
the  word  fornication.  The  Allegorists,  according 
to  their  manner,  insisted  on  understanding  the 
word  spiritually  as  well  as  literally,  and  thus 


MARRIAGE 

they  made  it  bear  the  meaning  of  idolatry,  infi- 
delity, and  covetousness,  as  well  as  carnal  forni- 
cation. So  Hermae  Pastor  ("  Is  qui  simulacrum 
facit  moechatur,"  lib.  ii.  mand.  iv.,  apttd 
Patres  ApostoL,  ed.  Coteler,  tom.  i.  p.  89).  This 
view  was  adopted  by  St.  Augustine  {de  Serm. 
Dom.  in  Monte,  cap.  xvi.,  Op.  tom.  iii.  p.  1251, 
ed.  Migne),  but  in  his  Retractations  he  expressed 
some  doubt  as  to  its  correctness  :  ''  Quatenus  in- 
telligenda  atque  limitanda  sit  haec  fornicatio,  et 
utrum  etiam  propter  banc  liceatdimittereuxorem, 
latebrosissima  quaestio  est  "  (lib.  i.  c.  xix.  6,  Op. 
torn.  i.  p.  66). 

Such  differences  of  opinion  as  existed  between 
theologians  arose  from  their  interpreting  the 
word  fornication  with  greater  or  less  latitude  ; 
but  there  was  a  substantial  agreement  among 
them  that  no  crime,  however  heinous,  could 
have  the  effect  of  dissolving  the  contract  once 
formed,  with  the  one  exception  of  the  wife's 
fornication.  Not  so  the  civil  law.i  Constantine 
appears  to  have  wished  to  make  a  compromise 
between  the  las  practice  which  had  come  down 
from  heathen  times  and  the  strict  rule  which 
had  hitherto  been  acknowledged  by  Christians, 
though  not  always  acted  upon.  Accordingly  he 
passed  a  law,  A.D.  331,  allowing  divorce  to  a 
wife  if  her  husband  should  be  a  murderer,  a 
poisoner,  or  a  robber  of  graves ;  but  specifi- 
cally disallowing  it  on  the  ground  of  his  being  a 
drunkard  or  a  gambler,  or  given  to  women 
(muliercularius).  By  the  same  law  divorce  was 
allowed  to  the  man  if  his  wife  were  an  adulteress, 
or  a  poisoner,  or  a  procurer  {Cod.  Theod.  lib.  iii. 
tit.  xvi.  leg.  i.,  tom.  i.  p.  310).  Honorius,  A.D. 
421,  passed  a  law  of  a  similar  character  with 
that  of  Constantine,  which  allowed  other  causes 
— "  morum  vitia  et  mediocres  culpae  " — as  ade- 
quate besides  the  three  named  by  the  first  Chris- 
tian Emperor  {Cod.  Theod.  lib.  iii.  tit.  xvi.  leg.  2, 
ibid.  p.  313).  Honorius's  law  did  not  remain  lung 
in  force ;  but  it,  or  Constantine's,  was  the  law  of 
the  empire  during  the  time  of  some  of  the  chief 
church  writers  of  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries. 
It  was  abrogated,  together  with  the  law  of 
Constantine,  a.d.  439,  by  Theodosius  Junior, 
who  restored  the  laxity  allowed  by  the  civil 
law  before  the  time  of  Constantine — "  durum  est 
legum  veterum  moderamen  excedere."  Ten  years 
later,  however,  Theodosius  found  it  necessary  to 
draw  the  reign  tighter,  and  he  published  a  law, 
A.D.  449,  enumerating  the  causes  which  were  now 
held  to  be  adequate  to  justify  a  divorce.  To  the 
three  crimes  named  by  Constantine  he  added  those 
of  treason,  sacrilege,  manstealing,  and  similar  of- 
fences {Cod.  Justin,  lib.  v.  tit.  xvii.  leg.  8,  Corp. 
Juris,  tom.  ii.  p.  457).     And  this  was  followed 


291).    It  is  not  certain  that  it  is  of  the  marriage  bene- 
diction that  Clement  is  spcaliing. 

p  That  in  Matt.  v.  42,  Uopi/eta  is  used  in  the  sense  of 
fjioixeia,  or  rather  that  the  generic  term  is  employed 
■when  the  specific  word  might  have  been  used,  was  not 
questioned  in  the  early  church,  nor  is  there  any  sufficient 
cause  for  questioning  it,  much  as  has  been  written  upon 
it.    (See  Selden,  Uxor  Ehraica,  iii.  23,  27.) 


1  "  Quamdiu  vlvlt  vlr,  licet  adulter  sit,  licet  sodomita, 
licet  flagitiis  omnibus  coopertus  et  ab  uxore  propter  haec 
scelera  derelictus,  maritus  ejus  reputatur,  cui  alterum 
virum  accipere  non  licet "  (St.  Jerome,  Kpi&t.  ad  AmaTid., 
loc.  sup.  cit.).  "  Mulieri  non  licet  virum  dimittere  licet  sit 
fornicator,  nisi  forte  pro  monasterio.  Basilins  hoc  judi- 
cavit."  (Theodore,  Feniteniial,  lib.  ii.  14,  xii.  }  6.)  See 
also  the  twelfth  council  of  Toledo,  a.d.  681,  can.  v 
which  excommunicates  a  man  for  deserting  his  wife  for 
any  other  cause  than  fornication  (Hard.  C07ic.  tom.  iii. 
p.  1723),  and  the  council  of  Soissons,  a.d.  744,  can.  ix.  (ib. 
p.  1934).  The  council  of  Agde,  a.d.  506,  forbids  hus- 
bands to  dismiss  their  wives  until  they  have  provtd  their 
adultery  before  the  bishops  of  the  province,  on  pain  of 
excommunication,  can.  xxv.  (ibid.  tom.  Ii.  p.  1001). 


MARKIAGE 

bv  a  law  of  Valeutiuian  III.  forbidding  dissolu- 
tion of  marriage  by  the  mere  consent  of  the 
parties  concerned.  Again  reaction  followed  re- 
action. First,  a  law  was  passed  by  Anastasius, 
A.D.  497,  making  divorce  by  mutual  consent 
legal  {ibid.  leg.  9).  Next,  Justinian.  A.D.  528, 
recalled  the  second  law  of  Theodosius  Junior 
(that  of  the  year  A.D.  449),  adding,  how- 
ever, to  the  causes  there  specified  impotency 
lasting  two  years  (ibid.  leg.  10),  or  three 
years  (Novell,  xxii.  6),  a  desire  for  the  monastic 
"life  (^Novell,  cxvii.  18),  and  a  lengthy  captivity 
(Novell,  xxii.  7).  Justinian's  nephew,  Justin,  re- 
stored the  liberty  of  divorce  by  consent  (Novell. 
cxl.),  and  thus  the  law  continued,  as  we  learn  from 
Photius  (Nomocanon,  tit.  xiii.  c.  iv.,  Op.  p.  200, 
Paris,  lt)20),  to  the  year  870,  and  indeed  to  the 
year  900,  when  Leo  the  Philosopher  once  more 
replaced  it  on  the  footing  in  which  it  was  under 
Justinian,  before  the  alteration  made  by  Justin. 
The  laws  of  the  Western  nations  as  they  be- 
came christianised  were  similar  in  character  to 
those  of  the  empire.  The  Visigoths  inserted 
into  their  code  of  laws,  A.D.  460,  the  original 
rule  of  Christianity,  such  as  it  was  before  it  was 
altered  by  Constantine  (Leg.  Visigoth,  lib.  iii.  tit. 
vi.  c.  ii.),  adding,  however,  that  the  wronged  hus- 
band might  do  anything  that  he  pleased  with  the 
adulteress  and  her  paramour  (26;'^  tit.  iv.  c.  iii.). 
Theodoric,  king  of  the  Ostrogoths  in  Italy,  re- 
published and  confirmed  with  his  authority,  A.D. 
500,  the  law  of  Constantine,  allowing  three 
causes  of  divorce,  and  three  only,  to  the  husband 
and  to  the  wife.  The  Burgundians  at  the  same 
date  allowed  divorce  to  the  man  for  the  causes 
specified  by  Constantine,  but  not  to  the  woman. 
Among  the  Franks  and  the  Alemanni  divorce  by 
mutual  consent  was  permitted  in  the  7th  century. 
At  the  Carlovingian  era  the  law  was  generally 
made  stricter,  though  Charles  the  Great  himself 
divorced  his  wife  Bertha  and  married  Hildegard, 
holding  himself  to  be  in  such  matters  above  the 
laws.  At  the  beginning  of  the  10th  century 
Howel  the  Good,  with  three  bishops,  went  to 
Rome  "  to  consult  the  wise  in  what  manner  to 
improve  the  laws  of  Wales,"  and  after  the  laws 
were  drawn  up  "  went  a  second  time  to  Rome 
and  obtained  the  judgment  of  the  wise  there, 
and  ascertained  those  laws  to  be  in  accordance 
with  the  law  of  God  and  the  law  of  countries 
and  cities  in  the  receipt  of  faith  and  baptism." 
Nevertheless  the  laws  on  divorce  are  remarkably 
lax.  A  husband  and  wife  may  separate  before 
the  end  of  seven  years  from  their  marriage-day 
on  the  husband's  paying  her  dower  to  the 
woman;  after  seven  years,  on  sharing  their 
goods  between  them,  the  husband  taking  two- 
tnirds  of  the  children  ;  but,  "  if  a  man  deserts 
his  wife  unlawfully  and  takes  another,  the  re- 
jected wife  is  to  remain  in  her  house  until  the 
end  of  the  ninth  day  ;  and  then  if  she  be  suffered 
to  depart  entirely  from  her  husband,  every- 
thing belonging  to  her  is  to  go  in  the  first 
place  out  of  the  house,  and  then  she  is  to  go 
last  out  of  the  house  after  all  her  property  :  after 
that,  on  bringing  the  other  into  the  house,  he 
IS  to  give  a  diUjsdawd  (certificate)  to  the  first 
wife,  because  no  man,  by  law,  is  to  have  two 
wives.  Whoever  shall  leave  his  wife  and  shall 
repent  leaving  her,  she  having  been  given  to 
another  husband,  if  the  first  husband  overtake 
her  with  one  foot  in  the  bed  and  the  other  out, 


MARRIAGE 


nil 


the  first  husband,  by  law,  is  to  have  her." 
(Cyfreithiau  Hywel  Lda  ar  ddull  Dyfed,  bk.  li. 
c.  xviii.  §§  1,  2,  28,  29,  Haddan  and  Stubbs, 
Councils  of  Great  Britain,  i.  247.) 

As  in  marriage,  so  in  divorce,  St.  Paul  supple- 
ments the  teaching  of  our  Lord  lay  stating  the  law 
in  a  case  which  must  have  soon  arisen  among  the 
early  Christians.  In  1  Cor.  vii.  12-16  he  lays 
down  the  rule  that  a  marriage  that  has  taken  place 
between  two  heathens  is  not  to  be  broken  ofi"  by 
one  of  the  two  becoming  a  Christian  ;  the  mar- 
riage still  holds  good,  and  the  convert  to 
Christianity  may  not  separate  from  his  or  her 
consort  on  the  plea  of  his  infidelity.  But  if  the 
non-Christian  party  to  the  contract  chooses  to 
desert  the  one  converted  to  Christianity,  the 
latter  is  free  from  the  previously  existing  con- 
jugal obligations.  In  this  passage  St.  Paul  does 
not  justify  divorce,  but  only  a  separation,  in  which 
the  Christian  convert  is  merely  to  be  passive.  In 
the  early  church  the  negative  character  of  this 
permission  was  recognised ; '  in  later  times  it 
has  become  changed  into  a  positive  right  on  the 
part  of  the  convert,  to  be  exercised  at  the  discre- 
tion of  the  bishop,  or  rather  it  is  declared  a 
positive  duty  which  must  be  performed  by  him, 
except  a  dispensation  be  obtained  from  the  bi- 
shop (Liguori,  Theologia  Moralis,  x.  957)  ;  and 
the  meaning  of  "  infidelity  "  is  extended  so  as  to 
include  "heresy"  (ibid.  iii.  17).  The  modern 
Latin  law  of  divorce,  which  allows  four  causes 
of  divorce  quoad  vinculum  (death,  conversion, 
preference  of  monastic  life,  papal  dispensation), 
and  six  causes  of  divorce  quoad  torum  (adul- 
tery, ill-treatment,  solicitation  to  heresy,  leprosy, 
supervenient  heresy,  mutual  consent)  (Liguori, 
Theologia  Moralis,  vi.  957-975)— has  only  to  be 
mentioned  here  in  order  to  say  that  it  was  un- 
known to  the  early  church. 

Form  of  Divorce. — The  Jews  had  a  cere- 
monial of  divorce  as  well  as  of  marriage.  The 
following  are  formulas  given  by  Selden  (Uxor 
Ebraica,  iii.  24,  Op.  torn.  iv.  p.  797)  :— 

"  You  may  go  to  what  man  you  will.  This 
is  a  bill  of  divorce  between  me  and  thee  ;  a  letter 
of  quittance,  and  instrument  of  dismissal,  so  you 
may  marry  whom  you  please." 

"  On  such  a  day,  of  such  a  month,  of  such  a 
year,  I,  such  an  one,  son  of  such  an  one,  from 
such  a  place,  and  by  whatever  other  name  or 
surname  I,  or  my  parent,  or  my  birthplace,  are 
known  by,  of  my  own  will  and  purpose,  and 
without  compulsion,  dismiss,  quit,  repudiate 
thee,  such  an  one,  daughter  of  such  an  one,  from 
such  a  place,  and  by  whatever  other  name  or 
surname  thou,  or  thy  parent,  or  thy  birthplace 
art  known  by,  who  up  to  this  time  hast  been 


•■  The  author  of  the  commentary  tbat  goes  under  the 
name  of  St.  Ambrose,  appears  to  have  been  the  first  to 
argue  that  the  believer  from  whom  his  unbelieving  con- 
sort had  departed  might  marry  again.  If  those  who 
were  separated  from  their  wives  by  Ezra,  he  urged, 
might  marry  again,  how  much  more  those  whose  mar- 
riages had  been  dissolved  by  the  infidelity  of  their 
consorts  (Pseudo-Ambrose  in  1  Cor.  vii.  15)!  Theodore  of 
Canterbury  ruled  at  the  end  of  the  IVa  century,  "  If  the 
wife  is  an  unbeliever  and  a  heathen,  and  cannot  be  con- 
verted, let  her  be  dismissed  "  {Penitential,  lib  ii.  c.  xii. 
5  18).  If  a  husband  and  wife  have  separated  while  still 
heathens,  and  then  been  converted  to  Christianity,  the 
same  authority  rules  that  the  man  may  do  as  he  pleases 
as  to  taking  or  leaving  his  wife  {ibid.  }  17). 


1112 


MAERIAGE 


my  wife.  And  now  I  dismiss,  quit,  and  repu- 
diate thee  that  thou  be  free,  and  have  the 
power  of  going  away  and  marrying  any  other 
man.  And  no  one  on  earth  is  to  hinder  thee 
from  this  day  forward  for  ever.  And  now,  be- 
hold, thou  art  permitted  to  be  the  wife  of  any 
man.  And  this  is  to  be  thy  bill  of  divorce,  the 
instrument  of  thy  dismissal,  and  the  letter  of 
thy  quittance,  according  to  the  law  of  Moses  and 
the  Israelites." 

The  above  bills  had  to  be  signed  by  two  wit- 
nesses and  formally  delivered  to  tlie  wife  or  her 
proctor. 

The  Greek  and  Latin  formulas  were  much 
shorter :  It  was  only  necessary  to  say,  Tvvai. 
irpaTre  to.  (to. — 'Arep,  Trpdrre  ra  ad :  or  Ta 
(Tiavrr\s  irpdrTf — Ta  ffeauToO  irpdrn — and  the 
Greek  marriage  was  broken  off.  The  Roman 
marriage  was  a  more  serious  thing  than  that 
of  any  of  the  Greeks  except  the  Spartans.  To 
break  off  a  marriage  effected  by  confarreatio 
there  was  a  form  called  diffarreatio,  and  a  mar- 
riage by  coemptio  was  dissolved  by  a  form  called 
remancipatio.  For  a  length  of  time  divorces 
were  not  heard  of  among  the  Romans ;  but 
under  the  empire  they  became  common.  Some- 
times the  nuptial  tablets  were  broken  and  the 
key  of  the  house  taken  from  the  woman,  but 
the  most  significant  part  of  the  proceedings  was 
the  use  of  the  form  of  the  words  : — "  Tuas  res 
tibi  habeto  "  (Pkutus,  Amphitryon,  act  iii.  sc.  2), 
or  "  Tuas  res  agito."  Espousals  were  broken  off 
by  the  formula: — "  Conditione  tua  non  utar." 
And  the  Lex  Julia  cle  adulteriis  required  the  pre- 
sence of  seven  witnesses  to  make  a  divorce  valid. 
The  early  Christians  followed  for  the  most  part 
the  Roman  practice ;  but  as  the  marriage  was 
contracted  in  the  face  of  the  church,  so  also 
the  divorce  might  not  be  effected  without  the 
church's  cognisance.  We  have  already  seen  that 
the  council  of  Agde,  A.D.  506,  excommunicates 
the  man  who  presumed  to  dismiss  his  wife  until 
he  has  proved  her  guilt  before  the  bishop  of  the 
province  in  which  he  lived  (can.  xxv.,  Hard. 
Concit.  torn.  ii.  p.  1001). 

Remarriage  after  divorce. — ^The  distinction  be- 
tween separation  a  mensd  et  thoro  and  divorce 
a  vinculo  (the  last  of  which  alone  qualifies  for 
remarriage)  was  not  formulated  in  the  early 
church  :  and  this  is  perhaps  one  reason  why  the 
imperial  laws  passed  so  readily,  as  by  the  swing 
of  a  pendulum,  from  severity  to  laxity,  and 
from  laxity  to  severity.  There  are  fewer  canons 
of  councils  bearing  upon  the  question  of  re- 
marriage after  divorce  than  might  have  been 
expected.  In  the  Apostolical  Constitutions 
(lib.  vi.  c.  17),  and  in  the  so-called  fourth 
council  of  Carthage,  A.D.  398  (can.  Ixix.),  the 
clergy  are  forbidden  to  be  married  to  a  divorced 
woman,  which  implies  that  under  some  circum- 
stances at  least  a  divorced  woman  might  be 
married.  In  the  Apostolical  Canons,  indeed,  there 
appears  a  rule  forbidding  a  man  who  has  divorced 
his  wife  to  marry  again,  and  forbidding  mar- 
riage to  a  divorced  woman  on  pain  of  excom- 
munication (can.  xlviii.) ;  but  this  canon  is 
commonly  understood  to  refer  only  to  men  who 
had  illegally  put  away  their  wives,  or  to  women 
who  had  illegally  separated  from  their  husbands. 
(See  Balsamon's  exposition.  In  Canon.  Apostol. 
p.  258,  Paris,  1620.)  At  the  council  of  Aries, 
A.D.  314,  it  was  enacted  that  young  men  who 


MAERIAGE 

had  put  away  their  wives  for  adultery  should 
be  advised  not  to  marry  again  as  long  as  their 
first  wife  was  living,  but  no  yoke  of  compulsion 
was  laid  upon  them  (can.  x.).  The  council  of 
Elvira,  about  the  same  date,  decreed  that  a 
woman  who  had  separated  from  her  husband 
without  cause  and  had  married  again  siiould  be 
for  ever  excommunicated ;  and  that  a  woman 
who  had  separated  from  her  husband  on  the 
ground  of  his  adultery,  and  had  married  again, 
should  not  be  received  to  communion  until  her 
first  husband  was  dead ;  and  that  a  woman  who 
had  married  a  man  that  had  separated  from  his 
wife  uithout  cause  should  be  for  ever  excom- 
municated (cans.  viii.  ix.  x.).  The  last  of  these 
canons  implies  that  the  man  who  separates  from 
her  with  sufficient  cause  might  marry  again. 
TertuUian  dissuades  remarriage  in  all  cases,  but 
in  his  treatise  addressed  to  his  wife  he  allows 
that  it  is  lawful  after  death  or  divorce  (^Ad  Uxor. 
ii.  1).  In  his  treatise  on  Monogamy  he  declares 
marriage  after  divorce  unlawful  (c.  xi.)  Lac- 
tantius  holds  remarriage  permissible  in  the  hus- 
band who  has  dismissed  his  wife  for  adultery 
(^Inst.  vi.  23).  Remarriage  iu  the  man  is  by 
implication  permitted  by  the  council  of  Vannes, 
A.D.  465  (can.  ii..  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  ii.  p.  797). 
Origen  (in  opposition  to  the  opinion  of  some  of 
his  contemporaries)  and  St.  Jerome  declare  it 
not  permissib?e  in  the  woman  (Orig.  Com.  iv 
Matt.  xiv.  23,  Op.  tom.  iii.  p.  347  ;  Hieron.  Epist. 
ad  Amand.,  Op.  tom.  iv.  p.  162).  Elsewhere  St. 
Jerome  pronounces  against  it  in  both  parties  (see 
in  Matt.  xix.  9,  Op.  tom.  iv.  p.  87).  Athenagoras 
disallows  it  altogether  (Legat.  c.  xxxiii.).  Pope 
Innocent  I.  in  his  letter  to  Exuperius  condemns 
it  in  both  parties  (Hard.  Concil.  tom.  i.  p.  1005). 
At  the  second  council  of  Milevis,  A.D.  416,  it 
was  forbidden  to  both  parties  (can.  xvii.,  ibid. 
p.  1220  ;  and  at  a  council  of  Carthage  of  the 
year  407,  from  which  the  prohibition  was 
adopted  as  the  rule  of  the  African  church 
(Cot/.  Eccles.  Afric.  can.  cii.).  The  prohibition 
was  repeated  by  a  council  of  Nantes,  of  un- 
certain date,  supposed  by  some  to  have  been 
held  in  the  year  658  (can.  xii..  Hard.  Concil. 
tom.  vi.  p.  459),  by  the  council  of  Herudford 
(Hertford)  under  archbishop  Theodore,  A.D.  673,' 
(cap.  X.,  ibid.  tom.  iii.  p.  1017),  by  the  capitu- 
lary of  Aix,  A.D.  789  (cap.  xliii.,  ibid.  tom.  iv. 
p.  836),  and  by  the  council  of  Friuli,  A.D.  791 
(can.  s.,  ibid.  tom.  iv.  p.  859).  The  prohibitory 
rule  is  enforced  by  Hermae  Pastor  (lib.  ii. 
mand.  iv.  tom.  i.  p.  87,  ed.  Coteler),  St.  Chry- 
sostom  (^Hom.  in  Matt.  xvii.  Op.  tom.  vii.  p.  227), 
St.  Basil  {Moralia,  Meg.  Ixxiii.  1,  Op.  tom.  ii. 
p.  494,  Paris,  1637).  St.  Augustine  speaks  with 
hesitation  (i>e  Fide  et  Oper.  c.  xix..  Op.  tom.  vi. 
p.  221).  Epiphanius  declares  that  the  Word  of 
God  does  not  condemn  a  man  who  marries  again 
after  having  separated  from  a  wife  proved  guilty 
of  adultery,  fornication,  or  any  such  base  guilt 
{Haer.  lix.  4).  Theodore's  Penitential  allows  a 
husband's  remarriage  if  the  woman  was  his  first 


s  The  itijunctiou  of  the  Council  of  Hertford  is  rather  a 
counsel  than  a  rule  of  universal  obligation:  "Let  no  one 
leave  his  wife  except,  as  the  holy  Gospel  teaches,  for  the 
cause  of  fornication.  But  if  anyone  has  dismissed  his  wife 
who  has  been  Joined  to  him  in  lawful  wedlock,  let  him  not 
marry  another,  if  he  would  be  a  Christian,  as  he  ought  to 
be  (si  Christianus  esse  recte  voluerit),  but  let  him  so  re- 
main or  be  reconciled  to  his  wife." 


MARRIAGE 

wife,  and  permits  the  wife's  remarriage,  on  her 
repentance,  after  five  years  (lib.  ii.  cap.  xii.  §  5). 
Elsewhere  he  orders  that  a  man  who  divorces  his 
wife  and  marries  again  shall  do  seven  years' 
severe  penance  or  fifteen  years'  light  penance 
(lib.  i.  cap.  xiv.  §  8).  If  we  are  to  reconcile  these 
two  rulings,  we  must  suppose  that  in  the  latter 
case  is  meant  a  man  who  has  divorced  his  wife 
for  some  less  ofi'ence  than  fornication.  If  a  wife 
leaves  her  husband,  and  he  thereupon  remarries, 
he  is  to  do  one  year's  penance;  if  she  returns  to 
the  husband  whom  she  had  left,  having  lived  in- 
nocently meantime,  she  is  also  to  do  one  year's 
penance;  if  she  does  not  return,  she  is  to  do 
three  years'  penance  (^ibid.  §  lo).  If  a  wife 
haughtily  refuses  to  be  reconciled  with  her  hus- 
band, after  five  years  he  may  marry  again  with 
the  bishop's  leave  (lib.  ii.  cap.  xii.  §  19). 

The  civil  law  permitted  remarriage.  A  law  of 
Honorius  enacts  that  if  a  woman  put  away  her 
husband  for  grave  reasons,  she  might  marry  after 
five  years;  and  that  a  man  in  like  case  might 
marry  as  soon  as  he  thought  proper ;  if  the 
reasons  for  the  divorce  were  of  a  less  grave 
character,  the  man  must  wait  for  two  years 
before  taking  another  wife  ;  if  he  had  no  reasons 
he  might  not  marry  again,  but  the  injured  woman 
might  remarry  after  the  lapse  of  a  year  (Cod. 
lYieod.  lib.  iii.  tit.  xvi.  leg.  2).  See  also  the  Codex 
Justinianus,  Mb.  v.  tit.  xvii.  legg.  8,  9,  The  laws 
of  Ethelbert,  established  in  the  time  of  Augustine 
for  England,  A.D.  597,  enact  with  great  simplicity 
that  an  adulterer  is  "  to  provide  another  wife 
with  his  own  money  "  for  the  injured  husband, 
"and  bring  her  to  him"  (Doom  xxxi.  Haddan 
and  Stubbs,  CovMcils  of  Great  Britain,  iii.  p.  45). 
The  general  conclusion  that  we  arrive  at  from 
a  review  of  the  documents  and  authorities  of  the 
early  church  is  that  while  the  remarriage  of  the 
guilty  party  was  sternly  and  uncompromisingly 
condemned,  there  was  no  consensus  on  the  ques- 
tion of  the  lawfulness  or  unlawfulness  of  the  re- 
marriage of  the  innocent  party.  After  a  time 
an  ever-widening  divergence  exhibited  itself  on 
this  point,  as  on  others,  in  the  practice  and 
teaching  of  the  eastern  and  western  divisions  of 
the  church.  Eastern  theology  at  length  framed 
for  itself  rules  shortly  expressed  in  the  follow- 
ing canons,  found  in  the  synodical  decisions  of 
Alexius,  who  was  patriarch  of  Constantinople  in 
the  beginning  of  the  lith  century  : — 

"  1.  No  clergyman  is  to  be  condemned  for 
giving  the  benediction  at  the  marriage  of  a 
divorced  woman,  when  the  man's  conduct  was 
the  cause  of  the  divorce. 

"  2.  Women  divorced  by  men  whose  conduct 
has  been  the  cause  of  the  divorce  are  not  to  be 
blamed  if  they  choose  to  marry  again,  nor  are 
the  priests  to  be  blamed  who  give  them  the 
benediction.     So,  too,  with  regard  to  men. 

"  3.  Whoever  marries  a  woman  divorced  for 
adultery  is  an  adulterer,  whether  he  has  himself 
heen  married  before  or  not,  and  he  must  undergo 
the  adulterer's  penance. 

"  4.  Any  priest  who  gives  the  benediction  at 
the  second  marriage  of  parties  divorced  by  mutual 
consent  (which  is  a  thing  forbidden  by  the  laws) 
shall  be  deprived  of  his  office"  (see  Selden,  Uxor 
Ebraica,  iii.  32,  Op.  tom.  iv.  p.  855). 

The  teaching  embodied  in  these  canons  and 
the  ])ractice  founded  upon  it  has  continued  to  be 
the  teaching  and   the  practice  of  the  Oriental 


MARRIAGE 


1113 


church  to  the  present  day.  In  the  East,  there- 
fore, the  once  doubtful  question  of  the  legality 
of  the  remarriage  of  the  innocent  party  after 
divorce  has  been  resolved  in  the  affirmative 
sense ;  in  the  Latin  church  it  has  been  deter- 
mined in  the  negative,  except  when  a  papal  dis- 
pensation has  intervened,  which,  according  to 
modern  Roman  theology  makes  all  things  pos- 
sible and  allowable.  In  England  the  law  of  the 
land  permits  the  remarriage  of  both  parties 
when  a  divorce  has  been  judicially  declared; 
but  having  regard  to  the  consciences  of  the 
clergy  of  the  church,  in  whose  eyes  the  re- 
marriage of  the  guilty  party  would  be  pre- 
suirably  a  wrong  act,  it  does  not  require  that 
the  ceremony  of  the  second  nuptials  should  be 
performed  by  them. 

Literature. — Codex  Theodosianus  cum  Com- 
ment. Gothofredi,  Lugd.  1665.  Codex  Justini- 
anus apud  Corpus  Juris  CiviUs  cum  notis  Gotho- 
fredi, Paris,  1627.  Canciani,  Barharorum  Leges 
Antiquae,  Venetiis,  1789.  Harduinus,  Acta 
Conciliorum,  Paris,  1715.  Hefele,  Concilienge- 
schichte.  (The  two  first  vols,  have  been  translated 
and  published  in  English,  1872  and  1876,  T.  and 
T.  Clark,  Edinburgh).  Launoius,  Legia  in  Ma- 
trimonium  potestas,  Op.  tom.  i.  pars  2,  p.  6j5, 
Colon.  Allob.  1730.  Van  Espen,  Jus  Ecclesias- 
ticum,  de  Sponsalibus  et  Matrimonio,  Op.  tom. 
i.  p.  554,  Lovan.  1753.  Beveridge,  Synodiam, 
Oxon.  1672.  Maimonides,  Uebraeorum  de  Con- 
nubiis  jus  civile  et  pontificium,  Paris,  1673. 
Selden,  Uxor  Ebraica,  Op.  tom.  iv.  p.  529. 
London,  1726.  Brouwer,  de  Jure  Connubiorum 
Libri  duo,  Delphis,  1714.  Moser,  de  Impedi- 
ment is  Matrimonii  apud  Theologiae  Cur  sum  com- 
pletum  J.  P.  Migne,  tom.  xxiv.,  Paris,  1840. 
Gisbert,  Doctrine  de  I'Eglise  sur  le  Sacrcment  du 
Mariage,  Paris,  1725.  Walch,  de  Episcopo  unius 
uxoris  tiro  in  his  Miscellanea  Sacra,  Amstel. 
1744.  Martene,  de  Antiquis  Ecclesiae  ritibus, 
lib.  i.  pars  2,  cap.  ix.  p.  591,  Kotomagi,  1700. 
Thomassinus,  Vetus  et  nova  Ecclesiae  iJis- 
ciplina,  Lugd.  1706.  Bingham,  Antiquities  of 
the  Christian  Church,  books  iv.  v.  vi.  xxii. 
Loud.  1726.  Binterim,  Lie  Denkwiirdigheiten 
der  Christ- Katholischen  Kirche,  Mainz,  1830. 
Walther,  Lehrbxich  des  Eirchenrechts  aller  Christ- 
lichen  Confessionen,  §§  294-324,  Bonn,  1842. 
Probst,  Sakramente  und  Sakramentalien  in  den 
drei  ersten  Christlichen  Jahrhunderten,  Tubingen, 
1872.  H.  Davey  Evans,  A  Treatise  on  the  Ciiris- 
tian  Doctrine  of  Marriage,  New  York,  1870. 
Watterich,  Die  Ehe,  ihr  Ursprung,  ihr  Wesea  und 
ihre  Weihe,  nach  Gottes  Wort  und  That  dargestellt. 
Basle,  1876.  Von  Schulte,  Der  Colibatszwang 
und  dessen  Aufhebung,  Bonn,  1876.  Sohm, 
Das  Lecht  der  Eheschliessung  aus  dem  deutschen 
und  Canonischen  Lecht  geschichtlich  erortert, 
Weimar,  1875.  Hammond,  Of  Divorces,  Works, 
vol.  i.,  London,  1674.  Cosin,  Argument  on  the 
Dissolution  of  Marriage,  Works,  vol.  iv.,  Oxford, 

1851.  Two  learned  notes  On  the  Second  Marriage 
of  the  Clergy,  and  On  the  early  views  as  to 
Marriage  after  Divorce,  by  Dr.  Pusey,  are 
attached  to  the  Oxford  translation  of  Tertul Han's 
Treatise  Ad  Uxorem,  Library  of  the  Fathers, 
vol.  x.  pp.  420,  443,  Oxford,  1854.  Jeremy 
Taylor  deals  with  the  question  of  the  marriage 
of  bishops  and  priests  in  Doctor  Lubitanfimn, 
bk.  iii.  c.   iv..   Works,  voL  x.  p.  415,    London, 

1852.  Various  treatises  by  Perrone  and  others 


1114 


MARRIAGE 


containing  the  modern  teaching  of  the  Roman 
church  on  matrimony  are  published  in  Migne's 
Theologiae  Cursus  compktus  mentioned  above. 
[F.  M.] 
MARRIAGE  (in  Art).  The  form  of  treat- 
menc,  or  the  amount  of  notice,  which  the 
Christian  rite  of  marriage  received  from  the 
artists  of  the  primitive  church  varied  with 
the  view  taken  of  the  solemn  union  of  man 
and  woman  by  her  authorities.  The  ascetic 
principle,  which  had  almost  entirely  prevailed  in 
the  Eastern  world,  began  to  influence  Italy  and 
Europe  almost  as  powerfully  after  the  sack  of 
Rome  by  Alaric.  It  need  not  be  connected  in 
our  minds  with  misanthropy,  the  desire  for 
power,  or  any  equivocal  motive  ;  it  was  related 
more  closely  to  terror  at  the  wickedness,  dis- 
tress, and  degradation  of  the  present  world,  with 
the  desire  of  escape  from  some  of  its  dangers, 
and  especially,  as  a  consequence  of  these  sutfer- 
ings,  with  the  hope  of  the  speedy  coming  of 
Christ  to  judgment,  and  the  end  of  the  world. 
That  this  had  a  direct  effect  on  art  is  proved  by 
the  number  of  mosaic  pictures,  in  particular, 
which  direct  the  thoughts  of  the  worshipper  to 
the  scenery  of  the  Apocalypse,  the  symbolic  or 
trance-seen  manifestations  of  the  coming  of  the 
Son  of  Man ;  or  image  forth  His  glory  in 
Heaven,  contrasted  in  the  same  picture  with  His 
presence  as  the  Lamb  of  Sacrifice  among  men  on 
this  side  of  Jordan,  and  in  the  wilderness  of  the 
world.     It  might  be  expected  accordingly  that 


MARRIAGE 

or  five    centuries,  at   least  in  Italy.     The 


four 

monuments   or  relics  connected  with 


marriage 


Martigny,  after  Gamicci. 


such  works  of  art  as  either  represent  or  com- 
memorate the  marriage  of  Christian  persons 
would  chiefly  or  entirely  be  confined  to  the  first 


seem  to  be  of  two  kinds  ;  either  cups,  glasses, 
signets,  or  other  memorials  of  the  union  of  the 
parties,  or  sepulchral  effigies  commemorative  of 
the  marriage  bond  as  perfected  and  completed, 
by    their    death     in    wedlock.     The    earliest   of 
these    latter    which    we    possess  is  the  tomb  of 
Probus   and  Proba,  early  in    the  latter  half  of 
the  4th   century.     The  fragments   of  cups  and 
platters    have   principally  been    found   in  cata- 
combs or  tombs   of  early  date ;  and  as  it  seems 
agreed  that  the  catacombs  were  never  used  for 
fresh  burials  after  the  taking  of  Rome  by  Alaric, 
and    with    less  frequency  for   some  time  before 
that  event,  these  relics  cannot  be  later  than  the 
4th  century.      [See  Glass,    Christian,  note  >•, 
p.  734.]     That  few  or  none  of  them  are  earlier 
or   later  than  the   4th  century  (unless  certain 
Greek  forms  be  excepted)  seems  highly  probable. 
Taking  these  memorial  glasses  first,  there  are 
two  given  by  Martigny  (Diet.  p.  388)  from  Gar- 
rucci's  Vetri,  &c.  trovati  nei  cimiteri  dei  primitivi 
Cristiani,  tav.  xxvi.  11,  12  (see  woodcut.  No.  1), 
which  seem  to  indicate  the  ritual  of  Christian 
marriage   in   the    earliest    times.      The   parties 
stand  side  by  side  with  joined  hands  ;  or  rather 
the  husband  takes  the  right  hand  of  the  wife  in 
his,  as  if  in  the  act   of  plighting  troth.     Mar- 
tigny refers  to  Tobit  vii.  13  on  this  point,  but 
that  passage  describes  the  action  of  a  father  in 
giving  his  daughter  away  to  her  husband.  There 
is  exact  resemblance  between  the  action  of  the 
two   figures,   and   that    of  Hercules   taking   the 
hand  of  Minerva,  on  a  heathen  glass  given  in 
Buonarotti,    Vetri,    tav.    xxvii.  ;  Garrucci,    tav. 
XXXV.'     Above  the  figures  is   the  monogram  of 
our  Lord  to  indicate  wedlock  in  Him.     The  crown 
of  marriage    sometimes   takes  the  place   of  the 
monogram,  as  in  fig.  11,  pi.  xxvi.  (see  Tertullian, 
de    Corona,    xiii.    "  coronant    nuptiae  sponsos ;  " 
and  in  other  cases  the  symbolism  is  completed  by 
a  figure  of  Christ  placing   the  crown  on  their 
heads   (woodcut.  No.   2).      Inscriptions  are  fre- 
quent   on    these    glasses,    arranged    round    the 
figures  (see  ib,'d.)  giving  their  names,  with  "  Vi- 
vatis  in  Deo,"  or  some  other  words  of  blessing. 

A  rolled  paper  or  volume  is  sometimes  placed 
near  the  bride,  and  is  thought  to  refer  to  the 
dower.  See  Garrucci,  tav.  xxvii.  1 ;  Tertullian, 
ad  Uxor.  ii.  3,  "  tabulae  nuptiales."  The  bride 
stands  on  her  husband's  right  invariably.  She 
is  not  veiled,  and  is  richly  dressed  and  orna- 
mented, perhaps  in  remembrance  of  Ps.  xlv.  10, 
14,  15.  As  to  the  veil,  see  Marriage,  p.  lios' 
and  Veil.  He  further  mentions  an  interesting 
relic  figured  in  P.  Mozzoni's  Tavole  Cronohgiche 
della  storia  delta  Chiesa,  Venice,  1856-63,  saec. 
IV.  p.  47.  It  is  a  small  chest  belongino-  to  a 
lady's  wardrobe,  with  heathen  figures  carded  on 
It,  accompanied  nevertheless  by  the  upright 
monogram,  combined  thus,  A  i^  to  with  the"  A 
and  CO,  and  the  motto  SECVNDE  et  projecta 
viVATis  IN  CHR.  It  may  have  been  a  weddine 
present.  A  gold  medal  at  sec.  v.,  p.  55  (a 
volume  of  this  work  is  assigned  to  each  century) 


t  At  p.  208  m  the  same  book  an  engraved  stone  is 
figured,  which  belonged  to  the  abbe  Andreini,  and  repre- 
sents a  married  pair,  with  the  inscription  VT  FX  CUtere 
Felix).  ^ 


MAERIAGE 

is   said   to   have    been  struck   at  the  marriage 
of  Marcianus  and  Pulcheria.      They  are  repre- 
sented with  nimbi,  the  rigure  of  the  Lord  above 
with    the    cruciform    nimbus,    and    the    legend 
i  FELICITER  NUBTIIS  surrounds  the  device. 
\       II.  As  memorials  of  the  family,  a  number  of 
gilded  glass  vessels  and  devices  are  in  existence, 
j  which   appear   to    represent  deceased    heads    of 
i  families ;  often  with  their  children  (Buonarotti, 
'  tav.  xxi'i.  xxvi.  &c.  ;  Garrucci,  xxx.)  or  crowned 
l>y  the  Lord  (xxix.  1).     These  were  probably  used 
at  agapae,  and  indicate  a  connexion  or  relation 
between    the  Christian    and    the  ethnic   funeral 
feast.     Engraved  stones  and  rings  are  common  ; 
one  from  P.  Lupi  (Severae  Martyris  Epitaph,  p. 
64. 1)  represents  two  fishes  embracing  an  anchor, 
which  may  or  may  not  symbolise  a  Christian  pair. 
But  our  chief  examples  are  found  on  sarco- 
phagi.   That  of  Probus  and  Proba  has  been  men- 
tioned, and  will  be  found  in  Bottari,  tav.    xvi. 
(Aringhi,  vol.  i.  p.  283).  It  represents  the  wedded 
pair  with  an  aspect   of  deep  distress,  as  in  the 
act  of  parting. 

The  sarcophagus  of  Valeria  Latobia  (p.  291) 
has  two  figures  bearing  the  same  aspect ;  at 
least,  if  Bosio's  draughtsmen  are  to  be  trusted, 
Valeria  is  taking  her  husband's  hand  by  the 
wrist  (reversing  the  ordinary  action)  as  if  bid- 
ding him  farewell.  They  are  separated  by  an 
object,  which  may  be  taken  for  three  large  rolls 
of  paper  or  parchment  bound  together,  and  the 
husband  carries  the  usual  volumen  also.  Aringhi 
thinks  they  represent  the  scriptures.  Martigny 
thinks  the  smaller  roll  is  the  consular  majjpa. 

The  dolphins  on  the  tomb  of  Valeria  are  pro- 
bably symbolic  of  aiFection,  and  the  turtle-doves 
or  other  birds  in  the  spandrels  of  the  small 
arches  on  that  of  Probus  and  Proba  may  have 
the  same  meaning.  See  St.  Ambrose  (cle  Abra- 
ham, ii.  c.  8,  53),  with  reference  to  Luke  ii.  22 
sqq.  "  duos  pullos  columbarum  quod  in  columba 
spiritalis  gratia  sit,  in  turture  incorruptae  gene- 
rationis  natura,  vel  immaculata  corporis  casti- 
monia." 

Martigny  mentions  a  marble  sarcophagus, 
carved  apparently  on  the  same  principle  of  com- 
position as  the  last-mentioned,  of  dividing  the 
front  by  pillars  into  arched  recesses,  where  the 
spaces  are  filled  by  figures  of  the  ditlerent  ages 
of  a  soldier,  and  of  his  courtship  and  marriage. 
It  was  discovered  at  Aries  in  1 844-.  (See  bul- 
letin de  I'Tnstitut  de  Corresp.  Archeol.  an  1844, 
p.  12  sqq.)  It  is  in  good  classical  style,  and 
might  be  taken  for  a  heathen  monument,  if  the 
miracle  of  the  loaves  were  not  sculptured  on  the 
sides.  This  may  be  a  Christian  addition  made  to 
an  antique  sarcophagus,  and  doves  and  fruits 
are  also  found  on  the  ornamental  carvings. 

For  children  and  domestic  scenes  on  the  glass 
and  gold  cups,  see  Garrucci,  Vetri,  tav.  xxix.  45, 
xxxii.  11,  2,  3,  xxxi.  4.  Lesson  learning  is  going 
on  in  xxix.  4  ;  and  in  xxxii.  1  a  mother  oU'ers  her 
breast  to  her  child.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

MARS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Thessa- 
lonica  April  2  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MARSUS,  presbyter  and  confessor  at  Auxerre ; 
commemorated  Oct.  4  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Oct.  ii.  387).  [C.  H.] 

MARTA,  martyr;  commemorated  at  Rome 
June  2  {Hieron.  Mart).  [C.  II.] 


MARTIA 


1115 


MARTERUS,  martyr;  commemorated  in 
the  East  Jan.  17  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [0.  H.] 

MARTHA  (1)  Martyr,  her  passio  comme- 
morated at  Rome  in  the  cemetery  of  Calistus  on 
the  Via  Appia  Jan.  16  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed. 
Mart.  Awt.). 

(2)  Wife  of  Marius  ;  commemorated  Jan.  20. 
[Marius  (1).] 

(3)  Virgin,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Astorga 
in  Spain  Feb.  23  (Boll.  Acta  S3.  Feb.  iii.  362). 

(4)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia  Feb. 
24  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Widow,  mother  of  Simeon  Stylites  junior  ; 
commemorated  May  5  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  May,  v. 
403) ;  July  5  (Basil,  MenoL ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturq. 
iv.  262). 

(6)  Or  Mathana,  mother  of  Simeon  Stylites 
senior ;  commemorated  Sept.  1  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Sept.  i.  203). 

(7)  Martyr  with  Saula,  virgins,  at  the  city  of 
Colonia  ;  commemorated  Oct.  20  (ITsuard.  Mart.). 

(8)  Sister  of  Lazarus.  Her  translatio  is  given, 
with  that  of  Lazarus,  on  Dec.  17  by  Usuard  and 
Vet.  Bom.  Mart.,  with  no  mention  of  Mary. 
She  is  mentioned  without  either  her  brother  or 
her  sister  in  Gal.  Aethiop.  under  Sept.  28.  [Laza- 
rus (1)  ;  Maria  (1).]  [C.  H.] 

MARTHERUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Rome  June  18  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MARTIA  or  MARCIA  (1)  Martyr;  com- 
memorated at  Nicomedia  Jan.  20  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr,  with  several  others;  commemo- 
rated March  3  {Hieron.  Mart.;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Mar.  i.  226) ;  Marcia  (Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(3)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Alexandria 
April  6  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr ;  commemorated,  not  said  where, 
April  14  ;  another  commemorated  on  same  day  at 
the  cemetery  of  Praetextatus  on  the  Via  Appia 
at  Rome  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa  Ap.  20 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(6)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Ap.  24 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(7)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Rome  June  2 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(8)  Martyr  with  Cyria  and  Valeria,  all 
natives  of  Caesarea  in  Palestine ;  commemo- 
rated June  6  (Basil.  MenoL). 

(9)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Caesarea  June 
8  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(10)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa  June 
16  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(11)  Martyr  in  Africa  with  Aemilius  and  Felix  ; 
commemorated  June  18  {Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Jun.  iii.  568). 

(12)  Martyr  with  Rufinus ;  commemorated 
at  Syracuse  June  21  {Hieron.  Mart.;  Vet.  Eom. 
Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart.).  Marcia  (Bed.  Mart. 
Auct.). 

(13)  Martyr,  with  others  at  Rome  ;  comme- 
morated July  2  (Usuard.  Mart.). 

(14)  Martvr  ;  commemorated  at  Cordova  Oct. 
13  {Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(15)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Campania 
Nov.  5  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 


IIK 


MARTIA 


(16)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa  Dec. 
lb  {Bieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAKTIALIS  (1)  Martyr ;  commemorated  ia 
Africa  Jan.  3  {Hieron.  Mart.;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Jan.  i.  130). 

(2)  Mirtyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Jan.  9 
(^Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Rome  Jan.  21 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Valentia  in 
Spain  Jan.  22  {Eieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  Feb.  2 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(6)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia 
Feb.  16;  another  commemorated  iu  Africa,  and 
a  third  at  a  place  unknown,  the  same  day  {Mieron. 
Mart.). 

(7)  Martyr;  commemorated  Feb.  18  (Hieron. 
Mart.).  Bed.  Auct.  gives  the  depositio  of  a 
bishop  Martialis  on  this  day. 

(8)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia 
March  13  {Hieron.  Mart). 

(9)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  April  IG  at  Sara- 
gossa  (Usuard.  Mart.)  ;  in  Pontus  {Hwron.  Mart.) ; 
at  Rome  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  ii.  405). 

(10)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia 
April  29  (^Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(11)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in   Africa  May 

4  (^Hieron.  Mart.). 

(12)  Two  martyrs  of  this  name  ;  commemo- 
rated in  Africa  May  7  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(13)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Tomi  May 
27  {Hieron.  Mart.)  ;  in  Africa  (Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(14)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Thessalonica 
June  1  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(15)  Martyr;  commemorated  at   Rome  June 

2  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(16)  Bishop  of  Spoleto;  commemorated  June 

3  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jun.  i.  395). 

(17)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Rome    June 

5  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(18)  Bishop  ;  his  depositio  commemorated  at  | 
Limoges  June  30  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart. ; 
Bed.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jun.  v.  535). 

(19)  One  of  seven  brothers,  martyrs  ;  comme- 
morated at  Rome  July  10  {Hieron.  Mart.; 
Usuard.  Ifart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.). 

(20)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Syrmia  July 
15  {Hieron.  Mart.).    Marcialis  (Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(21)  Or  Marcialis,  one  of  the  Martyres  Scil- 
litani ;  commemorated  July  17  {Mart.  Bedae). 

(22)  Martyr,  v.'ith  others  in  Portus  Romanus  ; 
commemorated  Aug.  22  {Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Usuard. 
Mart.;  Vet.  Bern.  Mart.;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Aug.  iv.  673). 

(23)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Aquileia 
Aug.  23  {Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Florus  in  Bed.  Mart.). 

(24)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Sept.  24  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(25)  Martyr;  commemorated  Sept.  28  {Vet. 
Bom.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Sept.  vii.  603). 

(26)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Oct.  6 
{Hieron.  Mart.).     Marcialis  (Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(27)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Antioch  Oct. 
8  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 


MAHTIANUS 

(28)  Martyr  ;  commomorated  at  Acernum  in 
Sicily  Oct.  11  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(29)  Martyr,  with  Januarius  and  Faustus; 
commemorated  at  Cordova  Oct.  13  (Usuard. 
Mart.). 

(30)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa  Oct. 
18  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(31)  (Marcialis)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at 
Nicomedia  Oct.  30  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  'Mart. 
Auct.). 

(32)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Spain  Nov.  9 
{Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.), 

(33)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Nov. 
15  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(34)  Two  martyrs  of  this  name ;  commemo- 
rated Nov.  16  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(35)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  Nov.  25  {Hieron. 
Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAETIANA  (1)  Virgin,  martyr;  comme- 
morated in  Mauritania  Caesariensis  Jan.  9  (Usu- 
ard. Mart. ;  Ado,  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i. 
569)  ;  the  name  is  Macra  in  Vet.  Rom.  Mart. 

(2)  Virgin,  martyr  under  Diocletian  in 
Mauritania  Caesariensis ;  commemorated  Jan.  9 
(Usuard.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  iii.  568). 

(3)  Martyr,  with  Nicanor  and  ApoUonius; 
commemorated  in  Egypt  April  5  {Hieron.  Mart. ; 
Usuard.  Mart.  ;    Vet.  Jimn.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  in  Africa  April  26 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Rome  June  2 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(6)  Virgin,  martyr;  commemorated  a1  the 
city  Amecia  Aug.  18  {Hieron.  Mart.).  Maroiana 
(Bed.  Mart.  Auct.).     See  also  Marciane. 

[C.  H.] 

MARTIANUS  (1)  One  of  several  "  praecla- 
rissimi  "  martyrs  ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Jan. 
4  (Usuard.  Mart.  ;  Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Presbyter  oeconomus  of  the  great  church 
of  Constantinople  ;  commemorated  Jan.  10  (Basil. 
Menol. ;  Cal.  Byznnt. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv. 
250;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  611). 

(3)  Commemorated  Jan.  18  {Cal.  Byzant.). 

(4)  Bishop  in  Sicily ;  commemorated  with 
Philagrius  and  Pancratius  Feb.  9  (Basil.  Menol.). 

(5)  Martyr  at  Rome  on  the  Via  Flaminia; 
commemorated  Feb.  14;  one  of  the  same  name 
commemorated  in  Tuscany  on  this  day  {Hieron. 
Mart). 

(6)  Martyr;  commer/iorated  March  3  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(7)  Bishop  and  martyr  at  Dertona  in  Liguria 
cir.  A.D.  120;  commemorated  March  6  (Boll. 
^cto^'S'.  Mar.  i.  421). 

(8)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Carthage  Mar. 
11  {Hieron.  Mart.;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.).  Bed. 
Auct.  gives  also  for  this  day  Marcianus  at  Ale.x- 
andria. 

(9)  Bishop ;  commemorated  at  Heraclea  Mar. 
26  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(10)  Two  martyrs  of  this  name ;  commemo- 
rated at  Caesarea  in  Spain  Ap.  15  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(11)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  in  Pontus,  an- 
other elsewhere  April  16  {Hieron.  Mart.;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Ap.  ii.  405). 


MARTIANUS 


MARTINUS 


1117 


(12)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Antioch  April 
17  {Hieron.  Mart.;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(13)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  April 

26  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(14)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Egypt  April 

27  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(15)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Perusia  April 
29  and  one  of  the  same  name  at  Alexandria 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(16)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Constanti- 
nople May  8  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(17)  Martvr  ;  commemorated  at  Rome  in  the 
cemetery  of  Praetextatus  May  10  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(18)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Egypt  May 
17  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(19)  Bishop  of  Ravenna,  cir.  a.d.  127;  com- 
memorated May  22  {^oW.Acta  SS.  May,  v.  127). 

(20)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Rome  on  the 
Via  Nomentana  May  28  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(21)  Two  martyrs  of  this  name  commemo- 
rated at  Thessalonica  June  1  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(22)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  June  2 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(23)  Martyr  with  Nicander  and  others,  natives 
of  Egypt ;  commemorated  June  5  (Basil.  Menol.  ; 
Hieron.  Mart.;  Usuard.  Mart.;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
June,  i.  419).  Two  martyrs  of  the  same  name, 
soldiers,  are  given  in  Basil.  Menol.  under  June  7. 

(24)  Martyr  with  Jucundus  ;  commemorated 
in  Egypt  June  8  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Jun.  ii.  55). 

(25)  Bishop  of  Beneventum  in  the  6th  cen- 
tury; commemorated  June  14  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Jun.  ii.  958). 

(26)  Bishop  of  Pampeluna  cir.  a.d.  700  ;  com- 
memorated June  30  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jun.  v.  586). 

(27)  Martyr,  native  of  Iconium ;  commemo- 
rated July  10  (Basil.  Menol.) ;  at  Tomi  {Hieron. 
Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  iii.  32). 

(28)  Martyr;  commemorated  July  11  in  Mau- 
ritania, and  one  of  the  same  name  at  Syrmia 
{Hieron.  Mart).  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jul.  iii.  185, 
gives  a  Marcianus  for  this  day  at  Iconium. 

(29)  Bishop  of  Fricenti ;  commemorated  July 
U  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jul.  iii.  654). 

(30)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Ephesus  July 
27,  with  Maximianus  and  Malchus  (Usuard. 
Mart.). 

(31)  Martyr  with  his  brother  Marcus.  [Mar- 
cus.] 

(32)  Martyr  with  Satirianus  and  their  two 
brothers ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Oct.  16 
(Usuard.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(33)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Antioch  Oct. 
30  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(34)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Caesarea  in 
Spain  Nov.  18  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(35)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  in  Tuscany  Nov. 
23  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(36)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Nov.  25  {Hieron. 
Mart.)  ;  Marcianus  (Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(37)  and  MARTYRIUS,  notaries,  martyrs 
under  Constantius  ;  commemorated  Oct.  25  (Ba- 
sil. Menol. ;  Cal.  Byzant).  [C.  H.] 

MARTINA,  virgin,  martyr,  under  the  empe- 
ror AJejander;   commemorated  at  Rome  Jan.  1 


(Usuard.   Mart.;    Vet.   Rom. 
SS.  Jan.  i.  11). 


Mart.;  Boll.  Acta 
[C.  H.] 


MARTINIANUS  (1),  Archbishop  of  Milan  ; 
commemorated  Jan.  2  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  89). 

(2)  Hermit  in  Palestine,  cir.  A.D.  400;  com- 
memorated Feb.  13  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Cal.  Byzant. ; 
Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  253  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Feb.  ii.  667). 

(3)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  on  Via 
Aurelia,  May  31  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Auct. 
Mart.). 

(4)  Martvr  with  Processus  ;  commemorated  at 
Rome  July  2,  in  the  cemeteiy  of  Damasus(Vet. 
Eom.  Mart. ;  Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart. ; 
Bed.  Mart.).  Their  natalis  commemorated  on 
this  day  in  Gregory's  Sacramentary,  and  their 
names  mentioned  in  the  collect  (Greg.  Mag.  Lib. 
Sacr.  114). 

(5)  Bishop  of  Comum.  cir.  a.d.  628 ;  comme- 
morated Sept.  3  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  i.  668). 

(6)  Martyr  with  Saturianus  and  others,  a.d. 
458;  commemorated  in  Africa  Oct.  16  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Oct.  vii.  2,  p.  833). 

(7)  One  of  the  Seven  Sleepers  of  Ephesus; 
commemorated  Oct.  23  (Basil.  Menol.).     [C.  H.] 

MARTINUS  (1)  Canon  regular,  presbyter 
at  Leon,  died  a.d.  721  ;  commemorated  Feb.  11 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  568). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Antioch  Mar.  5. 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  DuMiENSis,  archbishop  of  Braga,  died  a.d. 
580;  commemorated  Mar.  20  (Mabill.  Acta 
SS.  O.S.B.  saec.  i.  p.  244,  ed.  Venet.  1733  ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Mar.  iii.  86). 

(4)  Bishop  of  the  Arethusians;  commemorated 
March  28  (Basil.  Menol.). 

(5)  Presbyter  and  confessor;  depositio  com- 
memorated at  Auxerre  April  20  {Hieron.  Mart.). 
Bishop  (Bed.  Mart.  Auct.).  A  bishop  and  con- 
fessor of  this  name  at  Everdunum,  in  Hieron. 
Mart.,  on  the  same  day. 

(6)  Depositio  commemorated  at  Sanctonicum 
May  8  {Hieron.  Mart.);  bishop  (Bed.  Mart. 
Auct.). 

(7)  Two  martvrs  of  this  name  commemorated 
at  Thessalonica  June  1  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(8)  Martyr;  commemorated  June  10  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(9)  Bishop  of  Tongres,  cir.  A.D.  276 ;  comme- 
morated June  21  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  iv.  69). 

(10)  Bishop  of  Vienne,  2nd  century ;  comme- 
morated July  1  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  i.  14). 

(11)  Bishop  of  Tours,  confessor ;  his  consecra- 
tion, translation,  and  the  dedication  of  his  basi- 
lica, commemorated  July  4.  {Hieron.  Mart. ; 
Bed.  Mart.);  transl.  and  consecr.  (Usuard.  Mart.). 
His  natalis  Nov.  11  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.). 
Depositio  Nov.  11  {Hieron.  Mart.;  Vet.  Bom. 
Mart.).  Gregory's  Sacramentary  mentions  Mar- 
tinus  in  the  prayer  Communicantes  between  Hi- 
larius  and  Augustinus  (Greg.  Mag.  Lib.  Sacr.  3). 

(12)  Of  Brive,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Limoges  Aug.  9  {Hieron  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Aug.  Ii.  412). 

(13)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Sept.  1  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(14)  Pope;  dedication  of  bis  basilica    in  the 


1118 


MAETINUS 


monastery  of  Corbeia  commemorated  Sept.  2 
(Hieron.  Mart.)  ;  he  was  commemorated  Sept.  15 
(Basil.  MenoL);  Apr.  13  {Cal.  Byzant.);  Apr.  14 
(Daniel,  Cod.  Litarg.  iv.  257);  nis  natalis  Nov. 
10  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  And.  ;  Vet.  Eom. 
Mart.);  Nov.  12  (Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(15)  Abbat  of  Vertavum  in  Armorica,  ob.  cir. 
A.D.  600 ;  commemorated  Oct.  24  (Usuard.  Mart. ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  x.  802). 

(16)  Called  also  Martius,  hermit  and  abbat  in 
Campania;  commemorated  Oct.  24  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Oct.  X.  824). 

(17)  "  Our  Father,"  bishop  of  Francia  ;  com- 
memorated Nov.  12  (13asil.  llenoL). 

(18)  Martyr ;  commemorated  iu  Africa  Dec.  3 
{Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(19)  Abbat ;  commemorated  at  Sanctonas  Dec. 
7  (Usuard.  Mart.).  [C  H.] 

MARTIONILLA,  commemorated  January  9 
{Vet.  Rom.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAETIUS  or  MAECmS  (1)  Martyr;  com- 
memorated Feb.  17  {H-'icron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Antioch  Mar. 
5  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Abbat  in  Auvergne,  5th  century ;  comme- 
morated Apr.  13  (Boll.  Acta  S3.  Ap.  ii.  132). 

[C.H.] 
MAETUS    (1)    Martyr;    commemorated   at 
Antioch  Mar.  5  {^Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Alexandria 
Mar.  18  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Apr.  12  (Hieron. 
Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MARTYE.  The  Greek  word  fidprvs  signifies 
one  who  has  such  immediate  knowledge  of  past 
events  as  is  derived  from  actual  participation  in 
them,  and  does  not  keep  this  knowledge  to  him- 
self, but  makes  deposition  of  it  freely  as  a  freeman, 
and  makes  it  his  fiaprvpia  or  evidence,  the  know- 
ledge being  such  as  to  constitute  a  fxaprvpiov,  or 
testimony,  as  affecting  a  question  not  only  of 
facts  but  of  merits. 

I,  i.  The  history  of  the  Christian  modification 
of  the  term  is  as  follows  :  (a)  The  office  of  public, 
oral,  ocular  testimony  was  insufficiently  dis- 
charged till  the  testimony  was  recorded,  as  the 
sentence  against  Christ  had  been  passed,  in  a 
court  of  law.  The  word  is  used  specially  for 
such  official  testimony,  of  Stephen  (Acts  xxii. 
20),  of  Paul  at  Rome  (Acts  xxiii.  11,  1  Tim. 
ii.  6),  of  James  (Heges.  ap.  Eus.  ii.  23),  of  Peter 
and  Paul  (Clem.  Rom.  5),  of  John  (Polycrates 
ap.  Eus.  H.  E.  V.  24). 

(h)  The  idea  of  martyrdom  at  first  was  not  of 
maltreatment,  but  of  a  perilous  dignity.  The 
witnesses  won  their  title  of  honour  by  courage 
without  suffering.  The  title  was  co-ordinate 
with  bishop  and  teacher  (Polycr.  ap.  Eus.  H.  E. 
V.  24),  and  prophet  (Eus.  H.  E.  v.  xviii.  7). 
The  typical  instances  are  the  grandsons  of 
Jude,  who  were  accused  before  Domitian  and 
released  unscathed,  and  took  the  lead  ever 
after  in  the  churches  as  martyrs  (Hegesipp.  ap. 
Eus.  H.  E.  iii.  20,  32). 

(c)  The  martyrs  would  have  been  mere  con- 
fessors, not  witnesses,  but  that  they  "  endured 
as  seeing  Him  who  is  invisible."  Thus  they 
not  only  "  confessed,"  but  "  witnessed  the  good 
confessioa."     The   confessors    were    "the   com- 


MAETYR 

panions  of  the  martyrs"  (Bullettini,  1864,  p.  2.5). 
"  Confession,"  saj's  Clement  of  Alexandria,  "  is 
possible  for  all;  the  grace  of  testifying  by 
speech  is  only  given  to  some"  {Strom,  iv.  9). 
Steadfastness  under  torture  was  the  testimony 
to  which  the  advocates  of  Christianity  appealed. 
It  was  needful  that  the  honours  and  authority 
of  martyrdom  should  not  be  won  too  easily. 
Hence,  not  merely  peril,  but  actual  suffering 
became  indispensable  to  constitute  martyrdom. 
Those,  for  instance,  who  had  been  condemned 
to  the  quarries  were  honoured  as  martyrs 
{Philosophwnena,  ix.  12;  Tert.  de  Fudicit.  22). 

{d)  Bloodshedding  (Clem.  Alex.  Strom,  iv. 
4),  instead  of  speech,  became  the  mode  of  the 
testimony.  "  The  custom  of  the  brotherhood," 
says  Origen  (in  Joann.  ii.  28,  t.  iv.  p.  88,  cf. 
Cypr.  Ej^P-  X.  2,  xxviii.  1,  xsxvi.  2),  "  calls  those 
alone  properly  martyrs  who  have  testified  to  the 
mystery  of  godliness  by  the  shedding  of  their 
own  blood."  This  public  testimony,  expressed 
not  in  words,  but  in  blood,  was  far  more  than 
testimony  ;  it  was  martyrdom. 

(e)  Many  Christian  Virginias  and  Lucretias 
committed  suicide  to  escape  the  brutal  lusts  of 
their  persecutors.  They  are  extolled  as  martyrs 
by  Eusebius  and  Chrysostom  (Eus.  H.  E.  viii. 
12,  14;  Chrys.  T.  1,  Horn.  40).  Augustine 
pronounces  the  practice  unlawful,  unless  insti- 
gated by  a  special  revelation  {De  Civitate  Dei,  I. 
xvi.-xxv.  30-39). 

(/)  Martyrs  were  made  by  popular  riots  and 
lynch  law,  without  any  judicial  proceedings 
(Eus.  H.  E.  vi.  41). 

{(j)  It  was  once  a  complaint  "  Martyrio  meo 
privor,  dum  morte  praevenior  "  (Cypr.  de  Morta- 
litate,"^.  167,  ed.  Oxon.),  and  this  applied  even  to 
deaths  in  prison  before  the  case  was  heard. 
There  seem  to  have  been  cases  of  suicide  in  gaol 
to  avoid  torture  (Tertullian,  de  Jejtmio,  c.  12). 
But  the  names  of  those  who  died  in  prison  were 
recorded  in  a.d.  177  (Eus.  H.  E.  v.  4),  and  in 
Africa,  in  a.d.  202  {Acta  Perpetuae,  c.  14),  and 
they  are  expressly  reckoned  as  martyrs  by  Cy- 
prian {Ep.  12  (37)). 

{h)  Flight  from  persecution,  though  repro- 
bated by  Tertullian  {de  Fwja),  was  enjoined  by 
Christ  (Matt.  x.  23),  and  the  Apostolic  Consti- 
tutions (v.  3,  cf.  viii.  45)  recommend  the  fugi- 
tives as  deserving  the  same  care  as  the  martyrs 
in  gaol.  Those  who  perished  in  the  hardships  of 
their  flight  were  recognised  by  Cyprian  as 
martyrs,  whose  martyrdom  was  witnessed  by 
Christ  {Ep.  Ivii'i.  (Ivi.),  c.  4). 

(i)  The  death  of  the  Innocents  murdered  by 
Herod  was  regarded  as  an  active  martyrdom, 
"  testimonium  Christi  sanguine,  litavere  "  (Tert. 
in  Valentin,  c.  2),  "  marAyria  fecerunt "  (Cypr.  Ep. 
viii.  6).  The  recognition  of  it  as  such  was  closely 
connected  with  the  sanction  of  infant  baptism 
(Cypr.  Ep.  Ixiv.  (lix.)). 

{k)  Athanasius  recognises  as  martyrs  those 
who  fell  at  the  hands  of  the  Arians.  (Ath.  ad 
Mon.  p.  277.) 

(/)  In  A.D.  368  some  Christians,  put  to  death 
for  calling  an  officer  of  Valentiniau's  to  justice, 
were  celebrated  as  martyrs.  The  testimony  of 
Ammianus  Marcellinus  (xxvii.  7)  to  this  fact  is 
most  explicit  and  circumstantial,  though  ab- 
surdly derided  by  Gibbon.  So  Augustine  {in 
Psalm.  140,  c.  26)  calls  John  Baptist  a  martyr 
to  truth  and  justice. 


MAETYK 

(m)  Augustine  says  one  becomes  a  martyr  on 
a  sick  bed  by  refusing  to  be  cured  by  magic 
(Serm.  286,  c.  28 ;  cf.  Scrm.  318). 

(»)  Augustine  says  again,  You  will  go  hence 
a  martyr  if  you  hare  overcome  all  the  tempta- 
tions of  the  devil  {Serm.  4,  c.  4-). 

(o)  Readiness  for  martyrdom  is  regarded  as 
itself  martyrdom  (Chrys.  ii.  601,  ed.  Migne). 

ii.  We  have  traced  the  change  of  the  meaning 
of  the  word  from  witness  to  martyr.  As  a  title  of 
honour  among  the  Christians,  the  term  was 
adopted  into  Latin  along  with  Christianity.  In 
the  languages  of  Oriental  Christendom  it  is  repre- 
sented by  some  native  equivalent  that  has  under- 
gone a  like  change  of  meaning.  The  testimony  of 
innocence  and  endurance  was  transfigured  into 
the  "  peace,  and  grace,  and  glory"  of  martyrdom. 
What  this  meant  and  was,  may  be  seen  in  the 
acts  of  the  martyrs  of  Vienue  and  Lyons  (Eus. 
H.  E.  V.  i.),  and  of  Perpetua.  Martyrdom  could 
not  be  perfect  while  the  martyr  still  lived  in  the 
flesh.  This  was  dimly  apprehended  by  Ignatius, 
and  was  clearly  grasped  by  the  Lyonnese  con- 
fessors. (Eus.  H.  E.  V.  ii.)  To  their  brethren 
they  seemed  martyrs  many  times  over;  they 
themselves  declined  the  title.  "They  are 
already  martyrs  whom  Christ  the  Veritable 
Martyr  has  taken  to  Himself:  we  are  confessors 
mean  and  lowly."  The  line  was  not  immediately 
and  universally  drawn  where  they  drew  it. 
They  themselves,  though  declining  the  title, 
exercised  the  prerogatives  of  martyrs.  In 
Cyprian's  time  the  lapsed  went  round  to  the 
martyrs  everywhere,  and  corrupted  the  con- 
fessors too  (Cypr.  Epp.  20),  and  therefoi-e 
Cyprian  wrote  "to  the  martyrs  and  confessors 
(^Epp.  10,  15).  A  martyr  as  distinct  from  a 
confessor  was  one  who  had  shed  his  blood,  and 
could  grant  absolution.  But  in  Rome  the  title 
was  by  that  time  limited  to  the  dead.  (Cypr. 
Epp.  28,  37.)  Cyprian  usually  conforms  to 
Roman  usage  (cf.  Epp.  22,  27,  66),  though  at 
the  close  of  his  days  he  wrote  to  the  martyrs  in 
the  mines  {Ep.  76).  "What  martyr,"  asks 
Tertullian,  "  is  a  denizen  of  the  world,  a  suppliant 
for  a  shilling,  at  the  mercy  of  the  usurer  or  the 
physician  ?  "     (Tert.  de  Pudic.  c.  22.) 

The  first  great  interruption  of  the  peace  of 
the  church  in  the  third  century  seems  to  have 
fixed  the  title  to  the  departed,  namely,  Maxi- 
min's  persecution  in  Rome,  those  of  Decius  and 
Valerian  in  Africa. 

By  the  beginning  of  the  4th  century  the 
limitation  of  the  term  martyr  to  the  defunct 
seems  to  have  been  quite  established,  though  it 
is  just  possible  to  doubt  whether  in  writing  "  A 
whole  choir  of  martyrs  greets  you  at  once," 
St.  Lucian  (a.d.  312)  means  to  convey  a  saluta- 
tion from  his  fellow  prisoners,  or  the  tidings  of 
an  auto  da  fe.  He  adds  that  Anthimus  has 
been  consummated  in  the  course  of  martyrdom 
(Routh,  Relliquhre,  iv.  p.  5).  Death,  the  con- 
summation of  martyrdom,  was  already  re- 
garded as  the  consummation  of  the  martyr. 
After  the  triumph  of  the  church  under  Con- 
stnntine,  "living  martyr"  became  an  oxymoron. 
Yet  Gregory  Nazianzen  in  the  oration  (no.  xx)  in 
which  he  so  uses  the  phrase,  speaks  of  Basil 
bi'ing  gathered  as  "  a  martyr  to  the  martyrs," 
tliough  it  was  only  his  whole  life  that  was  his 
martyrdom. 

Before  the  close  of  the  4th  century  the  Pagan 


MARTYR 


1119 


Latin  historian  Ammianus  Marcellinns  (xxii.  17) 
says  :  "  Those  who  when  subjected  to  compulsion 
to  make  them  deviate  from  religion  have  endured 
torture  and  persevered  to  a  glorious  death  with 
faith  unbroken,  now  are  called  martyrs."  Else- 
where he  explains  the  term  to  signify  "  divinitati 
acceptos "  (Amm.  Marc,  xxvii.  7). 
iii.  Limitations  of  the  title. 

(1)  Heretics  were  excluded.  Martyrs  were  at 
first  of  any  sect  that  suffered  for  the  name  of 
Christ.  The  early  Gnostics  declined  martyrdom 
{Bevelation  ii.  14,  15  ;  Tertullian,  Scorpiace,  i. ; 
Epiphanius,  Hist,  ffaer.  xxiv.  4  ;  Clem.  Strom. 
iv.  4),  saying  that  the  martyrs  died  for  Simon 
of  Cyrene.  But  the  Marcionites  (Eus.  Mart.  Pal. 
10)  and  the  Montanists  courted  it.  Apollinaris 
of  Hierapolis  tells  that  in  his  time  Catholic 
martyrs  refused  communion  with  Montanists  to 
the  last  (Eus.  If.  E.  v.  16).  Compare  Const. 
Apost.  V.  9. 

(2)  Schismatics  were  excluded.  Cyprian  (de 
Unitate,  c.  14)  says.  He  cannot  be  a  martyr  who 
is  not  in  the  church.  So  the  Roman  confessors 
(Cypr.  Ep.  36).  Augustine  says.  Outside  the 
church  you  will  be  punished  everlastingly 
though  you  have  been  burnt  alive  for  the  name 
of  Christ  {Ep.  173  (204),  c.  6). 

(3)  Self-sought  mai-tyrdom  was  not  allowed 
as  such.  Such  a  would-be  martyr  lapsed  at  the 
time  of  Polycarp's  martyrdom  {Mart.  Polyc.  c.  4), 
Clemens  Alexandrinus  speaks  of  self-surrender 
as  heretical,  and  founded  on  disbelief  in  the 
Creator  {Strom,  iv.  4).  There  were  instances  in 
which  it  was  justified  (Tertullian,  ad  Scapulam, 
5 ;  Acta  Theodoti,  Ruinart),  and  some  such 
martyrs,  e.g.  Euplius  and  Eulalia,  were  most 
celebrated.  Ensebius  approved  the  practice 
{Mart.  Pal.  3 ;  //.  E.  vii.  12).  But  Mensurius 
of  Carthage  (Aug.  Brevicul.  collat.  diei  III.  xiii. 
25)  and  Peter  of  Alexandria  {Canon  ix. ;  Routh, 
iv.  32)  forbade  it. 

(4)  Iconoclasm  (without  imperial  fiat)  was 
disapproved  by  the  teachers  of  the  church.  The 
60th  canon  of  Illiberis  states,  If  any  break  idols 
and  be  slain  on  the  spot,  as  it  is  hot  written  in 
the  gospel,  nor  found  to  have  been  done  under  the 
apostles,  he  is  not  to  be  received  into  the  number 
of  the  martyrs.  The  41st  canon  even  allows  the 
faithful  to  have  idols  in  their  houses  if  they  fear 
that  their  slaves  would  offer  violence  in  case  of 
their  removal. 

(5)  Individual  scruples  were  refused  recog- 
nition. Resistance  to  the  obligations  of  military 
service,  (which  was  the  ground  of  the  martyrdom 
of  Maximilian  in  Mauritania  in  a.d.  296:  see 
his  Acts  in  Ruinart,)  is  made  a  bar  to  com- 
munion by  the  third  canon  of  the  1st  council  of 
Aries. 

(6)  "  Martyrem  non  facit  poena  sed  causa." 
The  conception  that  suffering  is  martyrdom  is 
implied  in  the  practice  of  the  Donatists  of  offering 
themselves  to  armed  wayfarers,  and  demanding 
with  terrible  threats  the  stroke  of  martyrdom 
(Aug.  Ep.  185  (50) ;  T.  ii.  coll.  7,  8).  But  this 
was  disapproved  by  others  of  their  number  (Aug. 
Ep.  204  (61);   T.  ii.  col.  940). 

iv.  Those  who  were  arrested  and  not  yet 
heard  in  court  were  called  martyrs  designate 
(Tertullian  ad  Martyres).  Those  of  whose 
firmness  their  brethren  were  not  quite  confident 
are  named  by  Tertullian  uncertain  martyrs 
(Tert.  da  Jejunio,  c.  12). 


1120 


MARTYR 


V.  The  later  Greeks  adopt  a  classification  of 
martyrs  into  various  classes. 

Hieromartyrs  are  the  martyrs  of  the  clergy. 

Hosiomartyrs  are  martyied  monks. 

Megalomartyrs  are  the  martyrs  of  the  sol- 
diery. 

Parthenomartyrs  are  virgin  martyrs. 

Anargyri,  the  title  of  the  twin  physicians 
Cosmas  and  Damian,  is  extended  to  Sergius  and 
Bacchus,  and  to  John  and  Cyrus,  two  similar  pairs. 

We  find  the  term  megalomartyr  in  Theo- 
phylact  Simocatta  (v.  14).  Some  trace  of  such 
classification  appears  in  Polycrates  ap.  Eus.  //.  E. 
V.  24. 

II.  Laws  under  which  the  Christians  suffered. — 
(1)  General.  In  ancient  civilisation  idolatry 
was  almost  inseparable  from  daily  life.  Educa- 
tion (Tertullian,  de  IdoMatrid,  c.  10),  com- 
merce (ib.  c.  11),  public  amusements  (i6.  c.  13), 
marriages,  funerals,  social  intercourse  (c.  16), 
domestic  service  (c.  17),  state  affairs  (c.  18), 
military  duty  (c.  19),  all  involved  idolatry. 
The  Jews,  indeed,  had  dealings  with  the  Gen- 
tiles everywhere  and  kept  clear  of  idolatry. 
Hence,  while  the  only  intolerance  shewn  to 
other  religions  was  an  occasional  attempt  to 
keep  the  worship  of  Isis  outside  the  walls 
of  Rome  (Dio,  liv.  6,  Val.  Max.  I.  iii.),  Judaism 
was  detested,  and  all  the  charges  rebutted  by 
Tertullian  from  the  Christians,  secret  enor- 
mities (Tert.  ApoL  7-9),  impious  atheism  (ib. 
10-28),  disaffection  to  the  empire  (ib.  29-35), 
enmity  to  mankind  (ib.  36—41),  laziness  (ib. 
42-46),  priestcraft  (ib.  46-49),  are  brought 
also  as  calumnies  against  the  Jews  (Tac. 
Ifist.  V.  4,  5  ;  Juv.  Sat.  xiv.  96  ff.).  Besides 
disbelief  in  the  gods  led  easily  to  sacrilege 
(Acts  xix.  37 ;  Kom.  ii.  32),  a  charge  not 
brought  against  the  Christians.  (Tert.  ApoL 
41.)  Yet  the  Jews  were  tolerated,  were  pro- 
tected in  the  observance  of  their  code,  exempted 
from  civil  action  on  the  Sabbath,  excused  from 
adoring  the  image  of  the  emperor,  and  even 
permitted  to  make  proselytes.  Enactments  in 
their  favour  are  collected  by  Josephus  (Ant. 
Jud  XVI.  vi.). 

Stringent  as  were  the  Roman  laws  against 
treason,  a  crime  into  which  words  as  well  as 
acts  might  be  interpreted — especially  any  dis- 
respect to  the  emperor's  images — and  which 
rendered  all  ranks  alike  liable  to  torture  (Paul. 
Sent.  V.  xxix.  ;  Sueton.  Octav.  27  ;  Amm.  Marcel  1. 
xxix.  12 ;  Arnob.  iv.  24 ;  Digest.  XLViii.  iv.), 
the  only  acts  of  the  Christians  which  could  be 
construed  as  treasonable  were  such  as  were 
freely  permitted  to  the  Jews.  The  example  of 
Joseph  might  encourage  either  Christian  or 
Jew  to  swear  by  the  life  of  Caesar.  (Tert.  ApoL 
32.)  They  could  plead  that  to  call  him  a  god 
before  his   death  would  be  ill-omened  (ib.  34). 

Again,  meetings  for  worship  might  be  con- 
strued as  treasonable  (see  Digest.  XLVII.  xxii.  2, 
XLVIII.  iv.  1),  and  were  at  any  rate  strictly 
illegal,  even  in  fulfilment  of  a  vow,  and  even  for 
veterans,  unless  express  imperial  or  senatorial 
sanction  for  them  were  producible  (Sueton. 
Julius,  42 ;  Octav.  32 ;  Digest,  ill.  iv. ;  XLVii. 
xi.  3,  xxii.),  and  the  old  laws  against  even  pri- 
vate worship  of  gods  unrecognised  by  the  state 
(Cic.  de  Leg.  ii.  8)  were  not  quite  extinct  (Tac. 
Ann.  xiii.  32)  ;  but  Jewish  worship,  public  or 
private,  had  sanction. 


MARTYR 

The  formation  of  guilds  and  clubs  was  strictly 
forbidden  by  Trajan  (Plin.  Ep.  x.  42,  43,  97). 
Afterwards  it  was  more  and  more  frequently 
permitted  to  the  lower  classes  for  one  special 
purpose,  the  burial  of  the  dead.  These  guilds 
had  a  common  chest  like  little  common- 
wealths, and  an  agent,  called  an  actor  or  syndic, 
who  appeared  for  them  in  any  legal  disputes 
(Dig.  III.  iv.  1).  All  the  functions  of  the 
church  were  permitted  to  them,  as  the  church 
is  described  by  Tertullian.  "  Approved  elders 
preside.  Everyone  brings  a  little  sum  on  a 
certain  day  in  the  month,  or  when  he  pleases, 
and  only  if  he  pleases,  and  only  if  he  can.  From 
this  stock  payments  are  made,  not  for  feasts, 
but  for  support  and  bui'ial  of  the  poor  and  of 
destitute  orphans  and  bedridden  old  people  and 
shipwrecked  sailors  and  convicts  in  the  mines  or 
islands  or  jails  "  (Tert.  ApoL  39).  This  was  only 
illegal  because  senatorial  sanction  was  requisite 
in  each  case. 

Witchcraft  was  a  capital  crime  by  Jewish 
law.  Roman  procedure  varied,  for  people  of 
that  sort  were  always  being  forbidden  and 
always  being  retained  (Tac.  Hist.  i.  22),  "  Burn 
him  alive  "  is  the  outcry  of  the  rabble  in  Lucian's 
Asinus,  c.  54,  but  the  law  given  by  Paulus 
(Sent.  V.  xxiii.  17)  decreeing  this  death  for  the 
wizards  and  crucifixion  or  the  beasts  for  their 
accomplices  may  be  later.  Death  or  banishment 
is  the  penalty  that  we  find  historically  in  the 
1st  century  (Tac.  Ann.  ii.  32,  xii.  52  ;  Dio,  Ivii. 
15  ;  Juv.  Sat.  vi.  660  if.).  Supposed  possession 
of  magical  powers  was  enough  to  make  a  humble 
individual  formidable  and  culpable  for  treason. 

Any  departure  from  the  ordinary  reverence  for 
the  gods  might  easily  be  linked  with  an  attempt 
to  turn  the  gods  into  slaves.  Two  main  branches 
of  supernatural  art,  astrology  and  exorcism, 
were  largely  in  Jewish  hands,  and  Moses  was 
reputed  to  have  been  a  mighty  wizard. 

Any  new  superstition  was  looked  upon  as  a 
school  of  magic— "  Magi  estis  quia  novum  nescio 
quod  genus  superstit ionis  inducitis  "  (Acta  Achatii, 
§  7,  Ruinart).  Otherwise  works  of  beneficence 
would  rather  lead  the  rabble  to  regard  the 
wonder-worker  as  a  god  than  as  a  wizard. 
Busy  slander  might  produce  a  revolution  of 
feeling,  but  to  all  supernatural  pretensions, 
magisterial  scepticism  had  a  ready  answer,  the 
doom  of  death. 

(2)  Special.  Thus  far  we  have  reviewed  the 
first  part  only  of  the  laws  against  the  Christians, 
namely  the  previously  existing  legal  principles 
that  could  be  turned  against  them  by  "  unjust 
disputations  of  the  juris-consults."  These  charges 
of  impiety,  foreign  superstitions,  treason,  un- 
lawful assemblage,  magic,  appear  to  M.  Le  Blant 
sufficient  to  explain  all  the  persecutions.  But 
Lactantius  (Instit.  Div.  v.  11)  tells  us  that  Ulpian 
also  collected  in  the  first  book  of  his  last  work, 
De  Officio  Proconsulis,  another  set  of  laws,  which 
the  very  nature  of  the  case  and  the  whole  tenor 
of  the  acts  of  the  martyrs  and  of  the  writings  of 
the  apologists  prove  to  have  existed,  the  "  sacri- 
legious constitutions  "  and  "  nefarious  rescripts  " 
of  the  emperors  directly  censuring  it. 

It  was  indeed  necessary  in  order  to  bring  the 
principles  which  are  specified  above  into  play 
against  the  Christians,  that  there  should  be 
authoritative  definitions,  distinguishing  Chris- 
tianity from  the  lawful  religion  of  Judaism,  and 


MARTYR 

refusing  it  sanction  for  its  rites  or  concessions  to 
its  scruples.  It  was  needful  that  the  various 
suspicions  of  guilt,  which  could  not  be  urged 
against  the  same  act  under  difl'erent  laws,  with- 
out transgressing  a  principle  of  jurisprudence 
{Digest,  XLVni.  ii.  14),  should  all  be  brought 
under  one  head,  and  summed  up  into  a  single 
crime. 

(a)  If  we  inquire  when  Christianity  was  first 
made  criminal,  the  answer  of  antiquity  is  un- 
animous. In  A.D.  64,  his  mistress,  Poppaea, 
being  a  Jewish  proselyte  (Jos.  Ant.  Jiul.  x.xviii. 
11  ;  cf.  Tac.  Ann.  xiii.  45,  xv.  6),  Nero  had 
made  Rome  a  very  Sodom,  when  a  fiery  doom 
fell.  The  flames  spared  the  Jewish  quarter 
across  the  Tiber,  so,  as  culprits  were  wanted  in 
order  to  remove  the  suspicion  from  Nero  himself, 
the  conflagration  was  charged  on  members  of 
the  new  sect,  who  confessed  and  betrayed  the 
names  of  others.  Then  a  decree  of  the  emperor, 
probably  also  of  the  obsequious  and  not  reluctant 
senate,  made  the  profession  of  Christianity  a 
crime,  supposed  to  imply  enmity  to  the  human 
race,  and  sentenced  to  be  visited  with  death,  by 
beasts,  crosses,  flames,  or  novel  horrors  invented 
on  purpose."  Their  deaths  were  turned  to  sport, 
and  Nero  gave  his  own  gardens  for  the  show 
(Tac.  Ann.  xv.  44 ;  Sulpicius,  Hist.  ii.  41 ;  Tert. 
Apol.  5).  We  have  no  hint  of  any  opportunity 
of  pardon  on  recantation,  for  those  once  arrested. 
The  persecution  was  extended  to  the  provinces 
(cf.  1  Pet.  iv.  12-19),  and  even  a  civis  Romanus 
ingenuus  like  Paul  was  beheaded  (TertuUian, 
Scorpiace,  15). 

The  Neronian  persecution  has  only  left  us  two 
certain  names  of  martyrs,  Peter  and  Paul,  of  each 
of  whom  their  disciple,  Clement,  says  emphati- 
cally, efxaprvpTiffev  (c.  5),  while  of  the  other 
victims  murdered  by  Nero  he  only  says  that  they 
suffered  unhallowed  outrages  (c.  6).  "  Guilty 
as  the  Christians  were,"  says  Tacitus  (1.  c), 
"pity  for  them  arose."  Yet  on  Nero's  death, 
when  all  his  other  constitutions  were  cancelled, 
we  are  told  that  this  decree  against  the  Chris- 
tians alone  remained  ("  permansit  erasis  omnibus 
hoc  solum  institutum  Neronianum,"  TertuU. 
ad  Nationes,  i.  7).  So  wo  learn  from  Dio  that 
Vespasian  in  A.D.  70,  after  Jerusalem  was 
taken,  wrote  to  Rome,  "  wiping  out  the  disgrace 
of  those  who  had  been  condemned  for  what  were 
called  impieties  by  Nero  and  those  who  had  ruled 
after  him,  alike  of  the  living  and  of  the  dead,  and 
putting  an  end  to  accusations  on  such  charges  " 


MARTYR 


1121 


•  The  construction  of  the  passage  in  Tacitus  i-i  obscure, 
but  becomes  clearer  if  we  suppose  him  to  be  transcribing 
with  a  change  of  tense  the  actual  terms  of  the  senatus- 
consultum,  which  in  that  case  seems  to  have  been  art- 
fully worded,  so  as  to  stretch  phrases  descriptive  of  the 
old  punishment  of  parricide,  to  be  sewn  up  in  a  hide  with 
a  dog  and  thrown  into  the  i  iver,  and  of  simple  crucitixlon, 
80  as  to  maice  them  include  the  novel  sports  of  dressing 
men  up  as  beasts,  and  setting  dogs  at  them,  or  setting 
dogs  at  them  as  they  hung  on  their  crosses.  "  Pereuntibus 
adilenda  ludibria :  feraruin  tergis  contecti  laniatu  canum 
iniereant  aut  crucibus  affix  i ;  aut  flammandi,  atque  ubi 
defecerit  dies  in  usum  nocturni  luminis  urantur."  The 
tunica  molesta,  or  plaguy  shiit,  seems  to  owe  its  origin 
to  the  charge  of  arson.  The  victim's  throat  was  not  fast, 
lest  he  should  inhale  the  sniolte  and  suflocate  himself. 
The  threat  of  this  penalty  was  afterwards  used  to  coinpel 
••1  gladiator  to  play  tho  part  of  Mucins  (^Martial,  Fpiij.  x. 
25). 


(Dio  Cassius,  Ixvi.  9).  The  senatus-consultum 
against  the  Christians  remained  apparently  un- 
repealed, only  suspended  by  this  imperial  des- 
patch (cf.  Eus.  II.  E.  V.  21)'. 

(6)  In  the  reign  of  Domitian,  if  we  may  trust 
the  Colbertine  Acts  of  Ignatius  (c.  1),  there  were 
many  persecutions.  The  grandsons  of  Jude,  sent 
as  prisoners  to  Domitian  by  Invocatus,  as  chiefs 
of  the  house  of  David,  were  dismissed  contemp- 
tuously as  harmless  peasants,  and  Domitian 
stopped  this  persecution  (Hegesipp.  in  Eus.  H.  E. 
iii.  20,  32). 

In  A.D.  95,  in  the  exaction  of  tribute  from  the 
Jews,  profession  of  faith  was  made  imperative 
for  every  one,  and  the  Christians  were  accused 
of  atheism.  Some  were  put  to  death,  others 
were  stript  of  their  property.  Among  the  chief 
sufferers  were  Clemens  and  Domitilla,  cousins  to 
the  emperor,  and  parents  of  his  heirs.  Clemens, 
though  consul  of  the  year,  was  beheaded: 
Domitilla  was  only  banished  to  the  isle  Pan- 
dataria.  Glabrio,  who  had  been  consul  with 
Trajan  in  A.d.  91,  and  had  been  compelled  to 
fight  with  a  lion  in  the  veiy  year  of  his  con- 
sulate, was  now  put  to  death,  on  the  same  charges 
as  the  rest,  and  also  on  the  ground  of  his  easy 
victory  over  the  lion.  Compare  Suetonius 
Domitian,  c.  12:  "  deferebantur  qui  vel  impro- 
fessi  judaice  viverent,"  Dio  Cassius,  Ixvii.  14, 
Bruttius  in  Eus.  H.  E.  iii.  18,  and  Hieronym.  Ep. 
96  [27]  and  Eus.  Chron.  Olymp.  218.  Domitilla 
has  given  her  name  to  a  Roman  cemetery,  where 
De  Rossi  has  found  inscriptions  identifying  the 
site  as  her  property,  and  a  shrine  adorned  with 
first  century  Christian  paintings,  and  especially 
with  a  vine  branch  (kAtj^o)  in  allusion  to  the 
name  of  Clemens.  (Bullettini,  1865,  pp.  33  ff., 
91  tf.)  In  A.D.  96  Nerva  proclaimed  general 
toleration  (Dio  Cassius,  Ixviii.  1),  and  closed  the 
second  oecumenical  persecution,  and  the  last  till 
the  days  of  Decius  (Melito  ap.  Eus.  H.  E.  iv.  26  ; 
Tert.  Apol.  c.  5  ;  Lacjant.  de  Mortihis,  c.  3). 

(c)  Trajan  is  universally  recognised  as  a  per- 
secutor, the  chronology  of  his  reign  is  somewhat 
hard  to  determine.  According  to  the  Colbertine 
Acts  of  Ignatius,  the  triumph  over  the  Dacians 
was  followed  by  a  persecution  of  the  Christians, 
Christianity  being  regarded  by  the  soldierly 
Trajan  as  insubordination.  Trajan's  first  triumph  , 
over  the  Dacians  was  in  A.D.  102.  It  seems  to 
have  been  somewhat  later  in  his  reign  that 
Simeon,  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  suffered  (Hegesippus, 
ap.  Eus.  H.  E.  iii.  32,  cf.  Zahn,  Patres  Apostolici, 
ii.  307). 

In  A.D.  112,  according  to  Mommsen,  Trajan 
wrote  his  famous  rescript  to  Pliny  (Plin.  Ep. 
X.  97,  08),  making  Christianity  still  a  capital 
crime,  but  forbidding  search  for  the  offenders,  or 
anonymous  accusations,  and  decreeing  pardon  for 
any  who  recanted.  Under  this  law  it  was  pos- 
sible for  bold  Christians  to  present  apologies  for 
the  faith  without  being  themselves  arraigned. 
The  apologies  of  Aristides  and  Quadratus  pre- 
sented to  Hadrian  in  A.D.  125  (cf.  Clinton  ad  ami.) 
were  immediately  followed  by  the  rescript  of 
that  emperor  to  Fundanus,  insisting  that  definite 
illegal  acts  must  be  alleged  against  the  Christians 
by  responsible  accusers  (Eus.  //.  E.  iv.  9  ;  Melito 
ap.  Eus.  iv.  26  ;  Justin,  AjmI.  I.  ad  fin. ;  Aube, 
pp.  264,  275). 

Nothing  certain  is  known  abottt  the  persecution 
of  the  Christians  by  Hadrian.      The  martyr  acts 


1122 


MARTYR 


assigned  to  his  reign  do  not  inspire  confidence. 
The  first  historian  who  reckons  him  as  a  perse- 
cutor is  Sulpicius  Severus,  and  he  connects  his 
persecution  with  the  foundation  of  Aelia  Capito- 
lina  on  the  site  of  Jerusalem.  This  seems  prob- 
able enough,  for  we  must  remember  that  till 
then  the  Hebrew  church  survived,  that  the 
foundation  of  Aelia  was  an  insolent  rearing  of 
the  abomination  of  desolation  on  the  sacred  sites, 
that  at  the  same  time  circumcision  was  forbidden, 
and  that  these  events  synchronized  with  the 
deification  of  the  vile  Antinous  (Clinton,  A.D. 
130-132).  Barcochbas,  the  leader  of  the  Jewish 
revolt,  practised  all  manner  of  cruelties  upon 
the  Christians  (Justin.  Apol.  I.  31),  and  the 
mother  church  of  Jerusalem  ceased  to  be,  and 
was  succeeded  by  a  Gentile  congregation  at  Aelia 
(Eus.  H.  E.  iv.  6).  The  only  martyr  of  this 
reign  of  whom  we  have  certain  knowledge,  is 
the  bishop  of  Rome,  Telesphorus,  whose  execu- 
tion may  be  assigned  to  A.D.  136  or  137. 

There  is  some  uncertainty  as  to  the  identity 
and  date  of  Arrius  Antoninus,  an  urgent  per- 
secutor in  Asia,  who,  when  all  the  Christians 
of  the  town  presented  themselves  before  him  in 
a  band,  ordered  some  to  be  led  off  to  execution, 
and  said  to  the  rest,  "  Wretches,  if  you  want  to 
die,  there  are  precipices,  and  you  have  halters." 
(Tertull.  ad  Scap.  c.  5.) 

The  chief  danger  of  the  Christians,  however, 
was  from  popular  outcries,  and  the  most  promi- 
nent members  of  the  church  bore  the  brunt  of 
the  assault,  and  quenched  the  fury  of  their 
adversaries  by  their  death  (cf.  Origen  in  Joann. 
vi.  36 ;  t.  iv.  p.  133).  A  notable  instance  is 
Polycarp,  bishop  of  Smyrna,  who  was  burnt  on 
Saturday  the  23rd  of  February,  A.D.  155 
(Waddington,  Vie  du  Rheteur  Aristkle,  Mem.  de 
I'Acad.  des  Inscriptions,  1867,  t.  xxvi.  pp.  '203  ff., 
232  ff.).  The  sufferings  of  the  martyrs  were 
the  occasion  and  the  staple  of  the  apologies. 
Thus  the  apology  of  Justin  complained  of  the 
martyrdom  of  Ptolemy  by  Urbicius,  i.e.  between 
A.D.  156  and  160.  This  seems  to  have  elicited 
the  extant  rescript  of  Pius  (cos.  iv.  trib.  pot. 
pp.  xxi.  i.e.  A.D.  158 — given  as  of  Marcus  in 
A.D.  161,  by  Eusebius,''  H.  E.  iv.  13),  addressed 
to  the  council  of  Asia,  demanding  proof,  not 
merely  of  Christianity  but  of  treason,  and  in 
default  of  such  proof,  threatening  the  accuser 
with  condign  punishment.  The  genuineness  of 
this  rescript  has  been  doubted,  because  of  its 
frank  recognition  of  the  piety  of  the  Christians, 
and  of  their  superiority  to  the  sycophants  who 
accused  them.  This  seems  to  us  quite  in  keeping 
with  the  character  of  Pius. 

(cf)  Marcus,  the  noblest  of  the  emperors,  appears 
as  a  persecutor.  His  sincere  piety  in  troublous 
times  probably  decreed  universal  religious  obser- 
vances with  which  the  Christians  could  not 
comply.  Both  the  acts  of  Justin  (A.D.  166),  the 
earliest  that  appear  really  to  be  taken  down  by 
a  notary  at  the  time,  and  the  apology  of  Melito 
(Eus.  H.  E.  iv.  26),  written  upon  occasion  of  the 
martyrdom  of  Sagaris  of  Laodicea,  A.D.  167 
(Aube,  p.  362),  speak  of  edicts  ordaining  that 
all  who  were  caught  should  be  compelled  to 
sacrifice.      If    there    were    no    reversal    of  the 


b  The  rescript  is  given  at  the  close  of  the  so-callpd  first 
apology  of  Justin.  We  agree  with  Piipebroche  in  regard- 
ing the  two  apologies  as  one,  though  not  in  the  date. 


MARTYR 

decision  of  Trajan,  and  no  hunt  after  the  Chris- 
tians were  decreed,  there  were  at  any  rate  plenty 
of  "  concussions."  The  Christians  were  driven 
to  build  their  splendid  tombs  underground,  as  in 
the  case  of  Januarius  {Bullettini,  1865,  p.  97). 
The  emperor's  justice  replied  to  the  apologies  of 
Melito  and  of  Apollinaris  (Eus.  //.  E.  iv.  27. 
V.  5)  by  a  law  which  condemned  the  accu.ser  of 
Christians  to  death  whether  his  charge  were  sub- 
stantiated or  not  (Tert.  Apol.  5).  This  was 
subsequent  to  the  deliverance  of  the  army  by  an 
unexpected  fall  of  rain  in  A.D.  174.  The  rescript 
of  the  emperor  ascribing  this  to  the  prayers  of  a 
Christian  legion  is  an  undoubted  forgery,  and  is 
not  that  to  which  Tertullian  alludes  (/.  c,  cf. 
ad  Scap.  4).  It  is  however  possible  that  Marcu*! 
may  have  commended  the  piety  of  the  Legio 
Fulminata,  and  that  Apollinaris  may  have 
pointed  out  that  in  that  legion  the  Christians 
were  numerous. 

But  though  convinced  that  the  Christians  were 
not  atheists,  and  stern  in  repressing  the  attacks 
made  upon  them  by  private  sycophants,  Marcus 
was  not  ubiquitous  and  was  not  unprejudiced. 
Christian  martyrs  appeared  to  him  to  die  in  a 
spirit  of  irrational  emulation,  rpaycL^oo^  Karh 
i\iiK))v  irapara^iv  (Med.  xi.  3),  and  hence  he  was 
disposed  to  regard  Christianity  as  a  frightful 
fanaticism.  His  hatred  of  priestcraft  made  him 
decree  that  whoever  scared  men's  minds  with 
superstition  should  be  banished  to  an  island 
(^Dig.  XLViii.  xix.  30.)  Meanwhile  he  was  him- 
self somewhat  priestridden  by  his  philosophers  ; 
the  senators  were  for  the  most  part  utterly 
opposed  to  the  new  religion,  and  not  likely  to  be 
impartial  judges,  and  popular  uproar  did  not 
always  present  itself  as  the  voice  of  a  rabble, 
but  sometimes,  as  at  Vienne  and  Lyons  in  A.D. 
177,  as  the  act  of  a  municipality.  The  governor, 
on  that  occasion,  found  Christian  prisoners 
awaiting  him  accused  by  the  whole  town  of 
Lyons,  and  himself  proceeded  to  commit  an 
advocate  who  appeared  for  them  and  avowed  his 
Christianity,  to  torture  the  heathen  domestics 
of  the  Christians  and  to  extract  supposed  evidence 
of  cannibal  banquets  and  incestuous  orgies,  to 
permit  the  murder  by  the  rabble  before  the 
tribunal  of  bishop  Pothinus,  who  was  supposed 
to  be  the  Christ  worshipped  by  the  Christians, 
and  finally  to  consult  the  emperor  about  those 
who  were  Roman  citizens  without  permitting 
them  to  go  and  plead  their  own  cause  before 
him.  Marcus  wrote  back  that  those  who  re- 
canted should  be  released  ;  those  who  persisted 
should  be  drummed  off,  i.e.  cudgelled  to  death. 
A  similar  decree  appears  in  the  acts  of  Caecilia, 
which  are  referred  by  De  Rossi  to  this  date.  It 
seems  to  have  called  forth  the  apology  of  Athen- 
agoras.  The  Gallic  governor  assumed  a  certain 
liberty  in  interpreting  it.  He  gave  up  to  the 
beasts  all  who  were  not  Roman  citizens,  and  one 
who  was.  Other  tortures  were  applied  to  them 
in  the  amphitheatre  for  the  amusement  of  the 
people,  e.g.  a  chair  of  red-hot  iron,  in  which  the 
prisoner  was  fastened.  This  is  noteworthy  as 
indicating  the  effect  of  persecution  of  the 
Christians  in  whetting  an  appetite  for  horrors, 
— Tertullian  (ad  Martyres,  5)  tells  of  some  who 
volunteered  to  run  a  course  in  a  flaming  shirt, — 
and  also  in  undermining  the  old  fabric  of  char- 
tered liberties,  and  reducing  the  world  under  the 
tyranny  of  the  emperor  and  his  emissaries.     The 


MARTYR 

rescript  of  Marcus  is  important  as  definitely 
sanctioning  the  employment  of  torture  to  induce 
recantation.  Those  who  persisted  in  confession 
were  liable  to  torture,  and  it  came  to  be  used  not 
only  to  elicit  confessions  of  imaginary  guilt,  but 
to  compel  denial  of  the  faith  (Tert.  Apol.  2). 
The  fact  is  that  those  who  proclaimed,  I  am  a 
Christian  and  among  us  no  evil  is  done,  not  only 
failed  to  supply  evidence  against  the  Christians, 
they  bore  irrefragable  evidence  in  their  favour 
(cf  Eus.  B.  E.  V.  1-4). 

Christianity  was  left  by  Marcus  in  a  most 
anomalous  position.  It  was  a  capital  crime 
either  to  be  a  Christian,  or  to  accuse  another 
of  being  so.  Thus  the  accuser  of  the  senator 
Apollonius,  in  the  reign  of  Commodus,  was  put 
to  death  by  having  his  legs  broken,  but  Apollo- 
nius himself,  after  pleading  his  cause  before  the 
senate,  was  beheaded  (Eus.  H.  E.  v.  21).  The 
proceedings  of  the  governors  varied.  One  sug- 
gested an  answer  that  would  enable  him  to 
acquit,  another  bound  the  culprits  over  to  satisfy 
their  townsfolk,  a  third  let  them  off  with  a  little 
torture,  a  fourth  beheaded  them,  a  fifth  burnt 
them  alive  (Tertull.  ad  Scap.  4).  There  were 
convicts  in  the  mines  in  Sardinia  on  the  ground 
of  their  faith,  whose  release  was  obtained  of 
Commodus  by  his  Christian  concubine,  Marcia. 
A  list  of  them  was  furnished  her  by  bishop 
Victor,  and  the  name  of  Callistus  was  omitted, 
because  he  had  been  guilty  of  breach  of  the 
peace  in  disturbing  the  Jews  in  their  synagogue 
{Philosophumena,  is.  12).  There  were  believers 
in  high  station  la  the  palace  (Iren.  c.  Eaer. 
iv.  30). 

(e)  The  power  of  the  senate,  so  hostile  to  Chris- 
tianity, was  overthrown  along  with  the  dynasty 
of  Trajan  (Gibbon,  ch.  v.).  No  Christians  fol- 
lowed the  standards  of  the  usurpers  Albiilus, 
Niger,  and  Cassian  (Tert.  ad  Scap.  2),  but 
Severus,  the  military  despot,  who  proved  vic- 
torious, had  many  Christian  favourites  whom  he 
sheltered,  and  his  son  was  reared  on  Christian 
milk  (i6.  4). 

Yet  Severus  was  compelled  (a.d.  202)  to  for- 
bid conversions  to  Christianity  (Spartian,  Severus, 
c.  17),  and  the  persecution  which  ensued,  the 
first  that  made  martyrs  in  Africa  (Tertullian, 
ad  Scap.  3),  was  so  fierce  that  the  Christians 
thought  the  end  of  the  world  must  be  drawing 
nigh. 

In  another  way,  however,  this  emperor  enabled 
the  church  to  acquire  a  sort  of  legal  recognition. 
Severus  made  the  permission  of  funeral  guilds 
to  those  of  slender  means,  provided  they  met  only 
once  a  month,  universal  through  Rome,  Italy, 
and  the  provinces  {Dig.  XLVir.  xxiii.  1),  and  com- 
mitted charges  of  illegal  association  to  the  juris- 
diction of  the  city  praefect  (i6.  I.  xii.  1  or  14). 
The  church  saw  her  opportunity.  The  arch- 
deacon Callistus  (a.d.  198)  was  set  over  the 
new  cemetery  on  the  Appian  Way.  A  sum  of 
hush  money,  distributed  in  presents  at  the 
Saturnalia,  prevented  awkward  questions  about 
the  religion  of  the  new  funeral  society,  though 
it  was  indeed  no  secret,  and  the  clergy  were 
booked,  by  the  police,  among  the  taverns,  gam- 
bling houses,  brothels,  and  thieveries.  But  the 
recognition  in  any  way  of  the  clergy  by  the  state 
increased  their  power  and  responsibility,  and 
made  the  independent  ambiguous  position  of  the 
martyrs  apart  from  the  clergy  above  the  laity, 

CHRIST.  ANT. — VOL.  H. 


MARTYR 


1123 


disturbing  discipline  by  indulgences,  a  thing  less 
and  less  tenable.  Meanwhile,  as  wardens  of  the 
cemeteries  pursuing  their  other  offices  of  charity 
under  cover  of  attending  to  the  tombs,  the  clergy, 
instead  of  little  meetings  from  house  to  house, 
could  organize  grand  celebrations  in  subter- 
ranean halls  before  the  monuments  of  the  heroes 
of  the  faith ;  and  to  conform  their  phraseology 
and  ritual  as  much  as  possible  to  heathen  models 
was  an  obvious  precaution.  The  danger  that 
lurked  in  such  conformity  remained  wholly  un- 
suspected (^Philosophumena,  ix.  12  ;  Tertullian, 
de  Fuga,  12,  13;  Bullettini,  1866,  pp.  8-11, 
19-22). 

(/)  The  extension  of  the  Roman  franchise  by 
Caracalla  to  all  the  free  subjects  of  the  empire 
made  the  torture  of  Christians  thenceforward 
the  torture  of  free  Romans.  We  do  not  read  of 
direct  sanction  of  Christianity  or  repeal  of  the 
laws  against  it,  till  the  days  of  Alexander 
Severus.  "  Christianos  esse  passus  est."  He 
proposed  to  erect  a  temple,  and  gave  the  pre- 
ference to  the  guild  of  the  Christians  over  the 
guild  of  the  cooks,  when  they  disputed  about  a 
piece  of  land.  His  successor,  Maximin  (a.d.  235- 
237),  aimed  a  persecution  at  the  clergy  only 
(Eus.  H.  E.  vi.  28),  which  seems  not  to  have 
been  oecumenical  only  because  his  rule  was  not 
everywhere  firmly  established.  It  affected  Egypt 
and  Asia  (Firmilian  ap.  Cypr.  Ep.  75,  c.  10),  and 
above  all  Rome.  Pontianus  and  Hippolytus  were 
transported  to  Sardinia,  and  there  died  {Cat. 
Liherianus)  ;  Anteros,  after  six  weeks'  episcopate, 
was  put  to  death,  it  is  said,  for  his  diligence  in 
collecting  and  treasuring  up  the  acts  of  the 
martyrs  {Cat.  Felicianus).  Protoctetus  and 
Ambrose  of  Caesarea  were  exhorted  to  martyr- 
dom by  Origen.  It  is  a  question  whether  the 
martyrs  mentioned  by  Eusebius  {H.  E.  vi.  4,  5) 
ought  not  to  be  referred  to  this  persecution 
rather  than  to  that  of  Severus,  for  Isidore  of 
Pelusium  expressly  mentions  Maximin  as  the 
persecutor  of  Potamiaena  (Pallad.  Hist.  Lausiac. 
c.  3).  The  one  part  to  which  the  persecution 
seems  not  to  have  extended  is  Africa  (Dodwell, 
Diss.  Cypr.  xi.  48-50). 

This  outbreak  was  followed  by  a  period  of 
imperial  favour.  The  emperor  Philip  is  said  to 
have  been  himself  a  Christian. 

Decius  (a.d.  250)  instituted  the  third  oecu- 
menical persecution,  by  what  laws  we  know  not, 
but  he  seems  to  have  given  the  reins  to  a  great 
popular  onslaught,  which  at  Alexandria  had 
begun  a  year  before  without  waiting  for 
imperial  encouragement,  but  which  was  let 
loose  universally  by  Decius. 

The  persecution  of  Decius  appears  to  have 
summed  up  in  itself  the  characteristics  of  all 
previous  persecutions :  direct  and  universal  like 
those  of  Nero  and  Domitian,  it  was  conservative 
and  disciplinary  in  aim  like  that  of  Trajan,  it 
employed  torture  for  the  direct  purpose  of 
forcing  recantation  like  those  of  Marcus  and 
Severus,  and  it  broke  through  a  period  of  peace 
and  was  directed  principally  against  the  clergy 
like  that  of  Maximin.  The  Acta  Sincera  belong- 
ing to  it  are  those  of  Pionius,  Achatius,  Maxi- 
mus,  Petrus  Lampsacenus,  Lucianus.  The  story 
that  Decius  was  so  impressed  by  the  answers  of 
Achatius  of  Pisidia,  which  were  reported  to 
him,  that  he  recalled  the  edict  of  persecution,  is 
somewhat  confirmed  by  the  cessation  of  perse- 
4  D 


1124 


MARTYR 


oution  before  the  close  of  his  reign.  Cyprian 
returned,  and  a  new  pope  was  elected  in  the 
early  part  of  251  (Lipsius,  Chron.  Rom.  Bisch. 
p.  18). 

Persecution  v/as  renewed  under  Gallus,  occa- 
sioned by  the  plague  (a.d.  252,  253). 

In  A.D.  254-  commences  a  formal  registration 
of  the  bishops  in  the  state  archives.  Valerian 
seems  to  have  hoped  thus  to  keep  control 
over  the  church  without  the  necessit}'  of 
making  martyrs.  In  257  he  had  the  bishops 
interrogated  and  banished  (^Vita  Cypriani,  c.  11). 
Reports  of  the  interrogatories  were  published 
(Cypr.  Ep.  11 ;  Dionys.  Alex.  ap.  Eus.  H.  E. 
yii.  11),  and  seem  to  have  earned  the  bishops 
the  title  of  martyrs.  At  least  Dionysius  of 
Alexandria  is  commemorated  as  such,  though  he 
survived  the  persecution  and  died  in  peace.  But 
in  A.D.  258,  Valerian  wrote  that  all  the  clergy 
should  be  executed  offhand,  nobles  and  knights 
degraded  and  stript  of  their  property,  and  only 
put  to  death  if  they  still  persisted,  ladies  should 
be  banished,  officers  of  the  household  led  off  in 
convict  gangs  to  penal  labour  (Cypr.  Ep.  82). 
Gallienus  (a.d.  260)  stopt  the  persecution  and 
gave  legal  sanction  to  the  church  body,  and 
reinstated  it  in  possession  of  its  corporate  pro- 
perty (Eus.  H.  E.  vii.  13). 

Aurelian  had  intended  (Eus.  H.  E.  vi.  30),  or 
even  decreed  (Lact.  de  Mortihus,  6)  a  persecution, 
but  the  execution  of  the  design  was  frustrated 
by  his  death  (A.D.  275).  The  peace  of  the 
church  endured  till  the  opening  of  the  4th 
century. 

Like  his  great  master  in  statesmanship, 
Aurelian,  Diocletian  also  appeared  as  a  pro- 
tector of  the  church  so  long  as  he  was  occu- 
pied with  rebels  or  foreign  foes.  But  in  his  17th 
year  (a.d.  300)  before  his  final  triumphs,  when 
he  was  anxiously  awaiting  news  from  the  East, 
he  expelled  all  Christians  from  the  army  (Eus. 
Chron.  H.  E.  viii.  iv. ;  "=  Lact.  de  Mart.  10). 
In  A.D.  303  he  was  induced  by  Galerius  reluc- 
tantly to  re-enact  the  edicts  of  Valerian,  with 
some  exceptions  and  additions.  His  decree  was 
placarded  at  Nicomedia  on  February  23.  No 
blood  was  to  be  shed,  but  (a)  the  churches  were 
to  be  razed,  (6)  the  sacred  books  were  to  be 
burnt,  (c)  the  Christians  were  to  be  disfranchised 
and  outlawed,  (d)  liherti  and  addicti  {ol  eV  oIk€- 
rlats)  persisting  in  Christianity  were  to  be 
reduced  to  slavery  (Eus.  JI.  E.  viii.  2  ;  Lact.  de 
Mort.  13).  Two  conflagrations  in  the  palace 
caused  the  torture  and  execution  of  the  Christian 
domestics,  and  a  second  decree  incarcerating  the 
entire  clergy  (Lact.  de  Mort.  14,  15  ;  Eus.  H.  E. 
VIII.  vi.  9).  The  celebration  of  the  Vicennalia  at 
the  close  of  the  same  year,  which  was  the  occa- 
sion of  the  release  of  all  other  prisoners,  was 
signalised  by  the  employment  of  torture  to  force 
the  Christians  to  sacrifice  (Eus.  75.  II).  The 
results  of  these  edicts  are  graphically  portrayed 
in  the  Acts  of  Theodotus  :  "  All  the  chiefs  of  the 
brethren  were  kept  fast  in  prison  ;  their  houses 
were  ransacked ;  the  unbelievers  plundered 
whatever  came  in  their  way  ;  freeborn  virgins 
were  shamelessly  violated;  there  was  no  place 
of  safety  even  for  those  who  fled  ;  they  could 


"=  There  is  no  reason  whatever  for  doubting  the 
identity  of  the  events  described  by  Eusebius  and 
Lac  tan  tins. 


MARTYR 

not  long  endure  their  hunger,  so  that  many  gave 
themselves  up  to  be  taken."  Altars  were  placed 
in  the  law  courts  that  none  might  plead  a  cause 
without  first  sacrificing  {dc  Mortihus,  15).  A 
whole  Christian  town  with  its  inhabitants  was 
burnt  in  Phrygia  (Eus.  //.  E.  viii.  xi.).  New 
tortures  were  invented.  The  victims  were 
stretched  on  a  rack  (equuleus)  or  hung  up  with 
stones  fastened  to  their  feet,  then  beaten  in  that 
posture  with  cudgels,  rods,  or  scoirrges ;  then 
torn  with  iron  hooks  (ungulae,  pectines) ;  then 
rubbed  with  salt  and  vinegar ;  then  burnt  bit  by 
bit  from  the  soles  of  their  feet  upwards  with 
torches  or  hot-iron  plates,  water  being  meanwhile 
thrown  in  their  faces  to  keep  life  in  them  (Eus. 
H.  E.  VIII.  vi.  ;  cf.  Lact.  de  Mort.  21),  or 
dragged  along  the  rough  ground  to  restore 
consciousness  (Eus.  H.  E.  viii.  x.).  Those  who 
were  remanded  to  jail  were  put  in  the  stocks 
with  their  feet  far  asunder,  and  high  up  so  that 
they  had  to  lie  on  their  backs.  All  these  things 
were  done  before  the  persecution  had  properly 
commenced. 

Throughout  the  west,  in  Italy,  Africa,  Spain, 
and  even  in  Gaul  and  Britain,  except  as  far  as 
Herculius  was  checked  by  his  subordinate  Con- 
stantius,  possession  of  Christian  books,  atten- 
dance on  Christian  meetings,  and  concealment  of 
Christian  fugitives,  were  already  reckoned  capital 
crimes.  Such  interpretation  was  put  on  the 
bloodless  decrees  of  Diocletian  by  his  colleague 
(Mason,  Persecution  of  Diocletian,  pp.  48,  1152, 
154  ff.  172  ff.).  In  the  East  it  was  still  illegal 
to  kill,  but  not  to  mutilate  a  Christian  (Eus. 
Mart.  Pal.  ii.  1).  To  understand  the  horror  of 
the  persecution  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that 
it  was  similar  to  the  Revocation  of  the  Edict  of 
Nantes,  a  sudden  subversion  of  legal  security,  a 
sudden  disruption  of  peaceable  society,  nay,  a 
sudden  withdrawal  of  imperial  favour. 

In  304  the  persecution  raged  most  fiercely,  for 
Herculius  was  still  supreme  in  the  west,  and 
Diocletian  was  not  in  a  condition  to  control 
Galerius  in  the  east.  At  the  beginning  of  the 
year  a  new  edict  extended  the  obligation  of 
sacrifice  to  all  the  people  of  every  town,  and 
sanctioned  the  arrest  of  the  consecrated  virgins 
of  the  church  and  their  consignment  to  the 
brothels  (Eus.  Mart.  Pal.  3 ;  Acta  Irene,  c.  5 ; 
cf.  Acta  Theodorae,  c.  1).  Even  this  did  not 
satisfy  the  enemies  of  the  church.  In  April  a 
senatus-consultum  (cf.  Martene,  Thes.  iii.  1649) 
and  a  rescript  of  Herculius  decreed  the  seizure 
of  Chrisians  "  wherever  found,"  and  recognised 
that  the  penalty  might  be  death  (Mason,  p. 
212  ff.). 

On  the  1st  of  May,  305,  Diocletian  and 
Maximianus  Herculius  abdicated.  Constantius, 
who  had  retained  the  confessors  and  dismissed 
the  apostates  among  the  officers  of  his  own 
household  (Eus.  Vit.  Const,  i.  xvi.),  did  not,  of 
course,  urge  the  persecution  further  in  the  west, 
but  the  church  was  not  reinstated  in  her  legal 
rights,  and  the  western  Caesar  was  a  nominee  of 
Galerius.  In  the  east  under  Galerius  and 
Maximin  the  persecution  raged  with  redoubled 
fury,  and  a  law  was  promulgated  condemning 
the  Christians  to  die  by  slow  fire  (De  Mortihus, 
21).  The  mode  of  punishment  varied  from 
province  to  province.  In  Cappadocia  their  legs 
were  broken  ;  in  Mesopotamia  they  were  suffo- 
cated by  hanging  their  head  downwards  over  a 


MARTYR 

smoky  fire  ;  in  Pontus  they  had  their  nails  torn 
oiF,  and  other  tortures  too  horrible  to  relate ;  at 
Alexandria  their  ears,  noses,  and  hands  were  cut 
off;  in  the  Thebais  they  were  fastened  to  two 
boughs  brought  together  by  force  and  then  let 
go,  and  so  torn  asunder.  Meanwhile  the  pitying 
soldiery  would  force  them  to  sacrifice,  or  drag 
them  off  by  their  feet  and  set  them  among  the 
apostates,  and  stop  their  mouths  if  they  tried  to 
say  anything  (Eus.  H.  E.  viii.  iii.  is.  xii.). 

On  the  death  of  Constantius,  July  25,  306, 
Constantine  was  proclaimed  in  Britain,  and  his 
first  act  was  to  repeal  the  prohibition  of  Chris- 
tianity (Lact.  de  Mort.  24).  In  October, 
Maxentius,  son  of  Herculius,  usurped  the  purple 
in  Rome.  Severus,  who  was  sent  against  him, 
was  defeated  and  put  to  death.  Herculius  re- 
sumed the  purple  along  with  his  son,  and  they 
allied  themselves  with  Constantine.  Toleration 
was  doubtless  a  condition  of  alliance,  and  a  new 
bishop  of  Rome  was  elected  ;  but  to  grant  the 
church  her  right  of  imposing  penance  on  apo- 
states must  have  been  intolerable  to  Herculius. 
Brawls  ensued,  the  old  emperor  was  forced  to 
flee,  and  the  same  fate  of  exile  was  imposed  on 
two  successive  popes,  Eusebius  and  Marcellus. 
In  the  6th  year  the  Christians  had  their  feet 
maimed  and  their  eyes  put  out  instead  of  being 
put  to  death  (Eus.  Mart.  Pal.  viii.).  In  the 
autumn  there  was  a  new  edict  enjoining  sacrifice 
on  man,  woman,  and  child  {ih.  ix.).  In  April, 
311,  the  dying  Galerius  with  Constantine  and 
Licinius,  put  out  an  edict  of  toleration  (Eus. 
H.  E.  VIII.  xvii.  ;  Lact.  de  Mort.  34).  This  was 
suppressed  by  Maximin,  who  only  wrote  to  his 
governors,  bidding  them  desist  from  persecution 
(Eus.  H.  E.  ix.  i.).  On  the  death  of  Galerius  he 
made  himself  master  of  all  Asia.  He  then  in- 
duced the  inhabitants  of  the  towns  to  present 
petitions  to  him  entreating  him  to  continue  the 
work  (Eus.  H.  E.  ix.  ii.  iv. ;  Lact.  de  Mort.  36), 
and  decreeing  for  their  own  part  expulsion  of  the 
Christians.  Christian  Armenia  flew  to  arms 
{Eus.  II.  E.  ix.  viii.  2).  Plague  and  famine  gave 
the  Christians  new  opportunity  for  charity  {ib.). 

In  Rome  the  property  of  the  church  was  re- 
stored, in  accordance  with  the  edict  of  Galerius, 
by  Maxentius  to  Melchiades  in  July,  311  (Aug. 
ad  Bom.  post  coll.  i.  xiii.  ;  t.  ix.  p.  662  ;  cf  Cat. 
Liberianus).  There  are  legends  of  martyrdoms 
at  Rome  in  presence  of  Diocletian  about  the  close 
of  the  reign  of  Maxentius,  e.g.  the  four  crowned 
saints  and  Sebastian,  and  we  know  that  Maxen- 
tius and  Maximin  were  secret  allies,  and  Dio- 
cletian was  accused  of  favouring  them  (Victor. 
Epist.  xxxix.  8).  Whether  Maxentius  had 
turned  persecutor  or  not,  the  victory  of  Constan- 
tine was  none  the  less  a  triumph  for  the  Chris- 
tians. Before  the  close  of  312  he  met  Licinius 
at  Milan  and  put  forth  the  famous  edict  of 
toleration  (Eus.  //.  E.  IX.  ix.  9,  x.  v. ;  Lact.  de 
Mort.  45,  48 ;  Mason,  Persecution  of  Diocletian, 
p.  333).  This  was  at  once  commimicated  to 
Maximin  and  stopt  his  designs  of  persecution, 
though  (as  before)  he  substituted  a  rescript  of 
his  own  (Eus.  //.  E.  ix.  ix.  11).  But  before  the 
close  of  the  winter  he  declared  war,  vowing,  if 
victorious,  to  exterminate  the  Christians.  The 
.-irmy  of  Licinius  called  on  God  most  high  and 
holy.  Maximin  fled  (Lact.  46,  47),  and  decreed 
toleration  and  died  (Eus.  H.  E.  ix.  x.  6  if.). 

The  universal  toleration  promised  by  the  edict 


MARTYR 


112; 


of  Milan  was,  however,  impossible.  The  church 
as  a  corporate  body  possessed  property,  and  the 
question  necessarily  arose  who  were  the  true 
members  of  the  corporation.  In  this  question 
the  state  could  not  but  interfere,  and  claim  a 
right  of  regulating  the  conditions  of  membership 
in  the  interests  of  public  morality. 

III.  Roinan  Procedure. — There  was  a  regular 
form  for  accusers  to  give  in.  "L.  Titius  pro- 
fessus  est  se  Maeviam  lege  Julia  de  adulteriis 
ream  deferre,  quod  dicit  earn  cum  C.  Seio  in 
civitate  ilia  domo  illius  mense  illo  coss  illis  adul- 
terium  commisisse  "  {Digest,  ii.  3).  The  proconsul 
decided  whether  to  commit  the  culprits  to 
prison  or  to  a  soldier,  or  to  admit  them  to  bail, 
or  to  leave  them  at  large  (Jb.  iii.  1).  Those  who 
had  confessed  their  guilt  were  put  in  chains  till 
sentence  was  passed  {ih.  iii.  5).  The  police  courts 
often  sent  up  prisoners  with  a  brief  of  the 
evidence  against  them :  the  higher  courts  were 
forbidden  to  condemn  without  fresh  hearing 
{ib.  iii.  6).  Jailors  were  often  bribed  to  leave 
the  prisoners  unchained,  or  to  afford  them  means 
of  committing  suicide  {ib.  iii.  7),  but  jailors  who 
let  their  prisoners  escape  through  culpable 
negligence  were  liable  to  be  punished  with  death 
{lb.  iii.  12).  To  kill,  scourge,  or  torture  a 
Roman  citizen,  or  to  detain  him  from  proceeding 
to  Rome  to  plead  his  cause  there,  was  to  be 
guilty  of  assault  on  the  public  peace  {ib.  vi.  8, 
9).  Nobody  might  be  condemned  in  his  absence 
without  a  hearing  {ib.  xvii.  1).  A  prisoner  might 
not  be  stript  of  his  possessions  till  he  were  con- 
demned {ib.  XX.  2).  There  was  great  liberty  of 
appeal,  even  for  slaves,  who  might  appeal  on 
their  own  behalf,  if  their  master  or  a  commis- 
sioner of  his  did  not  appeal  for  them  {ib.  XLIX.  i. 
15).  On  behalf  of  freemen  anyone  might  appeal 
who  was  shocked  at  the  cruelty  of  the  sentence 
{ib.  6).  The  appeal  was  drawn  up  in  writing, 
stating  who  appealed,  and  against  whom,  and 
from  what  sentence  (ib.  1),  but  in  court  a  man 
might  simply  say,  I  appeal  {ib.  2).  The  pro- 
ceedings in  court  were  taken  down  by  official 
shorthand  writers,  and  carefully  preserved 
(Amm.  Marc.  xxii.  3 ;  Cod.  Theod.  II.  xxiv.  3, 
Lydus  de  Magister.  ii.  20). 

IV.  Treatment  of  sufferers' by  their  brethren. — 
Chi-istians  in  prison  and  in  danger  of  death, 
(martyres  designati,  Tert.  ad  Martyres)  were 
naturally  objects  of  great  solicitude.  The  most 
graphic  picture  of  the  treatment  that  an  im- 
prisoned Christian,  so  called  "  martyr,"  in  the 
2nd  century  would  receive  from  his  brethren, 
is  given  by  Lucian  in  his  Life  of  Peregrinus, 
c.  12.  After  relating  how  that  rogue  turned 
Christian  in  Palestine,  he  proceeds:  "Then  at 
last  he  was  arrested  on  this  charge  and  put 
into  prison :  Proteus  was  caught.  Not  he ! 
that  veiy  circumstance  gained  him  no  small 
stock  of  credit  to  stand  him  in  good  stead  during 
the  next  stage  of  his  life  in  his  favourite  game 
of  making  a  sensation.  In  short,  when  he  was 
put  in  prison  the  Christians  took  it  to  heart, 
and  left  no  stone  unturned  to  have  him  out 
again.  Then,  when  that  proved  impossible,  all 
other  kind  offices  were  done  him,  not  half- 
heartedly, but  in  business-like  f^ishion  and  in 
good  earnest,  and  right  from  early  morning  you 
might  see  at  the  gaol-door  old  women  waiting 
about,  certain  widows,  and  little  children  that 
were   orphans.      But   their   official    personages 


1126 


MARTYR 


even  slept  inside  the  gaol  along  with  him,  bribing 
the  gaolers.  Then  dinners  of  various  viands  were 
carried  in,  and  their  sacred  treatises  were  read, 
and  the  worthy  Peregrinus  (for  he  still  went  by 
that  name)  was  called  by  these  people  a  new 
Socrates.  Nay,  there  are  certain  cities  even  in 
the  province  of  Asia,  from  which  some  of  the 
Christians  came,  deputed  by  their  community,  to 
help  the  man  and  support  him  in  court  and 
comfort  him.  They  display  incredible  alacrity, 
when  anything  of  this  liind  happens  of  public 
concern.  And  as  an  instance  in  point,  much 
wealth  accrued  to  Peregrinus  from  them  then,  by 
reason  of  his  incarceration,  and  he  made  no  small 
revenue  out  of  it.  .  .  He  was  released  by  the 
man  who  was  then  governor  of  Syria.  .  .  He 
went  forth  a  second  time  on  his  wanderings, 
with  the  Christians  for  a  bank  to  draw  upon 
for  travelling  expenses.  As  their  soldier  and 
servant  he  revelled  in  all  abundance.  And  for 
some  time  he  battened  so:  then  he  committed 
some  transgression  against  their  law  also,  was 
«een,  I  fancy,  eating  of  their  forbidden  meats, 
and  they  came  to  him  no  more." 

This  hostile  account  is  fully  confirmed  by 
Christian  evidence.  The  jailors  came  to  count 
on  gains  when  they  had  Christian  prisoners 
(Acta  Pionii,  c.  12) ;  and  when  the  officials  for- 
bade the  access  of  visitoi-s  for  fear  of  attempts 
at  a  rescue  by  magical  arts  {Acta  Ferpehiae, 
c.  16),  the  prisoners  seem  sometimes  to  have 
been  in  danger  of  starving  {Acta  Montani,  c.  9). 
Directions  wei-e  given  by  Cyprian  that  the  con- 
fessor Celerinus,  though  but  a  reader,  should 
have  the  salary  of  a  presbyter  (Cypr.  Ep.  39). 
The  Apostolic  Constitutions  (viii.  23)  forbid  con- 
fessors to  arrogate  to  themselves  episcopal  func- 
tions ;  and  the  25th  canon  of  Illiberis,  which 
enjoins  that  if  any  bring  letters  of  commendation 
as  confessors,  these  shall  be  taken  away  and 
simple  letters  of  communion  given  them,  because 
all  under  the  vaunt  of  that  name  everywhere 
make  game  of  the  simple  {concutiunt  simplices, 
the  word  used  for  violent  threats,  from  the 
military).  Compare  also  Apollonius  (Eus.  H.  E. 
V.  19),  who  speaks  of  Montanist  martyrs  exacting 
coin  from  orphans  and  widows.  And  though 
Callistus  had  obtained  recognition  as  a  martyr, 
contrary  to  the  wishes  of  Victor,  that  bishop 
thought  it  necessary  to  pension  him  {Philoso- 
phumena,  ix.  12). 

V.  Prerogatives  of  Martyrs  before  Death. — 
The  honours  which  martyrs  received  from 
their  brethren  in  this  life  were  far  more  than 
the  material  emoluments.  "  Martyrs,"  in  the 
old  sense,  signed  as  martyrs  to  the  decrees  of 
councils  (Eus.  v.  xix.).  The  bloodshedding  of 
martyrdom  was  a  saci-ament,  a  baptism  that 
replaced  or  renewed  the  baptism  of  water  (Tert. 
deBapt.  c.  16)  ;  one  of  the  seven  ways  of  obtaining 
remission  (Orig.  in  Lev.  Horn.  ii.  2,  t.  ii.  p.  190) ; 
the  wanderer's  last  refuge  (Tert.  Scorp.  6),  in 
which  not  only  soils  were  washed  ofif,  but  stains 
bleached  white  {ib.  12),  in  which  angels  were 
the  baptizers  (Cypr.  ad  Fortun.  pref.  4).  Baptism 
was  a  time  for  prayer  (Tert.  de  Bapt.  20,  Per- 
petua  2),  and  so  was  martyrdom.  It  did  not 
suffice  for  a  martyr  to  have  purged  his  own  sins 
(Tert.  de  Pudic.  22) :  they  began  to  be  in  such 
dignity  that  they  might  ask  what  they  would 
(Perpetua,  3,  7) :  "  martyrs  gave  grace  to  those 
that  were  not  martyrs,"  and  received  the  peni- 


MARTYR 

I  tent  apostates  into  communion  (Eus.  H.  E.  v.  i. 
I  40,  ii.  7,  8) :  they  had  a  right  to  be  heard  in 
'  claiming  absolution  for  their  brethren,  as  they 
did  actually  atone  for  their  brethren's  faults; 
they  wearied  out  by  their  patience  the  fury  of 
the  adversaries  and  broke  down  the  power  of 
evil  (Orig.  t.  iv.  p.  133  ;  Eus.  E.  E.  vii.  xli.  16)  : 
moreover,  their  peace  was  so  divine,  that  to  be 
at  peace  with  them  could  not  but  be  to  be  at 
peace  with  God  (cf.  Cypr.  Ep.  xxiii.).  Hence 
martyrs  excelled  confessors  by  their  power  of 
receiving  back  the  lapsed  (Cypr.  Epp.  20  [17], 
10  [8]).  Soon  as  a  martyr  was  thrown  into 
jail,  seekers  of  grace  gathered  round  (Tert.  de 
Pudic.  22).  "  What  martyr,"  asks  Cyprian,  "  is 
greater  than  God  or  more  merciful  than  the 
divine  bounty,  that  he  should  fancy  that  we  are 
to  be  kept  by  his  own  aid  ?  "  Cypr.  de  Lap.  siv. 

C.  20.      [LiBELLI.] 

VI.  Modes  of  Death.— The  sixth  title  of  the 
xlviiith  book  of  the  Digest  treats  of  punish- 
ments. These  were  very  various.  Burning 
alive  was  supposed  the  most  frightful  death, 
and  was  reserved  for  deserters  or  slaves  who 
murdered  their  masters.  Crucifixion  came  next, 
the  lot  of  brigands.  Those  condemned  to  be 
thrown  to  beasts  lost  their  franchise  and  free- 
dom forthwith,  and  might  be  kept  to  be  tortured 
for  further  evidence  before  their  sentence  took 
effect  (j5.  29).  But  praefects  were  forbidden  to 
throw  ci'iminals  to  the  beasts  just  to  please  a 
popular  outcry  {ib.  31).  Criminals  might  of 
course  die  under  torture,  but  were  not  to  be  put 
to  death  by  torture,  unless  the  above  ways  be  so 
reckoned.  Roman  citizens  were  simply  beheaded 
with  the  sword.  Men  might  be  condemned,  not 
to  be  thrown  to  the  beasts,  but  to  fight  with 
them.  Then  there  was  slavery  in  the  mines 
with  heavier  or  lighter  chains  ;  the  lime-works 
and  sulphur  works  were  considered  the  worst, 
and  the  mines  furnished  occupation  to  women  as 
well  as  to  the  miners.  Then  there  was  trans- 
portation to  an  island,  which  involved  loss  of 
citizenship,  though  not  of  freedom  {ib.  xxii. 
6,  15).  Then  there  were  various  modes  of  flog- 
ging, a  cudgelling  was  thought  more  honourable 
than  a  scourging :  there  was  labour  in  public 
works,  banishment  to  an  island,  perpetual  or 
temporary  banishment.  In  almost  every  case 
the  punishment  varied  according  to  the  station 
of  the  offender.  This  is  exemplified  in  the  chief 
instance  that  we  have  of  a  persecution  of  the 
Jews.  The  crimes  of  some  would-be  Jewish 
missionaries  in  A.D.  19  brought  the  whole  com- 
munity into  trouble.  Four  thousand  of  the 
humbler  sort  were  shipped  off  to  Sardinia  to  be 
employed  against  the  brigands — "  if  they  died, 
small  loss  " — the  rest  were  to  recant  by  a  given 
day  or  leave  Italy  (Tac.  Ann.  ii.  85 ;  Jos.  Ant. 
Jud.  xviii.  5). 

VII.  Treatment  of  the  Bodies  of  the  Dead. — 
The  bodies  of  criminals,  and  even  the  ashes  of 
such  as  had  been  burnt  alive,  except  sometimes  in 
cases  of  treason,  were  given  up  for  burial  to  any 
who  might  ask  for  them  {Digest,  XLVII.  xxiv.). 
At  first  such  leave  was  only  granted  to  private 
individuals  ;  for  funeral  guilds  were  not  yet  al- 
lowed, and  most  of  the  early  cemeteries  bear  the 
name  of  some  wealthy  owner.  But  the  graves 
were  recognised  as  possessing  a  religious  sanctity. 
"  Religiosum  locum,"  says  Marcianus,  "  unusquis- 
que  sua  voluntate   facit,  dum    mortuum  infert 


MAETYR 

in  locum  suum "  (^Digest,  i.  viii.  6 ;  cf.  Gaius, 
Instit.  ii.  6).  In  303,  at  the  beginning  of  the 
persecution,  Diocletian  found  it  necessary  to  have 
the  bodies  of  the  martyrs  dug  up  and  thrown 
into  the  sea  (Eus.  H.  E.  viii.  6).  Thenceforth 
he  refused  them  burial.  Instances  of  the 
measures  taken  to  rob  the  Christians  of  the 
relics  will  be  found  in  the  acts  of  Claudius  and 
Asterius,  of  Victor  of  Marseilles,  Theodotus  of 
Ancyr.''.,  Vincent  of  Valencia,  Irenaeus  of 
Sirmium,  &c.  &c.  They  were  generally  thrown 
into  the  sea  in  sacks.  At  Caesarea,  on  one  occa- 
sion, they  lay  guarded,  and  the  dogs  threw 
them  all  about  the  city  (Eus.  Mart.  Pal.  9). 
The  more  grievous  the  wrong  done  to  the  holy 
bodies,  the  greater  the  eagerness  to  requite 
them  with  due  honour.  There  is  a  legend  of  a 
Roman  lady  sending  her  paramour  to  the  east, 
where  persecution  was  still  raging,  to  bring  her 
some  relics  (Ado,  June  5).  Antony  strongly 
protested  against  the  Egyptian  practice  of 
keeping  the  mummies  of  the  martyrs  in  private 
houses,  whereas  "  even  the  body  of  the  Loi-d  was 
buried  out  of  sight"  (Athanas.  Vita  Antonii,  ii. 
p.  602).  The  same  practice  is  forbidden  in 
one  of  the  Arabic  constitutions  which  claim 
to  be  of  the  council  of  Nice  (Labbe,  Cone.  ii. 
350). 

VIII.  Sepulture  of  Martyrs.— The  subject  of 
Christian  sepulture  in  general  is  treated  under 
BuKiAL,  Catacombs,  Obsequies. 

Of  differences  in  the  manner  of  sepulture  of 
martyrs,  which  should  enable  future  investi- 
gators to  distinguish  them  after  they  had  been 
forgotten,  we  have  very  little  evidence.  The 
title  was  sometimes  inscribed  on  the  tomb,  either 
at  the  time  of  the  interment  or  not  long  after 
(De  Rossi,  Eom.  Sott.  ii.  60,  61).  In  the  lives 
of  the  popes,  by  Anastasius,  Eutychian  is  said  to 
have  decreed  that  martyrs  should  not  be  buried 
without  a  purple  dalmatic.  Their  blood  was 
collected  and  buried  with  them  (Prudentius,  Feri- 
steph.  xi.  141-144),  but  the  separate  vessels 
supposed  to  contain  blood  are  now  recognised 
as  receptacles  for  the  wine  of  the  agapae,  or 
else  forgeries. 

Leibnitz  tested  a  red  sediment  on  a  frag- 
ment of  ancient  Christian  glass  with  sal-am- 
moniac, and  finding  the  solvent  successful, 
concluded  that  the  sediment  must  be  blood 
(Boldetti,  p.  187).  Palm  branches,  once  sup- 
posed to  distinguish  martyrs,  are  common  in  the 
Christian  epitaphs  of  the  4th  century  {ih.  p.  271). 
These  were  the  signs  by  which  the  Romanists  used 
to  pretend  to  distinguish  the  bodies  of  martyrs. 
Mabillon,  under  the  pseudonym  of  Eusebius 
Romanus,  entered  a  powerful  protest  (De  Cultu 
Sanctorum  ignotorum,  Paris,  1698).  Compare 
Martigny  (Z)jci.  des  Antiquites  Chretiennes,  sang 

DES  martyrs). 

It  was  very  usual  to  inter  the  relics  of  the 
martyrs  under  the  altar.  [Altar,  Consecra- 
tion.] There  seems  to  be  an  allusion  to  this 
custom  in  Rev.  vi.  9.  The  monuments  were 
at  first  above  ground.  The  monument  of  James 
the  Just  was  to  be  seen  in  the  days  of  Hege- 
sippus  (Eus.  H.  E.  II.  xxiii.),  and  the  trophies 
of  Peter  and  Paul  were  shewn  at  the  Vatican 
and  on  the  Ostian  way  (Gaius  ap.  Eus.  ii.  xxv.). 
So  long,  of  course,  as  the  cemeteries  were  in 
Christian  possession,  the  tombs  of  the  martyrs 
would  not   be  forgotten.     It  was  only  the  con- 


MAETYR 


1127 


fiscation  of  the  cemeteries  by   Diocletian    that 
caused  uncertainties. 

There  was  of  course  a  peculiar  sacredness 
attaching  to  the  bodies  of  the  martyrs.  They 
bore  visible  stamps  of  celestial  joy  triumphing 
over  earthly  malice.  When  tortured  into  a  mass 
of  sores,  the  application  of  fresh  cautery  some 
days  after  healed  them.  They  came  forth  from 
their  dungeons  with  shining  faces,  and  seemed  to 
emit  a  heavenly  fragrance  (Eus.  H.  E.  V.  i.  19, 
30).  The  martyrs  themselves  sometimes  dis- 
couraged the  desire  for  relics  {Ign.  ad  Rom.  4 ; 
Pontius,  Vit.  Gypr.  16) ;  but  sometimes  gave 
them  {Acta  Ferpetiute,  21).  The  relics  were 
regarded  as  more  precious  than  gold  {Mart. 
Polyc.  18),  and  the  taunts  of  the  Jews  that  the 
Christians  would  leave  Jesus  and  worship  Poly- 
carp  (i6.  17)  but  increased  their  devotion.  The 
heathen  attempted  to  make  the  resurrection  of 
the  martyrs  impossible  (Eus.  H.  E.  V.  i.  54—58) 
by  forbidding  the  interment.  Martyrs  often 
suffered  away  from  their  own  churches,  e.g. 
Ignatius,  and  the  possession  of  the  bodies  of 
martyrs  gave  lustre  to  the  churches  and  seemed 
a  guarantee  of  the  purity  of  their  doctrine 
(Polycr.  ap.  Eus.  H.  E.  v.  sxiv.  2-4).  Hence 
translations  were  necessary.  These  could  not  be 
effected  except  by  stealth  or  by  imperial  per- 
mission. It  was  probably  by  imperial  permission 
that  pope  Fabian  {Cat.  Liberianus)  translated  the 
bodies  of  Pontianus  and  Hippolytus  from  Sar- 
dinia to  Rome.    [Relics.] 

A  statue  of  Hippolytus  was  set  up  outside  his 
church. 

A  graffito  praying  for  the  peace  of  Pontianus 
was  found  in  the  papal  crypt,  and  is  referred  by 
De  Rossi  to  the  times  of  Fabian.  It  was  cut 
across  when  the  crypt  was  altered  by  Damasus 
{Rom.  Sott.  ii.  80,  cf.  381-396). 

IX.  Cultus.  —  Cultus,  with  ritea  of  private 
direction,  of  the  spirits  of  the  departed,  was  not 
a  new  religion,  though  it  was  continually  swell- 
ing the  roll  of  divinities.  But  the  graves 
wei'e  under  the  general  supervision  of  the 
pontifical  college,  and  might  not  be  repaired 
without  their  permission  {Digest,  XI.  vii.  viii. ; 
Bullettini,  p.  89). 

A  pagan's  will  directing  the  construction  of  a 
memorial  chamber  [Cella  Memoriae]  with 
an  exedra  or  summer-house,  marble  and  bronze 
statues  of  himself  seated,  a  lectica  and  stoue 
benches  with  drapery,  cushions,  and  vestments, 
and  an  altar  to  contain  his  bones,  an  orchard  to 
be  attached,  and  the  property  to  be  inalienable 
from  the  tomb,  two  freedmen  to  be  wardens 
on  yearly  pay,  and  all  the  freedmen  to  club  to- 
gether to  keep  up  a  yearly  feast  at  the  place, 
and  to  elect  club  masters  yearly  who  should 
sacrifice  monthly  through  the  summer  at  the 
tomb,  is  given  by  De  Rossi  in  the  Bullettini,  1863, 
p.  95.  A  monument  has  also  been  discovered, 
probably  of  a  Jew,  in  which  sepulture  is 
granted  to  the  freedmen  themselves  and  their 
descendants,  provided  they  "belong  to  my 
religion"  {ib.  1862,  p.  80).'  The  celebration  of 
the  eucharist  and  of  agapes  at  the  tombs  was  only 
illegal,  because  the  dead  had  died  as  traitors. 
Heathen  d  cultus  of   the  departed  in  general 


«  Neither  was  it  quite  heathenish,  and  out  of  li.\nnoiiy 
with  the  spirit  of  Judaism.  The  Jews  built  tlu^  Mpiil- 
chres  of  the  prophets,  pleaded  the  merits  of  the  patriarchs, 
thronged  their  sepulchres  with  lights  and  incense. 


1128 


; MARTYR 


was  based  upon  the  notion  that  their  souls  were 
hovering  about  their  bodies,  and  stood  in  need  of 
the  good  offices  of  the  living  to  their  bodies. 
Christian  belief  is  that  the  departed  need  the 
salvation  of  survivors,  that  they  without  us 
should  not  be  made  perfect  (Heb.  xi.  40).  Uu- 
dutiful  neglect  of  their  corpses  was  thus  inju- 
rious to  the  dead,  as  it  was  perilous  to  the 
living  (Cypr.  Ep.  8).  Their  souls  were  not  sup- 
posed to  hover  about  their  bodies,  but  their 
memory  was  the  strongest  incentive  to  that 
devotion  ou  the  part  of  survivors  which  they 
really  needed.  Hence  their  tombs  from  the 
first  (cf.  Heb.  xiii.  Rev.  vi.  Martyria  Ignatii  et 
Polycarpi)  were  places  for  the  celebration  of  the 
Eucharist. 

When  the  competition  between  heathen  and 
Christian  worship  had  once  begun,  the  heathenish 
notions  of  honouring  the  dead  by  wakes  and  with 
waxlights  began  to  gain  currency  among  the 
Christians.  In  the  canons  of  Illiberis,  in  or  just 
after  the  time  of  the  persecution  of  Diocletian,  it 
is  ordained  that  "  waxlights  should  not  be  burnt 
by  day  in  the  cemetery,"  and  the  reason  given 
for  this  prohibition  is  as  superstitious  as  the 
practice  prohibited,  "  for  the  spirits  of  the  saints 
are  not  to  be  disquieted  "  (^Can.  Elih.  34  ;  Kouth, 
Bell.  Sacrae,  iv.  265).     [Lights.] 

At  the  same  council  (can.  35)  women  were 
forbidden  to  keep  vigil  in  the  cemeteries,  because 
under  the  pretext  of  prayer  they  commit  sin. 
[Vigils.] 

When  Constantino  restored  the  property  of 
the  church,  the  re-erection  of  memorial  edifices 
and  celebration  of  festival  anniversaries  was 
commenced  under  prosperous  auspices.  If  every 
city  had  a  patron  deity,  almost  every  city 
had  a  native  guardian  saint.  In  the  west, 
Prudentius  enumerates  the  martyrs  in  whom 
diverse  cities  gloried.  Carthage  had  Cyprian ; 
Cordova,  Acisclus  and  Zoellus  and  another  trio ; 
Tarragona,  Fructuosus  and  his  deacons ;  Gironda, 
Felix ;  Calahorra,  Chelidonius ;  Barcelona,  Cu- 
cufas  ;  Narbonne,  Paul ;  Aries,  Genesius  ;  Con- 
plutum,  Justus  and  Pastor ;  Merida,  Eulalia ; 
Tangier,  Cassian ;  Fez,  the  Massylitans  ;  Valencia, 
Vincent ;  Sai-agossa  boasted  Encratis  and  a  group 
of  eighteen  (Prud.  Peristeph.  iv).  Kome  seemed  to 
be  crowded  with  martyrs :  they  were  buried 
there  in  heaps,  and  the  number  only,  not  the 
names,  inscribed  upon  the  tomb  :  in  one  sepul- 
chre lay  sixty  (ib.  xi). 

So  throughout  the  4th  century,  the  rival  cults 
contended  for  that  which  is  the  first  necessary  of 
a  ritual  system  of  hero-worship,  the  honour  of 
being  the  national  religion.  Paganism  had  the 
prestige  of  antiquity ;  martyr- worship  was  re- 
commended by  imperial  favour,  by  its  innate 
superiority,  and  by  the  independent  vital  force 
of  the  church  of  Christ. 

The  deities  of  the  heathen  were  by  this  time 
generally  recognised  among  the  heathen  them- 
selves as  merely  deified  men,  and  it  was  easy  to 
demonstrate  from  the  heathen  myths  that  they 
were  bad  men.  The  vices  of  the  gods  and  heroes 
were  the  commonplace  of  ancient  philosophers, 
and  Christian  preachers.  A  race  of  true  heroes 
had  sprung  up.  To  bow  before  the  horrible 
leavings  of  butchery  was  mortifying  to  human 
pride,  and  the  20th  canon  of  the  council  of 
Gangra,  A.D.  324,  was  passed  against  those  who 
disdained   the    worship   at    the    shrines  of  the 


MARTYR 

martyrs.  But  if  ridiculous  and  disgusting  in 
outward  form,  and  moving  the  disgust  of 
aristocratic  scholars  like  Eunapius  (Vita  Aedeni, 
78,  81),  the  new  worship  could  yet  justify  itself 
by  appeal  to  Plato  and  to  Hesiod  (Eus.  Fraep. 
Evang.  xiii.  22),  as  the  old  hero-worship  in  a 
better  spirit. 

Private  appropriation  of  the  martyrs  being 
forbidden,  the  privilege  of  worshipping  in  the 
public  cemeteries  became  the  more  precious.  The 
great  question  between  the  various  parties  of 
Christians  in  the  4th  century  was  which  of  them 
had  the  right  of  community  of  creed  and  commu- 
nion in  worship  with  the  ancient  champions  of  the 
common  faith.  Each  great  city  had  its  own  ceme- 
teries ;  for  those  of  Alexandria  and  Jerusalem  see 
De  Rossi,  Bullettini,  1865,  pp.  57  ff'.  and  84.  From 
this  heritage  of  ancient  memories  the  Catholic 
body  was,  during  great  part  of  the  4th  century, 
unjustly  excluded,  and  so  they  were  grasped  with 
the  more  tenacity  when  they  were  regained. 
Meanwhile  the  prohibitions  of  heathen  worship 
by  Constantius  (Cod.  Theod.  xvi.  x.  A.D.  341- 
356),  and  the  galvanic  resuscitation  of  it  by 
Julian  (Amm.  Marcell.  xxv.  4),  and  the  renewed 
abandonment  of  the  temples  at  his  death  (Soc. 
iii.  24)  and  interdiction  of  bloody  sacrifice  by 
Valens  and  Valentinian  (Liban.  Orat.  de  Templis, 
ii.  163)  sent  multitudes  into  the  church 
with  fresh  appetites  for  ritual  and  devotional 
exercises. 

The  most  striking  instance  of  the  support 
gained  by  the  cause  of  Christian  verity  and 
independence  from  its  ominous  alliance  with  the 
popular  fetishism,  and  from  the  supposed 
testimony  of  devils  whom  Christ  would  have 
gagged  at  once,  is  that  aft'orded  by  the  "  inven- 
tion "  of  the  bodies  of  Protasius  and  Gervasius  at 
Milan,  in  a.d.  386,  by  Ambrose.  From  the 
place  where  they  were  found,  the  church  of 
SS.  Nabor  and  Felix,  De  Rossi  argues  very 
probably  that  they  were  really  martyrs,  for  it 
was  an  ancient  Christian  cemetery  (Bullettini, 
1864,  p.  29).  But  they  had  been  quite  forgotten, 
and  a  dream  led  Ambrose  to  the  excavations 
which  disclosed  two  almost  gigantic  skeletons  with 
a  prodigious  quantity  of  fresh,  liquid  blood.  As 
the  bishop,  who  was  steadily  resisting  the  claim 
of  the  Arian  empress  for  a  single  church  in 
which  to  worship,  bore  the  relics  through  the 
city  to  his  new  basilica,  demoniacs  were  seized 
with  convulsions,  and  the  demons  owned  the 
power  of  the  martyrs  and  the  error  of  Arianism, 
and  left  their  victims.  The  relics  cured  a  well- 
known  citizen  who  had  been  many  years  blind. 
Undeniable  facts  will  not  convince  sceptics,  and 
the  Arians  derided  the  mii-acles,  but  the  Ca- 
tholics regarded  them  as  a  gracious  interposition 
of  Providence  on  their  behalf  (Ambros.  Ep.  xxii. ; 
Augustine,  Conf.  ix.  7  ;  Be  Civ.  Dei,  xxii.  8). 

The  year  after  the  occurrence  of  these  mii-acles 
the  Arian  empress  was  a  fugitive  and  a  suppliant 
at  the  court  of  the  first  Catholic  Christian 
emperor,  the  great  Theodosius,  who  finally  sup- 
pressed Paganism,  and  who  acknowledged  by 
his  submission  to  penance  the  power  of  the 
church  to  grant  or  withhold  to  the  sovereign  of 
the  world  the  bread  of  his  life,  but  who  prepared 
himself  for  the  contest  with  the  last  champion 
of  Paganism,  the  usurper  Eugenius  (Ambi*.  Ep. 
57)  by  going  round  all  the  places  of  prayer  with 
the  priests  and  the  people,  lying  prostrate  ift 


MARTYE 

sackcloth  before  the  tombs  of  martyrs  and 
apostles,  and  begging  help  from  the  intercession 
of  the  saints  (Raffinus,  Hist.  Eccl.  xi.  33). 

X.  Intercession  of  Martyrs. — While  martyr- 
doms were  frequent  they  were  regarded  as  a 
kind  of  perpetual  embassy  from  the  church  on 
earth  to  her  Lord.  They  were  requested  to  bear 
their  friends  in  mind  when  they  entered  into 
the  presence  of  Christ  (Eus.  Mart.  Pal.  7). 
Fructuosus,  A.d.  258,  answered  such  a  request 
by  saying,  I  must  needs  bear  in  mind  the  whole 
church  spread  from  east  to  west  {Acta  Fructuosi, 
c.  5).  Origen  says,  Of  the  martyrs  John  writes 
that  their  souls  assist  at  the  altar :  he  who 
assists  at  the  altar  performs  the  function  of  a 
priest:  it  is  the  office  of  a  priest  to  plead  for 
the  sins  of  the  people ;  I  fear  lest  since  we 
have  no  more  martyrs  it  be  with  us  as  with 
the  Jews  who  have  no  temple.  Our  sins  re- 
main in  us  (Orig.  in  Num.  x.  2,  t.  ii.  p.  302). 
The  belief  derived  from  the  words  of  Chi-ist 
(Luke  xxiii.  47,  Rev.  ii.  7),  that  the  souls  , 
of  the  martyrs  and  theirs  alone  passed  up  I 
into  the  presence  of  the  Lord  in  Paradise,  was 
confirmed  by  the  dreams  of  the  martyrs  them- 
selves (^Acta  Ferpetuae,  4,  11,  12  ;  TertuU.  de 
Anima,  c.  55).  Moreover  the  crown  which  Paul 
mentioned  as  laid  up  for  him  against  the  last 
day  (1  Tim.  iv.  8)  was  supposed  to  be  already 
given  them  (ilart.  Poly  carp.  19;  Eus.  H.  E.  v. 
2,  §  37  ;  Acta  Fructuosi  ad  fn.),  and  they  were 
regarded  as  the  future  assessors  of  Christ  in 
judgment  (Cypr.  Fpp.  vi.  2,  xv.  3,  xxxi.  3,  de 
Lapsis,  17). 

To  these  general  beliefs  Origen  (1.  c.)  added  a 
peculiar  doctrine  of  his  own,  which  he  supported 
by  Paul's  phrase  "  to  be  spent  "  (2  Cor.  xii.  15  ; 
2  Tim.  iv.  6),  that  Christ's  sons  joined  with  him 
in  taking  the  sins  of  the  saints.  In  his  Exhor- 
tation to  Martyrdom,  c.  50,  he  suggests  that 
perhaps  some  will  be  bought  by  the  precious 
blood  of  the  martyrs.  In  the  same  writing 
(c.  38)  he  suggested  that  after  death  the  father 
would  love  his  children  more  skilfully,  and  pray 
for  them  more  continuously  (t.  i.  p.  299).  So 
he  averred  that  the  souls  of  martyrs  not  only 
interceded  with  the  Lord,  but  themselves  admi- 
nistered forgiveness  to  those  who  prayed  (ib.  c. 
30,  p.  293).  He  had  been  taught  that  those 
who  had  gone  before  contended  in  prayer  for 
those  who  were  following  after,  and  licked  up 
their  adversaries  as  an  ox  licks  up  the  grass 
(in  Jesu  Nave,  xvi.  5).  He  gives  as  a  mystery 
not  to  be  written  down  the  doctrine  that  the 
souls  of  good  and  bad  men  become  good  and  evil 
angels  {in  Rom.  ii.  4,  t.  iv.  p.  479),  and  he 
seems  to  speak  of  martyrdom  as  necessary  for 
attaining  eternal  life,  though  good  works  might 
lead  to  glory,  honour,  and  peace  (ib.  c.  7,  p. 
483). 

These  beliefs  naturally  found  expression  in 
the  forms  of  Christian  worship.  Thus  as  regards 
the  martyrs,  in  the  prayer  for  the  whole  church, 
it  was  not  said  "  we  beseech  thee  for  them,"  but 
"  we  ofter  on  their  behalf  "—an  important  differ- 
ence (Const.  Ap.  viii.  12),  and  in  the  bidding 
prayer  the  faithful  were  not  bidden  to  pray  for 
them,  but  remember  them  (ih.  c.  13).  Prayers 
for  them  there  were  in  the  sense  of  pious  wishes, 
but  not  in  the  sense  of  earnest  entreaties,  such 
as  were  made  for  others  of  the  dead  (Perpetua, 
c.  7).     The   Nestorians    indeed   whose    liturgies 


MARTYR 


1129 


seem  in  other  respects  to  give  the  prayer  in  a 
more  ancient  form,  requested  that  the  sins  of  the 
martyrs  might  be  foi-given  them.  "0  Lord  our 
God,  receive  from  us  by  Thy  grace  this  sacrifice 
of  thanksgiving,  the  reasonable  fruit  of  our  lips, 
that  the  memory  of  the  just  men  of  old,  the 
holy  prophets,  blessed  Apostles,  martyrs,  &c., 
and  all  sons  of  Holy  Church  may  be  before 
Thee,  that  of  Thy  grace  thou  wouldst  give  them 
pardon  of  all  sins  that  they  have  done  in  this 
world  in  a  mortal  body  and  in  a  mutable  soul, 
as  there  is  no  man  who  sinneth  not "  (Renaudot, 
Lit.  orient,  coll.  t.  ii.  p.  620).  Epiphanius  appeals 
to  such  prayers  as  a  proof  of  the  wide  distance 
that  the  church  acknowledged  between  the 
holiest  saint  and  the  Lord  (Epiph.  c.  Haer.  75,  §  7). 
But  Augustine  says  we  do  not  pray  for  martyrs, 
for  they  have  fulfilled  the  love  than  which  no 
man  hath  greater.  We  ask  them  to  pray  for  us 
(Aug.  in  Joann.  tract.  Ixxxiv.  t.  iii.  coll.  847). 
And  again,  it  is  a  wrong  to  pray  for  a  martyr 
(Aug.  Serm.  159,  v.  867). 

Invocation  of  the  martyrs  was  fostered  by 
Christian  orators,  whose  theology  was  influenced 
by  the  teaching  of  Origen,  but  whose  rhetorical 
training  had  been  received  in  schools  of  pagan 
panegyric.  Their  sermons  vividly  depict,  and 
enable  us  to  enumerate,  the  superstitions  which 
they  encouraged. 

Basil,  in  his  Oration  cni  Barlaam,  speaks  of  the 
martyrs  as  fishers  of  men  after  their  death, 
drawing  myriads  as  in  a  drag-net  to  their  tombs, 
p.  139.  On  Mamas,  he  cuts  short  the  praise  of 
the  martyr  to  proceed  to  the  lessons  he  meant  to 
enforce,  but  not  to  disappoint  the  expectations 
of  his  audience,  who  had  come  to  hear  an  en- 
comium, he  says,  "  Remember  the  martyr  (1)  all 
who  have  enjoyed  a  sight  of  him  in  dreams,  (2) 
all  who  have  lighted  on  this  place  and  have  had 
him  for  a  helper  in  your  prayers,  (3)  all  whom 
he  has  helped  at  work,  when  invoked  by  name, 
(4)  all  whom  he  has  brought  home  from  way- 
faring, (5)  all  whom  he  has  raised  up  from 
sickness,  all  to  whom  he  has  restored  childi-en 
already  dead,  all  whose  life  he  has  prolonged. 
Bring  all  the  facts  together;  work  him  up  an 
encomium  by  common  contribution.  Distribute 
to  each  other,  let  each  one  impart  his  knowledge 
to  the  ignorant,"  p.  185.  So  Nazianzen  in  his 
sermon  On  Cyprian,  in  which  by  the  way  he 
goes  wofuUy  astray  respecting  that  father's 
personal  identity,  bids  them  supply  the  tale  of 
his  good  offices  for  themselves,  as  their  own 
offering  in  his  honour,  (6)  his  knowledge  of  the 
future,  (7)  his  overthrow  of  demons — "Cyprian's 
dust,  with  faith,  can  do  all  things,  so  they  know 
who  have  tried  it "  (Greg.  Naz.  i.  449). 

Gregory  Nyssen,  Basil's  brother,  preaching  in 
honour  of  Theodore,  after  describing  the  church, 
the  carved  wood,  the  polished  stone,  the  painted 
walls,  the  mosaic  pavement,  the  cherished  and 
treasured  sweepings,  bids  them  beseech  the  saint 
as  a  satellite  (oopixpopov)  of  God,  as  one  that 
accepts  their  gifts  just  when  He  chooses.  "  He 
has  gone  away  the  fair  and  blissful  road  to  God, 
leaving  us  the  monument  of  his  contest  as  a 
teaching-hall,  gathering  congregations,  instruct- 
ing a  church,  driving  away  demons,  bringing 
down  graceful  angels,  seeking  for  us  from  God 
the  things  profitable  for  us,  having  made  this 
place  a  medicine-hall  for  various  ailments,  a 
haven  for  those  tost  with  afflictions  a  storehouse 


1130 


MARTYR 


of  abundance  for  the  poor,  a  beacon  of  refuge 
for  wayfarers,  a  ceaseless  festival  of  such  as 
keep  holy  days.  The  throng  never  ceases,  coming 
and  going  like  ants.  He  it  is  who  in  the.^e 
late  years  has  stilled  the  tempest  raised  by  the 
savage  Scythians,  opposing  to  their  inroad  no 
common  weapons,  but  the  cross  of  Christ,  which 
is  almighty."  The  saint  is  invoked  and  asked  to 
have  his  heavenly  duties  of  song.  "  We  dread 
calamities  and  look  for  dangers ;  the  grievous 
Scythians  threaten  war  and  are  not  far  off: 
right  thou  for  us  as  a  soldier ;  as  a  martyr 
employ  in  aid  of  thy  fellow-servants,  thy  own 
freedom  of  speech.  Thou  hast  passed  away  from 
this  life,  but  still  knowest  the  passions  and 
wants  of  men.  Pray  for  peace.  To  thee  we 
ascribe  the  benefit  of  our  preservation  hitherto, 
and  to  thee  we  pray  for  future  safety.  Or  if 
need  be  of  more  numerous  entreaty,  gather  the 
choir  of  thy  brother  martyrs;  remind  Peter; 
Avake  Paul."  (Greg.  Nyss.  iii.  578  ff.)  Ephraim 
Syrus  entreats  the  mother  of  the  forty  martyrs 
to  intercede  for  him  with  them  (Eph.  Syr.  II. 
355,  391). 

Basil,  in  his  sermon  on  these  forty  martyrs, 
cries,  "  You  often  labour  to  find  one  to  pray  for 
you,  here  are  forty.  Where  two  or  three  are 
met  in  the  Lord's  name,  God  is  there,  but  where 
there  are  forty,  who  can  doubt  His  presence? 
These  are  they  who  guard  our  country  like  a 
line  of  forts.  They  do  not  shut  themselves  up 
in  one  place,  but  they  are  sojoui-ners  already  in 
many  spots,  and  adorn  many  homes,  and  the 
strange  thing  is,  that  they  are  not  divided  asun- 
der on  their  visits  to  their  entertainers,  but  are 
mingled  up  one  with  another,  and  make  choral 
progress  unitedly.  Divide  them  into  a  hundred, 
and  they  do  not  exceed  their  proper  number  ; 
bring  them  together  in  one  and  they  are  forty 
still,  like  fire  "  (Basil,  ii.  155). 

So  in  the  next  century  Theodoret.  "  Their 
noble  souls  roam  round  the  heavens  dancing 
with  the  unembodied  choirs.  But  as  for  their 
bodies,  it  is  not  a  single  tomb  apiece  that  covers 
them,  but  cities  and  villages  share  them,  and  call 
them  saviours  of  souls  and  healers  of  bodies,  and 
honour  them  as  patrons  and  guardians.  The 
least  little  relic  has  the  same  power  as  the  un- 
divided martyr,  and  all  this  does  not  persuade 
you  to  hymn  their  God,  but  you  laugh  and 
mock." 

Basil,  the  Gregories,  and  Ephraim,  did  much 
else  besides  lauding  the  martyrs.  But  in  the 
west  the  title  of  Prudentius  to  fame  lies  mainly 
in  the  "  passionate  splendours  "  of  the  verse  in 
which  he  hymns  them,  and  the  solitary  devotion 
of  the  poet  is  more  contagious  than  the  fervour 
of  the  orators.  "I  shall  be  purged  by  the 
radiance  of  thy  propitious  face,  if  thou  fill  my 
heart :  nothing  is  unchaste,  that  thou,  pious 
Agnes,  deigned  to  visit  and  to  touch  with  thy 
footstep  of  blessing  {Peristeph.  xiv.  130-153). 
Be  present  now  and  receive  the  beseeching  voices 
of  thy  suppliants,  thou  efficacious  orator  for  our 
guilt  before  the  Father's  throne.  By  that 
prison  we  pray  thee,  the  increase  of  thy  honovir; 
by  the  chains,  the  flames,  the  prongs,  by  the 
stocks  in  the  gaol ;  by  the  litter  of  broken  sherds, 
whence  thy  glory  sprang  and  grew  ;  by  that  iron 
bed,  which  we  men  of  after  days  kiss  trembling, 
thy  bed  of  fire  ;  have  pity  on  our  prayers,  that 
Christ  may  be  appeased  and  bend  a  prosperous 


MARTYR 

ear  and  not  impute  to  us  all  our  offences.  If 
duly  we  venerate  with  voice  and  heart  thy 
solemn  day,  if  we  lie  low  as  a  pavement  beneath 
the  joy  of  thine  approaching  footsteps,  glide  in 
hither  awhile,  bringing  down  with  thee  the 
favour  of  Christ,  that  our  burdened  senses  may 
feel  the  relief  of  thine  indulgence  "  (i6.  v.  545- 
568).  So  when  they  tried  to  approach  Christ 
through  the  martyrs  instead  of  seeking  the 
martyrs  in  Christ,  the  martyrs  began  to  usurp 
Christ's  place. 

The  existence  of  a  notion  that  it  was  a  wrong 
to  a  martyr  to  leave  him  uncelebrated,  as  though 
he  had  looked  for  honour  from  posterity  rather 
than  from  the  Lord,  is  abundantly  evidenced  not 
only  in  the  poems  of  Prudentius,  but  in  the 
labou]'s  of  the  factious  and  pompous  prelate 
Damasus  (a.D.  366-384),  who  was  a  mainstay  of 
the  true  faith,  a  stickler  for  the  supremacy  of 
the  Roman  see,  and  a  great  champion  of  vir- 
ginity, but  who  is  recommended  to  posterity 
mainly  by  his  devotion  to  the  shrines  of  the 
martyrs.  He  endeavoured  to  clothe  the  naked 
ugliness  of  the  new  rag-and-bone  worship,  not 
only  with  the  clamour  of  rhetoric  and  poetry, 
but  with  the  adornments  of  decorative  art. 
[Catacombs.] 

It  remained  for  the  leaders  of  the  church  to 
correct  or  justify  the  heathenised  character  of 
Christian  worship.  In  one  respect,  in  the  west 
at  least,  they  set  about  correcting  it.  The 
Christians  were  accused  by  the  heathens  and 
Manichees  of  turning  the  ancient  sacrificial  feasts 
into  agapae.  In  the  east  these  were  forbidden 
in  the  churches  by  the  28th  canon  of  the  council 
of  Laodicea,  and  so  were  celebrated  at  the  out- 
door shrines  (Chrys.  Horn,  xlvii.).  So  Chryso- 
stom  urges  his  hearers.  "  If  you  want  recrea- 
tion, go  to  the  parks,  to  the  river  side,  and  the 
lakes ;  consider  the  flower-beds ;  listen  to  the 
song  of  the  cicalas ;  haunt  the  shrines  of  the 
martyrs,  where  there  is  health  for  the  body 
and  good  for  the  soul,  and  no  damage  nor  repent- 
ance after  the  pleasure  "  (in  Matth.  Horn.  37,  t. 
vii.  477).  So  Theodoret  boasted  that  instead  of 
the  Pandia  and  Dionysia  there  were  public  ban- 
quets in  honour  of  Peter  and  Paul,  and  Thomas 
and  Sergius,  and  Marcellus  and  Leontius,  and 
Panteleemon,  and  Antoninus  and  Maurice,  and 
the  other  martyrs,  and  instead  of  the  old  foul 
deeds  and  words  they  were  sober  feasts  without 
drunkenness  and  revel  and  laughter,  but  divine 
hymns  and  sacred  discourses  and  tearful  prayer 
(Theod.  Grace,  affect.  Cur.  viii.  ad  fin.).  But  in 
the  west  Ambrose  forbade  these  agapae  at  Milan 
(Aug.  Conf.  vi.  2),  Augustine  moved  Aurelius 
to  abolish  them  at  Carthage  (Aug.  ad  Aurel. 
Ep.  22),  then  himself  abrogated  them  at  Hippo 
(ad  Alyp.  Ep.  29,  A.D.  395),  and  finally  procured 
their  prohibition  by  the  3rd  council  of  Carthage, 
in  A.D.  397  (can.  30).  In  Africa  the  feast  was 
called,  not  agape,  but  laetitia.  There  were  dances 
all  night  in  honour  of  Cyprian  (Aug.  Serm.  311, 
t.  V.  col.  1415).  Some  brought  food  to  the 
altars  of  the  martyrs  to  be  blessed  and  sanctified, 
and  then  took  it  to  eat  elsewhere  or  to  give 
away  (Aug.  de  Civ.  Dei,  viii.  27,  t.  vii.  255).  At 
these  feasts  wine  was  sold  in  the  churches. 
Paulinus  of  Nola  was  unable  to  get  the  custom 
done  away,  and  tried  to  improve  it  by  the  intro- 
duction of  sacred  pictures  (Paulin.  Nat.Felicis, 
ix.) 


I  MARTYR 

Augustine  rarely  says  anything  to  increase 
the  popular  devotion  to  the  martyrs.  In  one 
sermon  he  exclaims,  "  In  what  Christian's  mouth 
does  not  the  name  of  the  martyrs  make  a  daily 
habitation.  Would  that  it  dwelt  so  in  our 
hearts  that  we  might  imitate  their  passions,  and 
not  persecute  them  with  our  drinking  cups " 
(m  Ep.  Joann.  i.  2,  t.  iii.  1979).  Again  he 
says,  "  The  martyrs  hate  your  drinking  bouts, 
but  if  they  are  worshipped  they  hate  that  much 
more.  Who  says,  I  oft'er  to  thee,  Peter.  Christ 
chose  rather  to  be,  than  to  claim,  a  sacrifice  " 
{Scrm.  273,  t.  v.  1250).  Again  he  complains  that 
the  martyrs  are  more  honoured  than  the  Apostles 
{Serm.  298,  t.  v.  1365).  But  he  observes  that  to 
rejoice  at  the  virtues  of  our  betters  is  no  small 
part  of  imitation  (Serm.  280,  ib.  1283),  and  once 
he  suggests,  "  If  we  are  not  quite  worthy  to  re- 
ceive let  us  ask  through  His  friends  (Serm.  332, 
ib.  1462). 

In  the  8th  chapter  of  22nd  book  de  Civitate  Dei 
Augustine  enumerates  the  ascertained  miracles 
of  the  martyrs,  and  in  the  9th  chapter  he  points 
out  the  difl'erence  between  these  and  the  admitted 
miracles  of  the  pagan  heroes.  The  demons 
worked  wonders  in  pride  to  prove  themselves 
gods ;  the  martyrs,  or  God  for  them,  for  the 
growth  of  faith  in  the  one  God.  Their  memo- 
rials are  not  temples.  They  are  commemorated, 
not  invoked.  There  is  no  priest  of  the  martyr. 
The  sacrifice  is  the  body  of  Christ,  which  the 
martyrs  are. 

Against  Faustus  the  Manichee,  who  urges 
that  the  theoretical  monotheism  and  practical 
polytheism  of  the  Christians  were  alike  borrowed 
from  paganism,  so  that  they  were  not  a  new  creed 
but  a  mere  set  of  schismatics— "  desciscentes 
a  gentibus  monarchiae  opinionem  primum  vobis- 
cum  divulsistis,  ut  omnia  credatis  ex  Deo,  sacri- 
ficia  vero  eorum  vertistis  in  agapes,  idola  in 
martyros,  quos  votis  similibus  colitis  ;  defunc- 
torum  umbras  vino  placatis  et  dapibus  " — Augus- 
tine answers  that  the  martyrs  are  celebrated  to 
excite  our  imitation  that  we  may  be  associated 
with  their  merits  and  helped  by  their  prayers, 
and  that  by  the  admonition  of  the  places  them- 
selves a  greater  afiection  may  arise  to  warm  our 
love  both  to  those  whom  we  can  imitate  and  to 
Him  by  whose  help  we  ai'e  able.  So  we  worship 
the  martyrs  with  that  worship  of  love  and  resort 
to  this  society  with  which  holy  men  of  God  are 
worshipped  in  this  life,  but  the  more  devoutly 
as  the  more  securely.  But  with  the  worship 
of  latria  we  worship  only  one  God.  But,  he 
says,  -what  we  teach  is  one  thing,  what  we  have 
to  put  up  with  is  another  (Aug.  c.  Faust,  xx. 
4,  21,  t.  viii.  370,  384). 

Theodoret  says  boldly  that  the  Lord  has 
raised  the  martyrs  to  the  place  of  the  heathen 
gods  (Theod.  Graec.  aff.  Cur.  viii.  ad  fin.). 

XI.  ^  Burial  near  the  Marti/rs. — Ambrose  him- 
self laid  his  bones  beside  Protasius  and  Gervasius 
(Ambr.  0pp.  ii.  1110).  Damasus  would  flvin  have 
been  buried  in  the  crypt  of  Xystus,  but  that  he 
feared  to  vex  the  ashes  of  the  pious.  "  Our 
ancestors,"  says  Maximus  of  Turin,  "  have  pro- 
vided that  we  should  associate  our  bodies  with 
the  bones  of  the  saints.  While  Christ  shines  on 
them,  the  gloom  of  our  darkness  is  dispelled  " 
(Max.  Taur.  Horn.  Ixxxi.).  But  this  was  a  pri- 
vilege that  many  desired  and  few  obtained,  as 
we  read  in  an  inscription,  a.d.  301,  given  by  De 


MARTYR 


1131 


Rossi  (Inscriptiones  Christianae,  i.  142).  Augus- 
tine's work  (De  Cura  Mortuoriim)  was  written  in 
answer  to  a  question  put  to  him  by  Paulinus, 
bishop  of  Nola,  whether  burial  in  such  proximity 
to  the  saints  were  of  benefit  to  the  deceased. 
He  answers  that  some  are  so  good  and  others  so 
bad  that  whatever  is  done  for  them  after  death 
is  superfluous  or  useless,  but  many  whose  merits 
are  only  middling  may  be  benefited  by  the 
actions  of  survivors  ;  that  sepulture  in  itself  does 
no  good  to  the  soul,  but  that  care  for  it  is  lauda- 
ble, and  the  grave  reminds  people  to  pray  for 
the  deceased.  The  martyrs  themselves  did  not 
care  how  they  were  buried.  Men  have  visions 
of  the  dead,  as  they  have  visions  of  the  living, 
but  the  souls  of  the  dead  are  not  concerned  with 
what  is  done  here,  yet  the  dead  may  know  what 
is  passing  on  earth,  for  the  martyrs  do  help 
their  suppliants.  The  martyrs  are  perpetually 
praying,  and  God  hears  their  prayers,  and  gives 
the  suppliants  who  seek  their  intercession  what 
He  himself  perceives  that  they  want.  The 
sacrifices  of  the  altar,  of  prayers,  and  of  alms 
are  the  only  way  of  benefiting  the  departed 
(Aug.  vi.  591  ft'.).  The  epitaph  of  Sabinus  the 
archdeacon,  who  was  content  to  lie  under  the 
threshold  of  the  church  of  St.  Lawrence,  is 
given  by  De  Rossi  (Bullettini,  1869,  p.  33).  See 
also  Le  Blant,  Inscriptions  Chretiennes  de  la 
Gaulc,  t.  i.  pp.  396,  471,  t.  ii.  p.  219. 

XII.  Vindication  of  martyrs. — The  many  false 
claims  to  martyrdom  made  a  kind  of  canoni- 
zation necessary.     This  was  called  vindication. 

Before  Diocletian's  persecution  one  Lucilla  at 
Carthage  was  said  to  taste  (i.e.  kiss)  the  mouth 
of  some  martyr,  if  martyr  it  were,  before  the 
spiritual  meat  and  drink,  and  when  rebuked  by 
Caecilian,  then  deacon,  for  preferring  the  mouth 
of  a  dead  man,  and  if  a  martyr,  not  however  as 
yet  vindicated,  to  the  cup  of  salvation,  she  went 
off  in  anger  (Optatus,  i.  16). 

The  clergy  were  the  wardens  of  the  ceme- 
teries, and  kept  the  register  of  martyrdoms  as 
they  occurred,  and  we  have  also  seen  the  rules 
laid  down  for  the  qualifications  of  martyrdom. 
Doubts  seem  only  to  have  arisen  in  Africa  where 
there  were  numerous  false  claims  of  the  Dona- 
tists,  and  in  Gaul  which  had  been  so  free  from 
persecution,  and  so  unsettled  by  barbarian  in- 
vasions, that  it  had  many  unauthorised  shrines. 
The  2nd  canon  of  the  Council  of  Carthage  in  the 
times  of  pope  Julius  decrees,  "  Martyrum  digni- 
tatem nemo  profanus  infamet,  neque  ad  passiva 
corpora,  quae  sepulturae  tantum  propter  miseri- 
cordiam  ecclesiasticam  commendari  mandatum 
est,  redigat,  ut  aut  insania  praecipitatos  aut  alia 
peccati  ratione  disjunctos  martyrum  nomine  ap- 
pellet.  At  si  quis  ad  injuriam  martyrum  clarltati 
eorum  adjungat  infamiam,  placet  eos  si  laici  sint 
ad  poenitentiam  redigi,  si  autem  sint  clerici  post 
commonitionem  et  post  cognitionem  honore 
privari  "  (Labbe,  Cone.  ii.  714).  And  the  14th 
canon  of  the  5th  council  of  Carthage,  in  the 
time  of  Augustine,  decreed  that  no  monument 
of  the  martyrs  should  be  accepted  except  where 
a  body  or  relics  or  the  origin  of  a  martyr's 
habitation  was  faithfully  handed  down  by  tradi- 
tion (ibid,  1217).  In  Gaul,  St.  Martin  was 
troubled  at  the  reverence  paid  to  a  tomb  of 
which  no  certain  account  could  be  given,  and  he 
had  a  vision  of  the  occupant  as  a  black  criminal. 
So  he  dissuaded  the  people  from  continuing  their 


1132 


MAETYRAEIUS 


devotion  to  it  (Sulpicius,  Vita  Martini,  11). 
The  Council  of  Aix  in  a.d.  787  decreed  that  the 
altars  which  are  set  up  everywhere  through  the 
fields  and  ways  as  monuments  of  martyrs,  in 
which  no  body  or  relics  of  martyrs  are  proved 
to  be  buried,  be  removed  by  the  bishops  of  the 
places  if  possible.  "  If  popular  tumults  do  not 
suffer  this,  yet  let  the  people  be  admonished  not 
to  frequent  those  places."  Then  the  African 
canon  is  repeated,  scenes  of  passions  being  al- 
lowed as  well  as  bu-thplaces  or  homes,  and  they 
proceed  to  condemn  trust  in  dreams.  "  The  altars 
which  are  set  up  by  inane  revelations  are  alto- 
gether to  be  reprobated  "  (Labbe,  Cone.  vii.  979). 
Arian  martyrs,  such  as  George,  acquired  such 
celebrity  in  the  East  that  it  was  impossible  to 
exclude  them  from  Rome,  but  their  acts  were 
forbidden  to  be  read  by  a  council  under  Gelasius, 
A.D.  494  (Labbe,  Cone.  iv.  1263).         [E.  B.  B.] 

MAETYEAEIUS,  or  Custos  Ecclesiae,  a 
keeper  of  a  Marttrium,  or  church  of  a 
martyr.  The  13th  canon  of  the  second  council 
of  Orleans  mentions  them  as  a  well-known 
class :  "  Abbates,  martyrarii,  reclusi,  vel  pres- 
byteri  apostolia  dare  non  praesumant."  These 
relics  were  often  preserved  in  little  shrines 
or  chapels  (sacella),  divided  from  the  main 
building,  a  practice  familiar  to  classic  times, 
and  of  which  there  are  notices  in  Cicero  and  other 
heathen  writers ;  and  in  the  larger  churches,  at 
all  events  at  Rome,  a  separate  guardian  or  mar- 
tyrarius  was  permanently  attached  to  each  of 
these,  who  came  to  be  called  capellanus,  i.e. 
chaplain,  and  was  usually  a  priest.  The  Zj6e?' 
Pontifiealis  states  of  Pope  Silvester,  "  Hie  con- 
stituit  ut  qui  desideraret  in  ecclesia  militare 
aut  proficere,  ut  esset  prius  ostiarius,  deinde 
lector  et  postea  exorcista  per  tempora  quae 
episcopus  const  ituerit,  deinde  acolythus  annis 
quinque,  subdiaconus  annis  quinque,  custos 
martyrum  annis  quinque,"  etc.  The  authority 
of  this  work,  however,  is  not  high  for  the  early 
popes.  Similarly,  Zozimus,  bishop  of  Syracuse, 
is  said  to  have  been  in  his  earlier  life  "  custos 
pretiosi  loculi  S.  Virginis  Luciae,"  apparently 
a  shrine,  and  afterwards  "  ostiarius  et  templi 
custos."  [S.  J.  E.] 

MAETYEDOM,  Representations  of.  The 
earliest  representations  of  martyrdom  with 
which  the  writer  is  acquainted  occur  in  the 
Menologium  of  the  Vatican  library,  which 
DAgincourt  places  in  the  9th  or  10th  century. 
See  L'Art  dans  les  Monuments,  pi.  sxxi.  xxxii. 
xxxiii.  The  entire  absence  of  any  such  pictures 
or  carvings  from  the  catacombs,  or  earliest 
Christian  works  of  the  days  of  persecution,  has 
often  been  the  subject  of  comment.  Daniel 
between  the  lions  unharmed,  and  the  three 
children  scatheless  in  the  furnace,  are  the  only 
tokens  of  the  persecutions  of  the  first  two  cen- 
turies. 

The  introduction  of  martyrdoms  of  saints  not 
mentioned  in  Holy  Scriptures  probably  synchro- 
nises with  that  of  the  Last  Judgment,  with  its 
hell,  in  the  11th  century.  For  the  subject  of 
the  Holy  Innocents,  see  Innocents,  p.  841.  The 
writer  knows  of  no  representation  of  the  latter 
earlier  than  the  Chajtres  evangeliary,  said  by 
Rohault  de  Fleury  {Evangile,  i.  282,  and  plate) 
to  be  of  the  9th  century,  but  probably  still  later. 
Nor  can  he    call    to   mind   any   representation, 


IMAETYEOLOGY 

within  our  range,  of  the  martyrdom  of  St.  Ste- 
phen. [See  Crucifix,  p.  511  fif.]     [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

MAETYEIA,  martyr ;  commemorated  at 
Tomi  June  20  {Hierm.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAETYEIUM  (/xapripiov).  Originally  the 
spot  where  a  martyr  endured  martyrdom,  and 
where  his  remains  were  buried.  When  chapels  and 
churches  came  to  be  built  over  these  consecrated 
places,  they  assumed  the  sam.e  name,  and  were 
known  as  "  martyries."  A  martyry  is  defined 
by  Isidore  as  "  locus  martyrum,  graeca  deriva- 
tione,  eo  quod  in  memoriam  martyris  sit  con- 
structum,  vel  quod  sepulchra  sanctorum  ibi  sint  " 
(Ibid.  Etymol.  lib.  xv.  c.  9).  The  term  gradually 
gained  a  more  extended  application,  "  postea 
omnis  Ecclesia  titulo  cujusvis  sancti  vocata  est 
martyrium  "  (Suicer,  sub  voee), — partly  justified 
by  the  fact  that  no  church  could  be  consecrated 
without  containing  the  relics  of  a  martyr.  Thus 
we  find  the  terms  fiaprvpiov  or  (KKXv.tria  used 
without  any  distinction,  and  often  applied  to 
the  same  building.  Thus  the  church  built  by 
Constantine  on  Calvary  is  called  by  Athanasius 
rh  (TicTfipwv  ixapTvpiov  {Apol.  ii.  torn.  i.  p.  801), 
and  by  Sozomen  rh  fxiya  ixaprvpiov  (//.  E.  ii.  26), 
and  Jerome  says  "  cujus  industria  Hierosolymae 
martyrium  exstructum  est  "  (Hieron.  Chron.  7  ; 
Euseb.  Vit.  Const,  iv.  40 ;  Theophanes,  ann.  32 
Const.).  The  same  name  is  given  to  the  church 
of  St.  Thomas  at  Edessa  (Socr.  If.  E.  iv.  18),  and 
to  those  of  St.  John  and  of  the  Apostles  at  Con- 
stantinople (Pallad.  pp.  63,  159),  and  to  the 
basilica  of  St.  Peter  at  Rome  (Athanas.  Epist.  ad 
Solitar.  torn.  i.  p.  834),  and  to  the  church  at 
Constantinople  where  the  relics  of  the  40  mar- 
tyrs were  discovered  (Soz.  H.  E.  ix.  2).  The 
church  of  St.  Euphemia  at  Chalcedon,  which 
was  the  place  of  meeting  of  the  oecumenical 
council,  called  iKKAriaia  in  the  exordium  of  Aeta 
i.  and  ii.,  is  styled  fiaprvpiov  in  Acta  iii.  (Labbe, 
iv.  371).  The  Council  of  the  Oak  was  also  held 
in  a  "  martyry  "  where  the  body  of  Dioscorus  of 
Hermopolis,  one  of  "  the  Tall  Brethren,"  was 
subsequently  interred  (Socr.  ff.  E.  vi.  17),  and  it 
was  in  "  the  martyry "  of  Basiliscus,  in  the 
vicinity  of  Comana,  that  Chrysostom  died  (Pallad. 
99).  Though  they  are  often  regarded  as  synony- 
mous, that  fiapTvptov  was  not  identical  with 
e/c/cATjtria  appears  from  the  complaint  of  the 
Eastei'n  bishops  at  the  council  of  Ephesus  to  the 
emperors  that  Cyril  and  the  Western  prelates 
had  closed  against  them  '"  both  churches  and 
martyries,"  ras  ayias  €KK\r](T'tas  Kal  to.  ayta 
p.aprvpia  (Theodoret,  EjAst.  152,  153).  The 
Theodosian  code  expressly  sanctions  the  erection 
and  adornment  of  martyr-chapels,  "  quod  mar- 
tyrium vocandum  sit,"  over  the  graves  of  saints 
(Cod.  Theod.  de  Sepulchris  violatis,  tit.  xvii.  lex 
vii.  vol.  iii.  p.  152).  [E.  v.] 

MAETYRIUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated 
May  29  (Usuard.  Mart.),  at  Rome  (^Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr  with  Marcianus,  notaries  ;  comme- 
morated Oct.  25  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Daniel,  Cod. 
Litirg.  iv.  272).  [C.  H.] 

MAETYEOLOGY  {Martyrologium,  fxaprvpo- 
\6yiov).  This  word  denotes  a  list  of  martyrs, 
especially  one  arranged  according  to  the  succes- 
sion of  their  anniversaries.  In  the  East  such  a 
list   was  more    commonly    called   a   menology. 


}  MARTYKOLOGY 

I'MenOLOGY.]  a  martyrography  meant  a  tale  of 
{martyrdom  {v.  Ducange,  in  voce). 
I  In  the  earliest  adducible  example  of  the  cele- 
Ibration  of  the  anniversary  of  a  martyr's  death, 
iithe  comraemoratiou  of  Polycarp,  who  died  Feb. 
l23,  A.D.  155  {Mart.  Polyc.  c.  21  ;  cf.  Zahn,  m 
\ioco),  we  may  note  a  few  points  bearing  on 
[the  history  of  martyrologies.  (1)  the  celebra- 
!tion  was  local  at  the  mai-tyrium  (ih.  c.  18); 
(2)  yet  +he  anniversary  was  made  known  to  a 
neighbouring  church  and  all  churches  {ih. 
Salut.)  ;  (3)  only  the  most  notable  of  the 
martyrs  was  commemorated  by  name,  and  the 
others  who  suffered  about  the  same  time  were 
joined  with  him  and  merely  numbered  ;  (4)  the 
martyr  was  burnt  on  a  public  showday,  which 
happened  to  coincide  with  a  high  sabbath  of  the 
Jews,  the  7th  Saturday  before  Easter:  so  the 
birthday  of  Geta  (March  7)  became  to  the  Chris- 
tians the  birthday  of  Perpetua,  and  continually 
heathen  festivals  must  have  been  hallowed  by 
Christian  martyrdoms,  as  butchering  martyrs 
was  a  holiday  sport ;  (5)  on  a  subsequent  coin- 
cidence of  the  same  Jewish  and  heathen  anniver- 
saries in  A.D.  250  the  martyr  Pionius  was 
arrested  ;  in  like  manner  it  must  often  have 
happened  that  a  martyr's  anniversary  was 
honoured  by  another  martyrdom.  This  was  the 
case,  for  example,  with  Cornelius  and  Cyprian, 
Sept.  14  (cf.  De  Rossi,  i.  275) ;  with  Fabian  and 
Sebastian  (Kal.  Philocali,  Jan.  20)  ;  with  Fruc- 
tuosus  and  Agnes,  Jan.  21  (Aug.  Serm.  273;  Op. 
Migne,  v.  1250).  We  note  this,  because  a  state- 
ment in  the  article  on  Calendar  is  liable  to 
some  misconception. 

Martyrologies  appear  to  have  been  originally 
indices  to  the  martyr  acts  preserved  in  the  ar- 
chives of  each  church,  arranged  for  convenience 
by  the  calendar,  according  to  the  anniversaries 
on  which  such  acts  would  be  read  in  public. 
Tertullian  speaks  as  though  the  Christians  had 
their  own  calendar  (Habes  tuos  census,  tuos 
fastos  :  nihil  tibi  cum  gaudio  saeculi,  De  Corona, 
c.  13).  In  Cyprian's  time  it  was  the  practice 
"  to  celebi-ate  the  passions  and  days  of  the 
martyrs,"  who  had  suffered  before  the  Decian 
persecution,  "  with  anniversary  commemoration  " 
(Cypr.  Ep.  39  or  34).  Of  Anteros,  who  was 
pope  for  a  month  and  ten  days  (Nov.  24,  A.D. 
235,  to  Jan.  3,  A.D.  236)  in  the  persecution  of 
Maximin,  we  are  told  that  "  he  diligently  sought 
out  the  acts  of  the  martyrs  i'rom  the  notaries 
and  laid  them  up  in  the  church,  for  which  thing 
he  was  made  a  martyr  by  the  prefect  (Pu- 
pienus)  Maximus"  (v.  De  Rossi,  Bom.  Sott.  ii. 
181).  The  anniversaries  on  which  the  acts 
would  be  read  included  not  only  those  of  the 
death,  but  those  of  the  solemn  entombment  of  the 
martyrs,  as  in  the  case  of  Pontianus  and  Hip- 
polytus,  buried  on  Aug.  13  by  Pope  Fabian  (ib. 
78).  Fabian  is  said,  in  the  lives  of  the  popes,  to 
have  appointed  seven  subdeacons  and  seven 
notaries  to  collect  the  acts  of  the  martyrs  in 
their  entirety.  Cyprian  directs  his  presbyters 
and  deacons  to  note  the  days  on  which  the 
martyrs  depart  this  life,  and  adds  that  TertuUus, 
a  brother  who  ministered  to  and  buried  the 
martyrs,  had  written  and  did  write  to  signify  to 
him  the  days  on  which  the  brethren  died  in  the 
prison  (Cypr.  Ep.  12  or  37). 

Martyrologies  are  of  various  kinds— 

I.  Lists  contained  in  pj^mlar  almanacs  of  such 


MAETYROLOGY 


113a 


anniversaries  as  were  observed  as  important  fes- 
tivals.— Of  this  kind  is  the  earliest  extant 
martyrology,  that  contained  in  the  Almanac  for 
the  city  of  Rome,  transcribed  by  the  calligrapher 
Furius  Dionysius  Phiiocalus,  A.D.  354,  sometimes 
called  after  Liberius,  who  was  then  pope,  some- 
times after  Bucherius,  who  discovered  and  pub- 
lished it  in  his  commentary  on  Victorinus  (Aegi- 
dius  Bucherius,  de  Doctrina  Tcmporum.  Antwerp, 
1634,  pp.  236-288).  It  has  been  recently  edited 
by  Mommsen  {Ueher  den  Chronographen  vom 
Jahre  354,  Abhandlungen  der  koniglich  sachs- 
ischen  Gesellschaft,  b.  ii.  Leipzig,  1850).  The 
calendar  contained  in  this  almanac  is  the  earliest 
that  can  be  called  Christian,  inasmuch  as  it  con- 
tains the  dominical,  as  well  as  the  nundinal, 
letters  and  a  cycle  for  determining  Easter,  but 
it  marks  only  heathen  festivals.  Then  follow  (2) 
the  birthdays  of  the  Caesars  ;  (3)  the  series  of 
consuls  to  A.D.  354  from  the  Fasti  Capitolini ; 
(4)  a  table  of  the  days  on  which  Easter  would 
fall  from  A.D.  312  to  A.D.  412  ;  (5)  the  praefects 
of  the  city  from  A.D.  254  to  A.D.  354 ;  (6)  De- 
positio  Episcoporum,  the  list  of  the  funeral  days 
of  the  popes  for  the  same  century ;  (7)  Depositio 
Martyrum;  (8)  the  chronological  catalogue  of 
the  popes  down  to  Liberius ;  (9)  a  chronicle 
down  to  A.D.  334  [Chronicon  Horosii,  Diet. 
Christ.  Biog."] ;  (10)  a  brief  Roman  history  to 
Licinius ;  (11)  the  regions  of  Rome. 

The  list  of  episcopal  funerals  begins  at  pre- 
cisely the  same  epoch  as  the  lists  of  city  praefects, 
A.D.  254,  and  was  arranged,  not  chronologically, 
but  in  order  of  the  calendar,  in  a.d.  336,  the  sub- 
sequent entries  being  appended  at  the  close,  not 
inserted  in  their  places  according  to  the  calendar. 
It  is  manifest  that  the  collection  of  documents 
belongs  really  to  the  reign  of  Constantine  and 
was  merely  continued  up  to  date  in  a.d.  354 ; 
and  also  that  when  the  almanac  was  put  together 
the  epoch  at  which  both  the  lists  commence  was 
not  at  the  distance  of  an  exact  century. 

De  Rossi  (Rom.  Sott.  ii.  iii.-x.)  infers  that  the 
two  lists  are  probably  drawn  from  the  same 
source,  the  archives  not  of  the  church  but  of  the 
state.  Compare  Tert.  de  Fuga  in  Persec.  c.  13 ; 
Eus.  H.  E.  vii.  13  and  30 ;  Acta  apud  Zeno- 
philum,  App.  in  Augustin.  v.  794  :  Cypr.  Ep.  55 
(52) ;  from  which  passages  it  appeal's  that  the 
civil  power  took  cognisance  of  the  succession  of 
the  clergy. 

Marcellus  is  not  included  among  the  popes  in 
this  list  of  anniversaries,  and  Xystus  is  to  be  found 
ui^i  among  the  popes  but  among  the  martyrs. 
The  Depositio  Martyrum  also  includes  Fabianus, 
Jan.  20;  Pontianus,  Aug.  13;  Calistus,  Oct.  14; 
all  of  them  martyr  popes  between  A.D.  200  and 
A.D.  250,  and  De  Rossi  believes  the  entry  Corneli 
in  Calisti,  on  Sept.  14,  to  have  been  accidentally 
omitted  by  the  copyist.  But  it  does  not  contain 
Telesphorus  (Iren.  ap.  Eus.  H.  E.  v.  6).  We 
may  probably  conclude  that  all  the  popes  men- 
tioned in  the  Depositio  Episcoporum  died  in  peace, 
but  we  must  not  suppose  that  no  earlier  popes 
were  martyred. 

In  both  catalogues  the  cemetery  is  in  each  case 
specified.  They  are  catalogues,  not  of  deaths,  but 
of  entombments.  In  three  instances  in  the 
second  catalogue  where  consular  years  are  added, 
the  commemorations  are  of  translations  effected 
in  those  years  (De  Rossi,  Rom.  Sott.  ii.  214-215). 
The  same  catalogue  includes  two  feasts  that  are- 


1134 


MAETYEOLOGY 


not  entombments  at  all,  the  Nativity,  Dec.  25, 
and  the  Chair  of  Peter,  Feb.  22,  and  one  feast  of 
African  martyrs,  Perpetua  and  Felicitas,  March 
5,  in  which  cases  no  cemetery  is  named,  but  in 
the  case  of  the  only  other  non-Roman  martyr, 
Cyprian,  the  note  is  added,  "  Bomae  celebratur  in 
Calisti."  The  second  catalogue  does  not  seem  to 
include  any  martyrs  earlier  than  the  3rd  century, 
and  is  certainly  not  a  complete  list  of  Pioman 
martyrs  from  that  time  forward.  It  is  only  the 
Feriale,  Heortologium,  or  list  of  chief  feasts  of 
the  Roman  church.  To  pretend  with  Dodwell 
that  it  gives  all  the  Latin  martyrs,  not  only  of 
Italy  but  of  other  provinces,  is  extravagantly 
absurd. 

These  two  catalogues,  which  together  form  the 
earliest  martyrology,  are  reprinted  from  Buche- 
rius  (p.  267),  by  Kuinart  {Acta  Sincera,  p.  692, 
Paris,  1689),  and  from  Mommsen  (p.  631)  by 
De  Smedt  {Introductio  Generalis,  p.  512).  The 
Calendar  of  Philocalus  is  printed  by  Migne  (Patr. 
siii.  621)  side  by  side  with  another  that  affords 
an  interesting  comparison,  rather  for  the  elimi- 
nation of  the  heathen  than  for  the  introduction 
of  a  Christian  element,  namely,  the  calendar  of 
Polemeus  Silvius  (a.d.  448).  This  latter,  though 
it  contains  seven  of  the  chief  Christian  holidays 
(Lavrextivs),  is  in  no  sense  a  martyrology.  A 
Roman  calendar  of  much  later  date  (Migne, 
csxxviii.  1189)  will  afford  further  interesting 
comparison. 

II.  Lists  of  anniversaries  honoured  by  the  church 
viith  special  services. — That  there  were  such,  and 
that  they  differed  in  each  different  locality,  we 
know  from  Sozomen  (ZT.  E.  v.  3),  who  tells  us 
that  Constantia  and  Gaza,  though  only  a  couple 
of  miles  apart  and  for  civil  purposes  forming  one 
city,  had  each  its  own  feast  days  of  its  own  mar- 
tyrs and  commemorations  of  its  own  bishops. 
We  can  hardly  say  that  we  have  any  such  extant 
that  date  from  before  the  6th  century.  It  is 
almost  certain  that  the  ecclesiastical  martyrology 
of  the  Roman  church  in  the  time  of  Liberius  was 
fuller  than  the  lists  preserved  in  the  work  of 
Philocalus.  These  lists,  however,  prove  one  im- 
portant point.  While  the  civil  year  began  on 
Jan.  1,  the  ecclesiastical  year  at  Rome  began  a 
week  earlier,  on  Christmas  Day. 

The  fragment  of  an  Ostrogothic  calendar,  dis- 
covered by  Mai,  and  referred  by  him  to  the  close 
of  the  4th  century,  contains  only  local  saints  (for 
bishop  Dorotheus,  Nov.  6,  and  the  emperor  Con- 
stantine,  Nov.  3,  were  specially  Gothic  saints) 
and  apostles,  Philip,  Nov.  15 ;  Andrew,  Nov.  30 
[Calendar.] 

Information  regarding  the  anniversaries  of  the 
church  is  chiefly  to  be  drawn  from  the  sacra- 
mentaries  or  from  the  sermons  of  the  fathers. 
Basil  only  preaches  in  honour  of  Cappadocian, 
Chrysostom  at  Antioch  of  Antiochene  saints.  But 
Augustine  at  Hippo  celebrated  not  only  local  or 
even  African  martyrs,  but  the  Spanish  bishop 
Fructuosus  and  the  Roman  virgin  Agnes  (Jan. 
21),  the  Spanish  deacon  Vincent  (Jan.  22),  Pro- 
tasius  and  Gervasius  of  Milan  (June  19),  the 
Roman  Lawrence  (Aug.  10),  the  Maccabees 
(Aug.  1),  Stephen  (Dec.  26),  the  Nativity  of  the 
Baptist  and  his  Decollation,  perhaps  the  conver- 
sion of  Paul  (Opera,  v.  1247  ff.). 

The  sacramentanes  of  Leo  (a.d.  440-461)  and 
Gelasius  (a.d.  492-496)  are  genuine  and  authen- 
tic monuments  of  their  respective  epochs,  which 


MAETYEOLOGY 

the  Gregorian  sacramentary  is  not.  (De  Rossi, 
Eom.  Sott.  i.  126.)  The  sacramentaries,  how- 
ever, are  only  significant  in  rheir  additions  to 
the  calendar;  their  omissions  only  shew  that  the 
authors  did  not  compose  or  find  special  prayei's 
for  the  omitted  feasts  that  seemed  worth  pre- 
serving. The  sacramentary  of  Leo  in  the  nine 
months  extant,  retains  seven  and  omits  eleven 
of  the  annivers^aries  of  Philocalus,  adds  six  anni- 
versaries of  Roman  martyrs  at  Rome,  one  of  a 
Roman  away  from  Rome,  one  or  two  of  non- 
Rotnan  martyrs,  and  four  of  Scriptural  person- 
ages (John  Baptist,  Andrew,  John,  and  the 
Innocents).  (For  the  sacramentaries  Muratori, 
Liturgia  Eomana  Vetus  may  be  consulted.)' 

The  calendar  of  Polemeus  illustrates  the  same 
tendency  to  greater  universality  that  was  begin- 
ning to  aflect  martyrologies.  While  retaining 
only  two  Roman  anniversaries  from  the  twenty- 
two  of  Philocalus,  he  adds  a  new  foreign  martvr 
(Vincent)  and  four  celebrations  of  Scriptural 
facts  (Epiphany,  Passion,  with  the  mission  of  the 
Apostles  (Mar.  25),  Stephen,  the  Maccabees). 

The  Carthaginian  calendar  or  martyrology 
given  in  Migne  (Patrol.  Lat.  xiii.  1219)  is  pro- 
bably later  than  a.d.  505. 

III.  General  Martyrologies. 

A.  The  Syriac  Martyrology.  —  "The  names 
of  our  lords  the  martyrs  and  victors,  with  their 
days  on  which  they  won  crowns." 

This  is  the  title  and  description  of  an  ancient 
Syrian  martyrology  discovered  by  Dr.  W.  Wright 
in  the  "well-known  Nitrian  MS.  Add.  12,150," 
written  a.d.  412,  "extending  from  fol.  251  vers, 
to  fol.  254  rect.,"  and  published  by  him  in  the 
Journal  of  Sacred  Literature,  vol.  viii.,  N.S. ;  Lon- 
don, 1866,  pp.  45-56,  with  an  English  version, 
pp.  423-432. 

It  avowedly  computes  the  months  after  the 
Greek,  i.  e.  our  present  reckoning,  but  gives 
them  Syriac  names,  [Month.]  The  latter 
Kaniin,  Shebat,  Adar,  Nisan,  Izar,  Haziran, 
Tamuz,  Ab,  imi,  the  former  Teshri,  the  latter 
Teshri,  the  former  Kanun.  This  last,  which  is 
equivalent  to  December,  begins  the  year.  The 
martyrology  opens,  not  with  the  Nativity,  but 
with  the  apostles  Stephen,  Dec.  26,  and  John  and 
James,  Dec.  27,  at  Jerusalem,  and  Paul  and  Peter 
at  Rome,  Dec.  28.  Thenceforward,  with  only  two 
exceptions  (Perpetua,  March  7,  and  Exitus  (i.e. 
Xystus),  bishop  of  Rome,  Aug.  1),  the  martyrs 
belong  to  the  eastern  provinces  of  the  emj)ire. 
Thirty  anniversaries  are  assigned  to  Nicomedia, 
twenty-one  to  Antioch,  sixteen  to  Alexandria,  six 
to  Caesarea  in  Cappadocia,  five  to  Ancyra,  others 
to  another  Alexandria,  to  Amasea,  Aphrodisia, 
Axiopolis,  Bononia  in  Rhaetia,  Byzantium,  Cae- 
sarea in  Palestine,  Chalcedon,  Corinth,  Edessa, 
Eumenea,  Hadrianople,  Helenopolis,  Heraclea  in 
Thrace,  Hierapolis,  Laodicea,  Lystra,  Melitene, 
Nicopolis,  Nisibis,  Pergamus,  Perinthus,  Salonae, 
Sirmium,  Thessalonica,  Tomi ;  also  to  Bithynia 
Galatia  and  Isauria  ;  while  twenty-four  are  named 
without  specification  of  place.  With  Peter  of  Alex- 
w*^'"''>,  '"^"T-  ^*'  "  H"«  ^-^-i  the  martyrs  of  the 
West.  Ihen  follow  "The  names  of  our  lords 
the  martyrs  whojtvere^lain  in  the  East :  "  "  Aba, 

»  Tbe  Capitulare  published  by  fWe  and  by  Martene 
{Thesaurus)  was  composed  at  the  end  of  the  7th  century, 
before  682,  and  retouched  between  a.d.  VUand  ?42.  (De 
Kossi,  Rum.  Sott.  128.) 


MAETYROLOGY 

the  first,  Dali,  the  second ; "  others,  "  of  the 
number  of  the  ancients  ;  "  others,  "  ancient  mar- 
tyrs ;  "  next,  "  the  bishops  slain  in  the  East ;  " 
hv  their  sees,  not  their  days  ;  "  then  the  priests," 
"  the  deacons,"  &c. 

B.   The  Hieronymian  Martyrology. 

"  The  names  of  nearly  all  martyrs  collected  in 
one  volume,  with  the  passions  marked  for  each 
day,  without  indicating  how  each  one  suflfered, 
but  only  the  name,  place,  and  day  of  the  passion, 
so  that  every  day  many  of  divers  lands  and  pro- 
vinces are  known  to  have  been  crowned."  This 
is  the  description  given  by  Gregory  the  Great 
(^E-pist.  viii.  39)  of  a  volume  that  they  possessed 
at  Rome,  and  believed  the  church  of  Alexandria 
to  possess  likewise ;  "  and  daily,"  he  adds,  "  in 
veneration  of  them  we  perform  solemn  rites  of 
masses."  This  martyrology  appears  to  have  dif- 
fered from  the  preceding  in  giving  at  least  one 
martyr  for  each  day,  and  being  not  only  half  but 
quite  oecumenical.  Two  ancient  extant  martyr- 
ologies  satisfy  these  conditions ;  the  lesser  Roman, 
and  the  Hieronymian;  but  the  claim  of  the 
former  to  be  that  here  intended  is  now  univer- 
sally disallowed. 

The  extant  allusions  to  the  Hieronymian  mar- 
tyrology are  as  follows.  Walafrid  Strabo,  abbat 
of  Reichenau  (a.d.  842),  tells  us  that  the  litanies 
of  the  saints  are  believed  to  have  been  taken  into 
use  after  Jerome,  following  Eusebius,  wrote  a 
martyrology  (de  Eehus  Ecd.  c.  28 ;  Pair.  Lat. 
cxiv.  962).  Aengus  the  Culdee  professes  to  have 
used  in  his  Feilire  "  the  great  parts  of  Ambrose, 
the  works  of  Hilary  in  full,  all  that  was  written 
by  Jerome,  the  martyrology  of  Eusebius."  Bede 
(Retract,  in  Act.  Ap.  c.  i. ;  Pair.  Lat.  xcii.  997) 
speaks  of  a  book  of  martyrology  taking  its  title 
from  Jerome,  and  prefaced  in  his  name  {Hieronymi 
nomine  ac  praefatione  attitulatur),  though  Jerome 
IS  said  to  have  been  only  the  translator,  and 
Eusebius  the  real  author.  Cassiodorus,  in  the 
earlier  half  of  the  6th  century,  says,  "Vitas 
Patrum,  confessiones  fidelium,  passiones  mar- 
tyrum  legite  constanter,  quas  inter  alia  in 
epistola  S.  Hieronymi  ad  Chromatium  et  Helio- 
dorum  destinata  procul  dubio  reperitis  qui  per 
totum  orbem  terrarum  floruere  "  {de  Inst.  Div. 
Led.  c.  32 ;  Pair.  Lat.  Ixx.  1147).  The  preface 
in  Jerome's  name,  mentioned  by  Bede  and  cited 
by  Walafrid,  is  in  the  form  of  a  reply  from 
Jerome  to  a  request  of  Chromatins  and  Heliodo- 
rus.  And  the  passage  of  Gregory  cited  above  is 
in  reply  to  a  request  from  Eulogius  of  Alexandria 
for  Eusebius's  collection  of  martyr  acts,  which 
could  not  be  found. 

Bishops  Chromatius  and  Heliodorus  inform 
their  holy  lord,  brother  Jerome,  that  they  were 
present  at  the  council  of  Milan  (a.d.  390)  when 
Theodosius,  the  most  Christian  prince,  pi-aised 
Gregory,  bishop  of  Cordova,  for  being  wont  every 
day  as  he  opened  the  mass,  at  morning  if  not 
fasting,  at  evening  if  he  were,  to  mention  the 
names  of  very  many  martyrs  of  whom  it  was  the 
natal  day.  The  council  agreed  to  send  a  letter 
to  Jerome  to  ask  him  to  make  inquiry  for  the 
most  famous  feasts  (or  feriale)  from  the  archives 
of  Eusebius  of  Caesarea,  and  thence  address  to 
them  a  list  of  the  feasts  of  the  martyrs.  Jerome 
replies  that  we  read  (legitur)  that  when  Constan- 
tine  came  to  Caesarea  (probably  in  A.D.  335),  and 
told  Eusebius  to  ask  any  boon  that  would  profit 


MARTYROLOGY 


1135 


his  church,  the  bishop  answered  that  the  church 
was  enriched  by  her  own  resources,  but  that  he 
personally  could  not  rid  himself  of  the  de!>'ire  that, 
whatever  had  been  done  anywhere  in  the  Roman 
state  regarding  the  saints  of  God,  the  judges  and 
their  successors  throughout  the  Roman  world 
might  be  directed  to  search  through  the  public 
records  with  diligent  scrutiny  and  discover  what 
martyr  had  won  the  palm  in  each  province  or 
city,  under  what  judge,  on  what  day,  and  by 
what  suffering,  and  to  transmit  the  facts  taken 
from  the  authentic  archives  to  himself  by  royal 
order.  Hence  he  rewrote  his  church  history, 
and  declared  the  passions  of  nearly  all  the  mar- 
tyrs of  all  the  Roman  provinces.  "  Since  on 
single  days,"  Jerome  proceeds,  "  the  names  of 
more  than  800  or  900  martyrs  of  divers  pro- 
vinces and  cities  are  named,  so  that  no  day  can 
be  found  v/ith  fewer  than  500,  except  Jan.  1,  I 
have  briefly  and  succinctly  concerned  myself  with 
those  alone  who  are  in  chief  honour  among  their 
own  people."  These  numbers,  of  course,  must 
be  divided  by  ten,  an  easy  change.  "  At  the 
opening  of  the  book  we  have  written  the  feasts 
of  all  the  apostles,  that  various  days  may  not 
seem  to  divide  those  whom  one  dignity  sublimes 
in  heavenly  glory." 

Baronius  {praef.  ad  martyrologium,  cc.  5-7) 
brought  sundry  objections  against  the  authen- 
ticity of  these  letters,  which  have  been  com- 
pletely refuted  by  Fiorentini  (  Vetust.  Mart.  pp. 
57-59).  His  conclusions  are  accepted,  but  the 
decision  of  Baronius  has  not  been  set  aside,  even 
by  Fiorentini  himself.  • 

Two  points  may  be  regarded  as  quite  certain : 
1.  Eusebius  had  not  received  this  grant  from 
Constantine  when  he  wrote  his  church  history 
as  at  present  extant,  still  less  when  he  made  the 
collection  of  pieces  concerning  ancient  martyrs, 
to  which  he  there  refers.  An  index  to  that  col- 
lection would  be  a  kind  of  martyrology,  and  it  is 
possible  that  we  have  traces  of  such  in  the  Syriac 
martyrology  of  Wright,  where  fourteen  times 
western  martyrs  are  said  to  be  "of  the  number 
of  the  ancients,"  an  addition  that  seems  in  no 
case  to  be  applied  to  those  who  suffered  in  the 
persecution  of  Diocletian,  just  as  it  distinguishes 
the  old  martyrs  of  Persia  from  those  who  were 
put  to  death  under  Sapor.  The  same  title  is 
applied  in  the  Hieronymian  martyrology  to  Hip- 
polytus  of  Antioch.  The  martyrs  that  we  know 
to  have  been  included  in  Eusebius's  compilation 
are  Polycarp,  Pionius,  Carpus,  Pothinus  and  his 
fellows,  Apollonius.  The  whole  work  seems  to 
be  included  by  Jerome  along  with  the  martyrs 
of  Palestine  as  "some  little  works  upon  the 
martyrs"  (Hieron.  de  Viris  Illustrihus ;  Eus. 
//.  E.  iv.  15  ;  V.  4,  21). 

2.  When  we  have  removed  from  the  extant 
copies  of  the  Hiei-onymian  martyrology  all  the 
clear  and  valuable  notices  of  facts  long  posterior 
to  Jerome  with  which  they  are  enriched,  the 
residue  is  not  such  as  can  by  any  possibility  be 
attributed  either  to  him  or  to  his  master,  at 
least  in  any  form  in  which  it  can  at  present  be 
found  in  any  MS.  or  deduced  from  comparison  of 
all.  The  restoration  needed  is  not  merely  the 
reparation  of  a  damaged  text;  it  is  rather  the 
recovery  and  redintegration  of  a  perished  book  or 
booky.  The  work  is  agreed  to  be  not  so  much  a 
single  martyrology  as  a  cento  of  raartyrologies 
patched    up  of  many   ancient   calendars,    fitted 


1136 


MARTYKOLOGY 


together  well  or  ill.  The  same  martyrs  and 
groups  of  martyrs  often  recur  two  or  three  times 
the  same  days,  often  for  four  or  five  days 
running.  Places  become  people  ;  and  people  are 
turned  into  places.  Yet,  however  the  martyr- 
ology  has  been  swollen  by  impertinent  accretions 
and  inane  repetitions,  the  more  copious  the  test 
is  the  better.  When  it  has  been  subjected  to  a 
reverse  process  of  constriction  and  ignorant  eli- 
mination, the  confusion  becomes  hopeless. 

The  Martyrology  consists  chiefly  of  names  of 
places  in  the  locative  case  and  of  persons  in  the 
genitive,  ranged  under  the  several  days  from 
Christmas  to  Christmas,  though  a  few  further 
details  are  introduced. 

The  unabridged  MSS.  are  (A),  a  MS.  made  at 
Corbie  under  one  Nevelone  in  the  12th  century, 
and  printed,  with  arbitrary  transpositions  and 
silent  conjectural  supplementations,  by  D'Achery 
in  his  SpicUegium  (ii.  1  folio ;  iv.  617,  4to  ed.), 
and  reprinted  by  Migne  {Hieron.  is.  447).  This 
MS.  is  now  in  the  Paris  library  (Cod.  Lat.  12,  410). 

(B)  Nevelone's  autograph  copy,  in  the  same 
library  (Fond.  Corbie  5),  discovered  by  De  Rossi. 

(C)  A  9th-century  MS.  found  at  Lucca  by  Fio- 
reutini,  copied  from  one  made  at  Fontenelle 
under  Wando,  and  not  interpolated  since  Wando's 
death  in  a.d.  757.  (D)  Codex  Blumanus.  An- 
other copy  of  the  same  Fontenelle  MS.  made  at 
Weisenburg  in  A.D.  770,  and  subsequently  inter- 
polated with  insertions  belonging  to  that  town. 
(E)  A  MS.  that  belonged  to  the  church  of  Sens, 
now  in  the  Queen  of  Sweden's  collection  in  the 
Vatican  (Cod.  567).  These  five,  though  of  very 
diiferent  date,  are  of  nearly  equal  value.  (F) 
Codex  Antwerpiensis,  or  Epternacensis,  a  MS.  in 
Anglo-Saxon  letters,  of  the  8th  century,  made 
by  one  of  the  monks  of  St.  Willibrord,  the  apostle 
of  Friesland,  in  Epternach  monastery,  found  by 
Kossweyd  at  Treves,  now  in  the  Paris  library 
(Cod.  Lat.  10,837).  A  page  of  facsimile  is  given 
in  the  Acta  SS.  for  April  (t.  ii.  p.  ix.). 

Of  the  above  (C)  is  edited  with  a  collation  of 
(A)  and  (F)  day  by  day,  of  (E)  in  fragments,  and 
of  (D)  entire  at  the  close,  by  Fiorentini  (  Vetus- 
tius  Ecclesiae  Occidentalis  Martyrologium,  Lucae 
1667).  ' 

The  Epternach  MS.,  though  the  earliest,  is  by 
common  consent  pronounced  the  least  authentic. 
It  represents  a  British  form  of  the  Martyrolocry 
and  seems  to  bear  a  close  relation  to  the  Mar- 
tyrology of  Donegal- partly  published  by  Todd 
and  Reeves  (Dublin,  1856),  but  buried  for  the 
most  part  in  St.  Isidore's,  Rome— in  which  the 
topographical  notes  are  omitted. 
rn^^^o^lJ'"^^'}''^  discovered  in  Berne  library 
(Cod.  289)  a  9th-century  copy  belonging  to  the 
church  of  Metz,  which  retains  the  topo<rraphical 
notices  in  larger  characters,  dividing  the  martyrs 
of  each  day  into  distinct  local  groups. 

All  these  MSS.  have  in  common  sundry  arbi- 
trary interpolations  and  corrections  relatino-  to 
early  saints,  which  De  Rossi  traces  to  the  mis- 
understanding of  a  7th-century  list  of  papal 
interments.  He  considers  therefore  that  the 
extant  MSS.  did  not  diverge  from  their  common 
stock  till  It  had  been  subject  to  interpolation  in 
the  7th  century. 

They  all  contain  a  number  of  notices  relatino- 
to  Gaul.  These  are  partly  shared  in  common 
between  them;  partly  peculiar  to  the  several 
groups.    Those  which  are  common  to  them  all 


MARTYROLOGY 

do  not  extend  beyond  the  end  of  the  6th  century, 
and  refer  especially  to  Auxerre.  Moreover  they 
all  open  each  month  with  the  notice,  "  Litanias 
indicendas,"  and  the  proclamation  of  litanies  on  the 
calends,  whatever  connexion  it  may  have  with 
Jerome,  was  certainly  an  ordinance  of  Aunarius, 
or  Aunacharius,  bishop  of  Auxerre,  circ.  A.D.  600 
(^Ada  SS.  t.  vii.  Sept.  p.  109). 

Another  principle  is  applied  by  De  Rossi  to 
confirm  the  conclusion  to  which  these  facts  point. 
The  ordination  of  a  bishop  was  ordinarily  only 
commemorated  in  his  lifetime.  The  only  ordi- 
nations of  bishops  noted  in  these  martyroloo-ies, 
besides  that  of  the  great  St.  Martin,  are  those  of 
Aunarius  (July  31),  and  of  his  contemporary 
Nicetas  of  Lyons  (Jan.  19).  The  death  of  Auna- 
rius is  not  noted ;  in  some  copies  he  is  styled 
Dominus. 

Hence  De  Rossi  concludes  that,  in  the  time  of 
Aunarius,  "  out  of  two  or  more  tattered  copies  " 
of  an  earlier  work  that  passed  under  the  name  of 
Jerome,  "  a  clerk  of  Auxerre,  ignorant  of  topo- 
graphy and  history,  put  together  the  chaotic 
medley  "  from  which  our  present  copies  are  de- 
rived. (De  Rossi,  Homa  Sott.  ii.  pp.  x-xxi,  xxv, 
33-48.)  Instead  of  keeping  the  texts  of  the  frag- 
ments before  him  distinct,  as  parallel  reproduc- 
tions of  the  same,  he  has  transcribed  nearly  the 
whole  of  each  and  run  them  into  one.  He  seems 
also  to  have  tried  to  piece  two  fragments  toge- 
ther like  a  child's  puzzle,  and  sometimes  to  have 
pieced  them  wrong. 

The  text,  however,  so  ill  restored  by  the  monk 
of  Auxerre,  who,  it  may  be  observed,  is  supposed 
contemporary  with  Gregory  the  Great,  was  itself 
of  the  nature  of  a  cento,  according  to  the  judg- 
ment of  modern  critics.  The  same  principle  that 
enabled  De  Rossi  to  refer  the  bungling  recension 
to  the  time  of  Aunarius  induces  him  to  assign 
certain  of  the  documents  used  in  the  compilation 
to  the  popedoms  of  Boniface  L  (A.D.  41 8-422)  and 
Miltiades  (a.d.  311-314).  On  the  29th  of  De- 
cember the  martyrology  has  "  Bonifacii  episcopi 
de  ordinatione,"  and  this  is  certainly  the  right 
anniversary  of  the  ordination  of  Boniface"  I. 
but  not  of  his  death,  which  is  left  uncelebrated. 
The  burial  of  Miltiades  is  properly  noted  on 
Jan.  10  ;  but  again,  and  this  time  without  men- 
tion of  a  cemetery,  on  July  2,  the  day  of  his 
ordination.  (De  Rossi,  Horn.  Sott.  i.  112-114). 
These  documents,  he  concludes,  were  far  too  rare 
and  precious  to  have  fallen  into  the  hands  of  an 
obscure  Galilean  monk.  The  Martyrology  also 
contains  numerous  accurate  notes  of  the  fresh 
festivals  instituted  in  Rome  in  the  5th  century, 
especially  by  pope  Sixtus  III.,  and  there  is  evi- 
dence that  the  Auxerre  compiler  had  before  him 
two  copies,  both  enriched  with  these  insertions 
06.  ii.  36). 

We  may  observe  that  the  popedom  of  Boniface 
coincides  with  the  last  days  of  Jerome,  within 
a  decade  of  Wright's  Syrian  MS.,  and  within 
thirty  years  of  the  council  of  Milan,  and  again, 
that  the  popedom  of  Miltiades  coincides  with  the 
restoration  of  the  church  under  Constantine, 
and  the  first  compilation  of  the  calendar  of  Philo- 
calus. 

Now  all  the  notices  in  the  calendar  of  Philo- 
calus  are  contained,  and  sometimes  in  an  earlier 
lorm,  in  the  Hieronymian  Martyrology.  The 
same  is  true  of  almost  all  the  notices  in  Wright's 
Syrian  Martyrology,  except  some  commemora- 


MAKTYEOLOGY 

tions  of  bishops  of  Antioch.  The  Hieronymian 
Martyrology  contains  moreover  all,  or  almost  all, 
the  martyrs  of  Palestine,  whose  acts  are  recorded 
and  dated  by  Eusebius,  whereas  only  Pamphilus, 
and  perhaps  a  few  others,  are  inserted  in  the 
Syriac  Martyrology.  It  contains  also  Antioch ene 
festivals  celebrated  by  Chrysostom  that  the 
Syriac  omits.  Of  African  martyrs  it  contains 
nearly  all  the  names  that  are  to  be  found  in  the 
extant  Carthaginian  Calendar,  and  a  great  mul- 
titude more.  Often  it  supplies  us  with  the 
proper  names  of  martyrs  whom  that  calendar 
groups  together  imder  some  local  designation. 

Critics  have  agreed  in  considering  the  Hiero- 
Bymiau  Martyrology  as  a  cento  compiled  from 
many  church  calendars.  The  only  great  family 
of  church  calendars,  according  to  De  Buck,  with 
which  it  has  little  or  no  connexion  is  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan  (^Acta  SS.  Oct.  xii.  185).  Yet 
even  here  light  may  often  be  shed  on  its  obscure 
notices  by  comparison  of  the  Menology  of  Basil. 
The  Syriac  Martyrology  is  pronounced  by  the 
same  scholar  to  be  the  key  to  the  hitherto  inso- 
luble enigmas  of  the  Hieronymian  text  ((6.).  We 
might  say  that  the  lesser  work  was  a  sample  of 
•the  greater.  The  consideration  of  this  valuable 
document,  which  was  undiscovered  when  De 
Rossi  wrote,  leads  us  to  ask  whether  the  tradi- 
tional account  of  the  origin  of  the  Hieronymian 
Martyrology  be  not  worthy  of  more  attention 
than  it  has  received  of  late. 

There  is  abundant  evidence  of  the  existence  of 
a  tendency,  at  the  close  of  the  4th  century,  to- 
wards closer  intercommunion  and  greater  uni- 
formity between  diiierent  churches.  Formation 
-of  liturgies,  translation  of  relics,  performance  of 
pilgrimages,  all  were  leading  up  to  the  demand 
for  a  Martyrology  that  should  be  more  than 
local.  The  influences  were  already  at  work  that 
culminated  in  the  dedication  of  the  Pantheon. 
The  two  great  families  of  Western  liturgies  be- 
side the  Roman,  are  said  to  owe  their  origin  to 
Jerome's  earlier  contemporaries,  Ambrose  and 
Hilary :  a  third,  the  Mozarabic,  owes  something 
to  Prudentius.  The  impulse  towards  the  compi- 
lation of  the  Martyrology  is  said  to  have  been 
Spanish.  Jerome  himself  assisted  Damasus  in 
ordering  the  shrines  of  Rome ;  but  while  the 
shrines  of  the  martyrs  were  most  important 
there,  the  reading  of  their  acts  was  more  cus- 
tomary in  the  East.  The  materials  that  Aengus 
the  Culdee  professes  to  have  used  are  similar  to 
those  assumed  by  the  critics  for  the  Hieronymian 
cento,  with  one  exception  :  he  had  before  him 
not  only  Ambrosian  and  Galilean  liturgies,  Da- 
masian  topographies.  Be  Vttis  Illustribus,  and 
the  like,  but  the  Martyrology  of  Eusebius. 

The  task  of  collecting  and  combining  various 
churcli  calendars  from  all  parts  of  the  world 
would  be  so  arduous  that  it  is  difficult  to  under- 
stand how  the  tradition  of  the  enterprise  should 
have  perished  while  the  results  remain.  The 
tradition  that  is  preserved  is,  as  we  have  seen,  quite 
different,  and  at  least  affords  some  explanation 
of  the  combination  of  Roman  and  Eastern  features 
in  the  structure  of  the  work.  But  however  the 
compilation  was  effected,  the  epoch  to  which  it 
should  be  assigned  can  hardly  be  later  than  the 
time  of  Jerome.  The  impulses  towards  unifica- 
tion received  rude  checks  from  the  barbarian 
invasions,  and  were  dispelled  anew  by  the  rise  of 
the    Nestorian    controversy.      If,    however,    we 


MARTYROLOGY 


1137 


assign  the  Martyrology  to  the  date  towards 
which  we  are  driven  by  historical  considerations 
on  either  hand,  it  is  difficult  to  discover  any  one 
more  likely  to  have  performed  the  work  in  the 
manner  of  which  ample  traces  survive  than  the 
author  to  whom  the  tradition  has  assigned  it, 
and  for  whom  a  claim  has  been  put  in,  whether 
by  a  forger  or  by  himself. 

Whatever  view  may  be  ultimately  adopted  of 
the  origin  of  the  Hieronymian  Martyrology,  its 
connexion  with  ancient  Christian  life  may  be 
summarized  as  follows. 

In  its  present  form  it  is  one  of  the  two  or 
three  principal  sources  of  all  modern  Western 
chui'ch  calendars.  There  may  have  been,  and 
probably  was,  some  unintelligent  commemora- 
tion, day  by  day,  of  the  names  marked  in  it  at 
the  celebration  of  the  mass  in  certain  Galilean, 
English,  Irish,  Flemish,  and  German  monasteries, 
even  in  some  Italian  churches.  But  it  is  the 
corruption  of  a  book  that  was  similarly  in  litur- 
gical use  in  Rome  itself  in  the  time  of  Gregory 
the  Great.  Corrupt  as  it  is,  it  is  one  of  the  prin- 
cipal authorities  to  light  us  to  the  discovery  of 
early  festivals  in  various  parts  of  the  world. 
If  a  fresh  and  ancient  martyrology  be  discovered, 
the  first  with  which  it  should  be  compared  is 
the  Hieronymian,  and  the  comparison  is  almost 
sure  to  be  fruitful  of  interesting  results.  It 
contains  many  notices  of  ancient  martyrdoms 
which  would  otherwise  have  been  wholly  lost  to 
us.  But,  moreover,  it  is  the  extant  representa- 
tive of  a  work  that  resulted  from  an  important 
movement  in  the  church  of  the  4th  century,  and 
which  forms  the  historic  link  between  the  heort- 
ologies  of  the  ancient  churches  and  the  mediaeval 
monastic  calendars. 

It  is  much  to  be  regretted  that  the  compiler 
of  the  Martyrology  thought  only  of  honouring 
the  martyrs  and  of  profiting  from  their  interces- 
sion, and  did  not  attempt  to  edify  the  church  by 
more  copious  extracts  from  their  authentic  and 
accessible  acts. 

C.  The  lesser  Soman  Martyrology  was  found 
at  Ravenna  by  Ado,  archbishop  of  Vienne,  about 
A.D.  850,  thought  by  him  to  be  pretty  old,  re- 
ported to  him  to  have  been  sent  by  a  pope  to  an 
archbishop  of  Aquileia,  transcribed  by  him  and 
prefixed  to  his  own  Martyrology,  as  he  tells  us 
in  the  preface,  omitted  as  superfluous  by  copyists, 
sought  in  vain  by  scholars,  at  last  found  at  Co- 
logne and  edited  by  Rosweyd  and  claimed  as 
the  Martyrology  mentioned  by  Gregory  the 
Great,  thrown  into  the  shade  by  the  discovery 
of  the  Hieronymian,  supposed  by  Fiorentini  a 
mere  later  epitome  of  Ado,  maintained  to  be 
genuine  but  later  than  the  Hieronymian  by 
Sollier,  proved  genuine  beyond  doubt  by  De 
Rossi's  discovery  of  another  copy  of  Ado  in  the 
library  of  St.  Gall  (vol.  454)  where  this  Martyr- 
ology follows  the  preface  with  the  title,  Incipit 
Martyrologium  Roinanum.  This  Martyrology  is 
prefixed  to  Ado  in  Migne,  t.  cxxiii. 

The  whole  tissue  of  this  Martyrology,  accord- 
ing to  De  Rossi,  is  that  of  a  private  historical 
essay,  not  of  a  public  traditional  calendar.  The 
days  assigned  to  the  festivals  in  the  old  calendars 
are  often  exchanged  for  new  dates,  founded  on 
histories  that  were  in  credit  when  the  compila- 
tion was  made,  and  most  of  the  chief  characters 
of  Scripture  have  their  set  days,  of  which  there 
is  no  trace  in  the  ancient  Fasti  of  any  church 


1138 


MARTYROLOGY 


whatsoerer.  The  author  has  used  Rufinus's  ver- 
sion of  Eusebius,  and  worked  up  the  acts  of  the 
martyrs.  The  changes  he  has  introduced  in 
noting  the  festivals  often  coincide  with  the 
changes  introduced  into  the  pontifical  book  in  the 
8th  century.  The  work  seems  to  have  been  com- 
piled in  Rome,  and  notes  some  festivals  there  in- 
stituted at  the  end  of  the  7th  and  beginning  of 
the  8th  century.  This  does  not  prove  it  to  have 
been  publicly  taken  into  use  at  the  time.  It  is 
almost  contemporarj-  with  Bede  and  with  the 
last  recension  of  Jerome.  Its  method  of  compo- 
sition is  similar  to  that  claimed  for  Jerome, 
except  that  the  Acts  on  which  it  is  based  are 
mostly  religious  fictions.  See  De  Rossi,  Bom. 
Sott.  i.  125 ;  ii.  xxvii-sxxi,  or  De  Smedt,  Int. 
Generalis,  pp.  134-137. 

IV.  Martyrologies  that  add  some  details  of  the 
martyrdoms. — The  difference  between  the  Hiero- 
nymian  Martyrologies  and  the  series  headed  by 
Bede  may  be  thus  expressed:  the  one  are  replete 
with  fossil  fragments  of  genuine  antiquity,  from 
which  the  skilled  archaeologist  can  reconstruct 
and  i-eclothe  skeletons  of  ancient  facts  ;  the  other 
present  us  with  such  miniature  outlines  of  mar- 
tyrs as  were  had  in  veneration  by  the  church  of 
the  age  of  Charlemagne. 

Bede,  at  the  end  of  the  7th  and  beginning  of 
the  8th  century,  was  contemporary  with  the 
last  recension  of  the  Hieronymian  Maryrology. 
He  was  acquainted  probably  with  that  form  of 
it ;  but  his  work  is  chiefly  drawn  from  the  pon- 
tifical books  and  the  Acts  of  the  martyrs.  It  is 
the  outcome  of  the  same  dissatisfaction  with  the 
chaos  of  the  current  books,  as  was  felt  by  his  anony- 
mous contemporary  who  framed  the  Romanum 
parvum ;  but  he  struck  more  at  the  root  of  the 
evil.  Instead  of  recasting  the  calendar  to  bring 
it  into  conformity  with  the  supposed  know- 
ledge of  the  times,  he  has  been  content  to  confess 
ignorance.  He  was  content  to  leave  many  days 
vacant  rather  than  adorn  them  with  a  string  of 
names  without  meaning.  Describing  his  own 
work  in  the  catalogue  of  his  writings  &i  the  close 
of  his  Church  History,  he  claims  to  have  given 
all  those  martyrs  of  whom  anything  was  known 
in  the  world  in  which  he  lived.  Thus  he  heads 
the  long  series  of  martyrologies  in  which  short 
histories  were  added  to  their  names.  People  soon 
made  up  their  minds  that  they  knew  somethino- 
about  some  more.  Bede's  work  was  enlarged 
again  and  again.  We  only  possess  it  in  the  en- 
larged edition. 

These  three  Martyrologies,  the  Hieronymian, 
the  Roman,  Bede's,  are  the  three  original  sources 
ot  almost  all  Western  martyrologies  and  calen- 
dars We  must  just  distinguish  the  chief  mar- 
tyrologies of  the  9th  century,  because  it  is  only 
through  Ado  and  Usuard  that  the  lesser  Roman 
work  has  become  known. 

Florus,  subdeacon  of  Lyons,  a.d.  830,  first  en- 
larged the  work  of  Bede.  The  Bollandists 
Henschen  and  Papebroch,  published  in  the  first 
volume  of  the  Acta  SS.  for  March  a  not  very 
trustworthy,  nor  indeed  feasible,  attempt  to 
purge  the  original  Martyrology  from  the  subse- 
quent additions;  but  they  remain  indistinguish- 
able, and  we  cannot  even  be  sure  that  we  have 
the  work  as  it  was  left  by  Klorus.  This  edition 
Martyrologinm  Bedac  in  8  antiquis  MSS.  acceptum 
cum  Auctario  Flori  ex  3  codd.  collatione  distincto 
IS  reprinted  by  Migne,  Patr.  xciv.  799.  ' 


MARTYROLOGY 

Rabanus,  archbishop  of  Maintz,  further  en- 
larged the  Martyrology  of  Florus,  and  worked  it 
up  with  the  Hieronymian.  His  woi'k  is  printed 
by  Migne,  Patr.  ex.  1121. 

Ado,  archbishop  of  Vienne,  was  acquainted 
with  Bede's  work  as  enlarged  by  Florus,  but  not 
with  Rabanus.  His  work  was  undertaken  as  an 
expansion  of  that  of  Florus,  but  was  really  mo- 
delled on  the  lesser  Roman,  and  became  rather  a 
collection  of  brief  lives  of  the  saints  than  a  mar- 
tyrology. It  answers  more  nearly  to  the  meno- 
logics  of  the  Greeks,  except  that  it  is  not  put 
forth  authoritatively  for  ecclesiastical  reading, 
but  merely  as  a  private  manual.  Yet  the  influ- 
ence of  his  work  through  Usuard  transformed 
ecclesiastical  usage  and  recast  the  calendar. 

Usuard,  a  monk  of  Paris,  about  a.d.  875,  has 
faithfully  epitomised  Ado's  work,  which  (accord- 
ing to  Sollier)  was  known  to  him  as  '  The  Com- 
mentary of  Florus.'  He  does  not  seem  to  have 
been  acquainted  with  the  work  of  Rabanus. 
"Jerome,"  he  says,  "has  studied  brevity  too 
much,  Bede  has  left  many  days  untouched."  He 
endeavours  to  supply  their  deficiencies,  and  also 
to  reconcile  the  discrepancies  of  various  comme- 
morations. He  was  the  first  really  to  popularise 
the  works  of  Ado  and  the  anonymous  Roman,  but 
his  own  book  has  assumed  almost  as  many  forms 
as  those  of  Bede  or  Jerome,  and  has  become  the 
source  of  most  existing  Western  calendars.  The 
interpolations  and  variations  are  fully  treated  in 
the  edition  by  Sollier,  which  forms  the  6th  volume 
for  June  of  the  Acta  Sanctorum,  and  is  reprinted 
in  Migne,  P.  L.  cxxiii. 

Notker  was  a  monk  of  St.  Gall,  who  died  m 
A.D.  912.  He  combined  Ado  and  Rabanus.  His 
work  will  be  found  in  Migne,  cxxxi.  1026. 

Thus  Bede  was  enlarged  by  Florus  and  Raba- 
nus, from  the  first  enlargement  and  the  lesser 
Roman  grew  Ado's  work,  from  the  second  and 
Ado's  work  grew  Notker's,  but  Usuard's  that 
grew  out  of  Ado's  alone  became  the  most  cele- 
brated. 

V.  Metrical  Martyrologies. — As  the  enlarged 
martyrologies  that  we  have  just  been  considering 
seem  to  be  an  imitation  of  the  Greek  menologies, 
so  metrical  martyrologies  may  have  taken  their 
rise  from  the  Greek  practice  of  reciting  daily  in 
the  service  iambic  distichs,  sometimes  of  much 
beauty,  describing  the  triumph  of  each  of  the 
martyrs  celebrated,  followed,  in  the  case  of  the 
chief  of  them  alone,  by  an  hexameter  line  fixing 
the  day  of  the  passion.  A  collection  of  such 
hexameter  lines,  which  are  always  sad  doggerel, 
would  form  a  metrical  martyrology.  One  such 
has  been  extracted  from  the  Menacea  by  Godo- 
fredus  Siberus  {Ecclesiae  Graecae  Martyrologium 
Metricum,  Leipzig,  1727),  who  has  added  the 
half  rhythmical  menology  of  Christopher  o£ 
Mitylene.  ^  ^ 

The  little  poem  ascribed  to  Bede  {Patrol.  Lat. 
xciv.  603)  is  hardly  worth  calling  a  martyrology, 
but  seems  to  be  genuine  (De  Smedt,  p.  138; 
Binterim,  v.  i.  58).  Wandalbert,  a  monk  of  the 
diocese  of  Treves,  at  the  age  of  thirty-five,  in  or 
about  A.D.  842,  wrote  a  martyrology  in  hexa- 
meters, independent  of  Bede  and  the  lesser 
ixoman.  It  contains  many  things  not  to  be  found 
elsewhere,  which  he  claims  to  have  taken  from 
authentic  old  books  by  the  help  of  Florus  of 
Lyons  who  possessed  them,  but  critics  are  suspi- 
cious {Patrol,  cixi.  575). 


MARTYEOLOGY 

The  Feilire  of  Aengus  the  Culdee  may  be 
called  a  metrical  martyrology.  We  have  here 
only  to  add  to  the  article  on  that  head,  that  it 
exists  in  three  vellum  MSS.,  two  in  the  Bodleian 
and  one  in  the  library  of  the  Royal  Irish  Aca- 
demy. There  is  a  recent  paper  copy  in  the 
library  of  the  university  of  Cambridge,  and  an- 
other of  the  17th  century  made  from  an  inde- 
pendent authority  in  the  Burgundian  library  at 
Brussels.  It  differs  from  the  Tamlaght  or  Tal- 
laght  Martyrology  of  the  same  Aengus  and  Mac- 
bruain,  published  by  the  Rev.  M.  Kelly,  D.D. 
(Dublm,  1857),  which  has  been  generally  sup- 
posed the  earlier  work,  in  giving  only  a  selection 
of  Irish  martyrs  and  including  many  valuable 
notices  concerning  those  of  various  lands  (Forbes, 
Scottish  Calendars,  pp.  xiv-xvii). 

Literature. — Our  article  is  mainly  drawn  from 
De'  Rossi  {Roma  Sotterranea,  t.  i.  pp.  111-118, 
122-128;  t.  ii.  pp.  iii-xxxii).  The  preface  by 
Baronius  to  the  Roman  Martyrology,  the  disser- 
tations and  notes  of  Sollier  (  Usuardinum  Martyr- 
ologium,  apud  Acta  SS.  Bolland.  Jun.  t.  vi.  in 
Migne,  Patrol,  cxxiii.),  and  of  Fiorentini  (  Vetus- 
tius  Occidentalis  Ecclesiae  Martyrologium,  Lucae, 
1667)  are  to  be  consulted.  De  Smedt  (Iniroductio 
generalis  ad  Ilistoriam  ecclesinsticam  critice  trac- 
tandam,  pp.  127-140,  193-197,  Louvain,  1876) 
translates  De'  Rossi  on  the  lesser  Roman  martyr- 
ology (p.  130  fi'.),  reprints  Matagne  on  the  actual 
Roman  martyrology  (p.  141  ff.),  and  the  ponti- 
fical and  martyrology  of  Philocalus  in  his  ap- 
pendix. He  had  intended  to  give  a  list  of  all 
extant  calendars  and  martyrologies,  but  found 
the  task  too  arduous.  De  Smedt  states  that  four 
Jacobite  calendars  are  edited  by  the  Assemanis, 
Bibliothecae  Vaticanae  MSS.  t.  ii.  codd.  37,  39,  68, 
and  three  orthodox  Syrian  calendars  (jbid.  pp.  18, 
114,  151),  one  of  which  is  taken  from  Minis- 
■  calco's  Jerusalem  Evangelistarium  (Verona,  1861). 
Two  more  of  the  orthodox  Syrian  are  given  by 
Mai  (^Scriptores  Veteres,  t.  ii.  pt.  ii.  pp.  46,  169). 
Four  Coptic  calendars  ai-e  published,  two  by 
Mai  (ibid.  pp.  14,  93),  and  two  by  Selden  (de 
Synedriis).  The  second  of  Selden's  is  re-edited 
by  Ludolf,  and  collated  with  a  far  more  valuable 
Ethiopia  calendar  of  about  the  12th  century 
(Commentarius  ad  Ilistoriam  Aethiopicam,  pp. 
389-436).  No  ancient  and  authentic  Armenian 
calendars  are  known.  De  Buck  has  written  a 
treatise,  Des  Calendriers  Orientaux,  in  De  Backer, 
Bihliotheque  des  €crivains  de  la  Compagnie  de  Je'sus, 
t.  iii.  p.  383. 

For  Western  Martyrologies  we  may  refer  to 
Binterim  (Denkwilrdigkeiten  der  Kirche,  Mainz, 
1829,  t.  V.  pt.  i.  pp.  42-73).  A  number  of  mon- 
astic martyrologies  and  calendars  are  given  by 
Martene  (Collectio  Amplissima,  t.  vi.),  and  by 
Migne  —  namely,  a  Galilean  calendar,  Patrol. 
Ixxii.  607  ;  one  by  Protadius  of  Besanron,  A.D. 
615,  Ixxx.  411 ;  an  English  calendar,  sci'v.  1147  ; 
a  calendar  of  Modena,  cvi.  821  ;  of  Mantua, 
cxxxviii.  1257  ;  of  Brescia,  1285 ;  two  of  Val- 
lombrosa,  1279  ;  of  Lucca,  1291 ;  one  ascribed  to 
Bede,  1293;  of  Fleury,  1185;  of  Stavelo,  near 
Liege,  1194;  of  Werthen,  near  Cologne,  1203; 
of  Auxerre,  1209. 

An  ancient  Hispano-Gothic  calendar  is  given 
by  Migne  at  the  end  of  the  Mozarabic  liturgy 
{Patrol,  t.  Ixxxv.). 

The  Gothic  calendar  will  be  found  in  Mai 
{Vet.  Script.  Coll.  v.  i.  66),  a  mural  martyrology, 

GHEIST.  ANT. — VOL.  II. 


MAEY 


1139 


from  the  church  of  St.  Silvester  at  Rome  (ih. 
p.  56),  another  marble  tablet  with  a  complete 
calendar  of  the  9th  century  discovered  at  Naples 
(ib.  p.  58),  and  the  martyrology  of  Philocalus 
(26.  p.  54).  The  Naples  marble  has  been  discussed 
in  three  volumes  4to  by  Mazzochi  and  in  twelve 
volumes  4to  by  Sabbatini.  It  is  the  most 
authentic  example  of  an  early  Greek  calendar. 

,  The  article  on  "  Martyrologie  "  in  the  Die- 
tionnaire  des  Persecutions  in  Migne's  Theological 
Encyclopedia  is  merely  a  translation  of  Ruinart's 
answer  to  Dodwell's  Dissertatio  Cyprianica  de 
Paucitate  3Iarty)-um.  [E.  B.  B.] 

MARTYRUS  (1)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at 
Tarsus  July  3  (Ilieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa  Dec.  18 
(Hicron.  Mart.).  [C.  II.] 

MAEUBUS,  martyr;  natalis  m  Africa  Feb. 
19  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAEULLUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Rome  in  the  cemetery  Of  Praetextatus,  May  10 
(Hieron.  Mart.).     _  '  [C.  H.] 

MARUS,  bishop  of  Treves  ;  commemorated 
Jan.  26  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  730).       [C.  H.] 

MAEUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  April  9 
(Ilieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAEUSIUS,  martyr  ;  commemorated  Oct.  4 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  ii.  41 2).  [C.  11.] 

MARUSUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Apol- 
lonia  Jan.  27  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MARUTHA.S,  bishop  in  Mesopotamia  ;  com- 
memorated Feb.  16  (Basil.  MenoL).  [C.  H.] 

MAEY.    [Maria.] 

MAEY  THE  VIRGIN,  FESTIVALS  OF. 
In  the  Eastern  Orthodox  Church  there  are  three 
classes  of  Festivals,  the  Great  Festivals,  the 
Middle  Festivals,  the  Little  Festivals.  Among 
the  Great  Festivals  are  reckoned  : — 1.  The  Hyp- 
apante,  Feb.  2nd  ;  2.  The  Annunciation,  March 
25th  ;  3.  The  Sleep  of  the  Theotokos,  Aug.  15th  ; 

4.  The  Nativity  of  the  Theotokos,  Sept.  8th ;  5. 
The  Presentation  of  the  Theotokos,  Nov.  21st. 
Among  the  Middle  Festivals  is  reckoned,  in  the 
Russian  Church,  the  Protection  of  the  Theotokos, 
Oct.  1st;  and  in  the  calendar  of  Constantinople 
there  are  the  Depositing  of  the  honourable  Vest- 
ment of  the  Theotokos  in  Blachernae,  July  2nd ; 
the  Depositing  of  the  honourable  Girdle  of  the 
Theotokos,  Aug.  31 ;  the  Conception  of  Anue  the 
Mother  of  the  Theotokos,  Dec.  9th ;  the  Synaxis 
of  the  Theotokos  and  of  Joseph  her  spouse,  Dec. 
26th.  In  the  Russian  calendar  there  are  also 
fourteen  commemorations  of  miraculous  icons  of 
the  Theotokos. 

In  the  Armenian  calendar  there  occur: — 1. 
The  Purification,  Feb.  14th  ;  2.  The  Assumption, 
on  the  Sunday  following  Aug.  15th  ;  3.  The  In- 
vention of  the  Girdle,  about  Aug.  31st;  4.  The 
Nativity,  Sept.  8th  ;  5.  The  Presentation,  Nov. 
21st ;  6.  The  Conception,  Dec.  9th. 

In  the  Ethiopic  calendar  there  is  a  monthly 
festival  of  St.  Mary,  as  there  is  of  our  Lord's 
nativity,  of  St.  Michael,  and  of  the  three  patri- 
archs ;  and  the  following  specific  festivals : — 
1.  The  Death  of  St.  Mary,  Jan.  16th;  2.  The 
Purification,  Feb.  2nd;  3.  The  Conception  of 
Christ,  March  25th  ;  4.  The  Nativity,  April  26th  ; 

5.  The  Purification  of  Anna,  July  14th;  6.  The 

4  E 


1140 


MARY 


Burial  of  St.  Mary,  Aug.  8th :  7.  The  Assump- 
tion, Aug.  9th  ;  8.  The  Nativity,  Sept.  7th  ;  9. 
The  Presentation,  Nov.  29th  ;  10.  The  Concep- 
tion, Dec.  12th 

In  the  Roman  calendar  there  ai-e  some  festivals  of 
St.  Mary  which  are  observed  universally  through- 
out Roman  Christendom,  some  that  are  observed 
only  locally ;  but  these  local  festivals  have  for  their 
sanction  the  full  authority  of  the  Roman  see,  and 
the  offices  to  be  used  on  them  are  published  in  the 
Breviary.  The  festivals  of  universal  obligation 
are :— 1.  The  Purification,  Feb.  2nd  ;  2.  The 
Annunciation,  March  25th;  3.  The  Festival  of 
the  Seven  Sorrows,  on  the  Friday  preceding  Good 
Friday;  4.  The  Visitation,  July  2nd;  5.  The 
Feast  of  St.  Mary  of  Mount  Carmel,  July  16th ; 

6.  The  Feast  of  the  Dedication  of  St.  Mary  at 
Snows,  Aug.  5th  ;  7.  The  Assumption,  Aug.  15th  ; 
8.  The  Nativity,  Sept.  8th  ;  9.  The  Feast  of  the 
Most  Holy  Name  of  Mary,  Sept.  15th;  10.  The  Fes- 
tival of  the  Seven  Sorrows  (a  second  time),  the 
third  Sunday  in  September;  11.  The  Festival  of 
Blessed  Mary  de  Mercede,  Sept.  24th  ;  12.  The 
Feast  of  the  Most  Holy  Rosary  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin  Mary,  the  first  Sunday  in  October  ;  13. 
The  Presentation,  Nov.  21st;  14.  The  Concep- 
tion, Dec.  8th.  Every  Saturday  in  the  year  and 
the  whole  of  the  month  of  May  are  also  dedi- 
cated to  her  honour.  The  local,  but  yet  autho- 
rised, festivals  relating  to  her  are  : — 1.  The  Es- 
pousals of  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary,  Jan.  23rd ; 
2.  The  Feast  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary,  the  Aid 
of  Christians,  May  24th ;  3.  The  Most  Pure 
Heart  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary,  the  next 
Sunday  but  one  after  the  Assumption,  that  is, 
about  the  end  of  August ;  4.  The  Maternity  of 
the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary,  the  second  Sunday  in 
October  ;  5.  The  Purity  of  the  Blessed  Virgin 
Mary,  the  third  Sunday  in  October  ;  6.  The  Pro- 
tection of  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary,  the  fourth 
Sunday  in  October  or  a  Sunday  in  November; 

7.  The  Translation  of  the  Holy  House  of  Loretto, 
Dec.  10th  ;  8.  The  Expectation  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin  Mary's  delivery  of  a  child,  Dec.  18th. 
The  Feast  of  the  Dedication  of  St.  Mary  at 
Martyrs,  May  13th,  has  been  allowed  to  drop 
from  the  calendar. 

The  Anglican  calendar  contains  two  classes  of 
festivals.  Among  the  red-letter  or  first-class 
festivals  are  reckoned  : — 1.  The  Purification, 
Feb.  ^nd;  2.  The  Annunciation,  March  25th. 
Among  the  black-letter  or  second-class  festivals 
occur:— 1.  The  Visitation,  July  2nd;  2.  The 
Nativity,  Sept.  28th;  3.  The  Conception,  Dec. 
8th.  ^        ' 

It  will  be  seen  from  the  above  that  the  Festi- 
vals of  the  Purification,  the  Annunciation,  the 
Visitation,  the  Nativity,  the  Conception,  are 
common  to  the  existing  calendars  of  all  churches 
that  have  calendars ;  that  the  Greek  and  Latin 
churches  agree  in  celebrating  the  Assumption 
and  the  Presentation ;  that  the  Byzantine  and 
Armenian  churches  agree  in  observing  the  Fes- 
tival of  the  Girdle  ;  that  the  Byzantine  church 
stands  alone  in  observing  the  Festival  of  the 
Vestment ;  the  Russian  in  observing  the  Festival 
of  the  Protection  (a  different  commemoration 
from  that  of  the  Latin  church  which  bears  a 
Rimihir  name),  and  the  feasts  of  some  icons;  the 
Ethiopic  in  observing  the  days  of  St.  Mary's 
di'ath  and  burial  as  distinct  from  the  Assump- 
tion, besides  a  monthly-recurring  festival  in  her 


MAKY 

honour;  the  Roman  church  in  observing  the 
Seven  Sorrows  (twice),  St.  Mary  of  Mount  Carmel, 
St.  Mary  at  Snows,  the  Most  Holy  Name,  the  Pro- 
tection, Blessed  Mary  de  Mercede,  the  Rosary, 
the  Espousals,  the  Help  of  Christians,  the  Most 
Pure  Heart,  the  Maternity,  the  Purity,  the  Holy 
House  of  Loretto,  the  Expected  Delivery,  besides 
all  Saturdays  and,  of  late,  the  whole  of  the 
month  of  May. 

We  notice  these  festivals  in  the  chronological 
order  in  which  they  were  instituted. 

1.  The  Purification  {"TwaTravTii,  "twavri\, 
Occursus,  Obviatio,  Fraesentatio,  Festnm  SS.  Si- 
vieonis  et  Annae,  Purificatio,  Candelaria,  Candle- 
mas). As  first  instituted,  this  was  not  a  Festival 
of  St.  Mary,  but  of  our  Lord  ;  and  so  it  has  always 
remained  in  the  Eastern  church.  Its  original 
name,  still  retained  in  the  East,  was  'tTrairavrri, 
sometimes  written  'TwavT'fi,  rendered  into  Latin 
by  "  Occursus"  or  "  Obviatio,"  meaning  the 
"  meeting  "  of  our  Lord  with  Simeon  and  Anna 
in  the  Temple  (Luke  ii.  27-38).  In  the  West  it 
came  to  be  called  the  Feast  of  the  Purification, 
and,  except  in  the  Ambrosian  church,  to  be  re- 
garded as  one  of  the  Festivals  of  St.  Mary, 
because  this  meeting  took  place  on  the  occasion 
of  the  Purification  of  St.  Mary. 

Its  institution. — It  is  not  altogether  certain 
whether  it  was  instituted  by  Justin,  emperor  of 
Constantinople,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  526,  or 
by  his  son  Justinian,  in  the  year  541  or  542. 
Cedrenus,  an  historian  of  the  11th  century, 
assigns  its  institution  to  Justin  (JEIistoriarunt 
Compendium,  p.  366,  Paris,  1647);  the  other 
Byzantine  historians,  to  Justinian  (seeNicephorus 
Callistus,  Hist.  Eccles.  lib.  svii.  c.  28;  Theo- 
phanes,  Chronographia,  p.  188,  Paris,  1655  ;  His- 
toria  Miscellanea,  lib.  xvi.  apud  Muratorium, 
torn.  i.  p.  108,  Milan,  1723).  It  happens  that 
the  latter  historians  have  made  use  of  expressions 
which  need  not  force  us  to  conclude  that  the 
festival  had  no  existence  before  the  time  of  Jus- 
tinian, but  only  that  it  was  made  by  him  of 
oecumenical  observance,  or  of  obligation  in  Con- 
stantinople, or  of  obligation  on  the  2nd  of 
February."  Accordingly,  Dr.  Neale  {Holy  Eastern 
Church,  Introd.  vol.  ii.  p.  771,  Lond.  1850)  sup- 
poses it  was  only  transferred  by  Justinian  to 
Feb.  2nd  from  Feb.  14th,  the  day  on  which  it  is 
observed  by  the  Armenians.  But  it  is  probable 
that  Nicephorus  and  Theophaues  meant  to  state 
that  it  was  Justinian  who  originally  instituted  the 
festival.  Sigebertus  {Chronicon.  in  ann.  542,  apud 
Bibl.  Patr.,  De  la  Bigne,  torn.  vii.  p.  1388,  Paris, 
1589),  Calvisius  (Opus  Chronologicum,  in  ann.  541, 
Frankfort,  1650),  haxonius^Makyrologium,  Feb.  2, 
Rome,  1586),  Basnage  (Annales,  torn.  iii.  p.  752, 
Rotterdam,  1706),  Fleury  (Hist.  Eccles.  liv. 
xxxiii.  7,  Paris,  1732),  and  the  great  majority  of 
authorities  consider  Justinian  to  be  its  author ; 
and  there  is  little  doubt  that  they  are  right, 
though  the  idea  of  establishing  it  may  have 
sprung  up  in  the  last  year  of  the  reign  of  his 


»  Nicephorus's  words  are :  Tarrei  Se  Kal  rov  SwT^pos 
'YnavavTriv  iprl  TrpuTws  T^s  -y^s  eoprdfecreai  (lib.  xvi. 
c.  28).  Those  of  Theophanes  are :  xal  t<S  avTtZ  xp6vo,  ^ 
'Ynairavrr,  toO  Kvpi'ou  lAa^ev  ipx^iv  imTeKe'iCr'eai.  ev\w 
BvCavrCoi  rfj  Sevrepa  toO  *6^puapt'ou  M'!""'?  {Chronogr. 
p.  188).  Cedrenus  says  of  the  last  year  of  Justin's  reign  : 
cttI  ai)ToC  i-rvTTuert  kopTi-i^iv  ^fia^  KaX  -ri)./  eop-rijv  T^s 
'Yn-ttTraiT^?,  7^5  ^e;i^i  Tore  ^i,  ioaraCoadirn^  (Hiit.  Com- 
pend.  p.  3ii6). 


MARY 

predecessor,  and  some  steps  may  have  been  taken 
towards  realising  it,  which  were  for  the  time 
abortive.  The  Centuriators  of  Magdeburg  assign 
its  institution  to  pope  Vigilius,  Justinian's  contem- 
porary {Cent.  vi.  col.  673,  Basle,  1562).  Baronius 
conjectures  that  "a  way  was  opened  towards  its 
celebration  in  the  West,"  and  that  possibly  it 
was  instituted  there  by  pope  Gelasius  about 
thirty  years  before  Justinian,  on  the  abrogation 
of  the  Lupercalia  ;  but  his  conjecture  rests  on 
no  ground  of  evidence.  The  Oratio  de  Symcone 
et  Anna,  seu,  In  Festum  Occursus  et  Purificationis 
B.  Mariae,  attributed  to  Methodius,  bishop  of 
Tyre,  a.d.  290,  which,  if  gennine,  would  imply 
that  the  festival  was  of  a  very  early  date,  was 
probably  written  by  a  Methodius  of  Constanti- 
nople in  the  9th  century.  Similar  orations 
attributed  to  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  a.d.  350,  and 
to  Amphilochius,  a.d.  370,  and  to  Gregory  Nyssen, 
A.D.  370,  are  spurious.  So  are  a  Sermo  in  Oc- 
cursum  Domini,  attributed  to  St.  Athanasius, 
A.D.  325,  and  a  Sermo  de  Purifcatione  B.  Marine, 
attributed  to  St.  A.-nbrose,  a.d.  374,  and  many 
more  sermons  alleged  to  have  been  delivered  on 
the  day  by  different  early  writers.  Baronius 
"does  not  hesitate  to  declare  that  no  Greek  or 
Latin  father  before  Justinian  has  left  a  sermon 
on  the  day  of  the  Occursus  "  {Martyr.  Feb.  2). 

Its  date  in  the  calendar. — The  2nd  day  of  Feb- 
ruary is  necessarily  the  date  of  the  festival,  be- 
cause that  is  the  fortieth  day  after  Jan.  25th, 
which,  since  the  time  of  St.  Chrysostom,  that  is, 
a  century  and  a  half  before  the  date  of  Justinian, 
had  become  accepted  as  the  day  of  the  Nativity 
of  Christ  in  the  East  as  well  as  in  the  West.  It 
would  consequently  have  been  the  day  on  which 
St.  Mary,  having  borne  a  man-child,  would  have 
made  the  offering  appointed  by  the  law  (Lev.  sii. 
4)  for  her  (or  their)  (Luke  ii.  22)  purification. 
The  Armenian  church  observes  the  festival  on 
Feb.  14th,  because  it  counts  Jan.  6th  to  be  the 
day  of  the  Nativity,  as  the  whole  of  the  East 
once  counted  it. 

The  occasion  of  its  institution  is  supposed  to 
be  the  occurrence  of  earthquakes,  plague,  and 
famine,  mentioned  by  the  Byzantine  historians 
as  having  taken  place  in  Asia  Minor  and  Con- 
stantinople in  the  reigns  of  Justin  and  Justinian. 

It  has  been  suggested  that  the  purpose  of  its 
founders  was  to  supply  the  place  of  the  Ambur- 
balia,  Lupercalia,  the  Feast  of  Ceres,  and  other 
Roman  festivities  which  had  been  abolished,  and 
the  loss  of  which  was  felt  by  the  populace  (Du- 
randus,  Puitionale  Divinorum  Officiorum,  lib.  vii. 
c.  7,  Venice,  1577  ;  Belethus,  Explicatio  Bivin. 
Offic.  c.  81,  ad  calcem  Durandi,  Venice,  1577  ; 
Baronius,  Martyrol.  Feb.  2 ;  Benedictus  Papa 
XIV.,  de  Festis,  apud  Migne,  Theol.  Curs.  Compl. 
tom.  sxvi.  p.  144,  Paris,  1842).  It  is,  however, 
more  probable  that  the  primary  object  with 
which  it  was  instituted  was  simply  to  comme- 
morate an  event  in  the  life  of  our  Lord  which 
was  believed  to  call  for  a  special  commemoration. 
After  its  establishment  there  was  no  unwilling- 
ness to  regard  it  as  a  hallowed  substitute  for  an 
unholy  orgy,  a  Christian  Purification  Festival  in 
place  of  a  Pagan  Lustration  Feast,  held  as  before 
in  the  early  part  of  the  month  of  February.  (See 
Rabanus  Maurus,  de  Institut.  Clericorum,  lib.  ii. 
c.  33,  apud  Magn.  Bibl.  Patrum,  tom.  x.  p.  602.) 

Similarly  the  ceremony  of  consecrating  and 
distributing  candles,  and  marching  in  procession 


MARY 


1141 


with  them  in  the  hands  (whence  the  names 
Candelaria,  Candlemas)  probably  arose  from  "  a 
desire  to  put  Christians  in  remembrance  of 
Christ,  the  spiritual  light,  of  whom  Symeon  did 
prophesy,  as  is  read  in  the  church  that  day  " 
(L'Estrange,  Alliance  of  Divine  Offices,  c.  v.  Oxf. 
1846);  in  other  words,  to  illustrate  the  32nd 
verse  of  Luke  ii.  "  a  light  to  lighten  the  Gen- 
tiles." But  after  a  time  the  idea  was  readily 
welcomed  that  it  had  been  introduced  with  the 
view  of  assimilating  the  Christian  festival  to 
the  heathen  feast ;  so  readily,  indeed,  that  pope 
Benedict  XIV.  regards  any  other  as  almost 
heretical.  Baronius  attributes  the  introduction 
of  the  procession  to  Sta.  Maria  Maggiore  to  Ser- 
gius  I.,  who  lived  in  the  7th  century,  but  he 
believes  that  the  use  of  the  candles  originated 
before  that  time,  as  they  are  mentioned  by 
Eligius  (Hom.  ii..  Op.  apud  Migne,  Patrol,  tom. 
Ixxxvii.  p.  597),  who  lived  A.D.  665.  Fulbert, 
bishop  of  Chartres  at  the  beginning  of  the  11th 
century,  explains  the  symbolism  which  by  that 
time  it  was  believed  might  be  found  in  the 
virgin  wax  of  which  the  candles  were  made 
(Sermo,  apud  Magn.  Bibl.  Patrum,  tom.  iii.  p. 
502).  The  fifth  council  of  Milan,  A.D.  1579, 
enlarges  on  the  manifold  use  and  benefits  of  the 
candles  (Hard.  Concil.  tom.  x.  p.  971).  The  pro- 
cession came  to  be  regarded  as  i-epresenting  the 
walk  of  St.  Mary  and  Joseph  to  the  Temple  on 
the  day  of  the  Purification. 

2.  The  Annunciation  (^haYyeXur^nos,  An- 
nunciatio). 

Its  institution. — There  is  no  historical  account 
of  the  institution  of  this  festival,  as  there  is  of 
the  Purification.  It  i:-  found  existing  in  the  7th 
century,  but  the  occasion  of  its  establishment  is 
not  known.  An  attempt  was  made  to  claim  a 
very  high  antiquity  for  it  by  appealing  to  three 
Addresses,  delivered  on  the  Festival,  which  were 
assigned  by  Vossius  to  Gregory  Thaumaturgus, 
and  may  yet  be  found  bound  up  with  the  latter's 
genuine  writings  in  some  editions  of  his  works 
(Sermones  'III.  in  Annunc.  S.  M.  Virginis  apud 
Op.  Greg.  Thaum.  p.  9,  Paris,  1622).  Their 
spuriousness  is  undoubted  (see  Bellarmine,  de 
Script.  Eccles.  Op.  tom.  vii.  p.  39,  Col.  Agrip. 
1617  ;  Tyler,  Worship  of  the  Virgin,  Appendix 
A,  Lond.  1851).  The  same  is  to  be  said  of  an 
Address  attributed  to  Athanasius,  called  Sermo 
in  Annunciationem  Sanctae  Dominae  Kostrae  Dci- 
parae,  and  printed  with  St.  Athanasius'  works 
{Op.  tom.  ii.  p.  393,  ed.  Bened.  Paris,  1698), 
which  was  not  written  till  after  the  Monothe- 
lite  controversy  (see  Baronius,  apud  Opp.  S. 
Atlianasii,  p.  391 ;  Cave,  Historia  litcrarit,  s.  v. 
Athanasius).  And  the  same  must  be  said  of 
many  more  sermons  alleged  to  have  been  de- 
livered on  the  occasion  of  the  festival  by  fiithers 
and  early  writers.  The  sermons  attributed  to 
Peter  Chrysologus,  A.D.  440  (apud  Migne,  Pa- 
trolog.  tom.  Iii.  p.  575,  Paris,  1845),  m:iy  pos- 
sibly have  been  composed  by  archbishop  Felix,  one 
of  his  successors  in  the  see  of  Ravenna,  a.d.  708,  or 
more  probably  by  his  namesake,  Peter  Damiani, 
in  the  11th  century  (see  Tillemont,  Histoire 
Eccle'siastique,  tom.  xv.  note  vi.  p.  866,  Paris, 
1711).  Two  homilies  In  Annunciationem  Beatae 
Mariae,  attributed  to  Anastasius  of  Sinai,  A.D. 
560,  would  appear  to  be  the  production  of  one 
Anastasius  Abbas,  who  lived  in  the  8th  century. 
The  first  trustworthy  evidence  of  the  existence  of 
4  E  2 


1142 


MAKY 


the  festival  is  found  in  the  first  chapter  of  the  Acts 
of  the  tenth  council  of  Toledo,  which  was  held  a.d. 
65ti.  The  council  declares  that,  whereas  the 
Feast  of  the  Holy  Virgin  was  kept  at  dift'erent 
times  in  diflerent  places  in  Spain,  and  could  not 
be  kept  in  Lent  without  transgressing  traditional 
rule,  it  should  be  observed  on  the  octave  before 
Christinas  day.  The  rule  to  which  reference  is 
here  made  is  the  51st  canon  of  the  council  of 
Laodicea,  held  in  the  4th  century,  which  forbids 
the  observance  of  the  Nativities  of  Martyrs  (a 
phrase  which  at  that  time  was  equivalent  to 
Holy  days)  in  Lent.t>  The  second  reference  to 
the  festival  is  found  in  the  acts  of  the  council 
in  Trullo,  held  A.D.  692,  which  permitted  the 
observance  of  this  holy  day  in  Lent,  while  it 
continued  the  Laodicean  prohibition  of  all  others.'" 
The  date  of  the  institution  of  the  festival  may 
therefore  be  fixed  as  being  at  the  end  of  the  6th 
or  the  beginning  of  the  7th  century.  The 
council  of  Metz  makes  no  mention  of  it  among 
the  festivals  ordered  by  it  to  be  observed  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord  813  (can.  xxxvi.)  ;  nor  does  it 
appear  in  company  with  the  Purification  in  the 
list  of  festivals  "given  in  the  Capitularies  of 
Charles  the  Great  or  Ludvig  {Capit.  ah  Ansegiso 
collccta,\\h.  i.  §  158;  ii.  §  33). 

The  date  in  the  calendar  is  March  25th,  as 
being  nine  months  before  the  nativity  of  Christ. 
St.  Augustine  speaks  of  March  ■25th  as  being  the 
day  on  which  it  was  believed  that  the  conception 
of  our  Lord  took  place,  inasmuch  as  Dec.  25th 
was  regarded  as  the  day  of  his  birth  {De  Trin. 
lib.  iv.  c.  v.,  Op.  tom.  viii.  p.  894,  ed.  Migne). 
The  Armenian  church,  which  observes  Jan.  6th 
as  the  Nativity  as  well  as  the  Epiphany  of  Christ, 
has  not  the  Festival  of  the  Annunciation  in  its 
calendar. 

Like  the  Feast  of  the  Purification,  this  festival 
was  instituted  in  honour  of  our  Lord,  and  in 
commemoration  of  his  conception  ;  but  it  pro- 
bably passed  more  readily  and  quickly  than  the 
sister  festival  from  the  list  of  the  Dominican  to 
that  of  the  Marian  Festivals,  as  the  original 
idea  is  not  preserved  in  its  title  (as  it  is  in  the 
Hypapante),  except  in  the  Ethiopian  calendar, 
where  it  is  not  called  the  Annunciation  but  the 
Conception  of  Christ. 

The  purpose,  therefore,  of  the  festival  is  to 
commemorate  (1)  the  announcement  made  by 
the  angel  Gabriel  to  St.  Mary  that  she  should 
conceive  and  bring  forth  the  promised  Messiah, 
and  (2)  the  conception  of  our  Lord  which  fol- 
lowed that  announcement  (Luke  i.  26-38).  The 
place  where  this  announcement  was  made  was 
the  house  in  Nazareth  in  which  St.  Mary  lived. 
The  legend  of  Loretto  has  transferred  this  house 
to  Italy  ;  the ,  exact  spot  where  it  took  place 
is  nevertheless  pointed  out  both  by  Greeks  and 
Latins,  a  dift'erent  spot  by  each,  as  still  existing 
in  Palestine. 

3.  The  Assumption  (Koi'urjo-is,  MeraffTao-.j, 
Durmitio,  Pausatio,  Transitus,  Depositio,  Migratio, 
Assumptio). 

Its  institution. — This  festival  was  instituted, 
according  to  the  statement  of  Nicephorus  Cal- 

>>  Tbe  words  of  the  canon  are:  Ou  Sd  ev  rfj  Tfo-o-epa- 
Koo-Tjf  fiapTvputv  yevfBkiov  iiTi.re\eif  (Hurd.  Concil. 
lorn.  i.  p.  790,  I'arls,  1715). 

«  The  words  are:  lIopeKTo?  o-ajS^drou  »cai  icvptoucij;  icai 
T^?  dyia?  ToO  eiiayyeAio-jaoO  Tj/xe'pa?  (Hard.  Concil.  torn, 
lil.  p.  1681). 


MARY 

listus  (Hist.  Eccles.  lib.  xvii.  c,  28),  by  the 
emperor  Maurice,  who  lived  at  the  close  of  the 
6th  and  the  beginning  of  the  7th  century.  In 
the  time  of  Charles  the  Great,  two  centuries 
later,  its  observance  was  not  yet  universal  in  the 
West  {Capit.  ah  Ansegiso  collecta,  lib.  i.  §  158, 
apud  Migne,  Patrolog.  tom.  xcvii.  p.  533,  Paris, 
1851).''  But  it  appears  to  have  been  received 
after  deliberation  by  Charles,  and  it  is  recognised 
by  his  son  Ludvig  in  the  year  818  or  819  (ihld. 
lib.  ii.  c.  35,  p.  547).  An  octave  was  added  to 
the  festival  by  pope  Leo  IV.,  A.D.  847. 

Its  date  in  the  calendar  i&  August  15th. 

The  purpose  of  the  festival  is  to  commemorate 
the  assumption  of  St.  Mary  into  heaven  in  body 
and  soul.  The  origin  of  the  belief  that  she  was 
so  assumed,  and  the  steps  by  which  it  grew  are 
as  follows : — 

In  the  3rd  or  4th  century  there  was  composed 
a  book,  embodying  the  Gnostic  and  Collyridian 
traditions  as  to  the  death  of  St.  Mary,  called  Be 
Transitu  Virginis  Mariae  liber.  The  book  exists 
still,  and  may  be  found  in  the  Dibliotheca  Patrum 
Maxima  (tom.  ii.  pt.  ii.  p.  212).  The  legend 
contained  in  it  relates  how  St.  Mary,  after  her 
Son's  death,  went  and  lived  at  Bethlehem  for 
twenty-one  years,  after  which  time  an  angel 
appeared  to  her,  and  told  her  that  her  soul 
should  be  taken  from  her  body.  So  she  was 
wafted  on  a  cloud  to  Jerusalem,  and  the  apostles, 
who  had  been  miraculously  gathered  together, 
carried  her  to  Gethsemane,  and  there  her  soul 
was  taken  up  into  Paradise  by  Gabriel.  Then  the 
apostles  bore  her  body  to  the  Valley  of  Jehosha- 
phat,  and  laid  it  in  a  new  tomb  ;  and  suddenly 
by  the  side  of  the  tomb  appeared  her  son  Christ, 
who  raised  up  her  body  lest  it  should  see  cor- 
ruption, and  reuniting  it  with  her  soul,  which 
Michael  brought  back  from  Paradise,  had  her 
conveyed  by  angels  to  heaven. 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  Liber  de  Transitu 
Mariae  contains  already  the  whole  of  the  story 
of  the  Assumption.  But  down  to  the  end  of 
the  5th  century  this  story  was  regarded  by  the 
church  as  a  Gnostic  or  Collyridian  fable,  and  the 
Liher  de  Transitu  was  condemned  as  heretical 
by  the  Decretum  da  Libris  Canonicis  Ecclesias- 
ticis  et  Apocryphis,  attributed  to  pope  Gelasius, 
A.D.  494.  How  then  did  it  pass  across  the 
borders  and  establish  itself  within  the  church, 
so  as  to  have  a  festival  appointed  to  commemo- 
rate it  ?     In  the  following  manner : — 

In  the  sixth  century  a  great  change  passed 
over  the  sentiments  and  the  theology  of  the 
church  in  reference  to  the  dsoT6Kos — an  unin- 
tended but  very  noticeable  result  of  the  Nes- 
torian  controversies,  which  in  maintaining  the 
true  doctrine  of  the  Incarnation  incidentally 
gave  a  strong  impulse  to  what  became  the  Wor- 
ship of  St.  Mary.  In  consequence  of  this  change 
of  sentiment,  during  the  6th  and  7th  centuries 
(or  later),  (1)  the  Liber  de  Transitu,  though 
classed  by  Gelasius  with  the  known  productions 

^  Charles  the  Great's  Copiiulare,  after  recounting  the 
festivals,  says :  "De  Assnmptione  Sanctae  Mariae  intei- 
rogandum  relinquimus."  The  treatise  De  Assumptiune 
B.  V.  Virginis,  attributed  to  St.  Augustine  and  bound  up 
with  hts  works  (tom.  vi.  p.  1142,  ed.  Migne)  has  been 
thought  to  have  been  a  reply  by  one  of  Charles's  bishops 
to  his  inquiiy  on  the  subject,  as  it  begins,  "  Ad  Interro- 
gata  de  Virginis  tt  Matris  Domini  resolutione  temporali 
et  assnmptione  pcrenni  quid  iutelligam  responsurus." 


MARY 

of  heretics  came  to  be  attributed  by  one  ("  otio- 
sus  quispiam,"  says  Baronius)  to  Melito,  an 
orthodox  bishop  of  Sardis,  in  the  2nd  century, 
and  by  another  to  St.  John  the  Apostle  ;  (2)  a 
letter  suggesting  the  possibility  of  the  Assump- 
tion was  written  and  attributed  to  St.  Jerome 
(ad  Paulam  et  Eustochium  do  Assumptione  B. 
Virginis,  Op.  torn.  v.  p.  82,  Paris,  1706);  (.3)  a 
treatise  to  prove  it  not  impossible  was  composed 
and  attributed  to  St.  Augustine  (Op.  tom.  vi.  p. 
1142,  ed.  Migne)  ;  (4)  two  sermons  supporting 
the  belief  were  written  and  attributed  to  St. 
Athanasius  (Op.  tom.  ii.  pp.  393,  416,  ed.  Ben. 
Paris,  1698) ;  (5)  an  insertion  was  made  in 
Eusebius's  Chronicle  that  "  in  the  year  48  Mary 
the  Virgin  was  taken  up  into  heaven,  as  some 
wrote  that  they  had  had  it  revealed  to  them." 
Thus  the  authority  of  the  names  of  St.  John,  of 
Melito,  of  Athanasius,  of  Eusebius,  of  Augus- 
tine, of  Jerome,  was  obtained  for  the  belief  by  a 
series  of  forgeries  readily  accepted  because  in 
accordance  with  the  sentiment  of  the  day,  and 
the  Gnostic  legend  was  attributed  to  orthodox 
writers  who  did  not  entertain  it.  But  this 
was  not  all,  for  there  is  the  clearest  evidence 
(1)  that  no  one  within  the  church  taught  it  for  six 
centuries,  and  (2)  that  those  who  did  first  teach 
it  within  the  church  borrowed  it  directly  from 
the  book  condemned  by  pope  Gelasius  as  here- 
tical. For  the  first  person  within  the  church 
who  held  and  taught  it  was  Juvenal,  bishop 
of  Jerusalem  (if  a  homily  attributed  to  John 
Damascene  containing  a  quotation  from  "  the 
Euthymiac  history  "  (Op.  tom.  ii.  p.  880,  Venice, 
1748)  be  for  the  moment  considered  genuine), 
who  (according  to  this  statement)  on  Marcian 
and  Pulcheria's  sending  to  him  for  information 
as  to  St.  Mary's  sepulchre,  replied  to  them  by 
narrating  a  shortened  version  of  the  De  Transitu 
legend  as  "  a  most  ancient  and  true  tradition." 
The  second  person  within  the  church  who  taught  it 
(or  the  first,  if  the  homily  attributed  to  John 
Damascene  relating  the  above  tale  of  Juvenal 
be  spurious,  as  it  almost  certainly  is)  was  Gre- 
gory of  Tours,  A.D.  590,  who  in  his  JJe  Gloria 
Martyrum  (lib.  i.  c.  4)  writes  as  follows  :  "  When 
Blessed  Mary  had  finished  the  course  of  this  life, 
and  was  now  called  away  from  the  world,  all 
the  apostles  were  gathered  together  at  her  house 
from  all  parts  of  the  world ;  and  when  they 
heard  that  she  was  to  be  taken  away  they 
watched  with  her,  and  behold  !  the  Lord  Jesus 
came  with  his  angels,  and  taking  her  soul,  gave 
it  to  Michael  the  Archangel,  and  went  away. 
In  the  morning  the  apostles  took  up  her  body 
with  the  bed,  and  placed  it  in  a  monument,  and 
watched  it,  waiting  for  the  coming  of  the  Lord. 
And  behold !  a  second  time  the  Lord  appeared, 
and  commanded  her  to  be  taken  up  and  carried 
in  a  cloud  to  Paradise,  where  now,  having  re- 
sumed her  soul,  she  enjoys  the  never-ending 
blessings  of  eternity,  rejoicing  with  her  elect." 
The  Abbd  Migne  points  out  in  a  note  that  "  what 
Gregory  here  relates  of  the  death  of  the  Blessed 
Vii-gin  and  its  attendant  circumstances  he  un- 
doubtedly drew  (procul  dnhio  hausit)  from  the 
Pseudo-Melito's  Liber  de  Transitu  B.  Mariae, 
which  is  classed  among  apocryphal  books  bj 
pope  Gelasius."  He  adds  that  this  account, 
with  the  circumstances  related  by  Gregory, 
were  soon  after  introduced  into  the  Galilean 
Liturgy.     It  is  very  seldom  that  we  are  able  to 


MARY 


1143 


trace  a  tale  from  its  birth  onwards  so  clearly 
and  unmistakably  as  this.  It  is  demonstrable 
that  the  Gnostic  legend  passed  into  the  church 
through  Gregory  or  Juvenal,  and  so  became  an  ac- 
cepted tradition  within  it.  The  next  writers  on 
the  subject  are  Andrew  of  Crete,  who  is  sup- 
posed to  have  lived  about  A.D.  635  ;  Hildephonsus 
of  Toledo,  A.D.  657  ;  and  John  of  Damascus,  who 
lived  about  A.D.  730,  if  writings  attributed  to 
any  of  them  are  genuine,  which  is  quite  doubt- 
ful. Pope  Benedict  XIV.  says  naively  that  "  the 
most  ancient  Fathers  of  the  Primitive  Church 
are  silent  as  to  the  bodily  assumption  of  the 
Blessed  Virgin,  but  the  fathers  of  the  middle 
and  latest  ages,  both  Greeks  and  Latins,  relate 
it  in  the  distinctest  terms  "  (De  Fest.  Assumpt. 
apud  Migne,  Thcol.  Curs.  Compl.  tom.  xxvi.  p. 
144,  Paris,  1842).  It  was  under  the  shadow  of 
the  names  of  Gregory  of  Tours  and  of  these 
"  fathers  of  the  middle  and  latest  ages,  Greek 
and  Latin,"  that  the  Be  Transitu  legend  became 
accepted  as  a  catholic  tradition  (see  Alban  Butler, 
Lives  of  the  Saints,  Aug.  15). 

The  history,  therefore,  of  the  belief  which 
this  festival  was  instituted  to  commemorate  is 
as  follows : — It  was  first  taught  in  the  3rd  or 
4th  century  as  part  of  the  Gnostic  legend  of  St. 
Mary's  death,  and  it  was  regarded  by  the  church 
as  a  Gnostic  and  Collyridian  fable  down  to  the 
end  of  the  5th  century.  It  was  brought  into  the 
church  in  the  6th,  7th,  and  8th  centuries,  partly 
by  a  series  of  successful  forgeries,  partly  by  the 
adoption  of  the  Gnostic  legend  on  the  part  of 
accredited  teachers,  writers,  and  liturgists.  And 
a  festival  in  commemoration  of  the  event,  thus 
come  to  be  believed,  was  instituted  in  the  East 
at  the  beginning  of  the  7th,  in  the  West  at  the 
beginning  of  the  9th  century. 

4.  The  Nativity  (TevUhiov  rrjs  6eoT6Kov, 
Nativitas). 

Its  institution. — This  festival  is  said  to  have 
been  established  by  pope  Sergius  I.  in  the  year 
695,  on  the  representation  of  a  monk  (religiosus 
quidam)  that  he  had  for  several  years  following 
heard  the  angels  singing  on  the  night  of  Sept. 
8,  and  that  it  had  been  revealed  to  him  that  the 
reason  for  which  they  sang  was  that  St.  Mary  )iad 
been  born  on  that  uight.  The  pope,  says  Du- 
randus,  established  the  festival  in  order  that  we 
and  the  angels  might  commemorate  the  event  at 
the  same  time  (Divin.  Offic.  lib.  vii.  c.  28). 
Belethus  confirms  Durandus'  statement  (Explic. 
Divin.  Offic.  c.  149).  Baronius  has  thrown  out 
a  suggestion,  as  he  has  done  with  regard  to  the 
date  of  the  "  Ave  Maria,"  that  it  might  have 
been  instituted  soon  after  the  Council  of  Ephesus, 
"  because  from  that  time  the  worship  of  the  most 
Blessed  Virgin  grew  and  increased  more  and  more 
every  day  throughout  the  world ;"  he  does  not 
however  presume  to  say  that  it  icas  established 
then,  but,  on  the  contrary,  acknowledges  that  "  it 
was  unknown  in  the  Galilean  church  in  the  time 
of  Charles  the  Great  and  Ludvig  the  Pious  " 
(Martyrol.  in  Sept.  8);  as  indeed  may  be  seen 
by  its  absence  from  their  lists  of  the  festivals 
(Capit.  ah  Ansegiso  collecta,  lib.  i.  §  153  ;  ii.  §  33). 
In  a  calandar  of  Milan,  supposed  by  Muratori 
(tom.  ii.  pt.  ii.  p.  1021,  Milan,  1723)  to  be  of  the 
date  A.D.  1000,  the  Nativity  is  noted  as  being 
specially  observed  at  Foligno,  as  though  it  were 
not  yet  general  even  in  Italy.  A  sermon  attri- 
buted   to    St.    Augustine,    and    quoted    by    the 


1144 


MAEY 


Breviary  as  delivered  on  the  Feast  of  the  Nati- 
vity of  St.  Mary,  is,  of  course,  spurious  (Senn. 
cxciv.  alias  De  Sanctis,  xviii.  torn.  v.  p.  2104,  ed. 
Migne). 

The  purpose  of  the  festival  is  to  commemorate 
the  birth  of  St.  Mary  as  it  is  recounted  in  the 
apocrvphal  gospels,  the  Protevangelion,  and  the 
Gospel  of  the  Birth  of  Mary.  Nothing  whatever 
is  known  of  St.  Mary's  birth.  We  do  not  knew 
the  names  of  her  parents,  or  anything  at  all 
about  her  early  life.  When  we  have  stated  that 
she  was  of  the  tribe  of  Judah  and  descended 
from  David,  that  she  had  a  sister  named,  like 
herself,  Mary,  and  that  she  was  connected  by 
marriage  with  Elizabeth,  we  have  said  all  that 
can  be  known  with  respect  to  her  previous  to 
her  betrothal  to  Joseph.  But  as  early  as  the 
2nd  or  3rd  century  there  were  composed  and 
disseminated  among  the  Gnostics,  the  Protevan- 
gelion, and  the  Gospel  of  the  Birth  of  Mary, 
which  are  an  application  and  adaptation  of  the 
history  of  our  Lord's  birth  and  childhood  to  St. 
Mary.  The  legend,  as  contained  in  these  apo- 
cryphal gospels,  narrates  that  Joachim  and  Anna, 
of  the  race  of  David,  lived  piously  together  as 
husband  and  wife  for  twenty  years  at  Nazareth  ; 
that  at  the  end  of  this  time  Joachim  was  roughly 
rebuked  by  the  high  priest,  and  Anna  bitterly 
jeered  at  by  her  maid,  because  they  had  no 
child  ;  that  Joachim  went  into  the  wilderness 
and  fasted  for  forty  days,  and  Anna  went  into 
her  garden  and  prayed  that  she  might  have  a 
child  as  Sarai  had ;  and  two  angels  appeared  to 
Anna,  and  promised  her  a  child  ;  and  Joachim 
returned,  and  the  child  was  born,  and  her  name 
was  called  Mary  (Giles,  Codex  Apocryphus  Kovi 
Testamenti,  pp.  33,  47,  Lond.  1847).  These 
legends  of  St,  Mary's  birth  were  repudiated  by 
the  early  church,  and  regarded  by  it  as  belonging 
to  a  body  external  and  hostile  to  itself.  Like  the 
legends  of  her  death,  they  crept  into  the  church 
in  the  6th,  7th,  and  8th  centuries.  Pope  Benedict 
XIV.  allows  that  "  there  is  nothing  about  her 
nativity  in  Holy  Scripture,  and  all  that  is  said 
about  it  is  drawn  from  turbid  fountains,"  which 
he  explains  to  mean  the  Protevangelion  and  the 
other  legends  (Z)e  Fest.  Nativ.  B.  Virginis,  apud 
Migne,  Theol.  Curs.  Ca)nplet.  p.  611). 

5.  The  Presentation  (Ta  eicro'Sia  ttjs 
Ocot6ko\j.  Praesentatio  Beatae  Mariae  Vi)-- 
ginis). 

Its  institution.— l:\it  Festival  of  the  Presenta- 
tion of  St.  Mary  at  the  Temple  is  supposed  by 
some  to  have  been  established  at  Constantinople 
about  A.D.  730.  There  is  certain  evidence  of  its 
existence  there  in  a.d.  1150.  But  it  did  not 
pass  into  the  West  till  A.D.  1375.  (See  Launoius, 
Regii  Naiarrac  Gymnasii  Parisiensis  Historia, 
pt.  J.  c.  10,  p.  77,  Paris,  1677.)  It  was  with- 
drawn from  the  Roman  calendar  by  Pius  V. 
but  restored  by  Sixtus  V.  on  the  prayer  of 
Turrianus. 

Its  purpose  is  to  commemorate  the  presenta- 
tion of  St.  Mary  as  narrated  in  the  Gnostic  legend 
which  is  embodied  in.  the  Protevangelion  and  the 
Gospel  of  the  Birin  of  Mary.  The  legend  states 
that  when  St.  Mary  was  three  years  old  her 
parents  brought  her  to  the  Temple  to  dedicate  her 
to  the  Lord  ;  and  that  she  walked  up  the  fit'teen 
steps  leading  into  the  Temple  by  herself,  and  the 
high  priest  placed  her  on  the  third  step  of  the 
altar  ;  anl  she  danced   with    her    feet :  and  all 


MARY 

the  house  of  Israel  loved  her.  She  is  said  to 
have  remained  at  the  Temple  till  she  was  twelve 
or  fourteen  years  old,  food  being  brought  to  her 
by  the  angels.  This  legend,  like  that  of  her 
nativity  and  her  assumption,  crept  into  the 
church  during  the  6th,  7th,  and  8  th  centuries. 

6.  Tjie  Depositing  of  the  Honourable 
Vestment  of  the  Theotokos  in  Blachernae 
(Karafleo-ij  effQrjTos  rip.ias  rrjs  deoT6Kou). 

This  festival  claims  to  have  been  instituted  at 
the  date  of  the  events  commemorated  by  it,  in 
the  5th  century,  but  it  would  appear  to  have 
been  first  observed  in  the  9th  century.  Its 
date  in  the  calendar  of  the  Byzantine  church  is 
July  2nd.  Its  purpose  is  to  commemorate  the 
laying  up  or  depositing  in  the  church  of 
Blachernae  in  Constantinople  of  (1)  the  grave- 
clothes  of  St.  Mary  (to.  ivTd<pia),  supposed  to 
have  been  sent  (according  to  Nicephorus  Cal- 
listus'  statement)  by  Juvenal  of  Jerusalem  from 
Palestine  to  Marcian  and  Pulcheria,  and  (2)  her 
vestment  (ri/nia  iffO-rjs)  said  to  have  been  stolen 
from  Galilee  by  Calvius  and  Candidus  in  the 
time  of  Leo  Magnus,  successor  to  Marcian 
(^Menaeon  for  July  2,  Constantinople,  1843). 

7.  The  Discovery  and  Depositing  of  the 
Honourable  Girdle  of  the  Theotokos  (Kotci- 
deffis  rrjs  rifxias  ^wv7)S  tiJs  SeorfiKOu). 

This  festival,  like  the  last,  claims  to  have  been 
instituted  at  the  date  of  the  event  commemorated 
by  it,  but  there  is  no  evidence  of  its  observance 
before  the  9th  century.  Its  date  in  the  calendars 
of  the  Byzantine  and  Armenian  churches  is 
August  31.  Its  purpose  is  to  commemorate  (1) 
the  discovery  of  the  supposed  girdle  of  St.  Mary 
in  the  time  (according  to  the  Menaeon)  of  Arca- 
dius,  (2)  its  translation  to  Constantinople  in 
the  time  of  Justinian,  and  (3)  a  miraculous  cure 
supposed  to  have  been  wrought  by  it  on  Zoe  the 
wife  of  Leo  the  Philosopher,  a.d.  886.  (Nice- 
phorus Callistus,  Hist.  Eccles.  lib.  xiv.  2 ;  xv. 
14,  24.  Du  Fresne,  Notae  in  Annae  Comnenae 
Alexiadem,  p.  329,  ad  calcem  Joannis  Cinnami 
Historiae,  Paris,  1670 ;  Menaeon  for  August, 
p.  189,  Constantinople,  1843.) 

8.  The  Synaxis  of  the  Theotokos  and 
of  Joseph  her  Spouse. — This  festival  was 
probably  instituted,  at  Constantinople,  at  about 
the  same  date  as  the  two  previously  named 
festivals,  though,  like  them,  it  claims  a  much 
earlier  date,  appeal  being  made  to  a  spurious 
sermon  of  Epiphanius,  supposed  to  have  been 
delivered  on  the  day.  The  date  in  the  calendar 
and  the  purpose  of  its  institution  are  closely  con- 
nected. It  is  observed  on  Dec.  26,  as  being  a 
continuation  of  the  Christmas  festival,  the  mind 
being  turned  on  the  first  day  to  the  Son,  and  on 
the  second  day  to  the  mother.  The  word 
'Synaxis,'  derived  from  (jvviyeiv,  means  in  the 
first  place  an  assembly  of  worshippei's,  and 
thence  (in  the  present  connexion)  a  commemora- 
tion festival  held  by  those  so  assembled. 

9.  The  Protection  of  the  Most  Holy 
Mother  of  God.— This  festival  was  instituted 
at  the  beginning  of  the  10th  century.  The  day 
in  the  calendar  of  the  Russian  church  on  which 
it  is  observed  is  Oct.  1.  Its  purpose  is  to  com- 
memorate a  vision  which  St.  Andrew,  surnamed 
^'the  Foolish,"  or  "  the  Idiot,"  said  that  he  had 
in  the  church  of  Blachernae,  Constantinople,  lu 
which  he  supposed  himself  to  have  seen  St. 
Mary,  with  prophtes,  apostles,  and  angels,  pray- 


MAEY 

ing  foi"  the  world  and  spreading  her  wfj.o(p6pos 
(ecclesiastical  vestment)  over  Christians.  The 
Russian  church  accounts  for  the  festival  not 
being  found  in  the  Byzantine  calendar  by  the 
great  troubles  which  in  the  10th  century  were 
encompassing  and  pervading  Constantinople. 
(Russian  calendar,  Oct.  1.) 

10.  The    Conception   (2vWri\l^is  rrjs  ayias 
"Avv-qs.    Conceptio  Beatae  Marine  Virginis). 

Its    institution.  —  Legend    relates    that    this 
festival    was     instituted    A.D.    1067    by    abbat 
Helsinus,  who  had  been    sent  by  William  I.  of 
England    to    Denmark,   and  being    caught  in    a 
storm  on  his  return,  and  addressing  prayers  for 
help  to  St.  Mary  had   a  vision   of  a  grave  eccle- 
siastic upon  the  waves,  who  promised  him  safety 
on  condition  of  his  establishing   the  Festival  of 
the  Conception   of  St.  Mary   on   Dec.   8.       This 
legend  is  assigned  to  St.  Anselm  as  its  author  in 
the  Legenda  Aurea,  and  the  synod  of  London  held 
under  archbishop  Mepeham,  A.D.  1328,  appears  to 
have  believed  it  to  rest  on  his  authority  (Const.  2). 
It  may  be  found  in  Migne's  Patrologia  (torn.  clix. 
p.  325),  relegated  to  the  appendix  of  St.  Anselm's 
works.     Another  form  of  the  same  legend  puts 
St.  Anselm  himself  in  the  place  of  Helsinus  as 
the  hero  of  the  story,  and  represents  the  scene  to 
have  occurred  as  he  was  returning  from  England 
to    Bee  (Petr.  de  Natalibus,  Catal.  Sand.  lib.  i. 
c.    xiii.).       Passing    from   legend  to  history   we 
find    that  the   festival    originated    in    the   12th 
century.      It    was  at    once    condemned    by    St. 
Bernard  as  (1)  novel,  (2)  heterodox,  (3)  unautho- 
rised (see  Epist.  clxxiv..  Op.  tom.  i.  p.  169,  ed. 
Ben.  Paris,   1690).     This  was  in  the  year  A.D. 
1140.     St.  Bernard's  contemporary   Potho   also 
condemned  it  as  (1)  novel,  (2)  absurd  {De  Statu 
domUs  Dei,  lib.   iii.  apud  Wagn.  Bibl.  Patr.  tom. 
ix.   p.   587,   Paris,  1644),  and  in  the  following 
century  Durandus  {De  Divin.  Offic,  lib.  vii.  c.  7) 
and   Belethus  {Exp.  Divin.    Offic.  c.  146)  repu- 
diated it  as  heterodox.     "  Some,"  says  Belethus, 
"  have  kept   the  Feast   of  the  Conception,   and 
perhaps  even  still  keep  it,  but  it  is  not  authorised 
or   approved ;  nay,  it  ought  rather   to    be    pro- 
hibited, for  she  was  conceived  in  sin."     In  the 
14th  century  it  was  made  obligatory  in  England 
by  the  following  constitution  of  Simon  Mepeham, 
archbishop  of  Canterbury,  which  was  accepted  by 
a  Provincial  synod  held  in  London  in  the  year  1328. 
"  That  the  memory  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary, 
the  mother  of  our    Lord,  may  be   oftener  and 
more  solemnly  celebrated,  in  proportion  to  the 
greater  favour  which  she  among  all  the  saints 
hath  found  with  God,  who  ordained  her  concep- 
tion to  be  the  predestinated  temporal   origin  of 
His  only  begotten  Son  and   the  salvation  of  all 
men ;  that  by  this  means  the  remote  dawnings 
of  our  salvation,  which  raise  spiritual  joys  in 
pious  minds,  might   increase  the    devotion   and 
salvation    of  all ;    following   the    steps    of   our 
venerable  predecessor  Anselm,  who  after  other 
more  ancient  solemnities  of  hers  thought  fit  to 
add  that  of  her  conception,  we  ordain  and  firmly 
command  that  the  Feast  of  the  Conception  afore- 
said be  solemnly  celebrated  for  the  future  in  all 
the  churches  of  the  province  "  {Const,  ii..  Hook, 
Lives  of  the  Archbishops  of  Canterbury,  vol.  iii 
p.  499,  Lond.  1865). 

The  purpose  of  the  festival  was  originally, 
as  Bellarmine  acknowledges,  and  the  above 
quoted    constitution    of    archbishop    Mepeham 


MARY 


114c 


plainly  states,  not  to  celebrate  an  immaculate 
or  even  a  holy  conception,  but  simply  to 
commemorate  the  fact  of  the  conception  of  St. 
Mary,  the  mother  of  Christ,  in  imitation  of  the 
Festival  of  the  Annunciation,which  commemorates 
the  conception  of  her  Son.  But,  as  St.  Bernard 
clearly  saw,  its  tendency  from  the  beginning  was 
to  induce  a  belief  in  the  supernatural  character 
of  the  conception  of  St.  Mary,  and  so  to  lead  on  to 
the  doctrine  of  the  Immaculate  Conception.  For 
this  reason  he  sharply  reproved  the  canons  of 
Lyons  for  having  admitted  it.  "  It  has  been 
vouchsafed,"  he  writes,  "  to  a  very  few  of  the 
sons  of  men  to  be  born  holy,  but  to  none  to  be 
conceived  holily  ;  that  the  prerogative  of  a  holy 
conception  might  be  kept  for  One  (inly  who 
should  sanctify  all  and  make  a  cleansing  of  sins, 
being  himself  the  only  One  who  comes  without 
sin.  It  is  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  alone  that  was 
conceived  by  the  Holy  Ghost,  for  He  alone  was 
holy  before  His  conception.  Excepting  Him,  the 
humble  and  true  confession  of  one  who  says,  '  I 
was  shapen  in  iniquity  and  in  sin  did  my  mother 
conceive  me,'  applies  to  every  one  else  of  Adam's 
children.  Then  what  can  be  the  meaning  of  a 
festival  of  her  conception  ?  How  can  a  concep- 
tion be  said  to  be  holy  which  is  not  of  the  Holy 
Spirit,  not  to  say,  which  >s  of  sin?  or  how  can 
it  be  regarded  as  a  matter  for  festivity  when  it 
is  not  holy  ?  The  glorious  woman  will  be  ready 
enough  to  go  without  an  honour  which  seems 
either  to  honour  sin  or  to  attribute  a  holiness 
which  did  not  exist  "  {Epist.  clxxiv.).  The  dogma 
which  St.  Bernard  opposed  was  that  of  a  holy 
conception  of  St.  Mary.  The  idea  of  her  immacu- 
late conception  had  not  arisen  in  his  time.  This 
was  first  proposed  as  a  possibility  by  J.  Duns 
Scotus  at  the  end  of  the  13th  or  the  beginning 
of  the  14th  century,  and  six  centuries  later,  ou 
Dec.  8,  1854,  it  was  pronounced  a  dogma  neces- 
sary for  all  adherents  of  the  papacy  to  believe 
if  they  desire  salvation. 

The  original  purpose  of  the  festival  was  simply 
to  commemorate  the  first  beginning  of  the  life 
of  her  who  was  the  mother  of  our  Lord,  but 
since  A.D.  1854  the  immaculateness  of  her  con- 
ception, that  is,  her  exemption  from  original 
sin,  has  been  regarded  the  chief  subject  com- 
memorated by  it.  The  steps  by  which  the  belief 
grew  which  culminated  in  the  dogma  now  sup- 
posed to  be  commemorated  by  the  festival 
are  briefly  as  follows  : — From  apostolic  times  to 
the  end  of  the  5th  century  it  was  taught  and 
believed  that  St.  Mary  was  born  in  original  sin, 
that  she  was  liable  to  actual  sin,  and  that  she 
fell  into  sins  of  infirmity.  We  may  take  as  wit- 
nesses for  the  2nd  century,  Tertullian  {de  Cam. 
Christi,  vii.  315,  and  Adv.  Marcian.  iv.  19,  Op.  p. 
433,  Paris,  1695);  for  the  3rd  century,  Origen 
{Horn,  in  Luc.  xvii..  Op.  tom.  iii.  p.  952,  Paris, 
1733);  for  the  4th  centur}-,  St.  Basil  {Ep. 
260,  Op.  tom.  iii.  p.  400,  Paris,  1721)  and 
St.  Hilary  (in  Ps.  cxix..  Op.  p.  262,  Paris, 
1693);  for  the  5th  century,  St.  Chrysostom 
{Op.  tom.  vii.  p.  467,  Paris,  1718)  and  St.  Cyril 
of  Alexandria  {Op.  torn.  iv.  p.  1064;  tom.  vi.  p. 
391,  Paris,  1638).  From  the  6th  to  the  12th 
century  it  was  taught  and  believed  that  St. 
Mary  was  born  in  original  sin.  but  was  saved 
from  foiling  into  actual  sin.  In  the  13th  cen- 
tury it  was  taught  and  believed  that  she  was 
conceived  in  sin,  and  so  subjected  to  original  sin, 


1U6 


MAEY 


but  like  John  the  Baptist,  sanctified  before  her 
birth.  From  the  14:th  to  the  18th  century 
teaching  and  belief  in  the  Latin  church  wavered 
between  a  maculate  and  an  immaculate  concep- 
tion according  as  the  Dominicans  or  Francis- 
cans were  most  powerful  at  Rome.  In  the  19th 
centurv  it  was  formally  declared  by  pope 
Pius  IX.  that  St.  Mary,  having  been  conceived 
immaculately,  was  absolutely  exempt  from 
original  and  from  actual  sin.  This  belief  of  the 
Latin  church  is  regarded  by  the  Greek  church 
(see  Conference  between  the  Abp.  of  Syros  and  the 
Bp.  of  Winchester,  Lond.  1871),  and  by  the  Angli- 
can church  (see  Bp.  Wilberforce,  Rome,  her 
new  Dogma  and  our  Duties,  Oxf.  1855),  not  only 
as  untrue  in  fact,  but  as  heretical  in  its  ten- 
dencies. 

The  day  in  the  calendar  fixed  for  this  festival 
is  Dec.  8,  as  being  nine  months  before  Sept.  8, 
which  was  regarded  in  the  12th  century  as  the 
Nativity  of  St.  Mary.  The  Eastern  churches 
observe  it  on  Dec.  9. 

11.  St.  Mary  at  Snows  (^Festum  Dedicationis 
S.  Mariae  ad  Nives). 

lis  institution. — ^This  festival  was  instituted 
as  a  local  anniversary,  and  observed  in  the 
basilica  of  Sta.  Maria  Maggiore  as  early,  it  would 
seem,  as  the  12th  century.  Its  observance  was 
extended  throughout  Rome  in  the  14th  century, 
and  made  obligatory  on  all  Roman  Christendom 
by  Pius  V.  in  the  16th  century. 

Its  purpose  is  to  celebrate  the  legendary  foun- 
dation of  the  church  of  Sta.  Maria  Maggiore  in 
Rome.  The  legend  says  that  in  the  4th  century 
one  John  and  his  wife,  having  no  children,  were 
anxious  to  devote  their  substance  to  St.  Mary, 
but  did  not  know  how  to  do  so  acceptably  to 
her,  until  they  each  had  a  dream  telling  them 
that  they  would  find  snow  on  the  ground  mark- 
ing out  the  spot  whereon  they  were  to  build  a 
cathedral.  They  went  to  Liberius,  the  pope  of 
Rome,  and  found  that  he  had  had  the  same 
dream ;  and  behold,  the  snow  was  lying  (on  the 
5th  of  August)  on  the  Esquiline  in  the  shape  of 
a  cathedral.  So  they  built  Sta.  Maria  Maggiore. 
The  Breviary  (Aug.  5)  contains  the  legend.  It 
probably  arose  from  an  attempt  to  explain  the 
name  ad  Nives,  which  may  itself  be  the  corrup- 
tion of  some  lost  word — possibly  of  ad  Liv.  or 
ad  Limae — as  the  church  was  built  fuxta  macel- 
lum  Liviac;  or  of  Liber.,  as  it  was  known  by  the 
title  Liberiana  ;  or  of  in  Esq.,  as  it  was  built 
on  the  Esquiline  Hill.  The  story  rests  on  the 
authority  of  manuscripts  belonging  to  the  cathe- 
dral body,  which  might  easily  have  become  diffi- 
cult to  decipher  in  the  lapse  of  centuries,  and  of 
Peter  de  Natalibus,  a  collector  of  worthless 
legends,  who  lived  in  the  15th  century.  The 
miracle  is  first  mentioned  by  Nicholas  IV.  in 
the  year  a.D.  1287,  that  is,  927  years  after  it 
was  said  to  have  taken  place.  Gregory  XL, 
A.D.  1371,  and  Pius  II.  a.d.  1453,  have  given 
tlie  sanction  of  their  authority  to  it.  The  ori- 
ginal legend  stated  that  the  earth  opened  of  its 
own  accord  for  the  foundations,  ou  Liberius 
beginning  to  dig  them.  But  this  part  of  the 
miracle  was  expunged  from  the  Breviary  by 
Pius  v.,  while  he  left  the  part  relating  to  the 
snow.      The  date  in  the  calendar  is  Aug.  5. 

Tliere  was  a  sister  festival,  called  St.  Mary 
at  Martyrs,  held  on  May  13,  to  commemorate 
the  dedication  of  the  Pantheon,  or  Rotunda,  to 


MARY 

St.  Mary  and  the  Holy  Martyrs,  by  Boniface  IV. 
at  the  beginning  of  the  7th  century.  This 
festival  has  been  allowed  to  become  obsolete, 
perhaps  because  there  was  not  so  powerful  a 
body  as  the  chapter  of  Sta.  Maria  Maggiore 
whose  interest  it  was  to  maintain  it. 

12.  The  Visitation  (Visitatio  Beatae  Mariae 
Virginis). 

Jts  institution. — This  festival  was  instituted 
by  Urban  VI.  during  the  schism  in  the  papacy 
and  promulgated  by  a  constitution  of  his  suc- 
cessor Boniface  IX.,  A.D.  1389  (Bulla  Bonifacii 
ix.  apud  BoUandi  Acta  Sanctorum,,  July  2). 
About  half  a  century  later,  A.D.  1441,  it  was 
again  established  by  the  council  of  Basle,  no 
reference  being  made  to  its  previous  institution, 
because  Boniface's  authority  was  not  acknow- 
ledged by  all  the  members  of  the  council.  The 
whole  of  session  43  is  occupied  with  the  matter 
(Cone.  Basil,  apud  Harduin,  Concil.  torn.  viii. 
p.  1292). 

The  purpose  of  the  festival  is  to  commemorate 
the  visit  paid  by  St.  Mary  to  Elizabeth  before 
the  birth  of  John  the  Baptist  at  Juttah  or,  it 
may  be,  Hebron.  Joachim  Hildebrand  says, 
that  "  it  was  instituted  at  the  council  of  Basle 
to  supplicate  Mary  to  trample  down  the  Turks, 
the  enemies  of  the  Christians,  as  she  trod  upon 
the  mountains  of  Judaea  on  her  way  to  her 
cousin "  (De  Priscae  et  Primitivae  Ecclesiae 
sacris  publicis  iemplis  ac  diebus  festis,  Helm- 
stadt,  1652).  As  it  is  a  scriptural  fact  com- 
memorated by  it,  the  festival  is  retained  in  the 
Anglican  calendar  in  spite  of  its  late  date.  2'he 
date  in  the  calendar  is  July  2. 

13.  The  Espousals  (Dcsponsatio  Beatae  Vir- 
ginis Mariae  cum  8.  Josepho). 

Its  institution  and  purpose. — A  canon  of  the 
cathedral  of  Chartres,  in  the  14th  century, 
charged  the  chapter  in  his  will  to  institute  a 
commemoration  of  St.  Joseph,  with  the  view  of 
pleasing  Mary.  Gerson,  chancellor  of  the  uni- 
versity of  Paris,  proposed  to  the  chapter  to 
carry  out  this  object  by  using  an  Officium 
Desponsationis  Beatae  Virginis  cum  S.  Josepho 
composed  by  himself.  In  the  16th  century 
Paul  III.  desired  an  office  to  be  prepared  for  the 
day,  and  he  gave  his  approbation  to  it  after  it 
had  been  drawn  up.  The  observance  of  the 
festival  was  extended  by  Benedict  XIIL,  A.D. 
1725.  It  is  of  obligation  in  Spain,  Italy,  Eng- 
land, and  in  all  congregations  of  the  Jesuits. 
The  ring  used  at  the  espousals  is  said  by  Bene- 
dict XIV.  to  be  still  preserved  at  Perugia  (In 
Fest.  Desponsationis  apud  Migne,  Theol.  Curs. 
Compl.  torn.  xxvi.  p.  531,  Paris,  1842).  The 
date  in  the  calendar  is  Jan.  23. 

14.  The  Name  of  Mary  (Festum  SS.  Naminis 
Beatae  Mariae). 

This  festival  was  instituted  in  Spain  at  the 
beginning  of  the  16th  century.  It  was  removed 
from  the  calendar  by  Pius  V.,  and  restored  by 
Sixtus  v.,  on  the  prayer  of  cardinal  Deza.  It 
was  made  of  universal  obligation  by  Innocent  XL, 
A.D.  1685,  in  gratitude  for  the  defeat  of  the 
Turks  before  Vienna.  Its  purpose  is  to  encou- 
rage putting  confidence  in  the  name  of  Mary. 
Its  di(te  in  the  calendar  is  the  Sunday  followinc^ 
the  least  of  the  Nativity,  that  is,  about  Sept.  15. 

15.  IHE  Seven  Sorrows  (Festum  Septem 
Dolorum  Beatae  Mariae  Virginis). 

This  festival  is  conjectured  by  Benedict  XIV. 


MARY 

to  have  been  instituted  by  Theodoric,  bishop  of 
Cologne,  at  a  provincial  synod,  A.D.  1413,  to 
malce  up  for  the  insults  offered  by  Hussites  to 
sacred  images  of  our  Lord  and  St.  Mary.  He 
has  no  grounds  for  his  conjecture.  George 
Haller,  dean  of  the  Benedictine  monastery  of 
Kiebach  in  Bavaria,  assured  Bruschius  that  he 
instituted  it  in  the  district  committed  to  his 
pastoial  charge  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1545. 
(See  Bruschius,  Chron.  Monasteriorum  Germaniae, 
p.  658,  Sulzbaci,  1682.)  It  was  made  of  uni- 
versal obligation  throughout  Roman  Christendom 
by  a  decree  of  Benedict  XllL,  A.D.  1727. 

The  purpose  of  the  lestival  is  to  commemorate 
St.  Mary  in  her  character  of  Mater  Dolorosa. 

This  is  the  only  festival  in  the  Roman  cal- 
endar which  is  observed  twice  in  the  course  of 
the  year.  The  second  commemoration  is  of  very 
late  institution.  Its  dates  are  the  Friday  pre- 
ceding Good  Friday,  and  the  third  Sunday  in 
September. 

16.  The  Rosary  {Festum  SS.  Eosarii  Beatae 
Mariae  Virginis). 

This  festival  was  first  instituted  on  the  occa- 
sion of  the  defeat  of  the  Turks  at  Lepanto, 
Oct.  7,  1571.  As  a  memorial  of  this  event 
Pius  V.  ordered  that  a  commemoration  of  St. 
Mary  of  Victory  should  be  held  every  year. 
Gregory  XIII.  changed  the  title  to  that  of  the 
Rosary  of  St.  Mary,  because  the  companies  of 
the  most  Holy  Rosary  had  been  walking  in  proces- 
sion and  saying  the  Rosary  or  Psalter  of  St.  Mary 
on  the  day  of  battle.  Clement  X.  made  its  ob- 
servance obligatory  throughout  Spain,  A.D.  1575. 
Innocent  XII.  was  requested  by  the  emperor 
Leopold  to  make  it  of  universal  obligation,  but 
he  died  before  the  emperor's  desire  could  be 
complied  with.  It  was  made  of  universal  obli- 
gation by  Clement  XL,  on  the  occasion  of  the 
defeat  of  the  Turks  by  Prince  Eugene,  A.D.  1716. 
Its  date  in  the  calendar  is  the  first  Sunday  in 
October. 

Its  purpose  is  to  recommend  the  devotion  of 
the  Rosary  or  Psalter  of  the  Virgin,  which  con- 
sists of  the  recitation  of  150  Ave  Marias  together 
with  15  Pater  Nosters.  This  devotion  is  sup- 
posed, but  without  sufficient  evidence,  to  have 
been  instituted  by  St.  Dominic,  A.D.  1210,  who 
is  stated  by  St.  Alfonso  de'  Liguori  to  have 
proved  its  efficacy  in  the  following  manner : 
"  When  St.  Dominic  was  preaching  at  Carcassone, 
in  France,  an  Albigensian  heretic,  who  for  having 
publicly  ridiculed  the  devotion  of  the  Rosary 
was  possessed  by  devils,  was  brought  to  him. 
The  saint  obliged  the  evil  spirits  to  declare 
whether  the  things  which  he  said  about  the 
most  Holy  Rosary  were  true.  Howling,  they 
replied  :  '  Listen,  Christians  ;  all  that  this  enemy 
of  ours  has  said  of  Mary  and  of  the  most  Holy 
Rosary  is  true.'  They  moreover  added  that  they 
had  no  power  over  the  servants  of  Mary,  and 
that  many  by  invoking  her  name  at  death  were 
saved  contrary  to  their  deserts.  They  concluded, 
saying,  '  We  are  forced  to  declare  that  no  one  is 
lost  who  perseveres  in  devotion  to  Mary  and  in 
that  of  the  most  Holy  Rosary  ;  for  Mary  obtains 
for  those  who  are  sinners  true  repentance  before 
they  die.'  St.  Dominic  then  made  the  people 
recite  the  Rosary;  and,  O  prodigy!  at  every 
Hail  Mary,  evil  spirits  left  the  body  of  the  pos- 
sessed man  under  the  form  of  red-hot  coals,  so 
that  when  the  Rotary  was  finished,  he  was  en- 


MAEY 


1147 


tirely 'freed "  (^Glories   of  Mary,    Lond.    1852). 
[Hail  Mary.] 

17.  Blessed  Mary  of  Mount  Carmel  {B. 
Mariae  Virginis  de  Monte  Cannelo). 

This  festival  was  instituted  or  approved  for 
the  Carmelites  by  Sixtus  V.,  A.D.  1587;  and 
it  was  made  of  universal  obligation  in  Roman 
Christendom  by  Benedict  XIII.  at  the  beginning 
of  the  18th  century. 

Its  purpose  is  to  commemorate  an  alleged 
appearance  of  St.  Mary  to  Simon  Stock,  an 
Englishman,  the  general  of  the  Carmelites,  A.D. 
1251.  St.  Alfonso  de'  Liguori,  the  latest  Doctor 
of  the  Roman  church,  states  that  St.  Mary  gave 
the  general  a  scapular  for  the  use  of  the  Car- 
melites, saying  : — "  Receive,  my  beloved  son,  the 
scapular  of  thy  order,  a  badge  of  my  confra- 
ternity, a  privilege  granted  to  thee  and  to  all 
Carmelites:  whoever  dies  clothed  with  it  shall 
not  suffer  eternal  flames "  {Glories  of  Mary, 
p.  485,  Lond.  1852).  Fifty  years  afterwards 
"  she  appeared  to  pope  John  XXII.  and  ordered 
him  to  make  known  to  all  that  on  the  Saturday 
after  their  death  she  would  deliver  from  pur- 
gatory all  who  wore  the  Carmelite  scapular. 
This,  as  Father  Crasset  relates,  was  proclaimed 
by  the  same  pontiff  in  a  bull  which  was  after- 
wards confirmed  by  Alexander  V.,  Clement  VIL, 
Pius  v.,  Gregory  XIIL,  and  Paul  V."  (^hid.  p. 
196). 

The  date  in  the  calendar  is  July  16. 

18.  The  Expected  Delivery  of  St.  Mary 
{Expectatio  Partus  Beatae  Mariae  Virginis). 

This  festival  grew  up  in  Spain  at  the  end  of 
the  16th  century.  Its  observance  was  extended 
to  Venetia,  A.D.  1695,  and  to  other  parts  of 
Italy,  by  Benedict  XIIL,  A.D.  1725. 

Its  purpose  is  indicated  by  its  name. 

Its  date  in  the  calendar  is  December  18. 

19.  The  Translation  of  the  House  of 
LORETTO  (  Translatio  clarae  domus  Lauretanae). 

This  festival  was  instituted  and  approved  for 
the  province  of  Picenum,  A.D.  1669.  Its  ob- 
servance was  extended  by  Benedict  XIIL,  A.D. 
1719,  and  1729  to  Italy  and  the  Spanish  domi- 
nions. 

Its  purpose  is  to  commemorate  the  alleged 
fact  that  the  house  in  which  St.  Mary  lived  in 
Nazareth,  in  which  the  Annunciation  took  place, 
was  carried  through  the  air,  A.D.  1294,  first  to 
Dalmatia,  and  then  to  three  different  sites  in 
Italy.  This  legend  is  still  vouched  for  by  his- 
torians such  as  Rohrbacher  (Hist.  Univ.  de 
rEglise  Catholique,  vol.  xix.  p.  321,  Paris,  1851). 
All  that  can  be  said  for  or  against  it  is  com- 
pressed into  an  article  by  the  Rev.  E.  S.  Ffoulkes 
in  the  Christian  Remembrancer  (April,  1854, 
Lond.). 

Its  date  in  the  calendar  is  December  10. 

20.  The  Protection  of  St.  Mary  (Patro- 
ciiiium  Beatae  Mariae  Virginis). 

This  festival,  which  has  nothing  to  do  with 
the  Russian  festival  of  similar  name,  was  insti- 
tuted A.D.  1679,  and  confirmed  by  Benedict  XIIL 
at  the  beginning  of  the  18th  century. 

Its  purpose  is  to  encourage  prayer  to  St.  Mary 
and  confidence  in  her  protection. 

Its  date  in  the  calendar.— it  is  appointed  to 
be  observed  in  Spain  on  a  Sunday  in  November, 
in  England  on  the  fourth  Sunday  in  October. 

21.  Blessed  Mary  de  Mercede  {Beatae 
Mariae  de  Mercede). 


1148 


MARY 


This  festival  was  instituted  in  the  17th  century, 
first  for  the  order  de  Mercede,  then  for  Spain, 
and  then  for  France.  Its  observance  was  ex- 
tended to  all  Roman  Christendom  by  Innocent 

Its  purpose  is  to  commemorate  an  alleged  ap- 
pearance of  St.  Mary,  which  is  said  to  have 
caused  the  institution  of  the  order  de  Mercede. 
The  members  of  the  order,  besides  taking  the 
vows  of  chastity,  poverty,  and  obedience,  bound 
themselves  to  redeem  captives  by  delivering 
themselves  into  slavery. 

The  date  in  the  calendar  is  Sept.  24. 

The  remaining  festivals,  the  Help  OF  Chris- 
tians, the  Most  Pore  Heart,  the  Maternity, 
the  Purity,  have  special  masses,  sanctioned  by 
popes,  and  appointed  to  be  said  in  England  and 
in  the  Jesuit  congregations,  but  they  have  hardly 
yet  become  recognised  festivals. 

The  Saturday  began  to  be  appropriated  to  St. 
Mary's  honour  by  an  appointment  of  Urban  II., 
A.D.  1096.  This  was  made  of  universal  obliga- 
tion by  Pius  v.,  A.D.  1568. 

It  will  be  seen  from  the  above  that  the  two 
festivals  of  the  Purification  and  the  Annuncia- 
tion were  instituted  as  early  as  the  6th  century, 
and  that  they  were  originally  festivals  of  our 
Lord  rather  than  of  St.  Mary.  The  Assumption, 
the  Nativity,  and  the  Presentation,  which  illus- 
trate the  early  Gnostic  legends  of  St.  Mary's  birth 
and  death,  belong  to  the  7th  and  the  beginning 
of  the  8th  century.  The  Vestment,  the  Girdle, 
and  the  Synaiis  belong  to  the  9th  century  ;  the 
(Russian)  Protection  to  the  10th;  the  Concep- 
tion and  the  Dedication  of  St.  Mary  at  Snows  to 
the  12th  ;  the  Visitation,  the  Espousals,  and  the 
Name  of  Mary  to  the  14th  ;  the  Seven  Sorrows, 
the  Rosary,  Mount  Carmel,  the  Delivery,  to  the 
16th ;  the  House  of  Loretto,  the  (Latin)  Pro- 
tection, the  de  Mercede,  to  the  17th  ;  the  Aid 
of  Christians,  the  Most  Pure  Heart,  the  Maturity, 
the  Purity,  and  the  Immaculate  Conception,  to 
the  18th  and  the  19th  centuries. 

Boolis  that  may  be  consulted,  in  addition  to 
those  named  under  the  dilierent  headings,  are  : — 
Ado,  Marty rolog turn,  apud  Migne,  Patrologia,  tom. 
cxxiii,  Paris,  1852 ;  Usuardus,  Martyrologium, 
ibid. ;  Beda,  Martyrologia,  ibid.  tom.  xciv.  Paris, 
1852  ;  Florentinius,  Vetustius  Occidentalis  Eccle- 
siae  Martyrologium,  Lucca,  1668;  Durandus, 
Rationale  Divinorum  Officiomm,  Venice,  1577  ; 
Belethus,  Explicatio  Divinorum  Officiorum,  Venice, 
1577 ;  Baronius,  Martyrologium  liomanum,  Rome, 
1586  ;  Hospinianus,  Festa  Chris tianorujn,  Tiguri, 
1612  ;  Benedictus  Papa  XIV.,  Be  Festis  apud 
Migne,  Theologian  Curs.  Compl.  tom.  xxvi.  Paris, 
1842  ;  Zaccaria,  Dissertazioni  varie  Italiane, 
Romae,  1780 ;  Neale,  Holy  Eastern  Church, 
General  Introduction,  Lond.  1850 ;  Bingham, 
Antiijuities  of  the  Christian  Church,  bk.  xx.  c.  viii! 
Lond.  1726 ;  Tillemont,  Me'moires  pour  serzir 
a  I'histoire  cccle'siastii]ue  des  six  premiers  Siecles, 
Bruxelles,  1706  ;  Tyler,  Worship  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin  Mary,  Lond.  1851  ;  Migne,  Snnima  Aurea 
de  Laudib'is  Virginis,  Paris,  1862 ;  Trombelli,  de 
Cultu publico  abecclesid  B.  Mariae  exhibito,  Paris, 
1862  ;  Smith,  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  s.  v.  Mary 
the  Virgin,  Lond.  1863.  [F.  M.] 

MARY,  ST.,  THE  VIRGIN  (in  Art).  The 

history  of  the  Virgin  Mary  in  Art  corresponds  to 
that  of  our  Blessed  Lord  in  the  complete  absence. 


MARY 

in  the  early  ages  of  the  church,  of  any  repre- 
sentations of  her  person  having  the  smallest 
claim  to  authenticity.  The  words  of  St.  Augustine 
(de  Trinitate,  lib.  viii.  c.  5)  are  express  on  this 
point :  "  Neque  novimus  faciem  Virginis  Mariae  ;" 
while  what  he  says  of  the  different  ideas  formed 
by  dift'erent  persons  of  her  lineaments,  all  pro- 
bably widely  at  variance  with  the  truth,  indi- 
cates not  only  the  absence  of  any  recognised  type 
of  portrait,  but  also  that  pictures  of  her  were 
of  extreme  rarity,  if  indeed  they  existed  at  all. 

When  found  the  Virgin  Mary  appears  in  all 
the  earliest  representations  as  a  member  of  an 
historical  group  depicting  a  scriptural  subject, 
such  as  the  Annunciation,  the  Visitation,  the 
Nativity,  the  Adoration  of  the  Magi,  the  Presen- 
tation in  the  Temple,  and  Christ  among  the 
Doctors.  By  far  the  most  frequent  is  the  Adora- 
tion of  the  Magi,  which  recurs  in  countless 
examples  of  all  the  various  forms  of  Christian 
art — carved  on  sarcophagi,  sculptured  on  ivories, 
or  depicted  in  the  mosaics  of  the  basilicas,  and 
the  frescoes  of  the  catacombs,  thus  evidencing  the 
hold  that  subject  had  gained  on  the  mind  of  the 
early  Christian  church.  [Magi,  Adoration  op 
THE.]  The  Nativity  without  the  Magi  is  of  very 
rare  occurrence,  being  only  found  on  minor 
works  of  art,  such  as  coins,  gems,  ivories,  or 
sarcophagi  [Nativity].  The  Annunciation  also 
appears  very  seldom.  It  is  represented  in  one  of 
the  compartments  of  the  vast  mosaic  composition 
that  clothes  the  western  face  of  the  arch  of 
Triumph  in  S.  Maria  Maggiore  in  Rome  (c.  a.d. 
433).  In  this  the  Virgin,  richly  robed,  but 
without  a  nimbus,  is  seated  in  a  chair,  behind 
which  two  nimbed  angels  stand ;  the  archangel 
Gabriel  stands  in  front,  while  the  Holy  Dove 
hovers  above  in  the  air,  together  with  a  second 
Gabriel.  This  mosaic  also  includes  two  other 
subjects,  in  addition  to  the  Adoration  of  the 
Magi  (see  woodcut  Angels,  Vol.  1.  p.  84),  in 
which  the  Virgin  appears,  viz.,  the  Presen- 
tation in  the  Temple,  and  Christ  among  the 
Doctors.  In  all  these  subjects  the  Virgin  has 
her  head  uncovered,  is  without  the  nimbus, 
and  is  very  richly  clad  in  a  gold  robe,  and  is 
decorated  with  earrings,  necklace,  and  head 
jewels.  (See  Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  vol.  i.  p.  207, 
tav.  li. ;  D'Agincourt,  Pcinture,  pi.  xvi.  no.  4, 
S.  Kens.  Museum,  no.  7445.)  The  Annunciation 
is  also  found  on  the  north  wall  of  the  apse  of 
the  Cathedral  of  Parenzo,  in  Istria,  with  the 
Visitation  opposite  to  it.  The  Virgin  is  here 
seated,  with  her  head  encircled  by  a  nimbus,  at 
the  door  of  a  small  gabled  cottage,  and  the  angel 
stands  before  her.  A  later  example  is  seen  in 
the  mosaics  of  St.  Nereus  and  St.  Achilleus  at 
Rome,  A.D.  796.  The  catacomb  of  St.  Pris- 
cilla  contains  a  fresco,  which  may  very  probably 
be  identified  with  this  same  subject.  In  this, 
the  drawing  of  which  is  excellent  (see  woodcut 
No.  1),  we  have  a  young  man  fully  clothed, 
without  wings  or  any  of  the  later  angelic  at- 
tributes, with  extended  right  hand,  addressing  a 
seated  female,  who  with  downcast  eyes  and 
uplifted  left  hand  seems  to  be  receiving  the 
speaker's  messiige  with  devout  submission.  The 
earlier  illustrators  of  the  catacombs  were  far 
from  expressing  the  certainty  now  exhibited  as 
to  the  subject  of  this  picture.  Bosio  says  that 
it  is  impossible  to  determine  what  story  it  repre- 
sents.     Bottari  (p.   141)  expresses  his   opinion 


MARY 

with  hesitation,  that  this  may  be  intended  for 
the  Annunciation,  which  is  considered  probable 
by  Mr.  Wharton  Marriott  (Test,  of  Catacombs, 
p.  24),  and  is  positively  affirmed  by  Garrucci. 
(See  Bosio,  541;  Bottari,  tav.  176;  Garrucci, 
tav.  75,  no.  1 ;  Parker's  Photogr.  no.  541.)  In 
the  same  catacomb  there  is  another  fresco,  the 


MARY 


1149 


subject  of  which,  though  its  reference  to  the 
Virgin  is  unquestionable,  it  is  very  difficult  to 
determine;  nor  is  its  date  accurately  fixed.  It 
forms  "  a  very  small  portion  of  a  piece  of  deco- 
rative worlc  which,"  according  to  Mr.  Wharton 
Marriott  (u.  s.  p.  26),  "  with  the  single  excep- 
tion of  this  group,  might  have  been  found  in  the 
tomb  of  the  Nasos,  or  any  other  purely  pagan 
building."  The  beauty  of  the  composition,  and 
the  dignity  and  grace  of  the  figures,  together 
with  the  freedom  of  their  action,  so  unlike  the 
poverty  and  stiffness  which  characterise  the 
later  frescoes,  point  to  an  early  date.  De'  Rossi 
assigns  it  to  the  reign  of  Trajan  or  Hadrian, 
or  at  the  latest  to  the  time  of  the  Antonines, 
i.  e.  the  close  of  the  2nd  or  beginning  of  the  3rd 
century,  while  Mr.  J.  H.  Parker,  with  less  pro- 
bability,  brings   it  down  as  late   as    a.d.   523. 


The  fresco  in  question  (see  woodcut  No.  2)  con- 
sists of  a  seated  figure  of  the  Virgin,  veiled, 
clothed  in  a  tunic  with  a  pallium  over,  un- 
nimbed,   clasping   her  Infant,    also   destitute  of 


the  nimbus,  to  her  naked  bosom.  Before  her 
stands  a  young  man,  with  a  pallium  over  his 
naked  body,  holding  a  roll  in  his  left  hand,  and 
with  the  index  finger  of  his  outstretched  right 
hand  pointing  towards  the  Virgin,  and  a  star 
(discovered  by  De'  Kossi)  in  the  sky  above.  This 
is  very  reasonably  interpreted  by  Mr.  Wharton 
Marriott  (u.s.)  of  the  Holy  Family,  the  conven- 
tional representation  of  Joseph  as  an  old  man, 
with  which  we  are  so  familiar,  being  of  later 
date.  De'  Rossi  however,  less  probably,  identi- 
fies the  young  man  with  one  of  the  prophets 
of  the  old  covenant,  perhaps  Isaiah,  pointing  to 
the  Star  of  Bethlehem  and  to  the  Virgin  and  the 
Infant  Saviour  as  the  great  subject  of  prophetic 
testimony.  (De'  Rossi,  imagines  Selectae  Vir- 
ginis  Deiparae ;  Garrucci,  Arti  cristiane  primi- 
tive, tav.  81 ;  Northcote,  JRoma  Sott.  p.  258,  pi.  x. 
fig.  1.)  The  Visitation  given  by  Bosio  (p.  579), 
from  the  catacomb  of  pope  Julius,  or  St.  Valen- 
tinus  on  the  Flaminian  VVay,  is  evidently  of  late 
date  (Aringhi,  i.  181 ;  Munter,  Sinnbilder,  ii. 
p.  26).  We  may  also  mention  a  group  of  three 
figures  given  by  Bosio  (p.  279),  and  Bottari 
(tab.  82),  from  an  arcosolium  in  the  cemetery 
of  Callistus,  which  is  not  unreasonably  identified 
by  Garrucci  (Macarius,  Hagioglypta,  p.  242),  De' 
Rossi,  and  Martigny  {Diet,  des  Ant.  chre't.  p.  266) 
with  the  Holy  Family.  It  presents  a  bearded 
man  clothed  in  a  tunic  and  pallium  in  the  centre, 
a  veiled  female  to  the  left,  and  a  child  of  about 
eight  years  old,  with  his  hands  extended  in  prayer, 
to  the  right.  It  should,  however,  be  mentioned 
that  the  earlier  school  of  antiquaries,  Bosio, 
Bottari,  and  Aringhi,  considered  that  these  figures 
were  representations  of  the  persons  buried  in 
the  tomb  below.  De'  Rossi  gives  an  analogous 
picture  from  a  mutilated  fresco  in  the  cemetery 
of  Priscilla(/7«,rt(7.  Select.  Virg.  Deiparae,  tab.  iv.), 
and  refers  to  a  sarcophagus  in  the  museum  at 
Aries  (No.  26),  where  a  child  is  conducted  by  the 
hand  by  a  male  figure  towards  a  female,  which 
he  considers  represents  the  same  sacred  group. 
Martigny  {Famille  Sainte). 

Symbolical  representations  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin  are  of  the  greatest  rarity  in  Early  Chris- 
tian art.  Among  the  innumerable  paintings 
which  decorate  the  walls  and  ceilings  of  the  cubi- 
cula  of  the  catacombs,  the  subjects  of  nearly  all 
of  which  can  be  at  once  identified  without  the 
slightest  question,  there  are  very  few  which  are 
even  claimed  as  representations  of  the  Virgin. 
De'  Rossi,  who  has  devoted  a  special  treatise  to 
this  subject,  has  done  his  best  to  demonstrate 
the  early  date  and  the  frequent  occurrence  of  pic- 
tures of  the  Virgin  Mary,  either  alone  or  with 
her  Divine  Son,  as  an  object  of  religious  reve- 
rence {Imagines  Selectae  Virginia  Deiparae) ;  but 
the  evidence  he  produces  is  both  so  meagre  and 
so  questionable  as  rather  to  prove  the  extreme 
rarity  of  such  representations,  before  the  rise  of 
the  Nestorian  heresy  had  elevated  the  QeorSKOS 
into  the  outward  and  visible  expression  of  the 
orthodox  faith. 

The  symbolical  pictures  of  the  Virgin,  as  dis- 
tinguished from  the  historical,  may  be  divided 
into  two  classes,  (a)  those  in  which  she  appear.s 
with  her  Divine  Son,  and  (/')  those  in  which 
she  is  represented  alone,  standing  as  an  "  orante," 
with  arms  outstretched  and  hands  upraised  ia 
attitude  of  prayer.  The  most  famous  of  the  pic- 
tures of  the  first  class  is  the  fresco  on  the  plafond 


1160 


MARY 


of  an  arcosolmm  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Agnes 
on  the  Via  Nomentana  (woodcut  No.  3).  It  is  tho- 
roughly Byzantine  in  character,  its  stiff  religious 
symmetry  contrasting  most  strongly  with  the 
freedom  and  grace  of  those  just  described,  from 


Ko.  3.    Virgin  and  Child.     Fresco  from  St.  Agnes. 

the  cemetery  of  St.  Priscilla.  It  can  hardly 
be  placed  earlier  than  the  fii-st  years  of  the  5th 
century,  though  De'  Rossi  assigns  it  to  the  time 
of  Ccnstantine.  It  represents  quarter-length 
figures  of  a  mother  and  child,  the  latter  standing 
in  front,  clothed  in  a  blue  tunic  up  to  the  neck. 
The  mother  stands  behind,  vested  in  a  green  tunic, 
and  a  pallium  falling  over  her  arms,  with  her  head 
covered  with  a  veil  and  circlet  of  beads  round 
her  neck,  and  extends  her  arms  in  the  attitude 
of  prayer.  Neither  have  the  nimbus.  The  sacred 
monogram  ^  on  either  side  is  turned  towards 
the  group.  This  picture  is  generally  recognised 
as  that  of  the  Virgin  Mary  and  the  infant  Christ, 
but  the  identification  cannot  be  considered  beyond 
question.  Bottari,  following  Bosio,  considered  it 
merely  a  memorial  of  the  persons  buried  in  the 
sepulchral  recess.  This  idea  is  strengthened  by 
the  frequent  occurrence  of  portraits  in  the  same 
position  in  other  arcosolia  which  are  unquestion- 
ably of  that  character  (cf.  Bosio,  pp.  473,  499). 
Its  identification  with  the  Virgin  and  her  Divine 
Son  is  asserted  by  Garrucci  {A)-ti  cristiane  pri- 
mitive, vol.  ii.  tav.  66,  no.  1),  byMarchi  (p.  157), 
(who  has  some  excellent  remarks  on  the  infinite 
distance  between  the  Mother  and  the  Son,  indi- 
cated by  the  fact  that  she  alone  is  represented  as 
in  the  act  of  prayer),  and  De'  Rossi  {[mag.  Select. 
pi.  VI.),  and  is  accepted  by  the  judicious  Munter 
iSinvhilder,  tom.  ii.  p.  I'is)  and  Wharton  Mar- 
riott (w.  s.  pp.  28,  29).  (See  Bosio,  p.  471 ;  Bot- 
tari dm.)  There  is  also  a  seated  female  figure 
with  unveiled  head  giving  suck  to  a  naked  infant, 
given  by  Bosio  (p.  549),  and  Bottari  (tav.  180) 
from  the  cemetery  of  St.  Priscilla,  which  may 
be  reasonably  identified  with  the  Virgin  and 
Holy  Child.  It  deserves  remark  that  this  group 
occupies  a  subordinate  position  in  the  ri^ht-hand 
corner  of  the  lunette,  a  tall  and  stately  matron 
as  an  orante,  identified  by  Bosio  with  Priscilla 
herself,  being  the  central  object.  But  the  whole 
subject  of  this  lunette  is  obscure.  Amontr  the 
few  undoubted  pictures  of  the  Virgin,  furnished 
by  the  catacombs,  there  are  two  of  late  date 
given  by  Perret.  In  both  she  is  accompanied  by 
her  bou.  Neither  can  be  placed  earlier  than  the 
»th  century.  That  from  the  baptistery  of 
Valerian  under  the  church  of  St.  Urban  alia 
Caftarella,  a  rude  and  ignorant  work,  represents 
the  Virgin  in  a  blue  veil  over  a  red  tunic 
holding  Christ  on  her  knees  in  the  act  of  bene- 


diction.   MP  0V  is    inscribed  abov. 


group 


MARY 

(Perret,  vol.  i.  pi.  83).  In  the  other,  known 
as  the  "  Madonna  della  Stella,"  from  a  catacomb 
on  the  Appian  Way,  near  AlbaDo,  Christ  is  placed 
between  his  Mother  to  his  right,  and  St.  Sina- 
ragdus  to  his  left.  Her  hands  are  outspread  in 
prayer,  and  miter  thev  is  written  above  her 
(Perret,  ih.  pi.  84  ;  Agincourt,  Peinture,  pi.  v. 
no.  23).  A  fresco  of  the  Virgin  and  Child, 
discovered  by  Mr.  Parker  in  the  corridor,  or 
sentinel's  path,  in  the  Wall  of  Aurelian,  near 
the  Appian  Gate  (now  the  Porta  di  San  Sebas- 
tiano),  is  perhaps  one  of  the  earliest  examples  of 
the  Virgin  and  Child  extant.  From  the  style  of 
the  painting,  which  is  Byzantine  of  the  6th  cen- 
tury, it  may  probably  be  regarded  as  the  work 
of  some  Greek  artist  for  the  religious  benefit  of 
the  troops  of  Belisarius  during  the  siege  by 
Vitiges,  A.D.  538,  when  the  fortifications  of  the 
city  were  generally  repaired.  It  is  executed  on 
a  piece  of  lath  and  plaster  stretching  across 
the  corridor,  through  which  the  guards  would 
pass.  The  painting  possesses  "  a  kind  of  solemn 
grace,  characteristic  of  the  best  Byzantine  art." 
The  Virgin  is  represented  standing,  holding  her 
Son  on  her  right  arm.  She  is  veiled,  and  both 
have  the  nimbus.  (Cf  Mr.  Tyrwhitt's  remarks 
in  Mr.  Parker's  Church  and  Altar  Decorations 
and  Mosaics,  p.  157 ;  Parker's  Photographs,  no. 
1208.) 

The  second  class  of  representations,  viz.  those 
in  which  the  Virgin  appears  alone,  without  her 
Divine  Son,  while  it  supplies  a  very  large  number 
of  possible  examples,  furnishes  very  hw  that  can 
be  certainly  identified  with  the  Mother  of  our 
Lord.  No  object  is  of  more  frequent  occurrence 
in  every  form  of  early  Christian  art,  on  sarco- 
phagi and  monumental  slabs,  on  gilded  glasses, 
in  mosaics,  and  especially  in  the  catacomb  fres- 
coes, than  the  so-called  "  oranti,"  i.  e.  standing 
figures,  witli  the  arms  extended  in  what  was  of 
old  the  ordinary  attitude  of  prayer.  These 
figures  are  of  both  sexes,  but  the  females  largely 
predominate,  and  are  represented  either  alone, 
which  is  the  more  usual  practice,  or  supported  by 
a  male  figure  on  either  hand.  These  "  oranti  " 
were  generally  unhesitatingly  regarded  by  Bosio, 
Aringhi,  Boldetti,  and  the  earlier  investigators, 
as  memorial  pictures  of  the  individuals  interred 
below.  Others  consider  the  female  "  oranti  "  to 
be  symbolical  representations  of  the  Church. 
This  view  is  stated  by  Martigny  (Eglise,  p.  226, 
§  2)  as  well  as  by  Garrucci  ( Vetri,  tav.  xxxis. 
n.  3)  and  is  far  from  improbable.  One  or 
two  are  considered  by  Bosio  to  be  pictures 
of  the  Virgin,  though  it  is  difficult  to  see 
on  what  principle  he  distinguishes  them  from 
the  others.  De'  Rossi,  on  the  other  hand, 
and  his  translators,  Messrs.  Northcote  and 
Brownlow,  have  adopted  the  opposite  rule  of 
interpretation,  and  have  thus  enlarged  the  list 
of  supposed  catacomb-frescoes  of  the  Virgin  to 
an  almost  indefinite  extent,  and  certainly  far 
beyond  what  the  facts  admit.  Dr.  Northcote 
allows  that  the  female  oranti  may  possibly  in 
some  instances  have  "  denoted  some  martyr  or 
person  of  distinction  buried  in  the  principal 
tomb  of  the  cubiculum  where  the  painting  is 
found  "  (R.  S.  p.  255).  But  in  forgetfulness  of  the 
fact  that  male  oranti  and  children  are  often  found 
in  precisely  the  same  positions  and  with  the  same 
surroundings,  and  that  the  names  of  the  indivi- 
not   unfrequently    given,    he    speaks 


duals 


MAKY 

of  this  as  only  a  "  conjecture  "  which  "  may 
possibly  be  sometimes  correct,"  but  which  he 
"  feels  certain  is  inadmissible  in  the  great  majo- 
rity of  caseo"  (u.  s.).  The  combination  of  the 
figure  of  a  female  orante  in  the  same  system  of 
decoration  with  that  of  the  Good  Shepherd,  which 
is  deemed  by  Dr.  Northcote  as  evidence  that 
the  former  was  intended  for  that  of  the  Virgin, 
may  be  rather  regarded  as  a  conventional  rule 
of  ornamentation,  on  which  nothing  can  be  safely 
built.  The  example  selected  by  Dr.  Northcote  as 
one  of  his  illustrations  {Roma  Sotterran-ea,  pi. 
viii.),  m  which  a  female  orante  is  placed  side  by 
side  with  the  Guod  Shepherd,  so  as  to  form  one 
picture,  was  previously  identified  by  Bosio  (p.  387) 
with  the  Virgin.  There  is,  however,  nothing 
whatsoever  to  distinguish  this  female  figure 
from  the  countless  similar  examples  given  in  his 
work,  while  the  erroneousness  of  the  identifica- 
tion here  is  proved  by  the  occurrence  of  a  scourge 
loaded  with  lead  or  iron  (plumbata)  painted  by 
the  side  of  the  orante,  indicating  her  unmistake- 
ably  as  a  Christian  martyr.  This  attribute  of 
martyrdom  has  been  unfortunately  omitted  by  Dr. 
Northcote's  draughtsman  in  his  plate,  and  thus 
the  meaning  of  the  drawing  has  been  uninten- 
tionally misrepresented.  The  dove  which  we 
find  as  an  adjunct  to  some  oranti — e.g.  one 
from  St.  Agnes  (Bosio,  p.  461)— might  be  sup- 
posed to  indicate  the  Virgin  did  we  not  find  it 
in  precisely  the  same  combination  on  the  closing 
slab  of  ordinary  lociili,  with  the  name  of  the 
person  represented  annexed,  e.  g.  Bosio,  p.  508, 
"Constantius  Deciae  conjugi  quae  vixit  mecum 
annos  xxxiii."  Neither  are  the  supporting  male 
figures  to  the  right  and  left  of  the  orante — usually, 
and  with  great  probability,  identified  with  St. 
Peter  and  St.  Paul,  whose  names  are  often, 
especially  on  the  gilded  glasses,  inscribed  above 
them — altogether  infallible  marks.  One  from  the 
catacomb  of  St.  Cyriaca,  on  the  Via  Tiburtina, 
presenting  a  group  of  two  bearded  men  with 
extended  arms  supporting  those  of  a  matron, 
though  almost  identical  with  others  referred 
unquestioniugly  to  the  Virgin,  did  not  receive 
this  interpretation  from  Bosio,  who  simply  de- 
scribes it  as  "qualche  sagra  vergine  o  matrona  " 
(some  holy  virgin  or  matron)  (p.  405).  We  have 
other  analogous  examples  in  Bosio  (p.  381),  where 
the  supporting  figures  are  young  men,  running 
up  to  a  matron,  and  (p.  389).  In  fine  the 
result  of  a  careful  investigation  of  the  supposed 
representations  of  the  Virgin  as  an  orante  is  that 
so  far  from  "  the  majority  of  instances,"  as  stated 
by  Dr.  Northcote,  bearing  an  unquestionable  re- 
ference to  the  Mother  of  our  Lord,  the  number 
where  there  is  no  room  for  doubt  as  to  the 
subject  is  exceedingly  small.* 

There  is  no  department  of  early  Christian  art 
m  which  the  representations  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin  are  more  abundant  and  more  unquestion- 

»  That  the  orantes  may  be  often  regarded  as  memorial 
reprf  sentations  of  persons  interred  in  the  cemetery  where 
they  appear  Is  proved  by  instances  in  which  a  name  is 
inscribed  over  the  figure,  the  same  name  being  found  in  the 
epiaph  below.  E.g.,  ffrato  (Perret,  vol.  iil.  pi.  7);  Ju- 
liana on  a  sarcophagus  {ih.  v.  pi.  40),  Garrucci  has  some 
wise  cautions  against  lerarding  all  orantes  as  pictures  of 
the  Virgin  (Macarius.  Ilagioglypt.  p.  170  note).  On  the 
subject  of  orantes  in  geneial,  see  Munter  (Sinnbilder,  ii. 
p.  1 H  ff.) ;  Grimouard  de  Saint-Laurent  {Art  Chretien,  vl. 
p.  328,  note  F). 


MAEY 


1151 


able  than  the  gilded  glasses  from  the  catacombs, 
which  it  is  hardly  possible  to  place  later  than 
the  first  quarter  of  the  5th  century.  [Glass.] 
But  even  here  the  difficulty  of  accurately  distin- 
guishing the  ordinary  orante  from  the  Blessed 
Virgin  is  candidly  acknowledged  by  De'  Rossi 
{Imagines  Selectae).  While  desiring  to  make  the 
number  as  large  as  possible  he  confesses  that 
it  is  never  possible  to  assert  that  the  Virgin  is 
the  person  jepresented,  except  when  the  name 
"  Maria  "  occurs,  or  when  she  is  accompanied  by 
St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul.  Even  this  last  test  is 
not  deemed  a  true  one  by  Garrucci,  who  remarks 
(  Vetri  Ornati,  pp.  26,  27)  that  other  perfectly 
similar  examples  of  a  female  figure  bearing  a 
diflerent  name,  Peregrina,  Agnes,  etc.,  standing 
between  two  apostles  (particularly  a  sarcophagus 
at  Saragossa,  where  "Floria"  is  the  central 
name)  suggest  the  doubt  whether  when  "Maria" 
occurs  it  necessarily  indicates  the  Blessed  Virgin. 
This  doubt  seems  hardly  well  grounded.  The 
frequency  with  which  the  name  Agnes  occurs  on 
these  gilded  glasses — Garrucci  gives  no  fewer 
than  fourteen  {u.  s.  tav.  xxi.  xxii.) — points  to 
the  conclusion  that  it  was  not  any  ordinary 
female  bearing  that  name,  but  the  holy  maiden  St. 
Agues,  who  was  intended.  The  same  argument 
holds  good  with  still  greater  cogency  for  the  name 
Maria,  although  the  entire  absence  of  any  conven- 
tional attributes  forbids  absolute  certainty  on 
the  point.  We  give  two  examples  from  Garrucci 
(tav.  ix.  fig.  6,  7)  of  these  gilded  glasses.  On 
both  we  have  the  Virgin,  depicted  as  an  orante 
supported  by  the  two  chief  apostles.     No.  4  was 


discovered  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Agnes.  The 
rolls  on  either  side  of  the  Virgin's  head  are 
symbols  of  the  Holy  Scriptures.  In  No.  5,  from 
the  Borgian  Museum  at  the  Propaganda,  it  will 
be  observed  that  the  relative  positions  of  St. 
Peter  and  St.  Paul  are  reversed.  Another 
gilded  glass  (Garrucci,  tav.  ix.  fig.  10 ;  Perret, 
iv.  pi.  XX. ;  Aringhi,  ii.  p.  689)  in  the  Vatican 
Library,  gives  a  female  figure  with  the  name 
"  Maria  "  above  her  head,  standing  alone  between 
two  trees  with  birds  resting  on  pillars  by  her 
side.  Another  (Garrucci,  ib.  fig.  U)  gives  the 
name  "  Mara  "  above  the  female  figure.  It  is 
doubtful  whether  this  is  a  mistake  for  "Maria" 


1152 


MARY 


or  is  a  distinct  name.  "Mara"  is  found  in  epi- 
taphs given  by  Boldetti,  482,  547.  Some  of  tlie 
glasses  present  St.  Agnes  and  the  Blessed  Virgin 
standing  side  by  side  as  examples  of  holy  vir- 
ginity.    These  glasses  supply  one  example  of  the 


seated  Virgin  with  the  infant  Christ  on  her 
knees.  The  Holy  Child  extends  His  right  hand 
in  benediction,  and  is  attended  by  a  deacon 
holding  a  fan.  (See  the  woodcut  under  Flabel- 
LUM,  No.  5 ;  Vol.  I.  p.  676.) 

To  pass  from  glasses  to  monumental  slabs.  A 
very  curious  example,  which  can  hardly  be 
placed  later  than  the  4th  century,  is  found  in 
the  crypt  of  St.  Mary  Magdalene  at  St.  Maximin 
in  Provence  (Martigny,  art.  Vierge,  p.  660 ;  Ma- 
carius,  Hagioglypta,  36  ;  Le  Blant,  Inscr.  Chr^t. 
de  la  Gaule,  ii.  277  ;  Faillon,  Monumens  ineditssur 
I'Apostolat  de  St.  M.  Magd.  i.  p.  775).  Here  the 
Virgin  is  represented  alone,  unnimbed,  in  the 
attitude  of  pi-ayer,  with  long  hair  ilowing  down 
upon  her  breast.  The  inscription,  rudely  incised 
on  the  slab,  runs  thus,  "  Maria  Virgo  Minester 
de  Tempulo  Gerosale."  There  is  an  evident  re- 
ference here  to  the  legend  recorded  in  the  apo- 
cryphal gospels  of  the  Virgin  having  spent  her 
early  years  in  holy  ministrations  in  the  Temple. 
(Protevang.  Jacobi,  §  7,  8  ;  Evang.  Pseudo-Matth. 
§  4-6 ;  Evang.  Kativ.  Mariae,  §  6,  7.) 

The  earliest  instance  of  a  single  figure  of  the 
Virgin  in  mosaic  is  that  in  the  vault  of  the  tri- 
bune of  the  chapel  of  St.  Venantius  at  St.  John 
Lateran.  This  is  the  work  of  Byzantine  artists 
under  the  Greek  popes  John  IV.  and  Theodore, 
640-649.  The  upper  portion  of  the  mosaic  gives 
a  medallion  bust  of  Christ  supported  by  two 
angels,  immediately  below  stands  the  Virgin 
with  her  arms  outstretched  and  the  palms  ex- 
panded, as  the  central  figure,  with  six  of  the 
apostles  on  either  side  of  her.  Both  she  and 
they  have  the  same  nimbus  with  Christ  and  the 
angels.  She  is  dressed  in  a  dark  blue  tunic  and 
white  veil,  with  a  small  cross  on  her  bosom. 
(Ciampini,  ii.  p.  107,  tab.  xxxi. ;  D'Agincourt, 
Peintures,  xvii.  1.)  Similar  but  rather  later 
mosaic  pictures  of  the  Virgin  as  an  orante 
exist  above  the  altar  of  the  archiepiscopal 
chapel  at  Ravenna,  saved  from  the  wreck  of  the 
former  cathedral,  and  in  the  Capella  Ricca,  in 
the  church  of  St.  Mark,  Florence,  brought  from 


MARY 

the  old  church  of  St  Peter,  at  Rome,  dated 
A.D.  703.  There  is  also  at  Ravenna,  in  the 
church  of  Sta.  Maria  in  Porto,  a  bas-relief  of  the 
Virgin  as  an  orante  (woodcut  No.  6),  of  Greek 
workmanship,  probably  of  the  6th  or  7th  centurv. 


Her  features  are  very  regular  and  beautiful,  quite 
of  the  Greek  type.  Crosses  are  embroidered  on 
the  wrists,  shoulders,  and  knees  of  her  tunic, 
and  on  the  borders  of  the  mantle.  Her  head 
is  veiled  and  surrounded  by  a  nimbus.  The  con- 
tracted forms  of  Mr]TTip  &eov  are  inscribed  above 
on  either  side. 

The  condemnation  of  the  Nestorian  heresy  by 
the  council  of  Ephesus,  A.D.  431,  gave  a  power- 
ful impulse  to  the  production  of  pictures  of  "  the 
Mother  of  God,"  which  was  never  subsequently 
lost.  From  this  period  the  Virgin  and  Infant 
Christ  became  the  symbol  of  the  orthodox  faith, 
which  was  represented  in  every  possible  way,  in 
paintings  and  mosaics,  in  sculpture,  and  even  on 
garments,  personal  ornaments,  and  furniture. 
There  was  no  attempt  to  produce  a  portrait,  but 
simply  to  portray  the  ideal  QeorSKOs  as  a  theo- 
logical symbol.  The  type  adopted  was  probably 
not  a  new  one.  It  has  been  observed  by  Mrs. 
Jameson  (Legends  of  the  Madonna)  that  St. 
Cyril  of  Alexandria,  who  played  so  important 
a  part  in  this  controversy,  and  had  so  much  to 
do  in  fixing  the  dogma,  must  in  his  episcopal  city 
have  become  familiar  with  the  Egyptian  group  of 
Isis  nursing  the  infant  Horus,  which  may  have 
suggested  the  analogous  Christian  subject,  even  as 
at  an  earlier  date  the  Good  Shepherd  was  derived 
from  a  classical  type.  It  is  just  after  the  council 
of  Ephesus  that  we  meet  with  the  first  pro- 
fessedly authentic  portrait  of  the  Virgin— an 
interesting  instance  of  the  new  demand  creating 
a  supply.  This  is  the  famous  Hodegetria  {'OSr)- 
yrjTpia),  which  was  for  so  many  centuries  re- 
garded with  the  deepest  reverence  by  the  Greeks, 
as  an  imperial  palladium,  and  borne  in  a  superb 
car  or  litter  to  the  battle-field  when  the  emperor 
fed  the  army  in  person.  It  had  been  originally 
sent  from  Jerusalem  in  438  by  the  young  empress 
hudocia  as  a  present  to  her  sister-in-law  Pul- 
chena  and  was  placed  by  the  latter  in  the 
church  of  the  Hodegi,  'OSnyot,  erected  bv  her. 
(N.ceph  Callist.  xiv.  2,  xv.  14.)  The  picture  was 
on  panel,  ,rl  caviSi,  and  was  asserted  to  have 
been  painted  from  the  life  by  St.  Luke.     This 


MARY 

picture  held  the  first  rank  among  the  so-called 
portraits  of  the  Virgin,  and  was  repeatedly 
copied  as  an  authentic  portrait.  The  true  type 
is  given  by  D'Agincourt  (^Feinture,  pi.  87),  by 
Garrucci  {Arti  cristiane  primitive,  tav.  107,  fig. 
3,  4),  and  by  Grimouard  de  Saint-Laurent  {Art  1 
Chretien,  vol.  iii.  pi.  iv.  no.  1).  It  is  characterised 
by  the  true  Byzantine  rigidity  and  flatness.  The 
Virgin  is  standing,  and  holds  our  Lord  seated  on 
her  left  arm,  carrying  a  roll  in  His  left  hand  and 
blessing  with  His  right.  His  nimbus  is  cruciform  ; 
hers  a  plain  circle.     The  figures  are  superscribed 

MP  0V  HOAHrH^IA:  Tc  XC.  A  very  diffuse 
account  of  this  sacred  treasure,  the  veneration 
paid  to  it,  and  its  variously  reported  fortunes,  is 
given  by  Ducange  {Constantinopolis  Christiana, 
lib.  iv.  c.  24,  p.  88).''  Another  almost  equally 
celebrated  portrait  of  the  Virgin  belonging  to 
the  same  epoch  is  that  known  as  Blachernitissa, 
from  its  being  preserved  in  the  church  built  by 
Pulcheria  in  the  suburb  of  Constantinople,  known 
as  Blachernae.  The  type,  according  to  Garrucci 
(m.  s.  vol.  iii.  p.  13  ff.),  is  given  on  coins  of  Con- 
stantine  XII.,  Monomachus  (Sabatier,  slix.  12), 
and  Leo  IV.  \ih.  slv.  11).  She  appears  with  ex- 
tended arms  as  an  orante.  A  third  famous  early 
Byzantine  Virgin  is  the  0eoT($Kos  ttjs  Xltiy7]s, 
Vergine  della  Fonte  (Garrucci,  u.  s.  No.  2),  so 
called  from  the  miraculous  spring  Leo  the 
Thracian  caused  to  be  included  within  the  church 
erected  by  him  outside  the  walls  of  Constanti- 
nople, in  honour  of  the  Mother  of  God,  in  which 
it  was  treasured.  (Niceph.  Callist.  xv.  26 ;  Du- 
cange, Const.  Christ,  lib.  iv.  p.  183.)  In  this  she 
is  also  represented  as  an  orante,  but  the  Holy 
Babe  is  in  her  lap.  The  type,  according  to  Gar- 
rucci, is  given  by  Garampi  (de  Kumm.  Arg. 
Benedict  HI.  p.  50),  and  Oderici  (Dissert.  Acad. 
Gorton,  vol.  ix.  p.  282). 

All  these  pictures  and  the  coins  of  the  Eastern 
empire  exhibit  the  same  hieratic  type  which 
established  itself  in  Byzantine  art.  "  This  type," 
writes  Dean  Milman  (Hist,  of  Christianity,  iii. 
p.  394),  "gradually  degenerates  with  the  dark- 
ness of  the  age  and  the  decline  of  art.  The 
countenance  sweetly  smiling  on  the  child  be- 
comes sad  and  severe.  The  head  is  bowed  with 
a  gloomy  and  almost  sinister  expression,  and  the 
countenance  gradually  darkens  till  it  assumes  a 
black  colour.     At  length  even  the  sentiment  of 


MARY 


1163 


h  It  is  not  certain  whether  there  were  one  or  two  of 
these  sacred  pictures  of  the  Virgin  ascribed  to  St.  Luke 
preserved  at  Constantinople.  Garrucci  distinguisl)es  the 
Virgo  Hodegetria  from  the  Virgo  Nicopoeia,  regarding  the 
latter,  which  he  asserts  was  reverenced  from  the  time  of 
Justinian,  as  the  national  palladium  captured  by  the 
"Venetians  in  a.d.  1204,  and  according  to  him  still  pre- 
served at  St.  Mark's.  Ducange  (p.  89)  refers  to  the  diffi- 
culty without  pretending  to  settle  it.  If,  he  says,  It  is 
true  that  the  Hodegetria  was  preserved  at  Constantinople 
till  the  final  fall  of  the  city  in  1453  It  is  vident  that  the 
picture  taken  by  Dandolo  must  have  been  a  different  one ; 
unless  indeed,  it  may  be  added,  by  a  pious  fraud  a  copy 
was  substituted  for  the  original  to  satisfy  the  demands 
of  devotees.  A  further  uncertainty  arises  as  to  the  place 
where  the  holy  picture,  whichever  it  was,  that  was  cap- 
tured, was  deposited.  A  letter  of  Baldwin  shews  that 
it  was  promised  by  him  to  the  monks  of  Citeaux.  "  If,'' 
writes  Gibbon  (ch.  Ix.),  "the  banner  of  the  Virgin  shewn 
at  Venice  as  a  trophy  and  relic  is  genuine,  the  pious  doge 
must  have  cheated  the  monks  of  Citeaux."  (Cf.  Grimouard 
de  Saint-Laurent,  Art  Chretien,  vl.  3i7.) 


maternal  affection  is  effaced,  both  the  mother 
and  child  become  stiff  and  lifeless,  the  child  is 
swathed  in  stiff  bands,  and  has  an  expression  of 
pain  rather  than  of  gentleness,  or  placid  infancy." 
According  to  De'  Rossi  (Imag.  Sekctae,  p.  14) 
there  was  no  fixed  rule  for  the  representation  of 
the  Virgin  on  the  coins  of  the  Byzantine  empe- 
rors, on  some  of  which  she  is  represented  with 
the  Holy  Babe,  sometimes  alone,  as  an  orante. 
On  a  coin  of  Leo  VI.  Philosophus,  a.d.  886-911, 
she  stands  veiled  and  draped,  with  outstretched 
arms.  Her  head  is  noble  in  character,  and  is  not 
nimbed.  On  a  coin  of  Romanus  II.,  a.d.  959-963, 
she  is  nimbed  and  crowns  the  emperor,  an  office  she 
is  represented  as  performing  almost  constantly  on 
the  imperial  coins  of  the  two  next  centuries. 
The  earliest  coin  on  which  the  Virgin  and  Child 
appear  together  is  one  of  John  Zimisces,  a.d. 
969-976.  She  holds  against  her  bosom  a  circular 
nimbus,  within  which  is  the  bust  of  the  Infant 
Christ."     [Monet.] 

A  very  characteristic  Byzantine  picture,  placed 
by  Garrucci  {u.s.  iii.  15,  tav.  107)  in  the  first 
half  of  the  5th  century,  is  preserved  in  the 
church  of  S  a.  Maria  Maggiore  at  Rome.  It  pre- 
sents the  usual  type.  The  Virgin  stands  en  face, 
veiled,  with  the  customary  cross  on  the  veil.  She 
holds  the  Infant  on  her  left  arm.  He  has  the 
usual  book  in  His  left  hand,  and  blesses  with 
His  right.  Both  have  a  simple  nimbus.  For  a 
plate  of  this  celebi-ated  picture  see  Grimouard 
de  Saint-Laurent  {Art  chre'tien,  vol.  iii.  frontis- 
]iiece,  and  Ferret,  vol.  i.  frontispiece.  See  also 
Milochau,  La  Vierge  de  St.  Lite  a  Sainte-Marie- 
Majeure,  Paris,  1862).  In  the  early  picture 
preserved  at  the  church  of  Ara  Coeli,  Rome,  the 
child  is  absent.  The  Virgin  raises  her  right 
hand  in  benediction. 

From  the  obliteration  or  destruction  of 
Christian  mosaics  by  the  picture-hating  Mussul- 
mans, mosaic  representations  of  the  Virgin  are 
of  the  extremest  rarity  in  the  East.  We  can, 
however,  refer  to  one  in  St.  Sophia,  of  which  we 
give  a  cut  (No.  7)  from  Salzenberg's  great  work 
{Altchristliche  Baudenkmale  von  Constantinopel), 
taken  during  the  temporary  removal  of  the 
whitewash  from  the  interior  of  the  mosque. 
According  to  a  very  usual  Byzantine  type  (cf. 
the  fresco  from  St.  Agnes,  No.  3)  the  Holy  Child 


No  7.     The  Virgin  and  Child.    Salzenberg's  ■  AltohrisUloLe 
BauJeukmale  von  Coustiintm.JiJel.' 

is  represented  standing  in  front  of  His  mother, 
not  seated  on  her  lap.  The  Virgin's  flice  is 
youthful  and  characterised  by  calm  beauty,    bhe 


e  Salaticr,  vol.  ii.  pi.  xlvii.  fig.  18.  This  type  appears 
engraved  on  a  seal  of  the  priors  of  the  oonvents  of  M.mnt 
Athos  dedicated  to  the  Virgin.  U  is  given  by  Gnmouard 
de Saint-Laurent,  Art  chrelien,  vol.  il.  p.  IS,  from  Didron. 


1154 


MARY 


is  supported  by  St.  Paul  and  St.  John  the  Bap- 
tist on  either  hand.  This  beautiful  mosaic  may 
be  safely  ascribed  to  the  original  erection  of  the 
church  by  Justinian  in  the  6th  century.  The 
cupola  of  the  church  of  St.  Sophia,  at  Salonica 
(Thessalonica),  ascribed  by  M.  Texier  to  the  same 
date  as  its  namesalce  at  Constantinople,  i.e.  the 
middle  of  the  6th  century,  contains  a  mosaic 
of  the  Ascension,  the  Blessed  Virgin  and  the 
Apostles  being  ranged  round  the  base  of  the 
hemisphere.  She  alone  is  nimbed,  and  wears 
the  conventional  veil  and  purple  dress.^  In  the 
semidome  of  the  apse  she  is  also  represented, 
holding  the  infant  Saviour  (Texier,  EtjUses 
hyzantines,  pp.  142-144,  pi.  xl.).  A  medallion 
portrait  of  the  Virgin  in  a  blue  veil  and  robe, 
with  her  hands  outstretched  in  prayer  to  the 
enthroned  figure  of  Christ,  which  occurs  over 
the  royal  door  in  the  narthex  of  St.  Sophia,  at 
Constantinople,  belongs  to  the  time  of  Constan- 
tine  Pogonatus,  668-685.  This  mosaic  is  very 
inferior  to  the  former  both  in  design  and  execu- 
tion. 

The  earliest  mosaic  picture  of  the  Virgin  in 
the  West  is,  as  we  have  said,  that  in  the  chapel 
of  St.  Venantius  at  the  Lateran,  which  may  be 
placed  about  a.d.  642.  She  is  entirely  absent  from 
the  early  mosaics  of  St.  Maria  Maggiore  (c.  a.d. 
433),  except  in  the  historical  scenes  of  the  An- 
nunciation, Presentation  in  the  Temple,  Adora- 
tion of  the  Magi  and  Christ  among  the  Doctors, 
as  well  as  from  those  which  decorated  the  basilica 
of  St.  Paul's-without-the-VValls  before  its  de- 
struction by  fire  ;  she  is  not  anywhere  represented 
in  the  mosaics  of  the  5th  century  at  Ravenna, 
except  as  a  member  of  the  Magi  group ;  nor  does 
she  appear  in  those  of  St.  Cosmas  and  St.  Damian, 
c.  A.D.  530,  or  St.  Lawrence,  c.  A.D.  578,  in  Rome. 
Indeed  the  absence  of  representations  of  the  Vir- 
gin in  the  earlier  Roman  churches  is  remarkable. 
The  earliest  example  in  which  we  find  her  occupy- 
ing the  position  of  chief  dignity,  formerly  reserved 
for  our  Blessed  Lord,  in  the  centre  of  the  conch 
of  the  apse,  and  exchanging  her  primitive  attitude 
of  prayer  and  adoration  for  that  of  a  throned 
queen,  is  the  mosaic  of  the  apse  of  the  cathedral 
of  Parenzo  in  Istria,  the  work  of  bishop  Euphra- 
sius,  A.D.  535-543.  She  is  throned  and  nimbed, 
and  supported  by  angels,  holding  her  Son  in  her 
lap,  rather  as  a  diminutive  man  than  as  an 
infant  (Neale,  Notes  on  Dalmatia,  frontispiece, 
pp.79,  80;  Eitelberger,  Knnstdenkmale des oster- 
reichischen  Kaiserstaates,  Heft  4,  5  ;  Lohde,  Ber 
Lom  von  Parenzo).  The  church  of  St.  Maria  de 
Navicella,  or  in  Domnica,  built  by  Paschal  I., 
c.  A.D.  820,  is  the  first  in  Rome,  in  which  this  new 
type  is  found.  The  vault  of  the  apse  is  here 
occupied  by  a  colossal  figure  of  the  Virgin  in  a 
blue  robe   sprinkled  with    crosses,    seated  on  a 


"•  A  similar  represpntation  of  the  Virgin,  in  the  scene 
of  the  Ascension,  occurs  in  the  famous  MS.  of  the  Syriac 
Gospels  (a.d.  586),  wliich  is  one  of  the  treasures  of  the 
Mediceaii  Library  at  Florence.  Below  the  ascending  figure 
of  our  Lord  appear  tlie  Apostles  (by  an  historical  error  re^ 
presented  as  twelve)  with  the  Virgin  in  the  midst,  stand- 
ing with  her  hands  ext<nded  in  the  attitude  of  prayer  and 
adcjration.  An  .mgel  on  either  side  of  her  is  addressing 
th>'  AiWBtles.  The  Virgin  and  the  angels  are  the  only 
persons  wiih  the  nimbus  in  this  lower  group,  the 
apostles  being  distitute  of  it.  (Wharton,  Marriott,  Tes- 
timony of  the  Catacombs,  p.  44;  A sscmanni,  Biblioth. 
Jtedic.  p.  1742.    See  woodcut,  art.  Angels,  Vol.  I.  p.  85.) 


MARY 

golden  and  jewelled  throne,  surrounded  by  a 
throng  of  angels  and  archangels  in  attitudes  of 
adoring  praise.  Christ  is  seated  on  His  Mother's 
lap  in  a  golden  robe,  as  at  Parenzo,  rather  as  a 
dwarfed  man  than  as  an  infant,  and  blesses  with 
His  right  hand.  The  builder,  pope  Paschal,  dis- 
tinguished by  the  square  nimljus  as  being  alive  at 
the  time  of  the  execution  of  the  work,  kneeling, 
humbly  holds  the  Virgin's  right  foot  to  kiss  it. 
The  whole  composition  is  coarse  and  tasteless, 
without  shadow,  or  any  attempt  at  grouping,  but 
the  general  effect  is  imposing.  (Ciampini,  Vet. 
Man.  ii.  p.  140  sq.,  pi.  xliv.  ;  D'Agincourt,  Pein- 
tures,  pi.  xvii.  fig.  15 ;  Vitet,  Histoire  de  I'Art, 
vol.  i.  p.  255.)  In  the  mosaics  of  the  church  of  St. 
Cecilia,  the  work  of  the  same  pope,  we  see  an- 
other significant  advance  in  the  cultus  of  the 
Virgin.  The  face  of  the  Arch  of  Triumph  is 
here  richly  decorated  with  mosaics,  recalling  the 
design  of  several  of  the  earlier  works.  Below 
are  ranged  the  four-and-twenty  elders  in  their 
white  robes,  offering  their  crowns  in  adoration. 
Above,  ten  crowned  virgins  between  palm-trees 
advance  with  their  offerings ;  an  angel  stands  on 
either  side  of  the  central  compartment.  But 
that  compartment  is  not  occupied,  as  in  earlier 
times,  by  Christ,  or  by  the  Holy  Lamb,  but  by  a 
crowned  and  throned  figure  of  the  Virgin  bearing 
the  Child  Jesus  on  her  knees.  (Ciampini,  Vet. 
Man.  ii.  p.  153,  cxxvii.  tab.  50;  D'Agincourt, 
Peinture,  pi.  xvii.  no.  14 ;  Wharton  Marriott, 
Testimony  of  the  Catacombs,  p.  49.)  We  have  a 
similar  representation  of  the  Virgin  crowned  and 
enthroned  as  Queen  of  Heaven  in  the  vault  of 
the  apse  of  St.  Francesca  Romana  (originally  St, 
Maria  Antiqua),  rebuilt  by  pope  Leo  IV.,  and 
decorated  with  mosaics  by  pope  Nicholas  I.,  A.D. 
858-868  (Ciampini,  ii.  p.  162,  c.  sxviii.  tab.  53), 
and  in  the  cathedral  of  Capua,  constructed  by 
bishop  Ugo  at  the  end  of  the  8th  or  beginning  of 
the  9th  century,  of  which  we  give  a  woodcut 
(Ciampini,  ii.  p.  165,  c.  xxix.  tab.  liv.).     It  took 


three  centuries  more  to  reach  the  climax  we 
see  in  the  mosaics  of  the  church  of  Sta.  Maria 
in  Tiastevere,  where  we  find  the  Virgin  seated 


MASS 

on  the  same  throne  with  her  Son,  and  on  His 
right  side.  He  lays  His  right  hand  on  His 
Mother's  shoulder,  and  in  His  left  is  a  book 
inscribed  with  the  words  "  Veni  electa  Jlea,  et 
ponam  in  te  thronum  Meum."  But  the  date  of 
this  is  far  beyond  our  limits,  A.D.  1130-1143, 
and  with  this  our  notices  of  the  pictorial  re- 
presentations of  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary  must 
conclude. 

Authorities. — Bosio,  Homa  Sotterranea  ;  Bol- 
detti,  Osservazioni  sopra  i  cimcteri ;  Bottari, 
Scultnre  e  Pitture  Sagre;  Marchi,  Monumenti  delte 
aHi  Cristiane  primitive;  De'  Rossi,  Roma  Sotter- 
ranea —  Imagines  selectae  Virginis  Deiparae ; 
Perret,  Les  Catacombes  de  Rome  ;  Northcote  and 
Brownlow,  Roma  Sotterranea ;  Garrucci,  Vetri 
Oi-rmti  —  Arti  Cristiane  primitive ;  Macarius, 
Hagioglypta,  ed.  Garrucci ;  Munter,  Sinnhilder  ; 
Serous  d'Agincourt,  Histoire  de  I'Art  par  les 
Monuments;  Raoul-Rochette,  Cntacombes — Dis- 
cours  sur  I'Origine  et  le  Caractere  des  Types  de 
I'Art  du  Christianisme  ;  Ciampini,  Vetera  Monii- 
menta;  Salzenberg,  Alt-Christliche  Baudenkmale 
von  Constantinopel ;  Ducange,  Constantinopolis 
Christiana ;  Sabatiei-,  Monnaies  Byzantines ;  Mar- 
tigny,  Dictionnaire  des  Antiquite's  Chretiennes, 
Grimouard  de  Saint-Laurent,  ^ri  cAre'iien;  Pei- 
gnot,  Recherches  sur  la  Fersorine  de  J€sus-Christ 
et  sur  celle  de  Marie ;  Bombelli,  Raccolta 
degli  imagini  della  Beata  Vergine ;  Hemans, 
Ancient  Christianity  and  Sacred  Art  in  Italy; 
Vitet,  Histoire  de  VArt;  Milman,  History  of 
Christianity  ;  Jameson,  Legends  of  the  Madonna ; 
Wharton  Marriott,  Testimony  of  the  Catacombs  ; 
St.  John  Tyrwhitt,  Art  Teaching  of  the  Primitive 
Church.  [E.  v.] 

MASS.     [MissA.] 

MASSA  CANDIDA.  In  the  persecutions 
under  Valerius  it  is  said  that  300  Christians  in 
the  district  of  Carthage  who  refused  to  sacrifice 
t«  the  emperor  were  compelled  to  leap  into  a 
burning  lime-kiln,  whei-e  they  were  sutfocated. 
This  body  of  Christians  was  called  Missa  Can- 
dida, the  White,  or  Bright,  Mass  (Prudentius, 
Peristeph.  v.  87  ;  Sidonius,  Epit.  vi.  i.).  Augus- 
tine {Sermo  311  [al.  115])  calls  it  the  White 
Mass  of  Utica,  because  (according  to  Baronius) 
these  martyrs  were  specially  commemorated  at 
that  place,  and  {Sermo  306  [al.  112],  c.  2)  refers 
the  epithet  "  Candida  "  to  the  brightness  of  the 
cause  for  which  the  martyrs  suffered.  Compare 
Enarr.  in  Ps.  49,  c.  9  ;  Ps.  144,  c.  16.  The 
Carthaginian  calendar  places  their  commemo- 
ration in  August,  and  most  later  martyrologies 
Aug.  24.  The  Mart.  Rom.  Vet.  has  on  that  <lay 
simply  "  Massae  Candidae  Carthagini."  Usuard 
and  Ado  give  the  number  as  300,  and  the  latter 
adds  some  particulars.  The  Hieronyniian  Mar- 
tyrology  has  this  festival  on  Aug.  18.  [C] 

MASSEDUS,  two  martyrs  of  this  name  com- 
memorated Feb.  21  (Hieron.  Mart.).         [C.  H.] 

MASSILA,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Milan 
May  6  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MASSILIA,  martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa 
March  1  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MASTILLA,  martyr;  commemorated  at  Rome 
June  2  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  11.1 

CHRIST.  ANT. — VOL.  n. 


MATHEMATICUS 


1155 


MASUTUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome 
in  the  cemetery  of  Praetextatus,  May  10  (Hieron 
Mart.).  [c.  H.] ' 

MATERNA,  martyr;  commemorated  at  Rome 
June  2  (^Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MATERNIANUS,  bishop  of  Rheims  in  the 
4th  century  ;  commemorated  Apr.  30  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.ni.7bQ).  ^c.  H.] 

MATERNUS,  bishop  of  Milan,  4th  century; 
commemorated  July  18  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  iv! 
364).  [C.H.] 

MATERUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated  in 
Africa  Oct.  20  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa  Dec.  1& 
{Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MATHANA.    [Martha,  (6).] 

MATHEMATICUS,  an  astrologer.  The 
name  was  assumed  and  popularly  conceded  from 
the  first  century  downwards,  as  masters  of  leger- 
demain are  now  sometimes  called  "  professors." 
It  is  employed  by  Juvenal  (vi.  562  ;  xir.  248, 
Nota  mathematicis  genesis  tua),  by  Tacitus  {Hist. 
i.  22),  both  about  100,  and  by  their  contem- 
porary Suetonius  {Tiber.  14).  The  last  named 
uses  "  mathematica  "  of  the  art  itself:  "Circa 
deos  et  religiones  negligentior,  quippe  addictus 
mathematicae "  {ibid.  69).  Similarly  Sextus 
Empiricus,  about  220  :  "  De  astrologia  aut  ma- 
thematica "  {Adv.  Mathem.  21).  Aulus  Gellius, 
probably  about  160,  after  explaining  the  true 
meaning  of  the  word,  viz.  one  devoted  to  the 
study  ef  the  arts  and  sciences,  proceeds  to  say^ 
"  But  the  vulgar  call  those  mathematici  whom 
they  ought  to  call  by  a  name  of  nation  Chal- 
deans "  {Noct.  Att.  i.  9).  Elsewhere  he  speaks 
of  those  who  "  call  themselves  Chaldeans  and 
genethliaci  [see  Astrologers;  Ge\ethliaci], 
and  profess  themselves  able  to  declare  the  future 
from  the  motion  of  the  stars  "  (xiv.  1).  But 
though  Gellius  and  several  others  say  expressly 
that  the  name  was  given  to  astrologers  by  the 
vulgar,  it  is  evident  from  others  that  they 
affected  it  themselves.  Thus  Sextus  Empiricus 
(m.  s.)  :  "  Genealogia,  which  the  Chaldeans  deco- 
rating with  magnificent  names  call  themselves 
mathematici  and  astrologers."  Firmicus  (about 
360),  who  wrote  on  judicial  astrology  under  the 
name  of  Mathesis  (comp.  TertuUian,  de  Idol.  91 ; 
Prudentius,  c.  Symmachum,  ii.  p.  296,  ed.  1596  ; 
etc.),  claims  the  title  for  his  fraternity.  See 
Mathes.  i.  praef.  and  c.  2. 

Among  Christian  writers,  St.  Augustine  speaks 
of  those  "who  were  called  genethliaci,  because 
of  their  observation  of  days  of  birth,  but  are 
now  commonly  (vulgo)  called  mathematici  "  {De 
Doctr.  Christ,  ii.  21,  §  32).  "  The  ancients,"  he 
says,  with  Gellius,  "did  not  call  those  men 
mathematici  who  are  now  so  termed  "  {De  Divers. 
Quaest.  xlv.  2).  Yet  he  used  the  word  freely  in 
the  later  sense,  probably  because  it  was  better 
understood  than  astrologi,  etc.  See  De  Gen.  ad 
Litt.  ii.  17,  §  36 ;  De  Civ.  Dei,  v.  1,  etc.).  This 
popular  use  of  the  term  is  also  insisted  on  by  St. 
Jerome :  "  Among  the  Chaldeans  I  think  that 
they  are  called  yeveeKici.\6yot,  whom  the  vulgar 
call  mathematici "  {Comment,  in  Dan.  ii.  2). 
Again  :  "  I'he  Astrologers  of  the  shy  {S':pt.  Isai. 
xlvii.  13),  who  are  commonly  called  Mathematici, 
and  believe  the  aifairs  of  men  to  be  controlled 
4  F 


1156 


MATINS 


bv  the  course  and  falling  of  the  stars'  {_C<mm. 
in  Isai.  M.  s.  lib.  xiii.)-  Quite  in  accordance  with 
these  authorities,  Aramianus,  probably  a  heathen, 
about  380,  says  of  Heliodorus,  whom  he  had 
described  (i7;.i.  xxix.  l),as  "  fatorum  per  geni- 
turas  interpretem,"  that  he  was  "  mathematicus 
ut  memorat  vulgus  "  (iKc?.  2). 

The  council  of  Laodicea,  however,  about  ^bo, 
appears  to  distinguish  between  astrologi  and 
mathematici,  when  it  forbids  persons  in  orders 
to  be  "  mat^i  or  enchanters,  or  mathematici  or 
astrologers  "  (can.  36).  Balsamon  explains  here 
that  "tiie  mathematici  are  those  who  think  that 
the  heavenly  bodies  have  dominion  over  the  uni- 
verse, and  that  all  our  affairs  are  regulated  by 
their  motion;"  while  "astrologers  are  persons 
who  with  the  aid  of  demons  divine  by  the  stars 
and  believe  them  "  {Comm.  in  can.).  Of  the  four 
IxaBvfxaTa,  Arithmetic,  Music,  Geometry,  Astro- 
nomy, he  therefore  thought  the  last  only  to  be 
forbidden ;  but  Zonaras  {Comm.  in  can.)  was  of 
opinion  that  the  canon  only  forbids  excessive 
addiction  to  any  of  them.  From  their  com- 
ments we  may  infer  that  the  bad  conventional 
sense  of  the  word  was  better  known  to  the 
Latins  than  to  the  Greeks. 

Mathematici  are  condemned  by  name  without 
explanation  in  laws  of  Constantius  of  the  years 
357,  358  {Codex  Tkeodos.  ix.  16;  de  Malef. 
4,  6),  of  Valens,  370  {ibid.  8),  and  of  Honorius, 
409  {ibid.  12).  The  last  consigned  them  to  per- 
petual banishment,  unless  they  burned  their 
books  before  the  bishop  and  made  a  profession  of 
Christianity.  Comp.  Ammianus  {Hist.  xxix.  1, 
2),  who  relates  the  burning  of  numberless  books 
under  Valens,  371,  on  the  pretence  that  they 
were  "  illicit!,"  and  of  whole  libraries  burnt  by 
their  owners  in  the  panic  caused  by  the  persecu- 
tion. 

From  the  opinion  that  astrologers  were  in 
league  with  demons  there  arose  at  a  later  period 
the  belief  that  the  "  mathematici,"  identified 
with  them,  practised  the  black  art  in  every 
form.  Thus,  in  a  very  ancient  penitential  pre- 
served at  Fleury :  "  If  any  one  has  been  a  mathe- 
maticus, !.  e.  has  invoked  a  demon,  and  taken 
away  the  minds  of  men  or  driven  them  mad,  let 
him  suffer  penance  five  years,"  etc.  (c.  33 ;  Mar- 
tene,  dc  Bit.  Ecd.  Ant.  i.  vi.  vii.  5) ;  in  another : 
"  If  any  one  be  a  mathematicus,  i.  e.  has  taken 
away  the  mind  of  a  person  through  invocation 
of  demons,  let  him,"  etc.  {Poenitentiale  Bom.  in 
Jlorin,  de  Poenit.  App.  566.  See  also  Cigheri, 
Ikcl.  Dogm.  x.  223,  7.)  [W.  E.  S.] 

MATINS  {Matutina  oratio,  solemnitas ;  Matu- 
tinnm  officium;  Matutinae  Laudes),  the  office 
anciently  said  at  dawn  of  day,  before  sunrise  ; 
the  nocturnal  office  being  so  arranged  that  the 
lauds,  which  formed  part  of  it,  should  be  said 
at  this  time.  There  is  an  interesting  indica- 
tion of  the  nature  of  this  office  in  Gregory  of 
Tours'  account  of  the  death  of  St.  Gall :  "  At 
ille  psalmo  quinquagesimo  et  benedictione  de- 
cantata  et  alleluiatico  cum  capitello  expleto 
cnnsummavit  ofticium  totum  tcmporis  matu- 
tini."  That  is,  he  said,  the  50th  (51st  A.V.) 
Psalm,  the  Beyiedicite  {oiten  known  as  Benedictio), 
the  148th  with  the  two  following  (alleluiatic) 
I'salms,  and  the  Capituhim.  See  further  under 
lIouRSOFPnAYER,  p.  794;  Office,  THE  Divine. 
[C] 


MATRICULAEII 

MATISCONENSIA  CONCILIA.  [MAcon, 
Councils  of.] 

MATRICIA,  wife  of  presbyter  Macedonius ; 
commemorated  at  Nicomedia  March  13  {Hieron. 
Mart.).  [G-  H.] 

MATRICULA.  A  catalogue  or  index.  In 
ecclesiastical  writers  the  word  means  : 

1.  The  roll  of  the  clergy  belonging  to  any 
church.  The  fourth  council  of  Carthage  {Cod. 
Ecd.  Afric.  c.  86)  speaks  of  the  roll  (matricula 
et  archivus)  of  the  African  church,  containing 
the  dates  of  the  ordinations  of  the  bishops,  by 
which  their  precedence  was  determined,  copies 
of  which  were  to  be  kept  by  the  primate  and  in 
the  metropolis.  The  Council  of  Agde,  a.d.  506 
(c.  2),  orders  that  contumacious  clergy  on  repen- 
tance shall  have  their  names  replaced  on  the 
"  matricula,"  and  so  be  restored  to  their  grades 
and  offices.  The  fourth  council  of  Orleans,  a.d. 
541  (c.  13),  claims  certain  privileges  as  belonging 
to  all  the  clergy  whose  names  are  inserted  in  the 
"  matricula." 

2.  The  poor  who  received  stipends  from  the 
revenues  of  the  church.  The  widows  who  re- 
ceived allowances  were  sometimes  called  "  matri- 
culae."  Gregory  the  Great  {Ep.  ii.  45)  speaks 
of  a  widow  "  de  matriculis"  who  had  been 
severely  beaten  for  some  fault.  [Matricularii.] 
Hence  3Mricu!a  came  to  mean  the  fund  from 
which  the  stipends  were  paid;  as  when  it  is 
said  that  vows  must  be  paid  either  directly  to 
the  poor  or  to  the  Matricula  {Cone.  Autissiod. 
Auxerre,  c.  3). 

3.  The  house  in  which  the  poor  were  lodged, 
often  built  at  the  door  of  the  church,  and  with 
revenues  attached  to  it.  St.  Remigius  of  Rheims 
in  his  will  (Flodoard,  ffist.  Bern.  i.  18)  leaves 
certain  funds  for  the  maintenance  of  twelve  poor 
persons,  living  in  the  "  matricula  "  and  waiting 
at  the  church  doors  for  their  allowance  ("  ante 
fores  expectantes  stipem  ") ;  and,  in  another  part 
of  the  same  will,  mentions  the  guest-houses  and 
"  all  the  matricnlae."  Ducange  {Gloss.),  quoting 
from  a  tabulary  of  the  church  of  Autun,  speaks 
of  a  "  matricula  "  built  at  the  door  of  the  church 
of  St.  Nazarius.  Gregory  of  Tours  {de  Mirac. 
ii.  37)  speaks  of  feeding  the  poor  belonging  to 
the  "  matricula  "  of  a  certain  church,  and  {Hist. 
Franc,  c.  11)  of  the  poor  belonging  to  a  matri- 
cula close  in  front  of  a  church.  Adrevaldus  {de 
Mirac.  S.  Bencdicti,  i.  20)  speaks  of  a  matricula 
as  among  the  property  of  the  church  of  Orleans. 
King  Dagobert  I.  is  said  to  have  founded  a  ma- 
tricula and  xenodochium  for  the  poor  of  either 
sex,  especially  for  those  who,  having  been  thought 
worthy  to  be  restored  to  health  by  the  grace  of 
the  saints,  wished  to  remain  there  in  the  service 
of  the  church  {Gesta  Dagoberti,  c.  29  ;  Migne, 
Patrol,  torn.  xcvi.  1395). 

4.  For  Matricula  in  another  sense  see  Mother 
Church. 

MATRICULARII.  The  poor  who  were  borne 
on  the  matricula  or  roll  of  the  church.  Gregory 
of  Tours  {Hist.  Franc,  vii.  29)  speaks  of  the  ma- 
tricularii and  other  poor.  Aldhelm  {de  Laud. 
Virgin,  c.  51)  relates  that  certain  women  gave 
their  necklaces  and  other  ornaments  to  the 
maimed  and  the  matricularii.  Hincmar  of  Rheims 
{Capitul.  de  Bcb.  Mag.  c.  17)  enjoins  that  matri- 
cularii should  be  fittingly  selected,  not  swineherds 


3IATEIM0NY 

nor  herdsmen,  but  from  among  the  sick  and 
poor  ;  and,  according  to  Flodoard  {Hist.  Rem.  vii. 
26),  complained  that  the  matricularii  had  been 
driven  away  from  the  matricula  which  he  had 
founded,  and  the  house  itself  sold  for  the  price  of 
an  ass.  Again  {Capit.  dat.  in  Synod.  Bern.  c.  2), 
he  forbade  presbyters  to  exact  any  kind  of  service 
at  harvest  or  any  other  time  from  the  matricularii 
in  return  for  their  place  in  the  matricula,  and 
orders  that  they  should  receive  as  their  stipend 
the  allotted  portion  of  the  tithes  which  believers 
paid  as  fine  or  weregeld  for  their  crimes.  In  the 
Gesta  Dagoherti  (c.  34)  a  mediety  of  certain 
revenues  is  left  to  the  matricularii  and  those 
who  served  the  church,  and  (c.  42)  certain  sums 
of  money  are  left  to  the  matricularii  belonging 
to  the  church  of  the  Blessed  Martyrs.  Isidorus 
Mercator,  in  his  note  on  the  eleventh  canon  of  the 
■Council  of  Laodicea  (Bruns,  Canones,  i.  74) 
says  that  the  women  whom  the  Greeks  called 
presbyterae  were  among  the  Latins  called  matri- 
culariae,  as  maintained  by  the  church.  Certain 
definite  rules  appear  in  later  years  to  have  been 
made  for  their  direction,  probably  differing  in 
<litferent  churches.  Chrodegang  (Begula  Metensis, 
last  chapter)  says  that  in  the  church  of  Metz  the 
matricularii  were  made  to  come  to  church  twice 
a  month  in  the  early  morning,  and  remain  there 
till  the  bell  sounded  for  the  thii-d  hour,  when 
the  bishop,  if  at  leisure,  was  to  come  to  them, 
and  cause  them  to  read  edifying  books.  If  the 
bishop  did  not  attend,  then  the  presbyter  who 
was  "custos"  of  the  church  of  St.  Stephen  was 
to  teach  them,  and  to  hear  their  confessions  twice 
a  year.  On  these  conditions  they  were  to  receive 
a  certain  allowance  of  food.  Those  who  refused 
to  comply  with  these  regulations  were  ejected 
from  the  matricula.  Each  matricula  was  to 
have  a  primicerius,  whose  duty  was  to  exercise 
a  general  supervision  over  the  inhabitants,  and 
to  whom,  or  to  the  archdeacon,  was  entrusted 
the  distribution  of  the  food.  In  later  years 
■distinct  duties  appear  to  have  been  allotted  to 
them.  A  History  of  the  Church  of  Autun  (in 
Labbe's  A^ova  Bibliotheca  MS.  Librorum,  vol.  i. 
p.  487),  says  that  it  was  the  duty  of  the  sacrist 
to  provide  one  matricularius  in  holy  orders,  and 
others  who  should  be  able  to  ring  the  bells  and 
perform  other  duties  connected  with  the  church. 
The  bishop  was  also  to  institute  three  matricu- 
larii, one  of  whom  was  to  be  in  holy  orders  and 
serve  the  altar  of  the  Holy  Cross  in  the  church. 
To  that  office  was  assigned  as  a  stipend  half 
the  revenues  of  that  altar  for  ever  and  a  hundred 
pieces  of  gold.  The  two  others  were  to  be  lay- 
men, and  had  also  certain  revenues  allotted  to 
them.  See  Thomassin,  Vet.  et  Nov.  Eccl.  Discip. 
i.  2,  c.  33,  §§  14,  15.  [P.  0.] 

MATEIMONY.    [Marriage.] 

MATRINAE.    [Sponsors.] 

MATRIX  ECCLESIA.  [Mother  Church.] 

MATRONA  (1)  Ancilla,  martyr;  com- 
memorated at  Thessalonica  March  15  (Usuard. 
Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Mar.  ii.  39G).  Mar.  27  (Cat.  Byzant. ; 
Daniel,  Cod.  Liturj.  W.  256);  Mar.  28  (Basil. 
Menol.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Milan  May  6 
(^Hieron.  Mart.). 


MATTHEW,  ST. 


1157 


(3)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Rome  in  the 
cemetery  of  Praetextatus,  May  10  {Hier on.  Mart.). 

(4)  One  of  eight  virgins  martyred  with  Theo- 
dotus ;  commemorated  May  18  (Basil.  Menol.). 

(5)  Two  martyrs  of  the  name  commemorated 
at  Thessalonica  June  1  {Hicron.  Mart.). 

(6)  Two  martyrs  of  the  name  commemorated 
at  Rome  June  2  {Hicran.  Mart.). 

(7)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Asia  Sept.  10 
{Hieron.  Mai't.). 

(8)  Solitary,  sought  to  pass  for  a  monk  ;  com- 
memorated Nov.  8  (Basil.  MenoL). 

(9)  Commemorated  with  Theoctiste  of  Lesbos, 
'Soy.  ^  {Cal.  Byzant). 

(10)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  in  Asia  Nor.  17 
{liieron.  Mart.). 

(11)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Antioch  Nov. 
21  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(12)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  Dec.  1 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(13)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa  Dec.  5 
{Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MATRONDA,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Antioch  Nov.  16  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MATRONEUM.  The  place  reserved  for 
women  in  ancient  basilicas.  The  word  occurs 
frequently  in  the  Lives  of  the  Popes  in  the 
Liber  Fontificalis,  in  descriptions  of  the  buildings 
erected  by  various  popes.  See  Galleries,  p. 
706.  [c.] 

MATRONIOA,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Constantinople  May  8  (Hieron.  Mart.).    [C.  H.] 

MATTHAEUS  (1)  [Matthew,  St.] 
(2)  Martyr  with  Gusmaeus  at  Grabedona,  by 
Lake  Larius,  perhaps  under  Maximian ;  comme- 
morated Sept.  11  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  iii.  774). 
[C.  H.] 

MATTHEW,  ST.,  LEGEND  AND  FES- 
TIVAL OF.  Of  the  history  and  labours  of  St. 
JIatthew,  as  of  so  many  of  the  apostles,  but 
little  is  known  beyond  the  brief  notices  of  him 
in  the  New  Testament.  The  question  as  to  his 
identity  with  Levi  fills  within  the  province  of 
the  Bible  Dictionary,  and  we  shall  therefore  not 
dwell  on  it  here ;  and  for  the  history  and  special 
characteristics  of  his  gospel,  and  for  the  question 
as  to  its  original  language,  reference  may  be 
made  to  the  article  in  that  Dictionary. 

We  may  here,  however,  allude  briefly  to  some 
points  of  tradition  resjiecting  him.  As  regards 
the  scene  of  his  labours,  Eusebius  tells  us  that 
he  first  preached  to  his  Hebrew  fellow-country- 
men and  then  went  to  other  nations  (^Hist.  Eccles. 
iii.  24).  Eusebius  merely  gives  the  locality  ge- 
nerally as  e^'  erepovs.  The  region,  however,  is 
by  Socrates  (Hist.  Eccles.  i.  19)  styled  Ethiopia, 
whatever  that  term  may  be  supposed  to  mean. 
Some  light  may  be  thrown  upon  it  by  noticing 
that  the  Ethiopia  of  St.  Matthias  was  in  western 
Asia,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Colchis,  with  wliich 
agree  generally  the  notices  of  martyrologies 
mentioned  below,  which  place  the  apostle's  death 
in  Persia  (cf.  also  Ambrose,  Enarr.  in  Psal.  xlv. 
10;  Patrol,  xiv.  1198).  The  Mat-t.  Hiero7i>/mi 
gives  in  its  prologue,  "in  Ethiopia,  civitate 
Thartium,"  and  on  September  21,  "  in  Persida 
(sic),  civitate  Tarrium."  Paulinus  of  Nola  speaks 
4  F  2 


1158 


MATTHEW,  ST. 


of  Parthia  as  the  scene  of  St.  Matthew's  labours 
(Poema  xix.  81,  where  see  Muratori's  note; 
Patrol.  ]xi.  514),  and  Venantius  Fortunatus 
(Poemata,  lib.  viii.  6;  Patrol.  Ixxxviii.  270)  spe- 
cifies the  name  of  the  town,  "  Matthaeum  exi- 
mium  Naddaver  alta  virum."  This  place  is 
mentioned  by  the  Pseudo-Abdias  (  Vita  S.  Matth.) 
as  in  Ethiopia,  probably  used  in  a  very  vague 
way.  On  the  other  hand,  Isidore  {de  ortii  et  obitu 
Patnun,  c.  76  ;  Patrol.  Ixxxiii.  153)  says  that  St. 
Matthew,  after  preaching  in  Judaea,  went  into 
Macedonia,  and  at  last  died  "  in  montibus  Par- 
thorum." 

It  cannot  be  definitely  said  whether  St.  Mat- 
thew suffered  a  martyr's  death.  Clement  of 
Alexandria,  quoting  Heracleou  the  Gnostic,  seems 
to  acquiesce  in  the  statement  that  he  died  a 
natural  death  (Strom,  vi.  9).  Later  writers 
generally  take  the  other  view,  in  accordance 
with  the  natural  tendency  to  amplify.  Not  to 
allude  at  present  to  the  martyrologies,  we  find 
Nicephorus  {Hist.  Eccles.  ii.  41)  describing  tlie 
work,  sufferings,  and  death  of  St.  Matthew  in 
Myrmene,  the  city  of  the  Anthropophagi.  We 
meet  with  this  also  in  the  Apocryphal  Acts,  to 
which  we  shall  again  refer.  One  other  tradition 
about  St.  Matthew  may  be  mentioned  here,  whicli 
we  are  told  by  Clement  of  Alexandria  {Pacdog. 
ii.  1),  that  the  apostle  abstained  altogether  from 
flesh,  and  lived  on  berries,  fruits,  and  herbs. 

We  need  not  do  more  than  allude  in  the  most 
passing  way  to  the  story  of  the  translation  of  the 
body  of  St.  Matthew  to  Brittany  (where  it  was 
conveyed  from  EthiopLi  in  the  9th  century  !),  and 
thence,  at  the  expense  of  a  startling  anachronism, 
to  Lucania  by  the  emperor  Valentinian.  In  or 
about  the  year  a.d.  954,  it  was  removed  to 
Salernum  (Leo  Ostiensis,  in  Acta  Sanctorum, 
infra),  where  May  6  is  observed  as  the  comme- 
moration of  the  translation.  Strangely  enough, 
a  second  finding  at  Salernum  is  recorded  in  the 
time  of  Gregory  VII.  about  A.D.  1080. 

When  a  festival  of  St.  Matthew  first  arose, 
distinct  from  the  collective  festival  of  all  the 
apostles,  it  is  impossible  to  say  definitely,  but 
it  is  certainly  late.  It  is  absent  from  many 
forms  of  Western  liturgies,  which  we  shall  men- 
tion below,  and  it  would  appear  that  there  are 
scarcely  any  sermons  or  homilies  found  for  this 
day,  even  in  writers  of  the  9th  and  10th  cen- 
turies, among  the  few  being  one  by  Nicetas 
Paphlago  (Combefis,  Auctarium,  p.  401).  The 
•lay  specially  associated  with  St.  Matthew  in  the 
Western  church  is  September  21.  This  festival, 
however,  is  wanting  in  the  Leonine,  Gelasian,  and 
Oallican  liturgies,  and  in  tha  Orationale  Gothicum. 
It  is  found  in  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  in  the 
edition  of  Menard  (col.  130),  but  is  obelised  as 
lir.ubtful  in  that  of  Pamelius,  and  omitted  in 
that  of  Muratori.  Menard's  edition  also  gives  a 
mass  for  the  vigil,  but  it  cannot  be  doubted  that 
both  masses  are  a  later  addition.  Menard  him- 
;^(iif  remarks  (not.  in  he.)  that  both  masses,  espe- 
riaily  that  for  the  vigil,  arc  wanting  in  some  of 
Ihe  best  MSS.  On  the  other  hand,  the  festival 
is  recognised  in  the  Ambrosian  Liturtiy,  as  we 
now  have  it  (Pamelius,  Liturgg.  Latt^'i.  423) 
and  in  the  Mozarabic  Liturgy  and  Breviary 
(Patrol.  Ixxiv.  861,  Ixxxvi.  1205).  We  also  tiud 
it  in  the  Latin  martyrologies  generally,  as  in  the 
M'rt.llieronymi,  Romanum,  Bede,  Ado,  Usuard, 
-ad  Xotker.     The  notice  iu  the  metrical  niar- 


MATTHEW,  ST. 

tyrology  of  Bede  is,  "  Undecimas  capit  at  Mat- 
thaeus   doctor   amoenus"   (Patrol,   xciv.   605);. 
that  of  Wandalbert  (Patrol,  cxxi.  611):— 
"  Deseruit  Christo  niundi  qui  lucra  vocante 
Undecimum  Matthaeus  evangelico  ore  sacravit." 

Besides,  however,  the  commemoration  on  Sep- 
tember 21,  the  Mart.  Hicronymi,  as  edited  by 
D'Achery  (Spicllegitan,  vol.  iv.  pp.  617  sqq.),  gives 
the  name  of  St.  Matthew  several  times.  Thus 
we  have  on  May  1,  "Nat.  Matthaei  et  Jacobi ;" 
on  May  6,  "  In  Persida,  nat.  S.  Matthaei  apostoli 
et  evangelistae ;"  on  May  21,"  "  S.  Matthaei' 
apostoli;"  on  September  21  (supra);  and  on  Oc- 
tober 7,  "  Nat.  S.  Matthaei  evangelistae."  What 
these  multiplied  commemorations  mean,  it  is  very 
hard  to  say ;  possibly  they  point  to  the  conclu- 
sion that  we  have  here  a  collection  of  various 
partial  and  local  commemorations.  It  may  be 
noted  here  that  the  Cdd.  Hagenoyensis  and  Va- 
ticanus,  cited  by  Soller  among  the  various  auc- 
taria  to  Usuard's  Martyrology,  associate  May  6 
with  the  traditional  translation  of  the  apostle's 
body  to  Salernum  (Patrol,  cxxiv.  29).  With 
this  statement,  however,  though  found  in  Baro- 
nius's  Mart.  Horn.,  we  need  not  concern  ourselves,, 
for  the  alleged  date  of  this  translation  is,  as  we 
have  seen,  very  late. 

The  calendars  of  the  Greek  and  Russiaa 
Churches  commemorate  St.  Matthew  on  Novem- 
ber 16  (Neale,  Eastern  Church;  Int.  p.  784). 
The  notice  for  this  day  in  the  Greek  metrical 
calendar  prefixed  by  Papebroch  to  the  Acta  Sanc- 
torum for  May  (vol.  i.  p.  liii.)  is,  aKafxaTov 
UlarQatov  irvp  SeKaTT]  Krivtv  fKr-rj.  The  Ethiopic 
and  Egyptian  calendars  published  by  Ludolf  put 
tlie  festival  of  St.  Matthew  on  October  9  (Comm. 
ad  Hist.  Aeth.  p.  394).  The  same  is  also  the 
case  in  the  Egyptian  calendars  published  by 
Selden  (de  Sijnedriis  veterum  JEbraeorum,  pp.  212^ 
222,  ed.  Amsterdam,  1679),  one  of  which  also 
gives  another  commemoration  on  August  30  (ib.. 
p.  210).  Ludolf 's  Egyptian  calendar  has  also  a 
commemoration  of  St.  Matthew  on  November  16 
(p.  394) ;  and  in  the  list  of  commemorations  of 
saints  in  the  Armenian  Church  this  last  day  is 
associated  with  St.  Matthew  (Assemani,  Bibl.  Or. 
iii.  1.  648). 

As  regards  the  pseudonymous  literature  attri- 
buted to  St.  Matthew,  we  may  mention  (1)  the 
apocryphal  Latin  gospel  of  Matthew,  on  the 
birth  of  the  Virgin  and  the  infancy  of  the  Saviour, 
edited  in  part  by  Thilo,  and  fully  by  Tischendort 
(Evangelia  Apocrypha,  pp.  ixv,  50).  A  majority 
of  the  MSS.  of  this  gospel  prefix  two  letters,  ac- 
cording to  which  it  is  a  translation  by  Jerome 
from  the  Hebrew.  It  is  on  the  authority  of  this 
preface  that  the  gospel  is  referred  to  St.  Matthew. 
It  is  impossible  to  say  whether  we  are  to  connect 
this  with  the  reference  made  by  Innocent  I. 
(Epist.  vi.  ad  Exuperium  Tolosanum,  c.  7  ;  Patrol. 
IX.  502)  to  sundry  apocryphal  writings  professing 
to  be  due  to  some  of  the  apostles,  among  them 
perhaps  being  Matthew.  The  reading,  however, 
varies  between  Matthew  and  Matthias,*"  the  latter 
being  apparently  to  be  preferred.  (2)  The  acts 
ot  Andrew  and  Matthew  [Greek]  in  the  city  of 

"  This  only  occurs  in  some  MSS. ;  the  Cdd.  Corbeiensis, 
Eptcrnaceusis  (Acta  Sanctorum,  September,  vol.  vt  p. 
194). 

I*  This  statement  as  to  the  various  reading  is  given  on 
the  authority  of  Tischendorf  (op.  cit.  p.  xxvi.). 


MATTHIAS,  ST. 

the  Anthropophagi,  first  published  separately  by 
Thilo  and  since  by  Tischeniloi-t\Acta  Apostolorum 
Apocrypha,  pp.  xlvii,  132).  Here,  as  in  the  pre- 
vious case,  it  is  very  doubtful  whether  we  are  to 
read  Matthew  or  Matthias.  Tischendorf,  follow- 
ing his  oldest  Greek  MS.,  gives  Matthias ;  but 
the  other  Greek  MSS.  and  the  Latin  give  Mat- 
thew ;  so  also  do  the  Syriac  acts,  published  by 
Dr.  Wright  [Matthias].  (3)  We  have  also 
another  book  of  the  acts  and  martyrdom  of  St. 
Matthew,  first  published  by  Tischendorf  (op.  cit, 
pp.  'x,  167);  the  passage  we  have  already  cited 
from  Nicephorus  gives  an  account  closely  resem- 
bling that  of  these  acts.  (4)  There  is  extant  a 
Svro-Jacobite  liturgy,  bearing  the  name  of 
llatthew,  a  Latin  translation  of  which  is  given  by 
Fabricius  (Codex  Pseudepigr.  N.  T.  iii.  211  sqq.) 
and  Renaudot  (Liturg.  Orient.  CoUectio,  ii.  346, 
ed.  1847).  By  a  curious  carelessness,  some  have 
spoken  of  this  liturgy  as  associated  with  the 
name  of  the  apostle,  the  professed  name  of  the 
author  being  really  "  Matthew  the  Shepherd," 
and  the  date  of  its  composition  being  probably 
■the  end  of  the  11th  century  (Neale,  op.  cit.  p. 
330).<^  (5)  Lastly,  with  the  name  of  Matthew  is 
associated  the  regulation  for  the  ecclesiastical 
order  of  readers,  given  in  the  Apostolical  Consti- 
tutions (viii.  22).  [R.  S.] 

MATTHIAS,  ST.,  LEGEND  AND  FES- 
TIVAL OF.  Of  this  apostle  the  New  Testament 
tells  us  nothing  beyond  the  fact  of  his  election  to 
iill  the  place  of  the  traitor  Judas,  and  that  pre- 
viously he  had  been  a  follower  of  our  Lord  through- 
out the  whole  of  his  ministry.  Nor  is  there  any 
great  amount  of  trustworthy  tradition  concern- 
ing him.  It  is  indeed  asserted  that  he  was  one 
of  the  seventy  disciples,  and  this  is  by  no  means 
improbable.  (Eusebius,  Hist.  Eccles.  i.  12;  So- 
phronius,  in  the  Appendix  to  Jerome  de  Viris 
Illust.  [vol.  ii.  958,  ed.  Vallarsi];  Epiphanius,  i. 
20 ;  Dorotheus,  Synopsis  [in  Magn,  Bibl.  Pair. 
iii.  148,  ed.  1618]  ;  Rabanus  Maurus,  infra.) 

According  to  Isidore  (de  Vita  et  Ohitu  Patrum, 
c.  79 ;  Patrol.  Ixxxiii.  153),  Judaea  was  the 
scene  of  St.  Matthias's  labours.  The  same  state- 
ment also  is  generally  found  in  the  Latin  mar- 
tyrologies  (see  e.g.  those  of  Bede  [^Patrol,  xciv. 
848],  Rabanus  Maurus  [i6.  cs.  1133],  Usuard  [ib. 
cxxiii.  791],  and  Notker  lib.  cxxxi.  1048]).  The 
general  tenour  of  the  language  of  the  above  would 
seem  to  imply  that  the  apostle  died  a  natural 
death. 

Other  witnesses,  again,  speak  of  St.  Matthias 
as  labouring  in  Ethiopia  (Sophronius,  I.e. ;  Doro- 
theus, I.  c. ;  Nicephorus,  Hist.  Eccles.  ii.  40  ;  see 
also  the  Martyrology  of  Sirletus  in  Canisius, 
Thesaurus,  iii.  456).  We  must  assume,  however, 
that  we  have  here  an  exceptional  use  of  the  word 
Ethiopia,  for  the  locality  is  further  defined  (see 
e.  g.  Sophronius,  I.  c,  Dorotheus,  I.  c.)  as  being  by 
the  mouth  of  the  Apsarus  (which  flows  into  the 
Euxine),  and  the  haven  of  Hyssus,  which  would 
identify  the  country  with  Cappadocia.  Here  he 
died  and  was  buried  (eojs  rf/s  (TTj/jLepof,  Sophro- 
nius), the  more  minute  statement  being  given  by 
Dorotheus  that  he  died  in  Sebastopolis,  and  was 


MATTHIAS,  ST. 


1159 


=  Assemani  (Bibl.  Or.  iii.  1,  637)  mentions  a  MS.  of 
this  Liturgy  in  the  Vatican,  at  the  end  of  which  it  Is 
styled  the  "Liturgy  of  Matthew  the  Shepherd,  who  is 
called  Hennas,  one  of  the  Seventy." 


buried  there  near  the  temple  of  the  sun.  It 
maybe  noted  here  that  the  Etliiopia  is  differently 
named  by  the  above  writers  ;  Sophronius  speaks 
of  71  SeuTfpa  AlOioTTia,  Nicephorus  of  ■}]  Trpwrrj 
Ai6.,  and  the  Jlenaea  of  tj  e|a)  Aid. 

It  is  uncertain  when  a  festival  of  St.  Matthias 
first  came  to  be  celebrated.  It  does  not  occur  in 
the  Gelasian  Sacramentary,  or  in  the  Comes 
Hieronymi,  but  is  found  in  some  forms  of  the 
Gregorian  Sacramentary  (col.  29,  ed.  Menard), 
under  the  heading  Katalis  S.  Matthiae  ApostoU, 
and  is  doubtlessly  to  be  viewed  as  one  of  the 
later  additions  to  this  sacramentary."  The  His- 
pano-Gothic  calendar  does  not  give  the  festival, 
but  we  find  it  in  the  Mozarabic  Missal  and  Bre- 
viary. The  day  associated  with  St.  Matthias  in 
the  Western  church  is  February  24,  and  his  fes- 
tival on  that  day  is  recognised  in  most  Western 
martyrologies  and  calendars  (see  e.  g.  in  addition 
to  those  specified  above,  the  Mart.  Hieronymi 
\_Patrol.  XXX.  445],  the  Mart.  Rom.  Yet.,  and  the 
St.  Gall  MS.  of  the  Mart.  Gellonense  [D'Achery, 
Spicilegiuni,  xiii.  422]).  Henschenius,  however 
(Acta  Sanctorum,  May,  vol.  liL  436),  mentions 
an  ancient  MS.  Mart.  Hieronymi,  which  omits 
the  festival  altogether. 

In  consequence  of  February  24  having  been 
chosen  as  the  day  for  the  festival,  it  followed 
that  in  leap-years  it  would  fall  on  February  25.'' 
The  reason  of  this  is,  that  a  day  was  intercalated 
in  such  years,  so  that  the  "  vi.  Kal.  Mart."  came 
twice  over,  whence  the  name  bissextile.  Thus  in 
a  leap-year,  the  real  "  vi.  Kal.  Mart."  would  be 
February  25,  the  preceding  day  being  viewed  as 
the  supernumerary  one."^ 

It  may  be  noted  that  in  one  MS.  of  the  Murt. 
Hieronymi  (the  Cod.  Lucensis),  May  21  is  marked 
"  alibi  Matthiae  apostoli."  As  all  other  MSS., 
however,  read  Matthaei,  this  must  be  viewed  as 
evidently  a  mistake  (Patrol,  cxxiii.  791). 

In  the  calendar  of  the  Greek  Church,  the  fes- 
tival of  St.  Matthias  falls  on  August  9.<^  The 
notice  for  this  day  in  the  Greek  metrical  Ephe- 
merides,  prefixed  by  Papebroch  to  the  Acta  Sanc- 
torum for  May  (vol.  i.  p.  xxxix.),  is  ^^07j  a^^)' 
ivarri  ^vXu  IvQeos  MaTdias.  The  epistle  and 
gospel  in  the  Greek  Church  are  Acts  i.  12-17, 
21-26,  and  Luke  x.  16-21.     The  Ethiopia  calen- 

"  Some  writers  have  appealed  to  the  calendar  of  Athel- 
stan's  Psalter  as  proving  that  the  festival  of  St.  Matthias 
existed  in  England  by  a.d.  703.  It  has  been  shewn, 
however,  by  Heurtley  {Harmonia  Symbolica,  pp.  74  sqq.) 
that  this  calendar  is,  in  all  probability,  to  be  referred  to 
the  period  a.d.  901-1008. 

•>  A  curious  instance  is  mentioned  by  South ey  (The 
Doctor,  c.  90),  in  whicli  the  emperor  Maximilian  failed  in 
an  enterprise  against  Bruges  through  forgetfulness  of 
this  fact.  Soulhey  himself,  however,  would  seem  not  to 
have  been  aware  of  the  true  explanation. 

«  In  the  English  Prayer  Books  of  1549,  1552,  1559,  it 
is  ruled  that  on  Feb.  25,  which  in  leap-years  counts  as 
two  days,  the  same  Psalms  and  Lessons  shall  serve  for 
the  two  daj's.  The  Calendar  of  1561,  followed  by  the 
Prayer- Book  of  1604,  reverts  to  the  old  plan,  and  so  the 
Psalms  and  Lessons  of  the  23rd  are  read  again  the  fol- 
lowing day,  except  this  latter  be  Sunday.  In  1662,  the 
intercalated  day  was  taken  as  the  29  th,  according  to  the 
present  plan. 

d  In  tha  Menology  of  Cardinal  Sirletus,  already  referred 
to,  the  name  of  St.  Matthias  occurs  at  the  end  of  the 
entry  for  Aug.  S,  which  is  doubtless  due  to  a  mere  error 
of  the  transcriber,  who  should  have  put  It  at  the  head  of 
the  following  day. 


1160 


MATTHIAS 


dar  published  by  Ludolf  (Comm.  ad  Hist.  Aeth. 
p.  4-10)  fixes  the  festival  on  March  4  [Maga- 
bit  8]. 

A  certain  amount  of  pseudonymous  literature 
is  associated  with  the  name  of  this  apostle.  An 
apocryphal  gospel  under  the  name  of  Matthias  is 
mentioned  by  Origen  (Hoin.  i.  in  Luc.  vol.  v.  87, 
ed.  Lommatzsch)  and  Eusebius  (Hist.  Eccles.  iii. 
25)  ;  and  in  the  acts  of  a  council  held  at  Rome 
in  the  episcopate  of  Gelasius  (a.D.  49-i),  we  find 
"  Evangelium  {al.  Evangelia)  nomine  Blatthiae 
apocryphum"  {Patrol,  lix.  162, 175).  This  may, 
perhaps,  be  the  same  as  the  -jrapaZScTiis  of  St. 
Matthias  referred  to  several  times  by  Clement 
of  Alexandria.  From  him  it  would  appear  that 
the  work  was  written  in  the  interests  of  some 
Gnostic  sect,  for  he  speaks  of  the  followers  of 
Valentinus,  Marcion,  and  Basilides,  boasting  that 
they  quoted  the  opinion  of  Matthias  (Strom,  vii. 
17).  Clement  several  times  quotes  this  book 
(Strom,  ii.  9,  iii.  4,  vii.  13).°  Besides  this,  there 
are  apocryphal  acts  of  Andrew  and  Matthias, 
published  by  Thilo  in  a  separate  form,  and  also 
by  Tischendorf  (Acta  Apostolorum  Apocrypha,  pp. 
slvii,  132).  Thilo  refers  the  origin  to  Leucius, 
and  speaks  of  the  book  as  used  specially  by  the 
Gnostics  and  Manichaeans.  it  should  be  added, 
however,  that  it  seems  very  doubtful  whether 
we  should  read  the  name  Matthias  or  Matthew. 
Tischendorf,  following  the  oldest  Greek  MS., 
gives  Matthias,  but  the  other  Greek  MSS.  and 
the  Latin  give  Matthew.  So  also  do  the  Syriac 
acts  recently  published  by  Dr.  Wright.  We  may 
add  here  that  Innocent  I.  (Epist.  ad  Exuperium 
Tolosahum ;  L&hhe,  ii.  1256)  condemns  sundry 
writings  ascribed  to  Matthias  and  other  apostles, 
but  referred  by  him  to  Leucius.  Besides  these, 
we  have  Acts  of  St.  Matthias  extant  in  Latin, 
professing  to  be  translated  from  the  Hebrew  by 
a  monk  of  Treves,  it  would  seem  in  the  12th 
century  (Acta  Sanct.  supra,  p.  447).  Finally, 
the  name  of  St.  Matthias''  is  connected  in  the 
Apostolic  Constitutions  with  the  regulations  as  to 
the  blessing  of  oil  and  wine,  and  firstfruits  and 
tithes  (Apost.  Const,  viii.  28  sqq.).  [R.  S.] 

MATTHIAS,  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  and  con- 
fessor ;  commemorated  Jan.  30  (Usuard.  Mart.  ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  1025).  [C.  H.] 

IMATULTJS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Ni- 
coniedia  March  12  (Ilicron.  Mart.).         [C.  H.] 

]\IATUEINUS,  confessor,  in  Gatinois ;  com- 
memorated Nov.  1  (Usuard.  Mart.).         [C.  H.] 

MATURUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at  Lyon 
June  2  (Ilicron.  Mart.;  Usuard.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MATUTINA,  martyr;  commemorated  in 
Africa  March  27  (Ilierun.  Mart.).  [C.  H.l 

MATUTINUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated 
at  Thessalonica  April  4  (Ilicron.  Mart.). 

(2)  One  of  the  eighteen  martyrs  ofSaragossa- 
commemorated  Apr.  16  (Usuard.  Mart.)  ;  at  Va- 
lencia in  Spain  Jan.  22  (Ilieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

•  This  passage  is  not  distinctly  referred  to  the  -napa.- 
Sdo-eit,  but  it  is  probably  to  be  connected  therewith. 

<■  .Some  MSS.  here  read  Matthew,  but  this  is  an  obvious 
error,  Blnce  the  name  of  this  latter  aposlle  has  already 
boon  given. 


MAUNDY  THUESDAY 

MAUNDY  THURSDAY  {Dies  Mandati)^ 
the  Thursday  in  Holy  Week,  the  day  of  the  in- 
stitution of  the  Last  Supper  and  of  our  Lord's 
betrayal,  so  called  with  reference  to  the  anti- 
phon  "  Mandatum  novum  do  vobis,  ut  diligatis 
invicem  "  (Joh.  xiii.  34)  appi-opriated  to  it.  The 
name,  which  is  not  a  very  early  one,  probably 
contains  also  an  allusion  to  the  other  command 
of  our  Lord  in  the  same  chapter  (Joh.  xiii.  14- 
16),  as  well  as  to  the  tovto  iroiuTf  of  Luke  sxii. 
19  ;  1  Cor.  xi.  24.  The  collect  at  the  giving  of 
the  Kiss  of  Peace  in  the  Gothic  missal  (Muratori, 
Liturg.  Roman.  Vetm,  ii.  578)  speaks  of  "com- 
mands "  in  the  plural  "  inter  praecipua  man- 
datorum  tuorum  Patribus  nostris  Apostolis  re- 
liquisti."  In  later  times  "  Mandatum  "  by  itself 
stood  for  the  "  Footwashing,"  which  had  been 
instituted  on  this  day,  and  even  for  the  apart- 
ment in  a  monastery  appropriated  to  it  (Ducange, 
sub  voc).  Other  names  for  this  day  are  t}  fi.eyd\ij 
TrefiiTTT],  T)  ayia  ireVraj,  feria  quinta  pascliae  ,- 
also,  as  the  day  of  the  institution  of  the  Eucharist, 
Coena  Domini,  dies  coenae  Domini,  fcria  quinta  in 
coena  Dominica,  dies  natalis  Eucharistiae,  natalis 
calicis,  dies  panis,  lucis,  mijsterioriim  ;  also,  with 
reference  to  the  other  ceremonials  belonging  to 
the  day,  dies  competentium,  dies  indulgentiae,  die» 
pedilavii.  The  more  recent  title,  dies  viridium,  to 
which  the  German  name  Griindonnerstag  corre- 
sponds, is  of  uncertain  origin.  The  relerences  to 
a  supposed  introit  (Ps.  xxii.  2),  and  to  our  Lord's 
words  (Luke  xxiii.  31),  are  purely  conjectural 
(Herzog,  Beal  -  Encycl.  xviii.  223 ;  August!, 
Christ.  Archaol.  i.  549). 

The  ceremonials  specially  belonging  toMauudy 
Thursday  which  call  for  notice  are  those  relating 
to  the  candidates  for  Baptism,  the  Reconciliation 
of  Penitents,  the  Consecration  of  the  Chrism, 
and  the  Administration  of  the  Eucharist. 

(a)  Catechumens. — In  some  churches  the  reJ- 
ditio  symboli  took  place  this  day  ;  i.  e.  the  cate- 
chumens were  required  to  repeat  the  creed  which 
had  been  given  them  by  the  bishop  and  presby- 
ters to  learn  by  heart  (traditio  symboli).  We 
find  this  ceremony  fixed  for  Maundy  Thurs- 
day in  the  canons  of  Laodicea  (can.  46  ;  Labbe, 
i.  1504),  and  in  the  "  capitula "  of  Martin, 
bishop  of  Braga  (cap.  49  ;  ib.  v.  911),  and  in  the 
canons  of  the  Quinisext  or  Trullan  council  (can. 
78 ;  ib.  vi.  1175).  The  more  usual  time  for  this  re- 
petition was  Easter-even  (Martene,  de  liit.  Ant. 
Eccl.  i.  116,  lib.  i.  c.  i.  art.  13,  §  2).  The  pedila- 
vium  or  washing  of  the  feet  of  the  catechumens, 
of  which  some  traces  appear  in  the  ritual  of  the 
early  church,  was  in  some  cases  performed  on 
this  day,  the  washing  of  the  head,  capitilavium, 
having  taken  place  on  Palm  Sunday.  There  is  a 
reference  to  this  ceremony  in  two  letters  of 
Augustine  to  Januarius  (Epist.  cxviii.  cxix.  c. 
18) ;  but  in  the  former  he  speaks  of  the  custom 
of  the  catechumens  bathing  the  whole  body  and 
not  only  of  washing  the  feet  on  this  day,  and  that 
merely  for  purposes  of  cleanliness  "  quia  baptiz- 
andorum  corpora  per  observationem  quadra- 
gesimae  sordidata  cum  ofifensione  sensus  ad 
fontem  tractarentur,  nisi  aliquo  die  lavarentur, 
Istum  autem  diem  potius  ad  hoc  electum  quo 
coena  Domini  anniversarie  celebratur,"  and  adds 
that  this  liberty  being  granted  to  the  catechu- 
mens, many  others  claimed  it  also,  and  bathed 
with  them  on  this  day— a  luxury  forbidden  dur- 
ing  Lent.     In  the  second  letter  he  makes  parti- 


MAUNDY  THURSDAY 

f  ular  mention  of  washing  the  feet  of  the  catechu- 
mens on  the  day  when  our  Lord  gave  this  lesson 
of  humility  "quo  ipsa  commendatio  religiosius 
iahaereret,"  but  adds  that  lest  it  should  appear 
to  be  in  any  way  essential  to  the  sacrament  many 
churches  had  never  admitted  the  custom  at  all ; 
others  had  discontinued  it,  while  some  had  post- 
poned it  till  a  later  day.  Although  this  custom 
was  never  received  by  the  church  of  Rome 
(Ambros.  de  Sacram.  iii.  1),  it  prevailed  for  a 
time  widely  among  other  churches,  as  those  of 
Gaul,  Milan,  and  Spain,  but  it  soon  fell  out  of 
favour,  and  was  expressly  prohibited  by  the 
canons  of  the  council  of  Elvira,  a.d.  306  (can.  48; 
Labbe,  i.  976),  which  prohibition  passed  into  the 
"  Corpus  Juris  canonici "  (c.  civ.  causa  i.  q.  1, 
lib.  i.  c.  i.  art.  13,  §  1 ;  Bingham,  bk.  xii.  c.  iv. 
§  10 ;  Herzog,  vol.  iv.  p.  630 ;  Martene,  torn.  i. 
pp.  116,  141).    Baptism,  vol.  i.  p.  164. 

(6)  Eeconciliation  of  Penitents. — At  a  very 
early  time  Maundy  Thursday  was  appointed  as 
the  day  for  the  public  absolution  of  penitents. 
The  letter  of  Innocent  I.  to  Decentius,  bishop  of 
Eugubium  (c.  7)  (if  indeed  it  is  rightly  given  to 
him  and  is  not  to  be  assigned  to  a  later  period) 
states  that  the  custom  of  the  Church  of  Rome 
was  to  grant  absolution  either  of  venial  or  mortal 
sins  only,  "  quinta  feria  ante  Pascha,"  unless  the 
penitent  was  attacked  by  severe  sickness  (Labbe, 
ii.  1247).  St.  Ambrose,  writing  to  his  sister 
Marcellina,  names  this  day  as  the  usual  one  for 
the  relaxation  of  penance,  "  erat  dies  quo 
Dominus  sese  pro  nobis  tradidit,  quo  in  ecclesia 
poenitentialia  relaxantur"  {Epist.  33  ad  Mar- 
cellin.  cf.  Hexaemeron,  lib.  v.  c.  25),  and  St. 
Jerome  speaks  of  Fabiola  as  standing  in  public 
penance  on  this  day,  "  quis  hoc  crederet  .  .  .  ut 
tota  urbe  spectante  Romana  ante  diem  paschae 
staret  in  ordine  poenitentium  ?  "  (Hieron.  Epist. 
30,  Epitaph.  Fahiol.').  The  same  custom  is  evi- 
denced by  the  various  homilies,  "  ad  reconcilian- 
dos  poenitentes,"  delivered  "  in  Coena  Domini," 
referred  to  by  Martene  {Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  lib.  1. 
cap.  vi.  art.  5,  §  10,  tom.  ii.  p.  31  ;  tom.  i.  p. 
284).  A  letter  of  Gilbert  "  Lunicensis  Episcopus," 
contained  in  Ussher's  Epistolae  Hibemicae  (^Ep. 
30,  p.  86),  states  the  custom  of  the  Irish  church 
to  be  that  venial  sins  were  absolved  "  in  capite 
jejunii,"  mortal  sins  "  in  Coena  Domini."  The 
penitents  first  assembled  outside  the  church 
doors,  where  they  heard  a  sermon  from  the 
bishop  ;  they  were  then  admitted  into  the  church 
and  heard  the  "missa  pro  reconciliatione  poeni- 
tentium," absolution  being  granted  them  before 
the  offertory.  In  the  "  Ordo  agentibus  publicam 
poenitentiam,"  assigned  in  the  Sacramentary  of 
Gelasius  to  this  day,  the  deacon  pleads  the  cause 
of  the  penitents,  which,  after  certain  collects,  is 
followed  by  the  "  ordo  ad  reconciliandum  poeni- 
tentem,"  and  the  "  oratio  post  reconciliationem" 
when  the  penitent  has  communicated  (Muratori, 
Lit.  Rom.  Vet.  i.  548-551). 

(c)  Consecration  of  Chrism. — The  sacred  oil 
being  needed  in  large  quantities  for  the  anointing 
of  the  newly-baptized  at  Easter,  it  naturally 
became  the  custom  to  consecrate  it  shortly  before 
that  festival.  Gradually  the  consecration  was 
limited  to  one  day,  and  by  the  5th  century  it 
had  become  the  rule  that  the  whole  of  the  chrism 
that  was  required  for  the  use  of  the  year  should 
be  consecrated  on  Maundy  Thursday.  In  the 
Conies Ilieronymi  we  find  under  this  day  "Chrisma 


MAUNDY  THURSDAY 


1161 


conficitur,"  and  in  the  sacramentary  of  Gregory 
(Pamel.  ii.  251)  is  the  rubric  "  in  ipso  die  item 
conficitur  chrisma,"  followed  by  the  proper  col- 
lects and  exorcism,  and  the  "  benedictio  chris- 
matis  principalis."  The  Gelasian  Sacramentary 
supplies  a  "  missa  chrismalis "  for  Maundy 
Thursday,  containing  the  "  benedictio  olei,"  and 
the  *'  olei  exorcizati  confectio,"  con-esponding 
very  closely  with  those  in  the  Gregorian  rite 
(Muratori,  Lit.  Rom.  Vet.  i.  554  sq.).  A  similar 
form  appears  in  the  Missa  Ambrosiana  given  by 
Pamelius  {Liturgicon,  i.  340).  The  fullest  direc- 
tions for  the  ritual  relating  to  the  consecration  of 
the  Chrisma  on  Maundy  Thursday  are  to  be  found 
in  the  Ordo  Romanus  i.  (Muratori,  Lit.  Rom. 
Vet.  ii.  991  sq.).     [Chrism.] 

(d)  Eitcharist. — Maundy  Thursday  was  the 
only  day  in  the  year  when,  throughout  the  whole 
Christian  world,  the  Eucharist  was  celebrated  in 
the  evening  and  partaken  of  after  a  meal,  and 
that,  as  far  as  we  know,  only  in  the  African 
church.  The  29th  canon  of  the  third  council 
of  Carthage,  a.d.  397,  specially  excepts  this  day 
from  the  rule  that  the  sacrament  of  the  altar 
should  be  celebrated  fasting,  "  ut  sacramenta 
altaris  nonnisi  a  jejunis  hominibus  celebrentur 
except©  uno  die  anniversario  quo  coena  Domini 
celebratur"  (Labbe,  ii.  1171),  St.  Augustine 
also,  while  insisting  on  fasting  communion  gene- 
rally, mentions  that  some,  to  make  the  com- 
memoration more  striking,  were  accustomed  to 
offer  and  receive  the  Body  of  the  Lord  after  meat 
on  the  day  when  the  Lord  Himself  gave  His 
supper.  We  learn  from  him  also  that  in  some 
places  there  was  on  this  day  a  double  celebration, 
"  in  the  morning  for  the  sake  of  those  who  dine, 
and  in  the  evening  for  the  sake  of  those  who 
fast "  (Augustine,  Epist.  cxviii.  ad  Januar.  c.  7). 
The  practice  of  an  evening  celebration  on  this 
day  was  regarded  with  increasing  disfavour,  and 
was  distinctly  prohibited  by  the  Quinisext  or 
Trullan  Council  (can.  29),  a.d.  692,  with  ex- 
press reference  to  the  above-mentioned  canon  of 
the  council  of  Carthage  (Labbe,  vi.  1155).  At 
the  ordinary  celebration  on  Maundy  Thursday 
a  portion  of  the  consecrated  bread  was  reserved 
for  the  communions  on  Good  Friday  and  Easter 
Eve,  Missa  Praesanctifcatorum.  "  Pontifex  ser- 
vat  de  Sancta  usque  in  crastinum "  (Orc^o  Ro- 
manus, i.  Muratori,  ii.  993). 

(e)  Other  Observances. — The  bells  of  the 
churches  were  silent  from  midnight  on  Wednes- 
day till  matins  on  Easter  Day  (On/o  Roman,  i. 
M.S.).  The  altars  were  stripped  after  vespers  (j6(c?.). 
There  was  no  chanting,  and  the  salutation  ^'Bo- 
minus  vobiscum,"  etc.,  was  intermitted,  as  well  as 
the  Kyrie  Eleison,  and  Et  ne  nos  inducas,  etc., 
after  matins  (Muratori,  u.  s.  i.  548,  ii.  992).  At 
3  P.M.  a  light  was  struck  outside  the  church, 
and  a  candle  lighted  from  it,  which  was  borne 
on  a  reed  in  procession  through  the  congregation 
to  the  sacristy,  where  a  lamp  was  kindled  and 
kept  burning  till  the  Saturday  morning,  when 
the  Paschal  taper  was  lighted  from  it  (Ordo 
Roman,  u.  s. ;  cf.  Zacaria,  Epist.  xii.  ad  Boni- 
f actum,  Labbe,  vi.  1525).  There  are  canons  of 
several  councils  forbidding  the  Jews  to  appear 
in  public,  or  to  mix  with  Christians  from  this 
day  till  Easter  Monday:  e.  g.  the  third  council  of 
Orleans,  a.d.  538  (can.  30,  Labbe,  v.  303),  and  the 
first  council  of  Macon,  A.D,  581  (.can.  14,iWJ.960), 
(Hospinianus,  do  Festis,  pp.  48,  49.)         [E.  V.] 


1162 


MAURA 


MAURA  (1)  Commemorated  with  Britta, 
virgins,  at  Tours  Jan.  15  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i. 
1018). 

(2)  Martyr  with  her  husband  Timotheus  a 
reader,  A.d.  280 ;  commemorated  May  3  (Basil. 
Menol. ;  Cal.  Byzant.).  [C  H.] 

MAURELIUS  (1)  Bishop  of  Imola,  cir.  a.d. 
532,  martyr ;  commemorated  May  6  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  May,  ii.  106). 

(2)  Bishop,  martyr  in  the  7th  century,  patron 
of  Ferrara ;  commemorated  May  7  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
May,  ii.  154). 

(3)  Presbyter  in  the  diocese  of  Troyes,  6th 
century  ;  commemorated  May  21  (Boll.  ActaSS. 
May,  V.  43).  [C  H.] 

MAURELLA,  martyr  ;  commemorated  May 
21  in  Africa  {Hicron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAURELLUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Rome  in  the  cemetery  of  Praete.xtatus,  May  10 
(Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAURENTIUS,  martyr  with  others,  under 
Diocletian,  at  Fossombrone  in  Italy;  comme- 
morated Aug.  31  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  vi.  665). 
[C.  H.] 

MAURICILIUS,  archbishop  of  Milan,  cir. 
A.D.  670;  commemorated  March  31  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Mar.  iii.  910).  [C.  H.] 

MAURICIUS,  MAURITIUS,  MAURICE 

(1)  One  of  the  forty-five  martyrs  of  Nicopolis 
under  the  emperor  Licinius ;  commemorated 
July  10  (Basil.  Menol.) ;  at  Alexandria  (Hicron. 
Mart.). 

(2)  Commemorated  with  John  Palaeolauritas 
July  26  (Basil.  Meiiol.). 

(3)  One  of  the  Thebaean  martyrs  ;  commemo- 
rated at  Agaunum  (St.  Maurice)  Sept.  22  {Hieron. 
Mart.  ;  Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart. ;  Bed. 
Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  vi.  308).  His  nata- 
lis  is  in  the  Antiphonarium,  but  on  what  day  is 
not  stated,  and  he  is  named  in  the  Liber  Eespon- 
salis  (Greg.  Mag.  Lib.  Sacr.  710,  810). 

(4)  Martyr  with  Photinus  his  son  and  others ; 
commemorated  Feb.  21  at  Apamaea.  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Feb.  iii.  239.) 

(6)  Martyr  with  Georgius  and  Tiberius  at 
Pignerol,  under  Diocletian;  commemorated  Apr 
24  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  iii.  266).  [C.  H.] 

MAURILIUS,  bishop  and  confessor ;  his  de- 
positio  commemorated  at  Angers  Sept.  13  {Hieron. 
Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  iv.  62) ;  Maurilio 
(Usuard.  Mart.).  tq_  jj  -i 

MAURILUS,  martyr  ;  commemorated  in 
Africa  April  28  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H."] 

MAURINA,  martyr;  commemorated  at  Tomi 
May  27  {Hieron.  Mart.).  m  H."l 

MAURINIANUS,  martyr;  commemorated 
in  Africa  Feb.  1  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAURINUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated 
Jlay  26  at  Tuscia  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Abbat,  martyr  at  Cologne  ;  commemorated 
June  10  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  ii.  279).    [C.  H.] 

MAURITANUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  in 
Mauritania  Oct.  17  {Hieron.  Mart.).        [C.  H.] 


MAUSIMAS 

MAURONTUS  (1)  Abbat  of  Broylus  (Bruel) 
in  Belgium,  a.d.  701  ;  commemorated  May  5 
(Bed.  Mart.'Auct. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  May,  ii.  53). 

(2)  Bishop  and  confessor,  of  Marseilles,  per- 
haps a.d.  786;  commemorated  Oct.  21  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Oct.  ix.  362).  [C.  H.] 

MAURUS  (1)  Abbat  of  Glannafolium,  a.d. 
584  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  1039),  in  the  terri- 
tory of  Angers  (Usuard.  Mart.)  ;  commemorated 
Jan.  15. 

(2)  or  MORTUUS-NATUS,  hermit  in  Bel- 
gium in  the  7th  century  ;  commemorated  Jan. 
15  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  1080). 

(3)  Bishop  of  Cesena  in  Italy  ;  commemorated 
Jan.  20  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  333). 

(4)  Martyr  with  Papias,  soldiers ;  commemo- 
rated at  Rome  on  the  Via  Nomentana  Jan.  29 
(Usuard.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  ;  Vet.  Bom.  3Iart.). 

(5)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  in  Campania  Mar. 
18  {Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(6)  Martyr;  commemorated  Apr.  12  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(7)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Antioch  Apr, 
27  ;  another  elsewhere  on  the  same  day  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(8)  Libycus,  Roman  martyr  under  Nurnerian, 
buried  at  Gallipolis  ;  commemorated  May  1  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  May,  i.  40). 

(9)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  June  5 
{Hieron.  3fart.). 

(10)  Presbyter  and  his  son  Feli.x,  in  the  6th 
century ;  commemorated  at  Spoletum  June  16 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  iii.  112). 

(11)  Bishop,  martyr  with  Pantaleemon  and 
Sergius  at  Biseglia ;  commemorated  July  27 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  vi.  352). 

(12)  Martyr,  with  Bonus,  Faustus,  and  seven 
others ;  commemorated  on  the  Via  Latina  Aug.  1 
(Usuard.  Mart.). 

(13)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Rome  Aug.  12 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(14)  Martyr  with  fifty  others  at  Rheims  in 
the  3rd  century;  commemorated  Aug.  22  (Bed. 
Mart.  Auct. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  iv.  515). 

(15)  Confessor,  with  Salvinus  and  Arator  at 
Verdun  ;  commemorated  Sept.  4  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Sept.  ii.  221). 

(16)  Bishop  and  confessor  at  Placentia  about 
A.D.  430 ;  commemorated  Sept.  13  (Boll.  Acta 
SS  Sept.  iv.  79). 

(17)  Martyr  in  the  province  of  Histria ;  com- 
memorated Nov.  21  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart. 
Auct.). 

(18)  Martyr  at  Rome  under  prefect  Celerinus  ; 
commemorated  Nov.  22  (Usuard.  Mart.). 

(19)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  Nov.  29 
{Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(20)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  Nov.  30 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(21)  Martyr  with  his  brother  Jason  and  their 
parents,  Claudius  the  tribune  and  Hilaria,  at 
Rome ;  commemorated  Dec.  3  (Usuard.  Mart. : 
Vet.  Rom.  Mart.). 

(22)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Rome  Dec.  10 
{Hieron.  Mart.).  rQ_  jjt 

MAUSIMAS,  priest  in  Syria ;  commemorated 
Jan  23  {Cal.  Byzant. ;  Boll.  ActaSS  Jan.  ii. 
^^^)-  [C.  H.] 


MAVILUS 

MAVILUS,  martyr,  cir.  a.d.  203,  at  Adru- 
metum :  commemorated  Jan.  4  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Jan.  i.  164).  [C  H.] 

MAVORUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome 
June  2  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAVEONTUS,  abbat  of  old  St.  Florence  in 
*he  7th  century  ;  commemorated  Jan.  8  (Boll. 
'Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  505).  [C.  H.] 

MAXELLENDIS,  virgin   and  martyr,  cir. 
A.D.  660;  commemorated    Nov.   13  (Surius,  de 
Froh.  Sand.  Vit.  Col.  Ag.  1G18,  Nov.  p.  317). 
[C.  H.] 

MAXENTIA,  widow  of  Trent,  cir.  a.d.  400 ; 
commemorated  Apr.  30  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  iii. 
772).  [C.  H.] 

MAXENTIUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated 
at  Nicomedia  Feb.  24  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Presbyter  and  confessor  in  Poitou;  com- 
memorated June  26  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta 
SS.  June,  V.  169).  [C.  H.] 

3IAXENTUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated 
at  Rome  May  22  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Milan  May  6 
{Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAXIANUS,  martyr  with  Julianus  and  the 
presbyter  Lucianus  at  Beauvais ;  commemorated 
Jan.  8  (Usuard.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAXIMA  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated  at 
Nicomedia  Feb.  16  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Slartyr  ;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia  Feb. 
22  {Hieron.  3Iart.). 

(3)  Wife  of  the  presbyter  Montanus,  martyrs  ; 
commemorated  at  Sirmium  March  26  (Usuard. 
Jfart.;  Bed.  Mart.).  The  husband  is  called  Mu- 
natus  in  Hieron.  Mart. 

(4)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Antioch  Mar. 
26  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Alexandria 
April  6  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(6)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Antioch  Apr.  7 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(7)  Martyr;  commemorated  Apr.  12  {Hieron. 
3Iarf.). 

(8)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Constantinople 
Jlay  8  {Hiero7i.  Mart.). 

(9)  Two  of  the  name  commemorated  at  Rome, 
in  the  cemetery  of  Praetextatus,  May  10  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(10)  Virgin  ;  commemorated  at  Fi'iuli  May  16 
(Usuard.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  May,  iii.  579). 

(11)  Martyr,  commemorated  at  Alexandria 
May  17  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(12)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  on  Via 
Aurelia,  May  31  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(13)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Thessalonica 
June  1  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(14)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Rome  June  2 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(15)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Antioch  July 
10  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(16)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Alexandria 
July  10  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(17)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Laodicea  July 
26  '{Hieron.  Mart.). 


MAXIMUS 


1163 


(18)  Martyr,  with  Donatilla  and  Sccunda,  at 
Lucernaria  in  Africa  under  Gallienus  ;  comme- 
morated July  30  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart.  ; 
Vet.  Bom.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  vii.  146). 

(19)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Aug.  1  with  Do- 
natula,  Secundula,  and  others  at  the  30th  mile 
from  Rome  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(20)  Martyr  at  Rome  under  Diocletian ;  com- 
memorated Sept.  2  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  i.  357). 

(21)  Martyr  with  her  sister  Julia  at  Olisepona 
in  Lusitania;  commemorated  Oct.  1  (Usuard. 
Mart.). 

(22)  Virgin,  martyred  in  Africa  with  Marti- 
anus  and  Satirianus ;  commemorated  Oct.  16 
(Usuard.  Mart.). 

(23)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Mauritania 
Dec.  1  {Hiero7i.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAXIMIANUS  (1)  Martyr  ;  commemorated 
Jan.  2  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  80). 

(2)  Bishop  of  Ravenna ;  commemorated  Feb. 
22  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  iii.  294). 

(3)  Patriarch  of  Constantinople ;  commemo- 
rated April  21  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Apr.  ii.  847). 

(4)  Bishop  of  Syracuse,  a.d.  594 ;  commemo- 
rated June  9  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  ii.  241). 

(5)  One  of  the  Seven  Sleepers  of  Ephesus ; 
commemorated  July  27  (Usuard.  Mart.) ;  Oct.  23 
(Basil.  Menol). 

(6)  Martyr  with  Bonosus;  commemorated 
Aug.  21  (Usuard.  Mart). 

(7)  Bishop  and  confessor  at  Bagaia  in  Africa 
in  the  5th  century  ;  commemorated  Oct.  3  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Oct.  ii.  160).  [C.  H.] 

MAXIMILIANUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemo- 
rated at  Rome  Aug.  26  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Bishop  and  Martyr  at  Cilli,  cir.  a.d.  308 ; 
commemorated  Oct.  12  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  vi. 
52).  [C.  H.] 

MAXIMINUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated 
May  14  in  Africa,  the  same  or  another  in  Asia 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Syria  May 
24  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Bishop  and  confessor  at  Treves ;  com- 
memorated May  29  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard. 
Ifart. ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  May, 
vii.  19). 

(4)  Bishop  of  Tongres,  cir.  A.D.  300;  com- 
memorated June  20  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  iv.  7). 

(5)  Commemorated  in  the  territory  of  Orleans, 
Dec.  15  (Usuard.  Mart.)  [C.  H.] 

MAXIMUS  (1)  Abbat  and  Martyr  in  Gaul 
cir.  A.D.  625  ;  commemorated  Jan.  2  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Jan.  i.  91). 

(2)  I.  and  II.,  bishops  of  Pavia ;  commemo- 
rated Jan.  8  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  471). 

(3)  Bishop  of  Taormina  in  Sicily,  in  the  first 
century;  commemorated  Jan.  12  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Jan.  i.  720). 

(4)  Confessor;  commemorated  .Ian.  21  {Cal. 
Bijzant.;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  251). 

(5)  Propraetor,  martyr  with^  Fausta  and 
Evilasius;  commemorated  on  Feb.  6  ^Basil. 
Menol.) 


1164 


MAXIMUS 


(6)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Alexandria 
Feb.  14  (JHieron.  Mart.). 

(7)  Two  martyrs  commemorated  in  Africa 
and  one  elsewhere,  Feb.  IG  {Eieron.  Mart. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  864). 

(8)  Martyr  with  Claudius  and  his  wife  at 
Ostia;  commemorated.  Feb.  18  (Usuard.  Mart. 
Vet.  Horn.  Mart.). 

(9)  Martyr  with  Theodotus ;  commemorated 
Feb.  19  (Basil.  MenoL);  apparently  the  same  as 

(10)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia 
March  12  {Eieron.  Mart.). 

(11)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Mauritania 
April  1 1  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(12)  Martyr  with  Quintilianus  and  Dada 
under  Diocletian ;  commemorated  April  13  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Ap.  ii.  127). 

(13)  Martyr  with  Tiburtius  and  Valerianus ; 
commemorated  April  14  at  the  cemetery  of  Prae- 
textatus,  on  the  Via  Appia  {Hieron.  Mart. ; 
Usuard.  3Iart. ;  Vet.  Mom.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.). 
His  natalis  on  this  day  in  Gregory's  Sacramen- 
tary,  and  his  name  in  the  collect  (Greg.  Mag. 
Lib.  Sacr.  83). 

(14)  Martyr,  with  Optatus  and  others ;  com- 
memorated April  14  {Ilieron.  Mart.  ;  Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Ap.  ii.  212). 

(15)  Soldier  and  martyr,  one  of  the  Thebaean 
legion,  cir.  A.D.  297  ;  commemorated  April  14  at 
Milan  (Boll.^cte  SS.  Ap.  ii.  212). 

(16)  Martyr  with  Olympiades,  noblemen,  at 
Cordula  in  Persia,  under  Decius  ;  commemora- 
ted April  15  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart. ;  Vet. 
Horn.  Mart). 

(17)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  the  cemetery 
of  C'alixtus  on  the  Via  Appia  April  21  {Hieron. 
Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Avx:t.). 

(18)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Ap.  26 
{Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(19)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Egypt  Apr. 
27  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(20)  Martyr,  with  Dadas  and  Quintilianus,  at 
Dorosterum ;  commemorated  April  28  (Basil. 
MenoL).  ^ 

(21)  Martyr  in  Asia,  circ.  A.D.  250;  com- 
memorated April  30  (Florus,  ap.  Bed.  Mart; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  iii.  732);  May  14  by  the 
Greeks  (BasW.  MenoL);  by  others  on  April  21 
under  the  name  of  Marcellinus,  and  on  April  25 
as  Marcellus.  For  another  Maximus  comme- 
morated on  April  30  by  the  Greeks,  see  Boll. 
ut  sup.  p.  733. 

(22)  Bishop  of  Jerusalem,  confessor,  after  A.D. 
355;  commemorated  May  5  (Boll.  Acta  Ss' 
May,  ii.  7). 

(23)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Milan  May  6 
{Hieron.  Mart.).  •' 

(24)  Two  martyrs;  commemorated  in  Africa 
May  7  {Hieron.  Mart.);  another  at  Nicomedia 
the  same  day  {Hieron.  Mart  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Aicct.). 

(25)  Presbyter;  commemorated  at  Constan- 
tinople May  8  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(26)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Alexandria 
May  13  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(27)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  on  the 
Via  Nomentana,  May  28  {Hieron.  Mart.). 


MAXIMUS 

(28)  Bishop  of  Verona,  4th  century;  com- 
memorated May  29  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  May,  vii.  36). 

(29)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Thessaloaica 
June  1  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(30)  Or  MAXIMINUS,  bishop  of  Aquae- 
Sextiae  in  1st,  4th,  or  6th  century ;  commemo- 
rated June  8  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  ii.  53). 

(31)  Presbyter  ;  commemorated  at  Alexandria 
June  9  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  ii. 
170). 

(32)  Martyr;  bishop  of  Naples,  before  A.D. 
360;  commemorated  June  12  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
June,  ii.  517). 

(33)  Bishop  of  Turin  after  A.D.  460;  com- 
memorated June  25  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  v.  50). 

(34)  Martyr  at  Alexandria  with  Leontius  and 
others;  commemorated  July  10  {Hieron.  Mart.; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  iii.  53). 

(35)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Syrmia  July 

15  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(36)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Antioch  July 

16  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(37)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Asia  July  17 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(38)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Dorostorum 
July  18  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(39)  Martyr,  with  Sabinus  and  others ;  com- 
memorated at  Damascus  July  20  {Hieron.  Mart.  ; 
Usuard.  Mart.). 

(40)  Martyr;  commemorated  with  Cyriacus 
and  others  at  Corinth  July  20  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(41)  Bishop  and  confessor  at  Patavium,  2nd 
century ;  commemorated  Aug.  2  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Aug.  i.  109). 

(42)  Confessor,  "  our  holy  father ;"  transla- 
tio  Aug.  13  (Basil.  MenoL  ;  CaL  Byzant. ;  Daniel, 
Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  266). 

(43)  Youthful  martyr  in  Africa  under  Hunne- 
ric ;  commemorated  Aug.  17  (Usuard.  Mart.). 

(44)  Abbat  and  confessor;  commemoi-atcd 
Aug.  20  at  Chinon  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart. 
Auct ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  iv.  55). 

(45)  Martyr,  with  Gaianus  and  others ;  com- 
memorated at  Ancyra  Aug.  31  and  Sept.  4 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(46)  Martyr  with  Theodotus  and  Asclepiodotes 
in  Thrace  ;  commemorated  Sept.  15  (Basil.  MenoL 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  v.  31).     See  (9). 

(47)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Nuceria 
Sept.  16  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(48)  Martyr  with  Juventinus;  commemo- 
rated Oct.  9  (Basil.  MenoL). 

(49)  Martyr  at  Cordova  ;  commemorated  Oct. 
14  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(50)  Levita,  martyr  under  Decius;  comme- 
morated Oct.  19  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  viii.  417); 
Oct.  20  (Usuard.  Mart.). 

(51)  Martyr  with  120  other  soldiers;  com- 
memorated at  Eome  Oct.  25  {Hieroii.  Mart.). 

(52)  Bishop  of  Mentz  in  the  4th  century; 
commemorated  Nov.  18  (Surius,  de  Frob.  SS. 
Hist  t.  iv.  p.  401,  Colon.  1618). 

(53)  Presbyter  and  martyr,  under  Maximian  ; 
commemorated  at  Rome  on  the  Via  Appia  Nov. 
19  {Hieron.  Mart.;  Usuard.  Mart.;  Vet.  Eonu 
Mart.)  ;  Maximinus  (Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 


MAYENCE,  COUNCIL  OF 

(54)  Presbyter ;  commemorated  in  Spain  Nov. 
20  (Eieron.  3Iart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(55)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Aussig  in 
Bohemia  Nov.  21  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(56)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Rome  Nov. 
22  (^Hieron.  Mart.). 

(57)  Two  martyrs;  commemorated  at  Rome, 
Nov.  23  (^Hieron.  Mart.). 

(58)  Martyr  witli  Chrysogonus  and  Eleu- 
therius ;  commemorated  at  Aquileia  Nov.  24 
{Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Arict.). 

(59)  Eegiensis,  bishop,  confessor ;  commemo- 
ratsd  Nov.  27  (Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart.). 

(60)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa  Dec. 
15  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(61)  Presbyter  and  confessor;  commemorated 
at  Orleans  Dec.  15  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

(62)  Bishop;  commemorated  at  Alexandria 
Dec.  27  (Usuard.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MAYENCE,  COUNCIL  OF  {Moguntinum 
Concilium),  A.D.  753,  at  which  Lullus  was  sub- 
stituted for  St.  Boniface,  who  was  going  back 
to  Friesland,  in  the  see  of  Mayence.    [E.  S.  Ff.] 

MEALS  (in  Art).     The  arrangements  of  a 
Christian  table  do  not  seem  to  have  been  very  dif- 
ferent from  the  current  habits  of  the  time,  except 
in  greater  care  for  moderation,  sobriety,  and  gra- 
vity of  conversation.     The  guests  sat  at  table ; 
so  at  least  they  are  represented  in  all  the  repre- 
sentations of  agapae,  or  other  meals,  which  are 
found  in  the  catacombs.     The  classic  example  of 
an  apparently  secular  or  ordinary  meal  is  the 
well-known  fresco  from    the    catacomb   of   SS. 
Marcellinus  and   Peter   (Bottari,    tav.   cxxvii.), 
given   in   Martigny,    p.    579.      Raoul  Rochette 
{Discours  sur'  P  Urigino  et  le  Caractere  des  Types 
imitatifs  qui  constituent  FArt  dn  Christianisme) 
selects  this,  with  two  others,  as  representative 
examples.      They    are    found    in  Bottari,  tav. 
cviii.  and  cxxvii.,  and  at  vol.  iii.  p.  218;  and 
Rochette  has  no  doubt  of  their  relation  to  pic- 
tures in  Herculaneum  and  Pompeii.      Nor  can 
this  be  wondered  at,  if  we  consider  the  at  times 
inconvenient  and  awkward  connexion    between 
the  Christian  love-feast  and  the  heathen  funeral 
banquet.     It  is  acknowledged  on  all  hands  that 
the  former  reminded  untaught  or  recent  converts 
too  strongly  of  the  ancient  hearth-worship,  and 
of  past   banquets  to  the  lares  of  their  families. 
It  is  a  sign,  not  yet  fully  appreciated,  of  the 
great  vitality  of  the   faith,  that  it  was  able  to 
withdraw  the  population  of  Italy  (even  so  far  as 
it  did)  from  Etrurian  or  Greco-Etrurian  habits 
of  sepulchral  worship,  and  teach  them  to  com- 
memorate the  death  of  One  only.   See  Fergusson's 
History  of  Architecture  (bk.  iv.  c.  i.  p.  281,  and 
c.  ii.  p.  293,  ed.  1874)  and  Coulange's  La  Cite' 
Antique  (Introd.   and  chapters  i.  ii.).      On  this 
subject    the    student    should    compare    Bottari 
(taw.  cviii.  cxxvii.)  with   the  Pitture   d'Erco- 
laneo  (i.  tav.  xiv.) ;    B.  Museo   Borbonico  (t.  i. 
tav.   xxiii).     The  chief  difference  is  that  in  the 
Christian   picture,    of   which    the  Gentile    one 
is    a   type  (Bott.    tav.    cviii.),    a    round    bowl 
is   substituted  for  the   horn  or    rhyton  (drunk 
from  at  the  small  end).     It  seems  quite  clear, 
that  except  for  inferior  painting,  and  the  decent 
dress  of  persons  represented.  Christian   pictures 
of  the  same  subject  greatly  resemble  these.     In 


MEDIATORS 


116& 


the  S.  Marcellinus'  example  (known  also  as 
that  of  the  Via  Labicana,  and  of  the  catacomb 
Inter  duas  Lauros),  men  and  women  sit  at  meat 
together.  The  provisions  and  wine  appear  to  have 
been  handed  by  servants,  and  are  not  placed  on 
the  table  ;  and  the  requests  of  two  of  the  guests 
are  strangely  painted  above  their  heads,  "  Irene 
da  cal(i)da(m)  "  "  Agape,  misce  mi."  (Compare 
Juv.  Sat.  V.  63.)  The  names,  as  Rochette  ob- 
serves, are  probably  significant.  The  semicir- 
cular table  was  called  sigma  from  the  C  form  of 
that  letter.  The  sigma  may  have  been  consi- 
dered an  improvement  on  the  ordinary  triclinium. 
Within  a  semicircle  there  is  a  smaller  three- 
legged  table  with  a  large  amphora.  There  are 
two  or  three  knives,  a  large  goblet,  two  little 
loaves,  apparently,  and  a  small  animal,  resem- 
bling a  squirrel,  is  being  carved.  Athenaeus 
(iv.)  describes  a  table  of  this  kind,  and  Varro 
(iv.  25)  calls  it  sibilla  ;  others  mensa  escaria.  A 
young  man,  apparently  the  carver  or  structor 
dapis,  stands  by  in  a  long  tunic  with  purple 
stripes.  The  two  seated  female  figures  at  the 
ends  of  the  semicircle  are  directing  him,  and 
may  be  the  servants  named  by  the  guests ;  they 
would  act  as  carptores,  or  praegustatrices. 
(Seneca,  Epist.  xlvii.)     See  woodcut. 

[R.  St.  J.  T.] 


MECEONUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  in 
Africa  Ap.  17  {Hieron.  Mart.);  Meconus  (Bed. 
3Iart.  Auct.).  [C.  H.] 

MEDACUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  N\- 
comedia  Sept.  18  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MEDANUS  or  MELDANUS,  Irish  bishop 
at  Peronne  about  tlie  end  of  tke  6th  cent.;  com- 
memorated Feb.  7  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  66). 
[C.  H.] 

MEDAEDUS,  bisnop  and  confessor ;  depo- 
sitio  commemorated  at  Soissons  June  8  {Hieron. 
3Lirt.)  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  ii.  72 ;  his  festival 
(Bed.  3Iart.);  his  natalis  {Usuard.  Mart.)  [C.  H.] 

MEDATULUS,  martyr;  commemorated  in 
Africa  July  20  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MEDERICUS,  presbyter  and  abbat  at  Paris, 
cir.  A.D.  700 ;  commemorated  Aug.  29  (Usuard. 
3Iart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  vi.  518).       [C.  H.] 

MEDIATORS  (Priests).  The  Greek  writers, 
when  they  speak  of  Christian  priests,  frequently 
call  them  jxialrai,  i.e.  mediators  between  God 
and  man.  St.  John  Baptist  is  styled  mediator 
by  Gregory  of  Nazianzum,  'O  iraXaias  koI  vtas 
fjLeaiTijs,  as  coming  between  the  Old  and  New 
Testaments  {Orat.  xxxiv.  p.  633).  Others  repeat 
the  same  idea. 

The  author  of  the  Apostolical  Constitutiom 
applies  this  title  to  the  priesthood  (lib.  ii.  c.  25), 


1166 


MEDICUS 


as  does  also  Origen,  St.  Chrysostom,  St.  Basil, 
.and  others  of  the  Greek  fathers.  But  by  this 
they  seem  to  have  intended,  not  that  the  priest 
was  properly  a  mediator  independently  and  by 
his  own  inherent  authority,  but  merely  and  by  a 
figure  of  speech  as  an  internuncius  or  medium  of 
communication.  In  this  sense  St.  Basil  {de 
Spiritu  Sancto,  c.  14)  andTheodoret,  commenting 
on  Gal.  iii.  19,  20  (where  the  word  /ueo-tTTjs  is 
repeatedly  employed),  teach  that  Moses  was  a 
mediator 'between  God  and  the  people  of  Israel. 
The  true  mediator  is,  of  course,  the  Lord  Jesus. 
The  article  /aeffiTTjs  in  Suicer's  Thesaurus  may 
be  consulted  with  great  advantage.  He  has  col- 
lected a  large  mass  of  quotations  from  the  Greek 
fathers,  shewing  that  they  constantly  and  uni- 
formly applied  the  term  ^€0-it7js,  in  all  its 
varieties  of  meaning,  to  Jesus  Christ. 

The  Latin  Withers  avoid  the  use  of  mediator 
in  this  sense  (as  applied  to  the  priesthood).  St. 
Cyprian  uses  it  "discurrant  ad  judices,  blan- 
•diantur  mediatoribus "  (de  Cardinal.  Operib. 
Ghristi  Frolog.— the  authorship  is  uncertain), 
but  not  of  priests.  St.  Augustine  strongly  pro- 
tests against  it  in  his  treatise  against  Parmenian, 
3.  Donatist  bishop,  who  had  said  that  the  bishop 
was  a  mediator  between  God  and  the  people, 
"  Si  Johannes  diceret  .  ,  .  mediatorem  me  habetis 
apud  Patrem,  et  ego  exoro  pro  peccatis  vestris 
(sicut  Parmenianus  quodam  loco  posuit  episco- 
pum  mediatorem  inter  populum  et  Deum)  quis 
eum  ferret  bonorum  atque  fidelium  Christian- 
orum  "  (contra  Faniien.  lib.  ii.  c.  8). 

[S.  J.  E.] 

MEDICUS  (St.  Mie),  confessor  at  Huisseau, 
believed  to  have  lived  in  the  8th  or  9th  cent. ; 
commemorated  May  23  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  May,  vii. 
■842).  [C.  H.] 

MEDIOLANUM.    [Milan.] 

MEDION,  martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa 
May  14  (I/ieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MEDRANUS,  with  his  brother  Odranus, 
■confessors  in  Ireland ;  commemorated  July  7 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  ii.  477).  [C.  H.] 

MEDULA  or  MEDULLA  and  her  compa- 
nions ;  commemorated  Jan.  25  (C'al.  Byzant. ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  616).  [C.  H.] 

MEFOMUS,  martyr;  commemorated  June  3 
Olicron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MEGETIA,  martyr.     [Migetia.] 

MEGGINUS,  martyr;  commemorated  in 
Mauritania  Dec.  2  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MEGINUS,  'martyr ;  commemorated  at  Pe- 
rusia  Ap.  29  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MEL,  Irish  bishop  in  the  5th  cent. ;  comme- 
morated Feb.  6  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  i.  778). 

[C.  H.] 

MELANIA  ROMAN  A,  "Our  Mother-" 
commemorated  Dec.  31  (Col.  Bi/zant. ;  Basil. 
Jfenol. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  278).     [C.  H.] ' 

MELANIUS  (1)  bishop  and  confessor ;  com- 
memorated at  Rennes  Jan.  6  (Usuard.  Mart  ■ 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  327). 

(2)  Bishop  of  Troyes  in  the  4th  cent. ;  com- 
memorated Ap.  22  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  iii.  29) 
[C.  H.] 


MELITO 

MELANTUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Dijon  Nov.  1  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MELANUS,  martyr  in  Africa;  commemo- 
rated Dec.  9  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  II.] 

MELANUS,  martyr  in  Africa;  commemo- 
rated Dec.  2  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MELAS  or  MELANES,  bishop  of  Ehino- 
colura,  confessor  in  the  5th  cent. ;  commemo- 
rated Jan.  16  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  15). 

[C.  H.] 

MELASIPPUS  (1)  martyr;  commemorated 
at  Lano^res  Jan.  17  (Hieron.  Mart.;  Usuard. 
Mart.).  ■  [C.  H.] 

(3)  Martyr  with  his  wife  Casina  and  son  An- 
tonius ;  commemorated  Nov.  7  (Basil.  Menol.). 
[C.  H.] 

MELCHIOR,  Magian  king;  commemorated 

Jan.  6  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  323).  [Epiphany.] 

[C.H.] 

MELCHUS,  Irish  bishop,  of  5th  century  ; 
commemorated  Feb.  6  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  i. 
778).  [C.  H.] 

MELCIADES  (1)  bishop  and  confessor ;  de- 
positio  commemorated  at  Rome  in  the  cemetery 
of  Calistus  on  the  Via  Appia  Jan.  10  (Hieron. 
Mart.)  ;  Melchiades  (Bed.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Alexandria 
Aug.  9  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MELDANUS.    [Mkdanus.] 

MELDEGASUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at 
Terracina  Nov.  1  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MELETIUS  (1)  Bishop  of  Antioch,  "  Our 
father,"  a.d.  381;  commemorated  Feb.  12  (Cal. 
Bi/zant. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  253 ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  585  ;  Aug.  23  (Basil.  Mend.). 

(2)  Dux,  martyr  with  1250  companions;  com- 
memorated May  24  (Basil.  Menol.). 

(3)  Commemorated  with  Isacius,  bishops  of 
Cyprus,  Sept.  21  (Basil.  Menol). 

(4)  Bishop  and  confessor ;  commemorated  in 
Poutus  Dec.  4  (Usuard.  Mart).  [C.  H.] 

MELEUS,  martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Alex- 
andria July  13  (Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  3Tart. 
Auct.).  [C.  H.] 

MELISIUS,  bishop  and  martyr;  commemo- 
rated Ap.  22  (Usuard.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MELISUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated  in 
Africa  Nov.  26  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia 
Nov.  27  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MELITENE,  COUNCIL  OF  (Melitenense 
Concilitim),  one  of  the  synods  at  which  Eusta- 
thius,  bishop  of  Sebaste,  was  condemned,  and 
held,  consequently,  befoi-e  A.D.  359,  by  when  he 
had  ceased  to  be  possessed  of  that  see.  (Mansi, 
iii.  291.)  Melitine  lay  on  the  frontiers  of  Ar- 
menia Minor  and  Cappadocia.  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

MELITINA,  of  Marcianopolis,  martyr  under 
s ;  commemorated  Sept.  15  (Basil.  Mc- 


Anto 


nol. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  v.  29).         '    [C.  H.] 

MELITO,  bishop  in  the  1st  or  2nd  century; 

commemorated  Ap.  1  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  i.  10). 

[C.  H.] 


MELITUS 

MELITUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Alex- 
andria July  10  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MELLITUS,  bishop  in  Britain ;  depositio 
Ap.  24  (Bed.  Mart.  ;  Usuard.  Mart.  ;  Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Ap.  iii.  280).  [C.  H.] 

MELOEUS  or  MELIOR,  martyr  in  Bri- 
tain, cir.  A.D.  411  ;  commemorated  Jan.  3  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  136).  [C.  H.] 

MELOSA,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Thes- 
salouica  June  1  (^Hieron.  3fart.).  [C.  H.] 

MELOSUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Thes- 
salonica  June  1  {Hkron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MELOTES  (firtKwrii  from  /xiiXof,  a  sheep). 
The  /uTjAcoToi  of  Heb.  xi.  37  are  probably  indi- 
cations of  distress  rather  than  of  asceticism  ; 
but  when  monasticism  arose,  a  sheepskin  gar- 
ment, hanging  down  on  one  side,  came  to  be  the 
usual  dress  of  monks  in  Egypt  and  elsewhere. 
Thus  Eucherius  says:  "  Melote,  in  Regum  libro, 
pellis  simplex  qua  monachi  Aegyptii  etiam  nunc 
utuntur,  ex  uno  latere  dependens."  This  word 
also  denotes  an  upper  garment  of  goatskin ;  thus 
Cassian  says  {Instit.  i.  8)  that  the  outer  garb  of 
monks  is  a  goatskin,  which  is  called  melotcs;  and 
Aelfric,  "  Hircinus  vel  fractus  roccus ;"  or, 
indeed,  of  any  kind  of  skin  (Macri  Hkrolex.). 
Gregorius  Monachus  makes  the  melotes  to  have 
been  a  hood  or  cowl  of  sheepskin.  (Ducange, 
Glossary.)  [S.  J.  E^] 

MELTIADES,  pope ;  depositio  commemo- 
rated at  Kome  July  2  {Hieron.  Mart.).     [C.  H.] 

MELVIUS,  martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa 
June  28  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MEMFIDUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Alexandria  Sept.  5  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MEMMA,  martyr;  commemorated  in  Mau- 
ritania Oct.  17  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [0.  H.] 

MEjVIMERUS,  martyr;  commemorated  in 
Africa  Ap.  24  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MEMMIA,  martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Rome 
on  the  Via  Salaria,  Aug.  8  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

[C.  H.] 

MEMMIUS  (1)  Martyr ;  commemorated 
Feb.  16  {Hicron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Carthage  May 
31  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martvr ;  commemorated  at  Alexandria 
June  28  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Bishop  and  confessor,  in  the  3rd  century  ; 
commemorated  at  Chalons-sur-Marne  Aug.  5 
(Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Usuard.  3fart. ;  Bed.  Mart. 
Auct. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  ii.  4).  [C.  H.] 

MEMNOX  THAUMATURGUS,  "  Our 
father ;"  commemorated  Ap.  28  (Basil.  Mcnol.  ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  iii.  578).  [C.  H.] 

MEMORIA,  martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Mi- 
lan May  6  (^Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MEMORIUS,  martyr,  with  his  companions ; 
commemorated  at  Troyes  Sept.  7  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Sept.  iii.  68).  [C.  H.] 

MENAEA  (to.  unvala).  These  are  office 
books   of  the  Greek  church  which  contain  the 


MENDICANCY 


1167 


variable  parts  of  the  offices  for  fixed  festivals. 
Thus  they  contain,  together  with  other  less 
prominent  matter,  the  Stichera  and  other  similar 
hymns,  the  Lections,  and  the  other  variable  parts 
of  vespers  ;  the  Canons,  with  all  that  depends  on 
them,  of  Lauds,  the  Synaxaria,  or  Lections 
from  the  Lives  of  the  Saints,  the  rubrical  direc- 
tions from  the  Typicum ;  and  on  a  few  great 
festivals,  such  as  the  Epiphany,  the  Antiphons  of 
the  Liturgy,  and  the  order  of  the  three  lesser 
hours  (the  3rd,  6th,  and  9th),  called  on  these  days 
ai  fjLeydXai  Sypai.  The  Menaea  are  usually  bound 
in  twelve  volumes,  each  containing  the  Menaeum 
for  a  month,  and  they  correspond  approximately 
to  the  Fropriiim  Sanctorum  of  a  Western  bre- 
viary. The  word  is  met  with  both  in  the 
singular  and  the  plural,  with  the  same  signifi- 
cation. The  office  books  however  use  the  sin- 
gular to  denote  the  compilation  for  a  single 
month,  and  the  plural  (to  prifaia)  to  denote 
the  entire  series  of  those  for  the  several  months. 
[H.  J.  H.] 
MENALIPPUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  in 
Asia  Feb.  23  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MENANDER  (1)  Martyr  with  Acacius  and 
Polyaenus;  commemorated  May  19  (Basil.  Me- 
nol.) 

(2)  or  MINANDER,  martyr  with  others  ; 
commemorated  at  Philadelphia  in  Arabia  Aug. 
1  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart.).  Another  on 
the  same  day  at  the  30th  mile  from  Rome 
(Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MENAS  (1)  Commemorated  Jan.  24  ((kd. 
Byzant.). 

(2)  Martyr  with  David  and  John,  three 
monks ;  commemorated  by  the  Greeks  Ap.  12- 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  ii.  821). 

(3)  or  MENNAS,  archbishop  of  Constanti- 
nople, "  Our  father  ;"  commemorated  Aug  24 
(Basil.  Mcnol.)  ;  Aug.  25  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  v. 
164). 

(4)  or  MENNAS,  an  Egyptian  martyr, 
spoken  of  as  "  Magnus  "  and  "  Gloriosus ;"  suf- 
fered at  Cotyaeum  in  Phrygia  under  Diocletian 
and  Maximian,  with  Victor,  Vincentius,  and 
Stephanides ;  commemorated  Nov.  11  {Hieron. 
Mart. ;  Basil.  Menol.  ;  Usuard.  Mart.  ;  Cal.  By- 
zant. ;  Cal.  Armen. ;  Bed.  Mart. ;  Daniel,  Cod. 
Liturg.  iv.  274) ;  suffered  in  Scythia,  transl.  to 
Constantinople  (  Vet.  Bom.  Mart.).  His  natalis, 
on  Nov.  11,  commemorated  in  Gregory's  Sacra- 
mentary,  and  his  name  mentioned  in  the  Collect 
(Greg.  Mag.  Lib.  Sacr.  140).  His  commemora- 
tion was  on  Nov.  10  according  to  Surius  {Dc 
Probat.  Sand.  Hist.  t.  iv.  p.  241,  ed.  Colon.  1618). 
A  church  at  Constantinople  was  dedicated  to 
him  (Codinus,  do  Slgnis  CP.  18  b). 

(5)  A  solitary  in  Samnium,  A.D.  583  ;  comme- 
morated Nov.  11  (Greg.  Mag.  Dial.  1.  iii.  c.  26; 
Mabillon,  Acta  SS.  0.  S.  B.  Saec.  i.  p.  255,  Venet. 
1733). 

(6)  or  MENNAS,  martyr  with  Hermogenes 
and  Eugraphus,  under  Maximian ;  commemorated 
Dec.  10  (Basil.  Menol.;  Cal.  Byzant.;  Daniel, 
Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  276) ;  Dec  3  {Cal.  Armen.). 

[C.H.] 

MENDICANCY.     The  frequent  almsgiving 

inculcated  upon  Christians  not  unnaturally  led 

the    idle    and    the    worthless   to    depend    upon 

charity  rather  than  upon  their  own  labour.  That 


1168 


MENDICANCY 


the  poor  should  congregate  round  the  doors  of 
ihe  churches  to  solicit  alms  was  regarded  as  a 
laudable  custom  from  early  times.  Several  pas- 
sages in  Chrysostom  contain  strong  exhortations 
to  the  people  to  bestow  money  in  charity  before 
entering  church.  As  the  Christian  in  his  day 
had  water  standing  before  the  door  that  the 
worshippers  might  first  wash  their  hands,  so 
their  forefathers  placed  the  poor  there  that  the 
power  of  charity  might  purify  the  soul  (Chrys. 
Horn.  xxvi.  de  Verb.  Apost. ;  Bo7n.  i.  in  2  Tim. ; 
Bom.  iii.  de  Poenit.).  With  such  indiscriminate 
almsgiving  it  was  impossible  that  charity  should 
not  be  abused.  Ambrose  found  it  necessary  to 
admonish  (de  Offic.  iv.  16)  the  bishops  and  priests, 
who  had  the  treasures  of  the  church  to  dispense, 
to  be  careful  that  they  are  not  wasted  upon  im- 
portunate beggars.  Many  come  to  ask  for  alms 
out  of  mere  idleness ;  they  are  well  able  to  take 
care  of  themselves,  and  if  they  are  indulged  they 
will  soon  exhaust  the  provision  of  the  poor 
and  helpless.  Moreover,  they  are  not  content 
with  a  little,  they  dress  themselves  as  gentlemen, 
and  pretend  to  be  of  good  birth,  and  on  this 
ground  obtain  a  greater  share.  Care  and  mode- 
ration must,  therefore,  be  exercised  in  the  dis- 
tribution, that  those  who  are  really  in  want  may 
not  be  sent  away  empty,  and  that  designing 
beggars  may  not  make  a  spoil  of  the  maintenance 
of  the  poor.  Idleness  has  never  been  regarded 
in  quite  the  same  light  in  the  south  and  east  of 
Europe  as  among  the  more  industrious  nations 
of  the  north ;  and  among  the  northern  tribes 
after  their  conversion  the  conditions  of  life  were 
such  that  habitual  mendicancy  must  have  been 
rare.  Hence  disciplinary  canons  against  begging 
are  not  found  in  the  Councils  or  Penitentials. 
There  are,  however,  certain  forms  of  the  evil 
corrected  in  the  Theodosian  code.  A  law  of 
Valentinian  11.  (Cod.  Theod.  XIV.,  xviii.  1,  de 
mendicant iirus  non  invalidis)  directed  the  cases 
of  all  able-bodied  beggars  who  fled  from  their 
masters  to  Rome  in  order  to  live  on  charity  to  be 
investigated,  and  those  who  were  found  able  to 
work  were  either  to  be  returned  to  their  original 
masters  or  become  the  possession  of  the  informer 
who  discovered  them.  This  law  was  re-enacted 
by  Justinian  (Co(7.  Justin.  II.  xxv.  1. 

With  regard  to  the  clergy  themselves  the 
church  was  careful  that  they  did  not  abuse  the 
liberality  of  the  people  and  sink  into  a  life  of 
idleness  supported  by  charity.  The  term 
fiaKavTi^oi,  or  vacantivi,  applied  (Synesius,  Ep. 
67)  to  clergy  who  deserted  their  posts  and  wan- 
dered from  place  to  place,  was  a  stigma  affixed 
to  idleness.  And  it  was  probably  with  a  view 
to  check  clerical  mendicancy,  as  well  as  for  the 
sake  of  ecclesiastical  regularity,  that  the  council 
of  Agde,  A.D.  506,  decreed  (c.  52)  that  clergy 
moving  about  from  one  diocese  to  another  with- 
out commendatory  letters  were  denied  com- 
munion. The  council  of  Epaon,  A.D.  517  (c.  6), 
has  a  similar  decree  against  clerical  vagrants. 
And  the  same  rule  is  laid  down  in  the  Spanish 
council  of  Valencia,  A.D.  524  (c.  5).  The 
tendency  to  idleness,  inseparable  from  the 
monastic  life,  found  no  support  from  the  early 
church  writers.  Cassian  (do  Coen.  Instit.  x.  23) 
quotes  a  saying  of  the  Egyptian  fathers,  that  a 
working  monk  was  tempted  with  one  devil — an 
idle  one  with  a  legion.  Of  Anthony  the  cele- 
brated ascetic  of  the  Thebaid,  it  is  rel.-ited  (Vtta, 


MENESBRE 

c.  4)  that  he  laboured  with  his  own  hands,  and 
gave  away  all  he  could  spare.  The  Coenobites, 
or  ascetics,  living  in  communities,  and  of  whom 
there  were  not  less  than  50,000  in  Egypt  in  the 
4th  century,  supported  themselves  by  their  own 
industry  (Cassian,  de  Coen.  Instit.  x.  22).  They  em- 
ployed themselves  in  agriculture,  and  in  making 
baskets,  ropes  and  sandals,  their  produce  being 
sent  down  the  Nile  for  sale  in  Alexandria,  and  what 
was  not  required  for  their  own  maintenance  was 
given  to  the  poor.  In  general  it  may  be  said 
that  industrial  occupation  was  the  rule  among 
the  monks  in  the  East  (see  Robertson,  Ch.  Hist. 
ii.  6  ;  Monasticism).  Augustine  wrote  a  special 
treatise  (Do  Opere  Monachorum)  directed  against 
monks  being  exempted  from  labour.  In  some 
instances,  however,  manual  labour  was  regarded 
with  less  favour.  Martin,  who  introduced 
monasticism  into  Gaul,  discouraged  labour  in  the 
monasteries  which  he  established  about  Poitiers 
and  Tours.  The  younger  brethren  were  allowed 
to  transcribe  books,  but  this  was  the  only  manual 
work  permitted  (Sulpicius  Severus,  Vita  Martini, 
10).  In  the  great  monastic  system  established 
in  the  West  by  Benedict  in  the  first  half  of  the 
6th  century  manual  labour  was  one  of  the  dis- 
tinguishing rules  of  the  order.  Seven  hours 
daily  was  the  time  allotted  to  work  (Regula, 
c.  48).  The  manner  in  which  the  injunction  to 
work  has  been  carried  out  by  the  Benedictines, 
both  in  the  service  of  civilization  and  literature, 
is  a  matter  of  history.  In  the  great  monastery 
of  Bangor,  disciples  from  which  contributed  so 
much  to  the  evangelization  of  the  north-west 
of  Europe,  Bede  states  (Hist.  ii.  2)  that  the 
monks  supported  themselves  by  the  labour  of 
their  own  hands.  The  exaltation  of  poverty 
into  a  virtue  and  the  rise  of  the  mendicant 
friars  lie  outside  our  period.  [G.  M.] 

MENEDINA,  martyr;  commemorated  in 
Etruria  May  26  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MENELAMPUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemo- 
rated in  Egypt  Jan.  15  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [G.  H.] 

(2)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Pontus  Jan.  18 
(Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Carthage  Jan. 
19  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr;  commemorated   at  Smyrna  Feb. 

27  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr ;  commemorated   at  Tarsus    Mar. 

28  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(6)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  in  Africa  July  17 
(Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MENELANTUS,  martyr  ;  commemorated  in 
Africa  Feb.  23  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MENELAUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Alexandria  July  3  (Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart. 
Auct.);  another  at  Tarsus  on  the  same  dav 
(Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.]" 

MENELEUS,  abbat  and  confessor  in  Au- 
vergne  ;  commemorated  July  22  (Usuard.  Mart. ; 
Boll.  Acta  S8.  July,  v.  302).  [C.  H.] 

MENESBRE,  COUNCIL  OF  (Menesbrense 
concilium).  When  all  the  bishops  of  Brittany 
met  at  a  mountain  of  that  name,  near  St.  Pol  de 
Ldon,  to  excommunicate  Comorre,  count  of  Leon, 
A.D.  590,  or  thereabouts.     (Mansi,  x.  461.) 

[E.  S.  Ff.] 


MENESIDEUS 

MENESIDEUS,  martyr :  commemorated  at 
Alexandria  July  14  {_Hieron.  Mart.).         [C.  H.] 

MENEUS,  presbyter,  martyr;  commemo- 
rated July  13  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart. 
Amt.-).  [C.  H.] 

MENGENES,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Ephesus  Mav  16  {Hierm.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
May,  iii.  572).  [C.  H.] 

IVIENIGNUS  FULLO,  martyr  in  the  Helles- 
pont ;  commemorated  Mar.  16  (Basil.  Menol.) ; 
Mar.  15  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mar.  ii.  390).     [C.  H.] 

MENNA  or  MANNA,  virgin  in  Lorraine, 
4th  century  ;  commemorated  Oct.  3  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Oct.  ii.  150).  [C.  H.] 

MENNAS.    [Menas.] 

MENNO,  martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Valen- 
cia in  Spain  Jan.  22  (^Hieron.  Mart.).        [C.  H.] 

MENODOKA,  virgin  and  martyr,  with  her 
sisters  Metrodora  and  Nymphodora ;  commemo- 
rated Sept.  10  (Basil.  Menol;  Cal.  Byzant. ; 
Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  268 ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Sept.  iii.  489).  [C.  H.] 

MENOLOGIUM  (ij.vvo\6yLov).  This  book 
corresponds  with  the  Martyrology  of  the  Roman 
church,  and,  like  it,  contains  the  lives  and  acts 
of  the  saints  and  martyrs.  The  practice  of 
reading  publicly  the  acts  of  the  saints  dates 
from  very  early  times,  and  was  confirmed  by 
the  47th  canon  of  the  3rd  council  of  Carthage 
(a.d.  397),  which  after  directing  that  nothing 
be  read  in  the  churches,  "  sub  nomine  divinarum 
scripturarum,"  except  the  canonical  sci-iptures, 
adds,  "  Liceat  etiam  legi  passiones  martyrum 
cum  anniversarii  dies  eorum  celebrantur." 

Among  early  ecclesiastical  biographers  may  be 
mentioned  Eusebius  (fA.D.  338),  who  made  one 
of  the  earliest  collections  of  the  acts  of  the 
saints,  also  Palladius  Bishop  of  Helenopolis  in 
Bithynia  (cir.  a.d.  401),  a  friend  of  St.  Chryso- 
stom,  who  wrote  lives  of  Saints  and  the  Hermits 
of  the  Desert,  the  reading  of  which  in  the 
church  was  prescribed  during  Lent. 

Many  changes  were  made  in  the  Menology, 
and  great  variations  naturally  exist  in  different 
copies.  The  emperor  Basil  the  Macedonian 
(a.d.  867-886)  caused  one  to  be  compiled :  and 
Constantine  Porphyrogenitus  (a.d.  911)  directed 
Simeon  Metaphrastes,"  the  Logothete  or  Chan- 
cellor of  the  empire,  to  compile  the  lives  of  the 
saints  and  acts  of  the  martyrs,  arranged  in  order 
according  to  the  months  of  the  year.  Selections 
from  the  menologium,  under  the  name  of  Synax- 
aria  ((ruj'o|apia)  are  inserted  in  the  Menaea, 
and  read  in  the  course  of  the  office  after  the 
sixth  ode  of  the  canon  for  the  day.  In  modern 
usage  the  term  menologium  is  often  confounded 
with,  and  used  for  menaeum.  Thus  Goar  (not. 
29  in  Laud.  Off.),  "  Volumen  singulorum  men- 
sium  officia  complectens  fjirivalov  est,  et  vulgo 
Menologium  dicunt,"  and  (not.  33)  he  uses 
Synaxarion  in  the  sense  of  Menologium,  "  Sanc- 
torum vitas  volumen  brevibus  verbis  complec- 
tens, ffvva^dptov  est:  et  Martyrologio  corre- 
spondet,  fitque  in  Laudibus  ex  eo  lectio,  etc.  .  .  ." 

=  Card.  Bellarmine  charges  this  author  with  giving  too 
much  play  to  his  imagination. 


MEROBIUS 


1169 


Correctly,  /j.7ivo\6yiou   is   the  entire  book,   and 
(Tvva^dpiov  the  extract  from  it.  [H.  J.  H.] 

MENSA  MYSTICA,  Etc.    [Altar.] 

MENSURUA  DIVISIO.     [Dmsio  Mek- 

SURUA.] 

MENTIUS,  martyr  with  Eusebius  and  others ; 
commemorated  May  30  (Basil.  Menol.).    [C.  H.] 

MEONIS,  martyr;  commemorated  at  Langres 
Jan.  17  (Hierm.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MEORTIUS  (Mertius),  martyr  under  Dio- 
cletian ;  commemorated  Jan.  12  (Jja.s,{\.  Menol.; 
Cal.  Byzant. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  724). 

[C.  H.] 

MERCIA,  COUNCIL  OF  (_Synodm  Mer- 
ciana),  a.d.  705,  or  thereabouts ;  at  which  St. 
Adhelm,  then  a  presbyter  only,  was  enjoined  to 
write  against  the  errors  of  the  British  com- 
munion, especially  that  of  celebrating  Easter, 
which  he  did  with  so  much  effect,  that  many 
were  gained  over  to  orthodoxy  by  reading  his 
work  (Mansi,  sii.  167).  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

MERCURIA,  martyr  with  Ammonaria  at 
Alexandria ;  commemorated  Dec.  12  (Usuard. 
Mart. ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MERCURIUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated 
at  Nicomedia  Mar.  6  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Salona  Aug. 
26  (^Hicron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr  under  Decius ;  commemorated  Nov. 
25  (Basil.  Menol;  Cal.  Bgzant. ;  Surius,  de 
Frobat.  Sanct.  Hist.  t.  iv.  p.  524,  ed.  Colon. 
1618).  [C.  H.] 

MERIADOCUS,  bishop  of  Vannes  in  the  7th 
century ;  commemorated  June  7  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
June,  ii.  36).  [C.  H.] 

MERIDA,  COUNCIL  OF  (^Emeritense  con- 
cilium), held  A.D.  666,  at  Merida  in  Estremadura. 
Twelve  bishops,  including  Proficius  bishop  of 
that  see,  their  metropolitan,  subscribed  to  its 
twenty-three  canons  or  chapters.  In  the  first 
of  these  the  creed  of  Constantinople,  with  the 
"  Filioque  "  clause,  is  rehearsed,  and  followed  by 
heavy  denunciations  against  all  who  recede  from, 
or  will  not  assent  to  it.  By  the  second,  the  in- 
vitatory,  or  "  Venite  "  (sonus),  is  directed  to  be 
sung  at  vespers  in  the  place  assigned  to  it  in 
other  churches.  By  the  third,  the  sacrifice  is 
directed  to  be  offered  daily  for  the  king  and  his 
army  when  engaged  in  war.  By  the  ninth,  fees 
are  forbidden  to  be  taken  either  for  giving  the 
chrism  or  for  administering  baptism.  By  the 
tenth,  every  bishop  of  the  province  is  directed 
to  have  an  archpresbyter,  an  archdeacon,  and  a 
chief-clerk  (primiclerum)  in  his  cathedral  church. 
By  the  sixteenth,  the  third  part  of  the  revenues 
of  parish  churches,  anciently  due  to  the  bishop, 
is  to  be  spent  on  repairs  (Mansi,  xi.  75  sq.). 

[E.  S.  Ff.] 

MERIUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa 
Oct.  16  (Hieron.  Mart.).  C<^-  H.] 

MEROBIUS,  martyr  with  Felix  and  others  ; 
commemorated  in  the  East  Dec.  3  (Hieron.  Mart.); 
with  Felix  and  others,  but  different  from  the 
preceding,  at  Laodicea  Dec.  4  (^Hieron.  Mart.; 
Bed.  Mart.  Auct.).  [C  H.] 


1170 


MEKOBUS 


MEROBUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Tomi  I 
Sept.  15  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MEROLA,  martyr;  commemorated  at  An- 
tioch  Kov.  30  (Jlieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H,] 

MERONA,  martyr,  commemorated  at  Tomi 
July  5  iHkron.  Mart.).  [C  H.] 

MEROVAEUS,  monk  of  Bobbio,  cir.  a.d. 
626  ;  commemorated  Oct.  22  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct. 
i.-c.  614).  [C.  H.] 

MERTIUS.   [SlEORTius.] 

MESHACH.   [MisHAEL.] 

MESIPPUS,  martyr  with  his  brothers  Peu- 
sippus  or  Speusippus  and  Elasippus  or  Eleusippns ; 
commemorated  Jan.  16  {Cal.  Byzant.).    [C.  H.] 

MESNE  PROFITS.    [Vacancy.] 

MESROP,  commemorated  Oct.  12  {Cal.  Ar- 
men.).  [C  H.] 

MESSALLINA,  virgin  martyr,  under  Decius, 
at  Fuligno ;  commemorated  Jan.  23  (Boll.  Acta 
S3.  Jan.  ii.  453).  [0.  H.] 

MESSENGER.  Polycarp  is  desired  in  the 
Ignatian  epistle  to  him  (c.  7)  to  choose  some  one 
who  may  be  worthy  to  bear  the  name  of 
BeSSpofjiOS,  to  carry  to  Syria  the  tidings  of  his 
(Polycarp's)  love  of  Christ.  The  word  OeoTrpea- 
^uTTjs  is  used  in  a  precisely  similar  sense  in  the 
Ignatian  epistle  to  the  Smyrnaeans  (e.  11)  ;  and 
similarly  Polycarp  (ad  Fhilipp.  13)  speaks  of 
sending  one  to  be  an  ambassador  (TrpetrjSsuo'oi/Ta). 
These  emissaries  were  probably  in  most  cases 
deacons  of  the  church.  Baronius  (Aim.  A.D.  58, 
c.  108)  wrongly  supposes  these  fledSpo/iot  to  be 
CuRSORES  (p.  521)  for  the  summoning  of  assem- 
blies.    (Bingham's  Antiq.  VIII.  viii.  15.)     [C] 

MESSOR  (1)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  in 
Africa  Jan.  14  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Picenum  Ap. 
15  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

METATOR.  An  officer  sent  before  the 
sovereign  when  on  a  journey  to  take  care  that 
proper  preparations  were  made  for  his  reception. 
[See  Metatus.]  Cyprian  (Ep.  81,  al.  6,  §  4) 
applies  the  word  to  Rogatian,  the  first  martyr 
sent  to  prison  in  the  Decian  persecution,  who,  he 
says,  went  before  the  rest  as  a  harbinger(metator) 
to  prepare  their  place  in  the  dungeon.  See  also 
Optatus,  de  Schism.  Donat.  iii.  4,  §  61.    [P.  0.] 

METATORIUM  {pLiTo.T<ipiov,  ixirariipiov, 
txeaaTiLpwv)  one  of  the  subordinate  buildings  of 
an  oriental  church,  usually  regarded  as  identical 
with  the  diaconicum  [Diaconicum].  Thus,  in 
the  Euchologia  we  read  of  the  patriarch  going 
down  "  into  the  metatorium  or  diaconicum,"  and 
passing  from  it  to  the  altar  from  the  right-hand 
side.  Cedrenus  records  that  when  the  emperor 
Leo  the  Philosopher  was  forbidden  by  the 
patriarch  Nicolas  to  enter  the  church,  on  ac- 
count of  his  having  contracted  a  fourth  mar- 
riage, he  performed  his  devotions  in  the  meta- 
torium, on  the  right  side  of  the  altar  (Cedren. 
JUstor.  p.  483,  ed.  Par.  p.  602).  The  metatorium 
erected  by  Justinian  at  the  church  of  St.  Sophia, 
was  used  by  him  and  his  successors  as  a  place  of 
retirement  and  repose,  in  which    the   emperors 


METATUS 

also  sometimes  partook  of  a  meal  (cf.  Theodor. 
Lect.  Eclog,  ii.  p.  165,  and  the  other  references  to 
Byzantine  historians  given  by  Ducange,  Con- 
stantinopoUs  Christiana,  lib.  iii.  No.  84).  Gear 
is  of  opinion  that  the  metatorium  was  also  used 
by  the  ministers  of  the  church  for  rest  and  re- 
freshment, and  that  they  there  partook  of  a 
slight  repast.  He  regards  the  word,  as  does 
Suicer  {sub  voc.)  as  a  corruption  of  /xivcraTdpiov, 
derived  from  n'tvaos,  ferculum,  or  from  riwnsa, 
"  a  table."  But  Ducange  is  probably  right  in  re- 
garding it  as  a  Graecized  form  of  the  low-Latin 
"  metatum  "  frequent  in  Gregory  of  Tours,  Gre- 
gory the  Great,  and  contemporaneous  writers,  in 
the  sense  of  "a  dwelling."  The  Greek  form 
fjurarov,  or  fjLfrdrov,  is  of  not  unfrequent  occur- 
rence: e.g.  vofxi^ovTfs  Ka\  iv rif  fjurdTcf  avrov  iv 
(fi  iraAai  KaTefxetvfv  ivpiffKiadai  ai/rhv  e|r)Ti7cro- 
/xiv  (Concil.  Constantinop.  sub  Mama,  act.  ii. 
Labbe,  v.  57  ;)  eVef^Trjffe  ixWarov  (aliter  KfWiov) 
jueifoc  6  XpiffTiavhs  (Athanas.  de  Imag.  Beryt.). 
Augusti,  with  far  less  probability,  considers  it 
another  form  of  "  mutatorium,"  in  the  sense  of 
"  a  vestry,"  camera  paramenti,  where  the  mini- 
sters of  the  church  changed  their  habits  (Au- 
gusti, Hand'juch  der  Christ.  Archiiol.  i.  390; 
Binterim,  Denkwiirdigheit,  Tol.  iv.  i.  p.  140). 

[E.  v.] 
METATUS.  The  duty  of  providing  food 
and  lodging  for  the  sovereign  and  his  retinue 
when  on  a  journey,  or  for  the  judges  and  others 
travelling  on  public  business.  Under  the  Ilo- 
man  law  the  clergy  were  exempted  irom  this 
obligation  Cod.  Theodos,  xvi.  tit.  2,  leg.  8). 
According  to  Gothofred  (Com.  in  Cod.  Theodos. 
vii.  tit.  8 ;  de  Onere  Metatus)  this  exemption 
was  given  to  the  clergy,  to  senators,  to  Jewish 
synagogues,  and  all  places  of  worship.  The 
capitularies  of  the  Frank  kings,  on  the  other 
hand,  appear  to  lay  the  burden  chiefly  on  the 
clergy.  One  reason  of  this  undoubtedly  was  to 
be  found  in  the  frequent  bestowal  of  fiefs  upon 
the  church,  to  be  held  by  this  and  other  feudal 
tenures.  Thomassin  (  Vet.  et  Nov.  Eccl.  Discip. 
iii.  1,  c.  48,  §  3)  says  that  under  the  Roman  law 
the  obligation  was  considered  to  be  a  badge  of 
servitude,  but  among  the  Franks  such  exercise 
of  hospitality  was  esteemed  an  honour  and  a 
token  of  the  alliance  between  church  and  state. 

Bishops  especially  appear  to  have  been  ex- 
pected to  receive  the  sovereign.  Thomassin  (ih. 
iii.  1,  c.  39,  §§  1,  2)  gives  instances  of  farms 
bestowed  by  Charles  the  Great  on  bishops  who 
had  received  him  with  such  hospitality  as  was 
in  their  power,  and  of  punishments  inflicted  by 
him  on  certain  bishops  and  abbats  who  had 
neglected  to  receive  some  ambassadors  from 
Persia  on  their  way  to  his  court.  This  custom 
appears  to  have  brought  with  it  certain  incon- 
veniences. A  curious  canon  of  the  Council  of 
Meaux,  a.d.  845  (c.  26),  reminds  the  reign- 
ing monarch,  Charles  the  Bald,  that  women 
were  strictly  forbidden  to  enter  the  houses  of 
any  of  the  clergj-,  and  that  especially  the 
dwelling  of  bishops  should  be  free  from  their 
presence,  and  implores  them  not  to  compel  bi- 
shops to  turn  their  palaces  into  lodging  houses 
for  women  during  a  royal  progress. "  The  right 
w.as  also  claimed  for  those  who  were  travelling 
on  public  business.  A  capitulary  of  Louis  the 
Pious  (ii.  tit.  16,  ed.  Baluz)  sets  forth  that 
certain  places    had  been  appointed   bv  himself 


METELLUS 

and  his  father  for  the  special  exercise  of  hospi- 
tality, and  ordains  that  officers  should  be  ap- 
pointed to  these  places  to  see  that  this  duty  was 
carefully  discharged.  Special  mention  is  made 
of  the  reception  of  embassies,  and  those  who 
neglect  to  provide  with  fitting  entertainment 
^nd  provision  for  the  way  (paravereda)  are 
threatened  with  deprivation  of  any  offices  that 
they  may  hold.  The  second  council  of  Rheims, 
A.D.  813  (c.  42),  entreats  the  emperor  to  enforce 
by  statute  that  no  one  should  dare  to  deny 
lodging  (mansionem)  to  those  travelling  on  his 
service,  or  on  any  duty  enforced  on  them  by  law 
^quibus  incumbit  necessitas). 

It  appears  that  this  right  was  often  abused. 
Sometimes  by  the  sovereign  using  it  more  than 
was  equitable.  Thus  Hincmar  of  Rheims,  in  his 
Instruction  to  Louis  the  Stammerer  {0pp.  ii. 
p.  182),  e.xhorts  him  not  to  harass  the  church 
by  continual  progresses  ("  circadas  ")  and  other 
exactions  which  were  not  customary  in  the  time 
of  his  predecessors.  Sometimes  by  bishops 
making  it  a  pretext  for  illegal  claims  upon  the 
presbyters  of  their  dioceses.  A  form  of  instruc- 
tion delivered  by  the  metropolitan  to  the  French 
bishops  on  their  institution  (Sirmond,  Gall. 
Cone.  ii.  p.  660),  especially  forbids  them  to  de- 
mand rights  of  lodging  from  their  presbyters  for 
their  friends  or  attendants,  or  to  extort  under 
the  name  of  free  gifts  ("  accipiat,  id  est  rapiat ") 
any  supplies  of  horses  or  carriages  on  pretence  of 
making  provision  for  the  sovereign  or  his  em- 
bassies. Sometimes  this  was  claimed  by  those 
who  had  no  title  to  it,  or  from  persons  who 
were  exempt.  An  edict  of  Charles  the  Great 
<^Sirmond,  Gall.  Cone.  ii.  242)  prohibits  a 
practice  which  had  sprung  up  among  the  officers 
of  the  empire,  of  demanding  lodging  and  convey- 
ance ("  mansionaticos  et  paravereda  "),  not  only 
from  free  men,  but  from  monasteries,  convents, 
guest-houses,  and  other  ecclesiastical  corporations. 
Exemptions  appear  to  have  often  been  given  to 
monasteries.  An  edict  of  Charles  the  Bald,  quoted 
by  Thomassin  ( Fei.  et  Nov.  Eccl.  Biscip.  iii.  1, 
c.  39,  §  12),  forbids  his  judges  to  claim  any  rights 
of  lodging  or  provision  for  the  way  from  certain 
monasteries.  Flodoard  {Hist.  Bern.  ii.  11)  says 
that  Rigobert,  arclibishop  of  Rheims,  asserted 
that  all  church  property  in  his  diocese  was  free 
from  the  rights  of  entertainment  claimed  by  the 
judges  on  the  ground  of  exeinptions  granted  by 
the  Frank  kings.  This  exemption  was  some- 
times extended  to  the  rights  of  the  bishops 
themselves.  A  charter  given  by  pope  Marinus, 
A.D.  885,  to  the  monastery  of  Solognac  (Sir- 
mond, Cone.  Gall.  iii.  521)  provides  that  no 
bishop  or  count  should  claim  from  the  monks 
any  right  of  lodging  or  provision  for  the  way, 
but  that  they  should  be  left  free  to  exercise  the 
duty  of  hospitality  to  all  Christians  at  their  own 
will.  For  the  duties  expected  from  monastic  in- 
stitutions in  the  way  of  receiving  travellers,  as 
distinct  from  the  law  of  '  metatus,'  see  Hospi- 
tality ;  HOSPITIUM.  [P.  0.] 

METELLUS,  martyr,  with  Mardonius  and 
others,  at  Neocaesarea ;  commemorated  Jan.  24 
(Usuard.  Mart.).  [0.  H.] 

METENSE  CONCILIUM.    [Metz.] 

METHODIUS  (1)  Patriarch  of  Constanti- 
nople, "Our  holy  father;"  commemorated  June 

CHRIST.  ANT. — VOL.  II. 


METEOPOLITAN 


1171 


14    (Basil.    Menol.;    Daniel,    Cod.    Liturq.     iv. 
261).  -^ 

(2)  Bishop  of  Patara,  martyr  under  Diocle- 
tian ;  commemorated  June  20  (Basil.  Menol.  ; 
Cal.  Bi/zant. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  iv.  5). 

(3)  Bishop  of  Olympus  in  Lycia  and  after- 
wards of  Tyre,  martyr  at  Chalcis ;  commemo- 
rated Sept.  18  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart. ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  v.  768).  [C.  H.] 

METRAS  or  METRANUS,  martyr  at 
Alexandria  ;  commemorated  Jan.  31  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Jan.  ii.  1079).  [C.  H.] 

METROBIUS,  martyr;  commemorated  in 
Phrygia  Oct.  27  {Hieron.  Mart.;  Bed.  Mart, 
^uct.)  [C.  H.] 

METEODORA  (1)  Virgin  martyr  ;  comme- 
morated at  Nicomedia  Aug.  8  {Hicron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr  with  her  sisters  Menodora  and 
Nymphodora;  commemorated  Sept.  10  (Basil. 
Menol. ;  Cal.  Byzant. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Litnrg.  iv. 
268).  [C.  H.] 

METRODORUS,  presbyter,  martyr  at  Nico- 
media ;  commemorated  Mar.  12  (Florus  ap.  Bed. 
Mart.)  ;  Metrodus  {Hleron.  Mart.).       [C.  H.] 

METRONA,  virgin ;  commemorated  at  Pe  ■ 
rusia  Ap.  29  {Ilieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

METROPHANES,  patriarch  of  Constanti- 
nople,  "  Our  holy  father,"  cir.  A.D.  325  ;  comme- 
morated June  4  (Basil.  3Ienol. ;  Cal.  Byzant. ; 
Daniel,  Cod.  Litunj.  iv.  260 ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  June, 
i.  384).  The  Cal.  Annen.  mentions  Metrophanes 
and  Alexander,  patriarchs,  under  Nov.  7. 

[C.  H.] 

METROPOLITAN  (m7,Tpo7ro\lrr,s,  Metro- 
politanus).  Bishop  Beveridge  {Cod.  Can.  lib.  ii. 
c.  5)  considers  that  meti-opolitans  are  either 
of  apostolical  institution,  or  that  at  least  the 
Apostles  founded  the  church  on  such  a  system 
as  to  put  matters  inevitably  in  train  for  the 
erection  of  metropolitan  sees,  and  must  therefore 
be  supposed  to  have  contemplated  the  result  to 
which  their  acts  naturally,  if  not  necessarily, 
led.  In  support  of  this  view  stress  is  laid  on 
the  fact  that  the  apostles  in  going  into  any  pro- 
vince of  the  empire  chose  out  the  civil  metropolis 
of  that  province  in  which  to  fix  their  head- 
quarters, and  to  found  a  church.  Thus,  for 
example,  Antioch  was  the  metropolis  of  Syria, 
Corinth  of  Achaia,  Ephesus  of  Asia,  Thessalonica 
of  Macedonia  ;  and  when  from  thence,  as  from  a 
centre,  other  churches  had  been  formed,  they 
are  collectively  spoken  of,  and  grouped  together, 
in  reference  to  the  Roman  province,  and  there- 
fore to  its  metropolis.  Thus  we  hear  in  the 
New  Testament  of  the  churches  of  Judea,  the 
churches  of  Macedonia,  the  churches  of  Asia.  An 
inference,  therefore,  is  drawn  that  a  certain 
ecclesiastical  connexion  between  the  church  of 
the  chief  city  and  the  churches  throughout  the 
province,  which  had  derived  their  origin  from 
it,  was  to  be  expected,  and  was  intended.  And 
this,  it  is  urged,  is  precisely  what  is  found  to 
prevail  at  an  early  period.  It  is  further  con- 
tended that  Titus  and  Timothy  in  fact  acted  as 
metropolitans  in  Crete  and  Ejihesus,  for  which 
Chiysostom  is  cited  {Horn.  i.  in  Tit.),  who  says,  tl 
fii]  yap  iiv  Sdnt/xos,  ovk  av  avrw  Tr)v  vrjffov 
b\6KXT)pov  firerpe^fv  .  .  .  oiiic  &v  Toa-ovTaiv  (iri- 


1172 


METEOPOLITAN 


ffKoircev  Kplffiv  iirerpexliev.  (Comp.  Eus.  ffist.  Ecd. 
lib.  iii.  c.  4,  lib.  v.  c.  23,  lib.  iv.  c.  23,  which 
passages  however,  it  may  perhaps  be  said,  do  not 
seem  necessarily  to  mean  more  than  that  the 
whole  was  one  bishopric.)  Barrow,  however, 
while  admitting  as  a  fact  that  the  chief  cities 
were  usually  selected  as  the  first  seats  of  churches, 
yet  considers  that  "  all  ecclesiastical  presidencies 
and  subordinations,  or  dependencies  of  some 
bishops  on  others  in  administration  of  spiritual 
affairs,  were  introduced  merely  by  human  ordi- 
nance, and  established  by  law  or  custom,  upon 
prudential  accounts,  according  to  the  exigency 
of  things."  "  At  first,"  he  says,  "  every  bishop, 
as  a  prince  in  his  own  church,  did  act  freely 
according  to  his  will  and  discretion,  with  the 
advice  of  his  ecclesiastical  senate,  and  with  the 
consent  of  his  people  (the  which  he  did  use  to 
consult),  without  being  controllable  by  any 
other,  or  accountable  to  any,  further  than  his 
obligation  to  uphold  the  verity  of  Christian  pro- 
fession, and  to  maintain  fraternal  communion  in 
charity  and  peace  with  neighbouring  churches 
did  require."  But  "  because  little,  disjointed, 
and  incoherent  bodies  were  like  dust,  apt  to  be 
dissipated  by  every  wind  of  external  assault  or 
intestine  faction :  and  peaceable  union  could 
hardly  be  retained  without  some  ligature  of  dis- 
cipline :  and  churches  could  not  mutually  sup- 
port and  defend  each  other  without  some  method 
of  intercourse  and  rule  of  confederacy  engaging 
them:  therefore,  for  many  good  purposes  (for 
upholding  and  advancing  the  common  interests 
of  Christianity,  for  protection  and  support  of 
each  church  from  inbred  disorders  and  dissen- 
sions, for  preserving  the  integrity  of  the  faith, 
for  securing  the  concord  of  divers  churches,  for 
providing  fit  pastors  to  each  church,  and  correct- 
ing such  as  were  scandalously  bad  or  unfaithful) 
it  was  soon  found  needful  that  divers  churches 
should  be  combined  and  linked  together  in  some 
regular  form  of  discipline ;  that  if  any  church 
did  want  a  bishop,  the  neighbour  bishops  might 
step  in  to  approve  and  ordain  a  fit  one :  that  if 
any  bishop  did  notoriously  swerve  from  the 
Christian  rule,  the  others  might  interpose  to 
correct  or  void  him :  that  if  any  en-or  or  schism 
did  peep  up  in  any  church,  the  joint  concurrence 
of  divers  bishops  might  avail  to  stop  its  progress, 
and  to  quench  it,  by  convenient  means  of  in- 
struction, reprehension,  and  censure;  that  if 
any  church  were  oppressed  by  persecution,  by 
indigency,  by  fection,  the  others  might  be  en- 
gaged to  afford  effectual  succour  and  relief;  for 
such  ends  it  was  needful  that  bishops  in  certain 
precincts  should  convene,  with  intent  to  delibe- 
rate and  resolve  about  the  best  expedients  to 
compass  them,  and  that  the  manner  of  such  pro- 
ceeding (to  avoid  uncertain  distraction,  con- 
fusion, arbitrariness,  dissatisfaction,  and  muti- 
nous opposition)  should  be  settled  in  an  ordinary 
course,  according  to  rules  known  and  allowed 
by  all." 

He  then  goes  on  to  shew  that  as  in  each 
political  province,  there  was  a  metropolis  or 
head  city,  to  which  great  resort  was  had  for  the 
dispensation  of  justice  and  other  important 
affairs,  and  which  usually  possessed  a  Christian 
church  which  excelled  the  rest  in  opulency  and 
in  ability  to  promote  the  common  interest ;  and 


as  also  in  all  meetings 


some  one  person  must 


preside,  this  duty  would  naturally  devolve  in 


METEOPOLITAN 

meetings  of  bishops  upon  the  prelate  of  the 
metropolis,  "  as  being  at  home  in  his  own  seat  of 
presidence  and  receiving  the  rest  under  his 
wing,"  as  well  as  on  account  of  his  "  surpassing 
the  rest  in  all  advantages  answerable  to  the 
secular  advantages  of  his  city."  Accordingly 
the  metropolitan  bishop  became  the  president  of 
the  episcopal  meetings,  which  soon  developed 
into  provincial  synods.  "  Thus,"  he  concludes, 
"  I  conceive  the  metropolitan  governance  was 
introduced,  by  human  considerations  of  public 
necessity  or  utility.*  There  are,  indeed,  some 
who  think  it  was  instituted  by  the  apostles,  but 
their  arguments  do  not  seem  convincing ;  and 
such  a  constitution  doth  not  (as  I  take  it)  well 
suit  to  the  state  of  their  times  and  the  coursie 
they  took  in  founding  churches"  {Treatise  on  the 
Pope's  Supremacy,  Suppos.  v.). 

Dr.  Cave,  quoted  by  Bingham,  and  apparently 
Bingham  himself,  appear  to  take  substantially 
the  same  view  as  Barrow. 

Thomassin  lays  stress  on  the  fact  that  the 
principal  towns  being  first  evangelized  by  the 
apostles,  Christianity  would  radiate  thence,  and 
daughter-churches  spring  up  around  the  original 
church  in  the  mother  city,  owing  it  a  filial  obe- 
dience as  sprung  from  it.'' 

Such  obedience,  however,  if  taken  in  a  strict 
sense,  though  well  established  in  later  days,  was 
at  first  of  somewhat  gradual  growth.  Soon  after 
the  middle  of  the  2nd  century,  synods  were  ren- 
dered peculiarly  necessary  by  the  diversities  of 
opinion  which  then  sprang  up.  And,  as  Barrow 
states,  these  would  naturally  be  held  in  the  chief 
city  and  under  the  presidency  of  its  bishop.° 

The  more  frequently  such  synods  were  held, 
the  better  defined  would  the  dignity  of  the  me- 
tropolitan become,  especially  as  it  would  be  his 
duty  to  convene  them.  When  they  came  to  b& 
convened  at  regular  intervals,  it  would  assume 
an  established  character  as  an  integral  part  of  a 
permanent  institution. 

Nor  is  it  difficult  to  suppose  that  in  the  inter- 
vals between  synods  the  president  would  probably 
be  referred  to,  when  the  decrees  needed  either 
explanation  or  enforcement.  What  at  first  was 
only  the  influence  due  to  his  superior  position 
would  thus  by  degrees  become  acknowledged  as 
an  actual  authority.     Other  occasions  on  which 

»  Accordingly  we  find  that  the  civil  metropolis  wa» 
also  the  ecclesiastical  metropolis,  even  when  it  might 
have  been  expected  to  be  otherwise.  Thus  Caesarea,  not 
Jerusalem,  was  the  seat  of  the  metropolitan  in  Palestine. 
Compare  canons  12  and  17  of  Chalcedon. 

b  "  Ex  quibuscoUigitur,  si  civiles  metropoles  in  metro- 
poles  etiam  ecclesiasticas  evasere,  id  eo  maxime  factum 
esse,  quod  metropoleon  ecclesiae  ceteras  quoque  peperc- 
rint  fundarintque  provinciae  ecclesias ;  eo  prorsus  modo, 
quo  urbis  cujusque  cathedralis,  ceteris  vicinorum  oppi- 
dorum  ecclesiis  ortum  dedit,  atque  adeo  maternam  in 
eas  dominationem  jure  est  consecuta  "  (Part.  i.  1.  1,  c.  3). 

<=  Such  at  least  was  the  general,  though  not  at  first  perhaps 
the  invariable  rule.  For  Eusebius  (//.  E.  5.  c.  23)  speaks  of 
a  synod  of  the  bishops  of  Pontus  at  which  the  senior 
bishop  appears  to  have  presided.  In  Africa  the  rule  as 
to  metropolitans  was  peculiar.  With  the  exception  of 
Carthage,  which  seems  to  have  been  the  standing  metro- 
polis for  the  province  of  Africa  properly  so  called,  the 
senior  bishop  for  the  time  being  of  the  province  was 
metropolitan,  whatever  his  see.  Such  was  the  custom 
in  Numidla  and  Mauretania.  It  is  to  be  observed,  how- 
ever, that  Carthage  seems  to  have  had  a  kind  of  primacy 
over  them.    See  Gieseler,  1st  period,  }  66. 


METROPOLITAN' 

the  Christian  inhabitants  of  a  Roman  province 
might  unite  together,  such  as  a  solemn  thanks- 
giving for  the  cessation  of  persecution,  would 
conduce  to  the  same  result.  The  bishop  of  the 
chief  city,  at  which  such  assemblies  would  pro- 
bably take  place,  would  direct  the  solemnities, 
and  perhaps  conduct  them.  (See  Bickell,  Gesch. 
des  Eirchenrechts,  part  2,  p.  176,  who  refers  to 
lo-nat.  ad  Fhilad.  c.  10,  adSmyrn.  c.  11,  ad  Folyc. 
C.7). 

Again,  the  custom  that  when  a  bishop  died, 
the  neighbouring  bishops  should  assemble  for  the 
consecration  of  his  successor,  would  afford  another 
case  of  solemn  action  in  which  some  one  must 
take  the  lead.  And  it  would  naturally  devolve 
on  the  metropolitan  who  had  taken  such  lead  to 
certify  the  churches  in  other  parts  of  the  world 
as  to  the  validity  of  the  election  and  consecra- 
tion, and  as  to  the  person  whom  they  were  to 
regard  and  deal  with  as  the  true  and  regular 
bishop,  in  case  any  other  claimants  appeared. 
This  would  easily  pass  into  a  right  to  ratify 
what  was  done  in  the  matter,  and  to  authorize 
the  consecration,  so  that  without  such  authori- 
zation it  would  not  be  regular.** 

It  will  now  be  proper  to  give  some  authorities 
in  order  to  afford  the  means  of  judging  how  far 
the  above  sketch  is  warranted  by  the  facts  of 
the  case.' 

On  the  one  hand,  as  to  the  stress  laid  in  early 
times  on  the  inherent  eqliality  of  all  bishops,  we 
have  the  statement  of  Cyprian : — "  Xeque  enim 
quisquara  nostrum  episcopum  se  esse  episcoporum 
constituit,  aut  tyrannico  terrore  ad  obsequcndi 
necessitatem  collegas  suos  adigit,  quando  habeat 
omnis  episcopus  pro  licentia  libertatis  et  potes- 
tatis  suae  arbitrium  proprium,  tanquam  judicari 
ab  alio  non  possit,  cum  nee  ipse  possit  alterum 
judicare.  Sed  expectemus  universi  judicium 
Domini  nostri  Jesu  Christi ;  qui  unus  et  solus 
habet  potestatem  et  praeferendi  nos  in  ecclesiae 
suae  gubernatione,  et  de  actu  nosti-o  judicandi  " 
{Alloctttio  in  Cone.  Carthag.  a.d.  256).  And 
again  : — "  Manente  concordiae  vinculo  et  perse- 
vei-ante  catholicae  ecclesiae  individuo  sacramento, 
actum  suum  disponit  et  dirigit  unusquisque  epi- 
scopus, rationem  propositi  sui  Domino  redditu- 
rus."  Ep.  bb,ad  Antonianum(^Ep.  52,  ed.  Pam.). 
So,  again,  he  speaks  of  it  as  a  rule,  "  ut  singulis 
pastoribus  portio  gregis  sit  adscripta,  quam  regat 
unusquisque  et  gubernet,  rationem  sui  actus 
Domino  redditurus  "  {Ep.  55,  ad  CorncUam). 

It  may  indeed  be  said  that  Cyprian  was  him- 
self in  some  sense  a  metropolitan,  but  Bickell 
remarks  that  passages  like  these  shew  that  his 
office  was  rather  that  of  presiding  and  taking 
the  lead  than  such  as  implied  any  actual  subor- 
dination of  the  other  bishops  to  him  {Gesch.  dcs 
Eirchenrechts,  part  2,  181). 

On  the  other  hand  we  read  in  the  apostolic 
canons    (can.    33),    toi/s    i-KiffK6irovs    kKaarov 

d  Such  right,  however,  did  not  necessarily  amount  to 
.in  arbitrary  negative.  If  there  was  a  diversity  of  opinion 
in  tlie  synod  the  metropolitan  was  directed  by  the  coun- 
cil of  Aries  to  side  with  the  majority,  and  there  are 
other  councils  to  the  same  effect.    [Bishop.] 

'  These  authorities  are  principally  found  in  the  East 
and  in  North  Africa.  In  the  AVest  the  development  of 
metropolitan  authority  was  apparently  of  later  date.  But 
indications  of  it  in  Gaul,  in  connexion  with  the  council  of 
Aries,  and  in  Spain  at  the  council  of  Elvira  (can.  58)  are 
given  by  Bickell  (part  2,  pp.  185,  186). 


METROPOLITAN 


1173 


iOvovs  elSevai  XPV  "rbv  eV  ouToty  irpSirov,  Kal 
rjyela-dai  avrhv  ois  Ki<pa\}]v,  koX  fi-qSev  irpaTreii' 
Trfpirrby  &vev  ttjs  eKeivov  yvtifiris,  which  seems 
to  indicate  something  more  than  mere  precedence. 

Whether  or  not  this  can  be  relied  on  as  a  more 
ancient  authority  than  those  we  are  about  to  cite 
will  of  course  depend  on  the  date  and  origin 
assigned  to  this  collection  of  canons.  [See  Apo- 
stolic Canons.]  Beveridge  argues  for  their 
antiquity  because  the  term  metropolitan  is  not 
used.  This  title,  it  is  admitted  on  all  hands,  did 
not  come  into  recognised  use  until  the  4th  cen- 
tury. Bickell  and  others,  however,  consider  that 
the  stress  thus  laid  on  metropolitan  authority 
(no  matter  by  what  title)  proves  of  itself  that 
the  apostolic  canons  belong  to  the  4th  century. 
One  thing,  at  all  events,  is  clear,  namely,  that 
the  council  of  Nice  speaks  of  the  existence  of 
metropolitans  as  no  new  thing  at  that  period. 
In  fact,  it  treats  the  still  more  extensive  autho- 
rity of  the  bishops  of  Alexandria,  Antioch,  and 
Rome  as  established  by  ancient  custom. ' 

The  Nicene  decrees  also  recognise  it  as  perfectly 
clear  {KadoAov  Se  ■7rp65r]\ov  eKeiro),  that  no  one 
is  to  be  made  a  bishop  without  the  metropolitan 
(xwpls  yvufjLTjs  ix7)rpo-KO\irov'),  and  if  otherwise, 
he  is  not  to  be  held  rightly  a  bishop  (can.  vi. ; 
see  also  can.  iv.). 

The  council  of  Antioch  (can.  ix.)  has  explicit 
decrees  as  to  the  precedency  of  the  bishop  of  the 
metropolis,  and  as  to  the  necessity  for  his  pre- 
sence when  questions  of  a  general  nature  are 
discussed,  but  with  a  strong  reservation  as  to  the 
powers  of  each  bishop  in  matters  affecting  merely 
his  own  diocese.? 

The  same  council  also  insists  that  no  one  be 
made  a  bishop  without  a  synod  and  the  presence 
of  the  metropolitan  of  the  province  (can.  xix.), 
and  the  council  of  Laodicea  repeats  the  injunc- 
tion (can.  xii.).'' 


''  TO.  apxata  I6rj  KpaTeirui,  To,  iv  AiyuffTo)  Kal  Aip-uri 
KoX  JlevTaTT6\ei.,  iliart  tov  iv  'A\e^avSpeia  inLiKonov  nav- 
Toiv  TouTwt'  ex^iv  •nji'  i^ovcCav'  ineiSyj  Koi  Tw  iv  rjj  'Pw/jltj 
iTriaKOTToi  tovto  avvr)9i<;  i<TTLv,  6jtAOta>5  6e  Kara  ttjv  A^rto- 
Xei-av  Kal  iv  tois  oAAais  eJrapx'oi!  to.  npea-^tia  aui^tadai 
Tttis  cKxAijo-iais  (can.  6).  Even  at  this  time,  however 
metropolitans  were  not  universal  in  the  West  (Bickell, 
2,  187). 

S  Tous  Ka6'  iKaarqv  inapx^av  cTrto-xoTrovs  etSeVat  XPT 
70V  iv  Trj  jUTjTpoTrdAet  TrpoecTwra  iTTLCKonoVt  Kal  ttji' 
(f)povTiSa  avaSex((TOai.  ffaoT)!  T^;  eiropx'as*  5ia  TO  iv  rfj 
fiijTpoTToXei  iravTax66ev  cruiTpe'xeiv  iravra^  Toiis  Ta 
Trpdy^ara  ex^'''''^^*  "^^c*'  iSo^e  Kal  Tjj  Tipijj  TrpoTjyeca^at 
avTor,  piijSiv  T€  TTpaTTCiv  rrepiTTOv  tous  Aotn-ou?  ejrttrKd- 
irous  avev  avTOV,  Kara  rbi/  apxaiov  KpixTTrjcravTa  tuv 
naripiav  7}ixwv  Kavova  rj  ravTa  fxova  b<ra  ryj  tKaarov 
iTTL^dWd  napoiKia  Kal  rais  in'  avri]V  x^pai!.  'E/cao-TOf 
■yap  i-aicTKQirov  i^ovaiav  exeir  T^s  iavToxi  TrapoLKia^ 
SioiKelv  T€  Kara  Tqv  iKa(nw  iTri.pa.\\ov(rav  eiiXd^eiav, 
Kal  n-povotav  TroLeicrOai  Trao-Tjs  rij?  x*"?"^  '^1^  ""'''  ■")" 
tauToO  noKiV  (i?  Kal  x^po^oveiv  npea^vTipovi  Kal 
Siaicdrou!,  icai  p-CTa  KpCcreui':  tVacTTa  StaAa^^areii'.  jre- 
paiTc'pio  Se  iJ.r)Sev  npaTTeiv  en-ixetpcTi'  ^I'xa^  Tou  T>f? 
^rjTpOTroAeus  iTncTKovov,  fiTjSc  avTov  avev  r^s  TUf  Aotwuv 
yvu>ij.rii  (C'oncil.  Jntioch.  can.  ix.). 

h  The  words  of  the  Antiochene  canon  are  :  inCtTKorrov 
/XT)  xeipOToi/eio-eai  Sc'xa  avvoSov  Kal  irapoucrias-  ToO  iv  rjj 
lj.r,Tpon6\ei  T^!  inapxU,.  These  words  are  deemed  by 
Barrow  to  interpret  the  ambiguous  plirase,  x^pi?  yv<^IJ-rii, 
in  the  Nicene  canon,  and  to  shew  that  "  it  doth  not  import 
a  negative  voice  in  him,  but  that  the  transaction  should 
not  pass  in  his  absence,  or  without  his  knowledge, 
advice,  and  suffrage."  (Burrow  On  rope's  Supreinacy, 
Supposition  vi.)  Eventually,  however  no  (loubt  the 
4  G  2 


1174 


METROPOLITAN 


The  right,  cf  personally  deciding  appeals  was 
not  vested  in  metropolitans  till  a  late  period. 

The  council  of  Sardica  may  be  thought  to 
have  a  trace  of  it,  but  the  decrees  of  this  coun- 
cil on  the  subject  of  appeals  are  perhaps  open  to 
question.' 

The  council  of  Nice  directed  that  synods 
should  be  held  twice  a  year  in  each  province,  in 
order  that  when  clergymen  or  laymen  had  been 
excommunicated  by  their  own  bishops  the  pro- 
priety of  the  sentence  might  be  examined  and 
conlirmed,  or  mitigated.     (See  canon  v.) 

The  council  of  Chalcedon  (can.  ix.)  defined  the 
course  to  be  that  when  one  clergyman  complained 
against  another,  they  should  first  go  before  their 
own  bishop,  or  before  judges  selected  by  both 
parties  with  his  sanction.  But  if  a  clergyman 
brought  a  complaint  against  a  bishop,  it  was  to 
he  determined  in  the  provincial  synod.'' 

In  like  manner  the  council  of  Antioch  (can.  vi.) 
allowed  a  party  excommunicated  by  his  own 
bishop  to  appeal  to  the  next  ensuing  synod. 

In  these  synods  the  metropolitan  would  no 
doubt  preside,  and  exercise  great  influence,  but 
there  is  no  proof  as  yet  of  his  judging  alone  in 
matters  of  importance. 

An  intermediate  stage  seems  observable  in  the 
laws  of  Justiuian  (^Cod.  i.  tit.  4,  leg.  29),  in 
which  an  appeal  is  given  to  the  metropolitan, 
with  a  further  appeal  from  him  to  a  synod,  and 
a  final  appeal  from  the  synod  to  the  patriarch.' 


power  of  confirmation  came  into  the  hands  of  the  metro- 
politan personally.  "Quoniam  inter  episcopos  ordina- 
tores,  primus  et  praeses  esset  metropolitanus :  neque 
semper  omnibus  comprovincialibus  episcopis  commo- 
dum  esset,  ad  singulas  episcoporum  ordinationes  con- 
venire,  sensim  ex  quodam  ut  minus  tacito  ecclesiae 
consensu  ad  metropolitanum,  integrum  pene  devolutum 
est  jus  electiones  discutiendi,  easque  vel  ut  canonicas 
proband!,  vel  ut  minus  canonicas  reprobandi."  (Van 
Espen,  part  i.  tit.  xiv.  c.  1.)  For  the  profession  of 
obedience  made  to  metropolitans  by  the  bishops  of  their 
province,  see  Bisnoi',  1,  5. 

'  o  eKPaWoiiivo';  ex^'^w  efouo'tai'  cttI  toi/  fTTiV/COTTOi'  t^s 
fiTjTpoTToAeu)!  T^9  avTTi';  eirapxia?  Karaijivyttv.  el  Se  6  t^s 
fii]Tpo7roXew?  aTrco-rtj',  cttI  tw  TrXrjiTioj^tiipov  KaTarpdyeLV 
Kal  ajioiri-,  'iva  /icra  d/cpi/Seta!  avTov  efera^TjTat  to 
wpSyna  (c.  14,  t.  2).  Thomassin  (part  i.  lib.  i.  c.  40) 
insists  on  the  view  that  as  metropolitans  ordained  the 
bishops  of  their  province,  they  had  a  paternal  authority 
over  them.  "  Rata  ilia  erat  juris  antiqui  regula,  ut  qui 
habet  ordinandi,  habeat  et  judicandi  potestatem." 

k  If  he  had  a  dispute  with  the  metropolitan,  it  was  to 
be  heard  before  the  exarch  or  by  the  patriarch.  (Cann 
ix.  and  xvii.). 

1  eKmC^o^cv  p.r,5h'a  riv  eiXa^eo-TaTajv  kXtjpikwk,  «It£ 
Trapa    TifO!    <ruyK\rif)i.Koi,    tire   Tropa    Tuf  KoAou/iieVcoi/ 


vev<:  Ki 


I  CK  irpwnjs  ei>  aiTiacret  yeVeo-eai 


iToparoi?  ,iaKapiwTaT0is  naTpiapxati  StoiK^o-eoo;  «d<TTi,y 
oAAa  TTpuTov  Kara.  Toi>?  lepov?  fleo-fjioi;!  Trapi  t<P  rq^ 
irdAewt  Jmo-Koffo.  Kafl'  fiv  6  KKripiKhs  Biiyu-  d  &k  {-TrdTrTws 
eXft  Tpos  eVeiror.  irapa  tw  t^?  (H)Tpo7rd\eu!  eni^TKonu, 
TOUTO  npdTT€ii-  fl  Bi  (is  eUbs)  oOtc  Ti  KaT  Uelvo'v 
avjiZ  api(TKOi,  TtivuKaZra  nph<:  ttji/  eiayq  avfoSov  rijv  rij; 
X<ipas  dyeii-  aurbi/  EiKai6fiti>ov.^  rpiiji,  ap.a.  tjJ  ^r,TpoTTO- 
Mtji  (rvviovTuiv  6eo(f)t.\ecrTdTut'  fTticrKomov  tmi'  Kara  tiji' 
Tafii^  7^9  x«'P<"'0i'i'a5  TTpioTev6vTu>v  Kal  rqu  Jikjji/  eV  rafft 
T^t  5A)j?  iTVf6Sov  e,t„ai6i>Ttav  xal  d  ^iv  iTTepxeeCr,  to. 
KeKptp.ifa,  npayiUroiv  ijnjAAdxeat-  el  «;  olr,eel,,  pe^ki^. 
Oai,  Trivi.KavTa  eniKa\etaeai.  t'ov  li.ajcapMTo.Tov  naTpi- 
apxnv  rn^  6ioi)f^'(rca)5  fKeCrrj^,  (cotTOts  wap'  aujoC  Kpivo/ii- 
PO,,  ffi,.7Ui5  W'Wir,  <ii  au  e.  .Tvxev  cf  apxi,<:  avrbj 
tipij/xtfot  «i(cao-T^?.  Kara  yap  Toiv  toioutwi'  eTnaKonuiu 
oiro*<i<r«wp  ov/c  elvai  x>^pav  iKKKr,T<f  toI^  npo  i)^v  vtvo- 
H08eT7)Tae. 


METROPOLITAN 

The  troubled  state  of  affairs  socially  and  poli- 
tically, as  well  as  ecclesiastically,  which  ensued 
during  the  breaking  up  of  the  Roman  Empire, 
and  the  growth  of  the  various  European  monar- 
chies from  its  ruins,  rendered  it  difficult  to  bring 
together  distant  bishops,  and  consequently  synods 
were  rarely  held  or  fell  into  disuse."  This  would 
largely  contribute  to  independent  action  on  the 
part  of  the  metropolitans. 

Speaking  in  relation  to  the  state  of  things  in 
Gaul  about  the  6th  and  7th  centuries,  Guizot 
says  :  "  The  civil  metropolis  was  generally  more 
wealthy,  more  populous  than  the  other  towns  of 
the  province ;  its  bishop  had  more  influence ; 
people  met  around  him  on  all  important  occa- 
sions ;  his  residence  became  the  chief  place  of 
the  provincial  council ;  he  convoked  it,  and  was 
the  president  of  it ;  he  was  moreover  charged 
with  the  confirmation  and  consecration  of  the 
newly-elected  bishops  of  the  province  ;  with  re- 
ceiving accusations  brought  against  bishops,  and 
the  appeals  from  their  decisions,  and  with  car- 
rying them,  after  having  made  a  first  examina- 
tion, to  the  provincial  council,  which  alone  had 
the  right  of  judging  them.  The  archbishops 
unceasingly  attempted  to  usurp  the  right  and 
make  a  personal  power  of  it.  They  often  suc- 
ceeded ;  but,  in  truth,  as  to  all  important  cir- 
cumstances, it  was  to  the  provincial  council  that 
it  appertained ;  the  archbishops  were  only  charged 
with  superintending  the  execution  of  it."  (^liist. 
of  Civilisation  in  France,  vol,  ii.  p.  46,  Eng. 
trans.) 

In  Spain,  in  the  6th  century,  the  council  of 
Toledo  (can.  20)  says,  "  let  the  priests,  whether 
parochial  or  diocesan,  who  shall  be  tormented  by 
the  bishop,  carry  their  complaints  to  the  metro- 
politan, and  let  the  metropolitan  delay  not  to 
repress  such  excesses."  This  seems  to  imply  a 
direct  personal  power,  but  it  may  be  observed 
that  this  canon  refers  to  unseemly  exactions  on 
the  part  of  individual  bishops  rather  than  to 
their  judicial  sentences. 

From  this  time  onward  the  authority  and 
position  of  metropolitans  in  the  West  were  sub- 
ject to  many  fluctuations,  and  varied  much  in 
different  countries.  Some  of  the  popes,  who  were 
jealous  of  all  intermediate  authority  between 
themselves  and  the  diocesan  bishops,  shewed  a 
disposition  to  weaken  the  metropolitans.  And 
the  bishops  themselves,  with  a  somewhat  short- 
sighted policy,  preferred  to  have  their  superior 
at  a  distance  in  Italy  instead  of  in  their  own 
country  and  province.  Moreover  as  the  supe- 
riority of  the  metropolitans  was  in  a  great  degree 
dependent  on  the  pre-eminence  of  .the  city  in 
which  their  see  was  fixed  and  on  its  ancient  cha- 
racter as  a  metropolis,  the  changes  which  took 
place  in  the  relative  importance  of  towns  at 
periods  of  invasion  and  social  change  materially 
affected  the  position  of  the  prelates. 

It  is  not  surprising,  therefore,  that  in  many 
places  the  metropolitan  authority  should  decline, 
or  that  in  the  8th  century  Pepin  should  have  to 
consult  pope  Zachary  as  to  the  course  to  be 
adopted   for    procuring   respect    for   metropoli- 


■n  In  the  course  of  the  6th  century  there  were  held  in 
Gaul  fifty.four  councils  of  every  description :  in  the  Tth 
century  only  twenty,  in  the  first  half  of  the  8th  century 
only  seven,  and  five  of  these  were  held  in  Belgium  or  on 
the  banks  of  the  Rhine.  (Guizot,  Hut.  of  Civilisation 
in  France,  vol.  ii.  p.  49,  Eng.  trans.) 


METROPOLITAN 

tans  at  the  hands  of  the  bishops  and  parochial 
clergy. 

In  France,  indeed,  a  vigorous  effort  was  made 
to  restore  the  institution  to  something  like 
vigour,  and  the  legislation  of  Pepin  and  Charle- 
magne might  have  had  this  effect."  But  a  fatal 
blow  was  at  hand.  '  The  appearance  of  the 
forged  decretals  in  the  middle  of  the  9th  cen- 
tury tended  to  elevate  the  papal  power  at  the 
expense  of  that  of  the  metropolitans,  to  an 
extent  from  which  the  latter  never  completely 
recovered,  except  in  countries  like  England, 
where  patriotic  feeling  and  royal  authority  alike 
resented  direct  papal  interference,  and  supported 
the  national  prelacy."  The  later  history  of  the 
subject  lies  beyond  "the  chronological  limit  of  the 
present  work. 

It  only  remains  to  say  a  few  words  on  certain 
details. 

As  to  appointment. — When  the  position  and 
dignity  of  metropolitans  became  established,  it 
would  appear  that  the  canonical  rule  was  that 
they  should  be  elected  by  all  the  bishops  of  the 
province,  with  the  consent  of  the  clergy  and 
laity.P  Obviously,  however,  the  appointment 
of  these  superior  prelates  would  be  open  to 
the  same  disturbing  influences  which  affected 
the  choice  of  ordinary  bishops,  only  in  a  still 
greater  degree,  on  account  of  their  greater  im- 
portance.   (Comp.  Bishop  I.  i.  a.) 

When  chosen,  the  metropolitan  was  confirmed, 
and  consecrated  in  the  East  by  the  exarch  or 
patriarch  (see  Thomassin,  part  ii.  lib.  2,  cap.  8 
and  cap.  19).  In  the  West  he  was  consecrated 
by  the  other  bishops  of  the  province  (August. 
Brevic.  Gollat.  3  die,  c.  16,  and  see  Beveridge, 
Pandect.  Can.  vol.  2,  Annot.  p.  55).  When  Rome 
came  to  assert  a  patriarchal  right  over  the  whole 
West,  the  pope  put  forward  a  claim  to  sanction 
the  appointment  of  metropolitans  by  sending 
them  the  pallium  [Pallium].  As  early  as  the 
6th  century,  the  pope  appears  to  have  sent  a 
pallium  to  the  bishop  of  Aries  as  perpetual  vicar 
of  the  holy  see  in  Gaul.  And  Gregory  I.  did 
the  like  to  certain  other  metropolitans  as  well, 
but  it  was  not  then  decided  that  they  were 
bound  to  wait  for  this  before  exercising  their 
functions.  It  was  not  until  the  synod  of  Frank- 
fort in  742  that  Boniface,  as  legate  of  pope  Za- 
chary,  obtained  a  decision  that  all  metropolitans 


METROPOLITAN 


1175 


n  See  the  capitulary  of  Pepin  in  755  (Baluze,  vol.  i. 
pp.  169,  170),  and  those  of  Charlemagne  in  779  {ib.  195) 
and  789  (i6.  216).  His  Frankfort  capit.  794  says,  "  Si 
non  obedierlt  aliqua  persona  episcopo  suo  de  abbatibus, 
presbyteris,  diaconibus,  subdiaconibus,  monachis,  et  cete- 
ris clericis,  vel  etiam  aliis,  In  ejus  parochia,  veniant  ad 
metropolitanum  suum,  ct  ille  dijudicet  causam  cum  suf- 
fraganeis  suis.  Comites  quoque  nostri  veniant  ad  judi- 
cium episcoporum.  Kt  si  aliquid  est  quod  episcopus 
metropoUtanus  non  possit  corrigere  vel  paciBcare,  tunc 
tandem  venient  accusatores  cum  accusato  cum  Uteris 
metropolitanis,  ut  sciamus  veritatem  rei"  (Baluze,  i. 
264). 

»  See  Gieseler,  3rd  period,  dlv.  2,  }  25. 

Thomassin  seeks  to  defend  the  papacy  from  the  charge 
of  desiring  to  weaken  the  metropolitan  power  (part  i. 
lib.  1,  c.  48). 

P  Thus  Leo  (ffp.  88) :  "  Metropolitano  defuncto,  cum 
in  locum  ejus  alius  fuerit  subrogandus,  provinclales 
episcopi  ad  civitatem  metropolitanam  convenire  debe- 
bunt,  ut  omnium  clericornm  atque  omnium  civium  vo- 
luntate  discussa  ex  presbyteris  cjusdem  ecclesiae,  vel  ex 
diaconia  optimus  eligatur." 


should  request  the  pallium  from  the  pope  and 
obey  his  lawful  commands.?  This  was  construed 
by  the  popes  to  mean  a  promise  of  obedience 
before  receiving  the  pall.  And  this  again  was 
turned  into  a  direct  oath  of  fealty  by  subsequent 
popes. 

Finally,  it  may  be  right  to  mention  the  class 
of  honorary  metropolitans.  These  had  title  and 
precedence,  but  not  power.  Thus  Chalcedon  and 
Nicaea  each  enjoyed  the  title  of  a  metropolis,  and 
their  bishops  had  metropolitan  rank,  but  Nico- 
media  remained  the  real  metropolis  (see  council 
of  Chalcedon,  act  6  and  13,  and  compare  Tho- 
massin, part  i.  lib.  i.  cap.  39). 

This  article  may  not  unfitly  be  concluded  with 
two  short  summaries  of  the  powers  and  duties  of 
metropolitans  by  writers  of  learning. 

Bishop  Beveridge,  in  his  Annotations  on  the 
Canons  of  the  Council  of  Nice,  enumerates  their 
functions  thus : 

1.  Penes  metropolitanum  est  omnes  episcopo- 
rum ordinationes  et  electiones  in  provincia  sua 
celebratas  confirmare;  adeo  ut  sine  ejus  con- 
sensu et  confirmations  irrita  sit  episcopi  cujusvis 
ordinatio. 

2.  Omnes  provinciae  suae  episcopos  ad  synodum 
sub  se  habendum  quotannis  convocare. 

3.  In  mores  ac  opiniones  episcoporum  sibi  sub- 
jectorum  inspicere,  et  immorigeros  ac  gravioribus 
criminibus  convictos  admonere,  reprehendere,  et 
aliorura  episcoporum  communione  arcere. 

4.  Causas  inter  episcopos  litigantes  audire  et 
determinare  et  omnia  ecclesiastica  negotia,  quae 
majoris  sunt  momenti,  in  universa  sust  provincia 
administrare,  adeo  ut  nihil  magni  momenti  ab 
episcopis  eo  inconsulto  fiat.  Neque  etiam  trans 
mare  peregrinare  potest  episcopus  sine  dimissoria 
aut  formata  metropolitani  sui.'' 

(^Pandect.  Can.  vol.  ii.  Annot.  p.  59.) 

The  other  summary  is  that  of  Thomassin  (  Vetus 
et  Nova  Eccles.  Disc.  pt.  i.  lib.  i.  c.  40). 

Si  lubet  jam  brevi  gyro  paucisque  verbis  conclu- 
dere  jura  metropolitanorum  hie  perpensa;  adverte 
nihil  officere,  vel  metropolitanorum  potestati  ex- 
archarum  amplitudinem,vel  episcoporum  dignitati 
metropolitanorum  authoritatem.  Causae  omnes 
aliquanti  saltem  ponderis  in  commune  a  metro- 
politano et  episcopis  provinciae  pertractandae 
erant :  praesertim  in  concilio  provinciae  :  quod 
ille  convocabat,  qui  praeerat.  Concilio  universal! 
intererant  ex  officio  metropolitani  omnes.  Epi- 
scoporum proceres,  magistri,  judices,  audiebant. 
In  subditis  subditorum  sibi  episcoporum  juris- 
dictionem  depromebant,  vel  cum  ad  ipsos  erat 
provocatum,  vel  cum  provinciam  obambulabant. 
Sedes  metropolitani  instar  habebat,  et  imaginem 
praeferebat  sedis  apostolicae.  Observandorum 
canonum  praefecti  erant,  et  vindices ;  impune 
violatorum  in  ipsos  culpa,  in  ipsos  poena  recide- 
bat.  Dabant  literas  formatas.  Eorum  assensionc 
et  dedicabantur  ac  dotabantur  ecclesiae,  et  earum 
bona  distrahebantur,  ubi  ex  re  erat :  potestas 
ordinandorum  episcoporum,  paternam  eis  in  illos 
conciliabat  authoritatem  ;  et  hinc  fluebant  reliqua 
in  eosdem  egregiae  potestatis  jura. 

q  See  VaiTEspen,  part  i.  tit.  xix.  cap.  8;  Hallam, 
Middle  Ages,  chap.  vii.  part  i.;  Gieseler,  3rd  period.  }  25. 

r  This  last  head  refers  to  the  letters  of'  commendation 
which  in  Africa  (see  canon  28  of  the  third  council  of  Car- 
thage) and  other  places  (see  Gregory  the  Great,  Epist. 
viii.  8)  were  granted  by  the  metropolitan  to  bishops  goim; 
beyond  sea. 


1176 


METROPOLUS 


Authorities. — Beveridge,  Cod.  Canonum  Eccle- 
siae  Uhiversae ;  and  Pandect.  Canonum.  Barrow, 
Treatise  on  thePope's  Supremacy.  Bmgham,Antiq. 
of  Christian  Church.  Gieseler,  Textbook  of  Eccles. 
History.  Thomassin,  Vetus  ct  Nova  Ecclesiae 
DiscipUna.  Bickell,  Geschichte  des  Kirchenrechts. 
Van  Espen,  Jus  Eccles.  Universum.  [B.  S.] 

METROPOLUS  (1)  Bishop ;  commemorated 
Aug.  3  (^Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Bishop  and  confessor,  perhaps  in  4th  cen- 
tury; commemorated  at  Treves  Oct.  8  (Boll. 
Acta  S3.  Oct.  iv.  210).  [C.  H.] 

METTANUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Alexandria  Jan.  31  {Vet.  Bom.  Mart.).    [C.  H.] 

METUANA,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Eome  June  3  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

METURUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated  at 
Alexandria  Ap.  24  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr;  commemorated  "in  Afrodiris " 
[PAphrodisiis]  Ap.  30  {Hieron.  Mart.).    [C.  H.] 

METZ,  COUNCILS  OF  (Metensia  Con- 
cilia).    Three  such  are  recorded  : 

(1)  A.D.  550,  or  thereabout,  on  the  death  of 
St.  Gall,  bishop  of  Clermont,  when  Cautinus, 
his  archdeacon,  was  consecrated  in  his  stead. 
(Mansi,  is.  151.) 

(2)  A.D.  590,  when  Aegidius,  metropolitan  of 
Eheims,  was  deposed  for  high  treason,  and  two 
nuns  who  had  been  excommunicated,  one  of 
them  a  daughter  of  king  Chilperic,  had  their 
sentence  remitted.     (Mansi,  x.  459-62.) 

[E.  S.  Ff.] 

(3)  A.D.  755,  or  thereabouts,  but  all  the 
canons  assigned  to  it  are  embodied  in  a  capitu- 
laiy,  dated  Metz,  of  king  Pepin.  (Mansi,  xii. 
571,  and  ib.  App.  125.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

MICA  (1)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa 
Jan.  17  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  others  read  MUCIUS 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  80). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Pontus  Jan.  18 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Pontus  Ap.  16 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa  June  16 
{Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MICAH,  the  prophet;  commemorated  with 
Habakkuk  Jan.  15  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Rom. 
Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.) ;  Ap.  21,  without  men- 
tion of  Habakkuk  (Basil.  Menol);  Aug.  14  {Cal. 
Byzant.;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  266;  Boll 
Acta  SS.  Aug.  iii.  147) ;  Aug.  15  {Cal.  Aethiop.). 
[C.  H.] 

MICHAEL  (1)  Bishop  of  Synada,  confessor, 
sat  in  the  7th  council,  "  our  holy  father ; "  com- 
memorated May  23  (Basil.  Me7wl.  ;  Cal.  Byzant.  • 
Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  260).  ' ' 

(2)  Abbat,  and  martyr  with  36  monks  near 
Sebastopolis  in  Armenia;  commemorated  Oct.  1 
(Basil.  Menol. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  i.  307). 

(3)  ARAG  AWI,  monk  and  confessor  in  Aethi- 
opia;  commemorated  Oct.  11  (Boll.  Acta  SS 
Oct.  V.  606) ;  "  the  old  "  {Cal.  Aethiop.).  [C.  H.]  ' 

MICHAEL  TPIE  ARCHANGEL,  AND 
ALL  ANGELS,  FESTIVAL  OF.  It  is  not 
our  province  here  to  enter  into  the  general  ques- 


MICHAEL  THE  ARCHANGEL 

tion  of  angelolatry.  It  may  be  well,  however, 
to  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  in  the  early 
Christian  church  a  certain  tendency  to  angel- 
worship  manifested  itself:  thus,  for  example,  it 
forms  one  of  the  points  in  the  heresy  which 
affected  the  Colossian  church,  against  which  St. 
Paul  distinctly  protests  (Col.  ii.  18  ;  cf.  also 
i.  16).  The  Essenic  character  of  this  heresy, 
whether  or  not  there  be  historical  connexion  with 
the  Essenes  of  Palestine,  must  not  be  lost  sight 
of,  inasmuch  as  angelology  formed  an  important 
part  of  the  esoteric  creed  of  the  latter,  and,  in- 
deed, entered  largely  into  the  speculations  of  the 
Jews  generally  (Josephus,  B.  J.,  ii.  8. 7 ;  cf.  Light- 
foot,  Colossians,  in  loc,  where  a  number  of  illus- 
trations are  given  of  this  point,  in  connection 
with  Jews,  Judaizing  Christians  and  Gnostics. 
Those  from  the  curious  Ophite  work,  the  Pistis 
Sophia,  into  which  angelology  enters  very  largely, 
may  be  especially  noted).  It  is  interesting  to 
observe  that  long  afterwards,  in  the  4th  century, 
we  find  a  council  of  Laodicea  (c.  A.D.  363)  in  the 
immediate  neighbourhood,  that  is,  of  Colossae, 
holding  it  necessary  to  foi-bid  the  angel-woi-ship 
then  prevalent  in  the  country  (can.  35  ;  Labbe,  i. 
1503).  The  canon  is  strongly  worded,  bidding 
men  not  to  forsake  the  church  of  God,  and  invoke 
angels  and  hold  commemorations  {kyyiKovs 
ovop.6.^iiv  /col  ffvva^ns  iroiuv),  because  those  who 
follow  this  secret  idolatry  arc  accursed,  as  having 
forsaken  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  In  the  next 
century  we  find  Theodoret  {in  Col.,  I.  c.)  referring 
to  this  prohibition  as  necessitated  by  the  spread 
of  this  worship  through  Phrygia  and  Pisidia,  and 
he  adds  that  oratories  {tvKTijpLa)  of  St.  Michael 
were  still  existing  in  the  neighbouring  districts." 
On  another  point  of  connexion  between  St.  Mi- 
chael and  this  region  we  shall  subsequently 
dwell  at  length,  his  alleged  appearance  at  Chonae, 
a  town  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood  of  Co- 
lossae. It  may  be  added  here  th^t  the  above- 
cited  canon  of  the  Laodicene  council  was,  with 
the  rest  of  its  decrees,  repeated  centuries  after 
by  a  synod  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  (A  D.  789),  but 
with  the  reservation,  "nee  nominentur,  nisi 
illorum  quos  habemus  in  auctoritate.  Hi  sunt 
Michael,  Gabriel,  Paphael"  {Capit.  Aquisgran. 
can.  16  ;  Labbe,  vii.  973). 

Besides  such  conciliar  decrees,  strong  expres- 
sions of  opinion  are  continually  met  with  among 
the  fathers.  It  is  perhaps  hardly  fair  to  cite 
Epiphanius  as  including  the  Angelici  among  his 
different  classes  of  heretics,  because  though  he 
mentions  as  a  possible  derivation  the  view  that 
they  were  worshippers  of  angels,  he  confesses 
that  he  is  really  ignorant  on  the  point  •>  {Haer. 
60  lal.  40J ;  vol.  i.  505,  ed.  Petavius).  Augus- 
tine, however,  says  plainly  enough,  "  we  honour 
[the  angels]  through  love,  not  through  slavish 
fear,  nor  do  we  build  to  them,  temples ;  for  they 
wish  not  so  to  be  honoured  by  us,  because  they 
know  that  we  ourselves,  when  we  are  worthy, 
are  temples  of  God  Most  High  "  {de  Vera  Rclig. 
110;  vol.  i.  1266,  ed.  Gaume).  Again,  in  his 
Confessions  (x.  42,  vol.  i.  327),  he  says,  "  Whom 
could  I  find  who  should  reconcile  me  to  Thee  ? 
Should  I  have  recourse  (ambiandum  mihi  fuit)  to 


»  See  the  curious  inscription  from  the  theatre  at  Mile- 
tus, quoted  by  Dr.  Lightfoot  (p.  68  n.). 

^  Reference  may  also  be  made  to  Augustine  (_de  Uaeres. 
c.  59 ;  vol.  viii.  57,  ed.  Gaume). 


MICHAEL  THE  ARCHANGEL 

sngels?"  In  his  De  Civitate  Dei  (see  lib.  x.  cc. 
19,  25;  vol.  vii.  410,  418)  we  find  important 
jiassages  on  this  subject,  which  shew  very  clearly 
the  strong  views  of  the  great  father  on  this 
question,  wherein  he  opposes  strongly  all  idea  of 
worship  or  sacrifice  offered  to  angels."^ 

Thus,  taking  the  church  as  a  whole  (though, 
as  might  have  been  expected,  the  remark  is 
much  more  true  for  the  West  than  the  East), 
we  find  that  festivals  of  angels  enter  but  slightly 
into  the  calendar,  thus  forming  a  striking  con- 
trast with  the  ever-increasing  list  of  Saints 
Days.  Naturally,  therefore,  there  is  an  almost 
total  absence  of  recognition  on  the  part  of  the 
church  of  the  practice  before  us.  The  second 
Nicene  Council  (a.D.  787)  ordains  a  rifnjTiKr] 
irpoaKvvnffis  of  the  figures  of  angels,  as  well  as 
those  of  the  Lord,  the  Virgin  and  holy  men 
(Labbe,  vii.  556),  and  we  have  also  a  com- 
memoration of  angels  in  some  litanies  (see  e.  <j. 
Menard,  Greg.  Sacr.  497 ;  where  there  is 
special  mention  of  Michael,  Gabriel,  and 
Kaphael),  but  with  these  exceptions  the  tenor 
of  church  teaching  is  unvarying  enough.'' 

Again,  though  we  can  now  see  in  the  festival 
of  Michaelmas  a  recognition  of  the  great  truth 
of  the  joint  service  of  angels  and  men  as  sub- 
jects of  a  common  Lord,  yet  it  has  been  justly 
pointed  out  that  the  festivals  of  angels,  now 
mainly  represented,  so  far  as  the  Western 
church  is  concerned,  by  the  festival  of  St. 
Michael  and  All  Angels  on  Sept.  29,  were  not 
based  on  any  such  dogmatic  idea,  but  were 
simply  commemorations  of  [supposed]  historic 
events,  namely,  manifestations  of  the  archangel 
at  some  special  time  and  place,  or  the  dedi- 
cation of  a  church  in  his  honour. 

We  shall  confine  ourselves  for  the  present  to 
the  Western  church,  and  speak  (1)  of  the  mani- 
festation in  Monte  Gargano.  This  has  been 
variously  referred  to  the  episcopate  of  Gelasius, 
i.e.  492-6  A.D.  (so  e.g.  in  Anast.  Biblioth., 
Gelasius  [74]  "  Hujus  temporibus  inventa  ecclesia 
sancti  angeli  in  Monte  Gargano  "),  to  the  period 
from  A.D.  520-530  {Acta  Sanctorum,  Sept.  29, 
p.  57),  to  the  episcopate  of  Felix  IV.  in  A.D.  536, 
or  even  later.  The  day  specially  associated  with 
this  manifestation  is  May  8,  and  the  legend  is 
very  briefly  this.  A  bull  having  strayed  from 
the  herd,  was  found  fixed  in  the  entrance  to  a 
cave,  and  when  it  was  shot  at,  the  arrow  re- 
turned and  struck  the  archer.  A  panic  thus 
^rose,  and  the  bishop  of  Sipontum,  in  whose 
diocese  Mount  Garganus  was  situated,  enjoined, 
on  being  consulted,  that  three  days  should  be 
given  to  fasting  and  prayer.  At  the  end  of  that 
time  it  was  vouchsafed  to  the  bishop  to  see  the 
archangel  in  a  vision  by  night,  who  told  him 
that  the  place  was  under  his  special  care,  thus 
indicating  his  wish  that  worship  should  there 
be  offered  to  God  in  memory  of  St.  Michael  and 
All  Angels.     As  to  the  germ  of  this  legend,  of 


<=  Cf.  further  Augustine  (Coll.  cum  Maximino,  vol.  viii. 
1016),  "  Nonne  si  templum  alicul  sancto  angelo  excel- 
lentissimo  ....  faceremus,  anathomaremur  a  vcritatc 
Christl  et  ab  ecclesia  Dei."  Also  Contra  t'austum,  xx. 
21,  vol.  vlii.  545. 

d  It  cannot  be  considered  a  real  exception  to  this  state- 
ment that  the  Coptic  Euchologion  contains  some  direct 
.prayers  to  angels.  (See  Renaudot,  Litarg.  Orient.  Col- 
(lectio,  p.  277,  ed.  1817.) 


MICHAEL  THE  ARCHANGEL    1177 

which  we  have  given  a  r€sum€  from  the  Acta, 
it  has  been  suggested  that  it  is  to  be  connected 
with  the  fact  of  a  war  between  the  people  of 
Sipontum  and  of  Naples,  in  order  to  aid  in 
securing  the  victory  to  the  former.  It  has  also 
been  maintained,  and  apparently  on  good  grounds 
that  the  shrine  of  St.  Michael  was  "the  successor 
of  some  local  heathen  shrine.  The  belief  of 
the  archangel's  appearance  soon  became  widely 
current,  and  the  modern  town  of  Monte  St. 
Angelo,  near  Manfredonia,  owes  its  name  thereto. 
Most  martyrologies  do  not  contain  this  com- 
memoration of  May  8.  We  may  cite  a  Corbey 
martyrology,  not  much  later  than  a.d.  826. 
where  the  day  is  given  as  "inventio  sancti 
Michaelis  archangeli  in  Monte  Gargano" 
(D'Achery,  Spicilegium,  ^.  134).  On  the  ques- 
tion of  the  connexion  between  this  manifestation 
and  the  commemoration  of  September  29  we 
shall  speak  more  fully  below. 

(2)  The  archangel  is  said  to  have  appeared  in 
Monte  Tumba,  in  Normandy  (apparently  the 
Mont  St.  Michel,  near  Avranches),  about  the 
year  A.D.  710,"  to  Autbert,  bishop  of  the  district 
of  Abrincatae,  bidding  him  build  a  church  in  his 
honour  on  a  place  known  as  Tumba  on  account 
of  its  height,  and  also  as  periculum  maris.  The 
church  was  said  to  have  been  dedicated  on 
October  16  (a  Benedictine  monastery  being 
afterwards  .added),  on  which  day  it  is  mentioned 
in  some  of  the  additions  to  Usuard  (Patrol., 
cxxiv.  582);  and  the  festival  of  the  dedication 
appears  to  have  acquired  considerable  celebrity 
even  beyond  the  bounds  of  France,  for  we  find  a 
council  of  Oxford  (a.d.  1222)  ordering  that 
sundry  feasts  "  a  rectoribus  ecclesiarum  et 
capellanis  in  obsequio  Divino  et  laude  devotissime 
celebrentur,"  among  which  is  the  dedicatio  sancti 
Michaelis  in  MonteTumha  (can.  8  ;  Labbe,  xi.  275). 
On  the  whole  of  this  part  of  the  subject,  re- 
ference may  be  especially  made  to  Mabillon 
{Annates  Ordinis  8.  Benedicti,  vol.  ii.  p.  19),  and 
also  the  Acta  Sanctorum  (Sept.  29,  p.  74,  where 
the  Acta  of  this  manifestation  are  given). 

(3)  We  pass  on  now  to  consider,  in  the  third 
place,  the  commemoration  of  September  29,  the 
festival  of  Michaelmas  par  excellence.  It  does 
not  appear  at  all  certain  what  was  the  original 
special  idea  of  the  commemoration  of  this  day. 
A  large  number  of  ancient  martyrologies  and 
calendars  associate  it  with  the  manifestation  on 
Mount  Garganus,  as  being  the  anniversary  of  the 
dedication  of  the  chui-ch  there.  In  others  again 
we  find  mention  of  the  dedication  of  some  church 
to  St.  Michael  at  Rome,  so  that  on  this  latter 
view  we  should  thus  have  a  parallel  to  such 
cases  as  e.g.  Christmas  and  the  Ember  seasons, 
where  institutions  of  the  local  Roman  church 
spread  throughout  the  whole  Western  church, 
and  indeed  in  the  former  of  our  two  illustrations 
almost  through  the  universal  church.  It  is  not 
at  all  easy  to  reconcile  the  conflicting  details, 
which  we  shall  proceed  to  state  at  length.  We 
shall  first  cite  from  the  martyrologies.  The 
Mart.  Hieronymi  gives,  according  to  the  Cod. 
Epternacensis,  "  dedicatio  basilicae  S.  Michaelis  " 
{Acta  Sanctorum,  ib.  p.  4),  but  in  the  Cod.  Cor- 
beiensis  "dedicatio  basilicae  archangeli  Michaelis, 
in  monte  qui  dicitur  Garganus  "  (D'Achery,  iv. 

e  This  is  Mabillon's  date;  Stilting  (Ada  SanctomiK, 
Sept.  29,  p.  75  a)  gives  the  d.ite  as  a.d.  850-850, 


11^ 


MICHAEL  THE  AECHANGEL 


675).  The  3Iart.  Gellonense  shews  a  similar 
variation  of  MSS.,  the  shorter  forms  being  ap- 
parently those  of  the  oldest  {ib.  xiii.  413,  426, 
430).  Bede,  according  to  the  text  of  the  Bol- 
landist  edition,  has  merely  "dedicatio  ecclesiae 
sancti  angeli  Michaelis"  {Patrol,  xcir.  1057), 
but  in  some  forms  of  this  last  the  entry  runs, 
"  Romae,  via  Salaria  miliario  septimo,  dedicatio 
basilicae  sancti  archangeli  Michaelis,  vel  in 
monte.  .  .  ."  In  the  Mart.  Lucense,  as  here, 
the  Roman  commemoration  comes  first,  but 
there  is  no  mention  of  the  special  locality ;  this 
is  given  in  a  vague  way  in  a  Mart.  Corheiense 
(Leslie,  not.  ad  Liturg.  Mozarab.,  in  loc),  "  Romae, 
miliario  sexto  (septimo  ?)  .  .  .  ."  The  martyr- 
ologies  of  Rabanus  Maurus  (Patrol,  ex.  1171), 
Ado  (jb.  cxxiii.  368)  and  Usuard  (*.  cxxiv.  518) 
make  distinct  mention  of  Mount  Garganus.  The 
metrical  martyrology  of  Bede,  "Michaelis  ternas 
{_sc.  Kal.  Oct.']  tempii  dedicatio  sacrat "  {ib.  xciv. 
605)  is  quite  general,  and  also  that  of  Wan- 
dalbert  {ib.  cxxi.  612). 

"  Aetherea  virtute  potens,  princepsqne  supemae 
Militlae  Michael  temo  sibi  templa  sacravit." 

The  PiOmanum  Parvum  combines  two  notices, 
"  In  Monte  Gargano,  venerabilis  memoria  arch- 
angeli Michaelis.  Et  Romae,  dedicatio  ecclesiae 
ejusdem  archangeli,  a  B.  Bonifacio  papa  con- 
structae  in  circo,  qui  locus  inter  nvbes  dicitur  " 
(ib.  cxxiii.  170). 

We  next  refer  to  the  three  Roman  sacra- 
meutaries.  The  Leonine  (under  the  date  Sept. 
30)  gives  no  less  than  five  masses,  each  with  a 
special  preface,  with  the  heading  Katale  basilicae 
angeli  in  Salaria  '  (sc.  via).  Four  of  these  masses 
are  specially  associated  with  the  name  of  St. 
Michael,  and  the  remaining  one  with  angels  j.ud 
archangels  generally  (vol.  ii.  99,  ed.  Ballerini). 
The  Gelasian  Sacramentary  merely  gives  Ora- 
tiones  in  sancti  archangeli  Michaelis  (Patrol. 
Ixxiv.  1177),  but  in  the  Gregorian  is  dedicatio 
basilicae  sancti  Michaelis  (col.  134,  ed.  Menard). 

On  a  survey  of  the  foregoing  evidence,  we  are 
inclined  to  consider  the  most  satisfiictory  expla- 
nation to  be  that  there  was  a  Roman  commemo- 
ration originally  distinct  from  any  connexion 
with  the  commemoration  of  the  manifestation 
on  Mount  Garganus,  and  probably  of  earlier 
date  than  the  alleged  appearance  there.  This 
original  Roman  festival  might  fairly  be  asso- 
ciated with  the  church  in  the  Via  Salaria,  which, 
however,  got  thrown  into  the  shade  by  the 
increasing  fame  of  the  commemoration  on  Mount 
Garganus.  e  Subsequently  Boniface  erected  a 
church  to  St.  Michael  in  Rome,  to  the  locality 
of  which  we  shall  again  refer.  The  presence  of 
this  church  in  the  city,  and  the  distance  of  that 
on  the  Via  Salaria,  may  have  caused  the  latter 
to  be  less  frequented,  so  that  the  more  recent 
church  became  the  favourite  in  martyrologies.'' 

f  It  may  be  reraarlcd  that  twice  in  tliese  masses  are 
allusions  to  "  loca  sacrata  (dicata)"  to  God  in  honour  of 
St.  Michael,  implying,  according  to  some,  the  existence  of 
several  churches. 

g  It  is  suggested  (Leslie,  not.  ad  Liturg.  Mnzardb.,  in 
loc.)  that  Sept.  30  was  really  the  anniversary  of  the  dedi- 
cation of  the  church  in  the  Via  Salaria,  which  was  shifted 
to  Sept.  29  to  accord  with  that  of  the  dedication  of  the 
church  on  Jlount  Garganus.  In  view,  however,  of  the 
close  proximity  of  the  days,  this  seems  rather  far-fetched. 

i>  There  is  an  allusion  to  the  church  in  Via  Salaria 


MICHAEL  THE  AECHANGEL 

In  considering  the  above  view,  it  will  be  welt 
to  bear  in  mind  (1)  that  the  mention  of  the  Via 
Salaria  occurs  in  the  oldest  sacramentary  ;  (2) 
that  this  locality  cannot  at  all  be  reconciled 
with  the  notices  of  the  church  built  by  Boniface  ; 
(3)  that  in  some  of  the  martyrologies  we  have 
cited  the  Roman  commemoration  comes  first, 
whereas  we  are  told  that  Bonifitce  built  his 
church  soon  after  (non  multo  post)  the  manifes- 
tation on  Mount  Garganus ;  (4)  that  a  church  of 
St.  Michael  was  existing  in  Rome  prior  to  the 
episcopate  of  any  Boniface  except  Boniface  I. 
(ob.  A.D.  422),  who  lived  long  before  the  alleged 
date  of  the  manifestation  on  Mount  Garganus. 
This  we  know  on  the  authority  of  Anastasius  Bib- 
liothecarius  (80),  who  tells  us  that  Symmachus 
(ob.  A.D.  514)  enlarged  and  improved  the  church 
of  St.  Michael,  so  that  the  church,  and  pre- 
sumably also  the  festival,  were  existing  before 
his  time. 

On  these  grounds  we  hold  it  to  be  at  any  rate 
fairly  probable  that  the  local  Roman  festival  is 
earlier  than  the  Apulian.  To  the  inquiry,  how- 
ever, how  far  such  a  festival  is  traceable  back, 
it  must  be  admitted  that  there  is  a  scarcity  ot 
evidence.  Baronius  (Mart.  Rom.,  May  8,  not.),. 
who  argues  for  the  great  antiquity  of  the  Roman 
festival,  cites  in  evidence  the  Christian  poet 
Drepanius  Florus  ;  but  he  is  certainly  wrong  in 
supposing  him  to  be  the  Drepanius  mentioned 
by  Sidonius  Apollinaris,  and  the  poet  in  question 
is  to  be  refei-red  to  .about  A.D.  848  (Cave, 
Chartoph.  EccL,  p.  160).  Nor  need  we  attach 
much  weight  to  his  remark  that  in  a  MS.  volume 
of  sermons  in  the  Vatican  library,  bearing  the 
names  of  Augustine  and  others,  is  one  of  Gregory 
the  Great  for  the  festival  of  St.  Michael.  Still 
the  evidence  of  the  Leonine  Sacramentary  is 
indicative  of  a  decidedly  early  date,  and  we 
probably  shall  not  err  in  assuming  the  existence 
of  the  festival  in  the  5th  century. 

We  must  next  refer  to  the  church  of  St. 
Michael  built  by  Boniface.  This,  it  will  be  re- 
membered, was  spoken  of  in  the  Mart.  Eomanum 
parvum  as  being  in  circo,  in  a  place  known  as 
inter  nubes ;  and  the  martyrology  of  Ado  in  like 
manner  speaks  of  it  as  in  summitate  circi.  What 
this  locality  is,  is  very  doubtful.  Baronius  (I.  c.) 
identifies  it  with  the  Moles  Hadriana,  and 
connects  it  with  an  appearance  of  the  archangel 
in  that  place  to  Gregory  the  Great,  on  the  occa- 
sion of  the  cessation  of  a  pestilence.  The  Boni- 
face he  considers  to  be  either  the  Third  (ob.  a.d. 
606)  or  Fourth  (ob.  A.D.  615),  rejecting  the 
claims  of  Boniface  II.  (ob.  a.d.  532),  on  gi-ounds, 
however,  which  depend  for  their  validity  on  the 
acceptance  of  his  theory  as  to  the  locality.  It 
may  be  remarked  that  this  place  is  now  and 
has  been  for  centuries  known  as  Castello  di  St. 
Angelo.  Stilting  again  (Acta  Sanctorum,  p.  71), 
following  Donatus,  considers  that  the  place 
hinted  at  is  the  head  of  the  Circus  Flaminius^ 
and  that  the  church  is  that  which  still  exists  in 
the  Forum  Piscarium. '  If  this  locality  be 
accepted,  the  reason  against  Boniface  II.  falls  to 

as  still  existing  In  the  9th  century,  in  a  list  by  an  anony- 
mous writer  of  the  holy  places  about  Rome,  cited  by 
Kckhart  (de  rebu^  Franciae  Orientalis,  vol.  i.  p.  831). 

>  Another  famous  church  of  St.  Michael  in  Eome  may  be 
mentioned  here,  that  built  near  the  Vatican  by  Leo  IV. 
(ob.  A.D.  855)  In  honour  of  the  victory  over  the  Moslems, 


5IICHAEL  THE  AECHANGEL 

the  ground,  and  the  non  multo  post  of  the 
martyrologies  is  certainly  more  applicable  to 
him. 

In  the  foregoing  remarks  we  have  dwelt  on 
the  local  Roman  festival,  whether  or  not  bor- 
rowed from  the  Apulian  commemoration :  and 
doubtless  some  considerable  time  elapsed  before 
the  observance  became  a  general  one  in  the 
Western  church.  Still,  by  the  beginning  of  the 
9th  century,  it  had  obviously  become  one  of  the 
chief  festivals  of  the  church,  for  the  council  of 
Ment^  (a.d.  813),  in  ordaining  what  festivals 
are  to  be  observed,  specifies  Easter,  Ascension, 
Pentecost,  the  festivals  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul, 
St.  John  the  Baptist,  the  Assumption,  the 
"  dedicatio  S.  Michaelis,"  and  the  festivals  of  St. 
Ptemigius,  St.  Martin  and  St.  Andrew  (can.  36, 
Labbe,  vii.  1250:  see  also  Capitularia  Jieguin 
Francorum,  ii.  36 ;  vol.  i.  748,  ed.  Baluzius).  It 
must  be  added,  however,  that  the  notice  of  the 
council  of  Mentz  appears  to  be  the  first.''  There 
is  no  mention  of  the  festival  in  the  Eegula  of 
Chrodegang,  bishop  of  Metz.  Before  leaving  this 
part  of  our  subject,  we  may  call  attention  to 
the  special  prominence  given  to  the  feast  of  St. 
Michael  in  the  ecclesiastical  laws  of  Ethelred  II., 
king  of  England  (a.d.  978-1016).  The  date  of 
the  festival  is  not  mentioned,  but  there  can  be 
no  doubt  that  it  is  September  29.  It  is  ordered 
that  the  Monday,  Tuesday,  and  Wednesday  before 
the  festival  shall  be  kept  as  a  fast,  and  that  men 
shall  walk  barefoot  to  church  and  make  their 
confessions.  On  these  days  all  slaves  are  to  be 
free  from  work.  A  neglect  of  the  fast  is  to 
be  punished  in  a  slave  by  stripes,  in  a  free  man 
by  a  fine  (30  pence  if  he  is  poor,  120  shillings  if 
a  thane),  which  is  to  be  given  to  the  poor  {Patrol. 
cli.  1167). 

On  turning  to  the  Eastern  church,  we  meet 
with  a  variety  of  commemorations,  assignable  to 
various  causes. 

(1.)  Most  widely  observed  of  all  is  the  festival 
of  November  8.  This  the  Greek  church  dedicates 
to  St.  Michael,  St.  Gabriel,  and  All  Angels  (^ 
ffvva^is  tSiv  -Kaixixeyia-Toiv  ra^iapxH^'^  yiixo-h^  ««' 
TajSpirjA  kolI  TraffHv  rwv  aa-wfxdrwv  Swajj-emv). 
The  notice  for  the  day  in  the  Greek  metrical 
Ephcinerides,  prefixed  by  Papebroch  to  the  first 
volume  of  the  Acta  Sanctorum  for  May  (p.  lii.), 
is  oySoaTTjv  ovpavloLO  KvSaivei  Tay^iaros  ^'Apx'^v. 
The  same  is  the  case  with  the  Russian  church  : 
reference  may  be  made  to  the  figure  in  the 
curious  pictorial  calendar  (ibid.  p.  Iv.).  In  the 
Armenian  calendar,  as  given  by  Assemani  {Bibl. 
Or.  iii.  1.  653),  the  day  is  dedicated  to  Michael  and 
Gabriel.  We  find  it  also  as  one  of  the  numerous 
feasts  of  the  Ethiopic  church,  of  which  we  shall 
again  speak  (Ludolf,  Hist.  Aeth.  p.  398);  and  in 
the  Coptic  calendar  (ibid.,  also  Selden,  dc  synod, 
vet.  Ebraeorum,  pp.  226  sqq.,  ed.  Amsterdam, 
1679)  we  find  the  day  dedicated  to  St.  Michael, 
with  a  second  and  third  festival  on  the  two  fol- 


"  The  sermon  on  the  festival  of  St.  Michael,  once  attri- 
buted to  Bed?,  is  certainly  spurious  (Patrol,  xciv.  5U2). 
In  connexion  with  Mentz  it  may  be  mentioned  that  St. 
Bonifact^  is  said  to  have  built  a  monastery  to  St.  Michael 
at  Ordorf,  in  consequence  of  a  vision  of  the  archangel. 
This  building  of  the  monastery,  however,  is  mentioned 
in  a  life  of  St.  Boniface,  written  after  the  middle  of  the 
nth  century  (Patrol.  Ixxxix.  645),  and  there  is  no  men- 
tion of  a  festival  of  St.  Michael  in  the  list  'of  festivals 
given  in  the  statutes  of  St.  Boniface  (ib.  824). 


MICHAEL  THE  AECHANGEL      1179 

lowing  days.  This  special  prominence  given  in- 
the  Coptic  church  is  interesting  in  connexion 
with  the  incident  we  shall  now  mention.  The 
original  reason  which  led  to  the  establishment  of 
this  festival  is  unknown,  but  a  curious  story  is 
told  in  the  annals  of  Said-Ebn-Batrik  or  Euty- 
chius,'  patriarch  of  Alexandria  (ob.  A.D.  9-tO). 
This  is  to  the  effect  that  the  patriarch  Alexander 
(ob.  A.D.  32G)  found  on  his  accession  a  large 
temple  existing  in  Alexandria,  which  had  been 
built  by  Cleopatra  in  honour  of  Saturn.  In  this 
was  a  large  idol  of  brass,  named  Michael,  to 
which  sacrifices  were  offered,  and  a'great  annual 
festival  observed.  The  bishop  finding  that  open 
opposition  to  this  idolatry  failed,  suggested  to 
his  people  that  they  should  change  the  festival 
into  one  to  the  archangel  Michael,  and  offer  the 
sacrifice  to  him,  so  that  he  might  intercede  for 
them  to  God.  The  advice  was  taken,  the  idol 
broken  up  and  made  into  a  cross,  and  the  temple 
became  the  church  of  St.  Michael,  whence  "  the 
Copts  in  Egypt  and  Alexandria  still  keep  the 
feast  on  that  day  to  the  angel  Michael,  and 
sacrifice  numerous  victims  "  (Annales,  vol.  i.  p. 
435,  ed.  Pocock ;  Oxford,  1658  :  see  also  Selden, 
p.  202).  It  is  sufficient  to  remark  on  this  story, 
found  in  a  writing  often  of  a  most  foolish  cha- 
racter, that  there  is  no  evidence  of  the  existence 
of  any  idol  named  Michael  [not  improbably  there 
may  have  been  in  some  earlier  document  some 
confusion  with  Moloch,  who  in  many  respects 
may  be  viewed  as  equivalent  to  Saturn,  and 
whose  name  hardly  differs  from  Michael,  save  by 
a  slight  metathesis],  and  such  a  breaking  up  of 
an  idol  was  not  a  likely  event  to  have  happened 
in  Alexandria  so  late  as  the  time  of  Constantine. 
(2.)  We  shall  next  mention  the  manifestation 
said  to  have  happened  at  Chonae,  close  to  Co- 
lossae.  The  legend  is  to  the  effect  that  there 
being  a  great  danger  of  inundation  from  the 
river  Lycus,  by  which  a  church  dedicated  to  St. 
Michael  might  have  been  submerged,  the  arch- 
angel opportunely  appeared  to  the  bishop  Ar- 
chippus,  and  opened  a  chasm  in  the  earth,  which 
carried  off"  the  water.  Dr.  Lightfoot  remarks 
that  thus  "  the  worship  of  angels  is  curiously 
connected  with  the  physical  features  of  the  coun- 
try "  (j).  71  n.),  which  is  described  by  Strabo 
(xii.  8.  16)  as  TroKvTp-qTov  Ka\  ev<Tei<Trov.  This 
event  is  commemorated  on  September  6  in  the 
Greek  [in  some  printed  editions  of  the  Menaea 
on  September  7  ;  Acta  Sanctorum,  in  loc.  §  185], 
Russian  and  Ethiopic  churches  (Ludolf,  p.  390). 
The  heading  for  the  day  in  the  Menaea  is  t) 
a.vajxvritns  rov  ■Kapa56^ou  dav^aTos  iv  Ko\acrffa7s^ 
TTJs  ^pvyia^  irapa  rov  apx'-<f'''p<'-'^h'yov  Mixar/A, 
and  the  verse  in  the  poetical  Greek  Ephemcridcs, 
which  we  have  already  once  cited,  is  "Povv  Mix"'!^ 
■noTaixoiV  xwi/euffg  v6ii)v  &yos  (KTrj  (p.  xliii.). 
Reference  may  also  be  made  to  the  quaint  figure 
in  the  pictorial  Moscow  Calendar  (p.  xlv.).  Of 
this  legend.  Acta  are  extant  both  in  Greek  and 
Latin,  It  may  be  remarked  here  that  there  was 
a  very  famous  church  to  St.  Michael  at  Chonae, 
called  by  Xicetas  Choniata,  a  native  of  the  place, 
rbv  apxayyfAiKhv  vahv.  . .  .neyfOeL  ixiyiffTov  /coJ 
KaKKei  KaWiarrov  (p.  230,  ed.  Bekkcr). 

(3.)  The  Menoloijy  of  cardinal  birletus  (Cani- 
sius,  Thesaurus,  III.  i.  438)  also  connects  June  8 

»  EutycJdus  is  merely  the  Greek  equivalent  of  the 

Arabic  Haid. 


1180    MICHAEL  THE  ARCHANGEL 

with  St.  Michael,  and  it  seems  possible,  on  the 
authority  of  a  MS.  Synaxarion,  to  associate  this 
with  the  dedication  of  the  church  of  St.  Michael 
in  Sosthenium,  near  Constantinople ;  though, 
from  the  almost  total  absence  of  allusions  to 
such  a  festival,  it  must  be  viewed  as  at  any  rate 
of  not  more  than  a  local  celebration.  Sozomen 
(^Hist.  Eccles.  ii.  3),  in  describing  the  building  of 
Constantinople  by  Constantine,  and  referring  to 
the  numerous  churches  with  which  it  was 
adorned,  mentions  as  especially  famous  one  situ- 
ated in  a  place  formerly  known  as  the  Hestiae, 
but  afterwards  as  Mixar}\ioi',  so  called  from  the 
belief  that  the  archangel  had  manifested  himself, 
and  from  the  miracles  supposed  to  have  been 
wrought  by  his  means.  It  may  be  noted  here 
that  Nicephorus  Callistus  (Hist.  Eccles.  vii.  50) 
mentions  two  churches  built  by  Constantine, 
aWa  Kol  if  tui  'AyairXcii,  Kal  t>  ^wffBffiov  6 
Xii^pos  K\7}frty  rivfio1pr\<Tiv.  It  is  not  quite  clear 
here  whether  he  is  referring  to  two  distinct 
localities  (so  Valesius,  note  to  Sozomen,  in  loc), 
or  means  that  the  title  Sosthenium  had  been 
given  to  the  Anaplus.  On  this  point  it  may  be 
noted  that  the  heading  to  the  chapter  in  Sozo- 
men, to  whomsoever  it  may  be  due,  speaks  of  the 
Sosthenium  as  though  it  were  the  same  as  the 
Hestiae  or  Anaplus,  and  that  Cedrenus  (p.  498) 
refeis  to  the  church,  rov  apxi(rTpaTi}yov  «V 
Tij)  'Avairhw  Kal  Scoo-^gci^.  Theophanes  merely 
speaks  of  the  place  as  the  Anaplus  (p.  34,  ed. 
Classen).  Nicephorus  certainly  only  describes 
one  locality,  namely,  on  the  Thracian  side  of  the 
Bosporus,  and  thirty-five  stadia  of  direct  distance 
from  Constantinople,  in  the  direction  of  the 
Euxine. 

This  will  be  the  most  convenient  place  for  re- 
ferring to  the  other  churches  dedicated  to  St. 
Michael  in  or  near  Constantinople.  The  emperor 
Justinian,  we  are  told  by  Procopius,  levelled  to 
the  ground  two  churches'  of  St.  Michael,  one  in 
the  Anaplus,  and  the  other  on  the  Asiatic  side, 
which  had  become  very  dilapidated,  and  rebuilt 
them  again  in  a  very  costly  manner  at  his  own 
expense  (de  aedificiis  Justiniani,  i.  8).  From  the 
following  chapter  we  find  that  the  same  emperor 
built  on  the  Asiatic  side  of  the  straits  another 
church  to  St.  Michael.  Besides  all  these,  Du- 
cange  {Constant inopolis  Christiana,  lib.  iv.  pp.  97, 
186)  mentions  no  fewer  than  fifteen  other  chui-ches 
dedicated  to  St.  Michael  in  or  near  Constanti- 
nople, besides  a  church  ra>v  ivvia  Tayixaroiv  (i.  e. 
of  the  nine  orders  of  angels).  Procopius  also 
tells  us  (ii.  10)  of  a  very  large  church  of  St. 
Michael  built  by  Justinian  at  Antioch. 

(4.)  In  the  Coptic  church  we  find  June  6  and 
the  two  following  days  kept  as  first,  second,  and 
third  feast  of  St.  Michael  (Selden,  p.  240;  also 
Ludolf,  p.  418).  It  may  be  observed  that  in  the 
Ethiopic  calendar,  while  the  first  of  these  three 
days  forms  one  of  the  monthly  festivals  of  St. 
Michael,  the  second  and  third  days  do  not  enter 
into  the  feast,  but  on  the  second  is  a  commemo- 
ration of  St.  Gabriel. 

(6.)  Besides  all  the  above,  the  Ethiopic  church 
commemorates  St.  Michael  on  the  twelfth  day  of 
each  month,  that  is  of  their  own  calendar,  an- 
swering in  different  months  to  a  day  varying 
from  the  ninth  to  the  fifth  of  our  own  (Ludolf, 
in  loc). 

(6.)  Thus  far  the  name  of  Michael,  either 
alone  or  in  connexion  with  the  angels  generally, 


MICHAEL  THE  ARCHANGEL 

has  entered  into  the  titles  of  the  different  festi- 
vals. We  may  add  further  that  there  are  com- 
memorations in  the  Ethiopic  church  of  Seraphim 
and  Cherubim  on  November  9  and  June  27 
(Ludolf,  pp.  398,  420),  and  on  November  4  of 
"  equi  cherubini  "  (ibid.  397,  where  see  note),  and 
on  November  30  of  Seraphim  (ibid.  399)  in  both 
the  Ethiopic  and  Coptic  calendars,™ 

In  connexion  with  this  part  of  our  subject,  we 
may  call  attention  in  passing  to  the  doctrine  of 
guardian  angels,  a  doctrine  anciently  believed  in 
by  the  Jews,  fully  ratified  by  our  Lord,  and 
always  held  more  or  loss  definitely  by  the 
church."  A  festival  of  the  "Guardian  Angel" 
seems  often  to  have  been  held,  particularly  in 
Spain,  on  various  days,  especially  March  1.  At 
quite  a  late  date,  it  was  definitely  fixed  in  the 
Koman  church  for  October  2,  by  Paul  V.  (ob. 
A.D.  1621)  and  Clement  X.  (ob.  A.D.  1676). 

In  conclusion,  one  or  two  further  remai-ks  in 
connexion  with  the  observance  of  festivals  of  St. 
Michael,  that  have  not  fitted  into  our  main  sub- 
ject, may  here  be  added. 

No  office  for  a  festival  of  St.  Michael  is  found 
in  Pamelius's  Ambrosian  or  Mabillon's  Galilean 
Liturgy ;  but  in  the  Sacramentarium  Bohianum 
is  a  mass  in  honorc  Sancti  Michaelis.  The  collect 
for  the  day  in  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  has 
l)assed  through  the  Sarum  missal,  with  but 
slight  modification,  into  our  own  prayer-book. 
The  epistle  in  the  Comes,  as  edited  by  Pamelius 
(Liturgg.  Lat.  ii.  47)  is  Rev.  i.  1-5,  which,  though 
also  that  of  the  Sarum  missal,  has  not  been 
retained  in  the  prayer-book.  The  gospel  in  the 
Ccnnes  and  missal  is  the  same  as  our  own.  Matt. 
xviii.  1-10.  In  the  Mozarabic  missal,  the  pro- 
phetia,  epistle,  and  gospel  are  Rev.  xii.  7-17  [this 
is  read  for  the  epistle  in  the  Sacramentarium  Bo- 
hianum, of  which  vv.  7-12  form  the  epistle  in 
our  own  church],  2  Thess.  i.  3-12,  Matt.  xxv. 
31-46.  The  gospel  in  the  Sacr.  Bohianum  is 
Matt.  xvii.  1-17  (^Patrol.  Ixxxv.  875,  where  see 
Leslie's  note). 

Several  orders  of  knighthood  claim  the  arch- 
angel as  their  patron  saint,  e.g.  the  French 
order  founded  by  Louis  XL  in  1469.  The  order 
of  the  Wing  [(lei  Ala'],  i.  e.  of  St.  Michael,  said  to 
have  been  founded  by  Alphonso,  king  of  Portugal 
(ob.  A.D.  1185),  in  memory  of  a  victory  over  the 
Moslems,  appears,  however,  a  very  doubtful  affair 
altogether. 

Literature. — For  the  matter  of  the  foregoing 
article,  I  have  to  express  considerable  obligation 
to  Augusti  (DenkicUrdigkeiten  aus  der  Christlichen 
Arch'dologie,  iii.  281  sqq.),  Binterim  (DcnkwUr- 
digkeiten  der  Christ-Katholischen  Eirche,  v.  i.  465 
sqq.),  and  Stilting  (^Acta  Sanctorum,  Sept.  29). 
Reference  may  also  be  made  to  Stengelius,  C, 
de  Michaelis  archangeli  principatu,  apparitionibus, 
templis,  cultu  et  miraculis  (Aug.  Vind.,  1629) ; 
Mains,  J.  B.,  de  Festo  Michaelis,  Kilon.,  1698 ; 


n>  It  may  be  noted  that  in  the  Calendar  as  given  by 
Selden  (p.  226),  these  days  are  noted  respectively,  as  of 
the  "  four  angelic  living  creatures,"  and  of  the  "  twenty- 
four  elders,"  probably  with  reference  to  Rev.  iv.  4. 

1  The  following  beautiful  prayer  in  connexion  with 
the  Guardian  Angel  deserves  to  bo  cited,  from  the  Alex- 
andrian Liturgy  of  St.  Basil  :—ay7tXoi'  ilpriviKou  rrj 
€/ca(7Tj)  rnxwv  fwjj  TrapaKaTacn-rfcrov,  (f)povpovvTa,  Sian)- 
povvTo.,  SLa(j>v\a.iTcrovTa,  <j)iaTL^ovTa,  bS-qyovyra.  ii/iias  eii 
nav  fpyov  ayaOov  (Renaudot,  p.  81). 


MICHOMERE 

Haeberlin,  F.  D.,  Selecta  quaedam  da  S.  Michaelis 
archanqeli  festis  et  cuUu,  etc.,  Helmstad,  1758. 
[R.  S.] 

MICHOMERE,  of  Tonnerre,  cir.  a.d.  411 ; 
commemorated  Ap.  30  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  iii. 
775).  [C.  H.] 

MICIO,  martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa 
Ap.  18  {Illeron.  Mart).  [C.  H.] 

MIGDONUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Ni- 
comedia  Mar.  12  (Hieron.  Mart).  [C.  H.] 

MIGETIA,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Con- 
.stantinople  June  15  {Hieron.  Mart.) ;  Megetia 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  ii.  1050).  [C.  H.] 

]\nGIGNUS.     [AlAGIGNUS.] 

MIGINUS  (1)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Ap. 
12  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Ap.  17 
(^Hieron.  Ifart.). 

(3)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Heraclea  Dec. 
14  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Dec.  10  (Hieron. 
Mart).  [0.  H.] 

MIGONE,  martyr-,  commemorated  Ap.  12 
(Hieron.  Mart.).  [0.  H.] 

MILAN,  COUNCILS  OF  (Mediolanensia 
Concilia).  The  two  first  councils  of  Milan  were 
held  within  a  year  of  each  other,  with  the 
council  of  Sardica  between  them,  and  have  been 
called  the  first  and  second  under  pope  Julius. 

(1)  A.D.  346,  at  which  the  semi-Arian  pro- 
fession of  the  year  before,  called  the  Macros- 
tyche,  was  rejected  (Mansi,  ii.  1369). 

(2)  A.D.  347,  at  which  Photinus,  metropoli- 
tan of  Sirmium,  was  condemned,  and  Valens 
and  Ursacius  received  into  communion  on  ab- 
juring Arianism  (Mansi,  iii.  159-62). 

(3)  A.D.  355,  at  which  the  emperor  Constan- 
tius  was  present,  and  the  condemnation  of 
St.  Athanasius  was  once  more  decreed,  all 
who  would  not  agree  to  it  being  exiled.  Mar- 
cellus  and  Photinus  were  condemned  in  the  same 
breath.  It  is  said  to  have  been  attended  by  up- 
wards of  300  bishops,  but  as  only  thirty  seem 
to  have  subscribed  to  what  was  decreed  against 
St.  Athanasius,  the  majority  must  either  have 
remained  passive  or  withdrawn.  Foremost 
among  those  thirty  were  Valens  and  Ursacius, 
who  had  renounced  Arianism  at  the  previous 
council.  The  synodical  letter  addressed  to 
Eusebius  of  Vercelli,  who,  therefore,  could  not 
have  been  present,  though  he  had  been  invited 
to  it,  was,  in  all  probability,  their  composition. 
(Mansi,  iii.  233-50.) 

(4)  A.D.  380,  at  which  the  charges  brought 
against  a  virgin  named  Indicia  were  pronounced 
false,  and  her  accusers  condemned.  (Mansi,  iii. 
517.      Comp.  St.  Ambr.  Ep.  5  and  6,  ed.  Ben.) 

(5)  A.D.  390,  when  Jovinian  and  his  fol- 
lowers, who  had  been  condemned  at  Rome  for 
heresy  by  pope  Siricius,  had  a  similar  sentence 
passed  upon  them  by  St.  Ambrose  and  his 
suffragans.  The  subscriptions  to  their  letter, 
indeed,  hardly  bear  out  its  heading.  (Mansi, 
iii.  G89  and  663-7.) 

(6)  A.D.  451,  attended  by  Eusebius,  bishop  of 
Milan,  and  eighteen  suffragans,  their  deputies 
having  returned  from  the  East ;  when  the  letter 


MILITARY  SERVICE         1181 

of  St.  Leo  to  Flavian,  which  had  been  sent 
thither  by  them,  was  read,  and  having  been 
found  consonant  to  scripture  and  antiquity — 
above  all  to  what  had  been  written  on  the  In- 
carnation by  St.  Ambrose — was  approved. 
(Mansi,  vi.  527  and  141.) 

(7)  A.D.  679,  at  which  a  letter  was  addressed 
to  the  emperor  Constantine  Pogonatus  by  Man- 
suetus,  bishop  of  Jlilan  and  his  suffragans,  in 
anticipation  of  the  sixth  council ;  and  accom- 
panied by  a  dogmatic  profession  of  high  in- 
terest, in  connexion  with  the  creed  then  in  use. 
(Mansi,  xi.  203-7.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

BIILBURGA,  virgin,  in   England ;  comme- 
morated Feb.  23  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  iii.  388). 
[C.H.] 

MILDGITHA  or  MILDWIDA,  virgin  in 
England  ;  commemorated  Jan.  17  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Jan.  ii.  176).  [C.  H.] 

MILDRED  A,  abbess  in  England ;  comme- 
morated July  13  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  iii.  512). 
[C.  H.] 

MILES,  bishop,  martyr  with  his  disciples 
Eboras  and  Seboas,  all  Persians ;  commemorated 
Nov.  13  (Basil.  Menol.).  [C.  H.] 

MILETIUS,  patriarch  of  Antioch  ;  comme- 
morated Nov.  11  (Cal.  Annen.).  [C.  H.] 

MILETUS,  bishop  of  Treves,  cir.  a.d.  470 ; 
commemorated  Sept.  19  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  vi. 
27).  [C.  H.] 

MILEVIS,  COUNCILS  OF  (Milevitana 
Concilia).  For  what  passed  at  the  first  council 
of  Milevis,  see  canons  86-90  of  the  African  code, 
with  the  preface  to  them.  (Mansi,  iii.  783,  and 
see  also  1139.) 

The  second,  formerly  confused  with  the  first, 
was  held  A.D.  416:  for  its  eight  first  canons 
condemning  Pelagianism,  also  see  109-16  of 
the  African  code.  Of  the  remaining  nineteen, 
the  23rd  is  not  found  in  that  code  at  all ;  while 
the  20th  suggests  that  the  first  half  of  canon 
106  in  the  code  has  been  interpolated.  The 
rest  are  to  be  found  up  and  down  the  code,  dis- 
connectedly, not  always  forming  whole  canons. 
(Mansi,  iv.  325-49,  and  see  African  Coitncils.) 
[E.  S.  Ff.] 

MILIANUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Lyons  June  2  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MILIGUTUS,  martyr;  commemorated  in 
Egypt  Feb.  9  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MILIO,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Kicopolis 
in  Armenia  July  10  (Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta 
SS  July,  iii.  34).  [C.  H.] 

MILISA,  martyr;  commemorated  at  Nico- 
meJia  Mar.  16  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MILITANI,  THE,  or  MILITANA  accord- 
ing to  another  reading,  martyrs,  or  martyr; 
commemorated  at  Ancyra  July  22  (Hieron.  Mart.). 
[C.  H.] 

MILITARES,  martyr  in  Armenia;  comme- 
morated July  24  (Hieron.  Mart;  Bed.  Mart. 
Auct.).  l^-  H-] 

MILITARY  SERVICE.  Militia  in  later 
usage  appears  to  include  the  performance  of 
any    public   service,    either    civil    or    military 


1182        MILITARY  SEEYICE 

(see  Ducange,  Gloss.).  So  Augustiue  (Serm. 
82,  §  3,  de  Diversis,  vol.  v.  p.  1905;  Migne, 
Patrol.)  says  that  Holy  Scripture  in  speaking 
of  soldiers  does  not  mean  those  only  who  are 
occupied  in  active  warfare  (armata  militia), 
but  that  every  one  uses  the  weapons  of  his 
own  special  warfare,  and  thus  is  enrolled  as  a 
soldier  in  his  own  grade  (quisque  militiae  suae 
cingulo  utitur,  dignitatis  suae  miles  describitur). 
In  Latin  writers  the  word  has  a  triple  meaning: 
the  Militia  Palatinalis  belonging  to  the  officers 
of  the  palace;  Castrensis  to  military  service 
in  the  camp ;  and  Cohortalis  to  civil  service 
in  the  provinces.  (See  Vales,  Not.  in  Soz,  H.  E. 
V.  4 ;  Bingham,  Ecd.  Ant.  iv.  4,  §  1.) 

It  also  applied  to  those  who  held  lands,  pos- 
sessions, or  titles  by  tenure  of  feudal  service. 
Thus,  e.  (/.,  the  Laws  of  the  Lombards  (lib.  iii. 
tit.  8,  0.  4)  provide  that  no  "  miles  "  of  a  bishop, 
abbat,  or  abbess  shall  lose  his  fief  (beueficium) 
without  being  convicted  of  a  crime.  In  Anglo- 
Saxon  chronicles  the  title  "  miles  "  is  commonly 
used  to  describe  those  who  were  attached  in  any 
capacity  to  the  household  of  a  prince.  For  ex- 
amples see  Ducange  {Gloss.).  So  Avitus  of  Vienne, 
Ep.  83.  Sigismund,  king  of  Burgundy,  speaks  of 
the  title  of  patrician  conferred  upon  him  by  the 
emperor  Anastasius  as  "militiae  titulos,"  and 
Gregory  of  Tours  (Hist.  Franc,  iv.  c.  42)  speaks 
of  the  patriciate  which  a  certain  Mummulus 
obtained  from  king  Guntram  as  a  "militia." 
Sometimes  it  appears  to  be  used  simply  for  any 
rewards  given  in  return  for  service.  Thus  Gre- 
gory of  Tours  {Hist.  Franc,  viii.  39)  speaks  of 
the  widow  of  a  certain  Badegilsus,  bishop  of  Le 
Mans,  claiming  some  property  which  was  alleged 
to  have  been  given  to  the  see,  as  the  hire  given 
personally  to  her  husband  (haec  est  militia  viri 
mei);  and  (id.  x.  c.  19)  speaking  of  the  ti-easures 
left  by  a  cei-tain  bishop  Egidius,  says  that  those 
of  them  which  were  the  produce  (militia)  of  evil 
doing  were  carried  into  the  king's  treasury. 

Thus  in  ecclesiastical  writers  the  word  is  often 
found  expressing  any  kind  of  service  either 
civil  or  military.  The  Apostolic  Canons  (c.  82) 
provide  that  any  of  the  clergy  wishing  to  retain 
any  public  employment  (cTTpareiS.  crx'^^°-C'^'')i  ^o 
as  to  serve  both  the  emperor  and  the  church, 
were  to  be  deposed,  on  the  ground  of  the  com- 
mand, "Render  unto  Caesar  the  things  that  are 
Caesar's,  and  to  God  the  things  that  are  God's." 
(See  Beverege,  N'ot.  in  loco,  and  Bingham,  Eccl. 
Ant.  vi.  4,  §  9.)  Sozomen  (JI.  E.  iv.  24)  narrates 
that  a  council  of  Constantinople,  A.  D.  360,  de- 
posed one  Xeonas,  bishop  of  Seleucia,  because  he 
had  admitted  to  holy  orders  certain  men  who  were 
bound  to  civic  offices,  TroXnevo/xivoi  (see  Vales, 
AW.  in  loco).  A  capitulary  of  Constantine  (Cod. 
Leg.  Offic.  de  Episc.  ct  Clcr.)  speaks  of  the  curiae 
to  which  certain  men  belonged  as  "  officia  quibus 
militant."  It  is  often  also  especially  applied 
to  ecclesiastical  service.  In  the  Ordo  Romanus., 
c.  1,  the  members  of  the  procession  that  precedes 
the  pontiff  to  the  church  are  ordered  to  walk  in 
■  the  order  of  their  respective  offices  (partibus 
prout  militavit).  Gregory  the  Great  (Ep.  iii. 
11)  speaks  of  the  servants  of  the  church  as 
"militia  clericatus."  St.  Remigius  (Sirmond, 
Cone.  Ant.  Gall.  i.  205)  speaks  of  the  lectors' 
service  as  "  militia  lectorum." 

In  the  more  limited  meaning  of  warfare  it 
must  be  considered — 


MILITARY  SERVICE 

I.  As  regards  the  laity.  The  profession  of 
arms  in  the  earlier  days  of  the  church  appears 
to  have  been  considered  with  some  distrust,  as 
scarcely  compatible  with  the  Christian  character, 
since  it  necessitated  the  shedding  of  blood  and 
taking  part  in  capital  punishments.  None  of 
the  councils,  however,  venture  to  prohibit  it. 
The  first  council  of  Nice  indeed  (c.  12)  orders 
that  those  who  had  made  profession  of  the  faith 
and  cast  away  the  military  belt,  and  then  returned 
to  the  service  and  given  money  to  be  restored  to 
their  rank,  should  be  for  three  years  among  the 
hearers  and  then  for  ten  years  among  the  pro- 
strators.  But  this  canon  appears  to  have  referred 
to  some  particular  case,  very  probably  to  that  of 
soldiers  who  had  quitted  the  army  rather  than 
commit  idolatry,  and  then,  repenting  of  what 
they  had  done,  regained  their  position  on  condi- 
tion of  offering  sacrifice.  (See  Bingham,  Eccl. 
Antiq.  xi.  c.  5,  §  10.)  The  first  council  of  Aries, 
A.D.  314  (c.  3,  Bruns,  Canones,  ii.  p.  107)  appears 
to  recognise  the  fact  that  the  profession  of  Chris- 
tianity should  not  be  made  an  excuse  for  evading 
the  duties  of  citizenship,  by  excommunicating 
those  who  throw  down  their  arms  in  time  of 
peace.  Another  reading  is  "in  time  of  war." 
The  Apostolic  Constitutions  (viii.  c.  32)  provide 
that  a  soldier  who  applies  for  baptism  should 
promise  to  obey  the  injunctions  given  to  soldiers 
by  John  the  Baptist,  to  do  injury  to  no  man,  to 
accuse  no  man  falsely,  and  to  be  content  with 
their  hire.  If  he  gave  that  promise  he  was  to  be 
admitted,  if  he  refused  to  do  so,  to  be  rejected. 

Ecclesiastical  writers  treat  the  subject  very 
much  in  accordance  with  their  own  personal 
temperament,  the  ground  taken  by  those  who 
deny  that  a  Christian  can  continue  to  be  a  soldier 
being  always  that  some  of  the  duties  required  by 
a  military  profession  are  incompatible  with  the 
laws,  or  at  least  with  the  spirit,  of  Christianity, 
Tertullian,  as  might  be  expected,  is  most  out- 
spoken and  uncompromising.  In  answering  the 
question  whether  a  soldier  in  uniform  can 
be  admitted  to  the  church,  he  asks  in  return 
whether  there  can  be  a  soldier  who  is  not 
obliged  to  take  part  in  bloodshed  and  capital 
punishments,  and  again  inquires  how  a  Chris- 
tian can  possibly  fight  without  the  sword 
which  his  Lord  has  taken  from  him  {de  Idol. 
c.  19).  Again  {de  Coron.  Milit.  c.  11),  in  answer- 
ing the  question  whether  warfare  in  any  way  is 
a  lawful  occupation  for  a  Christian,  he  contrasts 
the  ordinary  duties  of  a  soldier  with  the  position 
of  a  believer.  How,  he  asks,  can  a  son  of  peace 
make  war,  or  he  whose  duty  it  is  to  cast  out 
idols  guard  an  idol's  temple  ?  How  can  one  who 
is  forbidden  to  burn  incense  submit  to  have  his 
own  corpse  burned  by  military  rule  ?  The  case 
is  different,  he  .idds,  when  those  who  were 
actually  soldiers  were  converted,  as  the  soldiers 
who  came  to  John  the  Baptist  and  the  believ- 
ing centurion.  In  such  cases  a  believer  ought 
either  to  desert  at  once,  which,  he  asserts,  is  a 
common  practice,  or  to  be  resolute  not  to  be 
compelled  to  perform  duties  which  are  forbidden 
by  the  laws  of  his  Christian  faith.  Faith, 
he  adds,  knows  not  the  meaning  of  the  word 
compulsion.  But  in  other  places  he  admits  that 
his  opinion  had  not  been  generally  acted  on  by 
Christians.  "  We  fill  your  camps,"  he  says 
{Apologet.  c.  37),  "  we  man  your  fleets,  and  serve 
In  your  armies"  (id  c.  42.)    The  well-known 


F 


MILITARY  SERVICE 

legend  of  the  Thunderiug  Legion  proves  also  that 
Christians  were  in  considerable  numbers  in  the 
army  of  the  emperor  Aurelius  (Euseb.  E.  H.  v.  5). 
Origen  (contra  Cch.  viii.  §§  73,  74),  in  answering 
the  question  of  Celsus  why  Christians  do  not 
bear  arms  and  bring  help  to  the  emperor,  admits 
the  fact  that  they  were  unwilling  to  take  up 
arms  and  slay  men,  but  alleges  that  as  priests 
they  were  ever  warring  with  their  prayers  for 
the  emperor,  and  thus  serving  him  with  better 
weapons  than  they  would  have  used  in  the  army. 
Lactintius  {Tnstitutiones,  vi.  c.  20)  considers 
any  occupation  that  implies  shedding  of  blood  is 
unfit  for  a  Christian. 

The  same  ground  is  taken  by  Paulinus  of  Nola 
(Epist.  ad  Milet.,  Ep.  25  ;  lligne.  Patrol.). 

Another  class  of  writers  take  a  milder  view, 
and  speak  with  more  hesitating  utterance. 
Basil  {Epist.  ad  Amphtloch.,  Class  2,  Ep.  188, 
■§  13;  Migne,  Patrol.),  while  admitting  that 
bloodshed  in  lawful  war  is  innocent,  says  that 
those  who  commit  it  contract  a  certain  impurity, 
and  should  abstain  from  communion  for  three 
years.  The  Greeks  used  this  canon  as  an  argu- 
ment against  the  emperor  Phocas,  when  he 
insisted  that  the  soldiei-s  who  fell  in  battle  on 
his  side  should  be  inserted  in  the  book  of  mar- 
tyrs (see  note,  iligne,  Patrol,  in  loco). 

It  is  not  clear  whether  Leo  the  Great  (Epist. 
ad  Rustic,  c.  12)  is  speaking  specially  of  military 
service  or  of  secular  business  in  general  when  he 
forbids  penitents  to  return  to  the  warfare  of  the 
world  (militiam  secularem),  on  the  ground  of 
the  apostolic  injunction,  "  no  man  that  warreth 
cntangleth  himself  in  the  aftairs  of  this  life ;"  and 
because  no  man  is  free  from  the  snares  of  the 
devil  who  involves  himself  in  worldly  warfare 
(militia  mundana),  adding  (c.  14)  though  the 
occupation  may  be  lawful  in  itself. 

A  very  different  view  is  taken  by  Augustine. 
He  says  (£>.  Class  iii.  189,  c.  4 ;  Migne,  Patrol.) 
that  it  is  wrong  to  suppose  that  no  soldier  can 
serve  God  while  engaged  in  actual  warfare, 
giving  as  examples  l)avid  and  Cornelius,  the 
soldiers  who  came  to  John  the  Baptist,  and  the 
centurion  who  came  to  our  Lord.  Again  {De 
Diversis  Quaest.  i.  4)  he  owns  there  are  many  bad 
soldiers,  but  adds  they  are  those  who  do  not  con- 
form tomilitary  discipline,  just  as  many  Christians 
become  bad  when  they  disobey  the  commands  of 
their  master  Christ,  and  {Serm.  302,  c.  16,  Migne, 
Patrol.)  it  is  not  their  evil  occupation  but  their 
evil  hearts  (non  militia  sed  malitia)  which 
makes  soldiers  evil  men ;  and  in  another  place 
asserts  that  he  is  not  guilty  of  homicide  who 
slays  men  in  lawful  battle,  "  Deo  auctore  "  (Z>e 
Civit.  Lei,  i.  cc.  21-26). 

In  later  years  all  doubt  on  the  subject  quite 
disappeared,  and  war  began  to  be  considered  even 
meritorious  when  undertaken  against  unbelievers, 
or  on  behalf  of  the  interests  of  the  church. 
Pope  Stephen  II.  {Ep.  144,  Sirmond,  Cone.  Ant. 
Gall.  ii.  10)  encouraged  the  Gauls  to  take  up 
arms  in  defence  of  the  church,  adding  that  he 
felt  quite  sure  that  St.  Peter  would  be  lenient 
to  the  sins  of  those  who  fell  in  the  service  of  his 
church.  Rabanus  Maurus  (de  Eccl.  Discip.  ii.  5) 
asserts  that  those  who  engage  in  a  just  war  are 
innocent,  since  they  are  only  obeying  the  lawful 
commands  of  their  sovereign.  Hincmar  of  Rheims 
{Epist.  ad  Car.  Calv.  cc.  9,  10)  says  that  those 
who  declare  war  and  those  who  fight  as  soldiers 


MILITARY  SERVICE 


1183 


in  a  just  cause  are  blameless,  and  (c.  11)  that  a 
soldier  who  shed  blood  in  lawful  warfare  is  inno- 
cent, the  responsibility  resting  with  the  king. 
Neither  was  any  difficulty  made  about  sending 
the  soldiers  from  church  fiefs  when  land  was 
held  by  ecclesiastical  persons  under  feudal 
tenure.  Hincmar  of  Rheims,  in  his  Epistle  to 
Hadrian  (0pp.  ed.  Paris,  164.5,  ii.  608),  urges 
very  sensibly  that  if  the  church  holds  lands  under 
the  laws  of  the  king,  they  must  render  to  the 
king  the  duties  belonging  to  them  ;  and  (Ep.  46) 
says  to  send  forces  to  the  army  of  the  king  is 
simply  to  I'ender  to  Caesar  what  is  due  to  Caesar. 
The  second  council  of  Vern  (a.D.  844,  c.  8)  pro- 
vides that  when  bishops  were  prevented  by  ill- 
ness from  bringing  their  forces  themselves,  they 
should  send  them  under  proper  leaders.  It  is 
needless  to  multiply  proofs  of  this,  as  will  be 
seen  in  the  following  section ;  the  great  difficulty 
was  to  prevent  the  clergy  from  themselves  lead- 
ing their  ti'oops  and  engaging  in  actual  warfare. 

II.  As  relates  to  the  clergy.  These  were 
always  strictly  forbidden  to  bear  arms.  The 
first  council  of  Toledo,  A.D.  398  (c.  8),  forbids 
anyone  who  after  baptism  has  put  on  the  military 
belt  to  be  raised  to  the  office  of  a  deacon.  The 
council  of  Chalcedon,  a.d.  451  (c.  7),  anathema- 
tizes all  who,  having  been  once  enrolled  among 
the  clergy,  return  either  to  warfare  or  to  secular 
employment.  The  first  council  of  Tours,  a.d. 
460  (c.  5),  excommunicates  all  clergy  who  shall 
engage  in  warfare.  The  council  of  Lerida,  A.D. 
52o  (c.  1),  speaking  of  the  case  of  clergy  who 
might  be  in  a  besieged  city,  provides  that  all 
who  minister  at  the  altar  should  positively 
abstain  from  shedding  human  blood ;  those  who 
had  done  so,  even  in  the  case  of  an  enemy,  should 
be  removed  for  two  years  not  only  from  their 
office,  but  from  communion.  The  two  years 
were  to  be  spent  in  fasting,  prayers,  and  alms- 
giving. At  the  end  of  two  years  they  might  be 
restored,  but  never  promoted  to  higher  stations. 
The  penance  might  be  protracted  at  the  will 
of  the  bishop,  if  not  performed  to  his  satisfac- 
tion. The  first  council  of  Macon,  A.D.  581 
(c.  5),  provides  that  any  clergy  wearing  arms 
shall  be  kept  for.thirtv  davs  on  bread  and  water. 
The  fourth  council  of  Toledo,  a.d.  633  (c.  19), 
forbids  that  any  employed  in  secular  warfare 
or  pursuit  (militia)  should  be  ordained ;  and 
c.  44  provides  that  clergy  who  have  willingly 
borne  arms  in  any  revolt  shall  lose  their 
rank,  and  be  sent  for  discipline  to  a  monas- 
tery. The  council  of  Lestines,  a.d.  743  (c.  2), 
forbids  any  of  the  clergy  to  wear  arms  or  to 
accompany  armies,  except  one  or  two  bishops 
with  their  chaplains  in  attendance  on  the  prince, 
and  one  presbyter  attached  to  each  division  of 
the  army.  The  first  council  of  Soissons,  a.d.  744 
(c.  3),  forbids  abbats  to  bear  arms,  even  those 
who  by  their  feudal  tenure  were  obliged  to  send 
soldiers  from  their  lands.  The  council  of  Means, 
A.D.  845  (c.  37),  provides  that  clergy  who  worn 
arms  should  lose  their  offices. 

Leo  I.  (Eplst.  3,  §§  4,  5)  orders  that  if  any 
baptized  person  has  engaged  in  warfare,  he  shall 
not  be  admitted  into  holy  orders,  giving  as  a 
reason  that  soldiers  are  obliged  to  execute  the 
commands  of  their  superior  officer,  however  un- 
lawful they  may  be.  It  may  also  be  noted  that 
the  canon  of  Basil  just  given,  forbidding  any  who 
have  shed  blood  to  be  admitted  to  communion 


1184        MILITARY  SERVICE 

for  three  years,  would  effectually  prevent  the 
clergy  from  bearing  arms. 

That  the  clerical  office  was  held  to  imply  in- 
capacity for  bearing  arms  is  also  implied  in  the 
law  of  Honorius  (^Cod.  Theod.  vii.  lib.  20 ;  Do 
Veteran,  leg.  12),  which  forbids  anyone  to  enter 
the  clerical  office  in  order  to  excuse  himself  from 
serving  in  the  army  on  plea  of  being  an  ecclesi- 
astical person.     [See  Pkinces,  Consent  of.] 

In  practice,  however,  it  is  evident  that  these 
injunctions  were  occasionally  transgressed  upon 
many  pleas.  It  appears  to  have  been  not  un- 
common for  monks  and  clergy  to  accompany  an 
army  to  the  field  for  the  purpose  of  helping  it 
with  their  prayers.  Bede  (^H.  E.  ii.  2)  speaks  of 
the  slaughter  at  Westchester  of  a  great  number 
of  monks  of  Bangor  who  had  assembled  to  help 
the  army  of  the  Britons  by  their  prayers,  and 
whom  he  calls  an  army  (militia) ;  and  (i.  20, 
p.  57)  of  Germanus,  bishop  of  Auxerre,  who  took 
command,  on  an  emergency,  of  the  army  of  the 
Britons,  and  defeated  the  Picts  and  Scots  by  the 
weapons  of  prayer  and  praise.  The  ti-ansition 
from  such  weapons  to  those  of  a  more  secular 
kind  was  easy.  Theodoret  (//.  E.  ii.  30)  speaks 
of  James,  bishop  of  Nisibis,  acting  as  general 
(ffrpaTr}y6s)  of  the  forces  of  the  city  during  the 
siege  by  Sapoi-,  and  using  his  engineering  skill 
in  directing  the  working  of  the  machines  upon 
the  walls ;  but  it  is  added  that  he  himself  took 
no  personal  share  in  the  defence,  but  remained 
all  the  time  within  the  church  in  prayer :  the 
enemy  were  finally  discomfited  without  blood- 
shed by  a  plague  of  gnats  and  flies  which  arrived 
in  answer  to  his  praj'er.  Other  clergy  do  not 
appear  to  have  been  so  careful  to  observe  the 
nice  distinction  between  advice  and  action,  espe- 
cially in  cases  where  the  interests  of  the  church 
were  concerned.  Sozomen  {H.  E.  vii.  15)  speaks 
of  one  Marcellus,  a  bishop  of  Apamea,  who  led 
a  band  of  soldiers  and  gladiators  against  the 
pagans,  and  was  slain  in  the  affray.  It  is  added, 
proving  that  his  conduct  was  considered  merito- 
rious, that  the  council  of  the  province  prohibited 
his  relatives  from  attempting  to  avenge  his  death, 
ou  the  ground  that  they  should  rather  give 
thanks  that  he  was  accounted  worthy  to  die  in 
such  a  cause.  Gregory  of  Tours  {Hist.  Franc. 
iv.  43)  speaks  of  two  prelates,  Salonius  and 
Sagittarius,  who  wore  armour  and  slew  many 
men  with  their  own  hands  in  battle.  Boniface  of 
Mayence  {Ep.  ad  Zach.)  asked  the  pope's  advice 
about  certain  bishops  who  fought  armed  and 
shed  blood  with  their  own  hands  ;  the  answer 
was,  that  such  should  be  deposed.  Paul 
Warnefrid  {Hist.  Longohard.  v.  40)  applauds  the 
bravery  of  one  Zeno,  a  deacon  of  Ticcne,  who 
went  into  battle  clad  in  the  robes  of  Cunibert, 
king  of  the  Lombards,  and  was  killed  in  his 
l>lace. 

In  later  days,  when  the  church  began  to  hold 
lands  under  the  feudal  system,  it  seems  that  in 
some  cases  the  bishops  were  expected  to  come  in 
person  to  the  army  of  their  sovereign.  Charles 
the  Bald  (Sirmond,  Cone.  A7it.  Gall.  iv.  pp.  143- 
145)  brings  a  charge  against  a  bishop  named 
Vuenilo  that  he  had  not  helped  him  in  his  ad- 
vance against  the  enemy  either  in  his  own  person 
or  with  the  forces  that  it  was  his  duty  to  bring. 
Hincmar  of  Rheims  {Ep.  26),  writing  to  pope 
Nicholas,  speaks  of  himself  and  his  fellow  bishops 
as  going  with  the  king  against  the  Bretons  and 


MILK 

Normans,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  king- 
dom. See  also  Flodoard  {Vita  Hincmar.  iii.  18). 
The  second  council  of  Vern,  A.D.  844  (c.  8), 
when  providing  that  bishops  who  are  weak  of 
body  shall  send  their  forces  under  command  of 
one  of  the  king's  olficers,  indicates  that  it  was 
the  usual  custom  for  bishops  to  lead  their  forces 
in  their  own  persons. 

But  efforts  were  continually  made  to  keep  the 
clergy  as  far  as  possible  from  actually  mingling 
in  war.  A  capitulary  of  Charles  the  Great 
{Capit.  iii.  c.  141  ;  Migne,  Patrol,  -xcvii.  814) 
provides  that  no  priest  shall  accompany  the 
army,  except  two  or  at  most  three  bishops 
elected  by  the  others,  for  the  purpose  of  prayer 
and  benediction,  and  with  them  chosen  priests  of 
good  learning,  and  with  the  permission  of  their 
own  bishops,  who  should  celebrate  divine  service, 
attend  to  the  sick,  and  especially  take  care  that 
no  one  died  without  receiving  the  holy  sacra- 
ment. They  were  not  to  bear  arms,  nor  to  go 
into  battle,  nor  shed  blood,  but  to  employ  them- 
selves in  their  proper  duties.  Those  ecclesiastics 
who  held  fiefs  which  obliged  them  to  provide 
soldiers,  were  to  send  their  men  well  armed,  and 
they  themselves  to  remain  at  home  and  pray  for 
the  arm}\  Hincmar  of  Eheims,  whatever  his 
own  practice  may  have  been,  gives  very  good 
advice  upon  the  subject.  In  his  epistle  to  the 
bishops  {0pp.  ii.  159,  cc.  4,  5)  he  says  that 
the  soldiers  due  from  the  possessions  of  the 
church  were  to  be  sent  under  their  appointed 
leaders  to  the  help  of  the  prince,  but  that  the 
bishops  themselves  were  to  give  advice  and  use 
all  their  efforts  to  arrest  the  effusion  of  blood. 
The  council  of  Meaux,  A.D.  845  (c.  37),  provides 
that  clergy  are  not  to  carry  arms  on  pain  of 
losing  their  grade ;  also  (c.  47),  that  bishops 
should  send  their  forces  under  the  command  of 
some  of  the  church  vassals  (ex  subditis  et  eccle- 
siasticis  ministris),  chosen  with  the  consent  of 
the  archbishop.  A  curious  provision  follows : 
that  such  leaders  should  not  indulge  in  any  idle 
hope  of  succeeding  to  the  bishopric,  unless  in 
accordance  with  the  provision  made  by  Gregory 
the  Great,  for  which  see  Princes,  Consent  of. 

But  the  literature  of  the  period  abounds  iu 
indications  that  many  bishops  and  abbats  pre- 
ferred the  excitement  of  the  camp  to  the  seclu- 
sion of  the  cloister  or  the  monotony  of  pastoral 
duty.  [P.  0.] 

MILITO,  martyr;  commemorated  at  Rome 
July  11  {Hicron.  Hart.).  [C.  H.] 

MILK  or  MILKPAIL  (in  Art).  Milkpails 
are  represented  in  the  Callixtine  catacomb,  6th 
cubiculum  of  St.  Callixtus  (Aringhi,  vol.  i.  p. 
557).  In  these  two  paintings  the  Lord  seems 
to  bo  shepherd  and  lamb,  or  priest  and  sacrifice. 
The  lamb  in  any  case  is  bearing  the  mulctra,  with 
the  pastoral  staff.  It  may  be  supposed  that 
the  vessel  which  often  accompanies  the  Good 
Shepherd  is  of  the  same  kind.  (See  Buonarroti, 
vi.  2.) 

On  some  sai-cophagi  (see  Bottari,  pi.  xx. ; 
Aringhi,  vol.  i.  p.  291 ;  Maffei,  Verona  Illnstr. 
iii.  p.  54)  shepherds  are  represented  in  the  act 
of  milking  their  flocks.  On  the  whole  it  seems 
more  likely  (see  Ezekiel  xxv.  4 ;  Heb.  v.  12,  13  ; 
1  Cor.  iii.  2  ;  1  Peter  ii.  2)  that  the  mulctra 
refers  to  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel,  than  to 
the  Eucharist. 


The  milkpail  is  sometimes  taken  as  a  symbol 
of  spring  (Bottari,  iii.  62)  ;  and  Martigny  quotes 
a  couplet  to  this  effect  from  the  Calendarium 
Bucherianum  [Calendar,  p.  256]. 

"  Tempus  ver,  hoedus  petulans  et  garrula  hinmdo 
Indicat,  et  sinus  lactis  et  herba  virens," 

■where  the  poet's  disregard  for  the  quantity  of 
the  word  sinus  may  be  condoned,  on  account  of 
his  evident  good  will.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

MILK  AND  HONEY.  A  mixture  of  milk 
and  honey  was  in  ancient  times  commonly  ad- 
ministered to  infants  immediately  after  baptism 
(Tertullian,  de  Cor.  Milit.  c.  3  ;  c.  Marcion.  i.  14), 
as  typical  of  the  heavenly  Jerusalem,  where  milk 
and  honey  descend  in  showers  (Clem.  Alex.  Pae- 
dag.  I.  vi.  §  45,  p.  125,  Potter.  [See  Baptism, 
§  6Q,  p.  164.] 

Milk  and  honey  were  also  on  certain  occasions 
offered  on  the  altar.  See  Honey  and  Milk,  p. 
783  ;  Liturgy,  p.  1021,  §  16.  [C] 

IVIIMMUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa 
Oct.  31  {Hieron.  3Iart.).  [C.  H.] 

IMINA,  martyr;  commemorated  at  Milan 
July  9  {Hkron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MINACUS,  martyr  at  Ravenna ;  commemo- 
rated Nov.  11  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MINANDER,  martyr;  commemorated  in 
Africa  Feb.  23  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MINANDUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at 
Albua  Mar.  12  (^Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MINDINA,  martyr ;  commemorated  May  26 
{Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MINEPTUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Alexandria  Mar.  18  {Hieron.  Mart.).        [C.  H.] 

MINEEIUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at 
Nyon  May  17  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart. 
Axict.).  [C.  H.] 

MINERMUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  in 
Isauria  May  16  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MINERUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Cor- 
thosa  May  16  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MINERVINUS,  martyr  ;  commemorated  at 
Kicomedia  Mar.  13  {Hieron.  Mart.).         [C.  H.] 

MINERVIUS  or  MINERVUS,  martyr  with 
Eleazar  in  the  8th  century ;  commemorated  at 
Lyon  Aug.  23  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart. ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  iv.  561).  [C.  H.] 


MINIATURE 


1181: 


MINERVUS,    martyr 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 


Autun    Aug.   2i 
[C.  H.] 


MINGINUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Con- 
stantinople June  15  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta 
SS.  June,  ii.  1050).  [C.  H.] 

MINIAS,  soldier,  and  martyr  at  Florence 
under  Decius ;  commemorated  Oct.  25  (Usuard. 
Mart. ;  Surius,  de  Proh.  Sand.  Hist.  t.  iv.  p. 
383,  Colon.  1618).  [C.  H.] 

MINIATURE  {Miniaturn).  This  term  is 
derived  from  minium,  or  red  lead,  the  pigment 
universally  made  use  of  in  the  earliest  days  of 
ornamental  writing,  in  order  to  decorate'  the 
capital  letters,  titles,   and   margins    of  various 


MSS.  Hence  also  liubric,  as  the  Service-books, 
which  employed  the  attention  of  the  most 
skilful  copyists,  were  generally  most  freely  orna- 
mented ;  and  red,  or  minium,  is  always  pre- 
ferred, where  any  single  colour  is  used  to  relieve 
black  and  white  MS. 

It  will  be  convenient  to  separate  throughout 
the  subject  of  ornamental  writing  [Liturgi- 
cal Books]  from  that  of  miniatures  proper. 
These  illustrate  the  text,  but  they  are  not  part 
of  the  writing,  or  dependent  on  it.  They  may 
illustrate  the  facts  narrated,  and  be  pictures  of 
architecture,  ceremonial,  costume,  or  action  ; 
or  may  be  actual  portraits.  Frequently  they 
involve  spirited  or  grotesque  representations  of 
birds,  beasts,  fishes,  insects,  and  reptiles,  done  in 
a  naturalistic  way,  and  purely  for  the  sake  of  the 
drawing.  In  this  case,  they  are  called  "  illumi- 
nations" in  the  12th  century,  when  naturalistic 
skill  was  prevailing  over  grotesque  fancy.  About 
the  end  of  that  century,  says  DomGueranger 
{Institutions  Liturgiques,rvo\.  iii.  p.  368),  "  begins 
the  reign  of  illuminators."  They  took  the  sub- 
jects of  their  richly  decorative  borders  from 
the  vegetable  kingdom,  and  imitated  leaves, 
flowers,  and  fruits,  with  wonderful  exactness, 
and  often  proceeded  to  insects  or  precious  stones, 
in  search  of  brilliant  and  sparkling  objects  of 
imitation. 

The  earlier  miniatures  which  come  within  our 
period  are  of  a  very  different  character.  The 
separation  between  ornamental  writing  and  illus- 
trative miniature  is  at  once  wide  and  narrow.  A 
miniature  is  of  course  always  a  part  of  the  orna- 
ment of  a  page  of  MS. ;  but  it  may  not  be  artisti- 
cally connected  with  the  written  text.  As  Pro- 
fessor Westwood  observes, "  the  earliest  MSS.  with 
miniatures  (and  they  are  among  the  oldest  which 
have  survived  to  our  times)  simply  contain  small 
square  drawings  let  into  the  text,  without  any 
ornamental  adjuncts."  He  mentions  three  of 
these  invaluable  relics,  preserved  in  the  Imperial 
Library  at  Vienna,  namely,  a  Roman  Calendar, 
described  by  Schwartz  {de  Ornainentis  Librorum, 
ed.  1756,  p.  38),  as  "egregium  vetustatis  monu- 
mentum  atque  pulcherrimum  Bibl.  Vindobon. 
cimelium."  It  contains  allegorical  figures  of 
the  months,  eight  in  number,  each  about  eight 
inches  high,  finely  draped  and  exquisitely  drawn  ; 
and  they  are  supposed  to  have  been  executed  as 
early  as  the  reign  of  Constantine  II.'  Also  the 
famous  purple  Greek  Codex  Geneseos,  witli  forty- 


The  Eipnlsion  from  Paradise.    Greek  Qoneaii.    MS.  in  Itie  Imp. 
Library.  Vienna.    4th  or  5th  cent— iD-Aginconrt,  v.  xix.) 

eight  miniatures,  and  the  Dioscoridcs  (D'Agin- 

»  Having  since  examined  this  calendar,  I  am  inclined 
to  regard  it  as  a  comparatively  modern  copy  of  a  classical 
original.— J.  0.  Westwood. 


1186 


MINIATURE 


court,  Peinture,  pi.  sxvi.),  written  for  the  em- 
press Juliana  Anicia  at  the  beginning  of  the  6th 
century,  and  ornamented  with  her  portrait  and 
many  miniatures,  and  drawings  of  plants.  These 
are  described  by  Lambecius  (Bibliotheca  Vindo- 
bonensis,  Vienna,  1665).  D'Agincourt  gives, 
tiopies  of  the  illustrations  of  the  Vatican  Virgil 
which  Westwood  says  may  go  back  to  the  time 
of  Constantino ;  and  these,  too,  are  in  simple 
rectangular  form,  and  though  both  beautiful 
and  illustrative,  are  not  decorative.  The  last 
word  will  be  confined  throughout  this  ai-ticle  to 
miniatures  which  are  connected  with  the  writing 
of  a  page  and  form  part  of  its  whole  effect.  It 
would  seem  that  in  almost  all  the  early  codices 
the  text  was  everything  to  the  scribe,  and  all 
the  ornament  belonged  to  it,  as  to  a  sacred 
thing.  Hence  the  great  attention  paid  to  gold 
and  silver  writing,  and  the  constant  habit  of  en- 
closing miniatures  in  capital  letters,  where  they 
were  brought  into  unity  with  the  rest  of  the 
page  as  a  pictorial   composition. 

It  is  curious,  further  to  distinguish  decoration 
from  illustration  and  graphic  ornament  from 
miniature,  that  they  have  by  no  means  flourished 
and  decayed  altogether  in  the  same  place  or  at 
the  same  time.  From  the  6th  to  the  9th  cen- 
turies is  certainly  a  time  of  general  collapse, 
except  in  the  Irish,  Hebridean,  and  Korthumbrian 
monasteries  ;  and  few  illuminated  MSS.  can  be 
pointed  out  as  certainly  executed  during  that 
.period,  or   until   Charlemagne's    revival   of  art 


MINIATURE 

Anglo-Saxon  MSS.  of  this  period.  Neither  can 
miniature  be  said  to  have  materially  improved 
between  the  8th  and  11th  centuries,  the  drawing 
of  the  human  figure  being  rude,  the  extremities 
singularly  and  awkwardly  attenuated,  and  the 
draperies  fluttering  in  all  directions."  (See  the 
illustrations  in  Palaeogr.  Sacra  from  the  Irish 
psalter  preserved  in  St.  John's  College,  Cam- 
bridge, and  Ruskin,  The  Two  Paths,  Lect.  I.) 

In  the  present  article  we  have  only  to  deal, 
strictly  speaking,  with  the  subject  of  ornamental 
writing  as  to  the  capital  letters  (heads  of  capi- 
tula  or  chapters),  which  may  not  only  be  rubri- 
cated or  ornamented  letters,  but  contain  pictures 
illustrative  of  the  text.  But  it  is  difficult  to 
observe  this  distinction  in  Anglo-Saxon,  Irish, 
and,  indeed,  in  Visigothic  MSS.  The  grotesques 
of  the  latter  often  mould  the  letters  themselves 
into  conventional  forms  of  birds,  flowers,  and 
animals,  often  of  great  graphic  vigour ;  and  the 
extraordinary  curves  and  interlacings  of  the  two 
former  are  full  of  serpentine  and  lacertine  forms. 
The  Irish  MSS.  are  different.  The  delicacy  and 
decision  of  their  working  is  incredible  (sec 
Palaeographia  Sacra,  Gospels  of  Moeiei  Brith 
MacDurnan,  and  Book  of  Kells),  but  the  minia- 
tures display  a  kind  of  fatuity  and  morbid  indif- 
ference to  accuracy,  beauty,  and  all  else,  which 
is  a  curious  anomaly,  and  suggests  a  somewhat 
unhealthy  asceticism.  It  is  doubtless  true  that 
their  delicacy  and  precision  of  execution  were 
unrivalled  by  continental  artists  of  their  time, 
or  indeed  of  any  other  period.  There  can  be 
no  doubt,  also,  that  missionaries  from  the  Celtic 
parts  of  Britain,  as  St,  Gall  and  Columban, 
carried  their  arts  and  religion  to  various  parts 
of  the  continent,  and  we  may  assert  with 
Professor  Westwood,  that  many  of  the  splendid 
capital  letters  of  the  Carolingian  period  were 
executed    in    imitation    of  our  earlier  codices  • 


Orucifliion,  from  Irish  Psalter,  St  John's  College,  Oxford. 

in  the  9th.  But  in  our  own  country,  in  the 
7th  and  8th  centuries,  while  miniature  paint- 
ing had  fallen  so  low  as  to  be  simply  distress- 
ing to  the  modern  observer,  extraordinary  skill 
was  manifested  in  ornamented  writing.  "It 
is  impossible,"  says  Professor  Westwood,  "  to 
imagine  anything  more  childish  than  the  minia- 
tures contained  in  the  splendid  Hibernian  and 


though  he  admits  that  the  best  Franco-Gallic 
MSS.  drew  much  of  their  elegant  foliage  orna- 
ment from  remembrances  of  classic  art. 


MINIATUKE 

But  those  who  study  such  MSS.  as  the  Irish 
psalter  above-mentioned,  and  some  English  spe- 
cimens, will  think  there  is  considerable  ground 
for  the  somewhat  ill-tempered  observations  of 
the  Benedictine  Nouveau  TraM  de  Diplomatique, 
ii.  122 :  "  Les  ornemens  des  liturgies  Anglo- 
Saxonnes  semblent  n'etre  le  fruit  que  d'imagina- 
tions  atroces  et  melancoliques.  Jamais  d'idees 
riantes,  tout  se  ressent  de  la  durete  du  climat. 
Lorsque  la  genie  ne  manque  pas  absolument,  un 
fond  de  rudesse  et  de  barbarie  caracterise  d'autant 
mieur  les  MSS.  et  les  lettres  historiees  qu'on  a 
plus  affectd  d'embellir."  It  is  possible,  however, 
that  these  lacertine  and  ophidian  forms  may 
have  vague  reference  to  Easterh  symbolisms  of 
the  serpent,  and  be  one  more  link  of  connexion 
between  the  British  and  Oriental  churches.  The 
finest  known  instances  of  animal-initial  letters  are 
perhaps  the  evangelic  symbols  of  the  four  gospels 
in  the  evangeliai-y  of  Louis-le-Debonnaire.  (See 
Count  Bastard,  Peintures  des  Manuscrits,  vol.  ii. 
and  Grotesque,  p.  750.) 

II.  Illustrative  miniatures  date  from  a  very 
early  period.  They  are  found  in  Egyptian  papyri. 
Pliny  says  (^Hu,t.  A\tt.  xxv.  c.  2)  that  certain 
physician's  painted,  in  their  works,  the  plants 
they  had  described,  as  in  the  Anician  Diosco- 
rides ;  and  in  xxsv.  c.  2  he  says  that  Cicero  gave 
Varro  great  credit  for  introducing  portraits  of 
more  than  700  illustrious  persons  into  his  works. 
Seneca  (de  Irmiquill.  Anim.  ix.)  speaks  of  books 
as  illustrated  (cum  imaginibus).  Martial  says 
(Epigr.im): 

"  Quam  brevis  immensum  cepit  membrana  Maronem 
Jpsius  vultum  prima  tabella  gerit." 

Fabricius  {BM.  Lat.  cur.  Ernesti,  i.  p.  125)  gives 
the  title  of  a  book  by  Varro  on  miniature  paint- 
ing, called  Hebdomadum,  sive  de  imaginibus 
libri. 

The  earliest  MSS.  with  miniatures  (some  of 
the  oldest  i-emaining  to  our  times)  contain,  as 
has  been  said,  only  small  square  or  rectangular 
drawings  let  into  the  text.  Those  of  the  Vien- 
nese MSS.  and  the  Vatican  Vii-gil  have  been  men- 
tioned ;  Professor  Westwood  also  names  an  Iliad  in 
the  Ambrosian  Library  at  Milan  with  miniatures 
(not  yet  published,  though  announced),  and  the 
Syriac  evangeliary  of  Rabula  at  Florence  (6th  cen- 
tury) is  another  example.  In  our  own  country  the 
gospels  of  St.  Augustine  survive,  and  are  referred 
to  the  6th  century  {Pal.  Sacra)  ;  also  the  Golden 
Greek  canons  (Brit.  Mus.  MSS.  Add.  No.  5111). 
Though  writing  still  flourished  in  the  8th  cen- 
tury in  Ireland  and  Northumbria,  pictorial  power 
seems  to  have  fallen  very  low,  or  to  have  been 
possessed  only  by  Visigoths,  or  by  the  Lombards, 
whose  early  efforts  chiefly  took  the  direction  of 
sculpture.  The  Carolingian  Revival  or  "  renais- 
sance "  was  certainly  influenced  by  Byzantine 
art,  and  a  reference  to  DAgincourt  (Peinture, 
early  examples)  will  shew  that  tlie  Greek  work- 
men had  not  lost  heart  and  skill  like  those  of 
Western  Europe,  and  that  Greece  was  to  teach 
the  world  once  more.  Greek  miniature-art,  at  all 
events,  never  fell  so  low  in  the  dark  ages  as  that 
of  the  Western  Empire,  always  retaining  a  hold 
on  classic  art.  Two  MSS.  of  the  9th  and  10th 
centuries  are  mentioned  by  Professor  Westwood 
as  containing  beautiful  allegorical  figures,  per- 
sonifying Night,  with  robes  powdered  with  stars 
and  an  inverted  torch,  and  the  Angels  of  Fire 

CHRIST.  ANT.— VOL.  U. 


MINIATUEE 


1187 


and  Cloud,  with  the  march  of  Israel  through  the 
Wilderness. 

The  beautiful  work  of  Count  Bastard  contains 
every  necessary  gradation  of  examples  of  the 
progress  made  in  the  first  eight  centuries,  from 
simple  writing  in  red  letters,  with  dotted  borders 
or  strokes,  to  highly  ornamented  letters — then  to 
letters  formed  by  gi'otesques  of  natural  objects — 
finally  to  completed  pictures  of  persons  or 
things.  Books  on  purple  or  azure  vellum  some- 
times, though  rarely,  contain  miniatures,  as  do 
the  11th  century  purple  Psalter  in  the  Bod- 
leian Library,  that  in  the  library  of  the  con- 
vent of  the  Remonstrants  at  Prague,  and  the 
splendid  chrysograph  of  St.  Me'dard  of  Soissons 
in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale  (Bastard,  vol.  ii.). 
This  contains,  as  Gueranger  says,  various  "  gra- 
cieux  et  e'tonnants  e'difices."  The  Menology  of 
Basil  is  a  storehouse  of  examples  of  Byzantine 
architecture,  resembling  the  buildings  found  in 
some  of  the  earliest  Italian  paintings.  Much 
information  on  this  subject  will  be  found,  in  the 
most  agreeable  form,  in  the  earlier  chapters  in 
Curzon's  Visits  to  Monasteries  in  the  Levant. 

The  MS.  of  Rabula  is  described  by  Westwood 
and  Gueranger,  and  the  former  gives  a  beautiful 
illustration  in  colour  (Pal.  Sacra)  of  the  miracle 
of  Bethesda.  The  whole  of  the  Rabula  minia- 
tures are  given  by  Assemani,  in  his  catalogue  of 
the  Laurentian  Library.  Under  articles  AscEN- 
siox,  Crucifix,  Demoniacs,  and  Judas,  in  this 
Dictionary,  will  be  found  woodcut  outlines  of 
some  of  these. 


Interlaced  work,  GospeU  of  Durrow,  7th  century. 

Count  Bastard's  book  illustrates  the  principal 
French  MSS.  now  in  existence,  as  Professor 
Westwood's  Palaeographia  and  Irish  and  Anglo- 
Saxon  MSS.  are  our  chief  authority  for  northern 
caligraphy  and  miniature.  The  French  archae- 
ologist virtually  gives  us  access  to  all  the 
riches  of  the  Bibliothfeque  Nationale.  He  begins 
with  a  splendid  purple  page  in  gold  and  silver 
writing  from  the  6th-century  psalter  of  St. 
Germain  des  Pres.  The  interlaced  ornament 
which  prevails  over  all  northern  work  for  cen- 
turies after  has  already  begun  in  a  treatise  of 
St.  Ambrose  (7th  century,  uncial  with  capitals). 
It  is  by  no  means  confined  to  northern  art,  how- 
ever, as  a  decided  example  of  it  is  given  in  Pal, 
Sacra,  No.  8  in  the  Arabic  gospels ;  and  the 
Greeks  themselves  had  a  braided  ornament.  For 
its  use  on  Byzantine  capitals  see  Stones  of  Venice, 
vol.  ii.  pp.  136,  137.  Professor  Ruskin  considers 
it  as  decidedly  of  Arab  origin,  arising  from  the 
necessity  for  delicately  pierced  screens  and  slabs 
of  perforated  stone  to  allow  free  passage  for  air, 
but  afford  perfect  concealment.  The  Arabs  made 
these  perforations  in  the  shape  of  stars,  and  con- 
nected them  by  carving  the  intermediate  spaces 
in  the  slabs  of  stone,  in  the  semblance  of  inter- 
woven fillets,  which  alternately  sank  beneath 
and  rose  above  each  other  as  they  met.  But  its 
great  popularity  is  founded  on  the  natural  taste 
for  intricate  ingenuity  of  line  and  pattern,  which 
certainly  prevails  in  Anglo-Saxon  and  Irish  MSS. 


1188 


MINIATURE 


very  remarkably,  and,  as  has  been  said,  attains  a 
rather  morbid  pitch  in  the  latter.  The  constant 
use  of  wicker  and  interlaced  hurdles  in  northern 
life  would  give  this  turn  to  Irish  and  Anglo-Saxon 
ornament  in  particular.  But  a  very  pleasing 
proof  of  its  independent  origin  in  Ireland  was 
lately  given  by  Mr.  French,  of  Bolton.  A  cross 
had  been  ordered  to  be  made,  from  drawings, 
in  wicker  and  other  plaited  work,  by  some 
Irish  craftsman  of  great  skill,  who  at  last 
produced  one  in  all  respects  answering  the  in- 
structions sent  him,  except  that  he  had  been 
obliged  to  insert  a  circle  round  the  intersection 
of  the  limbs  as  a  foundation  for  the  other  v^ork. 
This  shews  the  origin  of  the  peculiar  Irish  cross 
with  perfect  certainty,  and  the  adoption  of  pat- 
terns from  wicker-work  is  obvious.  Professor 
Westwood's  authority  may  be  quoted  for  this 
anecdote. 

The  earliest  ornament  which  indicates  observa- 
tion of  nature  on  the  part  of  the  caligraphist  is  in 
a  MS.  of  extracts  from  St.  Augustine  of  Hippo 
(second  half  of  7th  century — the  property  in  the 
8th  century  of  Ulric  Obrecht,  of  Strasburg). 
Birds  and  flowers  are  used  here,  daffodils  being 
carefully  observed  and  di-awn,  and  here  the 
extraordinary  Frank  fancies  of  grotesque  birds, 
fishes,  and  faces  seem  to  begin  (Bastard,  vol.  i.). 
Beasts  and  human  figures  are  later,  appearing 
in  Carolingian  work.  The  colours  are  red,  green, 
and  brown,  with  purple  and  yellow ;  and  in- 
terlaced work  prevails.  Red  initials  seem  to 
have  been  used  from  the  earliest  date,  as  they 
appear  in  a  5th-century  MS.  of  Prudentius, 
The  first  architectural  ornament  is  on  a  frag- 
ment of  the  canons  of  Eusebius,  of  the  early  7th 
century. 

A  Merovingian  MS.  of  the  second  half  of  the 
7th  century  (Bast.  vol.  i.  Eecueil  des  Chroniqucs 
de  St.  Jerome,  d'Idace  de  Lamego,  Coll.  des 
Jesuites)  possesses  special  interest  from  the 
spirited  work  of  some  true  scribe-draughts- 
man. Its  capital  letters  are  drawn  brilliantly 
and  exactly  with  the  pen  and  without  colour 
(lettres  blanches  ou  a  jour),  and  point  to 
the  real  origin  and  principles  of  caligraphic 
miniature  very  admirably.  And  in  some  of  the 
best  Carolingian  MSS.  the  pen  breaks  out  vigor- 
ously in  all  manner  of  grotesques.  The  most 
amusing  triumph  of  penmanship  ever  attained,  we 
apprehend  to  be  in  an  initial  portrait  of  a  monk- 
physician.  [See  woodcut  in  Grotesque.]  No 
offensive  or  outrageous  allusion  or  idea  seems 
to  occur  in  any  of  these  records,  as  might  be 
expected,  though  in  the  sacramentary  of  the 
abbey  of  Gellone,  8th  or  9th  century,  there 
is  a  crucifixion,  with  angels,  where  much  blood 
is  used,  and  the  drawing  is  grim  and  inferior. 
It  soon  recovers,  however,  in  the  Visigothic 
MSS.,  where  many  human  and  angelic  figures 
are  represented,  and  which  may  perhaps  be 
distinguished  from  the  earliest  work  by  the 
number  of  beasts  of  chase  represented  in  them, 
boars  and  hares  in  particular.  One  of  the  former 
is  annexed.  The  northern  taste  for  distortion 
here  begins  to  appear  in  the  human  figures.  One 
example  of  an  Italian-Lombard  MS.  is  conspicuous 
for  the  absence  of  interlaced  work,  and  for  a 
tendency  to  geometrical  arrangement ;  which  is 
a  marked  feature  in  the  French-Lombard  exam- 
ples also.  They  are  more  numerous  than  the 
Italian,  but  still   dwell   on  interlacings.     The 


MINIATURE 

great  MS.  of  St.  Medard  of  Soissons  [Litur- 
gical Books],  written  for  Charlemagne  (Bastard* 
vol.  ii.),  contains  not  only  various  birds  executed 
with  naturalistic  accuracy,  but  grand  whole-page 
miniatures.     The  use  of  gold  and  scarlet  in  the 


No.  2.    From  the  Sacramentary  of  the  Abbaye  do  GeUone. 

Charlemagne  MSS.  is  very  brilliant,  and  new 
"initiales  fieuronn^es,"  with  evidence  of  fresh 
study  from  nature,  occur  in  Drogo's  Sacra- 
mentaiy. 

The  importance  of  ancient  miniature,  as  repre- 
senting architecture,  costume,  and  ceremonial, 
cannot  be  overrated,  and  the  picture  in  Count 
Vivien's  evangeliary  of  the  presentation  of  the 
work  to  Charlemagne  is  most  instructive ;  but 
actual  portraits  are  not  wanting  in  some  MSS. 
The  emperor  Lothaire  is  represented  in  his 
evangeliary  with  Emma  his  wife;  also  Henry 
III.  and  the  empress  Agnes.  A  MS.  is  said  to 
be  now  in  the  Escurial  which  contains  portraits 
of  Conrad  the  Salic  and  Gisela ;  and  the  Countess 
Matilda  is  depicted  in  her  gospels  in  the  Vatican. 
The  existing  Graeco-Latin  MSS.  before  Jerome 
and  the  Vulgate  do  not  contain  any  paintings, 
and  we  must  pass  on  to  northern  art,  especially 
for  Irish  and  Anglo-Saxon  miniatures.  Pro- 
fessor Westwood's  two  works  contain,  or  give 
references  for,  the  whole  subject  of  early  cali- 
graphy  and  drawing.  His  earlier  work  puts 
forth  an  able,  and  apparently  quite  valid,  plea 
for  the  antiquity  of  MSS.  such  as  the  Gospels 
of  Moeil  Brith  MacDurnan  and  the  Book  of 
Kells,  with  that  of  St.  Columba.  They  seem 
to  date  from  the  earlier  Irish  or  Gaelic  missions 
to  the  English  of  Northumbria.  But  the  fac 
similes  of  Irish  and  Anglo-Saxon  miniatures  and 
ornaments  constitute  an  introduction  to  the  his- 
tory of  fine  art  in  Britain,  fi-om  the  Roman 
occupation  to  the  Norman  conquest,  and  throw 
a  light  on  the  monastic  culture  of  that  period. 
The  chief  characteristic  of  the  earliest  fine  Irish 
or  English  is  the  greatly  increased  size  and  im- 
portance of  the  capitals  and  first  lines  of  the  text, 
with  their  pattern-ornament,  which  sometimes 
occupies  whole  pages,  but  is  often  enriched  with 
miniature.  They  are  certainly  enough  to  prove, 
as  Westwood  observes,  that  from  the  6th  to  the 
end  of  the  8th  century,  when  art  was  practically 
extinct  on  the  continent,  a  style  of  work,  totally 
distinct  from  any  other  in  the  world,  had  been 
originated,  cultivated,  and  brought  to  a  marvel- 
lous state  of  perfection.  Though  British,  Irish, 
and  Anglo-Saxon  pilgrims  to  Rome  and  Ravenna 
doubtless  derived  various  inspirations  of  sacred 
art  from  the  study  of  the  great  mosaics  and  of 
the  remaining  MSS.  in  churches  or  convents  ; 
they    were    taught    the    faith   first    at   home, 


MINIATUEE 

and  returned  home  afterwards  to  execute  highly 
original  works  of  art — the  Irish,  as  it  would 
seem,  with  less  feeling  for  natural  form  than  the 
English;  but  both  with  a  certain  natural  vigour 


MINIATURE 


1189 


The  Espulsic 

and  innate  force  of  character.  Their  sub- 
jects, as  Adam  and  Eve,  Abraham,  Closes,  and 
the  typical  events  of  the  Old  Testament,  with 
the  miracles  of  mercy  and  some  events  of  the 
Passion  of  the  Lord,  are  those  of  Kome  and 
Byzantium ;  in  short,  they  repeat  the  universal 
picture-teaching  of  the  early  church,  up  to  the 
6th  century.  But  their  treatment  is  their  own. 
Dots,  lines,  zigzags,  interlacings,  the  serpentine 
ornament,  and,  far  above  all,  the  trackless  in- 


Borfera.    From  the  Bil  le  <  f  St  Taul's  D'Aginconrt.  v.  41. 

tricacy  of  spiral  patterns,  entirely  distinguish 
this  school  from  all  others.*  The  differences 
between  Irish  and  English  MSS.  are  certainly 
slight,  so  that  Baeda's  assertion  that  the  early 
church  of  Britain  differed  in  no  respect  from 
the  Irish  may  include  their  fine  art  with  other 
matters. 

What  is  here  said  applies  to  works  of  earlier 
date  than  the  10th  century,  when  a  national 
style  of  more  gorgeous  character  arose,  in  emu- 


'^  The  Book  of  Durrow,  or  Gospels  of  St.  Columba,  is 
almost  to  a  certainty  written  by  the  saint's  own  band, 
whatever  doubt  may  bo  felt  as  to  the  exact  date  of  the 
book  of  Kells".  Weslwood  quotes  this  from  the  late  Dr. 
Petrie,  and  also  gives  from  him  the  usual  request  of  the 
scribe  for  the  prayers  of  the  reader,  at  the  end  of  the  Book 
of  Durrow:  "Eogo  beatitudincm  tuam,  sancte  presbyter 
Patrici,  ut  quicunque  hunc  libellum  manu  tenuerit,  me- 
minerit  Columbae  scriptoris,  qui  hoc  scripsl  ipscmet 
evangelium  per  xli.  dierum  spatium,  gratia  Domini 
nostri."  Below  is  written,  in  a  contemporary  hand, 
"  Ora  pro  mo,  frater  mi :  Dominus  tecum  6it."  All  four 
gospels  are  contained  in  the  MS. 


lation  of  Charlemagne's  great  MSS.,  and  when 
classical  ornament  (such  as  that  of  Count  Vivien's 
Bible,  or  that  of  St.  Paul  without  the  Walls, 
D'Agincourt,  Peinture,  pi.  xlv.)  had  begun  to 
affect  the  insular  artists. 

Single  figures  predominate  in  the  early  Nor- 
thern codices.  In  Westwood's  folio  illustrations 
(1868)  will  be  found  a  St.  Matthew  from  the 
Golden  Gospels  of  Stockholm  (6th  or  9th  century), 
and  a  David  from  the  7th-century  psalter  of  St. 
Augustine;  the  symbolic  evangelists  from  the 
Gospels    of    Durrow,    Trinity    College,    Dublin, 


(irresistibly  rude  and  quaint  in  figure,  framed 
in  delicate  spirals) ;  the  Temptation  of  our  Lord 
from  the  Book  of  Kells,  7th  century,  with  three 
other  splendid  illustrations ;  with  pages  from 
the  Gospels  of  Lindisfarne  or  St.  Cuthbert, 
and  two  pictures  of  David,  as  warrior  and 
psalmist,  from  the  Commentaries  on  the  Psalms 
by  Cassiodorus,  "  Manu  Baedae,"  in  the  cathe- 
dral library  at  Durham.  He  also  gives  pictures 
of  evangelists  from  the  Gospels  of  MacDurnan 
(Archiep.  Library,  Lambeth),  about  850,  and 
the  8th  or  9th  century  Gospels  of  St.  Chad. 
Those  from  the  Gospels  of  St.  Petersburg  and  St. 
Gall  are  marked  by  Irish  character,  and  the 
second  childhood  of  the  school  appears  in  the 
Irish  Psalter  at  St.  John's  College,  Cambridge.'' 
see  supra,  woodcut  of  Crucifixion.  The  great 
Bible  of  Alcuin,  and  the  psalter  of  king 
Athelstan  (end  of  9th  century),  are  certainly 
far  in  advance  of  any  of  these  as  regards  pro- 
gress, and  further  promise,  in  representative  art. 
The  Irish  school  was  simply  devotional,  and 
its  working  was  limited  by  technical  tradition. 
The  artist  spent  his  life  in  peaceful  elaboration 

b  Sec  also  the  Gospels  of  MacRcgol  O^estwood,  pi. 
xvi.),  preserved  in  the  Bodleian  Library,  where  St.  .Tuhn's 
eagle  is  in  tartan  chequers.  The  Book  of  Kolls  contams 
various  pictures  of  events  in  the  life  of  our  Saviour  m 
Irish  style,  and  also  some  well-drawn  animals,  as  dogs 
on  p.  403,  hares,  rata,  cats,  mice,  cocks  and  hens;  but 
the  style  could  never  last,  still  less  contend  with  the 
splendour  and  the  naturalistic  style  of  the  CaroUngian 

^   4  H  2 


1190 


MINIATUEE 


of  spirals  ;  but  he  forgot,  or  was  unable,  under 
the  painful  trials  of  the  time,  to  learn  fresh 
truths  from  Greek  or  Roman  sources.  Still 
worse,  he  seems  never  by  any  accident  to 
have  looked  with  hope  or  pleasure,  or  in  search 
of  fresh  subject,  on  external  nature  and  its 
beauties.  Consequently,  he  preferred  single 
images  of  evangelists,  constantly  ruder  and 
more  fantastic  as  his  cloistered  life  grew  fainter 
and  more  morbid  in  its  fancies.  But  in  the 
Nativity,  Ascension,  and  Glorification  of  our 
Saviour,  and  the  zodiacal  signs  of  Athelstan's 
psalter,  we  have  the  beginning  of  early  mediaeval 
art  in  England,  with  all  its  life  and  eagerly- 
crowded  figures,  and  yet  also  with  its  strong 
stamp  of  Classicism  or  Byzantinism.  It  seems 
in  this  most  singular  and  beautiful  picture  as  if 
a  later  hand,  more  purely  Gothic,  had  executed 
the  two  lower  subjects  of  the  Ascension  and 
Glorification,  while  the  others  retain  a  shade  of 
classical  grace  in  composition.      The  Ascension 


From  Psalter  of  Athebton.    Westwood's  PaJ.  Sacra. 

greatly  resembles  that  of  the  great  Syriac  MS. 
of  Rabula ;  so  much  so,  as  in  the  mind  of  the 
writer  to  connect  the  Eastern  and  English  schools 
of  art,  and  form  an  important  link  between  the 
ancient  English  church  and  the  East. 

The  Augustinian  or  Gregorian -Augustinian 
MSS.,  one  of  which  is  in  all  probability  now 
preserved  in  the  library  of  Corpus  Christi  College, 
Cambridge,  No.  286,  the  other  in  the  Bodleian 
Library,  Oxford,  claim  priority  in  time  to  the 
English,  though  probably  not  to  many  Irish  MSS. 
Four  miniatures,  besides  a  large  whole-page  figure 
of  St.  Luke,  are  given  from  them  in  Palaeographia 
Sacra.'^  Their  ornament  is  purely  Eomano-Byzan- 
tine.  They  are  of  the  highest  interest,  as  perhaps 
the  oldest  known  specimens  of  this  kind  of  Roman 
pictorial  art  in  this  country  or  elsewhere,  and 
probably  a  few  years  anterior  to  the  MS.  of 
Rabula.  With  the  exception  of  a  leaf  of  St.  John's 
Gospel  in  Greek,  with  miniatures  of  the  apostles. 


'  Photographs  of  the   entire    pages  containing  these 
miniatures  have  been  published  by  the  Palaeographical 

Society. 


MINIATUEE 

now  preserved  at  Vienna  with  the  illuminated 
Greek  Pentateuch  of  the  4th  century,  these  are 
held  to  be  the  oldest  existing  specimens  of  written 
or  painted  Roman-Christian  iconography.  The- 
Entry  into  Jerusalem,  the  Raising  of  Lazarus,  the 
Capture  of  our  Lord,  and  the  Bearing  of  the  Cross, 
are  four  out  of  the  twelve  subjects  of  the  Cam- 
bridge MS.  Three  of  these  correspond  to  those 
so  frequently  repeated  in  the  catacomb  paintings^ 
and  on  various  sarcophagi.  The  initials  are  plain 
red,  and  the  writing  a  fine  uncial. 

A  remarkable  characteristic,  to  a  colourist,  of 
the  Book  of  Kells  and  some  parts  of  the  Gospel 
of  Moeil  Brith  MacDurnan,  is  the  beautiful  use 
made  of  different  tones  and  appositions  of  blue 
and  green.  The  writer  can  compare  it  with 
nothing  he  has  seen,  so  well  as  with  the  azures,, 
purples,  and  blue-greens  of  many  of  the  mosaics 
of  Ravenna,  which,  with  those  of  Rome,  may 
doubtless  have  suggested  much  to  northern 
pilgrims  possessed  of  a  style  and  special  power* 
of  their  own. 

Many  curious  questions  as  to  the  distinguish- 
ing characteristics  of  Classical,  Anglo-Sa.xon, 
Carolingian,  and  even  Eastern  miniatures,  have 
been  lately  raised  by  the  celebrated  Psalter  of 
Utrecht.  The  date  of  its  extraordinary  illus- 
trations seems  very  doubtful,  whatever  may  be 
said  of  the  apparently  more  ancient  text.  There 
are  insuperable  objections  to  Herr  Kist's  view 
that  they  go  back  to  the  time  of  Valentinian  ; 
indeed  they  appear  to  the  writer  more  likely  to 
be  the  work  of  a  travelled  and  highly  educated 
penman  of  English,  perhaps  Northumbrian- 
English  birth,  employed  in  an  early  Caro- 
lingian scriptorium.  He  may  have  been  si 
pupil  of  Alcuin's,  was  possibly  a  palmer  from 
the  Holy  Land,  and  certainly  a  *'  Romeo "  or 
pilgrim  to  Rome.  The  drawings  seem  to  be  all 
by  one  hasty  but  skilful  hand,  directed  by  a 
mind  of  infinite  facility  of  idea,  and  graphic 
power  of  realising  the  idea  once  formed.  The 
illustrations  ai-e  of  two  kinds ;  caligraphy, 
strictly  speaking,  and  the  pen  and  ink  minia- 
tures. The  MS.  is  a  large  vellum  4to.  in 
admirable  preservation,  and  contains  the  whole 
of  the  Psalms,  according  to  the  Vulgate,  with  the 
Apocryphal  Psalm  '  Pusillus  eram,'  the  Pater  Nos- 
ter.  Canticles,  Credo,  and  the  Athanasian  Creed. 
All  are  written  throughout  in  triple  columns,  in 
Roman  rustic  capitals,  very  like  those  of  the  Vati- 
can Virgil  as  to  size  (iVowr.  Tr.  de  Dipl.  iii.  p.  56, 
pi.  35,  fig.  iii.  2).  Tiie  elegance  of  the  letters  re- 
sembles the  Paris  Prudentius  (ibid.  fig.  viii.).  The 
headings  and  initials  are  red  uncials,  and  the  first 
line  is  also  uncial,  and  larger  than  the  rest  of  the 
text.  By  the  writing,  in  fact,  the  MS.,  says  Profes- 
sor Westwood,  ought  to  be  assigned  to  the  6th  or 
7th  century ;  but  for  the  remarkable  initial  B ; 
of  which  this  is  certainly  to  be  said,  that  those 
who  are  acquainted  with  Count  Bastard's  Caro- 
lingian facsimiles,  and  Professor  Westwood's 
Saxon  reproductions,  will  probably  see  that  the 
letter  unites  the  rich  use  of  gold  and  scarlet  of 
the  one  with  the  unmistakable  knot-work  and 
ophidian  form  of  the  other. 

Each  psalm  has  its  pen  and  ink  drawing,  illus- 
trating its  subject  with  the  inventive  vigour  of 
the  best  Gothic  age,  and  not  altogether  devoid 
of  Scandinavian  vehemence  of  treatment.  These 
works  are  165  in  number.  Had  they  been  ex- 
ecuted with  any  degree  of  right  deliberation,  in 


MINIATUEE 

the  colours  of  any  centui-y  from  the  4th  to  the 
13th,  the  MS.  would  have  been  by  far  the  most 
valuable  in  existence.  It  is  not  that  they  are 
unskilful,  but  the  artist  seems  always  to  have 
been  distracted  by  the  effort  to  catch  fleeting 
fancies,  to  secure  one  in  any  form  before  another 
•chased  it  away.  In  several  instances  the  spaces 
allowed  him  by  the  scribe  have  not  been  suffi- 
■cient.  They  are  left  across  the  whole  page, 
cutting  the  triple  columns  of  text ;  but  the 
illustrations  sometimes  entrench  upon  it,  as 
in  the  147th  and  148th  Psalms,  given  in 
Professor  Westwood's  facsimile.  (^Anglo-Saxon 
and  Irish  MSS.  pi.  xxix.  and  text  pp.  15,  16.) 
The  present  writer,  however,  is  not  disposed  to 
infer  from  this  that  these  drawings  are  copied 
from  some  earlier  MS.  They  are  too  original, 
too  inventive,  and  too  unconventional ;  and,  to  his 
apprehension,  bear  the  stamp  of  a  single  mind 
as  decidedly  as  the  drawings  of  Rabula,  the 
Syrian,  in  the  great  MS.  of  the  Laurentian 
Library  at  Florence. 

This  MS.  was  compared,  in  the  first  instance, 
with  two  others  which  strongly  resemble  it.  All 
three  must  have  been  copied  from  some  earlier 
and  unknown  original ;  or  else,  the  other  two  from 
the  Utrecht  Psalter.  These  two  are  the  Harleian 
Psalter  and  the  Psalter  of  Eadwine ;  and  they 
possess  the  admitted  characteristics  of  Anglo- 
Saxon  work,  which  are  by  no  means  diminished 
by  the  presence  of  ideas  drawn  from  classical 
sources,  and  represented  according  to  classical 
models.  For  there  was  so  much  copying  of 
Graeco-Roman,  or  classical  work,  in  the  scrip- 
toi'ia,  that  it  would  seem  that  late  subjects  in 
the  pictures  prove  their  recent  origin  more 
forcibly  than  ancient  subjects  prove  their  an- 
tiquity. The  frontispiece  and  the  first  page 
contain  difficulties  which  are  repeated  through- 
out the  MS.  In  the  first  there  is  a  Sun  and 
Moon,  the  first  apparently  a  human  figure  seated 
within  an  oi-b,  the  other  a  crescent  only.  David 
sits  below  in  a  round  classical  temple,  with  con- 
vex vault  and  a  fleur-de-lys  finial.  An  angel 
dictates  to  him,  in  drapery  with  edges  frittered 
away  in  the  true  Anglo-Saxon  flutter  (see  plates 
xxxii.,  xlii.,  xlvi.  Anglo-Saxon  and  Irish  MSS.). 
Opposite  him  is  the  i-epresentative  of  the  Evil 
King,  or  Tyrant,  under  a  regular  pediment,  on  a 
massive  chair,  with  round  arches  carved  at  back, 
and  holding  a  decidedly  northern  double-edged 
sword.  He  has  a  toga,  with  fibula  ;  the  capitals 
of  the  columns  above  him  and  David  alike,  are 
convex  Byzantine,  like  some  in  the  Stones  of 
Venice,  evidently  variations  of  the  composite 
order.  There  is  a  well-sketched  river-god  below, 
a  tree  not  unlike  those  in  the  Paradise  of  the 
Vienna  Codex  Geneseos,  and  a  Hell,  into  which 
the  Tyrant's  guards  seem  to  be  hooked  and  driven. 
The  presence  of  about  18  hells  in  the  first  half 
of  the  MS.  is  certainly  much  against  its  pictures 
■being  of  early  date. 

The  Utrecht  Psalter  should  be  compared  with 
the  two  pages  given  in  Shaw's  Dresses  and  De- 
corations of  the  Middle  Ages,  from  the  1 1th  century 
Anglo-Saxon  Calendar  (from  Cottonian,  Julius 
A  6),  and  with  the  9th  or  10th  century  Pru- 
dentius.  The  likeness  of  the  drawing,  especially 
in  the  drapery,  and  the  Saxon  tightness  of  legs 
in  so  many  of  the  figures,  is  very  striking. 
Again,  in  our  woodcut  from  the  psalter  of 
Athelstan  will  be  observed  the  oval  or  clypeate 


MINISTER 


1191 


glory,  on  its  way  of  transition  from  the  Roman 
imago  Clipeata  to  the  Vesica  of  the  early  Re- 
naissance. This  occurs  very  frequently  in  the 
Utrecht  Psalter,  and  will  be  found  inWestwood, 
plate  xxix.,  but  it  is  rather  transitional  than 
classical.  Other  features  indicating  lateness  of 
date  are  the  Saxon  javelins,  some  with  apparent 
banderols  ;  the  absence  of  anything  like  a  laba- 
rum  or  cross-vexillum ;  the  long  northern  trum- 
pets; the  organ  at  Ps.  cl.  fol.  163;  the  extra- 
ordinary number  of  devils,  often  with  tridents, 
j)assim;  and  particularly  the  great  monster- 
mouth  of  hell,  which  is  certainly  late  in  Christian 
art,  though  it  may  possibly  be  derived,  as  an  idea, 
from  the  roaring  mouth  in  Plato's  Phaedrus. 

Some  of  the  classical  features  have  been 
noticed,  but  besides  them  there  will  be  found  an 
Atlas,  fol.  xlvii.  v ;  the  Three  Fates,  fol.  84  r, 
very  well  drawn ;  a  zodiac,  sun  and  moon,  Ps. 
65 ;  a  warrior  in  a  Phrygian  helmet,  fol.  xiii.  5  ; 
the  very  classical  representations  of  water,  fol. 
Ixxxviii.  V.  (with  griffins)  ;  the  sun  and  moon  ; 
the  double  pipes,  in  fol.  xvii.  v. ;  and  the  chariot 
of  God  with  four  horses,  seen  in  front  view, 
Ps.  Ixxii.  A  Crucifixion  occurs  at  fol.  67.  (See 
Organ  ;  Resurrection  ;  Satan  ;  Serpent.) 

The  palaeographical  controversy  places  its 
date  between  the  6th  and  9th  century,  and  ex- 
tends far  beyond  our  limits;  but  it  may  be  per- 
mitted to  the  author  of  this  article,  as  a  land- 
scapist  fairly  well  acquainted  with  the  scenery 
of  Egypt  and  Syria,  to  express  his  inability  to 
see  anything  in  the  least  resembling  it  in  the 
Utrecht  Psalter.  He  cannot  find  anything  like  a 
palm,  which  no  Alexandrian  could  have  omitted  ; 
nor  like  an  olive,  which  is  the  forest-tree  (so  to 
speak)  of  Syria. 

The  literature  of  the  Utrecht  Psalter  is  very 
extensive,  but  the  principal  works  relating  to 
the  MS.  itself  are  as  follows  :  Her  Kists,  Archief 
voor  Kerkelijke  Gesehiedcnis  van  Kcderland,  vol. 
iv.  (Leyden,  1833)  ;  the  Baron  van  Westreenen's 
Investigations,  also  in  the  Archief;  Professor 
Westwood's  account  in  Anglo-Saxon  and  Irish 
3ISS.  p.  14;  Sir  Thomas  Duffus  Hardy,  The 
Athanasian  Creed  in  Connexion  with  the  Utrecht 
Psalter,  being  a  Report  to  the  Right  Hon.  Lord 
Romilly,  Master  of  the  Rolls,  on  a  MS.  in  the 
University  of  Utrecht,  completed  Dec.  1872; 
the  Report  addressed  to  the  Trustees  of  the  Bri- 
tish Museum  on  the  Age  of  the  MS.  by  E.  A. 
Bond,  E.  M.  Thompson,  Rev.  H.  0.  Coxe,  Rev. 
S.  S.  Lewis,  Sir  M.  Digby  Wyatt,  Prof.  West- 
wood,  F.  H.  Dickinson,  and  Prof.  Swainson;  with 
a  prefoce  by  A.  P.  Stanley,  D.D.  Dean  of  West- 
minster, 1874;  Sir  Duffus  Hardy's  reply,  Fur- 
ther Report  on  the  Utrecht  Psalter,  also  in  1874 ; 
and,  finally,  the  excellent  History,  Art,  and  Pa- 
laeography of  the  Utrecht  Psalter,  by  Walter  De 
Gray  Birch,  F.R.S.L. 

[R.  St.  J.  T.] 

MINISEUS,  martyr  with  Tisicus ;  comme- 
morated at  Laodicea  July  23  {Hieron.  Mart.  ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  v.  389). 

[C.  H.J 

MINISTER.  1.  A  name  frequently  given 
to  inferior  clergv,  in  contradistinction  to  the 
order  or  orders  Above  them.  Thus  Lactantius 
speaks  of  « prcsbyteri  et  ministri,"  usmg  the 
latter  word  to  designate  all  ranks  of  clergy 
below   the    presbyterate.      In   the  title  of  the 


1192 


MINISTERIALIS 


18th  canou  of  Eliberis  the  words  "sacerdotes 
et  ministri "  are  used  as  equivalent  to  "  presby- 
teres  e^  diacones  "  in  the  body  of  the  canon.  In 
the  title  of  can.  33,  on  the  other  hand,  "  minis- 
tri "  are  all  the  clergy  below  the  rank  of  bishop. 
Inl.  Tours,  c.  1,  "sacerdotes  et  ministri  ecclesiae" 
are  the  whole  body  of  the  clergy  of  the  church ; 
where  we  are  probably  to  understand  by  "  sacer- 
dotes," priests,  "  ministri "  including  the  other 
orders.     Compare  Orders,  Holy. 

2.  Bishops  frequently  use  the  term  "  minister 
ecclesiae,"  in  subscriptions,  as  "  Ego  N.  Carnoten- 
sis  ecclesiae  minister,"  or  "  Ego  M.  .  .  Sanctae 
ileldensis  ecclesiae  humilis  minister." 

3.  "  Minister  altaris "  is  sometimes  used  as 
equivalent  to  "  priest." 

4.  Archdeacons  and  archpresbyters  are  some- 
times spoken  of  as  "  ministri  episcoporum."  [C] 

MINISTERIALIS  or  MINISTRALIS. 

(1)  3Iinister talis  Calix  is  the  chalice  used  for 
administering  the  conseci-ated  wine  to  the  faith- 
ful, which  was  often  distinct  from  that  used  by 
the  priest  in  the  act  of  consecration. 

(2)  Ministerialis  liber  is  an  office-book,  especially 
an  altar-book. 

(3)  Pope  Hikry  is  said  {Liher  Poniificalis  in  Vit. 
Hil.)  to  have  appointed  in  Rome  "  ministrales  qui 
circuirent  constitutas  stationes ;  "  that  is,  clergy 
who  should  perform  the  sacred  offices  in  the 
several  churches  of  Eome  where  Stations  were 
held.  [C] 

MINISTERIUM.  The  vessels  and  other 
articles  used  in  the  ministry  of  the  altar  are 
called  collectively  "ministeria  sacra."  Thus 
Pope  Si.xtus  (according  to  the  Liber  Pontificalis) 
"  constituit  ut  ministeria  sacra  non  tangerentur 
nisi  aministris  sacratis."  Pope  Urban  I.,  accord- 
ing to  Walafrid  Strabo  (de  JReb.  EccL  c.  24), 
"omnia  ministeria  sacra  fecit  argentea." 

The  word  is  also  used  for  the  Credence-table, 
on  which  the  vessels  were  set  before  they  were 
placed  on  the  altar.     (Ducange,  s.  v.)  [C] 

MINISTRA.  When  Pliny  in  his  well-known 
letter  (^Epist.  x.  97)  speaks  of  two  female  ser- 
vants or  attendants,  called  ministrae,  whom  he 
thought  it  necessary  to  put  to  torture,  we  see 
that  even  in  those  days  the  word  designated  an 
office-bearer  in  the  church;  nor  is  there  any 
reason  to  doubt  that  it  is  used  as  equivalent  to 
the  Greek  ZiaKovos  (Rom.  xvi.  1).  See  Dea- 
coness. [C] 

MINISTRALIS.    [Ministerial^.] 

MINISTRY.    [Orders,  Holy.] 

MIRACLE-WORKING.  We  find  a  great 
number  of  allusions  in  early  times  to  this 
pretension,  generally  made  by  the  founders 
of  new  sects.  Simon  Magus  (Acts  xiii.  9) 
was  apparently  the  first  of  this  class  of  persons 
to  come  into  collision  with  the  gospel.  An- 
other instance  is  recorded  in  xix.  13-16,  in 
connexion  with  the  so-called  exorcists  in 
Ephesus.  The  Clementine  Recognitions  (lib.  ii. 
n.  9),  a  work  of  the  third  century,  introduces 
him  as  describing  himself  thus:  "I  am  able  to 
disappear  from  those  who  would  apprehend  me, 
and,  again,  I  can  appear  when  I  please  ;  when  I 
am  minded  to  fly,  I  can  pass  through  mountains 
and  stones,  as  through  the  mire ;  when  I  cast 


MIRACLE-WORKING 

myself  headlong  from  a  precipice,  I  am  carried 
as  if  I  were  sailing  to  the  earth  without  harm  ;. 
when  I  am  bound  I  can  loose  myself,  and  bind 
them  that  bound  me ;  when  I  am  close  shut  up 
in  prison,  I  can  cause  the  doors  to  open  of  their 
own  accord ;  I  can  give  life  to  statues  and  make 
them  appear  as  living  men,"  etc.,  etc.  Tertul- 
lian  remarks  that  Simon  Magus,  for  these 
juggling  tricks  and  pretended  miracles,  was 
anathematized  by  the  apostles  and  excommuni- 
cated; and  that  such  was  the  invariable  rule 
with  regard  to  this  class  of  men — "ct  alter 
Magus  qui  cum  Sergio  Paulo,  quoniam  iisdem 
adversabatur  apostolis,  luminum  amissione  mul- 
tatus  est.  Hoc  et  astrologi  retulissent,  credo, 
si  quis  in  apostolos  incidisset.  Attamen  cum 
Magia  punitur,  cujus  est  species  astrologia, 
utique  et  species  in  genere  damnatur.  Post 
Evangelium  nusquam  invenias  aut  sophistas, 
aut  Chaldaeos,  aut  incantatores,  aut  conjectores 
aut  Magos,  nisi  plane  punitos "  (X'e  Idolola- 
trid,  cap.  is.).  The  whole  treatise  is  very  in- 
teresting, and  full  of  information  upon  this 
subject.  It  was  written  long  before  the  author's 
lapse  into  Montanism,  and  it  is  singular  that 
the  Montanists  were  among  the  worst  oflenders 
in  this  pretence  to  supernatural  powers. 
Euschius  {Eccles.  Hist.  lib.  v.  cap.  16)  quotes 
the  authority  of  ApoUinaris  for  his  description, 
of  their  pretended  miracles,  and  relates  that 
they  were  expelled  from  communion  as  being 
actuated  by  demons.  It  was  the  habit  in  the 
early  church  to  refer  all  this  class  of  impostures, 
even  when  recognised  clearly  as  frauds,  to  dia- 
bolical influence.  Thus  Firmilian,  bishop  of 
Caesarea,  in  Cappadocia,  writes  to  Cyprian  {Ep. 
Ixxv.),  mentioning  the  case  of  a  woman  who 
counterfeited  ecstasies  and  pretended  to  prophesy, 
performed  many  marvels — "  mirabilia  quaedam 
portentosa  perficiens " — and  boasted  that  she 
would  cause  an  earthquake.  This  woman,  he  pro- 
ceeds to  say,  after  having  deceived  a  presbyter, 
named  Rusticus,  a  deacon,  and  many  lay  people, 
was  subjected  to  exorcism,  and  so  shewn  to  be 
a  cheat,  instead  of  a  person  sacredly  inspired — 
"  ille  exorcista  inspiratus  Dei  gratia  fortiter 
restitit,  et  esse  ilium  nequissimum  spiritum, 
qui  prius  sanctus  putabatur  ostendit" — ap- 
parently regarding  the  woman  as  merely  a 
passive  agent ;  and  yet,  in  the  very  next 
sentence,  he  speaks  of  her  deceiving  by  "  prae- 
stigias  et  fallacias  daemonis,"  and  of  her  assum- 
ing to  minister  the  sacraments,  and  such  like. 
The  view  taken  by  the  church  of  such  persons 
was,  in  fact,  not  invariably  the  same.  Cases  in 
which  the  freewill  of  the  sufferer  was  apparently 
overborne  by  malign  influences  fi-om  without 
(obsessio7i),  were  classed  as  Aai/xopt^oixeyot. 
(energwnens),  i.e.  possessed,  and  placed  under  the 
care  of  exorcists.  They  were  regarded  as  ob- 
jects of  pity,  and  incurred  no  censure  from  the 
church,  being  permitted  to  receive  the  holy 
communion  as  soon  as  their  recovery  was  made 
manifest  by  a  time  of  probation  among  the 
audientes.  But  where  it  was  considered  evi- 
dent that  the  will  of  the  person  in  question  was 
in  league  and  co-operative  with  the  evil  spiritual 
influence,  i.e.  in  cases  of  the  claim  to  working 
of  miracles,  found  in  conjunction  with  dissolute- 
ness of  life,  or  with  heretical  teaching,  these 
were  treated  as  involving  the  most  grievous 
criminality,    and    punished   with    the   greatest 


I 


MIRERENDINUS 

.-0 verity.  Thus  the  canons  of  St.  Basil  appoint 
the  same  punishment  for  one  who  confesses 
himself  guilty  of  sorcery  (yoriTeia)  as  for  a 
nuirderer,  i.e.  twenty  years'  penitence.  Thy 
■yoriTiiav  e^ayopevuvra  rov  (poveais  XP^""" 
i^ofj.o\oyi1<TdaL  (can.  65).  St.  Augustine,  in 
his  treatise  on  Heresies,  adduces  various  in- 
,  tances  similar  to  that  mentioned  above  (De 
flaeres.  capp.  23,  26). 

We  find  traces  of  this  practice  in  more  than 
one  passage  of  the  New  Testament.  Thus,  in 
2  Tim.  iii.  13,  iroyripot  5e  &vdp<)nroi  koX  yorires 
•jrpoK6\f/ovcriv  eirl  rh  x^'/""'»  irXavwvTfs  Kal 
•j:\avd) fxiv 01 ;  where  we  see  the  connexion 
pointed  out  above  (1)  between  forbidden  arts 
and  moral  depravity,  and  (2)  between  the  same 
arts  and  false  teaching.  Also,  2  Thess.  ii.  9, 
where  exactly  the  same  view  is  taken,  kot' 
ivepyetau  tov  'Sarava  eV  irocTT?  Svva,fj.ei  Kai 
crj/xiiois  Ka\  Tfpaffi  xpevSovs — in  which  passage 
it  seems  probable  that  the  apostle  was  speak- 
ing of  a  future  whose  distinctive  forces  and 
tendencies  were  visible  and  powerful  even  in  his 
own  time.  Theodoret,  commenting  upon  this 
passage,  says:  Oi/K  a\7i6jj  OavfxaTa  iroiovtri  ol 
airb  Tuv  \pri<poi>v  tus  iiruivvixiai  e^oi'Tes ;  and, 
similarly,  St.  Athanasius,  Ot  XiySjxivoi  ^■r)<pa5is 
Koi  iraXiv  avrhs  6  avTixpiO'TOS  epx^ft-evos,  iv 
(pavraaia  TtKava,  rovs  d(p6aAfiovs  toov  olv- 
Bpiiirwi'  (Qiiaest.  124.  ad  Antioch.).  The 
great  number  of  laws  against  the  professors  of 
this  art  are  an  indication  of  the  favour  which 
it  met  with  among  the  masses  of  the  Roman 
population.  They  may  be  consulted  in  Cod. 
Just.  lib.  is.  tit.  18,  Dc  Maleficis ;  and  Anianus 
remarks  upon  a  law  of  Theodosius  under  tliis 
title,  "  malefici  vel  incantatores  vel  immissores 
tempestatum  ;"  and  the  Speculum  Saxonicum,  lib. 
ii.  art.  13,  par.  6,  classes  the  pursuit  of  magic 
with  apostasy  and  poisoning:  "Si  quis  Chris- 
tianus — apostataverit,  vel  veuenum  alicui  minis- 
traverit,  aut  incantaverit,"  etc.  (quoted  by  Du- 
cange).  See  further  under  Magic,  Wonders. 
[S.  J.  E.] 

MIRERENDINUS,  martyr ;  commemorated 
at  Rome  Aug.  23  {Hierm.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MIRIAM.    [Maria,  (18).] 

MISAEL.   [MisHAEL.] 

MISERERE.  (1)  The  51st  [Vulg.  50th] 
P.^alm,  from  its  first  word  in  the  Vulgate  transla- 
tion. This  psalm,  as  an  expression  of  the  deepest 
humiliation  and  contrition,  is  used  especially  in 
times  of  sadness  ;  in  the  communion  of  the  sick 
.'ind  the  burial  of  the  dead  both  in  East  and 
West,  and  also  in  the  office  for  penitents  and  in 
the  office  for  the  dying  in  the  East. 

(2)  By  Miserere  we  also  understand  a  service 
for  times  of  humiliation,  in  which  the  chanting  of 
the  51st  Psalm  foi-ms  a  prominent  part.  Suit- 
able music  for  this  office  has  been  written  by 
various  composers,  but  the  most  famous  is  that 
of  Gregorio  Allegri  (f  164-0),  which  is  sung  yearly 
at  Rome  in  the  Sistine  chapel  on  the  Wednesday 
and  Friday  in  Holy  Week.  [C] 

MISETHEUS.  martyr ;  commemorated  at 
Xicaea  Mar.  13  {Ilieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MISHAEL  (Meshach),  with  his  brothers 
Hananiah  and  Azariah ;  commemorated  Ap.  24 


MISSA 


1193 


(Hieron.  Mart.;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.);  Dec.  16 
(Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart. 
Auct.);  Dec.  17  (Basil.  MenoL;  Cal.  Byzant.  ; 
Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  277).  [C.  H.] 

MISIA,  martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa 
Mar.  27  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MISILIANUS,  martyr;  commemorated  in 
Africa  Jan.  17  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MISINUS,  martyr  ;  commemorated  m  Spain 
Nov.  20  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MISSA,  martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa 
Dec.  5  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MISSA,  whence  the  English  "  mass,"  in  ecclesi- 
astical usage  originally  meant  the  dismissal  ©f 
the  congregation.  In  later  Latin  this  word  was 
equivalent  to  missio,  as  remissa  to  remissio. 
Compare  ascensa  =  ascensio,  accessa  =  accessio, 
collecta  =  collectio,  confessa  =  confessio,  and  many 
others.  There  appears  to  have  been  a  custom  of 
dismissing  assemblies,  whether  civil  or  religious, 
by  proclaiming  the  words,  "  Missa  est."  Thus 
Avitus  archbishop  of  Vienne,  A.d.  490 :  "  In 
churches,  and  palaces,  and  judgment-halls  the 
dismissal  (missa)  is  proclaimed  to  take  place, 
when  the  people  are  dismissed  from  attendance  " 
(Ejnst.i.;  Migne,  lis.  189).  Two  references  in 
Ducange  shew  that  the  word  was  borrowed  by 
the  Greeks  for  the  same  use,  at  least  in  secular 
places  of  assembly.  Thus  Luitprand  (de  Beb. 
per  Europ.  Gestis,  v.  9)  says  that  at  Constanti- 
nople it  was  the  "  custom  for  the  palace  to  be  open 
to  all  soon  after  the  early  morning,  but  after  the 
third  hour  of  the  day  to  forbid  enti-ance  to  every 
one  until  the  ninth,  all  being  sent  out  by  a  sig- 
nal given,  which  is  mis."  In  the  Chronicon 
Paschale  Alex,  it  is  said  that  Justinian,  in  532, 
when  the  sedition  of  the  factions  broke  out, 
"  gave  missae  (eSoj/ce  /uitrcros)  to  those  belonging 
to  the  palace,  and  said  to  the  senators,  '  Depart 
every  one  to  guard  his  own  house  " '  (p.  624,  ed. 
Niebuhr). 

II.  Missa  Catechumenorum.  The  word  missa 
was  used  in  the  church  in  reference  to  the  dis- 
missal of  the  catechumens.  Thus,  by  the  Council 
of  Carthage,  398  :  "  That  the  bishop  forbid  no 
one  to  enter  the  church  and  hear  the  word  of 
God,  be  he  Gentile,  or  heretic,  or  Jew,  until  the 
dismissal  (missam)  of  the  catechumens"  (can. 
84).  St.  Augustine,  about  the  same  time  :  "  Take 
notice,  after  the  sermon  the  dismissal  (missa)  of 
the  catechumens  takes  place:  the  faithful  will 
remain"  (Serm.  49,  c.  8).  Cassian,  a.d.  424, 
speaks  of  one  who  was  overheard  while  alone  to 
preach  a  sermon,  and  then  to  "  give  out  the  dis- 
missal of  the  catechumens  (celebrare  catechu- 
menis  missam),  as  the  deacon  does"  (Coenob. 
Instit.  xi.    15).     The  council  of  Valentia,  524: 

"  That  the  gospels be  read  before  the  mass 

(missam)  of  the  catechumens "  (can.  1).  The 
Council  of  Lerida  in  the  same  year  decreed  that 
persons  living  in  incest  should  be  allowed  to 
remain  in  church  only  to  the  mass  (missam) 
of  the  catechumens  "  (can.  4).  The  formula  of 
dismissal  in  the  Latin  church  was  in  their  case, 
"  If  there  be  any  catechumen  here,  let  him  go 
out  "  (Scudamore's  Notitia  Eucharistica,  p.  336, 
ed.  2).  There  is  no  reason  for  thinking  that  they 
were  anywhere  warned  out  by  the  words  which 
from  the  8th  century  at  least  (Ordo  Bom.  i.  21, 


1194 


MISSA 


MISSA 


I 


24 ;  ii.  15  ;  Mus.  ItaL- ii.)  have  been  used  at  the 
dismissal  of  the  communicants,  viz.  "  Ite,  missa 
est."  In  the  Mozarabic  rite,  on  the  Wednesdays  in 
Lent,  the  priest  or  deacon  addressed  the  penitents 
after  their  last  prayer—"  Stand  in  your  places  for 
the  dismissal  (ad  niissam)  "  {Miss.  Mozar.,  Leslie, 
99).  So  long  as  there  were  catechumens  these 
words  were  doubtless  intended  for  them  also, 
each  class  was  to  remain  in  its  proper  place  until 
the  notice  to  go  was  given. 

Isidore  of  Seville,  who  used  the  Mozarabic 
liturgy,  writing  in  636,  says,  "  The  missa  is  in 
the  time  of  the  sacrifice,  when  the  catechumens 
are  sent  out;  the  Levite  crying,  'If  any  cate- 
chumen has  been  left,  let  him  go  out ; '  and 
thence  the  missa,  because  they  may  not  be  pre- 
sent at  the  sacraments  of  the  altar  "  (Orig.  vi.  19). 
The  explanation  appears  to  be  that,  the  more 
ignorant,  hearing  of  the  missa,  imagined  that  it 
meant,  not  the  dismissal  of  the  non-communi- 
cating classes,  but  the  service  from  which  they 
were  excluded.  The  popular  usage,  thus  founded 
upon  error,  though  essentially  improper,  seems 
to  have  been  early,  if  slowly,  followed  by  the 
clergy.  The  first  instance  occurs  in  a  letter 
in  which  St.  Ambrose  describes  an  event  then 
quite  recent,  which  occurred  on  Palm  Sunday, 
385 :  "  After  the  reading  [of  the  eucharistic 
lessons]  and  the  sermon,  the  catechumens  being 
dismissed,"  an  interruption  occurred,  after  an 
account  of  which  he  adds,  "  nevertheless,  I  con- 
tinued in  my  duty,  I  began  to  perform  mass 
(missam  focere).  While  I  am  offering  I  am  made 
aware,"  &c.  (^Epist.  20,  §  4).  The  next  is  in  the 
3rd  canon  of  the  council  of  Carthage,  a.d.  390, 
which  forbids  presbyters  to  reconcile  penitents 
"in  publica  missa."  Leo,  in  445,  expressed  him- 
self against  the  "  custom  of  a  single  mass "  in 
small  churches  on  festivals,  at  which  more  de- 
sired to  be  present  "  than  the  church  would  hold 
at  once  "  {Epist.  xi.  2).  Caesarius  of  Aries,  a.d. 
502,  used  the  word  freely,  but  in  the  plural,  from 
which  we  should  gather  that  the  usage  was  still 
unsettled  : — "  If  you  observe  carefully,  you  will 
see  that  the  missae  do  not  take  place  when  the 
divine  lessons  are  recited  in  church,  but  when 
the  gifts  are  offered,  and  the  body  and  blood  of 
the  Lord  are  consecrated  "  (^Serm.  80,  §  2.  Comp. 
81,  §  1).  Cassiodorus,  514,  in  Italy :  "  The  cele- 
bration of  holy  masses  "  {Expos.  Ps.  25,  v.  7) ; 
and  again,  "  Missarum  oi-do  completus  est  "  (Ps. 
33,  concL),  where  he  means  the  order  of  the 
eucharistic  office.  The  plural  is  used  by  Gregory 
of  Tours,  573,  as  "  expletis  missis  "  (Be  Mir.  S. 
Mart.  ii.  47),  "dictis  missis"  (Z)e  Glor.  Mart. 
34),  etc.,  and  by  others.  The  idiom  may  have 
arisen  from  a  rubric  in  the  Gregorian  Sacra- 
mentary,  in  an  early  copy  of  which  the  order  for 
Good  Friday  ends  thus — "Then  let  him  (the 
priest)  communicate,  and  all  the  clergy ;  and  let 
the  dismissals  take  place  (fiant  missae)"  (Pamel. 
Bit.  SS.  PP.  L.  ii.  257).  Gregory  I.  himself,  590, 
commonly  uses  the  phrase  solemnia  missarum 
{Epist.  iv.  44,  vi.  17,  vii.  29).  The  variety  of 
usage  continued  to  the  end  of  our  period.  E.g. 
in  the  7th  century  the  Council  of  Toledo,  a.d. 
646,  uses  both  missas  (can.  2)  and  missam  (3) ; 
that  of  Autun,  670,  has  "  a  missa  suspendere  " 
(can.  11) ;  that  of  Braga,  675,  solemnia  missa- 
rum (can.  4) ;  that  of  Toledo,  694,  missa  pro 
requie  (can.  5).  In  the  8th,  the  Ordo  Bomanus, 
about   730,  has  missarum  solemnia  (§  19,  Mus. 


ItaL,  Mabill.  tom.  ii.),  missa  (24,  25,  26,  28,  30), 
and  missae  (22,  25,  26,  28,  46).  The  Council  of 
Aix,  789,  uses  missa  (can.  6),  that  of  Frankfort, 
794,  solemnia  missarum  (can.  50).  In  the  1st 
capitulary  of  Theodulf  of  Orleans,  797,  we  have 
missa  (cc.  5,  6)  and  solemnia  missarum  (cc.  4, 
11,  46).  The  second  council  of  Chalons  (sur- 
Saone),  813,  uses  solemnitates  (can.  39)  and 
solemnia  (60)  missarum. 

III.  That  part  of  the  service  at  which  commu- 
nicants alone  were  present  has  been  long  dis- 
tinguished from  the  Missa  Catechumenorum  by 
the  name  of  Missa  Fidelium.  It  was  not  so 
called,  however,  within  the  first  nine  centuries. 
In  the  following  passage  from  Florus  of  Lyons, 
A.D.  837,  the  phrase  means  the  dismissal  of  the 
communicants :  "  Tunc  enim  (sc.  post  evangelii 
lectionem)  clamante  diacono,  iidem  catechumeni  ^^ 
mittebantur;  id  est,  dimittebantur  foras.    Missa 

ergo  catechumenorum  fiebat  ante  actionem  sacra- 
mentorum :  Missa  fidelium  fit  post  confectionem 
et  participationem"  (Expos,  missae,  §  92  in  fine). 
The  service  from  which  the  catechumens  were 
excluded  was  also  very  frequently  called  missa 
sacramentorum ;  but  we  are  unable  to  find 
examples  earlier  than  the  11th  century  (see 
Sala  in  Bona,  Per. Lit.  ii.,  viii.  1). 

IV.  The  breaking  up  of  a  congregation  of 
monks  after  their  offices  was  also  called  missa. 
Thus  Cassian  says  that  among  the  monks  of  the 
east  one  who  came  late  to  prayer  had  to  "  wait, 
standing  before  the  door,  for  the  missa  of  the 
whole  assembly  "  (Tnstit.  iii.  7).  So  again,  ii.  7. 
"  Celeritatem  missae  ; "  iii.  5,  "  Missa  canonica  ;  " 
8,  "Vigiliarum  missae."  Similarly,  St.  Bene- 
dict, when  settling  the  number  of  psalms  to  be 
said  at  each  office,  as,  e.g.  at  matins  :  "  But  after 
the  three  psalms  are  finished,  let  one  lesson  be 
read,  a  verse  and  kyrie  eleison  ;  et  missae  fiant " 
(cap.  17).  The  reader  will  observe  the  plural,  as 
in  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary. 

V.  In  the  liturgy  of  Gothic  Spain  (Missale 
Mozar.,  Leslie,  8,  1 1,  et  passim)  missa  is  the  name 
of  an  address  to  the  communicants  (=  the  Gal- 
ilean Preface),  corresponding  in  position  to  our 
exhortation,  "  Dearly  beloved  in  the  Lord."  The 
origin  of  this  usage  is  clear.  The  departure  of 
the  non-communicating  classes  is  now  followed 
by  an  anthem  (sacrificium  =  the  Roman  "  offer- 
tory "),  and  that  by  the  word  missa,  which  now 
appears  as  a  heading  .prefixed  to  the  address. 
Before  the  introduction  of  the  anthem  (Notitia 
Eucharisfica,  p.  342,  ed.  2)  the  word  would  fol- 
low immediately  the  proclamation,  "State  locis 
vestris  ad  Missam,"  and  would  simply  indicate 
that  the  "  missa  "  or  dismissal  of  the  penitents 
and  catechumens  then  took  place.  When  those 
classes  of  worshippers  ceased  to  exist,  it  was 
naturally  supposed  that  the  word  was  the  name 
of  the  formulary  that  followed  it.  The  address 
now  called  missa  is  by  St.  Isidore  of  Seville,  A.D. 
610,  called  "Oratio  admonitionis  erga  populum  " 
(De  Div.  Off.  i.  15),  from  which  we  should  infer 
that  missa  retained  its  original  meaning  in  the 
Spanish  liturgy  in  his  time.  A  Galilean  preface 
in  the  sacramentary  found  at  Bobio  (which  for 
convenience  we  shall  call  the  Besan^on  Sacra- 
mentary, as  it  appears  to  have  belonged  to  that 
province)  is  inscribed,  "  Missa  Dominicalis  "  (Mus. 
ItaL  i.  373) ;  but  as  no  other  instance  occurs  in 
the  Galilean  liturgies  this  may  be  a  clerical 
error. 


MISSA 

VI.  Portions  of  the  daily  offices  were  also 
called  missae,  probably  because  at  the  end  of 
each  a  monk,  might,  on  sufficient  cause,  obtain 
leave  to  withdraw.  (1.)  Thus,  in  the  Rule  of 
Isidore,  compiled  in  620  :  "  In  the  daily  offices 
of  vigils  the  three  canonical  psalms  are  first  to 
be  said,  then  three  missae  of  psalms,  a  fourth  of 
canticles,  a  fifth  of  the  matin  offices.  But  on 
Sundays  and  feasts  of  martyrs  let  their  several 
missae  be  added,  on  account  of  the  solemnity  " 
(Reg.  7 ;  Holsten.  ii.  208).  The  missae  psalm- 
orum  here  are  psalms  sung  in  addition  to  the 
"  canonical  "  numbers.  In  another  Spanish  Rule, 
that  of  Fructuosus,  the  founder  of  the  great 
monastery  at  Alcala  (Complutum),  the  psalms 
are  called  missae  absolutely :  "  In  the  courses  for 
the  nights  of  Saturday  and  Sunday  ...  let  the 
vigils  be  celebrated  with  six  missae  each,  with 
six  responsories,  that  the  solemnity  of  the  Lord's 
resurrection  may  be  more  honoured  by  the 
greater  amount  of  psalmody  in  the  office^  "  (cap. 
3  ;  Hoist,  ii.  234).  (2.)  The  above  usage,  seem- 
ingly peculiar  to  Spain,  has  been  confounded 
with  that  of  France,  where  the  missae  of  an 
office  clearly  meant  the  lessons.  Thus,  in  the 
rule  of  Caesarius  of  Aries,  a.d.  502  :  "  Every 
Sunday  observe  six  missae.  For  the  first  missae 
let  (the  history  of)  the  resurrection  be  always 

read When  the  missae  are  finished,  say  the 

matin  (psalms)  in  monotone,  Exaltdbo  Te,"  etc. 
(cap.  21  ;  ibid.  92).  Sim.  in  the  rule  of  Aurelian, 
also  of  Aries,  550 :  "  On  Christmas  day  observe 

six  missae  from  the  prophet  Isaiah So  on 

the  Epiphany  ....  observe  six  missae  from  the 

prophet   Daniel Every    Lord's    day   after 

nocturns,  when  the  first  missa,  i.e.  the  resurrec- 
tion, is  being  read,  let  no  one  presume  to  sit, 
but  all  stand  "  (^Ordo  Regxilae  suffix,  u.s.  p.  112). 
Again :  "  On  the  feasts  of  martyrs,  let  three  or 
four  missae  be  observed.  Read  the  first  missa 
from  the  gospel,  the  rest  from  the  passions  of  the 
martyrs  "  (^Ordo  Eegulae  Virg.  suff.  Hoist,  ii.  72  ; 
Sim.  c.  38). 

VII.  The  daily  offices  were  themselves  called 
missae,  as  by  the  council  of  Agde  in  506:  "At 
the  end  of  the  morning  and  evening  missae  (i.e. 
of  matins  and  vespers,  as  Dupin  and  others 
understand  it),  after  the  hymns,  let  little  chap- 
ters from  the  Psalms  be  said  "  (can.  30).  Hence 
much  later  the  phrase  "  missal  office  "  is  used 
for  "  matins :  "  "  The  church  in  which  both  the 
evening  and  morning  or  missal  office,  is  per- 
formed "  (Z)e  Gest.  Aldrici,  xx. ;  Baluz.  Miscell. 
ed.  Mansi,  i.  90). 

VIII.  During  the  latter  part  of  the  first 
liturgical  period,  at  least,  the  prayers  to  be  in- 
serted in  the  liturgy  as  proper  to  a  given  day  or 
object  were  collected  under  the  common  title  of 
Orationes,  or  Orationes  et  Preces.  Many  in- 
stances survive  both  in  the  Gelasian  and  Gre- 
gorian sacramentaries.  For  the  former,  see  Lit. 
Eom.  Vet.  Muratori,  i.  493,  7 ;  504,  5,  8,  etc. ; 
and  for  the  latter,  ihid.  ii.  54,  65,  7,  etc.  Four 
such  groups  of  prayers  in  the  missal  of  the 
Franks  are  headed  respectively,  "  Orationes  et 
Prec.  proRegibus,"  "Orat.  et  Preces  in  Natali  S. 
Helarii,"  "  Orat.  et  Prec.  unius  Martyris,"  and 
"  Orat.  et  Preces  communes  cotidianae  cum  Ca- 
none"(ZiY.  Gall.  316-322).  At  a  later  period  these 
sets  of  proper  prayers  were  collectively  called 
missae.  The  word  is  not  used  thus  in  the  Leo- 
nian  Sacramentary,  nor  in  all  the  copies  of  the 


MISSA 


1195 


Gregorian.  In  the  former,  each  group  is  headed 
by  the  name  of  the  day  only,  or  where  there  are 
more  than  one  for  the  same  day  by  the  words, 
"  Item  alia."  In  one  of  the  earliest  of  the  Gre- 
gorian, that  published  by  Pamelius,  Missa  does 
not  occur  in  this  sense.  Sometimes  we  have 
"  ad  missam  "  after  the  name  of  the  day  (Bituale, 
SS.  PP.  ii.  250,  312,  etc.).  It  is  common,  how- 
ever, as  a  title  in  the  other  copies,  as  Missa  pro 
Regibus  (Murat.  Liturg.  Eom.  Vet.  ii.  187),  Missa 
Votiva  (ihid.  193,  etc.),  Missa  pro  Peste  anima- 
lium,  Missa  in  Contentione  (Codex  Vatic,  opp,  St. 
Greg.  V.  215,  6),  etc. ;  and  in  the  only  extant 
copy  of  the  Gelasian,  made  in  the  8th  century,  as 
Missa  in  Monasterio  (Murat.  i.  719),  Missa  contra 
Judices  male  agentes  (ihid.  732),  etc.  The  usage 
probably  came  from  France ;  for  the  word  is 
employed  in  this  sense  in  the  Gothico-Gallican 
missal  (e.g.  Missa  in  Sancto  Die  Epiphaniae,  Lit. 
Gall.  208,  Missa  in  Symboli  Traditione,  235; 
and  sim.  jMssim),  the  Prankish  (but  only  in 
"  Item  alia  Missa,"  the  equivalent  of  "  Orat.  et 
Prec."  ibid.  323-5),  and  the  Vetus  Gallicanum 
(e.  g.  Missa  de  Adventu  Domini  nostri  Jesu 
Christi,  ihid.  333,  etc.)  of  Thomasius  and  Mabillon, 
not  one  of  which  is  later  than  the  8th  century, 
and  in  the  Besan(;on  Sacramentary  (e.g.  Missa  in 
Natale  Domini,  3Ius.  Ital.  i.  290 ;  Missa  in  Epy- 
phania,  296,  etc.),  which  was  written  in  the  7th. 
The  word  is  not  once  employed  in  this  manner  in 
the  liturgy  of  Milan  (Pamel.  torn,  i.),  but  we 
find  it  in  Spain  in  the  later  parts  of  the  Moz- 
arabic  Missal  (Leslie,  428,  434,  etc.),  and  most 
probably  in  the  13th  canon  of  the  fourth  council 
of  Toledo,  A.D.  633,  when,  defending  hymns  of 
human  composition,  it  says,  "  Componuntur  ergo 
hymni,  sicut  componuntur  Missae,  sive  preces, 
vel  orationes,"  etc.  As  there  was  still  a  dis- 
missal of  penitents,  and  probably  of  catechu- 
mens, in  Spain  in  the  7th  century,  we  cannot 
think  that  the  word  had  yet  acquired  that  other 
special  meaning  peculiar  to  Spain  mentioned 
above  in  §  v.  When  Gregory  of  Tours  (Hist. 
Franc,  vi.  46)  says  that  Chilperic,  who  died  iu 
584,  attempted  certain  "  opuscula  vel  hymnos, 
sive  Missas,"  the  word  is  understood  in  the 
above  sense. 

The  composition  of  these  collective  Missae 
varies  greatly  in  the  several  liturgies. 

(1.)  The  Eoman  Missa.  This  has  (a)  the  Ora/iO, 
which  answers  to  our  collect  for  the  day :  (6) 
the  (Oratio)  super  Oblata,  or  Secreta.  This 
was  for  the  acceptance  of  the  oblations ;  but 
when  they  came  to  consist  of  the  elements  only, 
their  intended  use  often  so  coloured  this  prayer 
as  to  make  it  inappropriate  before  their  conse- 
cration. See  Notitia  Eucharistica,  412,  2nd  ed. 
It  was  called  Secreta,  "  because  said  secretly  " 
(Amalarius,  de  Off.  Eccl.  iii.  20).  (c)  The 
proper  Preface. — This  began  with  a  constant 
formulary,  Vere  dignum  et  justum  est,  aequum 
et  salutare  (whence  the  English,  "  It  is  very 
meet,  right,  and  our  bounden  duty  ").  See  Lit. 
Eom.  Vet.  Murat.  i.  293,  5,  6,  etc.  (Sacram. 
Leon.) ;  494,  5,  6,  etc.  (Sacr.  Gel.) ;  ii.  8,  9,  10, 
etc.  (Sacr.  Greg.).  Proper  Prefaces  were  very 
numerous  in  the  early  sacramentaries.  At  the 
end  of  one  MS.  printed  by  Muratori  (u.  s.  ii. 
273)  there  is  a  collection  of  72  (Codex  Vatic, 
while  in  another  we  may  count  no  less  than  220 
(Cod.  Othohon.  ibid.  291).  By  the  11th  century 
these  were  reduced  to  11  (Not.  Euch.  538).     (cT) 


1196 


MISSA 


One  division  of  the  Roman  canon  begins  thus, 
"  Communicantes  et  memoriam  venerantes  in 
primis  gloriosae  semper  Virginis  Mariae,"  etc. 
Variations  of  this  proper  for  certain  seasons 
occur  in  the  Gelasian  and  Gregorian  Sacramen- 
taries,  but  not  in  the  Leonian.  In  the  Gelasian 
they  are  generally  headed  "  Infra  Actionem  " 
(Murat.  M.  s.  i.  496,  553,  5,  572,  etc.),  but  once 
"  Infra  Canonem "  (ibid.  559).  The  following 
example  is  the  formula  for  Maundy  Thursday  in 
that  sacramentary :  "  Communicantes,  et  diem 
sacratissimum  celebrantes;  quo  traditus  est 
Dominus  noster  Jesus  Christus.  Sed  et  memO' 
riam"  etc.  (Murat.  i.  553).  Other  forms  are 
provided  for  Christmas,  Easter,  Ascension  Day, 
Whitsunday,  (e)  A  prayer  which  forms  part  of 
the  canon  begins  thus,  "  Hanc  igitur  oblationem 
servitutis  nostrae,"  etc.  This  also  is  varied  in 
the  Gelasian  and  Gregorian  sacramentaries  for 
seasons  and  occasions,  as  for  Maundy  Thursday 
(i.  553,  ii.  55),  Easter  (i.  572,  ii.  67),  Whitsun- 
tide (i.  601,  ii.  90),  for  the  dedication  of  a 
church  (i.  613),  or  font  (618),  etc.  It  is  also 
headed  "  Infra  Actionem "  (i.  553,  572,  etc.). 
In  the  Gelasian  Missae  pro  Scrutinio  this  prayer 
becomes  a  petition  for  the  Competentes,  and  is 
followed  by  the  recital  of  their  names  and 
another  act  of  intercession  for  them,  viz.,  "Hos, 
Domine,  fonte  baptismatis  innovandos  Spiritus 
Tui  munere  ad  sacramentorum  tuorum  plenitudi- 
nem  poscimus  praeparari.  Per."  (Murat.  u.  s.  i. 
522).  In  an  earlier  part  of  the  canon  ("  Infra 
Canonem  ")  a  prayer  for  the  sponsors  is  also  in- 
terpolated, viz.  after  the  words  "  Memento, 
Domine,  famulorum  famularumque  tuarum  " 
(ibid.).  A  special  "  Hanc  igitur  oblationem  " 
was  almost  an  essential  part  of  masses  for  the  dead 
(Gelas.  M.  s.  i.  752-762 ;  Greg.  ii.  218-222),  and 
was  inserted  in  many  votive  masses  (Gelas.  i. 
703,  719,  720,  4,  6,  etc.  ;  Greg.  ii.  188,  193,  5, 
200).  (/)  The  (Oratio)  ad  Compkndum,  post 
Communionem,  or  ad  Communionem  (see  the  Sacra- 
mentaries in  Lit.  Lett.  Vetus,  Murat.  passim). 
This  was  propei-ly  a  thanksgiving  after  the  re- 
ception, such  as  we  find  in  every  liturgy,  and 
probably  came  from  the  earliest  period.  "  When 
that  great  sacrament  has  been  partaken  of," 
says  St.  Augustine,  "  a  thanksgiving  concludes 
all "  (^Epist.  149,  §  16).  (g)  Ad  Fopultm  (^Sacram. 
G'efas.:  Murat.  w.  s.  i.  495,  6,  8,  etc.),  or  Super 
Fopxdum  (Sacram.  Greg.  ibid.  ii.  23,  8,  9,  etc.), 
is  the  heading  of  a  final  benediction  found  only 
in  some  missae,  especially  in  those  for  Lent. 
The  Leonian  Sacramentary  has  no  headings,  but 
several  such  benedictions  may  be  distinguished 
in  it ;  e.  g.,  Protector  (Murat.  u.  s.  i.  297),  Non 
praejudicet  (ibid.  298),  Tuere  (ibid.),  etc.  The 
following  is  one  example :  "  Super  populum 
Tuam,  Domine,  quaesumus,  benedictio  copiosa 
descendat ;  indulgentia  veniat ;  consolatio  tri- 
buatur:  fides  sancta  succrescat :  redemptio  sem- 
piterna  firmetur.  Per"  (Sacr.  Leon.  Murat.  i. 
482).  In  the  Romanizing  parts  of  the  Missale 
Francorum  this  collect  is  headed  "  Ad  Plebem  " 
(Lit.  Gall.  Mabill.  323,  5). 

(2.)  The  Milanese  Missi.  (a)  The  collect  for 
the  day  under  the  name  of  (Oratio)  Super  Popu- 
lum (Pamel.  Liturgicon,  i.  293,  et  passim).  This 
was  originally  said  before  the  Gloria  in  Excelsis 
(ibid.),  which,  followed  by  the  Kyrie,  preceded 
the  Prophecy  and  other  lessons.  It  is  now  said 
after  the  Kyrie  (Martene,  do  Ant.  Pit.  Eccl.  i. 


MISSA 

iv.  xii.  3).  (6)  The  (Oratio)  Super  Sindonem.. 
The  sindon  is  the  "  fair  white  linen  cloth  "  of  the 
English  rubric.  It  was  spread  over  the  altar 
after  the  gospel,  and  this  prayer  was  said  over 
it.  The  following  example  is  for  the  eve  of  the 
Epiphany  :  "  Adesto,  Domine,  supplicationibus 
nostris,  et  populo  Tuo,  quem  Tibi  ex  omnibus 
gentibus  elegisti,  veritatis  Tuae  lumen  ostende. 
Per  Dominum"  (ibid.  314).  (c)  The  (Oratio) 
Super  Oblata.  This  has  the  same  intention  as 
the  Roman  Secreta.  Before  the  creed  was  brought 
into  the  liturgy,  it  always  followed  the  offertory 
anthem  (offerenda),  and  this  is  obviously  its 
right  place;  but  now  on  Sundays  and  other 
feasts  the  creed  intervenes,  and  very  awkwardly. 
See  Pamel.  u.  s.  Martene,  u.  s.  (d)  The  Preface 
corresponds  closely  to  that  of  the  Roman  Sacra- 
mentaries. One  is  provided  for  every  holyday. 
(e)  In  the  Missa  pro  Baptizatis  on  Easter  Eve  a 
prayer  is  inserted  "  Infra  Actionem,"  i.  e.  in  the 
canon,  in  which  the  celebration  is  expressly  de- 
clared to  be  on  their  behalf:  "  Hoc  paschale 
sacrificium  Tibi  offerimus  pro  his  quos  ex  aqui 
et  Spiritu  sancto  regenerare  dignatus  es"  (353). 
In  the  Missa  for  Maundy  Thursday  (339)  there 
is  a  variation  of  the  Communicantes  bearing  on 
the  institution  of  the  sacrament,  and  a  prayer 
to  be  inserted  "  Post  Orationem  Sacerdotis  pro 
seipso,"  i.  e.  after  the  "  Nobis  quoque  minimis 
et  peccatoribus."  These,  if  we  mistake  not,  are 
the  only  proper  additions  infra  canonem  admitted 
by  this  liturgy.  (/)  Another  interpolation  pecu- 
liar to  the  Missa  for  Maundy  Thursday  is  the 
Oratio  post  Confractorium.  This  also  refers  to 
the  institution.  It  begins  thus:  "  Ipsius  prae- 
ceptum  est,  Domine,  quod  agimus,  in  cujus 
nunc  Te  praesentia  postulamus."  (g)  The 
(Oratio)  Post  Communionem  corresponds  to  the 
Roman  formulary,  called  Ad  Complendum  in  the 
Gregorian,  but  more  frequently  Post  Commu- 
nionem in  the  Gelasian  Sacramentary. 

(3.)  The  Galilean  Missa.  (a)  In  the  Galilean 
church  the  song  of  Zacharias  was  chanted  after 
the  Kyrie  at  the  beginning  of  the  service  except 
in  Lent  (St.  Germauus,  Expos.  Prev.  in  Martene, 
de  Pit.  Eccl.  Ant.  i.  iv.  iv.  1).  It  was  called  "  the 
Prophecy  "  (Germ,  ibid.),  and  was  followed  by  a 
prayer,  Collectio  (Miss.  Goth,  in  Liturg.  Gall. 
Mabill.  190,  251,  etc.)  or  Oratio  (Sacram.  Gallic. 
in  Mus.  Ital.  i.  2^b)  post  Prophetiam,  which,  was 
generally  based  on  it,  or  contained  at  least  some 
allusion  to  it.  Three  of  those  extant  (Miss. 
Franc.  Lit.  Gall.  322,  4,  5)  do  not  exhibit  the 
connexion  with  the  canticle,  being  bon-owed 
from  the  Roman  sacramentaries.  The  first  two  are 
the  originals  of  our  Collects  for  the  6th  and  11th 
Sundays  after  Trinity.  One  example  occurs  in 
the  Reichenau  Fragment  (Neale  and  Forbes, 
Gall.  Lit.  6  ;  see  also  28).  (b)  The  Eucharistic 
litany  of  the  West  went  conventionally  by  the 
name  of  preces  (Not.  Euch.  301).  From  Ger- 
manus  (u.  s.)  we  learn  that  in  the  Galilean 
church  the  preces  were  said  after  the  lessons 
and  homily.  In  several  Missae  we  have  a  Col- 
lectio post  Precem  (after  the  Collectio  post  Pro- 
phetiam),  which  can  only  be  referred  to  the 
litany,  and  the  general  character  of  these  col- 
lects corresponds  to  that  position.  In  the  Be- 
sanfon  sacramentary  they  are  headed  "  Oratio 
post  Precem."  (Mus.  Lt.  i.  282),  ex. :  "  0  Lord 
God,  who  art  both  justly  angry  with  Thy  people 
and  merciful  to  forgive  them,  incline  Thine  ear 


£ 


MISSA 

to  our  supplications  that  we  who  confess  Thee 
with  our  entire  affections  may  obtain  not  Thy 
judgment  but  Thy  pardon"  (ibid.),  (c)  The 
Fraefatio  Missae.  This  is,  properly,  a  short 
address  to  the  communicants  on  the  sacred  event 
commemorated  in  the  Missa.  It  was  delivered 
when  the  Catechumens  had  left.  Examples  of 
such  addresses  are  found  in  the  Missale  Gothi- 
cum  {Lit.  Gall.  190,  3,  6,  204,  etc.),  Gallicanum 
Vetus  (329),  and  the  Besanij'on  Sacramentary 
(Mus.  Ital.  i.  290,  4,  5,  6,  etc.),  and  the  Reiche- 
nau  fragment  (m.  s.  20),  but  in  very  many  in- 
stances they  have  been  changed  into  or  super- 
seded by  direct  prayers  {Goth.  u.  s.  198,  225,  etc. ; 
Gall.  Vet.  333,  4,  etc. ;  Sacr.  Gall.  Mus.  It.  284, 
9,  etc. ;  Miss.  Richen.  u.  s.  21).  {d)  The  Pre- 
face was  followed  by  a  collect  which  had  refer- 
ence to  the  same  subject.  In  the  Missale  Gothi- 
cum  {n.  s.  191,  4,  7,  etc.)  this  is  generally  headed 
Collectio  sequitur.  In  the  Missal  of  the  Franks 
the  Praefatio  (itself  become  a  collect)  and  its 
collectio  appear  together  under  the  common 
heading  of  A7ite  Nomina  {Lit.  Gall.  322,  4,  5), 
which  indicates  that  they  are  said  before  the 
offertory  and  the  recital  of  the  names  of  those 
for  whom  prayer  was  made.  These  collects  are 
Gregorian  (among  them  are  ours  for  the  1st, 
4th,  7th,  and  10th  Sundays  after  Trinity),  a  fact 
which,  with  many  others,  suggests  the  influence 
under  which  the  older  Galilean  forms  were  given 
up.  (e)  After  the  recital  of  the  names  the 
prayer  Collectio  post  Nomina  was  said.  This 
properly  had  two  objects.  It  was  a  prayer  for 
the  acceptance  of  the  gifts  (so  far  corresponding 
to  the  Roman  Super  Oblata),  and  an  act  of  inter- 
cession for  both  living  and  dead.  E.  g.  "  Suscipe 
.  .  .  sacrificium  laudis  oblatum  .  .  .  Nomina 
quorum  sunt  recitatione  complesa  scribi  jubeas 
in  aeternitate"  {Got/i.  u.  s.  191);  "  Auditis 
nominibus  offerentium,  fratres  dilectissimi,  Chris- 
tum Dominum  deprecemur,  .  .  .  ut  haec  sacri- 
ficia  sic  viventibus  pi-oficiant  ad  emendationem 
ut  defunctis  opitulentur  ad  requiem  "  {ibid.  201). 
A  collect  of  this  character  is  also  found  under 
the  same  title  in  the  Missae  of  the  Missale  Gall. 
Vetiis,  u.  s.  329,  333,  4,  etc.),  and  of  the  Reiche- 
nau  Fragment  (Neale  and  Forbes,  u.  s.  2,  5,  9, 
»tc.).  In  the  Besanyon  sacramentary,  which 
.admits  the  Roman  canon,  the  name  is  re- 
tained, but  the  Galilean  collect  is  supplanted  by 
a  Roman  {Mus.  It.  i.  279,  284,  6,  7,  etc.).  In  the 
Prankish  Missal  both  name  and  thing  are  gone, 
and  the  Roman  "  Super  Oblata  "  appears  under 
its  proper  title  {Lit.  Gall.  310,  7,  8,  9,  etc.). 
(/)  The  Collectio  ad  Paccm  came  next,  a  prayer 
said  when  the  kiss  of  peace  was  given.  It  is 
properly  a  prayer  for  charity  and  peace,  and 
collects  to  this  effect  appear  under  the  name  in 
M.  Goth.  {u.  s.  188,  191,  4,  7,  etc.),  in  M.  Gall. 
Vet.  {ibid.  330,  3,  4,  365),  and  in  Miss.  Richen. 
(m.  s.  6,  10,  22,  29).  In  the  M.  Franc,  the  name 
is  suppressed  and  Roman  collects,  with  no  refer- 
ence in  them  to  charity  or  peace,  are  substituted 
{Lit.  Gall.  317,  8,  320,  etc.).  The  true  Gallican 
collect  has  almost  equally  disappeared  from  the 
Romanizing  Besant'on  sacramentary,  but  the 
name  has  been  left  {Mus.  It.  i.  279,  284,  9,  etc.). 
One  true  example  from  the  last-named  book  will 
serve  as  a  specimen  of  all :  "  Cause,  0  good  Jesu, 
Thy  peace  to  glide  into  our  hearts,  in  which  is 
the  fulness  of  love.  Grant,  O  Lord,  that  we 
may  ever   preserve   in  spiritual  affection  that 


MISSA 


1197 


peace,  which  we  now  express  with  the  mouth  '*■ 
(28G).  {g)  The  peace  and  its  prayer  were  fol- 
lowed by  the  Sursum  Corda,  leading  up  to  the 
Contestatio  or  Immolatio ;  for  these  were  the 
names  given  to  that  which  in  the  English  and 
Roman  books  is  called  the  Preface.  It  began 
with  the  words,  "  Vere  dignum  et  justum  est," 
or  "  Vere  aequum  et  justum  est "  {Lit.  Gall. 
191,  197),  and  probably  received  the  former 
name  from  the  assent  which  the  priest  gives  in 
them  to  the  witness  of  the  people,  "  Dignum  et 
justum  est."  It  probably  acquired  the  name  of 
Immolatio  (which  may  be  considered  equivalent 
to  the  ava(popa  (St.  Mark's  Lit.  Renaud.  1,  144) 
or  ■KpocTKOfiiti)  (St.  Basil  Alex.  64;  St.  Greg. 
A.  99)  of  the  Greek  liturgies  in  rubrics  immedi- 
ately preceding  or  following  the  same  formu- 
lary), from  its  forming  an  introduction  to  the 
more  sacrificial  part  of  the  service.  Contestatio 
Missae,  Immolatio  Missae,  Contestatio,  and  Immo- 
latio, are  used  indiscriminately  in  the  Missale 
Gothicum  {Lit.  Gall.  Imm.  188,  191,  7,  9,  etc. ; 
Cont.  194,  209,  212,  etc.),  and  in  the  Miss. 
Gall.  Vet.  (Cont.  ibid.  330,  3,  357,  365,  etc.; 
Imm.  334,  368,  9,  370,  etc.).  Contestatio  only 
appears  in  the  Miss.  Franc,  {ibid.  321,  4),  the 
Besan^on  Sacramentary  {Mus.  It.  i.  279,  284,  6, 
8,  etc.),  and  in  the  Reichenau  fragment  (which 
is  peculiar  in  omitting  Verfe)  (w.  s.  10,  18,  23,  6, 
7,  9).  Almost  every  Missa  had  its  proper  Con- 
testatio. When  the  Roman  canon  was  used  in 
the  Gallican  church,  the  proper  collects  of  the 
Gallican  Missae  ended  with  the  Contestation, 
which  was  immediately  followed  by  the  Te  igi- 
tur.  Hence  there  are  no  Gallican  collects  aftej" 
the  Contestatio,  in  the  Besanfon  Sacramentary 
{Mus.  It.  i.  279),  or  the  Franiish  Missal  {Lit. 
Gall.  326),  because  in  them  the  Roman  canon 
was  used  in  every  mass.  In  the  Gothic  (300), 
and  apparently  in  the  Gallicanum  Vetus,  it  was 
used  in  some  only.  Hence  in  both  these,  while 
many  end  with  the  Contestatio,  many  do  not. 
The  Reichenau  Missal  appears  to  have  been 
purely  Gallican.  (A)  The  Contestation  in- 
variably ended  with  the  Sanctus,  and  this  was 
followed  in  the  strictly  Gallican  mass  by  the 
Collectio  post  Sanctus,  which  was  founded  on  it, 
and  was  in  fact  often  a  contestatio  (so  to  speak) 
to  that  doxology :  e.  g.  "  Vere  sanctus,  vere 
benedictus,  Dominus  noster  Jesus  Christus,"  etc. 
{Lit.  Gall.  189;  comp.  195,  202,  etc.).  The 
Collectio  post  Sanctus  is  the  variable  Gallican 
prayer  of  consecration  ;  for  it  always  concludes 
with  the  account  of  the  institution  introduced  by 
the  mention  of  the  name  of  Christ,  e.  g.  "  Who 
came  to  seek  and  to  save  that  which  was  lost. 
For  He  the  day  before  "  (202) ;  "  Our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ,  who  the  day  before  He  suflered  "  (210); 
"  By  the  same  our  Lord,  who  the  day  before  He 
deigned  to  suffer  for  the  salvation  of  us  and  of 
all  "  (335).  The  narrative  is  never  written  out 
at  length,  (j)  The  words  of  institution  were 
followed  by  a  variable  prayer  called  the  Collectio 
post  Mysterium  (M.  Goth.  u.  s.  189,  195,  210, 
etc.),  or  post  Secreta  {M.  Goth.  192,  202,  222, 
etc. ;  Gall.  Vet.  331,  335 ;  M.  Richen.  «.  s.  15). 
This  collect  was  (at  first,  we  may  presume, 
always)  an  invocation  such  as  we  find  in  the 
Greek  and  Eastern  liturgies,  or  at  least  an  im- 
plicit invocation,  i.  e.  a  prayer  for  the  sanctifi- 
cation  of  the  gifts  by  the  Holy  Ghost :  Ex.  "  Ut 
immittere    digneris    Spiritum    Tuum    Sanctum 


1198 


MISSA 


super  haec  solemnia"  {M.  Goth.  228);  "De- 
scendat  inaestimabilis  gloriae  Tuae  Spiritus, 
.  .  .  ut  fiat  oblatio  nostra  hostia  spiritalis " 
■{Gall.  Vet.  335) ;  "  Rogamus  uti  hoc  sacrificium 
tua  benedictione  benedicas  et  Sancti  Spiritus 
rore  perfundas"  (3L  Richen.  15).  The  Spirit  is 
not  mentioned  in  many  in  which  the  effect  of 
the  prayer  is  the  same  :  e.g.  "  Ut  operante  vir- 
tute  panem  mutatum  in  carne,  poculum  ver- 
sum  in  sanguine,  ilium  sumamus,"  etc.  (J/.  Goth. 
300);  "  Descendat,  Domine,  plenitudo  majestatis, 
Divinitatis,  pietatis,  virtutis,  benedictionis  et 
gloriae  tuae  super  hunc  panem  et  super  hunc 
calicem"  (Jf.  llichen.  11).  {k)  In  the  Galilean 
rite  the  fraction  took  place  before  the  Lord's 
Prayer,  which,  as  in  other  liturgies,  came  be- 
tween the  consecration  and  communion  (Ger- 
manus.  Expos,  Martene,  i.  iv.  xii.  i.).  The 
Gothico-Gallican  Missal,  and  that  only,  gives  a 
Collectio  ad  Panis  Fractionem  for  the  mass  on 
Easter  Eve.  It  evidently  has  some  special  history 
now  unknown ;  for  in  it  the  oblation  is  offered 
"  for  the  safety  of  the  kings  and  their  army  and 
all  standing  around"  {Lit.  Gall.  251).  (0  The 
Lord's  Prayer  was  introduced  by  a  form  which 
is  always  headed  in  the  missals,  Collectio  ante 
Orationem  Doininicam.  The  following  is  a  brief 
•example :  "  Not  presuming  on  our  merit,  0  holy 
Father,  but  in  obedience  to  the  command  of  our 
Lord  Thy  Son  Jesus  Christ,  we  presume  to  say  " 
•(^M.  Goth.  192).  Another  ends  thus,  "  Suppliant 
to  Thee  we  cry  and  say,  Our  Father  "  {M.  Gall. 
Vet.  346).  Many  are  addresses  in  which  the 
people  are  exhorted  to  say  the  Lord's  Prayer, 
■e.g.  "  Let  us  beseech  the  Almighty  eternal  Lord, 
that  ...  He  permit  us  to  say  with  confidence 
the  prayer  which  our  Lord  hath  taught  us.  Our 
Father ''  (if.  Goth.  202).  (m)  The  Lord's  Prayer 
was  followed  by  a  prayer  with  the  title  Collectio 
,post  Orationem  Dominicam,  which  also  varied  in 
the  several  Missae.  It  corresponds  to  the  con- 
stant Roman  embolis,  and  like  that  is  founded 
on  the  last  petition  of  the  Lord's  Prayer,  even 
beginning  as  that  does,  generally  (not  always ; 
see  M.  Goth.  223,  230,  7 ;  M.  Gall.  Vet.  346,  9) 
with  "Libera  nos."  (w)  The  Benedictio  Populi 
followed,  which  also  varied  with  the  season.  By 
the  44th  canon  of  Agde,  A.D.  506,  only  bishops 
■were  permitted  to  pronounce  this.  The  inten- 
tion of  the  decree  was,  according  to  Germanus, 
;about  50  years  later,  to  "  guard  the  honour  of 
■the  pontifex"  {Expos,  in  Mart.  u.  s.).  These 
Benedictions  are  very  uncertain  in  their  formation. 
In  the  Gothico-Gallican  Missal  they  generally 
consist  of  five  distinct  parts  {Lit.  Gall.  189, 196, 
etc.),  but  some  are  divided  into  three  (198,  219, 
etc.),  four  (223,  228),  six  (192,  208),  or  nine 
(210).  In  the  M.  Gallicanum  Vetus  {ibid.  333. 
349,  365,  etc.),  and  the  M.  liichen.  {Gall. 
Liturgies,  2,  20)  they  are  a  continuous  prayer. 
Zachary  of  Rome,  A.D.  741,  says  that  the  Galil- 
ean Benedictions  "  multis  vitiis  variantur,"  and 
that  the  bishops  were  actuated  by  "  vainglory  " 
in  making  them,  "  sibi  ipsis  damnationem  adhi- 
bentes  "  {Ep.  12  ;  Labbe,  vi.  1526).  As  no  such 
•episcopal  benediction  can  be  traced  to  Rome, 
some  French  writers  have  supposed  that  Zachary 
condemned  the  practice  altogether ;  but  the 
strength  of  his  language  would  in  that  case 
imply  a  spirit  of  intolerance  which  we  are  un- 
willing to  ascribe  to  him.  It  seems  more  pro- 
bable that  he  referred  to  the  length  and  am- 


MISSA 

bitious  character  of  the  benedictions  in  use. 
From  Caesarius  of  Aries,  A.D.  502,  we  learn  that 
in  France  the  people  were  in  the  habit  of  leaving 
church  after  the  gospel,  if  they  did  not  wish  to 
communicate  {Horn.  80,  inter  Serm.  August. 
App.  286  ;  see  also  281,  282).  The  council  of 
Agde,  in  506  (can.  47),  the  fii-st  of  Orleans  in 
511  (can.  26),  and  the  third  of  Orleans,  538 
(can.  29),  forbade  them  to  go  away  before  the 
benediction.  An  unvarying  short  blessing  was 
always  pronounced  here  by  the  priest,  if  the 
bishop  was  not  present  (German,  u.  s.).  (o)  After 
the  communion  the  priest  said  the  Collectio  iwst 
Eucharistiam  {M.  Goth.  u.  s.  196,  211,  230; 
Gall.  Vet.  331),  or  post  Communionem  {M.  Goth. 
190,  3,  8,  etc.;  M.  Gall.  Vet.  333,  5,  366,  7, 
etc.).  This  collect  is  often  a  brief  exhortation 
to  thankfulness,  perseverance,  or  prayer  (as 
M.  Goth.  190,  193,  203,  etc.;  Gall.  Vet.  331, 
347  (where  it  is  called  Praefatio  p.  Euch.),  350). 
(p)  The  last  proper  collect  is  the  Coiisummatio 
Missae,  which  name  occurs  Miss.  Goth.  196,  230, 
293,  4,  6,  7,  300).  More  frequently  it  is  headed 
by  the  words,  "Collectio  sequitur"  {3f.  Goth. 
190,  3,  8,  214;  Gall.  V.  334,  350,  365,  6,  7,  8, 
372),  or  "  Item  Collectio "  {3f.  Goth.  298),  or 
"Collectio"  simply  M.  Gall.  V.  331,  347,  371). 
Ex. :  "  That  which  we  have  taken  with  our 
mouths,  0  Lord,  let  us  receive  in  our  minds,  and 
may  an  eternal  remedy  be  made  to  us  out  of  a 
temporal  gift  "  (if.  Goth.  190). 

It  appears  probable  from  Gregory  of  Tours 
that  in  France  the  missae  for  one  or  more  great 
festivals  at  least  were  copied  out  of  the  sacra- 
mentaries,  and  used  in  that  convenient  form 
under  the  conventional  name  of  "  Libellus." 
For  he  says  of  a  bishop  that  on  a  certain  occa- 
sion, "  aidato  sibi  nequiter  lihello,  per  quam 
sacrosancta  solemnia  agere  consueverat,  ita  para- 
tus  a  tempore  cunctum  festivitatis  opus  expli- 
cuit"  {Hist,  Fr.  ii.  22).  An  aged  abbat  asked 
to  celebrate,  said,  "  Oculi  mei  caligine  obteguntur, 
nee  possum  libellum  adspicere ;  presbytero  igitur 
haec  alteri  legenda  mandate  "  (  Vit.  PF.  xvi.  2). 
As  the  canon  was  part  of  the  missa  and  always 
very  short,  everything  required  by  the  priest 
for  a  given  occasion,  or  even  for  a  longer  season, 
might  be  brought  within  the  compass  of  a 
libellus. 

(4.)  The  Mozarabic  Missa. — St.  Isidore  of 
Seville,  A.D.  610,  enumerates  seven  forms  "  in 
the  order  of  the  mass  or  of  the  prayers  by 
which  the  sacrifices  offered  to  God  are  conse- 
crated" {Dc  Eccl.  Off.  15).  His  account  of  them 
is  copied,  and  therefore  confirmed  by  Etherius 
and  Beatus,  a.d.  783  {De  Adopt.  Christi,  i. ; 
Biblioth.  V.  PP.  xWi.  354;  Colon.  1618),  and  is 
found  to  agree  with  the  Hispano-Gothic  sacra- 
mentary  known  as  the  Mozarabic  Missal.  We 
have  to  observe,  however,  that  Isidore  is  speaking 
only  of  the  Missa  Fidelium,  and  that  he  combines 
prayers  which  we  have  to  consider  separately, 
(a)  There  is  a  variable  prayer  called  the  Oratio, 
founded  on  the  Gloria  in  Excelsis  and  said  after 
it,  coming  therefore  before  the  prophecy.  It 
often  begins  with  praise  and  ends  with  prayer, 
as,  e. ^f.  that  for  Christmas :  "  Hodie  nobis  the- 
saurus natus  est  ...  .  Praesta  nobis,  Domine, 
per  gloriam  nativitatis  tuae  a  malis  propriis 
liberari  "  {Miss.  Moz.  Leslie,  u.  s.  37  ;  comp.  20, 
32,  etc.).  (6)  Referring,  as  we  said,  to  the 
prayers  in  the  Missa  Fidelium  only,  Isidore  says, 


MISSA 

"  The  first  of  them  is  the  prayer  (oratio)  of  ad- 
monition addressed  to  the  people  that  they  may 
be  stirred  up  to  hearty  prayer  to  God  "  (it.  s.). 
This  is  the  address  called  Missa,  mentioned 
above  in  §  V.  It  corresponds  to  the  Galilean 
Praefatio  ;  see  before  (3)  (c).  (c)  "  The  second  is 
of  invocation  to  God,  that  He  will  mercifully 
receive  the  prayers  of  the  faithful  and  their  ob- 
lation "  (Isid.  M.  s.)-  This  prayer  appears  in 
the  Missae  under  the  title  of  Oratio  (Leslie,  9, 
225).  Alia  Oratio  (3,  17,  19,  etc.),  or  simply 
Alia  (11,  14,  21,  etc);  the  second  being  by  far 
the  more  frequent.  The  reference  in  "  alia  "  is 
to  the  Missa.  {d)  "  The  third  is  poured  for  the 
offerers  or  the  faithful  departed,  that  through 
the  said  sacrifice  they  may  obtain  pardon " 
(Isid.).  This  prayer  corresponds  to  the  Galli- 
can  Post  Nomina  and  has  that  title  (Leslie, 
passini).  It  quite  satisfies  the  account  of 
Isidore.  E.g.  one  begins  thus:  "Nominibus 
sanctorum  martyrum,  offerentiumque  fidelium, 
atque  eorum  qui  ab  hoc  saeculo  transierunt  a 
ministris  jam  sacri  ordinis  recensitis  "  (27).  As 
these  are  in  effect  prayers  super  oblata,  it  is 
peculiar  that)  many  of  them  are  addressed  to 
Christ ;  see  pp.  4,  9,  11,  etc.  (e)  "A  fourth  is 
introduced  after  these  with  reference  to  the  kiss 
of  peace,  that  all  being  mutually  reconciled  by 
charity  may  be  associated  together  as  worthy  of 
the  sacrament  of  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ " 
(Isid.).  This  prayer,  like  the  corresponding 
Gallican,  is  headed  "Ad  Pacem."  It  is  often 
addressed  to  the  Son  (Leslie,  9,  1 1, 15,  etc.).  (f) 
"The  illation  in  the  consecration  of  the  obla- 
tion is  introduced  in  the  fifth  place,  in  which 
the  terrestrial  creation  and  all  the  powers  of 
heaven  are  called  forth  to  the  praise  of  God, 
and  Hosanna  in  the  highest  is  sung "  (Isid.). 
This  answers,  as  the  reader  will  see,  to  the  Eng- 
lish preface  and  the  Gallican  immolatio.  It 
begins  always  "  Dignum  et  justum  est  "  (Leslie, 
passim).'  In  the  Mozarabic  Missal  the  title, 
Inlatio  is  never  wanting  or  varied,  (g)  It  is 
followed  by  the  Post  Sanctus,  which  is,  as  in  the 
Gallican,  a  contestation  to  the  Sanctus.  It 
generally  begins  "  Vere  Sanctus,"  very  often  in- 
cluding some  reference  to  the  Hpsanna,  which  is 
sung  by  the  choir  after  the  Sanctus ;  but  some- 
times it  takes  up  the  Hosanna  at  first  hand,  as 
"Osanna  in  escelsis.  Quanta  nobis,  Omnipo- 
tens  Pater,  hoc  sacrificium  reverentia  metuen- 
dum  .  .  .  caelestium  voces  admonent  potesta- 
tum  "  (66);  "  Vere  benedictus  "  (120).  (A)  It 
rarely  opens  without  a  catchword  from  either  ; 
but  see  examples,  pp.  20,  153  ;  where,  however, 
the  prayers  are.  still  founded  on  the  Sanctus. 
This  prayer  is  not  mentioned  by  Isidore,  pro- 
bably because  he  regarded  it  as  a  variable  part 
of  the  prayer  of  consecration  (Adesto,  adesto, 
Jesubone,  etc.),  with  which  the  priest  proceeded 
immediately.  It  is  quite  possible,  however,  that 
it  may  have  been  borrowed  from  the  Goths  of 
Gaul,  after  the  time  of  Isidore,  (i)  The  canon 
ends  with  the  account  of  the  institution.  This 
does  not  begin  with  "  Pridie  "  like  the  Gallican, 
but  thus,  "  Dominus  noster  Jesus  Christus  in 
qua  nocte, "  etc.  (Leslie,  5).  Yet  the  invariable 
title  of  the  prayer  which  follows  it  (the  Post 
Mysterium  or  Post  Secreta  of  Gaul)  is  Post 
Pridie  (Oratio).  This  fact  suggests  that  origi- 
nally the  canon  of  Gothic  Spain  was  the  same  as 
that  of  Gaul.     The  Post  Pridie  is,  in  its  typi- 


MISSA 


119? 


cal  specimens,  a  prayer  for  the  sanctificatioa 
of  the  gifts  by  the  Spirit,  and  it  is  incredible 
that  any  liturgy,  derived  as  this  was  imme- 
diately from  the  East,  should  have  been  without 
a  prayer  deemed  essential  to  the  consecration  in 
all  the  Eastern  churches.  In  the  second  place  this 
prayer  is  clearly  described  by  Isidore,  though 
without  the  name  Post  Pridie,  which  was  pro- 
bably attached  to  it  after  his  time:  "Porro 
sexta  eshinc  succedit  confirmatio  sacramenti, 
ut  oblatio  quae  Deo  offertur  sanctificata  per 
Spiritum  Sanctum  corporis  et  sanguinis  con- 
firmetur  "  (ib.).  (/;)  The  nest  variable  prayer  is 
the  Ad  Orationem  Dominicam,  sometimes  of  con- 
siderable length.  It  leads  up  to  the  Lord's 
Prayer  thus,  "  cum  ....  proclamaverimus  e 
terris.  Pater  "  (6)  ;  "  nos  docuit  orare  semper 
et  docere,  Pater,"  etc.  (10).  It  is  not  noticed 
by  Isidore,  whose  seventh  prayer  is  the  Lord's 
Prayer  itself;  but  here  again  he  may  be  silent 
because  he  thought  that  in  mentioning  the 
prayer,  he  implied  the  preamble,  which  in  his 
day,  we  may  add,  was  probably  much  shorter- 
than  the  existing  forms.  (/)  The  Mozarabic 
embolis  "Liberati  a  malo,  etc."  does  not  vary. 
It  is  followed  by  the  "  conjunction  "  of  the  conse- 
crated elements,  (in)  After  this  a  Benediction  is- 
given,  which  varies  with  the  season.  In  all 
but  two  instances  the  Hispano-Gothic  benedic- 
tion is  divided  into  three  parts,  at  the  end  of 
each  of  which  the  people  respond  Am^n.  After 
the  third  response  the  priest  says  "  Per  miseri- 
cordiam  ipsius  Dei  nostri :  qui  est  benedictus  et 
vivit,"  etc.  This  is  occasionally  varied,  but  on 
no  principle  (see  Notitia  Eiwharistica,  699,  2nd 
ed.).  The  blessing  for  the  Epiphany  is  in  five- 
parts,  apparently  that  it  may  take  in  all  the 
subjects  of  commemoration  on  that  day  (Leslie, 
63).  The  other  exception  (440)  is  in  four.  The- 
mass  (Commune  plurium  Virginum)  is  late,  and 
the  irregularity  seems  to  arise  simply  from  the- 
division  of  one  of  the  original  members  which 
was  unusually  long.  We  hear  of  the  benedic- 
tion in  Spain  from  the  council  of  Toledo,  A.D. 
633  (can.  18)  :  "  Some  priests  communicate  im- 
mediately after  saying  the  Lord's  Prayer,  and 
afterwards  give  the  blessing  in  populo  (sic,  and 
so  Isidore,  u.  s.  c.  17)  ;  which  we  forbid  for  the- 
future ;  but  after  the  Lord's  Prayer  and  the- 
conjunction  of  the  bread  and  cup  let  the  bene- 
diction in  populum  (sic)  follow."  (n)  A  variable 
Post  Communionem  Oratio  (Leslie,  7,  35,  40,  44, 
etc.)  followed  the  reception,  which  is  often, 
like  the  Gallican  Collectio,  an  exhortation  (ib. 
63,  83,  89,  etc.).  This  oratio,  if  used  in  the- 
days  of  St.  Isidore,  would  not  be  in  his  "  Ordo 
Missae;"  for  the  mass  was  supposed  to  be  over 
before  the  communion  ;  but  it  may  be  of  later 
introduction,  for  he  does  not  mention  it  in  his 
account  of  the  later  part  of  the  service. 

For  the  variable  antiphons  in  the  several 
liturgies,  see  Antiphon,  Communio,  Gradual, 
Introit. 

IX.  In  the  Gallican  liturgies  the  prayers 
proper  to  a  saint's  day  are  often  called  the 
"missa"  of  that  saint.  Thus  in  the  Besani,^on 
Sacramentary  we  have  Missa  Sancti  Stefani, 
Missa  S.  Martini  Episcopi,  etc.  (3Tus.  Ital.  i.  292,. 
349,  etc.) ;  in  the  Gothico-Gallican,  Missa  S. 
Johannis  Apostoli  et  Evangelistae,  Missa  Sancti. 
Leudegarii  martyris,  etc.  (Lib.  Gall.  262,  283 
etc.),    and    in   the  Gallicanum  vetus,    Missa  S. 


1200 


MISSA 


Germani  Episcopi  (ib.  329).  From  this  iise  of  ] 
the  word  flowed  another,  the  festival  itself  on 
which  those  praj-ers  were  said  being  often  called 
by  the  name  of  Missa.  Thus  in  the  Eegulae 
Canonicorum  of  Chrodegang,  written  in  757, 
cap.  34,  we  have  Missa  S.  Remedii  (=  Remigii) 
Missa  S.  Martini  (Migne,  89).  A  Decretale  Pre- 
cum  of  779  directs  that  the  services  which  it 
orders  take  place,  Missa  S.  Johannis  (Cap.  Keg. 
Franc,  i.  20  ;  sim.  in  Capit.  iii.  anu,  806,  Car. 
M.  449).  In  the  third  capitulary  of  Charle- 
magne in  803,  a  general  gathering  of  the  vassals 
of  the  empire  is  ordered  to  take  place  "  on  the 
eighth  before  the  calends  of  July,  i.e.  on  the 
mass  of  St.  John  the  Baptist "  {ib.  394).  Sim. 
in  a  law  of  Pepin,  a.d.  793  {ib.  543).  St.  Mar- 
tin's principal  feast  (Nov.  11)  was  formerly 
called  St.  Martin  in  the  winter,  or  in  yeme. 
One  example  to  our  purpose  occurs  in  the  reign 
of  Charlemagne,  viz.  in  his  Capitulary  de  Villis, 
A.D.  800,  in  which  it  is  ordered  that  all  foals 
belonging  to  the  king  shall  be  brought  to  the 
palace  "  on  the  mass  of  St.  Martin  in  the 
winter"  (Missa  S.  Martini  hiemali,  c.  15,  ib. 
334).  This  use  of  missa,  which  became  very 
common  after  the  9th  century,  has  bequeathed 
to  us  such  combinations  as  Christmas,  Martin- 
mas, Candlemas  (missa  luminum),  etc. 

X.  In  this  section  we  propose  to  give  the 
various  kinds  of  missae  (in  the  sense  considered 
in  §  viii.)  that  were  in  use  before  the  9th  century, 
and  to  explain  the  terms  describing  them. 

(1.)  3Iissa  Cardinalis.  This  phrase,  which  is 
understood  to  mean  "  high  mass,"  occurs  in  the 
Mimcula  S.  Bertini,  ii.  7  ;  Acta  Beiied.  saec.  iii. 
(the  8th  century),  i.  132:  "Die  Dominico  hora  qua 
cardinalis  missae  conventus  publice  agebantur." 
(2.)  Missa  Chrismalis.  The  proper  prayers 
used  on  Maundy  Thursday  at  the  mass  at 
which  the  chrism  is  consecrated  are  so  called  in 
the  Gelasian  Sacramentaiy  (Mui-at.  i.  554),  in 
the  ancient  Rheims  use  of  the  Gregorian,  the 
extant  copy  of  which  was  written  in  the  time  of 
Charlemagne  (Martene,  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  IV. 
xxii.  §  3  in  fine,  Missa  Chrismale  {sic)  ),  and  in  the 
Anjou  pontifical  a  little  later  {ibid.  §  8,  n.  4). 

(3.)  Missa  Communis  =  publica  (as  "  common 
prayer  "  with  us)  in  Epist.  Braulionis  Caesaraug. 
A.D.  627  {Vita  S.  Aemiliani  praefixa):  "  Ut 
missa  recitaretur  communis  injunxi"  {Acta 
Bened.  saec.  i.  P.  iii.  206). 

Missa  Communis  also  meant  a  mass  said  for 
several  persons  in  common.  Thus  in  one  under 
that  title  the  priest  prays  "  for  those  for  whom 
he  has  made  up  his  mind  to  pray  "  living  or  dead, 
and  "  for  all  the  faithful,  whose  names  the  book 
of  blessed  predestination  contains  written " 
{Mon.  Liturg.  Alem.,  Gerbert,  i.  270). 

(4.)  Missa  Dccensita.  By  a  charter  dated  in 
the  year  760  a  grant  of  laud  was  made  to  the 
church  at  Brioude,  "  ut  omni  tempore  missae 
ibidem  decensitae  esse  debeant "  (App.  Acta  Vet. 
n.  14;  Cap.  Beg.  Fr.  ii.  1393);  i.e.  as  it  is 
understood,  shall  be  duly  and  properly  per- 
formed. 

(5.)  Missa  pro  Defunctis.  See  Obsequies. 
(6.)  Missa  Dominicans.  This  is  the  title  of 
missae  to  be  used  on  Sunday  (Dies  Dominicus) 
in  the  Galilean  Sacramentaries.  See  the  missae 
75-80  in  Missale  Goth.  {Lit.  Gall.  292-299),  the 
36th  in  Gallicanum  Vetus  {ibid.  375)  and  eight 
mi.ssae  in  the  Besan9on  {Mus.  Ital.  i.  365-383). 


MISSA 

(7.)  Missa  de  Exceptato  is  the  title  of  a  missa 
standing  before  that  for  Christmas  Eve  in  the 
Milanese  Missal  (Pamel.  u.  s.  i.  445).  We  are 
probably  to  understand  with  Pamelius,  that  it 
is  for  exceptional  use  ;  viz.  when  seven  Sundays 
occur  in  Advent,  which  in  the  province  of  Milan 
begins  on  the  iirst  Sunday  after  Martinmas. 
Mabillon,  however  {Lit.  Gall.  99),  reads,  Missa 
de  Expectato,  and  suggests  a  comparison  with 
the  "  Praeparatio  ad  Vesperam  Natalis  Domini  " 
in  the  Miss.  Gall.  Vet.  {ibid.  336) ;  but  the  read- 
ing in  all  the  editions,  including  Mabillon's  own, 
is  not  Praeparatio  but  Praefatio,  and  the  formu- 
lary which  follows  the  above  heading  is  a  "pre- 
face "  in  the  Gallican  sense ;  i.e.  an  address  to  the 
people.  See  Thomasius,  Liber  Sacram.  ii.  441 , 
Murat.  Lit.  Bom.  Vet.  ii.  706  ;  Forbes,  Gall.  Lit. 
158. 

(8.)  Missa  pro  Gratiarum  actione.  There  is 
no  proper  missa  in  the  old  sacramentaries  that 
is,  or  could  be,  so  described  ;  but  the  holy  Eu- 
charist was  celebrated  as  an  act  of  special 
thanksgiving  at  an  early  period.  Thus  in  a 
work  of  the  5th  century  we  read  that  when  a 
woman  had  been  healed  at  the  ordinary  cele- 
bration "  an  oblation  of  thanksgiving  was  again 
made  for  her  "  {De  Prom,  at  Praed.  Dei ;  Dim. 
Temp.  4 ;  inter  opp.  Prosperi).  A  rubric  in  the 
present  Roman  Missal  orders  that  "  for  thanks- 
giving be  said  the  mass  of  the  most  holy  Trinity, 
or  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  or  of  the  blessed  Mary  " 
certain  proper  prayers  (Oratio,  Secreta,  Post- 
communio)  "  being  added  under  the  same  end- 
ing." The  Missa  de  Trinitate  descends  from  an 
early  period,  being  found  in  the  Codex  San- 
Blasianus  of  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  which 
is  of  the  9th  century  (Gerbert,  Mon.  Lit.  Alcm. 
i.  260).  The  Missa  de  Spiritu  Sancto  is  only  an 
adaptation  of  the  Gregorian  missa  for  Whit- 
sunday (Murat.  M.  s.  ii.  90).  We  cannot  con- 
nect them  with  acts  of  thanksgiving  within  our 
period  ;  but  that  a  special  celebration  on  recovery 
of  health  was  then  common  may  be  inferred 
from  a  Narbonne  pontifical,  the  MS.  of  which  is 
not  much  later.  In  this  it  is  said  that  the 
patient  "restored  to  health  by  the  mercy  of 
God  ought  by  no  means  to  omit  causing  a  missa 
pro  gratiarum  actione  to  be  celebrated  "  (Mar- 
tene, u.  s.  i.  vii.  iv.  13). 

(9.)  Missa  Jejunii  is  the  title  of  four  Lenten 
missae  (22-25)  in  the  Missale  Gothico-Galli- 
canum  {Liturg.  Gall.  231,  etc.),  and  of  four  in 
the  Sacramentary  of  Besan(;on  {Mus.  Ital.  i.  304). 
See  after,  Missa  Quadragesimalis. 

(10.)  Missa  Judicii,  the  mass  said  at  an  ordeal. 
The  expression  forms  the  title  of  the  proper 
prayers  used  at  a  trial  by  cold  water,  as  ap- 
pointed by  Dunstan  of  Canterbury  (Baluz,  Cap. 
Reg.  Franc,  ii.  647).  The  missa  consists  of  a 
proper  antiphon,  collect,  three  lessons  (Lev.  xix. 
10-14;  Eph.  iv.  23-28;  St.  Mark  x.  17-21), 
gradual,  oftertory,  secreta,  preface,  benedictio 
ad  judicium,  antiphona  post  communionem,  and 
post-communio.  The  words  of  delivery  common 
(with  variations)  to  this  and  later  forms  of  the 
kind  (see  Martene,  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  iii.  vii.  3, 
5,  8,  9.  17)  are,  "  The  Body  and  Blood  of  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ  be  unto  you  for  probation 
this  day."  Gerbert  {Disquis.  vi.  iii.  3)  gives  in  full 
the  missa  of  an  "  Ordo  ad  faciendum  judicium, 
cum  volueris  homines  judicio  probare,  vel  aquae 
frigidae  vel  ferventis,  aut  igniti  ferri,  vel  vome- 


MISSA 

rum,  aut  panis  et  casei,  vel  mensurae."  Several 
orders,  some  with  missae,  may  be  seen  in  Mar- 
tene,  u.  s. 

A  kindred  practice  among  priests  was  that  of 
celebrating  the  Eucharist  in  attestation  of  their 
own  innocence.  Thus  Gregory  of  Tours  relates 
that  in  order  to  clear  himself  of  a  charge  of 
having  slandered  the  queen,  "dictis  missis  in 
tribus  altaribus  se  de  his  verbis  exueret  Sacra- 
mento "  (^Hist.  Franc,  v.  50).  This  was  probably 
common ;  for  in  868  it  was  enforced  by  the 
Council  of  Worms,  which  ordei-ed  that  bishops 
and  presbyters  accused  of  homicide,  adultery, 
theft,  and  witchcraft  should  "  celebrate  a  mass 
for  each  charge  and  say  the  secret  publicly  and 
communicate  "  (can.  10).  So  late  as  1077  we 
find  Gregory  VII.  using  this  method  to  purge 
himself  from  simony  {Life  by  Bowden,  iii.  12). 
Nor  was  it  confined  to  the  clergy.  The  year 
after  the  Council  of  Worms,  Lothaire  the  king  of 
Lorraine  received  the  mass  from  the  hands  of 
Hadrian  in  attestation  of  his  freedom  from  the 
crime  of  adultery  (Fleury,  ffist.  du  Christ,  li. 
23). 

(11.)  Missa  Legitima  is  amass  celebrated  with 
all  due  requisites.  "  We  must  own  that  to  be 
a  missa  legitima  at  which  are  present  a  priest, 
one  to  respond,  one  who  offers,  and  one  who 
communicates,  as  the  very  composition  of  the 
prayers  clearly  shews  "  (Walafrid,  de  Eeh.  Eccl, 
22).  Compare  the  use  of  the  phrase  "  communio 
legitima."  Penitents  supposed  to  be  dying 
might  be  communicated  without  the  previous 
laying  on  of  hands  by  the  bishop ;  but  if  they 
recovered  after  that,  they  were  to  "  stand  in  the 
order  of  penitents,  that  when  they  had  shown 
the  necessary  fruits  of  repentance,  they  might 
receive  '  legitimam  communionem  '  with  the  re- 
conciliatory  imposition  of  hands  "  (can.  3,  Cone. 
Araus.  A.d.  441  ;  inserted  much  later  in  Cap. 
Beg.  Franc,  i.  138 ;  compare  Isaaci  Lingon. 
Canones,  i.  6). 

(12.)  Missa  Matutina.  The  4th  canon  of  the 
Council  of  Vaison,  held  in  529,  runs  thus  :  "  Ut 
in  omnibus  missis,  sive  matutinis,  sive  quadri- 
gesimalibus  ....  semper  Sanctus,  Sanctus, 
Sancttis  dicatur,"  etc.  The  ground  of  the  dis- 
tinction is  that  in  Lent  the  celebration  took 
place  in  the  afternoon,  whereas  generally  it  was 
at  the  third  hour  (Notitia  Euch.  31-36).  The 
third  Council  of  Orleans,  A.D.  538,  forbids  men 
to  attend  armed  "  sacrificia  matutina  missarum 
sive  vespertina"  (can.  29).  "Evening"  masses 
include  those  of  Wednesday  and  Friday  which, 
except  between  Easter  and  Whitsuntide,  were 
also  in  the  afternoon.  The  Gothico-Gallican 
{Lit.  Gall.  254)  and  Old  Galilean  (ibid.  372) 
missals  have  a  missa  matutinalis  per  totum 
Pascha  pro  parvulis  qui  renati  sunt  (mature  di- 
cenda,  Miss.  Gall.  Vet.).  At  a  later  period  the 
ordinary  daily  mass  said  in  many  monasteries 
after  Prime  in  summer  and  after  Terce  in  winter, 
was  called  missa  matutinalis ;  as  in  the  Consue- 
tudines  S.  Victoris  68,  in  Martene,  u.  s.  iii.  283 ; 
Constit.  8.  Dionys.  Rem.  ibid.  297,  301.  This 
earlier  mass  was  called  missa  minor  in  contrast 
to  the  missa  major  or  conventualis,  which  was 
celebrated  with  greater  ritual  solemnity.  See 
Martene,  dc  Antiq.  Monach.  Bit.  ii.  5. 

(13.)  Missa  Nautica  or  Navalis,  a  Missa  Sicca 
celebrated  at  sea ;  but  see  below  (No.  29). 

(14.)  Missa  Omnimoda  is  the  title  of  a  votive 


MISSA 


1201 


Missa  in  the  Sacramentary  of  Besan(;on,  which 
the  priest  offers  for  himself  (as  expressed  in  the 
praefatio)  for  sinners  by  name  (as  in  the  col- 
lectio),  for  persons  living  and  departed  whose 
names  are  presented  (in  the  post  nomina),  for 
the  sick,  naming  them,  and  generally  for  "all 
stricken  with  fear,  afflicted  by  want,  harassed 
by  ti'ouble,  brought  down  by  diseases,  consigned 
to  punishment,  bound  by  debts,  in  captivity,  and 
journeying "  (in  the  ad  pacem),  these  several 
petitions  being  summed  up  in  the  contestation 
{Mus.  Ital.  i.  359).  A  similar  missa  with  much 
in  common  occurs  in  the  Mozarabic  Missal  under 
the  title  Missa  Votiva  Omnimoda  (Leslie,  441). 
Missa  Omnimoda  is  again  the  name  of  a  late 
mass  of  general  intercession  in  the  St.  Gall 
codex  of  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary,  probably 
written  soon  after  the  death  of  Charlemagne 
(Gerbert,  Mon.  Lit.  Alem.  i.  268). 

(15.)  Missa  Omnium  Offerentium  is  a  name 
given  to  the  invariable  portions  of  the  liturgy 
of  Gothic  Spain.  The  lesser  missal  which  con- 
tains it  is  called  Liber  Omnium  Offerentium. 
The  name  is  appropriate  because  a  considerable 
part  of  the  service  to  which  it  is  applied  is 
assigned  to  the  choir,  the  representative  of  the 
people ;  so  that  all  the  worshippers  have  their 
share  in  it.  Whether  the  title  was  adopted  for 
this  reason  is,  however,  not  certain.  In  any 
case  it  may  have  been  suggested  by  the  occur- 
rence of  the  words  at  the  oblation  of  the  chalice : 
"  Omnium  Offerentium  eorum  pro  quibus  tibi 
offertur,  peccata  indulge"  (Miss.  Mozar.  223). 
The  same  words  occur  together  in  a  Collectio 
post  nomiua  of  Gothic  France  (Miss.  Goth,  in 
Lit.  Gall.  237)  ;  but  neither  there  does  the  con- 
text give  them  any  conventional  significance. 
In  early  times  the  people  were  said  to  offer  even 
in  the  commemoration  of  the  sacrifice  of  the 
cross  after  the  consecration.  Thus  Florus  of 
Lyons,  explaining  the  Unde  et  memores,  etc.,  of 
the  canon,  says,  "  Memores  igitur  Dominicae 
passionis,  resurrectionis  et  ascensionis,  tarn  sacer- 
dotes  quam  plebs  fidelis  offerunt  praeclarae  .  .  . 
majestati  Dei  non  de  suo,  sed  de  ejus  donis  ac 
datis,"  etc.  (De  Expos.  Missae,  64).  This  is 
implied  by  a  synod  held  by  St.  Patrick  and  other 
bishops,  which  order  that  a  bishop  in  the  diocese 
of  another  shall  "  on  the  Lord's  day  offer  only  by 
partaking,"  i.  e.  as  a  layman  (can.  30  ;  Migne, 
63,  col.  826). 

(16.)  3Iissa  Paschalis.  The  missae  provided 
in  the  Gothico-Gallican  Missal  for  four  days  in 
Easter  week,  viz.  from  Tuesday  to  Friday  in- 
clusively (Ztf.  Gall.  254—6),  and  those  to  be  used 
from  Monday  to  Friday  of  the  same  week  in  the 
Old  Galilean  (ibid.  367-371)  are  so  called.  There 
are  also  two  Missae  Paschales  in  the  sacramen- 
tary of  Besan^on  (3fus.  Ital.  i.  330,  2). 

(17.)  Missa  Peculiaris.  A  mass  said  on  any 
private  account,  as  e.  g.  for  the  repose  of  the 
dead,  was  so  called  in  the  8th  century.  Theodulf 
of  Orleans,  a.d.  797,  orders  that  "  Missae  Pecu- 
liares  performed  by  priests  on  Sundays  be  not  so 
publicly  performed  as  to  draw  the  people  from 
the  public  celebrations  of  masses,  which  take 
place  canouically  on  the  third  hour  "  (Capit.  c. 
45;  Labbe,  Cone.  vii.  1147). 

(18.)  Missa  Pontificalis,  a  mass  celebrated  by 
a  bishop.  We  are  not  aware  that  the  phrase  occurs 
within  our  range  of  time.  The  Ordo  Bomanus 
/.,  supposed  to  have  been  comjiiled  about  730, 


1202 


MISSA 


which  gives  directions  for  an  episcopal  mass,  is 
inscribed  in  its  earliest  extant  copy,  which  is  of 
the  10th  century,  Ordo  Ecclesiastici  Ministerii 
Romanae  Ecclesiae.  A  later  copy  has  Incipit 
Ordo  Ecclesiasticus  Romanae  ecclesiae,  qualiter 
Missa  Pontificalis  celebretur  (Mus.  Ital.  ii.  2,  3). 
(19.)  Missa   Praesanctificatorum.      See   Pee- 

SANCTIFIED,  MASS  OF  THE. 

(20.)  Missa  Privata  is  used  in  two  senses.  It 
either  means  (1)  "  A  mass  celebrated  in  private 
and  on  a  special  account  without  singing,  and 
but  one  clerk  ministering,  whether  it  be  in  a 
church  or  private  oratory  "  (Merati  in  Gavanti, 
p.  i.  in  Rvhr.  Gen.  Ohs.  Praclim.  §  46),  in  which 
case  it  is  distinguished  from  a  solemn  mass  ;  or 
(2)  "  A  mass  in  which  the  priest  alone  commu- 
nicates "  (ihid.),  in  which  case  it  is  opposed  to  a 
public  mass.  A  daily  mass  celebrated  out  of 
devotion  in  the  earlier  ages  would  come  under 
the  former  head.  An  example  (in  Cassias  bishop 
of  Narni)  is  mentioned  by  Gregory  I.  (^Dial.  iv. 
56).  In  neither  sense  does  the  phrase  appear  to 
have  been  in  use  during  our  period.  See  Missa 
Solitaria. 

(21.)  Missa  Publica  is  a  celebration  at  which 
all  may  be  present  and  communicate.  The  ex- 
•pression  is  frequent  in  the  epistles  of  Gregory  I. 
Thus  he  "  forbids  that  Public  ilaises  should  on 
any  account  be  celebrated  "  in  a  (certain)  monas- 
tery by  the  bishop  of  the  diocese,  that  the  re- 
tirement of  the  monks  might  not  be  invaded  by 
the  concourse  of  people  from  without  (iv.  43), 
and  severely  condemns  another  bishop  for  having 
placed  his  throne  in  a  monastic  church  and  cele- 
brated "  Public  Masses  "  there  (v.  46).  He  orders 
an  oratory  to  be  "  solemnly  consecrated  without 
Public  Masses  "  (vii.  72),  and  speaks  in  reproba- 
tion of  a  bishop  who  had  "  built  an  oratory  in 
the  diocese  of  another  .  .  .  and  did  not  fear  to 
celebrate  Public  Masses  there"  (xi.  21).  Another 
example  from  a  law  of  Charlemagne  in  803  will 
sutBce.  Among  other  restrictions  laid  on  the 
chorepiscopi  he  forbade  them  to  "  give  the  bene- 
diction to  the  people  in  Publica  Missi  "  (^Cap. 
Peg.  Fr.  i.  382). 

(22.)  Missa  Quadragesimalis,  a  missa  to  be  used 
in  Lent.  See  above,  Missa  Matutina,  and  Missa 
Jejunii.  A  lenten  missa  in  the  Besan9on  Sacra- 
mentary  bears  the  title  Missa  Quadragesimalis 
{Mus.  Ital.  i.  302).  One  of  those  in  the  Gothico- 
Gallican  Missal  is  headed  Missa  in  Quadra- 
gesima {Lit.  Gall.  p.  234).  In  the  last-named 
missal  there  are  in  all  only  six  proper  missae 
provided  for  Lent.  The  Gallicanum  Vetus  is 
defective  from  Christmas  to  the  great  scrutinium 
and  exhibits  none  {ibid.  338).  There  are  but 
five  in  the  Besan^on  rite.  On  the  other  hand 
the  Gelasian  and  Gregorian  give  a  missa  for 
every  day  in  the  season,  and  the  Mozarabic  one 
for  every  Sunday,  Wednesday,  and  Friday.  The 
Roman  missae  for  the  week-days  in  Lent  are 
supposed  to  have  been  chiefly  borrowed  fi-om 
those  of  Milan  (Pamel.  Bituale,  i.  328).  The 
latter  is  peculiar  in  having  none  for  the  Fridays 
(Martene,  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Pit.  iv.  xviii.  21  ;  Ger- 
bert,  Mon.  Lit.  Al.  i.  42). 

(23.)  Missa  Quotidiana  appears  to  be  a  missa 
that  may  be  used  on  any  day  that  has  no  proper 
prayers  provided  for  it.  There  is  an  example 
(Missa  Cottidiana)  in  the  Besan(;on  Sacramentary 
{AIus.  It.  i.  382).  Compare  Legendis  Cottidianis 
(379),  Lectiones  Cottidianas  (338,  381),  Lectiones 


MISSA 

Cottidianae  (382,  3),  which  are  the  headings  to 
lessons  for  similar  use.  Again,  we  have  Lectio 
libri  Daniliel  Prophetae  in  Cottidiana  (sc.  Missa) 
legenda  (278).  Two  missae  in  the  same  book 
have  the  incoherent  title  of  Missa  Cottidiana 
Dominicalis  (380,  3),  i.  e.  a  missa  that  may  be 
used  on  any  Sunday  that  has  not  its  proper 
missa.  In  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  is  Missa 
Quotidiana  pro  Rege,  i.  e.  that  might  be  said 
whenever  the  priest  chose  (Murat.  Lit.  Pom. 
Vet.  ii.  188).    See  further  under  Missa  Pomensis. 

(24.)  3fissa  Pewcata.  See  Missam  revocare  in 
§  XI.  No.  (9). 

(25.)  Missa  Pomensis,  i.  e.  borrowed  from  the 
Roman  books.  The  old  Gallican  canon  was  verv 
short,  being  nothing  more  than  the  recital  of  the 
institution,  which  was  added  to  the  variable 
CoUectio  post  Sanctus.  The  first  words  of  it 
(Ipse  enim  pridie  quam,  etc.)  are  frequently  so 
added  in  the  Gothico-Gallican  Missal  {Lit.  Gall. 
189,  192,  5,  etc.).  The  Besan^on  Sacramentary, 
however,  had  adopted  the  long  Roman  canon, 
which  it  put  after  the  contestatio  (see  Preface), 
omitting  the  post  Sanctus.  It  occurs  thus  in 
the  first  missa  in  the  book,  and  that  missa  bears 
the  title,  Missa  Romensis  Cottidiana  {Mus.  It. 
279).  As  the  missa  retains  most  of  its  Gallican 
forms  under  their  usual  names  (post  nomina,  al 
pacem,  etc.),  the  word  "  Romensis  "  must  refer 
to  the  canon  almost  entirely,  and  therefore 
"Cottidiana"  here  indicates  the  daily  use  of 
that.  The  last  missa  in  the  Gothico-Gallican 
Missal  has  the  similar  heading,  Missa  Cottidiana 
Romensis  {Lit.  Gall.  300);  but  after  the  first 
collect  the  MS.  fails  us.  That  collect,  however, 
being  identical  with  one  in  the  Besan^on  missa 
helps  the  conclusion  that  the  Roman  canon  fol- 
lowed in  that  book  also,  and  that  the  Goths 
in  Gaul,  though  retaining  throughout  their 
liturgy  their  own  mode  of  consecration,  yet  per- 
mitted an  optional  use  of  the  Roman. 

(26.)  Missa  de  Sanctis.  At  a  very  early  period 
it  became  the  custom  to  observe  the  anniversary 
of  a  martyr's  death.  On  such  occasions  the 
Eucharist  was  celebrated,  partly  as  an  act  of 
intercession  for  the  soul  of  the  deceased,  and 
partly  as  a  thankful  commemoration  of  the 
triumph  of  truth  and  grace  in  his  death.  Soon 
the  rite  was  observed  in  the  case  of  other  eminent 
Christians,  and  ere  long,  the  original  ground  of 
it  becoming  obscured,  the  celebration  was  sup- 
posed to  be  in  honour  of  the  person  (in  honorem 
ipsorum, — in  ejus  honore ;  Greg.  Tur.  Mirac.  i. 
47,  75).  The  story  of  Polycarp  (a.d.  147)  gives 
us  the  earliest  example  of  such  commemoration  : 
"  We  deposited  his  remains  where  it  was  fitting, 
where  gathered  together  as  opportunity  serves 
with  joy  and  gladness  the  Lord  will  grant  unto 
us  to  celebrate  the  natal  day  of  his  martyrdom, 
both  in  memory  of  those  who  have  fought  the 
good  fight  (for  twelve  sutfered  with  him),  and 
for  the  training  and  preparation  of  those  who 
will  be  called  to  it "  (Eccl.  Smyrn.  Epist.  18). 
Tertullian,  A.D.  192:  "We  make  oblations  for 
the  departed  on  one  day  in  the  year,  for  birthday 
gifts  "  {De  Cor.  3).  Cyprian  in  250  orders  his 
clergy  to  inform  him  of  the  days  on  whjch  any 
were  put  to  death,  "  that  he  might  be'able  to 
celebrate  their  commemorations  among  the  Me- 
morials of  the  Martyrs  .  .  .  that  oblations  and 
saci'ifices  in  commemoration  of  them  might  be 
celebrated  "  where  he  was  {Epist.  12  adPreshyt.). 


MISSA 

-Again  :  "  As  ye  remember,  we  never  f;iil  to  offer 
sacrifices  for  them  as  often  as  we  celebrate  the 
passions  and  days  of  the  martyrs  by  an  annvial 
commemoration"  (^Ep.  39  ad  Presbyt.).  Sixty- 
two  sermons  ascribed  with  confidence  to  St. 
Augustine,  who  died  in  430,  were  preached 
on  martyrs'  days  (^Class.  iii.  ed.  Ben.).  In  the 
course  of  time  proper  Missae  were  written  for 
these  occasions,  such  as  are  now  known  under 
the  name  of  Missae  de  Sanctis. 

The  titles  of  such  missae  in  the  ancient  sacra- 
xnentaries  are  variously  constructed.  In  the  Mis- 
sale  Gothicum  we  have,  e.g.  Missa  in  Natale  Agnes 
.{sic)  Virginis  et  Martyris  (Lit.  Gall.  215),  Missa 
S.  Saturnini,  Episcopi  et  Martyris  (^ibid.  219), 
Missa  de  pluris  Martyris  (sic)  (287),  etc. ;  in  the 
Besan9on  Sacramentary,  Missa  Sancti  Stefani 
{Mtis.  It.  3,  i.  292),  Missa  in  Sanctorum  Infantum 
,(293),  Missa  de  uno  Confessore  (347),  etc.  In 
the  Milanese  Missal  all  run  thus,  In  Festo  S. 
Thomae  (Pamel.  i.  444),  etc. ;  in  that  of  Gothic 
Spain  thus.  In  Natale  SS.  Innoceutium  (Leslie, 
48),  or  In  Sancti  Stephani  Levite  et  Martyris 
.(41),  or  In  Festo  Sancti  Luciani  Presbyteri  et 
Martyris  (289).  The  Roman  sacramentaries  use 
commonly  the  word  Natale,  as  Natale  Sancti 
Andreae  Apostoli  (^Sacr.  Leon.  Murat.  i.  464),  In 
Natali  Sancti  Johannis  Evangelistae  (474),  In 
Natal.  Innocent.  (Gelas.  ibid.  499),  but  In  Nativi- 
tate  Sanctae  Euphimiae  (643).  The  Gregorian 
has  Natale  Sanctae  Priscae  (ii.  19),  and  so  gene- 
rally ;  but  (of  a  preface).  Item  alia  Specialis  in 
Festivitate  S.  Cypriani  (335). 

Some  of  the  Missae  de  Sanctis  retained  their 
original  intercessory  character  for  a  long  time. 
Jn  the  Leonian  Sacramentary  there  is  one  headed 
"  Sancti  Silvestri,"  in  which  are  prayers  both 
for  bim  (dec.  A.d.  336)  and  Simplicius  (dec.  483) ; 
-for  the  former  in  separate  prayers,  that  "  he  may 
rejoice  for  ever  in  the  society  of  the  saints  "  of 
God,  and  that  "  endless  beatitude  may  glorify 
him  "  (Murat.  i.  454)  ;  for  the  latter,  that  "  his 
soul  being  freed  from  ail  things  which  from  the 
nature  of  man  it  hath  brought  on  it,  may  have 
its  portion  in  the  lot  of  holy  pastors  "  {ibid.). 
This  Missa  is  not  found  in  the  Gelasian  or  Gre- 
gorian books.  Another  instance  is  the  Gregorian 
Super  Oblata  in  the  missae  of  St.  Leo  and  St. 
Gregory :  "  Vouchsafe  to  us,  0  Lord,  that  the 
.{Greg,  this)  oblation  by  the  immolation  of  which 
Thou  hast  granted  that  the  sins  of  the  whole 
world  should  be  forgiven  may  profit  the  soul  of 
Thy  servant  Leo  (Gregory)"  (ibid.  ii.  25,  101). 
An  archbishop  of  Lyons  observing  that  the  last 
•clause  had  been  altered  into,  "  may  profit  us 
through  the  intercession  of  the  blessed  Leo  (Gre- 
gory)," wrote  to  Innocent  III.,  a.d.  1198,  for  an 
.explanation.  The  pope  justified  the  change  by 
quoting  as  Scripture  a  sentiment  of  St.  Augustine 
{Serm.  159,  c.  1,  and  Tract.  84  in  S.  Johan.  xv.): 
"  Since  the  authority  of  Sacred  Writ  says  that 
*  he  who  prays  for  a  martyr  wrongs  a  martyr,' 
the  same  should  by  parity  of  reason  be  thou2;ht 
of  the  other  saints  ''  (Deer.  Const,  iii.  130).  the 
earlier  and  the  mediaeval  grounds  are  combined 
in  a  passage  of  Gregory  of  Tours,  who  tells  us 
that  persons  stricken  with  ague  who  "  devoutly 
celebrated  masses  in  honour  of  St.  Sigismund 
.and  offered  the  oblation  to  God  for  his  repose  " 
were  immediately  healed  (Mirac.  i.  75). 

(27.)  Missa  pro  Scrutinio.     Those  masses  were 
€0  called  which  were  said  on  the  3rd,  4th,  5th, 

CHBIST.   ANT.— VOL.   II. 


MISSA 


1203 


and  6th  Sundays  in  Lent  on  behalf  of  the  cate- 
chumens preparing  for  baptism  on  Easter  Eye. 
"  Scrutinium,"  says  Amalarius,  "  proprium  syn- 
tagma habet  et  propriam  missam  "  (De  Eccles. 
Ojf.  i.  8).  Four  Missae  pro  scrutiniis  electorum 
are  assigned,  one  to  eacli  of  the  Sundays  above- 
named,  in  the  Gelasian  Sacramentary  (Murat.  i. 
521,  5,  9,  533).  The  Galilean  church  had  only 
one  such  Missa,  which  was  said  on  Palm  Sunday, 
until  Charlemagne  ordered  the  observance  of  the 
Koman  system  of  scrutinia  (Capit.  Reg.  Franc. 
v.  372).  It  is  called  Missa  in  Symboli  Traditione 
(Mus.  It.  i.  314  ;  Lit.  Gall.  235,  346).  At  Milan 
the  creed  was  delivered  to  the  competentes  on 
the  day  before  Palm  Sunday  (Sabbato  in  Tradi- 
tione Symboli)  and  a  similar  mass  said  (Pamel. 
i.  336). 

(28.)  Missa  Secunda.  Anastasius  Bibliothecarius 
(Vit.  Pont.  R.  69)  states  that  Deusdedit  of  Rome, 
614,  "  instituted  a  Second  Mass  in  c/ero ; "  i.e. 
among  monks  (see  Clerus  and  above  Missa 
Matutina).  A  second  public  celebration  had 
long  been  the  custom  when  a  church  open  to  all 
could  not  contain  at  one  time  all  who  desired  to 
communicate.  Leo,  A.D.  440,  says  that  this  was 
the  practice  at  Rome,  and  begs  the  pope  of 
Alexandria  to  sanction  it  in  his  patriarchate, 
"  that  their  observance  might  in  all  things  ac- 
cord" (Ep.  11  ad  Diosc.  2). 

(29.)  Missa  Sicca.  Dry  Masses  are  not  heard 
of  before  the  13th  century.  We  refer  to  them 
here  because,  owing  to  an  oversight  in  regard  to 
the  pontifical  of  Prudentius  of  Troye,  they  have 
been  put  by  some  four  hundred  years  earlier. 
See  Notitia  Eucharistica,  816  n.  ed.  2. 

(30.)  Missa  Singularis.  A  special  Mass  on 
behalf  of  one  person.  The  phrase  occurs  in  the 
life  of  Wilfrid  of  York  by  Heddius,  a.d.  720  : 
"  Omni  die  pro  eo  Missam  Singularem  celebrare  " 
(cap.  62  in  Gale,  Script,  xv. ;  i.  78).  In  the  Moz- 
arabic  Missal  (Leslie,  446)  is  a  Missa  Votiva 
Singularis,  in  every  prayer  of  which  the  name 
of  the  person  (everywhere  supposed  to  be  one)  is 
to  be  inserted. 

(31.)  Missa  Solitaria.  We  do  not  find  the 
expression  in  use  before  the  Middle  Ages,  but  by 
the  beginning  of  the  9th  century  priests  had 
certainly  begun  to  celebrate  without  attendants. 
This  is  forbidden  by  the  council  of  Mentz,  813  : 
"  No  presbyter,  as  it  seems  to  us,  can  sing  masses 
alone  rightly,  for  how  will  he  say.  The  Lord  be 
with  you.  .  .  when  there  is  no  one  with  him  ?  " 
(can.  43).  The  council  of  Paris,  829  :  "  A  repre- 
hensible practice  and  worthy  of  meet  correction 
has,  partly  through  neglect,  partly  through 
avarice,  crept  in  in  most  places ;  viz.  that  some 
of  the  presbyters  celebrate  the  solemn  rites  of 
masses  without  ministers  "  (i.  can.  48).  Comp. 
Cap.  Reg.  Fr.  v.  159  ;  Add.  ii.  9 ;  Herard,  cap.  i.  9. 

(32.)  Missa  Specialis,  a  private  mass  in  the 
more  ancient  sense,  i.e.  for  a  special  object.  Thus 
in  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary,  a  missa  to  be 
used  when  a  priest  says  a  mass  for  the  forgiveness 
of  his  own  sins  is  entitled  Missa  Specialis  Saccr- 
dotis  (Murat.  ii.  190;  compare  two  \yith  the 
same  heading  among  those  ascribed  to  Grimoldus, 
Pamel.  ii.  428).  "Special,"of  a  preface,  mentioned 
above  in  (26),  means  that  it  commemorates  St. 
Cyprian  alone,  and  not  Cornelius  also,  as  anethor 
does,  their  feasts  falling  on  the  same  day.  The 
expression  occurs  also  in  an  epistle  of  Ch.Tle- 
magne  to  Fastrada.     "Et  sacerdos  unusquisque 


1204 


MISSA 


Missam  Specialem  fecisset,  nisi  infirmitas  impe- 
disset  "  {Ep.  de  Vict.  Avar,  in  Hist.  Franc.  Script. 
187,  or  Capit.  Reg.  Fr.  i.  257).  He  is  speaking  of 
the  litanies  and  other  services  prescribed  for  a 
public  fast. 

(33.)  Missa  in  SymboU  traditione.  See  Missa 
■pro  Scrutinio. 

(34.)  Missa  de  Tempore  ;  i.e.  adapted  to  some 
sacred  day  or  season  of  the  Christian  year.  Such 
masses  are  in  all  the  ancient  missals,  though  the 
phrase  is  late.  The  Gregorian,  Milanese,  and 
Mozarabic  provide  missae  for  every  Suaday  in 
the  year,  as  well  as  for  the  great  days  of  Christ- 
mas, Epiphany,  Ash  Wednesday,  Good  Friday, 
Easter,  etc.  In  some  cases  also  for  the  feriae 
connected  with  them.  The  Galilean  rites  having 
been  suppressed  by  Pepin  and  Charlemagne 
towards  the  close  of  the  8th  century  (Lebrun, 
Dissert,  iv.  art.  i.)  are  less  methodised  and  full, 
but  they  are  framed  on  the  same  principle. 

(35.)  Missa  Vespertina.  See  above  under  Missa 
Matutina. 

(36.)  Missa  Votiva.  By  this  is  now  meant  any 
mass  not  of  the  day,  even  though  prescribed,  as, 
e.g.  the  masses  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  on  the  first 
two  Saturdays  in  Advent  (Merati  in  Gavanti,  P.  i. 
Rvhr.  Gen.  Obs.  Prael.  66).  Originally,  however, 
it  meant  a  celebration  at  which  some  special 
blessing,  temporal  or  spiritual,  was  sought, 
whether  for  the  celebrant  or  others.  This  is 
the  character  of  two  Missae  Votivae  (omnimoda, 
singularis)  already  cited  from  the  Mozarabic 
Missal  (see  (14)  and  (30)).  Other  examples, 
though  not  so  inscribed,  occur  in  the  same  book ; 
as  Missa  de  Itinerantibus,  de  Tribulationibus, 
pro  alio  Sacerdote  fratre  suo  vivo,  de  uno  Infirmo, 
pro  Infirmis  (pp.  447-454).  The  Besan^on  Missal 
has  four  headed  "  Missa  Votiva  "  for  blessings  on 
a  single  person  to  be  named  in  the  office  (^Mus. 
Ital.  360-2)  ;  and  two  others,  one  of  which,  pro 
Vivis  et  Defunctis  (363),  speaks  of  brothers, 
sisters,  and  benefactors.  In  the  other,  entitled 
Missa  in  domo  cujuslibet  (364),  the  names  of  the 
family  are  to  be  introduced.  There  are  no  missae 
of  the  kind  in  the  other  Galilean  missals  with 
the  exception  of  one  entitled  Orationes  et  Prec. 
pro  Regibus  in  that  of  the  Franks  (^Lit.  Gall. 
316).  If  we  except  some  masses  for  the  dead, 
there  are  no  Missae  Votivae  in  the  Ambrosian 
Liturgy,  nor  does  the  phrase  appear  in  it.  The 
collections  under  the  names  of  Grimoldus  (Pamel. 
ii.  388)  and  Alcuin  {ihid.  517)  contain  votive 
missae,  but  they  are  not  so  described.  This  is 
the  case  also  with  the  Leonian  (Murat.  i.  434, 
etc.)  and  Gelasian  (ji)i"(i.  725,  etc.)  Sacramentaries. 
In  the  ancient  copy  of  the  Gregorian  printed  by 
Pamelius  (tom.  ii.)  we  find  neither  the  name  nor 
thing ;  but  both  in  those  printed  by  Muratori 
(ii.  193,  etc.),  Gerbert  {Mon.  Vet.  Lit.  Alem.  279 
etc.),  the  editors  of  the  works  of  Gregory  pub- 
lished in  1615  (tom.  v.  221,  etc.)  and  others. 

We  find  an  early  instance  of  a  votive  celebration 
of  the  Eucharist  in  St.  Augustine.  His  presbyters 
were  requested  to  send  one  of  their  number  to 
pray  in  a  haunted  house.  "  One  went,  offered 
there  the  sacrifice  of  Christ's  body,  praying  to 
His  power  ibr  the  cessation  of  that  trouble. 
Through  the  mercy  of  God  it  forthwith  ceased  " 
{De  Civ.  Dei,  xxii.  8,  6). 

XI.  The  Eucharist  had  acquired  the  name  of 
missa  a  long  time  before  any  one  phrase  (such  as 
missam  celebrare,  aiidire)  was  generally  accepted 


MISSA 

to  denote  the  celebration  of  the  sacrament  or 
lay  attendance  at  it.  The  following  list  is 
thought  to  contain  all  in  use  within  our  limit  of 
time. 

(1.)  Missam  agere,  peragere.  The  Gelasian 
Sacramentary :  "  Si  fuerit  oblata,  agendae  sunt 
missae,  et  communicet  "  (Murat.  i.  596).  Sim. 
in  two  edicts  of  Hunneric  the  Vandal,  A.D.  484 : 
"  In  ecclesiis  vestris  missas  agere"  (Hist.  Perscc. 
Yand.  Vict.  Vit.  ii.  2),  "  Reperti  sunt  contra 
interdictum  missas  in  sortibus  Vandalorum 
egisse  "  (ibid,  in  c.  xiii.).  We  find  also  missam 
peragere  ;  e.g.  Ordo  Bom.  I.,  after  prescribing 
the  consecration  of  the  oil  for  the  sick  before 
the  end  of  the  canon,  adds,  "  et  deinceps  per- 
agitur  missa  ordine  suo "  (c.  30 ;  Mus.  It.  ii. 
20). 

(2.)  Missam  audire.  We  have  not  noticed  this, 
afterwards  common,  phrase  in  the  writers  of  the 
first  eight  centuries.  It  occurs,  however,  early 
in  the  9th  ;  viz.  in  the  19th  canon  of  the  council 
of  Chalons-sur-Saone,  813:  "Let  families  give 
their  tithes  in  the  place  in  which  their  children 
are  baptized,  and  where  they  hear  masses  through 
the  whole  course  of  the  year."  The  council  of 
Paris,  829  :  "  Satins  igitur  est  illis  missam  non 
audire,  quam  earn  ubi  non  licet  nee  oportet 
audire  "  (i.  47).  It  is  instructive  to  observe 
that  when  Gratian,  A.D.  1131,  professes  to  give 
the  47th  canon  of  Agde  (a.d.  506),  for  "Missas 
a  saecularibus  totas  teneri. . .  .praecipimus,"  he 
substitutes  "Missas. . .  saecularibus  totas  audire 
. . .  .praecipimus"  {De  Consecr.  i.  64). 

(3.)  Missam  cantare,  decantare.  Bede  says  of 
Ceolfrid  that  from  the  day  he  left  his  monastery 
to  go  to  Rome  to  the  day  of  his  death  "  quotidie 
missa  cantata  salutaris  hostiae  Deo  munus 
oSeret"  {Hist.  Abbat.  Wirem.  §  16,  sim.  §  13). 
In  803  a  petition  was  presented  by  the  people  to 
Charlemagne,  praying  that  when  the  king  and 
his  lay  subjects  went  against  the  enemy  the 
bishops  might  stay  at  home  and  attend  to  their 
proper  duties,  among  which  are  mentioned 
"Missas  cantare  et  letanias  atque  eleemosynas 
facere  "  {Capit.   Reg.  Franc,  i.  405 ;    sim.  470, 

5,  730,  etc.).  The  council  of  Mentz,  813: 
"  NuUus  presbyter,  ut  nobis  videtur,  solus  mis- 
sam cantare  valet  recte  "  (can.  43).  We  must 
suppose  that  originally  the  use  of  the  word  can- 
tare  implied  that  the  mass  was  sung  or  chanted. 
That  this  meaning  was  lost  sight  of  in  the  9th 
century  is  evident  from  the  language  of  Ama- 
larius  and  others  respecting  the  canon :  "  In  eo 
videlicet  quod  ista  oratio  specialiter  ad  sacerdo- 
tem  pertinet. . .  .secreto  earn  decantat  "  (Amal. 
Eijloga,  21).  Remigius  of  Auxerre  :  "  Consue- 
tudo  venit  in  Ecclesia,  ut  tacite  ista  obsecratio 
atque  consecratio  cantetur  "  (in  the  chapter  De 
Celebr.  Miss,  of  Pseudo-Alcuin,  Hittorp.  284). 

(4.)  Missam  celebrare.  This  is  in  very  com- 
mon use  from  the  6th  century  downwards,  and 
sometimes  even  of  the  laity ;  as  of  the  sick 
seeking  to  be  healed,  "Si. .  .missas  devote  cele- 
brant "  (Greg.  Tur.  Mirac.  i.  75)  ;  even  of  a 
woman,  "  Celebrans  quotidie  missarum  solem- 
nia  "  {De  Glor.  Confess.  65).  The  Capitulary  of 
Aix,  789:  "Auditum  est  aliquos  presbyteros 
missam  celebrare,  et  non  communicare  "  (c.  6, 
Labbe,  vii.  970).  Theodulf  of  Orleans,  A.D. 
797  :    "  Missam  sacerdote  celebrante"  (Capit.  i. 

6,  ibid.  1138),  "  Sacerdos  missam  solus  nequid- 
quam  celebret "  {ibid.  c.    7).     See   C'cyji^.   Reg 


MISSA 

Franc,  i.  409,  417,  956,  1206.  "  Missarum 
mysteria,  solemnia,  celebrare  "  are  also  frequent, 
as  Greg.  Tur.  Mirac.  i.  90,  87. 

(5.)  Missam  consccrare.  Gregory  of  Tours: 
"  Ejus  elerici  concinaat  qui  consecrat  missas " 
(  Vitae  Patr.  5). 

(6.)  Missam  dicere.  Dictis  missis  (^Hist.  Franc. 
iy.  20  ;  Mirac.  i.  34,  90).  The  council  of  Macon 
581 :  "  Ut  archiepiscopus  sine  pallio  missas  dicere 
non  praesumat "  (can.  6). 

(7.)  Missam  facere.  St.  Ambrose :  "  Missam 
facere  coepi"  [Epist.  xx.  4);  the  council  of  Toledo, 
646 :  "  Missas  facere  "  (can.  2),  "  faciendi  mis- 
sam "  (3)  ;  Ordo  Rom.  I. :  "  Quando  (presbyter)  in 
statione  facit  missas  "  (c.  22;  Mus.  Ital.  ii.  17); 
Charlemagne  in  303  :  "  Ipsi  pro  nobis  et  cuncto 
exercitu  nostro  missas,  letanias,  oblationes, 
eleemosynas  faciant "  (jCapit.  Beg.  Fr.  i.  405  ; 
sim.  in  Epist.  ad  Fastradatn,  ibid.  257). 

(8.)  Missam  peragere.     See  Missam  agere. 

(9.)  Missam  recitare.  "  Ut  missa  recitaretur 
communis  injunxi  dilecto  filio  meo"  (Braulio, 
A.D.  627,  in  £p.  Vitae  S.  Aemiliani  praef.  Acta 
Bened.  saec.  i.  iii.  206). 

(10.)  Missam  revocare  meant  to  celebrate  a 
mass,  but  the  ground  of  the  usage  is  obscure  and 
doubtful.  Mabillon  thinks  that  there  is  in  the 
expression  an  allusion  per  antiphrasim  to  the 
original  sense  of  missa,  "  the  people  having  been 
dismissed  before  are  again  called  back  to  the 
sacrifice  "  {Lit.  Gall.  57).  But  from  what  have 
they  been  dismissed  ?  It  is  used  when  no  pre- 
vious service  is  implied  as  by  Gregory  of  Tours, 
who  says  of  a  queen  of  the  Franks  that,  after 
passing  a  night  watching,  she  in  the  morning 
"  missas  expetiit  revocari  "  '  (Ilirac.  S.  Mart.  i. 
12).  He  relates  also  of  his  own  mother,  that, 
being  warned  by  a  vision  that  an  epidemic 
would  attack  her  house,  she  heard  a  voice  at 
the  same  time  saying,  "  Vade  et  vigila  totam 
noctem  in  honore  (S.  Benigni)  et  revoca  missas  " 
{Mirac.  i.  51).  Similarly  Venantius  Fortunatus : 
*'  Vigiliis  in  honore  Sancti  celebratis,  ac  missd 
revocatd,  de  praesenti  curata  est  "  {Vita  S.  Ger- 
mani,  60 ;  Migne,  88,  col.  472) ;  and  again  of 
queen  Radeguud:  "  Missi  revocata. ..  .sacrum 
componit  altare  "  {Vita,  14  ;  u.  s.  col.  503).  It 
will  be  observed  that  in  all  these  cases  a  special 
mass  performed  at  request  is  implied,  for  which 
without  doubt  the  person  mentioned  supplied 
the  materials  directly  or  indirectly.  In  the  first 
instance  it  is  said  that  the  queen  "  offered  many 
gifts."  The  original  notion  is,  therefore,  pro- 
bably, to  supply  or  furnish  a  mass  ;  for  "  revo- 
care "  often  =  "  reddere."  Thus,  "  Eulogias 
rcvocans  Domino  rerum "  ( Vita  Frontonii  in 
Eosweyd,  240);  and  (completely  to  our  pur- 
pose) St.  Aridius  in  his  will  directs  that  several 
persons  benefited  by  it,  "  singulis  mensibus 
eulogias  vicissim  ad  missas  nostras  revocent  " 
(ad  calc.  0pp.  S.  Greg.  Tur.  1312).  "  Missam  re- 
vocare "  means,  therefore,  we  conceive,  to  cause  a 
mass  to  be  celebrated,  supplying  the  means. 
The  same  Aridius,  ordering  matins  and  a  mass 
to  be  maintained  by  his  monks  for  ever,  expresses 


MISSAL 


1205 


a  This  alone  would  disprove  an  earlier  conjecture  of 
Mabillon,  that  "  missam  revocare  "  means  to  celebrate  a 
recurring  festival  (see  above.  No.  IX.).  AVhen  he  off.red 
this  (in  note  to  Fortunatus,  Vita  Germani,  c.  60)  he 
thought  that  the  phrase  was  "  peculiar  to  Fortunatus." 
The  suggestion  is  reprinted  by  Migne,  without  comment, 
though  withdrawn  by  Mubilloo  'n  Lit.  Uall.  57 


himself  thus:  "  Ut maturius   matutina   et 

missa  sanctorum  domnonim  a  monachis  ibidem 
revocetur  "  {ibid.  1314). 

(11.)  Missam  spectare.  The  Council  of  Or- 
leans, 538  :  "  Sacrificia  matutina  missarum  sive 
vespertina  ne  quis  cum  armis  pertinentibus  ad 
bellorum  usum  spectet "  (can.  29).  Gregory  of 
Tours :  "  Rex  ecclesiam  ad  spectanda  missarum 
solemnia  petit"  {Hist.  Franc,  viii.  7);  "Ad 
basilicam. .  .properavit,  quasi  spectatura  mis- 
sas "  {ibid.  ix.  9  ;  see  also  x.  8,  and  S.  Mart.  Mir. 
iii.  19).  This  phrase  was  so  familiar  to  Gregory 
that  he  falls  into  the  use  of  it  even  when  speak- 
ing of  a  blind  man:  "Cum  reliquo  populo  mis- 
sarum solemnia  spectaret"  {S.  Mart.  Mir.  ii. 
13). 

(12.)  Missam  tenere.  This  idiom  is  clearly 
distinguished  from  missam  facere  by  the  council 
of  Agde,  A.D.  506  :  "  Si  qui  in  festivitatibus. , . 
in  oratoriis,  nisi  jubente  aut  permittente  epi- 
scopo,  missas  facere,  aut  tenere,  voluerint,  a 
communione  pellantur  "(can.  21).  Here  missam 
tenere  is  evidently  said  of  the  lay  attendant. 
In  canon  47  this  is  expressed :  "  Missas  Die 
Dominico  a  saeculai-ibus  totas  teneri  speciali 
ordinatione  praecipimus."  So  Gregory  of  Tours 
of  a  layman  :  "  Procedens  nobiscum  ad  ecclesiam 
missarum  solemnia  tenuit "  {Hist.  Franc,  vi. 
40).  But  the  second  council  of  Bracara,  560 
or  563,  appears  to  use  it  of  priest  and  people 
both :  "  Si  quis  quinta  feriS.  paschali,  quae  est 
Coena  Domini,  hora  legitimai,  post  nonam  jejunus 
in  ecclesia  missas  non  tenet. ..  .anathema  sit" 
(can.  16).  In  the  Rule  of  St.  Benedict  it  is 
also  used  of  the  celebrant,  as  when  providing 
for  the  reception  of  a  priest  into  his  monastery 

he  says,  "  Concedatur  ei post  abbatem  stare 

et  benedicere,  aut  missas  tenere,  si  tamen  jus- 
serit  ei  abbas  "  (c.  60  ;  Hoist,  ii.  55). 

(13.)  Missam  tractare.  "  Non  licet^presbytero 
aut  diacono,  aut  subdiacono  post  acceptum 
cibum  vel  poculum  missas  tractare "  (Cone. 
Autiss.  A.D.  578,  can.  19).  Ducange  finds  the 
expression  in  an  edict  of  Hunneric  already  cited 
in  (1)  :  "  Missas  agere,  vel  tractare  ";  but  this 
is  a  mistake.  The  context  ("quibus  voluerint 
Unguis  populo  tractare  ")  shews  that  "  tractare  " 
must  be  taken  by  itself,  and  that  it  means,  as  in 
other  authoi-s,  to  expound  the  Scriptures. 

[W.  E.  S.] 

MISSAL  {Liber  Missalis,  Missalis,  Missale). 
I.  The  later  missal  contains  the  lessons  and 
antiphons,  as  well  as  the  canon,  proper  prayers 
or  collects  and  prefaces,  to  be  used  at  the  cele- 
bration of  the  Eucharist  throughout  the  year. 
Originally,  however,  the  book  so  called  did  not 
contain  either  the  lessons  or  antiphons.  This  is 
evident  from  the  fact  that  the  lectionary  and 
antiphonary  are  often  spoken  of  as  books  distinct 
from  the  missal,  and  that  we  have  independent 
examples  of  both  remaining.  [See  Antiphon- 
ARiUM ;  Lectionaricm.]  Egbert  of  York,  A.D. 
732,  who  is,  we  think,  the  earliest  writer  who 
speaks  of  a  Liber  Sacramentorum  under  the 
name  of  missal,  says,  "  Our  master  the  blessed 
Gregory  in  his  antiphonary  and  missal  book 
(Missali  libro)  "  {De  Instit.  Cathol.  xvi.  1).  We 
have  that  "  missal  book  "  (the  Gregorian  Sacra- 
mentary),  and  find  in  it  neither  antiphons  nor 
lessons.  Again  :  "  Not  our  antiphonanes  only 
bear  witness,  but  those  very  copies  which  we 
have  seen  with  their  missals  at  the  thresholds 
4  1  2 


1206 


MISSAL 


of  the  apostles  Peter  and  Paul "  (ibid.  2).  He 
ordered  that  all  who  desired  to  be  ordained 
priests  should  previously  provide  themselves 
with  "  a  psalter,  lectionary,  antiphonary,  missal 

(missale),  baptismal  office,  martyrology and 

computus  with  cycle  "  (Can.  de  Remediis  Pecca- 
torum,\.).  Charlemagne  in  789:  "If  there  be 
occasion  to  write  out  a  gospel  {i.e.  a  book  of  the 
gospels)  or  psalter  and  missal,  let  men  of  full 
age  write  them  "  (Capit.  i.  70 ;  in  Capit.  Eeg. 
Franc,  i.  68  ;  vi.  371).  Alcuin  in  796  :  "  Missas 
quoque  reliquas  de  nostro  tuli  missali  ad  quoti- 
diana  et  ecclesiasticae  consuetudinis  officia" 
(_Ep.  46,  ad  Monach.  Vedast.  i.  59,  ed.  1777); 
"Misi  chartulam  missalem  vobis"  {Ep.  192,  ad 
Mon.  Fuld.  256).  Ludovicus  Pius,  816  :  Bishops 
are  to  "  take  care  that  the  presbyters  have  a 
missal  and  lectionary  or  other  books  necessary 
for  them  well  corrected  "  {^Capit.  28  ;  sim.  Cap. 
R.  Fr.  i.  103 ;  vi.  229).  A  copier  of  books, 
writing  about  826  to  an  old  friend  who  had 
become  archbishop  of  Mentz,  says,  "  Send  me 
some  good  parchment  for  writing  out  one 
lectionary  and  one  Gregorian  missal "  (latto 
Otkero,  inter  Epist.  Bonifacianas,  138;  ed. 
Wurdtw.).  Amalarius,  827:  "The  authors  of 
the  lectionary  and  antiphonary,  and  of  the  missal 
of  which  we  believe  the  blessed  Pope  Gregory  to 
be  the  author "  {De  Eccl.  Off.  iv.  30) ;  "It  is 
found  written  in  the  ancient  books  of  missals 
and  antiphonaries  "  {ibid.  iii.  40).  There  were 
in  831  in  the  monastic  library  of  St.  Riquier  at 
Centule  several  books  known  as  missals  :  "  Tres 
missales  Gregoriani,  missalis  Gregorianus  et 
Gelasianus  modernis  temporibus  ab  Albino 
(Alcuino)  ordinatus. ..  .missales  Gel'asiani  xix." 
(Chron.  Centul.  iii.  in  Dach.  Spicil.  ii.  311 ;  Par. 
1723).  The  Gelasian  Sacramentary  (and,  we 
may  add,  the  Leonian)  resembled  the  Gregorian 
in  consisting  of  prayers  and  prefaces  only.  Had 
Alcuia  inserted  the  lessons  and  antiphons,  a 
circumstance  so  unusual  would  certainly  have 
been  noticed.  They  were  probably  distinct 
books  for  a  century  at  least  after  his  time. 
Thus  Walter  of  Orleans,  a.d.  867,  orders  his 
clergy  to  "  have  the  church  books,  to  wit  the 
missal,  gospel  (evangelium  =  evangeliarium,  as 
in  the  law  of  Charlemagne),  lectionary  (  =  episto- 
larium),  psalter,  antiphonary,  martyrology  and 
homiliary,  by  which  to  instruct  himself  and 
others  "  {Capitula,  7).  An  episcopal  charge  of 
that  period  says,  "  Let  your  missals,  graduals, 
lectionaries  and  antiphonaries  be  complete  and 
perfect  "  {App.  ad  Eeginonis  Discipl.  Eccl.  505  ; 
ed.  Baluz.). 

II.  We  do  not  read  of  Missalia  Plenaria  (or 
Plenaria)  before  the  9th  century,  but  they  are 
then  spoken  of  in  such  a  manner  as  to  shew  that 
they  were  neither  new  nor  of  recent  introduc- 
tion. A  will  is  extant,  written  about  the  year 
840,  which  bequeaths  "  a  plenary  missal  with 
the  gospels  and  epistles  "  ( Testam.  Heccardi  in 
Pe'rard,  Pieces  servant  a  I'Histoire  de  Bourgogne, 
26).  We  gather  from  this  that  a  plenary  missal 
of  those  days  did  not  contain  the  eucharistic 
lessons.  Leo  IV.,  A.D.  847,  in  some  instructions 
to  his  clergy :  "  Let  every  church  have  a 
plenary  missal  and  lectionary  and  antiphonary  " 
j{De  Curd  Past. ;  Labbe,  Cone.  viii.  36  ;  sim. 
Ratherius  of  Verona,  ibid.  ix.  1271 ;  and  again 
Admonitio  Synodalis,  App.  ad  Regin.  u.  s.  503). 
The  question  was  asked  at  visitations  whether 


MISSI  DOMINICl 

all  the  clergy  were  possessed  of  those  several 
books,  "  Missalem  plenarium,  lectionarium,  anti- 
phonarium"  {Tnquisitio  10,  apud  Regin.  u.  s.  7). 
The  missale  plenarium  of  a  later  age  contained 
the  lessons  and  antiphons  as  well  as  the  collects 
and  prefaces  (Merati  in  Gavanti ;  Observ.  Prae- 
lim.  i.  4) ;  but  it  is  clear  from  the  foregoing 
testimonies,  though  the  fact  has  escaped  Du- 
cange,  Bocquillot,  and  others,  that  they  were 
not  included  in  the  volume  to  which  that  name 
was  originally  given.  Gerbert  appears  to  be 
right  in  thinking  that  at  first  the  plenary 
missal  was  a  sacramentary  which  gave  the 
missae  for  every  day,  and  not  those  for  Sundays 
and  other  chief  festivals,  or  for  other  special 
use,  alone  {Disquis.  ii.  i.  29,  p.  108  ;  ii.  1,  p.  116). 
There  was  a  missal  of  the  latter  kind  written  in 
the  8th  century  in  the  library  of  St.  Gall,  and 
later  examples  are  extant  {ibid.  108).  The 
missal  which  Alcuin  mentions  in  his  epistle  to 
the  monks  of  St.  Vedast  cited  above  was  ap- 
parently one  of  this  sort.  It  may  well  be 
doubted  whether  plenaiy  missals  in  the  other 
and  later  sense  existed  within  our  period.  Ger- 
bert (116)  says  that  he  never  saw  a  MS.  of  that 
description  belonging  to  the  9th  century.  No 
Roman  missal  of  that  age  contains  even  the 
epistles  and  gospels.  In  France,  however,  the 
lessons  without  the  antiphons  had  occasionally 
been  incorporated  with  the  missae  long  before  ; 
for  we  find  them  in  the  Besan9on  Sacramentary, 
which  is  assigned  to  the  7th  century  (Mabill. 
Mhs.  Ital.  i,  275),  though  not  in  the  other 
Gallican  missals,  which  date  from  the  eighth 
{Liturg.  Gallic.  Mabill.  175),  or  in  the  Prankish 
which  Mabillon  ascribes  to  the  seventh  {ibid. 
178).  A  very  ancient  Tabularium  or  Polypty- 
chon  preserved  at  Rheims,  the  exact  date  of 
which,  however,  is  not  given,  also  points  to 
France  as  the  country  in  which  the  amalgama- 
tion began ;  for  it  mentions  as  one  book,  "  a 
missal  of  Gregory  with  the  gospels  and  lessons 
(  =  epistles)  "  (in  Notis  Baluz.  Capit.  Beg.  Fr.  ii. 
1155). 

Other  information  respecting  missals  will  be 
given  under  Sacramentary. 

The  works  named  after  LITURGY  supply  in- 
formation on  this  subject ;  but  the  reader  is 
especially  referred  to  Bona,  Berum  Liturgicarum, 
lib.  i.  cc.  1,  2,  13-16,  ed.  Sala,  Aug.  Taurin. 
1747 ;  to  Merati,  Observationes  ad  Gavanti 
Comment,  in  Eubr.  tom.  i.  P.  i.  Obs.  Praelim.  33- 
104,  Aug.  Vind.  1740  (who  gives  several  kinds 
of  missae,  as  above  under  X.,  not  within  our 
period) ;  Mabillon  de  Liturgia  Gallicana,  lib.  i. 
cc.  4-6,  Par.  1729  ;  and  Le  Brun,  Explication  de 
la  Messe,  Dissert,  ii.-v.  in  tome  3,  Par.  1777. 
[W.  E.  S.] 

MISSI  DOMINICl.  The  word  missus  is 
frequently  found  in  Capitularies,  designating  a 
messenger,  ambassador,  or  deputy.  Commis- 
sioners named  by  the  king,  with  a  kind  of 
vice-regal  power  within  certain  limits,  were 
called  missi  regis.  Of  these  there  were  in  the 
Carolingian  period  two  classes :  (1)  the  ordinary 
missi  dominici  or  dominicales,  regales,  fiscales, 
palatini  principales,  often  called  missi  simply  ; 
and  (2)  extraordinary  missi  (legati  or  nuncii) 
appointed  for  special  emergencies.  It  is  with 
the  first  that  we  are  here  concerned. 

Pepin  {Capit.  Aquitan.  A.D.  768,  c.  12, 
Pertz,  2Ion.  Germ.  iv.  14)  ratifies  the  decisions 


MISSI  DOMINICI 

of  "  niissi  nostri "  whether  in  relation  to  church 
or  state ;  but  the  more  complete  development  of 
the  system  belongs  to  the  age  of  Charles  the 
Great.  Probably  with  a  view  of  diminishing 
the  excessive  power  of  the  dukes,  who  exercised 
both  judicial  and  administrative  functions  in 
their  territories,  he  transferred  to  missi  dominici 
the  charge  of  taking  account  of  any  complaints 
that  might  be  made  against  bishops,  abbats,  or 
counts,  or  other  holders  of  similar  offices  {Capit. 
an.  779,  c.  21 ;  Capit  Papiense,  an.  789-790, 
c.  10 ;  Capit.  Generale,  an.  789,  c.  11  ;  in  Pertz, 
iii.  38,  71,  69).  After  Charles  became  Roman 
emperor,  he  named  secular  and  spiritual  persons 
together  on  these  commissions.  In  a  capitulary 
of  Aachen  (^Cap.  Aquisgran.  an.  802,  Pertz  iii. 
91  f),  he  declares  that  he  has  chosen  from  his 
nobles  as  well  archbishops  as  bishops,  abbats 
and  religious  laymen,  and  given  them  charge 
over  the  whole  of  his  kingdom  ;  he  grants  to  all 
his  subjects  to  live  according  to  right  law  by 
their  means ;  and  he  requires  the  commissioners 
to  note  any  points  in  which  the  law  appeared 
defective,  and  report  them  to  him,  that  he  may 
amend  them.  For  the  purposes  of  this  super- 
vision, the  empire  was  divided  into  circuits 
(missatica,  legationes),  coinciding  generally  with 
the  province  of  a  metropolitan,  unless  where  the 
great  extent  of  the  province  rendered  a  sub- 
division necessary ;  thus  Mentz  is  said  to  have 
contained  four  circuits  and  Rheims  two.  In 
general  two  commissioners,  an  archbishop, 
bishop  or  abbat,  and  a  count,  were  named  for 
each  circuit  (Pertz,  iii.  97,  98),  but  occasionally 
three  or  four.  The  missi  received  written  in- 
structions, and  the  emperor  frequently  gave 
them  oral  directions  also  (Pertz,  iii.  121).  As 
they  were  the  immediate  instruments  of  the 
central  power,  no  part  of  the  administration  lay 
entirely  beyond  their  sphere.  They  were  (1)  to 
enforce  the  due  execution  of  the  laws,  both  in 
church  and  state  {Capit.  an.  802,  cc.  25,  26; 
cf.  cap.  missorum  an.  806,  c.  2,  &c.  Pertz,  iii. 
137,  164).  (2)  Suits  not  decided  by  the  counts 
or  their  deputies  they  might  themselves  judge, 
for  which  purpose  they  were  to  hold  assizes 
four  times  a  year,  in  January,  April,  July,  and 
October  {Capit.  Aquisgran.  an.  812,  c.  8 ; 
Pertz,  iii.  174).  (3)  They  were  especially  to 
look  to  the  due  maintenance  of  the  arrange- 
ments for  levying  troops  {Brev.  Capit.  an.  803, 
Pertz,  iii.  119).  (4)  They  were  to  have  the 
oversight  of  public  lands,  whether  belonging  to 
the   state   or    to    the    church.      Registers    or 

terriers"  of  all  landed  estates  were  conse- 
quently required  by  them.  Not  only  were  the 
benefices  of  bishops,  abbats,  abbesses,  and  counts 
or  vassals  of  the  king  to  be  described,  but  also 
;e  belonging  to  the  Use  {Capit.  Aquisgr,  an. 
812,  c.  7  ;  Pertz,  iii.  174). 

To  facilitate  the  carrying  out  of  their  several 
duties,  the  missi  held  provincial  courts,  to 
which  were  summoned  the  higher  dignitaries  of 
the  clergy,  the  counts  and  other  officials,  the 
king's  vassals,  &c.  Those  who  did  not  appear 
were  reported  to  the  general  court  of  the  king 
{Cap.  misso  data  an.  803,  c.  5 ;  Pertz,  iii.  122). 

The  missi  were  to  report  to  the  king  the 
results  of  their  mission,  both  orally  and  in 
writing  {Cap.  ad  leg.  miss.  an.  817,  c.  13 ; 
Pertz,  iii.  217).  Cases  of  special  difficulty  were 
referred  to   the   decision  of  the   king  himself 


MISSIONS 


1207 


{Capit.  an.  803  ;  Pertz,  iii.  121).  The  decisions 
of  the  missi  in  any  case  required  the  king's  con- 
firmation {Capit.  an.  812,  c.  10;  Pertz,  iii. 
174,  &c.),  so  that  in  practice  an  appeal  lay  from 
the  missi  to  the  king. 

These  missi  dominici  continued  in  full  activity 
until  the  dissolution  of  the  Frank-Carolingian 
empire.  As  the  central  power  declined,  the 
functions  of  the  missi  were  partly  absorbed  by 
the  dukes  in  their  several  dominions,  partly 
supplanted  by  new  offices.  In  several  dioceses 
the  bishops  acquired  the  rights  once  enjoyed  by 
them  (see  e.g.  Conventus  Ticinensis,  an.  876, 
c.  12,  in  Pertz,  iii.  531).  (Jacobson  in  Herzog's 
Real-Encyklop.  ix.  549  ff. ;  Gengler,  Germanische 
Bechtsdenkmiikr,  Glossary,  s.  v.  Missus.)       [C] 

MISSIONS.  1.  Though  Christian  Missions 
had  their  origin  in  the  example  and  command  of 
our  Lord  Himself  (Matt,  xxviii.  19,  20),  yet,  as 
has  been  often  noticed,  the  church  can  tell  but 
little  of  her  earliest  teachers.  Three  only  of  the 
Saviour's  immediate  followers  hold  any  imme- 
diate place  in  the  apostolic  records.  We  are 
told,  indeed,  of  the  labours  of  St.  Andrew  in 
Scythia  (Euseb.  H.  E.  iii.  1),  of  St.  Thomas  in 
India,  of  St.  Matthew  in  Aethiopia  (Fabricii 
Lux  Evang.  pp.  92-115),  but  the  very  scantiness 
of  these  notices  proves  how  little  that  is  reliable- 
has  come  down  to  us  respecting  the  work  of  the 
founders  of  the  earliest  churches. 

2.  Moreover,  this  comparative  silence  extends 
to  the  records  of  the  succeeding  centuries.  We 
know  that  the  church  gradually  extended  her 
conquests  through  Asia  Minor,  Greece,  Italy, 
Southern  Gaul  and  Northern  Africa  (Justin, 
Dial.  c.  117;  Tertull.  Apol.  37;  Adv.  Jud.  7), 
the  very  centre  of  the  old  world  and  of  its 
heathen  culture,  but  there  is  little  infonnation 
to  be  found  which  bears  upon  the  exact  pro- 
cesses adopted  in  securing  these  triumphs. 

3.  Prayers,  indeed,  for  the  conversion  of  the 
heathen  were  early  recognised  as  proper  to 
Christian  devotion,  and  are  to  be  found  in  the 
liturgies  alike  of  Eastern  and  Western  churches 
[Heathen,  p.  761],  but  we  look  in  vain  for  any 
traces  of  actual  organisations  for  this  end. 

4.  In  the  first  instance,  as  we  might  expect, 
the  diffusion  of  Christianity  proceeded  from  the 
evangelising  labours  of  individual  bishops  and 
clergy.  It  was  naturally  regarded  as  part  of 
their  duty  to  win  over  to  the  faith  the  heathen 
that  dwelt  around  them.  Thus  Ulphilas,  A.D. 
325,  the  "Apostle  of  the  Goths,"  devoted  him- 
self, heart  and  soul,  to  the  conversion  of  his 
countrymen,  and  of  the  populous  colony  of  shep- 
herds and  herdmen,  which  he  had  fonned  on  the 
slope  of  Mt.  Haemus.  (See  The  Life  of 
Ulphilas,  by  bishop  Auxentius,  published  by 
Waitz,  of  Kiel,  1840.)  Thus,  also,  Eusebius, 
bishop  of  Vercelli,  a.d.  370,  made  his  cathedral 
church  the  centre  of  a  wide  mission  field,  and 
St.  Chrysostom  founded,  at  Constantinople,  A.D. 
404,  an  institution,  in  which  Goths  might  be 
trained  and  qualified  to  preach  the  gospel  to 
their  own  people  (Theodoret,  //.  E.  v.  30) ;  nor 
even  during  the  years  of  his  exile  amongst  the 
ridges  of  Mt.  Taurus,  did  he  forget  those  toil- 
ing in  far  distant  mission-fields.  In  several  ex- 
tant epistles  we  find  him  advising  the  dispatch  of 
missionaries  to  various  places,  consoling  some 
under   persecution,    animating    others    by    the 


1208 


MISSIONS 


example  of  the  great  apostle  St.  Paul,  and  so- 
liciting funds  for  supporting  mission  stations. 
(St.  Chrysost.  0pp.  iv.  pp.  729,  747,  748,  750, 
799 ;  Le  Quien,  p.  1099,  §  14.) 

5.  But  missionary  zeal  is  "  essentially  the 
child  of  faith,"  and  has  depended,  in  all  ages,  on 
the  varying  spirituality  of  the  several  branches 
of  the  church.  The  great  evangelising  efforts  of 
the  early  church  were  mainly  those  of  the  West. 
The  Thebaid,  it  is  true,  sent  forth  its  hosts  of 
monastic  missionaries,  who  penetrated  the 
country  districts  of  the  East,  which  still  re- 
mained sunk  in  idolatry,  even  when  Christianity 
had  been  acknowledged  and  protected  by  the 
state,  and  sowed  the  seeds  of  knowledge  in  the 
region  of  Phoenicia,  on  the  one  side,  and  beyond 
the  Euphrates  on  the  other.  But  even  before 
the  famous  churches  of  the  East  had  become  the 
prey  of  the  anti-Christian  armies  of  Mahomet, 
lethargy  and  inaction,  as  regards  Christian  mis- 
sions, crept  over  them,  and  the  work  either 
ended  altogether  or  notoriously  declined.  "  One 
by  one,  that  glorious  centre  of  light,  knowledge, 
and  life,  which  the  Anthonys,  the  Hilarions,  the 
Basils,  the  Chrysostoms  had  animated  with  their 
celestial  light,  were  extinguished,  and  disap- 
peared from  the  pages  of  history.  Eastern 
monachism  could  neither  renovate  the  society 
which  surrounded  it,  nor  take  possession  of  the 
pagan  nations,  which  snatched  away,  every  day, 
some  new  fragment  of  the  empire."  (Montalem- 
bert,  Monks  of  the  West,  i.  376,  377 ;  Stanley, 
Eastern  Church,  p.  34;  Milman,  Latin  Chris- 
tianity, ii.  163.) 

6.  And  even  when  we  pass  to  the  West,  we 
must  not  expect  speedy  or  immediate  results. 
Herself  scarcely  recrvering  from  the  shock  of 
change,  the  church  found  herself  confronted 
with  strange  nations,  of  strange  speech,  and  still 
stranger  modes  of  life,  who  poured  forth  to  fill 
the  abyss  of  servitude  and  con  iiption,  in  which 
the  empire  had  disap[^ared.  They  overran 
Gaul,  Italy,  Spain,  lllyria,  all  the  provinces  in 
their  turn.  Chaos  seemed  to  have  come  back  to 
earth,  and  the  agitations  of  society  needed  to  be 
allayed,  before  mission  work  could  be  organized, 
or  even  effectually  commenced. 

7.  But  even  now  efforts  were  not  wanting  to 
deal  with  the  inveterate  paganism  of  the  old 
world  and  the  torrent  of  the  northern  invaders. 
From  the  islet  of  Lerius,  oflt  the  roadstead  of 
Toulon,  where,  in  a.d.  410,  a  Roman  patrician, 
Honoratus  (S.  Hilarii  Vita  S.  Honorati,  ap. 
Bolland,  t.  ii.  Januar.),  found  a  monastic  home, 
went  forth  an  influence,  which  created  numerous 
missionary  centres  in  Southern  and  Western 
Gaul,  and  sent  bishops  to  Aries,  Avignon,  Lyons, 
Troyes,  Metz,  Nice,  and  many  other  places,  who 
proved  themselves  at  once  the  lights  of  their  own 
dioceses,  and  the  leading  missionaries  of  their 
day  amongst  the  outlying  masses  of  heathendom. 

8.  WhenClovis,  in  a.d.  493,  became  the  single 
sovereign  of  the  West  who  adhered  to  the  con- 
fession of  Nicaea,  it  might  have  been  expected 
that  the  work  of  the  numerous  emissaries  from 
Lerins  would  have  been  supplemented  by  the 
newly  kindled  ardour  of  the  Prankish  church." 

a  On  the  conversion  of  the  Burgundians  see  Socrates, 
Ji.  JT.  vii.30  ;  Ozanam,  Civilisation  chez  les  Francs,  p.  51. 
For  the  labours  of  Severinus  in  Bavaria  and  Austria,  see 
Vita  S.  Severini,  Acta  SS.  Bolland.  Jan.  8. 


MISSIONS 

And  for  a  time  orthodoxy  advanced  side  by  side 
with  Prankish  conquests.  But  the  wars  and 
dissensions  of  the  successors  of  Clovis  were  not 
favourable  to  the  development  of  Christian  mis- 
sions. Avitus  of  Vienne;  Caesarius  of  Aries, 
and  Paustus  of  Riez,  proved  what  might  be 
done  by  energy  and  self-devotion.  But  the 
rapid  accession  of  wealth  more  and  more 
tempted  the  Prankish  bishops  and  abbats  to 
live  as  mere  laymen,  and  so  the  clergy  de- 
generated, and  the  light  of  the  Prankish  church 
grew  dim.  Not  only  were  the  masses  of  heathen- 
dom lying  outside  her  territory  neglected,  but 
within  it  she  saw  her  own  members  tainted 
with  the  old  leaven  of  heathenism,  and  relapsing 
in  some  instances  into  the  old  idolatries. 
(Perry's  Franks,  p.  488.) 

9.  A  new  influence  was,  therefore,  needed 
if  the  heathen  tiibes  of  Europe  were  to  be 
evangelised,  and  He  who  had  said,  "  Behold,  I 
am  with  you  alway,  even  unto  the  end  of  the 
world  "  (Matt,  xxviii.  20),  did  not  foil  Kis 
church.  He  called  the  men  who  were  to  do  the 
work,  fi-om  two  sister  isles,  high  up  in  the 
northern  seas,  which  had  almost  been  forgotten 
amidst  the  desolating  wars  of  the  Continent.  It 
was  in  the  secluded  Celtic  churches  of  Ireland 
and  the  Scottish  Highlands  that  the  beacon 
was  kindled,  which,  in  the  words  of  Alcuin, 
"caused  the  light  of  truth  to  shine  to  many  parts 
of  the  earth." 

10.  Three  well-marked  stages  distinguish  the 
missionary  history  of  the  fifth  and  three  follow- 
ing centuries : — 

(a)  A.D.  430-650. — While  continental  Europe 
was  still  agitateil  by  the  inroads  of  swarming 
tribes  of  barbarians,  Ireland,  unvisited  by 
strange  invaders,  drew  from  its  conversion  by 
St.  Patrick  an  energy  which  was  simply  mar- 
vellous. A  burst  of  popular  enthusiasm  wel- 
comed his  preaching,  and  Celtic  Christianity 
flung  itself,  with  a  zeal  that  seemed  to  take  the 
world  by  storm,  into  battle  with  the  mass  of 
heathenism  which  was  rolling  in  upon  the 
Christian  world.  Columba,  the  founder  of 
lona,  and  the  Apostle  of  the  Albanian  Scots  and 
Northern  Picts ;  Aidan,  the  Apostle  of  the 
Northumbrian  Saxons  ;  COLUMBANUS,  the 
Apostle  of  the  Burgundians  of  the  Vosges  ; 
Callich,  or  Gallus,  the  Apostle  of  North- 
Eastern  Switzerland  and  Alemannia ;  Kilian,  the 
Apostle  and  Martyr  of  Thuringia ;  ViRGiLiUS, 
the  Apostle  of  Carinthia,  are  but  a  few  out  of 
many,''  who  were  raised  up  to  pour  back  with 
interest  upon  the  Continent  the  gifts  of  civilisa- 
tion and  the  Gospel.  "  Armies  of  Scots  "  crowded 
to  the  shores  of  Europe.  Prom  the  Orkneys  to 
the  Thames,  from  the  sources  of  the  Rhine  to 
the  shores  of  the  Channel,  from  the  Seine  to  the 
Scheldt,  the  missionary  work  of  the  "  Scot  "  ex- 
tended, nor  did  it  hesitate  to  brave  the  dangers 
of  stormy  and  icy  seas,  in  bearing  the  message 
of  the  Gospel  to  the  Faroe  Isles,  and  even  to  far 
distant  Iceland. 

(6)  A.D.  596-690.— Again,  when  the  conquest 
of  Britain  by  the  pagan  English  had  "  thrust  a 


•>  Thus  Fridolin  (Acta  SS.  March  6)  laboured  in  Suabia 
and  Alsace ;  Magnoald  (Acta  SS.  April  26)  founded  a 
monastery  at  Fingen ;  Trudpcrt  penetrated  as  far  as  the 
Black  Forest,  where  he  was  murdered.  See  A.  W.  HaJ- 
dan's  Scots  on  the  Continent,  Remains,  p.  265. 


t 


MISSIONS 

wedge  of  heathendom"  into  the  heart  of  the 
great  Christian  communion  of  the  West,  and  the 
British  church  failed  to  evangelise  her  pagan 
invaders,  Gregory  the  Great  sent  Augustine 
to  the  "  men  of  Kent."  Thus,  in  the  very  year 
that  Columba  breathed  his  last,  the  Roman 
missionaries  landed,  and  slowly  but  surely  won 
their  way.  Any  ground  they  lost  was  more 
than  recovered  by  the  missionaries  from  lona, 
who  planted  churches  in  the  wilds  of  Sufiblk 
(Bede,  //.  E.  iii.  19),  and  on  the  coast  of  Essex, 
converged  Mercia  (Bede,  H.  E.  iii.  21),  and 
made  Lindisfarne  to  Northumbria  (Bede,  H.  E. 
iii.  13)  what  Luxeuil  was  to  Switzerland.  The 
disciples  of  Columba  and  the  disciples  of  Bene- 
dict met  in  the  land  of  the  fair-haired  Saxon 
boys,  whom  Gregory  encountered  in  the  forum 
of  Rome  (Bede,  H.  E.  ii.  1),  and  between  them 
not  only  won  it  over  to  the  faith,  but  prepared 
its  sons  to  transmit  the  light  they  had  received 
to  the  heathen  tribes  of  still  pagan  Germany. 

(c)  A.D.  620-755.— For,  thirdly,  when  the 
Teuton  of  the  Continent  was  crying  from  his 
native  forests,  like  the  Macedonian  of  old, 
"  Come  over  and  help  us  "  (Acts  xii.  9),  eminent 
Anglo-Saxon  missionaries  flocked  forth  to  rival 
the  zeal  of  the  followers  of  Columbanus  in  seek- 
ing the  conversion  of  their  kinsmen  according  to 
the  flesh.  Ground  was  first  broken  by  the 
enterprising  Wilfrith,  who  in  his  flight  from 
his  English  diocese,  in  A.D.  678,  was  flung  by  a 
storm  on  the  coast  of  Friesland,  where  he  was 
hospitably  received  by  the  native  chief,  Aldgis, 
and  appears  to  have  reaped  a  harvest  of  conver- 
sions. (Bede,  v.  1 9 ;  Vita  S.  Wilfridi  Episcopi, 
in  Acta  SS.  Bened.  saec.  iii.)  His  work  was 
taken  up  about  twelve  years  afterwards  by 
Willebrord,'=  a  native  of  Northumbria,  who, 
having  been  a  student  in  one  of  the  Irish 
monastic  schools  under  Ecgberht,  agreed,  at  his 
suggestion,  to  select  eleven  companions,  and 
made  the  neighbourhood  of  Wilteburg,  Utrecht, 
the  chief  scene  of  his  labours  (Vita  S.  Willi- 
hrordi,  in  Acta  SS.  Bened.  saec.  iii. ;  Annates 
Xanteses  in  Pertz,  ii.  220;  Bede,  E.  E. 
T.  10).  His  mission  attracted  many  English 
helpers  from  their  native  land.  Two  brothers, 
named  Hewald,  attempted  to  preach  the 
word  to  the  "  old  "  or  continental  Saxons 
(Bede,  H.  E.  v.  10),  and  sealed  their  de- 
votion with  their  blood;  Swithbert,  having 
been  ordained  a  missionary  bishop  by  Wilfrith 
{Acta  SS.  Bened.  iii.  586),  laboured  amongst 
the  Boructuarians,  whose  territory  lay  between 
the  Ems  and  the  Yssel ;  Adelbert,''  a  prince  of  the 
royal  race  of  Northumbria,  selected  the  north 
of  Holland  as  the  scene  of  his  toils  ;  Werenfrid 
made  Elste  his  headquarters ;  Plechelm,  also, 
Otger  and  Wiro,  came  forth  to  labour  amongst 
the  natives  of  Gueldres  (Lingard,  Anglo-Saxon 
Church,  ii.  334) ;  while  Wursing,"  a  native  of 
Friesland,  and  other  pupils  of  Willebrord,  en- 
larged materially  the  sphere  of  his  operations. 

«  •'  De  natione  Anfc'lorum,  qui  in  Hibemladlutius  exula- 
verat  pro  Christo,  eratqiie  et  docti^simus  in  Scripturis  et 
longae  vitae  perfectione  eximius."  (Bede,  H.  E.  iii.  4 ; 
Chronicon  ITyense,  Reeves,  Adamnan,  p.  383.) 

d  He  also  wns  a  Northumbrian  (Bede,  v.  11). 

e  See  the  account  of  him  in  the  Vila  S.  Liudgeri,  c.  1-4, 
in  Pertz,  Mon.  Germ.  ii.  405,  406.  Willibrord  was  also 
-assisted  by  Walfram,  bishop  of  Sens.  ( Vita  S.  Waif- 
irammi.  Acta  SS.  Bened.  saec.  iii.  i.  342.) 


MISSIONS 


1209 


But  the  vast  Teutonic  pagan  world  had  as  yet 
been  but  partially  assailed.  The  task  of  en- 
countering German  idolatry  in  its  strongholds 
was  reserved  for  a  man  of  Devonshire,  the  well- 
known  Winfrith,  or  as  he  was  afterwards  called 
Boniface  (Pertz,  Mon.  Germ.  ii.  334  sq. ;  cf. 
Bonifacius,  der  Apostel  der  Deutschen,  Seilleurs, 
Mainz,  1845).  He  came  forth  first  to  help 
Willebrord  at  Utrecht,  then  to  labour  in 
Thuringia  and  Upper  Hessia,  then  to  do  for 
Germany  what  Theodore  had  done  for  England, 
consolidate  the  work  of  earlier  missionaries,  and 
impart  to  the  churches  new  stability  and  life. 
From  England  he  attracted  numerous  and  en- 
thusiastic helpers.  His  kinsmen  Wunibald  and 
Willibald  {Acta  SS.  Bened.  III.  ii.  176),  their  sister 
Walpurga,  with  thirty  companions,  and  many 
others,  crossed  the  sea,  and  shared  the  work  in 
Germany,  where,  even  before  Boniface  fell  a 
martyr  on  the  shores  of  the  Zuyder  Zee,  the 
church  had  advanced  beyond  its  first  missionary 
stage.  Monastic  seminaries,  as  Amoneburg  and 
Ordruf,  Fritzlar  and  Fulda  had  risen  amidst  the 
Teutonic  forests.  The  sees  of  Salzburg  and 
Friesingen,  of  Regensburg  and  Passau,  testified 
to  his  care  of  the  church  of  Bavaria  ;  the  see  of 
Erfurt  told  of  labours  in  Thuringia,  that  of 
Buraburg  in  Hesse,  that  of  Wiirzburg  iu  Fran- 
conia ;  while  his  metropolitan  see  at  IMainz 
had  jurisdiction  over  Worms  and  Spires,  Tongres, 
Cologne,  and  Utrecht.  (Willibald,  Vita  S. 
Bonifacii,  §  22  ;  comp.  Vita  S.  Columbae,  Reeves, 
Adamnan,  pp.  245,  299  ;  Vita  S.  Willibrordi,  Acta 
SS.  Bened.  saec.  iii.  p.  354 ;  Bede,  v.  10.) 

11.  Two  classes  of  missionaries  were  thus  en- 
gaged in  the  conversion  of  Europe.  The  one 
laid  the  foundations,  the  other  raised  the  super- 
structure. The  first  were  mostly  hermits  and 
ascetics,  the  second  disciples  of  Benedict,  gifted 
with  greater  power  of  practical  organisation, 
and  a  deeper  knowledge  of  human  nature. 

(a)  The  Celtic  pioneers.— Strange,  indeed, 
to  heathen  Suevians  and  Alemannians  must  have 
appeared  the  Irish  and  Caledonian  missionaries. 
Travelling  generally  in  companies' — their  outfit 
a  short  pastoral  staff  (Cambuta  Jonae,  Vita  S. 
Columbani;  Reeves,  Adam7ian,  p.  324),  a  wallet 
containing  food,  a  leathern  bottle  for  water  or 
milk  {Vita  S.  Columbae,  ii.  38),  a  case  for 
the  service  books,s  they  took  ship  and 
landed  either  at  one  of  the  ports  along 
the  mouths  of  the  Loire,  or  one  of  the 
harbours  of  Flanders.  Thus,  after  paying 
their  devotions  at  the  shrine  of  St.  Martin  of 
Tours,  or  St.  Hilary  of  Poitiers,  they  would 
hurry  on  to  the  nearest  frontier  of  heathendom 
from  the  Vosges  mountains  along  the  Rhine  to 
the  lake  cf  Constance,  or  in  the  Jura.  Before 
long  the  scene  under  the  oaks  of  Derry  or  in 
sea-girt  Hy  was  reproduced  in  the  heart  of 
Europe.''  At  Annegraz  and  Luxeuil,  the  huts 
were  of  willow,  switches,  and  brushwood;  the 


f  Generally  of  twelve,  after  the  example  of  the  apostles. 

g  Reeves,  Adamnan.  ii.  8.  In  the  VUter  Journal  of 
Archaeology,  vii.  p.  303,  it  is  stated  that  "the  Irish  an- 
chorets were  in  the  habit  of  painting  their  eyelids. 
Stigmata,  signa,  pictura  in  corporo,  quales  Scoti  plngunt 
in  palpcbrls."  (Hattener,  VenkmdUr,  i.  227,  237  ;  see 
also  a  curious  paper  on  the  Chronicon  Jocelini  de  Brake- 
londa,  printed  by  the  Camden  Society,  1840.) 

h  On  the  similarity  of  the  oratoria  erected  abroad  by 
the  Irish  ecclesiastics  to  those  in  their  native  country,  see 


1210 


MISSIONS 


little  chapel,  with  the  round  tower  or  steeple  by 
its  side  ;'  the  refectory,  the  kitchen,  the  byre  for 
the  cattle,  the  barn  for  the  grain,  and  other 
buildings.  Here  these  "  soldiers  of  Christ,"^  as 
they  loved  to  style  themselves,  settled  down, 
and  lived  and  prayed  and  studied  and  tilled  the 
waste.  Men  of  learning,  devotion,  and  singular 
missionary  zeal,  they  soon  impressed  the  hearts 
of  wild  heathen  tribes.  Hundreds  flocked  to 
listen  to  their  religious  instruction.  Hundreds 
more,  encouraged  by  their  example,  took  to 
clearing  and  tilling  the  land.  Luxeuil  became 
the  missionary  capital  of  Gaul,  and  sent  out  its 
colonies  into  Burgundy,  Rauracia,  Neustria, 
Brie,  Champagne,  Ponthieu ;  reproduced  the 
Scottish  Brechin  and  Abernethy  at  St.  Gall  and 
Bobbio,  and  forced  the  careless  Prankish  church- 
men for  very  shame  to  rouse  themselves  to  the 
duties  of  missionary  work. 

(6)  The  English  missionaries. — Thus  these 
Celtic  pioneers  laid  the  foundations.  Exactingly 
ascetic,  they  awed  the  heathen  by  their  in- 
domitable spirit  of  self-sacritice,  and  the  stern- 
ness of  their  rule  of  life.  The  singular  success 
of  their  missions  in  Northumbria  and  Mercia, 
Essex  and  Suffolk,  was  even  more  completely 
realised  on  the  continent ;  Luxeuil  began  with 
thatched  hovels,  poverty,  and  hunger  ;  it  ended 
by  becoming  the  University  of  Burgundy  and 
France.  But  the  work,  great  as  it  was,  lacked 
the  element  of  permanence,  and  it  became  clear 
that  if  Europe  was  to  be  carried  through  the  dis- 
solution of  the  old  societ}-,  and  missionary  opera- 
tions consolidated  and  united,  the  rigours  of  the 
rule  of  Columbanus  must  be  softened,  and  a 
milder  and  more  practical  system  must  be  in- 
augurated, before  the  Teuton  of  the  German 
forests  could  be  effectually  evangelised.  The 
crisis  was  a  momentous  one,  but  it  had  already 
produced  a  Benedict.  With  his  marvellous 
genius  for  orgiinisation,  he  arose  to  inaugurate  a 
new  missionary  era,  and  to  give  to  missionaries 
a  more  definite  unity  of  plan.  [Benedictine 
Rule  and  Order.]  And  now,  just  when  they 
were  most  wanted,  his  disciples,  the  sons  of  the 
new-planted  English  churches,  came  forth  to  their 
Teutonic  kinsmen.  Teutons  themselves,  they 
were  fitted,  like  no  others,  to  be  the  apostles  of 
Teutons.  The  monastic  missionary  became  the 
coloniser.''  The  labours  of  Wilfrid  and  Willi- 
BRORD,  in  Frisia,  were  quickly  supplemented  and 
absorbed  by  the  work  of  the  great  Apostle  of 
Germany.  What  Boniface  did  at  Fulda  is  a 
type  of  what  the  English  Benedictines  did  every- 
where. With  practised  eye  they  sought  out  the 
proper  site  for  their  monastic  home ;  saw  that 
it  occupied  a  central  position  with  reference  to 
the  tribes,  amongst  whom  they  proposed  to 
labour,  that  it  possessed  a  fertile  soil,  and  was 
near  some  friendly  water-course.      (Comp.  the 


Petrie's  Round  Towers,  pp.  347,  418 ;  also  Skene's  Cdtic 
Scotland,\\.  ^.  100. 

■  Which  served  as  a  place  of  refuge  in  times  of  need. 
On  the  Irish  monasteries  in  Germany  see  Dr.  Watten- 
bach.  Die  Kongregation  der  Schotten-Kloster  in  Deutsch- 
land,  translated  in  the  Ulster  Journal  of  Archaeology, 
July  and  August,  1859. 

j  Each  professed  his  willingness  to  enter  the  world  only 
as  an  athleta  Christi  in  the  propagation  of  the  gospel 
(Reeves,  Adamnan,  p.  341). 

k  See  Kiugsley,  Roman  and  Teuton,  pp.  209-244; 
ililman,  Latin  Christianity,  ii.  306. 


MISSIONS 

foundation  of  the  monastery  of  Fulda,  so  graphic- 
ally described  in  the  Vita  S.  Stumii,  Pertz,  Mon. 
Germ,  ii.)  These  points  secured,  the  word  was 
given,  the  trees  were  felled,  the  forest  was 
cleared,  the  monastic  buildings  rose.  The  voice 
of  prayer  and  praise  awoke  unwonted  echoes  in 
the  forest  glades.  The  brethren  were  never 
idle ;  while  some  educated  the  young,  whom 
they  had  often  redeemed  from  death  or  torture, 
others  copied  manuscripts,  illuminated  the 
missal,  or  transcribed  a  gospel.  Others,  again, 
cultivated  the  soil,  guided  the  plough,  planted 
the  apple-tree  or  the  vine,  arranged  the  bee- 
hives, erected  the  water-mill,  opened  the  mine, 
and  thus,  with  wonderful  practical  aptitude  for 
the  work,  presented  to  the  eyes  of  men  the 
kingdom  of  Christ,  as  that  of  One  who  had  re- 
deemed the  bodies  no  less  than  the  souls  of  His- 
creatures.'  No  wonder  that  the  efforts  of  St. 
Boniface  and  of  his  enthusiastic  followers  at- 
tracted the  hearts  of  the  heathen  tribes. 
"  The  experience  of  all  ages,"  it  has  been  re- 
marked, "  teaches  us  ihat  Christianity  has  only 
made  a  firm  and  living  progress,  where  from 
the  first  it  has  brought  with  it  the  seeds  of  all 
human  culture,  although  they  have  only  been 
developed  by  degrees  "  (Neander,  Light  in  Dark 
Places,  p.  417). 

12.  Thus  the  prominence  of  the  monastic  or- 
ders in  the  missionary  work  of  this  period  is 
clearly  marked.  Monasticism  founded  the 
Celtic  churches  in  Ireland  and  Scotland ;  fled 
with  the  British  churches  to  the  fastnesses  of 
Wales  and  Cumberland,  from  the  Saxon  in- 
vaders ;  returned  with  Augustine  to  the  coast 
of  Kent ;  with  Aidan  peopled  the  Fame  Islands  ; 
with  Columbanus  penetrated  the  forests  of 
Switzerland  ;  with  Boniface  civilised  Thuringia 
and  Frisia ;  with  Sturmi  cleared  the  forests  of 
Buchonia,  and  made  Fulda  an  outpost  of  civilisa- 
tion for  the  Teuton  tribes,  with  its  dom-church 
and  schools,  library  and  farmsteads,  the  influences 
of  which  were  felt  for  years  and  years  after- 
wards. But  however  the  seeds  of  the  gospel 
may  have  been  sown  in  any  place,  whether  by 
the  influence  of  a  Christian  queen,  or  the  faith- 
fulness of  Christian  captives,  uniformly,  in  con- 
formity with  apostolic  practice,  the  manage- 
ment of  the  infant  churches  was  entrusted  to  a 
local  episcopate.  Sometimes  a  bishop  headed, 
from  the  first,  the  body  of  voluntary  adven- 
turers. More  often,  as  soon  as  any  considerable 
success  had  been  achieved,  one  of  the  energetic 
pioneers  was  advanced  to  the  episcopal  rank, 
and  in  this  capacity  superintended  the  staff  of 
clergy  accompanying  him,"  and  as  soon  as  pos- 
sible ordained  a  native  ministry  from  amongst 
the  newly  converted  tribes,  and  established  a 
cathedral,  or  corresponding  ecclesiastical  founda- 
tion. (Comp.  the  consecration  of  Swithbert 
by  Wilfrid  for  the  mission  in  Friesland, 
Bede,  H.  E.  v.  11.)  Such  a  provision  had 
recommendations  of  a   most   practical   charac- 

I  See  the  E.\cursu8  do  Cultu  Soli  Germanici  per  Bene- 
dictines, Slabillon,  Acta  SS.  Bened.  iii. ;  Prof.  Palgrave's 
Normandy  and  England,  ii.  262. 

m  Even  in  the  Columbian  monasteries  there  were 
always  bishops  connected  with  the  society,  subject  to  the 
abbat's  jurisdiction,  who  were  assigned  their  stations,  or 
called  in  to  ordain,  being  looked  upon  as  essential  to  the 
propagation  of  the  church.  (Ueevcs,  Adamnan,  p.  341  i 
Todd,  St.  Pa<n"cA-,4-10.) 


MISSIONS 

ter.  Already,  before  the  inroad  of  the  new 
races,  the  bishops  had  become  not  only  a 
kind  of  privy  council  to  the  emperor,  but 
were  regarded  in  well  nigh  every  town  as  the 
natural  chiefs.  They  governed  the  people  in 
the  interior  of  the  city  ;  they  alone  stood  bravely 
by  their  flocks  when  the  barbarous  host  ap- 
peared before  the  defenceless  walls  ;  they  alone, 
while  the  civil  magistrate  and  military  leaders 
often  sought  refuge  in  flight,  were  found  able 
and  willing  to  mediate  between  their  people  and 
the  heathen  conqueror.  It  is  no  wonder,  then, 
that  on  the  conversion  of  any  district,  the 
native  king  or  chieftain  was  glad  to  have  near 
him  one  who  could  assume  the  functions  of  the 
pagan  high  priest,  and  was  bound  by  the  duties 
of  his  office  to  stand  between  the  noble  and  the 
serf,  and  defend  the  helpless  and  distressed,  and 
intercede  for  the  criminal.  [Bishop.]  Nor 
were  the  bishops'  diocesan  synods  unimportant 
agents  in  developing  missionary  work.  We  find 
them  from  time  to  time  not  only  settling  eccle- 
siastical questions,  but  grappling  with  grave 
moral  and  social  evils.  We  find  them  forbidding 
the  sacrifice  of  men  and  animals  in  honour  of  the 
heathen  gods ;  the  exposure  of  weak  or  de- 
formed infants ;  the  worshipping  of  groves  and 
fountains;  the  practice  of  idolatry  and  witch- 
craft ( Vita  S.  Bonifacii,  c.  8  ;  Cone.  Turon.  c. 
22;  Cone.  Germ.  c.  v.).  We  find  them  incul- 
cating a  due  regard  for  the  sacredness  of  human 
life,  striving  to  abolish  slavery,  to  elevate  the 
peasant  classes,  and  to  secure  regular  forms  of  law 
(Greg.  Ep.  ii.  10,  vi.  12 ;  Bede,  H.  E.  iv.  13 ; 
Thorpe,  Anglo-Saxon  Institutes,  ii.  314). 

13.  It  is  true  that  the  converts,  in  whose  in- 
terest these  enactments  were  made,  were  too 
often  admitted  into  the  church  by  national  and 
seemingly  indiscriminate  baptisms.  Still  it  is 
to  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  missionaries  of  the 
period  had  unusual  difficulties  against  which  to 
contend.  Not  only  was  society  generally  relaxed, 
not  only  were  the  recipients  of  the  rite  bound 
by  peculiar  ties  to  their  native  chiefs,  but  they 
were  in  a  position  very  dili'erent  from  the  con- 
verts of  the  apostolic  age.  No  preparatory 
dispensation  had  made  monotheism  natural  to 
them,  or  taught  them,  "  line  iipon  line,"  those 
elementary  truths,  which  appear  to  us  so  easy 
to  apprehend,  because  we  have  lived  in  an  at- 
mosphere permeated  with  their  influence.  They 
were  not  "  proselytes  of  the  gate,"  but  infants 
in  knowledge  and  civilisation,  and  they  were  ad- 
mitted to  "  infant  baptism  "  by  teachers  often 
themselves  imperfectly  educated,  but  who  were 
"faithful  in  the  few  things"  they  did  know, 
and  were  so  made,  in  time,  "  rulers  over  many 
things." 

14.  We  have,  however,  traces  of  a  system  of 
missionary  instruction  which  is  well-deserving 
of  attention.  From  first  to  last  it  was  pre- 
eminently objective.  It  dealt  mainly  and  simply 
with  the  great  facts  of  Christianity,  with  the 
incarnation  of  the  Saviour,  His  life,  His  death. 
His  resurrection.  His  ascension,  His  future 
coming,  and  then  it  proceeded  to  treat  of  the 
good  works  which  ought  to  flow  from  a  vital 
reception  of  these  truths.     Thus — 

(a)  To  the  Celtic  worshippers  of  the  powers  of 
nature,  and  especially  of  the  Sun,  the  Apostle  of 
Ireland  proclaimed  the  existence  of  one  God,  the 
Creator  of  all  things,  and  then  went  on  to  dwell 


MISSIONS 


1211 


upon  the  life,  death,  resurrection,  and  ascension 
of  His  only  begotten  Son  Jesus  Christ,  who  is 
the  true  iSun,  who  was  in  the  beginning  before 
all,  unbegotten,  and  from  whom  all  things  take 
their  beginning,  both  visible  and  invisible.  (S. 
Patricii  Cunfessio ;  O'Connor,  Script.  Hibem.  i. 
pp.  cviii.,  cxvii. ;  comp.  also  what  is  known  as 
St.  Patrick's  Hymn,  Todd,  pp.  426-428.) 

(b)  Similarly,  Augustine,  in  Kent,  directed 
the  attention  of  the  royal  worshippers  of  Woden 
and  Thor  to  the  picture  of  the  Saviour  on  the 
cross  (Bede,  H.  E.  i.  25  ;  Vita  S.  Augustini,  ii. 
16),  and  then,  according  to  subsequent  tradition 
(recorded  by  Alfric  and  expanded  by  Jocelin, 
Wigne,  Patrologia,  saec.  vii.  61),  went  on  to 
tell  him  of  such  events  in  His  wondrous  life 
as  were  likely  to  make  an  impression  on  his 
mind;  how  for  us  men,  and  for  our  salvation.  He 
became  incarnate  ;  how  at  His  birth  a  star  ap- 
peared in  the  East ;  how  He  walked  upon  the  sea 
and  calmed  the  storm  ;  how  at  His  death  the 
sun  withdrew  his  shining;  how  He  rose  from 
the  dead,  and  ascended  into  heaven,  and  will 
come  again  to  judge  the  quick  and  the  dead." 

(c)  The  arguments  of  Oswiu,  king  of  Northum- 
bria,  in  his  exhortation  to  Sigeberct,  king  of 
Essex,  are  mainly  directed  to  the  strain  of  the 
old  Hebrew  prophets  against  the  absurdities  of 
idolatry,  and  the  folly  of  a  system  which  taught 
the  worship  of  deities  that  might  be  broken, 
absent,  or  trodden  under  foot.  From  the  adora- 
tion of  such  gods  he  bids  his  royal  brother  turn 
to  the  true  God,  the  Creator  of  all  things,  who 
is  invisible,  omnipotent,  eternal,  who  will  judge 
the  world  in  righteousness,  and  reward  the  good 
with  everlasting  life. 

(d)  The  correspondence  of  Daniel,  bishop  of 
Winchester,  with  his  friend  and  fellow-country- 
man, the  martyr  Boniface,  is  very  remarkable. 
While  deprecating  any  violent  and  useless  de- 
clamation against  the  native  superstitions,  he 
suggests  to  the  great  missionary  that  he  should 
put  such  questions  as  would  tend  to  suggest  the 
contradictions  of  heathenism,  especially  in  refer- 
ence to  the  genealogy  of  the  gods,  the  temporal 
disadvantages  which  pagan  superstitions  entailed 
upon  those  who  held  them,  and  so  lead  on  his 
hearers  gently  to  Christian  truth.  (See  Migne, 
Patrologia,  saec.  viii.  p.  707.) 

(e)  The  fifteen  sermons  of  the  great  Apostle 
of  Germany  shew  that  he  required  of  his  con- 
verts something  far  more  real  than  a  merely  su- 
perficial form  of  Christianity.  The  subject  of  the 
first  is  the  "  right  Faith,"  in  which  he  expounds 
the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity,  the  relation  of 
baptism  to  the  remission  of  sins,  the  resurrection 
of  the  dead,  the  future  judgment,  and  the  ne- 
cessity of  repentance.     The  second,  preached  on 


n  With  this  sermon  of  Augustine  compare  (I.)  a  sermou 
of  St.  Eloy,  Vita  S.  Eligii,  ii.  c.  15;  Surius,  Acta  SS. 
Nov.  30.  (ii.)  A  sermon  of  Gallus,  Canisius,  Antiq.  Lect. 
i.  784  ;  Pertz,  Mon.  Germ.  ii.  14,  Vita  S.  Galli.  (iii.)  Tho 
Ijrst,  ninth,  and  tenth  of  the  'Instructions'  ofColum- 
banus,  Migne,  Patrologia,  suec.  vii. 

°  Bede,  H.  E.  iii.  22.  Though,  during  the  mission  of 
Paulinus  in  Northumbria,  Coifi,  the  chief  priest,  regards 
the  new  faith  as  merely  worthy  of  a  trial,  like  the  systems 
of  heathenism,  and  a  quecHon  of  temporal  advanUige,  yet 
it  is  counterbalanced  by  the  parable  of  the  thane  on  tho 
briefness  and  uncertainty  of  life,  which  strikes  a  deeper 
chord  and  betrays  a  yearning  for  the  gospel  of  a  life  be- 
yond the  grave.    (Bede,  a.  E.  ii.  13.) 


1212 


MISSIONS 


Christmas  Day,  is  concerned  with  the  creation  of 
man,  his  fall,  the  promise  of  a  Saviour,  His 
advent,  and  the  story  of  Bethlehem.  The  fourth 
treats  of  the  "  Beatitudes  ;"  the  fifth,  of  "  Faith 
and  the  Works  of  Love ;"  the  sixth,  seventh, 
eighth,  and  ninth,  of  "Deadly  Sins  and  the 
Chief  Commandments  of  God ;"  the  tenth  and 
eleventh  treat  more  fully  of  Man's  Fall,  of  the 
Redemption  wrought  by  Christ,  His  Suiferings, 
Death,  Resurrection,  and  Future  Coming.  (/6. 
saec.  viii.  813.) 

(/)  Further  information  on  the  same  point  is 
supplied  in  the  correspondence  of  Alcuin  with 
the  emperor  Charlemagne.''  In  teaching  those 
of  ripe  years,  he  says  that  order  should  be 
strictly  maintained,  which  the  blessed  St. 
Augustine  (de  Catechizandis  Rudihus)  has  laid 
down  in  his  treatise  on  this  subject.  (1.)  A 
man  ought  first  to  be  instructed  in  the  immor- 
tality of  the  soul,  in  the  future  life  and  its  re- 
tribution of  good  and  evil.  (2.)  He  ought, 
secondly,  to  be  taught  for  what  crimes  and  sins 
he  will  be  condemned  to  suffer  hereafter,  and 
for  what  good  works  he  will  enjoy  eternal  glory. 
(3.)  He  ought  most  diligently  to  be  instructed 
in  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity,  in  the  advent  of 
the  Saviour,  His  life,  passion,  resurrection,  as- 
cension, and  future  coming  to  judge  the  world. 
Strengthened  and  thoroughly  instructed  in  this 
faith,  let  him  be  baptized,  and  afterwards  let  the 
precepts  of  the  gospel  be  further  unfolded  by 
jmblic  pi-eaching,  till  he  attain  to  the  measure 
of  the  stature  of  a  perfect  man,  and  become  a 
worthy  habitation  of  the  Holy  Ghost. "^ 

15.  Of  vernacular  translations,  indeed,  of  the 
Scriptures  and  Liturgy,  except  in  the  Eastern 
church,  we  find,  naturally,  little  trace  in  the 
missionary  annals  of  this  period."'  Ulphilas,  in- 
deed, composed  an  alphabet  for  his  Gothic 
converts,  and  translated  for  them  the  Scriptures 
into  their  own  language,  but  it  does  not  seem  to 
have  occurred  to  the  missionaries  of  the  West  that 
this  was  one  of  the  most  important  requisites  for 
following  up  oral  instruction. «  All  languages  be- 
sides Latin  and  Greek  they  deemed  barbarous,  and 
shrank  from  giving  them  a  place  in  the  sacred 
services  of  the  church.  It  is  with  misgiving  that 
we  think  of  Augustine  at  the  court  of  Ethelbert, 
addressing  his  hearers  through  "  the  frigid  me- 
dium of  an  interpreter."  It  is  easier  to  imagine 
how  Boniface  and  his  disciples,'  coming  forth  from 


p  Comp.  Ep.  xxxvii.  Ad  Dominum  Regem,  de  sub- 
.  jectione  Hunnorum,  et  qualiter  docendi  sint  in  fide,  et 
quis  ordo  sit  servandus. 

"J  This  doubtless  in  his  school  at  York  Alcuin  himself 
taught  Alubert  and  Liudger,  when  Ihey  returned  from 
their  labours  in  the  Frisian  mission  field.  (  Vita  S.  Ziud- 
geri,  Pertz,  Mon.  Germ.  ii.  407.) 

f  The  Eastern  church  acted  as  if  by  Intuition  from  the 
beginning,  on  the  principle  that  the  language  of  every 
nation,  not  one  peculiar  to  the  clergy,  is  the  proper 
vehicle  for  public  worship  and  religious  life.  (Stanley, 
Lectures  on  the  Eastern  Church,  p.  309.) 

s  Gibbon,  iv.  33;  Muller,  Lectures  on  the  Science  of 
Language,  p.  175  ;  Davidson,  Biblical  Criticism,  p.  676. 
This  same  feeling  led,  also,  in  the  East  to  the  Coptic,  Ar- 
menian, and  Ethiopic  versions  of  the  Scriptures. 

»  The  a)urse  of  instruction  preparatory  to  missionary 
work  which  Sturmi  underwent  is  worthy  of  notice : 
"  Psalmis  tenaci  memoriae  traditis,  lectionibusque  quam 
jilurimis  perenni  commemoratione  functis,  sacram  coepit 
Christi  per  Scripturam  spirituali  intelligere  sensu,  qua- 
tuor  Evangeliorum  Christi  mysteria  Btudiosiseime  curavit 


MISSIONS 

the  first  Teutonic  church,  which  remained 
Teuton,  found  access,  through  their  own  tongue, 
to  the  hearts  of  the  tribes  of  Germany.  Still, 
even  in  the  English  church,  the  mother-tongue 
was  never  entirely  banished  from  the  services. 
The  Synod  of  Cloveshoo  (a.d.  747)  enacted  that 
the  priest  should  learn  to  translate  and  explain 
in  the  native  language  the  Creed,  the  Lord's 
Prayer,  and  the  sacred  words  used  at  the  cele- 
bration of  the  mass,  and,  in  the  office  of  baptism, 
while  individual  pi-elates  insisted  on  the  need  of 
clergy  able  to  instruct  their  people  in  the  ele- 
ments of  Christian  knowledge.  (Spelman,  Con- 
cilia, p.  248 ;  Johnson,  English  Canons,  i.  247  ; 
comp.  Bede,  Ep.  ad  Ecgberctum,  §  3  ;  and  Charle- 
magne, CapituL  §  14;  i.  505.)  A  short  form 
of  abjuration  of  idolatry  and  declaration  of 
Christian  faith  in  the  vernacular  language  is 
preserved  among  the  works  of  Boniface  (Migne, 
Patrologia,  saec.  viii.  810),  and  the  work  of 
Ulphilas  for  the  Goths  was  followed  up  in  some 
measure  by  Aldhelm's  version  of  the  Psalter 
(Wright,  Biog.  Brit.  Lit.  i.  222),  and  Bede's 
version  at  least  of  the  Gospel  of  St.  John, 
while  Caedinon's  Metrical  Paraphrase  was  an 
earnest  of  the  new  grandeur,  depth,  and  fervour 
which  the  German  race  was  to  give  to  the  re- 
ligion of  the  East.  (Bede,  //.  E.  iv.  24; 
Caedmon's  Paraphrase,  ed.  Thorpe,  p.  47.) 

16.  One  point  more  remains  to  be  noticed.  It 
is  impossible  to  pass  in  review  the  missionary 
history  of  the  church  from  the  sub-apostoli£ 
age  to  that  of  Charlemagne,  without  being 
struck  with  the  shw  and  gradual  steps  by  which 
each  important  triumph  of  the  faith  was  won. 
The  conversion  of  Europe,  for  instance,  is  some- 
times spoken  of  as  though  it  was  an  event  of 
speedy  accomplishment.  It  requires  an  eflbrt  to 
realise  the  fact  that  the  close  of  the  eighth 
century,  to  which  our  review  has  brought  us, 
did  not  see  even  the  half  of  Europe  won  over, 
even  in  the  most  nominal  form,  to  the  Cross  of 
Christ.  The  whole  of  the  great  Scandinavian 
peninsula,  all  Bulgaria,  Bohemia,  Moravia, 
Russia,  Poland,  Pomerania,  Prussia,  and 
Lithuania  remained  to  be  evangelised.  In  most 
of  the  countries  no  missionary  had  ever  set  foot, 
or  if  he  had,  was  obliged  to  retire  at  once  before 
the  furious  opposition  of  heathen  tribes.  Even 
at  the  close  of  the  fourth  century,  after 
Christianity  had  enjoyed,  during  more  than 
sixty  years,  the  sunshine  of  imperial  favour, 
the  Christians  at  Antioch,  a  city  which  had 
well-nigh  greater  spiritual  advantages  than  any 
other,  constituted  only  about  half  of  the  popu- 
lation (Chrysostom,  Op.  tom.  ii.  567 ;  vii. 
810),  and  more  than  fifty  years  after  the  con- 
version of  Constantine,  the  cultivated  and  in- 
fluential classes  of  old  Latin  Rome  still  remained 
heathen,"  while  the  word  "  peasant,"  synony- 
addiscere.  Novum  quoque  ac  Vetus  Testamentum,  in 
quantum  sufficiebat,  lectionis  assiduitate  in  cordis  sui 
thesaurum  recondere  curavit."  (  Vitis  S.  Sturmi  Abbatis, 
Pertz,  Mon.  Germ.  ii.  366.) 

"  In  the  5th  century  Leo,  bishop  of  Rome,  deplores  the 
deep  corruption  even  of  Christian  society,  and  adjures  his 
flock  not  to  fall  back  into  heathenism.  The  old  heathen 
cultus.  particularly  that  of  the  sun  (Sol  invictus)  had 
formally  entered  itself  into  the  Christian  worship  of  God. 
Many  Christians,  before  entering  the  basilica  of  St.  Peter, 
were  wont  to  mount  the  platform  in  order  to  make  their 
obeisance  to  the  rising  luminary.  (Merivale,  Conversion 
of  the  Northern  Nations,  p.  179.) 


MISSIS 

mous  with  "  unbeliever,"  tells  its  own  tale. 
Slow,  however,  as  was  the  actual  rate  of  pro- 
gress (Jlilman,  Latin  Christianity,  ii.  225),  there 
never  was  a  period  during  these  centuries  when 
the  flood  was  not  really  rising,  though  the  un- 
observant eye  might  not  detect  it.  Periods  of 
marvellous  acceleration  are  followed  by  periods 
of  no  less  singular  retardation,  and  in  the 
darkest  times  there  were  ever  some  streaks  of 
light,  and  the  leaven  destined  to  quicken  the 
mass  of  society  was  never  wholly  inert  or  in- 
effectual. Who,  in  the  fifth  century,  would 
have  believed  that  in  the  wild  destroyers  and 
supplanters  of  the  ancient  civilisation  of  Eome 
were  the  fathers  of  a  nobler  and  grander  world 
than  any  that  history  had  yet  known  ?  This 
wonderful  transition  is  now  a  thing  of  the  past. 
It  is  an  accomplished  fact.  But  it  was  a  transi- 
tion which,  as  we  have  seen,  was  slowly  and 
gradually  brought  about.  Shall  we  be  sur- 
prised if,  in  this  matter  of  slow  development, 
the  history  of  Christian  missions  should  repeat 
itself?  [G.  F.  II.] 

MISSIS,  martyr;  commemorated  in  Cyprus 
Feb.  20  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MISSORIUM.  Gregory  of  Tours  (^Hist. 
Franc,  vi.  2)  tells  us  that  Chilperic  shewed  him 
''  missorium  magnum  quod  ex  auro  gemmisque 
fabricaverat  in  quinquaginta  librarum  poudere." 
Flodoard  also  {Hist.  Eemen.  ii.  5)  speaks  of  a 
silver-gilt  missorium  given  to  the  church  of  St. 
Remi  at  Reims.  A  missorium  is  defined  by 
Macro  {Hierolex.  s.  v.)  to  be  "  vas  sen  theca ;  " 
by  Ducange  {Gloss,  s.  v.)  to  be  "lanx  seu  discus." 
The  weight  of  50  pounds  seems  excessive  for  a 
plate  or  paten,  and  suits  better  the  notion  of  a 
shrine  or  reliquary.  Dom  Bouquet  (on  Gregory, 
I.  c.)  says  that  some  take  missorium  to  be  an 
"  abacus  cum  omni  suppellectile."  [C] 

MISSURIANUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated 
in  Africa  Jan.  27  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Jan.  27 
{Hieron.  Mart.;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  2.  769). 

[C.  H.] 

MISTRIANUS,  martyr;  commemorated  in 
Africa  Jan.  17  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MITISORUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Alexandria  Sept.  8  {Hieron.  Mart.).         [C.  H.] 

MITRE  {KiSapts;  Mitra,  Tiara,  Infula). 
The  allusions  to  a  head-dress  of  any  description 
worn  by  Christian  ministers  as  part  of  their 
■official  dress,  which  we  meet  with  during  our 
period  of  800  years,  or  indeed  before  A.D.  1000, 
are  decidedly  rare ;  and  as  a  rule  must  be  con- 
sidered of  very  doubtful  character.  These  we 
shall  presently  discuss  at  length,  but  we  shall 
speak  briefly  first  of  the  head-dresses  worn  by 
Jewish  priests  and  high-priests,  since  some  would 
maintain  that  there  is  a  distinct  continuity 
between  the  Jewish  and  Christian  churches  in 
the  matter  of  vestments. 

The  cap  worn  by  ordinary  Jewish  priests 
is  called  ny23?p  (Exod.  xxviii.  40,  xxix.  9, 
xxxix.  28  ;  Lev."  viii.  13),  for  which  the  LXX 
gives  KiSoptj,"   a  word  which  we  shall  have  to 


MITRE 


1213 


consider  subsequently  in  its  Christian  connection. 
It  was  made  of  fine  linen  folded  together  several 
times  and  fitting  closely  to  the  head  (Josephus, 
Antiq.  iii.  7.  3,  where  see  Havercamp's  nete)*". 
Josephus  speaks  of  it  as  irl\os  i.Kaivos,  and  com- 
pares it  to  a  cxTs(pdyri ;  but  the  exact  shape  is 
not  certainly  known,  whether  it  be  a  high 
conical  cap,  rounded  off'  at  the  top  (so  Bock, 
Liturg.  Gewiind.  vol.  i.  p.  346  and  plate  ii. 
[which  is  reproduced  in  Marriott,  Vestiarium 
Christianum,  plate  viii.],  following  Braunius,  de 
habitii  sacerdotum  Hebraeorum,  p.  518,  who,  how- 
ever, does  not  speak  very  definitely :  also  Hefele, 
Beitrdge,  vol.  ii.  p.  225),  or,  as  Marriott  (p.  234), 
more  like  a  skull  cap,  fitting  to  the  shape  of  the 
head,  "  like  a  sphere  divided  in  twain." 

The  cap  of  the  high  priest  is  styled  flQ^VO 
(Exod.  xxviii.  4,  37,  39  ;  xxix.  6  ;  xxxix.  28,  '31 ; 
Lev.  viii.  9 ;  xvi.  4),  for  which  the  LXX  gives 
/xirpa  or  sometimes  KiSapis.  The  meaning  of  the 
root  verb  is  to  wind,  the  cap  being  doubtless 
akin  to  what  we  should  call  a  turban.  This, 
like  the  cap  of  the  high-priest,  was  made  of  fine 
linen,  but  differed  from  it  (to  say  nothing  of  a 
difference  in  general  shape),  in  that  on  the  front 
of  it  was  a  plate  of  gold  {f'ii  ;  in  the  LXX 
iriraXov ;  in  the  Vulgate  lamina)  attached  to  a 
band  of  blue  lace,  whereby  it  was  fastened  to 
the  mitre.  On  this  plate  was  engraved  Holiness 
to  the  Lord.  The  description  of  Josephus  {Ant. 
iii.  7.  7 ;  see  also  Bell.  Jud.  v.  5.  7)  refers  to  a 
triple  crown  worn  over  the  linen  cap,  doubtless 
a  later  addition  to  the  original  form,  and  pro- 
bably implying  a  quasi-royalty  on  the  part  of 
the  wearer. 

We  now  pass  to  the  Christian  church. 
Here  the  two  most  commonly  found  terms  for 
the  ecclesiastical  head-dress  are  7nitra  and  infula, 
though,  as  we  have  already  implied,  early  satis- 
factory instances  of  their  use  are  hardly  forth- 
coming. The  general  history  and  usage  of  the 
two  words  is  curiously  unlike.  The  Greek  word 
fx'iTpa  is  connected  with  filros  a  thread,  and  has 
the  two  meanings  of  a  girdle  and  a  head-dress. 
Confining  ourselves  to  the  latter  sense,  we  find 
the  mitra  as  a  cap  worn  by  women.  Thus  Isidore 
of  Seville  {Etymol.  xix.  31,  4)  says  of  it  "est 
pileum  Phrygium  caput  protegeas,  quale  est 
ornamentum  capitis  devotarum.  Sed  pileum 
virorum  est,  mitrae  vero  feminarum."  •=  It  was 
worn  also  by  Asiatics  without  distinction  of  sex, 
and  seems,  as  we  may  infer  from  Isidore,  to  have 
been  specially  characteristic  of  the  Phrygians 
(see  e.g.  Virg.  Aen.  ix.  QIQ).^  We  have  already 
referred  to  the  use  of  ixlrpa.  in  the  LXX,  and  in 
the  Vulgate  we  find  mitra  as  one  of  the  ren- 
derings   of    nSn'D    {e.g.    Exod.   xxix.   9),   the 


"  In  oae  passage  (Exod.  xxxix.  28  [xxxvi.  36,  LXX] ) 

it  would  seem  at  first  sight  that  /itVpa  was  their  rendering, 
but  It  seems  to  us  that  in  the  expression  Ta<;  /ccSopf  is  .  • . 


Ka\  T^v  iiCrpav  it  is  more  probable  that  the  order  of  the 
two  words  has  morely  been  interchanged,  for  it  will  be 
noticed  that  the  first  is  plural  and  the  second  singular, 
instead  of  tiice  re«a.  ti,-    i      <• 

b  Josephus  speaks  of  it  as  /ua(ri'atn<J>fliy.  This  Is  ot 
course  the  Hebrew  HQ^VP,  '^^''^^  "«  ^®  '^^  ^°''  *^® 
mitre  of  the  high-priest.'  Probably  by  the  time  of  Jose- 
phus the  word  was  used  in  a  wider  sense,  and  so  we  find 
it  in  Rabbinic  Hebrew. 

e  A  mitra,  in  addition  to  a  veil,  was  placed  en  the 
head  (if  a  virgin  when  she  was  consecrated  to  a  "  re- 
ligious "  life  (.^Uute^.^  dc  Kit.  KccL  II.  iv.  13). 

d  This  cap  will  be  remembered  by  Its  revival  during  the 
first  French  revolutioa. 


1214 


MITRE 


other  words  put  for  it  being  cidaris  and 
tiara. 

Totally  different  in  its  origin  from  the  mitra, 
the  cap  of  women  and  effeminate  men,  is  the 
infula,  the  fillet  which  decked  the  head  of  heathen 
priests  and  sacrificial  victims.  It  is  thus  defined 
by  Servius,  "  fascia,  in  modum  diadematis  a  quo 
vittae  in  utraque  parte  dependent,  quae  plerum- 
que  lata  est,  plerumque  tortilis  de  albo  et 
cocco"  (in  Virgil.  Aen.  x.  538  ;  see  also  Isidore, 
Etym.  xix.  30,  4,  where  the  above  definition 
is  cited).  We  several  times  find  Virgil  speaking 
of  the  saci-ificing  priest  as  wearing  the  infula 
(e.g.  Aen.  ii.  430,  x.  538).  Again,  the  victims 
about  to  be  sacrificed,  whether  beasts  or  men, 
were  decked  with  the  infula  (Virg.  Georg.  iii.  487  ; 
Lucretius  i.  87 ;  Suet.  Calig.  27).  In  the  last 
cited  passage,  the  case  is  that  of  a  gladiator, 
who,  having  been  guilty  of  cowardice,  was  "  ver- 
benatus  et  infulatus"  prior  to  execution. 

We  shall  now  proceed  to  consider,  seriatim, 
the  cases  adduced  of  the  use  of  some  kind  of 
head-dress  as  part  of  the  official  dress  of  the 
Christian  ministry  in  primitive  times.  The  earliest 
instance  is  one  which  can  perhaps  hardly  be  strictly 
called  a  head-dress,  but  is  sufficiently  near  to 
justify  its  presence  here,  and  concerns  no  less  a 
person  than  the  apostle  St.  John.  The  passage 
in  question  occurs  in  a  letter  sent  by  Polycrates, 
bishop  of  Ephesus,  to  Victor,  bishop  of  Rome 
(a.D.  192-202),  on  the  subject  of  the  Eastern 
controversy  (Euseb.  Hist.  Eccles.  v.  24 ;  also 
cited  in  part,  iii.  31 :  cf.  also  Jerome,  de  Viris 
illustribus,  c.  45),  in  which  he  cites  the  names  of 
different  Asiatic  bishops  and  martyrs  who  are 
claimed  as  having  held  to  the  Asiatic  practice. 
Amid  this  enumeration  we  read,  "  Yea  moreover 
John  too,  he  who  lay  on  the  Lord's  breast,  who 
became  a  priest  wearing  the  golden  plate  (os 
iyevriOrj  iepevs  rh  irira'Kov  ■Ki<popiKws').,  and  a 
witness  and  a  teacher — he  sleepeth  in  Ephesus." 
Before  expressing  any  opinion  as  to  the  meaning 
of  this  passage,  we  shall  cite  a  somewhat  parallel 
instance  from  a  later  writer,  Epiphanius.  The 
reference  has  here  been  to  Christ,  as  heir  of  the 
throne  of  David,  which  is  a  throne  not  only 
of  royalty  but  also  of  priesthood.  The  Saviour 
thus  stands  at  the  head  of  a  line  of  high-priests ; 
James,  the  Lord's  brother,  being,  as  it  were, 
successor,  in  virtue  of  his  apparent  relationship, 
and  thus  becoming  bishop  of  Jerusalem  and 
president  of  the  church.  "Moreover  also  we 
find  that  he  exercised  the  priestly  office  after  the 
manner  of  the  old  priesthood ;  wherefore  also 
it  was  permitted  to  him  once  in  the  year  to 
enter  into  the  Holy  of  Holies,  as  the  law 
commanded  the  high-priests,  according  to  the 
Scripture.  For  so  many  before  our  time  have 
related  concerning  him,  as  Eusebius*,  and  Clement 
and  others.  Further,  it  was  permissible  for  him 
to  wear  the  Golden  Plate  '  upon  his  head  (aWh. 


«  This  allusion  is  perhaps  to  be  referred,  considering  the 
mention  of  the  TreToAoi'  tliat  follows,  to  the  above-cited 
letter  of  Polycrates.  The  passage  of  St.  Clemeut,  however, 
does  not  appear  to  be  extant. 

f  binterim  (Denkw.  i.  2.  352)  cites  from  the  proceedings 
of  the  eighth  general  council  (fourth  of  Constantinople, 
A.D.  869),  from  a  letter  of  I'heodosius,  patriarch  of  Jerusa- 
lem, to  Ignatius,  patriarch  of  Constantinople,  ia  which  the 
writer  says  that  he  sends  as  a  present  the  long  robe  and 
aupsrhumeral  and  mitre  (jnitra  in  Anastasius's  Latin), 
adding  that  his  predecessors  had  been  successively  decked 


MITKE 

^ipeiv),  as  the  above-mentioned  trustworthy 
writers  have  testified."  (Haer.  xxix.  4 ;  vol.  i. 
119,  ed.  Petavius.) 

The  word  TriraXov,  it  will  be  remembered,  is 
that  employed  by  the  LXX  to  designate  the  }*'V 
worn  on  the  high-priest's  forehead,  and  there  can 
be  no  doubt,  therefore,  when  we  consider  that 
the  LXX  would  be  the  ordinary  Bible  of 
Polycrates  and  Epiphanius  if,  that  the  meaning 
intended  to  be  conveyed  is  either  that  these 
apostles  actually  wore  on  their  foreheads  a  gold 
plate,  in  direct  imitation  of  that  of  the  Jewish 
high-priesf",  or  that  the  language  is  distinctly  and 
wholly  metaphorical,  meaning  that  each  of  these 
two  apostles  occupied  in  his  turn  the  same 
position  to  the  Christian  church  that  the  Aaronic 
high-priest  had  to  the  Jewish  church.  The 
question,  it  is  evident,  must  mainly  turn  upon 
the  words  of  Polycrates,  whose  position,  both  in 
date  and  locality,  would  make  him  an  important 
witness  as  to  St.  John.  Here,  though  it  is 
impossible  to  feel  positive  and  maintain  that  St. 
John  certainly  wore  no  such  ornament,  we  feel 
that  it  is  far  more  likely  that  the  language  is  to 
be  viewed  as  allegorical — (1)  because  of  the 
allegorical  character  of  the  passage  generally 
[cf.  e.g.  fieydXa  (TToix^'ia  KeKoiixriTai,  etc.],  on 
which  see  Lightfoot,  Galatians,  p.  345  n.  (ed.  4)  ; 
and  (2)  because  the  perfect  participle  seems  very 
strange,  if  it  were  merely  meant  to  indicate 
that  St.  John  was  in  the  habit  of  wearing  the 
ireraAov.  If  that  participle  points  rather  to  "  a 
state  or  condition  resulting  from  a  past  act,"  then 
the  statement  becomes  simple  enough  if  we 
assume  that  Polycrates  aims  at  bringing  out  the 
fact  of  "  the  supreme  apostolic  authority  of  St. 
John,  whose  office  in  the  Christian  church  was. 
to  bear  rule  in  spiritual  things  over  the  spiritual 
Israel,  even  as  the  high-priest  of  old  over  Israel 
after  the  flesh"  (Marriott,  p.  39  n.).  One 
thing,  at  any  rate,  is  plain  enough :  if  St.  John 
and  St.  James,  or  either  of  them,  did  wear  this 
ornament,  it  was  an  ornament  special  to  them- 
selves, and  ceased  with  them,  affecting  in  no 
sense  the  further  use  of  the  church. 

The  next  instance  we  shall  cite  is  from  the 
oration  delivered  by  Eusebius'  on  the  consecra- 
tion of  the  great  church  at  Tyre  (Hist.  Eccles. 
X.  4).  This  highly  rhetorical  discourse  begins 
with  an  address  to  Paulinus,  bishop  of  Tyre,  and 
his  assembled  clergy,  as  "friends  of  God  and 
priests  (ifpels),  who  are  clad  in  the  holy  robe 
that  reacheth  to  the  feet,  and  with  the  heavenly 
crown  (ffTe<pavov)  of  glory,  and  with  the  unction 
of  inspiration  (rh  xp^'^l^"-  """^  ivQiOv)  and  with 
the  priestly  vesture  of  the  Holy  Ghost."     Here 


•with  this  sacred  garb  (Labbe,  vlil.  987).  In  any  case, 
however,  a  late  9th-century  tradition  such  as  this  need 
not  detain  us. 

s  It  may  be  noted  that  in  translating  the  extract  from 
Polycrates,  Jerome  renders  TreVaAov  by  lamina,  the  word 
he  had  used  in  the  Vulgate  for  the  gold  plate  of  the  high- 
priest. 

k  Hefele  (p.  225)  remarks  that  though  we  are  to  take 
the  TreTaXoi/  of  St.  John  in  its  technical  sense,  neither 
Polycrates  nor  Eusebius  asserts  it  to  have  been  of  gold. 
This,  however,  seems  needless  quibbling ;  if  the  word  is 
supposed  to  be  used  technically  the  rest  wiU  follow. 

i  There  can  be  no  reasonable  doubt  that  by  the  tk 
wapeKeiov  Eusebius  simply  means  himself.  Hefelo 
(Beitriige,  p.  226)  strange'y  makes  Paulinus  the  speaker. 


MITEE 


1215 


the  rhetorical  character  of  the  whole  discourse 
suggests  that  the  above  words  are  by  no  means 
improbably  used  in  quite  a  figurative  sense,  and 
have  reference  to  the  spiritual  characteristics  of 
the  new  covenant,  in  contradistinction  to  the 
externals  of  the  old.  Hefele  too,  who  argues 
strongly  for  the  early  use  of  the  mitre,  is  not 
disposed  to  claim  this  passage  in  support  of  his 
view,  but  is  evidently  inclined  to  explain  the 
ffT4<pai'os  of  the  tonsure,  which  often  goes  by 
that  name.  At  any  rate,  it  is  clear  that 
no  very  certain  conclusions  can  be  built  upon 
this  example.  Our  next  passage  is  in  some 
respects  similar.  It  occurs  in  one  of  the 
discourses  of  St.  Gregory  of  Nazianzum  (ob.  A.D. 
389),  where  he  addresses  his  father,  then 
bishop  of  Nazianzum,  who  sought  to  associate 
his  son  with  him  in  the  duties  of  his  office.  In 
the  course  of  this  he  remarks,  "  therefore  thou 
anointest  the  chief  priest,  and  clothest  him  with 
the  robe  reaching  to  the  feet,  and  settest  the 
priest's  cap  [_Tbv  KiSapiv  ;  one  of  the  LXX  words, 
it  will  be  remembered,  for  the  priestly  and 
high-priestly  head-dresses]  about  his  head,  and 
bringest  him  to  the  altar  of  the  spiritual  burnt- 
oflering,  and  sacrificest  the  calf  of  consecration, 
and  dost  consecrate  his  hands  with  the  Spirit, 
and  dost  bring  him  into  the  Holy  of  Holies." 
(^Orat.  X.  4;  Patrol.  Gr.  xxxv.  829.)  This 
■citation  may  perhaps  be  assumed  as  evidence  for 
the  use  of  some  kind  of  clerical  head-dress  in  St. 
Gregory's  time,  but  of  what  kind,  or  under  what 
conditions  worn,  or  whether  the  whole  passage 
is  to  be  viewed  as  allegorical,  must  remain 
doubtful.  Much  certainly  in  the  passage  is 
highly  figurative,  as  the  allusion  to  the  calf,  and 
to  the  Holy  of  Holies ;  which,  so  far  as  it  goes, 
would  be  distinctly  in  favour  of  the  latter  view. 
Some  writers  cite  as  evidence  for  the  early 
use  of  some  kind  of  mitre,  a  passage  from 
Ammianus  Marcellinus  (xxix.  5),  where  he 
describes  the  outbreak  of  an  African  chief,  named 
Firmus  (A.D.  372).  Against  him  was  sent 
Theodosius,  afterwards  emperor,  by  whom  the 
rising  was  completely  crushed,  and  Firmus  com- 
pelled to  sue  for  peace.  The  historian,  a  heathen, 
speaks  of  the  sending  of  "  Christian!  ritus  anti- 
stites,  oraturos  pacem."  Two  days  after,  Firmus 
restored  "  Icosium  oppidum  ....  militaria 
signa  et  coronam  sacerdotalem  cum  caeteris  quae 
interceperat."  When  Hefele  (p.  227)  can  remark 
on  this  that  thereby  "  is  plainly  meant  the 
Infula  of  that  bishop  whom  the  heathen  Africans 
had  shortly  before  slain  in  the  regions  of  Leptis 
and  Ona"  (op.  cit.  xxviii.  6),  it  may  most 
decidedly  be  objected — (1)  that  the  connecting  of 
the  two  events,  and  indeed  the  assumption  that 
the  person  slain  (Rusticianus  sacerdotalis)  was  a 
Christian,  or  that,  if  a  Christian,  he  would  have 
a  "  crown  "  at  all,  is  a  distinct  begging  of  the 
whole  question ;  and  (2)  that  it  is  far  more 
reasonable  to  understand  by  the  corona  sacer- 
dotalis (the  phrase  used,  it  will  be  remembered, 
by  a  heathen)  the  golden  crown,  which  abundant 
illustrations  shew  to  have  been  worn  by  heathen 
priests.  (See  e.g.  Tertullian,  de  Spectaculis,  c.  23  ; 
de  Idololatria,  c.  18  [where  see  Oehler's  note] ; 
de  Corona  Militis,  c.  10.  We  may  also  appeal 
to  a  canon  of  the  council  of  Elvira,  which  is 
sutTiciently  curious  to  be  given  at  length : 
"  Sacerdotes  qui  tantiim  coronam  portant,  nee 
sacrificant,  nee  de  suis  sumptibus  aliquid  ad  id 


praestant,  placuit  post  biennium  accipere  com- 
munionem."  Concil.  Illih.  can.  55;  Labbe,  i.  976.) 
Equally  inconclusive,  in  our  opinion,  is  the 
series  of  passages  quoted  by  Hefele  and  others, 
in  which  the  infula  is  mentioned  in  connexion 
with  Christian  vestments.  In  classical  usage, 
the  word  infula  was  not  confined  to  the  more 
special  meaning  we  have  already  dwelt  on,  but 
drifted  into  the  meaning  of  ornaments  and 
insignia  of  magistrates,  or  even  into  that  of  a 
magistracy  itself.  [See  examples  quoted  from  the 
imperial  codes  and  elsewhere,  in  Forcellini  s.r.] 
In  later  ecclesiastical  Latin  again,  we  find  the 
word  distinctly  used  for  a  chasuble  (see  e.g.  Hugo 
de  S.  Victore  Spec.  Eccl.  6,  Patrol,  clxxvii.  353 ; 
see  also  Ducange  «.».),  apparently  as  being  the 
official  vestment  par  excellence.  We  should  thus 
be  prepared  to  argue  that,  in  the  absence  of 
evidence  pointing  the  other  way,  the  natural 
explanation  to  give  to  these  earlier  allusions  to 
a  Christian  infula  is  that  the  word  betokens,  in 
a  half  poetic  sense,  the  official  dress,  and  indeed 
hardly  more  than  the  quasi-official  position  of 
ordained  persons.  The  allusions  cited  are  the 
following.  The  Christian  poet  Prudentius,  when 
dwelling  on  the  names  of  famous  martyrs  con- 
nected with  the  city  of  Saragossa,  says  (Peristeph. 
iv.  77  sqq.) — 

"  Inde,  Vincenti,  tua  palma  nata  est, 
Clerus  hie  tantum  peperit  triumphvun, 
Hie  sacerdotum  domus  infulata 

Valerlorum," 

where  the  concluding  reference  is  to  Valerius, 
bishop  of  Saragossa.  The  whole  poem,  however, 
is  written  in  a  highly-wrought  strain  of  meta- 
phor, and  is  a  palpable  imitation  of  classical 
imagery.  This  is  quite  sufficient  to  shew  that 
no  special  stress  can  be  laid  here  on  the  word 
infulata. 

About  a  century  later  Gelasius  (ob.  A.D.  496) 
speaks  of  certain  characteristics  in  a  person 
rendering  him  "  clericalibus  ^  infulis  [where  the 
plural  is  noticeable]  reprobabilem"(Zi>wi.  ix.  ad 
episcopos  Luomiae,  §  9 ;  Patrol,  lix.  51).  Again 
in  a  biography  [Hodoeporicon]  of  Willibald,  a 
disciple  of  St.  Boniface,  written  by  a  contem- 
porary nun  of  Heidenheim,  it  is  remarked  on 
the  consecration  of  Willibald  as  a  bishop,  that 
"  sacerdotalis  infulae  ditatus  erat  honore  "  (c.  11  ; 
in  Canisius,  Thesaurus  ii.  116).  In  a  biography 
of  Burckhard  of  Wiirzburg,  another  disciple  of 
St.  Boniface  [probably  written  two  hundred 
years  after  the  time  of  St.  Boniface,  but  before 


k  Hefele  dwells  on  the  adjective  clericalibus,  as  imply- 
ing a  head-dress  distinct  from  that  worn  by  laymen,  and 
cites  Ducange  {Glossarium,  s.  v.  infula)  who  quotes  the 
order  of  a  synod  which  prohibits  clerics  from  wearing  an 
infula  "  de  seta  sive  serico  more  lalcali."  Again,  an  an- 
cient statute  ordains  that,  except  in  case  of  necessity, 
cleries-are  not  to  wear  "  vestes  saeculares,"  or  "Infulam 
sen  pileum  de  die  in  Ciipite,"  and,  in  case  of  disobedience, 
beneficed  clergy  are  to  be  fined  a  year's  income.  On  this 
it  may  be  remarked  that  (1)  the  date  of  the  above  men- 
tioned synod  Is  given  by  Du&inge  as  a.d.  1311,  and  the 
statutes  are  of  the  date  A.D.  1289  (Miulene,  Anecd.  iv. 
671),  and  therefore  are  not  relevant  to  the  present  matter; 
(2)  the  prohibition  in  the  former  citation  evidently  refers 
to  the  material  of  the  infula;  and  (3)  to  allow  that  at  e 
given  time  clerics  wore  head-dresses  of  a  different  shape 
from  lavmen,  is  quite  a  different  thing  from  allowing  tl.at 
the  head-dress  formed  a  part  of  the  official  dress  or  en- 
tered in  any  sense  into  ofBclal  ministrations. 


1216 


mTRE 


A.D.  984;  Rettberg,  Eircheiigcsch.  Beutschlands 
li.  314],  Burckhard  is  spoken  of  as  "  pontifi- 
cali  infula  dignus"  (see  Acta  Sanetorum,  Oct. 
vol.  vi.  674),  and  the  then  pope  is  said  to  be 
"summi  ])ontificatus  infulae  non  incongruus." 
On  all  the  above  instances  it  may  be  remarked 
that  while  they  allow  us  to  explain  them  if  we 
will  of  a  Christian  official  head-dress,  they  most 
certainly  cannot  be  considered  as  evidence  com- 
pelling us  to  such  a  belief;  and  in  the  absence  of 
any  direct  trustworthy  evidence  from  ancient 
pictures  of  the  existence  of  such  a  head-dress, 
and  considering  the  known  later  use  of  the  term 
infula,  we  cannot  but  feel  that  the  probability 
inclines  strongly  against  those  who  claim  the 
above  series  of  passages  as  establishing  the  ancient 
use  of  a  mitre. 

Two  more  passages  which  have  been  cited  are 
absolutely  of  no  weight.  The  first  is  a  line  from 
Ennodius,  a  poet  of  the  fifth  century,  with 
reference  to  St.  Ambrose,  "  Serta  redimitus 
gestabatr  Jucida  fronte"  (iTp/iyf.  77;  Fati-ol.  Ixiu. 
348),  but  the  context,  even  the  following  line  alone, 
serves  to  shew  that  we  are  dealing  with  meta- 
phor and  not  with  fact — "  distinctura  gemrais 
ore  parabat  opus."  Finally,  in  a  poem  (^Farae- 
nesis  ad  Episcopos)  of  Theodulf  of  Orleans  (ob. 
A.D.  821),  we  are  met  with  the  line,  "  Illius  ergo 
caput  resplendens  mitra  tegebat"  (lib.  v.  carm. 
3,  sub  fin. ;  Patrol,  cv.  360).  The  whole  con- 
text, however,  as  Marriott  has  plainly  pointed 
out,  is  dwelling  on  the  contrast  between  the 
splendour  of  the  Jewish  high-priestly  dress  and 
the  spiritual  character  which  should  be  the 
oi-nament  of  the  Christian  minister.  This  con- 
trast is  elaborately  worked  out,  and  the  line 
immediately  following  the  one  we  have  quoted 
is  "  contegat  et '  mentem  jus  pietasque  tuum." 

On  a  general  survey  of  the  foregoing  evidence, 
it  may,  at  any  rate,  be  safely  asserted  that  no  case 
has  been  at  all  made  out  for  a  general  use  of  an 
official  head-dress  of  Christian  ministers  during 
the  first  eight  or  nine  centuries  after  Christ. 
Many  of  the  passages  adduced  in  favour  of  such 
a  view  have  been  shewn  to  be,  if  not  quite 
inconclusive,  at  any  rate  of  very  doubtful 
character.  Hardly  one  can  be  called  definite, 
plain  or  positive.  Also,  if  direct  evidence  is 
sought  on  the  other  side,  we  may  again  appeal  to 
a  treatise  of  Tertullian  we  have  already  cited  (de 
Corona  Militis,  c.  10).  The  words  "  Quis  denique 
patriarches  ....  quis  vel  postea  apostolus 
aut  evangelista  aut  episcopus  invenitur  coro- 
natus  ?"  ought  to  be  definite  enough,  as  shewing 
the  usage  in  his  time.  When,  further,  as  we 
have  already  remarked,  the  remains  of  early 
Christian  art,  which  can  really  be  considered 
trustworthy,  furnish  no  evidence  whatever  for 
the  use  of  such  a  head-dress,  but  distinctly  point 
the  other  way ;  we  feel,  that  while  not  venturing 
altogether  to  deny  the  possible  existence,  of  a 
local  or  temporary  kind,  of  a  mitre  or  head- 
dress, here  and  there,  we  may  still  fairly  say 
with  Menard  that  "vis  ante  annum  post 
Christum  natum  millesimum  mitrae  usum  in 
ecclesia  fuisse"  (J}reg.  Sacr.  557).  Menard  justly 
insists  on  the  fact  that  in  numerous  liturgical 
monuments  (e.g.  a  mass  for  Easter  Day  in  the 
Cd.  Ratoldi  [written  before  A.D.  986],  where 
the  ornaments  of  a  bishop   are  severally   gone 

'  At  is  doubtless  to  be  read  as  Marriott  suggests. 


MITRE 

through),  as  well  as  in  writers  who  have  fully 
entered  into  the  subject  of  Christian  vestments, 
as  Rabanus  Maurus,  Amalarius,  Walafrid  Strabo, 
Alcuin  (Pseudo-Alcuin),  there  is  no  mention 
whatever  of  a  mitre. 

Even  a  writer  as  late  as  Ivo  of  Chartres  (ob. 
A.D.  1115),  while  describing  the  Jewish  mitrae 
makes  no  mention  of  its  Christian  equivalent. 
There  are  good  grounds,  however,  for  believing 
that  at  first  the  mitre  was  an  ornament  specially 
connected  with  the  Roman  church,  from  whence 
its  use  spread  gradually  over  Western  Christen- 
dom, though  this  use  had  evidently  not  become 
universal  in  Ivo's  time.  We  shall  very  briefly 
cite  an  instance  or  two  to  illustrate  this  Roman 
connexion.  The  following  is  the  earliest 
adduced : "  when  the  archbishop  Eberhard  of 
Treves  was  at  Rome  in  A.D.  1049,  Leo  IX.  placed 
on  his  head,  in  St.  Peter's  on  Passion  Sunday, 
the  Roman  mitre.  The  pope's  words  in  the 
charter  are  "  Homana  mitra  caput  vestrum  in- 
signivimus,  qua  et  vos  et  successores  vestri 
in  ecclesiasticis  officiis  Romano  more  semper 
utamini."  {Ep.  3 ;  Patrol,  cxliii.  595 :  cf.  also 
Ep.  77,  op.  cit.  703,  where  the  same  privilege  is 
granted  to  Adalbert,  bishop  of  Hamburg.  We 
there  read  of  the  mitre,  "  quod  est  insigne 
Romanorum.")  Again,  a  few  years  later,  in 
A.D.  1063,  Alexander  II.  granted  to  Burchard, 
bishop  of  Halbestadt,  the  privilege  of  wearing 
the  archiepiscopal  pallium  and  mitre,  because  of 
his  special  services  to  the  Roman  see.  We  cite  in 
this  case  a  clause  of  some  interest,  as  shewing 
the  concession  of  the  use  of  the  Roman  mitre  as 
not  confined  to  the  episcopal  order :  "  lusuper 
mitras  tibi  ac  successoribus  tuis  ac  canonicis 
excellentioribus,  scilicet  presbyteris  et  diaconis  in 
missarum  solemnia  ministraturis,  subdiaconis  in 
majori  ecclesia  tua  et  suprascriptis  festivitatibus 
portandas  concedimus"  (Ep.  10,  Patrol,  cxlvi. 
1287).  In  A.D.  1119,  Calixtus  II.  grants  the 
use  of  the  "  episcopalis  mitra"  to  Godebald, 
bishop  of  Utrecht  (Aj9.  37  ;  Patrol,  clxiii.  1130). 
One  more  example  may  suffice.  Peter  Damiau, 
in  an  indignant  letter  (c.  A.D.  1070)  toCadalous, 
bishop  of  Parma,  who  was  the  anti-pope 
Honorius  II.,  says  scornfully,  *'  habes  nunc 
forsitan  mitram,  habes  juxta  morem  Romani 
pontificis  rubram  cappam "  (Epist.  lib.  i.  20 ; 
Patrol,  cxliv.  242). 

Any  discussion  as  to  the  variation  in  form  and 
material  of  this  later  mitre  is  quite  beyond  our 
purpose ;  suffice  it  to  say  that  while  the  descrip- 
tion of  Honorius  of  Autun  (Gemma  Animae,  i. 
214;  Patrol,  clxxii.  609),  in  the  twelfth  century, 
still  seems  to  point  to  a  cap  made  of  linen  (mitra 
ex  bysso  facta''),  that  of  Innocent  III.  in  the 
thirteenth,  shews  that  in  the  case  of  the  bishop 


"  A.  possibly  earlier  instance  is  referred  to  by  Marriott 
(p.  241)j  from  a  coin  of  Sergius  III.  (ob.  a.d.  911),  where 
the  inUra  is  said  first  to  appear  as  replacing  an  older 
papal  head-dress,  the  Camelaucium.  This,  however, 
must  perhaps  not  be  pressed  in  the  absence  of  confirma- 
tory evidence. 

"  See  for  an  example  probably  of  this  type,  Marriott, 
plate  xliv.  (and  cf.  p.  220),  figured  from  a  MS.  of  the  11th 
century.  This  is  the  earliest  example  of  the  kind  known 
to  Marriott,  except  perhaps  one  in  the  Benedictional  of 
St.  Ethelwald,  a  fllS.  of  the  10th  century.  Here,  however, 
the  figure  wears  a  kind  of  gold  circlet,  which  may  indi- 
cate royal  rank  and  not  be  an  ecclesiastical  head-dress  in 
the  strict  sense  at  alL 


MITIilUS 

of  Rome,  at  any  rate,  it  was  made  partly  of  gold, 
ami  approximated  to  its  later  shape  (do  sacro 
■  I't'ris  mysteriOji.  60;  Patrol,  ccxvii.  796). 

It  will  have  been  observed  that  nothing  has 
beim  said  as  to  the  restriction  of  the  use  of  the 
mitre  to  the  highest  order  of  the  clergy.  On 
this,  however,  it  can  only  be  remarked  that,  as 
far  as  the  first  eight  centuries  at  least  ai'e  con- 
cerned, practically  nothing  from  the  whole  of 
our  scanty  body  of  evidence  is  adducible.  The 
mention  of  the  infula  in  the  life  of  Willibakl 
lias  sometimes  been  cited,  but  we  have  already 
s.'t-n  how  slight  is  the  basis  on  which  the  whole 
argument  in  connexion  with  the  word  infula 
rests. 

In  conclusion,  the  practice  of  the  Eastern  church 
may  be  most  briefly  referred  to.  Here  the  mitre, 
properly  speaking,  is  unknown,  and  thus  we  find 
Symeon,  archbishop  of  Thessalonica  in  the 
fifteenth  centui-y,  declaring  that  all  ecclesiastics, 
whether  bishops  or  priests,  except  only  the 
patriarch  of  Alexandria,"  performed  the  sacred 
rites  without  any  covering  on  the  head  {Expo- 
sit  io  dc  divino  templo,  c.  45;  Patrol.  Gr.  civ.  710; 
cf.  Eesponsa  ad  Gahrielcm  Pcntapolitanum,  c.  20, 
ih.  871.  Reference  may  be  specially  made  to 
Gear,  Euchologion,  p.  314).  In  the  Armenian 
church,  however,  bishops  have,  it  is  said  since 
the  eleventh  century,  worn  a  kind  of  mitre, 
apparently  in  imitation  of  Rome,  the  priests  of 
that  church  wearing  a  kind  of  bonnet. 

A  passing  allusion  may  be  made  here  to  the 
mitra  virginum,  mentioned  by  Isidore  of  Seville, 
which  appears  to  have  been  worn  in  addition 
to  the  veil  by  those  who  made  profession  of 
virginity.  Isidore  remarks  that  such  a  person, 
"  because  she  is  a  virgin,  may  display  the  honour 
of  a  hallowed  body  '  in  libertate  capitis '  [cf, 
e'loufrj'a,  1  Cor.  xi.  10]  and  '  mitram  quasi  coro- 
nam  virginalis  gloriae  in  vertice  praeferat ' "  (de 
Eccl.Off.  ii.  17.  11;  Pairo^.  Ixxxiii.  807).  Again, 
in  a  letter  of  St.  Remigius  of  Rheims,  to  Clovis, 
condoling  with  him  on  the  death  of  his  sister 
Albofleda,  who  had  died  shortly  after  baptism,  he 
says  of  her,  "  fragi-.it  in  conspectu  Domini  flore 
virginitatis,  quo  scilicet  et  corona,  quam  pro 
virginitate  suscepit  "  {Ep.  1 ;  Patrol.  Ixv.  965). 
The  use  of  the  mitra  by  professing  virgins  is 
alluded  to  by  Optatus  (de  Schismate  Donatistarum, 
ii.  19  ;  Patrol,  xi.  973 ;  also  vi.  4,  ib.  1072,  where 
see  Dupin's  note). 

Literature. — For  the  matter  of  the  foregoing 
article,  I  have  to  express  my  obligations  to 
Hefele's  essay,  Inful,  Mitra  und  Tiara  in  his 
Beitrdgc  zur  Kirclwngeschichte,  Archaologie  und 
Liturgik,  vol.  ii.  pp.  223  sqq. ;  Marriott,  Vesti- 
orium  Christianum,  pp.  187,  220,  etc. ;  Binterim, 
Denhwiirdi(jkeitcn  der  Christ-Katholischen  Kirche, 
i.  2.  348  sqq. ;  Bock,  Geschichte  der  liturgischen 
Gewdnder  des  Mittelaltcrs,  vol.  ii.  pp.  153  sqq. ; 
Martene,  de  Antiquis  Ecclesiae  Bitibus,  lib.  i.  c.  4, 
§  1 ;  and  Ducange,  Glossarium,  s.  vv.  Infida, 
Mitra.  [R.  S.] 

MITRIUS,  martyr;  commemorated  Nov.  13 
{Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 


MODERATA 


1217 


cited  by  Goar  {I.  c),  derives  this  from  tbe 
presidency  of  Cyril  at  the  council  of  Ephesus.  However, 
this  need  not  be  taken  very  seriously.  The  same  writer 
and  Symeon  of  Thessalonica  absurdly  refer  the  origin  of 
the  Roman  mitre  to  a  privilege  specially  granted  by  Con- 
stant ine  to  pope  Silvester. 


MITTON,  martyr;  commemorated  at  Alex- 
andria May  4  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MITTUNUS  (1)  Presbyter ;  commemorated 
in  Africa  May  4  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Constantinople 
May  8  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Two  martyrs;  commemorated  at  Thessa- 
lonica June  1  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.J 

MIXTUM  or  MISTUM.  (1)  A  morning 
meal  or  "  jentaculum  "  in  monasteries,  consisting 
of  bread  and  wine  only.     {Reg.  Bened.) 

(2)  The  word  mixtum  is  also  used  as  equivalent 
to  the  Greek  Kpa/xa,  to  designate  the  mixed 
chalice  in  the  Eucharist.     [Elements,  p.  604.] 

[C] 

MNASON,  of  Cyprus ;    commemorated  July 

12  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  iii.  248).  [C.  H.] 

MOCHELLOCUS  (Kellenus),  commemo- 
rated in  Ireland  Mar.  26  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mar. 
iii.  626).  [C.  H.] 

MOCHOEMOCUS  (Pulcherius),  Irish  ab- 
bat  of  the  7th  century;  commemorated  Mar.  13 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mar.  ii.  281).  [C.  H.] 

MOCHTEUS.    [MocTETJS.] 

MOCHUA  BALLENSIS  (Ceonanus),  Irish 
abbat ;  commemorated  Jan.  1  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Jan.  i.  47).  [C.  H.] 

MOCHUA  LAEGSIENSIS  (Cuanus),  Irish 
abbat ;  commemorated  Jan.  1  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Jan.  i.  47).  [C.  H.] 

MOCHUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Milan 
July  9  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  iL 
689).  [C.  H.] 

MOCIANUS,  martyr  with  Marcus ;  comme- 
morated July  3  (Basil.  MenoL).  [C.  H.] 

MOCIUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated  Jan. 
29  {Cal.  Bi/zant.). 

(2)  Reader  and  martyr  ;  commemorated  with 
bishop  Silvanus  and  deacon  Lucas  Feb.  6  (Basil. 
Menol.) 

(3)  Presbyter,  native  of  Byzantium,  martyred 
under  Diocletian  at  Heraclea  ;  his  relics  deposited 
by  Constantine  in  his  great  church  at  Constanti- 
nople; commemorated  May  11  (Basil.  MenoL; 
Cal.  Byzant.);  Mocius  or  Mucius,   May  11  and 

13  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  May,  ii.  620) ;  a  church  dedi- 
cated to  him  and  St.  Meuas  at  Constantinople 
(Codinus,  de  Aedif.  38).  [Mucius  (3).]     [C.  H.] 

MOCTEUS  (]\rocHTEUS),  Irish  bishop,  cir. 
A.D.  535;  commemorated  Aug.  19  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Aug.  iii.  743).  [C.  H.] 

MODANUS,  perhaps  a  bishop,  in  Ireland,  of 
the  6th  or  7th  centurv  ;  commemorated  Aug.  30 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  Vi.  565).  [C.  H.] 

MODEEAMNUS,  bishop  of  Rennes,  cir. 
A.D.  719  ;  commemorated  Oct.  22  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Oct.  ix.  619).  [C-  H.] 

MODERATA,  martvr;  commemorated  at 
Sirmia  Ap.  6  {Hieron.  iMart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Aurt). 


1218 


JIODERATUS 


MOLINGUS 


MODEEATUS  (1)  Martyr  with  Felix  at 
Auxerre,  probably  in  the  5th  century  ;  comme- 
morated July  1  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  i.  287). 

(2)  Bishop  and  confessor  at  Verona  in  the  5th 
century  ;  commemorated  Aug.  23  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Aug.  iv.  596).  [C.  H.] 

MODESTA  (1)  Martyr  with  Patricia  and 
Macedonius  at  Nicomedia ;  commemorated  Mar. 
13  (Usuard.  3fart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.)  ;  Modestia 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Ap.  6 
(Eieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MODESTINUS,  martyr';  commemorated 
Mar.  13  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MODESTUS  (1)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in 
Africa  Jan.  12  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Jan.  13 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr  with  Posinnus ;  commemorated  at 
Carthage  Feb.  12  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Feb.  ii.  580). 

(4)  Infant  martyr,  with  Ammonius,  at  Alex- 
andria; commemorated  Feb.  12  (Usuard.  Mart.  ; 
Bed.  3fart.  Auct. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  580)  ; 
]MOLESTUS  {Mart.  Horn.  Vet.). 

(5)  Bishop  of  Treves,  cir.  a.d.  480 ;  comme- 
morated Feb.  24  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  iii.  4G3). 

(6)  Presbyter ;  commemorated    in  Asia   Mar. 

12  (^Hieron.  Mart.). 

(7)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Caesarea  Mar. 
28  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(8)  Martyr,  with  Vitus  and  Crescentia ;  com- 
memorated in  Lucania  June  15  {Hieron.  Mart.; 
Usuard.  Mart.);  in  Sicily  {Vet.  Eom.  Mart.; 
Bed.  Mart.  Auct.). 

(9)  Levita,  martyr  at  Beneventum  in  the 
4th  century  ;  commemorated  Oct.  2  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Oct.  i.  325). 

(10)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Cappadocia 
Oct.  14  {Eieron.  Mart.). 

(11)  Martyr  with  Euticus,  Materus,  Disseus; 
commemorated  Oct.  21  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Oct.  ix.  14 ;  Bed.  Mart.  Atwt.). 

(12)  Martyr  with  Afriges,  Macharius,  and 
others  ;  commemorated  Oct.  21  {Hieron.  Mart. ; 
Bed.  Mart.  Auct. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  ix.  14). 

(13)  Martyr  with  Tiberius  and  Florentia  at 
Agde  ;  commemorated  Nov.  10  (Usuard.  Mart.). 

(14)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Syracuse  Dec. 

13  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MODIANUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at 
Rome  June  2  {Hieron.  Mart.).  (C.  H.] 

MODIUS.  The  modius  or  bushel  measure  is 
sometimes  represented  on  Christian  tombs.  Mar- 
tigny  refers  to  Lupi's  Dissertations,  ^c,  on  the 
Epitaph  of  the  Martyr  Scverus,  p.  51,  tab.  viii., 
for  the  best  known  example.  The  inscription 
over  a  Christian  named  Maximinus  says  that 
"  he  lived  23  yeai-s  the  friend  of  all  men ; "  and 
his  effigy  is  carved  on  the  stone  with  a  rod  in  his 
hand,  and  a  bushel  full  of  corn,  from  which  ears 
are  springing,  is  placed  near  him.  Padre  Lupi 
thinks  this  is  an  allusion  to  Luke  vi.  38 — the 
full  measure,  pressed  down  and  running  over, 
which  Maximus  hoped  for  in  death;  or  to  the 


grain  of  corn  sown  and  washing  away  in  earth, 
to  bear  much  fruit,  John  vii.  24.  And  he  gives 
another  example  of  the  modius  in  Boldetti,  p. 
371,  from  the  tomb  of  a  Christian  named  Gor- 
gonius.  He  observes,  however,  very  sensibly  and 
truly,  that  Maximus  may  have  been  a  mensor 
cereris  augustae,  or  have  had  some  connexion 
with  the  corn-trade,  and  quotes  a  further  in- 
stance of  the  modius  on  the  tomb  of  a  baker, 
one  Vitalis  (bitalts),  dated  401.  There  is  no 
reason  why  the  survivors  should  not  have 
attached  the  symbolism  of  the  Lord's  wheat  and 
garner,  or  of  His  reward,  to  the  usual  signs  of 
the  business  in  which  the  dead  had  been  engaged  ; 
and  some  disputes  might  be  saved  as  to  Chris- 
tian symbolism  if  we  consider  that  in  primitive 
days  as  well  as  our  own,  devout  and  imaginative 
people  saw  and  delighted  in  meanings  which  may 
have  been  overlooked  then,  as  now,  by  people 
equally  good  but  more  matter  of  fact.  Mar- 
tigny  refers  to  his  article,  Instruments  et  Ein- 
hlemes  repr€sent^s  sur  les  tombeaux  Chretiens, 
p.  324,  Diet.,  the  first  part  of  which  enumerates 
emblems  of  the  trades  of  the  smith,  woolcomber, 
husbandman,  baker,  and  surgeon.  See  FossOR. 
[R.  St.  J.  T.] 


Modius.    From  Martigny. 

MODOALDUS,  archbishop  of  Treves,  cir, 
A.D.  640;  commemorated  May  12  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  May,  iii.  50).  [C.  H.] 

MODOMNOCUS  (Dominicus  Ossoriensis) 
in  the  6th  century ;  commemorated  Feb.  13 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  673).  [C.  H.] 

MODUENNA,  commemorated  in  Ireland 
July  6  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  ii.  297).       [C.  H.] 

MOECA,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  the 
cemetery  of  Praetextatus  at  Rome  May  10 
{Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MOECHAEUS,  martyr;  commemorated  in 
Africa  Ap.  8  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MOENIS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Alex- 
andria July  10 ;  another  at  Antioch  the  same 
day  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MOER.    [Oeconoiitts,  Monastic] 

MOGUNTINUM    CONCILIUM.      [Mav- 

ENCE.] 

MOISITIS.  martvr ;  commemorated  May  12 
{Hieron.  Mart.).         '  [C.  H.] 

MOLENDION,  martvr;  commemorated  in 
Africa  Jan.  19  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MOLESTUS.    [MoDESTus.] 

MOLINGUS  (Datrgellus),  bishop  of  Ferns 
in  the  7th  century;  commemorated  June  17 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  iii.  406).  [C.  H.] 


MOLOCUS 

MOLOCUS  or  MOLONACHUS,  Scottish 
bishop  in  the  7th  century  ;  commemorated  June 
25  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  vi.  240).  [C.  H.] 

MOMINUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Alex- 
andria Ap.  30  (Hicron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MONA  (1)  Bishop  of  Milan,  a.d.  249 ;  com- 
memorated Oct.  12  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  vi.  11). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Nov.  26 
(Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MONASTEKY. 

Pnge 
I.  General  History  of  Monasticism  ..  1219 
II.  Particular  Rules  1229 

III.  Architecture 1238 

IV.  List  of  Monasteries  founded  before 

A.D.  8U  1243 

I.  General  History  of  Monasticism. 
— The  history  of  monasticism  is  one  of  the 
strangest  problems  iu  the  history  of  the  world. 
For  monasticism  ranks  among  the  most  power- 
ful influences  which  have  shaped  the  destinies 
of  Christendom  and  of  civilisation ;  and  the 
attempt  to  analyse  it  philosophically  is  more 
than  usually  difficult,  because  the  good  and 
the  evil  in  it  are  blended  together  almost  in- 
extricably. To  those  who  contemplate  it  from 
a  distance,  wrapped  in  a  romantic  haze  of 
glory,  it  may  appear  a  sublime  and  heroic 
effort  after  superhuman  excellence.  To  others 
approaching  it  more  nearly,  and  examining 
it  more  dispassionately,  it  seems  essentially 
wrong  in  principle,  though  accidentally  pro- 
ductive of  good  results  at  certain  times  and 
under  certain  conditions.  They  regard  the 
blemishes  which  from  the  first  marred  the 
beauty  of  its  heavenward  aspirations,  as  well 
as  the  more  glaring  vices  of  its  later  phases, 
as  inseparable  from  its  very  being.  To  them 
it  is  not  so  much  a  thing  excellent  in  itself, 
though  sometimes  perverted,  as  a  mistake 
from  the  first,  though  provoked  into  existence 
by  circumstances,  not  an  aiming  too  high,  but 
an  aiming  in  the  wrong  direction.  By  declaring 
"  war  against  nature,"  to  use  the  phrase  of  one 
of  its  panegyrists  (Montal.  Monks  of  the  West, 
i.  357),  it  is,  in  their  eyes,  virtually  "  fighting 
against  God."  In  their  judgment  it  degrades 
man  into  a  machine.  In  their  estimation  the 
monk  shunning  the  conflict  with  the  world  is 
not  simply  deserting  his  post,  but  courting 
temptations  of  another  kind  quite  as  perilous  to 
his  well-being.  In  brief,  far  from  being  an 
integral  and  essential  part  of  Christianity,  it  is 
in  their  eyes  a  morbid  excrescence. 

Monasticism,  in  the  proper  sense  of  the  word, 
cannot  be  traced  back  beyond  the  4th  century. 
Almost  from  the  very  commencement  of  Chris- 
tianity ascetics  are  mentioned  (a(T/c7)Toi,(r7rou5oioi, 
eKKfKTwv  iKXtKTOTipoi),  porsoHs,  that  is,  pre- 
eminent in  the  Christian  community  for  self- 
denial  and  sanctity;  but  these  were  "in  the 
world,"  though  not  "  of  it."  In  the  3rd  century 
eremites  or  hermits  began  to  form  a  distinct 
class  in  the  East  and  in  Africa ;  in  the 
4th  they  began  to  be  organised  in  coeno- 
bitic  communities.  The  origin  of  monasticism 
has  sometimes  been  imputed  to  a  growing  indif- 
ference to  faith  in  the  Atonement  {e.  g.  Hospinian 
de  Orig.  Monachatus,  Epist.  Dedic),  but  it  would 

CUBIST.   AST. — TOL.   II. 


MONASTERY 


1219^ 


be  easy  to  cite  passages  from  Augustine  and: 
other  panegyrists  of  monks  conclusive  against 
this  theory  as  inadequate,  if  not  altogether 
groundless.  Rather  the  origin  of  the  monastic 
life  is  to  be  found  partly  in  the  teaching  of  the 
schools  of  Alexandria,  partly  in  the  social  state 
of  the  world  external  to  Christianity.  The 
luxury  and  the  profligacy  of  the  Roman  empire 
even  more  than  its  outbui-sts  of  persecuting 
fury  alienated  the  most  earnest  disciples  of  the 
Cross  from  taking  their  part  in  things  around 
them  and  drove  them  far  from  the  haunts  of  men, 
inspired  by  the  passionate  longing  of  the  Psalmist 
for  "the  wings  of  a  dove,"  that  they  might 
"  fly  away  into  the  wilderness  and  be  at  rest." 
The  causes  at  work  were  many  and  complex.  To 
the  timid  and  indolent  the  monastei-y  was  a 
refuge  from  the  storms  of  life ;  it  was  a  prop 
and  a  defence  against  themselves  to  the  weak 
and  wavering ;  to  the  fanatic  it  was  a  short  and 
speedy  way  to  heaven ;  to  the  ambitious,  for  the 
haughtiness  which  was  its  especial  bane  in  later 
days,  soon  intruded  into  the  cell,  it  was  a 
pedestal  from  which  to  look  down  on  the  rest  of 
mankind ;  to  men  of  nobler  temperament  it 
seemed,  according  to  the  notions  then  becoming 
prevalent,  the  only  fulfllment  of  what  have  been 
called  "the  counsels  of  perfection."  (Chrys. 
adv.  0pp.  Vit.  Mon.  i.  7  et  passim  ;  Socr.  H.  E. 
iv.  23,  4  ;  Soz.  H.  E.  i.  12-15,  iii.  14,  vi.  28-34.) 

Monasticism  was  not  the  product  of  Chris- 
tianity ;  it  was  its  inheritance,  not  its  invention  ; 
not  its  ofl'spring,  but  its  adopted  child.  The  old 
antagonism  between  mind  and  matter,  flesh  and 
spirit,  self  and  the  world  without,  has  asserted 
itself  in  all  ages,  especially  among  the  nations  of 
the  East.  The  Essenes,  the  Therapeutae,  and 
other  Oriental  mystics,  were  as  truly  the  pre- 
cursors of  Christian  asceticism  in  the  desert  or 
in  the  cloister,  as  Elijah  and  St.  John  the  Bap- 
tist. The  Neoplatonism  of  Alexandria,  extol- 
ling the  passionless  man  above  the  man  who 
regulates  his  passions,  sanctioned  and  system- 
atised  this  craving  after  a  life  of  utter  abstraction 
from  external  things,  this  abhorrence  of  all  con- 
tact with  what  is  material  as  a  defilement. 
Doubtless  the  cherished  remembrance  of  the 
martyi-s  and  confessors  who  in  the  preceding 
centuries  of  the  Christian  era  had  triumphed 
over  many  a  sanguinary  persecution,  gave  a 
fresh  impulse  in  the  4th  century  to  this  pro- 
pensity for  asceticism,  stimulating  the  devout  to 
vie  with  their  forefathers  in  the  faith  by  their 
voluntary  endurance  of  self-inflicted  austerities. 

Some  of  the  various  terms  used  by  early 
Christian  writers  for  the  monastic  life  shew  how 
it  was  commonly  regarded,  and  illustrate  its 
twofold  origin.  The  monks  are  frequently 
termed  "the  philosophers,"  and  the  monastery 
their  "  school  of  thought  "  {(pt\6<TO(j>ot ;  <ppovri- 
rr^pioy,  ffxo\ri,  &c.),  as  the  successors  and  repre- 
sentatives of  Greek  philosophy.  They  are  termed 
"  the  lovers  of  God,"  "  the  servants  of  God  " 
((piXSdfoi,  6epaKevTai,  servi  Dei,  famuli  Dei,  &c.), 
as  being  the  lineal  descendants  of  Hebrew  pro- 
phets and  seers.  As  undergoing  a  discipline  of 
extraordinary  rigour,  as  inuring  themselves  to 
hardships,  like  good  soldiers,  stripping  themselves 
of  every  encumbrance,  and  drilling  themselves 
for  the  warfare  with  Satan,  they  are  called 
"  the  renouncers,"  the  "  athletes  of  Christ,"  and 
the  scene  of  their  self-imposed  toils  and  struggleB 
4K 


1220 


MONASTERY 


is  their  "  wrestling-y<ird  "  or  "  gymnasium  " 
(a-TroTald/xej/oi,  renunciantes ;  irdKa.iarpa.,  acr- 
K-nTTipiov,  &c.).  They  are  called  endearingly 
"fathers"  (nonni,  abbates),  by  way  of  affec- 
tionate reverence ;  "  suppliants,"  as  giving 
themselves  to  prayer  (iKeVat) ;  "  the  angelic,"  as 
leading  the  lite  of  angels  (^IffdyyeAoi,  coelicolae)  ; 
"  fellow-travellers  "  (crwoShai)  ;  "  dwellers  in 
cells"  (cellulani).  Their  abodes  are  called 
"  holy  places"  {ffffxvua),  "  seats  of  government  " 
(riyovfXfve7a),  "  sheepfolds  "  {ndvSpat).  The  terms 
monastery  (fiovaffrr^piov),  originally  the  cell  or 
cave  of  a  solitary  hermit,  laura  (\avpa),  an 
irregular  cluster  of  cells,  and  coenobium  (^koiv6- 
/Stoi'),  an  association  of  monks,  tew  or  many,  under 
one  roof  and  under  one  government,  mark  the 
three  earliest  stages  in  the  development  of  monas- 
ticism.  In  Syria  and  Palestine  each  monk  origi- 
nally had  a  separate  cell ;  in  Lower  Egypt  two 
were  together  in  one  cell,  whence  the  term 
"  syncellita,"  or  sharer  of  the  cell,  came  to  express 
this  sort -of  comradeship;  in  the  Thebaid,  under 
the  customs  of  Pachomius  of  Tabenna,  each  cell 
contained  three  monks.  (Bened.  Anian.  Cone. 
Begul.  c.  29  ;  Cass.  Instit.  iv.  16  ;  Coll.  xx.  2 ; 
Pallad.  Hist.  Laus.  c.  38;  Soz.  Hist.  Ecc.  iii.  14.) 
At  a  later  period  the  monks  arrogated  to  them- 
selves by  general  consent  the  title  of  "  the 
religious "  (religiosi),  and  admission  into  a 
monastery  was  termed  "conversion"  to  God. 
(Ferreol.  Reg.  Praef. ;  Smaragd.  Vit.  Bened.  Anian. 
c.  56.) 

Passages  laudatory  of  monasticism  abound  in 
the  Christian  writers,  both  Greek  and  Latin,  in 
the  4th  and  5th  centuries.  Basil  of  Neocaesarea, 
one  of  the  founders  of  monasticism  in  Asia,  and 
his  friend  Gregory  of  Nazianzum,  the  learned 
Jerome  in  his  cell  at  Bethlehem,  and  the 
eloquent  Chrysostom  in  the  midst  of  a  noisy 
populace  at  Constantinople,  profound  thinkers 
and  men  of  action  like  Augustine  of  Hippo 
and  Theodoret  of  Cyrus,  all  vie  with  one 
another  in  reiterating  its  praises  (Basil.  Constit. 
Mon. ;  Gregor.  Naz.  Or.  12 ;  Chrys.  Vit.  Man.  ; 
Aug.  da  Mar.  Eccl.  31,  de  Op.  Mon.  c. 
28,  etc. ;  Hieron.  passim ;  Theodoret,  Hist. 
Eel. ;  Epiphan.  Ancor.  107,  etc.).  The  great 
Augustine  is  said  to  have  lived  in  a  kind  of 
monastery  with  the  clergy  of  his  cathedral ;  and 
by  his  eulogies  of  the  monastic  life  in  his  '  Com- 
mentary on  the  36th  Psalm '  to  have  won  Ful- 
gentius,  bishop  of  Ruspe,  in  the  6th  century,  to 
become  a  monk  himself.  In  one  enthusiastic 
passage  he  expresses  a  fervent  hope  that  monas- 
ticism may  shoot  out  its  branches  and  offshoots 
all  over  the  world  {De  Op.  Mon.  28).  Jerome 
goes  so  f;ir  as  to  speak  of  embracing  the  monas- 
tic life  as  a  kind  of  second  baptism  (^Ep.  39, 
ad  Paul.).  And  yet  in  the  writings  of  those 
who  extolled  monasticism  most  highly  there  are 
cautions  and  warnings  not  a  few  against  the 
dangers  which  beset  it.  Augustine,  with  cha- 
racteristic insight  into  the  strange  contradictions 
of  human  nature,  describes,  almost  as  one  of  the 
greatest  of  modern  painters  has  represented 
it  on  his  canvas,  the  recoil  of  a  novice  on  first 
entering  a  monastery  from  the  vices  and  inconsis- 
tencies of  some  among  its  inmates  {In  Ps.  c. ;  cf. 
Hieron.  Ep.  ad  Bust.  125,  ad  Eustoch.  22).  Pride 
was  always  the  besetting  sin  of  the  cloister.  Ambi- 
tion and  covetousness  crept  in  even  among  those 
who  had  renounced  the   world,  its  pomps  and 


MONASTERY 

vanities  (Hieron.  Epp.  ad  Rust.  125,  ad  Eustoch. 
22  ;  Aug.  Ep.  60,  ad  Heliodor.'),  and  sensuality 
assailed  those  who  had  retired,  as  they  hoped, 
to  a  safe  distance  from  the  temptations  of  the 
flesh  (Hieron.  Epp.  ad  Rust.  125,  ad  Eustoch. 
22).  The  loneliness,  the  silence  of  the  cell,  often 
brought  on  that  torment  of  the  over-scrupulous, 
a  religious  melancholy,  and  sometimes  downright 
insanity  (llier.ii;;.  ad  Rust.  125 ;  Cass.  Instit.  v.  9). 
And  though,  as  a  rule,  the  monks  were  among 
the  fiercest  and  noisiest  champions  of  ortho- 
doxy, at  times,  in  their  ignorance  and  isolation 
from  the  church  at  large,  they  were  equally 
zealous  for  the  extravagant  notions  of  heretical 
fanatics  (Sozom.  H.  E.  i.  12).  Whatever  side  they 
espoused,  they  were  the  fiercest  of  its  partisans. 
In  retaliations  on  the  heathen  for  the  ci-uelty 
which  they  had  inflicted  on  the  church,  in  putting 
down  heresy  by  force,  in  extorting  from  the  civil 
authorities  the  pardon  of  criminals,  monks  were 
ever  foremost.  By  the  advice  of  Gennadius, 
patriarch  of  Constantinople,  and  in  consequence 
of  the  tumults  in  Antioch  about  Peter  the  Fuller, 
Leo  the  Thracian,  in  the  middle  of  the  5th 
century,  made  an  edict  forbidding  monks  to 
quit  their  monasteries  and  excite  commotion  in 
cities  (Milm.  Hist.  Lat.  Christianity,  i.  294). 
The  outrages  of  the  Nitrian  monks  against 
Orestes,  the  praefect,  in  their  zeal  for  Cyril  of 
Alexandria,  of  Barsumas  and  his  rabble  against 
Flavian  of  Antioch  in  the  "  robber  council  "  of 
Antioch,  and  the  ferocity  which  would  not  leave 
the  saintly  Chrysostom  in  peace  even  at  the 
point  of  death,  are  no  extraordinary  instances  of 
what  the  monks  of  the  5th  century  were  capable 
of  in  their  theological  frenzies.  By  a  strange, 
yet  not  uncommon  inconsistency,  the  monk  in 
his  cell  listened  eagerly  for  the  rumours  of  pole- 
mical controversy  in  the  world  which  he  had 
abjured,  and  reserved  to  himself  the  right  of 
rushing  into  the  fray,  not  as  peacemaker,  but 
to  take  part  in  the  combat.  They  claimed  for 
themselves  an  authority  above  that  of  bishops, 
emperors,  councils.  As  in  the  Iconoclastic  con- 
troversy, so  generally  they  were  on  the  side  of 
superstition.  The  Egyptian  monks  clung  te- 
naciously to  their  anthropomorphic  conceptions 
of  the  Deity.  One  of  them,  an  old  man  named 
Serapion,  exclaimed  with  tears,  on  hearing  that 
God  is  a  Spirit,  "  They  have  taken  away  our 
God !  We  have  no  God  now  "  (Cassian.  Coll.  x. 
c.  3  ;  cf.  Kuffin.  de.  Verb.  Senior,  c.  21).  Some 
monks  in  Asia  Minor  inculcated  rigid  abstinence 
generally,  and  condemned  marriage  as  sinful 
(Soc.  //.  E.  ii.  43,  iv.  24 ;  Concil.  Gangr.  c. 
A.D.  330,  cc.  1,  2,  9).  Antinomianism  prevailed 
among  some  of  the  Mesopotamian  monks  in  the 
4th  century  (Epiphan.  Haeres.  Ixx.).  Augustine 
speaks  of  Manichaean  tendencies  among  monks 
{De  Mor.  Eccles.  i.  31). 

In  the  4th  century  the  growing  reverence  for 
celibacy  aided  monasticism  to  make  its  way  into 
almost  every  province  of  the  Roman  empire,  the 
civilised  world  of  that  day.  (Aug.  de  Mor. 
Eccles.  i.  31 ;  Theod.  Hist.  Eel.  30).  The  elder 
Macarius  in  the  Scetic  or  Scithic  desert,  the  elder 
Ammon  on  the  Kitrian  mount,  higher  up  the 
Nile  Pachomius  in  the  Thebais,  treading  in  the 
footsteps  of  Antony,  the  celebrated  hermit, 
founded  enormous  communities  of  monks,  with 
some  sort  of  rude  organisation.  The  numbers  of 
monks  in  Egypt  thus  herding  together  and  with- 


MONASTEKY 

drawn  from  ordinary  duties  of  a  social  and 
.political  life,  were  reckoned  at  this  time  by 
thousands.  (Soz.  H.  E.  iv.  14,  vi.  31 ;  Cass.  Inst. 
iv.  1.)  In  Syria  Hilarion  and  his  friend 
Hesychas,  with  Epiphanius,  afterwards  bishop 
of  Salumis  in  Cyprus,  in  Armenia  Eustathius, 
bishop  of  Sebaste,  the  first,  according  to  some 
writers,  to  prescribe  a  monastic  dress,  in  Asia 
Minor  Basil,  the  first,  to  impose  the  vow 
(Soz.  H.  E.  vi.  32 ;  Hieron.  Vit.  Hilar. ;  cf. 
Helyot,  Hist,  des  Ordres ;  Bulteau,  Hist,  dcs 
Moines  d' Orient),  led  the  way.  In  Africa  the 
rage  for  the  monastic  life,  according  to  Augustine, 
was  chiefly  among  the  poor  {De  Op.  Mon.  22). 
The  severe  enactments  of  the  persecuting 
■emperor  Valens  were  powerless  to  check  the 
rush  of  popular  feeling  in  this  direction  (Soc. 
H.  E.  iv.  24).  Jerome  speaks  of  multitudes  of 
monks  in  India,  Persia,  Ethiopia  (^Ep.  107  ad 
Laet). 

From  Syria  and  Egypt  the  passion  for  monas- 
ticism  spi-ead  rapidly  westwards.  Severinus, 
called  "  the  Apostle  of  Noricum,"  was  a  monk,  like 
most  of  the  great  missionaries  of  this  period,  and 
propagated  monasticism  side  by  side  with 
•Christianity.  The  islands  of  the  Adriatic  sea  soon 
swarmed  with  inonks,  nor  were  the  isles  in  the 
Tuscan  sea  slow  to  follow  their  example  (Hier. 
Ep.  de  Mort.  Fahiol. ;  Hieron.  Ep.  60  ad  Helio.). 
About  the  middle  of  the  4th  century,  Athanasius, 
in  his  exile  from  Alexandria,  sought  shelter  at 
Kome,  and  there,  in  the  metropolis  of  the  world 
(Aug.  de  Mor.  Ecc.  33),  the  growing  taste  for 
monasticism  enjoyed  to  the  full  all  the  advan- 
tages which  his  reputation  for  orthodoxy  and 
sanctity  could  lend  it,  or  which  it  could  derive, 
half  a  century  later,  from  Jerome's  fervid  and 
uncompromising  advocacy.  There  was  much 
in  the  monastic  life  thoroughly  in  keeping  with 
what  remained  among  Romans  of  their  pristine 
sternness  ;  it  was  a  congenial  reaction  from  the 
luxury  and  effeminacy  of  the  day.  Eusebius, 
contemporary  with  Athanasius,  fostered  it  at 
Vercellae,  in  Northern  Italy,  where,  as  bishop,  he 
resided  under  the  same  roof  with  some  of  his 
•clergy,  all  living  together  by  rule  ;  and  somewhat 
later,  the  illustrious  Ambrose  promoted  its  de- 
velopment in  and  about  Milan,  then,  as  now,  one 
of  the  chief  cities  in  that  part  of  the  peninsula 
(Aug.  de  Mor.  Eccles.  33).  Cassian,  early  in 
the  5th  century,  carried  his  experiences  of 
ei-emitic  and  coenobitic  life  in  Egypt  and  the 
Thebaid  to  Marseilles,  already  an  important 
trading  place,  there  establishing  two  monas- 
teries, afterwards  of  great  celebrity.  He  found 
similar  institutions  flourishing  in  the  islands 
then  called  Stoechades,  and  now  so  familiar  to 
invalids,  off  the  southern  coast  of  France, 
at  Toulouse,  and  in  the  adjacent  district, 
under  the  direction  of  Honoratus,  Jovinianus, 
Leontius,  and  Theodorus.  St.  Martin,  bishop  of 
Tours    ( Caesarodunum ),    turned   his    episcopal 

palace  into  a  monastery,  and  at  his  death   was 

followed  to  the  grave 'by  2000  monks  (Sulpic. 

Vit.  St.  Mart.).  In  the  earlier  part  of  his  life 
he  had  founded  a  monastery  (Locogingense,  in 
modern  times  Liguge'),  near  Poictiers  (Pic- 
tavium).     One  of  his  disciples,  Maximus,  founded 

a  monastery  on  LTsle  Barbe  (Insula  Barbara) 
near  Lyons,  and  another  at  Trier  or  Treves 
(Augusta  Trevirorum)  in  the  East.  Romanus,  a 
pupil  of  Benedict,   of  Monte   Casino,   with   his 


MONASTERY 


1221 


brother,  Lupicinus,  faithful  to  their  master's 
teaching,  planted  monasteries  on  the  Jura  moun- 
tains in  the  West,  early  in  the  6th  century 
(Mabill.  Amial.  O.S.B.).  In  Spain,  probably 
from  its  proximity  to  Africa,  and  easy  communi- 
cation with  that  country,  then  the  representative 
of  Western  or  Latin  Christianity,  monasticism 
flourished  at  an  earlier  date  even  than  in 
southern  Gaul,  under  the  auspices,  apparently, 
in  the  first  instance  of  an  African  named  Donatus 
(Ildefons,  de  Vir.  Illustr.  iv.).  So  early  as  in 
A.D.  380  a  decree  of  a  council  at  Saragossa,  for- 
bidding priests  to  affect  the  dress  of  monks,  shews 
that  monasticism  had  even  then  made  consider- 
able progress  in  Spain  (Concil.  Caesai-august. 
c.  6  ;  cf.  Mabill.  Annal.  0.  S.  B.  iii.  38,  39).  In 
the  British  Isles,  monasticism  flourished  ex- 
tensively long  before  the  mission  of  Augustine 
to  England  ;  but  the  Roman  missionaries  on  their 
arrival  received  anything  but  a  cordial  welcome 
from  their  British  brethren,  a  feeling  of  mutual 
distrust  and  hostility  arismg  from  the  differences 
which  existed  in  ritual,  costume,  &c.  But  rapid 
as  was  the  growth  of  monasticism,  it  had  many 
and  grave  difficulties  to  contend  with.  The  very 
enthusiasm  in  its  favour,  which  the  ardour  of  men 
like  Jerome  kindled  among  devout  persons,  only 
intensified  in  other  quarters  the  bitterness  and 
rancour  of  antagonism.  The  tumultuous  uproar 
of  the  Roman  crowd  at  Blesilla's  funeral  (Hier. 
Epp.  127  ad  Frincip.  39  ad  Paul.)  was  a  popular 
protest  against  the  austerities  which  were  sup- 
posed to  have  been  the  cause  of  her  death. 
Salvian  in  the  5th  century  speaks  of  the  un- 
popularity of  the  monks  in  Africa,  and  of  the 
jibes  and  jeers  which  their  pale  faces  and  sombre 
dress  excited  in  the  streets  (Z'e  Gxihern.  viii.  4). 
And  though  the  imperial  government  on  rare 
occasions,  probably  under  some  exceptional  influ- 
ence, shielded  the  monasteries,  as  when  Justinian 
allowed  minors  and  slaves  to  embrace  the  monastic 
life  without  the  permission  of  their  superiors 
{Cod.  I.  iii.  53,  55;  Novell,  v.  2),  yet,  as  a 
rule,  the  civil  power  regarded  with  a  not 
unreasonable  jealousy  the  absorption  of  so 
many  of  its  citizens  into  a  current  which 
withdrew  them  not  for  a  time  only  but  for  life, 
for  the  obligation  soon  came  to  be  considered  a 
lifelong  one  (Aug.  Serm.  60  ad  Frat.),  from 
all  participation  in  responsibilities  of  a  social  and 
political  nature. 

From  the  first  there  was  a  marked  contrast, 
which  has  been  well  expressed  by  the  terms 
"  endogenous  "  and  "  exogenous,"  between 
eastern  and  western  monachism.  The  dreamy 
quietism  of  the  East  preferred  silent  contempla- 
tion of  the  unseen  world  to  labour  and  toil ; 
its  self- mortification  was  passive  rather  than 
active.  So  far  as  it  prescribed  work  at  all,  it 
was  more  as  a  safeguard  for  the  soul  against  the 
snares  which  Satan  spreads  for  the  unoccupied, 
than  with  a  view  to  benefiting  others.  Weaving 
mats  and  baskets  of  rushes  or  osiers  was 
all  that  was  required,  as  a  harmless  way  of 
passing  the  time,  or  of  busying  the  fingers 
while  the  thoughts  were  fixed  on  vacancy.  The 
soft  and  genial  climate,  too,  spared  the  Asiatic  or 
the  African  the  trouble  of  providing  for  his  own 
daily  wants  and  those  of  his  brethren  with  the 
svveat  wrung  from  his  brow.  And  the  same 
habit  of  indolent  abstraction  held  him  back 
from  those  literary  pursuits,  which  were  in 
4K2 


1222 


MONASTERY 


many  an  instance  the  redeeming  characteristic 
of  the  great  monasteries  of  the  West,  even 
while  it  gave  the  rein  to  an  abstruse  and 
bewildering  disputativeness,  ever  evolving  out  of 
itself  fresh  materials  for  di:;puting.  In  Europe  it 
was  quite  otherwise.  There,  even  within  the 
walls  of  the  monastery,  was  the  ever-present 
sense  of  the  necessity  and  the  blessedness  of 
exertion.  There,  the  monk  was  not  merely  a 
worker  among  other  workers,  but  by  his  voca- 
tion led  the  way  in  enterprises  of  danger  and 
difficulty.  Whatever  time  remained  over  and 
above  the  stated  hours  of  prayer  and  study  was 
for  manual  labours  of  a  useful  kind,  and  farming, 
gardening,  building,  out  of  doors  and  within 
the  house,  for  caligraphy,  painting,  &c.  The 
monks  in  Europe  were  the  pioneers  of  culture 
and  civilisation  as  well  as  of  religion  ;  usually 
they  were  the  advanced  guard  of  the  hosts  of 
art,  science  and  literature.  From  this  radical 
divergence  of  thought  and  feeling,  two  main 
consequences  naturally  followed.  A  less  sparing, 
a  more  generous  diet  was  a  necessity  for  those 
who  were  bearing  the  fatigues  of  the  day  in  a 
way  which  their  eastern  brethren  could  form  no 
idea  of.  A  more  exact,  a  more  minute  arrange- 
ment of  the  hours  of  the  day  was  a  necessity 
for  those  who,  instead  of  wanting  to  kill  time, 
had  to  economise  it  to  the  best  of  their  ability. 
The  closer  and  more  systematic  organisation 
which,  from  the  date,  at  least,  of  Benedict  of 
Monte  Casino,  marked  the  monasteries  of  the 
West,  and  the  more  liberal  dietary  which  he 
deliberately  sanctioned  were  admirably  adapted 
for  the  Roman  and  the  Barbarian  alike  in  the 
Europe  of  his  day.  To  the  one,  with  his  innate 
and  traditionary  deference  for  law,  the  orderly 
routine  of  the  cloister  was  infinitely  preferable 
to  the  lawless  despotism  of  the  empire  ;  and  even 
the  sturdy  independence  of  the  Goth  bowed 
willingly  beneath  a  yoke  which  it  had  chosen 
for  itself  without  constraint. 

"  In  truth  the  prison  unto  which  we  doom 
Ourselves  no  prison  is." 

In  the  East  the  monasteries,  as  a  rule,  were 
larger,  but  less  firmly  administered.  There  the 
laxer  system  of  the  "  Laura  "  prevailed  more 
widely  and  lasted  till  a  later  period  than  in 
Europe  (Mabill.  Pracff.  V.  vi.).  In  East  and 
West  alike,  the  control  exercised  by  the  bishop 
of  the  diocese  over  the  monastei'ies  in  his 
jurisdiction  was  from  first  to  last  scarcely 
more  than  titular.  But  in  Latin  Christendom 
the  centralising  authority  of  the  pope  supplied 
the  want  of  episcopal  control,  not,  however, 
without  the  vices  which  are  inherent  in  an 
overstramed  centi-alisation. 

Before  the  5th  century  there  was  no  uni- 
formity of  rule  among  the  various  monas- 
teries even  of  one  race  or  country.  Cassian 
complained  that  every  cell  had  its  rule  ;  that 
there  were  as  many  rules  as  monasteries 
{Instit.  ii.  2).  In  some  cases,  under  the  roof  of 
the  same  monastery,  a  divided  allegiance  was 
given  to  several  rules  at  once  (Mab.  Annal. 
0.  S.  B.  Praef.  18).  All  this  was  perhaps  inevit- 
able from  the  fact  that  the  monastic  life  had  its 
origin  not  in  an  impulse  given  by  any  one 
directing  and  controlling  spirit,  but  in  the 
exigencies  of  the  age  generally.  Gradually 
order  emerged  out  of  this  chaos.     The  ascetic 


MONASTEEY 

writings  commonly  ascribed  to  Basil  of  Caesareia 
sometimes  to  his  friend  Eustathius  of  Scbaste,  ex- 
ercised from  the  first  over  the  monasteries  of  the 
East  an  influence  which  they  have  never  lost  in 
those  unchanging  lands  where  change  is  an 
impiety.  The  rule  of  Basil — the  first  written 
code  of  the  sort — was  popular  for  a  time  in 
Southern  Italy,  a  stronghold,  from  the  circum- 
stances of  its  colonisation,  of  Greek  sympathies, 
was  translated  into  Latin  at  the  instance  oi 
Urseus,  abbat  of  Pinetum,  probably  near  the 
famous  pine  woods  of  Eavenna  ( Mab.  Ann. 
0.  S.  B.  I.  15),  was  used  in  Gaul  during  the 
5th  century  at  Lemovicus  (Limoges)  in  con- 
junction with  Cassian's  Institutes  (Jh.  IV.  40) ; 
and  won  for  itself  the  commendation  of  Cassio- 
dorus  and  Benedict.  Some  European  monasteries 
at  first  adopted  their  rules  from  Egypt,  the 
mother-country  of  asceticism  ;  thus  the  so-called 
rule  of  Macarius  was  in  foi'ce  in  a  Burgundian 
monastery,  and  the  "rule  of  Antony  "  m  a  monas- 
tery near  Orleans  (Mab.  Ann.  0.  S.  B.  I.). 
Cassian  was  the  precursor  of  Benedict  in  the 
arduous  work  of  systematising  the  development 
of  monasticism.  But  it  is  inexact  to  speak  of 
"  Cassian's  severe  and  inflexible  rule  "  (Milmnn, 
Lat.  Chr.  II.  ii.).  Strictly  speaking,  Cassian  is 
the  author  of  no  rule  properly  so  entitled  ;  he 
was  a  compiler  of  materials  suggestive  of  legis- 
lation, not  a  legislator  himself.  It  was  probably 
through  his  influence,  in  part  at  least,  that 
many  of  the  Gallic  monasteries  copied  the  type 
presented  to  them  by  the  celebrated  monastery 
of  Honoratus  at  Lerina  (Lerins),  which  seems  to 
have  been  itself  in  its  commencement  a  copy 
from  those  great  Egyptian  communities,  which 
Cassian  knew  well  from  his  own  personal  experi- 
ence, wherein  the  brethren,  dwelling  each  in  his 
little  separate  cell,  all  under  one  abbat,  met 
together  at  stated  times  for  the  sacred  offices, 
and  for  refreshment  (Mab.  Ann.  0.  S.  B.  L 
29,  30). 

The  appearance  of  the  rule  of  Benedict,  first 
and  greatest  in  the  long  list  of  monastic 
reformers,  was  the  commencement  of  uniformity 
in  the  monasteries  of  the  West.  Starting  fronv 
its  birthplace,  Monte  Casino,  on  the  wildly 
picturesque  spurs  of  the  Apennines,  it  asserted 
its  supremacy  in  Italy  before  the  end  of  the 
6th  century,  in  the  countries  which  are  now 
France  and  Germany  after  the  era  of  Winfried 
or  Boniface,  and  in  Spain,  where  the  rule  o£ 
Isidore  had  prevailed,  after  the  9th  century. 
In  the  next  century  it  was  almost  universally 
accepted  throughout  Christian  Europe  (Pel- 
liccia,  Ecc.  Chr.  Pol.  I.  iii.  1,  4). 

Like  Aaron's  rod  it  swallowed  up  its  rivals^ 
For  a  time,  indeed,  the  more  ascetic  rule  of 
Columbanus,  emanating  from  the  remote  shores 
of  Britain,  where,  before  his  missionary  labours 
in  Gaul  and  westwards,  he  had  been  trained  under 
the  rigorous  tutelage  of  the  famous  Comgall, 
abbat  of  Bangor,  came  into  conflict  in  central 
Europe  with  the  Benedictine  rule,  and  disputed" 
its  pre-eminence.  But  the  followers  of  Colum- 
banus never  became  a  separate  order.  The 
monasteries  wherein  his  rule  was  followed 
solely  and  absolutely  were  never  numerous. 
More  usually  his  rule  was  combined  with  that 
of  Benedict,  as  in  the  monasteries  of  Luxoviunv 
(Luxeuil)  and  Bobium  (Bobbio)  in  the  7th  cen- 
tury.    The  most  characteristic  part  of  his  rul& 


MONASTERY 

the  Poenitentiale,  was  too  peremptory,  too 
Draconic  ever  to  become  geucrally  popular. 
After  the  synod  of  Macon,  A.D.  625  {Concil. 
Matiscon.),  in  which  the  rule  was  defended  by 
Eustathius,  abbat  of  Luxeuil,  from  the  charges 
brought  against  it  by  one  of  his  monks,  the 
Columbanist  rule  may  be  said  to  have  ceased  to 
exist  separately.  The  Benedictine  rule  was  milder 
and  more  flexible  than  its  compeers ;  it  was 
more  in  harmony  with  the  temperament  of  the 
Italian  peninsula,  whence  at  that  time  other 
Christian  lands  in  the  West  received  their  eccle- 
siastical laws ;  it  enjoyed  the  favour  and 
patronage  of  Rome,  the  capital  of  Christendom 
(Mab.  AmutJ.  0.  S.  B.  Praef.  pp.  23,  25). 
Wherever  the  two  rules  existed  side  by  side  in 
the  same  monastery,  the  Italian  rule,  inevitably 
and  as  of  necessity,  sooner  or  later  ousted  the 
Hibernian.  Even  in  its  own  birth-land,  notwith- 
standing the  obstinate  tenacity  with  which  the 
native  monks  ("  Scoti,"  i.e.  Irish)  clung  to  their 
(Prepossessions  about  the  right  time  for  keep- 
ing Easter  and  the  right  way  of  shaving  for  the 
tonsure,  &c.,  the  rule  of  Columbanus  failed  to 
hold  its  own  against  the  encroachments  of  its 
exotic  rival.  In  the  8th  century,  the  rule  of 
'Benedict  was  carried  by  Saxon  missionaries 
l)eyond  the  Tweed  (Holsten,  Praef.  in  Cod. 
JRegul  S.  Bened.  Anian,  pp.  403-405). 

Amid  all  these  divergencies  and  discrepancies, 
that  which  gave  cohesion  and  stability  to  the 
monastic  system  was  the  almost  absolute 
authority  of  the  abbat,  an  authority  greater 
than  that  of  a  captain  of  an  English  man-of-war 
In  modern  times,  and  almost  on  a  par  with  that 
of  iin  Oriental  despot  (e.g.  Cone.  Franco/,  a.d. 
794).  For  his  monks  to  hear  was  to  obey.  He 
held  his  office,  ordinarily,  for  life.  Within  the 
walls,  primarily  intended  for  defence  against 
enemies  from  without,  but  which  soon  came  to 
"be  quite  as  useful  for  keeping  the  brethren  in. 
Tie  reigned  supreme ;  and  his  watchful  eye 
followed  them  even  beyond  the  precincts 
(Cone.  Tnrracon.  a.d.  516,  c.  11).  Each  monk  in 
iurn  was  a  spy  on  the  others  (Greg.  M.  Epp.  x. 
22) ;  was  bound  to  inform  the  father-abbat  of 
any  misconduct  on  their  part,  bound,  too,  by 
habitual  confession  to  the  abbat,  to  accuse 
himself.  It  was  an  integral  part  of  Benedict's 
policy  thus  to  magnify  the  office  of  the  abbat. 
It  was,  in  a  word,  the  keystone  of  his  arch. 
•Gregory  the  Great,  a  century  later  (the  Roman 
church  has  always  been  skilful  in  utilising 
Tier  monastic  auxiliaries),  was  very  sevei-e  against 
vagabond  monks  (Greg.  M.  Epp.  I.  40,  vi.  32, 
vii.  36,  &c.;  cf.  Cone.  Aurcl.  a.d.  511,  c.  19). 
On  the  same  principle  Charles  the  Great  enacted 
that  solitary  recluses  should  enroll  themselves 
either  as  monks  or  canons  (Car.  M.  Cajjit.  802 
A.D.  I.  c.  17,  806  A.D.  IV.  c.  2,  kc. ;  cf.  Justin, 
Novell.  133.)  Throughout  the  history  of  monas- 
ticism,  the  vow  of  unhesitating  and  unquestioning 
obedience  has  been  one  great  secret  of  monastic 
vitality. 

From  the  first  the  necessity  had  been  recog- 
nised of  repressing  insubordination  with  an  iron 
Tiand.  Jerome  and  Augustine  had  censured  the 
lawlessness  of  the  "  Remobothi,"  the  "  Sara- 
baitae,"  the  "Gyrovagi,"  and  other  monkish 
vagrants  (Hier.  Ep.  ad  Eustoch. ;  Aug.  de  Op. 
Man.  cc.  28,  31;  Mett.  i.  21).  Jerome,  indeed, 
had  recommended  the  very   plan  which  after- 


MONASTERY 


1223 


wards  became  a  promment  feature  in  the  Bene- 
dictine policy,  that  the  abbat  should  have  a 
provost  or  prior  under  him  as  the  officer  next  in 
command  to  himself,  assisted  by  deans  in  the 
larger  monasteries.  Benedict  himself  preferred 
that  the  government  of  the  monasteries  should 
be  carried  on  by  abbat  and  deans  without  the 
intervention  of  a  prior,  lest  there  should  be  any 
rivalry  between  the  abbat  and  his  lieutenant. 
As  monasteries,  both  in  Eastern  and  Western 
Christendom,  began  to  be  founded  in  closer 
proximity  to  great  cities,  these  and  similar 
precautions  against  disorder  became  more  and 
more  necessary.  Gregory  the  Great,  exercising 
an  almost  ubiquitous  supervision  over  Latin 
Christendom,  recommended  a  probation  of  two  or 
three  years  before  a  novice  should  become  a  monk 
(Greg.  M.  Epp.  iv.  23).  Again  and  again,  iu 
his  solicitude  for  the  preservation  of  a  rigid 
monastic  discipline,  he  insists  that  the  abbat 
must  be  a  monk  whose  moral  and  spiritual 
fitness  has  been  well  proved  and  tested  before 
his  election ;  that  he  is  to  relieve  himself,  as 
far  as  possible,  of  mundane  distractions  by 
having  a  good  lay-agent ;  that  he  is  to  be  strict 
in  correcting  offenders ;  that  he  is  to  retain  in 
his  own  hands  the  appointment  of  the  deans ; 
and,  in  the  appointment  of  a  prior,  to  exercise 
his  own  discretion,  if  necessary,  by  deviating 
from  the  order  of  seniority,  and  by  selecting  the 
brother  whom  he  believes  best  qualified  for  the 
office  (ib.  pass.).  Council  after  council  issued 
its  fulminations  against  recalcitrant  or  disorderly 
monks,  and  endeavoured  to  weld  together  the 
organisation  of  each  monastery  firmly  and  com- 
pactly under  one  head.  Thus  the  council  of 
Agde,  A.D.  506,  ordered  that  no  member  of  the 
community  should  live  in  a  cell  apart  from  the 
cloister,  except  by  the  abbat 's  special  leave,  nor, 
even  so,  outside  the  precincts  ("  intra  saepta  ") 
(Cone.  Agath.  c.  38;  cf.  Cone.  Venet.  A.D.  465, 
c.  7  ;  Novell.  133).  The  same  council  enacted  that 
no  abbat  should  superintend  more  than  one 
monastery,  hospices  excepted  (cf.  Gregor.  M. 
Epp.  X.  41).  The  abbat  was  usually  elected  by 
the  monks  (Bened.  Anian.  Concord.  L'egul.  IV.  i.). 
Louis,  the  son  and  successor  of  Charles  the 
Great,  restored  this  ancient  privilege  to  the  great 
abbeys  of  his  dominion,  from  whom  his  father 
had  wrested  it.     [Abr.\t.] 

During  the  period  of  turbulence  and  confusion 
in  Europe,  which  followed  the  crash  of  Rome 
under  the  onset  of  the  barbarians,  and  before  the 
disintegrated  empire  had  been  reconstructed  by 
the  strong  hand  of  Charles  the  Great,  the  monks 
were  everywhere  the  champions  of  order  against 
lawless  violence,  of  the  weak  and  defenceless 
against  the  brute  force  of  the  oppressor.  Again 
and  again  they  confronted  kings  and  nobles  with- 
out fear,  and  without  favour,  as  Columbanus  for 
instance,  among  the  Franks,  rebuked  the 
profligacy  of  the  Merovingian  princes,  flie 
proudest  monarch,  the  most  reckless  of  his 
barons,  bowed  in  reverence  before  the  mys- 
teriously awful  attributes  of  the  pale,  emaciated 
recluse  coming  forth  like  a  phantom  from  his 
cell  or,  at  least,  affected  the  friendship  of  so 
powerful  .in  ally.  The  cloister,  always  a  s.iuc- 
tuarv  and  asylum  for  the  friendless  and  he 
unfortunate,  iDecame  in  an  age  when  even  the 
tenure  of  the  throne  was  so  i.recarious,  a  con- 
venient place  for  the  incarcerationoftho.se  whom 


1224 


MONASTERY 


it  was  desirable  to  put  out  of  the  way  without 
killing.  What  had  been  at  first  in  many  cases 
involuntary,  came  to  be  prized  for  its  own  sake. 
Clothilda,  the  widow  of  Clovis,  in  the  6th  century, 
when  threatened  with  death  or  the  tonsure  for 
her  sons,  preferred  "  death  before  degradation." 
In  the  8th  century  two  ex-kings,  Carloman  the 
Frank,  and  Rachis  the  Lombard,  sought  and 
found  shelter  at  the  same  moment  by  their  own 
choice,  in  the  monastery  of  Monte  Casino.  Louis, 
the  successor  of  Charles  the  Great  on  the  throne 
of  the  Franks,  was  only  dissuaded  by  his  nobles, 
in  A.D.  819,  from  becoming  a  monk  ;  fourteen 
years  later  he  was  compelled  by  his  sons  to' 
retire  to  the  monastery  of  St.  Medard,  at 
Soissons.  The  list  of  sovereigns  who  from  the 
5th  to  the  10th  century,  either  by  constraint  or 
by  choice,  became  monks,  is  indeed  a  long  one. 
Distinguished  oftenders  among  the  Franks  had 
the  option  of  being  shut  up  in  a  monastery  or 
of  undergoing  the  usual  canonical  penances 
(Capitul.  Reg.  Franc,  vi.  71,  90;  vii.  59), 

Early  in  the  6th  century,  for  the  first  time, 
according  to  Mabillon,  criminal  priests  or  deacons 
were  sentenced  by  a  council  in  the  south-east  of 
France  to  incarceration  in  a  monastery  {Cone. 
Epaonense,  a.d.  517,  c.  3  ;  cf.  Gregor.  M.  Epp. 
viii.  10).  In  the  7th  century,  in  the  words  of 
the  great  historian  of  the  Western  church,  "  the 
peaceful  passion  for  monachism  had  become  a 
madness,  which  seized  on  the  strongest,  some- 
times the  fiercest  souls.  Monasteries  arose  in 
all  quarters,  and  gathered  their  tribute  of  wealth 
from  all  lands  "  (Milman,  Hist,  of  Lat.  Christi- 
anity, ii.  221). 

Under  the  fostering  care  of  the  great  Charles, 
monasteries  were  not  merely  a  shelter  and  a 
refuge  from  social  storms,  and  centres  from 
which  radiated  over  fen  and  forest  the  civilising 
influences  of  the  farm  and  the  garden,  but  schools 
of  useful  learning,  according  to  the  requirements 
and  capacities  of  the  period.  Already,  under 
the  Merovingians,  sons  of  princes,  for  instance, 
Meroveus,  son  of  Chilperic,  had  been  sent  to 
monasteries  to  be  taught  (Mab.  Ann.  0.  S.  B. 
iii.  54).  Charles  made  many  and  liberal  grants 
of  land  to  the  monasteries,  and  his  monk-loving 
son  gave  even  more  bountifully.  But  fine  build- 
ings and  wide  domains,  besides  attracting  the 
cupidity  of  the  spoiler,  brought  with  them  the 
pride  and  the  luxury,  which  follow  in  the  train  of 
wealth  and  prosperity  (Milman,  L.  C.  ii.  294). 
Abbats  too  often  took  advantage  of  the  absence  of 
neighbouring  barons  on  military  service  to  seize 
their  fiefs,  stepping  into  their  place,  and  becom- 
ing themselves  feudal  chieftains.  But  they  were 
not  content  with  the  comparatively  limited 
jurisdiction  of  their  predecessors.  The  recognised 
appeal  to  the  king  in  their  case  soon  fell  into 
desuetude ;  they  assumed  a  position  above  their 
feudal  peers,  as  suzerain  lords ;  and  on  the 
principle  that  a  thing  once  devoted  to  God 
becomes  His  only.  His  always.  His  altogether,  they 
claimed  various  immunities  for  their  lands  from 
the  ordinary  tolls  and  taxes.  "  Their  estates  were 
held  on  the  same  tenure  as  those  of  the  lay 
nobility ;  they  had  been  invested  with  them, 
especially  in  Germany,  according  to  the  old 
Teutonic  law  of  conquest.  Abbacies  were 
originally,  or  became,  in  the  strictest  sense 
benefices.  Abbats  took  the  same  oath  with 
other  vassals  on  a  change  of  sovereign.     Abbats 


MONASTEKY 

and  abbesses  were  bound  to  appear  at  the  Heer- 
bann  of  the  sovereign."  (Milman,  ih.  ii.  289.) 
Though  the  abbats  themselves  were  forbidden  to 
carry  arms,  and  took  their  oath  of  fealty  as 
counsellors,  their  "  men "  were  as  much  bound 
to  follow  the  king  in  his  wars  as  the  "  men  "  of 
his  lay  vassals  (ib.).  The  first  instance  recorded 
of  a  fighting  abbat  is  that  of  Warnerius,  in  his 
breastplate  and  other  accoutrements,  taking  an 
active  part  in  the  defence  of  Rome  against  the 
Lombards  in  the  8th  century  (ib.  ii.  243). 
Abbats,  not  unnaturally  perhaps,  in  circumstances 
like  these,  grew  rapidly  less  and  less  distinct  in 
their  manner  of  life  from  their  compeers,  the  lay 
aristocracy  around  them.  Their  illustrious  patron 
had  to  repress  their  hunting  and  hawking  pro- 
pensities, ordering  them  to  do  their  shooting  and 
their  other  field  sports  by  deputy,  in  the  person 
of  the  lay  brothers  {Capit.  Car.  M.  A.D.  769,  c. 
3,  A.D.  802,  L  c.  19  ;  Cone.  Mogunt.  A.D.  813,  c. 
14),  and  he  denounced  severely  monks  who  are 
"  lazy  and  careless."  Charles  resei-ved  to  himself 
the  appointment  of  the  great  abbats.  Under  the 
feebler  sway  of  his  successors  monasteries  became 
more  and  more  secular.  The  younger  and  the 
illegitimate  sons  of  noble  or  royal  families 
came  to  regard  the  richer  abbeys  as  their 
patrimony,  and  resented  the  intrusion  of  men 
of  lower  birth  into  these  high  places  of  the 
church.  And  though  then,  as  always,  in  spite 
of  every  discouragement,  genius  and  pioty  some- 
times forced  their  way  to  the  front,  and  though 
sometimes  baser  arts  won  preferment,  the  larger 
ecclesiastical  fiefs  passed  so  generally  into  tlie 
hands  of  the  nobles,  as  to  make  the  great  abbats 
almost  a  caste  (Milm.  Lat.  Chr.  ii.  329). 

The  relation  of  monks  to  the  clergy,  and 
their  continually  recurring  jealousies,  form  a 
curious  chapter  in  the  history  of  monasticism. 
Originally  monks,  as  a  class,  were  regarded  as 
laymen,  although  even  from  the  first  there  v.-ere 
individual  instances  of  persons  becoming  monks 
after  being  ordained.  Still,  as  monks,  all  ranked 
collectively  with  the  lay,  not  the  clerical  part 
of  the  Christian  community.  The  term  "clerici  " 
was  applied  not  only  to  the  clergy  properly  so 
called,  but  to  the  numerous  officials  connected 
with  the  church  in  various  secular  capacities, 
as  bursars,  doorkeepers,  &c.  Accordingly,  the 
monk,  even  if  he  were  not  himself  a  layman, 
was  naturally  classed  with  laymen,  as  being 
unconnected  with  ecclesiastical  offices  of  any 
sort.  Monks,  for  their  part,  were  more  than 
content  to  be  so  regarded.  It  was  one  of 
their  axioms  that  a  monk  should  shun  the 
company  of  a  bishop  as  he  would  the  company 
of  a  woman,  lest  he  should  be  ordained  perforce 
and  against  his  own  free  will  ;  for  monks  were 
in  request  for  the  diaconate  or  the  priesthood 
as  well  as  abbats  for  the  office  of  bishop  "  (Cass. 
Inst.  si.  17  ;  Bingham,  Orig.  Eccles.  iv.  7). 
Monks  indeed  had  no  cause  to  be  ambitious  of 
ecclesiastical  dignities.  In  the  5th  century 
they  took  precedence  of  deacons  (Epiphan.  Haer. 
Ixviii.);  and  in  the  East  their  archimandrites 
had  places  at  the  councils  of  the  church 
(C.  P.  I.,  Cone.  Eph.  Act.  I.  Sess.,  Cmw.  Chalced.^. 
Like  other  barriers  between  the  monk  and  his 
fellow  men,  this  demarcation  between  monks  and 

»  After  the  5tli  century,  bishops  were  frequently  chosen, 
from  among  the  monks. 


BIONASTEEY 

vhrgy  became  less  strongly  marked  after  the 
4th  century ;  the  gradual  relaxation  of  pri- 
mitive austerity  in  the  monastery  being  partly 
the  cause  and  partly  the  result  of  this  mutual 
approximation  of  the  one  to  the  other  (Hieron. 
]-^p.  ad  Eustoch.^  Other  causes  also  v/ere  at 
work.  The  monastery  was  often  a  nui-sery  or 
"  training-college  "  for  the  clergy  (Hieron.  Ep. 
ad  Eust. ;  cf.  Cone.  Vasens.  a.d.  529).  On 
the  one  hand,  dioceses  needed  clergy  other 
than  the  parochial  clergy  for  missionary  work  ; 
on  the  other  hand,  the  monastery  needed 
one  priest  at  least,  if  not  more  than  one,  as 
its  resident  chaplain.  The  illiterate  clergy 
looked  naturally  to  the  nearest  monastery  for 
help  in  the  composition  of  sermons.  Deacons, 
though  forbidden  to  preach,  were  allowed  to 
read  homilies  in  church ;  and  these  were  fur- 
nished in  case  of  need  by  the  monks,  men, 
sometimes  at  least,  of  learning,  in  comparison 
with  the  country  clergy  (Mabill.  Annal.  0.  S.  B. 
iii.  56).  And  they,  who  were  thus  assisting  the 
clergy  in  their  work,  affected  not  unreasonably  a 
clerical  costume.  More  than  one  council  in  the 
6th  century  made  its  enactment  against  monks 
wearing  the  "orarium,"  or  stole,  and  against 
their  wearing  boots  or  buskins  instead  of  their 
own  rude  sandals  (Cone.  Agath.  a.d.  506  ;  Cone. 
Aurcl.i.  A.D.  511;  Cone.  Epaon.  A.D.  518;  cf. 
Ccmc.  Zaodic.  a.d.  361).  Sometimes,  at  first 
more  usually,  the  spiritual  wants  of  the  monas- 
tery were  supplied  by  the  bishop  sending  a  priest 
at  the  abbat's  request,  to  perform  mass  at  stated 
times ;  sometimes  by  a  priest  being  appointed  to 
reside  in  the  monastery  ;  sometimes  by  one  of 
the  monks  themselves  being  ordained  (Greg. 
M.  Epp.  pass.).  On  festivals  the  monks  usually 
resorted  to  their  parish  church  (Alteserr.  Ascet. 
i.  2).    [Oratory.] 

One  of  the  hardest  tasks  of  successive  popes 
was  to  regulate  and  adjust  the  rival  claims  of 
their  monks  and  their  clergy.  Gregory  the 
Great,  like  his  distinguished  predecessor  Leo,  the 
first  of  the  popes  of  that  name,  seems  to  have 
laboured  to  prevent  either  party  from  intruding 
beyond  its  own  proper  province  into  the  duties 
and  privileges  of  the  other.  He  forbade  monks 
to  officiate  without  leave  outside  their  walls 
(cf.  Leo  L  Epp.  118,  119).  He  forbade  the 
parochial  clergy  to  retreat  at  pleasure  from  their 
cures  to  the  quietness  and  leisure  of  a  monastery. 
He  ordered  baptisteries  to  be  removed  from 
monasteries.  He  discouraged  clerical  abbats ; 
and  he  censured  the  parochial  clergy,  who 
either  entered  a  monastery  or  quitted  it 
without  their  bishops'  sanction.  Sometimes, 
however,  he  transferred  the  charge  of  a  church 
neglected  by  its  parochial  clergy  to  the  monks 
of  the  adjoining  monastery,  on  condition  that 
they  should  provide  accommodation  among 
themselves  for  a  priest  who  should  act  as 
their  "vicar"  (Epp.  i.  40;  iii.  18;  iii.  59; 
iv.  1 ;  iv.  18).  After  the  6th  century  monks 
began  to  be  classed  in  popular  estimation 
with  the  clergy  (Mab.  AA.  0.  S.  B.  Praef. 
Saec.  ii.);  and  the  ecclesiastical  policy  of  the 
great  Carlovingian  legislator  in  the  8th  cen- 
tury, by  subjecting  the  abbats  to  the  juris- 
diction of  the  bishops  and  archbishops,  unin- 
tentionally favoured  this  notion.  A  council  at 
Eome,  in  a.d.  827,  ordered  abbats  to  be  in  priests' 
order  (Cone.  Bom.  c.  26) ;  a  council  at  Aachen 


MONASTERY 


1225 


about  the  same  time  permitted  them  to  admit 
any  of  their  monks  into  minor  orders ;  another 
at  Mainz  soon  afterwards  permitted  them  to 
hold  benefices  (Cone.  Aquisgr.  a.d.  817,  c.  60  • 
Cone.  Mogunt.  a.d.  827).  Monks  were  the  pre- 
dominating element  in  the  synods  of  the  ninth 
century,  sometimes  sitting  apart  from  the  clergy 
in  a  separate  chapter  (AA.  SS.  Jun.  ii.  c.  22, 
St.  Minuerc).  In  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  cen- 
turies more  than  one  council  prohibited  monks 
from  having  charge  of  parishes ;  but  Innocent 
III.,  their  patron  and  champion,  sanctioned  their 
officiating  even  in  parishes  whe-re  they  had  no 
"  domicilium  "  or  residence.  Gregory  of  Tours 
uses  the  terms  "  monachi  "  and  "  clerici "  indis- 
criminately. But  the  long-standing  rivalry 
between  the  monks  and  clergy  lasted  on,  not- 
withstanding this  superficial  fusion,  or  rather 
all  the  more  acrimoniously,  because  of  their 
being  brought  more  frequently  into  collision. 

The  right  of  the  bishop  of  the  diocese  to  exer- 
cise jurisdiction  over  the  monasteries  in  his 
diocese,  and  the  limits  within  which  his  autho- 
rity ought  to  be  exercised  were  a  constant 
source  of  irritation  on  both  sides.  The  struggle 
between  bishop  and  abbat  dates  from  the  very 
commencement  of  monachism ;  council  after 
council  endeavoured  to  arbitrate  between  their 
conflicting  claims;  but  it  was  inevitable  that 
fresh  occasions  of  dispute  should  arise  continu- 
ally. At  first,  and  so  long  as  the  monk  was 
distinctly  regarded  as  a  layman,  there  was  less 
danger  of  rivalry  or  collision.  The  council  of 
Chalcedon  (a.d.  451)  enacted,  that  the  bishop  of 
each  city  should  superintend  its  monasteries 
according  to  "  the  traditions  of  the  fathers,"  and 
that  every  refractory  monk  should  be  excom- 
municated ;  that  no  monk  should  enter  the  city 
of  Constantinople  (already  the  monks  had  caused 
disturbances  there)  without  the  bishop's  permis- 
sion ;  and  that  the  consecration  of  the  monastery 
by  the  bishop  should  be  the  guarantee  against  its 
being  secularised  (Cone.  Chalced.  cc.  4,  8,  2o,  24). 
Africa,  notorious  already  for  the  turbulence  of  its 
vagabond  monks,  was  the  first  to  raise  the  stan- 
dard of  revolt.  One  of  the  abbats  in  the  diocese 
of  Byrsa,  having  been  excommunicated  by  his 
own  bishop,  Liberatus,  appealed  to  the  bishop  of 
Carthage,  metropolitan  in  the  proconsular  pro- 
vince of  Carthage  (Du  Cange,  Glossar.  Lat.  s.  v. 
Primas).  At  a  synod  in  Carthage  (a.d.  525), 
presided  over  by  Bonifacius,  bishop  of  Carthage, 
in  right  of  his  see,  sentence  was  pi-ononnced  in 
favour  of  the  abbat.  Indeed,  in  their  desire  to 
prevent  any  intrusion  on  the  part  of  Liberatus, 
the  council  went  so  for  as  to  lay  down  the  rule, 
that  monasteries  being  as  heretofore  ("sicut 
semper  fuerunt  ")  entirely  exempt  from  the  obli- 
gations which  restrain  the  clergy  ("  a  conditione 
clericorum  libera")  should  be  guided  only  by 
their  own  sense  of  what  is  right  ("  sibi  tantum 
ac  Deo  placentia "),  and  this  decision  was  con- 
firmed by  a  synod  nine  years  later,  in  the  same 
city  (Conce.  Carth.  A.d.  525;  a.d,  534). 
Mabillon  thinks  that  this  right  of  appeal 
to  another  bishop,  involving  for  the  monastery 
the  right  of  choosing  its  own  visitor,  was  a 
security  against  episcopal  oppression.^  A  similar 
dispute  between  Faustus,  abbat  of  Lirinensis 
Insula  (Lerins)  and  Theodorus,  bishop  of  Foroju- 
lium  (Frejus),  was  settled  at  Aries  far  more  equit- 
ably.    There  it  was  enacted,  that  clerical  monks 


1226 


MONASTERY 


should  obey  the  bishop  in  questions  relating  to 
their  office  as  clergy,  while  lay  monks  should 
obey  their  abbat  only  ;  on  the  one  hand,  that  no 
one  should  officiate  in  the  monastery,  except  as 
delegated  by  the  bishop,  and,  on  the  other,  that 
the  bishop  should  never  receive  any  lay-brother 
to  ordination,  without  the  consent  of  the  abbat 
(Labb.  CoriciL  ed.  1762,  viii.  pp.  635-656).  But 
even  this  was  no  final  or  permanent  solution  of 
the  ever-recurring  difficulty.  Councils  again  and 
again  through  the  6th  and  7th  centuries  re- 
affirmed this  fundamental  distinction  between 
monks  as  monks,  and  monks  as  clergy,  but  in 
A-ain.  The  tendency  of  things  actually  was 
to  make  the  monastery  within  its  own  domain 
more  and  more  independent  of  its  bishop. 

No  new  monastery  could  be  founded  without 
the  bishop's  sanction  (JJonc.  Chalced.  A.D.  451, 
c.  24 ;  CoMC.  Agath.  A.D.  506,  c.  27) ;  just  as  a 
layman  needed  the  same  permission  to  erect 
a  church  {Cone.  Herd.  A.D.  524,  c.  3).  If  the 
bishop  himself  were  the  founder  he  might  devote 
a  fortieth  part  of  his  episcopal  income  as  en- 
dowment, instead  of  the  hundredth  part  per- 
missible for  the  endowment  of  a  new  church 
{Cone.  Tolet.  A.D.  655,  c.  5).  But,  the  monas- 
tery once  founded,  the  choice  of  a  new  abbat 
belonged  not  to  the  bishop  but  to  the  monks 
themselves.  But  the  bishop  might  interfere,  in 
case  of  their  electing  a  vicious  abbat.  They 
were  free  to  elect  whom  they  would,  one  of  their 
own  body  by  preference,  if  possiijle,  but,  in  the 
event  of  there  being  no  eligible  candidate  among 
themselves,  a  stranger  from  another  monastery 
(Bened.  Anianens.  Concord.  Regul.  v.  s. ;  Cone. 
Boinan.  A.D.  601  ;  Cone.  Tolet.  x.  a.d.  656, 
c.  3).  Nevertheless  the  abbat  was  to  hold  his 
office  under  the  supervision  of  the  bishop;  he 
was  to  attend  the  bishop's  visitation  yearly ; 
if  he  failed  in  the  discharge  of  his  duty,  he 
was  to  be  admonished  and  corrected,  or  even, 
in  case  of  gross  misconduct,  deposed  by  the 
bishop,  not,  however,  without  a  right  of  appeal 
to  the  metropolitan  or  to  a  general  assembly  of 
abbats  {Cone.  AureJ.  a.d.  51  ij  cc.  19,  20;  Cunc. 
Epaon.  A.D.  517,  c.  19  ;  Cone.  Arelat.  a.d.  554, 
c.  3;  Co7ic.  Roman.  A.d.  601).  Outside  their 
monastic  precincts  the  bishop  was  supposed  to 
have  a  general  jurisdiction  over  the  monks  in 
his  diocese,  and  in  this  way,  obviously,  might 
often  prove  himself  an  invaluable  and  almost 
indispensable  ally  to  the  abbat,  seated  within 
his  monastery,  iu  coercing  and  reclaiming 
truants.  {Cone.  Aurel.  A.D.  511,  c.  19;  Cone. 
Arelat.  A.D.  554,  c.  2).  Monks  were  forbidden 
to  wander  from  one  diocese  to  another,  or  from 
one  monastery  to  another,  without  commenda- 
tory letters  from  the  bishop  as  well  as  from  the 
abbat ;  if  contumacious,  they  were  to  be  whipped 
{Cone.  Tolet.  a.d.  635,  c.  53;  Cone.Venet.  a.d. 465, 
oc.  5,  6).  The  bishop's  permission  was  requisite, 
not  the  abbat's  only,  for  a  monk  to  occupy  a 
separate  cell  apart  from  the  monastery  {Cone. 
Aurel.  A.D.  511,  c.  22).  In  short  the  bishop  was 
in  theory,  if  not  actually,  responsible  for  the 
moral  conduct  of  the  monks  in  his  diocese.  Of 
course  his  control  was  more  of  a  reality  over 
their  ecclesiastical  ministrations.  The  bishop 
might  not  ordain  a  monk,  nor  remove  a  priest- 
monk  from  a  monastery  to  parochial  work  with- 
out the  abbat's  consent,  might  not  interfere  to 
prevent    a   priest   or   deacon   from    taking  the 


MONASTERY 

monastic  vow  {Cone.  Agath.  506,  c.  27  ;  Cone. 
Roman.  A.D.  601)  ;  might  not  ordain  a  monk  who 
broke  his  vow  and  relapsed  to  the  life  secular 
{Cone.  Aurel.  511,  c.  21).  Still,  in  accordance 
with  the  principle  promulgated  at  Aries  in  A.D. 
556  (u.  .s.),  it  was  generally  admitted  that  the 
monk's  vow  of  obedience  to  his  abbat  was  not 
to  supersede  the  canonical  obedience  of  the 
clerk  to  his  bishop ;  and,  though  the  force  of 
circumstances  might  naturally  draw  the  monk 
to  his  abbat  and  to  his  brother  monks  whenever 
their  peculiar  rights  and  privileges  were 
threatened,  the  bishop  could  always  retort 
effectively  by  simply  holding  back  his  hand 
when  called  to  give  the  monastery  the  benefit  of 
his  episcopal  services.  From  the  reiterated 
cautions  of  the  councils  in  this  period  against 
any  encroachment  of  the  bishops  on  the  pro- 
perty of  the  monasteries,  it  would  seem  as  if 
a  wealthy  monastery  was  sometimes  a  *'  Naboth's 
vineyard,"  as  old  monastic  writers  express  it,  in 
the  eyes  of  a  greedy  or  overbearing  prelate. 
Bishops  are  forbidden  by  the  council  of  Lerida, 
in  the  north  of  Spain,  a.d.  524,  to  seize  the 
offerings  made  to  monasteries  {Cone.  Herd.  c.  3) ; 
forbidden  to  tyrannise  over  monasteries  or  meddle 
with  their  endowments  by  the  council  of  Toledo 
{Cone.  Tolet.  iv.  c.  51),  and  by  the  council  of 
Rome,  A.D.  601  {Cone.  Rom.  a.d.  601).  An- 
other council  of  Toledo  in  a.d.  656,  ordered  any 
bishop  guilty  of  appropriating  a  monastery  for 
the  aggrandisement  of  himself  or  of  his  family 
to  be  excommunicated  for  a  year  {Cone.  Tolet.  x. 
0.  3). 

The  master  mind  of  Gregory  the  Great  was 
quick  to  recognise  the  importance  of  keeping 
the  monks  distinct  from  the  secular  clergy,  and, 
at  the  same  time,  of  providing  some  efficient, 
official  supervision,  against  laxity  or  immorality 
in  the  monastery.  Of  those  numerous  letters  of 
Gregory,  which  attest  his  almost  ubiquitous 
vigilance  over  the  ecclesiastical  affairs  of  western 
Christendom,  and  the  commanding  influence 
which  made  itself  felt  far  and  near,  not  a  few 
contain  his  adjudication  in  quarrels  of  abbats 
with  their  diocesans.  His  personal  sympathies 
were  divided,  for  he  had  himself  been  an  ardent 
and  devoted  monk,  before  becoming  the  head  of 
the  ecclesiastical  system  of  Europe;  and,  like  a 
true  statesman,  he  saw  that  the  way  to  make 
the  cloister  and  the  diocese  mutually  helpful, 
was  to  guard  against  any  confusion  of  the 
boundary-lines  between  their  respective  spheres. 
The  office  of  the  monk,  he  writes,  is  distinct 
from  that  of  the  clerk  (Greg.  M.  Ep.  v.  1) ;  it  is 
dangerous  for  a  monk  to  leave  his  cell  to 
become  a  priest ;  a  clerk  once  admitted  into  the 
monastic  brotherhood  ought  to  stay  there, 
unless  summoned  to  work  outside  the  walls  by 
the  bishop  {Ep.  i.  42).  The  abbat  is  first  to  be 
elected  by  the  monks,  and  then  to  be  formally 
consecrated  by  the  bishop  {Ep.  ii.  4,  2).  On  one 
occasion  Gregory,  taking  the  selection  of  an 
abbat  into  his  own  hands,  sends  a  certain  monk, 
Barbatianus,  to  be  instituted  abbat  inthedioceso 
of  Naples.  But  in  writing  to  the  bishop,  Gregory 
qualifies  his  mandate  by  adding,  that  Barba- 
tianus is  to  be  appointed  "if  the  bishop  approves 
his  life  and  character  "  ("  si  placuisset  vita  ac 
mores  ").  Barbatianus,  as  abbat,  admitted  into 
the  monastery  without  due  probation  a  postulant, 
who  soon  afterwards  ran  away.    Gregory  blames 


MONASTERY 

the  bisHop  for  neglecting  to  make  proper  en- 
quiries beforehand  "about  Barbatianus  {Epp.  ix. 
SI,  X.  24).  Similarly,  he  reprimands  bishops 
very  severely  for  not  looking  more  closely 
after  the  morality  of  their  monasteries,  and,  in 
more  than  one  instance  of  a  monk  or  a  nun 
breaking  the  monastic  vow  and  returning  to  the 
world,  he  lays  the  fault  on  the  carelessness  of 
the  bishop  as  visitor  {Epp.  viii.  34,  x.  22,  2-4-, 
viii.  8,  ix.  114,  x.  8,  etc.).  He  charges  the 
bishops  to  exert  themselves  in  reclaiming  run- 
away monks,  and  to  be  strict  in  repelling  them 
from  holy  communion  {Ep.  ix.  37,  etc.).  The 
bishop  is  not  to  set  up  his  cathedral  throne  in 
the  monastery,  nor  to  hold  public  services  there ; 
he  is  not  to  ordain  any  monk  for  the  services  of 
the  monastery  unless  by  the  abbat's  request,  nor 
for  ministerial  work  outside  the  monastery 
without  the  abbat's  leave  {Ep.  ii.  41,  etc.); 
he  is  not  to  encourage  the  monks  to  rebel  against 
their  abbat;  above  all  (and  this  seems  to  have 
been  the  most  frequent  cause  of  contention),  he 
is  not  to  harass  or  oppress  the  monasteries,  by 
visiting  them  too  frequently,  by  putting  them  to 
inordinate  expense  on  those  occasions,  by  inter- 
fering with  the  revenues  of  the  monastery  and 
with  its  internal  management,  or  in  any  other 
way  ;  on  the  contrary,  he  is  to  defend  their  rights 
and  privileges  diligently  {Epp.  i.  12,  vi.  29,  viii. 
34,  ix.  111).  In  order  to  escape  from  the  pressure 
of  episcopal  control,  monasteries  not  infrequently 
placed  themselves  under  the  bishop  of  another 
diocese  (Mab.  Ann.  0.  S.  B.  i.  42). 

The  policy  of  Charlemagne  towards  monasteries 
was  more  repressive  than  that  of  Gregory ; 
it  substituted  also  the  emperor  for  the  pope  as  the 
mainspring  of  the  system,  as  the  person  to  whom 
the  final  appeal  should  be  made.  It  was  his  aim 
at  once  to  make  the  monastic  discipline  more 
binding,  and  to  prevent  the  monastery  from  be- 
coming a  separate  republic,  independent  of 
church  and  state.  He  sought  to  aggrandise  the 
abbat  as  delegate  of  the  bishop  and  the  emperor, 
but  not  as  a  power  in  himself,  to  strengthen  him 
in  his  authority  over  his  monks,  but  at  the  same 
time  to  keep  him  obedient  and  dutiful  to  his 
l)ishop.  The  emperor's  idea  was,  that  the  clergy 
and  monks  of  his  realm  should  be,  like  his 
feudal  retainers,  a  compact,  well-organised  militia 
for  defensive  and  offensive  service  ;  the  monks 
in  their  cells  and  the  clergy  in  their  several 
dioceses  were  all  to  live  by  rule,  the  rule  of  the 
monastic  order  or  the  rule  canonical,  the  monks 
teaching ''  in  the  schools  attached  to  their  monas- 
teries, the  clergy  busily  at  work  in  their  way 
under  their  bishop.  All  that  could  be  done  by 
legislation  was  done,  and  done  with  consummate 
skill,  for  this  purpose  under  the  emperor's 
direction  in  the  parliament  synods  of  his  reign. 
But  in  spite  of  councils  and  their  canons,  the 
monasteries  grew  insensibly  more  autonomous, 
the  parochial  clergy  more  secular.  It  was  far 
more  easy,  as  Gregory  had  found,  to  say  that 
the  bishop  must  be  responsible  for  good  order 
in  monasteries  of  his  diocese  than  to  enable  him 
to  enforce  his  authority  on  a  monastery  indisposed 
to  accept  it.     It  was  enacted  by  the  council  of 

b  The  emperor's  attention  was  awakened  to  the  need 
of  an  educational  reformation  by  some  badly  written 
letters  to  himself  from  certain  monasteries  (Mabill. 
de  Stud.  Monast.  i.  c.  9). 


MONASTERY 


1227 


Vern,  or  Verne,  near  Paris,  that  if  the  bishop 
cannot  himself  correct  an  offending  abbat,  he 
must  invoke  the  aid  of  the  metropolitan,  and, 
that  failing,  of  a  synod  ;  that,  the  offender  is  to 
be  excommunicated  by  the  bishops  generally,  and 
a  successor  appointed  by  the  king  or  his  council 
(Cone.  Verncns.  a.d.  755,  c.  5),  and  this  was  con- 
firmed under  Charles  {Co7u:.  Aquisgr.  a.d. 
802,  c.  15).  It  had  been  also  provided,  that  the 
abbat  should  render  an  account  to  his  bishop  as 
well  as  to  the  king,  of  any  exemptions  or  im- 
munities which  he  claimed  (Cone.  Vcrn.  c.  20). 
The  monks  were  not  even  to  elect  their  abbat 
without  the  bishop's  approval  (Cone.  Francof. 
A.D.  795,  c.  17);  and  as  the  abbat  received  his 
office  at  the  hands  of  the  bishop,  so  he  was  to 
allow  to  the  bishop,  as  visitor,  free  ingress  into 
the  monastery,  reserving  however  for  himself 
the  right  of  appeal,  first  to  the  metropolitan, 
and  from  him  to  the  crown  (Car.  M.  Capit. 
A.D.  812,  iii.  2;  Cone.  Francof.  a.d.  794,  e.  4). 
About  this  time  the  Eastern  church  enacted 
that  the  bishop  or  metropolitan  should  appoint  a 
bursar  or  treasurer  ("  oeconomus  ")  in  every 
monastery  not  provided  with  one  already,  to 
keep  account  of  the  receipts  and  expenditure ; 
and  that  any  abbat  convicted  of  granting  admis- 
sion into  the  monastery  for  money,  should  be 
banished  to  another  monastery  and  there  do 
penance  (Cone.  ii.  Nicaen.  A.D.  787,  cc.  11,  19 ; 
cf.  Cone.  Chalced.  a.d.  451,  c.  26). 

Louis,  the  successor  of  Charlemagne,  always 
devoted  to  monks,  enriched  the  monasteries,  and 
made  them  more  secure  in  their  possessions  : 
but  the  power  of  the  great  feudal  bishops  was  in- 
creasing proportionately ;  and  sometimes  the 
rapacity  or  the  tyranny  of  their  ecclesiastical 
superior  drove  a  monastery  to  place  itself  under 
the  protection  of  the  king  or  one  of  his  barons 
(Milnian,  Latin  Christianity,  ii.  294-5).  The 
popes  took  some  monasteries  under  their  own 
special  tutelage,  as  the  patriarchs  had  done  in 
the  east ;  and  before  the  end  of  the  12th  century 
some  of  the  greatest  abbats  were  appointed  by 
the  pope,  and  some  of  the  most  important  ques- 
tions concerning  the  temporal  and  spiritual 
affairs  of  monasteries  generally  were  regulated 
solely  by  him  (Pellicia,  Ecc.  Chr.  Pol). 

In  the  isles  of  the  west,  by  their  position 
and  by  other  circumstances  removed  from  im- 
mediate contact  with  central  Europe,  the  course 
of  events  was  somewhat  different.  Before  the 
Saxon  occupation  of  Britain,  monks  and  monas- 
teries were  already  very  numerous,  but  monastic 
discipline  was  lax.  No  Benedict  had  mapped  out 
the  daily  life  of  the  monastery.  Columba  was 
rather  a  missionary  than  a  monastic  reformer, 
and  his  influence,  though  very  widely  extended, 
was  rather  the  personal  influence  of  a  holy  man, 
than  the  stereotyping  influence  of  a  legislator. 
Columbanus  had  bequeathed  his  rule  to  other 
lands  rather  than  to  his  own  country.  The  fervid 
temperament  of  the  Kelts  was  in  itself  less 
patient  of  control,  less  amenable  to  discipline. 
Solitaries,  that  is  monks  living  as  hermits,  each 
in  his  cell,  apart  from  the  monasteries,  were  not 
so  svstematically  discountenanced,  nor  so  care- 
fully supervised  in  Ireland,  as  on  the  contment. 
The  character,  also,  of  their  ecclesiastical  organ- 
isation tended  to  make  the  monastery  less  de- 
pendent on  its  bishop.  Originally,  the  chieitams 
of  the  clan  or  tribe,  even  after  its  conversion  to 


1228 


MONASTERY 


Christianity,  exei-cised  a  patriarchal  authority  in 
spiritual,  as  well  as  in  temporal  matters  ;  and  as 
the  conventual  establishments  grew  in  number 
and  importance,  the  headship  of  them  was  still 
retained  generally  in  the  family  of  the  chief- 
tain, the  office  of  the  abbat,  like  the  office  of  the 
bard,  who  was  usually  to  be  found  in  every 
Keltic  monastery,  being,  as  a  rule,  hereditary 
(Montalembert,  Monks  of  the  West,  iii.  pp.  194, 
281-287). 

Among  the  Saxons  in  England  a  similar 
result  was  produced  by  other  causes.  When 
Christianity  came,  the  second  time,  into  the 
island,  it  came  in  the  guise  of  monachism.  The 
monk  and  the  missionary  were  one.  Many  of 
the  British  monks  had  been  massacred  by  the 
heathen  invaders  ;  many  had  fled  for  safety  to 
the  peaceful  and  prosperous  monasteries  of  their 
brethren  in  Ireland.  But  their  places  were 
quickly  filled  by  their  Teutonic  successors. 
Almost  every  large  church  was  attached  to  a 
monastery  ;  and  in  the  first  instance  the  monks 
were  the  parislj-priests  of  the  diocese  (Milman, 
Latin  Christianiti/,  ii.  c.  4).  All  this  gave  the 
monasteries  in  England  a  hold  over  the  people 
which  they  never  lost,  till  their  dissolution  in  the 
16th  century ;  and  as  the  tie  grew  weaker  which 
had  grouped  the  monks  around  the  bishop  of  the 
diocese,  and  as  the  monastery  became  detached 
from  the  minster,  all  this  strengthened  the  abbats 
in  their  independence.  The  formal  exemption  of 
monasteries  from  episcopal  control  in  things 
secular  dates  from  the  7th  century ;  and  the 
council  of  Cealchy the  (Chelsea  ?)  a  century  later 
only  affirmed  that  the  monks  should  take  the 
bishop's  advice  ("  cum  consilio  episcopi ")  in 
electing  an  abbat  {Cone.  Calcuthens.  A.D.  787,  c. 
5).  For  all  practical  purposes  the  authority 
of  an  individual  bishop  in  England  over  a 
monastery  was  hardly  ever  more  than  nominal  ; 
and  in  course  of  time  the  lordly  abbats  of  the 
great  monasteries  vied  in  power  and  magnificence 
with  the  occupants  of  the  greatest  sees. 

The  history  of  monasticism,  like  the  history  of 
states  and  institutions  in  general,  divides  itself 
broadly  into  three  great  periods  of  growth,  of 
glory,  and  of  decay.  Not  indeed  as  if  the  growth 
were  unchecked  by  hindrance,  the  glory  un- 
chequered  by  defects,  the  decay  never  arrested 
by  transient  revivals  from  time  to  time  of  the 
flickering  flame  of  life.  Still  the  successive  sea- 
sons of  youth,  maturity,  old  age,  are  marked 
plainly  and  strongly  enough.  From  the  begin- 
ning of  the  4th  century,  to  the  close  of  the  5th, 
from  Antony  the  hermit  to  Benedict  of  Monte 
Casino,  is  the  age  of  undisciplined  impulse,  of 
enthusiasm  not  as  yet  regulated  by  experience.  It 
has  all  the  fervour,  and  all  the  extravagance  of 
aims  too  lofty  to  be  possible,  of  wild  longings 
without  method,  without  organisation,  of  energies 
which  have  not  yet  learned  the  practical  limits 
of  their  own  power.  Everything  is  on  a  scale 
of  illogical  exaggeration,  is  wanting  in  balance,  in 
proportion,  in  symmetry.  Purity,  unworldli- 
ness,  charity,  are  virtues.  Therefore  a  woman  is 
to  be  regarded  as  a  venomous  reptile,  gold  as  a 
worthless  pebble,  the  deadliest  foe  and  the 
dearest  friend  are  to  be  esteemed  just  alike  {e.g. 
Ruffin.  de  Vit.  SS.  c.  117).  It  is  right  to  be 
humble.  Therefore  the  monk  cuts  off  hand,  ear, 
or  tongue,  to  avoid  being  made  bishop  (e.g. 
PalLid.  Hist.  Laus.  c.  12)  and  feigns  idiocy,  in 


MONASTERY 

order  not  to  be  accounted  wise  (RufF.  ib.  c. 
118).  It  is  well  to  teach  people  to  be  patient. 
Therefore  a  sick  monk  never  speaks  a  kind  word 
for  years  to  the  brother  monk  who  nursed  him 
{St.  Inc.  ap.  Rosw.  Vit.  Pair.  c.  19).  It  is  right 
to  keep  the  lips  from  idle  words.  Therefore  a 
monk  holds  a  large  stone  in  his  mouth  for  three 
years  {ib.  c.  4).  Every  precept  is  to  be  taken 
literally,  and  obeyed  unreasoningly.  Therefore 
some  monks  who  have  been  plundered  by  a 
robber,  run  after  him  to  give  him  a  something 
which  has  escaped  his  notice  (Mosch.  Prat.  c. 
212).  Self-denial  is  enjoined  in  the  gospel. 
Therefore  the  austerities  of  asceticism  are  to  be 
simply  endless.  One  ascetic  makes  his  dwelling 
in  a  hollow  tree,  another  in  a  cave,  another  in  a 
tomb,  another  on  the  top  of  a  pillar ;  another 
has  so  lost  the  very  appearance  of  a  man,  that 
he  is  shot  at  by  shepherds  who  mistake  him  for 
a  wolf  (Pallad.  Hist.  Laus.  c.  5;  Mosch.  Prat. 
c.  70 ;  Theodoret,  Philoth.  c.  15).  The  natural 
instincts,  instead  of  being  trained  and  cultivated, 
are  to  be  killed  outright,  in  the  utter  abhorrence 
of  things  material  as  a  defilement  of  the  soul. 
Adolius,  a  hermit  near  Jerusalem,  and  it  is 
merely  one  instance  out  of  many,  is  said  to  have 
fasted  two  whole  days  together  ordinarily  and 
five  in  Lent,  to  have  passed  whole  nights  on 
Mount  Olivet,  in  prayer,  standing  and  motionless 
(Pallad.  ib.  c.  104),  and  habitually  to  have  slept 
only  the  three  hours  before  morning.  Dorotheus, 
a  Scetic  monk,  used  to  sleep  in  a  sitting  posture, 
and  when  urged  to  take  his  proper  rest,  would 
reply  "  Persuade  the  angels  to  sleep  !  "  {ib.  c.  2). 
Cleanliness  became  a  sin,  as  a  kind  of  self-indul- 
gence. The  common  duties  of  life  were  shunned 
and  neglected,  because  the  end  of  all  such  things 
was  near.  No  wonder,  if  with  no  more  active 
occupation  than  meditation,  or  twisting  osiers 
into  baskets,  the  soul  of  the  recluse  preyed  upon 
itself,  and  peopled  the  dreary  solitude  ai-ound  it 
with  demons  and  spectres.  No  wonder,  if  in  this 
superhuman  effort  to  burst  the  barriers  of  our 
mortal  nature  by  a  protracted  suicide,  men 
mistook  apathy  for  self-control,  and  became  like 
stocks  or  stones,  or  brute  beasts,  while  wishing 
to  be  as  God.     [Mortification.] 

The  period  which  follows,  from  the  first  Bene- 
dict to  Charlemagne,  exhibits  monasticism  in  a 
more  mature  stage  of  monastic  activity.  The 
social  intercourse  of  the  monastery  duly  har- 
monised by  a  traditional  routine,  with  its  sub- 
ordination of  ranks  and  offices,  its  division  of 
duties,  its  mutual  dependence  of  all  on  each 
other  and  on  their  head,  civilised  the  monastic 
life  ;  and  as  the  monk  himself  became  subject  to 
the  refining  influence  of  civilisation,  he  went 
forth  into  the  world  without  to  civilise  others. 
The  contemplation  of  spiritual  things  was  still 
proposed  as  the  first  object  in  view.  But  stated 
and  regular  hours  for  the  religious  services  left 
leisure  for  other  occupations,  and  brainwork 
took  its  proper  place  alongside  of  manual  labour. 
The  Benedictine  rule  implied,  if  it  did  not  assert 
in  so  many  words,  that  monks  are  to  make  them- 
selves useful  to  others  as  well  as  to  themselves  ; 
and  the  practical  result  is  seen  in  the  conversion 
of  the  greater  part  of  Europe  to  Christianity, 
and  in  the  revival  of  European  learning  and  arts 
among  the  wild  hordes  from  the  north,  the 
conquerors  of  Rome.  Had  it  not  been  for  monks 
and  monasteries,  the  barbarian  deluge  might  hare 


MONASTERY 

swept  away  uttei'ly  the  traces  of  Roman  civilisa- 
tion. The  Benedictine  monk  was  the  pioneer 
(if  civilisation  and  Christianity  in  England, 
Germany,  Poland,  Bohemia,  Sweden,  Denmark 
(llabillon,  de  Stud.  Monast.  i.  c.  9).  The  schools 
attached  to  the  Lerinensian  monasteries  were 
the  precursors  of  the  Benedictine  seminaries  in 
France,  of  the  professorial  chairs  filled  by  learned 
Benedictines  in  the  universities  of  mediaeval 
Christendom.  With  the  incessant  din  of  arms 
around  him,  it  was  the  monk  in  his  cloister, 
even  in  regions  beyond  the  immediate  sphere 
of  Benedict's  legislation,  even  in  the  remote 
fastnesses,  for  instance,  of  Mount  Athos,  who, 
by  preserving  and  transcribing  ancient  manu- 
I  scripts,  both  Christian  and  pagan,  as  well  as 
by  recording  his  observations  of  contempora- 
neous events,  was  handing  down  the  torch  of 
knowledge  unquenched  to  future  generations, 
and  hoarding  up  stores  of  erudition  for  the  re- 
searches of  a  more  enlightened  age.  The  first 
musicians,  painters,  farmers,  statesmen  in  Europe, 
after  the  downfall  of  Rome  Imperial  under  the 
enslaught  of  the  barbarians  were  monks  (Mabill. 
de  Stud.  Man.  i.  cc.  4,  7,  8,  9,  12,  22). 

In  what  are  called  the  middle  ages,  the  various 
monasteries  of  each  order  were  under  the  presi- 
dency of  the  monastery,  originally  the  seat  of 
the  order.  This  development  had  not  been 
contemplated  by  the  rule  of  Benedict.  The 
abbat  of  the  parent  monastery  convoked  the 
chapters-general.  In  the  9th  century,  the 
abbat  of  Monte  Casino  was  nominally,  if  not 
actually,  supreme  over  all  abbats.  In  the  10th, 
Odo  of  Clugny  was  supreme  over  the  abbats  of 
his  order  of  Benedictines.  At  a  later  date,  among 
the  friars,  the  cloisters  of  each  province  were 
under  the  authority  of  a  "  provincial,"  and  the 
whole  order  under  a  "  general,"  usually  resident 
at  Rome  (Ferd.  Walter,  Manuel  du  Droit  eccles, ; 
Pelliccia,  Chr.  Eccles.  Politia). 

How  the  original  monastic  idea  came  in  course 
of  time  to  be  lost  sight  of,  as  monasteries  became 
wealthy  and  powerful,  how  monastic  simplicity 
was  corrupted  and  enervated  by  luxury,  how 
one  monastic  order  vied  with  another  for  worldly 
aggrandisement,  how,  too  often,  the  unfraternal 
rivalry  was  embittered  by  jealousies  of  the 
pettiest  kind,  and  how  the  monastic  orders 
became  the  janissaries  or  praetorian  cohort  of  the 
papacy,  is  beyond  our  present  scope  to  describe. 
The  difference  between  Rome  under  Commodus 
and  Rome  in  the  days  of  Cincinnatus  is  hardly 
greater  than  the  difference  between  a  great 
mediaeval  monastery,  with  all  its  pomp  and  osten- 
tation of  appurtenances,  and  the  conception  of  a 
monastery  in  the  rules  laid  down  by  the  first 
founders  of  monasticism.  Every  new  rule,  every 
new  order,  has  been  in  turn  a  protest  against 
degeneracy,  a  spasmodic  effort  to  revert  to 
pristine  simplicity.  But  the  disintegration  and 
the  decadence  of  the  monastic  idea  are  due, 
not  exclusively,  nor  indeed  mainly,  to  causes 
acting  upon  it  from  without,  but  rather 
to  something  within  itself,  an  inherent  part 
of  its  very  being  from  the  first.  If  we  look 
below  the  surface,  and  endeavour  honestly  to 
analyse  the  complex  elements  which,  as  ever 
happens  in  human  actions,  conspired  to  result  in 
monasticism,  we  cannot  but  observe  there, 
powerfully  at  work,  a  very  subtle  form  of 
selfishness.     Fear  of  ultimate  punishment,  hope 


MONASTERY 


122fJ 


of  ultimate  recompense,  instead  of  being  merely 
secondary  and  subsidiary  motives,  thrust  them- 
selves forward  as  the  dominating  principle  of 
this  apparent  self-abnegation,  too  abnormal,  too 
stupendous  to  be  ever  realised  on  earth,  unless 
by  sacrificing  at  the  same  time  the  responsibili- 
ties and  the  privileges  which  have  been  provi- 
dentially constituted  an  essential  part  of  man's 
probation.  In  his  fanatical  eagerness  to  secure 
his  own  salvation,  the  devotee  of  monasticism 
abjured  the  claims  of  home  and  country.  He 
"died  to  the  world"  (Gregor.  M.  Epp.  i.  44, 
Not.  Benedictin.),  not  simply  in  the  sense  of 
mortifying  evil  affections,  but  as  dead  henceforth 
to  the  ordinary  sympathies  of  humanity. 

[See  also  Abbat,  Asceticism,  Benedictine 
Rule  and  Order,  Canonici,  Caloyers,  Celi- 
bacy, Cellitae,  Coenobitjm,  Colidei,  Disci- 
pline, Monastic,  Habit,  Monastic,  Hermits, 
HospiTiUM,  Laura,  Librarius,  etc.  in  this 
Dictionary  ;  and  in  the  Dictionary  of  Christian 
Biography,  Ammonius,  Antonius,  Benedictus 

of  ANIANE,  BeNEDICTUS  of  NURSIA,  BONIFACIUS 

Moguntinensis,  Cassianus,  Catharine,  Chro- 
degang,  etc.] 

Literature.  —  Bulteau  (L.),  Hist.  Monast. 
d'Orient  (Paris,  1680).  Hist,  de  I'Ordre  de  8. 
Benoit  (Paris,  1691).  Hospinianus  (Rud.),  de 
Origine  et  Progrcssu  Monochatus  (Geneva,  1699). 
Helyot,  Hist,  des  Ordres  monast.  (Paris,  1714). 
Pez  (Bernhard),  Biblioth.  Ascetica  (Ratisbon, 
1723).  Thomassinus,  Nova  et  Vetus  Disciplina 
(Luccae,  1728).  Mabillon,  de  Studiis  Monast. 
(Venet.  1729) ;  Acta  Sanctorum  0.  S.  B.  (Venet. 
1733)  ;  AmuUes  0.  S.  B.  (Luccae,  1739).  Walch 
(Ch.  W.  Fr.),  Pragmat.  Geschichte  d.  Monchsord. 
(Leipzig,  1744).  Holstenii  (Lucae),  Codex 
Regularum,  ed.  Brockie  (August.  Vindelic.  1759)^ 
Alteserrae  (A.D.),  Asceticon  (YL&\&e,  1782).  Mait- 
land.  Dark  Ages  (Loud.  1844).  Rosweyd,  Vitas 
Patrum.  Migne,  Patrologia,  Ixxiii.  Ixxiv.  (Par. 
1844).  Ozanam,  Za  Civilisation  chez  les  Francs 
(Paris,  1855).  S.  Benedicti  Anianensis  Concordia 
Eegularum  (ed.  Hugo  Menardus)  ap.  Migne, 
Patrologia  Latina  (Paris,  1864).  Dantier,  Les 
Monasteres  be'ne'dictins  (Paris,  1868).  Montalem- 
bert,  Les  Moines  d'Occident  (Paris,  1868). 

[I.  G.  S.] 

II.  Particular  Rules. — Monastic  rules  in 
the  ordinary  sense  are  necessarily  subsequent  to 
the  establishment  of  the  coenobitic  system.  The 
earliest  monks  were  such  according  to  the  strict 
meaning  of  the  word — fxavaxol,  solitaries — 
occupying  isolated  cells  in  the  deepest  recesses 
of  the  desert,  or  the  most  inaccessible  moun- 
tain gorges,  as  far  as  possible  from  other  human 
habitations.  The  life  of  an  anchoret  was  there- 
fore absolutely  independent.  Each  solitary  was 
at  liberty  to  frame  for  himself  such  a  rule  as 
he  found  best  adapted  for  the  development  of  the 
life  of  spiritual  communion,  contemplation,  and 
abstraction  from  all  worldly  concerns,  which 
was  his  object.  He  might  seek  counsel  from 
others,  but  he  was  free  to  follow  or  reject  it. 
IS'o  one  could  claim  to  lay  down  a  law  for 
another.  But  as  time  went  on,  and  the  monastic 
life  could  number  its  votaries  by  thousands,  a 
desire  was  naturally  ielt  to  profit  by  the  ex- 
perience of  others,  and  the  more  celebrated 
ascetics  wer(!  called  upon  by  their  younger  and 
less  disciplined  brethren  to  draw  up  ordinances 


1230 


MONASTERY 


for  their  guidance  in  what  began  to  be  called 
"  the  true  philosophy." 

Rules  of  St.  Antony  and  St.  Isaiah. — The  codes 
of  rules  of  this  nature,  which  bear  the  names  of 
St.  Antony  and  the  Syrian  abbat  Isaiah,  printed 
by  Holstenius  in  his  Codex  Rcgtdarum,  are,  it  is 
acknowledged,  compilations  of  a  later  date,  and 
partially  adapted  to  the  coenobitic  system.  They 
liave  however  considerable  value,  as  affording  a 
faithful  picture  of  the  mode  of  life  of  the  earliest 
solitaries,  and  indicating  the  temptations  to 
which  they  were  most  liable.  They  are  gene- 
Tally  characterised  by  sound  common  sense,  and 
an  intimate  knowledge  of  human  nature.  The 
object  of  the  rule,  to  which  all  else  was  subsi- 
diary, was  true  humiliation  for  sin,  with  earnest 
contrition,  as  a  means  of  gaining  the  pardon  and 
favour  of  God.  Rigid  self-discipline  is  enforced 
as  a  means  to  this  end,  valueless  in  itself  The 
■ostentatious  display  of  asceticism,  almsgiving,  or 
devotion  is  sternly  prohibited,  and  warnings 
are  given  against  spiritual  pride.  The  day  is  to 
be  divided  between  manual  labour,  reading,  and 
prayer.  "  Ora  et  lege  perpetuo  "  (Jteg.  S.  Anton. 
e.  2;  Reg.  Is.  11);  even  when  going  to  draw 
water  the  monk  is  to  occupy  himself  in  reading 
j(^Ant.  c.  23);  the  Psalms  are  to  be  the  chief 
subjects  of  his  perusal  and  meditation,  to  keep 
him  from  impure  thoughts  (Ant.  c.  40  ;  Is.  13). 
The  appointed  hours  of  prayer  are  to  be  strictly 
observed.  Before  the  monk  goes  to  rest  he  is  to 
devote  two  hours  to  watching,  in  prayer  and 
praise.  Midnight  is  to  be  spent  in  watching  to 
prayer  (/s.  c.  57),  and  as  soon  as  he  rises  he  is  to 
pray  and  meditate  on  the  word  of  God,  then  be- 
gin his  work  (Atit.  c.  32).  Prayer  is  to  be 
made  standing,  aud  that  with  the  utmost  rever- 
ence of  body  ;  the  monk  must  not  lean  against 
the  walls  of  his  cell,  or  shift  his  weight  from 
one  foot  to  another  (/s.  c.  36).  Food  is  never  to 
be  tasted  before  the  ninth  hour,  e.xcept  on  Satur- 
day and  Sunday  ;  only  one  meal  is  to  be  taken 
in  the  day  (Ant.  c.  2) ;  eating  to  satiety  is  to  be 
avoided,  still  more  gluttony  (Ant.  c.  32) ;  a 
little  wine  is  allowed,  but  all  drink  must  be 
taken  slowly,  not  gulped  down  noisily.  If  two 
or  more  monks  eat  together  each  is  to  take  what 
is  placed  before  him,  and  not  stretch  out  his 
hand  to  another  dish  (Ant.  33;  Is.  20).  The 
sick  are  not  to  be  forced  to  eat,  nor  to  be  robbed 
of  their  portion  (Ant.  c.  5).  Meat  is  to  be 
avoided  altogether  (Ant.  c.  14).  Wednesdays 
and  Fridays  are  to  be  kept  as  strict  fasts,  unless 
a  monk  is  sick  (Ant.  c.  15).  The  time  for  taking 
food  and  its  quantity  is  to  be  fixed  by  each  monk 
for  himself,  and  the  rules  laid  down  are  to  be 
strictly  observed,  giving  to  the  body  as  much  as 
it  wants,  that  it  maj'  be  able  to  pray  and  wor- 
ship God.  Excessive  fasting  is  to  be  avoided  (Is. 
c.  54,  56).  The  monk  must  maintain  solitude, 
live  alone,  work  alone,  walk  alone,  above  all  sleep 
alone  (Ant.  c.  68,  8  ;  Is.  c.  18).  He  is  sjiecially 
to  avoid  conversing  with  boys  or  youths,  and  as 
the  most  dangerous  of  all,  with  women  (Aitt. 
c.  3 ;  Is.  c.  1).  Even  his  relations  living  in  the 
world  are  to  be  shunned,  and  the  thought  of  them 
repressed.  He  must  not  loiter  in  other  monks' 
cells.  But  if  any  one  knocks  at  his  cell  he  is  to 
open  to  him  immediately,  and  receive  him  with 
a  cheerful  countenance.  No  idle  questions  are  to 
be  put  to  him,  but  he  is  to  be  asked  at  once  to 
pray,  and  a  book  is  to  be  given  him  to  read.     If 


MONASTERY 

he  is  tired,  water  is  to  be  given  for  his  feet :  if 
his  clothes  are  ragged,  they  are  to  be  mended ;  if 
foul,  washed.  If  he  chatters  foolishly  he  is  to  be 
cautiously  silenced  ;  if  he  is  an  idle  runagate  he 
is  to  be  refreshed  and  sent  about  his  business 
(Is.  c.  33).  When  the  owner  of  the  cell  departs, 
the  visitor  is  not  to  raise  his  eyes  to  see  which 
way  he  goes  (Is.  c.  35).  If  the  guest  leaves  any- 
thing behind  the  host  must  not  examine  it  to  see 
what  it  is  (Is.  c.  34).  If  it  is  some  vessel  or 
implement  of  common  life  he  is  not  to  use  it  with- 
out his  leave  (Is.  c.  60).  Crowded  churches  are 
to  be  shunned  (Ant.  c.  20).  If  anything  takes  a 
monk  to  the  city  he  must  keep  his  eyes  on  the 
ground,  finish  liis  business  as  soon  as  he  can,  and 
return  promptly.  In  offering  his  wares  for  sale 
he  is  never  to  haggle  about  the  price  (Is.  c.  59). 
If  an  old  man  accompanies  him  on  the  road  he 
is  not  to  be  allowed  to  carry  anything  ;  if  younger 
men,  they  are  to  share  the  load  equally,  or  if  it  is 
very  light  each  is  to  take  it  by  turns  (Is.  c.  43). 
Idleness  is  to  be  shunned  as  the  greatest  ot 
dangers  (Ant.  c.  43).  The  monk  must  force 
himself  to  work  against  his  will,  and  fulfil  any 
task  assigned  to  him  without  murmuring(/5.  c.7). 
If  two  monks  occupy  one  cell,  neither  is  to  lord 
it  over  the  other,  but  each  is  to  be  i-eady  at  once 
to  do  what  the  other  bids  him  (Is.  c.  30).  The 
utmost  respect  is  to  be  paid  to  others ;  none 
should  spit  or  gape  in  another's  presence 
(Is.  c.  21).  All  sense  of  property  is  to  be 
put  away.  If  a  monk  returns  to  a  cell  he  has 
left  and  finds  it  occupied,  he  is  not  to  try  to  turn 
out  the  intruder,  but  go  and  seek  another  cell 
(7s.  c.  63).  If  he  changes  his  cell  he  is  to  take 
nothing  away  with  him,  but  leave  all  to  his 
successor  (Is.  c.  64).  All  ostentation  in  dress 
is  to  be  avoided  ;  young  monks  are  to  go  shabby 
and  wait  till  they  grow  old  before  they  wear 
a  good  dress  (Is.  c.  38).  A  monk  must  not  shew 
off'  his  voice,  but  pray  in  a  low  tone  (Ant.  c.  27). 
If  he  copies  a  book  he  is  not  to  ornament  it  (Is. 
c.  23).  The  love  of  riches  is  to  be  regarded  as  the 
bane  of  a  monk  (Is.  c.  66).  The  sick  and  infirm 
are  to  be  visited,  and  their  water  vessels  filled 
(Ant.  c.  34).  Alms  must  be  given  up  to,  but 
not  beyond,  one's  means.  A  monk  should  never 
laugh,  but  always  wear  a  sad  countenance  as 
one  that  mourns  for  his  sins,  except  when  other 
monks  come  to  visit  him,  when  he  is  to  shew  a 
bright  face  (Ant.  c.  47  ;  Is.  c.  33).  The  diseases 
of  the  soul  are  to  be  opened  to  his  spiritual  father 
(Is.  c.  6, 43).  All  is  to  be  done  that  others  may 
glorify  their  Father  which  is  in  heaven  (Ant. 
c.  30).  (Regulae  S.  P.  N.  Antonii  ad  filios  suos 
'iiwnaclios  ;  Isaiae  Abbatis  Regula  ad  Monachos. 
Holstenius,  Cod.  Reg.  tom.  i.  pp.  4—9.) 

Rule  of  St.  Pachomius. — When  the  eremite 
gave  place  to  the  coenobite,  and  the  solitary  cell 
developed  into  a  convent  peopled  with  a  nume- 
rous society,  the  need  of  rules  for  the  government 
of  the  fraternity  was  immediately  felt.  Regula- 
tions had  to  be  laid  down  as  to  the  dress,  food, 
and  daily  occupations  of  the  inmates,  as  well  as 
for  their  stated  meetings  for  worship  and  ordi- 
nary intercourse.  The  earliest  rule  of  this  nature 
is  that  of  Pachomius,  the  founder  of  the  coenobitic 
system,  born,  like  Antony,  in  the  Thebaid,  A.D. 
292.  We  have  this  rule  in  Jerome's  Latin 
translation,  with  a  preface  from  the  pen  of  that 
father.  It  is  a  document  of  great  interest, 
comprising  194  separate  heads.    The  society,  for 


MONASTERY 

which  it  was  drawn  up,  was  first  planted  on 
the  island  of  Tabennae  in  the  Nile,  from  which 
it  extended  with  such  rapidity  that  before  the 
t'-nuder's    death  in  A.D.  348  it  comprised  nine 

lenobia  for  men,  and  one  built  for  his  sister  for 
■,\  (linen.  The  number  of  monks  in  Jerome's  time 
ani.iunted  to  50,000. 

The  whole  society  formed  one  vast  industrial 
and  religious  fraternity,  every  member  of  which 
owed  implicit  obedience  to  a  chief  (omnium  mo- 
nastcriorum  princeps)  who  resided  in  the  parent 
house,  ■\t  which  the  entire  body  assembled  twice 
a  year,  at  Easter,  and  in  the  month  of  August. 
The  Paschal  meeting  was  the  great  religious 
festival  of  the  year.  That  in  August  was  held 
for  clearing  up  accounts,  both  religious  and 
secular.  All  received  absolution,  and  those  who 
were  at  variance  were  reconciled.  The  adminis- 
trators of  each  monastery  brought  in  their 
accounts,  all  necessary  business  was  transacted, 
and  officials  were  appointed  for  the  coming  year 
(Hieron.  Pracfat.  in  Reg.  Pachom.  c.  7,  8).  Each 
monastery  was  divided  into  thirty  or  forty 
houses  (domus),  each  house  containing  about 
forty  brethren ;  three  or  four  houses  being 
grouped  according  to  the  employments  of  the 
brethren  into  a  "  tribe,"  the  members  of  which 
went  to  work  together,  or  succeeded  one  another 
in  the  weekly  ministry.  Each  monastery  was 
presided  over  by  an  abbat  (pater),  and  had  its 
staff  of  stewards  (dispensatores),  hebdoma- 
daries,  and  ministers.  A  provost  (praepositus) 
exercised  authority  in  each  house.  To  him  the 
brethren  gave  a  weekly  account  of  their  work 
(ibid.  c.  2,  6).  The  authority  of  the  provost 
was  very  strictly  defined  ;  within  certain  limits 
he  was  absolute.  Nothing  was  to  be  done  with- 
out his  sanction.  All  the  property  of  the  house 
was  in  his  keeping,  and  he  was  to  dispense  it  as 
he  thought  good,  going  round  to  the  workshops 
for  that  purpose.  No  one  was  to  murmur  at  his 
assignment,  or  try  to  exchange  with  another 
monk  (Peg.  S.  Pachom.  c.  97,  111,  157).  But  his 
authority  was  chiefly  economical.  His  discipli- 
nary power  was  restricted  to  ordering  penance. 
Cases  of  insubordination  or  crime  were  to  be 
brought  before  the  abbat,  and  the  provost  exposed 
himself  to  rebuke  if  he  neglected  in  three  days' 
time  to  report  them  (ibid.  c.  181,  152).  The 
importance  of  his  oflice  may  be  measured  by  the 
number,  particularity,  and  strictness  of  the  in- 
junctions for  its  execution,  and  the  solemn  male- 
dictions against  the  abusers  of  their  authority 
(ibid.  c.  159).  He  was  allowed  to  have  a  deputy. 
If  he  slept  out  of  the  house  he  was  not  to  be 
readmitted,  even  after  penance,  without  the 
superior's  leave  (ibid.  c.  137).  Under  the  provost 
were  the  hebdomadarii,  weekly  officers  who  served 
a  week  in  rotation  in  various  duties  connected 
with  divine  worship,  manual  labour,  or  domestic 
duties(i6«i.c.  12-15).  [Hkbdomadauius.]  Every 
day,  after  mattins,  the  hebdomadarii  were  to  ask 
the  abbat  for  orders,  and  carry  them  into  execu- 
tion. They  were  to  visit  all  the  "  houses  "  to  see 
what  each  wanted,  to  give  out  the  books,  and 
collect  and  replace  them  at  the  end  of  the  week 
(ibid.  c.  25).  These  officers,  together  with  the 
jTOVost,  were  to  be  vigilant  guardians  of  the 
property  of  the  convent.  All  tools  were  to  be 
brought  back  at  the  end  of  the  week,  counted, 
and  locked  up  till  the  beginning  of  the  next 
(ffeirf.  66).     They  were  to  see  that  the  mats  on 


MONASTERY 


1231 


the  pavements  of  the  oratory  were  beaten,  a  pro- 
per quantity  of  rushes  given  out  for  rope- 
making,  and  a  register  kept  of  the  ropes  made 
each  week  (ibid.  c.  26,  27).  A  stated  daily 
amount  of  work  was  to  be  required  of  each 
brother,  but  they  were  not  to  be  distressed  by  an 
excessive  demand  (ibid.  c.  177,  179).  The  day 
began  with  public  prayer  (collecta).  No  monk 
was  allowed  to  be  absent  unless  he  was  sick,  or 
had  just  returned  from  a  fatiguing  journey  (ibid. 
c.  143,  187).  The  monks  were  summoned  by  a 
horn  or  trumpet.  A  penance  was  imposed  on 
those  who  came  late.  No  one  was  to  presume 
to  sing  without  leave,  on  pain  of  penance.  They 
were  all  to  repeat  scripture  in  order  when  called' 
on  by  clapping  the  hand.  Those  who  blundered 
or  halted  were  chidden.  No  one  was  to  look  at 
another  when  praying.  If  any  one  talked  or 
laughed  during  service  he  was  to  stand  before 
the  altar  with  his  head  and  hands  held  down, 
and  be  rebuked  by  the  superior.  No  one  was  to 
leave  the  collecta  before  the  end  of  service, 
except  under  necessity  («6i'c/.  c.  3-11).  Mattins 
over,  the  monks  were  to  attend  a  conference,  or 
a  disputation  proposed  by  the  provost,  or  to  hear 
the  praecepta  majontm  read.  If  a  monk  fell 
asleep  during  reading  he  was  made  to  stand 
during  the  superior's  pleasure  (ibid.  c.  20-23). 
There  was  one  common  meal  after  mid-day.  A 
table  was  also  set  in  the  evening  for  the  children, 
old  men,  and  labourers,  and  for  all  in  the  extreme 
heats  of  summer.  Some  ate  only  at  one,  some 
at  both  meals,  some  of  one  dish  only,  others  of 
more.  Some  ate  only  a  little  bread.  If  a  monk 
was  disinclined  to  come  to  the  public  table  he 
was  allowed  bread  and  salt  in  his  cell  (Praef. 
Hieron.  c.  5).  It  was  an  ofience  to  come  late  to^ 
table,  or  to  talk  or  laugh  during  the  meal,  to 
stretch  out  the  hand  over  the  table,  or  to  look 
at  others  eating.  If  the  provost  bid  a  monk 
change  his  place  he  must  obey  instantly.  Any- 
thing wanted  must  not  be  asked  for,  but  indi- 
cated by  a  sign  (Beg.  Pachom.  c.  28-33).  Neither 
wine  nor  broth  were  allowed  (ibid.  c.  45).  No 
one  was  to  have  more,  or  more  delicate  food  than 
another.  The  plea  of  indisposition  was  to  be. 
decided  on  by  the  superior  (ibid.  c.  40).  No  monk 
might  work  in  his  cell.  Those  who  went  out  to 
work  took  pickled  vegetables  with  them  (ibid.  c. 
80).  At  the  end  of  the  meal  sweetmeats  (tra- 
gemata)  were  given  to  the  monks  at  the  door  of 
the  refectory,  to  be  taken  to  their  cells,  but  not 
in  their  hoods,  and  eaten  there.  The  dispenser 
was  not  to  take  his  own  share,  but  to  receive  it 
from  the  provost  (ibid.  c.  27,  29).  A  similar 
rule  held  good  in  the  distribution  of  food, 
materials  for  work,  and  the  like.  A  strict  com- 
munity of  all  things  was  enforced.  No  one  was 
to  presume  to  take  anything  for  himself,  neither 
vegetables  (c.  73),  palm-leaves  for  weaving  (c. 
74),  ears  of  corn,  grapes,  nor  fruit  (c.  75).  Those 
who  were  set  to  gather  dates  might  eat  a  few,  and 
some  were  to  be  brought  to  the  brethren  who 
stayed  at  home,  for  their  eating  ;  windfalls  must 
not  be  eaten  nor  taken  to  the  cells  (c.  114),  but 
piled  up  at  the  root  of  the  tree  (c.  78).  No  one 
was  to  claim  anything  in  his  cell  as  his  own,  and 
on  changing  it,  he  must  leave  all  it  contained  to 
the  new-comer.  No  monk  might  have  his  own 
pair  of  tweezers  for  pulling  out  thorns  ;  a  com- 
mon pair  was  to  hang  in  the  window  where  the 
codices  were  placed  (c.  82).     No  addition  must 


1232 


MONASTERY 


be  made  to  the  clothing  provided  by  the  superior, 
viz.  two  tunics  (levitonaria),  one  worn  with  use  ; 
a  long  cape  for  the  neck  and  shoulders  {sahanu^')  ; 
a  leathern  pouch  to  hang  at  the  side  ;  galoshes 
(^gallicae)  and  two  hoods  ;  a  girdle  and  a  statf  (c. 
81)  :  anything  besides  this  equipment  a  brother 
might  possess  was  to  be  brought  to  the  provost, 
and  placed  at  his  disposal  (c.  192).  The  hoods 
were  to  bear  the  marlv  of  the  convent  (c.  99). 
The  monks  were  to  sleep  alone  on  a  mat  spread 
on  the  floor  without  a  bolster  (c.  81,  88).  The 
cell  door  was  to  be  always  unfastened  (c.  107). 
No  one  was  ever  to  sleep  in  any  place  but  in  his 
own  cell  (c.  87).  The  rule  guards  most  carefully 
against  the  dangers  of  unrestricted  intercourse 
between  members  of  the  society.  No  one  Avas  to 
enter  another's  cell  without  necessity,  or  remain 
there  when  his  business  was  concluded  (c.  102). 
They  were  never  to  speak  to  one  another  in  the 
dark,  or  hold  one  another's  hands,  or  lie  together 
on  the  same  mat.  No  one  was  to  go  out  alone 
(c.  56),  but  when  two  walked  together  they  must 
be  a  cubit  apart  (c.  94).  A  monk  was  forbidden 
to  anoint,  wash,  or  shave  another,  or  take  out  a 
thorn  for  him,  except  by  the  provost's  permission 
(c.  93-95).  Two  might  not  ride  together  on  an 
ass,  or  on  the  tilt  of  a  waggon  (c.  109).  When 
forced  to  be  together,  as  when  kneading  bread, 
or  carrying  the  dough  to  the  oven,  silence  was  to 
be  maintained,  and  the  mind  given  to  meditation 
on  Holy  Scripture  (c.  116).  The  same  rule  was 
to  be  observed  on  board  ship,  nor  were  they  to 
go  to  sleep  on  deck,  or  in  the  hold,  nor  allow 
others  to  do  so  (c.  118,  119).  The  greatest 
vigilance  was  to  be  observed  against  wandering 
thoughts.  All  who  had  mechanical  duties  to 
perform,  e.g.  to  summon  the  brethren,  give  out 
materials,  or  serve  food  or  dessert,  were  to 
meditate  on  a  portion  of  scripture.  When  they 
•went  to  work  they  were  never  to  talk  on  secular 
matters  (c.  59,  60).  All  tattling  abroad,  or 
bringing  gossip  home,  was  strictly  prohibited 
(c.  85,  86).  The  rule  of  Pachomius,  in  broad 
distinction  to  some  later  rules  and  the  practice  of 
the  majority  of  solitaries,  is  very  particular  in  its 
directions  about  the  washingof  the  monks' clothes. 
This  was  to  be  done  in  common,  at  the  provost's 
order ;  the  clothes  were  to  be  dried  in  the  sun, 
but  not  exposed  later  than  9  A.M.,  lest  they  should 
get  scorched.  When  brought  home  they  were 
to  be  gently  suppled  (leviter  ^nollientur').  If  not 
quite  dry  one  day  they  were  to  be  laid  out  a 
second.  There  was  to  be  no  washing  on  Sundays 
except  for  sailors  and  bakers  (c.  67-73).  Invalids 
received  special  care.  A  sick  monk  was  conducted 
by  the  provost  to  the  infirmary  (triclinium 
aegrotantiuin),  which  he  alone  was  permitted  to 
enter.  Extra  clothing  and  food  were  given  to 
him,  according  to  his  need.  He  was  forbidden  to 
carry  these  to  his  own  cell.  He  might  not  be 
visited  even  by  relations,  except  by  the  licence 
of  the  provost  (c.  42^7).  A  monk  who  had 
hurt  himself,  or  was  poorly,  but  who  was  still 
about,  might  have  extra  clothing  and  food  at  the 
discretion  of  the  provost  (c.  105).  There  was  to 
be  a  guest-house  (xenodochium),  where  all  who 
claimed  hospitality  were  to  be  entertained  with 
due  honour.  Weaker  vessels  and  women  were 
not  to  be  repulsed,  but  to  be  received  with 
caution  in  a  place  apart  assigned  to  them  (c.  51). 
If  a  relation  came  to  see  a  monk,  by  the  special 
sanction  of  the  abbat  he  was  allowed  to  go  out 


MONASTERY 

and  converse  with  him,  with  a  trustworthy  com- 
panion. If  any  good  things  were  brought  him  to 
eat  he  was  permitted  to  carry  sweetmeats  and 
fruit  to  his  cell,  but  whatsoever  had  to  be  eaten 
with  bread  was  to  be  conveyed  to  the  sick-house, 
and  there  partaken  of  (c.  52).  If  a  monk  had  to 
leave  the  convent  to  see  a  sick  relative  he  was 
bound  to  observe  the  rule  of  the  monastery  as  to 
eating  and  drinking  (c.  54).  He  could  only  attend 
a  kinsman's  funeral  by  the  provost's  leave  (c.  55). 

Different  degrees  of  penance  were  ordained  for 
minor  offences :  breaking  earthenware  (c.  125), 
losing  the  property  of  the  convent  (c.  131), 
spoiling  his  clothes  (c.  148),  appropriating  what 
did  not  belong  to  him  (c.  149) ;  and  heavier 
punishments  for  offences  of  graver  complexion  ; 
angry  and  passionate  words  (c.  161)  ;  falsehood 
(c.  151);  false  witness  (c.  162);  corrupting 
others  (c.  163)  ;  stirring  up  dissension  (c.  169). 
Any  article  found  whose  owner  was  unknown 
was  to  be  hung  up  for  three  days  before  mattins, 
to  be  claimed  (c.  132).  A  novice  was  first  to 
be  taught  the  rules  of  the  order,  and  was  then 
set  to  learn  twenty  Psalms,  or  two  Epistles,  or 
some  other  part  of  scripture.  If  he  could  not 
read,  he  was  to  have  three  lessons  a  day,  and 
be  forced  to  learn  to  read  even  against  his  will 
("  etiam  invitus  legere  compelletur  ").  Every 
inmate  of  the  convent  was  expected  to  know  by 
heart  at  least  the  Psalter  and  the  New  Testa- 
ment (c.  139,  140).  If  any  of  the  boys  brought 
up  in  the  monastery  proved  idle,  and  careless, 
and  refused  to  amend,  they  were  to  be  flogged. 
The  provost  was  to  be  punished  if  he  neglected  to 
report  their  misdeeds  to  the  abbat  (c.  172,  173). 

The  rules  which  pass  under  the  names  of  the 
early  anchorets,  Serapion,  Paphnutius,  and  the 
two  Macariuses,  though  with  no  claim  to  be 
regarded  as  the  production  of  those  fathers,  are 
important  as  additional  evidence  of  the  charac- 
ter of  the  earliest  coenobitic  life.  The  sepa- 
rate ordinances  in  the  main  correspond  to  those 
of  Pachomius.  They  supply  more  distinct 
information  as  to  the  apportionment  of  the  early 
part  of  the  day.  The  time  between  the  conclu- 
sion of  mattins  and  the  second  hour,  8  A.M.,  was 
to  be  spent  in  reading,  unless  any  necessary 
work  had  to  be  done  for  the  society.  From  the 
second  to  the  ninth  hour  was  to  be  devoted  by 
each  severally  to  his  own  work,  without  mar- 
muring  (^Eegul.  Patrum,  c.  5,  6).  Passing  over 
the  rule  of  Orsiesius,  abbat  of  Tabennae,  the 
disciple  of  Pachomius  (d.  c.  A.D.  368),  which,  as 
its  title,  "  Doctrina  sive  tractatus "  implies,  is 
a  prolix  hortatory  address  to  the  members  of 
his  society,  embracing  all  the  chief  particulars 
of  Pachomius's  system,  not  a  code,  and  the  Eegula 
Orientalis,  compiled  in  the  5th  century  by  Vigi- 
lantius  the  deacon  from  the  earlier  monastic 
rules,  which  exhibit  nothing  deserving  special 
notice,  we  come  to  the  rules  of  the  founders  of 
Cappadocian  monasticism,  Eustathius  of  Sebaste, 
and  Basil  the  Great. 

Rule  of  St.  Basil. — St.  Basil's  monastic 
institutions  run  to  a  considerable  length.  They 
are  comprised  in  his  Sermones  Ascetici,  and 
his  two  collections  entitled  respectively  Regulae 
fusius  tractatae,  and  the  Regulae  hrevius  trac- 
tatae.  The  Constitutiones  Asceticae  printed  in 
Basil's  works,  are  assigned  by  the  best  authori- 
ties to  Eustathius  of  Sebaste.  The  iiririixia  or 
Poenae    in    Monachos    Belinquentes,    an    early 


MONASTERY 

J ::;imple  of  a  Poenitentiale,  does  not  proceed  from 
Basil's  pen. 

The  picture  of  monastic  life  in  these  various 
rules  is  characterised  by  Basil's  high-toned 
jiirtA',  and  a  common-sense  drawn  from  the 
intimate  knowledge  of  human  nature  he  had 
gained  in  his  intercourse  with  the  world  in  early 
litV,  which  is  often  wanting  in  rules  of  later  date. 
The  principle  with  which  he  starts  is  that  "  the 
•jiie  object  of  the  ascetic  life  is  the  salvation  of 
the  soul,  and  that  everything  that  conduces  to 
that  should  be  reverentially  observed  as  a 
divine  command."  The  unpractical  and  repul- 
sive form  too  soon  assumed  by  Eastern  asceticism 
has  no  place  in  Basil's  idea  of  the  monastic  life, 
.'^tlf-discipline  is  set  forth  by  him,  not  as  having 
any  merit  in  itself,  but  as  an  instrument  for 
enabling  the  spirit  to  rise  above  the  flesh,  and 
conquering  the  appetites  and  passions  of  fallen 
nature  to  give  its  whole  powers  to  communion 
Avith  God.  The  body  was  to  be  rendered  the 
obedient  servant  of  the  higher  nature,  not  made 
unfit  for  such  service  by  exaggerated  austerities. 
Selfishness  is  inconsistent  with  his  idea  of  the 
religious  life.  "  It  was  the  life  of  the  indus- 
trious religious  community,  not  of  the  indolent 
-and  solitary  anchoret  which  was  to  Basil  the 
perfection  of  Christianity.  .  .  .  Prayer  and 
psalmody  were  to  have  their  appointed  hours ; 
but  by  no  means  to  intrude  upon  those  devoted 
to  useful  labour.  .  .  .  Life  was  in  no  respect 
to  be  absorbed  in  a  perpetual  mystic  communion 
with  the  Deity  "  (Milman,  Hut.  of  Christianity, 
bk.  iii.  c.  9  ;  vol.  iii.  p.  109).  Basil  was  a 
zealous  advocate  of  the  coenobitic  as  opposed  to 
the  eremitic  life,  which  he  condemns  as  concen- 
trating on  self  the  gifts  and  graces  intended  for 
the  benefit  of  mankind.  The  solitary  buries  his 
talent  in  the  earth,  and  renders  it  useless  by 
sloth.  He  can  neither  feed  the  hungry,  nor 
clothe  the  naked,  nor  visit  the  sick.  He  has  no  one 
towards  whom  he  can  exhibit  humility,  or  com- 
passion, or  patience.  If  he  errs  he  has  no  one  to 
bi-ing  him  back  ;  if  he  falls  no  one  to  lift  him 
up ;  his  offences  remain  hidden  for  want  of  any 
one  to  rebuke  him.  The  solitary  life,  therefore, 
he  decides  to  be  both  difficult  and  dangerous. 
(Basil,  Reg.  fusius  tract,  c.  7).  He  advises  that 
a  coenobitic  establishment  should  be  in  a  re- 
tired place,  far  from  the  converse  of  men  (Jhid. 
c.  6),  and  that  there  should  not  be  more  than  one 
such  house  in  the  same  place,  to  avoid  rivalry 
and  squabbles,  to  diminish  expense  and  trouble, 
and  to  save  aspirants  from  the  difficulty  of 
choice  and  from  fickleness  of  purpose  {ibid.  c.  35). 
The  number  of  brethren  should  be  over  rather 
than  under  ten.  A  man  of  tried  character  and 
morals  should  be  placed  at  their  head,  who 
might  be  a  pattern  of  all  Christian  virtue,  and 
commend  his  authority  by  his  blameless  life. 
Implicit  obedience  must  be  paid  him,  and  his 
word  must  be  law.  He  should  be  old  rather 
than  young,  but  advanced  years  is  not  to  be 
deemed  the  chief  qualification  (Serm.  Ascetic,  i. 
p.  320  sq.,  ii.  p.  324;  Beg.  c.  48).  The 
superior  is  to  rebuke  offenders  without  fear  or 
favour  (c.  25).  The  brethren  are  to  lay  bare 
to  him  all  the  secrets  of  their  hearts,  as  the  con- 
fesso-  of  the  establishment  (c.  26).  He  should 
have  a  aeputy  to  supply  his  place  if  sick,  absent, 
or  busy  (c.  45).  No  brother  is  to  be  admitted 
without    examination   and   trial    for   a   definite 


MONASTERY 


1233 


period  (c.  10).  Married  persons  may  be  received 
on  the  assurance  of  mutual  consent  (c.  12),  and 
children  when  presented  by  their  parents  or 
lawful  guardians.  Orphans  of  both  sexes  were 
to  be  adopted  as  the  children  of  the  community. 
These  were  not  to  be  placed  on  the  register  until 
they  were  old  enough  to  judge  for  themselves, 
and  could  understand  the  meaning  of  the 
monastic  vows.  They  were  to  be  separated  from 
the  brethren,  except  at  public  worship,  and  to 
follow  special  rules  as  to  sleep,  food,  hours,  etc., 
suitable  to  their  age  (c.  15).  Runaway  slaves, 
after  admonition  and  reformation,  were  to  be 
sent  back  to  their  masters.  If  the  master  was  an 
evil  man  who  commanded  things  contrary  to  God's 
law,  the  slave  was  to  be  exhorted  to  obey  God 
rather  than  man,  and  to  bear  patiently  the  trials 
he  might  have  to  endure  (c.  11).  Those  who 
entered  the  society  were  not  bound  to  resign 
their  property  into  the  hands  of  their  natural 
heirs  if  they  were  likely  to  abuse  it,  but  should 
entrust  it  to  those  who  would  use  it  for  God's 
glory  (c.  9).  The  idea  of  ownership  was  to  be 
studiously  repressed ;  no  one  was  to  call  anything, 
either  shoe  or  vestment  or  vessel  or  any  neces- 
sary of  life,  his  own.  All  that  the  brethren 
required  was  to  be  kept  in  a  common  storehouse, 
and  dispensed  at  the  discretion  of  the  superior, 
according  to  the  needs  of  the  brethren  {Serm. 
Ascet.  i.  p.  322  ;  ii.  p.  324).  A  monk 
was  forbidden  to  form  any  special  friendships, 
and  was  to  endeavour  to  love  all  equally 
{lb.  p.  322).  The  whole  life  was  to  be 
given  to  prayer  {ib.  p.  321) ;  bixt  to  secure 
regularity  in  devotion  the  canonical  hours  were 
to  be  observed,  the  midday  prayer  being  divided 
into  two  to  make  up  the  "  seven  times  a  day  "  of 
Ps.  cxix.  V.  164  (i6.  p.  322).  Work  was  not  to  be 
neglected  on  the  plea  of  devotion,  but  the  tongue 
was  to  be  vocal  in  prayer  and  psalmody  while  the 
hands  were  busy.  The  brothers  working  at  a 
distance  were  to  keep  the  hours  in  the  field  {Eeg. 
c.  37).  Every  member  of  the  body  was  to  give 
himself  to  the  works  he  could  do  best,  so  that 
the  whole  community  might  be  supported  by  the 
labours  of  its  own  hands.  The  nature  of  these 
labours  was  strictly  defined.  They  were  to  be 
such  as  were  of  real  use  to  the  community,  not 
such  as  might  contribute  to  luxury ;  such,  also, 
as  could  be  practised  without  noise,  crowds,  or 
disturbing  the  unity  of  the  brethren.  On  these 
grounds  weaving  and  shoemaking  were  to  be 
preferred  to  building,  carpentering,  or  braziers' 
work  ;  but  of  all  occupations  agriculture  was 
most  recommended  (c.  381).  The  produce  of 
these  handicrafts  were  to  be  entrusted  to  a  grave, 
elderly  man,  deserving  of  confidence,  who  would 
dispose  of  them  without  compelling  the  brethren 
to  leave  the  convent  {Serm.  Ascet.  i.  p.  321). 
Fairs  were  to  be  particularly  avoided,  even  those 
which  under  the  name  of  religion  were  held 
around  the  martyrs'  tombs  {Beg.  c.  40).  If  it 
was  necessary  for  the  brethren  to  sell  their  goods 
themselves,  "they  should,  as  much  as  possible, 
come  together  to  one  town  and  remain  there, 
even  if  the  market  was  not  so  good,  rather  than 
wander  from  town  to  town.  All  the  monks 
from  different  convents  should  assemble  in  the 
same  inn,  both  as  a  mutual  safeguard,  and  to  en- 
sure the  keeping  of  the  hours  of  prayer.  Towns 
should  be  chosen  which  had  a  high  character 
for  piety  {Eeg.  c.  39).     The  food  eaten  should  be 


1234 


MONASTERY 


such  as  would  nourish  the  bod}',  and  whatever 
was  put  on  the  table  was  to  Le  partaken  of ;  nor 
was  wine  to  be  rejected  as  something  detestable, 
but  drunk  when  necessary.  Satiety,  however, 
was  to  be  avoided,  and  all  eating  for  the  gratifica- 
tion of  the  appetite  (Serm.  Ascet.  i.  §  4,  p.  321  ; 
Heg.  c.  18).  No  rigid  uniformity  was  to  be  laid 
down  as  to  the  amount  of  food  taken,  but  the 
superior  was  to  judge  in  each  case  what  was 
sufficient,  with  special  regard  to  the  sick  (c.  19). 
Squabbles  for  the  highest  places  at  table  were 
discreditable  to  a  family  of  brothers  (c.  21).  If 
guests  visited  them  no  difference  was  to  be  made 
for  them,  but  they  were  to  partake  of  the 
ordinary  fare  (c.  20).  The  monk's  clothes  should 
shew  humility,  simplicity,  and  cheapness,  and 
should  be  characteristic  of  his  vocation.  He  was 
to  wear  the  same  garment  by  day  and  night,  and 
never  change  it  for  work  or  resting  (c.  22).  He 
was  always  to  be  cinctured  with  a  leathern  girdle 
(c.  23).  Silence  was  to  be  strictly  observed 
except  in  prayer  and  psalmody  (c.  13),  and  loud 
laughter  was  absolutely  forbidden,  though  a 
gentle  cachinnation  was  approved  of  as  a  sign 
of  a  cheerful  heart  (c.  17).  Nods  or  signs  were 
to  be  used  in  place  of  words  or  oaths.  But  even 
these  were  forbidden  if  they  indicated  sullen- 
ness  or  discontent,  or  illwill  towards  others. 
When  it  was  necessary  to  speak  it  should  be  in 
a  low  and  gentle  voice,  except  when  rebuke  or 
exhortation  had  to  be  given,  when  a  louder  tone 
was  not  forbidden  (Scrm.  Ascet.  ii.  p.  326).  The 
rejection  of  medicine  under  a  false  notion  of  its 
being  an  interference  with  the  will  of  God  is 
decidedly  coudenmed.  It  was  to  be  accepted  as 
God's  good  gift,  to  enable  the  body  to  render 
Him  more  ready  service.  It  must  not,  howevei", 
be  trusted  to  of  itself,  nor  always  resorted  to  on 
any  slight  cause.  When  the  malady  was  dis- 
tinctly a  punishment  for  sin,  it  was  a  grave 
question  whether  any  attempt  should  be  made 
to  remove  it,  instead  of  accepting  it  submissively 
as  God's  gracious  chastisement  (c.  55).  No  one 
was  permitted  to  leave  the  convent  without  the 
licence  of  the  superior  (p.  326).  Long  journeys 
and  protracted  absences  from  home  were  to  be 
avoided  as  far  as  possible.  When  for  the 
interest  of  the  convent  it  was  necessary  that  a 
visit  should  be  paid  to  a  distant  place,  if  there 
was  one  in  the  society  who  could  be  trusted  to 
travel  without  harm  to  his  own  soul,  and  with 
advantage  to  those  whom  he  might  meet,  he 
miglit  be  sent  alone.  Otherwise  several  brothers 
were  to  go  together,  who  were  to  take  care 
never  to  separate  from  one  another,  but  to  be  a 
mutual  safeguard.  On  their  return  a  very  strict 
inquiry  was  to  be  made  into  their  conduct 
during  their  absence,  and  suitable  penances 
imposed  if  they  had  in  any  way  transgressed  the 
laws  of  the  society.  All  idle  gadding  about 
and  huckstering  under  the  plea  of  business  was 
prohibited  as  utterly  inconsistent  with  the 
monastic  life  (c.  44).  All  women  and  idle 
persons  were  to  be  excluded  from  the  convent 
precincts.  If  such  presented  themselves,  on  no 
pretext  was  there  to  be  any  intercourse  between 
them  and  the  brethren.  The  superior  alone  was 
to  question  them  as  to  their  business  and  receive 
their  answers  (p.  322).  Intercourse  with  rela- 
tions was  carefully  guarded,  and  was  only  to  be 
permitted  in  the  case  of  those  with  whom 
edifying  conversation  could  be  held.     Those  who 


MONASTERY 

set  at  nought  God's  commandments  were  not  to 
be  admitted.  All  talk  which  could  revive  the 
memory  of  the  monk's  former  life  in  the  world 
was  to  be  studiously  shunned.  A  monk's 
relations  were  to  be  regarded  as  the  common 
kinsmen  of  the  society,  not  specially  his  own 
(c.  32).  The  necessary  intercourse  between  the 
male  and  female  members  of  a  religious  society 
was  to  be  ordered  so  as  to  give  no  room  for 
scandal.  Two  of  each  sex  were  to  be  present  at 
every  such  interview  (c.  33).  Labour  and  rest 
was  to  be  equally  shai'ed  among  the  brothers, 
who  were  to  be  told  off  in  rotation  in  pail's, 
every  week,  for  the  necessary  duties  of  the  esta- 
blishment, so  that  all  might  gain  an  equal 
reward  of  humility  (p.  322  ad  fin.).  A  discreet 
and  experienced  brother  was  to  be  selected,  to 
whom  all  disputes  were  to  be  referred,  who,  if 
he  could  not  settle  them  himself,  was  to  bring 
them  before  the  superior  (c.  49).  The  superior 
must  be  careful  not  to  rebuke  anyone  angrily, 
lest  instead  of  delivering  his  brother  from  the 
bonds  of  his  sin  he  bind  himself  (c.  50).  If  rebuke 
was  not  sufficient  penance  must  be  imposed 
corresponding  to  the  offence,  e.g.,  exercises  of 
humility  for  the  vainglorious ;  silence  for  the 
empty  chatterers,  vigils  or  prayer  for  the  slug- 
gards, hard  work  for  the  lazy,  fasting  for  the 
gluttonous,  separation  from  the  others  for  the 
discontented  and  querulous  (c.  28,  29,  51). 
Other  usual  penances  were  exclusion  from  the 
common  prayers,  or  psalmody  of  the  society,  or 
a  restriction  of  food.  Incarceration  was  the 
punishment  for  the  rebellious,  who,  if  they  con- 
tinued obstinate  were  to  be  expelled  (p.  322, 
c.  28).  The  superior  himself  was  to  receive 
needful  warning  and  correction  from  the  oldest 
and  most  prudent  brother  of  the  society  (c.  27). 
The  superiors  of  different  establishments  were  t» 
meet  at  stated  times  for  mutual  counsel  as  to 
the  regulation  of  their  societies,  when  difficulties 
were  to  be  discussed,  the  negligent  reprimanded, 
and  suitable  commendat'on  given  to  those  who 
had  fulfilled  their  duties  well  (c.  54). 

The  Regulae  brevius  tractatae,  313  in  numbei', 
are  very  short  decisions  of  questions  relating  to 
monastic  life  ;  e.g.  whether  it  is  allowable  to  talk 
during  psalmody,  if  a  sister  who  refuses  to  sing 
is  to  be  forced,  whether  a  serving  brother  may 
speak  in  a  loud  tone,  if  all  must  come  punctually 
to  dinner,  and  what  is  to  be  done  with  those 
who  come  late  ;  as  well  as  resolutions  of  theolo- 
gical and  moral  questions,  and  of  scriptural  diffi- 
culties. The  collection  is  valuable  as  helping  to 
form  a  faithful  picture  of  monastic  life  in  detail, 
but  does  not  answer  to  the  idea  of  a  "  rule,"  as 
dealing  with  minor  details  rather  than  with 
broad  principles. 

The  34  Constitutlones  which,  as  has  been  stated, 
are  probably  to  be  assigned  to  Eustathius  ot 
Sebaste,  are  partly  addressed  to  solitaries,  partly 
to  coenobites,  seventeen  to  the  one,  and  seventeen 
to  the  other  class.  They  are  based  on  the  same 
lines  as  the  rules  of  St.  Basil,  and  do  not  add 
much  to  our  knowledge  of  monastic  life.  The 
duties  of  humility,  obedience,  temperance,  and 
independence  of  all  worldly  interests  are  ex- 
pressed, and  rules  laid  down  for  the  regulation  of 
intercourse  with  the  brethren,  and  with  seculars. 
The  monk  must  not  seek  honour  or  dignity,  or 
desire  holy  orders  (c.  24);  he  must  have  no 
personal  friendships  (c.  29),  nor  private    busi- 


MONASTERY 

ness  (c.  27)  ;  he  must  not  be  nice  in  the  choice  of 
his  clothes  or  shoes  (c.  30),  or  be  particular  in 
his  food  (c.  25).= 

Very  wholesome  counsels  are  given  to  the 
superiors,  to  treat  the  brethren  with  all  fatherly 
kindness,  and  not  enjoin  duties  beyond  their 
power,  though  they  must  take  care  that  no 
one  hides  his  strength  to  shirk  his  tasks  (c.  28, 
31,  32).  They  must  also  exhibit  great  caution  in 
receiving  brethren  from  other  monasteries,  lest 
by  admitting  the  disobedient  and  mutinous,  they 
encourage  laziness  and  disorder,  dishearten  the 
diligent  and  faithful  members  of  their  houses, 
and  render  the  maintenance  of  discipline  more 
difficult  (c.  33). 

Tlie  Rule  of  St.  Augustine. — More  than  one 
rule  for  monks  is  extant  under  the  name  of  St. 
Augustine.  These  are  all  spurious.  The  only 
rule  which  can  claim  authenticity  is  that  for 
nuns  contained  in  his  109th  letter,  from  which 
it  has  been  extracted  and  arranged  in  sections, 
as  the  Eegula  Sancti  Augustini  sanctimonialibus 
praescripta.  The  convent  for  the  use  of  which 
this  rule  was  drawn  up  was  that  founded  by  St. 
Augustine  himself  at  Hippo,  and  presided  over 
till  her  death  by  his  sister.  She  had  been  suc- 
ceeded by  a  nun  of  long  standing  who  had 
served  under  her  with  her  entire  confidence,  but 
whose  rule  had  proved  so  distasteful  to  the 
sisters  that  they  rose  in  open  rebellion  against 
her,  and  clamoured  for  her  removal.  In  other 
respects  the  picture  of  the  convent  given  in  this 
letter  is  far  from  edifying.  The  society-  was  not 
only  mutinous,  but  disorderly.  Instead  of  a  per- 
fect equality  of  food  and  habit,  the  richer  sisters 
claimed  superior  indulgences  on  account  of  the 
property  they  had  brought  into  the  house,  and 
looked  down  on  the  poorer  members,  who  in 
their  turn  grumbled,  and  accused  the  superior 
of  partiality.  Jealousies,  heartburnings,  and 
squabbles  were  rife.  Hard  words  flew  about; 
unseemly  jests  and  sports  among  the  sisters  wei-e 
not  unknown.  Presents  and  letters  stole  in  from 
the  outside  v/orld.  The  life  of  the  sisters  was 
one  of  self-indulgence  rather  than  of  self- 
discipline,  and,  foulest  charge  of  all,  when  they 
walked  about  or  attended  church,  their  aspect 
and  deportment  was  far  from  being  characterised 
by  the  purity  befitting  the  spouses  of  Christ. 
They  had  begged  St.  Augustine  to  visit  them, 
but  he  declined  lest  his  presence  should  only 
bring  their  dissensions  to  a  head,  and  force  him 
to  adopt  severe  measures  for  their  correction. 
He  therefore  wrote  a  letter,  in  which,  after 
severely  rebuking  the  sisters  for  their  contumacy, 
he  proceeds  to  lay  down  a  code  of  rules  for  their 
future  discipline.  He  first  enunciates,  as  the 
fundamental  principle  of  coenobitic  life,  per- 
fect oneness  of  heart  and  spirit,  and  complete 
community  of  all  things,  power  being  allowed  to 
the  lady  superior,  praeposita,  to  regulate  the  dis- 
tribution of  food  and  clothing  in  accordance  with 
the  requirements  of  each  (c.  1).  If  ladies  of 
jiroperty  enter  the  monastery,  they  must  gladly 
make  their  wealth  over  to  the  common  stock. 


MONASTERY 


1235 


"=  Some  very  curious  particulars  are  given  as  to  the 
use  of  the  pickle  allowea  in  some  convents  to  give  zest 
to  the  bread  or  vegetables.  Eustathius  docs  not  forbid 
its  use,  but  recommends  its  being  mixed  up  with  so  large 
a  mess  of  bivad  or  vegetables  as  to  deaden  the  tempting 
"flavour  (c.  25). 

CHRIST.    ANT.— VOL.    II. 


but  they  must  not  hold  their  heads  high  on  that 
account,  or  look  down  on  their  poorer  sisters 
finding  more  to  glory  of  in  their  association  with 
the  lowly  than  in  the  rank  of  their  parents.  Nor 
are  the  poorer  sisters  to  congratulate  themselves 
on  obtaining  in  the  convent  food  and  clothing 
such  as  they  could  not  have  had  outside,  or  think 
much  of  themselves  on  account  of  their  being 
members  of  the  same  society  with  ladies  whom 
they  could  not  approach  in  the  world,  lest,  while 
the  rich  are  humbled  in  convents,  the  poor  should 
be  puffed  up  (c.  2,  3).  The  oratory  is  to  be  used 
only  for  its  proper  purpose  of  singing  and 
prayer,  lest,  if  the  sisters  gather  in  it  to  gossip, 
those  who  wish  to  go  there  for  private  devotion 
should  be  hindered.  They  must  think  of  the 
meaning  of  the  words  while  they  sing,  and  not 
sing  anything  but  what  is  set  down  (c.  4). 
When  at  table,  they  are  not  to  chatter,  but  listen 
to  the  reading.  They  must  not  grudge  more 
delicate  food  to  the  feeble  in  health,  or  to  those 
who  had  been  accustomed  to  a  more  refined 
mode  of  life,  not  regarding  them  as  the  happier 
for  having  such  indulgences,  but  themselves  for 
not  requiring  them  (c.  5).  Dress,  as  might  be 
expected,  presents  a  great  difficulty.  All  the 
dresses  ought  to  be  in  one  wardrobe,  and  looked 
on  as  common  property,  so  that  no  one  should 
take  it  ill  if  she  does  not  always  have  the  same 
dress  given  out  to  her,  but  sometimes  has  a 
worse  one  than  another  sister,  still  less  that  she 
should  grumble  or  squabble  about  it.  Even  if  a 
nun  is  allowed  to  have  a  dress  to  herself,  it  must 
always  be  put  in  the  same  wardrobe  with  the 
rest,  and  no  one  is  permitted  to  make  anything, 
either  for  her  bed  or  her  person,  not  even  a 
girdle  or  cap.  If  any  present  of  clothing  is 
made  to  a  nun,  she  must  not  keep  it  to  herself, 
but  give  it  to  the  superior,  who  will  let  her 
have  it  when  she  really  wants  it.  Their  hair 
is  to  be  closely  covered,  no  locks  being  allowed 
to  stray  from  under  the  cap  by  carelessness, 
or  of  set  purpose ;  nor  must  the  head-gear 
be  so  thin  as  to  let  the  hair  be  seen  through 
(c.  6,  10).  The  nuns'  clothes  are  not  to  be 
washed  too  often,  but  only  when  the  superior 
thinks  right  (c.  11).  The  sisters  are  not  to  have 
a  bath  oftener  than  once  a  month,  unless  the  phy- 
sician orders  it.  Not  fewer  than  three  must  take 
it  together,  and  these  not  by  their  own  choice, 
but  named  by  the  superior.  Indisposition  is  not 
to  be  accepted  as  an  excuse  for  having  a  bath 
unless  under  medical  sanction  (c.  12).  To 
receive  letters  or  presents  of  any  kind  was 
regarded  as  a  crime  of  the  deepest  dye,  to  be 
punished  severely,  if  need  be,  by  the  bishop  him- 
self (c.  9).  All  immodest  or  unseemly  frolicking 
between  the  sisters  is  strictly  forbidden  (c.  19),  as 
well  as  all  gazing  on  men  with  desire,  or  of  such  a 
character  as  to  excite  desire.  Theymustremember 
that  those  who  do  so  are  seen  when  they  think 
no  one  sees  them,  and  even  if  they  escape  all 
mortal  eyes,  they  cannot  escape  the  eye  of  the 
all-seeing  God  (c.  7).  The  sick  are  to  be  under 
the  charge  of  one  sister  specially  told  off  for  that 
purpose,  who  is  to  ask  for  what  tliey  want  from  the 
ctllarer,  and  fulfil  her  duties  without  murmuring 
(c.  13).  The  books  are  to  be  given  out  at  a  fixed 
time,  and  at  no  other  (c.  14).  If  a  sister  detects 
another  in  a  grave  fault,  she  is  to  admonish  her 
seriously,  but  if  she  perseveres  she  is  to  call  in 
the  aid  of  two  or  three  more,  and  if  she  still  cou- 
4  L 


1236 


MONASTERY 


tinues  obstinate,  she  is  to  be  reported  to  the 
superior,  by  whose  verdict,  or  that  of  the  pres- 
byter in  charge  of  the  convent,  she  is  to  be 
punished  (c.  8).  All  differences  or  quarrels  be- 
tween sisters  are  to  be  checked  at  once,  and  for- 
giveness is  to  be  granted  immediately  on  the 
expression  of  penitence.  Any  one  who  is 
unwilling  to  forgive  is  out  of  place  in  a  convent 
(c.  15,  16,  17).  Due  self-respect  forbids  a  sister 
asking  pardon  of  those  whom  duty  has  com- 
pelled her  to  rebuke,  even  if  she  is  conscious 
that  she  has  used  over-harsh  language.  But  she 
must  ask  pardon  of  God  alone  (c.  18).  The  rule 
closes  with  an  order  that  to  do  away  with  the 
excuse  of  forgetfulness,  the  rule  is  to  be  read  out 
aloud  once  every  week. 

The  Benedictine  rule  has  been  fully  treated  of 
in  a  separate  article  [Benedictine  Rule  and 
Order]. 

The  Rules  of  Caesarius  of  Aries. — Among  the 
Western  monastic  rules  which  yielded  to  that  most 
perfect  order,  was  the  almost  contemporary  rule 
of  Caesarius,  bishop  of  Aries  (d.  a.d.  542).  This 
rule,  which,  in  two  divisions,  embraces  both  monks 
and  nuns,  and  was  a  great  advance  upon  those  that 
had  preceded  it,  has  been  censured  as  needlessly 
pedantic  and  minute.  The  censure  is  little 
deserved,  at  least  as  regards  that  for  monks. 
That  for  nuns  is  much  inferior  in  elasticity  to 
that  of  St.  Benedict,  and  enters  perhaps  need- 
lessly into  details.  But,  as  has  been  remarked, 
the  rules  "must  be  judged  by  their  age,  and 
regarded  in  the  light  of  the  whole  spirit  of 
monasticism "  [Caesarius,  St.].  The  rule  for 
monks  starts,  as  usual,  with  the  perfect  com- 
munity of  all  things.  No  one  was  to  have  a 
cell,  or  even  a  cupboard,  which  could  be  closed 
(c.  3).  Talking  was  forbidden  during  singing 
(c.  3)  and  at  table,  when  one  of  the  body  was  to 
read  aloud  (c.  9).  No  religious  of  either  sex 
was  to  stand  sponsor  to  a  child,  lest  it  should 
induce  too  much  familiarity  with  the  parents 
(c.  10).  Late  comers  to  service  were  to  be 
caned  on  the  hand.  No  one  was  allowed  to 
reply  when  rebuked  by  his  superior  (c.  11). 
Monks  were  to  read  to  the  third  hour  and  then 
fulfil  their  appointed  tasks  (c.  14),  which  were 
not  to  be  chosen  by  themselves,  but  assigned 
them  by  the  superior  (c.  7).  The  receiving  of 
presents  or  letters  without  the  cognisance 
of  the  abbat  was  strictly  prohibited  (c.  15). 
The  fasts  were  to  be  limited  to  Wednesdays  and 
Fridays  from  Easter  to  September.  Saturday 
was  added  from  Christmas  to  a  fortnight  before 
Lent.  From  September  to  Christmas,  and  from 
a  fortnight  before  Lent  to  Easter,  they  were  to 
be  observed  every  day  except  Sunday,  when  to 
fast  was  a  sin.  Poultry  and  flesh-meat  was 
forbidden  at  all  times  save  to  the  sick.  No  one 
was  permitted  to  have  anything  by  his  bedside 
to  eat  or  drink  (c.  22,  24).  A  monk  excom- 
municated for  any  crime  was  to  be  confined  in  a 
cell,  in  company  with  an  elder  brother,  and 
employ  his  time  in  reading  until  he  was  bidden 
to  come  out  and  receive  pardon  (c.  28).  The 
service  for  Saturdays,  Sundays,  and  festivals  was 
to  include  twelve  psalms,  three  antiphons,  and 
three  lections :  one  each  from  the  prophets, 
epistles,  and  gospels  (c.  25). 

St.  Caesarius's  rule  for  nuns  is,  as  has  been 
said,  much  more  minute  and  particular  than 
that  for  monks.    It  is  based  upon  that  of  St. 


MONASTERY 

Augustine,  the  chief  provisions  of  which  it 
embodies  almost  verbatim.  Among  the  most 
remarkable  additional  regulations  are  the  fol- 
lowing. No  one,  not  even  the  abbess,  was  to 
have  a  waiting-maid  of  her  own  (c.  4).  No 
infant  was  to  be  received,  nor  any  child  under  six 
or  seven  years  old,  who  was  too  young  to  learn 
to  read  and  render  obedience  (c.  5).  All  the 
sisters  were  to  perform  the  kitchen  duties  and 
other  domestic  offices  in  rotation,  with  the  sole 
exception  of  the  mother  or  superior.  The  cook- 
ing sisters  were  to  have  some  wine  for  their 
labour  (c.  12).  At  the  vigils,  to  keep  off  sleep, 
work  was  to  be  done  which  would  not  distract 
the  mind  from  listening  to  the  reading.  If  a  sister 
got  drowsy,  she  was  to  be  made  to  stand  (c.  13). 
The  chief  occupation  of  the  sisters  was  to  be  spin- 
ning wool  for  the  clothing  of  the  convent,  which 
was  all  to  be  made  within  the  walls,  under  the 
superintendence  of  the  provost  (praeposita)  or 
woolweigher  (lanipendia).  Each  sister  was  to 
accept  her  appointed  task  with  lowliness  and 
fulfil  it  with  modesty  (c.  14,  25,  26).  No 
talking  was  allowed  at  table.  The  reading  over, 
each  was  to  meditate  on  what  she  had  heard 
(c.  16).  All  were  to  learn  to  read,  and  to  devote 
two  hours,  from  six  to  eight  in  the  morning,  to 
study  (c.  17).  All  were  to  work  together  in 
the  same  apartment.  There  was  to  be  no  con- 
versation while  thus  engaged.  One  sister  was 
to  read  aloud  for  one  hour,  after  which  all  were 
secretly  to  meditate  and  pray  (c.  18).  The 
sisters  were  most  solemnly  charged  "  before  God 
and  the  angels  "  to  buy  no  wine  secretly,  or  to 
accept  it  if  sent  them,  but  to  give  it  over  to 
the  proper  officers,  who  should  dispense  it  to  the 
sick  and  weakly.  Inasmuch  as  it  was  customary 
for  a  convent  cellar  to  have  no  good  wine,  the 
abbess  was  to  take  care  to  provide  herself  with 
such  as  would  be  suitable  to  the  sick  or  deli- 
cately nurtured  (c.  28).  The  officers  were  to 
receive  their  keys  as  a  sacred  trust,  on  the 
Gospels  (c.  30).  No  men  were  to  be  admitted, 
except  bishops  and  other  ministers  of  religion 
commended  by  their  age  and  character.  The 
utmost  caution  was  to  be  observed  in  the  intro- 
duction of  workmen  where  any  repairs  were 
needed  (c.  33).  Even  females  still  in  the  lay 
habit  were  to  be  excluded  (c.  34).  Banquets 
were  not  to  be  prepared  for  bishops,  abbats,  or 
distinguished  female  visitors,  except  most  rarely- 
and  on  very  special  occasions  (c.  36).  The 
abbess  was  not  to  take  any  refreshment  alone, 
except  when  forced  to  do  so  by  indisposition  or 
any  close  occupation  (c.  38).  If  new  clothes  were 
sent  to  a  nun,  she  might  accept  them  with  the 
abbess's  leave,  provided  they  were  of  the  proper 
fashion  and  colour  (c.  40).  No  dyeing  was  per- 
mitted in  the  convent  except  of  the  simplest 
hues.  The  counterpanes  and  bed  furniture  were 
to  be  of  the  plainest  (c.  41).  No  embroidery 
was  permitted,  with  the  exception  of  sewing 
crosses  of  black  or  cream-coloured  cloth  on 
cushions  or  coverings.  No  male  clothing  or 
that  of  secular  females  was  to  be  taken  into  the 
convent  either  for  washing,  mending,  or  any 
other  purpose  (c.  42).  No  silver  plate  was  to 
be  used  except  for  the  service  of  the  oratory 
(c.  41).  To  the  regtila,  a  recapitulatio  is 
appended,  containing  additional  rules  of  great 
particularity  relating  to  diet  and  the  duties  of 
the  cellarer  and  porter. 


MONASTERY 

Sule  of  St.  Isidore  of  Seville. — A  picture  is 
given  us  of  the  internal  arrangement  of  a  Spanish 
monastery  in  the  7th  century  in  the  rule  of 
St.  Isidore  of  Seville  (d.  a.d.  636).  The  separate 
rules  are  of  much  greater  length  than  is  usual 
in  other  codes,  and  may  be  rather  called  short 
homilies  on  a  given  text.  The  monks,  when  not 
engaged  in  public  worship  or  private  prayers, 
were  to  be  always  engaged  in  working  with  their 
hands  at  the  various  arts  or  handicrafts  with 
which  they  were  best  acquainted.  While  at 
work,  they  were  to  sing  and  pray.  In  summer 
the  day  was  to  be  thus  divided  :  from  early 
moiTiing  to  9  a.m.,  work  ;  from  9  to  12,  reading  ; 
12  to  3  p.m.,  rest ;  3  to  vespers,  work.  In 
autumn,  winter,  and  spring,  reading  and  work 
changed  places  before  and  after  9  a.m.  (c.  6). 
When  saying  the  hours,  the  monks  were  to  avoid 
talking  and  laughing,  and  to  prostrate  themselves 
in  adoration  at  the  end  of  each  psalm  (c.  7). 
Three  times  a  week  there  was  to  be  a  collatio, 
when  the  brothers  were  to  come  together  to 
receive  instruction  from  one  of  the  seniors  (c.  8), 
at  which  any  monk  might  ask  questions  concern- 
ing anything  he  had  not  understood  iu  his  private 
reading  (c.  9).  All  were  to  eat  together  in  the 
same  refectory,  ten  at  a  table,  the  abbat  taking 
his  place  at  the  head,  and  partaking  of  the  same 
fare  with  the  rest.  On  all  days  but  Sundays  and 
feast  days,  whe«  a  very  little  meat  was  allowed, 
the  diet  was  to  be  of  vegetables  alone,  "  viles 
olerum  cibos  et  pallentia  legumina."  No  one 
was  to  eat  to  satiety.  Silence  was  to  be  kept 
while  one  brother  read  aloud.  The  gates  of  the 
monastery  were  to  be  closed  at  meal-times,  and 
no  layman  was  to  venture  to  intrude.  No  food 
was  to  be  taken,  save  by  the  sick,  except  at  meal- 
times (c.  10).  The  monk's  dress  was  to  be 
sufficient  to  keep  him  warm,  but  remarkable 
neither  for  splendour  nor  meanness.  They  were 
never  to  wear  linen.  They  were  to  have  three 
tunics  and  as  many  capes  (^pallia)  and  one  hood 
apiece,  to  which  was  to  be  added  a  sheepskin,  nap- 
kin, or  a  sc&t{  (mappulae),  hose  Qnanicae  pedales), 
and  a  pair  of  thick  shoes  (caligae).  The  stockings 
were  only  to  be  worn  indoors  during  the  severity 
of  winter  or  on  a  journey.  The  brethren  were  to 
consult  decorum  by  wearing  their  capes  indoors, 
or,  if  not,  their  mappula.  A  severe  denuncia- 
1  tion  is  levelled  at  those  who  paid  any  attention 

to  the  appearance  of  their  face,  "  per  quod 
petulantiae  et  lasciviae  crimen  incurrat."  All 
were  to  have  their  hair  cut  short  after  one  fashion, 
it  being  reprehensible  "  diversum  habere  cultum 
ubi  non  est  diversum  propositum  "  (c.  13).  The 
brethren  were  all  to  sleep  in  one  chamber,  if 
possible.  Not  fewer  than  ten  were  to  occupy 
the  same  apartment  under  the  superintendence  of 
a  decanus.  No  one  was  to  have  better  or  handsomer 
bed  furniture  than  another.  Each  was  to  be 
content  with  a  straw  mat,  a  blanket,  and  two 
sheepskins.  The  pillows  denied  by  earlier  and 
sterner  rules  were  allowed  them,  not  one  only, 
but  two.  A  torche-cul,  "  faecistergium,"  formed 
part  of  their  equipment  for  the  night.  The  beds 
were  to  be  inspected  by  the  abbat  once  a  week, 
that  no  brother  might  have  more  or  less  covering 
than  he  needed.  Each  was  to  sleep  alone.  Perfect 
silence  was  to  be  observed.  A  light  was  ever  to 
be  kept  burning  (c.  14).  The  offences  against 
the  rules  of  the  monastery  were  to  be  visited 
■with  different  degrees  of  punishment  according 


MONASTERY 


1237 


to  their  gravity.  The  slightest  after  ordinary 
penances  was  a  three  days'  excommunication 
(c.  16).  Excommunication  was  pronounced  by 
the  abbat  or  provost.  The  excommunicated 
party  was  confined  to  one  place,  and  absolutely 
cut  off  from  intercourse  with  the  brethren.  No 
one  might  talk,  pray,  or  eat  with  him.  He  was 
to  fast  till  evening,  when  one  meal  of  bread  and 
water  was  furnished  him.  Except  in  the  depth 
of  winter,  he  must  sleep  on  the  ground  or  on  a 
mat,  and  wear  nothing  but  a  closely  shorn  frock, 
or  a  hair  shirt  and  rush  shoes  (c.  17).  All  moneys 
given  to  the  house  were  to  be  divided  into  three 
parts — one  to  buy  indulgences  for  the  old  and 
sick,  and  superior  food  for  feast  days,  one  for  the 
poor,  one  for  the  monks'  clothing  and  other 
necessaries  (c.  18). 

The    officers    of    the    monastery   under    the 
abbat  were — (1)  The  provost,  praepositus,  who 
had  to  manage  all   law-suits,  the  care  of  the 
estates   and    buildings,   the    oversight    of    the 
farms,  vineyards,  and  flocks.      (2)  The  sacrist, 
who  had  to  see  that  the  bell  was  rung  for  day 
and  night  offices,  to  take  care  of  the  veils,  vest- 
ments, sacred  vessels,  books,  lights,  and  all  things 
pertaining  to  public  worship.     The  wardrobe  of 
the  members  was  also  under  his  care,  and  he  was 
to  give  out  the  thread  for  making  or  mending  the 
clothes.     The  plate  of  the  establishment  and  all 
articles  of  metal  were  under  his  chai-ge.     To  him 
also  was  committed  the  oversight  of  the  tailors, 
seamsters,  chandlers,  &c.,  of  the  house.     (3)  The 
doorkeeper  was  to  guard  the  entrance,  announce 
all  comers,  and  take  care   of  guests.     (4)  The 
cellarer    had    charge  of  the  victualling  depart- 
ment, giving  out  to  the  hebdomadary  whatever 
was   necessary  for  the  material    wants   of  the 
brethren,  the  guests,  and  the  sick.     Every  week 
he  was  to  take  account  of  the  articles  entrusted 
to  the  outgoing   hebdomadary,  and  hand  them 
over  to  the   incomer.     The  whole  oversight  of 
the  sources  of  supply,  both  for  the  table  and  the 
wardrobe,  was  laid  on  him,  and  the  labourers, 
bakers,  shepherds,  farm  servants,  shoemakers,  &c., 
were  under  his  command.     (5)  The  hebdomadary 
was  the  brother  told  off  in  rotation  for  all  minor 
duties,  such  as  setting  the  table,  preparing  the 
dishes,  and  ringing  the  bell.     (6)  The  gardener 
had  the  care  of  the  hives  of  bees  in  addition  to  the 
proper  duties  of  his  office.   (7)  The  preparation  of 
the  bread  devolved  partly  on  laymen,  partly  on 
monks.     All  the  moi-e  laborious  work,  the  clean- 
ing  and  grinding  the  wheat,  belonged   to   the 
former,   the    monks    only  kneading  the  dough. 
The   laymen    were    deemed    the    more    skilful 
bakers.     The  bread  for  guests  and  the  sick   was 
to  be  made  by  them.     (8)  An  old  and  very  grave 
monk  was  entrusted  with  the  care  of  the  store- 
house in  the  city,  who  was  to  be  accompanied  by 
two  boys.     (9)  A  holy,  wise,  and  aged  brother 
was  to  be  selected  to  bring  up  and  teach   the 
boys ;  and  (10)  one  who  possessed  the  gift    of 
administration  was  to  act  as  almoner  and  liospi- 
taler  (c.  19).     The  utmost  care  was  to  be  taken 
of  those  who  were  really  sick,  but  caution  was 
observed  lest  sickness  was  simulated  to  obtain 
indulgences.      Baths  were  not  permitted,  except 
to  those  whose  health   required   them   (c.    20). 
Guests  were  to  be  received  with  all  cheerfulness 
and    honour,    and    their    feet    washed    (c.    21). 
Absence  from  the  convent  was  forbidden,  except 
by   express    permission   of    the   superior.     Two 
4  L  2 


1238 


MONASTERY 


should  always  go  together  if  duty  called  them  to 
the  town  or  elsewhere,  who,  before  they  set  out 
and  on  their  return,  were  to  receive  the  solemn 
blessing  of  the  society  in  the  church.  None  was 
allowed  to  see  relatives  or  friends,  or  to  receive 
letters,  or  send  letters  or  presents  without  special 
leave.  Monks  visiting  another  monastery  were 
bound  to  live  according  to  the  law  of  the  society 
to  avoid  giving  scandal  to  the  weak  (c.  22).  On 
€ach  occasion  of  the  decease  of  a  monk,  the  holy 
sacrifice  was  to  be  offered  before  his  burial  for 
the  remission  of  his  sins,  and  a  general  celebra- 
tion was  to  take  place  at  Whitsuntide  for  all  the 
departed.  The  dead  were  all  to  be  buried  in  the 
same  cemetery,  "  that  one  place  might  embrace 
those  in  death  whom  charity  had  united  in  life  " 
(c.  23). 

We  have  the  rules  of  another  Spanish  house  in 
the  Regula  Monachorum  and  the  Regula  Monastica 
Communis  of  St.  Fructuosus,  archbishop  of 
Braga  in  Portugal,  in  the  7th  century  (Hol- 
stenius,  vol.  i.  p.  198,  sq.).  These  will  reward 
examination,  but  space  forbids  our  entering 
on  them  here.  The  most  detailed  rule  belong- 
ing to  this  period  is  that  known  as  the  Regula 
Magistri  ad  Monachos  (Holstenius,  16.  p.  224 
sq.),  containing  no  less  than  ninety-five  canons 
of  considerable  prolixity,  each  containing  an 
answer  to  a  question  of  a  disciple.  The  date 
and  country  of  the  author  are  doubtful,  but  it  is 
clear  that  his  rule  is  subsequent  to  that  of 
St.  Benedict,  and  various  expressions  and  allu- 
sions render  it  probable  that  the  rule  was 
composed  in  Gaul.  The  minuteness  and  puerility 
of  some  of  the  rules  shew  the  decay  of  the  free 
self-reliant  spirit  of  the  original  founders  of 
monasticism. 

Rule  of  St.  Columba.  —  Our  examples  of 
monastic  rules  have  hitherto  been  taken  from 
Asia  and  southern  Europe.  We  will  conclude 
with  the  transcript  of  that  attributed  to  one  of 
the  noblest  patterns  of  Northern  monasticism — 
St.  Columba.  Although,  in  the  words  of  Mr. 
Haddan,  "  the  nature  of  its  contents  and  the 
absence  of  evidence  that  St.  Columba  ever  com- 
posed a  written  rule,  mark  it  almost  certainly 
as  the  later  production  of  some  Columbite  monk 
or  hermit,"  this  document  may  be  regarded  as 
embodying  the  principles  and  general  regulations 
of  early  Celtic  monasticism,  and  therefore  of 
great  value.  This  rule  was  first  printed 
by  Dr.  Reeves  from  a  MS.  in  the  Burgundian 
Library  at  Brussels.  It  is  found  also  in  Haddan 
and  Stubbs,  vol.  ii.  p.  119.  The  translation 
alone  is  here  given  from  Skene's  Celtic  Scotland, 
vol.  ii.  p.  508. 

"  The  rule  of  Columcille  here  beginneth : 

"  (1)  Be  alone  in  a  separate  place  near  a  chief 
city  (i.e.  an  episcopal  see)  if  thy  conscience  is 
not  prepared  to  be  in  common  with  the  crowd. 

"  (2)  Be  always  naked,  in  imitation  of  Christ 
and  the  evangelists. 

"  (3)  Whatsoever,  little  or  much,  thou  pos- 
sessest  of  anything,  whether  clothing,  or  food,  or 
drink,  let  it  be  at  the  command  of  the  senior  and 
at  his  disposal,  for  it  is  not  befitting  a  religious 
to  have  any  distinction  of  property  with  his  own 
free  brother. 

"  (4)  Let  a  fast  place,  with  one  door,  enclose 
thee. 

"  (5)  A  few  religious  men  to  converse  with 
thee  of  God  and  His  testament  and  to  visit  thee 


MONASTERY 

on  days  of  solemnity ;  to  strengthen  thee  in  the 
testaments  of  God  and  the  narratives  of  the 
Scriptures. 

"(6)  A  person,  too,  who  would  talk  with 
thee  in  idle  words,  or  of  the  world,  or  who  mur- 
murs at  what  he  cannot  remedy  or  prevent,  but 
who  would  distress  thee  more  were  he  to  be  a 
tattler  between  friend  and  foe,  thou  shalt  not 
admit  him  to  thee,  but  at  once  give  him  thy 
benediction,  should  he  deserve  it. 

"  (7)  Let  thy  servant  be  a  discreet  religious, 
not  tale-telling  man,  who  is  to  attend  continually 
on  thee,  with  moderate  labour  of  course,  but 
always  ready. 

"  (8)  Yield  submission  to  every  rule  that  is  of 
devotion. 

"  (9)  A  mind  prepared  for  red  [bloody]  mar- 
tyrdom. 

"  (10)  A  mind  fortified  and  steadfast  for  white 
martyrdom  [i.e.  self-mortification,  and  bodily 
chastisement]. 

"(11)  Forgiveness  from  the  heart  to  every 
one. 

"(12)  Constant  prayer  for  those  who  trouble 
thee. 

"  (13)  Fervour  in  singing  the  office  for  the 
dead  as  if  every  faithful  dead  was  a  particular 
fi-iend  of  thine. 

"  (14)  Hymns  for  souls  to  be  sung  standing. 

"  (15)  Let  thy  vigils  be  constant  from  eve  to 
eve  under  the  direction  of  another  person. 

"  (16)  Three  labours  in  the  day,  viz.  prayers, 
work,  and  reading. 

"(17)  The  whole  to  be  divided  into  three 
parts,  viz.  thine  own  work  and  the  work  of  thy 
place  as  regards  its  real  wants ;  secondly,  thy 
share  of  the  brethren's  work  ;  lastly,  to  help  the 
neighbours  only  by  instruction,  or  writing,  or 
sewing  garments,  or  whatever  labour  they  may 
be  in  want  of,  as  the  Lord  has  said,  '  Thou  shalt 
not  appear  before  me  empty.' 

"(18)  Everything  in  its  proper  order,  for 
'  no  man  is  crowned  except  he  strive  lawfully.' 

"(19)  Follow  almsgiving  before  all  things. 

"  (20)  Take  not  of  food  till  thou  art  hungry. 

"(21)  Sleep  not  till  thou  feelest  desire. 

"  (22)  Speak  not  except  on  business. 

"  (23)  Every  increase  that  cometh  to  thee  in 
lawful  meals,  or  in  wearing  apparel,  give  it  for 
pity  to  the  brethren  that  want  it,  or  to  the  poor 
in  like  manner. 

"  (24)  The  love  of  God,  with  all  thy  heart  and 
all  thy  strength. 

"  (25)  The  love  of  thy  neighbour  as  thyself. 

"  (26)  Abide  in  the  testaments  of  God  through- 
out all  times. 

"(27)  Thy  measure  of  prayer  shall  be  until 
thy  tears  come. 

"  (28)  Or  thy  measure  of  work  of  labour  till 
thy  tears  come. 

"  (29)  Or  thy  measure  of  thy  work  of  labour, 
or  of  thy  genuflexions,  until  thy  sweat  often 
fomes  if  thy  tears  are  not  free."  [E.  V.] 

III.  Architecture.— The  object  of  the 
present  section  is  to  give  some  account  of  the 
structural  and  architectural  development  of 
the  buildings  comprised  under  the  general  term 
"  monastery." 

The  word  monastei-y  has  in  popular  use  tra- 
velled far  from  its  original  meaning.  True  to 
its   derivation,  fiovacrrripiov  was   primarily   the 


MONASTERY 

dwelling-place  of  a  solitary  ascetic,  /xovaxos, 
■where  he  lived  in  complete  isolation  from  his 
fellow-men.  Cassian  thus  defines  very  clearly 
the  difference  between  a  monasterium  and  a 
coenobium.  "  Monasterium  potest  unius  monachi 
habitaculum  nominari.  Coenobium  autem  non 
potest  nisi  plurimorum  cohabitantium  degit 
unitacommunio."  (Co^/a^  xviii.  18.)  The  founders 
of  Christian  monasticism  (the  Jews,  it  will  be 
remembered,  had  had  both  hermitages  and 
coenobitic  communities),  Paul  and  Antony  in 
Egypt,  and  Hilarion  in  Palestine,  and  the  crowd 
of  Eastern  anchorets  who  emulated  their 
example  in  abnegation  of  the  world  and  severe 
self-discipline,  made  their  dwelling  in  deserted 
tombs,  rock-hewn  or  natural  caverns,  or  huts  of 
the  rudest  construction,  whose  contracted  dimen- 
sions barely  afforded  shelter  for  a  human  body. 
Hilarion,  c.  A.D.  328,  is  described  as  living 
in  a  cabin  on  the  sea-shore,  near  Gaza,  built  of 
boards  and  broken  tiles,  and  thatched  with  straw, 
too  small  either  to  stand  or  lie  down  in  (Soz. 
Eccl.  Hist.  iii.  14).  This  affoi'ds  an  example  of 
the  earliest  form  of  Christian  monasticism,  before 
the  ascetics  had  felt  the  necessity  of  withdraw- 
ing entirely  from  the  world.  In  such  cases  they 
placed  their  habitations  at  no  great  distance 
from  a  village  or  town,  where  they  lived  singly, 
independent  of  one  another,  supporting  them- 
selves by  the  labour  of  their  hands,  and  dis- 
tributing what  remained  after  the  supply  of  their 
own  scanty  wants  to  the  poor  around.  Increas- 
ing fear  of  contact  with  the  world,  and  a  vain 
hope  of  escaping  temptation  by  fleeing  from  the 
society  of  their  kind,  aided  by  persecution,  con- 
tributed to  drive  these  ascetics  into  mountain 
solitudes,  and  the  most  remote  recesses  of  the 
desert.  But  even  there  they  could  not  be  alone. 
A  hermit's  reputation  for  superior  sanctity 
robbed  him  of  the  isolation  he  coveted.  "  In  all 
parts  the  determined  solitary  found  himself  con- 
stantly obliged  to  recede  farther  and  farther. 
He  could  scarcely  find  a  retreat  so  dismal,  a 
cavern  so  profound,  a  rock  so  inaccessible,  but 
that  he  would  be  pressed  upon  by  some  zealous 
competitor,  or  invaded  by  the  humble  veneration 
of  some  disciple  ....  The  more  he  concealed 
himself  the  more  was  he  sought  out  by  a  multi- 
tude of  admiring  and  emulous  followers.  Each 
built  or  occupied  his  cell  in  the  hallov^ed  neigh- 
bourhood. A  monastery  was  thus  imperceptibly 
formed  around  the  hermitage"  (Milman,  Hist. 
of  Christianity,  bk.  iii.  c.  11,  vol.  iii.  p.  207). 
This  gradual  formation  of  a  monastic  commu- 
nity is  strikingly  exemplified  in  the  case  of 
Antony  (A.D.  312),  who,  as  Neander  remarks  (CA. 
Hist.  vol.  iii.  p.  316,  Clark's  tr.),  "  without  any 
conscious  design  of  his  own  thus  became  the 
founder  of  a  new  mode  of  living  in  common. 
Thus  arose  the  first  societies  of  anchorets,  who 
lived  scattered  in  single  cells  or  huts,  united 
together  under  one  superior."  Other  examples 
of  this  rudimentary  coenobitism  are  given  by  St. 
Julianus  Sabbas,  who,  having  retired  to  a  cave 
in  Osrhoene,  was  followed  by  eager  votaries,  with 
whom  he  shared  his  rock-hewn  dwelling,  as 
many  as  a  hundred  at  last  finding  shelter  in  its 
labyrinthine  recesses  (Theod.  Vit.  Fair.  p.  774). 
Passing  from  the  East  to  the  West  we  find  St. 
Honoratus  also  at  the  end  of  the  4th  century, 
while  occupying  a  cavern  at  Cape  Roux,  near 
Fr^jus,  converting  the  Isle  of  Lerins  into  a  second 


MONASTERY 


1239 


Thebaid,  through  the  multitude  of  the  disciples 
that  flocked  to  him,  and  took  up  their  abode  in 
adjacent  caverns.  The  foundation  oi Saint-Antoine 
de  Calamus,  in  the  Pyren(5es  Orientales,  and  la 
Sainte-Baume,  in  the  Bouches  du  Rhone,  and  the 
celebrated  Spanish  religious  site  o^ Mont  Serrat,  are 
mentioned  by  Le  Noir  {Architecture  monastique') 
as  still  exhibiting  interesting  examples  of  the 
manner  in  which  monasteries,  in  the  later  sense, 
grew  up  around  the  cavern,  which  was  the  con- 
secrated retreat  of  some  one  solitary  celebrated 
for  his  sanctity.  Le  Noir  gives  a  plan  shewing 
no  fewer  than  thirteen  different  hermitages  col- 
lected round  the  centre  of  chief  sacredness  at 
Mont  Serrat.  A  Byzantine  painting  of  the 
funeral  of  St.  Ephrem  Syrus,  of  the  10th  or 
11th  century,  preserved  in  the  Christian  Museum 
at  the  Vatican,  engraved  by  Agincourt  {Peinture, 
pi.  Ixxxii.),  affords  a  graphic  representation  of  one 
of  these  communities  [Monks,  in  Art].  Seven 
or  eight  caverns  are  depicted,  each  with  its  bearded 
inmates,  some  engaged  in  prayer,  others  in 
basket-making  or  forge  work.  From  the  roof 
of  the  caverns  depend  lamps  and  sacred  pictures. 
St.  Martin  of  Tours,  in  A.D.  356,  housed  the  monks 
he  collected  about  him  at  Liguge,  near  Poitiers, 
in  wattled  huts,  his  own  being  of  the  same  cha- 
racter, "ipse  eo  lignis  contextam  cellulam 
habebat"  (Sulpic.  Sever.  Vita  Beati  Martini). 
At  a  later  period  of  his  life,  when  he  had  re- 
signed his  bishopric  at  Tours,  and  retired  to 
Marmoutier  (Majus  Monasterium),  he  again 
collected  a  confraternity  about  him,  the  cells 
being  hollowed  out  of  the  soft  calcareous  rock. 

The  first  to  introduce  order  and  system  into 
these  irregular  collections  of  monastic  recluses 
was  Pachomius  (d.  A.D.  348),  who  may  be  re- 
garded as  the  founder  of  coenobitic  life  among 
Christians.  The  solitaries  continued  for  the 
most  part  to  live  in  their  old  cells,  but  they 
were  incorpoi'ated  into  a  regular  community 
by  the  adoption  of  rules,  of  which  Pachomius 
was  the  author,  for  the  division  of  their 
time,  their  daily  occupations,  their  stated  gather- 
ings for  worship  and  food,  etc.,  all  the  members 
being  subject  to  the  head  or  father  of  the  body. 
The  first  ascetic  community  of  this  nature  was 
formed  on  the  island  of  Tabennae,  in  the  Nile,  in 
Upper  Egypt,  between  Tentyra  and  Thebes. 
Eight  others  were  founded  in  Pachomius's  life- 
time, numbering  3000  monks.  The  advantages 
of  a  settled  organisation  and  a  recognised 
authority  caused  the  rapid  spread  of  the  in- 
stitution, A  multitude  of  affiliated  coenobia 
sprang  up  in  Egypt  and  the  Thebais,  recognising 
Tabennae  as  their  mother  house,  which  within 
fifty  years  of  Pachomius's  death  could  reckon 
50,000  members.  These  coenobia  may  be  com- 
pared to  religious  villages,  peopled  by  a  hard- 
working ascetic  brotherhood,  from  which  females 
were  rigidly  excluded.  Each  coenobium  was 
surrounded  by  an  enclosure,  "  diversas  cellas  in 
una  aula"  (Pallad.  Hist.  Lausiac.  ii.),  with  a 
single  door  guarded  by  a  doorkeeper  (liegula 
Sancti  Fachomii,  xxvi.  xxx.),  and  comprised  from 
thirty  to  forty  dwellings,  each  group  of  three 
or  four  being  united  for  common  labour.  Theso 
cells,  each  of  which,  according  to  Sozomen  (//.  E. 
iii.  14),  housed  throe  monks,  were  detached 
("  manent  separati  sejunctis  cellulis,"  Hierou. 
Epist.  ad  Eustoch.  xxii.  §  35 ;  "  tres  in  cella 
manent,"  Pallad.  Hist.  Lausiac.  ii.),  and  arranged 


1240 


MONASTERY 


in  orderly  rows  or  avenues  (AoDpat).  There  was 
a  common  refectory,  with  its  kitchen  and  cellars, 
to  which  the  brothers  were  summoned  for  their 
common  repast  by  the  sound  of  a  horn  at  3  p.m. 
(ibid.  ii.  xix.),  up  to  which  time  they  fasted. 
There  was  a  garden  with  its  gardeners  (xxsviii.). 
For  sick  monks  there  was  an  infirmary,  with 
a  triclinium,  aegrotantiutn  (xx.),  and  for 
strangers  and  wayfarers  a  guest-house,  xeno- 
dochium.  There  was  also  a  common  oratory, 
to  which  the  monks  were  summoned  by  a  horn 
or  trumpet.  The  monks  slept  in  their  cells, 
not  in  beds,  but  on  reclining  chairs.  They 
devoted  their  time  to  handicrafts,  chiefly 
the  making  of  baskets  and  mats  from  the 
rushes  of  the  Nile,  but  also  paying  attention  to 
agriculture  and  shipbuilding.  At  the  end  of 
the  4th  century  each  of  the  Pachomian  coenobia  had 
a  vessel  of  its  own,  built  by  the  monks  themselves. 
There  were  also  artisan  brothers  who  supplied 
the  community  with  its  chief  necessaries.  Pal- 
ladius,  who  visited  the  Egyptian  coenobia  towards 
the  close  of  the  4th  century,  found  at  Panopolis, 
among  the  300  members,  fifteen  tailors,  seven 
smiths,  four  carpenters,  fifteen  tanners,  and 
twelve  camel  drivers  (Pallad.  Hist.  Lausiac.  c. 
39).  Each  coenobium  was  regulated  by  its  own 
oeconomus,  the  whole  body  being  subordinate  to 
the  oeconomus  of  the  entire  Pachomian  confrater- 
nity (6  fxiyas  oIkovohos,  residing  at  the  principal 
monastery,  where  they  met  twice  a  year  under 
the  presidency  of  the  archimandrite  (the  "  chief 
of  the  fold  "),  and  at  their  last  meeting  gave  in 
an  account  of  their  administration  during  the  year 
( Vit.  Pachom.  §  52  ;  Hieron.  Praefat.  in  Regul.  ; 
Pachom.  §  8,  quoted  by  Neander,  vol.  iii.  p.  318, 
Clark's  edition).  Coenobitic  institutions  were 
introduced  into  Palestine  by  Hilarion,  c.  328.  He 
founded  a  monastery  on  the  Pachomian  principle, 
near  his  native  town  of  Gaza,  the  houses  affiliated 
to  which  soon  spread  over  the  whole  of  Syria. 
Chrysostom  in  early  life  joined  one  of  these 
monastic  communities  in  the  vicinity  of  Antioch, 
and  we  learn  many  particulars  relating  to  them 
from  his  writings.  The  monks  lived  in  separate 
huts,  KaKv^ai,  dotted  over  the  mountain  side. 
They  had  a  common  refectoi-y  in  which  they 
partook  of  their  frugal  evening  meal  of  bread 
and  water,  reclining  on  hay.  Sometimes  they 
took  their  repast  out  of  doors.  There  was  also 
an  oratory  in  which  they  assembled  four  times 
a  day  for  prayer  and  psalmody  (Chrysost.  Homil. 
in  Matt.  68,  69;  Homil.  in  1  Tim.  14).  The 
coenobitic  system  spread  rapidly  in  Asia.  It  was 
introduced  into  Armenia  by  Eustathius  of 
Sebaste,  into  Pontus  and  Cappadocia  by  Basil  the 
Great,  and  the  influence  of  Ephrem  Syrus  secured 
for  it  an  enthusiastic  reception  in  Mesopotamia,  but 
few,  if  any,  details  of  the  arrangement  or  con- 
struction of  the  monastic  buildings  have  come 
down  to  us.  A  century  later  we  learn  much 
respecting  the  construction  of  Syrian  coenobia, 
and  the  distinction  between  such  institutions 
and  a  "  Laura,"  from  the  life  of  Euthymius  (d. 
A.D.  473),  by  Cyrillus  Scythopolitanus.  The 
monasteries,  as  we  have  seen,  generally  had 
their  nucleus  in  the  cells  and  hermitages  of 
distinguished  anchorets.  This  was  the  case 
with  those  of  Elias  and  Martyrius  (  Vit.  Euthym. 
c.  95),  and  still  more  remarkably  with  the 
vast  monastic  establishment,  called  from  its 
venerated     founder,     Euthymius,     which     was 


MONASTERY 

gradually  developed  from  the  little  dwelling- 
place  erected  by  his  noble  Saracen  convert, 
Ashebethos,  or  Peter  (afterwards  first  bishop  of 
the  Parembolae),  as  a  token  of  his  gratitude. 
Ashebethos  began  by  excavating  a  huge  cistern, 
near  which  he  constructed  a  bakehouse  and 
three  cells,  and  an  oratory,  that  Euthymius  might 
stand  in  need  of  nothing  he  required.  There  had 
been  no  original  intention  of  erecting  either  a 
laura  or  a  coenobium,  but  such  a  step  was 
rendered  necessary  by  the  large  number  of 
Saracen  converts  who  flocked  thither  desiring 
to  embrace  a  religious  life.  For  their  accom- 
modation more  cells  were  built,  and  a  church 
erected,  consecrated  by  Juvenal,  bishop  of  Jeru- 
salem (Vita  Enthymii,  cc.  37,  41,  42).  It  is 
evident  from  other  parts  of  this  biography  that 
a  laura  was  distinguished  from  a  coenobium, 
as  being  a  place  of  stricter  discipline,  and 
therefore  less  fitted  for  a  young  monastic 
aspirant  (cc.  88,  89,  91).  A  xoenobium,  with 
its  oratory,  refectory,  and  other  monastic 
offices,  and  orderly  rows  of  contiguous  cells, 
enclosed  within  a  high  protecting  wall,  not  un- 
frequently  formed  the  central  mass  of  the  wide 
area  of  the  laura,  with  its  straggling  groups  of 
cabins.  Thither  the  anchorets  from  the  laura 
repaired  every  Saturday  and  Sunday  for  worship 
and  instruction,  bringing  with  them  the  mats  and 
baskets,  and  other  articles  they  had  finished, 
and  taking  back  materials  for  the  work  of  the 
next  week,  together  with  a  supply  of  bread  and 
water,  after  having  partaken  of  a  little  cooked 
food  and  wine  in  the  general  refectory  (ibid.  cc. 
89,  90).  On  the  elevation  of  Anastasius  to  the 
see  of  Jerusalem,  A.D.  458,  he  ordained  his  early 
friend  and  fellow  anchoret,  Fidus,  deacon,  who,  in 
obedience  to  a  supposed  vision  of  St.  Euthym.ius, 
destroyed  the  cells  of  the  laura,  and  converted 
the  whole  establishment  into  a  coenobium. 
Anastasius  supplied  them  with  a  large  body  of 
masons,  and  builders,  and  engineers,  by  whose 
labour  the  work  of  rebuilding  was  completed  in 
the  space  of  thi-ee  years.  The  whole  area  was 
fortified  with  a  palisade  and  wall,  and  further 
protected  by  a  strong  tower,  forming  the  citadel 
or  stronghold  of  the  whole  desert,  rising  in  the 
middle  of  the  cemetery,  on  the  very  brink  of  the 
steep  precipice  on  which  the  monastery  was  built, 
with  the  gate  just  below.  A  new  church  was 
built,  the  old  one  being  converted  into  the  refec- 
tory of  the  brethren  (ibid.  cc.  114-119).  The 
tower,  just  described,  was  a  very  usual  feature 
in  the  monasteries  of  the  East,  which,  from  their 
liability  to  attack  from  the  predatory  tribes, 
assumed  the  character  of  strong  fortresses,  sur- 
rounded by  lofty  blank  stone  walls,  sometimes 
crenellated  and  strengthened  with  bastions, 
within  which  lay  the  monastic  buildings,  in 
some  cases  with  the  additional  security  of  a 
moat  and  drawbridge.  The  whole  establishment 
was  dominated  by  a  lofty  tower,  near  the 
entrance,  like  the  keep  of  a  Norman  castle,  placed 
under  the  patronage  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  St. 
Jlichael  the  archangel,  apostles,  or  saints,  to  which 
the  inmates  might  flee  for  protection  when  the 
rest  of  the  buildings  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of 
the  assailants.  As  examples  of  these  fortified  mo- 
nasteries we  may  mention  the  White  Monastery 
in  Egypt,  which  Denon  says,  with  a  few  pieces  of 
artillery  on  the  walls,  could  be  defended  against 
an  enemv — the  monasteries  around  the  Natron 


MONASTERY 

Lakes,  and  those  on  Mount  Athos,  and  at 
Meteora  in  Thessaly.  In  some  cases  protection 
was  still  further  secured  by  the  single  entrance 
being  made  many  feet  above  the  ground,  only 
accessible  by  long  ladders,  or  by  a  basket  raised 
by  a  windlass,  e.g.,  at  the  monastery  of  St. 
Catherine  on  Mount  Sinai,  the  White  Convent 
in  Egypt,  the  monasteries  of  Nitria,  and  those  of 
Mount  Athos. 

The  ground  plan  of  the  Eastern  monasteries, 
where  the  locality  permitted,  was  always  rect- 
angular, with  the  church  or  Catholicon  as  the 
chief  object  in  the  midst  of  the  area,  and  the  cells 
round.  These  were  at  first  scattered,  then  in 
groups,  and  ultimately  ranged  side  by  side  and 
connected  by  a  covered  cloistered  walk.  The 
monastery  of  Santa  Laura  on  Mount  Athos  is  a 
typical  example  of  an  Oriental  monastery.  Its 
fortified  enceinte  encloses  between  three  and  four 
acres,  comprising  two  courts,  in  the  centre  of 
which  stands  the  Catholicon,  surrounded  by  an 
open  cloister,  from  which  on  three  sides  the  cells 
open.  The  refectory,  which  opens  from  the 
west  cloister  facing  the  church,  and  projects 
into  the  large  outer  covert,  is  a  cruciform  hall, 
about  100  feet  each  way,  with  an  apsidal  termi- 
nation. The  Eastern  refectories  were  usually 
built  on  the  plan  of  a  triclinium,  with  an 
apsidal  recess  on  each  of  their  sides.  It  is  so 
with  the  existing  refectory  at  Parenzo  in  Istria 
(see  woodcut,  vol.  i.  p.  377),  and  the  plan  of  the 
now  demolished  dining-hall  at  the  Lateran  was 
of  a  similar  form,  but  much  longer. 

A  very  remarkable  monastery  of  early  date, 
which  preserves  in  the  main  the  plan  of  the  7th 
or  8th  century,  though  frequently  subjected  to 
hostile  attacks,  exists  at  Etchmiadzin,  the  eccle- 
siastical capital  of  the  Armenian  nation.  This 
was  founded  a.d.  302  by  Gregory  the  Illuminator, 
in  the  reign  of  Tiridates,  who,  with  his  people, 
embraced  Christianity  twelve  years  before  the 
conversion  of  Constantine.  Within  a  lofty 
battlemented  wall,  a  mile  in  circuit,  lies  a  con- 
fused mass  of  buildings  of  different  descriptions, 
besides  some  gardens  and  open  areas,  comprising 
almost  a  little  town,  with  workshops  for  almost 
every  description  of  trade — as  at  the  coenobium 
of  Panopolis  described  above — and  a  kind  of 
bazaar  or  market  for  the  sale  of  the  monastic 
produce.  Besides  the  cells  of  the  monks  on  the 
west  side  of  the  great  court  there  are  apartments 
for  the  Armenian  patriarch,  as  well  as  for  the 
archbishops,  bishops,  and  archimandrites  from 
other  monasteries.  A  separate  quadrangle  to 
the  south,  with  a  fountain  in  the  centre,  is 
devoted  to  the  reception  of  guests.  There  are 
two  refectories,  one  for  summer  and  the  other 
for  winter  use.  The  former  is  described  as  a 
long,  low-vaulted  room,  with  one  long,  narrow 
table  running  down  the  middle  between  two 
stone  benches.  There  is  a  canopied  throne  for 
the  patriarch,  and  a  pulpit  for  the  reader.  The 
church  is  cruciform,  with  exceedingly  short 
transepts,  and  a  small  apse,  resembling  in  plan  a 
square  with  four  shallow  recesses  (Bryce,  Trans- 
caucasia and  Ararat,  p.  303  ff.). 

The  Coptic  monasteries  in  Upper  Egypt  are 
among  the  earliest  and  the  least  altered  now  in 
existence.  Lenoir  gives  a  plan  of  one  of  the 
smaller  monasteries,  shewing  a  quadrangular 
mass  of  building,  of  which  a  three-aisled  church, 
terminating  in   three   cellular   apses,   and  pre- 


MONASTERY 


1241 


ceded  by  a  narthex,  forms  the  leading  feature. 
Along  the  north  wall  of  the  church  runs  a  range 
of  cells,  opening  on  either  side  of  a  long  corridor 
approached  by  a  staircase. 

The  "White  Monastery,"  or  Dat/r  Ahon  Sherood, 
on  the  edge  of  the  Libyan  Desert,  attributed  to 
the  empress  Helena,  corresponds  to  this  type 
(Curzon,  Monasteries  in  the  Levant,  p.  122).  It 
is  described  as  a  building  of  an  oblong  shape, 
about  200  feet  in  length  by  90  feet  wide, 
very  well  built  of  fine  stone.  It  has  no  windows 
outside  larger  than  loopholes,  and  these  are 
at  a  great  height  from  the  ground;  twenty 
on  the  south  side  and  nine  at  the  east  end.  The 
walls  slope  inwards,  and  are  crowned  with  a  deep 
overhanging  cornice.  There  is  one  doorway  on 
the  south  side,  entered  from  a  narthex.  The 
church  was  a  noble  basilica,  with  fifteen 
columns  on  each  side  of  the  nave,  the  apse  and 
transept  recesses  covered  with  semi-domes.  The 
monks'  cells  were  contained  in  a  long  slip  at  the 
side  of  the  church,  lit  by  narrow  loopholes. 
There  is  no  court  or  open  area  within  the  build- 
ing. The  flat  roof  afforded  the  place  of  open- 
air  exei'cise  for  its  inmates.  The  desert  of  the 
Natron  Lakes,  which  was  one  of  the  earliest 
seats  of  monasticism,  contains  some  curious 
early  convents.  Only  four  remain  entire,  but 
the  ruins  of  many  others  may  still  be  traced. 
Those  which  remain  are  establishments  of  the 
larger  type,  surrounded  by  high  walls  of  im- 
mense strength,  unbroken  by  window  or  any 
other  aperture,  save  the  single  door  of  entrance. 
Even  this  opening  has  in  later  times  been  not 
unfrequently  built  up  for  protection  against 
hostile  attacks,  and  the  only  way  of  admission 
is  through  a  window  furnished  with  a  windlass. 
The  walls  enclose  a  considerable  space  of 
ground,  including  gardens  and  orchards,  and 
usually  contain  several  detached  churches. 
The  monastery  Daxfr  Macarius,  called  after  the 
celebrated  anchoret  of  the  name,  contains  four 
churches ;  the  Bay'r  Syriani,  and  the  Day'rAmba 
Bishoi,  three  each  ;  and  the  Day'rAntonias  in  the 
Eastern  desert,  the  largest  monastery  in  Egypt, 
built  over  the  cave  of  St.  Antony,  also  contains 
four  churches  standing  quite  detached.  The  refec- 
tories of  these  monasteries  are  long,  narrow, 
vaulted  rooms,  furnished  with  a  stone  table  down 
its  entire  length,  and  usually  with  stone  benches 
on  either  side,  and  a  lectern  also  of  stone.  Each 
of  these  religious  houses  is  provided  with  its 
kas'r-  or  tower,  commonly  dedicated  to  St. 
Michael,  a  chapel  to  whom  occupies  the  top 
story.  ("  Notes  on  the  Coptic  Day'rs,"  by  Greville 
J.  Chester,  Archaeological  Journal,  vol.  xxx.  p. 
105  ff) 

The  genius  of  the  Western  church,  more  prac- 
tical and  less  contemplative,  was  at  first  un- 
favourable to  monasticism.  The  powerful 
influence  of  Athanasius  prepared  the  way  for 
its  reception  in  the  West,  which  was  secured 
by  the  enthusiastic  adhesion  of  Ambrose,  Jerome, 
and  Augustine.  Little,  however,  is  known  of 
the  arrangements  of  the  early  Italian  monas- 
tic institutions.  We  learn,  however,  from 
the  rules  laid  down  by  St.  Augustine  for 
the  guidance  of  his  nuns  in  North  Africa,  that 
the  buildings  included  a  wardrobe,  in  which  the 
nuns'  habits  were  kept,  over  which  wore  one 
or  two  wardrobe  keepers,  whose  duty  it  was 
to  beat  and  shake  the  clothes,  and  keep  them 


1242 


MONASTERY 


free  from  moth.  There  was  a  library  for  the 
"  codices,"  and  as  there  was  a  "  cellerarius  "  there 
must  have  been  a  cellar  (St.  Augustine,  Eegulae 
pro  Sanctimonialibus,  10,  13,  14). 

The  monastic  institutions  for  males,  established 
by  Augustine  in  North  Africa,  assumed  an  in- 
termediate form,  corresponding  to  a  considerable 
extent  to  the  colleges  of  secular  canons  of 
later  times.  The  foundations  of  such  an 
institution,  probably  coeval  with  Augustine, 
were  discovered  by  Leon  Renier,  at  Tebessa,  the 
ancient  Theveste,  of  which  a  drawing  and  de- 
scription are  given  by  Le  Noir  (^Architect.  Monast. 
ii.  p.  483,  pi.  553).  The  plan  gives  an  outer  and 
inner  court  at  different  levels,  the  inner  being 
the  higher.  The  outer  court  is  surrounded  by  a 
cloister,  and  has  the  domestic  offices  to  the 
north,  and  a  long  narrow  vestibule  to  the  south. 
The  inner  court  forms  an  atrium  before  the 
church,  a  basilica  of  ten  bays  with  an  apse. 
The  whole  church  and  atrium  are  surrounded  by 
a  succession  of  rectangular  cells,  opening  on  the 
lower  level  of  the  outer  court,  surrounded  by  a 
terrace  walk.  To  the  south  opening  from  the 
church  is  a  large  tricliniar  refectory,  abaptistery, 
and  other  offices.  The  whole  is  surrounded  by 
a  wall  and  towers.  Lenoir  also  gives  the  ground 
plan  of  Strassburg  cathedral  (ii.  480)  as  built  by 
Clovis,  c.  A.D.  496.  The  church  is  rectangular  and 
two-aisled,  ending  square,  not  apsidally.  To  the 
east  of  the  church  is  an  open  court,  surrounded 
on  three  sides  by  the  apartments  for  the  bishop 
and  his  clergy,  partially  embracing  the  church. 

Monasticism  in  the  West,  after  having  been 
almost  crushed  out  during  the  migration  and 
settlement  of  the  nations,  was  revived  by  St. 
Benedict  of  Nursia,  c.  A.D.  529,  by  whom  the 
system  was  reorganised  and  reduced  to  order. 
*'  The  Benedictine  rule  was  universally  received, 
even  in  the  older  monasteries  of  Gaul,  Britain, 
Spain,  and  throughout  the  West — not  as  that  of 
a  rival  order,  but  as  a  more  full  and  perfect  rule 
of  the  monastic  life  "  (Milman,  Lat.  Christ,  vol.  i. 
p.  425,  note  x  ).  Not  only  were  new  monasteries 
founded,  but  those  already  existing  were  fre- 
quently demolished  and  rebuilt  in  accordance 
with  the  requirements  of  the  new  rule.  One 
leading  principle  of  the  Benedictine  arrangement 
was  that  the  walls  of  the  monastery  should  in- 
clude within  them  everything  that  was  necessary 
for  the  material  wants  of  the  establishment,  as 
well  as  the  buildings  connected  with  their  reli- 
gious, literary,  and  social  life,  to  do  away  with 
the  necessity  of  the  inmates  going  beyond  its 
bounds.  It  should  contain  water,  a  mill,  bake- 
houses, stables,  and  cow-houses,  etc.,  together 
Avith  workshops  for  all  necessary  mechanical 
arts  {Regulae  Sancti  Bencdicti,  57,  66).  The 
precinct  was  to  be  surrounded  with  a  wall  with 
one  gate,  at  which  a  cell  should  be  built  for  the 
gatekeeper,  who  was  to  be  always  on  the  spot  to 
give  an  answer  to  all  comers  (ibid.).  The  build- 
ings were  to  comprise  an  oratory  (52),  a 
refectory  (38),  a  kitchen  in  which  the  monks 
were  to  serve  week  and  week  about  (35),  a 
cellar,  superintended  by  a  "cellerarius"  (31), 
a  dormitory  large  enough  if  possible  to  contain 
all  the  monks  (22),  a  wardrobe  (55),  an  in- 
firmary (36),  and  a  guest-house  (50). 

These  rules  are  illustrated  by  the  very  re- 
markable plan  of  the  monastery  of  St.  Gall,  c. 
A.D.  820,  the  larger  portion  of  which  has  been 


MONASTERY 

engraved  to  illustrate  the  article  Chdrcij 
(I.  p.  383).  Its  general  appearance  is  that 
of  a  town  of  detached  houses,  with  streets 
running  between  them,  forming  thirty-three 
detached  blocks  of  building,  all  of  which,  except 
the  church,  were  probably  built  of  wood,  and  were 
generally  of  one  story.  The  buildings  form  dis- 
tinct groups.  In  the  centre  is  the  church  and 
cloister,  and  the  group  belonging  to  the  distinctlj' 
monastic  life ;  to  the  east  and  north  the  group 
appropriated  to  the  education  of  the  young,  and 
the  care  of  the  sick,  with  the  abbat's  house 
watching  over  the  whole.  To  the  west  and 
north-west  lies  the  group  appropriated  to  hospi- 
tality ;  while  the  group  connected  with  the 
grosser  material  wants  of  the  establishment  is 
placed  at  the  furthest  distance  from  the  church 
to  the  west  and  south.  By  a  reference  to  the 
plan  it  will  be  seen  that  the  quadrangular 
cloister-court  forms  the  nucleus  of  the  establish- 
ment, round  which  the  principal  buildings  are 
ranged.  The  two-apsed  church  stands  to  the 
north,  that  the  cloister  might  be  sunny  and 
warm ;  the  refectory  to  the  south,  the  side 
furthest  removed  from  the  church  that  the  wor- 
shippers might  not  be  annoyed  with  noise  or 
smell,  with  the  kitchen  annexed.  From  the 
kitchen  a  passage  leads  to  the  bakehouse  and 
brewhouse,  and  the  sleeping-rooms  of  the  domes- 
tics. To  the  west,  closely  adjacent  to  the  kitchen 
and  refectory,  is  a  two-storied  building,  cellar 
below,  and  larder  and  storeroom  above.  The 
absence  of  the  chapter-house  is  perplexing. 
In  all  Benedictine  Iiouses  the  chapter-house 
opens  from  the  east  walk  of  the  cloister,  and  the 
entire  absence  of  so  essential  an  element  oi- 
monastic  life  throws  a  little  doubt  on  the  per- 
fect accuracy  of  the  plan.  The  east  side  is 
entirely  occupied  by  the  "  pisalis,"  or  "  cale- 
factory," the  common  day-room  of  the  monks, 
warmed  by  flues  under  the  floor.  The  dormi- 
tory occupies  the  upper  story  of  this  building, 
communicating  by  a  staircase  with  the  south 
transept  of  the  church  to  enable  the  brethren 
to  attend  the  nocturnal  services  without  going 
into  the  open  air.  A  passage  leads  from  the 
dormitory  to  the  "  necessarium  "  —  a  portion 
of  the  monastic  building  always  planned  with 
the  most  delicate  attention  to  health  and 
cleanliness.  Above  the  refectory  is  the 
"  vestiarium,"  where  the  habits  of  the  monks 
were  kept.  The  "  parlatorium,"  where  the 
monks  might  have  intercourse  with  members 
of  the  outer  world,  lies  between  the  church  and 
the  cellar,  with  one  door  opening  into  the 
cloister,  and  another  into  the  outer  court.  On 
the  eastern  side  of  the  north  transept  is  the- 
"  scriptorium  "  with  the  library  above. 

To  the  east  of  the  church  stands  a  group  of 
buildings  comprising  two  miniature  monastic 
establishments,  each  complete  in  itself,  the  in- 
firmary devoted  to  the  sick  monks,  and  the 
house  of  the  "  oblati "  or  novices.  Each  has  a 
covered  cloister,  surrounded  by  the  usual  build- 
ings, refectory,  dormitory,  etc.,  and  an  apsidal 
chapel,  placed  back  to  back.  Contiguous  to  the 
infirmary  .stands  the  physician's  residence,  with 
the  physic  garden,  the  drug  store,  the  house  for 
blood-letting  and  purging,  and  a  chamber  for 
the  dangerously  sick,  closely  adjacent. 

The  "  outer  school,"  standing  to  the  north  of 
the  church,  contains  a  large  schoolroom,  divided 


MONASTERY 

across  the  middle  by  a  screen  or  partition,  and 
surrounded  by  fourteen  little  rooms  termed  "  the 
dwellings  of  the  scholars."  The  head  master's 
house  stands  opposite,  under  the  north  wall  of 
the  church.  Close  to  the  school  to  the  east 
stands  the  abbat's  house  opposite  the  north 
transept  of  the  church,  conveniently  placed  for 
the  supervision  of  both  branches  of  the  educa- 
tional department,  the  outer  school,  and  the 
house  of  the  novices,  as  well  as  of  the  infirmary. 
The  two  "hospitia"  or  guest-houses  for 
strangers  of  difterent  degrees  comprise  a  large 
.ommon  chamber  or  refectory  in  the  centre, 
surrounded  by  bedrooms.  Each  has  its  own 
brewhouse  and  bakehouse,  and  that  for  travellers 
of  a  higher  class  is  also  provided  with  a  kitchen 
and  storeroom,  sleeping  accommodation  for  the 
servants,  and  stables  for  horses.  There  is  also 
an  hospitium  for  strange  monks  under  the  north 
wall  of  the  church. 

Beyond  the  church  at  the  eastern  boundary 
of  the  convent  area  to  the  south  is  the  "fac- 
tory," containing  workshops  for  shoemakers, 
saddlers,  cutlers,  and  grinders,  trencher-makers, 
tanners,  curriers,  fullers,  smiths,  and  gold- 
smiths, with  their  dwellings  behind.  On 
this  side  also  is  the  agricultural  establish- 
ment, comprising  the  granary  and  threshing 
floor,  mills,  malthouse,  ox-sheds,  goat-stables, 
piggeries,  sheep-cotes,  together  with  the  ser- 
vants' and  labourers'  quarters.  At  the  south- 
east corner  is  the  poultry-yard  with  the  duck 
and  hen-house,  and  the  keeper's  dwelling.  Close 
by  is  the  kitchen-garden,  and  the  cemetery, 
planted  with  fruit  trees.  This  plan  exhibits  a 
Benedictine  monastery  as  a  well-organised  reli- 
gious, educational,  and  industrial  establishment, 
m  which  every  department  had  its  most  suitable 
position,  and  nothing  was  neglected  which  could 
conduce  to  the  well-being  of  the  institution,  and 
the  adequate  fulfilment  of  the  purposes  of  its 
foundation. 

The  Irish  and  early  Scotch  monasteries  of  the 
6th  and  7th  centuries,  such  as  that  of  Armagh  and 
lona,  followed  the  Eastern  model.  The  monastery 
proper  was  enclosed  by  a  rampart  and  fosse, 
which,  however,  was  usually  circular,  not 
quadrilateral,  intended  rather  for  restraint  than 
for  the  security  of  its  inmates.  This  "  vallum  " 
included  the  church  or  oratory,  the  refectory, 
with  its  kitchen  and  offices,  and  the  lodgings, 
hospitia,  of  the  community,  placed  round  a  court, 
platea.  The  hospitia  appear  to  have  been  ori- 
ginally, as  in  the  East,  detached  huts,  formed  of 
wattles  or  of  wood.  The  monks  slept  on  Icctuli, 
each  provided  with  a  straw  pallet  and  a  bolster. 
The  abbat's  house  in  Columba's  time,  hospitium, 
stood  on  an  eminence  at  some  little  distance 
from  the  other  dwellings,  and  was  built  of  beams 
and  joists.  Here  was  the  founder's  lectulus, 
here  also  he  sat,  and  wrote  or  read,  attended  on 
by  one  brother,  who  occasionally  read  to  him,  or 
by  two,  who  stood  at  the  door  awaiting  his 
orders.  The  codices  belonging  to  the  foundation 
hung  in  leathern  wallets  round  the  walls  of  a 
special  apartment,  which  also  contained  the 
waxed  tablets  and  the  st.es,  the  pens  and  ink- 
horns.  On  the  arrival  of  a  stranger,  if  there 
was  no  guest-house,  which,  however,  was 
found  in  not  a  few  Irish  monasteries,  one  of  the 
huts  was  specially  prepared  for  him.  Outside 
the  vallum  were  the  various  agricultural  depen- 


MONASTERY  124^ 

dencies,  the  cowhouse,  the  barn,  the  kiln  needed 
for  drying  the  coi-n  in  that  damp  climate  (canaha), 
the  mill  with  its  pond  and  stream,  the  stables, 
and  cart  sheds.  There  was  also  a  smithy  and  a 
carpenter's  shop,  and  other  appendages  of  a  like 
kind.  Those  who  desired  to  follow  a  stricter  life 
than  the  ordinary  members,  had  permission 
granted  by  the  abbat  to  withdraw  to  some  soli- 
tary place  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  monas- 
tery, where  they  might  devote  themselves  to 
undisturbed  meditation,  without  breaking  the 
bond  of  brotherhood.  Such  a  place  of  retirement 
was  called  a  disert,  from  the  Latin  desertum,  a 
word  which  is  of  very  frequent  occurrence  in 
early  Irish  and  Scotch  ecclesiastical  literature 
(Reeves,  Life  of  St.  Golumha,  pp.  357-369). 

[E.  v.] 
IV.  List  of  Monasteries  founded  before 
A.D.  814. — All  kinds  of  monastic  communities 
(often  not  to  be  precisely  distinguished  in 
the  meagre  notices  of  the  earliest  monasteries) 
are  included  in  the  following  list ;  which, 
in  the  absence  of  any  existing  work  upon 
these  ancient  monasteries  of  a  full  and  general 
character,  has  been  carefully  compiled  chiefly 
from  the  works  of  Dugdale,  Arckdall,  Spot- 
tiswood,  Kuen,  Bulteau,  and  Migne's  Patro- 
logy.  Still  the  monasteries  here  given  are 
a  very  small  proportion  of  the  numbers  ac- 
tually existing,  especially  in  the  East,  in  these 
early  times.  An  asterisk  has  been  prefixed  to 
houses  for  nuns.  Monasteries  of  the  Benedictine 
and  Augustinian  orders  are  marked  respectively 
0.  Ben.  and  0.  Aug. ;  and  where  the  exact  date 
of  their  foundation  is  uncertain,  the  abbrevia- 
tions c.  for  circa,  and  cent,  for  century,  are  used  ; 
while  a.  for  ante  is  prefixed  to  the  date  given  in 
many  instances  as  the  earliest  known  time  of 
the  monastery's  existence.  For  convenience  of 
reference  there  has  been  added  a  Supple- 
mentary Index  of  the  names  and  places  of  the 
monasteries,  where  these  differ  materially  from 
the  alphabetically  arranged  order  of  the  Latin 
name  in  the  list  itself. 

A.D. 

1.  Abazan    (de),    near   Sebaste,    Ar- 

menia         a.  600 

2.  Abbaini,  S.,  Kilabbain,  N.  Meath  640 

3.  Abbani,  S.,  Kilebbane,  near  Athy, 

Queen's  Co.,  built  by  St.  Abban  .     c.  650 

4.  Abbendoniense  (Abingdon),  Berk- 

shire ;  0.  Ben 675 

5.  *Abendense,  or  Romarici  Montis 

(Remiremont),  Vosges ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  monk  Romaricus  and 
bp.  Radulphus c.  644 

6.  Abernethe  (DE)(Abernethy),  Scot- 

land ;  founded  by  king  Nethan  .     a.  617 

7.  Achadablense,  in  Kenselach,  Wex- 

ford, founded  by  St.  Finian  of 
Clonard a.  552 

8.  Achadcaoillense,  near   Dundrum 

Bay,  Down V">  cent. 

9.  Achadchaoinense  (Achonry), 

Sligo ;  founded  by  St.  Finian  of 
Clonard YI"- cent. 

10.  ACIIADDUBTllINGHENSE  (Achaddub- 

thuigh),  Antrim    .      .      .      •      •      a.  700 

11.  AciiAD  FiNGLASSENSE,near  Leighlin, 

Carlow a.  600 

12.  Aciiadfobairen-se      (Aghagower), 

Mayo ;  founded  by  St.  Patrick       V""  cent. 


1244 


MONASTEEY 


A.D. 

ACHADMORiENSE  (Aghamore), 

Mayo  ;  founded  by  St.  Patrick       V'  cent. 

ACHADNACILLENSE      (Achadnacill), 

Antrim  ;  founded  by  St.  Patrick  V'^cent. 

ACHADURENSE  (Fresh  ford),  Kil- 
kenny; founded  by  St.  Lactan     .     a.  622 

ACOEMETARUM  Magnum,  near  Con- 
stantinople, in  Bithynia ;  founded 
by  abb.  John V*''  cent. 

Adescancastrense,  or  Exoniense 

(Exeter) ;  0.  Ben a.  700 

Aegyptiorum,       near      Anazarba, 

Cilicia a.  600 

Aemiliani,  S.,  in  Aragon  ;  founded 

by  St.  Aemilian 574 

Aeliotarum,    near     the     Jordan ; 

founded  by  Antony     ....     a.  600 

Agaboense,  near  Mountrath, 
Queen's  Co. ;  founded  by  St. 
Canice VI"»  cent. 

Agaliense  (Agali),  near  Toledo, 
Spain ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  king 
Athanageld 592 

Agamorense  (Abbey  Isle),  Kerry  ; 

0.  Aug VII"'  cent. 

Agaroissense  (probably  Akeras,  or 
Kilmantin),  Sligo ;  founded  by 
St.  Molaisse 571 

Agathae,  S.,  on  the  Ticino,  Lom- 
bardy  ;  founded  by  king  Grimoald 
Longbeard 673 

Agathense,  S.   Andreae  (Agde), 

H^rault ;  founded  by  abb.  Severus     c.  502 

Agathense,    S.    Tiberii   (Agde), 

Hdrault ;  0.  Ben c.  770 

Agaunense,  S.  Mauricii  (St. 
Maurice  in  Valais);  O.  Ben., 
founded  by  king  Sigismund  .      .  5-15 

Agerici,  S.,  previously  S.  MAETrsi 

(St.  Airy),  dioc.  Verdun ;  0.  Ben.         639 

Agmacartense,       near      Durrow, 

Queen's  Co c.  550 

Ailechmoriense,  in  Artech,  Ros- 
common      a.  550 

AiRECAL  DachiarOC  (de),  in  Tyrone     a.  800 

,  Alaverdense,  on  the  Alan,  Geor- 
gia ;  built  by  father  Joseph  .     VI"'  cent. 

Albachorense,  or  Bangorense 
(Bangor),  Down  ;  founded  by  St. 
Comgall c.  555 

Albani,    S.   (St.   Alban's),  Herts  ; 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  king  Offa      .  793 

Albaterrense,  S.  Salvatoris 
(Aubeterre),  dioc.  P^rigueux  ;  0. 
Ben.,  founded  by  St.  Maurus ; 
or  in 785 

Albini,     S.,     Angers  ;      0.     Ben., 

founded  by  bp.  Albinus  .      .      .     c.  540 

Album  (White  Monastery),  Egypt ; 
said  to  have  been  founded  by 
emp.  Helena IV"  cent. 

Alexandri,  S.,  on  the  Euphrates ; 
the  first  monastery  of  Perpetual 
Adoi-ation,  founded  by  St.  Alex- 
ander   c.  400 

Alexandri,  S.,  near  the  entrance 
of  the  Black  Sea ;  founded  by  St. 
Alexander .a.  430 

Alexandriae  Suburbanum  (Alex- 
andria), Egypt 387 

Alexandrinum  (Alexandria),  Egypt         387 


MONASTERY 

A.D. 

42.  Alexandrinum,       S.        Joannis 

(Alexandria),  Egypt ;  founded  by 

John  Eleemosynarius.      .      .      .      a.  650 

43.  Alexandrinum,     Pauli     Lepris 

Affecti  (Alexandria),  Egypt      .     a.  500 

44.  Alexandrinum,   Sandaliariorum 

(Alexandria),  Egypt    .      .      .      IV'^'cent. 

45.  Alexandrinum,  Virginis  B.  (Alex- 

andria), Egypt ;  founded  by  John 
Eleemosynarius a.  650 

46.  All  Farannain  (de),  in  Connaught    a.  600 

47.  Altha  Inferiore   (de)   S.    Mau- 

RiTii  (Lower  Altaich),  Bavaria; 

0.  Ben.,  built  by  duke  Utile       .         741 

48.  Altha     Superiore    (de)    (Upper 

Altaich),  Bavaria ;  0.  Ben.,  built 
bydukeUtilo c.  739 

49.  Alti-Montis,  SS.  Petri  et  Pauli 

(Haut-Mont),  Ardennes;  0.  Aug., 
founded  by  count  Vincent     .      .         640 

50.  *Altitonense     (Altenburg),    near 

Strassburg ;  founded  by  duke 
Adelric VHP'' cent. 

51.  Altivillarense    (Haut  -  Villiers), 

dioc.  Rheims;    0.  Ben.,  founded 

by  bp.  Nivardus 662 

52.  Alypii,  S.,  near  Adrianople,  Paph- 

lagonia ;  founded  by  St.  Alypius 

the  Stylite c.  620 

53.  *Alypii,  S.,  near  Adrianople,  Paph- 

lagonia ;  founded  by  St.  Alypius 

the  Stylite c.  620 

54.  Amandi,  S.,  or  Elnonense,  on  the 

Elne,  dioc.  Arras ;  founded  by  St. 
Amandus  and  king  Dagobert       .  637 

55.  Amantit,    S.     Ruthenense    (Ro- 

dez),  France 511 

56.  Amasiense  (Amasia),  Pontus     .      .     a.  550 

57.  Amasiae  Joannis  Acropolitanum 

(Amasia),  Pontus c.  560 

58.  Ambiacinense     (Ambazac),      dioc. 

Limoges a.  593 

59.  Ambresburiense  (Amesbury),  Wilt- 

shii-e ;    founded    by  Ambrius,  or 
■   Ambrose a.  600 

60.  Amerbachiense,    dioc.  Wiirzburg; 

founded  by  St.  Pirminius       .      .     c.  764 

61.  Ammonii,  near  Alexandria,  Egypt  IV"»  cent. 

62.  Anagratense      (Ainegray),     dioc. 

Besanfon;  founded  by  abb.  Co- 
lumbanus c.  570 

63.  Anastasii  Abbatis,  near  Jerusalem  ; 

founded  by  abb.  Anastasius    .      .      a.  600 

64.  Ancyraeum,  Attalinae  (Ancyra), 

Galatia a.  620 

65.  Andaginense,  S.  Huberti,  in  the 

Ardennes ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
duke  Pippin  and  his  wife  Plec- 
truda 702 

66.  Andegavense,     SS.     Sergii     et 

Medardi  (Angers)     ....     a.  705 

67.  Andegavense,   S.  Stephani  (An- 

gers), France a.  814 

68.  Andegavense,   S.  Venantii  (An- 

gers) ;  founded  by  bp.  Licinius     .      c.  520 

69.  *Andeliacense,   S.  Mariae    (An- 

delys,  on  the  Seine) ;  founded  by 

St.  Clothilda 526 

70.  Andochii,    S.    Sedelocense  (Sau- 

lieu),  dioc.  Autun ;    founded  by 

abb.  Wideradus  Flaviniacus  .      .     a.  722 


MONASTERY 


MONASTERY 


1245 


Andreae,  S.,  in  Arvernis  (Cler- 
mont), France a.  563 

Andreae,  S.,  Isle  Vulcano,  Sicily.       a.  600 

Andreae,     S.,    super    JIascalas 

(Mascala),  Sicily a.  600 

Angeliacense,         S.         Joannis 

(Angely),  Indre-et-Loire  .      .      .     c.  520 

Anianense     (Orleans);     0.    Ben., 

founded  by  abb.  Leodebodus        .  617 

Anianense,  S.  Salvatoris 
(Aniane),  He'rault ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  abb.  Benedict       .      .     c.  800 

Aniani  et  Laurentii,  SS.,  Nevers ; 

O.  Ben a.  800 

Anisolanum,   or  S.  Carilefi  (St. 

Calais),  Sarthe a.  480 

*Anthymi,    S.    Senense  (Sienna), 

Tuscany a.  800 

Antinoopolitanum  (Antinoe), 

Egypt IV'h  cent. 

Antiochense  Euprepii  (Antioch)  IV"*  cent. 

Antiochense     Gregorii     Patri- 

ARCHi  (Antioch) a.  500 

Antiochense  Theotoci  B.  (An- 
tioch) ;  founded  by  emp.  Justi- 
nian     a,  560 

AnTIOCHIA  (DE)  MYGDONIA(Nisibis), 

Mesopotamia IV"*  cent, 

Antonini,  S.,   near  Apamea,  Syria      a.  520 

Antonini,    S.    (St.   Antonin),  dioc. 

Rodez  ;  0.  Ben a.  767 

Aondriense   (Entrumia),    Antrim ; 

founded  by  Durtrach        ...      a.  493 

APAivrENSE  (Apamea),  Syria       ,      .     a.  420 

ArOLLiNis,    S.,    near    Hermopolis, 

Egypt a.  500 

Apri,  S.  Tullense  (Toul),  France     a.  622 

*Aquileiense   (Aquileja),    Illyria; 

founded  by  bp.  Niceta      .      .      .         458 

*  Arch  ANG  ELI        de         Machari 

(Machari),  near  Naples    ...     a.  600 

Ardaghense   (Ardagh),    Longford; 

founded  by  St.  Patrick     ...     a.  454 

Ardcarnense  (Ardcarua),  Eos- 
common     a.  523 

Archarnense,  in  W.  Meath      .      .     a.  523 

Ardfertense,  S.  Brendani  (Ard- 
fert),  Kerry ;  built  by  St. 
Brendan VI"'  cent. 

Ardiense    (Magillagan),     Ireland ; 

founded  by  St.  Columb.    .      .     VI""  cent. 

Ardmacnascense  (Ardmacnasa), 
Lough  Laiogh,  Antrim  ;  founded 
by  abb.  Laisrean a.  650 

*Ardsenilissense,     in     Tyreragh, 

Sligo  ;   founded  by  St.  Patrick     V""  cent. 
*Arelatense,        S.        Caesarii 

(Aries);  founded  by  bp.  Caesarius     c.  501 
Arelatense,  S.  Mariae  (Aries)  ; 
founded  by  bp.  Aurelian  .      .      .  554 

.  Argentinense,  S.  Mariae 
(Strassburg) ;    endowed  by  king 

Dagobert  II 675 

*Argentouense,  S.  Mariae 
(Argenteuil),  near  Paris;  en- 
dowed by  king  Childebert  IIL     .  -      697 

,  Ariminense,  SS.  Andreae  et 
Thomae     (Rimini),     Italy  ;     0. 

Ben a.  600 

Arjiachanense  (Armagh),  Ire- 
land ;  founded  by  St.  Patrick      .     c.  457 


106.  Armuighense  (Killermogh), 

Queen's  Co.  ;  founded  by  St. 
Columb 553 

107.  Arnesburgense  (Arensburg), 

Westphalia      ....        VIII">  cent. 

108.  Arnulfi-Augiense  (Schwartzach), 

dioc.  Strassburg;  0.  Ben.,  en- 
dowed by  Rothard       ....  718 

109.  Arnulfi,    S.    Metensis    (Metz); 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  bp.  Arnulph         625 

110.  Arragellense  (Arragell),  Deny ; 

founded  by  St.  Columb     .      .     V"I">  cent. 

111.  Arsinoeticum  (Arsinoe),  Egypt    IV"'  cent. 

112.  Arulense,     S.     Mariae    (Apre- 

mont,  Aries),  Roussillon  .      .  VIII">  cent. 

113.  Ardndinis  Vado  (de)  (Redbridge), 

Hants a.  680 

114.  ASCLEPII,  S.,  Mesopotamia       .      .     a.  600 

115.  AscHOViENSE,  S.  Mariae  (?Asch- 

bach).  Lower  Alsace   .      .      .      .     a.  778 

116.  AsiCHANUM,  near  Asicha,  Syria     .     c.  400 

117.  Athanense,    S.    Martii,    or    S. 

Aredii  (St.  Yreix),  dioc. Limoges; 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  Aldeon   .    VII""  cent. 

118.  Athdalaraghense,  on  the  Boyle, 

Roscommon V*""  cent. 

119.  Athenacense,   S.  Martini   (Ai- 

nay),  near  Lyons  ;  0.  Ben.    .     VI">  cent. 

120.  Athfadense,  at  Longford,  Ireland     c.  500 

121.  Athractae,  S.,  Killaraght,  Lough 

Garagh  ;  built  by  St.  Patrick      .         470 

122.  *Athractae,    S.    (probably    Kil- 

laraght), Roscommon ;  founded  by 

St.  Patrick V'i»  cent. 

123.  Atrebatense,        S.         Auberti 

(Arras);  0.  Aug.,  built  by  bp. 
Aubert 580 

124.  Atrebatense,  S.  Mariae  (Arras) ; 

0.  Aug a.  680 

125.  Atrebatense,    S.    Vedasti,    or 

NoBiLiACENSE  (Arras) ;  0.  Ben., 

built  by  St.  Aubert    ....         534 

126.  *AuBECHiENSE  (Auchy  -  les - 

Moines)  ;  built  by  the  nobleman 
Adolscarius c.  700 

127.  AuDii,    Dacia;     Audius    founded 

several  monasteries  here        .     IV""  cent. 

128.  AUDOENI,  S.         ROTHOMAGENSE 

(Rouen)  ;  0.  Ben a.  659 

129.  AUGIENSE,       or      AUGIAE      DIVITIS 

(Reichenau,lake  of  Constance) ;  0. 
Ben.,  founded  by  abb.  Pirminius 
and  Sintlaus,  prefect  of  Germany     c.  724 

130.  AUGUSTENSE       S.       UdALRICI       ET 

Afrae  (Augsburg)     ....     a.  700 

131.  AUGUSTODUNENSE,        S.        JOANNIS 

(Autun)  ;  0.  Ben c.  589 

132.  *AUGUSTODUNENSE,        S.     MARIAE 

(Autun) ;  founded  by  bp. 
Siagrius a.  535 

133.  AUGUSTODUNENSE,        S.       SyMPHO- 

RIANI  (Autun);  0.  Ben.,  founded 

by  bp.  Euphronius      .      .      .       V"'  cent. 

134.  AUNAGHDUFFEXSE,      near     Lough 

Boffin,  Ireland 766 

135.  AUTISSIODORENSE,      S.      Amatoris 

(Auxerre),    Youne;    founded    by 

bps.  Ursus  and  Gerraanus       .      .      c.  590 

136.  AUTISSIODORENSE,      S.       Germani 

(Auserre),  Yonnc ;  O.  Ben., 
founded  by  bp.  Germanus      .      .         570 


1246  MONASTERY 

A.D. 

137.  AUTISSIODORENSE     APUD     QuOTIA- 

CUM  (probably  Couches),  Saone- 
et-Loire ;  founded  by  St.  Germanus         570 

138.  *AUTISSIODOREXSE,        S.      JULIANI 

(Auxerre) a.  800 

139.  AUTISSIODORENSE,        S.         MaRIAE 

(Auxei-re) a.  670 

1-iO.  AuxiLLi,   S.    (Killossy),    Kildare ; 

founded  by  St.  Patrick     ...     a.  454 

141.  AVENACENSE     (Avenay),     Marne ; 

0.  Ben.,  built  by   Gombert  and 

his  wife  Bertha c.  660 

142.  AviTi,     S.     AuRELiANENSE     (Or- 

leans) ;  0.  Ben 530 

143.  AviTi,    S.    Castrodunense   (near 

Chateauduu),  dioc.  Chartres ;  0. 
Ben.,  built  by  king  Clotaire  I.     .  521 

143b.  Baiensi    Insula    (de)    (Isle     of 

Baya),  near  Sicily       ....      a.  676 

144.  Baileinegrabartaichexse,     Ti- 

raedha,    Derry ;    founded    by  St. 
Columb VI">  cent. 

145.  Baisleacense      (Baslick),      near 

Castlereagh a.  800 

146.  Eaitheni,        S.        (Taughboyne), 

Donegal;  founded  by  St.  Baithen      c.  590 

147.  Balgentiacense,  SS.  Mariae  et 

Gentiani   (Beaugency),  Loiret ; 

0.  Ben VIIti>  cent. 

148.  Ballaghense,      near     Castlebar, 

Mayo  ;  founded  by  St.  Mochuo   .     a.  637 

149.  Ballimorense,  on   Lough  Sendy, 

W.  Meath a.  700 

150.  Ballykinense,      near      Arklow ; 

founded     by    a    brother    of    St. 
Keivin       ....  .     VI">  cent. 

151.  Balmense     (La     Baume),     dioc. 

BesaiKjon    ....  .     VI"'  cent. 

152.  *Balmense      (La       Baume      les 

Nonains),    dioc.     Besant^on ;     0. 

Ben.     ......    VII'"  cent. 

153.  Balmexse       S.       Romani      (La 

Baume),  Jura ;  0.  Ben.    .      ,       V"*  cent. 

154.  BaLNEOLENSE,       -  S.  StEPHANI 

(Banolas),    Catalonia;    0.    Ben., 

built  by  abb.  Bonitus       ...     a.  800 

155.  Bancornaburgiense       (Bangor), 

Flintshire V""  cent. 

156.  Baralense,  S.  Georgii  (Baralles), 

Arras  ;  0.  Aug.,  founded  by  king 

Clovis  and  bp.  Vedast       .      .      .      c.  535 

157.  Barcetum,  S.  Anastasii  (Barca)  ; 

built  by  duke  Luithprand       .      .  723 

158.  *Barchingense  (Barking),  Essex  ; 

founded  by  bp.  Erkenwald     .    V1I*'»  cent. 

159.  Bardeneiense  (Bardney),  Lincoln- 

shire ;       attributed       to       king 
Ethelred ?     a.  697 

160.  Bardseiense,     or     De     Insula 

Sanctorum,      Caernarvonshire ; 

0.  Ben a.  516 

161.  Barisiacum,     or     Faverolense 

(Barisis,     or     Faverolles),    dioc. 

Laon a.  664 

162.  Barnabae,     S.,      near     Salamis, 

Cyprus 485 

163.  Barri,  S.,  Cork ;   founded  by  St. 

Barr c.  606 

164.  Bariowense   (Barrowe),    Lincoln- 

shire; founded  by  St.  Chad  and 

king  Wulphere c.  691 


MONASTERY 


165.  Barsis,  S.  (de),  in  Mesopotamia  IV^cent. 

166.  Barvense,  in  England;    built   by 

bp.  Winfrid a.  675 

167.  Basoli,    S.,    Yerzy,  dioc.  Rheims ; 

founded  by  bp.  Basolus    .      .      .      c.  570 

168.  Basilii,  S.,  near  the  Iris,  Pontus ; 

founded  by  St.  Basil  the  Great   .      c.  358 

169.  *Bassae,  S.,  near  Jerusalem     .      .     a.  460 

170.  *BATnoNiENSE  (Bath),    Somerset- 

shire ;  founded  by  king  Osric       .  G7G 

171.  Baum  (de),  Thebais      .      .      .      IV'^cent. 

172.  Beacani,     S.,     Kilbeacan,   Cork ; 

built  by  St.  Abban     .      .      .      .     a.  650 

173.  Becani,  S.,  Kilbeggan,  W.  Meath ; 

founded  by  St.  Becan        .      .      VI""  cent. 

174.  *Beciireense,  near  Paban,  Egypt ; 

founded  by  abb.  Theodore      .      IV">  cent. 

175.  Bl^ciA  (de)  B.  Virginis,  Ancyra, 

Galatia a.  580' 

176.  Bedrichsuerdense      (Bury     St. 

Edmunds),   Suffolk ;    founded  by 

king  Sigebert 630 

177.  Begae,  'S.    (St.  Bee's),    Cumber- 

land; O.  Ben.,  attributed  to  St. 

Bega c.  650 

178.  Begeriense,    or    De    Hibernia 

'  Parva  (Isle  Begery),  near  Wex- 
ford ;  founded  by  St.  Ibar      .      .  420 

179.  Belisiae,     Miinster-Biilsen,     dioc. 

Liege c.  700 

180.  *Belisianuii  (Bilsen),  dioc.  Liege  ; 

founded  by  abb.  Landrada      .  VIII""  cent. 

181.  Beneventanum,      S.       Mariae 

(Beuevento) a.  7G9 

182.  *Beneventanum,     S.      Sophiae 

(Benevento);  founded  by  king 
Raschis 774 

183.  Benigxi,  S.  Divionense  (Dijon); 

O.Aug a.  734 

184.  Berceto  (de)  S.  Abundii,  after- 

wards S.  Remigii  (Berzeta), 
Parma;  endowed  by  king  Luit- 
prand 718 

185.  Berclaviense,     S.     Salvatoris 

(Billy-Berclause),  on  the  Deule ; 
founded  by  abb.  Ledwin   .      .    VII"»  cent. 

186.  *Berinense,     or      Bericinense, 

England  ;  founded  by  bp.  Erchon- 

wald a.  675 

187.  Bethlapat     (de),     S.    Bademi, 

Persia  ;  founded  by  St.  Bademus  IV""  cent. 

188.  Betiileemiticum,  St.  Cassian's,  at 

Bethlehem IV-cent. 

189.  BETHLEEiirricuM,  St.  Jerome's,  at 

Bethlehem IV'l' cent. 

190.  Bethleemiticum,      S.      Paulae 

(Bethlehem) ;    founded     by     St. 

Paula  of  Rome 387 

191.  *Bethleemiticum,     S.     Paulae 

(Bethlehem);     founded     by     St. 

Paula 387 

192.  Bethmamat    (de),    near    Emessa, 

Phoenicia a.  450 

193.  Beverlacense,        S.        Joannis 

(Beverley),    Yorkshire ;    founded 

by  St.  John  of  Beverley   .      .      .     c.  700 

194.  Beyronense    (Alt-Beyren),    dioc. 

Constance  ;  0.  Aug.    .      .      .  VIII'i"  cent. 

195.  Bezuense  (Beze),    dioc.    Langres ; 

0.    Ben.,    founded    by   Amalric, 

duke  of  Burgundy       ....     a.  670 


MONASTERY 


MONASTERY 


1247 


I 


196.  BiLENSK,  ia  Leyney,   Sligo ;   built 

by  St.  Fechin VIV-^  cent. 

197.  BiORRENSE    (Birr),     King's     Co. ; 

founded  by  St.  Brendan  Luaigneus     a.  553 

198.  BiscHOi     (de),     Nitria,      Egypt; 

founded  by  Bischoi     .      .      .     IV"»  cent. 

199.  *BiSENSE,  dioc.  Toledo ;  founded  by 

St.  Hildefonsus c.  635 

200.  BiSTAGNIENSE,  SS.  Petri  et  Pauli 

(Glendalough),  Wicklow;  founded 

by  St.  Keivin a.  600 

201.  BiTUJiAEUM,      or      Ad      Tuveo- 

NEAEUM,  on  the  Severn,  Worces- 
tershire       a.  770 

202.  *BiTURiCENSE,      S.       Laurentii 

(Bourges),  France ;  0.  Ben.,  as- 
cribed to  St.  Sulpicius      ,      .    VII"'  cent. 

203.  Blandiniense,  S.    Petri   (Blan- 

denburg),  near  Ghent ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  St.  Amand      .      .      .  653 

204.  *Blangiacense,       S.      Berthae 

(Blangy-en-Ternois),  Pas-de- 

Calais;  (afterwards  for  monks) 
0.  Ben.,  founded  by  St.  Bertha, 
daughter  of  Count  Rigobert  .      .     c.  660 

205.  BOBBIENSE    (Bobbio),    Milan;     0. 

Ben.,  founded  by  St.  Columbanus         600 
205b.  Bodbeanum,  in  Sacheth,  Georgia      a.  500 

206.  Boetii,    S.,  Monasterboice,  Louth  ; 

founded  by  St.  Bute    .      .      .      .     a.  521 

207.  Boith-Medba     (de),    in    Derry  ; 

founded  by  St.  Columb     .      .      VI"'  cent. 

208.  Bolhendesartense  (Desert), 

Waterford;  founded  by  St.  Mai- 
doc  of  Ferns VI*""  cent. 

209.  *BoxoNiENSE  (Bologna)  ;   founded 

by  St.  Ambrose     ....      IV"*  cent. 

210.  BosANHAiiESSE  (Bosham),  Sussex  ; 

attributed  to  St.  Wilfrid.      .      .  681 

211.  BoTHCHONAissENSE,  in  Iniseoguin, 

Ireland a.  721 

212.  Bovis  Insula  (de)  (Bophin  Isle), 

Mayo;  founded  by  St.  Colman    .  667 

213.  Bovis  Insula  (de)  (InisbofBn),  in 

Lough  Rie,  Longford ;  founded  by 

St.  Rioch a.  530 

214.  Bovis    Insula   (de)  V.  Mariae 

(Devenish  Isle),  Lough  Earn ; 
founded  by  St.  Laserian    ...     a.  563 

215.  Braccani,   S.,  Ardbraccan,  Meath     a.  650 

216.  Brajacum  (Brou),  dioc.  Chartres  .     a.  535 

217.  Bredonense  (Bredon),  Worcester- 

shire ;  founded  by  king  Ethelbald     a.  716 
217b.  Brethianum,  near   the    Dwanis, 

Georgia  ;  built  by  father  Piros    VI""  cent. 

218.  Brivatense,     SS.     Martini     et 

JULIANI  (Brionde),  Haute-Loire  .     a.  510 

219.  *Brixiense,    SS.    Michaelis     et 

Petri  (Brescia),  Lombardy ; 
founded  by  queen  Ansa    ...     a.  758 

220.  ♦Brixiense,  S.  Salvatoris  et  S. 

Juliae  (Brescia),  Lombardy ; 
founded  by  king  Desiderius    .      .  671 

221.  "^BucHAUGiENSE,  by  Lake  Federsee, 

Upper  Suabia ;  founded  by  a 
daughter  of  duke  Hildebrand       .  756 

222.  BURDiGALENSE,    S.    Crucis  (Bor- 

deaux), O.  Ben.,   built   by   king 

Clovis  II 650 

223.  BURDIGALENSE,  S.  SeVERINI 

(Bordeaux) ;  0.  Ben a.  814 


A.D. 

224.  Burense  (Beurn),  near  the  Alps ; 

O.  Ben.,  founded  by  Landfrid, 
Waldram  and  Eliland.      .      .      .     c  740 

225.  *Burneachense,    S.     Gobnatae 

(Ballyvourney),    Cork;    built    by 

St.  Abban a.  650 

226.  Busbrunnense a.  765 

227.  BusiACENSE    (Boussy),    Mayenne ; 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  priest  Lone- 
gisilus Vlth  cent. 

228.  Byzantinorum,    near   Jerusalem; 

founded  by  Abraham  the  Great   .     a.  600 

229.  Cabilonense,  S.  Petri  (Chalons- 

on-Saone);    0.  Ben.,  founded  by 

bp.  Flavius a.  600 

230.  Cabilonense  Xenodochiuji  (Cha- 

lons); built  by  abb.  Desideratus.      c.  570 

231.  Caer  Gubiense  (Holyhead),  Angle- 

sey ;  founded  by  St.  Kebius   .      .     c.  380 

232.  Caerleolense  (Carlisle),  Cumber- 

land ;  founded  by  St.  Cuthbert    .         686 

233.  ♦Caerleolense (Carlisle);  founded 

by  St.  Cuthbert 686 

234.  Caesariense    (Caesarea),    Cappa- 

docia a.  380 

235.  *Caesariense  (Caesarea),    Cappa- 

docia IV""  cent. 

236.  Caesariense  (Caesarea),  Palestine    a.  600 

237.  Cailleavindense,     in     Carbury, 

Sligo Vl'tcent. 

238.  Cainonense   (Chinon),    Touraine; 

O.  Ben.,  founded  by  abb.  Maximus         400 

239.  *Cairathense,  S.  Mariae   (Cai- 

rate),  Lombardy a.  708 

240.  Calamone  (de),  near  Alexandria  .  a.  430 

241.  Calamone  (de),  near  Jerusalem    .  a.  470 

242.  *CALARiTANUM(Cagliari);  founded 

by  Theodosia c.  600 

243.  CALCARiENSE(Tadcaster),  Yorkshire    a.  655 

244.  Calense,     S.   Mariae    (Chelles), 

Seine  and  Oise  ;  founded  by  queen 
Bathilda c.  680 

245.  Cahbidobrense    (Combronde),   in 

Auvergne a.  600 

246.  Cameracense,  S.  Auberti  (Cam- 

bray),  founded  by  bp.  Aubert  and 
endowed  by  king  Dagobert     .      .  G37 

247.  Cameracense,      S.      Gangerici 

(St.    Gary,    near   Cambray) ;     0. 

Aug.,  built  by  bp.  Gangericus     .         600 

248.  Cameracense,  S.  Petri,   or  Gis- 

LENI  (St.  Ghislain,  in  Hainaut) ; 
O.Ben a.  691 

249.  Cameracense,  S.  Praejecti  (St. 

Prix),  near  St.  Quentin,  Oise  ;  0. 
Ben.,  built  by  Albert,  Count  of 
Vermandois c.  800 

250.  Campidonense  (Kenipten),  Bava- 

ria; 0.  Ben.,  founded  by  queen 
Hildegard 777 

251.  Camrossense,  in  Fothart,  Leinster; 

built  by  St.  Abban      ....     a.  640 

252.  Canopecm  Metanoeae  (Canope), 

Egypt IV">cent. 

253.  Cantobonense,  or  Catabennense 

(Chantoin),  dioc.  Clermont     .      .     a.  380 

254.  Cantuariense,     SS.     Petri     et 

Pauli,  afterwards  S.  Augustini 
(Canterbury),  Kent ;  afterwards 
0.  Ben.,  founded  by  king  Ethel- 
bert  and  St.  Augustine    .      .      .         605 


1248 


MONASTERY 


MONASTERY 


255.  Caoin  Insula  (de)  (Iniscaoin  Isle), 

Lough  Earn,  Ireland    ....     a.  650 

256.  Caperet      (de),      near      Emessa, 

Phoenicia a.  450 

257.  Cappanulense,   SS.   Martini  et 

QuiRlACi      (Cappanello),      dioc. 

Lucca a.  725 

258.  Caprae  Caput  (ad)  (Gateshead), 

Durham a.  653 

259.  Capriolo    (in)    St.     Valentini 

(Capriolus),    Syria ;    founded   by 

St.  Valentine  of  Arethusa      .       V"»  cent. 

260.  Caranni,    S.,    near   Chartres;    0. 

Aug 599 

261.  Carcassonense,  S.  Hilarii  (Car- 

cassonne), Languedoc ;  0.  Ben.    .     a.  814 

262.  Cardena  (de)  S.  Petri,  Old  Cas- 

tille  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  Sanctia     c.  540 

263.  Carnotense,  S.  Petri  (Chartres) ; 

O.Ben VI">cent. 

264.  Carpense,     S.    Mariae    (Carpi), 

Modena;  0.  Aug.,  built  by  king 
Astulph 750 

265.  Carrofense,      S.       Salvatoris 

(Charroux),    dioc.    Poitiers ;     0. 

Ben.,  founded  by  Count  Robert   .         769 

266.  Carterii,  S.,  near  Emessa,  Phoe- 

nicia      a.  450 

267.  Carthaginiensia  ;     at     Carthage 

there  were  very  many  monasteries     a.  400 

268.  CARNENSE(Caruns),  Derry.      .      .     a.  580 

269.  Casegonguidinense       (Cougnon), 

Luxemburg ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 

king  Sigebert 660 

270.  Casinense  (Monte  Casino),  Naples ; 

founded  by  St.  Benedict    .      .      .     c.  525 

271.  Castellione      (de)     S.      Petqi 

(Castiglione),  near  Lucca ;  O.Ben., 
founded  by  Aurinand  and  Godfried         723 

272.  Castello    (de)    S.     Sabbae,    S. 

Palestine  ;  founded  by  St.  Sabbas     c.  490 

273.  *Castrilocense,    Haiuault   Mts. ; 

founded  by  Waldedruda,  sister  of 

St.  Aldegund c.  610 

274.  Catalaunense,      S.     Petri,    or 

Omnium  Sanctorum  (Chalons- 
on-Marne);  endowed  by  king 
Sigebert  and  bp.  Elaphius     .      .     a.  600 

275.  Cauciacense,        S.        Stephani 

(Choisy-le-Roi),  near  Paris    .      .      a.  739 

276.  Caulianense,  near  Merida,  Spain     a.  600 

277.  Caunense,     S.    Petri    (Cannes), 

Aude;    formed    by    abb.    Ainan 

from  two  older  abbacies   ...     a.  793 

278.  *Caziense  (Caz),  Switzerland      .     a.  760 

279.  Cellae    S.     Eusitii    (Celles    in 

Berry) ;  founded  by  abb.  Eusitius 

and  king  Childebert   ....         532 

280.  Cella  Magna  (de)  Deathreib, 

Kilmore,  Ireland  ;  founded  by  St. 
Columb VI""  cent. 

281.  Cellarum,  Nitria,  Egypt  .      .     IV"'  cent. 

282.  Cellense  (Celles),   near   Dinant; 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  abb.  Hada- 

linus 664 

283.  Cellense,  S.  Petri  (Moustier-la- 

Celle),  Troyes;  founded  by  abb. 
Frodobert 650 

284.  Cenomannense,     S.     Petri    (Le 

Mans);  founded  by  bp.  Bertich- 
ramnus 623 


A.D. 

285.  Cenomannense,  S.  Victoris  (Le 

Mans) a.  800 

286.  Cenomannense,  S.  Vincentii  et 

Laurentii  (Le  Mans);  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  bp.  Domnolus       .      .  570 

287.  Centulense,         S.         Richarii 

(Ceatule),  dioc.  Amiens ;  founded 
by    king     Dagobert     and     abb. 

Richarius c.  625 

283.  *Cerae,  S.,  Grange,  Cork  ;  founded 

by  St.  Cera a.  679 

289.  Cernellense  (Cerne),  Dorsetshire, 

0.  Ben Vl'h  cent. 

290.  Certesiense  (Chertsey),  Surrey; 

O.  Ben.,  founded  by  earl  Frithe- 

wald  and  bp.  Erkonwald        .      .     c.  666 

291.  Cestrense,       S.       Werburgae, 

Chester VII""  cent. 

292.  Chalcedonium,     SS.    Apostoll. 

(Chalcedon),   Bithynia;    founded 

by  Rufinus IV""  cent. 

293.  Chalcedonium,       S.       Hypatii 

(Chalcedon),  Bithynia      ...     a.  500 

294.  Chalcedonium,     S.     Michaelis 

(Chalcedon),  Bithynia      ...     a.  500 

295.  Chalcedonium,  Philionis  (Chal- 

cedon), Bithynia   ....       V"'  cent. 

296.  Chalcidicum  (Desert  of  Chalcis), 

Syria V"»  cent. 

297.  Chalcidica  Audaeanoruji 

(Chalcis),  Syria;  several  monas- 
teries    V"'  cent. 

298.  Chalcidicum        de        Crithen 

(Chalcis),  Syria c.  420 

299.  Charitonis,  S.,  near  Jericho    .     IV""  cent. 

300.  ChinOboscense,  in  Egypt  .      .     IV">  cent. 
300b.  Chirsanum,  near  Bodbe,  Georgia ; 

founded  by  father  Stephen     .     VI">  cent. 

301.  Chnuum  (Chnum),  Egypt  .      .     IV""  cent. 

302.  Choracudimense,  Bithynia     .      .     a.  560 

303.  Chorae,      near      Constantinople ; 

founded  by  Priscus     .      .      .     VI"'  cent. 

304.  Chozabanum,        near        Jericho; 

founded  by  St.  John  Chozabitus  VP''  cent. 

305.  Chremifanense,   S.   Salvatoris 

(Kremsmlinster),      Bavaria ;     0. 

Ben.,  built  by  duke  Tassilo  .     a.  791 

306.  *Christophili,    S.,    Galatia ;  for 

nuns  and  the  possessed    ...     a.  580 

307.  Chrysopolitanum    (Chrysopolis), 

Bithynia  ;     founded    by    Philip- 

picus c.  604 

308.  CiBARDi,     S.     (St.    Cybar),    dioc. 

Angouleme c.  570 

309.  CiNCiNNiACO  (de)  (Cessiferes),  dioc. 

Laon ;    founded  by  bp.  Amandus 

and  duke  Fulcoald      ....         664 

310.  Cinniteachense  (Kinnitty), 

King's  Co. ;  founded  by  St.  Finan 

Com 557 

311.  Claramniense,       near      Emessa, 

Phoenicia a.  450 

312.  Clariacense,  S.  Petri  (Clariac), 

dioc.  Agen;    0.    Ben.,    probably 
founded  by  Pepin       .      .      .      .     c.  800 

313.  Classense,       S.        Apollinaris 

(Classe),  Ravenna       ....     a.  699 

314.  Classense,      SS.      Joannis     et 

Stephani  (Classe),  Ravenna       .     a.  600 

315.  Cleonadense    (Clane),     Kildare: 

founded  by  St.  Ailbe        .      .     .'     a.  548 


MONASTERY 


MONASTERY 


1249 


316.  Clivatense,    S.   Petri    (Clivati), 

in  the  Valteline,  or  the  Grisons  ; 

0.  Ben.,  built  by  king  Desiderius         755 

317.  Clogherense  (Clogher),  Tyrone; 

founded  by  St.  Aid     ...      .     a.  506 

318.  Clonardense,  S.  Petri  (Clonard), 

Meath  ;  founded  by  St.  Finian    .     a.  548 

319.  Clonenagiiense,  near  Mountrath, 

Queen's    Co. ;     founded     by    St. 
Fiutan a.  548 

320.  Clonense,     or      Dunkeranense 

(Clonmacnoise),       King's       Co. ; 
founded  by  St.  Kieran      .      .      .         548 

321.  Clonfertense,        S.        Moluae 

(Clonfertmulloe),      King's      Co., 
founded  by  St.  Molua       .      .     VI">  cent. 

322.  Clonfertense,       V.      Mariae  ; 

founded  by  St.  Brendan    .      ,      .      c.  562 

323.  Clonfert   Kerpan  (de),  in  Kil- 

kenny          503 

324.  Clonshanvillense,      in      Boyle, 

Roscommon;     founded     by     St. 
Patrick V""  cent. 

325.  Clontarfense,   at  the  mouth  of 

the  Liffey 550 

326.  Cloonfadense,  in  Roscommon      .     a.  800 

327.  Cloonmainanense,  in  Meath        .         800 

328.  Cloonoense  (Clone),  near  Longford         663 

329.  *Cluainboireanense,      on      the 

Shannon,  Roscommon       ...     a.  577 

330.  *Cluainbronachense         (Clone- 

brone),    Longford;   attributed  to 

St.  Patrick Y'l"  cent. 

331.  Cluaincairpthense  (Clooncraff), 

Roscommon a.  580 

332.  Cluainclaideachense,    in    Hua- 

conail,    Limerick ;    built   by   St. 
Maidoc  of  Ferns a.  624 

333.  Cluainconbruinense,    near     the 

Suire,  Tipperary ;  founded  by  St. 
Abban Vl'h  cent. 

334.  Cluaindachrainense  (Clonrane), 

W.    Meath;     founded     by    abb. 
Cronan  M'JSliellan        .      .      .      .      c.  630 

335.  Cluaindolcanense    (Clor.dalkin), 

near  Dublin a.  776 

336.  *Cluaindubhainense,  near 

Clogher,     Tyrone;     founded    by 

St.  Patrick a.  482 

337.  Cluainemuinense,  in  Roscommon     a.  800 

338.  Cluainenachense,  in  Inisoen,  Do- 

negal ;  founded  by  St.  Columb.  VI">  cent. 

339.  Cluainense      (Clone),      Leitrim ; 

founded  by  St.  Froech      .      .      .     c.  570 

340.  Cluaineoissense,    S.    Petri    et 

Paxjli  (Clones),   Monaghan ;    0. 

Aug.,  founded  by  St.  Tigernach     a.  548 

341.  Cluainfiacullense  (Clon- 

feakle),  Armagh a.  580 

342.  Cluainfinglassense,    in    Clare ; 

founded  by  St.  Abban      ...  650 

343.  Cluainfodense     (Clonfad),      W. 

Meath a.  577 

344.  Cluainfoissense,      near     Tuam ; 

founded  by  St.  Jarlath     .      .      .     c.  540 

345.  Cluainimurchirense,  in  Queen's 

Co VI"'  cent. 

346.  Cluain  Insula  (de)  (Clinish  Isle), 

Lough  Earn,  Ireland  ....     a.  550 

347.  Cluainlaodense         (Clonleigh), 

Donegal a.  530 


Clttainmainense  (Clonmany), 
Donegal  ;  founded  by  St. 
Columba VI""  cent. 

Cluainmaoscnense,  in  Fertullagh, 
W.  Meath a.  700 

Cluainmarense  (Cloneniore), 
King's  Co. ;  founded  by  St.  Moch- 
oemoc         a.  655 

Cluainmorense  (Clonemore),  Wex- 
ford ;  founded  by  St.  Maidoc       VI''»  cent. 

Cluainmorfernardense,  in 

Bregia,  Meath ;  founded  by  St. 
Columkill VI"'  cent. 

Cluainnamanachense,  in  Ar- 
teach.  Roscommon      ....     a.  600 

Cluainreilgeachense,  in  Kia- 
nechta,  Meath a.  600 

Cluainumhense  (Cloyne),  Ireland         707 

Clunok  Waurense,  S.  Beunonis 
(Clynnock  Vawr),  Caernarvon- 
shire; founded  by  Gwythyn  of 
Gwydaint 616 

Clyvud  Valle  (de)  (Clywd 
Valley),  Denbighshire ;  founded 
by  St.  Elerius       ....    VII""  cent. 

Cnobheresburiense  (Burgh 

Castle),  Suffolk ;  founded  by 
Furseus  and  king  Sigebert    .      .     c.  637 

Cnodainense,  in  Donegal        .      .     a.  600 

*Cochelseense,  in  the  Alps ;  0. 
Ben.,  founded  by  Counts  Land- 
fried,  Waldram,  and  Eliland        .     c.  740 

COEMANI,  S.,  near  Wexford      .      .     a.  639 

*Coldinghamense  (Coldingham), 
Scotland ;  for  nuns  and  monks ; 
founded  by  Ebba a.  673 

Colerainense  (Coleraine),  Ire- 
land      a.  700 

Colgani,  S.  (Kilcolgan),  dioc. 
Clonfert ;  founded  by  St.  Columb- 
kiU Vl'hcent. 

Colgani,  S.,  Kilcolgan,   Galway  .     a.  680 

Colgani,  S.,  Kilcolgan,  King's 
Co. ;  founded  by  St.  Colgan  ,      .         580 

COLMANi,  S.,  Kilcolman,  King's 
Co. ;  founded  by  St.  Colman       .     c.  570 

Coloniense,  S.  Clementis,  after- 
wards S.  CuNiBERTi  (Cologne); 
founded  by  St.  Cunibert        .      .     a.  664 

*Coludunense,  England    ...     a.  684 

COLUMBAE,  S.,  Drumcollumb,  Sligo; 
founded  by  St.  Columb     .      .     VI""  cent. 

CoLUMBAE,  S.  Senonense  (Sens); 
0.  Ben a.  659 

COLUMBANIENSE,         S.        PaTROCLI 

(Colombiers),      dioc.      Bourges ; 
built  by  abb.  Patroclus    .      .      .     c.  541 
COMENSE,     S.    Abundii    (Coma), 
Lombardy ;  0.  Ben a.  814 

COMODOLIAGENSE,         S.         JUNIANI 

(St.    Junien-les-Combles),     dioc. 

Limoges ;  founded  by  St.  Amand 

and  St.  Juinan c.  500 

COMRAIRENSE,   near   Usneach,  W. 

Meath a.  652 

CONALDIS,  S.  COELLI,  Keel  Island, 

Donegal o.  590 

CONALLI,  S.,  Kilconnell,  Galway  V""  cent. 
CONCiiENNAE     S.,    Killachad-Con- 

chean,    Kerry ;    founded    by   St. 

Abban VP"  cent. 


1250 


MONASTERY 


MONASTERY 


379.  CONCHENSE   (Conques),   dioc.    Ca- 

hors ;    0.    Ben.,    probably   built 

by  bp.  Ambrose 755 

380.  *CoNDATEXSE,  S.  Mariae  (Conde), 

dioc.  Cambray  ;  attributed  to  St. 
Amand c.  580 

381.  CONDATEXSE  S.  Martini  (Caude), 

dioc.  Tours  ;  0.  Ben.  .      .      .     VI""  cent. 

382.  CONDATESCENSE,     or      S.    EUGENDI 

JuRENSis  (St.  Oyan),  Mt.  Jura; 
0.  Ben.,  founded  by  abb.  Suspi- 
cinus  and  Komanus     .      .      .      .      c.  520 

383.  CONFLUENTENSE,         S.         GeORGII 

(Conflans-en-Jarney),  Lorraine    .      a.  673 

384.  CONGBAILENSE  (Conwall),  Donegal     a.  650 

385.  CoNGENSE,     V.    Mariae    (Cong), 

Mayo ;  founded  by  Donald,  or 
perhaps,  St.  Fechan   .      .      .    VII"'  cent. 

386.  CONINGEXSE,  in  the  Golden  Vale, 

Tipperary  ;  built  by  St.  Declan  VI"'  cent. 

387.  CONNORENSE  (Connor),  Antrim      .      a.  771 

388.  CONRIENSE  (Conry),  \V.  Meath     .     a.  758 

389.  CONSTANTiNi,       Abbatis,       near 

Jericho a.  600 

constantinorolitana  monasteria 
(Constantinople). 

390.  Abrahami,  S V""  cent. 

391.  Abrahamitaruii      .      .      .      .     c.  600 

392.  Aegyptiorum a.  450 

393.  Alexandri,  S.  ;  founded  by  St. 

Alexander a.  430 

394.  Anatolii  ;  founded  by  Anatolius     c.  600 

395.  Areobindanum  ;     founded     by 

Peter,       brother      of      emp. 
Maurice a.  600 

396.  Bassiani,  S V""  cent. 

397.  Bethleemiticum  ;  attributed  to 

emp.  Helena      ....     IV"'  cent. 

398.  Callistrati        ....     IV""  cent. 

399.  Carpi     et     Babylatis,     SS.  ; 

founded  by  emp.  Helena     .     IV""  cent. 

400.  Dalmatii,  S V""  cent. 

401.  DiacoJsISSAE  ;    founded   by   the 

Patriarch  Cyriacus       .      .      .     c.  600 

402.  Dii,  S. ;  founded  by  St.  Dius    .     c.  420 

403.  Eustoliae,  S.  ;    founded  by  SS. 

Eustolia  and  Sopati-a    .      .      Vl""  cent. 
^04.  Flori IV""  cent. 

405.  Gastriae;     founded    by     emp. 

Helena IV""  cent. 

406.  Imperatricis  ;       founded       by 

Justin  I a.  526 

407.  Isaaci,     S.  ;      founded    by    St. 

Isaac V"'  cent. 

408.  JoANNis     Baptistae,     S.,     or 

Studiense  ;  Acoemete,  founded 

by  the  Consul  Studius        .      .  463 

409.  Job,  S.  (de)  .      .      .      .      .      .     a.  450 

410.  Macedonii;  Macedonius  founded 

several    mons.     in    Constanti- 
nople     ......     IV""  cent. 

411.  *Magnae  Ecclesiae      ...     a.  600 

412.  Marathonis;    founded  by   Ma- 

rathon    IV^""  -cent. 

413.  Matronae,  S V""  cent. 

414.  Maurae,    S.  ;    founded    by   St. 

Maura IV"'  cent. 

415.  Myriocerati c.  450 

416.  Olympiadae,    S.  ;    founded    by 

St.  Olympiada c.  400 


417.  Pauli IV»''cent. 

418.  Paulini;    founded  by  a  noble- 

man, Paulinus  ....       V"'  cent. 

419.  Poenitentiae  Novae  ...     a.  6oO 

420.  Petri,  S.,  de  Hormisda      .      .     a.  553 

421.  Rabulae,    S.  ;    founded   by  St. 

Kabulas a.  515 

422.  ROJIANUJI ;  founded  by  Hemon  V"'  cent. 

423.  Stephani  de  Rojianis  ...     a.  600 

424.  Syroruji a.  450 

425.  Thalassii,  S a.  450 

426.  Urbici;  founded  by  Urbicus     .     a.  518 

427.  Zachariae,  S.  ;  founded  by  St. 

Dominica IV"'  cent. 

428.  Zotici  ;  founded  by  Zoticus       .     a.  360 

429.  CORBEiENSE,    S.    Petri  (Corbie), 

dioc.  Amiens ;  0.   Ben.,  built  by 

St.  Clotilda  and  her  son  Clotaire         550 

430.  CORBIONEXSE,  dioc.  Chartres   .      .     a.  660 

431.  CoRMERiCENSE,    S.     Pauli   (Cor- 

mery-on-Indre),  France ;  0.  Ben., 
built  by  abb.  Itherius,  and  emp. 
Charlemagne 780 

432.  CoBSiCENSE    (Island    of    Corsica); 

built  by  a  nun,  Sabina     .      .      .     c.  600 

433.  CosiLAONis,       near        Chalcedon, 

Bithynia IV"»  cent. 

434.  COSJIAE  et  Daiiiani,  SS.,  in  Spain  ; 

O.  Ben a.  644 

435.  Craobense,      S.      Grellani,     in 

Carbury,   Sligo  ;  founded  by  St. 

Finian  of  Clonard       .      .      .     VI""  cent. 

436.  Craoibechense,  near  the  Broson- 

ach,  Kerry;  founded  by  St. 
Patrick V"  cent. 

437.  Crassense,      S.       Mariae      (La 

Grasse),    dioc.    Carcassonne ;    0. 

Ben.,  built  by  abb.  Nimfrid  .      .     a.  779 

438.  Craykense  (Crayke),   Yoi-kshire ; 

founded  by  St.  Cuthbert        .      .  685 

439.  Crispinense,   S.  Petri  (Crepin), 

near  Mons  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 

St.  Landelinus c.  640 

440.  Crispini    S.    in   Cagia   (Chaye), 

dioc.  Soissons ;  0.  Ben.,  built 
perhaps  by  bps.  Principius  and 
Lupus V""  cent. 

441.  Cronense,       or       Chrononense 

(Cournon),    Auvergne ;    founded 

by  bp.  Gallus c.  551 

442.  Croylandexse    (Croyland),    Lin- 

colnshire :    0.  Ben.,  founded  by 

king  Ethelbald 716 

443.  Crdce  (de)  S.   Leufredi  (Croix 

St.  Leufroy),  near  Evreux, 
Eure ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  St. 
Leufred 692 

444.  Crudatense  (Cruas),  Ardeche  ;  0. 

Ben.,  founded  by  Count  Elpodore     a.  814 

445.  Crusayense     (Isle    Crusay),    W. 

Scotland ;    founded    by    St.  Co- 

lumba VI""  cent. 

446.  CuANNANi,        S.,         Kilcoonagh, 

Gahvay VI""  cent. 

447.  CuiJiiNi,     S.,     Kilcomin,     King's 

Co.,  founded  or  enriched  by  St. 
Cuimin a.  668 

448.  CuNGARi,      in      Glamorganshire ; 

founded  by  Cungar  and  king 
Paulentus c.  474 


MONASTERY 


MONASTEEY 


1251 


449.  CuLTURA  (de)    S.    Petri  Ceno 

MANENSE   (Le    Mans) ;    0.    Ben., 

built  by  bp.  Bertram        .      .      .  589 

450.  CcrssANTiENSE,    S.    JOANNis  Bap- 

TISTAE  (Cusance),  dioc.  Besan90ii ; 

O.  Ben.,  founded  by  St.  Ermenfrid    a.  700 

451.  Cyriaci,    S.    (St.    Cirgues),    Au- 

rergue  ;  0.  Ben a.  560 

452.  Dabeoci,  S.,  Loughdearg,  Donegal ; 

attributed  to  St.  Dabeoc        .      .     c.  492 

453.  Dadanum      Philoxeni       (Dada), 

Cyprus a.  620 

454.  Dagaini,  S.,  in  Decies,  Waterford     a.  639 

455.  Dairmachense  (Durrow),    King's 

Co.  ;  founded  by  St.  Columb       .         546 

456.  DAMifiTTA  (de),  Egypt       .      .     IV""  cent. 

457.  Danielis,  S.,  near    the    entrance 

of  the  Black  Sea a.  470 

458.  Darinis  Insula  (de),  near  Wexford    a.  540 

459.  Decimiacensb,   S.    Cirici  (?  Dix- 

mont),  near  Joigny,  Yonne    .      .     a.  700 

460.  Deense,    S.    Philiberti  (Dee,  or 

Grand-Lieu),  dioc.  Nantes      .      .      a.  814 

461.  Dente  (de),  Cork  .      .      .     VI""  cent. 

462.  Deodati,    S.    (St.  Did,  Vosges,   or 

Val-Galilee)  ;  O.  Ben.,  founded  by 

St.  Deodatus 667 

463.  Deorhyrstense  (Deerhurst), 

Gloucestershire;  0.  Ben.,  founded 

by  duke  Dodo c.  716 

464.  Derehamense  (E.  Dereham),  Nor- 

folk ;    0.  Ben.,  founded  by  king 

Anna 650 

465.  *Derwentense  (Ebchester),  Dur- 

ham ;  founded  by  Ebba,  daughter 

of  king  Ethelfred       .      .      .      .     a.  660 

466.  Derwexse,   SS.  Petri  et  Pauli 

Moutier-en-Der),  Haute  Marne  ; 
built  by  abb.  Bercharius  and 
king  Childeric 673 

467.  DiENSE,      S.      Marcelli      (Die), 

Dauphine ;  0.  Ben.     .      .         VIII"'  cent. 

468.  DiERMiTi,    S.,    Castledermot,  Kil- 

dare  ;  founded  by  St.  Diermit     .     c.  500 

469.  DiOLCO  (de)  (Diolcos),  Egypt        IV"'  cent. 

470.  DiONYSii,     S.     Parisiense     (St. 

Denys),  near  Paris;  0.  Ben., 
begun  by  king  Clptaire  II., 
finished  and  endowed  by  king 
Dagobert  I '.  632 

471.  Disertense,     S.    Tolae    (Disert- 

tola),    Meath ;    founded    by    St. 

Tola a.  733 

472.  DiSERT      Hy      Thuachuillense 

(Dezertoghill),    Derry ;    founded 

by  St.  Columb       ....     VP"  cent. 

473.  DiSERT     Meholmoc    (de),     near 

Lough  Innell,  W.  Meath ;   built 

by  St.  Colman       ....     VI*''  cent. 

474.  DisiBODi,    S.   de   Monte   (Disen- 

burg),  dioc.  Mayence ;  O.  Ben., 
founded  by  abb.  Disibodus      .      .  674 

475.  ■'•DisiBODi,  S.   DE  Monte  (Disen- 

burg)  ;  founded  by  abb.  Disibodus     a.  700 

476.  Divionense,         S.         Stephani 

(Dijon) ;  afterwards  0.  Aug.       .     c.  580 

477.  Doiremacaidjiecainense,  in 

Meath;    attributed  to   St.   Lafra 

the  virgin c.  600 

478.  Dolense  (Bourg-de-Deols),   Indre  ; 

0.  Ben VI""  cent. 

CURIST.    ANT. — VOL.    II. 


480. 

481. 

482. 
483. 
484. 

485. 
486. 
487. 
488. 


Dologiense,  or  Tiieologiense, 
S.  MauriCii  (Tholey,  or  St. 
Maurice,  Vosges) ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  king  Dagobert      .      .  623 

DOMNACHBILENSE        (Movill),        on 

Loughfoyle,  Ireland  ;  founded  by 

St.  Patrick V"  cent. 

DOMNACii  COMMUiRENSE  (Cumber), 

Down  ;  founded  by  St.  Patrick  V"'  cent. 
DOMNACiiMORENSE   (Donaghmore), 

Cork a.  700 

DOMNACHMORENSE   (Donaghmore), 

Waterford a.  600 

DOMNACHMORENSE    (Donaghmore), 

near    Dungannon ;    founded    by 

St.  Patrick V"-  cent. 

DOMNACHMORENSE,    in  Maghseola, 

Roscommon V""  cent. 

DOMNACHMORiENSE,    in   Tirawley, 

Mayo  ;  founded  by  St.  Patrick  V"'  cent. 
DOMNACHSARIGENSE,  in  Kreimacta- 

Breg,  Meath V"'  cent. 

DOMNACHTORTAINENSE      (Donagll- 

more),   Meath;    founded   by    St. 

Patrick V"'  cent. 

DoNiscLE  (de),  St.  Romani,  in 
Spain  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  John 
and  Munius 775 

DONOGHPATRICIENSE  (Donogh- 

patrick),  Meath ;  founded  by  St. 
Patrick,  and  Conal  M'Neill    .       V"'  cent. 

DORENSE  (Derry),  Ireland  ;  founded 
by  St.  Columb       ....     VP''  cent. 

Dormancastriense  (Caistor), 

Northamptonshire      .      .      .      .     c.  650 

"^Dornatiacense  (Dornac),  Haut- 
Rhin 635 

DoROTHEi  Abbatis,  near  Gaza ; 
founded  by  its  first  abb.  Doro- 
theus AT''  cent. 

Dorylaeo  (in)  Georgii  de  Font- 
IBUS  (Dorylaeum),  Asia  Minor    .     a.  600 

DovORENSE  (Dover),  Kent        .      .     c.  640 

Dromorense  (Dromore),  Down ; 
founded  by  St.  Colman     ...     a.  699 

Druimardense  (probably  Kil- 
laird),  Wicklow a.  588 

Druimchaoinchellaighense,  in 
Kensellach,  Wexford ;  founded 
by  St.  Abban a.  650 

♦Druimcheonense,  near  Mt.  Slieu 
Brileith,  Longford ;  founded  by 
St.  Patrick V"'  cent. 

DRUXMCnORCOTHRiENSE,nearTaral, 
Meath ;  founded  by  St.  Patrick    V""  cent. 

Druimcliabense  (DrumclitTe), 
Sligo  ;  founded  by  St.  Columba  .  590 

Druimcuillense  (DrumcuUen), 
King's  Co a.  590 

Druimederdalochense,  in  Tirer- 
ril,  Sligo  ;  founded  by  St.  Finian  VI""  cent. 

Druimindeichense  (Druimin- 
deich),  Antrim ;  founded  by  St. 
Patrick c.  460 

Druimineascluinnense,  near 
Drogheda,  Ireland  ;  founded  by 
St.  Patrick       .  ...       V"'  cent. 

Druimliassense  (Dromleas),  Lei- 
trim  ;  built  by  St.  Patrick     .     _  V""  cent. 

Druimliassense,  in  Sligo ;    attri- 
buted to  St.  Patrick  ...       V">  cent. 
4  M 


1252 


MONASTERY 


MONASTERY 


509. 
510. 
511. 
512. 
513. 
514. 
515. 
516. 
517. 
518. 
519. 
520. 


522. 
523. 

524. 

525. 

526. 
527. 


530. 
531. 
532. 

533. 
534. 


535. 
536. 


537. 
533. 
539, 


Druimmacublense,  in  Crimthann, 
Meath a.  458 

Druimnee^;se,  near  Lough  Garagh, 
Sligo  ;  founded  by  St.  Patrick'     ¥'>>  cent. 

Druimthuomense  (Drumhome), 
Donegal a.  640 

Druinorum,  near  Cinna,  Ga- 
latia a.  600 

Drumboense  (Drumboe),  Down ; 
founded  by  St.  Patrick     .      .       V""  cent. 

Drumcuilinense,  near  Eatlieuin, 
W.  Meath a.  590 

Drumlahanense,  B.  V.  Mariae 
(Drumlane),  Cavan      ....     a.  550 

Drumranense,  S.  Enani,  near 
Athlone,  W.  Meath     ....  588 

Drumrathexse  (Drumrath),Sligo ; 
founded  by  St.  Fechin      .      .    VII"'  cent. 

Duinnae,  S.  (Kilduinna),  Li- 
merick ;  founded  by  St.  Duinna    IV""  cent. 

DuLEECHENSB  (Duleek),  Meath ; 
built  by  St.  Patrick   ...       V"»  cent. 

DuMiENSE,  S.  Martini  (Durae), 
Portugal ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
abb.  Martin 572 

DuNENSE,  S.  Patricii,  or  Leath- 
GLASSENSE  (Downpatrick),  Ire- 
land ;  founded  by  St.  Patrick      .  493 

DuoDECiM-PoNTiBus  (de),  near 
Troyes ;  built  by  Alcuin        .      .      c.  780 

DuORUM  Gemellorum,  near 
Bayeux  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  St. 
Martin,  abb.  Vertou   .      .      .      .     c.  760 

DURMACENSE,      or     DEARMACENSE, 

in  Ireland ;      founded      by      St. 

Columban a.  600 

Duserense,  S.  Mariae  (Douzfere),  . 

on  the  Rhone  ;  0.  Ben.,  built  by 

abb.  Norfrid a.  814 

Dyniacense,       or      Denoniense 

(Denain),  dioc.  Arras  ;  0.  Ben.    .         764 
Eashacneirense  (probably  Inch- 

macnerin      Isle),      Lough     Kee ; 

founded  by  St.  Columb    ...     a.  563 
Eboracense,  S.  Mariae  (York)  ; 

0.  Ben.,  where  Alcuin  studied    .      a.  732 
Ebroniense,  S.  Mariae  (Evron), 

dioc.   Le  Mans ;  O.  Ben.,  founded 

by  bp.  Hadoindus        ....  630 

Edardruimense,  in  Tuathainlighe, 

dioc.  Elphin V">  cent. 

Edessenum,  S.  Thomae  (Edessa), 

Mesopotamia  ....      IV"'  cent. 

*EiCHENSE,  dioc.    Liege  ;  0.  Aug., 

founded   by   the  parents    of   the 

abb.  Hirlinda         ....    VII""  cent. 
Elcerabense,    near    the   Jordan ; 

built  by  Julian c.  500 

Electense,  S.  Polycarpi  (Aleth), 

Aude  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by   abb. 

Atalus  and  his  friends      .      .      .  780 

EiiESBANi,  S.,  in  Abyssinia       .      .     a.  530 
•Eliense   (Ely),    Cambridgeshire; 

0.  Ben.,  founded   by   Etheldreda, 

daughter  of  king  Anna    .      .      .         673 
Ellandunense     (Wilton),    Wilt- 
shire ;  founded  by  earl   Wulstan         773 
Elphinense  (Elphin),  Roscommon ; 

founded  by  St.  Assicus     .      .       V*''  cent. 
Eltenheimensb,      in      Germany ; 
founded  by  bp.  Heddo      .      .      ,         763 


A.D. 

540.  Elwangense  (Elwangen),  Bavaria  ; 

0.  Ben.,  built  by  bp.  Hariculf     .  764 

541.  Emesanum  (Emesa),  Phoenicia        V"»  cent. 

542.  Enachtruimensp:,  nearMountrath, 

Queen's  Co.  ;  founded  by  St. 
Mochoemoc c.  550 

543.  Enaghdunense,  Lough  Corrib      .     a.  700 

544.  *Enagh  DUNENSE,      V.     Mariae, 

Lough  Corrib VI""  cent. 

545.  Enixionense,    or     Hensionense, 

S.  JoviNi  de  Marnis  (St.  Jouin), 

near  Thouars,  dioc.  Poictiers       .     a.  482 

546.  Eo  Insula  (de)  (Iniseo  Isle),  Lough 

Earn a.  777 

547.  Ephesium  (Ephesus)      .      .      .      .     a.  450 

548.  Epiphanii,    S.,     near    Eleuthero- 

polis ;    founded    by    St.  Epipha- 

iiius IV*  cent. 

549.  *Episcopi-Villa    (de)  (Ville    de 

I'Eveque  on  Marne),  Aisne ; 
founded  by  bp.  Reolus  and  abb. 
Bercharius 686 

550.  Eposiense  (Carignan),  dioc.Treves ; 

0.  Ben.,  built  by  abb.  Ulfilaus    .     a.  595 

551.  Epternacense    (Epternac),    dioc. 

Treves;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  bp. 
Willibrord  and  abbess  Irmina     .         693 

552.  Equitii,  S.,  Valeria,  Italy        .      .     a.  600 

553.  Erasmi  et  Maximi,  SS.,  in  Naples  ; 

founded  by  Alexandra      ...     a.  600 

554.  Erefordiense,  or  Petri  Montis 

(Erfurt),  Saxony ;  founded  by- 
king  Dagobert  II 677 

555.  Erminii    et   Ursmari,   SS.,   near 

Lobbes  in  Thierache,  Artois ; 
attributed  to  bp.  Ursmarus   .      .     c.  657 

556.  Ernatiense  (Cluainbraoin),Louth ; 

attributed  to  St.  Patrick       .       V"-  cent. 

557.  Escairbranainense  (Ardsallagh), 

Meath ;    founded   by   St.    Finian 

of  Clonard a.  552 

558.  Esternacense,  near  Treves     .      .     a.  740 

559.  Ethonis,    near    Kentzingen,    Ger- 

many ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
Wingern,  or  Count  Etho        .  VIII""  cent. 

560.  EuDEii,    S.,    Arran   Isle,  Galway ; 

founded  by  St.  Eudeus     ...     a.  490 

561.  EuGENii,  S.,  near  Siena,  Tuscany; 

O.  Ben.,  founded  by  the  nobleman 
Wanfred 731 

562.  Eulaliae,       S.       Barcinonense 

(Barcelona),  Spain  ;  O.  Ben.        .     a.  644 

563.  EuLOGii,  S.,  in  Mesopotamia    .     IV"'  cent. 

564.  EUMORPHIANAE  INSULAE  S. 

Petri  (St.  Mary's  Isle),  Italy     .     a.  600 

565.  EuNUCHORUM,  near  Jericho      .      .     a.  500 

566.  EUPHRASIAE,  S.,  Thebais     .      .     IV"  cent. 

567.  EusEBii,   S.,  dioc.  Apt,  Vaucluse ; 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  the  hermit 
Martian c.  800 

568.  EusEBONAE  ET  Abibionis,  SS.,  in 

Syria  ;  founded  by  SS.  Eusebonas 

and  Abibion IV""  cent. 

569.  EuSTASiA,  Abb.,  in  Abyssinia  .    VII"»  cent. 

570.  EuSTATHii,  near  Caesarea,  Cappa- 

docia  ;  founded  by  Eustathius     .      a.  370 

571.  EusTORGii  Abbatis,  near  Jerusa- 

lem ;    founded   by   abb.    Eustor- 

gius c.  450 

572.  Euthymii  Magni,  near  . Jerusalem ; 

founded  by  St.  Euthymius     .      .     c.  429 


MONASTERY 


MONASTERY 


1253 


573.  EvASii,  S.,  DE  Casali  (Casal), 
Lombardy ;  0.  Aug.,  endowed 
by  king  Luitprand      ....  745 

074.  EVESHAitENSE,   S.  Mariae  (Eves- 

ham), Worcestershire  ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  bp.  Egwin  and  kings 
Conrad  and  Otta 714 

075.  EviNi,     S.     (Monasterevan),    Kil- 

dare  ;  founded  by  St.  Abban       .     a.  600 

■  570.    EVURTII,  S.  AURELIANENSE 

(Orleans);  0.  Aug 783 

o77.  ExiDOLiENSiS    Cella   (Excideuil), 

dioc.  Limoges  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded 

by  St.  Aredius 572 

578.  Fabariense,  S.  Mariae  (Pfeffers), 

dioc.  Strassburg c.  731 

570.  *Farekse,  or  Eboriacense  (Fare- 

moutiers),  dioc.  Meaux  ;  0.  Ben., 

founded    by  St.    Ferra  and    abb. 

Eustasius' c.  625 

-580.  Farfense,     S.     Mariae    (Fart'a), 

prov.  Rome  ;    0.   Ben.,    built   by 

bp.  Laurentius  Illuminator  .  VI">  cent. 
Farneland  (de),  or  Lindisfarn- 

ENSE  (Fame  Island),  Northumb.  a.  651 
Faronis  S.  Meldense  (St.  Faron- 

Ifes-Meaux),  Seine  and  Marne  ;  0. 

Ben.,  founded  by  St.  Faron   .      .  659 

Fathenense,  S.  Muraxi  (Fahan), 

near    Derry ;     founded     by     St. 

Columb VI">  cent. 

FAUCENSE,         or         FUSSENSE,        S. 

Magni,  in   the   Alpine    Swabia ; 

O.  Ben.,  founded  by  king  Pepin  .  720 

*Faugherense  (Faugher),  Louth ; 

founded  by  St.  Monenna  .      .      .  638 

Faverniacum,   or   Fauriniacum, 

S.     Mariae     (Favernay),     near 

Vesoul ;  (afterwards)  0.  Ben.  .  c.  747 
Feddunense  (Fiddown),  Kilkenny  a.  590 
Fernense       (Ferns),       Wexford ; 

founded  by  king  Brandub      .      .     c.  600 

589.  Ferranense,     S.     Martini,     in 

Castile;     0.    Ben.,    founded    by 

John  and  Munius 772 

590.  Ferrariense,     S.     Mariae,      or 

Bethleemiticijm  (Ferrieres  in 
Gatinais);  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
king  Clovis  the  Great       .      .      .     c.  515 

591.  Ferreoli,    S.,    Uzhs,    Languedoc; 

founded  by  bp.  Ferreol,  after  his 

own  order 580 

592.  Ferreoli,      S.,      in     Burgundy ; 

founded  by  abb.  Wideradus    .      .  721 

593.  Ferrixgesse,        S.        Andreae 

(Ferring),  Sussex        ....      a.  790 

594.  Fiachrii,   S.,   near  Kilkenny  .    VIP'>  cent. 

595.  Fidhardexse  (Fidhard),  Gal  way; 

founded  by  St.  Patrick     .      .       ¥"•  cent. 

596.  FiDHARDENSE,     in     Hy    Mainech, 

Roscommon ;  built  by  St.  Patrick  V"»  cent. 

597.  FiGIACENSE,     S.     Salvatoris     et 

S.  Mariae  (Figeac),  Lot;  0. 
Ben.,  built  by  Ambrose,  bp. 
Cahors,  and  king  Pepin    .      .      .  755 

598.  Finglassense,  near  Dublin  ;  attri- 

buted to  St.  Patrick    ...       ¥">  cent. 

599.  FiNlANi,  S.,  Ardfennan,  Tipperary; 

founded  by  St.  Finian  the   Leper     c.  600 
^00.  FlNNLUGliANi,  Temple  Finlaghan, 

Derry  ;  founded  by  St.  Columb  YV^  cent. 


.581. 
.582. 

-583. 

.584, 


.587. 
588. 


601. 
602. 
603. 


FiODNACHENSE  (Feuaugh),  Lei- 
trim     VI"-  cent. 

FiONMAGHEXSE,  in  Fothart, 
Leinster;  founded  by   St.  Abban     a.  650 

*FisCAMNENSE  (Fecamp),  Nor- 
mandy ;  founded  by  count  Wa- 
dingus c.  664 

Flaviacense,  S.  Geremari 
(Flaix),  dioc.  Beaurais  ;  0.  Ben., 
built  by  abb.  Geremarus  .      .      .  760 

Flavianum,  near  Mutalascus, 
Cappadocia a.  440 

Flaviniacense,  S.  Praejecti 
(Flavigny),  Cote-d'Or ;  founded 
by  abb.  Wideradus      ....  721 

Fledanburiense  (Fladbury), 
Worcester ;  founded  by  king 
Ethelred 691 

Florentinum,  S.  Joannis  Bap- 
tistae  (Florence);  0.  Aug.  .      .     a.  721 

Floriacense,  SS.  Petri  et 
Benedicti  (Fleury  on  Loire); 
founded  by  abb.  Leodebodus, 
Joanna  of  Fleury,  king  Clovis  II. 
and  his  queen  Bathilda    ...  667 

Foillani,  S.,  Kilfoelain,  Queen's  Co.V""  cent. 

*Folcstanense  (Folkestone),Kent ; 
0.  Ben.,  founded  by  king  Eadbald     c.  630 

Fontanellense,  S.  Mariae 
(Fontenelles),  dioc.  Lu9on ;  0. 
Aug a.  684 

FONTANELLENSE,      SS.      PeTRI     ET 

Pauli,  or  S.  Wandregisilli 
(Fontenelles  on  Seine)  ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  St.  Wandregisillus     .      a.  673 

Fontanense  (Fontenay),  Nor- 
naandy  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  St. 
Evremond c.  568 

Fontanense,  S.  Mariani  (Fon- 
taines), near  Auxerre ;  founded 
by  St.  Germanus a.  570 

Fontanense,  S.  Mariae  (Fon- 
taines, Vosges) ;  built  by  St. 
Columbanus a.  597 

FORENSE  (Fore),  W.  Meath ;  built 
by  St.  Fechin c.  630 

FoRNAGiENSE  (Forghuey),  W. 
Meath  ;  founded  by  St.  Munis     .         486 

Fossatense,  SS.  Mariae  et  Petri 
ET  Pauli,  or  S.  Mauri  (Fosse's  St. 
Maur),  near  Charenton,  France  ; 
0.  Ben.,  founded  by  king 
Clovis  II.  and  St.  Blidegisillus    .         640 

FossENSE,  S.  FuRSEi  (La  Fosse), 
Hainault ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
SS.  Foillanus  and  Ultanus  of 
Ireland c.  455 

Frideslariense,  S.  Petri 
(Fritzlar),  Hesse  ;  0.  Ben.,  built 
by  St.  Boniface c.  748 

Frigdiani,  S.  Lucense  (Lucca), 
Italy ;  0.  Aug.,  probably  founded 
by  Faulon a.  685 

Fuldexse,  S.  Salvatoris 
(Fulda),  Hesse  Cassel  ;  0.  Ben., 
built  by  St.  Boniface        ...  747 

FULRADO  -  ViLLARENSE      (Villers), 

Lorraine ;      founded      by      abb. 

Fulradus a.  774 

Fundense  (FonJi),  Italy  ;  O.  Ben., 
founded  by  abb.  Honorafus    ,      .     a.  600 
4  M  2 


1254 


MONASTERY 


MONASTERY 


626.  FURSEI,    S.,   in    East,  Anglia;    0. 

Ben.,  founded  by  abb.  Furseus  of 
Ireland,  and  king  Sigbert       .      .      c.  670 

627.  Galeatense,  S.  Hilari  (Galeate), 

Tuscany  ;    0.    Ben.,    founded    by 

St.  Hilary a.  754 

628.  Galiijexse  (Gallen),   King's   Co. ; 

founded  by  St.  Canoe       .      .      .     c.  492 

629.  Galli,    S.    ad     Arbonaji;     St. 

Gall,  Switzerland;  0.  Ben., 
founded  or  enlarged  by  St. 
Gallus  of  Ireland 646 

630.  Galliacesse,        S.        Quixtini 

(Gaillac),  dioc.  Alby  ;  0.  Ben.    .     a.  755 

631.  Gandekse    S.    Bavonis  (Ghent); 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  St. 
Amandus VII">  cent. 

632.  Gaxdense,  S.  Petri  (Ghent);   0. 

Ben.,  built  by  St.  Amandus   .      .      a.  653 

633.  Garba:ni,  S.,  Duugarvan,  Water- 

ford  ;  founded  by  St.  Garban     VII"'  co.nt. 

634.  Garedjanum,  in  Georgia  ;  founded 

by  father  David     ....      VI""  cent. 

635.  Garsense,   S.  Petri,  on  the  Inn, 

dioc.  Salzburg ;  founded  by  Boso, 

a  noble  priest c.  768 

636.  Gartonense,    near    Kilmacrenan, 

Donegal ;  founded  by  St.  Columb  VI"'  cent. 
636b.  Gaugerici,  S.    (St.    Ge'ry),  near 
Cambray ;    built  by   bp.   Gauge- 
ricus  600 

637.  *Gavini    et    Luxorii,    SS.,    de 

TURRIBUS,  in  Sardinia     ...      a.  600 

638.  Geddingense  (Gilling),  Yorkshire  ; 

built  by  queen  Eanfleda  ...      a.  659 

639.  Gelasii    Abbatis,    in    Palestine ; 

founded  by  abb.  Gelasius       .      .     c.  440 

640.  Gelloxense,       S.       Salvatoris 

(Gellone),  dioc.  Lodeva ;  founded 

by  abb.  William a.  807 

641.  Gemeticense  (Jamets  in  Barrois); 

0.  Ben.,  built    by  SS.   Philibert 

and  Bathilda c.  684 

642.  Geiimeticesse,  S.  Petri 

(Jumi^ges),  Normandy  ;  0.  Ben.       c.  655 

643.  Gendaranum,    S.   Asterii  (Gen- 

dara),  Syria IV"»  cent. 

644.  Genesii,        S.         Thigerniense 

(Thiers),  Auvergne ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  bp.  Avitus      .      .      .      c.  520 

645.  Gengesbacence         (Gegenbach), 

dioc.  Strassburg  ;  0.  Ben.,  built  by 

count  Ruthard 712 

646.  Genoliaco    (de),    Geuolhac,  dioc. 

P^rigueux a.  585 

647.  Gexovefae,    S.  Parisiexse   (St. 

Genevieve-du-Mont),  Paris ;  O. 
Aug.,  founded  bv  king  Clevis  and 
St.  Clotilda VP"  cent. 

648.  Georgii   S.  de  ]!iIarato  (Marat), 

Sicily a.  600 

649.  Georgii,  S.   (Saint  George),   dioc. 

Le  Mans c.  802 

650.  Gerasimi,   S.,    near    the    Jordan; 

founded  by  St.  Gerasimus       .      .      a.  470 

651.  Germaxi,     S.     Autissiodorense 

Parissiense  (St.  Germain  I'Aux- 
errois),  Paris ;  probably  built  by 
king  Childebert a.  558 

652.  Germaix,  S.  a  Pratis   (St.  Ger- 

main-des-Prds),  Paris ;   0.   Ben., 


founded    bv   bp.    Germanus    and 

king  Childebert 558 

653.  Germani,    S.    (St.  Germains),   in 

Cornwall c.  614 

C54.  Germani,    S.    (Saint  Germain   on 

Sarthe),  dioc.  Le  Mans       .      .      .      c.  802 

655.  Germaxum  DoMiNiE  de  Aligeta 

(Germa),  Galatia a.  600 

656.  Geruxdexse  (Girone),   Catalonia  ; 

founded  by  bp.  John    .      .      .      .      c.  610 

657.  Gerwiexse,    S.    Pauli  (Jarrow), 

Durham ;  founded  by  abb.  Bene- 
dict Biscop  and  king  Egfrid    .      .  684 

658.  Glaisjiorexse    (Clashmore),   near 

Youghal ;  founded  by  Cuanchear      a.  65S 
G59.  Glanciioluimchillense,      Clare  ; 

founded  by  St.  Columb      .      .      VP'»cent, 

660.  Glanderiense,    S.    Martini,   or 

LONGOVILLANUM  (Glandieres,  or 
Longueville),  dioc.  Metz  ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  Bodagesilus,  fother  of 
St.  Arnolf c.  587 

661.  Glannafoliense,      S.       1\Iariae 

(Glanfeuille),    dioc.    Angers ;    0. 

Ben a.  800 

662.  Glasnaoidense,   near    the   Lilfey, 

Kildare a.  544 

663.  Glassmorense     (probably     Moor- 

town),  Dublin a.  631 

664.  Glastoniense,   or  Avallonense, 

and  Ynyswytrin  (de)  (Glaston- 
bury), Somersetshire;  afterwards 
0.  Ben.,  attributed  to  St.  Patrick     c.  433 

665.  Gleanchaoinense,      Hy      Ling- 

deach,  Clare ;  founded  by  St. 
Patrick ' .        V""  cent. 

666.  Gloucestriense,  S.   Petri  (Glou- 

cester) ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  king 
Wulphere  and  Osric    .      .      .      .     c.  680 

667.  GLUiNHCSANNENSE(Gleane),  King's 

Co. ;  founded  by  St.  Diermit  .      .     a.  560 

668.  Gobhani,  S.,  Teghdagobha,  Down 

669.  GOMON  (de),  near  Constantinople ; 

Acoemite,  founded  by  abb.  John  .     a.  488 

670.  Gonagaeusi  (Gonage),  Syria    .      .     a.  600 

671.  Gorgoniae  Insulae,   S.   Mariae 

(Isle  Gorgona),  Adriatic  Sea  .      .     a.  600 

672.  GORMANI,   S.,  Kilgorman,  Wicklow     a.  600 

673.  GoRziENSE,  S.  Petri  (Gorze),  dioc. 

Metz ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  bp. 
Chrodegangus 745 

674.  Grandisvallense,     S.      Mariak 

(Grandval),  dioc.  Strassburg  ;    0. 

Ben.,  endowed  by  king  Pepin       .  770 

675.  Gravense,      or      De      Gravaco 

(Gravac),  Piacenza ;  0.  Ben.  .      .      c.  746 

676.  Grassellense,  SS.  Petri  et  Vic- 

TORis  (serait-ce  Greoux  ?),  Basses 

Alpes  ;  0.  Ben 692 

677.  Gratterense,      or      Gazerense, 

Naples ;  0.  Ben a.  600 

678.  Gregorii,    S.    (St.  Gregoire),  Al- 

sace ;  0.  Ben.,  endowed  by  Bodalus         747 

679.  Guintmari,      S.      (Lierre),     dioc. 

Jleaux ;  0.  Aug.,  founded  by 
Gunthmar a.  775 

680.  GURTHONENSE,  or  GUERDONENSE 

(Gourdon  in  Charolais)  ;  0.  Ben. .      a.  570 

681.  Hagustaldense    (Hexham),    Nor- 

thumberland ;  founded  bv  St. 
Wilfrid ■  .     .         674 


MONASTERY 


MOXASTERY 


1255 


<;8'2.  Hamaxaburgeksi:,  S.  Miciiaelis 
(Hamamburg),  dioc.  Mayence;  0. 
I3en.,  founded  by  bp.  Boniface      .      c.  T-tS 

<3So.  IIaselacense  (Haselach),  dioc. 
Strassburg  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
king  Dagobert  and  abb.  Florentius         633 

<384r.  Hasnoniexse,  S.  Petri  (Hasnon), 
dioc.  Arras ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
abb.  John  and  his  sister  Eulalia  .  678 

685.  *Hasmoxiense,    S.    Petri    (Has- 

non); idem 678 

686.  HassarOdense,  on  the  Maine,  dioc. 

Eichstadt VHP'' cent. 

687.  *HASTERiENSE(Hasti6res),Meurthe ; 

founded  by  Bertha,  wife  of  count 
Wideric 626 

688.  Heamburiense  (Handbury),  Staf- 

fordshire      a.  800 

689.  Heideniieimense      (Heidenheim), 

Swabia;    0.  Ben.,  built   by   abb. 
Winebald,  son  of  king  Richard     .  758 

690.  *Heidenheimense   (Heidenheim); 

built  also  by  abb.  Winebald   .      .      c.  780 

691.  *HEORTnuEXSE  (Hartlepool),  Dur- 

ham ;  founded  by  king  Oswin      .  655 

692.  Heptastomatis,      S.,      Palestine; 

founded  by  St.  Sabbas       .      .      .      c.  500 

693.  Heracleense  (Heraclea),  Thebais  IV""  cent. 

694.  Herexse,    S.    Philiberti  (Isle  of 

Herr)  ;    0.  Ben.,  founded  by  bp. 

Otto  and  emp.  Charlemagne  .      .      a.  800 

695.  Hermopolitanum,    S.    Apolloxii 

(Hermopolis),  Egypt   .      .      .      IV"-  cent. 

696.  Hersveldexse     (Hersfeld),      dioc. 

Halberstadt;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
Sturmius,  or  archbp.  Mayence     .     a.  790 
097.  HiBERNiAE  OcuLA  (de)  (Ireland's 
Eye  Island),  near  Howth ;  founded 
by  St.  Nessan c.  570 

698.  Hiexse  (lona,  or  Icolmkill  I>land), 

Argyleshire ;  built  by  St.  Columba    c.  563 

699.  HlEROSOLYMITANUM,    S.    ChARITO- 

MIS  (Jerusalem) c.  330 

700.  HlEROSOLYMITANUM,        S.         ElIAE 

(Jerusalem) c.  500 

700c.  Hierosolymitanu.m  Iberianum 
(Jerusalem);  built  by  king 
Wakhtang  of  Georgia.      ...      a.  449 

701.  *HlEROSOLYMITAXUM,         S.  Me- 

LANIAE  (Jerusalem)  ;  founded  by 

St.  Melania  the  Elder.      .      .      .     c.  385 

702.  HlEROSOLYMITANUM,     S.     PlIILIPPI 

(Jerusalem) a.  361 

702b.    HlEROSOLYMITANUM,  TATIANI 

(Jerusalem) ;     built     by     prince 

Tatian  of  Georgia        .      .      .        V""  cent. 

703.  HlEROSOLYMITANUM     B.     TlIEOTICI 

(Jerusalem) a.  595 

704.  HiLARiACUM,     on      the      Moselle; 

founded  by  St.  Fridoline  .      .      Vr''ceut. 

705.  HippOLYTANUM  (Trasma),  Austria; 

founded    by   abb.   Adalbert    and 

Okar c.  750 

70S.  HiRSAUGlENSE,  S.  AuRELii  (Hir- 
sauge),  dioc.  Spires;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  count  Erlafrid      .      .      c.  772 

707.  *HOHENBURGENSE      (Hohcnburg), 

dioc.    Strassburg;  built    by  abb. 

Odila c.  720 

708.  HONANGIENSE,         S.  MiCUAELIS 

(Hohenhausen),  dioc.  Stra.ssburg ; 


O.  Ben.,  built  by  Adalbert,  brother 

of  St.  Odila      .' c.  720 

709.  HoRNBACENSE,    S.    Petri  (Horn- 

bach),    dioc.    Metz;    founded    by 

St.  Firminus a.  700 

710.  HORNISGA   (de)    S.    Komani  (Or- 

nixa),  dioc.  Toledo;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  king  Cindasvind  and 
his  wife  Picciberga       .      .      .      .      c.  084 

711.  *Horreensi:,  S.  Mariae  (Oeren), 

dioc.  Treves  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
Irmina,  daughter  of  king  Dago- 
bert, and  bp.  Modoald       .      .      .      c.  675 

712.  Hosia  (de),  in  Bithyuia      .      .      .     c.  560 

713.  HuAcnuiN^    Insula    (de)    (Inis- 

quin),  Lough  Corrib  ;  founded  by 

St.  Brendan a.  626 

714.  Huberti.    S.,    in  Ardennis   (Ar- 

denue  Mts.);  O.  Ben.,  founded 
by  duke  Pepin  and  his  wife  Plec- 
truda 687 

715.  Hulmense,  S.  Benedicti  (Hulme), 

Norfolk  ;  0.  Ben c.  800 

716.  HuMBLERiis  (de)   S.    Mariae,   S. 

Hunegundis  (Homblieres),  dioc. 
Noyons  ;  afterwards  0.  Ben.,  built 
by  bp.  Eligius  and  king  Lo- 
thaire 650 

717.  *Hunulfocurtense,     S.      Petri 

(Honnecourt),  Nord ;  founded  by 
Amalfrid '.         080 

717b.    iBERIANUil,       S.      JOANNIS      BaP- 

tistae,  afterwards  V.  Mariae, 
Mt.  Athos  ;  founded  by  the  monks 
John,  Euthymius,  and  George      .      c.  800 

718.  IcANHOCCENSE   (Icanhoc),  Lincoln- 

shire ;  founded  by  St.  Botolph     .  624 

719.  Igalthoense,  in  Sacheth,  Georgia; 

built  by  father  Zouon        .      .      VI""  cent. 

720.  Ihamense,  S.  Martini,  in  Spain  ; 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  John  and 
Munius 773 

721.  Illmonastrium,    near    Ingolstadt, 

Austria  ;  founded  by  Utho     .   VHP''  cent. 

722.  Imleachcluannense,         Antrim; 

founded  by  St.  Patrick     .      .       Y"*  cent. 

723.  Imleachense   (Emly),  Tipperary  ; 

founded  by  St.  Ailbe  .      .      ,      .      a.  527 

724.  Imleachense,     S.     Brochadi,   in 

Roscommon c.  500 

725.  Imleaoufodense       (Emlaghfadd), 

Sligo  ;  built  by  St.  Columb   .      VI"'  cent. 

726.  Immaghense  (Immagh    Isle),  Gal- 

way  ;  founded  by  St.  Fechin  .      .      a.  664 

727.  Inberd.\oilense,   S.   DAGAiiii,  in 

Kenselach,  We-xford     ....      a.  639 

728.  Inbernailense,  Tyrconnel,  Ireland     a.  563 

729.  Inciiymoriense   (the    Great  Isle), 

Lough  Gawn,  Longford  ;  founded 

by  St.  Columb VPi-cent^. 

730.  Ingeltingunense,  in  England       .     a.  655 

731.  Inisbegiense,  in  Kenselach,  Wex- 

ford ;  founded  by  St.  Patrick         V"-  cent. 

732.  Iniscaorachense,  Ibrichan,  Clare  ; 

founded  by  St.  Senan        .      .      .     c.  530 

733.  lNisCARRi;NSE     (Iniscarra),    Cork; 

built  by  St.  Senan       ,      .      .      .     c.  530 

734.  Iniscatterense  (Scattery  Isle),  in 

the    Shannon,    attributed   to    St. 

Senan ^-  '''^^ 

735.  Inischaoinense  (Iniskin),  Louth   .     c.  500 


1256 


MONASTERY 


736.  INISCLOTIIRA^'^■£^•SE(IIliscloghran), 

Lough    Ree,    Longford ;    founded 

by  St.  Diarmuit  the  Just.      .      .      c.  540 

737.  IxiSDOiMHLENSE  (Cape  Clear  Island)    a.  800 

738.  Inisfaithlennense    (Innisfallen), 

lake    Killarney ;    founded   by    St. 
Finian  Lobhar a.  600 

739.  *Inisfidense  (Finish    Island),    in 

the  Shannon V""  cent. 

740.  Iniskeltairense       S.       Camini 

(Iniskeltair  Isle),  in  the  Shannon  ; 
founded  by  St.  Camin       ...      a.  6.50 

741.  Inisleamnactexse,    V.    Mabiae 

(Inislounagh),  Tipperary ;  founded 

by  St.  Mochoemoc       ....      a.  655 

742.  Inisluaidense    (Inislua    Isle),    in 

the    Shannon ;    founded    by    St. 

Senan a.  540 

743.  Inismorense     (Inchmore    Island), 

Lough  Ree,  Ireland ;  founded  by 

St.  Senan VI'i'  cent. 

744.  Inispuincense    (Inispict),    Cork ; 

built  by  St.  Carthagmochuda      .      c.  600 

745.  Inistiogense,    on  the  Noire,   Kil- 

kenny    800 

746.  Ixistoreense  (1  orre  Isle),  Donegal     a.  650 

747.  Ixisvachtuirense,  in  Lough  Sillin, 

W.  Meath  ;  built  by  abb.  Carthag     c.  540 

748.  Inreathanense  (Breatain),  Down     a.  540 

749.  Insula  Barbara  (de),  S.  Martini 

(Isle  Barbe),   on  the  Saone ;    0. 

Ben IV""  cent. 

750.  Insula  Trecensi  (de)  (I'lle),  near 

Troyes 537 

751.  IsiDORi,  S.  de  Duenas,  in   Leon ; 

0.  Ben a.  714 

752.  IsiDORi,  S.,  Thebais       .      .      .     IV'i'  cent. 

753.  IssiODORENSE  (Issoire),  Auvergne  ; 

0.  Ben a.  550 

754.  Itae,        S.,       Kilita,       Limerick ; 

founded  by  St.  Ita      ....      a.  569 

755.  Ithancestriense,   on   the    Frods- 

ham,    Essex ;     erected     by      bp. 

Cedda c.  630 

756.  Jacobitarum    Abu-Macarii,     in 

Egypt a.  600 

757.  JEREMiAE,nearBethshan,  Palestine     a.  530 

758.  Joannis     et     Trechii,     SS.,    in 

BuxiDO    (Saint    Jean-de-Bouis), 

Allier  ;  0.  Ben a.  800 

759.  Joannis,  S.,  Thebais     .      .      .     IV">  cent. 

760.  Joannis,    S.    ad    Titum,   or    ad 

PiNUM,    near   Class^,    dioc.    Ra- 
venna; 0.  Ben a.  700 

761.  Joannis,  S.,  in  Extorio  (Citou), 

dioc.     Carcassonne ;       0.      Ben., 
founded  by  abb.  Anian      ...      a.  793 

762.  Joannis  Nanni,  S.,  in  Egypt     IV""  cent. 

763.  Joannis     Silentiarii,    S.,    near 

Nicopolis,  Armenia ;  founded  by 

St.  John  Silentiarius  ...       ¥">  cent. 

764.  JODOCI,     S.     (St.    Josse-sur-Mer), 

dioc.  Amiens a.  800 

765.  JOTRENSE  (Jouarre-en-Brie),  dioc. 

Meaux ;  O.  Ben.,  built  by  Adon, 
brother  of  St.  Audoenus  .      .      .     c.  630 

766.  *JoTRENSE   (Jouarre-en-Brie) ;    O. 

Ben.,   founded  by  Adon,  and  St. 
Bathilda 684 

767.  JuctAtium     Pauli,     S.     (Jugat), 

Syria  ;  founded  by  St.  Paulus      V"»  cent. 


MONASTERY 

A.I). 

768.  Juliani  Cenomanense  (Le  Mans)     a.  8UL' 

769.  JuMERis,     S. ;     enriched    by     St. 

Radegundis c.  54.J 

770.  JuNAUTENSE  (Zunault),  dioc.   Ro- 

dez ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  king 
Clovis a.  511 

771.  JURENSE,        S.        ROMANI      (Joux), 

Jura ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  St. 
Romanus  and  friends  ....  460 

772.  *JussANENSE       (Joussan),       dioc. 

Besangon ;  founded  by  Flavia, 
mother  of  St.  Donatus      .      .      .     c.  650 

773.  JuxTA     Antruji,     near     Eraessa, 

Phoenicia,  the  site  of  the  Inven- 
tion of  the  Head  of  St.  John  the 
Baptist ;  founded  by  Stephen      .      a.  450- 

774.  Kedemenestrense       (Kiddermin- 

ster),   Worcestershire ;     founded 

by  king  Ethilbalt       ....         730 

775.  Kemeseyense  (Kemesey),  Worces- 

tershire     .      .      .      .'     .      .      .     a.  799 

776.  Kemperlegiense,       S.       Crucis 

(Quimperle),  Lower  Brittany ; 
O.  Ben.,  founded  by  duke  Gur- 
thian c.  550 

777.  Kenanum,     V.    Mariae    (Kells), 

Meath  ;  founded  by  St.  Columb  .     c.  550 

778.  KiARANi,     S.,    Seirkeran,    King's 

Co. ;  founded  by  St.  Kiaran  the 

elder c.  40-' 

779.  KiLALGENSE    (Killegally),    King's 

Co a.  600 

780.  KiLBiANNENSE,     iu     King's     Co.; 

attributed  to  St.  Abban    .      .      .  583- 

781.  KiLBRENiNENSE  (Strawhall),  Cork ; 

founded  by  Aed a.  588 

782.  KiLCLiEFENSE  (Kilclief),  Down     .     a.  600' 

783.  KiLCOLPENSE,    near    Downpatrick, 

Ireland;  founded  by  St.  Patrick  V">  cent. 

784.  KiLCULLENENSE    (Kilcullsn),   Kil- 

dare V"^  cent. 

785.  Kildaluense     (Killaloe),    Clare ; 

founded  by  St.  Molualobhair        .      c.  610 

786.  KiLDARENSE    (Kildare),     Ireland ; 

founded  by  St.  Brigid,  for  monks 

and  nuns  together      ....      a.  484- 

787.  KiLDELGENSE,   In    Upper    Ossorv, 

Queen's  Co '.      a.  721 

788.  *KiLEOCHAiLLENSE  (Kilnagallegh), 

on  the  Shannon     ....       V"'  cent. 

789.  KiLFOBRiCHENSE  (Kilfarboy),  Clare         741 

790.  KiLFORTCHEARNENCE,  Idroue,  Car- 

low ;    attributed    to     St.    Fort- 

chearn VI"'  cent. 

791.  KiLHUAiLLEACHENSE,  probably  in 

Fercall,  King's  Co.        ,      .  .a.  550 

792.  KiLKENNiENSE,      near      Athlone, 

W.  Meath a.  773- 

793.  Killaohaddromfodense  (perhaps 

Killaghy),  Kilkenny  ....      a.  548 

794.  Killachadense  (Killachad), 

Cavan  ;  founded  by  St.  Tigernach     a.  800 

795.  *Killachadense  (Killeigh), Cork; 

built  by  St.  Abban     .      .      .      .      a.  650 

796.  ""Killainense  (Killeen) ;  founded 

by  St.  Endeus a.  540 

797.  Killainense     (Killeen),     Meath ; 

founded  by  St.  Endeus      ...      a.  540 

798.  KiLLAMRUiDENSE         (KiUamery), 

Kilkennv  ;  founded  by  St.  Gobban     a.  700 

799.  KiLLARENSE  (KiUare),  W.   Meath     a.  38S 


MONASTERY 


MONASTEEY 


125' 


800.  KiLLEACHENSE    (Killeigh),    King's 

Co. ;  attributed  to  abb.  Sincheal 
M'Cenenain a.  550 

801.  KiLLOMiENSE,  in  Roscommon   .      .     a.  760 

802.  KiLLUNCHENSE,  in  Louth  .      .      .      c.  500 

803.  KiLMACDUACHENSE,    in    Kiltaiton, 

Galway ;  founded  by  St.  Colman     c.  620 

804.  KiLMACRENANENSE,  on  the  Gannon, 

Donegal VI'i"  cent. 

805.  KiLMBiANENSE,  in  Down    ...     a.  583 

806.  KiLMORlENSE,  near  Athlone  ;  built 

by  St.  Patrick       ....       V'i>  cent. 

807.  KiLMORiENSE,  near  Nenagh,  Tip- 

perary 540 

808.  KiLMORMOYLENSE,     in     Tirawley, 

Mayo ;  founded  by  St.  Olean       VI">  cent. 

809.  KiLNAGARBANENSE  (Kilnegarvan), 

Mayo ;  founded  by  St.  Fechan     .     a.  664 

810.  *KiLNAiNGHEANENSE,    near    Ark- 

low       VI*''  cent. 

811.  KiLNAMANACUENSE    (Kilmanagh), 

near  Kilkenny  ;  founded  by  abb. 
Natalis a.  563 

812.  KiLNEMANAGHENSE,    in     Leyney, 

Sligo  ;  founded  by  St.  Fechin    VIP''  cent. 

813.  KiLOSCOBENSE  (Kiloscoba),  Antrim ; 

founded  by  St,  Boedain    ...     a.  550 

814.  KiLRATUENSE,     near    Mt.    Claire, 

Ireland  ;  built  by  St.  Coeman     VI"»  cent. 

815.  KiLROENSE,  in  Tirawley,  Mayo      .     a.  664 

816.  KiLSKiRRiENSE    (Kilskerry),    dioc. 

Clogher 749 

817.  *KiLSLEVENSE  (Killevy),  Armagh  VI""  cent. 

818.  KiLTOAMENENSE,  in  W.  Meath      .      a.  600 

819.  KiNGSALENSE,    S.    GOBBANI     (Kin- 

sale),  Ireland a.  600 

820.  Laetiense,  S.  Lamberti  (Liessies), 

dioc.  Cambray  ;  0.  Ben.,  built  by 

count  Wicbert  and  his  wife  Ada         751 

821.  LAESTlNGENSE(Lastingham),  York- 

shire;  0.  Ben.,   founded  by  bp. 

Cedda  and  king  Oswald    ...  648 

822.  Landelinense,   or    Wallarense 

S.  Petri  (Wallers  in  Faigne),  dioc. 
Cambray ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
bp.  Landeline  and  king  Dagobert         634 

823.  Lathrechense   (Latteragh),    Tip- 

perary a.  548 

824.  Latta    (de),  S.  Martini    (Siran- 

la-Latte),  near  Sivre,  dioc.  Tours     a.  600 

825.  Latiniacense,   S.  Fursei  (Lagny 

on  Marne) ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 

Count  Erchinoald        .      .      .      .     c.  654 

826.  Laubiense,  or  Lobbiense  (Lobbes), 

dioc.  Liege ;    0.    Ben.,    built    by 

abb.  Ursmar  and  Pepin  senior      .  691 

827.  Lauconense  (Saint -Lupicin),  Jura ; 

0.  Ben a.  520 

828.  Laxtrentii,  S.  Parisiense  (Saint- 

Laurent),  Paris 591 

829.  Laurentii   et   Hilarii    de  Ab- 

BATlA(Saint-Laurent-des-Abauts), 
dioc.  Auxerre  ;  0.  Aug.,  founded 
by  St.  Ulfinus 578 

830.  Laurentii,    S.    de    Olibejo,    or 

Montis  Olivi  (Mt.  Oleon),  dice. 
Carcassonne ;  0.  Ben.,  built  by 
abb.  Anian a.  793 

831.  Laureshamense,      S.       Isazarii 

(Lauresheim  or  Lorch),  dioc. 
Treves  :  0.  Ben a.  770 


Lausiexse  (Luze),  dioc.  Autun  .  a.  540 
Leacfiounbailense       (Lianama- 

nach).    Mayo ;     erected    by    St. 

Patrick V""  cent. 

Leachanense  (Leckin),  dioc.  Meath  a.  664 
Leamchuilliense  (Leix),  Queen's 

Co a.  600 

Lebrahense  (Leber),  dioc.  Strass- 

burg  ;  founded  by  abb.  Dionysius 

Fulrad c.  774 

Lechnaghense  (Pierstown),  Meath  750 
Legionensis    Urbis     ad   Muros 

S.   Claudii    (Leon),    Spain ;    0. 

Ben VI"*  cent. 

Leighlinense  (Leighlin),  Carlow ; 

founded  by  St.  Gobban  ...  a.  616 
Leithense,     S.    Manchani    (Le- 

managhan),  King's  Co.  .  .  VII"*  cent. 
Leithmorense,  Ely,   King's   Co.  ; 

founded  by  St.  Mochoemoc  .  .  a.  655 
*Lemausense,    S.    Joannis    (Li- 

mours),  near  Etampes  ;  built  by 

Gammo  and  his  wife  Adagulda  .  a,  703 
Lemingense    (Liming),    Kent ;    0. 

Ben.,    founded   by   queen   Ethel- 

burgha 633 

*Lendaugiense  (Lindau),  Bavaria ; 

founded  by  count  Adelbert     .      .  810 

Leocadiae,         S.        Toletanum 

(Toledo) a.  644 

Leodegarii,     S.     de    Campellis 

(Saint  Leger  on  Beuvray),  dioc. 

Autun ;  0.  Aug.,  founded  by  St. 

Leodegarius  and  Ansebert  .  .  c.  696 
Leodiense,    St.    Petri    (Li^ge)  ; 

founded  by  St.  Hubert      ...  714 

Leomonasterium       (Leominster), 

Herefordshire ;  0.  Ben.,  built  by 

king  Merwald c.  660 

Lerhense,    V.    Mariae    (Lerha), 

Longford ;  founded  by  St.  Patrick  V"*  cent. 
Lerinense  (L^rins),  island  in  dioc. 

Frejus ;  attributed  to  St.  Hono- 

ratus IV""  cent. 

*LiADANAE,  S.,  Killiaduin,  King's 

Co.  ;    founded   by   St.    Keran   of 

Saiger  .......       V">cent. 

LiEVANENSE,    S.    Tfiuribii,    near 

Potes,    Spain;    0.  Ben.,    founded 

by  St.  Thuribius  ....  VI'"  cent. 
LiNNALLENSE  (Linnally),  Antrim  .  a.  771 
*LiNNENSE  (Linn),  Antrim .  .  V""  cent. 
LiNNENSE    (Maralin),    dioc.     Dro- 

more  ;  founded  by  St.  Colman  .  a.  699 
LiNNLEiRENSE     (probably    Lynn), 

W.  Meath a.  741 

LiSMORENSE  (Lismore),  Ireland  .  a.  600 
LiTHAZOMENAE,  Alexandria  .  .  a.  600 
LocociACENSE  (Liguge),  near  Poi- 
tiers ;  attributed  to  St.  Martin  IV"*  cent. 
LoECis   (de),    (Loches    on    Cher), 

Indre   and   Loire ;    afterwards   0. 

Ben.,  founded  by  abb.  Ursus  .      .  500 

*L0GIENSE,  near  Caudebec,  Nor- 
mandy ;  endowed  by  St.  Bathilda         680 

LONGOGIONENSE,         S.         AGATHAE 

(Longuyon),  dioc.  Treves  ;  built  or 
enlarged  by  Adalgiselus   .      .     VH'-'^cent. 
LORRAHENSE,    S.     KuADANi,    near 
the  Shannon,  Tipperary  ;  founded 
by  St.  Ruadan a.  584 


1258 


MONASTERY 


864.  LOUTHENSE,   V.    Mariae   (Louth), 

Ireland ;    founded    by    St.    Pat- 
rick        V""  cent. 

865.  LuCAE,  near  Metopus ;  founded  by- 

Lucas    V""  cent. 

866.  ♦LUCENSE,     S.     Mariae   (Lucca); 

built  by  the  clergyman  Ursus      .  722 

867.  Ldcexse,    S.   Michaelis  (Lucca); 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  the  nobleman 
Pertuald 721 

868.  Lucense,      S.       Petri     (Lucca); 

founded  by  the  priest  Fortunatus 

and  his  son  Romuald  ....         713 

869.  Lucense  Xenodochium    (Lucca) ; 

founded  by  king  Sichimund  and 
noblemen 729 

870.  Lucense  Xenodochium,    S.    Sil- 

VESXRI  (Lucca);  founded  by  the 
citizens 718 

871.  LUCERNENSE,      SS.     Mauricii      et 

Leodegarii  (Lucerne),   Switzer- 
land;  O.Ben Vlll'i-cent. 

872.  LuciANi,  S.  Bellovacense  (Beau- 

vais),  France ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 

king  Childebert 540 

873.  Lucullanense,       S.       Severini 

(Lucullano),  near  Naples  ...      a.  500 

874.  LucusiANUM   (Lucusio),    Palermo; 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  pope  Gregory 

the  Great c.  600 

875.  *LuGDUNENSE  (Lyons)  ....     a.  570 

876.  LuscaNense  (Lusk),  Dublin     .      .     a.  497 

877.  LuTHRA    (de)    SS.    Martini    et 

Deicolae  (Lure),  dioc.  Besan9on  ; 

0.  Ben 611 

878.  LuTOSENSE,   SS.   Petri  et   Pauli 

(Leuze),  dioc.  Tournay ;  0.  Aug., 
founded  by  St.  Amandus  .      .      .  545 

879.  LuxoviENSE  (Luxen),  dioc.  Besan- 

9on ;    0.    Ben.,    founded    by   St. 
Columban c.  590 

880.  Lycho  (de)  (Lychus),  Egypt    .      IV"»  cent. 

881.  Lynnealleiense  (Lynnally), 

King's    Co.  ;     founded     by     St. 
ColmanElo a.  610 

882.  Macarii,       S.,      Scithic     Desert, 

Egypt IV"' cent. 

883.  Macedonii,  Abbatis,  Bithynia      .     a.  480 

884.  Macrinae,     S.,     near     the     Iris, 

Pontus c.  358 

885.  Maelruani,     S.,     Tallaght,    near 

Dublin a.  750 

886.  Magbillense  (Moville),  Down       VI"-  cent. 

887.  JIagheense,  in  an  island  of  Ire- 

land ;  built  by  bp.  Colman     .      .  667 

888.  Maghellense  (Maghee),  Galway ; 

St.  Abban  built  three  monasteries 

on  this  plain a.  650 

889.  Maghere  Nuidhe  (de),  near  the 

Barrow,  Wexford ;    built  by  St. 
Abban a.  647 

890.  Magnilocense,     S.     Sebastiani 

(Manlieu),    near    CInmont;     0. 

Ben.,  founded  by  bp.  Genesius      .  656 

891.  Maguendi,   S.,    kilmainham,  near 

Dublin c.  600 

892.  *Magunense  (Mayo),  Connaught  .     c.  664 

893.  Magunknse   (Mayo);    founled  by 

St.  Colman 665 

894.  Magunziani     (Maguzano),      dioc. 

Verona ;  0.  Ben a.  800 


MONASTERY 

A.P. 

895.  Mailrosense  (Melrose),  Scotland ; 

0.  Columbanus,  founded  by  abb. 

Aidan a.  600 

896.  Majuma     (de)     S.     Hilarionis 

(Majuma),  Palestine    .      .      .      .      c.  340 

897.  Majus  Monasterium,  or  S.  Mar- 

tini (Marmoutier),  near   Tours ; 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  St.  Martin    IV"  cent. 

898.  *Malbodiense,  S.  Mariae  (Mau- 

beuge),  Nord ;  founded  by  queen 
Aldegund 661 

899.  Malischo  (de)  S.  Firmini  (Malis- 

chus),  Palestine ;  founded  by  St. 
Firmin c.  500 

900.  Malliacense,        S.         Solemnis 

(Maille',  or  Luynes),  near  Tours  ; 
attributed  to  bp.  Solemnis      .       VI"*  cent. 

901.  Malmesburiense,  or  JIeldunexse 

(Malmesbury),  Wiltshire;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  abb.  Maidulph  and  St. 
Aldhelm c.  680 

902.  Malmundariense  (Malmedy),  dioc. 

Liege ;  O.  Ben.,  built  by  king 
Sigebert  and  others     ....  660 

903.  Mandanense,      or      Malduinum 

(Saint-Malo),  Normandy ;  0.  Ben.     c.  520 

904.  Manseense    (Mannsee),     Austria; 

0.  Ben.,  built  by  duke  Utilo  .      .     c.  739 

905.  Maratka    (de),     near     the     Eu- 

phrates        V'ceut. 

906.  Marcelli,       S.        Cabilonensis 

(Saint  -  Marcel-les-Chalons,  or 
d'Obiliac);  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
king  Guntchramn 579 

907.  ♦Marceniense,       S.       Kictrudis 

(Marchiennes),  near  Douay  ; 
founded  by  bp.  Amand      .      .      .  647 

908.  Marci,   S.,   near  Spoleto ;  0.  Ben.     a.  600 

909.  Marcianense,     S.    Petri    (Mar- 

chiennes), Nord  ;  founded  by  bp. 
Amand 647 

910.  Marciani,  near  Bethlehem       .      .     a.  550 

911.  Mariae,    S.    ad  Ligerim  (on  the 

Loire)  ;  endowed  by  bp.  Ageradus         680 

912.  Mariae,    S.     Cenomanense    (Le 

Mans),  France a.  802 

913.  Mariae,    S.    de  Charitate    ad 

Ligerim,  Nievre  ;  0.  Ben.      .      .     c.  700 

914.  *Mariae,    S.    de  Scriniolo,  near 

Tours;    founded    by   Ingeltruda, 

aunt  of  king  Guntramn    .      .      .      c.  580 

915.  Mariae,  S.,  in  Monte,  near  Wiirz- 

burg,  Germany  ;  founded  by  St. 
Burchard a.  752 

916.  Mariae,   S.,   or  SS.  Gervasii   et 

Protasii,  in  Aurionno,  near  Le 
Mans ;    founded    by  bp.  Bertich- 

ramn c.  680 

916b.  Mariae,  V.,  in  Georgia;  built  by 

Evagrius VI">  cent. 

917.  Mariae,   V.,   Insula  (de)   (Inis- 

murray),  Sligo a.  747 

918.  Maricha  (de),  Palestine;  founded 

by  Severianus c.  500 

919.  Maricolense,    S.    Petri  (Maroil- 

les),  dioc.  Laon ;  0.  Ben.  .      .      .  671 

920.  Maris,  Arabia  ;  founded  by  Maris  .     c.  420 

921.  Maronis,  S.,  near  Cyrrhus,  Syria; 

founded  by  St.  Maron .      .      .      .      a.  420 

922.  Martialis,       S.       Lemovicense 

(Limoges) VI"' cent. 


MONASTERY 


MONASTERY 


1259 


I 


923.  Martii,  S.,  in  Arvernis  (Cler- 
mont) ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  bp. 
Marti  us a.  525 

•924.  Martini,   S.   de  Campis  Parisiis 

(Paris)  ;  0.  Ben a.  567 

925.  Martini,  S.  de  Poxtileuva 
(Pontlieue),  near  Le  Mans ; 
founded  by  bp.  Bertichramn  ,      .      c.  620 

•926.  Martini,     S.,     in     Diablentico, 

dice.  Le  Mans  .      .      .      .      .      .a.  802 

927.  Martini,    S.,    in    Hispania,   be- 

tween Murviedo  and  Carthagena.     a.  583 

928.  Martini,  S.,  in  Sicilia  (Sicily)  VPh  cent. 

929.  Martyrii,        near         Jerusalem ; 

founded  by  Martyrius ....     a.  500 

930.  Massarum,   SS.,   or  S.  Engratiae 

AD    Massam    Candidam    (Sara- 

gossa) ;  0.  Ben a.  644 

931.  Massiliense,    S.    Cassiani  (Mar- 

seilles) ;  founded  by  St.  Cassian  .     c.  425 

932.  *Massiliense,     S.     Mariae     de 

YVELINO  (Veaune,  near  Mar- 
seilles) ;  founded  by  St.  Cassian  .      c.  425 

933.  Massiliense,    S.    Victoris  (Mar- 

seilles) ;    perhaps    the    same    as 

No.  931 a.  600 

934.  Matisconense,  S.  Petri  (Macon), 

Saone  and  Loire ;  O.  Ben.       .      .  696 

935.  Mauri-Monasterium,  or  Mauri- 

niacense  (Maurs-Miinster),  dioc. 
Strassburg;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
SS.  Maurus  and  Leobard  .      .      .  599 

936.  JIa-uziacense,  S.  Petri  (Mausac), 

Correze;  0.  Ben.,  built  by  the 
senator  Calmitus  and  his  wife 
Numada VI"'cent. 

937.  Maxentii,  S.,    or    S.    Saturnini 

PiCTAVIENSE  (Poitiers)  ;  0.  Ben., 
built  by  Agapius  and  monks  (re- 
built by  St.  Maxentius,  c.  507)    . 

938.  Mechliniense,  or  Malisnacense, 

S.  RoMUALDi  (Mechlin  or  Ma- 
lines),  Belgium ;  0.  Aug. 

939.  Medardi,  S.  Suessionense  (Sois- 

sons);  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  king 
Clotaire 

940.  Medhoin  Insula  (de)  (Inchmean 

Isle),  Lough  Mask,  Mayo  .      .       V*  cent. 

941.  Medianum-Monasterium  (Moyen- 

Moutier),  Vosges ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  abb.  Hidulph  ...  703 

942.  Medianum-MonasteriUiM  (Moyen- 

Moiitier),  dioc.  Bourges  ;  0.  Aug.     c.  624 

943.  Mediolanense,       S.        JIartini 

(Milan);  founded  by  St.  Martin  IV">cent. 

944.  Mediolanense,     S.    Simpliciani 

(near  Milan)  ;  0.  Ben. 

945.  Melaniae,  S.,  Palestine      .      .      . 

946.  Melanii,  S.  Rhedonense,  or  Do- 

LENSE  (Redon),  Brittany  ;  0.  Ben. 

947.  Melitene  (de),  Armenia    .      .      . 

948.  Melitense  (perhaps  Milhau),  Au- 

vergne  ;  built  by  abb.  Calupanus      a.  576 

949.  Mellae,  S.,  Doiremelle,  Leitrim ; 

founded  by  St.  Tigernach       .      .     a.  787 

950.  Memmii,    S.    (Saint  Meuge),   near 

Chalons-on-Marne  ;  0.  Aug.  .      .      a.  576 

951.  MENATENSE(Menat),Puy-de-D6me ; 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  abb.  BrachionVI'h  cent. 
S52.  Mendroichetense,      in      Ossory, 

Queen's  Co a.  600 


c.  459 


700 


560 


700 
a.  430 


c.  530 
a.  400 


970. 


973. 


*Menense,  near  Tabenna,  Egypt; 
founded  by  St.  Pachomius       .      IV""  cent. 

Meni,  S.,  near  Jerusalem ;  founded 
by  St.  Bassa a.  480 

Mereense,  S.  Martini  (Me'ry  on 
Cher) [      .      a.  541 

Messanense,  S.  Joannis  Baptis- 
TAE,  now  S.  Placidi  (Messina), 
Sicily ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  St. 
Placidus a.  639 

Messanense,  S.  Tiieodori  (Mes- 
sina) ;  0.  Ben a.  600 

Metaniense  (Metten),  Bavaria ; 
0.  Ben.,  founded  by  emp.  Charle- 
magne   c.  800 

♦JIetense,  S.  Glodesindae 
(Metz) ;  founded  by  St.  Glodesinda, 
daughter  of  duke  Quintrion   .      .  604 

Metense,  S.  Martini  (Metz) ;  0. 
Aug.,  founded  by  king  Sigebert  .  644 

*Metense,  S.  Petri  (Metz)     .      .     a.  782 

Metense,  S.  Stephani  (Metz) ; 
founded  by  bp.  Chrodegang    .      .  740 

Mevennii,  S.,  or  S.  Maclovii 
(Saint-Meen  de  Ghe),  Brittany ; 
0.  Ben.,  built  by  prince  Judicael      c.  565 

Miciiaelis,  S.  et  S.  Petri  (Saint- 
Michel),  Sicily  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded 
by  abb.  Andrea c.  600 

Miciiaelis,  S.,  in  Periculo  Maris, 
or  DE  Monte  Tumba  (Tombelainc- 
sur-Mer),  Manche ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  bp.  Autbert    .      .      .  709 

Miciiaelis,  S.  Viridunensis 
(Verdun)  ;  0.  Ben.,  built  by  count 
Wulfoald  and  his  wife  Adalsinda  709 

Miciasense,  S.  Maximini  (Saint- 
My),  near  Orleans;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  king  Clovis  I.       .      .     c.  507 

Mildredi,  S.,  Isle  of  Thanet ;  0. 
Ben.,  founded  by  Domneva     .      .     c.  670 

Milipeco,  or  LONGORETO  (de) 
(Longuay),  dioc.  Auxerre;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  abb.  Sigiran  and  king 
Dagobert 632 

*MiLiZENSE  (Milze),  Bavaria ;  0. 
Ben a.  783 

MOCHAN  (de),  Egypt     .      .      .     IV">  cent. 

MociiEALLOGii,  S.,  Kilmallock, 
Limerick ;  founded  by  St.  Mo- 
cheallog a.  650 

MoCHOAE,  S.,  Timohoe,  Queen's 
Co. ;  built  by  St.  Mochoe.      .      .     a.  497 

Modani,  S.,  near  Ardagh,  Longford     a.  591 

MODOETIENSE,     S.    JOANNIS     (Mon- 

dovi) ;  O.  Aug.,  built  by  queen 
Theodelind VIII"' cent. 

♦MOGUNTINUM  (Mayence)  ;  founded 
by  Bilehilda 734 

MoGUNTiNUM,  S.  Albani  (May- 
ence) ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  bp. 
Riculf 805 

MoiiiLLENSE  (Mohill),  dioc.  Ar- 
dagh ;  built  by  St.  Manchan  .      .         608 

MoissiACENSE  (Moissac),  dioc.  Ca- 
hors  ;  0.  Ben a.  680 

MOLANFIDAE,       S.        INSULA      (DE) 

(Molano  Isle),  in  the  Blackwater ; 
founded  by  St.  Molanfide.      .      VPh  cent. 
MoLiNGi,  S.  (St.  Mullin's),Carlow; 
founded  by  St.  Molingus  ...     a.  697 


1260 


MONASTEEY 


MONASTERY 


982.  M0LIS3IEXSE,  or  Melundense,  S. 

MiciiAELis,  afterwards  S.  Mar- 
tini (Molesme),  Tonne  ;  0.  Ben., 
built  by  king  Clovis  the  Great  .      a.  511 

983.  MONAINCHENSE,  S.  COLUMBAE,  or 

De  Insula  Viventiuji  (in  Mo- 

nela  Bog),  Tipperary       .      .     VII""  cent. 

984.  MONASTERIENSE,   or   MlMIGARDE- 

FORDENSE  (Munster,  or  Mons), 
Belgium  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  bp. 
Ludger c.  748 

985.  MONCHOSENSE,  in  Egypt   .      .      IV""  cent. 

986.  MONSTERIOLENSE,  S.         SALVII 

(Montreuil-sur-Mer),  Pas-de- 
Calais  ;  0.  Ben.,  attributed  to 
St.  Salvius VII">  cent. 

987.  Monte  Admirabili  (de),  near  An- 

tioch,  Syria a.  600 

988.  Monte  Amano  (de),  Syria ;  foun- 

ded by  St.  Simeon     .      .      .       IV"^  cent. 

989.  Monte  Amiato  (de)  S.  Salva- 

TORIS  (Mt.  Amiat),  Tuscany  ;  0. 
Ben.,  founded  by  abb.  Erpon  and 
king  Rachisius 747 

990.  *Monte  Castrilocense,  S.  Wald- 

RUDIS  (Mons),  Belgium  ;  founded 

by  viscountess  Waldrude      .      .      c.  640 

991.  3I0NTE    Castri    Loco    (de),    S. 

Geemani  (Mons);  0.  Aug., 
founded  by  viscount  Vincent  and 
his  wife  St.  Waldrude     .      .      .     c.  640 

992.  Monte  Christi  (de),  S.  Mamili- 

ANi  (Monte-Christo),  Corsica  ;  0. 

Ben a.  595 

993.  Monte  Corypheo  (de),  near  An- 

tioch  ;  founded  by  Ammian.      IV*  cent. 

994.  Monte  Draconis  (de)  S.  Georgii, 

Asia  Minor VII""  cent. 

995.  Monte  Exteriore  (de),  Pisper, 
Egypt ;  founded  by  St.  Anthony .     c.  305 

996.  Monte    Nitrico    (de)    (Nitria), 

Egypt ;    many  monasteries  here 

in IV'^cent. 

997.  3I0NTENSE,  S.  Germani  (Montfau- 

con),  between  Rheims  and  Ver- 
dun; 0.  Ben.,  founded  by  the 
priest  Baldric 630 

998.  *MoNTE  Olivarum  (de),  S.  Me- 

laniae  (Mt.  of  Olives),  Pales- 
tine ;  founded  by  St.  Melania 
junior c.  430 

999.  Monte  Olivarum  (de),  S.  Mela- 

NIAE  (Mt.  of  Olives)  ;  founded  by 

St.  Melania  junior     .      .      .      .      c.  433 

1000.  Monte  Olympo  (de)  (Mt.  Olym- 

pus)     .  IV'cent. 

1001.  Monte   S.   Antonii    (de),   The- 

bais,  Egypt IV'^icent. 

1002.  Monte    S.    Romarici  (de)   (Re- 

miremont),    Vosges ;     0.    Ben., 

built  by  St.  Romaricus  .      .      .  680 

1003.  Monte    Siceone    (de),    Galatia ; 

founded  by  St.  Theodore.      .      .     a.  580 

1004.  *MoNTE  Siopo   (de)   Trtchina- 

RIUM  (Mt.  Siopus)     ....     a.  470 

1005.  Monte   Soracte    (de),  SS.   An- 

DREAE  et  Silvestri  (Mimte  San 
Oreste)  ;  0.  Ben a.  600 

1006.  Morbacense   (Munsterthal),    Al- 

sace ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  count 
Eberhard a.  728 


1008. 
1009. 

1010. 
1011. 

1012. 


1013. 
1014. 


1015. 
1016. 


1018. 
1019. 


1021. 
1022. 

1023. 
1024. 

1025. 
1026. 

1027. 

1028. 

1029. 

1030. 
1031. 

1032. 

1033. 

K)34. 


Mothellense,  near  Carrick, 
Watorford ;      founded       by    St. 

Brogan c.  500 

*Mowenheimense,  dioc.  Eichstiidt     a.  790 
MuciNisSENSE,    in    Lough    Derg, 
Galway VI"»cent. 

MUCKA.MORENSE,         B.         MARIAE 

(Muckamore),  Antrim  ;  built  by 

St.  Colman  Elo 550 

Mugnahelchanense      (Mugna), 

King's  Co.  ;  built  by  St.  Finian 

and  king  Carbreus  ....  a.  550 
Muighe  Sam,  Insula  (de)  (Inis- 

Mac-Saint),  Lough  Earn;  founded 

by  St.  Nenn a.  523 

Mungretense,  near  Limerick  IV'*"  cent. 
MUNNUI,      S.,      Taghmon,     near 

We.xford  ;  founded  by  St.  Munnu  a.  634- 
Mylassanum,      S.       Androvici 

(Mylassa),  Caria  .  .  .  IV">  cent. 
Mylassanum,      S.,     Stephani, 

(Mylassa),    Caria;    founded   by 

St.  Eusebia V"-  cent. 

Naboris,    S.    Metense,  at  first 

S.  HiLARli  (Saint-Avoid,  Metz)  ; 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  St.  Fridoline 

of  Ireland 509 

Nagran  (de),  in  Arabia  Felix  .  a.  500 
Nantense,        S.        Marculphi 

(Nanteuil),  dioc.  Coutances  ;  0  . 

Ben.,  founded  by  abb.  Marculph  526 
Nantoliense,  S.  Mariae  (Nan- 

teuil-en-Vallee),    Charente  ;    0. 

Ben.,  built  by  emp.  Charlemagne  a.  800 
Xantuacense,       S.        Mariae 

(Nantua)  ;  0.  Ben a.  757 

Nassoviense,      S.       Monnonis, 

dioc.    Li^ge ;    attributed  to  St. 

Monnon VIP"  cent. 

Xatalis,    S.,    Kilnaile,    Breffiny, 

Ireland a.  563 

Navense,    S.  Sulpicii  (La  Nef, 

Bourges) ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 

St.  Sulpicius  Pius     ....  628 

*NEAPOLirANUM(Naples);  founded 

by  Rustica VP""  cent. 

Neapolitanum,      SS.     Eraechi, 

Maximi,  et  Juliani  (Naples) ; 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  Alexandra  c.  600 
Neapolitanum,    SS.    Nicandri 

et  Marciani,  now  S.  Patricix 

(Naples);  0.  Basil   ....  363 

Neapolitanum,    S.    Sebastiani 

(Naples);  0.  Ben.,  founded    by 

the  nobleman  Romanus  .  .  c.  595 
Neas  (de),  Jerusalem  ;  mentioned 

by  Gregory  the  Great  (perhaps 

the  same  as  No.  1049)  ...  a.  600 
NiCAEENSE     (Nicea),     Bithynia ; 

founded  by  emp.  .Justinian  .      .      a.  56.> 

NiCERTANUM,  S.  AGAPETI 

(Nicerta),    Syria ;    founded    by 

St.  Agapetus       ....       V""  cent. 

NiCERTANUM,  S.  SiMEONIS 

(Nicerta)  ;  founded  by  St.  Aga- 
petus         V""  cent. 

NiCOPOLiTANUM  (Nicopolis),  Ar- 
menia ;  founded  by  emp.  Justi- 
nian    a.  565 

NiOOPOLiTANUM  (near  Nicopolis), 
Palestine  ;  founded  by  St.  Sabbas     a.  500 


MONASTERY 


:monasteey 


12G1 


1035.  *NiDERNBcrRGENSE,  near  Passau, 
Bavaria;  0.  Ben., built  by  duke 
Utilo c.  739 

1035b.  Ninae,  S.,    in  Gareth  Sachet  h, 

Georgia c.  400 

103G.    XlVERNENSE,  S.  MARTINI 

(Nevers);  0.  Aug a.  700 

1037.  NiVERNENSE,  S.         Stephani 

(Nevers)  ;  0.  Ben 600 

1038.  *NiviELLENSE,    or    Nivigellae 

(Nivelle),  Brabant ;  founded  by 
Ita,  wife  of  Pippin  of  Landeu, 
and  her  daughter  Gertrude        .  640 

1039.  Nobiliacense,       S.       Vedasti 

(Neuilly),  Artois ;  built  by  bp. 
Vedast a.  540 

1040.  NOENDRUMEKSE,  in  Dowu      .      .     a.  520 

1041.  NOLANUM  (Nola)  ;  founded  by  St. 

Pauiinus c.  400 

1042.  *N0LANUM  (Nola)       .      .      .      .     a.  600 

1043.  NONANTULAXUM,   SS.   Petri   et 

Pauli  (Nonantola),  dioc.  Mo- 
dena  ;  0.  Ben.,  built  by  abb. 
Anselm  and  king  Aistulf      .      .  735 

1044.  NONAXUM,  near  Ale.xandria    .      .     a.  600 

1045.  NoxNiACUM,        or        Memacum 

(Memac),  dioc.  Limoges  ;  founded 

by  St.  Aredius a.  572 

1046.  NONUM,    Cadiz,    Spain;  built   by 

bp.  Fructuosus 665 

1047.  Nova  Cella,  or  Juvixiacexse 

(Juviniac),      Montpellier ;       O. 

Ben.,  built   by   abb.  Benedictus  a.  799 

1048.  Novae  Laurae,  Lower  Egypt     .  a.  530 

1049.  Nova  Laura,  near  Jerusalem      .  a.  550 

1050.  NOVALIACENSE,    SS.     JUNIANI   ET 

Hilarii  (Noailles),  dioc.  Poi- 
tiers ;  0.  Ben a.  559 

1051.  NOVALICIACENSE,  S.  PETRI 

(Novalice),  Piedmont ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  Abbo       ....  739 

1052.  NOVEIENSE    (Novi,    or    Novion), 

Ardennes ;  O.  Ben.  .      .      .  548 

1053.  NoviENTENSE,  or  Ebersheimense 

(Neu-Villier),  Alsace  ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  bp.  Sigebald        .    VII""  cent. 

1054.  NoviGENTENSE    (Nogent    or    St. 

Cloud),  near  Paris;  founded  by 
St.  Clodoald,  son  of  king  Clodo- 
mire 560 

1055.  *Noviomense;    founded    by   bp. 

Eligius  and  king  Dagobert  .      .  660 

1056.  Nuadchongbailense,     on      the 

Boyne,  Meath a.  700 

1057.  Nutsgellense  (Nutcell),  Hamp- 

shire ;  0.  Ben a.  700 

1058.  Oboxnense,     S.      Mariae,     or 

S.  MiCHAELis  (Obonne),  Spain  ; 
0.  Ben.,  built  by  Adelgaster,  son 
of  king  Silo 780 

1059.  Odbaciiearense,      in      Patrigia, 

Mayo a.  600 

1060.  Odraini,  S.,  in  Hyfalgia,  Queen's 

Co V""  cent. 

1061.  Omaghense  (Omagh),  Tyrone      .  792 

1062.  Omnium      Saxctorum      Insula 

(de),  in  Lough  Rie,  Longford  ; 
founded  by  St.  Kieran    ...  544 

1063.  Oniense,    or    De  Onia  Silvae 

(Forest  d'Heugne),  dioc.   Bour- 

ges ;  founded  by  abb.  Ursiis      .     c.  500 


1064. 
1065. 
1066. 

1067. 

1068. 
1069. 
1070. 

1071. 

1072. 
1073. 

1074. 

1075. 

1076. 
1077. 
1078. 
1079. 

1080. 
1081. 

1082. 


1083. 
1084. 
1085. 

1086. 

1087. 


1088. 
1089. 
1090. 


1091. 
1U92. 


1093. 
1094. 


Orani,  S.,  Colonsay  Isle,  Argyle- 
shire  ;  founded  by  St.  Columba  VI""  cent. 

Oraxi,  S.,  Oronsay  Isle,  Argyle- 
shiro  ;  founded  by  St.  Columba  VI"'  cent. 

Orbacexse,  S.  Petri  (Orbai.x), 
dioc.  Soissons;  0.  Ben.,  founded 
by  aichp.  Reolus       ....  680 

Ordorfense,  S.  Michaelis 
(Ordorf),  dioc.  Mayence;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  bp.  Boniface       .      .      c.  740 

Orientii,  S.  Ausciense  (Auch), 
Gascony Vl"i  cent. 

OssAXi,  S.,  Ruthossain,  near 
Trim a.  686 

Ostebhovexse  (Osterhofen),  in 
Bavaria;  0.  Ben.,  built  by  St. 
Firminius  and  duke  Otto      .      .      c.  739 

*Oxoniexse,  S.  Fridevidae 
(Oxford);  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
St.  Frideswide  and  earl  Didan    .  727 

OxYRixcno  (de)  (Behnesa), 
Thebais,  Egypt      ....    IV""  cent. 

*Palatiolo  (de)  (Palatiole), 
Tuscany ;  founded  by  the 
brothers  of  St.  Valfred         .      .      c.  754 

Palatiolo  (de),  S.  Petri  (Pala- 
tiole); 0.  Ben.,  founded  by  St. 
Valfred  of  Lucca       ....  754 

*Palatiolo  (de)  Treverensi 
(Palz,  near  Treves)  ;  founded  by 
Adela,  daughter  of  Dagobert     .  690 

Palnatum,  S.  Salvatoris 
(Panxat),  dioc.  Perigueu.x        .     a.  800 

Panephysium  (Panephysis), 
Egypt IV""  cent. 

Paxo  (de),  (Panos),  Thebais, 
Egypt IV"  cent. 

Panoriqtanum,  S.  Hermae 
(Palermo);  0.  Ben.,  built  by 
pope  Gregory  the  Great       .      .      c.  596 

Panormitanum,  S.  Theodori 
(Palermo) ;  0.  Ben.         ...      a.  600 

Papiexse,  S.  Petri  Coeli 
Aurei  (Pavia)  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded 
by  king  Luitprand    .      .      .      .      c.  722 

Parisiense,  S.  Petri,  afterwards 
S.  Genovefae  (Paris) ;  built 
by  king  Clovis  II.  and  St. 
Clotilda 545 

Pasa  (de),  Cappadocia      ...     a.  370 

Passarioxis,  S.,  in  Palestine        .     a.  430 

*Passaviexse  (Passau),  Bavaria ; 
founded  by  duke  Utilo    .      .      .  739 

Pataris  (de),  (Patara),  Lycia     IV""  cent. 

Patriciacum,  or  Princiacum,  S. 
EusiTli  (Pressy  on  Cher);  0. 
Ben.   .      .      .  ■ a.  531 

Patricias,  near  Ale.xandria ; 
foumled  by  St.  Anastasia     .      .     a.  550 

Pauliacense  in  Arvernis 
(Auvergne) IV'"  cent. 

*Paviliacense  (Pavilly),  dioc. 
Rouen  ;  founded  by  abb.  Austre- 
berta 650 

Pentacla  (de),  near  the  Jordan     a.  550 

Peoxense,  or  Phaeonense,  in 
Galicia  ;  built  by  St.  Fructuosus         670 

Peregrinorum,   near    Jerusalem     a.  600 

Pershorense  (Pershore),  Wor- 
cestershire ;  founded  by  Oswald         689 

Petri  Abbatis,  near   the  Jordan     a.  600 


1262 


MONASTERY 


MONASTERY 


1096. 

1097. 

1098. 

1099. 
1100. 
1101. 


1102. 
1103. 
1104. 
1105. 

1106. 
1107. 


1108. 

1109. 

1110. 
1111. 

1112. 
1113. 
1114. 
1115. 

1116. 

1117. 

UlS. 

1119. 

1120. 
1121. 


1123. 
1124. 


Petri,  S.  Burgo  (de),  or 
Medesiiamstkdense  (Peter- 
borough), Northamptonshire ; 
0.  Ben.,  founded  by  king  Peada         650 

Petri,  S.  de  Montibus,  dioc. 
Alcala,  Spain  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded 
by  St.  Fructuo.sus      ....  640 

*Petri,  S.  Vivi  (Saint-Pierre-le- 
Vif),  dioc.  Sens  ;  built  by  queen 
Theodechilda c.  564 

Petrocense  (Bodmin),  Cornwall ; 
0.  Ben.,  attributed  to  St.  Petro  Yl'^  cent. 

Pevkirkense  (Peykirk),  Nor- 
thamptonshire; 0!Ben..      .  VIII">cent. 

Pfaffenmonasterium  (Pfaffen- 
miinster),  Bavaria ;  0.  Ben., 
built  by  duke  Utilo  .      .      .      .      c.  739 

PiiARANUM  (Pharan),  Palestine    .      a.  600 

Pherma,  Monte  (de),  Egypt.     IV'cent. 

Philoromi,  S.,  Galatia     .      .      IV"' cent. 

Phocae,  S.,  Phoenicia ;  founded 
by  emp.  Justinian      ....      a.  565 

PiBi  (de),  Egypt    ....      IV'cent. 

*Pictaviense,  S.  Crucis  (Poi- 
tiers); founded  by  St.  Ptade- 
gunda 535 

PiCTAViENSE,  S.  CrpRiAXi  (near 
Poitiers);  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
king  Pepin 758 

PlCTAVIEXSE,       S.        RADEGUNDIS 

(Poitiers);    0.    Ben.,    built    by 

queen  RaJegunda  ,  .  .  VI"'cent. 
PiXETUM  (Piaeto),   Campagna    di 

Roma a.  400 

PiRONiS,      S.,      probably     Island 

Bachannis,       Carmarthenshire ; 

founded  by  abb.  Piro       .      .      .      c.  513 

PlSTORIENSE,  S.  AXGELl(Pistoja), 

Tuscany ;  0.  Ben a.  800 

PiSTORIEXSE,     S.     BaRTIIOLOMAEI 

(Pistoja)  ;  0.  Ben a.  748 

PlSTORIENSE,  S.  Petri  (Pistoja) ; 
founded  by  Ratefi-id  ....  748 

*Pistoriense,  S.  Petri  et  Pauli 
(near  Pistoja) ;  founded  by  Rate- 
frid 748 

*Poenitentiae,  near  Constanti- 
nople ;  for  penitents,  founded 
by  emp.  Justinian      ....      a.  560 

*PoLLiNGENSE  (Polling),  Bavaria ; 
0.  Ben.,  founded  by  counts  Land- 
frid,  Waldrani,  and  Eliland  .      .      c.  740 

POMPOSIANUM,       S.        AURELIANI, 

near  Commachio,  dioc.  Ravenna  ; 
attributed  to  bp.  Aurelian  .      .     c.  460 

PONTII,  S.,  under  Mt.  Cimier;  0. 
Ben.,  founded  by  emp.  Charle- 
magne         777 

PORTIANI,  S.,  dioc.  Clermont ; 
built  by  abb.  Portian      .      .      .      c.  527 

PORTUENSE  (Porto),  near  Rome ; 
0.  Ben.,  built  by  pope  Gregory 
the  Great c.  598 

Pratellknse  (Preaux),  Nor- 
mandy; O.Ben VIII"'cent. 

Promoti,  near  Constantinople       ,      c.  390 

Prumiense  (Pruym),  dioc.  Treves  ; 
0.  Ben.,  founded  by  duchess 
Bertha 721 

Psalmodiense,  S.  Petri  (Psal- 
modi),  dioc.  NImes  ;  0.  Ben.      .     a.  791 


1126.  PUBLII,  S.  Graecum,  near  Zeug- 

ma, Syria IV'^  cent. 

1127.  PuBLii,  S.  Syriacdm,  near  Zeug- 

ma, Syria IV""  cent. 

1128.  ♦PlfELLARE  MONASTERIUM 

(Puelle-Moustier),  dioc.  Rheims ; 
founded  by  lady  Matilda  and  St. 
Richarius 6S0 

1129.  PUTEOLANUM,        FaLCIDIS       (PoZ- 

zuoli),  near  Naples    ....      a.  600 

1130.  PoTEOLi    Lurosi,   SS.   Mauricii 

et  Martini,  or  Monasteriolum 
(Montreuil),  dioc.  Laon  ;  0.  Ben., 
built  by  St.  Bercharius  .      .      .      c.  680 

1131.  Quadraginta   Martyrum,  near 

Theodosiopolis  ;  restored  by  emp. 
Justinian a.  565 

1132.  QUINCIACENSE,       S.       Benedicti 

(Quinray),  dioc.  Poitiers;  0.  Ben.         654 

1133.  Rabuli,  'Mesopotamia;     founded 

by  Rabulus  and  his  wife       .      .      a.  430 

1134.  Rabuli,    S.,    Phoenicia;   founded 

by  St.  Rabulus a.  491 

1135.  Rachlinense      (Rachlin       Isle), 

Antrim a.  590 

1136.  Raculfense  (Reculver),  Kent ;  0. 

Ben.,  founded  by  Basse  .      .      .  669 

1137.  Radoliense,    S.    Petri  (Reuil), 

dioc.  Meaux  ;  0.  Ben.     .      .    YII""  cent. 

1138.  Raitha  (de),  near  Mt.  Sinai .      IV""  cent. 

1139.  Randanense       (Randan),       Au- 

vergne;  O.Ben a.  571 

1140.  RATiiAODENSE(Rahue),  W.  Meath; 

founded  by  St.  Aid    ....     a.  588 

1141.  Rathbecaniense  (Rathbeg), 

King's  Co.;  built  by  St.  Abban.      a.  650 

1142.  Ratiibothense    (Raphoe),    Done- 

gal ;  founded  by  St.  Columb      VP''  cent. 

1143.  Rathcungense  (Rathcunga), 

Donegal ;  founded  by  St.  Patrick  V""  cent. 

1144.  Ratheninense,  in  Fertullagh,  W. 

Meath  ;  founded  by  St.  Carthag         590 

1145.  Ratiilibtiiennense,   in    Fercall, 

King's  Co a.  540 

1146.  Rathmathense,  in  Lough  Corrib, 

Galway ;  attributed  to  St.  Fursey     a.  653 

1147.  Rathmuigiiense     (Rathmuighe), 

Antrim V""  cent. 

1148.  *RatisK)NENSE  (Ratisbon)      .      .     a.  800 

1149.  Ratisponense,    S.    Emmerammi, 

or  S.  Salvatoris  (Ratisbon); 
0.  Ben.,  founded  either  by  duke 
Theodo,  a.d.  697,  or  count  Ekki- 
bert  and  bp.  Adalvine      .      .      .  810 

Ravennatensia  Monasteria  (Ravenna) : 

1150.  Andreae,    S.  ;    built    by    bp. 

Peter  Chrysologus       .      .      .      c.  450 

1151.  Martini,    S.,     afterwards     S. 

ArOLLiNARii  ;     founded      by 

king  Tlieodoric       .      .      .        V""  cent, 

1152.  Nazarii,  S a.  450 

1153.  Petronillae,  S a.  400 

1154.  PuLLiONis,  S a.  400 

1155.  Severi,  S.  ;    0.  Ben.,   built  or 

restored  by  Peter  Senior  .      .  578 

1156.  *Stepiiani,  Gervasii,  et  Pro- 

tasii,  SS. ;  built  by  the  archi- 
tect Lauricius 450 

n.^7.  Theodori,  B.  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded 

by  Eiarch  Theodore    .      .      .     c.  809 


MONASTERY 


MONASTERY 


1263 


1158.  ViTAUS,    S. ;     founded  by  bp. 

Ecclesius  and  Julian  of  Slrass- 

burg c.  480 

1159.  Zachariae,      S.  ;      0.      Ben., 

founded  by  Singledia,  grand- 
daughter of  emp.  Galla 
Placidia V"'  cent. 

1160.  *Ri:gnaciae,       S.        (Reyn;igli), 

King's  Co. ;  founded  by  St. 
Reguacia VI"'  cent. 

1161.  Reoiiaense,  S.  Joannis  (Reome), 

dioc.  Langies  ;  0.  Ben.,  built  by 

John,  son  of  senator  Hilary.      .         442 

1162.  Rependone  (de)  (Repton),  Derby- 

shire     a.  660 

1163.  Resbacense,  S.  Petri,  or  Hiero- 

SOLYMA    APUD     ReSBACUM    (Re- 

baix),  dioc.  Meaux ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  Dado 635 

1164.  Rhemexse,  S.  Nicasii  (Rheims) ; 

0.  Ben.,  Basilica  built  by  prefect 
Jovinus,  cir.  A.d.  300,  to  which 
the  monastery  was  afterwards 
added. 

1165.  Rhemense,  S.  Remigii  (Rheims); 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  St.  Remi- 

gius  and  king  Clovis.      .      .      .     a.  533 

1166.  Rhemense,      S.       Sixti      (near 

Rheims) ;  0.  Ben a.  808 

1167.  Riiemexse,  S.  Theoderici  (neai- 

Rheims);  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  abb. 
Theoderic  and  king  Theoderic   .     c.  530 

1168.  Rhenaugiensf,,    S.   Mariae,  or 

SS.  Petri  et  Olasii  (Kheinau), 
Zurich;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
count  Volfehard 778 

1169.  Rhinocolurancm  (Rhinocolura), 

Egypt ;  founded  by  St.  Denis     IV"'  cent. 

1170.  RiCHELLAE,    S.,    Kilnickill,   Gal- 

wav  ;  built  by  St.  Patrick    ,        V""  cent. 

1171.  RiClilRI,  S.,  on  the  Sarthe       .      .      a.  800 

1172.  RiPPONENSE   (Ripon),  Yorkshire; 

0.  Ben.,  built  by  Alfred,  son  of 

king  Oswy ^     a.  658 

1173.  RiPSiMiAE,  S.,  Armenia;  founded 

by  St.  RiPSiMiA  ....      IV"'  cent. 

1174.  RoCHAE,  Insula  (de)  ;  Inisrocha, 

Lough  Earn a.  500 

1175.  ROFFENSE,  S.  Andreae  (Roches- 

ter), Kent ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 

king  Ethelbert 600 

1176.  RoFFiACO,  or  Rosiaco  (de)  (Moil- 

tier-Roudeil),  dioc.  Tours  ; 
founded  by  abb.  Aredius.      .      .  572 

1177.  ROMANENSE,    S.    Barnardi  (Ro- 

mans), on  the  Isfere ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  bp.  Barnard.      .      .  640 

1178.  ROMANI,     S.,    near    Blaye,   dioc. 

Bordeaux  ;  0.  Ben a.  580 

1179.  ROJIANUM-JIONASTERIUM  (Ro- 

main-Moiitier),  Berne  ;  0.  Ben., 
built  by  SS.  Lupicin  and  Ro- 
manus ^         530 

ROMANA  MoNASTERiA  (Rome): 

1180.  Adbiani,  S.  ;  0.  Ben.    ...     a.  795 

1181.  Agapeti,  S.  ;  0.  Ben.    ...     a.  795 

1182.  Agathae,  S a.  795 

1183.  Agnetis,  S.,  or  Duorum  Fur- 

HOBUM a.  795 


A.D. 

1184.  Anastasii,     S.,      ad     Aquas 

Salvias  ;  0.  Ben a.  79S 

1185.  Andreae    et    Bartholomaei, 

SS. ;  O.Ben.,  attributed  to  pope 
Gregory  the  Great  (from  which 
St.  Augustine  was  sent  to 
England) e.  595 

1186.  Andreae,       S.,      or      Massa 

Juliana  ;  0.  Ben.      ...     a.  79.') 

1187.  Aquae  Flaviae  ;  0.  Ben.  .      .     a.  795 
11.-8.  Bonifacii,  S. ;  0.  Ben.,  founded 

by  pope  Bonifoce  IV.  .      .      .  607 

1183b.  Caesarii,  S.;  0.  Ben.         .      .  a.  795 

1189.  Cassiani,  S.,  without  the  walls  a.  795 

1190.  Chrysogoni,  S.;  0.  Ben.     .      .  a.  795 

1191.  COP^ARUM a.  795 

1192.  CosiiAE  et  Damiani,  SS. ;    0. 

Ben a.  795 

1193.  DONATI,  S.,  or  S.  Prisca  ;    0. 

Ben a.  795 

1194.  Erasmi,    S.  ;    founded  by  pope 

Adeodatus 669 

1195.  EUGENIAE,  S. ;  0.  Ben.        .      .  a.  795 

1196.  EuPHEMiAE  et  Archangeli,  SS.  a.  795 

1197.  EuSTACHii,  S a.  795 

1198.  Georgii,  S a.  795 

1199.  Gregorii,  S.,  Campus  Martis   .  a.  795 

1200.  Gregorii,  S.  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded 

by  pope  Gregory  the  Great    .  590 

1201.  Hierusalem  (de)  ;  O.  Ben.      .  a.  795 

1202.  IsiDORi,  S a.  795 

1203.  JoANNis,  S.  ;  0.  Ben.     ...  a.  795 

1204.  JoANNis  et  Pauli,  SS, ;  0.  Aug., 

founded  by  pope  Leo  the  Great         461 

1205.  JoANNis  Evangelictae,  Joax- 

Nis  Baptistae,  et  Pancratii, 
SS.  ;  0.  Aug.,  restored  by 
pope  Gregory  II 72S 

1206.  Juvenalis,       S.;       0.      Ben., 

founded  by  the  patrician 
Belisarius 540 

1207.  Laurentii,  S.,  extra  Muros  ; 

founded  by  pope  Hilary    .      .         460 

1208.  Laurentii,  S.,  intra  Muros; 

founded  by  pope  Hilary    .      .         460 

1209.  Luciae,    S.,   or   De    Renati  ; 

0.  Ben a.  795 

1210.  Mariae,     S.    ad    Praesepe  ; 

founded  by  pope  Gregory  II.  714 

1211.  Mariae,  S.  de  Julia  :  0.  Ben.    a.  795 

1212.  Mariae,  S.,   or  S.  Ambrosii  ; 

0.  Ben a.  795 

1213.  Martini,  S.  ;  0.  Aug.        .      .  a.  795 

1214.  MiCilAELlS,  S. ;  0.  Ben.      .      .  a.  795 

1215.  Pancratii,  S.  ;  0.  Ben.     .      .  a.  600> 

1216.  Petri   et  Luciae,  or  Lucae, 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  pope  Leo 

the  Great a.  461 

1217.  Sabae,  S.;  0.  Ben.   ■.   .   .  a.  795 

1218.  Salvatoris,    S.    Later- 

ANENSis  ;  0.  Ben.       ...     a.  769 

1219.  Sergii  ET  Bacchi,  SS.       .      .         740 

1220.  Stephani  et  Silvestri,  SS. ; 

0.    Ben.,    founded    by    pope 

Paul  1 756 

1221.  Stephani,      Laurentii,      et 

Chrysogoni,  SS. ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  pope  Gregory  III.         735- 

1222.  Stephani    Majoris,     S.,     or 

Catagallae  Patriciae;  0. 

Aug a- 79^ 


1264 


MOlsASTERY 


MONASTERY 


1223.  ViCTORii,  S 

1224.  ViTi,  S.,  or  De  Saepas 

1225.  ViVIANAE.  or  BiBIANAE      . 

1226.  Xenodociiia;    four    were 

stored  by  pope  Stephen  II. 

1227.  Xenodociiium  ;      founded     by 

pope  Stephen  II.    . 


a.  795 
a.  795 
a.  795 


750 


a.  600 
a.  614 


a.  525 


545 


1228.  ROMARiCENSis  MONTiS    (Remire- 

mont),  Vosges  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded 

bybp.  Arnolf      .      .      .      .      .     c.  630 

1229.  Roscommon  (de),  Ireland;  founded 

by  St.  Coeman c.  540 

1230.  ROSCREENSE,  S.  Cronani 

(Roscrea),  Tipperary ;  founded 
by  St.  Cronan 

1231.  RosSENSE  (Rosse),  Meath 

1232.  RossoiRTHiRESSE     (Ross     Orry), 

near   Enniskillen ;    founded    by 

St.  Fauchea a.  480 

1233.  ROSSTUIRCENSE,    near    Mt.    Slieu 

Bloom,  Queen's  Co 

1234.  ROTNASCENSE,  S.  Ermetis 

(Renaix),  near  Oudenarde ;  0. 
Aug.,  founded  by  St.  Amand      . 

1235.  Saballense       (Saul),       Down; 

founded  by  St.  Patrick   ,      .       V"  cent. 

1236.  Sabbae,       S.,       S.       Palestine; 

founded  by  St.  Sabbas    ...     a.  480 

1237.  Sabirii,    or    Savini,  S.  Picta- 

VIENSIS  (St.  Savin),  dioc. 
Poitiers ;  0.  Ben.,  begun  under 
emp.  Charlemagne    .      .      .      .      c.  814 

1238.  Salama  (de),  near  Alexandria     .     a.  600 

1239.  Salctma  (de),  Alexandria       .      .     a.  600 

1240.  Salis    (de),    S.   Mariae  (Sales), 

dioc.  Bourges c.  632 

1241.  Salisburgense,        S.         Petri 

(Salzburg),  Austria;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  bp.  Rupert  and  duke 
Theodoric c.  580 

1242.  Salonense  (Salona),  Lombardj ; 

0.  Ben a.  777 

1243.  *Salto  (de),  S.  Mariae  (Sault), 

Friijus;  built  by  the  noblemen 

Erfo  and  Zanetus      ....  768 

1244.  Samium      Charixeni     (Isle     ef 

Samos) c.  620 

i244B.  Samthawissense,  on  the 
Rechula,  •  Georgia  ;  built  by 
father  Isidore      ....      VI*  cent. 

1245.  Sandaviense,  in  the   Alps;    0. 

Ben.,  founded  by  counts  Land- 

frid,  Waldram,  and  Eliland        .      c.  740 

1246.  Sannabadense,      S.      Ledcadii 

(Sannabadus),  Cappadocia    .      IV""  cent. 

1247.  Santonense,  or  Saliginense,  S. 

Martini  (Saliguac),  dioc. 
Saintes ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
abb.  Martin c.  400 

1248.  Sapsa  (de),  N.  Arabia;  founded 

by  its  first  abb.  John     .      .     VI"'  cent. 

1249.  Saraburgense  (Saarburg), 

Treves ;  0.  Ben.,  endowed  by 
king  Dagobert  II 

1250.  Sarlatense,      S.      Salvatoris 

(Sarlat),  Dordogne;  O.  Ben., 
attributed  to  bp.  Sacerdos    . 

1251.  Savini,   S.,    near    Barege,   dioc. 

Tarbes;  0.  Ben.,  built  by  St. 
Savinus c.  700 


577 


720 


1252.  *Scapeiense,      S.      Sexburgae 

(Minster),  Sheppey  ;  founded  by 

abb.  Sexburgae c.  6V5 

1253.  Scheunis     (de),     in    Germany; 

founded  by  Hunfrid  of  Istria     .      c.  806 

1254.  SCHiRiAE,      S.     (Kilskire),     Ire- 

land    a.  745 

1255.  Schlechdorfense,  in  the  Alps  ; 

0.    Ben.,    founded    by    counts 
Landfrid,  Waldram,  and  Eliland     c.  740 

1256.  Schlierseense,  by  lake  Schlier, 

Bavaria;    0.    Ben.,  founded  by 
Adelward  and  Hiltpold  .      .      .     c.  760 

1257.  SCHOLARiUM,  near  Jerusalem       .     a.  490 

1258.  Scholasticae,  S.,  dioc.  Le  Mans, 

Orne  ;  0.  Ben a.  802 

1259.  Schotini,     S.,     in    Slieumargie, 

Queen's  Co Vlth  cent. 

1260.  Schdlterranense,  S.  Michaelis 

(Schultereu),   Alsace ;    0.  Ben., 

built  by  Otto 603 

1261.  Scireburne   (de),    S.    Mariae 

(Sherborne),     Dorsetshire ;     0. 

Ben a.  671 

1262.  Scuviliacense    (Ecuilld),    Maine 

and  Loire a.  802 

1263.  ScrTHOPOLiTAJS^UM        (Bethsan), 

Palestine IV"  cent. 

1264.  SCYTHOPOLITANUM  EUMATHII 

(near    Bethsan) ;     founded    by 
Eumathius c.  500 

1265.  Seachlani,      S.      (Dunshaglin), 

Meath  ;  founded  by  St.  Seachlan     a.  448 

1266.  Seanbothense,      in     Kenselach, 

Wexford a.  624 

1267.  Sebastanoti  (Sebasta),  Armenia  ; 

founded  by  emp.  Justinian  .      .      a.  565 

1268.  Seckingense  (Seckingen),  on  the 

Rhine ;  founded  by  St.  Fridoline         495 

1269.  Segestrense,    or     S.     Sequani 

(St.  Seine),  Cote-d'Or ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  abb.  Sequanus    .      .  580 

1270.  Seingleanense,    dioc.    Raphoe ; 

founded  by  St.  Columb  .      .     VP"  cent. 

1271.  Selesiense     (Selsey),      Sussex ; 

founded  by  St.  Wilfrid  ...         681 

1272.  Seleucium,  S.  Basilii  (Seleucia), 

Syria ;    founded    by    St.    Basil, 

bp.  of  Seleucia    ....       V"'  cent. 

1273.  Seleucium,  S.        Theclae 

(Seleucia) a.  370 

1274.  Senapariae         S.         Leobatii 

(S^nevifere),     dioc.     Tours;     O. 

Ben.,  founded  by  St.  Ursus  .      .     c.  560 

1275.  Senochi,       S.,       near      Loches ; 

founded,    or   restored,   by   abb. 
Senochus c.  576 

1276.  Senonense,  S.  Columbae  (Saint- 

Colombe-lfes-Sens) ;       0.     Ben., 
founded  by  king  Clotaire  II.      .      c.  620 

1277.  *Senonense,  S.  Joannis  (Saint- 

Jean-lfes-Sens)  ;  founded   by  bp. 
Heraclius 496 

1278.  Senonense,     S.    Petri   (Sens) ; 

0.  Ben 505 

1279.  Senonense,      S.     Remigii,     or 

S.    Mauricii   (Sens) ;    restored 
without  the  walls     ....  535 

1280.  Senoniense,        S.        Stephani 

Senones     (Vosges);      0.     Ben., 
founded  by  bp.  Gondelbert  .      .         661 


MONASTERY 


MONASTERY 


1265 


1281.  Sergii,     S.,     near    Bethsaloam, 

Persia a.  620 

1282.  Seridi,  S.,  near  Gaza;  attributed 

to  its  abb.  Seridus     .      .      .      VI"'  cent. 

1283.  Servitanum,  S.  Donati  (Servit), 

Valencia ;  founded  by  abb. 
Donatus  and  Miuchea     ...      a.  600 

1284.  Sessiacense,         S.         Paterni 

(Saint-Pair-du-Mont,  Calvados) ; 
founded  by  St.  Paternus       .      .         485 

1285.  Severi,      S.,       Roustang,     dioc. 

Tarbes  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  St. 
Severus  Sulpicius     ....  500 

1286.  Severiani,  Palestine        ...     a.  600 

1287.  Severini,     S.     Burdegalensis 

(Bordeaux)  ;  0.  Ben.      ...      a.  593 

1288.  Sextense,     S.     Mariae  (Sesto, 

Frejus);    0.    Ben.,    founded    by 

Erfo  and  Zanetus      ....  762 

1289.  SiBAPOLiTANUM  (Sibapolis), 

Syria IV""  cent. 

1290.  SiBAPOLiTANUM  (Sibapolis), 

Syria IV*  cent. 

1291.  *SiCEONE        (de),        Petrinum 

(Siceon),  Galatia       ....     a.  580 

1292.  SiCEONis,  DE  Valle  B.  Virginis 

(Siceon) ;  founded  by  St. 
Theodore a.  580 

1293.  SiCiLiAE   MONASTERIA ;    founded 

by  pope  Gregory  the  Great        .     a.  594 

1294.  SiLVANi,    S.,    near  Gerar,  Pales- 

tine ;  founded  by  St.  Silvanus   IV""  cent. 

1295.  SiMPHORiANi,  S.,  on  the  Moselle  ; 

founded  by  bp.  Simphorian  .      .         645 

1296.  SiNAiTicUM  (Mt.  Sinai)     .      .     IV-cent. 

1297.  SmCHEAE,     S.     (Techsinche),    E. 

Meath  ;  founded  by  St.  Abban  .     a.  597 

1298.  SiNDEN  (de),  near  Tyre  ;  founded 

by  St.  Zosimus c.  520 

1299.  Sinerstatiense,  in  the  Alps ;  0. 

Ben.,  founded   by  counts  Land- 

fiid,  Waldram  and  Eliland   .      .     c.  740 

1300.  Sistaricense,    S.    Marii   (Siste- 

ron),  Provence ;  0.  Ben.       .      .     c.  500 

1301.  Sithivense,  S.  Bertini  (Sithiu) ; 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  St.  Ando- 
marus,  bp.  Therouanne  and  count 
Adrowald 638 

1302.  Skeligense   (Great    Skelig  Isle), 

Kerry  ;  founded  by  St.  Finian     V""  cent. 

1303.  Slanense  (Slane),  Meath.      .      .     a.  653 

1304.  SLEBTiENSE(Sletty),nearCarlow  Vl'i-cent. 

1305.  Slieve      Donaid    (de).     Upper 

Iveagh,  Down;  founded  by  St. 
Domangart VI"'cent. 

1306.  Snamluthirense,     in     Carbury, 

Sligo  ;  founded  by  St.  Columban     c.  600 

1307.  SoLEMNiACENSE,    SS.    Petri     et 

Pauli  (Solignac),  dioc.  Limoges ; 
0.  Ben.,  founded  by  St.  Eligius 
and  king  Dagobert    ....  631 

1308.  SOLEKHOFFENSE        (Solenhoffen), 

dioc.  Eichstadt ;  0.  Ben.,  founded 

by  B.  Solo VIIF"  cent. 

1309.  Soricinense,     or     Pacense,     S. 

Mariae  (Sorfeze),  dioo.  Lavaur  ; 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  king  Pepin,      a.  768 

1310.  Spelunca    (de),   S.   Sabbae,   S. 

Palestine  ;  founded  by  St.  Sabbas     c.  500 

1311.  Sphigmenum  (Mt.  Athos),  founded 

by  emp.  Pulcheria    .      .      .      .     c.  450 


1312.  Srtjthairguairense,  in  Wicklow, 

near  Sletty a.  492 

1313.  Staisulense (Stavelot),  Ardennes; 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  king  Sige- 
bert  and  Majordomus  Grimoald.  656 

1313b.  *Staffelseense,  in  the  Alps  ; 
O.  Ben.,  founded  by  counts  Land- 
frid,  Waldram,  and  Eliland  .      .     c,  740 

1314.  *Stampense,  S.  Mariae  de  Bro- 

CARIIS  (Bruyferes,  Etampes) ; 
founded  by  Clothilda       .      .      .  672 

1315.  Stanfordense,     S.      Leonardi 

(Stamford),  Lincolnshire  ;  0. 
Ben.,  founded  by  bp.  Wilfrid 
and  Alfred c.  658 


VI'"  cent. 


670 


800 
600 


460 


ro3 


656 


658 


c.  520 
a.  500 


666 


1316.  Staverense  (Stavoren),  Holland 

1317.  Stephani,  S.,  near  Cinna,  Galatia 

1318.  Stephani,   S.,    near    Jerusalem 

founded  by  emp.  Eudoxia 
1318b.  Stephani,     S.,    near    Mameb 
Georgia;  built  by  father  Thad 
deus 

1319.  Stone     (de),     in     Staffordshire 

founded  by  king  Wolphere  . 

1320.  Stratford  (de)  ;  probably  Strat 

ford-upon-Avon,  Warwickshire 

1321.  *Streanshalcense        (Whitby), 

Yorkshire  ;  founded  by  abb 
Hilda,  daughter  of  king  Oswin 

1322.  Streanshalcense  (Whitby);    0, 

Ben.,  founded  by  king  Oswin 

1323.  SUBLACENSE  (Sublaco),   Apennine 

Mts. ;  0.  Ben.,  built  by  St.  Be^ 
nedict  and  his  sister  St.  Scho 
lastica 

1324.  SUCA  (de),  Palestine    .      .      . 

1325.  *SuESSiONENSE,  S.  Mariae  (Sois 

sons) ;  founded  by  Majordomus 
Ebroin  and  his  wife  Leutrude 

1326.  Sungeiacense,  or  De  Sonegiis  S, 

ViNCENTii  (Soignies),  Hainault 
0.  Ben.,  founded  by  count  Vin^ 
cent 

1327.  SUPPENTONIA  (de),  Tuscany  ;  0. 

Ben.    .      .      . 

1328.  SuRDUM,  S.  COLUMBAE  (Swords), 

Dublin  ;  founded  by  St.  Columba 

1329.  SusTERENSE,  or  De  Suestra  (Sus- 

teren),  Juliers  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded 
by    St.    Willibrord    and    Pepin 

d'He'ristal 

1329b.  Symphoriani,      S.,       Bourges ; 

founded  by  St.  Ursinus  .      .       V""  cent. 

1330.  Symphoriani,  S.,  near  Metz ;  0. 

Ben.,  built  by  bp.  Pappolus.      .  608 

1331.  Sytjcletiae,  S.,  near  Alexandria, 

Egypt 

1332.  Tabennae,  near  Assouan,  Egypt ; 

founded  by  Pachomius    .      .      .      c, 

1333.  Tagestanum,  S.  Melaniae  (Ta- 

gesto),  Numidia  ;  founded  by  St. 
Melania  junior c. 

1334.  *Tage.stanum,  S.  Melaniae  (Ta- 

geste)  ;  founded  by  St.  Melania 
junior c, 

1335.  Taminanum,    S.    Mili   (Tamina), 

Lycaonia ^ 

1336.  Tamnachabuadense,    in    Magh- 

feuchin,  Tipperary 

1337.  Tasense,  Thebes    . 

1338.  Taurini,  S.,  Evreux 


640 

,600 


512 


14 


387 


330 


400 


400 


590 


.      .      IV'cent, 
0.  Ben.    VII"'  cent. 


1266 


MONASTEEY 


MONASTERY 


1339.  Tausiriacum,    or    Tausiliacum 

(Toiselay),  Berry  ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  St.  Ursus      .      .      .     c.  500 

1340.  Teachromamense,    on    the    Dea, 

Wicklow ;    founded  by  St.  Pal- 

ladius V'cent. 

1341.  Tealleani,  S.  (Teltown) ;  founded 

by  St.  Teallean a.  720 

1342.  Tegtalainense  (Tehallan),    Mo- 

naghan a.  671 

1343.  Tegsacrekse,  or  Tassagardense 

(Saggard),  near  Dublin  ;  founded 

by  St.  Mosacre a.  650 

1344.  Tejanum,   Phrvgia;    founded  by 

St.  Eutychus.' a.  580 

1345.  Telamissanum,   S.   Bassi    (Tela- 

missa),  Syria;  founded  by  St. 
Bassus      '. IV'cent. 

1346.  Telanessense,  Syria  .      .      .       ¥•''  cent. 

1347.  Tellii,  S.  (Teaghtelle),  W.  Meath  ; 

founded  by  St.  Cera  ....      a.  576 

1348.  Tempestatum,  near  Apamea,  Syria     a.  520 

1349.  Templi    Brigidensis,    Armagh  ; 

attributed  to  St.  Patrick      .       V*''  cent. 

1350.  *Templi  JIiraculorum,  near  Ar- 

magh ;  founded  by  St.  Patrick  V""  cent. 

1351.  Termonfechanense  (Terfeckan), 

near  Drogheda 665 

1352.  Terracinekse,      S.      Stephani 

(Terracina),  Rome ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  bp.  Benedictus   .      .  542 

1353.  Tep.tio  (de),  S.  Martini  (Terzo), 

Italy VPi-cent. 

1354.  Tettebury    (juxta)    (Tctbury), 

Gloucestersliire a.  680 

1355.  Tiiecla  Haisianot,  S.,  in  Abys- 

sinia ;  many  monasteries  owe 
their  origin  and  rule  to  this 
saint VIP*  cent. 

1356.  Thecoae  de    Solitudine,  Pales- 

tine      a.  500 

1357.  Theoctisti,  S.,  near  Jerusalem  ; 

founded  by  St.  Euthymia      .      .      a,  410 

1358.  Theodosii  Abbatis,  in  Scopulo, 

Cilicia ;    founded    by  St.    Theo- 

dosius a.  400 

1359.  Theodosii,  S.,  near  Alexandria    IV'cent. 

1360.  Theodosii,   S.,   near    the    Psilis, 

Asia  Minor VII""  cent. 

1361.  Theodosii,     S.,     S.     Palestine; 

founded  by  St.  Theodosius  Coe- 
nobiarchus a.  490 

1362.  Theodosii,   S.,  de  Petra,   near 

Seleucia,  Cilicia ;  founded  by  St. 
Theodosius a.  600 

1363.  Theodosiopolitanum,  S.  Sergii 

(Theodosiopolis)  ....     IV""  cent. 

1364.  Theognii,  near  Jerusalem       .      .     a.  550 

1365.  Theokesburiense  (Tewkesbury), 

Gloucestershire  ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  dukes  Oddo  and 
Doddo 715 

1366.  Theotimi,  S.,  Scythia.      .      ,       V""  cent. 

1367.  Thierhauptense,  SS.  Petri  et 

Pauli  (Thierhaubten),  Bavaria ; 

0.  Ben.,  built  by  duke  Thassilo  750 

1368.  TiiJiuiTiCUM  (Thmui),  Egypt      IV""  cent. 

1369.  TiiOiiAE,  S.  Apostoli,  India  .      .     a.  600 

1370.  Thornegiense,  or  Aucarigense 

S.  Mariae  et  S.  Rotulfi 
(Thorney),  Cambridgeshire;  0. 


1371. 
1372. 
1373. 
1374. 
1375. 
1376. 

1377. 
1378. 

1379. 

1380. 

1381. 
1382. 

1383. 

1384. 

1385. 
1386. 

1387. 
1388. 
1389. 


1392, 


1393, 
1394, 


1395, 
1396. 


1397, 
1398, 


1399, 


Ben.,  founded    by  king  Sebert, 

or  abb.  Saxulph        .  .      .      a.  602 

TiBRADENSE  (Tippert),  W.  Meath ; 

founded  by  St.  Fechin  .  .  VII"'  cent. 
*TiciNENSE,    S.  Theodoti,  or  S. 

DODOSI  (Pavia) 786 

TilLaBURIENSE  (Tilbury),  Essex ; 

erected  by  bp.  Cedda  .  .  .  c.  630 
TiLLlDi    (de)  (perhaps  Th(51iguy, 

near  Mamers),  dioc.  Le  Mans  .  a.  802 
TiLMOGNlANUM  (Tilmogna), 

Syria V""  cent. 

TiNEMUTENSE  or  Cella  S.Albani 

(Tinmouth),    Northumberland  ; 

0.  Ben.,  ascribed  to  king  Edwin  a.  633 
Tirdachroebense,     in     Meath ; 

founded  by  St.  Columb  .  .  VP"  cent. 
Tirdaglassense,  by  Lough  Deirg, 

Tipperary ;      founded     by     St. 

Columba  M'Crimthann  ...  a.  548 
Tismenexse,  or  Menense,    near 

Panos,  Egypt  ....  IV"  cent. 
Titas-Monte  (ue),  near  Kimini, 

Italy a.  50O 

Txitense  (Tniz),  near  Cologne  ,  723 
ToLLENSE,  S.  Petri  (Tolla),  dioc. 

Piacenza ;  0.  Ben.,  built  by  bp. 

Tobia VHP"  cent. 

♦ToLOSANUii,  S.  Mariae  Deau- 

RATAE  (Toulouse);  (afterwards 

for  monks,  0.  Ben.)  .  .  .  c.  585 
ToRNACENSE,  S.  Martini  (Tour- 

nay);  0.  Ben.,  founded   by  bp. 

Eligius 652 

Tornordorense,    S.   Michaelis 

(Tonnerre),  Yonne ;  0.  Ben.  .  c  800 
Trajectekse,        S.       Martini 

(Utrecht);    0.  Ben.,  attributed 

to  kings  Pepin  and  Charlemagne  770 
Treliokmorense,      in     Omagh, 

Tyrone a.  613 

*Trenteham  (de),    in   Stafibrd- 

shire a,  783 

Trevirense,  S.  Joannis,  after- 
wards    S.     HiLARii     and      S. 

Maximi     (Treves);      0.    Ben., 

founded  by  St.  Maiiminus  .  .  c.  500 
Trevirense,     S.     Mariae     ad 

Martyres   (Treves);    0.  Ben., 

established  by  bp.  Willebrord   .  694 

Trevirense,        St.       Martini 

(Treves);  0.  Ben.,   founded   by 

bp.  Magnerius 58T 

Trevirense,    S.   Matthiae,   or 

S.  EuCHARii  (Treves) ;  0.  Ben.  a.  623 
Trevotense  (Trevet),  Meath  .  a.  800 
Trinitatis,    S.,   Trinity    Island, 

Lough  Kee  .  .  .  '  .  .  .a.  700 
Tripolitanum,        S.       Leontii 

(Tripoli),  Syria a.  460 

Trium   Fontiom,   S.  Anastasit, 

near  Rome ;    0.    Ben.,   endowed 

by  emp.  Charlemagne  .  .  .  805 
Trochleae,  B.  Virginis,  Egypt ; 

attributed  to  emp.  Helena  .  IV*  cent. 
Troclarense    (Le    Truel),    near 

Chrameaux,    Tarn;      0.     Ben., 

built    by   Chramlic,    father    of 

St.  Sigolena c.  770 

*Troclarense  (Le  Truel)  ;  built 

by  Chramlic  , c  770 


MONASTERY 


MOXASTERY 


1267 


1400.  Trudonis,    S.,    or    S.    Quintini 

(Ti-uyen),  Belgium ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  the  nobleman 
Trudo 662 

1401 .  Truthberti,  S.  (St.  Trupt),  near 

Friburg ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
counts  Otpert  and  his  grandson 
Rampert 780 

.1402.  Trymense,  V.  Mariae  (Trim), 
Meath ;  founded  by  St.  Patrick 
and  Fethlemid 432 

11403.  Toaimgranense         (Tomgrany), 

Clare a.  735 

1404.  TuAMENSE,  V.  Mariae  (Tuam), 

Ireland 487 

1405.  *TUFFIAC0   (de),   (Tuffe),   Maine 

and   Loire ;    founded    by    abb. 

Loppa 675 

1406.  Tulachdubglaissense     (TuUy), 

dioc.  Raphoe ;  founded  by  St. 
Columb VI"-  cent. 

1407.  Tulachfobairense,   in  Kildare; 

founded  by  St.  Fechin,  and  en- 
dowed by  king  of  Leinster  .    VII*''  cent. 

1408.  TuLACH     MiN     (de),    (Fermoy), 

Ireland ;  founded  by  St. 
Molagga a.  664 

1409.  Tulenexse      (Tuileim),      King's 

County a.  550 

1410.  Tukonense,     S.     Juliani      de 

SCALARiis  (Tours)  ;  0.  Ben.     VI"*  cent. 

1411.  Turonexse,      S.       Radegundis 

(Tours) ;    0.    Ben.,  founded   by 

St.  Radcgunde 555 

1412.  Toronense,  S.  Venantii  (Tours)     a.  506 

1413.  TURONIUM  (La  Torre),  near  Braga, 

Portugal ;  built  by  St.  Fruc- 
tuosus 665 

1414.  TURRIUM,      near     the     Jordan; 

founded  by  Jacobus  .      .      .      .      c.  500 

1415.  TtrssONiS  Vallis  (perhaps  Thoury, 

or  Thusey,  near  Vancouleurs), 
Campagne ;  founded  by  abb. 
Orderic 696 

1416.  TUTELENSE  (Tulle),  Correze;   0. 

Ben.,  built  by  count  Calminius 
and  his  wife  Namadia     .      .      .      c.  700 
1416b.  ULUMBANUMjin  Karthli,Georgia; 

built  by  father  Michael        .      VI""  cent. 

1417.  Undolense      (Oundle),       North- 

amptonshire          a.  711 

1418.  USKPXHAOINENSE,       in      luisoen, 

Donegal ;  founded  by  St. 
Columb VI""  cent. 

1419.  Utenourriexse,      or       Otten- 

BURiENSE,  on  the  Gunz,  Ger- 
many ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
duke  Sylachus  and  his  wife 
Ermiswinda 764 

1420.  Uticexse,  S.  Ebrulfi,  or  S.  Petri 

(Ouche),  dioc.  Lisieux  ;  0.  Ben., 

built  by  abb.  Ebrulf       ...  560 

1421.  UvAE  Lacu  (de),  Fermanagh       .  500 

1422.  Valerici,    S.   Ambianense   (St. 

Valery-sur-Mer),     Somrae ;    0. 

Ben.,  built  by  king  Clotaire  IL  611 

.1423.  Vallis  Cavae,  Asturias  .      .  VIII"'  cent. 

1424.  Vallis  S.  Gregorii  (St.  Gr^goire 
(lu  Val),  Alsace;  O.  Ben., 
founded  by  Childcric,  son  of 
Grimoald 664 

CHRIST.   ANT. — VOL.   11. 


1425. 

1426. 

1427. 
1428. 

1429. 

1430. 

1431. 

1432. 

1433. 
1434. 


1436. 
1437. 

1438. 

1439. 

1440. 

1441. 

1442. 

1443. 

1444. 

1445. 
1446. 
1447. 
1448. 


Vallis  Rosinae,  near  St.  David's, 
Pembrokeshire ;  founded  by 
St.  David 

Varenas  (ad)  S.  Valeriani 
(Varennes),  dioc.  Auxerre ;  0. 
Ben 

Vatopedanum,  Mt.  Athos;  at- 
tributed to  emp.  Constantine    IV""  cent. 

Vazalanum,  S.  Valentini 
(Vazala),  Syria ;  founded  by 
St.  Valentine  of  Apamea     .       V""  cent. 

Venetum,  S.  Georgii  (near 
Vannes) ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
king  Cunibert c.  662 

Vercellense,  S.  Eusebii 
(Vercelli),  Piedmont ;  ascribed 
to  bp.  Eusebius   ....     IV"  cent. 

"•^Veronense  (Verona);  fouMded 
by  St.  Zeno,  said  to  be  the 
earliest  in  the  west  .      .      .     IV 

*Veronesse,  S.  Mariae  in 
Organo  (Verona);  built  by 
Anteunda  and  Natatia    . 

Veronense,  S.  Zenonis  (Verona) 
0.  Ben , 


519 


00 


cent. 


744 


50 


682 


Vetus  Moxasterium,  S.  Mariae 
(Moatieres),   dioc.  Thdrouanne 
O.  Ben.,  built   by  bp.  Aunoma 
and  count  Adrowald 

ViCTORis,  S.  Genevensis 
(Geneva) ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
queen  Seleuba     ....     VI"*  cent. 

ViENNENSE,  S.  Ferreoli  (Vienne), 
Dauphiny ;  0.  Ben.        .      .     VI"-  cent. 

Viennense,  S.  Petri  (Vienne); 
0.  Ben.,  founded  by  abb. 
Leonianus c.  515 

Viennense,  S.  Theuderii 
(Vienne) ;  0.  Ben.,  built  by  St. 
Theuderius VI""  cent. 

ViGORiS,  S.  Cerasiense  (Cerisy), 
near  Bayeux  ;  O.  Ben.,  founded 
by  bp.  Vigor  and  king  Childebert         538 

Villae  Magnae,  SS.  Martini 
et  Majani  (Villemagne), 
I'Argentiere,  Herault ;  0.  Ben.  .     a.  800 

Villa  Lutosa  (Leuze),  near  Tour- 
nay  ;  0.  Aug.,  founded  by  bp. 
Amandus 

*ViLLARENSE  (Montlvillier),  dioc, 
Rouen  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  bj  St, 
Philibert 

*ViLLA  Sanctis,  S.  Saturninae 
(Saints-les-Marquions),  dioc. 
Arras VI''''  cent, 

ViNCENTII,     S.     ad    VuLTURNUJI, 

Benevento  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
three  noblemen,  brothers,  Paldo, 

Paso,  and  Tuto 

ViNCENTii,  S.  DE  OvETO  (Oviedo), 
Spain  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  abb. 
Fromista  and  his  cousin  Maximus 

ViNCENTII,         S.         LaUDUNENSIS 

(Laon) ;    0.    Ben.,    ascribed    to 

queen  Brunichilde     .... 
Vindiciacense  (Venzat,  or  Pan- 

zat),  Auvergne  ;  founded  by  abb. 

Bracchio  and  lady  Ragnachilde  . 
ViNEARUM,  near  Ravensburg,  dioc. 

Constance ;  0.  Ben.,  endowed  by 

countess  IrmentruJe 

4  N 


645 


682 


60 


791 


580 


c.800 


1268 


MONASTERY 


MONASTERY 


1449.  ViRDUNENSE,  S.  MiCHAELis  (Ver- 

dun) ;  O.  Ben.,  founded  by  count 
Wufoald  and  his  wife  Adalsinda  709 

1450.  ViSUMENSE,  near  Lamas,  in  Leon  ; 

0.  Ben.,  founded  by  St.  Fructu- 

osus 660 

1451.  ViTi,  S.,  IN  Sardinia;  0.  Ben., 

founded  by  the  lady  Vitula  .      .      a.  595 

1452.  ViTi,  S.,  near  Mt.  Etna,  Sicily  ;  0. 

Ben a.  595 

1453.  ViTTONi,    S.  ViRDUNENSis   (Ver- 

dun) ;  0.  Aug c.  507 

1454.  ViVARiENSE   (Viviers),   near   Es- 

quilau,  Calabria;  founded  by 
Cassiodorus 560 

1455.  VOLVICENSE  (Volvic),  near  Riom, 

Puy-de-D6me ;  0.  Ben.  ...     a.  800 

1456.  VosiDENSE  (Le  Vigeois),  Vienne ; 

0.  Ben a.  550 

1457.  VuLFiNi,  S.,   dice.   Auserre ;    0. 

Aug a.  700 

1458.  Waslarense  (Walers-en-Faigne), 

dioc.  Cambray ;    0.   Ben.,  built 

by  B.  Landelinus       ....         657 

1459.  *Wattunense    (Watton),    York- 

shire ;  founded  by  abb.  Gillebert     a.  686 

1460.  '^Wedonense     (Wedon     on     the 

Street),  Northamptonshire ; 

founded  by  St.  Werburgha  .      .      c.  680 

1461.  Weissenburgense,  SS.  Petri  et 

Stephani  (Weissenburg),  Ba- 
varia ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by  king 
Dagobert 623 

1462.  Weltenburgense,    S.    Georgii, 

near  Ratisbon  ;  0.  Ben.,  founded 

by  duke  Theodo  ....   VHP"  cent. 

1463.  Wendesclivense   (Clive),    Glou- 

cestershire       a.  790 

1464.  Werdense,  or  Werthinense,  S. 

Salvatoris  (Werden),  dioc. 
Cologne;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
bp.  Ludger a.  778 

1465.  Wesienprumense,      S.      Petri 

(Wesbrun),  Bavaria ;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  counts  Landfrid, 
Waldi-am,  and  Eliland     .      .      .      c.  740 

1466.  "Westmonasterium       (Westmin- 

ster), Middlesex ;  O.  Ben., 
ascribed  to  king  Sigbert       .      .      c.  604 

1467.  "Wigorniense  (Worcester)  ; 

ascribed  to  Aelfr«d    .      .      .  Vin""  cent. 

1468.  WiLDESHUSANUM        (Wilshusen), 

Westphalia ;  founded  by  duke 
Wigbert c.  800 

1469.  WILFRIDI,   S.,    Inch    Rock,    Scot- 

land;  founded  by   abb.  Wilfrid 

and  king  Alfred 682 

1470.  *Wimnicassense  (Wenlock), 

Shropshire  ;  founded  by  St. 
Milburga c.  680 

1471.  *Winbdrnense  (Wimborne), 

Dorsetshire  ;  founded  by  St. 
Cuthburga,  or  abb.  Eadburc^a    .     c.  713 

1472.  WiNCtlELCUMBENSE  (Winch- 

combe),  Gloucestershire;  0.  Ben., 
founded  by  king  Offa  (after  798 
re-established  for  monks  by 
Kenulph)' 787 

1473.  WinOCIbergense    (Wormhoult), 

Flanders ;  0.  Ben.,   founded  by 

St.  Berlin 695 


1474.  Wintoniense  (Winchester)   .      .     a.  646 

1475.  Wiremuthense,  S.  Petri  (Werc- 

mouth),  Durham ;  the  monastery 
of  Ven.  Bede  and  Alcuin ;  0. 
Ben.,  founded  by  abb.  Benedict 
Biscop  and  king  Egfrid,  or 
Naitau 674 

1476.  *WuDiANDUNENSE  (Withington), 

Worcestershire    ....    VII*  cent. 

1477.  Xanxarido  (de),  Cappadocia      .     a.  380 

1478.  Xeropotamo    (de),    S.    Sergii, 

near  Bethlehem        ....     a.  600 

1479.  Yprense,     or     ]\Iorinense      S. 

JOANNis  (St.  Jean-du-Mont, 
Ypres) ;  0.  Ben.,  founded  by 
king  Theodoric  II 686 

1480.  Zano   et   Benjamin    (de),     S. 

Palestine ;    founded    by    Zanus 

and  Benjamin      ....      VI""  cent. 

1481.  ZiPHONis  DE  Solitudine,  Arabia ; 

founded  by  St.  Euthymia     .      .     c.  420 


INDEX   REFERRING    TO   THE    NUMBERS    OF    THE 
MONASTERIES   IN   THE   PREVIOUS   LIST. 


Abbey  Isle,  23 
Achonry,  9 
Agde,  26,  27 
Aghagower,  12 
Aghamore,  13 
Ainay,  124 
Ainegray,  62 
Airy,  St.,  29 
Aleth,  534 
Alexandria,  858 
Alienburg,  50 
Amesbury,  59 
Ancyra,  175 
Angers,  36,  6G-8 
Ardbraccan,  215 
Ardfennan,  599 
Ardsallagh,  557 
Arensburg,  112 
Aries,  105-6 
Aries  in  Roussillon,  117 
Arran  Isle,  560 
Arras,  128-30 
Athos,  Mount,  717  b,  131 

1427 
Aubeterre,  35 
Aucarigense,  1370 
Auch,  1068 
Auchy,  131 
Aurelianense,  143 
Autun,  136-S 
Auxerre,  S5-6-8-9 
Avallonense,  664 

Bacbannis  Island,  1111 
Ballyvourney,  225 
Bangor,  33 
Barbe  Isle,  749 
Barcelona,  562 
Barking,  15S 
Baslick,  145 
Baume  (La),  151-3 
Beaugency,  147 
Beauvais,  872 
Behnesa,  1072 
Benevonto,  1444 
Bethleemiticum,  500 
Bethsan, 1263-4 
Beurn,  224 
Bilsen,  ISO 
Bodmin,  1099 
Bophin  Isle,  212 
Bordeaux,  222-3,  1287 
Bourg-de-Deols,  478 
Bourges,  202,  1329  B 
Boussy,  227 
Breatain,  748 
Brescia,  219-20 
Brou  216 


Bruyeres,  1314 
Burgh  Castle,  358 
Bury  St.  Kdmunds,  176 

Cadiz,  1046 

Cagliari,  242 

Caistor,  492 

Calais,  St.,  78 

Cambray,  246 

Caiide,  381 

Cape  Clear  Island,  737 

Carignan,  550 

Carlisle,  232-3 

Casal,  573 

Castledermot,  468 

Castrodunense,  142 

Catabennense,  253 

Cdrisy,  1439 

Cessilres,  309 

Chalons-sur-Marne,  274 

Chalons-sur-Saone,  229-230 

906 
Chantoin,  253 
Charroux,  265 
Cbartres,  263 
Cbaye,  440 
Chelles,  244 
Chertsey,  290 
Chester,  291 
Chinon,  238 
Choisy-le-Roi,  275 
Cirgues,  St.,  451 
Citou,  761 
Clane,  315 
Clashniore,  658 
Clermont,  71,  923. 
Clinish  Isle,  346 
Clive,  1463 
Clondalkin,  335 
I  Uone,  339 
Clone,  328 
Clonebrone,  330 
Clonemore,  350 
Clonemore,  351 
Clones,  340 
Clonfad,  343 
Clonfeakle,  341 
Clonleigh,  347 
Clonmany,  348 
Clonraine,  334 
ClooncraEf,  331 
Cloud,  St.,  1054 
Cloyne,  355 
Cluainbraoin,  556 
Colombiers,  372 
Colonsay  Isle,  1004 
Combronde,  245 
Conques,  379 


I 
I 


MONASTERY 


MONASTERY 


1269 


Conwall,  384 
Cork,  163,  461 
Couches,  87 
Cougnon,  269 
Cournon,  441 
Croix  St.  Leufroy,  443 
Cruas,  444 
Cumber,  481 
Cybar,  St.,  308 

Deannacense,  524 
Deerhuret,  463 
Denain,  526 
Denys,  St.,  470 
Derry,  491 
Desert,  208 
Dezertoghill,  472 
Dijon,  183,  476 
Disenburg,  474-5 
Dixmont,  459 
Doiremelle,  949 
Dolenso,  946 
Donaghmore,  482 
Donaghmore,  483 
Donaghmore,  488 
Donaghmore,  484 
Douzere,  625 
Downpatrick,  521 
Dromieas,  507 
Drumcliffe,  502 
Diumcollumi),  370 
Drumculleu,  503 
Drumhomc,  511 
Dungarvan,  634 
Dunkeranense,  320 
Dunshaglin,  1265 
Durrow,  455 

Ebchester,  465 
Ebersheim,  1053 
EcuUle,  1262 
Elnonense,  54 
Emlaghfadd,  725 
Emly,  723 
Entruima,  92 
Evreux,  1338 
EvroD,  529 
Exeter,  17 

Fahan, 583 
Faverolense,  161 
Faremoutiers,  579 
Fecamp,  603 
Fenaugh,  601 
Fermoy,  1408 
Ferrieres,  590 
Fiddown.  587 
Finish  Island,  739 
Fliidbury,  607 
Fleury,  G09 
Freshford,  15 
Fussense,  584 

Gaillac,  630 
Gatethead,  258 
Gegenbach,  645 
Geneva,  1435 
GiSry,  St.,  247 
Ghent,  631-2 
Ghislain.  St.,  24S 
Gilling,  638 
Girone,  656 
Gieane,  667 
(ilendalogh,  200 
Gourdon,  680 
Grand-Lieu,  460 
Grange,  288 
Grassc  (La),  437 
Great  Isle,  728 
Gregoire,  St.,  du  Val,  1424 
Gre'uux  (?)  676 

Handbury,  688 
Hartlepool,  691 
Haut-Mont,  49 
Haut-Villiers,  51 
Hen-ionense,  545 
Heugi.o  Forest,  1063 
Hnxham,  681 
Hibcrnia  Parva,  178 
Hierosolyma  apud  Resba- 
cum,  1163 


Holyhead,  231 
Homblieres,  716 
Honnecourt,  717 

Icohnkill,  698 
He  (La),  749 
Inchmacuerin  Isle,  527 
Inchmean  Isle,  940 
Inchmore  Island,  743 
Inch  Kock,  1469 
Inisboffin,  213 
Iniscaoin  Isle,  255 
Inisco  Isle,  546 
Inlskin,  734 
Inis-Mac-Saint,  1012 
Inismurray,  917 
Inisquin  Isle,  713 
Inisrocba,  1174 
Innisfallen,  738 
lona,  698 
Ireland's  Eye,  697 

Jamets,  641 

Jarrow,  657 

Jean  (St.)  de  Bonis,  758 

Jean  (SI.)  du  Mont,  1479 

Jerusalem,  699-703,  1029 

Jouin,  St.,  545 

Joussan,  772 

Joux.  771 

Jumieges,  642 

Junien  (St.)les  Comblos,  374 

Juviniac,  1047 

Keel  Island,  376 
Kells,  777 
Kenipten,  250 
Kidderminster,  774 
Kilabbain,  2 
Kilbeachan,  172 
Kilbeggan,  173 
Kilcolgan,  364 
Kilcolgan,  365 
Kilcolgan,  366 
Kilcolman,  367 
Kilcomin,  447 
Kilconnell,  377 
Kilcoonagh,  446 
Kilduinna,  518 
Kllebbane,  3 
Kilfoleain,  610 
Kilgorman,  672 
Kilita,  753 

Killachad-Conchean,  37 
Killaghy,  793 
Killaird,  498 
Killaloc,  785 
KiUaraght,  126-7 
Killeen,  796-7 
Killegally,  779 
Kill^igh,  795 
Killermogh,  111 
Killevy,  817 
Killiaduin,  851 
Killossy,  140 
Kilmainham,  891 
Kilmallock,  972 
Kilmanagh,  811 
Kllmantin,  24 
Kilnagallegh,  788 
Kilnaile,  1023 
Kilrickill,  1170 
Kilskire,  1254 
Kinnitty,  310 

Lagny,  825 
Laon, 1446 
Leathglassense,  521 
Leckin,  834 
Leger,  St.,  846 
Leix,  i<35 
Lemanaghan,  840 
IjCon,  838 
Leuzo,  878,  1441 
Lianamanach,  833 
Liege,  »47 
Lierre,  679 
Llessies.  820 
Liausre,  859 
Liming,  843 
Limoges,  922 
Limours,  842 


Lindan, 844 
Lindisfarnense,  581 
Lobbes,  826 
Longford,  125 
Longoreto,  969 
Longovlllanum,  660 
Longuay,  969 
Lorch,  »3l 
Lucca,  622 
Lnpicin,  St.,  827 
Lure,  877 
Luynes,  900 
Luze,  832 
Lynn,  856 
Lyons,  875 

Machari,  97 

Macon,  934 

Magillagan,  102 

Malo,  St.,  903 

Manlieu,  890 

Mans  (Le),  284-6,  449,  768, 

912 
Maralin,  855 
Marat,  648 
Marmoutier,  897 
Marseilles,  931-3 
Mary's  (St.)  Isle,  564 
Mascala,  73 
Maubeuge,  898 
Maunsee,  904 
Maurice,  St.,  479 
Maurice,  St..  in  Valais,  28 
Rlayeuce,  976-7 
Mayo,  892-3 
Medesharasted,  1096 
M^en,  St.,  963 
Meldunense,  901 
Melrose,  895 
Melundense,  982 
Memac,  1045 
Menense,  1379 
Menge,  St.,  950 
Metten,  958 
Metz,  114,  1017 
Milan,  943-4 
Milhau,  948 
Mimigardefordense,  9S4 
Minster,  1252 
Monasterboice,  206 
Monasterevan,  575 
Moudovi,  975 
Monela  Bog,  983 
Moiis,  984,  990-1 
Montfaucon,  997 
Montieres,  1434 
Momivillier,  1442 
Montreuil,  986,  1130 
Moortown,  663 
Morlnense,  1479 
Moustier-la-Celle,  2S3 
Moutier-en-Der,  466 
Mofltier-Roudell,  1176 
Movill,  480 
Moville,  886 
Moyen-Moatier,  941 
Moyen-Moutier,  942 
MuUin's,  St.,  981 
Munster-Biilsen,  179 
Munsterthal,  1006 
My,  S.,  967 

Naples,  1025-8 
Nef  (La),  1024 
Neuilly,  1039 
Xeuwiller,  1053 
Nevers,  77,  1036-7 
Nislbis,  84 
Nitria,  198,  281,  996 
Noailles,  1050 
Nobiliacense,  130 
Nogent,  1054 

Oeren.  711 
Oreon  (Mt.),  830 
Orleans,  75,  143,  576 
Ornixa,  710 
Oronsay  Isle,  1065 
Ottenburiense,  1419 
Ouche,  1420 
O'lndle,  1420 
Oviedo,  1445 
Cyan,  St.,  382 


Pacense,  1309 
Pair  (St.)  du  Mont,  1284 
Palermo,  1079-80 
Pannat,  1076 
Panzat,  1447 
Paris,  924 
Pavia,  1081,  1372 
Pfeffers,  578 
Phaeonense,  1092 
Pierstown,  837 
Plsper,  995 
Poitiers,  937,  1107-9 
Pontlieue,  925 
Pozzuoli,  U29 
Pressy,  1087 
Princiacum.  1087 
Prix,  St.,  249 

Quimperle,  776 

Rahue,  1140 
Raphoe,  1142 
Hathossain,  1069 
Rebaix,  1163 
Reculver,  1136 
Redbridge,  118 
Redon,  946 
Reicheuau,  134 
Reniiremont,  5,1002,  1223 
Henaix,  1234 
Reuil,  1137 
Reynagh,  1160 
Rhodez,  55 
Rimini,  lii9 
Romarid  Montis,  5 
Ross  Orry,  1232 
Ruutn,  133 
Roustang,  1285 
Ruthenense,  55 

Saggard,  1343 
Saints-les-Marquions,  1143 
Salignac,  1247 
Salzburg,  1241 


Saul,  1235 
Saulieu,  70 
Sault,  1243 
Savin,  S.,  1237 
Scattery  Isle,  733 
Schwartzach,  113 
Selsey,  1271 
Sens,  371 
Sesto,  1288 
Sherborne,  1201 
Siena,  79 
Sierkeran,  778 
Siran-la-Latte,  821 
Soignies,  1326 
Soissons,  939,  1325 
Solignac,  1307 
Stavclot,  1313 
Strasburg,  107 
Strawhall,  781 
Swords,  1328 

Tadcaster,  243 
Taghmon,  1014 
Tullaght,  885 
Tassagardense,  1343 
Taughboyne,  146 
Teaghtclie,  1347 
Techsinche,  1297 
Teghdagobha,  668 
Tehallan,  1342 
Teltown,  1341 
Tewkesbury.  1365 
Thebais,    5b6,    751-9,   1001, 

1072 
Thebes,  1337 
Theligny,  1374 
"heologiense,  479 
Thiers,  644 
Tholev,  479 
Thoury,  1415 
Thusey,  1415 
Tim'  hoe,  973 
Tippert,  1371 
To^s.lav,  1339 
■rcjledo,'845 
Tunibplaine,  965 
Toni[,'rany,  1403 

4N2 


1270 


MONASTIC  BISHOP 


Tonnerre,  13^5 

Verdun,  966,  1449-53 

Torre  Isle,  7(6 

Verzy,  167 

Torre  (La),  1413 

ViMeois(Le),  1456 

Toul,  95 

Ville  de  I'Kvgque,  549 

Toulouse,  1383 

Villicrs,  624 

Tours,  141U- 12 

Viventium  Insula,  983 

Trasma,  105 

Vulcano  Isle,  72 

Trim,  1402 

Truel  (Le\  1398-9 

Wallers,  822 

Truyen,  14(10 

Wenlock,  1470 

Trj'chinariiim,  1004 

Weremoutb,  1475 

Tuileim,  1409 

Whitby,  1321-2 

Tulle,  1416 

Wilton,  537 

fully,  1406 

Winchester,  1474 

ruueoneacum  (ad),  201 

Worcester,  14C7 

Wormholt,  1473 

Utrecht,  1386 

Dzes,  591 

Ynyswytrin,  G64 

York,  528 

Val.Galil(?e,  462 

Yreix,  122 

Veaune,  932 

Venzat,  1447 

Zunault,  770 

[E.  B.  W.] 

MONASTIC  BISHOP,  though  not  entirely 
unknown  in  the  Eastern  church  (Sozomen,  Hist. 
Eccl.  1.  vi.  c.  34)  came  into  greatest  prominence  in 
the  Western,  in  the  development  of  the  church's 
life.  According  to  the  Catholic  idea  of  the 
church,  the  bishop  is  supreme  in  all  spiritual 
things  in  his  own  diocese,  the  visible  source  of 
orders,  mission,  and  all  sacramental  graces  (C. 
Antioch.  c.  9).  But  in  different  ages  this  has 
received  various  limitations,  specially  from  the 
principle  of  patriarchates  on  the  one  side  and 
from  that  of  monasticism  on  the  other.  The 
relation  of  the  monastery  to  the  episcopate  was  at 
first  that  of  entire  subjection  (C.  Chalc.  c.  4; 
Baronius,  Ann.  Eccl.  a.d.  451,  §  25 ;  Bingham 
Orig.  Eccl.  ii.  c.  4,  §  2),  even  to  the  appointment 
of  the  abbat  (Justinian,  Novell,  v.  c.  9).  But  in 
course  of  time  this  was  altered,  (1)  by  papal  ex- 
emptions, on  account,  apparently  at  the  outset, 
of  episcopal  officiousness  (Baronius,  ib.  A.D.  598, 
§  3,  601,  §  2 ;  Anglo-Sax.  Chron.  A.D.  675.  963), 
or  by  regal,  as  by  King  Ina's  charter  to  Glaston- 
bury A.D.  725  (Wilkins,  Cone.  i.  80),  or  by  con- 
ciliar,  as  by  the  synod  at  Herutford,  a.d.  673 
(Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  iv.  c.  5),  and  perhaps  the  third 
council  of  Aries,  A.D.  455  (Bingham,  Orig.  Eccl. 
i.  0.  vii.  §  14),  and  (2)  by  the  spread  of  Christi- 
anity through  monastic  agencies  beyond  the 
limits  of  the  old  Roman  empire  and  hence  out- 
side the  ordinary  means  of  diocesan  organisation. 
[Orders.]  So  long  as  the  monastery  continued 
under  the  entire  jurisdiction  of  the  bishop  as 
head  and  centre  of  spiritual  life  in  his  diocese, 
he  supplied  the  needs  of  its  members  with  all 
episcopal  offices.  But  when  the  monastery  was 
either  withdrawn  from  his  jurisdiction,  or  was 
established  prior  to  and  practically  outside  the 
direct  agency  of  the  bishop,  the  natural  relations 
became  inverted,  and  while  the  grace  of  orders 
remained  of  necessity  with  the  bishop,  the  juris- 
diction and  mission  passed  for  the  time  to  the 
monastery,  and  the  monastic  bishop  was  under 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  monastic  head,  the  abbat, 
■whether  ordained  or  lay.  This  is  most  frequently 
met  with  in  the  Celtic  church  of  Ireland  and  her 
offshoots  in  Scotland  and  Northumbria,  where  it 
presented  itself  to  the  venerable  Bede  as  an  "  ordo 
inusitatus  "  {Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  c.  4).  It  is  also  met 
with  on  the  continent.  According  to  ecclesiastical 
principle  the  monastery  required  a  bishop  for  the 
discharge  of  episcopal  functions  to  the  inmates, 
and  if  the  chief  official  was  the  abbat,  the  bishop 
was  at  least  one  of  the  "  family,"  honoured  indeed 


MONASTIC  BISHOP 

for  his  sacred  office  (Adamn.  Vit.  S.  Col.  i.  c.  44), 
though  under  the  abbat  in  jurisdiction  and 
monastic  precedence ;  he  was  higher  in  spiritual 
power  (76.  i.  c.  36),  though  lower  in  local  dignity 
and  official,  that  is,  monastic  rank. 

Monasticism  spread  rapidly  from  the  Thebaid 
into  the  Western  church,  its  great  patron  in  Gaul 
being  St.  Martin,  the  celebrated  bishop  of  Tours 
(a.d.  371-397),  who  built  monasteries  at  Poi- 
tiers and  Tours,  and  by  his  authority  and  exhor- 
tation established  the  monastic  system.  When 
and  by  whom  the  Gospel  was  carried  across  the 
Channel  to  Britain  and  Ireland  is  unknown  to 
authentic  history,  but  Pelagius  introducing 
monasticism  seems  a  fable  (Cave,  Hist.  Lit.  i. 
291).  When  the  Gospel  is  met  with  in  Britain 
it  is  radiating  from  monastic  centres  (Bede,  Hist. 
Eccl.  i.  c.  27,  ii.  c.  2),  and  it  was  not  till  the 
12th  century  that  the  monastic  church  of 
Ireland  had  become  merged  in  the  diocesan. 
Accepting  the  "  Catalogus  Sanctorum  Hiberniae, 
secundum  diversa  tempera,"  supposed  to  have 
been  written  by  Tirechan  in  the  8th  century, 
and  first  published  by  Ussher  {Brit.  Eccl.  Ant.  vi. 
477-479),  as  embodying  a  certain  amount  of  truth 
regarding  the  condition  of  the  early  Irish  church, 
as  at  one  time  purely  episcopal,  then  monastic, 
and  finally  eremitic,  we  find  monasticism  firmly 
established  in  Ireland  at  an  early  date.  St. 
Patrick,  himself  a  bishop,  founded  churches  and 
monasteries,  ordained  bishops  and  presbyters,  and 
spread  the  faith  as  a  zealous  missionary ;  yet  in 
his  own  church  at  Armagh,  while  bishops  are 
recorded  in  an  uninterrupted  line  from  a.d.  447 
to  535  inclusive,  bishops  and  abbats  are  mingled 
from  that  date  to  the  twelfth  century  {Four 
Mast. ;  Ann.  Ulst. ;  Ann.  Tig.;  Ann  Clonm.;  Ann. 
Fnisf.),  the  obits  of  eleven  bishops  and  fourteen 
abbats  being  given  between  the  years  547  and  811 
inclusive  {Four  Mast.) ;  but  in  the  common  lists  of 
prelates  these  are  all  alike  treated  as  bishops  (Ware, 
Irish  Bishops).  So  at  Kildare  from  A.D.  519  to 
800  inclusive,  there  are  recorded  eight  abbesses, 
seven  abbats  and  five  bishops,  but  at  Bangor 
from  A.D.  552  to  812  inclusive  there  is  a  single 
line  of  twenty-nine  abbats  and  no  bishops  {Four 
Mast.).  From  this  we  may  infer  either  that  the 
obits  of  abbats  and  bishops  alike,  when  contem- 
poraneous, were  entered  in  the  annals,  or  more 
probably  that  the  leading  idea  was  to  give  the 
abbatial  succession,  and  that  a  bishop  at  times 
held  the  abbacy,  as  at  other  times  he  was  scribe 
and  anchoret  (Reeves,  S.  Adamn.  365),  yet 
"  Affiath,  bishop  of  Ard-Macha,  and  Aireachtach 
Ua  Faelain,  abbat  of  Ard-Macha,  died  on  the 
same  night"  (/"our  Mast.  a.d.  793),  and  Ware 
has  to  count  them  both  as  one  bishop  (Todd,  St. 
Patrick,  20  sq.;  Frim.  Hist.  Ch.  Ir.  448,  Dubl. 
1851). 

The  first  clear  instance  of  an  Irish  monastic 
bishop  is  in  St.  Brigida's  monastery  at  Kildare,  in 
the  end  of  the  5th  and  beginning  of  the  6th 
centuries.  Cogitosus  {Vita,  S.  Brigidae)  says  in 
the  language  of  probably  the  7th  century, 
"  Haec  ergo  egregiis  crescens  virtutibus,  ubi  per 
famam  bonarum  rerum  ad  eam  ab  omnibus  pro- 
vinciis  Hiberniae  innumerabiles  populi  de  utro- 
que  sexu  confluebant  vota  sibi  volentes  volun- 
tarife,  suum  monasterium  caput  pene  omnium 
Hiberniensium  ecclesiarum,  et  culmen  praecellens 
omnia  monasteria  Scotorum  (cujus  Parrochia 
per  totam  Hiberniensem  terram  diffusa  a  mari 


MONASTIC  BISHOP 

usque  ad  mare  extensa  est),  in  campestribus 
campi  Liffei  supra  fnndanientum  fidei  firmum 
construxit :  at  prudenti  dispensatione  de  ani- 
mabus  eorum  regulariter  in  omnibus  procurans, 
et  de  ecclesiis  multarum  provinciarum  sibi 
adhaerentibus  sollicitans,  et  secum  revolvens, 
quod  sine  summo  sacerdote,  qui  ecclesias  conse- 
craret,  et  ecclesiasticos  in  eis  gradus  subrogaret 
esse  non  posset,  illustrem  virum  et  solitarium 
omnibus  moribus  ornatum,  per  quem  Deus  vir- 
tutes  operatus  est  plurimas,  convocans  eum  de 
eremo  .  .  .  ut  ecclesiam  in  episcopali  dig- 
nitate  cum  ea  gubernaret,  atque  ut  nihil  de  ordine 
sacerdotali  in  suis  deesset  ecclesiis,  accersivit " 
(Colgan,  Tr.  TJiaum.  518 ;  Todd,  S.  Pair.  13  sq. ; 
Smith  and  Wace,  Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  "  Conlaedh.") 
Though  not  so  explicitly  yet  with  sufficient 
precision  we  find  the  same  practice  to  have  pre- 
vailed in  the  Columban  monastery  of  Hy. 
"  Habere  autem  solet  ipsa  insula  rectorem 
semper  abbatem  presbyterum,  cujus  juri  et 
omnis  provincia,  et  ipsi  etiam  episcopi,  ordine 
inusitato,  debeant  esse  subjecti,  juxta  exemplum 
primi  doctoris  illius,  qui  non  episcopus,  sed  pres- 
byter extitit  et  monachus  "  (Bede,  Eccl.  Hist.  iii. 
c.  4),  and  the  fourth  abbat  there,  Fergna  Brit, 
is  called  a  bishop  (^Four  Mast.  a.d.  622  ;  Mart. 
Doneg.  March  2  ;  Reeves,  S.  Adamn.  340-341, 
372).  To  Lindisfarne  bishop  Aidan  was  sent  by 
the  monastery  of  Hy  (Bede,  ib.  iii.  c.  3),  and 
there  also  the  abbat  governed  and  the  clergy, 
with  the  bishop  himself,  observed  the  monastic 
rule  (Bede,  Vit.  S.  Cuth.  c.  16).  When  Fergil 
or  Virgilius,  abbat  of  Aghaboe,  became  abbat  of 
Salzburg,  in  the  8th  century,  "  dissimulata 
ordinatione  fermS  annorum  duorum  spatiis, 
habuit  secum  laboris  et  coronae  participem 
episcopum  comitantem  de  patria,  nomine  Dobda, 
ad  persolvendum  episcopale  officium  "  ( Vit.  S. 
Virg.  ap.  Messingham,  Flor.  Ins.  Sanct.  331). 
In  S.  Columbanus's  Irish  foundation  at  Bobio,  a 
slightly  different  practice  prevailed,  which  points 
to  the  jealousy  already  arising  between  the  monas- 
tery and  episcopate  and  ending  in  the  frequent 
monastic  exemptions  by  the  popes ;  the  bishop 
was  invited  into  the  monastery  as  required,  and 
was  specially  excluded  from  all  power  in  monas- 
tic aSairs  (Messingham,  ib.  248).  At  other 
times  a  bishop-abbat  directed  the  affairs  of  the 
monastery  [Abbat],  not  in  Ireland  only  but  else- 
where (Reeves,  Eccl.  A)it.  129),  and  "thus  was 
the  monastic  bishop  exercising,  pro  hac  vice, 
the  monastic  jurisdiction  (Du  Cange,  Gloss,  iii. 
108-9). 

On  the  continent,  mostly  in  exempt  abbeys 
and  monasteries,  the  monastic  bishop  was  a  re- 
cognized official  in  the  8th  century,  as  in  the 
abbey  of  St.  Denis  near  Paris,  the  abbey  of  St. 
Martin  at  Tours,  the  monastery  of  Lobes  or 
Laubes  in  Belgium,  and  the  monastery  at  Salz- 
burg in  Bavaria  as  above  mentioned  (Todd,  S. 
Patrick,  48  sq.  treating  the  question  fully  with 
authorities ;  Lanigan,  Eccl.  Hist.  Ir.  ii.  254-5). 
Under  the  Benedictine  Rule  there  was  special 
provision  made  for  him  ;  "  igitur  ut  junioribus 
praesertim  fratribus  omnis  discurrendi  occasio 
tolleretur  ad  sacros  suscipiendos  ordines,  ad  re- 
quirendum  chrisma,  neve  adventu  episcoporum 
in  monasteria  ad  sacras  ordinationes  explendas, 
quies  monachorum  turbaretur,  plerique  epi- 
scopum ad  manum  semper  in  monasteriis  sive 
abbatem  sive  simplicem  monachum  habere  volue- 


MONASTIC  BISHOP 


1271 


runt  "  (Martene  et  Durand,  Tlies.  Nov.  Anecd.  t.  i. 
Praef.  ap.  Todd,  S.  Patrick,  69).  In  the  monas- 
tery of  Mount  Sinai,  in  the  11th  century,  the 
abbat  and  500  monks  had  their  own  bishop  (Todd 
ib.  67-8). 

But  regarding  the  monastic  bishop  a  further 
distinction  is  necessary.  Bishops  sometimes,  in 
the  first  zeal  of  monasticism,  lived  with  their 
clergy  in  a  quasi-monastic  state  (Bingham,  Orig. 
Eccl.  vii.  c.  2,  §  8)  to  assimilate  the  life  in  cities 
to  that  in  the  desert:  thus  St.  Augustine  of 
Hippo  "  factus  presbyter  mouasterium  intra  ec- 
clesiam mox  instituit,  et  cum  Dei  servis  vivere 
coepit  secundum  modum  et  regulam  sub  Sanctis 
Apostolis  constitutam  "  (Possidius,  Vita  S.  Aug. 
c.  6 ;  0pp.  S.  Aug.  t.  x.  App.  col.  260,  Venet. 
1729).  And  when  he  became  bishop  he  had 
"  in  ista  domo  Episcopi  meum  monasterium  cleri- 
corum "  (Serm.  49  de  Diver  sis,  t.  x.  519),  or 
bishops  demitted  their  episcopal  charges  and 
retired  to  monasteries  for  contemplation  and 
prayer.  But  neither  of  these  were  properly 
monastic  bishops.  Again,  according  to  Catholic 
rule,  ordination  and  consecration  could  only  be  to 
definite  charges,  and  not  dTToAeAi/yueVois"  at  large' 
(Bingham,  V7-ig.  Eccl.  iv.  c.  6),  yet  in  the  Celtic 
church  this  rule  (Cone.  Chalc.  c.  6)  seems  never 
to  have  been  closely  followed,  but  the  episcopate 
was  frequently  conferred  on  persons  who  were 
eminent  for  learning,  piety,  or  other  personal 
qualification,  as  it  was  also  in  the  East  (Sozomen, 
Hist.  Eccl.  1.  vi.  c.  33-4).  Hence,  in  the  Irish 
annals,  we  find  bishops  without  local  designation, 
or  named  only  in  connexion  with  the  place  where 
they  chanced  to  live  at  the  time  without  being 
either  diocesan  or  monastic.  Again  there  were 
groups  of  bishops,  seven  being  a  favourite  num- 
ber (Mart.  Doneg.),  and  also  in  single  monasteries 
a  large  company  of  bishops  under  the  abbat,  as 
at  Louth  a  hundred  bishops  under  Mochta 
(Colgan,  Acta  SS.  729,  c.  7).  The  evident  effect 
of  this  system  was  to  multiply  indefinitely  the 
number  of  bishops  both  without  and  within  the 
monasteries,  and  to  foster  that  restless  spirit 
which  was  attempted  to  be  checked  by  the 
synod  at  Herutford  (c.  4  in  its  disputed  reading, 
"  Ut  episcopi  monachi  non  migrent  de  loco  ad 
locum,"  Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  iv.  c.  5),  which  carried 
so  many  Irish  bishops  across  to  the  continent, 
especially  after  the  monasteries  began  to  be 
plundered  by  the  Northmen,  and  which  called 
for  the  frequent  conciliar  enactments  against  the 
see-less  bishops,  the  episcopi  vagi,  vacantes,  and 
vagantes,  and  the  "  Scoti  qui  se  dicunt  episcopos 
esse"  (C.  Cabill.  c.  43)  [Bishop  V.]  both  in 
England  and  on  the  Continent.  Having  been 
trained  under  a  different  system,  they  came  into 
frequent  collision  with  the  diocesan  bishops,  and 
even  in  the  11th  and  12th  centuries  St.  Anselm 
of  Canterbury  and  St.  Bernard  of  Clairvaux  could 
regard  the  want  of  diocesan  organisation  in 
Ii-eland  as  a  serious  blot  on  the  whole  Irish 
church  (Ussher,  Brit.  Eccl.  Ant.  iv.  523),  a 
"  dissolutio  ecclesiasticae  disciplinae,  censurae 
enervatio,  religionis  evacuatio"  (S.  Bern.  Do 
Vit.  Mai.  c.  10). 

(Du  Cange,  Gloss.;  Fleury,  Eccl.  Hist.;  Reeves, 
Adanman's  Life  of  S.  Columba,  History  of  the 
Culdces,  and  Eccl.  Ant.  of  Down,  Connor,  and 
Dromore  ;  Todd,  S.  Patrick  ;  Mosheim,  Gh.  Hist. ; 
Monumenta  Hist.  Brit.;  Skene,  Celtic  Scotland, 
I  ii. ;  Bingham,  Orig.  Eccl.)  [J.  G.] 


1272 


MONESSA 


MONESSA,  virgin.   [Munessa.] 

MONEY.  Introduction. — The  appearance  of 
any  positive  indication  of  Christian  influence  on 
the  coins  of  the  Roman  emperors  has  been 
generally  considered  to  commence  under  Con- 
stantine  I.  the  Great,  since  during  his  reign  most 
of  the  public  money  bears  official  marks  of  the 
new  religion  which  he  embraced.  There  are, 
however,  a  few  isolated  examples  previous  to  his 
time,  which  are  of  sufficient  interest  to  need 
special  illustration ;  (1)  the  representation  of 
the  deluge  ;  (2)  a  symbol  like  the  monogram  of 
Christ ;  and  (3)  the  legend  in  pace." 

1.  Ohv.  AVT.  K.  A.  CenT.  CEOVHPOC 
n€PTI.  Bust  of  Septimius  Severus  to  the 
right,  laureated  with  paludamentum  and  cuirass. 

Rev.  em  AmNO0€TOV  APTGMA.  T. 
In  the  exergue  AflAMGriN.  {^Under  Artemas, 
Agonothetes  (or  judge  at  the  games)  for  the  third 
time  (money)  af  the  Apameans.']  Two  figures,  a 
male  and  a  female  within  an  ark,  on  which  is 
inscribed  NQG,  and  which  is  floating  on  some 
water.  Outside  the  ark  two  figures,  a  male  and  a 
female,  standing  as  if  in  adoration.  On  the  top  of 
the  ark  a  bird  perched ;  in  the  field  above  a  bii-d 


»  Professor  Churchill  Babington  has  kindly  called  my 
attention  to  the  coins  of  the  kings  of  Edessa,  and  has 
sent  me  the  following  note  respecting  them :— "  Among 
the  kings  of  Edessa,  Abgar  Bar  Manu,  or  Abgar  VIII. 
(who  reigned  153-188,  according  to  Langlois)  is  said  to 
have  been  '  a  holy  man,'  (iepb?  avrip  Jul.  Afric.  in 
Euseb.  Chron.  Olymp.  149,  1)  ;  and  as  he  patronized  the 
Christian  Bardesanes,  and  forbade  the  worship  of  Cybele, 
it  has  been  inferred  that  he  was  a  Christian,  and  this  in- 
ference is  thought  '  to  be  strengthened  by  the  fact  that 
on  the  coins  of  this  prince  the  usual  symbols  of  the  old 
national  worship  are  for  the  first  time  wanting  and  the 
sign  of  the  cross  appears  in  their  place '  (Neander,  Ch.  Hist. 
vol.  i.  p.  Ill  [Bohn],  following  Bayer,  Hist.  Osr.  et  Edess. 
ex  Num.  illustr.  lib.  iii.  p.  171,  who  figures  two  coins  of 
an  Abgarus,  contemporary  with  Severus,  and  bearing  his 
head  on  which  a  cross  appears  on  the  tiara).  The  cross 
is  formed  in  one  case  of  five  dots  (pearls),  in  the  other 
the  central  dot  becomes  oval.  The  chronology  of  these 
kings  is  doubtful.  Neander  places  Abgar  Bar  Jlanu 
between  160-170,  but  it  seems  impossible  in  any  case 
that  these  coins  belong  to  him.  The  cross,  however 
(apparently  of  five  united  dots),  is  found  on  a  coin  of 
Abgarus,  having  the  head  of  Commodus  on  the  reverse 
(Langlois,  Num.  de  I'Armenie,  pi.  iv.  No.  7),  who  may  be 
Abgar  VIII.  That  which  is  certain  about  these  coins  is 
that  on  some  coins  of  an  Abgar  contemporary  with 
Severus  a  cross  occurs  on  the  diadem,  while  on  others 
we  have  the  crescent  surmounted  by  a  star,  taken  by 
Bayer  and  Neander  to  be  the  symbols  of  the  old  national 
worship."  On  a  coin  of  Abgarus  and  Commodus  in  the 
British  Museum,  there  appears  to  be  on  the  diadem  of 
Abgar  a  +  or  X,  but  I  am  inclined  to  think  with  Pro- 
fessor Babington,  that  the  supposed  cross  on  these  coins 
of  Edessa  is  only  a  cruciform  star  or  ornament  without 
any  Christian  significance. 

On  a  coin  of  barbarous  fabric  of  the  Roman  emperor 
Tetricus  (267-273),  with  legend  okievs  avg  (Cohen, 
Suppl.  No.  26),  or  of  Tacitus  (275-270),  published  by 
Hasche  (Lex.  vol.  i.  pt.  ii.  p.  1098),  there  is  said  to  be  in 
the  field  a  cross,  but  in  both  cases  it  is  probably  a  star, 
though  it  may  be  that  these  pieces  were  issued  long  after 
at  the  epoch  of  Christianity.  A  cross  is  also  given  by 
Cohen  (Afed.  Imp.  vol.  vi.  pi.  xv.)  in  the  field  of  a  coin  of 
Constantius  Clilorus  and  Galerius  Maximian,  but  this 
coin  has  been  incorrectly  engraved  and  described  and  the 
object  is  really  a  star  (Madden,  Handb.  of  Horn.  Num. 
p.  168,  1861,  pi.  iv.  No.  3). 


MONEY 

flying  toward  the  ark,  holding  an  olive  branch 
in  its  claws.  M.  (Fig.  1  ;  Cabinet  des  Medailles, 
Faris.) 

The  remarkable  coins  giving  the  representa- 
tion of  the  deluge  were  issued  during  the  reigns 
of  three  emperors,  (1)  Sept.  Severus,  193-211, 
who  was  at  first  favourable  to  the  Christians, 
and  whose  son  Caracalla  had  a  Christian  nurse 
(TertuU.  ad  Soap.  iv. ;  cf.  Spart.  in  Carac.  1),  hut 
who  at  a  later  period  of  his  reign,  202,  allowed 
a  persecution  to  prevail  (Spart.  in  Scv.  17 ; 
Euseb.  B.  E.  vi.  c.  2);  (2)  Macrinus,  217,  under 
whom  the  church  enjoyed  peace,  and  (3)  Philip  I. 
244-249,  whose  Christian  tendencies  have  been 
the  source  of  much  discussion  (Moniglia,  de  Relig. 
utriusque  Phil.  Aug.  Diss,  duae,  Rom.  4to,  1741  ; 
Greppo,  A'^otes  hist.  biog.  etc.  concern,  les  prem. 
siecles  chr^t.  Lyons,  1841  ;  Milman,  ffist.  of 
Christianity,  vol.  ii. ;  Lardner,  Cred.  vol.  vii.  etc.), 
and  who  by  many  ecclesiastical  authors  has  been 
considered  the  first  Roman  Emperor  who  was  a 
Christian  (Oros.  Hist.  vii.  20 ;  Hieron.  de  Vir. 
HI.  52 ;  Chron.  ed.  Mai,  vol.  viii.  p.  646),  an 
honour  that  more  properly  belongs  to  Constan- 
tine  I.  the  Great  (Lactant.  Be  fals.  Eelig.  c.  1 ; 
Sulp.  Sev.  Sacr.  Hist.  ii.  33 ;  Euseb.  Vit,  Const. 
iv.  c.  75 ;  Theod.  H.  E.  v.  c.  39). 

The  type  of  these  coins  was  by  early  numis- 
matists and  scholars  (Falconeri,  Froelich,  Har- 
douin,  Bryant,  Barrington,  Milles,  etc.)  con- 
sidered to  refer  to  the  Greek  legend  of  the  flood 
of  Deucalion,  in  which  it  is  stated  that  Zeus  had 
resolved  to  destroy  all  mankind,  with  the  e.xcep- 
tion  of  Deucalion  and  Pyrrha,  whilst  the  letters  on 
the  ark  were  supposed  to  have  been  either  added 
by  a  forger  or  altered  from  NEQK  [opiav].  Nu- 
mismatists, however,  of  the  present  century  have 
not  failed  to  recognise  that  the  letters  on 
the  ark  are  certainly  N06  and  that  the  type 
refers  to  the  Noachian  deluge,  the  figures  both 
inside  and  outside  the  ark  representing  Noah 
and  his  wife,  in  the  latter  case  holding  up  their 
hands  in  thanksgiving  for  their  safety.  It  has 
been  suggested  (Eckhel,  Doct.  Num.  Vet.  vol.  iii. 
p.  137),  and  with  much  probability,  that  the  word 
NQG  was  placed  on  these  coins  so  that  there 
might  be  no  confusion  with  the  flood  of  Deuca- 
lion, in  a  similar  manner  as  on  the  coins  of 
Magnesia  in  Ionia  the  word  APPn  is  put  to 
show  that  the  vessel  thereon  represented  is 
the  ship  'Argo,'  in  which  history  makes  Jason 
and  his  colleagues  sail  in  search  of  the  golden 
fleece. 

It  is  not  difficult  to  distinguish  on  these  coins 
the  form  of  the  raven  from  that  of  the  dove, 
and  the  Bible  gives  an  account  of  the  presence 
of  only  these  two  birds.  In  the  short  descrip- 
tion of  the  flood  of  Deucalion,  by  Plutarch 
(De  Solert.  Animal,  xiii.  ed.  Didot)  there  is  allu- 
sion to  a  dove,  but  there  is  no  mention  of  an 
olive  branch  or  of  another  bird.  In  the  Chal- 
daean  accounts  of  the  deluge,  as  preserved  in  the 
fragments  of  Berosus  and  Abydenus  (Cory,  Anc. 
Frag.  2nd  ed.  pp.  28-34),  some  birds  were  twice 
sent  out  to  discover  if  the  waters  had  receded, 
and  the  second  time  they  returned  with,  instead 
of  an  olive  branch,  soma  mud  on  their  feet ;  whilst 
in  the  A.ssyrian  accounts  (G.  Smith,  Chald.  Acct. 
of  Genesis,  1876)  it  is  stated  that  "a  dove,  a 
swallow,  and  a  raven  "  were  sent  forth,  the  two 
former  of  which  returned  to  the  .ship,  but  the 
raven  did  not  come  back.     These  statements  are 


MONEY 

quite  contrary  to  that  in  Genesis,  as  also  to  the 
subject  shown  on  the  coins.  A  very  important 
feature  of  this  type  (Lenormant,  Met.  d'Arch. 
vol.  iii.  p.  199, 1853)  is  the  exactness  with  which, 
as  regards  the  raven,  it  agrees  with  the  Hebrew 
te.xt,  which  is  quite  at  variance  with  the  LXX 
and  Vulg.  In  these  latter  (Gen.  viii.  7)  the 
raven  is  stated  as  "  noi  returning  until  the  water 
had  dried  from  off  the  earth  "  (/caJ  i^e\8wv,  ovk 
aveffTpe^ev  eois  rov  ^■qpavOijvai  Th  vSwp  a-rrh 
rrjs  yrjs. — Qui  egrediebatur  et  7ion  revcrtcbatur, 
donee  siccarentur  aquae  super  terram),  whereas 
in  the  Heb.  text  we  read  that  the  raven  "  went 
forth  to  and  fro  until  the  waters  were  dried  up 
from     off     the     earth"    (aiK^I      Kl^*;      NV»1 

pts'n  bv^  □''^n  ni:bpy  "  Et  exiit  cgre- 

dierulo  et  redcundo,  donee  arescerent  aquae  de- 
super  terram,"  Walton,  Polygott ;  Kalisch,  Crit. 
Com. ;  Patrick,  Com.  etc.).  The  expression  "  to 
and  fro "  leaves  no  doubt  that  the  raven— a 
bad  messenger  and  Noah  chose  another,  the  dove 
— must  have  returned  at  intervals  to  the  ark, 
and  in  all  probability  rested  on  its  top,  as  indeed 
it  is  represented  on  these  coins. 

It  is  also  interesting  to  compare  the  type  of 
these  coins  with  the  representations  on  early 
Christian  monuments.  A  painting  of  the  3rd 
century,  in  the  catacombs  at  Rome  (Saviflien 
Petit,  3M.  d'Arch.  vol.  iii.  pi.  xxix.  Paris,  1853), 
shows  Noah  in  the  ark  and  a  dove  holding  an 
olive  branch  in  its  mouth  flying  towards  him ; 
Noah's  wife  is  not  represented,  nor  the  raven, 
but  one  cannot  fail  to  observe  the  striking 
similarity  of  the  shape  of  the  ark,  its  cover, 
the  figure  of  Noah  and  the  dove.  Though  the 
raven  is  not  found  on  any  of  the  paintings  of 
the  catacombs,  it  may  be  seen  on  a  bas-relief 
found  at  D'Jemila,  in  Algeria  (De  la  Mare, 
Bemie  Arch.  1849,  vol.  vi.  p.  196),  and  is  here 
occupied  in  devouring  the  carcases. 

It  now  remains  to  assign  a  reason,  if  possible, 
for  this  type  occurring  upon  the  coins  of  Apameia. 
In  the  first  place  there  was  a  Phrygian  legend 
of  a  great  flood  relating  to  Annacus  or  Nannacus, 
a  king  who  resided  at  Iconiura,  and  who  lived  to 
the  age  of  300  years.  When  he  died  the  tradi- 
tion was  that  all  mankind  would  be  destroyed 
(Steph.  Bjz.s.v.  'IkSviov;  Suidas,  s.v.  'SdvvaKos). 
There  is  not  much  doubt  that  the  Old  Testament 
influenced  this  tradition,  and  it  is  perhaps  not 
unreasonable  to  suppose  that  there  is  here  a 
reference  to  Enoch,  the  father  of  Methuselah, 
who  after  his  son's  birth  "  walked  with  God  300 
years"  (Gen.  v.  22).  Prof.  Ewald  indeed  has 
supposed  {Gesch.  d.  Volkes  Israel,  vol.  i.  p.  356) 
that  the  city  Enoch,  which  was  built  by  the 
eldest  son  of  Cain,  and  called  after  his  name 
(Gen.  iv.  17,  18),  refers  to  the  Phrygian  city  of 
Iconium,  at  which  Annacus  is  supposed  to  have 
resided.  In  the  second  place  the  curious  lines  in 
the  "Sibylline  Books"  {Orac.  Sibi/ll.  vv.  247- 
256,  261-267)  may  have  actually  suggested  to  the 
Apameans  the  types  for  these  coins.  They  are  as 
follows :  "  But  Noah  resting  some  days  sent 
again  the  dove  that  he  might  know  whether  the 
Deluge  had  ceased,  but  she  flying  up  and  down 
fled  away,  and  descending  to  earth  rested  a  little 
her  body  on  the  wet  earth  and  returned  bring- 
ing a  branch  of  an  olive  tree,  a  great  sign  of 
c^ood  news   ....   and  then  presently  he  sent 


MONE\ 


1273 


forth  another  bird  black-winged,  and  she   flew 

away  and  remained  on  the  earth There 

is  on  the  continent  of  black  Phrygia  a  high  and 

great  mountain  called  Ararat Here  arise 

the  springs  of  the  great  river  Marsyas.  On  its 
lofty  top  the  ark  rested  when  the  waters  receded." 
The  term  ki^wt6s,  "an  ark,"  which  occurs  in 
these  verses  is  of  special  interest,  for  not  only 
was  it  employed  by  the  LXX  (Gen.  vi.  14),  by 
the  Evangelists  (Matt.  xxiv.  38 ;  Luke  xvii,  27), 
and  by  the  Apostles  (Heb.  xi.  7  ;  1  Pet.  iii.  20) 
for  the  "ark  of  Noah  ;"  but  Apameia  itself  wa 
called  Cibotos  (Strab.  xii.  6  ;  Ptol.  v.  2),  probably 
on  account  of  the  great  wealth  collected  there 
it  being  a  great  emporium  next  in  dignity  to 
Ephesus  (Strabo,  xii.  8),  and  Ki$ar6s  signifies 
"  a  chest  "  or  "  coffer."  Moreover  that  the  ark 
was  supposed  to  rest  at  Apameia  is  testified  bj 
the  line  tvda  (pXf^es  fisydhov  Trora/xoD  Mapcruao 
iTi<pvKav,  for  the  river  Marsyas  ran  by  Apameia, 
and  was  also  itself  called  Cibotos,  as  testified 
by  coins  struck  at  the  time  of  Hadrian  (Madden, 
Num.  Chron.  N.  S.  1866,  vol.  vi.  p.  211,  pi.  vi. 
No.  4). 

Among  the  various  suppositions  which  may  be 
brought  forward  to  explain  the  appearance  of 
this  type,  whether  it  be  suggested  that  it  may 
have  been  produced  owing  to  the  semi-generous 
treatment  that  the  Christians  received  during 
the  reign  of  the  emperors  under  whicli  they  were 
issued,  it  is  certain  that  the  type  did  not  emanate 
from  a  Christian  sect.  The  deep  root  which  an 
ancient  tradition  of  the  Deluge — shown  by  the 
Phrygian  legend,  probably  greatly  influenced  by 
the  Biblical  account  and  the  minute  description 
in  the  Sibylline  books — had  taken  at  Apameia 
is  far  more  likely  to  have  originated  these  pieces. 
At  the  same  time  it  would  be  presumptuous  to 
suppose  that  they  might  not  have  been  designed 
by  a  Christian  artist,  for  the  worship  of  God  had 
long  circulated  throughout  Asia  Minor.  (For  a 
full  account  of  these  coins  see  Madden,  Num. 
Chron.  N.  S.  1866,  vol.  vi.  p.  173.) 

2.  Obv.  AVT.  K.  r.  M.  KV.  TPAIANOC 
A6K10C.  Bust  of  Trajan  Decius  to  the  right 
laureated,  with  pahidamentum. 

Rev.  En.  AVP.  AI-I-IANOV  B.  A;:^. 
A.  TO  B.  CTGI-ANH.  y-rrl  AvpnXiov  'A<p- 
tptdvou  Sis  &PXOVTOS  ayoovodeTOv  rh  S^vrepov 
<TTi<f)avr](p6pov.']  In  the  exergue  MAIONfiN. 
Bacchus,  holding  in  the  right  hand  a  vase  and 
in  the  left  a  spear,  seated  to  left  on  a  chair, 
which  is  on  a  car  drawn  by  two  panthers. 
Before  him  a  female  (Ariadne?)  walking  to 
left,  but  looking  at  Bacchus  and  carrying  a 
large  vine-branch  covered  with  grapes.  M. 
(Fig.  2  ;  Cabinet  des  MMailles,  Paris.) 

This  medallion  was  issued  during  the  reign  of 
Trajan  Decius  (249-251)  at  Maeonia  in  Lydia. 

It  will  be  observed  that  the  engraver  has 
taken  care  to  place  the  monogram  between  two 
A's  (A^A)  in  the  middle  of  the  legend  at  the 
top  of  the  coin,  as  if  to  call  special  attention 
to  it. 

Suggestions  have  been  made  (Lenormant,  3W. 
d'Arch.  vol.  iii.  p.  196)  that  a  Christian  moneyer 
intended  to  introduce  on  this  coin  the  mysterious 
sio-n  of  the  new  Faith,  and  that  though  symbols 
ofa  similar  character  to  the  Christian  monogram 
occur  upon  other  monuments  anterior  to  Chris- 


1274 


MONEY 


tianity  (see  §  xv.),  yet  in  this  case  the  sign  is 
more  probably  the  work  of  a  Christian.  More- 
over, that  the  Bacchic  emblems,  appropriate  to 
the  institution  of  the  Eucharist,  may  also  be 
found  on  the  sarcophagus  of  St.  Constance  and 
on  the  mosaics  which  decorate  the  mausoleum 
of  this  princess  (Ciampini,  de  sacr.  Acdif.  a  Const, 
mag.  constr.  pi.  xxxii.  Rome,  1693).  This  opinion 
is  further  sustained  by  another  scholar  (De  Witte, 
Mel.  d'Arch.  vol.  iii.  p.  172),  who  adds  that  the 
title  &pxt»v  chosen  by  the  artist  in  which  to 
introduce  the  monogram  of  Christ  seems  to  offer 
a  direct  allusion  to  the  domination  and  the  reign 
of  the  Saviour. 

The  form  of  the  $  (  '  *  )  ^"^  ^^^  words 
'A(p<pidvov  and  ^Te(l>avn(p6pov  have  been  also 
considered  to  allude  to  the  form  of  the  cross 
(~\~),  but  it  would  be  hazardous  to  affirm  this, 
as  a  similar  manner  of  engraving  this  letter 
occurs  on  the  coins  of  the  Seleucidae,  of  Phila- 
delphia in  Lydia,  and  of  Sardes,  in  the  latter 
case  on  a  coin  of  Salonina,  who  is  supposed  to 
have  been  a  Christian  (see  par.  3  ;  Madden,  Num. 
Chron.  N.  S.  1866,  vol.  vi.  p.  218)  ;  at  the  same 
time  such  a  form  may  be  seen  on  the  top  of  the 
labarum  of  certain  coins  of  Constantine  the  Great 
to  which  I  shall  presently  allude  (§  vi.). 

It  must,  however,  be  remembered  that  under 
Trajan  Decius  the  Christians  were  grossly  per- 
secuted ("  Exstitit  post  annos  plurimos  exsecrahile 
animal  Decius,  qui  vexaret  Ecclesi.im,"  Lactant. 
de  Mart.  Fers.  c.  4).  Fabian,  bishop  of  Rome, 
the  first  authentic  martyr  pope,  was  one  of  the 
early  victims  (Milman,  Hist,  of  Christ,  vol.  ii. 
p.  188 ;  vol.  iii.  p.  329),  and  many  persons  were 
killed  throughout  the  empire.  Yet  the  quiet 
that  the  Christians  enjoyed  during  the  mild 
reign  of  his  predecessor  Philip,  and  its  effects, 
cannot  have  been  suddenly  stopped  even  by  this 
attempt  to  extirpate  Christianity,  and  it  is  not 
therefore  improbable  that  a  Christian  artist  here 
sought  surreptitious  means  of  protest  against 
the  tyranny  of  the  persecutors  of  the  church. 

I  may  add  that  Tryphonia  or  Cephinia,  the 
wife  of  Herennius  Etruscus,  son  of  Trajan 
Decius  and  Etruscilla,  was  probably  converted 
to  Christianity  with  her  daughter  Cyrilla  after 
her  husband's  death  (De  Witte,  op.  cit.).  Of  this 
empress  no  coins  are  extant. 

3.  Ohv.  CORN.  SALONINA  AVG.  Bust  of  Salo- 
nina to  the  right  on  a  crescent. 

Eev.  AVG.  [or  avgvsta]  in  pace.  Salonina 
seated  to  the  left  holding  an  olive-branch  and 
sceptre.  In  the  exergue  sometimes  the  letters 
M  S,  sometimes  P  or  S,  sometimes  S  I.  Billon. 
(Fig.  3  ;  British  Museum.) 

The  explanation  of  the  remarkable  legend  on 
this  coin  of  Salonina  {circ.  260-268)  was  first 
given  by  M.  de  Witte,  who  in  a  most  interesting 
memoir  published  in  1852  {Mem.  de  I' Acad.  Roy. 
de  Behjique,  vol.  xxvi. ;  cf.  Eev.  Num.  Beige, 
vol.  ii.  1853  ;  Mel.  d'Arch.  vol.  iii.  Paris,  1853) 
traced  the  origin  and  names  of  Salonina  the 
wife  of  Gallienus  —  carefully  distinguishing 
her  from  Pipa  or  Pipara  the  concubine; — the 
character  of  this  empress,  and  finally  attempted 
to  show,  and  not  without  success,  that  she  was 
a  Christian. 

It  has  been  amply  proved,  in  spite  of  many 
objections,  that  the  formula  EN  EIPHNH  or  IN 
PACE  was  exclusively  Christian  (Cavedoni,  Ragg. 


MONEY 

dei  Mon.  delle  Art.  Crist.  Modena,  1849),  that  is 
to  say,  not  in  vogue  among  the  pagans,  though 
it  was  used  previously  by  the  Jews  (Greppo, 
Not.  sur  des  Inscript.  ant.  tire'es  de  quelq.  tom- 
heaux  juifs  a  Borne,  Lyons,  1835).  It  was  more- 
over a  formula  of  Christian  apotheosis,  and  as 
such  has  been  treated  by  M.  de  Witte,  who  in 
the  papers  above  referred  to  has  supposed  that 
these  coins  are  commemorative,  and  were  struck 
by  order  of  Gallienus,  after  his  wife's  death.  A 
few  years  after,  two  finds,  one  in  1855,  consisting 
of  some  4000  coins,  the  other  in  1857,  consisting 
of  some  25  or  30,000  coins  of  silver  and  billon', 
among  which  were  some  of  the  pieces  of  Salonina,. 
with  the  legend  avg.  or  avgvsta  in  pace, 
proved  to  M.  de  Witte  (Bev.  Num.  1857,  p.  71> 
that  these  coins  must  have  been  issued  before 
265  and  consequently  durmg  the  lifetime  of 
Salonina,  an  opinion  that  was  shared  by  the  late 
M.  C.  Lenormant  {Rev.  Num.  1857,  pp.  243- 
245),  but  which  has  not  commended  itself  t« 
Mr.  C.  W.  King  {Early  Christ.  Num.  p.  49 
1873),  who  whilst  suppressing  all  mention  of  th 
authority  of  the  txo  fiiids  speaks  of  M.  de  Witte's 
conclusion  as  an  "  unlucky  after-thought." 

As  regards  the  letters  M  s  in  the  exergue,  Mr 
King  {op.  cit.  p.  xiv.)  is  of  opinion  that  theymusl 
stand  for  some  title,  and  that  Memoriae  Sanctas 
not  merely  gives  a  most  appropriate  sense,  but 
is  supported  by  the  Venerandae  Memoriae  on  the 
coins  of  Constantine  (§  xiii.).  The  fact,  however, 
is  that  other  letters  occur  in  the  exergue,  and 
the  same  may  also  be  found  on  pagan  types  of 
the  coins  of  Salonina,  and  on  the  coins  of 
Gallienus,  so  that  this  hypothesis  is  out  of  the 
question.  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  the 
letters  bear  some  reference  to  the  mintage  or 
place  of  minting,  but  I  am  unable  to  offer  any 
satisfactory  solution. 

It  must  be  added  that  the  late  Abb^  Cavedoni 
considered  {Album.  Giornale  Lett.  vol.  xix.  Rome, 
1852)  M.  de  Witte's  suggestion  a  paradox,  and 
did  not  admit  his  interpretation  of  the  legend. 

§  i.  Chronological  and  Historical  Sketch  of  tlie 
Beign  of  Constantine. — Previous  to  commencing 
the  actual  description  of  the  coins  of  Constan- 
tine I.  with  Christian  emblems,  and  for  the  better 
understanding  of  their  arrangement  and  classi- 
fication, it  is  necessary  to  give  a  brief  chrono- 
logical and  historical  sketch  of  the  reign  of  this 
emperor. 

311,  In  the  year  311,  Constantine  I., 

being  determined  to  stop  the  tyranny 
of  Maxentius,  reviewed  in  his  own 
mind  all  considerations,  and  felt  it 
incumbent  on  him  to  honour  no- 
other  than  the  God  of  his  father 
Constautius  I.  Chlorus  (Euseb.  Vit, 
Const,  i.  c.  27).  He  is  consequently 
said  to  have  prayed  earnestly  to 
God,  and  whilst  thus  praying  with 
fervent  entreaty,  a  most  marvellous 
sign  appeared  to  him  from  heaven. 
About  midday,  when  the  sun  was 
beginning  to  decline,  he  saw  with  his 
own  eyes  in  the  heavens  the  trophy 
of  a  cross  of  light  placed  above  the 
sun,  and  bearing  the  inscription  BY 
THIS  CONQUER  (TOVm  N I KAX 
a  miracle  witnessed  by  his  whole 
army  (Euseb.  Vit   Const,  i.  c.  28). 


312. 


MONEY 

But  doubting  in  his  own  mind  what 
the  import  of  this  apparition  might 
be,  he  continued  to  meditate  till 
night.  During  his  sleep  the  Christ 
of  God  appeared  to  him  with  the 
sign  that  he  had  seen  in  the  heavens, 
and  commanded  him  to  make  a 
standard  resembling  the  sign  and  to 
use  it  as  a  safeguard  against  his 
enemies  (Euseb.  Vit.  Const,  i.  c.  29). 
So  soon  as  it  was  day  he  arose,  and 
calling  together  those  that  worked 
in  jewels  and  precious  stones,  he 
sat  in  the  midst  and  described  to 
them  the  figure  of  the  sign  he  had 
seen,  and  commanded  them  to  make 
one  like  it  in  gold  and  precious 
stones,  to  which  Eusebius  adds,  "  and 
I  also  have  seen  this  representation" 
{Vit.  Const,  i.  c.  30). 

The  description  of  the  standard 
of  the  cross,  called  by  the  Romans 
laharum,  is  minutely  given  by  Euse- 
bius {Vit.  Const,  i.  c.  31.  See  art. 
Labarum),  who  says  that  two 
letters  indicating  the  name  of  Christ 
by  means  of  the  first  letters  were 
placed  on  the  crown,  "  the  letter  P 
being  marked  diagonally  with  X  ex- 
actly in  its  centre  "  (xiaCoA'«'»'ou  '''oi 
p  Kara  rh  ixiaairarov),  which  would 

perhaps  rather  give  the  form  /j\ 
than  N^,  and  these  letters  the 
emperor  at  a  later  period  used  to 
wear  on  his  helmet.  The  form  of 
the  cross,  as  employed  by  the  soldiers 
on  their  shields,  is  given  by  Lactan- 
tius  {De  Mort.  Pers.  c.  44) — trans- 
versa S/  litera,  summo  capitecircum- 
flexo,  i.e.  Np . 

Encouraged  by  these  signs,  Con- 
stantine  advanced  against  Maxentius, 
whom  he  defeated  on  Oct.  27,  312, 
Maxentius  himself  being  drowned  in 
the  Tiber  while  endeavouring  to 
escape  over  the  Milvian  bridge.  Con- 
stantine  thus  became  sole  master  of 
the  Western  empire. 

Shortly  after  Constantine's  entry 
into  Rome,  he,  in  conjunction  with 
Licinius  I.  his  colleague,  "having 
first  praised  God  as  the  author  of  all 
their  successes,"  drew  up  a  full  and 
comprehensive  edict  in  favour  of  the 
Chi-istians,  and  then  sent  it  to 
Maximin,  ruler  in  the  east,  who 
fearful  of  refusing,  addressed  a  de- 
cree *•  commencing  lOVlVS  MAXI- 
MiNvs  AVGVSTVS,  etc.  (a  title 
assumed  by  him  after  the  death  of 
Galerius)  to  the  governors  under 
him,  respecting  the  Christians,  as  if 
of  his  own  free  will  (Euseb.  H.  E. 
ix.  c.  9). 


MONEY 


127; 


i>  The  original  edict  is  not  now  extant,  but  the  copy 
issued  by  Maximin  ia  given  by  Eusebius  in  Greek  (IT.  E. 


The  whole  Roman  people  received 
Constantine  as  their  benefactor.  The 
senate  who  paid  adoration  to  the 
laharum  (Prudent,  in  Symin.  494— 
496)  decreed  him  the  first  rank 
among  the  Augusti  (Lactant.  de  Mort. 
Pers.  c.  44),  and  perhaps  offered  him 
the  title  of  Maximus,  "  quem  sibi 
Maximinus  vindicabat,"  to  the  great 
grief  and  indignation  of  Maximin. 
"  Cognito  deinde  senatus  decreto,  sic 
exarsit  dolore,  ut  inimicitias  aperte 
profiteretur,  convicia  jocis  mixta  ad- 
versus  Iinperatorem  Maximum  di- 
ceret  "  (Lactant.  op.  cit.).  [See  under 
315.]  Constantine  erected  a  statue 
of  himself  in  the  most  frequented  part 
of  Rome,  and  ordered  a  long  spear  in 
the  form  of  a  cross  to  be  placed  in 
the  hands  of  the  statue,  and  the 
following  inscription  to  be  engraved 
on  it  in  the  Latin  language ; — By 
this  salutary  sigx,  the  true 
symbol  of  valour,  i  have  saved- 
your  city,  liberated  from  the 
yoke  of  the  tyrant.  i  have 
also  restored  the  senate  and 
Roman  people  to  their  ancient 

DIGNITY    AND   SPLENDOUR.      (Euseb. 

Vit.  Const,  i.  c.  40 ;  H.  E.  ix.  c.  9.) 
312-313.  In     312-313,     Constantine     and 

Licinius  were  at  Milan,  where  the 
latter  was  married  to  Constantia, 
the  half-sister  of  Constantine  (Lac- 
tant. de  Mort.  Pers.  c.  45 ;  Vict. 
Epit.  ;  Zosim.  ii.  17);  and  here  the 
two  emperors  issued  a  second  edict 
giving  liberty  to  the  Christians  in  par- 
ticular, and  to  all  men  in  general,  to- 
follow  the  worship  of  that  deity 
which  each  might  approve,  so  that 
thus  the  Divine  Being  {Divinitas) 
might  be  propitious  to  them  and  to 
all  their  subjects  (Lactant.  de  Mort. 
Pers.  c.  48;  Euseb.  H.  E.  x. 
c  5). 

In  the  meantime  the  impious 
Maximin  Daza,  taking  advantage  of 
the  marriage  festivities  which  were 
going  on  at  Milan,  marched  from 
Syria  into  Bithynia,  and  from 
thence  into  Thrace.  Licinius  pur- 
sued him,  and  in  a  pitched  battle  at 
Adrianople  defeated  him.  Maximin 
fled  to  Mount  Taurus,  and  thence  to 
Tarsus,  where  he  is  said  to  have 
given  glory  to  the  God  of  the 
Christians,  and  enacted  a  full  and 
complete  law  for  their  liberty 
(Euseb.  H.  E.  ix.  c.  10),  but  too- 
late,  for  being  seized  with  a  violent 
disease,  he  perished  miserably  (313). 
Licinius  thus  became  sole  master  of 
the  East,  and  on  arriving  at  Nico- 
media,  he  gave  thanks  to  God  for 
his  victory  (gratiam  Deo,  cujus 
auxilio  vicerat,  Lactant.  de  Mort. 
Pers.  c.  48),  and  repeated  the  edict 
in  favour  of  the  Christians  as  issued 
by  Constantine  and  himself  at 
Milan  (Lactant.  op.  cit.). 
314.  In   314  Constantine  and  Licinius- 


127G  MONEY 

quarrelled,  but  the  latter,  being  de- 
feated,  sued  for   peace,  which   was 
accepted. 
-315  In  315  the  title  of  Maximus  and 

the  diadem  were  officially  decreed  to 
Constantine. 

The  title  of  Maximus  is  given  to 
Constantine  by  Eumenius  in  his 
panegyric  pronounced  at  Treves  in 
310  {Paneg.  Const.  Aug.  Diet.),  but 
the  statement  cannot  be  accepted  as 
true  (Heyne,  Ccns.  xii.  Pcmeg.  Vet. 
in  his  Opusc.  Acad.  vol.  vi.  p.  80). 
Pagius  {Crit.  Baron,  ann.  311)  gives 
the  date  as  311  on  the  authority  of 
a  coin  having  on  the  obverse  max. 
and  on  the  reverse  VOTIS  V  MVLT.  x, 
but  Mediobarbus,  from  whom  the 
description  of  the  coin  is  taken,  is 
an  authority  of  no  value  (Eckhel, 
Doct.  JVum.  Vet.  vol.  viii.  p.  94). 
Some  modern  numismatists,  on  the 
other  hand  (Feuardent,  Bcv.  Num. 
1856,  p.  249;  Cohen,  Me'd.  Imp. 
vol.  vi.  p.  89),  think  that  coins  with 
this  title  were  not  struck  till  the 
end  of  his  reign.  The  title  was  pro- 
bably offered  to  him  in  312  by  the 
senate,  as  I  have  previously  stated, 
but  it  is  more  likely  that  it  was 
officially  granted  to  him  in  315, 
when  the  triumphal  arch,  to  com- 
memorate the  victory  over  Maxen- 
tius  in  312,  was  dedicated  to  him. 

IMP.      CAES.      FL.      CONSTANTINO 

MAXIMO    P.    F.    AVQVSTO    S.    P.    Q.    R. 

etc.  (Orelli,  Inscr.  No.  1075 ;  see 
§  xviii.  "  False  or  uncertain  coins 
of  Constantine  I.")  on  which  it  was 
proclaimed  that  by  the  greatness  of 
his  own  mind  and  the  inspiration  of 
the  Divinity  (instinctu  Divinitatis)  ' 
he  defeated  the  tyrant  Maxentius, 
and  this  view  is  confirmed  by  a 
genuine  brass  coin  preserved  in  the 
"  Musee  de  Vienne,"  having  on  the 
obverse  constantinvs  max.  avg. 
COS.  iiii  and  on  the  reverse  the 
legend  soli  invicto  COMiti  (Eckhel, 
Cat.  du  Musee  de  Vienne;  Cohen, 
M^d.  Imp.  Nos.  467,  468). 

It  is  extremely  probable  that 
the  senate  decreed  to  Constantine 
at  the  same  time  the  diadem  (see 
§  xvi.  "  Coins  of  Constantine  with 
the  diadem  "),  and  it  was  perhaps  on 
the    occasion  of  these  honours  that 


<=  The  words  instinctu  divinitatis  have  been  supposed 
by  some  (Guattini,  Mon.  Ant.  di  Emna,  p.  xciv.  1789 ; 
Bom.  descr.  p.  42,  1805 ;  Henzcii,  Suppl.  ad  Orell.  vol.  iii. 
p.  113)  to  have  been  written  over  the  effaced  words  nutu 
joviso.  m.  or  perhaps  Diis  faventihus, hut  Garrucci  quite 
sets  the  question  at  rest  by  assuring  us  (^Nuin.  Cost.  2nd 
ed.  p.  245  ;  Rev.  iVum.  1866,  p.  96)  from  personal  inspection 
that  the  marble  was  not  lower  in  the  portion  where  these 
words  occur  than  in  other  parts,  nor  are  the  letters  them- 
selves confused,  nor  are  there  any  traces  of  letters  to  be 
seen  that  could  have  been  previously  engraved.  It  may 
be  added  that  Constantino  himself  In  his  oration  to  the 
assembly  of  the  saints  (ap.  Euseb.  c.  26)  speaks  of  his 
services  as  owing  their  origin  to  the  inspiration  of  God 
(ef  CTTtjri'oias  ©eoC). 


323. 


325. 


337. 


MONEY 

Constantine  distributed  money  to 
the  people  as  attested  by  his  coins 
(constantinvs  max.  avg.  Bust 
with  diadem,  Cohen,  M^d.  Imp.  No. 
160,  from  Welzf). 

In  317  Crispus  and  Constantine  II., 
the  sons  of  Constantine  I.,  and  Licin- 
ius  II.  the  son  of  Licinius  I.,  were 
made  Caesars. 

In  321  Constantine  enjoined  all 
the  subjects  of  the  Roman  empire 
to  observe  the  "  Lord's  Day,"  and 
passed  an  edict  for  the  solemn  ob- 
servance of  Sunday  (Clinton,  F.  S. 
vol.  ii.  p.  91),  which  he  called  dies 
Solis  (Euseb.  Vit.  Const,  iv.  c.  18  ; 
Sozomen,  H.  E.  i.  c.  8). 

For  nine  years  there  had  been 
peace,  but  at  last,  in  323,  a  second 
war  broke  out  between  Constantine 
and  Licinius.  Two  battles  were 
fought,  and  in  the  second  Licinius 
was  utterly  defeated  and  obliged  to 
sue  for  pardon.  His  life  was  spared 
at  the  request  of  his  wife  Constantia, 
but  only  for  a  brief  period,  as  he 
was  put  to  death  in  the  next  year, 
324,  at  Thessalonica,  whei'e  he  had 
been  placed  in  confinement  (Euti-op. 
X.  6  ;  Hieron.  Chron. ;  Zosimus,  ii.  28  ; 
Euseb.  Vit.  Const,  ii.  c.  18 ;  //.  E. 
X.  c.  9). 

By  this  victory  Constantine  be- 
came sole  master  of  the  Roman 
world  (rector  totivs  ORBIS  on  a 
gold  coin  struck  at  Thessalonica, 
Madden,  Num.  Chron.  N.  S.  18G2, 
vol.  ii.  p.  48). 

On  Nov.  8  of  this  year  Constau- 
tius  II.  was  made  Caesar. 

About  325  the  combats  of  Gladi- 
ators were  abolished,  but  they 
appear  still  to  have  continued  till 
as  late  as  455  (Gibbon,  Rom.  Emp. 
ed.  Smith  vol.  iv.  p.  41,  note),  and 
perhaps  also  the  punishment  of  the 
cross  (Aur.  Vict.  Caes.  c.  41 ;  Sozo- 
men, H.  E.  i.  c.  8). 

330.  Dedication  of  Constantinople 
where  Constantine  abolished  idolatry 
and  built  churches  (Euseb.  Vit. 
Const,  iii.  c.  48),  placing  in  his 
palace  a  representation  of  the  cross 
composed  of  precious  stones  richly 
wrought  in  gold  ( Vit.  Const,  iii.  c. 
49). 

333.  Constans  made  Caesar. 

337.  Constantine  now  began  to 
feel  signs  of  failing  health,  aad 
visited  Ilelenopolis,  the  birthplace 
of  his  mother  Helena,  where  he  is 
said  to  have  for  the  first  time  re- 
ceived the  imposition  of  hands  with 
prayer,  in  fact  became  a  catechumen, 
after  which  he  proceeded  to  Nico- 
media,  where  he  was  baptized  by 
Eusebius,  bishop  of  Nicomedia, 
though  he  had  intended  to  defer  this 
rite  till  he  could  have  been  baptized 
in  the  river  Jordan.  He  soon  after 
died,  at  noon  on  the  feast  of  Pente- 
cost (Euseb.  Vit.  Const,  iv.  c.  61-64  ; 


» 


MONEY 

Socrates,  H.  E.  i.  39  ;  Sozomen,  ff.  E. 
ii.  c.  34  ;  Theodoret,  //.  E.  i.  c.  32). 
Delmatius  and  Hanniballianus,  and 
other  members  of  the  Imperial 
family,  excepting  Julian  and  Gallus, 
were  put  to  death,  and  the  three 
sons  of  Constantine  I. — Constan- 
tine  II.  Constantius  II.  and  Constans 
were  declared  Avgusti. 

From  these  statements  it  would  appear  that 
Constantine  the  Great  was  converted  to  Christi- 
anity about  the  year  312,  and  that  his  colleague 
Licinius  I.  pretended  to  embrace  the  same  faith 
at  or  about  the  same  period.  Still  many  acts  of 
his  reign  after  this  date  show  that  he  acted  in 
anything  but  a  Christian  spirit.  There  may  be 
specially  mentioned  :  (1)  the  murder  of  Licinius  I. 
in  324  contra  jus  sacramenti ;  (2)  the  murder  of 
his  son  Crispus,  and  the  young  Licinius,  a  boy 
of  eleven  years  of  age,  in  326 ;  and  (3)  the 
murder  of  his  wife  Fausta  in  327.^  For  these 
and  other  reasons,  especially  because  he  had  on 
his  coins  the  inscription  Sol  Invictus,  some  have 
considei-ed  (Niebuhr,  Hist,  of  Rom.  vol.  v.  p. 
359)  that  he  must  have  been  "  a  repulsive  phe- 
nomenon and  was  certainly  not  a  Christian."  Be 
this  as  it  may,  it  is  during  the  reign  of  Con- 
stantine that  Christian  emblems  appear  in  a 
marked  manner  on  the  coins  and  on  the  Roman 
dated  tituli. 

In  the  numismatic  studies  now  about  to  follow, 
it  will  be  seen  whether  Constantine  the  Great 
ordered  to  be  placed  on  the  imperial  coinage, 
either  openly  or  latently,  any  Christian  emblems 
from  the  time  when  he  fii'st  professed  Christi- 
anity in  312,  or  whether  he  deferred  so  doing 
till  323,  after  the  defeat  of  Licinius,  when  as 
"ruler  of  the  whole  world"  he  could  dare, 
without  opposition,  to  inscribe  upon  his  coins 
the  symbols  of  the  true  religion  of  Christ. 

§  ii.  Coins  of  Constantine  I.  and  Licinius  I. 
—  ?  312—?  317. 

1.    Obv.     IMP.     CONSTANTINVS    AVG.       Bust     of 

Constantine  I.  armed  in  cuirass  with  the  shoulder- 
belt,  holding  a  spear  slanting  over  right  shoulder, 
and  on  the  left  a  shield  on  which  is  figured  a 
horseman  striking  with  a  spear  a  barbarian. 
The  head  is  covered  with  a  helmet  divided  in 
the  middle  by  a  large  band,  on  which  is  engraved 

the  monogram  ^  between  two  stars. 

Bev.    VICTORIAE    LAETAE    PRINC.    PERP.      TwO 

victories  supporting  a  shield  placed  on  a  pedestal ; 
on  the  shield  vox.  P.  R. ;  on  the  pedestal  an  i ; 
in  the  exergue  B.  sis.  (2  Siscid.)     M. 

(Published  by  Angelo  Breventano,  in  Macar. 


MONEY 


127^ 


d  Gibbon  {Rom.  Emp.  ed.  Smith,  vol.  ii.  pp.  354,  355) 
thinks  that  there  is  reason  to  believe,  or  at  least  to  sus- 
pect, that  she  escaped  the  blind  and  suspicious  cruelty  of 
her  husband,  and  apparently  principally  on  a  statement 
in  an  oration  pronounced  during  the  succeeding  reign 
{Monod.  in  Constantin.  jun.  c.  4,  ad  calcem  Eutrop.  ed. 
Havercamp).  But  the  Abbe  Caveduni  asserts  (Ricerche 
Crit.  etc.  p.  4,  note)  that  the  supposed  Mmiodia  on  the 
death  of  Constantine  junior  has  been  proved  by  Wcsseling 
to  have  been  written  on  the  death  of  I'heodurus  Palaeolo- 
gus,  about  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century  (Anonymi 
Orat.  Fun.  ed.  Frotschero),  whilst  Manso  (ieben  Ccm- 
stantins,  p.  65)  treats  the  suggestion  with  contempt. 
There  is,  however,  a  great  want  of  positive  proof  on  this 
question. 


Hagioglypta,  p.  159,  1856;  Baronius,  Ann.  ad 
ann.  312,  p.  510  ;  Sada,  Dialoghi  deU'Agostini, 
p.  17,  Rome,  1592  ;  Tanini,  SuppL  ad  Bandur. 
p.  275  ;  Caronni,  J/ws.  Hederv.  Nos.  3996,  3971 ; 
Cavedoni,  Bicerche,  p.  15,  Nos.  18,  19 — the  latter 
having  the  additional  letters  P.  F.  on  the  obverse 
with  neither  the  shield  nor  the  stars  ;  Garrucci, 
Num.  Cost.  2nd  ed.  p.  237,  No.  1 ;  Bev.  A^um. 
1866,  p.  81,  No.  1 ;  but  I  do  not  know  where 
this  actual  example  may  now  be.) 

2.  Obv.    IMP.      CONSTANTINVS     AVG.       Bust    of 

Constantine  I.  to  left,  armed  with  cuirass,  and 
with  the  shoulder-belt,  holding  a  spear  slanting 
over  right  shoulder,  and  on  the  left  a  shield,  ou 
which  is  a  horseman  striking  with  his  spear  a 
barbarian.  The  head  is  covered  with  a  helmet, 
divided  in  the  middle  by  a  large  band,  on  which, 
a  crescent  moon  and  a  small  globule  ;  on  each 
side  of  the  band  on  the  crown  of  the  helmet  the 

monogram  ^X^. 

Eev.  Same  legend  and  type ;  on  the  pedestal 
the  letter  X ;  ii  the  exergue  B.  SIS.  .^  (2 
Siscid.)  M.  (Fig.  4;  Cabinet  des  M€dailles, 
Paris.) 

Other  specimens  exist,  issued  at  another  mint, 
p.  T.  s.  T.  or  T.  T.  (^Prima,  Secunda  or  Tertia 
Tarracone),  the  first  and  last  of  which  are  in 
the  British  JIuseum,  on  which  the  monogram 
^  occurs.  On  another  example  in  the  British 
Museum,  with  reverse  legend  viCT.  laetae 
PRINC.  PERP.  there  is  certainly  a  star  of  eight 
rays — thus  ^|^  — on  either  side  of  the  band 
(Fig.  5),  whilst  the  rays  are  said  to  take  the  form 
of  a  Maltese  cross  on  some  pieces  struck  at  Treves 
and  at  London  (Lagoy,  Bev.  Mwn.  1857,  p.  196). 

3.  Obv.  IMP.  Lie.  LICINIVS  P.  F.  AVG.  Bust 
of  Licinius  I.  to  the  right,  laureated,  with 
cuirass. 

Bev.  Same  legend  and  type ;  on  the  pedestal 

X ;  in  the  exergue  A.  SIS.  ^  (1  Siscid.)  M. 
(British  Museum.) 

The  cross  (X)  on  t^e  pedestal  is  very  like 
the  one  on  the  coin  of  Constantine  (No.  2),  also 
struck  at  Siscia,  and  maybe  a  Christian  emblem, 
or  it  may  simply  be  intended  for  an  ornamenta- 
tion of  the  pedestal. 

§  iii.  Coins  of  Constantine  L,  Crispus,  and 
Constantine  11.— (1)  317-323. 

4.  Obv.  CONSTANTINVS  MAX.  AVG.  Helmeted 
bust  of  Constantine  I.  to  the  right,  laureated, 
with  cuirass. 

Bev.   VICTORIAE   LAETAE   PRINC.   PERP.    Same 

type,  on  the  pedestal  an  equilateral  cross  Cj.!] 
In  the  exergue  S.  T.  (Secunda  Tarracone.)     ^. 

(Garrucci,  Num.  Cost.  2nd  ed.  p.  239,  No.  3, 
pi.  No.  2  from  coll.  of  Sig.  L.  Depoletti,  dealer 
in  Rome;  cf.  Bev.  Num.  1866,  p.  83,  No.  3, 
pi.    ii.    No.   2,   where  the    reverse   is   engraved 

VICTORIAI   LEITAI  (sic)  PRINC.  PERP.) 

5.  Obv.  D.  N.  CRISPO  NOB.  CAES.  Head  of 
Crispus. 

Bev.  Same  legend  and  type :  on  the  pedestal 
an  equilateral  cross.     In  the  exergue        ?     M. 
(Garrucci  from  Tanini.) 

6.  Obv.    CONSTANTINVS     IVN.     N.    C.       Bust    of 

Constantine  II.  to  the  left,  radiated,  with  palu- 
damentum. 


1278 


MONEY 


Rev.  Sam'e  legend  and  type  :  on  the  pedestal 
an  equilateral  cross  c'^3  within  a  wreath.     In 

the  exergue  p.  ln.  {Prima  Londinio.)     M. 

(Fig.  6  ;  British  Museum.  Another  example, 
published  by  Garrucci  from  Tanini,  has  on  the 
obverse  the  additional  letters  FL.  CL.) 

Cavedoni  considered  {Eicerche,  p.  20)  the 
monograms  on  coins  Nos.  1  and  2  to  be  more 
like  stars,  or  monograms  composed  of  the  letters 
I  and  X,  the  initials  of  'ItjctoCs  XpicrToj,  but  they 

seem  to  have  really  the  form  of  y^ . 

As  to  the  date  of  issue  of  the  coins  above 
described  it  is  supposed  that  some  may  have 
existed  previous  to  323,  as  there  are  specimens 
of  the  coins  of  Constantine  II.  among  them,  and 
none  of  Constantius  II.  made  Caesar  in  that  same 
year  (Cavedoni,  Appcndice,  p.  6 ;  Garrucci,  op. 
cit.).  The  coin  No.  4,  bearing  as  it  does  the 
title  of  MAX.  {Maximus),  might  have  been  issued 
in  315,  in  which  year  the  Senate,  as  we  have 
seen,  granted  him  that  title,  whilst  the  coins  of 
Constantine  I.  (Nos.  1  and  2)  might  even  be  as 
early  as  312,  and  those  of  Crispus  and  Constan- 
tine II.  (Nos.  5  and  6)  as  early  as  317.  They 
are  all  probably  anterior  to  319,  and  certainly 
precede  the  year  323. 

The  first  two  coins  are  interesting  as  confirm- 
ing the  words  of  Eusebius  (Fj'i.  Const,  i.  c.  31  ; 
cf.  Sozomen,  H.  E.  i.  c.  8)  that  Constantine, 
besides  having  the  monogram  placed  upon  the 
laharum,  was  in  the  habit  of  wearing  it  upon  his 
helmet.  The  helmet  is  sometimes  ornamented 
with  pellets  or  stars,  and  the  former  are  no  doubt 
intended  to  represent  gems,  according  to  the 
account  of  his  panegyrist  Nazarius  (xxix.  5) — 
"  fulget  galea  et  corusca  luce  ge/nmarum  divinum 
verticem  monstrat,"  whilst  according  to  Philo- 
storgius  (H.  E.  i.  c.  6)  the  holy  sign  seen  in  the 
sky  by  Constantine  was  surrounded  by  stars 
that  encircled  it  as  a  rainbow — Kal  aartpuv 
avTcav  KvKXcf}  irepiOeovTtiiv  iptSos  Tpdiraj. 

The  words  victoriae  laetae  may  be  com- 
pared (cf.  Cavedoni,  Bicerche,  p.  16;  Disumina, 
p.  212)  to  the  scriptural  expressions  '^  Laetabor 
ego  super  eloquia  tua :  sicut  qui  invenit  spolia 
multa"  (Ps.  cxviii.  162),  ot  "Laetabuntur  .  .  .  . 
sicut  exultant  victores  capta  praeda,  quando 
dividunt  spolia  "  (Is.  ix.  3),  and  to  the  line  of 
Horace  (1  Sat.  i.  8) — "  Momento  cita  mors 
venit,  aut  victoria  laeta." 

§  iv.  Coins  of  Constantine  I.,  Licinius  I.,  Cris- 
pus, Licinius  II.,  and  Constantine  II. —  ?  319- 
323. 

7.  Obv.  CONSTAntinvs  avg.  Helmeted  bust 
of  Constantine  I.  to  the  right,  with  cuirass. 

Rev.  VIRTVS  EXERCIT.  Standard,  at  the  foot 
of  which  two  captives,  seated  ;  on  the  standard 

VOT.  XX.    In  the  field  to  left  S<^ .    In  the  exergue 

A.  SIS.  (1  Siscid.)     M.     (Garrucci,  from  Museo 
Kircheriano.) 

8.  Ohv.  IMP.  UCiNivs  AVG.  Helmeted  bust 
of  Licinius  I.  to  the  right,  with  cuirass. 

Rev.  Same  legend  and  type.     In  the  field  to 

left   yC'    III  the  exergue  AQ.  s.   {Aquileid  Se- 

cunda.')     M. 

(Fig.  7  ;  British  Museum.  There  is  a  similar 
example  in  the  Cabinet  des  2I€dailles,  Paris,  struck 
at  Thessalonica.) 


MONEY 

9.  Obv.  CRisPVS  NOB.  CAES.  Bust  of  Crispus 
to  the  left,  laureated,  with  cuirass,  and  holding- 
a  spear  and  shield. 

Rev.  Same  legend  and  type.     In  the  field  to 

left  ^.   In  the  exergue  AQ.  p.  {Aquilcid  prima.) 

M. 

(British  Museum.  A  similar  specimen  with 
AQ.  T.-tertia-  is  in  the  Cab.  des  Me'd.  Paris.) 

10.  Obo.  LiCiNivs  IVN.  NOB.  c.  Bust  of  Li- 
cinius II.  to  the  right,  laureated,  with  palvda- 
mentum  and  cuirass. 

Rev.  Same  legend  and  type.  In  the  field  to 
left   sL' .     In  the  exergue  P.  T.  (Prima  Tarra- 

cone.)    JE. 

(Fig.  8  ;  British  Museum.  Garrucci  describes 
another  example  from  the  collection  of  Signer 
Depoletti  with  T.  T.  in  the  exergue,  the  emperor 
on  the  obverse  holding  a  globe  surmounted  by  a 
victory.) 

11.  Obv.  LICINIVS  IVN.  NOB,  C  Same  type 
as  No.  10. 

Rev.  Same  legend  and  type.  In  the  field  a 
star  with  eight  rays.     In  the  exergue      ?     JE. 

(Cohen,  Suppl.  No.  3  from  coll.  of  31.  Poij- 
denot.) 

12.  Obv.   CONSTANTINVS    IVN.    NOB.    C.      Bust 

of  Constantine  II.  to  the  left,  laureated,  with 
cuirass,  and  holding  a  globe  surmounted  by  a 
victory. 

Rev.  Same  legend  and  type.  In  the  field  y^  , 
In   the   exergue   P.  ^  T.    {Prima    Tarraconc.) 

M.     (British  Museum.) 

Cavedoni  would  never  believe  that  the  sup- 
posed monogram  was  anything  more  than  a  star 
of  six  rays,  or  at  the  utmost  the  monogram  com- 
posed of  I  and  X,  the  initials  of 'Itjctov  j  Xpia-rSs. 
From  the  coins  of  this  series  which  I  have  been 
able  to  examine  (Nos.  8,  9,  10  and  12)  it  seems 

perfectly  clear  that  the  form  is  y^ ,  the  vertical 

line  terminating  in  a  globule  or  a  circle.  Cohen 
{3Ie'd.  Imp.  vol.  vi.  p.  83,  note;  Suppl.  p.  375, 
note)  agrees  with  Cavedoni  that  the  sign  is  a 
star,  which  view  he  considers  confirmed  by  the 
coin  of  Licinius  II.  (No.  11),  which  has  a  star  of 
eight  rays;  but  as  he  allows  that  the  monogram 

^P  (?)  sometimes  appears  on  the  coins  of  Crispus 
(No.  9),  there  is  no  reason  why  it  or  ^  or  «J^ 

should  not  occur  upon  the  coins  above  described. 
The  piece  with  eight  rays  proves  nothing,  and  we 
have  seen  that  on  the  helmet  of  Constantine 
there  was  sometimes  placed  a  star  of  eight  rays 
—  .^  —  instead  of  the  Christian  monogram. 
(See  under  No.  2  ;  Fig.  5.) 

I  do  not  myself  see  any  reason  to  doubt  that 
these  signs  were  intended  for  the  Christian 
monogram,  though  at  this  period  of  the  reign  of 
Constantine  expressed  on  the  coinage  in  some- 
what a  latent  manner. 

This  series  was  probably  introduced  about  the 
year  319.  It  is  anterior  to  323,  coins  of  both 
the  Licinii  being  common  to  it,  whilst  those  of 
Constantius  II.  Caesar,  are  wanting. 

§  V.  Coins  of  Constantine  I.  with  the  "  Mar& 
Conservator"  and  ^'- Sol  Invictus"  types. — 
?312— ?  323. 


MONEY 

It  was  at  one  time  considered  that  the  coins 
of  Constantine  I.  with  pagan  symbols  were  not 
entirely  excluded  till  323,  after  the  defeat  of 
Licinius,  but  on  no  safe  grounds,  as  the  coins 
bearing  the  names  and  types  of  Jupiter,  Hercules, 
and  Mars  never  bear  the  title  of  Maximus,  be- 
stowed upon  him  in  315,  from  which  it  may 
reasonably  be  inferred  that  all  these  coins  were 
struck  previous  to  312,  when  Constantine  openly 
professed  Christianity.  One  coin,  however,  of 
the  Mars  type  and  the  title  MAX.  has  been 
described  from  Tam'm  (Cohen,  ifed  Imj^.  No.  361), 
whilst  there  is  a  series  of  coins  of  Crispus  and 
Constantine  II.  with  the  tvpe  of  Jupiter  (Cohen, 
Med.  Imp.  vol.  vi.  pp.  197,  198,  Nos.  83-85; 
p.  234,  Nos.  143,  144),  which  were  certainly 
issued  posterior  to  317,  in  which  year  they 
were  created  Caesars,  but  the  type  was  not 
struck  in  any  mint  in  the  dominions  of  Constan- 
tine, but  in  those  subject  to  Licinius. 

Some  coins  of  Constantine  I.  with  the  legend 
MARTI  [or  MARTI   PATRl]  CONSERVATORI,  having 

for  type  the  bust  of  Constantine  (?)  with  the 
helmet  adorned  with  the  monogram,  or  Mars 
standing,  and  in  the  field  an  equilateral  cross 
or  on  his  shield  S^ ,  and  others  with  the  legend 
SOLI  iNVicro  COMITI,  the  sun  standing,  and  in 
the  field   nU     are  supposed  to  be  in  existence 

(Garrucci,  Num.  Cost.  2nd  ed.  p.  241  seq. ;  JRev. 
Num.  1866,  p.  86  seq.),  but  it  is  not  clearly 
established  that  the  "  monogram  "  is  not  a  star 
of  six  equal  rays ;  or  "  the  equilateral  cross  " 
the  Latin  letter  or  numerical  mark  X  drawn 
sideways.  On  available  specimens,  from  one  of 
which  a  drawing  is  given  (Fig.  9),  there  is  a 
symbol  which  appears  to  be  a  cross,  but  it  differs 
considerably  from  that  on  the  coins  previously 
described,  and  may  indeed  be  only  a  numeral  or 
a  letter. 

According  to  Zonaras  (^Ann.  xiii.  3)  Constan- 
tine placed  in  the  forum  of  Constantinople  the 
circular  porphyry  column  brought  from  Rome, 
and  on  it  he  put  the  brazen  statue  of  Apollo 
which  he  set  up  in  his  own  name,  substituting 
some  of  the  nails  of  the  passion  for  the  rays  of 
the  sun,  thus  assuming  with  "  singular  shame- 
lessness"  (cf.  Von  Hammer,  Const,  und  Bosp. 
vol.  i.  p.  162)  the  attributes  of  Apollo  and 
Christ,  from  which  circumstance  Garrucci  has 
found  no  difficulty  in  supposing  that  Constantine 
''changed  the  head  of  the  statue,"  and  fully 
intended  to  represent  himself  as  Sol  upon  his 
coins. 

Though  Eusebius  {Vit.  Const,  i.  c.  43 ;  cf.  Lac- 
tant.  de  Mort.  Pers.  c.  i.)  in  the  rhetorical 
language  of  the  time,  compares  Constantine  to 
the  sun  rising  upon  the  earth  and  imparting  its 
rays  of  light  to  all,  and  though  in  the  legend 
SOLI  INVICTO  COMITI  there  may  be  the  idea  of 
the  ancient  Sun-god  and  the  new  Sun  of  Right- 
eousness [see  art.  Christmas],  it  is  doubtful 
whether  Constantine  would  have  placed  the 
monogram  of  Christ  beside  the  image  of  the  Sol 
Invictus,  or  have  caused  himself  to  be  represented 
under  the  semblance  of  the  sun  together  with 
signs  of  Christianity. 

Should  the  coins  of  the  Mars  and  Sol  Invictus 
types  be  considered  subsequent  to  312,  in  any 
case  they  must  be  placed  before  323,  since  coins 
of  Constantius  Caesar  are  wanting  in  this  series, 


MONEY 


1279 


and  as  to  the  type  of  Sol  Invictus,  as  no 
specimens  of  the  coins  of  Licinius  II.  have  been 
discovered,  it  would  seem  that  it  was  first 
struck  by  the  two  Augusti,  Constantine  I.  and 
Licinius  I.,  and  secondly  by  Constantine  I.  and 
his  sons,  after  the  year  319,  when  the  quarrels 
between  Constantine  I.  and  Licinius  I.  had  pro- 
bably commenced. 

There  appears,  indeed,  to  be  little  doubt  that 
Constantine  I.,  after  he  had  conquered  Maxentius 
in  312,  found  himself  compelled  to  tolerate  for 
some  years  on  his  coins,  and  on  those  of  Crispus 
and  Constantine  II.,  some  of  the  heathen  types, 
such  as  the  3Iars  and  the  Sol  Invictus,  one  spe- 
cimen of  which,  with  the  title  max.  and  COS 
nil  gives  the  date  315  (see  §  i.),  whilst  the 
coins  of  Crispus  and  Constantine  II.  with  these 
types  cannot  be  anterior  to  317,  when  they  were 
made  Caesars.  Soon  after,  the  coins  with  the  Sun- 
type,  but  with  the  legend  CLARItas  REIPVBLIcae 
on  the  coinage  of  Crispus  and  Constantine  II. 
must  have  been  introduced  and  continued  in 
circulation  till  about  ?  317  or  319,  when  the 
new  coins  of  Constantine  !•.,  Crispus  and  Con- 
stantine II.  with  the  legend  victoriae  laetae 
PRINC.  PERP.  (§  iii.)  and  the  coins  of  Constan- 
tine I.  and  Licinius  I.  and  their  sons,  with  the 
legend  VIRTVS  EXERCIT.  (§  iv.)  became  universal. 

§  vi.  Coins  of  Constantine  /.,  Licinius  I., 
Crispus,  Constantine  II.  and  Licinius  II.  with 
the  spear  head  ending  in  a  cross. 

A.  ?  317  —  323.'  —  Ohv.  imp.  licinivs  avg. 
Bust  of  Licinius  I.  to  the  right,  helmeted,  with 
paludamentum  and  cuirass. 

Bev.  VIRTVS  EXERCIT.  Standard,  at  the  foot 
of  which  two  captives  seated ;  on  the  standard 
VOT.  XX.  The  top  of  the  staflf  of  the  laharum 
ends  in  a  cross.  In  the  field  to  right  and  left 
the  letters  s.  F.  In  the  exergue  aq.  s.  (^Aquileid 
Secunda.)     JE.     (Fig.  10  ;  British  Museum.) 

Similar  coins  exist  of  Licinius  I.,  Crispus, 
Licinius  II.,  and  Constantine  II.,  struck  at  Thessa- 
lonica,  and  at  Treves;  of  Constantine  I.  and 
Crispus  struck  at  Lyons,  and  of  Constantine  I. 
struck  at  Aries. 

B.  ?  321-323. —  Obv.  constantinvs  avg. 
Bust  of  Constantine  I.  to  the  right,  helmeted, 
with  cuirass. 

JiCV.  VIRTVS  EXERCIT.  Same  type.  In  the 
exergue  P.  ln.  (Prima  Londinio.)  jE.  (British 
Museum.) 


'  About  the  year  323,  after  the  defeat  of  Licinius  I. 
there  was  issued  at  the  mints  of  Lyons,  London  and 
Treves,  a  series  of  coins  of  Constantine  I.,  Crispus, 
Licinius  II.  and  Constantine  II.  Caesares  with  the 
legend  beata  trakqvillitas  and  the  type  a  globe  on  an 
altar  on  which  voiis  xx,  and  above  the  globe  three  stars. 

On  the  globe  may  be  seen  . : .  \] .  \.  -j-jJ  and  .^*, 
which  according  to  Cavedoni  (^Ricerche,  p.  20)  the  holy 
fathers  delighted  to  think  was  the  sign  of  the  cross  on 
the  four  cardinal  points  of  the  globe  (S.  Maximus  Taurin. 
Homil.  L.  quae  est  ii.  decruce;  Scdulius  Cam.  Paschal. 
1.  iii).  On  some  of  the  coins  of  the  kings  of  the  Bosphorus 
(Baron  de  KiJhne,  Descr.  du  Mus.  du  feu  le  Prince 
Kotschoubey,  St.  Petersbourg,  1857),  where  Christianity 
had  been  early  diffused,  dating  about  324  there  has  been 
thought  to  be  a  cross  (Cavedoni,  Appendice,  p.  18).  In 
1853  the  Count  Ouvaroff  discovered,  near  Sevastopol,  the 
pillars  and  mosaic  pavement  of  a  Christian  church  built 
in  the  4th  centuiy,  and  near  the  ruins  of  a  temple  of 
Venus  (Kiihne,  op.  cit.  pp.  447,  448). 


1280 


MONEY 


Similar  coins  exist  of  Crispus  and  Constan- 
tine  11. 

Of  the  series  of  these  coins  struck  at  Thessa- 
lonica  there  is  no  coin  of  Constantine  I.,  of  that 
struck  at  London  there  is  no  coin  of  Licinius  I. 
That  a  coin  of  Constantine  I.  of  this  series  was 
issued  at  Thessalonica  is  more  than  probable, 
as  lUyricum,  in  which  Thessalonica  was  situated, 
•was  added  to  the  dominions  of  Constantine  in 
314,  after  the  war  with  Licinius.  Whv  no  coin 
of  Licinius  I.  should  occur  in  this  particular 
branch  of  the  London  series  is  not  so  clear,  as 
coins  of  this  emperor  were  probably  struck  there 
up  to  321.  It  may  be  that  the  new  quarrel 
with  Licinius  had  commenced,  and  determined 
Constantine  not  to  strike  any  of  his  colleague's 
coins  at  London. 

The  coins  having  the  top  of  the  staff  of  the 
laharum  ending  in  a  cross,  were  admitted  in  the 
first  instance  by  Cavedoni  (Bicerche,  p.  9),  who 
published  from  the  Tresor  dc  Numismatique 
(P.  131,  PI.  Ixii.  No.  8)  a  gold  medallion  of 
Constantine  IL  with  the  legend  principi  ivven- 
TVTIS  and  having  in  the  exergue  the  letters 
CONS.  (Constantiyiopoli),  and  alluded  to  brass 
coins  with  the  legend  VIRXVS  exercit.  This 
example  is  not  specially  published  by  Cohen 
(cf.  Med.  Imp.  Xo.  5),  and  Cavedoni,  apparently 
forgetting  that  he  had  mentioned  this  medallion, 
came  to  the  conclusion  {Appendice,  p.  3)  that  the 
supposed  cross  on  the  top  of  the  laharum  was  not 
in  reality  a  cross,  but  only  had  the  appearance  of 
one,  being  nothing  more  than  small  pellets  in- 
dicating the  extremity  of  the  cords  or  holders 
or  other  ornaments  at  the  top  of  the  spear. 

Garrucci,  on  the  other  hand,  has  stated  {Num. 
Cost.  2nd  ed.  p.  252  ;  cf.  Eev.  Num.  1866,  p.  107, 
pi.  iii.  No.  15)  that  he  has  seen  a  coin  of 
Licinius  L  struck  at  Aquileia,  of  which  the  form 


of  the   cross   is   !  Ypi  1.      I  have   not,  however. 


myself  seen  any  specimens  of  coins  struck  at 
Aquileia  shewing  such  a  decided  cross,  and  it  is 
ditficult  to  say  in  most  cases,  whether  the  head 
of  the  spear  is  meant  to  express  a  cross  or  not. 
On   some  coins,  as  on  those   struck  at   Treves, 

Lyons,  and  Aries,  the  form  appears  to  be  *  |  *  ,  on 

others,  especially  on  those  issued  at  Thessalonica, 

the  form  becomes  more  a  cross  "4^. 

§  vii.  Coins  of  Constantine  I.,  Constantine  IL, 
and  Constanlius  II. 

326-333.     A.  icith  cross  Pt^^  in  field. — Obv. 

CONSTANTINVS  MAX.  AVG.  Bust  of  Constan- 
tine L  to  the  right,  with  diadem  and  with  palu- 
damentum. 

Rev.  GLORIA  EXERCITVS.  Two  soldiers  stand- 
ing, each  holding  a  spear  and  leaning  on  a  shield. 
Between  them  two  standards,  and  between  these 

a  cross  i^o^^-     In  the   exergue  AQ.  s.  {Aquileia 

Secunda.)     M.     (Fig.  11 ;  British  Museum.) 

Similar  coins  exist  of  Constantine  11.  and 
Constantius  II.  Caesares.  A  specimen  of  a  coin 
of  Constantine  II.  in  the  possession  of  Garrucci 
{Num.  Cost.   2nd  ed.  pi.  No.  11;   Sev.   Num. 


MONEY 

1866,  pi.  iii.  No.  11)  has  a  cross  with  a  square 
top  ^.     (See  §  XV.) 

The  type  of  the  two  soldiers  was  not  intro- 
duced till  after  the  death  of  Crispus.  These 
coins  must  have  been  struck  before  333,  because 
those  of  Constans  Caesar  are  wanting. 

B.  with  monogram  S^  in  field.  Similar  types 
of  Constantine  I.  (Fig.  12 ;  British  Museum), 
Constantine  II.,  and  Constantius  IL,  but  in  the 
exergue,  P.  or  s.  const.  {Prima  or  secunda  Con- 
stantind  [Aries].)     jE. 

This  series  must  have  been  struck  before 
333,  because  the  coins  of  Constans  Caesar  are 
wanting. 

Feu  ardent,  Cavedoni,  and  Garrucci  would 
limit  the  date  to  330,  supposing  that  the  exergual 
letters  const,  refer  to  Cunstayitinople,  but  it  has 
long  been  established  that  these  letters  should 
be  interpreted  Constantina,  the  name  given  to 
Aries  by  Constantine  the  Great,  probably  about 
312,  after  the  defeat  of  Maxentius  and  Maximin, 
when  he  improved  the  city  and  made  a  new 
town  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river.  It  is 
called  by  Ausonius  {Clarae  tirbes  viii.)  duplex, 
and  the  exergual  letters  CON.  or  CONST.  {Con- 
stantino) are  always  preceded  by  a  Latin,  differ- 
ential letter,  or  accompanied  by  of  i,  ii  or  iii  in 
the  field,  whilst  con.  or  cONS.  {Constantinopolis) 
are  followed  by  a  Greek  numeral  in  cases  where 
there  is  a  differential  letter  (cf.  F.  W.  Madden, 
Ilandb,  to  Rom.  Num.  p.  157  ;  Num.  Chron.  N.  S. 
1861,  vol.  i.  pp.  120,  180;  J.  F.  W.  de  Salis, 
Arch.  Journal,  vol.  xxiv. ;   Num.   Chron.  N.  S. 

1867,  vol.  vii.  pp.  326,  327). 

It  has  not  been  hitherto  observed  by  any 
numismatist  that  the  letter  X  of  the  word 
EXERCITVS  is  on  these  coins  placed  at  the  top 
of  the  coin  exactly  betweeii  the  two  standards, 
whilst  on  the  coins  with  the  same  legend  and 
two  soldiers  standing,  between  them  the  laharum, 
struck  at  a  later  date  (335-337  ;  §  sii.)  the  letter 
X  is  placed  in  the  centre  at  the  top  of  the  laha- 
rum. I  am  inclined  to  think  that  the  arrange- 
ment is  not  accidental,  but  was  specially  intended 
by  the  artist. 

The  coin  engraved  (B.  with  -SJ^  ;  Fig.  12)  gives 
the  earliest  example  of  the  so-called  Constan- 
tinian  monogram  on  the  coins  of  Constantine. 

§  viii.   Coins  of  Helena  and  Theodora. 

After  328.  Obv.  fl.  ivl.  helenae  avg.  Bust 
of  Helena  to  the  right. 

Rev.  PAX  PVBLiCA.  Peace  standing  to  left, 
holding  olive-branch  in  the  right  hand  and  a  long 

sceptre  in  the  left.     In  the  field  to   left  ^. 

In  the  exergue  TR.  p.  {Treveris  prima.)  M. 
(Fig.  13  ;  British  Museum.) 

Obv.     FL.     MAX.     THEODORAE     AVG.       Bust     of 

Theodora  to  the  right,  laureated. 

Eev.  PiETAS  ROMANA.  Piety  standing,  carry- 
ing  an  infant.     In  the  field  to  left  ^  .     In 

the  exergue  tr.  p.  or  tr.  s.  M.  (British 
Museum.) 

Helena  was  the  mother,  and  Theodora  the 
mother-in-law  of  Constantine  the  Great. 

The  coin  of  Helena  has  been  supposed  by 
Cavedoni  {Ricerche,  p.  16)  to  have  been  struck 
about  the  year  326,  when  it  is  thought  that  she 


MONEY 

discovered  the  cross  of  our  Saviour,  and  he 
i|uotes  in  proof  of  his  assertion  a  passage  from 
St.  Ambrose  {de  Obitu  Theodosii,  47,  48),  but 
without  entering  into  the  question  of  the 
'■  legend  of  the  finding  of  the  cross "  [Cross, 
FINDING  of],  it  may  be  mentioned  that  Eusebius, 
who  gives  an  account  of  Helena's  visit  to  the 
holy  sepulchre,  says  nothing  about  the  discovery 
of  the  cross,  a  point  he  was  not  at  all  likely  to 
have  omitted  had  such  really  been  the  case  (  Vit. 
Const,  iii.  ».  43).  But  the  real  fact  is  that  both 
the  coins  of  Helena  and  Theodora  are  "restora- 
tion coins,"  and  struck  after  their  death  by  Con- 
stantine  the  Great,  and  therefore  after  328.  It 
will  be  noticed  that  the  legend  is  in  the  dative 
case,  and  that  neither  of  them  bear  the  title  of 
Diva  as  they  were  Christians.f  It  has  been 
insinuated  that  Helena  first  embraced  the 
Christian  faith,  and  gave  her  son  a  Christian 
education  (Theodoret,  H.  E.  i.  c.  18 ;  Gibbon, 
Bom.  Emp.  ed.  Smith,  vol.  ii.  p.  3,  note  10),  but 
Eusebius  positively  asserts  (^Vit.  Const,  iii.  c.  47) 
that  she  owed  her  knowledge  of  Christianity  to 
Constantino. 

Shortly  after  Constantine's  elevation  to  the 
purple  he  recalled  his  mother  (who  had  been 
set  aside  by  his  father  on  his  marriage  with 
Theodora),  and  either  before  Fausta  became  his 
wife  or  upon  the  occasion  of  his  marriage  in 
307,  he  issued  some  brass  coins  with  the  legends 
and  titles  favsta  N.  f.  {nohilissima  femina)  and 
HELENA  N.  F.  These  coins  have  on  the  reverse 
a  large  star  with  eight  rays  within  a  laurel 
wreath. s  Constantino  always  treated  his  mother 
with  the  highest  respect,  and  after  his  marriage 
gave  her  the  title  of  Augusta,  striking  gold  and 
brass  coins  in  her  honour  with  that  title,  the 
former  of  which  are  mentioned  by  Eusebius — 
Xpvcroli  re  voixiafxacn  Kal  rijv  avrris  iKTVirovixdai 
(lK6va.  ( Vit.  Const,  iii.  c.  47 ;  cf.  Sozomen,  H.  E. 
ii.  c.  2). 

§  ix.  Coins  of  "  ConstantinopoUs  "  and  "  Urhs 
Roma."— Aftev  330. 

Obv.  CONSTANTINOPOLIS.  Bust  of  the  city 
to  the  left,  helmeted  with  sceptre. 

Hev.  No  legend.  Victory  with  wings  extended 
walking  to  the  left,  holding  a  spear  in  the  right 
hand  and  resting   the  left  on  a  shield.     In  the 

field  to  the  left   nP  .     In  the  exergue  p.  CONST. 

{Prima  Constantino.)  jE.  (Fig.  14 ;  British 
Museum.) 

Obv.  [VRBS]  ROMA.  Bust  of  the  city  to  the 
left,  helmeted. 

Hev.  No  legend.     Wolf  suckling  twins ;  above, 

the  monogram  N^  I)etween  two  stars  with 
eight  rays.  In  the  exergue  p.  const.  (Prima 
Constantino.)     ^.     (Fig.  15  ;  British  Museum.) 


MONEY 


1281 


f  This  remark  must  not  however  be  taken  as  absolute, 
for  the  sons  of  Constantine  struck  coins  after  his  death 
givins  him  the  epithet  of  Divus  ($  xiii.). 

g  This  attribution  is  objected  to  by  Mr.  C.  W.  King 
(Karly  Christian  Numismatics,  pp.  36-39,  304),  wlio 
would  wish  to  assign  these  coins  of  Helena  to  the  wife  of 
Julian,  and  those  of  Fausta  to  some  lady  who  might  have, 
leen  the  wife  of  one  of  the  cousins  of  Julian,  or  to  the 
sister  (?)  of  Gallics  and.  Julian,  said  to  be  mentioned  by 
the  latter  in  his  epistles  to  the  Athenians.  I  am  not, 
however,  prepared  to  accept  Mr.  King's  conclusions. 
See  my  paper  in  the  Num.  Chrm.  N.  S.  1877,  vol.  xvii. 
p.  267. 


These  types  were  introduced  at  the  time  of 
the  dedication  of  Constantinople  in  330.  The 
pieces  above  described  were  not  however  issued 
at  Constantinople,  but  at "  Aries  "  {Constanlina  • 
§  vii.).  The  stars  on  either  side  of  the  monogram 
on  the  coin  with  VRBS  roma  recall  the  words  or 
Philostorgius  about  the  "holy  sign  surrounded 
by  stars,"  to  which  I  have  already  alluded 
(§  iii-)- 

Some  pieces  of  the  VRBS  ROMA  type  have 
been  published  (Eckhel,  Cat.  Mus.  Caes.  p.  480, 
No.  288)  with  the  letters  M.  OST.  Qloneta  Ostid), 
but  I  doubt  this  reading,  as  after  the  defeat  of 
Maxentius  in  312,  Constantine  transferred  the 
mint  of  Ostia  to  Rome  (Madden,  Num.  Chron. 
N.  S.  1862,  vol.  ii.  p.  47  ;  1865,  vol.  v.  p.  111). 

§  X.  Coins  of  Constantine  I.  and  Constan- 
tine //.—After  330. 

1.  Obv.  constantinvs  max.  avg.  Head  of 
Constantine  I.  to  the  right,  laureated. 

Rev.  SPES  pvblic[a  in  field  under  spes].  The 
labarum.  on  which  three  globules  ;  on  the  top  of 
the  staff  of  the  spear  N? ,  the  extremity  of  the 

spear  piercing  a  serpent.  In  the  exergue  cons. 
(Constantinopoli.)  M.  (Fig.  16 ;  Museum  of 
Berlin.) 

A  specimen  of  this  extremely  rare  and  in- 
teresting coin,  which  has  been  from  time  to 
time  published  by  different  writers  (Baronius, 
Gretzer,  Ducange,  etc.),  was  seen  in  the  cabinet 
of  the  Prince  de  Waldeck,  by  Eckhel,  and  was 
recognised  by  him  as  a  genuine  coin  (Doct.  Num. 
Vet.  vol.  viii.  p.  88).  The  drawings  usually 
given  of  it,  such  as  that  reproduced  after  Baro- 
nius, by  Aringhi  (Roma  Sott.  vol.  ii.  p.  705),  and 
again  engraved  by  Martigny  (Diet,  des  Antiq. 
Chr€t.  s.  V.  Serpent),  are  of  such  a  size  as  to  lead 
most  numismatists  to  suspect  it.  But  there  is 
no  doubt  that  at  least  two  genuine  specimens 
exist,  the  one  engraved,  for  the  cast  of  which 
I  am  indebted  to  Dr.  Friedlaender,  and  the 
example  in  the  "Museum  of  Prince  von  Wald- 
eck," published  by  Dr.  Friedlaender  (Blatter 
fiir  MUnzkunde,  vol.  i.  p.  149,  pi.  vi.  No.  6, 
Berlin,  1863). 

2.  Obv.  constantinvs  avg.  Bust  of  Con- 
stantine II.  to  the  right,  laureated. 

Rev.  Same  legend  and  type.  M.  (Fig.  17.) 
This  rare  little  piece,  of  the  smallest  size, 
smaller  even  than  the  similar  coin  of  his  father, 
which  I  have  introduced  here,  instead  of  in  its 
proper  chronological  place,  for  better  illustration, 
is  in  the  possession  of  the  Rev.  S.  S.  Lewis,  Fellow 
of  Corpus  Christi  College,  Cambridge,  who  most 
kindly  sent  it  to  me  to  see.  It  was  formerly 
in  the  Wigan  collection,  and  may  be  the  same 
as  that  published  by  Gaillard  (Descript.  des 
Mon.  do  J.  Garcia,  p.  304,  No.  4929,  pi.  x. 
No.  5).  It  has  been  published,  and  an  engrav- 
ing given  of  it  twice  the  actual  size,  by  Mr. 
C.  W.  King  (Early  Christ.  Num.  pp.  xvi.  xxiii. 
and  25  note,  engraved  on  title-page ;  cf.  art. 
Labarum),  who  has  allowed  himself  to  be  led 
away,  as  he  says,  by  the  "  practised  (and 
what  is  greatly  to  the  present  purpose),  the 
tmprcjudiccd  eye  of  his  draughtsman,"  who 
reads  the  word  DEO  on  the  labarum,  which  on 
examination  turns  out  to  be  nothing  more  than 
th-ee  pellets,  as  on  the  coins  of  his  father,  and 
which  probably  represent  gems  or  other  orna- 
ments of  the  labarum,  or  may  be  intended  for  the 


1282 


MONEY 


■three  stars  as  represented  on  the  coins  with  the 

BEATA  TRANQVILLITAS  tj-pe  (see  §  vi.  UOtc). 

Both  coins  bear  the  mint  mark  CONS,  which 
can  only  be  interpreted  Constantinopoli.  This 
being  the  case,  I  may  observe  that  they  are  the 
•only  coins  of  Constantine  I.  and  his  son  bearing 
positive  Christian  emblems  issued  at  the  mint  of 
•Constantiaople> 

The  coin  of  Constantine  I.  was  most  likely 
-struck  in  330  on  the  dedication  of  the  new 
capital ;  that  of  the  son  was  probably  issued 
after  his  father's  death  in  337  or  338,  as  it  is 
recorded  (Gibbon,  Rom.  Emp.  ed.  Smith,  vol.  ii. 
p.  366,  and  note  53)  that  "  at  the  personal  in- 
terview of  the  three  brothers,  Constantine  II. 
the  eldest  of  the  Caesars  obtained,  with  a  certain 
pre-eminence  of  rank,  the  possession  of  the  new 
capital,  which  bore  his  own  name  and  that  of 
his  father."  M.  Feuardent  (quoted  by  Mr.  King) 
would  assign  its  date  to  the  period  of  the  eleva- 
tion of  Constantine  II.  to  -the  rank  of  Augustus, 
in  the  last  days  of  his  father's  lifetime,  but  I  do 
not  know  of  any  authority  for  such  a  supposi- 
tion (cf.  Socrat.  JI.  E.  i.  c.  39  ;  Sozomen,  H.  E. 
ii.  c.  34 ;  Euseb.  Vit.  Const,  iv.  c.  63,  68). 

The  type  of  these  pieces  and  the  inscription — 
though  the  legend  is  by  no  means  a  new  one, 
■occurring  as  it  does  from  the  time  of  Commodus 
(Cohen,  Suppl.  p.  48-i) — indicate  how  "  the 
public  hope "  (cf.  Euseb.  Vit.  Const,  ii.  c.  29 ; 
iv,  c.  9)  was  centered  in  the  triumph  of  the 
Christian  religion  over  the  adversary  of  man- 
kind— "  the  great  dragon,  that  old  serpent, 
called  the  Devil  and  Satan  "  (Rev.  xii.  9  ;  xx.  2)— 
and  we  are  told  (Euseb.  Vit.  Const,  iii.  c.  3)  how 
Constantine  had  a  picture  painted  of  the  dragon 
— the  flying  serpent — beneath  his  own  and  his 
children's  feet  pierced  through  the  middle  with 
a  dart  and  cast  into  the  depths  of  the  sea  (jSe'Xet 
■Keirapixivov  Kara.  nf(Tov  rov  kvtovs  ;  cf.  Euseb. 
Const,  orat,  ad  Sa)wf.  Coetum,  c.  20). 

The  speai'-head  on  these  coins  ends  in  the 
monogram  of  Christ ;  on  those  struck  at  Thessa- 
lonica,  Aquileia,  London,  and  other  mints,  it  ends 
in  a  cross  (§  vi.). 

§  xi.  Coins  of  Constantine  I.,  Constantius  II., 
and  Constms.— 333-335. 

Ohv.  CONSTANTINVS  MAS.  AVG.  Bust  of  Con- 
stantine I.  to  the  right,  with  diadem  and  with 
paludamcntum. 

Mev.  VICTORIA  CONSTANTINI  AVG.  Victory 
walking  to  the  left,  holding  trophy  and  palm ; 

in   the    field    to    right    LXXii  ;    to    left    _E . 

In  the  exergue  s.  M.  an.  (Signata  moneta  An- 
tiochid.)    N.     (Fig.  18;  British  Museum.) 

Ohv.  CONSTANTIVS  NOB.  CAES.  Bust  of  Con- 
stantius  II.  to  the  right,  laureated,  with /»a/Mrfa- 
mentum  and  cuirass. 


t  On  certain  coins  of  Constantine  I.  struck  at  Constan- 
tinople, his  head  bears  the  nimbus  (see  }  xvii.),  whilst  on 
the  magnificent  gold  medallion  of  Constantius  II.  Caesar, 
also  struck  at  Constantinople  (Cohen.  JUed.  Imp.  No.  21, 
from  Musee  de  Tienne)  weighing  3920  grains  or  56  solidi, 
Constantine  I.  is  represented  standing  between  his  two 
sons  Constantine  II.  and  Constans,  whilst  a  hand  from 
Tieaven  crowns  him  with  a  wreath  (}  xiii.).  This  piece 
must  have  been  issued  between  323  and  337,  as  Con- 
stantius II.  is  Caesar,  and  perhaps  in  336  on  occasion  of 
his  marriage.  There  is  also  the  gold  medallion  of 
Constantine  II.  with  spear-head  ending  in  a  cross  and 
exergual  letters  cons,  (see  J  vi.). 


MONEY 

Hev.  viCTOPJA  CAESAR  NN.     Victory ;  in  field 

to  right  Lxxii ;  to  left  ^  but  probably  should 

be  an  eight-rnyei  star ;  in  the  exergue  S.  M.  an. 
AT. 

(Sabalier,  Icon.  Rom.  Imp.  pi.  xcvi.  No.  8 ;  Mon. 
Byz.  vol.  i.  p.  56,  but  incorrectly  attributed  to 
Constantius  Gallus.) 

Obv.  FL.  IVL.  CONSTANS  NOB.  C.  Bust  of  Con- 
stans  to  the  right,  laureated,  with  paludamentum 
and  cuirass. 

Rev.  VICTORIA  CAESAR  NN.    Victory  ;  in  field 

to  right  LXXii;  to  left  •^.  In  the  exergue 
S.  M.  AN.     AT.     (British  Museum.) 

These  gold  coins  were  probably  issued  about 
the  same  time.  They  cannot  have  been  struck 
before  333,  in  which  year  Constans  was  made 
Caesar,  and  perhaps  not  till  335,  when  Constan- 
tine celebrated  his  tricennalia,  and  divided  the 
empire  between  his  sons  and  nephews.  The 
mint  of  Antioch  was  in  the  dominions  of  Con- 
stantius II.,  and  the  form  _E  instead  of  sl?    is 

that  specially  employed  in  the  East  (see  §  xv.). 
The  figures  Lxxii  signify  that  72  solidi  were 
coined  to  the  pound,  Constantine  I.  having  re- 
duced the  aureus  about  the  year  312. 

It  was  at  Antioch  that  the  name  of  Xpiariauos 
was  first  used  (Acts  xi.  26)  about  the  year  44. 

§  xii.  Coins  of  Constantine  I.,  Constantine  IT., 
Constantius  II.,  Constans,  and  Delmatius — 335- 
337. 

A.  with   -^    on    labaruk. — Obv.   CONSTAN- 

TiNVS  MAX.  AVG.  Bust  of  Constantine  I.  to 
the  right,  with  diadem  and  with  paludamcntum 
and  cuirass. 

Rev.  GLORIA  EXERCITVS.  Two  soldiers  stand- 
ing, holding  spear  and  leaning  on  shield ;  be- 
tween them   the  laharum,  on   which   ^^-     In 

the  exergue  p.  const.  {Prima  Constantina — 
Aries.)     X..     (Fig.  19  ;  British  Museum.) 

This  coin  was  attriljuted  by  the  late  Mr.  de 
Salis  to  Constantine  II.,  but  a  comparison  with 
the  coins  of  this  Caesar,  as  also  with  those  struck 
at  Lyons  and  Siscia  when  he  became  Augustus, 
make  this  attribution  doubtful,  an  opinion  also 
hold  by  Mr.  Grueber  of  the  British  Museum 
(see  §  xix.). 

Similar  coins  occur  of  Constantine  II.  and 
Delmatius.  Those  of  Constantius  II.  and  of 
Constans  were  no  doubt  issued,  but  no  specimens 
are  in  the  British  Museum. 

B.  with  Sp  on  labarum. — Coins  of  Constan- 
tine I.,  Constantine  II.,  Constantius  II.,  Constans, 
and  Delmatius  exist.     (British  Museum.) 

The  coin  of  Constantine  I.  engraved  (Fig.  20 ; 
British  Museum)  was  also  attributed  by  the 
late  Mr.  de  Salis  to  Constantine  II.,  but  with 
even  less  reason  than  in  the  former  case. 

These  two  series  were  not  issued  before  335, 
as  the  type  is  found  on  coins  of  Delmatius,  who 
was  made  Caesar  in  this  year,  and  it  continues 
to  the  death  of  Constantine  I.  in  337.    (See  §  vii.) 

§  xiii.  Consecration  coins  of  Constantine  I. — 
337-338. 

Obv.  Divo  cons  [tantino  p]  [atri'].  Bust  of 
Constantine  I.  to  the  right,  veiled. 

Rev.  [aeterna]  pietas.     Constantine  stand- 


MONEY 

lug,  holding  spear  and  globe ;   above  the  globe 

•>P .  JE.     (Fig.  21  ;  British  Museum.) 

Varieties  of  this  coin  occur  with  either  _1_ 

or  ^P  or  X  struck  at  Lyons  and  at  Aries.   They 

must  have  been  issued  shortly  after  the  death  of 
Constantine  in  337,  or  at  latest  in  338.  Cave- 
doni  has  suggested  (Disamina,  p.  222)  that  this 
type  represents  the  statue  set  up  by  Constantine 
in  the  forum  of  Constantinople  (see  §  v.). 

Other  consecration  coins  were  struck  having 

the     legends     DV     [_DivUs]     CONSTANTINVS     AVG. 

[or  PT.  AVGG.  Pater  Augustorum],  and  IVST. 
YEN.  MEM.  [Jwsto  veiicrandae  memoriae]  IVST. 
VKXERAB.  or  VN.  MR.  [venerandae  memoriae'],  and 
especially  a  coin  of  which  the  following  is  a 
description : — 

Obv.  DV.  (rarely  Div.)  constantinvs  pt. 
AVGG.  Bust  of  Constantine  to  the  right,  veiled. 
Bev.  No  legend.  Constantine  in  quadriga  to 
right,  holding  his  hand  to  another  hand  which 
descends  from  heaven  to  receive  it ;  above,  a 
star.  In  exergue  S.  M.  AN.  e.  {Signata  moncta 
Antiochid  5.)  M.  (Fig.  22  ;  British  Museum.) 
Mr.  King  {Early  Christ.  Num.  p.  53;  cf. 
Eev.  J.  Wordsworth,  DiCT.  OF  Christ.  Biog. 
vol.  i.  p.  649)  speaks  of  these  coins  as  issued 
at  "Alexandria,  Antioch  and  Carthage  alone," 
but  no  coins  were  struck  at  Carthage  at  so 
late  a  date.  They  are  found  with  the  mint 
marks  of  Heracleia,  Alexandria,  Constantinople, 
Cyzicus,  Nicomedia  and  Antioch.  On  some 
specimens  there  is  no  star. 

With  reference  to  the  word  Divus,  the  sys- 
tem of  "consecration"  seems  to  have  obtained 
even  after  the  time  of  Constantine  I.  among 
his  Christian  successors;  Constantius  II.  "meruit 
inter  divos  referri"  (Eutrop.  x.  15);  Jovian 
"inter  divos  relatus  est"  (Eutrop.  x.  18)  ;  Valen- 
tinian  I.  was  consecrated  by  his  son  Gratian 
"  divinis  honorihus  "  (Auson.  ad  Grat.  act.  c.  8), 
to  which  may  be  added  the  name  of  Valen- 
tinian  II.,  as  appears  from  a  marble  of 
Chiusi  in  Tuscany  (Cavedoni,  Cimit.  Chius.  p.  45, 
Modena,  1853).  No  coins,  however,  bearing  the 
title  of  Divus  are  known  of  any  of  these  em- 
perors. 

The  coin  engraved  (Fig.  22)  is  especially  men- 
tioned by  Eusebius  as  representing  Constan- 
tine I.  in  the  act  of  ascending  to  heaven  {Vit. 
Const,  iv.  c.  73).  The  type  was  probably  sug- 
gested by  the  biblical  account  of  Elijah  taken  up 
to  heaven  in  a  chariot  and  horses  of  fire  (2  Kings 
11.  11  ;  cf.  vi.  17).  The  star  is  doubtless  the 
comet  alluded  to  by  Eutropius  as  appearing  after 
his  death  ("denunciata  mors  ejus  etiam  per 
crinitam  stellam"  &c.  Hist.  x.  8),  and  which 
reminds  one  of  the  stella  crinita  which  blazed 
for  seven  days  after  the  death  of  Julius  Caesar 
(Suet.  Jul.  Caes.  88  ;  cf.  Plin.  N.  H.  ii.  c.  25  ; 
Dion.  Cass.  xlv.  7  ;  Plut.  Caes.  69),  and  which 
is  represented  nn  his  coins  (Cohen,  He'd.  Imp. 
Nos.  20,  21).  The  star  was  originally  a  pagan 
symbol,  but  pagan  symbols  for  long  after  the 
time  of  Constantine  were  mixed  with  Christian 
ones.  There  may  be  specially  mentioned  the 
phoenix,  occurring  first  on  the  gold  consecration 
coins  of  Trajan  as  an  emblem  of  Eternity  (Mad- 
den, Num.  Chron.  N.  S.  1861,  vol.  i.  p.  95),  on  a 
.^old   coin   of  Hadrian    representing   Trajan  (?) 

CHRIST.   ANT. — VOL.   II. 


MONEY 


1283 


holding  a  phoenix  within  the  zodiac  (Madden, 
Num.  Chron.  N.  S.  1862,  vol.  ii.  p.  49),  on 
an  Alsxandrian  coin  of  Antoninus  Pius  with 
AIHN  (aeternitas,  Eckhel,  Doct.  Num.  Vet.  vol. 
iv.  p.  69),  and  again  reappearing  on  the  brass 
medallions  of  Constantine  I.,  with  the  legend 
GLORIA  SAECVLI  viRTVS  CAES,  and  probably 
struck  after  315,  as  they  bear  the  title  of  MAX. 
(Cohen,  No.  164),  and  on  coins  of  Constantius  II. 
and  Constans  when  Augusti  (Cohen,  Med.  Imp. ; 
see  §  xix.). 

The  "  hand  from  heaven  "  occurs  on  the  gold 
medallions  of  Constantius  II.,  to  which  I  have 
already  referred  (§  x.  note) ;  and  Eusebius  {de 
Laud.  Const,  c.  10)  speaks  of  the  Almighty  King 
extending  his  right  hand  from  above  and  giving 
Constantine  I.  victory  over  all  his  enemies. 

§  xiv.  Coins  of  Constantine  I.  and  IT.  v:ith 
cross,  not  previously  alluded  to. 

There  are  certain  coins  of  Constantine  I.,  some 
gold  with  legend  gloria  exercitvs  (Cohen, 
3fe'd.  Imp.  No.  17,  from  Tanini),  some  silver 
with  PAX  avgvstorvm  (Cohen,  No.  76,  from 
Muse'e  de  Vienne),  and  of  Constantine  II.  Caesar 
(brass)  with  BEATA  tranqvillitas  (Cohen,  No. 
86,  from  Ducange)  having  a  cross  either  in  the 
field,  or  on  the  standard,  or  on  the  helmet,  but 
of  what  form  it  is  impossible  to  say.  The  first 
mentioned  may  have  been  struck  between  326 
and  333 ;  the  second,  as  it  does  not  bear  the 
title  of  Maximus,  perhaps  before  315,  though 
this  rule  cannot  be  considered  as  absolute,  as 
coins  of  Constantine  I.  were  certainly  struck 
after  315  without  it  (§  iv.) ;  and  the  third 
about  323  (§  vi.). 

§  XV.  Remarks  on  the  Forms  of  the  Crosses 
adopted  by  Constantine  I. — There  is  not  much 
doubt  that  Constantine  did  not  invent  the  forms 
of  the  cross  or  monogram  which  appears  on  his 

coins.     The  monogram   ^  may  be  seen  on  the 

coins  of  Alexander  Bala,  king  of  Syria  (B.C.  146), 
and  on  those  of  the  Bactrian  king  Hermaeus 
(B.C.  138-120),  and  also  occurs  on  the  coins  of 
Trajan  Decius  (a.d.  249-251),  forming  part  of 

the  word  ASk  (Spx<"''''°0  ^°  which  I  have 
already  referred  (see  Introduction),  whilst  the 

complete  form  of  the  labarum  ^K  may  be  found 

on  the  coins  of  the  Indo-Scythian  king  Azes 
(B.C.  100),  and  on  those  of  the  Bactrian  kings 
Hippostratus  the  Great  (b.c.  140-135)  and  of 
Hermaeus  (B.C.  138-120),  which  monogram  has 
been  interpreted  Ortospana,  another  name  for 
Kabul  (Gen.  Cunningham,  Num.  Chron.  N.  S. 
1868,  vol.  viii.  p.  203,  pi.  vii.  Mon.  No.  46,  kc. ; 
E.  Thomas, iVw??!.  Chron.Yol.  iv.pl.  viii. No.  3).  The 

Np    may  have  sometimes  signified  X'PvffnvK6s. 

It  was  used  as  an  abbreviation  for  XPrjtrTo;', 
since  a  collection  of  passages  so  marked  might 
make  up  a  XP^""'""/^''^*'"-  It  also  stood  for 
X'9v(r6s  and  XP6vos  (Liddell  and  Scott,  s.v.  X), 
but  it  eventually  became  the  Christian  mono- 
gram composed  of  x  and  P,  the  two  first  letters 
of  the  name  of  XPio-roj. 

The  form  with  the  vertical  line   ending   in  a 

circle  or  a  pellet  (^-^   ^)  may  be  compared 

with   the   monogram   •s.U    supposed    to   signify 
"^^  4  0 


1284 


MONEY 


\l\lapxos,  to  that  occurring  on  the  coins 
or  the  Ptolemies- sg,  f^  ^,  ^,  to 
the   SU'   on  some  (though  rarely)  of  the  coins 

of  the  kings  of  the  Bosphorus,  and  to  the  star 
or  comet  above  the  heads  of  Julius  Caesar  and 
Augustus  (Letronne,  Inscript.  de  I'Egypte,  vol.  i. 
p.  433  ;  Mionnet,  Suppl.  vol.  is.  p.  22,  No.  122  ; 
Koehne,  Mus.  Kotschoubey,  vol.  ii.  p.  309  ;  Cohen, 
M^d.  de  la  B^pvh.  Bom.  pi.  xv.  No.  30). 

The  form  _E  occurs  on  the  coins  of  Tigranes, 

king  of  Armenia  (B.C.  96-64);  on  coins  of 
Arsaces  X.  XII.  and  XIV.  (B.C.  92-38)  forming 
TirPavoKepras  or  Tigranocerta,  the  capital  of 
Armenia  (Mionnet,  vol.  v.  p.  108,  No.  939; 
Cunningham,  Num.  Chron.  N.  S.  1868,  vol.  viii. 
p.  196)  ;  on  the  coins  of  the  Jewish  king  Herod  I. 
(B.C.  38),  and  on  the  coins  of  Chios  of  the  time 
of  Augustus  (Madden,  Jew.  Coinage,  pp.  83,  85, 
87,  244).  This  form  seems  to  have  been  that 
exclusively  used  in  the  East,  and  Letronne  states 
(£a  Croix  anse'e  in  IMn.  de  I'Acad.  vol.  xvi.)  that 

he  never  found  the  '^  on  any  of  the  Christian 

monuments  of  Egypt.  Its  adoption  was 
doubtless  from  its  affinity  to  the  crux  ansata. 
It  IS  the  only  monogram  in  the  Vatican  Codex 
(4th  cent.),  in  the  Codex  Bezae  Cantab.  (5th  or 
Gth  cent.),  and  in  the  Codex  Sinaiticus  (4th  cent.), 
where  it  occurs  in  four  places,  at  the  end  of 
Jeremiah,  twice  at  the  end  of  Isaiah,  and  in  the 
middle  of  the  word  ESTAVPCjJOH  in  the  8th 
vej".  of  chap.  xi.  of  Revelation  (Martigny,  Diet. 
p.  416). 

It  was  on  the  coins  struck  at  Antioch  (§  xi.) 

that  Constantine  first  introduced  the  _R ,  about 

the  year  335,  though  the  same  form  occurs  on 
the  coins  struck  after  his  death  at  Lyons  and 
(?)  Aries  (§  xiii.). 

The  earliest  example  of  the  equilateral  cross 

(5^  may  be  seen  on  the  breast  of  or  suspended 

from  the  neck  of  one  of  the  kings  on  the  slabs 
bi-ought  from  Nineveh  (Bonomi,  Nineveh  and  its 
Palaces,  pp.  333,  414;  cf.  p.  303).     At  a  later 

date  its  form  was  -j—  (De  Witte,  Mon.  Ce'ram. 

vol.    i.    pi.    xciii.))    sometimes   accompanied   by 

globules  7^,  as  on  vases,  both  of  which  symbols 

may   have   had   their  origin   in  the  sign  uJ— , 

which  occurs  on  the  coins  of  Gaza — frequently 
called  the  "  monogram  of  Gaza  " — on  monuments 
and  vases  of  Phoenician  origin,  on  Gallo-Celtic 
coins,  on  Scandinavian  monuments  called  "  Thor's 
hammer,"  and  on  Indian  coins  called  "  the  Swas- 
tika cross "  (Rapp,  Das  labarum,  etc.,  in  vol. 
xxxix.  of  the  Vereins  v.  Altertkumsfreundem  im 
Rheinlande,  1865 ;  Garrucci,  Num.  Cost.  2nd  ed. 
p.  242). 

The  three  principal  forms  of  crosses  in  anti- 
quity are  (1)  the  cross  X  called  decussata,  (2) 
the  cross  T  called  commissa,  and  (3)  the  cross 
~\--  called  immissa.     [Cross.] 

The  form  S^  was  doubtless  an  abbreviated 
monogram  of  the  name  of  Christ.      Julian  the 


MONEY 

Apostate,  in  speaking  of  his  hostility  against 
Christianity  in  his  satire  against  the  people  of 
Antioch,  writes  (Misopogon,  Jul.  Op.  p.  Ill,  Paris 
1583),  "  You  say  I  wage  war  with  the  Chi  and 
you  admire  the  Kappa "  (koJ  '6ti  Tro\ffico  r<S  Xi 
Tr66os  Se  v/xas  (taaai  tov  Kairira);  and  again  (op. 
cit.  p.  99),  "They  say  that  neither  the  Chi  nor 
the  Kappa  ever  did  the  city  any  harm  ;  it  is 
hard  to  understand  the  meaning  of  this  wise 
riddle  of  yours,  but  we  happen  to  have  been 
informed  by  some  interpreters  of  your  city  that 
they  are  initial  letters  of  names,  the  one  denoting 
Christ,  the    other  Constantius  "  (rb  XT,    <pr](rLi>^ 

oiiSfv  7]SiK-ii(re  Triv  it6Kiv,  oiiSe  tJ)  KccTTTro 

dr)\oTiv  5^i6e\eLV  rh  ixhv  Xpicrrhv  rh  Se  Kwuffrdv- 
Ttov).  • 

The  cross  "J"  is  in  the  form  of  a  Tau  and 
appears  to  be  a  variety  of  the  crux  ansata,  or 
"  cross  with  a  handle  "  found  on  Egyptian  and 
Assyrian  monuments.      It  was  sometimes  used 

in  the  same  manner  as  the  ^   in  the  middle  of 

the  name  of  the  deceased,  as  may  be  seen  on  a 
marble  of  the  3rd  century  in  the  Callixtine- 
cemetery  with  the  legend  IRE  ^  N  E. 

The  cross   -1-  has  been  generally  supposed  to 

be  the  kind  on  which  our  Lord  was  crucified, 
which  seems  further  corroborated  from  the  fact 
that  the  title  of  Hebrew,  Greek,  and  Latin  was 
placed  above  his  head  (Matt,  xxvii.  37)  or  over 
him  (Luke  xxiii.  38;  cf.  Mark  xv.  25)  or  over 
the  cross  (John  xix.  19)  and  so  would  have  a 

form  like  -+- 

De  Rossi  has  shown  (De  Christ,  tit.  Carth.  in 
vol.  iv.  of  Spicil.  Solesmense,  ed.  Pitra,  1858)  that 
no  Christian  monument  of  certain  date  before  the 
5th  century  gives  examples  of  the  crux  immissa, 
or  of  that  which  has  been  called  the  Greek  — 
— j—-  On  the  other  hand  an  epitaph,  which 
from  its  consular  date  is  earlier  than  the  reign 
of  Constantine,  proves  that  the  Christians  had 
a  monogram    composed   of  the  letters  i  and  X 

(^\7)(Tovs,  XpiffTos),  thus  formed  v^  (De  Rossi, 
Inscript.  Christ,  vol.  i.  p.  16,  1855). 

The  most  ancient  and  most  correct  form  of  the 
monogram  of  Christ  occurs  upon  a  monument  of 
Sivaux  in  France,  which  is  considered  by  De 
Rossi  (^Bullet.  Arch.  Christ,  p.  47,  1863)  earlier 
than  the  time  of  Constantine,  having  the  arms 

of  the  cross  of  great  length  ^^^^^  •  [In- 
scriptions, I.  p.  856,  where  it  is  engraved.] 
This  was  not  long  afterwards  modified,  and  it  is 

at  the  time  of  Constantine  that  the  >P  occurs 

for  the  first  time  on  the  Roman  dated  tituli. 
There  has  been  discovered  (De  Rossi,  Bullet. 
p.  22,  1863)  a  monument  of  the  year  323,  which 
is  precisely  the  year  of  the  defeat  of  Zicinius, 

having  on  it  the  monogram   sp .      De  Rossi  has 

also  published  (Inscr.  Christ,  vol.  i.  No.  26)  a 

fragment  with  the  inscription  [vi]xiT  ....  •J? 

.  .  .  GAL.  COXSS.  which  he  thinks  might  perhaps 
be  of  the  year  298,  when  Faustus  and  Callus 
were  consuls,  adding  that  if  he  could  only  find 
the   missing   portion  and  it  bore  the  name  oi 


MONEY 

Faustus,  auro  contra  ct  gemmis  cariorcm  aesti- 
maret.  It  is,  however,  more  than  probable 
that  the  Gallus  in  this  inscription  was  consul 
at  a  much  later  date;  indeed  it  has  been 
suggested  that  this  inscription  refers  to  the 
ernperor  Constantius  II.  and  Constantius  Gallus 
Caesar,  who  were  consuls  in  352,  o53,  and 
354-  (^Edinburgh  Review,  vol.  cxx.  1864,  p.  229). 
Other  marbles  of  the  years  331,  339,  341,  and 

343  are  known.  In  347  the  form  .^  occurs, 
but  not  for  long,  for  the  N/  is  dropped,  and  this 
form  together  with  the  old  one  continues  in  exist- 
ence tin  the  end  of  the  4th  centurj'.  From  the 
5th  century  the  p  disappears  and  the  Latin  cross 

■4-  or  the  Greek  _i-  take  the  place  of  the 
monograms,  so  that  after  405  the  ^  (at  Rome 
at  least)  especially  on  epitaphs  is  entirely 
eclipsed,  and  the  plain  cross  is  found  on  all 
monuments  (Martigny,  Did.  des  Antiq.  Chre't. 
p.  416)  excepting  on  coins. 

The  form  of  the  cross  on  some  of  the  coins  of 

Constantine  struck  at  Aquiloia  is  t^-  This 
has  been  supposed  by  Cavedoni  (Kuove  Sicerche, 
p.  3)  to  be  not  the  Lati7i  but  the  Alexandrian 
or  Egyptian,  an  opinion  not  acceded  to  by  Gar- 
rucci  (Num.  Cost.  2nd  ed.  p.  259),  and  it  may 
be  noticed  that  Garrucci  has  published  a  coin 
with  a  square  instead  of  a  rounded  top  {Num. 
Cost.  2nd  ed.  pi.  No.  11;  Rev.  iVMm.1866,  pi.  iii. 
No.  11;  see  §  vii.).  It  is  certainly  very  doubt- 
ful if  the  cross  on  the  coins  of  Aquileia  is  the 
crux  ansata,  and  even  Borghesi  did  not  know 
what  the  rounded  extremity  could  have  in  com- 
mon with  the  handle  of  the  Egyptian  cross,  for 
the  cross  called  ansata  has  not  a  round  but  an 
ovoid  top,  into  which  the  hand  might  be  intro- 
duced, as  may  be  seen  on  existing  monuments 
(Wilkinson,  Anc.  Egyptians,  1841,  Suppl.  pi.  20, 
21,  etc.). 

As  to  the  rounded  top,  Garrucci  suggests 
{Num.  Cost.  2nd  ed.  p.  261)  that  it  may  have 
been  meant  to  allude  to  the  sacred  head  of  the 
Eedeemer,  which  was  thus  intended  to  be  re- 
presented projecting  above  the  cross,  an  idea 
considered  by  Cavedoni  {Rivista,  p.  216)  a 
"whimsical  fancy,"  as  "everyone,"  he  says, 
"  knows  that  that  most  sacred  head  rested  below 
the  beam  of  the  cross  itself."  But  Cavedoni 
is  decidedly  wrong,  as  the  following  earliest 
examples  of  the  crucifix  show  the  head  above 
the  cross  beam ;  (1)  crucifixes  on  a  cornelian 
and  an  inedited  ivory  of  the  5th  century 
(Garrucci,  Diss.  Arch.  p.  27);  (2)  crucifix  of 
the  Syrian  codex  in  the  Laurentiau  library  at 
Florence,  dated  586  by  its  writer  the  monk 
Rabula  (Assemani,  Bibl.  Laurent.  Medic.  Cat. 
pi.  xxiii.  Florence,  1742)  ;  (3)  the  pastoral  cross 
and  reliquary  of  Theodolinda,  Queen  of  Lom- 
bardy,  who  died  in  628  (Martigny,  Diet,  des 
Antiq.  Chret.  p.  191)  ;  (4)  crucifix  of  the 
cemetery  of  St.  Julius  or  St.  Valentinus  (Bot- 
tari,  Sculture,  etc.  vol.  iii.  192  ;  Rome,  1737- 
1754) ;  to  which  may  be  added  the  curious 
graffito,  giving  a  caricatured  representation  of 
the  crucifixion  drawn  at  the  end  of  the  2nd 
or  the  beginning  of  the  3rd  century  (see  art. 
Crltifix). 


MONEY 


1285 


§  xvi.  Coins  of  Constantine  I.  with  the  diadem — 
P315-.337. 

Without  entering  into  the  history  of  the 
introduction  of  the  diadem  at  Rome,  by  the 
emperors,  it  is  certain  that  Constantine  I.  was 
the  first  to  unhesitatingly  adopt  it,  as  testified 
by  his  coins,  and  indeed  he  is  said  to  have  always 
worn  it.  ("  Habitum  regium  gemmis  et  caput 
exornans  perpetuo  diademate."  Aurel.  Vict. 
Epit.  141.) 

It  has  been  supposed  (Eckhel,  Doct.  Num.  Vet. 
vol.  viii.  p.  80)  that  Constantine  adopted  the 
diadem,  wishing  to  liken  himself  to  Alexander 
the  Great,  on  whose  coins  an  efligy  of  a  very 
similar  character  may  be  seen,  but  according  to 
the  authority  of  St.  Ambrose  {de  Obitu  Theod. 
47,  48)  the  empress  Helena,  at  the  time  when 
she  is  supposed  to  have  discovered  at  Jerusalem, 
about  326,  the  fragment  of  our  Saviour's  cross, 
together  with  two  of  the  nails  (one  of  which 
was  used  for  the  bridle  of  his  horse,  the  other 
for  his  diadem),  sent  to  her  son  Constantine  a 
diadem  studded  with  gems,  which  has  been  iden- 
tified with  the  iron  crown  of  Lombardy  at  Monza 
cathedral  [Crown]  ;  moreover  the  senate  is 
said  {Anonym.  Paneg.  viii.  25 ;  Tillemont,  Const. 
note  33) — probably  in  315  when  he  was  decreed 
the  title  of  Maximus  (see  §  i.  under  315) — to 
have  specially  granted  a  diadem  to  Constantine. 

The  coin  engraved  (Fig.  23  ;  British  Museum) 
shows  Constantine  with  the  diadem,  and  with 
his  head  represented  looking  upward  towards 
heaven,  and  Eusebius  states  {Vit.  Const,  iv.  c. 
15)  that  "  he  directed  his  likeness  to  be  stamped 
on  the  gold  coins  of  the  empire  with  the  eyes 
uplifted  as  if  praying  to  God,"  adding  that  "this 
money  became  current  throughout  the  whole 
Roman  world."  It  was  doubtless  to  this  coinage 
that  his  apostate  nephew  Julian  sneeringly 
alludes  in  his  "  Caesars "  when  he  speaks  of 
Constantine  being  enamoured  of  the  moon,  upon 
whom  he  kept  his  eyes  constantly  fixed,  and  from 
the  style  of  his  hair  and  face  leading  the  life  of 
a  female  hairdresser.  Constantine  also  had  his 
full-length  portrait  placed  over  the  entrance 
gates  of  his  palaces  with  the  eyes  upraised  to 
heaven  and  the  hands  outspread  as  if  in  prayer 
(Euseb.  Vit.  Const,  iv.  c.  15),'  though  this  form 
of  adoration  likewise  obtained  among  the  pagans 
(Virg.  Aen.  i.  93  ;  Demosth.  adv.  Macart.  1072). 
The  diadem  also  may  be  found  on  the  coins  of 
all  Constantine's  sons  Caesars,  and  Eusebius 
says  {Vit.  Const,  i.  c.  18)  that  it  was  a  special 
distinction  of  the  Imperial  Caesars. 

§  xvii.  Coins  of  Constantine  I.  and  his  Family, 
with  the  Nimbus. 

Several  coins  and  medallions  of  Constantine  I., 
of  his  wife  Fausta,  and  of  his  sons  Crispus, 
Constantine  II.,  and  Constantius  II.  with  the 
nimbus,  some  of  which  were  issued  at  Constanti- 
nople, are  p-i-'en  by  Cohen,  but  very  few  are 
now  in  existence.      The  absurd  brass  medallion 


i  The  Rev.  J.  Wordsworth  (Smith,  Diet,  of  Christ. 
Biog.  vol.  i.  p.  649)  speaks  of  the  coins  as  "  having  no 
traces  of  the  hands  mentioned  by  Eusebius,"  but  this 
author  does  not  mention  the  hands  in  connection  with  the 
coins  oil  which  the  face  is  •'  stretched  out  or  up  towards 
God  {avaT,Ta,x4vo,  nph,  ©ebv),  but  in  connection  with 
the  picture  where  the  hands  are  said  to  have  been 
■'  stretched  forth  "  (™  X"P«  «'  «TeTa,xeVo9)  in  the  attitude 
of  prayer.  ^  ^  ^ 


1286 


MONEY 


of  Crispus,  with  legend  SALVS  et  SPES  sppvb- 
LiCAE  (sic)  and  Christ  seated  facing,  holding  a 
cross,  etc.,  and  in  the  exergue  S.  P.  Sancfus 
Petrus!  (Cohen,  No.  27),  is  evidently  an  altered 
piece,  the  "  XP-PVBLICAE  "  being  substituted  for 
"  REIPVBLICAE,"  "the  cross "  for  "a  globe," 
and  "the  figure  of  Christ"  for  "Constantiue 
with  nimbus  seated  facing,"  as  may  be  seen  on 
a  genuine  medallion  of  Constantine  ;  S.  P.  should 
certainly  be  S.  R.  (Secunda  Roma).  After  Constan- 
tine's  death  his  sons  continued  striking  coins  re- 
presenting their  father  with  the  nimbus  (Cohen, 
Constans,  No.  3,  No.  34),  and  they  very  soon 
frequently  adopted  it,  a  custom  continued  under 
their  successors,  and  especially  on  the  splendid 
gold  medallions  of  Valens  preserved  at  Vienna 
(Cohen,  Nos.  1,  6,  8,  and  10). 

Some  of  the  coins  of  the  Roman  emperors 
earlier  than  the  time  of  Constantine,  are  deco- 
rated with  this  symbol,  notably  those  of 
Claudius,  Trajan,  and  Antoninus  Pius  (Madden, 
Num.  Chron.  N.  S.  1868,  vol.  viii.  p.  34),  so  that 
its  presence  gives  no  direct  proof  of  the  Christi- 
anity of  Constantine,  though  it  was  doubtless 
adopted  in  this  sense. 

§  xviii.  False  or  uncertain  coins  of  Constan- 
tine I.  arid  II. 

(1)  Silver  medallion  representing  Constantine 

holding   standard   on   which    sp,    and   in   the 

exergue  R.  P.  (Garrucci,  Num.  Cost.  2nd  ed.  p.  248, 
from  Caronni) ;  (2)  the  brass  medallion  with 
legend  IN  HOC   sin.   (sic)   VIC.   and   monogram 

y^  ;  above  a  star  ;  totally  remade  from  a  large 
brass  coin  of  the  time  between  Trajan  Decius 
and  Gallienus  (Cohen,  Mdd.  Imp.  vol.  vi.  p.  119 
note);  (3)  the  brass  medallion  of  the  contor- 
niate  style,  having  for  legend  the  entire  inscription 
on  the  arch  of  Constantine,  placed  thereon  to 
commemorate  the  defeat  of  Maxentius  in  312. 
Its  authenticity  was  vindicated  by  the  compiler  of 
the  Pembroke  Sale  Catalogue  (p.  297),  but  whether 
it  sold  as  a  genuine  piece  I  am  unable  to  say  ;  see 
§  i.  under  315  ;  (4)  the  gold  coin  with  the  legend 

VICTORIA  MAXVMA  and  type  A  nU  CjJ  pub- 
lished by  Garrucci  and  accepted  as  genuine  by 
other  modern  writers  (Martigny,  Diet,  des  Antiq. 
Ghre't.  p.  458  ;  see  Art.  A  and  tl) ;  it  is  not  pub- 
lished by  Cohen ;  (5)  the  coin  with  legend  BAP. 
NAT.  supposed  to  refer  to  the  baptism  of  Con- 
stantine, but  which  by  the  alteration  of  one 
letter   becomes  B.  R.  p.  nat.    {Mono  ncipublicae 

NATo) ;    (6)  coins  with  the  monogram   s^   on 

the  helmet,  and  .^  or  _R,  trace  en  creux 
on  a  pedestal  supporting  a  shield,  on  which  VOT. 
p.  R.,  originally  published  by  Garrucci  (Num. 
Cost.  1st  ed.  Nos.  13  and  16),  and  now  considered 
by  him  to  be  false  (Num.  Cost.  2nd  ed.  p.  253 ; 
liev.  Num.  1866,  p.  110).  To  which  may  be 
added  the  silver  piece  of  Constantine  II.  Caesar, 
described  incorrectly  as  a  gold  coin  from  Tristan, 
by  Garrucci  (Num.  Cost.  1st  ed.  No.  10),  with 

the  legend  VICTORIA  AVGG.  and  in  the  field  — j-, 
a  piece  which  has  been  in  all  probability  con- 
founded with  the  coins  of  Constantine  III.  (407- 
411)  with  the  legend  VICTORIA  AAAVGGGG. 
§  xix.  Coins  of  Constantino  II.,  Constantius  II., 


MONEY 

and  Constans  Angusti — Introduction  of  A  and  (l) 
on  coins. 

After  the  death  of  Constantine  I.  the  type  of 
the  two  soldiers  and  the  legend  GLORIA  EXER- 
CITVS  was  continued  by  his  three  sons.J  The 
cross  on  the  labarum  is  of  three  forms  : 

(1)  _T_  .      (Fig.    24.) 

(2)  \^.  Of  this  series  I  have  not  seen  any 

coin  of  Constantine  II.,  but  it  doubtless  exists. 
That  attributed  by  the  late  Mr.  de  Salis  I  have 
restored  to  Constantine  I.  (see  §  xii.).  The  coins 
of  Constantius  II.  and  Constans  of  this  series 
are  in  the  British  Museum. 


(3)   ^.     (Fig.  25.) 


On  some  coins  all  three  emperors  have  the 
title  of  Maximus.  The  coin  engraved  (Fig.  25) 
was  struck  at  Siscia,  but  similar  pieces  with  the 
title  MAX.  were  issued  at  Lyons.  They  are 
erroneously  attributed  by  M.  Feuardent  (Bev. 
Num.  1856,  p.  253,  pi.  vii.  No.  2)  to  Con- 
stantine I.  the  Great. 

The  same  type  continues  for  a  short  time  after 
the  death  of  Constantine  II.  in  340,  but  only  with 

the   symbols    'VT    and    S,^    on  the  labarum,'^ 

but  many  other  types  were  introduced,  among 
which  may  be  noticed  the  fel.  temp,  reparatio 
(Felix  temporis  reparatio),  bearing  on  the  labarum 

all  the  three  forms—  fl^,  X,  "M-  ^^'^-  ~^^' 
The  "  happy  reparation  "  did  not  however  extend 
to  the  softening  of  manners,  for  the  types  of  the 
coins  as  a  rule  represent  scenes  of  the  grossest 
cruelty.  At  the  introduction  of  Christianity 
artistic  style  seems  to  have  perished,  and  the 
coinage  of  this  and  later  periods,  to  quote  M. 
Cohen's  expression  (Me'd.  Imp.  vol.  vi.  p.  264, 
note),  can  be  summed  up  in  two  words — "  mono- 
tonie  dans  les  types,  lorsqu'ils  ne  sont  pas  bar- 
bares,  barbaric  lorsqu'ils  ne  sont  pas  monotones." 

It  is  during  the  reign  of  Constantius  II.  that 
the  brass  coins  with  the  inscription  HOC  SIGXO 
VICTOR  ERis  are  first  issued  (Fig.  27),  a  legend 
which  is  repeated  on  the  coins  of  Vetranio  (350) 
and  of  Constantius  Gallus  (351-354). 

The  most  impoi-tant  innovation  of  this  period 
was  the  introduction  of  the  letters  A  and  U)- 
I  have  already  pointed  out  (§  xviii.)  that  the 
coin  of  Constantine  I.  with  these  letters  cannot 
be  relied  on,  and  I  have  now  further  to  state 
that  many  numismatists  and  others  (Garrucci, 
Martigny ;  see  art.  A  and  Ci)  have  accepted 
as  genuine  a  gold  coin  of  Constantius  with  the 


i  For  the  classification  in  tbis  section  of  the  coins  of 
the  sons  of  Constantine  with  the  legend  gloria  ex- 
ERcrrvs,  which  is  fully  developed  in  mj-  paper  in  the 
Kumismatic  Chronicle,  (N.  S.  1878,  vol.  xviii.  p.  23),  I 
am  indebted  to  the  labours  of  the  late  Mr.  de  Salis. 

k  On  some  of  the  coins  of  Constans  and  Constantius  II. 
the  letter  M  occurs  on  the  labarum,  which  M.  de  Witte 
has  suggested  {Rev.  Num.  1857,  p.  197)  may  be  the  initial 
letter  of  ihe  Virgin  Mary,  and  Mr.  King  {Early  Christ. 
Num.  p.  43)  of  Magnentius,  commander-in-chief  under 
Constans,  but  neither  of  these  theories  is  worthy  of 
serious  thought.  Moreover  the  letters  0,  C,  G,  I,  S,  T,  or 
V,  also  occur  on  the  labarum,  and  how  are  these  to  be 
interpreted  ?    I  cannot  explain  the  letters. 


MONEY 

A  SP  CO  which  turns  out  to  have  been 
described  originally  by  Banduri  (vol.  ii.  p.  227) 
as    A     >^     Q ;    but   the   authenticity  of  the 

piece  is  very  doubtful.  These  letters  do  how- 
ever occur  upon  the  second  brass  coins  of 
Constantius  II.  (Fig.  28),  struck  about  (?)  350- 
353,  and  also  on  a  rare  silver  medallion  of 
Constans  in  the  'Musee  de  Vienne'  (Cohen, 
Med.  Imp.  No.  28),  on  which  are  represented 
four  military  standards,  on  the  second  the 
letter  A.  on  the  third  Cx).  and  above  Sp 
and  issued  at  Eome.  It  has  been  suggested 
(Cavedoni,  Appendice,  p.  15)  that  Constans  in 
striking  this  medallion  at  Rome  wished  to 
testify  his  adherence  to  the  Catholic  dogma 
of  the  divinity  and  eternity  of  the  Incarnate 
Word,  in  opposition  to  the  Arian  heresy 
favoured  by  his  brother  Constantius,  and  it  may 
have  been  struck  soon  after  the  council  of 
Sardica  in  347.  Though  the  letters  A  and  CiJ 
were  probably  employed  perhaps  even  as  early 
as  the  council  of  Nice  in  325  (art.  A  and  n),  it 
was  not  till  about  347  that  they  commenced  to 
come  into  general  use  in  any  case  on  coins.  As 
to  the  form  CO  instead  of  O,,  Garrucci  asserts 
{Hagioglypta,  p.  168)  that  the  D.  nowhere  occurs 
on  any  authentic  Christian  monument,  and  con- 
demns, as  also  does  De  Rossi,  a  ring  published 
by  Costadoni  on  which  is. a  dolphin  between  the 
letters  A  and  Ci. 

§  sx.  Coins  of  Nepotian,  Vetranio,  Magnentius, 
Decentius,  Constantius  Gallus,  and  Julian  the 
Apostate. 

Nepotian  made  himself  master  of  Rome  in 
350,  and  issued  gold  coins  with  the  legend 
VRBS  ROJIA  and  the  type  Rome  seated  holding  a 

globe  surmounted  with  Np  C"^")  "^^^  ^^^ 
killed  after  a  reign  of  twenty-eight  days. 
Vetranio,  on  hearing  of  the  death  of  Constans 
and  the  revolt  of  Magnentius,  had  himself  pro- 
claimed emperor  at  Sirmium,  and  produced  a 
new  legend  salvator  reipvblicae  with  the 
type  of  himself  holding  the  laharum,  on  which 

y^.     He    also  repeated  the  coinage   with  the 

legend  HOC  SIGNO  victor  eris.  The  usurper 
Magnentius  (350-353)   and    his    son    Decentius 

struck  coins   with    the  A    ^P    CO    at  Amhian- 

nm  (Amiens),  a  mint  that  was  suppressed  soon 
after  his  death  by  Constantius  II.  On  the  coins 
of  Constantius  Gallus  Caesar  (351-354)  the 
HOC  SIGNO  VICTOR  ERIS  again,  and  for  the  last 
time,  occurs.  Some  coins  of  this  prince  with 
the  Isis  reverse  shew  that  he  to  a  certain  extent 
must  have  embraced  the  pagan  opinions  of  his 
brother  Julian. 

Immediately  on  the  accession  of  Julian  the 
Apostate  (355-363)  all  Christian  emblems  were 
abolished,  and  pagan  customs  and  worship  were 
re-established.  In  consequence  most  of  the  coins 
of  this  emperor  bear  the  image  of  Apollo,  Jupiter, 
the  DEVS  sanctvs  nilvs,  and  of  many  Egyptian  . 
deities,  Anubis,  Serapis,  Isis,  etc.,  several  of 
them  giving  representations  of  himself  as  Ser- 
apis, and  his  wife  Helena  as  Isis.  It  is  then 
hardly  to  be  expected  that  any  coin  of  this 
pricce  would  be  in  existence  bearing  Christian 


MONEY 


1287 


signs,  and  yet  one  has  been  published  — a  bronze 
medallion— representing  Julian  holding  a  stan- 
dard, beneath  which  is    s^    (Cohen,  Me'd.  Imp. 

No.  51,  from  Wiczay).  The  only  point  in  its 
favour  is  that  it  shews  Julian  as  bearing  the 
title  of  Caesar,  and  if  really  authentic  must 
have  been  struck  immediately  on  his  appoint- 
ment to  that  honour  in  355.  I  cannot  however 
say  that  the  medallion  is  above  suspicion. 

§  xxi.  Coins  from  the  Accession  of  Jovian  (363) 
to  the  death  of  Theodosius  the  Great  (395). 

Under  Jovian,  the  successor  of  Julian  the 
Apostate,  although  a  few  coins  bearing  pagan 
types  with  the  legend  vota  pvblica  occur,  and 
which  continue  to  circulate  during  the  reigns  of 
Valentinian  I.,  Valens,  and  Gratian,  Christian  em- 
blems again  re-appear,  and  the  laharum  termin- 
ating in  a  cross  together   with  the  monogram 

N^  or  the  simple  laharum  are  of  common  oc- 
currence (Cohen,  Me'd.  Imp.  Nos.  17,  21).  The 
coin  of  Jovian  which  has  been  published  by  some 
(Sabatier,  Mon.  Byz.  vol.  i.  pp.  34,  58  ;  Martigny, 
Diet.  p.  460;  King,  Early  Christ.  Num.  p.  84), 
as  struck  at  Bavenna,  cannot  be  genuine,  as 
Ravenna  was  not  established  as  a  mint  till  the 
reign  of  Honorius  (Madden,  Num.  Chron.  N.  S. 
1861,  vol.  i.  p.  181;  1862,  vol.  ii.  pp.  60,  253; 
Handb.  of  Bom.  Num.  p.  159). 

Under  Valentinian   I.  the  most  notable  rein- 

troduction   is   that  of  the  form    _£    which  is 

generally  carried  at  the  top  of  the  sceptre  held 
by  the  emperor  (Cohen,  3Ie'd.  Imp.  No.  20),  but 
sometimes  occurs  in  the  field  of  the  coin  (No.  25). 
Similar  emblems,  as  also  the  laharum  adorned 

with  the  )K  °r  X  continue  on  the  coins 
during  the  reigns  of  his  brother  Valens,  the 
usurper  Procopius,  of  his  sons,  Gratian  and  Valen- 
tinian II.  and  Theodosius  I.  the  Great.i  The 
coins  both  of  gold  and  brass  of  Aelia  Flaccilla, 
the  wife  of  Theodosius  I.,  who  was  much  esteemed 
for  her  piety,  also  exhibit  interesting  Christian 
emblems,  among  the  most  striking  of  which 
is  the  type  of  victory  seated   inscribing  on  a 

shield   the    s^    (Cohen,  Me'd.  Imp.   No.    1),  a 

reverse  that  occurs  frequently  afterwards  on  the 
coins  of  other  empresses ;  whilst  the  coins  of 
Magnus  Maximus,  usurper  in  Britain  and  Gaul, 
and  of  his  son  Victor  (bono  reipvblicae  nati) 


1  The  form  comob  which  may  be  explained  Constan- 
tinae  [Aries]  Moneta  72,  or  Ohryza  "  pure  gold,"  appears  for 
the  first  time  on  the  gold  coins  under  Valentinian  II.  and 
Theodosius  I.,  and  is  exclusively  a  Western  mint  viark ; 
the  form  conob  Constantinopoli  12,  occurs  only  on  the 
coins  of  Constantinople  and  for  the  first  time  under  Graiian, 
Valentinian  II.,  and  Theodosius  I.  (Madden,  Num.  Chron. 
N.  S.  1861,  vol.  i.  pp.  123,  124),  and  they  both  continue 
till  about  the  time  of  Justinian  I.,  when  conob  is  used 
throughout  the  empire  on  the  Byzantine  gold.  I  am  in- 
clined to  think  with  Messrs.  Finder  and  Friedlaender 
{Aeltere  Miinzkunde,  1851 ;  of  De  lu  Sign,  des  Lettres 
OB,  Berlin,  1873)  that  the  letters  OB  stand  for  "72 
solidi,"  coined  from  one  pound  of  gold  (JVujn.  Chron. 
N.  S.  1861,  vol.  1.  p.  177;  vol.  ii.  p.  240),  but  the  late 
Mr.  de  Sails  considered  {Num.  Chron.  N.  S.  1867,  vol.  vii. 
p.  327),  that  M.  de  Petigny  (View.  Num.  1857,  p.  115) 
gives  most  convincing  arguments  for  reading  Obryza 
"  pure  gold." 


1288 


MONEY 


and  of  Eugenius,  usurper  in  Gaul,  shew  more  or 
less  the  same  symbols. 

§  xxii.  Division  of  tlie  Empire  (395).  A.  The 
West  to  end  of  Western  empire  (476).  B.  2'he 
East  to  the  time  of  Leontius  (488). 

A.  The  West.— After  the  death  of  Theodosius  I. 
the  empire  was  divided  between  his  two  sons 
Arcadius  and  Honorius,""  the  former  taking  the 
Eastern,  the  latter  the  Western  proviuces.  About 
this  time  the  type  of  Victory,  holding  a  globe 
surmounted  by  a  cross,  is  introduced  (Arcadius, 
Sabatier,  ulfon.  Byz.  vol.  i.  p.  404;  Jfonorius, 
Cohen,  JMZ.  Imp.  No.  24),  and  the  Greek  cross 
may  be  seen  on  the  exagia  solidi  of  Arcadius, 
Honorius,  and  Theodosius  II.  (Cohen,  No.  6, 
Sabatier,  pi.  iii.  No.  9).  On  a  gold  coin  of 
Honorius  struck  at  Ravenna,  in  tne  collection  of 
Dr.    John    Evans,    the    emperor   is   represented 

holding  a   spear,  surmounted   by    _t_,    on  the 

head  of  an  animal  which  appears  like  a  lion 
with  a  serpent's  or  dragon's  tail. 

On  certain  coins  of  Aelia  Galla  Placidia,  wife 
of  Constantius  III.,  the  colleague   of  Honorius 

for  a  few  months,  the  "^P  or  a  cross,  is  re- 
presented on  her  right  shoulder,  whilst  the  ^ 

is  within  a  wreath  on  the  reverse  (Cohen,  Nos.  1 
-16),  and  the  hand  from  heaven  crowning  the 
empress  is  introduced  (Cohen,  Nos.  2,  10,  11),  as 
had  also  been  the  case  on  the  coins  of  Eudoxia  in 
the  East. 

The  usurper  Priscus  Attains  seems  to  have 
dropped  Christian  emblems,  and  Rome  having 
been  sacked  by  Alaric  who  placed  him  on  the 
throne,  he  dared  to  strike  silver  medallions  twice 
the  size  of  a  five-shilling  piece,  and  gold  and 
silver  coins  with  the  presumptuous  legend 
INVICTA  ROMA  AETERNA  (Cohen,  Nos.  1,  3-5). 
The  usual  emblems  occur  on  the  coins  of  John, 
proclaimed  emperor  in  423. 

Yalentinian  HI.  appears  to  have  been  the  first 
emperor  who  wore  (^  cross  on  his  diadem,  if  the 
gold  medallion  is  genuine  (Cohen,  No.  1,  from 
Banduri),  and  on  other  coins  (Cohen,  No.  11), 
holding  a  cross  and  a  globe  on  which  Victory, 


"  Diuring  the  reign  of  Honorius  some  brass  medals  were 
issued  representing  in  most  cases  the  head  of  Alexander, 
but  sometimes  that  of  Honorius,  and  on  the  reverse  an 
ass  suckling  her  young,  accompanied  by  the  legends  d.  n. 
iHv.  (sic)  xps  DEI  FiLivs  or  lovrs  Fn-n's  or  asina,  or  as 
on  a  large  medallion  of  the  contorniate  class,  the  mono- 
gram SL^ .  The  efSgy  of  Alexander  the  Great  seems  to 
have  been  considered  as  a  "  pmtection  "  (Treb.  Poll. 
"XXXTTE."  14).  John  Chrysostom  {Homil.  ii.  No.  5 ; 
of.  Montfaucon,  Op.  Chrys.  vol.  ii.  p.  243)  reproached 
certain  bad  Christians  of  his  time  for  wearing  as 
amulets  on  their  heads  or  feet  medals  of  bronze  with 
the  head  of  Alexander  the  Macedonian  {voixiaij-aTo. 
\akKa.  'AAefai'Spov  ToO  MaKeJ6i'05  rais  Ki<i>aXa.l%  koX 
Tots  TToirl  mpiiicrixovvTuiv).  These  medals  were 
thought  by  Eckhel  {Doct.  Xum.  Vet.  vol.  viii.  p.  173)  to 
be  symbolic  representations  made  by  the  Christians,  but 
Tanini  appears  to  have  been  of  opinion  that  they  were 
satirical  pieces  fabricated  by  the  Pagans  to  turn  into 
derision  the  name  of  Christian,  whilst  Cavedcni  {Rev. 
Num.  1857,  p.  314),  thinks  that  "they  are  the  work  of 
certain  evil  Christians  or  the  Gnostics  or  Basilidians, 
who  employed  these  medals  as  'pierres  astriferes'  to 
circulate  among  the  people  their  false  and  detestable 
doctrines."    [.See  Medals,  below.] 


MONEY 

he  changes  the  ordinary  captive  trampled  under 
foot  to  a  human-headed  serpent,  a  custom  fol- 
lowed by  many  of  his  successors.  The  type  of 
the  emperor  holding  the  mappa  or  volumen  and 
a  long  cross  was  also  introduced  (Cohen,  No.  21). 
His  wife  Licinia  Eudoxia  also  bore  the  cross  on  her 
diadem  on  her  coins  struck  in  Italy  (Fig.  29 ;  Cohen, 
No.  1).  A  very  rare  gold  coin  of  this  empress 
(De  Salis,  Num.  Chron.  N.  S.  1867,  vol.  rii.  pi. 

viii.  No.  1)  has  the   ^^   surrounded  by  a  circle 

and  the  legend  SALVS  ORiENTiS  felicitas  OCCI- 
DENTIS.  It  was  struck  on  the  occasion  of  her 
marriage  in  437,  and  she  was  so  called  because 
Theodosius  II.  had  no  son,  and  the  Eastern  em- 
pire seemed  likely,  as  well  as  the  Western,  to 
become  the  inheritance  of  his  eldest  daughter's 
issue  (De  Salis,  op.  cit.  p.  206).  Some  coins  of 
his  sister  Justa  Grata  Honoria  bear  the  legend 
BONO  reipvblicae  (Cohen,  No.  1). 

The  usual  types  occur  on  the  coins  of  Petro- 
nius  Maximus,  Avitus,  Majorian,  Anthemius, 
and  his  wife  Eufemia,  but  on  one  coin  of  this 
emperor  representing  Anthemius  and  Leo,  there 
is  between  them  a  tablet  (surmounted  by  a  cross) 
on  which  is  inscribed  the  word  PAX  (Cohen, 
No.  9).  On  the  accession  of  Olybrius  he  dared 
to  introduce  the  legend  SALVS  mvndi,  engraving 
on  his  coin  a  large  cross,  though  he  only  enjoyed 
a  reign  of  about  three  months  and  thirteen  days. 
The  coins  of  Glycerins,  Julius  Nepos  and  Romu- 
lus Augustus  (Fig.  30),  the  last  emperor  of  the 
Western  empire,  offer  the  usual  symbols. 

B.  The  East. — Under  Arcadius,  as  already 
pointed  out,  the  type  of  Victory  holding  a  globe 
surmounted  by  a  cross  was  introduced.  Coins 
with  the  legend  NOVA  spes  reipvblicae  and 
the  type  of  Victory  resting  on  a  shield  were 
struck  (Sabatier,  Mon.  Byz.  No.  17),  matching 
the  coins  of  his  wife  Eudoxia,  with  the  legend 
SALVS  RiPVBLiCAE,  (sic)  and  the  type  of  Victory 
inscribing  on  a  shield  the  ^  (Fig.  31;  Sabatier, 

No.  3),  a  type  that  was  already  in  vogue  at  the 
time  of  her  mother-in-law  Flaccilla.  The  question 
of  the  attribution  of  the  coins  bearing  the  names 
of  Eudocia  and  Eudoxia  was  for  a  long  time  in- 
volved in  great  obscurity  till  set  at  rest  by  the 
late  Mr.  de  Salis  {Num.  Chron.  N.  S.  1867,  vol.  vii. 
p.  203) ;  and  many  coins  bearing  the  name  of 

Eudoxia  with  the    nB,  given   by   Sabatier  to 

the  wife  of  Theodosius  II.,  are  now  attributed  to 
the  wife  of  Arcadius. 

Theodosius  II.  issued  coins  with  the  legend 
GLORIA  ORVis  (sw)  TERRAR.  representing  himself 
holding  the  labarum  and  a  globe  cruciger,  and  all 
the  coins  with  the  name  EVDOCIA  belong  to  the 
wife  of  this  emperor  (Fig.  32). 

In  451  Marcianwas  proclaimed  emperor  owing 
to  the  influence  of  Pulcheria,  the  sister  of  Theo- 
dosius II.,  whom  he  married,  and  who  was  at 
this  time  about  fifty  years  of  age.  A  gold  coin 
was  struck  by  Marcian  to  commemorate  this 
event,  bearing  the  legend  FELiciTER  nhbtiis  (see 
Madden,  Num.  Chron.  N.S.  1878,  vol.  xviii.  p.  47, 
and  "Addenda,"  p.  199)  representing  Marcian  and 
Pulcheria,  both  with  the  nimbus,  standing  joining 
hands  ;  in  the  middle,  Christ,  with  the  nimbus 
cruciger,  standing  and  placing  his  hands  on  their 
shoulders  (Fig.  33).  This  piece,  which  is  one  of 
the  most  interesting  examples  of  Christian  Nu- 


MONEY 

■mismatics,  is  preserved  in  the  Hunter  Museum, 
Glasgow,  and  I  am  indebted  to  Prof.  Young,  M.D., 
Curator  of  the  Museum,  for  sending  me  an  im- 
pression of  it  (of.  Eckhel,  Doct.  Num.  Vet.  vol.  viii. 
p.  191  ;  Sabatier,  No.  2).  The  coins  of  Pulcheria 
bear  similar  types  to  those  of  the  other  empresses. 

Some   coins    of  Leo    I.  shew  the  _E  in  the 

field  (Sabatier,  pi.  vi.  No.  24),  and  represent 
him  holding  the  mappa  and  long  cross  (No.  19), 
as  on  the  coins  of  Valentinian  III.  previously 
alluded  to,  but  the  type  of  the  coins  of  his 
wife  Verina,  as  well  as  those  of  Leo  IL  and 
Zeno  (with  the  exception  of  the  brass  coins  of 
the  latter  with  INVICTA  ROiiA  and  S.  C.  Senatus- 
consultd),  his  wife  Ariadne,  of  Basiliscus,  his  wife 
Zenonis,  and  sou  Marcus,  and  of  Leontius,  do  not 
exhibit  any  novelty  of  type, 

§  xxiii.  Coins  of  the  Empire  of  the  East  from 
the  time  of  Anastasius  (491)  to  the  taking  of 
Constantinople  by  Mahomet  II.  (1453). 

The  true  Byzantine  type  of  coinage  commences 
under  Anastasius  (491-518),  who  instituted  a 
monetary  reform.  During  his  reign,  as  well  as 
during  that  of  Justin  L  (518-527),  the  types  of 
the  gold  and  silver  coins  ai-e  principally  the 
usual  Victory  holding  a  globe,  on  which  is  a  cross, 
or  else  a  large  cross,  or  a  staff  surmounted  by  the 

Np  ,  whilst  the  ^^    ȣ  or  M/  are  of  frequent 

occurrence.    The  A  _E,  Cjl)  or  yz.  J^  ^  may 

be  found  on  the  small  silver  coins  of  Justin  L 
(Sabatier,  Mon.  Byz.  pi.  ix.  Nos.  25,  26),  a  type 
likewise  appearing  on  those  of  Justinian  L  (Sab. 

pi.  xii.  Nos.  12,  15,  cf.  A  "T"  CO  on  jE  coins,  pi. 

xvii.  Nos.  36-38)  and  Mauricius  Tiberius  (Sab. 
pi.  xxiv.  No.  14).  The  copper  coinage  now 
under  Anastasius  for  the  first  time  bears  an 
index  of  its  value,  which  generally  occupies  the 
whole  of  the  field,  almost  always  accompanied 
by  crosses.     One  specimen   shews    the  emperor 

Justin  I.  wearing  the    S?    on  his  breast  (Sab. 

pi.  X.  No.  1),  or  the  -T-  on  his  head  (No.  2). 

In  527  Justinian  was  associated  to  the  empire 
by  his  uncle  Justin,  and  coins  were  struck  of 
gold  and  copper  bearing  both  their  portraits. 
On  a  very  rare  copper  piece,  formerly  in  the 
collection  of  the  late  Mr.  de  Salis,  and  now  in  the 
British  Museum,  the  word  vita  appears  for  the 
first  time  (Fig.  34;  Sab.  pi.  si.  No.  22),  a  form  em- 
ployed afterwards  by  Justin  II.  and  Sophia  (Sab. 
pi.  sxi.  Nos.  10,  12,  13),  and  Mauricius  Tiberius 
(Sab.  pi.  xxiv.  No.  20),  signifying,  according  to 
the  late  Baron  Marchant  and  M.  de  Saulcy,  '■'■Sit 
longa  vita,"  but  which  the  Abbe  Martigny 
{Bict.  des  Antiq.  Chr€t.  p.  464)  thinks  may  refer 
to  the  sign  of  the  cross  as  the  source  of  true  life. 
In  favour  of  the  first  interpretation  M.  Sabatier 
mentions  (vol.  i.  p.  170)  the  words  vixCAS  or 
NiKA  on  the  contorniates  and  the  legend  Ne 
Vireat  (but  probably  Nosier  pgrpeiwMs)  on 
the  brass  coins  (Sab.  pi.  xxvii.  No.  26)  of  Focas 
and  Leontia  (602-610),  as  also  the  letters 
p.  A.  MML.  or  p.  A.  MVL.  on  the  coins  of 
Theodosius  III.  (716),  Leo  the  Isaurian  (716-741), 
.and  Constantine  V.  and  Leo  IV.  (751-755),  these 
being  interpreted  Per  Knnos  mvltos  {yivaf],  but 
Mr.  de  Salis,  who  states  that  the  legend  mvltvs 


MONEY 


1289 


or  MVLTVS  ANNis  occurs  for  the  first  time  on  the 
coins  of  Justinian  IL  without  the  letters  pa, 
considered  (i?cu.  Num.  1859,  p.  441)  that  these 
letters  signified  PATHR  or  pathr  avgvsti,  an 
opinion  that  M.  Sabatier  seems  to  have  adopted 
in  other  parts  of  his  work  (vol.  i.  p.  74 ;  vol.  ii. 
p.  46).  It  may  be  mentioned  that  the  Abbd 
Cavedoni  preferred  to  read  Perpetuus  Augustus 
MVLtoties  or  MYhtimodis  (Bev.  Num.  1859,  p. 
399)  ;  but  this  interpretation  is  doubtful. 

On  the  death  of  his  uncle,  Justinian  I.  suc- 
ceeded to  the  throne  (527-565),  and  about  his 
twelfth  year  introduced  his  portrait  full-faced 
on  the  copper  coinage,  adding  the  word  anno 
together  with  a  number  marking  the    year  of 

his    reign.      The    n^    (reversed)   is    also   fixed 

on  the  breast  of  this  emperor  (Sab.  pi.  xii. 
No.  22),  set  as  it  seems  on  a  plate  surrounded 
by  gems  (Fig.  35),  and  the  form  M/  occupies  the 

whole  of  the  reverse  of  some  of  the  small  copper 
coins  (Sab.  pi.  xvii.  Nos.  2  and  9). 

The  coins  of  the  Ostrogoths  in  Italy,  com- 
mencing at  the  overthrow  of  Romulus  Augustus 
(476-553),  which  genei-ally  bear  the  portraits 
of  Anastasius,  Justin  I.,  and  Justinian  I.,  and 
many  of  which  carry  on  the  farcical  legend  of 
INVICTA  ROMA,  as  well  as  the  coins  of  the  Van- 
dals in  Africa  (428-534),  do  not  require  any 
special  allusion  in  connexion  with  the  present 
subject. 

The  reign  of  Justin  II.  (565-578),  with  the 
exception  of  the  pieces  of  himself  and  wife 
Sophia  with  the  inscription  vita,  to  which  I 
have  already  alluded,  offers  no  new  types. 

Under  his  successor  Tiberius  II.  Constantine 
(578-582)  the  cross  is  placed  on  four  steps  (Sab. 
pi.  xxii.  No.  13),  or  on  a  circle  or  globe  (Sab. 
pi.  xxii.  Nos.  17,  18),  types  that  become  espe- 
cially common  under  Hei-aclius,  whilst  on  some 
of  his  coins  he  is  represented  holding  the  volu- 
meji,  and  a  sceptre  surmounted  by  an  eagle, 
above  which  a  cross  (Sab.  pi.  xxii.  No.  15  ;  xxiii. 
Nos.  1,  2,  and  13),  a  type  occurring  on  the  coins 
of  Mauricius  Tiberius  (582-602),  who  also  issued 
a  very  rare  solidus  (of  which  a  woodcut  is  given 
by  Sabatier,  vol.  i.  p.  238),  representing  himself 
holding  the  volumen  and  long  cross,  and  on  the  re- 
verse Victory  holding  a  long  sceptre  terminating 

in  _H,  and  a  cross  on  a  globe  (see  the  descrip- 
tion of  a  coin  of  Leo  I.  §  xxii.).  The  coins  of 
Focas  (602-610)  are  of  the  usual  type. 

Heraclius  (610-641),  who  issued  coins  of  himself 
and  sons  Heraclius  Constantine,  and  Heracleonas, 
with  the  title  of  Consul,  an  office  that  was  not 
definitely  abolished  till  the  reign  of  Leo  VI.  (886- 
912),  produced  the  legend  D6VS  ADIVTA 
ROMAN  IS  (Fig.  36;  Sab.  pL  xxix.  No.  23)  on 
his  silver  coins,  a  legend  which  continued  on  the 
coins  of  his  successors  down  to  the  time  of  Jus- 
tinian II.  (685).  Some  of  his  copper  coins  present 
an  entirely  new  feature,  in  that  the  legend  is 
completely  Greek,  instead  of  the  curious  mixture 
of  Greek  and  Latin,  and  also  reverts  to  the 
Constantinian  legend  GN  TaTO  NIKA  (Sab. 
pi.  xxviii.  No.  26),  which  appears  m  the  form 
eh  SOVSCjO  hICAS  or  hICASG  on  the 
coins  of  Basil  II.  and  Constantine  XL  (Sab. 
pi.    xlviii.    Nos.    15,    16),  and   GN    TOVTU) 


1290 


MONEY 


N I KATG  on  those  of  Michael  YII.  and  Maria 
(Sab.  pi.  li.  No.  11). 

The  late  Dr.  Finlay  has  suggested  (Greece  under 
the  Romans,  p.  544)  that  the  copper  coins  of  rude 
fabric  with  the  GN  TSTO  NIKA  legend 
were  probably  coined  by  Heraclius  for  the 
use  of  the  troops  and  provincials  during  his 
Persian  campaigns,  to  whi,ch  theory,  with  the 
exception  of  the  words  "  rude  fabric,"  as  these 
coins  are  no  ruder  than  the  rest  of  the  copper 
currency,  the  Hon.  J.  L.  Warren  assented,  adding 
"  that  such  a  type  would  be  peculiarly  appro- 
priate in  a  war  against  the  crescent  and  the 
infidels,  thus  readopting  the  laharum  motto, 
translated,  however,  and  thereby  shewing  how 
essentially  Greek  the  empire  had  become  "  {Num. 
Chron.  N.  S.  1861,  vol.  i.  p.  229).  The  same 
type  was  copied  by  Constans  (641-668),  and  an 
interesting  account  of  some  coins  of  this  emperor 
and  his  sons,  discovered  in  the  island  of  Cyprus, 
has  been  written  by  Mr.  Warren  {op.  cit.  p.  42). 
During  the  short  reign  of  Theodosius  III.  (716) 
some  small  silver  coins  were  struck  (Sab.  pi. 
x.xxix.  No.  3)  bearing  the  legend  AMGNITAS 
D€l  (the  loving-kindness,  i.e.  the  grace  of  God) 
within  a  wreath  of  myrtle. 

During  the  reign  of  Constantine  V.  Coprouy- 
mus,  and  his  son  Leo  IV.  (751-775),  the  hand 
"descending  from  heaven"  occurs  on  the  gold 
coinage  (Sab.  pi.  xl.  No.  22),  and  the  form  in 
which  the  hand  is  held  is  supposed  to  express  the 
sacred  letters  IC— XC  (DiCT.  of  Christ.  Antiq. 
I.  p.  199).  The  hand  also  occurs  on  the  coins 
of  John  I.  Zimisces,  Michael  IV.,  Michael  VI., 
Alexius  I.  Comnenus,  John  II. Comnenus,  Manuel  I. 
Comnenus,  Isaac  II.  Angelus,  John  VIII.  Palae- 
ologus,  and  on  those  of  the  emperors  of  Trebi- 
zond.  The  legend  IhSMS  XPIS5MS  NICA, 
with  the  type  of  a  large  cross  on  three  steps, 
first  appears  on  his  silver  coins  (Sab.  pi.  xl. 
No.  25),  though  on  a  copper  coin  with  the 
effigies  of  Leo  III.  (dead),  Constantine  V.,  and 
Leo  IV.  (Sab.  pi.  xl.  No.  17),  the  letters  x  N 
for  -Kristus  Neca  may  be  found.     Sometimes  the 

X-N 

letters  are  triplicated,  x-N  as  on  coins  of  Irene 

x-N 
(Sab.  pi.  xli.  no.  13).  This  legend  was  continued 
on  the  silver  coins  of  Leo  IV.  (775-780),  and 
of  Constantine  VI.  and  Irene  (780-797),  but 
Nicephorus  I.  Logothetes  struck  it  on  a  gold 
coin  (Sab.  pi.  xli.  No.  14),  and  it  is  generally 
found  on  the  silver  till  the  reign  of  John  I. 
Zimisces  (969-976),  on  whose  coins  the  face  of 
the  emperor  is  represented  within  a  circle  sur- 
rounded  by  the  letters    ,  .    ^    (Sab.  pi.  xlvii. 

No.  19).  On  some  of  his  brass  coins  (Sab.  pi. 
xlviii.  No.  6),  as  also  on  those  of  Alexius  I. 
Comnenus  (Sab.  pi.  lii.  Nos.  18,  19),  and  An- 
dronicus  IV.  Palaeologus  (Sab.  pi.  Ixiii.  no.  1), 


the  legend  is 


Alexius  I.  was  the  first 


emperor  who  was  really  Greek,  and  Latin  le- 
gends are  after  his  time  no  longer  to  be  found 
on  the  Byzantine  coinage.  It  was  on  the  coins  of 
Michael  I.  Rhangabe  (811-81.!),  with  the  legend 
IhSlJS  XPIS5MS  NICA(Sab.  pl.xlii.No.  3), 
that  the  words  6ASIL1S  ROmAIOh  were 
first  introduced,  "  a  sad  acknowledgment  of  a 
rival  Romanorum  Lnperator"  {Sat.  Review, Sunn  1, 


MONEY 

1861);  andTheophilus  (829-842)  on  some  coins  of 
the  same  legend  and  type  (Sab.  pi.  xliii.  No.  10), 
calls  himself  OeOFILOS  ?>gLOS  XPISSUS 
PISTOS  eh  AVSO  bASlLEU  ROMAlOh, 
whilst  on    some  of  the  same  type  he  inscribes 

CVRIG    bOHOH     TO    SO    aOVLO^G 

Kvpii  fiorjdei  ry  tr^  SovXcj!  {Lord  protect  ih]/ 
servant). 

The  principal  Christian  types  on  the  Byzan- 
tine coinage  may  be  classified  in  the  following 
manner : — 

A.  Christ. — During  the  reign  of  Justinian  II. 
(685-695),  who  had  been  deposed  on  account 
of  his  cruelties  in  695  and  banished  to  the 
Chersonese  by  Leontius  witli  his  nose  cut 
off,  and  hence  his  name  of  Rhinotmetus 
('Pij'Jt/utjtos),  but  who  was  restored  to  the 
throne  together  with  his  son  Tiberius  in  705, 
many  innovations  were  introduced,  the  most 
notable  of  which  is  the  bust  of  Christ  holding 
the  gospels  and  giving  the  benediction,  with 
the  legend  dH.  IhS.  ChS.  RGX  RGGOAn- 
TIMm,  and  on  the  reverse  the  emperor  holding 
a  long  cross  with  the  title  of  SGRH.  ChRISSl 
adopted  by  himself.  On  some  of  the  coins  the 
emperor  holds  a  globe  (on  which  is  the  word 
pax),  surmounted  by  a  cross  (Fig.  37  ;  Sab. 
pi.  xxxvii.  No.  2).  The  former  legend  is  gener- 
ally found  on  the  gold  coins,  but  it  some- 
times occurs  on  the  silver  and  copper,  and  it  is 
always  accompanied  by  the  type  of  Christ  repre- 
sented in  the  four  following  ways : — 

(1)  Bust  of  Christ  facing  on  a  cross  on  the  coins 
(Fig.  37)  of  Justinian  II.  Rhinotmetus  (685-695) 
and°on  his  coins,  with  his  son  Tiberius  IV.  after 
his  restoration  (705-711).  From  the  reign  ot" 
Leo  III.  the  Isaurian  (716-741),  the  first  of 
the  Iconoclasts,  to  that  of  Irene  (797-802), 
all  images  of  Christ,  the  Virgin,  and  Saints 
were  abolished,  though  the  legend  IhSHS 
XPISC4C  NIKA  without  any  image,  as  I 
have  above  shewn,  was  introduced  during  the 
reign  of  Constantine  V.  and  his  son  Leo  (751- 
775).  The  bust  of  Christ  facing  on  a  cross 
was  again  produced  (Sab.  pi.  xlii.  No.  1)  oa 
the  coins  of  Michael  I.  Rhangabe  (811-813),  and 
after  another  interval  of  about  30  years,  on 
those  of  (Sab.  pi.  xliv.  No.  7)  Michael  III.  and 
his  mother  Theodora  (842-856),  and  on  those 
of  Michael  III.  (Sab.  pi.  xliv.  No.  12)  when 
reigning   alone  (856-866),  but  with  the  legend 

IhSMS  XPISSOC^  .  On  a  brass  coin  of 
Michael  VIL  Ducas  (1071-1078;  Sab.  pi.  li. 
No.  8)  the  bust  of  Christ  on  the  cross  occurs- 
between  tico  stars  but  icithout  any  legend. 

(2)  Rust  of  Christ  facing  on  a  cross  with 
nimbus,  from  the  reign  of  Constantine  X.  and 
Romanus  II.  (948-959)  to  that  of  Isaac  I. 
Comnenus  (1057-1059).  The  nimbus  is  gene- 
rally adorned  with  gems.  [Sab.  pi.  xlvi.  No.  18 ; 
xlvii.  Nos.  10-12,  17  ;  xlviii.  Nos.  10,  19,  20 ; 
xlix.  Nos.  3,  5  ;  1.  No.  1.] 

(3)  Christ  tcith  nimbus  cruciger  seated  facing, 
sometimes  holding  the  right  hand  raised,  from  the 
reign  of  Basil  1.  and  Constantine  IX.  (869-870) 
to  that  of  Manuel  I.  Comnenus  (1143-1180). 
[Sab.  pi.  xliv.  No.  22 ;  xlvi.  Nos.  1,  3,  4,  6,  12  ; 
xlix.  Nos.  2,  4,  16,  17 ;  1.  Nos.  2,  6,  10 ;  Ivi. 
No.  3.]  It  was  on  the  coins  of  this  type  (Sab., 
pi.  xlix.  No.  17)  that  Isaac  I.  Comnenus  changed 


MONEY 

the  type  of  the  gold  coinage  of  the  empire,  and 
impressed  on  it  his  own  figure  with  a.  drawn 
sword  in  his  right  hand,  thereby,  as  the  Byzan- 
tine writers  pretend,  ascribing  his  elevation  to 
the  throne,  not  to  the  grace  of  God,  but  to  his 
own  courage  (Finlay,  Hist,  of  Byz.  and  Greek 
Empires,  vol.  ii.  p.  12). 

(4)  Christ  with  nimbus  cruciger  standing  facing 
on  the  coins  (Sah.  pi.  xlix.  No.  13)  of  Theodora 
(1055-105G).     See  Types  of  Virgin  (j). 

On  a  gold  coin  of  Romanus  I.  Constantine  X. 
and  Christophorus  (920-944),  Christ  is  repre- 
sented with  a  cross  at  the  back  of  his  head, 
standing  crowning  the  emperor  Komanus  I.  (Sab. 
pi.  xlvi.  No.  10). 

The  type  of  Christ  also  occurs  in  the  follow- 
ing various  types,  accompanied  by  the  letters 
Tc — XC  ('I'JO'oCs  Xpta-rSs)  : — 

(5)  Bust  of  Christ  facing  on  a  cross  with  nim- 
bus.— The  letters  Jc — X^  and  this  type  first 
appear  on  the  brass  coins  of  John  I.  Zimisces 
(969-976),  but  with  the  addition  in  some  cases 
of  the  word  6MMAN0VHA,and  on  the  reverse 
+  IhSUS  XPISTUS  bASILeU  bASIL€ 
(Fig.  38 ;  Sab.  pi.  xlviii.  Nos.  3,  5,  6,  7,  8),  and 
the  attribution  of  these  anonymous  coins  to 
John  I.  Zimisces  is  founded  on  a  passage  of  Scy- 
litzes  and  of  Cedrenus,  where  it  is  said  that 
"  this  emperor  ordered  to  be  placed  upon  the 
coins  the  image  of  the  Saviour,  which  had  not 
been  done  before,  and  on  the  other  side  Latin 
letters  forming  the  sentence,  iesvs  christvs  rex 
REGUM  "  (Sab.  vol.  ii.  p.  143),  but  this  statement 
can  only  refer  to  these  copper  coins,  as  the  bust 
of  Christ  occurs  (as  I  have  shewn  (1))  on  the 
coins  of  other  metals  of  earlier  dates.  The  same 
letters  are  sometimes  connected  with  the  word 

NIKA  (see  above)    —  —     (Sab.  pi.  xlviii.  No. 

^  ^     N  1  I K  A      ^  '^ 

6;  lii.  Nos.  18,  19;  iviii.  No.  18;  Ixiii.  No.  1), 
a  form  of  legend  also  occurring  on  the  copper 
coins  of  Romanus  IV.  Diogenes  (1067-1070), 
but  here  representing  the  bust  of  Christ  without 
the  cross  or  nimbus,  and  with  three  globviles 
on  either  side  of  His  head  (Sab.  pi.  Ii.  No.  3). 

The  type  continues  from  the  time  of  Theodora 
(1055-1056)  to  that  of  John  VIII.  Palaeologus 
(1423-1448).  On  some  of  his  coins  (Sab.  pi.  Ixiii. 
Nos.  19,  20),  as  well  as  on  those  of  his  prede- 
cessor Manuel  II.  (Sab.  pi.  Ixiii.  Nos.  7,  9,  10), 
the  bust  of  Christ  is  surrounded  by  stars  or 
crosses  with  the  legend  0V.XAPIT1  BACIAGC 
TOO  PCjOMGCjON  ''By  the  grace  of  God,  King 
of  the  Romans," — equivalent  to  the  Dei  gratia  on 
our  own  coinage.  It  is  sometimes  accompanied  by 
the  legend  KGROHOGI  for  Kt^fG  BOH06I, 
as  on  the  coins  of  Alexius  I.  Comnenus  (Sab. 
pi.  liii.  No.  10),  and  Manuel  I.  Comnenus  (Sab. 
pl.  Iv.  Nos.  5  and  10 ;  Ivi.  No.  5). 

(6)  Christ  with  nimbus  cruciger  seated  facing, 
on  a  brass  coin  of  John  I.  Zimisces  (969-976  ; 
Sab.  pl.  xlviii.  No.  4)  having  on  the  reverse 
ISXS  6ASlLe  6ASILI,  and  on  a  very  rare 
brass  coin  of  Constantine  XIII.  Ducas  and  Eudocia 
(1059-1067  ;  Sab.  pl.  1.  No.  9),  and  from  the 
time  of  Michael  VII.  Ducas  (1071-1078)  to  that 
of  Andronicus  IV.  Palaeologus  (1371-1373).  [See 
under  C.  Saints  and  Fig.  41.] 

The  words  KG.  ROH0GI  are  sometimes 
added  on  the  coins  of  Alexius  I.  and  John  II., 
whilst  on  some  of  Andronicus  II.  Palaeologus  and 


MONEY 


1291 


Andronicus  III.  (1325-1328)  the  legend  is  in  full 
KVPIG   BOH0G1  (Sab.  pl.  l.xi.  Nos.  14,  15). 

On  some  of  the  coins  of  Michael  VIII.  (1261- 
1282;  Sab.  lix.  Nos.  3-6),  Christ  v.ith  nimbus 
cruciger  or  nimbus  is  seated  blessing  the  kneeling 
emperor,  who  is  generally  accompanied  by  the 
Archangel  Michael. 

(7)  Christ  with  nimbus  standing  facing,  some- 
times crowning  or  blessing  the  emperor  or  em- 
perors, on  coins  from  the  time  of  Michael  VII. 
(1071-1078)  to  that  of  Andronicus  II.  and  III. 
(1325-1328).  [Sab.  pl.  Ii.  Nos.  5,  18;  lii.  Nos. 
16,  17  [with  KG.  ROH0GI],  20;  liii.  No.  18; 
Iv.  No.  2  ;  Ivii.  Nos.  4,  5,  11 ;  Ix.  Nos.  1-5,  13, 
14  ;  Ixi.  Nos.  7-9,  13.] 

The  letters  Jq — xC  occur  on  some  coins  of 
Alexius  I.  (Sab.  pl.  lii.  No.  22)  and  Manuel  I.  (pi. 
Ivi.  No.  8),  having  for  type  a  six-rayed  cross  on 
three  steps. 

B.  The  Virgix. — The  Virgin  Mary  is  re- 
presented on  the  Byzantine  coinage  in  various 
postures,  generally  accompanied  by  the  letters 
MR — 0V  (Mtjtip  @€ov)  ; — 

(a)  Bust  of  Virgin  veiled  facing  and  hands 
raised,  on  coins  of  Leo  VI.  (886-912).  In  this 
instance  we  have  the  name  MARIA  in  full  as  well 
as  the  letters  IvfR — ©y  (Fig.  39 ;  Sab.  pl.  slv. 
No.  11). 

(5)  Bust  of  Virgin  with  nimbus  facing  and 
hands  raised,  first  occurs  (Sab.  pl.  xlvii.  No.  9) 
on  the  brass  coins  of  Theophano  (963)  and  on 
those  (Sab.  pl.  xlviii.  No.  9)  of  John  I.  Zimisces 
(969-976),  and  may  also  be  found  on  the  coins 
of  many  emperors  down  to  the  time  of  (Sab. 
pl.  Ixi.  No.  5)  Andronicus  II.  and  Michael  IX. 
(1294-1320). 

On  a  coin  of  Constantine  XII.  Monomachus 
(1042-1055;  Sab.  pl.  xlix.,  No.  12)  the  Virgin 
of  Blachernae  [M.  RAAKG6N1TICA  sic-]  is 
represented.  Blachernae  was  a  suburb  of  Con- 
stantinople, which  was  taken  into  the  city 
under  Heraclius,  and  the  empress  Pulcheria  is 
said  to  have  erected  a  temple  to  the  Virgin 
called  jEdes  Blachernianae,  which  Justin  I.  re- 
stored. On  account  of  the  many  miracles  said 
to  have  been  performed  here,  the  temple  and 
image  were  held  in  high  esteem  (Chron.  Alex. 
ad  ann.  Ileracl.  xv.  and  xvii. ;  Ducange,  Const. 
Christ,  lib.  i.  c.  xi. ;.  Madden,  Num.  Chron.  N.  S. 
vol.  xviii.  p.  207 ;  pl.  vii.  No.  10). 

(c)  Bust  of  Virgin  with  nimbus  facing,  holding 
a  medallion  of  Christ  on  her  chest,  from  the  time 
of  (Sab.  pl.  xlvii.  No.  18)  John  I.  Zimisces  (969- 
976)  to  that  of  (Sab.  pi.  Ii.  Nos.  7,  9)  Michael 
VII.  Ducas  (1071-1078),  and  sometimes  accom- 
panied by  the  legend  OKE  BOH0GI  (OeorJ/ce 
0oj]d€i,  mother  of  God,  help).  In  some  cases  the 
medallion  rests  on  her  chest  whilst  the  hands  are 
raised  as  on  the  coins  of  (Sab.  pl.  Ii.  No.  17) 
Nicephorus  III.  (1078-1081),  of  (Sab.  pl.  lii. 
Nos.  9-11,  21)  Alexius  I.  Comnenus  (1081-1118), 
and  of  (Sab.  pl.  liv.  No.  14)  John  II.  Comnenus 
(1118-1143).  On  the  coin  of  John  Zimisces 
there  is  the  legend  m6R0Ll— DGDOZASITl 
-  OGISSGGL-niZCJhOM  -^  CAnOsK- 
which  ajjpears  to  be  M^rep  @(ov  Zi^olaff ixivt) 
(5  (Is  (Te  iXiri^wv  ovk  awoTfv^eTai  Kvpiov,  0 
glorified  mother  of  God,  he  that  trustcth  in  thcc 
shall  not  fail  of  the  Lord.  (Madden,  Num.  Chron. 
N.  S.  vol.  xviii.  p.  209  ;  pl.  vii.  No.  11.) 

((f)  Bust  of  Virgin  with  nimbus  within  walls,^ 
on  the  coins  of  (Sab.  pl.  lis.  No.  3)  Michael  VIII. 


1292 


MONEY 


Palaeologus  (1261-1282),  of  (Sab.  pi.  \x.  Nos. 
1-4)  Andronicus  II.  Palaeologus  (1282-1328), 
and  of  (Sab.  pi.  Ix.  Nos.  13,  14)  Andronicus  II. 
and  his  son  Michael  IX.  (1294-1320). 

The  walls  are  those  of  Constantinople,  and  the 
type  commemorates  the  restoration  of  the  Greels 
emperors  at  Constantinople  after  it  had  been 
tinder  the  sway  of  the  Latins  for  nearly  fifty- 
eight  years.  Pachymer  of  Nicaea,  who  flourished 
during  the  reign  of  Michael  VIII.,  records  that 
"  Michael,  after  the  taking  of  Constantinople, 
changed  the  type  of  the  old  coins,  engraving 
instead  a  representation  of  the  city,"  but  at  the 
same  time  he  debased  the  standard  of  the  mint, 
and  issued  coins  containing  only  15  parts  of  gold 
and  9  of  alloy  (Pachymer,  ii.  343  ;  Finlay,  Hist, 
of  Byz.  and  Greek  Empires,  vol.  ii.  p.  436).  The 
obverse  type  on  his  coins  represents  the  emperor, 
presented  by  the  archangel  Michael,  kneeling  to 
Christ  seated,  or  the  emperor  in  prostration 
before  Christ  standing,  or  the  two  emperors 
blessed  by  Christ.     [_T!,pes  of  Christ,  (6),  (7).] 

(e)  1  irgin  with  nimbus  seated  facing,  on  coins 
of  John  II.  Comnenus  (1118-1143)  but  with  the 
hands  outspread  (Sab.  pi.  liv.  No.  13),  of  (Sab.  pi. 
Iv.  No.  6 ;  Ivi.  No.  4)  Manuel  I.  Comnenus 
(1143-1180),  and  of  (Sab.  pi.  lis.  No.  5)  Michael 
VIII.  Palaeologus  (1261-1282).  (Sab.  pi.  kiv.- 
Ixvi.) 

(/)  Virgin  with  nimbus  seated,  holding  medallion 
of  Christ,  from  the  time  of  Michael  VII.  Ducas 
(1071-1078)  to  that  of  Andronicus  II.  and 
Michael  IX.  (1294-1320).  [Sab.  pi.  Ii.  No.  6 ; 
Hi.  No.  1 ;  liii.  No.  18 ;  liv.  No.  1 ;  Iv.  No.  11 ; 
Ivi.  No.  14 ;  Ivii.  No.  Ih ;  Ix.  No.  16.] 

(g)  Virgin  with  nimbus  standing,  hands  raised 
and  medallion  of  Christ  on  her  chest,  on  the  coins 
of  (Sab.  pi.  lii.  Nos.  8,  12)  Alexius  I.  Comnenus 
(1081-1118),  of  (Sab.  pi.  Ivii.  No.  4)  Androni- 
cus I.  Comnenus  (1182-1185),  all  with 
KG.  ROHOei,  and  of  (Sab.  pi.  Ivii.  No.  20; 
Iviii.  No.  5)  Isaac  II.  Angelus  (1185-1195).  On 
some  of  the  coins  of  Andronicus  II.  the  Virgin 
holds  the  medallion  with  both  hands  (Sab.  pi.  Ivii. 
Nos.  5,  11). 

(K)  Virgin  with  nimbus  standing  on  a  cushion 
holding  the  infant  Christ,  with  nimbus  cruciger,  in 
her  arms,  on  the  gold  and  silver  coins  of  (Sab.  pi.  1. 
Nos.  14, 15)  Romanus  IV.  Diogenes  (1067-1070). 
On  these  coins  the  legend  riAPOGNG  COI 
nOAVAING  00  HAniKG  HANTA  KAT- 
OP0OI  (0  glorious  Virgin,  he  that  trusteth  in 
thee  prospers  in  all  things)  forms  an  hexameter 
line.    (Fig.  40.) 

(i)  Virgin  with  nimbus  standing  facing  and 
hands  raised  or  arms  folde  I.  from  the  time  of 
(Sab.  pi.  slix.  No.  11)  Constantine  XII.  Mono- 
machus  (1042-1055)  to  that  of  Alexius  I.  Com- 
nenus (1081-1118).  [Sab.  pi.  1.  No.  7  ;  Ii.  No.  6  ; 
lii.  No.  7.]  On  the  coin  of  Constantine  XII. 
there  is  the  legend  AGCHOINA  OCjOZOIO 
GVOEBH  MONOMAKON  {Lady mayest  thou 
jJreserve  the  pious  Monom'ichus).  On  some  speci- 
mens the  words  ©KG.  ROH0GI  occur. 

On  other  coins  the  Virgin  is  represented  side- 
faced  as  on  those  (Sab.  pi.  Ivi.  Nos.  12,  13)  of 
Manuel  I.  Comnenus  (1143-1180). 

(J)  Virgin  with  nimbus  standing  crowning  em- 
peror, sometimes  half-length,  on  coins  of  (Sab.  pi. 
xlvii.  No.  17)  John  I.  Zimisces(969-976),  on  which, 
in  addition  to  the  letters  M0  above  her  head, 
there  is  added  the  legend  0GOTOO.  6OH0. 


MONEY 

ICx)  OGSP  (mother  of  God  help  the  Lord  John) 
[A.  Christ,  No.  2],  and  from  the  time  of 
Romanus  III.  Argyrus  (1028-1034;  Sab.  pi. 
xlix.  No.  2)  to  that  of  (Sab.  pi.  Iv.  Nos  7,  12 ; 
ivi.  Nos.  2,  3)  Manuel  I.  Comnenus  (1143-1180). 
On  gold  coins  of  (Sab.  pi.  xlvii.  No.  12)  Nice- 
phorus  II.  Focas  (963-969),  and  of  (Sab.  pi.  Ixvii. 
No.  1)  John  Angelus  Comnenus,  emperor  of 
Thessalonica  (1232-1234),  the  Virgin  is  repre- 
sented half-length  presenting  a  long  cross  to  the 
emperor ;  on  some  of  Michael  VIII.  Palaeologus 
(1261-1282;  Sab.  pi.  lix.  Nos.  10,  11)  she  is  re- 
presented half-length  holding  the  labarum  on  which 
"T" ;  and  on   a   brass    coin    of  (Sab.    pi.   Ixii. 

No.  17)  John  V.  Palaeologus  (1341-1391),  the 
Virgin  and  Umperor  are  shaking  hands.  On 
another  (Sab.  pi.  xlix.  No.  13)  of  Theodora  (1055- 
1056),  to  which  I  have  already  alluded 
[A.  Christ,  No.  4],  she  is  standing  full-length 
with  Theodora,  both  holding  the  labarum. 

C.  Saints. — The  figure  of  a  saint  (generally 
standing)  was  first  introduced  by  Michael  VI. 
(1056-1057).  The  following  are  the  saints  and 
angels  represented — St.  Alexander,  on  a  sold  coin 
of  Alexander  (912-913  ;  Sab.  pi.  xlvi.  ''No.  3)  ; 
St.  Michael,  on  coins  of  Michael  VI.  (Sab. 
pi.  xlix.  No.  16)  and  of  Isaac  II.  Angelus 
(Sab.  pi.  Ivii.  Nos.  15,  16,  17)  and  other 
emperors ;  St.  Constantine,  on  coins  of  Alexius 
I.  Comnenus  (Sab.  pi.  lii.  Nos.  16,  17);  St. 
George,  on  coins  of  John  II.  Comnenus  (Fig.  41 ; 
Sab.  pi.  liii.  No.  15,  [A.  Christ,  No.  6]), 
and  other  emperors ;  St.  Iheodore,  on  coins  of 
Manuel  I.  Comnenus  (Sab.  pi.  Iv.  No.  2),  &c. ; 
St.  Demetrius,  on  coins  of  Manuel  I.  Comnenus 
(Sab.  pi.  Iv.  No.  9),  kc. ;  St.  Andronicus,  on 
coins  of  Andronicus  II.  and  III.  (Sab.  pl.  Ixi.  No. 
17);  St.  Eugenius,  on  the  coins  of  the  emperors 
of  Trebizond  (Sab.  pl.  Ixvii.-lxx. ;  some  on 
horseback);  St.  John,  on  the  coins  of  John  I. 
Axouchos,  emperor  of  Trebizond  (Sab.  pl.  Ixvii. 
No.  9,  bust  facing ;  No.  10  standing) ;  and  some 
unknown. 

The  winged  head  or  body  of  a  seraph  occurs  on 
the  brass  coins  of  Andronicus  I.  Comnenus  (Sab. 
pl.  Ivii.  Nos.  9,  10),  of  Andronicus  II.  and 
Michael  IX.  (Sab.  pl.  Ix.  No.  19  ;  Ixi.  No.  11), 
and  John  III.  Ducas  emperor  of  Nicaea  (Sab.  pl. 
Ixiv.  No.  15)  very  similar  in  form  to  the  seraphim 
engraved  in  the  article  Angels  and  Arch- 
angels (§  14). 

On  some  coin.''  of  Romanus  I.  and  II.,  Con- 
stantine X.,  Nicephorus  Focas,  John  Zimisces, 
Basil  II.,  Manuel  I.  Comnenus,  and  Alexius  III., 
the  initial  letters  of  the  names  of  these  emperors 
are  so  placed  as  to  form  a  cross  (Sab.  pl.  i.  Nos. 
54-60,  63,  68,  69),  in  some  cases,  as  on  the  coins 
of  Romanus  I.  and  II.,  taking  the  form  of  an 
anchor,  whilst  on  those  of  Romanus  IV.,  Alexius  I. 
Comnenus,  and  Baudouin  (Nos.  65,  67,  71),  the 
initials  are  figured  around  a  Maltese  cross. 

There  are  yet  one  or  two  curious  pieces  to 
which  I  must  allude.  During  the  reign  of 
John  I.  Zimisces  (969-976)  some  brass  coins  or 
tokens  were  issued  (1)  having  on  the  obverse 
the  bust  of  Christ  with  nimbus  and  the  letters 
10— XO,  and  on  the  reverse  the  legends 
0GOAAN  -  GIZGITOV  -  OHGNHTAO  - 
0TPG4>(jl)N,  and  (2)  on  the  obverse  AA— 
NGIZGI— 0GCjO,  and  on  the  reverse  OGAG— 
CONflTCx)— XON,   which   may  be  interpreted 


MONEY 

Oero  Savel^ei  robs  irfv-qras  6  rp4(pwv  and  Aavel^n 
©6^  6  i\io)v  vroixov  {He  that  hath  pity  on  the 
poor  lendeth  unto  the  Lord).  Both  are  transla- 
tions of  the  same  Hebrew  verse  (Prov.  six.  17), 
and  the  latter  is  the  exact  translation  of  the  LXX. 
These  pieces  have  been  published  by  Dr.  Fried- 
laender  {Num.  Zeitschrift,  vol.  ii.  Vienna,  1870); 
the  first  is  in  the  collection  of  Prince  Philip  of 
Saxe-Coburg,  the  second  in  the  museum  of 
Basle.  Dr.  Freidlaender  remarks  that  "it  is 
curious  that  the  coins  of  smallest  value  are  al- 
ways those  which  remind  the  possessor  to  give 
them  to  the  poor." 

Another  brass  coin  or  medal  wit'h  the  legend 
ANACTACIC  has  also  been  attributed  to  this 
reign,  but  the  piece  is  not  above  suspicion. 
(Madden,  iYmot.  Chron.  N.  S.  1878,  vol.  xviii. 
p.  191.)     [See  Medals  below.] 

To  the  time  of  John  II.  Comnenus  (1118- 
1143),  according  to  the  late  Baron  Marchant 
{Mel.  de  Num.),  or  to  that  of  John  V.  Palaeologus 
(1341-1391),  according  to  the  late  Mr.  de  Salis, 
and  with  greater  probability,  a  most  remarkable 
piece  is  attributed,  of  which  the  following  is  a 
description  : — 

Ohv.  The  emperor  with  nimbus  standing 
facing,  holding  cross  and  labarum  (surmounted 
by  cross)  on  which  X. 

£ev.  The  Magi  worshipping  and  making  offer- 
ings to  the  Virgin  Mary,  who  holds  a  child  in  her 
lap.  The  Virgin  wears  the  nmi^Ms  and  is  seated, 
raising  her  right  hand.     Between  the  Magi  and 

the  Virgin  the  letters  ^^^°^.  (Fig.  42.) 

This  piece,  which  is  in  the  British  Museum,  is 
considered  by  Mr.  Grueber  to  be  undoubtedly 
genuine.     The  shape  of  the  labarum  is  uncertain, 


MONEY 


1293 


but  appears   to  be 


The   inscription   is 


perhaps  eVA07€'Te,  or  rather  EVA07WG'"7> 
which  is  not  improbable,  as  the  Virgin  Mary 
was  hailed  by  her  cousin  Elizabeth  as  "  Blessed 
among  women,  and  blessed  the  fruit  of  her  womb" 
{iv\oyi]fj.ivn  (TV  fv  yvvai^),  Kol  evKoyn/xiPos  6 
Kapirhs  Tris  Koi\(as  ffov,  Luke  i.  42). 

Another  specimen  of  very  similar  reverse 
type,  but  having  on  the  obverse  the  bust  of 
Christ  facing  with  nimbus  and  the  legend 
EMMANVHL  {sic)  was  formerly  in  the  Pem- 
broke Collection,  and  passing  into  the  cabinet  of 
the  late  Mr.  Wigan,  is  now  in  the  collection  of 
the  Rev.  S.  S.  Lewis,  who  has  published  and 
engraved  it  in  the  new  illustrated  edition  of 
Dr.  Farrar's  Life  of  Christ  (p.  21,  ed.  Cassell, 
Petter,  and  Galpin).  Mr.  Lewis  kindly  sent  me 
the  piece  to  see,  and  I  must  confess  that  I  am  not 
altogether  favourably  impressed  with  its  appear- 
ance. I  may  observe  that  Mr.  Burgon  the  author 
of  the  Pembroke  Sale  Catalogue  (p.  324)  classed 
it  among  "  early  fabrications  in  copper  bearing 
imaginary  types,"  and  stated  that  "the  com- 
position can  hardly  be  regarded  as  genuine,  but 
as  the  metal  and  surface  are  antique,  it  must  (if 
false)  have  been  produced  by  means  of  a  punch 
and  an  engraving  tool,  principally  by  the  former. 
The  workers  in  Niello  in  Italy  in  the  15th  cen- 
tury used  their  tools  in  a  manner  which  is  al- 
most inconceivable."  If,  however,  there  is  no 
doubt  about  the  authenticity  of  the  piece  in  the 
British  Museum,  we  can  hardly  reject  this  one 
as  spurious  only  on  account  of  its  composition. 


The  two  birds  (doves  ?)  in  the  exergue  of  the 
reverse,  Mr.  Lewis  {op.  cit.)  suggests  may  "  deli- 
cately symbolise  the  purification."  [See  Medals, 
below.] 

It  may  be,  as  Martigny  has  suggested  {Diet, 
des  Antiq.  Chr^t.  p.  38o),  that  medals  or  medal- 
lions of  this  description  were  frequently  struck 
for  suspending  round  the  neck,  as  was  done  with 
some  of  the  verves  dor€s  with  the  same  subject 
(Garrucci,  Vetri,  iv..No.  9). 

The  representation  of  the  adoration  of  the 
Magi  on  both  these  pieces,  especially  on  the 
latter,  is  somewhat  similar  to  that  on  a  fresco 
of  the  cemetery  of  Callistus  engraved  by  Mar- 
tigny {op.  cit.  I.  c),  or  to  that  on  a  fresco  in  the 
cemetery  of  St.  Marcellinus,  engraved  by  the 
Rev.  W.  H.  Withrow  {Catacombs  of  Rome,  p. 
305.  1877.)     (Compare  p.  1299.) 

In  conclusion  I  must  record  my  thanks  to 
Mr.  H.  A.  Grueber,  assistant  in  the  Department 
of  Coins  and  Medals,  British  Museum,  for  the 
trouble  that  he  has  had  in  superintending  the 
casting  of  most  of  the  coins  here  engraved,  and 
for  the  readiness  with  which  he  has  answered 
my  numerous  queries. 

The  principal  works  referred  to  are  as  follows  : 
— Feuardent,  Me'dailles  de  Constantin  et  de  ses  fils 
portant  des  signes  de  Christianisme  in  the  Bevu/; 
Numismatiqv£,  1856,  p.  247 ;  C.  Cavedoni, 
Eicerche  critiche  intorno  alle  medaglie  di  Costan- 
tino  Magno  e  de'  suoi  figliuoli  insignite  di  tipi  e 
di  simboli  Cristiani  in  the  Opuscoli  Religiosi  Let- 
terarii  e  Morali,  I.  iii.  pp.  37-61,  Modena,  1858 
(tirage  k  part  27  pages) ;  Nuove  ric.  crit.  intorno 
alle  med.  Costantiniane  insignite  delV  effigie  della 
Croce  in  the  Opuscoli  Religiosi,  etc.,  I.  iv.  pp. 
53-63,  Modena,  1858  (tirage  a  part  11  pages); 
R.  Garrucci,  Numismatica  Costantiniana  portante 
segnidi  Cristianesimo,  in  his  VetriOrnati  di  figure 
in  oro  trovato  nei  Cimiteri  dei  Cristiani  primitivi 
di  Roma,  pp.  86-105,  Roma,  1858  ;  C  Cavedoni, 
Appendice  alle  ricerche  critiche,  etc.,  in  the  Opus- 
coli Religiosi,  etc.,  I.  v.  pp.  86-105,  Modena, 
1859  (tirage  a  part  20  pages) ;  H.  Cohen,  Me'- 
dailles  Imp€riales,  vols.  v.  and  vi.  Paris,  1861, 
1862,  vol.  vii.  (Supplement),  1868 ;  J.  Sabatier, 
Monnaies  Byzantines,  2  vols.  Paris,  1862 ;  R. 
Garrucci,  A^um.  Cost,  o  sia  dei  segni  di  Cris- 
tianesimo sulle  monete  di  Costantino,  Licinio  e  loro 
figli  Cesari,  in  his  Vetri  ornati  di  figure  in  oro, 
p.  232,  Roma,  1864  [a  partial  ti-anslation  of  this 
paper,  by  M.  de  Witte,  omitting  the  introduction 
(pp.  232-235)  and  the  concluding  remarks  (pp. 
253-261),  appeared  in  the  Revue  Numismatiqiw, 
1866,  p.  78,  which  has  been  translated  into 
English  (but  must  be  used  with  caution)  by  Mr. 
C.  W.  King,  Early  Christian  Numismatics  and 
other  Antiquarian  Tracts,  1873]  ;  C.  Cavedoni, 
Disamina  nella  nuova  edizione  della  Num.  Cost, 
del  P.  Rajfaele  Garrucci  d.  C.  d.  G.  in  the  Rivista 
della  Num.  ant.  e  modern,  vol.  i.  pp.  210-228, 
Asti,  1864;  R.  Garrucci,  Note  alia  Num.  Cost,  in 
the  Disscrtazioni  Arch,  di  vario  argomento,  vol.  ii. 
pp.  23-30,  Roma,  1865  ;  Martigny,  Numismatique 
Chr€ticnne  in  the  Diet,  des  Antiq.  Chr€t.  Paris, 
1865  ;  F.  W.  Madden,  Christian  Emblems  on  the 
coins  of  Constantine  I.  the  Great,  his  family  and 
his  successors  in  the  Numismatic  Chronicle,  N.  S. 
1877,  vol.  xvii.  pp.  11,  242;  1878,  vol.  xviii.  pp. 
1,  169.  [F.  W.  M.] 


Passmg  : 


the  Eastern  Empire  to  Western 


1294 


MONEY 


Europe,  we  find  that,  from  the  reign  of  Ho- 
norius  downwards,  the  gradual  loss  of  territory 
to  the  Roman  empire  is  marked  by  the  intro- 
duction of  new  coinages  issued  by  the  barbarian 
invaders  in  place  of  that  which  proceeded  from 
the  imperial  mints.  In  most  cases,  however, 
these  new  issues  begin  as  mere  imitations  of  the 
Western  or  Eastern  imperial  coins,  and  it  is  not 
till  long  subsequent  to  their  acquisition  of  a 
country  that  the  barbarian  nations  institute 
distinctly  recognisable  series  of  coins.  The  fact 
is,  that  the  imperial  coinage  had  been  so  long 
the  coinage  of  the  Roman  world  that  it  was  only 
gradually  that  the  Teutonic  invaders  conceived 
the  possibility  of  substituting  a  separate  coinage 
of  their  own.  The  length  of  time  which  often 
elapsed  between  the  settling  of  these  invaders 
in  Roman  territory  and  their  first  issue  of  a 
coinage  on  which  the  name  of  the  emperor  is 
replaced  by  that  of  a  barbarian  king,  is  exem- 
plified in  the  case  of  the  Visigoths,  who  under 
Astaulf  in  410  established  a  kingdom  in  Aqui- 
tania,  but  who  did  not  begin  a  national  coinage 
until  the  reign  of  Leovigild  (573),  the  first 
king  of  all  Sjiain.  Indeed  Pi-ocopius  complains 
of  the  audacity  of  the  Prankish  king  (Theode- 
bert),  who  for  the  first  time  ventured  to  strike 
gold  coins  "  bearing  his  own  portrait,  not  that  of 
the  emperor  as  was  [heretofore]  the  [universal] 
custom ;"  and  adds  with  slight  exaggeration : 
"the  king  of  the  Persians,  indeed,  used  to  strike 
silver  money  of  his  own ;  but  it  was  not  lawful 
either  for  him  or  for  any  other  barbarian  king  to 
make  his  gold  coins  with  a  portrait  of  the 
ruler."  {Bell.  Goth.  iii.  33.)  This  was  about 
the  year  544. 

It  is  obvious  that  this  long  period  of  imitation 
must  have  had  a  great  effect  upon  the  symbols 
of  all  kinds  which  appear  upon  coinages  of  the 
West,  and  accordingly  we  find  that  the  Christian 
symbols  upon  these  coins  are  generally  taken 
directly  from  the  money  of  Constantinople.  We 
may  divide  the  barbarian  coinages  of  Western 
Europe  from  the  accession  of  Honorius  to  that 
of  Charlemagne  into  six  distinct  classes,  struck 
respectively  by : 

(1)  The  Vandals  in  Africa  from  Huneric  to  the 
defeat  of  Gelimir  at  Trikameron,  that  is  from 
477  to  533. 

(2)  The  Visigoths  in  Spain  from  Leovigild  to 
the  defeat  of  Roderic  at  the  battle  of  Guadelata, 
from  573  to  711. 

(3)  The  Ostrogoths  in  Italy  from  Theodoric, 
493  to  the  battle  of  Mons  Lactanus,  553.  These 
were  followed  by : 

(4)  The  Lombards,  who  include  not  only  the 
Lombard  kings  at  Pavia,  but  likewise  the  dukes 
of  Benevento  and  Spoleto,  who  struck  coins.  The 
coinage  of  Pavia  and  Lucca  lasted  from  the  time 
of  Aripert,  G53,  down  to  the  conquest  of  the 
kingdom  of  Italy  by  Charles  in  774 ;  the  coin- 
age of  Benevento  continued  till  the  death  of 
Radeohis  in  955. 

(5)  The  Merovingians,  who  began  to  strike 
coins  about  544,  under  Theodebert,  king  of 
Austrasia,  and  continued  their  issue  until  a  new 
coinage  was  introduced  by  the  Karling  dynasty. 

(6)  The  English,  who  may  have  brought  a 
coinage  with  them  into  this  country,  but  who 
cannot  with  certainty  be  credited  with  a  national 
issue  until  the  time  of  Peada,  a  king  of  Mercia, 
about  655. 


MONEY 

On  the  first  and  third  of  these  six  classes,  the 
coins  of  the  Vandals  and  the  Ostrogoths,  Chris- 
tian symbols  are  curiously  conspicuous  by  their 
absence.  On  the  Vandal  money  none  appears 
save  upon  some  copper  coins  of  doubtful  attri- 
bution;  on  the  money  of  the  Ostrogoths  the 
only  exception  is  found  in  the  large  cross  which 
appears  upon  the  embroidered  robe  on  the  bust 
of  Theodahat  as  displayed  upon  his  copper  coins, 
and  in  the  crosses  upon  some  nameless  copper 
coins  struck  at  Rome  during  the  time  of  Ostro- 
gothic  rule,  but  not  necessarily  by  the  authority 
of  the  barbarians  themselves. 

Yet  if  we  were  inclined  to  attribute  this  want 
of  Christian  symbols  to  the  Arian  proclivities  of 
the  Vandals  and  the  Ostrogoths,  we  should  find 
that  our  conclusions  were  defeated  by  the  money 
of  Leovigild,  the  last  Arian  king  of  Spain.  He 
seems  to  have  adopted  three  types  for  his  money, 
which,  with  little  change,  run  through  the 
whole  series  of  the  coinage  of  this  dynasty. 
The  first  presents  on  the  obverse  the  rude 
representation  of  a  head  or  bust ;  on  the  reverse 
a  cross  hausse'e,  or  raised  upon  three  steps,  a 
type  which  was  first  introduced  by  Tiberius  II. 
(574-582),  and  was  probably  adopted  by  Leovi- 
gild about  the  period  of  the  second  date.  The 
engraved  coin,  which  is  one  of  Chintila,  struck 
at  Narbonne,  will  give  an  adequate  idea  of  this 
type,  for  it  is  the  peculiarity  of  this  series  that 
the  style  and  fabric  of  its  coins  varies  scarcely 
at  all  during  the  whole  period  of  nearly  a 
century  and  a  half  during  which  they  continued 
to  be  struck.  The  obverse  reads  +  chintila 
REX ;  the  reverse,  narbona  piv[s]  :  the  name  of 
city  of  minting,  Narbonne  (Fig.  43). 

This  type  of  the  cross  hauss^e  is  the  only  one 
which  can  be  distinctly  recognised  as  Christian. 
But  it  is  curious  that  the  cross  is  not  adopted 
upon  the  coins  of  Leovigild's  catholic  son  San 
Hermengild.  He  adopts  Leovigild's  second 
type,  which  is  also  an  imitative  one,  copied 
from  the  Victoria  Augusta  coins  of  Rome  and 
Constantinople.  The  reverse  represents  a 
winged  figure  (Victory)  walking  to  the  right, 
and  holding  in  her  right  hand  a  wreath.  Around 
the  usual  Roman  legend  victoria  avg  is  re- 
placed by  the  name  of  the  king,  or  an  attempt 
at  the  legend  inclytvs  rex.  (See  Heiss,  Mon. 
dcs  Hois  Wisigoths  d'Espagtie,  pi.  i.  Nos.  1-3, 
and  pi.  ii.  Nos.  1-3.)  Now,  though  this  coin  is 
undoubtedly,  as  for  as  the  origin  of  its  type 
goes,  of  a  pagan  character,  it  is  equally  certain 
that  it  is  impossible  in  the  history  of  Christian 
iconography  to  separate  accurately  the  Angel 
from  the  Victory  or  Nike  of  the  Romans  and 
Greeks;  and  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  the 
figure  upon  the  Visigothic  coins  would  have 
passed  in  these  days  and  in  popular  estimation 
for  an  angel.  The  third  characteristic  type  of 
the  Visigothic  coinage  represents  simply  a  rude 
bust  on  either  side,  and  is  devoid  of  any  attempt 
at  symbolism.  In  addition  to  the  Christian  types, 
we  have  on  one  coin  of  Leovigild  the  letters  A  (u. 
and  on  one  of  St.  Hermengild  the  legend  Begi  a 
Deo  Vita,  an  almost  unique  instance  of  pious 
instruction  upon  a  Visigothic  coin. 

The  Lombards  may  lay  claim  to  more  ori- 
ginality than  the  Visigoths,  ia  that,  upon  their 
pieces,  a  most  undoubted  angel  is  portrayed, 
with  a  legend  shewing  that  he  is  intended  to 
represent  the  Archangel  Michael.   The  engraving- 


MONEY 

<Fig.  44)  represents  a  coin  of  Cunipert  of  this  type. 
The  obverse  reads  dn  cvni  nc  pkrt.  Diademed 
bust  to  right,  wearing  paludamentum ;  in  front, 
uncertain  letter,  D?  Kev.  scs  mi  hahil.  St. 
I\Iichael  standing  to  left,  holding  long  cross 
pommde  in  right,  and  on  left  arm,  round  shield. 
This  angel  seems  to  have  been  held  in  especial 
honour  by  the  Lombards,  to  have  been,  in  fact, 
in  some  sort  their  patron.  He  is  mentioned 
several  times  by  Paulus  Diaconus  (iv.  47, 
V.  3,  41),  and  we  gather  that  there  were  in 
Warnefrid's  time  many  churches  and  cities 
dedicated  to  him.  The  cathedral  of  St.  Michael 
at  Pavia  was  the  scene  of  the  coronation  of  the 
Lombard  kings,  and  some  have  considered — 
though  without  satisfactory  reasons — that  the 
now  standing  church  of  San  Michele  dates  from 
their  time.  Following  the  observable  tendency 
of  middle-age  Catholicism  to  prefer  the  cult  of 
saints  to  that  of  angels,  the  majority  of  these 
churches  and  cities  probably  became  in  later 
days  re-dedicated  to  some  more  human  and  more 
popular  object  of  reverence. 

The  later  Lombardic  coins  abandon  the  type 
of  St.  Michael  and  adopt  for  their  reverses  either 
a  flower  pattern,  or  else  the  cross  potent,  having 
one  limb  longer  than  the  other  three.  Those  of 
the  dukes  of  Benevento,  who  form  a  lesser 
branch  of  the  Lombards  in  Italy,  imitate  more 
closely  the  contemporary  coinage  of  Constan- 
tinople, generally  displaying  on  the  obverse  the 
bust  of  the  duke  facing,  and  on  the  reverse  the 
long  cross  potent  and  hausse'e  upon  three  steps, 
known  under  this  form  as  the  Byzantine  cross. 
(See  Fig.  53.)  The  coins  likewise  bear  not  in- 
frequently the  legend  SAN  michalis,  although 
only  in  one  instance  do  they  display  the  image 
of  the  archangel. 

We  now  turn  to  the  coinage  of  the  Franks, 
which,  as  has  been  said,  begins  with  Theodebert, 
the  second  king  of  Austrasia,  the  son  of  Thierry, 
and  grandson  of  Clovis.  Dating  from  an  earlier 
period  than  the  last  two  series,  the  imitative 
character  of  the  Frankish  money  is  much  more 
apparent  than  that  of  the  Visigothic  or  Lom- 
bardic coinages.  All  the  types  of  Theodebert 
are  borrowed  directly  from  Constantinople  with 
no  change  but  the  substitution  of  the  Mero- 
vingian's name  upon  the  obverse.  The  most 
common,  as  also  the  most  Christian,  type  is  that 
given  in  the  engraving  (Fig.  45),  and  is  taken 
from  the  contemporary  coinage  of  Justinian.  It 
aftords  a  good  example  of  a  Victory  which  has 
just  passed  through  the  transitional  stage  and 
become  an  angel,  while  the  legend  on  the  re- 
verse VICTORIA  AVGGGA  still  remains  to  betray 
its  origin.  The  attitude  of  the  figure  upon  these 
coins,  or  on  those  of  Justinian,  may  be  compared 
with  that  of  an  angel  which  is  carved  in  ivory 
upon  a  beautiful  consular  diptych  of  this  epoch, 
now  in  the  British  Museum. 

As  time  went  on  a  change  takes  place  in  the 
Merovingian  money,  which  is  not  paralleled 
in  that  of  any  other  country  of  Europe.  Not 
only  does  it  depart  more  and  more  from  the 
imperial  type,  but  a  coinage  bearing  the  name 
of  no  king,  only  that  of  the  moneyer  who 
struck  it,  and  of  the  town  where  it  was  minted, 
is  introduced  alongside  the  regal  issue.  It  seems 
probable  that  the  Frankish  kings  never  asserted 
the  right  of  exclusive  coinage  ;  but,  on  the  con- 
trary, that  it  was  within  the  faculty  of  almost 


MONEY 


1295 


any  local  goldsmith  to  strike  these  coins  for 
particular  or  local  purposes.  There  is  no  reason 
to  believe,  as  has  been  thought  by  some,  that 
this  non-regal  money  was  issued  by  the  authority 
of  a  religious  see  or  order.  Most  of  the  later 
Merovingian  coins,  whether  royal  or  not,  are  ot 
the  kind  known  as  trientes  or  tremisses,  one- 
third,  that  is,  of  the  solidus  aureus.  Their  type 
generally  displays  a  head  upon  the  obverse,  and 
on  the  reverse  a  cross  of  some  sort.  Two  coins 
of  the  royal  issue  with  rather  peculiar  symbols 
are  engraved  beneath,  Figs.  46  and  47.  The  first 
which  was  struck  by  Charibert  II.  (630-631) 
reads : 

Obv.  TEVDOSVS  (Theodosius?)  moneta.  Bare 
head  to  right. 

Eev.  CiiARiBERTVS  RE.  Figure,  probably  a 
chalice  surmounted  by  a  cross  (Conbrouse, 
Monnaies  Kationales  de  France,  pi.  22).  The 
second  is  a  coin  of  Clovis  or  Chlodvig  II.  (638- 
656). 

Obv.  CLOTHOVICHVS  R.  Helmeted  bust  to 
right. 

I?ev.  MONETA  PALAT  I.  Cross  hausse'e,  and 
terminating  in  open  chrism.  On  either  side  of 
cross  ELI  Gi  (Conbrouse,  3Ion.  Nat.  de  France, 
pi.  18).  The  Eligius,  whose  name  appears  upon 
this  rare  and  interesting  piece,  is  St.  Eloi,  the 
treasurer  of  Dagobert  I.  and  Clovis  II.,  who 
before  his  elevation  to  this  post  had  been  a  gold- 
smith and  moneyer  under  Clotaire  II.  (See  Life 
of  St.  Eloi,  by  St.  Ouen  in  D'Achery's  Spicile- 
giiim,  vol.  ii.  p.  76.) 

A  great  variety  is  observable  in  the  symbols  dis- 
played upon  the  Merovingian  coins,  though  they 
are  nearly  always  of  a  religious  character.  The 
most  common  device  is  a  short  square  even- 
limbed  cross,  which  rests  sometimes  upon  a  step 
or  ball.  The  Christian  monogram  appears,  but 
is  not  common.  The  two  unusual  and  inter- 
esting types  given  here  (Figs.  48  and  49)  repre- 
sent a  Calvary,  on  either  side  of  which  a  man 
is  standing,  and  a  monstrance  raised  upon  three 
steps.  They  are  taken  respectively  from  a 
silver  coin  of  Le  Mans  and  a  gold  triens  of 
Angers  (Conbrouse,  o.  c.  Types  M^rov.  pi.  iv. 
Nos.  16  and  24). 

Of  the  coinages  whereof  we  have  been  speaking, 
the  Vandal  ic  and  Ostrogothic  belong  to  the 
period  which  preceded  the  introduction  of  the 
genuine  barbaric  gold  coinage  into  Europe,  and 
are — with  the  exception  of  a  few  coins  which 
display  the  monogram  of  Theodoric  —  coinages 
in  silver  and  copper  only.  The  money  of  the 
Visigoths,  the  Lombards,  and  the  Franks,  which 
are  more  distinctly  national  and  barbarian  issues, 
are  almost  as  exclusively  coinages  in  gold  ;  for 
when  the  invaders  obtained  full  possession  of 
a  Roman  province  they  seem  nearly  to  have 
discarded  the  use  of  silver  coins.  In  our  own 
country,  on  the  other  hand,  and  probably  also 
in  the  region  of  the  Lower  Rhine,  a  silver 
coinage  was  almost  the  only  currency,  and  if 
some  of  the  gold  tremisses — or,  as  they  were 
called  here,  thryms — found  their  way  across  the 
Channel,  their  appearance  must  be  regarded  as 
quite  exceptional.  This  fact  forms  a  marked 
contrast  between  the  coinage  of  England  and 
that  of  the  greater  part  of  continental  Europe. 
The  silver  coins  which  were  in  use  in  England 
before  the  rise  of  the  Karling  dynasty  were  the 
sceattas,  small  and  thick  pieces,  weighing  some 


1296 


MONEY 


nineteen  or  twenty  grains :  in  the  north  how- 
ever, th<at  is,  in  the  countries  of  Bernicia  and 
Deira,  a  copper  coin,  the  styca,  supplied  the 
place  of  the  sceatt.  Some  few  of  the  sceattas 
Dear  the  names  of  known  sovereigns,  and  in 
that  case  their  date  is  of  course  determinable. 
The  earliest  piece  of  this  description  bears  in  runic 
letters  the  name  of  Paeda,  a  son  of  Penda,  king  of 
Mercia,  who  reigned  about  655.  The  greater 
part  of  these  early  coins  however  are  without 
intelligible  legend.  They  bear  a  few  letters  of 
the  Roman  character,  which  seem  to  have  been 
nothing  but  rude  and  ignorant  copies  of  the 
legend  upon  some  imperial  coin.  Their  types  are 
so  numerous  that  a  detailed  description  of  them 
is  impossible ;  but  the  reader  may  consult  the 
plates  in  Ruding's  Annals  of  the  Coinage,  and  in 
Hawkins's  English  Silver  Coins,  2nd  ed.  A  great 
majority  of  these  sceattas  have  one  or  more  crosses 
upon  the  field,  and  this  fact  has  led  numismatists 
to  infer  that  those  pieces  upon  which  no  such 
symbol  occurs  were  struck  before  the  conversion 
of  the  English  to  Christianity.  M.  Dirks 
(Fevue  de  la  Num.  Beige,  5th  series,  vol.  ii.), 
who  has  devoted  special  attention  to  this  class  of 
coins,  has  gone  further  than  this,  and  signalised 
some  types  as  bearing  a  distinctly  heathen 
character,  the  head  of  Wodiu,  the  Fenriswulf, 
the  sea  monster  Jormundgandr,  &c.  On  this 
point  it  is  difficult  to  pronounce  with  certainty. 
It  is  extremely  probable  that  most  of  the  sceattas 
were  copies,  more  or  less  remote,  of  Roman  coins ; 
^Ir.  Hawkins  in  his  Cuerdale  Find  has  given  an 
instance  of  an  undoubted  copy  separated  by 
a  distance  of  nearly  five  hundred  years  from 
its  original ;  therefore  neither  the  presence  nor 
absence  of  Christian  symbols  upon  these  name- 
less pieces  can  be  taken  as  conclusive  evidence 
of  the  time  at  which  they  were  first  issued. 

The  earliest  known  coin  among  the  stycas 
merits  particular  notice.  It  was  struck  by 
Ecgfrith,  king  of  Northumbria  (670-685),  and 
bears  upon  the  reverse  a  radiate  cross,  with  the 
legend  -J-  LVX  or,  as  we  may  perhaps  read  it, 
LVX  X  {Lux  Christus,  Christ  is  [my]  light).  (See 
Silver  Coins  of  England,  2nd  ed.  No.  99,  and 
Ruding,  AnnoHls,  vol.  iii.  pi.  28  ap.)  This  king, 
who  is  called  "  rex  religiosus  "  by  the  biographer 
of  St.  Wilfi-ed,  appears  to  have  been  in  his  earlier 
days  a  great  friend  of  religion  and  of  the  arch- 
bishop of  York.  The  types  of  the  subsequent 
Northumbrian  stycas  is  a  small  cross  on  one  or 
both  sides  enclosed  by  the  legend,  without  fur- 
ther ornamentation  or  symbolism. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  8th  century,  and  after 
the  rise  of  the  Karling  dynasty  upon  the  conti- 
nent, pennies  superseded  the  sceattas  in  the 
central  and  southern  districts  of  England,  while 
stycas  and  some  sceattas  continued  to  be  coined 
in  the  north.  The  penny  usually  displays  a 
cross  upon  the  reverse,  and  this  cross  is  treated 
in  curious  ornamental  devices ;  but  the  coin  is 
without  any  other  religious  symbolism.  Types 
of  the  early  English  penny  may  be  ound  in 
the  works  of  Hawkins  and  Ruding. 

Beside  the  royal  money,  coins  were  struck  by 
the  archbishops  of  York  and  Canterbury,  by 
the  former  stycas,  by  the  latter  pennies.  The 
earliest  of  these  episcopal  coins  seems  to  have 
been  struck  by  Ecgberht,  archbishop  of  York, 
from  730  to  766,  conjointly  with  his  brother 
Eadberht,  king  of  Northumbria.     One  side  reads 


MONEY 

ecgberht[ar  ?].  Figure  standing  between  two 
long  processional  crosses.  The  figure  seems  to 
wear  a  sort  of  three-cornered  hat,  which  may 
very  probably  be  intended  for  a  mitre.  The 
other  side  reads  eotberhtvs,  and  represents  a 
figure  standing  (Hawkins  (102),  p.  67,  and  Rud- 
ing, iii.  3  ;  the  engraving  in  the  lattei',  howevei', 
is  very  faulty). 

The  other  archbishops  of  York  of  whom  we 
have  coins  are,  Eanbald,  780  to  796 ;  Vigmund, 
831  to  854 ;  and  Ulfhere,  854  to  895.  These 
coins,  which  are  stycas,  follow  in  type  those 
of  the  contemporary  Northumbrian  kings,  as 
described  just  now. 

The  archbishops  of  Canterbury,  whose  pennies 
resemble  in  type  those  of  the  kings  of  Kent,  and 
subsequently  those  of  the  kings  of  England,  are 
Jaeuberht,  763  to  790  ;  Ethilheard,  790  to  803  ; 
Wulfheard,  803  to  830  ;  Ceolnoth,  830  to  870 ; 
Ethered,  871  to  890;  Plegmund,  891  to  923. 

We  have  said  that  when  the  Karling  dynasty 
came  into  power  it  introduced  a  new  coinage  of 
silver  to  supersede  the  old  Merovingian  gold 
money;  and  the  latter  began  from  that  time 
rapidly  to  disappear.  Pepin  the  Short  struck 
denarii  or  pennies  of  a  new  pattern  and  fabric, 
bearing  no  resemblance  either  to  the  current 
gold  coinage  or  to  the  older  denarii  of  Rome. 
In  781,  we  find  a  decree  of  Charles  the  Great 
ordering  that  the  new  denarii  shall  be  current 
throughout  the  Frankish  kingdom ;  and  from 
this  time  it  would  appear  that  the  coining 
of  gold  almost  ceases  in  western  Europe.  The 
types  of  this  money  of  Pepin  and  Charles  are 
as  rude  as  they  are  original.  All  attempt  at 
a  face  or  bust  is  for  the  most  part  abandoned : 
sometimes  nothing  but  an  inscription  is  given 
on  either  side,  but  generally  the  name  of  the 
king  is  displayed  in  a  monogram  disposed 
round  the  four  limbs  of  a  cross,  somewhat 
like  the  monogram  of  the  word  Roma  in 
the  figure  51.  Generally,  too,  a  cross  occupies 
the  centre  of  the  reverse,  a  cross  of  a  some- 
what new  shape.  It  is  the  cross  pattde  which 
from  this  time  becomes  almost  universal  upon 
European  coins,  a  small  even-limbed  cross 
slightly  broadening  towards  its  extremities. 
"  We  must  observe  the  position  of  the  cross.  It 
has  its  limbs  of  equal  length,  and  they  are 
slightly  pat^  at  the  ends  ;  the  cross  is  alaise'e 
and  detached,  its  limbs  not  touching  the  circle 
which  surrounds  the  field  and  separates  the 
legend.  A  cross  of  this  description  only  appears 
quite  accidentally  upon  the  Roman  money  of  the 
preceding  centuries :  it  appears  occasionally  on 
the  Merovingian  coins  ;  it  became  common,  and 
at  length  indispensable  on  those  of  the  Car- 
lovingians,  and  no  other  sort  was  used  "  (Lelewel, 
Num.  du  Moyen  Age,  tom.  i.  p.  87  :  see  Fig.  13). 
After  his  conquest  of  Italy,  and  for  the  use  of 
that  country,  Charles  seems  to  have  struck  coins 
bearing  his  bust,  represented  like  that  of  the 
Roman  emperors.  He  also  introduced  a  very 
important  type,  which  became  common  upon 
the  coins  of  many  succeeding  emperors.  It 
represents,  probably,  the  front  of  the  basilica 
of  St.  Peter  with  the  legend  XRISTIANA 
RELIGIO  (Fig.  50).  Fig.  51  a  coin  engraved  by 
Conbrouse,  which  is  supposed  to  have  been 
struck  either  to  commemorate  the  restitution  of 
Adrian  I.  to  his  rights  and  the  assumption 
by    Charles   of   the   titles   king    of    Italy   and 


MONEY 

p.-itrician  of  Eome,  or  else  to  commemorate 
Charles's  crowning  as  emperor  on  the  famous 
Christmas  of  800,  is  of  doubtful  authenticity. 
Both  these  coins  are  silver  denarii  (Oom- 
brouse,  pi.  162).  Fig.  52  also  represents  a  type 
which  is  peculiar  to  Charlemagne  (Lelewel, 
i.  88).  The  double  triangle  is  of  course  a 
Christian  type,  the  triangle  being  a  symbol  of 
the  Trinity.  But  it  is  also,  as  Solomon's  seal, 
a  type  frequently  in  use  among  the  Arabs,  and 
is  to  be  met  with  upon  coins  of  the  'Abbasee 
dynasty  as  early  as  783  (Tiesenhausen,  Mon.  des 
Khalifes  Or.  p.  108,  No.  997). 

In  the  time  of  Charlemagne  we  have  also  to 
notice  the  beginning  of  a  papal  coinage.  The 
rare  coins  of  Adrian  I.  were  probably  struck 
subsequently  to  the  overthrow  of  the  Lombardic 
kingdom  in  774.  They  are  denarii,  and  repre- 
sent the  bust  of  the  pope,  facing,  in  a  style  copied 
from  the  coinage  of  Constantinople  (Fig.  53).  The 
legend  is  hadri  anvs  p^  p*  ;  on  either  side  of 
head,  i  B. 

Bev.  VICTOR  lA  DNN  '.• .  Long  cross  haussee 
on  two  steps,  and  having  three  limbs  potent, 
called  also  a  Byzantine  cross ;  on  either  side 
R  fO ;  in  exergue  COXOB.  (See  Lelewel,  o.  c. 
torn.  1.  p.  116.)  The  above  is  probably  the  oldest 
papal  coin.  Lelewel  attributes  one  uncertain 
piece  to  Deodatus  as  early  as  the  6th  century  ; 
and  Fig.  54  has  by  some  numismatists  been  con- 
sidered the  proof  of  a  coin  of  Gregory  II. 
(715-731).  In  spite  of  the  gre  ii,  however, 
this  attribution  is  extremely  doubtful.  With 
the  exception  of  these  rare  papal  coins,  and 
of  the  coins  which  continued  to  be  struck  by 
the  dukes  of  Beneventum  down  to  the  middle 
of  the  10th  century,  Charlemagne's  denarii 
formed  the  coinage  of  western  continental  Europe 
(Fig.  55).  In  our  country  the  introduction  of 
these  denarii  was  followed  by  the  substitution  of 
the  penny  for  the  sceatt,  whereby,  with  a  change 
of  form  and  a  slight  change  of  weight,  the 
coinage  of  England  was  brought  into  harmony 
with  that  of  the  continent.  The  shape  of  the 
cross  is  approached  to  that  on  the  money  of 
Charlemagne,  that  is  to  say  it  is  now  generally 
an  even-limbed  cross  occupying  the  centre  of  the 
coin,  and  rather  a  definite  part  of  its  structure 
than  a  mere  symbol.  In  fact,  from  this  time 
forward  throughout  Europe  the  general  tendency 
of  the  coinage  is  to  assume  an  architectural 
design,  and  following  the  same  impulse,  the 
cross  upon  it  becomes  architectural  rather  than 
pictorial.  [C.  F.  K.] 

It  is  probable  that  the  earliest  coins  of  Venice 
belong  also  to  this  period.  In  the  Numis- 
matica  Veneta,  o  serie  di  monete  e  medaglie  dei 
Dogi  di  Venezia  (Venezia,  Giuseppe  Grimaldo 
tip.  calc.  editore),  1856,  indeed  accounts  and 
figures  are  given  of  the  coins  of  ten  doges  who 
ruled  in  Venice  from  A.D.  697-827  ;  but  many 
of  these  earlier  pieces  are  admitted  by  the 
author  to  be  forgeries,  and  all  labour  under 
grave  suspicion.  The  type  of  the  dins  pub- 
lished as  genuine  is,  in  nearly  every  case, 
a  cross  sometimes  neatly,  sometimes  rudely 
formed,  the  limbs  of  which  are  nearly  equal, 
being  occasionally  of  the  Maltese  type.  It 
occurs  eithei  at  the  head  of  the  legend,  or  in 
the  centre  of  the  coin,  or  in  both  one  and  the 
other  on  the  money  of  Paoluccio  Anafesto  (G97- 
717),  Marcello    Tegalliano   (717-726),    Teodato 


MONEY 


1297 


Ipato  (726-737),  Galla  Gaulo  (755-756), 
Domenico  Monegario  (756-764),  Giovanni  Gal- 
bajo,  f\ilse,  (787-804),  Obeleiro  Antenoreo, 
false,  (804-810),  Angelo  Partecipazio  (810-827). 
Some  deniers  attributed  to  the  last-named  doge 
are,  however,  undoubtedly  genuine.  They  are 
of  the  temple  type  of  Fig.  50,  bearing  upon 
one  side  a  cross  with  an  obscure  legend,  pscv 
SERVA  ROMANO  IMP,  of  which  no  interpreta- 
tion is  proposed  by  the  editor,  possibly  stand- 
ing for  Ferpi'tuum  securum  serva  Romanorum 
iinperium ;  and  on  the  other  side  a  temple,  as  on 
coins  of  Charlemagne  and  Louis  le  Diibonnaire, 
with  legend,  xpe  (Christe)  salva  venecias.' 
This  money  (of  which  there  is  a  specimen  in  the 
British  Museum)  is  believed  to  have  been  struck 
at  the  time  when  the  Venetians  concluded  a  peace 
with  Charlemagne,  after  the  discomfiture  which 
they  inflicted  on  Pepin,  A.D.  810. 

Coins  with  the  legend  CRISTUS  imper',  and  of 
a  degraded  form  of  the  temple  type,  though 
ascribed  by  Schweitzer  (^Serie  delle  monete  e 
medaglie  d'Aqnileja  e  di  Venezia,  Trieste,  1848) 
to  the  very  beginning  of  the  9th  century  are, 
almost  without  doubt,  of  a  much  later  date. 

[C.  F.  K.  and  C.  B.] 

Medals. 

Medals,  as  the  word  is  commonly  used  by 
English  writers,"  designate  objects  in  metal  which 
resemble  coins  in  general  appearance,  but  which 
were  not  made  to  pass  as  money.  More  usually 
they  bear  devices  on  both  sides,  but  occasionally 
on  one  side  only  (jplaqties).  Medals  may  comme- 
morate events  or  persons,  or  may  be  used  for 
purposes  of  devotion,  or  as  charms,  or  be  employed 
for  ornamental  purposes,  being  inlaid  in  Christian 
ecclesiastical  furniture  of  various  kinds.  But 
as  they  are  commonly  classed  under  Numis- 
matics, this  article  would  not  be  complete  with- 
out some  notice  of  the  few  Christian  medals 
which  have  come  down  to  us  from  the  period 
embraced  in  this  work.  The  following  are  the 
principal  subjects  represented : — 

(1)  Christ  as  the  Good  Shepherd.  A  bronze 
medallion  (4i  inches  in  diameter)  of  rough 
work  (di  rozza  maniera)  has  this  most  an- 
cient subject  of  Christian  art  on  both  sides. 
On  the  obverse  the  Shepherd  (without  nimbus) 
is  turned  to  the  left,  dressed  in  a  tunic,  with 
buskins  on  his  legs,  the  feet  bare,  his  right 
hand  placed  on  his  head,  his  left  hand  resting  on 
a  staft'  upon  the  ground ;  his  right  heel  leans  on 
his  left  instep.  On  either  side  is  a  tree,  consi- 
dered by  Buonarotti  to  be  a  palm,  by  Perret 
(with  perhaps  better  reason)  to  be  an  olive ;  in 
the  middle  a  sheep  (of  small  size).  The  Shep- 
herd is  here  sad,  going  in  search  of  the  lost 
sheep,  intended  to  be  represented  in  the  distance. 
The  reverse  has  two  trees  nearly  as  before,  but 
the  Shepherd  (turned  to  the  left  as  before)  now 
holds  no  staff,  but  the  sheep  (of  much  larger 
size)  across  his  shoulders,  holding  two  of  its  legs 
by  either  hand.     This  medal  has  been  gilt. 

Found  in  the  Catacombs  of  Rome.  Described 
and  figured  by  Buonarotti,  Osservazioni  sopra 
alcuni  frarmnenti  di  vasi  antichi  di  vetro,  pp. 


"  Gibbon  however  often  speaks  of  coins  as  medals ;  so 
also  the  French  writers  in  general  style  them  medailtes. 
Knglibh  and  French  writers  alike  use  medalluni  for 
either  a  coin  or  medal  of  large  size. 


1298 


MONEY 


24-28,  tav.  iv.,  and  after  him  by  Ferret,  Cata- 
comhes  de  Rome,  vol.  vi.  p.  118,  and  vol.  iv.  pi. 
xvii.  nos.  5  and  7.  Perhaps  of  the  3rd  or  4th 
century. 

There  are  other  bronze  medals  exhibiting 
Christ  as  the  Good  Shepherd.  One,  now  in 
the  Vatican  Museum,  having  a  design  on  one 
side  only,  gives  him  (without  nimbus)  standing 
to  the  right  beneath  a  tree  (mistico  olivo,  De 
Rossi) ;  a  dog  near  his  feet  looking  up :  in  the 
landscape  at  different  heights  are  seen  seven 
sheep,  standing,  lying  down,  feeding  or  playing; 
another  tree  halfway  up  the  landscape  on  the 
other  side.  Diameter  1^  inches,  with  a  ring  for 
suspension.  Considered  by  De  Rossi  to  be  not 
later  than  the  3rd  century  (BuUett.  Arch.  Crist. 
1869,  p.  42,  tav.  n.  1).  He  quotes  (p.  39)  Marini's 
MS.  description  of  another  most  interesting 
medal  of  this  class,  formerly  in  the  collection  of 
Cardinal  Stefano  Borgia,  but  which  he  has  in 
vain  endeavoured  to  trace.  "  Velitris  in  Museo 
Borgiano  in  orbiculo  aereo  incuso  in  antica  parte 
capita  se  invicem  respicientia  SS.  Petri  et  Pauli 
et  litterae  petrvs  pavlvs,  supra  ^,  infra  duae 
aviculae  bibentes :  in  postica  stat  pastor  dextra 
innexus  pedo,  sinistra  ostentans  fistulam,  ad 
pedes  canis  domiuum  respiciens,  hinc  inde  oves 
et  inscriptio — 

SECVNDINE  vrv 

AS." 

A  variety  of  scenes  from  the  Old  and  New 
Testament  is  combined  in  the  following  thin 
bronze  plaque,  which  Buonarotti  suspects  was 
intended  for  a  processional  cross  ;  it  would  be  suit- 
able enough  for  insertion  into  a  pastoral  staff';  but 
was  probably  made  for  neither  the  one  nor  the 
other  in  the'first  instance  ;  a  casket  is  at  least  as 
likely  to  have  had  it  thereon.  Christ,  as  the  Good 
Shepherd,  in  the  centre  bearing  a  sheep,  two 
other  sheep  are  at  his  feet.  About  him,  in  four 
compartments,  are  the  following  nine  subjects 
taken  from  the  Old  Testament,  having  (or  sup- 
posed to  have)  some  connexion  with  the  Saviour 
(see  Buonarotti,  u.  s.  pp.  1-3). 

In  the  first  one  :  (a)  Adam  and  Eve  ;  (6)  Noah 
in  the  Ark,  welcoming  the  dove  ;  (c)  Jonah  rest- 
ing under  a  gourd. 

In  the  second  :  (cT)  The  Sacrifice  of  Abraham  ; 
(e)  Daniel  in  the  Lions'  Den. 

In  the  third:  (/)  Moses  striking  the  Rock; 
(g)  Samson  bearing  the  gates  of  Gaza. 

In  the  fourth:  (A)  Jonah  swallowed  up  by 
the  whale  ;  (i)  Jonah  vomited  up  by  the  whale. 

Diameter,  1 1  inch.  Found  in  the  cemetery 
of  St.  Fontianus;  first  published  by  Ciampini, 
De  duobits  Emblem.,  p.  4,  Rom.  1691,  then  by 
Buonarotti  (m.  s.  tav.  1),  from  which  an  enlarged 
copy  is  given  in  Ferret,  Catacombes,  vol.  vi.  p. 
120  and  vol.  iv.  pi.  xx.  n.  7.  It  does  not  appear 
where  this  most  interesting  monument  now  is. 
To  judge  from  the  figures  it  would  seem  to  be 
very  ancient,  perhaps  even  as  early  as  the  3rd 
century  (Fig.  56). 

The  Good  Shepherd  appears  in  fine  (as  it 
would  seem)  on  one  side  of  a  medal  described 
below. 

(2)  Portraits  of  Christ. — These  are  not  found 
upon  coins  till  the  reign  of  Justinian  Rhinotmetus 
(685-711),  and  it  is  by  no  means  clear  that  all 
the  medals  which  have  them  are  not  later  still. 
The  earliest  in  all  likelihood,  and  certainly  the 


MONEY 

most  important,  is  a  massive  plaque  of  gold,  on 
one  side  of  which  the  face  of  the  Saviour  in  low 
relief  is  represented  in  the  centre,  the  eyes  being 
formed  by  garnets  or  by  pastes  in  imitation  of 
them.  Around  it  in  six  compartments  is  the 
chrisma  formed  of  X  and  R  (not  F),  and  from 
the  transverse  bar  of  the  cross  are  suspended  a 
and  01.  "Ces  lettres  sont  decoupees  a  jour." 
Ornaments  in  the  centre  are  formed  of  enamels 
cloisson€s.  Reverse  plain.  Diam.  63  mill. ;  weight 
39  grammes.  Acquired  in  1855  for  the  Biblio- 
thfeque  Nationale  at  Paris,  having  been  found  a 
few  years  previously  at  Linon  in  the  department 
of  Fuy-de-D6me.  Referred  to  the  Merovingian 
period'  by  M.  Chabouillet  {Catal.  des  Came'es,  &c., 
n.  2711,  p.  402).  Three  holes  in  the  margin 
shew  that  it  had  been  used  for  insertion  into 
some  piece  of  ecclesiastical  furniture."  See 
under  n.  3. 

(3)  Infant  Saviour  adored  by  the  Magi. — Three 
medals  on  which  this  subject  is  represented  are 
known,  and  there  has  been  much  controversy 
about  the  age  of  one  of  them  ;  none  of  them  can 
be  earlier  than  the  5th  century,  and  all  may 
probably  be  much  later,  perhaps  even  lower  than 
the  period  embraced  in  this  work. 

(a)  Obv.  Bust  of  the  Saviour,  with  circular 
nimbus,  between  two  stars  (/.  e.  seen  in  heaven), 
holding  a  wreath  in  each  hand,  crowns  two 
saints  (without  nimbus)  in  long  drapery,  each 
holding  a  long  cross  in  one  hand,  and  holding  up 
the  other  towards  another  larger  long  cross 
between.  On  one  side  of  this  cross  is  a,  and  on 
the  other  co.  A  boy,  holding  a  candle  (an 
oblate)  on  the  left,  approaches  one  of  the  saints : 
folds  of  drapei'y  on  each  side  the  coin  indicate  a 
ciborium  in  the  apse  of  a  church  in  which  the 
scene  is  placed.  Jiev.  The  Virgin  (without 
nimbus)  seated  on  high  chair  to  right,  a  stool 
before  her  ;  on  her  lap  the  infant  Saviour  (witli 
circular  nimbus),  before  them  three  magi  standing 
in  short  drapery,  each  holding  a  round  object  in 
his  hand  ;  above  the  Saviour  is  a  short  cross 
(approaching  in  form  to  the  Maltese);  higher 
up  a  dove  holds  a  branch  ;  above  the  middle 
magus  is  a  star.  iE  IJ  inch  ;  figures  in  in- 
taglio. Space  below  exergual  line  on  both  sides 
empty.  In  the  Vatican.  (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  p.  55, 
tav.  n.  9.)  The  composition  of  the  Saviour 
crowning  the  saints  is  compared  by  De  Rossi  to 
that  in  the  apse  of  the  church  of  SS.  Primo  and 
Feliciano  in  Rome  (A.D.  645),  figured  by  Ciam- 
pini ;  he  inclines  to  place  the  medal  in  the  6th 
or  7th  century. 

(6)  Obv.  The  Saviour  standing  cm  a  stool, 
front  face,  in  long  drapery  (with  circular 
nimbus),  between  two  stars,  holding  a  cross  of 
double  limbs,  each  botone  ;  on  either  side  of  him 
angel  looking  towards  him  with  circular  nimbus, 
palm-branch  behind.  Hev.  Virgin,  Child  and 
magi,  standing  nearly  as  before  ;  star  above  the 
Child  ;  dove  with  branch  above  the  magi ;  palm- 
branch  behind  the  Virgin's  chair.  Below  the 
exergual  lines  on  both  sides  two  stags  drinking ; 
facing  each  other,  and  a  stream  between  them. 
M  1^  inch ;     figures   in    intaglio ;    very   rude 


»  The  golden  Saxon  bracteate,  represented  by  Wise, 
Catal.  Num.  Bodl.  t.  xvii.  and  described  at  length  by 
Pegge  in  the  first  volume  of  the  Archacologia,  p.  1?9. 
sqq.,  is  probably  rather  too  late  for  this  work.  It  re- 
presents the  bust  of  the  Saviour,  and  reads  ego  a  &  w. 


MONEY 

work.  In  the  Vatican.  The  composition  ot  the 
obverse  is  compared  by  De  Rossi  with  that  of  a 
mosaic  of  St.  Michael  in  Ravenna,  A.D.  545  ;  he 
thinks  it  earlier  than  the  8th  century,  from 
which  time  he  finds  no  medals  with  figures  in 
intaglio  (u.  s.  pp.  55,  56,  tav.  n.  10).  this  and 
the  preceding  were  referred  to  the  age  of  the 
Coraneni  by  Marangoni,  who  wrongly  considered 
them  as  money  (see  De  Rossi,  u.  s.),  but  he  may 
perhaps  not  have  erred  greatly  as  to  their  age. 
A  coin,  having  an  emperor  on  one  side,  supposed 
by  Mr.  Madden  to  be  John  Comnenus,  or  John 
Falaeologus,  is  described  and  figured  in  the 
Num.  Chron.  1878,  p.  194,  pi.  x.  n.  10,  which 
has  a  similar  reverse  with  the  adoration  of  the 
(three)  magi,  but  they  are  here  kneeling  ;  the 
Virgin  alone  has  a  circular  nimbus  [p.  1293]. 

(c)  Ohv.  Emmanvhl  {sic).  Bust  of  the  Saviour, 
full  taced,  draped,  with  cruciform  nimbus ;  each 
limb  of  the  cross  double,  enclosed  in  a  circle. 
Mev.  Virgin  seated  to  left,  the  Child  on  her  lap : 
star  above  ;  three  magi  standing  before  them  with 
offerings  ;  below  exergual  line  two  birds  (doves  ?) 
(^E.  nearly  1  inch).  Collection  of  Rev.  S.  S. 
Lewis,  formerly  in  the  Pembroke  Cabinet  (Catal. 
Pemb.  Coll.  [by  Burgon],  p.  324  (1848).  Figured 
in  Peiiib.  Plates,  iii.  t.  115  (1746);  Farrar's 
Life  of  Christ,  p.  21  (reproduced  here.  Fig.  57)  ; 
Kum.  Chron.  1878,  p.  194,  pi.  x.  n.  11.  An 
example  of  this  medal  was  formerly  in  the  pos- 
session of  Pasqualini,  who  corresponded  in  1601 
with  Peiresc  about  it ;  the  latter  thought  it  no 
older  than  John  Zimisces,  and  regarded  it  as  a 
piece  of  his  money,  being  herein  followed  by 
Ducange,  Banduri,  and  Eckhel.P  Pasqualini 
perceived  that  it  was  a  medal,  and  placed  its 
antiquity  much  higher.  It  came  into  the 
Kirchorian  IMuseum,  but  has  been  since  lost ;  but 
a  drawing  by  Menetrier  made  in  1629  (which 
we  now  perceive  to  be  about  three  times  the  size 
of  the  original),  was  reproduced  in  1869  by  De 
Rossi,  M.  s.  p.  44,  n.  5.  The  latter  considers  the 
piece  of  the  second  half  of  the  5th  century,  or 
of  the  first  half  of  the  6th.  He  thinks  that  the 
money  ascribed  to  John  Zimisces  (969-976), 
which  bears  so  great  a  resemblance  to  this  medal 
on  the  obverse,i  was  derived  from  an  earlier  pro- 
totype ;  if  so,  it  may  have  been  taken  from  this 
very  medal.  But  on  the  whole  it  seems  much 
more  probable  that  the  medal  belongs  to  the 
same  general  period  as  the  copper  money  of 
Zimisces,  who  first  placed  the  portrait  of  the 
Saviour  thereon  ;  the  nimbus  on  both  (cruciform 
with  double  limbs  enclosed  in  a  circle)  seems  to 
be  more  artificial  and  later  than  that  which  sur- 
rounds the  Saviour  on  tlie  money  of  Justinian  II., 
in  whose  reign  it  appears  for  the  first  time  upon 
the  gold  coinage.  This  later  nimbus,  however,  is 
somewhat  earlier  upon  coins  than  Zimisces,  being 


MONEY 


1299 


p  Hardouin  was  inclined  to  ascribe  it  to  the  14th 
century,  but  Mamachi  (see  below)  thought  it  much  older. 
Burgon  suspected  it  to  be  the  ir.th  (u.  s.). 

'1  A  description  of  the  piece  may  not  be  out  of  place. 
Obv.  EMMANOVHA  around  draped  bust  of  the 
Saviour  facing,  holding  the  Gospels,  whose  head  is 
adorned  with  cruciform  nimbus  enclosed  in  a  circle; 
IC  XC  in  field.  Eev.  Star  or  scroll  above  and  below, 
between  them: -^  IHSVS  I  XRISTVS  I  BA- 
SILEYIBASILE  (in  four  lines').  (See  Sabat. 
iloiin.  Byzant.  t.  ii.  p.  143,  pi.  xlviii.  n.  5;  Numis. 
Chron.  Is78,  p.  179,  pi.  Ix.  n.  4.) 
CHRIST.  ANT. — VOL.  II. 


found  on  the  gold  money  of  Constantine  X., 
of  Romanus  I.  and  Romanus  II.,  of  Nicephorus  II. 
(Focas),  and  of  Basil  II.  (Sabat.  Monn.  Byz.  pi. 
xlvi.  nos.  4,  6,  12,  18;  pi.  xlvii.  10,  12).  For 
other  notices  of  this  medal,  see  Mamachi,  Oriq. 
et  Ant.  Christ,  tom.  i.  p.  237,  tab.  i.  fig.  9  (Ed. 
Matranga,  Rom.  1846)  ;  '  and  Martigny,  Diet. 
Ant.  Chre't.  s.  v.  Mages,  who  also  refers  to  a 
plaque  of  bronze  nearly  like  it,  published  in  the 
Athen^e  Fran<;ais  (Fevr.  1856,  p.  9),  by  M. 
Edmond  Le  Blant.  This  precious  disk,  of  repousse 
work,  used  as  an  inlaid  ornament,  is  now  in 
the  Christian  Museum  of  the  Vatican  Library 
(De  Rossi,  u.  s.  p.  37). 

(4)  Portraits  of  Apostles. — The  heads  of 
Peter  and  Paul  occur  facing  on  a  famous  bronze 
medal,  said  to  have  been  found  by  Boldetti  in 
the  Catacombs,  which  has  commonly  been 
thought  to  be  very  ancient  *  (see  under  Peter 


'  The  example  seen  by  Hardouin  was  in  the  possession 
of  Card.  Boncompagni ;  Mamachi  does  not  say  where  the 
medal  which  he  saw  was  preserved. 

In  connexion  with  this  medal  two  others  of  bronze, 
formerly  in  the  Vettori  Museum,  may  be  named,  about 
whose  age  little  can  be  said  with  confidence,  except  that 
both  are  late.  They  may  probably  be  later  than  the 
9th  century,  and  if  so,  do  not  concern  the  present 
work.  Yet  a  short  notice  may  not  be  unwelcome 
under  the  doubtful  circumstances.  Both  have  on  the 
obverse  the  full  face  of  the  Saviour  with  cruciform 
nimbus  enclosed  in  a  circle,  which  is  of  the  same 
general  character  as  that  on  the  coins  of  John  Zimisces. 
One  has  on  the  reverse  the  legend  anactacic  and  a 
building  with  a  dome,  the  door  open,  on  either  side  of 
which  is  a  soldier  asleep  (f  inch).  Figured  In  Mamachi 
iOrig.  et  Ant.  Christ,  t.  i.  p.  287 ;  Matranga's  edition, 
after  Vettori,  Jfumm.  aereus  Vet.  Christ,  p.  47). 
Tanini,  who  describes  this  piece  from  a  specimen  in  the 
collection  of  Card.  Borgia,  places  it  after  the  coins  of 
Constantine  (Suppl.  ad  Band.  p.  280),  and  thinks  it  may 
have  been  struck  when  Constantine  built  the  basilica  of 
the  Anastasis  on  the  site  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre.  But 
the  style  of  work  renders  this  supposition  impossible; 
Eckhel  (Z).  iV.  V.  t.  viii.  p.  251)  is  disposed  to  class  it  to 
John  Zimisces.  De  Kossi  (u.  s.  p.  58)  thinks  it  is  struck 
for  pilgrims  as  a  memorial  of  their  visit  to  the  Holy 
Sepulchre  at  Jerusalem.  For  the  controversies  to  which 
this  medal  has  given  rise,  see  De  Rossi,  u.  s.  and 
Jladden,  Num.  Chron.  1878,  p.  192.  The  other  has  on 
the  reverse  the  baptism  of  Christ  by  John  in  the 
Jordan,  who  standing  on  the  bank  pours  water  on  His 
head  as  He  is  immersed  in  the  river  up  to  the  middle ; 
above  is  the  dove ;  the  legend  around  is  redejitio  filiis 
noMiNVM.  with  lORDA  in  exergue.  1  inch.  Figured  after 
Vettori  by  Mamachi,  u.  s.  t.  i.  p.  240,  who  regards  it  as 
a  vetus  monumentum ;  "  quo  tamen  tempore  elaboratum 
fuerit,  ne  suspicari  quidem  possum."  De  Rossi,  having 
examined  this  specimen,  now  in  the  Vatican  Library,  is 
unable  to  form  "  un  giudizio  suU'  eta  e  sull'  arte  di  questa 
medaglia,"  and  is  inclined  to  suspect  its  genuineness. 

There  are  two  unimportant  tokens  referred  to  the 
reign  of  Zimisces,  one  of  which  has  the  bust  of  Christ  as 
before  on  the  obverse,  accompanied  by  ic  xc,  and  on  the 
reverseOCjOAAN  I  EIZEITOV  I  CnENHTAC 
I  OTPE<t>WN  (Prov.  xix.  17).  The  other  has  on 
obverse  AA  I  NEIZEI  I  OECx),  and  on  the  reverse, 
GEAE  I  CONnTOJ  I  XON,  which  is  exactly  the 
rendering  of  the  same  passage  in  the  Lxx.  These  pieces 
have  been  published  by  Dr.  Fricdlander  (yum.  Zeit- 
schrift,  vol.  ii.  Vienna,  1870),  and  from  him  by  Mr. 
Madden  {Num.  Chron.  1878,  p.  193). 

»  The  beautiful  figure  given  by  Brownlow  and 
Northcote  led  the  writer  (see  vol.  i.  p.  733,  note) 
perhaps  too  hastily  to  suspect  that  it  was  of  the  age  of 
the  Renaissance,  as  it  bears  little  resemblance  to  any 
medallion  of  ancient  Roman  art  which  he  remembers  to 
4  P 


1300 


MONEY 


and  Paul).  Another  bronze  medal  with  the 
same  heads  inscribed  with  their  names  and 
various  accessories  is  mentioned  above  under 
n.  1.  A  third  of  the  same  metal  in  the  Chris- 
tian Museum  of  the  Vatican,  (2J  inches)  en- 
graved by  Perret,  bears  the  same  heads,  but  in 
a  different  style,  having  the  chrisma  between 
them  (^Catacombes,  vol.  ii.  on  title-page).  A  small 
oblong  medal  or  plaque  in  the  Vatican  of  rude 
work,  having  a  neck-like  loop  pierced  for  sus- 
pension, gives  the  head  of  St.  Paul  in  intaglio 
with  legend  scs  pavlvs  (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  p.  44, 
with  figure).  Age  uncertain,  probably  late  (id. 
p.  56). 

(5)  Representations  of  other  Saints. — Among 
the  few  of  this  class  which  can  be  recognised  is 
St.  Laurence  (Fig.  58),  who  is  represented  as  being 
broiled  on  a  gridiron,  with  his  feet  held  by  an 
executioner  behind  ;  in  front  sits  a  Roman  officer 
bearing  a  staff,  with  an  officer  standing  at  his 
feet ;  above  the  head  of  the  saint  is  the  chrisma 
r_E\  and  above  his  body  is  seen  his  soul  rising 
upward  in  liuman  form  (see  Martigny,  Diet.  s.  v. ; 
Ante.  ed.  2,  1877).  It  is  crowned  by  the  hand 
of  God  appearing  above,  between  Alpha  and 
Omega.  The  reverse  has  an  oblate  (?)  bearing 
a  candle,  approaching  a  cancellated  structure, 
arched,  but  open  above,  which  is  probably 
intended  for  the  tomb  of  St.  Laurence.  The 
legend  SVCCESSA  vivas  occurs  on  both  sides, 
she  being  the  person  for  whom  the  medal  is 
made ;  it  has  a  loop  above,  shewing  that  it  was 
intended  for  suspension.  This  lead  medal,  for- 
merly in  the  Vettori  Museum,  now  in  the 
library  of  the  Vatican,  is  in  intaglio  (IJ  inches)  ; 
it  is  a  cast  from  a  bronze,  probably  of  the  5th 
century,  described  by  Menetrier  (De  Rossi,  ic.  s. 
pp.  33-37,  tav.  n.  8).  Other  medals  are  found 
with  figures  of  saints  either  at  full  length  or  the 
bust  only,  about  which  little  can  be  said  with 
certainty.  One  (perforated)  has  a  head  seen  in 
front  on  the  obverse,  the  reverse  bearing  the 
ordinai-y  chrisma  with  a  and  w  in  the  angles. 
Probably  of  the  4th  or  5th  century.  Bronze, 
nearly  1  inch  (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  p.  41,  n.  6).  Another 
has  the  Saviour  at  length  with  circular  nimbus 
between  two  other  figures  (Peter  and  Paul  ?),  one 
of  which  has  a  staff  on  his  shoulder  terminated 
by  the  chrisma  with  legend  zosiME  vivas  ;  the 
other  side  has  a  shepherd  between  trees,  with 
staff,  dog  behind.  M.  1-^  inches  (Id.  u.  s.  tav. 
n.  4).  De  Rossi  is  probably  right  in  thinking 
that  the  Saviour  here  commissions  the  two  great 
apostles  to  preach  the  gospel ;  he  holds  some- 
thing (perhaps  a  volume)  in  one  hand  towards 
one  of  them  (see  De  Rossi,  u.  s.  pp.  43^5). 
Probably  about  the  5th  century.  Another  (p.  45, 
tav.  n.  2)  gives  two  figures  (a  woman  with 
uplifted  hands  talking  to  a  man,  the  chrisma 
above,  and  on  the  other  side  three  men.  M.  IJ 
inches.  These  are  suspected  by  De  Rossi  to  be 
intended  for  St.  Felicitas  and  her  seven  children, 
martyred  along  with  her ;  and  to  have  been 
struck  in  Rome  in  their  honour.  Perhaps  about 
the  same  age  as  the  preceding. 

((3)   Chrisma    or   Monogr.nn   of   Christ.       See 


have  soea  or  read  of.  A  tin-foil  impression  obtained  at 
his  request  by  the  Rev.  H.  R.  Bailey  from  the  original 
by  the  courtesy  of  M.  De  Rossi,  was  unfortunately  much 
inj'.ired,  and  does  not  enable  him  either  to  confirm  or  re- 
move his  suBpicion.  The  diameter  of  the  medal  is  3  inches. 


MONEY 

above,  n.  5.  A  small  piece  (described  by  Marini) 
with  reversed  chrisma  (  H^  j  in  circle  on  one 

side  and  viNA  |  nth  in  two  lines  on  the  other. 
M.  fg  inch  (De  Rossi,  p.  43,  tav.  n.  6),  the  other 
side  blank.  Another  (perforated)  found  in  a 
loculus  in  Aringhi's  time,  has  the  ordinary 
chrisma.  M.  1  inch  (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  p.  43,  en- 
graved at  p.  44,  n.  3).  Another,  a  plaque  with 
loop  for  suspension,  has  the  chrisma  between  I 
and  N,  LEO  being  in  a  line  below  (i.  e.  in  Christo 
Leo).  jE.  IJ  inches.  In  the  Kircherian  Mu- 
seum (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  p.  44,  n.  6,  and  p.  39). 
These  pieces  may  probably  be  of  the  4th  century 
or  a  little  later. 

(7)  Cross. — A  bronze  piece  (perforated),  iri'e- 
gular  in  form,  about  1  inch  in  diameter ;  has  on 
one  side  a  Latin  cross,  at  the  feet  of  which  are 
the  a  and  w  in  silver,  incised  and  worked  in 
niello  (incise  e  niellate  in  argento).  Museum  of 
the  Vatican.  Not  earlier  than  the  5th  century, 
perhaps  much  later  (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  p.  43,  en- 
graved p.  44,  n.  4).  Crosses  of  various  forms  are 
also  figured  as  accessories  on  other  medals,  see 
under  n.  3. 

From  the  Old  Testament  we  have  a  few  scenes, 
such  as  the  following  : — 

(8)  Sacrifice  of  Abraham. — A  plaque,  represent- 
ing Abraham  and  Isaac  on  the  top  of  Mount 
IMoriah,  between  trees  ;  an  angel  looks  down  from 
heaven.  An  animal  (meant  for  a  ram)  behind 
Abraham.  The  style  is  peculiar,  apparently  very 
ancient.  IJ  inch,  bronze.  (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  p. 
40,  tav.  n.  3.)  The  same  subject  is  repeated  on 
a  badly  preserved  bronze  medal,  which  has  a 
loop  for  suspension,  where  Isaac  kneels  before 
Abraham,  who  holds  a  knife ;  a  ram  is  behind 
him ;  the  legend  above  (now  remaining)  is 
VRBicvs.  The  other  side  represents  a  male 
figure  in  long  drapery,  presenting  a  chalice 
before  an  altar  on  which  are  three  lights,  the 
slab  being  supported  by  spiral  columns  on  a 
frame;  behind  him  an  oblate;  the  legend  is 
GAVDENTIANVS.  De  Rossi  explains  the  medal 
thus :  Urbicus  devotes  his  son  Gaudentianus  to 
the  service  of  God  or  one  of  the  saints,  possibly 
to  St.  Laurence ;  Abraham  would  resemble  Ur- 
bicus in  offering  his  son  to  God.  He  thinks  the 
medal  was  struck  about  A.D.  400.  (De  Rossi,  u.  s. 
pp.  49,  50,  tav.  n.  5.) 

(9)  Daniel  in  the  Lions'  Den. — A  plaque  with 
this  device  is  figured  by  Venuti  among  the 
medallions  of  the  Albani  Museum  (Ant.  Niim. 
Max.  Mod.  Mus.  Albani,  t.  ii.  p.  119).  Now  in 
the  Vatican.  De  Rossi  regards  it  as  an  orna- 
ment for  furniture  (u.  s.  p.  37).  See  also  under 
n.  1,  where  this  and  other  subjects  from  the 
Old  Testament  are  figured  as  accessories. 

Of  the  preceding  medals  those  which  bear  the 
figure  of  Christ  as  the  Good  Shepherd  are  in  all 
likelihood  the  oldest;  and  these  (or  some  of 
them)  may  probably  be  earlier  than  Constantine  ; 
the  greater  part  perhaps  of  the  others  may  be 
referred  to  the  4th  and  5th  centuries ;  all  those, 
however,  that  bear  the  portrait  of  Christ  with 
cruciform  nimbus  are  later,  perhaps  very  much 
later. 

JL  De  Rossi,  who  above  all  others  has  contri- 
buted to  the  knowledge  of  Christian  medals, 
quotes  a  passage  from  the  Acts  of  St.  Germanus 
of  Auxerre,  in  which  it  is  said  that  after  Genevi&ve 
had    consecrated    herself  to    God   in   perpetual 


MONEY-PLATE   I.    OF  COINS. 


Scptimius  Severus. 


Fig.  2. 


/E 


Trajan  Decius. 


^^ig-4- 


Constantine  L 


Constantine  II. 


MONEY-PLATE    II.   OF  COINS. 


Licinius  I. 


Fig.  15 


Fig.  16. 


Constantine  I. 


II 


MONEY-PLATE    III.   OF  COINS. 


Constantine  I. 


Constantine  I. 


Constantine  II. 


Constantine  II. 


Constantius  II. 


Constantius  II. 


Constantius  II. 


MONEY-PLATE   IV.  OF  COINS. 


Pig.  29. 


Licinia  Eudoxia. 


Fig.  30 


Fig.  34. 


/L 


Justin  I.  and  Justinian  I. 


MONEY-PLATE   V.   OF  COINS. 


Heraclius  and  Heraclius-Oonstantine. 


John  1 .  Zimisces. 


Fig.  39 


Romanus  lY.  Diogenes. 


MONEY-PLATE   VI.   OF   COINS. 


John  II.  Cksmnenus. 


John  V.  Palaeologus  (?). 


rig.  44, 


Cunlpert. 


Fig.  47. 


rig.  48. 


Fig.  49. 

Angers. 


Charles  the  Great. 


MONEY-PLATE   VII.   OF   COINS. 


Charles  the  Great. 
Fig.  52. 


Charles  the  Great. 


Pope  Adrian  I. 


Pope  Gregory  II.  (?). 


Fig.  55. 


Denarius  of  Charles  the  Great. 
Fig.  56. 


Christ  as  the  Good  Shepherd,  accompanied  by  subjects  taken  from  the  Old  Testament. 
(Perret,  after  Buonarotti.) 


MONEY-PLATE  VIII.  OF  COINS. 


Adoration  of  the  Magi.     (Rev.  S.  S.  Lewis.) 

This  cut  is  reproduced  from  the  illustrated  edition  of  Canon  Farrar's  Life  of  Clirist,  by  permission  of 

Messrs.  Cassell,  Petter,  and  Galpia. 


V.  Martyrdom  of  St.  Laurence.     Bev.  Oblate  approaching  his  tomb  or  shrine. 
(De  Kossi.), 


Amulet  against  the  powers  of  darkness.     (King  of  Holland's  Cabinet.) 


MONEY 

virginity  (circa  A.D.  429),  the  saintly  bishop 
suspended  a  bronze  medal  (nummus  aerens), 
bearing  a  cross,  "  quasi  quoddam  pignus  religiosi 
muneris,  atque  ut  perforatus  cello  ejus  inhaereret 
indixit "  (Bolland.  Acta  SS.  1  Jan.  p.  143,  in  De 
Rossi,  II.  s.  p.  57  ;  see  also  Chiflet,  Anast.  Child. 
Regis,  pp.  184, 185,  276).  No  other  clear  allusion 
to  Christian  medals  of  devotion  has  hitherto,  it  is 
believed,  been  adduced  from  ancient  authors. 

But  the  fathers,  SS.  Athanasius,  Augustine 
and  Chrysostom,  condemn  the  superstitious  use 
oi"  amulets,  which  prevailed  in  their  age  among 
some  Christians ;  the  last  of  whom  mentions 
that  bronze  medals  of  Alexander  of'Macedon  were 
attached  to  the  head  and  feet  as  charms  {Ad 
illuminand.  Catech.  ii.  5);  now  De  Rossi  (who 
refers  to  these  authors)  mentions  a  bronze  medal, 
published  by  Vettori,  preserved  in  the  Vatican 
Library,  bearing  on  the  obverse  the  head  of  Alex- 
ander (reading  Alexander)  covered  with  the 
lion's  skin  (as  on  his  silver  coins),  and  on  the 

reverse  the  chrisma  (y^  )  enclosed  in  a  circle. 

He  appears  to  be  right  in  thinking  that  this  and 
the  following  are  the  kind  of  charms  against 
which  St.  John  Chrysostom  protests.  Paciaudi 
in  1748  first  published  a  medal  having  the  head 
and  name  of  Alexander  as  before  on  the  obverse, 
but  bearing  on  the  reverse  an  ass's  colt  sucking  its 
mother,  accompanied  by  the  astrological  scorpion 
and  the  legend  D.N.  lUS  XPS  DEI  FILIVS  (De  Rossi, 
M.  s.  p.  61,  Money).  He  mentions  in  fine  (p.  62) 
a  copper  plate  (lamina  di  rame),  perforated  for 
suspension,  in  the  possession  of  Signor  Lovatti,  a 
dealer  in  antiques  at  Rome,  reading  on  one  side 
as  follows : — In  the  centre  an  owl ;  about  it 
DOMINVS  and  seven  stars;  m  a  circle  near  the 
circumference,  bicit  te  leo  de  tribvs  ivda 
EADis  DAVIT.  {Tlic  Lioti  of  the  tribe  of  Judah, 
the  root  of  David  hath  overcome  thee.)  On  the 
reverse,  iesv  ^P  stvs  I  ligabit  te  bea  I  Tivs 


MONKS 


1309 


* 


DEI  ET  SIGIL  I  LVS  SALAMONIX  |  ABIS  NOT- 
TVRNA  I  NON    BALEAS    AD  |  ANIMA    PVRA    ET  | 

SVPRA  QViS  I  VIS  SIS.  Jesus  Christ  hath  hound 
thee,  the  arm  of  God  and  the  seal  of  Solomon 
(have  hound  thee).  Bird  of  night,  mayest  thou  not 
prevail  to  approach  the  pure  soul  and  to  get  over 
her,  whoever  thou  heest.  No  speculation  is  made 
by  De  Rossi  concerning  the  age  of  this  document. 
There  is  a  very  similar  medal  of  red  copper 
(Fig.  59),  meant  for  an  amulet  pierced  for 
suspension,  which  was  found  at  Keff,  anciently 
Sicca  Venerea,  in  Tunis.  It  is  now  in  the  King  of 
Holland's  Cabinet  at  the  Hague,  and  is  rendered 
by  Reuveus,  at  the  end  of  his  second  letter  to 
Letronne  (pp.  29-32),  as  follows ;  the  doubtful 
conjectures  are  also  his. 

Ohv.  Invidia  invidiosa  nihil  tihi  ad  (adimat  ?), 
anima  pura  et  munda,  Quiriace  (for  Cyriace) : 
sata  malina  (maligna)  non  tihi  praevaleat  (sic). 
Ligahit  te  Dei  hrachium  Dei  et  Christi  ct  (sic) 
stgnum  et  sigillum  Solomonis  —1—  taxcaca 
(Abraxas  ?). 

Rev.  Owl:  legend  round  it  in  two  circles.  Id 
nonpraevaleas  (sic:  praevaleat?)  inf.  (infaustum 
or  infanti  ?).  Ligahit  te  hrachium  Dei.  Quiriace, 
in  Deo  vivas.  (Reuvens,  Lettres  a  M.  Letronne  sur 
les  Papyrus  hilingucs,  &c.,  Leide,  1830,  who  gives 
an  enlarged  figure ;  from  this  and  from  an  im- 
pression kindly  sent  by  Dr.  Vollgraff  the  present 


figure  of  the  size  of  the  original  is  taken.  The 
original  proper  name,  which  can  hardly  now  be 
read,  has  evidently  been  cancelled,  and  Quiriace 
written  in  its  place.)  The  learned  author 
regards  the  medal  as  late,  but  without  saymg 
how  late.  In  all  likelihood  it  was  not  struck 
too  late  to  be  embraced  in  the  pi-esent  work. 
For  the  Sigillum  Salomonis,  see  Reuvens,  u.  s. 
and  Smith's  Diet,  of  Bible,  iii.  1534,  note:  in 
this  case  the  name  of  Solomon  itself  appears 
to  constitute  the  seal  (see  Seal).  It  is  worthy 
of  note  that  the  word  Abraxas  here  seems  to 
occur  on  a  tolerably  ancient  monument  which 
is  undoubtedly  Christian.  [See  Gems,  p.  720, 
note.]  [C.  B.] 

MONIALIS.     [Nun.] 

MONICA,  mother  of  St.  Augustine ;  comme- 
morated May  4  (Boll.  Acta  S3.  May,  i.  473). 

[C.  H.] 

MONICIA,  martyr ;  commemorated  in  Achaia 
Ap.  16  (IIiero7i.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MONITIO  (1).  According  to  a  decree  of  a 
council  of  Orleans,  quoted  by  Ivo  (Decret.  p.  ii. 
c.  120),  the  ]iriest  after  the  sermon,  which  is 
preached  in  the  Mass,  is  to  admonish  the  people 
to  pray  to  the  Lord  for  their  several  necessities, 
for  the  king,  for  the  bishops  and  rulers  of 
churches,  for  peace,  for  the  sick,  for  those  who 
have  lately  departed,  &c.;  at  each  of  which  peti- 
tions the  people  are  silently  to  say  the  Lord's 
Prayer,  while  the  priest  says — apparently  also 
silently — the  prayers  which  are  to  accompany 
the  several  admonitions  (monitiones). 

(2)  After  sermon  the  priest  also  gave  notice  of 
such  things  as  the  days  to  be  observed  specially 
in  the  ensuing  week.  Thus  St.  Augustine  (Serm. 
3,  s.  fin.)  begj3  the  people  to  observe  on  the  nest 
day  the  anniversary  of  the  ordination  of  Aurelius 
at  the  basilica  of  Faustus  (Martene,  de  Bit. 
Eccl.  I.  iv.  5,  §  7).  Such  notices  were  called 
monitiones.  [C] 

MONK  Qxovaxis,  monachus).  It  is  obvious 
that  in  the  first  instance  the  word  fiovax^s 
designated  a  solitary,  an  anchoret  or  herjiit. 
And  it  was  in  fact  applied  originally  to  those 
who  passed  their  lives  in  solitude  (fjiOvdQovT€s), 
in  deserts,  or  in  "  dens  and  caves  of  the  earth  " 
[Mortification],  and  who  were  thus  distin- 
guished from  ascetics,  who  might  carry  on  their 
ascetic  practices  in  the  midst  of  a  town.  But 
when  the  rage  of  persecution  passed  away  which 
had  driven  many  into  the  wilderness  (Sozom. 
H.  E.  i.  12),  and  the  scattered  hermits  came  to 
dwell  in  villages  of  huts  or  cells  [Laura],  and 
even  when  they  came  to  live  in  regularly  or- 
ganised communities  [Coenobiom  ;  Monastery], 
they  still  retained  the  title  which  they  derived 
from  their  original  solitary  life.  So  that  in 
almost  all  the  languages  of  Europe  a  word 
derived  from  solitude  has  come  to  designate 
one  who  is  emphatically  a  member  of  a  com- 
munity ;  and  a  word  which  originally  designated 
the  solitary  retreat  of  a  hermit  has  come  to 
designate  a  house  crowded  with  organised  life, 
though  the  cell  of  the  individual  monk  is  still 
a  ixovaCT-hpiov  in  the  stricter  sense  of  the 
word.  C^O 

MONKS  (m  Art).  It  is  as  difficult  to  distin- 
guish the  monastic  dress  from  the  ecclesiastical, 
as  in  manv  cases  to  tell  the  ecclesiastical  from 


1310 


MOXNUS 


the  civil.  As  St.  Anthony's  first  organisation  of 
the  monastic  life,  as  distinguished  from  the  eremi- 
tical, dates  from  the  latter  half  of  the  third  cen- 
tury, no  representation  of  monks  can  be  expected 
much  earlier  than  the  fourth.  Bottari,  however, 
at  the  beginning  of  his  3rd  volume,  in  a  picture 
•of  the  burial  of  St.  Ephrem,  represents  three 
coenobites  of  the  East,  one  in  prayer,  the  other 
two  occupied  in  basket-making;  indicating,  of 
course,  the  rule  of  devotion  and  labour  which 
St.  Benedict  afterwards  adopted  for  the  Western 
monasteries.  (See  woodcut.)  Martigny  (^Dict. 
p.  407)  says  that  he  knows  no  more  ancient 
representation  of  the  monastic  habit.  It  is  to 
le  observed  that  the  nun-like  habit  usually 
represented  as  worn  by  the  Blessed  Virgin,  is 
later  than  the  mosaics  of  Sta.  Maria  Maggiore 
.(circ.  431),  where  she  is  represented  bareheaded, 
and  richly  dressed  (Rohault  de  Fleury,  UEvangile, 
vol.  i.  p.  64,  pi.  21).  Her  dress  has  a  decidedly 
monastic  appearance  in  the  Pentecost  of  the 
Laui-eutian  MSS.  of  Eabula  (Assemani,  Catal. 
Bihlioth.  Medica  Laurent,  tav.  xxvi.),  and  monks 
are  certainly  i-epreseuted  at  tav.  xxv.,  though 
the  apostles  in  the  former  plate  wear  togae  with 
clavi.  See  also  tab.  iii.  iv.  vii.  and  indeed  passim. 
This  MS.  is  dated  a.d.  583. 


Mouks.      From  Martiguy. 

The  dress  of  saints  in  the  mosaics  up  to  the 
11th  century  is  rather  ecclesiastical  than  mon- 
astic, though  of  course  many  are  represented 
who  were  under  monastic  vows.  This  appears  to 
be  the  case  even  in  the  9th  century  Greek  Meno- 
logium  of  the  Vatican  (D'Agincourt,  Peinture, 
pi.  xxxii.  xxxiii.).  The  writer  can  find  no  dis- 
tinctively monastic  dress  in  Professor  Westwood's 
Irish  and  Anijlo-Saxon  MSS.  up  to  that  of  St. 
Dunstan,  11th  century,  plate  1.  The  dark  colours 
would  be  objectionable  in  illuminations ;  but  the 
black  Benedictine  robe  and  tonsure  are  unmis- 
takeable.  A  monk,  apparently  in  glory,  has  a 
pink  habit  and  the  tonsure.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

MONNUS,  martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Rome 
nt  the  cemetery  of  Praetextatus  May  10  {Ilieron. 
MartX  [C.  H.] 


MONOGRAM 

MONOBAMBYLUM  {txovi,x:Tov\ov-),  the 
candlestick  holding  a  single  taper,  carried  before 
a  patriarch  of  Constantinople  on  ordinary  occa- 
sions. On  the  day  when  he  received  the  pastoral 
staff  from  the  emperor  he  was  honoured  with 
a  candlestick  with  two  sockets,  diahamhylum, 
Sid/xwovKoi'  (Pachymeres,  Hist.  ii.  28).  [C] 

MONOGAMY.  [Digamy  ;  Marriage  ; 
Orders,  Holy.] 

MONOGRAM,  an  abbreviation  of  the  name 
Jesus  Christ.  The  Christian  public  or  official 
use  of  this  symbol  is  involved  in  nearly  the  same 
chronological  difficulties  as  that  of  the  cross. 
[See  Cross.]  The  term  Chrisma  is  frequently 
applied  to  it.  Its  original  form  was  certainly 
that  of  the  Xj  the  initial  letter  of  our  Lord's 
name,  with  the  letter  p  across  the  intersection 
of  its  limbs.  It  was  subsequently  altered  by 
enlarging  the  central  p  into  the  form  >^  . 
A  further  modification,  which  turned  the  X  'fi^o 
the  Egyptian  T>  brought  the  monogram  into 
the  form  of  the  penal  cross  thus  ^  .  It  is  sug- 
gested under  Cross,  that  though  we  can  produce 
few  or  no  instances,  before  Constantine,  of  the 
public  use  of  the  monogram  of  the  name  of  the 
Lord,  or  the  cross  which  symbolized  His  person 
and  His  death,  both  the  letters  and  the  symbol 
were  then  in  private  use :  so  as  to  be  fully  un- 
derstood as  representing  Him.  The  distinction 
must  be  observed  that  the  monogram,  as  an  ini- 
tial, is  only  a  phonetic  or  letter-symbol ;  whereas 
the  Cross  is  a  graphic  symbol  or  hieroglyph,  and 
appeals  to  memory  and  a  train  of  .associations 
connected  with  the  Lord's  person,  and  indeed  the 
manner  of  His  death,  the  nature  of  His  sacri- 
fice, and  His  whole  church  as  a  system  and  a 
kingdom. 

The  modification  into  the  penal,  the  Egyptian, 
or  Tau-cross  surmounted  by  the  p,  seems  to  date 
from  about  the  time  of  Constantine,  and  may  have 
been  produced  by  either  or  both  of  two  causes. 
At  that  period  it  became  safe,  and  it  may  have 
been  thought  both  right  and  necessary,  for 
Christendom  to  .-vvow  the  Lord's  death  as  a  male- 
factor :  the  reproach  of  the  cross  would  then  be 
no  longer  intolerable  to  fresh  converts,  and  the 
manner  of  His  death  had  to  be  remembered  in 
attestation  of  His  perfect  humanity.  Hence  the 
penal  cross  of  His  death  was  raised  as  a  stand- 
ard. But  this  later  T-form  of  the  monogram 
seems  to  have  been  especially  popular  in  the 
East,  and  in  Egypt  almost  exclusively  used 
(Garrucci,  Vetri,  p.  104,  and  Letronne,  De  la 
Croix  ansee  Egtjptienne,  p.  16).  It  is  quite  pos- 
sible that  it  may  have  become  more  popular 
under  Alexandrian  influence,  especially  after 
the  appearance  of  Athanasius  at  the  council 
of  Nicaea.  Garrucci  is  decidedly  of  opinion 
that  the  monogram  and  the  cross  were  both 
adopted,  simultaneously  and  from  the  first,  by 
Constantine,  and  considered  in  fact  as  the  same 
symbol.  In  some  cases  the  upright  cross  was 
added  to  the  oblique  one  so  as  to  form  an  eight- 
ram  and  the 


rayed  star  ^  ,  but  the  ^ 


Greek  cross  appear  alike  on  coins  of  Constantines, 
published  in  the  "  tavola  d'Aggiunta"  at  the 
end  of  Garrucci's  Vetri.  [Money.]  He  says  it 
is    certain  that   the    ^    monogram  represented 


MONOGRAM 

the  (TTdvoSs  or  cross  ia  the  Coptic  church,  and 
quotes  a  curious  passage  from  St.  Ephrem,  which 
o-ives  the  reason  for  attaching  the  letters  A  and  w 
to  the  opposite  limbs  of  the  upright  symbol, 
and  then  identifies  it  with  the  Rho-monogram 
•P  •  (.^PP-  ^-  "^-  "^^^^  ^*^'  Assemani.)  Aia  ri 
larTOpov/xev  eV  Siacpopot^  t6itois  in  (ruiv  irXevpuv) 
Tov  aravpov  A  Kai  w ;  The  answer  follows  : — 
"Ot(  apxv  KO-^  TeAos  o  (TravpuOels  eV  avrtS 
vxapx^'-,  T?)  Se  iTtavu  P  (rriij.a.ii'ei  ^orfdia, 
^]ir)(piC^IJ.ivov  fKOLTov.'-  Martigny  remarks  fur- 
ther, that  the  t-  is  the  only  form  of  the  mono- 
gram found  in  the  Alexandrine  Bibles,  as  in  the 
Vatican  MS.,  that  of  Mount  Sinai  published  by 
Tischendorf,  and  that  at  Cambridge. 

Boldetti  {Osservazioni  sopra  i  Cimiteri,  etc. 
pp.  336-347)  gives  a  series  of  examples  of  the 
monogram  from  the  catacombs  and  cemeteries  of 
SS.  Agnes,  Praetextatus,  Calixtus,  Cyriaca,  Gor- 
dianus,  Pontianus,  Lucina,  Helena,  Calepodius, 
and  Hippolytus.  All  except  two  in  the  two  last- 
named  cemeteries  are  of  the  -\^   or    5^    form. 

[Inscriptions,  pp.  847  ff.]  The  latter  may  have 
been  adopted  simply  because  it  is  easier  to  write. 
But  few  have  the  A  and  o) ;  and  this  may  be 
taken  as  some  indication,  at  least,  that  they  are 
antecedent  to  the  Nicene  council.  [A  and  a.-,  i.  1.] 
In  the  annexed  example  the  Greek  P  is  used  as  a 
Roman  P  for  the  better  arrangement  of  its  in- 
scription on  the  sigil  or  stamp.     The  universal 


MONOGEAM 

upright   monogram  in    the  letter  fvj  thus 
foi-  XPICTOC  NIKA-     [Cross,  p.  498.] 


employment  of  the  Greek  letters  is  another  illus- 
tration of  the  observations  of  Dean  Milman  in  his 
History  of  Christkinitij,  that  the  Roman  church, 
for  the  first  two  centuries  at  least,  was  essen- 
tially a  Greek  body. 

DThe  A  and  u  are  sometimes 
hung  by  small  chains  to  the 
branches  of  the  cross,  or  thus  re- 
^^,,I,^J  presented.  (See  Boldetti,  pp.  338 
''  I  I    ^  and   345,  and  Bottari,  tav.  xliv.) 

1  I       The    first    of    these   examples   is 

^"^     ^'^^    somewhat    rare,    as   representing 

these  letters  attached  to  the  >^ 
*  monogram.     They  are  given  with 

another  example  of  the  same  form  in  a  mosaic 
on  a  tablet  of  terra  cotta  from  the  cemetery  of 
St.  Cyriaca  (see  infra).  The  former  of  these 
may  be  the  same  as  that  quoted  by  Martigny  from 
De  Rossi  (/jiscr.  Christ.  Rom.  t.  i.  No.  776),  which 
he  says  is  unique  according  to  his  experience. 

The  monogram  is  sometimes  (and  almost  always 
in  Gallic  inscriptions)  surrounded  by  a  wreath  of 
palm  or  other  leaves,  in  sign  of  the  Lord's  vic- 
tory ;  and  there  is  an  analogous  use  of  placing  the 


a  P  is  the  numeral  for  100;  and  the  letters  which  make 
\ip  j3or)9ia,  taken  as  numerals,  also  amount  to  100.    [U.] 


1311 

In  Aringhi,  vol.  i.  p.  605,   there  is  a  copy  of 
a  sepulchral  inscription  from  the    cemetery  of 
Priscilla,  by  Victorina  to  her  dead  husband  Hera- 
clius,  which  ends  with  the  palm-branch,  and  is 
headed  by  the  upright  monogram 
with  the  A  and  w,  all  inscribed  in  X.  aPxm/^ 
a  triangle.    This  is  said  to  be  very      ^v  I    / 
uncommon,  but  Martigny,  in  his  N/^ 

article  on  '  Triangle,'  gives  three  other  forms  of 
its  combination  with  the  monogram :    the  two 

first  from  Lupi  (Sevcrae  Epitaphium,  fol.  Pa- 
lermo, 1734),  the  other  from  a  letter  by  M. 
de  St.  Antoine,  canon  of  the  cathedral  of 
Lyons,  which  gives  account  of  fifteen  inscrip- 
tions on  various  monuments.  It  is  dated  14th 
April,  1631,  and  was  discovered  by  De  Rossi  m 
the  Barberini  library,  and  published  by  E.  Le 
Blant  {Inscr.  Chre'tiennes  de  la  Gauk,  t.  i.  p.  107). 
The  monogram  is  often  placed  on  the  forehead  of 
the  portrait  of  our  Lord.  (See  Boldetti,  p.  60, 
and  Martigny,  Diet.  334.)  It  is  found  thus  on 
the  Good  Shepherd  and  the  Lamb  (Mamachi,  iii. 
18;  Bottari,  tav.  xxi. ;  Geiis,  p.  718;  and  in 
the  Nimbus  [p.  1393] ;  see  also  Allegranza's 
Sacri  Monum.  antichi  di  Milano,  tav.  i.).  It  ap- 
pears on  a  glass  representing  the  miracle  of  the 
Seven  Loaves  (Garrucci,  vii.  16,  and  Buonarotti, 
tab.  viii.  1),  and  on  an  altar,  between  St.  Peter  and 
St.  Paul,  or  other  saints  (Buonarotti,  xiv.  2). 
These  latter  are  all  in  the  ^  form,  which 
sooms  to  have  kept  its  hold  on  Christian  use 
from  the  fact  that  the  X  alone,  as  an  initial,  re- 
presented the  venerated  name.  Julian  speaks 
of  the  X  ^"'l  the  [^  '^  ^'^  Misopogon,  pp.  94,  5, 
ed.  Par.  1566,  as  representing  Christ  and  Con- 
stantino, 'E5i5ox0»);Ue»'  o.pxas  ovofj-aTcov  elvai  ra 
ypd/xfj-ara ;  Sr]Aovu  S'  i64\€iv  rh  jxiv  Xoiffrhv^ 
rb  Se  Koivindvriov  ;  and  again  (pp.  106-7)  ot 
the  two  reproaches  made  against  him  in  Antioch,. 
wj  eK  TOV  iruyuvos  fiov  itXiKnv  Set  axoifto,'  nal 

OTL  7ro\€ficS  tSi  X'. 

It  seems  difficult  to  imagine,  as  is  sometimes 
contended,  that  the  monogram  was  unknown  or 
rarely  used  before  the  days  of  Constantine.  The 
habitual  use  of  the  Cross  in  his  time  is  proved 
by  Tertullian,  de  Cor.  Mil.  c.  3,  quoted  under 
Cross.  It  may  have  been  used  privately  or  un- 
officially from  the  first,  though  perhaps  unsatis- 
factory to  Hebrew  brethren  or  Roman  catechu- 
mens. It  is  remarkable,  however,  that  the 
monogram  or  cross  is  not  mentioned  in  Cle- 
ment's list  of  permitted  symbols  on  rings  at 
Faedagog.  iii.  11,  p.  246  d.  A  certain  use  of 
symbolism  was  allowed  by  the  synagogue,  though 
the  use  of  the  cherub-forms  probably  ended  with 
the  ancient  temple.  Still  a  Christian  society  in 
which  the  Greek  element  altogether  predomi- 
nated for  300  years  cannot  have  gone  on  long 
without  the  use  of  emblematic  or  specially  signi- 
ficant forms  ;  especially  where  secrecy  was  often 
an  object.  The  passages  in  Apoc.  vii.  2,  xiv.  1, 
where  the  sign  of  the  Son  of  God  is  spoken  of, 
compared  with  Ezek.  ix.  4,  6,  suggest  the  idea 
that  the  monogram  is  there  intended,  and  though 


1312 


MONOGRAiM 


the  speculation  is  not  one  to  be  pursued  far,  it  is 
excusable.  Whatever  the  subjective  reality  of 
Constantine's  vision  may  be,  it  is  clear  that  he 
saw,  or  thought  he  saw,  or  said  he  thought  he 
saw,  some  emblem  or  sign  whose  meaning  he  and 
his  followers  well  knew.  There  is  no  reason  for 
supposing  that  the  form  of  the  Labnrum  was 
revealed  to  Constantine  for  the  first  time,  never 
having  existed  before.  In  Eusebius  (  Vit.  Const. 
i.  24-26)  his  vision  is  spoken  of  as  a  dream  ;  and 
it  is  consistent  with  the  mysterious  admixture 
of  the  natural  and  the  providential,  which  con- 
stitutes what  we  call  divine  interference,  that  a 
well-known  form  should  be  for  ever  invested,  in 
his  mind,  with  divine  meaning,  rather  than  that 
a  new  one  should  have  been  invented.  In  fact, 
had  the  labarum  been  believed  to  be  a  new  reve- 
lation of  a  divine  sign  of  the  Son  of  Man,  it 
would  everywhere  have  taken  the  place  of  the 
cross,  on  the  authority  of  Constantine,  as  the 
man  privileged  to  see  it ;  and  might  have  pre- 
vented the  use  or  worship  of  the  crucifix.  The 
change  to  the  upright  cross  in  the  labarum  may 
have  proceeded  naturally  from  the  cruciform 
vexillum   of    the    Roman    cavalry     [Labarum, 

p.  11].     But  the  earlier  *^v^.  or  ^ 

use  even  on  that  ensign ;  and  it  is  certainly 
found,  in  most  instances  without  Christian 
meaning,  on  ancient  coins  and  medals,  as  in  the 
Lydian  or  Mseonian  medal  quoted  by  Martigny, 
s.  V.  "  Numismatique,"  p.  454,  where  the  letters 
X   ^ud    p,  which  form  part  of  the  legend,  are 


See  M.  Ch. 


continued  in 


^- 


united  so  as  to  form  it  thus 


Lenormant,  Signes  de  Christianisme  sur  les  Monum. 
numismatiques  du  troisieme  Slide,  in  Melanges 
d'Archeologie,  t.  iii.  [Money.]  In  this  matter,  as 
in  every  other  which  concerns  the  monuments  of 
Christian  Rome,  we  have  to  lament  the  eflTects  of 
relic-removing,  collecting,  and  devout  interpo- 
lation. Inscriptions  are  collected  in  museums, 
arranged  and  re-ai-ranged  according  to  tastes  or 
theories,  and  crosses  and  monograms  of  secondary 
date  are  everywhere  found  inscribed  on  more 
ancient  tablets  after  the  peace  of  the  church, 
and  thus  the  monuments  will  vitiate  each  other's 
evidence  to  the  end  of  time. 

Until  lately  the  earliest  certain  Chi-monogram 
was  supposed  to  date  a.d.  331,  omitting  the 
mutilated  and  doubtful  fragment  which  is 
thought  to  present  date  298.  (De  Rossi,  Inscr. 
Christ,  t.  i.  p.  29,  and  p.  38,  No.  39.)  But  an 
-earlier  example  than  the  former — as  far  back  as 
323 — has  been  found  under  the  Constantinian 
basilica  of  St.  Lawrence  in  Agro  Verano.  We 
have  already  speculated  on  the  greater  import- 
ance and  more  frequent  use  of  the  symbol  after 
the  council  of  Nice.  But  this  year  is  also  the 
date  of  the  death  of  Licinius,  from  which  time  the 
symbol  begins  to  be  engraved  on  coins  (De  Rossi, 
Bullett.  1863,  p.  22).  In  355  it  is  for  the  first 
time  joined  to  the  A  and  ai.  Other  forms  appear 
about  347,  the  upright  cross  being  first  added  to 

*the  Chi-rho  so   as    to    form   a    kind    of 
star ;  then  the  X  is  withdrawn  and  the 
^     remains.     To  the  5th  century  the 
old  and  new  forms  go  on  together,    ^ 
and  -f-  ;    but  early  in  the   6th  the    p   disap- 


MONOGRAIM 

I  pears,  and  the  Latin  or  Greek  cross  takes 
the  place  of  the  monograms.  Martigny  gives 
a  very  curious  and  interesting  instance  of  the 
final  transition  into  the  cross  as  symbolic  not 
only  of  Christ's  name  but  of  His  death.  The 
monogram  -p  is  used  in  the  Sinaitic  Bible 
four  times :  once  at  the  end  of  Jeremiah, 
twice  at  the  end  of  Isaiah,  and  in  Apoc.  11, 
8,  in  the  middle  of  the  word  ECTATPX10H. 
(De  Rossi,  Bullett.  1863,  p.  62.)  However 
in  the  Western  world  the  use  of  the  ancient 
letter-symbol  continued  to  the  end  of  the  5th 
century.  It  was  revived  for  a  time  by  Charle- 
magne, and  used  by  councils  held  under  him, 
and  even  on  sepulchral  inscriptions.  For  the 
former,  see  Mabillon,  de  Be  Diploinatica,  1.  v. 
tav.  liv.  Iv.  Ivi.,  ed.  Nap.  p.  468  sqq. 

On  a  larger  scale  the  monogram  occurs  on  the 
exteriors  and  interiors  of  ancient  churches  and 
basilicas.  See  Boldetti  {Cimet.  etc.  p.  338),  where 
a  rude  example  of  it  with  the  A  and  to  is  given.  It 
continued  visible  to  his  day  sculptured  over  the 
Latin  Gate  of  the  walls  of  Belisarius.  He  found 
it  more  frequently  in  the  tile-mosaic  in  the 
cemeteries  of  Cyriaca  and  Priscilla,  and  in  the 
tomb  of  Faustina,  Callixtine  cemetery  (Boldetti, 
p.  339)  it  is  enclosed  in  a  wreath,  which  may 
represent  a  crown  of  palm.     This  is  carved  on  a 


marble  slab.  But  the  sign  occurs  frequently  in 
the  mosaics  which  adorn  the  apses  or  arches  of 
triumph  in  the  churches  of  Rome  and  Ravenna ; 
as  in  SS.  Cosmas  and  Damian  in  the  former  place 
(Ciampini,  Vet.  Monum.  ii.  p.  60),  or  in  Galla 
Placidia's  chapel  at  Ravenna  (ih.  vol.  i.  tab.  Ixv. 
Ixvi.).  So  also  on  the  inner  walls  and  veil  of  the 
sanctuary  (Mabillon,  de  Re  Diplom.  bk.  ii.  c.  10, 
p.  110).  The  earliest  example  on  a  sacred 
building  is  now  preserved  in  the  Hotel  de  Ville 
of  Sion,  and  dates  from  a.d.  377.  It  was  pro- 
bably often  used  in  baptisteries ;  Martigny  gives 
a  woodcut  from  Bottari  (tav.  xxxiv. ;  Aringhi, 
vol.  i.  p.  319)  of  a  round  or  octagon  building  of 
this  kind  from  a  sarcophagus  in  the  Vatican, 
which  bears  the  monogram  in  the  centre  of  its 
low  roof.  An  interesting  engraving,  as  recording 
a  very  early  adoption  for  Christian  purposes  of 
that  form  ;  of  which  the  Tower  of  the  Winds,  or 
Horologium,  Athens,  is  one  great  example,  and 
San  Giovanni  at  Florence  the  chief  one  of  the  first 
Etrurian  renaissance. 

On  sarcophagi  and  funereal  monuments  the 
monogram  may  be  said  to  occur  passim  ;  often, 
as  of  old,  standing  as  signum  Domini  or  signum 
Christi,  representing  simply  the  name  and  per- 
son of  OUT  Lord  (Boldetti,  jip.  273,  345,  399). 


MONOGRAM 

"  In  \p^  Aurelio  Marcellino  Deposito,  in  ^»<^ 

vii.  Idus  Martia,"  the  first  of  these  examples, 
may  stand  for  the  others  also.  At  p.  338 
(Boldetti)  there  is  a  woodcut  which  is  here  re- 
produced (see  below)  of  a  tile,  or  ancient  and 
thin  brick,  which  was  once  used  to  close  up  a 
loculus   in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Cyriaca.      In  a 


MONOGRAM 


1313 


painting  of  the  Adoration  of  the  Magi,  recently 
discovered  after  a  fall  of  earth  outside  of  this 
place,  the  monogram  takes  the  place  of  the  star ; 
perhaps  with  some  reflection  of  the  Lord's  pro- 
phecy of  the  appeai-ance  of  the  sign  of  the  Son  of 
man  in  heaven. 

For  examples  on  sarcophagi,  there  is  a  very 
rich  one  in  Bottari  (tab.  xxxvii.),  Aringhi,  i.  p. 
325,  and  at  Bottari,  tav.  xxx.,  Aringhi,  i.  p.  311, 
it  is  attended  (as  representing  our  Lord)  by  the 
twelve  apostles.  On  the  bases  of  columns  and 
pilasters  see  Bottari,  tav.  cxxxvi. 

Some  reference  has  been  made  above  to  the 
works  of  Buonarotti  and  Garrucci  for  the  use  of 
the  monogram  on  glasses  and  cups.  It  is  repre- 
sented alone,  or  between  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  or 
other  saints,  or  on  marriage  cups  with  the  wedded 
pair.  We  add  an  example  of  a  lamp  from  Aringhi 


(vol.  11.  p.  371),  which,  he  says,  is  of  early  date, 
"longe  ante  Constantini  tempora."  [Lamps, 
pp.  921,  923,  924.]  There  are  several  examples 
on  rings  in  Boldetti  (p.  502),  with  or  without 
the  palm-branch.  On  encolpia  and  amulets 
[Encolpiox,  p.  611].  In  Hagioglypta,  p.  225, 
there  is  an  instance  of  the  X  in  the  mystic  word 
IX0YC,  which  has  the  loop  of  the  P  added  to  it. 
Compare  the  use  of  the  P,  both  in  its  Greek  and 
Roman  meaning,  Boldetti,  p.  336. 


A  small  bronze  figure  of  St.  Peter  bearing  the 
penal  cross-monogram,  of  excellent  workmanship, 
is  given  by  Maj-tigny,  p.  539. 

Count  Melchior  de  Vogue  found  the  sign  of  the 
cross  or  monogram  on  many  ancient  houses  in 
the  mountain  villages  of  Syria,  which  were  pro- 
bably anterior  to  the  Mussulman  occupation; 
and  St.  Cyril  of  Alexandria  {Contra  Julianum, 
lib.  vi. ;  Migne,  vol.  Ixxvi.  p.  796)  shews  that 
this  was  customary  {rh  xpvvai  8r?  irivTois 
iyxapaTTeiv  ael  Kal  oiKiais  Kcd  fxeTciirois  rb 
(TTtixuov  T.  Ttfxiov  aravpov). 

For  the  use  of  the  monogram  on  medals  and 
coins,  see  Labarum  and  Money.  On  furniture  and 
utensils  Martigny  refers  to  a  wooden  "  pupitre," 
or  faldstool,  now  preserved  in  the  monastery  of 
St.  Croix  at  Poitiers,  and  shewn  as  originally' the 
property  of  St.  Radegund,  wife  of  Clotaire  I.,  son 
of  Clovis.  The  monogram  is  roughly  carved  on 
it  within  a  crown,  between  two  crosses  or  cruci- 
form s)-mbols.  (See  Cahier  and  Martin,  Melanges 
d'Archeologie,  t.  iii.  p.  156.)  In  Garrucci  (Fein, 
etc.  pp.  104,  5)  reference  is  made  to  a  poem  of 
Publilius  0.  Porphyrius  to  Constantino,  in  which 
the  emperor  is  addressed  as  pilot  of  the  ship  of 
the  state,  and  the  cross-monogram  is  his  helm. 
The  object  of  the  work  is  to  request  permission 
for  the  author's  return  from  exile,  and  he  has 
shewn  his  ingenuity  by  disposing  the  verses  in 
which  he  compares  the  emperor  to  the  world's 
helmsman  in  the  form  of  a  ship  thus  symbolically 
directed.  For  vessels,  see  Le  Blant  (Inscr.  Chr^t. 
de  la  Gaule,_  t.  i.  pi.  41,  No.  244).  Bottari  (t.  i.  p. 
102)  mentions  a  strigil  which  Pignorio  had  seen 
marked  with  it  in  the  midst  of  the  name  of  the 
owner.  So  in  sepulchral  inscriptions.  (De  Ptossi, 
Inscr.  Christ,  p.  Ill,  No.  221.  A^CPvIGE.) 
Again,  on  the  collars  worn  by  fugitive  slaves. 
(See  Giorgi,  p.  39  ;  Fabretti,  iii.  385.)  One  in  par- 
tacular  seems  to  have  belonged  to  a  serf  of  the 
ancient  basilica  of  St.  Clement  at  Eome,  being 
inscribed  A  dominicv  clementis.  It  appears 
from  Pignori  {Epist.  xxiv.,  Spon.  iliscell.  301), 
that  the  use  of  these  collars  dates  from  Constan- 
tine's  time.  It  had  been  originally  the  custom 
to  brand  runaways  on  the  forehead  ;  and  the 
wearing  the  collar  was  a  Christian  usage  of 
mercy,  which  probably  lasted  long  into  the 
Middle  Ages.  (See  Walter  Scott's  Imnhoe,  of 
Gurth  and  Wamba.)  In  any  case,  in  these  early 
times,  the  monogram  was  engraved  on  the  plate 
of  the  collar,  perhaps,  as  Martigny  says,  to  re- 
mind the  slave  that  severe  punishment  had  been 
spared  him  in  the  name  of  Christ ;  perhaps  with 
allusion  to  the  text,  "One  is  your  Master,  even 
Christ." 

Other  uses  of  the  monogram  seem  to  have 
been  that  it  was  placed  at  the  head  of  episcopal 
letters ;  was  used  as  a  mark  by  readers  for  spe- 
cially important  passages ;  employed  as  a  symbol 
of  initiation  and  text  for  exhortation  for  cate- 
chumens before  their  baptism.  In  this  capacity 
it  was  the  custom  in  Milan  to  paint  it  on  a  large 
cloth  and  exhibit  it  in  the  church.  (Muratori, 
Berum  Italicarum  Script,  vol.  iv.  p.  66.)  In  short 
till  the  crucifix  took  its  place,  its  use  seems  to 
have  been  coextensive  with  that  of  the  cross, 
and  to  have  had  the  function  of  uniting  the  sym- 
bolical with  the  individual  devotion  of  personal 
religion. 

Thus  much  for  the  true  or  original  mono- 
gram in  which  the  initials  of  the  Lord's  title  of 


1314 


MONOGUNDIS 


Anointed,  and  the  symbol  of  His  person,  life,  and 
death  were  formally  united,  at  or  before  the  time 
of  Constantine.  A  later  monogram  seems  to 
have  been  constructed  on  the  same  principle  from 
the  first  three  letters  |  H  C  ''f  ^^^  name  Jesus. 
It  seems  to  have  been  derived  from  Byzantine 
usage.     The  usual  Lower  Greek  abbreviation  for 

the  Lord's  name  is  |C  ,  ^mi  one  may  give  cali- 
graphers  and  miniaturists  credit  for  developing 
it  by  adding  the  |-|  and  perpendicular  stroke,  so 
as  at  length  to  form  the  |4H  S  of  later  times. 
Martigny  says  that  St.  Bernardin  of  Siena 
(d.  1444)  was  one  of  the  first  who  used  it,  and 
this  is  confirmed  by  a  passage  in  his  Life  in 
Alban  Butler  (May  20),  in  which  he  is  said 
during  one  of  his  sermons  to  have  exhibited 
the  name  of  our  Lord  beautifully 
carved  on  a  gilded  panel,  and  in- 
curred some  suspicion  in  conse- 
quence. Martigny  closes  his 
article  on  this  subject  with  one  or 
two    curious  examples,  of  ancient 

date,   where    the    >^  and  |HC 

monograms  seem  both  to  have 
been  in  the  mind  of  the  in- 
scriber  or  sculptor.  One  is  in 
Lupi's  Epitaphium  Secerae,  p. 
137,  and  bears  the  anchor-mark, 
which  may  indicate  great  an- 
y  1  \  tiquity,    with    both    monograms, 

^^^  thus  HH  ig  .  The  other  (p.  420) 
is  from  the  chapel  of  St.  Satyrus  in  St. 
Ambrogio  at  Milan,  where  St.  Victor  bears  a 
cross  in  one  hand  and  the  annexed  symbol  (see 
above)  in  the  other.  It  seems  intended  to  com- 
bine the  ancient  Chrisma  or  Chi-Rho  monogram 
with  the  initials  |H,  if  not  |HC.  and  the 
cross,  so  as  to  join  both  initials  and  symbol  in 
the  words  IHCOTC  XPICTOC. 

[R.  St.  J.  T.] 
MONOGUNDIS,    nun;    commemorated    at 
Tours  July  2  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Florus  ap.   Bed. 
Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  i.  309).        [C.  H.] 

MONOLAPPUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at 
Nicomedia  Sept.  2  (Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart. 
Auct.).  ["C.  H.] 

MONOMACHIA.     [Duel  ;  Ordeal.] 

MONONIS,  hermit  and  martyr  in  Belgium 
in  the  7th  century ;  commemorated  Oct!  18 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  viii.  363).  [C.  H.] 

MONOEGUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Corthosa  May  6  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MONOTOE,  bishop  and  confessor ;  comme- 
morated at  Orleans  Nov.  10  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

MONTANUS  (1)  Martyr  with  Lucius,  Juli- 
anus,  and  others,  in  Africa  ;  commemorated  Feb 
24  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  iii.  454). 

(2)  Presbyter,  and  his  wife  Jlaxima,  martyrs ; 
commemorated  at  Sirmium  Mar.  26  (Usuard 
Mart.;  Bed.  Mart.;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mar.  iii' 
616). 

(3)  (MONTANIANUS),  martyr ;  commemorated 
at  Sirmium  May  11  {Hieron.  Mart.;  Boll.  Acta 
SS.  May,  ii.  625), 


MONTH 

(4)  Jlonk  in  Gaul ;  commemorated  May  17 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  May,  iv.  35). 

(5)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  in  Spain  May  2'2 
(Hieron.  Mart.). 

(6)  Soldier  and  martyr  at  Terracina  ;  comme- 
morated June  17  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  iii.  278). 

(7)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Tarsus  July  3 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(8)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  July  20 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(9)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Carthage  Nov. 
17  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MONTH.  The  month-reckoning  used  by  the 
church  in  the  first  century,  in  Palestine,  was 
doubtless  that  which  was  followed  by  the  Jews, 
such  as  we  find  it  in  Josephus,  especially  in  the 
Wars.  Writing  for  Syrian  Greeks,  he  con- 
stantly substitutes  for  the  Jewish  (Babylonian) 
month-names  those  of  the  corresponding  Mace- 
donian lunar  months,  which  names  were  intro- 
duced into  the  East  in  the  track  of  Alexander's 
conquests. 

The  corresponding  lunar  months  in  the 
Jewish,  Syrian,  and  Macedonian  nomenclature 
are  as  follows  : — 

Jewish.  Syrian.  Macedonian. 

Tisrl      ..  ..  First  Tisrl      ..  Hyperberetaeus. 

Marchesvan  Second  Tisri  . .  ])ius. 

Kisleu  . .  . .  First  Kanun  . .  Apellaeus. 

Tebeth  . .  . .  Second  Kanun  Audinaeus. 

Shebat  ..  ..  Shebat    ..     ..  Peritius. 

Adar     . .  . .  Adar       . .     . .  Dystrus. 

Nisan    . .  . .  Nisan      . .     . .  Xanthicus. 

Ijar       . .  . .  Ijar Artemisius. 

Sivan    . .  . .  Hasiran  . .     . .  Daesius. 

Thamuz  . .  Thamuz  . .     . .  Panemus. 

Ab        . .  . .  Ab Lous. 

Elul      . .  . .  EIul        . .     . .  Gorpiaeus. 

The  intercalary  month  is  inserted,  when  neces- 
sary, between  Adar  and  Nisan.  The  months  are 
usually  of  29  and  30  days  alternately. 

Later,  throughout  Syria,  these  Macedonian 
months  were  absolutely  assimilated  to  the  Roman 
months,  in  dimensions  and  epoch.  Thus  Hyperbe- 
retaeus is  identical  with  September,  Dius  with 
October,  etc.  But  no  month-dates,  lunar  or  other, 
occur  in  Christian  writings  earlier  than  the  middle 
of  the  second  century."  When  such  do  occur, 
they  are  constantly  Julian-Roman,  or  in  terms 
of  a  Julianized  calendar,  usually  in  both  to- 
gether. From  Galen  {Comment,  in  Hippocr. 
Epidem. ;  0pp.  Hippocr.  et  Galen,  ix.  2,  p.  8) 
we  learn  that  in  his  time  (circ.  A.D.  150),  "  as 
the  Romans,  so  the  Macedonians,  our  own 
Asiani  (Asia  Procons.),  and  many  other  nations, 


»  Assemani,  indeed  {Bibl.  Orient,  ii.  486),  describing  a 
Syriac  MS.  of  "a  Gospel"  preserved  in  the  Vatican, 
gives  from  its  epigraph  (Syriac)  the  following  startling 
date— which,  however,  he  receives  unquestioned — "  Ab- 
solutus  est  iste  liber  feria  quinta  die  18  Canun  prioris 
anno  Graecorum  389  " — which  year  (Aera  Seleuc.)  began  in 
the  autumn  of  a.d.  11.  Of  course  there  is  some  error 
here.  At  any  time  to  which  the  epigraph  can  be  referred 
the  Syrian  months  were  identical  with  the  Julian :  the 
"  former  Canun  "  was  Syro-Macedonian  Apellaeus,  iden- 
tical with  December.  Now  as  in  a.d.  77,  Sunday  letter 
E,  the  18th  December  did  fall  on  a  Thursday,  the  simplest 
explanation  is  to  say  that  there  is  an  error  in  the  centu- 
ries; for  389  read  1089;  of  a.d.  777  the  Sunday  letter  is 
of  course  E,  as  of  a.d.  77,  and  18  Dec.  Thursday. 


MONTH 

had  adopted  the  sola)-  year,"  the  cardinal  points 
of  which  (as  he  goes  on  to  describe)  were  taken 
as  fixed  by  Julius  Caesar,  and,  consequently,  the 
Macedonian  months,  Dius,  Peritius,  Artemisius, 
and  Lous  made  to  begin  at,  or  near,  Sept.  24, 
Dec.  25,  March  25,  June  24  respectively.  But 
the  names  and  sequence  of  these  months  are  not  j 
everywhere  Macedonian,  neither  are  the  epochs 
the  same.  The  requisite  information  on  these 
points,  laboriously  gathered  in  by  Ussher  {de 
Macedonum  et  Asianorum  anno  Solari  Dissertat., 
apD.  to  his  Annal.  V.  et  N.  Test.),  and  by  Noris 
(de  Anno  et  Epochis  Syromacedonum  ;  0pp.  t.  ii. 
1  sqq.),  confirmed  by  two  'HixepoKoyiai  5ia(p6po3i' 
wSKeaiv,  since  brought  to  light,  will  be  found 
in  Ideler  (Handbuch,  i.  393  sqq.). 

The  Macedonian  names  of  the  months,  when  a 
solar  year  was  adopted,  run  as  below  in  the 
Ephesian  arrangement ;  the  "  Asian  "  names — 
i.  e.  those  used  in  proconsular  Asia — are  different, 
though,  as  will  be  seen,  the  arrangement  of  the 
year  is  very  nearly  the  same. 


MONTH 


1315 


Asian. 

Ephesian. 

Epoch. 

Days. 

Caesarius    . . 

Dius     ..     . 

.      24  Sept. 

..       30 

Tiberius     . . 

Apellaeus  . 

.       24  Oct. 

..       31 

Apaturius  .. 

Audinaeus  . 

.       24  Kov. 

..       31 

Posideon     . . 

Peritius 

.       25  Dec. 

..       30 

Lenaeus      . . 

Dystrus      . 

.       24  Jan. 

..       29 

Hierosebastus 

Xanthicus  . 

.       22  Feb. 

..       30 

Artemisius 

Artemisius 

24  Mar. 

..       31 

Evangelius 

Daesius       . 

.       24  Apr. 

..       30 

Stratonicus.. 

Panemus    . 

.       24  May 

..       31 

Hecatombeon 

Lous    ..     . 

24  June 

..       31 

Antaeus     . . 

Gorpiaeus  . 

.      25  July 

r      30 

l[As.  31] 

Laodicius    . . 

rHyperbere- 
l    tueus 

^  24  [Asian 
i         Aug. 

25]/       31 
I  [As.  30] 

In  bissextile,  Lenaeus  has  30  days  in  the  Asian 
calendar,  Dystrus  30  days  in  the  Ephesian. 
(Browne,  Ordo  Saedorum,  §  402,  p.  463.) 

We  give  here  a  few  month-dates,  some  with 
concurrent  week-days.  The  martyrdom  of  St. 
Polycarp  (lf«ri.  Polyc.  c.  21,  in  Patr.  Apost.; 
Hefele,  p.  220,  eJ.  1842 ;  comp.  Euseb.  H.  E. 
iv.  15)  gives  as  the  date  of  the  martyrdom 
2  Xanthicus  =  vii.  Kal.  Mart,  (but  Yet.  Lat.  vii. 
Kal.  Mart.),  ca^fidrco  fXiydKoj — a  statement 
beset  with  difficulties,  discussed  by  Ussher,  mj 
I. ;  Vales,  in.  I.  Eus. ;  Noris,  u.  s. ;  Pagi,  a.  167  ; 
Ideler,  i.  419  ;  Ordo  Saedorum,  §  417  ;  Clinton, 
Fasti  Earn.  a.  166.  The  like  difficulties  attach 
to  the  date  given  in  the  3fart.  S.  Pionii,  c.  2 
(Ruinart,  Ada  Mart.  p.  140),  where  the  Natale 
of  St.  Polycarp  is  also  placed  oa  the  "  Great  Sab- 
bath," and  this  is  said  to  have  fallen  in  the  year 
251,  on  iv.  id.  Mart,  the  second  day  of  the  seventh 
Asian  month  {Ordo  Sued.  §  478).  The  latter 
dale  belongs  to  a  generalised  calendar,  in  which 
the  months  are  numbered,  not  named.  In  this 
the  first  month  corresponds  to  Dius,  and  there- 
fore the  seventh  to  Artemisius.  It  continued  in 
use  long  afterwards — as  may  be  seen  in  a  pas- 
chal discourse  included  among  the  Spuria  Opp. 
St.  Chrysost.  t.viii.  284  (a.d.  672-5,  e.xplained  by 
Ussher).  In  Eusebius,  de  Martyr.  Palacst.  app. 
to  //.  E.  viii.,  are  nine  double  dates,  some  with 
concurrent  week-days ;  these,  also  attended  with 
difficulties,  are  discussed  in  Ordo  Saed.  §  479. 
Here  the  calendar  is  that  rwv  '^W-qvwv,  fjroi 
'Xvfiuiv,  in  which  the  Macedonian  months  are  ab- 
solutely identical  with  the  Julian: 

CURIST.   ANT. — VOL.    II. 


7  Daesius,      vii  id.  Jun.  [=    7  June]    rifidpa    TeTpaSi, 
o-aji^aTOv. 
24  Dystrus,  ix  kal.  Apr.  [=  24  Mar.] 

2  Xantliicus,  iv.  non  Apr.  [=  2  Apr.]  rjfLepa  Trapao-xcv^s. 
20  Dius,  xil  kal.  Dec.  [=  20  Nov.]  Trpoaa^pdrov  rjiiepa. 

2  Xanthicus,  U.  S.  iv  aviyj  icvptajcjj  7jp.dpq, 

This  mode  of  reckoning  is  of  frequent  oc- 
currence, especially  in  connexion  with  the  Era 
of  the  Seleucidae.  Thus,  in  the  heading  of  the 
acts  of  the  Council  of  Nice  stands  "  year  636 
from  Alexander  [=Ae.  Sel.'],  in  the  month 
Daesius,  19th  day,  the  xiii.  Kal.  Jul."  [i.  e.  19th 
June,  A.D.  325].  Evagrius,  the  ecclesiastical 
historian,  uses  it,  as  does  John  Malala,  historian 
of  Antioch,  and  also  the  Paschal  Chronicle ;  and, 
as  may  be  seen  in  Assemani  (Bibl.  Orient.),  it 
constantly  occurs  in  dated  epigraphs  to  Sy- 
riac  MSS.  In  Epiphanius  {Haer.  li.  24;  p. 
446  Petav.),  we  have  an  accumulation  of  cor- 
respondences. Christ,  he  saj's,  was  born  6th 
.Tan.,  which  is  6  Maemakterion  of  Athenians 
(Ideler,  i.  361),  6  Audynaeus  "of  the  Greeks, 
i.e.  Syrians,"  11  Tybi  of  the  Egyptians  (  =  Alex- 
andrians), 14  Julus  of  the  Paphians,  5  of  the 
5th  month  of  the  Salaminians,  13  Atarta  of 
Cappadocians,  The  Lord's  baptism  he  dates 
8th  November,  which  is  7  Metageitnion  of 
Athenians  (Ideler,  u.  s.),  8  Dius  "of  Greeks, 
i.e.  Syrians,"  16  Apellaeus  of  Macedonians,  12 
Athyr  of  Egyptians  (Alexandrians),  16  Apo- 
gonieus  of  Paphians,  6  Choeak  of  Salaminians,  15 
Aratata  of  Cappadocians. 

The  fixed  Alexandrian  year — twelve  months 
of  thirty  days  each,  with  the  five  epagomenae  at 
the  year's  end  (24-28  Aug.),  and  a  sixth  at  the 
end  of  each  fourth  year,  so  arranged  that  the 
year  always  began  (1  Thoth)  on  29th  .\ugust — 
stood  its  ground  against  the  Julianized  Syro- 
Macedonian  year,  and  is  still  retained  by  Copts, 
Abyssiuians,  and  (some)  Armenians.  This  calen- 
dar runs  as  follows : 


1  Thoth          =  29  Aug. 

1  Pharmuthi   =  27  Mar. 

1  Phaophi      =  28  Sept. 

1  Paihon         =:  26  Apr. 
1  Pay  111            =  26  May. 

1  Athyr          =  28  Oct. 

1  Choeak        =  27  Nov. 

1  Epiphl         =  25  June. 

1  Tybi           =  27  Dec. 

1  Mesori          =  25  July. 

1  Mechir        =  26  Jan. 

1  Epagomenae=  24  Aug. 

1  Phainenoth=  25  Feb. 

{Ordo  Saecl.  }  401,  p.  460.) 

Of  this  form,  in  earlier  times,  were  variously 
modified  the  calendar  of  the  Arabians  (Bostra?), 
Gaza,  Ascalon,  Cappadocia,  Salamis  (in  Cyprus). 
For  the  discussion  of  these  matters  it  must  suffice 
here  to  refer  to  Ideler's  Handbuch  u.  s.  and  his 
authorities. 

This  multiplicity  of  month-reckonings  was 
felt,  the  more  the  Roman  world  was  Chris- 
tianized, to  be  incompatible  with  the  require- 
ments of  the  church  ;  and,  before  the  close  of 
our  period,  with  the  exception  of  Copts, 
Aethiopians  (Abyssinians),  and  (partially)  Ar- 
menians, whose  year  is  still  of  the  Alexandrine 
form,  all  the  churches  had  accepted  the  Julian 
method  (with  or  without  the  Roman  names), 
according  to  which  January,  March,  Jlay,  July, 
August,  October,  December  have  each  31  day.s, 
February  28,  in  leap  year  29,  and  each  of  the 
remaining  four  months,  30  days.  The  estab- 
lished Roman  notation  by  calends,  nones  and 
ides,  inconvenient  and  absurd  as  it  seems  to  us, 
was  long  retained — so  long,  in  fact,  as  Latin 
continued  to  be  the  only  written  language  in  the 
West.  Attempts,  indeed,  were  made  to  intro- 
4Q 


1316 


MONULPHUS 


duce  the  regular  numerical  count  of  month-days, 
as  by  Gregory  the  Great  at  the  close  of  the 
Gth  century.  Of  earlier  times,  there  is  a  frag- 
ment of  a  Gothic  calendar  (4th  century)  in 
which  the  month-days  are  numbered  (Jlai, 
Script.  Vet.  Nov.  Collect,  v.  i.  QQ).  la  the  By- 
zantine church,  the  numerical  way  of  dating 
began  to  be  used  in  the  7th  century.  It  ap- 
pears, together  with  the  old  way,  in  the  Paschal 
Chronicle  ;  but  in  the  same  century  the  em- 
peror Heraclius,  in  a  chronological  writing  of 
his,  keeps  to  the  old  method,  which  continues  to 
be  used  in  numerous  TratrxaA'a  of  later  times; 
Georgius  Syncellus  (end  of  8th  century)  employs 
only  the  new  reckoning.  [H.  B.]  ^ 

MONULPHUS,  bishop  of  Utrecht  in  the  6th 
century;  commemorated  July  16  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
July,  iv.  152).  [C.  H.] 

MOON.  The  moon  does  not  appear  in 
Aringhi's  '  Index  of  Christian  Symbols,'  nor  does 
the  present  writer  know  of  her  being  used  as  a 
Christian  emblem  until  the  6th  century,  when 
the  crucifixion  began  to  be  a  common  subject  of 
representation,  and  the  sun  and  moon  of  course 
formed  a  part  of  it.  [See  Crucifix.]  The  latter 
appears  as  a  crescent  or  female  figure,  or  as 
either,  holding  or  containing  the  other,  or  as  a 
face.  In  the  crucifixion  of  the  Laurentian  WS. 
she  is  a  crescent  within  a  round  disk,  and  there 
is  a  very  singular  picture  in  tab.  v.  of  that  MS. 
(Assemani  Catalog.  Bibl.  Medic.')  of  a  partial 
and  total  eclipse  of  the  sun,  which  seems  to  re- 
present the  moon  as  a  white  disk  and  face,  and 
also  as  a  black  disk  marked  with  the  crescent. 
See  the  crosses  and  ivory  plaque,  Mozzoni,  sec.  8. 
The  associations  of  Asiatic  and  Egyptian  paganry 
may  easily  account  for  the  omission  of  the  moon 
from  Chi-istian  art  for  the  first  three  or  four  cen- 
turies. The  Mithraic  worships  prevalent  in  Rome 
in  the  earlier  centuries  must  have  included  the 
moon  as  well  as  the  sun.  See  the  Abb(5  Auber's 
Symholisme  Beligieux,  vol.  i.  p.  169.  Even  in 
the  many  arabesques  of  vaultings  in  Bosio's 
plates,  the  writer  :an  find  no  use  of  the  disk 
or  the  crescent  as  ornament,  though  in  the 
earlier  basilicas  and  memorial  churches,  where 
roofs  were  sown  with  stars  (as  notably  in  the 
chapel  of  Galla  Placidia  at  Ravenna),  the  moon 
may  also  have  occurred.  The  great  Apocalyptic 
mosaics  would  allow  the  presence  of  the  sun  and 
moon  in  the  Lord's  hand ;  as  also  some  Old- 
Testament  subjects,  as  the  oth-centurj'  mosaic  of 
Joshua  in  Sta.  Maria  Maggiore  at  Rome,  the 
Vienna  Greek  MS.  of  Genesis  (4th  or  5th  cen- 
tury) in  a  dream  of  Joseph  (D'Agincourt,  pi. 
xix.,  and  compare  Vatican  Virgil,  pi.  xx.).  But 
they  seem  to  have  been  held  in  earlier  times  to 
be  a  part  of  the  idolatrous  symbolism  against 
which  TertuUian  protested  so  decidedly  in  his 
treatise  '  De  Idololatria  ';  and  to  have  been  neces- 
sarily banished  from  the  Christian  Church 
wherever  there  was  danger  of  confounding 
pagan  rites  with  her  own.  The  moon  does  not 
occur  in  Garrucci's  or  Buonarotti's  Veiri.  The 
classical  enthusiasm  of  the  Carlovingian  period, 
both  English  and  Frank,  seems  to  have  accepted 

•>  Thla  article  had  not  the  advantage  of  Mr.  Browne's 
final  revision,  liaving  been  left  in  MS.  at  his  deaih.— 
[Edd.] 


MOON 

solar  and  lunar  imagery  with  equal  readiness, 
both  being  now  fully  allowed  in  the  cruci- 
fixions and  Apocalyptic  pictures.  The  former 
Saxon  worship  of  sun  and  moon  seems  to  have 
haunted  the  minds  of  northern  Christianity  very 
little,  and  the  symbols  of  both  seem  to  have  been 
so  freely  used  in  crucifixions  as  to  be  considered 
safe  anywhere.  Sometimes  personifications 
occur,  such  as  those  in  the  Cottonian  Aratus 
(^B.  Mus.  Tiberius,  B.  5  ;  Westwood,  Anglo-Saxon 
and  Irish  MSS.  pi.  48).  There  is  a  very  inte- 
resting miniature  of  chariots  of  the  sun  and 
moon  in  Count  Vivian's  Bible,  middle  9th 
century  (Bastard,  Peintures  des  Manuscrits,  vol. 
ii ;  see  woodcut),  and  a  Franco-Saxon  JIS.  in 
the  same  volume  contains  a  crucifixion  with  a 
crescented  Diana's  head,  as  moon,  on  a  medallion. 


From  the  Bible  of  Count  Vivian. 

It  seems  impossible,  to  connect  Egyptian  luunr 
symbolisms  of  the  horned  Isis  with  any  Christian 
emblem.  But  a  twofold  allegory  was  con- 
nected with  the  idea  of  the  moon  from  the 
days  of  Augustine  at  least.  He  speaks  of  her 
as  representing  the  church  (Enarr.  in  Ps.  x.). 
"  Luna  in  allegoria  significat  ecclesiam,  quod 
ex  parte  spiritali  lucet  ecclesia,  ex  parte  autem 
carnali  obscura  est.  Alii  dicunt  non  habere 
lunam  lumen  proprium,  sed  a  sole  illustrari. 
Ergo  luna  intelligitur  ecclesia,  quod  suum 
lumen  non  habeat,  sed  ab  Unigenito  Dei  Filio, 
qui  multis  locis  in  SS.  allegoriae  sol  appollatu> 
est,  illustratur."  One  of  the  latest  and  most 
beautiful  repetitions  or  echoes  of  this  idea  is 
the  well-known  passage  in  the  '  Christian  Year,' 
beginning  "The  moon  above,  the  church  below." 

The  presence  of  the  sun  and  moon  in  cruci- 
fixions may  be  accounted  for  as  representing  the 
darkness  which  prevailed  at  the  Lord's  death  ; 
but  it  seems  that  it  gave  occasion  in  later  days 
to  the  idea  of  the  moon's  representing  the 
synagogue,  or  Hebrew  church.  St.  Gregory  the 
Great  takes  her  to  represent  the  frailty  and 
decay  of  the  flesh  (Li  Evang.  S.  Lucae,  Jloin.  2.) 

The  Turkish  use  of  the  crescent  after  14G3 
was  the  adoption  of  the  ancient  symbol  of  the 
city  of  Byzantium,  which  was  probably  more 
welcome  to  them  as  unconnected  with  any 
Christian  association.  It  is  found  on  Byzantine 
coins  (]\Iionnct,  Dcscr.  des  Me'daiUes,  vol.  i.  p. 
378),  and  dates  from  a  repulse  given  to  Philip  of 


MOON 

Jlacedon,  about  B.C.  340,  when  a  mysterious 
li-ht,  attributed  to  Hecate,  warned  the  city  of  a 
ui""-ht  attacli.  (See  von  Hammer,  Gesch.  der 
vlnan.  vol.  i.  p.  93.)  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

MOON,  SUPERSTITIUOS  OBSERV- 
ANCE OF.  The  practice  of  blowing  horns, 
siiouting,  and  so  on,  during  eclipses  of  the  moon, 
to  defend  those  doing  it  from  witchcraft,  was 
well-known  to  the  nations  of  antiquity.  Juvenal 
{Satir.  vi.  442)  refers  to  it : 

"  Jam  nemo  tubas,  nemo  aera  fatiget : 
Una  laboranti  poterit  subcurrere  Umae." 

Jt  was  an  old  custom  therefore,  which  lingered 
on  long  after  the  introduction  of  Christianity, 
•lud  was  reprehended  by  more  than  one  of  the 
fathers.  A  sermon  attributed  to  St.  Augustine 
(Senn.  215,  De  Tempore)  details,  in  order  to 
<lonounce  and  forbid,  this  among  other  super- 
^titious  practices.  Ducange  quotes  a  MS. 
I'ljenitential,  which  says :  "  Si  observasti  tradi- 
tiones  paganorum,  quas  quasi  haereditario  jure, 
vliabolo  subministrante  usque  in  hos  dies 
patres  filiis  reliquerunt,  id  est,  ut  elementa, 
colores,  lunam,  solem,  aut  stellarum  cursum, 
novam  lunam,  aut  defectum  lunae,  ut  tuis 
clamoribus  aut  auxilio  splendorem  ejus  re- 
^taurare,  valeres,"  etc.  And  in  a  Life  of  St. 
Eligius  (c.  15)  we  find:  "  Nullus  si  quando 
luna  obscuratur,  vociferare  praesumat,  quia 
Deo  jubente  certis  temporibus  obscuratur." 
The  practice  seems,  indeed,  to  have  been  com- 
mon to  all  savage  nations,  and  not  to  have  died 
out  in  Europe  up  to  the  ninth  century.  [Compare 
New  JIoox.]  [S.  J.  E.] 

MOPSUESTIA,  COUNCIL  OF  {Mop- 
suestenum  Concilium),  held  by  order  <)f  the 
emperor  Justinian,  A.D.  550,  to  make  enquiry 
whether  the  name  of  Theodore,  formerly  bishop 
of  ;Mopsuestia,  whose  writings  were  comprised 
in  the  celebrated  three  chapters  afterwards  con- 
demned by  the  fifth  council,  had  ever  been  on 
the  sacred  diptychs  or  not.  Its  acts  arc  pre- 
served in  the  fifth  session  of  that  council. 
(Mansi,  ix.  150  and  274-17.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

MORGENGABE  (German).  A  gift  by  a 
husband  to  his  wife  on  the  day  after  marriage. 
Gregory  of  Tours  {Hist.  Franc,  ix.  20)  says  of 
it,  "  tarn  in  dote,  quam  in  morgengabe,  hoc  est, 
inatutinali  dono,  certum  est  adaequasse  "  (Macri 
Hicrolex.  s.  v.).  [C] 

MORLAIX,COUNCIL  OF  (^Marlacense  Con- 
cilium), held  at  Morlaix  in  the  diocese  of  Toul,  or 
Marie,  near  Paris,  A.D.  677,  under  king  Theo- 
<loric,  whose  ordinance  relating  to  it  is  extant ; 
when  Chramlin,  bishop  of  Embrun,  was  deposed, 
,nnd  at  which  Mansi  thinks  St.  Leodegar  or  Leger 
exhibited  his  last  will  and  testament  (xi.  163 
and  171).  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

MORNING  PRAYER.  [Hours  of 
Prayer  ;  Office,  the  Divine.] 

MORTAL  AND  VENIAL  SINS.  The 
lirst  among  the  early  Christian  writers  who 
makes  such  a  distinction  is  Tertullian.  He  ranks 
among  capital  sins — idolatry,  blasphemy,  mur- 
i  der,  adultery,  violation,  false  witness,  fraud, 
[  which  seven  he  fancifully  connects  with  the 
sevenfold  dipping  in  the   river  Jordan:   "  Sep- 


MORTAL  AND  VENIAL  SINS      1317 

torn  maculis  capitalium  delictorum  inhorrerent, 
idololatria,  blasphemia,  homicidio,  adulterio, 
stupro,  falso  testimonio,  fraude  "  {Adv.  Marcion. 
lib.  iv.  cap.  9).  Similarly,  in  De  Idololatria, 
cap.  1.  And  in  De  Patientia,  cap.  5,  after  a 
similar  list,  he  adds  :  "  Haec  ut  principalia  penes 
Dominum  delicta."  (This  word  delicta  is,  ap- 
parently, with  him,  a  general  term  for  offences, 
and  dependent  on  the  particular  appellative  ad- 
joined to  it  for  the  degree  of  gravity  to  be  at- 
tached to  its  meaning.  In  St.  Augustine  and  later 
writers,  on  the  contrary,  it  is  used  by  itself  foi- 
grave  crimes.  See  Pamelius's  comment  on  this 
passage,  p.  147,  n.  40.)  In  the  same  manner  he 
ranks  among  the  number  of  daily  or  little  sins 
anger,  evil  speaking,  a  blow  struck,  a  vain 
oath,  a  failure  to  fulfil  a  promise,  a  lie  caused 
by  shame  or  necessity :  "  Quod  sint  quaedam  de- 
licta quotidianae  incursionis,  quibus  omnes  simus 
objecti.  Cui  enim  non  accidit,  aut  irasci  inique, 
et  ultra  solis  occasum,  aut  et  manum  immittere, 
aut  facile  maledicere,  aut  temere  jurare,  aut 
fidem  jiacti  destruere,  aut  verecundia  aut  neces- 
sitate mentiri?  In  negotiis,  in  officiis,  in 
quaestu,  in  victu,  in  visu,  in  auditu,  quanta 
tentamur,  ut  si  nulla  sit  venia  istorum,  nemini 
salus  competat.  Sunt  autem  et  contraria  istis, 
ut  graviora  et  exitiosa,  quae  veniam  non  capiant, 
homicidium,  idololatria,  fraus,  negatio,  blas- 
phemia, utique  et  moechia  et  fornicatio,  et  si 
qua  alia  violatio  templi  Dei"  {De  Pudicit.  c. 
19).  And  he  draws  the  distinction  sharply  be- 
tween the  great  and  the  small  in  cap.  18, 
"  quae  aut  levioribus  delictis  veniam  ab  epi- 
scopo  consequi  poterit,  aut  majoribus  et  irre- 
missibilibus  a  Uco  solo."  As  to  penance  there 
was  a  milder  party  and  a  more  rigid  ;  the  latter 
maintaining  that  no  "  locus  poenitentiae  "  should 
be  allowed  to  certam  classes  of  offenders  ;  and 
this  difierence  of  opmion  was  one  of  the  causes  of 
the  Novatian  and  other  schisms.  [Penitence.] 
St.  Cyprian  calls  adultery,  fraud,  murder, 
mortal  crimes  ("  adulterium,  fraus,  homicidium, 
mortale  crimen  est ")  (Ih  Bono  Paticntiae,  c.  5). 
Origen  declares  that  r,here  are  mortal  sins 
which  are  not  in  the  rank  of  great  sins  {Horn. 
XV.  in  Levit.) ;  but  there  is  a  doubt  whether  the 
passage  should  be  read  culpa  mortalis  or  moralis. 
In  his  sixth  conmientary  on  St.  Matthew,  he 
mentions  evil  speaking,  lying,  idle  words,  in- 
temperance, as  slighter  sins,  and  such  as  murder 
and  adultery  as  greater. 

St.  Augustine  distinguishes  more  accurately 
three  classes  of  sins:  "There  are  some  sins  so 
great  that  they  are  to  be  punished  with  excom- 
munication; there  are  others  for  which  this 
remedy  is  not  necessary,  but  they  may  be 
healed  by  the  medicines  of  chastisements  ;  and, 
lastly,  there  are  some  which  are  very  light, 
from  which  no  man  is  free  in  this  life,  for  which 
we  have  left  us  a  daily  cure  in  that  prayer, 
Forgive  us  our  trespasses,"  etc. — "nisi  essent 
quaedam  ita  gravia,  ut  etiam  excommunications 
plectenda  sint,  non  diceret  apostolus;  congre- 
gatis  vobis  et  meo  spiritu,  tradere  ejusmodi 
hominem  Satanae,  etc.  Item  nisi  essent  quae- 
dam non  ea  humilitate  poenitentiae  sananda, 
quales  in  ecclesia  datur  eis  qui  propric  poeni- 
tentes  vocantur,  sed  quibusdam  correptionum 
medicamentis,  non  diceret  ipse  Dominus,  Cor- 
ripe  inter  te  et  ipsum  solum,  etc.  Postremo, 
nisi  essent  quaedam,  sine  qui'ous  haec  vita  non 
4Q2 


1318    MORTAL  AND  VENIAL  SINS 

agitur,  non  quotidianam  medelam  poneret  in 
oratione  quam  docuit,  ut  dicamus,  Dimitte 
nobis  debita  nostra  "  (^De  Fide  et  OpeHbus,  cap. 
26).  Many  other  passages  might  be  quoted 
from  this  father,  and  all  to  the  same  efleot.  To 
the  above  may  be  added  that  St.  Gregory 
(Moral,  lib.  xii.  c.  9)  distinguishes  between 
peccatum  and  crimen,  as  does  St.  Augustine, 
making  the  first  to  mean  such  sins  as  are  for- 
given daily,  upon  repentance  and  prayer  ;  and 
the  second  to  mean  flagrant  crimes,  to  be 
punished  by  public  penance.  The  general  con- 
clusions to  be  drawn  from  these  and  other  de- 
clarations may  be  stated  thus : 

That  all  sins  were  deadly  to  the  soul :  not  merely 
those  called  great,  mortal,  capital,  or  deadly  sins, 
but  also  those  known  as  small,  light,  or  venial. 
These  St.  Augustine,  in  the  treatise  last  quoted, 
goes  on  to  say,  destroy  the  soul  by  reason  of 
their  number.  They-  are  like  the  small  drops 
which  fill  a  river,  or  the  grains  of  sand  which, 
although  they  are  small  individually,  will 
oppress  and  weigh  us  down ;  or  as  the  bilge  of  a 
ship  which,  if  neglected,  will  swamp  the  vessel 
as  surely  as  the  greatest  wave,  "  by  long  entering 
and  never  being  drained." 

That  it  was  not  all  mortal  or  deadly  sins,  but 
only  sins  of  a  public  and  heinous  nature,  which 
gave  public  scandal,  that  were  put  to  public 
penance  for  a  longer  or  shorter  time.  St. 
Gregory  Nyssen,  in  his  Letter  to  Letoius,  gives 
a  list  of  such  publicly  punished  sins,  among 
which  he  mentions  idolatry,  Judaism,  Mani- 
chaeism  and  heresy,  magic,  witchcraft,  and  di- 
vination ;  adultery  and  fornication ;  public  and 
violent  robbery,  and  murder.  All  these  might 
be  put  to  penance  of  various  degrees,  and  then 
the  offender  might  be  re-admitted  ;  but  it  would 
seem  that  penance  was  permitted  only  once, 
and  that  there  were  a  multitude  of  other  sins 
for  which  public  penance  was  not  imposed, 
•which  were,  nevertheless,  entirely  distinguished 
from  venial  or  less  grave  offences. 

Idolatry  was  considered,  in  the  early  church, 
the  greatest  of  all  sins.  A  letter  found  among 
the  works  of  St.  Cyprian,  and  purporting  to  be 
from  the  clergy  of  Rome  to  him,  calls  it  "  grande 
delictum.  Ingens  et  supra  omnia  peccatum  " 
(Ep.  31);  and  Cyprian,  in  a  letter  to  his  own 
clergy,  agrees  that  it  is  "  summum  delictum  " — 
the  sin  against  the  Holy  Ghost,  which  he  who 
commits  "  non  habebit  remissam,  sed  reus  est 
aeterni  peccati  "  {Ep.  10).  But  here  he  is 
speaking  of  apostates. 

The  councils  do  not,  apparently,  treat  of  this 
distinction  specifically.  There  are  many  pro- 
visions as  to  the  degree  of  penance  for  particu- 
lar offences,  but  no  attempt  at  a  general  classi- 
fication. But  yet  they  recognized  this  dis- 
tinction between  classes  of  sins,  which,  indeed, 
■was  one  that  could  not  be  overlooked.  The 
Council  of  Agde  (a.d.  506)  forbade  the  excom- 
munication of  persons  for  slight  causes  (can. 
3).  Similarly,  the  fifth  council  of  Orleans, 
c.  2  (A.D.  549),  has  a  provision  that  no  per- 
son of  right  faith  should  be  cut  off  from  com- 
munion for  slight  causes,  but  only  for  those 
offences  deemed  worthy  of  excommunication  by 
the  fathers  [EXCOMMUNICATION;  Penitence]. 
Bingham  refers  to  a  similar  provision  made  by 
the  Council  of  Clermont  in  its  second  canon,  but 
this  is,  apparently,  an  error.  [S.  J.  E.] 


MORTIFICATION 

MORTIFICATION  {mortificatio,  v^Kpoicns). 
Under  this  head  it  is  intended  to  give  some 
account  of  the  practices  adopted  at  various  times 
by  Christians,  to  "  mortify  "  or  deaden  "  their 
members  which  are  upon  the  earth."  A  general 
account  of  the  progress  of  ascetic  ideas  has 
already  been  given  under  AsCETiCiSii. 

I.  Mortification  in  regard  to  Bathing, 
Clothes,  Shelter,  Rest,  and  Food. — To  cast 
ashes  upon  the  head,  to  abstain  from  bathing 
and  even  from  washing,  to  lie  on  the  bare  ground, 
to  wear  dirty  and  ragged  clothing — all  these  were 
methods  of  mortification  practised  by  various 
ascetics.  Jerome,  for  instance  (Epist.  77  ad 
Ocean,  c.  4),  describes  the  dishevelled  hair,  the 
sallow  face,  the  dirty  hands,  the  unclean  neck, 
of  Fabiola  performing  her  penance  ;  of  himself 
he  says  (Epist.  22  ad  Eustoch.  c.  7)  that  his  limbs 
were  scarred  and  rough  with  the  use  of  sack- 
cloth, while  his  unwashed  skin  was  black  as 
that  of  an  Ethiopian ;  and  again  {Epist.  14  ad 
Heliod.  c.  10)  he  asks,  what  need  there  can  be 
for  one  who  is  washed  in  Christ  ever  to  wash 
again  ?  Palladius  {Lausiaca,  cc.  142,  143)  relates 
of  the  anchoret  Sylvania,  that  for  sixty  years 
she  never  washed,  except  her  hands  for  the  re- 
ception of  the  Eucharist.  Even  at  a  much  earlier 
period,  Hegesippus  relates  of  St.  James  the  Just 
'in  Euseb.  H.  E.  ii.  23)  that  he  neither  anointed 
himself  with  oil  nor  used  the  bath.  Several  of 
the  early  rules  of  nuns,  as  those  of  Augustine 
(c.  12),  Caesarius  (c.  29),  Leandcr  (c.  10),  dis- 
courage the  use  of  the  bath,  as  an  indulgence 
only  to  be  granted  to  sick  persons.  Jerome 
refers  (Epist.  77,  c.  2)  to  Fabiola's  deliberate 
preference  of  the  poorest  and  meanest  clothes  to 
robes  of  silk,  and  (Epist.  54  ad  Furiam,  c.  7) 
deliberately  lays  down  the  principle,  that 
the  fouler  a  penitent  is,  the  fairer  is  he  — 
"poenitens  quo  faedior,  eo  pulchrior."  Some 
ascetics  allowed  the  hair  to  grow  unkempt  and 
uncared  for  ;  on  the  other  hand,  the  cutting  off 
the  hair  of  the  head  was  practised  as  an  ascetic 
disfigurement,  a  very  wide-spread  custom,  as  au 
indication  of  mourning  [Hair,  Wearing  of, 
p.  755  ;  Tonsure].  It  was  naturally  a  special 
mortification  for  women ;  in  the  4th  century 
(a.d.  370)  the  Council  of  Gangra  (c.  17)  anathe- 
matizes women  who  cut  oft  their  hair  from 
mistaken  asceticism.  At  about  the  same  period 
Jerome  {Epist.  147  ad  Sabinianum)  testifies  that 
virgins  or  widows  on  entering  a  nunnery  offered 
their  hair  to  be  cut  off  by  the  superior.  Optatus 
of  Mileve  {de  Schism.  Donat.  i.  6)  and  Ambrose 
{ad  Virg.  Lapsam,  c.  8)  blame  the  custom,  which 
evidently  existed  in  the  Western  as  well  as  the 
Eastern  churches,  of  nuns  cutting  their  hair  on 
entrance  into  a  convent.  In  the  capitularies  of 
Charles  the  Great  (vii.  c.  310)  the  cutting  off 
the  hair  is  only  prescribed  for  penitents.  Some- 
what different  from  the  purely  ascetic  view  is 
the  cutting  off  her  hair  by  a  woman  to  avoid  the 
love  of  a  particular  person  (Isidore  of  Pelusium, 
Epist.  ii.  53  ;  compare  Mabillon,  Acta  SS.  Bcned. 
ii.  592). 

The  early  Christian  Fathers  earnestly  protest, 
as  is  natural  and  right,  against  luxury  and 
ostentation  in  dress  ;  but  the  fury  of  asceticism 
sometimes  went  far  beyond  all  moderation. 
Some  fanatics  passed  their  lives  in  absolute 
nakedness,  like  that  hermit  of  the  Sketic  Desert, 
the  sight  of  whom  convinced  Macarius  that  he 


MORTIFICATION 

had  not  attained  the  highest  pitch  of  ascetic 
austerity  ;  the  Boo-koi  or  "  Grazers  "  were  pro- 
bably not  very  far  removed  from  this  state 
(Sozom.  H.E.  vi.  33  ;  Evagrius,  i.  21).  Sulpicius 
Severus  {Dial.  i.  17)  mentions  a  monk  of  Sinai 
■who  for  fifty  years  had  no  other  clothing  than 
his  own  hair ;  and  the  like  is  reported  of 
Onuphrius  and  Sophronius,  and  many  others.  In 
the  West  too,  similar  aberrations  are  recorded  ; 
the  famous  Spanish  monk  Fructuosus  (f  675), 
for  instance,  is  said  to  have  lived  for  a  long 
period  of  penance  in  a  cave,  like  a  wild  beast 
(T'lYa  S.  Fructuosi,  in  Acta  SS.  April  16;  ii. 
p.  432).  A  common  method  of  producing  dis- 
comfort was  wearing  next  the  skin  the  rough 
Haircloth,  of  which  sacks  were  commonly 
made.     [Sackcloth.] 

Going  barefoot  was  from  ancient  tiiiios  au 
ascetic  practice.     [Shoes.] 

Attempts  to  confine  sleep  and  necessary  rest 
within  the  narrowest  possible  limits  have  been 
made  so  long  as  ascetic  life  has  been  practised  at 
all.  Many  of  the  ancient  Egyptian  hermits 
.attempted  to  banish  sleep  for  long  periods,  either 
by  standing  in  prayer  or  by  various  kinds  of 
bodily  exertion.  M'acarius,  the  younger,  is  said 
to  have  succeeded  in  remaining  without  shelter 
and  without  sleep  for  twenty  da3's  and  nights 
^Palladii  Laus.  c.  20,  p.  722).  Dorotheus  the 
Theban  carried  stones  all  day  long  for  the  build- 
ing of  cells,  and  at  night  employed  himself  in 
making  ropes  of  palm-bark,  never  lying  down 
to  rest  (Laus.  c.  2).  The  "  adamantine  "  Origen 
attempted  to  banish  sleep  by  hard  study.  The 
jiionks  of  Tabennae,  under  the  rule  of  Pachomius 
{art.  50),  slept  in  a  kind  of  coffin,  so  arranged  that 
■they  were  unable  to  lie  down  at  full  length  ; 
■others,  mentioned  by  Cassian  (Collat.  i.  23 ; 
xviii.  1 ;  Instit.  iv.  13),  used  for  beds  only  mats 
.{inattae,  xpiadoi)  of  reeds  or  straw.  The  more 
rigorous  ascetics  lay  on  the  bare  ground  ;  thus 
Jerome  says  of  himscU  (Epist.  22,  ad  Eustoch. 
■c.  7),  that  when  sleep  crept  over  him  in  spite  of 
himself,  he  dashed  his  skeleton  frame  on  the 
ground ;  and  Paulinus  tells  us  of  St.  JIartin 
of  Tours  {Vita,  iv.  72)  that  the  bare  ground 
sufficed  for  his  light  slumbers.  Nor  were  the 
feebler  sex  wanting  in  such  austerities ;  Gregory 
of  Nazianzus  tells  us  (Oraf.  11  [al.  8],  c.  13)  how 
his  sister  Gorgonia  laid  her  tender  limbs  on  the 
ground ;  and  Jerome  glorifies  his  friend  Paula 
{^Epist.  108,  c.  15)  for  refusing  the  indulgence  of 
&  bed  even  in  severe  fever,  and  choosing  to  sleep 
•on  the  hard  earth,  with  sackcloth  spread  under 
lier.  Benedict  allowed  for  his  monks  {Ecgitla, 
c.  55)  a  mat,  a  blanket,  a  rug,  and  a  pillow 
.(matta,  sagum,  laena,  et  capitale);  they  were 
to  sleep  in  their  clothes  and  girdles  {Beg.  c.  22). 
Benedict's  rule  furnished  the  general  type  of 
monkish  bedding  for  many  generations.  In  all 
monasteries  sleep  was  abbreviated  by  the  neces- 
sity of  rising  for  the  offices  of  the  night  or  early 
unorning  [HouES  OF  Prayer;  Vigils]. 

The  custom  of  living  without  any  habitation 
whatever  began,  as  was  natural,  in  those  regions  of 
the  East,  where  for  the  greater  part  of  the  year  it  is 
possible  to  pass  the  night  in  the  open  air  without 
risk.  Theodoret  {Hist.  Eel.)  gives  many  examples 
of  hermits  of  Syria,  Palestine,  Arabia,  and  Meso- 
potamia, who  spent  their  lives  in  the  manner  of 
John  the  Baptist  in  the  wilderness.  Even 
sworaen  endured  this  rude  life,  as  Marana  and 


MORTIFICATION 


1319 


Cyra  (Theod.  H.  R.  c.  29),  and  the  probably 
fabulous  Mary  of  Egypt,  who  is  said  (Rosweyd's 
Vitae  Patrum,  i.  18,  p.  388)  to  have  passed  forty- 
seven  years  in  the  wilderness  to  the  east  of 
Jordan  without  the  shelter  of  a  roof  and  without 
intercourse  with  mankind.  Many  ascetics  exposed 
themselves  on  bare  rocks  or  peaks  of  mountains, 
or  on  pillars  built  for  the  purpose,  to  the  heat 
of  the  sun  and  to  al!  the  winds  of  Heaven. 
Pillar  saints  were  divided  into  (rrvKlrai  and 
Kiovlrai,  the  former  of  whom  lived  on  the  bare 
platform  which  formed  the  capital  of  the  pillar, 
while  the  latter  had  a  hut  constructed  for  slielter. 
Some  hermits  lived  on  trees  {Biv^piTai),  as 
Addas  of  iMesopotamia  (Moschus,  Fratum  Sjjirit. 
c.  70);  many  lived  in  caves  {crirrjXaicoTaL),  as  the 
Egyptian  monks  Elias,  Pityrion,  Solomon,  Doro- 
theus, Capito,  and  Elpidius  (Palladius,  Laus,  cc. 
51,  74,  96-99)  ;  some  submitted  to  be  walled  up 
in  their  narrow  dwellings  {xaffToi,  iyKKetcTToi, 
reclusi),  as  Salamanus  (Theod.  H.  B.  c.  19)  and 
Macarius  Romanus  {Vita,  c.  21,  in  Rosweyd 
Vitae  Putriim,  p.  230)  ;  the  latter  believed  that 
he  continued  at  least  three  years  in  this  con- 
dition, but  the  whole  narrative  shews  a  dis- 
ordered mind.  In  the  more  rigorous  climate  of 
Western  Europe  the  kind  of  exposure  which  is 
possible  in  Egypt  and  Palestine  was  soon  dis- 
covered to  be  destructive  to  life;  hence  in  this 
region  even  cave-dwellers  are  comparatively 
rare  ;  hermits  could  not  exist  without  some  kind 
of  shelter,  however  scanty.  Recluses  were,  how- 
ever, not  very  uncommon. 

Insufficient  or  distasteful  food  is  a  very 
common  form  of  mortification.  For  the  prin- 
cipal ecclesiastical  prescriptions  as  to  time  and 
manner  of  fasting,  see  Fasting,  Lent,  Stationes. 
With  regard  to  the  fasting  of  professed  ascetics, 
we  may  remark  that  a  much  greater  rigour  of 
abstinence  is  possible  in  the  milder  regions  of 
the  East  than  in  our  ruder  climate.  Several 
Eastern  ascetics  lived  wholly  on  uncooked  food, 
as  {e.g.)  Ammonius  {Hist.  Lausiaca,  c.  12,  p.  716  ; 
Apollo,  ib.  c.  52,  p.  742).  The  principal  founders 
of  Eastern  Monachism — Anthony,  Hilarion,  and 
Pachomius — wei-e  men  of  excessively  mortified 
life ;  the  latter  was  taught  by  his  master, 
Palaemon,  to  maintain  life  on  bread  and  salt 
alone,  without  oil  or  wine  ( Vita,  c.  6,  in 
Rosweyd,  p.  115);  but  they  did  not  seek  to 
compel  their  monks  to  emulate  their  own 
austerity.  Pachomius  forbade  his  monks  to 
use  wine  and  "  liquamen,"  but  he  allowed  them 
daily,  at  least,  one  meal  of  cooked  food,  with 
rations  of  bread,  that  they  might  be  able  to 
endure  their  labour  {Vita,  c.  22).  Flesh  meat 
was  in  no  case  included  in  the  viands — not  an 
insupportable  hardship  in  the  climate  of  Egypt ; 
the  bread  was  the  "  paximatium  "* — the  twice 
baked  bread  or  biscuit — which  Cassian  {Collat.  ii. 
19)  informs  us  was  the  usual  food  of  the 
Egyptian  hermits  of  his  time.  The  daily  allow- 
ance for  a  monk  was  (according  to  Cassian)  two 
cakes  of  this  bread,  weighing  together  about  a 
pound  troy.  On  fast  days  only  half  this  allow- 
ance was  issued.  In  Lent  we  read  of  some  of 
the  monks  of  Tabennae  fasting  for  two,  three, 
or  even  five  days  without  intermission.  The 
younger  Macarius  is  said  to  have  taken  no  more 
than  four  or  five  ounces  of  bread  daily  {Lausiaoa, 


See  Alteserrae  Asceticou,  v.  Ii. 


1320 


MORTIFICATION 


c.  20,  p.  72'2)  ;  Hilarion  to  have  lived  from  his 
thirty-first  to  his  thirty-fifth  year  on  a  daily 
allowance  of  about  six  ounces  of  barley  bread 
(Jerome,  Vita  JUL  c.  6) ;  Marcianus  of  Cyrus, 
on  the  Euphrates,  to  have  taken  no  other  food  in 
a  day  than  his  evening  meal  of  three  ounces  of 
bread  (Theodoret,  Hist.  Bel.  c.  3).  In  a  colder 
and  damper  climate  such  excessive  abstinence 
was,  of  course,  impracticable.  '•  We  are  Gauls," 
said  the  monks  of  St.  Martin  (Sulpic.  Severus, 
Dial.  i.  4,  §  6),  "  and  it  is  inhuman  to  compel  us 
to  live  like  angels."  Such  considerations  probably 
comijelled  Benedict,  in  drawing  up  his  statutes 
for  the  monastery  of  Monte  Cassino,  to  content 
himself  with  a  moderate  dietary;  the  scanty 
portion  of  bread  on  which  an  exceptional  person 
like  Macarius  subsisted  was  not  to  be  the  rule 
for  a  whole  community.  He  allowed  {Reg.  c.  39) 
a  pound  of  bread  for  each  man  per  day,  with  two 
different  "  made  dishes  "  (cocta  duo  pulmentaria), 
that  if  any  man  could  not  eat  the  one  he  might 
take  the  other.  When  fruit  or  fresh  pulse  was 
to  be  had,  a  third  course  of  these  might  be  added. 
In  case  of  unusually  hard  labour,  the  abbat 
might  order  a  more  generous  diet.  The  flesh  of 
four-footed  beasts  was  altogether  forbidden, 
except  for  the  sick  and  infirm  ;  fish  and  fowl 
were  allowed.  With  regard  to  wine,  Benedict 
believed  that  one  "  hemina " — about  half  an 
English  pint — of  wine  per  day  was  sufficient  for 
each  man ;  but,  though  he  allowed  this,  he 
evidently  preferred  total  abstinence  {Eeg.  c.  40). 
The  rule  of  St.  Benedict  became  the  standard  of 
Western  monachism,  which,  however,  constantly 
tended  to  fall  away  from  the  severity  of  its  first 
estate,  and  was  from  time  to  time  recalled  to  its 
old  rigour,  or  even  more  than  its  old  rigour,  by 
such  reformers  as  Benedict  of  Aniane. 

Abstinence  from  wine  was  commonly  practised 
by  ascetics.  Clement  of  Alexandria  {Strom,  vii. 
c.  6,  p.  850)  deprecates  the  use  of  wine  by  the 
Christian  sage,  and  he  does  also  that  of  flesh  ; 
abstinence  from  wine  is  one  of  the  practices 
which  Eusebius  (//.  E.  vi.  3,  §  12)  mentions  as 
having  injured  the  health  of  the  ascetic  Origen. 
Some  of  the  Gnostic  sects  abstained  altogether 
from  wine,  and  the  Encratites,  in  particular, 
thought  it  the  "  blood  of  the  evil  spirit." 

II.  Special  kinds  of  JIortification. — 1. 
Use  of  the  Cross.  Among  the  methods  of  morti- 
fication must  be  included  the  stamping  or 
impressing  crosses  on  the  flesh  in  a  painful 
manner,  the  expanding  the  arms  in  the  attitude 
of  one  crucified,  and  the  bearing  a  heavy  cross  of 
wood. 

The  first  of  these  may  perhaps  have  originated 
from  a  literal  interpretation  of  the  expression  of 
St.  Paul  (Gal.  vi.  17),  "  I  bear  in  my  body  the 
marks  {ariyixara)  of  the  Lord  Jesus."  St. 
Khadegund  (f  587),  to  take  one  instance,  to  give 
vividness  to  her  conception  of  the  Passion,  used 
to  lay  a  metal  cross,  heated  in  the  fire,  on 
various  parts  of  her  body  (Venant.  Fort.  Yitu, 
iii.  c.  21).  To  be  "crucified  with  Christ  "  has 
sometimes  been  attempted  by  rapt  enthusiasts  in 
the  most  literal  sense.  But  a  more  common  kind 
of  self-torture  was  that  of  standing  with  out- 
stretched arms,  in  the  attitude  of  one  crucified. 
This  was  practised  within  our  period,  both  as  a 
form  of  ordeal  (stare  vel  vadere  ad  crucem)  and 
as  a  part  of  monastic  discipline.  The  way  of 
applying  the  former,  seems  to  have    been  that 


MOETIFICATION 

accuser  and  accused  took  their  stand  in  the  cruci- 
form attitude,  and  the  one  who  first  dropped  his 
arms  was  adjudged  to  have  failed  to  prove  the 
charge  or  to  vindicate  his  innocence,  as  the  case 
might  be.  Thus,  in  a  matrimonial  case,  husband 
and  wife  were  ordered  "  exire  ad  crucem " 
(Capit.  Vermeri.  17  ;  Baluze,  Capilularia,i,  164). 
The  remaining  for  long  periods  with  the  arms 
expanded,  as  a  form  of  penance,  originally  a 
merely  monastic  practice,  was  introduced  in  the 
8th  century  by  the  rule  of  Chrodegang  into 
the  canonical  life.  St.  Lambert  (about  a.d.  700) 
is  said  to  have  nearly  lost  his  life  in  consequence 
of  having  been  compelled  to  stand  in  the  attitude 
of  one  crucified  against  a  stone  cross,  in  the 
court  of  his  monastery,  during  a  cold  winter's 
night  (  Vita  S.  Lamherti  in  Canisius,  Var.  Lectt. 
II.  i.  p.  140).  St.  Austreberta  is  related 
(  Vita,  §  15,  in  Acta  SS.  Feb.  10)  to  have  endured 
a  similar  penance.  More  particular  precepts  as 
to  this  matter  belong  to  a  later  age.  Cassian 
(t  c.  445)  mentions  (Collaf.  viii.  3)  certain 
Egyptian  ascetics  who  carried  about  with  them 
a  heavy  cross  of  wood  ;  a  practice  which,  he 
says,  occasioned  more  laughter  than  respect. 
The  practice  seems  to  have  become  more  commoa 
in  the  Middle  Ages. 

2.  The  practice  of  wearing  chains  or  rings  of 
iron,  which  has  existed  among  Brahmins  and 
Buddhists  from  a  high  antiquity,  is  found  also 
in  the  Christian  Church.  Gregory  of  Nazianzus 
{Carm.  47)  mentions  monks  who  labour  under 
never-ceasing  iron  fetters,  wearing  away  the  evil 
of  their  nature  as  their  flesh  is  worn  away. 
Epiphanius  {Exposilio  Fidei,  0pp.  i.  1106  d) 
blames  monks  who  went  about  in  public  with 
neck-rings  of  iron ;  and  Jerome  {E/nst.  22  ad 
Eustochium)  bids  his  friend  beware  of  those  who- 
went  about  barefoot,  laden  with  chains,  with  long 
hair  and  beard  and  dirty  black  mantle,  to  be 
seen  of  men.  The  hermit  Apollo  in  the  Thebaid 
wore  chains,  as  RuHnus  {Vitae Pair.  i.  7)  informs 
us ;  Theodoret  cannot  say  too  much  of  those 
chain-wearers,  whose  story  he  tells  in  the  Historia 
Eeligiosa.  The  well-known  Symeon  of  the  Pillar 
was  for  some  time  chained  to  the  rock  on  which 
he  lived  by  a  long  chain  fixed  to  his  foot ;  after- 
wards, on  his  pillar,  he  wore  for  thirty  years  a 
heavy  chain  hanging  from  his  neck ;  his  iron 
collar,  the  historian  Evagrius  {Hist.  Eccl.  c.  13) 
says  that  he  had  seen  with  his  own  eyes.  Many 
other  instances  of  men  wearing  heavy  chains  or 
rings  may  be  seen  in  Thoodoret's  Historia 
Eeligiosa.  See  also  the  accounts  of  the  Abbat 
Senoch  of  Tours,  in  Gregory  of  Tours  {Vitae 
Pair.  c.  15),  and  of  St.  Radegund  (  Vita,  iii.  c.  21). 
From  the  6th  century  onward  we  find  the- 
wearing  of  chains  and  the  like  prescribed  as  a 
penance.  Homicides  of  their  own  kindred  were 
sentenced  either  to  an  oppressive  weight  of  chains, 
or  to  wear  an  iron  band  round  the  body  made 
from  the  blade  of  the  sword  with  which  the 
homicide  was  committed.  This  punishment 
Gregory  of  Tours  {de  Gloria  Conf.  c.  87)  tells 
us  was  endured  by  a  fratricide,  who  also  bore 
heavy  chains.  Charlemagne  {C'apit.  Aquisgran. 
c.  77,  in  Baluze,  i.  239)  in  789  thought  it 
necessary  to  issue  a  caution  against  vagrants  who- 
went  about  in  irons  (nudi  cum  ferro)  which  they 
pretended  to  wear  for  penance  sake.  Unchaste 
priests  were  not  uncommonly  sentenced  to  wear 
rings  or  hoops  of  iron  round  their  arms  or  bodies. 


MORTMAIN 

3.  Bodily  Pain  and  Disfigurement.  The 
Yoluntary  self-wounding  of  the  Baal  priests  and 
other  pagan  hierophants  was  not  altogether 
unknown  in  the  Christian  Church,  though  it  had 
a  less  orgiastic  character.  Theophilus,  bishop 
of  Antioch,  in  his  Epistola  Synodica  to  the 
Lishops  of  Palestine  and  Cyprus  (Hieron.  0pp.  i. 
543,  ed.  Vallarsi),  reprobates  the  conduct  of 
some  who,  he  says,  mutilated  themselves  with 
the  knife,  thinking  that  they  shewed  religion 
and  humility  in  going  about  with  scarred  fore- 
head and  cropped  ears  ;  one  man  had  even  bitten 
oft  a  part  of  his  tongue,  to  reprove  the  timidity 
with  which  some  served  God.  Ammonius  the 
monk  cut  off  one  of  his  ears  and  threatened 
to  bite  out  his  tongue;  but  this  was  not 
from  ascetic  motives,  but  to  render  himself 
ineligible  for  the  office  of  bishop.  He  was,  how- 
ever, in  the  habit  of  burning  himself  with  a  red- 
hot  iron  from  pure  asceticism  (Pallad.  Hist. 
Lausiaca,  c.  12,  p.  716).  Another  Nitrianmonk, 
the  younger  Macarius,  is  said  to  have  exposed 
liis  naked  body  for  six  months  to  the  stings  of 
venomous  flies  to  atone  for  the  anger  and  im- 
patience with  which  he  had  once  crushed  a  fly 
that  stung  him  {Laus.  c.  20,  p.  722) ;  and 
Symeon,  the  pillar-saint,  to  have  allowed  vermin 
to  eat  into  his  bodv  for  a  considerable  time 
{Vita,  c.  7,  in  Eosw'eyd,  p.  172).  The  Greek 
Jlenologion  (Jan.  4)  relates  that  St.  Apollinaris  of 
Egypt  used  to  expose  herself  to  the  stings  of 
gnatsand  gadflies;  and  Johannes  Jloschus  (Pratuni 
Spirituale,  c.  141)  voluntarily  exposed  himself  to 
the  stings  of  the  countless  insects  of  the  hot 
Jordan  valley,  thinking  so  to  escape  the  never- 
dying  worm  and  the  flame  that  is  not  quenched. 
A  sister  of  the  famous  nunnery  of  St.  Bridget  at 
Kildare  is  said  to  have  burned  her  feet  over  a 
fire  which  she  had  secretly  lighted  in  her  cell 
{Vita  S.  Brigidae,  c.  11,  in  Surius,  Feb.  1).  Mar- 
tinianus  scorched  his  whole  body  in  the  flames 
of  a  fire  of  sticks,  with  a  view  of  counteracting 
unlawful  passion.  And  these  are  but  specimens 
taken  from  the  crowd  of  records  of  self-torture 
which  may  be  found  in  various  hagiologies. 
The  discipline  of  the  scourge  will  be  treated 
separately  [Whipping]. 

4.  Cold.  Ascetics  frequently  attempted  to 
cool  the  burning  passion  which  possessed  them 
by  exposure  to  cold.  Thus  the  English  monk 
Drithelm  is  said  (Bede,  //.  E.  v.  12)  to  have 
remained  immersed  in  a  stream  during  the 
recitation  of  many  psalms  and  prayers.  Of 
James,  the  disciple  of  Maro,  it  is  related 
(Theodoret,  Hist.  Bel.  c.  21)  that  during  his 
long  devotions  in  the  open  air  he  was  sometimes 
so  covered  with  snow  that  he  had  to  be  dug  out. 
Similar  austerities  are  related  of  many  other 
ascetics,  both  male  and  female.  Abraam  of 
Carrhae  is  said  (Theod.  11.  B.  c.  17)  to  have 
held  fire  an  altogether  superfluous  luxury. 

5.  The  Spiritual  Exercises  of  ascetics  will 
be  noticed  under  that  heading,  and  the  ascetic 
views  of  continence  under  Virginity.  See  also 
Celibacy. 

(This  article  is  taken  mainly  from  0.  Zockler's 
Kritische  Geschichte  dor  Askese,  Frankfurt  a.  M. 
1SG3.)  [0.] 

MORTMAIN.  The  law  of  mortmain  which, 
in  the  English  use  of  the  term,  is  a  law  restrict- 
ing   the  acquisition  of  property   by  permanent 


MORTMAIN 


1321 


corporations,  especially  of  a  religious  character, 
is  based  upon  two  distinct  considerations  of 
policy  ;  one  that  of  preventing  property  being 
withdrawn  for  ever  from  the  general  market 
(that  is,  being  grasped  by  the  "  dead  hand  "  of 
an  artificial  legal  personality);  the  other,  that 
of  opposing  obstacles  to  fraudulent  or  extor- 
tionate impositions  on  the  pai't  of  religious 
advisers.  There  is  no  doubt  that  both  these 
lines  of  policy  are  distinctly  represented  in,  if 
not  directly  copied  from,  the  Roman  law  at 
its  ripest  maturity,  and  the  later  legislation 
of  Christian  emperors.  Ulpian  (circ.  a.d.  200) 
says  "  we  are  not  permitted  to  ajtpoint  the  gods 
as  our  heirs,  with  the  exception  of  those  in 
favour  of  whom  either  a  seyvitxn  consultum,  or 
imperial  constitutions,  have  conceded  a  special 
privilege,  as,  for  instance,  Tarjteian  Jove."  The 
policy  of  this  prohibition  may  have  been  the 
same  as  that  by  which  Justinian,  three  centuries 
later,  enacted  that,  where  a  testator  nominated 
the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  as  his  heir  or  part  heir 
and  added  no  limiting  words,  the  inheritance 
should  accrue  to  the  church  of  the  testator's 
domicile ;  and  similarly  where  an  archangel  or 
martyr  was  nominated  an  heir;  and  where  there 
was  no  such  church  the  sacred  edifices  of  the 
metropolis  should  profit  from  the  inheritance 
(L.  26  (c.  I.  3)).  Savigny  {System,  vol.  ii.  b.  ii. 
c.  2)  has  adverted  to  the  real  meaning  of  this 
policy,  which  was  to  secure  that  the  benefit  and 
responsibility  should  be  vested  in  concrete  per- 
sons distinctly  cognisable  by  law. 

The  law  with  respect  to  collegia,  that  is,  cor- 
porate bodies  consisting  of  at  least  three  persons 
(L.  85.  D  L.  16),  throws,  perhaps,  the  greatest 
light  on  some  of  the  aspects  of  early  mortmain 
law.  As  early  as  a.d.  117-138,  we  see  that 
collegia  could  not  take  inheritances  unless  they 
were  specially  privileged  for  this  purpose  (L.  8.  C. 
(vi.  24)).  A  passage  of  Paulus  (a.d.  circ.  200) 
alludes  to  a  senatus  consultum  of  the  time  of 
Marcus  Antoninus  permitting  the  legacies  to  be 
made  in  favour  of  collegia,  supposing  the  collegia 
were  lawfully  constituted  (L.  20.  D.  xxxiv.  5)), 
and  with  respect  to  the  constitution  of  these 
bodies  it  appears  that  a  religious  purpose  was 
presumedly  a  legitimate  object  ("  religionis 
causa  coire  non  prohibentur;  dum  tamen  per 
hoc  non  fiat  contra  senatus  consultum  quo  illicita 
corpora  arcentur  "  (L.  1.  D.  xlvii.  22)).  Neverthe- 
less, it  appears  from  a  constitution  of  one  of  the 
Antonines  in  Justinian's  code  that  the  corporate 
body  of  the  Jews  in  Antioch  was  not  reckoned  a 
legal  association,  and  could  not  sue  for  a  legacy 
which  had  been  left  it. 

As  respects  the  claims  of  the  Christian  church 
to  inherit,  or  even  to  own,  property,  it  must 
have  depended  at  first  upon  whether  the  local 
religious  societies  were  or  were  not  treated  as 
legitimate  collegia.  Gibbon  (c.  xv.),  indeed,  ad- 
duces an  interesting  story,  told  in  the  life  of 
Alexander  Severus  (A.D.  222-235),  of  a  dispute 
in  respect  of  laud  between  the  society  of  Chris- 
tians and  the  victuallers  {popinarii),  as  a  proof 
that  property  had  already  legally  vested  in  the 
Christian  church. 

But  it  was  not  till  Constantine's  Edict  of  Milan 
(a.d.  313),  by  which  he  restored  to  the  Chris- 
tirns  the  property  of  whicti  they  had  been  bereft 
in  the  late  persecutions,  that  their  right  of 
ownership  in  land  was  formally  recognised.    This 


1322 


MOKTMAIN 


edict  prepared  the  way  for  the  more  celebrated 
one  of  the  year  a.d.  321,  by  which  anyone  "  was 
to  have  full  power  of  leaving  by  will  whatever 
property  he  chose  to  the  ciiurch  and  its  govern- 
ing bodies."  It  was  within  fifty  years  of  this  time 
that  the  first  unmistakeable  mortmain  law  was 
enacted  by  Valentinian  the  Elder  (Cod.  Th.  xvi. 
20).  It  forbids  all  sorts  of  ecclesiastical  persons 
from  entering  on  the  property  of  widows  or 
wards.  It  prevents  them  from  acquiring  any 
benefit  from  the  donation  of  the  wife  of  any  one 
who,  under  pretext  of  religion,  has  privately 
joined  himself  to  them.  The  whole  gift  is  to  be 
so  completely  invalid  that  the  offending  person 
cannot  take  anything  from  the  same  quarter 
either  by  gift  or  by  testament.  Any  attempted 
gifts  lapsed  to  the  treasury. 

The  next  law  is  twenty  years  later  {Cod.  Th. 
xvi.  28).  After  prescribing  the  conditions 
under  which  a  woman  may  become  a  deaconess, 
it  enacts  that  she  shall  make  neither  the  church, 
the  clergy,  nor  the  poor  her  heirs.  Any  at- 
tempted act  in  violation  of  the  law  would  be 
invalid.  The  following  language  of  the  law  may 
almost  be  supposed  to  have  supplied  the  policy 
and  the  terms  of  an  English  mortmain  act. 
"  Immo  si  quid  ab  his  morienti  fuerit  extortum 
nee  tacito  fideicommisso  aliquid  clericis  in 
fraudem  venerabilis  sanctionis  callida  arte  aut 
probrosa  cujuspiam  conhibenti^  deferatur :  ex- 
torres  sint  ab  omnibus  quibus  inhiaverant  bonis  : 
fit  si  quid  forte  per  epistolam,  codicillum,  dona- 
tionem,  testamentum,  quolibet  denique  detegitur 
ergo  eas  quas  hac  sanctione  submovimus  id  nee 
in  judicium  devocetur:  sed  vel  ex  intestato  is 
qui  sibi  competere  intellegit,  statuti  hujus  de- 
finitione  succedat."  Women  offending  against 
the  law  are  forbidden  to  enter  a  church  or  to 
receive  the  communion,  and  any  bishop  not 
enforcing  these  penalties  is  to  be  deposed.  About 
two  months  later  this  constitution  was  partially 
repealed,  to  the  extent  that  deaconesses  were 
allowed  to  alienate  moveables  in  their  lifetime. 
A  controversy  subsequently  arose  as  to  the  true 
import  of  this  repealing  statute.  The  emperor 
Marcianus  held  that  its  effect  was  to  sweep 
away  all  restrictions  on  dispositions  in  favour  of 
the  church.  The  merits  of  the  controversy  are 
lucidly  expounded  by  Gothofred  in  his  note  to  the 
passage  in  the  Theodosian  Code. 

We  have  the  advantage  of  studying  this 
legislation  in  a  more  impressive  form  than  is 
presented  by  the  bare  letter  of  the  law.  St. 
Ambrose  writes:  "Nobis  etiam  privatae  suc- 
cessionis  emoluraenta  recentibus  legibus  dene- 
gantur.  Et  nemo  conqueritur.  Non  enim 
putamus  injuriam  qui  dispendium  non  dolemus" 
(Libel,  ad  Her.  relat.  Sym.).  St.  Jerome,  again, 
writes  still  more  explicitly  :  "It  shames  one  to 
confess  that  idol-priests,  mimes,  charioteers,  and 
harlots  can  take  inheritances,  and  only  the 
clergy  and  monks  are  disabled  from  taking  them  ; 
and  it  is  not  by  persecutors  but  by  Christian 
princes  that  they  are  disabled.  Not  that  I  com- 
plain of  the  law,  but  I  lament  that  we  have 
deserved  the  law.  Cautery  is  good  ;  but  how 
has  the  wound  come  which  calls  for  the  cautery  ? 
The  cautery  of  the  law  is  provident  and  safe ; 
iind  yet  even  thus  our  avarice  is  not  restrained, 
nut  by  secret  trusts  we  evade  the  law  "  (Ep.  2, 
ad  Nepot.).  A  curious  allusion  to  the  current 
legislation  is  also  contained  in  a  letter  of  Gregory 


MOSAICS 

Nazianzen,  in  which  he  beseeches  Aerius  and 
Alypius  to  pay  the  legacy  left  by  their  mother 
to  the  church.  He  says,  Tous  e|a)  pi^avns 
uSfiovs  Tois  T]fjLiTipois  SouKivcra.Tf  (Ep.  Ixi.) 

By  Justinian's  time  the  policy  of  restricting 
gifts  by  legacy  or  otherwise  to  religious  and 
charitable  institutions  seems  chiefly  to  have  been 
based  upon  the  importance  of  securing  due  deli- 
beration and  publicity.  Thus  a  distinction  was 
drawn  by  a  constitution  of  Justinian's  between 
gifts  to  religious  and  charitable  institutions  of 
less  and  of  more  than  500  solidi  in  value ;  only 
the  latter  requiring  to  be  publicly  registered 
(L.  19  ;  C.  (I.  2)).  It  also  appears  from  the  sixty- 
fifth  Novel  (though  this  novel  is  imperfectly  pre- 
served) that,  in  the  case  of  granting  immoveable 
property  to  a  church,  the  donor  or  testator  is 
required  to  use  very  precise  words  in  order  to 
determine  for  what  distinct  object  or  objects  his 
gift  was  intended,  whether  the  substance  or  only 
the  income  of  the  property  was  to  be  rendered 
available  for  them,  and  whether  a  sale  was  or 
was  not  to  be  made.  It  may  be  concluded  then 
that  all  jealousy  of  corporate  bodies  as  owners, 
and  all  apprehension  of  frauds  perpetrated  on 
weak-minded  testators,  were,  during  this  period, 
in  abeyance.  The  progressive  triumph  of  the 
church  and  its  prominence  in  civil  government 
may  likewise  account  for  the  absence  of  distinct 
mortmain  legislation  up  to  and  including  Charle- 
magne's period.  The  utmost  aim  of  Charle- 
magne's Capitularies  in  this  respect  was  to 
secure  that  religious  gifts  wei'e  made  with  suffi- 
cient deliberation.  Such  a  precaution  is  con- 
tained in  the  capitulary  of  A.D.  803  (Addita  ad 
legem  Salicam),  "qui  res  suas  pro  anima  sua 
ad  casam  Dei  tradere  voluerit  domi  traditionem 
faciat  coram  testibus  legitimis." 

(Giannone,  Hist.  Civ.  di  Napoli,  lib.  2,  cap.  8, 
lit.  4,  "  Beni  Temporali" ;  F.  Paolo  Sarpi,  Belle 
Materie  Bcneficiarie ;  Savigny,  System  des  heutigen 
Eechts,  Band  2,  b.  2,  c.  9,  Stiftungen ;  Codex 
Theodosianus  ;  Corpus  Juris.)  [S.  A.] 


MOSAICS  IN  Christian  Art.  —  It  is  not 
the  purpose  of  this  article  to  enter  into  the 
history  of  the  form  of  pictorial  and  architectural 
decoration  known  as  "mosaic."  Any  disqui- 
sition on  the  origin  of  the  art,  the  countries 
where  it  was  first  employed,  its  introduction 
into  Greece  and  Rome,  its  various  forms,  and 
the  names  by  v/hich  they  were  known,  would 
be  out  of  place  here.  All  the  infoi-mation 
required  on  these  and  kindred  topics  will 
be  found  elsewhere,  especially  in  the  late 
Sir  Digby  Wyatt's  excellent  treatises,  The  Art 
of  Mosaic,  and  T/ie  Geometrical  Mosaics  of  the 
Middle  Ages.  Neither  do  we  propose  to  enter  on 
the  vexed  question  of  the  orthography  and  deri- 
vation of  the  name.  After  all  that  has  been 
written  upon  it  the  true  etymology  of  the  word 
"  mosaic  "  still  remains  a  matter  of  speculation, 
and  perhaps  can  never  be  determined.  Suffice  it 
to  say  that  by  the  term  "  mosaic  "  we  understand 
the  art  of  arranging  small  cubes  or  tesserae 
of  different  substances,  either  naturally  hard  or 
artificially  hardened,  and  of  various  colours,  so 
as  to  produce  an  ornamental  pattern  or  a  histo- 
rical or  symbolical  jsicture.  The  materials  of 
these  tesserae  were  at  first  chiefly  different 
coloured  marbles,  hard  stones,  pieces  of  brick  and 
tile,  earthenware,  &c.,  the  natural  coloui-s  being 


MOSAICS 

nsinl  to  form  the  pattern-  Subsequeutly  pastes 
«ft;lass  coloured  artificially  were  almost  exclu- 
sively employed.  These,  according  to  Sir  Digby 
Wyatt,  were  "  what  is  now  generally  called 
■lavoro  di  smalto  ;  i.  e.  mosaic  composed  of  minute 
portions  of  silex  and  alumina,  vitrified  by  heat 
i\nd  coloured  by  the  addition  of  one  of  the 
metallic  oxides."  » 

The  gilt  tesserae  used  so  profusely  for  the 
background  of  the  pictures  were  formed  by 
iipplving  two  thin  plates  of  glass  with  a  film 
•of  gold  leaf  between  them  to  a  cube  of  earthen- 
ware, and  then  viti'ifying  the  whole  in  a  furnace. 

The  discovery  of  the  mode  of  making  these 
coloured  tesserae  of  vitreous  paste  may  be  said 
to  have  created  the  art  of  mosaic  decoration  in 
the  ecclesiastical  form  in  which  it  is  chiefly 
known  to  us.  It  put  into  the  hands  of  the  de- 
signers the  power  of  producing  all  varieties  of 
colour,  fi'om  the  most  delicate  to  the  most  in- 
tense, essential  for  the  truthful  i-epresentation 
of  the  subjects ;  while  its  brittleness  enabled 
them  to  obtain  pieces  of  any  size  and  shape  re- 
quired, at  a  cost  far  smaller  than  that  of  the 
precious  marbles;  and,  "in  case  of  deterioration 
from  dirt  or  other  causes,  it  can,"  as  Mr.  Layard 
has  observed,  "  be  restored  and  cleaned  without 
any  loss  of  character  or  detriment  to  the  original 
•work."  (Pajjcr  read  before  Roy.  Inst,  of  Brit.  Arch.) 

To  these  recommendations  may  be  added  its 
durability.  From  the  nature  of  the  substances  em- 
ployed mosaic  pictures  are  practically  indestruc- 
tible, except  by  direct  violence.  It  may  be  styled, 
in  the  words  of  Ghirlandajo,  "  the  only  painting 
for  eternity."  No  form  of  pictorial  art  therefore 
can  be  regarded  so  suitable  for  the  decoration  of 
ecclesiastical  buildings,  in  which  the  perma- 
nence of  every  detail  should  symbolize  the  per- 
petuity of  the  faith.  The  subdued  richness  of 
this  mode  of  decoration,  especially  when  gold 
grounds  are  extensively  used,  and  at  the  same 
time  its  grand  and  solemn  character  when  used 
in  large  masses,  give  mosaic  an  appropriateness 
for  the  ornamentation  of  sacred  edifices  which 
was  very  early  appreciated.  Ko  sooner  had 
Christianity  emerged  from  the  hiding-places  of 
the  catacombs,  and  been  triumphantly  installed 


MOSAICS 


1323 


"  The  Greek  word  for  the  tesserae  or  cubes  of  which 
mosaics  are  formed  was  xj/rjiptSt^,  a  diminutive  of  i/(r)0o;,  a 
pebble.  In  the  Acts  of  the  Second  Council  of  Nice  the 
<lestruction  of  the  mosaic  pictures  by  the  Iconoclasts  Is 
thus  described  :  otra  fi€V  €K  xpiq  d>i  &  os  ovra.  i^iopv^av 
(Labbe,  Concil.  vol.  vil.  col.  580) ;  and  again,  in  the  order 
to  set  tip  sacred  pictures,  we  read,  to?  o-cttto.;  koI  ayi'as 
etKoras  Tat  Ik  xp<^H-°-'''<iov  Ka\  \pri(j)lSot  Kol  trepas  uAjj? 
*7riTi)5eito5  (x°^<^<^'!  {Ibid.  col.  355).  The  mosaic  wall- 
picture  of  Theodoric  in  the  forum  at  Naples,  the  gradual 
disintegration  of  which  was  regarded  as  so  ominous  a 
sign,  is  described  by  Procopius  as  iK  xp -rj <f>  i S w  v  nvuv 
^vyKeLfxii/ri  fxiKpiov  n-ei'  ia-dyav,  xpoi"'S  ^e  ^e^a/a/ieVojc 
crxeSov  Ti  uTrao-ais  {De  Bell.  Goth.  lib.  i.  c.  '24).  It  would 
be  hardly  possible  to  describe  a  mosaic  picture  in  more 
accurate  language.  The  Saracens  borrowed  the  name, 
together  with  the  art  and  materials  of  mosaic  work,  from 
Byzantium.  The  Arabic  term  for  the  mosaic  tesserae 
was /s.'/os(S  or /sf/i/sa.  "Wh.n  at  the  commencement 
of  ttie  sth  century  peace  was  concluded  between  Byzan- 
tium  and  the  caliph  Walid,  this  latter  potentate  stipu- 
I  latod  for  a  certain  quantity  of  fsefysa  for  the  decoration 

of  the  new  mosque  at  Damascus.  In  the  middle  of  the 
iOth  century  also  Romanus  II.  sent  the  caliph  Abder- 
rhaman  III.  the  materials  for  the  mosaics  of  the  Kibla  in 
the  mosque  at  Cordova.'*  (Kuglcr,  i.  p.  58,  note.) 


by  Constantine  as  the  religion  of  the  empire, 
than  mosaic  began  to  receive  that  amazing  deve- 
lopment which  allows  us  truly  to  style  it  essen- 
tially a  Christian  art.  Pliny  indeed  distinctly  tells 
us  that  mosaic-work,  which  had  been  originally 
employed  almost  exclusively  for  the  decoration 
of  floors,  had  in  his  time  recently  passed  upwards 
and  taken  possession  of  the  vaulted  ceilings,  and 
that  glass  pastes  had  begun  to  be  used,  "  pulsa 
.  ...  ex  humo  pavimenta  in  cameras  transiere, 
e  vitro  :  novitium  et  hoc  inventum."  (Plin.  Hist. 
Nat.  lib.  xxxvi.  c.  64.)  But  as  Kugler  correctly 
states  (^Handbook  of  Fainting :  Itali  m  Schools, 
part  1.  p.  20,  note),  the  middle  links  between 
the  small  cabinet  pieces  of  wall-mosaic,  almost 
exclusively  of  a  decorative  character,  exhibited 
by  the  fountain  recesses  at  Pompeii  and  in  a  few 
examples  at  Rome,  and  the  vast  Christian  wall- 
pictures,  are  entirely  wanting.  We  are  so  en- 
tirely destitute  of  examples  of  such  decoration 
on  a  large  scale  where  we  should  have  most 
looked  for  it,  on  the  vaults  of  the  Imperial 
Thermae,  the  Palace  of  the  Caesars,  or  other 
contemporaneous  edifices,  that  "  we  are  almost 
led  to  recognise  mosaic-work  as  we  see  it  in  the 
basilicas,  as  a  spontaneous  development  called 
forth  by  a  newly  awakened  religious  life,"  and 
may  with  him  be  ''  almost  tempted  to  believe 
that  historical  mosaic-painting  of  the  grander 
style  first  started  into  existence  in  the  course  of 
the  4th  century,  and  suddenly  took  its  wide 
spread,  borne  on  the  advancing  tide  of  the 
triumphant  Christian  foith."  At  the  commence- 
ment of  the  art  the  designers  were  evidently 
restricted  by  no  conventional  rules,  but  were  left 
to  follow  their  own  genius  in  the  selection  of 
subjects  and  their  arrangement.  By  degrees, 
however,  a  recognised  system  of  symbolic  deco- 
ration was  adopted,  which  became  stereotyped 
and  prevailed  from  the  5th  century  onwards 
through  the  whole  of  southern  Christendom,  dis- 
playing its  last  examples  before  the  final  extinc- 
tion of  the  art  in  the  12th  century,  in  the 
gorgeous  wall-pictures  of  St.  Mark's,  Venice,  and 
the  mosaics  of  the  Royal  Chapel  at  Palermo  and 
the  cathedrals  of  Monreale  and  Cefalii  in  Sicily. 
In  the  earliest  mosaics  the  position  of  chief 
dignity,  the  centre  of  the  conch  of  the  apse,  was 
always  occupied  by  Christ,  either  standing  or 
enthroned,  supported  on  either  hand  by  the 
apostles,  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  standing  next 
Him,  together  with  the  patron  saints  and  founders 
of  the  church.  Subsequently  the  place  of  our  Lord 
was  usurped  by  the  patron  saint  (as  at  St.  Agnes 
at  Rome),  or  by  the  Blessed  Virgin  holding 
the  Divine  Child  in  her  lap  (as  at  Parenzo  and 
St.  Mary  in  Domnica).  A  hand  holding  a  crown 
is  usually  seen  issuing  from  the  clouds  above  the 
chief  figure,  a  symbol  of  the  Supreme  Being. 
The  river  Jordan  flows  at  the  feet  of  Christ, 
sepai-ating  the  church  triumphant  above  from 
the  church  militant  below.  In  a  zone  below  we 
usually  find  in  the  centre  the  Holy  Lamb,  the 
head  surrounded  with  a  cruciform  nimbus,  stand- 
ing on  a  mount  from  which  gush  the  four  rivei-s 
of  Paradise,  symbolizing  the  four  evangelists. 
Trees,  usually  palm  trees,  laden  with  fruit, 
typify  the  Tree  of  Life,  while  the  phoenix  with 
its  radiant  plumage  symbolizes  the  soul  of  the 
Christian  passing  through  death  to  a  new  and 
glorified  life.  On  either  side  six  sheep,  types  of 
the  apostle.s,  and  through   them  of  believers  in 


1324 


MOSAICS 


general,  issue  from  the  gates  of  the  two  holy 
cities,  Jerusalem  and  Bethlehem.  [Bethlehem,  p. 
201.]  On  the  western  tace  of  the  great  arch 
of  the  apse  or  the  arch  of  triumph  we  see  at  the 
apex  a  medallion  bust  of  Christ,  or  the  Holy 
Lamb,  or,  which  is  very  frequent,  the  book  with 
seven  seals  elevated  on  a  jewelled  throne.  On 
either  side  are  ranged  angels,  the  evangelistic  sym- 
bols, and  the  seven  golden  candlesticks  in  a  hori- 
zontal band,  the  spandrels  below  containing  the 
twenty-four  white-robed  elders  of  the  Apocalypse 
offering  their  crowns  with  arms  outstretched  in 
adoratFon  to  the  Lamb.  In  the  larger  basilicas, 
where  a  transept  separates  the  nave  from  the  j 
apse,  a  second  transverse  arch  is  introduced, 
the  face  of  which  is  also  adorned  with  subjects 
taken  from  the  Apocalypse.  That  at  St.  Pra.xedes 
(see  post)  represents  the  heavenly  Jerusalem 
with  the  redeemed  in  long  line  entering  the  gates, 
which  are  guarded  by  angels. 

The  detailed  description  given  by  Paulinus  of 
the  mosaics  executed  by  his  direction  for  the 
basilica  of  St.  Felix  and  the  "  Basilica  Fuudana  " 
at  Nola  early  in  the  5th  century  (Ejnst.  ad 
Sever.  32)  indicates  points  of  resemblance  and 
dilTerence  with  the  subsequently  recognised  type. 
The  whole  representation  was  strictly  symbolical, 
and  the  human  figure  seems  to  have  been  rigidly 
excluded,  so  that  it  would  speak  only  to  the  ini- 
tiated. He  describes  the  Lamb  standing  on  the 
mount  from  wliich  issue  the  four  rivers  typical 
of  the  Gospels,  the  symbol  of  the  Father  above, 
the  lofty  cross  surmounted  by  the  crown  occupy- 
ing the  chief  place,  which  are  familiar  to  us  in 
other  mosaics.  But,  what  we  do  not  see  in  any 
existing  mosaics,  the  Holy  Spirit,  under  the  form 
of  a  Dove,  was  represented  as  descending  on  the 
symbolic  Lamb ;  the  apostles  were  also  depicted  as 
doves  (a  symbol  reproduced  many  centuries  later 
in  the  a})se  of  St.  Clement  at  Rome),  and  in 
addition  to  the  customary  sheep  as  many  goats 
appeared  on  the  left  of  the  Saviour,  symbolizing 
the  last  judgment.  We  cannot  sufficiently  regret 
the  loss  of  these  very  remarkable  early  works.^ 

The  catacombs  present  very  few  examples  of 
mosaic  work.  There  are  fragments  of  a  mosaic 
picture  of  considerable  size  on  the  soffit  of  the 
arch  of  an  arcosoliuiii  in  the  catacomb  of  St. 
Hermes.  From  the  engravings  given  by  JIarchi 
(Jfonum.  delle  Arti  Crist.  Frimit.,  tav.  xlvii.,  de- 
scribed p.  257)  we  see  that  it  must  have  been  a 
very  rude  performance,  the  drawing  bad,  and 
the  execution  coarse.  The  portions  remaining 
exhibit  the  raising  of  Lazarus,  Daniel  in  the 
lions'  den,  and  the  paralytic  carrying  his  bed, 
only  differing  from  the  ordinary  catacomb  fres- 
coes in  the  material  employed.  The  mosaic 
cubes,  according  to  Mr.  Parker  (Archaeology  of 
Some,  Catacombs,  p.  110),  are  entirely  of  glass 
paste,  not  of  marble.  Warangoni  {Cose  Gentilesche, 
p.  4G1)  preserves  the  record  of  an  arcosolium  in 
the  cemetery  of  St.  Callistus  decorated  in  mosaic, 
with  our  Lord  seated  between  St.  Peter  and  St. 
Paul,  also  seated.  Two  sepulchral  mosaics  from 
the  same  catacomb  are  preserved  in  the  sacristy 
of  St.  JIary  in  Trastevere,  one  representing 
birds,  probably,  according  to  Mr.  Parker,  of  the 
2nd  century,  the  other,  representing  the  miracu- 
lous draught  of  fishes,  of  the  3rd  (Parker,  u.  s. 


''  Paulinus'  description  is  given  in  article  Dove,  vol.  i. 
p.  576. 


MOSAICS 

Blosaics,  p.  3).  Two  mosaic  busts  in  circular 
medallions,  from  the  cemetery  of  St.  Cyriaca, 
discovered  in  1656,  are  preserved  in  the  Chigi 
Library.  One  represents  a  young  man,  Flavius 
Julius  Julianus,  with  short  black  liair ;  the- 
other  his  deceased  wife,  Maria  Simplicia  Rustica. 
She,  as  one  deceased,  is  represented  in  the  atti- 
tude of  prayer,  with  outstretched  hands  (De 
Rossi,  Musalci  Cristiani  delle  Chiese  di  Boma). 
Perret  (vol.  iv.  pi.  vii.  No.  3)  gives  a  mosaic 
fragment,  depicting  a  fighting  cock,  also  from  a 
catacomb.  This  scanty  list  comprises  nearly,  if 
not  quite,  all  the  catacomb  mosaics  recorded. 

The  earliest  known  examples  of  mosaic  art 
used  for  the  decoration  of  a  sacred  building  are 
those  of  the  4th  century,  which  cover  the  waggon- 
roof  of  the  circular  aisle  of  the  church  of  St. 
Constantia,  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the 
basilica  of  St.  Agnes,  outside  the  walls  of  Rome. 
There  is  sufficient  reason  to  believe  that  this 
edifice  was  erected  by  Constantine  tlie  Great 
either  as  a  baptistery  to  the  adjacent  basilica 
(Baptistery,  vol.  i.  p.  165),  or  after  his  death 
as  a  place  of  sepulture  for  his  two  daughters, 
Constantia,  or  Constantina,  who  died  a.d.  354, 
and  Helena,  the  wife  of  Julian,  who  died  A.D. 
360.  As  in  the  earliest  Christian  frescoes, 
the  style  of  art  seen  in  these  mosaics  is  in 
no  way  distinguishable  from  pagan  art  of  the 
same  period.  They  belong  essentially  to  the 
class  of  decorative  paintings,  and  although  those 
who  wish  to  do  so  may  read  a  Christian  sym- 
bolism into  the  vintage  scenes  which  cover 
the  vaults,  it  is  probable  that  none  such  was 
mtended.  "They  have  quite  the  light  and  gay 
character  of  ancient  pagan  wall  decoration,  and 
if  they  must  be  considered  of  Christian  origin — 
the  vine  and  vintage  scenes  having  been  fre- 
quently adopted  as  Christian  emblems^they  are- 
probably  the  earliest  Christian  wall-mosaics  that 
have  been  preserved "  (Dr.  Appell,CAmi/«»  Mosaic 
Pictures,  p.  6).  These  mosaics  form  twelve  equal 
compartments,  the  opposite  bays  having  analo- 
gous decorations.  The  ground  of  the  whole  is 
white,  instead  of  the  blue  or  gold  whicli  subse- 
quently universally  prevailed.  Bays  1,  2,  12- 
have  ordinary  geometrical  designs  with  octagons 


and  crosses  without  flowers  or  figures.  Bays  3, 
11  have  intertwined  arabesque  wreaths  forming 
small  compartments  framing  airy  dancing 
figures,  winged  amorini,  and  richly  plumaged 
birds.  Bays  4,  10  contain  vintage  scenes.  Little 
genii     are    actively    engaged,   some    gathering 


MOSAICS 

grapes,  some  carting  them  home,  some  tread- 
ing the  wine-press.  One  holds  a  writhing  snake. 
Birds  are  fluttering  among  the  branches  or  pecking 
the  grapes  from  the  vine  which  gracefully  trails 
over  the  vault,  lu  the  centre  is  a  female  bust, 
jierhaps  intended  for  Constantia.  (Woodcut 
Is'o.  2.)  (It  may  be  remarked  that  scenes  very 
similar  to  these  adorn  the  magnificent  red  por- 
phyry sarcophagus  of  Constantia  which  stood 
here,  now  in  the  Vatican.)  Bays  5,  9  are  very 
similar  to  bays  3, 11.  Bays  6,  8,  are  far  the  richest 
of  'he  whole.  The  vault  is  covered  with  boughs 
of  olive  and  other  fruit-bearing  trees,  with  pea- 
cocks, guinea  fowls,  partridges,  and  other  birds 


MOSAICS  1325 

j  interspersed  among  them,  without  any  attem])t 
I  at  conventionalism.     Bay  7,  which  was  probably 
\  the  most   elaborate   of  the  whole,  has  been  mo- 
dernised.    The  two  side   apses    (a)  (b)   contain 
coarse,  ill-drawn  mosaics   of  a  much  later  time 
(added  by  pope  Hadrian  a.d.  772-798),   rejire- 
senting  Christ  and  some    of   the    apostles,    the 
latter   crouching   in  distorted  attitudes,  in  de- 
^  fiance  of  anatomical  possibilities.     The  contrast 
,  between  the  joyous  freedom  of  the  earlier  designs 
'  and    the    grim    melancholy    of  the    later    is    so 
marked  that  it  is  difficult  to  conceive  how  they 
can   have   been  so  frequently  attributed  to  the 
same  period. 


The  Vintage.    From  St.  Constant: 


So   widespread   and  complete   has    been    the 
destruction  of  the  earlier  mosaics  that  the  only  j 
other   work  which  can  be  with  any  probability  , 
referred    to   the   time    of  Constantine    is    that  ' 
which  decorates  the  cupola  of  the  church  of  St.  [ 
George  at  Salonika,    the    ancient    Thessalonica.  i 
This  church  is  on  sufficient  grounds  assigned  by  ' 
WM.  Te.xier  and   Pullan  to  the  first  sojourn  of  j 
Constantine  at  Thessalonica  (323).   It  is  a  circular  j 
building,    covered    with    a    dome    more     than 
216  feet  in    circumference    entirely  lined    with 
mosaics     of    the    most    magnificent    character, 
probablv  the  most   extensive  work  of  the  kind 
in    superficial    area    that    has    come    down    to 


us.  According  to  the  authorities  just  quoted 
this  mosaic,  wihich  is  one  of  the  very  few  that 
has  survived  the  fury  of  the  Iconoclasts  or 
of  the  Mahommedans,  covers  no  less  than  9,732 
square  feet,  and  it  has  been  calculated  to  contain 
more  than  3(5,000,000  tesserae.  The  light  and 
fanciful  architectural  designs,  vividly  recalling 
the  wall  frescoes  of  the  Baths  of  Titus  or  those 
at  Pompeii,  which  are  so  markedly  absent  from 
the  majoritv  of  the  Christian  mo.snics  furni.sh  an 
unmistakeable  evidence  of  its  early  date.  'Ihe 
drawing,  though  conventional  and  architertonic, 
is  good,  the  arrangement  exceedingly  diirniiied, 
the    colouring    rich    and   harmonious,   and    the 


1326 


MOSAICS 


whole  effect  oi  the  cupola,  with  its  gold  ground, 
extremely  gorgeous.  The  cupola  is  divided 
into  eight  compartments,  alternately  repeating 
each  other  in  general  design.  They  present  a 
series  of  sacred  ediiices  of  fantastic  architecture, 
veiled  with  purple  curtains  floating  in  the  wind, 
with  richly  plumaged  birds,— peacocks,  ibises, 
ducks,  partridges,  curlews,  doves,  &c.,— perched  on 
the  friezes,  which  are  themselves  decorated  with 
dolphins,  birds,  palm  trees,  and  other  naturalistic 
devices.  Each  of  these  buildings  presents  a 
splendid  colonnade,  in  the  centre  of  which  a 
semi-circular  or  octagonal  apse  protected  by 
cancelli  retires,  or  a  veiled  baldacchino  stands, 
with  a  burning  lamp  hanging  from  the  vault 
above  the  curtained  altar,  the  whole  displaying 
invaluable  evidence  of  early  ritual  arrangement. 
On  either  side  of  the  altar  stands  a  holy  person- 
age, colossal  in  stature  and  severe  in  aspect,  in 
the  variously-coloured  dress  of  solemn  cere- 
monial, with  his  hands  elevated  and  outstretched 


MOSAICS 

in  prayer.  (Woodcut  No,  3.)  The  personages 
represented,  who  all  bear  names  famous  in  the 
Greek  church  but  less  familiar  in  the  West,  are  (1) 
over  the  west  door  (a)  Romanus,  a  white-bearded 
presbyter ;  (6)  Eukarpion,  a  young  dark-haired 
soldier  ;  2.  (to  S.)  {a)  effaced  ;  (6)  Ananias,  a  pres- 
byter ;  3.  («)  Basiliscus,  a  soldier  ;  (6)  Priscus,  a 
soldier;  4.  («)  I'hilippus,  a  bishop;  (6)  Therinus, 
a  soldier;  (t)  Basiliscus,  a  beardless  youthful  lay- 
man ;  5.  efl'aced  ;  6.  (to  N.)  (a)  Leon,  a  soldier  ; 
(6)  Philemon,  a  flute-player  ;  7.  Onesiphorus,  a 
young   beardless    soldier;    (6)     Porphyrins;     8. 

(a)  Cosmas,  old,  grey-headed   and  grey-bearded ; 

(b)  Damian,  young  and  beardless.  These  magni- 
ticent  and  most  interesting  works  deserve  to  be 
much  more  widely  known  and  more  carefully 
studied.  (They  are  found  well  reproduced  in 
chromo-lithograph  in  Texier  and  PuUan's  Eglises 
Byzantines,  pi.  xxx.-xxxiv. ;  and  Nos.  1,  4,  7,  8, 
are  engraved  by  Mr.  Wharton  Marriott  in  his 
Vestiarlum   Christianum,  pi.   xviii.-xxi.)      Thes- 


George's,  Thessalonica.    (From  Teiier  nnJ  Pullan.) 


salonica  boasts  of  another  magnificent  mosaic 
in  the  cupola  of  St.  Sophia,  a  work  of  the 
■bth  century,  of  which  we  shall  speak  in  its 
place. 

The  only  other  ancient  mosaics  breathing  the 
spirit  of  classical  art  are  those  of  the  5th 
•century,  which  decorate  the  quadripartite  vaults 
of  the  chapels  of  St.  John  the  Baptist  and  St. 
-John  the  Evangelist,  which  open  out  of  the 
Latei-an  baptistery.  These  are  said  to  have 
been  apartments  in  the  palace  of  Constantine, 
-converted  into  chapels  by  pope  Hilary,  a.d. 
461-467.  The  Christian  character  of  these 
mosaics  is  shewn  by  the  nimbed  Holy  Lamb, 
surrounded  by  a  rich  garland  of  fruit  and 
flowers   in   the   centre  of  each  ceiling;  but  the  j 


decoration  with  its  graceful  arabesques,  vases 
of  fruit  and  groups  of  birds,  peacocks,  ducks, 
parroquets,  red-legged  partridges,  and  doves, 
and  other  conventional  ornaments,  are  quite  in 
the  classical  style  of  St.  Constantia.  The 
ground,  however,  is  gilt,  not  white,  as  in  that 
building.  On  the  walls  of  the  chapel  of  St.  John 
the  Baptist  are  figures  of  the  four  Evangelists. 
(Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  vol.  i.  tab.  74,  75 ;  -Parker, 
Mosaics,  p.  16.) 

We  have  purposely  described  these  last 
mosaics  somewhat  out  of  their  chronological 
order  on  account  of  their  artistic  connection 
with  those  already  described.  The  very  exten- 
sive series  of  mosaics  in  the  church  of  St.  JIary 
Major,  or   the  Liberian  basilica,  though   some- 


MOSAICS 

what  earlier  in  date,  having  been  executed  by  the 
order  of  Sixtus  III.,  A.D.  432-440,  as  is  expressly 
stated  in  the  letter  of  Hadrian  I.  to  the  emperor 
Charlemagne  (Labbe,  vii.  col.  955),  and  perhaps 
the  most  remarkable  works  of  early  Christian 
art,  belong  to  a  totally  difterent  school.  As 
Lord  Lindsay  has  remarked  (History  of  Christ  km 
Art,  vol.  i.  p.  99,  Letter  ii.),  "  none  stand  so 
isolated ;  none  have  had  so  little  influence 
on  the  latter  ages  of  its  development."  The 
reason  of  this  want  of  artistic  relation  with 
anterior  or  subsequent  works  lies  probably 
in  the  fact  that  the  artists  who  designed 
them  had  formed  themselves  entirely  on 
the  study  of  classical  bas-reliefs,  especially 
those  of  the  columns  of  Trajan  and  Antoninus, 
while  their  predecessors  had  taken  the  frescoes 
of  the  baths  as  their  models,  and  their  successors 
formed  their  taste  in  Greece  or  Byzantium. 
These  very  remarkable  mosaics  consist  of  two 
series :  viz.  (1)  those  decorating  the  arch  of  the 
tribune,  and  (2)  those  ranged  along  the  walls  of 
the  nave,  occupying  what  may  be  called  the  tri- 
forium  space.  Of  these  the  former  series  are 
much  the  inferior  ;  "  straggling  in  composition," 
writes  Lord  Lindsay,  "  and  poorly  executed." 
They  have,  indeed,  little  artistic  interest  except 
as  the  earliest  known  representations  of  scenes 
from  the  early  gospel  history.  As  such,  it  has 
been  remarked  that  they  manifest  the  difficulty 
an  artist  who  had  only  studied  in  classical 
schools  had  in  depicting  subjects  which  as  yet 
had  no  fixed  type  in  Christian  art.  The  pictures 
accordingly  exhibit  no  distinctly  Christian 
characteristics,  or  anything  that  differences 
them  essentially  from  Pagan  subjects.  For  the 
first  time,  it  is  true,  we  here  see  at  the  apex  of 
the  arch,  in  a  medallion,  the  familiar  symbol  of 
the  jewelled  throne  bearing  the  apocalyptic  roll 
with  seven  seals,  and  above  the  roll  a  gemmed 
cross  and  crown,  supported  by  St.  Peter  and  St. 
Paul,  with  the  evangelistic  symbols  on  either 
side,  and  below  it  the  signature  of  the  builder 
XYSTVS  .  EPiscoPVS .  PLEBi .  DEI.  But  the  scenes 
of  Gospel  history  depicted  below  are  so  entirely 
unlike  the  subsequently  recognised  types  that 
it  is  not  at  first  sight  easy  to  identify 
them.  These  pictures  occupy  the  wall  on  either 
side  of  the  arch,  and  are  ranged  in  five  rows. 
The  uppermost  row  (1)  contains  to  the  left  (a) 
the  angelic  message  toZacharias  ;  (b)  the  Annun- 
ciation ;  to  the  right  (c)  the  Presentation  in  the 
Temple ;  (2)  the  second  row  contains  (d)  the 
Adoration  of  the  Magi  [see  woodcut,  article 
Angels,  vol.  i.  p.  84]  ;  (e)  our  Lord  among  the 
doctors ;  (3)  the  third  row  gives  a  long  subject, 
(/)  the  Massacre  of  the  Innocents,  extending  to 
both  sides  of  the  arch ;  (4)  in  the  fourth  row  we 
see,  again  for  the  first  time,  the  two  holy  cities 
of  Bethlehem  and  Jerusalem  ;  (5)  the  fifth,  the 
Faithful  figured  as  sheep.  It  deserves  notice  that 
in  these  pictures,  the  only  figures  besides  Christ 
distinguished  by  the  nimbus  are  those  of  theangels 
and  Herod,  as  if  the  nimbus  were  a  conventional 
mark  of  dignity  unconnected  with  sanctity.  The 
Virgin  Mary  never  has  it ;  at  any  rate  in  the 
ori'^inal  design.  (See  Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  vol.  i. 
p.  203  ;  Valentini,  la  Patriarc.  Basilica  Liberiana, 
pi.  Gl  ;  Parker,  Mosaics,  p.  15  ;  South  Kensington 
drawings,  No.  7445.)  Far  superior  in  drawing 
and  grouping  are  the  scenes  from  the  Old  Testa- 
ment which  occupy  the  walls  of  the  nave.     Here 


MOSAICS 


1327 


we  recognise  the  spirit  of  the  antique  still 
lingering,  while  the  distinctly  religious  idea  is 
almost  entirely  wanting.  They  were  originally 
forty-two  in  number,  but  are  now  only 
twenty-seven.  Six  were  destroyed  to  form 
the  arches  of  entrance  to  the  Borghese  and 
Sistine  chapels,  and  nine,  lost  through  accident 
or  decay,  have  been  replaced  by  paintings.  In 
these,  which  we  may  regard  as  the  first  and 
last  effort  of  any  extent  in  dramatic  representa- 
tion, "  the  composition  is  often  excellent ;  the 
attitudes  simple  and  expressive,  though  they  want 
relief,  and  the  conception  is  altogether  superior  to 
the  performance"  (Lord  Lindsay,  u.  s.  p.  101). 
The  series,  which  begins  at  the  upper  end  to  the 
left  with  the  interview  of  Abraham  and  Mel- 
chizedek,  carries  on  the  Old  Testament  history 
through  the  times  of  Isaac  and  Jacob,  and 
beginning  again  at  the  same  end  to  the  right 
with  the  finding  of  Moses,  pursues  his  history 
and  that  of  Joshua  to  the  battle  of  Bethhoroc. 
Some  of  the  historical  scenes  display  real  life. 
In  that  of  the  separation  of  Abraham  and  Lot, 
"  the  figures,"  writes  M.  Vitet  (Histoire  do  I' Art) 


m^  ^    i! 


"  express  well  what  they  are  about.  One  feels 
that  the  two  groups  are  separating.  Isaac  blessing 
Jacob  has  almost  the  same  pose  as  Raphael  has 
given  it  in  the  Loggie ;  the  taking  of  Jericho, 
the  battle  with  the  Amalekites,  also  have  details 
which  are  not  without  a  certain  interest."  The 
visit  of  the  angels  to  Abraham,  of  which  we 
give  a  woodcut  (No.  4),  in  which  three  stages  of 
the  story  are  represented  in  one  picture,  has  a 
solemn  dignity  not  unworthy  of  the  subject 
(Ciampini,  Fei.il/on.vol.  i.  tav.  50-64;  Valentini 
u.  s. ;  Parker,  Fhotogr.  1952-1966  ;  2038-2058). 
There  are  few  ancient  works  of  which  the 
date  has  been  more  variously  assigned  than  that 
of  the  very  remarkable  mosaic  in  the  apse  of 
St.  Pudentiana  on  the  Esquiline,  perhaps  the 
most  beautiful  in  Rome.  It  has  been  placed  at 
various  epochs  from  the  end  of  the  4th  to  the 
close  of  the  9th  century.  The  earlier  date  is 
with  little  doubt  the  correct  one.  It  is  true  that 
as  we  see  it  now  the  picture  has  suffeied  too  much 
from  the  hands  of  restorers  to  allow  us  to  speak 
with  absolute  certainty  on  the  point.  But  iu 
the  remarkable  dignity  of  the  composition,  the 
freedom   of  treatment  and  correctness  of  per- 


1328 


MOSAICS 


spective,  as  well  as  in  the  whole  drawiag  group 
ino-  and  drapery,  it  has  all  the  essential  marks 
of  a  living  art,  and  points  to  a  time  when  the 
still  surviving  traditions  of  the  Pagan  schools 
had  been  quickened  with  a  new  spirit.  The 
figures  do  not,  as  in  the  later  mosaics,  stand  in 
rigid  isolation,  gazing  out  into  vacancy,  but  are 
seated  with  most  calm  dignity,  ''  grouped  so  as 
to  form  a  picture,"  and  displaying  much  variety 
of  attitude  and  individuality  of  feature.  Kug- 
ler's  verdict  is  certainly  correct,  that  "  even  if 
the  building  itself  be  proved  to  be  of  more 
recent  date  than  Siricius,  who  built  the  church 
A.D.  390,  still  this  work  at  least  must  have  been 
copied  from  one  much  older"  (m.  s.  p.  41).  This 
picture  represents  Christ  enthroned  in  the  centre 
<if  a  semicircle  of  Apostles  in  Roman  costumes 
(two  of  whom  have  been  lost  by  modern  repairs), 
each  seated  in  front  of  an  oi)en  portal,  forming 


MOSAICS 

a  crescent-shaped  cloister  with  a  tiled  roof, 
above  which  rise  the  roofs  and  domes  of  the 
heavenly  Jerusalem.  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  sit 
on  either  side  of  Christ.  Behind  them  stand 
two  female  figures  of  singular  dignity  and 
beauty,  with  martyrs'  chaplets  in  their  hands, 
representing  either  St.  Pudentiana  and  her  sister 
St.  Praxedes,  or,  according  to  Garrucci,  the  church 
of  the  circumcision  and  that  of  the  gentiles.  None 
are  nimbed  except  our  Lord.  Christ  is  seate.l 
on  a  richly  decorated  throne,  His  right  hand 
is  raised  in  benediction,  and  in  the  left  He 
holds  a  book  inscribed  I'omimcs  Conservator 
Ecdcsiae  Pudcntianae.  Behind  His  throne  a 
tall  jewelled  cross  is  planted  on  a  mount, 
and  among  the  clouds  which  form  the  back- 
ground are  seen  Evangelistic  symbols  of  some- 
what large  dimensions.  We  give  a  woodcut  of 
this  very  remarkable  and  beautiful  work  (Xo.  5).' 


5.    Apse  of  St.  rndentmna. 


(Gaily  Knight,  Eccles.  Arch,  of  Italy,  vol.  i.  pi. 
23  ;  Labarte,  Histoire  dcs  Arts  Indnstriels,  album, 
vol.ii.pl.  121;  Fontana,  Alusaici  dcUe  Chiese  di 
lioma,  tav.  14;  Parker,  Photoijr.  Nos.  280, 
1416-1419 ;  South  Kensington,  No.  7987  ; 
Parker,  Mosaic  Pictures,  pp.  23-27,  153.) 

Passing  over  the  small  remains  of  the  mosaics 
of  St.  Sabina,  Rome,  with  the  singular  "  imagines 
clipeatae,"  and  the  noble  figures  of  the  churches 
of  the  Jews  and  the  Gentiles,  entirely  Roman  in 
type,  character,  and  costume,  c.  424  (Ciampini, 
w.s.  vol.  1.  c.  21,  tab.  48),  and  the  fragments  of  the 
once  imposing  decorations  of  St.  Paul's  outside 
the  walls,  set  up  by  Leo  the  Great,  A.D.  440-462, 
mentioned  in  Hadrian's  letter  to  Charle- 
magne already  referred  to,  which  were  almost 
entirely  destroyed  in  the  conflagration  of  1823  to 
the  irreparable  impoverishment  of  early  Chris- 
tian art  (Kugler,  u.  s.  p.  29 ;  Parker,  Mosaics, 
\>.  16  ;  see  woodcut,  art.  Church,  vol.  i.  p.  371), 
v.'e  must  now  transfer  our  attention  to  Ravenna. 
No  city  in  Italy,  Rome  hardly  e.xcepted,  can 
show  such  admirable  specimens  of  this  art. 
They  belong    chiefly    to    the    earliest    and    best 


period,  while  the  principles  of  classical  art 
were  still  in  living  exercise,  before  the  hieratical 
traditions  of  the  Byzantine  school  had  begun  to 
proscribe  all  traces  of  freedom  and  nature.  No- 
where do  we  find  pictorial  decoration  more  inti- 
mately allied  to  architectural  arrangements,  the 
two  being  so  closely  connected  that  each  appears 
essential  to  the  completeness  of  the  other.  The 
mosaic  works  still  existing  at  Ravenna — many, 
alas  !  have  perished — exhibit  four  distinct  styles 
of  art.  The  earliest  and  most  classical  in  style 
and  drawing  are  those  of  the  lower  part  of  the 
orthodox  baptistery,  set  up  by  archbishop  Neon, 
A.D.  430,  and  those  which  cover  the  whole  of  the 
interior  of  the  mausoleum  of  Galla  Placidia.  now 
known  as  the  church  of  St.  Nazarius  and  Colsus, 
A.D.  440.    A  century  later  in  date,  and  decidedly 

<!  Labarte  considers  that  the  Apostles  and  fomale 
fi(5ures  are  works  of  the  ^th  century  ;  but  that  the  tipiire 
of  Christ  and  the  Evangelistic  sjTnbols  belong  to  a  later 
eporh.  {Arts  Industriels,  iv.  172.)  This  is  also  the  opinion 
of  Vitet.  Garrucci  also  attributes  this  mosaic  to  pope 
Siricius,  a.d.  390. 


MOSAICS 

inferior  in  style  and  execution,  though  still 
entirely  free  from  Byzantine  stillness,  arc  those 
which  decorate  the  domes  of  the  orthodox 
baptistery,  and  of  the  Arian  baptistery,  which 
may  be  ascribed  to  the  same  date,  c.  A.D.  553. 
\Vu  have  examples  of  a  third  mode  of  treatment 
<listinct  from  the  other  two,  in  the  mosaics  of 
St.  Vital,  A.D.  547,  of  the  chapel  of  the  arch- 
bishop's palace,  completed  in  the  same  year,  and 
of  the  basilica  of  St.  ApoUinaris  in  Classe, 
built  in  A.D.  549.  "In  themselves,"  writes 
Mv.  Layard  (ii.  s.  p.  14),  "  these  mosaics  are 
deserving  of  the  most  careful  study,  as  belonging 
to  the  best  period  of  early  christian  mosaic  art. 
They  are  especially  valuable  to  the  architect,  as 
aftbrding  some  of  the  finest  examples  of  the 
treatment  of  pictorial  mosaics,  and  of  the  tech- 
nical qualities  of  the  material."  The  Ravenna 
mosaics,  though,  as  we  have  seen,  extending 
over  a  period  of  full  a  century,  and  display- 
ing various  styles,  are  evidently  productions  of 
one  and  the  same  school  of  art;  exhibiting, 
it  is  true,  a  gradual  decline  from  classical 
dignity  and  purity  of  taste,  but  maintaining 
<in  the  whole  the  same  high  level,  both  in 
drawing  and   design,   as  well  as  in  harmony  of 


MOSAICS 


1329 


colour:  we  shall  therefore  treat  them  together."* 
To  commence  with  the  orthodox  baptisterv 
erected  by  bishop  Ursus,  A.D.  400-410,  and  de- 
corated with  mosaics  by  archbishop  Keon,  A.D. 
430.  This  buildmg  is  internally  an  octagon, 
covered  with  a  cupola,  and  is  brilliant  with  mo- 
saics, almost  from  floor  to  roof.  The  most  re- 
markable of  these  are  the  eight  projjhets ;  grand 
majestic  figures,  draped  in  white,  which  occupy 
the  spandrels  of  the  lower  tier  of  arches,  upon 
an  oval  background  of  gold  enclosed  by  acanthus 
leaves  which  spread  out  in  lovely  arabesque 
scroll-work.  To  quote  a  very  appreciative 
description,  "  the  most  remarkable  individuality, 
not  merely  in  lace  but  in  figure,  is  preserved 
in  each ;  and  in  each  there  is  a  distinct  ex- 
pression, life-like  and  full  of  character.  Found 
in  a  pagan  building,  one  would  say  they 
represented  Roman  senators  of  the  sterner 
republican  type,  and  were  portraits.  Their 
actions  are  essentially  different ;  their  draperies 
cast  with  that  truthful,  excellent  variety  of 
fold  no  study  of  art-examples  only  could  have 
taught,  and  the  manipulation  of  light  and  shade 
is  ]ierfect." 

The  ornamentation  of  the  cupola   is  divided 


No.  6.    Soffit  of  .\rrh.  Man'olenm  of  Galla  Placidia,  Eav 


into  two  zones  encircling  the  central  picture  re- 
presenting the  baptism  of  our  Lord.  The  lower 
zone,  which  may  be  ascribed  to  the  earlier  period, 
presents  a  series  of  throned  crosses  ;  altars  bearing 
the  open  gospels  ;  episcopal  chairs  beneath  shell- 
roofed  niches ;  and  tombs  surmounted  with  gar- 
lands, set  within  an  architectural  framework  of 
almost  Pompeian  elegance.  This  lower  zone 
springs  from  a  profusion  of  acanthus  leaves,  on 
which  parrots,  doves,  and  other  birds  are  perched. 
The  upper  zone,  containing  the  twelve  apostles, 
together  with  the  central  picture  of  the  baptism, 
shew  indications  of  restoration  at  a  later  and 
inferior  period  of  art  (c.  A.D.  553),  though  still 
preserving  much  of  antique  dignity  and  grace. 
The  apostles,  colossal  in  size,  robed  in  gold 
and  white  drapery  floating  in  the  wind  in 
graceful  folds,  advance  with  rapid  step  towards 
the  central  figure,  bearing  in  their  hands 
jewelled  crowns.  The  life  and  movement 
of  the  advancing  figures  present  a  striking 
contrast  to  the  motionless  repose  of  later 
mosaics.     In  the  picture  of  the  baptism,  which 


fills  the  centre  of  the  cupola,  Christ  is  entirely 
nude,  immersed  in  the  river  up  to  the  middle. 
The  Baptist,  half  nude,  pours  water  on  the 
Saviour's  head,  on  which  the  holy  dove  is  de- 
scending. An  incongruous  relic  of  paganism 
appears  in  the  form  of  the  river-god  Jordan, 
rising  from  his  stream  and  offering  a  napkin  as  an 
act  of  homage.  The  mosaics  of  this  building 
stand  in  the  very  highest  rank  among  similar 
works  for  the  richness  of  the  ornamentation,  the 
harmony  and  delicacy  of  the  colouring,  the  ex- 
cellence of  the  drawing,  and  the  dignity  of  the 
composition.  (Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  vol.  ii.  c.  25; 
von Quast, ii'affnna,  taf.  i.  pp.4,  5;  Kugler.p.  -5.) 
Analogous  in  style,  and  rivalling  the  baptistery 
in  the  rich  harmony  of  its  ornamentation,  is  the 
mausoleum  of  Galla  Placidia,  a.d.  440.     This  is 


d  In  describing  the  Ravenna  mosaics  I  have  drawn 
largely  from  the  admirable  articles  which  appeared  !n  the 
Times  nenspaper  diirinp  the  year  18T6,  especially  those 
publiAed  September  25  and  December  30. 

«  Times,  u.  s. 


1330 


MOSAICS 


a  building  in  the  form  of  a  short  Latin  cross,  each 
arm  covered  with  a  barrel  vault,  with  a  small 
cupola  rising  on  a  square  lantern  above  the  inter- 
section. The  whole  interior,  both  walls  and  roof, 
from  the  height  of  about  six  feet  from  the  floor, 
is  coated  with  mosaics,  which,  as  Messrs.  Crowe 
and  Cavaleasalle  have  pointed  out,  are  of  special 
value  as  a  connecting  link  both  in  the  subjects 
and  their  treatment  between  the  Graeco-Roman 
work  of  the  primitive  Christian  church,  and  the 
strictly  new-Greek  or  Byzantine  ;  between  the 
frescoes  of  the  catacombs  and  the  mosaics  of  the 
Eoman  churches.  The  chief  arches  are  deco- 
rated with  rich  acanthus  scroll-work  (see  wood- 
cut No.  6),  which  also  covers  the  lunettes  at 
the  ends  of  the  transepts,  where  the  bright  green 
leaves  pencilled  with  red  and  black  and  bordered 
with  gold,  stand  out  on  a  dark  blue  ground,  with 
stags  making  their  way  through  the  foliage  to 
slake  their  thirst  at  a  fountain,  in  evident  allu- 
sion to  Ps.  xlii.  1.  The  subject  in  the  chief 
lunette  facing  the  entrance  has  been  variously 
explained.  It  represents  a  male  figure,  advancing 
with  energetic  stride,  his  pallium  floating  in  the 
air,  and  bearing  a  crux  hastata  over  his  right 
shoulder.  In  his  right  hand  he  carries  an  open 
book.  Before  him  to  his  right  is  an  iron  grate 
or  gridiron,  with  burning  wood  under  it.  Behind 
him  is  an  open  cupboard,  or  scrinium,  containing 
lolls  of  the  Gospels.  This  figure  has  been 
identified  from  the  days  of  Ciampiui  downwards 
witli  our  Lord,  and  the  book  is  supposed  to  be 
an  heretical  work  which  He  is  about  to  throw 
into  the  flames.  Such  a  representation  of  our 
Lord,  however,  is  quite  without  a  parallel  in 
the  whole  cycle  of  sacred  art,  and  it  has  of  late, 
with  more  probability,  been  regarded  by  Garrucci 
and  Richter  (^Die  Mosaihen  von  Havenna,  p.  31), 
as  St.  Lawrence  with  the  instrument  of  his 
martyrdom,  as  the  sword  lies  at  the  feet  of  St. 
Agnes  in  the  mosaic  in  the  basilica  bearing  her 
name  at  Rome.  The  book  held  by  him  would 
under  this  interpretation  be  one  of  the  Gospels 
(before  the  restoration  of  1875  the  scrinium  con- 
tained only  three  rolls,  St.  Matthew,  St.  Luke, 
and  St.  John),  borne  as  a  symbol  of  his  office  as 
a  deacon  (cf.  Const.  Apost.  lib.  ii.  c.  57  ;  Hieron. 
Epist.  Ivii.  ;  Concil.  Vasens.  ii.  c.  2).  Very 
superior  both  in  design  and  execution  is  the 
celebrated,  but  somewhat  overpraised,  mosaic 
of  the  Good  Shepherd  in  the  lunette  above 
the  chief  entrance.  "For  beauty  and  purity 
of  design,"  writes  Mr.  Layard  (m.  s.  p.  14), 
"  which  nearly  approaches  that  of  classic  times, 
and  for  exquisite  harmony  of  colour,  this  is  one 
of  the  most  perfect  specimens  of  the  art  that 
can  be  found."  Its  resemblance  to  some  of  the 
catacomb  frescoes  of  Orpheus  is  too  strong  to  be 
overlooked.  [Frescoes,  vol.  i.  p.  656.]  The 
Saviour,  represented  as  a  beardless  young  man 
with  long  flowing  hair,  clad  in  a  long  gold  tunic 
striped  with  blue,  and  holding  a  crux  hastata  in 
His  left  hand,  is  seated  in  a  grassy,  hilly  land- 
scape, with  His  sheep  grazing  around  Him, 
caressing  with  His  right  hand  one  of  the  flock 
that   has   lovingly   approached   Him."     Each  of 


•  The  somewhat  exaggerated  laudation  given  to  this 
mosaic  by  von  Quast  and  others  may  be  estimated  by  an 
inspection  of  the  accurate  Teproduction  of  the  original 
size,  by  Salviati  and  Riolo,  In  the  gallery  of  the  south- 
east court  at  the  .S<i"illh  Kensington  Museum. 


MOSAICS 

the  walls  of  the  lantern  supporting  the  cupola 
bears  two  standing  figures — perhaps  apostles — 
by  another  and  inferior  hand,  but  full  of  action 
and  admirably  posed.  Below  the  windows  are 
doves  perched  on  the  rim  of  a  vase  and  drinking 
from  it,  reminding  one  of  the  celebrated  antique 
mosaic  in  the  Capitol,  described  by  Pliny.  The 
dome  itself  is  spangled  with  stars  shining  forth 
from  a  red  azure  ground  encircling  a  Latin 
cross.  (Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  vol.  i.  tab.  65-67  ; 
von  Quast,  taf.  2-6,  pp.  10-15  ;  Kugler,  p.  28.) 

We  have  to  leap  over  a  century  to  arrive  at  the 
period  of  the  execution  of  the  mosaics  of  what 
is  known  as  the  Arian  baptistery,  or  St.  Maria 
in  Cosmedin,  said  to  have  been  built  by  Theo- 
doric,  and  after  his  death  reconciled  and  deco- 
rated by  bishop  Agnellus,  c.  560.  Our  limits 
forbid  our  dwelling  upon  these  works  of  art, 
which  are  almost  exactly  reproductions  of  those 
in  the  upper  part  of  the  dome  of  the  orthodox 
baptistery.  We  have,  as  there,  the  baptism  of 
Christ  in  the  centre,  with  the  attendant  figures 
of  the  Baptist  and  the  river-god  Jordan,  with 
the  lengthy,  angular  apostles  in  a  lower  zone — 
disproportionate,  figures — bearing  crowns.  (See 
Ciampini,  Vet.  Man.  vol.  ii.  c.  23 ;  von  Quast, 
18;  Kugler,  p.  35.)  ' 

We  pass  now  to  the  celebrated  church 
of  St.  Vital,  consecrated  in  547.  It  will 
be  seen  from  the  ground  plan  and  section  of 
this  remarkable  edifice  (Church,  vol.  i.  pp. 
375,  376),  that  in  its  general  plan  it  is 
circular,  covered  by  a  dome,  with  what  we 
may  call  a  quadrangular  chancel  ending  in  a 
domed  apse.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the 
principal  dome,  together  with  the  whole  of  the 
interior,  was  originally  decorated  with  mosaics, 
but  the  whole  have  perished  at  the  hands  of 
later  restorers  with  the  exception  of  those  of  the 
sacrarium  and  apse.  These  are  so  remarkable  in 
their  treatment  and  so  splendid  in  their  general 
eflect  as  to  make  us  regret  most  keenly  the  de- 
struction of  the  others.  Although  the  architec- 
ture of  the  church  is  what  was  afterwards 
known  as  Byzantine,  and  it  owed  its  erection  to 
the  Emperor  of  the  East,  the  term  "  Byzantine  " 
cannot  properly  be  applied  to  the  mosaics.  "  The 
style  of  art,"  writes  Kugler,  "  is  still  of  that 
late  Roman  class  already  described,  and  we  have 
no  reason  to  conclude  that  the  artists  belonged 
to  a  more  Eastern  school  "  (^Handbook  of  Painting, 
u.  s,  p.  34).  It  is  evident,  however,  that  the 
direct  classical  influence  was  waning,  and  giving 
place  to  realism.  They  no  longer,  as  in  the 
representations  of  which  "  the  Good  Shepherd  " 
of  the  mausoleum  of  Galla  Placidia  may  be 
taken  as  a  type,  "  reflect  pagan  art-tradition 
glorified  by  Christian  sentiment,"  but  either 
depict  scenes  belonging  to  their  own  times  or 
sacred  subjects  into  which  the  spirit  of  the  day 
has  been  breathed,  with  scarcely  any  trace  of 
antique  feelings.  The  broad  sottit  of  the  arch 
dividing  the  sacrarium  from  the  central  domical 


'  At  the  cathedral  of  Naples  there  is  a  baptistery 
ascribed  to  Constantine,  but  assigned  by  some  to  bishop 
Vlncentius,  a.d.  556-570,  the  cupola  of  which  is  enriched 
with  mosaics.  The  sacred  monogram  occupies  the  centre. 
On  the  sides  of  the  octagon  below,  we  are  told,  are  ranged 
the  prophets  presenting  their  crowns.  The  attitudes  are 
said  to  be  varied,  the  action  suitable,  and  the  draperies  of 
classic  dignity.  (Catalan!,  Chiese  di  A'apoli,  voL  1.  p.  46  ; 
Crowe  and  CavalcasoUe,  vol.  i.  p.  12.) 


MOSAICS 

area  is  decorated  with  15  medallions  containing 
individual  portrait-like  heads  of  our  Lord 
and  His  apostles  and  the  martyrs  Gervasius 
and  Protasius,  set  in  a  field  of  gold-green 
arabesque  foliage  on  a  blue  ground.  The  two 
walls  of  the  sacrarium  exhibit  a  remarkable 
series  of  Old  Testament  subjects,  chiefly  sym- 
bolical of  the  Eucharist,  together  with  figures  of 
prophets  and  evangelists,  set  in  an  architectural 
framework.  The  principal  picture  on  each  side  is 
contained  in  the  blank  head  of  a  semicircular 
arch,  above  which  two  angels  floating  through 
the  air  support  a  circular  medallion  bearing  a 
Latin  cross  with  the  letters  A  Cl.  Each  semi- 
circle includes  two  subjects  combined  in  one 
picture  :  that  to  the  north  (1)  Abraham  and 
Sarah  entertaining  the  three  angels,  and  (2) 
Abraham  raising  his  hand  to  slay  his  son,  while 
a  hand  from  heaven  points  to  a  ram.  That  to 
the  south  (1)  the  offering  of  Melchizedek,  who 
draped  in  royal  vestments  of  white  with  gold 
ornaments,  advances  from  a  palatial  edifice  to  an 
altar  or  draped  table,  on  which  stand  two  loaves 
of  bread  and  a  chalice  ;  (2)  Abel,  "  an  excellent 
and  perfectly  antique  shepherd  figure  "  (Kuglev), 
clad  in  a  kind  of  goatskin,  holding  a  lamb  in  his 
•extended  arms  over  the  table,  with  a  rude  hut 


MOSAICS 


1331 


d  her  Ladies,  in 


behind  him.  These  figures  are  nearly  life  size. 
The  spandrels  to  the  south  contain  on  one  side 

(1)  Moses  keeping  the  flock  of  Jethro,  and  above 

(2)  Moses  loosing  his  shoes  from  his  feet  ;  and  on 
the  other  side  (3)  the  prophet  Isaiah  standing  by 
a  crowned  column.  Still  higher  on  this  side 
above  the  arch  are  St.  Matthew  and  St.  Mark, 
with  their  symbols  of  the  angel  and  the  lion.  The 
corresponding  pictures  in  the  southern  spandrels 
are  (1)  Moses  on  the  Mount  receiving  tlie  law,  (2) 
a  group  of  Israelites  below,  and  (.3)  the  prophet 
Jeremiah  also  standing  by  a  crowned  pillar  ;  St. 
Luke  and  St.  John,  with  the  ox  and  the  eagle, 
being  represented  above.  Advancing  into  the 
apse  proper,  the  walls  on  either  side  at  the  en- 
trance bear  the  celebrated  historical   pictures  of 

CHRIST.    ANT. — VOL.   11. 


Justinian  and  "  his  strangely  chosen  empress " 
Theodora,  with  their  respective  suites,  makino- 
their  costly  offerings  at  the  consecration  of  the 
church.  (Woodcuts  Ao.  7,  8.)  These,  "  as  almost 
the  sole  surviving  specimens  of  the  higher  style 
of  secular  painting,  are  of  great  interest,  and  as 
examples  of  costume  quite  invaluable."  They 
are,  however,  inferior  in  knowledge  of  form  and 
in  drawing,  and  display  little  skill  in  grouping ; 
the  artists  endeavouring  to  make  up  for  their 
deficiencies  by  minute  and  careful  execution  and 
gorgeous  colouring.  The  figures  are  life-size,  and 
are  upon  a  gold  ground.  Both  the  emperor  and 
empress  are  distinguished  by  the  nimbus,  and  wear 
diadems.  (See  the  woodcuts  in  article  Crown, 
vol  i.  p.  50t).)  The  emperor  is  preceded' by  the 
archbishop  Maximianus  (a.D.  546-562)  who  con- 
secrated the  church,  a  very  characteristic  figure, 
accompanied  by  a  deacon  and  subdeacon,  the  one 
bearing  a  jewelled  volume  of  the  gospels,  the 
other  a  censer.  On  the  other  side  a  chamberlain 
is  represented  as  drawing  back  the  embroidered 
curtain  of  the  door  for  the  empress,  attended  by 
seven  ladies  of  her  court.  The  border  of  Theo- 
dora's robe  is  embroidered  with  the  Adoration  of 
the  Magi.  The  half-dome  of  the  apse  contains 
the  semi-colossal  figure  of  Christ  as  "  a  godlike 
youth  with  richly-clustered  hair  "  seated  on  an 
azure  globe,  bestowing  the  crown  of  life  on  the 
martyr-soldier  Vitalis,  who  is  being  led  up  to 
Him  by  an  angel.  Christ's  left  hand  holds  the 
seven-sealed  book.  Another  angel  stands  on 
the  other  side  of  Christ,  together  with  bishop 
Ecclesius,  the  founder  of  the  church  (d.  541),  of 
which  he  carries  a  model.  He  is  the  only  figure 
of  the  group  unnimbed.  Below,  the  four  rivers 
of  Paradise  flow  through  green  meadows.  The 
vault  of  the  sacrarium  is  richly  covered  with 
green-gold  arabesques  on  a  blue  ground,  and 
green  upon  a  gold  ground,  amid  which  four 
sUtely  angels  with  outstretched  arms  uplift  a 
medallion  bearing  a  nimbed  lamb  on  a  starry 
ground.  On  the  wall  in  front  of  the  apse  two 
angels  bear  the  monogram  of  Christ,  while  the 
cities  of  Bethlehem  and  Jerusalem,  blazing  with 
jewels,  stand  below,  amid  vine-tendrils  and  birds 
on  an  azure  ground.  No  more  remarkable  series 
of  mosaics  than  these  of  St.  Vital's  are  to  be 
found  in  the  whole  circle  of  Christian  art. 
(Ciampini,  Vet.  Mo)i.  vol.  ii.  tab.  18-22  ;  Agin- 
court,  Feinture,  pi.  xvi.  fig.  8,  10,  12  ;  Gaily 
Knight,  Eccles.  Arch,  of  Ital;/,  vol.  i.  pi.  10 ;  Dii 
Sommerard,  Lcs  Arts  du  Moyen  Age,  album, 
serie  10,  pi.  32  ;  La  Barte,  Handbook  of  Arts  of 
Middle  Ages,  vol.  i.  pi.  27  ;  Kugler,  u.  s. ;  Parker's 
Photographs,  No.  752,  753  ;  South  Kensington, 
972,  973,  6808-6810.) 

The  basilica  known  as  St.  Apollinare  Nuovo, 
since  the  removal  thither  of  the  body  of  St. 
ApoUinaris  for  safety  in  the  9th  century  from 
the  basilica  of  the  same  name  in  "  Classe,"  but 
originally  built  by  Theodoric,  A.D.  500,  for 
Arian  worship,  and  designated  "  St.  Martino 
in  coelo  aureo,"  from  the  splendour  of  its  golden 
walls  and  ceilings,  and  "SacellumArii,"  presents 
two  grand  processional  friezes,  of  colossal  figures, 
extending  the  whole  length  of  the  nave,  in  what 
we  have  called  the  "  triforium  spaces,"  which 
"  belonging  to  the  very  last  days  of  ancient  art 
remind  us  curiously  of  the  Panathenaic  pro- 
cession on  the  frieze  of  the  Parthenon"  (Kugler, 
M.  s.)  That  to  the  south  consists  of  twentv- 
4  Ii 


1332 


MOSAICS 


four  male  saints,  nimbed,  holding  crowns  in 
their  hands  divided  by  palm  trees,  all  clothed 
in  white  robes,  with  the  exception  of  the  patron 
saint,  St.  Martin,  the  last  of  the  row,  who  is 
clad  in  violet,  advancing  in  stately  march  from 
the  city  of  Ravenna  towards  the  throned  Saviour 
seated  between  four  angels  (a  restoration  since 
Ciampini's  time)  ;  on  the  north,  or  women's  side, 
we  have  a  similar  procession  of  twenty-two 
virgin  saints  issuing  from  the  suburb  of  Classis, 
clothed  in  white,  with  a  gold-coloured  short- 
sleeved  robe  over,  the  head  covered  with  a  white 
veil,  and  the  left  hand  which  holds  a  crown  also 
similarly  veiled.  They  are  preceded  by  the 
three  kings  (restored)  presenting  the  offerings  to 
the  Infant  Saviour  seated  on  His  throned  Virgin 


MOSAICS 

Mother's  lap,  with  two  stately  angels  on  either- 
side,  both  mother  and  child  having  the  nimbus, 
and  with  their  right  hands  raised  in  act  of 
benediction.  "Few  of  man's  works,"  writes 
Mr.  Freeman,  "  are  more  magnificent  than  that 
long  procession  of  triumphal  virgins.  ...  not 
stiff  conventional  forms,  as  in  the  late  Byzantine 
work ;  but  living  and  moving  human  beings." 
There  is  great  variety  in  the  expression  of  the 
faces,  and  the  features  are  some  of  the  most 
beautiful  in  early  Christian  art.  The  names  are 
inscribed  over  each  saint.  Mrs.  Jameson  calls 
attention  to  the  fact  that  only  five  of  the  whole 
number  "  are  properly  Greek  saints,  all  the  rest 
being  Latin  saints,  whose  worship  originated 
with    the    Western,  and  not    with   the  Eastern 


No.  9.    Cupola  of  the  Archiepiscopal  C!hapel,  Eavenna. 


church  "  (Jameson,  Sacred  and  Legendary  Art, 
vol.  ii.  p.  527).  Above  the  friezes  the  spaces 
between  the  windows  exhibit  small  single  figures 
of  prophets  and  apostles  in  niches  ;  and  over 
each  window,  a  vase  with  two  doves  recalls  a 
familiar  feature  in  classical  art.  Higher  still, 
just  below  the  roof,  is  a  series  of  sm.all  subjects 
from  the  life  of  Christ.  Those  on  the  ritual, 
north,  depict  thirteen  scenes  from  the  life  of  our 
Lord :— (1)  The  cure  of  the  paralytic ;  (2)  the 
cure  of  the  demoniac ;  (3)  healing  of  the  man 
with  the  palsy ;  (4)  severing  the  sheep  from  the 
goats ;  (5)  the  widow's  mite  ;  (6)  the  Pharisee 
and  publican  ;  (7)  the  raising  of  Lazarus ;  (8) 
Christ  and  the  woman  of  Samaria;  (9)  the 
woman  that  was  a  sinner;  (10)  cure  of  the  two 


I  blind  men;  (11)  miraculous  draught;  (12)  the 
feeding  of  the  five  thousand;  (13)  gathering  up 
j  the  fragments.  Those  on  the  south,  as  many 
j  scenes  from  the  Passion,  commencing  with  the 
j  Last  Supper  and  ending  with  the  appearances 
of  our  Lord  after  His  Resurrection — to  the  dis- 
ciples at  Emmaus,  and  to  the  eleven  apostles ; 
and,  what  is  noteworthv,  omitting  the  Cruci- 
fixion and  all  the  physical  sufferings  of  Christ. 
It  deserves  notice  that  in  the  former  our  Lord 
is  represented  as  a  beardless  young  man  ;  in  the 
latter  as  adult  and  bearded.  These  mosaics  are 
of  high  value  in  Christian  art,  and  deserve  to  be 
better  known.  The  best  account  of  them  is  in 
Richter,  Die  Mosaiken  von  Ravenna,  pp.  44  ff. 
Above    the    saints    we    see    the    conch-shaped 


MOSAICS 

vauit  of  an  apse,  with  a  pensile  crown,  and 
a  cross  above  supported  by  a  dove  on  either 
side.  (Woodcut,  Corona  Lucis,  vol.  i.  p.  461  ; 
Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  torn.  ii.  pp.  126,  127 ; 
Agincourt,  Feinture,  pi.  xvi.  fig.  13,  15-20 ; 
Garrucci,  Arti  Primitiv.  Crist. ;  von  Quasi,  taf. 
7;  South  Kens.  No.  6811,  6812;  Kugler,  m.  s. 
pp.  38-40.) 

To  the  same  period  belong  the  mosaics  of  the 
chapel  of  the  archiepiscopal  palace. s  (Woodcut 
No.  9.)  We  have  here  a  dome  with  the  monogram 
of  Christ  in  the  centre,  supported  by  four  simple 
and  graceful  angels,  with  the  evangelistic  symbols 
in  the  spandrels, all  on  a  gold  ground.  The  soffit  of 
each  of  the  four  sustaining  arches  is  decorated  with 
seven  medallion  heads  on  an  azure  ground,  that  of 
Christ  (a  very  youthful  bust)  occupying  the  place 
of  honour  in  the  centre  of  the  chancel  arch,  with 
three  of  the  apostles  on  either  side,  the  heads 
of  the  remaining  six  with  that  of  St.  Paul, 
ornamenting  the  western  arch.  The  side  arches 
exhibit  six  male  saints  to  the  north,  and  as  many 
female  saints  to  the  south,  with  the  sacred 
monogram  in  the  centre.  These  medallions  are 
conceived  in  the  same  spirit  as  those  on  the 
arch  of  the  sacrarium  of  St.  Vital,  but  are 
inferior  in  design  and  execution. 

The  mosaics  which  decorate  the  basilica  of 
St.  Apollinaris  in  Classe  belong  to  a  later 
period,  c.  671-677,  but  they  may  be  conveni- 
ently treated  of  here,  as  they  are  examples  of 
the  same  school  of  art,  and  present  many  points 
of  close  resemblance  to  the  earlier  works.  These 
mosaics  are  pronounced  by  Kugler  to  be  of  the 
highest  importance  in  the  history  of  ecclesiastical 
art,  as  almost  the  only  surviving  example,  since 
the  conflagration  of  St.  Paul's  at  "Piome,  of  the 
manner  in  which  "  whole  rows  of  pictures  and 
symbols  were  employed  to  ornament  the  interior 
of  churches"  (Kugler,  u.  s.  p.  61).  The  span- 
drels of  the  nave  arches  offer  a  series  of  early 
Christian  s3'mbols,  from  the  simple  monogram 
to  the  Good  Shepherd  and  the  Fisherman, 
while  a  line  of  medallions  on  the  wall  above 
exhibits  full-face  portraits  of  the  archbishops  of 
Eavenna,  on  the  same  plan  as  the  series  of  popes 
in  St.  Paul's,  which  are  continued  also  along 
the  wall  of  the  aisles.  (See  the  woodcut,  article 
Church,  vol.  i.  p.  377.)  These  are  modern,  but 
apparently  correct  copies.  The  mosaics  of  the 
apse  are  original,  and  very  remarkable.  The 
arch  of  the  tribune  presents  the  familiar  ar- 
rangement. The  bust  of  Christ,  in  a  medallion, 
occupies  the  centre  between  the  evangelistic 
symbols,  with  twelve  sheep  on  either  side 
issuing  from  the  gates  of  the  two  holy  cities  and 
advancing  up  the  sides  of  the  arch.  Lower 
down  are  the  two  archangels,  Michael  and 
Gabriel,  with  heads  of  youthful  beauty,  each 
holding  the  labarum.  Lower  still  are  figures 
of  St.  Matthew  and  St.  Luke.  The  side  walls  of 
the  apse  present  two  very  remarkable  historical 
compositions,  evidently  designed  in  imitation 
of  those  at  St.  Vital.  '  To  the  south  the  three 
sacrifices  of  the  Old  Testament,  those  of  Abel, 
Melchizedek,    and    Abraham,  are   combined    in 


MOSAICS 


133:; 


g  They  are  pronounced  by  Von  Quast  to  belong  to  the 
5th  century  chiefly  on  account  of  a  monogram,  "  Petrus," 
which  he  considers  to  refer  to  Petrus  Chrysologiis,  a.d. 
433-454.  Kugler  would  prefer  to  refer  this  monogram 
to  archbishop  Petrus  IV.,  a.d.  569-5Y4  (zt.  s.  p.  40,  note). 


one  really  spirited  composition.  To  the  north 
is  represented  the  Granting  the  Privileges 
of  the  church  of  Ravenna  to  the  archbishop 
Reparatus  by  the  emperor,  probably  Con- 
stantino Pogouatus,  A.D.  668-685,  slighter 
and  inferior  in  drawing  and  execution  to  the 
opposite  picture  (Kugler,  u.  s.  p.  63),  but  de- 
serving to  be  ranked  with  the  mosaics  of  St. 
Vital's  as  invaluable  contemporary  records  of 
secular  costume  of  the  7th  centuiy.  Between 
the  five  windows  of  the  apse  are  sainted  bishops 
of  Ravenna  in  pontifical  robes,  holding  books, 
and  blessing  the  people.  The  most  noteworthy 
however  of  the  series  of  mosaics  in  this  church 
is  that  of  the  Transfiguration,  which  fills  the 
conch  of  the  apse,  considered  by  Lord  Lindsay 
as  "  perhaps  the  most  beautifully  executed 
mosaic  in  Ravenna."  With  the  exception  of  that 
at  Mount  Sinai  it  is  the  earliest  known  representa- 
tion of  the  scene,  and  is  given  in  so  emblematical 
a  character  that  by  the  uninitiated  the  subject 
would  not  be  readily  recognised  (Mrs.  Jameson's 
History  of  our  Lord,  vol.  i.  p.  341).  The  tradi- 
tional type  is  adhered  to  in  the  arrangement. 
In  the  chief  place  the  presence  of  Christ  is  sym- 
bolized by  a  jewelled  cross,  set  in  a  blue  circle 
studded  with  gold  stars,  in  the  centre  of  which 
His  sacred  face  is  inserted  with  Salus  mundi  below, 
and  IX0T2  above.  The  divine  hand  issuing  from 
the  clouds,  and  pointing  to  the  cross,  indicates 
the  Father's  recognition  of  the  Son.  On  either 
side  of  the  cross  ti-uncated  half  figures  of  Moses 
and  Elias  repose  on  delicately  coloured  clouds. 
Below,  three  sheep  in  a  hilly  green  meadow 
looking  upward  symbolize  the  apostles.  At  the 
base  of  the  composition,  in  the  central  position, 
reserved  in  the  earlier  mosaics  exclusively  for 
Christ,  St.  Apollinaris  stands  in  his  pontifical 
robes,  with  his  arms  extended  in  prayer,  between 
six  sheep  on  either  side.  The  freedom  from  the 
Byzantine  rigidity  which  characterizes  the  con- 
temporary works  at  Rome  is  very  noteworthy. 
Indeed,  notwithstanding  its  intimate  political 
connection  with  Constantinople  the  art-tra- 
ditions of  Ravenna  seem  to  have  continued  to  a 
late  date  unaffected  by  the  paralyzing  influence 
of  the  schools  of  the  Eastern  capital,  which 
was  destined  to  destroy  the  life  of  ecclesiastical 
art,  and  reduce  it  to  the  almost  mechanical 
reproduction  of  conventional  forms,  depending 
for  their  effect  on  the  architectonic  regularity  o"t 
their  arrangement  and  the  gorgeousness  of  the 
materials  employed.  The  absence  of  Byzantine 
influence  here  has  been  noticed  by  Mr.  Freeman ; 
the  "  Ravenna  monuments  all  come  together  under 
one  head;  they  are  all  Christian  Roman  .... 
Greek  inscriptions  appear  over  the  heads  of  the 
holy  personages  in  the  mosaics  (at  St.  Mark's, 
Venice),  but  the  walls  of  St.  Vitalis  and  St. 
Apollinaris  in  Classe  sjjake  no  tongue  but 
Latin"  (^Historical  and  Architectural  Sketches, 
pp.  46,  47). 

Contemporaneous  with  the  earliest  mosaics  at 
Ravenna  are  the  very  interesting  works  at 
Milan,  in  the  churches  of  St.  Lawrence  and  St. 
Ambrose.  Those  at  St.  Lawrence  are  in  the 
lateral  apses  of  the  ancient  chapel  of  St. 
Aquilinus,  containing  the  tomb  of  Ataulphus, 
the  first  husband  of  Galla  Placidia  (A.D.  415). 
They  may  be  safely  ascribed  to  the  early  part  of 
the  5th  century,  and  are  entirely  free  from 
Byzantine  influence.  That  to  the  right  reprs- 
4  K  2 


1334 


MOSAICS 


sents  Christ,  youthful  and  beardless,  clad  in 
white.  (Woodcut  No.  10.)  His  head  encircled 
with  a  cruciform  nimbus,  bearing  A  CI ;  His  right 
hand  raised  in  benediction,  His  left  holding  the 
Book  of  Life.  The  apostles  sit  on  either  side,  all 
robed  in  white  long-sleeved  tunics,  with  a  black 
clavus  over  the  right  shoulder.  Their  feet  are  san- 
dalled. The  heads  display  much  variety  in  expres- 
sion, meditative  stern  or  cheerful,  and  some  are 
characterized  by  youthful  beauty.  The  tribune  to 
the  left  represents  a  pastoral  scene,  where  three 
youthful  shepherds,  one  asleep,  are  depicted 
with  three  sheep  in  a  rocky  landscape,  under  a 
cloudy  nocturnal  sky.  Two  dignified  figures 
clad  in  rich  gold-coloured  robes  are  directing  the 
attention  of  the  shepherds  to  something  out  of 
the  picture.  If,  as  Dr.  Appell  believes,  this 
represents  the  angel  appearing  to  the  shepherds 
at  the  Nativity,  it  is  an  interesting  proof  of  the 
entire  absence    at    that    early   period   of   any 


MOSAICS 

I  recognised  type  of  the  scene  (Allegranza.  Spiega- 
\  zoni,  &c.,  tav.  1  ;  South  Kens.  Nos.  7782,  7967). 
j  The  mosaics  at  St.  Ambrose  are  in  the  side 
I  chapel  of  St.  Satyrus,  or  of  St.  Victor,  "  ad 
coelum  aureum,"  this  being  the  original  place  of 
the  latter  saint's  interment.  Thev  are  ascribed  to 
the  middle  of  the  5th  century,  and  are  of  remark- 
able excellence,  characterized  by  a  living  freedom 
and  absence  of  stifthess.  On  each  side  wall  of  the 
chapel  are  three  standing  saints  ;  on  the  gospel 
side,  St.  Ambrose  between  St.  Gervasius  and 
St.  Protasius ;  on  the  epistle  side,  St.  Maternus 
between  St.  Nabor  and  St.  Felix.  All  wear 
white  togas  over  tunics,  their  feet  are  san- 
dalled, they  have  no  nimbi.  The  cupola  has 
a  gold  ground,  in  the  centre  of  which,  within  a 
garland  of  gay  flowers,  is  the  half  figure  of  St. 
Victor,  a  bearded  and  moustached  young  man, 
of  a  high  colour  and  short  brown  hair.  (Woodcut 
No.  11.)    He  is  clothed  in  a  red  tunic,  with  a 


No.  10.    The  Apse  of  St.  Aquilinns,    St.    Lorenzo,  Milan.    (South  Kensington  Museum.) 


light  purple  pallium  over  it.  He  holds  in  his 
right  hand  a  cruciform  monogram  of  Christ  with 
an  inscription  on  the  horizontal  bar  of  the  H, 
read  by  Ferrario,  Panagriae.  In  his  left  hand  he 
bears  an  open  book  inscribed  Victor,  above  is  a 
cross  with  Faudini  on  the  horizontal  bar.  The 
evangelistic  symbols  as  usual  occupy  the  pen- 
dentives.  They  are  more  unconventional  than 
usual  but  the  lion  suffers  in  drawing  from  the 
artist's  ignorance  of  the  real  animal  (Ferrario, 
Momimenti  di  Sant'  Amhrogio  in  Milano). 

Before  we  return  to  Rome  to  trace  the  gradual 
stiffening  and  shrivelling  up  of  ecclesiastical  art 
under  increasing  Byzantine  influence,  we  must 
cross  the  Adriatic,  and  take  a  suryey  of  the 
mosaics  of  the  very  remarkable  basilica  of 
Parenzo  in  Istria,  erected,  according  to  an  in- 
scription on  the  tabernacle,  (strangely  misread  by 


Dr.  J.  M.  Neale,  and  the  Gei-man  authorities)'' 
by  Euphrasius,  the  first  bishop  of  the  see,  between 
A.D.  535  and  A.D.  543.  These  mosaics  have  a 
strong  family  likeness  to  those  of  Ravenna, 
especially  those  of  St.  ApoUinare  Nuovo,  and 
evidently  belong  to  the  same  school.  The  soffit 
of  the  arch  of  the  tribune  is  decorated  with  a 
series  of  medallion  heads  of  female  saints,  with 
the  sacred  monogram  on  the  vertex  of  the  arch. 
The  western  face  of  the  arch  has  only  ribbons 
and  arabesque   foliage.     The  side  walls    of  the 


>>  The  Inscription  Is  as  follows :  "  Famul(us)  .  r)(e)i  . 
Eufrasius  .  Antis(tes)  .  temporib(us)  .  suis  .  ag(ens)  . 
an(num)  .  XI  .  hunc  .  loc(um)  .  a  .  fundamen(tis)  . 
D(e)o  .  jobant(e)  .  see  .  Oeccl  .  Catholec(ae)  .  condidit." 
The  words  Deo  .  jobante,  i.e.  Deo  juvante,  have  been 
strangely  read  into  an  abbreviation  for  Domino  Johanne 
beatissimo  Antistite. 


MOSAICS^ 

apse  present  the  Annunciation  to  the  north,  and 
the  Visitation  to  the  south.  Two  saints  and  a 
gold  nimbed  angel  in  white  robes  holding  an 
orb,  occupy  the  spaces  between  the  windows. 
The  semi-dome  of  the  apse  contains  a  very  exten- 
sive mosaic  picture,  somewhat  coarse,  but  very 
effective,  the  figures  being  remarkably  free 
from  stiffness,  noble  in  outline,  and  with  well- 
arranged  drapery.  The  general  arrangement  is 
that  with  which  we  are  familiar  in  this  posi- 
tion. A  sacred  figure  occupies  the  central  place 
with  saints  and  angels  standing  in  solemn  atten- 
dance on  either  side,  while  from  the  clouds  above 
the  Divine  Hand  holds  out  a  crown.  But  it 
is  no  longer  Christ  Himself  that  is  the  chief 
object  of  veneration,  but  His  Virgin  Mother, 
throned  and  nimbed,  holding  her  Son  on  her  lap. 
This  mosaic  therefore  indicates  a  distinct  step 


MOSAICS 


1335 


onwards  in  the  cultiis  of  the  Blessed  Virgin, 
anticipating  by  three  centuries  the  throned 
Virgin  of  Santa  Maria  in  Domnica.  On  either 
side  of  the  central  group  stands  a  stately  angel, 
and  beyond  three  saintly  personages ;  those  to 
the  Virgin's  right  hand  are  the  patron  saint, 
St.  Maurus,  holding  a  crown,  bishop  Euphrasius 
the  founder,  and  archdeacon  Claudius,  the 
architect  of  the  church,  a  model  of  which 
Euphrasius  is  presenting ;  and  between  them  a 
second  Euphrasius,  a  boy,  the  child  of  Claudius. 
The  three  saints  to  the  Virgin's  left  are  anony- 
mous. The  mosaics  at  Parenzo  are  not  limited 
to  the  interior  of  the  church.  The  western 
faoade  was  decorated  with  a  mosaic  picture  of 
Christ  in  a  Vesica,  between  the  Evangelistic 
symbols,  with  the -seven  golden  candlesticks  and 
two  saints  below,  all  in  a  state  of  sad  decay. 


No.  11.    Cnpola  of  the  Chapel  of  St.  Satiro,   at  St.  Ambrogio,  Milan. 


The  very  remarkable  mosaics  of  this  basilica 
demand  careful  illustration.  (Lohde,  Der  Bom 
von  Parenzo;  Eitelberger,  Kunstdenkmale  des 
Ocsterreichischen  Kaiserstaates,  heft  4-5,  pi. 
xiii.-xvi. ;  Neale,  Notes  of  Journey  in  Dalmatia, 
pp.  79,  80.) 

Proceeding  still  further  to  the  east,  Justinian's 
glorious  church  of  St.  Sophia  at  Constantinople 
presents  an  example  of  mosaic  dec^oration  un- 
paralleled in  extent  and  unsurpassed  in  mag- 
nificence, but  almost  entirely  hidden  beneath 
the  whitewash  of  the  image-hating  Mussulmans, 
and  only  known  to  us  by  the  rhetorical  descrip- 
tions of  Paulus  Silentiarius,  and  from  the  draw- 


ings of  Salzenberg,  taken  during  the  temporary 
removal  of  the  plaster,  and  published  in  his 
magnificent  work  on  the  ancient  Christian  archi- 
tecture of  Constantinople  {AltchristUche  Baudenk- 
male  von  Constantinopel).  The  present  state  of 
the  mosaics  may  be  seen  in  Signer  Fossati's  work 
Agia  Sofia.  Salzenberg's  plates  afford  an  un- 
deniable'proof  that  even  in  Byzantium  itself  the 
stiffening  influence  of  Byzantine  pictorial  tradi- 
tions had  hardly  begun  to  operate  in  the  6th 
century.  It  is  true  that,  with  some  exceptions, 
there  is  little  attempt  to  produce  a  pictorial 
composition.  The  mo.saics  chiefly  consist  of 
majestic  single  figures  rhythmically  arranged  as 


1336 


MOSAICS 


accessories  to  the  architecture,  looking  down  ' 
calmly  on  the  worshippers  below,  without  .any 
indication  of  action.  But  they  are  well  drawn, 
and  display  none  of  the  spectral  rigidity  and 
attenuated  length  which  renders  later  Byzantine 
art  so  repulsive.  The  subsidiary  ornamentation 
on  the  walls,  panels,  soffits  and  spandrels  of  the 
arches  is  no  less  free  and  joyous.  Here  we  have 
beautiful  arabesque  foliage,  branches  of  trees 
with  clusters  of  fruit  and  flowers,  with  stars, 
lozenges,  triangles,  and  guilloche  bordei-s,  mani- 
festing the  influence  of  a  still  living  classical 
trfidition.  The  whole  interior  of  the  chuixh  was 
originally  invested  with  inlaid  work.  The  lower 
portions  were  covered  with  "  opus  sectile," 
patterns  inlaid  in  various-coloured  marbles, 
while  the  upper  and  far  larger  portion  was 
swathed,  as  it  were,  in  a  continuous  gold  sheet 
(we  see  the  same,  at  a  later  date,  at  St.  Mark's, 
Venice),  throwing  up  the  stately  sacred  forms. 
The  general  arrangement  of  the  mosaics  may  be 
seen  in  the  section  of  St.  Sophia,  given  in  our 


MOSAICS 

first  volume  (Galleries,  vol.  i.  p.  707).  Four 
vast  seraphs,  with  faces  of  youthful  majesty,  set 
in  the  midst  of  six  overshadowing  wings,  occupy 
the  pendentives  of  the  great  cupola.  These  are 
still  partially  visible,  their  faces  only  being  con- 
cealed by  silver  stars.  The  dome  itself  had 
no  figures,  and  was  simply  divided  by  bands  of 
conventional  ornament.  The  soffits  of  the  four 
main  arches  supporting  the  dome  were  adorned 
with  full  length  colossal  figures  of  sacred  per- 
sonages within  rich  mosaic  borders.  The  soffit 
of  the  arch  of  the  apse  presented  on  either  side 
a  truly  magnificent  picture  of  a  white-robed 
angel  holding  a  globe  and  a  wand,  with  two 
wings  of  vast  length  and  breadth,  almost  reaching 
to  his  feet.  The  face  is  characterized  by  a  noble 
youthful  beauty ;  the  hair  long  and  curling. 
The  arrangement  of  the  wall  spaces  within  the 
cupola  will  be  seen  in  the  woodcut  already  re- 
ferred to.  The  si.x  smaller  figures  between  the 
second  tier  of  windows  represent  the  minor 
prophets.  Hanked  at  either  end  by  taller  figures 


From  Salzenberg's  Consiantinf-pel. 


of  the  major  prophets,  Isaiah  and  Jeremiah  to 
the  north,  Ezekiel  and  Daniel  to  the  south. 
There  is  much  variety  and  individuality  of  ex- 
pression in  these  stately  figures.  Jeremiiih  has  a 
very  noble  head,  with  long  flowing  hair  and  beard. 
Jonah  and  Habakkuk  are  also  noticeable.  The  latter 
has  a  very  earnest  f;ice,  without  a  beard,  and  with 
short  hair  (Salzenberg,  pi.  30).  A  mosaic  given 
by  Salzenberg  (pi.  31),  from  the  Gynaeceum,  re- 
presenting the  l3ay  of  Pentecost  shews  the  only 
attempt  at  a  regularly  composed  picture.  The 
twelve  apostles  are  ranged  in  a  semicircle  (it  is 
noticeable  that  the  Virgin  is  absent),  the  descend- 
ing fiery  tongues  being  depicted  on  the  ribs  of 
the  half  dome.  A  fragment  from  one  of  the 
spandrels  shews  a  portion  of  a  group  of  by- 
standers, depicted  with  much  graphic  power. 
Half-incredulous  wonder  is  well  repi-esented  in 
their  faces.  One  ill-looking  fellow  with  a  goat's 
beard  is  mocking.  The  mosaics  of  St.  Sophia 
are  evidently  not  all  of  the  same  date.  The 
figures    of    Eastern    saints,     Anthimus,    Basil, 


Dionysius,  Gregory  Theologus,  &c.,  from  the 
walls  of  the  nave,  shew  a  somewhat  soulless 
uniformity  in  dress  form  and  feature,  with  an 
approach  to  excess  of  length,  indicating  a  decline 
of  art  (i"6.  pi.  28,  29).  The  mosaic  of  our  Lord 
enthroned,  with  the  prostrate  form  of  the 
emperor  (Constantine  Pogonatus)  awkwardly 
poising  himself  on  his  knees  and  elbows  at  His 
feet,  displays  the  union  of  excessive  gorgeousness 
of  dress  and  accessories,  with  bad  drawing  and 
ignorance  of  anatomy,  which  characterizes  the 
later  B3^zantine  woi'ks.     (Woodcut  No.  12.) 

Another  contemporaneous  specimen  of  Greek 
mosaic,  on  a  scale  of  which  unhappily  there  are 
but  few  examples  remaining,  is  the  cupola  of 
St.  Sophia,  at  Thessalonica,  representing  the 
Ascension.  This  vast  composition  covers  an  area 
of  600  square  3'ards,  and  is  executed  with  a 
finish  rarely  exhibited  in  such  works.  It  may 
be  safely  assigned  to  the  middle  of  the  6th 
century.  The  ascending  figure  of  Christ  in  an 
aureole   supported  by  angels,  in  the    centre  of 


MOSAICS 

the  dome,  has  almost  entirely  perished.  The 
Virgin  and  twelve  apostles,  poised  insecurely  on 
little  conical  hills  divided  by  olive  trees,  stand 
in  a  circle  round  the  base,  their  colossal  figures, 
more  than  twelve  feet  high,  stretching  over  the 
golden  concave.  The  Virgin  occupies  the  chief 
place  opposite  the  entrance  ;  she  is  vested  in 
a  purple  robe,  with  scarlet  sandals,  and  has  a 
golden  nimbus,  as  have  the  two  angels  who,  one 
•on  either  side  of  her,  are  addressing  the  apostles. 
The  apostles  are  un-nimbed.  Their  expression  is 
veiy  varied  and  life-like.  Some  gaze  upwards ; 
some  lean  their  heads  on  their  hands  in  deep 
thought ;  some  hold  up  a  hand  or  a  finger  in 
astonishment.  There  is  as  yet  no  trace  of  the 
paralyzing  effect  of  Byzantine  stiffness  and 
despotic  art  traditions  in  this  truly  magnificent 
work  (Texier  et  PuUan,  Eglises  Byzantines,  pi. 
xl,  xli,  pp.  142-144).  There  can  be  no  reason 
to  doubt  that  Greece,  Asia  Minor,  and  the  Holy 


:mosaics 


1337 


Land  once  possessed  many  other  equally  noble 
specimens  of  mosaic  decoi-ation,  "  incomparably 
more  splendid,  more  extensive,  and  grander  in 
plan"  (Gaily  Knight)  than  those  with  which 
we  are  most  familiar  in  Italy ;  but  very  few 
have  survived  the  wasting  effects  of  the  ele- 
ments, wars,  fires,  and  earthquakes,  and  those 
that  remain  are  mostly  hidden  by  Mahommedan 
whitewash.  The  apse  of  the  church  of  the 
convent  of  Mount  Sinai  has  preserved  its 
mosaics  of  the  time  of  Justinian,  representing 
the  Transfiguration,  with  figures  of  Christ, 
Moses,  and  Elias,  and  the  three  apostles  below, 
set  in  a  border  of  medallions  containing  busts 
of  prophets,  apostles  and  saints.  Portraits  of 
Justinian  and  Theodora  are  found  on  the  face  of 
the  arch  of  the  apse.  Above  them  are  the 
appropriate  historical  scenes  of  Moses  and  the 
Burning  Bush,  and  Moses  receiving  the  Tables  of 
the  Law.     Accurate  drawings  or  photographs  of 


No.  13.    The  Apse  and  Triumphal  Arch  of  SS.  Cosmaa  and  Damii 


these  mosaics  are  urgently  called  for.  M.  Didron 
also  reports  that  the  "  vaults  and  cupola  of 
Vatopedi  and  St.  Laura  on  Mount  Athos,  and  of 
Daphne,  near  Athens,  and  of  St.  Luke  in  Livadia, 
are  covered  with  mosaics,"  but  he  supplies  no 
details. 

The  devastating  inroads  which  swept  over  Italy 
in  the  5th  century  effectually  stamped  out  all 
n.itive  art  both  in  the  capital  and  the  provincial 
( ities.  The  revival  of  mosaic  decoration,  as  of  the 
other  forms  of  enclesiastical  art,  must  be  attri- 
buted to  artists  from  the  Eastern  Rome,  who 
brought  with  them  their  technical  processes  and 
pictorial  traditions.  It  was  not,  however,  till  a 
later  period,  as  has  been  already  remarked,  that 
the  rapid  decline  which  characterizes  the  Byzan- 
tine school  proper  set  in.  The  mosaic  composi-  ' 
tions  in  Rome  belonging  to  the  6th  century  still 
exhibit  a  life  and  movement  which  render  them  I 
•"in  point    of  composition  scarcely   perceptibly  | 


inferior  to  those  of  the  5th,  and  in  splendour  of 
material  by  no  means  so"  (Kugler,  u.  s.  p.  31). 
The  finest  mosaics  of  this  class  existing  in 
Rome  are  those  in  the  church  of  St.  Cosmas  and 
St.  Damian  (the  Eastern  jihysjcian  saints)  in  the 
Forum,  built  by  Felix  IV.  A.D.  526-530.  (Woodcut 
No.  13.)  Here  we  perceive  that  we  have  finally 
said  farewell  to  pictorial  composition,  and  enter 
upon  the  system  of  [)ictorial  architectonic  decora- 
tions, which  continued  with  ever-increasing  for- 
mality and  stiffness  up  to  the  extinction  of  the  art. 
The  effect  is  made  to  depend  entirely  on  majestic 
figures  rhythmically  placed  in  motionless  repose, 
striking  the  eye  of  the  worshipper  with  their  calm 
and  solemn  grandeur,  and  filling  his  mind  with  re- 
verence and  awe,  while  "  the  rich  play  of  antique 
decoration  is  lost  sight  of  behind  the  severe  gravity 
of  figurative  representation  "  (LUbke,  History  of 
Christian  Art).  The  arrangement  of  tliis  admir- 
able mosaic,  the  last  work  in  Christian  Rome  in 


1338 


MOSAICS 


which  we  trace  a  really  living  art  in  contra- 
distinction to  the  mechanical  reproduction  of 
hieratical  forms,  conforms  to  the  type  described 
at  the  coimmencement  of  this  article ;  conven- 
tional in  arrangement,  gorgeous  in  colour,  severe 
in  form,  and  stern  in  expression.  A  colossal 
figure  of  our  Lord,  His  right  hand  raised  in 
benediction.  His  left  holding  a  scroll,  occupies 
the  centre  of  the  roof  of  the  apse.  To  the  left  St. 
Peter  introduces  St.  Cosraas ;  St.  Paul,  to  the 
right,  St.  Damian,  each  bearing  martyrs'  crowns. 
They  are  followed  by  St.  Theodore  to  the  right, 
gorgeously  robed,  carrying  his  crown,  and 
pope  Feli.x  IV.,  the  founder  of  the  church,  of 
which  he  carries  a  model,  to  the  left  (an  entirely 
restored  figure).  The  composition  is  terminated 
<n  either  side  by  a  palm  tree,  laden  with  fruit, 
sparkling  with  gold,  symbolizing  the  tree  of  life. 
Above  that  to  the  left  is  the  phoenix  with  a  star- 
shaped  nimbus,  typifying  eternal  life  through 
death.  The  river  Jordan  is  indicated  below  Christ's 
feet,  as  it  were  dividing  heaven  from  earth.  A 
frieze  encircling  the  apse  bears  twelve  sheep, 
drawn  with  much  truth  and  individuality  of 
expression,  advancing  from  the  two  holy  cities 
to  the  Holy  Lamb,  who,  with  nimbed  head,  stands 
on  a  hill,  from  which  issue  the  four  rivers  of 
Paradise,  which,  as  well  as  the  Jordan,  have 
their  names  inscribed.  The  arch  of  the  apse 
presents  the  usual  symbols  on  its  face.  In  the 
centre  the  Lamb,  "  as  it  had  been  slain,"  on  a 
jewelled  altar  with  a  cross  behind  and  the 
seven  sealed  book  on  the  step ;  on  either  side  the 
golden  candlesticks,  two  angels,  and  the  evange- 
listic symbols,  two  of  which,  as  well  as  the 
throng  of  elders  below  otfering  their  crosses, 
have  been  nearly  obliterated  by  repairs.  The 
only  nimbed  figures  are  Christ  and  the  angels. 
"  The  figure  of  Christ,"  writes  Kugler  {ti.s.  p.  32), 
"  may  be  regarded  as  one  of  the  most  marvellous 
specimens  of  the  art  of  the  middle  ages.  Coun- 
tenance, attitude,  and  drapery  combine  to  give 
Him  an  expression  of  quiet  majesty,  which  for 
many  centuries  after  is  not  found  again  in  equal 
beauty  and  freedom.  The  drapery  especially  is 
disposed  in  noble  folds,  and  only  in  its  somewhat 
too  ornate  details  is  a  further  departure  from 
the  antique  observable.  The  saints  are  not  as 
yet  arranged  in  stiff"  parallel  forms,  but  are 
advancing  forward,  so  that  their  figures  appear 
somewhat  distorted,  while  we  already  remark 
something  constrained  and  inanimate  in  their 
step.  ...  A  feeling  for  colour  is  here  displayed, 
of  which  no  later  mosaics  with  gold  grounds 
give  any  idea.  The  heads  are  animated  and  indi- 
vidual. .  .  .  still  tar  removed  from  any  Byzan- 
tine stiffness."  (Ciampini,  Vet.  Man.  vol.  ii. 
tab.  15,  16  ;  De  Rossi,  Musaici  Cristiani,  fasc.  v. ; 
Foutana,  Musaici  delle  Chiese  di  Boma,  tab.  3 ; 
Liibke,  History  of  Christian  Art,  vol.  i.  p.  319; 
Parker,  Fhotogr.  1441-1445;  South  Kens.  No. 
7805.) 

A  very  decided  decline  in  art,  though  still 
preserving  some  traces  of  the  ancient  Pioman 
manner,  is  manifested  by  the  mosaics  of  St.  Law- 
rence without  the  walls  built  by  Pelagius  II. 
Ca.d.  577-590).  The  apse  was  destroyed  when 
Honorius  IIL  (A.D.  1210-1227)  reversed  the 
orientation,  and  erected  a  long  nave  where  the  apse 
had  stood,  and  the  only  mosaics  remaining  are  on 
the  back-side  of  the  arch  of  triumph.  They  are 
too  much  restored  and   altered  to  be  of  much 


MOSAICS 

value  in  the  history  of  art.  Christ  is  here 
seated  on  the  globe  of  the  world,  holding  a  long 
cross ;  to  his  right  stand  St.  Peter  and  St.  Law- 
rence bearing  similar  crosses,  and  St.  Pelagius, 
a  diminutive  figure,  presenting  his  church.  On 
Christ's  left  stand  St.  Paul  and  St.  Stephen,  and 
St.  Hippolytus  bearing  his  martyr's  crown. 
Vitet  remarks  that  the  savage  ascetic  aspect 
of  Christ  resembles  that  of  an  Oriental  monk. 
(Ciampini,  Vet.  Men.  vol.  ii.  c.  13,  tab.  28  ; 
Parker,  Mosaics,  pp.  20-22.)  "  Standing  on 
the  boundary  line  between  the  earlier  and  later 
styles  "  (Kugler,  M.S.  p.  59),  but  shewing  a  very 
decided  tendency  to  Byzantine  treatment,  are  the 
mosaics  of  St.  Agnes,  the  work  of  pope  Honorius, 
A.D.  625-638.  The  picture,  limited  to  three 
figures,  is  a  strong  contrast  to  the  crowded 
compositions  of  later  times.  Here,  for  the  first 
time,  we  have  a  human  saint  occupying  the 
central  place  hitherto  reserved  for  Christ.  The 
Divine  Hand  holds  the  crown  above  her  head. 
The  execution  is  coarse,  and  the  design  poor.  The 
forms  are  stiff"  and  elongated,  and  the  attitudes 
conventional,  while  an  attempt  is  made  to  com- 
pensate for  deficiencies  in  art  by  richness  of 
colour  and  gorgeousness  of  costume.  St.  Agnes 
is  attired  with  a  barbarous  splendour  in  a  dark 
purple  robe  embroidered  with  gold  and  overloaded 
with  gems,  as  is  her  jewelled  tiara,  while  strings 
of  pearls  hang  from  her  ears,  reminding  us  of  the 
Empress  Theodora  at  St.  Vital's.  Her  red  cheeks 
are  mere  blotches,  and  the  figure  is  outlined  by 
heavy  dark  strokes.  A  sword  lies  at  her  feet, 
where  flames  are  bursting  from  the  ground,  sym- 
bolizing her  martyrdom.  To  her  right  Honorius 
presents  his  church ;  to  her  left  pope  Symma- 
chus  holds  a  book.  The  ground  is  of  gold,  which 
by  this  time  had  become  the  rule,  seldom  de- 
parted from  (De  Kossi,  Musaici  Cristiani,  fasc. 
iv. ;  Fontana,  u.s.  tav.  8  ;  D'Agincourt,  Febiture, 
pi.  17,  No.  2;  Parker,  Photogr.  1593;  South 
Kens.,  No.  974).  The  mosaics  which  decorate 
the  apse  of  the  oratory  of  St.  Venantius  (A.D. 
632-642),  attached  to  the  Lateran  baptistery,, 
depart  somewhat  from  the  usual  type.  Christ 
and  the  two  adoring  angels  are  reduced  to  busts, 
upborne  on  gaudy  clouds.  Below,  not  com- 
posed into  a  picture  but  standing  motionless 
side  by  side,  are  ranged  nine  full-length  figures, 
the  central  one  being  the  Virgin  as  an  "  orante  " 
(the  earliest  example  of  her  representation, 
not  in  an  historical  subject,  in  a  Roman  mosaic). 
To  her  right  are  St.  Paul,  St.  John,  St. 
Venantius,  and  pope  John  IV.,  the  builder  of 
the  oratory,  of  which  he  holds  a  model  in  his 
hand  ;  to  her  left  St.  Peter,  St.  John  the  Baptist, 
St.  Domnius,  and  pope  Theodore,  by  whom  the 
oratory  was  completed.  The  frieze  above  the 
arch  has  the  usual  symbolical  representations ; 
in  the  spandrels  below  are  eight  full-length  figures 
of  saints,  four  on  each  side,  some  having  ci'owns, 
others  books.  The  execution  of  the  whole  is 
coarse,  and  the  design  tasteless.  We  must  pass 
rapidly  over  the  remaining  Roman  mosaics  irt 
which  Byzantine  formalism  gradually  crushes 
out  more  and  more  of  the  life  of  art.  Those  of 
the  small  altar  apse  attached  to  the  round 
church  of  St.  Stephen,  on  the  Coelian  Hill,  A.D. 
642-649,  display  in  the  centre  a  richly  jewelled 
cross  between  the  standing  figures  of  St.  Primus 
and  St.  Felicianus,  with  a  medallion  head  of 
Christ  on  its  upper  arm  (recalling  the  analogous 


MOSAICS 

arrangement  at  St.  Apollinaris  in  Classe),  and 
the  hand  of  the  Father  holding  out  the  martyr's 
crown  above.  A  solitary  tigure  in  mosaic, 
that  of  St.  Sebastian,  over  a  side  altar  at  St. 
Pietro,  in  Vincoli,  belongs  to  the  same  period  of 
art.  The  saint  appears,  not  as  in  later  art  as  a 
youthful  half-naked  Christian  Apollo,  but  as  an 
old  man  with  white  hair  and  beard,  in  full  By- 
zantine costume,  with  richly  embroidered  trou- 
sers bare  legs  and  sandals.  He  holds  his  mar- 
tyr's crown.  His  countenance  displays  stern 
resolution.  The  figure  is  stiff  and  lifeless. 
Some  fragments  of  the  mosaics  put  up  in  St. 
Peter's  by  John  VII.,  a.d.  703,  removed  when 
the  basilica  was  rebuilt,  still  exist.  A  figure  of 
the  V^irgin,  with  uplifted  hands  as  an  orante,  is 
preserved  in  the  Kicci  chapel,  in  St.  Mark's  at 
Florence.  A  portion  of  the  Adoration  of  the 
Magi  is  to  be  seen  in  the  sacristy  of  St.  Mary, 
in  Oosmedin,  which  ''  shews  composition  of  a 
good  character,  somewhat  in  the  older  taste." 
The  circular  church  of  St.  Theodore,  A.D.  772- 
795,    contains   a   well-executed    picture,   which 


MOSAICS 


1339 


"  is  chiefly  interesting  to  us  as  one  of  the  ear- 
liest specimens  of  the  copying  of  old  mosaics  " 
(Kugler,  M.S.  p.  41).  Christ  in  a  violet  robe, 
with  long  light  hair  and  a  short  beard,  hold- 
ing a  cross  in  his  left  hand,  is  seated  upon  a 
blue  starry  globe.  St.  Peter  on  the  right  is  in- 
troducing St.  Theodore,  both  being  exact  copies 
of  the  corresponding  figures  in  St.  Cosmas  and 
St.  Damian.  St.  Paul,  on  the  left,  introduces 
another  youthful  saint.  Both  are  offering  their 
crowns  on  an  embroidered  mantle  to  Christ.  The 
unmeaning  draperies  indicate  the  rapid  decline 
of  art.  The  largest  and  most  magnificent  of  the 
works  of  this  period  are  those  in  the  church  of 
St.  Praxedes.  Nowhere,  except  at  Venice  and 
Ravenna,  do  we  find  so  wide  an  extent  of  mosaic 
decoration  in  the  same  building.  Not  only  the 
portions  usually  so  ornamented,  the  apse  and  its 
arch,  but  a  second  arch  crossing  the  nave,  and 
a  side  chapel,  that  of  St.  Zeno,  with  its  vaulted 
roof,  are  similarly  vested.  "The  effect  of  this 
grand  work,"  writes  M.  Vitet,  "  is  most  imposing, 
the    effect    entirely  of  decoration,    independent 


Praxedes ;  Rome.    (Kr 


of  the  character  and  value  of  the  objects  re- 
presented. If  the  eyes  are  not  charmed,  they 
are  at  least  dazzled,  and  it  is  only  after  some 
time  that  we  are  aware  of  the  feebleness  and 
coarseness  of  the  work,  and  that  we  feel  a  sad 
surprise  at  this  great  degradation  of  art." 
Any  detailed  description  of  the  subjects  is 
rendered  unnecessary  by  their  being  a  formal 
reproduction,  with  the  necessary  substitutions, 
of  the  mosaics  at  St.  Cosmas  and  St.  Damian. 
The  sainted  sisters  St.  Praxedes  and  St.  Puden- 
tiana  take  the  place  of  St.  Cosmas  and  St.  Damian, 
aud  pope  Paschal  of  pope  Felix.  All  else  is,  in 
plan  at  least,  the  same.  The  degrading  influ- 
ence of  the  Byzantine  art  traditions  were,  how- 
ever, too  potent  to  allow  the  imitator  to  copy  ' 
faithfully.  He  has  reproduced  the  general  form 
and  lost  the  spirit.  The  execution  is  rude,  and 
the  gorgeousness  of  the  colouring  only  increases 
the  barbaric  effect.  The  figures  are  stiff  atten- 
uated and  angular ;  the  countenances  meagre 
sad  and  ascetic ;    the  drapery  formed    only  by 


a  few  dark  lines.  The  sheep  in  the  frieze  are 
"  like  children's  toys  ;  small  horses  of  wood  badly 
cut"  (Vitet).  The  arch  of  the  tribune  preserves  the 
decoration  in  a  degraded  form  which  has  almost 
entirely  perished  at  St.  Cosmas  and  St.  Damian. 
(Woodcut  No.  14.)  The  front  of  thearch  of  triumph 
represents  in  the  centre  the  heavenly  Jerusalem, 
within  whose  gates  stands  our  Lord,  too  diminu- 
tive for  effect,  attended  by  angels  and  saints, 
while  below  a  multitude  of  the  redeemed  ap- 
proach in  solemn  procession  "clad  in  white 
robes,  and  with  palm  branches  in  their  hands." 
The  simultaneous  action  of  so  vast  a  crowd 
is  not  without  solemn  effect,  but  the  whole  dis- 
plays commonplace  thought  and  feebleness  of 
execution  (Ciampini,  tom.  ii.  tab.  47  ;  Fontana, 
tav.  12;  De  Rossi,  Mnsaici  Ci-isticml,  fasc.  v.; 
Kugler,  pt.  i.  p.  67 ;  Crowe  and  Cavalcaselle, 
vol.  i.  p.  51  ;  Parker,  Photoqr.  No.  1477-1483, 
1506,  1507  ;  South  Kens.,  No.  976).  The  side 
chapel,  though  from  its  barbaric  splendour  it 
has  obtained  the  designation  of  the  "Garden  of 


1340 


MOSAICS 


Paradise,"  is  even  poorer  in  design  and  ruder  in 
•execution.  The  walls  are  covered  with  long 
lean  figures  of  saints — the  Virgin  Mary,  St.  John 
Baptist,  Apostles,  Virgins,  busts,  and  sacred 
symbols,  ranged  side  by  side  on  a  glittering  gold 
ground,  with  no  attempt  at  combined  pictorial 
effect.  The  vault  exhibits  in  the  centre  a  half- 
length  figure  of  Christ  upborne  by  four  angels, 
apparently  copied  from  the  ceiling  of  the  archi- 
episcopal  chapel  at_Ravenna.  The  most  interest- 
ing portion  of  these  decorations  is  the  Holy 
Lamb  on  a  mount,  from  which  issue  the  four 
streams  of  Paradise,  at  which  as  many  stags  are 
drinking.  The  window  above  the  side  door  is 
framed  in  double  rows  of  medallion  portraits, 
"  which  are  merely  rude  caricatures  "  (Kugler, 
M.S.  p.  68).  (Ciampini,  tom.  ii.  c.  26,  tab.  48, 
50;  Parker,  Photogr.  No.  1508-1512;  Parker, 
Mosaics,  p.  32;  South  Kens.,  No.  1393-1396). 
To  the  same  pope.  Paschal  I.,  are  due  the  mosaics 


MOSAICS 

[  of  the  apse  of  St.  Cecilia,  in  Trastevere,  where 
the  subjects    and  arrangements  are  nearly  the 
same,  and  which  in  rudeness  and  "  multiplicity  of 
figures  correspond  pretty  much  with  those  at  St. 
Praxedes."    We  have  "  the  same  forgetfulness  of 
the   human   frame,  the  same   disparity  between 
I  the  richness  of  the  costumes  and  the  deformity 
of  those  who  are  clothed  in  them  "  (Vitet).  (Ciam- 
pini,  vol.   ii.  c.   27,  tab.  51,  52;  Parker,  F/io- 
'  togr.  1706.)      To  Paschal  also  we  must  ascribe 
I  the  rich  mosaics  of  the  apse  of  St.  Mary  in  Navi- 
j  cella,  or  in  Domnica,  ^v■here,  for  the  first  time 
in  existing  Christian  Roman  art  (the  example  at 
Parenzo  is  three  centuries  earlier),  we  find  the 
Virgin  Mary  enthroned  with  our  Lord   on  her 
lap,  not  as  an   infant,  but   as  a  dwarfed   man, 
taking  the  chief  place  in  the  composition.  (Wood- 
cut No.  15.)  Kugler  calls  attention  to  the  richness 
of  the  foliage  decoration,  usually  proscribed  by  the 
moroseness  of  Byziintine  art.    The  mosaics  of  St. 


;  Rome.    Circa  816. 


Mark's,  erected  by  Gregory  IV.,  a.d.  828,  are, 
.according  to  M.  Vitet,  "  unquestionably  the  most 
barbarous  in  Rome,"  in  which  "  all  respect 
for  any  kind  of  rule,  all  antiquity  of  expres- 
sion, all  notion  of  order  and  beauty  have  dis- 
appeared. The  meagreness  of  the  figures,  the 
lengthening  of  the  bodies,  the  stiff  parallelism 
of  the  draperies,  cannot  be  carried  farther."  The 
subject,  Christ  attended  by  ajiostles  and  saints, 
with  the  usual  accessories,  calls  for  no  remark 
(Ciampini,  tom.  ii.  c.  19,  tab.  36,  37).  The  ca- 
thedral of  Capua  possesses  mosaics  of  the  same 
school,  which  deserve  fuller  description  and  illus- 
tration (Ciampini,  tom.  ii.  c.  29,  tab.  54).  The 
celebrated  mosaic  of  the  apse  of  the  Leonine 
Triclinium  at  the  Lateran,  though  a  modern  re- 
storation by  Benedict  XIV.,  a.d.  1740-1758,  is  a 
tolerably  faithful  copy  of  the  original  work, 
■erected  by  Leo  III.,  a.d.  798-816.  The  chief 
subject  is  the  constantly  repeated  one  of  Christ 
and  His  apostles,  with  the  river  of  Paradise 
;gu.shing  out  at  their  feet.  "The  figures  in 
their  stiff  yet  infirm  attitudes,  and  still  more  in 
the  unmeaning  disposition  of  the  drapery,  dis- 
play a  decided  Byzantine  influence  "  (Kugler,  u.s. 


p.  66).  On  the  walls  on  either  side  of  the  apse, 
at  the  springing  of  the  arch,  are  the  pictures 
famous  for  their  ecclesiastical  and  political  sig- 
nificance. To  the  left  the  enthroned  Saviour 
bestows,  with  His  right  hand,  the  keys  on  St. 
Sylvester  and  with  His  left  hand  the  Vexillum 
on  the  emperor  Constantine  each  kneeling  at 
His  feet,  as  the  symbols  respectively  of  the  spi- 
ritual and  temporal  power.  To  the  right  St. 
Peter,  similarly  enthroned,  places  a  crown  on 
the  head  of  pope  Leo  III.,  with  his  right  hand 
and  with  His  left  gives  the  Vexillum  to  the  em- 
peror Charles  the  Great  (Ciampini,  tom.  ii. 
c.  21,  tab.  39,  40 ;  Wharton  Marriott,  Testimony 
of  Catacombs,  p.  95,  pi.  6  ;  Vestiarium  Christ. 
pi.  32,  33;  Parker,  Photogr.  No.  761).  At 
the  church  of  St.  Nereus  and  Achilleus,  rebuilt 
by  Leo  III.,  A.d.  796,  the  mosaics  of  the  apse 
have  perished,  but  those  above  the  arch  remain, 
and  are  remarkable  as  representing  historical 
scenes  instead  of  the  usual  symbolical  and  apo- 
calyptic subjects.  The  Transfiguration  is  repre- 
sented over  the  arch,  with  Moses  and  Elias 
standing  on  either  side  of  Christ,  whose  superior 
dignity   is  indicated  with  a  puerile  realism  by 


MOSAICS 

his  taller  stature,  and  the  awkward  prostrate 
figures  of  the  three  apostles  beyond.  Further 
teTthe  left  is  the  Annunciation,  and  to  the  right 
the  Virgin  and  Child  accompanied  by  an  angel, 
less  ungraceful  than  the  other  figures.  The 
whole  composition  strikingly  indicates  the  low 
state  to  which  art  had  fallen  at  the  end  of  the 
8th  century  (Ciampini,  torn.  ii.  c.  20,  tab. 
38).  The  last  mosaic  to  be  noticed  in  this  period 
is  that  of  the  church  originally  called  St.  Maria 
Antiqua,  then  changed  to  St.  M.  Nova,  and  re- 
dedicated  in  the  16th  century  to  St.  Francesca 
Romana,  the  name  by  which  it  is  commonly 
known.  In  this  work  there  is  a  strange  mixture 
of  good  and  bad,  with  some  novelties  of  treat- 
ment, indicating  the  introduction  of  a  new  in- 
fluence. The  chief  figure,  as  at  St.  Maria  in 
Navicella,  is  the  Virgin  attended  by  saints,  with 
our  Lord  on  her  lap,  throned,  and  now  for  the 
first  time  crowned.  The  attempt  at  pictorial 
composition  is  entirely  given  up,  and  architec- 
tural composition  is  substituted  for  it.  The 
figures  are,  according  to  the  arrangement  with 
which  we  become  afterwards  so  familiar,  for  the 
first  time  placed  each  under  the  arch  of  a 
continuous  arcade,  supported  by  columns.  A 
sort  of  tabernacle,  in  the  form  of  a  cockle 
shell,  spreads  over  all  the  upper  part  of 
the  mosaic.  The  drawing  is  very  bad ;  the 
figure  of  the  Virgin,  "  one  of  the  most  hideous 
that  can  be  imagined"  (Vitet),  the  cheeks 
simply  red  blotches,  the  folds  of  the  drapery 
merely  dark  strokes,  poorly  compensated  for  by 
the  Oriental  magnificence  of  the  costumes,  espe- 
cially that  of  the  chief  figure.  The  garlands  of 
foliage,  however,  display  a  certain  grace  alien 
from  the  usually  morose  rigidity  of  the  Byzantine 
school.  Indeed  the  whole  composition  indicates 
some  original  power  and  freedom  of  thought  on 
the  part  of  its  designer  (Ciampini,  torn.  ii.  c. 
28,  tab.  5.3).  With  the  Imperial  power  the  art 
of  mosaic  was  transferred  from  Rome  to 
Aachen.  Charles  the  Great  summoned  the 
artists  to  decorate  his  new  basilica,  for  the 
enrichment  of  which  rich  marbles  and  pillars 
were  transported  from  Ravenna.  Ciampini 
(torn.  ii.  c.  22,  tab.  41)  preserves  the 
design  of  the  apse,  which  is  very  unlike  the 
usual  conventional  type.  In  the  centre  is  our 
Lord  enthroned,  holding  a  book  with  an  angel 
on  either  side.  Below  are  seven  small  figures 
of  the  elders  rising  from  their  thrones,  and  cast- 
ing their  crowns  at  our  Lord's  feet.  After  the 
9th  century,  during  the  fierce  struggles  of 
contending  factions,  by  which  the  unhappy  land 
was  rent  asunder,  mosaic  ceased  entirely  in 
Rome  and  in  Italy  generally.  Its  first  revival 
was  in  the  republic  of  Venice,  where  we  find  its 
earliest  examples  in  the  church  of  St.  Cyprian 
at  Murano,  and  on  a  most  extensive  scale  and 
with  the  utmost  gorgeousness  of  character  at 
St.  Mark's.  These,  however,  are  outside  our 
chronological  limits.  The  art  was  much  later 
in  its  revival  in  Rome  itself,  where  the  earliest 
examples,  evidently  the  work  of  Byzantine 
artists,  belong  to  the  12th  century.  We  may 
specially  mention  those  of  St.  Marv,  in  Tras- 
tevere.A.D.  1130-114:i;  St.  Clement,' A.D.  1250- 
1274;  St.  John  Lateran,  A.D.  1288-1294;  the  apse 
of  St.  Mary  Major's,  of  the  same  date,  and  the 
external  mosaics  in  the  facade,  A.D.  1292-1307. 
But  on  these  also  their  late  date  forbids  us  to  touch. 


MOTHER  CHURCH 


1341 


Authorities. —  Appell,  Dr.,  Christian  Mosaic 
Pictures;  Barbet  de  Jouy,  Mosdiques  de  Rome; 
Ciampini,  Vetera  Monimenta  ;  Crowe  and  Caval- 
caselle.  History  of  Painting ;  Ferrario,  Basilica 
di  Sant'  Amhrogio  ;  Fontana,  Musaici  delle  Chiese 
di  Roma  ;  Freeman,  Historical  and  Architectural 
Sketches;  Furietti,  De  Musivis ;  Garrucci,  Arti 
Cristiane;  Grimouard  de  St. -Laurent,  Guide  de 
VArt  Chre'tien;  Kugler,  Handbook  of  Painting ; 
Layard,  Paper  on  Mosaics  read  before  the  Institute 
of  British  Architects ;  Lohde,  Dom  von  Parenzo  ; 
Parker,  Archaeology  of  Rome,  Mosaics;  Photo- 
graphs ;  Quast,  von,  Baudenkmale  von  Ravenna  ; 
Rossi,  de,  Musaici  Cristiani;  Richter,  Die  Mosaiken 
von  Ravenna ;  Salzenberg,  Baudenkmale  von  Con- 
stantinopel ;  Seroux  d'Agincourt,  Hisfoire  de/Art 
par  les  Monuments ;  Texier  et  Pullan,  Eglises 
Byzantines ;  Tyrwhitt  Drake,  Art  Teaching  of 
the  Primitive  'Church ;  Vitet,  VArt  Chrdien ; 
Wharton  Marriott,  Testimo7iy  of  the  Catacombs; 
Vestiarium  Christianum;  Digby  Wyatt,  Art  of 
Mosaic  ;  Geometrical  Mosaics  of  the  Middle  Ages. 
[E.  v.] 

MOSCENTUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  in 
Achaia  Jan.  12  (_Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MOSES  (1)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Alex- 
andria Feb.  14  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  (JIOYSEs),  the  Ethiopian,  "Our  holy 
father ;"  commemorated  Aug.  28  (Basil.  Menol. ; 
Cal.  Byzant.  ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  267  ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Aug.  vi.  199). 

(3)  The  prophet ;  commemorated  Sept.  4  (Cal. 
Byzant. ;  Basil.  Menol. ;  Usuard.  Mart.;  Bed. 
Mart.  Auct. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  i.  6) ;  Sept. 
5  {Cal.  Ethiop.). 

[See  also  MoYSES.]  [C.  H.] 

MOSEUS  (MOYSEUS),  martyr  with  Ammo- 
nius,  soldiers,  at  Pontus ;  commemorated  Jan.  18 
(Usuard.  Mart.;  Hieron.  Mart.;  Boll,  ^cto  SS. 
Jan.  ii.  188).  [C.  H.] 

MOSITES,  martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Pice- 
num  Ap.  15  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MOSSEUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa 
Jan.  17  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MOSUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome  in 
the  cemetery  of  Praetextatus  May  10  (Hieron. 
Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MOTHER  CHURCH.  (Ecclesia  matrix, 
Matricularis,  Mutricialis,  Mater  Principalis,  Dio- 
cesana,  or  Ecclesia  per  $e.)  We  find  all  these 
epithets  used  during  the  early  ages,  and  substan- 
tially in  the  same  sense,  viz.  that  of  a  principal 
and  dignified  church,  having  other  churches  de- 
pendent upon  it.  We  may  distinguish  four  dis- 
tinct varieties  of  meaning  in  which  this  word  is 
employed. 

I.  Of  a  church  planted  immediately  by  the 
apostles,  from  which  other  churches  were  after- 
wards derived  and  propagated.  Thus  Tertullian 
(de  Praescript.  cap.  21)  calls  the  churches  in 
which  the  apostles  preached,  either  in  person  or 
by  their  epistles,  by  this  name,  and  makes  their 
traditions  to  be  the  rule  of  doctrine  for  the 
whole  church :  "  constat  proinde  omnem  doc- 
trinam,  quae  cum  illis  ecclesiis  apostolicis  matri- 
cibus  et  origiualibus  fidei  conspiret,  verit.iti 
deputandam,  id  sine  dubio  tenentem,  quod  Ec- 


1342 


MOTHER  CHUECH 


clesiae  ab  Apostolis,  Apostoli  a  Christo,  Christus 
a  Deo,  suscepit."  And  in  this  sense  the  second 
general  council  of  Constantinople  called  the 
church  of  Jerusalem  the  mother  of  all  churches 
in  the  world,  Trjs  5e  76  /xrjTpbj  airaffoov  to>v 
inKKriffiwv.  And  the  church  of  Aries  is  simi- 
larly called  the  mother  church  of  France,  because 
Trophimus  its  first  bishop  was  supposed  to  have 
first  preached   the  gospel  in  that  country. 

II.  It  denotes  a  metropolitan  church,  i.  e.  the 
principal  church  of  an  ecclesiastical  province. 
Thus  in  the  African  canons  (can.  119  or  120), 
"Si  autem  non  fecit,  non  praejudicetur  matrici, 
sed  liceat,  cum  locus  acceperit  episcopum,  quem 
non  habebat,  ex  ipso  die  intra  trienniura  repe- 
tere."  And  in  can.  90  we  meet  with  the  phrase 
"  matrices  cathedrae,"  and  Ferraudus  Diaconus 
uses  the  simple  term  "  matrices "  to  denote 
metropolitan  and  cathedral  churches  (^Brev.  cap. 
ii.  17,  38).  Similarly  Agobard  (de  Privilegio  ct 
Jure  Sacerdotii,  cap.  12),  "  nos  ab  ecclesii  non 
recedimus,  nee  spernimus  matrices  ecclesias." 
But  Ducange  suggests  that  the  reading  here 
should  be  nutrices. 

III.  The  term  was  also  and  more  generally 
used  of  the  chief  church  of  a  diocese,  a  cathedral, 
as  distinguished  from  parish  churches,  com- 
mitted to  the  charge  of  smgle  presbyters,  which 
were  called  iituli.  Among  the  Greeks  the 
former  were  knov/n  as  Ka6o\iKal  =  generales. 
Thus  Epiphanius,  in  treating  of  the  Arian  heresy, 
calls  the  cathedral  of  Alexandria  KaQoMKriv. 
See  also  a  canon  of  the  council  in  Trullo  (can. 
58  or  59).  In  the  African  canons  (can.  123), 
we  find  again  the  phrase:  "si  in  matricibus 
cathedris  episcopiis  negligens  fuerit  adversus 
haereticos,  conveniatur  a  vicinis  episcopis."  And 
in  the  same  sense,  can.  33,  by  which  the  bishop 
is  forbidden  to  alienate  or  sell  the  property 
of  his  cathedral,  and  the  presbyters  that 
belonging  to  their  parishes  :  "  non  habenti  neccs- 
sitatem,  nee  episcopo  liceat  matricis  ecclesiae, 
nee  pi-esbytero  rem  tituli  sui."  The  fifth  council 
of  Carthage  (a.D.  401)  calls  the  metropolitan 
church  "  principalis  cathedra  "  (can.  5).  It  was 
termed  the  "  mother  church,"  and  the  rest  of 
the  churches  in  the  diocese  diocesan  churches, 
ecclesiae  dioecesanae ;  as  in  the  8th  canon  of  the 
council  of  Tarraco  (a.d.  516),  which  directs 
bishops  to  visit  their  dioceses  every  year,  and 
ascertain  that  the  churches  were  in  good  repair  ; 
which,  continued  the  canon,  we  find  not  to  be 
the  case  in  all  instances — "  reperimus  nonnullas 
dioecesanas  ecclesias  esse  destitutas." 

IV.  The  term  mater  or  matrix  is  sometimes 
applied,  at  a  later  period,  to  parish  churches 
also,  as  distinguished  from  chapels  or  other 
churclies  dependent  ecclesiastically  upon  them. 
Thus  pope  Alexander  III.,  in  the  Appendix  to  the 
third  council  (a.d.  1167)  at  the  Lateran  (pars  i. 
cap.  7) :  "  nee  eos  duas  matrices  ecclesias,  quarum 
unam  sufficere  sibi  videbitis,  tenere  permittatis," 
where  it  is  apparently  equivalent  to  ecclesia 
haptismalis,  a  church  in  which  baptisms  were 
administered,  which  is  one  way  of  describing  a 
parish  church,  as  in  Walafrid  Strabo  {de  Eehus 
Ecclesiasticis,  c.  30),  "  Presbyteri  plebium,  qui 
baptismales  ecclesias  tcnent,  et  minoribus  pres- 
byteris  praesunt."  And  similarly  a  charter  of 
Hugh  Capet  mentions  two  churches  existing  in 
a  particular  place:  "quarum  una  est  mater 
ecclesia,  in  honore  B.  Remigii,  et  alia  capella  in 


MOURNING 

I  honore  S.  Germani."  This  distinction  was  one 
commonly  existing,  and  clearly  recognised.     The 

j  mother  church  was  considered  as  a  church  per  sc, 
i.  e.  owing  obedience  to  no  other ;  having  its 
own  presbyter,  and  so  distinguished  from  chapels, 
wliich  were  probably  always  served  from  the 
parish  church.  [Ouatory.]  In  illustration  of 
this  we  may  quote  from  a  letter  of  Hincmar  of 
Eheims  (Kp.  7):  "dicunt  enim  quia  ex  quo  me- 
morari  ab  his  qui  in  carne  sunt  potest,  quoniam 
ipsa  ecclesia  per  se  fuit  semper,  nulli  alteri 
ecclesiae  fuit  subjecta.  .  .  .  Evideutibus  docu- 
mentis  invenerunt,  quod  ipsa  ecclesia  de  Folla- 
naebraio  nunquam  ecclesiae  in  Codiciaco  fuerit 
subjecta,  sed  presbyterum  semper  habuerit." 

[S.  J.  E.] 
MOURNERS.     [Pen-itexce.] 

MOURNING.  Outward  signs  of  grief  at  the 
loss  of  friends,  either  by  (a)  formal  lamentation, 
(6)  change  of  attire,  or  (c)  seclusion  from  society. 
The  mourning  of  the  disciples  after  our  Lord's 
crucifixion  and  death  (Mark  xvi.  10),  that  of  the 
devout  men  at  the  burial  of  Stephen  (Acts  viii. 
2),  and  that  of  the  widows  on  the  death  of  Dorcas 
(ib.  ix.  39)  are  passages  that  have  been  cited  to 
shew  that  demonstrations  of  grief  on  such  occa- 
sions were  not  regarded  by  the  primitive  Church 
as  inconsistent  with  the  Christian  theory  of  the 
future  life  of  the  faithful.  The  language  of  St. 
Paul  (1  Thess.  iv.  13)  probably  indicates  the 
character  of  the  Church's  teaching  in  relation  to 
the  question  during  the  first  three  centuries ; 
such  losses  being  viewed  as  occasions  for  natural 
sorrow,  tempered  however  by  a  firm  belief  in  the 
joyous  resurrection  of  the  departed  and  their 
future  reunion  with  their  friends.  Upon  the 
bereaved  Christian  the  Church  enjoined  neither  a 
stoical  disguising  of  all  emotion  nor  a  formal 
affectation  of  grief. 

The  earlier  Christians  appear  to  have  con- 
demned even  a  change  of  attii-e  as  a  relic  of 
paganism ;  and  it  is  certain  that  many  practices 
— such  as  the  custom  on  the  part  of  relatives  to 
walk  with  the  head  bare,  the  women  with  their 
hair  dishevelled  and  beating  the  breast,  the  hiring 
of  female  mourners  (praeficae),  who  lamented  and 
sang  naenia  or  songs  in  praise  of  the  dead,  and  of 
lictors  dressed  in  black,  corresponding  to  the 
modern  mute,  the  observance  of  a  definite  period 
of  mourning,  during  which  time  it  was  regarded 
as  indecorous  for  the  relatives  of  the  deceased  to 
appear  in  public — are  all  distinctly  traceable  to 
Jewish  or  pagan  precedents.  Traditional  obser- 
vance, however,  often  prevailed  over  religious 
conviction  ;  and,  speaking  generally,  actual  prac- 
tice appears  to  have  been  somewhat  at  variance 
with  the  more  enlightened  teaching  of  the  Church. 
The  authority  of  the  most  eminent  among  the 
Fathers  is  clearly  condemnatory  of  such  displays. 
St.  Cyprian  disapproves  of  excessive  lamentation 
and  black  attire :  "  desiderari  eos  debere,  non 
plangi,  nee  accipiendas  esse  hie  atras  vestes, 
quando  illi  ibi  indumenta  alba  jam  sumpserint, 
occasionem  dandam  non  esse  gentilibus  ut  nos 
merito  ac  jure  reprehendant  quod  quos  vivere 
apud  Deum  dicimus,  ut  extinctos  et  perditos 
lugeamus,  et  fidem  quam  sermone  et  voce  depro- 
mimus  cordis  et  pectoris  testimonio  non  probe- 
mus"  (Lib.  de  Mortal.  Migne,  iv.  234).  The 
language  of  St.  Zeno,  bishop  of  Verona  in  the 
following  century,  shews  that  it  was  still  cus- 


MOUKNING 

tomary  for  widows  to  indulge  in  displays  of 
excessive  grief.  In  a  dissuasive  against  second 
marriages  among  this  class,  he  adverts,  though 
without  direct  censure,  to  the  rending  of  the 
hair  over  the  corpse,  lacerated  cheeks,  "livore 
foedata  ubera,"  the  mourner  "  coelum  ipsum 
ululatibus  rumpens,"  as  ordinary  expressions  of 
sorrow  on  the  part  of  widows  (Jligne,  xl.  305). 
The  authority  of  St.  Chrysostom  is  emphatically 
pronounced  against  such  excesses.  In  addressing 
an  audience,  he  says,  "  Thenceforth  therefore  let 
no  one  beat  the  breast,  or  wail,  or  impugn  Christ's 
victory.  For  He  conquered  death.  And  why 
dost  thou,  0  mourner,  weep  without  measure  ? 
This  state  (t5  irpayfia)  is  but  a  sleep.  Why  dost 
thou  lament  and  utter  cries  ?  For  if  even  the 
Gentiles  ("EWrjres)  were  wont  thus  to  do,  it 
ought  but  to  move  us  to  scorn  (^KarayeXai'  (Sei, 
in  evident  allusion  to  Matt.  ix.  24,  kuI  KaTey4\aiv 
avTov).  But  if  the  faithful  dishonour  themselves 
by  such  practices,  what  excuse  can  they  plead  ? 
For  how  canst  thou  expect  to  be  forgiven  who 
actest  thus  foolishly,  and  that  too  when  Christ 
has  so  long  been  risen  and  the  proofs  of  His 
resurrection  are  so  clear  ?  But  thou,  as  though 
seeking  to  magnify  thy  offence,  bringest  in  prae- 
ficae  (^dprjvcjiSovs  'EAXrjyiSas  yvuaiKas),  that  thou 
mayst  add  fuel  to  thy  grief  and  stir  up  the 
furnace  of  affliction ;  and  heedest  not  the  words 
■of  St.  Paul,  'What  concord  hath  Christ  with 
Belial  ?  or  what  part  hath  he  that  believeth 
with  an  infidel?'"  (Ilomil.  31;  Migne,  Series 
Graeca,  Ivii.  374).  This  passage  can  hardly  be 
understood  otherwise  than  as  implying  that  the 
practices  condemned  were  prevalent  in  the  Church 
in  Chrysostom's  time.  The  final  conclusion  of  the 
homily  is  that  the  Christian  ought  not  to  mourn 
for  the  relative  who  has  been  removed  from  the 
calamities  of  life,  nor  even,  with  the  prospect  of 
future  reunion,  to  grieve  over  a  temporary  sepa- 
ration. The  passage  is  quoted  in  confirmation  of 
his  own  view  by  John  of  Damascus  in  his  Sacra 
Farallelaj^^De  mortuis,et  quod  eorum  causa  non 
sit  lugendum  "  (Migne,  Series  Graeca,  scvi.  543)  ; 
see  also  a  sermon  attributed  to  Chrysostom  by  the 
Benedictine  editors  (ib.  xl.  1166),  in  which  the 
conduct  of  Horatius  on  receiving  the  intelligence 
of  his  son's  death  (Livy,  ii.  8)  is  cited  with 
approval. 

St.  Jerome  holds  similar  language.  In  writing 
to  one  Julianus,  a  man  of  wealth,  who  in  the 
lapse  of  a  few  days  had  not  only  lost  his  wife 
and  two  daughters  by  death,  but  also  a  consider- 
able portion  of  his  property-through  an  invasion 
of  the  barbarians,  he  says,  "  laudent  ergo  te  alii 
.  .  .  quod  laeto  vultu  mortes  tuleris  tiliarum, 
quod  in  quadragesimo  die  dormitionis  earum  lu- 
gubrem  vestem  mutaveris,  et  dedicatio  ossium 
martyris  Candida  tibi  vestimenta  reddiderit,  ut 
non  sentires  dolorem  orbitatis  tuae,  quem  civitas  ■ 
universa  sentiret,  sed  ad  triumphum  martyris 
cxultares;  quod  sanctissimam  conjugem  tuam 
non  quasi  mortuam  sed  quasi  proficiscentem  de- 
duxeris"  (^Epist.  cxvii.  Migne,  xxii.  794). 

It  is,  however,  unquestionable  that  by  many 
somewhat  different  views  were  held.  A  passage 
in  one  of  the  Apostolical  Constitutions,  belonging, 
it  is  conjectured,  to  the  period  intervening  be- 
tween the  age  of  Cyprian  and  that  of  Chrysostom, 
shews  that  a  more  definite  and  formal  observance 
of  certain  rites  was  already  recognised  and  incul- 
cated by  the  Church,  though  the  passage  probably 


MOUKNING 


1343 


indicates  the  practice  of  the  East  rather  than  of 
the  West  [Apost.  Const,  p.  125].  A  short 
religious  service,  whereby  it  was  designed  not  so 
much  to  lament  as  to  commemorate  the  deceased, 
is  here  directed  to  be  held  on  the  third,  ninth, 
and  fortieth  days  after  the  day  of  death,  the 
anniversary  of  the  day  to  be  observed  by  a  dis- 
tribution of  alms  to  the  poor.  'E7r;TeA.6icr0co  Se 
Tpira  rSiv  KiKOiix-q^ivtov,  iv  \pa\iJ.o7s  Koi  avayvu- 
veai  KoL  TTpoffivxo-^^s,  Sia  rhy  Slo,  rptoiv  rnxipwv 
j  iyepdivTa.  koI  evvara,  els  inTojxvTiaiv  rwv  irepi- 
i  6vr(ai'  Kol  Toov  KeKoiix7}ixivoiv  Kal  TecrffapaKOcrra, 
KaTO.  rbv  iro.Xaihi'  tvttov  '  Mwcriv  yap  ovtus  6 
\ahs  (Tr4v6ri(Te  •  Kal  iviaucrta,  inrip  ixveias  avTov. 
Koi  SiSdadco  SK  riiv  virapxovTwv  avrov,  ivivrjcnv 
eis  avdixvrjcnv  avrov  (^Cunst.  Apost.  viii.  43  ;  Cote- 
lerius,  i.  424).  The  repetition  of  such  observances 
on  the  ninth  day  (corresponding  to  the  Greek 
euara,  Lat,  novendialia)  appears  to  have  had  only 
pagan  precedent,  and  is  accordingly  condemned 
by  St.  Augustine,  who  considers  that  the  obser- 
vance of  the  other  days  is  in  conformity  with 
Scriptural  usage.  "  Nescio  utrum  inveniatur 
alicui  sanctorum  in  Scripturis  celebratum  esse 
luctum  novem  dies,  quod  apud  Latinos  Novendial 
appellant.  Unde  mihi  videntur  ab  hac  consuetu- 
dine  prohibendi,  si  qui  Christiauorum  istum  in 
mortuis  suis  numerum  servant,  qui  magis  est  in 
Gentilium  consuetudine.  Septimus  vero  dies 
auctoritatem  in  Scripturis  habet :  unde  alio  loco 
scriptum  est,  Lucius  mortui  septem  dierum ;  fatui 
autem  omnes  dies  vitae  ejus  (Eccles.  xxii.  15). 
Septenarius  autem  numerus  propter  sabbati  sa- 
cramentum  praecipue  quietis  indicium  est ;  unde 
merito  mortuis  tanquam  requiescentibus  exhi- 
betur"  (^Quaest.  in  Heptateuch,  i.  172;  Migne, 
xxxiv.  596).  St.  Ambrose,  in  his  Oratio  de  ohitu 
Theodosii  (a.nn.  375),  sa.js,  "Ejus  ergo  principis 
et  proxime  conclamavimus  obitum,  et  nunc  quad- 
ragesimam  celebramus,  assistente  sacris  altaribus 
Honorio  principe  ;  quia  sicut  sanctus  Joseph  patri 
suo  quadraginta  diebus  humationis  officia  detulit, 
ita  et  hie  Theodosio  patri  justa  persolvit.  Et 
quia  alii  tertium  diem  et  trigesimum  alii  septi- 
mum  et  quadragesimum  observare  consueveruut, 
quid  doceat  lectio  consideremus."  He  then  quotes 
Gen.  1.  2,  and  adds,  "  Haec  ei-go  sequenda  solem- 
nitas  quae  praescribit  lectio;"  quoting  again 
Deut.  xxxiv.  8,  he  says,  "  Utraque  ergo  observatio 
habet  auctoritatem." 

Tertullian  (de  Corona,  c.  3)  speaks  of  otTerings 
in  memory  of  the  departed,  "oblationes  pro 
defunctis,"  as  customary  on  the  anniversary  of 
their  death  ;  and  Evodius,  bishop  of  Uzala,  in 
414,  when  giving  an  account  of  the  obsequies  of 
a  young  Christian,  says,  "  per  triduum  hymnis 
Dominum  collaudavimus  super  sepulchrum  ipsius, 
et  redemptionis  sacramenta  tertio  die  obtulimus  " 
{Epist.  clviii.  Migne,  xxxiii.  694).  This  passage 
is  adduced,  apparently  with  little  reason,  by 
Martigny  (Diet,  des  Antiq.  Chre't.  art.  Deuil)  as 
evidence  that  otferings  for  the  repose  of  the  soul 
of  the  departed  were  authorised  by  the  church. 
The  contrast  of  Christian  to  pagan  sentiment 
in  relation  to  the  subject  is  perhaps  strongest  in 
the  manifestations  of  joy  and  exultation  [Burial 
OF  THE  Dead,  p.  252]  with  M'hich  the  relatives 
and  friends  followed  the  body  to  the  grave.  These 
demonstrations  were,  however,  widely  different 
from  the  spirit  in  which  some  barbarous  nations 
{e.g.  the  Thracians,  the  earlier  inhabitants  of 
Marseilles)  often  conducted  their   funeral  rites. 


1344 


MOURNING 


The  latter  indulged  in  unseemly  riot  and  revelry. 
Tlie  feelings  of  the  early  Christians  resembled 
rather  those  of  the  ancient  Cimbri,  who  were  wont 
to  rejoice  over  friends  fallen  in  battle  (Amm. 
Marcell.  II.  vi.  2),  and  such  demonstrations  appear 
to  have  been  confined  to  (a)  the  obsequies  of  a 
martyi-,  ()3)  those  of  some  distinguished  benefactor 
of  the  Church,  (7)  those  of  an  ecclesiastic  of 
superior  rank  and  eminent  piety.  Jerome,  speak- 
ing of  the  funeral  of  Fabiola,  says,  "  totius  urbis 
populus  ad  exsequias  congregabat  ;  sonabant 
psalmi,  et  aurata  tecta  templorum  in  sublime 
quatiebat  Alleluia  "  (Migne,  xxii.  466).  A  decree 
attributed  to  pope  Eutychianus  directs  that  no 
martyr  shall  be  interred  without  a  purple  under- 
garment (^sine  colobco  purpurea'),  the  emblem  of 
his  service  in  the  cause  of  his  divine  Master  (ib. 
V.  158-161).  Gregory  of  Toua-s,  in  recording 
the  burial  of  St.  Lupicinus,  says,  "celebratis 
mis.sis,  cum  summo  honore  gaudioque  sepultus 
est."  The  office  for  the  burial  of  a  bishop  in  the 
time  of  Gregory  the  Great  appears  to  have 
included  the  singing  of  the  Hallelujah  (Migne, 
Ixxviii.  478,  479)  ;  and  the  singing  of  hymns  when 
conveying  the  dead  to  the  place  of  interment 
seems  to  have  been  an  invariable  accompaniment. 
Victor  Vitensis,  in  describing  the  condition  of 
the  faithful  during  the  occupation  by  the  Vandals, 
aun.  487,  says,  '  Quis  vero  sustineat,  ac  possit 
sine  lacrumis  recordari,  cum  praeciperet  nos- 
trorum  corpora  defunctorum  sine  solemnitate 
hymnorum,  cum  silentio  ad  sepulturam  perduci" 
(ilist.  Persecut.  Yand.  I.  v. ;  Migne,  Iviii.  5). 
The  Pseudo-Dionysius,  which  may  be  regarded  as 
of  some  authority  with  respect  to  the  theory  of 
the  Eastern  church  in  the  5th  century,  inculcates 
the  observance  of  distinctions  in  the  funeral  rites 
of  the  unconverted  and  of  the  righteous,  cor- 
responding to  the  sentiments  proper  to  their 
different  careers.  Their  lives  have  differed,  and 
so  their  manner  of  encountering  death  must  differ. 
The  righteous  man,  who  has  not  given  himself  up 
a  slave  to  corrupt  passions  and  criminal  excesses, 
is  filled  with  joy  at  the  prospect  of  completing 
his  course  of  trial.  Similarly,  his  relatives,  on 
his  completion  of  that  course,  pronounce  him 
happy  (^jxaKapi^ovffi,  irphs  rh  viKf)<p6pov  fvKTaicos 
apiKSfj-euov  T6'Aos)and  glorify  Him  who  has  given 
the  victory,  hoping  that  they  themselves  may 
come  to  a  like  end.  These  sentiments  find,  in 
turn,  fitting  expression  in  the  actual  rites 
[Burial,  p.  254] ;  Obsequies  {De  Eccles.  Hie- 
rarch.  c.  7  ;  Migne,  Series  Graeca,  iii.  263-265). 

Undue  parade  and  excess  of  adornment  are 
censured  by  St.  Jerome.  Writing  to  the  mother 
of  Blaesilla,  a  convert  who  had  died  shortly  after 
her  conversion,  he  says,  "  ex  more  parantur  exe- 
quiae,  et  nobilium  ordine  praeeunte,  aureum 
feretro  velamen  obtenditur.  Videbatur  mihi  tunc 
clamare  de  coelo:  non  agnosco  vestes,  amictus 
iste  non  est  mens ;  hie  ornatus  alienus  est " 
(Migne,  xxii.  177).  The  language  of  St.  Augus- 
tine (de  Civit.  Dei,  i.  13)  is  that  of  one  who 
looks  upon  details  of  ceremonial  of  this  character 
as  of  little  or  no  importance.  At  the  third 
council  of  Carthage  (A.D.  397),  at  which  he  was 
present,  the  practice  of  placing  the  Eucharist 
between  the  lips  of  the  defunct  was  condemned. 
The  ceremony  of  bidding  the  deceased  farewell, 
probably  by  the  kiss  of  peace,  was  condemned  in 
the  6th  century  at  the  council  of  Auxerre. 

The  custom  of  remaining  within  doors,  secluded 


MUINTIR 

from  society,  during  the  first  week  of  mourning 
is  traced  by  Buxtorf  {Lex.  Chald.  Talm.  ad  v. 
Lxictus)  to  Jewish  precedent.  Under  Valentinian 
and  Theodosius,  it  was  enacted  that  a  widow 
marrying  again  within  a  year  from  the  time  of 
the  death  of  the  husband  "probrosis  inusta 
notis,  honestioris  nobilisque  personae  et  decore 
et  jure  privetur,  atque  omnia  quae  de  prioris 
mariti  bonis  vel  jure  sponsaliorum  vel  judicio 
defuncti  conjugis  consecuta  fuerat,  amittat  et 
sciat  nee  de  nostro  beneficio  vel  annotatione  spe- 
randum  sibi  esse  subsidium  "  {Cod.  Thcodosianus, 
ed.  Hanel,  iii.  8).  This  law  is  evidently  a  reflex 
of  Roman  i-ather  than  Christian  sentiment  (see 
Ovid,  Fasti,  iii.  134;  Zedler,  Universal-Lexicon, 
s.  T.  Trauerjahr). 

The  tolling  of  the  bell  at  the  time  of  death, 
which  is  regarded  by  some  as  a  tradition  from 
paganism,  and  designed  originally  to  drive  away 
evil  spirits,  does  not  appear  as  a  Christian  usage 
before  the  8th  century  [Obsequies  of  the 
Dead],  and  was  more  probably  intended  as  a 
signal  for  prayer.  [J.  B.  M.] 

MOYSES  (1)  Bishop  of  the  Saracens  in  Ara- 
bia, 4th  century ;  commemorated  Feb.  7  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  43) ;  called  Moysetes  by  Usuard. 
and  Vet.  Horn,.  Mart. 

(2)  Abbat,  martyr  in  Egypt  with  six  monks, 
in  the  5th  century;  commemorated  Feb.  7  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  46). 

(3)  Martyr  with  Cyrio,  Bassianus,  and  Aga- 
tho ;  commemorated  Feb.  14.  The  same  name 
occurs  in  Hieron.  Mart,  on  this  day  in  connexion 
with  others.  [C.  H.] 

MOYSETES  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated 
Feb.  7.    [MoYSES  (1).] 

(2)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa  Dec.  18 
(Usuard.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MOYSEUS  (1)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  May 
12  {Eieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr;  commemorated  Aug.  12  {Eieron. 
Mart.)  [C.  H.] 

MOYSUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at  Nico- 
media  Ap.  6  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MUCIANUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at 
Alexandria  June  9  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MUCIUS  (1)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in 
Africa  Jan.  17,  according  to  one  reading  of 
Hieron.  Mart,  otherwise  MiCA  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Jan.  ii.  80). 

(2)  Martyr  with  Lucas,  deacons,  at  Cordula ; 
commemorated  Ap.  22  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Eom. 
Mart.). 

(3)  Presbyter  and  martyr  at  Constantinople ; 
commemorated  by  the  Latins  May  13,  and  by  the 
Greeks,  who  write  the  name  Mocius,  on  May  11 
(U.suard.  Mart. ;  Florus  ap.  Bed.  Mart. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  May,  ii.  620).    [Mocius  (3).] 

(4)  Martyr  at  Constantinople ;  commemorated 
June  15 ;  according  to  another  reading  Nucus 
{Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  June,  ii.  1050). 

[C.  H.] 
MUINTIR,  the  Irish  family  or  clan,  came  to 
denote  the  monastic  society  or  congregation,  in 
Latin   "familia."      It  was  first  applied  to  all 


MULCTEA 

within  the  one  monastery,  as  used  in  the  Fclire 
of  Acngus  of  the  monks  of  St.  Donnan  in  the 
island  of  Egg,  and  in  Ann.  Tilt.  (a.d.  640,  690, 
716,  748)  oi  the  brotherhood  in  lona  (Ja),  and 
again  (A.D,  763)  of  those  at  Durrow  and  Clon- 
macnoise,  who  were  at  war  and  bloodshed.  But 
in  a  wider  sense  it  also  included  those  monas- 
teries which  had  been  founded  from  the  parent 
house,  or  were  under  the  rule  of  abbats  who 
were  coarbs  of  the  same  original  founder  and 
thus  owed  fealty  to  the  abbat  of  the  chief 
monastery,  like  the  monasteries  at  Derry,  Dur- 
row, Kilmore,  Swords.  Rechra,  and  Drumcliff 
to  that  in  lona  (Reeves,  Adamnan's  Life  of 
S.  Columha,  162,  304,  342,  and  Ecd.  Ant.  of 
Down,  Connor,  and  Dromore,  1.53 ;  Todd,  St. 
Patrick,  158-9  ;  Skene,  Celtic  Scotland  ii.  61). 
[J.  G.] 
MULCTEA.  The  figure  of  the  Good  Shep- 
herd [Shepherd,  the  Good]  is  often  represented 
with  vessel  either  hanging  on  His  arm,  or  sus- 
pended from  a  tree  near  Him,  or  lying  at  His  feet. 


MUNEEAEIUS 


1345 


with  Mulctra.    (From  the  cemetei7  of  Domitilla.) 


These  are  mulctrae,  the  pails  into  which  the  kine 
are  milked.  (Compare  Milk,  p.  1184.)  A  good 
example  of  the  introduction  of  the  midctra  is 
found  in  the  cemetery  of  Domitilla,  where  the 
Lamb,  obviously  typifying  the  Lord,  has  beside 
Him  a  milking-vcssel  suspended  on  the  pastoral 
staff. 


Lamb  with  Mulctra.    (From  Martigny.) 

The  Lamb  is  also  represented  at  the  four  angles 
of  a  vault  of  the  cemetery  of  SS.  Marcellimis  and 


Petrus  bearing  on  His  back  the  mulctra  sur- 
rounded by  a  nimbus  in  much  the  same  manner 
that  the  fish  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Cornelia 
bears  a  basket  containing  the  bread  and  wine 
[Canister,  p.  264].  The  Lamb  being  the  sym- 
bol of  the  Saviour,  the  mulctra  is  the  symbol  of 
the  spiritual  nourishment  derived  from  Him. 

[C] 
MULIEE,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Hera- 
clea  Nov.  19  (_Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MUMMOLINUS,  bishop ;  commemorated 
Oct.  16  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  vii.  2.  953).  [C.  H.] 

MUMMOLUS,  abbat  of  Fleury  in  the  7th 
century ;  commemorated  Aug.  8  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Aug.  ii.  351 ;  Mabill.  Acta  SS.  0.  S.  B.  saec.  ii. 
645,  Venet.  1733).  [C.  H.] 

MUNATUS,  presbyter  and  martyr,  with  his 
wife  Maxima ;  commemorated  at  Sirmium  Mar. 
26  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MUNEEAEIUS.  With  the  Romans,  munus, 
in  one  of  its  senses,  denoted  a  show  of  gladiators, 
and  the  person  who  paid  the  expenses  of  such  a 
show  and  presided  at  it  (edebat)  was  called 
editor,  dominus,  munerator  or  munerarius,  and 
was  honoured  during  the  day  of  exhibition,  even 
if  a  private  person,  with  the  official  ensigns  of  a 
magistrate.  [^Dict.  of  Gr.  and  JSoman  Antiq. 
art. '  Gladiatores.'] 

From  the  very  first,  the  church  stigmatized 
these  shows  as  cruel  and  debasing,  and  with- 
drew, as  far  as  her  power  extended,  all  Christians 
from  any  share  in  or  responsibility  for  them. 
[Gladiators,  p.  728.]  TertulUan  {Apol.  cap.  44) 
refers  to  such  games  as  employing  multitudes  of 
criminals  and  of  the  lowest  class  of  people,  but 
among  them  no  Christians ;  if  there  were  any, 
that  they  were  sent  there  simply  for  being  Christ- 
ians. That  a  Christian  could  possibly  himself  be 
a  munerarius  does  not  seem  to  have  even  occurred 
to  him.  De  vestris  [i.e.  heathen]  semper 
aestuat  career,  de  vestris  semper  metalla  sus- 
pirant,  de  vestris  semper  bestiae  saginantur,  de 
vestris  semper  munerarii  noxiorum  greges 
pascunt,  nemo  illic  Christianus,  nisi  plane  tan- 
tum  Christianus,  aut  si  et  aliud,  jam  non 
Christianus."  And  the  council  of  Elvira  (a.d. 
305),  in  its  third  canon,  orders  that  those 
Christians  who  had  taken  upon  them  the  office 
oi  flamen,  to  which  it  belonged  to  exhibit  these 
games,  if  they  had  offered  the  sacrifices  to  the 
heathen  gods  which  were  customary,  were  never 
to  be  received  again  to  communion,  even  at  the 
hour  of  death  ;  and  such  as  did  this,  but  avoided 
the  sacrifice,  were  put  to  life-long  penance,  and 
only  admitted  to  communion  at  the  hour  of 
death,  after  satisfactory  proof  of  their  peni- 
tence. A  similar  feeling  governed  the  enact- 
ment in  the  56th  canon  of  the  same  synod,  that 
all  Christians  who  took  upon  them  the  city 
magistracy  or  duumvirate  (to  which  office,  also, 
it  belonged  to  exhibit  such  shows)  should  be  re- 
pelled from  communion  during  the  whole  year 
iu  which  they  held  office.  Another  somewhat 
deeper  shade  of  blame  is  attached  to  those  who 
were  present  on  such  occasions,  and  wore  the 
crown  or  garland  for  the  sacrifice  (comp.  Acts 
xiv.  13),  but  had  neither  actually  sacrificed  nor 
paid  any  portion  of  the  expense.     Such  were  re- 


1346 


MUNESSA 


admitted  to  communion  after  two  years'  penance 
(can.  55).  It  is  to  be  noticed  that  such  pro- 
visions are  not  repeated  by  later  synods ;  and 
probably  they  were  rendered  needful  by  a  mere 
temporary  phase  of  the  conflict  between  Chris- 
tianity and  heathenism ;  when  the  newer  faith, 
while  yearly  growing  and  already  stronger  in 
numbers  than  the  paganism  which  it  was  sup- 
planting, had  for  a  while  to  deal  with  a  social 
system  in  which  the  latter  was  recognized  as  the 
religion  of  the  state.  But,  in  fact,  a  very  few 
years  later  (a.D.  313)  Christianity  was  itself 
established  as  the  religion  of  the  Roman  empire 
by  Constantine.  Nevertheless  the  gladiatorial 
shows  lingered  on  until  the  reign  of  the  emperor 
Honorius,  almost  a  hundred  years  later,  and 
were  only  then  abolished  through  the  self- 
sacrifice  of  the  monk  Telemachus  (a.d.  404-). 

[S.  J.  E.] 
MUNESSA    (Monessa),   virgin   in   Ireland, 
probably  after  A.D.  454  ;  commemorated  Sept.  4 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  ii.  227).  [C.  H.] 

MUNICIPUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at 
.Tumilla  Jan.  22  (_ffieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MUNICUS,  martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Xeo- 
caesarea  in  Jlauritania  Jan.  23  {Hieron.  Mart.). 
[C.  H.] 

MUNNU  (FiNTANCS),  abbat  of  Taghmon  in 
Ireland,  A.D.  635;  commemorated  Oct.  21  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Oct.  ix.  333).  [C.  H.] 

MURDER.     [HoiiiciDE.] 

MURICUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  Ap.  12 
(Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MURITTA,   martyr  with  archdeacon  Salu- 
taris  ;  commemorated  July  13  (Usuard.  Mart.). 
[C.  H.] 

MURUS  (MuRANDS),  abbat  in  Ireland,  cir. 
A.D.  540;  commemorated  Mar.  12  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Mar.  ii.  212).  [C.  H.] 

MUSA  (1)  Roman  virgin  in  the  6th  century  ; 
commemorated  Ap.  2  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  i.  94). 

(2)  Deacon  ;  commemorated  at  Etrusia  Ap.  22 
(Bed.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MUSCA,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Aqui- 
leia  June  17  {Hicron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MUSCULA  (1)  Martyr:  commemorated  at 
Capua  Ap.  12  (^Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Etruria  Xov. 
23  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MUSOUS  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated  at 
Treves  Sept.  19  {Hicron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Africa  Dec.  18 
(Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MUSIC— For  the  first  thousand  years  of  the 
Christian  era,  the  antique  Greek  S3-stera  of 
music  was  adopted,  with  but  few  alterations,  and 
those  chiefly  modifications  of  the  compass  cf  the 
scale,  and  of  the  notation.  In  the  article  on 
AliBROSlAN  Music,  the  matter  (so  far  as  chants 
are  concerned)  is  taken  down  to  the  4th 
century.  Through  the  influence  of  St.  Ambrose, 
all   music   but    that    consisting   of    a   diatonic 


MUSIC 

sequence  of  notes  [see'  Canon]  was  discarded  ; 
the  other  methods  had  been  considered  prefer- 
able, perhaps  on  account  of  the  difficulty  in 
performing  such  music,  or  from  reminiscences 
of  an  Oriental  origin ;  and  with  the  subsequent 
irruptions  of  the  barbarians,  which  must  have 
operated  very  seriously  against  the  cultivation 
of  any  but  ecclesiastical  music,  they  became 
obsolete. 

Gregorian  Chant.— It  was  observed  by  St. 
Gregory,  a  great  musician  of  his  time,  that  the 
Ambrosian  chants,  handed  down  traditionally 
to  a  great  extent,  had  become  corrupted ;  he 
therefore  subjected  them  to  revision,  and  added 
other  modes  and  scales  to  those  four  which  St. 
Ambrose  had  retained.  This  was  done  by  taking 
away  the  upper  tetrachord  from  the  Ambrosian 
scales,  and  placing  it  below  the  lower  tetrachord. 
The  octaves  thus  formed  v^^ere  called  from  the 
previous  scales,  with  the  prefix  hypo  (w^b), 
thus:  Hypodorian,  Hypophrygian,  Hypolydian, 
and  Hypomixolydian.  They  were  also  called 
Plagal,  while  the  four  original  ones  were  culled 
Authentic.  Thus  in  the  Tonarius  Reginonis 
Prumensis  (middle  of  9th  century)  we  find  them 
called  "  Authenticus  protus ;  ii.  Plaga  proti ; 
Tonus  tertius  autenticus  :  Tonus  quartus,  plaga 
deuteri  ;  Differentie  v.  toni  autenticus  tritus  ; 
Differentie  sexti  toni  plaga  triti ;  Differentie 
vii.  toni  autenticus  tetrarchus ;  Incipiunt  viii. 
toni  plaga  tetrarchi."  Thus  we  have  the 
Dorian  scale  (first  mode) : 


P 


giving  the  Hypodorian  (second  mode,  plagal): 


P 


the  Phrygian  scale  (third  mode): 


giving    the  Hypojihrygian  scale  (fourth    mode, 
plagal): 


i 


-^-  -G>- 


^ 


the  Lydian  scale  (fifth  mode) ; 


:c2=^i 


-<s — 


giving  the  Hypolydian  scale  (sixth  mode,  plagal)  : 


and  the  Misolydian  scale  (seventh  mode) : 


-rj     ^'     ^ 


MUSIC 

the   Hypomixolydian  scale  (eighth  mode, 


MUSIC 


1347 


plagal): 

/L                                             —    rj    '^     \ 

#— -~^ 

^  ^  ^               \ 

- 

tr^  ^ 

But  it  seems  that  the  compass  of  chants  was 
expected  to  be  confined  within  five  oi-  six  notes, 
and  those  which  are  generally  accepted  as 
typical  examples  in  the  odd  modes  are  certainly 
not  so  much  within  such  limits  as  those  in  the 
even  modes,  wliich  points  to  the  supposition 
that  St.  Ambrose's  chants  had  become  so  altered 
that  the  originals  were  probably  forgotten  in 
most  instances :  in  the  first  mode,  for  example, 
h  flat  is  generally  found,  whereas  it  is  not  in 
■the  scale,  and  certainly  some  very  early  copies 
of  chants  in  this  mode  have  assigned  the  b 
without  any  indication  ;  it  is,  however,  hard  to 
imagine  but  that  it  was  sung  b  flat.  It  must 
be  borne  in  mind  that  the  system  of  chanting 
feeing  a  monotone  with  an  ornamental  end,  there 
are  in  every  one  of  these  scales  two  important 
notes :  the  Dominant,  or  prevailing  note  on 
which  the  psalm  was  sung,  and  the  Final,  on 
which  the  chant  was  made  to  end.  These,  in  the 
Ambrosian  modes,  are  respectively  :  Proti  a,  D  ; 
Deuteri  c,  E  ;  Triti  c,  F  ;  Tetrardi  d,  G.  In  the 
])lagal  modes,  the  same  finals,  D,  E,  F,  G,  were 
kept,  and  the  dominants  placed  lower,  F,  a,  a, 
c.  The  first  mode  approximates  the  most  nearly 
in  effect  to  our  modern  minor  mode  :  the  fifth,  to 
our  major  mode  with  its  fourth  sharpened ;  the 
seventh  and  eighth,  to  our  modern  major  mode. 
The  siitb,  although  it  consists  of  the  notes  now 
forming  the  natural  scale  of  C,  is  really  in  the 
tonality  of  F.  Our  modern  use  of  the  terms 
authentic  and    plagal,  as   applied    to   cadences. 


seems  derived  from  the  seventh  and  eighth  modes, 
which  are  authentic  and  plagal,  from  taking  the 
dominant  and  final  in  each  of  them  and  placing 
a  common  chord  on  them  in  succession.  The 
authentic  (or  odd)  modes  will  appear  to  have 
their  finals  as  the  lowest  note  in  the  scales ; 
sometimes,  but  rarely,  melodies  written  in  them 
have  been  found  to  descend  a  note  below  this : 
whereas  in  the  even  plagal  modes  the  scale  itself 
descended  below  the  final,  and  the  melodies 
seldom  exceeded  a  fifth  above  it ;  whence  the 
line,  "  Vult  descendere  par,  sed  scandere  vult 
modus  impar." 

"  Majores  toni,  i.e.  autentici,  scil.  primus  et 
tertius,  quintus  et  Septimus  possunt  descendere 
Vina  voce  a  fine  et  ascendere  octo.  Minores  autem 
■  toni,  i.e.  plagales,  viz.  secundus  et  quartus, 
sextus  etoctavus  possunt  ascendere  v.  vocibus  et 
■descendere  v.,  quod  patet  his  versibus : 

"  Majores  a  fine  toni  descendere  possunt. 
Ad  prjmas  voces  ascendunt  vocibus  octo. 
•Ad  quintas  voces  scandunt  a  fine  minores. 
Ad  quintas  otiam  possunt  descendore  voces." 
Couisemaker,  vol.  ii. 
CIIP.IST.    ANT. — VOL.   II. 


There  is  very  little  direct  evidence  m  the 
first  eight  centuries  as  to  what  the  chants  were, 
but  a  good  deal  of  indirect  evidence  from  various 
tracts  of  the  centuries  immediately  following,  in 
many  of  which  the  author  speaks  of  the  chants 
as  having  come  down  to  him  from  great  anti- 
quity. The  groat  musical  epoch  that  parts 
mediaeval  music  from  the  antique  is  that  of 
Guido  Aretinus  (11th  century):  and  he  asserts 
that  there  was  a  musical  usage  of  200  years  and 
upwards  at  his  time. 

It  appears  that  a  distinction  was  drawn  in 
the  accommodating  of  chants  to  the  psalms,  the 
introits,  the  communions,  and  the  responsories. 
All  these  appear  in  the  Tonarius  Reginoiiis 
Prumensis  (9th  century),  and  with  the  be- 
ginnings appear  the  musical  notation,  which 
presents  an  appearance  more  like  shorthand 
writing  than  anything  else  ;  a  kind  of  attempt 
to  render  visible  the  pitch  of  sounds.  These  same 
appear  also  in  Guido  Aretinus,  with  notation  sub- 
stantially the  same  as  our  present  one ;  so  also 
in  the  Intonarium  attributed  to  abbat  Oddo  and 
believed  by  Guido  Aretinus  to  be  his.  In  some 
of  these  appears  a  more  elaborate  form,  ap- 
propriated.  to  .the  Canticles  Magnificat  and 
Benedictus.  The  various  forms  of  beginning  the 
antiphons  were  called  Differentiae,  and  these  had 
appropriated  to  them  different  "endings"  of  the 
psalm-chant.  One  antiphon,  ingeniously  chosen 
to  fix  the  mode,  is  given  as  a  specimen,  with  a 
pneuma  at  the  end  of  it,  and  intended  to  be 
committed  to  memory :  and  these  have,  in  the 
Tonarius  Ecginonis,  been  added  by  a  later  hand. 
There  are  five  differentiae  of  the  first  tone  in 
Regino:  nine  in  abbat  Oddo,  and  twelve  in 
Guido  Arctinns.  The  following  is  the  description 
given  in  the  last-named  author : 

Protus  adest,  denis  formarum  nexus  babenis 
Que  modum  nectunt  autentum  undique  totum  : 
He  tibi  sint  cordi,  jugiter  babr  antur  in  ore  ; 
Has  queso  ne  niinuas  ;  poteris  si  addere  curas. 


-  H-'°-'3-Q-H— H 


Pri-mum  quaerite  reg-num  Dei. 


:-bB!b?i»: 


g^jgjjz^z 


:i:Bt»=5d"i-iiB?LB-isr 


Et;^a=5^ 


Glo-ri-a,  se-cu- lo-rum,  Amen.  Ec  -ce  no-men. 


Glo  -  ri   -   a    se  -  cu  -  lo  -  rum,    A    -  men. 


^mi 


Glo  -  ri  -   a      se-cu  -  lo-  rum,  A  -  men. 
IV. 


@^^^==E^=E 


Glo  -   ria       se  -  cu  -  lo  -  rum,    A  -  men. 
4  S 


MUSIC 


Glo  -  I  i  -  a    Be  -  cu-lo-rum,  A-nicn.    .    . 

VII. 

— ■■— L     _ 


>=«IiI^ 


Glo-ri-a    se- cu-lo-rum,     A    -     -    men. 
VIII. 


/^\,      _■■     _■ 

1    ■"■    ■    ■     P^i 

■  i-                  ■     1^    -    i 

Glo-ri   - 

IX. 

TSTv — n — ifl~ 

a      se  -  cu  -  lo-ram,      A  -  men. 

F 

V^               1         '                                  1      '     II.. 

j- 

Glo  -  Ti 
X. 

a    se-cu  -  lo-rum,      A  -  men. 

VL>.                  '                     1 1 

z 

Glo  -  ria 


•  cu  -  lo  - 


Diverse  numero  poUet  non  nomine  tantum 
Hie  protus :  proprias  conceptus  habere  figuras. 
Quas  nee  miscuit  autento  primo  online  fixo. 
Consimill  voce  discordet  recto  tenore. 


h                 "                           _  -        "I 

1^ 

__-_._.„_,_„_-■__._ 

- 

Glo  -   ri  -    a     se-cu  -  lo  -rum,     A  -  men. 

-J- 

-_B_B        _■_._-_ 

- 

Glo-ri    -    a      so  -  cu  -  lo-rum,    A  -  men. 

{s 

- 

_B — ■? — " — ? — ■ — ■ — 5 — |i! — "B^— 1 

1 

It  would  appear  then  that  the  first  mode  was 
allowed  a  compass  up  to  d,  and  down  to  B,  or 
perhaps  more  probably  down  to  C,  with  the 
power  of  using  b  flat  or  b  natural  ;  i.e.  using 
the  synemmenon  or  diezeugmenon  tetrachord  at 
pleasure,  which  would  have  been,  in  the  latter 
part  of  the  ages  we  have  under  consideration, 
written  b  or  jjj. 

The  second  mode  is  thus  described : 

riagarum  tropi  sociantur  rite  secundi ; 
Autentas  formas  retinent,  semperque  minorcs : 
In  quibus  et  protl  piimum  contexere  plagin 
Libuit,  ut  recto  succodant  tramite  cuncti 
Ardua  hie  spernit,  media  et  graviora  resumit, 
Et  se  per  duplas  patitur  constringere  formas. 


g=E 


t^E."^ 


MUSIC 


Glo  -  ri    -    a      se  -cu-lo-rum,      A  -  men. 


Glo    -    ri  -  a     se-cu  -  lo  -  rum,    A  -  men. 

thus  giving  two  "  endings ;"  but  the  former  is 
evidently  transposed,  and  requires  b  flat.  In 
Regino  and  Oddo  there  is  but  one  differentia  of 
this  tone,  namely  the  usual  ending,  but  with  the 
accent  differently  placed ;  Messrs.  Doran  and 
Nottingham  have  placed  it  thus  in  their  Psalter. 
The  third  mode  (Authentus  Deuteri) : 


modus  est  protus  hypolydius  deuterus  estquo 
Hie  aliter  modus  nescit  distinguere  vocum. 
Hie  resonant  celsa  tantum  spiraraina  quinto. 
Hie  graditer  sexto  nee  horum  lege  tenetur. 


I^EtiE^Ei: 


?sE^Ei^£^* 


Ter-ti-a    .    .    di  -  es    .    .    est    .    quod 


^^^^F!^^*:^f 


bee    .     fac-ta    sunt.    .    .    . 


Five  endings  are  given  in  Guido ; 
I. 


s               _______ 

Glo  -  ri    -    a      se-cu  -  lo-rum.    A  -  men. 
II. 

-|$ ■ ■— ■— ■ ■— ;;; ■ Hi 

- 

P       ■       ■    "■'■      1                                  ■          -I ™ 

Glo  -  ri    -    a     se  -  eu  -  lo-rum,     A  -  men. 
III. 

: 

Glo  -  ri  -    a      se  -  cu  -  lo  -   rum,    A  -  men. 
IV. 

K           ii",""r"a"B_B 

Glo  -ri    -a    se-cu-  lo-rum,    A  -  men.  .  . 
V. 

.. 

•  cu  -  lo  -  rum,    A  -  men. 


The  first  of  these  does  not  appear  in  Oddo  ; 
in  Regino  there  are  five  differentiae. 


MUSIC 

The  fourth  mode  (Deuterus  Plagis)  : 

"  Deuterus  in  quinis  subactus  congrue  piris 
Ipsius  adstrictim  curratur  ordine  plagin 
Que  quondam  lembls  cantus  fulcare  novenis. 
Immensus  pelagus  multi  quoque  ciere  motus 
Consult  in  senis  graditer  inclita  tribus  adeptis." 


m=^--^~'-.^^- 

__4Z — :j_±::: 

=.=■= 

Quar-ta    .      vi  -  gi  - 

lia 

venit 

m  ■'-  ff-^-r 

.H^=5^- 

-*^   = 

and    the   following  sis    endings    are    given    by 
Guido : 


Ha^^^EE 


Glo  -  ri  -    a      se-cu  -  lo-rum,     A -men. 


P3E^-g:q: 


^ 


G lo-  ri  -  a    se-cu  -  lo-: 


Glo  -  ri   -    a      se-cu  -  lo-  rum,     A  -  men. 


3=!: 


Glo  -  ri    -    a     se  -  cu  -  lo  -  rum,    A-  men. 


m 


m= 


r-\—i- 


Glo  -  ri  -    a      se-cu  -  lo-rum,    A  -  men. 


n: 


:«E^ 


i 


Glo-ri 


-cu  -  lo  -  rum     A  -  men. 


In  Oddo,  four  endings  are  given,  including  the 
first  and  fourth  of  these :  the  other  two  differ 
somewhat:  six  differentiae  are  specified  in 
Eegino. 

The  fifth  mode  (authentus  tritus)  : 

"  Troporum  quintus  tritus  agricole  dictus 
Insequitur  splendens  croceo  rubroque  colore 
Hie  monstrat  ceteros  super  signacula  notes 
Deuterum  et  protuin  subscripto  ordine  primum 
Claviger  ac  fortis  reserat  sic  ostia  vocis." 

The  allusion  in  the  second  of  these  lines  is  to 
a  practice  which  was  extensively  adopted  after 
the  invention  of  the  stave,  of  using  a  red  line  for 
tliat  on  which  F  was  situated,  and  a  yellow  or 
fj'lden  line  for  C,  in  place  of  clefs;  C  is  the 
til  minant  and  F  the  final  of  this  mode. 


MUSIC 


1349 


^~u 


^-■-■- 


Quinque  pru-den  -  tes 


in-tra  -ve-runt  ad 


^ 

nup  -  tias. 

Guido  gives  three  endi 
I. 


m 


^m^^^ 


Glo- 
II. 


a    se-cu  -   lo-rum,     A  -  men. 


^EfEi^ 


i^i 


Glo  -  ri    -    a     se  -  cu  -  lo  -  rum,     A 
III. 


In  Oddo  only  the  first  two  of  these  are  given ; 
Regino  three  differentiae  are  noticed. 
The  sixth  mode  (plagis  triti) : 

"  Simplicior  casus  quam  strictas  possidet  amplas 
Tenia  plagarum  districte  et  prima  sub  una 
Rcgula  formarum  variisque  icsibtere  vocum 
Ordinibusque  Solent  fusca  colorare  alieno 
Sub  modulo  trium  referetur  tertia  vocum." 


>-^         -       1       p> 

Ill 

Sex  -  ta        ho   -  ra 

se     -     dit    .      .      . 

'fm)'     Pa     ■     ■     J. 

There  is  only  one  ending  given  in  Guido  and 
Oddo,  viz. : 


and  one  differentia  in  Regino. 

The  seventh  mode  (tetrardus  authentus) : 

"  Ultimus  authentum  tetrardus  grece  vocatur 
Corpore  detractas  in  cujus  reddere  formas 
Perplacuit  certis,  valeant  quo  ciere  phtongis 
PuUulat  ex  proto  et  trito  nam  sub  super  bisque.' 


IL 

— I — 1 

■■     "1 

3  _■  ■  ■-■  ■  ■ 

Sep-tem    .     . 

sunt     .     . 

.    spi  -  ri  -tus  an  -  te 

=^= 

I^    ■    ■    0 

-■-■■■ 

_ji"-faH!i:»_4 

tro  -  -  num 

De-i. 

r^i 

jfl.,^ 

^^z 

^♦-^-♦-♦-  - 

^^ 

1  -     '._-  _ 

4  S  2 

1350  MUSIC 

Guido  gives  the  following  endings  : 


MUSIC 


Glo  -  ri    -    a     se  -  cu  -  lo  -  rum,    A  -  men. 


S^E^^^^l 


Glo  -  ri  -  a     se  -  cu  -lo  -  rum,  A-men. 


GiiiJo  gives  four  endings : 
I. 


m^^m 


^^^^^^^m 


Glo  -  ri  -  a     se  -  cu  -  lo  -  rum,  A-men.  . 


B^^^^ 


Glo    -  ria      secu  -     lo  -  rum. 


3=5^=5=^^1 


The  penultimate  note  in  II.  would  seem  to  be 
an  error  for  a. 

Oddo  gives  six  endings,  viz.  the  first,  fifth, 
sixth,  and  seventh  of  these  ;  one  which  is  sub- 
stantially identical  with  III.,  and  one  with 
which  IV.  would  be  identical  if  the  three  last 
notes  are  written  in  error  for  c,  b,  a.  Regino 
specifies  six  differentiae. 

The  eighth  mode  (plagis  tetrardi)  : 

"  Hinc  plagis  scquitur  certoque  fine  tenetur 
Nomen  babens  proprium  toto  de  termine  vocum 
Namque  alii  qui  ibi  sunt  quart!  qnintique  locati 
Unde  magis  melum  datur  variabile  in  ipsos, 
Nescius  a»t  horum  fertur  strictitsime  rectus 
Octavus  ponitur  subsuper,  hicqne  vocatur 
Ut  nomen  loca  sic  mutat  per  climata  nunquam." 


Glo  -  ri  -  a       se  -  cu  -  lo  -  rum,  A  ■ 
IV. 


^^^=^E^^ 


Glo  -  ria      se  -  cu  -  lo  -  rum,     A  -  men. 

Oddo  recognises  three  differentiae,  the  first  of 
which  is  identical  with  III.  above,  the  third  is  the 
ending  commonly  known  and  nearly  identical 
with  IV.,  and  the  second  is  "  the  Peregrine  Tone  :" 
why  it  should  ever  have  been  classed  under  the 
eighth  mode  is  inexplicable  to  the  writer;  he 
thinks  it  naturally  belongs  to  the  first:  the 
beginnings  of  antiphons  given  in  Oddo  are 
certainly  more  akin  to  those  of  the  first  mode 
than  to  the  eighth. 


5^ 


Se     -    cu    -    lo   -   rum,       A    -    men. 


>— P^-B  -  ■-■-■-■  -■-■ 


tu   Is  -  ra  -  el    de 


Domug  Ja-cob  .  .   de  po-  pu  -  lo  bar-  ba-  ro. 


W. 


No  b  fiat  is  here  indicated,  thongh  it  would 
seem  most  probable  that  it  was  used,  as  in  the 
first  mode  above,  where  it  is  not  written. 

This  renders  the  verses  more  obscure,  in  the 
third  and  fourth  lines,  which  the  writer  thinks 


MUSIC 

must  be  intended  to  refer  to  the  variation 
between  b  flat  and  b  natural.  Perhaps  however 
Guide  would  not  include  this  chant  under  the 
eighth  mode  in  consequence  of  its  using  a  b  flat. 
In  Regino  three  differentiae  of  this  tone  are 


As  stated  above,  the  endings  of  the  tones  were 
not  taken  arbitrarily  (as  is  done  so  commonly  at 
the  present  time),  but  depended  upon  the  begin- 
ning of  the  antiphon  used  with  the  psalms.  In 
the  works  here  cited,  a  list  of  antiphons  occur 
under  each  differentia,  some  of  which  are  supplied 
with  musical  notation,  and  the  others  apparently 
left  for  the  cantor  to  sing  in  like  manner. 

Thus  in  abbat  Oddo,  in  the  first  tone,  when 
the  antiphon  began  on  D,  tho  first  ending  given 
above  was  used,  thus  : 


gj 


Do    -  mi   -  nus. 


g 


i 


g: 


vo  -  va    -    e. 


When    the   Antiphon    began   on    C  or   on    g 
descending  to  C,  the  ninth  ending  was  used  ; 


m-. 


i 


Ve  -   ni  -  te       ec    -    ce          rex. 


E    -   vo    -    va    -    e. 

And  so  in  other  cases. 

Of  course  in  the  Intonarium  of  abbat  Oddo, 
the  music  was  indicated  by  a  notation  different 
from  the  modern  one  :  although  it  appears  with 
the  stave  and  notes,  these  must  have  been  added 
by  Guido  Aretinus  when  he  revised,  or  edited, 
the  work.  And  at  the  head  of  every  tone  or 
mode,  before  the  antiphons,  occur  the  words 
NONANNEANE,  orNOEACIS;  with  some  slight 
variations :  these  are  supplied  with  musical  char- 
acters, and  appear  to  be  artificial  words  to  assist 
the  memory  of  the  singer  in  making  the  proper 
inflections,  something  after  the  manner  of 
EVOVAE  q.  v.) :  the  former  of  these  belong  to 
the  authentic  modes  (first,  third,  fifth,  seventh), 
the  latter  to  the  plagal  modes. 

In  Regino  and  in  Guido  are  to  be  found  forms 
for  the  introits  and  the  communions,  which 
differ  in    some    respects    from    those    already 


MUSIC 


1351 


mentioned,  generally  being  fuller,  requiring  more 
'  singing  '  than  recitation. 

In  the  first  mode,  Guido  gives  the  follo-yiug 
for  introits : 


Glo- 
II. 


^N^ 


Glo  -  ri  -  a     so  -  cu  -  lo  -  rum,  A  -   men. 
III. 


e!=^^v^ 


Glo 
IV. 


\^ 


a      se  -  cu  -  lo-rum,  A  -  men. 


ft=i=E^ 


Glo  -  ri  -  a      se  -  cu  -  lo  -  rum,  A  -  men. 

and  for  communions  the  first  and  third  of  these. 

In  Regino  three  differentiae  for  introits  and 
one  for  communions  appear. 

In  the  second  mode  Guido  gives  the  following 
form  for  both  introits  and  communions : 


ME- 


^i=^ 


—4 

Glo 


3=E^=S 


rum,   A  -  men. 


No  more  differentiae  are  to  be  found  in  Regino. 
In   the  third  mode,  for  introits  Guido  gives 
the  forms ; 


3^^3^E^TA£!35Ei 


^ 


Glo  -  ri  -  a    se  -  cu  -  !o-rum,  A-men. 


Glo  -  ri  -  a     se-cu-lo-rum,  A-men 

For  communions,  he  gives  (II.)  again,  and 


::0- 


■=N~b"1^ 


Glo  -  ri  -  a    se  -  cu  -  lo-rum,  A-  men.    .      .    . 

which  may  be  thought  an  error  for  (I.)  above ; 
but  the  error,  if  any,  may  quite  as  well  be  the 
other  way.  In  Regino,  two  differentiae  for 
introits,  and  one  for  communions  appear. 

In  the  fourth  mode,  Guido  gives  for  introits: 


-  cu  -  lo  -  mm.  A-  men. 


1352 


MUSIC 


MUSIC 


g=i 


lo  -  rum,  A  -  men. 


Glo  -  ri  -  a    se  -  cu  -  lo  -  ram,  A  -  men.  .  . 

and  the  first  of  these  for  communions  also.  In 
Regino,  there  are  two  differentiae  for  introits, 
and  one  for  communions. 

In  the  fifth  mode,  for  introits  the  following 
two  forms  appear  in  Guido,  the  first  of  them 
also  for  communions : 


I. 


^^5^^5^ 


Glo  -  ri   -  a       se   -  cu  -  lo  -  rum,  A 


feiE^: 


^^ES^ 


Glo-ri-a    Be-cu-lo-rum,  A-men.    .     .    . 

This  appears  to  agree  with  Regino. 
In  the   sixth   modey  Guido  gives  two  introit 
forms  : 


m 


1— r' — \—^ 


Glo  -  ria      se    -    cu    -   lo  -  rum,  Amen. 


^^^^Iev 


P!=I=t 


Glo  -  ri   -   a     se-  cu  -  lo 
and  for  communions : 


se  -  cu  -  lo  -  rum,    A  -   men. 

only  one  fonn  for  each  appears  to  be  recognised 
by  Regino. 

In  the  seveutli  mode,  Guido  gives  two  introit 
forms  : 


^^^5^^^^5e| 


Glo  -  ri  -  a    se  -  cu  -  lo  -  rum,  A  - 


Glo  -  ri  -  a  se  -  cu  -  lo-rum,  A-men.    .     .     . 
and  two  communion  forms  : 


Glo  -  ri   -  a     so  -  cu   -  lo  -   rum,    A-men. 


^^^^M^^i 


Only  one  of  each  is  recognised  in  Regino. 
In  the  eighth  tone,  Guido  gives  the  following 
for  introits  : 


I. 

£!-^p^i!-^*=>-f -T- 

Glo  -  ri     -    a       se  -  cu   -  lo    -  rum,     A 

z 

-      men 

II. 

z^^rP--i"--3=5dt-!rp'-!-.^ 

- 

The  former  of  these  appears  to  have  a  pneuma 
added  to  it. 

For  communions : 


|E^i;ESr33E?i^i 


Only  one  of  each  is  recognised  in  Regino. 

Besides  these,  Guido  gives  one  elaborate  form  of 
a  chant  for  the  Gloria  Patri  in  each  mode :  it  is 
preceded  by  a  response  and  a  versicle.  These 
responses  appear  in  Regino,  for  the  most  part  : 
but  in  that  work  it  is  professedly  a  selection  of 
them  only  that  is  given. 

The  Intonarium  of  abbat  Oddo  concludes  with 
a  short  "  Modus  Intonandi  Psalmos,"  professing  to 
be  then  of  an  antiquity  of  two  centuries  and 
upwards  :  the  following  complete  forms  for  the 
tones  appear;  they  are  as  given  below,  with  an 
example  "Dixit  Dominus "  (Ps.  110)  : 


_  ,    .               _ 

f 

=fc-.  "^  "  ■  ■  ■  B-t"  ■  "1  ■  -^^ 

Pri-mus  tonus  sic  flec-ti-tur,     et  sic    e  -  le-va-tui 

1          "■■'^"        A        X 

-J ^——\ ? ♦^-A 

_ 

The  G  before  the  last  three  notes  has  been 
accidentally  omitted,  as  it  is  given  in  his 
examples.  Here  we  have  the  '  intonation '  at  the 
beginning,  and  the  'mediation'  ("sic  elevatur,") 
and  the  'ending':  besides  this  an 'inflection ' 
appears  ;  but  it  does  not  seem  quite  clear  how 
this  is  to  be  used. 


■  cun  -  dus    to-nus    sic    flec-ti-tur. 


MUSIC 

The  tenor  clef  here  seems  put  by  mistake  for 
'the  bass. 


MUSIC 


1353 


:^. 


Ter  -  ti  -  us    to  -  nus  sic    flee  -  ti  -  tur,  et    sic 


-._^-_g-.^^^^-g-^^ 


^^^ 


■  tur,      ct  sic    ter  -  mi  -  na  -  tur. 


Quar-  tus     to  -  nus   sic  flee  -  ti  -  tur,  ct    sic 


e  -  le  -  va  -  tur,    et    sic    ter  -  mi  -  na  -  tur. 


_5 H — B — H— ■ ■ ■ 

■                                           ■    '    ■ 

Quin-tus    to  -  nus  sic  flee  -  ti  -  tur,    et      sic 

c   -  le  -  va  -  tur,   et     sic      fi    -  ni  -  tur. 

t         -. 

Sex-tus   to- nus sicut primus  flee- ti- tur,  tt    sic 


:^ 


-■-B-B-B-H— B- 


e  -  le  -  va-tur,  sed  a  -  11  -  ter  ter  -  mi-na-tur. 

The  last  five  notes  of  this  have  been  placed  a 
line  or  space  too  high,  as  appears  from  the 
■o.xamples :  they  should  be  F,  G,  a,  G,  F. 


qui  -  a     vi-si-ta-vit    et      fe-eit     re-denip- 


E^iEiEEi^ 


ti  -  on  -  cm  pie  -bis     su  -  e. 


:«=*: 


Be-  ne  -  dic-tus  Do-  mi-nus   De  -  us    Is  -  ra  -el : 


-^__5_5_«_. 


qui -a  vi  -  si  -  ta-vit,  &c.  pie- bis    su  -  e. 


Bo -ne -dic-tus  Do-mi-nus  Do- us    Ls  -  -  ra-el: 


r-=w 


i=t 


qui -a    vi- si  -  ta-vit,  &c.,    pie  -  bis     su  -  e. 
IV. 


Be  -  ne  -  dic-tus  Do-mi-nus  De  -us    Is  -  ra  ■ 


-P— B— B-B- 


qui  -  a    vi  -  si  -  ta  -vit,  &c.,  pie    -    bis  su  -  e. 
V. 


3^ 


Sep  -  ti  -  mus  to  -  nus  sic  flee  -  ti  -  tur,  et    sic 


=|iiB=iiziB=g^;j: 


sii 


e  -  le  -  va  -  tur,    et    sic   ter  -  mi  -  na  -  tur. 

From  the  examples  the  notes  e,  d,  c,  at  "  sic 
e-le- "should  be  f,  e,  d. 


^|E^i,zJ!=lzg: 


Oc  -  ta  -vus  to-nus  sic  -  ut  se-cun-dus  flee-  ti  -  tur, 


-^-B  B-B  B 


mf. 


etsic  e-le-va-tur,Red  a-li-ter    ter-mi-na- tur. 

A  more  florid  form  was  adopted  fo"  the 
Magnificat  and  Benedictus,  in  this  work  of  the 
abbat's,  and  has  been  continued  in  later  authors : 


,B  -B-B-B-B-B  -  B-,-B^-^  -B-  h 


ne  -  dic-tus  Do-  mi-nus  De-  us     Is  -  ra  -  el : 


:p=^,'---'-----iJ 


tt 


Be  -  ne-dic-tus  Do-mi-nus    De-us    Is -ra-el: 


:^iiiiiL!Lzlzzi=-zg: 


qui  -  a      vl  -  si  -  ta  -vit,  &c.,  plo-bis  su  -  e. 
VI. 


t^ 


-i^EMzizizlrE 


ne-dic-tus  Do-  mi-nus  De  -us    Is  -  ra  -  el : 


qui  -  a     vi  -  si  -  ta  -vit,  itc,  ple-bis   su  -  e.  .  . 

This  ending  is  misplaced  a  line  or  space  too 
low,  as  appears  from  the  psalm  '  Di.xit  Dominus ' 
given  with  it. 


Be  -  ne-dic-tus  Do-mi-nus  De  -us    Is  -  ra  ■ 


qui -a    vl-Bi- ta-vit,  &c.,  ple-bis     su  -  e. 


1354 


MUSIC 


Be  -  ne-dic-tus  Do-mi-  nus    De  -  us     Is  -  ra  -  el : 
qui  -  a    vi  -  si  -  ta  -  vit,  &c.,  ple-bis   su  -  e. 


MUSIC 

There  is  no  indication  here  whether  the  b  in 
the  first  tone  is  flat  or  natural:  but  probably  the 
flat  would  be  taken,  in  the  synemmenon  tetrachord 
of  the  Dorian  mode. 

Amongst  the  early  authors  preserved  by 
abbe  Gerbert  occurs  Aurelian  ;  he  lived  in  the 
ninth  century,  and  he  gives  the  following 
varieties  in  the  several  tones : 


rone. 

Introits. 

Offertories. 

Communions. 

Kesponsorie 

3.     Antip 

T. 

3 

2 

6 

5 

TT. 

1 

2 

[IT. 

2 

TV. 

2 

5 

V. 

2 

VI. 

1 

4 

VII. 

2 

2 

3 

11 

VIII. 

1 

1 

4 

0 

It  appears  also  that  occasionally  the  modes  in 
Antiphons  were  changed,  i.e.  an  Autiphon  would 
begin  in  one  mode  and  end  in  another.  This  is 
what  is  called  in  Euclid  commutation  or 
modulation  (fxeTa^oXri),  for  example  changing 
from  Dorian  into  Phrygian,  or  the  like.  Thus  in 
the  Tonarius  Beginonk  Frwmensis,  under  the 
first  tone  we  find  to  the  antiphon  "  Domine 
salva  nos,  perimus,"  the  note  "Finit[ur]  iiij 
tono;"  and  under  the  2nd  tone  to  "Cum 
indurerent  "  and  "  Primum  audisset  Job  "  is  the 
note  "Ton.  j  potest  esse."  And  so  in  Guido 
Aretinus,  "  Sunt  preterea  plurime  antiphonarum 
que  hujus  videntur  formule  [third  tone]  cum 
sint  ex  autento  proto  et  prima  voce :  sic  est 
Pulchra  es  et  inter  quas  quidem  autenti  deuteri 
faciunt,  non  bene  tonorum  semitoniorumque 
positionem  intuentes:  vel  idcirco  eas  deuteri 
faciunt  quidam  quibusdam  D,  E,  F,  et  G,  finales 
constitute  in  omnibus  omnino  modis  vel  vocnm 
tropis  indifl'erenter  et  improvide  sint."  Again 
under  Tone  6 :  "  Iste  due  communiones  que 
sequuntur,  i.  e.  Panem  de  celo  et  Anirna  nostra 
propria  sunt  de  quinto  tono  et  de  secunda 
differentia.  Multa  responsoria  sunt  ex  isto  modo 
que  magis  finiuntur  in  tetrardo  quam  in  trito, 
sicut  est  Ego  sum  id  quod  sum."  So  J.  M.  Neale 
(De  Sequentiis  ad  H.  A.  Daniel  Epistola)  mentions  j 
some  WSS.  containing  a  list  of  sequences  &c.,  ' 
in  which  occurs  the  word  "  Frigdola,"  applied  to 
melodies,  as  some  other  adjectives  are  in  the 
MS. :  of  which  he  says,  "  Frigdola  vel  Frigdora  1 
facilius  agnoscit  etymon  :  idem  enim  vult  atque 
Phrygo-Doricum,  i.e.  Tonus  primus  mixtus  cum 
tertio."  One  of  the  best  known  examples  of  this 
practice  is  the  old  melody  of  the  Te  Deum, 
usually  attributed  to  St.  Ambrose  ;  which  is  in 
the  third  and  fourth  modes  combined :  and  this 
fact  would  lead  us  to  conclude  that  the  melody 
had  undergone  some  change  since  St.  Ambrose's 
time,  as  the  fourth  mode  was  not  then  in  use, 
unless  indeed  the  tradition  of  it  may  have 
varied,  which  is  quite  possible,  and  may  have 
had  some  weight  in  inducing  St.  Gregory  to  add 
the  four  plagal  modes. 

The  chief  authors  used  here  are  those  men- 
tioned, and  reference  has  been  made  also  to  later 
ones,  such  as  St.  Bernard  (Tonale),  Peter  de  Cruce, 
Walter  de  Odyngton,  John  de  Muris,  Hucbaldus, 
&c.,  preserved  in  the  collections  of  abbe  Gerbert 
and  M.  de  Coussemaker.  The  most  valuable 
authority  (probably)  is  the  treatise  of  Gabriel 


Xivers  (Paris,  1685)  which  the  writer  has  in  vain 
endeavoured  to  meet  with  :  it  is  mentioned  in, 
Sir  John  Hawkins'  History  of  Mtisio  as  the  most 
exhaustive  book  on  the  subject  published  up  to 
that  time,  and  seems  to  have  been  pretty  well 
known  then. 

Musical  Notation. — During  the  first  sis 
centuries  of  the  Christian  era  the  Greek  musical 
notation  was  in  universal  use,  and  indeed  the 
knowledge  of  it  was  kept  up  as  late  as  the  time 
of  John  de  Muris  (c.  1320).  This  notation  was 
exceedingly  complicated,  being  at  first  sight 
purely  arbitrary,  and  scarcely  reducible  to  any 
law.  This  is  the  more  extraordinary,  as  some 
instances  can  be  observed  which  indicate  the 
acquaintance  possessed  by  the  ancients  with  the 
property  of  the  octave  which  has  caused  sounds 
separated  by  that  interval  to  be  now  called  by 
the  same  name.  Referring  to  Smith's  hietionary 
of  Antiquities  it  will  be  seen  that  the  different 
modes,  Dorian  &c.,  were  ultimately,  at  any  rate, 
nothing  more  than  transpositions  of  the  '  greater 
system  '  of  two  octaves  : 


m -t;^^^"^'^^- 

- 

i^.„.^-^^° 

J      D^-  -^-   ^     -^ 

and  they  were  determined  by  the  pitch  of  the 
Proslambanomenos,  the  lowest  note,  an  octave 
below  the  Mese. 

These  are  mentioned  in  Euclid's  Introductio 
Harmonica.  But  the  most  important  work  for 
this  purpose  is  the  tract  of  Alypius,  published 
by  Meibomius  amongst  the  Antiquae  Musicae 
Auctores  Septem  :  this  consists  of  a  short  preface, 
a  mere  resume  of  Euclid's  Intrcductio,  and 
a  catalogue  of  all  the  notes  in  every  mode. 
There  were  five  principal  modes,  the  Dorian, 
lastian,  Phrygian,  ji<Jolian,  and  Lydian :  these 
had  for  their  Proslambanomeni  respectively 


m 


;=:6; 


and  five  others,  named  from  the  above  with  the 
prefix  Hyper,  whose  Proslambanomeni  woro 


MUSIC 


m 


-J2=: 


and  five  others,  named  from  the  first   with  the 
prefix  Hypo,  whose  Proslambanomeni  were 


mi 


w 


--k 


MUSIC 


1355 


The  Proslambanomenos  of  the  Hypodorian 
mode  was  supposed  to  be  the  lowest  sound 
producible  by  the  human  voice  {l36fj.l3os,  Eucl.  sect.  I 


Can.  Theor.  19).  Meibomius  arranged  all  the 
diatonic  notes  in  a  tabular  form  (as  also  all  the 
chromatic  notes,  and  the  enharmonic  notes), 
but  the  overlapping  of  the  synemmenon  and 
diezeugmeuon  tetrachords  has  caused  his  diagrams 
to  be  rather  obscure. 

The  writer  has  combined  the  whole  set,  without 
this  disadvantage  ;  but  it  was  impossible  to 
introduce  them  here  without  interfering  with 
the  convenience  of  the  book. 

The  following  notes,  being  those  of  the  diatonic 
Dorian  mode,  are  given  as  an  example. 


Proslambanomenos  (our  A), 

Hypate  hypaton  (B), 

Farhypate  hypaton  (C), 

Lichanos  hypaton  (D), 

Hypate  meson  (E), 

Farhypate  meson  (F), 

Lichanos  meson  (G), 

Mese  (a), 

Trite  synemmenon  (b  J7) 

Paranete  synemmenon  (c), 

Nete  synemmenou  (d), 

Paramese  (b  t]), 

Trite  diezcugmenon  (c), 
Paranete  diezeugraenon  (d), 

Nete  diezeugmenon  (e). 

Trite  hyperboleon  (f ), 

Paranete  hyperboleon  (g), 

Nete  hyperboleon  (a  a). 


V 
n 

T 

n 
o 

K 
H 
M 
A 
H 

r 

B 

X 

J-  \ 


n 

E 
u 

H 

3 

K 

A 
> 

> 

N 
/ 
/ 


(antinu  and  double  tt). 

((  sideways,  and  €  written  square). 

(half  e,  looking  downwards,  and  e  square,  inverted), 

(5  inverted,  and  t  sideways,  reversed). 

(the  left  half  of  ;u). 

(half  fj,  inverted). 

(digamma  reversed). 

(s  reversed). 

(half  S  extended). 
(\  sideways,  reversed). 
(it  extended), 
(half  5  inverted). 


(the  acute  accent). 

(X  with  a  line  through  it,  SLe<p6op6s,  and  the  Left 

half  of  o  looking  down). 
(t  inverted,  and  the  right  half  of  o  looking  up). 


The  following  are  the  notes  with  fueir  present  equivalents  : 


e 


fc ^- 


H     3     b     U^^b     9     U„,H„,9ajLmr     l/l„,ajLuiPW 

Tew   3°^u)  H  3  n    H   u     n    y   h 


^EE 


-f^    ^^ 


i^    iA    ^ 


V      -     i<J       V 

_    or      ,   or 

j:    E     H     j: 


n\      r\      n\      ^       7      r\     \7     7 

or     .    or     ,         ,  or  \  or 


■&^r 


-M^z 


VFT       lyVR      nVR 

\ .  or  ^  „  or  \  or 


H "J.    r     r-'^'t    L 


fJ^'L^'L 


S'      X     H'    /V 

,  ,  or        or  Jf 


1B56 


MUSIC 


MUSIC 


p— ^-zrj^ 


0      X     T     4> 

F     ij''^''F 


T     T 

or 
J2i2 


c    T   n    p 


n    p 

or 


S===E^EE 


o 

K 

0       » 

o    n    N 

M      N      ^ 

_       _J 

A 

K      N      A 

1 

< 

1        K      H 

or    .     or 

>     A    > 

s 

— fs^ — ^ 

e     H 

V       > 

e    z      z     H 

J 

A     H 

or           or 

Z2     > 

E 
U 

W 





— 'If;-^- 



-ik^r-     ■ 

r 

A      E         B 

A     A 

B     A      u 
/°^?5       Z 

-^ — = 

-u.  , 



-br^T ^ 

=^^ 



W-^ ^ — = 

•^      /k      -^       ■®- 

i 

?    ^'/^ 

o 

K' 

O/or-L, 

orN, 

4"^" 

— ^ 

— -<^ — 



M       N        fe        A 

-,-,  /or        /  or     V ,              / 

•i        >l        i^      ^ 

K       N       A 

/or       /or       / 

< 

1        K 

/  or  .    /•  ( 

<    A 

> 

A- 


iC^s: 


te 


11, 

Z 


The  symbols  here  given  are  formed  from  the  Greek  letters : 

fi^      y  /   X.     /   \.        (*^^  ^"'Sl^t  '''iiJ  left  halves  of  the  letter  made  "  to  look  up  or  down  "). 

B       R  (iS  imperfect). 
FT        L     (7  inverted). 

X      ^  2v    y^  (^  imperfect,  and  lengthened). 

E       3       UJ      (*  written  square). 

Z.       7  (imperfect). 


MUSIC  MUSIC 

f-|  H  h      X       (imperfect),       Vi       ("careless,"  afi^XiiTiKov). 

0  m  (half  of  the  letter). 

I  - 

K  ^  ^ 

A  V  >     < 

M  W  /^    v\      :i-        (the  halves  of  the  letter). 

■N  l/l  (antinu). 

^  LUlii/l       ("  double "  I,  sideways). 

o  9 

n  U  C      3       n       (IcQgthened),     {=j     y       ("double"). 

P  b 

C  D  VJ       3        to        £      (t^6  l^s*^  three  are  "  double "  s's). 

T  ±  H    H 

T  X 

<(>  "^  jQ        Q.      (the  two  halves  of  the  letter). 

X  'Y  (Sie<peop6s). 

X2  (capital,  to  distinguish  it  from  double  s),    "1  r  written  square,  and  inverted, 

F  q  u.     b 

'  \  (the  acute  and  grave  accents). 


135^ 


Note.—"  We  have  seen  by  the  treatise  of  Alypius,  written  professedly  to  explain  the  Greek  musical  characters,  to 
■what  an  amazing  number  they  amounted,  1240  at  the  lowest  computation."  (Hawlcins'  History  of  Music,  p.  104 
ed.  Novello,  1853.)  The  number  of  characters  here  given  is  eiglity-four ;  to  these  must  be  added  the  accented  ones 
(twenty-eigbt),  aud  a  few  in  Aristides  Quintilianus.  I  have  tabulated  sixty -three  vocal  notes  and  sixty-three 
instrumental,  from  Alypius,  and  the  total  number  of  entries  in  a  complete  diagram  is  810. 


The  ambiguities  here  shewn  arise  from  the 
different  genera,  enharmonic,  chromatic,  and 
diatonic.  There  are  no  ambiguities  in  any  given 
mode.  The  enharmonic  notes  (which  have  a  tf 
over  them)  have  generally  the  same  symbols 
as  the  chromatic  notes  ne.vt  above  them.  In  a 
few  instances,  wiiere  four  alternatives  are  given, 
those  with  the  line  through  them  are  chromatic 
notes,  in  the  Lydian  mode:  the  writer  is  inclined 
to  suspect  that  this  was  carried  throughout  all 
the  chromatic  systems  for  the  sake  of  distinc- 
tion. 

The  immoveable  sounds  (lo-rcoTex),  viz.  the 
Proslambanomenos,  Hypate  hypaton,  Hypate 
meson,  Mese,  Nele  synemmenon,  Paramese,  Nete 
diezeugmenon,  and  Nete  hyperboleon,  are  of 
course  expressed  iu  the  three  genera  (in  any  given 
mode)  by  the  same  symbols  ;  the  two  Parhypatae 
and  three  Tritae  in  the  three  genera  have  the 
same  characters ;  these  chromatic  and  diatonic 
notes  are  identical,  but  the  enharmonic  ones  are 
flatter.  The  two  Lichani,  and  three  Paranetae  of 
the  chromatic  genus,  are  distinguished  by  the 
line  through  them. 

In  some  of  the  latter  notes  an  accent  will  be 
found  ;  it  is  probable  that  this  should  be  applied 
to  both  the  symbols  employed :  these  are  all  one 
octave  above  the  notes  belonging  to  the  corre- 
sponding unaccented  symbols.  Thismustevidently 
have  been  done  wlien  the  '  Great  System'  received 
its  fullest  development,  and  the  property  of  the 
octave  mentioned  before  had  been  observed,  so 
that  the  musicians  avoided  the  necessity  of  in- 
troducing fresh  arbitrary  symbols.  But  it  is  a 
surprising  thing  that  this  did  not  suggest  a 
reform  in  the  notation,  discarding  for  the  lower 
notes  symbols  different  from  those  in  the  medium 
pitch,  and  making  a  somewhat  similar  accom- 


modation. For  these  symbols  had  become  now 
representatives  of  pitch,  rather  than  of  the  place 
in  the  scale. 

The  pairs  of  symbols  are  sometimes  put  side 
by  side,  instead  of  over  each  other,  as  just  given  ; 
the  first  of  them  has  reference  to  the  voice,  the 
other  to  the  accompan3'ist  on  the  lyre  or  other 
instrument.  It  is  strange  that  it  should  not 
have  been  seen  that  one  symbol  would  be  quite 
sufficient  for  both  purposes  ;  and  great  complica- 
tion must  have  arisen  from  the  use  of  the  same 
symbol  to  express  different  sounds,  according  as 
it  was  to  be  sung  or  played  :  thus  n  as  a  vocal 


isl! 


the  Proslambanomenos  of 


the  Hypoaeolian  mode  in  all  the  three  genera,  or 
the  same  sound  as  the  Hypate  hypaton  of  the 
Hypoiastian  mode  in  them  all ;  or  the  same 
sound   as   the  enharmonic  Lichanos    hypaton  of 


"'■^si^ 


the  Hypodoriau  mode ;    or 


the  chromatic  Lichanos  hypaton  of  the  Hypo- 
dorian  mode:  but  as  an  instrumental  note,  it  is 
the  Trite  hyperboleon  in  the  Hypolydian  mode, 
or  the  Trite  diezeugmenon  in  the  Lydian  mode, 
or   the  Trite   synemmenon  in  the  Hyperiastian 


mode,  and  will  therefore  be 


.hen 


it  is  diatonic  or  chromatic,  and 


when  enharmonic.     (Here  the  3  or  t>  above  the 


1358 


MUSIC 


modern  note  sharpens  or  flattens  it  by  a  quarter- 
tone.) 

Aristides  Quintilianus  gives  a  description  of 
all  the  genera  and  modes,  with  notation,  which 
is  identical  with  that  of  Alypius,  but  a  little 
extension  downwards  is  perceptible.  It  would 
appear  that  the  enharmonic  system  was  be- 
coming obsolete  in  his  time,  or  likely  to  become 
so  ;  for  he  speaks  of  the  diatonic  as  mo.st  natural 
(^(pv(TiKdiT€pov)  and  capable  of  being  used  even  by 
uninstructed  people  (jraai  yap,  Kal  to7s  airat- 
SevTOis  TravTanaffi.  /x^XccStitov  iffri) ;  of  the 
chromatic,  as  most  artistic  (Tex'"Ka>TaTov),  being 
manageable  by  practised  performers  only  (irapa 
yap  p.6vois  (XfAcfSelrat  toIs  Tre-KaiSfVfievois}  ;  of 
the  enharmonic,  as  most  subtle  (aKpi^fffTepov), 
because  it  requires  none  but  the  most  advanced 
musicians  to  attempt  it  (irapa  yap  to7s  iiricpavea- 
Tarois  iv  fiovffiKij  rervxVK^  irapaSoxv^) ',  'tnd  that 
it  IS  impossible  to  average  people,  and  they  were 
discontinuing  the  use  of  it  (to7s  Se  tro\\o7s  iartv 
aSvi/aTov.  '6dey  aTriyvoiaav  rives  rriv  Kara  Siecrii' 
HeXcoSlav,  5ia  Trjv  aviSiv  aaOiveiav  Ka\  TravreXws 
aiJ.€\wSriTov  elvat  rh  Std(TrriiJ.a  viroXa^SvTes). 
He  gives  the  enharmonic  notes  arranged  in  dieses 


for  the  lowest  octave 


g 


in  semitones  for  the  next  octave.     In  this  list 
appear  the  following,  not  in  Alypius.    ~   used 

^°^'  ^^  ('^  '^'^^  ^^^^  already  used  for 


FF#),  and  H    for   @: 


r.     And    in 


another  list  of  notes,  arranged  according  to  tones, 
he  gives  r-'  for   \^       and    t^      for 

1=;    — ^—     ?* 


gEEES. 


From  his  semitonic  list  we  find  also  and 


E' 


U 


respectively,    and 


^     forg= 


He  has  also  catalogued  them  in  such  a  manner 
as  to  shew  that  the  vocal  notes  were  first  chosen, 
having  the  twenty-four  letters  adopted  in  their 
usual  form  ;  then  these  for  the  most  part  in- 
verted, some  written  '  imperfect,'  and  f  and  s 
'  doubled ' :  also  |—  and  ^  ;  and  f  correlative 
with  £. 


MUSIC 

If  the  diatonic  vocal  notes  be  taken  out,  they 
;ive  the  following : 

AorB         TorE         Z  HorG 


T»\'                          '    '" 

1              KorA 

M  or    ^           O 
..C2                   be? 

^ 

HorP           C 

TorY          <l> 

— ^ is 

XorH'         HorR 

1              VorF 

^. & ^ 

-^r^ ^ 

7             Hor   m 

-orV         lAI 

iff^^-^ ^ . ■ 

\j^-  ■OS'          ^ 

(S> ^G> 

v\''^\m^  9       lJ°'-b    3 


w 


* 


f 


This  ends  at  the  Hypate  hypaton  of  the  Hypo- 
dorian  mode,  and,  therefore,  must  have  been  iu 
use  before  the  Proslambanomenos  was  added  to 
the  scale.  The  first  note.  A,  is  the  Nete  diezeug- 
menon  of  the  lastian  mode,  or  Nete  synemmenon 
of  the  Aeolian,  and  also  in  their  derivatives.  The 
sound  is  not  in  the  Lydian  or  the  Phrygian  mode 
at  all ;  the  Dorian  employs  B,  the  Hyperdorian 
both,  and  the  Hyperphrygian  B.  The  remain- 
ing inverted  letters  seem  to  have  been  adopted 
for  the  Hyperboleon  tetrachord,  which  would 
obviously  have  been  added  to  the  lyre  at  some 
later  period. 

±»'A      -e-      X»'*    IT 


p- 


si^ 


4= 


'Ihe  law  of  this  seems  fairly  evident,  the 
alternatives  arising  from  different  modes.  The 
order,  it  will  be  perceived,  is  precisely  the  con- 
trary of  the  modei-n  one  ;  probably  it  was  derived 
from  the  position  of  the  lyre,  and  the  hand  of 
the  performer  on  it.  The  highest  note  but  one 
of  the  original  tetrachords,  being  called  Kixavoi, 
would  seem  to  indicate  that  the  highest  string 
was  played  by  the  thumb,  and  the  others  by  our 
first,  second,  and  third  fingers,  and  this  made 
one  "  position "  of  the  hand,  which  would  bs 
"shifted"  for  another  tetrachord;  the  lyre 
would  be  held  on  the  left  side  of  the  performer, 
and  the  letters  of  the  alphabet  would  follow  the 
order  of  the  fingers  of  the  right  hand.  The 
omitted  letters,  ^,  W,  V,  ^  are  only  chromatid 


MUSIC 

^nd  enharmonic  notes.  When  the  Proslam- 
banomenos  was  adopted  it  involved  two  more 
symbols ;    — 1>  *s  nest  to  C>  ^^^  ^°^  inverted, 


presented  itself  at  once  for 


"C7- 


^    for   an    enharmonic   note,  and  next 


then 
^  for 


m 


— .     The  notes  above 


were  indicated  by  accenting  their  replicates  be- 
low, as  has  been  said.  The  instrumental  notes 
were  then,  apparently,  made  up  of  the  various 
contrivances  seen  above.  The  authors,  here 
appealed  to,  flourished  at  the  beginning  of  the 
second  century. 

The  most  celebrated  author  (in  musical  re- 
spects) of  the  early  centuries  is  Boethius ;  un- 
fortunately his  work,  De  Musicd,  was  left  incom- 
plete ;  in  "his  time  evidence  is  forthcoming  of  a 
modification  of  the  notation  in  the  direction  of 
simplicity ;  still  the  old  notation  was  preserved, 
and  in  some  cases  the  letters  were  joined  to- 
gether,   thus    Zj.     There   appear   to   be   some 

errors  in  the  text  of  Boethius,  owing  probably 
to  insufficient  acquaintance  with  the  notation, 
and  clerical  errors  in  the  MS. ;  as  the  symbols 
in  some  cases  do  not  agree  with  Boethius's  own 
description  of  them.  One  deserves  notice  :  the 
Parhypate  hypaton  of  the  Lydian  mode  is  de- 
scribed rightly  as  )3  imperfect,  yet  it  is  given  in 
four  difterent  places  in  Boethius  as  B  L  i  ^'^^ 
apparently  this  has  been  copied  by  later  writers. 
These  seem  to  have  contented  themselves  with 
one  symbol  only  in  the  pairs  ;  thus  Hucbaldus 


MUSIC 


1359 


(ninth    century)    gives    the    following    fur    the 
notes  of  the  Lydian  mode  : 


i^j 


^=Sf 


I-      r      B      F   HorCCorPM      I 


eUorE      U        C       GorE 


1= 


UorU    N        Y      TT       I 

("  Iota  extensum, 
sic  v.") 

The    fs|    here  is    doubtless  a  corruption  of  the 
"  careless  "  ■»;. 

And  later  still,  John  de  Muris  uses  some  of 
these  notes : 


I 


U  (f^"^  yj)       tl  a»d  TJ      <^   (for  <) 


J   {^<^^\1) 


=*-= 


V  (forV) 


Paranete  diezeugmeuon                                         2 
Trite  diezeugmenon                                _|      J           Jj 

J 

Trite  synemmenon 

Mese  lydii  modi      <                       <^ 

< 

< 

< 

Lichanos  meson                 Q 
Parhypate  meson                    U 

u 

u  u  u 

Quin    -    que      pru 

den 

-     tes    .    .     . 

in     -     tra  -  ve  -  runt 

J 

z 
J 

J 

J 

<                        <         < 

1 

^<. 

<1 

n 

n 

nup        -      ti  -    as. 


Which  he  also  gives  in  the  notation,  presently  to  I  are  appended  underneath  the  tfixt  here,  and  the 
be  noticed,  of  letters  (alone,  and   between  lines     equivalent    modern    notation    (not 
as  above),  but  he  has  transposed  it.    His  '  letters '  |  given. 


1360 


MUSIC 


^1 


Quin  -  que     pru 
a    G    F      a  c 


m 


-   tra-verunt  ad    .    .    niip 
GFFF      Facdl 


-   ti-as. 
c  b  a   G 


m 


a    b 


b    a   G      a   G      G    F 
is  subsequent 


It  is  right  to  say  that  th 
the  invention  of  the  stave. 

But  the  great  change  made  about  this  time 
was  the  adoption  of  Latin  letters  instead  of 
Greek,  and  using  one  symbol  only,  instead  of 
two.  Boethius  gives  the  following  as  one  system 
of  notes  : 

A :  modern  equivalent  B. 


Hypate  hypaton, 
Parhypate  hypaton,         B : 
Lichanos  hypaton,  C : 

Hypate  meson,  I)  : 

Parhypate  meson,  E : 

Lichanos  meson,  F : 

Mese,  G : 

Paramese,  H : 

Trite  diezeugmenon,  I : 
Paranete  diezeugmenon,  K  : 
Nete  diezeugmenon,  L : 
Trite  hyperboleon,  JI : 

Paranete  hyperboleon,  K  : 
Nete  hyperboleon,  0 : 

The  Proslambanomenos  here  has  no  letter  as- 
signed to  it ;  but  it  seems  that  it  was  soon  found 
advisable  to  do  this,  and  so  the  whole  of  the  set 
just  given  was  shifted  one  place,  thus  using  up 
the   letters   from   A  to  P,  and    occupying   the 


double  octave 


mm 


-rzj       througl 


our  modern  natural  notes. 

But  in  another  place  Boethius  gives  a  larger 
system,  combining  all  the  three  genera,  and 
giving  the  relative  lengths  of  the  strings  pro- 
ducing the  respective  sounds. 

Diatonic : 


/->• 

lf> 

-C2 

TZJ 



A 

9216 

B         C          E 

8192       7776      6912 

B  or 

6144 

H     I 

5832 

7m^' 

t^h 

n 

5194 

0             E 
4ii08   elsewhere,  R 

4374 

T 

3888 

Y 

3436 

u 

-?nr 

-&-      <^        ^ 

X        Y       CC      DD      FF    NN    LL 

4096     3838      3456     3072      2916    2592    2304. 


MUSIC 


Chromatic : 


F      E  or  H       I 

!0G         6144         5832 


P^fe 


N  O  E  S         Y 

5442        4608  elsewhere,  K  4090     3456 

4374 


i 


w- 


X        Y      BB      DD    FF     KK     LL. 

4096  3888  3648   3072  2916  2736  2304. 


Enharmonic 


m-. 


-S— 


B 

8192 


F       E  or  H     K 

i776         6144        5983 


# 

1^2 

J2. 

L 

5832 

0 

4608 

P 

4491 

R 

4374 

Y. 

3456. 

-^ 





^Zl— 

-1 

"^     -S?- 

-f- 

-     '&- 

~&- 

-h~^- 

X       z 

4096     3997 


DD     EE    XX    LL. 

3072     2994    2516    2304. 


His  description  of  this  is,  "  Sed  ita  ut  quoniam 
trium  generum  est  facienda  partitio,  nervorum 
que  modus  literarum  excedit  numorum,  ubi 
defecerint  literae,  easdem  geminamus  versus  hoc 
modo,  ut  quando  ad  Z  fuerit  usque  perventum, 
ita  describamus  reliquos  nervos  Bis  A,  i.e.  AA, 
et  bis  B,  i.e.  BB."  He  assigns  A,  0,  and  LL, 
and  a  few  more,  but  some  errors  would  seem  to 
have  crept  into  the  table  from  whence  the  abovfr 
is  obtained. 

It  appears  from  Walter  de  Odyngton  that  the 
double  octave  of  the  diatonic  genus  at  one  time, 
used  the  letters  from  A  to  S,  the  Proslambano- 
menos being  A,  and  the  rest  up  to  the  Mese 
B,  C,  D,  E,  F,  G,  H  ;  the  synemmenon  notes  I, 
K,  L ;  and  the  diezeugmenon  and  hyperboleon 
M,  N,  0,  P,  Q,  R,  S.  This  would  make  K  and 
L  identical  v.ith  N  and  0.  But  it  would  seem 
that  this  was  soon  reduced  to  the  fifteen. 
Accordingly  we  find  Jerome  de  Moravia  describ- 
ing the  eight  modes  as  follows : 

"Let  the  double  octave  be  A,  B,  C,  D,  E,  F^ 
G,  H,  I,  K,  L,  M,  N,  0,  P.     Then— 

A  to  H  is  an  8ve,  and  is  the  Hypodorian  mode. 


Bto  I 
C  to  K 
Dto  L 
E  toM 
F  to  N 
Gto  0 


Hypophrygian 

Hypolydian 

Dorian 

Phrygian 

Lydian 

Mixolvdian 


MUSIC 

And  another  one  must  be  added,  from  H  to  P, 
which  was  done  by  Ptolemy." 

The  next  development  is  due  to  St.  Gregory, 
and  arises  from  a  further  perception  of  the 
qualities  of  the  octave  as  alluded  to  above,  in 
respect  of  the  accented  Greek  symbols  for  the 
upper  notes ;  if  the  synemmenon  tetrachord  be 
eliminated,  the  notes  from  the  Mese  upwards  are 
each  an  octave  above  those  from  the  Proslara- 
banomenos;  and  when  performed  they  produce 
an  almost  identical  effect.  The  idea  may  have 
bef^n  suggested  by  the  accented  Greek  notes; 
anyhow  St.  Gregory  made  those  from  .the  Mese 
become  replicates  of  the  preceding  ones,  by 
assigning  to  them  the  same  letters ;  this  re- 
jected all  the  letters  beyond  the  first  seven  ;  the 
notes  from  the  Proslambanomenos  to  the  Licha- 
nos  meson,  inclusive,  being  written  A,  B,  C,  D, 
E,  F,  G  ;  from  the  Mese  to  the  Paranete  hyper- 
boleon  a,  b,  c,  d,  e,  f,  g;  and  the  Nete  hyperboleon 
itself  aa.  This  notation  is  sometimes  used  at 
the  present  day,  and  the  writer  has  had  to  em- 
ploy it  here.  It  is  obvious  that  this  can  be 
continued  further,  and,  indeed,  is  the  basis  of 
our  present  nomenclature.  If  the  synemmenon 
tetrachord  be  re-introduced,  it  requires  the  note 
next  to  a  to  be  a  semitone,  not  a  tone  above  it ; 
accordingly,  in  the  course  of  time,  the  letter  be- 
longing to  this  received  two  forms,  "  quadratum" 
and  "rotundum,"  "J]  and  b,  according  as  the 
diezeugmenon  or  synemmenon  tetrachord  was  to 
be  used  ;  these  were  also  called  b  "  durum  "  and 
b"molle,"  and  the  former  became  written  t]. 
This  is  the  origin  of  the  German  nomenclature 
of  H  for  the  note  a  semitone  below  C,  confining 
B  to  that  a  semitone  above  A  (e.  g.  J.  S.  Bach's 
fugue  on  his  own  name : 


MUSIC 


1361 


5S 


fP=^3 


&c.) 


and  also  of  the  terms  "  dur  "  and  "  moll  "  applied 
to  the  major  and  minor  tonality.  It  will  be  at 
once  seen  in  the  key  of  G  ;  it  is  also  the  origin 
of  the  symbol  f,  and  the  French  term  he'mol, 
applied  thereunto. 

Accordingly  we  find  Walter  de  Odyngton 
giving  the  compass  of  the  modes,  thus  :  "  Dorius. 
CDEFGabhcd;  Hvpodorius  Plaga  prothi, 
rABCDEFGab;  Phrygius,  C  D  E  F  G  a  h  c 
d  e  ;  Hypophrygius  Plaga  deuteri,  A  B  C  D  E  F 
G  a  b  h  c  ;  Lydius,  EFGabhcdef;  Hypo- 
lydius  Plaga  triti,  BCDEFGabcd;  Hyper- 
mixolydius  rGahcdefg;  Mixolydius  Plaga 
tetrardi,  CDEFGabhcd  e."  (The  r  in  the 
last  but  one  should  apparently  be  F.) 

These  letters  were  written  over  or  under  the 
words  to  be  sung ;  there  was  no  method  of  in- 
dicating duration  of  sound,  that  being  entirely 
dependent  upon  the  "quantity"  of  the  syllable. 
Thus,  from  Jerome  de  Moravia : 

Gacccccccccc      aa 

Oc-ta-vus  to-nus  sic   in-ci-pit,  et    sic  flee  -ti-tur, 

ccccdcctJcaGcacdc 

"1        et  sic  me-di  -  a  -tur,  et  sic    fi  -  ni  -tur,  et  sic   fi  -  ni-tur. 

Ad  antiphonam  vero  nos  qui  vivinuis  cora- 
muniter  talis  ditferentia  datur  : 


a  b  a  a  a  a  a  a  b  a  G  F  a  b  G  G  G  G 
In  ex-  i  -  tu  Is-ra-el  de  E-gyp-to  do-mus  Ja-cob  de 
GGDFFEDa  a  a  a  aa  a  a  G 
po-pu-lo  bar-bar  -  o.  Ma-nus  ha-bent  et  non  pal-pa-bunt, 

aaaaaabaGF      aaabG 
pe-des  ha-bent  et  non  am-bn  -  la-bunt,  non  clama  -  bunt 
G    G    G    D     FED 
in    gut  -  tu-re       su    -   o. 

Another  method  of  notation  appears  to  have 
been  in  considerable  use  about  the  8th  and  9th 
centuries,  invented  apparently  to  diminish,  if 
possible,  the  number  of  the  arbitrary  symbols 
employed.  For  this  purpose  the  system  of 
tetrachords  was  employed,  but  they  were  all 
disjoined  by  a  tone  from  each  other,  giving  the 


notes  of  our  natural  scale  from 


to 


and  occasionally  to 


The  symbols  present  in  one  tetrachord  a  simi- 
larity to  the  characters  of  the  lowest  notes  in 
the  Lydian  mode,  h?  F?  B  (ought  to  be  "im- 
perfect"), F  ;  it  is  alleged  that  they  are  all 
made  from  the  first  of  these,  for  the  most  part 
by  affixing  a  s  in  various  positions  to  it.  Thus 
the   first   four   are     "l;!  ^   N   "^    which  corre- 


spond to  the  notes 


^: 


for    the    tetrachord     next    above,    these    were 
i-eversed,     "F"     f^     j     f^     corresponding      to 


m 


for  the  next  two  tetra- 


chords above  these  were  inverted,     T  J'  H  J, 


corresponding  to 


f<^ 


and    ^    U    X    t^'    corresponding   to 

-^         — —- — ^^     TT^ — .    Also    "T^    '^  were 

used  for  -^y gJ       ^"^ .     The  connection 


of  N  H  X  I  together  is  not  very  evident,  but  it 
professes  to  exist.  In  abbe  Gerbert's  collection, 
l-j  is  replaced  by  ^.  This  notation  is  largely 
used  by  Hucbaldus,  and  is  mentioned  by  Guide 
Aretinus. 

These  notes  were  put  in  amongst  the  text,  or 
over  it ;  this  latter  mode  doubtless  to  simplify 
the  reading  of  the  work. 

Ex. — A  Cadence,  &c.,  in  the  first  mode,  from 
Hucbaldus : 

NoJ^afnolPeralPner^-  irarJ^ 

riPJ^iPiPr. 

Glo|riF'aJs  et  J.  nuncJ^J^  et  J.  semJ.f' 
pcrJ.  etf^l  inf'J!.  snJLcuJ,laJ^  seJLcuJl 
loJ.rumF'l  af^nient'P. 

EPiPuPgePf'  serPvel  boPnef^. 


1362 


MUSIC 


%vhich  is  equlvaleufc  to 


No  -  a  -  no  -   e  -  a     -    ne. 


e='='=^^g^^^^pJ^^g 


w 


■  rum,  A  -  men. 


SE! 


Hymn,  from  the  same  : 

p  p  rr  f  j:.  ^ 


Ae  -  ter  -  na    Chris  -  ti 


g^ 


Et  mar    -     ty-rum    vie  -  to      -      ri  -  as 


s 


Lau  -  des  fe  -  ren  -  tes    de  -  bi  -  tas    Le  -  tis 


-a 

-■— ■—M—B—„— ■-■—,- 

- 

ca-  na 

1  r  r  JLr  i  pr 

-    -  mus  men    -     ti  -  bus. 

P-^"- 

■^r---5-"----^l 

1- 

^ -^ ^1 

1- 

One  method  of  assisting  the  performer  by 
indicating  the  distances  between  sounds  is  men- 
tioned by  Hermanns  Contractus:  it  consisted  in 
specifying  the  intervals  which  the  note  belonging 
to  each  syllable  stood  above  or  below  the  preceding 
note  ;  thus,  e  for  unison  (equal),  s  for  semitone, 
t  for  tone,  ts  for  the  Minor  third,  d  for  the 
perfect  fourth  (diatessaron),  5  for  the  perfect 
fifth  (diapente)  a  point  being  placed  after  these 
when  the  interval  was  taken  in  a  descending 
manner ;  and  a  comma  when  ascending :  for 
example : 

t    t,  t.    t.  ts.  d,   t,  5.  d,  e,   t.  ts.  d,   e, 
Ter  tri-a  junctorumsunt  in-terval-Ia  so-no-rum. 


MUSIC 

It  was  then  attempted  to  render  the  position.s 
of  the  sounds  visible,  so  that  the  eye  might 
assist  the  ear  of  the  performer  ;  and  the  first 
system  was  that  mentioned  before  as  like  short- 
hand: the  following  is  extracted  from  the 
Tona)-ius  Eejinonis  Prumensis,  under  the  Second 
Tone. 


Se- 

cun-dum  au- 

torn 

si -mi 

-le 

^ 

i*^- 

Z^SH 

(apparently) 

V^* 

■- 

JM-^^ 

to 

r  - 


:♦-♦: 


g=! 


iBi=»: 


±=r- 


These  are  not  precisely  identical  with  the 
versions  above,  or  in  Walter  de  Odyngton.  But 
it  is  obvious  that  great  uncertainty  must  have 
prevailed  on  this  system,  so  that  without  diligent 
study  and  much  instruction  no  singer  could  sing 
these  without  error  ;  accordingly  we  find  that 
great  varieties  were  known,  so  much  that  almost 
every  church  had  its  own  way  of  singing. 
This  was  partly  remedied  by  the  introduction  of 
a  red  line  and  sometimes  another  which  would 
tend  to  fix  the  pitch  of  the  notes  ])laced  on  or 
near  them.  According  to  Sir  John  Hawkins 
{Hist.  Music)  Gabriel  Nivei's  examined  many 
old  MBS.,  and  concluded  that  the  whole  system 
of  notation  before  the  time  of  Guido  Aretinus 
was  uncertain,  that  t'^ere  were  no  means,  in  this 
method,  of  ascertaining  the  distinction  between  a 
tone  and  a  semitone,  which  of  course  was  of 
itself  sufficient  to  induce  musicians  to  seek 
improvements. 

The  first  was  the  multiplication  of  these  lines 
and  the  writing  of  the  words  on  them  in  such  a 
manner  that  the  position  of  the  syllable  should 
indicate  the  sound  to  which  it  was  to  be  sung. 
Each  line  corresponded  to  a  sound  of  the  scale  of 
the  mode  adopted,  and  the  symbol  for  its  note  was 
placed  at  the  beginning  of  it.  See  the  example 
on  the  next  page,  from  '  Aribonis  Scholastica.' 

This  was  further  improved  by  adopting  a  red 
line  for  the  place  of  F,  and  a  yellow  one  for  that 
of  C.  So  we  find  Guido  Aretinus  writing  in  his 
Micrologus, 

"  Quasdam  lineas  siguamus  variis  coloribus 
Ut  quo  loco  sit  sonus  mox  discernat  oculus; 
Ordine  tertiae  vocis  splendens  crocus  radiat, 
Sexta  ejus,  Bed  aflBnis  flavo  rubet  minio." 

C  being  the  third  from  A,  and  F  the  sixth,  in 
ascending  order. 


MUSIC 


MUSIC 


1303 


d 

-net 

lor 

-so- 

H 

li- 

in- 

-fre- 

tern  -  pe   -    ret      ne 

hor- 

a 

Lin  -  guam 

-nans 

-tis 

re- 

S 

■ B 

-B             ■ 

-§- 



B 

— ■ ■ B ■- 



B 

_f! ■ ■ ■ _-- 

vi- 

r] 

-sum 

-ven- 

fo- 

-do 

cou- 

va- 

Y 

-ni- 

-le-                ne 

-tes 

-gat 

-ta- 

-ri     -    at. 

hau- 

^ 


The  next  step  was  to  banish  the  words  from 
these  lines,  and  put  points  on  them.  In  Sir  John 
Hawkins'  Hist.  Music  is  a  specimen  given  from 
Vincentio  Galilei,  which  is  much  anterior  to 
Guido  Aretinus  ;  but  it  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  correctly  translated ;  the  version  is  here 
revised,  according  to  the  notes  given  above. 


It  is  easy  to  see  what  a  great  convenience  the 
coloured  lines  introduced  would  be  in  the  great 
number  that  would  often  be  used. 

The  improvement  of  Guido  Aretinus  consisted 
in  placing  notes  in  the  spaces,  i.e.  abolishing 
every  other  line;  when  this  was  done,  the  fifth 
mode  was  the  only  one  which  would  have  both  F 
and  C  on  lines,  and  therefore  be  "  splendens 
croceo  rubroque  colore." 

A  mystical  reason  has  been  assigned  to  these 
coloured  lines  :  a  yellow  line  is  assigned  to  C, 
because  gold  is  the  most  precious  among  the 
metals,  and  C  may  represent  Charity,  the  chief 
of  the  Christian  graces  ;  and  a  red  line  is  given 
to  F,  which  may  stand  for  Faith  that  caused  the 
martyrs  to  seal  their  testimony  with  their 
blood. 

These  lines  most  probably  were  intended  in 
the  first  instance  to  represent  the  actual  strings, 
something  after  the  manner  in  which  the  music 
for  the  lute  was  written  "in  tablature"  (see 
Mace's  Musick's  Monument,  ItJTG),  but  the 
ancients  were  not  apparently  acquainted  with 
the  art  of  "  stopping "  strings  in  performance. 
And  so,  curiously  enough,  to  this  day  in  the 
harp,  coloured  strings  (red  and  black)  are 
assigned  to  the  C's  and  F's,  the  others  being  the 
natural  colour  of  the  catgut ;  it  is  dillicult  to 
avoid  connecting  this  with  the  old  practice,  as  G 

CHRIST.   AJJT. — VOL.   II. 


would  now  be  a  more  likely  note  to  be  chosen 
than  F. 

Consequently  Guido's  improvement  may  be 
said  to  be  the  invention  of  the  stave,  in  the 
sense  of  indicating  the  sound  irrespective  of  the 
instrument  producing  it,  and  when  this  was  once 
done  the  whole  system  of  music  became  so  revo- 
lutionised as  to  enter  upon  a  new  phase  altogether, 
mediffival  instead  of  antique  ;  which  is  foreign  to 
the  purpose  of  this  book. 

The  writer  has  here  used  the  modern  stave  ot 
five  lines,  and  the  modern  forms  of  some  of  the 
clefs :  there  is  no  difference  in  principle  between 
these  and  their  predecessors,  and  the  music  is 
much  more  easily  read. 

Music,  Christian  Use  of. — We  are  left  a 
good  deal  to  conjecture  to  what  extent  music 
was  used,  or  what  forms  it  took.  The  first 
intimation  is  that  of  St.  Paul  (Ephes.  v.  19  ;  Col. 
iii.  1(3),  in  which  he  recognises  three  distinct 
kinds  of  composition;  psalms,  hymns,  and 
spiritual  songs  (v|/aA./xo!,  v/xvol,  liSai  Tryev/xaTiKaT) : 
these  it  would  seem  most  reasonable  to  suppose 
to  be  the  Psalms  of  David,  original  compositions 
in  stanzas,  and  more  irregular  compositions, 
such  as  the  choruses  in  the  Greek  plays.  Each 
of  these  would  require  a  somewhat  different 
musical  treatment,  although  all  of  them  would 
be  little  else  than  recitative.  (Vide  Hymns.)  The 
first  of  these  would  be  fitted  with  a  monotonous 
chant  having  an  ending,  as  shewn  above ;  the 
second  with  something  more  like  a  rhythmical 
tune,  and  the  third  with  a  melody  similar  to 
those  of  the  antiphons.  It  is  commonly  believed 
that  St.  Ambrose  took  a  melody  that  had  been  in 
use  in  pagan  rites,  and  adapted  it  to  his  Advent 
hymn  "  Creator  alme  siderum,"  which  melody  is 
still  in  use,  though  with  some  varieties  of 
reading;  and  it  is  easy  to  see  that  for  such 
compositions  the  example  would  be  followed. 
All  the  early  writers  assign  to  St.  Ignatius  the 
introduction  of  antiphonal  chanting;  "  A  quibus 
vel  quando  cepit  antiphona  dici,  Ignatius  Anti- 
ochie  Syrie  tertius  post  Apostolum  Petrum 
Episcopus,  qui  et  jam  (etiam  ?)  cum  ipsis  degebat 
apostolis,  vidit  visionem  angclorum,  quomodo 
per  antiphonas  Sancte  Trinitati  diccbant  ymnos. 
Isque  modus  visionis  Antiochie  tradidisseprobatur 
4  T 


1364 


MUSIC 


ecclesie,  et  es  hoc  ad  cunctas  transivit  ecclesias." 
(^Tonarius  lieginonis  Frumensis.)  Accordingly 
we  tind  these  forms  appearing  in  the  liturgies  : 
the  thirty-third  psalm  is  specified  in  that  of  St. 
Clement,  and  the  twenty-third  and  others  in  St. 
James's.  But  the  presence  of  a  choir  is  recog- 
nised, and  a  part  assigned  them.  Lit.  St.  Mark  : 
Koi  \l/d\hovaiv  b  fiouoyfvl]!,  —  Koi  \pdWovai 
rhv  x^po'^jSi/fJ;', — ahv  avTo7s  v^vovvtwv  kol 
XeyovTuv  '['O  Xaiis  ]  "Ayios  dyios  ayios 
Kvpios. 

So  in  St.  James  :  Elra  oi  \pd\Tai  rhv  rpiffa- 
yiov  xl/dWovffiv  viivov, — Oi  \\id\Tai'  "" A^iov  iffriv 
as  akridu'S'  /c.t.A., — Kai  TrdXiv  ^dWovaiv, — and 
St.  Chrysostom  :  Kal  \pdWerai  rh  -KpSnov  'Av- 
rlcpuiivov  Trapd  twv  \paXTuii'  (and  so  for  the  second 
antiphon,  and  the  third,  or  in  some  cases  the 
beatitudes)  ;  i\iaWofj.ivov  5e  tou  Tpiaayiov,  Xiyei 
6  'lepsvs  Trjv  fvxh"  TavTTju  fivcTTiKois, — Eu;^?;, 
%v  \iyei  6  'lepeiis  Kad''  savThv,  rov  X^povjStKov 
aSoixivov.  Accordingly  provision  is  made  for  a 
choir  in  the  early  churches.  Neale  (^Introduction 
to  Transldion  of  Primitive  Liturgies)  gives  a 
ground  plan  of  the  church  of  St.  Theodore  at 
Athens  ;  in  it  the  choir  are  placed  under  the 
truUus,  or  dome,  which  position  was  maintained 
up  to  the  12th  century.  A  very  early  ode  is 
still  e.vtant,  ipus  iKaphv  ayias  SS^tjs  ;  but  it  is  not 
known  whether  the  music  of  it  has  been  pre- 
served. The  use  of  the  church  of  Alexandria  in 
the  4th  century  is  shewn  by  an  account  in  the 
Geronticon  of  St.  Pambo,  abbat  of  Xitria  (apud 
Gerbert) ;  he  had  sent  a  disciple  there  for  some 
purpose,  and  the  disciple  regretted  the  ignorance 
of  singing  in  the  monastery  :  'A-rreAdSpros  ydp 
fiov  iv  'AAe^avSpeia,  elSov  ra  rdyfiaTa  ttjs 
iKKXricrias  ttws  ipdWovin,  Kal  tV  Xinrij  yiyova 
TToAAf;,  SioTi  Kai  j^^eTs  ov  xpdWofj.ei'  Kaifovas  Kal 
rpowdpia  "  (vide  Caxox  OF  Odes).  The  abbat 
thought  his  disciple  departing  from  primitive 
simplicity.  From  another  work  of  uncertain 
date,  but  of  great  antiquity,  preserved  by 
Gerbert,  the  Institutio  Patrum  de  modo  psailcndi 
sive  cantandi,  we  find  three  kinds  of  chanting 
recognised,  according  to  the  nature  of  the  day, 
whether  a  principal  festival,  a  Sunday  or  saint's 
day,  or  an  ordinary  day  :  "  Tres  ordines  melodiae 
in  tribus  distinctiouibus  temporum  habeamus, 
verbi  gratia,  in  praecipuis  solempnitatibus 
toto  corde  et  ore  omnique  aflectu  devotionis ;  in 
Dominicis  diebus  et  majoribus  festivitatibus  sive 
natalitiis  sanctorum  .  .  .  multo  remissius ;  pri- 
vatis  autem  diebus  ita  psalmodia  modulatur 
nocturnis  horis,  et  cantus  de  die,  ut  omnes 
possent  devote  psallere  et  intente  cantare  sine 
strepitu  vocis,  cum  aftectu  absque  defectu." 
And  the  nature  of  this  chant,  as  similar  to  the 
Gregorian  chant,  appears  also:  "syllabas,  verba, 
metrum,  in  modo  et  in  finem  versus,  id  est, 
initium,  medium,  et  finem,  simul  incipiamus,  et 
pariter  dimittamus.  Punctum  aequaliter  teneant 
omnes.  In  omni  te.\tu  lectionis,  psalmodiae  vel 
cantus,  accentus  sive  concentus  verborum  (in 
quantum  suppetit  facultas)  non  negligatur,  quia 
exinde  permaxime  redolet  intellectus.  Scire 
debet  omnis  cantor,  quod  literae  quae  liquescunt 
in  metrica  rite,  etiam  in  Neumis  musicae  ritis 
liquescunt."  This  last  shews  that  the  musical 
rhythm  conformed  to  the  poetical,  elisions  and 
erases  being  made  when  necessary;  and  probably 
that  the  system  of  one  note  to  a  syllable  was 
adopted  ;  in  this  case  Neuma  (q.  v.)  would  mean 


MUSIC 

a    cadence,    and    not    assume    its    more    usual 
meaning. 

It  does  not  appear  that  the  early  British 
church  used  any  music  in  the  services ;  from 
the  few  remains  of  the  old  churches  that  have 
come  down  to  us,  it  would  seem  that  no  provision 
was  made  for  a  choir :  this  is  remarkable,  so 
far  as  the  Cambrian  part  of  the  British  church  is 
concerned,  since  they  had  an  order  of  bards,  and 
were  skilled  in  the  harp.  According  to  John 
the  deacon,  certain  singers  came  with  St.  Augus- 
tine to  Canterbury,  and  the  church's  song  (more 
Romano)  became  known  in  Kent ;  and  in  several 
instances  we  find  from  Bede  that  exertions  were 
made  to  spread  this  over  England.  Thus  when 
St.  Paulinus  became  bishop  of  Rochester  he  left 
behind  him  in  the  diocese  of  York  a  deacon, 
James,  a  skilled  musician,  who  lived  at  Catterick, 
and  taught  the  Roman  or  Cantuarian  method  of 
church  song.  "  Qui,  qiioniam  cantandi  in  ecclesia 
erat  peritissimus,  .  .  .  etiam  magister  ecclesi- 
asticae  cantionis  juxta  morem  Romanorum  seu 
Cantuariorum  multis  coepit  exsistere."  (Bede,  ii. 
20.)  And  the  custom  of  using  music  in  the 
church  service  began  to  be  generally  spread 
over  England  at  the  accession  to  the  see  of 
Canterbury  of  archbishop  Theodore  (a.d.  669). 
"  Sed  et  sonos  cantandi  in  ecclesia,  quos  eatenus 
in  Cantia  tantum  noverant,  ab  hoc  tempore  per 
omnes  Anglorum  ecclesias  discere  coeperunt ; 
primusque,  excepto  Jacobo,  .  .  .  cantandi 
magister  Northanhumbrorum  ecclesiis  Eddi 
cognomento  Stephanus  fuit,  invitatus  de  Cantia 
a  reverendissimo  viro  Wilfrido"  (Bede,  iv.  2) ; 
and  the  archbishop  filled  up  the  vacant  see  of 
Rochester  by  another  musician,  Putta ;  "  maxime  , 
modulandi  in  ecclesia  more  Romanorum,  quem  a 
discipulis  beati  papae  Gregorii  didicerat,  peri- 
tum"  (ibid.) :  a  few  years  afterwards  this  bishop 
abandoned  his  see,  and  having  received  an 
appointment  fi-om  the  bishop  of  Lichfield  of  a 
church  and  glebe,  propagated  church  music : 
"in  ilia  solum  ecclesia  Deo  servienset  ubicunque 
rogabatur  ad  docenda  ecclesiae  carmina  diver- 
tens."  (Bede,  iv.  12.)  About  this  time  John  the 
precentor  of  St.  Peter's,  Rome,  was  sent  by  pope 
Agatho,  and  received  by  Benedict  Biscop  into  his 
monastery  at  Wearmouth  for  the  purpose  of 
teaching  church  music,  and  was  very  much 
resorted  to.  "Non  solum  autem  idem  Joannes 
ipsius  monasterii  fratres  docebat,  verum  de 
omnibus  pene  ejusdem  provinciae  monasteriis  ad 
audiendum  eum,  qui  cantandi  erant  periti,  con- 
fluebant.  Sed  et  ipsum  per  loca,  in  quibus 
doceret,  multi  invitare  curabant."  (Bede,  iv.  18.) 
From  this  we  may  fairly  infer  that  the  Cantus 
Gregorianus  soon  became  naturalised  in  England 
so  as  to  create  an  Anglican  tradition  of  it,  of 
which  there  is  reason  to  suppose  traces  have 
descended  to  this  day. 

The  same  use  was  pi-ofessed  in  France  and 
Germany,  but  had  become  corrupted.  Gabriel 
Nivers  (quoted  by  Sir  John  Hawkins,  Hist. 
Music)  asserts  that  in  consequence  of  pope 
Stephen  II.  coming  to  Pepin,  king  of  France,  a 
number  of  singers  who  had  accompanied  him 
propagated  the  church-song  in  the  Gregorian 
manner  over  France  generally;  but  after  the 
death  of  Pepin,  the  purity  of  the  song  was  not 
maintained.  In  consequence,  Charlemagne  made 
an  application  to  pope  Adrian  to  send  experts  to 
restore  the  music :  this  was  attended  to,  but  a 


MUSIC 

second  mission  of  experts  had  to  be  made  before 
the  desired  result  was  accomplished. 

Instrwnents. — Whatever  evidence  is  forth- 
coming, is  to  the  eti'ect  that  the  early  Christians 
did  not  use  musical  instruments.  Various  causes 
■would  operate :  the  poverty  of  a  considerable 
portion  of  the  church,  the  frequency  of  persecu- 
tion, but  chiefly  the  associations,  theatrical  and 
indecent,  with  which  the  musical  instruments 
that  were  attainable  were  associated,  (v.  Dia- 
psalma).  But  at  a  later  period,  after  the  disrup- 
tion of  the  empire,  and  the  re-organisation  of 
society,  such  causes  not  existing  to  any  extent, 
the  feeling  against  instruments  ceased  to  exist; 
and  we  find  that  organs  were  introduced  into 
churches  and  in  some  cases  other  instruments 
also.  Thus  it  a]>pears,  from  the  above  reference 
to  Gabriel  Nivers,  that  the  choir  that  accompanied 
,pope  Stephen  II.  into  France  spread  over  that 
country  not  only  the  knowledge  of  the  Roman 
plain-song,  but  also  the  use  of  instruments. 
Organs  deserve  a  separate  notice. 

Harmony. — Whether   the   ancients   were    ac- 
quainted with  harmony  has  been  much  disputed  : 
the    writer,    following    most    of    the    eminent 
musicians,  is  strongly  of  opinion  that  they  were 
not  (u.  Canon  of  the  Scale)  :  ap/xovia  would 
appear  to  mean  nothing  more  than  '  true  intona- 
tion,'   or   producing    successive   notes    in   their 
right   sound.     Seneca   has  been  cited  to  prove 
■the     contrary.     "  Non   vides    quam    multorum 
vocibus  chorus  constet?     Unus  tamen  ex  omni- 
bus   sonus    redditur.     Aliqua    illic    acuta    est, 
aliqua    gravis,    aliqua   media.     Accedunt    viris 
feminae,  interponuntur  tibiae,  singulorum  latent 
voces,  omnium  apparent."     It  would  be  perfectly 
impossible  that  "  one  sound  "  should  be  produced 
under  such  circumstances,  unless  the  voices  and 
instruments    sung   and   played   in  unisons    and 
octaves.     This   passage   and    others    appear    in 
Hawkins'  History,  and  the  writer  only  wishes  to 
add  that  the  adoption  of  the  accented  symbols 
(as  shewn  above)  for  notes  an  octave  above  the 
;         others  appears  to  him  proof  positive  that  this  is 
;        the  true  meaning  of  this  and  similar  phraseology. 
I        When  men  and  women  sing  together  the  same 
'        melody,  their  voices  are  really  an  octave  apart ; 
j        and  if  the  "  interposition  "  of  the  tibia  is  to  be 
■'        taken  literally,  the   consequence    is  consecutive 
i        fifths  or  discordance,   which  would  be  detected 
;        instantly  as  not  '  unus  sonus.' 

It  has  been  conjectured  that  the  practice  of 
!  harmony  of  some  kind,  i.e.  the  use  of  two  notes 
not  always  of  the  same  modern  name  (A,  B,  C, 
D,  E,  F,  G)  simultaneously,  so  that  two  persons 
would  not  always  sing  in  unisons  or  octaves, 
took  its  rise  in  Northumbria  in  the  8th  century. 
Sir  J.  Hawkins  quotes  Giraldus  Cambrensis,  who 
Lcives  the  following  account,  and  believes  (Hawkins 
thinks  without  sufficient  reason)  that  the  North- 
umbrians obtained  it  from  Denmark  or  Norway. 
"  In  borealibus  quoque  majoris  Britanniae  parti- 
bus  trans  Humbrum,  Eboracique  finibus  Anglo- 
rum  populi  qui  partes  illas  inhabitant  simili 
canendo  symphoniacae  utuntur  harmonia:  binis 
tamen  solummodo  differentiae  et  vocum  modu- 
lando  varietatibus,  una  inferius  submurmurante 
altera  vero  superne  demulcente  pariter  et  delec- 
tante  (i.e.  singing  '  in  two  parts ').  Nee  arte 
tantum  sed  usu  longaevo  et  quasi  in  naturam 
moradiutina  jam  converse,  haec  vel  ilia  sibi  gens 
hanc  specialitatem    comparavit.     Qui  alio  apud 


MUSIC 


1365 


utramque  invaluit  et  altas  jam  radices  posuit, 
ut  nihil  hie  simpliciter,  ubi  multipliciter  ut 
apud  priores,  vel  saltem  dupliciter  ut  apud 
sequentes,  mellite  proferri  consueverit.  Pueris 
etiam  (quod  magis  admirandum)  et  fere  infantibus 
(cum  primum  a  fletibus  in  cautus  erumpuut) 
eamdera  modulationem  observantibus.  Angli 
vero  quoniam  non  generaliter  omnes  sed  boreales 
solum  hujusmodi  vocum  utuntur  modulationibus, 
credo  quod  a  Dacis  et  Norwagiensibus,  qui 
partes  illas  iusulae  frequentius  occupare  et  diutius 
obtinere  solebant,  sicut  loquendi  affinitatem,  sic 
canendi  proprietatem  contraxerunt."  (jCamhr. 
Dcscr.  xiii.) 

It  has  been  already  noticed  that  John  the 
precentor  of  Rome  lived  at  Wearmouth  for  some 
time  and  taught  music ;  and  it  has  been  con- 
jectured that  the  invention  of  this  kind  of 
harmony  (or  its  introduction  into  England)  is 
due  to  him.  The  writer  thinks  that  the  system 
described  by  Giraldus  may  mean  no  more  than 
that  the  melody  was  not  sung  in  octaves,  at 
least  at  the  time  of  John,  whatever  it  may  have 
become  afterwards.  If  this  be  true,  the  practice 
of  harmony  in  church  music  is  due  to  the 
church  of  Rome. 

The  writer  is  aware,  and  thinks  he  ought  here 
to  mention,  that  Sir  F.  Ouseley  (a  good  authority) 
believes  harmony  to  be  an  invention  of  the 
northern  tribes  of  Europe ;  but  he  is  not  ac- 
quainted with  the  evidence  for  this  belief:  and 
Professor  Macfarren  {Lectures  on  Harmony')  con- 
trasts the  peoples  of  the  South  and  North  in 
respect  of  inventive  power  of  melody  and  har- 
mony. Those  who  advocate  the  opinion  that 
the  ancients  were  acquainted  with  harmony, 
consider  a  strong  point  of  evidence  to  be  the 
number  of  voices  and  instruments  collected  to- 
gether on  several  public  occasions :  but  as  the 
writer  is  not  satisfied  with  this,  he  thinks  it 
more  likely  that  harmony  was  a  discovery  of 
the  learned  musicians,  who  had  had  the  experience 
of  their  predecessors  for  centuries,  during  which 
many  advances  had  been  made  in  the  science  of 
music,  and  that  the  inventive  powers  of  the 
people  have  little  to  do  with  it :  and  in  this 
view  it  is  certainly  most  likely  that  such  a 
discovery  should  have  been  made,  or  at  least 
pursued,  chiefly  at  Rome.  It  is  rather  difficult 
to  imagine  barbarous  tribes  inventing  harmony 
while  civilised  people  were  ignorant  of  it  and 
studied  music  all  the  while.  Certainly  towards 
the  ninth  century,  the  practice  of  producing 
octaves,  fifths,  or  fourths  simultaneously  was 
known,  and  in  the  former  two  cases  it  was 
called  '  symphonia,'  and  in  the  latter  *  diaphonia.' 
The  terms  '  succentus '  and  '  concentus  '  are  also 
used  as  synonymous  with  '  symphonia.'  Regino 
Prumensis  allows  the  use  of  succentus  in  octaves 
and  fifths,  but  he  prohibits  diaphony  :  Hucbaldus 
acknowledges  both.  Thus  for  a  'symphony' of 
octaves  and  fifths  we  should  have,  in  the  fifth 
tone — 


\^ 


i^-^-^- 


i 


1366 


MUSrS^UM  OPUS 


and  for  a  diaphony  of  fourths,  we  should  have 


The  aucieuts  always  considered  the  fourth  a 
concord ;  and  it  is  a  satisfactory  interval  in 
melody ;  probably  for  this  reason  the  experiment 
of  singing  in  fourths  as  well  as  in  fifths  and 
octaves  was  tried,  and  found  unsatisfactory : 
wherefore  it  was  called  diaphony,  a  term  used 
by  the  ancients  as  contrari/  to  crvficpaivia.  This  is 
doubtless  the  reason  why  the  fourth  is  now 
considered  a  dissonance.  Harmony  appears  to 
have  extended  no  further  than  this  before  the 
time  of  Guido  Aretiuus.  [J.  R-  L.] 

MUSIVUM  OPUS.    [Mosaics.] 

MUSO,  martyr;    commemorated  at  Neocae- 


sarea  Jan.  24  (Usuard.  Mart.'). 


[C.  H.] 


MUSTA,  martvr;  commemorated  Ap.  12 
{Hieron.  Mart.).      '  [C  H.] 

MUSTACUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Nicomedia  Feb.  16  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MUSTILA,  commemorated  Feb.  28  {Hieron. 
Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MUSTIOLA,  noble  matron,  martyr ;  comme- 
morated at  Clausen  July  3  (Usuard.  Mart.). 

MUSTULA  (1)  Martyr;  commemorated  at 
Rome  Feb.  2  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr;  commemorated  Ap.  12  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Mauritania 
Oct.  17  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MUSTUIjUS,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Rome  June  5  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MUTACUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome 
in  the  cemetery  of  Praetextatus  May  10  {Hieron. 
Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MUTIANA  (1)  commemorated  at  Caesarea 
June  8  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Laodicea  July 
26  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  July,  vi.  305). 
[C.  H.] 

MUTIANUS,  martyr  ;  commemorated  at 
Caesarea  Nov.  19  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

MUTILATION.     [Body,   Mutilation  of 

THE.] 

MYGDONIUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  Dec, 
28  (Basil.  McnoL).  [C.  H.] 

MYRON  (1)  Bishop,  «  our  holy  father  thau- 
maturgus,"  of  Crete ;  commemorated  Aug.  8 
(Basil.  Menol. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  ii.  342). 

(2)  Presbyter,  "  holy  martyr "  at  Cyzicus 
under  Decius  ;  commemorated  Aug.  16  (Basil. 
Menol.) ;  Dec.  17  {Cat.  Byzant. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Aug.  iii.  420 ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  266). 

[C.  H.] 

MYROPE,  martyr  at  Chios  under  Decius ; 
commemorated  July  13  (Basil.  Menol.;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  July,  iii.  482).  [C.  H.] 

MYROPHORI  {ixvpoip6poi).  The  women  who 
brought  to  the  Lord's  tomb  the  "spices  and 
ointments"    which    they   had  prepared   are   so 


NABOR 

called  in  Greek  office-books.  The  third  Sunday, 
after  Easter  is  in  the  Greek  church  the  "Sunday 
of  the  Unguent-bearers"  {twv  fivpocpSptav). 

[C] 
MYSTAGOGIA  (MU(rTa7a)7ia)  would  natu- 
rally mean  the  conducting  or  initiating  into 
mysteries.  It  is,  however,  commonly  used  by 
the  Greek  fathers  as  a  term  for  the  sacraments 
themselves,  regarded  as  conducting  to  higher  life. 
Thus  Chrysostom  uses  the  word  fxv<nayoiyia  for 
Baptism,  Upa  fj.v<naywyia  for  Holy  Communion, 
Kparrip  ttjs  (jLvarayioyias  for  the  cup  in  the 
Lord's  Supper  (Suicer,  Thesaurus,  s.  v.).       [C] 

MYSTAGOGUS  {fxv(n  ay  coy  6  s)  is,  as  Suidas 
has  defined  it,  "  a  priest,  an  initiator  into  mys- 
teries." Hence  the  Lord  Himself  is  described  as 
acting  as  Jlystagogus  to  His  disciples  (Greg. 
Nazianz.  Orat.  40,  p.  659).  And  those  who 
prepared  Christians  for  initiation  into  the  sacred 
mysteries  of  the  church  were  called  by  the  same 
name.  Hence  the  lectures  which  Cyril  of  Jeru- 
salem addressed  to  his  catechumens,  in  which 
he  expounds  the  rites  to  which  they  were  to  be 
admitted,  are  called  KaTiJXTJceis  ixvcrrayasyiKai. 

[C] 

MYSTERY  { ixva-T^piov,  root  ijlv-,  as  in 
fj.veLv,  to  shut).  A  fivar-fipiov  is  properly  a  rite 
to  which  none  but  the  initiated  can  be  admitted. 
Hence  baptism,  to  which  in  early  ages  men  were 
not  commonly  admitted  without  a  catechu- 
menate  of  some  length ;  and  the  Holy  Com- 
munion, to  which  none  could  be  admitted 
without  baptism,  and  of  which  the  most  sacred 
portions  were  concealed  from  the  profane 
[DisciPLiNA  Arcani],  naturally  came  to  be 
called  ixvffri]pia.  Thus  Chrysostom  on  St.  John, 
xix.  34  {Horn.  85),  speaking  of  the  water  and 
blood,  says  that  from  these  are  derived  the 
mysteries  of  baptism  and  the  Lord's  Supper. 
Gregory  of  Nazianzus  {Orat.  39,  p.  632,  ed.- 
Paris,  1630)  calls  the  ministers  of  baptism 
olKov6fj.ous  rov  ixv<TTr]piou  ;  and  {Orat.  44,  p.  713) 
says  that  Jesus  in  the  upper  room  partook  of 
the  mystery  {Koivaivel  rov  nvtrrripiov).  The 
Laodicean  Council  {Can.  7)  provides  that  certain 
heretics,  after  learning  an  orthodox  creed  and 
being  anointed  with  chrism,  should  be  admitted 
to  the  holy  mystery  {Koivaive'iy  rcji  nvcrTTipito  rw 
aylcf)  [al.  twv  fx.  twv  ay."]),  i.  e.  to  the  Holy 
Communion,  for  they  were  already  baptized.  In 
later  times,  however,  the  word  jxwriipwv  came  to 
be  applied  to  many  rites  of  the  church  in  much 
the  same  way  as  "the  Latin  Sacramentum,  and 
the  Greek  doctors  generally  reckon  the  same- 
number — seven.     Compare  SACRAMENT.      [C] 

MYSTIC  RECITATION.    [Secret.] 

MYTHOLOGY    [Pagaxisji.I 


N 


NABOR     (1).     Martyr,    commemorated    in" 
Africa,  March  14  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr,  commemorated  at  Rome,  Ap.  23' 
{Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  iii.  165). 

(3)  Martyr,  with  Basilides  and  Cirinus,  com- 
memorated  at    Rome  June   12  {Hieron.  Mart.  ^ 


NABOKUS 

•Usuard.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jun. 
ii.  524). 

(4)  Mai-tyr,  with  Felix,  Januarius,  Marina ; 
•commemorated  in  Africa  July  10  {Hieron.  Mart. ; 
•Usuard.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr  with  Felix,  Eustasus,  Antonius  ; 
commemorated  in  Sicily  July  12.  The  name  also 
'Occurs  on  the  same  day  in  connexion  with  Felix, 
Primitivus,  Julius,  at  Milan  {Hieron.  Mart. ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jul.  iii.  280). 

(6)  Martyr,  commemorated  Sept.  26  (Hieron. 
Mart.)  [C.  H.] 

NABOEUS  (1)  Martyr,  commemorated  in 
Africa  Ap.  23  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr,  commemorated  at  Alexandria 
Ap.  25  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr,  commemorated  at  Arecium  June  3 
{Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

XAHUM,  prophet,  commemorated  Dec.  1 
(Basil.  Menol. ;  Cat.  Bijzant.  ;  Cat.  Ethiop. ; 
Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  ir.  276).  [C.  H.] 

NAMES  (Influence  of  CiipasxiANiTY  on). 
The  origin  and  meaning  of  names,  a  subject  long 
regarded  as  too  capricious  and  arbitrary  in  cha- 
racter to  admit  of  scientific  treatment,  has  re- 
ceived considerable  elucidation  from  recent  phi- 
lological research  both  in  England  and  on  the 
continent.  Very  slight  investigation  suffices  to 
•shew  that  religion,  whether  pagan  or  Chi-istian, 
furnishes  a  most  valuable  clue  to  such  inquiry. 
The  present  article  is  restricted  to  the  compara- 
tively limited  field  presented  in  the  nomenclature 
of  Christian  nations  during  the  first  eight  cen- 
turies, and  to  an  endeavour  to  determine  how 
fiir  that  nomenclature  was  modified  or  remained 
unmodified  by  Christian  influences. 

For  this  pui'pose,  it  will  obviously  be  of 
primary  importance  to  ascertain  how  far  the 
<jarly  Christian  theory  required  from  converts 
the  assumption  of  a  new  name  at  the  ordinance 
•of  baptism.  On  this  point  the  evidence  is  some- 
what conflicting,  but  generally  it  would  seem 
that  the  pi-actice  was  comparatively  rare  until 
after  the  period  of  persecution.  In  the  first  and 
second  centuries,  it  is  to  be  remembered,  the 
iincient  gentile  relations,  which  transferred  to 
an  adopted  member  of  a  gens  the  praenomen, 
nomen,  and  cognomen  of  his  adoptive  father, 
gradually  ceased  to  exist.  So  early  as  the  reigu 
of  Trajan  we  find  instances  in  the  Fasti  of  the 
designation  of  consuls  solely  by  their  cognomina 
or  agnomina  ;  and  in  the  second  and  third  cen- 
turies such  instances  are  numerous.  Sometimes 
a  consul  is  designated  only  by  his  cognomen  or 
agnomen,  and  sometimes  by  all  his  names.  Thus 
Domitian's  colleague  in  his  ninth  consulship 
(a.d.  83)  appears  now  as  Eufus,  and  again  as 
■Q.  Petilius  Rufus;  the  colleague  of  Philippus  in 
the  reign  of  Honorius  is  sometimes  Bassus,  some- 
times Anicius  Auchenius  Bassus.  Gradually, 
however,  the  Roman  form  of  nomen<dature  almost 
entirely  disappears ;  though  even  so  late  as  the 
6th  century  we  find  Fulgentius,  the  eminent 
African  bishop,  bearing  also  the  names  Fabius 
Claudius  Gordianus,  while  Sidonius,  bishop  of 
Clermont,  in  the  preceding  century,  bore  also  the 
name  Apollinaris. 

The  influences  that  successively  determined 
Christian  practice,  were— (1)  indifference,  orisi-  , 


NAMES 


1367 


nating  in  the  causes  above  mentioned,  with  regard 
to  adoption  or  family  names  ;  (2)  the  freedom 
conceded  by  legislative  enactments;  (3)  the  re- 
moval  of  deterrent  considerations  such  as  existed 
during  the  persecuting  age;  (4)  the  express 
exhortations  of  the  teachers  of  the  church  to  a 
change  of  practice  ;  (5)  the  veneration  of  relics. 
Of  these  influences  (1)  and  (2)  were  shared  in 
common  with  paganism,  and  belong  to  the  first 
three  centuries;  (3)  (4)  and  (5)  are  connected 
with  the  subsequent  period  only. 

(1.)  The  letters  of  Cyprian  illustrate  the  pre- 
valent inditlerence  of  his  age.  In  default  of 
motives  like  those  which  had  formerly  existed  in 
adopting  a  Roman  name  on  admission  to  the 
rights  of  citizenship,  the  provincial  contented 
himself  with  Latinising  his  native  name.  We 
find,  for  example,  Cyprian  referring  to  a  fellow 
bishop  by  the  name  of  Jubaianus,  a  provincial 
name  with  a  Roman  termination.  (Migne,  Patr. 
iv.  129.)  In  the  same  correspondence  we  find 
in  letters  written  on  behalf  of  different  church 
communities,  and  signed  by  their  leading  mem- 
bers, names  of  signataries  such  as  Saturninus 
and  Felix,  repeated  with  addition  of  alter  or 
iterum  alter  {ibid.  iv.  158),  where  it  is  evident 
that  the  employment  of  the  nomen  or  praenomen 
would  have  effectually  prevented  any  confusion. 
(2.)  In  the  3rd  century  it  was  declared  lawful 
by  the  state  for  any  citizen  to  lay  aside  his 
name  and  assume  any  other  he  might  wish. 
This  enactment,  first  promulgated  in  the  reiLjn 
of  Caracalla  (a.d.  212),  and  sanctioned  by  'mc- 
ceeding  emperors,  is  thus  re-enacted  under  Dio- 
cletian and  Maximin  : — "  Sicut  in  initio,  nominis, 
cognominis,  praenominis  recognoscendi  sino-nlos 
impositio  libei-a  est  privatis  :  ita  eorum  mutatio 
innocentibus  periculosa  non  est.  Mutare  itaque 
nomen,  vel  praenomen  sive  cognomen  sine  aliqua 
fraude  licito  jure,  si  liber  es,  secundum  ea,  quae 
statuta  sunt,  minime  prohiberis  :  nullo  ex  hoc 
praejudicio  futuro.  S.  15.  Kal.  Jan.  A.  A.  Conss." 
Justiniani  Codex,  ix.  25  :  Corp.  Jur.  Civil.  (Lipsiae, 
1720),  ii.  396. 

(3.)  Under  ordinary  circumstances,  the  Chris- 
tian of  the  first  three  centuries  appears  to  have 
shared  in  the  prevalent  indifl'erence  with  respect 
to  names,  and  to  have  bajitized  his  children  with 
little  regard  to  the  significance  of  the  particular 
name  bestowed  ;  the  expression  of  St.  Ambrose 
that  our  ancestors  were  wont  to  coin  names  on 
definite  principles, — "  apud  veteres  nostras  ratione 
nomina  componebantur "  (Migne,  xvii.  47),  is 
confirmed  by  the  language  of  St.  Chrysostom, 
who  says  that  the  Jews  made  the  names  given  to 
their  offspring  a  means  of  moral  training  and  an 
incitement  to  virtue,  and  bestowed  them  not  as 
men  did  in  his  day,  carelessly  and  as  chance  might 
dictate,  kuI  oii  KaOiwep  at  vvv  awAws  koI  ws  trvxe 
ras  TTpoffTiyopias  TroLovPTfs  (Migne,  S.  G.  liii. 
179).  It  may  be  observed  that  this  latter  passage 
is  alone  sufficient  to  discredit  the  spurious 
Arabian  canon  of  Nicaea  (Mansi,  Concilia,  ii. 
961),  quoted  by  Martigny,  which  represents  tlie 
church  as  having  already,  in  the  early  part  of 
the  4th  century,  forbidden  the  faithful  to  give 
their  children  names  other  than  those  distinc- 
tively Christian.  There  is,  however,  good  reason 
for  inferring  that  prudential  motives  also  deterred 
Christians  from  assuming  names  significant  of 
their  change  of  fivith,  although  in  times  of  perse- 
cution, when    compelled    openly   to  avow   their 


1368 


NAMES 


religion,  they  often  changed  a  pagan  for  a  scrip- 
tural name  before  undergoing  a  martyr's  death. 
Procopius  of  Gaza,  who  wrote  in  the  rirst  half 
of  the  6th  century,  refers  to  this  as  no  uncom- 
mon practice  under  such  circumstances.  "  One," 
he  says,  "  called  himself  Jacob  ;  another,  Israel ; 
another,  Jeremiah  ;  another,  Isaiah  ;  another, 
Daniel;  and  having  taken  these  names  they 
readily  went  forth  to  martyrdom  "  {Comment,  in 
Isaiah,  c.  44 ;  Migne,  S.  G.  Ixxsvii.  2401). 

(4.)  The  example  and  teaching  of  the  fathers 
proves  that  from  the  earliest  times  the  teachers 
of  the  church  did  not  share  in  the  prevalent 
indifference.  St.  Cyprian  assumed  the  name  of 
Caecilius  in  addition  to  his  own,  as  an  acknow- 
ledgment of  gratitude  to  one  to  whom  he  owed 
his  conversion.  Eusebius  took  the  name  of  Fam- 
phili  from  that  of  the  martyr  Pamphilus,  whom 
he  held  in  special  veneration.  It  is,  however,  in 
the  4th  century,  when  Christianity  had  received 
state  recognition,  that  we  first  find  evidence  of 
a  desire  on  the  part  of  the  leaders  of  religious 
opinion  to  modify  the  customary  practice.  St. 
Chrysostom,  in  the  Homily  above  quoted,  dis- 
tinctly censures  the  prevailing  fashion  of  giving 
a  child  his  father's  or  grandfather's  name  with- 
out regard  to  the  import  of  the  name  itself. 
Such,  he  says,  was  not  the  custom  in  ancient 
times.  Then  especial  care  was  taken  to  give 
childi-en  names  which  should  not  merely  incite 
to  virtue  those  who  received  them,  but  also 
serve  as  admonitions  to  all  wisdom  (SiSacr/caAia 
(pi\o(TO(pias  aTrdcrris)  to  others,  and  even  to  after 
generations.  "Let  us  not,  therefore,"  he  con- 
cludes, "  give  chance  names  (ras  rvxovffas 
irpoffTiyoplas)  to  children,  nor  seek  to  gratify 
fathers,  or  grandfathers,  or  those  allied  by 
descent,  by  giving  their  names,  but  rather  choose 
the  names  of  holy  men  conspicuous  for  virtue 
and  for  boldness  before  God."  (Migne,  S.  G.  liii. 
179.)  At  the  same  time  he  warns  his  hearers 
against  ascribing  any  efficacy  to  such  names,  all 
justifiable  hope  on  the  part  of  the  Christian 
being  grounded  upon  an  upright  life.  We  find, 
from  another  discourse,  that  the  practice  he  re- 
commended was  already  sometimes  observed. 
The  parents  of  Antioch,  he  tells  us,  gave  the 
name  of  Jleletius  (an  eminent  bishop  of  that 
city,  who  died  381)  in  preference  to  any  other 
name,  each  thinking  thereby  to  bring  the  saint 
under  his  own  roof  (Migne,  S.  G.  1.  515). 

But  notwithstanding  some  eminent  exceptions, 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that,  prior  to  the  4th 
century,  such  practice  was  rare,  a  conclusion 
supported  by  the  evidence  afforded  by  the  early 
Christian  epitaphs.  The  Martyrologies  also  pre- 
sent us  with  many  names  (as  will  be  seen  from 
the  subjoined  lists)  which  reflect  not  merely  the 
secular  associations  of  paganism,  but  even  its 
religious  culture.  Martyrs  often  encountered 
death  bearing  the  names  of  those  very  divinities 
to  whom  they  refuse  to  offer  sacrifice.  It  has, 
indeed,  been  sought  to  qualify  the  evidence 
derived  from  Christian  epitaphs,  by  conjecturing 
that,  in  order  to  prevent  confusion,  only  the 
original  name  was  inserted  in  the  inscription, 
and  that  in  those  instances  where  we  are  pre- 
sented with  a  second  name, — e.g.,  Muscula  quae 
ct  Galatea  (ann.  383,  De  Rossi,  i.  112),  Asellus 
<;ui  et  Martinianus  (Marangoni,  Cose  Gent.  458), 
and  in  the  well-known  one  of  king  Ceadwalla, 
Hie  dcpositus  est  Ceadwalla  qui  et  Pctrus  (Baedae 


NAMES 

Hist.  Eccles.  v.  7), — the  second  name  is  that  con- 
fen-ed  at  baptism.  Against  this  theory  Le  Blant, 
however,  quotes  the  equally  notable  instance 
Petrus  qui  et  Balsamus  (Ruinart,  Acta  Sincera, 
p.  501).  Balsamus,  according  to  the  Acta,  on 
being  asked  his  name,  replied,  "Nomine  patris, 
Balsamus  dicor,  spirituali  vero  nomine,  quod  in 
baptismo  accepi,  Petrus  dicor."  Other  instances,. 
e.g.,  llacrina  quae  Jovina  (Marangoni,  Acta 
Sancti  Vict.,  88).  Vitalis  qui  et  Dioscuros 
(Marangoni,  Cose  Gent.  465),  Canusias  qui  ct 
Asclepins  (Mai,  Coll.  Vat.  v.  14),  where  the 
second  name  is  directly  derived  from  the  pagan 
mythology,  are  equally  adverse  to  such  a  theory. 

(5.)  While  the  customs  and  associations  which 
had  once  given  interest  and  importance  to  names 
gradually  disappeared,  other  circumstances  began 
to  invest  them  with  new  significance.  Foremost 
among  these  must  be  placed  the  superstitious 
veneration  of  relics.  As  the  presence  of  a  sup- 
posed fragment  of  a  body  of  a  saint  was  believed 
to  secure  his  protection  for  the  locality  where  it 
was  enshrined,  the  inhabitants  of  the  district 
sought  to  prove  their  reverence  for  his  memory 
by  assuming  his  name.  In  later  times,  with  the 
adoption  by  each  country  of  a  patron  saint,  the 
same  principle  became  still  further  extended. 
St.  James  (San  Diego  or  lago)  in  Spain,  St. 
Andrew  in  Scotland  and  Holland,  St.  Martin  in 
France,  and  St.  Maurice  in  Switzerland,  are 
some  of  the  more  notable  instances  in  which  a 
name  (in  some  cases  that  of  an  altogether  myth- 
ical character)  became  the  favourite  national 
designation  for  the  individual.  In  those  coun- 
tries which  were  among  the  last  to  embrace 
Christianity,  this  principle  is  to  be  seen  yet 
more  widely  extended.  Here  the  adoption  at 
baptism  of  a  Christian  name  was  the  usual  prac- 
tice. In  the  14th  century,  Ladislas  Jagellou, 
duke  of  Lithuania,  on  becoming  a  convert  to  the 
faith,  persuaded  many  of  his  subjects  to  follow 
his  example.  In  consequence  of  their  numbers 
they  were  baptized  in  companies,  the  same  name 
being  given  to  all  in  one  company.  All  the 
men  in  the  first  company  were  named  Peter, 
and  all  the  women  Catherine ;  in  the  second 
company,  the  names  given  were  Paul  and  Mar- 
garet ;  and  so  on.     (Salverte,  i.  171.) 

A  considerable  stimulus  to  the  interest  attach- 
ing to  names  was  imparted,  in  the  7th  century, 
by  the  chapters  on  the  suliject  in  the  Etijmologiac 
of  Isidore  of  Seville.  He  taught  that  all  scrip- 
tural names  had  been  given  with  a  pregnant 
reference  to  the  part  or  future  career  of  the  in- 
dividual, and  in  a  lengthened  enumeration  as- 
signed to  each  name  a  meaning  (often  erroneous) 
expressive  of  that  individual's  character  or  ex- 
periences. To  the  influence  of  his  treatise,  we 
may  attribute  the  fact  that  in  the  8th  century, 
with  the  revival  of  letters  in  Frankland,  it  be- 
came a  not  uncommon  practice  for  men  of 
eminence  to  assume  a  literary  alias.  Charles 
the  Great,  and  many  of  his  courtiers,  were  ad- 
dressed in  more  familiar  intercourse,  by  otlier 
than  their  baptismal  names,  scriptural  names 
being  generally  adopted.  Charles  probably  was 
led  to  assume  the  name  of  David,  from  the  erro- 
neous meaning  given  to  it  by  Isidore,  "  fortis 
manu,  quia  fortissimus  in  praeliis  fuit."  (Migne, 
Ixxxii.  323.) 

The  following  lists  from  Martigny,  but  verified 
and   augmented,    represent    two    classes : — (A.)< 


NAMES 

Names  of  Christians  derived  from  Pagax 
AKCi:sTORs;  (B.)  Names  of  Christian  origin 
AND  significance.  Of  the  works  from  which 
these  lists  have  beeu  principally  compiled,  a 
critical  notice  will  be  found  under  Inscriptions 
(pp.  841-844) ;  see  also  Catacombs,  pp.  295-306. 
Those  which  rest  on  the  authority  of  Ariughi, 
Boldetti,  or  Perret,  must  be  accepted  with  the 
caution  necessary  in  relation  to  the  researches  of 
those  archaeologists,  but  it  has  not  been  thought 
desirable  to  expunge  them  from  the  lists.  It 
must  also  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  value  of 
this  evidence  rests,  in  not  a  few  instances,  on 
the  assumption  of  the  exclusively  Christian 
character  of  the  Catacombs  of  Piome, — the  view 
adopted  in  Catacombs,  and  maintained  by  Messrs. 
Northcote  and  Brownlow  {Roma  Sotternmea), 
but  one  by  no  means  unanimously  accepted. 

A.  (a)  Under  the  first  head  are  given  names 
dericcd,  unchanged,  or  but  slighthj  modified  from 
the  pagan  mythology  :  A\c\noyi%  (Act.  Sanct.  Vict. 
76) ;  Apollos  =  Apollonius  (1  Cor.  xvi.  12) ; 
to  be  met  with  even  in  the  6th  century 
(De  Rossi,  i.  1013) ;  Apollinaris  (Marangoni, 
Act.  S.  V.  122)  ;  Apollinaria  (Muratori, 
Thesaur.  1830-6);  Apollonius  {Martyr.  Rom. 
siv.  Feb.) ;  Phoebe  (Rom.  xvi.  1) ;  Pythius 
{Act.  S.  V.  83).  From  Artemis:  Artaemisius 
(Marini,  Anal.  695)  ;  APTEMEICIA  (Perret,  v. 
pi.  78);  Bacchus:  Bacchius  (Marangoni,  Cose 
Gait.  455);  Dionysia  {Act.  S.  V.  113);  Libera 
{lb.  87);  Liberia  (Vignoli,  Insc.  Select.  334). 
The  Dioscuri  {Act.  S.  V.  131) ;  Castoria  {lb.  98). 
Calliope,  Calliopa  {Martyr,  viii.  Jun.).  Ceres, 
Cerealis,  and  from  Demeter,  Demetrius  {Act. 
S.  V.  115);  this  name  would  appear  to  have 
been  borne  by  many  martyrs  {R.  701).  Diana  : 
Dianesis  {lb.  89)  ;  Cinthia  (Vignoli,  332).  Eros  : 
this  appears  as  the  name  of  a  bishop  of  Aries  at 
the  commencement  of  the  5th  century  ;  Erotis 
(Perret,  v.  pi.  46);  a  martyr  in  Ca'ppadocia, 
under  Diocletian  (Oct.  xxvii.)  was  named  Ero- 
theides.  Hercules  :  (?)  Herculanus  (Perret,  v. 
pi.  58);  Eracles,  Eraclia  {Act.  S.  V.  77,  120); 
Heraclides  (Ruinart,  p.  121);  HPAKAEIA  {Act. 
S.  V.  77);  Heraclius,  m.  (Oct.  xxii.).  IIygiea  : 
Hygias  {?  Act.  S.  V.).  Janus:  Janus  (Muratori, 
387,  1) ;  Jauilla  (71. 1886,  6).  Jupiter  :  Joviua 
{Act.  3.  V.  120) ;  Jovianus  (Perret,  v.  pi.  27) ; 
Jovinus  (Marini,  383);  Jovita,  m.  (Feb.  xv.) ; 
Olympius  {Act.  S.  V.  106) ;  Olympia  (Cardinali, 
Isc.  Velit.  203);  Olympiades,  m.  (Apr.  i.  Dec.  i.). 
Jupiter  Ammon  :  Ammonius,  Ammononia  {Mar- 
tyrol.  passim).  Leda  :  Laeda  (Boldetti,  379). 
Lucina  :  Lucina  {lb.  428).  Mars  :  Martia,  m. 
(Jun.  xxi.);  Martianus  (Boldetti,  487);  Mar- 
tialis,  Martinus,  Martina,  passim;  Martinianus 
(July  ii.).  Mercury:  Mercurius  {Act.  S.  V. 
82);  Mercuria  {lb.  98);  Mercurionus  {lb.  4); 
Mercurus  (Fabretti,  551);  Mercurialis  (May 
xxiii.)  ;  Mercurilis  (Mai,  v.  393)  ;  Mercurianetis 
(De  Rossi,  i.  71);  Mercurina  (Le  Blant,  i.  74); 
Mercuriolus  (Cancellieri,  Orsa  e  Simplic.  18). 
Hermes  :  Ermes  (Boldetti,  483) ;  Ermogeues, 
{Act.  S.  V.  72);  Ermogenia  {lb.  94);  Hermes, 
many  martyrs,  Nov.  ii.,  Mar.  i.  etc. ;  Hermogenes 
(Dec.  X.  ;  Sept.  xi.).  These  last  names  were 
extremely  common  in  the  primitive  church,  and 
Martiguy  conjectures  that  their  prevalence  is  to 
be  ascribed  to  the  occurrence  of  the  name 
(Romans  xvi.  14)  as  that  of  one  of  St.  Paul's 
disciples.    This  supposition  is  hardly  in  harmony 


NAMES 


1369 


with  what  we  have  seen  to  be  the  practice  oi 
the  church  at  that  period.  Minerva  :  Minervia 
(Boldetti,  491)  ;  Minervinus  (Dec.  xxxi.)  ;  Mi- 
nervus  (Aug.  xxv.).  Athene:  Atheuodorus, 
martyr  in  Mesopotamia  under  Diocletian  (Nov. 
xi.);  Athenogenes,  bishop  of  Sebaste,  martyr  in 
the  same  persecution  (July  xvi.).  Pallas  :  Palla- 
dius  (Osann.  539,  14)  occurs  also  as  the 
name  of  a  hermit  of  Nitria,  afterwards  bishop 
of  Helenopolis  in  Bithynia.  MuSAicus:  Museus 
(Perret,  V.  pi.  39).  Nemesis:  Nemesis  (Mura- 
tori, 1515,  9);  Nemesius  (Feb.  xx.);  Neme- 
sianus  (Sept.  10) ;  Naemisina  (De  Rossi,  i. 
272) ;  here,  however,  De  Rossi  observes,  "  Vox 
Emisina  defunctae  patriam  signiticat,  Emesam 
nempe  celeberrimam  Phoenices  urbem."  Nep- 
tune :  Posidonius  (Le  Blant,  i.  339).  Nereus  : 
Nereus  saluted  by  St.  Paul  (Rom.  xvi.  15).  The 
Roman  martyrology  gives  (Feb.  xvii.)  the  name 
of  a  martyr  named  Romulus.  Saturn  :  Satur- 
ninus,  extremely  common  in  the  primitive  church 
(Marchi,  p.  85  ;  Act.  S.  V.  82)  ;  also  name  of 
the  reputed  founder  of  the  church  at  Toulouse, 
sent  by  Fabianus,  bishop  of  Rome  ;  Saturnina 
{Act.  S.  V.  80).  A  brother  of  St.  Ambrose 
bore  the  name  of  Satyrus.  Silvanus  :  African 
martyr  (Feb.  xviii.),  bishop  of  Emessa  m.  (Feb. 
vi.),  and  many  other  martyrs.  The  Museum  of 
the  Lateran  {Inscript.  class,  xviii.  n.  17)  contains 
a  marble  inscribed  with  the  name  Urania: 
Oderico  {Syll.  Vet.  Inscript.  Romae,  1765)  gives 
(261)  the  name  of  ^Christian,  derived  from  that 
of  the  muse  of  astronomy,  Uranius.  Boldetti 
(p.  477)  gives  the  epitaph  of  a  Christian  female 
named  Venus,  though  Maury  {Croyances  et 
Le'gend.  de  I'Antiquite',  349)  denies  that  the  name 
can  be  found  in  the  Acta,  and  endeavours  to 
prove  that  the  St.  Venise  of  Gaul  was  really  the 
Venus  of  antiquity  accepted  under  Christian 
modes  of  veneration ;  we  have  also  Venere 
(Marini,  452);  Veneriosa  (Le  Blant,  i.  117); 
Venerius  {lb.  ii.  467),  also  a  bishop  of  Milan 
and  a  hermit  in  the  Island  of  Palms  (May  iv. ; 
Sept.  xiii.) ;  Venerigine  (Oderico,  259).  Aphrodite, 
Aphrodisias  {Act.  S.  V.  97) ;  Aphrodisius,  m.  at 
Alexandria  (Apr.  xxx.).  In  Egypt  many  Chris- 
tians bore  the  names  of  the  divinities  of  that 
country,  though  these  often  receive  from  writers 
or  in  inscriptions  a  Greek  or  Latin  terminal, — 
e.g.  Serapio  from  Serapis  (Boldetti,  469) ;  the 
Acta  of  some  of  the  martyrs  of  the  Thebais  give 
us  the  names  unmodified  (Giorgi,  de  Miracul.  S. 
Coluthi). 

(;S)  From  religious  rites,  auguries,  and  omens. 
Augurius  (Marchi,  39);  Augurinus  (Le  Blant, 
i.  341)  ;  Augustus  {ib.  26)  ;  Auspicius  (Le  Blant, 
i.  342) ;  Desiderius,  m.  (Mar.  xxv.) ;  Expectatus 
(Gazzera,  Iscr.  del  Piem.  28)  ;  Faustinus  (Marchi, 
27);  Faustus,  m.  (Aug.  i.) ;  Felix  {Act.  S.  V. 
129);  Felicia  (Perret,  Ixii.  62);  Felicissimus 
(Passionei,  118);  Felicitas  (Perret,  v.  pi.  3);  the 
derivatives  of  these  in  great  number  ;  Firmus, 
m.  (Feb.  xi.);  Firma  (Matfei,  Mus.  Veron.  281); 
Macarius,  m.  (Sept.  5),  the  Greek  form  is  found 
on  many  marbles  ;  Optatus  (Perret,  xv.) ;  Pro- 
futurus  {ib.  xli.) ;  Pretiosa  (Wiseman,  Fabiola, 
264). 

(7)  From  numbers.  Primus,  Prima,  Primenia 
(Fabretti,  579);  Primenius  (De  Rossi,  i.  206); 
Primigenius  (Marini,  96);  Secundus,  m.  (Jan. 
ix.);  Secundilla,  m.  (Mar.  vii.);  Secundinus 
(Perret,  41);  Tertius,  conf.  (Dec.  vi.) ;  Quartus, 


1370 


NAMES 


disciple  of  the  apostles  (Nov.  iii.) ;  Quartinus 
(Act.  S.  V.  112);  Quartina  (Boldetti,  479); 
Quintilianus  (De  Rossi,  i.  222);  Quiatus,  m. 
(May  X.);  Sextus  (Perret,  Ixii.);  Septimus  (ib. 
Ixix.)  ;  Septimius  {ib.  xvii.)  ;  Octaviana  (Maran- 
goni,  Cose  Gent.  454) ;  Octavia  (Fabretti,  375) ; 
Octavius,  m.  (Nov.  xx.)  ;  Octavianus(De  Boissieu, 
Suppl.  xiv.) ;  Nonnosa  (De  Rossi,  i.  205) ;  Non- 
nosus  (Le  Blant,  i.  110);  Decia  (Aringhi,  ii. 
262) ;  Chylianus,  martyr  bishop  (July  viii.). 
:  (8)  Ffom  colours.  Albanus'  (June,  xxi.) ; 
Albano  (Marini,  266);  Albina  (Reines.  952); 
Candidus  (Perret,  xxxvi) ;  Candida  (De  Rossi,  i. 
346);  Candidiana  (Doni,  539-70);  Flavius 
(Bosio,  433) ;  Fusca,  v.  m.  (Feb.  xiii.) ;  Fusculus, 
m.  (Sept.  vi.);  Nigrinus  (Le  Blaut,  i.  388); 
Rubicus  (Passionei,  118);  Rut'us  (Mai,  v.  404). 

(e)  From  animals.  Names  of  this  class, 
already  adopted  by  paganism,  seem  to  have 
become  more  common  among  Christians  ;  not 
improbably,  as  Martiguy  suggests,  from  a  senti- 
ment of  humility.  Aper  {Act.  S.  V.  93)  ;  Aequi- 
tius  (Oderico,  33)  ;  Agnes,  v.  m.  (Jan.  xxi. ;  Le 
Blant,  ii.  455);  Agnella  (De  Rossi,  i.  277); 
Agnellus  (Dec.  xiv.)  ;  Aquila,  m.  (June  xxiii.)  ; 
Aquilinus,  m.  (May  xvi.) ;  Aquilius  (Le  Blant,  i. 
157);  Asella  {Act.  S.  V.  120);  Asellus  (Maffei, 
281);  Asellicete  (Marini,  393);  Asellicus  (i6. 
422);  Asellianus  (Boldetti,  487) ;  Asellius  (Ma- 
rini, 293) ;  Asinia  (Lupi,  Severi  martyris  epitaph. 
102)  ;  Basiliscus,  m.  (Mar.  iii.)  ;  Capra  (Boldetti, 
361) ;  Capriola  {Act.  S.  V.  8b)  ;  Capriole  {ib.  102)  ; 
Caprioles  (Perret,  v.  pi.  5);  Castora  (Maftei, 
264);  Castoria  (De  Rossi,  i.  284);  Castorius, 
(Gruter,  1050,  10);  Castorinus  {Act.  S.  V.  129); 
Castellus  (Bosio,  106)  ;  Catalinus,  m.  (July, 
XV.)  ;  Catullina  {Act.  S.  V.  131)  ;  Cerviola  (Mai, 
V.  424)  ;  Cervinus  (Lupi,  Severi  m.  epitiipih.  173) ; 
Cervonia  (Marangoni,  460)  ;  Columba,  m.  (Sept. 
jcvii.),  Columbanus,  etc. ;  Dracontius  (Buonarr. 
Vetri,  169)  ;  Damalis  is  perhaps  the  true  form 
of  Damaris,  a  convert  of  St.  Paul  at  Athens  ; 
Felicula  (Fabretti,  549)  and  Faelicla ;  Formica 
(Muratori,  1872,  5);  Leo  (Passionei,  125); 
Leonilla,  Leontia  (Marini,  188) ;  Leonteia  {ib. 
Arv.  422)  ;  Leontius  (De  Boissieu,  Suppl.  iv.)  ; 
Leoparda  (De  Rossi,  i.  136) ;  Leopardus  (Perret, 
v.  pi.  26);  Lepusculus  Leo,  these  two  names 
of  a  child  present  themselves  in  singular  con- 
trast on  a  Roman  marble  of  the  year  401  (De 
Rossi,  i.  226)  ;  Lupus,  m.  (Oct.  xiv.) ;  Lupercus 
(Perret,  v.  pi.  41) ;  Lupicinus  (Marini,  Arv. 
296);  Lupicus  (Boldetti,  398);  Lupula  (Le 
Blant,  i.  396)  ;  Melissa  {Act.  S.  V.  96) ;  Merola 
(De  Boissieu,  545) ;  Merulus,  m.  (Jan.  xvii.) ; 
Muscula  (Perret,  v.  pi.  33  and  71);  Onager 
(Boldetti,  428);  Palumba  (Muratori,  1919,  11); 
Palumbus  (Boldetti,  413);  Panteris  (Perret,  v. 
pi.  50);  Pardales  (De  Rossi,  L  248);  Pecus 
(Mai,  V.  397);  Pecorius  (Lupi,  181);  Por- 
caria  (De  Boissieu,  561);  Porcella  (Boldetti, 
376)  ;  Porcus,  Porcia  (Boldetti,  449)  ;  Serpentia 
{ib.  482);  Soricius  {Act.  S.  V.  153);  Taurus 
(Boldetti,  413);  Tauriuus  (Perret,  v.  pi.  58); 
Tigris  (Fabretti,  ii.  287);  Tigridiua  (Boldetti, 
346);  Tigridius  (Le  Blant,  i.  26);  Tigrinianus 
(Boldetti,  416) ;  Tigrinus  (Reines.  xx.  398) ; 
Tigritis  (De  Rossi,  i.  281)  ;  Tigrius,  m.  (Jan.  xii.)  ; 
Tardus  (Boldetti,  400);  Turtura  (De  Rossi,  i. 
423) ;  Ursa  (Boldetti,  429) ;  Ursacius  (Lami,  de 
Erudit.  Apost.  353) ;  Ursicinus  (Perret,  v.  pi. 
36) ;  Ursulus  (Marini,  Alb.  193) ;  Ursula,  v.  m. 


NAMES 

(Oct.  21);  Ursus  (Boldetti,  308);  Vitella  (Eot- 
tari,  ii.  127) ;  Vitellianus  (Maffei,  483).  Many 
of  these  names  owe  their  preservation  to  the 
fact  of  their  having  been  borne  by  vtartyrs.  A 
stone  engraved  by  Macarius  {Hagiogl.  200)  gives 
us  the  name  niX0TCA  from  Ix^vs,  a  fish 
(IXerC).  As  if  to  leave  no  doubt  that  the 
significance  of  the  name  was  present  to  the 
minds  of  those  to  whom  the  bearer  was  known, 
we  sometimes  find,  side  by  side,  a  figure  of  the 
animal  delineated.  Thus  the  name  of  Porcella 
is  accompanied  by  a  design  of  a  young  sow  (Bol- 
detti, 376)  ;  that  of  Dracontius  '{ib.  386)  by  that 
of  a  serpent ;  that  of  Onager  {ib.  428)  by  that  of 
an  ass ;  that  of  Caprioles  by  that  of  a  young 
goat ;  that  of  Turtura,  by  two  turtles  (Mai,  v. 
451) ;  that  of  Aquilius,  by  two  eagles  (De 
Boissieu,  562).  Over  the  tomb  of  a  female 
Christian  named  Aquilina  (Boldetti,  397)  there 
is  the  representation  of  a  flying  eagle ;  while  on 
the  marble  of  Pontius  Leo,  in  the  corridor  of 
the  Vatican,  there  is  the  figure  of  a  lion.  Signs 
of  another   description   are    used   in   the    same 


way.  The  following  is  one  which  can  only  be 
explained  thus:  genethlia  ivgati  coivgi  in 
PACE,  This  inscription  is  accompanied  by  a 
design  (see  woodcut)  evidently  intended  for  a 
yoke,  in  allusion  to  the  name  of  the  husband, 
Jugas. 

(0  Names  relating  to  Agriculture. — Agellus 
(De  Boissieu,  Suppl.  xxiv.  ;  bazzera,  24)  ;  Agri- 
cia  (De  Boissieu,  552)  ;  Agricola,  m.  (Dec.  iii.)  ; 
Arator,  bp.  (Le  Blant,  ii.  467);  Armentarius, 
bp.  (Jan.  XXX.) ;  Cepasus,  Cepasia  {Act.  S.  V.  81, 
112),  the  onion  was  considered  a  sacred  plant  by 
the  Egvptians;  Cepula  (Marangoni,  Cose  Gent. 
457);  Cerealis  (Boldetti,  399);  Cicercula  (Ma- 
rini, Arv.  827);  Citrasius  (Boldetti,  407);  Fa- 
bius  (Perret,  v.  pi.  41);  Fructuosus,  m.  (Jan. 
xxi.);  Fructulus  (Feb.  xviii.);  Frumentius,  bp. 
(Oct.  xxvii.) ;  Georgius,  saint  and  martyr,  in 
the  last  persecution ;  Hortulanus,  bp.  in  Africa 
(Nov.  xxviii.)  ;  Laurinia,  Laurentius  {Act.  S.  V. 
85);  Olibio  {oliva,  Boldetti,  82);  Oliva,  vir. 
(June  iii.);  Palmatius,  m.  (May  x.) ;  Pastor 
(Marini,  Arv.  255) ;  Piperusa  (i6.  492) ;  Pi- 
perion,  m.  at  Alexandria  (Mar.  xi.)  ;  Rusticus, 
Rustica  (Martyrol.  passim)  ;  Silvanus,  Silvana 
(De  Boissieu,  138);  Silvia  (Le  Blant,  i.  363); 
Silbina  (Boldetti,  492);  Stercorius  (Fabretti, 
582)  ;  Stercoria  (Marchi,  tav.  xv.)  ;  CTEPKOPI 
(Boldetti,  377)  ;  these  last  names  are  frequently 
to  be  met  with  on  the  tombs  of  Christians,  but 
scarcely  ever  on  those  of  pagans,  and  probably 
embody  a  sentiment  similar  to  that  expressed  by 
St.  Paul  (1  Cor.  iv.  13),  and  a  sense  of  the  public 
obloquy  to  which  Christians  were  at  this  time 
exposed.  Theresa,  wife  of  Paulinus,  the  friend 
of  Jerome ;  Tilia  {Act.  S.  V.  91) ;  Venantius 
(Le  Blant,  i.  117)  ;  Vindemialis  (Maffei,  358,  8)  ; 
also  m.  bp.  under  Hunneric  (Greg.  Tur.  Hist. 
Fr.  ii.  3). 

(t;)  From  Flowers. — Amaranthus  (Marangoni, 
462);  Balsamia  (Oderico,  340);  Corona,  m. 
(May  xiv.) ;  Florus,  m.  (Dec.  xxii.) ;  Flora  (De 


NAMES 

Boissieu,  31);  P'lorentius  (Marini,  An:  171); 
Floi-entina  (Ferret,  v.  pi.  54)  ;  Florentinus  (^Act. 
S.  V.  125) ;  Florida,  Floris  (i'6.  85)  ;  Florius,  m. 
(Oct.  x.wii.) ;  Flos,  m.  (Dec.  xxxi.)  ;  Flosculus, 
bp.  (Feb.  ii.)  ;  a  child  martyr  in  the  reign  of 
Valerian  bore  the  diminutive  Flocellus  ;  Laurinia 
{Act.  S.  V.  85) ;  Liliosa,  m.  at  Cordova  (July 
xxvii.) ;  Mellitus  (Act.  S.  V.  100)  ;  Narcissus,  m. 
{Sept.  xvii) ;  Rosa,  v.  (Sept.  iv.) ;  Rosarius  (De 
Rossi,  i.  n.  930) ;  Hoseta  (Marangoni,  Cose  Gent. 
456) ;  Rosius,  conf.  (Sept.  i.) ;  Rosula  (Sept. 
xiv.). 

(0)  From  Jewels. — Chrysanthus,  husband  of 
St.  Daria;  Margaret  (/xapyapir-ns)  vir.  m.  of 
Antioch ;  Sapphira,  this  entirely  shunned  by 
Christians  ;  Smaragdus,  m. 

(i)  From  maritime  or  military  life. — Symbols 
and  names  of  the  former  class  were  adopted  by 
Christians  in  the  first  ages  of  the  church,  pre- 
cedents being  allbrded  by  the  iS'ew  Testament. 
Armiger  (Hiibner,  n.  7);  Emerentiana,  m. ; 
JIarinus  (Bosio,  564);  Marina  (MafFei,  208); 
Maritimus  (Fabretti,  viii.  5)  ;  Maritima  (Reines. 
XX.  443) ;  Nabira,  accompanied  by  the  design  of 
a  ship  (Boldetti,  373)  ;  Nancello  (ib.  485) ;  Nau- 
ticus  (Aringhi,  ii.  261) ;  Navalis,  m.  (Dec.  xvi.)  ; 
Navicia  (De  Rossi,  i.  40 ) ;  Navigia,  Navigius 
(Muratori,  1924,  1997)  ;  Nautico  (Bosio,  506)  ; 
Navicius  (Doni,  xx.  64);  Pelagia  (Bosio,  213). 
This  name  also  occurs  in  an  inscription  given  by 
Marangoni,  "  Pelagiae  Restitutae  Filiae  "  (^Act. 
S.  V.  107),  with  a  fish  between  two  anchors. 
Pelagio  (Bosio,  507) ;  Pelagius  (Marchi,  163) ; 
Pelacianus  (Fabretti,  549) ;  Scutarius,  bp.  (Le 
Blant,  i.  346).;  Sicarius,  St.  (»6.  i.  49);  Thalasia 
(ib.  i.  147);  Thalassus  (Reines.  xx.  39.5);  Tha- 
lassiae  (Spon,  Miscell.  232)  ;  Talassobe  (Bosio, 
283). 

(k)  From  Rivers.— Cjdnus  (Boldetti,  392)  ; 
Inachus  (Fabretti,  548) ;  Jordanis  (Muratori, 
1972);  Nilus  (ib.);  Rodane,  m.  of  Lyons;  Ro- 
danus  (Mai,  v.  401-8);  Siquana,  name  of  a 
female  Christian  whose  titulus  was  discovered  in 
the  Quartier  St.  Just,  at  Lyons  (De  Boissieu, 
567).  The  church  of  Evreux  celebrates  on  Jan. 
xxii.  a  martyr  of  the  name  of  Orontius,  who 
suffered  under  Diocletian. 

(A)  From  Countries  and  Cities. — Afra,  m.  (May 
xxiv.)  ;  Africanus,  m.  (April  x)  ;  Africa  (Hiibner, 
n.  71);  Alexandria  (Boldetti,  484);  Araba,  m. 
(Mar.  xiii.) ;  Ausonia,  m.  of  Lyons ;  Barbara, 
m.  of  Heliopolis ;  Calcedonius  (Act.  S.  V.  108) ; 
XAAKHAONIC  (Fabretti,  592);  Creticus  (Bol- 
detti, 430) ;  Cypriauus,  bp.  of  Carthage,  m. 
(Sept.  xiv.) ;  Daciana  (Maflei,  179)  ;  Dalmatia 
(Le  Blant,  ii.  144) ;  Dalmatius  (D'Agincourt, 
iii.  10) ;  Dardanius  (Le  Blant,  i.  349) ;  Galatia 
(Boldetti,  808)  ;  Garamantius,  from  a  country 
in  Libya  (Act.  S.  V.  82)  ;  Germanus,  St.,  opponent 
of  Pelagius  ;  Galla  (Le  Blant,  i.  363)  ;  Graecinia 
(Boissieu,  Sitppl.  28)  ;  Heraclia  (Lupi,  ii.);  Italia 
(Pellicia,  Polit.  Fed.  iv.  152);  Laodicia  (Mai, 
v.  437);  Ligurius  (Reines.  cl.  xx.  115);  Libya, 
in.  in  Syria  (June  xv.) ;  Lydia  (Acts,  xv.  19); 
Macedonia  (Boldetti,  477);  Macedonius  (De 
Kos.^i,  i.  500)  ;  Maura  (Le  Blant,  i.  382);  Mauri- 
ius  (ib.  ii.  45);  Maurus,  disciple  of  St.  Bene- 
I  i.  t ;  Partenope  (Perret,  xx.  82)  ;  Pelusius,  m.  at 
Vlexandria  (Apr.  vii.) ;  Pausilippus,  m.  (Apr. 
v.);  Roma  (Aringhi,  ii.  169);  Romanus  (Pas- 
ionei,  124);  POMANOC  (Mus.  Later.  Inscrip. 
.'  (ss.  xviii.  9) ;  Sabina,  m.  (Aug.  xxix.) ;  Sabi- 


NAMES 


1371 


nianus,  m.  (Jan.  xxix.)  ;  Sabinus,  m.  (Jan.  xxv. 
and  Boldetti,  545) ;  Sabinilla  (Mai,  v.  477); 
Sabinilius  (De  Rossi,  i.  269)  ;  Samnius  (Boldetti, 
534);  Salonice  (ib.  419);  Sebastiauus,  from 
Sebastos,  the  Greek  equivalent  for  Augustus, 
probably  prior  to  the  assumption  of  the  title  by 
Diocletian  and  his  colleague,  but  frequent  in  the 
Martyrology.  Sepiauus  (Sept.  xix.);  Sidonia 
(Boldetti,  481);  Tessalius  (Boldetti,  413);  Thes- 
salonica,  m.  (Nov.  7) ;  Tiburtius  (Mamachi,  ii. 
230);  Trajanus,'  bp.  of  Saintes  (Greg.  Tur.  de 
Glor.  Conf.  c.  lix.)  :  Transpadanus  (Mai,  v.  408)  ; 
Troadius,  m.  at  Neo-Caesarea  in  Pontus  (Greg 
Nyss.  in  Act.  Greg.  Thaum.)  ;  Tuscula  (Boldetti, 
436) ;  Urbanus,  greeted  by  St.  Paul. 

(ix)  From  the  Months.  Aprilis  (Boldetti,  409, 
420  ;  Maffei,  288  ;  Marini,  Arc.  506)  ;  December 
(Marangoni,  Cose  Gent.  467) ;  AEKEMBPOC 
(Perret,  v.  pi.  77)  ;  Decembrina  (Boldetti,  389)  ; 
Februarius  (Le  Blant,  i.  324):  Januaria  (Jlarini. 
A7-V.  170);  Januaris  (Boldetti,  55);  Januarius 
(Gazzera,  Append,  ii.) ;  Januarinus  (Fabretti, 
552);  Julius  (Marini,  Papiri.,  301);  Junia 
(Perret,  v.  pi.  40);  Junianus  (ib.  v.  pi.  32); 
Kalendius  (Boldetti,  490);  Marius  (Marchi,  91); 
Martins  (ib.  410)  ;  October  (Act.  8.  V.  92). 

(v)  Im2:)lijing  phi/sical  qualities  or  defects. 
Balbina  (Perret,  v.  pi.  29);  Capito,  m.  (July 
21) ;  Callistus,  Callista  (Oct.  xiv. ;  Sept.  ii.) ; 
Crispinus  (Perret,  vi.  158);  Crispus,  m.  (Oct. 
xiv.);  Currentius  (Passionei,  116);  Eucharius 
(Marini.  Alb.  32);  Eucharistus  (Mai,  v.  376); 
EYXAPICTOC  (Aringhi,  i.  522);  Eucharistianus 
(Boldetti,  382)  ;  Fronto,  m.  (April  xvi.) ;  Longina 
(Boldetti,  475) ;  Pulcheria,  v.  m.  (Sept.  x.) ; 
Venustus  (JLay  vi.)  ;  Venustianus,  m.  (Dec.  xxx.). 

(I)  Implying  mental  or  moral  qualities  (very 
numerous).  Agathon,  m.  (Dec.  xvii.) ;  AmancHus 
(De  Boissieu,  13);  Amantius  (Perret,  v.  p.  54); 
Amator  (Hiibner,  n.  171);  derivatives  from  amo 
seem  to  have  been  especially  in  favour  with  the 
Christians  of  Gaul.  Angelica  (Perret,  v.  pi.  23)  ; 
Aristo  (De  Rossi,  i.  166);  Bona  (Boldetti,  381); 
Bonifacius,  m.  under  Diocletian  (Ruinart,  284) ; 
Bonosus  (Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  i.  275) ;  Bonusa 
(Perret,  v.  pi.  9)  ;  Beniguus  (Boldetti,  489) ; 
Candidus,  Candida  (Martyrol.  passim) ;  Candi- 
diana  (De  Rossi,  i.  44) ;  Casta  (Mai,  v.  425) ; 
Castinus  (Act.  'S.  V.  82);  Castus  (Boldetti, 
390) ;  Clarus,  St.,  first  bp.  of  Nantes,  3rd  cen- 
tury ;  Clemes  (Act.  S.  V.  89) ;  Clementianus 
(ib.  132);  Concordia  (Le  Blant,  i.  344);  Con- 
stantia  (JIarini,  Alb.  31) ;  Constantius  (Act.  S. 
V.  96) ;  Contumeliosus,  with  the  adjunct  Venera- 
bilis  (Le  Blant,  i.  177);  Credula,  m.  (Ruinart, 
201);  Crescens,  companion  of  St.  Paul;  Decen- 
tius  (Boldetti,  345)  ;  Digna  (ib.  492)  ;  Dignitas 
(ib.  410);  Dignantius  (Le  Blant,  i.  350)  ;  Dulcitia 
(Le  Blant,  ii.  58);  Dulcitudo  (Boldetti,  410); 
Eusebius  (ib.  82);  ETCEBIA  (ib.  71);  Facundus 
(Perret,  v.  pi.  26);  Firmus  (Act.  S.  V.  133); 
Fortissima  (Marini,  433) ;  Fulgens,  Fulgentius, 
and  the  diminutive  Fulgentillia  in  Roman  in- 
scription of  year  385  (De  Rossi,  i.  155)  ;  Gauden- 
tius,  m.  (Ruinart,  201) ;  Generose  (Mamachi,  iii. 
243) ;  Generosus,  Generosa  (Martyrol.  passim)  ; 
Grata,  v.  m.  (May  i.) ;  Gratinianus,  m.  under 
Decius  (June  i.)  ;  Gratus,  m.  (Dec.  v.)  ;  Hidonitas 
(Oderico,  349);  Hilarius,  bp.  of  Poitiers;  Hono- 
rata  (De  Boissieu,  47);  Honoratus,  bp.  of  Milan 
(Feb.  viii.);  Hospitius  (May  xxi.);  Ingenua 
(Steiner,  840);  Innocentia  (Boldetti,  79);'^Inno- 


1372 


NAMES 


centina  (Perret,  v.  pi.  37)  ;  Innocentius  (jiassim)  ; 
Justa,  Justus  (Marini,  Fap.  244) ;  Justina 
(Per.ret,  v.  pi.  53);  Katharina,  v.  m.  of  Alex- 
andria; Laetus  (Le  Blant,  ii.  321);  Luminusus 
for  Luminosus  (De  Rossi,  i.  499)  ;  Modestus,  m. ; 
Nobilis  (De  Boissieu,  534) ;  Patiens,  bp.  of  Lyons  ; 
Pretiosa  (De  Rossi,  i.  213)  ;  Pudens,  Pudentiana 
(Muratori,  1854) ;  Probus,  m. ;  Procopius,  m. 
under  Diocletian ;  Reverens  (Oderico,  34) ; 
Sanctus,  Sanctinus  (Muratori,  1985,  12)  ;  Scho- 
lastica,  sister  of  St.  Benedict ;  Sedatus  (Steiner, 
830);  Serenus  (Bosio,  534);  Severus  (Marchi, 
85);  Simplicius  (*.  27);  S.lUnAUKlA  {Act.  S. 
V.  71);  Studentius  (Muratori,  1907);  Urbana 
(Hubner,  n.  112);  Venerandus  (Marini,  Pap. 
332) ;  Vera  (Perret,  v.  pi.  62) ;  Verus  (Act.  S.  V. 
85) ;  Viricunda  (Perret,  v.  p.  51) ;  Vigilantius 
(Passionei,  125)  ;  Virissimus  (Boldetti,  431). 

(o)  Lidicative  of  servile  condition  or  extraction. 

The  sect  to  which  Minucius  Felix  refers  (c.  8  ; 
Migne,  iii.  259)  as  "  latebrosa  et  lucifugax  natio," 
appears  to  have  included  many  of  the  servile 
class,  though,  where  the  master  himself  became 
a  convert  to  Christianity,  their  enfranchisement 
almost  necessarily  followed.  Tertullian,  in  ad- 
ducing examples  to  shew  how  ineffectual  was  the 
reformation  of  character  that  followed  upon  con- 
vei-sion  to  protect  the  Christian  from  the  odium 
attaching  to  the  name,  takes  as  one  of  his  in- 
stances the  converted  slave  {Apol.  c.  8 ;  Migne, 
i.  281).     [Slavery.] 

Two  martyrs  bearing  the  name  of  Servus  suf- 
fered under  Hunneric  in  the  5th  century ;  one 
at  Carthage  (Aug.  xvii.),  the  other  ■a.i  Tibur  (Dec. 
vii).  In  the  Roman  Martyrology  we  find  Ser- 
vilius  (May  xxiv.)  Servilianus,  a  m.  under  Trajan 
(Apr.  XX.),  and  Servulus,  a  m.  at  Adrumetum 
(Feb.  xxi.).  This  last  name  also  occurs  on  a  Roman 
marble  of  the  year  424  (De  Rossi,  i.  277).  Other 
examples  are  Bernacle  (Boldetti,  55) ;  Bernacla 
(Fabretti,  viii.  140)  for  Vernacla;  Verna  (Maffei, 
358);  Vernacia  (^Act.  S.  V.  95);  Vernacla  (Le 
Blant,  i.  119);  Vernacolo  (Bosio,  408) ;  Verna- 
cula  (Boldetti,  54);  Serbulus  (Reines.  987); 
Servilianus  (Mai,  v.  406) ;  Servuli  (Bosio,  213). 

(tt)  Diminutives,  expressive  of  endearment,  and 
chiefly  bestowed  on  females,  are  common  to  pa- 
gan and  Christian  usage.  Augustula  (Marchi, 
30) ;  Capriola  (Perret,  v.  pi.  75) ;  Castula  (Doni, 
XX.  91)  ;  CatuUina  {Act.  S.  V.  131)  ;  Fabiola 
(De  Rossi,  i.  334),  d.  452,  consequently  not  the 
Fabiola  praised  by  Jerome  ;  Feliciola  (Perret,  v. 
pi.  67);  Fornicula  (Boldetti,  545);  Fortunula 
{Act.  S.  V.  94)  ;  the  tomb  of  a  young  female  in 
the  year  444  gives  the  diminutive  Gemmula  (De 
Rossi,  i.  313);  Muscula  (Jb.  112);  Rosula,  m. 
(Sept.  xiv.);  Sanctula  (Stein,  835);  Serenilla 
(Boldetti,  365) ;  Silviola  (De  Rossi,  i.  235). 

Examples  of  abnormal  forms  of  inflexion  some- 
times occur:  as  Julianems  for  Julianas,  Zozi- 
menis  for  Zosimae.  We  also  find  Irenetis,  Ispetis, 
Leopardetis,  etc.  (Lupi,  Sever,  m.  Epitap)h.  157). 
These  latter  forms,  however,  occur  as  early  as 
the  commencement  of  the  Empire,  examples  being 
found  of  the  time  of  Claudius  and  even  in  that  of 
Augustus  (Caredoni,  Cimlt.  157). 

(p)  Names  of  historical  celebrity  frequently 
occur,  especially  in  the  Acta  3Iart'/rum :  Agrip- 
pina  an  aged  m.  under  Valerian  (May  xxiv.) ; 
Alexander  (Martyrol.  pussim) ;  Amphion,  bp.  in 
Cilicia,  conf.  under  Masimin  (June  xii.)  ;  Amulius 
(Boldetti,  475) ;  Annon,  bp.  of  Cologne  (Dec.  iv.) ; 


NAMES 

Antigonius,  m.  at  Rome  (Feb.  xxvii.) ;  Antiochus,, 
m.  at  Sebaste  (July  xv.) ;  Antonius,  passim ; 
Apelles,  one  of  the  earliest  converts  (Romans 
xvi.  10);  Arcadius  (,Tan.  xii.);  Archelaus  (Mar. 
iv.)  ;  Augustus,  m.  in  Nicomedia  (May  vii.) ;  Cato 
(Le  Blant,  i.  334) ;  Cesar  (ib.  i.  344) ;  Cesarius 
(lb.  i.  72);  Cornelia  {lb.  i.  345);  Darius,  m.  in 
Micaea  (Dec.  ix.);  Demetrius,  passim;  Demo- 
critus,  m.  (July  xxxi.);  Diodes,  m.  in  Istria 
(May  xxiv.) ;  Diomedes,  m.  in  Laodicea  (Sept.  xi.)  ; 
Domitianus,  deacon,  m.  at  Ancyra  (Dec.  xxviii.) ; 
Epictetus,  m.  (Aug.  xxii.) ;  Fabius,  m.  at  Caesa- 
rea  (July  xxxi.) ;  Flavius,  Flavia  (May  vii., 
Oct.  V.) ;  Hadrianus,  m.  at  Caesarea  (May  v.)  ; 
Heraclius,  passim;  Juliana,  m.  ;  Julianus  (De 
Rossi,  i.  500) ;  Narses,  m.  in  Persia  under  Sapor  •,, 
Orestes,  m.  under  Diocletian  (Nov.  ix.)  ;  Otacilia, 
wife  of  the  emperor  Philip  ;  Patroclus  (Le  Blant, 
ii.  416);  Peleus,  bp.  m.  in  Phoenicia,  under 
Diocletian  (Feb.  xx.)  ;  Philadelphus,  m.  (May  x.)  ; 
Plato,  m.  at  Ancyra  (July  xxii.);  Plutarchus, 
m.  (June  xxviii.)  Pompeius,  bp.  of  Pavia  (Dec. 
xiv.);  Poppaea  (Boldetti,  361);  Ptolemaeus, 
soldier  in  Alexandria,  m.  (Dec.  x.) ;  Pyrus  (Bol- 
detti, 415) ;  Satyrus  (De  Rossi,  i.  198)  ;  Seleucus, 
m.  (Feb.  xvi.);  Socrates,  m.  (Apr.  xix.);  The- 
mistocles,  m.  in  Lycia,  under  Decius  (Dec.  xxi.) ; 
Theodosius,  m.  (Mar.  xxvi.) ;  Thraseas,  bp.  m.  at 
Smyrna  (Oct.  v.)  ;  Tiberius,  m.  under  Diocletian, 
(Nov.  X.) ;  Timolaus,  m.  at  Caesarea,  under  the 
same  (Mar.  xxiv.) ;  Titus,  disciple  of  St.  Paul ; 
also  m.  at  Rome  (Aug.  xvi.) ;  Valens,  bp.  m. 
(May  xxi.) ;  three  martyrs  bearing  the  names  of 
three  Roman  emperors,  Valerianus,  Macrinus, 
and  Gordianus,  suffered  at  Nyon  is  Switzerland ; 
but  nothing  is  known  respecting  them,  beyond 
the  fact  of  their  martyrdom.  Varus,  soldier,  m. 
under  Maximin  (Oct.  xix.) ;  Vergilius  (De  Rossi, 
i.  195);  Volusianus,  bp.  of  Tours  in  the  time  of 
Childeric,  son  of  Clovis  (Greg.  Tur.  Hist.  Franc. 
ii.  26). 

B.  Names  of  Christian  Origin  and  Sig- 
nificance. 

(a)  Those  derived  exclusively  from  Christian 
doctrine. 

Aeternalis,  found  on  an  ancient  marble  at 
Vienne,  supposed  by  Martigny  to  be  the  only 
instance  of  this  as  a  proper  name;  Hiibner, 
however  (n.  25)  gives  another  example  found  at 
Emerita  in  Lusitania.  Anastasia  (Perret,  v.  pi. 
61);  Anastasius  (Boldetti,  363);  Athanasia, 
Athanasius  (Martyrol.  passim,  but  almost  en- 
tirely confined  to  Italy)  ;  Christianus,  Christela, 
m.  (Oct.  xxvii.);  Christinus,  Christophorus 
(July  XXV.)  ;  Aquisita  {Act.  S.  V.  123)  ;  Redempta 
(Lupi,  185;  De  Rossi,  i.  156);  PEAEMHTA 
{Act.  S.  V.  109) ;  Redemptius  (Vermiglioli,  Iscr. 
Ferug.  589)  ;  Redemptus  (Lupi,  ib.  110  ;  Gazzera, 
10  ;  De  Boissieu,  Append.  10)  ;  Reparatus  (Nico- 
lai,  232).  With  reference  to  spiritual  salvation  : 
Salntia  (Bosio,  532)  ;  Salvius  (Jan.  xi.)  ;  Soteris 
{Act.  S.  r.  91).  With  reference  to  Predestina- 
tion: Prelecta  (De  Rossi,  i.  597);  PEKEnTOC, 
Rcceptus  (Aringhi,  iv.  37,  p.  121).  Referring 
to  the  new  birth  and  adoption  by  baptism : 
Adepta  (De  Boissieu,  534)  ;  Rcnata  {Act.  S.  V. 
84)  ;  Restitutus  (Boldetti,  399),  this  last  being 
of  frequent  occurrence  in  the  Martyrology. 
With  reference  to  the  spiritual  life:  Viventius 
{Act.  S.  V.  106);  Vivianus  {lb.  134;  Vitalis 
{lb.  88);  Vitalissimus  {lb.  123);  Zoe  {i'>.  129); 
ZnXIKE    (Osann.    441,    119);    Refrigerius  (De 


NAMES 

Rossi,  1.  88)  ;  Eefrigeria  (Boldetti,  286-7).  Pnu- 
mulus,  from  iweviia,  expressive  of  divine  inspira- 
tion, occurs  on  a  marble  from  Lyons  (De  Bois- 
sieu,  582). 

(^)  From  Festivals  and  Rites  of  the  Church. 
Epiphana,  m.  under  Diocletian  (July  xii.) ;  Epi- 
phanius  (De  Rossi,  i.  287) ;  the  mother  of  the 
emperor  Heraclius  I.  was  called  Epiphania  (in 
later  times  the  more  common  form  of  this  name 
was  Theophania):  Natalis,  Natalia,  m.  (July 
xsvii.);  Natalis  (Boldetti,  492);  Pascasia  (De 
Boissieu,  550) ;  Pascasius  (Giorgi,  de  Mon.  Cris. 
33);  Pascasus  {Act.  8.  V.  108);  Pasqualina 
(Nicolai,  Basil,  di  S.  P.  230);  Parasceves,  m. 
(Mar.  XX.)  ;  Eulogia  (Buon.  Vetri,  tav.  iii.  2) ; 
Sabbatius  (Passionei,  135);  Sabbatia  (De  Rossi,  i. 
87)  ;  Sabbatus  (Boldetti,  490). 

(y)  Martyrdom,  from  the  veneration  which  it 
commanded,  often  induced  Christians  to  adopt 
the  names  of  the  sufferers  ;  while  the  generic 
term  gave  rise  to  the  name  Martyrius  or 
Martyria  (Lupi,  82  ;  Gruter,  mliii.  3  ;  Maran- 
goni,  etc.).  Martigny  compares  with  th'is  the 
widespread  name  of  Toussaint  (All  Saints)  in 
niodei-n  times. 

(S)  From  Christian  virtues.  Among  these 
Agape  and  Irene,  with  their  derivatives,  are  of 
especially  frequent  occurrence,  the  latter  being 
often  borne  by  the  Eastern  empresses.  They 
are  also  common  on  the  earliest  monuments.  In 
a  fresco  from  the  cemetery  of  St.  Marcellin-et- 
Pierre  (Bottari,  127)  they  appear  to  be  employed 
with  a  figurative  allusion  to  the  heavenly  feast 
therein  depicted,  but  they  ai-e  also  to  be  found 
with  unquestionable  reference  to  individuals 
(Boldetti,  55;  Ruinart,  348).  The  collection 
by  Le  Blant  (i.  40)  gives  the  epitaph  of  a 
Lyonnese  merchant  with  the  name  of  Agapus  ; 
so  Agapetus  (Perret,  v.  pi.  27  and  62) ;  Agapenis 
(De  Rossi,  i.  99  and  209).  A  splendid  sarco- 
phagus in  Boldetti  (p.  466)  gives  us  Aurelia 
Agapetilla.  Sometimes  the  names  of  the  three 
Christian  virtues,  Pistis,  Elpis,  Agape,  are  united 
in  one  fomily  (De  Rossi,  IX0TC  19).  The 
Roman  Martyrology  (Aug.  i.)  records  these 
names  as  those  of  three  virgins  who  suflered 
under  Hadrian.  Passionei  (118,  47)  has  the 
epitaph  of  a  Christian  lady  named  Fides.  The 
first  wife  of  Boethius  was,  according  to  tra- 
dition, a  daughter  of  the  consul  Festus,  and 
bore  the  name  of  Elpis.  The  bishop  of  the 
church  at  Lyons,  in  426,  was  named  Elpidius 
{Brev.  Lugd.  Sept.  si.).  Other  forms,  such  as 
Elpisura,  Elpidephorus,  are  to  be  met  with 
(Boldetti,  366).  Ispes  (Perret,  v.  pi.  S2) ; 
Spesina  (Cyprian,  Epist.  xxi.,  Migne,  iv.  281  ; 
Vermiglioli,  Fscr.  Peruj.  587).  Caritosa  (Perret, 
V.  pi.  77);  Charitina,  virg.  m.  under  Diocletian 
(Oct.  v.).  From  Irene  we  have  Irenaeus,  a  name 
borne  by  many  martyrs  as  well  as  by  the  famous 
bishop  of  Lyons.  The  church  at  Gaza  in  Pales- 
tine had  a  bishop  named  Irenion,  whom  it  com- 
memorates Dec.  xvi.  Brotlierly  love  is  expressed 
bynames  like  Adelfius  (De  Boissieu,  597)  and 
Adelphus  {Martijr.  Gallic.  April  xxviii.). 

(e)  Names  of  more  general  import  dictated  bg 
pious  sentiment. 

Adeodatus  (Perret,  i.  pi.  31);  Adeodata  (De 
Rossi,  i.  164);  Ambrose,  with  allusion  to  the 
bread  of  life ;  Amphibalus  (?),  priest  for  whom 
St.  Alban  gave  himself  up  to  martyrdom  ; 
Angelica  (Perret,  v.  pi.  31)  ;  Aromatia  (Matfei, 


NA]MES 


1373 


279);  Benedictus;  Cyricus  {Aet.  S.  V.  89); 
Cyriacus,  child  m.  in  Seleucia ;  also  (Marini, 
Arv.  266),  with  other  names  derived  from 
Kvpios.  Deicola  (Jan.  sviii.)  ;  Deogratias 
{Kalcnd.  Garth.  Ruinart,  532);  Deusdedit  (De 
Rossi,  i.  406),  and  of  frequent  occurrence  in  the 
Martyrologies ;  Donatus,  the  grammarian,  tutor 
of  St.  Jerome;  Donata  (Perret,  v.  pi.  21);  Eras- 
mus, m.  under  Diocletian  ;  Evangelius  (Perret, 
V.  19);  Memoriolus  (Le  Blant,  i.  107)  (?),  with 
reference  to  the  phrase  frequent  in  Christian 
epitaphs,  honae  memorite ;  Pientia  (Fabretti, 
579) ;  Pius,  the  first  pope  of  this  name  suf- 
fered under  Antoninus  ;  Sanctus,  m.  at  Lyons  ; 
Sanctinus  (De  Rossi,  i.  532)  ;  Sanctulus  (Boldetti, 
436) ;  Sophia,  first  introduced  from  the  dedica- 
tion of  the  newly-erected  church  at  Constanti- 
nople, was  subsequently  adopted  by  the  niece  of 
Justinian's  consort ;  it  afterwards  became  a 
favourite  name  with  the  imperial  princesses,  and 
spread  widely  among  the  Slavonic  nations  ;  Vera 
(Le  Blant,  ii.  234);  Vitalis  (De  Rossi,  i.  212). 

Derivatives  from  0sJs  are  frequent ;  many, 
however,  appear  to  have  been  transmitted  from 
paganism.  Theophilus  was  the  name  of  a  Greek 
poet  of  the  Middle  Comedy,  and  the  individual 
addressed  by  St.  Luke  must  evidently  have  been 
so  called  prior  to  his  conversion  to  Christianity  ; 
one  of  the  last  high  priests  was  also  so  named. 
Thekla,  the  feminine  of  0eoKA.f;s  (also  a  pagan 
name),  is  said  by  tradition  to  have  been  a  disciple 
of  St.  Paul  at  Ancona.  In  most  of  the  pagan 
names  of  this  class  the  word  probably  denotes 
merely  a  high  degree  of  excellence.  0EOTEKNE 
and  0EOKTICTE  (Marini,  Alb.  98)  are  probably 
distinctively  Christian  ;  as  also  Theopistes,  m. 
(Sept.  XX.).  The  name  of  Servus  Dei  occurs  on 
some  of  the  marbles  of  the  earlier  centuries  (Act. 
S.  V.  132),  and  also  as  borne  by  two  martyrs  of 
Cordova  (Jan.  xiii. ;  Sept.  vi.)  ;  but  Boldetti,  who 
at  first  took  it  for  a  proper  name  in  the  inscrip- 
tion on  a  tomb  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Prae- 
textatus,  subsequently  found  the  words  im- 
pressed with  a  seal  on  the  cement  of  a  loculus 
in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Agnes — a  fact  that 
would  seem  to  imply  tliat  it  was  customary  to 
stamp  them  on  the  tombs.  Ancilla  Dei,  accord- 
ing to  De  Rossi  (i.  133),  was  also  a  proper  name  ; 
and  an  inscription  of  the  year  366  gives  us 
Quod  vult  Deus  (ib.  99).  This  latter  is  not  un- 
frequent  in  the  earlier  centuries,  and  was  borne 
by  a  bishop  of  Carthage  of  the  5th  century,  and 
by  aDonatist  bishop,  a  contemporary  of  Augus- 
tine. Hiibner  (n.  2)  gives  the  singular  name 
Deidomns.  A  marble  at  Naples  bears  an  inscrip- 
tion with  the  name  Jlahet  Deus  (Fabretti,  757). 
The  first  Saxon  archbishop  was  called  Deusdedit 
(Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Cone.  iii.  99).  [Inscrip- 
Tioxs,  i.  853a.] 

(f)  Names  also  occur,  which,  if  not  exclu- 
sively Christian,  suggest  their  probable  adoption 
from  a  conception  of  the  Christian  life  as  one 
of  warfare  :  Bellator  (Act.  S.  V.  93) ;  Fortissima 
(Marini,  433)  ;  Gregory  {ypiryopfcij),  the  guardian 
or  watchman  of  the  church,  often  adopted  by 
bishops;  Victor  (Boldetti,  807);  Victora  (Perret, 
V.  pi.  47) ;  Victoria  (Act.  S.  V.  88)  ;  Victorianus 
(De  Rossi,  i.  195);  Victorious,  m.  (Dec.  xi.) ; 
Victorina  (Hiibner,  n.  8);  Victricius  bp.  and 
conf.  under  Julian  (Aug.  viii)  ;  Victurus,  m. 
in  Africa  (Dec.  xviii.) ;  Vincensa  (Perret,  v.  pi. 
26) ;  Vincentius  (De   Rossi,  i.  217 ;  Hiibner,  n. 


1374 


NAMES 


42);  Vincentia  (NIKE)  (Reiiiesius,  cl.  xx.  221); 
Vittoria  (Perret,  v.  pi.  6). 

(tj)  Other  names  express  the  Christian  joy 
and  assurance  in  the  midst  of  tribulation : 
Beatus  (Perret,  59);  Caelestinus  (De  Rossi,  i. 
72);  Exillaratus  (ibid.  i.  533);  Felix,  Felicio 
(Marini,  ^ft.  110,  26);  Fcli.issimus  (^cf.  ,?.  V. 
"91);  Fidencius  (Le  Blant,  ii.  15);  Gaudontiolus 
(i6.  i.  364-) ;  Gaudentius,  Gaudiosus  (Fabretti, 
iv.  46)  ;  Hilara  (Marchi,  53)  ;  Hilaris,  Hilaritas 
(Boldetti,  397, 407);  Hilarius  (Martyrol.pnssjm) ; 
Hilarus  (Marchi,  39);  Ilarissus  (Marini,  Arv. 
405)  ;  lodocus  (from  jocus),  an  Armorican  prince 
who  settled  as  a  hermit  in  Ponthieu,  and  gave 
his  name  to  a  monastery  owned  by  Alcuin  ; 
Jubilator  (Aringhi,  ii.  175);  Sozomen,  the 
church  historian  ;  Sozomene  [Le  Blant,  ii.  234) ; 
Tutus  (ib.  i.  204). 

The  designation  viol  puTos  (1  Thess.  v.  5) 
seems  to  have  suggested  many  names.  Boldetti 
(407)  gives  an  inscription  containing  three 
derivatives  from  litx. 

LucEio  LucELLO  Florentio 
Qui  vixit  Ann.  xirii.  siexs)  iiir, 
dieb.  xxviii.  oris  xs.  luceius 
PlUfinus  Pater  contra  votum. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  4th  century,  the 
name  of  Mary,  preceded  or  followed  by  another, 
is  occasionally  to  be  met  with.  LiviA  MARIA  in 
PACE  (De  Rossi,  i.  143)  ;  MAPIE  I*1NI,  Iphinae 
for  Rufinae  (Act.  S.  V.  77).  It  occurs,  also,  in 
two  inscriptions  given  by  Perret :  maria  in 
pace  (v.  c.)  and  maria  fecit  filiae  cirice 
(Ixiii.  23).  De  Boissieu  (p.  585)  gives  the  epi- 
taph of  one  Maria  Vcnerabilis,  a  centenarian 
of  Lyons  in  the  5th  century.  A  marble  of  the 
■cemetery  of  SS.  Thruso  et  Saturninus  (^Aot.  S.  V. 
89)  gives  the  name  of  Anna,  but  this  is  yet 
more  rare. 

The  following  are  instances  of  apostolic 
names  : — Andreas  (Vermiglioli,  589) ;  ANAPEAC 
(Osann.  428,  xliv.)  ;  Johannes  (Marini,  Pop.  251), 
Ruinart,  passim ;  with  the  commencement  of 
the  5th  century  the  nami^  becomes  of  more  com- 
mon occurrence  (De  Rossi,  i.  278,  280).  Paulus 
(Act.  S.  V.  105;  De  Rossi,  i.  191);  *AAT10C 
nATAOC  (^Act.  S.  V.  73);  Paula  {ih.  106). 
Petrus  (Marchi,  27  ;  Hiibner,  n.  135a);  HETPOC 
(Osann.  ib.  xlvi.),  with  its  derivatives  Petrius 
(Act.  8.  V.  129);  Petronia  (Montfaucon,  Iter 
Ital.  118);  Thomas,  extremely  rare,  occurs  in 
the  year  490  (De  Rossi,  i.  398;  Hiibner,  n.  178). 
Osann.  (485,  xi.)  gives  us  the  derivation  from 
Stephanus  of  CTE*ANINOC. 

Among  names  taken  from  the  Old  Testament, 
that  of  Susanna  is  not  uncommon :  svssanna 
(De  Rossi,  i.  196);  Rebecca  is  found  in  a  Roman 
epitaph  of  the  4th  century  (De  Rossi,  ib.  96) 
REVECCAE  innoCENTI.  Many  names  of  martyrs 
are  of  this  class :  Moyses,  at  Alexandria  (Feb. 
xiv.) ;  Samuel  and  Daniel,  in  Mauritania  (Oct. 
xiii.);  Tobias,  at  Sebaste  under  Licinius 
(Nov.  ii.). 

The  European  races  which  remained  unsubdued 
by  the  arms  of  the  Empire,  or  but  imperfectly 
subjugated,  offer  certain  points  of  contrast  which 
may  be  briefly  noted.  Among  the  Celts  there 
is  discernible,  on  the  part  of  the  early  converts, 
a  feeling  of  deeper  reverence  and  humility  in  the 
adoption  of  sacred  names.  The  prefixes  of  Ccilc 
'(the  companion  or  vassal).  Gear  (the  friend), 
Cailleach    (the    handmaiden),    and    giolla,    the 


NAMES 

modern  gillie,  and  mael,  a  disciple,  denote  no- 
thing more  than  relations  of  reverent  depend- 
ence. St.  Michael  was  the  object  of  widespread 
devotion  ;  hence  Gear  Michael,  now  Carmichael. 
In  many  Irish  families  of  the  old  Celtic  blood 
Gilla  Christ  (Gilchrist)  appears  to  have  been  a 
Christian  name  (Petrie  and  Stokes,  p.  67). 
Gillespiug  (Gillespie,  csping ^ejnscopus}  helongcd. 
to  the  line  of  Diarmid.  The  names  of  four 
northern  proprietors  in  Domesday  Book, — 
Ghilemicel,  Ghilander,  Ghillepetair,  and  Ghile- 
brid, — probably  attest  the  presence  of  a  Celtic 
element  attracted  by  the  illustrious  foundation 
at  Lindisfarne.  The  name  of  Mary,  which 
gradually  spread  in  the  Latin  church,  after  the 
4th  century  (Northcote  and  Brownlow,  1?.  S., 
pp.  254-7)  is  wanting,  a  point  illustrative  pos- 
siblv  of  the  divergence  between  Celtic  and  Latin 
Christianity  ;  it  is  not  until  the  12th  century 
that  we  find  the  name  of  JIailmaire,  "  servant 
of  JIary  "  (Petrie  and  Stokes,  59).  Maelcolum 
(Malcolm)  bears  testimony  to  the  veneration  in 
which  the  memory  of  the  apostle  of  lona  was 
held. 

Among  the  Teutonic  races  on  the  continent 
we  find  ourselves  on  less  firm  ground.  Many 
names  compounded  with  that  of  the  Supreme 
Being  were  assumed  in  purely  pagan  times,  and 
it  is  often  a  matter  for  doubt  whether  the  prefi.x 
that  belongs  to  names  of  this  character  does  not 
really  denote  a  name  of  the  numerous  class  com- 
mencing with  gund  (war),  a  class  conceived  in 
a  very  different  spirit.  Other  names,  again, 
like  Theodoric,  Theudebert,  etc.,  offer  a  deceptive 
but  unreal  appearance  of  affinity  to  Greek  Chris- 
tian derivatives.  Converts  appear  to  have  re- 
tained their  names  unchanged  ;  Ereda  (?  Freda), 
Brinca  or  Bringa,  Uviliaric,  Trasaric,  Sedaiguu- 
chus,  occur  as  those  of  Gothic  Christians  (McCaul, 
Christian  Inscr.  p.  21);  in  the  opinion  of 
Schottel  (Teutsche  Haubtspraclw,  p.  1031)  it 
was  not  until  after  the  death  of  the  emperor 
Friedrich  II.  (ann.  1250)  that,  under  ecclesias- 
tical influences,  Germany  began  to  admit  a  cer- 
tain infusion  of  Latin  elements  in  her  nomencla- 
ture. Pott,  however,  recognises  a  Christian 
element  in  proper  names  like  Traugott,  Dinkegott, 
Gottlob  (?  '  Deum  lauda  '),  and  in  family  names 
such  as  Kennegott,  Lebgott,  Gottleher,  regarding 
them  as  originally  imperatives,  dictated  by  pious 
sentiment.  To  Heer  and  Herrgott,  which  some 
have  derived  from  the  pagan  Divus  (e.g.,  Divus 
Augustus,  Dims  Antiochus,  etc.,  combined  with 
the  equivalent  for  ©eos),  he  attributes  a  like 
origin  (Die  Personcnnamcn,  pp.  94-98). 

An  interesting  illustration  of  the  importance 
of  this  subject  will  be  found  at  p.  879,  in  the 
account  there  given  of  the  name  Veronica — an  ex- 
ample of  the  manner  in  which  a  false  etymology 
has  sometimes  in  turn  given  rise  to  the  fabriKi- 
tion  of  legend. 

(Works  of  reference  :  besides  the  authorities 
quoted  in  the  course  of  the  article,  Baconniere- 
Salverte,  Essai  historique  et  philosophique  sur  les 
Noms  d^Hommes,  de  Peuples  et  de  Dieux,  transl. 
by  Mordaque,  1862  ;  Petrie  and  Stokes,  Chris- 
tian Inscriptions  in  the  Irish  Language,  1872-4; 
Pott,  A.  F.  Die  Personennamen,  insbesondere  die 
Familiennamen  und  ihre  Entstehungsarten,  1853.) 
[J.  B.  M.] 

NAMES  APPLIED  TO  CHRISTIANS. 
[Faithful.] 


NAMES 

NAMES,    OBLATION    OR     RECITAL 

OF.  I.  Tlie  Offerers. — It  was  a  very  early  rule 
in  the  church,  that  when  the  bisliop  received 
any  gifts  for  the  poor,  he  should  inform  them 
"  who  the  donor  was,  that  they  might  pray  for 
him  by  name."  This  precept  was  in  the  original 
text  of  the  Apostolical  Constitutions,  being  found 
in  the  Syriac  recension  as  well  as  in  the  inter- 
polated Greek  (Bunsen,  Analecta  Ante-Nicaena, 
ii.  133,  286).  When  converts  were  numerous 
this  could  hardly  be  carried  out  otherwise  than 
by  a  public  notice  in  church,  and  if  this  was 
done  in  the  case  of  oflerings  for  the  poor,  it 
would  soon  be  done  for  other  offerings.  Such  is 
the  probable  origin  of  the  recital  or  "  oblation" 
of  the  names  of  the  off'erers  in  the  Liturgy.  If  a 
gift  were  brought  on  behalf  of  the  sick  or  other- 
wise suffering,  or  of  one  deceased,  then  it  was 
their  name,  not  that  of  the  person  who  brought  it, 
which  was  offered.  In  any  case  the  publication 
of  the  name  was  understood  as  a  request  for  the 
prayers  of  the  church  on  behalf  of  the  person 
named. 

St.  Cyprian  uses  the  phrase  "  nomen  oflferre" 
of  the  living,  when,  complaining  of  the  too 
easy  absolution  granted  to  the  lapsed,  he  says, 
"  While  the  persecution  still  continues,  ere  the 
peace  of  the  church  itself  is  yet  restored,  they 
are  admitted  to  communicate,  and  their  name  is 
offered  "  {Ad  Preshjt.  Ep.  16).  When  he  for- 
warded a  charitable  collection  to  Numidia,  he 
gave  the  bishops  there  the  names  of  all  the  con- 
tributors, and  of  the  other  bishops,  and  of  the 
priests,  who  had  assisted  in  making  it,  "  that 
they  might  bear  them  in  mind  in  their  petitions, 
and  make  a  return  for  their  good  work  in  sacri- 
fices and  prayers "  (Preces,  Ad  Januar.  Ep. 
62).  St.  Jerome  speaks  more  than  once  of  this 
practice,  which  appears  to  have  had  its  evils 
after  the  conversion  of  the  empire :  "  The  names 
of  the  offerers  are  now  publicly  recited,  and  the 
redemption  of  sins  is  turned  into  praise  "  (^Com- 
ment, in  Jerem.  ii.  i.  16);  "The  deacon  recites 
in  the  churches  the  names  of  the  offerers,  '  She 
offers  so  much,'  '  He  has  promised  so  much,'  and 
they  take  pleasure  in  the  applause  of  the  people, 
while  conscience  is  tormenting  them"  {Comm. 
in  Ezeh.  vi.  xviii.  5-9).  When  the  benefaction 
was  of  an  enduring  kind,  as  the  erection  or 
endowment  ot"  a  church,  the  name  was  recited 
at  every  celebration.  Thus  St.  Chrysostom 
{Horn,  xviii.  in  Acta  Apost.  5),  addressing  the 
founder  of  a  church,  "  Is  it  a  small  thing,  tell 
me,  for  thy  name  to  have  a  place  perpetually  in 
the  holy  oblations?"  The  council  of  Merida, 
6G6,  decreed  that  "  the  names  of  those  by  whom 
it  is  certain  that  churches  have  been  built  or 
who  are  declared,  or  who  have  been  declared,  to 
have  given  anything  to  the  said  holy  churches, 
shall,  if  they  are  living  in  the  body,  be  recited 
before  the  altar  in  the  time  of  mass ;  but  that, 
if  they  have  departed  or  shall  depart  from  this 
life,  their  names  shall  be  recited  with  those  of 
the  faithful  departed,  in  their  order  "  (can.  19). 
The  publication  of  the  names  of  the  dead,  when  an 
offering  was  made  for  them,  is  found  in  Africa  in 
the  3rd  century.  Thus  St.  Cyprian,  ordering 
that  "  no  oblation  should  be  made  for  the  falling 
asleep"  of  one  who  had  broken  a  law  of  the 
church,  gives  as  the  reason  that  one  who  had 
done  so  did  "  not  deserve  to  be  named  at  the 
altar  in  the  prayer  of  the  priests  "   (^Epist.   ad 


NAMES 


1375 


Presbyt.  Furnit.  1).  St.  Augustine,  speaking  of 
the  future  punishment  of  heresiarchs,  says,  "  In 
that  day  there  will  be  none  to  recite  the  names 
of  the  chiefs  of  their  madness  at  the  altar " 
(C.  Parinen.  iii.  6.) 

II.  j\'aines  constantly  offered. — The  names  of 
the  offerers  on  a  given  occasion,  and  of  the 
sufferers  or  the  dead  for  whom  oblations  were 
made,  would  be  published  only  once  or  a 
few  times  at  the  most ;  but  there  were  other 
names,  as  those  of  the  bishop,  archbishop,  &c., 
certain  eminent  teachers  of  the  church,  whether 
living  or  dead,  and  those  of  departed  martyrs, 
confessors,  &,c.,  including  the  apostles  and  the 
Blessed  Virgin,  which  were  recited  continu- 
ally. These  were  inscribed  in  the  dipxychs. 
In  Africa  at  least,  the  names  of  the  priests 
seem  also  to  have  been  recited  from  a  written 
document.  Thus  St.  Augustine,  suggesting 
that  the  name  of  a  suspected  priest  should 
''  not  be  recited,"  says,  "  For  what  hurt  does  it 
do  to  one,  that  human  ignorance  will  not  have 
him  recited  from  that  tablet,  if  a  guilty  con- 
science does  not  blot  him  out  from  the  book  of 
the  living?"     (Epist.  78  ad  Cler.  §  4). 

III.  When  offered.— Ai  first  the  names  of  the 
living  and  of  the  dead  were  recited  at  the  same 
part  of  the  service.  Thus  in  a  Gothico-Gallican 
Collectio  post  Nomina  :  "  Let  us  beseech  God.  .  .  . 
that  He  sanctify  the  names  of  the  offerers  and  of 
the  departed,  which  have  been  recited."  (Liturg. 
Gall.  221).  Again:  "Let  us  commemorate  the 
names  of  those  who  offer  and  of  those  who 
are  at  rest"  (255).  Similarly  in  Mozarabie 
Orationes  post  Komina:  "  Off'erentibus  venia 
et  defunctis  requies  condonetur"  (J/ws.  Moz. 
Leslie,  17) ;  "  Nominibus  sanctorum  martyrum 
offerentiumque  fidelium  atque  eorum  qui  ab 
hoc  saccule  transierunt,  a  ministris  jam  sacri 
ordinis  recensitis  "  (27)  ;  etc.  That  the  names 
were  all  offered  about  the  same  time  is  also  im- 
plied whenever  petitions  for  the  living  and  the 
dead  occur  in  the  same  collect,  as  3Iiss.  Goth.  M.S. 
191,  194,  201,  &c. ;  3Iiss.  Gall.  Vet.  365,  571  ; 
Jfiss.  3foz.  u.  s.  34,  43,  46,  &c.  In  the  Mozarabie 
Missal  the  Post  Nomina  follows  the  names  of  a 
long  series  of  confessors  :  "  Let  the  presbyter  say. 
Our  priests  offer  an  oblation  to  the  Lord  God.  .  .  . 
Making  a  commemoration  of  the  most  blessed 
apostles  and  martyrs,  the  glorious  holy  Virgin. 
Mary.  .  .  .  Also  for  the  spirits  of  those  at  rest, 
Hilary,  Athanasius,  Martin,  Ambrose,  Augus- 
tine," &c.  (46  names).  There  is  no  direction 
for  the  recital  of  the  names  of  the  offerers  or 
others,  but  after  the  Post  Nomina,  the  following 
constant  form,  from  which  the  practice  appears, 
is  said,  "  Let  the  presbyter  say,  For  Thou  art  the 
life  of  the  living,  the  health  of  the  sick,  and  the 
rest  of  the  faithful  departed,  for  ever  and  ever" 
(Leslie,  4).  So  of  the  Post  Nomina  itself,  St. 
Isidore,  610,  says,  "Effunditur  pro  offerentibus 
sive  pro   defunctis   fidelibus "  {Be  Eccl.  Off.  i. 

The  later  Roman  rule  and  the  reason  for  it 
were,  as  we  learn  from  Pseudo-Innocent,  as 
follows  :  "  Thou  mayest  know  of  thyself,  of  thine 
own  good  sense,  how  superfluous  it  is  for  thee  to 
mention  the  name  of  him  whose  oblation  thou 
offerest  to  God  (though  nothing  be  hid  from  Him) 
previously ;  (that  is),  before  the  priest  makes 
the  prayers  (preces),  and  by  his  petitions  com- 
mends the  oblations  of  those  whose  names  are  to 


1376 


NAMES 


be  recited.  The  oblations  are  therefore  to  be 
commended  first,  and  then  the  names  of  those, 
whose  oblations  they  are,  to  be  given  out :  that 
they  maybe  named  in  the  holy  mysteries  p.p.,  in 
the  MissaFidelium,  or  anaphora],  and  not  among 
the  other  forms  [as  in  the  secreta,  or  coUectio 
post  nomina]  which  we  put  before  them,  that  by 
the  mysteries  themselves  we  may  open  the  way 
for  our  subsequent  prayers  "  {Ep.  ad  Decent.  2). 
Hence  the  origin  of  the  Commcmoratio  pro  vivis 
before  the  consecration,  and  the  Commemorath 
pro  defunctis  after  it  in  the  Roman  canon.  In 
both,  the  priest  may  still  call  up  silently  the 
names  of  any  for  whom  he  desires  to  pray  {Hit'is 
Celebr.  viii.  3 ;  is.  2)  ;  but  when  the  change  was 
first  made,  the  canon  was  still-said,  and  therefore 
the  names  would  be  recited,  aloud.  See  Notitia 
Eucharidica,  ed.  2,  p.  565.  In  the  Vatican  MS. 
of  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary,  printed  by  Eocca 
(_Opp.  Greg.  V.  63;  ed.  1615),  the  former  com- 
memoration runs  as  follows  :  "  Memento,  Domine, 
famulorum  famularumque  tuarum,  //('.  et  III. 
•et  omnium  circum  astantium,  quorum  Tibi  fides 
cognita  est  et  nota  devotio,  qui  Tibi  offerunt  hoc 
sacrificium  laudis  pro  se  suisque  omnibus." 
The  Eligian  codex  resembles  this  (Menard  in 
0pp.  Greg.,  ed.  Ben.  iii.  3).  In  the  margin 
of  the  Othobonian,  and  in  every  vacant 
space  about  the  pages,  are  many  names  of  the 
living  who  sought  the  prayers  of  the  church, 
especially  of  the  sick,  as  well  as  of  deceased 
persons  (Murat.  Lit.  Rom.  Vet.  i.  73;  ii.  2). 
One  of  the  Cologne  MSS.,  used  by  Pamelius, 
inserts  after  "  tuarum,"  in  the  margin,  "  et 
eorum  quorum  nomina  ad  memorandum  con- 
scripsimus,  ac  super  sanctum  altare  Tuum  scripta 
adesse  videntur  "  {Rituale  P P .  \i.  180).  In  the 
canon  as  given  by  Amalarius  {Eclogac  do  Off. 
Miss,  in  fine)  we  have,  after  "tuarum,"  '•'■  Hlo- 
rum  et  Illarum  [Hie  nomina  vivorum  memoren- 
tur,  si  volueris ;  sed  non  domiuica  die,  nisi  certis 
diebus],  et  omnium,"  etc.  Sim.  a  Saltzburg  Ponti- 
fical, cited  by  Martene  (^Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  I.  iv.  viii. 
15).  The  old  Ambrosian  canon  here  resembles 
the  old  Roman,  but  contains  an  additional  clause 
which  has  been  borrowed  by  the  later  Roman  : 
"  Memento,  Domine,  famulorum  famularumque 
Tuarum  [lUorum]  et  omnium  circum  adstantium 
quorum  tibi  fides  cognita  est  et  nota  devotio,  pro 
quibus  Tibi  offerimus  vel  qui  Tibi  offerunt,"  etc. 
(Murat.  M.  s.  133). 

There  is  no  Commemoratio  pro  Mortuis  in  the 
Gelasian  canon  (Murat.  i.  697),  nor  in  several 
copies  of  the  Gregorian.  Gerbert  mentions  three 
in  which  it  is  altogether  wanting,  and  three 
others  in  which  it  has  been  supplied  by  a  later 
hand  (^Mon.  Vet.  Lit.  Alemann.  i.  236).  Only 
in  one  copy,  it  is  believed,  does  a  memorial  of 
the  dead  occur  in  the  canon  both  before  and  after 
the  consecration ;  viz.,  in  the  Rhenaugen  MS.  of 
the  8th  century  (itself  shewn  to  be  a  copy  of  an 
earlier)  from  a  transcript  of  which  Gerbert 
prints.  The  former  of  these  commemorations, 
which  immediately  follows  that  for  the  living 
is  as  follows :  "  Memento  etiam,  Domine,  et 
animarum  famulorum  famularumque  tuarum 
fidelium  Catholicorum  in  Christo  quiescentium, 
qui  nos  praecesserunt,  illoruni  et  illarum,  qui  per 
eleemosynam  et  confessionem  Tibi  reddunt  vota 
sua "  (ibid.  233).  The  second  memorial  after 
the  consecration,  in  this  MS.  is,  "  Memento 
■etiam,    Domine,    et    corum    nomina,     qui    nos 


NAMES 

praecesserunt  cum  signo  fidei  et  dormiunt  iu 
somno  pacis."  With  this  agrees  to  the  letter 
one  Cologne  MS.,  from  which  Pamelius  prints 
(i.  182),  the  Romanising  Frankish  and  Besancon 
Missals  (Murat.  ii.  694,  779),  and  the  canon  given 
by  Amalarius,  but  the  last  named  adds,  "■  Et 
recitantur  nomina.  Dein  postquam  recitata  fue- 
rint  dic^tt,"  etc.  In  others  the  prayer  begins  thus  : 
"  Super  Diptycha"  (Cod.  Vatic.  Rocca),  "  Memento 
etiam  Domine  famulorum  (N.  Cod.  Col.  2  ;  Pamel. 
II.  s.)  famularumque  (N.  Cod.  Col.  2)  Tuarum 
(III.  Rocca  and  Cod.  Elig.  u.  s.  4 ;  Illorum  et 
Illantm  (with  several  names  in  the  margin), 
Codex  Vatic.  Bibl.  Murat.  ii.  4)  qui  nos  .  .  . 
pacis."  All  these  proceed  thus,  "  Ipsis,  Domine, 
et  omnibus  in  Christo  quiescentibus,  locum  .re- 
frigerii,  lucis  et  pacis  ut  indulgeas  deprecamur 
per,"  etc. 

The  Council  of  Aix  in  789,  under  the  influence 
of  Charlemagne,  adopted  the  later  rule  of  Rome 
as  expressed  by  Pseudo-Innocent  (can.  54;  see 
also  Cone.  Francof.  a.d.  794,  can.  51). 

The  early  Ambrosian  canon  did  not  commemo- 
rate the  dei^arted  (Murat.  u.s.  134),  but  an  un- 
varying prayer,  introduced  at  an  unknown  period, 
was  said  secretly  after  the  oblations  were  set  on 
the  altar,  but  before  the  Offerend,  Creed  and 
Super  Oblatum,  in  which  both  living  and  dead  are 
prayed  for  :  "  Receive,  holy  Trinity,  this  oblation 
which  we  offer  unto  Thee  .  .  .  for  the  health 
and  safety  of  Thy  servants  and  handmaidens  N., 
for  whom  we  have  promised  to  implore  Thy  cle- 
mency, and  whose  alms  we  have  received,  and  of 
all  faithful  Christians,  both  living  and  departed  " 
(Pamel.  u.  s.  i.  298). 

The  liturgies  of  the  East  do  not  shew  expressly 
where  the  names  of  offerers  were  published, 
but  there  is  every  reason  to  think  that  it  was 
done  when  the  diptychs  were  read.  St.  Mark 
thus  refers  to  offerers  in  a  prayer  before  the 
anaphora,  which,  following  immediately  the 
diptychs  of  the  dead,  intercedes  for  them  and  for 
the  living  also  :  "  Receive,  0  God,  on  to  Thy  holy, 
supercelestial,  and  intellectual  altar,  the  great- 
ness of  the  heavens,  through  the  ministry  of  Thy 
archangels,  the  thank-offerings  of  those  that  offer 
the  sacrifices  and  oblations,  of  those  who  desire 
to  oflfer  much  and  little,  secretly,  and  openly, 
and  are  not  able  ;  and  of  those  who  have  this 
day  ofiered  the  oblations"  (Renaud.  i.  150).  In 
St.  James  these  intercessions  come  after  the 
consecration.  As  the  offerers  are  mentioned 
immediately  after  the  diptychs  of  the  living 
(compare  Assem.  Codex  Lit.  v.  43  with  85),  we 
infer  that  their  names  had  also  been  recited  at  the 
same  time.  The  clause  in  St.  James  is,  "  Vouchsafe 
also  to  remember,  O  Lord,  them  who  have  this 
day  offered  these  oblations  on  Thy  holy  altar, 
and  those  for  whom  each  has  offered,  or  has  in 
mind,  and  those  whose  names  have  been  now  read 
unto  Thee  "  (m.  s.  43).  The  diptychs  of  the  dead 
follow.  In  St.  Basil,  which  is  derived  from  St. 
James,  the  diptychs  of  the  living  and  dead  are 
read  before  any  of  the  intercessions  are  said. 
The  following  is  the  reference  to  the  offerers : 
"  Remember,  0  Lord,  those  who  have  offered 
these  gifts  unto  Thee,  and  those  for  whom,  and 
by  whom,  and  on  account  of  whom  they  have 
offered  them  "  (Goar,  171).  This  is  not  preserved 
in  St.  Chrysostom,  nor  in  the  Armenian,  which 
is  also  derived  from  St.  Basil.  Perhaps  it  was 
thought,  when  all  oblations  but  those  of  bread 


NAMES 

and  wine  had  ceased,  that  the  similar  clause  in 
the  prayer  of  prothesis  ("  Remember  those  who 
have  offered,  and  those  for  whom  they  have 
offered,"  Gear,  63),  was  sufficient.  In  St.  James 
this  prayer  is  said  with  the  same  intention  at 
the  great  entrance  (Assem.  u.s.  17).  In  the 
Syriac  rites  derived  from  St.  James  the  offerers 
are  prayed  for,  as  in  that,  when  the  diptychs  are 
read  after  the  consecration  (Renaud.  ii.  35,  149, 
157,  &c.).  There  is  no  prayer  for  them  in  the 
Nestorian  liturgies,  but  the  usual  context  comes 
afte'-  (T/ieod.  Renaud.  i.  620  ;  A^est.  631),  except 
in  the  Malabar  (Raulin,  314),  in  which  it  comes 
before  the  consecration,  though  the  diopatkeen 
(diptychs)  were  read  even  before  the  anaphora. 
In  the  Coptic  St.  Basil  the  deacon  says,  "  Pray 
for  — ,"  apparently  naming  the  offerers  ;  and 
the  priest,  "  pointing  to  the  bread  and  wine," 
prays  for  "  those  who  ofl'er  them,  and  those  for 
whom  they  offer  "(Ren.  i.  17).  This  is  after  the 
consecration ;  and  so  the  Greek  Ale.xandrinc 
Basil  and  Gregory  {Ibid.  11,  108);  but  in  the 
Coptic  Gregory  and  Cyril  and  the  Ethiopic  (32, 
42,  515),  the  intercessions,  of  which  this  is  one, 
are  said  before. 

IV.  WJiose  names  were  not  offered. — When  an 
oblation  was  brought,  the  publication  of  the 
name  necessarily  depended  on  its  acceptance  or 
rejection.  Thus  the  council  of  Illiberis  in  313 
forbids  the  names  of  energumens  to  be  given  out 
*'  with  an  oblation  at  the  altar  "  (can.  19).  On 
the  rejection  of  oblations,  see  Oblations,  §  III. 
On  the  exclusion  of  names  of  the  living  or  dead 
fur  whom  mention  was  claimed  as  a  token  of 
communion,  see  Diptychs,  §  2. 

V.  By  whom  the  names  icere  recited. — This  was 
generally  the  office  of  the  deacon,  both  in  the 
east  and  west.  We  have  seen  it  ascribed  to  him 
by  St.  Jerome.  St.  Isidore  of  Seville  says,  "  To 
him  also  pertains  the  office  of  prayers  [preces], 
the  recitation  of  the  names  "  (ad  Leiidcf'r.  8).  Kor 
is  this  irreconcilable  with  the  language  of  St. 
Cyprian,  "Named  at  the  altar  of  God  in  the 
prayer  of  the  priests  ;  "  for  we  may  suppose  that 
in  Africa,  as  in  Gaul  and  Spain,  the  priest  made 
express  reference  to  the  names  published  by  the 
deacons  immediately  before.  If  there  was  an 
exception,  they  were  rather  published  by  the 
subdeacon  than  by  the  priest.  Thus,  in  an 
ancient  pontifical  the  MS.  of  which  dates  from 
the  tenth  century,  "  the  subdeacons  behind  the 
altar  name  or  recite  the  names  of  the  living  and 
dead "  (at  the  "  Memento,"  Missa  Ratoldi  in 
Greg.  Sacram.  App.  u.s.  246).  So  by  an  old 
custom  at  Rheims,  recorded  as  still  existing 
about  965,  the  subdeacon  daily  recited  at  mass 
in  the  ear  of  the  celebrant  the  names  of 
all  bishops  of  the  diocese  ( Fulcuinus  de 
Ahhat.  Lobiens.  vii. ;  Spicileqium  Dacher.  vi. 
551).  ^       ^ 

In  the  Greek  Liturgy  the  deacon  still  reads 
the  diptychs,  and  "  makes  memorials  of  whom  he 
will  of  the  dead  and  of  the  living  "  (Euchol. 
Goar,  78,  170).  Compare  the  Armenian  (Neale, 
Introd.  Hist.  East.  Ch.  594-610).  The  deacon  is 
■ordered  to  say  them  in  the  margin  of  the  Sicilian 
use  of  St.  James,  from  which  liturgy  the  fore- 
going are  derived  (Assem.  v.  85,  86);  in  St. 
Mark  (Renaud.  i.  150),  and  the  Egyptian  litur- 
gies, Coptic  (Bas.  19),  and  Greek  (Bas.  72,  Greg. 
112)  ;  the  Syrian  {Ibid.  ii.  34-36,  137,  279-282)  ; 
and  the  Nestorian  (Badger,  ii.  222).      Only  the 


NAEBONNE,  COUNCILS  OF    1377 

Ethiopic,  which  is  in  other  respects  in  confusion, 
assigns  this  duty  to  the  priest. 

VI.  Notices  of  the  Names  in  the  Collectio  post 
Nomina.  —  These  are  often  of  interest,  e.g. 
"Nomina  quorum  sunt  recitatione  complexa, 
scribi  jubeas  in  aeternitate "  {3Iiss.  Goth,  in 
Liturg.  Gall.  191);  "Offerentium  nomina  recitata 
coelesti  chirographo  in  libro  vitae  jubeas adscribi" 
(232,  comp.  233,  273,  276,  286);  "Quorum 
texuit  recitatio  praemissa  sortem,  inter  electos 
jubeas  adgregari  "  (207,  209)  ;  "  Offerentum 
ac  pausantum  quae  recitata  sunt  nomina,  apostoli 
sui  intercessione  sanctificet"  (221);  "Quorum 
nomina  ante  altare  sanctum  recitata,  aeterna 
quies  suscipiat"  (288,  comp.  Sacr.  Vet.  Gall. 
334)  ;  "  Nomina  quae  vocabulorum  sunt  pro  aeta- 
tibus  memorata,  aeternitatis  titulo  jubeas  prae- 
signari  "  (234).  The  last  appears  to  refer  to  the 
different  ages  in  which  the  persons  commemorate^l 
had  lived.  "Offerentium  nuucupationem  com- 
pertasque  etiam  dantium  accipientiumque  per- 
sonas  nota  vocabulorum  designatione  monstra- 
vit  [sc.  diaconus].  Ad  dilecta  precum  revertamur 
officia"  {Miss.  Richenov.  Neale  and  Forbes,  16). 
This  seems  to  imply  a  custom  of  mentioning  also 
the  name  of  the  deacon  to  whose  hands  an  obla- 
tion was  committed.  Many  similar  references  to 
the  nomina  occur  in  the  corresponding  prayer  of 
the  Mozarabic  missal  (Leslie,  15,  27,  ^7,  &c.). 

The  Roman,  Greek,  and  Eastern  methods  of 
introducing  a  reference  to  the  offerers  in  the 
prayers  have  been  sufficiently  illustrated  in  §  III. 

On  the  subject  of  this  article  refer  to  Gabr. 
Albaspinus,  Observatiomim  Libri  Duo,  i.  7 ;  Lut. 
Par.  1623  ;  Franc,  de  Berlendis,  de  Oblationibus, 
p.  1.  §  12 ;  ed.  Lat.  1,  Venet.  1743  ;  Joan.  Bona, 
Rerum  Liturgicarum  lib.  II.  viii.  7,  xi.  3-5,  xii. 
2,  3,  xiv.  1-4,  with  Sala's  notes,  Aug.  Taur. 
1753;  Martene  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Rit.  I.  iv.  8,  nn. 
7-18,23-25;  Leslie,  notes  in  Missale  Mixtum, 
p.  538 ;  Rom.  1755.  Martene,  u.s.  n.  24,  traces 
the  practice  in  the  west  below  the  age  of 
Charlemagne.  [W.  E.  S.] 

NAMFASIUS,  hermit  at  Cahors,  cir.  A.D. 
800  ;  commemorated   Nov.  21  (JIabill.  Acta  SS. 
0.  S.  B.  saec.  iii.  pt.  2,  p.  405.     Venet.  1734). 
[C.  H.] 

NANTES,  COUNCIL  OF  {Nannetense 
Concilium).  Because  Flodoard,  who  was  canon  of 
Rheims  in  the  tenth  century,  speaks  of  one  of 
the  bishops  of  Rheims,  in  the  seventh,  having 
repaired  a  church  in  that  diocese,  "  by  common 
consent  of  the  whole  council  of  the  bishops  of 
France,  set  forth  at  Nantes,"  it  has  been  in- 
ferred that  a  council  was  held  there  A.D.  658  ; 
and  because  twenty  canons  were  quoted  in  the 
ninth  and  following  centuries,  as  though  they 
had  been  passed  at  Nantes,  it  has  been  further 
inferred  that  these  canons  may  have  been  the 
work  of  this  council  in  the  seventh.  Whatever 
may  be  thought  of  the  first  supposition,  internal 
evidence  forbids  this  last  (Mansi,  xi.  59,  and  xviii. 
165-74 ;  comp.  Delaland,  Suppl.  69  ;  also  Rheims, 
Councils  of.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

NARBONNE,  COUNCILS  OF  (Narbon- 
ensia  Concilia).  (1.)  A.D.  589,  at  which  Nigetius, 
bishop  of  Narbonne,  and  six  others,  all  subjects 
of  king  Reccared,  were  present,  and  fifteen 
canons  passed,  agreeably  with  what  had  been 
decreed  at  the  third  council  of  Toledo  the  same 


1378 


NAECISSUS 


year.  By  the  first  the  clergy  may  not  wear 
purple.  The  second  orders  the  doxology  to  be 
repeated  at  the  end  of  every  psalm ;  or,  when  a 
psalm  is  divided,  at  the  end  of  every  such  divi- 
sion. By  the  third  the  clergy  may  not  stand 
gossiping  in  the  streets.  The  fifth  refers  to  the 
eighteenth  canon  of  Chalcedon,  as  though  it  had 
been  passed  at  Nicaea.  By  the  eleventh,  bishops 
may  not  ordain  illiterate  men.  By  the  last, 
a  supersiitious  way  of  keeping  Thursday  as 
a  holiday  is  censured  (Mansi,  ix.  1013  sq.). 

(2)  Said  to  have  been  held  A.D.  788,  by  order  of 
the  Emperor  Charles,  for  determining  the  bounds 
of  that  diocese,  which  alone  shews  that  the  account 
given  of  it  is  in  part  spurious.  But  further, 
it  purports  to  have  been  occasioned  by  the  errors 
of  Felix,  bishop  of  Urgel,  and  yet  he  is  set  down 
among  the  subsci-ibers  to  it.  If  it  ever  met, 
therefore,  its  records  are  deserving  of  no  credit 
as  they  stand  now  (Mansi,  xiii.  821  sq.). 

[E.  S.  Ff.] 

NARCISSUS  (1)  Marlyr,  commemorated 
in  Africa  Jan.  1  (Hicron.  2Iart.). 

(2)  Martyr,  with  his  brothers  Argeus  and 
Marcellinus,  commemorated  at  Tomi  Jan.  2  (Vet. 
Rom.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct.)  ;  Jan.  3  {Uieron. 
Mart.). 

(3)  Bishop  of  Gerona  in  Spain  in  the  4th  cen- 
tury ;  martyr  with  his  deacon  Felix  ;  commemo- 
rated March  18  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mar.  ii.  621). 

(4)  (NORSOSES),  Patriarch  of  Armenia,  probably 
the  7th,  sat  in  the  second  General  Council  ; 
commemorated  June  15  (Cat.  Armen.). 

(5)  Martyr  with  Crescentio  at  Rome,  com- 
memorated Sept.  17  (Usuard.  Ma>-t. ;  Vet.  Horn. 
Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  v.  476). 

(6)  Bishop  of  Jerusalem,  commemorated  Oct. 
29  (Usuard.  Mart. ;    Vet.  Rom.  Mart.). 

(7)  Mentioned  by  St.  Paul  (Rom.  xvi.  11); 
commemorated  Oct.  31  (Cal.  Byzant.).    [C.  H.] 

NARNUS,  bishop  and  confessor  at  Bergomum, 
cir.  A.D.  75 ;  commemorated  Aug.  27  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Aug.  vi.  8).  [C.  H.] 

NAKSES.    [Nersas.] 

NARSEUS,  martyr  at  Alexandria ;  com- 
memorated July  15  (Usuard.  Mart.)        [C.  H.] 

NARTHALUS,  one  of  the  twelve  Scillitanian 
martyrs;  commemorated  at  Carthage  July  17 
(Vet.  Rom.  Mart.);  also  written  Natalus  and 
Xarzalis  (Usuard.  Mart,  and  Var.  Lect.).  [       ] 

NARTHEX  (vdpBr]^,  irpovdos,  av\wv,  (qy. 
aiiXri)  by  Paul  the  Silentiary ;  aroa  by  Hesychius  ; 
Faradi-us.)  (1)  The  word  first  of  all  means  the 
plant  called  giant-fennel,  which  was  used  as  a 
cane  ;  then  it  means  a  cane  or  staff,  and  even  a 
surgeon's  splint.  In  Christian  ecclesiology  it  was 
used  to  designate  the  vestibule  of  a  church.  The 
reason  of  this  application  is  given  in  a  passage  of 
Procopius  of  Caesarea  (circa  527)  in  describing 
the  church  which  the  emperor  Justinian  built  at 
Jerusalem  in  honour  of  the  Blessed  Virgin.  "  A 
great  quantity  of  columns,  immense  in  size 
and  in  colour  resembling  a  flame  of  fire,  support 
the  church  (rhu  veui)  on  every  side,  some  below 
and  some  above,  and  some  about  the  cloisters 
(o-Tocts)  which  surround  the  whole  precinct  (iepc)j'), 
exccjit  on  the  side  which  is   turned  towards   the 


NARTHEX 

east.  Of  which  two  stand  before  the  door  of  the 
church  (rov  veoi),  very  fine,  and  probably  second 
to  no  columns  in  the  world.  Next  there  follows 
a  kind  of  cloister  (aTod.  tis)  named  after  he 
narthex,  I  suppose,  from  its  not  being  n^xde 
wide."  (Procopius,  de  Acdijiciis,  lib.  v.  cap.  6,  ed. 
Dindorf  in  Corpus  Scriptorum  Historiae  Byzan- 
tinae,  vol.  iii.  p.  323,  Bonn,  1838.)  It  is  laid 
down  by  Hofmann  (Lex.  Univ.  s.  v.)  that  the 
length  of  the  narthex  was  the  whole  width  of 
the  church. 

Another  etymology,  unnoticed  by  Bingham 
and  others,  but  exclusively  relied  on  by  the 
Etymologium  Magnum,  and  the  Lexicon  of 
Zonaras,  connects  the  word  narthex  with  vipQ^v 
(napaTh  v4p9ev  ehai  rov  vaov  [al.  lect.  &ix^wvos, 
ed.  Gaisford]),  because  it  was  on  a  lower  level  than 
the  body  of  the  church  (see  a  long  note  upon  the 
subject  by  the  commentator  on  the  Concordia 
Rogularum  of  St.  Benedict  of  Anianum,  temp. 
Charlemagne,  ed.  Migne,  Patrol.  Cnrsus,  torn. 
103,  p.  1010).  This  however  does  not  appeai- 
to  be  in  accordance  with  the  fact.  For  it  will 
be  seen  lower  down,  that  in  some  cases  the 
narthex  was  the  receptacle  of  the  female  part  of 
the  congregation,  and  that  that  receptacle  was 
upon  a  higher,  not  a  lower,  level  than  the  body 
of  the  church.     [Nave.] 

The  word  is  used  sometimes  of  a  part  within 
the  church,  and  sometimes  of  one  without ; 
but  it  always  means  a  part  of  the  church 
further  from  the  altar  than  the  part  where 
the  faithful  were  assembled.  Hence  it  was 
a  place  for  the  catechumens.  Near  them  tho 
possessed  (xftM-^-C^/^^^oh  Syn.  Ancyr.  Can.  17) 
seem  anciently  to  have  had  their  place,  also  in 
the  narthex.  The  entrance  from  the  narthex 
to  the  nave  was,  according  to  Beveridge,  by  the 
"  beautiful  gates"  [DoORS,  p.  573],  near  which, 
as  the  most  honourable  pan  of  the  narthex,  the 
Audientes  stood.  The  communication  of  the 
narthex  with  the  outside  was  through  the 
"  great  gates  "  (fji.eyd\ai  TTu\ai).  The  jdace  of 
the  Catechumeni  in  the  narthex  was  near  these 
last  gates.  The  Energumensor  possessed  coming 
between  the  Catechumens  and  the  Audientes. 

A  passage  of  St.  Gregory  Thaumaturgus  shews 
distinctly  that  in  his  plan  the  narthex  was 
within  the  gate  of  the  church.  He  says  that  the 
Audientes  were  to  do  their  part  "within  the  gate 
(of  the  church)  in  the  narthex,"  (evSoBi  rTjs 
i7v\r\s  ev  roi  vdpOriKi),  EpAst.  Canonica,  Can.  xi. 
See  a  discussion  of  the  several  views  in  the  coin- 
mentarv  of  Du  Cange  upon  Paul  the  Silentiary, 
cap.  8l'. 

Leo  Allatius  wrote  a  tract  upon  the  narthex, 
in  which  he  refutes  the  opinion  that  the  narthex 
was  in  the  porch,  and  shews  that  it  was  inside  the 
church,  near  the  door,  and  that  it  was  the  place 
where  the  Catechumens,  the  Energumens,  and  the 
Penitents  were  gathered. 

Du  Cange  (Gloss.  Graec.  s.  v.  986)  points  to  a 
distinction  (and  possibly  to  some  solution  of  the 
discrepancy  amongst  writers)  between  monastic 
and  non-monastic  churches ;  and  he  affirms  that 
in  the  latter  class,  the  narthex  was  outside,  not 
inside,  the  church.  In  monastic  churches,  a  dis- 
tinction had  to  be  made  between  the  fraternity 
and  the  general  public ;  and  accordingly  such 
churches  were  divided  internally  into  three 
parts  :  (1)  the  Bema  (Sacrarium)  with  the  screen  ; 
(2)  the  yahs,  for  the  monks,  with  rails  separating 


NAEZALIS 

it  from  (3)  the  narthex  for  the  non-monastic 
public.  Du  Cange  quotes  a  MS.  Life  of  St.  Paul 
Latreusis,  which  says  that  his  body  was  buriod 
"  in  the  choir  of  the  church  (^vaov) ;  we  have 
been  accustomed  to  call  the  place  a  narthex."  As 
to  the  distinction  between  monastic  and  non- 
monastic  churches  in  the  East,  Magri  (^Hiero- 
lexicon,  s.  v.)  gives  a  difterent  account,  which  he 
says  depends  upon  his  own  observation.  The 
narthex,  he  says,  in  monastic  churches  serves 
for  lay  monks,  and  in  secular  churches  for 
women.  In  the  latter  case  it  is  fenced  off  by 
grilles  and  rails. 

A  search  has  been  made  in  vain  for  any  tran- 
scription of  the  Greek  word  by  any  of  the  earlier 
latin  writers.  It  appears  to  be  always  trans- 
lated by  porticus,  atrium,  or  some  kindred  word. 
Bingham,  indeed  {Antiq.  viii.  cap.  4,  s.  2),  while 
he  claims  great  antiquity  for  the  thing,  admits 
that  the  name  itself  is  "  not  very  ancient."  But 
the  passage  quoted  above  from  Gregory  Thaunia- 
turgus  may  be  thought  to  shew  that  even  the  name 
was  more  ancient  than  Bingham  imagined. 

It  is  aflirmed,  indeed,  by  Hofmann  (^Lexicon 
Univ.  s.T.)  that  the  narthex  was  by  the  Latins 
called  Paradisus.  This,  however,  seems  to  be 
strictly  the  name  for  the  cloistered  court,  which 
m  some  of  the  older  basilicas  stood  in  front  of 
the  entrance  to  the  church  proper.  In  the  view 
of  some  writers  narthex  was  the  name  appro- 
priated to  that  side  of  the  quadrangular  cloister 
which  abutted  on  the  church  wall.  It  is  not 
till  the  6th  century  (Greg.  Turon.  lib.  2,  c.  21) 
that  we  find  any  trace  of  the  font  being  placed 
in  this  part  of  the  structure. 

(2)  The  staff  or  sceptre  which  the  Greek 
emperor  carried  in  his  hand  at  the  altar-service 
of  his  coronation.  [H.  T.  A.] 

NAEZALIS.    [Narthalus.] 

NASO  (1)  Martyr,  commemorated  at  Rome, 
in  the  cemetery  of  Praetextatus,  May  10  (Hieron. 
Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

(2)  Martyr,  commemorated  at  Cyprus  July 
12  (Usuard.  Mart. ;   Vet.  Eom.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

NATALE,  also  Natalis,  dies  natalis,  natalitia ; 
yeyidAtov,  rjfiipa  yevedMos.  These  words  desig- 
nate, in  the  language  of  the  early  church,  the 
death-day  of  one  of  the  faithful,  regarded  as  a 
birth  into  eternal  life.  Even  in  the  generation 
which  immediately  succeeded  the  apostles,  we 
find  the  church  saying  of  Polycarp,  "  we  cele- 
brate the  birthday  of  his  testimony  or  martyr- 
dom (r^u  rov  fxapTvpiov  avrov  ii/j.epav  y^vi- 
eAiov) "  {Mart.  Pohjcarpi,  c.  18) ;  and  at  a 
somewhat  later  date,  Tertullian  tells  us  {de 
Corona,  3)  "  oblationes  pro  defunctis,  pro  nata- 
litiis,  annua  die  facimus,"  where  the  word 
natalitia  seems  to  be  used  for  the  death-day,  not 
of  a  martyr  only,  but  of  any  of  the  faithful. 

Pagi  (on  Baronius,  ann.  67,  n.  23)  contends 
that  the  natalis  of  a  martyr  in  the  calendar  is 
rarely  his  actual  death-day,  but  commonly  that 
of  the  translation  of  his  relics,  as  in  time  of 
persecution  the  actual  death-day  could  not 
generally  be  discovered.  Muratori,  on  the  con- 
trary (Da  SS.  Martt.  NataUtiis)  believes  that 
the  church  took  all  po.ssible  pains  to  determine 
this  very  point.  The  writer  of  the  Acta  S. 
Ignatii,  for  instance,  communicates  to  the  faith- 

CHRIST.    ANT.— VOL.    II. 


NATALE 


1379 


ful  the  very  day  of  the  saint's  martyrdom,  that 
they  might  hold  an  assembly  on  that  day  (Acta 
Igyi.  c.  6).  Cyprian,  too,  (Epist.  37)  required 
that  the  death-days  of  such  of  the  faithful  as 
died  in  prison  should  be  communicated  to  him, 
in  order  that  they  might  be  commemorated  by 
an  oblation  on  that  day.  In  this  way  were 
formed  Calendars  and  Martyrologies.  Cal- 
endars of  this  kind  were  also  common  among 
pagans.  In  the  records,  for  instance,  of  the 
collegium  of  Lanuvium,  published  by  j\lommsen 
(de  CoUegiis,  p.  112),  we  find  the  death-days 
which  were  to  be  celebrated  by  members  of  the 
collegium  set  down  thus  :  "  xiii.  Kal.  Sept.  natali 
Caesenni  Silvari  patris,"  etc.  Here  we  have  the 
form  adopted  in  the  oldest  Christian  calendars 
(De  Rossi,  Roma  Sott.  i.  210).  We  have  but  to 
substitute  some  such  name  as  "  Callisti "  for 
"  Caesenni  "  and  we  have  at  once  a  Christian 
entry.     [Compare  Martyr,  pp.  1123,  1127.] 

In  inscriptions,  Natale  or  natalis  is  very 
common. 

To  take  two  examples  out  of  a  multitude  ; 
the  iiiscription  SANCTIS  martyribvs  tievrtio  jj 

BALERIANO     ET      MAXIMO     QVORVM     ||    NATALES 

\_natalii\  EST  xviii.  kalendas  Maias  tells  us 
that  the  death-day  of  the  martyrs  Tiburtius, 
Valerianus  and  Maximus  was  on  the  eighteenth 
day  before  the  calends  of  May  ;  and  the  inscrip- 
tion PARENTES  FILIO  MERCVRIO  FECE|1rVNT  QVI 
VIXIT  ANN.  V.  ET   MESES  VIII.   |1  NATVS  IN  PACE 

IDVS  Febrv,  that  the  child  Mercurius  was  "  born 
in  peace  " — i.e.  died — on  the  ides  of  February 
(Mamachi,  Origines,  ii.  230  ;  Marangoni,  Acta  S. 
Vict.  p.  88).  It  was  in  accordance  with  this 
feeling  that  the  anniversary  of  a  Christian's 
death-day  was  celebrated  with  the  rejoicing 
which  generally  accompanies  a  birthday  [Cella 
Memoriae].  It  will  be  observed  in  the  two 
inscriptions  given  above — and  the  same  is  the 
case  with  all  inscriptions  of  that  antiquity — 
that  no  year-date  is  given  ;  it  was  sufficient  to 
mark  the  day  on  which  the  annual  commemo- 
ration was  to  be  held. 

The  natalia  of  distinguished  persons  naturally 
soon  came  to  be  used  themselves  as  dates.  Thus 
in  an  inscription  given  by  De  Rossi,  Studentia  is 
said  to  have  died  on  the  natale  of  pope  Marcelias 
(Jan.  16). 

In  process  of  time,  the  word  natalis  came  to 
mean  little  more  than  an  annual  festival,  and 
was  applied  to  commemorations  to  which  in 
the  strict  sense  it  was  inapplicable  ;  thus  the 
Kalendarium  Buchenanum  (Kuinart,  p.  617)  has 
"VIII.  Kal.  Mart.  Natale  Petri  de  Cathedra," 
for  the  festival  of  the  Chair  of  St.  Peter.  And 
the  word  was  also  not  unfrequently  used  for  the 
anniversary  of  the  ordination  of  a  bishop.  It 
designated  also,  with  a  certain  appropriateness, 
the  anniversary  festival  of  the  foundation  of  a 
city. 

The  day  of  the  Institution  of  the  Lord's 
Supper  is  called  Natalis  Calicis,  or  Dies  Natalis 
Eucharistiae.     [Maundy  Thursday,  p.  1160.] 

The  Natalis  Dumiiii  is  the  birthday  of  the 
Lord  in  the  flesh  [Christmas  Day,  p.  35G]  ; 
the  entrance  into  the  life  of  this  world  of  St. 
John  Baptist  [p.  881]  is  also  a  festival. 

(Probst,  Kirchliche  Disciplin  der  drei  crsten 
christlichen  Jahrhundcrte,  \^.  127  ff.  ;  Marti  gny, 
Diet,  des  Antlq.  chrct.  s.  v.  Natale  ;  Bingham's 
Aniiq.  iv.  §  vi.  i:..)  [C] 

4  U 


1380 


NATALLl 


NATALIA,  martyr,  with  her  husband 
Adrianus  ;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia  Aug.  26 
(Basil.  Alenol;  Cal.  Byzant.;"Da.me\,  Cod.  Liturg. 
iv.  266)  ;  ^ept.  28  {Vet.  Eom.  Mart.);  Nathalia, 
Dec.  1  (Usuard.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

NATALIS  (1)  Martyr,  commemorated  in 
the  East  Jan.  17  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr,  commemorated  at  Rome,  in  the 
Forum  Simphrouii,  Feb.  2  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Archbishop  of  Milan,  a.d.  751;  commemo- 
rated Jlay  13  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mar.  iii.  241.). 

(4)  Presbyter  and  confessor,  third  or  eighth 
century  ;  commemorated  Aug.  21  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Aug.  iv.  409).  [C.  H.] 

NATALUS.    [Narthalus.] 

NATATORIA  or  NATATORIUM,  a  word 
sometimes  used  to  designate  a  baptismal  font, 
KoXvfj.fiT)9pa  "  in  natatorio  Sancti  Martyris 
Barlaae  "  {Hist.  Miscell.  in  Zenone,  apud  Ducauge, 
Gloss.).  In  Sidonius  Apollinaris  it  is  found  in 
its  ordinary  sense  for  a  swimming  bath.  {Epist. 
lib.  ii.  Ep.  2).  "  Natatoria  "  is  the  translation  of 
KoXvix^ridpa  Joh.  ix.  7.  Vulg.  and  Joh.  v.  2. 
Vet.  Lat.  (Vulg.  "  piscina  probatica  "),  and  is 
so  used  by  St.  Ambrose  {de  Myst.  c.  iv.  §  22). 
[E.  v.] 

NATHALIA,     martyr,    with    Liliosa     and 
others  ;  commemorated  Aug.  28  (Usuard.  Mart.) 
[C.  H.] 

NATHANAEL  of  Cana  (St.  John  i.),  com- 
memorated Ap.  22  (Basil.  Menol.)  ;  July  4  {Cal. 
Ethiop.).  [C.  H.] 

NATIVITY,  THE  (in  Art).  It  has  been 
remarked  in  a  previous  article  (Mary,  the 
Virgin,  in  Art)  that  while  the  Adoration  of  the 
Magi  IS  one  of  the  commonest  subjects  in  early 
Christian  art,  the  Nativity,  with  the  contem- 
poraneous gospel  fact,  the  Adoration  of  tlie 
Shephei'ds,  is  one  of  the  very  rarest.  Indeed 
it  cannot  be  said  to  belong  to  pictorial  art  at 
all.  It  does  not  once  appear  in  the  innumer- 
able catacomb  frescoes.  It  is  equally  absent 
from  the  mosaics  of  the  basilicas  and  churches. 
The  only  examples  of  the  subject  are  sculptural, 
and  must  be  looked  for  on  minor  works,  such  as 
sarcophagi,  ivories,  and  gems,  and  even  here  it  is 
by  no  means  frequent. 

The  representations  of  this  scene  generallv 
follow  one  type.  We  usually  see  the  Divine  Child 
wrapped  in  its  swaddling  bands  as  the  central 
object,  lying  either  in  a  basket-work  manger,  or 
on  a  tall  stool,  vested  with  han^gings.  The  Babe  is 
sometimes  recumbent ;  but  more  usually  the 
head  and  shoulders  are  raised  without  any 
support,  in  supposed  allusion  to  Matt.  viii.  20, 
Luke  ix.  58.  The  star  appears  above.  The 
virgin  mother  sometimes  lies  on  a  rude  couch  as 
a  newly  delivered  woman,  either  above  or  below 
the  Infant,  on  which  she  lays  her  right  hand, 
sometimes  sits  by  the  manger.  Joseph,  when 
present,  is  seated  at  its  foot,  rapt  in  thought, 
his  head  resting  on  his  hand.  The  ox  and  the 
ass,  the  traditional  accompaniments  of  the 
nativity,  in  allusion  to  Isai.  i.  3,  Habak.  iii.  (cf. 
Baron.  Annot.  i.  §  3 ;  Tillemont,  i.  423)  appear 
either  behind,  or  at  the  head  and  foot  of  the 
rnanger.  'I  he  shepherds,  with  curved  staves  in 
their  hands,  stand  by  adoring. 


NATIVITY 

The  representations  of  the  nativity  on  sarco- 
phagi are  rare.  The  pediment  of  that  which 
forms  the  substructure  of  the  pulpit  of  the 
basilica  of  St.  Ambrose  at  Milan,  offers  an 
example.  The  divine  Babe  lies  on  a  bed,  unat- 
tended, the  star  resting  on  its  head,  while  at  its 
feet  couch  the  ox  and  the  ass  (Allegranza,  Monum. 
di  Milan,  p.   63,  tav.  v. ;    Martigny,    Dictionn. 


No.  1.    Nativity.    Sarcopbngus  under  Pulpit,  St.  Ambrogio,  Milan^ 

p.  89 ;  woodcut  No.  1).  We  find  the  same 
subject  very  rudely  portra)^ed  on  a  sarcophagus 
at  Aries,  figured  by  Millin  {Midi  de  la  France, 
pi.  Ixvi.  No.  4).  Christ  here  lies  on  a  wicker- 
work  cradle,  to  the  left  of  which  His  mother  is 
seated,  and  on  the  right  stands  one  of  the  shep- 
herds with  his  right  arm  extended,  holding  his 
pastoral  staff  in  his  left  hand.  The  ox  and  ass 
are  seen  in  the  background.  Joseph  is  absent. 
In  a  compartment  below  we  find  the  three  Magi, 
with  Phrygian  bonnets.  The  ox  and  ass  are  also 
represented  in  adoration  on  a  sepulchral  fragment 
assigned  to  a.d.  343,  given  by  De  Rossi  {Inscr, 
Christ.  Rom.  i.  p.  51,  No.  73).  Here  the  Infant 
lies  on  the  ground,  and  we  have  two  shepherds 
standing  with  hands  outstretched  in  adoration. 
The  scene  is  similarly  represented  on  two  Roman 
sarcophagi  (Aringhi,  i.  p.  615,  ii.  355  ;  Bottari, 
tav.  Ixxxv.  and  cxciii. ;  Bosio,  pp.  327,  589).    The 


i|iiiiiiiiimiiiiiiiiiriiiip'if 


nirTrnwwii 


Sarcophagus.    (Bosio,  p.  237.) 


former,  of  which  we  give  a  woodcut  (No.  2),  is 
a  double  subject ;  the  left-hand  half  representing 
the  Adoration  of  the  Magi.  It  will  be  noticed 
that  one  of  the  shepherds  kisses  his  hand  in 
token  of  worship.  On  the  sarcophagi  it  is  not  at 
all  unusual  to  find,  by  a  continuation  of  the  two 
subjects,  the  accessories  of  the  nativity,  the  ox 
and  the  ass,  together  with  the  swaddled  babe 
and  the  manger,  forming  part  of  the  Adoration 
of  the  Magi.  (Bottari,  tav.  xxii.,  Ixxxv.,  Ixxxvi. ; 
Aringhi,  i.  pp.  295,  617;  Bosio,  63.) 

The  nativity  is  a  somewhat  frequent  subject 
on  ivories.  The  great  collection  of  Gori  {Thesanr. 
vet.  diptych,  vol.  iii.)  presents  several  examples. 
He  gives  the  ivory  sheath  of  a  knife  (tab.  x.),  on 
one  side  of  which  are  carved  scenes  from  the 
opening  of  the  Gospel  histoiy — the  Annimciation, 
Nativity,  Adoration  of  the  Magi,  Presentation  in 
the  Temple,  and  on  the  other  side  scenes  from 
the  Passion.  The  nativity  follows  the  type 
given  below  (woodcut    No.    3),    only   that   "the 


NATIVITY 

Virgin  lies  on  a  higher  couch  than  the  child.  In 
the  background  are  two  pensile  lamps,  and  the 
star.  An  ivory  tablet  in  the  treasury  of 
the  cathedral  of  Milan  (tab.  xxxii)  represents 
the   same  scene,  the  Virgin   lying  below;    uu- 


NAVE 


1381 


No.  3.    Gem  from  Vettori. 

□imbed  angels  stand  at  the  head  and  foot  of  the 
manger.  Joseph  sits  in  deep  thought.  In  the 
foreground  are  placed  a  basin  and  flagon  for 
water.  Itis  inscribed  H.  FGNHCIC.  Another 
ivory  from  the  Cospian  Museum  at  Bologna 
(tab.  sxxv.)  corresponds  with  this  in  almost  all 
its  details,  but  the  workmanship  is  very  coarse 
(cf.  tab.  xxxix.).  The  treatment  in  the  ivory 
given  (tab.  xi.)  is  somewhat  different.  The 
Virgin,  half  standing,  half  kneeling,  supports 
her  Child  on  the  manger.  Joseph  sits  meditating. 
Angels,  unnimbed,  stand  by  the  manger,  above 
which  the  star  casts  a  trail  of  light,  on  which 
one  of  two  shepherds  below  is  gazing  with  elevated 
eyes,  while  his  companion  kneels,  with  his  ofler- 
ing  of  a  lamb  standing  by. 

A  gem  engraved  by  Vettori  (Kumm.  Aen.  ExpUc. 
p.  37  ;  Perret,  Catacombes,  torn.  iv.  pi.  xvi.  No.  84) 
furnishes  a  good  example  of  the  type  described 
above  (woodcut  No.  3).  Both  angels  and  shep- 
herds are  absent.     The  moon  appears  as  well  as 


No.  4.     Nativity.    Cameo  from  Venuti. 

the  star.  The  whole  scene  breathes  a  holy  calm. 
Cut  No.  4  gives  one  half  of  a  much  mutilated 
green  cameo  of  the  Gth  century,  representing 
the  same  type.  It  is  engraved  and  described  by 
Venuti  (Accadem.  di  Cortona,  torn.  vii.  p.  45, 
t.iv.  ii.  14).  The  mutilated  in.scription  below 
the  subject  refers  to  the  lost  half  of  the  cameo, 
on  which  was  cut  the  visitation,  H  i/Troirai/Te 
ivpa.  /xrj-rpos  xpVO-tov.  (Martigny,  art.  Nativite; 
Bcrgers,  Adoration  des  ;  Boeuf  ct  I'Ane.) 

[E.  v.] 
NATIVITY.     [Christmas.] 

NAULIS.    [Navalis.] 


NAVALIS,  martyr  with  Valcntinus  and 
Agricola ;  commemorated  at  Ravenna  Dec.  17 
{Hieron.  Mart.) ;  Naulis  (Usuard.  Mart.). 

[C.  H.] 

NAVE.  (Gr.  pdos  :  evKri'ipiop  tov  \aov  ; 
Lat.  Navis,  Capsum ;  Fr.  J\^cf ;  Ital.  Nave; 
Germ.  Schiff,  Langhaus.)  Authorities  are  not 
agreed  upon  the  etymology  of  the  word,  some 
deriving  it  from  (1)  vdos,  temple,  which  is  the 
ordinary  Greek  term  for  what  we  should  call 
"  the  body  of  the  church  ;  "  and  others  from  (2) 
navis,  a  ship.  The  fact  that  in  several  Eui-opean 
languages  (e.  g.  French  and  Italian),  the  corre- 
sponding word  is  used  to  designate  both  "ship," 
and  "  part  of  a  church,"  may  be  thought  to 
favour  the  latter  hypothesis.  As  being  distinct 
from  the  Sanctuary  upon  the  one  hand  (the 
place  for  clergy),  and  from  the  Porch  (the 
place  for  certain  exceptional  classes  of  people) 
upon  the  other,  it  was  spoken  of  as  the  "  quad- 
rangular oratory  of  the  people  "  {^vKrripiov  ruv 
Xaov  TiTpdytiivov).  As  being  the  receptacle  of 
the  people,  for  whose  salvation  the  church  ex- 
isted, it  was  no  great  stretch  of  fancy  to  speak  of 
it  under  the  figure  of  a  ship.  The  Ark  was  at 
all  times  the  Old  Testament  figure  of  the 
Church.  The  idea  of  the  comparison  between 
the  church  and  a  ship  was  elaborated  very  early. 
There  is  a  long  parallel  in  the  so-called  letter  of 
Clement  I.  to  James,  the  Lord's  brother  (Labbc, 
i.  86,  87),  in  which  the  laity  are  represented  as 
the  passengers  occupying  the  body  of  the  ship. 
The  same  idea  is  worked  at  length  in  the  direc- 
tions to  bishops,  given  in  the  Apostolic  Constitu- 
tions, lib.  ii.  cap.  57  (Labbe,  i.),  "  And  first  let 
the  house  be  oblong,  turned  towards  the  east, 
the  Pastophoria  on  either  side  towards  the  east. 
seeing  it  resembles  a  ship  "  (iiaris  eoiKe  vrjl).  In 
the  sixth  century  St.  Gregory  the  Great  casually 
(Expos.  Moralis  in  Job,  lib.  xvii.  cap.  14)  con- 
nects the  same  imagery  with  the  church  as 
containing  an  audience  whose  safety  had  to  be 
secured.  The  resemblance  of  nave  to  its  Greek 
equivalent  (yaos)  may  be  nothing  more  than 
accidental.  The  earliest  description  of  the 
architecture  of  a  church  which  Christian  litera- 
ture presents  is,  according  to  Fleury  {Hist.  Eccl. 
vol.  iii.),  the  account  of  the  church  at  Tyre 
restored  by  its  bishop,  Paulinus  (Euseb.  Hist. 
Eccl.  lib.  X.  cap.  4).  In  this  church,  the  nave 
was  entered  from  the  cloistered  area  outside  by 
three  doors,  of  which  (as  in  many  modern 
churches)  the  centre  one  far  exceeded  the  other 
two  both  in  size  and  in  magnificence,  for  It  was 
overlaid  with  brazen  plates  and  divers  carvings. 

In  the  nave  the  place  of  the  women  was 
distinct  from  that  of  the  men — it  was  on  a  dif- 
ferent story  (virepwop)  of  the  structure,  so  that 
the  women  were  not  visible  to  the  men.  This 
design  of  making  the  women  invisible  gives 
colour  to  the  opinion  of  some  writers  that  the 
position  of  the  women  was  at  the  lower  end  ol 
the  nave  farthest  from  the  sanctuary  towanis 
which  the  faces  of  the  men  would  naturally  be 
turned.  (See  a  note  of  Billius  upon  the  19th 
oration  of  St.  Gregory  of  Nazianzum.  Works, 
vol.  ii.  p.  7'z8,  ed.  Colon.)     [GALLEiiY.] 

In  early  days  the  right  of  asylum  for  criminal.s 
extended  to  the  nave  as  well  as  to  the  altar  of 
the  church.     See  Sanctuary. 

In  later  days  the  nave  has  often  been  put  to 
base   purposes    (c,  g.  buying  and  selling).      A 


1382 


NAYICULA 


search  has  been  made  in  vain  for  any  trace  of 
similar  desecration  within  the  period  embraced 
in  this  Dictionary;  unless  indeed  such  a  prohibi- 
tion as  that  in  the  42nd  of  the  African  canons 
be  taken  as  a  proof  that  a  habit  was  growing 
in  Africa  of  converting  the  body  of  the  church 
into  a  banqueting  hall.  (Labbe,  vol.  ii.  p.  1070, 
ed.  Paris.) 

The  plans  of  an  early  church  that  have  been 
worked  out  from  ancient  writers  by  Goar  and 
our  own  learned  Bishop  Beveridge  ditfer  from 
each  other  in  several  respects ;  but  they  both 
agree  in  assigning  the  nave  as  the  place  of  the 
Ambo  or  Pulpit.  Not  only  were  the  Scripture 
Lessons  read  from  this  pulpit,  but  it  was  some- 
times (not  always)  used  for  preaching,  so  that 
some  of  St.  Chrysostom's  famous  harangues 
were  delivered  from  it.  A  phrase  of  Socrates 
the  historian  shews  why  the  nave  was  chosen 
as  the  locality  for  it.  He  says  (^Hist.  lib.  vi. 
cap.  5,  circa  med.),  that  St.  Chrysostom  had 
been  in  the  habit  of  preaching  from  this  position, 
"  for  the  sake  of  being  completely  heard." 

Some  idea  of  the  size  which  a  nave  sometimes 
assumed  in  early  days  may  be  gathered  from 
the  description  given  by  Evagrius  Scholasticus 
of  the  church  of  St.  Sophia  at  Constantinople, 
which  was  built  by  Justinian  in  the  fifth  cen- 
tury. "The  length  from  the  door  opposite  the 
sacred  apse,  wherein  the  function  of  the  blood- 
less sacrifice  is  celebrated,  up  to  the  apse  itself, 
is  a  hundred  and  ninety  fe<*t  (this  probably 
mcluded  a  Narthe.x  as  well  as  a  Nave)  ;  and  the 
breadth  from  north  to  south  is  a  hundred  and 
fifteen  feet."     (Evagr.  Hist.  lib.  iv.  cap.  31.) 

An  early  church,  which  is  described  to  us  is 
that  built  in  the  time  of  king  Childeric  over  the 
sepulchre  of  St.  Martin,  at  Tours,  by  Perpetuus, 
the  fifth  bishop  of  the  see  from  St.  Martin 
himself.  Its  total  length  was  a  hundred  and 
sixty  feet,  its  breadth  sixty  feet,  and  its  height 
forty-five  feet.  Its  nave  had  twenty  windows 
and  five  doors.  (Greg.  Turon.  Hist.  Franc. 
lib.  ii.  cap.  14.)  Another  church  of  the  same 
period  was  that  of  Arverne.  It  was  a  hundred 
and  fifty  feet  long,  sixty  feet  wide,  and  fifty  feet 
high.  This  church  likewise  had  eight  doors,  of 
which  Mabillon  {Do  Liturgid  Gallicana,  lib.  i. 
cap.  8)  concludes  that  five  were  in  the  nave, 
that  is  to  say,  three  in  the  western  fafade,  and 
one  upon  each  side. 

It  is  stated  by  Henke  that  the  word  Navis  was 
first  used  to  designate  a  part  of  a  church  by  the 
Latin  writers  of  the  ninth  and  tenth  centuries. 
He  does  not  give  the  passages  upon  which  he 
relies;  but  unless  he  refers  to  other  passages 
than  those  which  are  given  by  Du  Fresne, 
A\  V.  '  Navis,'  or  by  Magri  (Hierolexicon),  it  is 
perhaps  open  to  question  whether  the  date 
should  not  be  placed  still  a  little  later.  See  his 
view  in  Herzog's  Eeal-Encyklopddic,  art. 
'  Baukunst,'  p.  731,  near  the  end.       [H.  T.  A.] 

NAVICULA,  the  vessel  in  which  incense  is 
placed  for  the  supply  of  the  Thurible,  so  called 
because  it  is  often  made  in  a  shape  resembling  a 
boat.  [C.l 

NAVITUS,  bishop  and  martyr,  either  at 
Treves  or  Tongres,  perhaps  in  the  third  century  ; 
commemorated  July  7  (Boll.  Ada  SS.  Jul.  ii. 
464).  [C.  H.] 


NECEOLOGIUM 

NAZAKIUS  (1)  Martyr,  with  Nabor,  com- 
memorated June  12  (Bed.  Mart.);  at  Rome 
(Hicron.  Mart.  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jun.  ii.  516) ;  at 
Milan  (Usuard.  Mart.  ;   Vet.  Bom.  Mart.) 

(2)  Martyr,  with  Gervasius,  Protasus,  Celsus  ; 
commemorated  at  Milan  June  19  (Hieron.  Mart.; 
Vet.  Rom.  Mart.);  July  28  (Hieron.  Mart.); 
Boll.  (Acta  SS.  Jul.  vi.  533);  Oct.  14  (BasiL 
McnoL;  Cat.  Byzant. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturq.iw. 
271).  ^ 

(3)  Martyr,  commemorated  in  Asia  July  17 
(Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr,  commemorated  in  Africa  July  18 
(Hieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr,  with  the  virgins  Juliana  and 
Agape;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia  Aug.  8 
(Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  ii.  341). 

(6)  Martyr,  commemorated  at  Antioch  Oct. 
30  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

NEAECHUS,  martyr  in  Armenia,  cir.  A.d. 
260;  commemorated  Aj).  22  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  J\p. 
iii.  12).  [C.  H.] 

NEBRIDIUS,  bishop  of  Egara  in  Spain,  iu. 
the  sixth  century  ;  commemorated  Feb.  9  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  301).  [C.  H.l 

NECEOLOGIUM.  The  book  in  which  were 
entered  the  names  of  the  dead  for  whom  prayer 
was  made  in  religious  houses.  It  was  a  sur- 
vival of  the  primitive  diptychs,  but  admitted 
generally  only  the  names  of  members  of  the 
house,  of  its  benefactors,  and  those  with  whoni 
the  community  had  entered  into  a  compact  for 
mutual  intercession. 

This  book  had  no  settled  name  within  our 
period,  and  afterwards  it  was  variously  called 
necrologium,  obitarium,  obituarium,  liber  obit- 
arius  (all  late  mediaeval),  Kalendarium  (as,  e.g., 
in  a  letter  of  communion  between  the  monks  of 
St.  Remigius  and  those  of  St.  Benignus,  "  We  do 
for  their  dead  as  for  our  own  ;  except  that  briefs 
are  not  sent,  nor  are  they  put  in  the  kalendar 
among  our  own  people,"  Literae  ad  ineundam 
Suffragiorum  Sucietatem,  v.,  in  Mabill.  Anal.  Vet. 
160,  ed.  2;  Anselm:  "Tell  us  his  name  and 
the  day  of  his  death,  that  it  may  be  written  in 
our  Kalendar,"  Epist.  i.  21), — Liber  Vitae  (e.g., 
Bertram,  bishop  of  ilans,  A.D.  616,  made  be- 
quests to  several  churches,  on  condition  that 
his  name  and  the  names  of  certain  others  should 
be  "recited  m  the  book  of  life  in  the  said 
church,"  Act.  Pontif.  Cenom.  c.  11,  in  Mabill. 
Anal.  Vet.  257,  261,  263),— Marty rologium  ("  an- 
niversario  quod  in  nostro  raartyrologioscribitur," 
Litterae,  iv.  U.S.),  which  was  common, — and 
Memoriale  ("  Postquam  defuncti  fuerint,  post 
patres  nostros  defunctos  in  memorial!  defuuc- 
torum  scribantur,"  Litterae,  iii.  M.S. ;  "  Fratrum 
Memoriale,"  Bernard!  Urdo  Clun.  i.  27  in  Vet. 
Discipl.  Mon.  Hergott,  208),  or  Liber  Memorialis 
(in  libro  memorial!  quemcumque  vult(prior),  facit 
notari,"  S.  Wilhelm!  Constit.  Hirsaug.  ii.  17,. 
Hergott,  M.S.  494). 

In  i'he  Hisciplina  Farfarensis  of  Gnido  (ad  calc.) 
may  be  seen  formulae,  under  which  names  of 
diflerent  classes  were  entered.  One  direction 
runs  thus:  "In  martyrologio  taliter  scribendi 
sunt  mouachi,  vel  amici.  Obierunt  Adalgarius, 
Gcrbertus  nostrae  co7igregationis  monackus,  et  de- 


NECROLOGIUM 

positio  Domni  Conradi  Segis,  et  Hcnrici  Duels, 
amicorum  nostrorum.  Ihdimus  nostrae  comjr. 
monachus,  et  sic  de  aliis."     (Hergott,  132.) 

Proofs  are  numerous  of  the  use  of  necro'.ogia, 
though  not  under  a  fixed  name,  within  our  period. 
Thus,  according  to  Bede,  a  boy  living  in  a  monas- 
tery was  told  in  a  vision  (about  A.D.  686)  to 
direct  the  monks,  "  quaerere  in  suis  codicibus 
in  quibus  defunctorum  annotata  est  depositio," 
for  the  day  of  St.  Oswald's  death,  642.  The 
priest  to  whom  he  told  this  accordingly  "  searched 
for  it  in  his  year-book"  (annali ;  Hist.  Eccl.  iv. 
14-.)  Bede,  who  died  in  735,  to  Eadfred,  the 
bishop,  and  the  monks  of  Lindisfarne :  "  When  I 
am  dead  deign  to  pray  and  celebrate  masses  i'or 
the  redemption  of  my  soul,  as  for  one  of  your 
own  family  and  house,  and  to  write  my  name 
among  your  own"  {Vita  Cuthberti,  praef.  2). 
Boniface,  in  752,  writing  to  an  abbat :  "  We 
pray  that  you  will  cause  to  be  celebrated  helpful 
prayers  and  masses  for  the  souls  of  our  brethren, 
fellow-labourers  in  the  Lord,  who  have  fallen 
asleep,  whose  names  the  bearer  of  this  letter 
has  made  known  to  you  "  {Epist.  100,  ed.  Wiirdt- 
wein).  In  755,  king  Alhred  promises  Lullus  of 
Mentz  that  he  will,  in  return  for  prayers  to  be 
offered  in  his  diocese  for  the  king,  his  queen,  and 
several  of  his  friends  and  kin,  undertake  that 
prayers  shall  daily  be  offered  in  all  the  monas- 
teries in  his  dominions  for  Lullus,  and  others 
ivhose  names  he  had  sent  to  the  king.  These 
names,  he  sa3's,  in  general  terms,  would  be  com- 
mitted "  perpetuis  literarum  monumentis,"  from 
which  we  infer  that  no  specific  name  for  the 
monastic  obituary  was  known  to  him  {Epist.  108 
inter  Epp.  Bonif.,  see  also  115,  121,  127,  160, 
&c.) 

From  the  expression  "year-book,"  used  by 
Bede,  we  might  infer  that  generally  the  name  of 
a  deceased  person  was  read  out  of  the  necrology 
once  a  year,  viz.,  on  the  anniversary  of  their 
death.  This  is  confirmed  by  documentary  evi- 
dence ;  as  e.g.,  by  the  "  Litterae  Societatis" 
between  two  monasteries  in  France  (Acta  O.S.B. 
saec.  IL  1093):  "Nomina  vero  defunctorum 
fratrum  Stabulensis  coenobii  Martyrologio 
Solemniacensi  per  singulos  dies  cum  suorum 
fratrum  anniversariis  recitabuntur "  (cited  by 
Martene,  de  Antiq.  3fonach.  Hit.  i.  v.  27).  But 
other  days  might  be  fixed  by  special  covenant  or 
injunction.  Thus  Bertram  of  Mans  (m.  s.  263): 
"  Nomen  meum  ac  sacerdotes  illorum  (supra- 
scriptorum  locorum)  in  libro  vitae  jubeant  ascri- 
bere,  et  per  singulas  festivitates  recitari." 

The  names  for  the  day  were  read  from  the 
necrology  in  the  chapter  of  the  monks  after 
prime.  They  came  after  a  lesson  from  the  mar- 
tyrology  (properly  so-called),  and  were  followed 
by  the  psalm  Be  Profuivlis,  with  a  suitable 
lu-ayer  (Bona,  Rer.  Liturg.  IL  xiv.  2).  De  iVIoleon 
(^r.e  Brun  Desmarets)  found  this  custom  surviv- 
ing among  the  canons  of  Notre  Dame  at  Rouen, 
ill  the  middle  of  the  last  century  (Voyages 
Lituri/i'iues,  282). 

When  the  notice  of  a  death  was  sent  for  entry 
ill  a  necrologium,  the  document  was  called  Breve 
,u-  Brevis  (Litterae  Societatis,  i.  v.  u.s.)  or  Liber 
Jvotularis  (Hariulfus,  Chronic.  Ccntulense,  iii.  9, 
ill  Spicil.  Dacher.  ii.  316,  ed.  2). 

A  special  messenger  was  sent  with  the  brief. 
When  Rolfe  (their  abbat)  died  the  monks  of 
Ccntr.lc  are  said  to  have  sent  a  book  roll  to  au- 


NECROMANTIA 


1383 


nounce  his  departure  "  through  the  churches  and 
places  of  the  saints  with  whom  he  had  entered 
into  a  fellowship  of  mutual  prayers  "  (Hariulf, 
K.s.).  The  messenger  who  carried  it  was  called 
breviger,  brevigerulus,  rotularius,  rotuliger, 
rotliger,  rotlifer,  rolliger,  rollifer  (Ducange  in 
vv.).  At  each  monastery  he  received  a  written 
promise  of  prayers,  which  document  was  called 
titulus.  This  was  sometimes  in  verse,  an  ex- 
ample of  which  may  be  seun  in  Ducange,  under 
BoUifer.  At  length  it  was  brought  back  to  the 
house  that  sent  it  forth,  and  there  kept.  Such  a 
brief,  issued  by  the  nuns  of  Lillechirch  at 
Higham  in  Kent,  accompanied  by  the  tituli  of  no 
less  than  363  religious  houses,  is  preserved  in 
the  Library  of  St.  John's  College,  Cambridge. 
The  following  is  one  of  the  tituli : — "  Titiilus 
Ecclesiae  Sancti  Augustini  Cant.  Anima  dominae 
Amphelisae  priorissae  de  Lillechirch,  et  Animae 
omnium  fidelium  defunctorum  per  misericordiam 
Dei  requiescant  in  pace.  Amen.  Concedimus 
ei  commune  beneficium  ecclesiae  nostrae.  Oramus 
pro  vestris  :  orate  pro  nostris."  The  last  two 
clauses,  "  Oramus,"  &c.,  are  common  to  all  the 
tituli.  "  Haeftenus  supplies  examples  of  these 
briefs  in  Disquisitionum  Monasticorum  tom. 
ii.  p.  793"  (Mabillon,  Observ.  in  Anal.  Vet. 
160). 

Short  notices  of  this  subject  may  be  seftu  in 
the  Annal.  Benedict,  (ad  ann.  859),  iii.  76  ;  Bona, 
Rer.  Liturg.  ii.  14,  §  2  ;  Martene,  cfe^ni.  Monach. 
Rit.  I.  V.  22-33;  Merati,  Novae  Observat.  ad 
Gavanti  in  Rubr.  Breviar.  V.  xxi.  6.  Mabillon. 
Observ.  in  Atialect.  Vetera,  160 ;  and  Salig,  de 
Biptychis,  cap.  six.,  have  treated  it  at  somewhat 
greater  length.  [W.  E.  S.] 

NECROMANTIA  'Barb.  Nigromantia ' 
(yeKpofiavreia,  veKvo/xavrtla,  yfKvla).  There  are 
two  methods  of  divination  by  means  of  the  dead, 
of  which  we  read  within  the  Christian  era.  The 
first  was  by  the  inspection  of  the  viscera.  Thus, 
Juvenal  (vi.  551)  : — 

"  Pectora  puUorum  mirabitur,  exta  catelli 
Interdum  et  pueri." 

Dionysius,  of  Alexandria,  affirms  that  Valerian, 
at  the  instance  of  an  Egyptian  archimage,  "  slew 
miserable  boys,  sacrificed  the  children  of  un- 
happy parents,  and  divided  the  newly  born  en- 
trails "  (Euseb.  Hist.  vii.  10).  Eusebius  relates 
that  Maxentius  "  at  one  time  opened  the  bodies 
of  pregnant  women,  at  another  searched  the 
viscera  of  newly  born  in  flints  "  (Be  Vita  Const,  i. 
36  ;  sim.  Hist.  viii.  14).  Theodoret  says  that 
after  the  death  of  Julian,  it  was  found  that  he 
had  just  before,  in  a  heathen  temple,  drawn  an 
omen  for  the  battle  from  the  liver  of  a  woman, 
murdered  for  that  purpose  (Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  26). 
Socrates  also  tells  us  that  during  the  reign  of 
Julian,  the  heathen  at  Athens,  Alexandria,  and  in 
other  places  "  sacrificed  children,  both  male  and 
female,  and  inspected  their  entrails  "  (Hist.  Eccl. 
iii.  13). 

The  second  method  was  to  raise  the  souls  of 
the  dead,  and  obtain  direct  answers  from  them. 
Of  this  we  read  much  more  frequently.  Thus, 
Justin  Martyr,  A.D.  140,  appeals  to  "necro- 
mancies and  inspections  of  incorrupt  boys  and 
the  calling  of  human  souls,"  as  a  testimony  to 
the  consciousness  of  the  soul  after  death  (Apol. 
i.  18).     In  the  Recognitions  of  Clement  (perhap.^ 


1384 


NECROMANTIA 


about  A.D.  180)  the  writer,  who  speaks  in  the 
first  person,  represents  himself  as  considering 
whether,  in  the  search  of  truth,  he  shall  go  to 
Egypt,  the  chief  seat  of  such  studies,  and  by  gifts 
induce  a  priest  there  "  to  bring  up  a  soul  from 
the  lower  regions,  by  that  which  they  call  necro- 
mancy "  (i.  5 ;  sim.  Horn.  Clem.  i.  4 ;  De  Gest. 
Petri,  5).  These  "  animarum  suscitiones  "  were 
alleged  as  a  counterpoise  to  the  appearance  of 
angels,  as  believed  by  Christians  (ibid.  viii.  53). 
Tertullian,  citing  the  Greek  historians,  says  that 
"  the  Nasamones  endeavoured  to  obtain  oracles 
of  their  own,  by  staying  at  the  sepulchres  of 
their  fathers ;"  and  that,  "  the  Celts  spend  the 
night  with  the  same  object  among  the  tombs  of 
men  of  valour  "  {Pe  Anim.  57).  Constautius,  in 
a  law  of  357,  denounces  those  "qui  manibus 
accitis  audent  ventilare"  (Codex  Theod.  ix.  xvi. 
De  Malef.  5),  where  the  last  word  is  understood 
of  the  motions  and  gesticulations  (beating  the 
air)  with  which  the  necromancer  accompanied 
his  incantation.  Ammianus  relates  that  Maxi- 
min,  a  high  ofEcial  afterwards  put  to  death  by 
Gratiau,  was  reputed  to  have  in  his  service  (about 
368)  a  Sardinian,  who  was  "  exceedingly  skilful 
in  bringing  up  harmful  spii-its,  and  obtaining  the 
presages  of  ghosts  "  (Hist,  xxviii.  1).  Prudsn- 
tius,  A.D.  405  (c.  Symm.  i.  p.  249  ;  ed.  1596) : 

"  Munnure  nam  magico  tenues  excire  figuras, 
Atque  sepulchrales  scire  Incantare  favillas, 
Vita  itidem  spoliare  alios,  ars  noxia  novit." 

This  kind  of  Necromancy,  which  was  often 
called  4"'X"7'*7'")  ^^^^  thought  to  be  most  suc- 
cessful when  the  answer  came  from  the  soul  of 
a  person  murdered  for  the  purpose.  Thus  in 
the  Eecognitions  of  Clement  already  quoted, 
Simon  Magus  is  made  to  state  that  his  power 
depended  on  the  aid  he  received  from  the  soul  of 
"  an  uncorrupted  boy  slain  by  violence,"  which 
he  "called  up  and  made  to  assist  him  by  adjura- 
tions unutterable  "  (ii.  13;  sim.  iii.  44;  Horn. 
Clem.  ii.  26 ;  Gest.  Petr.  27).  The  soul  imme- 
diately on  death  was  supposed  to  have  many  new 
powers,  and  among  them  "  prescience,  on  which 
account  it  was  called  up  for  the  purposes  of  Ne- 
cromancy" (Recogn.  ii.  13).  Tertullian,  who 
recognises  the  practice  (Apol.  23),  says  that  a 
peculiar  malignity,  and,  therefore,  readiness  to 
assist  in  evil,  was  ascribed  to  souls  early  and 
violently  parted  from  the  body  (De  Animci,  57). 
St.  Chrysostom  speaks  of  a  popular  belief  that 
many  of  the  ySrjTfs  took  and  slew  children  that 
they  might  have  their  souls  to  help  them  after- 
wards "  (Rom.  28,  §  2,  in  S.  Matt.  viii.  29) ; 
and  says  that  "  many  of  the  weaker  sort  thought 
that  the  souls  of  those  who  had  died  a  violent 
death  became  demons  "  (De  Lazai'O,  Cone.  ii.  1). 
Ammianus  says,  that  one  Pollentianus,  in  the 
time  of  Valens  (a.d.  371),  having  cut  the  foetus 
from  the  womb  of  a  pregnant  woman  yet  alive, 
and  "  having  called  up  the  Manes  below,  pre- 
sumed to  inquire  about  a  change  of  government  " 
(Hist.  xxix.  ii.  2).  Here  it  is  probably  meant  that 
this  dreadful  rite  gave  him  power  over  other 
departed  spirits,  or  over  the  infernal  gods 
themselves.  See  St.  Augustine,  de  Civ.  Dei, 
-wiii.  53. 

When  apparitions  and  responses  were  said  to 
bo  granted  to  the  necromancer.  Christian  writers 
were  unanimous  in  replying  that,  supposing  it 
tu  be  true  an  evil  spirit  personated  the  soul  in- 


NEO 

voked  and  deceived  the  magician.  So  the  author 
of  the  Recognitions  (iii.  49),  Tertullian  (daemones 
opcrantur  sub  obtentu  earum,  De  An.  57),  St. 
Chrysostom  (Horn.  28,  in  S.  Matt.  §  2),  and 
others. 

From  the  6th  century  downwards,  the  word 
necromancy  appears  to  have  been  used  vaguely 
to  denote  any  pretended  exercise  of  supernatural 
power.  Thus  Gregory  of  Tours,  A.D.  575,  speak- 
ing of  one  who  afi'ected  to  cure  disease,  says  that 
he  "sought  to  mock  men  by  the  delusion  of 
necromantic  device "  (Hist.  Franc,  ix.  6).  Ad- 
helm,  709,  says  that  St.  Peter  went  through  the 
provinces  extirpating  from  the  root  the  deadly 
wild  vines  of  the  Simonian  Necromancy "  (De 
Laud.  Virg.  25).  The  same  writer  (ibid.  24) 
calls  the  "spirit  of  divination,"  of  Acts  xvi.  16, 
a  "spirit  of  necromancy,"  and  again  (50)  ap- 
plies the  term  to  arts  by  which  the  reason  of  a 
person  was  supposed  to  be  affected.     [W.  E.  S.] 


NECTARIUS  (1)  Martyr,  commemorated 
with  Nicetus  at  Alexandria  May  5  (Hieron.  Mart.), 
both  bishops  of  Vienne  in  the  fourth  century 
(Boll.  Acta  S3.  Mar.  ii.  9).  The  Bollandists 
also  give  Nectarius  bishop  of  Vienne  m  the 
fourth  century,  commemorated  Aug.  1  (Aug. 
i.  51). 

(2)  Bishop  of  Autun,  confessor,  :n  the  third, 
fourth,  or  sixth  century  ;  commemorated  Sept. 
13  (Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept. 
iv.   59). 

(3)  Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  A.D.  397; 
commemorated  Oct.  11  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  v. 
608). 

(4)  [Nectavus.]  [C.  H.] 

NECTAVUS,  martyr,  commemorated  in 
Pontus  Aug.  22  (Hieron.  Mart.);  Nectavus  or 
Nectarius  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  iv.  536). 

[C.  H.] 

NEEDFIEE.  [St.  John  Baptist,  Fire  of,. 
p.  885.] 

NEMAUSIACUM   CONCILIUM.      [Nis- 

MES.] 

NEMESIANUS,  martyr  under  Valerian, 
commemorated  in  Africa  Sept.  10  (Usuard. 
Mart. ;  Vet.  Pom.  Mart.  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept. 
iii.  483).  [C.  H.] 

NEMESIUS  (1)  Martyr,  with  Potamius  in 
Cyprus  ;  commemorated  Feb.  20  (Usuard. 
Mart.) 

(2)  One  of  the  seven  sons  of  Symphorosa,  mar- 
tvrs  at  Tibur ;  commemorated  June  27  (Usuard. 
Mart.)  ;  July  21  (Bed.  Mart.). 

(3)  Confessor,  commemorated  in  Lieuvin, 
Aug.  1  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  i. 
46). 

(4)  Deacon,  martyr  at  Rome,  with  his  daugh- 
ter Lucilla ;  commemorated  Oct.  31  (Usuard. 
Mart. ;    Vet.  Pom.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr,  commemorated  at  Nicomedia 
Nov.  9  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(6)  Martyr,  in  Egypt,  commemorated  Dec.  19 
(Usuard.  Mart. ;    Vet.  Porn.  Mart.).         [C.  H.] 

NEO  (1)  Martyr,  with  Lconilla  and  Jonilla. 
at  Lingon,  commemorated  Jan.  17  (Vsuavd.Mart.y 


NEO 

(2)  Martyr,  with  Zeno,  Eusebius,  Vitalius ; 
commemorated  April  28  (Basil.  MenoL). 

(3)  Martyr  with  Agia,  Claudius,  Asterius ; 
ccmmemoi-ated  in  Cilicia,  Aug.  23  {Hieron.  Mart.)] 
in  the  city  of  Egea  in  Lycia  (Usuard.  Mart.)  ; 
under  Lysias  praefect  of  Cilicia  in  the  reign  of 
Diocletian,  Oct.  29  (Basil.  Menol). 

(4)  Martyr,  with  Nico  and  Heliodorus  ;  com- 
memorated Sept.  28  (Basil.  Mcnol.).        [C.  H.] 

NEO-CAESAEEA,  COUNCILS  OF  (Neo- 
Caesariensia  Concilia).  Two  are  recorded. 
(1)  A.D.  315,  or  some  years  later,  as  Hefele 
thinks  (^Councils,  Eng.  Tr.  223)  from  its  four- 
teen canons,  and  there  is  no  reason  to  think 
it  passed  more,  containing  nothing  about  the 
lapsed.  Yet  their  case  may  have  been  passed 
over  designedly,  from  having  had  so  much  space 
given  to  it  at  Ancyra.  This,  however,  would 
bring  it  about  midway  between  the  councils  of 
Ancyra  and  Nicaea,  where  it  has  always  been 
placed.  If  the  signatures  appended  to  it  in 
the  Latin  version  of  Isidore  Mercator  may  be 
relied  on,  the  Neo-Caesarea  where  it  was  held 
was  in  Pontus,  and  it  was  attended  by  several  of 
the  bishops  who  had  previously  met  at  Ancyra. 
By  the  first  of  its  canons  any  priest  marrying  is 
to  forfeit  his  order.  The  third  is  directed  against 
all  persons  who  have  been  several  times  married, 
yet  couched  in  the  spirit  of  the  first  of  Laodicea. 
The  seventh  forbids  priests  attending  second 
marriages.  By  the  eleventh  nobody  may  be 
ordained  priest  who  is  not  thirty  years  old.  By 
the  thirteenth  country  presbyters  are  restricted 
m  their  ministrations,  much  as  country  bishops 
had  been  by  the  thirteenth  Ancyran.  (Mansi,  ii. 
539-52.) 

(2)  A.D.  358,  or  thereabouts,  at  which  Eusta- 
thius,  bishop  of  Sebaste,  was  condemned.  Other 
svnods  held  in  his  case  were  Gangra  and  Melitene 
('Mansi,  iii.  291).  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

NEONILLA  (1)  (Neonila),  grandmother 
of  the  martyrs  Peusippus,  Elasippus,  Mesippus, 
martyr,  commemorated  Jan.  16  (^Cal.  Byzant.)  ; 
Jan.  17  (Basil.  Mcnol). 

(2)  Martyr,  with  Terentius  ;  commemorated 
Oct.  28  {Cal.  Byzant. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv. 
272).  [C.  H.] 

_  NEOPHYTE  {v€6<pvTos).  I.  A  newly  bap- 
tized person  was  so  called,  as  being  newly  en- 
grafted on  Christ  (Zonar.  Comm.in  Can.  10,  Cmc. 
Sard.).  The  usage  was  suggested  by  the  employ- 
ment of  the  word  in  1  Tim.  iii.  6.  St.  Augus- 
tine,  in  the  same  context,  says  that  the  gifts  and 
privileges  mentioned  in  Heb.  vi.  1,  2  are  "  eorum 
qui  baptizantur  initia "  and  "  initia  neophy- 
torum"  (Z>e  Fide  et  Oper.  xi.  §  17).  Elsewhere 
he  says  that  it  is  sanctioned  by  the  custom  of  the 
church  that  "  the  eight  days  of  the  neophytes 
be  distinguished  from  the  rest;  i.e.,  that  the 
eighth  agree  with  the  first"  {Epist.  55,  ad 
Januar.  xvii.  §  32).  The  eight  days  were  those 
during  which  the  newly  baptized  wore  their  white 
dress.  [Baptism,  §§  GO-63,  vol.  i.  163.]  St. 
Augustine's  words  above  cited  are  thus  explained 
by  Amalarius:  "The  eight  offices,  which  are 
celebrated  on  account  of  the  neophytes,  are  dis- 
tinguished from  the  rest  that  follow  down  to 
Pentecost.  The  first  has  two  lauds,  i.e.,  Alleluia, 
CunJitcminiJDomino,  and  the  tract.  Laudato  Bomi- 


NEOPHYTE 


1385 


num.,  omnes  gentes.  The  eighth  has  two,  Alleluia^ 
Haec  dies  and  Lavdate  pneri  Dominum,  which  is 
not  the  case  on  any  other  sabbath  from  that  day 
to  Pentecost  "  {Be  Eccl.  Off.  I.  32  ;  copied  by 
Pseudo-Alcuin,  de  Biv.  Off.  21).  Pellicia  (de 
Eccles.  Politia,  I.  i.  1,  §  6,  "Baptizatis  rav 
TSIeo(pvToov  nomen  per  integram  Paschatis  heb- 
domadem  erat ")  and  others  appear  to  think 
that  the  baptized  were  not  called  neophytes 
(except  with  reference  to  an  early  ordination) 
beyond  the  first  week.  This  is  improbable  in 
itself,  and  had  it  been  so,  it  would  not  have  been 
necessary  to  distinguish  them  during  that  period 
by  the  title  of  albati  (Greg.  Tur.  Hist.  Franc. 
V.  11 ;  Amalar.  M.S.  29  ;  Ps.-Alc.  U.S.),  or  as  positi 
in  albis  (Greg.  Tur.  de  Glor.  Mart.  67),  or  the 
like.  The  contrary  is  also  implied  in  the  follow- 
ing canon  :  "  Neophyti  aliquamdiu  a  lautioribus 
epulis  et  spectaculis  et  conjugibus  abstineant " 
{Cone.  Carth.  iv.  a.d.  398,  can.  86;  Gratian,  de 
Consecr.  v.  12). 

Neophytes  were  often  called  veo(pdni(rroi 
(recently  illuminated).  Balsamon  explains  the 
former  word  by  the  latter  {Comm.  in  Can.  10 
Cone.  Sard.).  The  Catecheses  Mystagogicae  of 
Cyril  of  Jerusalem  are  addressed,  irphs  tovs 
pfO(pOi}Tlarovs  (p.  277,  ed.  Milles).  They  were 
called  infantes  for  an  obvious  reason,  "  Infantes 
appellamini,  quoniam  regenerati  estis,  et  novam 
vitam  ingressi  estis,  et  ad  vitam  aeternam  renati 
estis  "  (August.  Serm.  260).  "  Hodie  Octavae 
dicuntur  infantium.  ,  ,  .  Isti  senes,  juvenes, 
adolescentuli,  omnes  infantes  "  {Serm.  376,  §  2, 
Domin.  in  Oct.  Pasch.).  In  the  Mozarabic  rite, 
after  the  consecration  of  the  water,  the  priest 
prays  that  those  washed  therewith  "may  be 
restored  by  a  new  infancy"  (Leslie,  189).  In  the 
Roman  prayer  of  consecration  he  says,  "  Omnes 
in  unam  pariat  gratia  mater  infantiam  ;"  after  it 
"In  veri  innocentii  nova  infantia  renascatur" 
{Sacram.  Gelas.  Murat. ;  Liturg.  Rom.  Vet.  i.  569, 
570  ;   Greg.  ii.  63-5). 

After  their  baptism  the  neophytes  were  con- 
ducted in  their  white  dresses  to  the  altar,  about 
which  they  were  stationed  during  the  services  o 
the  following  week,  and  where  they  received 
daily.  Thus  in  a  sermon  preached  at  Easter,  355, 
(perhaps  by  St.  Hilary),  "  Novi  homines  effecti, 
sanctum  altare  circumdant  "  ( Vet.  Script.  Coll. 
Ampliss.  Mart,  et  Dur.  ix.  78,  cited  by  Leslie, 
Notae  ad  Miss.  Mozar.  533).  St.  Ambrose  reminds 
a  nun  who  had  made  her  profession  on  Easter 
day,  that  she  had  "  oftered  herself  to  be  veiled  at 
the  altar  of  God,  .  .  .  among  the  shining  lights 
of  the  neophytes,  among  the  candidates  (an 
allusion  to  their  dress)  of  the  heavenly  kingdom  " 
{Be  Lapsu  Virg.  v.  §  19).  The  author  Be 
Mysteriis  (ascribed  to  Ambrose)  :  "  His  abluta 
plebs  dives  insignibus  ad  Christi  contendit 
altare  "  (viii.  §  43).  But  more  fully  Paulinus 
{Epist.  xxxii.  ad  Sever.  §  5) : 


"  Inde  parens  sacro  diicit  de  fonto 

Infantes  niveos  corpore,  corde,  liabitii ; 
Circutnstansqup  rudes  festis  altarlbus  agnos 
Cruda  salutiferis  imbuit  ova  cibis." 

Many  epitaphs  of  persons  who  died  while 
neophytes  are  extant,  in  which  the  fact  is  re- 
corded. E.g.  "  Junius  Bassus  V.C.  qui  vixit 
annis  xlii.  men.  ii.  in  ipsi  praefectura  urbi  neo- 
fitus  iit  ad  Deum  "  (A.D.  359  ;  Bottari,  Boma 
Sotterranea,    tav.   xv.).     See  other  examples  of 


1386 


NEOPHYTE" 


males  in  Gruter's  Corpus  Inscript.  p.  1051  n.  9 
(aged  8  years),  p.  1060  n.  3  (aged  11),  in  Bcsio, 
rioma  Sott.  p.  433  (aged  6),  &c.  The  following 
i  the  epitaph  of  a  married  woman,  "  Hoctavie 
conjnge  neofite  bisomus  maritus  fecit"  (Grut. 
p.  1053  n.  7).  Other  instances  of  female 
neophytes  occur  in  several  collections,  as,  e.g., 
in  Gruter,  p.  1054  n.  1  (3  years),  p.  1057  n.  6  (a 
wife).  The  last  is  called  "  legitima  neophyta." 
Does  this  mean  that  she  died  after  the  eight  days, 
and  so  had  I'ulfilled  all  the  special  observances 
imposed  on  neophytes  ?  Sometimes  they  were 
said  to  have  died  in  albis.  For  example,  "  Hie 
jacet  puer  nomene  Valentiano  qui  vixit  anno  iii. 
et  me  ses  et  dies  xvi.  et  in  albis  cum  pace  reces- 
sit  "  (Le  Blant,  Inscript.  Chre't.  do  la  Gaule,  i. 
476,  who  also  refers  to  Fabretti,  Inscr.  Antiq. 
Explic.  pp.  577,  735).  It  is  reasonably  inferred 
that  such  persons  had,  as  a  rule,  received  clinic 
baptism.    [Sick,  Visitation  of  the.] 

II.  It  frequently  happened  in  the  early  ages 
that  the  fittest  person  for  the  office  of  bishop  or 
priest  in  a  vacant  church  was  one  who  had  not 
passed  through  the  lower  orders,  or  at  least  not 
through  all  of  them.  At  first  it  is  probable  that 
laymen  and  inferior  clerks  were  ordained  priests 
and  bishops  freely  in  such  cases  ;  but  at  length  the 
liberty  became  an  occasion  of  ambition,  and  was 
restrained  by  the  canons,  in  accordance  with  the 
injunction  of  St.  Paul  (1  Tim.  iii.  6),  from  whom 
also  the  name  of  neophyte  (in  this  use  of  it  a 
term  of  reproach)  was  borrowed  to  describe  the 
premature  ruler  of  the  church.  The  earliest 
prohibition  occurs  in  the  80th  of  the  so-called 
apostolic  canons.  "It  is  not  right  that  one  who 
has  come  out  of  paganism  and  been  baptized,  or 
who  has  left  a  sinful  course  of  life,  should  forth- 
with be  ordained  a  bishop.  For  it  is  unfit  that  one 
who  has  not  yet  given  proof  of  himself  should  be 
a  teacher  of  others ;  unless,  indeed,  this  take 
place  through  the  grace  of  God."  The  council 
of  Nicaea,  325,  premising  that  this  "rule  of  the 
church"  had  been  often  broken,  "  either  from 
necessity  or  because  men  urged  it,  so  that  they 
led  men  but  lately  come  over  to  the  faith  from 
paganism,  and  in  the  catechumenate  for  a  short 
time,  to  the  spiritual  laver,  and  further  promoted 
them  as  soon  as  baptized,  to  the  episcopate  or 
presbyterate,"  decreed  that  such  practices  should 
be  tolerated  no  longer  (can.  2).  The  Arabic 
canons  of  Nicaea  depose  both  the  ordainer  and 
the  ordained  in  such  a  case  (can.  12,  vers. 
Ecchell.  Hard.  Cone.  i.  480).  The  council  of  Sar- 
dica,  347,  forbade  any  one  to  be  made  a  bishop 
who  had  not  before  "  served  as  reader  and  deacon 
and  presbyter ;  ....  for  so  he  would  with 
reason  be  regarded  as  a  neophyte"  (can.  10). 
The  council  of  Laodicea,  of  uncertain  date,  but 
probably  about  365  :  "  Persons  lately  illumi- 
nated {i.e.  baptized  [Baptism,  §  5 ;  vol.  i.  p.  156]) 
must  not  be  promoted  in  the  hieratic  order " 
(can.  3);  which  is  thus  rendered  by  Dionysius 
Exiguus,  A.D.  533  ;  "  Non  oportet  neophvtum 
promoveri  ad  ordinem  sacerdotalem  "•  (Hard, 
i.  782). 

Gaul  seems  to  have  been  notorious  for  offences 
against  this  law  of  the  church.  Gregory  I.  in  598 
says  to  queen  Brunichilda,  "their  office  has 
there,  as  we  have  understood,  come  to  be  such 
an  object  of  ambition,  that  bishops  (sacerdotes), 
which  is  too  grievous,  are  at  once  ordained  out 


NEPHODIOCTAE 

of  laymen  "  {Epist.  vii.  Ind.  ii.  115).  Instances 
of  this  are  found  in  Gregory  of  Tours :  "  Nice- 
tius  tamen  ex  laico,  qui  prius  ab  Chilperico 
rege  praeceptum  elicuerat,  in  ipsa  urbe  (Matis- 
censi)  episcopatum  adeptus  est"  {Hist.  Franc. 
viii.  20).  Again  :  "  Laban,  bishop  of  Eause, 
died  this  year,  whom  Desiderius  succeeded  from 
a  layman,  though  tlie  king  had  promised  with  an 
oath  that  he  would  never  ordain  a  bishop  out 
of  the  laity.  Sed  quid  pectora  humana  non 
cogat  auri  sacra  fames  "  {ibid.  22)  ? 

The  Apostolic  canon,  it  will  be  observed,  makes 
an  exception  in  favour  of  those  who,  like  Timothy 
(1  Tim.  i.  18;  iv.  14),  were  supposed  to  receive 
some  divine  attestation  to  their  fitness.  Cyprian, 
Athanasius,  Kectarius,  and  Ambrose  are  instances. 
The  first  named  had  indeed  been  baptized  and 
made  deacon  and  priest  in  succession,  but  all  in 
so  short  a  time,  that  his  biographer  says  of  him 
"  Judicio  Dei  et  plebis  favore  ad  officium  sacer- 
dotii,  et  episcopatus  gradum  (a.D.  248),  adhuc 
neophytus,  et  ut  putabatur,  novellus  electus 
est "  {Vita  auct.  Pontic,  0pp.  Cypr.  praef.  3,  ed. 
Fell.).  The  council  of  Neocaesarea  had  in  315 
forbidden  even  a  priest  to  be  ordained  under 
thirty  years  of  age  (can.  11);  yet  onlv  eleven 
years  after  that,  the  great  "Athanasius,  in 
obedience,  it  was  believed,  to  a  divine  intimation 
conveyed  through  his  dying  predecessor,  who 
called  out  his  name  repeatedly  with  his  last 
breath,  was  ordained  bishop  of  Alexandria  at  the 
age  of  twenty-eight  (Sozom.  Hist.  Eccl.  ii.  17). 
Kectarius  was  not  baptized  when,  in  381,  he 
was  ohosen  to  succeed  Gregory  Nazianzen  at 
Constantinople ;  but  was  then  "  initiated  bv 
baptism),  and  while  yet  clothed  in  the  typical 
dress  (of  the  neophytes)  was  declared  bishop  of 
Constantinople  by  the  common  voice  of  the  synod." 
then  assembled  in  that  city  (Sozom.  vii.  8).  Kor 
was  St.  Ambrose  more  than  a  catechumen,  when 
(a.D.  574)  the  people  of  Milan  insisted  on  his 
becoming  their  bishop ;  but,  "  being  baptized,  he 
is  said  to  have  filled  all  the  ecclesiastical  offices, 
and  on  the  eighth  day  he  was  ordained  with  the 
greatest  favour  and  joy  of  all  "  (  Vita  a  Paulino 
conscr.  §  9).  Some  twenty  years  later,  re- 
ferring to  these  circumstances  and  to  his  great 
unwillingness  to  accept  the  office,  he  says: 
"Nevertheless  the  bishops  of  the  west  approved 
my  ordination  by  their  judgment;  those  of  the 
east  by  their  example  also.  And  yet  a  neophyte 
is  forbidden  to  be  ordained,  lest  he  should  be 
lifted  up  with  pride  ;"  but  (he  urges)  if  there  be 
a  suitable  humilitj^  the  defect  is  healed,  "  ubi 
causa  non  haeret,  vitium  non  imputatur  "  {Epist 
73  ad  Eccl.  Vercell.  §  65).  [W.  E.  S.]  ' 

NEOPHYTUS  (1)  Martyr  under  Diocletian 
at  Nicaea ;  commemorated  Jan.  20  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  297);  Jan.  21  (Basil.  Menol). 

(2)  Bishop  and  confeesor  at  Leontium  in  the 
3rd  century ;  commemorated  Sept.  1  (Boll 
Acta  SS.  Sept.  i.  116).  [C.  H.] 

NEOPOLIS,  martyr  with  Saturninus ;  com- 
memorated May  2  (Usuard.  Mart).         [C.  H.] 

NEOTERUS,  martyr,  commemorated  at 
Alexandria.  Sept.  8  {Hieron.  Mart.);  Neotherius 
(Usuard.  Mart.).  m.  jj.] 

NEPHODIOCTAE.     [Tempestarii.I 


NEPOTIANUS 

NEPOTIANUS  (1)  Martyr,  commemorated 
at  Londou  Feb.  7  {Hicron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr,  commemorated  in  Asia  May  11 
{Hieron.  Mart.) ;  presbyter  of  Altinum  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Mai.  ii.  627). 

(3)  Bishop  of  Clermont  in  Auvergne  in  the 
4th  century,  commemorated  Oct.  22  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Oct.  ix.  613).  [C.  H.] 

NEREUS  (1)  Martyr  with  Majulus  and 
others ;  commemorated  in  Africa  May  11  (Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr  with  his  brother  Achilleus,  eunuchs; 
commemorated  at  Rome  May  12  {Hieron.  Mart.; 
Bed.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mai.  iii.  4)  ;  on  the 
Via  Ardeatina  (Usuard.  Mart.)  ;  in  the  cemetery 
of  Praetextatus  (  Vet.  Rom.  Mart.) ;  their  natale, 
with  that  of  Pancratius,  on  May  12,  observed  in 
the  Sacramentary  of  Gelasius,  their  names  (but 
not  that  of  Pancratius)  being  mentioned  in  the 
collect  (Murat.  Lit.  Bom.  Vet.  i.  646) ;  a  church 
at  Rome,  dedicated  to  them  before  the  end  of  the 
8th  century  (Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  ii.  123). 

(3)  Martyr,  commemorated  Aug.  10  (Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr,  commemorated  Oct.  16  (Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr,  commemorated  Nov.  16  (^Hieron. 
Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

NERSAS,  bishop,  martyr  with  his  disciple 
Josephus  in  Persia;  commemorated  Nov.  20 
(Basil.  Menol.)  ;  June  15  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jun.  ii. 
1050).  [C.  H.] 

NESTOR  (1)  Martyr  with  Castor  and  Clau- 
dianus ;  commemorated  in  Pamphylia  Feb.  25 
■{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr  with  Alexander,  Theo,  and  others  ; 
commemorated  Feb.  26  (^Hieron.  Mart.)  ;  a  bishop, 
martyred  under  Decius  at  Perga  in  Pamphylia 
(Usuard.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  iii.  627), 
but  on  Feb.  28,  according  to  Basil.  Menol.  One 
of  the  same  name  coupled  with  bishop  Tribimius 
under  March  2  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mart.  i.  127). 

(3)  Martyr  with  Arcadius,  bishops,  at  Tri- 
methus  in  Cyprus;  commemorated  March  7 
(Basil.  Menol.;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mart.  i.  643). 
One  of  the  same  name  and  dav  in  Thrace  (Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr,  commemorated  at  Nicomedia 
Ap.  11  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Disciple  of  Demetrius ;  martyr  at  Thessa- 
lonica  under  Maximian  ;  commemorated  Oct.  26 
(Basil.  Menol.)  ;  Oct.  27  (Daniel,  Cod.  Liturq.  iv. 
272).  [C.H.] 

NESTORUS  (1)  Martyr,  commemorated  at 
Alexandria  May  4(i^icro«.  Mart.) ;  NESTORIUS 
(Boll.  Acta  S3.  Mai.  i.  461). 

(2)  Martyr,  commemorated  at  Nicomedia  Jun. 
8  (^Hieron.  Mart.).  [0.  H.] 

.n.^/;.^™^^^T>DENSE  or  rather  ONES- 
TREFELDENSE  CONCILIUM,  a.d.  702,  at 
which  Wiltrid  was  condemned  and  excommuni- 
cated; the  exact  place  is  not  known:  it  Jay  in 
the  dominions  of  Ealdfrith,  king  of  Northumbria 
(Mansi,  xii.  157-63;  and  Stubbs's  Wilkins,  iii. 
251-4).  ^E.  S.  Ff.] 


NEW  YEAR'S  DAY 


1387 


NEUMA.     [PxEUJiA.] 

NEW  MOON.  "  Let  not  any  one  fear  to  take 
up  any  kind  of  work  at  the  new  moon  ;  for  God 
made  the  moon  to  regulate  the  times,  and  temper 
the  darkness  of  the  night"  (Eligius,  de  I.'ect. 
Cathol.  Convers.  5).  The  superstition  to  which 
St.  Eioy  here  refers  was  extended  by  some  who 
are  condemned  by  St.  Ambrose  to  the  fifth  day 
of  the  moon  ("  quintam  esse  fugiendam,  nihilque 
in  eS.  inchoandum  "  ;  Amhr. Epist.  23,  §  4  ;  comp. 
Virg.  Georg.  i.  276),  and  for  special  purposes  to 
the  seventh  and  the  ninth  :  "  Septima  luna  instru- 
menta  confici  non  debent,  nona  iterum  lund 
servum  emptum,  ut  puta,  domum  duci  non 
oportet  "  (Hilar.  Diacon.  Coinm.  in  Ep.  ad  Gal. 
iv.  10).  Such  superstitions  were  of  purely  pagan 
origin.  Christians  after  the  destruction  of  Jeru- 
salem being  under  no  temptation  to  observe  the 
new  moons  of  the  Jews.  "They  are  wont  to 
blame  us,"  says  Hilary  the  deacon,  a.d.  354, 
"  because  we  despise  their  feast  days,  or  because 
we  do  not  observe  the  beginnings  of  the  months, 
which  they  call  neomeniae  "  {Comm.  in  Ep.  ad 
Coloss.  ii.  17).  The  observances  peculiar  to  the 
Kalends  of  January  throughout  the  Roman  world 
must  have  been  originally  connected  with  the 
first  day  of  the  lunar  month.  [ClRCUMCiSiOX  ; 
New  Year's  Day.]  [W.  E.  S.] 

NEW  YEAR'S  DAY.  It  was  ruled  by  the 
Julian  Reformation  that  the  year  should  begin 
with  the  Calends  of  January,  and  such  was 
thenceforth  the  popular  usage.  But  this  was 
not,  for  long  time,  accepted  by  the  churches  of 
East  and  West.  The  epoch  of  the  ecclesiastical 
year,  it  was  thought,  was  prescribed  by  the  re- 
quirements of  the  Easter  reckoning,  in  accordance 
with  the  law  given  by  Moses  that  the  Paschal 
month  should  be  the  first  month  of  the  year. 
Thus  Anatolius,  in  the  fragment  of  his  Fasc/ml 
Canon  (a.d.  277),  ap.  Eus.  H.  E.  vii.  32,  gives 
as  the  epoch  of  his  (Metonic)  cycle,  "  New  moon 
of  first  month  in  its  first  year,  which  falls  on  the 
26  Phamenoth  in  the  Egyptian  reckoning,  by 
Macedonian  months  is  22  Dystrus,  i.e.  Roman  xi. 
kal.  April "  (=  22  March),  and  adds  that "  the  first 
month  is  that  of  the  Hebrews,  in  which  the 
vernal  equinox  falls."  Hence  in  Victorius,  Diouy- 
sius  Exiguus,  Bede,  m^nsis primus  is  often  synony- 
mous with  mensis paschalis.  In  the  East,  as  the 
Romanised  Syrian  Calendar  made  Xanthicus 
(=  Kisan)  identical  with  the  Roman  April, 
this  month  was  taken  as  the  first :  and  it  is  in 
terms  of  this  reckoning  that  the  Constitut.  Apost. 
(v.  13),  appoint  that  the  Feast  of  the  Nativity 
(i.e.  25th  December)  shall  be  kept  in  the  ninth 
month ;  Epiphany  (viz.  6th  January)  on  the 
sixth  of  the  tenth  month;  as  again,  ibid.  14,  17, 
Xanthicus  and  Dystrus  are  respectively /rs<  and 
tnelfth  month.  Epiphanius  also  seems  to  follow 
this  reckoning,  when  he  says  (^Haer.  Ixx. 
0.  11)  Trph  IffTj/xeplas  oil  irX-qpcad-l^creraL  tJ»  troy, 
"the  year  must  not  end  before  the  (vernal) 
equinox."  But  in  the  West,  in  accordance  with 
the  old  Roman  practice  and  the  numerical  names 
ofthemonths(Quint;lis — December — comp.  Ovid. 
Fasti,  ii.  4,  7),  March  was  taken  as  the  first  or 
paschal  month  ;  thus  St.  Loo  and  Gelasius  speak 
of  the  ember  seasons  as  fasts  of  the  first,  fourth, 
seventh  and  tenth  months.  As  late  as  A.D.  75.5, 
a  canon  of  a  council  in  France  (Mansi,  Coll.  Concc. 


1388 


NEW  YEAR'S  DAY 


xii.  550)  has,  "  mense  primo,  quod  est,  Maitiis 
kalendis."  In  Italy  this  practice  seems  to  have 
been  only  ecclesiastical,  in  France  it  was  also  civil ; 
thus  Gregory  of  Tours  makes  July  the  fifth, 
and  December  the  tenth  month,  and  from  a  con- 
temporary writer  de  Mirac.  S.  Marcellini,  Ma- 
billon  (de  lie  diplomat,  ii.  2.3)  has  the  words,  "Ad 
mensem  Martium  qui  apud  nos  primus  sine  dubio 
vocitatur."  The  successive  continuators  of  the 
history  of  Gregory  of  Tours,  Fredegar  and  others, 
keep  to  the  same  reckoning  from  1st  March. 
Yet  here  and  there  Gregory  falls  into  the  popu- 
lar way  of  making  the  year  begin  with  the 
first  of  January  (Ideler,  Edh.  2,  327). 

The  Roman  New  Year's  Day,  Calends  of  January, 
was  the  one  great  festival  universally  kept 
throughout  the  empire,  as  Libanius  testifies 
(^Opp.  i.  256,  iv.  1^50,  Reiske);  fxiav  Se  o'lSa, 
KOtvrjv  awdvTwv  bir6croL  (wffip  iivh  ttjv  'Paifxaiuy 
apx'hv  '  yiyvirat  Se  iviavTOv  rov  fiev  Tmravfxiuou, 
rov  5e  apxojJ-^vov.  He,  as  a  moralist,  repro- 
bates the  riotous  excesses  and  superstitions 
against  which  the  church  long  kept  up  its  pro- 
test. So  early  as  the  end  of  the  2nd  century, 
Tertullian  (de  Idololatr.  c.  14)  has  to  lament  the 
countenance  given  by  Christians  to  the  old  prac- 
tices at  this  season  (nobis  Saturnalia  et  Januariae 
et  Brumae  et  Matronales  frequentantur,  munera 
commeant,  strenae  consonant,  lusus,  convivia 
constrepunt),  which  they  excused  to  themselves  as 
merely  civil  and  social  observances,  nowise  pagan 
superstitions.  Petrus  Chrysologus  (c.  433),  Senn. 
155,  protests  similarly:  "Dicit  aliquis,  non  sunt 
haec  sacrilegorum  studia,  vota  sunt  haec  joco- 
rum;  et  hoc  esse  novitatis  laetitiam  non  vetustatis 
errorem,  esse  hoc  anni  principium,  non  gentili- 
tatis  offensam.  Erras  homo  !  nou  sunt  haec  ludicra, 
sunt  crimina."  How  long  and  earnestly  the  pro- 
test against  this  conformity  of  Christians  to 
these  old-established  customs  was  kept  up  by 
the  church  may  be  seen  in  Homilies  of  St.  Chry- 
sostom  (a.d.  387),  in  Kalendas,  t.  i.  697,  and 
da  Lazaro,  i.  ibid.  707,  in  the  opening  of 
which  he  calls  the  feast  of  the  Caleuls  iopri^v 
fyaTaviKTjv ;  Asterius  Amasenus  (cir.  400)  in  Ka- 
lendas, p.  55 ;  St.  Augustin,  Serjn.  198,  de 
Cal.  Jan.  (t.  v.  907).  Maximus  of  Turin 
(a.d.  422)  Hvm.  xvi.  de  Circumcisione  Domini, 
p.  46 ;  Caesarius  of  Aries  (a.d.  502),  de  Eal. 
Jan.  Senn.  129,  130,  ap.  St.  Augustini,  0pp. 
Append,  t.  v.  233  sqq. ;  Eligius  of  Limoges 
(A.D.  640),  Serm.  de  Eectitud.  Cathol.  Conver- 
sationes,  c.  5,  ap.  St.  Augustini  0pp.  Ap- 
pend, t.  vi.  267,  c.  (mostly  a  cento  of  passages 
from  the  homilies  of  Caesarius).  The  protest  is 
enforced  by  the  Concilium  Quinisextum  (Trulla- 
num),  A.D.  692,  canon  62,  ras  ovra>  Aeyofx.fuas 
Ka\du5as,  Koi  to.  \sy6jj.fva  Bora,  {rot  i),  Kal  ra 
KaAov/j.si'a  Bpov/j.d\ia  {lirntnalia)  ....  KaOdira^ 
4k  T7)s  TaJviriCTCoj' TToAtreias  TrepiaipeBrjuai  ^ov\6- 
/xeda,  K.r.\.  And  down  to  the  end  of  our  period, 
the  church  (even  after  that  the  1st  of  January  as 
the  Octave  of  the  Nativity  was  entitled  to  rank 
as  a  festival,  viz.  of  the  Circumcision)  con- 
fronted the  heathen  festivities  with  a  three  days' 
fast.  Thus  the  second  Council  of  Tours  (A.D.  567) 
can.  17,  enacts  "  triduum  illud  quo  ad  calcandam 
gentilium  consuetudinem  patres  nostri  statue- 
runt  privatas  in  kalendis  Januariis  fieri  litanias, 
ut  in  ecclesiis  psallatur,  et  hora  viii.  in  ipsis 
kalendis  circumcisionis  missa  Deo  propitio  cele- 
bretur " ;   and  Isidore  of   Seville  (a.d.  595)  de  \ 


NEW  YEAR'S  DAY 

div.  Offic.  Eccles.  i.  40,  says  that  "jejunium 
Januariarum  kalendarum  propter  errorem  gen- 
tilitatis  statuit  ecclesia  .  .  .  per  quod  agno- 
scerent  homines  in  tantum  se  prave  agere  ut  pro 
eorum  peccatis  necesse  sit  omnibus  ecclesiis 
jejunare."  (Large  extracts  from  most  of  the 
authorities  cited  may  be  seen  in  Rheinwald,  Die 
kirchliche  Arcltiiologie,  p.  223  sqq.) 

When  the  25th  December  had  come  to  be  gene- 
rally received  as  the  day  of  the  Nativity  [Christ- 
mas], the  Calends  of  January  acquired  a  Christian 
character,  and  Dionysius  Exiguus  dates  the  years 
of  his  era  (our  a.d.)  a  Circumcisione  Domini. 
But  the  churches  long  shrank  from  making  the 
New  Year's  Day  of  Christians  the  same  with  that 
of  the  heathen,  and  it  was  deemed  preferable  to 
commence  the  year  a  Nat ivitate  (25th  December), 
an  epoch  which  continued  in  use  far  into  the 
middle  ages.  Others,  however,  found  it  more 
suitable  that  the  year  should  begin  25th  March, 
which,  if  25th  December  was  the  day  of  Christ's 
Nativity,  would  be  the  day  of  the  Conception, 
the  6eia  adpKcca-is,  the  Incarnation.  Hence  the 
epoch  ab  annunciatione,  or  a  conceptione.  These 
two  epochs  were  further  recommended  (in  the 
astronomical  point  of  view)  by  their  supposed 
coincidence  with  the  hruma  (25th  December)  and 
the  vernal  equinox  (25th  March).  But,  according 
to  an  ancient  Latin  tradition,  the  Passion  befell 
25th  March.  St.  Augustin,  de  Trin.  iv.  5  :  "Octavo 
Kal.  Apr.  conceptus  creditur  Christus  quo  et 
passus.  Natus  traditur  octavo  kal.  Dec."  Hence, 
perhaps,  the  epoch  a  resurrectione  (or  a  passions') 
Christi,  was  originally  intended  for  the  fixed 
date,  25th  March.  Bede  relates  (de  Temp.  rat.  c. 
45),  that  in  Gaul,  at  first,  this  was  kept  as  the 
day  "  quando  Christi  resurrectio  fuisse  trade- 
batur  ":  and  Zeno  of  Verona,  cir.  A.D.  360,  Serm. 
46,  speaking  of  this  as  the  day  of  the  resurrec- 
tion says,  in  his  mystical  way,  "  idem  sui  suc- 
cessor itemque  decessor,  longaeva  semper  aetate 
novellus,  anni  parens  annique  progenies,  ante- 
cedit  sequiturque  tempora  et  saecula  infinita." 
Certain  it  is,  that  the  dating  of  the  years  of  our 
Lord  from  Easter — the  moveable  feast — (incon- 
venient as  it  was,  as  so  shifting  from  year  to  year, 
that  any  Julian  day  within  the  paschal  limits, 
say  1st  April,  might  fall  twice  in  the  same  year 
or  not  at  all")  prevailed  far  into  the  middle  ages, 
in  France  down  to  the  sixteenth  century.  In 
this  reckoning,  the  first  instant  of  the  New  Year 
was  signalised  by  the  consecration  of  the  tapers 
in  the  night  preceding  Easter  morning.  (Du 
Cange,  s.  v.  Cercus  Paschalis,  and  Mabillon  de  He 
diplom.  ii.  23-6.)  In  Spain  and  Portugal  the 
years  were  dated  from  the  Annunciation  down  to 
the  fourteenth  century,  in  Germany  down  to  the 
eleventh,  then  from  the  Nativity.  Conversely, 
the  English,  in  Bede's  time,  began  the  year  with 
25th  December  ;  after  the  thirteenth  century, 
with  the  25th  March,  which  continued  to  be  the 
legal  civil  reckoning  down  to  1752.  In  Italy, 
besides  the  ecclesiastical  epoch,  1st  March  (see 
above),  25th  March  was  the  customary  civil 
epoch,  with  this  curious  variation,  viz.  that  in 
one  reckoning  (Calculus  Fisanus)  a  given  year  of 
our  Lord  was  made  to  begin  on  the  25th  March 

"  To  meet  this  inconvenience,  it  was  usual  to  add  to  the 
monlh-diiy  ante  pascha  or  post  pascha.  If  the  date  in- 
cludes the  year  of  the  Indiction,  this  generally  removes 
all  doubt. 


NEW  YEAR'S  DAY 

precedi)ig,  and  in  the  other  (C  Florentinus)  on 
the  25th  March  following  the  1st  January,  from 
which,  in  the  now  received  reckoning,  the  given 
year  bears  date.''  The  multiplicity  and  fluc- 
tuation of  epochs  (against  which  the  Calendar  of 
Charlemagne,  commencing  the  year  with  1st 
January,  was  an  ineffectual  protest)  was  a  matter 
of  sore  perplexity  to  later  historians :  thus  Ger- 
vase  of  Canterbury,  early  in  the  13th  century 
{Hist.  Anglicanae  Script,  x.  col.  1336)  complains, 
"  Chronicae  scriptores  ipsos  Domini  annos  diversis 

mod  is  et   terminis  numerant Quidam 

enim  annos  Domini  incipiunt  computare  ab  An- 
nuntiatione,  alii  a  Nativitate,  quidam  a  Circumci- 
sione,  quidam  vero  a  Passione.  Cui  ergo  istorum 
magis  credendum  est  ?" 

In  the  East  the  year,  in  various  forms  of  the 
Julianized  Macedonian  Calendar,  began  24th  Sep- 
tember, but  in  that  "  of  the  Greeks,  i.e.  Syrians," 
constantly  used  for  the  "  year  of  the  Greeks  " 
=  era  of  the  Seleucidae,  the  year  begins  1st  Octo- 
ber. But  the  "  Indictions,"  from  their  first  com- 
mencement at  Constantinople,  bore  date  from  1st 
September,  and  from  the  fifth  century  this  came 
to  be  received  as  the  first  day  of  the  year,  not, 
however,  at  once  superseding  the  older  epoch, 
24th  September;  while  in  Syria,  the  old  Seleu- 
cidian  epoch,  1st  October,  has  continued  in  use 
to  this  day,  except  among  Syrian  Catholics,  who 
use  the  1st  September.  But  the  Syrian  Evag- 
rius,  the  historian  (a.d.  594),  who  uses  the  "  era 
of  Antioch,"  dates  its  years  from  1st  September, 
the  use  of  which  epoch  by  Greek-writing  Sy- 
rians, in  place  of  the  true  Syrian  epoch,  1st 
October,  is  to  be  explained  b}'  the  influence  of 
the  Indictions  in  public  acts  and  records  (Ideler, 
i.  p.  463  sqq.).  The  1st  September  is  the  year- 
epoch  of  the  Constantinopolitan  mundane  era, 
and  as  New  Year's  Day  continued  in  Russia 
down  to  A.D.  1700,  in  Greece  to  1821.  For  the 
Copts,  Abyssinians,  and  Armenians  using  the 
Alexandrine  Calendar,  the  year  begins  29th 
August. 

Year-dating.  During  the  first  centuries  in  the 
West,  the  only  consecutive  Era  [p.  622]  was 
that  ab  urbe  condita ;  the  other  notes  of  the  cur- 
rent year  were  given  by  the  reckoning  from  the 
accession  of  the  reigning  emperor,  or  more  com- 
monly by  the  names  of  the  consuls  of  the  1st 
January  (coss.  ordinarii).  From  the  beginning 
of  the  fourth  century,  as  may  be  seen  in  Clinton, 
Fasti  liomani,  the  latter  note  of  time  began  to  fail ; 
no  consuls  being  appointed,  the  year  v/as  marked 
post  consulatum  of  the  last  named ;  thus,  after 
A.D.  307,  Constantio  IX.  et  Constantino  Coss., 
the  notes  are  (308)  Constantio  X.  et  Maximiano 
VII.  ;  (309)  post  consul.  X.  et  VII. ;  (310)  anno 
ii.  p.  c.  X.  et  VII.  If  the  given  year  had  con- 
suls (or  a  consul)  it  was  named  accordingly. 
Thus  the  first  council  of  Toledo  bears  date  Stili- 
cone  Consule  (a.d.)  400.  By  a  law  of  Constan- 
tine,  A.D.  i'll,  no  constitution  was  valid  without 
name  of  consuls  and  month-day.  In  537,  wlien 
the  consulship  was  all  but  extinct,  Justinian 
enlarged  this  law  by  prescribing  that,  in  all  in- 
struments, first  the  year  of  the  reigning  Caesar, 
then  the  names  of  the  consuls,  and,  lastly,  indic- 
tion,  month  and  day  must  be  noted  {Cod.  Theodos. 
I.  i.  Const.  1 ;  Amoved  i  xlvii.).  [H.  B.] 


NICAEA,  COUNCILS  OF 


1389 


«>  This  diversity  continued  down  to  11i9. 


NEW  YEAR'S  GIFTS.  The  custom  of 
making  gifts  on  New  Year's  Day,  with  an  appro- 
priate wish,  prevailed  extensively  in  the  Roman 
empire  in  the  early  days  of  Christianity.  Many 
remains,  such  as  medals,  lamps,  tesserae  oV 
metal  or  of  earthenware,  bear  inscriptions  testi- 
fying that  they  were  designed  for  New  Year's 
gifts,  generally  in  some  such  form  as :  annum 
N0VV3I  favstvm  felicem  tibi.  Gori  {The- 
saurus Dipt.  i.  p.  202)  figures  a  tessera  of  rock- 
crystal  which  was,  as  its  inscription  testifies 
(Martigny,  Bid.  des  Antiq.  Chret.  p.  286,  2nd 
edition),  a  New  Year's  gift  to  the  emperor  Corn- 
modus.  It  does  not  appear  that  any  of  those 
which  have  been  described  bear  any  words  or 
symbols  especially  indicative  of  a  Christian 
origin;  there  was  in  fact  no  reason  why 
Christians  should  not  adopt  the  simple  inscrip- 
tions on  articles  manufactured  for  the  general 
market. 

The  Christian  fathers,  however,  censure  the 
giving  of  strenae,  together  with  other  pagan 
customs  which  tended  to  give  the  kalends  of 
January  a  licentious  character  (see  Augustine, 
Sermm.  197, 198,  and  Circumcision,  p.  394),  and  a 
council  of  Auxerre  in  a.d,  578  (c.  1)  distinctly 
forbade  Christians  "strenas  diabolicas  obser- 
vare."  The  objects  given  were  probably  some- 
times tainted  with  paganism  or  indecency. 

Another  reason  fur  disapproving  of  strenae  is 
furnished  by  Maximus  of  Turin  {JIo7n.  v.  in 
Mabillon,  Iter  Ital.  ii.  18),  who  dwells  on  the 
injustice  occasioned  by  the  gifts  given  by  the 
rich  to  persons  in  power,  such  as  the  poor  "could 
not  emulate.  The  giving  of  New  Year's  gifts 
had  become,  he  intimates,  an  onerous  system 
of  bribery  and  corruption. 

Jerome  (m  Ephes.  vi.  4)  notices  the  practice 
of  schoolboys  giving  strenae  to  their  masters, 
and  begs  bishops  and  priests  not  to  send  their 
children  to  pagan  schools,  lest  the  revenues  of 
the  church  should  be  offered  to  heathen  teachers, 
and  so  perhaps  ultimately  aid  in  heathen  wor- 
ship or  licentiousness.  [C] 

NICAEA,  COUNCILS  OF  (Nicaena  Con- 
cilia). There  were  two  councils  held  at  Nicaea,the 
metropolis  of  Bithynia,  both  general ;  the  first  and 
the  last  to  be  received  as  general  by  the  Eastern 
and  Western  churches  alike  ;  the  first  under  Con- 
stantine  I.,  and  the  second  under  Constantino  VI. 
(1.)  The  first  met  A.D.  325,  in  the  consulship  of 
Paulinus  and  Julianus,  so  far  all  are  agreed,  and 
there  was  a  law  published  by  Constantine,  dated 
Nicaea,  May  23  (x.  Kal.  Jun.  in  I.  Cod.  Theod. 
ii.  3,  with  Godfrey's  note),  shewing  that  he  was 
there  then.  According  to  Socrates,  who  pro- 
fesses to  have  got  his  information  from  the 
chronological  notices  aflSxed  to  it  in  a  work  he 
calls  the  Synodicon  of  St.  Athanasius,  it  met 
three  days  earlier,  or  May  20  (i.  13).  It  was 
going  on  when  the  emperor  celebrated  his  20th 
anniversary  (July  25)  according  to  Clinton,  on 
which  day  he  invited  all  the  bishops  present  to 
a  banquet,  as  we  learn  from  Eusebius  {Vit. 
Const,  iii.  15).  This  covers  the  dale  prefixed 
to  its  creed  in  the  acts  of  the  fourth  council ; 
and  it  was  closed  some  time  subsequently  to  this — 
a  note  to  the  Cresconian  collection  says,  just  a 
month  later,  or  August  25— by  a  speech  from 
him  {lb.  21,  comp.  Pagi  ad  Baron.,  A.D.  325,  n.  4). 
All  the  principal  documents  relating  to  it  may 


1390        NICAEA,  COUNCILS  OF 

be  seen  in  Mansi's  Concilia  or  Beveridge's 
S;jnodir,on,  vol.  ii.  in  each  case.  Of  authentic 
and  contemporary  documents  relating  to  it, 
Indeed,  there  are  but  few;  of  apocryphal,  a 
bewildering  host.  As  it  was  the  first  of  its 
kind,  we  cannot  be  surprised  that  its  acts  were 
not  written  down  at  the  time,  as  was  afterwards 
•customary.  There  was  uo  book  kept  of  the 
acts  of  the  first  or  even  of  the  second  coun- 
cil, as  there  was  from  the  third  onwards. 
■Only  what  was  agreed  upon  in  common,  was 
committed  to  writing,  and  subscribed  to  by 
all,  as  Eusebius  says  (^Vit.  c.  iii.  14).  In 
this  limited  class  were  comprehended  only  the 
creed,  canons,  and  synodical  letter.  As  Valesius 
well  observes,  had  anything  more  been  extant, 
St.  Athanasius  would  never  have  been  at  the 
pains  of  recalling  so  many  particulars  of  what 
passed  in  reply  to  his  friend,  but  would  have 
told  him  simply  where  he  could  find  them  re- 
corded. The  'Copies  of  the  Nicene  Council' 
<(J<ra),  transmitted  a.d.  419  to  tlie  African 
church  from  Constantinople,  contained  no  more 
than  its  creed  and  canons.  Its  synodical  letter 
is  extant  in  Socrates  and  Thcodoret  (i.  9),  as  are 
two  letters  issued  by  the  emperor  at  its  close. 
His  circulars  in  convening  it  have  not  been 
preserved  ;  but  if  we  may  trust  to  what  Eusebius 
tells  us  of  their  substance  ( Fif.  C.  iii.  10;  and 
Vales,  ad  L),  his  own  letter  to  Chrestus,  bishop 
of  Syracuse  (/?.  If.  x.  5)  for  assembling  the 
council  of  Aries,  may  serve  to  illustrate  their 
form.  The  letters  of  Eusebius  to  his  own  diocese, 
besides  his  life  of  the  emperor,  and  of  St. 
Athanasius  to  his  friends  and  to  the  African 
bishops  are  first-class  authorities  also  for 
what  passed,  as  far  as  they  go,  though  from 
opposite  sides.  What  Socrates  calls  the  '  Synodi- 
con'  of  St.  Athanasius  is  not  now  extant,  and, 
laeing  only  mentioned  and  quoted  by  Soci-ates, 
cannot  be  placed  on  the  same  footing  with  his 
acknowledged  works.  For  anything  like  cer- 
tainty we  must  be  content  with  what  we  can 
glean  from  these. 

The  emperor,  Eusebius  tells  us,  wrote  flatter- 
ing letters  to  the  bishops  everywhere,  begginf 
them  to  meet  at  Nicaea  with  all  speed  (  Vit.  C.  iii. 
6).  St.  Athanasius  tells  the  Africans  (1.  2)  that 
bishops  to  the  number  of  318  came.  The  council 
has  gone  by  the  name  of  the  318  (titj)  Fathers 
■ever  since,  though  other  accounts  of  its  numbers 
had  been  current.  It  met  in  a  church  {oluos 
evKTTfpios),  one  of  the  largest  then  known,  and 
situated  in  the  very  midst  of  the  palace  (  Vit.  C. 
iii.  7  and  10),  whither  its  members  could  adjourn 
easily,  when  the  emperor  desired  their  presence. 
A  solitary  plane-tree  marks  its  site  still  ;  and 
within  the  village  church  of  Is-nik  is  a  rude 
picture  commemorative  of  the  event  (Stanley's 
E.  C.  p.  121).  But  if  we  may  trust  the  envovs 
of  Gregory  IX.,  they  were  received,  a.d.  1233, 
in  the  actual  church  in  which  the  event  took 
place  (Mansi,  xxiii.  280  sq.).  The  causes  which 
led  to  it  were  threefold  ;  the  heresy  of  Arius, 
the  schism  of  Meletius,  and  the  moot  question  of 
keeping  Easter.  The  first  of  these  was  the 
.newest  and  most  absorbing  of  all ;  but  who  sug- 
gested the  novel  experiment  of  a  general  council 
■for  dealing  with  it?  The  council  of  Antioch, 
A.D.  272,  at  which  its  then  bishop,  Paul  of 
Samosata,  was  deposed,  had  been  the  nearest 
-approach  to  a  general  council  in  earlier  times  ; 


NICAEA,  COUNCILS  OF 

and  this  had  been  preceded  by  a  number  of 
smaller  meetings,  as  we  learn  from  Eusebius 
(E.  H.  vii.  28),  and  so  grew  out  of  them  in  due 
course.  But  that  of  Nicaea,  the  same  authority 
tells  us  (  Vit.  C.  iii.  6),  was  the  act  of  one  man ; 
and  "  God  it  was,"  says  the  emperor,  "  on  whose 
suggestion  I  acted  in  summoning  the  bishops  to 
meet  in  such  numbers"  (Soc.  i.  9).  It  was  "  by 
the  grace  of  God.  and  the  piety  of  the  emperor 
in  assembling  us  out  of  different  cities  and  pro- 
vinces, that  the  great  and  holy  synod  came 
together,"  say  they  in  recounting  its  issues  (*.). 
No  two  accounts  of  the  .same  thing  could  be 
more  consistent.  Later  writers  insisted  on  sup- 
plementing them  with  a  gloss  of  their  own. 
Sulpitius  Severus,  indeed,  argued  from  contem- 
porary facts,  when  he  talked  of  the  council 
originating  with  Hosius  of  Cordova  (ii.  40);  the 
fathers  of  the  sixth  council  argued  from  the 
us.ages  of  tlieir  own  times  simply,  when  they 
talked,  in  thair  prosphonetic  address,  of  its  having 
been  assembled  by  pope  Silvester  uTic/Constautine. 
Silvester,  of  course,  concurred  in  assembling  it, 
so  far  that  he  tent  representatives  thither,  being 
unable,  through  old  age,  to  attend  in  person"! 
They  who  "filled  his  place"  were  preshijters, 
according  to  the  same  authority ;  and  they  sub- 
scribed second.  Hosius,  designating  himself 
merely  bishop  of  Cordova,  subscribed  first.  He 
subscribed  first  at  Sardica  similarly.  No  less  a 
witness  than  St.  Athanasius  attests  this  last 
{Apol.  c.  Arian.  49  sq.)  ;  and  the  '  Prisca  versio ' 
makes  him  head  its  list  of  subscribers  at  both. 
He  was  revered  on  both  sides  even  then  ;  he  was 
in  the  highest  favour  of  any  bishop  at  court 
now;  he  must  have  been  the  oldest  bishop,  by 
far,  present  at  either,  if,  as  St.  Athanasius  says, 
he  was  100  years  old,  and  had  been  bishop  more 
than  sixty  years,  A.D.  357,  when  his  lapse  took 
place.  Hence,  the  order  in  which  bishops  should 
sit  at  general  councils  being  as  yet  undetermined 
by  rule,  he  who  was  the  most  ancient  would  be 
placed  first,  as  Eusebius  expressly  says  had  been 
done  by  Palmas  {E.  H.  v.  23),  and  was  a  custom 
in  Africa  much  later  (CtHt.  Afric.  86;  comp.  St. 
Aug.  Ep.  lix.) ;  add  to  which,  that  Hosius  had 
been  a  confessor  under  JIaximinian,  as  he  says 
himself.  Persons  talked  of  him,  said  the  Arians 
—  at  least  this  is  what  St.  Athanasius  puts  into 
their  mouths — as  one  who  presided  at  synods  ; 
whose  letters  were  respected  everywhere,  who  had 
formulated  the  Nicene  Creed  (^Ep.  ad  Sol.  §  43-5). 
Taking  all  these  facts  into  consideration,  it  is 
difficult  to  conceive  that  Eusebius  can  mean  any 
but  Hosius  wlien  he  tells  us  that  the  bishop  who 
"sat  first  in  the  right  row"  delivered  the  open- 
ing speech  (T7i.  C.  iii.  11);  especially  when  it 
is  remembered  that  Hosius  had  been  the  only 
bishop  personally  noticed  by  him  in  enumerating 
those  present,  only  three  chapters  earlier,  and 
also  that  the  very  next  thing  we  are  told,  after 
this  notice  of  him,  is  that  the  bishop  of  the 
reigning  city  was  not  present,  but  that  his  place 
was  filled  by  his  presbyters,  who  were  the  next 
to  subscribe  after  Hosius.  Again,  there  is  proof 
positive  from  Eusebius  of  Hosius  having  acted 
for  Constantine  several  times  before  (E.  if.  x.  6  ; 
Vit.  C.  ii.  03 ;  comp.  Soc.  i.  7),  but  no  contem- 
porary proof  wh;itever  of  his  having  ever  acted 
for  pope  Silvester.  If  Eusebius  had  delivered 
the  opening  speech  himself,  he  would  not  hav 
left  us  to  learn  this  from  Sozomen,   nor  would 


NICAEA,  COUNCILS  OF 

Socrates  have  parsed  it  over  in  silence.  Theodorct 
led  the  way  in  attributing  it  to  Eustathius  of 
Antioch,  which  is  not  surprising  in  one  who  was 
both  a  native  and  a  suifragan  of  that  see.  Inhiter 
times,  a  speech  was  invented  for  Eustathius,  on 
his  authority,  which  is  still  extant. 

Up  to  the  last  quarter  of  the  5th  century — 
notwithstanding  all  that  had  been  written  on  the 
council  by  St.  Athanasius,  and  other  fathers,  by 
the  one  Latin  and  three  Greek  ecclesiastical 
historians  who  followed  Eusebius,  all  also  that 
had  been  cited  fi-om  it  by  the  councils  of  Ephesus, 
Chalcedon,  and  other  places — not  a  word  had 
been  said,  or  a  hint  dropped,  of  Hosius  having 
represented  anybody  there  but  himself,  a.d. 
476,  or  thereabouts,  the  statement  that  pope  Sil- 
vester was  represented  there  by  him,  as  well  as 
by  his  own  true  presbyters,  was  adventured  on 
by  Gelasius  of  Cyzicus,  a  writer  of  the  poorest 
credit,  who  makes  Constantinople  the  seat  of 
empire  when  the  council  met,  and  Rufinus,  the 
historian,  one  of  those  present ;  and  to  this 
statement  bishop  Hefele  gravely  calls  upon  us  to 
assent  still  {Introd.  pp.  36-41  and  46). 

The  emperor,  we  learn  from  Eusebius,  on 
entering,  took  up  a  central  position  in  front  of 
the  first  row,  and  for  a  time  remained  standing 
with  the  rest,  who  rose  to  receive  him  ;  after- 
wards, a  chair  of  gold  having  been  placed  before 
him,  he  seated  himself,  at  the  request  of  the 
bishops,  when  all  sat  down  likewise.  The  open- 
ing speech  made  to  him  on  their  part  has  not 
been  preserved  ;  his  answer  has.  It  was  a  short 
exhortation  to  peace,  delivered  in  Latin,  and 
interpreted  into  Greek  as  he  spoke.  When  he 
had  finished,  he  let  the  ^^  presidents  of  the  coun- 
cil " — in  other  words,  the  bishops — speak.  As 
there  were  multitudes  present  besides  bishops, 
there  can  be  no  more  doubt  that  this  is  what 
Eusebius  means  here  by  that  phrase,  than  that 
bishops  frequently  went  by  that  name.  Endless 
discussions  between  them  ensued,  the  emperor 
acting  the  part  of  moderator  all  through,  con- 
versing with  them  in  Greek,  to  display  his 
familiarity  with  their  own  language,  though  he 
had  previously  spoken  in  Latin,  and  getting 
them  to  be  of  one  mind  and  opinion  on  all  the 
disputed  points  at  last.  They  gave  due  proof  of 
this  in  their  creed  and  canons — Eusebius  tells  the 
faithful  of  his  diocese — and  St.  Athanasiusvouches 
for  his  account  (Z'e  Dec.  Syn.  Nic.  §  3  and  the 
P.S.)  how  the  creed  was  formed.  First,  the  creed 
of  his  own  church  of  Caesarea,  and,  therefore, 
probably  that  of  the  church  of  Jerusalem  also, 
which  he  had  received  from  his  predecessors,  had 
been  taught  as  a  catechumen,  had  taught  and  pro- 
fessed himself  ever  since,  was  recited  before  the 
emperor,  and  found  substantially  correct ;  then, 
some  additions  to  it  having  been  agreed  upon,  it 
was  published  in  the  name  of  the  council.  Both 
forms  are  given ;  but  as  all  creeds  had  been  oral, 
and  not  written  hitherto,  we  must  not  suppose 
that  the  original  form  had  never  varied  or 
received  additions  before.  Besides,  being  about 
to  be  committed  to  writing  for  the  first  time, 
and  used  as  a  public  document  from  that  time 
loith,  the  natural  thing  would  be  that  it  should 
I.'  revised  previously.  The  only  question  in 
re  rising  it  that  seems  to  have'  created  any 
difficulty,  was  the  introduction  of  the  word 
•Homoousios,'  and  this  the  emperor  at  length 
succeeded  in  getting  accepted.     No  doubt  it  was 


NICAEA,  COUNCILS  OF       1391 

on  this  point  that  Hosius  and  Eusebius  measured- 
influences  with  him,  and  the  former  prevailed, 
which  no  one  else  could  have  done,  though  the 
latter  was  too  politic  to  resent  his  defeat.  The 
emperor,  he  tells  his  people,  put  a  sense  on  this 
word  which  he  could  admit ;  and  it  was,  no 
doubt,  for  having  got  this  word  inserted,  that 
St.  Athanasius  credits  his  rival  with  having 
formulated  the  creed  itself.  The  new  and  the 
old  creed  agreed  in  this  :  that  they  commenced 
"  We  (not  I)  believe,"  and  ended  with  a  simple 
profession  of  belief  in  the  Holy  Ghost.  To  this, 
in  the  new  one,  was  subjoined  an  anathema  ;  but, 
instead  of  being  commensurate  with  the  creed, 
it  was  confined,  as  all  subsequent  anathemas  of 
general  councils  were,  to  the  maintainers  of  the 
particular  heresy  then  condemned,  in  this  case 
the  Arian.  All  the  bishops  present  subscribed 
to  the  new  formula,  says  Socrates,  except  five  ; 
says  Theodoret,  except  two  ;  and  these  falling 
under  the  anathema  subjoined  to  it,  and  refusing 
to  condemn  Arius,  shared  his  exile,  decreed  by 
the  emperor.  The  names  of  those  who  sub- 
scribed are  not  extant  in  Greek,  except  in 
the  short  list  of  Gelasius  (Mansi,  ii.  927),  which 
is  purely  fictitious.  No  more  than  228  names 
are  preserved  in  any  of  the  Latin  lists,  which  also 
have  an  artificial  appearance,  being  grouped  in 
provinces,  a  classification  which  is  at  variance 
with  all  the  Greek  lists  of  every  general  council 
extant,  whatever  cardinal  Pitra  (Spic.  Sol.  i.  511) 
or  bishop  Hefele  (p.  296)  may  say.  The  leading 
bishops  known  from  other  sources  to  have  been 
present  were  Hosius  of  Cordova,  Alexander  of 
Alexandria,  Eustathius  of  Antioch,  Alexander 
of  Constantinople,  Macarius  of  Jerusalem,  Euse- 
bius of  Nicomedia,  and  Eusebius  of  Caesarea, 
the  historian  ;  St.  Athanasius,  though  one  of  the- 
foremost  thei'e,  was  a  deacon  only  then. 

After  the  creed  had  been  agreed  upon,  twenty 
canons  on  discipline  were  passed.  Of  their 
number  there  can  be  no  dispute,  founded,  at 
least,  on  any  document  that  is  both  ancient  and 
authentic.  The  pretended  letter  of  St.  Athanasius- 
to  pope  Mark,  and  the  pretended  eighty  or  eighty- 
four  canons  in  Arabic,  therefore,  proclaim  their 
fictitious  character.  But  we  must  not  conclude 
from  the  mere  existence  of  the  latter,  and 
without  further  proof,  with  bishop  Hefele,  that 
the  "  Greek  church"  ever  attributed  "  more  than 
twenty  canons  "  to  this  council,  still  less  ever 
quoted  other  canons  as  Nicene,  "  by  mistake," 
which  were  not  Nicene,  as  popes  Zosimus, 
Innocent,  and  Leo  did  (*.  360-372). 

The  canon  meriting  attention  most  is  the  sixth, 
being  the  principal  of  those  framed  with  refer- 
ence to  Meletius,  whose  case,  the  bishops  in  their 
synodical  letter  may  be  supposed  to  say,  engaged 
them  next  after  Arius.  Meletius  had  ordained 
priests  and  deacons  in  dioceses  outside  his  own, 
and  consecrated  bishops  at  his  sole  discretion' 
(Hefele,  §  40).  The  council  deprived  him  of  all 
power  in  consequence,  but  dealt  more  leniently 
with  his  followers  ;  and  to  prevent  an)'  similar 
irregularities  in  future,  passed  its  fourth,  fifth, 
and  sixth  canons.  Of  these,  the  fourth  orders 
that  the  consecration  of  a  bishop  should,  m 
general,  be  the  act  of  all  (the  bishops)  of  the 
province  (in  which  the  vacant  see  was  situate) ; 
or,  if  that  could  not  be,  that  the  absent  (bishops) 
should  express  their  assent  in  writing,  and  three 
(bishops),  not  of  the  province  necessarily,  come- 


1392        NICAEA,  COUNCILS  OF 

together  in  every  case  to  lay  hands  on  him  ;  yet  so 
that  the  ratification  of  all  that  took  place  should, 
in  every  province,  be  given  to  the  metropolitan. 
In  other  words,  so  long  as  the  bishops  of  the 
pi-ovincewere  consenting  parties,  the  consecrators 
no  fewer  than  three,  and  the  metropolitan  con- 
firmed their  act,  it  was  not  indispensable  that 
the  consecrators,  when  circumstances  would  have 
made  this  inconvenient,  should  be  of  the  same 
province.  Such,  at  least,  was  the  interpretation 
put  upon  it  by  the  fathers  of  the  second  general 
council  (Theodoret,  E.  H.  v.  9,  near  the  end). 
This  canon,  again,  it  will  be  seen  at  a  glance, 
must  refer  to  the  same  act  throughout ;  that  one 
act,  namely,  which  bishops  alone,  who  are  the 
only  persons  mentioned  here,  could  perform. 
Consequently,  the  interpretation  given  to  it  by 
the  fathers  of  the  second  IS!icene  council,  in  their 
third  canon,  is  irrelevant,  and  need  not  be  noticed, 
except  so  far  as  this — viz,  that  the  provincial 
bishops  in  consecrating  a  new  bishop,  confirmed 
his  election,  and  their  metropolitan,  in  approving 
of  his  consecration,  confirmed  both.  But  this  is 
the  only  reference  to  his  election  which  this 
canon  contains.  The  fifth  canon,  similarly  con- 
cerns another  episcopal  act  relevant  to  this  case. 
Meletius  having  been  for  his  offences  excommuni- 
cated by  the  bishops  of  his  province,  it  is  ordered 
that  the  canon  interdicting  any  that  have  been 
excommunicated  by  some  from  being  received  by 
others  {Can.  Apost.  10),  should  rule  cases  of  this 
kind ;  but  that  enquiry  might  always  be  made 
whether  any  persons  had  been  excommunicated 
unfairly  by  their  bishop,  synods  of  all  the 
bishops  in  each  province  are  directed  to  be  held 
twice  a  year,  in  the  spring  and  autumn,  for  that 
purpose.  The  sixth  canon  is  not  merely  con- 
cerned with  episcopal  acts  alone,  but  with  epi- 
scopal acts  only  between  bishops  and  their 
meti-opolitan,  in  other  words,  with  episcopal 
jurisdiction.  Had  it,  therefore,  been  always 
designated  by  its  proper  title  "  bishops  and 
their  metropolitans" — the  only  persons  named 
in  it,  and  the  latter  the  highest  dignitaries 
known  to  the  church  as  yet — its  meaning  would 
have  remained  clear.  As  it  is,  few  subjects  have 
provoked  a  wider  or  a  wilder  literature.  More- 
over, the  first  half  of  the  canon  enacts  merely 
that  what  had  long  been  customary  with  respect 
to  such  persons  in  every  province,  should  become 
law,  beginning  with  the  province  where  this 
principle  had  been  infringed  ;  while  the  second 
half  declares  what  was  in  future  to  be  received 
as  law  on  two  points,  which  custom  had  not  as 
yet  expressly  ruled.  "  This  is  plain  to  all,  that 
if  any  become  bishop  without  consent  of  his 
metropolitan,  the  great  synod  has  defined  that 
he  ought  not  to  be  bishop.  But  should  two  or 
three,  from  simple  contentiousness,  oppose  what 
has  been  agreed  upon  in  common  by  all,  and  is 
in  accordance  with  ecclesiastical  law,  and  reason- 
able, let  the  vote  of  the  majority  prevail,"  that 
is,  become  law.  Nobody  disputes  the  meaning 
of  this  last  half;  nor,  in  fact,  would  the  mean- 
ing of  the  first  half  have  been  questioned,  had  it 
not  included  Rome.  "  Let  ancient  customs  pre- 
vail " — or  become  law — "  in  Egypt,  Libya,  and 
^entapolis " — provinces  then  subject  to  the 
Augustal  prefect,  and  in  which  Meletius  had  been 
creating  disturbances — "so  that  the  bishop  of 
Alexandria  should  have  the  power  (which  he  has 
by  custom) over  all  these  .  .  .  and  in  like  manner 


NICAEA,  COUNCILS  OF 

at  Antioch,  and  in  all  other  pi-ovinces,  let  the 
churches  be  maintained  in  their  privileges."  No- 
body can  dispute  the  meaning  of  this  either,  as  it 
stands.  Nobody  can  maintain  that  the  bishops  of 
Antioch  and  Alexandria  were  called  patriarchs 
then,  or  that  the  jurisdiction  they  had  then  was 
co-extensive  with  what  they  had  afterwards,  when 
they  icerc  so  called.  "Since  this  is  usual  also  for 
the  bishop  in  the  (capital)  city,  Rome."  It  is  on 
this  clause,  standing  parenthetically  between 
what  is  decreed  for  the  particular  cases  of  Egypt 
and  Antioch,  and  in  consequence  of  the  interpre- 
tation given  to  it  by  Rufinus,  more  particularly, 
that  so  much  strife  has  been  raised.  Rufinus  may 
rank  low  as  a  translator,  yet,  being  a  native  of 
Aquileia,  he  cannot  have  been  ignorant  of  Roman 
ways,  nor,  on  the  other  hand,  had  he  greatly  mis- 
represented them,  would  his  version  have  waited 
till  the  seventeenth  century  to  be  impeached. 
What  is  called  the  "  Prisca  versio  Latina"  can- 
not dispute,  though  it  tries  to  disarm  his  para- 
phrase by  a  gloss  of  its  own,  his  being  "  Ut 
apud  Alexandriam  et  in  urbe  Roma  vetusta 
consuetude  servetur,  nt  vel  ille  Aegypti,  vel 
hie  suburbicariarum  ecclesiarum  sollicitudinem 
gerat ; "  that  of  the  "  Prisca  versio,"  which  is 
undoubtedly  the  later  of  the  two,  by  some  fifty 
years  according  to  Gieseler,  §  91 :  "  Antiqui  moris 
est,  ut  urbis  Romae  episcopus  habeat  principatum, 
et  suburbicaria  loca,  et  omnem  provinciam  suam 
(al.  sua)  soUicitudine  gubernet  ?"  Moreover,  the 
title  given  to  it  in  this  version  runs  as  follows  : 
"  De  primatu  ecclesiae  Romauae  vel  aliarwn 
civitatuiii  episcopis."  "  Suburbicary  churches" 
were  the  churches  of  the  suburban  or  "  suburbi- 
cary places,"  or  "  regions,"  over  which  the  juris- 
diction of  the  city  praefect  extended  (Cave,  Ch. 
Govt.  iii.  2-3),  embracing  a  circuit  in  every 
direction  to  the  hundredth  milestone.  The 
bishop  of  Rome,  therefore,  stood  at  the  head  of 
the  bishops  of  those  churches  in  heathen  times, 
and  before  the  regular  institution  of  metropoli- 
tans. This  was  one  fact ;  afterwards  it  was  a 
fact  no  less,  that  his  jurisdiction  became  com- 
mensurate with  that  of  the  city  vicar,  and  was 
spread  over  ten  provinces :  1.  Campania ;  2. 
Tuscany,  with  Umbria ;  3.  Picenum  ;  4.  Sicily  ; 
5.  Calabria,  with  Apulia ;  6.  Lucania,  with  the 
Bruttians  ;  7.  Samnium  ;  8.  Sardinia  ;  9.  Corsica ; 
10.  Valeria.  These  ten  provinces  the  '  Prisca 
versio'  calls  "  omnem  provinciam  suam ;"  which, 
accordingly,  went  no  farther  northwards  than 
the  gulf  of  Spezzia  on  the  west  coast,  and  the 
mouth  of  the  Rubicon  on  the  east,  leaving  the 
sees  of  Aquileia,  Milan,  and  Ravenna,  similar 
centres  in  their  own  neighbourhood  of  the  seven 
northern  provinces  to  which  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  vicar  of  Italy  was  then  confined  (Pancirol, 
Xotit.  Dign.  ii.  2).  The  composition  of  the 
Roman  synod  at  one  time  bore  testimony  to  its 
original,  at  another  to  its  extended  limits ;  and 
now  and  then  its  dimensions  were  enlarged  ex- 
ceptionullt/,  as  will  be  pointed  out  under  that  head. 
[Pope  ;  Rome,  Councils  of.] 

The  remaining  canons  need  not  occupy  much 
space.  Canons  eight  to  fifteen  relate  to  the 
lapsed  principally — those  that  had  concealed  or 
abjured  their  faith  to  escape  persecution.  The 
Kovatians,  or  Puritans,  as  they  styled  them- 
selves, had  incurred  censure  for  refusing  to 
communicate  with  those  who  had  been  twice 
married  and  also  with   the  lapsed,    even   after 


NICAEA,  COUNCILS  OF 

they  had  performed  their  penance.  The  manner 
of  restoring  all  such  was  now  settled  ;  but  the 
ordination  of  any  whose  crimes  should  have 
debarred  them  from  the  priesthood  was  declared 
invalid.  To  the  dying,  indeed,  according  to  the 
old  rule  of  the  church,  the  Eucharist,  or  "  last 
and  most  necessary  viaticum,"  is  not  to  be  denied 
under  any  circumstances ;  but  they  are  not  to 
take  rank  with  communicants  proper  should 
they  recover.  By  the  sixteenth,  translations  of 
the  clergy  from  one  diocese  to  another  are  for- 
bidden. By  the  seventeenth,  lenders  on  usury 
are  to  be  struck  off"  the  rolls  of  the  clergy.  By 
the  eighteenth,  deacons  are  forbidden  to  usurp 
any  functions  that  belong  to  priests,  especially 
that  of  giving  the  Eucharist.  By  the  nineteenth, 
it  is  decreed  that  all  the  clerical  followers  of 
Paul  of  Samosata,  deaconesses  included,  must  be 
re-baptized  before  they  can  be  re-ordained. 
Deaconesses  indeed,  never  having  received 
imposition  of  hands,  can  only  be  treated  as  lay 
personages.  That  this  is  the  true  meaning  of 
the  phrase  '6pos  e/crefleiToi,  viz.  '  a  decree 
has  now  been  made,'  is  clear  from  the  applica- 
tion of  the  words  opos,  in  canon  seventeen, 
and  ILpifffv,  in  canon  six.  It  has  been  a  pure 
mistake,  therefore,  which  bishop  Hefele  blindly 
follows,  to  understand  it  of  some  canon  pre- 
viously passed,  whether  at  Aides  or  elsewhere. 
In  the  '  Prisca  Versio '  this  enactment  about 
deaconesses  is  reckoned  a  separate  canon,  making 
twenty-one  in  all.  By  the  twentieth,  all  are 
directed  to  pray  standing  on  Sundays,  and  the 
whole  time  between  Easter  and  Pentecost. 

The  three  first  canons,  having  nothing  to  do 
with  the  causes  which  led  to  the  council,  may 
be  considered  here  more  conveniently  than  where 
they  stand.  The  first  decrees  that  such  as  have 
made  themselves  eunuchs  may  not  be  ordained, 
oi',  if  ordained,  must  resign  their  post.  The 
second  that  none  should  be  raised  to  the  office  of 
priest  or  bishop,  who  had  not  been  long  baptized, 
or  after  full  instruction  ;  and  even  after  ordi- 
nation, should  any  crime  be  proved  against  a 
person,  he  must  forfeit  his  place  among  the 
clergy.  By  the  third,  no  bishop,  priest  or 
deacon,  or  clerk  of  any  sort,  may  have  living 
with  him — ffweiaaKTOv — as  an  inmate  of  his 
house,  any  woman  less  nearly  related  to  him 
than  a  mother,  sister,  or  aunt ;  or,  in  any 
case,  such  persons  as  are  quite  beyond  suspicion. 
It  used  to  be  maintained  that  clerical  celibacy 
was  imposed  by  this  canon ;  and  in  the  same 
breath,  that  the  story  told  by  Socrates  and 
Sozomen  of  the  venerable  bishop  Paphnutius  was 
a  fiction.  Infact,  the  marked  omission  in  this 
canon  of  all  reference  to  the  wife  amongst  the 
female  relatives  of  the  clergy,  is  explained  at 
once  by  his  protest  against  any  separation  of  man 
and  wife. 

On  the  Easter  question  there  was  no  canon 
passed,  but  only  the  understanding  entered  into, 
which  the  bishops  in  their  synodical  letter, 
and  the  emperor  in  his  circular,  record — viz. 
"  that  all  the  brethren  in  the  East,  who  formerly 
celebrated  Easter  with  the  Jews,  will  henceforth 
keep  it  agreeably  with  the  Romans  and  ourselves, 
ind  all  who  from  anc'ient  time  have  kept  Easter 
■IS  we  "  (Soc.  i.  9).  In  other  words,  that  they 
would  all  celebrate  the  festival  of  the  resurrec- 
tion of  our  Lord  always  on  the  first  day  of  the 
week,  though  never  on  the  14th  dav  of  the  month 


NICAEA,  COUNCILS  OF      1393 

Nisan,  even  when  that  day  fell  on  a  Sunday,  but 
the  Sunday  after.     [Easter.] 

The  authority  which  this  council  obtained 
everywhere  gave  rise  to  continual  tamperings  with 
its  decrees,  or  with  its  history  from  interested 
motives.  Nine-tenths  of  such  tamperings,  at 
least,  have  been  in  the  Latin  interest;  and  if 
their  origin  cannot  be  brought  home  positively 
to  the  popes  themselves,  it  cannot  be  denied  that 
they  have  been  foremost  in  using  them.  The 
interpolation  of  the  sixth  canon,  as  has  been 
said,  began  with  the  legates  of  the  first  Leo. 
He  himself  originated  another  gloss  upon  it — 
viz.  that  it  decided  that  of  the  three  sees  men- 
tioned in  it  Rome  had  the  first  place,  Alexandria 
the  second,  and  Antioch  the  third.  The  Sardican 
canons  were  first  cited  as  Nicene  by  popes 
Zosimus,  Innocent,  and  the  same  Leo.  The  pre- 
face to  the  Nicene  council  in  the  Pseudo-Isidorian 
collection  was  penned  in  their  interest.  The 
seventy-first  of  the  Arabian  canons,  according 
to  one  version  of  them  (Mansi,  ii.  1005),  was 
framed  in  their  interest.  Pope  Silvester,  of 
course,  learnt  from  his  presbyters  all  to  which 
his  assent  had  been  given  through  them,  and  re- 
ceived from  them  a  copy  of  the  synodical  letter 
addressed  to  the  church  of  Alexandria,  for  whose 
special  benefit  the  council  had  met.  But  the 
council  addressed  no  letter  to  him,  nor  received 
any  letter  from  him  in  particular.  Later  ages 
invented  three  such  letters,  in  which  his  confir- 
mation of  the  acts  of  the  council  is  asked  and 
imparted,  and  they  are  still  extant  {ih.  719-22). 
As  if  this  was  not  enough,  a  third  Roman  synod, 
in  addition  to  a  first  and  second,  of  still  more 
ambitious  purpose  (ib.  551  and  615-32)  was 
feigned  to  have  been  held,  in  which  he  anathe- 
matised all  who  dared  to  contravene  the  Nicene 
definition  (ib.  1081).  Pope  Adrian  I.  is  the  first 
who  quotes  or  refers  to  these  documents.  One 
more  point  may  be  mentioned,  in  conclusion,  as 
having  an  interest  for  English  readers — viz.  that 
probably  the  earliest  JIS.  of  its  kind  extant 
("  cui  nullum  aliud  simile  invenire  uspiam 
licuit,"  say  the  Ballerini  themselves  of  it)  is  one 
preserved  in  the  Bodleian  archives  (Justellus, 
100-2),  being  a  fine  and  nearly  complete  trans- 
cript of  the  old  Latin,  or  pre-Dionysian,  version 
of  the  Nicene  and  other  canons,  in  three  parts. 
It  may  be  seen  printed,  but  unfaithfully  printed, 
in  the  Bibl.  Jur.  Can.  Vet.  i.  277  sq.,  by  Voel 
and  H.  Justellus,  or  reprinted  by  the  Ballerini, 
in  their  edition  of  St.  Leo,  iii.  478-563. 

That  this  version  was  the  '  Prisca  translatio,' 
which,  Dionysius  Exiguus  tells  us,  he  had  been 
asked  to  improve  upon,  is  clear  enough  from 
internal  evidence  ;  and  has  long  been  accepted  as 
such  by  the  learned.  But,  according  to  Dr. 
Maassen  (^Can.  Recht,  §  8-11)  this  was  by  no 
means  the  earliest  version  of  the  Nicene  decrees 
then  extant  in  Latin :  as  he  assumes  there  were 
Latin  translations  of  them  sent  by  St.  Cyril  of 
Alexandria  and  Atticus  of  Constantinople  re- 
spectively to  the  African  bishops  in  the  5th 
century,  when  appeals  were  being  argued  between 
them  and  Rome,  and  that  even  a  contemporary 
translation  of  them  was  brought  home  by 
Cfficilian,  bishop  of  Carthage,  from  the  Nicene 
council.  It  is  true  that  we  have  Latin  versions 
of  them  given  in  the  Isidorian  collection,  and 
several  MSS.  of  uncertain  date,  which  are  so 
headed :  but  even  so,  the  statements  made  re- 


1394      NICAEA,  COUNCILS  OF 

specting  them  are  vague  and  conflicting  :  and  it 
might  be  shewn  on  similar  evidence,  that  a 
Latin  translation  of  these  canons  was  supplied 
by  the  Nicene  Fathers  to  Pope  Silvester  himself. 
Again,  how  comes  it,  if  so  many  cut  and  dried 
versions  of  the  Nicene  canons  were  thus  early 
made,  that  not  one  is  ever  cited  at  length,  either 
in  these  versions  or  any  other,  by  members  of 
the  African  or  of  the  Roman  Church,  or  by  any 
Western  synod,  in  pre-Dionysian  times  :  to  say 
nothing  of  these  versions  being  unknown  to 
Dionysius  himself,  by  whom  the  African  code 
was  first  brought  into  notice  ?  The  fact  is, 
Dionysius  is  an  inconvenient  authority  for 
modern  theories  respecting  the  Sardican  canons, 
which  the  Popes  endeavoured  to  pass  as  Nicene, 
till  the  appearance  of  his  collection,  as  will  be 
shewn  further  on.  [Sardica,  Council  of  ; 
comp.  DiCT.  Christ.  Bigg.  art.  'Dionysius 
Exiguus.']  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

NICAEA  (2)  the  2nd  council  of,  the  7th  and 
last  general ;  being  the  last  to  be  received  as 
such  finally  by  the  West,.'rn  churches  in  com- 
munion with  Rome,  and  the  Eastern  churches  in 
communion  with  Constantinople ;  as  well  as  the 
only  general  council  which  has  at  times  been 
condemned  by  both,  exclusive  of  Rome.  (Palmer, 
On  the  Church,  iv.  10.  4.)  Met  in  the  8th  year 
of  the  empress  Irene  and  her  son  Constantine, 
A.D.  787.  It  contrasts  with  the  first  council 
in  that  its  acts  are  extant  and  fill  a  volume,  to 
say  nothing  of  their  Jbavi;;ir  been  translated  by 
Anastasius,  the  Roman  librarian,  and  dedicated 
by  him  in  a  preface  of  singular  interest  to  pope 
John  VIII. ;  while  those  of  the  first  were  not 
even  committed  to  writing. 

To  understand  its  decrees,  some  previous  phases 
of  the  contest  about  images  must  be  recalled. 
The  emperor  Leo  III.,  surnamed  the  Isaurian, 
had  taken  a  violent  part  against  images  and 
their  defenders,  which  had  been  bitterly  re- 
sented in  his  own  capital,  and  still  more  by  pope 
Gregory  II.,  who  challenged  him  in  two  fiery 
letters  to  attempt  similar  measures  in  Italy. 
The  emperor  replied  by  confiscating  all  the 
papal  domains  in  Ajjulia,  Calabria,  and  Sicily. 
His  son  and  grandson  following  in  his  steps 
retained  them.  But  his  great-grandson  was  a 
minor,  in  dependence  upon  his  mother,  and  she, 
yielding  to  the  instances  of  the  retiring  patri- 
arch Paul,  and  of  the  new  patriarch  Tarasius, 
took  steps  for  reversing  all  that  had  been  decreed 
against  images  in  a  council  held  under  his  grand- 
father Constantine,  surnamed  Copronymus,  A.D. 
754,  and  which  then  passed  for  the  7th  council. 
She  wrote,  therefore,  to  pope  Adrian  I.  in 
their  joint  names  a.d.  784,  inviting  him  to  a 
council  which  she  proposed  assembling  at  Con- 
stantinople for  that  purpose ;  but  her  letter 
veinained  unanswered  for  two  years.  At  length, 
A.D.  786,  two  presbyters  arrived  from  Rome  to 
be  present  at  it  on  behalf  of  the  pope.  Even  then, 
tlie  council  had  no  sooner  met  than  it  had  to  be 
closed  on  account  of  the  disturbances  to  which 
it  gave  rise.  The  year  fallowing  it  was  trans- 
ferred to  Nicaea,  where  its  proceedings  occupied 
no  more  than  a  month,  as  has  been  said. 
According  to  the  lists  given  in  Mansi,  260 
bishops  or  their  representatives  attended  its 
first  action  or  session,  and  310  subscribed  to 
what  was   defined   at    its  7th    and   last.      The 


NICAEA,  COUNCILS  OF 

first  place  was  assigned  to  the  legates  of  the 
pope,  though  presbyters.  Tarasius,  who  had 
just  been  appointed  patriarch,  while  yet  a 
layman,  by  the  civil  power,  sat  second,  and  was 
the  chief  speaker  throughout.  Two  presbyters, 
representing  the  patriarchs  of  Antioch  and 
Alexandria,  who  were  kept  away  by  the 
Saracens,  sat  next.  The  see  of  Jerusalem, 
being  vacant,  was  not  represented.  The  rest,. 
with  very  few  exceptions — and  none  farther 
west  than  Italy — came  from  the  east.  At  the 
request  of  the  bishops  of  Sicily,  Tarasius  opened 
proceedings  in  a  short  speech.  The  imperial 
letter,  or  Sacra,  was  then  read,  in  which  re- 
ference was  made  to  his  consecration,  to  the 
petition  that  had  been  made  by  him  for  a 
council,  and  to  the  steps  which  had  been  taken 
for  assembling  this.  Lastly,  several  bishops 
who  had  attended  the  iconoclastic  council  under 
Copronymus,  or  been  consecrated  by  those  that 
had,  on  confessing  their  errors,  and  professing 
the  faith  of  the  six  previous  councils,  were 
received. 

At  the  second  action,  two  letters  from  pope 
Adrian  were  read  ;  one  to  the  empress  and  her 
son,  the  other  to  Tarasius.  The  first  begins 
with  a  faltering  reference  to  the  exaltation  of 
the  Roman  see  by  the  first  emperor  Constantine 
and  his  mother,  together  with  his  recovery  from 
leprosy  through  pope  Silvester,  whose  acts  are 
then  quoted  in  favour  of  images,  supplemented 
by  other  authorities.  Afterwards,  if  Anastasius, 
or  rather  the  anonymous  somebody  who  pro- 
fesses to  record  his  words,  is  to  be  trusted,  the 
pope  commented  on  the  consecration  of  Tarasius, 
and  on  his  being  styled  oecumenical  patriarch  in 
passages  which  the  Greeks  suppressed,  and  con- 
cluded by  protesting  against  the  detention  of  his 
rights  and  patrimony,  contrasting  with  it  all  the 
provinces  and  cities  and  provinces  which  he  had 
just  received  in  perpetuity  from  Charlemagne, 
besides  what  he  had  regained  through  him  from 
the  Lombards.  But  all  this  is  suspicious,  being 
only  preserved  in  a  Latin  version,  and  in  any 
case  should  be  compared  with  a  letter  written 
to  Charlemagne  by  the  same  pope  nine  years 
before  (Cod.  Carol.  Ep.  Ix.),  for  the  marked 
abstention  from  any  reference  to  the  contents  of 
the  papal  archives  in  one,  and  the  palmary 
reference  to  the  donation  of  Constantine  pre- 
served there  in  the  other.  Even  if  genuine,  the 
Greeks  might  well  have  suppressed  this  passage, 
no  general  council  having  ever  been  asked 
before  to  occupy  itself  with  such  subjects.  The 
letter  to  Tarasius  is  said  to  have  been  similarly 
mutilated  ;  but  in  this  case  the  Latin  version 
contains  nothing  of  any  sort  which  is  not  found 
in  the  Greek.  The  pope  merely  speaks  in  it  of 
the  synodical  epistle  received  from  Tarasius 
announcing  his  election  and  containing  his  pro- 
fession. As  this  last  was  in  entire  harmony 
with  the  faith  of  the  six  previous  councils,  and 
had  taken  the  right  view  of  images,  he  would 
not  insist  on  the  twofold  blots  of  his  election — 
at  least,  if  the  patriarch  will  engage  to  do  three 
things :  (1)  to  get  the  pseudo-synod  against 
images  condemned  ;  (2)  to  seek  union  with  the 
Roman  see  to  that  extent  as  to  make  profession 
of  his  devotion  to  it  as  head  of  all  the  churches 
of  God  ;  (3)  to  get  images  restored  by  an  imperial 
edict  to  their  accustomed  places  in  all  the 
churches   of  the   capital    and   throughout    the 


NICAEA,  COUNCILS  OF 

East,  conformably  with  the  tradition  of  the 
Roman  church.  Both  letters  were  accepted 
enthusiastically  by  the  council,  and  the  bishops, 
in  subscribing  to  them,  declared  them  a  standard 
of  orthodoxy  for  what  they  contained. 

In  the  third  action,  Gregory,  bishop  of  Neo- 
Caesarea,  recanted  his  former  opinions,  and  was 
received.  Then  a  copy  of  the  synodical  letter 
sent  by  Tarasius  to  his  brother  patriarchs  having 
been  read  out,  it  was  pronounced  identical  with 
what  had  been  sent  to  the  pope,  whose  answer 
to  it  they  had  just  heard  and  accepted  accord- 
ingly. Two  points  in  it  deserve  some  notice — 
1.  It  asserted  procession  of  the  Holy  Ghost  from 
the  Father,  through  or  by  the  Son.  2.  It 
anathematised  pope  Honorius  with  other  mono- 
thelite  leaders  by  name,  and  their  dogmas,  as 
well  as  their  followers.  The  reply  to  this  letter 
from  the  patriarchs  of  Antioch  and  Alexandria, 
and  with  it  the  synodical  letter  they  had  them- 
selves received  from  the  late  patriarch  of  Jeru- 
talem,  on  his  election,  followed.  In  the  latter  of 
these  the  Holy  Ghost  is  said  to  proceed  eternally 
from  the  Father :  the  teaching  of  the  six  previous 
councils  is  epitomised  and  professed :  while  pope 
Honorius  is  distinctly  said  to  have  been  anathe- 
matised by  the  sixth.  Both  letters  were  declared 
in  accordance  with  the  profession  of  Tarasius, 
and  subscribed  to  by  all. 

With  the  fourth  action  commenced  the  real 
work  of  the  council.  Passages  from  the  Old  and 
Hew  Testament  were  read  out  favourable  to 
visible  representations  of  things  absent  or  un- 
seen. Passages  from  the  fathers,  mentioning 
images  or  pictures  with  approval  followed. 
Several  of  these  passages,  indeed,  were  drawn 
from  works  of  no  credit ;  some  from  confessedly 
spurious  works,  as  Cave  points  out  (i.  650) 
forcibly.  Still,  the  eighty  -  second  TruUan 
canon,  which  they  considered  oecumenical,  alone 
covers  their  decision  in  principle  ;  and  this  again 
Jiad  been  acted  upon  in  the  preceding  century, 
when  a  picture  of  our  Lord  was  borne  before  the 
apostle  of  England,  as  he  entered  Canterbury. 
Art,  in  general,  might  have  been  lost  to  the 
church  had  they  decided  otherwise.  Finally, 
where  they  state  their  inferences  (Mansi,  xiii.  131) 
and  say  that  they  "  honour  such  representations 
of  holy  persons  and  holy  things,  as  leading  to  the 
perpetual  remembrance  of  their  prototypes," 
they  assert  nothing  irrational ;  and  even  when 
■they  add,  "  as  likewise  making  us  sharers  of 
their  holiness,"  they  may  mean  no  more  than  "  as 
■exciting  people  to  endeavour  to  be  as  good  as 
they  were." 

The  fifth  action  was  occupied  with  details  in 
the  proceedings  of  the  council  against  images 
under  Copronymus,  a.D.  754.  First,  the  worthless- 
ness  of  its  authorities  was  exposed,  and  counter- 
authorities  cited  in  condemnation  of  them. 
Next,  volumes  from  which  passages  in  favour  of 
images  had  been  torn  out  were  displayed.  Lastly, 
the  reaction  against  images  was  traced  back  to 
the  Saracens.  At  the  6th  action,  the  refutation 
of  the  same  council  assumed  a  more  formal 
shape.  It  was  subdivided  into  six  tomes  or 
parts  so  arranged  that  in  each  of  them  Gregory, 
bishop  of  Neo-Caesarea,  one  of  the  recanting 
prelates,  reads  out  portions  of  the  acts  of  the 
pseudo-synod,  and  one  of  the  deacons  of  the 
church  of  Constantinople  their  refutation. 

The    council    met   for   its   seventh   action  on 

CHRIST.   ANT.— VOL.   U. 


NICAEA,  COUNCILS  OF      1395 

Oct.  13,  when  Theodore,  bishop  of  Taormina  in 
Sicily,  read  out  its  definition.  This,  after  a  short 
preface,  commenced  with  the  creed,  in  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan  form  only,  and  without  the  canon 
enforcing  its  exclusive  use,  which  we  find  ap- 
pended to  it  at  the  fourth,  fifth,  and  sixth  coun- 
cils. Long  afterwards  it  was  pretended  on  the 
Latin  side  that  the  insertion  of  the  '' Filioque" 
was  decreed  at  this  council ;  the  very  thing  it 
was  blamed  by  the  council  of  Frankfort  for 
not  having  done.  Next,  it  anathematised  all 
the  heretics  by  name,  whom  the  six  previous 
councils  had  condemned,  including  pope  Honorius. 
Next,  it  declared  for  preserving  all  ecclesiastical 
traditions  intact,  one  of  w^hich  was  the  employ- 
ment of  symbolical  representations.  And  there- 
upon it  decreed,  lastly,  that  images  of  our  Lord, 
His  mother  and  His  saints,  in  colours,  mosaic, 
or  other  material,  might,  like  the  cross,  be 
freely  placed  on  church  walls  and  in  tablets ;  on 
vessels  and  vestments  used  at  divine  service ;  in 
private  houses  or  by  the  roadside,  and  have 
candles  or  incense  burnt,  according  to  custom 
before  them,  and  be  kissed  and  saluted  with  all 
reverence,  saving  only  the  worship  (latria) 
which  is  due  to  God  alone,  deposing  all  bishops 
and  clergy,  and  excommunicating  all  monks  and 
laymen  who  maintained  the  contrary.    [Images.] 

This,  followed  by  corresponding  acclamations 
and  anathemas,  a  joint  letter  to  the  empress  and 
her  son  from  Tarasius  and  the  assembled  bishops, 
and  a  synodical  letter  to  the  faithful,  terminated 
the  more  formal  work  of  the  council.  Its  mem- 
bers met  for  a  supplemental  or  eighth  session  at 
the  palace  called  Magnaura  in  the  capital,  Oct. 
23,  when  the  definition  was  again  read  out,  this 
time  in  the  hearing  of  the  empress  and  her  son, 
who  were  present,  and  t-sventy-two  canons  passed. 
Of  these  the  first  insists  on  the  observance  of 
the  canons  by  all,  but  seems  to  point  rather  to 
dogma  than  discipline.  If  it  is  held  to  confirm 
all  the  canons  of  the  six  previous  councils,  it 
must,  of  course,  be  understood  to  confirm  the 
TruUan  or  Quini-sext  canons.  The  second  or- 
dains that  no  bishop  shall  be  consecrated  who 
has  not  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  Psalter, 
the  canons,  and  Holy  Scripture  in  general.  The 
third  declares  all  appointments  of  bishops  by 
the  civil  power  void,  as  being  contrary  to  the 
canons.  Thus  Tarasius  efl'ectually  barred  his 
own  case  from  becoming  a  precedent.  The  fourth 
and  fifth  are  strong  against  simony.  The  sixth 
renews  the  rule  that  a  provincial  synod  shall  be 
held  at  least  once  a  year.  The  seventh  ordains 
that  any  bishop  consecrating  a  church  in  future 
without  relics  of  the  saints  shall  be  deposed.  The 
eighth  decrees  against  receiving  any  Jews  who 
are  not  sincere  converts.  The  ninth  orders  that 
all  books  against  images  should  be  brought  to 
the  residence  of  the  patriarch  at  Constantinople, 
and  there  stowed  away  with  all  other  heretical 
works.  Any  bishop,  priest,  or  deacon  concealing 
such  books  is  to  be  deposed,  and  any  monk  or 
layman  anathematised.  The  remaining  thirteen, 
being  of  less  consequence,  may  be  passed  over. 

Anastasius  is  allowed  to  have  translated  these 
canons,  •s\'hether  he  translated  the  proceedings  of 
the  eighth  session  or  not,  which  some  deny.  The 
Latin  version,  which  used  to  be  thought  anterior 
to  his,  omits  them  certainly.  But  if  the  titles 
given  at  the  end  of  his  preface  are  his,  it  is 
plain  that  he  looked  upon  the  eighth  session  as 
4  X 


1396 


NICANDER 


one  with  the  seventh,  and  such  is,  apparently, 
the  view  which  Theophanes,  who  was  present, 
takes  of  it  in  his  Chronographia.  The  other 
pieces  in  connection  with  it,  also  given  in  Latin 
and  Greek,  are :  1.  A  complimentary  speech 
addressed  to  the  council  by  Epiphanius,  deacon 
of  the  church  of  Catana,  in  Sicily.  2.  A  letter 
from  Tarasius  to  pope  Adrian,  tersely  describing 
the  council,  which  "  by  placing  a  copy  of  the 
Gospels  in  its  midst,  constituted  Christ  its  head, 
and  by  causing  the  letters  of  the  pope  to  be  read 
first  in  order,  constituted  him  its  eye."  3.  A 
second,  and  still  more  remarkable  letter  from 
the  same  to  the  same,  bristles  with  denunciations 
from  Scripture,  the  canons,  and  the  fathers, 
against  simony,  thus  not  merely  throwing  light 
upon  the  fourth  and  fifth  canons  passed  at  this 
council,  but  suggesting  that  they  may  have  been 
as  much  needed  just  now  for  the  West  as  the 
East.  4.  A  letter  from  the  same  to  an  anchoret 
dignitary,  named  John,  announcing  and  expound- 
ing to  him  the  decrees  of  the  Council.  The  latter 
standing  last  in  Mansi,  which  purports  to  have 
been  addressed  to  the  church  of  Alexandria  by 
this  council,  was  probably  written  to  bring  about 
its  commemoration  in  a  later  age.  It  now  stands 
for  commemoration  in  the  Greek  Menology  on 
Oct.  12,  and  is  there  said  to  have  been  attended 
by  367  fathers.  For  the  letter  written  in  defence 
of  it  by  pope  Adrian  to  Charlemagne,  which 
Mansi  prints  last  but  one,  see  'Council  of 
Frankfort.'  (Mansi,  xii.  951  ad.  f.  and  xiii.  1-820  ; 
Beveridge,  Synod  II.  165-9  ;  Hefele,  III.  410-57.) 
[E.  S.  Ff.] 
NICANDER  (1)  Martyr  in  Egypt  under 
Diocletian;  commemoratedMar.l5(Basil. i(f(?no?. ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mart.  ii.  392).  The  Menology 
assigns  to  the  same  day  the  martyrdom  of 
another  Nicander,  "  sanctus  apostolus." 

(2)  Martj'r,  commemorated  in  Africa  June  5 
(^Hieron.  Mart.) ;  Usuard  gives  the  name  on  the 
same  day  with  Marcianus  and  Apollonius,  in 
Egypt ;  and  Hieron.  Mart,  calls  him  in  the  same 
connexion  Nigrandus,  Basil  {Menol.)  mentions 
Nicander  with  Martianus  on  this  day. 

(3)  Martyr,  with  Quiriacus,  Blastus,  and  others, 
commemorated  at  Rome  June  17 {Hieron. Mart.); 
assigned  to  this  day  with  Martianus  in  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Jun.  iii.  266. 

(4)  Bishop  of  Myra;  commemorated  Not.  4 
{C'al.  Byzant. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  273). 

(5)  Martyr,  with  Hiero,  Hesychius,  and  others ; 
commemorated  Nov.  7  (Basil.  Menol).     [C.  H.] 

NICANOR  (1)  one  of  the  seven  deacons 
(Acts  vi.),  martyr  at  Cyprus  ;  commemorated 
Jan.  1 0.  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Rom.  Mart. ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  601). 

(2)  Martyr  with  Martiana  and  Apollonius 
[cf.  Nicander  (2)] ;  commemorated  in  Egypt 
Ap.  5  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Rom. 
Mart.);  July  28  {Cal.  Byzant.;  Basil.  Menol; 
Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  264).  [C.  H.] 

NICASIUS,  bishop,  martyr,  with  his  virgin 
sister  Eutropia  at  Rheims ;  commemorated 
Dec.  14  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Surius,  de  Frob.  Sanct. 
Hist.  t.  iv.  Dec.  14,  p.  264,  ed.  Colon.  1618). 

[C.  H.] 

NICE,  martyr,  A.D.  303 ;  commemorated  by 
the  Greeks  Ap.  25.  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  iii. 
361.)  [C.  H.] 


NICETIUS 

NICE  (NiKTj),  a  town  so  called  in  Thrace  not 
far  from  Adrianople,  where  the  Arians  held  a 
council,  A.D.  359,  Oct.  10,  on  their  way  home 
from  Rimini,  to  publish  the  creed  brought 
thither  by  Valens,  in  order  that  from  the  name 
which  it  would  thus  get  it  might  be  confounded 
with  the  Nicene.  (Soc.  ii.  37.)  Instead  of  which 
it  was  condemned  in  the  West,  as  soon  as  known. 
It  betrayed  its  character  by  condemning  the  use 
of  the  word  '  Homoousios ' ;  besides  which  it 
contained  "  the  descent  into  hell,"  which  had 
not  as  yet  appeared  in  any  church  creed.  It  is 
extant  in  Theodoret  (//.  E.  ii.  21),  and  was  re- 
peated almost  word  for  word  at  Constantinople 
the  year  following  (Soc.  ii.  41.)  St.  Hilary 
(Fragm.  viii.)  gives  the  fullest  account  of  what 
took  place.  The  sentence  passed  on  Valens  and 
Ursacius  at  Rimini  was  rescinded  at  the  same 
time.     (Mansi,  iii.  309-314.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

NICEAS  (NiCETAs),  bishop  of  Romatiana  in 
Dacia  ;  depositio  June  22  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Jun.  iv.  243).  [C.  H.] 

NICEFORUS.    [NiCEPHORUS.] 

NICENE  CREED.    [Creed.] 

NICEPHORUS  (1)  Martyr  with  Yictorinus 
and  five  others ;  commemorated  Jan.  31  (Basil. 
Menol.)  ;  Nicophorus,  Feb.  25  (  Vet.  Rom.  Mart.); 
NiCOFORUS,  Feb.  25  (Usuard.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr  at  Antioch,  under  Valerian  and 
Gallienus  ;  commemorated  Feb.  9  (Basil.  Menol. ; 
Cal.  Bi/zant. ;  Daniel,  Gjd.  Liturg.  iv.  253  ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  283). 

(3)  (NiCEFORUS)  Martyr,  commemorated  in 
Africa  March  3  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr,  commemorated  April  5  (Cal. 
Byzant.). 

(5)  Patriarch  of  Constantinople;  commemo- 
rated June  2  (Basil.  Menol.). 

(6)  Martyr  with  Antoninus,  Germanus,  and 
others ;  conimemorated  Nov.  13  (Basil.  Menol.). 

[C.  H.] 

NICETAS  (1)  a  bishop  in  Dacia  ;  commemo- 
rated Jan.  7  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  365). 

(2)  Bishop  of  Apollonias,  confessor  in  the 
Iconoclastic  period ;  commemorated  March  20 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mart.  iii.  165). 

(3)  Bishop  of  Romatiana.    [Niceas.] 

(4)  Martyr  with  Aquilina,  under  Decius  ;  com- 
memorated July  24  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jul.  v.  492). 

(5)  Martyr  at  Nicomedia,  under  Maximian  it 
is  said ;  commemorated  at  Venice  Sept.  12 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  iv.  6). 

(6)  A  Gothic  martyr  ;  commemorated  Sept.  15 
(Basil.  Menol. ;  Cal.  Byzant. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg. 
iv.  269  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  v.  38). 

(7)  "Our  father,"  related  to  the  empress 
Irene,  confessor ;  commemorated  Oct.  6  (Basil. 
Menol.).  [C.  H.] 

NICETIUS  (1)  ilartyr,  commemorated  at 
Nicomedia  Jan.  20  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Bishop  of  BesanQon  in  the  7th  century ; 
commemorated  Feb.  8  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  168). 

(3)  Bishop  of  Lyon,  a.d.  573  ;  commemorated 
April  2  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart. ;  BolL 
Acta  SS.  Ap.  i.  95). 

(4)  Bishop  of  Treves.     [NiCETUS.]      [C.  H.] 


NICETUS 

NICETUS  (1),  Bishop,  commemorated  at 
Vienne  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr,  commemorated  at  Rome,'  on  tlie 
Via  Portuensis,  July  29  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr,  commemorated  in  Italy  Aug.  2 
{Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Two  martyrs  of  this  name  commemorated 
at  Alexandria  Sept.  10  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr,  commemorated  at  Treves,  Oct.  1 
Hieron.  Mart.)  ;  Nicetius  (Surius,  de  Prob.  SS. 
Hist.  t.  iv.  Oct.  i.  p.  2,  Colon.  1618  ;  Mabill. 
Acta  SS.  0.  S.  B.  saec.  i.  p.  184,  Venet.  1733). 

(6)  Martyr,  commemorated  Oct.  10  {Hieron. 
Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

NICIA  (1)  Virgin  martyr,  commemorated 
Ap.  28  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr,  commemorated  May  23  {Hieron. 
Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

NICO  (1)  Bishop,  "  Holy  Martyr,"  with  199 
companions,  A.D.  250,  near  Tauromenium  ;  com- 
memorated Mar.  23  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Cal.  Byzant. ; 
Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  255;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Mart.  iii.  442). 

(2)  Martyr,  with  Neo  and  Heliodorus ;  com- 
memorated Sept.  28  (Basil.  MenoL).        [C.  H,] 

NICODEMUS,  Jewish  doctor  (St.  John  iii.)  ; 
inventio  at  Jerusalem  Aug.  3  (Usuard.  Mart.) ; 
Hieron.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Rom.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

NICODEMUS.  Guen^bault  names  a  dip- 
tych of  the  8th  or  9th  century,  published  by 
Paciaudi  {Antiquitates  Christianae,  p.  349  and 
plate),  in  which  Nicodemus  is  holding  a  small 
rase,  fifth  figure  on  the  second  leaf  of  the  dip- 
tych.     He  is  to  found  be    in  an  Entombment 


NIGASIUS 


1397 


Nicodemiu  at  the  Entombment.    (MSS.  Bib.  Nat.,  Paris.) 

from  a  9th  century  Greek  MS.,  given  by  Rohault 
de  Fleury  {L'Evawjile,  vol.  ii.  pi.  xci.  fig.  1) 
fi'om  Biblotheque  Nationale,  Nouvdle  MS.  510, 
where  he  is  pointed  out  by  name  (see  woodcut). 
The  writer  cannot  find  any  representation  within 
our  period  of  his  visit  to  our  Lord  by  night. 

[R.  St.  J.  T.] 

NICOFORUS  (1),  martyr  with  Victorinus, 
Victor  and  others;  commemorated  in  Egypt 
Feb.  25  (Usuard.  Mart.);  NicoPnORUS,  Feb.  24 
{Hieron.  Mart.).     [Nicephorus.] 


(2)  Martyr,  with  some  of  the  same  companions 
as  preceding,  and  perhaps  the  same  person  ;  com- 
memorated Feb.  28  {Hieron.  Mart.)  ;  Nicophorus 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  iii.  724). 

(3)  Martyr,  commemorated  March  1  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr,  commemorated  in  Egypt,  Ap.  27 
{Hieron.  Mart.).  '     [C.  H.] 

NICOLAS,  bishop  of  Myra.    [NicOLAUS.] 

NICOLAUS  (1)  Anchoret,  with  Tranusin 
Sardinia,  in  the  fourth  century  ;  commemorated 
June  21  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jun.  iv.  84). 

(2)  Martyr,  with  Hieronymus  at  Brescia ; 
commemorated  July  6  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jul.  ii. 
285). 

(3)  Bishop  of  Myra  in  the  time  of  Constantine  ; 
commemorated  Dec.  6  (Basil.  3fenoL ;  Usuard. 
Mart. ;  Surius,  de  Prob.  Sand.  Hist.  t.  iv.  Dec. 
p.  182,  ed.  Colon.  1618);  Nicolas,  "  wonder- 
woi-ker  "  {Cal.  Byzant. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv. 
276)  ;  same  name  and  title,  Dec.  7  {Cal.  Armen.); 
Nicolas,  Ap.  10  {Cal.  Ethiop.).  [C.  H.] 

NICOMEDES,  presbyter,  martyr;  natalis 
Sept.  15  (Usuard.  Mai-t. ;  Bed.  Mart.;  Vet. 
Pom.  Mart.  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  v.  5) ;  dedica- 
tion of  his  church  at  Rome,  June  1  (Usuard. 
Mart. ;  Bed.  3Iart. ;  Vet.  Pom.  Mart.)  ;  dedica- 
tion on  June  1  observed  in  Gregory's  Sacramen- 
tary,  his  name  being  in  the  collect  (Greg.  Mag. 
Lib.  Sacr.  104).  One  of  this  name  for  Sept.  15 
at  Tomi,  and  one  for  June  1  in  Africa,  mentioned 
in  Hicro7i.  Mart.  [C.  H.] 

NICOPHORUS  (1)  Feb.  24,  Feb.  28.    [Nico- 

FORUS.] 

(2)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  Mar.  6  {Hieron. 
Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

NICOPOLIS,  COUNCIL  OF,  a.d.  372,  at 
the  border-town,  so-called,  of  Armenia  Minor 
and  Cappadocia.  The  bishop,  Theodotus  of 
Nicopolis,  had  invited  St.  Basil  to  be  present, 
but  when  he  came,  owing  to  his  having  ad- 
mitted Eustathius  of  Sebaste  to  communion,  in 
his  way  thither,  on  terms  unsatisfactory  to 
Theodotus,  he  was  not  admitted,  to  his  great 
annoyance.  {Ep.  99  ;  comp.  Mansi,  note,  iii. 
476.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

NICOPOLITIANUS,  martyr  with  Styracius 
and  Tobilas  ;  commemorated  Nov.  2  (Basil. 
Menol).  [C.  H.] 

NICOSTRATUS  (1)  Martyr  ;  commemo- 
rated at  Nicomedia,  Mar.  23  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr,  with  Claudius,  Castorius,  and 
others  ;  commemorated  at  Rome  July  7  and 
Nov.  8  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet  Rom.  Mart. :  Bed. 
Mart.) ;  Nov.  8  (Surius,  de  Prob.  Sanct.  Hist.  t. 
iv.  Nov.  p.  212,  ed.  Colon.  1618).  [C.  H.] 

NIDD,  COUNCIL  OF,  a.d.  705 :  held  on 
the  banks  of  the  Nidd,  in  Korthumbria,  by  order 
of  pope  John  VI.,  in  the  reign  of  Osred,  at  which 
Brihtwald,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  was  present, 
and  the  matter  of  Wilfrid,  bishopof  York,  final  ly 
settled  (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Councils,  &c.  iii. 
264-267,  and  Mansi,  xii.  167-174).    [E.  S.  Ff.] 

NIGASIUS,  presbyter,  martyr,  in  the  Vexin, 
probablv  cir.  a.d.  286,  with  Quirinus  and  Pien- 
4X2 


1398 


NIGEANDUS 


tia;    commemorated   Oct.    11  (Usuard.  Mart.  ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  v.  510).  [C.  H.] 

NIGRANDUS.     [Nicander,  June  5.] 

NILAMMON,  Egyptian  recluse  in  fifth  cen- 
tury ;  commemorated  Jan.  6  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Jan.  i.  326).  [C.  H.] 

NILUS  (1)  Martyr,  with  Peleus  and  Helias ; 
commemorated  Sept.  19  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Usuard. 
Mart. ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart.) ;  named  in  Hieron. 
Mart,  on  this  day  with  Capileus  and  others. 

(2)  "Our  father;"  commemorated  Nov.  12 
(^Cal.  Byzant.).  [C.  H.] 

NIMBUS  (in  Christian  Art),  a  disc  or  plate, 
commonly  golden,  sometimes  red,  blue,  or  green, 
or  banded  like  a  rainbow,  placed  vertically 
behind  the  heads  of  persons  of  special  dignity 
or  sanctity  as  a  symbol  of  honour.  This  disc 
is  sometimes  reduced  to  a  mere  ring,  single  or 
double,  showing  the  background  through.  It 
is,  as  a  rule,  perfectly  plain,  except  in  the  case 
of  our  Saviour,  whose  nimbus  is  commonly  dis- 
tinguished by  a  cross.  The  cross  is  sometimes, 
but  rarely,  depicted  immediately  above  the 
Sacred  Head,  either  just  without  or  just  within 
the  circumference  of  the  disc  (as  in  the  mosaics 
of  the  arch  of  the  tribune  at  St.  Maria  Mag- 
giore),  but  it  is  almost  universally  inscribed 
within  the  circle.  After  the  eighth  century 
living  persons  were,  in  Italy,  distinguished  by 
a  square  nimbus,  which  sometimes  assumed  the 
form  of  a  scroll,  partly  unrolled. 

The  nimbus  is  undoubtedly  of  ethnic  origin. 
It  is  the  visible  expression  in  art  of  the  luminous 
nebula  supposed  to  emanate  from  and  to  clothe 
a  Divine  Being.  It  originally  invested  the  whole 
body.  Thus  Virgil  describes  Juno  as  "  nimbo 
succincta"  (Aen.  x.  634).  By  degrees,  however,  it 
was  restricted  to  the  head,  which  was  naturally 
regarded  as  the  chief  seat  of  this  divine  radiance. 
The  heads  of  the  statues  of  the  gods  (Lucian,  de 
Dea  Syr.  675;  Timon,  c.  51,  154),  and  of  the 
emperors,  after  they  began  to  claim  divine 
honours,  were  decorated  with  a  crown  of  rays, 
or  brilliant  circlet.  Servius  (ad  Aen.  ii. 
615)  defines  the  nimbus  with  which  Pallas 
was  distinguished  at  the  destruction  of  Troy, 
as  "fulgidum  lumen,  quo  deorum  capita 
cinguntur:  sic  enim  pingi  solent ; "  and  again 
(ibid.  iii.  587),  "  proprie  nimbus  est  qui  deorum 
vel  imperantium  capita  quasi  clara  nebula 
ambire  fingitur."  We  also  find  in  the  '  Panegy- 
ricus  Maximiani,'  which  passes  under  the  name 
of  Mamertinus,  "  lux  divinum  verticem  claro 
orbe  complectens,"  associated  with  the  trabeae 
and  the  fasces  and  the  curule  chair  as  symbols  of 
imperial  dignity.  From  the  resemblance  of  the 
nimbus  as  commonly  depicted  to  a  circular  plate 
of  metal,  it  has  been  derived  by  some  from  the 
fj.7]vi<TKos  of  the  Greeks,  a  metal  disk  placed  above 
the  heads  of  statues  to  prevent  birds  from  set- 
tling on  them,  and  polluting  them  (cf.  interpr. 
ad  Aristoph.  Arcs,  v.  1114);  but  though  similar 
in  form  and  position  the  connection  is  probably 
only  apparent,  not  real  (Ciampini  Vet.  Mon. 
i.  112).  Buonarruoti  (Osservaz.  p.  60)  is  of 
opinion  that  the  nimbus  was  borrowed  from  the 
Egyptians,  which  is  also  the  view  of  Pignorius 
(Ciampini,  u.s.  i.  112).  Others  hold  that  it  was 
of  Etruscan  origin,  and  others  again  derive  it 


NIMBUS 

from  India,  where  it  was  certainly  used  to 
encircle  the  deities  of  the  Hindu  mythology 
(Didrorf,  Iconogr.  Chret.  pp.  43,  136);  but  from 
whatever  quarter  it  was  derived,  the  nimbus 
was  regarded  in  the  early  ages  of  Christianity  as 
a  mere  symbol  of  honour  and  dignity,  and  was 
not  at  all  associated  with  divinity  or  special 
sanctity.  In  the  East  especially  it  was  considered 
as  an  attribute  of  mere  power,  whether  good  or 
evil,  and  was  used  much  more  prodigally  than 
in  the  West.  Thus  we  find  it  assigned  in 
Byzantine  art  to  Satan  (Didron,  p.  163,  fig. 
46),  and  to  the  beast  in  the  Apocalypse  (ib. 
p.  165,  fig.  47).  In  the  West  it  may  be  seen 
encircling  the  bust  of  the  emperor  Claudius 
(Monttaucon,  Antiquite  explujn^e,  v.  162) ;  the 
head  of  Trajan,  and  several  medallions  on  the 
arch  of  Constantine,  and  of  Antoninus  Pius  on 
the  reverse  of  one  of  his  medals  (Oisell.  Thes. 
Kumism.  tab.  Ixvii.  1).  Herod  is  distinguished 
by  the  nimbus  in  the  mosaics  of  St.  Mary  Major's 
at  Rome,  as  are  Justinian  and  Theodora  in  those 
of  St.  Vitalis,  and  Constantine  Pogonatus,  Hera- 
clius  and  Tiberius  at  St.  Apollinaris  in  Classe, 
and  Justinian  at  St.  Apollinaris  in  Urbe,  at 
Ravenna;  and  Constantine  and  Charles  the 
Great  in  those  of  the  Lateran  Triclinium  (Agin- 
court,  Beinture,  xvi.  18).  On  medals  the  nimbus 
is  frequently  found  surrounding  the  heads  of 
the  Christian  emperors.  We  may  instance  Con- 
stantine the  Great  on  the. reverse  of  a  great 
bronze  of  Crispus  (Sauclemente,  Numm,  Select. 
iii.  p.  182,  fig.  1),  the  obverse  of  a  gold  coin  of 
Constantine  (Morelli,  Nov.  Spec.  tab.  vii.  No.  1) ; 
and  one  of  Fausta  (Ibid.  tab.  iv.  No.  4); 
Cavedoni,  Bicerche,  p.  53).  Constans,  Constantius 
and  the  later  emperors  are  similarly  distinguished. 
On  the  great  shield  of  Theodosius  he  and  his  two 
sons  have  the  nimbus.  (Buonarruoti,  Osservazioni, 
pp.  60  sq.).  A  silver  shield  discovered  in  the 
ancient  bed  of  the  Arve,  near  Geneva  in  1721, 
figured  by  Montfaucon  (Antiq.  Expliq.  xiv.  p. 
xxviii.  p.  51),  representing  Valentinian  making 
gifts  to  his  soldiers  after  a  victory,  shews  the 
emperor  with  his  head  surrounded  by  a  plain 
nimbus.  The  statues  of  the  Merovingian  kings 
which  formerly  decorated  the  chief  portal  of  the 
abbey  of  St.  Germain  des  Pres  at  Paris  are  also 
described  as  having  their  heads  surmounted  with 
this  symbol  of  royal  dignity  (Mabillon,  Annul. 
Ord.  Bened.  anu.  557,  tom.  i.  p.  169). 

In  illuminated  MSS.  after  the  sixth  century, 
the  secular  use  of  the  nimbus  is  very  frequent. 
It  does  not  appear  in  a  MS.  of  Genesis  of  the 
fourth  or  fifth  century,  in  the  Library  at  Vienna 
(Agincourt,  Beinture,  pL  xix.) ;  but  Priam  and 
Cassandra  have  it  in  the  Vatican  Virgil  (Ciam- 
pini, u.  s.  1,  tab.  XXX vi.  16,  17),  and  in  a  MS. 
of  the  book  of  Joshua  of  the  seventh  or  eighth 
century  from  the  same  collection  (No.  405), 
Joshua  himself,  as  well  as  the  cities  of  Jericho, 
Gibeon,  &c.,  represented  as  females,  is  thus 
decorated.  In  the  Alexandrine  MS.  and  in  a  MS. 
Bible  of  St.  Paul's  at  Rome,  of  the  8th  or  9th 
century  (Agincourt,  Beinture,  xxviii.-xxx.),  not 
only  sacred  and  quasi-sacred  personages,  e.g. 
Moses,  Joshua,  Eli,  Samuel,  Balaam,  &c.,  but  kings, 
such  as  Pharaoh  and  Ahab,  bear  it  (Buonarruoti, 
u.  s.  p.  62).  The  case  is  the  same  in  the  Menolo- 
gium  of  Basil  of  the  tenth  century,  where  the 
nimbus  is  given  without  distinction  to  the  saints, 
and  to  the  emperors,  to  Hei-od  and  other  poten- 


NIMBUS 

tates.  Medea  is  nimbed  on  a  patera  mentioned 
by  Muratori  (ii.  21),  and  Circe  in  a  fresco  at  Her- 
culaneum,  described  by  Didron  (p.  150).  The 
annexed  woodcut  of  a  nimbed  head  of  Mercury, 
from  a  fragment  of  a  bas-relief  given  by  Mont- 
faucon  (m.  s.  i.  part.  2,  pi.  ccxxiv.),  represent- 
ing the  twelve  signs  of  the  Zodiac,  and  the 
twelve  chief  deities,  the  last  all  depicted  with 
the  nimbus. 


NIMBUS 


1399 


Mercury  with  Circular  Nimbno.    (Didron.) 

Familiar  as  the  use  of  the  nimbus  was 
as  a  symbol  of  dignity  or  power,  especially  in 
the  East,  it  was  unknown  as  a  distinctive 
mark  of  divinity  or  sanctity  to  the  earlier 
ages  of  Christian  art.  As  Didron  remarks 
{Iconogr.  Chet.  p.  100),  "the  most  ancient 
monuments  in  France  and  Italy  present  divine 
and  sacred  personages  without  the  nimbus." 
The  first  five  centuries  offer  few,  if  any,  genuine 
examples.  Didron  indeed  asserts  {ib.  p.  101), 
that  "before  the  sixth  century  the  Christian 
nimbus  is  not  to  be  seen  on  authentic  monu- 
ments." It  is  of  the  extremest  rarity  on 
Christian  sarcophagi,  and  in  the  frescoes  of  the 
catacombs,  excepting  those  of  later  date,  and 
such  (unfortunately  a  numerous  class),  as  have 
been  subjected  to  modern  restoration.  As  there 
is  no  class  of  christian  monuments  which  have 
come  down  to  us  in  such  unaltered  state,  there 
is  none  whose  authority  is  so  weighty  as  the 
sarcophagi.  From  these  the  nimbus  is  almost 
universally  totally  absent.  There  is  not  a  single 
example  of  this  symbol  on  any  of  the  sarcophagi 
engraved  by  Bosio  and  Aringhi,  or  in  those  of  the 
Lateran  Museum.  Not  only  the  angels  and  holy 
personages,  but  Christ  Himself  is  devoid  of  it. 
It  is  equally  absent  from  the  sarcophagi  of  Aries, 
Saint  Maximin,  and  Marseilles.  At  Ravenna, 
however,  there  are  two  sarcophagi,  both  of  the 
seventh  century,  which  present  our  Lord  nimbed  ; 
that  of  the  exarch  Isaac  at  St.  Vitalis,  a.d.  644, 
representing  the  adoration  of  the  Magi  (Appell. 
Monuments  of  early  Christian  Art,  p.  27,  No.  9), 
and  one  in  the  basilica  of  St.  Apollinaris  in 
Classe,  on  which  we  see  a  youthful,  beardless 
figure  of  Christ  enthroned  between  the  apostles. 
He  has  a  plain  nimbus,  but  they  are  without 
any  (ibid.  p.  28,  No.  10). 

The  testimony  of  the  glass  vessels  discovered 
in  the  catacombs,  belonging  probably  to  the 
fourth  century,  is  equally  decisive  as  to  the  late 
introduction  of  the  nimbus.  There  are  a  few 
examples  in  Garrucci's  great  collection  in  which 
Christ  is  nimbed  (Vctri  Ornati,  tav.  viii.  7,  tav. 
svi.  5,  tav.  xvii.  G,  tav.  xxiii.  7),  but  in  the 
vast  majority  of  instances  He  is  destitute  of  it. 
Buonarruoti  gives  a  very  curious  g\!xss  (Osservaz. 
xvii.    1),  on  which   St.  Stephen  is  represented 


sitting  listening  to  the  teaching  of  Christ,  also 
seated,  neither  of  them  wearing  the  nimbus; 
but  between  them  is  a  small  figure  of  Christ  in 
the  act  of  benediction,  which  is  nimbed.  The 
reason  of  the  distinction  between  these  two 
figures  of  our  Lord  is  evidently  that  the  one  is 
intended  for  Christ  as  a  Teacher  on  earth,  the 
other  shews  Him  as  seen  by  St.  Stephen  in 
vision  from  heaven.  Other  saintly  personages 
are  still  less  frequently  thus  distinguished.  The 
apostles  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  are  constantly 
without  it  in  Garrucci's  collection,  and  only  once 
with  it  (tav.  xiv.  6),  where  the  character  of  the 
art  is  late.  Among  the  multitudinous  glasses  on 
which  female  figures  are  depicted,  that  inscribed 
"  Mara,"  which  may  perhaps  be  intended  for  the 
Blessed  Virgin,  has  it  (tav.  ix.  11),  and  St.  Agnes 
is  also  once  nimbed  (tav.  xxii.  3). 

Turning  to  another  department  of  Christian 
art,  the  nimbus  is  found  on  Christian  ivories 
of  the  sixth  and  subsequent  centuries.  Martigny 
refers  to  a  diptych  of  the  sixth  century,"  in 
the  treasury  of  the  cathedral  of  Milan,  on  which 
various  scenes  of  the  gospel  histoi-y  are  carved, 
our  Lord  always  wearing  the  nimbus.  The  same 
ornament  is  also  given  to  the  Holy  Lamb,  and  to 
the  evangelistic  symbols.  (Bugati,  Memorie  di 
San  Celso,  in  fin.) 

The  same  distinction  holds  good  in  the  cata- 
comb frescoes.  The  immense  majority  of  them 
do  not  exhibit  the  nimbus,  even  in  the  case 
of  our  Lord  and  His  apostles.  When  found,  the 
character  of  the  painting  points  to  a  date  sub- 
sequent to  the  fifth  century,  often  to  a  consider- 
ably later  period.  In  some  cases,  where  it  does 
appear,  it  is  certainly  due  to  the  modern  resto- 
rations by  which  the  value  of  the  evidence  of 
the  catacomb  pictures  has  been  so  seriously 
damaged.  To  instance  some  of  the  more  remark- 
able examples.  The  beautiful  youthful  head  of 
Christ  from  the  cemetery  of  St.  Caliistus  is 
destitute  of  the  nimbus  (Aringhi,  i.  561 ;  Jesus 
Christ,  Reprksentations  of,  p.  875).  The 
same  is  the  case  with  all  the  figures  in  the  fresco 
of  Christ  in  the  midst  of  His  apostles. with  the 
scrinium  before  them  (Aringhi,  529),  and  with  the 
famous  Virgin  and  Child  from  St.  Agnes  (ibid. 
ii.  208).  [See  Mary,  Virgin,  in  Art,  p.  1150.] 
To  discover  a  nimbed  figure  in  the  catacombs  we 
must  descend  to  a  comparatively  late  date.  It 
appears  abundantly  in  the  frescoes  assigned  to 
the  second  half  of  the  ninth  century  which 
decorate  the  baptistery  in  the  catacomb  of  St. 
Pontianus  and  the  adjacent  parts.  In  the  fresco 
of  the  Baptism  of  Christ  our  Lord,  the  Bap- 
tist and  the  attendant  angels  have  the  entire 
nimbus  (ibid.  i.  381 ;  Dove,  p.  576),  which  also 
encircles  the  heads  of  the  saints  Abdon  and  Sen- 
nen  and  their  companions  in  the  adjacent  fresco, 
where  Christ  has  the  cruciform  nimbus  (see 
Abdon  and  Sennen,  p.  8 ;  Aringhi,  i.  383,  385) 
The  fine  head  of  Christ  from  the  same  catacomb 
(ibid.  379)  is  distinguished  by  a  cruciform  nimbus 
formed  of  pearls.  A  late  fresco  from  St.  Agnes 
shews  us  Christ  seated  between  two  apostles 
(Perret,  tom.  ii.  pi.  4),  and  St.  Peter  between  St. 
Praxedes  and  St.  Pudentiana  (ib.  torn.  iii.  pi.  xii.), 
and  St.  Pudentiana  and  her  saints  (ib.  pi.  xiii.) 
are  similarly  nimbed.  Perret's  plates  present 
the  Blessed  Virgin  twice  with  the  nimbus  (ibid. 
tom.  iv.  pi.  xxi.  1,  17).  No  reliance  can  be 
placed   on   the  appearance  of  the   nimbus  sur- 


1400 


NIMBUS 


rounding  the  head  of  our  Lord  in  the  famous 
early  picture  preserved  in  the  Vatican  Library, 
or  in  that  in  the  Platonia  beneath  St.  Sebastian. 
They  are  iu  both  cases  modern  additions.  This 
unauthorised  tampering  with  early  monuments 
is  severely  condemned  by  Perret  (tom.  vi.  p.  32). 
Turning  to  the  mosaics  v/e  find  the  nimbus 
equally  rare  in  all  the  earlier  examples.  Where 
it  does  appear  in  works  before  the  sixth  cen- 
tury, it  may  usually  be  considered  an  un- 
authorised addition  ("  On  a  tant  retouche 
les  mosaiques,"  Didron,  p.  33,  note  2).  As 
a  token  of  sanctity  it  is  at  first  generally 
limited  to  our  Lord,  and,  somewhat  later,  to 
His  attendant  angels,  though  it  still  continues 
to  be  given  to  kings  as  a  mark  of  secular 
power.  Our  Lord  wears  the  cruciform  nimbus 
on  the  arch  of  St.  Sabina  in  Rome,  a.d.  424,  and 
on  that  of  St.  Paul,  A.D.  441,  where  the  nimbus 
is  surrounded  with  rays.  In  the  important 
mosaic  pictures  which  decorate  the  arch  of  the 
tribune  of  St.  Mary  Major's,  A.D.  440,  Christ  and 
the  attendant  angels,  and,  as  has  been  already 
remarked.  King  Herod,  are  the  only  figures  that 
wear  the  nimbus.  The  Virgin  Mary  is  always 
without  it.  In  the  Ravenna  baptistery,  a.d.  430, 
our  Lord  and  perhaps  the  Baptist  are  alone 
furnished  with  the  nimbus.  The  case  is  the 
same  in  the  mausoleum  of  Galla  Placidia, 
A.D.  450.  The  vaulted  ceilings  of  the  chapels 
of  the  Lateran  Baptistery,  A.D.  462,  exhibit  the 
Holy  Lamb  with  the  cruciform  nimbus. 

In  the  earliest  mosaic  pictures  of  the  next  cen- 
tury at  Rome,  those  of  the  church  of  St.  Cosmas 
and  St.  Damian,  the  only  heads  distinguished 
with  the  nimbus  are  those  of  Christ  and  the 
angels  and  the  Holy  Lamb.  The  church  of  St. 
Vitalis  at  Ravenna,  a.d.  547,  shews  the  gradual 
extension  of  the  employment  of  the  nimbus.  It 
is  given  not  merely  to  our  Lord  (Whose  nimbus 
is  cruciform)  and  the  angels,  but  also  to  St. 
Vitalis,  and  to  the  evangelists  and  prophets  on 
the  walls  of  the  sacrarium.  Melchizedek  as  a 
priest  wears  the  nimbus,  but  not  Abel  or 
Abraham.  The  nimb  surrounding  the  heads  of 
Justinian  and  Theodora  has  already  been  noticed 
(see  for  these  the  article  Crown,  vol.  i.  p.  306  b). 
In  the  Arian  baptistery  at  Ravenna,  where  the 
mosaics  are  a  close  copy  of  those  in  the 
orthodox  baptistery,  the  later  date  is  indicated 
by  the  nimbus  being  assigned  to  the  apostles, 
as  well  as  to  Christ.  In  St.  Apollinaris  in  Urbe, 
A.D.  566,  every  individual  of  the  long  procession 
of  male  and  female  saints  on  either  side  of  the 
nave  is  thus  distinguished.  From  this  time 
onwards  the  use  of  the  nimbus  for  holy  person- 
ages became  universal,  the  only  distinction  being 
that  the  nimbus  of  Christ  was  usually  cruciform, 
that  of  other  individuals  plain. 

The  result  of  our  examination  of  dated  exam- 
ples is  that,  as  Didron  has  laid  down,  the  nimbus, 
however  frequent  previously  as  a  token  of  dignity, 
does  not  appear  as  a  Christian  emblem  before 
the  sixth  century.  That  during  and  after  the 
sixth  century  the  nimbus  was  gradually  adopted 
as  a  mark  of  sanctity,  though  not  by  any 
invariable  law.  That  the  seventh  and  two  suc- 
ceeding centuries  witnessed  the  transition  from 
the  complete  absence  to  the  constant  presence  of 
the  nimbus,  the  same  monument  presenting 
personages  sometimes  with  and  sometimes  without 
it.     (Didron,  Iconogr.  Chr^t.  pp.  101-102.)     We 


NIMBUS 

see  also  that  (setting  aside  the  secular  use  of  the 
nimbus)  the  image  of  our  Lord  was  the  first  to 
be  thus  distinguished ;  that  those  of  the  angels 
attending  upon  Him  were  the  next  in  succession 
("  lumen  quod  circa  angelorum  capita  pingitur 
nimbus  vocatur,"  Isidor.  Hispal.  Orig.  lib.  xix. 
c.  31);  and  that  these  were  followed  by  the 
evangelists  and  their  symbolical  animals,  then 
by  the  apostles,  and  that  ultimately,  towards 
the  end  of  the  seventh  or  beginning  of  the 
eighth  century,  this  honour  was  extended  to 
all  saints.  No  superior  dignity  in  this  respect 
was  originally  accorded  to  the  Virgin  Mary, 
nor  does  any  definite  rule  seem  to  have  been 
followed.  She  is  not  marked  by  the  nimbus  in 
the  fifth-century  mosaics  at  St.  Mary  Major's, 
nor  commonly  in  the  representations  of  the 
adoration  of  the  Magi.  On  the  tomb  of  the  exarch 
Isaac  at  Ravenna,  a.d.  644,  she  is  unnimbed, 
while  the  Holy  Child  has  the  nimbus,  while  in 
the  mosaics  of  St.  Apollinaris  in  Urbe  of  the  pre- 
ceding century,  a.d.  566,  both  are  thus  dis- 
tinguished. In  the  mosaics  of  the  chapel  of  St. 
Venantius  at  the  Lateran,  a.d.  642,  the  Virgin 
as  well  as  the  sixteen  apostles  and  saintly  per 
sonages  who  stand  on  either  side  of  her  wear  the 
nimbus.  In  some  examples  of  Byzantine  Art, 
however,  the  growth  of  the  cultus  of  the  Virgin 
is  indicated  by  the  nimbus  being  assigned  to  her 
while  the  apostles  are  without  it.  As  ex- 
amples of  this  distinction  we  may  refer  to  the 
mosaic  representing  the  Ascension  on  the  cupola 
of  St.  Sophia  at  Salonica,  of  the  6th  century ; 
and  an  illumination  of  the  same  scene  from  the 
Zagba  MS.  of  the  Syrian  Gospels  in  the  Medicean 
Library  at  Florence,  of  which  a  cut  is  given, 
article    Angels,    I.    85.       In     early    examples 


(From  Murtlgny.) 


there  was  frequently  no  distinction  between  the 
nimbus  of  the  Saviour  and  that  of  the  angels  and 


No.  2.  Christ  with  Cracifurm  Nimbus ;  Cemetery  of  St  Pontianus. 

the  others  to  whom   it  was  assigned.      In  each 
case  it  was  a  simple  disk,  or  a  ring  surrounding 


NIMBUS 

the  head,  allowing  the  gi-ound  to  be  seen  through. 
Subsequently  the  Saviour  was  always  dis- 
tinguished by  a  cruciform  nimbus,  the  field  of 
the  disk  being  divided  into  four  quadrants  by 
a  cross,  the  sides  of  which  are  often  concave. 
This  cross,  as  well  as  the  circumference  of  the 
disk,  is  not  unfrequently  formed  of  round  beads 
or  pearls,  as  in  the  annexed  example  from  the 
catacomb  of  St.  Pontianus.  A  further  develop- 
ment was  the  inserting  the  letters  A  and  n  on 
the  disk,  with  the  addition  sometimes  of  the 
Christian  monogram.    We  give  an  example  from 


NIMBUS 


1401 


No.  S.    (From  Martigny. 

the  fifth-century  mosaics  of  the  chapel  of  St. 
Aquilinus,  at  Milan  (No.  3).  A  later  Greek 
development  inscribed  the  three  arms  of  the 
cross  with  the  three  letters  forming  6  iev  (No.  4). 


No.  4.    Fresco;  Thessaly;  Hth 


(From  Didron.) 


A  nimbus  of  a  triangular  form,  in  allusion  to 
the  Trinity,  was  constantly  given  in  later  works 
of  art  to  the  Divine  Being ,  this,  however,  is 
not  found  during  the  first  ten  centuries.  In  the 
mosaics  of  the  cathedral  of  Capua,  where  the  head 
of  the  Holy  Dove  is  surrounded  by  a  trian- 
gular nimbus,  it  is  almost  undoubtedly  a  modern 
alteration.  (Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  ii.  p.  168 ; 
Didron,  p.  33,  note  2.) 

A  nimbus  of  a  square  or  rectangular  shape, 
from  the  9th  century  onwards,  was  the  mark  of 
a  living  person.  Ciampini  {u.  s.  ii.  14  b)  expresses 
some  doubts  on  this  point,  but  the  following 
passage  from  Paulus  Diaconus  in  the  life  of 
St.  Gregory  is  decisive,  "circa  verticem  vero 
tabulae  similitudinem,  quod  viventis  insigne 
est,  praeferentis,  non  coronam."  Durandus  also 
Avrites,  "cum  aliquis  praelatus  aut  sanctus 
vivus  pingitur,  non  in  forma  scuti  rotundi,  sed 
quadrati,  corona  ipsa  depingitur."  (Div.  Off.  lib. 
i.e.  3).  This,  instead  of  a  thin  tablet,  sometimes 
assumes  the  form  of  a  block  of  very  substantial 
thickness.  As  examples  we  may  cite  the  head  of 
pope  John  I.,  a.D.  705-708  (Agincourt,  Pcinturc, 
pi.  xvii.  No.  6)  and  those  of  pope  Paschal  I., 
A.D.  807-824,  on  the  mosaics  of  St.  Maria  in 
Dominica,and  St.  Praxedes.  [See  Mosaics,  fig.  14.] 
•On  the  celebrated  palliotto  of  the  church  of  St. 


Ambrose,  archbishop  Agilbert,  the  donor,  is  re- 
presented with  the  quadrangular  nimbus,  offer- 
ing the  altar  to  St.  Ambrose,  whose  nimbus  is 
circular.  (Ferrario,  Memorie  di  Sant'  Ambrogio  ; 
Agincourt,  Sculpt,  pi.  xxvi.  c.  15.)  We  find  the 
square  nimbus  surrounding  the  heads  of  pope 
Leo  III.  and  the  emperors  Charles  the  Great,  and 
Constantine,  in  the  mosaics  of  the  Lateran  Tri- 
clinium. Charles  the  Great  also  had  a  nimbus  of 
the  same  form  in  a  mosaic  now  destroyed  at  St. 
Susanna  (Alemanni,  de  Lateranensibus  parietinis, 
p.  12  :  Didron,  pp.  34-83).  Didron  asserts  that 
the  square  nimbus  is  not  found  anywhere  save 
'in  Italy,  and  expresses  his  regret  at  its  absence, 
as  depriving  works  of  art  of  this  evidence  of 
their  date.  Another  singular  variety  of  the 
nimbus  is  that  which  presents  it  in  the  form  of 
a  scroll  partially  unrolled  at  either  end.  Examples 
of  this  remarkable  configuration,  which  seems 
only  to  be  found  in  MSS.  or  in  painted  glass,  are 
given  by  Agincourt  from  a  Latin  Pontificale  of 
the  9th  century  in  the  Library  of  the  Minerva 
at  Rome  {Peinture,  pi.  xxxvii.,  xxxviii).  In  each 
of  the  twelve  compartments  depicting  various 
episcopal  acts  the  bishop  is  distinguished  by  a 
nimbus  of  this  form.     (See  cut  No.  5.) 


No.  B.  Nimbus.    Latin  MSS.    9th  century.    (From  Didron.) 

The  nimbus  is  given  not  only  to  divine  and 
sacred  personages,  but  also  to  allegorical  animals. 
We  may  instance  the  Holy  Lamb  in  the  two 
chapels  of  the  Lateran  Baptistery,  the  apse  of 
St.  Cosmas  and  St.  Damian,  and  the  vaulted  roof 
of  St.  Vitalis  ;  the  holy  dove  on  the  dossier  of 
an  episcopal  throne  (Bosio,  p.  327);  and  the 
evangelistic  symbols,  as  at  St.  Paul's  and  the 
chapel  of  St.  John  the  Baptist  at  the  Lateran. 
The  phoenix,  a  favourite  emblem  of  immortal 
life  through  death,  has  a  stellate  nimbus  in  the 
apses  of  St.  Cosmas  and  St.  Damian,  and  those 
of  St.  Praxedes  and  St.  Cecilia,  and  on  a  coin  of 
Faustina  (Ciampini,  tab.  xxxvi.  fig.  14).  De  Rossi 
furnishes  other  examples  (i?om.  Softer,  ii.  p.  313). 

The  aureole  (aureola,  the  golden  reward  of 
special  holiness)  may  be  defined  as  the  nimb  of 
the  body,  as  the  ordinary  nimbus  is  that  of  the 
head.  To  adapt  it  to  the  shape  of  the  body,  the 
aureole  is  usually  of  an  oval  form,  and  often 
pointed  at  each  end,  of  the  shape  known  as  the 
Vesica  piscis.  Its  duration  in  Christian  art  was 
but  brief.  It  appeared  after  the  nimbus,  and 
disappeared  before  it.  A  singular  e.xample  is 
found  in  one  of  the  wall  mosaics  of  St.  Mary 
Major's  at  Rome,  where  it  assumes  the  character 
of  a  solid  shield  protecting  the  persons  of  Moses 
and  Aaron  from  the  stones  hurled  at  them  by 
the  adherents  of  Korah  and  his  companions.  It 
IS  very  often  found  encircling  the  form  of  the 
Deity,  or  of  our  Lord. 


1402 


NIMFIDUS 


Authorities  : — Agincourt,  Seroux  de,  VArt  par 
les  Monuments;  Behmii  de  Nimhis  Sanctorum; 
Ciampini,  Vetera  Monumenta,  vol.  i.  p.  114  sq. ; 
Buonarruoti,  Osservazioni  sopra  vast  di  vetro, 
p.  60  sq. ;  Didron,  Iconographie  Chretienne ; 
Garrucci,  Vetri  ornati;  Grimouard  de  St.  Laurent, 
Guide  de  VArt  Chre'tien;  Jameson,  Sacred  and 
Legendary  Art;  Martigny,  Dictionnaire des  Anti- 
quite's  Chr^tiennes ;  Munter,  Sinnbilder,  ii.  pp. 
20  ff. ;  Nicolai  de  Nimbis  Antiq.  [E.  V.] 

NIMFIDUS  (Nymphics),  martyr  with 
Saturninus  at  Alexandria  ;  commemorated  Sept. 
5  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  ii.  527).  [C.  H.] 

NIMMIA,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  the 
city  of  Aueustana  Aug.  12  (Usuard.  Mart.). 

[C.  H.] 
NIMPODOKA.    [NYiiPHODOEA.] 

NINA  (1),  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Milan 
May  6  (Bieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Three  martyrs ;  commemorated  at  Con- 
stantinople May  8  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Two  martyrs ;  commemorated  at  Rome,  in 
the  cemetery  of  Praetextatus,  May  10  {Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Thessalonica 
June  1  (^Hieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Two  martyrs;  commemorated  at  Eome 
June  2  (Hieron.  Mai-t.). 

(6)  Enlightener  of  Georgia,  with  Mama,  vir- 
gins ;  commemorated  June  11  {Cal.  Arnien.). 

(7)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  Dec. 
15  CHieron.  Mart.').  [C.  H.] 

NINEVITE-FAST.  Gregory  Bar-Hebraeus 
(quoted  by  Augusti,  H.  B.  iii.  482  f.,  from  Asse- 
mani,  Biblioth.  Orient,  ii.  304)  mentions,  besides 
Wednesday  and  Friday,  five  famous  fasts  of  the 
Syrians,  of  which  the  Hfth  is  the  Nineveh-fast; 
this  fast,  he  says,  the  Eastern  Syriiins  observe 
from  the  Monday  in  each  of  the  three  weeks 
before  the  great  fast  (Lent)  to  the  Thursday 
morning;  the  western  Syrians  to  the  Saturday 
morning.  The  Abyssinian  church  observes  a 
three  days'  Nineveh-fast  in  July  (Herzog,  Eeal- 
Encycl.  i.  49).  [C] 

NINIANUS,  bishop,  apostle  of  the  Southern 
Picts  at  Candida  Casa  ;  commemorated  Sept.  16 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  v.  318).  [C.  H.] 

NINNOCA,  virgin  in  Lesser  Britain,  in  the 
eishth  century;  commemorated  June  4  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Jun.'i.  407).  [C.  H.] 

NISMES,  COUNCIL  OF  (Nemausexse 
Concilium).  Held  at  Nismes  in  the  lifetime 
of  St.  Martin,  who  declined  attending  it,  but  is 
said  to  have  been  informed  by  revelation  of  what 
passed  there.  Mansi  makes  a  strange  guess  at 
its  date  (iii.  685,  note).  IE.  S.  Ff.] 

NIVARDUS,  archbishop  of  Eheims,  cir. 
A.D.  273  ;  commemorated  Sept.  1  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Sept.  i.  267).  [C.  H.] 

NOAH,  patriarch ;  commemorated  Jan.  1 
and  Ap.  1  {Cal.  Ethiop.).  [C.  H.] 

NOBILIS  (1),  Ap.  25.    [Nubilis.] 
(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Sept.  24  (Ilieron. 
Mart.).  [0.  H.] 


NORUNT  FIDELES 

NOCTURN  {Nocturnuin  officium,  nocturnae 
vigiliae,  nocturnus).  Each  of  the  three  divisions 
of  the  matin  office  is  called  a  nocturn.  Anciently 
in  religious  houses  the  night  was  divided  into 
three  portions,  in  each  of  which  psalms  were 
said,  lauds  following  at  dawn.  Jerome  (^Epist. 
22  ad  Eiistochium)  laments  that  even  in  hiS' 
time  the  zeal  of  religious  persons  had  so  far 
cooled  that  monks  recited  the  three  nocturns 
and  lauds  continuously.  [HOURS  of  Prayer,, 
p.  798  ;  Psalmody  ;  Vigil.]  (Martene,  do  Bit.. 
Antiq.  iv.  0.  7.)  [C] 

NODDER,  COUNCIL  OF,  a.d.  705:  on 
the  river  Nodder,  in  Wilts,  at  which  a  charter, 
exhibited  by  Adhelm,  the  newly  appointed  bishop 
of  Sherborne,  was  confirmed.  (Haddan  and 
Stubbs,  iii.  276  ;  Mansi,  ib.  175.)        [E.  S.  Ff.] 

NOEACIS,  NONANNEANE.  Artificial 
words  to  fix  the  tonality  of  the  respective  notes 
of  the  chants  or  their  endings  in  the  memory  of 
the  chanter.  The  first  of  these  belong  to  the 
Plagal  modes,  the  other  to  the  Authentic.  The 
words  themselves  appear  with  some  variations 
of  form.     [See  Music  and  Evovae.]    [J.  R.  L.] 

NOEL.  A  word  formed  from  Katalis,  the. 
common  French  name  for  Christmas  Day 
[p.  35.3].  [C] 

NOITBUEGA,  virgin,  in  France,  A.D.  690  r 
commemorated  Oct.  31  (Surius,  de  Brob.  Sanct. 
Hist.  Oct.  p.  415,  ed.  Colon.  1618).  [C.  H.] 

NOLA.    [Bell.] 

NOMOCANON.  A  Greek  code  of  ecclesias- 
tical laws.  See  Canon  Law,  p.  266;  Codex 
Canoxum,  p.  400.  [C] 

NONES.    [Hours  of  Prayer,  p.  797.] 

NONNA  (1),  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Rome  Ap.  23  (^Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  in  Africa  May 
23  (Ilieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr ;  commemorated  'in  Africa  July 
20  (Hieron.  Mart.).  '  [C.  H.] 

(4)  Mother  of  St.  Gregory  Nazianzen,  cir. 
a.d.  374  ;  commemorated  Aug.  5  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Aug.  ii.  78).  [C.  H.] 

NONNA.     [Nun.] 

NONNUS  (1),  Martyr;  commemorated  at 
Nicomedia  JIar.  16  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Alexandria. 
Mar.  21  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr;  commemorated  in  Pamphylia 
JLay  28  (^Hieron.  Mart.). 

(4)  Martyr ;  commemorated  at  Milan  July 
17  (^Hieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  in  portu  urbis- 
Romae  July  25  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

NON-RESIDENCE.    [Residence.] 

NOONDAY  SERVICE.  [Hours  of 
Prayer.] 

_  NORUNT  FIDELES,  or  INITIATI,  r<ra<n>- 

01  fxf/j.rivij.(voi,  a  formula  of  repeated  recurrence 


NOSOCOMIUM 

in  ■^he  writings  of  the  Fathers  to  indicate  the 
sacred  mysteries  of  the  faitli  which  were  not  to 
be  openly  published  before  the  uninitiated.  The 
frequency  of  the  phrase  is  a  valuable  evidence 
of  the  "  reserve  "  in  religious  teaching  practised 
by  the  early  Church,  which  indicated  a  doctrine 
of  the  faith  with  sufficient  clearness  to  be  in- 
telligible to  their  Christian  hearers  without 
exposing  it  to  the  irreverent  handling  of  those 
who  were  not  yet  admitted  within  the  Christian 
pale.  Casaubon  writes  of  it  {Exercit.  ad  Baron, 
xvi.  No.  43,  p.  490):  "  Quis  ita  hospes  in 
patrum  lectione  cui  sit  ignota  formula  in  men- 
tione  sacramentorum  potissimum  usitata,  icracnv 
ol  fiiyLVT]ixivoi,  norunt  initiate  "  It  is  of  repeated 
occurrence  in  the  writings  of  Chrysostom,  and 
is  found,  though  less  often,  in  St.  Augustine. 
(Cf.  Chrysost.  Homil.  in  Genes,  xlix.  11  ;  Ps.  cxl.  ; 
Homil.  in  Matt.  Ixxii. ;  in  Joann.  xv.  xlvi.  Ixxxv.) 
[E.  v.] 
NOSOCOMIUM.     [Hospitals.] 

NOSTRIANUS,  bishop  and  confessor  at 
Naples ;  commemorated  in  the  fifth  century, 
Aug.  16  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  iii.  294).  [C.  H.] 

NOTARY.  I.  Originally  a  shorthand  writer. 
Isidore  Hispalensis  (^Etymnl.  i.  2'2)  says  that  En- 
nius  invented  1100  characters  (notas)  for  the 
purpose  of  abbreviating,  so  that  they  could 
readily  be  recorded,  that  the  sj'stem  was  im- 
proved and  added  to  by  others,  and  that  Seneca 
extended  the  number  of  characters  to  5000. 
Socrates  (if.  E.  vi.  4)  says  that  the  sermons  of 
St.  Chrysostom  were  preserved  by  such  short- 
hand writers  (6^vypa(pot).  Augustine  (De  Doct. 
Christ,  ii.  26)  says  that  those  who  have  learned 
short-hand  (notae)  are  called  "  notarii."  Again 
(Epist.  21,  Class,  iii.  Migne,  Patrul.)  he  says  that 
the  notaries  of  the  church  take  down  what  is 
said,  so  that  neither  his  own  speech  nor  the 
acclamations  of  the  people  were  lost.  He  also 
{Epist.  172,  Class,  iii.)  complains  of  a  great 
dearth  of  notaries  who  could  write  the  Latin 
language,  and  {Epist.  152)  speaks  of  four  notaries 
being  appointed  on  either  side,  in  one  of  his 
conferences  with  the  Donatists. 

In  this  capacity  they  were  officially  employed 
in  courts  of  justice.  Augustine  {In  Collat. 
Donat.  die  ii,  c.  3)  represents  the  Donatists  as 
pleading  that  they  were  ignorant  of  short-hand 
writing — '  notas  ignorare  ' — and  the  president 
of  the  court  commanding  that  what  the  official 
notaries  had  taken  down  should  be  read  to  them. 
Sometimes  also  they  appear  to  have  been  sent  in 
a  judicial  capacity  to  take  evidence  or  make  a 
report.  Thus  Augustine  {Epist.  128,  Class,  iii.) 
calls  one  Marcellinus  a  tribune  and  notary,  and 
{Epist.  134,  Class,  iii.)  speaks  of  certain  Donatist 
clergy  and  fanatics  being  brought  to  trial  after 
an  official  report  previously  made  (praemissa 
notaria).  In  the  acts  of  the  council  of  Chalce- 
don  {Act  9)  m.ention  is  made  of  one  Damascius, 
tribune  and  notary. 

And  also  in  the  councils  of  the  church.  The  4th 
council  of  Toledo,  a.d.  633  (c.  4),  in  ordering  the 
proceedings  to  be  observed  at  councils,  mentions, 
amongst  other  officials,  the  notaries,  whose  duty 
it  was  to  take  down  the  proceedings  and  read 
them  aloud  if  required.  Archbisho'p  Theodore, 
in  his  account  of  the  council  at  Hertford,  a.d. 
670  (Bede,  H.  E.  iv.  .5)  says  that  the  decisions 


NOTARY 


1403 


of  the  councils  were  written  down  from  his  dic- 
tation by  the  notary  Titillus.  Eusebius  {H.  E. 
vii.  29)  speaks  of  the  ready-writers  {raxvypacftoi), 
who  took  down  the  controversy  between  Paul  of 
Samosata,  at  the  council  of  Antioch,  A.D.  269, 
and  Socrates  {H.  E.  ii.  30)  also  mentions  them 
as  being  present  at  the  controversy  between 
Basil  and  Photinus,  at  the  council  of  Sirmium, 
A.D.  351. 

II.  But  notaries  were  often  simple  secretaries. 
In  this  capacity  they  were  attached  to  courts. 
Thus  Socrates  (//.  E.  vii.  23)  says  that  John, 
who  attempted  to  seize  the  empire  after  the 
death  of  Honorius,  was  previously  the  chief  of  the 
royal  secretaries,  irpwroffraTrjs  vTroypa<pecov  tSiv 
^affLKiKuv.  Charles  the  Great  {Capitul.  i.  c.  3) 
provided  that  every  bishop  and  abbat  should 
have  his  own  notary.  In  the  life  of  John  Da- 
mascene, by  John  the  patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  it 
is  said  that  some  of  the  royal  notaries  {viro- 
ypacpiciiv)  were  employed  to  forge  the  false  accu- 
sation brought  against  him.  Thus  Proclus  was 
notary  {inroypd<pevs)  to  Atticus  (Soc.  H.E.  vii.  41), 
and  Athanasius  to  Alexander  of  Alexandria  (Soz. 
I{.  E.  ii.  17).  Part  of  their  duty  appears  to  have 
been  to  act  as  readers  to  their  masters,  and  they 
seem  to  have  entered  on  their  office  at  a  very  early 
age.  Ennodius  says  that  Epiphanius  of  Ticino 
became  a  lector  at  eight  years  of  age,  and 
from  that  time  discharged  also  the  duties  of  a 
notary  till  his  16th  year  {Vita  Epip,h.  Ticin. 
Migne,  Patrol,  vol.  62,  p.  208).  Evodius,  writing 
to  Augustine  (August.  Epnst.  158,  Class,  iii.), 
speaking  of  a  youth  whom  he  had  employed  as 
reader  and  notary,  says  that  he  was  indefatigable 
in  note-taking,  and  was  accustomed  to  read  to 
him  even  during  the  hours  of  the  night,  adding 
that  so  diligent  and  careful  was  he  that  he 
began  to  regard  him  rather  as  a  familiar  friend 
than  as  merely  a  youth  and  a  notary.  The  nota- 
ries belonging  to  the  see  of  Rome  appear  to  have 
held  a  more  important  position,  and  to  have 
been  sent  on  important  missions,  sometimes  witk 
extensive  powers  entrusted  to  them.  Instances 
of  this  will  be  found  in  the  letters  of  Gregory 
the  Great ;  thus  {Epist.  viii.  26,  Migne,  Patrol.) 
we  find  him  sending  Pantaleon,  the  notary,  to 
Apulia  to  inquire  into  an  accusation  brought 
against  a  bishop  of  Sipontum,  with  power  to  in- 
flict punishment  in  case  the  accusation  was 
proved.  The  first  council  of  Braga,  a.d.  563 
{Praefat.),  speaks  of  Juribius,  a  notary  of  the 
see  of  Rome,  by  whom  Leo  sent  certain  rescripts 
against  the  Priscillianists  to  the  synod  of  Gal- 
licia.  Sometimes,  too,  they  seemed  to  have 
signed  the  letters  of  the  bishop  of  Rome  (Greg. 
Mag.  Epist.  Appendix,  Migne,  Patrol,  vol.  77, 
p.  11,345,  §  1299). 

III.  In  Rome  were  certain  notaries  called 
"  notarii  regionarii,"  to  whom  peculiar  duties 
were  allotted.  Anastasius,  the  libi-arian  {Vita 
S.  dementis')  speaks  of  seven  notaries  appointed 
to  the  seven  regiones,  whose  office  it  was  to  col- 
lect and  register  the  deeds  of  the  martyrs,  and 
(  Vit.  S.  Anteros)  says  that  the  acts  of  the  mar- 
tyrs were  diligently  collected  by  notaries.  Again 
(  Vita  S.  Fahiini)  he  says  that  the  districts  were 
divided  among  the  deacons,  and  that  seven  sub- 
deacons  were  appointed  to  superintend  the  seven 
notaries,  and  {Vita  S.  Juli'i)  that  Julius  I.  or- 
dered that  the  registers  belonging  to  each  church, 
"  uotitia  quae  pro  fide  ecclesiastica  est,"  should" 


1404 


NOTHELMUS 


be  collected  for  safe  custody  by  the  notaries,  and 
that  all  deeds  and  records  should  be  in  the  cus- 
tody of  the  chief"  Primicerius"  of  the  notaries. 
They  also  discharged  certain  functions  in  con- 
nexion with  the  services  of  the  church.  Gregory 
the  Great  {Liber  Sacrament.  §  70)  speaks  of  the 
lighting  of  two  caudles  held  by  two  notaries. 
Messianus  Presbyter  (Vita  Caesarli  Arelat.  ii.  c. 
2,  §  18,  Migne,  Patrol,  v.  67,  p.  1034)  says  that 
it  was  the  duty  of  the  notary  to  precede  the 
bishop,  carrying  his  pastoral  staff. 

IV.  They  do  not  appear  to  have  been  reckoned 
among  the  clergy.  Socrates  {H.  E.  vii.  41) 
narrates  that  Atticus  made  Proclus  his  notary, 
and,  after  he  had  made  great  progress,  pro- 
moted him  to  the  diaconate.  Gregory  the 
Great  (Epist.  iii.  34)  speaks  of  a  subdeacon 
who  could  not  keep  his  vow  of  continency  and 
therefore  retired  from  his  monastery,  gave  up 
his  ofBce  as  subdeacon,  and  performed  the  duties 
of  a  notary  for  the  rest  of  his  life.  But  it  was 
reckoned  one  of  the  steps  to  the  clerical  office. 
Gelasius  {Decret.  c.  2)  sa3's  that  a  monk,  who 
wished  to  enter  holy  orders,  should  serve  for 
three  months  as  a  lector,  or  notary,  or  defensor, 
after  that  he  might  be  made  an  acolyte.  But 
they  seem  occasionally  to  have  retained  their 
title,  and  probably  their  office,  after  ordination. 
In  the  acts  of  the  council  of  Antioch,  read  out  at 
the  council  of  Chalcedon  (Act  14)  mention  is 
made  of  one  Tarianus,  deacon  and  notary.  The 
chapter  of  Sozomen  {H.  E.  iv.  3)  which  relates 
the  martyrdom  of  Martyrius,  the  subdeacon,  and 
JIarcian,  the  lector,  is  headed  '  The  Martyrdom 
of  the  Notaries,'  and  Nicephorus  (if.  E.  ix.  30) 
distinctly  says  that  they  were  notaries  of  Paul, 
the  bishop  of  Constantinople.  It  is  alleged,  on 
the  authority  of  a  letter  of  Julius,  that  Mar- 
tyrius was  a  deacon  (Vales,  Not.  in  Soz.,  H.  E. 
iv.  3  ;  Thomassin,  Ecclesiae  Disciplina).  [P.  0.] 

NOTHELMUS,  archbishop  of  Canterbury  ; 
commemorated  Oct.  17  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  viii. 
117).  [C.  H.] 

NOTITIA.  The  word  notitia  is  technically 
used  for  a  sort  of  list  or  court-almanac  of  places 
and  officials,  and  the  earliest  and  most  famous 
notitiae  are  of  a  purely  civil  character.  The 
most  famous  of  all  is,  of  course,  the  Notitia  Digni- 
tatum,  compiled  in  the  time  of  Arcadius  or 
Honorius,  circa  400  a.d.  (see  Gibbon,  ii.  303, 
note  72.  Pancirolus  and  Bocking),  which  is  a 
complete  list  of  the  provinces  with  their  sub- 
divisions, and  of  the  whole  official  staff  of  the 
empire.  This  has  been  edited  by  Pancirolus. 
whose  work  has,  however,  been  quite  superseded 
by  the  editions  of  Bocking  (2  vols.  Bonn,  1839- 
1853)  and  Seeck  (Berlin,  1876).  This  great 
notitia  is  of  a  purely  civil  character,  and  its  in- 
terest for  the  student  of  Christian  antiquities 
lies  solely  in  its  giving  him  a  ready  means  of 
testing  the  closeness  with  which  the  local  divi- 
sions and  gradations  of  power  in  the  church 
were  modelled  on  those  of  the  state.  It  is  well 
known  how  the  ecclesiastical  arclibishoprics  and 
bishoprics  followed  the  limits  of  the  greater  and 
lesser  provincial  governorships — the  archbishop 
whose  seat  was  at  Narbonne  for  instance  exer- 
cising spiritual  jurisdiction  exactly  over  the 
country  which  had  formed  the  province  of  Gallia 
Narboncnsis.    [Orders,  Holy,  III.]    So  towns  in 


NOTITIA 

Asia  Minor  which  had  been  metropoles  in  the  old 
sense  (for  the  civil  sense  of  the  word,  cf  Marquardt, 
Romische  Siaatsverioaltung,  i.  185)  became  metro- 
poles in  the  new  sense.  Bingham  has  a  lengthy 
discussion  of  this  point.  There  is  a  good  deal  also 
to  be  gleaned  from  Marquardt's  first  volume  ;  see 
especially  pp.  216,  269.  Boissiere  in  his  L'Afrique 
Romaine  (Paris,  1878),  p.  424,  has  some  interest- 
ing remarks  on  the  subject  of  the  civil  and 
ecclesiastical  dioceses,  from  an  unpublished 
lecture  of  Leon  Renier.  Besides  the  Notitia 
Dignitatum  there  is  the  important  Notitia  Pro- 
vinciarum  ct  Civitatmn  Galliae,  compiled  about 
the  same  time  as  the  Notitia  Dignitatum  during 
the  reign  of  Honorius  (Marquardt,  i.  129,  note  3), 
or  at  all  events  some  time  between  386  and  450 
A.D.  (Brambach  in  liheinisches  Museum,  xxiii. 
p.  262  sqq.  ;  Riese,  Geographi  Latint  Minorcs, 
p.  xxxiii.).  This  notitia  is  also  of  a  purely  civil 
character.  It  is  edited  in  Seeck's  edition  of  the 
Notitia  Dignitatum,  and  in  Riese's  Geog.  Lat. 
Min.  (Heilbronn,  1878).  The  Notitia  UrhisCon- 
stantitiopolitanae,  also  edited  by  Seeck  and  Riese, 
gives  the  positions  of  the  fourteen  ecclesiae  in 
Constantinople,  but  is  otherwise  purely  civil. 

The  earliest  undoubted  ecclesiastical  notitia 
that  we  possess  is  that  of  Leo  Sapiens,  a.d.  891. 
But  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  such  notitiae 
existed  at  a  much  earlier  date,  and  the  Ilicroclis 
Synecdemus,  or  Hierocles'  Travelling  Companion, 
has  distinct  traces  of  an  ecclesiastical  character 
in  it.  This  work  was  shewn  by  Wesseling  to 
have  been  written  before  a.d.  535.  The  geiii- 
tives  of  places  which  occur  six  times  in  the  lists, 
and  the  genitive  Srffiov  which  occurs  nine  times, 
look  as  if  they  should  be  preceded  by  the  word 
iTTicTKoiros,  as  in  an  ordinary  notitia.  This  is 
further  confirmed  by  the  occurrence  of  the 
definite  article  in  one  instance,  6  Ttix^pidSaiv 
(Parthey,  HierocUs  Synecdemus  et  notitiae  Graecae 
Episcopituum,  Berlin,  1866,  p.  v.  Hierocles  is 
also  edited  in  Fortia  d'Urban's  Pecueil  des 
Itine'raires  Anciens,  Paris,  1845,  with  the  modern 
names  subjoined.  For  some  remarks  on  the 
personality  of  Hierocles,  see  Schelstrate's  Anti- 
quitas  Ecclesiae,  ii.  720).  The  notitia  of  Leo 
Sapiens  is  full  for  the  East,  but  not  equally 
perfect  for  the  West.  It  has  been  edited  many 
times.  Carolus  a  S.  Paulo  for  instance,  in  his 
Geographia  Sacra  (Amsterdam,  1704),  prints  it, 
in  an  imperfect  form,  along  with  other  notitiae 
in  an  appendix ;  Beveridge  prints  it  on  p.  135 
of  his  antwtationcs  in  canones  at  the  end  of  the 
second  volume  of  his  Synodikon ;  Gear  in  his  edi- 
tion of  Codinus  (Venice,  1729),  p.  287,  foil.,  gives 
the  notitiae  from  that  of  Leo  to  that  of  Andronicus 
Palaeologus;  Schelstrate,  ii.  632  (Rome,  1697), 
prints  the  chief  civil  and  ecclesiastical  notitiae  ; 
Bingham  gives  the  notitia  of  Leo  in  the  third 
volume  of  his  Christian  Antiquities;  unfortu- 
nately he  is  extremely  inaccurate  (see  Neale,  Holy 
Eastern  Church,  vol.  i.  p.  xii.  of  the  preface). 
The  critical  edition,  however,  which  so  far  will 
supersede  all  others,  as  well  of  Leo's  notitia  as  of 
the  other  Eastern  notitiae,  is  that  in  the  work 
of  Parthey  above-mentioned.  The  later  notitiae 
hardly  come  within  the  scope  of  this  dictionary, 
but  may  be  found  in  any  of  the  works  mentioned 
above,  and  best  of  all  in  Parthey.  A  useful  in- 
troduction to  the  study  of  the  notitiae  would  be 
to  read  the  account  which  Fabricms  (Salutaris 
Lux    Evangelii,  p.    342,  foil.    Hamburg,   1731) 


NOTITIA 

gives  of  the  contents  and  bibliography  of  each  of 
the  more  important  of  them. 

It  is  obvious  that  the  notitiae  are  not  the 
only  sources  from  which  a  list  of  bishoprics 
■could  be  compiled.  The  subscriptions  to  the 
councils  are  at  least  of  equal  importance. 
These  can  be  obtained  from  any  of  the  ordi- 
nary editions  of  the  councils,  such  as  that  of 
Harduia  or  Mansi.  The  modern  comprehensive 
book  on  the  subject  is  Gams's  Series  Episcoporum 
(Ratisbon,  1873),  a  work  of  learning,  but  to 
bo  used  with  caution  on  account  of  a  tendency 
to  antedate  the  first  establishments  of  bishoprics, 
and  now  and  then  to  interpose  a  conjectural 
bishop.  An  attempt  is  "made  to  give  a  complete 
notitia  of  the  Christian  world  in  Migne's  Pre- 
miere  Encyclope'die  The'ologique  (Paris,  1862), 
vol.  .xxviii.  p.  759.  Other  sources  will  be 
referred  to  in  the  following  brief  notes  on  the 
■different  parts  of  the  Christian  world  taken  sepa- 
rately. 

1.  Spain.  All  the  old  books  bearing  upon  the 
subject,  e.g.  the  editions  of  councils,  &c.,  go  upon 
the  forged  list  of  Wamba,  which  is  greatly  ante- 
dated, being  put  in  the  7th,  while  it  really  be- 
longs to  the  12th  century.  A  new  critical 
edition  of  this  list  is  shortly  to  be  expected  from 
the  distinguished  Spanish  scholar  Aureliano 
Fernandez  Guerra.  Meanwhile  the  materials 
for  a  judgment  are  to  be  found  in  Florez's  admir- 
able fourth  volume  which  "  contiene  el  origen 
y  progreso  de  los  obispados  .  .  .  .  y  divisioues 
antiguas  de  sus  Sillas."  Florez  was  the  first  to 
throw  doubt  upon  the  supposed  date  of  Wamba's 
list,  and  his  opinion  is  now  universally  accepted. 
Gams's  Kirchengeschichte  Spaniens  (Ratisbon, 
1864)  is  the  modern  work  on  Spanish  ecclesi- 
astical history,  written,  however,  it  must  be  re- 
membered, from  the  ultramontane  point  of  view. 
Cortez  y  Lopez's  Dicdonario  geogrdfico-historico 
de  la  Espana  ayitigua  contains  many  facts,  but 
should  be  read  critically.  Tejada  y  Ramiro's 
Coleccion  de  Canones  de  la  Iglesia  Espanola 
(Madrid,  1850),  and  Hiibner's  Inscriptiones  Jlis- 
paniae  Christianae  (Berlin,  1871),  should  be  re- 
ferred to. 

2.  France.  The  great  authority  is  Sammar- 
than's  Gallia  Christiana,  a  huge  work  in  many 
folios  (Paris,  1715),  a  revised  and  enlarged  edi- 
tion of  which  is  now  being  published  by  Piolin. 
The  first  volume  appeared  at  Paris  in  1870,  and 
vols.  1-5,  and  11-13  have  so  far  appeared. 
Piolin's  Origincs  chre'tienncs  de  la  Gaule  (Paris, 
1855)  will  be  found  valuable.  Longnon's  Ge'o- 
graphie  de  la  Gaule  au  w"  siecle  (Paris,  1878) 
would  be  useful  in  attempting  to  fix  the  locali- 
ties and  circumscriptions  of  doubtful  sees.  See 
:also   Le    Bl  ant's  Inscriptions   chreticnnes   de    la 

Gaule,  2  vols.  (Paris,  1856). 

3.  England.  See  Stubbs's  Eegistrum  Sacrum 
Anglicanum  (Oxford,  1858).  Reference  may 
also  be  made  to  Haddan  and  Stubbs's  Councils 
and  Ecclesiastical  Documents  relating  to  Great 
Britain  and  Ireland  (Oxford,  1869).  Three 
volumes  of  this  work  have  so  far  appeared.  It 
will  not  be  completed  on  the  original  plan,  owing 
to  Mr.  Haddan's  death. 

4.  Italy.  Ughelli's  Italia  Sacra  is  the  great 
authority.  The  second  edition  of  this  work,  by 
€olet  (Venice,  1717-1722)  is  a  great  improve- 
ment on  the  first.  Cappelletti,  Ze  Chiese  d' Italia 
.(Venice,  1844-1871),  corrects  Ughelli  in  many 


NOVICE 


1405 


places,  and  adds  later  and  more  trustworthy 
information.  But  the  work  is  very  unequally 
done,  and  some  of  it  must  be  accepted  with 
caution. 

5.  Asia  Minor  and  the  East  generally. 
Neale's  History  of  the  Holy  Eastern  Church  con- 
tains a  great  deal  of  matter.  See  especially  p.  72 
of  the  first  introductory  volume,  where  a  notitia 
of  Constantinople,  including  the  dioceses  of 
Caesarea,  Ephesus,  Thrace,  and  Illyricum  orien- 
tale  is  given.  On  p.  115  of  the  same  volume 
there  is  a  list  of  the  sees  of  Egypt,  and  on  p.  131 
another  of  the  ancient  and  modern  sees  of  the 
diocese  of  Antioch.  Le  Quien's  Oriens  Chris- 
tianus  (Paris,  1740)  is  still  however  the  great 
source  of  authority,  except  so  far  as  he  has  in 
some  points  been  superseded  by  Parthey's  edition 
of  the  notitiae.  Le  Quien's  conscientious  accuracy 
in  these  matters  is  both  rare  and  admirable. 
See  an  account  of  his  life  and  labours  by  Neale 
in  the  preface  to  his  Introduction,  p.  xii.  The 
great  work  of  Le  Bas  and  Waddington,  Voyage 
arch^ologique  en  Asie  Mineure,  would  have  to  be 
used  if  it  was  desired  to  compile  a  complete 
notitia.  The  Synecdemus  of  Hierocles,  and  the 
notitia  of  Leo  Sapiens,  will  be  found,  as  already 
mentioned,  best  edited  in  Parthey.  Kuhn,  Die 
stddtische  und  bilrgerliche  Verfassung  des 
Romischen  Reichs  (Leipsic,  1865),  is  full  of 
matter.  See  especially  his  section  on  Egypt,  ii. 
454  foil.,  and  the  section  on  Syria,  passim. 

6.  Africa.  Schelstrate,  ii.  652,  makes  out  a 
notitia  of  Africa  from  the  council  of  Carthage 
in  411.  Sirmond  in  his  Opuscula  (Paris,  1675), 
vol.  i.  p.  207,  gives  a  iate  notitia  of  Africa, 
which  may  be  of  service,  if  critically  used. 
There  is  a  study  entitled  L'Afrique  chr^tienne 
by  Yanoski,  in  a  volume  of  Z'  Uniiers  (Paris, 
1844)  containing  other  studies  by  French  writers 
on  the  history  and  antiquities  of  Africa.  Leon 
Renier's  Inscriptions  Eomaincs  de  I'Alge'rie  (Paris, 
1855)  contains  a  certain  amount  of  Christian 
inscriptions,  and  would  repay  examination. 
Dupin's  Geographia  Sacra  Africae,  seu  Notitia 
Omnium  Episcopatuum  Ecclesiae  Africanae,  is 
printed  in  the  eleventh  volume  of  Migne's  Patro- 
logiae  Ctirsus  Completus  (Paris,  1845),  p.  823. 
Kuhn,  ii.431  foil.,  collects  a  great  deal  of  valuable 
material  lor  Africa.  [W.  T.  A.] 

NOVATUS,  brother  of  Timothcus  presby- 
ter ;  commemorated  at  Rome,  June  20  (Usuard. 
Mart. ;  Vet.  Rom.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  June 
iv.  4).  [C.  H.] 

NOVENDIALE.  [Mourning;  Obsequies.] 

NOVICE. 

1.  Introduction;  2.  Reception  of  Novices ;  3.  Dura- 
tion and  Discipline  of  the  Noviciate ;   4.  Rite 
of  Admission;   5.    Renunciation  of  Property; 
6.   Limitation   of    Age ;   7.    Disqualifications ; 
8.  Cases  of  Retrogression,  #c. ;  i>.  Summary. 
1.  As    soon   as   the    monastic    life    began   to 
assume  its   coenobitic  form,  all  persons  desirous 
of  admission  into  the  community  had  to  undergo 
a  period  of  probation.     During  this   time  they 
were    called    "  novitii,"    less    commonly    "  inci- 
pientes,"  "apxapioi,"   "  j/eoirayeis  "    (Alteserrae 
Ascvticon,  iv.  1),  or  "  novelli  "  (Reg.  Mag.  c.  90; 
cf.  Athanas.  Exliort.  ad  Spons.  Christi,  where  Adam 
is  called  "  rudis  ot  novellus  "),  all  terms  express- 


1406 


NOVICE 


ing  inexperience  in  a  vocation.  They  were  called 
also  "  pulsantes"  (JIabillon,  Praef.  saec.  iii.i.  21), 
as  knocking  at  the  door  to  be  let  in;  and  sometimes 
in  the  East,  patTO(p6poi,ii  semi-barbarous  word  of  the 
later  empire,  curiously  descriptive  of  the  inter- 
mediate state  which  they  occupied,  wearing  the 
monk's  tunic,  by  way  of  trial,  under  their  ordinary 
outer  robe,  which  they  retained  till  formally 
admitted.  They  were  also  called  "  conversi  "  or 
converts.  The  "  conversi  "  were  distinct  from 
those  who  were  received  into  a  monastery  under 
age,  "pueri  oblati  "  or  "  nutriti."  This  use  of 
"  conversi  "  and  "  oblati  "  must  not  be  confounded 
with  the  use  of  these  words  to  designate  lay- 
brothers  (Mabillon,  I'raef.  iii.  i.  21  ;  iv.  iv.  .'jG). 

2.  In  instituting  a  noviciate  for  all  who  wished 
to  become  monks,  the  founders  of  monasticism 
followed,  as  usual,  the  precedent  set  by  some 
ancient  schools  of  philosophy.  The  Pythagoreans 
required  a  noviciate  of  five  years  (Maury, 
Histoire  des  Eeligions  de  la  Grece  antique) ;  the 
Druids,  in  some  cases,  one  of  twenty  years 
(Thierry,  Histoire  des  Gaidois).  It  was  necessary 
as  a  safeguard  for  stability  of  purpose.  On  the 
one  hand,  none  were  to  be  rejected  except  for 
some  insuperable  impediment ;  on  the  other 
hand,  none  were  to  be  lightly  accepted,  lest  the 
community  should  be  disgraced  by  the  inconsis- 
tencies of  its  members.  On  the  one  side  there 
was  the  gracious  invitation  of  Him  who  says, 
"  Come  unto  me  all  that  labour  and  are  heavy 
laden,"  and  on  the  other  there  was  the  Psalmist's 
anxious  misgiving,  "  Who  shall  ascend  into  the 
hill  of  the  Lord  ?"  (Basil,  lieg.  c.  6).  Thus 
Benedict  of  Monte  Casino  wisely  orders  that 
ingress  into  the  monastery  must  not  be  too  easy 
(Beued.  Beg.  c.  58),  and  three  centuries  later 
the  great  Prankish  legislator  repeats  the  injunc- 
tion, adding  that  no  one  is  to  be  forced  to  become 
a  monk  against  his  will  (Car.  Mag.  Capitular. 
Monast.  A.D.  789,  c.  11).  It  was  difficult  to  gain 
admittance  into  the  monastery,  because  it  was 
still  more  difficult,  once  there,  to  leave  it. 
"  Vestigia  nulla  retrorsum." 

The  would-be  monk  had  to  wait  as  a  suppliant 
at  the  door  of  the  monastery — by  the  rule  of 
Pachomius  of  Tabennae  and  of  other  Egyptian 
ascetics  of  his  age — seven  days  {Reg.  c.  49  ; 
Pallad.  ffist.  Laus.  c.  28  ;  Feg.  Serap.  Macar. 
etc.  c.  7)  :  according  to  Cassian,  ten  days  {Instit. 
iv.  3,36  ;  Collat.  xx.  1);  by  the  rule  ofPructuosus 
(bishop  of  Bracara  [Braga],  in  Portugal,  in  the 
8th  century),  ten  days  {Reg.  c.  21),  afterwards 
modified  to  three  days  and  nights  (2'^*  Reg.  c.  4). 
He  was  to  lie  there  prostrate,  by  the  rules  of 
Pachomius  and  Fructuosus,  and,  by  the  latter  rule, 
fasting  and  praying,  and  the  porter  was  to  test 
his  sincerity  and  patience  by  insults  and  revil- 
ings  (Fruct.  ib.  cc.  4,  21).  If  ignorant  of  it,  he 
was  to  be  taught  the  Lord's  Prayer  (Pachom.  i6.). 
He  was  also  to  be  questioned  about  his  motive 
for  seeking  admission,  and  in  particular,  lest  he 
should  prove  to  be  a  fugitive  from  justice, 
whether  he  had  committed  any  crime  which  had 
made  him  liable  to  punishment  (Pachom.  ib.; 
Ferreoli  Beg.  c.  5  ;  Fruct.  Beg.  cc.  4,  21).  In 
course  of  time  a  less  austere  reception  was 
accorded  to  postulants.  Mabillon  explains  the 
passage  in  the  Benedictine  rule  which  orders 
them  to  wait  a  few  days  (five  days,  in  his  inter- 
pretation) at  the  gate  ("ad  portam,"  Bened. 
Beg.  c.  34)  to  mean  not  outside  the  monastery, 


NOVICE 

but  in  a  cell  specially  set  apart  for  this 
within   the  cloister  (Mabill.  Praef.  i.  saec."  iv, 
vi).  150). 

3.  Though  allowed  to  enter  the  monastery, 
the  postulant  was  still  an  alien  there.  At  first 
he  was  placed  in  the  strangers'  cell  or  guest- 
chamber,  "  cella  hospitura,"  near  the  gateway 
(Cass.  Inst.  iv.  7)  for  a  year  (Cass.  ib. ;  Fruct. 
Beg.  c.  21),  or,  according  to  the  rule  of  Isidorus 
(bishop  of  Seville  in  the  7th  century),  for  three 
months  (Isid.  Beg.  c.  5).  In  Mabillon's  exposi- 
tion of  the  Benedictine  rule,  the  postulant  was 
to  stay  only  two  months  in  the  strangers'  cell 
before  being  transferred  to  the  cell  of  the 
novices  (Mabill.  Praef.  i.  v.  s.).  Under  the 
orders  of  the  superintendent  of  the  strangers, 
"  custos  hospitum,"  he  was  to  be  busily  employed 
in  menial  offices  for  their  comfort  (Bened.  Beg. 
c.  58;  Fruct.  Beg.  c.  21).  Thence  he  passed, 
after  a  shorter  or  longer  sojourn  according  to 
the  rules  of  the  monastery,  to  the  cell  of  the 
novices,  sometimes  called  the  "  pulsatorium,"  or 
chamber  of  those  who  were  still,  as  it  were, 
knocking  to  be  let  in  (Bened.  Eeg.  v.  s. ; 
Capitul.  Aquisgr.  A.D.  780). 

The  period  of  probation  varied  in  its  duration 
and  the  severity  of  its  discipline.  It  lasted  three 
years  by  the  rule  of  Pachomius  (Pallad.  Hist. 
Lans.)  and  by  the  code  of  Justinian  {Novell. 
V.  2) ;  but  a  latter  decree  makes  this  term  of 
three  years  necessary  for  sti-angers  only,  that  is, 
persons  coming  from  a  distance  ;  only  one  year 
by  the  rules  of  Ferreolus  (bishop  of  Uceta  [Uzes], 
in  Southern  France  in  the  6th  century)  {Beg. 
c.  5),  of  Fructuosus  {Beg.  c.  21),  and  by  the 
so-called  rule  of  Magister  {Beg.  Mag.  c.  90). 
The  former  allowed  even  a  shorter  term,  five 
months,  at  the  abbat's  discretion  {v.  s.)  ;  and  the 
latter  even  permitted  the  novice  to  reside  in  a 
cell  not  within  but  near  the  monastery  {v.  s.). 
Gregory  the  Great  found  some  abbats  in  his  time 
too  facile  in  the  admission  of  novices  ;  to  correct 
this  laxity,  he  insisted  on  a  probation  of  two 
years  at  least  {Epp.  x.  24),  and  in  the  case  of 
men  that  had  been  soldiers,  three  {ib.  viii.  5). 
Benedict  had  been  content  with  a  noviciate  of 
one  year  {Beg.  c.  58),  of  which,  according  to 
Mabillon,  two  months  were  to  be  passed  in  the 
"  cella  hospitum,"  and  the  remaining  ten  in  tho 
"  cella  novitiorum "  {Praef.  iv.  vii.  150),  but, 
according  to  Martene,  all  the  year  in  the  novices' 
chamber  {Beg.  Comment,  c.  58).  This  was  usually, 
but  not  always,  on  the  east  side  of  the  cloister  or 
quadrangle,  between  the  gateway  and  the  east 
end  of  the  chapel,  next  to  the  room  of  correc- 
tion, and  facing  the  scholars'  chamber,  and  the 
"  scriptorium "  or  copyists'  room  on  the  west 
(Altes.  Ascet.  iv.  3,  ix.  7).  In  some  of  the  larger 
monasteries  the  novices  had  their  own  quadrangle, 
almost  like  a  separate  monastery,  with  their  own 
refectory,  dormitory,  infirmary,  and  even,  in  rare 
instances,  their  own  chapel ;  but  this  ceased  with 
the  decrease  in  the  number  of  candidates  for 
admission  {Reg.  Bened.  Comment,  c.  58). 

All  the  time  of  his  noviciate  the  aspirant  for 
the  cowl  was  under  very  strict  tutelage.  On 
entering  the  monastery,  he  was  assigned  to  the 
guardianship  of  one  of  the  older  and  more  ex- 
perienced of  the  brethren,  who  was  to  report  of 
his  behaviour  to  the  abbat  (Bened.  Beg.  c.  58  ; 
Basil.  Reg.  c.  15  ;  Isidor.  Beg.  c.  4;  Fruct.  Beg. 
c.  21  ;  Beg.  Magist.  c.  87  ;  Gregor.  Magn.  Epp. 


NOVICE 

V.  49).  As  it  would  be  hardly  possible  for  each 
novice  to  have  his  own  senior,  it  has  been  sup- 
posed that  the  older  monk,  spoken  of  in  the  rules, 
was  either  one  of  the  decani  or  deans  (Fruct. 
Meg.  V.  s.),  or,  more  probably,  the  "  master  of 
the  novices"  [Magister  Novitiorum],  whose 
special  task  it  was  to  look  after  them  (^Reg. 
llened.  Comment,  v.  s.).  They  were  never  to  stir 
out  of  their  chamber  without  leave  (Cass.  Inst. 
iv.  10).  They  were  never,  on  any  pretext  what- 
ever, to  go  about  the  monastery  at  night  with- 
ovi  a  light  or  without  the  "  master  "  (^lieg.  Bened. 
Comment,  c.  22).*  Even  so  trivial  a  fault  as  walk- 
ing with  the  head  up,  instead  of  bent  forward,  was 
to  be  marked  and  corrected  by  "  the  master"  (ib.  c. 
7).  Slight  allowance  was  made  for  their  not  being 
as  yet  inured  to  the  severe  discipline  of  the 
cloister.  From  "  lauds  "  to  "  prime,"  when  the 
older  monks  retired  to  their  cells,  the  novices, 
with  those  monks  who  had  not  completed  five 
years  in  the  monastery,  were  to  wait  in  their 
dormitory,  learning  psalms  under  the  eye  of  the 
official  for  the  week,  or  ''hebdomadarius  "  (Jb.  c.  8). 
"  Leave  your  bodies  outside  the  gate  all  ye  who 
enter  the  monastery  "  was  the  stern  welcome  of 
Bernard  of  Clairvaus  to  postulants  (Altes.  Ascet. 
iv.  1).  In  the  same  spirit  one  of  the  founders  of 
monachism  in  the  East  enjoined  on  novices 
ignominious  hardships  of  every  kind,  and  the 
necessity  of  very  frequent  confessions  to  test 
their  perseverance  (Basil.  Seg.  c.  6).  In  the 
11th  century  the  docility  and  constancy  of 
novices  in  England  were  sometimes  tested  by 
floggings  (Hospinian,  Hist.  Monach.  iii.  c.  23). 

Opportunities  were  given  to  the  novice  from 
time  to  time  of  reconsidering  his  determination. 
On  first  entering  the  monastery,  before  being 
stripped  of  the  outer  garments  which  he  had 
worn  in  the  world,  he  was  questioned  whether, 
indeed,  renouncing  all  other  things,  he  would 
obey  implicitly  his  new  rule  of  life  (Pachom. 
Reg.  c.  49).  By  the  rule  of  Aurelian,  bishop  of 
Aries  in  the  7th  century,  he  was  to  listen  in  the 
waiting-room,  or  "  salutatorium,"  while  the  rule 
was  read  over  to  him  {Reg.  c.  1).  He  was  then 
to  be  led  into  the  chapter-house,  where,  after 
laying  aside  his  arms,  if  he  carried  any,  he  was 
again  to  make  a  profession  of  his  intention  in 
presence  of  the  father-abbat  and  the  brethren. 
He  might,  if  he  pleased,  send  back  a  farewell 
message  to  the  friends  left  behind  (Blab.  Praejf. 
iv.  viii.  150).  At  the  end  of  two  months, 
again  at  the  end  of  eight  months,  and  once  again 
at  the  end  of  the  year,  the  "  senior  "  to  whose 
charge  he  had  been  committed  was  to  read  over 
the  rule  to  him,  bidding  him  go  back  at  once  to 
the  world  if  he  wished  (Bened.  Reg.  c.  58). 
Finally,  in  the  oratory  or  chapel,  during  divine 
service  (Pachom.  Reg.  c.  49),  after  laying  on  the 
altar  with  his  own  hand  his  written  petition  for 
admission,  and  invoking  the  saints  whose  relics 
were  there  enshrined,  in  witness  of  his  sincerity, 
he  was  formally  admitted  by  the  abbat  into  the 
order  (Bened.  Reg.  v.  s. ;  Mabill.  Praeff.  v.  s.). 
If,  as  might  often  happen,  he  could  not  write, 
he  was  to  put  his  mark  to  the  petition  in  place 
of  signature  (Isidor.  Reg.  c.  5).  He  was  to 
kneel  before  the  abbat,  repeating  the  verse, 
"  Suscipe  me,"  from  the  Psalter ;  and  after  ad- 
mission, he  was  to  prostrate  himself  at  the  feet 
of  each  of  the  brethren,  kissing  their  hands  and 
begging   their   prayers  (Reg.  "Bened.    Comment. 


NOVICE 


1407 


c.  58;  Reg.  Ifagist.  c.  88).  His  secular  dress 
was  to  be  laid  hj  in  a  wardrobe  in  case  of  his 
ever  unhappily  needing  it  again  by  being  ex- 
pelled (^Reg.  Bened.  ib.).  Abbats  were  forbidden, 
under  penalty  of  excommunication,  to  take  any 
bribe  for  admission  (Cone.  Nicaen.  II.  a.d.  787, 
c.  19 ;  Capitid.  Francofurt.  A.D.  794,  c.  16).  In 
the  later  developments  of  monachism,  the  con- 
sent of  the  brethren  in  chapter  became  necessary 
(Hospin.  Hist.  Mon.  v.  s.). 

4.  The  monastic  dress  was  not  usually  as- 
sumed till  the  noviciate  was  over  (Cassian, 
Instit.  iv.  5 ;  Gregor.  Magn.  Upp.  iv.  44). 
Originally,  indeed,  the  dress  of  a  monk  differed 
little  from  that  of  ordinary  people,  except 
so  far  as  it  resembled  the  dress  of  the  philo- 
sophers of  the  Roman  empire,  or  was  dis- 
tinguished by  a  Quaker-like  simplicity  from  the 
fashions  of  the  day.  When,  however,  the 
monastic  life  began  to  be  organised  more  sys- 
tematically, the  dress  became  a  not  unimportant 
part  of  the  rite  of  initiation.  In  the  same  way 
monks  at  first  were  only  required  to  keep  the 
hair  short,  as  a  protest  against  luxury  and 
effeminacy ;  and  the  tonsure  was  for  them  a 
thing  of  later  date  (Bingham,  Orig.  Eccles.  vii. 
iii.).  By  the  rule,  so-called,  of  "  Magister,"  the 
novice  becoming  a  monk  was  to  receive  the 
tonsure  from  the  abbat's  hands,  while  the 
brethren  stood  round  singing  psalms  {Reg.  Magist. 
c.  90).  The  congregation  of  Clugny,  at  a  later 
period,  ordered  their  novices  to  have  the  tonsure 
as  well  as  all  the  monastic  attire,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  the  hood  or  cowl.  But  this  was  a 
deviation  from  the  old  Benedictine  rule,  which 
reserved  the  tonsure  with  the  outer  robe  for  the 
expiration  of  the  noviciate  (Bened.  Reg.  cc.  55, 
58 ;  Mabill.  Acta  Sanctor.  0.  S.  B.  tom.  i.  p.  7, 
not.  a). 

5.  The  novice  was  in  every  instance  re- 
quired to  divest  himself  absolutely  of  all  his 
worldly  possessions.  He  was  to  be  examined 
very  particularly  on  this  point,  lest  by  keeping 
back  a  single  coin  for  himself  he  should  incur 
the  guilt  of  Ananias  (Cass.  Inst.  iv.  4 ;  Aurelian, 
Reg.  c.  1).  Even  the  clothes  on  his  back  ceased 
to  be  his  own  (Cass.  ib.  c.  5).  But  in  the  earliest 
and  purest  days  of  monachism,  the  monastery 
was  not  to  be  the  gainer  by  the  novice's  liberality, 
but  his  own  relatives  or  the  poor  (Cass.  ib. ; 
Fruct.  Reg.  c.  4).  Afterwards  he  was  allowed 
to  choose  how  his  property  should  be  disposed  of, 
provided  always  that  he  retained  nothing  for 
himself.  By  the  rule  of  Aurelian  he  might  give 
it  away  as  he  pleased  (Jieg.  c.  1).  By  the  rule 
of  "  Magister,"  the  abbat  was  to  exhort  him  to 
intrust  his  worldly  goods  to  the  monastery  for 
the  use  of  the  poor,  or,  if  he  preferred  it,  for  the 
common  fund  of  the  monastery  (^Reg.  Mag.  c. 
87).  There  was  a  curious  regulation  of  the 
monastery  of  Ternav  in  Burgundy  (Mabill.  Aym. 
0.  S.  B.  i.  30,  71,  73),  that  property  "in  kind  " 
was  to  be  converted  at  once  into  money,  in 
order,  probably,  to  facilitate  the  distribution  of 
it.  Thus,  if  a  novice  brought  a  flock  of  sheep, 
the  abbat  was  first  to  buy  it  for  the  monastery, 
or  to  sell  it  by  the  agency  of  the  prior,  and  then 
to  hand  over  the  proceeds  to  the  novice,  to  be 
applied  by  his  direction  (^Reg.  l\irnat.  c.  5).  It 
is  easy  to  understand  how,  in  course  of  time,  as 
monasteries  vied  with  one  another  in  opulence 
and  magnificence,  they  absorbed  the  larger  share 


1408 


NOVICE 


of  what  a  novice  was  renouncing.  Once  theirs,  it 
was  sacrilege  to  deprive  them  of  it  in  any  way. 
But  these  acquisitions  were  not  always  an  un- 
alloyed advantage.  Sometimes  a  novice,  pre- 
suming on  his  munificence,  made  himself  trouble- 
some to  his  brethren  and  his  abbat  (Fruct. 
lieg.  c.  18).  Sometimes,  if  faithless  to  his  pro- 
fession, he  would  reclaim  his  property  by  litiga- 
tion or  by  arms  (ih.).  It  was  important,  there- 
fore, that,  whatever  he  gave  to  the  monastery, 
he  should  give  by  his  own  act  and  deed  ("  ipse 
sua  manu,"  16.).  And  though  none  might  so 
much  as  enter  the  monastery  as  a  postulant, 
bringing  with  him  anything  of  his  own,  the 
formal  and  complete  renunciation  of  all  that  he 
had  in  the  world  was  to  be  made,  solemnly, 
publicly,  in  writing,  before  the  abbat  and  chapter, 
at  a  later  stage  of  his  noviciate  (Beg.  Mag.  c. 
87).  It  was  even  provided  in  the  rule  just 
quoted  that  the  abbat  should  record  the  names 
of  the  donor  and  of  the  subscribing  witnesses  in 
his  own  last  will  and  testament,  lest  at  any 
future  time  the  validity  of  the  gift  should  be 
called  in  question  (i6.  c.  89).  In  the  case  of  a 
minor,  his  parents  were  to  lay  his  hand,  wrapped 
in  the  folds  of  the  altar  cloth,  on  the  altar,  and 
might  either  vow  away  his  property  from  him 
absolutely,  or  reserve  the  life  interest  till  he 
should  come  of  age  (Bencd.  Beg.  Comm.  c.  59). 
When  old  enough,  the  novice  was  bound  to 
execute  this  promise  of  renunciation  (Aurel.  Beg. 
c.  46).  By  the  rule  of  "  Magister  "  the  parents 
might  either  promise  all  the  boy's  fortune  to  the 
monastery  or  might  divide  it  in  three  equal 
portions  between  the  monastery,  the  poor,  and 
his  own  relatives.  In  either  case  they  swore 
on  the  Gospels  to  bequeath  him  nothing  (Beg. 

6.  The  rules  of  disqualification  for  admission 
varied  continually  in  different  countries  and  at 
different  periods,  especially  as  to  the  limitations 
of  age.  The  conflicting  decrees  of  councils  and 
popes  on  these  points  testify  to  the  difficulty  of 
a  compromise  between  the  conflicting  claims 
of  the  home  or  the  state  on  the  one  side  and  of 
asceticism  on  the  other.  Basil,  in  the  East, 
without  defining  more  precisely,  allowed 
children  to  be  received  very  young  to  be  trained 
in  the  monastery  (Beg.  c.  15)  ;  but  they  might 
go  back  to  their  homes,  if  they  wished,  before 
being  finally  admitted.  Once  in  the  monastery, 
by  Benedict's  rule,  they  could  not  abandon  their 
vocation  (Mabill.  Annal.  iii.  37 ;  cf.  Braef. 
AA.  0.  S.  B.).  Cassian  speaks  of  young  boys 
occasionally  among  the  Egyptian  monks  (Colld. 
ii.  11).  Gregory  the  Great  forbade  them  to 
be  received  before  eighteen  years  of  age  ;  but  the 
prohibition  has  been  explained  as  applying  only 
to  the  islands  in  the  Tuscan  Sea,  where  the 
discipline  was  peculiarly  trying  (Epp.  i.  50). 
The  emperor  Leo  fixed  sixteen  as  the  limit 
(Novell.  6).  The  rule  of  Aurelianus,  bishop  of 
Aries  in  the  6th  century,  excludes  children  under 
ten  or  twelve  as  thoughtless  and  as  requiring  a 
nurse  (Beg.  c.  47).  A  canon  to  the  same  effect 
was  passed  by  the  Trullan  council  at  Constan- 
tinople, A.D.  692  (Co7ic.  C.  B.  iii.  c.  40).  Leo  IX., 
towards  the  close  of  the  11th  century,  prohibited 
novices  before  they  have  arrived  at  years  of  dis- 
cretion ;  Urban  II.,  rather  later,  forbade  them 
under  twenty.  After  the  beginning  of  the  9th 
century  they  were  seldom  admitted  under  seven- 


NOVICE 

teen  years  of  age  (Hospinian,  de  Orig.  Manacli 
iii.  23).  Boys  intended  for  the  priesthood  were 
by  a  decree  of  the  second  council  of  Toledo,  a.d. 
531,  to  be  trained  in  the  house  of  the  bishop  till 
they  were  eighteen  years  old  (Gone.  Tolet.  ii. 
c.  1). 

7.  There  is  the  same  uncertainty,  and  there 
are  similar  contradictions,  as  to  the  right  of  the 
parents  to  devote  a  child  to  the  noviciate,  and  of 
a  child  to  present  himself  without  the  consent 
of  his  parents.  Basil,  in  the  earliest  days  of 
monasticism,  forbade  children  to  be  admitted 
unless  brought  by  their  parents  (Beg.  c.  15). 
At  a  later  date  the  civil  law  not  only  discounte- 
nanced parents  keeping  back  their  children  from 
the  noviciate,  but  even  allowed  children  to  be 
admitted  against  or  without  the  consent  of  their 
natural  guardians  (Novell,  cxxiii.  41).  Jerome, 
in  a  more  than  usually  declamatory  passage, 
upbraids  Heliodorus  for  permitting  his  affec- 
tion for  his  parents  to  keep  him  back  from 
the  life  of  a  monk  (Hieron.  Epp.  14,  §  2). 
The  council  of  Gangra  (Kiangari,  in  Anatolia), 
A.D.  525,  a  council  not  very  favourably  disposed 
to  monasticism,  condemned  strongly  sons  re- 
tiring from  the  world  without  their  parents' 
leave,  anathematising  all  so  doing  (Cone.  Gangr. 
c.  16).  Alteserra  contends,  without,  however, 
much  shew  of  reason,  that  this  and  similar 
canons  of  the  council  of  Gangra  were  intended 
only  against  monks  tainted  with  heresy  (Asceti- 
con,  iv.  1).  But  two  councils  during  the  7th 
century  in  Spain,  already  distinguished  among 
the  countries  of  Europe  by  its  monastic  sym- 
pathies, decided  that  children  under  age  were 
bound  by  the  act  of  their  parents  devoting  them 
to  the  monastery,  and  must  abide  by  that 
promise,  however  unwillingly,  in  after  years 
(Cunc.  Tolet.  iv.  a.d.  633,  c.  49 ;  Cone.  Tolet.  s. 
A.D.  656,  c.  6).  The  former  of  these  councils 
of  Toledo,  according  to  Bingham,  is  the  first 
council  that  sanctions  this  perversion  of  parental 
responsibilities  and  of  filial  obedience  (Orig. 
Eccles.  vii.  iii.).  The  latter  enacts  that  up  to 
ten  years  of  age  the  child  may  be  devoted  by 
the  parents ;  that  on  attaining  that  tender  age 
the  child  has  full  power  to  devote  himself,  with 
or  without  their  approval  ;  and  that,  if  parents 
have  so  much  as  tacitly  allowed  a  child  imder 
ten  to  wear  the  monastic  dress,  he  may  never 
return  to  the  world  under  penalty  of  excom- 
munication (v.  s.). 

The  marriage  tie  was  another  source  of  per- 
plexity. Basil  dissuades  married  persons  from 
entering  the  monastic  life,  unless  together,  lest 
the  husband  or  wife  left  alone  in  the  world 
should  be  guilty  of  adultery  (Reg.  c.  12). 
Cassian,  relating  how  Theonas,  an  Egyptian 
monk,  persisted  in  becoming  a  monk  in  spite  of 
his  wife's  entreaties,  seems  by  his  silence  to  dis- 
approve (Collat.  xxi.  8,  9).  The  council  of 
Gangra,  already  quoted,  condemns  any  such  dis- 
regard of  domestic  duties  on  the  part  of  wives 
or  parents  (v.  s.  cc.  14,  15).  In  the  same  spirit 
Gregory  the  Great  cautions  husbands  against 
forsaking  their  wives  even  for  the  life  of  a  monk 
(Gregor.  M.  Epp.  vi.  48).  But  these  salutary 
cautions  were  in  practice  too  often  neglected  in 
the  fervour  of  monastic  propagandism. 

The  case  of  slaves  was  diflerent.  There  the 
monastery  was  interposing  to  rescue  men  from 
degradation.     Yet  there,  too,  was    danger  of  a 


NOVICE 

collision  between  the  monastery  and  social  obliga- 
tions. Canons  and  decrees  give  an  uncertain 
sound,  and  it  could  hardly  be  otherwise,  on  this 
point.  The  council  of  Chalcedon,  a.d.  451,  and 
the  council  of  Gangra,  A.D.  .525,  forbade  slaves  to 
be  admitted  without  their  masters'  leave  {Cone. 
Chitlced.  c.  4 ;  Cone.  Gangr.  c.  3).  Justinian 
ordered  them  to  be  kept  three  years,  and  then 
allowed  them,  if  not  reclaimed,  to  become  monks 
(Novell,  c.xxiii.  35 ;  cf.  Valentinian.  III.  Novell. 
xii.).  Basil  makes  reference  to  Onesimus,  the  run- 
avay  slave,  sent  back  to -his  owner  by  St.  Paul 
(Beg.  c.  11).  The  great  Gregory  has  frequent  oc- 
casion in  his  correspondence  to  advise  on  this 
knotty  point.  Slaves  are  not  to  be  taken  in 
rashly  (Greg.  M.  App.  ad  Epist.  Decrel.  v.  6), 
but  if  they  behave  well  in  the  monastery,  they 
may  stay  (^Epp.  v.  34)  ;  if  not,  they  must  be 
sent  back  to  their  masters  (ib.  ix.  37) ;  a  sub- 
deacon,  to  whom  Gregory  is  writing,  is  told  to 
pay  the  money  to  redeem  a  slave  longing  to 
become  a  monk  {ib.  iii.  40).  On  the  whole, 
without  doubt,  the  influence  of  the  monasteries 
was  often  exercised  wisely  as  well  as  benevo- 
lently for  the  alleviation  and  gradual  extinction 
of  the  evils  of  slavery.  For  example,  a  master 
desiring  to  become  a  monk,  and  bringing  a  slave 
with  him,  found  within  the  walls  of  the  monas- 
tery that  he  had  wilh  him  "  no  longer  a  slave, 
but  a  brother  in  the  Lord  "  (^Reg.  Serupion.  c.  7  ; 
Reg.  Turned,  c.  5,  &c.). 

The  profession  of  the  monk  clashed  not  in- 
frequently with  the  duties  of  the  citizen.  By  a 
decree  of  Valentinian  and  Valens,  in  the  latter 
part  of  the  4th  century,  all  persons  in  monas- 
teries liable  to  serve  in  the  local  senates  of  the 
empire  ("  curiales") '^  were  ordered  either  to 
return  to  public  life  or  to  sell  their  estates  to 
others  of  a  more  public  spirit  (Cod.  Theod.  xii. 
1  ;  Bingh.  Orig.  Eccles.  vii.  iii.).  The  council 
cf  Chalcedon,  in  the  same  century,  protested 
against  monks  serving  in  the  army  or  navy 
(Cone.  Chaleed.  a.d.  451,  c.  7).  Gregory  wisely 
discouraged  public  officers  from  becoming  monks, 
unless  they  had  first  passed  their  accounts, 
and  so  cleared  themselves  of  their  civic  respon- 
sibilities (Greg.  M.  Epp.  iii.  65 ;  viii.  5).  Again, 
the  admission  of  criminals  involved  questions 
of  some  difficulty.  There  was,  on  the  one 
hand,  the  danger  of  interrupting  the  course 
of  justice,  by  preventing  the  sentence  of  the 
law  from  being  carried  into  effect,  and  of 
bringing  down  on  the  monastery  harbouring 
criminals  the  strong  arm  of  the  law,  as  well  as 
the  danger,  which  \)x.  Arnold  felt  so  keenly  at 
Rugby,  of  the  moral  contagion  that  might  spread 
itself  from  an  evil  example.  On  the  other  hand, 
it  might  fairly  be  asked,  was  not  the  reformation 
of  offenders  one  great  purpose  of  the  monastery  ? 


NOVICE 


1409 


a  The  "  curialps,"  or  "  curiae  subjecti,"  may  in  some 
ways  be  compared  to  our  aldermen  or  town-councilmen. 
When  summoned  to  the  office,  they  could  not  refuse,  and 
if  they  endeavoured  to  evade  it,  they  ivere  compelled  to 
return.  I'hey  were  responsible  fjr  the  full  paymi-nt  of 
the  impost  due  from  their  locality.  The  office  being 
burdensome  was  invested  with  some  dignity  as  a  com- 
pensation, but  rame  notwithstanding  to  be  regarded  as  a 
kind  of  servitude.  (See  Ortolan's  History  of  Common 
Law,  translated  by  Uichard  and  Nasmyth,  184].  See 
particularly  Jastiniani  Codex,  i.  iii.  12;  xxxi.  38;  vii. 
xxxix.  5.) 


Cassian  speaks  of  reclaimed  robbers  and  even 
murderers  among  the  monks  of  Egypt  in  his 
day  (Collat.  iii.  5).  The  rule  of  Fructuosus 
provides  that  novices  of  this  character  may  only 
be  received  where  the  abbat  is  a  man  of  more 
than  ordinary  experience  and  gravity,  and  that 
they  must  always  be  subjected  to  a  discipline  of 
more  than  usual  rigour  (Fruct.  Reg.  c.  19).  For  a 
somewhat  similar  reason,  as  well  as  not  to  inter- 
fere with  a  sister  institution,  monks,  by  a  decree 
of  the  council  of  Agde,  in  the  6th  century,  were 
not  to  be  admitted  from  one  monastery  into 
another  (Cone.  Agath.  a.d.  506,  c.  58).  Old 
age  was  sometimes  a  bar  to  admission,  in  the 
earlier  days  of  monasticism.  Cassian  says  of 
some  who  desired  to  become  monks  that  they 
were  too  old  to  learn  (Inslit.  iv.  30 ;  cf.  Pallad. 
Hist.  Laus.  cc.  20,  28).  Poverty  was  never  a 
disqualification.  The  poorest  outcast,  craving 
to  be  let  in,  with  no  possessions  of  any  kind  to 
renounce,  either  for  the  monastery  or  for  the 
poor,  had  simply  to  vow,  like  the  rest,  that  he 
would  be  obedient,  and  that  he  would  never  go 
away  without  leave  of  the  abbat  and  of  the 
brethren ;  if  naked,  he  was  to  be  clothed  (Reg. 
Magist.  c.  87).  The  following  list  of  impedi- 
ments to  becoming  a  novice  in  some  orders  is 
given  by  Martene  ;  but  a  good  deal  was  always 
left  to  the  discretion  of  the  abbat  and  chapter. 
Immature  age,  heresy,  schism,  need  of  a  dis- 
pensation, illegitimacy,  debt,  evil  notoriety,  gross 
wickedness,  bodily  infirmity,  and,  in  case  of  a 
novice  aspiring  to  the  diaconate  or  priesthood, 
ignorance  of  Latin  (Reg.  Bened.  Comment,  c.  58). 

8.  In  the  earliest  ages  there  was  no  vow  of 
perpetuity,  in  so  many  words  ;  only  a  tacit  under- 
standing on  both  sides  that  the  novice  would 
persevere  in  his  vocation  (Bingham,  Orig. 
Eccles.  vii.  iii.).  If,  after  making  his  profession, 
he  turned  back  to  the  world,  he  was  to  forfeit 
what  he  had  promised  to  the  monastery,  and 
was  to  be  left  to  make  his  peace  with  God  as  he 
could  (Justinian,  Novell,  v.).  Short,  however, 
of  an  irrevocable  vow,  everything  was  done  to 
insure  his  perseverance.  Should  there,  after  all, 
be  necessity  for  his  expulsion,  his  old  secular 
dress  was  to  be  given  back  to  him  (Bened.  Reg. 
c.  58)  ;  and  he  was  either  to  be  ejected  igno- 
miniously  in  the  daytime  or  allowed  to  steal 
away  under  the  shadow  of  night  (Cass.  Instit. 
iv.  6).  The  mediaeval  treatment  of  such 
offenders  was  more  severe ;  they  were  to  be 
immured  for  life  (Hospinian,  de  Orig.  Monach. 
ad  loc.  cit. ;  Bened.  Reg.).  During  the  noviciate 
egress  was  comparatively  easy.  After  two 
months  of  it,  the  novice  might,  if  he  wished, 
depart  in  peace,  with  staff,  wallet  of  provisions, 
and  the  abbat's  benediction  (Reg.  Mag.  c.  88). 
If,  even  at  the  last  moment,  just  before  solemnly 
assuming  the  monk's  habit,  he  wished  to  retract, 
he  was  free  to  do  so,  but  under  sentence  of 
penance  for  levity  of  purpose,  and  as  a  man  still 
in  God's  sight  dedicated  to  the  life  of  a  priest,  if 
not  to  the  higher  life,  as  it  was  regarded,  of  a 
monk  (Mabill.  Praeff.  iv.  vii.  150).  A  novice 
receding  within  the  year  was,  by  the  rules  of 
the  Benedictine  order  of  "  Grandimontenses," 
never  to  be  allowed  to  try  again  (Reg.  Com- 
ment, c.  29). 

Novices  generally  enjoyed,  during  this  proba- 
tion, the  civil  exemptions  and  immunities  of 
monks  (Alteser.  Asccticon,  iv.  4).     Degradation 


1410 


NOVITIOLI 


to  the  noviciate  was  sometimes  a  punishment 
for  monks  who  were  disobedient  (Du  Cange, 
Glossar.  Lat.  s.  v.).  Benedict  ordered  the  younger 
monks,  just  out  of  their  noviciate,  to  be  cor- 
rected for  their  faults  by  extraordinary  fastings 
{Reg.  30). 

9.  All  these  carefully  devised  regulations 
about  novices  shew  that  the  founders  and  re- 
formers of  monastic  orders  regarded  the  no- 
viciate, and  rightly,  as  a  very  important  part  of 
their  system.  If  the  authority  of  the  abbat  was 
the  keystone  of  the  arch,  the  rigorous  probation 
before  becoming  a  monk  was  the  cornerstone  of 
the  edifice.  Thus  the  admission  of  a  novice 
("  susceptio  novitii  ")  was  one  of  the  five  princi- 
pal duties  of  the  abbat  and  chapter  ("  praecipua 
agenda  monasterii ") ;  the  other  four  being  the 
expulsion  of  renegades,  the  penances  for  mis- 
conduct, the  acceptance  of  donations  or  bequests, 
■and  any  proposition  for  changing  any  of  the 
rules  of  the  society  {Heg.  Bened.  Commentat.  c. 
3).  Benedict  himself  lays  down  the  principle, 
that,  while  the  discipline  of  novices  must  not  go 
beyond  their  power  of  endurance,  still,  so  far  as 
it  goes  it  must  be  adhered  to  strictly  {Seg. 
Frolog.).  It  was  a  sagacious  remark  of  Eutro- 
pius,  a  Spanish  abbat  (Serbitanus  or  Sirbitanus) 
towards  the  end  of  the  6th  century,  "  we  do  not 
want  quantity,  but  quality  in  our  novices  " — 
"  non  quantos  [quot]  sed  quales "  (Mabill. 
Ann.  0.  S.  B.  vii.  21).  Yet  the  noviciate  and  the 
framing  of  regulations  about  it  seem  to  have  been 
left  generally  to  the  monastic  bodies  themselves. 
The  canons  of  councils,  though  continually  re- 
lating to  the  monks  and  monasteries,  are  com- 
paratively silent  about  the  noviciate.  It  was  con- 
isidered  probably  an  integral  part  of  the  internal 
administration  of  the  monasteries.  It  may  be 
observed  that,  while  in  the  commencement  of 
monasticism  the  age  for  admission  was  earlier, 
and  the  probation  longer,  the  inverse  practice 
prevailed  in  course  of  time.  Obviously  the 
younger  the  novice,  the  greater  the  need  of  long 
and  elaborate  preparation. 

[For  Literature,  see  Monastery,  p.  1229.] 

[I.  G.  S.] 

NOVITIOLI.  A  name  sometimes  given  to 
catechumens,  because,  says  Bingham  (Antiq.  X. 
i.  1),  "  they  were  just  entering  upon  that  state 
v/hich  made  them  soldiers  of  God  and  candidates 
of  eternal  life."  [C.] 

NUBILIS  (NoBiLis),  martyr ;  commemorated 
in  Africa  Ap.  25  {Hieron.  Mart.) ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Ap.  iii.  361).  [C.  H.] 

NUCUS,  martyr.     [Mucius,  June  15.] 

NUDIPEDALIA.  A  word  used  to  describe 
walking  barefoot  in  processions,  and  other  func- 
tions of  the  church,  as  a  sign  of  humiliation 
(Tertullian,  Apol.  c.  4).  It  was  also  a  pagan 
form  of  supplication  to  the  deities.  (Tertull. 
adv.  Gentes,  c.  40.)  [C] 

NUMBERS,  THE  GOLDEN.  [Easter, 
p.  593.] 

NUMERIANUS,  bishop  and  confessor  at 
Treves,  a.d.  657  ;  commemorated  July  5  (Boil. 
Acta  SS.  Jul.  ii.  231).  [C.  H.] 


NUN 

NLTMIDIA,  COUNCIL  OF.  A  turbulent 
meeting  of  Donatists,  held  there  A.D.  348,  at 
some  place  unknown,  to  allay  the  storm  raised 
by  Macarius,  who  had  been  sent  on  thither  for 
relief  of  the  poor  by  the  emperor  Constans. 
(Mansi,  iii.  143.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

NUMIDICUS,  martyr  with  others  in  Africa 
in  tlie  third  century ;  commemorated  Aug.  9 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  ii.  410).  [C.  H.] 

NUMISMATICS.    [Money.] 

NUN.  1.  The  Name ;  2.  Pagan  Precedents ; 
3.  The  Sacred  Virgins ;  4.  Origin  and  Groicth  of 
Convents  ;  5.  Age  for  Admission  and  Duration  of 
Probation;  6.  Perpetuity  of  Obligation;  7.  Conse- 
cration of  a  Nun ;  8.  Conventual  Pules ;  9.  Epi- 
scopal Control,  4'C- >  10-  Occupations  of  Nuns; 
11.  Nuns  and  Monks. 

(1)  Among  the  various  designations  used  by 
ancient  Christian  writers  for  nuns,  the  most 
noticeable  are  these.  "  Nonna  "  (Hieron.  Epp.  22 
ad  Eustochium),  a  term  of  filial  reverence,  signify- 
ing an  aged  woman,  a  mother,  or  nurse,  just  as 
the  older  monks  were  called  "  nonni  "  by  their 
younger  brethren  (Bened.  Peg.  c.  63  ;  cf.  Bened. 
Anian.  Concord.  Pegul.  c.  70  ;  Menard,  ad  loc). 
The  word  is  perhaps  from  Egypt,  and  occurs  in 
the  form  of  vSvis  in  some  editions  of  Palladius. 
"  Sanctimonialis,"  or  "  Castimonialis,"  expressing 
the  holiness  of  the  vocation ;  the  latter  syllables 
of  these  words  become  in  later  writers  the  sub- 
stantive word  "  monialis."  "  Monastria,"  a  less 
usual  word,  signifying  seclusion  from  the  world. 
"  Sponsa  Christi,"  or  spouse  of  Christ.  "  Ancilla 
Dei,"  handmaid  of  God.  "Velata,"  veiled. 
"  Ascetica,"  ascetic  (Alteser.  Asceticon.  III.  ii.). 
The  names  "  agapetae,"  beloved,  and  "  sorores," 
sisters,  degenerated  into  terms  of  reproach,  as 
implying  familiarity  with  monks  (Bingh.  Orig. 
Eccles.  VI.  ii.  13  ;  cf.  Cone.  Ancyr.  a.d.  314.  c. 
18). 

(2)  There  were  precedents  in  paganism  for 
an  institution  of  this  kind.  The  Roman  vestals 
held  a  very  high  place  in  the  Roman  constitu- 
tion. Usually  admitted  very  young,  between 
the  ages  of  six  and  ten,  they  were  bound  to  fulfil 
a  term  of  thirty  years  after  admission ;  ten  as 
novices,  ten  in  the  worship  of  the  temple,  ten  as 
teachers  of  those  who  were  to  take  their  places. 
After  the  expiration  of  these  thirty  years,  they 
were  free  to  marry,  but  availed  themselves  of 
this  liberty  very  rarely  (Preller,  Les  Bieux 
de  Vancienne  Pome).  Among  the  Pythago- 
reans, also,  women  consecrating  themselves  to 
virginity  might  attain  a  very  exalted  rank  in 
the  hierarchy  (Maury,  Histoire  des  Beligions 
de  la  Grece  Antique).  Ambrose  seeks  a  pre- 
cedent in  the  sacred  observances  of  the  Jews 
{Be  Yirginibus).  But  the  passage  in  the  book 
of  Maccabees  is  a  very  slight  foundation  to 
build  upon  (II.  Mace.  iii.  19). 

(3)  In  one  sense  the  profession  of  a  nun  dates 
from  an  earlier  period  than  the  corresponding 
profession  of  a  monk.  Before  the  custom  of 
addicting  themselves  for  religious  purposes  to  an 
unmarried  life  had  made  much  progress  in  the 
Christian  church  among  men,  it  was  already  in 
vogue  among  women.  They  had  no  public 
duties  to  renounce  •,  it  was  easier  for  them  to 
exchange  their  ordinary  employments  for  those 
of  charity  and  devotion  ;  perhaps,  too,  they  were 


NUN 

predisposed  to  understand  the  exhortations  to 
purity,  which  are  so  prominent  in  the  Gospel,  as 
exhortations  to  virginity,  and  to  take  such  words 
about  marriage  as  those  of  St.  Paul  to  the 
Corinthians  in  the  most  literal  sense  (1  Cor.  vii. 
35).  The  "  sacred  virgins,"  or  "  ecclesiasti- 
cal virgins,"  were  an  important  part  of  the 
organisation  of  the  church  in  its  first  three 
centuries,  and  their  names  were  enrolled  on  the 
list  ("  canon "  or  "  matrieula ")  of  church 
officials  (Bingham,  Origin.  Eccles.  vii.  4 ;  Hog- 
pinian,  de  Orig.  Alonachatits,  i.  10).  The  empress 
Helena,  mother  of  Constantine  the  Great,  shewed 
especial  respect  for  these  devoted  women  (Socrat. 
Hist.  Eccles.  i.  17).  But  these  "  asceticae  "  were 
not  living  together  in  communities,  nor  bound 
by  vows  (Cyprian,  Epp.  4,  62  ;  cf.  De  Habitu 
Vtrg.).  Even  so  late  as  the  close  of  the  4th 
century,  a  canon  of  the  council  of  Carthage 
speaks  of  these  virgins  as  dwelling  with  their 
parents  {Cone.  Carthag.  III.  a.d.  o97,  c.  33  ; 
Gregor.  M.  Dialog,  ii.  7,  14).  If  orphans,  they 
were  to  be  placed  by  the  bishop  in  a  building 
set  apart  for  them.  Probably  the  persecutions 
of  the  "  sacred  virgins  "  by  Julian  (Sozomen, 
Hist.  Eccl.  V.  3),  by  that  reaction  which  in- 
evitably follows  persecution,  helped  to  make 
their  vocation  at  once  more  popular  and  more 
systematic.  Some  of  the  Roman  ladies,  who 
were  induced  by  Jerome's  influence  to  devote 
themselves  to  it,  continued  in  their  homes. 
Others  left  their  homes  to  give  themselves  more 
completely,  as  they  believed,  to  a  life  of  devotion 
{Epp.  ad  Eustoch. ;  ad  Dametriad. ;  Ambrose,  Epp. 
ad  Marcell.).  The  civil  law  of  the  later  empire 
exempted  from  the  capitation  tax  (a  plebeiae 
capitationis  injuria)  these  ecclesiastical  virgins, 
and  grants  them  especial  protection  from  insults, 
making  it  a  capital  offence  to  offer  violence  to 
any  one  of  their  number,  or  even  to  propose 
marriage  to  them  {Cod.  Theodos.  xiii.  x.  4,  ix. 
XXV. ;  Cod.  Justinian.  I.  iii.  5). 

(4)  Very  early  in  the  5th  century  Palladius 
describes  several  communities  of  virgins  living 
together  in  the  Scetic  desert,  in  Egypt,  and  in 
Tabennae,  an  island  on  the  Nile.  Some  of  these 
communities  were  apparently  not  under  a  very 
careful  discipline.  Dorotheus,  the  superintend- 
ent of  one  of  them,  used  to  sit  at  an  upper 
window,  looking  down  on  the  inmates,  to  stop 
their  quarrellings  (Pallad.  Hist.  Laus.  cc.  34,  36, 
38,  137).  Chrysostom  mentions  crowds  or 
associations  of  virgins  (coetus  virginum)  in 
Egypt,  in  those  days  pre-eminently  fertile  in 
asceticism  {Homil.  in  Matt.  c.  8).  Ruffinus 
speaks  of  them  in  Oxyrinchus  (Behnesch)  in 
Egypt.  Ambrose  says  that  they  abounded  in 
Alexandria,  in  the  East,  in  Italy,  and  were 
esteemed  very  highly  {De  Virginit.  7,  De  Vir- 
ginibus,  10,  De  Lapsu  Virg.).  Jerome  complains 
that  parents  were  apt  then,  as  in  later  years,  to 
get  rid  of  their  sickly  or  ill-favoured  daughters 
in  this  way  ( Hieron.  Ep.  ad  Demctriad.). 
Augustine  mentions  nuns,  in  buildings  apart 
from  monasteries,  making  woollen  garments  for 
the  monks  {De  Mor.  Eccles.  c.  31).  In  his  pro- 
tests against  the  excesses  of  Donatists,  he  rebukes 
severely  the  indecent  behaviour  of  the  virgins, 
unworthy  of  the  name,  who  accompanied  the 
roving  bands  of  the  "  Circumcelliones  "  {Cont. 
Parmenian.  iii.  3 ;  De  Bono  Viduitat.  c.  15). 
Jn  the  last  year  of  the  6th  century  the  pope, 

CHRIST.  ANT. — VOL.  II. 


NUN 


1411 


Gregory  the  Great,  attributes  the  preservation 
of  Rome  from  the  Lombards  to  the  prayers  of 
the  nuns,  about  three  thousand  in  number, 
within  its  walls  (Gregor.  M.  Epp.  vi.  42,  vii.  26). 

(5)  At  first,  as  was  the  case  with  monks,  and 
especially  in  the  East,  youth  was  hardly  con- 
sidered a  hindrance  to  self-dedication.  Basil 
draws  the  line  at  sixteen  or  seventeen  {Beg.  c.  7  ; 
Ep.  ad  Amphiloch.  c.  18).  Asella  and  Paula  de- 
voted themselves,  or  were  devoted,  even  earlier 
(Hieron.  Epjp.).  Ambrose  advises  that  it  must 
not  depend  on  the  number  of  years,  but  on  the 
maturity  of  character  {De  Virginitate,  c.  7). 
The  Council  of  Sai-agossa,  in  the  close  of  the 
4th  century,  and  the  Council  of  Agde,  a  little 
more  than  a  century  later,  forbid  the  veil  to  be 
assumed  before  the  age  of  forty  {Cone.  Caesamug. 
A.D.  381,  c.  8 ;  Cone.  Agathens.  A.D.  506,  c.  19)  ; 
and  the  third  Council  of  Carthage,  about  the  same 
date  as  that  of  Saragossa,  before  twenty-five 
{Cone.  Carthag.  III.  A.D.  397,  c.  4).  Gregory 
the  Great  writes  that  nuns  may  not  be  veiled 
before  sixty  years  of  age,  but  the  profession 
might  be  made  sooner  {Epp.  iv.  11 ;  cf.  Mabill. 
Annal.  0.  S.  B.  viii.  47).  Charlemagne,  in 
order  to  discourage  the  practice  of  taking  the 
veil  prematurely,  re-enacted  the  old  African 
canon  already  quoted,  fixing  twenty-five  years  >  f 
age  as  the  earliest  age  for  it  {Capital,  a.d.  789, 
c.  46  ;  A.D.  805,  c.  14).  The  Council  of  Frank- 
fort allows  an  earlier  age  in  exceptional  cases 
{Cone.  Frnncof.  a.d.  793,  c.  46).  The  Coun- 
cil of  Aachen,  twenty-two  years  later,  forbids 
young  women  to  become  nuns  without  the  con- 
sent of  their  parents  or  guardians  {Cone.  Aquisgr. 
A.D.  817,  c.  20).  As  to  the  length  of  time  ne- 
cessary for  probation,  a  Council  of  Orleans  in 
the  6th  century,  draws  a  distinction  between 
convents  where  the  inmates  are  to  stay  for  ever, 
and  those  where  they  only  sojourn  for  a  time. 
In  the  latter  case  the  probation  is  to  last  three 
years  ;  in  the  former,  one  year  is  enough  {Cone. 
Aurelian.  V.  a.d.  549,  c.  19).     [Novice.] 

(6)  From  the  first  it  was  understood  on  all 
hands  that  a  woman  consecrating  herself  to  the 
profession  of  virginity  ought  not  to  marry ;  and 
in  accordance,  as  it  was  thought,  with  apostolic 
precepts  (1  Cor.  vii. ;  1  Tit.  ii.),  anyone  going 
back  from  this  profession  was  gravely  censured  as 
falling  from  a  higher  vocation  {Cone.  Ancyr.  a.d, 
315,  c.  19).  But  it  was  not  till  the  Benedictine 
rule  had  been  established  in  Europe  that  the 
vow  of  virginity  was  regarded  as  absolutely 
irrevocable.'  At  first  in  some  cases,  if  not  in 
all,  the  distinction  was  recognised  between  lawful 
wedlock  and  incontinency.  In  course  of  time  the 
same  stigma  of  infamy  was  branded  on  a  nun 
marrying,  as  on  one  guilty  of  gross  immorality, 
just  as  a  monk  was  condemned  alike  for  marriage 
and  fornication.  The  Council  of  Elvira  in  Spain, 
early  in  the  4th  century,  allowed  nuns  forsaking 
their  profession  to  be  restored  to  communion,  if 
penitent,  after  offending  once,  but  not  in  case  of 
the  offence  being  repeated  {Cone.  Eliheritan.  a.d. 
c.  324,  c.  13).  iiasil  ordered  a  penance  of  one  or 
two  years  before  restoration  to  communion  ;  in 
his  eyes,  the  marriage  of  one  who  is  already  the 
spouse  of  Christ  is  adultery  {Ep.  ad  Amphiloch. 
c.   18).     The  Council   of  Valence,  in   Southern 


See  H.  C.  Lea's  Uistory  of  Cdibacy,  Pliiladolpbia, 
4Y 


1412 


NUN 


France,  about  the  same  date,  sentenced  nuns 
marrying  to  a  long,  but  not  perpetual,  excom- 
munication (Cone.  Valent.  A.D.  374,  c.  2).  The 
Theodosian  code  allowed  them  to  return  to  the 
world  at  any  time  before  attaining  forty  years 
of  age,  especially  if  they  had  been  compelled  in 
the  first  instance  by  their  parents  to  become 
nuns  {Cod.  Theodos.  Nov.  viii.  et  ix.).  Pope 
Innocent  I.,  in  the  commencement  of  the 
5th  century,  forbids  a  nun  after  marrying  or 
being  seduced  to  be  restored  to  communion, 
unless  the  partner  in  her  transgression  has 
retired  into  the  cloister  ("de  saeculo  recesserit," 
understood  by  Hospinian  as  if  it  were  "de- 
cesserit")  (Innoc.  I.  Ep.  2  ad  Victric.  Roto- 
magens.).  Epiphanius  draws  very  strongly  the 
distinction,  obliterated  in  later  ages,  between  the 
marriage  of  a  nun  and  profligacy;  in  the  former 
case,  after  penance  done,  the  ban  of  excommuni- 
cation is  to  be  taken  off  from  her  (Epiphan. 
Haeres.  Ixi.).  Leo  I.,  in  the  middle  of  the 
century,  only  allows  nuns  who  have  broken 
their  vow  before  taking  the  veil  to  be  received 
after  penance  to  communion ;  for  those  who  so 
ofiend  after  taking  the  veil  there  is  no  restora- 
tion (JSp.  90).  Rather  earlier  in  the  century 
Augustine,  with  characteristic  largeness  of 
thought,  admits  that  marriage  in  these  cases, 
though  very  culpable,  is  not  invalidated  (Z>e 
Bono  Viduitat.  8,  9,  10).  Jerome,  as  charac- 
teristically, writes  more  inexorably  (^Ep.  ad 
Demetriad.).  The  Council  of  Chalcedon,  pre- 
scribing a  period  of  penance  varying  in  duration 
according  to  the  discretion  of  the  bishop,  recom- 
mends the  offending  sister  to  mercy  (Cone. 
Chalced.  a.d.  451,  c.  16).  The  second  Council 
of  Aries,  in  the  year  following,  re-enacts  the 
decree,  already  cited,  of  the  Council  of  Valence, 
adding  the  limitation,  "  if  the  offender  is  over 
twenty-five  years  of  age  "  (Cone.  Arelat.  ii.  a.d. 
452,  c.  33).  The  decree  of  the  Council  of 
Orange,  a  hvf  years  before  this,  is  of  the  same 
purport  (Cone.  Arausican.  A.D.  441,  c.  28).  A 
century  later  the  sentences  pronounced  are  more 
severe.  The  fifth  Council  of  Orleans  excom- 
municates both  parties  in  the  event  of  a  nun 
marrying  after  her  fourth  year  in  the  convent 
(Cone.  Aurelian.  V.  a.d.  549,  c.  19);  and  the 
Council  of  Macon  makes  this  an  excommunica- 
tion for  ever,  except  by  special  dispensation 
from  the  bishop  in  mortal  sickness  (Cone. 
Matiscon.  A.D.  c.  581,  c.  12).  The  third  Council 
of  Paris  pronounces  anathema  against  any  one 
presuming  to  tempt  a  nun  to  marry  (Cone. 
Paris,  _A.D,  557,  c.  5).  Gregory  the  Great  cen- 
sures in  gravest  terms  the  marriage  of  a  nun, 
as  a  great  wickedness  (Ep.  y.  "24).  Nuns 
otherwise  breaking  their  vow  of  chastity  he 
orders  to  be  transferred  to  a  stricter  monastery 
for  penance  (Epp.  iv.  9). 

(7)  The  Consecration  of  a  nun  was  a  solemn 
rite,  only  to  be  administered  by  a  bishop,  or,  at 
least,  by  his  authorisation.  The  third  Council 
of  Carthage,  in  the  end  of  the  4th  century, 
forbade  priests  so  to  officiate,  except  by  the 
bishop's  order ;  the  Council  of  Paris,  under  the 
successor  of  Charlemagne,  forbade  abbesses  to 
usurp  this  function  (Cone.  Carthag.  III.  a.d.  390, 
c.  3  ;  Syn.  JUppon.  a.d.  393,  c.  34  ;  Syn.  Carthag. 
a.d.  419,  c.  6  ;  Cone.  Paris,  a.d.  825,  cc.  41,43). 
Ambrose,  in  the  4th  century,  cautions  women 
against   assuming    the    veil    precipitately   and 


NUN 

without  due  consideration  (De  Virginitate,  c.  7). 
His  sister  Marcellina  was  formally  admitted  in 
the  great  basilica  of  St.  Peter  at  Rome  by  pope 
Liberius,  and  part  of  the  ceremony  was  her 
receiving  from  his  hands  the  robe  of  virginity 
(Ep.  ad  Marcellin.;  Innoc.  Ep.  ad  Victr.  c. 
13.  He  relates  elsewhere  how  young  women 
came  to  him  at  Milan  from  other  parts  cf 
Italy  and  from  other  countries  to  be  veiled 
(^De  Virginibus,  i.  c.  10;  cf.  Cone.  Carthag 
iv.  A.D.  398).  Hospinian  (^De  Orig.  Monach.  u.  s., 
contends  that  there  was  no  such  ceremony  be- 
fore Constantine  the  Great,  and  that  Tertullian 
(De  Virginibus  Yelandis)  speaks  only  of  the 
modesty  in  dress  and  deportment  which  becomes 
Christian  maidens  generally.  The  favourite 
seasons  for  this  ceremony  were  Epiphany,  Easter, 
and  the  festivals  of  Apostles  (Gelasius,  Ep.  9, 
ad  Epise.  Lucan.  c.  12).  The  veil  was  a 
sign  of  belonging  to  Christ  alone  (Athauas. 
Exhortat.  ad  Spons.  Dei).  The  fillet  or  riband 
(vitta),  with  its  gleam  of  purple  or  gold, 
represented  the  crown  of  victory  (Optatus,  de 
Sehismat.  Donat.  vii.  4),  and  the  tresses 
gathered  up  and  tied  together  marked  the 
difference  between  the  bride  of  Christ  and  the 
bride  of  an  earthly  bridegroom  with  her  tresses 
loosened  according  to  the  old  Roman  custom. 
The  ring  and  bracelet,  symbolic  also  of  the 
betrothal  to  Christ,  as  well  as  the  use  of  a 
special  office  for  the  occasion,  were,  Bingham 
argues,  of  a  comparatively  modern  date  (Orig. 
Eccles.  VII.  iv.).  The  Council  of  Gangra,  while 
correcting  several  laxities  of  the  day,  condemned 
the  practice  of  nuns  dressing  like  monks  (Cono. 
Gangr.  A.D.  365,  cc.  13,  30).  The  same  council 
forbade  nuns  to  have  their  heads  shaven  (ib. 
c.  17 ;  cf.  Cod.  Theodos.  XVI.  ii.  27) ;  and  so 
decreed  two  Gallic  councils  in  the  6th  and 
7th  centuries  (Mabill.  Annul.  0.  S.  B.  vii. 
52,  xiii.  7).  Ambrose  and  Optatus  write  to  the 
same  effect  (Ambr.  de  Laps.  Virgin,  c.  8 ;  Optat. 
de  Sehismat.  Donatist.  vi.  4).  On  the  other 
hand,  Jerome  and  Augustine  imply  that  the 
custom  in  their  experience  was  otherwise 
(Hieron.  Ep.  ad  Sabinian.  August.;  Ep.  211). 
In  Egypt  and  Syria  the  custom  of  shaving  the  ■ 
head  seems  to  have  been  adopted  for  cleanliness, 
nuns  having  infrequent  opportunities  of  washing 
the  head  (Hieron.  u.  s.  ;  cf.  Sozom.  Hist.  Ecct. 
V.  10).  The  uncertainty  of  rule,  and  the  diver- 
sity of  practice  on  this  point  arose,  perhaps,  in 
part  from  the  apostolic  injunctions  to  the  Chris- 
tian women  at  Corinth  (1  Cor.  si.)  conflicting 
with  the  monastic  tonsure ;  and  partly  from 
the  twofold  aspect  of  the  vocation  of  a  nun,  as, 
on  the  one  hand,  pledged  to  virginity,  and,  on 
the  other,  betrothed  to  the  Redeemer.  Another 
objection  against  the  tonsure  of  nuns  in  Europe 
was  the  circumstance  that  this  was  an  ancient 
punishment  for  adulteresses  among  the  Teutonic 
tribes. 

(8)  The  rules  of  the  conventual  life  for 
women  resemble  closely  those  for  men  (Mabill. 
Annal.  0.  S.  B.  i.  52).  Scholastica,  sister  of  the 
great  Benedict,  was  esteemed  in  Europe  the 
foundress  of  nunneries,  according  to  the  legend- 
ary tradition  (Mabill.  Praejf.  I.  iii.).  The  nuns 
were  to  obey  their  abbess  implicitly  (e.g. 
August.  Ep.  211).  By  the  rule  of  Caesarius, 
bishop  of  Aries,  in  the  6th  century,  they  were 
never  to  go  out  of  the  convent;  were  to  havo' 


NUN 

nothing  of  their  own ;  were  to  be  allowed  the 
luxury  of  a  bath  only  in  sickness  (Caesar.  Arelat. 
Reg.  cc.  1,  4,  29).  The  rule  of  Aurelian,  his 
successor  in  the  see,  orders  that  they  may  never 
receive  letters  without  the  cognisance  of  the 
abbess,  and  that  if  anyone  brings  a  maid  with 
her  into  the  convent,  the  servant,  by  the  very  act, 
becomes  free  and  in  all  things  her  equal  (Aure- 
lian Arelat.  Reg.  cc.  4,  13).  The  rigorous  rule 
called  ■•'  Cujusdam,"  not  unreasonably  ascribed 
by  some  to  Columba  of  lona,  prescribes  for  nuns 
continual  silence,  frequent  confessions,  a  very 
spare  diet,  very  hard  labour,  under  penalty  of  ex- 
communication (^Reg.  CujuscL  cc.  6,  9,  10, 12,  18, 
19).  The  rule  of  Donatus,  bishop  of  Besangon,  in 
the  middle  of  the  7th  century,  makes  mention  of 
female  officers  corresponding  to  the  abbat,  friar, 
hebdomadarius  or  septimanarius  in  a  monastery  ; 
it  allows  wives,  who  have  left  their  husbands,  to 
bo  admitted  (cf.  Syn.  Carthag.  II.  a,d.  309,  c.  1)  ; 
it  forbids  the  nuns  to  keep  anything  under  lock 
and  key ;  it  orders  small  delinquencies  to  be 
punishe'd  by  slappings  (Donat.  Vesontionens. 
Reg.  cc.  4,  5,  7,  11,  32,  67).  Gregory  the 
Great,  in  his  life  of  Benedict  of  Nursia,  gives 
a  curious  legend,  how  two  nuns  were  punished 
grievously  for  their  silly  chatterings  (Gregor. 
M.  Vit.  S.  Bcncd.  c.  23). 

(9)  Nunneries  were  generally,  as  might  be 
anticipated,  more  amenable  than  monasteries  to 
the  control  of  their  bishop.  But  the  occurrence 
from  time  to  time  of  a  canon  on  this  point 
shews  that  they,  too,  could  sometimes  be  in- 
subordinate (e.g.  Cone.  Arelat.  a.d.  554,  c.  5 ; 
Cone.  Forojul.  a.d.  791,  c.  47 ;  Cone.  Francofurt. 
A.D.  793,  c.  47  ;  Cone.  Aquisgran.  a.d.  816,  c.  68 ; 
Gone.  Paris,  a.d.  829,  c.  13).  Again,  another 
council  insists  that  they  must  account  to  their 
bishop  for  all  immunities  froin  episcopal  du«s 
{Cone.  Vernens.  A.D.  755,  c.  20).  Gregory  blames 
a  bishop  for  not  having  hindered  a  nun  from  leav- 
ing her  convent  (Gregor.  M.  Epp.  ix.  114).  He 
orders  the  bishops  to  install  new  abbesses;  to 
prevent  nunneries  being  founded  without  suffi- 
cient endowment ;  to  keep  lay-women  out  of  them 
(Epp.  iii.  9,  iv.  4,  v.  12,  vii.  7).  The  power 
of  abbesses,  like  that  of  abbats,  was  checked  by 
certain  limitations  both  from  within  and  with- 
out. By  the  rule  of  Donatus  the  abbess 
must  take  counsel  with  her  nuns  (m.  s.  c.  2). 
By  the  decree  of  an  English  council  in  the  8  th 
century  the  abbess  is  to  be  elected  by  the 
nuns,  either  from  their  own  number  or  from 
elsewhere,  with  the  advice  of  the  bishop  {Cone. 
Chaleyth.  [Chelsea?],  a.d.  787,  c.  5).  Gregory 
the  Great  in  his  day  disapproved  of  young 
abbesses,  and  of  abbesses  fi-om  another  convent 
CEpp.  iv.  11,  vi.  12).  By  a  council  near  Paris 
in  the  8th  century  it  is  ordered  that  the 
bishop,  as  well  as  the  abbess,  may  send  a  nun 
misbehaving  herself  to  a  penitentiary  ;  that  no 
abbess  is  to  superintend  more  than  one  monas- 
tery, or  to  quit  the  precincts,  except  once  a  year 
when  summoned  by  her  sovereign  ;  and  that  the 
abbess  must  do  penance  in  the  monastery  for  her 
faults  by  the  bishop's  direction  (cum  consilio 
episcopi,  Cone.  Vernens.  a.d.  735,  c.  6).  Charle- 
magne enacted  that  the  bishop  must  report  to 
the  Crown  any  abbess  guilty  of  misconduct,  in 
order  that  she  might  be  deposed  {Cone.  Franco- 
furt. A.D.  795,  c.  47).  Abbesses  were  forbidden, 
in  the  reign  of  his  successor,  to  walk  alone,  and 


NUN 


1413 


thus  were  placed  in  some  degree  under  the  sur- 
veillance of  the  sisterhood  {Cone.  Mogunt'm.  ii. 
A.D.  847,  c.  16).  Charlemagne  prohibited 
abbesses  from  laying  hands  on  any  one,  or  pro- 
nouncing the  blessing  (Capitul.  Carol.  M.  a.d. 
798,  c.  76 ;  Cone.  Francofurt.  a.d.  793,  c.  46). 
Hospinian  alleges  that  some  abbesses  claimed 
to  ordain,  but  this  can  only  be  understood 
in  the  sense  of  admitting  into  minor  orders 
or  into  the  sisterhood  (Hospinian,  u.  s.).  Bing- 
ham states  that  abbesses  are  first  mentioned  as 
taking  part  in  the  proceedings  of  a  synod  at  the 
Council  of  Becantield  (Becanceldae),  in  Kent, 
A.D.  694  (Bing.  Origin.  Eccles.  VII.  iii.;  cf. 
Mabill.  Annal.  0.  S.  B.  sviii.  28).  In  the  feudal 
system  abbesses  were  liable,  like  his  other 
vassals,  to  the  king's  service,  but  by  proxy, 
because  of  their  sex  and  vow  of  seclusion.  They 
of  course  exercised  lordship  over  the  fiefs  belong- 
ing to  their  convents.  In  each  province  the 
convents  were  under  the  supreme  authority  of 
the  abbess  of  the  central  convent  of  that  order, 
just  as  the  monasteries  were  subject  to  a  "  pro- 
vincial "  and  "  general  "  of  the  order. 

(10)  The  routine  in  a  nunnery  corresponded 
verv  nearly  with  that  of  a  monastery.  There 
was  the  same  periodical  rotation,  hour  by  hour, 
of  sacred  services,  varied  by  work,  chiefly  manual, 
of  one  sort  or  another,  with  brief  intervals  at 
stated  times  for  rest  or  refection.  The  usual 
occupation,  in  the  way  of  working,  was  from 
the  first  in  wool.  Jerome,  urging  nuns  to 
make  their  vocation  real  by  strenuous  diligence, 
advises  them  to  have  the  wool  ever  in  their 
hands  {Ep.  ad  Eustoch.)-  The  passage  in 
Augustine's  writings,  where  he  speaks  of  them 
handing  through  the  door  of  the  convent  the 
dresses  which  they  have  made  for  the  aged 
monks  waiting  there  with  food  for  the  nuns  in 
exchange  (August,  de  Morih.  Eccles.  c.  31),  re- 
calls the  ancient  epitaph  on  the  Roman  house- 
wife in  the  simple  days  of  the  republic,  "  domi 
mansit,  lanam  fecit."  But  this  primitive  em- 
ployment was  apt  to  degenerate  into  a  preference 
for  fancy-work,  which  was  discouraged  as 
frivolous  and  vain,  except  when  it  was  made 
useful,  in  ecclesiastical  embroidery,  &c.,  for  the 
adornment  of  the  sanctuary  (Mabill.  Annal. 
0.  S.  B.  svi.  24).  The  rule  of  Caesarius  en- 
joins working  in  wool,  but  forbids  fancy-work 
(m.  s.  cc.  14,  42).  The  rule  of  Aurelian  orders 
the  nuns  all  to  learn  reading  and  writing 
(literas  discant  omnes,  u.  s.  c.  26).  In  the 
revival  of  education  under  Charlemagne,  the 
nunneries  did  good  service.  Hitherto  monastic 
schools  had  been  used  chiefly  for  training  monks 
and  clergy  only.  The  great  legislator  extended 
the  advantages  of  education  to  the  laity  also, 
instituting  for  them  the  "  scholae  exteriores," 
and  leaving  the  "  scholae  interiores "  for  the 
others.  The  schools  in  the  nunneries  were 
already  useful  for  girls  in  this  larger  sphere, 
the  training  of  the  young  being  naturally  con- 
genial to  the  nuns.  Their  course  of  lessons 
differed  of  course  from  the  "  trivium "  and 
"  quadrivium "  of  the  monastic  system,  being 
confined  to  an  elementary  sort  of  catechism 
in  religious  knowledge,  music,  housework, 
and,  more  rarely,  Latin  (Alteser.  Ascetic,  v. 
10;  Herzog,  Eloster-Schulen).  Nuns  were 
also  employed  frequently  in  transcribing  and 
illuminating  sacred  books,  and  m  the  arts  of 
4  Y  2 


1414 


NUN 


medicine  and  painting  (Mabill.  Acta  Sanctor. 
0.  S.  B.  i.  p.  646  ;  I'raeff.  ii.  3,  iii.  4).  Boni- 
face, during  his  missionary  labours  in  Germany, 
sent  to  his  old  home  iu  England  for  a  supply  of 
nuns  to  assist  in  civilising  and  Christianising 
the  wild  hordes  whom  he  was  converting 
(Othlon.  Vit.  S.  Bonifacii,  c.  25 ;  Mabill.  Fraejf. 
iii.  2,  4).  Hospinian  says  that  he  made  use  of 
them  not  for  teaching  only,  but  also  for  the 
purpose  of  preaching  (m.  s.  ;  cf.  Mabill. 
Fraeff.  ii.). 

(11)  Great  care  was  necessary  from  the  first 
to  prevent  a  too  close  proximity  of  nunneries 
and  monasteries,  as  well  as  any  intercourse 
between  the  nuns  and  the  other  sex  generally. 
Augustine,  Jerome,  and  other  fathers  of  the 
church  reiterate  their  cautions  against  these 
dangers.  The  Council  of  Ancyra  forbade  the 
consecrated  virgins  to  associate  with  men  even 
as  sisters  (^Conc.  Anajr.  a.d.  314,  c.  18;  cf. 
Cone.  Carth.  A.D.  312,  c.  3).  Justinian  forbade 
women  to  enter  the  conventual  buildings  of 
men  {Novell,  cxxxiii.).  In  the  5th  century 
canons  were  made  strictly  prohibiting  any  more 
monasteries  to  be  founded  for  monks  and  nuns 
together,  and  ordering  those  already  in  existence 
to  be  partitioned  between  the  sexes  (Mabill. 
Annal.  0.  S.  B.  v.  23  ;  cf.  Herzog,  Kloster). 
The  rule  of  Caesarius  allows  no  other  man  than 
the  bishop,  the  clergy  officiating,  and  the 
steward  (provisor)  of  the  convent  to  enter 
within  its  walls  (m.  s.).  The  nuns  were  to 
make  their  confession  to  the  bishop  through 
their  abbess  (Mabill.  Annal.  0.  S.  B.  xii.  32). 
Some  nuns  were  censured  in  the  6th  century 
for  having  nursed  through  his  illness  a  monk 
of  the  venerable  age  of  80  ( Mabill.  u.  s. ). 
The  Council  of  Seville,  a  little  later,  forbids 
a  nunnery  to  be  placed  too  near  the  monastery 
to  which  it  is  attached  for  protection ;  enacts 
that  this  arrangement  must  have  the  sanction 
of  the  bishop  or  council ;  that  no  communi- 
cation is  to  pass  from  the  one  establish- 
ment to  the  other,  except  through  the  abbat 
and  abbess ;  and,  while  allowing  the  nuns  to 
work  with  their  fingers  on  dresses  for  the 
monks,  and  the  monks  to  minister  spiritually 
to  the  nuns,  precludes  all  other  intercourse  what- 
ever (Cone.  Hispal.  A.D.  619,  c.  11).  The  letters 
of  Gregory  the  Great  abound  with  precautions 
and  directions  on  this  delicate  subject.  The 
person  acting  for  the  nunnery  in  its  temporal 
affairs  must  always  be  either  a  monk  or  a 
cleric,  of  high  repute  and  of  long  experience ; 
he  must  save  them  all  occasion  for  going  out 
of  the  precincts  ;  nuns  are  never  on  any  pretext 
to  lodge  under  the  roof  of  a  monastery.  He  de- 
nounces severely  the  custom  of  nuns  being  "  com- 
matres "  with  monks  (Gregor.  M.  JSpp.  iv.  9, 
42,  viii.  21,  22).  The  danger,  indeed,  was  one 
of  constant  recurrence,  and  required  unceasing 
vigilance  (Syn.  Carthag.  c.  A.D.  346,  cc.  3,  4 ; 
Cone.  Toletan.  I.  a.d.  400,  cc.  6,  9).  The  second 
council  of  Kicaea  condemned  the  double  or 
mixed  monasteries  already  mentioned,  and,  even 
in  cases  of  consanguinity,  forbade  a  nun  to  see 
a  monk,  except  in  the  presence  of  an  abbess 
{Cone.  Nicaen.  ii.  A.D.  787,  c.  20).  The  council 
of  Frejus  forbade  the  abbat  of  the  protecting 
monastery  to  visit  the  nunnery  without  the 
bishop's  leave  {Cone.  Forisjul.  A.D.  794,  c.  12). 
Still,  in  spite  of  every  precaution,  the  insidious 


NUPTIAL  CONTRACT 

temptation  baffled  only  too  often  the  edicts  of 
councils  and  reformers,  in  the  8th  century 
nuns  gained  admission  into  monasteries  on  the 
ground  of  being  necessary  in  sickness  and 
similar  emergencies,  and  secular  women,  on  the 
same  excuse,  were  harboured  in  convents  (Mabill. 
Fraeff.  III.  i.).  In  the  monastery  of  St.  Maurice 
(Agaunense),  in  the  Valais,  women  were  in  the 
habit  of  frequenting  the  basilica  or  chapel  of  the 
monastery  (Mabill.  Annal.  0.  8.  B.  i.  74).  In 
the  10th  century  the  archbishop  of  Sens,  in 
Champagne,  destroyed  the  separate  cells  (aedi- 
culae),  then  becoming  common,  in  which  nuns 
lived  apart  from  the  restraints  of  the  convent 
(Mabill.  0.  8.  B.  Praeff.V.  vi.).  The  "  canonicae  " 
of  the  8th  and  subsequent  centuries  differed  from 
nuns  in  retaining  more  of  their  secular  character. 
They  were  not  bound  by  a  vow  of  perpetuity ; 
they  repudiated  the  titles  of  monachae  and 
matres ;  and,  though  engaged,  like  nuns,  in  the 
work  of  education,  they  confined  their  teaching 
chiefly  to  the  children  of  the  nobles  [Cano- 
Nici ;  Schools].  The  "  widows,"  who  devoted 
themselves  to  the  service  of  the  church  from 
its  earliest  days,  belong  in  many  respects  to  the 
same  category  as  the  "  sacred  virgins."  Like 
them,  they  were  exempted  by  the  Code  of  Theo- 
dosius  from  the  ordinary  capitation  tax ;  but  it 
was  expressly  provided  that  this  exemption 
should  only  be  granted  to  those  widows  whose 
advanced  age  and  sobriety  of  demeanour  gave  a 
guarantee  that  they  would  not  marry  again 
{Cod.  Theodus.  u.  s.).  The  so-called  "Apo- 
stolical Constitutions,"  after  saying  that  a  widow 
does  not  receive  the  imposition  of  hands  {ov 
X^'poTovelrai,  cf.  Gelasius,  Ep.  9,  c.  13)  enact 
that  only  those  may  be  admitted  into  the 
order  who  are  altogether  beyond  suspicion 
of  levity  or  inconstancy  {Apostol.  Constitut. 
viii.  25).  Similar  precautions  occur  repeatedly 
iu  later  ages,  for  instance,  in  the  decrees  of  the 
Council  of  Orange  iu  the  5th  century,  and  of 
the  Frankish  kingdom  in  the  9th  century 
{Cone.  Arausiean.  a.d.  441,  c.  27 ;  Cone.  Tolet. 
X.  cc.  4,  5  ;  Capital,  a.d.  817,  c.  21).  [See 
Abbess,  Asceticism,  Benedictixe  Rule  and 
Order,  Celibacy,  Monastery,  Novice,  &c.] 
For  the  Literature,  see  Monastery,  p.  1229. 
[I.  G.  S.] 
NUNC  DIMITTIS.     [Canticle.] 

NUNCIUS,  confessor  in  the  county  of  Namur, 
perhaps  in  the  seventli  century ;  commemorated 
Oct.  10  (Boll.  Acta  88.  Oct.  v.  124).       [C.  H.] 

NUNCTUS,  abbat  and  martyr,  near  Merida, 
cir.  A.D.  580 ;  commemorated  Oct.  22  (Boll. 
Acta  88.  Oct.  ix.  596).  [C.  H.] 

NUNILO,  martyr,  with  Elodia,  virgins; 
commemorated  at  Huesca  in  Spain,  Oct.  22 
(Usuard.  3Iart.).  [C.  H.] 

NUNNUS,  a  surname  of  Hippolytus,  martyr  ; 
commemorated  "  in  portu  urbis  Eomae,"  Aug. 
23  {Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

NUNTIUS.    [Legate.] 

NUPTIAL  CONTRACT.  Tabulae  nup- 
tiales  (Tertullian  ad  Uxorcm,  ii.  3)  were  the 
"deeds"  by  which  dowry  was  conferred  in 
marriage.     In  many  ancient  representations  of 


NUT 

wedded  couples  a  scroll  is  represented  either  in 
the  hand  of  one  of  the  persons  or  in  some  part 
of  the  picture,  which  is  commonly  supposed  to 
be  the  nuptial  contract.  See  Marriage,  p. 
1114.  Two  are  sometimes  found  in  representa- 
tions on  glass.  (Buonarruoti,  tav.  xxiii.  3.) 
(Martignj-,  Diet,  des  Antiq.  chre't.  s.  v.  Tabulae 
Nuptiales).  [C] 

NUT.  In  the  symbolism  of  the  Fathers  the 
nut  bears  various  interpretations,  the  essential 
idea  being  the  same  in  all,  viz.,  a  hidden  trea- 
sure concealed  beneath  an  unpromising  exterior. 
From  this  point  of  view  it  became  a  very  appro- 
priate emblem  of  Jesus  Christ,  in  whom  the 
Godhead  was  hidden  beneath  the  veil  of  the 
manhood.  We  find  it  so  employed  by  St.  Augus- 
tine (Sermm.  de  temp.;  Boniinic.  ante  Nativitatcm). 
In  this  passage  he  divides  the  nut  into  three 
parts,  the  husk,  the  shell,  and  the  kernel,  and 
finds  something  corresponding  to  each  in  the 
Person  of  the  Saviour.  First,  he  sees  in  them 
the  Flesh,  Bones,  and  Soul  of  Christ ;  and  then 
refining  still  further,  he  regards  the  husk  as  the 
symbol  of  our  Lord's  Body ;  the  kernel  of  the 
Deity  within  affording  both  food  and  light  to 
the  soul ;  and  the  shell  of  the  wood  of  the  Cross, 
which  at  the  same  time  divides  the  outward  and 
inward  in  man,  and  also  by  the  wood  of  the 
Atonement  unites  the  earthly  and  the  heavenly. 
St.  Augustine's  friend  and  correspondent  Paulinus 
of  Nola  expresses  the  same  conceit  in  one  of  his 
poems  {Foema  xxvii.  In  Nat.  S.  Felic.  ix.  277- 
287).  He  finds  a  deep  mystery  in  Jacob's 
peeled  rods,  especially  in  the  one  which  was  of 
hazel  (Gen.  xxx.  37),  on  which  he  thus  com- 
ments : — 

"  In  nuce  Christus, 

Virga  nucis  Christus  quoniam  in  nucibus  cibus  intus 
Testa  foris,  et  amara  super  viridi  cute  cortex. 
Cerne  Deum  nostro  velatum  corpore  Christum, 
Qui  fragilis  carne  est,  verbo  cibus,  et  cruce  amarus. 
Dura  superficies  verbum  crucis,  ct  crucis  esca  est, 
Coelestem  Christi  claudens  in  came  medullam." 

Another  slightly  different  line  of  interpretation 
regarded  the  nut  as  the  emblem  of  the  Chris- 
tian bearing  about  with  him  the  divine  Wisdom 
in  a  fleshy  body.  Thus  St.  Gregory  the  Great 
wi-ites  (cap.  vi.  Cant.):  " Quid  per  nucem  nisi 
perfectos  quosque  intelligimus,  qui  dum  Divinam 
Sapientiani  intra  corpora  sua  retinent,  quasi 
nucleum  in  fragili  testa  portant  ?  Quid  isti  nisi 
nuces  existunt,  qui  nuclei  dulcedinem  intus 
ferunt ;  exterius  vero  carnis  utilitatem  praeten- 
dunt  ?  "  We  find  a  similar  symbolism  in  Philo 
(de  Tit.  3Ios.  lib.  iii.).  Boldetti  describes  and 
gives  a  representation  of  a  nut  of  amber  found 
by  him  in  a  Christian  tomb.  It  opened  down 
the  middle,  and  contained  a  cameo  of  the  sacri- 
fice of  Isaac  (^Osservaz.  p.  298 ;  tav.  1,  No.  10, 
11  ;  De  Rossi,  Horn.  Sott.  vol.  iii.  p.  595). 

[E.  v.] 
NYMPHAEUM,  a  name  for  the  fountain  or 
cistern  usually  found  in  the  centre  of  the  atrium 
before  the  door  of  a  church,  called  also  "  Can- 
tharus  "  and  "  Phiala "  (Fountains  at  the 
Entrance  of  Chdrches,  p.  685).  Anasta- 
sius  records  that  a  "Nymphaeum,"  surrounded 
by  a  triple  arcade,  was  erected  by  pope  Hilary 
in  front  of  the  basilica  of  St.  Cross  in  Rome 
(Anastas.  69).     In  Paciaudi  Cde  Sacr.  Christian. 


OATHS 


1415 


Balneis,  p.  145  sq.)  we  find  an  account  with  an 
engraving  of  an  oblong  marble  cistern,  found 
near  the  site  of  Pisaurum,  ornamented  with 
symbolical  bas-reliefs  of  the  7th  century,  which 
he  considers  to  have  been  a  "  Nymphaeum  "  in 
the  atrium  of  a  church.  The  word  is  used  for 
ordinary  fountains  and  tanks  by  Ammianus 
Marcellinus  (lib.  xv.  p.  324),  and  Capitolinus 
(in  Gordiano,  iii.),  "  Opera  Gordiani  Eomae 
nulla  extant  praeter  quaedam  nymphaea  et  bal- 
nea." Cedrenus  and  Zonaras  (xiv.  1)  used  the 
word  for  a  hall  for  the  public  celebration  of 
marriages.  Mabillon  strangely  interprets  the 
passage  from  Anastasius  of  the  place  set  apart 
for  females.  (Ducange,  Constantinop.  Christiana, 
lib.  i.  c.  26,  p.  86  sq.).  [E.  V.] 

NYMPHIA,  male  or  female  saint  of  Laodicea, 
martyr  with  Eubulus  of  Rome  in  the  first 
century ;  commemorated  Feb.  28  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Feb.  iii.  719).  [C.  H.] 

NYMPHODORA,  martyr,  with  Menodora 
and  Metrodora  ;  commemorated  Sept.  10  (Basil. 
Menol. ;  Cal.  Byzant.  ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv. 
265).  [C.  H.] 

NYMPODOEA,  martyr ;  commemorated  at 
Nicaea,  Mar.  13  (Hieron.  Mart.);  Nimpodora 
(Usuard.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

NYSSA,  COUNCIL  OF,  on  the  confines  of 
Cappadocia,  where  a  council  was  held  A.D.  375, 
at  the  instigation  of  Demosthenes,  the  civil 
vicar,  in  which  St.  Gregory,  brother  of  St.  Basil 
and  bishop  of  Nyssa,  was  condemned.  (Basil, 
Ep.  237  ;  Mansi,  iii,  502.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 


OAK,  THE,  Synod  of.  [Chalcedon  (1), 
p.  333.] 

OATHS  on  formal  and  solemn  occasions,  or 
for  the  purpose  of  legal  attestation,  were  not 
prohibited  among  the  early  Christians.  There 
were  considerable  scruples,  doubtless,  in  using 
them,  and  their  use  was  regarded  with  jealousy 
by  more  than  one  of  the  great  church  writers. 
The  ground  of  the  aversion  to  them,  as  to 
other  practices  which  have  since  been  held  to  be 
generally  lawful  among  Christian  people,  was 
the  prevalence  of  idolatry.  All  adjurations  in 
common  use  naturally  invoked  the  name  of  a 
heathen  deity,  or  were  cast  in  some  form  which 
a  Christian  could  not  utter  without  a  tacit  com- 
pliance with  heathenism.  Tertullian  has  one 
passage  (Be  Idololat.  c.  11)  where,  after  speaking 
of  lying  being  the  servant  of  covetousness,  he 
proceeds  :  "  Of  fiilse  swearing  I  say  nothing, 
since  it  is  not  lawful  to  swear  at  all" — a  pas- 
sage which  would  seem  to  forbid  the  use  of  an 
oath  under  any  circumstances.  It  is  manifest, 
however,  that  Tertullian  is  not  discussing  the 
lawfulness  of  oaths,  but  is  repeating  in  a 
general  way  the  prohibition  of  our  Lord  (St. 
Matt.  V.  34)  against  introducing  adjurations 
into  common  conversation.  Nevertheless,  the 
feeling  of  that  age  was  strong  against  the  indis- 
criminate use  of  oaths.     Thus  Clement  of  Alex- 


1416 


OATHS 


andria  (Stromat.  vii.  8,  p.  861,  ed.  Potter)  says 
that  Eo  true  Christian  will  ever  perjure  himself, 
lor  he  will  not  even  swear  ;  it  is  an  indignity  for 
him  to  be  put  upon  his  oath.  And  even  a  cen- 
tury later,  Lactantius  {Epitome,  c.  6)  disapproves 
of  the  use  of  oaths  on  the  same  ground,  lest 
from  constraint  or  carelessness  a  man  should 
slip  into  perjury.  The  unlawfulness  of  swearing 
was  one  of  the  views  set  forth  by  Pelagius. 
Augustine  {Ep.  clvii.)  shewed,  in  reply,  that 
there  is  scriptural  ground  for  the  lawfulness 
of  an  oath,  but,  in  common  with  many  of  the 
fathers,  he  viewed  its  use  with  suspicion  and 
disfavour. 

2.  Coming  to  the  direct  evidence  that  oaths 
were  employed  and  sanctioned  in  the  early 
church,  TertuUian  (Apolog.  c.  32)  repudiates 
the  charge  that  Christians  could  swear  by  the 
;;enius  of  Caesar,  for  the  genii  are  nothing  else 
than  demons ;  but,  he  adds,  they  do  swear  by  the 
omperor's  safety;  and  he  defends  the  oath,  on 
the  ground  that  in  kings  men  reverence  the 
appointment  of  God,  and  he  holds  that  to  be  a 
great  oath  which  involves  the  safety  of  what 
God  hath  willed.  The  same  oath,  "  virep  ttjs 
rroiTTjpias  tov  ivcre^eardTOV  Auyovcrrov  Kaivarau- 
t'lov,"  is  mentioned  by  Athanasius  {Ep.  ad 
Monachos,  t.  i.  p.  866,  ed.  Colon.).  Compare  the 
oath  of  Joseph  (Gen.  xlii.  15),  "  By  the  life  of 
Pharaoh "  (v?;  tV  vyUiav  ^apai),  Septuagint). 
This  form  of  oath,  which  was  probably  adopted 
as  an  indirect  answer  to  the  charge  of  dis- 
loyalty, so  freely  cast  at  the  early  Christians, 
was  evidently  subject  to  abuse.  So  the  fourth 
council  of  Carthage,  A.D.  398,  c.  61,  orders  a 
clergyman  swearing  by  any  creature  (per  crea- 
turas)  to  be  severely  reprimanded,  and,  if  obdu- 
rate, to  be  excommunicated.  Athanasius  required 
of  Constantius  {Apolog.  ad  Constant,  t.  i,  p.  678) 
that  his  accusers  should  be  put  upon  oath.  In 
Vegetius,  who  lived  at  the  close  of  the  4th  cen- 
tury, there  is  a  form  {Tnstit.  7-ei  Militar.  i.  5)  of 
the  oath  required  of  Christian  soldiers.  They 
nwear  by  God,  by  Christ,  by  the  Holy  Spirit, 
.'.ad  by  the  majesty  of  the  emperor.  Other 
illustrations  of  the  use  of  oaths,  cited  by  Bing- 
ham, will  be  found  in  Aug.  {Ep.  cliv.)  ad  Pub- 
ticoL  ;  Id.  Serm.  sxs.  De  Verbis  Apost. ;  Greg. 
Xaz.  (Ep.  ccsix.)  ad  Thcodor. ;  Basil,  in  Psalm. 
xiv.  t.  i.  p.  133;  Hieron.  in  Matt.  v.  The  laws 
c'f  the  Christian  emperors  contain  frequent  men- 
lion  of  oaths.  ConstantLae  confirms  {Cod.  Theod. 
IX.  i.  4)  a  promise  of  reward  to  those  who  will 
inform  against  the  corrupt  practices  of  his  minis- 
ters by  the  adjuration,  "  So  may  the  Almighty 
be  ever  merciful  to  me,  and  keep  me  safe."  One 
of  the  statutes  of  Arcadius  {Cod.  Theod.  ii.  is. 
8),  shews  that  contracts  were  usually  confirmed 
l)y  an  oath,  either  by  the  name  of  God  or  the 
emperor's  safety.  In  the  conference  between  the 
Catholics  and  Donatists  in  the  time  of  Honorius 
{Collat.  Carthag.  die  i.  c.  5  ;  Hard.  Cone.  i.  1052), 
the  emperor's  delegate  swore  to  judge  impar- 
tially ''  by  the  marvellous  mystery  of  the 
Trinity,  by  the  sacrament  of  the  Incarnation, 
and  by  the  emperor's  safety."  And  indeed, 
whatever  may  have  been  the  scruples  of  imli- 
viuual  fathers,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  oaths 
were  invariably  required  both  in  civil  and  cri- 
minal causes  under  the  Christian  emperors. 
Cunstantine  laid  down  a  general  law  {Cod.  Theod. 
U.  xzxis.  3)  that  all  witnesses  before  a  court 


OATHS 

were  to  bind  themselves  by  an  oath  before  giving 
evidence.  The  Justinian  Code  not  only  confirmed 
this  law  {ibid.  IV.  xx.  9),  but  added  a  clause  to  it 
{ibid.  IV.  lix.  1),  that  both  plaintift'  and  defendant 
must  swear  upon  the  Gospels ;  the  one,  that  he 
brought  his  action  not  for  the  purpose  of 
calumny,  but  on  legitimate  grounds;  the  other, 
that  he  had  a  just  defence.  By  a  further  enact- 
ment, the  parties  to  a  cause  swore  (Justin.  Novel. 
cxxiv.  1)  that  no  bribe  had  been  or  would  be 
given  to  the  judge  or  any  other  person.  Nor 
was  the  obligation  of  an  oath  confined  to  lay 
causes.  To  check  simony  in  cases  of  ecclesi- 
astical preferment,  the  electors  were  required 
(Justin.  Novel,  cxxiii.  1)  to  take  an  oath  that 
they  did  not  select  their  nominee  from  any  im- 
proper motive.  Also,  at  the  time  of  ordination, 
the  candidate  swore  upon  the  Gospels  (Justin. 
Novel,  cxxxvii.  2)  that  he  had  given  no  money 
to  the  bishop  ordaining  him.  Among  the  pri- 
vileges of  the  bishops  was  an  exemption  from 
appearing  in  person  to  give  evidence  in  the 
public  courts.  It  is  not  quite  clear  whether  the 
privilege,  as  originally  conferred  by  Theodosius, 
extended  so  far  as  this.  It  was,  however,  dis- 
tinctly granted  by  Justinian  {Novel,  cxxiii.  7); 
and  the  same  law  enacted,  that  whenever  bishops 
were  examined  in  private  their  testimony  should 
be  taken  not  upon  oath,  but  upon  their  word  in 
presence  of  the  holy  Gospels,  as  becomes  priests. 
With  the  exception  of  some  of  the  Spanish 
synods,  scarcely  any  mention  is  -found  of  oaths 
in  decrees  of  councils.  In  the  decree  which  con- 
cludes the  acts  of  the  fourth  council  of  Toledo, 
A.D.  633,  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  kings  is  in- 
sisted upon ;  and  the  eighth  council  of  Toledo, 
A.D.  653,  c.  2,  has  a  long  dissertation  on  the 
sanctity  of  oaths,  and  insists  upon  the  necessity 
of  an  oath  in  making  treaties,  in  the  reconcilia- 
tion of  friends,  and  in  giving  evidence ;  and 
adds,  that  if  no  evidence  is  forthcoming  against 
an  accused,  then  his  oath  is  suSicient  to  establish 
his  innocence. 

3.  Profane  swearing  was  not  in  itself  an  offence 
subject  to  canonical  punishment.  It  was  a  vice 
against  which  preachers  frequently  inveighed, 
but  amendment  was  left  to  each  one's  conscience. 
(Tertull.  de  Pudicit.  c.  19.)  Its  prevalence 
at  Antioch  called  forth  strong  remonstrances 
from  Chrysostom;  and  in  one  of  his  sermons 
{Horn.  22,  ad  Pop.  Ant.  t.  i.  p.  294)  he  threat- 
ened to  exclude  all  swearers  from  partaking  of 
the  Holy  Mysteries.  A  form  of  oath  which  the 
idolatrous  adulation  of  the  heathen  emperors 
had  brought  into  vogue  was,  "  By  the  genius  of 
Caesar,"  tV  Kalaapos  rvxh''^  Per  genium 
Caesaris.  It  had  such  a  hold  upon  the 
people  that  TertuUian  declares  {Apolog.  c.  28) 
that  men  would  more  readily  swear  falsely  by 
all  the  gods  than  by  the  single  genius  of  Caesar. 
In  the  early  centuries  this  oath  was  one  of  the  tests 
of  recantation.  Polycarp  was  frequently  asked  by 
the  proconsul  (Euseb.  H.  E.  v.  15)  to  swear  by 
the  fortune  of  Caessr.  A  similar  temptation 
was  put  before  some  African  martyrs :  "  Only 
swear  by  the  genius  of  the  king,  and  you  will 
be  safe."  {Acta  Mart.  Scyllitan.  ap.  Baron,  an. 
202,  n.  2.)  And  for  a  Christian  to  utter  it 
was  a  recognised  lapse  into  idolatry.  (Tertull. 
Apolog.  c.  32  ;  Origen,  contr.  Cels.  viii.  p-  421.) 
The  form  of  an  oath  in  common  use  is  an  in- 
direct  evidence   of    the  soundness  of  doctrine. 


OATHS 

Thus  it  was  urged  as  a  special  charge  against 
Donatus  (Optatus,  iii.  p.  65)  that  he  encouraged 
his  followers  in  swearing  by  himself,  or  by  the 
martyrs  of  his  party.  The  oath  of  allegiance 
exacted  by  Justinian  from  governors  of  pro- 
vinces is  a  fiiir  indication  of  the  development  of  the 
observance  paid  to  the  Virgin  and  to  angels :  "  I 
swear  by  Almighty  God,  and  His  only-begotten 
Son  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  by  the  Holy 
Spirit,  and  by  Mary,  the  holy,  glorious,  and  ever- 
Virgin  Mother  of  God,  and  by  the  four  Gospels 
which  I  hold  in  my  hands,  and  by  the  holy  arch- 
angels, Michael  and  Gabriel,  to  pay  due  allegi- 
ance," &c.  (Gave,  Prim.  Christian.  III.  i.  212  ; 
Bingham,  Antiq.  XVI.  vii.  4 ;  Suicer,  s.  v.  'dpKos.) 
4.  Oaths  of  purgation  entered  largely  into  the 
administration  of  justice  in  the  middle  ages. 
The  ordinary  term  expressing  this  oath  was 
"  sacramentum."  "  Juramentum,  quod  mutato 
nomine  appellatur  sacramentum,  quia  in  eo  id 
oculis  fidei  pervidetur,  quod  corporis  oculis  non 
conspicitur."  (Hincmar,  do  Dicortio  Lothar.  et 
Tethherg,  interrog.  6.)  The  formality  was  tech- 
nically called  "  purgatio  canonica,"  that  is  to 
say,  a  mode  of  purging  approved  by  the  canons, 
as  distinguished  from  "  purgatio  vulgaris,"  such 
as  a  duel,  or  hot  iron,  or  any  other  ordeal,  all  of 
which  the  church  discountenanced.  In  cases 
where  the  evidence  was  conclusive,  an  oath  of 
purgation  was  of  no  avail ;  but  in  all  petty 
causes,  in  which  the  evidence  was  conflicting  or 
insufficient,  or  was  not  admitted  by  the  judge, 
or  in  which  the  plaintiff  or  accuser  was  absent, 
the  defendant  was  allowed  to  purge  himself  from 
the  charge  by  a  solemn  oath.  It  is  obvious  that 
this  right  might  open  the  road  to  perjury,  but 
the  oath  was  surrounded  with  such  circumstances 
of  awe  and  solemnity  that  it  was  believed  that 
no  one  would  dare  to  swear  falsely,  or  that,  if  he 
did,  the  vengeance  of  God  would"  overtake  him. 
That  such  interpositions  were  held  to  have 
actually  taken  place  at  the  shrines  where  the 
perjury  had  been  committed,  see  Gregory  of 
Tours,  Miracula,  i.  20,  33,  53;  and  the 
Life  of  St.  Eloy  by  Audoen  or  Owen,  bishop  of 
Kouen,  A.D.  640,  cc.  56,  59,  77.  If  the  cause 
was  sufficiently  grave,  the  accused  or  the  de- 
fendant did  not  swear  alone,  sold  manu  sua,  but 
-others  supported  him  in  the  oath,  the  number 
depending  on  the  gravity  of  the  case.  These 
supporters  were  variously  named.  In  the  laws 
of  the  German  and  Frisian  tribes  (Leg.  Aleman. 
vi.  2  ;  Leg.  Frisian,  i.  2,  6,  8)  they  are  termed 
sacramentales.  In  the  Capitularies  of  Charles 
the  Great  (iii.  58),  consacramentales  ;  and  again 
(ibid.  iii.  64)  juratores ;  and  (ibid.  iv.  26)  con- 
juratores.  Care  was  taken  that  they  should  be 
people  of  good  report,  whose  evidence  would  be 
trustworthy,  and  of  the  same  rank  and  condi- 
tion as  the  accused.  So  that  if  a  priest  was 
under  the  necessity  of  purging  himself  from  a 
charge,  his  compurgators  must  be  priests  also. 
(Capitular.  Aquisgr.  A.D.  803,  c.  7;  G'pitular.  Crol. 
Mag.  V.  34.)  An  old  Welsh  law  has  an  enact- 
ment (Ze;;.  Hoiili  boni  Frincip.  Walliae,  c.  14), 
that  if  a  woman  is  exposed  to  a  charge  which 
cannot  be  proved,  she  may  clear  herself  by  teven 
female  compurgators,  septimd  manu  mulierum 
^xpurgat ;  if  she  is  accused  a  second  time,  she 
will  require  fourteen ;  but  if  a  third,  and  there 
is  any  probability  in  the  charge,  she  will  need 
fifty  women  to  join  with  her"  in  attesting  her 


OATHS 


1417 


innocence.  The  sacramentales  or  compurgatores 
were  selected  partly  by  the  accused,  when  they 
were  termed  advocati  ;  partly  by  the  plaintiff,  in 
which  case  they  were  called  nominati  or  denomi- 
nati.  Nominati  also  expressed  the  nominees  of 
either  side.  When  a  person  whose  case  was  in 
dispute  swore  alone,  he  was  &^\i\  jurare  sua  manu. 
If  with  one  witness,  unica  manv,  or  ami  uno 
sacramentali,  or  in  manu  proximi ;  and  so  with 
any  number  up  to  a  hundred.  The  third  council 
of  Valence,  A.D.  855,  c.  13,  has  an  instance  of 
au  oath,  sept'iagesima  quartd  manu.  The  coni' 
purgatorcs  at  the  time  of  swearing  were  required 
to  be  fasting.  (Capitular.  Aquis/jr.  A.D.  787,  c.  62.) 
The  mode  of  conducting  the  formality  is  given 
in  Leg.  Aleman.  vi.  7.  The  witnesses  were  to 
place  their  hands  upon  the  chest  containing  the 
relics,  and  the  principal  in  the  cause  alone  was 
to  utter  the  words,  and  lay  his  hand  upon  their 
hands,  and  swear  that  he  had  right  on  his  side. 
To  add  solemnity  to  the  oath,  it  was  always  to 
be  taken  in  a  church,  either  on  the  cross,  or  the 
altar,  or  the  Gospels,  or  the  relics.  All  the  Eng- 
lish Penitentials  refer  (Theodor.  I.  vi.  4  ;  Bedae, 
v.  2  ;  Egbert,  vi.  2)  to  an  oath  thus  taken,  at 
the  hand  of  a  bishop,  or  on  the  altar,  or  on  the 
cross.  An  instance  of  a  father  swearing,  with 
his  hands  raised  over  the  altar,  to  the  innocence 
of  his  daughter,  is  given  by  Gregory  of  Tours. 
(Hist.  iii.  33.)  In  the  Capitulary  of  Charles  the 
Great,  v.  34,  a  suspected  priest  is  ordered  to 
purge  himself  with  an  oath  taken  on  the  Gospels 
in  presence  of  the  people.  The  practice,  how- 
ever, of  requiring  an  oath  from  the  clergy  was 
not  uniform.  Thus,  the  council  of  Meaux,  A.D. 
845,  c.  48,  prohibited  bishops  from  swearing 
^ipon  any  sacred  object ;  it  was  sufficient,  appa- 
rently, that  the  oath  was  taken  in  presence  of 
the  object.  And,  prior  to  this,  the  Capitular. 
Episcop.  A.D.  801,  c.  20,  had  appointed  that  a 
priest  should  not  swear  at  all,  but  simply  make 
his  declaration  with  gravity  and  truth.  And  the 
Lnstitution.  Eccles.  p.  92,  apud  Ducange,  s.  v. 
Jurainentum,  which  bears  the  name  of  Egbert, 
puts  a  special  valuation  on  the  oaths  of  the 
clergy.  In  criminal  cases  the  oath  of  a  priest 
was  worth  that  of  120  serfs;  of  a  deacon,  60; 
of  a  monk,  30.  In  disputes  about  property  the 
oath  of  a  priest  could  transfer  the  land  of  one 
serf  to  the  church.  In  swearing  by  the  Gospels, 
the  ordinary  formality  was  to  lay  the  hands 
upon  the  sacred  volume,  but  sometimes  the  book 
was  held.  Thus  Pelagius,  afterwards  pope,  A.D. 
555-560,  when  charged  by  the  Roman  people  of 
factious  conduct  towards  his  predecessor  Vigilius, 
ascended  the  pulpit  of  St.  Peter's,  holding  the 
Gospels  and  the  cross  above  his  head,  and  swore 
that  he  was  innocent.  Oaths  over  the  tombs 
and  relics  of  saints  were  of  frequent  occurrence. 
One  of  the  Capitularies  (Carol.  Magn.  vi.  209) 
required  all  sacramenta  to  be  administered  in  a 
church  and  over  relics,  invoking  the  name  of 
God,  and  those  saints  whose  remains  were  below. 
The  hands  were  to  be  placed  on  the  relic  chest 
(Leg.  Aleman.  vi.  7),  or  on  the  tomb  of  the 
saint  (Greg.  Turon.  de  Glor.  Confess,  c.  93),  or 
were  to  be  extended  towards  the  sacred  spot. 
(Greg.  Turon.  Miracul.  i.  20.)  All  these  oaths, 
for  the  confirmation  of  which  some  sacred  object 
was  beheld  or  touched,  were  called  corporal 
oaths,  juramenta  coi-poralia,  '6pKoi  ffcDfiariKol. 
For  further  varieties  of  such  oaths,  and  details 


1418 


OBADIAH 


of  their  use,  see  Ducange,  s.  v.  Jnramentum. 
They  were  sometimes  mixed  up  with  pagan 
superstitions.  The  fourth  council  of  Orleans, 
A.D.  541,  0.  16,  condemns  oaths  taken  on  the 
head  of  a  wild  or  domestic  animal.  And  the 
council  in  TruUo,  A.D.  692,  c.  94,  prohibits  gene- 
rally, '6pK0i  "E.\Ky\vtKo\.  [G.  M.] 

OBADIAH,  prophet,  commemorated  Nov.  19. 
(Cal.  BiJzant. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liiurg.  iv.  274.) 

[C.  H.] 

OBEDIENCE.  [Discipline ;  Orders,  Holy.] 

OBITUAKY.     [Necrologium.] 

OBLATE,  (oblata,  ohlatio ;  barb,  oblada, 
oUagia,  oblia).  "Oblata"  is  a  late  equivalent 
to  "  oblatio  "  (as  proba=probatio,  confessa=con- 
fessio,  missa=missio,  &c.).  When  oblatio  was 
understood  of  the  provision  for  the  Eucharist  it 
generally  included  both  elements,  e.g.  "  Populus 
dat  oblationes  suas ;  id  est,  panem  et  vinum  " 
(prd.  Rom.  ii.  6  in  Mus.  ItaL  ii.  46) ;  "  Obla- 
tionem,  i.e.  panem  et  vinum,  viri  et  foeminae  ad 
missas  off'erunt "  {AUocutio  Episc.  89  in  Eegino ; 
de  Ecd.  Discipl.  ii.  5 ;  so  Amalarius,  de 
EccL  Off.  iii.  19).  The  offering  of  bread  alone 
■was,  however,  also  called  "  oblatio, "  as  by 
Germanus  of  Paris,  555  ;  "  Dum  sacerdos  obla- 
tionem  confrangeret "  (Eaipos.  Missae  Brev.  in 
Martene,  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  i.  iv.  12,  Ord.  i.) ; 
in  a  Gregorian  rubric  in  one  ancient  MS., 
"  Offeruntur  a  populo  oblationes  et  vinum  ;" 
and  by  Amalarius,  "  Cum  oblatione  cali.x 
Domini  auferatur  de  altari  "  (Edoga,  22).  But 
"  oblata"  was  the  far  more  common  form  when 
the  bread  only  was  intended,  and  from  the  fre- 
quency of  its  use,  when  men  spoke  of  sacra- 
mental bread,  it  came  at  length  to  be  applied  to 
smaller  loaves  or  cakes  of  bread  for  ordinary 
uses.  Thus  a  writer  in  the  9th  century  speaks 
of  "rolls  of  bread  which  are  commonly  called 
oblatae  "  (Iso,  de  Mirac.  S.  Othmari,  ii.  3,  in 
Surius,  Nov.  16).  In  Quinquagesima  the 
monks  of  Clugny  received  at  supper  cakes 
"  which  by  men  of  the  Roman  tongue 
are  called  nebulae,  by  our  people  oblatae " 
{Consuet.  Cluniac.  i.  49  in  Spicil.  Dach.  i.  667, 
ed.  2).  Similarly  the  customs  of  Evesham 
allowed  in  Lent  a  certain  quantity  of  wheat 
from  the  granary  "  ad  oblatas  ad  caenam,"  and 
half  as  much  on  Maundy  Thursday  (Dugdale, 
Monast.  i.  149,  ed.  2).  'At  length,  when  the 
Eucharistic  bread  was  made  very  small  and  thin, 
wafers  for  sealing  were  called  oblatae,  whence 
the  French  ovhlie  and  the  Spanish  oblea. 

Oblata  was  more  commonly  applied  to  the  un- 
consecrated  loaf,  hostia  to  the  consecrated.  Thus 
in  the  Ordo  Eoinanus,  before  the  consecration, 
"Pontifex  .  .  .  suscipit  oblatas  de  manu  pres- 
byteri,"  "  Archidiaconus  suscipit  oblatas  Ponti- 
ficis  "  {Ord.  i.  15,  &c. ;  Sim.  §  48  ;  Ord.  ii.  9,  10, 
iii.  13,  14,  V.  8,  10),  while  "hostia"  [Host]  is 
only  used  after  (as  in  i.  19,  ii.  13  ;  iii.  16),  of  the 
•'  fraction  of  the  hosts."  Yet  until  "  hostia  " 
entirely  superseded  it,  "  oblata  "  was  also  occa- 
sionally used  of  the  consecrated  element.  Thus  in 
the  8th  century,  when  the  usage  was  quite 
unsettled,  "  Pontife.x  autem  tangit  a  latere  calicem 
cum  oblata,"  "  Rumpit  oblatara  ex  latere  dextro  " 
{Ord.  Bom.  i.  16,  19).  Amalarius:  "p'ractio 
oblatarum  "  (Ecloga,  25). 

For  particulars  respecting  the  preparation  and 


OBLATI 

the  form  of  oblates,  see  Elejiekts,   vol.   i.  pp. 
601-604.  [W.  E.  S.] 

OBLATI  (MoNASTici).  Like  the  terms 
"  conversus  "  and  "  donatus,"  the  word  "  oblatus" 
in  connexion  with  the  monastic  system  has 
several  meanings,  which  must  be  carefully  dis- 
tinguished, as  expressing  different  ideas  belong- 
ing to  different  periods  in  the  history  of  monas- 
ticism.  In  every  sense  the  "  oblati  "  were  a 
link  between  the  world  and  the  monastery. 

In  the  first  instance  the  "  oblati  "  were  chil- 
dren brought  by  their  parents  to  the  monastery, 
and  there  dedicated  to  the  monastic  life.  In 
this  sense  the  "  oblati  "  were  distinct  from  the 
"  conversi,"  persons  of  mature  age  taking  on 
themselves  the  vows.     [CONVERSi ;  NoviCE.] 

When  monks,  in  course  of  time,  ceased  to  be 
regarded  as  laymen,  and  began,  by  the  very  fact 
of  their  profession,  to  be  ranked  with  the  clergy, 
and  as  the  original  simplicity  of  the  monastic 
life  began  to  disappear,  the  need  came  to  be  felt 
of  a  class  of  persons  in  every  monastery  who 
should  assist  the  monks  in  some  of  their  more 
ordinary  occupations,  and  so  leave  them  more 
free  for  the  services  of  their  chapel  and  the 
meditations  of  their  cells.  At  the  same  time 
these  assistants  were  useful  for  purposes  outside 
the  walls  of  the  monastery,  and  could  be  sent  by 
the  abbat  or  prior  on  various  errands  of  a  secular 
kind  without  the  monks  being  disturbed  from 
their  devotions  (Fructuosi  Beg.  c.  13  ;  Isidori 
Beg.  c.  20).  In  this  sense  the  oblati  were  "  lay- 
brothers,"  or,  as  Menard  explains  {Covxmetitar. 
ad  Bened.  Anian.  Concord.  Begul.  Ixx.  5),  the 
servants  or  domestics  of  the  monastery  (servi 
vel  famuli,  26.),  receiving  their  food  and  a  dis- 
tinctive dress  from  the  abbat,  but  not  bound 
by  the  same  vows  as  their  brethren  in  the 
monastery  (Du  Cange,  Glossar.  Lat.  s.  v.).  The 
third  council  of  Aries  (A.D.  455)  speaks  of  a 
"  lay  multitude  subject  to  the  abbat,  but  not 
owing  any  subjection  to  the  bishop  of  the  dio- 
cese "  (Cone.  Arelat.  iii.  App.).  Sometimes  from 
humility  a  novice,  it  might  be  of  high  rank,  of 
great  learning,  or  already  in  sacred  orders,  chose 
to  be  admitted  into  a  monastery  on  this  humbler 
footing  (Alteserrae  Asceticon,  iii.  5 ;  Du  Cange, 
Gloss.  Lat.  s.  v.).  Monasteries  gradually  en- 
larged their  possessions  ;  and  the  services  of 
laymen  were  requisite  not  merely  within  the 
precincts,  but  to  superintend  and  cultivate  the 
land  belonging  to  the  monastery  (Du  Cange,  i6.). 

At  a  later  period  a  class  of  "  oblati  "  came 
into  existence,  not  so  closely  attached  to  the 
monastic  system  of  which  they  claimed  to  be 
members.  In  some  cases  persons,  without 
assuming  a  distinctive  dress,  or  residing  within 
the  monastic  precincts,  devoted  their  property 
to  the  monastery,  reserving  to  themselves  the 
life  interest  only ;  in  others  they  bound  them- 
selves and  their  descendants  to  be  its  servants 
or  retainers  (Du  Cange,  Gloss.  Lat.  s.  v.).  Of 
course  in  cases  such  as  these  there  was  no  pro- 
bation. The  promise  itself  sufficed.  These 
"  oblati  "  or  "  donati  "  are  described  by  Alte- 
serra  as  the  associates  and  deputies  of  the  monks 
(adjuvae  et  vicarii  conversorum),  or  as  their 
servants  (servi  monachorum),  because  they  dedi- 
cated themselves  and  their  possessions  to  the 
monastery  without  taking  on  themselves  the  out- 
ward garb  either  of  a  cleric  or  of  a  monk  (Altes, 


OBLATION,  THE 

Ascet.  iii.  5).  If,  however,  the  oblate  assumed 
the  dress,  he  then  became  entitled  to  enjoy  the 
privileges  and  immunities  of  the  order  (j6.)- 
These  associates,  having  been  objected  to  in  some 
quarters,  were  formally  approved  by  pope 
Urban  II.,  A.D.  1091  ((6.).  Single,  and  even 
married,  women  were  sometimes,  admitted  on 
these  conditions  (Jb.).  Mabillon  speaks  of  these 
"  oblati "  or  "  donati "  as  not  in  any  true 
sense  monks  (nequaquam  monachi),  though  not 
uncommonly  termed  monks  of  the  second  order 
(monachi  secundi  ordinis).  He  quotes  a  passage 
from  Alcuin,  in  the  8th  century,  about  a  number 
of  lay  brothers  attached  to  monasteries  (grex  de- 
votorum),  but  the  term  "  oblatus  "  in  this  sense  is 
of  a  later  century  (Mabill.  Ann.  0.  S.  B.  xv.  49). 
From  an  early  period,  indeed  as  soon  as  the 
monastic  life  began  to  command  the  reverence 
of  secular  potentates,  these,  in  return  for  their 
benefactions,  not  infrequently  sought  and  ob- 
tained admission  into  the  fraternity,  as  out- 
members,  in  order  to  have  their  names  inscribed 
on  the  roll,  and  mentioned  in  the  conventual 
prayers.  Thus  Maurus,  a  disciple  of  the  great 
Benedict,  received  Theodebert,  king  of  the 
Franks,  into  the  monastery  afterwards  called 
"  St.  Maur  sur  le  Loire  "  (monasterium  Glan- 
nafoliense)  in  the  close  of  the  6th  centurv, 
rj84.  (A.D.  584,  JlabiU.  AA.  0.  S.  B.  Vita 
Sti.  Mauri,  cc.  40,  50,  51.)  Similarly,  many 
kings,  nobles,  and  prelates  during  the  middle 
ages,  for  instance  the  German  emperor  Frederic 
II.,  and  the  Greek  emperor  Emanuel  Comnenus, 
claimed  the  honours  of  monkhood,  without 
formally  subjecting  themselves  to  its  discipline. 
In  some  instances  grandees  were  admitted  as 
oblates  during  sickness,  or  at  the  point  of  death. 
(Altes.  Asceticon,  iii.  7.)  [I.  G.  S.] 

OBLATION,  THE  (ablatio,  sacrificium, 
avacpopa,  '7rpo(r<popa,  Bvcia,  TrpoaayuyT],  Trpoc- 
Ko/xiS-n).  Under  this  name  the  Eucharist,  the 
Christian  thank-oft'ering,  was  understood  at  a 
very  early  period.  Thus  Irenaeus,  167,  referring 
to  its  institution,  says  that  Christ  taught  His 
disciples  "  the  new  oblation  of  the  new  cove- 
nant"  (ffiter.  iv.  17,  §  5).  The  sacrament  is 
with  him  "The  oblation  of  the  church,  which 
the  Lord  taught  should  be  oftered  over  the  whole 
world  "  (18,  §  7).  The  Apostolical  Canons  speak  of 
"  the  time  of  the  holy  oblation  "  (c.  3.  comp.  8). 

I.  In  the  mind  of  Christians  of  the  first  litur- 
gical period  there  was  a  much  closer  connexion 
between  the  oblation  of  bread  and  wine  and  the 
commemorative  sacrifice  than  would  be  likely  to 
survive  the  expansion  and  rearrangement  of  the 
original  form  of  the  Anaphora.  For  the 
memorial  of  the  sacrifice  of  Christ  appears  to 
have  been  made  at  first  by  the  simple  offering  of 
the  bread  and  cup  by  the  priest  with  thanks- 
giving (Eucharist),  the  account  of  the  institu- 
tion, and  the  Lord's  Prayer.  This  hypothesis 
satisfies  all  the  phenomena.  It  explains  language 
in  the  fiithers  (see  Caxox  of  the  Liturgy,  vol.  i. 
p.  268)  which  otherwise  would  seem  ambiguous 
or  confused  ;  it  harmonises  with  the  fact  that  in 
the  Gallican  liturgies,  which  have  admitted  no 
change  since  the  8th  century,  that  which  we  should 
now  call  the  canon  consisted  to  the  last  of  the 
narrative  of  the  institution  only;  it  accounts  both 
for  the  statement  of  Gregory  I.  that  the  canon 
was  the  composition  of  a  scholastic,  and  that  it 


OBLATION,  THE 


1419 


was  the  custom  of  the  apostles  to  consecrate  the 
host  of  oblation  "  ad  ipsam  solummodo  oration- 
em  "  (Dominicam)  (Epist.  vii.  64),  and  for  those 
anticipatory  references  to  the  effect  of  consecra- 
tion, which  occur  in  the  prayers  of  oblation  of  so- 
many  ancient  liturgies.  See  after,  Oblatioxs,  §  x. 

II.  The  Prayer  of  Commemorative  Oblation. — By 
the  repetition  of  our  Lord's  words  at  the  institu- 
tion, the  bread  and  wine  were  declared  to  be  thence- 
forth His  body  that  was  wounded,  and  His  blood 
that  was  shed  on  the  cross.  From  this  point, 
therefore,  the  liturgical  rite  became  the  complete 
representation  of  His  sacrifice.  This  was  ex- 
pressed in  a  prayer  (called  by  modern  writers 
from  one  or  the  other  of  its  two  elements,  the 
Memorial  or  the  Prayer  of  Oblation),  in  which 
after  mention  of  the  atoning  passion  (if  not  also, 
as  afterwards,  of  the  great  events  that  followed 
in  its  train),  a  verbal  offering  of  the  present 
eucharistic  sacrifice  was  made  with  prayer  for 
its  acceptance  and  for  remission  of  sins,  and  all 
other  benefits  of  that  sacrifice  which  was  com- 
memorated by  it.  See,  for  instance,  the  Liturgy 
of  St.  James,  or  of  Jerusalem,  in  which  the  priest 
says,  "  We  sinners,  therefore,  also  bearing  in 
mind  His  life-giving  sufferings,  salutary  cross 
and  death,  and  resurrection  from  the  dead  on 
the  third  day,  and  ascension  into  heaven  and 
session  on  Thy  right  hand,  the  God  and  Father, 
and  His  second,  glorious,  and  fearful  coming  .... 
do  offer  unto  Thee,  0  Lord,  this  awful  and  un- 
bloody sacrifice,  praying  that  Thou  deal  not  with 
us  after  our  sins,"  &c.  (Assem.  Codex  Liturg.  v. 
37).  Similarly  St.  Chrysostom  and  St.  Basil 
{Euchol.  Goar,  77,  165)  ;  the  Armenian  has,  "  In 
behalf  of  all,  and  for  all,  we  offer  Thee  Thine 
own  of  Thine  own  "  (Neale,  Jlist.  East.  Church, 
Introd.  558).  The  form  in  St.  Mark  greatly  re- 
sembles this  (Renaud.  Coll.  Liiicrg.  Orient,  i.  156), 
as  do  those  in  the  Egyptian  liturgies  of  St.  Basil 
and  St.  Gregory,  both  Coptic  and  Greek  (ibid.  15, 
31,  68, 105).  The  Coptic  St.  Cyril  has  no  oblation, 
but  the  memorial  of  the  death,  &c.  only  (47), 
The  Ethiopian  oblation,  though  part  of  an  office 
derived  from  the  Coptic  Jacobites,  is  peculiar  in 
naming  the  elements,  "  Now  also,  0  Lord,  com- 
memorating Thy  death  and  resurrection,  we 
offer  unto  Thee  this  bread  and  this  cup,"  &c. 
(519).  In  all  the  Greek  and  Oriental  liturgies, 
the  prayer  before  us.  whether  beginning  with  the 
oblation  or  the  memorial,  starts  from  the  words 
of  institution,  and  is  followed,  properly,  at  once 
by  the  invocation  (Epiclesis). 

It  is  probable  that  the  oblation  in  connexion 
with  the  memorial  was  thought  unnecessary  by 
those  who  set  the  example  of  omitting  it,  be- 
cause of  the  similar  form  which  introduced  the 
intercessions  after  the  invocation. 

In  the  West  the  prayer  of  oblation  appeared 
sometimes  as  part  of  the  canon,  sometimes  as  a 
distinct  form.  It  follows  immediately  the  words 
of  institution  in  the  Gelasian  and  Gregorian 
canon :  "  Unde  et  memores,  Domine,  nos  tui 
servi,  sed  et  plebs  tua  sancta,  Christi  filii  tui 
Domini  Dei  nostri  tam  beatae  passionis,  necnon 
et  ab  inferis  resurrectionis,  sed  et  in  caelos 
gloriosae  ascensionis,  oflerimus  praeclarae  ma- 
jestati  tuae  de  tuis  donis  ac  datis  hostiam 
puram,  hostiam  sanctam,  hostiam  immacula- 
tam,  panem  sanctum  vitac  aeternae  et  calicem 
salutis  perpetuae  "  (Murat.  Liturg.  Lat.  Vet. 
i.    697  ;    ii.    4).     Similarly    in    the    Romanising 


1420 


OBLATIONS 


Jlissale  Francorum  and  the  Sacramentary  of 
Besan(;on  {ibid.  ii.  694,  778).  The  Spanish  and 
Gallican  canons  were  very  short,  and  the  com- 
memoration and  oblation  found  their  place  in  a 
prayer  which  came  immediately  after  it,  the 
Fost  Pridie  of  the  Spanish  and  Post  Mysterium, 
or  Post  Secreta,  of  the  Gallican  liturgies,  which 
embraced  the  invocation  as  well.  Very  few, 
however,  of  those  extant  contain  these  three  set 
forth  with  any  distinctness,  and  some  of  those  of 
later  composition  lose  sight  of  them  all.  The 
following  example  from  the  Mozarabic  Missal  is 
complete  :  "  Facimus,  Domine,  filii  tui  nostri  Jesu 
Christi  commemorationem,  quod  veniens  ad  nos 
humanam  formam  assumsit,  quod  pro  homi- 
nibus  quos  creaverat  redimendis  passionem 
crucis  perpessus  est.  .  .  ,  Per  ipsum  Te  ergo, 
summe  Pater,  exposcimus,  ut  banc  tuae  placa- 
tionis  hostiam,  quam  Tibi  offerimus,  e  manibus 
nostris  placatus  accipias,  eamque  de  caelis  a  sede 
placato  vultu  respiciens  benedicas,"  &c.  (Miss. 
Moz.  Leslie,  15).  From  the  Gothico-Gallican 
Missal  we  may  select  this :  "  Memores  gloriosis- 
simi  Domini  passionis  et  ab  inferis  resurrectio- 
nis,  offerimus  tibi,  Domine,  banc  immaculatam 
hostiam,  rationalem  hostiam,  incruentam  hostiam, 
hunc  panem  sanctum  et  calicem  salutarem, 
obsecrantes  ut  infundere  digneris  Spiritum  tuum 
sanctum  edentibus  nobis,  vitam  aeternam  re- 
quiemque  perpetuam  conlatura  potantibus " 
{Lit.  Gall.  Mabill.  298).  This  collect  is  of  great 
interest,  as  down  to  the  word  "  calicem  "  inclu- 
sive it  agrees  with  a  quotation  by  Pseudo- 
Ambrose  {de  Sdcramentis,  iv.  6),  who  was  pro- 
bably a  Gallican  bishop,  Ambrose  of  Cahors, 
of  the  age  of  Charlemagne  (Oudin,  de  Script. 
Eccl.  i.  1827).  As  the  Gallican  books  were 
at  that  time  being  suppressed  in  favour  of  the 
Roman,  we  probably  have  in  this  prayer  a  part 
of  the  Roman  canon  above  cited  varied  with  a 
view  to  conform  it  to  a  familiar  Gallican  formu- 
lary. This  is  made  more  probable  by  the  fact 
that  the  prayer  in  Pseudo-Ambrose  continues  to 
resemble  the  Roman  canon  from  the  point  indi- 
cated, while  it  becomes  wholly  unlike  the  Galli- 
can Post  Mysterium.  There  is  no  express  prayer 
of  oblation  in  the  old  canon  of  Milan,  which  after 
the  words  of  institution  proceeds  thus :  "  Haec 
facimus,  haec  celebramus,  tua,  Domine,  praecepta 
servantes,  et  ad  communionem  inviolabilem  hoc 
ipsum,  quod  corpus  Domini,  sumimus,  mortem 
Dominicam  nuntiamus.  Tuum  vero  est,  Omni- 
potens  Pater,  mittere  nunc  nobis  unigenitum 
Filium  tuum,  quem  inquaerentibus  sponte 
misisti  "  (Murat.  Lit.  Lat.  Vet.  Dissert,  i.  133). 
[W.  E.  S.] 
OBLATIONS  (ohlationes,  munera,  dona, 
SZpa,  (ppocr<popa'i).  The  presentation  of  offerings 
of  various  kinds  and  under  several  names  is  re- 
cognised by  the  earliest  Christian  writers  as  one 
of  the  proper  functions  of  bishops  and  priests. 
Thus,  Clement  of  Rome,  "  It  will  be  no  small 
sin  in  us,  if  we  cast  out  of  the  overseership 
{i-KKTKOnris)  those  who  have  offered  the  gifts 
blamelessly  and  holily "  (Epist.  ad  Cor.  44). 
This  passage  may  be  illustrated  from  the  so- 
called  Apostolical  Constitutions  (viii.  5  ;  see  Bun- 
sen,  Analecta  Ante-Nicaena,  ii.  379).  Laymen 
were  also  said  to  offer.  Here  we  need  only  quote 
a  remark  of  Hilary  the  Deacon,  who  wrote  about 
360  :  "  Quamvis  enim  proprio  sacerdos  fungatur 
officio,   ille   tamen  offerre  dicitur   cujus  nomine 


OBLATIONS 

agit  sacerdos.  Ipsi  enim  imputatur  cujus  mun- 
era offeruntur"  {Quaest.  ex  Vet.  Test.  46;  in 
App.  3  ad  0pp.  S.  Aug.  ed.  Ben.).  Hence,  fre- 
quently in  the  Roman  secretae,  or  prayers  super 
oblata,  such  expressions  as  these,  "  Munera  populi 
Tui  "  (Vig.  S.  Job.  Bapt.) ;  "  Oblationes  famul- 
orum  famularumqixe  Tuarum "  (Dom.  7  post 
Pent.) ;  "  Oblationes  populi  Tui "  (S.  Jac.  Ap. 
Nat.),  &c. 

The  present  article  treats  of  the  gifts  or  obla- 
tions above  mentioned,  and  of  the  rules  and 
usages  that  prevailed  with  regard  to  them.  On 
the  anthem  sung  during  the  reception  of  the 
altar  oblations,  see  Offertorium. 

I.  Oblations  of  Bread  and  Wine. — A  part  of  the 
oblation  of  the  people  from  the  first  were  bread 
and  wine.  Thus  St.  Irenaeus,  167,  tells  us  that, 
as  God  "  gave  to  the  people  (of  the  Jews)  a  pre- 
cept that  they  should  make  oblations,  ....  so 
does  He  now  will  that  we  also  should  offer  on 
the  altar  often,  without  ceasing  "  {Haer.  iv.  18, 
§  6).  The  3rd  apostolical  canon  forbids  bishops 
or  priests  to  "offer  on  the  altar"  (with  some 
exceptions  named)  "  anything  beyond  what  was 
appointed  by  the  Lord  to  be  offered  at  the 
sacrifice."  The  council  of  Carthage,  397,  re- 
newing this  prohibition,  adds,  in  explanation, 
"  that  is,  bread  and  wine  mixed  with  water  " 
(can.  24 ;  in  Cod.  Afric.  37).  In  the  Acta  of 
Theodotus,  the  martyr  of  Ancyra,  303,  we  read 
that  the  governor  of  Galatia  ordered  all  bread 
and  wine  to  be  polluted  by  contact  with  things 
offered  to  idols,  "  so  that  not  even  to  God,  the  Lord 
of  all,  could  a  pure  oblation  be  presented  "  (Bol- 
land,  May  18,  p.  152  ;  Ruinart,  Acta  Sine.  Mart. 
vii.  298).  Martin  of  Bracara,  569,  in  his  collec- 
tion fi'om  the  Greek  canons,  inserts  a  prohibition 
like  that  of  Carthage,  but  makes  no  exception  : 
"  It  is  not  lawful  for  anything  to  be  offered  in 
the  sanctuary  but  bread  and  wine  and  water  " 
(55;  Cone.  Hard.  iii.  397).  The  council  of 
Macon,  585,  finding  the  ancient  rite  neglected, 
"  decreed  that  on  every  Lord's  day  an  oblation  of 
the  altar  should  be  offered  by  all,  men  and 
women,  both  of  bread  and  wine  "  (can.  4 ;  comp. 
Pseudo-Fabian,  Hard.  Cone.  i.  1797).  The  coun- 
cil of  Nantes,  assigned  by  Pagi  to  the  year  660, 
speaks  of  the  "  oblations  which  are  offered  by  the 
people  "  for  the  sacrament,  and  "  of  the  loaves 
which  the  faithful  ofier  at  the  church,"  and 
directs  their  use  (can.  ix.).  According  to  the 
Ordo  Romanus,  "  the  people  give  their  offerings, 
that  is,  bread  and  wine  "  (Ord.  ii.  6  ;  Mns.  Ital.  ii. 
46).  So  a  rubric  in  the  Gregorian  Sacramen- 
tary printed  by  Pamelius  :  "After  that  the 
ofl'ertory  is  sung,  and  the  oblations  and  wine  are 
offered  by  the  people"  {Liturgicon,  ii.  178). 
After  the  8th  century,  at  least,  bishops  inquired 
at  their  visitation,  "  if  men  and  women  offered 
an  oblation,  that  is,  bread  and  wine,  at  masses  ; 
and  if  the  men  did  not,  whether  their  wives  did 
it  for  them,  for  themselves,  and  all  belonging  to 
them,  as  it  is  contained  in  the  canon  "  (Regino, 
de  Discipl.  Eccl.  ii.  v.  89 ;  see  Cone.  Matisc.  a.d. 
585,  can.  4).  Amalarius  of  Metz,  827  :  "  The 
people  make  their  oblations,  i.e.  bread  and  wine, 
after  the  order  of  Melchizedec "'  {De  Eccl.  Off. 
iii.  19). 

II.  Similar  Oblations  offered  for  the  Dead. — (1) 
These  were  primitive,  but  the  motive  changed 
after  the  3rd  centui-y.  At  first  the  eucharist 
was  celebrated  at  the  funeral,  or  at  some  other 


OBLATIONS 

time  aftei-  the  death  of  a  person  in  full  com- 
munion as  an  act  of  thanksgiving  for  his  victory. 
Oblations  were  brought  to  these  celebrations  by 
the  friends  of  the  deceased ;  but  we  do  not  find 
that  any  thought  of  benefit  to  him  from  these 
ofleriugs  was  then  entertained.  See  for  informa- 
tion connected  with  the  subject  of  this  section, 
Obsequies,  §§  xxix.-sxxv. 

We  must  distinguish  between  these  oblations, 
a  part  of  w^hich  served  to  the  celebration  of  the 
sacrament,  and  those  which  were  designed  for 
the  feast  of  the  commemoration.  It  is  to  the 
latter  that  St.  Augustine  refers,  when  he  says, 
■'  Oblationes  pro  spiritibus  dormientium,  quas 
vera  aliquid  adjuvare  credendum  est,  super  ipsas 
memorias  non  sint  sumtuosae,"  &c.  (^Epist.  22 
ad  Aurel.  6).  These  were  of  the  nature  of  alms, 
being  given  to  the  poor  on  behalf  of  the  de- 
ceased.    See  OBSiiQUiES,  §  xxvi. 

(2)  Among  the  prayers  of  oblation  to  be  said 
privately  at  the  ollertory  in  the  collection  of 
eucharistic  prayers  known  as  the  Missa  Illyrici 
are  three  to  be  said  "  pro  defunctis,"  and  one 
both  for  living  and  dead.  They  begin  thus, 
"  Suscipe,  Sancta  Trinitas,  hanc  oblationem  quam 
tibi  oft'ero  pro  auima,"  &c..  (IVIartene,  de  Ant. 
Eccl.  Hit.  i.  iv.  12,  ord.  4).  The  MS.  is  not  older 
than  the  10th  century,  but  the  prayers  may  be 
earlier.  None  of  them  have  been  adopted  for 
open  use  in  the  Missae  Defunctorum  of  the 
church  of  Rome.  The  same  prayer  occurs  in  the 
Codex  Katoldi  (who  died  986),  before  the  Super 
oblata  (Menard,  in  Sacram.  Greg.  0pp.  Greg. 
Ben.  iii.  486). 

There  was  evidently  at  a  somewhat  early 
period  a  temptation  to  defraud  the  dead  of  their 
oblations.  The  council  of  Carthage,  398,  im- 
plies that  the  surviving  friends  were  sometimes 
guilty  of  this  :  "  Let  them  who  either  refuse  to 
the  churches  the  oblations  of  the  departed  or 
give  them  with  difficulty  be  excommunicated, 
as  persons  who  starve  the  needy "  (can.  95). 
The  4th  canon  of  Vaison,  442,  dwells  on  this 
crime  at  some  length,  and  orders  the  oflenders 
to  be  "cast  out  of  the  church  as  unbelievers." 
The  47th  of  the  council  of  Aries,  452,  adopts  by 
name  the  decree  of  Vaison.  See  to  the  same  effect 
Cone.  Matiscon.  581,  can.  4.  It  is  probable  that 
many  of  those  who  withheld  the  usual  offerings 
were  influenced  by  the  teaching  of  Aerius,  who 
rejected  all  prayer  and  offerings  for  the  departed 
(Epiphan.  adv.  Hacr.  Ixxv.  3). 

(3)  The  very  nature  of  the  sacrament  implies 
that  many  might  be  commemorated  under  one 
oblation.  Yet  we  are  told  of  some  who  doubted 
this  (Walafr.  Strabo,  de  Reb.  Eccl.  22).  A  simi- 
lar error  seems  to  have  required  correction  in 
the  East ;  for  a  canon  of  Nicephorus  of  Constan- 
tinople declares  that  "  he  does  not  sin  who  offers 
one  oblation  for  three  persons  "  (can.  11 ;  Monum. 
Grace.  Cotel.  iii.  446). 

III.  From  whom  and  for  whom  received. — (1) 
Epiphanius,  368,  tells  us  generally  that  the 
church  "  receives  oblations  from  those  who  com- 
mit no  injustice,  and  are  not  transgressors  of  the 
law,  but  live  in  righteousness  "  (De  Fide,  24). 
The  bishop  was  to  decide  on  the  fitness  of  an 
offerer.  Constit.  Apost.  iv.  6  :  "It  behoves  the 
bishop  to  know  whose  oblations  he  ought  to 
receive  and  whose  not."  Disqualifications  for 
baptism  would  also  be  disqualifications  for  offer- 
ing.    Among  these  were  the  professions  of  the 


OBLATIONS 


1421 


actor,  charioteer,  gladiator,  racer,  fencing- 
master,  Olympic,  piper,  harper,  lyrist,  dancer, 
astrologer,  &c.  {Const.  Ap.  Yiii.  32;  Coptic,  yi. 
78 ;  Tattam.  167). 

The  oblations  of  all  non-communicants  were 
rejected.  "  Bishops  ought  not  to  receive  gifts 
from  him  who  does  not  communicate  "  (Cone. 
Ulib.  313,  can.  28).  In  fact,  with  one  exception, 
they  were  not  present  when  the  offerings  were 
made  (Cone.  Valent.  524,  can.  1).  The  cousis- 
tentes  [Penitence]  formed  the  one  exception. 
They  were  present,  but  could  not  offer. 

Persons  not  in  charity  were  forbidden  to  offer 
as  well  as  to  receive.  See  Optatus  (De  Schism. 
Donat.  vi.  1) ;  the  council  of  Carthage,  398 
(can.  93) ;  the  council  of  Toledo,  675  (can.  4 ; 
and  Gapit.  Reg.  Fr.  vii.  242) ;  Gregory  II.  A.D. 
715  (Capititlare,  11). 

By  the  94th  canon  of  Carthage,  398,  the 
priests  are  to  reject  the  oblations  of  those  who 
oppress  the  poor.  It  was  for  an  act  of  ty- 
ranny that  the  offering  of  Valens  at  Caesarea, 
393,  was  not  received  by  St.  Basil  (Greg.  Naz. 
Drat.  43  and  52). 

(2)  With  regard  to  the  oblations  of  the  dead, 
the  general  principle  is  thus  stated  by  Leo,  A.D. 
440 :  "  Horum  causa  Dei  judicio  reservanda  est. . , 
Nos  autem  quibus  viventibus  non  communica- 
vimus,  mortuis  communlcare  non  possumus " 
(Epist.  ii.  ad  Rust.  8  ;  comp.  Ep.  Ixxxiii.  ad 
Theod.  3).  St.  Cyprian  ordered  that  "  no  oblations 
should  be  made-  for  the  falling  asleep  "  of  one 
who  had,  in  contravention  of  the  canons,  made  a 
presbyter  his  executor,  and  he  says  that  this 
was  in  accordance  with  the  practice  of  his  pre- 
decessors (Epist.  i.  ad  Furnit.).  See  Obsequies, 
§xl. 

IV.  Tlie  Sacramental  Bread  and  Wine  taken 
out  of  these  Oblations. — St.  Cyprian,  reproving  a 
rich  woman  who  brought  no  offering  herself, 
says  that  she  "  took  part  of  the  sacrifice  which 
a  poor  person  offered"  (De  Opere  et  Eleemos.) 
St.  Augustine:  "The  priest  receives  from  thee 
that  which  he  may  offer  for  thee "  (Ewirr.  in 
Psalmos,  129,  §  7).  St.  Caesarius,  506:  "Offer 
oblations  to  be  consecrated  on  the  altar.  A  man 
able  to  afford  it  ought  to  blush,  if  he  has  com- 
municated from  the  oblation  of  another  "  (Serm. 
66,  §  2).  In  John  the  Deacon's  Life  of  Gregory 
the  Great  is  the  story  of  a  woman  who  was  cor- 
rected by  a  miracle  for  smiling  in  disbelief, 
when  she  heard  the  oblation,  which  she  recog- 
nised as  made  by  herself,  called  "  the  body  of 
the  Lord "  (ii.  41).  In  the  Ordo  Romanus  of 
the  9th  century,  the  archdeacon  takes  from  the 
whole  mass  of  oblations,  "  et  ponit  tantas  (obla- 
tas)  super  altare  quantae  possint  populo 
sufficere"  (Ord.  iii.  §  13;  Mus.  Ital.  ii.  57). 
And  somewhat  later:  "Accipiat  (diaconus)  ex 
ipsis  oblatis  quantum  ei  videtur ;  et  ponat 
desuper  altare "  (v.  8 ;  ibid.  67).  Compare 
Pseudo-Clement,  Ep.  ad  Jacob,  in  Hard.  Cone.  i. 
50.  Hincmar  of  Rheims,  852,  provides  for  the 
use  of  those  "  oblates  which  are  offered  by  the 
people,  and  are  more  than  are  required  for  the 
consecration  "  (Capit.  i.  c.  7). 

V.  In  ichat  Vessels  offered  and  received. — In 
the  West  the  bread  was  presented  by  the  offerer 
in  a  fanon  of  white  linen,  and  received  in  a 
vessel  or  cloth  called  offertorium  (see  Fanox 
(3),  vol.  i.  p.  661,  and  Offertorium,  (2)  (3)). 
The  wine  wa.<:  brought  in  amulae  [Ajia,  vol.  i. 


1422 


OBLATIONS 


p.  71],  and  poured  into  a  "  calix  major" 
[Chalice,  ib.  p.  340];  whence,  if  the  ofteriugs 
were  large,  it  was  transferred,  if  necessary,  to  a 

SCYPHUS. 

VI.  Where  these  Oblations  tcere  received. — It 
is  probable  tha't  at  first  all  who  offered  bread 
and  wine,  and  perhaps  oblations  of  various  other 
kinds,  drew  near  to  the  altar  and  there  presented 
their  gifts  to  the  deacons.  Thus,  in  the  East, 
Dionysius  of  Alexandria,  A.D.  254,  speaks  of  a 
layman  "  going  to "  and  "  standing  at  the 
table "  (Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl.  vii.  9).  The  same 
writer  implies  that,  except  at  certain  times,  even 
women  "went  up  to  the  holy  table"  (^/^pist. 
ad  Basil.  2).  In  the  4th  century,  however,  we 
find  a  different  rule.  The  council  of  Laodicea, 
probably  in  365  (can.  19),  after  settling  the 
time  at  which  the  laity  shall  "  give  the  peace, 
and  so  the  oblation  be  celebrated,"  adds,  "And 
it  is  lawful  for  those  in  holy  orders  alone  to 
enter  the  altar-place"  (dvffi.aari]piov\  see  Voig- 
tius,  de  Altaribus,  ii.  28).  Another  canon  (44) 
of  the  same  council  forbids  women  to  enter  it. 
The  council  in  Trullo,  691:  "Let  it  not  be  per- 
mitted to  any  one  whomsoever  among  the  laity 
to  go  into  the  sacred  altar -place "  (can.  69). 
There  was  an  exception,  however,  "  in  accordance 
with  a  ver}'  old  tradition,"  in  favour  of  the 
emperor,  "  when  he  should  desire  to  offer  gifts 
to  the  Creator  "  (ibid.).  Evidence  of  the  alleged 
tradition  occurs  in  the  story  of  Theodosius,  390, 
who  at  Constantinople  not  only  "  brought  his 
gifts  to  the  holy  table,"  but  was  expected  to 
remain  within  the  inclosure  (Theodorct,  Hist. 
Eccl.  v.  18).  Theodosius  the  Younger,  in  431, 
says  of  himself:  "We  draw  near  to  the  most 
holy  altar  for  the  oblation  of  the  gifts  only  " 
{Edict.  Labb.  Cone.  iii.  1237).  Turning  to  the 
West,  we  find  Theodosius  at  .Milan,  390,  "when 
the  time  summoned  to  offer  the  gifts  for  the 
holy  table,  rising  up  and  going  on  to  the  sacra- 
rium  "  (jSiv  avaKTopcov ;  Theodoret,  u.  s.).  In 
France,  in  the  6th  century,  the  laity  communi- 
cated in  the  chancel,  and  therefore,  we  infer, 
offered  there.  Thus  the  council  of  Tours,  5G7 : 
"  Let  the  holy  of  holies  be  open  to  laymen  and 
women,  that  they  may  pray  there  and  communi- 
cate, as  the  custom  is  "  (can.  4_).  Theodulf  of 
Orleans,  797,  says:  "Let  not  women  on  any 
account  draw  near  to  the  altar  when  the  priest 
is  celebrating  mass,  but  stand  in  their  places, 
and  let  the  priest  receive  their  oblations  there 
to  offer  them  to  God  "  {Capita  ad  Presbyt.  6). 
Laymen  are  only  cautioned  lest  they  provoke 
the  fate  of  Uzzah  {ibid.).  In  the  fifth  book  of 
the  Capitularies  of  the  French  Kings  (collected 
about  845)  is  a  law,  not  traced  to  any  earlier 
source,  which  orders  that  "notice  shall  be  given 
to  the  people  that  they  offer  oblations  to  God 
every  Lord's  day,  and  that  the  said  oblations 
will  be  received  outside  of  the  inclosure  of  the 
altar"  (c.  371).  Similarly,  Herard  of  Tours, 
858,  cap.  72.  At  Rome,  730,  at  a  pontifical 
mass,  we  find  the  oblations  of  the  nobles  received 
in  the  senatorium  ("quod  est  locus  principum"; 
Ord.  Bom.  iii.  12),  those  of  the  rest  of  the 
people  in  the  body  of  the  church,  the  receivers 
going  first  to  the  men's  side  and  then  to  the 
women's  {Ord.  Bom.  i.  13  ;  comp.  ii.  9  ;  iii.  12  ; 
V.  8).  The  priests  and  deacons  offered  last,  and 
"  before  the  altar  "  (ii.  9).  "  They  alone," 
says   Amalarius,    "  approach    the    altar   whose 


OBLATIONS 

ministry  is  about  the  altar"  (Ecloga,  19). 
Somewhat  later  the  laity  seem  to  have  gone  all 
to  one  place  to  present  their  offerings;  for  the 
revised  Ordo  says :  "  Let  him  (the  bishop)  be  led 
by  a  presbyter  and  the  archdeacon  to  the  place 
where  the  oblations  are  offered  by  the  faithful 
laity,  whether  men  or  women"  {Ord.  v.  9). 

VII.  Prayer  of  the  Offerer. — It  is  to  be  sup- 
posed that  a  devout  worshipper  would  always 
say  a  silent  prayer  when  presenting  his  gift. 
In  the  collection  known  as  the  Missa  Illyrici 
some  short  forms  are  suggested  for  use  at  this 
time  (Martene,  Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  i.  iv.  12,  ord.  iv.). 

VI II.  By  whom  received  from  the  Offerers. — 
In  general  the  oblations  were  taken,  not  by  the 
celebrant,  but  by  a  deacon  or  sub-deacon,  if 
present.  None  of  the  ministers  of  Basil,  we  are 
told,  came  forward  to  receive  the  oblations  of 
Valens,  because  they  did  not  know  his  mind 
about  them  (Greg.  Naz.  Orat.  43,  §  52)  ;  from 
which  it  is  clear  that  it  was  at  that  time  no 
part  of  the  bishop's  duty  to  take  them  even 
from  the  hand  of  the  emperor.  Isidore  of 
Seville,  A.D.  610:  "The  sub-deacons  receive  the 
oblations  from  the  faithful  in  the  temple  of 
God "  {Etymol.  vii.  xii.  23  ;  De  Eccl.  Off.  ii. 
10  ;  Amalar.  do  Eccl.  Off.  ii.  11 ;  Raban.  Maur. 
de  Instit.  Cler.  i.  8  ;  Cone.  Aquisgr.  A.D.  816, 
i.  6).  In  an  "  Allocutio  ad  Subdiaconum  Ordi- 
nandum,"  in  the  missal  of  the  Franks,  it  appears 
to  be  implied  that  the  sub-deacon  not  only 
received  the  oblations,  but  separated  at  his  dis- 
cretion as  much  as  would  be  required  for 
the  communicants  {Litury.  Gall.  Mabill.  303). 
Pseudo-Clement,  in  the  8th  or  9th  century, 
speaks  of  the  "  minister  of  the  altar,"  i.e.  in 
strictness,  the  deacon,  as  "taking  the  obla- 
tion of  the  holocaust  from  the  offerers " 
(Epist.  ad  Jacob.  Hard.  Cone.  i.  50).  In  a 
pontifical  mass  at  Rome  in  the  8th  century  the 
oblations  of  bread  offered  by  the  nobles  were 
received  by  the  bishop  himself,  the  archdeacon 
following  to  receive  the  Amulae.  The  region- 
ary  sub-deacon  took  the  loaves  from  the  pontiff 
and  gave  them  to  another  sub-deacon,  by  whom 
they  were  placed  in  a  larger  sheet  of  linen 
("  corporale,  id  est  sindonem,"  Ord.  Bom.  ii.  9  ; 
"lineum  pallium,"  v.  8)  held  by  two  acolytes. 
The  amulae  were  emptied  by  the  archdeacon 
into  a  flagon  (scyphus)  carried  by  an  acolyte. 
The  other  offerings  of  bread  were  received  by 
the  bishop  whose  weekly  turn  it  was,  who  him- 
self put  them  into  the  sindon  borne  after  him. 
A  deacon  takes  the  amulae,  and  pours  their 
contents  into  a  scyphus  {Ord.  Bom.  i.  §  13  ; 
comp.  ii.  9 ;  iii.  12 ;  v.  8).  But  Remigius  of 
Auxerre,  A.D.  880,  represents  the  priest  as 
tai<ing  the  oblations,  though  he  supposes  a 
deacon  present :  "  Suscipit  interim  (while  the 
offertory  is  being  sung)  sacerdos  a  populo 
oblata  "  {De  Celebr.  Miss,  ad  calc.  Pseudo-Alcuin. 
de  Die.  Off.).  So  Ahyto  of  Bale,  811,  directs 
that,  "  when  the  oblatcs  are  oiiered  by  the 
women,  they  be  received  by  the  presbyters  at 
the  chancel  screen,  and  so  brought  to  the  altar  " 
{Capitula  16). 

IX.  By  whom  set  on  the  Altar. — In  the  West 
this  was  the  office  of  the  deacon.  Thus  Isidore 
says  that  it  belongs  to  the  Levites  "  oblationes 
inferre  et  disponere  "  {Epist.  ad  Leudefr.  8  ; 
comp.  Etymol.  \\i.  xii.  23;  Cone.  Aquisgr.  81^,. 
i.  7) ;  i.e.  "  inferunt  oblationes  in  altaria,  com- 


OBLATIONS 

ponunt  mensam  Domini  "  QDe  L'ccL  Off.  ii.  8). 
It  was  thought  that  the  propriety  of  this  usage 
was  indicated  by  the  fact  that  tlie  first  deacons 
were  chosen  to  "  serve  tables  "  (Ba  Eccl.  Off.  iii. 
19).  Rabauus  says:  "  Levitae  otl'erunt  oblationes 
in  altaria "  (De  Instit.  Cler.  i.  7  ;  comp.  with 
Isid.  above).  At  Rome,  in  a  pontifical  mass  in  the 
8th  century,  the  archdeacon,  receiving  the  oblates 
from  the  sub-deacons,  set  them  on  the  altar. 
Then  he  takes  the  bishop's  amula,  and  pours  the 
contents  through  a  strainer  into  a  chalice,  and 
similarly  those  of  the  deacons.  The  sub-deacon 
rejeives  the  water  offered  by  the  choir  from  the 
precentor,  and  "  pours  it  crosswise  into  the 
chalice."  Next,  the  bishop,  going  to  the  altar, 
takes  the  oblates  from  the  presbyter  of  the 
week  and  the  deacons.  The  archdeacon  then 
takes  the  bishop's  oblates  from  the  oblationary 
(sub-deacon),  and  gives  them  to  the  bishop,  who 
sets  these  on  the  altar  himself.  The  archdeacon 
then  takes  the  chalice  from  the  regionary  sub- 
deacon,  and,  putting  the  Offertoriuji  through 
the  handles,  sets  it  on  the  altar  near  the  bishop's 
oblates  on  the  right  (^Ord.  Horn.  i.  14,  15; 
comp.  ii.  9  ;  iii.  14,  15  ;  v.  8 ;  vi.  9). 

In  the  East  this  appears  to  have  been  gene- 
rally the  part  of  the  celebrant.  The  Apostolical 
canons  imply  as  much  when  they  forbid  bishops 
and  presbyters  to  bring  and  set  on  the  altar 
{Trpocrcp4p€iy  iirl  rh  6v(naaTripiov)  anything  but 
bread,  wine,  &c.  (can.  3).  The  Clementine 
liturgy  says  :  "  Let  the  deacons  bring  the  gifts 
to  the  bishop  at  the  altar  "  (Constit.  Almost,  viii. 
12).  The  liturgy  of  St.  James:  "The  priest 
bringing  in  the  holy  gifts  says  this  prayer  "  (of 
oblation,  Assem.  Codex  Liturg,  v.  17).  In  the 
Syrian  offices  the  celebrant  "  brings  the  euchar- 
istic  bread  on  to  the  altar"  {Liturg.  Orient. 
Coll.  Renaud.  ii.  3),  and  the  same  usage  pre- 
vails among  the  Copts  and  Abyssinians  (ibid.  i. 
185-188).  The  Nestorian  rites  vary  (Badger's 
Ncstorians,  ii.  218  ;  Neale,  Introd.  Hist.  East. 
C/i.  436).  In  the  later  Greek  liturgy,  at  the 
"  great  entrance "  the  deacon  brings  in  the 
paten,  the  priest  the  chalice ;  but  the  latter 
sets  both  on  the  holy  table  (Eucholog.  Goar,  73). 

X.  By  whom  presented  to  God. — Deacons,  as 
we  have  seen,  might  set  the  oblations  on  the  altar, 
but  only  a  bishop  or  priest  could  offer  them  to 
God.  "  Deacons  have  no  authority  to  offer " 
{Cone.  Aic.  325,  can.  18).  The  principle  was 
that  "  exordium  ministerii  a  summo  est  sacer- 
dote "  (Pseudo-Ambr.  de  Sacram.  iii.  i.  §  4) ; 
and  as  the  power  of  the  priest  himself  was 
derived,  he  could  not  delegate  it.  "  Apart  from 
the  bishop,"  says  Ignatius  the  martyr,  "it  is 
not  lawful  to  baptize  or  to  celebrate  an  agape," 
which  included  the  eucharist  {Ad  Smyrn.  7), 
where  the  interpolator  has,  "or  to  offer,  or  to 
bring  sacrifice,  or  to  celebrate  a  feast."  Hence 
priests  were  forbidden  to  "  celebrate  masses  "  in 
any  diocese  without  the  sanction  of  the  bishops 
{Cone.  Vernense,  7 bo,  can.  8).  The  bishop  was 
the  offerer  by  himself  or  by  the  priest,  and 
therefore  in  the  language  of  the  earliest  period 
a  good  bishop  was  one  who  "offered  the  gifts 
blamelessly  and  holily"  (Clem.  Rom.  Epist. 
i.  44). 

XI.  ITow  offered  by  the  Celebrant.  Prayers  of 
Oblation. — At  first  "the  whole  of  that  action 
was  accomplished  in  silence "  (Bona,  Her. 
Liturg.  ii.  viii.  §  2  ;  Martene,  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Hit.  i. 


OBLATIONS 


1423 


iv.  vi.  16  ;  and  others).  It  must  not  be  inferred, 
however,  that  the  primitive  church  did  not  re- 
gard the  action  of  the  celebrant  with  respect 
to  the  unconsecrated  gifts  as  a  distinct  offering 
of  them  to  God.  It  only  means  that  such  an 
oblation  was  not  verbally  made  when  they  were 
set  on  the  altar,  though  implied  in  the  long 
eucharistic  prayer  which  immediately  followed! 
St.  Ireuaeus  expressly  says  that  Christ,  in 
instituting  the  sacrament,  "  taught  the  new- 
oblation  of  the  New  Testament,  which  the 
church  throughout  the  world  offers  to  God  who 
gives  us  aliments — the  first-fruits  of  His  gifts  in 
the  New  Testament  "  (c.  Eaer.  iv.  17,  §  5).  "  This 
pure  oblation  the  church  alone  offers  to  the 
Creator,  offering  it  to  Him  of  His  own  creature 
with  thanksgiving  "  {ibid.  18,  §  4).  Hence  it  is 
evident  that  he  who  said  the  eucharistic  prayer 
was  believed  to  offer  the  elements  to  God.  Such 
an  oblation  is  assumed,  though  not  expressed,  in 
the  long  preface  (the  original  euxapio-ria)  of  the 
Clementine  Liturgy.  All  other  liturgies  have  a 
distinct  prayer  of  oblation  introduced,  as  we 
must  suppose,  at  some  later  period.  It  is  always 
said  by  the  celebrant,  and  was  probably  at  first 
only  a  clearer  expression  of  an  oblation  of  the 
good  creatures  of  God  then  lying  before  him. 
'Phis  is  evidently  the  meaning  of  the  earlier  and 
simpler  forms ;  but  the  later,  as  will  be  seen, 
introduce  thoughts  which  must  appear  entirely 
out  of  place.  We  will  begin  with  those  which 
are  true  to  their  original  intention.  In  St. 
Jlark,  after  the  cry  of  the  deacon,  "  Pray  for  the 
offerers,"  "  the  priest  says  the  prayer  of  proposi- 
tion," in  which  is  the  following  petition,  "  Cause 
Thy  face  to  shine  upon  this  bread  and  on  these 
cups  which  the  all-holy  table  receives  through 
the  ministry  of  angels  and  attendance  of  arch- 
angels and  service  of  the  priesthood  "  (Renaud. 
i.  143).  This  is  only  a  prayer  for  the  accept- 
ance of  the  gifts  expressed  in  a  lofty  style,  nor 
can  we  see  more  than  this  in  St.  James  :  "  Thy- 
self bless  this  offering  "  {irpSOea-tv  ;  comp.  Heb. 
ix.  2 ;  Matt.  xii.  4),  "  and  receive  it  on  to 
Thine  altar  above  the  heavens  "  (Assem.  u.  s.). 
In  St.  Basil's  "prayer  of  oblation"  {evxh 
7rpo<rKO|Ui5f;s)  the  celebrant  prays  chiefly  for 
himself  that  he  may  rightly  fulfil  his  office,  but 
also  for  the  acceptance  of  the  offerings,  "  Of 
Thy  goodness,  0  Lord,  receive  these  gifts  from 
the  hands  of  us  sinners  "  (Goar,  164).  In  St. 
Chrysostom,  however,  which  has  long  been  the 
common  liturgy  of  the  Greeks,  the  prayer  would 
be  more  suitable  after  the  consecration,  for  it  is 
an  invocation  [Epiclesis],  "that  this  our  sacri- 
fice may  be  acceptable  unto  Thee,  and  that  the 
good  spirit  of  Thy  grace  may  make  His  abode  on 
us,  and  on  these  gifts,  and  on  all  Thy  people  " 
(Goar,  74). 

In  all  the  Eastern  liturgies  of  later  revision 
there  is  the  same  tendency  that  we  observe  in 
St.  Chrysostom,  to  anticipate  the  consecration, 
or  to  confound  the  previous  oblation  of  the 
elements  with  that  of  the  sacramental  body  and 
blood.  Thus  in  the  Armenian :  "  Do  Thou  to 
whom  we  bring  this  sacrifice  accept  this  offering 
from  us  and  make  it  the  mystery  of  the  body 
and  blood  of  Thine  only  begotten  Son,  and  grant 
unto  us  who  are  partakers  of  them  tliat  this 
bread  and  wine  may  be  for  the  healing  and 
pardoning  of  our  sins  "  (Neale,  u.  s.  444). 

In  the  West  there  was  no  unvarying  verbal 


1424 


OBLATIONS 


oLlation  of  the  elements  until  after  the  12th 
century  (Microl.  A.D.  1160,  i)e  Eccl.  Ohserv.  11). 
Five  have  become  of  obligation  since,  viz.  (1), 
"  Suscipe,  Sancte  Pater,  omnipotens  aeterne 
Deus,  hanc  immaculatam  hostiam,"  &c. ;  (2), 
"  Offerimus  Tibi,"  &c. ;  (3),  "  In  spiritu  humi- 
litatis,"  &c.  (which  appear  to  be  borrowed  from 
Spain ;  3Iiss.  3Iozar.  Leslie,  2,  232  ;  see  below)  ; 
(4),  "Veui  Sanctificator,"  &c.  (which  is 
Gallican  ;  Microl.  u.  s.  11 ;  see  below)  ;  and  (5), 
"  Suscipe,  Sancta  Trinitas,"  &c.,  which  is  both 
Ambrosian  (Pamel.  Eituale  PP.  i.  298)  and 
Gallican  (Microl.  u.  s. ;  see  below).  Long, 
however,  before  any  of  these  prayers  are  known 
to  have  been  even  in  private  use,  there  was  a 
variable  collect  in  the  sacramentaries,  called  in 
the  Gelasian  the  secreta  ("because  it  is  said 
secretly  ";  Amal.  de  Off.  Eccl.  iii.  20) ;  and  in  the 
Gregorian  either  secreta  or  oratio  super  oblata, 
m  which  the  oblations  were  directly  or  indirectly 
offered.  The  following  is  an  example  from  the 
so-called  Leonian  sacramentary :  "  We  beseech 
Thee,  0  Lord,  that  the  gifts  of  Thy  people  may 
be  acceptable  to  Thee  through  the  intercessions 
of  the  blessed  apostles  (SS.  Peter  and  Paul)  ; 
that  as  they  are  offered  to  Thy  Name  for  their 
triumphs,  so  they  may  be  perfected  by  their 
merits ;  through,"  &c.  (Murat.  Lit.  Bom.  Vet.  i. 
330). 

During  the  whole  office  of  oblation  an  anthem 
of  three  verses  was  sung;  the  first  of  which, 
called  the  Offertory,  was  repeated  between  the 
second  and  the  third  until  the  offerings  were  all 
brought  up,  and  the  celebrant  said  "  Orate  "  (^Ord. 
Bom.  ii.  9).  "  In  offerendis  revertuntur  versus, 
dum  offerenda  repetitur "  (Remig.  Autiss.  in 
Pseudo-Alcuin,  de  Div.  Off.  40).  See  examples 
in  Antiphonarium  Gregor.  (^O^yp.  iii.  653  et  seq., 
ed.  Ben.). 

In  the  Milanese  rite  the  celebrant  says  in  a 
loud  voice,  "  Receive,  most  merciful  Father,  this 
holy  bread,  this  cup,  wine  mixed  with  water, 
that  it  may  become  the  body,  the  blood,  of 
Thine  only  begotten,"  &c.  (Pamel.  u.  s.  297). 
This  is  followed  by  later  prayers  said  secretly, 
and  by  a  variable  "  Oratio  super  Oblata  alta  voce 
dicenda"  (see  MiSSA  VIII.  (2)  (c)),  which  corre- 
sponds, though  said  aloud,  to  the  Roman  secreta. 
In  the  Gallican  liturgies,  suppressed  in  the  8th 
century,  there  is  no  constant  form  of  oblation  ; 
there  was,  however,  a  Collectio  post  Nomina 
corresponding  to  the  secreta  of  Rome.  See  ex- 
amples in  Missa  VIII.  (3)  (e).  The  Mozarabic 
priest  says  four  distinct  prayers  of  oblation  :  (1) 
over  the  bread  and  cup,  ■'  May  this  oblation  .  .  . 
which  we  offer  for  our  sins,  be  acceptable  to  Thy 
Majesty,"  &c. ;  (2)  over  the  cup  only,  "  We  offer 
unto  Thee,  0  Lord,  this  cup  for  the  benediction  of 
the  blood  of  Thy  Son,"  &c. ;  (3)  setting  the  cup 
on  the  altar  and  placing  the  veil  (filiolam)  over 
it,  he  says,  "  We  beseech  Thee,  0  Lord,  graciously 
to  accept  this  oblation,  and  to  pardon  the  sins  of 
all  the  offerers  for  whom  it  is  offered  unto  Thee, 
through,"  &c. ;  (4)  "  In  spiritu  humilitatis," 
&c.  (Leslie,  m.  s.),  of  which  "  Veni  .  .  .  Sancti- 
ficator" (above)  is  in  this  liturgy  a  continuation. 
The  sacrifidum  (the  Mozarabic  offertory)  is  then 
sung ;  some  prayers  of  preparation  follow,  and 
the  celebrant  having  said,  "  Offerunt  Deo  Domino 
sacerdotfes  nostri,  Papa  Romensis  et  reliqui, 
pro  se,"  &c.,  and  read  the  names  of  tliose 
commemorated,  this  part   of  the   liturgy  closes 


OBLATIONS 

with   the   Oratio  post  Nomina  (see  Missa   viii. 
(4)  (d)). 

We  observe  in  many  of  these  Latin  prayers  of 
oblation  the  same  departure  from  their  original 
intention  that  was  noticed  in  several  of  the 
Eastern  forms.  Thus  in  the  Roman  Missal  we 
have,  "  Receive  this  immaculate  host*  which  I 
offer  ...  for  my  numberless  sins,"  &c.  Simi- 
larly in  a  Mozarabic  Post  Nomina  (Leslie,  39). 
For  attempted  explanations  see  Bona,  Per.  Lit.  ii. 
ix.  3  ;  Le  Brun,  Explic.  de  la  Messe,  iii.  vi.  2 ; 
Romsee,  Sens.  Bit.  Miss.  xiv.  5  ;  and  others.  They 
amount  to  this :  "  Qu'en  commeneant  a  offrir 
le  pain  nous  parlous  d^ja  comme  si  nous  offrions 
cette  hostie  sans  tache  qui  est  I'unique,  dont 
I'offrande  puisse  nous  laver  de  nos  peches  "  (Le 
Br.).  Many  Roman  secretae  contain  a  similar 
assumption  {Sacr.  Greg.  ii.  46).  Similar  incon- 
gruities occur  in  Gallican  collects  Post  Nomina 
(Miss.  Goth.  191). 

It  may  be  conjectured  that  the  foregoing 
anomalies  first  made  their  appearance  when  an 
attempt  was  made  in  an  age  of  decaying  learning 
and  intelligence  to  simplify,  by  breaking  up  and 
rearranging,  the  prolonged  eucharistia,  which 
originally  embraced  both  the  oblation  of  the 
gifts  when  brought  to  the  celebrant,  and  all 
that  belonged  to,  and  was  connected  with,  the 
subsequent  consecration. 

XII.  The  Bemainder  of  the  Consecrated  Obla- 
tions.— No  uniform  mode  of  disposing  of  them 
prevailed  during  any  part  of  our  period  either 
in  the  East  or  West.  For  a  considerable  time  a 
part  was  sent  to  the  absent,  and  a  part  taken 
away  by  the  communicants  for  daily  use  at 
home.  [Reservation.]  A  part  was  also  in 
some  places,  from  the  6th  to  the  8th  century 
inclusive,  sent  to  other  churches,  as  Fermentdm. 
We  have  to  speak  here  of  the  part  that  still 
remained  when  due  provision  had  been  made  for 
these  purposes.  Evagrius,  near  the  end  of  the 
6th  century,  tells  us  that  "  it  was  an  ancient 
custom  in  the  royal  city  (Constantinople),  when- 
ever a  large  quantity  of  the  holy  particles  of 
the  undefiled  body  of  Christ,  our  God,  was  left 
over,  for  uncorrupted  boys  of  those  that  at- 
tended the  school  of  the  undermaster  to  be  sent 
for  to  consume  them "  {Eccl.  Hist.  iv.  36). 
From  the  testimony  of  Nicephorus  Callistus, 
who  had  himself,  when  a  boy  at  that  school, 
communicated  in  this  manner,  we  learn  that  the 
custom  survived  till  the  earlier  part  of  the  14th 
century,  if  not  later  (Bist.  Eccles.  xvii.  25). 
At  Jerusalem,  however,  as  we  know  from  the 
authority  of  Hesychius  the  patriarch,  601, 
"  whatever  happened  to  be  left  unconsumed  was 
given  to  the  fire,"  as  were  the  remains  of  the 
sacrifices  mentioned  in  Exod.  xii.  10  (^Explan.  in 
Levit.  (viii.  32)  ii.).  In  the  West  the  council  of 
Macon,  585,  decreed  that  "  whatever  remains  of 
the  sacrifices  shall  be  left  in  the  sacrarium  after 
the  mass  is  ended,  innocent  children  be  brought 
to  the  church  by  him  whose  office  it  is  on  the 
Wednesday  or  Friday,  and,  a  (subsequent)  fast 
having  been  prescribed  them  [Fasting,  §  8], 
receive  the  said  remains  sprinkled  with  wine  " 

"  This  phrase  occurs  with  proper  appliciUiim  in  a 
Gallican  Post  Secreta,  and,  therefore,  after  the  consecra- 
tion :  "  Offerimus  tibl,  Domine,  hanc  immaculatam 
hostiam  .  .  .  Obsecrantes  ut  iiifundere  digneiis  Spiritum 
tuum  sanctum  edentibus  nobis,"  &c.  {Miss.  Guth.  in 
Lit.  Gall.  298.) 


OBLATIONS 

(can.  6).  The  following  order  occurs  iu  one  of 
the  forged  decretals  about  830,  but  probably 
derived  from  an  earlier  document :  "  But  if  any 
shall  remain,  let  them  not  be  reserved  till  the 
morrow,  but  consumed  by  the  care  of  the  clerks, 
with  fear  and  trembling.  But  let  not  those 
who  consume  the  remains  of  the  Lord's  body 
that  have  been  left  in  the  sacrarium  come  toge- 
ther immediately  to  take  common  food,"  &c. 
{Epist.  Clem,  ad  Jac. ;  Hard.  Cone.  i.  50  ;  see  the 
same  as  Praecepta  Petri  in  S.  Leon.  Opera,  ed. 
Bailer,  iii.  674).  That  this  latter  usage  was 
widely  spread  in  the  West  we  may  infer  from 
the  appearance  of  the  above  passage  from  Pseudo- 
Clemens  in  Regino  (de  Eccl.  Discipl.  i.  195 ; 
Burchard,  Deer.  v.  11;  and  Gratian,  Beer.  iii. 
De  Consecr.  ii.  23). 

XIIL  Disposal  of  the  Unconsecrated  Surplus, — 
The  Apostolical  Constitutions  (both  texts) :  "  The 
eulogiae  that  are  over  and  above  in  the  mystic 
rites  let  the  deacons  distribute  among  the  clergy, 
according  to  the  discretion  of  the  bishop  or  the 
presbyters  —  to  the  bishop,  four  parts ;  to  a 
presbyter,  three  parts ;  to  a  deacon,  two  parts ; 
and  to  the  rest,  subdeacons,  or  readers,  or  singers, 
or  deaconesses,  one  part "  (viii.  31  ;  in  the  Coptic 
Canons  of  the  Apostles,  tr.  Tattam,  c.  75). 
They  are  here  called  eulogiae,  because  blessed 
through  being  offered.  Theophilus  of  Alexandria, 
A.D.  385 :  "  Let  the  clerks  divide  those  things 
which  are  ofi'ered  on  account  of  the  sacrifice 
(that  remain)  after  those  consumed  for  the  use 
of  the  mysteries,  and  let  not  a  catechumen  eat 
or  drink  thereof,  but  rather  the  clerks  and  the 
faithful  brethren  with  them "  (can.  7 ;  Hard. 
Cone.  i.  2000).  These  oblations  are  spoken  of 
under  the  name  of  eialogiae  by  Socrates,  who 
says  that  Chrysanthus,  the  Novatian  bishop  at 
Constantinople,  "  received  nothing  from  the 
churches,  only  taking  two  loaves  of  the  eulogiae 
on  the  Lord's  day  "  {Eecl.  Hist.  vii.  2).  John 
Jloschus,  A.D.  630,  relates  the  story  of  a  monk 
who,  being  employed  to  distribute  eulogiae, 
"which  the  deacons  had  set  on  the  holy  altar," 
happened  to  say  over  them  the  words  of  conse- 
cration, and  thus,  as  it  was  afterwards  revealed, 
unintentionally  consecrated  them  (_Prat.  Spirit. 
25). 

We  have  less  distinct  information  of  the  dis- 
posal of  the  superfluous  oblations  at  an  early 
period  in  the  West.  The  earlier  drafts  of  the 
Ordo  Romanus  tell  us  nothing ;  but  from  Ordo 
vi.  (Mabill.)  we  learn  that,  after  all  the  oblations 
of  the  clergy  and  people  had  been  placed  on  the 
altar,  fresh  loaves  were  brought  to  the  arch- 
deacon, from  which  the  bishop  took  what  he 
thought  proper  for  consecration,  and  then  gave 
all  the  rest  back  to  the  archdeacon,  "  who  gave 
them  in  charge  to  the  custos  of  the  church  for 
safe  keeping  "  (§  9).  This  belongs  to  a  period 
at  which  fewer  communicated  than  during  the 
7th  century.  We  are  not  told  how  these  remains 
were  employed,  but  it  is  probable  that  in  the 
West  the  superfluous  oblations  of  a  festival 
served  for  the  celebrations  of  other  days ;  for 
we  are  told  in  the  Life  of  St.  Augustine,  by  Pos- 
sidius,  that  he  would  sometimes  in  church 
admonish  the  faithful  for  "  their  neglect  of  the 
gazophylacium  and  secretarium,  from  which  the 
things  needful  for  the  altar  are  brought  iu  "  (24). 
According  to  St.  Ambrose,  the  custos  was  a 
deacon ;    "  Haec   quanti  consilii   sit    prospicere, 


OBLATIONS 


1425 


non  ignoratis.  Et  ideo  eligitur  Levita  qui  sacra- 
rium custodiat"  (De  Off.  Min.  i.  50,  §  265). 
Gifts  for  the  altar  were  put  into  the  SACIIARIUM 
or  SECRETARIUM  ;  those  for  the  poor,  the  clergy, 
or  the  church,  into  the  gazophylacium. 

As  the  excess  of  bread  and  wine  ofiered  for  the 
sacrament  gradually  decreased,  so  it  ceased  to 
form  part  of  the  ordinary  provision  for  the 
clergy,  and  was  distributed  only  as  a  token  of 
communion,  or  blessed  for  the  antidoron.  [Eu- 
logiae.] This  last  application  is  expressly 
ordered  by  the  council  of  Nantes,  perhaps  in 
657  (can.  9  ;  Hard.  vi.  459),  and  after  it  by 
Hincmar,  852  {Ad  Presbyt.  7). 

XIV.  Other  Altar  Oblations. — The  third  apo- 
stolical canon,  as  we  have  it,  after  forbidding 
anything  but  what  Christ  appointed  to  be 
offered  on  the  altar  (naming  Honey  and  Milk 
[see  vol.  i.  p.  783 ;  Tertull.  de  Cor.  2Iil.  3  ;  Id. 
adv.  Marc.  i.  14 ;  Clem.  Alex.  Paedag.  i.  vi.  50, 
51;  Hieron.  adv.  Lucif.  8;  Joan.  Diac.  Epist. 
ad  Senar.  (12)  in  Mtts.  Ital.  i.  75  ;  Sacram.  Leon. 
in  Murat.  Lit.  Pom.  Vet.i.  318;  Ratoldi  Pontif. 
in  Me'nard,  Sacram.  Greg.  n.  338  ;  Ordo  Romanus 
in  Hittorp.  87 ;  Apost.  Const.  Copt.  ii.  46,  Tat- 
tam's  tr.  62 ;  or  Boetticher's  in  Bunsen's  Ana- 
lecta  Antenicaena,  ii.  468;  0>xlo  Bapt.  Aethiop. 
in  Martene,  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Pit.  i.  i.  xv.  16], 
"  sicera,  birds,  or  any  living  things,  or  legumes  "), 
adds,  "except  new  grains  or  grapes  in  their 
season"  [Fruits,  Offering  of].  The  second 
book  of  the  Coptic  Canons  of  the  Apostles,  the 
Coptic  form  of  the  Constitutions,  permits  "  the 
blessing  of  the  grape,  the  fig,  the  pomegranate, 
the  olive,  the  prune,  the  apple,  the  peach,  the 
cherry,  and  the  almond."  Again :  "  It  shall  be 
that  they  shall  offer  flowers :  let  them  offer  a 
rose  and  the  lily  "  (c.  54 ;  Tattam's  tr.  p.  74  ; 
or  Boetticher's,  u.  s,  471).  The  Greek  canon 
proceeds :  "  But  let  it  not  be  permitted  to  oflfer 
anything  else  upon  the  altar,  in  the  time  of  the 
holy  oblation,  than  oil  for  the  lamp  [Oil] 
and  incense "  (Beveridge,  Works,  xi.  sxxix. 
Oxf.  1848).  [Incense,  Vol.  I.  pp.  830,  831.] 
Oil  for  another  purpose — viz.  for  the  unction 
after  baptism — was  offered  at  the  altar  in  Africa 
before  the  probable  date  of  the  above  canon. 
Thus  St.  Cyprian,  255,  speaks  of  chrism  as 
"  the  oil  hallowed  on  the  altar "  (^Epist.  70). 
Much  later,  in  Pseudo-Dionysius,  the  bishop 
"  takes  the  fxipov,  and  sets  it  on  the  holy  altar  " 
{Be  Eccl.  Hier.  iv.  2).  According  to  the  Ordo 
Pomanus,  however,  this  oil  was  brought  "  ante 
altare,"  and  there  consecrated  {Ord.  i.  31  ; 
app.  7). 

XV.  Beeds  of  Gift,  4c.  laid  on  the  Altar,  or 
held  before  or  over  it. — By  a  law  of  the  Frank 
king  Dagobert,  A.D.  630,  all  free  persons  who 
gave  aught  "  to  the  church  for  the  ransom  of 
their  soul,"  "  vills,  lands,  serfs,  or  any  money," 
were  to  confirm  the  gift  by  an  "  epistle  "  under 
their  own  hand  before  six  or  more  witnesses,  wlio 
were  to  subscribe  the  deed.  "  And  then  let  him 
place  the  said  epistle  on  the  altar,  and  so  deliver 
the  money  itself  in  the  presence  of  the  priest 
who  serves  there "  {Capit.  Reg.  Franc.  Baluze, 
i.  95).  Sim.  Lex  Alamannorum,  eod.  ann.  {ibid. 
57).  In  803  Charlemagne  received  a  petition 
from  his  states,  in  which  they  asked  for  greater 
security  for  gifts  made  to  the  church,  on  the 
ground  that  the  donor  "  makes  a  writing  of  those 
things  which  he  desires  to  give  to  God,  and  holds 


1426 


OBLATIONS 


the  writing  itself  in  his  hand  before  or  over 
(coram  altari  aut  supra)  the  altar,  saying  to  the 
priests  and  guardians  of  the  place,  '  1  offer  and 
■dedicate  to  God  all  the  things  which  are  set 
down  in  this  paper,  for  the  remission  of  my 
sins,  and  of  the  sins  of  my  parents  and  children ' 
(or  for  whatever  he  shall  wish  to  make  them  over 
to  God  for),  for  the  service  of  God  out  of  these 
things  in  sacrifices,  and  celebrations  of  masses,  in 
prayers,  lights,  the  maintenance  of  the  poor  and 
the  clergy,  and  other  forms  of  service  to  God, 
and  of  usefulness  to  this  church."  They  were 
offered  under  expressed  pain  of  sacrilege  if  the 
church  were  robbed  of  them  (Cap.  Baluz.  u.  s. 
i.  407  ;  or  in  the  collection  of  Benedict,  vi.  370). 

It  was  probably  a  very  frequent  custom  to  lay 
valuable  gifts  of  any  kind,  of  small  size,  on  the 
■altar,  apart  from  the  eucharistic  service,  with  or 
without  such  a  deed  as  is  described  above.  Thus 
"  a  devout  man  "  in  the  6th  century  "  placed  on 
the  altar  of  the  church  "  of  St.  Nazaire,  near 
Nantes,  a  belt  most  carefully  wrought,  of  the 
purest  gold,  with  all  its  furniture.  He  gave 
it  "ad  reficiendos  pauperes,"  but  with  prayer 
for  the  aid  of  the  martyr  in  his  needs  (Greg. 
Turon.  de  Glor.  Mart.  6l'). 

XVI.  Oblations  not  set  on  the  Altar.— '^  AM 
things  that  are  offered  to  God  are  without  doubt 
also  consecrated.  And  not  only  are  the  sacrifices 
which  are  consecrated  to  the  Lord  on  the  altar 
called  oblations  of  the  faithful;  but  whatever 
offerings  are  offered  to  Him  by  the  faithful, 
whether  consisting  of  serfs  or  arable  lands,  vine- 
yards, woods,  meadows,  waters,  or  watercourses, 
furniture,  books,  utensils,  stones,  buildings, 
garments,  woollen  fabrics,  cattle,  pastures,  parch- 
ments, movables  and  immovables,  or  whatsoever 
things  are  done  to  the  praise  of  God,  or  can  fur- 
nish supply  and  ornament  to  holy  church  and  her 
priests,  by  whomsoever  they  are  of  free  will 
offered  to  God  and  His  church,  these  all  un- 
doubtedly are  consecrated  to  God  and  belong  to 
the  right  of  the  priests  "  (Capit.  ii.  Car.  Magn. 
A.D.  814,  c.  12 ;  Capit.  Beg.  Franc,  i.  522 ;  in 
Benedict's  collection,  vi.  407  ;  Cap.  Herardi,  65 ; 
Isaac  Ling.  vii.  7). 

(a)  Charitable  Gifts. — Justin  Martyr,  in 
Samaria,  a.d.  140,  tells  us  that,  when  the  Chris- 
tians of  his  day  met  on  the  Sunday  for  prayer 
and  the  holy  communion,  "  those  who  were  pros- 
perous, and  wished  to  do  it,  gave  each  as  he 
determined  beforehand  what  he  would,  and  that 
the  collection  was  laid  up  with  the  presiding 
•(elder),  who  personally  relieved  orphans  and 
widows  and  those  who  were  in  distress  from 
sickness  or  any  other  cause,  and  those  in  bonds 
and  strangers  sojourning  among  them,  and  in  a 
word  took  care  of  all  who  were  in  any  necessity  " 
(Apol.  i.  67).  Tertullian  at  Carthage,  A.D.  199  : 
"Though  there  be  a  sort  of  (money)  chest,  the 
amount  in  it  is  not  got  together  from  payment 
as  for  a  religion  that  is  bought.  Every  person 
once  a  month,  or  when  he  will,  and  only  if  he 
will  and  be  able,  places  therein  a  moderate  gift ; 
for  no  one  is  forced,  but  gives  it  of  his  own 
accord.  These  are,  as  it  were,  the  deposits  of 
piety  ;  for  therefrom  are  dispensed  portions,  not 
for  feasts  or  drinking  bouts,  or  thankless  haunts 
of  voracity,  but  for  feeding  and  burying  the 
needy,  and  for  boys  and  girls  destitute  of  means 
and  of  parents,  and  for  the  aged  confined  now  to 
the  house,  also  for  the  shipwrecked,  and  for  any 


OBLATIONS 

who  become  pensioners  on  their  confession,  in  the 
mines  or  the  islands,  or  in  prisons,  if  only  it  be 
for  the  sake  of  the  way  of  God "  (Apol.  39). 
Caesarius  of  Aries,  502,  considers  it  the  part  of 
a  good  Christian,  "  when  he  comes  to  church,"  to 
"  offer  according  to  his  ability  money  or  food  for 
the  poor"  (Serm.  77,  §  2  ;  comp.  Sorm.  76,  §  2). 
Similarly  Pirminius,  750 :  "  Quando  ad  eccle- 
siam  convenitis,  pauperibus  secundum  vires 
vestras  aut  argentum  aut  aliud  aliquid  porri- 
gite "  (Scarapsiis  in  Vetera  Analecta,  Mabill. 
72 ;  ed.  2).  Isidore  of  Seville,  595,  says  that  it 
was  part  of  the  duty  of  the  archdeacon  to  "  receive 
the  money  collected  from  the  communion  "  (_Ep. 
ad  Leudefr.  12). 

The  fourth  apostolical  canon,  referring  to  the 
grapes  and  corn  mentioned  in  the  third,  says, 
"  But  let  every  other  fruit  be  sent  away  into  the 
house  (or  chamber,  oIkov,  the  Gazophylacium  or 
Domus  Ecclesiae,  Possid.  Vita  August.  24),  as 
first-fruits  for  the  bishop  and  the  presbyters, 
but  not  brought  to  the  altar."  In  the  Life  of  St. 
Augustine  (m.  s.  see  above  §  xiii.)  a  distinction  is 
made  between  offerings  for  the  gazophylacium 
and  for  the  secretarium.  We  learn  there  also  how 
the  former  were  applied  :  ''  He  was  always  mind- 
ful of  his  companions  in  poverty,  and  used  to 
distribute  to  them  from  the  same  source  as  to 
himself  and  all  his  household,  viz.  from  the 
revenues  of  the  church,  or  even  from  the  obla- 
tions of  the  faithful"  (23).  A  feast  for  the 
poor  was  often  the  object  of  an  oblation.  Thus 
Paulinus,  a.d.  405,  relates  (Pocma  xx.  317)  how 
a  pig  was  reared  with  this  intention.  Two  other 
instances  are  mentioned  by  this  author  in  the 
same  poem  (lines  67,  389). 

(6)  Offerings  were  also  made  for  the  furniture 
of  the  church,  and  of  a  lamb  at  Easter.  [Lamb, 
Offering  of.] 

XVII.  To  whom  the  Oblations  were  intrusted. — 
All  oblations  of  whatever  kind  were  given  to  the 
bishop  in  trust.  "  That  which  is  collected,"  says 
Justin  Martyr,  "  is  laid  up  with  him  who  pre- 
sides" (Apol.  67).  Among  the  earlier  of  the 
apostolical  canons  are  two  (39,  41)  which 
place  the  whole  property  of  the  church  from 
whatever  source  derived  in  the  hands  of  the 
bishop  in  trust  for  the  poor  and  the  clergy,  him- 
self included.  Hence  the  precept  addressed  to  the 
bishops  in  the  Constitutions  (ii.  25):  "Dispense 
the  offerings  to  the  orphans  and  widows  and 
afflicted  and  strangers  .  .  .  giving  their  shares 
to  all  in  want,  and  yourselves  using  the  things 
of  the  Lord,  but  not  devouring  them  alone  ;  but 
sharing  them  with  the  needy,  be  ye  without 
offence  before  God.  .  .  .  It  is  right  for  you,  0 
bishops,  to  be  nourished  from  the  things  brought 
into  the  church ;  but  not  to  devour  them." 
This  is  in  the  purer  text  also  (Bunsen,  Analecta 
Anteiiicaena,  ii.  256).  See  further  under  Pro- 
perty OF  THE  Church. 

On  the  subject  of  oblations  the  reader  may 
consult  Franc,  de  Berlendis  De  Oblationibus  ad 
Altare,  enlarged  Latin  ed.,  after  two  in  Italian, 
Venet.  1743;  J.  B.  Thiers,  Saintete'de  VOffrande 
da  Fain  ct  du  Vin  aux  Messes  des  Morts ;  Par. 
178  ;  L.  A.  Muratorius,  Diss.  xvii.  in  S.  Paulini 
Poemata,  De  Votis  Votivisque  Christianor^um 
Oblationibus  in  his  Anecdota,  tom.  i.  Mediol. 
1697  ;  reprinted  in  his  ed.  of  Paulinus,  Veron. 
1736  ;  and  by  F.  A.  Zaccaria,  with  the  Latin  ver 
sion  of  Cl.  Fleury's  Disciplina  Fopuli  Dei,  torn. 


OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD 

iii.  Diss.  29,  Venet.  17G1  and  1782  ;  Jo.  Mabillon 
in  Praef.  i.  in  Saec.  iif.  0.  S.  B.  §  vi.  Ohscrv. 
Eccles.  nn.  51-63,  reprinted  by  Zaccaria,  u.  s. 
torn.  iii.  Diss.  14;  Gabr.  Albaspinus,  Be  Vet. 
Eccl.  Bit.  Ohscrv.  i.  5,  Lut.  Par.  1623  ;  and  ad 
calc.  0pp.  Optati,  Par.  1679  ;  Edm.  Martene,  De 
Ant.  Eccl.  Hit.  i.  iv.  vi.  last  ed.  Antv.  1763  ; 
Alex.  Aurel.  Pelliccia,  De  Christianae  Ecclesiac 
Folitia,  iii.  1,  Neap.  1777,  Colon,  ad  Rhen.  1829 ; 
Joach.  Hildebrandus,  Primitivae  Ecdesiae  Offer- 
torium  pro  Defunctis,  Helmst.  1667.    [W.  E.  S.] 

OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD.— The 

lieathen  fear  of  evil,  if  the  body  wereleft  unburied 
or  neglected,  was  unknown  to  the  Christian  from 
the  first.  "All  those  things,  that  is  to  say,  the 
arrangement  of  the  funeral,  the  state  attendance 
on  the  burial,  the  pomp  of  obsequies,  are  rather 
consolations  of  the  living  than  advantages  to  the 
dead"  (Aug.  De  Civ.  Dei,  i.  12  ;  so  Serm.  172, 
§3,  and  De  Cur.  pro  Mart.  ii.  §4;  comp.  St. 
Chrysostom,  Horn.  iv.  in  Heb.  §5;  .see  after, 
§  viii.).  But  "  not  on  that  account  are  the  bodies 
of  the  departed  to  be  spurned  and  flung  aside ; 
and  least  of  all  those  of  the  righteous  and  faith- 
ful, of  which  the  Spirit  has  made  use  as  organs 
and  instruments  for  the  performance  of  all  good 
works  "  {De  Cio.  13  ;  De  Cur.  iii.  §  5).  It  was 
inferred  from  various  references  in  holy  Scripture 
(Gen.  xlvii.  30,  1.  2,  24 ;  Tob.  ii.  9,  xii.  12  ;  &c.), 
and  especially  from  the  narrative  of  our  Lord's 
burial,  that  "  the  bodies  of  the  dead  are  subjects 
of  the  providence  of  God,  to  whom  even  such 
works  of  piety  are  well  pleasing  "  (Z)e  Civ.  u.  s.). 
But  the  future  resurrection  of  the  body  was  the 
chief  ground  of  present  care  for  it ;  it  could  not  be 
right,  they  thought,  deliberately  to  destroy  and 
dissipate  that  for  which  God  designed  a  glorious 
future.  Thus  Prudentius,  Hymn,  in  Exeq.  De- 
funct. 1.  45 : — 


"  Hinc  maxima  cnra  sepulcris 
Irupenilitur;  hinc  resoliUus 
Honor  ultimus  accipit  artus 
Kt  I'uneris  ambitus  oriiat." 

I.  The  Laying-out  of  the  Body. — The  first 
solemn  circumstance  was  the  formal  composure 
of  the  whole  body:  "They  put  the  hands  to- 
gether, close  the  eyes,  put  the  head  straight, 
draw  down  the  feet  (Pseudo-Chrysost.  de  Job. 
Ham.  i.  §  2).  Dion)'sius  of  Alexandria,  A.D.  254, 
says  that  during  the  plague  the  Christians  of 
that  city  "  took  up  the  bodies  of  the  saints  (v/ho 
(Ii 'd  of  it)  in  their  arms  and  laps,  closed  their 
'■\i's  and  mouths,  carried  them  on  their  shoulders, 
an  1  laid  them  out,"  &c.  (Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl.  vii. 
-■-'.)  St.  Augustine  closed  his  mother's  eyes  with 
lii^  own  hands  (Confess,  ix.  12,  §29).  Pseudo- 
llpiphanius,  apostrophising  Joseph  of  Arimathea, 
s;iys  :  "  Dost  thou  then  with  thy  fingers  close,  as 
)"(omes  the  dead,  the  eyes  of  Jesus,  who,  with 
His  undefiled  finger,  opened  the  eye  of  the  blind  ? 
And  dost  thou  close  the  mouth  of  Him  who 
(i|»-ncd  the  mouth  of  the  dumb?"  {De  Sepulcro 
J>i,m.  inter  0pp.  Epiph.  iv.  17  ;  ed.  Dind.). 

II.  The  Washing.— Vdtes  followed  which  had 
1(  ng  been  common  to  all  the  more  civilised 
races. 

There  is  a  reference  to  the  washing  in  the  case 
of  Durcas  (Acts  ix.  37);  and  the  practice  was  so 
much  a  matter  of  course  among  Christians  that  we 
find  Pseudo-Epiphanius  (t{.s.)and  othersassuming 

CHRIST.  ANT. — VOL.  II. 


OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD     1427 

'  incidentally  that  the  body  of  our  Lord  was  so 

I  treated.  TertuUian  alludes  to  it  when  he  says,  "  I 

;  can  be  stifFand  pale  after  a  bath  when  dead  "  (Apol. 

;  42).    Gregory  Nazianzen    asks  those  who  delay 

their  baptism,  if  they  are  "  waiting  that  they  may 

be  washed  when  dead  "  (De  Bapt.  i.  648).     The 

i  ceremonial  importance  of  the  action  in  France  in 

i  the  6th   century  is  evident  from  the  frequency 

i  with  which  it  is  mentioned  by  Gregory  of  Tours, 

when  we  can   discover   no  other  reason  for  his 

noticing  it  (Hist.  Franc,  ii.  5;  iv.  5  ;  vii.  1  ;  De 

Glor.  Conf.  75  ;    Vitae  Patr.  xiv.  4).     See  other 

examples  of  men,  Hist.  Franc,  vi.  46 ;  De  Glor. 

I  Conf.  81 ;    Vitae  PP.  x.  4  ("  coi-pus  sacerdos  ab- 

lutum  recondit  in  tumulo  ")  ;  ibid.  xiii.  3.   Simi- 

'  larly  of  women,  "Having  been  washed  by  other 

i  women,  she  was  buried  "  (De  Glor.  Conf.  16). 

Miracles  are  said  by  Bede  to  have  been  wrought 

by  the  earth  on  which  the  water  used  in  washing 

the  body  of  St.  Cuthbert  had  been  thrown  (  Vita 

S.  Cuthb.).     To  come  to  the  end  of  our  period, 

the  body  of  Charlemagne  is  said  to  have  been 

washed  "  more  solemn!  "  (Egiuhard.  in  Vita,  c,  9, 

§  36). 

III.  T/ie  Beard,  4'C.,  cut. — At  one  period  there 
was  a  custom  of  shaving  the  head,  at  least  in 
France.  When  the  body  of  St.  Eloy,  who  died 
about  665,  was  removed  from  its  first  resting- 
place,  "  his  beard  and  hair,  which  had  been  shaved 
off  according  to  custom  at  the  time  of  his  death, 
had  grown  in  the  tomb  in  a  wonderful  manner  " 
(Vita,  auct.  Audoen.  ii.  47  ;  Dach.  Spicil.  ii.  116, 
ed.  1723).  A  later  example  occurs  in  the  case 
of  an  Angevin  bishop,  who  was  buried  "  barba 
rasa  "  (Gesta  Gulielmi  Maj.  c.  1,  in  Spicil.  Dach. 
ii.  160). 

IV.  The  Body  anointed  or  embalmed. — The 
next  process  was  to  "  anoint "  the  body.  This 
may  have  been  often  done  with  the  simple  oil, 
but  more  frequently,  where  it  could  be  procured, 
with  a  precious  unguent,  nvpov,  which  might  be, 
as  Galen  describes  it,  only  medicated  oil  (De 
Methodo  Medendi,  xi.  16);  but  sometimes  we  are 
to  understand  that  the  body  was  embalmed  with 
various  antiseptic  gums  and  spices.  When  the 
woman  in  Matt.  xxvi.  7  poured  ointment  on  our 
Lord's  head.  He  accepted  it  as  done  in  anticipa- 
tion of  His  death,  irphs  rh  ivracpidcrai  fxe,  "  with 
a  view  to  prepare  me  for  burial"  (ver.  12). 
After  His  death,  Nicodemus  (John  xix.  39,  40) 
"  brought  a  mixture  of  myrrh  and  aloes,  about  a 
hundred  pound  weight,  and  wound  the  body  in 
linen  clothes  with  the  spices,  as  the  manner  of 
the  Jews  is  to  bury."  Afterwards  the  women 
who  had  followed  Him  from  Galilee,  probably 
in  ignorance  of  what  had  been  done,  "prepared 
spices  and  ointments,"  apw/xuTa  Kal  fivpa,  for  the 
same  purpose  (Luke  xxiii.  56).  This  example 
would  probably  have  suggested  the  custom 
among  Christians,  had  they  not  inherited  it  from 
their  Jewish  and  heathen  forefathers. 

TertuUian  is  alluding  to  this  practice  when  he 
says,  "The  Sabaeans  will  know  that  merchandise 
of  theirs,  more  in  quantity  and  more  costly,  is 
lavished  on  the  burial  of  Christians  than  on  the 
censing  of  the  gods"  (Apol.  42).  Again,  "Let 
them  look  to  it,  if  the  same  objects  of  trade, 
frankincense  to  wit,  and  other  foreign  things  for 
sacrifice  to  idols,  are  likewise  useful  to  men  for 
medicinal  pigments, — to  us  (Christians)  also  be- 
side for  a  solace  of  burial  "  (De  Idol.  11 ;  see  also 
De  Resurr.  Cam.  27).  Clemens  Alexandrinus, 
4  Z 


1428     OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD 

A.D.  192,  explaining  a  mystic  interpretation  of 
Matt.  xxvi.  7,  says  incidentally,  "  For  the 
,  dead  are  anointed "  (fivpi^ovTaL,  Faedag.  ii.  8, 
§  62).  In  the  Octavius  of  Minutius  Felix  the 
heathen  objector  says,  "  Ye  (Christians)  reserve 
unguents  for  funerals"  (c.  2).  In  the  same 
century  (290)  we  find  a  Roman  governor  threat- 
ening a  martyr  thus,  "  You  imagine  that  some 
wretched  women  are  going  to  embalm  your  body 
with  spices  and  ointments?  But  what  I  am 
thinking  of  is  how  to  destroy  your  remains  "  (^Acta 
Tarachi,  7 ;  in  Ruinart,  Acta  Sine.  385).  And 
many  other  instances  are  found. 

A  sweet  odour  has  often  been  perceived  on  the 
opening  of  an  ancient  tomb  (see  Catacombs,  Vol.  I. 
p.  309).  This  arose,  without  any  doubt,  from 
the  spices  buried  with  the  body,  but  superstition 
has  regarded  it  as  a  proof  of  the  sanctity  of  the 
person  who  occupied  the  tomb.  This  was  an 
early  opinion.  Thus,  when  the  tomb  of  St. 
Valerius  was  opened  in  550,  the  sweet  smell  was 
taken  to  indicate  that  "  a  friend  of  God  rested 
there"  (Greg.  Tur.  de  Glor.Conf.  84).  So  at 
the  discovery  of  the  body  of  St.  Mallosus,  the 
bishop  of  Cologne,  who  was  present,  exclaimed, 
"I  believe  in  Christ  that  He  is  revealing  His 
martyr  to  me,  seeing  that  this  sweet  odour  has 
surrounded  me "  (ibid.  63).  Compare  also  St. 
Jerome's  Life  of  Ililar ion,  46,  where  he  speaks 
of  the  body  of  the  saint  as  "  tantis  fragrante 
odoribus  ut  delibutum  unguentis  putares." 
When  the  tomb  of  Amantius  was  opened,  an 
unspeakably  sweet  odour  proceeding  from  it 
reached  even  the  people  in  the  porches  and 
courts  of  the  church  (Fortunatus  in  Vita  S. 
Amant.  11).  See  also  Epist. ;  Luciani  de  Revel. 
Stephani  Mart.  §  9  ;  Eugippus  of  St.  Severin  in 
Res  Gest.  S.  Sev.  Baron.  Ann.  vi.  §  10,  ad  an.  488, 
&c.  For  a  similar  story  from  Constantinople,  see 
Sozomen,  Hist.  Eccl.  ix.  2.  Evagrius  supplies 
another  from  the  East  (Hist.  Eccl.  ii.  3).  But 
they  were  common  everywhere. 

V.  Tlie  Grave-clothes. — The  body  was  always 
clothed,  often  in  linen  only,  but  sometimes  also 
in  the  best  dress  worn  in  daily  life,  or  in  the 
insignia  of  office.  The  custom  was  traditional, 
but  it  received  a  mystic  interpretation,  the  new 
dress  then  put  on  being  said  to  represent  the 
garment  of  incorruption  in  which  the  body  will 
be  clothed  when  restored  to  life  (Pseudo-Chrysost. 
de  Patientid,  ix.  808). 

1.  The  body  seems  to  hare  been  generally 
s-rathed  in  linen  (see  Catacombs,  p.  309),  as 
might  be  expected  from  what  we  know  of  the 
custom  of  the  Jews.  Lazarus  was  "bound  hand 
and  foot  with  grave-clothes "  (.John  xi.  44). 
*'  Then  took  they  the  body  of  Jesus,  and  wound 
it  (i5i)(Tau)  in  linen  clothes  (odoviois')  with  the 
spices,  as  the  manner  of  the  Jews  is  to  bury  " 
(ibid.  xix.  40).  St.  Matthew  (xxvii.  59)  and  St. 
Luke  (xxiii.  53)  say  that  Joseph  "  wrapped,  or 
rolled,  it  in  fine  linen — iviTvXt^ev  ahro  vivZovi  " 
(Kadapa,  M.).  St.  Mark  (xv.  46)  says,  ereiATjo-e 
rrj  ffiySSvi.  The  custom  had  been  brought  from 
Egypt  and  retained,  though  the  Jews  did  not 
embalm  their  dead.  Words  that  express  the 
notion  of  swathing  are  sometimes  used  at  a  later 
period.  Thus  the  disciples  of  St.  Anthony 
el\i^avTes  his  body — buried  it  (Athan.  Vita  S. 
Anton.  90).  Similarly  Dionysius  of  Alexandria 
speaks  of  the  Christians  of  that  city  as  -jrepi- 
CToXa'is  KaTaKO(r(jiovi'res,m  preparation  for  burial, 


OBSEQUIES  OP  THE  DEAD 

the  bodies  of  those  stricken  by  the  plague  (Hist. 
Eccl.  Euseb.  vii.  22).  In  Latin  authors  the  more 
common  word  is  "  obvolvere."  In  the  above  two 
instances  the  material  is  not  mentioned,  but  we 
may  assume  that  it  was  linen,  the  use  of  which 
was  common  everywhere,  if  not  universal.  To 
give  examples,  St.  Jerome,  speaking  of  a  woman 
who  had  been  unjustly  put  to  death,  says, 
"  They  wrap  the  bloody  corpse  in  a  linen  cloth  " 
(Epist.  ad  Innoc.  12).  Sixtus  III.,  a.d.  432, 
"  with  his  own  hands  dressed  "  the  body  of  his 
enemy,  Bassus,  "  with  linen  clothes  and  spices  " 
(Anast.  Biblioth.  Vitae  Font.  No.  45).  In 
Gregory  of  Tours  we  read  of  a  nun  who  was 
buried  "  induta  linteis  mundis  "  (Hist.  Franc,  vi. 
29),  and  of  a  bishop  who  in  a  vision  was  told 
to  prepare  for  his  burial  by  "  getting  him  clean 
linen  clothes"  (ii.  5).  The  linen  was  some- 
times waxed.  Thus  in  one  Life  of  St.  Cuthbert 
we  are  told  that  his  body  was  "  in  sindone  cerata 
curatum"  (Vita,  iii.  iv.  13;  Bolland.  Mart.  20). 
The  body  of  St.  Ansbert,  archbishop  of  Rouen, 
A.D.  698,  "  magna  fidei  ambitione  vestitum  est, 
ac  desuper  linteis  ceratis  obvolutum "  (Aigrad. 
in  Vita  Ansb.  9  ;  Boll.  Feb.  9).  In  a  later 
instance  we  read  of  a  "  shirt  (camisale)  covered 
with  wax  "  carefully  put  on  the  body  of  the 
deceased  (St.  Udalric),  "lest  the  priestly  ap- 
parel in  which  he  was  clad  should  be  quickly 
destroyed  by  the  earth  "  ( Vita  S.  Udalr.  xxvii. 
83  ;  Boll.  July  4). 

2.  Among  the  Romans,  while  the  private 
citizen  was  buried  in  a  toga,  those  in  office,  even 
to  the  lowest  vicomagister  (Livy,  xxxiv.  7),  were 
buried  in  the  dress  proper  to  it.  The  analogous 
practice  was  to  some  extent  adopted  among 
Christians.  In  the  Acta  of  Peter  of  Alexandria, 
martyred  in  301,  it  seems  implied  that  the 
linen  in  which  he  was  wrapped  was  the  dress 
in  which  he  usually  officiated  (Bligne,  Ser. 
Gr.  xviii.  464,  5).  This  is  not  a  contempo- 
rary account ;  but  if  it  be  not  historically  true, 
it  may  be  taken  to  shew  the  custom  of  the 
country  a  century  and  a  half  later.  St.  Cuth- 
bert was  "  vestimenta  sacerdotalia  indutus " 
(Anon.  Vita,  u.  s.).  The  same  thing  is  related 
of  an  Irish  bishop  named  Merolilanus  (Flodoard, 
Hist.  Eccl.  Rem.  iv.  48),  and  of  Gebhard  of 
Constance  :  "  Sacerdotalibus,  ut  moris  est,  vesti- 
bus  indutus  "  (  Vita,  i.  22  ;  in  Menard,  note  680 
to  Sacram.  Gregor.).  Of  St.  Ansbert  we  read :  ' 
"  As  he  had  been  wont  to  stand  at  the  holy 
altars  of  Christ,  so  the  brethren  had  taken  care 
that  he  should  be  clothed "  (Aigrad.  u.  s.). 
Hadrian  I.,  A.d.  772,  was  "  wrapped  in  his  apo- 
stolical ornaments  (infulis),  as  the  custom  is  to 
bury  a  Roman  bishop"  (Vita,  in  Mus.  Ital.  i,  41). 
Observe  also  the  instance  of  Udalric  in  the  last 
paragraph.  Charlemagne  was  clad  in  the  im- 
perial vestments,  and  "  his  face  covered  under 
the  diadem  with  a  napkin  "  (  Vita,  Auct.  Monach. 
Engol.). 

Under  this  head  we  may  mention  an  order 
ascribed  to  Eutychian,  A.D.  275,  that  no  martyr 
should  be  buried  "  without  a  dalmatic  or  a  pur- 
ple collobium  "  (Anast.  Vit.  Font.  No.  28)  ;  such 
ornaments  thus  becoming  the  insignia  of  mar- 
tyrdom. 

3.  A  dress  more  or  less  costly  to  shew 
honour  to  the  deceased,  but  with  no  other 
significance,  is  often  mentioned.  Thus  when 
Marinus  wa.s  martyred  at  Rome  in  the  reign  of 


OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD 

Gallicnus,  Astyrius,  a  senator,  clothed  the  body 
'•  very  richly  "  for  the  burial  (Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl. 
vii.  16).  The  remains  of  Stratonica  and  Seleu- 
cus,  A.D.  297,  were  covered  with  a  silk  cloth 
(S.  E.  Assemanus,  Acta  SS.  Martyrum,  ii.  121). 
tjt.  Anthony  wrapped  the  body  of  Paul,  the 
first  hermit,  in  a  "  pallium  "  which  St.  Atha- 
nasius  had  given  him  (Hieron.  in  Vita  Pauli, 
§  14).  St.  Anthony  himself,  when  dead,  was 
wrapped  in  an  old  cloak  which  had  also  been 
the  gift  of  Athanasius  many  years  before  (St. 
Ath  in  Vita  S.  Ant.  §  91);  St.  Gregory  of 
Nyssa  gives  an  elaborate  account  of  the  manner 
in  which  the  body  of  his  sister  Macrina  was 
prepared  for  the  grave  (a.d.  379).  It  was  pro- 
posed to  bury  her  in  her  ordinary  dress,  but  her 
brother  had  provided  a  better.  As  this  was  not 
done  to  please  human  eyes,  an  old  black  mantle 
(llxdTiov)  was  thrown  over  all  (De  Vita  S.  Macr. 
ii.  App.  200  ;  Par.  1618).  St.  Jerome,  addressing 
wealthy  Christians,  asks :  "  Why  do  ye  wrap 
(obvolvitis)  your  dead  in  garments  covered 
with  gold  ?"  (Vita  PauU,  17.)  Of  Paula  the  same 
father  says  :  "  What  poor  man  died  who  was  not 
wrapped  in  her  garments?"  {Epist.  108  ad 
Eustoch.  §  5.)  Several  times  Gregory  of  Tours 
mentions  that  persons  of  eminence  were  clothed 
before  burial  "  dignis  vestimentis  "  (^Hist.  Fr.  iv. 
37,  51 ;  De  Glor.  Conf.  81 ;  Vitae  Patrum,  xiv. 
4,  XX.  4).  When  Chilperic  was  slain,  A.D.  584, 
a  bishop  covered  his  body  for  burial  with  "  better 
garments"  {Hist.  Fr.  vi.  46).  The  Seven 
Sleepers  of  Ephesus  "to  this  day  rest  in  the 
very  place  (where  they  were  found),  covered  with 
clothes  of  silk  or  fine  linen  "  (^Mirac.  i.  95). 

4.  In  the  6th  century  we  first  hear  of  a 
strange  abuse  by  its  prohibition.  The  council  of 
Auvergne,  533 :  "  It  is  to  be  observed  that  the 
bodies  of  the  dead  be  not  wrapped  in  palls  or 
divine  services,"  i.e.  cloths  used  for  the  service 
of  the  altar  (can.  3) ;  "  Touching  the  covering 
of  the  Lord's  body  or  the  pall  of  the  altar,  let 
not  the  body  of  a  priest,  when  carried  to  the 
tomb,  be  ever  covered  with  it "  (can.  7).  The 
council  of  Auxerre,  A.n.  578  :  "  It  is  not  per- 
mitted that  the  bodies  of  the  dead  be  wrapped 
in  the  veil  or  in  palls"  (can.  12).  The  latter 
practice  is  also  forbidden  by  Boniface  of  Mentz, 
743  (can.  20).  Nor  was  the  East  free  from  the 
same  superstition.  Pseudo-Athanasius,  as  quoted 
by  John  Damascene  :  "  Fail  not  to  burn  oil  and 
wax  candles  at  the  tomb,  though  the  body  be 
buried  in  an  air,"  i.e.  a  eucharistic  veil  of  the 
largest  size  (Damasc.  Orat.  de  iis  qui  in  Fide 
dormierunt,  §  19). 

5.  It  is  probable  that,  however  the  body  was 
dressed,  a  napkin  always  concealed  the  face,  as  in 
the  scriptural  examples  (John  xi.  44,  xx.  7). 
Of  St.  Cuthbert  we  read,  "  Capite  sudario  cir- 
cumdato  "  (Anon.  Vita,  iii.  u.  s.) ;  of  St.  Ansbert, 
that  "  sudarium  cera  litum  capiti  ejus  imponere 
Tellent "  (Aigrad.  u.  s.) ;  and  of  Charlemagne, 
"Sudario  sub  diademate  facies  ejus  operta " 
(Monach.  Engol.  u.  s.). 

6.  The  richness  of  the  dress  and  ornaments 
sometimes  buried  with  the  dead  was  a  tempta- 
tion to  thieves.  This  led  to  their  being  cut  or 
torn  and  otherwise  rendered  useless  before  the 
body  was  left  in  the  tomb.  Thus  St.  Chryso- 
stom :  "  A  costly  burial  has  often  been  the 
cause  of  the  tomb  being  broken  open,  and  of 
the  body    that    was  buried   so  carefully   being 


OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD     1429 

cast  out  naked  and  graveless.  .  .  .  That  this 
may  not  happen,  many  persons  tear  the  fine 
linen  clothes  and  fill  them  with  many  kinds 
of  spices,  that  they  may  in  two  ways  be 
made  useless  to  those  who  are  guilty  of  such 
outrage,  and  so  commit  them  to  the  eartli " 
{Horn.  85  in  S.  Joan.  Ec.  §  5).  Examples  of 
such  robberies  are  not  wanting.  Thus  when,  in 
585,  a  woman  of  high  rank  had  been  buried  at 
Metz,  "  with  great  ornaments  and  much  gold," 
some  young  men  of  her  family  "  uncovered  the 
tomb  and  took  and  carried  off  all  the  ornaments 
of  the  dead  body  that  they  could  find  "  (Greg. 
Tur.  Hist.  Franc,  viii.  21).  When  Hadrian  I. 
was  buried  in  the  monastery  of  Nonantula,  a.d. 
795,  some  of  the  monks,  thinking  that  the  rich 
robes  with  which  the  body  was  covered  would 
be  better  bestowed  on  their  church,  "  went  at 
night  to  his  sepulchre,  and  having  stripped  him 
of  his  shining  and  glittering  garments  clad  him 
in  poorer"  (^Vita  Hadr.  in  Mus.  Ital.  i.  41). 

VI.  Bells  tolled.— ^6  first  hear  of  bells  in 
connexion  with  death  in  the  7th  century  ;  but 
the  notices  are  scanty.  Bede  relates  that  when 
St.  Hilda  died,  in  673,  a  nun  in  a  distant  monas- 
tery founded  by  the  saint,  while  in  her  dormi- 
tory at  night,  "  suddenly  heard  in  the  air  the 
well-known  sound  of  the  bell  by  which  they 
were  wont  to  be  roused  to  prayers  or  called 
together  when  any  one  of  them  had  been  called 
out  of  this  world  "  {Hist.  Eccl.  iv.  23).  Here 
the  custom  was  to  toll  the  bell  as  soon  as  the 
death  had  taken  place.  The  Life  of  St.  Boniface 
seems  to  imply  that,  in  the  churches  founded  by 
him,  the  bell  was  tolled  when  the  corpse  was  on 
the  way  to  the  grave.  The  inhabitants  of  the 
place,  we  are  told,  resisted  the  removal  of  his 
remains,  A.D.  755,  but  suddenly  "  the  bell  of  the 
church,  touched  by  no  human  hand,  was  put  in 
motion  "  (Willibaldus,  Vita  S.  Bonif.  c.  xii.  §  38 ; 
sim.  Othlo  in  Vita,  ii.  §  25).  This  was  accepted 
at  once  by  all  as  an  intimation  that  the  body 
was  to  proceed  to  another  place  of  rest.  Stur- 
mius,  the  founder  under  Boniface  of  the  great 
monastery  of  Fulda,  seeing  himself  in  danger, 
A.D.  770,  ordered  all  the  bells  of  that  house  to 
be  rung  to  assemble  the  monks  to  pray  for  him 
and  to  receive  his  last  words  {Vita,  c.  25  ;  Acta 
Bcned.  iv.  279).  The  second  council  of  Cealc- 
hythe,  A.D.  816,  directs  that  "  in  every  church 
throughout  the  parishes,"  on  the  death  of  the 
bishop,  "  the  signal  be  immediately  struck,  and 
every  congregation  of  the  servants  of  God  meet  at 
the  basilic  "  to  sing  psalms  for  his  soul  (can.  10). 

VII.  Praijers  and  Psalms  before  the  Funeral. 
— The  body  of  Constantine  was  watched  day  and 
night  as  it  lay  in  the  palace  "in  a  golden  coffin," 
covered  with  a  purple  cloth  and  surrounded  by 
innumerable  lights  (Euseb.  Vita  Const,  iv.  66) ; 
but  we  do  not  read  of  any  religious  rite  per- 
formed at  that  time.  Nor  are  any  prayers  or 
psalms  mentioned  at  this  stage  in  the  case  of  St. 
Ambrose,  though  his  body  lay  in  state  in  the 
great  church  called  by  his  name  (Paulinus  in 
Vita  S.  Amh.  48). 

1.  Yet  Tertullian,  about  A.D.  195,  speaks  of 
prayer  being  made  at  this  time  :  "Cum  in  pace 
dormisset,  et  morante  adhuc  sepultura,  interim 
oratione  presbyteri  componeretur,"  &c.  {De 
Aniim'i,  51).  What  this  "prayer  of  the  pres- 
byter" was  does  not  appear.  In  the  Gelasian 
Sacramentary  are  four  sets  of  prayers  to  be 
4"Z  2 


1430    OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD 

used  over  the  departed.  The  first  group  are 
headed,  Orat.  post  Obitum  Hominis  ;  the  second, 
Orat.  antequam  ad  Sepulcrum  deferatur  (Liturgia 
Lai.  Vet.  Murat.  i.  747, 9).  In  the  Gregorian  Sacra- 
mentary  (ibid.  ii.  213)  we  find  prayers  correspond- 
ing to  the  former  of  the  above  groups  under  the 
heading,  Omtiones  in  Agenda  dlurtuorum  quando 
Aninia  egreditur  dc  Corpore.  After  these  prayers, 
psalms  (not  indicated  ;  in  the  Vatican  Codex, 
*'  psalmi  congrui,"  0pp.  S.  Greg.  v.  230,  ed. 
1615)  are  sung,  and  then  "dicantur  capitula  " 
("deinde  Oratio  Dominica  et  haec  versuum 
capitella,"  Cod.  Vat.  u.  s.)  :  "  In  memoria,"  &c. 
(Ps.  cxii.  6,  P.  B.  V.)  (after  which  Cod.  Vat. 
gives  "Anima  ejus,"  &c.,  from  Ps.  xxr.  12); 
"Ne  tradas  bestiis  animas,"  &c.  (Ps.  Ixxiv.  20; 
see  Vulg.  Ixxiii.  19);  "Pretiosa,"  &c.  (Ps.  cxvi. 
13),  for  which  Cod.  Vat.  substitutes,  "  Eedimet 
Dominus  animas  sanctorum  suorum "  (derived 
probably  from  Ps.  xcvii.  10);  "Non  intres,"  &c. 
(Ps.  cxliii.  2) ;  "  Requiem  aeternam  dona  eis, 
Domine  "  (derived  from  2  Esdr.  ii.  34  ;  Vulg.  4, 
Esdr.).  Two  prayers  follow  in  this  book  as 
given  by  Muratori,  headed  Incipiimt  Orationes 
post  Lavationein  Corporis  (215),  which  correspond 
to  the  second  set  in  the  Gelasian,  as  described 
above.  In  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  (viii.  41) 
are  prayers  bearing  a  strong  general  resemblance 
in  matter  to  the  above  Western  forms,  under 
the  title,  Tlpo(r^oivi)(ns  inrep  tHov  KfKoifJ.r]iJ.(VQ}v. 
They  seem  intended  to  be  introduced  by  the 
deacon  after  the  usual  suffrages  in  any  service 
of  prayer  with  the  words,  "  For  our  brethren 
who  rest  in  Christ,  let  us  pray."  They  might 
be  said,  apparently,  at  any  time  after  the  death. 

The  Gelasian  prayers  mentioned  above  are 
foand,  with  some  change  and  omission,  in  a  very 
ancient  MS.  preserved  at  Eheims  (printed  by 
Menard,  Sacram.  Greg.  not.  68),  in  which  they 
have  the  following  heading  :  "  Incipit  Officiuni 
pro  Befunctis.  In  primis  cantatur  Psalmus,  In 
cxitii  Israel,  cum  antiphona,  vel  alleluia."  The 
book  appears  to  have  been  written  in  the  time 
of  Charlemagne  (Praef.  x.  Oj^p.  Greg.  iii.  ed. 
Ben.),  when  the  alleluia  was  generally  in  the 
West  no  longer  thought  suitable  to  a  funeral 
office.  It  is  still  sung  in  the  Greek  offices 
{Euchologion,  Goar,  526,  527,  531,  535,  553), 
and  in  that  for  priests  with  frequent  repetitions 
(562,  563,  564,  &c.). 

2.  Testimonies  to  the  use  of  psalms  before 
the  funeral  are  much  more  frequent  than  to  th". 
prayers.  When  Monica  died,  "  Evodius  seized  a 
psalter  and  began  to  cliant  the  psalm  Misericor- 
diam  et  judicium  (the  101st),  the  whole  family 
responding  "  (Aug.  Conf.  ix.  12,  §  31).  Before 
the  burial  of  Macrina  there  was  "psalmody 
throughout  the  night,  as  at  the  vigil  of  a 
martyr's  festival  "  (Greg.  Nyss.  Do  Vita.  S.  Macr. 
ii.  App.  200).  St.  Jerome  tells  us  that  at  the 
death  of  Paula  "  not  wailings  and  beatings  in 
the  breast  were  heard,  as  is  the  wont  among 
men  of  this  world,  but  numberless  psalms  in 
divers  tongues"  {Epist.  108  ad  Bust.  §  29). 
Even  before  Fabiola  was  dead,  if  we  are  to  take 
St.  Jerome's  words  to  the  letter,  this  chanting 
had  begun:  "Psalms  sounded,  and  the  alleluia 
echoing  aloft  shook  the  gilded  ceilings  of  the 
temples"  (^Ep.  77  ad  Ocean.  §  11).  Earlier  in 
the  same  century  the  disciples  of  Pachomius 
(cir.  350),  "  having  cared  for  his  venerable  body 
after  the  custom  ...  as  was  meet,  passed  the 


OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD 

whole  night  watching,  singing  psalms  ancF 
hymns"  {Vila,  53;  Rosweyd,  138).  The  6th 
century  furnishes  many  instances  ;  e.g.  the  body 
of  Fulgentius,  A.D.  553,  placed  in  the  oratory  of 
a  monastery,  "  invited  both  monks  and  clerks 
to  watch  together  that  whole  night  in  psalms 
and  hymns  and  spiritual  songs  "  {Vita,  in  fine  ; 
Surius,  Jan.  1).  St.  Gall,  a.d.  554,  lay  three 
days  in  a  church,  "  constant  singing  of  psalms 
going  on  "  (Greg.  Tur.  Vitae  PP.  vi.  7).  Simi- 
larly St.  Salvius  (about  560),  (id.  Hist.  Franc. 
vii.  1);  St.  Aridius,  571  (Vita  S.  Arid.  34; 
inter  0pp.  Greg.  Tur.  1303) ;  and  St.  Piadegund,. 
587  (Baudon.  in  Vita,  27). 

VUI.  Mourning  Habits. — The  feeling  expressed 
in  the  foregoing  extracts  was  carried  so  far  that 
in  many  churches,  if  not  in  all,  mourning-dresses 
of  a  dark  colour  were  strongly  discouraged. 
Practically  this  affected  one  sex  only,  at  least 
among  the  Romans,  for  their  women  in  mourn- 
ing already,  i.e.  from  the  1st  century,  "wore 
white  garments  and  white  head-dresses"  (Plu- 
tarch, Quaest.  Rom.  26).  Hence  the  condemna- 
tion of  dark  colours  made  a  distinction  between 
the  Christian  and  the  heathen  man,  but  per- 
mitted none  between  the  women.  In  the  former 
case  the  principle  created  the  difTerence ;  in  the 
latter  it  was  thought  more  important  than  the 
maintenance  of  it. 

St.  Cyprian  is  the  earliest  writer  in  whom  the 
objection  occurs  :  "  Black  garments  are  not  to  be 
assumed  here,  when  they  (who  have  gone  before) 
have  put  on  their  robes  of  white  "  {De  Mortal. 
164,  ed.  Brem.).  St.  Basil  tells  one  who  ex- 
hibited such  outward  signs  of  grief  that  he 
resembled  actors  in  a  tragedy  :  "  Like  them  thou 
thinkest  that  the  outward  condition  of  things 
should  befit  the  mourner,  a  black  di-ess  and  disor- 
dered hair,  and  darkness  in  the  house,  and  dirt  and 
dust,  and  a  chant  unpleasing  to  the  ear,  and  that 
keeps  the  wound  of  grief  ever  fresh  in  the  soul. 
Leave  such  things  to  them  that  are  without 
hope  "  {Da  Grat.  Act.  ii.  363).  St.  Chrysostoni 
condemns  among  other  tokens  of  grief  the 
custom  of  "  covering  ourselves  with  black  gar- 
ments "  {Hom.  iii.  in  Ep.  ad  Phil.  §  4 ;  comp. 
Horn.  62  in  S.  Joan.  Ev.  §4).  An  unknown  but 
very  ancient  author,  whose  tract  is  preserved 
in  a  MS.  of  the  7th  century,  asks:  "Why  do 
we  dye  our  garments  black,  unless  it  is  to  prove 
that  we  are  truly  unbelieving,  not  only  by  our 
weeping  but  by  our  dress  ?  "  {De  Consol.  Mart. 
Serm.  ii.  c.  5  ;  in  App.  0pp.  Aug.)  Nevertheless 
this  rejection  of  a  dark  mourning-dress  could 
hardly  have  been  common  among  men  in  the 
West  in  the  age  of  St.  Augustine  and  St.  Jerome, 
for  the  latter,  writing  in  404,  claims  praise  for  a 
Roman  of  high  rank  for  having  given  up  his 
mourning  habit  (lugubrem  vestem)  and  resumed 
his  white  garments  (candida  vestimenta)  at  the 
end  of  forty  days,  after  the  loss  of  his  wife  and 
two  daughters  within  a  few  days  of  each  other 
{Epist.  m  ad  Julian.  4).  In  France,  when  the 
elder  son  of  Chilperic  died,  a.d.  580,  there  was 
"  a  great  lamentation  of  all  the  people ;  for  the 
men  mourning,  and  the  women  clad  in  mourn- 
ing habits,  as  the  custom  is  at  the  obsequies  of 
husbands,  in  such  sort  attended  this  funeral  " 
(Greg.  Tur.  Hist.  Franc,  v.  35).  It  may  be 
doubted  whether  woman  in  the  East  acted  gene- 
rally in  the  spirit  of  St.  Chrysostom's  advice  even 
in  the  4th  century.     Had  they  done  so,  it  would 


OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD 

not  have  been  mentioned  that  the  mother  of 
Gregory  of  Nazianzus  wore  a  dress  of  shining 
white  at  the  funeral  cf  her  son  Caesarius  (Greg. 
Naz.  Orat.  vii.  15).     [MOURNING.] 

IX.  Tlie  Bier  and  Coffin.— The  body  was  placed 
on  a  bier  (feretrum,  Icctus,  grabatum,  sandapila, 
k\[v7],  aKiixTTous),  sometimes  in  a  coffin  (area, 
loculus,  capulus,  xdpva^,  cropus).  There  is  reason, 
however,  to  think  that  the  bier  and  coffin,  by 
whatever  word  described,  were  generally  one. 
The  coffin  was  without  a  lid,  and  the  face  (at 
least)  of  the  corpse  was  often  exposed  during  the 
procession.  At  the  funeral  of  St.  Basil,  a.d. 
379,  the  peo))le  could  see  his  face  (Greg.  Naz. 
Orat.  sliii.  80).  The  same  thing  is  mentioned 
of  his  sister  Macrina  (Greg.  Nyss.  de  Vita  3Iacr. 
201).  When  Honoratus  of  Aries  was  carried 
to  the  grave,  A.d.  430,  the  people  were  able  to 
kiss  various  parts  of  the  body  ("  osculum  aut  ori 
aut  quibuscunque  membris  impressit,"  Hilar. 
Are!,  in  Vita  Honor,  vii.  35).  This  was  probably 
general  among  the  Greeks,  for  it  is  their  custom 
to  this  day,  the  face  being  painted  to  simulate  life. 

It  is  probable  that  in  many  cases  the  whole 
body  was  concealed  at  first  by  a  loose  pall,  some- 
times of  rich  material,  of  which  we  often  read 
both  in  the  East  and  West.  A  dalmatic  was 
thrown  over  the  bier  at  the  funeral  of  the 
'uishops  of  Rome,  until  Gregory  I.  ordered  that 
for  the  future  "  the  bier  on  which  a  Roman  pon- 
tiff was  carried  to  burial  should  be  vested  with 
no  covering"  (Epist.  iv.  44).  He  desired  to 
suppress  the  popular  custom  of  tearing  the 
dalmatic  to  pieces  and  preserving  them  as  relics. 
Hilary  of  Aries  says  that  the  body  of  Honoratus, 
already  mentioned,  was  "  clothed  on  the  bier  by 
the  great  solicitude  of  faith,  and  almost  stripped 
afterwards  by  a  greater,  when  it  was  taken  to  the 
grave  "  (  Vita  Honor,  vii.  35).  When  the  empress 
Placilla,  A.D.  385,  was  carried  into  the  city 
before  her  burial,  the  body  was  covered  "  with 
gold  and  purple  cloth  "  (Greg.  Nyss.  Orat.  Fun. 
de  Placilla,  ii.  960).  Her  daughter  Pulcheria  is 
by  the  same  writer  only  said  to  have  been 
"borne  on  a  golden  bier"  (kAiVtjs,  In  Fun. 
Pulch.  Orat.  i'ml.  948). 

X.  Tlie  Bearers. — Tertullian,  195,  explaining 
Christian  customs  to  the  heathen,  says  that  the 
■offerings  of  the  faithful  provided  among  other 
things  "  for  the  burial  of  the  poor  "  (Apol.  39). 
The  council  of  Carthage,  398,  decreed  that  the 
"penitents  should  cany  the  dead  to  the  church 
and  bury  them"  (can.  81).  St.  Augustine, 
speaking  of  his  mother's  funeral  at  Ostia,  where 
she  died  on  their  way  to  Africa,  says,  "  De  more 
illis  quorum  officium  erat  funus  curantibus " 
(^Confess,  ix.  31).  Such  officials,  we  infer,  were 
to  be  found  among  Christians  in  every  populous 
place.  At  Constantinople  Constantine  had  already 
provided  a  large  body  of  infej-ior  clerks  to  whom 
this  duty  was  committed.  Their  number  was  after- 
wards increased  by  Justinian.  They  were  paid  for 
their  services  out  of  a  public  fund,  so  that  every 
burial  might  be  free  of  charge.  [See  Copiatae, 
Decani,  Fossarii,  Parabolani.]  These  pre- 
jiared  the  grave,  bore  the  corpse,  and  buried  it. 
It  is  probable,  however,  from  the  number  of 
instances  on  record,  that  relations  and  others 
often  became  bearers,  not  from  necessity,  but 
from  a  desire  to  shew  honour  to  the  deceased. 
Tlie  body  of  St.  Basil  was  thus  "  borne  aloft 
by  the  hands  of  holy  men,"  Jan.  1,  379   (Greg. 


OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD     1431 

Kaz.  Orat.  xliii.  80).  When  his  sister  Macrina 
was  buried  in  the  same  year,  the  bier  was  borne 
by  her  brother,  Gregory  of  Nyssa,  the  bishop  of 
the  diocese,  and  two  other  eminent  clergymen 
(  Vita  Macr.  201).  St.  Ambrose  in  the  same  year 
implies  that  he  helped  to  cany  his  brother  Saty- 
rus  to  the  grave  {De  Excessu  'Sat.  i.  3G).  Paula 
at  Bethlehem,  404,  was  "  removed  by  the  hands 
of  bishops,  who  even  put  their  shoulders  to  the 
bier"  (Hieron.  Ep.  108,  §  29).  Sidonius,  472, 
says  of  a  lady  of  high  rank  "  that  she  was  taken 
up  and  borne  to  her  abiding  home  like  one 
asleep,  by  the  hands  of  priests  and  relatives  " 
{Epist.  ii.  8).  Fulgentius  Ruspensis,  a.d.  553, 
was  taken  "  by  the  hands  of  priests "  to  the 
church  in  which  he  was  buried  (Fito,  Surius, 
Jan.  1). 

During  our  period  monks  and  nuns  were 
buried  without  the  bounds  of  their  monasteries 
(Martene,  de  Ant.  Mon.  FlU.  v.  x.  99),  and  the  latter 
at  least  must  often  have  employed  the  services 
of  seculars  as  bearers. 

XI.  Time  of  Burial.  —  A  Christian  funeral 
took  place  by  day  whenever  it  was  permitted. 
See  Burial  of  the  Dead  (3),  p.  253.  There 
was  in  France,  at  least,  a  feeling  against  bury- 
ing on  Sunday  ;  for  in  a  law  forbidding  servile 
works  on  that  day  in  the  Carlovingian  code,  we 
find  the  burial  of  the  dead  excepted,  only  "  si 
forte  necesse  fuerit "  {Beg.  Fr.  Capit.  i.  75,  vi. 
380).  Nevertheless  St.  Ambrose  was  buried  at 
Milan  on  Easter  Day  (Paulinus  in  Vita,  48),  and 
St.  John  of  Naples  in  that  city  on  the  same  day 
(Uranius,  De  Obitu  Paidini,  11). 

XII.  Tlie  Procession. — Allusions  to  the  trium- 
phant character  of  the  funeral  procession  as 
marked  by  the  singing  of  psalms  and  hymns, 
the  carrying  of  lights  [see  Lights,  Ceremonial 
USE  OF,  viii.],  and  palms,  kc,  are  very  frequent. 
The  Apostolical  Constitutions,  probably  compiled 
near  the  year  200,  give  this  direction:  "In  the 
going  forth  of  those  who  have  fallen  asleep, 
conduct  them  with  singing  of  psalms,  if  they  are 
faithful  in  the  Lord,  for  '  precious  in  the  sight  o^ 
the  Lord  is  the  death  of  His  saints ' "  (vi.  30) 
Constantine,  who  died  in  337,  of  the  funeral  oi 
martyrs  :  "  Nor  is  the  sweet  smell  of  frankin- 
cense desired,  nor  the  funeral  pyre,  but  pure 
light  sufficient  to  light  them  that  pray  "  (Orat. 
ad  Sanct.  Coetum,  12).  St.  Paul  the  first  hermit 
was  taken  to  his  grave,  A.D.  340,  by  St.  Anthony, 
"  singing  hymns  and  psalms,  after  the  Christian 
tradition  "  (Hieron.  Vita  Pauli,  §  16).  At  the 
funeral  of  JIacrina,  "  no  small  number  of  deacons 
and  servants  preceded  the  corpse  in  order  on 
either  side,  all  holding  tapers  of  wax,"  while 
"  from  one  end  to  the  other  of  the  procession 
psalms  were  sung  in  one  jmrt,  as  in  the  Hymn  of 
the  Three  Children"  (Greg.  Nyss.  Vita  Macr. 
201).  At  Constantinople  Justinian,  A.D.  554, 
made  legal  provision  for  the  singing  at  all 
funerals  {Nov.  lix.  4).  In  Fiance,  587,  St.  Rade- 
guud  was  carried  to  the  grave  with  psalms  and 
alleluias.  (Baud.  Vita,  §  28.)  In  Spain,  the 
council  of  Toledo,  589,  ordered  that  the  body 
should  be  conveyed  to  the  tomb  with  psalm- 
singing  only. 

incense  was  sometimes  used  after  the  first 
three  or  four  centuries  of  our  period.  In  the 
Acta  (of  late  and  uncertain  date ;  see  Tillc- 
mout,  Ale-m.  Eccl.  note  sur  St. -Pierre  Alex.)  of  St. 
Peter  of  Alexandria,  311,  we  read  that  tlie  people 


I 


1434    OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD 

initiated  to  the  sacred  strife,  but  the  oil  now 
poured  on  the  body  shews  that  he  who  has  fallen 
asleep  has  fought  the  sacred  fight,  and  is  per- 
fected "  (^ibid.). 

XIX.  The  Eucharist  given  to  the  Dead. — We 
meet  with  sever;il  traces  of  this  profane  super- 
stition from  the  end  of  the  4th  century  down- 
ward. It  was  forbidden  in  Africa  by  the  council 
of  Carthage  in  397:  "It  is  decreed  that  the 
eucharist  be  not  given  to  the  bodies  of  the  dead  " 
(can.  6);  by  that  of  Auxerre,  578:  "It  is  not 
lawful  for  the  eucharist  to  be  given  to  the  dead  " 
(can.  12) ;  and  by  the  council  of  Constantinople 
in  691  (can.  83).  The  canon  of  the  last  is,  how- 
ever, only  a  transcript  of  that  of  Carthage,  and 
even  repeats  its  argument :  "  It  is  written,  Take, 
eat ;  but  tlie  bodies  of  the  dead  can  neither  take 
nor  eat "  (comp.  St.  Chrysostom,  Horn.  40  in 
Ep.  i.  ad  Cor.  §  1).  It  is  not  intimated  in  these 
canons  that  the  eucharist  was  placed  between  the 
lips  of  the  corpse  ;  and  we  infer  probably,  from 
other  records,  that  it  was  placed  on  the  breast," 
especially  as  Balsamon  {Comm.  in  Can.  C.  P.  u.  s.) 
suggests  that  the  intention  of  the  practice  was  to 
keep  off  evil  spirits.  St.  Benedict  is  said  to  have 
ordered  "  the  body  of  the  Lord  "  to  be  placed  on 
the  breast  of  a  corpse  that  had  been  cast  out  of 
its  grave  by  invisible  hands  (Greg.  M.  Dial.  ii. 
24).  An  oblate  was  placed  on  the  breast  of  St. 
Cuthbert  (Amalar.  de  Off.  Eccl.  iv.  41).  In  the 
late  and  fabulous  Life  of  St.  Basil  falsely  ascribed 
to  Amphilochius,  the  saint  is  said  to  have  ordered 
a  portion  of  the  eucharist  which  he  consecrated 
on  a  certain  occasion  to  be  reserved  that  it  might 
be  buried  with  him  (Gpp.  Amphil.  ed.  Combelis. 
176,  224).  For  the  later  history  of  the  practice 
see  A'otitia  Eucharistica,  p.  920 ;  ed.  2. 

This  observance  must  have  been  more  common, 
especially  at  Home,  than  has  been  usually  sup- 
posed, if  modern  antiquarians  are  right  in 
thinking  that  the  vessels  tinged  inside  with  red 
found  in  the  loculi  in  the  catacombs  contained 
eacharistic  wine  (Catacombs,  308 ;  but  see 
Glass,  730) ;  but  the  age  and  paucity  of  the 
notices  of  the  custom  must  be  considered  one 
objection  to  that  opinion.  It  is  probable  that 
mtinction  was  practised — i.e.  that  the  bread  was 
moistened  with  the  wine.     See  SpoOiT,  Eucha- 

EISTIC. 

XX.  How  placed  in  the  Grave. — The  posi- 
tion of  the  bodies  found  in  the  Catacombs  (see 
Vol.  I.  p.  307)  shews  that  their  direction  was  con- 
sidered unimportant  for  the  first  four  centuries. 
At  a  later  period  we  find  evidence  botli  in  the 
iiast  and  West  of  the  face  being  generally  turned 
towards  the  rising  sun.  Thus  Pseudo-Chry- 
sostom :  "  We  turn  the  coffin  to  the  East,  signi- 
fying thereby  their  resurrection "  (^De  Pat.  i. 
M.  s.).  See  also  the  Vienna  MS.  before  cited 
(Lambec.  VIII.  xlv.  68).  Pseudo-Epiphanius 
(de  Sepult.  Dom.'),  apostrophising  Joseph  of 
Arimathea  :  "  Dost  thou  bury  towards  the  East 
the  Dead  One,  who  is  -^  avaroXri  raii/  afaro- 
\a)i'?"  The  belief  that  our  Lord  liad  been  so 
buried  would  be  sufficient  to  induce  a  general 
practice.  A  similar  testimony  is  given  by  Latin 
writers.  Thus  Arculfus,  who  visited  the  Holy 
Land  in  679,  says  that  the  soles  of  the  feet  of  the 


»  The  words  iv  tC  o-Tofiart  ovtoO  in  Pseudo- Amphi- 
lochius (  Vita  S.  Bas.)  are  an  interpolation.  See  Amphil. 
Opera,  p.  224 ;  Par.  1611. 


OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD 

patriarchs  were  not  turned  as  it  is  the  custom 
for  the  soles  of  the  buried  to  be  turned  in  other 
parts  of  the  world,  viz.  towards  the  east,  but  to 
the  south,  and  their  heads  to  the  north  (Adamu. 
DeLocis  Sanctis,  ii.  10  ;  Acta  S.  O.S.B.  ii.).  Bede 
says  tliat  the  body  of  our  Lord  "  luid  the  head  on 
the  west,"  and  therefore  looking  eastward  (iv.  in 
S.  Marci  Ec.  c.  IG).''  The  body  was  generally, 
but  not  always,  laid  on  the  back.  Charlemagne 
was  seated  on  a  throne  (Monach.  Engol.  in 
Vita). 

XXI.  Bay-leaves,  ^-c,  in  the  Grave. — The  floor 
of  the  grave  was  sometimes  strewed  with  ever- 
greens. Thus  when  the  body  of  Valerius  was 
found  in  the  6th  century  "  he  had  bay-leaves 
strewn  under  him"  (Greg."Tur.  de  Glor.  C'onf.  84). 
When  certain  bodies,  supposed  to  be  those  of 
St.  Simon  and  St.  Jude,  were  translated  from 
the  ancient  Vatican  basilica  in  the  17th  century, 
"there  were  found  leaves  of  bay  under  their 
heads  "  (Casalius,  de  Vet.  Sacr.  Christ.  Bit.  GG, 
p.  266).  Even  in  the  12th  century  John  Beleth 
(copied  by  Durandus  a.d.  1285,  Bation.  VII.  xxxv. 
38)  says,  "  Let  ivy  or  bay,  vv^hich  keep  the  green- 
ness of  their  leaves  for  evei',  be  placed  in  the 
sarcophagus  near  the  bodies,  to  express  that  they 
who  die  do  not  cease  to  live  in  Him  "  (Div.  Off. 
Explic.  141). 

XXII.  Instruments  of  suffering  buried  with 
Martyrs. — St.  Babylas,  a.d.  250,  according  to 
St.  Chrysostom,  requested  to  be  buried  with  the 
iron  chains  in  which  he  had  died  {De  Bahyla 
c.  Julian,  11).  St.  Ambrose,  about  393,  asserts 
that  he  found  in  the  grave  of  Agricola  at  Bologna 
the  cross  and  nails  by  which  he  had  suffered  in 
303  {Exhort.  Virgin,  ii.  9).  St.  Sabine  desired 
that  the  stone  which  was  to  be  tied  to  him 
when  thrown  in  the  river  should  be  buried 
with  his  body  (Surius,  March  13 ;  not  in  the 
copy  of  Baluze,  Miscell.  i.  12  :  ed.  Jlansi).  When 
the  body  of  St.  Daniel  was  found  in  707,  the 
nails  by  which  he  suffered  were  found  with 
him  {Petr.  Natal,  ii.  60,  apud  Franzen.  de  Fun. 
Vet.  Christ.  181).     For  other  objects  found  in 

tombs,  see  Catacombs,  Vol.  I.  p.  314. 

XXIII.  One  not  buried  on  another. — This  was 
forbidden  by  the  council  of  Auxerre,  578:  "Non 
licet  mortuum super mortuum  mittere  "  (can.  15), 
and  by  a  law  of  Childeric  about  744  {Capit.  Beg. 
Franc,  i.  153),  which  was  adopted  by  the  com- 
pilers of  the  Carlovingian  code  (vi.  197).  The 
reason  of  the  prohibition  is  not  given ;  but  we 
may  believe  that  it  could  not  have  been  that 
assigned  in  an  inscription  given  by  Gruter : 
"  Solus  cur  sim  quaeris.  Ut  in  die  censorio  sine 
impedirnento  facilius  resurgam  "  {Corp.  Inscript. 
mlii.  8). 

XXIV.  Flowers  on  the  Grave. — St.  Ambrose, 
392,  Clearly  alludes  to  a  custom  of  decking  the 
grave  with  flowers  in  his  oration  on  the  death  of 
Valentinian :  "  I  will  not  scatter  his  tomb  with 


•>  Isidore  of  Seville,  de  Situ  Corporum.  SS.  Petri  et 
Pauli,  has  been  cited  to  shew  that  Christians  buried  to 
the  east  in  the  1st  century.  There  is  no  work  of  Isi- 
dore's under  that  title,  and  the  reference  can  only  be  to 
the  tract  once  ascribed  to  him,  De  Ortu  et  Obitu  Patrum 
(App.  20;  vii.  388,  Rom.  1802),  where  we  read  in  the 
account  of  Su  Peter:  "Sepult us  in  Vaticano  ab  urbe 
Roma  ad  orlentem  {iorte,  occidenteni)  tertio  milliario" 
(}  39).  One  MS.  (Isidoriana,  ibid.  c.  107)  says  of  St. 
Peter,  "Ad  Australem  plagam  est  sepultus,"  and  of  St. 
Paul,  "  contra  Orientalem  plugam." 


OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD 

riowers,  but  will  beJew  his  spirit  with  the  odour 
of  Christ.  Let  others  scatter  lilies  from  full 
baskets  ;  our  lily  is  Christ  "  (i>e  Obit,  talent.  5G). 
St.  Jerome,  in  397,  addressing  one  who  had 
lately  become  a  widower:  "Other  husbands 
scatter  over  the  tombs  of  their  wives  violets, 
roses,  lilies,  and  purple  flowers,  and  solace  their 
heart's  pain  by  these  offices.  Our  Pammachius 
waters  the  holy  ashes  and  venerable  bones  with 
the  balsam  of  alms  "  (Epist.  66,  §  5).  Prudentius, 
A.D.  405,  alludes  to  the  same  custom  {Periste- 
phanon,  Hymn  iii,  prope  fin. ;  Cathem.  Hymn. 
vii.  in  fin.). 

In  Gregory  of  Tours  (de  Glor.  Mart.  71)  we 
read  of  sage-leaves  scattered  in  the  crypt  of  a 
basilic  "  in  honour  of  the  martyrs "  buried 
there. 

XXV.  Lights  at  the  Grave. — It  is  impossible 
to  say  when  this  practice  began.  The  council  of 
Elvira,  about  305,  ordered  that  "  wax  lights  shall 
not  be  burnt  in  a  cemetery  in  the  daytime :  for 
the  spirits  of  the  saints  are  not  to  be  disquieted  " 
(can.  34)  ;  the  more  probable  sense  of  which  is, 
that  a  needless  blaze  of  light  in  the  daytime 
would  disturb  the  devotions  of  the  faithful  who 
frequented  the  cemetery  for  private  prayer.  See 
Xotitia  Eucharistica,  133  note;  ed.  2.  It  is  pro- 
bable that  these  were  in  honour  of  martyrs  only. 
The  practice  was  apparently  the  same  when 
Vigilantius  wrote  about  404:  "We  see  under 
pretext  of  religion  a  custom  introduced  into  the 
churches,  after  the  fashion  of  the  Gentiles,  of 
burning  masses  of  wax  lights  while  the  sun  is 
still  shining.  .  .  ,  These  people  do  a  great 
honour  to  the  most  blessed  martyrs,  in  conceiv- 
ing thern  to  receive  light  from  worthless  wax 
tapers,  whom  the  Lamb,  who  is  in  the  middle  of 
the  throne,  lights  with  the  full  blaze  of  His 
majesty"  (apud  Hieron.  contra  Vigilant,  §  4). 
Jerome  ascribed  the  practice  to  women  who  had 
more  zeal  than  knowledge,  but  at  the  same  time 
defended  it,  "  Hoc  fit  martyribus,  et  idcirco  reci- 
piendum est "  (§  8).  At  a  later  period  we  find 
lights  left  at  the  graves  of  others  besides  martyrs, 
and  often  renewed  as  at  theirs.  Thus  when  the 
mother  of  Aredius  was  buried,  570,  "  they  placed 
a  wax  candle  at  her  head  "  (Greg.  Tur.  de  Glor. 
Conf.  104).  This  is  related  incidentally  ;  so  that 
we  infer  a  common  practice.  In  the  East  Pseudo- 
Athauasius  says :  "  Fail  not  to  burn  oil  and  wax 
at  his  tomb ;  for  these  things  are  acceptable  to 
God,  and  they  bring  a  great  reward  from  Him  " 
(apud  Joan.  Damasc.  Orat.  de  iis  qtii  in  Fide 
dormierunt,  §  19).  See  Lights,  the  ceremonial 
USE  OF,  §  ix. 

XXVI.  Almsgiving  at  Funerals. — The  giving 
of  alms  both  at  the  funeral  and  on  days  of  com- 
memoration was  so  strongly  inculcated  and 
strictly  practised  both  in  the  East  and  West,  that 
it  is  desirable  to  shew  the  grounds  of  it  as  well 
as  to  give  testimonies  to  the  fact ;  the  more  so 
because  the  reason  more  commonly  alleged  gave 
rise  to  momentous  consequences  in  after-ages. 
The  Apostolical  Constitutions,  about  200,  appear 
to  regard  it  as  a  simple  act  of  piety  to  the 
•deceased,  to  conciliate  respect  for  his  memory 
and  to  keep  it  alive  among  the  people  :  "Of  the 
things  belonging  to  him,  let  there  be  given  to  the 
poor  for  a  remembrance  of  him  "  (eis  avd^v-qcnv 
aiiTov,  viii.  42).  Before  the  end  of  the  4th 
century,  however,  we  find  St.  Chrysostom 
insisting  without  hesitation  on  a  very  diil'erent 


OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD     1435 

reason :  "  I  shew  you  another  mode  of  honouring 
the  dead  than  by  costly  graveclothes,  .  .  .  the  ves- 
ture of  almsgiving.  This  garment  will  rise  again 
with  him  "  (^Honi.  85  in  Ev.  S.  Joan.  §  5).  Else- 
where he  urges  the  practice  that  the  departed 
"  may  be  clothed  with  greater  glory.  If  he  has 
died  a  sinner,  that  his  sins  may  be  loosed:  if  a 
righteous  man,  that  there  may  be  an  addition  to 
his  recompense  and  reward"  (^Hom.  31  in  S. 
Matt.  Ev.  ix.  23).  Again,  speaking  of  a  sinner 
who  has  "  offended  God  in  many  things,"  he  says  ; 
"  It  is  right  to  weep  (for  him),  or  rather  not  to 
weep  only,  for  that  does  not  profit  him,  but  to 
do  those  things  that  may  bring  him  some  com- 
fort,— to  give  alms,  to  wit,  and  make  offerings." 
(i/offi.  62  in  S.  Joan.  Ev.  §  5).  A  later  Greek 
writer  calls  "  the  alms  left  to  the  poor  by  the 
departed  dead  sacrifices,"  but  adds,  "  Neverthe- 
less, if  he  was  merciful  in  his  lifetime,  his  good 
deeds  in  death  are  accepted  of  God"  (^Quaest.  ad 
Antioch.  90  iuter  0pp.  S.  Athan.). 

The  same  sentiment  prevailed  in  the  Latin 
church  at  least  from  the  middle  of  the  4th  cen- 
tury. St.  Jerome,  for  example,  A.D.  397,  says 
decidedly  of  Pammachius,  that  he  moistened  the 
ashes  of  his  wife  with  the  balsam  of  alms 
{Epist.  66  ad  Pamm.  §  6).  St.  Augustine  :  "  It 
is  not  to  be  doubted  that  the  dead  are  helped 
.  .  .  by  the  alms  which  are  distributed  on 
behalf  of  their  spirits ;  so  that  the  Lord  deals 
more  mercifully  with  them  than  their  sins  have 
deserved"  (^Serm.  172,  c.  2;  sini.  Enchirid.  110, 
§29;  De  Dulcitii  Quaest.  ii.  4,  and  De  Cura  jjro 
Mortuis,  18,  §  22).  He  explains,  however,  that 
alms  after  death  only  profit  those  who  have  su 
lived  as  to  be  capable  of  benefit  from  them 
{Ench.  u.  s.  cited  by  himself  in  He  Hide.  Quaest. 
u.  s. ;  comp.  Serm.  u.  s.  and  He  Cura,  u.  s. ;  also 
Isidor.  Hispal.  de  Offic.  i.  18).  Laws  were  at 
length  founded  on  the  practice.  Tlius  a  canon 
of  the  English  council  of  Cealchythe,  A.D.  816, 
orders  that  on  the  death  of  a  bishop  "  a  tenth 
of  his  substance  shall  be  given  for  his  soul's 
sake  in  alms  to  the  poor,  of  his  cattle  and  herds, 
of  his  sheep  and  swine,  and  also  of  his  provision 
within  door,  and  that  every  Englishman  [of  his] 
who  has  been  made  a  slave  in  his  days  be  set  at 
liberty,  that  by  this  means  he  may  deserve  to 
receive  the  fruit  of  retribution  for  his  labours 
and  also  forgiveness  of  sins  "  (can.  10  ;  Johnson's 
tr.). 

XXVII.  The  Feast  at  the  Funeral. — The  mo- 
tives which  led  to  the  giving  of  alms  at  a  funeral 
also  gave  rise  to  a  custom  of  entertaining  the  poor 
at  a  feast,  which  was  often  repeated  on  days  of 
commemoration.  An  early  allusion  occurs  in  the 
Apostolical  Constitutions:  "In  the  memoriae  of 
the  departed,  feast  when  invited  in  an  orderly 
manner  and  in  the  fear  of  God,  that  ye  may  be 
able  to  intercede  for  those  who  have  departed  " 
(viii.  44).  Constantine,  about  325,  speaks  of  the 
"  perfectly  sober  feasts  celebrated  by  many  "  at 
the  funerals  of  the  faithful  "  for  pity  and  relief 
of  the  needy  and  the  assistance  of  e.xiles"  (Orat. 
ad  Sanct.  Coetum,  12).  "  Why,"  asks  St.  Chry- 
sostom, "  dost  thou  invite  the  poor  and  call 
priests  to  pray?  That  the  departed  may  come 
to  rest,  you  say,  that  he  may  find  the  Judge 
merciful"  {Horn.  31  in  S.  Matt.  Ev.  ix.  23). 
"  If  thou  wert  commemorating  a  son  or  a  brother 
deceased,  thou  wouldst  be  conscience-stricken  if 
thou  didst  not  observe  the  custom  and  invite  the 


1436     OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD 

poor  "  (//oOT.  27  in  1  Cor.  xi.  25).  Paulinus,  A.d. 
397,  has  left  a  description  of  the  funeral  feast 
given  by  Pammachius,  on  the  death  of  his  wife, 
to  the  poor  of  Rome  in  the  church  of  St.  Peter 
(^Epist.  xiii.  11). 

It  will  be  observed  that  Pseudo-Origen  speaks 
as  if  the  festival  were  of  the  same  character, 
whether  it  celebrated  the  death  of  a  martyr  or  of 
a  private  friend.  The  fact  is  that  the  festivity  of 
a  saint's  day  was  at  first  nothing  more  than  the 
repetition  of  his  funeral  feast  on  the  anniversary 
of  his  death.     [Cella  Memoriae.] 

When  Christianity  became  the  religion  of  the 
people,  such  occasions  naturally  led  to  excess 
and  other  evils.  "  I  know  that  there  are  many," 
says  St.  Augustine,  "  who  eat  and  drink  most 
luxuriouslyover  the  dead  "  (Z'e  Jlor.  Ecd.  34,  §  75). 
On  this  account  St.  Ambrose  suppressed  the 
feasts  of  commemoration  at  Milan  (Aug.  Conf.  v. 
2)  ;  but  it  is  uncertain  whether  his  prohibition 
embraced  that  held  at  the  funeral  itself.  St. 
Augustine,  encouraged  by  the  example,  induced 
his  bishop  Aurelius  to  do  the  same  at  Hippo 
{Epist.  22  ad  Aurel.  i.  §  G).  With  this  advice 
of  St.  Augustine  to  his  bishop  we  may  connect  a 
canon  of  the  council  of  Carthage,  398,  at  which 
both  were  present :  "  Let  those  who  either  refuse 
to  the  churches  the  oblations  of  the  dead  or  give 
them  grudgingly  be  excommunicated  as  slayers  of 
the  needy  "  (can.  95).  The  kbt  phrase  occurs  also 
in  a  canon  of  Vaison  in  France,  442,  where  the 
reason  assigned  is  that  "the  ftiithful  departing 
from  the  body  are  defrauded  of  the  fulness  of 
their  desires,  and  the  poor  of  the  relief  of  alms 
and  needful  sustenance  "  (can.  4).  Modern 
writers  have  called  the  feast  of  which  we  have 
now  spoken  "  the  funeral  agape."  We  are  not 
aware  that  it  was  ever  so  called  by  the  ancients. 
Kor  does  it  answer  to  the  true  notion  of  an  agape. 
It  was  not  a  common  meal  to  which  many  con- 
tributed and  of  which  all  partook  as  an  act  of 
communion.  Whatever  its  motive,  it  was  simply 
a  provision  for  the  poor  by  the  rich  mourner, 
and  it  does  not  appear  that  even  the  giver  of  the 
feast  sat  down  to  it  with  those  whom  he  fed. 

Though  the  festivities  of  saints'  days  originated 
in  the  funeral  feast,  they  are  more  properly 
referred  to  another  head. 

XXVIII.  The  Eucharist  at  Funo-als.— The  eu- 
charist  was  celebrated  at  funerals,  but  we  cannot 
say  that  this  was  general,  even  when  the  cere- 
mony took  place  in  the  morning.  The  persons 
in  whose  case  it  is  mentioned  were  of  eminence. 
The  Apostolical  Constitutions,  referring  to  the 
obsequies  of  the  dead,  say :  "  Ofl'er  both  in  your 
churches  and  in  the  cemeteries  the  acceptable 
eucharist,  the  antitype  of  the  kingly  body  of 
Christ  "  (vi.  30)  ;  but  this  would  be  satisfied  by 
any  subsequent  celebration.  The  council  of  Car- 
thage, A.D.  397,  orders  that  "  the  sacraments  of 
the  altar  be  celebrated  only  by  men  fasting;" 
and  as  ri  consequence,  that  when  the  "  commend- 
ation of  any  deceased  persons,  whether  bishops 
or  others,  is  to  take  place  in  the  afternoon,  it 
be  celebrated  with  prayers  only,  if  they  who 
celebrate  it  are  found  to  have  already  broken 
their  f;ist"  (can.  29).  The  natural  inference  is 
that  a  celebration  at  the  time  was  not  considered 
all-important.  Nor  was  it  likely  to  have  been 
so  considered,  seeing  that  it  formed  part  of  the 
later  rites  of  commemoration.  The  following 
are  among  the  instances  on  record  of  a  celebra- 


OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD 

tion  at  the  funeral  itself.  Eusebius  says  that 
Constantino  was  at  his  funeral  "  deemed  worthy 
of  the  mystic  liturgy,  and  enjoyed  the  com- 
munion of  holy  prayers"  {Vita  Const,  iv.  71). 
St.  Augustine  says  in  reference  to  his  mother's 
burial,  "  Those  prayers  which  we  poured  out  to 
Thee,  when  the  sacrifice  of  our  ransom  was 
offered  for  her,  the  body  already  placed  near  the 
tomb  before  its  burial,  as  is  the  custom  there," 
&c.  (_Conf.  ix.  12,  §  32).  So  at  the  funeral  of 
St.  Augustine  himself:  "The  sacrifice  for  com- 
mendation of  the  burial  of  the  body  was  offered 
to  God,  and  he  was  buried "  (Possid.  in  Vita 
Aug.  31).  Similarly  in  the  6th  century,  St. 
Lupicinus  was  buried  "  celebratis  missis  "  (Greg. 
Tur.  Vitae  Patr.  13). 

St.  Ambrose  was  carried  from  the  church 
(where  he  lay  in  state)  "  after  the  celebration  of 
the  divine  sacraments  to  the  Ambrosian  basilica, 
in  which  he  was  buried"  (Paulinus,  in  Vita  S. 
Amhr.  48).  As  this  was  on  Easter  Day,  the 
celebration  was  not  "  pro  defuncto,"  but  his 
name  would  be  inserted  in  the  office  for  the  day. 
"  For  this,  handed  down  from  the  fathers,  the 
whole  church  observes,  that  prayer  be  made  for 
those  who  have  died  in  the  communion  of  the 
body  and  blood  of  Christ,  when  they  are  com- 
memorated in  their  place  at  the  sacrifice  itself, 
and  that  it  be  also  mentioned  that  it  is  offered 
for  them"  (Aug.  Serm.  172,  §  2).  To  this 
commemoration  of  the  departed  St.  Cyprian 
refers  when  he  says  of  an  offender,  "  He  does 
not  deserve  to  be  named  at  the  altar  in  the 
prayer  of  the  priest,"  which  he  otherwise  ex- 
presses by  saying  that  "  that  sacrifice  should  not 
be  offered  for  his  falling  asleep  "  (^Epist.  i.  p.  8). 
In  accordance  with  this  Cyril  of  Jerusalem  says, 
"  We  pray  for  the  holy  fathers  and  bishops,  and, 
in  a  word,  for  all  who  have  gone  to  their  rest 
among  us,  believing  that  a  great  benefit  will 
result  to  the  souls  of  those  for  whom  the  prayer 
is  offered  when  the  holy  and  awful  sacrifice  is 
set  forth  "  {Catech.  Mijst.  v.  6).  This  will  re- 
ceive illustration  from  later  sections. 

XXIX.  Commemorations. — There  were  com- 
memorations by  prayer  and  eucharist  at  various 
periods  after  the  death  or  burial.  Thus  the 
Apostolical  Constitutions :  "  Let  the  third  day  of 
those  departed  to  rest  be  celebrated  in  psalms 
and  reading  (of  Scripture)  and  prayers,  for  the 
sake  of  Him  who  rose  again  on  the  third  day ; 
and  the  Jiinth  for  a  remembrance  of  the  sur- 
viving and  the  deceased;  and  the  fortieth  (some 
WSS.  thirtieth),  because  the  people  thus  bewailed 
Moses  (Deut.  xxxiv.  8),  and  the  anniversary  in 
remembrance  of  the  person,  and  let  there  be 
given  of  his  substance  to  the  poor  for  a  memorial 
of  him  "  (viii.  42,  the  original  text ;  sim.  the  Coptic 
Const  it.  76,  Tattam's  tr.  146).  St.  Ambrose 
says  that  some  observe  the  third  and  the  thir- 
tieth, others  the  seventh  and  the  fortieth  day 
after  death  (Z>e  Obitu  Theod.  3).  His  oration 
on  the  death  of  Theodosius  was  delivered  on  the 
fortieth.  His  first  De  Excessu  Satyri  was 
preached  at  the  funeral  ("  procedamus  ad  tu- 
mulum,"  sub  fin.  §  78) ;  the  second  on  the 
seventh  day  after  the  death  (§  2).  In  a  stoiy 
told  by  Palladius,  401,  the  fortieth  day  was 
being  celebrated  in  a  monastery  on  a  certain 
occasion  for  one  person,  and  the  third  for  another 
at  the  same  time  (Hist.  Laus.  26).  An  African 
bishop,  writing  to  St.  Augustine,  says,  in  refer- 


OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD 

ence  to  the  funeral  of  a  friend,  "  For  the  space 
of  three  days  we  praised  the  Lord  with  hymns 
over  his  grave,  and  on  the  third  day  we  offered 
the  sacraments  of  redemption"  {Ep.  158,  inter 
Epp.  Aug.  §  2).  Justinian  in  his  laws  recognises 
the  days  mentioned  in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions 
(Coll.  ix.  16,  xvi. ;  Kotell.  133,  c.  3).  The  rules 
laid  down  by  Theodore  of  Canterbury,  a  Greek  of 
Tarsus  by  birth,  are  especially  interesting,  from 
his  history  and  position  :  "  He  ought  to  celebrate 
the  masses  of  departed  laymen  thrice  in  the 
year,  on  the  third  day,  the  ninth  day,  and  thir- 
tieth day;  because  the  Lord  rose  on  the  third 
day,  and  gave  up  the  ghost  at  the  ninth  hour, 
and  the  sons  of  Israel  bewailed  Moses  thirty 
days  "  {Capit.  37  ;  Labbe,  Cone.  vi.  1876).  "  For 
a  deceased  monk  mass  is  performed  on  the  day 
of  his  burial,  on  the  third  day,  and  afterwards, 
if  the  abbot  will ;  for  a  good  layman  three  or 
seven  masses  are  to  be  said,  after  fasting ;  for  a 
penitent,  on  the  thirtieth  or  seventh  day ;  and 
his  relations  ought  to  fast,  and  offer  an  oblation 
on  the  altar  on  the  fifth,  as  in  Jesus,  the  son  of 
Sirach,  it  is  read,  '  The  children  of  Israel  fasted 
for  Saul  ;'  and  afterwards,  if  the  presbyter 
will"  (ibid.  19).  Of  "monks  or  religious  men," 
he  says  that  at  Rome  "  a  mass  is  performed  for 
them  on  the  first  and  third,  and  ninth  and  thir- 
tieth day ;  and  it  is  observed  again  at  the  end  of 
the  year,  if  they  will "  (ibid.  90,  1877).  Ama- 
larius,  at  the  beginning  of  the  9th  century,  says, 
"  We  have  it  written  in  a  certain  sacramentary 
(comp.  the  Gelasian,  iii.  105  ;  Murat.  i.  762)  that 
the  offices  of  the  dead  are  to  be  celebrated  on 
the  third,  the  seventh,  and  the  thirtieth  day  " 
(De  Eccl.  Off.  iv.  42).  It  is  naturally  inferred 
from  some  of  the  foregoing  authorities  that 
these  days  were  reckoned  from  the  death  ;  but 
at  Rome,  during  the  latter  part  of  one  period,  at 
least,  it  seems  to  have  been  from  the  burial ;'  for 
in  the  Gelasian  Sacramentary,  a  commemorative 
missa  has  this  title,  "  Missa  in  Depositione  De- 
functi  tertii,  septimi,  xsx™»  dierum,  vel  annu- 
alem "  (Murat.  u.  s.).  So  in  the  Gregorian 
Prefaces  (Murat.  ii.  355),  "  In  die  depositionis 
Defuncti  tertio,  et  septimo,  et  trigesimo." 

Although  the  ninth  day  was  so  widely  ob- 
served, especially  in  the  East,  we  find  it  rejected 
by  St.  Augustine,  as  recalling  a  heathen  observ- 
ance. He  says  that  it  has  no  precedent  in  Scrip- 
ture :  "  Therefore  they  ought,  as  it  seems  to  me, 
to  be  kept  from  this  custom  ("  which  they  call 
among  the  Latins,  novemdial,"  ibid.),  if  any 
Christians  observe  that  number  in  the  case  of 
their  dead,  whicTi  belongs  rather  to  the  custom 
of  the  Gentiles  "  (Quaest.  in  Gen.  172). 

XXX.  Annual  Commemorations. — The  celebra- 
tion at  the  year's  end  was  recurrent  from  a  very 
early  period.  TertuUian,  a.d.  195,  says,  "  We 
make  oblations  for  the  departed  by  way  of  birth- 
day gifts  on  the  anniversary  "  (Da  Cor.  Mil.  3). 
St.  Cyprian,  250,  of  certain  martyrs  :  "  We  al- 
ways, as  ye  remember,  offer  sacrifice  for  them, 
as  often  as  we  celebrate  the  passions  and  days 
of  the  martyrs  by  an  annual  commemoration  " 
(Epist.  39,  p.  77).  Gregory  Naziauzen  thus 
apostrophises  his  deceased  brother  Caesarius : 
"  Every  year  will  we,  at  least  those  who  are 
left  alive,  offer  honours  and  rites  of  commemo- 
ration "  (Orat.  vii.  §  17).  It  is  probable  that 
Monica  had  in  mind  this  custom  of  a  yearly 
commemorative    celebration    of    the    eucharist 


OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD     1437 

when  she  said,  shortly  before  her  death,  "  I  ask 
no  more  than  that,  wherever  ye  are,  ye  will 
remember  me  at  the  altar  of  the  Lord  "  (Auo-. 
Cunf.  ix.  9). 

XXXI.  Daily  Masses  for  the  Dead.— In  the 
6  th  century  we  find  masses  said  daily  in  the 
West  on  behalf  of  the  departed:  e.g.  a  widow 
of  Lyons  "  celebrated  masses  every  day,  and 
offered  an  oblation  pro  memoria  viri"  (Greg. 
Turon.  de  Glor.  Gonf.  65).  Gregory  of  Rome  in 
his  Dialogues  (iv.  55)  speaks  of  a  priest  who 
"  for  a  whole  week  afflicted  himself  in  tears,  and 
daily  offered  the  salutary  host "  for  one  deceased. 
He  also  relates  of  himself  that  he  once  ordered 
a  priest  "  to  offer  sacrifice  for  thirty  days  con- 
secutively "  for  the  soul  of  a  monk  who  had 
broken  his  rule  (ibid.).  It  is,  m  all  proba- 
bility, owing  to  this  statement  of  Gregory,  that 
the  practice  of  trentals  (trigiutale,  trentale, 
trigintalium,  trigintiuarium,  trentenarium,  trice- 
narium,  &c.)  was  said  to  have  originated  with 
him  (Sala  in  Bona,  £er.  lit.  i.  xv.  4).  We  do 
not  hear  of  it,  however,  as  usual,  until  the  8th 
century.  In  757,  Lullus,  archbishop  of  Mentz, 
writes  to  his  presbyters :  "  We  have  sent  you 
the  names  of  the  lord  bishop  of  Rome  (Stephen 
II.,  lately  deceased),  for  whom  let  each  one  of 
you  sing  thirty  masses  et  illos  psalmos  et 
jejunium  (probably  corrupt),  according  to  our 
custom"  (Ep.  107,  inter  Epp.  Bonifacii,  ed. 
Wiirdw.).  In  the  9th  century,  the  faithful  in 
France  were  commanded  to  keep  fast  and  to 
make  oblations  for  their  kindred  thirty  days 
(Capit.  Eeg.  Fr.  vi.  198).  Similarly  Herard  of 
Tours  (can.  58) :  "  Triginti  diebus  amici  et 
parentes  pro  eis  agant."  This  lengthened  ob- 
servance of  thirty  days  was  obviously  suggested 
by  Numb.  xx.  29  and  Deut.  xxiv.  8.  In  Bede  we 
read  of  a  priest  who  offered  masses  frequently 
(saepius,  crebras)  for  a  brother  supposed  to  be 
dead  (Hist.  Eccl.  Angl.  iv.  22).  They  do  not 
appear  to  have  been  daily,  nor  is  any  period 
mentioned  throughout  which  he  offered  them. 

XXXII.  Wliere  the  Name  of  the  Deceased  was 
introduced. — For  several  centuries  there  were  no 
special  prayers  provided  for  use  when  the 
eucharist  was  celebrated  on  account  of  one 
departed:  only  the  name  was  introduced  at 
some  appropriate  part  of  the  service.  The 
council  of  Ch:ilons-sm--Saone,  813,  orders  that 
"  in  every  celebration  of  the  mass  the  Lord  be 
entreated  for  the  spirits  of  the  departed  at  a 
suitable  place "  (can.  39).  At  that  place  the 
names  were  mentioned.  It  varied,  as  at  length 
fixed  by  custom,  in  the  several  liturgies.  [DiP- 
TYCHS ;  Names,  Oblation  of.] 

XXXIII.  Missa  Defimcti.—We  do  not  know 
when,  at  a  celebration  for  the  dead,  a  set  of 
proper  prayers  (Missa  pro  Defuucto,  Missa  De- 
functi) was  substituted  for  the  usual  collects. 
For  a  long  period  "  a  mass  for  the  dead  differed 
[only]  from  an  ordinary  mass  in  being  celebrated 
without  Gloria,  and  Alleluia,  and  the  kiss  of 
peace  "  (Amal.  de  Eccl.    Off.  iii.  44).     There  is 

•  reason  to  think  that  the  change  began  in  France, 
for  our  earliest  examples  of  a  Missa  Defuncti 
are  thence.  One  occurs  in  the  Besan^on  Sacra- 
mentary discovered  at  Bobio,  consisting  of  a 
proper  Praefetio  (Gallican),  Collectio,  Post 
nomina.  Ad  paccm,  and  Contestatio  (Musacum 
Ital.  i.  385).  The  MS.  is  of  the  7th  century. 
There  is  also  a  fragment  of  a  Missa  pro  Dcfunctis 


1438     OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD 

discovered  by  Xiebuhr,  and  published  by  Bunsen, 
■which  the  latter  ascribes  to  Hilary  of  Poitiers, 
A.D.  350  {Analecta  Antcnic.  iii.  203).  Had  it 
heea  so  early,  we  should  certainly  have  found 
similar  forms  in  all  the  sacramentaries  used  in 
France,  but  there  are  none  in  the  Gallico-Gothic, 
the  Frankish,  or  old  Gallican,  the  MSS.  of  which 
date  from  about  550  to  about  800  (Murat.  Lit. 
Bom.  Vet.  ii.  513).  There  are  several  such 
missae  in  the  Mozarabic  Jlissal,  but  we  can 
gather  nothing  to  the  purpose  from  this  fact,  as 
that  liturgy  was  in  use  and  receiving  additions 
till  the  11th  century.  Turning  to  Rome  we  find 
several  such  masses  in  the  Gelasian  Sacramentary 
{Murat.  i.  752,  &c.),  the  MS.  of  which  is  at  least 
1100  years  old ;  but  they  could  not  have  been  in 
general  use  or  much  known  when  Amalarius 
wrote  (827),  for  beside  the  remark  quoted  above 
he  says  expressly  (Ibid.),  "  Kecordatio  mortuorum 
nuncupative  agitur  ante  I^obis  quoque  peccato- 
ribus,"  i.e.  in  the  canon.  The  MSS.  of  the  Gre- 
gorian Sacramentary,  in  which  similar  forms 
are  found  (Murat.  ii.  752),  do  not  carry  us  with 
probability  higher  than  the  8th  century.  The 
Gelasian  Missa  Defuncti  contained  a  collect  for 
the  day,  Secreta,  Infra  actionem,  Post  Commun. 
(Greg.  Ad  complendum),  to  which  the  Gregorian 
adds  a  proper  preface  (Murat.  ii.  354  et  seq.). 

The  name  of  the  person  for  whom  the  obla- 
tion was  made  was  inserted  in  each  of  the  proper 
prayers  of  the  Missa.  Thus  in  the  Besan(,'on 
ijacramentary:  "ThatThou  vouchsafe  to  take  the 
soul  of  Thy  servant  N.  (famoli  Tui  ill.)  into  the 
bosom  of  Abraham  "  (Praef.)  ;  "To  take  to  Thy- 
self the  soul  of  Thy  servant  N. "  (coll.)  ;  "  We 
pray  Thee  for  the  soul  of  Thy  servant  N."  (Post 
nom.) ;  "  For  the  spirits  of  all  the  departed,  but 
chiefly  for  the  soul  of  this  Thy  servant  N."  (Ad 
pac.)  ;  "  Do  Thou,  0  Christ,  receive  the  soul  of 
Thy  servant  N."  (Contest.)  (Mus.  Ital.  i.  385). 

These  Missae  pro  Defunctis  were  in  use  in  the 
church  of  Eome  before  prayer  for  acknowledged 
saints  was  given  up  in  it.  The  Secreta  for  the 
feasts  of  St.  Leo  and  St.  Gregory  was  left  with 
the  following  petition  in  it  down  to  the  13th 
century  (see  Innocent  III.  Deer.  Const,  iii.  130)  : 
"  Grant,  0  Lord,  that  this  oblation  may  profit 
the  soul  of  Thy  servant  Leo  (or  Gregory) " 
(Murat.  ii.  25,  101). 

The  omission  of  the  Alleluia  which  Amalarius 
(m.  s.)  seems  to  have  thought  universal  in  his 
time  was,  as  we  have  seen,  contrary  to  the  feel- 
ing of  the  earlier  church.  Nor  was  this  expres- 
sion of  joy  ever  quite  disused  even  in  the  West. 
It  is  sung  with  the  Oflicium  or  Introit  of  the 
Mozarabic  Missa  Defuncti:  "  Thou  art  my  portion, 
0  Lord.  Alleluia."  "In  the  land  of  the  living. 
Alleluia,"  bis  (Aliss.  Moz.  Leslie,  456).  Compare 
the  Officiumpro  Defunctis  mentioned  at  the  end 
of§vii.  1. 

The  Antiphonary  ascribed  to  Gregory  I.  sup- 
plies two  sets  of  Antiphons  for  these  Missae  De- 
functorum  (Pamelius,  Eituale  PP.  ii.  175),  in 
which  the  chief  point  of  interest  is  that  one  of 
them  has  the  introit,  "  Requiem  aeternam  dona 
eis,  Domine,  et  lux  perpetua  luceat  eis  "  (from 
2  Esdr.  ii.  345 ;  Vulg.  4  Esdr.),  still  in  use. 
The  former  clause  of  it  had  been  used  earlier  as 
a  capitulum  (see  before,  vii.  1). 

XX.XIV.  Abase  of  Masses  for  the  Dead.— A. 
dreadful  crime  to  which  these  missae  gave  occa- 
-sion  is  described  as  frequent  by  the  council  of 


OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD 

Toledo  in  694.  Priests  would  say  "  missam  pro 
requie  defunctorum  "  for  a  living  object  of  their 
hatred,  in  hope  that  it  would  cause  his  death, 
"  ut  .  .  .  mortis  ac  perditionis  incurrat  pericu- 
lum "  (can.  5).  It  is  difficult  to  believe  that 
this  was  very  common,  though  the  council 
affirms  that  many  priests  ("pleriquesacerdotum") 
were  guilty  of  it.  Gratian  gives  the  canon  in 
brief,  but  preserves  this  startling  expression  (II. 
xxvi.  V.  13,  §  1  ;   Quicunque  sacerdotwn). 

XXXV.  Mutual  Compacts  for  3Iasses,  4c.— 
In  the  8th  century  we  begin  to  hear  of  agree- 
ments between  priests  that  prayers  and  masses 
shall  be  said  by  the  survivors  for  those  of  the 
number  who  should  pre-decease  them.  In  752 
we  find  Boniface  making  this  proposal  to  the 
abbot  Optatus :  "  We  eai'nestly  beseech  you  that 
there  be  the  intimacy  of  brotherly  charity 
between  us,  and  that  there  be  mutual  prayers 
for  the  living,  and  that  prayers  and  masses  be 
celebrated  for  those  who  depart  out  of  this 
world,  when  the  names  of  the  deceased  shall  be 
sent  from  either  of  us  to  the  other "  {Ep.  93). 
About  the  same  time  Cuthbert  writes  to  Lullus  : 
"  The  names  of  the  brethren  which  thou  hast 
sent  to  me  are  recorded  with  the  names  of  the 
brethren  of  this  monastery  who  sleep  in  Christ, 
so  that  I  have  given  order  to  celebrate  for  them 
ninety  masses,  and  more  than  that"  (Ep.  127, 
inter  Dpp.  Bonif.).  As  the  writer  speaks  of  the 
"  amicitiae  foedera  "  long  existing  between  them, 
and  entreats  Lullus  to  continue  to  pray  for  him, 
and  declares  that  he  (Cuthbert)  remembers  him 
in  his  "  daily  prayers,"  we  shall  not  be  wrong 
in  regarding  this  celebration  of  masses  as 
another  instance  of  the  mutual  engagements 
then  becoming  common.  In  765  a  number  of 
bishops  and  abbots,  met  in  council  at  Attigni- 
sur-Aisne,  agreed  that  "every  one  of  them  .  .  . 
should,  when  any  one  of  their  number  departed 
this  life,  say  one  hundred  psalters,  and  their 
presbyters  sing  a  hundred  special  masses  for 
him  ;  and  that  the  bishop  should  himself  per- 
form thirty  masses,  unless  prevented  by  sickness 
or  any  other  hindrance,  in  which  case  he  was  to 
ask  another  bishop  to  sing  them  for  him. 
Abbots,  not  bishops,  were  to  ask  bishops  to  per- 
form thirty  masses  in  their  stead,  and  their 
presbyters  were  to  perform  one  hundred  masses, 
and  their  monks  to  remember  to  sing  one  hun- 
dred psalters"  (Labb.  Cone.  vi.  1702).  A 
similar  compact  was  entered  into  by  the  bishops 
at  Tousi  or  Savonieres  in  859  (see  can.  13,  Labb. 
viii.  678).     [See  Necrologium.] 

XXXVI.  To  who7n  Christian  Rites  were  denied. 
— Catechumens  were  not  generally  buried  with 
the  solemnities  that  we  have  described.  St.  Chry- 
sostom,  after  a  reference  to  those  rites,  says : 
"  But  this  concerns  those  who  have  departed  in 
the  faith.  Catechumens  are  not  thought  worthy 
of  this  consolation,  but  are  deprived  of  every 
help  of  the  kind,  with  one  exception.  What  is 
that  ?  We  can  give  to  the  poor  on  their  behalf, 
and  that  yields  tliem  a  certain  solace,  for  God  wills 
that  we  should  be  benefited  by  one  another " 
{Horn.  iii.  in  Ep.  ad  Philipp.  §  4  ;  sim.  Horn. 
xxiii.  in  Ev.  S.  Joan,  §  3;  Isxxv.  50;  Horn.  21 
in  Act.  App.  3,  4).  This  was  the  rule,  but  there 
must  have  been  exceptions  in  the  case  of  cate- 
chumens who  suffered  death  for  the  faith,  for 
their  martyrdom  was  considered  an  effectual 
baptism  in  blood  (see  Bingham,  x.  ii.  20,  and 


OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  DEAD 

JIartyr),  and  must  therefore,  we  presume, 
have  been  held  to  entitle  the  sufFerer  to  evei-y 
Christian  privilege  after  death.  The  inference 
is  slightly  strengthened  by  the  fact  that,  Vi'hen 
catechumens  are  related  to  have  suffered  with 
the  baptized,  no  diflerence  of  treatment  after 
death  is  noticed  (see  Euseb.  Hid.  Ecd.  vi.  4). 
We  may  believe  the  same  of  those  who  were 
prepared  for  baptism,  but  lost  it  through  no 
fault  of  their  own.  "I  conclude,"  says  Augus- 
tine, "that  not  only  suffering  for  the  name  of 
Christ  can  supply  that  which  is  wanting  of  bap- 
tism, but  that  faith  and  conversion  of  heart  can 
also,  if  it  so  happen  that  in  the  difficulties  of 
the  time  help  is  not  forthcoming  toward  the 
celebration  of  the  mystery  of  baptism  "  {De 
Bapt.  c.  Don.  iv.  21,  §  29).  Valentinian  was  an 
instance.  He  was  prepared,  and  earnestly  de- 
sired to  be  baptized,  but  was  cut  oft'  suddenly 
before  he  could  receive  the  sacrament.  We 
should  infer  from  the  language  of  St.  Ambrose 
that  he  was  buried  with  all  the  usual  rites  ;  for 
not  only  did  he  deliver  a  funeral  oration  on  the 
occasion  of  his  death,  but  in  it  he  says,  "  Give 
the  holy  mysteries  to  his  manes ;  let  us  pray  for 
his  rest  with  pious  affection.  Give  the  heavenly 
sacraments ;  let  us  wait  on  his  soul  with  our  ob- 
lations "  {Be  Obitu  Valcnt.  56). 

In  563    the    council    of   Braga   decreed  that 
*'  neither  the  commemoration  of  an  oblation  nor 
the  office  of  psalm-singing  should  be  bestowed 
on  catechumens  who   had  died  without  the  re- 
demption of  baptism  "  (can.  17)  ;  and,  with  re- 
gard to  suicides,  that  "  no  commemoration  should 
be  made  for  them  in  the  oblation,  and  that  their 
bodies  should  not  be  conducted  to  the  grave  with 
psalms  "  (can.  16).    Both  these  rules,  the  council 
declares,  had  been  violated    through   ignorance. 
It  made  the  same  order  with  reference   to  those 
who  are  "  punished  for  their  crimes  "  (can.  16). 
The  council   of  Auxerre,   578,  also  forbids  the 
oblation   of  suicides   to  be  received   (can.    17). 
Earlier  than  either,  the  council  of  Orleans,  533, 
says  :  "  We  judge  that  the  oblation  of  the  dead 
who  have  been  cutoff  in  any  crime  (j.t?.  probably, 
1  *  while  under  accusation  for  any  oflfence  '),  ought 
!  to  be  received,  provided  that  they  are  proved  not 
j  to  have  brought  death   on  themselves  by  their 
1  own  hands  "  (can.  14).     Eugenius  II.,  A.D.  824, 
i  deprives  nuns  who  persist  to  the  last  in  breach 
]  of  rule,  of  "  Christian  burial "  (^Decr.  3).     He 
j  decrees  the  same  against  those  who  exhibit  feats 
of  strength  at  fairs,  &c.,  though  granting  them 
"  penance   and   the   viaticum  "    {ibid.  7).      The 
council  of  Mentz,  848,  decrees  that  "  the  bodies 
of  those  who  are  hung  on  the  gallows  may  be 
carried    to    church,    and    masses   and    oblations 
offered  for  them,   if  they  have  confessed  their 
sins  "  (can.  27). 

XXXVI.  Unreconciled  Penitents. — The  Gre- 
gorian Sacramentary  provides  a  "  Missa  pro  De- 
functis  desiderantibus  Poenitentiam  et  minima 
consequentibus  "  (Murat.  ii.  219),  to  which  this 
is  prefixed  :  "If  any  one  who  asks  for  penance 
rubric  shall  be  deprived  of  the  power  of  speech 
while  the  priest  is  coming,  it  is  determined  that, 
if  suitable  witnesses  have  declared  this,  and  he 
1  himself  proves  it  by  any  gestures,  the  priest  do 
all  things  in  regard  to  the  penitent  according  to 
the  custom."  The  proper  collects  assume  that 
he  desired  absolution,  and  pray  that  his  death 
may  not  deprive  him  of  the  "fruit  of  penance 


OCTAVE  OF  A  FESTIVAL     1439- 

which  his  will  desired."  See  further  on  this. 
Oblations,  §  iii.  2,  from  which  it  will  be  seen 
tliat  the  earlier  discipline  of  the  church  of  Rome 
was  different. 

Among  writers  on  this  subject  are  Jac. 
Gretser,  De  Christuxnorum  Funcre,  Ingolst.  1611  ; 
J.  B.  Casalius,  Da  Funeribus  Priscorum  Chris- 
tianorum  in  his  work  De  Vet.  Sacr.  Christ.  Pit. 
c.  66,  Kom.  1647 ;  Martene,  De  Ant.  Feci  Pit. 
iii.  12-15;  J.  E.  Franzenius,  De  Funeribus  Vet. 
Christian.  Helmst.  1709  ;  Onuphr.  Panvinius,  De 
Rita  sepel.  Mort.  apud  Vet.  Christianas,  last 
printed  at  Leipzig  in  1717  ;  F.  Nicolai,  De  Luctu 
Christianorum,  sive  de  Pitibus  ad  Sepulturam 
pertinentibus,  Lugd.  Bat.  1739 ;  L.  A.  Mura- 
torius,  De  Vetcrum  Christianorum  Sepulcris  in 
Anccdota,  i.  Disq.  17  ;  and  De  Antiquis  Chris- 
tianorum Sepulcris  in  A7iecdota  Graeca,  Disq.  iii., 
both  reprinted  by  Zaccaria  in  his  edition  of 
Fleury's  Disciplina  Populi  Dei,  Venet.  1761  and 
1782  ;  where  see  also  Filesacus,  Funus  Vesperti- 
num;  Hugo  Menardus,  Nota  680  in  Sacram. 
Gregor.  Paris,  1642,  reprinted  in  0pp.  Greg.  III., 
ed.  Ben. ;  Alex.  Aurel.  Pelliccia,  de  Christianaa 
Ecclesiae  Politia,  iii.  §  ii.  4-6,  Neap.  1777,  Colon, 
ad  Ehen.  1829  ;  Mart.  Gerbert,  Vetus  I.iturgia 
Alemannica,  Disq.  Praev.  xi.  Monast.  San-Blas. 
1776.  See  also  the  Peport  on  Burial  Pites  of 
the  Committee  of  the  Lower  House  of  Convoca- 
tion, 1877.  [W.  E.  S.] 

OCEANUS.  (1),  martyr  with  Theodorus, 
Amianus,  Julianus  ;  commemorated  Sept.  4 
(Basil,  Menol.)  ;  the  same  or  another,  Sept.  18, 
at  Nicomedia  (Wright's  Ancient  Syr.  Mart,  in 
Journal  of  S.  Lit.  1866,  429).  [C.  H.] 

OCTAVA,  sister,  probably,  of  St.  Laurentius  ; 
commemorated  Aug.  17.     (Usuard,  Mart.) 

[C.  H.] 

OCTAVAE  INFANTIUM,  Low  Sunday  or 
the  octave  of  Easter,  otherwise  called  Dominica 
in  Albls,  so  called  because  the  white  bands  which 
were  wrapped  round  the  heads  of  the  newly- 
baptized  infants  were  then  taken  oft'.  "  Hod'ie 
Octavae  dicuntur  infantium,  revelanda  sunt 
capita  eorum,  quod  est  indicium  libertatis" 
(August,  de  Temp.  160,  §  1)  ;  and  again,  "  vos  qui 
baptizati  estis  et  hodie  completur  sacramentum 
Octavarum  vestrarum,  infantes  appellamini  quia 
regenerati  estis."  {Ibid.  Serm.  11,  de  Diversis.) 
[E.  v.] 

OCTAVE  OF  A  FESTIVAL.  (Octava,  Octa- 
vae.) The  eighth  day,  or  space  of  eight  days, 
after  a  festival,  kept  as  a  prolongation  or  repe- 
tition of  the  festival  itself,  honoris  causa.  It  is 
a  Western  custom,  apparently  unknown  in  the 
Oriental  church.  [See  Apodosis.]  In  more 
recent  times  the  number  of  festivals  to  which 
octaves  are  assigned  has  been  largely  multi- 
plied; and  the  octaves  are  divided  into  four 
classes,  according  to  their  degrees  of  solemnity  ; 
but  within  the  first  eight  centuries  it  would 
seem  that  only  Christmas,  Easter,  and  Pentecost 
had  this  distinction,  together  with  the  Epiphany 
in  some  localities,  and  perhaps  the  Feast  of  the 
Dedication  of  the  Church,  or  of  the  Patron  Saint. 

Various  reasons  have  been  assigned  for  the 
custom.  Dift'erent  writers  on  ritual  have  found 
a  ground  for  it  in  the  Jewish  observance 
of  the  eighth  day  for  circumcision,  to  which 
indeed  St.  Augustine  refers  in  speaking  of  the- 


1440 


OCTAVIUS 


octcare  of  Easter  as  kept  by  the  newly  baptized, 
OcTAVAE  Infantium  (cle  Div.  Temp.  cap.  i. ; 
Up.  Iv.  32,  33,  &c.),  or  in  the  celebration  of 
the  Feast  of  Tabernacles  for  eight  days,  or  in  the 
Feast  of  the  Dedication  of  the  Temple  by  Solomon, 
and  of  the  re-dedication  under  Zerubbabel ;  or, 
again  (under  the  new  covenant),  in  the  appear- 
ance of  our  Lord  on  the  eighth  day  from  the 
Resurrection ;  and  in  the  mystical  value  of  the 
number  eight,  as  a  symbol  of  perfection  and  of 
rest. 

But  the  first  actual  trace  of  the  custom  upon 
which  we  light  is  the  Octave  of  Easter,  during 
which  the  newly  baptized  continued  to  wear 
their  white  baptismal  garments.  Bede  mentions 
the  Octave  of  Pentecost.  In  a  capitulary  of 
Charlemagne  we  meet  with  the  octaves  of  Christ- 
mas, Epiphany,  and  Easter  ;  in  can.  26  of  the 
council  of  Mainz  (a.d.  813)  with  those  of  Christ- 
mas, Easter,  and  Pentecost.  Tlie  end  of  the 
8th  and  beginning  of  the  9th  century  was  the 
period  to  which  may  be  assigned  the  chief  growth 
uf  this  observance.  In  the  treatise  De  Eccles. 
Off.  of  Amalarius,  we  hear  only  of  the  octaves 
of  Christmas,  Epiphany,  Easter,  and  Pentecost ; 
but  it  says  also  (iv.  3<5) :  "  Solemus  octavas 
uatalitiorum  aliquorum  Sanctorum  celebrare, 
eorum  scilicet,  quorum  festivitas  apud  nos  clarior 
habetur,  veluti  est  in  octavis  apostolorum  Petri 
et  Pauli,  et  caeterorum  Sanctorum,  quorum  con- 
suetudo  diversarum  Ecclesiarum  octavas  cele- 
brat,"  clearly  implying  that  the  custom  was 
growing  up  in  different  parts  of  the  church,  but 
that  it  had  not  yet  become  a  matter  of  uniform 
obligation. 

As  to  the  liturgical  observance  of  these  days, 
from  the  fact  that  neither  in  the  Gelasian  nor  Gre- 
gorian Sacramentary  is  any  mass  assigned  for  the 
days  within  the  octave,  but  only  for  the  octave 
itself,  we  may  perhaps  infer  that  at  first  the  octave 
was  merely,  as  it  is  still  in  the  majority  of  cases, 
a  repetition  of  the  festival,  and  of  its  office  on  the 
day  week,  and  that  afterwards  the  intermediate 
days  were  filled  up  by  similar  repeated  com- 
memorations. This  would  only  hold  good,  how- 
ever, of  the  principal  octaves.  The  various  rules 
for  determining  the  right  precedence  of  offices, 
when  other  festivals  fall  within  an  octave,  belong 
to  a  period  later  than  our  limits. 

For  the  literature  of  the  subject  see  under 
Festival,  adding  Grancolas,  Commcntarius  Eis- 
toricus  in  Bomanum  Breviarium,  lib.  i.,  cap.  45  ; 
Venetiis,  1734.  [C.  E.  H.] 

OCTAVIUS,  martyr  at  Turin,  with  Solutor 
and  Adventor ;  commemorated  Nov.  20.  (Usuard, 
2Iart.)  OCTAVUS  {Hieron.  Mart).  [C.  H.] 

ODE.  The  name  wS^  is  given  in  the  Greek 
Church— 

(1)  To  the  nine  Canticles  which  ere  said  at 
Lauds.     [Canticle,  p.  285.] 

(2)  To  certain  rhythmical  compositions,  often 
of  considerable  beauty,  relating  to  the  special 
commemoration  of  the  day,  which  are  said  in  the 
Greek  matin  office.  See  Canon  of  Odes,  p.  277  ; 
Office,  the  Divine  ;  Troparia.  The  arrange- 
ment of  these  odes,  generally  nine  in  each  office, 
separated  into  three  groups  by  a  short  litany 
after  the  third  and  sixth,  resembles  that  of 
Lections  in  the  Western  offices;  they  may  in 
fact  be  said  to  take  the  place  of  lections,  which 


OECONOMUS 

are  not  used  in  ordinary  offices  in  the  East. 
(Freeman,  Principles  of  Divine  Service,  c.  i.  §  5, 
p.  125.)  [C] 

OECONOMUS  (1),  the  house  steward,  or 
manager  of  a  household.  Possidius  ( Vita 
August,  c.  24)  says  that  St.  Augustine  never 
used  key  or  seal,  but  committed  the  whole 
management  of  his  domestic  affairs  to  the  most 
able  of  his  clergy,  who  transacted  all  the 
business  of  receipts  and  payments,  and  gave  in 
an  annual  account.  See  also  Cone.  Herd.  (c.  16) 
quoted  below. 

2.  The  treasurer  of  a  particular  church. 
Thus  Cyriac,  before  his  elevation  to  the  patri- 
archate of  Constantinople,  was  oeconomus  of 
the  great  church  in  that  city.  (Chronicon  Pas- 
chale,  p.  378.) 

3.  A  diocesan  official,  holding  a  distinct  posi- 
tion and  discharging  a  public  duty  in  managing 
all  property  belonging  to  the  see.  Originally 
the  business  connected  with  the  temporal  affairs 
of  the  see  appears  to  have  been  managed  by  the 
bishop  and  his  chapter.  The  council  of  Antioch, 
A.D.  341  (c.  24,  25),  speaks  of  the  possibility  of 
the  revenues  of  the  church  being  misapplied  by 
the  bishop  and  his  presbyters,  and  decrees  that 
all  church  property  should  be  administered  with 
the  knowledge  of  the  whole  of  the  clergy,  both 
priests  and  deacons,  and  a  regular  account  kept 
of  the  property  belonging  to  the  church,  in 
order  to  prevent  waste  on  the  one  hand,  and 
spoliation  of  the  property  of  a  deceased  bishop 
on  the  other.  Though  the  appointment  of  an 
oeconomus  is  not  specially  decreed  in  these 
canons,  yet  it  seems  to  have  been  considered  as 
implied  in  them,  or  at  least  originating  from 
them.  At  the  council  of  Chalcedon,  A.D.  451 
(act.  9),  the  case  was  brought  forward  of  Ibas, 
bishop  of  Edessa,  who  was  charged  with  malver- 
sation of  the  property  of  the  church,  and  who 
promises  that  for  the  future  the  revenues  of 
the  see  shall  be  adm.inistered  by  an  oeconomus 
chosen  from  the  clergy,  according  to  the  decrees 
of  the  great  council  of  Antioch.  From  the  date 
indeed  of  this  council  the  oeconomus  is  recog- 
nised in  the  decrees  of  councils  as  one  of  the 
officials  necessarily  existing  in  a  diocese.  The 
council  of  Gangra  (c.  7,  8)  forbids  under  pain  of 
anathema  that  any  one  shall  receive  or  dispense 
the  revenues  of  the  church  except  the  bishop 
himself^  or  the  officer  appointed  to  the  steward- 
ship of  benefactions  (eis  olKOvofxiav  evTrouas). 
The  council  of  Chalcedon,  already  quoted,  after 
declaring  (c.  26)  that  it  had  come  to  the  know- 
ledge of  the  council  that  certain  bishops  admin- 
istered the  property  of  the  church  without  an 
oeconomus,  provides  that  every  diocese  should 
have  an  oeconomus,  chosen  from  the  clergy 
belonging  to  it  (e'/c  tov  Idiov  KK-ftpov),  who  should 
manage  the  [iroperty  of  the  church  under  direc- 
tion (^Kara  yvuifj.7jv)  of  the  bishop,  in  order  that 
no  waste  should  be  made  of  the  property,  and 
publicity  given  to  the  way  in  which  it  was 
employed.  In  case  of  the  death  of  a  bishop 
(c.  25)  the  oeconomus  was  to  manage  the  pro- 
perty of  the  see  during  the  vacancy.  The  same 
council  (c.  2)  mentions  the  oeconomus  among 
the  officials  in  whose  appointment  simony  is 
forbidden.  The  council  of  Lerida,  A.D.  523 
(c.  16),  while  reprobating  the  custom  that 
appears  to  have  prevailed  among  the  Spanish 


OECONOMUS 

clergy  of  plundering  the  property  of  a  deceased 
bishop,  orders  that  the  bishop  who  has  charge 
of  the  funeral  shall  provide  that  all  things  are 
fitly  and  carefully  managed,  and  that  the  officer 
who  has  charge  of  his  domestic  affairs,  associating 
with  himself  one  or  two  clergy,  should  pay  the 
stipends  of  the  clergy  belonging  to  the  bishop's 
household,  and  talie  charge  of  the  property  of 
the  see  for  the  succeeding  bishop.  The  council 
of  Valentia,  A.D.  52-4  (c.  2),  after  again  repro- 
bating the  custom  of  plundering  the  house  of 
a  deceased  bishop,  enacts  that  at  the  death  of  a 
bishop  the  incumbent  of  the  nearest  see  should 
make  an  inventory  within  eight  days  of  the 
goods  and  property  belonging  to  the  diocese,  and 
send  it  to  the  metropolitan,  who  should  put  a 
proper  person  in  charge  of  such  revenues,  in 
order  that  the  clergy  should  receive  their  proper 
stipends  during  the  vacancy,  and  the  property 
be  handed  over  unimpaired  to  the  succeeding 
bishop.  [Vacancy.]  It  would  appear  from 
these  canons  that  the  office  of  oeconomus  was 
unknown  in  the  dioceses  of  Spain  at  the  date 
of  the  councils  by  which  they  wei"e  made.  But 
the  second  council  of  Seville,  A.D.  618  (c.  9), 
after  reciting  that  it  had  come  to  the  knowledge 
of  the  council  that  certain  bishops  had  oeconomi 
chosen  from  the  laity,  enacts  that  no  bishop 
should  administer  the  temporal  affiurs  of  his 
diocese  except  through  an  oeconomus  chosen 
from  among  his  clergy,  according  to  the  decree 
of  the  council  of  Chalcedon,  giving  as  a  reason 
that  it  is  unbecoming  that  a  layman  should  be 
the  representative  vicarius  of  a  bishop,  or  sit  in 
judgment  on  church  matters;  and  that  those 
who  are  associated  with  a  bishop  in  the  ad- 
ministration of  affairs  ought  not  to  differ  with 
him  either  in  apparel  or  profession.  From  this 
canon  it  appears  that  the  oeconomus  possessed 
some  jurisdiction  in  the  adjustment  of  financial 
matters.  Thus  we  are  told  (Theod.  Lect.  H.  E.  i.) 
that  Marcian,  a  convert  from  the  sect  of  the 
Cathari,  whom  Gennadius  of  Constantinople 
appointed  as  his  oeconomus,  at  once  ordained 
that  all  the  oflerings  of  the  faithful  in  Con- 
stantinople should  belong  to  the  churches  in 
which  they  were  made,  instead  of  being  con- 
sidered the  property  of  the  great  church.  The 
fourth  council  of  Toledo,  A.D.  633  (c.  48),  re- 
ferring to  the  decree  of  the  council  of  Chalcedon, 
enacts  that  every  bishop  should  select  from  the 
clergy  of  his  diocese  those  officers  whom  the 
Greeks  call  "  oeconomi  ; "  that  is,  who,  in  stead 
(vice)  of  the  bishop,  manage  the  affairs  of  the 
church.  The  council  of  Meaux,  A.D.  845  (c.  47), 
strictly  forbids  the  clergy  of  the  diocese,  under 
any  circumstances,  to  elect  an  oeconomus  to 
manage  the  temporal  affairs  of  the  see  without 
the  assent  of  the  bishop ;  if  the  bishop,  through 
bodily  infirmity,  is  incapable  of  acting,  the  arch- 
bishop is  to  select  the  oeconomus  with  the  assent 
of  the  bishop.  Another  council,  A.D.  876  {Cone. 
Pontigo.  c.  14),  enacts  that  at  the  death  of  a 
bishop  the  oeconomus  shall  be  his  executor,  and 
guardian  of  the  projierty  of  the  see. 

The  laws  of  the  French  kings  make  frequent 
mention  of  the  oeconomus  and  his  duties.  A 
capitulary  of  Charles  the  Great  (ii.  c.  9,  ed. 
Baluz.)  provides  that  the  oeconomus  shall  be 
responsible  for  any  injury  sustained  by  the  pro- 
perty of  the  see  during  his  administration  ;  and 
also  mentions  an  archioeconomus,  probably  the 


OECONOMUS 


1441 


head  of  the  other  oeconomi.  Photius  (J^yntag. 
tit.  X.  2)  gives  an  edict  of  Justinian  com- 
manding oeconomi  to  settle  the  accounts  of  their 
sees  once  a  year.  If  bishops  do  not  appoint 
oeconomi,  the  archbishops  are  to  do  so  (^Nomocan. 
tit.  X.  c.  i.). 

Oeconomi  appointed  in  accordance  with  these 
decrees  are  frequently  mentioned  in  ecclesiastical 
writers.  Socrates  {H.  E.  vi.  7)  says  that  Theophi- 
lus  of  Alexandria  appointed  two  Egyptian  monks 
to  the  stewardship  of  his  church  (olKovofiiav  rrjs 
e/cKATjo-i'as),  adding  that  they  thus  discovered 
his  greediness  and  rapacity,  and  were  so  disgusted 
that  they  deserted  their  posts  and  retired  to  the 
desert  (see  Vales.  Annot.  in  loco).  Gregory 
the  Great  (Epist.  iii.  22,  p.  640),  in  the  case  of 
the  vacant  see  of  Salona  in  Dalmatia,  orders  that 
the  oeconomus  who  was  in  charge  of  the  diocese 
at  the  death  of  the  bishop  should  continue  to 
manage  the  revenues,  and  give  in  his  account  to 
the  next  bishop.  A  precept  of  Hincmar,  bishop 
of  Rheims,  addressed  to  Hedenulph,  bishop  of 
Laon  {Gall.  Cone.  ii.  p.  660),  strictly  forbids 
him  to  take  money  for  the  appointment  of  an 
oeconomus,  whom  he  styles  the  dispenser  of  the 
property  of  the  church  ("  fiicultatum  ecclesiae 
dispensator").  In  an  epistle  to  the  church  of 
Laon  (Opp.  ii.  p.  178),  the  same  prelate  declares 
that  the  oeconomus  was  the  proper  guardian  of 
the  property  of  the  see  at  the  death  of  the 
bishop.  Liberatus  {Brev.  c.  16)  speaks  of  a 
certain  John,  who  was  promoted  from  being  an 
oeconomus  to  be  presbyter  of  the  church  at 
Tabennesus,  and  afterwards  became  again  oeco- 
nomus, having  charge  of  the  revenues  of  all  the 
churches.  The  duties  of  the  oeconomus  are  de- 
fined at  length  by  Isidore  of  Seville  (Epist.  i.  ; 
Bibl.  Pair.  viii.  p.  210)  as  comprising  all  business 
relating  to  the  building  of  churches,  the  manage- 
ment of  all  law  matters  in  which  the  church 
was  concerned,  the  superintendence  of  all  fields, 
vineyards,  and  all  ecclesiastical  possessions,  the 
division  of  the  revenues  in  due  proportion  among 
the  clergy,  the  widows,  and  poor,  and  the  allow- 
ance of  food  and  clothing  to  the  clergy  and  others 
belonging  to  the  bishop's  household.  But  all  to 
be  done  under  the  authority  and  by  the  direction 
of  the  bishop. 

From  all  this  two  things  seem  clear — that  the 
oeconomus  was  to  be  one  of  the  clergy,  and  to 
be  appointed  by  the  bishop.  But  a  canon  of 
Theophilus  of  Alexandria  (c.  9,  in  Beveridge, 
Pandect,  ii.  173)  says  that  the  oeconomus  was 
chosen  by  the  vote  of  all  the  clergy.  (See  Bing- 
ham, Antiquities,  iii.  13,  §  1.) 

In  later  years  the  duties  of  the  oeconomus 
appear  to  have  been  transferred  to  the  treasurer, 
Thesaurarius.  [P.  0.] 

OECONOMUS  (Monastic),  Cymr.  Maei:, 
Gael.  Maoe,  Irish  Maer,  Maor,  Mocjr,  an  I 
Fertighis  {Four  Mast.  A.D.  777,  782:  Tcit 
a  man,  and  'ClS  a  house),  called  also  Equo- 
NiMDS  {Ann.  Ult.  a.d.  780  sq.),  was  "custos 
monasterii,"  spenser  or  house  steward,  having 
charge  of  the  internal  secular  aflairs  of  the 
monastery,  such  even  as  providing  the  corn  and 
wood  (Colgan,  Acta  SS.  213,  c.  44;  393,  c.  6). 
In  Fotcr  M.tsi.  A.D.  777,  he  is  called  prior,  and 
may  have  been  local  administrator  of  the  subject 
monasteries,  or  vice-abbat  in  the  parent  house 
(Reeves,  8.  Adamnan,  65, 365).  As  the  oeconomus 


1442 


OECUMENICAL 


of  the  see  had  charge  of  the  gifts  of  the  foithful, 
and,  at  a  later  period,  of  the  episcopal  and 
cathedral  estates  (Du  Cange,  Gloss,  iv.  696,  697), 
so  the  monastic  oeconomus  received  the  tributes 
due  to  the  monastery  ;  while  again  in  Ireland 
the  airchinneach,  in  Scotland  the  hcrenach,  and 
on  the  Continent  the  advocatus  ecclesiae,  farmed 
the  monastic  termon  or  lands,  as  the  abbat's 
deputy,  maor,  or  steward,  with  a  percentage  of 
one-third  for  his  labour.  The  tributes  and  fines, 
in  Irish  "  cain,"  were  of  various  kinds,  according 
to  the  form  of  transgression ;  as  the  amounts 
must  have  been  considerable,  a  person  of  probity 
was  required,  and  the  ancient  canons  required 
the  persons  so  entrusted  to  belong  to  the  clerical 
order  (Bingham,  Orig.  Eccl.  iii.  c.  12,  §  1,  2). 
But  in  Ireland  the  oeconomus  or  maor  had 
custody  also,  specially  in  later  times,  of  the 
sacred  relics  and  valuable  property  belonging  to 
the  monastery;  as  at  Armagh,  the  "Book  of 
Armagh,"  and  patron's  bell  (Reeves,  Eccl.  Ant. 
150,  370),  and  St.  Patrick's  crozier,  called  the 
"Baculus  Jesu"  (Bernardus,  Vit.  S.  ilalach.  c.  5), 
and  held  an  endowment  of  land  attached  to  the 
office,  which  being  hereditary  has  given  a  name  to 
the  family  of  Mac  Moyre,  and  to  the  townland  of 
Ballymire  beside  Armagh  (Todd,  ;S'.  Patrick,  170, 
171;  Veixie:,  Round  Toners,  333-335;  O'Conor, 
Rev.  Hib.  Script,  i.  Ep.  Nunc.  pp.  Ivii.  Iviii). 
In  illustration  of  this,  we  find  the  steward,  maor. 
and  later  the  thane,  as  a  regal  officer  collect- 
ing the  royal  dues  from  the  crown  lands,  and 
presenting  the  royal  tenantry  at  the  annual 
hosting;  while  a  still  higher  official,  called  the 
mormaor,  or  lord  high  steward,  discharged  a 
similar  duty  in  the  larger  province,  which  after- 
wards became  the  earldom  or  county.  (Robert- 
son, Scotland  under  her  Early  Kings,  i.  29  sq.,  329, 
330  ;  O'Curry,  Lect.  Man.  Cust.  Anc.  Irish,  i.  pp. 
ccsliv.  ccxlv.)  [J.  G.] 

OECUMENICAL  (oIkov/x^vikSs)  (1).  The 
word  "  oecumenical,"  when  applied  to  a  council, 
designates  one  to  which  tlie  bishops  of  the  whole 
world  have  been  summoned ;  or  the  decrees  of 
which  have  at  any  rate  been  accepted  by  the 
whole  church.  OiKov/j.eviK6s  is  of  course  derived 
from  T]  o'lKovjjLivn,  which,  though  frequently 
applied  to  that  portion  of  the  world  which  was 
organised  under  the  Roman  empire,  is  commonly 
used  both  in  the  LXX.  and  iu  the  New  Testament 
for  the  whole  inhabited  earth  (Bleek,  Erkldr,  d. 
drei  ersten  Evangg.  i.  68  ;  COUNCILS,  p.  474).  The 
councils  within  our  period  which  are  recognised 
as  oecumenical  are,  the  First  of  Nicaea  (325), 
Constantinople  (381),  Ephesus  (431),  and  Chal- 
cedon(451);  the  Second  (553)  and  Third  (680) 
of  Constantinople,  and  the  Second  of  Nicaea 
(787). 

(2)  On  the  title  "oecumenical  bishop,"  or 
"  oecumenical  patriarch,"  applied  to  the  bishop 
of  Rome,  see  Pope.  [C] 

OFFA  JUDICIALIS.    [Ordeal,  V.] 

OFFERENDA.     [Offertoriuji.] 

OFFERINGS.    [Oblations.] 

OFFERTORIUM.  (1)  Offertorium,  Anti- 
phona  ad  Offertorium,  Cantus  Offertorii,  Gffer- 
erenda,  were  names  given  to  the  anthem  sung 
while  the  oblations  were  received.  We  learn 
from  St.  Augustine  that  in  his  time  "a  custom 


OFFERTORIUM 

Iiad  sprung  up  at  Carthage  of  saying  at  the 
altar  hymns  from  the  Book  of  Psalms,  whether 
before  "the  oblation,  or  when  that  which  had 
been  offered  was  being  distributed  to  the  people  " 
{Retract.  11).  The  latter  hymn  or  anthem  was 
afterwards  called  the  CommuniO:  the  former 
the  offertorium  or  offerenda  in  Italy,  and  its 
derived  churches  ;  the  sonum,  or  perhaps,  more 
correctly,  sonus,  in  Gaul,  and  the  sacrificium  in 
Spain.  Whether  the  practice  originated  at 
Carthage,  or  had  been  observed  before  elsewhere, 
is  not  known.  Walafrid  Strabo,  a.d.  842,  did  not 
not  know  who  added  to  the  oifice  "the  offertory 
which  is  sung  during  the  offering,"  or  "  the 
antiphon  said  at  the  communion ;"  but  believed 
that  "  in  old  times  the  holy  fathers  offered  and 
communicated  in  silence  "  {dc  Reb.  Eccl.  22). 

Isidore,  a.d.  595,  appears  to  be  the  first  who 
uses  the  word  offertorium :  "  Oft'ertoria  quae 
in  sacrificiorum  honore  canuntur"  (w.  s.). 
"  Oilerenda "  was  later,  but  apparently  as 
common  for  a  long  period.  It  is  used  by 
Amalnrius,  de  Eccles.  Off',  iii.  39:  "De  offerenda 
]'ir  erat  in  terra,"  where  he  has  "  offertorium  " 
also;  by  Remigius  of  Au.xerre  {de  Celcbr.  Missae, 
ad  calc ;  Pseudo-Alcuin,  de  Div.  Off.  cap.  40)  ; 
John  of  Avranches  {Rit.  Celebr.  Miss,  in  App. 
Sacram.  Gregor.  0pp.  Greg.  iii.  255);  Pseudo- 
Alcuin,  de  Die.  Off.  19. 

This  anthem  is  not  prescribed  in  the  earliest 
Ordo  Romanus,  about  730 ;  but  in  the  second, 
perhaps  about  A.D.  800,  after  the  creed,  which 
is  also  absent  from  the  first,  "  the  bishop  salutes 
the  people,  saying.  The  Lord  be  with  you.  After 
that  he  says,  Let  us  pray.  Then  the  offertorium  is 
sung,  with  verses  "  {Mus.  Ital.  ii.  46).  When 
the  oblations  have  been  all  received  and  otiTered, 
"the  pontiff,  bowing  a  little  towards  the  altar,, 
looks  at  the  choir,  and  nods  to  them  to  be 
silent "  (47).  The  verses  and  offerenda  were 
repeated  until  the  offering  was  over.  Remigius 
(u.  s.)  says,  "Sequitur  deinde  offerenda,  quae 
inde  hoc  nomen  accepit,  quod  tunc  populus  sua 
munera  oiferat.  Sequuntur  versus,  »  vertendo 
dicti,  quod  in  offerenda  revertantur,  dum  repeti- 
tur  offerenda."  The  offertory  is  not  mentioned 
in  the  Gelasian  Sacramentary  (Murat.  Liturg. 
Rom.  Vet.  i.  695)  ;  nor  in  the  V^itican  Gregorian 
printed  by  Rocca  {0pp.  Greg.  v.  63  ;  Antv.  1615)  ; 
but  it  appears  in  the  copies  edited  by  Muratori 
{u.  s.  ii.  1),  Menard  {0pp.  Greg.  ed.  Ben.  iii.  1, 
74,  244),  and  Pamelius  {Rituale  SS.  PP.  ii 
178). 

The  Antiphonarium  ascribed  to  Gregory,  but 
later,  provides  offertoria  for  every  considerable 
day  of  the  Christian  year.  Walafrid  (m.s.)  tells 
us  that  down  to  his  time  no  offertory  was  sung 
on  Easter  eve,  nor  do  we  find  any  provided  in 
the  antiphonary  of  Gregory  (Pamel.  u.  s.  ii. 
111). 

The  Milanese  Offerenda, -nov:  called  oflertorium 
(Martene,  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Rit.  i.  iv.  xii.  ord.  3), 
was  constructed  like  the  Roman  (Pamel.  m.  s.  i. 
298).  It  is  now  sung  while  the  priest  is  censing 
the  altar  and  oblations,  after  having  said  the 
secret  prayers  of  oblation  (Mart.  u.  s. ;  Le  Brun, 
Dissert,  iii.  art.  ii.). 

Germanus  of  Paris,  555,  speaks  of  the  Galli- 
can  off .rtory  under  the  name  of  sonum.  It 
began  when  the  FiiUMENTUJi  was  brought  in : 
"  Nunc  autem  procedentem  ad  altarium  corpus 
Christi  non  jam  tubis  inrepraehensibilibus,  sad 


OFFEETORIUM 

spiritalibus  vocibus  praeclara  Christ!  mag- 
nalia  dulci  modilia  psallet  Ecclesia"  (sic; 
Expos.  Brev.  c.  De  Sono).  In  France  this  took 
place,  not  as  at  Rome  before  the  service  began 
{Ord.  Bom.  i.  8,  ii.  4),  but  just  before  the  offer- 
ings were  made  ;  when,  "  lecta  passione  (it  was 
the  feast  of  St.  Polycarp)  cum  caeteris  lectioni- 
bus,  ....  tempus  ad  sacrificium  offerendum 
advenit,  acceptaque  turre  diaconus  in  qua  mys- 
terium  dominici  corporis  habebatur,  ferre  coepit 
ad  ostium  "  (Greg.  Tur.  de  Glor.  Mart.  86).  We 
do  not  know  any  extant  example  of  the  Gallican 
sonum. 

The  Goths  of  Spain  called  their  offertory 
sacrificium  ;  but  probably  not  till  after  the  6th 
century,  as  Isidore  uses  the  word  offertorium 
both  in  his  book  Dc  Officiis  (i.  16)  and  his 
Epistle  to  Leudefred  (§  13).  In  the  latter, 
however,  he  uses  the  phrase  "  sacrificii  respon- 
soria  "  (§  5),  which,  probably  meaning  the  re- 
sponses at  the  offering,  would  be  a  step  towards 
the  later  usage.  "  Sacrificium  "  is  always  used 
in  the  Mozarabic  Missal  (Leslie,  pp.  3,  8,  11, 
17,  &c.).  Once  we  have,  "  Dicat  chorus  sacri- 
ficium quod  dicitur  offertorium "  (8)  ;  but  we 
cannot  tell  the  age  of  the  rubric. 

(2)  Offertorium  was  also  the  name  of  a  large 
dish,  often  of  precious  materials,  in  which  the 
loaves  [Oblates]  were  received  from  the  offerers 
at  the  celebration  of  the  Eucharist.  In  the  Life 
of  Benedict  of  Anagni,  a.d.  801,  we  are  told  that 
he  procured  "very  large  silver  chalices,  silver 
offertoria,  and  whatever  he  saw  to  be  needful  for 
the  work  of  God  "  (Ardo,  5,  §  25  ;  comp.  §  33  in 
Bolland.  Feb.  12).     [Offertory  Dish.] 

(3)  Sheets  of  fine  linen  or  richer  material 
employed  to  receive  or  cover  the  offerings  of 
bread,  were  also  called  offertoria.  According  to 
the  Ordo  Rom,anus  (about  A.D.  730),  the  loaves, 
as  they  were  received  by  the  celebrant,  were  put 
into  a  fine  linen  cloth  (sindonem),  which  was 
carried  after  him  for  the  purpose  (Ord.  i.  12 ; 
ii.  9;  in  Mus.Ital.  ii.  11,47). 

(4)  A  cloth  in  which  the  chalice  was  held  by 
the  minister,  when  he  lifted  or  set  it  on  the 
altar.      When  the  chalice  had  two  handles,  it 

through  them.     Ordo  Romanus, 


"  Levat  calicem  archidiaconus  de  manu  subdia- 
coni  regionarii,  et  ponit  eum  super  altare  juxta 
oblatam  pontificis,  a  dextris  involutis  ansis  cum 
offertorio  "  (§  15)  ;  again,  "  Levat  cum  offertorio 
calicem  peransas  "  (§16 ;  similarly 0«?.  ii-  §§9, 10). 
Such  a  cloth  under  the  same  name  was  also  used 
with  the  vessel  in  which  the  water  was  offered : 
"  Aqua  etiam  .  .  .  ab  imo  diaconorum  .  .  .  cum 
offertorio  serico  offertur  " (Instit.  Monast.Gisterc. ; 
Cassandri  Liturgica,  22).  St.  William  the  Duke, 
about  812,  gave  to  the  church  of  Gellon,  among 
other  gifts,  "chalices  of  gold  and  silver,  with 
their  offertories"  (^Vita,  §21;  Acta  S.  Ord. 
Ben.  IV.  i.  82). 

(5)  From  the  following  passage  it  would 
!  appear  that  in  France,  in  the  province  of  Rheims 
j  at  least,  offertorium  also  signified,  either  the 
amula  in  which  the  wine  was  presented,  or  the 
j  offering  of  wine  itself,  as  oblatio  and  oblata  sig- 
1  nified  the  offering  of  bread :  "  Let  him  offer  for 
an  oblation  .  .  .  one  oblate  only,  and  an  ofl'er- 
torium.  But  if  ho  shall  wish  to  offer  more  wine 
in  a  bottle  or  can,  or  more  oblates,  let  him,"  «&c. 
(Hincmari   Cap.  ad  Preshijt.  16).     Probably  for 

CHRIST.  ANT. — VOL.  II. 


OFFERTOKY  PLATES        1443 

such  large  offerings  of  wine  it  was  that  Adriaii 
of  Rome,  772,  gave  to  the  church  of  St.  Adrian 
in  that  city  "  amulam  offertoriam  unam,  pen- 
santem  libras  sexaginta  et  septem "  (Anastas. 
Biblioth.  Vitae  Pont.  n.  97).  The  use  of  this 
phrase  favours  the  supposition  that  the  offer- 
torium of  Hincmar  was  an  amula.  Similarly,  in 
the  Charta  Cornutiana,  an  ancient  forgery  pur- 
porting to  belong  to  the  year  471,  but  evidently 
much  later,  a  "  hamula  oblatoria  "  is  among  the 
gifts  ascribed  to  the  benefactor  of  a  church 
(Anastas.  B.  ed.  Rom.  1728,  iii.  Proleg.  31). 

[W.  E.  S.] 

OFFERTORY    PLATES.      We     are    not 

without  examples  of  large  dishes  of  precious 
metal,  which,  often  originally  presented  as 
votive  offerings,  have  been  used  in  the  services 
of  the  church  as  offertory  plates.  A  silver-gilt 
dish  of  Byzantine  workmanship  is  mentioned  h\- 
De  Rossi  as  in  the  possession  of  Count  Gregory 
Stroganoff,  which  was  found  in  1867  in  tlie 
island  of  Berezovoy  in  Siberia.  It  is  six  inches 
in  diameter  and  weighs  IJ  lbs.  It  bears  no 
inscription,  but  there  are  some  rude  letters 
on  the  dish  which  give  no  intelligible  sense. 
The  dish  bears  a  relief  in  repousse'  v/ork,  con- 
sisting of  a  cross  planted  on  a  small  globe 
studded  with  stars,  beneath  which  issue  the 
four  rivers  of  Paradise,  and  on  either  side  stand 
two  nimbed  angels,  holding  a  rod  in  their  left 
hand,  and  elevating  their  right  hand  towards 
the  cross  in  token  of  adoration.  De  Rossi 
regards  it  as  the  work  of  Byzantine  goldsmiths 
of  the  6th  CQiitwi- J  (^Bidletin.  di  Archeol.  Cristian. 
1871,  p.  153,  tav.  ix.  1)  [Paten].  A  votive  silver 
dish,  also  of  Byzantine  workmanship,  of  the  5th  or 
6tli  century,  probably  the  offering  of  a  victorious 
general,  discovered,  together  with  some  spoons,  at 
Isola  Rizza,  near  the  river  Adige,  in  the  Veronese 
ten-itory,  is  also  described  by  De  Rossi  (Bidletin. 
di  Arch.  Crist.  1873,  pp.  118  ff.  151  ff.  ;  tav. 
X.  i.).  The  basin  or  dish  is  1  ft.  4  in.  in 
diameter,  and  weighs  4j  lbs.  The  dish  bears  a 
military  scene  in  repousse  work.  A  mounted 
warrior,  helmeted  and  mailed,  pierces  a  fallen 
enemy,  vainly  endeavouring  to  cover  himself 
witk  his  shield  and  defend  himself  with  his 
dagger.  Another  lies  dead  at  his  feet  on  his 
shield.  The  spoons  bore  a  cross  dividing  the 
words  "  utere  felix." 

A  third  dish,  also  of  silver  and  of  Byzantine 
manufacture,  very  similar  in  design  to  that  last 
described,  was  found  in  a  tomb  at  Perugia,  early  in 
the  last  century,  together  with  earrings,  fibulas, 
rings,  and  other  pei-sonal  ornaments  (Bianchini, 
de  Aur.  et  Argent.  Cimel.  in  agro  Perusino  cff'oss. 
Romae,  1717),  which  have  since  disappeared  and 
have  probably  been  melted  down.  It  was  the  sub- 
ject of  an  elaborate  treatise  by  Fontanini  (Discus 
Argenteus  Voiivus  Veterum  Christianorum,  Romae, 
1727).  The  dish  represents  a  mounted  soldier 
bareheaded  in  a  cuirass,  transfixing  a  bar- 
barian with  cloke,  shield,  and  dagger.  Round 
it  runs  the  inscription  :  "  Be  Bonis  Bei  et  Bomni 
Petri.  Utere  felix  cum  gaud.'o."  From  this  it  has 
been  reasonably  gathered  that  this  basin  once 
formed  part  of  the  altar  furniture  of  the 
Vatican,  and  vain  attempts  have  been  made  to 
identify  the  persons  represented.  De  Rossi,  mis- 
understanding the  force  of  the  genitive,  inter- 
prets the  inscription  as  indicating  a  gift  of  the 
5  A 


1444 


OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE 


Roman  Pontiff  in  the  name  of  St.  Peter  and  the 
Church  to  a  victorious  general,  and  expresses  his 
belief  that  this,  as  well  as  the  Veronese  basin, 
may  hare  been  presented  to  a  captain  of  the 
Byzantine  army  of  Belisarius  or  of  Narses.  But 
there  is  no  doubt  that  Dona  Dei  in  ecclesias- 
tical Latin  signifies  gifts  made  to  God,  i.e.  votive 
offerings.  Fontanini  gives  (p.  32)  an  inscrip- 
tion over  a  side  door  of  the  church  of  St.  Peter's 
at  Bagnacavallo,  c.  857  :  De  Donis  Dei  et  Sancti 
Petri  Apostoli,  Johannes  wnilis  Presbyter  fecit. 
The  inscription  on  the  golden  cover  of  the 
Evangeliarium  given  by  Queen  Theodelinda  to 
the  church  of  Monza  contains  the  same  formula, 
and  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  meaning  is  the 
same  here.  Mabillon  (/to-  Ital.  p.  77)  men- 
tions a  similar  dish  of  bronze  in  the  Museo 
Landi,  which  he  designates,  on  very  insufficient 
grounds,  the  shield  of  Belisarius,  exhibiting  Vitiges 
as  a  suppliant.  All  these  dishes  are  of  Byzan- 
tine workmanship,  and  belong  to  the  same  period, 
the  5th  or  6th  century.  The  British  Museum 
contains  an  example  of  an  oftertory  dish  of 
Northern  manufacture  once  belonging  to  the 
abbey  of  Chertsey,  and  dug  up  in  its  ruins  at 
the  beginning  of  this  century,  bearing  an 
inscription  in  characters  variously  regarded  as 
Piunic,  Russian,  or  "  a  fanciful  manipulation  of 
German  black  letter  "  (Eric  Magnusson).  This 
vessel  is  a  flat  circular  dish  of  nearly  pure 
copper  with  a  very  wide  rim,  on  which  the 
inscription,  of  which  we  give  a  cut,  is  engraved. 


Inscription  on  Offertory  ijisn. 


Its  diameter  is  about  9|  inches,  and  its  greatest 
depth  1^  inches.  Mr.  John  Mitchell  Kemble 
{Archaeolog.  1843,  vol.  sxx.  pp.  40-46)  regarded 
it  as  a  copy  made  in  the  10th  or  11th  century  of 
a  Scandinavian  alms-dish  used  in  the  monastery 
almost  from  the  time  of  its  foundation  in  the 
7th  century.  He  renders  the  inscription  in 
Saxon  words  :  G.E-TEOH  VR.ECKO,  i.e.  "  Offer, 
sinner."  Mr.  G.  Stephens  (^Runic  Monuments, 
vol.  i.  p.  482),  on  the  other  hand,  considers  it  to 
he  an  original  work  of  the  9th  century,  which 
must  have  found  its  way  by  gift  or  otherwise 
from  the  North  of  England,  to  which  the  words 
of  the  inscription  belong.  On  the  authority  of 
Russian  scholars  he  denies  the  Sclavonic  charac- 
ter of  the  inscription  (on  which  see  Archaeolog. 
vol.  xliv.  pp.  73,  74),  which  is  engraved  "  in 
mixt  Runic  and  Decorated  uncials."  Mr. 
Stephens  remarks  that  "  more  than  once  Old 
English  charters  mention  an  '  offring  disc  '  pre- 
sented to  some  church  or  monastery,"  and  adds 
that  during  his  residence  in  Scandinavia  he 
had  come  across  many  modern  examples  copied 
from  ancient  works,  with  pious  inscriptions  cut 
or  painted  on  them.  [E.  V.] 

OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE  (Officiuji  Divi- 
NUM).  This  stated  service  of  daily  prayer  has 
been  called  by  various  names  :  such  as  Opxis  Dei 
in  the  rule  of  St.  Benedict,  as  though  it  were  the 
special  work  to  be  performed  by  the  clergy  for 
and  to  God ;  or  Cursus,  from  the  course  of  the 
sun  which  determines  the  hours  of  prayer  (St. 


OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE 

Columbanus,  £cg.  cap.  47),  so  called  also  by  Gre- 
gory of  Tours,  "  exsurgente  Abbate  cum  Monachis 
ad  celebrandum  Cursum  ;  "  and  by  St.  Boniface, 
bishop  of  Mentz,  who  bids  his  clergy  "  speciales 
horas  et  Cursum  ecclesiae  custodiant." 

We  also  meet  with  the  following  terms  used  in 
the  same  sense  :~Collecta  in  the  rule  of  St.  Pa- 
chomius  ;  also  the  Greek  words  canon  or  synaxis. 
Also  agenda  in  the  acts  of  various  councils,  a« 
being  one  of  the  more  important  duties  to  be 
performed.  The  term  missa,  also,  is  sometimes 
applied  to  the  office  for  the  hours  of  prayer. 
"  In  conclusione  matutinarum  vel  vcspertinarum 
missarum"  [Cone.  Agath.). 

The  name  breviary,  by  which  the  Divine  office, 
or  rather  the  book  containing  it,  was  subsequently 
known,  and  which  in  common  use  took  the  place 
of  all  others,  probably  originated  in  the  form  of 
office,  thus  designated,  being  an  abbreviation  of 
a  previously  existing  form  [Breviary",  p.  247]. 

The  object  of  this  article  is  to  give  an  outline 
of  the  offices  for  the  several  hours  of  prayer, 
which  together  constitute  the  Divine  office,  as 
distinguished  from  the  liturgy — of  the  breviary, 
in  a  word,  as  distinguished  from  the  missal. 

There  is  much  obscurity  as  to  the  sources  and 
original  form  of  these  offices.  Hence  manv  con- 
jectures, some  resting  upon  very  slight  hints.  To 
pursue  this  most  interesting  inquiry  with  any 
fulness  would  far  exceed  the  limits  of  an  article, 
and  we  must  content  ourselves  with  the  bare 
statement  of  results  arrived  at.  It  is  sufficient 
for  our  purpose  that  the  germ  of  the  offices  as 
they  now  exist  may  be  traced  to  primitive,  if  not 
to  Apostolic  times. 

But  though  in  course  of  time  the  Eastern  and 
Western  forms  of  worship  came  to  differ  so  much 
from  each  other,  that  in  the  opinion  of  a  learned 
modern  writer,  the  Oriental  rites  (i.e.  of  the  daily 
office)  are,  as  to  their  origin,  "  perfectly  distinct 
from  those  of  the  Latin  churches"  (Palmer,  Orig. 
Lit.  vol.  i.  p.  218),  it  seems  more  probable  that 
both  the  Greek  and  Latin  offices  were  derived 
from  the  same  source,  and  that  the  wide  sub- 
sequent divergence  is  due  to  the  different  manner 
in  which  they  were  developed  or  added  to,  and 
largely  to  the  different  bent  of  the  Greek  and 
the  Latin  minds,  and  the  different  genius  of  the 
Greek  and  the  Latin  languages."  It  is  also  pro- 
bable that  the  germ  of  both  Eastern  and  Western 
forms  alike  is  to  be  found  in  the  earliest  Eastern 
forms. 

This  form  appears  to  have  consisted  in  the  re- 
citation of  psalms,  together  with  prayers  and 
hymns,  but  with  no  lessons  ;  and  to  have  been 
designed  for  use  during  the  night  and  in  the  early 
morning.  SS.  Basil  and  Chrysostom  and  others 
often  speak  of  these  services.  The  origin  of  these 
prayers  has  been  traced  with  much  probability 
to  the  "  Eighteen  prayers "  used  in  the  Jewish 
synagogue.  [Archdeacon  Freeman  develops  this 
theory  with  much  ingenuity  in  his  learned  work 
The  Principles  of  Divine  Service,  cap.  i.  sec.  iii.] 
It  may  be  permitted  to  say  a  fe\T  words  on  the 
origin  and  growth  of  the  Western  rites,  and  espe- 
cially of  the  Roman.     This  has  undoubtedly  the 


»  No  one,  I  venture  to  think,  can  study  the  Greek  and 
Latin  office  books  without  being  struck  with  this  differ- 
ence ;  and  few,  I  would  add,  without  feeling  the  wonder- 
ful beauty  and  fitness  of  the  Latin  language  for  purposes 
of  devotion. 


OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE 

chief  interest  for  Western  Christians,  as  being 
the  mould  in  which  the  devotions  of  the  Western 
church  have  been  cast  for  so  many  centuries. 
Though  there  were  countless  variations  of 
national  and  local  use  in  the  early  and  mediaeval 
church,  yet  these  variations  were,  after  all,  in 
matters  of  detail  which  did  not  touch  the  outline 
(ir  substance  of  the  office  ;  and  all  the  uses,  with 
llie  two  important  exceptions  of  the  Ambrosian 
;iu(i  the  Mozarabic,  were  closely  modelled  on 
the  Roman  pattern. 

The  earliest  form  of  the  Roman  office  appears 
to  have  consisted  solely  of  the  psalter,  so  dis- 
tributed as  to  be  recited  once  a  week.  At  the 
end  of  the  appointed  number  of  psalms  for  the 
daily  office  Pater  noster  was  said.  This  seems  to 
have  constituted  the  entire  office,  which  con- 
tained no  lessons,  hymns,  or  collects.  Traces  of 
this  custom  may  still  be  found  in  the  title  of 
the  first  part  of  the  breviary,  which  is  still 
called  psalterium,  though  it  now  contains  a 
great  deal  more  than  the  psalter  (indeed  all  the 
"  ordinary "  parts  of  the  office,  except  the 
lessons  and  what  is  appointed  with  them,  which 
are  relegated  to  the  proprium  do  tempore),  and 
which  is  headed  Psalterium  dispositum  per 
hehdomadam;  and  also  in  the  fact  that  Pater 
noster  is  still  recited  at  the  end  of  the  psalms  of 
each  nocturn. 

Thus  the  author  of  the  book  de  Yirginitate, 
among  the  works  of  Athanasius,  couples  Pater 
nosier  with  the  psalms  a?  forming  a  complete 
office;  and  Gregory  of  Tours  (T'ii.  Pair.  c.  5), 
when  wishing  to  say  that  he  had  not  yet  recited 
his  office,  says  he  has  not  gone  through  his 
psalms :  "  Quod  necdum  Domino  psalmorum 
decantationem  debitam  exsolvisset." 

Lessons  were  in  early  times  only  read  at  the 
mass.  So  we  find  that  of  the  early  office  books 
sent  by  Gregory  the  Great  and  others  into  Gaul, 
the  missals  alone  contained  any  lessons.  It  will 
be  seen,  too,  in  the  course  of  this  article,  that 
the  nocturnal  office  [^6(ro^u/CTior  or  ^ecroi'uKTiKi^j'] 
of  the  Eastern  church  and  the  Mozarabic  matins 
contain  no  lessons  at  the  present  time. 

The  first  to  introduce  lessons  into  the  noc- 
turnal office  appear  to  have  been  the  monks, 
with  the  double  object  of  thus  obtaining  variety 
in  the  office  and  occupation  for  themselves 
during  the  nocturnal  watches.  Thus  St.  Bene- 
dict in  his  order  prescribed  no  lessons  in  the 
nocturnal  office  during  the  summer,  when  the 
nights  are  shorter;  and  when  a  question  arose 
in  the  time  of  Charlemagne,  why  he  had  made 
this  provision,  Theodemarus,  abbat  of  Monte 
Cassino,  in  a  letter  to  the  emperor,  gives  as  the 
reason  that  before  the  time  of  St.  Gregory  the 
pope,  it  was  not  the  custom  at  Rome  to  recite 
any  lessons,  and  that  that  pontiff  was  the  first 
to  adopt  them :  "  In  Ecclesia  Romana  Sacras 
Scripturas  legi  mos  non  fuerit  ante  B.  Greg. 
I'ap."  &c.     [Lection.] 

Cassian,  also,  when  describing  the  nocturnal 
office  of  the  monks  of  Palestine,  says  only  that 
.nfter  twelve''  psalms  they  recited  a  prayer, 
and,  on  Sunday  onhj,  two  lessons. 

To  this  earliest  form  of  office,  psalms  and 
Patar  noster,  the  Apostles'  Creed  was  added ;  and 


h  It  will  be  remembered  that  twelve  Is  the  numberof 
psalms  appohited  for  the  nocturnal  of  ordinary  days  both 
in  Iho  Gregorian  and  Benedictine  psalters. 


OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE        1445 

it  is  supposed  that  pope  Damasus  [a.d.  366-38-t] 
sanctioned  an  order  of  distribution  of  psalms, 
acting  with  the  co-operation  of  St.  Jerome,  who 
is  also  reputed  to  have  framed  an  order  of 
lessons,  known  as  Com£s  Hieronymi,  or  simply 
Liber  Comes  or  Liber  Comitis.      [Lectionary.] 

Whenever  the  lessons  were  finally  made  part 
of  the  office,  it  is  clear  that  the  course  in  which 
Scripture  should  be  read  was  fixed  definitely 
and  by  authority.  For  in  all  the  variety  of 
breviaries  of  the  Roman  type,  however  much 
the  individual  lessons  may  vary — and  there  are 
great  variations — certain  books  are  read  in  all  at 
certain  seasons ;  so  that  Isaiah  is  universally 
read  in  Advent,  St.  Paul's  Epistles  in  the 
Epiphany  season.  Genesis  and  the  rest  of  the 
Pentateuch  from  Septuagesima  onwards,  Jere- 
miah in  Passiontide,  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles 
and  the  Catholic  Epistles  in  Eastertide,  and  the 
historical,  moral,  and  prophetical  books  from 
Trinity  Sunday  onwards.  The  Gospels  were 
read  at  the  Mass,  and  so  do  not  appear  in  the 
course  of  daily  reading.  Indeed,  so  firmly  has 
this  sequence  of  books  rooted  itself  into  the 
mind  of  the  church,  that  the  modern  French 
breviaries,  which  utterly  revolutionised  the  oi-der 
of  saying  the  psalter,  respected  the  course  of 
Scripture  reading,  while  often  altering  and 
lengthening  the  individual  lessons." 

Gregory  the  Great  added  antiphons  and  re- 
sponsories :  and  this,  with  the  exception  of 
minor  enrichments,  the  date  and  origin  of  which 
it  is  often  difficult  to  ascertain,  brought  the 
office  to  the  degree  of  maturity  which  is  suf- 
ficient for  our  present  purpose,  and,  to  the  form 
in  which  it  substantially  exists  and  is  used  at 
the  present  day.  Later  modifications  and  revi- 
sions are  beyond  our  scope. 

We  now  proceed  to  give  a  skeleton  of  the 
offices  themselves,  beginning  with  those  of  the 
orthodox  Eastern  church.  Details  would  be 
here  unsuitable,  and,  unless  entered  into  more 
fully  than  the  space  at  command  permits,  would 
confuse  what  they  were  meant  to  elucidate. 

The  daily  offices  of  the  Greek  church  are  con- 
tained in  the  HoROLOGiUM  [p.  784].  They 
are ,  arranged,  beginning  with  the  nocturnal 
office. 

The  following  is  the  order  of  the  offices  : — 

After  a  short  introductory  form  of  prayer  to 
be  said  on  rising  from  bed  [e'laraiTTos  t^s  Khivris] 
follows : — 

The  Office  of  the  daily  Midnight  Service. 
[aKoAou9ia  ToO  Ka9'  r^ixipav  fietron^KTiKov.] 
Introduction. 
If  there  'be  a  Priest,  he  says : — 

"Blessed  be  our  God,  now  and  for  ever  and  ever. 
Amen." 

[£vA.oyT)Tbs  6   0ebs  rjiiiav,   vvv   koX   aei,   Koi   et;    Toi/s 
alao/as  tmv  aiu>vu>v.     'A/a-^j/.]  * 
Jf  there  be  no  Priest,  say  :— 

"By  the  prayers  of  our  holy  Fathers,  0  Lord  Jcsu 
Christ  our  God,  have  mercy  upon  us.    Amen." 

[Si  evxiov  tCiv  ayCujv  Jlarepwu  ^(xajf,  Kvpie  'Itjctou 
Xpi(TTe  6  ©ebj  rjiJ-Civ,  eAe'ijcroi/  i^fias.     'A/j.rjv.'] 

'  The  reformed  Church  of  England  also  respects  this 
order  in  Its  Sunday  lessons,  which  begin  in  Advent  with 
Isaiah,  at  Septuagesima  with  Genesis,  and  which  durint; 
the  summer  and  autumn  are  taken  from  the  historical 
and  prophetical  books. 

■i  This  formula  is  known  in  the  books  as  b  eirAoyrjTds, 
and  the  priest  is  said  Troicir  evAoyrjTdi'.     ^     ,     ^^ 


1446       OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE 

*'  Glory  be  to  Thee,  0  our  God,  glory  be  to  Thee." 
£5ofa  (Tot,  6  0eb?  Tjfiu)v,  So^a  aot.] 

A  short  prayer  to  God  the  Holy  Ghost  for 
protection  and  purification,  beginning  : 

BacrcAcu  ovpdvu,  IlapaKATjre,  to  Jli-eO/ia  T^5  dA7]9eta5, 

K.T.K. 

and  linown  as  BaaiXeO  ovpavu. 

"0  Holy  God.  Holy  and  Mighty,  ,Holy  and  Eternal, 
have  mercy  upon  us." 

["Ayt05  6  ©eb5,'Ayior  'Icrxypix;,  'A710S  'AflavaTOS, eAe'ij- 
crov  rjjids,  known  as  the  TpKrayioi/.] 

Three  bowings  of  the  head  [juerovoias  ^  rpiis] 
Gloria  Patri  [in  its  Eastern  form,  i.e.  Ao'|a  Uarpl, 
Koi  tl(f  KOL  ayiai  TlvfVfiaTi,  Kal  vvv,  Kal  ael,  Kal 
els  Tovs  alwvas  twv  alcLucoy.  'A/xiiv.  Often 
printed  in  the  office  booljs  5d|a  koI  vvv'].  A  short 
■prayer  to  the  Hoi;;  Trinity  for  pardon,  and  known 
from  its  opening  words  as  Xlavayia  rpias.  The 
Lord's  Prayer,  with  the  Doxology.  Kyrie  eleison 
twelve  times.     Glory.     Both  now. 

The  invitatory  in  three  clauses  as  follows  : — 

"  0  come  let  us  worship  and  fall  down  before  God  our 
King. 

O  come  let  us  worship  and  fall  down  before  Christ  our 
King  and  God. 

0  come  let  us  worship  and  fall  down  before  Christ 
Himself  our  King  and  God." 

[AevTe  npoaKvvriaiiiji.iv  kclI  7rpocnricru[i.ev  T(u  BaCTtAti 
TifxCiu  Qeu. 

AeCre  Trpocr XpicrToi  to!  Bac.  rjfjL.  0e(u. 

Aevre  7Tpo<x auTui  Xpiorui,  k.t.A.] 

Three  howings  of  the  head. 

After  this  introduction  the  office  proceeds  as 
follows  : — 

Ps.  50  f  [51];  Ps.  118  [119]  (called  the 
&lxco!xos),  said  in  three  divisions  [_aTd(Teis],  each 
ending  with  Glory  ;  And  now  ;  three  Alleluias,  and 
three  howings  of  the  head:  Then  the  [Nicene] 
{i.e.  what  is  commonly  called  so,  and  so  through- 
out the  article)  Creed,  the  trisayion,  the  Most  Holy 
Trinity,  the  Lord's  Prayer,  and  two  troparia  or 
hymns  in  rhythmical  prose,  suitable  to  midnight. 
Then  a  theotokion  (or  short  hymn  addressed  to  the 
Blessed  Virgin,  commemorative  of  the  Incarna- 
tion) ;  Kyrie  eleison  forty  times ;  a  prayer  to 
Christ  for  grace  and  protection,  and  a  few  short 
ejaculatory  prayers,  the  details  of  which  vary 
with  the  day.  From  Sept.  22  to  Palm  Sunday 
a  long  prayer  of  St.  Basil  is  said  in  this  place. 

At  this  point  the  second  watch,  or  nocturn, 
may  be  considered  to  begin,  and  the  office  pro- 
ceeds thus : — 

Invitatory  (as  before).  Pss.  120  [121],  Levavi ; 
133  [134],  Lcce  nunc;  Glory.  Both  now.  Alle- 
luia. Trisagion,  three  howings  of  the  head ;  Most 
Holy  Trinity ;  troparia ;  a  theotokion ;  Kyrie 
eleison  twelve  times;  a  prater  in  commemoration 
of  the  departed  ;  a  short  ejaculatory  prayer  to 
the  Trinity,  and  one  to  the  Theotokos. 

Dismissal  benediction. 


*  fierai/otai  are  divided  into  ficT.  /niKpat,  i.e.  inclina- 
tions of  the  head  alone,  what  the  Koman  ceremonial 
calls  "  niodica  inclinatio,"  and  /ner.  /neyoAai,  which  are 
made  by  bending  the  knee  and  prostration  to  the  ground. 
■\Vheii  the  word  occurs,  as  in  the  text,  without  an  epithet, 
^er.  ixiKpaL  are  signified. 

f  Throughout  this  article  the  psalms  are  numbered 
according  to  the  Greek  and  Latin  versions,  as  they  stand 
immbered  in  the  office  boolis.  The  number  according  to 
the  English  version,  when  it  differs,  is  placed  afterwards 
in  bracl:cis. 


OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE 

The  priest  asks  forgiveness  from  the  people. s 

A  short  ectcne  or  litany,  the  response  to 
each  clause  of  which  is  Kyrie  eleison. 

The  foregoing  is  the  form  of  the  midnight 
office  \jj.eaovvKTi.K6v'\  for  week  days,  Saturday 
excepted.  On  Saturday  the  office  is  the  same 
up  to  the  end  of  Ps.  50  [51].     Then  follows  :— 

Pss.  64  [65],  65  [66],  66  [67],  said  in  one 
stasis,  followed  by  Glory ;  Both  now ;  and  fhrvo 
Alleluias. 

Ps.  67  [68],  said  similarly  as  a  second  stasis, 
and  Pss.  68  [69],  69  [70],  said  as  a  third. 

Troparia  and  a  longer  prayer  of  the  same 
nature  as,  though  different  from,  those  in  the- 
office  for  other  days  in  the  week. 

The  second  portion  of  the  office  for  Saturday, 
from  the  second  occurrence  of  the  Invitatory 
onwards,  is  the  same  as  for  other  week  days. 

On  Sundays  the  office  is  the  same  as  on  other 
days  as  far  as  the  end  of  Ps.  50  [51].  Then  follows 
the  triadlo  cation  (i.e.  a  canon  having  reference 
to  the  Trinity),  and  some  troparia  of  similar 
import  called  triadica  [rpioStKa].  Then  the 
trisagion  and  other  short  formularies,  including 
Kyrie  eleison  forty  times ;  the  dismissal :  the 
whole  concluding  with  the  same  ectene  or  litany 
as  before. 

Lauds  [rh  opOpov']  : — 

Blessed  he,  &c.  Invitatory  (as  at  the  nocturnal 
office).'' 

Pss.  19  [20],  20  [21];'  Glory;  Both  now; 
trisagion;  Most  Holy  Trinity  ;  the  Lord's  Prayer ; 
certain  troparia,  and  a  few  responsory  petitions 
for  priest  and  people. 

Then  the  six  psalms  following,  known  as  the 
Hexapsahnus,  prefaced  by — 

"  Glory  to  God  in  the  Highest,  and  on  earth  peacf ; 
good  will  towards  men"  [saicJ  thrice]. 

"  Thou  shalt  open  my  lips,  0  Lord,  and  my  moutli 
shall  shew  forth  thy  praise  "  [said  txvice]  :— 

Pss.  3,  37  [38],  62  [63],  87  [88],  102  [103], 
142  [143],  each  with  its  antiphon. 

Twelve  Morning  prayers  [kwQivaX  euxai]  are 
said  by  the  priest  while  the  last  three  of  these 
psalms  are  being  recited.  A  few  stichoi  (nearly 
corresponding  to  our  versicles),  the  troparia  of 
the  day,  and  the  appointed  portion  or  portions  of 
psalms  for  the  day  (each  portion  being  called  a 
Cathisma  [Kaflicrjua]). 

Ps.  50  [51].  The  cawwi,  with  the  nine  odes,i  or 
only  certain  verses  [cti'xoj]  from  them,  accord- 
ing to  the  day  and  the  length  of  the  troparia 
(or  stanzas)  of  the  canon.  Then  follow  other 
troparia,  or  short  hymns,  under  various  names, 
but  all  of  the  same  character. 

The  lauds  [oi  alvoC],  i.e.  Pss.  148,  149,  150. 

The  great  doxology  [i.e.  Gloria  in  excelsis]. 


B  This  rite  corresponds  to  the  alternate  Confiteor  of 
the  priest  and  people  in  the  Roman  offices.  Tlie  priest  is 
said  in  technical  phrase  Xa^eif  crv^^wpic"'- 

h  This  introduction  is  slightly  varied  during  Lent. 

J  The  distribution  of  Psalras  will  be  given  under 
Psalmody  ;  but  for  clearness,  the  fixed  Psalms  used  in 
the  daily  offices  are  specified  in  this  article. 

J  I.e.  the  Ode  for  the  day.  They  are  as  follows :  Ode 
1,  Song  of  Moses,  Exod.  xv. ;  Ode  2,  Song  of  Moses, 
Deuter.  xxxii.;  Ode  3,  Song  of  Hannah,  1  Sam.  ii.;  Ode 
4,  Song  of  Habakkuk,  Hab.  iii. ;  Ode  5,  Song  of  Isaiali, 
Is.  xxvi.  9 ;  Ode  6,  Song  of  Jonah,  Jon.  iii. ;  ode  7,  Song 
of  the  Three  Children,  Dan.  iii.  Ist  part ;  Ode  8,  Bene- 
dicite,  Dan.  iii. ;  Ode  9,  Magnificat  and  Benedictus. 


OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE 

Vcrsicks  [o-Ti'x"')  chiefly  from  the  Psalms,  and 
corresponding  to  the  Western  jireces]. 

Litany,  &c. ;  dismissal. 

This  office,  of  which  the  foregoing  is  an  out- 
line, varies  in  detail  on  Sundays  and  certain 
other  days.  These  variations  are,  for  the  sake  of 
simplicity,  omitted. 

The  hours  [at  wpai].     First  hour^  : — 

Iiuitatory  (as  before).  Pss.  5,  89  [90],  100 
[101],  without  antiphons. 

A  few  stichoi,  a  theotokion,  trisagion  {Most  Holy 
Trinity),  the  LorcVs  Prayer;  a  theotokion  varying 
with  the  day  of  the  week.  A  short  prayer  to 
Christ  the  true  light,  that  He  would  shew  the 
light  of  His  countenance.  The  dismissal.  [There 
nr"  slight  variations  on  Sundays  and  in  Lent.] 

The  mesorion  of  the  first  hour : — 

The  invitatory.  Pss.  45  [46],  91  [92],  92  [93]. 
Trisagion,  Most  Holy  Trinity,  the  Lord's  Prayer, 
two  troparia,  a  theotokion,Kyrieeleison  forty  times; 
Glory  ;  Both  now ;  a  short  hymn  to  the  Theotokos ; 
three  great  reverences,  i.e.  prostrations  [/zeTaroias 
lj.eyd\as  7']  ;  and  two  prayers  of  St.  Basil  for 
]irotection  and  blessing  during  the  day.  Glory. 
Both  now.     Dismissal. 

The  third,  sixth,  and  niyith  hours,  each  with 
its  mesorion,  are  of  precisely  the  same  form  as 
the  first,  consisting,  after  the  introduction,  each 
of  three  psalms,  troparia,  &c.,  and  ending  with  a 
prayer,  so  that  it  seems  unnecessary  to  set  them 
out.  These  parts  are  different  for  each  hour. 
The  psalms  are  : — 

At  the  third  hour,  Pss.  16  [17],  24  [25],  50 
[ol].  At  the  mesorion  of  the  third  hour,  Pss.  29 
[30],  31  [32],  60  [61].  At  the  sixth  hour, 
Fss.  53  [54],  54  [55],  90  [91].  At  the  viesorion 
of  the  sixth  hour,  Pss.  55  [56],  56  [57],  69  [70]. 
At  the  ninth  hour,  Pss.  83  [84],  84  [85],  85  [86]. 
At  the  mesorion  of  the  ninth  hour,  Pss.  112  [113], 
137  [138],  139  [140]. 

In  addition  to  these  hours,  there  is  an  office 
called  the  typics  [to.  rrnnKo],  which  is  said 
after  the  sixth  or  the  ninth  hour,  according  to 
the  season  of  the  year.  Its  origin  is  obscure. 
The  office  is  as  follows  : — 

Pss.  102  [103].     Glory,  145  [146].     Both  now. 

[In  Lent '  the  psalms  of  the  ninth  hour  are 
said  instead  of  these.] 

A  short  prayer  to  Christ  for  salvation. 

The  blessings  [01  naKaptaixoi].  These  are 
the  blessings  from  the  sermon  on  the  mount 
[St.  Matt.  V.  3-12  (to  great  is  your  reward  in 
heavenf],  and  are  said  with  the  clause,  '^ Pcmember 
us,  0  Lord,  when  Thou  earnest  in  Thy  kingdom," 
taid  as  an  antiphon  at  the  beginning,  and  repeated 
after  each  blessing. 

The  tersanctus  ™  thrice  repeated,  with  a  verse 
and  Glory  interposed  between  the  first  two  re- 
petitions ;  and  Both  now  after  the  third. 

The  Nicene  Creed,  followed  by  a  short  prayer 
for  pardon.     The  Lord's  Prayer. 

Then,  if  it  be  a  Sunday  or  a  saint's  day,  which 
is  festivated,  the  contakion  °  of  the  day.  If  not, 
then  first  the  contakion  of  the  transfiguration, 

k  This  hour  is  said  continuously  with  lauds,  and  so 
begins  at  once  with  the  invitatory.  If  said  separately, 
it  would  be  prefaced  by  the  usual  introduction. 

1  T17  neyaAj/  Te(TcrapaKoaTJj,  the  usual  term  for  the  fast 
before  Easter,  i.e.  the  Western  Lent. 

"  By  this  is  meant  the  "  Holy,  Holy,  Holy  "  from  the 
liturgy,  as  distinguished  from  the  trisagion. 

"  I.e.  a  short  hymn. 


OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE       1447 

and  afterwards  that  for  the  day  of  the  week. 
These  have  reference  on  Monday  to  the  heavenly 
host  [to.  aa-cofiaTo]  ;  on  Tuesdaj',  to  the  forerunner 
[i.e.  the  Baptist,  o  Trp68po/xos^  ;  on  Wednesdav 
and  Friday,  to  the  cross  ;  on  Thursday,  to  the 
holy  apostles ;  on  Saturday,  to  the  departed  [to 
veKpciatfiov].  Then  one  or  two  more  short 
trojparia  of  the  usual  type  ;  the  trisagion,  &c.  ;  a 
short  prayer  to  the  Holy  Trinity  :  and  the  office 
ends  with  Ps.  33  [34].  The  office  before  meat 
[aKoKovQta  ttjs  Tpaiti^ris]  is  used  in  monasteries, 
printed  in  this  place  in  the  Horologium ;  but  it 
does  not  come  within  the  scope  of  this  article. 

Vespers   [to   kcnvepiv6v~\  : — 

The  priest  begins,  "  Blessed  be  our  God,"  &c. 
[Troie?  €vKoy7]r6v.^  The  invitatory ;  Ps.  103 
[104],  called  the  pjrooemiac psalm  [rhy  irpooi/xiaKhy 
xl/aXfiou]. 

The  appointed  section  or  cathism  [KaOifffxa]  of 
the  psalter.  Pss.  140  [141],  141  [142],  said  as 
one  psalm  and  called  the  Kvpie  eKiKpa^a.  from  the 
opening  words. 

Stichi  \_(tt'lxol],  i.e.  versicles  from  the  Psalms, 
and  Ps.  116  [117].  The  hymn  "Joyful  light" 
[(J)£os  lAapSv]."  The  prokeimenon  [TrpoKeiixivov] 
for  the  day.  These  vary  with  the  day  of  the 
week,  but  are  all  of  the  same  form.  That  for 
Sunday  is: — 

"  Behold  now  praise  the  Lord,  all  ye  servants  of  the 
Lord." 

Sticlios.  "  Ye  that  stand  in  the  house  of  the  Lord  in 
the  courts  of  the  house  of  our  God." 

K  prayer  for  protection,  &c.,  during  the  night. 

More  versicles  from  the  Psalms,  called  here 
aposticha  [airSaTLx^-  Those  for  ordinary  days 
are  Ps.  122  [123],  said  in  two  stichi. 

JSiunc  dimittis,  trisagion,  &c.,  and  dismissal. 

[In  Lent  and  at  certain  other  seasons  there 
are  variations  in  the  concluding  part  of  the 
office,  which   it  is  unnecessary  to  specify.] 

The  foregoing  is  the  order  of  daily  vespers  as 
given  in  the  Horology  (9th  ed.  Venice).  When 
there  is  a  vigil,  an  abbreviated  form,  omitting  the 
section  from  the  psalms,  &c.  is  said  ;  and  after 
compline,  great  vespers  are  said.  These  are  an 
amplification  of  the  ordinary  form,  and  include 
sections  from  Scripture,  and  the  rite  known  as 
a  lite  [A.it^],  and  on  great  days  finishes  with  the 
benediction  of  the  loaves.  [See  those  articles.] 
To  specify  the  variations  would  go  beyond  our 
limits. 

Compline  [anoSenrvoi'']  : — 

There  are  two  forms  of  compline  :  air,  /neya. 
and  a-jT.  fiiKpSv.  Great  compline  is  said  in  Lent ; 
little  compline  at  other  seasons. 

The  order  of  great  compline  : — 

This  is  an  oilice  of  great  length  and  interest, 
and  may  be  considered  as  divided  into  three 
parts,  each  beginning  with  the  invitatory. 
"  Blessed  be  our  God,"  &c.,  with  the  usual  intro- 
duction and  invitatory.  In  the  first  week  in 
Lent  the  (so  called)  great  canon  is  said.  At  other 
times  the  office  begins  thus : — 

Pss.  4,  6,  12  [13].  Three  inclinations  and 
Eyrie  eleison  thrice.     Pss.  24  [25],  30  [31],  90 


o  This  hymn  is  well  known  in  its  English  translation. 
It  is  called  in  the  Greek  t;  iirtKvxvio^  evxapia-Tta,  or 
u^i/os  TpiaSiKos.  It  is  attributed  by  St.  Basil  (de  Spir. 
Sand.  c.  29]  to  Athenogenes  the  Martyr,  circ.  a.d.  175. 
It  appears  to  have  been  reduced  to  its  present  form  by 
Sophronius,  Patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  circ.  a.d.  629. 


1448        OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE 

[91].      Kyrie    eleison    thrice.      The     following 
^tic/d  said  alternately  by  the  choir : — 
"  God  is  with  us,  know  ye  nations,  and  be  confounded, 

For  God  is  witli  us. 
Give  ear  to  tlie  ends  of  tlie  eartli. 

For  God  is  witli  us." 

[And  so  on  for  twenty  clauses,  with  the  same 
response  after  each,  taken  from  Isaiah  viii.  and 
ix.  and  ending  thus]  :— 
"  Wonderful,  Counsellor, 

For  God  is  with  us. 
The  migbty  God,  the  everlasting  Father,  the  Prince  of 
Toace, 

For  God  is  with  us. 
The  Father  of  the  age  to  come, 

For  God  is  with  us.    Glory,"  &c.  p 

Then  certain  troparia,  the  Nicene  Creed,  invo- 
cations to  the  Theotokos  and  the  saints. 

Several  other  troimria,  and  a  prayer  of  St. 
Basil  for  protection  and  purity. 

The  invitatory  (thrice). 

Pss.  50  [51],  101  [102];  tlic  prayer  of 
Ilanasseh  ;  troparia,  &c. ;  and  a  short  prayer  to 
the  Holy  Trinity. 

The  invitatory  (thrice). 

Pss.  69  [70],  142  [143]. 

Gloria  in  excelsis  [called  the  Doxology]  followed 
Ly  versicles  of  precisely  the  same  form  as  the 
Latin  preces. 

Ps.  150,  with  the  clause,  "  0  Lord  of  Hosts, 
have  mercy  upon  vs,"  said  as  an  antiphon  after 
each  verse.  Wore  troparia,  &c.,  among  wliich 
occurs  a  prayer  to  the  Saviour  for  protection 
(luring  the  night,  beginning  6  eV  iravrl  Katpcf, 
Ka\  irdcrr)  Sipr;,  k.t.A. 

A  prayer  to  the  Tlieotokos. 

Two  prayers  to  the  Saviour,  one  beginning  Kot 
5u5  r]fuu  Secnrora  irphs  vttvov  ainovaiv,  K.r.X.  ; 
the  other,  Seo-TroTa  iroXveXee,  ic.t.X.  :  an  ectene 
or  litany  of  the  usual  form,  and  the  office  finishes 
with  another  prayer  to  the  Saviour. 

Little  compline  \_a.Tr6Stnrvov  fx.iKp6v]  : — 

"  Glory  be  to  Thee,  0  our  God,  glory  be  to  Thee.' 

A  short  prayer  to  the  Paraclete. 

The  usual  introduction  and  the  invitatory. 

Pss.  50  [51],  69  [70],  142  [143]. 

Gloria  in  excelsis,  with  the  versicles  following 
as  at  great  compline. 

The  Nicene  Creed,  the  trisagion,  &c.,  the 
troparia  of  the  day,  Kyr.  cl.  (forty  times). 

The  prayer  to  the  Saviour,  b  eV  iravTl  Kaipa,  as 
at  great  compline  ;  a  few  short  versicles. 

Prayer  to  the  Theotokos. 

Prayer  to  the  Saviour,  koI  Shs  rifxlv  SeVirora, 
both  as  at  great  compline  ;  a  few  ejaculatory 
ascriptions  of  praise. 

The  dismissal. 

The  Western  offices  will  not  detain  us  long. 
Even  those  parts  which  are  not  intimately 
known  to  all  are  of  a  familiar  type.  They  are 
also  shorter  than  the  Eastern,  and  arranged  with 
much  greater  terseness  and  method.  The  Roman 
office  is  by  far  the  most  important  and  most 
widely  used.    The  older  English,  French,  German, 


p  It  is  impossible  within  reasonable  limits  to  give  more 
than  the  skeleton  of  this  long  and  intricate  office,  even 
could  more  be  attempted  without  sacrifice  of  clearness. 
The  troparia,  &c.,  are  all  of  the  ordinary  form. 


OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE 

and  Scandinavian  uses  are  of  precisely  the  same 
form,  and  only  difier  in  details,  such  as  the 
calendars,  commemorations  of  saints,  order  of 
lessons,  responsories,  &c. — variations  which  it 
would  be  at  once  hopeless  and  useless  to  attemjjt 
to  point  out,  and  the  magnitude  and  import- 
ance of  which  have  been  much  exaggerated. 
There  are  indeed  few  more  striking  evidences  of 
the  uniformity  and  organization  of  the  Roman 
Church  than  the  wide  dissemination  and  reception 
of  its  offices  into  distant  regions  and  different 
races,  and  the  unanimity  with  which  what  was 
in  essentials  the  same  rite  was  observed.  The 
only  two  notable  exceptions  are  the  Ambrosian 
and  the  Mozarabic  offices,  both  of  which  are 
very  different  from  the  Roman,  and  of  great 
beauty ;  but  which  were  used  within  narrow 
limits,  and  so  are  of  much  smaller  practical 
importance.     They  will  be  described. 

The  Roman  hours  are  seven  or  eight  in  num- 
ber, according  as  matins  and  lauds  are  counted  as 
one  or  two,  i.e..  Matins,  lauds,  prime  (or  the 
hour),  the  third,  sixth,  and  ninth  hours,  ves- 
pers, compline.  Taking  them  in  order  we  have : 
1.  1/aims  (matutinum)  : — 
These  consist  on  Sundays  and  double  feasts  of 
three  nocturns.  On  simple  feasts  and  week  days 
of  one.  Easter  day  and  Pentecost  with  their 
octaves  have  only  one  nocturn  with  three  psalms. 
The  office  for  Sunday  and  feasts  of  nine  lessons 
is  as  follows : 

N.B.  Before  matins  and  all  hours  except  com- 
pline is  said  secretly.  Pater  noster,  Ave  Maria  ; 
and  at  the  beginning  of  matins  and  prime,  and 
at  the  end  of  compline,  the  Apostles'  Creed. . 
Then  with  a  loud  voice — 

"  Domine  labia  mea  aperies, 
Et  OS  meum  annunciabitur  laudem  tuam. 
Deus  in  adjutorium,  &c. 
Domine  ad  adjuvandum,  kc. 
Gloria;  sicut;  alleluia;" 
except  when  alleluia  is  not  said,  i.e.  from  Scptu- 
agesima  to  Easter,  when  "  Laus  tibi  Domine  rev 
aeternae  gloriae  "  is  said  instead. 

Invitatory,  and  the  invitatory  psalm,  94  [95]. 
Hymn  (varying  with  the  day  and  season). 

In  nocturn  i.  Psalms  as  appointed  [12  on 
Sundays,  3  on  feasts].  A  verse  and  response. 
Pater  noster,  short  form  of  absolution  (absolutio), 
three  lessons  from  Scripture  in  course,  each  pre- 
ceded by  its  benediction,  and  followed  by  its 
responsory. 

In  nocturn  ii.  Three  psalms,  each  with  its 
antiphon.  Verse  and  response.  Pater  noster, 
absolution.  Three  lessons  from  the  patristic  writ- 
ings, each  with  its  benediction  and  responsory. 

In  nocturn  iii.  The  same  as  in  nocturn  ii.,  the 
lessons  being  a  commentary  on  the  gospel  of 
the  day  from  some  homily.  Instead  of  the  last 
responsory,  Te  Deum  is  said,  except  in  Advent, 
and  fi"om  Septuagesima  to  Easter,  when  it  is 
only  said  on  festivals.  When  Te  Deum  is  not 
said,  there  is  a  responsory  instead. 

[On  week  days,  and  when  the  office  is  of  three 
lessons,  there  is  one   nocturn  only,  containing 
twelve  psalms  under  six  antiphons.] 
2.  Lauds : — 

Deus  in  adjutorium,  kc.  Gloria,  &c.  Alleluia 
or  Laus  tibi  Domine,  kc,  according  to  the  season, 
as  at  matins. 

Five  psalms  [i.e.  what  is  reckoned  as  such,  said 
j  under  five   antiphons    and    five    Glorias'].      On 


OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE 

Sunday  [except  from  Septuagesima  to  Easter] 
these  are — 

Pss.  92  [93],  99  [100],  62  [63],  and  66  [67] 
(said  as  one),  Benedicite,  148,  149,  150  (said  as 
one). 

On  week  days  the  psalms  are  i  (1)  50  [51],  (2) 
varies  with  the  day  of  the  week,  (3)  62  [63] 
and  66  [67],  (4)  a  canticle  varying  with  the 
day  of  the  week,  (5)  148,  149,  150. 

Capitulum,  i.e.  a  verse  from  the  Scriptures.'' 
Hymn  (varying  with  the  day).  A  verse  and 
response.  Benedictus.  Collect  for  the  day.  Coin- 
niemorations  (if  any  are  said). 

3.  Prime:— 

Pater  noster.  Ave  Maria.  Credo.  Deus  in 
cdjutorium,  &c.     Hymn,  "  Jam  lucis  orto  sidei'e." 

Four  psalms  (on  Sunday),  53  [54],  117  [118], 
118  [119]  (first  four  sections  of  eight  verses 
said  as  two).  On  week  days,  54  [54],  a  varying 
psalm,  118  [119]  (the  same  as  on  Sunday). 
The  Athanasian  Creed  (when  the  service  is  on 
the  Sunday,^  and  on  Trinity  Sunday).  Capi- 
tulum. 

Besp.  "Christe  flli  Dei  vivi.  Miserere  nobis  (bis). 
V.  Qui  sedes  ad  dexteram  Patris.  R.  Miserere  nobis. 
V.  Gloria,  &c.  K.  Christe  fiU,  &c.  V.  Exsurge  Christe, 
.idjuva  nos.    K.  Et  libera  nos  propter  nomen  tuum." 

Then  follow  these  prcces,  which  are  not  said 
when  the  ofBce  is  doiihlc,  or  within  octaves. 
Kyrio  elcison  (ter),  Pater  noster,  Credo. 

Preces  of  the  ordinary  form  of  verse  and  re- 
ponse.  Alternate  confiteor  and  misereatur  by 
priest  and  choir.  A  few  more  alternate  versicles. 
Then,  whether  the  office  be  double  or  not,  the 
Oratio,  "  Domine  Deus  Omnipotens," '  &c. 
V.  Benedicamus  Domino.    R.  Deo  gratias. 

On  iceeh  days  the  Athanasian  Creed  is  not 
said :  in  other  respects  the  office  is  said  as  above. 
In  Advent,  Lent,  and  on  certain  other  days, 
additional  preces  are  said  before  the  confiteor, 
from  which  point  the  office  proceeds  as  usual. 

4.  Tercet- 
Pater,  Ave,  Deus  in  adjutorium.  Hymn,  "  Nunc 

sancte  nobis  Spiritus." 

Six  sections  of  eight  verses  of  Ps.  118  [119], 
said  in  three,  under  one  antiphon.  Capitulum. 
Jiesponsio  hrevis.     Collect  for  the  day. 

5.  6.  Sext  and  none  are  of  precisely  the  same 
form,  and  require  no  separate  remark.  At  sext 
the  hymn  is  "  Rector  potens,  verax  Deus,"  and  at 
none  "  Rerum  tenax  Deus  vigor." 

When  preces  are  said  at  lauds,  a  short  form  of 
preces  is  said  at  terce,  sext,  and  none  immediately 
before  the  collect  for  the  day. 

7.    Vespers : — 

Pater,  Ave,  Deus  in  adjutorium.  Five  psalms  as 
appointed,  each  with  its  antiphon.  Capitulum. 
Hymn  (varying  with  the  day  and  season).  Verse 
and  response.  That  for  Ordinary  Sunday  and 
week  days  is 

V.  Dirigatur  Domine  oratio  mea.  K.  Slcut  incensum 
in  conspectu  tuo. 

Magnificat  (with  its  proper  antiphon).  Collect 
for  the  day.     Commemorations,  when  said. 


<j  See  Psalmody  for  details. 

r  That  for  ordinary  Sundays  is  Rov.  vii.  12,  "  Blessing," 
&c.  That  for  ordinary  weeli  diiys,  Rom.  xiii.  12,  "The 
night  is  far  spent,"  &c. 

3  I.e.  when  a  double  feast,  which  takes  precedence  of 
an  ordinary  Sunday,  does  not  fall  on  the  day. 

'  The  original  of  our  third  Collect  at  Morning  Prayer. 


OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE       1449 

When  preces  are  said  at  lauds,  they  are  also 
said  at  vespers  after  magnificat. 
8.   Compline: — 

Lector.  Jube  Domne  benedicerc. 

Jiened.  Noctem  quietam,  &c. 

Lectio  brevis.  1  Pet.  v.  8. 

V.  Adjutorium  nostrum  in  nomine  Domini. 

R.  Qui  fecit  coelum  et  terram. 

Pater,  Confiteor,  &c.,  alternately,  as  at  prime. 


V.  Convcrte  nos  Deus  salutaris  noster. 
R.  Et  averte  iram  tuam  a  nobis. 

Deus  in  adjutorium,  &c. 

Pss.  4,  30  [31],  (1-6),  90  [91],  133  [134], 
said  under  one  antiphon. 

Hymn,  "  Te  lucis  ante  terminum."  Capitulinn 
(Jerem.  xiv.  9).  Pesponsio  brevis.  Nunc  dimittis 
(with  its  antiphon).  Kyrie  eleison  (ter),  Pater, 
Credo,  and  short  preces.  The  collect  "  Visita 
quaesumus,"  &c.     Benediction. 

No  notice  has  here  been  made  of  the  short 
capitular  office  at  the  end  of  prime,  or  of  the 
antiphons  to  the  B.V.M.,  of  which  one  is  said 
daily  after  lauds  and  compline. 

The  Roman  office  here  given  in  outline  is  tlie 
model  on  which  the  secular  breviaries  throughout 
the  Roman  obedience  were  formed.  These  were 
universally  of  the  same  foi-m,  though  differing 
in  many  details,  and  local  commemorations  and 
usages.  The  Gregorian  distribution  of  the 
psalter  is  always  adopted." 

In  the  old  English  uses  the  hymns  and  anti- 
phons at  compline  varied  with  the  season ;  and 
every  day  after  compline  and  lauds,  except  in 
double  feasts  and  during  certain  octaves  and  in 
Christmas  and  Eastertides,  a  short  form  consist- 
ing ,ofPs.  122  [123],  a  few  versicles,  and  a  collect 
was  said  "  pro  pace  ecclesiae."  When  this  was 
said  at  lauds,  a  similar  form  for  protection 
during  the  day  was  said  after  prime. 

The  monastic  office,  of  which  the  Benedictine 
is  the  type,  differs  from  the  secular  in  many 
respects,  the  chief  of  which  are  the  following  : 

(1)  The  Benedictine  distribution  of  the  psalter 
is  used  and  not  the  Gregorian. 

(2)  On  Sundays,  and  days  with  three  nocturns. 
There  are  four  lessons  in  each  nocturn,  there  are 
six  Psalms  in  both  the  first  and  second  nocturns, 
and  three  canticles  in  the  third,  each  witli 
responsory.  Those  of  the  first  nocturn  are  from 
Scripture  ;  those  of  the  second  from  the  writings 
of  the  fathers,  or  from  the  lives  of  the  saints ; 
those  of  the  third  from  patristic  exposition  of 
the  gospel.  Te  Deum  is  said  after  (not  instead  of) 
the  ninth  responsory,  and  then  follow  the  gospel 
and  collect  of  the  day. 

(3)  On  week  days,  and  days  of  three  lessons, 
twelve  psalms  are  said  in  two  nocturns  ;  six  in 
each.  In  the  first  nocturn  three  lessons,  mostJy 
from  Scripture,  are  read.  In  the  second  nocturn 
there  are  no  lessons.  In  the  weekday  office  of 
the  Benedictine  rites,  from  Easter  to  Nov.  1,  no 
lessons  are  read,  but  only  a  Lectio  brevis,  varying 
with  the  day  of  the  week. 

(4)  There  are  no  preces  in  Lent,  &c.,  at  lauds 
and  vespers. 

(5)  Ps.  30  [31],  ver.  1-6,  and  Nunc  dimittis  are 


1  No  account  is  taken  of  modern  French  and  other 
breviaries,  which  do  not  come  within  the  prescribed 
limits  of  time.    These  do  not  differ  in  form. 


1450       OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE 

not  said  at  compline,  except  on  the  three  last 
days  of  the  Holy  week. 

The  Amhrosian  office,  which  is  still  used  in 
the  diocese  of  Milan,  except  in  the  Swiss  portion, 
which  adheres  to  the  Roman  rite,^  requires 
more  detailed  notice.  Its  origin  and,  still  more, 
the  steps  by  which  it  arrived  at  its  final  shape, 
are  involved  in  much  obscurity.  It  is  un- 
doubtedly of  high  antiquity,  and  originally 
framed  by  St.  Ambrose.  St.  Simplician,  who 
succeeded  him  as  archbishop  of  Milan  (a.d.  397), 
is  said  to  have  made  many  additions.  It  is 
probable  that  during  the  following  century  the 
office  assumed  its  complete  form  as  to  its  main 
features,  and  was  afterwards  gradually  perfected 
in  details.  When  St.  Charles  Borromeo  became 
archbishop,  he  set  to  work  to  restore  the  ancient 
rites  of  the  Milanese  church,  into  which  he 
complains  that  much  had  been  introduced  without 
authority  from  time  to  time  by  individual 
priests ;  and  by  comparison  of  the  office,  as  he 
found  it,  with  ancient  documents  and  the 
"  Ambrosian  Institutes,"  and  with  the  help  of 
learned  men,  to  bring  it  back  as  far  as  possible 
to  the  original  form  described  by  the  most 
distinguished  writers  on  the  divine  offices,  and 
especially  by  his  predecessor  Theodorus.'"' 

The  Amhrosian  office  then,  in  its  present  form, 
which  we  are  obliged  to  quote,  owing  to  the 
uncertainty  of  earlier  forms,  is  in  outline  as 
follows  :— 

Matins  (Ad  Matutinum) : — 

Pater  noster.  Ave  Maria  [secreto].  Deus  in 
adjutorium,  &c.  Domine  ad  adjuvandum,  &c. 
Gloria.  Sicut.  Hymn,  "Aeterne  rerum  conditor  " 
[said  daily].  Responsory  [varying  with  the  day]. 

The  Song  of  the  Three  Children  ["  Benedictus 
es,"  &c.  vv.  29-34]  with  its  antiphon.  Benedictus 
cs  Deus.     R.  Amen. 

[The  foregoing  is  common  to  all  matins.] 

Then :  On  Sundays  three  canticles  said  in 
three  nocturns,  one  in  each,  each  with  antiphon. 

In  Noct.  i.  Song  of  Isaiah  [from  chap,  xxvi.] 
De  nocte  vigilat. 

In  Noct.  ii.  Song  of  Hannah  [from  1  Sam.  ii.]. 

In  Noct.  iii.  in  Winter  (i.e.  from  the  first 
Sunday  in  October  till  Palm  Sunday)  the  Song  of 
Ilabakkuk  [Hab.  iii.]. 

In  Noct.  iii.  in  Summer  (i.e.  from  Easter  till 
the  last  Sunday  in  September)  the  Song  of 
Jonah  [Jon.  ii.]. 

[On  Sundays  no  psalms  are  said  at  nocturns.] 

On  iceek  days,  the  appointed  section  of  the 
psalms,  called  a  decuria,  said  in  three  nocturns 
[v.  art.  Psalmody]. 

Then  follow  three  lessons. 

On  Sundays  from  a  homily  on  the  Gospel. 

On  week  days  from  the  Holy  Scriptures  read 
in  course. 

Each  lesson  is  prefaced  by  a  benediction  ;  and 
the  first  two  are  followed  by  a  response,  and 
the  third  by  Te  Deum  when  said.  When  not 
said,  there  is  no  third  response. 


'•■'  When  Cardinal  Gaisruch  in  the  present  century 
attempted  to  impose  the  Ambrosian  Liturgy  on  this 
portion  of  the  diocese,  the  public  voice  answered, 
"Kither  Romans  or  Lutherans." 

"  Archbishop  of  Milan,  circ.  a.d.  480.  He  wrote  a 
commentary  on  the  nocturnal  and  matutinal  office  of  the 
Milanese  church.  See  preface  to  the  Ambrosian  Breviary 
as  edited  by  Cardinal  Gaisruch,  a.d.  1841. 


OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE 

The  benedictions  are  more  varied  than  in  the 
Roman  rite.  The  responses,  on  the  contrary,  are 
for  the  most  part  not  so  full  or  rich. 

Lauds : — 

The  following  is  the  order  for  Sundays  and 
the  more  important  festivals  of  saints  : — 

Deus  in  adjutorium,  &c.  Benedictus,  with  its 
proper  antiphon. 

[On  Sundays  in  Advent,  Christmas  Day  and 
its  octave,  and  on  the  Epiphany,  Attende  coelum 
[Deut.  xxxii.]  is  said  instead  of  Benedictus.'] 

Kyrie  deison  (ter). 

An  antiphon  called  antiphona  ad  crucem, 
proper  to  the  day,  and  said  five,  or  on  some  days 
seven  times. 

The  Song  of  Moses  ["  Cantemus  Domino,"  from 
Exod.  XV.]  with  its  proper  antiphon,  and  prefaced 
by  an  unvarying  oratio  secreta. 

Benedicite  with  antiphon  and  oratio  secreta. 

A  collect  (oratio  l"')  [varying  with  the 
season]. 

Pss.  148,  149,  150,  116  [117]  said  under  one 
antiphon.  A  capitulum  and  antiphon  [both 
varying  with  the  office].  A  direct^  psalm  [vary- 
ing with  the  day  of  the  week].  Hymn  [varying 
with  the  office].  Hyrie  eleison  (duodecies). 
Fsallenday  i.  and  completorium  i.  Oratio  ii. 
responsorium  in  haptisterio,  a  Psalm  of  four 
verses  [varying  with  the  day].  Oratio  iii. 
Psullenda  ii.  and  completorium  ii.  Oratio  iv. 
[Commemorations,  if  any],  and  the  office  ends 
thus : — 

V.  Benedicat,  et  exaudiat  nos  Deus.  R.  Amen. 
V.  Procedamus  in  pace.  R.  In  nomine  Christi. 
v.  Benedicamus  Domino.     R.  Deo   gratias.     Pater 

noster. 
V.  Sancta  Trinitas  nos    semper  salvet  et  benedicat. 

R.  Amen. 
V.  Fidelium  animae  per  Dei  misericordiam  requies- 

cant  in  pace.    R.  Amen.^ 

On  week  days  the  office  varies  thus : — 

Instead  of  Cantemus  Domino  and  Benedicite.^ 
Ps.  50  [51]  is  said  on  all  days  but  Saturday. 
Ps.  117  [118]  is  said  on  Saturday. 

There  are  no  psallenda.  The  resp.  in  hapt. 
and  the  four  verses  of  a  psalm  are  always  said, 
and  there  are  three  collects  instead  of  four. 

There  are  variations  in  the  arrangement  of 
the  details  of  the  office  at  special  seasons  and  on 
festivals. 

Prime : — 

Pater  noster,  &c.,  as  at  the  beginning  of  all 
the  hours.  Hymn,  "  Jam  lucis  orto  sidere."  Pss. 
53  [54],  118  [119]  (four  first  sections  of  eight 
verses).  Epistolella,''  a  few  versicles  and  responses. 
Athanasian  creed  (called  simply  symbolum). 

Then  on  Sundays  and  the  higher  class  of 
festivals  three  collects,  of  which  the  first  is  the 
same  as  the  corresponding  Roman  collect,  and 
the  office  ends, — 

V.  Benedicamus  Domino.    E.  Deo  gratias. 
Then  the  martyrology  is  read  in  choir. 
On  other  days,  after  the  symbolum,  preccs  are 

1  So  called  because  said  straight  through,  and  not 
antiphonally. 

y  These,  and  other  similar  names,  are  all  antiphons 
of  much  the  same  character. 

2  This  ending  is  common  to  all  the  hours. 

»  This  corresponds  exactly  with  the  Roman  capi- 
tulum. 


OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE 

said.  These  are  of  the  same  character  as  the 
Roman  preces  at  prime,  but  longer,  and  the 
petitions  are  different,  and  they  end  with  Ps.  50 

[51]. 

Tcrce,  sext,  and  none  are  in  form  exactly 
similar  to  the  Roman  offices  for  those  hours. 
On  ordinary  week  days  short  preces  are  said  at 
each  hour,  the  form  containing  a  psalm.  These 
are,  at  prime  Ps.  50  [51],  at  sext  56  [57],  at 
none  85  [86]. 

Vespers  are  said  thus : — Pater  noster,  &c.  An 
antiphon  called  lucernarium  [proper  for  the 
office].  Antiphona  in  choro  [proper].  Hymn 
[proper].  Five  psalms  with  their  antiphons. 
Oratio.  Magnificat  [with  proper  antiphon]. 
0 ratio.  Psallenda  i.  and  resp.  in  bapt.  (if  said). 
Oratio  iii.  Four-verse  psalm,  with  antiphon  (if 
said).  Tioo  completoria.  Oratio  iv.  Psallenda  ii. 
and  two  more  completoria.  Oratio  v.  Conclusion 
of  office. 

The  first  two  orationes  are  proper  to  tlie  office  ; 
the  other  three  are  fixed. 

On  week  days,  after  Magnificat  the  office  con- 
tinues as  follows : — 

Oratio  ii,  Besp.  in  bapt.  Oratio  iii.  Four- 
verse  psalm  loith  antiphon.  A  cowpletorlam. 
Oratio  iv.  and  conclusion. 

The  four  collects  on  week  days  vary  with 
the  day  of  the  week. 

On  festivals  two  psalms  (or  rather  what  are 
counted  as  two)  are  said  at  different  points  of 
tiie  office,  the  arrangement  of  the  component 
I'arts  of  which  differs  in  some  respects  from  the 
I'orial  arrangement.  There  are  also  certain 
variations  at  special  seasons,  as  in  Lent  and 
Kastertide,  into  which  it  is  not  necessary  to 
enter. 

Compline  closely  resembles  the  Roman,  though 
the  materials  are  somewhat  differently  arranged. 
The  office  runs  thus  : — 

Pater,  Ave.  Converte  nos,  &c.  Deus  in  adju- 
torium,  &c.  Hymn  ("  Te  lucis  ante  terminum  "). 
Pss.  4,  30  [31]  (1-6),  90  [91],  132  [133],  133 
[134],  116  [117],  said  without  an  antiphon,  and 
the  last  three  under  one  Gloria.  Epistolella. 
Nunc  dimittis.    Antiphon  and  response. 

On  ordinary  week  days  preces  of  the  usual 
form  containing  Psalm  12  [13].  Two  collects,'^ 
"  Illumina  quaesumus  Domino  "  and  "  Visita  quae- 
sumus  Domine."     Conclusion. 

When  2)reces  are  not  said,  the  collects  or 
orationes  follow  immediately  the  response  after 
Nunc  dimittis. 

In  Lent  an  additional  hymn  is  said  after  the 
psalms. 

The  Mozarabio  or  Spanish  office  differs  widely 
from  all  others.  It  is  of  high  antiquity.  The 
Spanish  tradition  would  trace  its  origin  to  St. 
Petei",  to  disciples  of  whom  and  of  St.  Paul  it 
assigns  the  introduction  of  Christianity  into 
Spain,"  and  maintains  that  it  should  be  called 
originally  Roman  and  Gothic,  after  the  con- 
version of  Reccaredus,  king  of  the  Goths,  to  the 
Catholic  faith,  and  the  public  abjuration  of  the 
Arian  heresy  in  the  third  council  of  Toledo,  A.D. 
589.  Subsequently  St.  Isidore,  archbishop  of 
Seville,  and   his   brother   Leander,    who  was   a 


b  Our  third  collect  at  Evening  Prayer,  said  at  compline 
in  the  Sarum  and  other  English  offices.  The  Roman 
collect  at  compline  is  "  Visita  quaesumiis  Domine." 

0  Vide  Preface  to  Mozarabic  Breviary  by  Lorenzana. 


OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE       1451 

friend  of  Gregory  the  Great,  revised  and  ex- 
purgated the  office,  which  had  contracted  many 
Haws,  and  it  is  hence  often  known  as  the  Isidorian 
rite.  At  a  later  period  Cardinal  Ximenes,  "  quasi 
apis  argumentosa,"  again  revised  the  office  and 
reduced  it  to  its  final  form. 

The  'opinion  now  generally  accepted  is  that 
the  Mozarabic  rite  is  a  variety  of  the  so-called 
Galilean  or  Ephesine  family,  which  professedly 
traces  back  to  St.  John.  The  groundv/ork  of 
the  office  was  probably  introduced  with  Chris- 
tianity into  Spain.  To  enforce  uniformity  of 
use  the  Council  of  Gerona  [a.d.  517]  directed 
that  the  order  of  celebrating  mass  and  the 
Divine  office,  which  was  used  in  the  Metropolitan 
church  of  Tarragona,  should  be  alone  adopted 
throughout  the  province.  Gregory  Vll.  [a.d. 
1073-1085]  directed  the  use  of  the  Spanish  office 
to  be  abolished,  and  the  Roman  introduced  in  its 
place.  After  some  resistance  this  was  effected. 
Afterwards  so  strong  a  feeling  was  manifested 
at  Toledo  in  favour  of  the  national  rite,  that  its 
use  was  sanctioned  in  seven  of  the  old  churches 
of  Toledo,  the  Roman  being  adopted  into  the 
others.  Cardinal  Ximenes  afterwards  built  and 
endowed  the  so-called  Mozarabic  chapel  in 
Toledo  cathedral  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
rite.d 

The  hours  are  the  same  as  the  Roman,  with 
the  addition  of  Aurora,  which  is  said  when  the 
office  is  of  the  week  day  [in  feriis].'' 

All  the  hours  begin  as  follows  : — 

Xy)-ie  eleison,  Christe  eleison,  Kyric  cleison. 
Pater  noster.     Ave  (secreto). 

In  nomine  Domini  nostri  Jcsii  Christi  lumen  cum 
pace.    R.  Deo  gratias. 
Dominus  vohiscum.     V.  Et  cum,  &c. 

Matins  f  [matutinum]  proceed  thus  : — 

On  Sundays,  hymn,  "  Aeterne  rerumconditor," 
followed  by  a  prayer  (oratio),  having  reference 
to  the  contents  of  the  hymn. 

Pss.  3,  50  [51],  56  [56],  each  with  its  anti- 
phon.     Oratio. 

Three  antiphons,s  each  followed  by  an  oratio 
[tres  antiphonae  cum  suis  orationibus].  Eespon- 
sory  with  its  oratio. 


d  The  legend  is  familiar  how  the  two  books,  the  Pioman 
and  Mozarabic,  contended  by  the  ordeal  of  battle,  a 
Frenchman  being  champion  for  the  Roman  Book  (the 
Roman  office  had  at  that  time  been  established  in  France), 
a  native  of  Toledo  for  the  IMozarabic.  The  Frenchman 
is  said  to  have  conquered.  The  result  however  was  not 
taken  as  conclusive,  and  the  books  were  submitted  to  the 
further  ordeal  of  fire ;  whereupon  the  Roman  leaped  out  of 
the  Ere,  while  the  Mozarabic  remained  uninjured  by  the 
flames :  "  Romanus  ex  igne  procedit ;  Gothicus  sub 
flammis  illaesus."  The  inference  drawn  was  that  the 
Roman  book  should  be  generally  used  throughout  the 
kingdom,  while  the  Mozarabic  should  be  continued  in  use 
at  head-quarters,  i.e.  in  Toledo. 

«  The  Mozarabic  hours  are  said  to  have  been  originally 
twelve  in  number,  the  four  rejected  ones  being  at  the 
beginning  of  night,  "in  priucipio  noctis;"  before  bed- 
time, "aute  lectum;"  at  midnight,  "  media  noctis ; " 
and  071  rising  from  bed,  "  in  surrectione  lecti." 

f  The  office  for  the  day  begins,  as  in  other  rites,  with 
vespers  of  the  preceding  evening ;  but  in  a  short  con- 
spectus, such  as  alone  is  possible,  it  seems  more  conve- 
nient to  begin  with  matins. 

e  The  Mozarabic  antiphons  are  broken  into  verso 
and  response,  after  the  manner  of  a  Roman  responsury. 
[See  art.  ANiiriiON.4 


1452        OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE 

On  iceck  days  there  is  no  hymn  and  only  one 
psalm,  which  is  one  of  the  three  Sunday  psalms, 
with  its  oratio.  The  remainder  of  the  office  is 
of  the  same  form  as  that  for  Sunday. 

Lauds  begin  at  once  with  a  varying  canticle 
[on  Sunday  "  Attende  coelum,"  Deut.  sxxii.]. 
Benedictus  [so  called,  i.e.  a  compressed  form 
of  the  Song  of  the  Three  Children]  with  its  anti- 
phon. 

Sono.  Lauda.^  Pss.  148,  149,  150  [called  the 
Laudes2- 

A  lection  called  projihetia,  though  not  neces- 
sarily from  the  Prophets.  Hymn  (varying). 
Capitula  (here  signifying  a  prayer).  Pater- 
noster, followed  by  the  embolismus.  Lauda.^ 
Benediction.} 

A  short  form  of  commemoration,  consisting  of 
.a  verse  and  response,  here  called  lauda,  and  a 
short  prayer  for  protection  and  guidance  through 
the  day. 
Aurora : — 

This  service  is  said  when  the  office  is 
of  the  week  day  (in  feriis  per  totum  annum). 
Pss.  69  [70],  and  the  following  sections  of 
Ps.  118  [119]:  Beati  immaculati,  In  quo  cor- 
riget,  Eetrihue  servo  tuo,  said  under  one  autiphon. 
A  lauda,  Pater  nosier  (with  the  embolismus),  a 
short  form  of  intercessory  prayers  (preces). 
P)-ime : — 

Pss.  66  [67],  144  [145]  (said  in  two  divi- 
sions), 112  [113],  118  lll'd']  (^Adhaesit  2xivimento, 
Begem  pone,  Et  veniat),  said  under  one  antiphon. 
Responsory  (varying)  ;  a  short  lesson  (Zaehar. 
viii.)  called  prophetia ;  second  (Rom.  xiii.);  a 
lauda. 

Hymn  ("Jam  lucis  orto  sidere "),  esce]it  in 
Eastertide,  when  the  hymn  is  "  Aurora  lucis 
rutilat." 

V.  Bonum  est  conjiteri  Domino.  K.  Et  psallcre 
nomini  tuo  altissime. 

Then  follows,  on  Sundays  and  festivals,  Te 
Deum,  Gloria  in  excelsis,  and  the  Nicene  Creed  ^ 
[called  in  the  rubrics  symholum  apostolorum']. 

On  week  days  (in  diebus  ferialibus),  Bene- 
dictus es  (as  at  lauds),  and  Ps.  50  [51]. 

Supplicatio  [in  form  a  short  bidding  praj'er] 
beginning   "  Oremus   mundi,"  &c.     Capitula  [a 
prayer].     Pater  noster,  &c.     Benedictio.     These 
all  vary  with  the  office. 
Terce  : — 

Four  psalms,  i.e.  Pss.  94  [95],  118  [119] 
(Memor  esto,  Portio  mea,  Bonitatem),  under 
one  antiphon.  Eesponsory.  Two  short  lections 
(similar  to  those  at  prime).  Lauda,  hymn,  sup- 
plicatio, capitula.  Pater  noster,  &c.  Benedictio. 
All  the  parts  of  the  office  except  the  psalms 
vary  with  the  season. 

Sext  and  None  are  of  exactly  the  same  form 
and  require  no  remarks. 


b  There  are  varieties  of  antiphons,  as  has  been  ex- 
plained in  the  article  Axtiphon.  It  is  impossible  to 
translate  these  technical  terms. 

'  Of  this  there  are  two  forms — a  longer  one  used  on 
Sundays,  and  a  shorter  on  other  days.  Pater  noster  is 
said  with  the  response  "Amen"  to  each  clause,  except 
to  Panem  nostrum,  to  which  the  response  is  "  Quia 
Deus  es." 

3  Mozarabic  benedictions  are  in  three  clauses,  each 
answered  by  "  Amen."  They  vary  with  the  day,  and 
home  are  very  beautiful. 

t  This  is  said  in  the  Mozarabic  rite  in  the  plural ; 
"  Credimus  in  unum  Deum,"  &c. 


OFFICE,  THE  DIVINE 

The  psalms  are:  at  Sext,  Pss.  53  [54],  118 
[119]  (Feci judicium,  Mirabilia,  Justuses Domine^. 
At  None,  Pss.  145  [146],  121  [122],  122  [123], 
123  [124].  In  Lent,  and  on  certain  other  peni- 
tential days,  the  form  of  the  office  for  these  three 
hours  is  different,  but  offers  no  special  peculiarity 
to  call  for  explanation  in  this  short  survey. 
Vespers : — 

After  the  introduction,  a  lauda ' ;  antiphon  ; 
another  lauda.  Hymn,  supplicatio,  capitula. 
Pater  noster,  &c.  Benedictio,  with  its  oratio. 
Sonus  (or  sono")  [omitted  "  in  feriis  "],  followed 
by  another  lauda  with  its  oratio,  and  a  short 
form  of  commemoration  of  the  same  form  as  that 
at  lauds. 

Compline  :—?si.  4,  vv.  7,  8,  9  ;  133  [134].  A 
few  versicles  for  protection  and  forgiveness. 
^?/m»,  "  Sol  angelorum  respice."  Ps.  90  [91], 
with  its  antiphon.  More  versicles  from  the 
psalms.  Hymn,  "  Cultor  Dei  memento.''  Suppli- 
catio, capitula.  Pater  noster,  &c. ;  benedictio.  At 
the  end  of  the  service  a  short  form  of  commen- 
dation corresponding  to  the  commemoratio  at 
lauds  and  vespers. 

On  Saturdays  and  high  festivals,  "in  diebus 
sabbatorum  vel  praecipuarum  festivitatum," after 
the  psalms'"  a  responsory  is  said,  followed  by 
two  short  lessons,  then  a  hymn,  Ps.  50  [51]  with 
a  versus,  said  as  an  antiphon.  Kyrie  eleison. 
Pater  noster,  &c.  Then  on  week  days  (in  feriis) 
miserationes,  which  are  short  intercessory  pe- 
titions in  the  form  of  litanies,  with  a  constant 
response,  so  called  because  the  opening  words 
are  "  Miserere,"  or  "  Deus  miserere,"  or  "  Domine 
miserere,"  and  varying  with  the  day  of  the  week. 
Then  a  capitulum.  Pater  noster,  and  benedictio, 
and  form  of  commendation  as  usual. 

In  the  foregoing  summary  no  notice  has  been 
taken  of  national  or  local  variations  of  the  main 
types  of  office,  such  as  the  old  English  uses 
(except  in  one  point),  or  the  ancient  peculiarities 
of  ritual  in  the  churches  of  Lyons  or  Besan^on, 
or  any  of  the  monastic  variations  from  the 
normal  Benedictine  type.  These,  however  inter- 
esting to  liturgical  students,  are  confined  to  points 
of  detail.  Neither  does  it  come  within  the  scope  of 
this  article  to  discuss  or  compare  the  contents  of 
the  several  offices  sketched  in  it.  We  may, 
however,  draw  attention  to  a  few  points  which 
are  obvious  even  from  the  skeletons  given. 

The  Eastern  offices,  we  thus  see,  are  much 
longer  and  less  methodically  arranged  than  the 
Western.  They  contain  also  much  less  of  Scrip- 
ture ;  while  the  odes  and  canons  which  form  so 
large  a  portion  of  the  office,  though  often  verv 
beautiful  and  devotional,  are  much  too  prolix, 
and  at  times  too  rhapsodical  to  suit  Western 
taste.     The  same  may  be  said  of  the  prayers. 

The  Western  offices,  on  the  other  hand,  are 
more  clearly  and  compactly  arranged.  The 
hymns  and  collects  are  models  of  compressed 
thought  and  language.  The  antiphons  and  re- 
sponses are  for  the  most  part  taken  from  Scrip- 
ture. Among  the  Western  rites,  the  Eoman  is 
undoubtedly  the  most  terse  and  pointed.  The 
Ambrosian  has  many  beauties,  and  is  more  varied- 


I  This  is  taken  from  the  Psalms,  and  is  sometimes 
called  psalmus  or  vespertinum:  "Psalmus  sive  vesper- 

tinum,  quod  idem  est."— Pegula  S.  Isidori. 

■"  This  raeans  after  the  second  set  of  versicles  from  the 
Psalms,  and  immediately  before  the  second  hymn. 


OFFICIALIS  LIBER 

iu  its  collects  and  its  psalmody,  but  less  so  iu  its 
ordinary  hymns.  Both  hymns  and  collects  are 
of  the  same  type  as  the  Roman. 

The  Mozarabic  Office  has  the  greatest  variety 
nf  canticles,  hymns,  and  preces.  Some  of  these, 
iu  the  form  of  short  litanies,  are  very  beautiful. 
The  responsories  ana  other  yariable  parts  of  the 
office,  though  very  rich  and  suggestive,  change 
so  constantly  as  almost  to  produce  a  sense  of 
want  of  repose.  The  prayers  are  of  the  Eastern 
type,  usually  longer  and  more  diffuse  than  those 
of  other  Western  Offices.  [H.  J.  H.] 


OFFICIALIS  LIBER  (officiales  libri),  a 
book  or  volumes  containing  the  officia  divirui. 
The  term  is  used  with  considerable  latitude  of 
application.  Menard,  in  his  notes  on  the  Gre- 
gorian Sacramentary  (p.  147,  ed.  Paris,  1642), 
quoting  Agobard,  explains  it  as  equivalent  to 
"  Antiphonarius  ; "  but  a  reference  to  Agobard 
himsQ\i (Liber  de  Correctione  Antiphonarii,  cap.  19) 
will  shew  that  he  implies  a  threefold  enumeration 
of  the  lihn  officiales,  viz.  the  "Missal,"  the 
"  Lectionary,"  and  the  "  Antiphonary."  Agobard 
was  archbishop  of  Lyons,  a.d.  814-840.  This 
agrees  with  the  use  of  the  term  by  Amalarius  (tfe 
Eccles.  Off.  lib.  iv.  cap.  29).  In  can.  22,  C.  Rotomag. 
it  may  refer  to  the  antiphonary  or  the  sacra- 
mentary. In  can.  26,  C.  Tolet.  iv.,  libellus  officialis 
must  be,  as  Ducange  s.  v.  interprets  it,  Manuale 
Sacramentorum,  a  book  which  would  include  the 
minor  offices,  since  the  canon  orders  that  parish 
priests  were  to  be  provided  with  one  on  their 
appointment,  neper  ignorantiam  etiam  ipsis  divinis 
sacramentis  offcndant ;  so,  too,  Biuterim  (vol.  iv. 
p.  265).  On  the  other  hand,  the  treatise  of 
Amalarius  (de  Fades.  Officiis)  is  said  to  be 
entitled  in  some  MSS.  Liber  Officialis. 

[C.  E.  H.] 

OFFICIUM  AD  MISSAM.  The  name  of 
the  introit  in  the  Mozarabic  liturgy.  It  was 
probably  once  current  throughout  the  whole 
Galilean  family  of  liturgies,  if  not  more  widely 
still ;  for,  though  Mabillon  (de  Lit.  Gallicana, 
p.  36)  gives  "  Antiphona  "  as  the  corresponding 
term  iu  the  Galilean  liturgy,  yet  this  is  only  a 
general  name,  like  our  "  Anthem,"  and  the 
similar  term,  officium  missae,  or  simply  officiwn, 
is  found  for  the  introit  in  the  ancient  office-books 
of  the  monastery  of  S.  Germanus  a  Pratis  at  Paris 
(Bouillart,  Histoire  de  I'Abbaye  Royaie  de  Saint- 
Germain  des  Frez,  Eecueil  des  Pieces  Jicstificatives, 
v"«  partie,  pp.  158-160,  &c.),  in  the  English 
uses  of  Sarum  and  York,  and  also,  according  to 
Sala  (notes  to  Bona,  Ber.  Liturg.  torn.  i.  p.  212), 
in  the  missals  of  the  Carthusian,  Carmelite,  and 
Dominican  orders.  [C.  E.  H.] 

OIL,  HOLY.  The  later  Greeks  give  this 
name  especially  to  oil  that  is  considered  holy, 
because  it  has  proceeded  from  or  been  in  contact 
or  juxtaposition  with  some  sacred  object  (Ordo 
Sacri  Minist.  Philothei,  in  Euch.  Goar,  10  ;  see 
note  71,  p.  34);  though  they  still  apply  it  to 
the  oil  of  catechumens  (Goar  361,  362)  and  the 
oil  of  the  sick,  rh  ayiov  tXaiov  els  voaovvras  (ib. 
428).  Under  this  head  we  have  to  notice  the 
Oil  of  the  Cross,  that  of  the  Holy  Places,  the 
Oil  of  the  Saints,  and  that  taken  as  a  remedy  or 
safeguard  from  the  church  lamps. 

The  Oil  of  the  Cross. — In  tlie  Ltinerarium, 
doubtfully  ascribed  to  Antoninus    of  Placcntin. 


OIL,  HOLY 


i^bo 


who  lived  in  the  6th  century,  the  writer,  after 
describing  the  cross  exhibited  as  that  on  whicii 
Christ  died,  in  a  cubiculum  attached  to  the  basilica 
of  Constantine,  on  Golgotha,  adds:  "Oil  to  be 
blessed  is  brought  there  iu  ampullae  of  onyx 
stone;  but  when  the  wood  of  the  cross  has 
touched  the  ampullae,  it  soon  boils  over" 
(§  20  ;  Bolland.  Maii,  torn.  ii.  Prolegom.).  Vv\ 
should  infer  from  this  that  the  "oil  of  the 
ci-oss,"  of  which  we  read  much  from  the  6tk 
century  downward,  was  at  first  merely  oil 
which  had  been  in  such  contact  with  the  cross. 
Perhaps  we  are  not  to  understand  more  than 
this  in  the  following  instances :  Cyril  of  Scytho- 
polis;  555,  records  two  cures  effected  by  St. 
Sabas  by  means  of  the  "  oil  of  the  holy  cross  " 
(Sabae  Vita,  45,  63).  He  also  sprinkled  with  it 
a  hill  haunted  by  evil  spirits  (27).  St.  Cyriac  is 
said  to  have  cured  an  insane  person  "with  the 
oil  of  the  cross  of  Christ "  ( Vita,  Simeon 
Metaphr. ;  Migne,  Ser.  Gr.  ii.  931).  Spiridiou 
is  said  to  have  gone  to  the  emperor  Constantius, 
when  sick,  with  an  earthenware  vessel  hung 
from  his  neck,  "  as  is  the  custom  with  those  who 
dwell  in  the  holy  city,  when  they  purpose  to 
carry  oil  of  the  divine  cross"  (Vita,  18;  sim. 
Met.  u.  8.  iii.  440).  Eutychius,  to  prevent  mis- 
carriage, "  anointed  both  man  and  wife  with 
holy  oil,  both  that  of  the  precious  cross"  and 
that  from  an  image  (Life  by  Eustratius,  vi.  45). 
He  healed  a  demoniac  by  the  same  means  (§  55). 
In  the  West  St.  Gregory,  at  the  end  of  the  Gtk 
century,  acknowledges  in  one  of  his  epistles. 
among  other  gifts  from  the  East,  some  "  oil  of 
the  holy  cross  . . .  which  (quod)  blesses  by  its 
touch  "  (Epist.  vii.  Ind.  i.  34). 

There  is  no  indication  of  a  belief  in  the  fore- 
going writers  that  the  oil  itself  was  a  miraculous 
production;  but  Adamnanus,  A.D.  679,  speaking 
of  that  which  his  informant  Arculfus  had  seen 
at  Constantinople,  whither  a  portion  of  the  cross 
was  said  to  have  been  sent  by  Helena,  says  t 
"  De  nodis  eorundem  trinalium  liguorum  liquor 
quidam  odorifer  quasi  in  similitudinem  olei 
expressus  .  .  .  cujus  videlicet  liquoris  si  etiam 
parvula  stillula  super  aegrotantes  imponatur, 
qualicumque  languore  vel  morbo  molestati, 
plenum  recuperant  sanitatem "  (Acta  S.  U. 
Ben.  3,  iii.  520  ;  or  Bede,  de  Sanctis  Locis,  20). 

The  ampulla  of  Monza,  figured  in  Vol.  I.  p.  78,. 
appears  from  the  inscription  to  have  been  made 
for  the  reception  of  oil  of  the  cross.  Gretser, 
de  Sancta  Gruce,  lib.  i.,  has  a  chapter  (91)  De 
Oleo  S.  Crucis,  0pp.  tom.  i.  p.  152  ;  Ratisb. 
1734.  See  also  Baronius,  Annul,  ad  ann.  598, 
§23. 

Oil  of  the  Holy  Places. — (1)  We  learn 
from  Paulinus  Petricorius,  A.D.  461,  that  it 
was  the  custom  to  set  vessels  of  oil  in  the  places 
hallowed  by  the  birth,  death,  burial,  and  ascen- 
sion of  our  Lord,  under  the  belief  that  it  would 
acquire  from  them  a  miraculous  healing  powcv 
(Be  Vita  S.  Martini,  v.  1.  110). 

(2)  The  oil  of  the  lamps  that  burned  in  the 
holy  places  was  supposed  to  possess  the  same 
virtue.  Thus  the  ltinerarium  of  Antoninus, 
speaking  of  the  holy  sepulchre:  "The  urn  of 
the  lamp  which  had  been  placed  at  His  head  at 
that  time  [of  His  burial]  burns  there  day  and 
night ;  out  of  which  we  took  a  blessing,  and  set 
it  in  order  again  "  (c.  18  ;  Bolland.  Maii,  torn. 
ii.  in  Prolegom.). 


1454 


OIL,  HOLY 


Oil  of  the  Saints. — Theodoret  of  Cyrus, 
A.D.  423,  thought  that  he  heard  an  evil  spirit 
addressing  him  one  night,  who  among  other 
things  said,  "  Be  assured  that  I  should  long  ago 
have  shot  thee  down,  had  I  not  seen  a  band  of 
martyrs  with  James  (the  ascetic  of  Nimuza, 
who  was  still  living)  guarding  thee."  The 
narrator  explains,  "  I  understood  that  he  called 
a  band  of  martyrs  the  ampulla  of  the  oil  of 
the  martyrs  which,  containing  the  blessing 
(evXoylav)  gathered  from  many  martyrs,  hung 
beside  my  bed  "  (Historia  Beligiosa,  21).  The  oil 
of  the  martyrs  or  saints  was  of  five  kinds  :  (I) 
That  which  was  supposed  to  exude  from  their 
relics  ;  (2)  that  which  flowed  miraculously  from 
their  tombs  ;  (3)  that  which  had  acquired  virtue 
from  contact  with,  or  nearness  to,  their  relics  or 
tombs ;  (4)  oil  that  distilled  from  their  icons  ; 
(5)  oil  from  the  lamps  which  burnt  before  their 
images  or  shrines. 

(1)  In  the  Life  of  John  the  Almoner,  by 
Leontius  of  Cyprus,  a.d.  590,  we  are  told  that 
"  a  sweet,  health-giving  unguent  flowed  from 
his  precious  relics"  (c.  54),  and  the  author  adds 
that  in  Cyprus  the  same  grace  was  given  to 
many  saints,  "  the  sweetness  of  unguents  flowing 
from  their  precious  relics  as  from  fountains  " 
(c.  55).  Justinian  is  said  by  Procopius  to  have 
been  healed  by  oil  that  flowed  from  the  relics 
of  several  saints  (De  Aedif.  i.  7).  Unguent  (fj-vpa), 
which  flowed  from  the  bones  of  Glyceria,  a 
martyr  at  Heraclea,  had  long  run  freely  into 
a  brazen  basin.  When  a  silver  one,  which  with- 
out the  knowledge  of  the  donor  had  been  used 
for  magical  purposes,  was  substituted,  the  oil 
ceased  to  flow  (a.d.  583),  nor  did  it  run  again 
until  the  unpolluted  vessel  was  restored  to  its 
place  (Theophylact.  Simoc.  Jftstoria,  i.  11).  St. 
Slyrops  of  Chios  "  collected  the  unguent  (lavpa) 
that  flowed  from  the  relics  of  the  holy  martyrs 
and  apostles  "  buried  at  Ephesus,  "  and  healed 
the  sick  therewith."  From  this  circumstance 
she  even  received  her  name  (Bolland.  July  13, 
ex  Sijnaxariis  Graecis). 

(2)  In  the  Life  of  St.  Sampson  (§  23  ;  Surius, 
June  27)  we  read  that  a  healing  oil  used  to  flow 
from  his  tomb  on  the  anniversary  of  a  miracle 
performed  by  him.  St.  Bonitus  "ordered  the 
sick  to  be  anointed  with  oil,  which  he  had  ordered 
to  be  raised  for  a  blessing  out  of  the  tomb  of  St. 
Peter  at  Clusina  in  Tuscany  "  (  Vita  S.  Bon.  vi.  26 ; 
Bolland.  Jan.  15,  p.  1074).  A  dying  woman  was 
healed  by  the  oil  flowing  from  the  tomb  of  St. 
Eloy  (^Vita,  ii.  51 ;  Surius,  Dec.  1).  The  church 
•of  St.  Mary  trans  Tiberium  is  said  in  the  Acta 
S.  Quirini,  8  (Boll.  Jun.  4),  "  fundere  oleum 
fundatoris." 

In  the  East,  SS.  Andrew,  Nicholas,  Theodorus 
Stratelates  (Goar,  u.s.  452),  and  above  all  Deme- 
trius, were  noted  for  this  miracle.  See  especially 
the  Analecta  de  Unguento  seu  Oleo  e  S.  hemetrii 
'Tumido,  in  the  supplement  to  the  works  of 
Simeon  Metaphrastes  (iii.  Migne,  Ser.  Gr.  116). 

This  substance  was  also  called  manna.  Thus 
among  the  relics  collected  by  Angilbertus  at 
Centule  was  some  of  "  the  manna  of  St.  John  the 
Evangelist "  {Scriptum  S.  Angil.  15,  in  Bol- 
land. Feb.  torn.  iii.  103).  See  also  Menolog.  Basil. 
May  8,  St.  John  Ev.  as  cited  by  Ducange,  Gloss. 
Graec.  v.  fiavva.  Gregory  of  Tours  speaks  of  it 
iis  a  dust,  probably  dust  saturated  with  the  sup- 
posed oil :    "  Cujus   (S.  Joan.)  nunc  sepulcrum 


OIL,  HOLY 

manna  in  modum  farinae  hodieque  eructat " 
{De  Mirac.  i.  30).  But  others  speak  of  it  as 
fluid  (Due.  Gloss.  Lat.  in  Manna). 

(3)  In  the  case  of  Demetrius,  and  many  others, 
there  is  no  ambiguity  ;  the  oil  itself  is  supposed 
to  be  a  miraculous  product.  But  it  is  some- 
times doubtful  whether  this  is  really  meant. 
For  there  was  a  custom  of  placing  oil  in  or  near 
the  tombs  of  the  saints  in  the  hope  that  it  would 
derive  virtue  from  their  remains,  or  from  the 
earth  into  which  they  were  resolved.  Thus 
Paulinus  of  Nola,  a.d.  303,  says  of  the  tomb  of 
St.  Felix  {Natal.  6,  1.  38),  that  it  was  anointed. 
And  again  (i\'a^.  13,  1.  590)  :— 

"  Ista  superficies  tabulae  gemiuo  patet  ore 
Traebens  infusae  subjecta  foramina  nardo, 
Quae  cineris  sancti  venieua  a  sede  reposta 
Sanctificat  medicans  arcana  spiritus  aura." 

From  Paulinus  Petricorius,  quoted  above, 
we  learn  that  the  practice  was  common  in 
the  5th  century.  The  tomb  of  St.  Martin 
was  especially  famous  for  the  oil  that  received 
virtue  from  it  (Greg.  Turon.  de  Mirac.  S. 
Mart.  i.  2 ;  comp.  ii.  32,  51  ;  iii.  24 ;  iv. 
36 ;  &c.).  It  is,  we  suppose,  of  oil  thus 
sanctified  at  the  Memoria  of  St.  Stephen  that 
St.  Augustine  speaks,  when  he  relates  the  re- 
covery of  a  boy  from  apparent  death  ou  being 
anointed  "  ejusdem  martyris  oleo"  {De  Civit. 
Dei,  xxii.  viii.  18).  St.  Chrysostom  :  "Kot  the 
bones  of  the  martyrs  only,  but  their  tombs  and 
coffins,  pour  forth  abundant  blessing.  Take  holy 
oil,  and  thou  wilt  never  suffer  the  shipwreck  of 
drunkenness  "  {Horn,  in  Mart.  ii.  669).  A  mag- 
nate of  Antioch,  anointed  with  oil  from  the 
tomb  of  Euthymius,  was  at  once  healed  {Euthym. 
Vita,  127  ;  Monum.  Gr.  Cotel.  ii.  309). 

(4)  There  was  an  icon  of  the  Blessed  Virgin 
at  Constantinople  in  the  7th  century,  fi'om  which 
oil  was  believed  to  flow  continually.  Of  this 
Arculfus,  the  French  bishop  who  went  to  the 
Holy  Land  in  690,  declared  himself  to  be  an  eye- 
witness (Adamnanus,  de  Jjocis  Sanctis,  iii.  5). 

(5)  Far  more  common  are  stories  of  healing 
by  oil  from  a  lamp  burnt  in  honour  of  Christ  or 
the  saints.  The  following  examples  are  from  the 
East.  The  wounded  hand  of  a  Saracen  was 
healed  by  oil  from  a  lamp  before  the  icon  of  St. 
George  {iMirac.  S.  Georg.  vi.  55  ;  Boll.  Apr.  23). 
St.  Cyrus  and  St.  John  "appeared  to  a  per- 
son suffering  from  gout,  and  bade  him  take  a 
little  oil  in  a  small  ampulla  from  the  lamp  that 
burnt  before  the  image  of  the  Saviour  "  in  the 
greater  tetrapyle  at  Alexandria,  and  anoint  his 
feet  with  it  (  Vitae  SS.  Cyr.  et  Joan.  §  2  ;  Boll. 
Jan.  31 :  see  also  Vita  Euthymii,  147,  in  Cote- 
lerii  Monum.  Gr.  ii.  325 ;  Vita  Lucae  Jun. 
Combef.  Auctarium,  ii.  1012;  Vita  Eudocimi  i. 
9,  Boll.  July  30). 

Similar  stories  are  found  in  the  Western 
vrriters.  Thus  Nicetius  of  Lyons,  by  means  of 
"  the  oil  of  the  lamp  which  burnt  daily  at  his 
sepulchre,  restored  sight  to  the  blind,  drove 
demons  from  bodies  possessed,  restored  soundness 
to  shrunken  limbs,"  &c.  (Greg.  Tur.  Hist.  Franc. 
iv.  37).  An  epileptic  was  cured  by  oil  from  the 
lamp  that  burnt  night  and  day  at  the  tomb  of 
St.  Severin  {Transl.  S.  Sev.  Auct.  Joan.  Diac. 
Boll.  8).  It  was  revealed  to  a  blind  woman,  that 
oil  from  the  lamp  of  St.  Genevieve  would 
restore  her  sight,  if  the  warden  of  the  church 


OIL,  USES  OF 

were  to  anoint  her  with  it  {Mirac.  S.  Gcnof. 
§  14).  A  week  after  she  brought  a  blind  man, 
who  was  healed  in  the  same  manner  {ibid.').  On 
the  lamps  at  tombs  see  Lights,  sect.  ix.  p.  997. 

Mabillon,  in  1685,  found  in  a  private  collec- 
tion at  Milan  {Iter  Ital.  Ap.  28 ;  Mus.  Ital.  i. 
14)  an  "  Index  oleorum  sacrorum  quae  Gregorius 
Magnus  misit  ad  Theodelindam  Reginam."  The 
MS.  bears  the  heading,  "  Notitia  de  olea  {si<S) 
Sanctorum  Martyrum,  qui  Romae  in  corpore  re- 
quiescunt."  This  he  printed  in  1705  in  App.  3 
to  his  tract,  De  Cultu  Ignotorum  Sanctonmi.  It 
may  be  seen  also  in  the  Acta  Martyrum  Sincera 
of  Ruinart,  p.  619,  and  in  the  Anecdota  Ainbro- 
siana  of  Muratori,  ii.  191.  It  gives  the  name  of 
above  sixty  saints,  and  claims  many  thousand 
more  as  contributing  to  the  production  of  the 
sacred  oil  ("  Sancti  Cornili  et  multa  milia  {sic) 
Sanctorum  ").  One  entry  deserves  to  be  cited 
from  its  singularity,  "  Oleo  {sic)  de  sede  ubi  prius 
sedit  Sanctus  Petrus."  Muratori  (?«.  s.)  has  a 
disquisition  bearing  on  the  present  subject. 

Oil  from  the  Church  Lamps  used  in 
HEALING. — St.  Chrysostom,  speaking  of  the 
ornaments  of  a  church,  says,  "  This  table  is  far 
more  honourable  than  that  table  (in  your  house), 
and  this  lamp  than  (your  household)  lamp  :  and 
they  all  know  it,  who,  having  in  fiiith  and  at  a 
happy  time  anointed  themselves  with  (its)  oil, 
have  dispelled  diseases  "  {Horn.  32  in  S.  Mat.  Ev. 
§  6;  vii.  373).  From  this  we  infer  that  oil 
from  any  church  lamp  was  thus  used,  before  the 
custom  arose  of  setting  lights  before  icons,  and 
of  taking  the  oil  that  fed  them  with  a  view  to 
engage  the  intercession  of  the  saint  represented. 
"VVe  have  an  example  in  the  life  of  Nilus  the 
Younger,  who  invited  a  priest  to  his  oratory, 
to  pray  over  a  sick  person  and  "  to  anoint 
him  with  oil  from  the  lamp."  We  are  told 
that  "in  this  manner  he  healed  monks  and 
laymen  who  were  harassed  by  evil  spirits, 
anointing  them  with  oil  by  the  hands  of 
priests  "  {Vita,  viii.  58,  59  ;  Boll.  Sept.  26).  The 
practice  is  not  extinct.  In  one  "Office  of  Suppli- 
cation "  for  the  sick,  printed  by  Goar,  we  have 
this  rubric  :  "  And  he  anoints  him  with  holy  oil 
irom  the  lamp,  saying  this  prayer."  The  head- 
ing of  the  prayer  is,  "A  prayer  on  the  unction 
of  the  sick  with  holy  oil "  {Euchol.  842).  An 
instance  in  the  West  is  related  by  Gregory  of 
Tours  {de  Mirac.  S.  Mart.  i.  18).  In  a  cattle 
plague  a  person  "  went  to  the  holy  basilica,  and 
took  the  oil  of  the  lamps  which  hung  from  the 
arched  roof,"  and  anointed  the  animals  affected 
with  a  good  result.  [W.  E.  S.] 

OIL,  Ritual  uses  of.  (1)  The  Oil  of  the 
Catechumens,  Oleum  Catechumenorum,  Bapti- 
zandorum. — There  was  a  general  custom  from 
an  early  period  of  anointing  catechumens  once 
or  oftener  during  their  catechumenate  with 
"  exorcised  "  or  "  hallowed  "  oil.  [Unction.] 
Forais  for  the  benediction  or  exorcism  of  this  oil 
are  found  in  most  of  the  ancient  offices  :  e.g.  "  A 
thanksgiving  (eucharist)  touching  the  unction 
of  the  mystic  oil  "  is  ordered  and  sketched  in 
the  A/joS:0''ica(  Constitutions,  vii.  42.  As  it  was 
usual  to  anoint  the  possessed  with  a  view  to 
their  deliverance  from  the  power  of  Satan,  and 
catechumens,  as  unbaptized,  were  considered  his 
subjects,  a  similar  rite  would  readily  suggest 
itself  as  appropriate  in  their  case. 


OIL,  USES  OF 


u: 


(2)  The  Oil  of  Chrism  (see  Chrism). — ^I'his 
had  a  twofold  use  in  connexion  with  baptism  : 
(1)  in  the  West,  and  at  an  early  period  in  Egypt, 
it  was  employed  by  the  priest  immediately  after 
baptism  [Baptism]  ;  and  (2)  it  was  used  at  con- 
firmation both  in  the  East  and  West.  [Unction. 1 

(3)  The  Oil  of  the  Sick,  Oleum  Infirmorum, 
Oleum  pro  Infi'rmis,  Oleum  pro  popxdo,  evxf^aiov. 
— The  use  of  oil  with  prayer  for  the  sick  was  a 
tradition  from  the  apostles.  In  our  Lord's  life- 
time they  "  anointed  with  oil  many  that  were 
diseased,  and  healed  them  "(Mark  vi.  13).  St. 
James  prescribes  its  use  to  presbyters  in  general, 
"  Is  any  sick  among  you  ?  Let  him  call  for  the 
elders  of  the  church,  and  let  them  pray  over 
him,  anointing  him  with  oil  in  the  name  of  the 
Lord  "  (James  v.  14).  There  is  abundant  proof 
that  the  example  and  precept  were  followed. 
[Sick,  Visitation  of.] 

Oil  was  blessed  for  the  sick,  not  by  the  clergy 
only,  but  by  laymen  of  great  repute  for  sanctity. 
It  was  even  done  by  women.  Thus  St.  Monegund, 
about  570,  on  her  death-bed  "  blessed  oil  and  salt,'' 
which  were  afterwards  given  to  the  sick  with 
good  effect  (  Vita,  §  9,  in  Acta  S.  0.  Ben.  i.  204  ; 
Greg.  Tui.  Yitae  Pair.  six.  4).  From  the  story 
of  a  nun  who,  having  dreamt  that  St.  Radegunii 
her  abbess,  anointed  her  with  oil,  awoke  healed, 
we  may  perhaps  infer  that  it  was  her  practice 
also  {Eadeg.  Vita,  i.  35,  auct.  Fortunato).  In  the 
West  this  office  was  restrained  to  the  bishops  at 
a  somewhat  early  pei-iod.  Pseudo-Innocent  says 
that  it  was  lawful  for  presbyters  and  others  to 
apply  "  the  oil  of  chrism  "  to  the  sick,  but  that 
it  mtst  be  "  made  by  the  bishop"  {Epist.  i.  8). 
This  was  at  Rome.  The  rule  seems  to  have 
been  enforced  elsewhere  much  later.  About  730, 
however,  Boniface  orders  "  all  presbyters  to 
obtain  the  oil  of  the  sick  from  the  bishop  and 
have  it  by  them  "  {Statuta,  29  ;  ed.  Wurdw.  142  ; 
comp.  Capit.  Reg.  Fr.  vi.  179).  The  early  Gal- 
ilean church  knew  no  such  restriction ;  but 
Pepin,  744,  seems  to  have  borrowed  it  from 
Rome  (cap.  4;  in  Capit.  Eeg.  Franc,  i.  158).  The 
council  of  Chalons,  813,  decides  that  "the  sick 
ought  to  be  anointed  by  the  presbyters  with  oil, 
which  is  blessed  by  the  bishop  "  (can.  48). 

This  rule  never  obtained  in  the  East.  Thus 
Theodore  of  Canterbury,  by  birth  of  Tarsus, 
A.D.  668  :  "  According  to  the  Greeks  it  is  lawful 
for  presbyters  ...  to  make  exorcised  oil  and 
chrism  for  the  sick,  if  it  be  necessary " 
{Capitulare  apud  Martene,  de  Ant.  Feci.  Fit.  i. 
vii.  3,  §  7).  Among  them  it  is  now  generally 
consecrated  as  required  by  a  sick  pei'son,  either 
in  their  house  or  in  the  church,  by  seven  priests, 
if  they  can  be  brought  together,  though  one  is 
sufficient  (Metrophanes  Critop.  Confessio,  13  ;  in 
Kimmel,  Monum.  Fidei  Orient,  ii.  153 ;  Goar, 
Euchol.  408,  432).  The  Armenian  rule  in  the 
8th  century  was  that  the  priest  should  bless  the 
oil  of  the  sick,  "  using  proper  firayers,  as  much 
as  was  needed  for  the  occasion "  (Joan.  Cathol. 
can.  11,  Mai,  u.  s.). 

(4)  Oil  in  the  Agnus  Dei. — The  Ord'j 
Romanus,  about  730,  tells  us  that  at  Rome,  on 
Easter-eve,  the  archdeacon,  coming  early  to  the 
church  of  St.  John  Lateran,  "  pours  wax  into  a 
clean  vessel  of  large  size,  and  mixes  oil  with  it 
in  the  same,  and  blesses  the  wax,  and  pours  ouc 
thereof  into  the  figure  of  lambs "  {Mus.  Ital. 
ii.  31).     [Agnus  Dei,  Vol.  I.  p.  44.]    The  same 


14oG 


OIL,  USES  OF 


Ordo  says  (32),  "  Similiter  in  suburbanis  civita- 
tibus  de  cera  faciunt,"  where  for  "  cera  "  Pseudo- 
Alcuin  reads  "oleo"  {De  Dk.  Off.  19). 

(5)  Oil,  the  Element  in  Baptism. — Tur- 
I'ibius,  bishop  of  Astorga  in  Spain,  A.D.  447,  in  a 
letter  to  two  other  Spanish  bishops,  Idacius  and 
( "eponius,  speaking  of  the  apocryphal  books  re- 
ceived by  the  Priscillianists,  says :  "  That  is 
especially  to  be  noted  and  execrated  in  the  so- 
called  Acts  of  St.  Thomas,  that  it  says  that  he 
))aptized  not  with  water,  as  the  preaching  of 
the  Lord  directs,  but  with  oil  only,  which  prac- 
tice those  books  of  ours  (in  the  context,  libri 
canonici)  do  not  admit,  but  which  the 
:Manicheans  follow  "  (Epist.  §  5  ;  ad  calc.  Epist. 
XV.  Leon.  M.  130,  ed.  Ven.  1748). 

The  fact  of  Manichean  baptism  in  oil  will 
hardly  be  doubted  by  those  who  are  aware  that 
the  practice  was  at  least  not  unknown  among 
the  orthodo.t  Christians  of  Persia.  Our  autho- 
rity for  this  is  the  Menology  of  the  Greek  church 
in  its  account  of  the  martyrs  Dadas,  Gobdelaas, 
.md  Kasdoa.  (Lesson  for  Sept.  29 ;  Lib.  Mens. 
Venet.  1628.) 

(6)  Oil  in  the  Eucharistic  Bread. — For 
many  ages  the  oblates  of  the  Nestorians  and 
Syrian  Jacobites  have  been  made  with  oil.  Among 
the  former  the  jn-eparatiou  of  the  dough,  which  is 
accompanied  by  prayer,  is  the  subject  of  rubrical 
direction.  It  is  to  be  made  with  "  fine  flour  and 
salt  and  olive  oil,  and  three  drops  of  water " 
{Officium  Eenovatlonis  Fermenti ;  Martene,  de  Ant. 
Eccl.  i.  iii.  7  ;  sim.  Badger,  Nestorians,  ii.  162 ; 
see  also  Le  Brun,  Explication,  Diss.  si.  9). 

(7)  Oil  in  the  Font. — From  the  second 
century  downwards,  the  bishop  consecrated  the 
water  of  baptism  by  prayer,  though  the  sacra- 
ment was  considered  valid  without  it.  See 
Baptism,  §  42,  Vol.  I.  p.  159.  That  no  oil  or 
fji.vpov  was  at  first  used  in  this  consecration,  or 
poured  into  the  water  after  it,  we  may  infer  from 
the  silence  of  the  earlier  writers.  Our  first 
witness  is  Pseudo-Dionysius,  who  is  generally 
.supposed  to  have  written  about  520 :  "  The  chief 
priest  pours  the  fivpov  in  lines  forming  a  cross, 
into  the  purifying  font  of  baptism  "  (De  Hier- 
nrch.  Eccl.  iv.  10 ;  comp.  ii.  7).  [Font,  Bene- 
diction OF,  p.  680.] 

The  orders  both  of  the  East  and  West  supply 
internal  evidence  of  the  fact,  that  the  consecra- 
tion of  the  water  was  originally  considered  com- 
plete without  the  infusion  of  the  oil  or  chrism. 
This  was  a  later  ceremony  added  to  the  several 
offices  at  various  and  uncertain  periods. 

(8)  Oil  in  Church  Lamps. — The  lights  of  a 
church  were  so  costly  that  at  an  early  period 
some  stated  provision  for  them,  beyond  the  volun- 
tary offerings  of  the  faithful,  became  necessary. 
We  might  infer  this  from  a  tradition  of  Eudocia, 
the  wife  of  Theodosius  the  Younger.  It  is 
said  that  "  once  on  Easter  Day  going  into  the 
church  (at  Jerusalem)  to  celebrate  the  holy 
resurrection  of  Christ,  she  gave  10,000  sextarii 
of  oil  to  be  used  for  the  lights  "  (Nicephorus 
Call.  Hist.  Eccl.  xiv.  50).  In  a  will  ascribed 
to  Perpetuus  of  Tours,  about  470,  we  read : 
"  From  the  revenues  of  those  (estates  afore- 
named) let  oil  be  furnished  to  light  perpetually 
the  tomb  of  the  lord  (domni)  Martin  "  (App.  ad 
0pp.  Greg.Tur.  1318).  Caesarius  of  Aries,  502  : 
'•  Let  those  who  are  able  present  wax  tapers,  or 
oil   to   be  put  into  the  lamp  "  (^Serin.  76,  §  2). 


OLD  TESTAMENT 

The  council  of  Bracara,  572,  directed  that  a  third 
part  of  all  the  ordinary  oblations  of  the  people 
should  be  spent  "  pro  luminariis  ecclesiae  "  (can. 
2).  Gregory  of  Rome,  in  603,  gave  lands  and 
buildings  to  the  church  of  St.  Paul  at  Rome, 
with  the  proviso  that  all  revenues  therefrom 
should  be  spent  on  its  lights  {Epist.  xii.  9). 

[W.  E.  S.] 
OLBIANUS,  bishop  of  Anea,  in  Asia,  mar- 
tyr under  Maximian  ;  commemorated  May  4. 
(Basil,  MenoL;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Maii,  i.  458); 
May  25  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Maii,  vi.  101) ;  Mav  29 
(Basil.  Jfenol.)  [C.  H.] 

OLD  TESTAMENT  (in  Art).  The  man- 
ner in  which  the  Old  Testament  was  generally 
employed  in  early  Christian  art  indicates  a  convic- 
tion of  the  identity  of  the  revelation  contained 
in  it  with  the  fuller  one  made  in  the  New  Tes- 
tament. The  cycle  of  subjects  selected  from  it 
for  pictorial  representation,  and  the  mode  in  which 
they  were  intermingled  with  subjects  from  the 
Gospels,  may  be  regarded  as  a  visible  exemplifi- 
cation of  Aiigustine's  words,  "  Novum  Testa- 
mentum  in  vetere  latet.  Vetus  Testamentum 
in  novo  patet."  From  the  almost  boundless 
wealth  of  persons  and  histories  oflfering  them- 
selves to  the  pencil  of  the  artist  in  the  older 
books  of  the  Bible,  only  those,  as  a  rule,  are 
chosen  which  the  Christian  consciousness  regarded 
as  typical  of  the  great  redemptive  acts  of  Christ, 
or  of  the  Sacraments  of  the  Church.  In  the 
Western  church,  where  alone  any  large  remains 
of  ecclesiastical  art  have  been  preserved  to  us, 
a  rule  was  very  speedily  established  in  practice 
rigidly  defining  not  only  what  subjects  were  suit- 
able for  employment  in  religious  art,  but  the  very 
form  and  arrangement  in  which  they  were  to  be 
represented.  Hieratic  types  were  prescribed  for 
each  of  these  chief  symbolic  events,  from  which, 
when  once  defined  and  accepted  by  the  church, 
it  was  not  permissible  for  an  artist  to  diverge. 
So  permanent  was  this  formulated  type,  so 
unchanging  the  accessories,  that  a  very  small 
fragment  of  a  fresco  or  a  mosaic  is  frequently 
suflScient  to  enable  us  to  determine  its  subject 
with  perfect  certainty.  Instead  of  having  the 
licence  "  quidlibet  audendi,"  the  ecclesiastical 
artist  was  ,  confined  within  trammels  so  close 
that  he  became  little  more  than  the  mechanical 
reproducer  of  authorised  designs.  It  is  needless 
here  to  repeat  what  has  been  already  said 
[Fresco,  Vol.  I.  pp.  690-701]  of  the  typical 
character  of  early  Christian  art.  It  will  be 
sufficient  to  indicate  the  subjects  from  the  Old 
Testament  which  we  find  portrayed,  and  the 
type  commonly  followed.  We  would  premise 
that  we  give  art  its  widest  meaning,  including 
paintings,  mosaics,  the  bas-reliefs  of  sarcophagi, 
gilt  glasses,  ivories,  lamps,  &c. 

(1)  The  Creation  of  Woman. — -The  formation 
of  Eve  out  of  the  side  of  Adam  was  an  early- 
recognised  and  favourite  symbol  of  the  church, 
the  spouse  of  Christ,  proceeding  from  the  pierced 
side  of  the  Second  Adam  (Tertull.  de  Anim.  c. 
43).  This  is,  however,  only  found  represented 
on  a  few  sarcophagi,  and  that  not  with  suflScient 
clearness  to  render  the  identification  unquestion- 
able, though  there  can,  we  think,  be  little  doubt 
of  its  correctness.  The  most  remarkable  ex- 
ample is  on  the  upper  left-hand  corner  (the 
spectator's    left)    of  a  sarcophagus  of  the  4th 


OLD  TESTAMENT 

century,  discovered  under  the  floor  of  St.  Paul's 
without  the  walls  of  Rome,  now  in  the  Lateran 
Ivluseum  (Appell.  Monuments  of  Early  Christian 
Art,  No.  5  ;  Brownlow  and  Northcote,  Roma 
Sotteran.  pi.  six.  p.  301 ;  Westwood,  ScuJp.  of 
the  Sarcoph.  p.  50).  Dean  Burgon  enumerates 
eleven  instances  among  the  fiftj--five  sarcophagi 
in  the  Lateran  Museum.  Sometimes  our  Lord 
wields  the  wonder-working  rod.  An  ivory  of  the 
4th  century,  given  by  Gori  {Tlies.  Vet.  Diptych. 
vol.  ii.  p.  161  ;  Agincourt,  Sculpt,  pi.  xii.  No.  1), 
represents  unmistakably  the  extraction  of  Eve 
from  Adam's  side,  with  other  subjects  from  the 
opening  chapters  of  Genesis — the  murder  of 
Abel,  &c. 

(2)  The  Fall. — Few  subjects  are  more  frequent 
i.i  every  class  of  Christian  art.  Our  first 
parents  usually  stand  on  either  side  of  the  tree 
of  knowledge,  round  which  the  serpent  twines, 
hiding  their  shame,  sometimes  with  their  hands 
alone,  sometimes  with  fig-leaves.  A  lamp, 
figured  by  Agincourt  {Terres  Cuites,  pi.  xxiv. 
No.  2),  represents  Eve  seeking  for  a  veil  at  the 
moment  that  she  takes  the  fatal  fruit.  On  the 
Lateran  sarcophagus  already  referred  to  the 
serpent  offers  the  apple  in  his  mouth.  Our 
Lord,  as  a  beardless  young  man,  presents  Adam 
with  a  bundle  of  ears  of  corn,  and  Eve  with  a 
lamb,  the  emblems  of  their  future  labours  in 
tilling  the  ground  and  spinning  wool.  On  the 
celebrated  sarcophagus  of  Junius  Bassus  (Bosio, 
p.  45 ;  Aringhi,  vol.  i.  p.  277  ;  Bottari,  vol.  i. 
pi.  15;  Agincourt,  Sculpture,  pi.  6,  nos.  5-11; 
Appell.  p.  9  ;  Parker,  Photogr.  2997,  Sculpture, 
pi.  siii.)  the  serpent  is  absent ;  Adam  and  Eve 
turn  their  backs  to  one  another  and  to  the  tree, 
and  the  emblems  of  labour  stand  by  their  side. 
By  a  singular  eccentricity,  on  a  gilded  glass 
given  by  Buonarruoti  {Vetri,  tom.  i.  fig.  2,  and 
p.  8),  Eve  wears  a  necklace  and  bracelet  of  gold. 
Martigny  (p.  16,  b)  refers  in  explanation  of  this 
to  some  Rabbinical  writings,  which  assert  that 
immediately  after  her  fatal  offence  Eve  was  decked 
with  every  variety  of  female  dress  and  orna- 
ments. The  subject  is  frequent  in  the  catacomb 
frescoes  both  of  Rome  and  Naples.  (Bellermann, 
Eatakomhen  zu  Ncapel.  pi.  5;  Appell.  no.  23.) 
The  expulsion  from  Eden  occurs  on  a  sar- 
cophagiis  on  the  Lateran  Museum  (Parker, 
Sculpture,  pi.  xv. ;  see  also  Bottari,  Sculpture  e 
Pitture,  tav.  ii.). 

(3)  Abel  and  Cain. — ^The  sacrifice  of  the  lamb 
by  Abel  naturally  offered  itself  to  Christian 
typology  as  prefiguring  the  death  of  the  Lamb  of 
God,  as  well  as  the  sacrifice  of  the  Eucharist.  In 
the  latter  reference  Abel's  offerings,  "  munera 
pueri  tui  justi  Abel,"  occur  in  the  canon  of  the 
Mass  in  connexion  with  the  sacrifice  of  Abraham, 
and  the  bread  and  wine  of  Melchizedek.  The 
subject  is  more  frequent  on  sarcophagi  than 
in  wall  decoratious.  We  have,  however,  an 
example  of  the  latter  in  the  mosaics  of  the 
sanctuary  of  St.  Vital's  at  Ravenna,  where  Abel 
stands  alone,  clad,  shepherdliUe,  in  a  goat-skin, 
holding  a  lamb  in  his  arms  extended  in  prayer 
over  a  sacrificial  table,  on  the  other  side'  of 
which  Melchizedek  is  offering  bread  and  wine, 
thus  indicating  the  spiritual  identity  of  the 
gifts  with  the  Real  Presence  in  the  Eucharist. 
[Mosaics,  p.  1322.]  On  some  sarcophagi  Cain  and 
Abel  often  appear  together,  making  their  respec- 
tive  offerings  of  a  sheaf  of  corn  or  grapes  and 


OLD  TESTAMENT 


14,3 


a  lamb  to  the  Deity,  represented  as  an  old  man, 
seated  (Bottari,  tav.  Ii. ;  cxxxvii.,  Bosio,  p.  159). 

(4)  Koah. — The  ark  as  a  symbol  of  the  churcli 
carried  safely  through  the  deluge  of  God's  wrath, 
and  Noah  as  a  type  of  redeemed  humanity  ad- 
mitted to  the  church  by  the  waters  of  baptism, 
receiving  from  the  dove,  figuring  the  Holy 
Spirit,  the  olive  branch  of  heavenly  peace,  is 
repeated  constantly  in  all  examples  of  early 
Christian  art  (cf.  Tertull.  de  Baptismo,  c.  viii.). 
The  countless  representations  of  this  one  scene,  de- 
picted purely  symbolically,  without  the  slightest 
attempt  at  historical  accuracy,  evidence  the 
strong  hold  it  had  on  the  early  Christian  mind. 
This  was  one  of  the  subjects  selected  by  St. 
Ambrose  for  the  adornment  of  his  Basilica  at 
Milan.  [Fresco,  Vol.  I.  p.  699,  no.  10 ;  Dove. 
p.  575.] 

(5)  Abraham's  Sacrifice. — The  purely  symbolical 
character  of  early  Christian  art  is  evidenced  by 
the  perpetual  recurrence  of  this  specially  typical 
act,  alone  out  of  the  whole  of  the  incidents  in  the 
life  of  Abraham.  It  is  one  of  the  scenes  which 
meet  us  everywhere.  The  primitive  character  of 
this  type  appears  from  a  passage  from  St.  Gregory 
Nyssen,  quoted  in  the  second  Nicene  council  (act. 
iv. ;  Labbe,  Concil.  vii.  736),  describing  a  picture 
which  he  says  he  never  looked  on  without  tears, 
in  which  the  sacrifice  of  Isaac  was  represented 
just  as  we  see  it  on  tne  walls  and  ceilings  and  on 
the  sarcophagi  of  the  catacombs.  St.  Augustine 
speaks  too  of  it  as  "tot  locis  pictum  "  (^Contr. 
Faustin.  lib.  xxii.  c.  72).  It  is  needless  to  par- 
ticularise the  variety  of  costume  found  in  different 
examples.  In  one  instance  Abraham  is  vested  in 
the  high  priestly  robes  of  the  Jewish  ritual 
(Bottari,  tav.  clxi.).  The  substituted  ram  appears 
hard  by,  sometimes  struggling  in  the  brambles 
(which  were  regarded  as  a  type  of  our  Lord's 
crown  of  thorns),  sometimes  standing  free.  Abra- 
ham's sacrifice  appears  in  the  mosaics  of  the 
sanctuary  of  St.  Vital's  at  Ravenna,  in  con- 
junction with  the  reception  of  the  three  angels 
The  lunette  containing  these  subjects  corresponds 
to  that  containing  the  conjoined  sacrifices  of 
Abel  and  Melchizedek.  The  eucharistic  and 
sacrificial  reference  of  the  whole  series  is  evident. 

(6)  Melchizedek. — As  already  stated,  the  offering 
of  bread  and  wine  made  by  the  royal  priest  to 
the  father  of  the  faithful,  is  one  of  the  eucharistic 
subjects  at  St.  Vital's.  [Eucharist,  p.  626.] 
This  subject  is  also  the  first  of  the  series  of  Old 
Testament  representations  in  the  name  of  St. 
Mary  Major's  at  Rome. 

(T)  Moses. — There  is  no  Old  Testament  history 
from  which  so  many  illustrations  have  been 
taken  as  that  of  the  great  deliverer  and  law- 
giver of  God's  ancient  people.  The  sacramental 
character  of  the  passage  of  the  Red  Sea,  the 
giving  of  the  manna,  and  the  water  flowing  from 
the  smitten  rock,  having  been  so  recognised  by 
our  Lord  and  His  apostles,  these  events  naturally 
took  their  place  among  the  leading  eucharistic 
types,  and  are  found  perpetually  recurring  in 
every  variety  of  Christian  art. 

(a)  The  first  of  these  symbolical  incidents  in  the 
life  of  Moses  is  his  loosing  his  sandals  from  his  feet 
before  the  burning  bush.  The  act  was  regarded 
by  the  fathers  as  typical  of  the  duty  of  putting 
""  worldlv  thoughts  and  cares  in  approach- 
the  Divine  Presence  (cf.  Anibros.  de  Isaac, 

4 ;  Greg.  Naz.  Or.  xlii.  tom.  i.  p.  689).    This  is 


away  al 


1458 


OLD  TESTAMENT 


one  of  the  most  frequent  subjects  in  the  catacomb 
frescoes,  and  appears  in  early  mosaics,  as  at  St. 
Vital,  Ravenna,  and  St.  Catherine,  Mount  Sinai. 
(6)  The  Passage  of  the  Red  Sea. — We  do  not  find 
this  subject  so  frequently  represented  as  we 
might  have  expected  from  its  universal  recogni- 
tion as  a  type  of  baptism.  It  is  not  found  in 
paintings,  only  on  sarcophagi.  We  may  instance 
line  from  the  Vatican  cemetery  (Bottari,  tav.  xl. ; 
Agincourt,  Sculpture,  pi.  viii.  no.  1).  The  sub- 
ject is  represented  with  far  greater  detail  and  a 
larger  number  of  figures  on  other  sarcophagi 
(Bosio,  p.  591 ;  Bottari,  tav.  cxciv. ;  Millin, 
Midi  de  la  France,  pi.  Ixvii.).  In  the  Museum 
of  Aix  is  one  discovered  at  Aries,  which  in 
addition  to  the  Gathering  of  the  Quails,  and 
the  striking  of  the  Kock,  represents  the  Exodus 
from  Egypt  and  the  overthrow  of  Pharaoh 
(Millin,  li  s.  pi.  9).  Three  sarcophagi  at  Aries, 
two  in  the  museum,  and  one  at  St.  Trophimus, 
also  present  the  scene  in  detail,  with  the  remark- 
able addition  of  the  pillar  of  fire  going  before  the 
Israelites, 

(c)  Jlfoses  striking  the  Sock. — This  subject,  so 
distinctly  typifying  the  waters  of  baptism  and 
the  supplies  of  spiritual  grace  and  strength 
flowing  from  the  smitten  rock,  "which  was 
Christ  "  (1  Cor.  x.  4),  meets  us  perpetually. 
It  is  seen  constantly  in  the  catacomb  frescoes, 
and  is  seldom  absent  from  the  sarcophagi,  where 
the  thirsty  crowd,  generally  wanting  in  the 
pictures,  are  eagerly  drinking  of  the  copious 
streams  which  are  gushing  from  the  rock  struck 
by  the  miraculous  rod.  In  close  connexion  with 
this  subject  there  is  almost  always  found  on  the 
sarcophagi  a  group  of  persons  in  flat  caps,  who 
seize  an  old  and  bearded  man  carrying  a  rod  by 
either  arm,  and  lead  him  off  as  a  prisoner  (Bosio, 
103,  285,  287,  295,  425).  This  has  been  usually 
identified  with  the  apprehension  of  St.  Peter. 
Martiguy  considers  that  it  is  intended  for  the 
rebellion  of  the  Israelites,  which  pi'eceded  the 
miraculous  gift  of  water  (Exod.  xvii.  4).  Pro- 
bably there  is  an  intentional  combination  of  the 
two  scenes,  thus  evidencing  the  complete  identi- 
fication of  the  two  revelations  in  the  mind  of 
the  early  Christians,  by  whom  Peter  was  re- 
garded as  the  antitype  of  Moses,  "  the  leader  of 
the  new  Israel,"  as  Prudentius  calls  him.  This 
is  also  indicated  by  the  marked  resemblance  the 
figure  of  Jloses  in  this  subject  usually  bears,  in 
the  general  look  of  his  hair  and  beard  and  the 
outline  of  his  features,  to  the  traditional  type  of 
St.  Peter,  and  is  still  more  strikingly  brought 
out  in  some  of  the  gilded  glasses  representing 
the  striking  of  the  Rock,  where  not  only  is  the 
resemblance  unmistakable,  but  all  doubt  is  re- 
moved by  the  name  Petrus  being  superscribed. 
(See  Brownlow  and  Northcote,  Horn.  Sott.  fig.  33, 
p.  287  ;  pi.  xvii.  no.  2  ;  pp.  248,  265,  287,  303.) 

(d)  The  Manna  and  the  Quails. — The  manna, 
as  a  symbol  of  the  Living  Bread  that  came 
clown,  might  have  been  expected  to  appear 
more  frequently  than  it  does.  Only  one  indu- 
bitable example  is  found  among  the  catacomb 
pictures.  This  was  discovered  in  1863  in  the 
cemetery  of  St.  Cyriaca,  and  was  described  by 
De  Rossi  {Bidletino,  Oct.  1863,  p.  76;  see 
Manxa,  p.  1084).  Dr.  Appell  cites  another 
example  from  the  sarcophagus  of  the  abbess 
Eusebius  in  the  museum  at  Marseilles,  figured 
by  Millin  (pi.  Iviii.  no.   2).     He   also  mentions 


OLD  TESTAMENT 

one  example  of  the  quails  from  the  Aries 
sarcophagus  in  the  museum  at  Aix,  already 
spoken  of.  It  is  not  at  all  improbable  that 
the  same  combination  of  Old  and  New  Testa- 
ment symbolism  spoken  of  in  connexion  with 
the  striking  of  the  rock  has  place  also  in  this 
allied  miracle,  and  that  a  large  number  of  the 
pictures  usually  identified  with  the  multiplica- 
tion of  the  loaves  and  fishes  in  its  closing  scene, 
the  gathering  of  the  fragments,  have  also,  as 
Martigny  suggests  (following  Bosio's  lead)  a 
reference  to  the  gathering  of  the  manna  in 
baskets.  The  venerable  bearded  personage  re- 
presented has  more  resemblance  to  the  type  of 
Moses  than  that  of  Christ  (Bosio,  p.  251). 

(e)  The  giving  of  the  Tables  of  the  iaw.— This 
subject  is  found  in  juxtaposition  with  that  of 
striking  the  rock  on  a  very  large  number  of  the 
sarcophagi.  Moses  usually  stands  with  his 
right  foot  on  a  rock,  symbolizing  Mount  Sinai, 
and  receives  the  tables  from  a  hand  emerging 
from  a  cloud  (Bosio,  pp.  363,  367,  589  ;  Bottari, 
tav.  xxvii.). 

(8)  The  Grapes  of  Eshcol. — Dr.  Appell  men- 
tions that  a  sarcophagus  in  the  museum  at 
ilarseilles,  traditionally  said  to  have  contained 
the  bodies  of  two  of  St.  Ursula's  virgins,  bears 
on  its  cover  the  parallel  subjects  of  the  two 
Israelite  spies  bearing  a  large  bunch  of  grapes 
on  a  staff',  and  the  miracle  of  turning  the  water 
into  wine  at  Cana  (Millin,  u.  s.  p.  lix.  no.  3  ;  Dr. 
Piper,  De  Caumont,  Bullet.  Monument,  vol. 
xxxi.  pp.  553-559). 

(9)  David. — Singularly  enough,  this  remarlc- 
able  type  of  Christ  is  only  known  to  appear  once 
in  the  whole  range  of  Christian  art.  This  is  in 
a  fresco  filling  one  of  the  coiupartments  of  the 
ceiling  of  a  cubiculum  in  the  catacomb  of  Cal- 
listus  (Bosio,  p.  239  ;  Bottari,  tav.  Ixiii. ;  Aringhi, 
i.  54).  In  his  right  hand  the  youth  wields  the 
loaded  sling,  and  with  his  left  raises  the  fold  of 
his  short  girdled  tunic,  bearing  a  supply  of 
stones. 

(10)  The  Ascension  of  Elijah. — This  subject,  at 
once  a  type  of  our  Lord's  ascension  (Greg.  Magn. 
in  Evang.  Horn.  xxix.  c.  6),  and  a  proof  of  the 
rapture  into  heaven  of  the  glorified  bodies  of  the 
living  saints  (Iren.  lib.  v.  c.  5),  was  a  special 
favourite  with  the  early  Christians,  who  de- 
lighted to  have  it  sculptured  on  their  sarcophagi 
and  painted  in  their  burial  vaults.  Elijah  is 
usually  pourtrayed  standing  in  a  four-horse 
chariot,  an  almost  exact  reproduction  of  the 
triumphal  cars  of  the  Roman  emperors  carved 
on  their  arches  and  stamped  on  their  coins.  With 
his  right  hand  he  delivers  his  mantle  to  Elijah. 
Attendant  figures  of  a  diminutive  size  stand  for 
the  sons  of  the  prophets,  watching  the  prophet's 
ascent.  In  some  instances  the  Jordan  [p.  8901 
is  personified  by  a  river-god,  with  a  crown  of 
rushes,  leaning  on  his  arm  (Appell,  p.  341).  The 
finest  example  is  on  a  sarcophagus  in  the  Lateran 
Museum,  figured  by  Brownlow  and  Northcote 
(fig.  30,  p.  250),  and  Dr.  Appell  (^Monuments  of 
Early  Christian  Art,  p.  22) ;  see  also  Bosio,  pp. 
73,  77,  161,  257  ;  Aringhi,  tom.  i.  pp.  305,  309, 
429  ;  Bottari,  tav.  Hi. ;  Allegranza,  Spiegazioni, 
tom.  V. ;  Perret,  tom.  iv.  pi.  xvi.  no.  21. 

(11)  Ezekiel's  Vision  of  the  Valley  of  Dry 
Bones. — Striking  as  the  symbolical  force  of  this 
subject  is  as  a  foreshadowing  of  the  Resurrection, 
it  is  of  rare  occurrence  in  early  Christian  art. 


OLD  TESTAMENT 

It  appears  on  a  few  sarcophagi,  and  is  always 
represented  in  the  same  manner.  The  prophet 
stands  erect,  holding  his  roll,  extending  his  right 
hand  towards  a  group  of  two  naked  men  stand- 
ing up,  into  whom  the  spirit  of  life  has  just 
been  breathed,  and  a  third,  still  inanimate, 
extended  on  the  ground,  by  whose  side  are  two 
human  heads,  one  a  mere  skull,  the  other  par- 
tially covered  with  flesh.  (Bottari,  tav.  xxxviii. 
cxxxiv.,  cxcv.  ;  Agincourt,  Sculpt,  pi.  viii.  no.  3  ; 
Bosio,  pp.  05,  425  ;  Parker,  Fhotogr.  2921.) 

(12)  Daniel. — Daniel  in  the  Lions'  Deu  dis- 
putes for  frequency  of  representation  with  Moses 
Striking  the  Eock,  and  the  History  of  Jonah. 
It  meets  the  eye  everywhere,  and  always  con- 
forms to  the  same  general  type,  with  many 
minor  modifications.  The  prophet  is  almost 
always  entirely  naked,  standing,  with  his  hands 
extended  in  prayer,  between  two  lions.  Hab- 
akkuk,  according  to  the  apocryphal  addition, 
.stands  by,  with  the  hand  which  has  conveyed 
him  through  the  air  sometimes  still  grasping  his 
hair,  and  offers  the  prophet  a  basketful  of  round 
bread  cakes,  decussated,  exactly  resembling  our 
"  hot  cross  buns  "  (Bosio,  155,  285).  A  fish  is 
sometimes  added,  in  evident  allusion  to  Christ 
as  the  food  of  the  soul,  as  in  the  very  curious 
design,  from  a  sarcophagus  at  Brescia,  given 
by  Dr.  Appell  (p.  31).  In  the  earliest  known 
example,  in  the  cemetery  of  Domitilla  (Brown- 
low  and  Northcote,  p.  73,  fig.  11),  Daniel  is 
clothed  in  a  short  tunic ;  but  this  is  so  excep- 
tional that  Le  Blant  {Inscriptions  Chretiennes  de 
Gaule,  torn.  i.p.  493)  is  only  able  to  produce  five 
similar  examples,  and  all  of  these  of  compara- 
tively late  date.  Sometimes  he  wears  a  cincture 
(Bottari,  tav.  cxcv.).  The  apocryphal  story  of 
his  destruction  of  the  dragon  with  balls  of  pitch 
and  hair  is  also  sometimes  depicted  on  sarcophagi. 
There  is  au  example  from  the  Vatican  ceme- 
tery (Bosio,  p.  57  ;  Bottari,  tav.  xix.  ;  Parker, 
Fhotogr.  2920).  The  woodcut  given  [Dragos, 
p.  579]  from  this  sarcophagus  renders  descrip- 
tion needless.  The  position  of  the  serpent 
twining  round  a  tree  sets  historical  truth  at 
defiance.  It  is  found  on  a  sarcophagus  at 
Verona  (Maffei,  Ver.  Illust.  pars  iii.  p.  54),  and 
on  one  in  the  museum  at  Aries,  and  on  a  gilt 
glass  published  by  Garrucci  {Vetri,  iii.  13),  where 
Christ  stands  behind  the  prophet,  who  turns  to 
him  for  succour  before  offering  the  food  to  the 
dragon  who  is  issuing  from  a  cavern. 

(13)  The  Three  Children  in  the  Furnace. — 
This  is  another  constantly  recurring  representa- 
tion. Not  so  frequent  is  the  preliminary  scene, 
when  they  are  required  to  worship  the  Golden 
Image.  It  is  found  in  a  fresco  from  the  cata- 
comb of  St.  Callistus  (Bottari,  tav.  Ixxviii.) ; 
and  a  sarcophagus  from  the  Vatican  cemetery 
(Bosio,  03)  in  connexion  with  the  furnace  scene. 
Nebuchadnezzar  is  seated  in  front  of  his  statue, 
attended  by  his  courtiers.  Two  of  the  youths 
are  already  in  the  furnace  ;  one  of  them  is  help- 
ing in  the  third,  who  is  being  pushed  forward  by 
an  officer.  A  fourth  figure,  "one  like  unto  the 
Son  of  God,"  stands  in  the  centre.  It  also  occurs 
in  a  fresco  from  the  cemetery  of  Callistus 
(Bosio,  p.  279)  and  on  a  sarcophagus  at  St.  Am- 
brogio  at  Milan  (Allegranza,  Sjjiegaz.  tav.  iv. ; 
Ai)pell,  p.  33).  The  image  is  a  bust,  set  on 
a  pedestal ;  the  Hebrew  youths  wear  Phrygian 
bonnets  and  a  short  tunic.     In  the  more  usual 

CIirjST.  AXT. — VOL.  H 


OLD  TESTABIENT 


1459 


subject  of  the  furnace  they  also  wear  the  bonnet 
and  sometimes  trousers,  and  stand  erect  with 
their  arms  extended  in  prayer  [Fkesco,  No.  12, 
p.  700  ;  Furnace,  704]  ;  (Bottari,  tav.  Ixi.,  xli., 
Ixii.,  cxliii.,  cxcv.,  clxxxvi.  6  ;  Bosio,  pp.  63,  129). 
The  furnace  is  sometimes  wanting,  and  the 
youths  stand  among  flames  on  the  ground  (Bosio, 
pp.  463,  495).  There  is  one  example  in  which 
there  are  only  two  youths.  In  one  from  St. 
Priscilla  (Bottari,  tav.  clxxxi. ;  Bosio,  p.  551)  by 
a  beautiful  symbolism,  a  dove  is  depicted  in  tlie 
air  above  the  heads  of  the  youths  carrying  the 
olive  branch  of  peace  in  her  mouth. 

(14)  Jonah. — As  a  type  of  our  Lord's  Resur- 
rection this  prophet  occurs  constantly  in  the  cata- 
comb frescoes  and  on  the  sarcophagi,  on  lamps, 
diptychs,  gilt  glasses,  and  sepulchral  slabs. 
Three  scenes  in  his  history  are  of  constant  recur- 
rence, sometimes  forming  distinct  pictures,  as  in 
the  cemeteries  of  Callistus  (Bosio,  p.  225)  and 
Marcellinus  (pp.  377,  383),  sometimes  through 
exigencies  of  space  ingeniously  combined  into 
one  compendious  scene  (Bosio,  pp.  289,  463). 
(a)  Jonah  being  cast  into  the  sea  and  swallowed 
uj)  by  the  sea  monster  ;  (b)  being  vomited  forth  ; 
(c)  reclining  under  his  gourd,  to  which  a  fourth 
is  sometimes  added,  (il)  deprived  of  the  shade  of 
his  gourd  and  lamenting  over  the  sparing  of 
Nineveh  (Bosio,  ?<.  s.).  He  is  always  absolutely 
naked.  The  "  great  fish  "  is  an  impossible  mon- 
ster of  the  dragon  type,  with  a  very  long  and 
narrow  neck,  and  large  head  and  ears  and  some- 
times even  horns,  and  an  elongated  sinuous  tail. 
The  gourd  also  is  a  plant  totally  unknown  to 
nature,  covered  with  dependent  swelling  pear- 
shaped  fruit.  Its  trailing  branches  cover-  a 
trellis,  beneath  which  the  prophet  lies  support- 
ing himself  on  one  arm,  with  an  aspect  of 
chagrin.  One  of  the  most  spirited  repre- 
sentations of  the  history  is  on  a  sarcophagus 
in  the  Lateran  Museum,  from  the  crypt  of  St. 
Peter's  (Bosio,  p.  103;  Aringhi,  vol.  i.  p.  335; 
Bottari,  vol.  i.  tav.  xlii.  ;  Appell,  p.  19;  Parker, 
Fhotogr.  2905).  In  a  sarcophagus  from  St. 
Lorenzo  (Bosio,  p.  411)  the  histories  of  Jonah 
and  Noah  are  combined,  and  the  dove  is  con- 
veniently perched  on  the  prow  of  the  ship. 

(15)  Job. — Job,  seated  on  a  heap  of  ashes, 
or  on  a  dunghill,  visited  by  his  friends  and  re- 
proached by  his  wife,  is  found  on  Christian  art 
monuments  with  some  degree  of  frequency.  It 
appears  in  the  catacomb  frescoes  (Bosio,  p.  307  ; 
Bottari,  tav.  cv.  ;  Perret,  tom.  i.,  pi.  xxv.  ;  Bot- 
tari, tav.  xci.)  and  on  sarcophagi,  though  more 
frequently  in  southern  France  than  in  Italy. 
There  are  examples  in  the  Museum  of  Aries  and 
Lyons  (Millin,  u.  s.  pi.  xlvii.  1).  The  best  repre- 
sentation of  the  scene  is  on  the  tomb  of  Junius 
Bassus,  A.D.  359  (left-hand  corner  of  the  lower 
tier).  In  a  fresco  given  by  Bottari  (tav.  xci.), 
and  Bosio  (p.  307),  Job  holds  a  potsherd  with 
which  he  is  scraping  his  leg. 

(16)  Susanna. — As  a  type  of  the  church  perse- 
cuted by  the  two  older  forms  of  religion — the 
Pagan  and  the  Jewish— the  history  of  Susanna 
is  found  on  sarcophagi,  but  only  rarely.  It  is 
more  frequent  on  those  of  France  than  in  Italy. 
The  mode  of  representation  is  always  the  same. 
Susanna,  veiled,  is  standing  as  an  orante  between 
the  two  elders.  An  additional  symbolism  is 
exhibited  in  some  of  the  French  monuments, 
where  a  serpent  coiled  round  a  tree  is  dashing  hli 

b  B 


1460 


OLD  TESTAMENT 


tongue  at  some  aoves  among  its  branches  (Bosio, 
p.  83,  no.  4;  Bottari,  tav.  xxxii.,  Ixxxi.;  Buonar- 
ruoti,  Vetri,  p.  1  ;  Millin,  u.  s.  pi.  Ixv.  5,  Ixvi.  8, 
Ixvii.  4).  An  allegorical  picture  given  by 
Ferret  (vol.  i.  pt.  Ixxviii.)  represents  the  stoiy 
under  the  image  of  a  lamb  between  two  wild 
beasts,  intended  for  wolves.  The  application  is 
made  certain  by  the  words  "Susanna"  and 
"  Seniores  "  above  them.     [Church,  p.  389.] 

(17)  Tobias.— The  fish  caught  by  Tobias, 
whose  gall  drove  away  the  evil  spirit  and  cured 
blindness,  was  regarded  by  the  early  Christians 
as  a  distinct  type  of  Christ  (cf.  August.  Serin,  iv. 
de  Petr.  et  Paul. ;  Optat.  lib.  iii.).  In  a  catacomb 
fresco  we  see  him  starting  on  his  journey  with 
the  angel  for  his  guide  (Agincourt,  Peinturc, 
cl.  vii.  n.  3).  The  most  frequent  subject  is  his 
catching  the  fish.  Once  in  the  vault  of  a  cubi- 
culura  of  St.  Callistus  he  is  depicted  quite  naked, 
carrying  the  fish  by  a  hook  in  his  right  hand, 
and  his  traveller's  staff  in  his  left  (Bottari,  tav. 
Ixv. ;  Bosio,  p.  243 ;  Macarii  Hagioghjpta,  p. 
75).  He  is  also  naked,  save  a  cincture,  in 
another  fresco  (Ferret,  vol.  iii.  pi.  xxvi.),  in 
which  he  presents  the  fish  to  the  angel. 
More  generally,  as  on  the  gilt  glasses,  he 
is  clothed  in  a  short  tunic,  and  has  his  right 
hand  down  the  fish's  throat  (Buonarruoti, 
tav.  li.  no.  2 ;  Ferret,  vol.  iv.  pi.  xxv.  no. 
33 ;  Garrucci,  Vetri,  iii. ;  Hagioglypt.  p.  76). 
A  fresco  from  the  cemetery  of  Friscilla,  badly 
drawn  and  misunderstood  by  Bosio  (p.  474),  is 
decided  by  Garrucci  {Hagioglijpt.  p.  76,  note  2)  to 
represent  Tobias  carrying  the  heart,  liver,  and 
gall  of  the  fish,  with  his  dog  running  before  him. 
On  a  sarcophagus  at  Verona  (Mafi'ei,  pars  iii. 
p.  54)  the  dog  is  depicted  fawning  on  old  Tobit 
on  his  son's  return. 

This  list  includes  all  the  subjects  from  the 
Old  Testament  embraced  in  the  ordinary  cycle 
of  early  Christian  art.  A  few  isolated  subjects 
may  be  found  here  and  there,  not  enumerated 
above,  chiefly  on  ivories  and  other  minor  works 
of  art,  but  they  are  quite  exceptional,  and  it 
does  not  fall  within  the  purpose  of  this  article 
to  dwell  upon  them.  It  will  be  seen  that  the 
leading  principle  of  early  Christian  art  is  the 
unity  of  the  two  covenants,  and  the  intei-preta- 
tion  of  the  Old  Testament  by  the  Xew,  and  the 
exhibition  of  the  New  as  the  fulfilment  of  the 
Old.  This  principle  had  its  most  complete 
development  in  the  system  of  parallelism,  by 
which  type  and  antitype  were  placed  in  such 
immediate  juxtaposition  that  the  eye  could 
embrace  both  at  once  and  observe  their  corre- 
spondence. It  was  not  an  unfrequent  practice  to 
devote  one  wall  of  the  nave  of  a  church  to  the 
Old  Testament,  and  the  opposite  wall  to  the 
New.  This  U  specially  recommended  in  the 
letter  of  Kilus  to  Olympiodorus  cited  in  the  acts 
of  the  fourth  session  of  the  second  Nicene 
council  (Labbe,  Concil.  vii.  749).  "Novi  et 
Veteris  Testamenti  historiis  hinc  inde  parietes 
templi  repleri  doctissimi  pictoris  opera  velim," 
the  object  being,  as  there  stated,  that  the  un- 
learned who  were  unable  to  read  the  Holy 
Scriptures  might  be  instructed  by  the  sight,  and 
be  excited  to  emulate  the  devotion  and  noble 
deeds  thus  depicted.  The  legates  of  pope 
Hadrian  I.  at  the  same  council  acknowledged 
that  this  was  the  received  custom,  and  mentioned 


OLIVE 

a  basilica  erected  by  a  former  pope  John  ia 
which  it  was  adopted,  referring  particularly  to 
the  pictures  on  opposite  walls  of  the  expul- 
sion of  Adam  from  Paradise,  and  the  admission 
of  the  penitent  thief  (Labbe,  ibid.  750).  The 
basilicas  erected  by  Faulinus  at  Nola  con- 
tained the  one  subjects  from  the  Old,  the  other 
from  the  New  Testament.  [Fresco,  p.  701.] 
In  the  same  article  is  a  list  of  the  tv.-enty-one 
scriptural  paintings,  all  but  four  taken  from  the 
Old  TestamentjWith  which  St.  Ambrose  decorated 
his  basilica  at  Milan  {ibid.  p.  700).  We  have  a 
remarkable  example  of  the  same  principle  of 
arrangement  in  England  in  the  churches  erected 
by  Benedict  Biscop  at  the  end  of  the  7th  century 
at  Wearmouth  and  Jarrow.  At  St.  Feter's,  Wear- 
mouth,  the  south  wall  was  occupied  with  scenes 
from  gospel  history,  the  north  with  corresponding 
subjects  from  the  apocalypse.  At  St.  Faul's, 
Jarrow,  the  parallelism  between  the  Old  and 
New  Testament  was  developed  on  the  opposite 
walls,  Isaac  carrying  the  wood  for  his  sacrifice, 
answering  to  our  Lord  bearing  His  cross,  and 
the  Brazen  Serpent  to  the  Crucifixion  (Beda,  Vit. 
Abbatt.  c.  5,  cc.  5,  88). 

The  very  remarkable  scenes  of  mosaic  pictures 
from  the  Old  Testament  in  the  basilica  of  St. 
Mary  Major's  at  Rome,  stand  completely  isolated, 
and  form  a  class  by  themselves.  They  are 
simply  a  series  of  scenes  from  the  sacred  narra- 
tive treated  purely  historically,  without  the 
slightest  hint  of  sj-mbolism.  These  pictures, 
which  begin  with  the  interview  between  Abra- 
ham and  Melchizedek,  and  carry  on  the  history 
through  the  lives  of  the  succeeding  patriarchs  to 
the  times  of  Moses  and  Joshua  to  the  battle  of 
Bethhoron,  have  been  described  in  an  earlier 
article,  to  which  the  reader  may  be  referred 
(Mosaics,  p.  1327). 

We  shall  not  here  enter  on  the  very  interest- 
ing series  of  Old  Testament  pictures  contained 
in  early  Greek  MSS.,  such  as  that  in  the 
Imperial  Library  at  Vienna  (Agincourt,  Peinturc, 
pi.  xix.)  and  the  Book  of  Joshua  in  the  Vatican 
(ibid.  pi.  xxviii.),  which  have  been  treated  of  iu 
the  article  Miniature. 

Authorities.  —  Appell  (Dr.),  Monuments  of 
Early  Christian  Art ;  Aringhi,  Boina  Sotterranea  ; 
Bosio,  Roma  Sotterranea ;  13ottari,  Scidture  e 
Pitture ;  Buonarruoti,  Osservazioni ;  Burgon, 
Letters  from  Pome ;  Garrucci,  Arti  Cristiane ; 
Vetri  ornati;  Macarius,  Hagioghjpta,  ed.  Gar- 
rucci ;  Martigny,  Dictionnaire  des  Antiquit^s 
Chre'tiennes  ;  Millin,  Voyages  ;  Munter,  Sinnbilder 
der  Alien  Christen;  Barker  (J.  H.),  Archaeology 
of  Pome,  Catacombs,  Tombs,  Mosaics;  Ferret, 
Les  Catacombes  de  Pome ;  De  Rossi,  Roma  Sotter- 
ranea ;  Seroux  d'Agincourt,  L'Histoire  de  I' Art ; 
St.  John  Tyrwhitt,  Art  Teaching  of  the  Primitive 
Church.  [E.  v.] 

OLIVE.  This  tree  appears  to  be  intended 
among  those  which  surround  the  mystic  Orpheus, 
or  Orpheus-Shepherd.  Bottari,  tav.  Ixxviii. 
Also  in  tav.  cxviii.  and  tav.  cxxv.  it  accompanies 
the  Good  Shepherd ;  at  least  the  trees  repre- 
sented are  very  like  young  olives  or  willows,  and 
in  cxxv.  the  olive  is  clearly  drawn.  Less  atten- 
tion seems  to  have  been  paid  to  St.  Faul's 
allegory  of  the  olive-tree  of  the  church  than 
might  have  been  expected.  The  olive-branch  is 
borne  by  Noah's  dove  [Dove],  and    the  sepul- 


OLYMPAS 

«hral  dove  of  peace  constantly  bears  it.  See  a 
well-marked  branch  in  inscription  91  at  p.  60, 
vol.  i.  of  De  Rossi's  Inscript.  Christiaaaa  Urbis 
liomae.  See  Cross,  Vol.  I.  p.  497,  for  the  olive- 
wreath  with  the  palm.  That  no  certain  repre- 
sentation, and  only  one  problematical  sketch, 
of  a  palm  exists  in  the  Utrecht  Psalter,  seems  to 
disconnect  that  wonderful  document  altogether 
from  Alexandria  and  Egypt.  Trees  and  olive- 
crowns  occiir  on  some  of  the  mixed  or  Gentile 
ornaments  of  the  sarcophagi.  See,  however, 
Aringhi,  i.  311,  where  a  well-carved  olive-crown 
is  combined  with  the  monogram ;  also  Parker 
Phot.  2930,  from  Lateran  Museum.  The  writer 
can  find  no  reference  in  Art  to  Zechariah's  vision 
of  the  two  olive-trees  and  candlestick.  The 
vine  and  palm  are  generally  associated  with  the 
Mount  of  Olives.  The  great  difficulty  of  repre- 
senting an  olive-tree  so  as  to  be  easily  recognized 
for  what  it  is  may  be  one  reason  why  it  is  so 
seldom  attempted.  For  12th-century  Byzantine 
olive,  see  Piuskin's  Stones  of  Venice,  vol.  iii.  p. 
177,  and  plate  iv.  vol.  iii. 

An  example  is  given  in  the  annexed  wood- 
cut of  olive  branches  on  a  sepulchral  slab, 
i'rom   Aringhi,    R.   8.   t.    ii.  p.  644.     He  gives 


OMOPHOmON 


1-161 


Olive  Brancnes.    From  a  Sepulchral  Stone.    ArinKlii,  u.  p.  644. 

various  reasons  for  the  symbolic  use  of  the  tree, 
but  they  are  rather  natural  or  secular  than 
Scriptural ;  as  for  example,  its  fruitfulness,  per- 
manent leafage,  &c.  He  does  not  mention  any 
representations  of  the  whole  tree,  only  of  its 
branches,  as  borne  by  Noah's  dove,  or  the  sepul- 
chral dove  signifying  flight  into  Rest.  There  is 
an  olive-tree  on  the  celebrated  casket  of  Brescia. 
(Westwood,  Early  Christian  Sculptures  and  Ivori/ 
Carvings,  p.  37.)  It  seems  to  the  writer  that 
the  two  trees  placed  on  either  side  of  the 
Shepherd  (Bottari,  cxiii.  cxvi.  cxviii.  cxxii.,  all 
from  the  catacombs  of  SS.  Marcellinus  and 
Peter)  are  intended  for  olives,  and  that  they 
mav  involve  allusion  to  the  Hebrew  and  Gentile 
church.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

OLYMPAS,  mentioned  by  St.  Paul  (Rom. 
xvi.  1.5) ;  commemorated  Nov.  10.  (Basil. 
JFenol. ;  Cal.  B'jzant. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv. 
^74.)  [C.  H.] 

OLYMPIAS  (1),  martyr,  with  Maximius, 
nobleman,  at  Cordula,  in  Persia,  A.D.  251  ;  com- 
memorated April  15.  (Bed.  Mart.  ;  Usuard. 
Mart. ;  Vet.  Rom.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  ii. 
375.)  [C.  H.] 

(2)  Martyr  in  the  reigns  of  ArcaJius  and 
Honorius;  commemorated  July  25.  (Biisil. 
Jknol. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  264.)     [C.  H.] 


OLYMPIUS,  martyr,  commemorated  on  the 
Via  Latina,  at  Rome,  July  26.  (Usuard.  Mart ) 
[C.  H.] 

OMENS.  It  was  to  be  expected  that  some 
at  least  of  the  superstitions  of  heathenism  would 
survive  in  the  church.  In  fact  they  did  survive, 
and  none  more  vigorously  than  the  observation 
of  omens  and  portents,  which  Christianity  has 
never  been  able  to  extinguish.  Chrysostom 
laments  (Horn,  in  Galat.  i.  c.  7,  p.  669,  Montfou- 
con)  the  influence  exercised  upon  the  minds  of 
Christians  by  ethnic  superstitious,  such  as  fore- 
casts from  chance  sounds  or  expressions  (kA.jj- 
dofKr/jLol),  from  the  flight  of  birds  {olocviafioT),  or 
from  other  signs  (av/x0o\a).  And  again  (^Cato- 
chcsis  ii.  ad  Illumin.  p.  141)  he  inveighs  stronglv 
against  certain  superstitious  practices  of  his 
time,  and  among  them  against  omens.  If,  he 
says,  when  a  man  first  leaves  his  door,  he 
meets  one  who  has  but  one  eye,  or  is  lame,  he 
reckons  this  ominous  of  evil.  This  is  part  ot 
the  pomps  of  Satan ;  for  it  is  not  the  meeting 
a  man  that  makes  the  day  evil,  but  the  spend- 
ing it  in  sin.  ...  If  a  man  meets  a  virgin 
he  says,  "  this  will  be  an  unprofitable  day  with 
me ;"  but  if  he  meets  a  harlot  it  will  be  a'  fortu- 
nate day.  Augustine  (de  Doctr.  Chr.  ii.  20) 
stigmatises  similar  superstitions.  An  omen  is 
drawn,  he  says,  from  the  throbbing  of  some  part 
of  the  body.  If,  when  two  friends  are  walking 
arm  in  arm,  a  stone,  or  a  dog,  or  a  child  chance 
to  come  between  them,  they  stamp  the  stone  to 
pieces  as  a  divider  of  their  friendship ;  nay, 
they  even  beat  the  dog  or  the  innocent  child  from 
the  same  superstition.  A  man  returns  to  bed 
if  he  has  sneezed  while  putting  on  his  shoes  ;  he 
returns  to  his  house  if  he  has  stumbled  on  going 
out ;  he  is  terrified  with  the  apprehension  of 
future  evil  if  the  rats  have  gnawed  his  clothes  ; 
less  wise  than  Cato,  who,  when  the  rats  gnawed 
his  boots,  said  that  it  was  no  marvel,  but  if  the 
boots  had  gnawed  the  rats  it  might  have  been 
thought  a  portent.  A  kindred  superstition  is  the 
observation  of  lucky  and  unlucky  days  or  seasons 
agamst  which  the  same  father  {Enchiridion,  c. 
79)  also  inveighs,  as  utterly  unworthy  of  a 
Christian. 

See  further  on  this  subject  imder  Pagaxism, 
Survival  of,  III.  ii. 

(Bingham's  Antiquities,  xvi.  v.  8.)  [C] 

OMOPHOEION  (oiixo<p6piov,  w!x6(popov).  The 
omophorion,  as  its  name  implies,  is  an  article  of 
dress  worn  over  the  shoulders ;  and  thus  we  find 
it  as  a  part  of  the  ordinary  female  dress.  Thus 
Palladius  tells  of  one  Taor,  a  virgin,  who  never 
wished  for  a  new  dress,  or  omophorion,  or  sandals 
{Hist.  Lausiaca,  c.  138 ;  Patr.  Gr.  xxxiv.  1237). 
The  church  at  Balchernae  was  said  to  possess  the 
omophorion  of  the  Virgin  Mary  (Leo  Gramma- 
ticus,  Clironographia,  p.  241,  ed.  Bekker). 

In  its  ecclesiastical  sense,  the  word  is  used  to 
describe  an  ornament  worn  by  patriarchs,  and 
also  by  bishops  generally  in  the  Greek  church. 
This  consists  of  a  long  band  of  woollen  material, 
passing  once  round  the  neck,  with  the  ends 
falling  before  and  behind  to  the  knees  or  lower, 
and  on  it  are  embroidered  crosses.  There  seems 
little  doubt  that  it  has  been  a  recognised  vest- 
ment since  the  6th  century  at  latest.  Thus 
Isidore  of  Pclusium,  writing  early  in  that  cen- 
tury,   after    speaking    of    the    heA<.-r)    worn    by 


1462 


OJIOPHORION 


deacons,  goes  on  to  dwell  on  the  woollen  omo- 
phorion  worn  by  bishops,  the  material  being 
meant  to  suggest  the  notion  of  the  lost  sheep 
borne  on  the  shoulders  of  the  Good  Shepherd. 
Therefore  it  is,  he  adds,  that  when  in  the  service 
the  book  of  the  gospels  is  opened,  the  bishop 
lays  aside  his  omophorion  as  in  the  presence  of 
the  chief  Shepherd  Himself  (^Epist.  lib.  i.  136  ; 
Patr.  Gr.  Ixxviii.  272).  These  words  of  Isidore 
are  copied  almost  verbatim  by  Germanus,*  pa- 
triarch of  Constantinople  in  the  8th  century 
{Hist.  Eccles.  et  Mystica  Thcoria;  Patr.  Gr. 
xcviii.  396;  cf.  also  Symeon  Thessal.  de  Sacra 
Liturgla,  c.  82,  ih.  civ.  260).  Another  early 
example  may  be  drawn  from  the  life  of  Chryso- 
stom  by  Palladius  (c.  6 ;  Patrol.  Gr.  xlvii.  23), 
where  Theophilus  of  Alexandria  is  accused  of  ill- 
treating  a  monk  named  Ammonius,  in  that  he 
epeiXei  .  .  .  .  rh  cofjiO(p6piOV  iv  tw  Tpaxv^V 
oiKeiai^  X^pc'h  £11^(1  then  boat  him  about  the 
head. 

Again,  at  the  third  general  council  of  Constan- 
tinople (A.D.  680),  in  Its  eighth  Actio,  in  which 
the  heretic  Macarius,  bishop  of  Antioch,  was  on 
his  trial,  his  views  were  at  length  received  with 
cries  of  "  Anathema  !  rightly  let  him  be  deposed 
from  his  bishopric,  let  him  be  stripped  of  the 
omophorion  that  encircles  him"  (Labbe,  vi.  759). 
At  the  fourth  general  council  of  Constantinople 
(A.D.  870)  the  rule  is  laid  down  as  to  the  wearing 
of  the  omophorion  at  the  proper  time  and  place 
by  those  qualified  to  wear  it  (rohv  opiadevra'S 
a>fxo(pope7v  iTTiffKSwovs  :  can.  14,  Labbe,  viii.  1376). 

In  the  Byzantine  historians,  the  omophorion 
is  frequently  referred  to.  One  example  will 
suffice  : — Cedrenus  (imder  twenty-first  year  o£ 
Constantine)  tells  us  how  Paul,  patriarch  of 
Constantinople,  was  strangled  by  the  Arians  with 
his  own  omophorion  (vol.  i.  529,  ed.  Bekker). 

A  confirmation  of  our  statement  as  to  the 
early  use  of  the  omophorion,  may  be  derived 
from  the  ftict  that  in  the  still  existing  ancient 
mosaics  in  the  church  of  St.  Sophia  at  Con- 
stantinople, said  to  be  of  the  6th  century,  are 
figures  of  4th  century  bishops  wearing  white 
vestments  with  omophoria,  on  which  are  coloured 
crosses  (Marriott,  Vestiariiim  Christianum, 
p.  Ixxv.). 

This  being  the  case,  we  may  at  once  dismiss 
the  story  told  by  Luitprand  (Jiclatio  de  Legationc 
Constant,  c.  62 ;  Patrol,  cxxxvi.  934),  to  the 
effect  that  even  the  patriarch  of  Constantinople 
only  wore  the  omophorion  (here  called  2MUium) 
by  permission  of  tlie  pope  ("  scimus,  immo  vide- 
mus,  Constantinopolitanum  episcopum  pallio  non 


a  Ducange  (s.  i).)  states  that  Germanus  distinguishes 
between  the  omophorion  worn  by  a  patriarch  or  metro- 
politan and  that  worn  by  an  ordinary  bishop.  The 
Greek  of  the  passage  is  certainly  somewhat  peculiar,  and 
may  perhaps  be  corrupt,  but  it  seems  hardly  possible 
to  deduce  the  above  inference  from  it:— to  ijiJ.oii)6pi.ov 
ccTt'Toii  apxtfpe'tJS  Kara  ryiv  <T7o\r\v  toO  Aapoji'  TJi'jrep 
etf}6povv  ot  €1'  vofXio  ap\upels  (TOvSapiois  fiaKpots  Toi' 
ebiawiJ-ov  ujiov  rrcpiTiflevTes  Kara  tov  fvyoi'  tCiv  ivToXHv 
ToO  XpiCTTOv.  To  6e  iup.O(|)opioc  o  TrepijSe'^Arjrat  6  €ttC- 
(TKOTTO^  SrjXot  Trjv  TOu  irpo|8aTOu  Sopau  ....  Surelj'  the 
dpxifpevs  merely  means  a  prelate  (of  whatever  kind),  as 
opposed  to  the  priest  (icpcu;),  whose  special  vestments 
— sticharion,  peritrachelion,  girdle,  and  phenolion — 
Oei-manushad  Just  mentioned  ;  and  then  adds  to  these  an 
ornament  belonging  to  the  higher  rank  of  the  ministry, 
with  which  he  connects  a  double  symbolism. 


ORANGE,  COUNCILS  OF 

uti,  nisi  sancti  patris  nostri  permissu,"),  but  that 
by  means  of  bribes  leave  was  obtained  from  the 
Pioman  usurper  Albericus,  in  whose  hands  the 
then  pope,  John  XL  (06.  A.D.  936),  completely 
was,  for  the  patriarch  and  his  successors  to  wear 
this  ornament,  without  any  further  jiermission 
being  necessary.  Hence,  adds  Luitprand,  the 
custom  of  wearing  the  pallium  spread  from  the 
patriarch  of  Constantinople  to  the  bishops  of  the 
eastern  church  generally. 

Into  the  qiiestion  whether  the  omophorion 
properly  belonged  to  a  prelate  of  the  rank  of  a 
patriarch  or  metropolitan,  or  merely  marked  the 
episcopal  order,  it  is  not  our  purpose  to  enter. 
The  evidence  we  have  brought  forward  seems 
to  us  to  lead  strongly  to  the  latter  conclusion. 
The  point  is  discussed  at  length  by  Goar  (^Eucho- 
logion,  p.  312);  reference  may  also  be  made  to 
Ducange's  Glossarium  Graecum,  s.  v.  oifj.o(p6ptov. 
[K.  S.] 

ONESIMUS  (1),  disciple  of  St.  Paul 
(Philem.) ;  commemorated  Feb.  15  (Basil. 
Menol. ;  Cal.  Acthiop. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iy, 
253) ;  Feb.  16  (Bed.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Rom.  Mart.  ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  855). 

(2)  Martyr  at  Puteoli;  commemorated  May  10 
(Basil.  Menol.)  ;  July  31  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jul.  ii. 
175). 

(3)  Thauraaturgus,  martyr  at  Caesarea  in 
Palestine,  under  Diocletian ;  commemorated 
July  14.  (Basil.  Menol.;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jul. 
iii.  648.)  [C.  H.] 

ONESIPHORUS  (2  Tim  i.  16),  martyr  with 
Porphvrius  ;  commemorated  July  16  (Basil. 
3fenol'.) ;  Sept.  6  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  ii.  662) 
Nov.  9  (Ca/.  Byzant. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Ziturg.  ir. 
274) ;  Dec.  9  (Basil.  Menol.')  [C.  H.] 

ONESTREFELD,    council    of.      [Nestre- 

FELD,  p.  1379.] 

ONOKOITES.    [Calumnies,  p.  261.] 

ONUPHRIUS,     Egyptian    anchoret,    "our 
holy  father,"    commemorated  June   12    (Basil. 
Menol. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jun.  ii.  527)  ;  Onyphrius 
(Cal.  Byzant.;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  261). 
^  [C.  H.] 

ONYPHRIUS,  anchoret  with  Tryphou, 
commemorated  Jan.  24.     (Cal.  Armen.) 

[C.  H.] 

OPTATUS  (1),  one  of  the  eighteen  martyrs 
of  Saragossa,  commemorated  April  16.  (Usuard. 
Mart.) 

(2)  Bishop,  with  presbyters  Sanctinus  and 
Memorius;  commemorated  at  Auxerre,  Aug.  31. 
(Usuard.  Mart.  ;  Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS, 
Aug.  vi.  680.)  [C.  H.] 

OR,  martyr  with  Orepses,  priests ;  com- 
memorated Aug.  23.     (Basil.  Menol.)     [C.  H.] 

ORACLES.     [Paganism.] 

ORANGE,  COUNCILS  OP  (Arausicaxa 
Concilia).  Two  councils  are  recorded :  the 
first  as  celebrated  for  its  thirty  canons  on 
ecclesiastical  discipline,  as  the  second  is  for  its 
twenty-five  decrees  on  dogma.  The  first  had 
St.  Hilarv  of  Aries  for  its  president,  was^ 
attended  by  St.   Eucherius  of  Lyons  on  behalf 


ORANTI 

of  his  suffragans,  by  fourteen  other  bishops  and 
the  i-epresentative  of  a  fifteenth  who  was  absent, 
but  no  sees  are  given.  It  met  Nov.  8,  441.  Its 
first  canon  is  remarkable,  as  permitting  pres- 
byters, if  a  bishop  cannot  be  had,  to  sign  with 
clirism  and  benediction  heretics  in  a  dying 
state  desiring  to  be  Catholics.  The  second,  which 
in  the  Pseudo-Isidorian  collection  stands  iirst, 
ordains  that  nobody  that  has  received  power  to 
baptize  should  ever  set  out  without  chrism. 
Doubtful  readings  make  the  remaining  clauses 
obscure,  but  the  highest  minister  named  in  this 
connexion  is  not  the  bishop  but  the  priest.  The 
fifth  forbids  those  who  have  taken  sanctuary  to 
be  given  up.  The  seventh  threatens  with  eccle- 
siastical censures  any  person  infringing  on  the 
liberties  of  those  who  had  been  formally  manu- 
mitted in  church.  The  words  of  the  thirteenth 
are ;  "  amentibus  quaecunque  pietatis  sunt  con- 
ferenda  "  ;  and  the  next  three  relate  to  the  pos- 
sessed by  devils.  The  wording  of  the  seventeenth, 
"  cum  capsa  et  calix  oft'erendus  est ;  et  admix- 
tione  eucharistiae  consecrandus,"  is  rightly  called 
by  Mabillon  *•  obscurissimus  "  (De  Liturg.  Gall. 
i.  5,  19),  though  its  first  part  is  in  keeping  with 
our  Sarum  Missal  (Bona,  Ecr.  Lit.  ii.  9,  2). 
Canons  eighteen,  nineteen,  and  twenty  relate  to 
the  treatment  of  catechumens.  Canon  twenty- 
one  is  directed  against  two  bishops  ordaining  a 
third.  Canon  twenty-two  forbids  the  ordaining 
married  men  deacons  unless  they  will  undertake 
to  live  no  longer  as  such.  Canon  twenty-six 
forbids  the  ordaining  deaconesses  under  any  cii'- 
cumstances.  Canon  twenty-seven  indicates  how 
the  profession  of  widowhood  is  to  be  made. 
Canon  twenty-eight  directs  that  all  of  either  sex 
relinquishing  their  vow  of  chastity  shall  be 
treated  as  otfenders,  and  subjected  to  due  pen- 
ance. Canon  twenty-nine  decrees  the  observance 
by  all,  absent  or  present,  of  the  canons  which 
have  been  made ;  and  also  that  no  synod  shall 
separate  without  fixing  where  the  next  is  to  meet. 
The  last  canon  enacts  that  bishops  incapacitated 
from  discharging  their  episcopal  duties  through 
any  physical  ailment,  shall  not  delegate  them  to 
presbyters,  but  get  another  bishop  to  undertake 
them  (Mansi,  vi.  4,  33-52).  The  second,  a.d. 
529,  July  3,  had  St.  Caesarius  of  Aries  for  its 
president,  and  was  attended  by  thirteen  other 
bishops,  but  no  sees  are  given.  And  though  its 
decrees  are  purely  dogmatic,  eight  lay  notables 
say  of  them  in  turn  :  "  consensi  et  subscripsi," 
like  the  bishops.  St.  Caesarius  calls  them  "  con- 
stitutionem  nostram,"  in  subscribing  first.  But 
it  would  be  difficult  to  point  out  one  that  is  not 
borrowed  word  for  word  from  St.  Augustine,  or 
from  those  who  followed  him  in  controversy 
with  the  Pelagians  or  semi-Pelagians,  against 
whose  various  errors  they  are  directed.  The 
first  eight,  for  instance,  form  eight  consecutive 
dogmas  in  the  work  of  Geunadius  (De  Eccl. 
Dogm.  38-45)  ;  the  thirteenth,  nineteenth, 
twenty-first,  and  nine-tenths  of  the  twenty-fifth, 
which  is  the  longest  of  all,  are  from  the  same 
work  (c.  46-51).  The  Sentences  of  Prosper,  or 
excerpts  by  him  from  the  writings  of  St.  Augus- 
tine, supply  most,  if  not  all,  of  the  remaining. 
(Mansi,  viii.  711-24.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

OKANTI.  The  figures  which  bear  this  name, 
and  are  so  frequently  found  in  the  catacomb 
frescoes,  are  generally  to  be  described  as  male  or 
female  forms  in  the  Eastern  attitude  of  prayer. 


ORANTI 


1463 


The  former,  of  course,  more  frequently  represent 
or  symbolize  some  special  personage  or  character. 
They  are,  for  the  most  part,  in  a  standing  posi- 
tion, with  the  arms  extended.  In  some  instances, 
they  may  be  taken  as  symbolizing  the  church  of 
believers,  but  most  frequently  they  appear  to  be 
portraits,  or  rather  memorial  pictures  of  the 
dead.  The  celebrated  one  in  SS.  Saturninus  and 
Thrason — somewhat  grand  in  form  and  concep- 
tion, though  grotesquely  ill-drawn — is  seen  in 
its  present  state  m  Parker's  photographs,  469 
and  1470;  also  in  Bottari,  tav.  180.  Others 
are  on  tav.  172,  183,  and  Aringhi,  ii.  pp.  76,  79, 
from  SS.  Marcellinus  and  Peter  ;  from  St.  Agnes, 
p.  183,  and  Rohault  de  Fleury,  pi.  Ixi. ;  but  see 
infra.  Female  Orantes  are  often  represented  in 
rich  garments,  and  profusely  adorned  with  neck- 
laces and  other  jewellery.  See  photographs  467, 
475-6,  1751-2,  1775,  1777,  and  the  mosaics  of 
SS.  Oranede  and  Pudentiana,  1481-2  in  Parker. 
This  Martigny  (p.  356)  rightly  explains:  "En 
decorant  ainsi  leur  image,  on  avait  bien  moins 
pour  but  de  retracer  aux  yeux  ce  qu'elles  avaient 
ete  dans  la  vie,  que  d'expliquer  allegoriquement 
la  gloire  dont  elles  jouissaieut  dans  le  ciel." 
[Paradise.]  Compare  Ruskin,  Modern  Painters. 
vol.  iii.  p.  49,  for  similar  treatment  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin  by  Francia  and  Perugino,  with  com- 
ments. For  the  Virgin  Mary  as  an  Orante 
in  the  later  pictures  of  the  catacombs,  see 
Mr.  Hemans's  Essay  in  the  Contemporary  He- 
view,  vol.  iii.  The  late  Mr.  Wharton  Marriott 
(Evidence  of  the  Catacombs,  p.  15)  says  that 
he  can  find,  after  careful  examination,  but  one 
Orante,  properly  so  called,  in  all  the  cata- 
combs, which  can,  with  any  probability,  be 
interpreted  as  referring  to  the  Virgin  Mary. 
[Compare  Mary  the  Virgin  in  Art,  p.  1150.] 


For  male  Oranti,  see  Aringhi,  H.  S.  t.  i.  p.  606, 
ii.  p.  259.  Birds,  sometimes  bearing  the  olive- 
branch,  and  typical  of  the  flight  away  to  rest, 
are  in  these  and  other  instances  added  to  the 
youthful  figures.  For  the  Orante,  as  a  sup- 
posed "  corananion  "  to  the  Good  Shepherd,  see 
Evidence  of  'the  Catacombs,  pp.  12,  13,  17,  with 
references  to  Dr.  Northcote  and  Bosio. 

Martigny  quotes  (Tertullian,    de  Orat.  xiii.) 


1464 


ORARIUM 


tliat  the  Pagan  custom  in  prayer  was  to  raise 
both  hands  to  heaven,  "  duplices  ad  sidera 
palmas ; "  but  Christians  only  extended  the 
hands — "  Ne  ipsis  quidem  manibus  sublimius 
elatis,  sed  temperate  ac  probe  elatis "  (see 
woodcut,  p.  1463).     [Peayee.] 

ORAEIUM.  (1)  Besides  its  technical  meaning 
of  a  stole,  this  word  is  used  in  the  literal  sense  of 
a  handkerchief,  primarily,  as  the  derivation 
shews,  to  wipe  the  face.  Jerome,  writing  to 
Xepotianus,  and  dwelling  on  the  proper  mean 
to  be  shewn  in  dress,  observes,  "  ridiculum  et 
plenum  dedecoris  est,  referto  marsupio,  quod 
sudarium  orariumque  non  habeas  gloriari " 
{Epist.  52,  §  9,  vol.  i.  264).  Ambrose  uses  the 
word  for  the  napkin  bound  about  the  face  of 
Lazarus  (de  Excessu  Fratris  sui  Satyri,  ii.  78  ; 
FatroL  xvi.  1396).  For  further  references,  see 
Greg.  Turon.  (Hist.  Franc,  vi.  17;  de  Gloria 
Martyrum,  i.  93  ;  Patrol.  Is.xi.  389,  787) ;  Pru- 
dentiiis  (FeristepL  i.  86).  See  also  Ducange, 
Glossarium,  s.  v.  [R-  S.] 

(2)  See  Stole. 

OEATION  (Fuxf.ral).  [Funeeal  Oeation  ; 
Obsequies.] 

ORATIO  MISSAE.  A  part  of  the  Moz- 
arabic  liturgy,  following  next  after  the  ofl'ertory, 
which,  though  called  Oratio,  is  not,  strictly 
.speaking,  a  prayer,  for  it  is  generally  cast  in  the 
form  of  a  short  address  or  exhortation  to  the 
people,  reminding  them  of  the  particular  person 
or  fact  commemorated  on  the  day.  It  is  there- 
fore one  of  the  variable  parts.  Sometimes  it  is 
called  simply  "  oratio."  In  the  Gallican  sacra- 
mentai'ies  it  is  sometimes  called  "Praefatio 
Missae  "  (which  must  not  be  confounded  with  the 
Preface,  commonly  so  designated),  sometimes 
"  Missa."  It  is  a  feature  peculiar  to  this  family 
of  liturgies.  [C.  E.  H.] 

ORATOKIUM  (1).  A  stool,  or  possibly  a 
cushion,  on  which  to  kneel  at  prayer,  is  so 
called  in  the  earliest  Ordo  Fomaims,  supposed 
to  have  been  compiled  about  730.  Thus,  "  The 
fourth  in  the  choir  precedes  the  pontiff,  that  he 
may  set  the  oratorium  before  the  altar  "  (§  8  ; 
M^is.  Ital.  ii.  8  ;  compare  §  34 ;  p.  22  ;  §  35  ; 
p.  23  ;  App.  §  8 ;  p.  35). 

(2).  We  are  told  by  Anastasius  Biblio- 
thecarius,  a.d.  870,  who  may  be  taken  as  a 
good  witness  to  things  existing  in  his  day, 
though  we  cannot  depend  on  his  account  of 
their  origin,  that  Hilary  of  Rome,  A.D.  461, 
made  three  "  oratories  "  in  the  baptistery  of  the 
basilica  of  Constantine,  dedicated  to  St.  John  the 
Baptist,  St.  John  the  Evangelist,  and  the  Holy 
Cross  severally,  "  all  of  silver  and  precious 
stones,"  and  that  "  in  the  oratory  of  the  Holy 
Cross  he  made  a  Confession,  where  he  placed 
the  wood  of  the  Lord,  with  a  golden  cross 
gemmed,  weighing  20  pounds."  All  three 
oratories  had  gates,  the  two  former  of  brass  with 
silver  locks  or  bolts  (argento  clusas),  the  last 
of  "purest  silver"  (Vitae  Pont.  n.  47).  The 
oratories  of  the  Baptist  and  evangelist  also  had 
confessions,  but  we  are  not  told  what  was  in 
them.  We  may  assume,  however,  from  the 
ordinary  use  of  the  confession,  that  they  con- 
tained supposed  relics  of  those  saints ;  and  this 


ORATORIUM 

is  confirmed  by  the  fact  that  a  supposed  frag- 
ment of  the  true  cross  was  put  in  the  confession 
of  the  third.  Several  "  oratoria  "  of  the  same 
materials,  dedicated  to  SS.  Thomas,  Apollinaris, 
Sosius,  John  the  Baptist,  John  the  Evangelist, 
and  to  the  Holy  Cross,  are  said  to  have  been 
given  by  Symmachus,  a.d.  498,  to  the  basilicas 
of  St.  Andrew  and  St.  Peter.  They  all  had  con- 
fessions, and  in  the  confession  of  the  last  was 
also  "  lignum  Domini  "  (ibid.  n.  52).  Now  here, 
we  appear  to  have  the  description  of  a  miniature 
chapel,  i.e.  of  a  shrine  or  tabernacle  at  which 
the  people  were  invited  to  pray,  on  the  same 
grounds  as  in  a  larger  oratory,  viz.  its  dedica- 
tion, and  possession  of  relics.  Such  larger 
oratories,  with  the  entire  bodies  of  martyrs  or 
others  under  their  confessio,  were  frequent  in 
the  large  churches  of  Rome  [see  (3)  below] ; 
and  the  small  fabrics  of  precious  metal  of  which 
we  have  now  treated,  appear  to  have  been  made 
in  imitation  of  them. 

(3).  Oratoriolum,  Oratoriolus,  Oraculum, 
oIkos  evKTTipLos,  evKTTipiov,  TrpoaevKT-fipiov. 

I.  The  Greek  historians,  though  commonly 
using  iKKXrjcrla,  often  gave  these  descriptive 
names  to  churches.  Thus  Eusebius  (Hist.  x.  3 ; 
comp.  dc  Laud.  Constant.  17)  says  that,  when 
peace  was  given  to  the  church,  "  there  were 
feasts  of  dedication  in  every  city,  and  consecra- 
tions of  newly-built  oratories  "  (■npoffevKrt^piwv), 
and  that  the  emperor  adorned  the  city  named  after 
him  "  with  many  oratories  "  (evKTTjpiois)  (de  Vita 
Const,  iii.  48).  Socrates  (Hist.  i.  18),  that  Con- 
stantine ordered  "  an  oratory  "  (oJkov  eiiKr-hpiov} 
to  be  built  under  Abraham's  oak,  and  "  another 
church"  (erepaf  iKKXriaiap)  at  Heliopolis 
(ibid.).  We  are  not  aware  that  the  Latin  "  ora- 
torium "  was  ever  used,  as  eCKTTipiov,  &c.,  were, 
to  denote  a  church  with  full  privileges. 

II.  A  "  memoria "  or  sepulchral  chapel  built 
over  the  remains  or  some  relic  of  an  eminent 
Christian,  or  it  might  be  only  to  perpetuate  his 
name  and  do  him  honour,  but  at  the  same  time 
used  for  prayer,  was  called  an  oratory.  The 
following  are  examples  both  from  the  East  and 
West.  Sozonien  (Hist.  ix.  2)  tells  us  that  an 
oratory  (oIkos  evKTripws')  was  constructed  under 
ground,  so  as  to  enclose  the  remains  of  certain 
presbyters,  and  a  house  built  over  it  in  which 
was  a  secret  descent  to  it.  Theodoret  says  that 
"  they  built  many  enclosures  for  prayer  ((ttikovs 
evKTTipiovs)  to  Marcian  "(Hist.  Piclig.  in  Marc.  iii.). 
They  placed  the  abbat  Thomas  in  a  tomb,  and 
"  biiilt  a  small  oratory  over  him  "  (John  Moschus, 
Prat.  Spirit.  88).  The  foregoing,  it  will  be 
observed,  are  instances  in  which  the  oratory  has 
no  immediate  connexion  with  a  church. 

III.  Many,  however,  belonging  to  the  last  cen- 
tury of  our  period,  were  so  connected,  being  built 
either  (1)  within,  or  (2)  on  to  the  church  itself, 
or  (3)  in  close  proximity  to  it. 

(1)  John  VII.  A.D.  705,  "made  an  oratory  of 
the  holy  mother  of  God  inside  the  church  of  the 
blessed  apostle  Peter"  (Anast.  Biblioth.  Vitae 
Pont.  n.  87),  before  the  altar,  in  which  oratory 
he  was  himself  buried.  Gregory  III.,  A.D.  731, 
"made  an  oratory  within  the  same  basilica,  by 
the  principal  arch  on  the  men's  side,"  in  whicli 
he  deposited  relics  {ibid.  n.  91).  The  same  pope 
enlarged  a  basilica  "  in  which  there  were  pre- 
viously diaconia  and  a  small  oratory "  (ibid.). 
In  the  life  of  Hadrian,  772,  we  read  that  he 


ORATORIUM 

"made  in  the  church  of  the  blessed  Peter, 
through  the  several  oratories,  silver  canistra, 
twelve  in  number"  (ibid.  n.  97).  In  that  of 
Leo  III.  795,  mention  is  made  of  "  the  orator}- 
of  St.  Stephen  in  St.  Peter,  which  is  called  the 
Greater  "  (ibid.  98). 

For   small    shrines   or   tabernacles   within    a 
church,  also  called  oratories,  see  (2). 

(2)  Many  oratories  were  built  against  churches 
with  an  entrance  into  them,  or  placed  within 
buildings  (as  porches,  vestries,  baptisteries)  con- 
nected with  churches.  These  were  the  early 
form  of  the  side-chapel  and  chantry,  afterwards 
so  common  (see  Muratori,  Dissert,  xvii.  in  S. 
Paulini  Poemata).  Anastasius  Bibliothecarius 
tells  us  that  Sergius  I.,  A.D.  687,  restored  all  the 
cubicula  round  (in  circuitu)  the  basilica  of  the 
blessed  apostle  St.  Paul"  {Vitae  Font.  n.  85), 
and  those  attached  "  circumquaque "  to  St. 
Peter's  (ibidJ).  That  by  "  cubicula  "  we  are  to 
understand  oratories  is  evident  from  the  same 
author's  account  of  Symmachus,  A.D.  498  ;  in 
which,  after  enumerating  several  "  oratories " 
built  by  him,  he  immediately  adds,  "All  which 
cubicula  he  built  up  complete  from  the  founda- 
tion "  (ibid.  n.  52).  St.  Paulinus,  too,  A.D,  393, 
added  "  cubicula  "  to  his  church  at  Nola,  "  in- 
serted in  the  longer  walls  of  the  basilica  "  (£/)isf. 
32  §  12),  which  were  intended,  as  he  expressly 
says  (ibid.),  for  the  private  use  of  persons  "  pray- 
ing or  meditating  on  the  law  of  the  Lord  "  (Ps. 
i.  2),  as  well  as  for  memorials  of  the  departed. 
Elsewhere  (Poema,  27,  1.  395  ;  comp.  19, 1.  478), 
he  speaks  of  them  ;  and  of  those  whom  the  desire 
to  pray  had  attracted  to  them.  That  these  ora- 
tories opened  into  the  church,  appears  from  the 
fact  that  a  thief,  who  had  concealed  himself  in 
one  of  them,  escaped  when  the  door  of  the  church 
was  unlocked  in  the  morning  (Poema  19, 1.  480). 
(3)  There  is  also  frequent  mention  of  oratories 
.near  a  church,  and  belonging  to  it,  but  not  part 
of  the  same  structure.  Such  appears  to  have 
been  one  at  Tours  in  the  6th  century,  \-iz.  "  Ora- 
torium  atrii  beati  Martini."  (Greg.  Tur.  de  Glor. 
Martyrum  15.)  At  Rome  in  the  8th  there  was 
an  oratory  of  St.  Leo,  "  secus  fores  introitus 
Sanctae  Petronillae."  (Anast.  Biblioth.  Vitae 
Pont.  n.  95.)  Theodore,  A.D.  642,  built  one 
"  foris  portam  beati  Pauli  Apostoli "  (ibid.  n. 
74).  This  position  appears  to  have  been  common 
at  Rome ;  for  the  earliest  Ordo  Romanus,  in  giv- 
ing directions  for  striking  the  light  on  Maundy 
Thursday  [See  Lights,  Ceremonial  use  of,  §  v.] 
orders  it  to  be  done  "in  a  place  outside  the 
basilica  ;  but  if  they  have  no  oratory  there,  then 
they  strike  it  in  the  doorway  thei-e."  (§  32 ; 
Mus.  Hal.  ii.  21.) 

IV.  The  name  of  "  Oratory "  was  given  to 
different  parts  of  the  interior  of  a  church.  Thus, 
in  a  law  of  Theodosius,  the  nave  is  called  "  the 
people's  oratory "  (evKTT]ptov  rov  Xaov  Epist. 
Theod.  et  Valentin.  Codex  T/ieodos.  ix.  45  ;  tan. 
3,  p.  366).  Compare  the  expression  t5i/  evKrriptov 
ixxov,  denoting  a  part,  expressly  distinguished 
from  the  bema  and  the  narthex  (ibid.  1.  4 ;  p. 
364).  In  the  West,  the  word  has  been  used  to 
denote  the  choir  of  a  church.  A  bishop  of  IMans 
is  said  to  have  taken  great  pains  in  the  construc- 
tion of  the  "  upper  parts "  of  a  new  church, 
"  oratorium  scilicet  quod  chorum  vocitant, 
sedemque  pontificalem,"  &c.  (Act.  Pontif. 
Cenom.  34;  Mabill.  Anal.  Vet.  312,  ed.  1723). 


OEATORIUM 


1465 


V.  (1)  Every  monastery,  whether  of  men  or 
women,  had  its  oi-atory.  Thus  St.  Augustine, 
writing  in  423  to  women :  "  Let  no  one  do  in 
the  oratory  anything  but  that  for  which  it  was 
made,  and  from  which  it  has  received  its  name." 
(Epist.  211,  ad  Sanctimon.  §  7).  Sim.  in  the 
Pegula  ad  Servos  Dei,  adapted  from  this,  §  3. 
Cassian  about  the  same  time,  of  the  monks  in 
the  East :  "  He  who  at  terce,  sext,  or  none,  has 
not  come  to  prayer  before  the  psalm  which  has 
begun  is  over,  does  not  venture  to  enter  further 
into  the  oratory  "  (Dc  Coi7iob.  Inst.  iii.  7).  In 
the  rule  of  St.  Benedict,  a.d.  530,  the  word 
occurs  frequently,  e.g.,  "  Oratorium  hoc  sit,  quod 
dicitur  "  (c.  52). 

(2)  The  oratories  in  monasteries  of  women 
had  no  priests  attached  to  them  until  the  begin- 
ning of  the  5th  century,  and  the  practice  seems 
to  have  spread  somewhat  slowly.  They  were 
publicly  professed  in  church,  and  attended  it 
regularly  in  a  body,  a  part,  spoken  of  as  enclosed, 
being  assigned  to  them.  These  facts  are  proved 
by  the  following  testimonies.  St.  Basil,  Epitimia 
in  Canonicas,  17  ;  ii.  531 ;  St.  Ambrose,  de  Lapsu 
Virg.  V.  §  19 ;  Palladius,  Hist.  Laus.  138.  St. 
Jerome,  when  describing  (in  404)  the  life  of  those 
in  the  house  founded  by  Paula,  says  that  "  only 
on  the  Lord's  day  did  they  go  out  to  the  church, 
by  the  side  of  which  they  dwelt"  (Epist.  108,  ad 
Eustoch.  §  19).  Elsewhere,  in  414,  he  implies 
that  members  of  a  female  community  went  "  ad 
loca  religionis,"  and  says  that  he  "  knew  some 
who  kept  at  home  on  festivals  because  of  the 
concourse  of  the  people  "  and  its  attendant  evils 
(Ep.  130,  ad  Demetr.  §  19).  On  the  other  hand, 
the  community  to  which  St.  Augustine  writes 
in  423  (if  the  epistle  be  wholly  from  his  hand), 
though  not  confined  to  their  house  (Epist.  211, 
ad  Sanctim.  §  10),  had  a  priest  who  celebrated, 
we  may  presume,  in  the  oratory  which  Augustine 
mentions  (§  7). 

(3)  The  houses  of  charity  so  numerous  in 
the  early  church  [Hospitals]  were  all  under 
the  management  of  the  clergy  or  attached  to 
monasteries ;  and  there  is  evidence  that  some, 
and  a  probability  that  many,  of  them  had  their 
own  oratories.  For  example,  it  is  recorded  of 
Leo  III.,  A.D.  795,  that  he  gave  certain  orna- 
ments to  the  "  oratory  of  the  holy  mother  of 
God  in  the  xenodochium  at  Firmi  "  (Anast.  B. 
Vitae  Pont.  n.  98  ;  pp.  130,  6),  to  the  oratories 
in  three  other  xenodochia  at  Rome,  dedicated 
severally  to  St.  Lucy,  St.  Cyrus,  and  SS.  Cosmas 
and  Damian  (ibid.  139),  and  to  "the  oratory  of 
St.  Peregrine,  which  is  placed  in  the  hospital  of 
the  Lord  at  Naumachia  "  (ibid.). 

VI.  (1)  Chapels  under  the  name  of  oratories 
were  often  attached  to  episcopal  palaces.  E.g., 
in  the  Life  of  John  the  Almoner  by  Leontius 
(c.  38),  we  read,  "  Facit  missas  in  oratorio  suo  " 
(Rosweyd,  199).  Gregory  the  Great  says  of 
Cassius  of  Narni,  that  a  little  before  his  death 
"in  episcopii  oratorio  missas  fecit"  (Horn.  37, 
de  Evang.).  Gregory  of  Tours,  573,  consecrated 
"  cellulam  valde  eleganteni,"  which  had  been  the 
buttery  of  his  palace,  for  an  oratory,  and 
removed  to  it  relics  of  SS.  Martin,  Saturnius, 
and  Julian  (de  Glor.  Conf  20).  It  was  "  infra 
domum  ecclesiasticam  urbis  Turonicae  "  (Vitae 
PP.  ii.  3).  Pope  Theodore,  642,  "  fecit  oratorium 
beato  Silvestro  intra  episcopium  Laterancnso " 
(Anast.  Biblioth.  Vitae  Pont.  n.  74),  i.e.,  in  the 


1466 


OEATOEIUM 


palace  which  Constantine  was  said  to  have  given 
to  the  see  in  the  time  of  Melchiades(Labbe,  Cone. 
i.  1530).  See  also  Liber  Diurnus  £om.  Pontif. 
V.  10. 

(2)  Oratories  (=  domestic  chapels)  were 
common  in  or  near  the  houses  of  the  wealthy. 
By  a  law  of  Justinian  they  were  to  be  devoted 
to  prayer  alone,  "  We  forbid  to  all  the  inhabitants 
of  this  great  city,  and  much  more  to  all  others 
under  our  rule,  to  have  oratories  (^euKTTjpiovs 
o'lKovs)  in  their  houses,  and  to  celebrate  the 
sacred  mysteries  therein.  .  .  .  But  if  any 
simply  think  it  right  to  have  sacred  chambers  in 
their  houses  for  the  sake  of  prayer  only,  and 
nothing  whatever  pertaining  to  the  sacred 
liturgy  be  performed  there,  we  permit  this  to 
them  "  (Novell.  57).  Compare  the  Carlovingian 
law  :  "  He  who  has  an  oratory  in  his  house  may 
pray  there.  But  let  him  not  presume  to  cele- 
brate the  sacred  masses  therein  without  the 
license  of  the  bishop  of  the  place."  The  punish- 
ment was  to  be  the  confiscation  of  the  house  and 
excommunication  {Capit.  Eeg.  Franc,  v.  383 ; 
comp.  V.  102,  and  Capit.  Ingilheim.  826,  c.  6,  &c.). 
The  council  in  Trullo,  691,  orders  the  clergy  who 
serve  in  oratories  in  a  house,  to  do  it  under  the 
rule  of  the  bishop  (can.  31).  Another  canon 
(59)  says,  "  Let  not  baptism  be  on  any  account 
celebrated  in  an  oratory  within  a  house."  In  the 
West,  the  council  of  Agde,  505  (can.  21),  orders 
that  "  if  any  of  the  clergy  chose  to  celebrate  or 
attend  masses  on  festivals  (Easter,  Christmas, 
&c.,  had  been  named)  in  the  oratories  (unless  the 
bishop  order  or  permit  it),  they  be  driven  from 
communion."  A  canon  of  Theodulf  of  Orleans, 
797,  shews  that  this  rule  had  been  relaxed  by 
time :  "  Let  not  the  priests  on  any  account 
celebrate  masses  in  the  oratories,  except  with 
such  precaution  before  the  second  hour  that  the 
people  be  not  withdrawn  from  the  public  cele- 
brations "  (can.  46  ;  Labbe,  Cone.  vii.  1147).  In 
another  injunction  of  the  same  bishop  the  rule  is 
extended  to  suburban  monasteries  and  churches, 
and  the  early  celebration  permitted  is  to  be 
"  foribus  reseratis  "  (^Additio  altera,  Labbe,  m.  s. 
1857),  which  here  can  only  mean  with  doors 
closed  (comp.  resscrr^. 

(3)  Such  oratories  (often  on  the  homesteads, 
or  attached  to  the  houses  of  the  wealthy)  were 
often  unconsecrated,  and  still  more  frequently 
served  by  priests  not  submissive  to  authority. 
So  early  as  541  the  fourth  council  of  Orleans  had 
to  forbid  the  domini  praediorum  to  "  introduce 
strange  clerks  against  the  wish  of  the  bishop  " 
of  the  diocese  to  serve  "  in  the  oratories " 
(can.  7).  The  council  of  Chalons,  about  650, 
states  that  the  clergy  who  served  the  "  oratories 
in  the  vills  of  the  powerful  "  were  not  allowed 
by  their  patrons  to  submit  to  the  archdeacons 
(can.  14).  The  council  of  Paris,  829  (i.  47), 
complains  that  masses  were  wont  to  be  celebrated 
in  gardens  and  houses,  or  at  least  in  "  aediculae," 
which  they  built  near  their  houses."  These  are 
contrasted  with  "  the  basilicas  dedicated  to  God," 
Avhieh  their  builders  had  forsaken.  Presbyters 
were  "  compelled  "  to  celebrate  in  them,  and  all 
this  "  in  defiance  of  episcopal  authority."  Such 
an  abuse  naturally  tended  to  degrade  both  the 
character  and  the  position  of  the  clergy.  Agobard 
tells  us  that  the  "  domestici  sacerdotes "  were 
employed  as  huntsmen  and  butlers,  and  in 
various  other  servile  capacities  (^De  Privilegio  ct 


ORDEAL 

Jure  Sacerdotii,  11).  To  avert  such  evils,  masses 
were  absolutely  forbidden  by  many  authorities 
in  all  but  dedicated  churches,  as  in  the  Excerp- 
tions of  Ecgbriht,  740  (can.  52)  ;  by  Charlemagne 
in  769  {Capit.  i.  14),  and  in  789  {Cajtit.  iii.  9)  ; 
by  Theodulf  of  Orleans,  797  {Caiyit.  11);  by  a 
council  of  bishops  held  at  some  unknown  place 
in  France,  802  (can.  9;  Labbe,  Cone.  vii.  1179); 
by  the  council  of  Chalons  -  sur  -  Saone,  813 
(can.  49)  ;  and  by  the  council  of  Aix,  in  816.  See 
also  Jonas  of  Orleans,  821  {Instit.  Laic.  11,  in 
Spicil.  Dach.  i.  33),  who  speaks  of  the  unconse- 
crated "  aediculae  "  of  the  rich  in  terms  which 
the  council  of  Paris  seems  to  have  borrowed.  We 
must  suppose,  however,  that  during  the  pre- 
valence of  heresy  a  breach  of  this  rule  would 
have  been  justified  in  the  West,  as  we  know  that 
it  was  in  the  East.  Thus,  Theodore  Studita  says 
{Ep)ist.  i.  40,  ad  Naucr.),  that  in  that  case  it 
was  lawful  "  even  to  perform  the  liturgy  in  an 
oratory." 

Another  check  was  the  law  that  all  who  built 
oratoria  for  more  than  private  prayer  should 
endow  them.  Gregory  I.  directed  that  an 
oratory  built  by  a  nobleman  at  Firmi  should  be 
consecrated,  provided  that  "  no  human  body  had 
been  buried  there,"  and  that  there  was  a  suitable 
endowment  for  the  cardinal  presbyter  who  was 
to  serve  it  {Epist.  x.  VI).  He  jpermitted  the 
consecration  of  another  oratory  outside  the 
walls  of  the  same  city,  "  percepta  primitus 
donatione  legitima  ;"  but  ordered  that  in  this 
case  the  mass  should  not  be  publicly  celebrated 
at  the  consecration,  and  that  a  presbyter  car- 
dinalis  should  not  be  appointed  to  serve  it,  nor 
a  baptistery  built  in  connection  with  it  (^Ep. 
vii.  72).  Similarly,  Zachary  of  Rome,  writing 
to  Pipin  about  743  (Epist.  viii.  15).  And  these 
restrictions  are  made  conditions  in  the  form  of 
mandate  for  consecration  in  the  Li'jer  Diurnus 
(v.  4).  Charlemagne  enacted  generally,  that 
'•  those  who  had  or  wished  to  have  a  consecrated 
oratory,  should  by  the  advice  of  the  bishop  make 
a  grant  out  of  their  property  in  that  same 
place "  (A.D.  803,  c.  21;  Cajnt.  Eeg.  Franc,  i. 
401).     See  also  Justinian,  Novella,  123,  §  18. 

Much  information  on  this  subject  may  be  found 
in  J.  B.  Gatticus,  de  Oratoriis  Doincsticis,  ed.  2, 
Piom,  1770 ;  Josephus  de  Bonis,  dc  Oratoriis 
Publicis,  and  Fortunatus  a  Brixia,  de  Oratoriis 
Dormsticis,  both  printed  by  J.  A.  Assemani 
(Rome,  1766)  as  a  supplement  to  the  work  of 
Gatticus  ;  Z.  B.  Van  Espen,  Jus  Eccl.  Univ.  ii.  i. 
V.  8 ;  J.  M.  Cavalieri,  Comment,  in  Bit.  Congr. 
Decreta,  v.  4,  Venet.  1758 ;  and  many  others.  But 
it  should  be  mentioned  that  these  writers  are 
chiefly  concerned  with  the  later  history  and 
rights  of  oratories.  [W.  E.  S.] 

OEATOEY.    [Pkeaciung.] 

ORDEAL.  This  article  is  limited  to  an 
account  of  some  of  the  more  notable  forms  of  a 
superstition  very  prevalent  among  christian 
nations,  not  only  in  the  first  eight  centuries,  but 
long  afterwards,  viz.,  a  belief  that  on  the  sub- 
jection of  an  accused  person  to  some  extraordi- 
nary physical  test,  supernatural  intervention 
might  be  expected  for  the  purpose  of  making 
known  his  guilt  or  his  innocence.  The  pagan 
origin  of  one  kind  of  ordeal  is  referred  to  under 
Paganism,  Survival  of.  The  following  are  the 
more  remarkable  forms  under  which  it  continued 


OKDEAL 

to  exist,  and  even  became  more  widely  difl'used 
after  paganism  had  been  overthrown. 

Under  the  general  denomination  of  Judicium 
Dei  we  have 

I.  The  Duel,  a  form  especially  prevalent 
among  Teutonic  nations.  In  the  year  A.D.  500, 
the  code  of  laws  promulgated  at  Lyons  by 
Gondebald,  the  Arian  king  of  Burgundy,  and 
known  as  the  Loi  Gombette,  gave  legal  sanction 
to  this  mode  of  ordeal.  Barbarous  as  were  the 
times,  the  preamble  of  the  enactment  relating  to 
the  subject  implies  a  sense  that  such  a  law 
requires  some  justification,  and  this  is  found  in 
the  alleged  tact  that  the  morality  of  the  com- 
munitv  is  at  so  low  an  ebb  that  it  is  a  common 
practice  for  individuals  to  offer  evidence  on  oath 
with  respect  to  matters  of  which  they  have  no 
certain  knowledge,  or  even  knowingly  to  perjure 
themselves.  It  is  accordingly  enacted  (with 
reference  apparently  to  an  already  existing  insti- 
tution analogous  in  some  respects  to  the  English 
frithhorh  of  a  later  period)  that  whenever  a  cause 
of  dispute  shall  have  risen,  and  the  party  against 
whom  judgment  is  given  shall  still  deny  _his 
obligation  to  what  is  demanded  of  him  or  his 
commission  of  the  alleged  off"ence,  by  a  sacra- 
niental  oath*  (sacramentoram  obligatiune  nega- 
verit),  the  dispute  shall  be  thus  decided :  if  the 
party  on  the  side  of  him  to  whom  the  sacramen- 
tal form  of  oath  has  been  proffered,  shall  refuse 
to  make  sacramental  attestation  (iioluerit  sacra- 
■•ncnta  suscipere),  but,  confident  in  the  right- 
fulness of  his  cause,  shall  declare  themselves  able 
to  convince  his  antagonist  by  arms,  and  those  of 
the  opposite  party  refuse  to  yield,  it  shall  be 
lawful  to  decide  the  dispute  by  combat  ("  pug- 
nandi  licentia  non  negetur."  It  is,  however, 
required  that  one  of  the  witnesses,  of  those  who 
had  come  prepared  to  make  sacramental  attesta- 
tion, shall  be  a  combatant  ("  Deo  judicante  con- 
fligat ")  ;  it  being  right,  the  law  goes  on  to  say, 
that  if  any  man  unhesitatingly  affirms  his  know- 
ledge of  a  matter  in  dispute,  and  proffers  his 
sacramental  oath  in  attestation,  he  should  not 
hesitate  also  to  fight.  Then,  if  the  witness  on 
the  side  which  has  offered  to  take  the  oath 
(••  testis  partis  ejus  quae  obtulerit  sacramen- 
tum  ")  be  vanquished,  all  the  witnesses  who  had 
offered  to  do  the  same  are  required  forthwith  to 
pay  a  fine  of  oOO  shillings ;  but  if  he  who 
declined  to  take  the  oath  should  be  slain,  the 
party  of  the  victor  are  to  be  indemnified,  as  to 
the  mulct,  out  of  the  dead  man's  possessions 
("de  facultatibus  ejus  novigildi  solutione  pars 
victoris  reddatur  indemnis."  Canciani,  Barharo- 
rum  Leges  Antiquae,  iv.  25,  26). 

This  formal  sanction  of  duelling  confirmed  the 
custom  ;  and  both  among  the  Franks  and  the 
Lombards  a  similar  recognition  was  extended  to 
it  by  legislation.  The  code  of  Rotharis  (a.d. 
04-3),  king  of  the  latter  nation,  opposed  it  as  one 
form  of  superstition  to  repress  another,  in 
directing  that  any  man  bringing  the  accusation 
of  witchcraft  against  a  freedwoman  (calling  her 
"  striga,  quod  est  maxa  "),  should  be  compelled 
to  make  good  his  charge  in  single  fight, — "  si 
f  erseveraverit,  et  dixerit  se  probare  posse,  tunc 


OEDEAL 


1467 


per  Campionem  caussa,  id  est  per  pugnam,  ad 
Dei  judicium  decernatur  "  (Canciani,  i.  79).  The 
character  of  Luitprand,  who  reigned  over  the 
Lombards  A.D.  713-735,  is  illustrated  by  his 
superiority  to  this  superstition.  He  says  that 
he  hears  that  many  are  defeated  in  the  duel, 
although  theirs  is  notoriously  the  juster  cause, 
but  confesses  his  inability  to  repeal  an  "  impious 
law,"  sanctioned  by  the  custom  of  the  race.  The 
utmost  he  could  do  was  to  direct  that  the  party 
defeated  in  conflict  should  not  therewith  lose  his 
whole  substance,  but  be  allowed  to  make  a  com- 
position,— "  sicut  antea  fuerit  lex  componendi. 
Quia  incerti  sumus  de  judicio  Dei;  et  multos 
audivimus  per  pugnam  sine  justa  caussa  suam 
caussam  perdere.  Sed  propter  cousuetudinem 
gentis  nostrae  Longobardorum  legem  impiam 
vetare  non  possumus."  Luitprandi  Leges,  iv. 
65  ;  ib.  i.  127. 

The  advance  of  education  and  general  en- 
lightenment under  Charles  and  his  son  Lewis, 
seems  to  have  in  no  way  checked  this  super- 
stitious practice.  In  the  year  809,  at  the 
council  of  Aachen,  the  same  mode  of  proving  his 
innocence  is  conceded  to  a  criminal  found  guilty 
of  a  capital  offence  (Pertz.  Lcgg.  i.  155),  and  a 
distinct  article  (art.  25)  of  the  same  capitulary, 
forbids  that  any  shall  venture  to  call  in  question 
the  validity  of  such  a  test,  "  ut  omnes  judicio 
Dei  credant  absque  dubitatione  "  (ibid.  i.  157). 
A  capitulary  of  the  year  819  permits  those 
accused  of  theft  to  vindicate  their  honour  in  a 
contest  with  their  accuser,  to  be  fought  "  scuto 
et  fuste  "  (Baluze,  i.  782).  The  single  combat 
between  counts  Bera  and  Sanila,  in  the  reign  of 
Lewis  the  Pious,  of  which  a  minute  desci-iption 
is  given  by  Ermoldus  Nigellus  (book  iii.  v.  550- 
638),  is  perhaps  the  most  notable  instance  to  be 
met  with  at  our  period. 

The  voice  of  the  most  enlightened  churchmen 
was  not  unfrequently,  though  vainlj',  raised 
against  this  kind  of  ordeal.  "  Purgation,"  or  the 
formal  proof  of  innocence,  is  described  by  eccle- 
siastical writers  as  of  two  kinds,  "  canonica " 
and  "vulgaris" — the  former  being  by"sacra- 
mentum  et  juramentum,"  that  is  by  sacramental 
and  simple  oath,  the  latter  by  the  duel,  hot  or 
cold  water,  &c. — methods  to  which  Agobard 
refers  as  devices  of  men,  "  hominum  adinventio," 
and  which  Ivo  of  Chartres  denounces  as  a  law 
for  which  no  sanction  can  be  claimed,  "  nulla 
sanctione  fulta  lex  "  (Migne,  Patrol,  clxii.  37). 
We  learn  from  the  former  writer  that  Avitus, 
bishop  of  Vienne  in  the  6th  century,  in  a  con- 
versation with  king  Gondebald,  strongly  con- 
demned the  duel  as  a  method  of  deciding  personal 
disputes.     (Migne,  civ.  125.) 

But  while  the  voice  of  the  church  appears  to 
have  been  generally  raised  against  the  duel  as  a 
barbarous  and  inequitable  test,  inasmuch  as 
superior  physical  powers,  or  skill  in  the  use  of 
weapons,  thus  became  the  real  criterion  of  right 
and  wrong,  the  religious  superstition  of  the  age 
favoured  the  resort  to  other  methods,  which 
appealed  to  the  belief  in  the  miraculous.  One 
of  the  earliest  instances  of  this  kind"  is  that 


^  I.e.  an  oath  to  which  it  was  supposed  additional 
solemnity  was  imparted  by  the  person  to  whom  the  oath 
■was  administered  touciilng  at  the  same  time  the  relics  of 
a  saint  or  a  cross  (in  later  times  a  crucifix),  or  a  copy  of 
the  Gospels. 


b  The  different  forms  of  ordeal  referred  to  in  connexion 
with  the  miracles  of  St.  Alban  in  the  3rd  century,  e.g. 
ordeal  by  hot  water,  the  trial  of  relics  by  fire,  Hiblio- 
mancy,  &c.,  probably  point  to  the  essentially  unhistoric 
character  of  the  whole  tradition  (see  Hardy,  Jntrod.  to 
J)e.<ir.rij)f.  Catalogue,  I.  ii.  p.  \.>;xiv). 


1468 


OEDEAL 


recorded  by  Gregory  of  Tours,  of  Simplioius,  a 
bishop  in  the  first  half  of  the  4th  century. 
Simplicius  was  accused  of  adultery,  and  both  he 
and  the  woman  implicated  in  the  charge  vindi- 
cated themselves  by  taking  live  coals  in  the 
folds  of  their  garments,  and  holding  them  there 
for  nearly  an  hour,  their  garments  remaining 
uninjured  {de  Gloria  Conf.  c.  76  ;  Migne,  Ixxi. 
967).  Among  other  and  more  common  forms  of 
ordeal  was — 

II.  The  Ordeal  of  Hot  or  Cold  Wafer.— Both  of 
these  methods  were  sanctioned  by  ecclesiastical 
authority.  Among  the  Formulae  Veteres  Exor- 
cismorum  (see  Baluze,  Capit.  Beg.  Franc,  ii. 
639  ;  Bouquet,  Scriptures,  iv.  597),  there  is 
given  a  form  of  exorcism  used  on  the  employ- 
ment of  either  test.  In  that  of  ordeal  by  hot 
water,  the  two  parties  in  the  dispute  repaired  to 
the  neighbouring  church  ;  there  they  knelt  down, 
while  the  priest  recited  a  prescribed  form  of 
prayer.  Mass  was  then  celebrated,  and  the  two 
presented  their  alms  and  received  the  holy  com- 
munion, having  previously  been  solemnly  adjured 
if  in  any  way  participant  in  or  cognizant  of  the 
alleged  crime  not  to  commimicate.  Then  mass 
was  performed,  after  which  the  priest  pro- 
ceeded to  the  appointed  place  of  ordeal,  bearing 
with  him  the  gospels  and  the  cross  ;  he  then 
chanted  a  short  litany,  and  finally  pronounced 
the  following  exorcism  over  the  water  before  it 
Avas  heated :  "  I  exorcise  thee,  thou  creature 
water  in  the  name  of  God  the  Father  Omni- 
potent, and  in  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ  His 
Son,  our  Lord,  that  thou  mayest  become  exorcised 
water,  to  put  to  flight  all  powers  of  the  enemy 
and  every  phantasm  of  the  devil ;  so  that  if  this 
man,  now  about  to  put  his  hand  in  thee,  be  inno- 
cent of  this  fault  of  which  he  is  accused,  the 
compassion  ["  pietas  "]  of  Almighty  God  shall 
deliver  him.  But  if,  which  may  God  forbid,  he 
be  guilty,  and  shall  have  dared  presumptuously 
to  put  his  hand  in  thee,  may  the  power  of  the 
same  Almighty  One  condescend  to  declare  this 
concerning  him,  so  that  all  may  fear  and  tremble 
before  the  holy  and  glorious  name  of  our  Lord, 
who  lives  and  reigns  ever  One  God  throughout 
all  ages."  When  the  water  had  been  raised  to  boil- 
ing heat,  the  accused  recited  the  Lord's  Prayer, 
made  the  sign  of  the  cross,  and  then  drew  from 
the  vessel  containing  the  water  a  heavy  stone, 
previously  placed  therein  by  the  presiding  judge. 
The  severity  of  this  form  of  ordeal  seems  to  have 
given  it  the  preference  in  cases  where  the  accused 
was  of  the  servile  class.  In  the  year  816,  a  capitu- 
lary of  Lewis  the  Pious  directs  that  slaves  accused 
of  homicide  shall  submit  to  this  test,  in  order  that 
it  may  be  made  apparent  whether  they  had 
designedly  slain  their  victims,  or  done  so  only 
in  self-defence.  If  the  slave's  hand  exhibited 
marks  of  injury  from  the  ordeal,  he  was  to  be 
put  to  death  (Baluze,   i.  177  ;  see  also  1251). 

The  method  of  procedure  at  the  ordeal  of  cold 
water  was  similar ;  but  here  the  difficulty  was 
reversed  ;  for  while,  in  the  former  method,  it 
consisted  in  escaping  injury,  in  this  it  was 
almost  impossible  to  obtain  a  conviction.  The 
accused  was  only  held  guilty  if  he  or  she  floated 
on  the  surface,  the  element  having  been  pre- 
viously adjured  by  the  priest  to  refuse  to  receive 
him  or  her  if  really  criminal  (non  suscipiat  te 
aqua  incredulum  aut  seductum).  A  deviation 
from  this  method   is   recorded   by   Gregory   of 


OEDEAL 

Tours,  on  an  occasion  when  a  woman  accused  of 
adultery  was  flung  into  the  Rhone,  with  heavy 
stones  fastened  7'Oimd  her  neck;  she,  however,, 
invoked  the  aid  of  St.  Genesis,  and  was  miracu- 
lously borne  along  on  the  surfece  of  the  current, 
and  her  innocence  established  {de  Gloria  Mart. 
c.  70;  Migne,  Ixxi.  799).  But  the  former 
method  was  undoubtedly  the  more  common, 
though  in  the  opinion  of  Le  Brun  {Hist,  critique, 
p.  467),  it  was  not  recognised  by  law  before  the 
9th  century,  when  pope  Eugenius  II.  gave  his 
sanction  to  its  employment  (Migne,  c.xxix.  985-7). 
Lewis  the  Pious,  on  the  other  hand,  in  a  capitu- 
lary of  Aachen  of  the  year  829,  ordered  it  to  be 
discontinued  (Baluze,  i.  668),  though  not,  pro- 
bably, with  the  view  of  abolishing  a  superstitious 
practice  (for  other  forms  of  ordeal  were  still 
resorted  to),  but,  as  Muratori  has  pointed  out, 
because  it  practically  amounted  to  an  evasion  of 
justice. 

III.  Judicium  Crucis,  otherwise  known  as  Stare 
ad  Cnicem. — In  this  mode  of  ordeal,  the  accused 
and  his  accuser  lifted  their  arms  to  a  horizontal 
position,  so  that  the  entire  body  of  each  repre- 
sented the  figure  of  a  cross.  Then  some  chapters 
from  the  Gospels,  or  a  portion  of  the  church 
services,  were  read  aloud,  and  he  who,  from 
fatigue,  was  first  compelled  to  let  fall  his  arms 
was  held  to  be  defeated.  Herchenrad,  bishop  of 
Paris  in  A.D.  771,  having  become  involved  in  a 
dispute  with  a  monastic  body,  offered  to  submit 
the  question  at  issue  to  this  test,  and  was 
victorious  (Muratori,  Dissert,  in  Antiq.  Hal. 
Mcdii  Aevi,  vol.  iii.). 

A  capitulary  of  Charles  the  Great  of  the  year 
799,  directs  that  persons  accused  of  perjury 
shall  "stand  cross-fashion"  ("stent  ad  crucem," 
Pertz,  Legg.  i.  37).  Another  of  the  year  803, 
directs  that  if  the  prosecutor  of  a  freeman  who 
is  unable  to  pay  a  fine,  refuses  to  receive  the 
"  sacramenta "  of  twelve  men  in  evidence  of 
such  inability,  then  the  dispute  shall  be  settled 
either  "  by  the  cross  "  or  by  a  duel  fought  with 
clubs  and  shields  (Baluze,  i.  397).  Similarly, 
in  the  year  806  a  decree  of  the  same  emperor 
enjoins  that  in  disputes  respecting  boundaries. 
"  the  will  of  God  and  the  truth  of  the  matter  "" 
shall  be  ascertained  "  judicio  crucis  "  (ibid.  i. 
444).     [MoRTiFiCATiox,  p.  1320.] 

IV.  The  Ordeal  of  Hot  Hon. — This  consisted 
either  in  drawing  a  bar  of  iron  from  a  furnace 
with  the  naked  hand,  or  in  walking  over  heated 
ploughshares  with  naked  feet — modes  denoted  by 
the  expressions,  "judicium  calefacere,"  "judi- 
cium portare,"  where  judicium  is  equal  to  ferrum. 
It  is  prescribed  as  a  method  of  self-vindication 
from  the  charge  of  manslaughter  in  the  code  of 
Luitprand,  king  of  the  Lombards,  '•  et  si  nega- 
verit  ipsum  occidisse  ad  novem  vomeres  ignitos 
ad  Hidicium  Dei  examinatos  accedat  "  (Canciani, 
i.  162).  A  capitulary  of  Charles  the  Great,  of  the 
year  803,  enacts  in  the  case  of  a  man  who  is  accused 
of  having  slain  a  neighbour  in  defence  of  his 
own  freedom,  but  denies  the  deed,  that  he  shall 
pass  over  (accedat)  nine  fiery  ploughshares, 
to  be  tested  "judicio  Dei"  (Baluze,  i.  389). 
According  to  Milman,  this  mode  of  ordeal  was 
especially  reserved  for  accused  persons  of  august 
rank  ;  and  he  mentions  as  individuals  by  whom 
it  was  undergone  "  one  of  Charlemagne's  wives, 
our  own  queen  Emma,  the  empress  Cunegunda  " 
{Lat.  Christianity,  bk.  iii.  c.  5). 


ORDERS,  HOLY 

V.  The  Ordeal  of  SwaUowing  Food. — It  was 
believed  that  bread  and  cheese,  administered 
■with  due  prescribed  solemnities  to  an  accused 
person,  would  infallibly  choke  him  if  he  know- 
ingly perjured  himself  (Muratori,  u.  s.). 

The  most  remarkable  and  elaborate  protest 
against  this  superstition,  in  all  its  forms,  was 
undoubtedly  that  contained  in  a  treatise  by 
Agobard,  bishop  of  Lyons  in  the  9th  century, 
who,  about  the  year  830,  composed  a  treatise 
contra  damnabilem  opinionein  putantium  divini 
judicii  veritateni  igne,  vol  aquis,  vel  conflictii 
armorum  patefieri  (Migne,  civ.  250).  This  re- 
monstrance produ('ed  no  small  effect  in  its  own 
day ;  and  Palgrave  {Hist.  Normandy  and  England, 
1,  241)  ascribes  the  prohibition  of  the  water- 
ordeal  at  the  synod  of  Worms,  A.D.  1076,  to  its 
influence.  Agobard  relied  mainly  on  Scripture 
for  his  arguments.  He  was,  however,  opposed 
by  Hincmar,  who  in  his  manifesto  {da  Divortio 
Lotharii  et  Tethergac)  upheld  the  system,  espe- 
cially the  water-ordeal.  He  maintained,  that 
where  faith  was  really  present  in  the  hearts  of 
those  who  conducted  or  submitted  to  these  tests, 
the  result  was  an  infallible  declaration  of  the 
divine  will;  only  doubt  and  vacillation  would 
deprive  it  of  its  efficacy  (Migne,  cxxvi.  171). 

The  belief  had,  indeed,  taken  too  strong  a 
hold  of  the  church  to  be  readily  dispelled  by 
mere  argument ;  and  in  England,  nearly  a  cen- 
tury later,  we  find  the  forms  II.  and  IV.  referred 
to  and  sanctioned  with  considerable  circumstan- 
tiality. The  language,  however,  is  calculated  to 
suggest  that,  either  through  fraud  or  connivance, 
these  tests  had  been  often  successfully  evaded, 
and  that  the  physical  injury  likely  to  be  sus- 
tained was  but  trifling  (Brompton,  Chronicon ; 
in  Twysden,  Soriptores,  p.  856).  Even  so  late  as 
the  11th  century,  these  practices  still  prevailed 
in  the  church.  Ivo,  of  Chartres,  when  writing 
to  Hildebert,  bishop  of  Mans,  respecting  an  ac- 
cusation brought  against  one  Gislandus,  a  priest, 
deems  it  necessary  to  give  special  instructions 
that  none  of  the  above  tests  shall  be  resorted  to 
(Migne,  clxii.  37).  Compare  Missa  (10),  p.  1200. 
Authorities.  —  Lebrun,  Histoire  critique  dcs 
Pratiques  superstitieuses,  par  un  Pretre  de  I'Ora- 
toire,  Paris,  1702;  Muratori,  Dissertatio  da 
Judicio  Dei  in  Antiq.  Italiae  Medii  Aevi,  vol.  iii. ; 
Du  Cange,  s.  v. ;  Baluze,  &c.  [J.  B.  M.] 

ORDERS,  HOLY. 

I.  Names  for   Ordars  and  Collective  Xames  for  the 

Clergy : 
1.  Ordo:     2.  KArjpog:     3.  Taji;  :    4.  ^afl^ids,  gradus  : 
5.  Other  names. 

II.  Internal  Organization  of  the  Clergy,  p.  1471. 

(1)  Grades  of  orders,  p.  1472. 

(2)  Groups  of  grades  of  orders,  p.  1474  :  1.  Bishop 
and  Clergy,  2.  Holy  orders  and  orders,  3.  Major 
and  minor  orders. 

(3)  Succession  of  and  intervals  between  grades  of 

orders:  p.  1475. 
i.  The  first  grade,  ii.  The  subsequent  grades, 
interstitia. 

III.  External  Organization  of  the  Clergy:  p.  1477. 
Correspondence  of  ecclesiastical  with  civil  organiza- 
tion, as  shewn  in  (1)  councils,  (2)  metropolitans, 
(3)  dioceses,  p.  1477. 

Examples  of  this  correspondence :  organization  of 
Gaul,  p.  1478. 

Results  of  organization,  as  shewn  in  (1)  subordi- 
nation of  clergy  to  bishop,  (2)  subordination  of 
bishops  to  councils,  (3)  limitation  of  the  number 


ORDERS,  HOLY 


1460 


of  bishops  and  formation  of  territorial  dioceses, 
p.  1479. 
iV.  Admission  to  Orders:  p.  14B1. 

1.  Qualifications  for : 

I.  Personal,  p.  1482. 
II.  Civil,  p.  1483. 

III.  Ecclesiastical,  p.  1484. 

IV.  Literary,  p.  14s7. 

2.  Mode    of   testing    qualifications:     examination, 
p.  1488. 

V.  Civil  Status,  Manner  of  Life,  and  Viscijyline,  of 
the  Clergy :  p.  1489. 
(i.)  Civil  status: 

1.  Before  the  time  of  Coustautinc :  p.  1489. 

2.  After  the  time  of  Constantine :  iiifluonce  of 
{a)  immunities,  (6)  exemption  from  ordinary 
courts,  (c)  endowments,  p.  1489. 

(^ii.)  Manner  of  life: 

In  general  during  first  four  centuries,  p.  1490. 
Subsequent  changes,   as    shown    in  (a)  dress,. 

(6)  tonsure,  p.  14  91. 
Influence  of  monasticism ;  tendency  to  live  in 
community,  p.  1491. 
(iii.)  Discipline: 

A.  Punishable  offences. 

(1)  ilcluting  to  marriage  and  sexual  morality, 

(a)  Marriage  after  ordination,  (b)  marricil 
continence,  (c)  digamy,  (d)  sins  of  the  fiesli, 
(e)  incontinence  of  clerks'  wives,  p.  1492. 

(2)  Relating  to  ecclesiastical  organization  ami 
divine  service,    (a)  The  diocesan  system, 

(b)  the  parochial  system,  (c)  ecclesiastical 
courts,  (ti)  ordination,  (e)  divine  service  and 
the  religious  life,  p.  1494. 

(3)  Social  life. 

B.  Punishments. 

(1)  E.xcommunication :    (a)  Temporary,   (b) 
permanent,  p.  1496. 

(2)  Suspension  and  degradation,  p.  149G. 

(3)  Deposition,  p.  1496. 

(4)  Other  punishments,  p.  1497. 

I.  Names  for  Orders  and  Collective 
Names  for  the  Clergy. — 1.  Ordo.— This  is 
the  earliest  and  most  general  Latin  word ; 
first  found  in  Tertull.  de  Exhort.  Cast.  c.  7,. 
"  differentiam  inter  ordinem  et  plebem  con- 
stituit  ecclesiae  auctoritas,"  usually  with  a 
defining  epithet ;  o.  ecclesiasticus,  Tertitll.  dc 
Monog.  c.  11 ;  c?e  Idol.  c.  7  ;  1  Couc.  Carth.  c.  1 ; 
o.  clericalis,  e.g.  S.  Leon.  M.  Epist.  6  (4),  c.  3, 
vol.  i.  p.  620;  Hraban.  Maur.  de  Instit.  Cler.  i. 
2  ;  o.  sacer,  e.g.  S.  Leon.  M.  Epist.  4  (3),  vol.  i. 
p.  612;  S.  Greg.  M.  Epist.  iv.  26.  The  word 
ordo  in  this  sense  was  probably  transferred  from 
Iloman  civil  life,  in  which  it  was  the  ordinary 
designation  of  the  governing  body  of  both  a 
municipality  and  a  collegium,  (a)  Of  the  senate 
of  a  provincial  town,  o.  mutinensis,  Tac.  Hist.  ii. 
52 ;  0.  Berytiorum,  Le  Bas  et  Waddington,^ 
Inscriptions  d'Asie  3fineure,  No.  1847  a ; 
o.  splendidissimus  Thagastensium,  Renier,  Inscr, 
Rom.  d'Alge'rie,  No.  2902,  and  frequently  in  the 
Corpus  Juris,  e.g.  Big.  50,  9,  3.  Even  so  late 
as  the  end  of  the  6th  century  Gregory  the 
Great,  writing  to  the  civil  as  well  as  to  the 
ecclesiastical  authorities  of  Ariminum,  uses 
"ordo"  for  the  former,  "clerus"  for  the  latter 
{Epist.  i.  58) ;  so  also  at  Naples  (id.  Epist.  ii.  6). 
(6)  Of  the  officers  of  a  collegium,  e.g.  Orelli- 
Henzen,  No.  4054  (  =  Grut.  1077),  No.  4115 
(  =  Grut.  391,  1).  (It  is  uncertain  whether  the 
addition  of  "  sacer  "  to  "  ordo  "  is  meant  to  dis- 
tinguish the  ecclesiastical  from  the  civil  use  of 
the  word,  or  whether  it  was  not  simply  a  con- 
tinuation of  a  civil  use,  e.g.  tj  lepoL  (rvyKKr]Tos  oi 


1470 


ORDEES,  HOLY 


the  Koman  seuate,  C.  I.  No.  2715  ;  Upa  ffvi/oSos 
•  if  a  meiitiug  of  theatrical  artists,  Le  Bas  et 
AVaddington,  Inscriptions  d'Asic  Mineuro,  No. 
1619.)  But  it  became  more  common,  especially 
in  later  times,  to  use  ordines  in  the  plural : 
ordines  ecclesiastici,  Tertull.  de  Exhort.  Cast. 
c.  13  ;  0.  sacri,  probably  first  in  Cone.  Eom. 
A.D.  465,  c.  3  ;  S.  Greg.  M.  3Toral.  lib.  ssiii. 
c.  25,  p.  756,  Horn,  in  Evang.  lib.  ii.  horn.  39, 
c.  6,  p.  1648,  and  frequently  afterwards.  (For 
the  later  restriction  of  the  phrase  to  bishops, 
presbyters,  and  deacons  [and  sub-deacons],  see 
below.)  In  this  sense  "  ordo  "  and  "  ordines  " 
■were  used  not  of  church  officers  only,  but  (cf. 
KKripos  below)  of  any  "  estate  "  of  men  or  women 
in  the  church.  S.  Hieron.  in  Esai.  lib.  v.  c.  19, 
18,  speaks  of  "fideles"  and  "  catechumeni  "  as 
forming  two  of  the  five  "  ecclesiae  ordines." 
S.  Greg.  M.  Moral,  lib.  xxxii.  c.  20,  p.  1065,  says 
that  the  church  consists  of  three  orders,  "  con- 
jugatorum,  videlicet,  continentium,  atque  rec- 
torum  ";  id.  Horn,  in  Ezech.  lib.  ii.  horn.  4,  c.  5, 
p.  1344,  speaks  of  the  same  three  orders  as 
''  praedicantium,  continentium,  atque  bonorum 
conjugum,"  cf.  ibid.  lib.  ii.  hom.  7,  c.  3,  p.  1378 ; 
so,  much  later,  Hrabanus  Maurus,  de  Instit. 
Cleric,  lib.  i.  c.  2 :  "  tres  sunt  ordines  in  ecclesia 
laicorum,  clericorum,  et  monachorum."  In 
■earlier  times,  Optatus,  de  Schism.  Donat.  lib.  ii. 
c.  46,  had  avoided  the  ambiguous  use  of  ordo  by 
the  use  of  a  less  technical  phrase :  "  quatuor 
genera  capitum  in  ecclesia,  episcoporum,  presby- 
terorum,  diaconorum,  et  fidelium  ;  "  so  in  later 
times,  intermediate  between  the  earlier  phrase, 
"ordo  martyrum,  virginum,"  &c.,  and  the 
subsequent  "  omnes  martyres,  virgines,"  &c.,  is 
"  chorus  martyrum,  virginum,"  &c. 

2.  KATjpos-,  K\y}piKoi,  clems,  clerlci. — (a) 
KKripos  is  first  found- in  the  plural  =  ordines  in 
the  sense  spoken  of  in  the  preceding  paragraph, 
in  1  Peter  v.  3,  where  tS)u  kKtjpuu  is  evidently 
identical  with  tov  ■jroifj.viov.  Hence,  even  so 
comparatively  late  as  the  beginning  of  the  5th 
century,  laymen,  as  well  as  church  officers,  are 
spoken  of  as  constituting  a  KXifpos  {XaiKhs 
K\rjpos,  Pallad.  Hist.  Laus.  c.  20,  Migne,  P.  G. 
vol.  xxxiv.  105Q  =  AaiKhv  rdyfia,  Cone.  Nicaen. 
c.  5).  Probably  its  first  use  in  the  singular  of 
the  collective  bodv  of  church  officers  is  in  Clem. 
Ales.  Quis  div.  sah:  c.  42,  p.  948,  ed.  Pott. 
(  =  Euseb.  //.  E.  iii.  23),  of  St.  John  at  Ephesus  ; 
Tertull.  de  Monog.  c.  12.  Afterwards  frequent 
in  both  Greek  and  Latin,  c.q.  in  the  fathers, 
S.  Cypr.  Epist.  2,  vol.  ii.  p.  224 ;  S.  Petr.  Alex. 
Epist.  Canon,  c.  10,  S.  Basil.  Epist.  240  (192)  ; 
in  canon  law,  e.g.  Cone.  Illib.  A.D.  306,  c.  80 ; 
1  Cone.  Carth.  c.  6  ;  Cone.  Nicaen.  c.  1,  14 ;  in 
the  Const.  Apost.  e.g.  ii.  43  ;  in  civil  law,  e.(]. 
Cod.  Justin,  lib.  i.  tit.  3,  c.  40  (39),  9.  Of  the 
clerical  office  in  the  abstract,  probably  first  in 
Origen,  Horn,  in  Hicrcin.  11,  c.  3,  vol.  iii.  p.  189. 
In  the  plural  of  the  clergy  of  different  churches, 
Hippol.  Ref.  Haeres.  ix.  12,  ed.  Duncker,  p.  460 ; 
S.  August.  Enarr.  in  Ps.  Ixvii.  c.  19,  vol.  iv. 
p.  824.  Occasionally  distinguished  from  ordo, 
S.  Greg.  M.  Epist.  i.  58,  68  ;  and  also  combined 
with  it,  1  Cone.  Arelat.  c.  13,  "omnis  aeccle- 
siastici  ordinis  clerus,"  Karlomanni,  Capit. 
Liftin.  A.D.  743,  §  1,  ap.  Pertz,  M.  H.  G.  Legum, 
vol.  i.  p.  18.  The  original  meaning  of  KKripos 
in  this  sense,  though  mistaken  by  mediaeval 
■writers,   hardly  admits  of  dispute.     The   word 


ORDERS,  HOLY 

was  the  ordinary  Hellenistic  designation  of  a 
rank  or  class  ;  it  is  so  used  (1)  in  non-eccle- 
siastical late  Greek,  e.g.  Epict.  Diss.  i.  18,  21  ; 
Lucian,  Hermot.  c.  40 ;  Le  Bas  et  Waddington, 
Inscriptions,  No.  1257  ;  (2)  in  Judaeo-Christian 
Greek,  e.g.  Test.  xii.  Patr.  Levi,  8 ;  Orac.  Sihyll. 
vii.  138 ;  (3)  in  early  patristic  Greek,  e.g.  S. 
Iren.  adv.  Ilacr.  i.  27,  1 ;  iii.  3,  3 ;  Clem.  Alex. 
Strom.  V.  1,  p.  650,  ed.  Pott. ;  Euseb.  H.  E.  v.  1 
(letter  of  the  churches  of  Vienne  and  Lyons). 
There  is  a  trace,  but  not  more  than  a  trace,  of 
the  use  of  the  word  in  reference  to  the  governing 
body  of  a  diaaos,  or  Greek  religious  association  ; 
but  there  is  no  room  in  modern  philology  for  the 
quaint  fancy  of  Jerome  that  the  clergy  derive 
their  collective  name  from  Deut.  x.  9,  xviii.  2  ; 
Ps.  xvi.  5,  Ixxiii.  26  :  "  propterea  vocantur  clerici 
vel  quia  de  sorte  Domini  vel  quia  ipse  Dominus 
sors,  id  est,  pars  clericorum  est"  (S.  Hieron. 
Epist.  52  (2)  ad  Sepot.  c.  5  ;  cf.  S.  Ambros.  dc 
Fuga  Saec.  ii.  17,  vol.  i.  p.  420),  or  for  that  of 
Augustine  :  "  et  cleros  et  clericos  hinc  appellatos 
puto  .  .  .  quia  Matthias  sorte  electus  est "  (S. 
August.  Enarr.  in  Ps.  Ixvii.  c.  19,  vol.  iv. 
p.  824).  The  prevalence  of  these  explanations 
in  later  times  is  probably  due  to  their  having 
been  copied  by  Isidore  of  Seville,  de  Eccles.  Off. 
ii.  1,  1,  and  thence  into  most  mediaeval  text- 
books. (6)  KKrjpiKoi,  clerici,  probably  first  in 
S.  Cypr.  Epist.  40,  c.  3,  vol.  ii.  p.  334  ;  Epist. 
66,  c.  2,  vol.  ii.  p.  399  ;  S.  Alex.  Alexandr. 
Deposit.  Arii  (Migne,  P.  G.  vol.  xviii.  581,  and 
in  the  Benedictine  edition  of  S.  Athanas.  vol.  i. 
p.  313);  Cod.  Theodos.  lib.  xvi.  tit.  2,  2  (a  law 
of  Constantine  in  A.D.  319),  which  gives  the 
earliest  definition  of  the  word,  "qui  divino 
cultui  ministeria  religionis  impendunt,  id  est, 
qvii  clerici  appellantur ";  S.  August.  Enarr.  in 
Ps.  Ixvii.  c.  19,  vol.  iv.  p.  824,  whence  probably 
Isid.  Hispal.  de  Eccles.  Off.  ii.  1,  1 :  "omnes  qui 
in  ecclesiastici  ministerii  gradibus  ordinati  sunt 
generaliter  clerici  nominantur."  But  sometimes, 
especially  before  KKr;piK6s  had  become  established, 
periphrases  were  used  to  designate  the  members 
of  the  KKrjpos,  e.g.  ol  eV  tw  KKvpw,  Epist.  Caii,  ap. 
Euseb.  II.  E.  V.  28 ;  Cone.  Nicaen.  c.  3  ;  ol  iv 
T(f  KKripCf)  KaTapiSfj-oifxevoi,  Cone.  Chalc.  c.  2 ; 
oi  iv  Tcfi  KKripcv  KaraKiyoixevoi,  Cone.  Trull,  c.  3, 
27  ;  01  ev  KKripw  KaTuKijixivoi,  Cone.  Chalc. 
c.  3  ;  ol  e/c  tov  KKr\pov,  Cone.  Ancyr.  e.  3  ;  ol 
aizh  KK-iipov,  S.  Petr.  Alex.  Serm.  de  Pocnit.  c.  10, 
Pitra,  Jur.  Eccl.  Gr.  vol.  i.  p.  556. 

3.  Ta^is,  Toyua  (=  Latin  ordo ;  cf.  Vitruv.  i.  2), 
Cone.  Ancyr.  a.D.  314,  c.  14;  Cone.  Neocaes. 
c.  1  ;  Justin.  Novell.  6,  c.  5,  usually  with  a  de- 
fining epithet,  t}  hpariKri  t.  (rh  Up.  Tayfio), 
Cone.  Laod.  c.  3 ;  Justin.  Cod.  tit.  i.  lib.  3,  47 
(46)  ;  Socrat.  B.  E.  vi.  18,  vii.  7  ;  Sozom.  E.  E.  i. 
23 ;  T]  4KKKr]ffia(TTiK7)  t.  Cone.  Laod.  c.  24 ;  Cone. 
Chalc.  c.  6.  Also  used,  like  oi-do  and  KKripos,  of 
any  class  or  rank  of  persons  in  the  church,  e.g. 
of  laymen.  Cone.  Nicaen.  c.  5  ;  Cone.  Constantin. 
c.  6  ;  of  monks  {acrKriToiv),  Cone.  Laod.  c.  24 ;  of 
catechumens,  Cone.  Neocaes.  c.  5  ;  cf.  the  Pfaffian 
fragment  of  Hippolytus  in  Gallandi,  vol.  ii.  p. 
488,  where  the  seven  Oila  rdyixara  are  prophets, 
apostles,  martyrs,  priests,  ascetics,  holy  men, 
just  men. 

4.  ^adfi6s,  gradus,  possibly  used  from  the  first 
in  a  metaphorical  sense,  but  more  probably  with 
reference  to  the  platforms  on  which  the  several 
ranks  stood  or  sat  in  church  ;  first  in  1  Tim.  iii. 


OEDERS,  HOLY 

13;  0.  Tov  KAripov,  Epist.  Synod.  Sardic.  ap.  S. 
Athanas.  Apol.  c.  Avian,  c.  37,  vol.  i.  p.  123  ; 
/3.  TTpea^vTipov,  S.  Greg.  Nazianz.  Epist.  8  (11), 
vol.  ii.  p.  8  ;  Cone.  Chalc.  c.  29  ;  /3.  SiaKuvias, 
S.  Greg.  Nyss.  de  Vita  8.  ilacrin.  ap.  Migne, 
P.  G.  vol.  xlvi.  p.  988  ;  ;8.  Upanias,  Cod. 
Justin,  lib.  i.  tit.  3,  53  (52) ;  J3.  eTTKr/coTriyy,  Cone. 
Ephes.  c.  1 ;  Cone.  Sardic.  c.  5  ;  Cone.  Chalc.  c.  2  ; 
apparently  of  all  orders  from  readers  upwards. 
Cone.  Sardic.  c.  10,  but  of  the  higher  orders 
only  in  S.  Basil.  Epist.  3  ad  Amphilocli.  c.  51, 
p.  325 ;  etVe  iv  Pad/xui  Tuyxayoiev  e^re  Kal 
axeipoOeTCfi  vTryipeaia,  TpoffKaprepoiev ;  cf.  Jus- 
tin. Novell.  123,  e.  4,  oiovS-fiirore  rdy/xaros  ^ 
fiaBjxov,  where  there  may  be  a  similar  distinc- 
tioii.  Gradus  is  also  sometimes  used  in  distinc- 
tion from  ordo,  S.  Leon.  M.  Epist.  1  (6),  vol.  i. 
p.  593 :  "  nee  in  presbyteratus  gradu,  nee  in 
diaconatus  ordinc,  nee  in  subsequent!  officio 
clericorum  " ;  4  Cone.  Brae.  A.D.  675,  c.  7  :  "  qui 
gradus  jam  eeclesiastieos  meruerunt,  id  est, 
presbyteri  abbates  sive  levitae  "  (are  as  a  rule  to 
be  exempted  from  corporal  punishment) ;  but  else- 
where "gradus  ordinum,"  Cone.  Taurin.  a.d. 
401,  c.  8,  or  "  sacrati  gradus,"  Cone.  Rom.  a.d. 
465,  c.  2,  or  "  clericatus  gradus,"  Can.  Eccl. 
Afric.  c.  27,  or  "  sacratissimi  ordines  cleri- 
corum," S.  Sirie.  Epist.  ad  Hirner.  c.  7,  are  used 
of  any  of  the  ranks  of  the  clergy. 

5.  Among  other  equivalent  words  which  were 
in  use  may  be  mentioned  o'X'^A'"?  Justin.  Novell. 
'■'<,  1;  Cone.  Nicaen.  c.  8  (a/.  Tayna);  a^lwua, 
<  "onst.  Apost.  ii.  28,  viii.  1 ;  Cone.  Nieaen.  c.  8  ; 
( 'line.  Trull,  c.  7  ;  o|i'a.  Cone.  Chale.  c.  2  ;  Cod. 
■  histin.  lib.  i.  tit.  3,  42  (41),  c.  9;  sacri  honores, 
N  Cone.  Tolet.  A.D.  653,  c.  7. 

G.  Several  collective  names  for  the  clergy  are 
based  upon  the  fact  that  a  list  or  roll  of  the 
clergy  was  kept  in  each  church ;  hence  ol  ei>  ra 
K\i]pco  KaTapiB/xovfMevoi,  Cone.  Chalc.  c.  2 ;  oi  iv 
K\'r)pcf  KaTaXeyo/xepoi,  id.  c.  3 ;  Cone.  Trull,  e.  3, 
27  ;  ul  iv  Tw  KavovL  i^era^ofxevoi,  Cone.  Nieaen.  e. 
16  ;  ol  iv  lipixTUiw  KaTa\fy6fj.evoi  Tayfiari,  Cone. 
Trull,  e.  11,  24;  ol  iv  lepartKo/  KaTa\6y(f},  id.  c. 
5  ;  rarely,  KavoviKol,  S.  Cyrill.  Hieros.  Procatech. 
c.  4,  p.  4 ;  S.  Basil.  Epist.  1  ad  Ampliiloch. 
c.  6,  where,  however,  it  is  probably  feminine, 
though  interpreted  by  Balsamon  and  Zonaras 
as  masculine  (so  Pitra,  Jur.  Eccl.  Gr.  vol.  i. 
p.  614). 

II.  Internal  Organization  of  thk  Clergy 
(i.e.  grades  and  divisions  of  orders). — It  is  clear 
from  the  use  of  the  designations  ol  TrpoXaTd^uevoi 
(1  Thcss.  V.  12),  01  ■i^youfi.evoi.  (Heb.  .\iii.  7,  17, 
24),  01  TrpoTiyov/j-evoi  (Clem.  R.  i.  2,  1 ;  Herm. 
Vis.  3,  9),  and  also  from  the  use  of  KXrjpos  and 
ordo  in  the  singular,  which  has  been  pointed  out 
above,  that  a  distinction  was  drawn  in  the  earliest 
period  between  the  governing  body  of  a  church 
and  its  ordinary  members.  What  were  the  ele- 
ments of  that  governing  body,  and  how  far  the 
distinction  which  was  thus  created  corresponded 
to  the  later  distinction  between  clergy  and  laity, 
are  questions  of  too  great  intricacy  and  uncer- 
tainty to  be  properly  discussed  here.  But  side 
by  side  with  the  use  of  kAtj^os  and  ordo  in  the 
singular,  which  almost  passed  away  with  the 
civil  organization  from  which  it  was  derived,  is 
found,  also  in  early  times,  their  use  in  the  plural 
to  designate,  not  the  governing  body,  but  all 
"  estates  "  of  men  or  women  in  the  church.  In 
the    KUTtiXoyos,    or   list    of    members    of    each 


ORDERS,  HOLY 


1471 


church,  as  in  the  corresponding  lists  of  the- 
Greek  and  Roman  associations,  with  which  the 
early  churches  had  much  in  common,  the  mem- 
bers were  arranged  in  groups ;  each  of  these 
groups  was  a  kAtj/jos  or  "  ordo  "  ;  the  number  of 
such  groups  was  not  rigidly  defined,  and  the 
variety  which  exists  in  the  lists  which  have 
come  down  to  us  makes  it  extremely  difficult  to 
lay  down  any  general  propositions  concerning 
them.  The  enumeration  of  orders  in  the  Aposto- 
lical Constitutions  is  probably  a  relic  of  such  a 
list.  It  specifies  bishoiJ,  presbyters,  deacons, 
readers,  singers,  doorkeepers,  deaconesses,  widows, 
virgins,  orphans  [laymen]  {C.  A.  ii.  25;  viii.  10, 
12),  but  elsewhere  there  is  a  shorter  enumeration 
of  clerks,  virgins,  widows  [laymen]  (iii.  15  ;  cf. 
viii.  29).  The  difficulty  of  determining  which 
of  the  classes  thus  enumerated  corresponded  to 
the  clergy  of  a  later  age  is  increased  by  the  fact 
that  sometimes  the  members  of  the  clems  seem 
to  have  been  regarded  as  identical  with  the  per- 
sons whose  names  were  inscribed  on  the  canon,  a 
word  which  was  in  ordinary  use  under  the  em- 
pire, in  reference  to  fixed  payments  and  allow- 
ances of  provisions  (Cone.  Nieaen.  c.  3,  ol  iv  rS 
KArjpa  apparently  =  ibid.  c.  16,  ol  iv  rSi  Kavovi 
i^eTa(6,aevoL;  so  in  S.  Epiphan.  c.  Haeres.  iii.  1, 
1,  p.  812,  st  TLva  yap  elSe  ruv  (piAoxpVf^^-TovvTciii' 
rod  KXijpov  -})  itriaKonov  r)  Trpefffivrepov  v) 
erepov  Tiva  tov  Kav6vos).'^  Of  the  classes  who 
were  thus  included  in  a  common  list  with  the 
church  officers,  those  which  survived  longest 
were  those  of  widows  and  virgins.  When  the 
distinction  between  clergy  and  laity  began  to  be 
more  sharply  drawn,  these  classes  remained  fur 
some  time  on  the  border-line  ;  and  it  is  an  indi- 
cation of  the  conservative  character  of  forms  of 
public  prayer  that  the  ancient  enumeration  of 
orders  survived  in  the  missals  long  after  it  had 
ceased  to  be  recognized  in  conciliar  decrees,  or  by 
ecclesiastical  writers.  For  example,  in  bishop 
Leofric's  Exeter  missal,  in  the  Bodleian  library 
(a.d.  969),  the  "ordines"  include  bishops,  pres- 
byters, deacons,  subdeacons,  acolytes,  exorcists,, 
readers,  doorkeepers,  confessors,  virgins,  widows, 


»  As  the  word  has  been  very  frequently  misunderstooJ, 
it  may  be  advisable  to  trace  its  several  meanings  with 
undoubted  instances  of  their  occurrence :  it  denoted  (a) 
the  fixed  sum  paid  by  the  perpetual  occupier  of  a/»7)di(i' 
emphyteuticns.  Cod.  Theod.  5,  13,  30;  11,  16,  13;  (6)  the 
fixed  contribution  of  corn  or  other  produce  paid  by  a 
province  to  Kome,  hence,  e.g.,  "  Canon  Aegypti," 
Vopisc.  Tit.  Firm.  c.  5 ;  (c)  the  total  amount  thus 
contributed  and  available  for  distribution  in  fixed  rations 
among  the  Eoman  populace,  hence  "  canon  urbis  Romae," 
"  canon  urbicarius,"  Cod.  Theod.  14,  15,  2,  C;  cf.  Novell. 
Majorian.  tit.  7,  e.  16,  ed.  Haenel,  Novell.  Constit.  p.  320 ; 
Lamprid,  Yit.  Elagab.  c.  27 ;  Spart.  Tit.  Sever,  c.  S ; 
Bulcnger,  de  Vectig.Kom.  ap.  Graev.  Thes.  vol.  viii.  894; 
Falconer,  ad  C.  Batum  Epist.  ap.  eund.  vol.  iv.  1490; 
Kuhn,  Sladt.  u.  liirgerl.  Vetfassung  des  Rim.  Eeichs, 
i.  p.  274  sqq.  Hence  the  double  enactment  of  Cone. 
Nieaen.  c.  16,  Ka9<x.ipr\<7€Tai  toO  kA^pov  /cat  aXkoTpio^;  rov 
Karoi'os  ecrrai,  i.e.  he  will  lose  not  only  his  rank  Imt  his 
.allowance:  hence  also  the  importance  attaclied  to 
eVio-ToAal  KavoviKai,  i.e.  letters  which  entitled  the  bearer 
to  a  fixed  allowance  in  the  church  to  which  he  travelled. 
That  a  similar  connotation  came  to  attach  itself  to  the 
word  KardKoyoi  is  clear  from  Justin.  Novell,  tit.  3,  2, 
where  the  emperor  deprecates  the  formation  of  SevTepov; 
KaraKoyov;  by  ordaining  more  than  the  fixed  number  for 
a  church,  and  providing  for  those  so  ordained  In  some 
extraordinary  way. 


1472 


ORDEES,  HOLY 


and  all  the  people  of  God  (fol.  108).  But  in  the 
meantime,  though  uot  uniformly  throughout 
Christendom,  the  distinction  between  those  who 
held  office  and  those  who  did  not  had  become 
sharply  accentuated.  Between  them  came  those 
who  had  taken  monastic  vows  (^aAAof  ri^  KaS 
TTapa  Tous  Upa,TiKovs  irXrocna^ovTiS,  S.  Dionys. 
Areop.  Epist.  viii.  ad  Deinophil.  p.  599),  the 
rdyixa  Tcuv  a(TKr}TS)y,  Cone.  Laod.  c.  2-t,  or  rdyfjia 
tSiv  fj.ova.{6vTwv,  S.  Basil.  Epist.  Canon,  ii.  ad 
Amphiloch.  c.  19.  Into  this  class  were  merged, 
not  only  the  ancient  orders  of  widows  and 
virgins,  but  also  that  of  deaconesses  ;  the  former 
became  simple  nuns,  the  latter  were  more 
usually  abbesses.  Hence  there  came  to  be  only 
three  orders  or  estates — the  "  ordo  clericalis," 
the  "  or  Jo  monachorum,"  and  the  "  ordo  lai- 
corum  "  (Hrabanus  Maurus,  de  lastit.  Cleric,  lib. 
i.  c.  2  ;  cf.  Hugo  de  S.  Vict,  de  Sacrum,  lib.  ii. 
pars  3,  c.  14).  It  may  be  added  that  the  dis- 
tinction between  monks  and  clerks  was  ap- 
parently always  recognized  in  the  West,  e.g.  S. 
Hieron.  Epist.  125  (4)  ad  Rusticum,  vol.  i.  p. 
944,  "  ita  vive  in  monasterio  ut  clericus  esse 
merearis,"  and  usually  in  the  East,  e.g.  S. 
Oyrill.  Alexand.  Epist.  ad  Episc.  Lib.  c.  4 ;  S. 
Athanas.  Epist.  ad  Eracont.  c.  9,  vol.  i.  p.  211 ; 
but  not  always  in  the  East,  e.g.  Sc/iol.  m  A^omo- 
can.  tit.  1,  c.  31,  ed.  Ralle  and  Potle,  Athens, 
1852,  vol.  i.  p.  71 ;  Balsamou,  in  Cone.  Garth. 
c.  35,  vol.  i.  p.  357,  though  elsewhere  Balsamon 
includes  among  clerks  only  those  monks  who  had 
received  episcopal  ordination,  in  Cone.  Carth. 
c.  6,  vol.  i.  p.  119 ;  in  Cone.  Trull,  c.  77,  vol.  i. 
p.  247. 

But  even  if  the  term  "  orders  "  be  limited,  as 
it  will  be  limited  in  what  follows,  to  the  "  ordo 
clericalis  "  in  its  later  sense,  there  is  great  diver- 
sity of  use  in  regard  to  the  persons  whom  it 
denotes.  No  two  periods  and  no  two  churches 
altogether  agree  as  to  the  grades  into  which  the 
clergy  were  to  be  divided,  or  as  to  the  offices 
which  created  a  difference  of  grade  in  distinction 
from  those  which  were  merely  differences  of 
function  between  persons  of  the  same  grade.  A 
complete  account  of  this  diversity  of  use  would 
be  considerably  beyond  our  present  limits  ;  but 
the  following  incomplete  account  will  give  the 
leading  facts  in  regard  to  (1)  the  grades  which 
were  at  various  times  recognised,  (2)  the  groups 
into  which  those  grades  were  divided. 

(1)  Grades  of  Orders  (gradus  ordinum.  Cone. 
Taurin.  A.D.  401,  c.  8). — 1.  Bishops,  presbyters, 
deacons. — Without  here  entering  into  the  ques- 
tion of  the  primitive  distinction  between  bishops 
and  presbyters  [see  Priest],  there  is  no 
doubt  that  from  the  end  of  the  2nd  century 
these  three  grades  were  generally  if  not  univer- 
sally found,  and  even  so  late  as  the  4th  century 
they  are  sometimes  treated  as  comprising  all 
the  clergy;  e.g.  in  the  synodical  letter  of  the 
council  of  Antioch  in  reference  to  Paul  of  Samo- 
sata,  Euseb.  H.  E.  vii.  30, "  bishops,  and  presbyters, 
and  deacons,  and  the  churches  of  God ;  "  so  S. 
Cyrill.  Hieros.  Catech.  16,  22,  p.  256,  bishops, 
presbyters,  deacons  [monks,  virgins,  laymen], 
and  even  much  later  Suidas,  p.  2120  c,  defines 
K\ripos  as  TO  cruo-rrj^a  ru)!/  ^iaK6vo)V  Kal  irpea^v- 
ripwu.  (The  later  tendency  to  treat  bishops  as 
not  being  a  separate  order,  but  as  constituting 
with  presb3fters  the  "ordo  sacerdotum,"  Cone. 
Trident.  s:ss.  xxiii.  c.  2  ;  Catech.  Rom.  ii.  7,  26, 


ORDEES,  HOLY 

may  be  either  a  survival  from  the  earlier  time 
in  which,  whatever  may  have  been  the  distinc- 
tion between  them,  bishops  and  presbyters 
together  formed  the  "ordo  ecclesiasticus,"  or 
an  exaltation  of  the  conception  of  the  priesthood  ; 
the  latter  seems  to  be  the  view  of  a  15th  cen- 
tury pontifical  in  the  library  of  St.  Genevieve 
at  Paris  (B.  B.  1.  50,  fol.  xiv.),  "  episcopatus  non 
est  ordo  sed  sacerdotii  culmen  et  apex  atque 
tronus  dignitatis.")  2.  The  earliest  addition  to 
these  three  grades  (there  is  no  certain  evidence 
of  its  primitive  coexistence  with  them)  appears 
to  have  been  that  of  readers.  The  four  grades 
of  bishop,  presbyter,  deacon,  and  reader  form  the 
nucleus  of  every  organization  in  both  East  and 
West,  and  they  are  sometimes  the  only  grades 
which  are  recognized,  e.g.  Tertull.  de  Praescript. 
Haeret.  c.  41 ;  Ajar.  KKri/xevTos,  ap.  Lagarde, 
Jur.  Eccl.  Reliq.  p.  74,  Pitra,  Jur.  Eccl.  Gr. 
vol.  i.  p.  84 ;  Cone.  Sardic.  c.  10  ;  S.  Greg.  Nazianz. 
Orat.  xlii.  c.  11,  p.  756  ;  Cone.  Ephes.  Act  i. 
cap.  23.  The  only  churches  which  have  pre- 
served the  order  of  bishops  without  retaining 
that  of  readers  are  probably  those  of  England 
and  Abyssinia  (Ludolf,  llistoria  Aethiopica, 
Append,  pp.  306,  320).  3.  The  complex  cha- 
racter of  the  duties  of  deacons  caused  them  to 
be  divided,  and  a  new  order  of  assistant-deacons 
{xjirooiixKOvoi,  subdiaconi ;  vn-nptrai,  ministri)  was 
recognised ;  among  the  earliest  instances  of 
such  a  recognition  are  S.  Cypr.  Epist.  24,  vol.  ii. 
p.  287  ;  Const.  Apost.  viii.  11,  12,  20  ;  Cone. 
lUib.  c.  30 ;  Neocaes.  c.  10 ;  Laod.  c.  22,  43 ; 
Sozom.  H.  E.  i.  23 ;  Cod.  Theodos.  lib.  xvi.  tit.  2, 
7.  The  five  grades  of  bishop,  presbyter,  deacon, 
subdeacon,  and  reader  are  apparently  the  only 
grades  recognized  in  S.  Joann.  Damasc.  Eial.  c. 
Manich.  c.  3,  vol.  i.  p.  431  ;  S.  Sym.  Thessal. 
de  Sacr.  Ordin.  c.  156,  p.  138  (but  id.  de  Divino 
Templo,  c.  26,  27,  30,  p.  275,  omits  subdeacons)  ; 
they  became  the  ordinary  grades  of  the  Greek, 
Coptic,  and  Nestorian  churches  (see  Martene,  de 
Ant.  Eccl.  Rit.  lib.  i.  c.  8,  1 ;  Denzinger,  Rit. 
Orient,  vol.  i.  pp.  118,  122  ;  but  the  Scholiast  in 
Ralle'  and  Potle's  edition  of  the  Councils,  vol.  i. 
p.  71,  states  that  the  current  practice  agreed 
with  the  Nomocanon  in  also  recognizing  the 
order  of  singers ;  the  Copts  and  Nestorians  also 
subdivided  the  higher  orders  as  mentioned  below). 
4.  Sometimes  the  order  of  readers  was  subdivided 
so  as  to  make  a  separate  order  of  singers,  Justin. 
Novell.  123,  c.  19 ;  Nomocanon,  tit.  i.  c.  31 ;  the 
subdivision  has  remained  in  the  Syrian  churches, 
both  Jacobite  and  Maronite,  who,  however,  also 
subdivide  the  higher  orders  as  mentioned  below. 
Sometimes  when  singers  are  recognized  the  order 
of  subdeacons  is  omitted,  Const.  Apost.  viii.  10, 
and  some  MSS.  of  Can.  Apost.  69.  5.  Sometimes 
doorkeepers  were  added  as  a  separate  order,  Justin. 
Novell.  3  praef. ;  but  ibid.  c.  1,  §  1,  doorkeepers 
are  distinguished  from  clerks  ;  similarly  in  Const. 
Apost.  ii.  25  doorkeepers  are  mentioned,  whereas 
ibid.  viii.  10,  they  are  omitted  ;  so  in  the  Nesto- 
rian canons  of  the' patriarch  John,  circ.  A.D.  900, 
ap.  Ebedjesu,  Tract,  vi.  cap.  6,  can.  11,  ap.  Mai, 
Scriptt.  Vett.  vol.  x.  p.  117  :  "  de  omnibus  ordi- 
nibus,  sacerdotum  et  clericorum  atque  ostiari- 
orum."  They  are  also  mentioned  in  the  canons 
of  the  Alexandrian  church,  wrongly  attributed  to 
St.  Athanasius,  but  are  not  recognized  in  the 
later  Alexandrian  (Coptic)  ordinals,  nor  in  other 
eastern  churches.  6.  Sometimes  ea;orcjsis  are 


OKDERS,  HOLY 

the  eigKt  orders  of  bishop,  presbyter,  deacon,  sub- 
deacon,  exorcist,  reader,  singer,  doorkeeper,  being 
enumerated.  Cone.  Laod.  c.  24.  They  are  men- 
tioned as  members  of  the  clerus  by  St.  Cyprian, 
Epist.  16 ;  but  they  are  apparently  excluded  in 
Const.  Apost.  viii.  25,  and  though  sometimes 
mentioned,  e.g.  by  Greg.  Barhebraeus,  Komocan. 
c.  7,  §  8,  they  never  had  any  general  recognition 
as  a  separate  order  in  the  East,  (a)  From  this 
list  sometimes  singers  are  omitted.  Cod.  Theodos. 
lib.  16,  tit.  2,  24-  (a  la^-  of  Valens,  Gratian,  and 
Valentiniau  in  a.d.  377  =  Cod.  Justin,  lib.  1, 
tit.  3,  G,  where  some  editions  insert  "  acoluthos," 
against  MSS.  authority,  apparently  to  make  the 
list  tally  with  the  later  Roman  lists);  so  Nomo- 
caaon,  tit.  1,  c.  31.  (6)  Sometimes  doorkeepers 
as  Avell  as  singers  are  omitted,  so  apparently 
Cone.  Antioch.  A.D.  341,  c.  10  (which  is  one  of  the 
few  recognitions  of  exorcists  in  Eastern  canons) ; 
this  is  the  case  even  in  some  of  those  Western 
ordinals  which  give  a  ritual  for  the  ordination  of 
<loorkeepers,  viz.  those  which  quote  the  decretal  of 
Zosimus  (Hinschius,  Decret.  Fseudo-Isid.  p.  553), 
in  which  only  six  orders  are  specified.  7.  Some- 
times acoli/thsare  added  to  the  orders  enumerated 
above,  S.  Cyprian.  Epist.  28,  3;  possibly  Cod. 
Theodos.  lib.  16,  tit.  2,  c.  10  ;  Isid.  Hispal.  Etym. 
7,  2,  2,  but  when  this  is  the  case  singers  are 
commonly  omitted.  This  is  the  earliest  Roman 
list,  being  found  in  the  3rd  century  in  the  account 
which  Cornelius  gives,  ap.  Euseb.  H.  E.  vi.  43  ; 
it  is  not  found  in  the  East,  nor  until  the  8th 
century  is  it  common  in  the  West,  one  of  the  rare 
instances  of  its  occurrence  being  in  a  Galilean 
inscription  of  A.D.  517,  given  by  Le  Blant,  In- 
scriptions Chretiennes  de  la  Gaule,  No.  30 ;  pro- 
bably also  ibid.  No.  617,  a.d.  445,  assuming  that 
"  sequentibus "  is  a  translation  of  aKoXovdots. 
But  it  came  at  last  to  be  the  usual  list  of  the 
western  canonists,  e.g.  Capit.  Hadrian,  c.  72 ; 
Yves  of  Chartres,  Serin.  2,  vol.  ii.  p.  263  ;  Alcuin, 
de  Div.  Ojfic.  c.  34 ;  Hraban  of  Mainz,  de  Cleric. 
Instit.  c.  4  (where,  however,  readers  and  singers 
appear  to  be  identified),  and  Hugh  of  St.  Victor, 
de  Sacram.  lib.  ii.  p.  3,  c.  5,  ap.  Migne,  P.  L.  vol. 
clxxvi.  p.  425.  It  was  adopted  in  later  times 
by  the  council  of  Trent,  sess.  xxiii.  c.  2,  with  the 
exception  that  bishops  and  presbyters  are  classed 
together  as  "  sacerdotes."  But  Innocent  III., 
though  recognizing  acolyths,  excludes  exorcists 
and  readers,  thus  giving  the  six  orders  of  bishop, 
presbyter,  deacon,  subdeacon,  acolyth,  and  singer, 
which  he  regards  as  the  Christian  counterpart  of 
the  Levitical  orders  "  pontifices,  sacerdotes, 
levitas,  nathinaeos,  janitores,  et  psaltas  "  (Innoc. 
III.  de  Sacro  Altaris  Ministerio,  i.  1,  Migne,  P.  L. 
vol.  ccxvii.  p.  775).  8.  In  some  Oriental  churches 
there  are  grades  which  in  the  west  either  do  not 
exist  or  are  not  ranked  as  grades  but  as  functions  : 
(a)  chorepiscopi  are  distinctly  ranked  as  co-ordi- 
nate with  the  other  grades  of  clerks  in  Cone. 
Chalc.  c.  2 ;  Cod.  Justin,  lib.  1,  tit.  3,  40  (39), 
§  9 ;  Gennadius,  Epist.  Encycl.  in  Act.  Cone. 
Constan.  A.D.  459,  Mansi,  vii.  911,  Pitra,  vol.  ii. 
184  ;  and  among  the  Jacobite  Syrians,  the  Ma- 
ronites  (both  of  whom  have  a  separate  form  of 
ordination  for  chorepiscopi),  and,  according  to 
George  of  Arbcla,  the  JSestorians.  (6)  Perio- 
deutae  are  also  ranked  as  a  separate  order  in 
Cod.  Justin.  /.  c,  probably  in  Cone.  Laod.  c.  57 
(ef.  Hefele,  Councils,  E.  T.  vol.  ii.  p.  321),  among 
the  Syrians  both   Jacobite   and  Maronite,  and, 


OEDERS,  HOLY 


1473 


according  to  Ebedjesu,  Tract,  vi.  c.  1,  ap.  Mai, 
Scriptt.  Vett.  vol.  x.  p.  106,  among  the  Nestorians 
(but  in  regard  to  the  eastern  status  of  both 
chorejiiscopi  and  periodeutae,  see  Denzinger,  Ritus 
Orieiitalium,vo\.i.Tpp.  121  sqq.).  (c)  Archdeacons 
are  reckoned  as  a  separate  order  among  the  Copts, 
Jacobites,  Maronites,  and  Nestorians.  (d)  The 
Copts  also  recognise  an  order  corresponding  to 
the  archpresbyters  or  protopresbyters  of  the 
Latin  and  Greek  churches,  whom  they  call  Igu- 
meni  [Tiyovfievoi,  properly  used  of  abbats  or 
archimandrites,  Denzinger,  i.  117].  (e)  The 
Nestorians  recognise  an  order  of  officers  to  whom 
they  give  the  name  Sciahara,  who  are  a  special 
grade  of  singers,  Denzinger,  i.  124.  9.  The 
oriental  churches  also  recognise  grades  of  the 
episcopate  ;  the  Copts  have  bishops,  archbishops 
(=:  metropolitans),  and  a  patriarch,  for  each  of 
whom  there  is  a  distinct  form  of  ordination, 
Denzinger,  i.  116,  ii.  33;  the  Jacobites  and 
Maronites  have  bishops,  metropolitans,  and  pa- 
triarchs ;  the  Nestorians,  according  to  Ebedjesu, 
have  bishops,  metropolitans,  and  patriarchs,  but 
according  to  George  of  Arbela  there  is  properly 
a  distinction  between  patriarchs  and  catliolicl 
[Catholicus,  Vol.  I.  p.  321].  The  western  church 
has  also  sometimes  recognised  differences  of  grade 
in  the  episcopate.  Isid.  Hispal.  Etym.  vii.  12,  2, 
recognises  bishops,  archbishops,  metropolitans, 
and  patriarchs.  Hrabanus  Maurus  identifies 
archbishops  and  metropolitans,  de  Cleric.  Instit. 
c.  5.  But  the  council  of  Trent  made  these 
grades  to  be  with  "  priests  simply  so  called,"  i.e. 
presb3^ters,  grades  not  of  the  episcopate  but  of 
the  priesthood,  Catech.  Pom.  2,  7,  26.  10.  From 
the  6th  century  it  appears  to  have  become  the 
custom,  especially  in  the  Galilean  churches,  to 
confer  upon  persons  the  privileges  and  immuni- 
ties of  the  clergy  by  giving  them  the  tonsure 
without  admitting  them  to  any  special  office  in 
the  church ;  such  persons  were  called  clerici,  but 
it  is  admitted  by  canonists  and  by  the  council  of 
Trent  that  they  were  not  an  "  ordo  "  (Catalani, 
ad  Pontif.  Pom.  pars  i.  tit.  iii.).  11.  Several 
other  classes  of  church  officers  appear  at  various 
times  to  have  been  recognised  as  members  of  the 
clerus,  e.  (7.  (a)  copiatae,  Cod.  Theodos.  lib.  xiii. 
tit.  1,  1  (but  distinguished  from  clerici,  ibid.  lib. 
xvi.  tit.  2,  15),  S.  Epiphan.  Expos.  Fid.  c.  21, 
p.  1104  [Copiatae,  Decani,  Fossarii]:  (6) 
custodes  martyruin  mentioned  apparently  as  co- 
ordinate with  deacons  in  the  Liber  Pontif.  Vit. 
S.  Silcestr.  —  Synod.  Gest.  S.  Silvestr.  c.  vii. 
Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  viii.  802,  in  thePseudo-Isidorian 
decretals,  Hinschius,  p.  450:  (c)  custodes  sacro- 
rum,  Isid.  Hispal.  de  Ditin.  Off.  2,  9 :  (d)  kottl- 
Hvres,  Ps.-Ignat.  Epist.  ad  Antioch.  c.  12;  (c) 
Beapoi,  Balsam,  in  Cone.  Trull,  c.  77,  vol.  i.  p. 
247  :  (/)  ep/j.riv€VTal  yKtliaaris  ei's  yXixxTffav,  S. 
Epiphan.  Expos.  Fid.  c.  21,  p.  1104. 

It  is  possible  that  mystical  reasons  had  some- 
thing to  do  with  the  elimination  of  some  of  these 
classes  from  the  list  of  grades  which  came  ulti- 
mately to  be  received  by  theologians  in  the  West ; 
the  seven  orders  were  the  seven  manifestations 
of  the  work  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  e.g.  Yves  of  Char- 
tres says  that  "  sancta  ecclesia  se])tiformis  gratiae 
est  munere  deeorata"  (D.  Ivon.  Carnot.  Serm.  2,ii. 
p.  263) ;  so  Hugh  of  S.  Victor  :  "  scptem  spiri- 
tualium  officiorum  gradus  proinde  in  sancta 
ecclesia  secundum  septiformem  gratiam  distri- 
buti  sunt  '   (Hugon.  de  S.  Vict,  de  Sacram.  lib. 


1474 


OKDERS,  HOLY 


ii.  pars  3,  e.  5).  But  Innocent  III.  de  Sacro 
Altaris  Minister,  lib.  i.  c.  1,  Migne,  P.  L.  vol. 
ccxvii.  p.  775,  finds  an  equally  valid  mystical 
reason  for  six  orders,  "  senarius  enim  Humerus 
est  perfectus  ;"  and  still  later  canonists  agree 
with  Isidore  in  reckoning  nine,  adding  clerks  and 
bishops  to  the  seven  grades  which  were  ordinarily 
received  by  theologians  (Catalani,  note  to  the 
Pontificale  Romanum,  pars  1,  tit.  2);  so  in  the 
Maronite  pontifical,  Morin,  de  Sao:  Ordin.  pars 
ii.  p.  40f;).  Alcuin  (Albinus  Flaccus)  reckons 
eight  orders,  by  making  bishops  distinct  from 
presbyters,  assigning  the  mystical  reason  that 
the  gates  of  the  temple  in  Ezekiel's  vision  had 
each  eight  steps  (Albin.  Flacc.  de  Divin.  Off. 
o3  ;  Ezek.  .\].  31,  34,  37).  The  same  number, 
without  the  reason,  is  given  by  Hrabanus 
Maurus,  de  Instit.  Cleric.  1,  4,  and  in  St.  Dun- 
stan's  and  the  Jumieges  pontificals. 

(2)  Groups  of  Grades  of ^  0;-&?-s.— The  several 
ordincs  tended  to  combine  into  groups  ;  but  the 
groups  varied  widely  under  different  circum- 
stances. 

1.  Sometimes  the  bishop  was  regarded  as  stand- 
ing apart  from  the  other  officers  of  the  church. 
This  distinction,  which  is  important  in  relation 
to  the  history  of  the  episcopate,  shews  itself  from 
the  fourth  century  onwards  in  the  restriction  of 
the  use  of  H\ripos  and  KXi^piKoi  to  those  who 
were  not  bishops.  This  may  net  have  been  uni- 
versally or  invariably  the  case,  as  many  passages, 
e.g.  in  the  Apostolical  Canons,  may  be  interpreted 
in  either  way  ;  but  the  following  instances  are 
clear:  in  the  Canon  Law,  Cone.  Ephes.  c.  6, 
€4  juer  iiricTKOTTOi  dev  ?)  KKTiptKoi;  Cone.  Chalc. 
c.  3,  fi^  iiriffKOTTOU,  |U7j  KXripiKov;  1  Cone,  Carth. 
c.  9,  11  ;  Cone.  TriiU.  c.  17;  in  the  Civil  Law, 
Cod.  Theodos.  16,  2,  11  (a.d.  354),  antistites 
(^t  clerici  ;  id.  16,  2,  32  (a.d.  398) ;  episcopi  et 
clerici ;  Cod.  Justin,  lib.  1,  tit.  3,  39  (38),  tovs 
iirLffKoirovs  v)  roiii  fcAripiKovs ;  id.  Novell.  6,  c.  8 
(a.d.  535),  123,  c.  6  ;  in  the  Fathers,  e.g.  S. 
Cyrill.  Alex.  Epist.  1,  x.  i>.  4  ;  id.  Ep.  2,  x.  p. 
20 ;  S.  Leon.  M,  Ep,ist.  167,  1,  i.  p.  1420  ;  Theo- 
doret,  H.  E.  2,  7,  p.  851  ;  in  inscriptions,  e.g.  at 
Corycus  in  Cilicia,  6eo<pt\e(rTdTou  iTriiTK6irov 
Kol  [tov  ev']ayov[^s  KjKijpov  ;  Le  Bas  et  Wadding- 
ton,  Liscriptions  d'Asie  Mineure,  Ko.  1421  = 
C.  I.  G.  8019  ;  so  in  Suid.  p.  2120,  c.  KXrjpos  rh 
avcnriixa  -rwu  ^iclkovwv  koi  irpeffjSuTfpwv. 

2.  Sometimes  the  higher  orders,  both  collec- 
tively and  in  the  abstract,  are  designated  by  words 
connoting  sacredness  or  priesthood ;  UpareTov, 
Cone.  Antioch.  a.d.  341,  c.  3  ;  et  ris  irp.  v)  Sluk.  -/) 
oAcos  tSiv  tov  lepareiov  tis.  S.  Athanas.  Epist. 
Encycl.  1,  i.  p.  88 ;  id.  Epist.  ad  Eufin.  i.  p.  769,  r$ 
tepareiq^  Kal  tS>  Aay  tij5  inrh  a4.  S.  Basil.  Epist. 
198  (263),  iii.  p.  289.  'Uparela,  Cod.  Just.  lib. 
1,  tit.  3,  53  (52),  A.d.  532  ;  id.  Novell.  6,  c.  7. 
'lepoKTvvn,  S.  Epiphan.  adv.  Haer.  2,  1,  48,  9,  i.  p. 
410 ;  Sozomen,  H.E.  ii.  34  ;  S.  Basil.  Epist.  188 
(Canonic.  1),  §  14,  iii.  p.  275 — all  in  the  abstract 
of  the  office;  in  the  concrete,  S.  Maxim.  Conf. 
Epist.  21,  ap.  Migne,  F.  G.  xci.  p.  604.  'lepoTiKoi, 
Cone.  Laod.  c.  24,  27  ;  S.  Basil.  Einst.  237  (264) 
iii.  p.  365  =  rh  UpariKhv  Tr\7ipai/j.a,  id.  Epist. 
240  (192),  §  3,  iii.  p.  370.  So  Cod.  Theodos.  lib. 
xvi.  tit.  ii.  44  :  "  quicunque  cnjuscunque  gradus 
sacerdotio  fulciuntur  vel  clericatus  honore  cen- 
sentur." The  distinction  between  various  grades 
of  orders  which  was  thus  created  was  by  no 
means  uniform,     (i.)  In  the  East — a.  Sometimes 


OEDEES,  HOLY 

bishops  and  presbyters  were  classed  together  in 
distinction  to  deacons  and  other  clerks,  e.g. 
Auct.  Vit.  Spiridionis  ap.  Haenel,  Corp.  Leg.  ante 
Justin,  lat.  p.  209,  "omnibus  qui  sunt  partium 
ecelesiasticarum,  sacerdotibus  inquam  et  dia- 
conis."  Cod.  Justin,  lib.  i.  tit.  3,  10  (law  of 
Arcadius  and  Honorius,  a.d.  398),  "  sacerdotes 
et  ministri "  ;  S.  Sym.  Thessal.  do  Divino  Teinp>lo, 
c.  26,  27,  p.  275.  b.  Sometimes  deacons  were  in- 
cluded among  those  who  had  sacred  or  priestiv 
rank,  e.g.  Cone.  Laod.  c.  24  ;  iepariKovs  a-rra 
Trp€(T0vTepcov  'iics  SiaKovwv  ;  S.  Basil.  Epist.  •I'M 
(264),  vol.  ii.  p.  365.  c.  Sometimes  subdoacons 
appear  to  have  been  also  included,  e.g.  Couc.  An- 
tioch. A.d.  341,  c.  3  ;  by  implication,  S.  Epiphan. 
Expos.  Fid.  c.  21,  vol.  i.  p.  1104;  so  according  to 
Balsamon,  who  may,  however,  be  simply  stating 
the  practice  of  his  own  day,  Cone.  Trull,  c.  77,. 
which  makes  the  tripartite  division  lepartKovs  i} 
K\7]piKovs  t)  a<TKr\Ta.s.  But  in  the  East  as  in  the 
West  subdeacons  were  for  several  centuries  on 
the  border-line ;  they  had  sometimes  the  privi- 
leges of  the  higher,  sometimes  those  of  the  lower, 
division  of  the  clergy,  (ii.)  In  the  West  a  dis- 
tinction was  ultimately  drawn  between  "ordines" 
and  "sacri  ordines  ";  the  latter  were  for  some 
time  regarded  as  consisting  of  bishops,  presby- 
ters, and  deacons,  but  the  earliest  canonical  re- 
striction of  the  phrase  to  these  three  orders  is 
probably  Cone.  Benevent.  a.d.  1091  (Mansi,  vol. 
XX.  p.  738),  which  is  the  authority  quoted  by 
Gratian,  pars  i.  dist.  60,  4.  But  the  earlier  use 
of  "  sacri  ordines "  for  all  classes  of  church 
olRcers  is  occasionally  found  even  after  the  limi- 
tation had  become  ordinarily  fixed,  (e.g.  in  a 
Reims  pontifical,  no.  179  (162),  foL  109,  "sacri 
ordines "  are  distinguished  not  from  minor 
orders  but  from  the  orders  of  virgins 
or  widows).  The  modern  inclusion  of  the  sub- 
diaconate  among  "  holy  orders "  dates  from 
the  12th  century.  It  is  expressly  excluded 
by  Hugh  of  St.  Victor,  de  Sacram.  lib.  ii.  pars  3, 
c.  13.  Peter  the  Singer,  A.D.  1197,  speaks  of 
the  inclusion  as  a  recent  institution  ferb.  Abbrev. 
c.  60 ;  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  ccv.  184,  and  about  the 
same  time  Innocent  III.  says  that  "  hodie "  .a 
subdeacon  is  in  holy  orders  and  may  be  elected 
hisho])  (Epist.  X.  164r;  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  ccxv. 
1257);  Duraud  {Rationale,  ii.  c.  8),  ascribes  the 
inclusion  to  Innocent  III.  himself.  (Cf.  Morin, 
de  Sacr.  Ordin.  pars  iii.  exercit.  12,  c.  5  :  Mar- 
tene,  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Rit.  lib.  i.  c.  8,  art.  2.) 
Earlier  traces  of  this  elevation  of  the  subdia- 
conate  are  S.  August.  Serm.  356,  de  Diversis,  c.  2, 
vol.  V.  p.  1575  ;  Can.  Eccles.  Afric.  c.  25  ;  Cone. 
Gerund,  a.d.  583,  c.  1 ;  2  Cone.  Tolet.  a.d.  531, 
c.  3 ;  on  the  other  hand  in  most  Oriental 
churches  subdeacons  still  retain  their  primitive 
place,  and  do  not  enter  into  the  sanctuary. 

3.  Sometimes  bishops,  presbyters,  and  deacons 
were  classed  together,  without  express  reference 
to  their  sacred  or  priestly  character,  as  forming 
a  higher  class  of  clergy  ;  the  existence  of  this 
distinction  in  early  times  is  made  apparent,  with- 
out being  expressly  stated,  by  differences  in  dis- 
cipline, e.g.  in  Can.  Apost.  42,  43,  54,  55  ;  after- 
wards it  came  to  be  commonly  expressed,  e.g. 
1  Cone.  Matiscon.  a.d.  581,  c.  11 ;  I^piscopi,  pres- 
byteri,  vel  imiversi  honoratiores  clerici ;  Joann. 
Diac.  Vit.  S.  Greg.  31.  i.  31 ;  hence  "inferiores 
clerici,"  Cod.  Eccles.  Afric.  c.  28;  "inferioris 
ordinis  clerici,"  S.  Augustin.  Epist.  43  (162),  c. 


ORDERS,  HOLY 

<S  ;  Alcuin  (Albiniis  Flaccus),  dc  Divln.  Off.  c. 
33,  "tres  superiores  gradus ;"  Amalarius  of 
Metz,  de  Ecd.  Off.  2,  6,  where  "  inferiores 
ordines  "  are  "  ordines  subjecti  diaeono  et  pres- 
bytero."  Sometimes  the  reference  to  relative 
superiority  or  inferiority  is  omitted,  but  bishops, 
presbyters,  and  deacons  specially  enumerated, 
and  the  other  orders  are  summed  up  as  "clerici," 
e.g.  Can.  Apost.  4,  8,  16 ;  Cone.  Nicaen.  c.  o, 
Antioch,  c.  2,  3  Chalc.  c.  6,  3  Carth.  9,  15  ;  will 
of  Perpetuus  of  Tours,  A.D.  474,  in  D'Achery, 
Spicilegium,  vol.  iii.  p.  303  ;  Karlomanni  Capit. 
Liftin.  A.D.  740,  ap.  Pertz,  M.  G  H.  Lcgum.  vol. 
i.  p.  18.  The  line  was  afterwards  drawn  at  sub- 
deacons  (one  of  the  earliest  instances  of  which  is 
in  the  Leges  Wisigothorum,  lib.  ii.  tit.  1,  c.  18), 
but  it  was  not  until  the  13th  century  that  the 
subdiaconate  was  ordinarily  ranked  among 
•'  majores  ordines ;"  from  that  time  "  sacri 
ordines "  are  identical  with  "majores  ordines," 
and  included  bishops,  presbyters,  deacons,  and 
subdeacons,  "  minores  ordines "  including 
acolyths,  exorcists,  readers,  and  doorkeepers. 
The  distinction  docs  not  exist  in  Oriental 
churches. 

(3)  Succession  of,  and  intervals  between,  grades 
of  orders. — There  is  no  evidence  of  the  existence 
in  the  earliest  period  of  any  rule  against  the 
appointment  of  a  layman  to  any  office  whatever 
in  the  church,  still  less  is  there  any  evidence  to 
shew  that  a  clerk  who  had  begun  in  a  lowei 
grade  had  to  pass  by  any  regular  steps  of 
succession  to  a  higher.  There  are  instances  (1) 
of  bishops  who  had  never  been  presbyters 
[Bishop,  Vol.  I.  p.  219],  to  the  examples  given 
in  which  place  may  be  added  the  case  of  Pauli- 
nianus  in  S.  Hieron.  Episf.  82  (62),  vol.  i.  p. 
518  :  the  cases  mentioned  in  S.  Leon.  JI.  Epjist. 
14,  ad  Anastas.  c.  6,  vol.  i.  p.  688  ;  S.  Greg. 
Magn.  Epist.  ix.  109,  vol.  ii.  p.  1014 :  the  case 
of  St.  Caesarius  of  Aries,  Vit.  c.  1,  Migne,  P.  L. 
vol.  Ixvii.  1005  :  the  very  late  instance  of  a 
bishop  of  Lyons,  in  A.D.  841,  in  Pertz,  M.  G.  II. 
Script,  i.  p.  110,  Mabillon,  3Ius.  Ital.  vol.  i.  68 ; 
and  of  John,  bishop  of  Constance,  mentioned  in 
Walafrid  Strabo,  Vit.  S.  Gall.  lib.  i.  c.  23, 
Migne,  P.  L.  cxiv.  998,  Greith,  Altirische  Kirche, 
p.  382 :  the  complaint  of  pope  Celestin,  Epist. 
ad  Episc.  Gall.  c.  3 :  and  the  Brehon  law  that 
when  a  bishop  "  stumbled,"  i.e.  committed 
adultery,  the  reader  shall  be  installed  in  the 
bishopric,  Senchus  Mor,  ed.  Hancock,  p.  59  :  see 
also  Mabillon,  Miis.  Ital.  vol.  ii.  p.  cviii.  ;  Den- 
zinger.  Bit.  Orient,  vol.  i.  p.  146 :  and  for 
evidence  that  some  popes  never  passed  through 
the  presbyterate,  Mabillon,  1.  c.  p.  cxix.  The 
case  of  Photius,  who  was  accused  and  ultimately 
deposed  because,  among  other  reasons,  he  had  not 
passed  through  the  lower  grades,  can  only  be 
mentioned  here  ;  the  weakness  of  the  Latin  attack 
upon  him  is  shewn  in  the  writings  which  contain 
it,  especially  Nicolas  I.  Epist.  12,  13,  Migne, 
P.  L.  vol.  cxix.,  Mansi,  vol.  xv.  :  Ratramn.  of 
Corbey,.  Lib.  contr.  Graec.  iv.  c.  8,  Migne,  P.  L. 
cxxi.  334,  D'Achery,  Spicil.  vol.  i.  ;  Aeneas  of 
Paris,  adv.  Grace,  c.  210,  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  cxxi., 
D'Achery,  Spicil.  vol.  i. ;  Photius's  letter  in 
defence  will  be  found  in  Migne,  P.  G.  vol.  cii., 
Epist.  i.  2.  (2)  Of  presbyters  who  had  never 
been  deacons  (e.g.  St.  Cyprian,  according  to 
Pontius,  Vit.  S.  Cgpr.  c.  3 ;  St.  Augugtine, 
according   to    Possidius,    Vit.  S.  August,   c.   4 ; 

CHRIST.  ANT. — VOL.  II. 


ORDERf^,  HOLY 


1475 


probably  St.  Basil  as  St.  Grog.  Nazianz.  Orat. 
43,  c.  27,  vol.  i.  p.  792,  mentions  only  his  being 
reader,  presbyter,  bishop :  Cosmas  mentioned  in 
S.  Greg.  Magn.  Epist.  xiii.  28,  vol.  ii.  p.  1237  : 
the  case  is  also  contemplated  in  the  Canon  Law, 
Gratian,  Decret.  i.  dist.  74,  c.  9,  =  Ivo,  Lecret. 
vi.  c.  106).  (3)  Of  deacons  who  had  never  been 
subdeacons  (e.g.  St.  Chrysostom  in  Socrates, 
H.  E.  7.  3,  p.  313;  the  subdiaconate  is  not 
mentioned  in  the  enumeration  of  necessary 
grades  in  Cone.  Sardic.  c.  10,  and  it  is  not  even 
now  necessary  among  the  Jacobite  Syrians, 
Denzinger,  Bit.  Orient,  vol.  ii.  p.  82). 

But  although  these  instances  are  important  as 
shewing  not  only  that  the  rules  which  were  laid 
down  from  time  to  time  were  limitations  of  au 
earlier  freedom,  but  also  that  ordinations  per 
saltum,  as  they  were  afterwards  called,  were 
regarded  as  canonically  valid,  yet  they  must 
probably  be  considered  as  exceptions  to  a  pre- 
vailing tendency.  As  early  as  the  Pastoral 
Epistles  promotion  to  a  higher  grade  is  held  out 
as  an  inducement  to  "  use  the  office  well " 
(1  Tim.  iii.  13),  and  a  person  who  had  ouly 
recently  been  converted  is  made  ineligible  for 
the  office  of  a  "bishop"  (jxij  veScpvrov,  1  Tim. 
iii.  6).  This  latter  regulation  had  evidently 
come  to  be  disregarded  at  the  beginning  of  the 
4th  century,  and  the  council  of  Nicaea,  c.  2,  in 
re-enacting  it  extended  it  to  all  clerks  (the  mean- 
ing of  the  difficult  Greek  text  of  the  canon  is 
probably  best  expressed  by  Rufinus,  //.  E.  2,  6, 
"  ne  quis  nuper  assumptus  de  vita  vel  conver- 
satione  Gentili,  accepto  baptismo,  antequam 
cautius  examinetur,  clericus  tiat ;"  so  in  effect 
Dionysius  Exiguus,  but  Ilefele  ad  loe.  takes  a 
slightly  different  view).  But  in  the  course  of 
the  same  century  there  are  traces  of  the  growth 
of  a  tendency  to  appoint  no  one  to  a  higher  oflin- 
until  he  had  passed  through  the  lower.  The 
tendency  was  probably  fostered  by  the  civil  law 
in  regard  to  appointments,  "  ut  gradatim  honores 
deferantur,"  Modestin.  in  the  Big.  50,  4,  11, 
quoting  a  letter  of  Antoninus  Pius  ;  "  gerendoruni 
honorum  non  promiscua  facultas  est,  sed  ordo 
certus  huic  rei  adhibitus  est,"  Callistratus  in  the 
Big.  50,  4,  14,  §  5.  This  tendency  finds  its  first 
authorized  expression  in  Cone.  Sardic.  c.  10,which 
however  deals  with  the  special  case  of  a  wealthy 
man  or  lawyer  (ttAovo-io's  tis  fj  crx"^'^'^'''"^^^^ 
being  elected  to  a  bishopric,  and  requires  such  a 
man  to  pass  gradatim  through  the  offices  of 
reader,  deacon,  and  presbyter.  Gregory  Nazi- 
anzen  is  less  definite.  He  lays  down  as  a  general 
rule  that  a  man  should  fill  a  lower  office  in  the 
church  before  filling  the  highest  office  (Orat.  2, 
Apolog.  §  111,  vol.  i.  p.  62,  sometimes  inter- 
preted that  he  should  be  a  reader  before  being  a 
presbyter).  The  first  writer  who  speaks  of 
passing  "  per  solitos  gradus  "  is  Jerome  (Epist. 
60  (3),  ad  Heliodorum,  vol.  i.  p.  337).  Leo  the 
Great  discourages  the  omission  of  the  lower 
grades,  but  does  not  disallow  it  (Epist.  12,  vol.  i. 
p.  674),  whereas  Gregory  the  Great  speaks  of 
the  omission  as  "  grave  nimis  "  (Epist.  ix.  109, 
vol.  ii.  p.  1014,  writing  to  Brunhild;  cf.  ibid.  ix. 
106,  vol.  ii.  p.  1009,  "ordinate  ad  ordines  acce- 
dendum  est "). 

When  the  rule   had  been  fairly  established, 

there    still   arose    cases   in   which  it  created  a 

difficulty.     In  such  cases  the  rule  was  at  once 

observed  and  evaded  by   accumulating  ordina- 

5  C 


1476 


ORDERS,  HOLY 


tions,  i.e.  a  person  was  admitted  to  successive 
grades  on  the  same  day  or  at  short  intervals, 
i'iarly  instances  of  this  practice  are  that  of 
Wulfad,  in  whose  favour  Charles  the  Bald  wrote, 
Epist.  Caroli  R.  in  Cone.  Suession.  a.d.  866  ; 
Mansi,  vol.  xv.  p.  708,  and  that  of  a  bishop  of 
Salerno  mentioned  by  Leo  Marsicanus,  Chron. 
C'asin.  ii.  98 ;  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  clsxiii.  One 
edition  of  the  Roman  pontifical  (that  which  was 
published  by  Albertus  Castellanus  at  Venice  in 
1520  and  dedicated  to  Leo  X.)  makes  provision 
for  the  case  of  a  pope  who  was  elected  either  as 
a  layman  or  in  minor  orders,  "  accipiet  primam 
tonsuram  et  minores  ordines,  ut  alii  inferiores," 
with  this  difference,  that  he  is  to  be  vested  from 
the  first  in  mitre  and  rochet,  and  to  receive  the 
instruments  of  the  several  orders  at  his  faldstool. 
But  even  when  grades  were  not  accumulated,  it 
was  not  until  the  8th  century  that  ordinations 
per  saltum  began  to  be  considered  invalid  or  to  be 
])unished  by  deposition. 

One  of  the  earliest  instances  is  in  the  Frank- 
fort capitulary  of  A.D.  789,  which  deposes  a 
bishop  Gaerbod,  who  admits  that  he  had  not 
been  ordained  presbyter  or  deacon  (Capit.  Fran- 
cofurt.  §  10,  ap.  Pertz,  M.  H.  G.  Legum,  vol.  i. 
p.  73).  Of  later  instances  the  mediaeval 
canonists  furnish  an  abundant  crop,  e.g.  Inno- 
cent III  Epist.  vii.  192.  A  presbyter  who  has 
not  been  ordained  deacon  is  allowed  to  retain  his 
orders,  but  has  to  go  through  the  ceremony  of 
being  ordaLned  deacon,  id.  Epist.  viii.  118;  a 
deacon  who  does  not  know  whether  he  received 
minor  orders  or  not,  is  required  to  receive  them 
"  ad  cautelam,"  id.  Epist.  x.  146  ;  a  deacon  who 
has  knowingly  passed  over  the  subdiaconate  is 
sent  to  a  monastery  for  a  time. 

The  question  what  grades  were  necessary  re- 
solves itself  into  two  questions — (i.)  what  was  the 
lirst  grade,  (ii.)  what  were  the  necessary  subse- 
((uent  grades,  (i.)  The  inference  to  be  drawn 
Irom  recorded  historical  examples  is  that,  as  a 
rule,  those  who  dedicated  themselves  to  the 
service  of  the  church  began  as  readers.  An  in- 
dication of  this  is  found  as  early  as  the  time  of 
Cyprian  (^Epist.  33,  vol.  ii.  p.  319,  of  the  ordina- 
tion of  Aurelius ;  but  the  use  of  "  placuit " 
shews  at  the  same  time  that  there  was  no  exist- 
ing rule  on  the  subject).  In  the  following 
century  Basil  (according  to  S.  Greg.  Nazianz. 
Orat.  43,  c.  27,  vol.  i.  p.  792)  and  Chrysostom 
(according  to  Socrat.  //.  E.  vii.  3 ;  Pallad.  17!!. 
S.  Chrys.  c.  5)  both  began  as  readers.  In  the 
5th  century  there  are  the  instances  of  Felix  of 
Nola  (Paulin.  Poem.  XV.  de  S.  Felice,  v.  108  ; 
Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  Ixi.  470),  and  of  John  of 
Chalons  (Sidon.  Apollin.  Epist.  iv.  25).  The 
same  inference  as  to  the  custom  of  beginning  as 
readers  follows  (1)  from  the  constant  practice  of 
the  Greek  church ;  (2)  from  the  earliest  papal 
decretals  on  the  subject,  those  of  Siricius, 
Zosimus,  and  Gelasius,  which  are  quoted  below  ; 
(3)  from  Cone.  Milev.  A.D.  416  (cf.  S.  August. 
Epist.  63  (240),  vol.  ii.  p.  231),  2  Cone.  Nicaen. 
c.  14.  The  earliest  indication  of  the  practice 
of  beginning  as  a  doorkeeper  is  probably  that 
which  is  indicated  by  Paulinus  of  Nola  Epist.  1 
(6)  ad  Sever,  c.  11 ;  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  Ixi.  158 
(although  this  may  shew  rather  his  own  humility, 
than  the  prevalence  of  a  custom) ;  but  in  the 
9th  century  the  rule  was  laid  down  which  has 
been  the  rule  of.  Western  canon  law  ever  since 


ORDERS,  HOLY 

that  every  clerk  must  pass  through  that  grade 
(Silvest.  Epist.  c.  7 ;  Caii  Epist.  c.  6  ;  both 
adopted  by  the  Pseudo-Isidore  from  the  Liber 
Pontificalis,  see  below).  Martin  of  Tours  began 
as  an  exorcist  (Sulp.  Sever.  Vit.  S.  Martin. 
c.  5),  and  Gregory  the  Great  speaks  of  a  monk 
who  began  as  a  subdeacon  (Epist.  13,  28,  vol.  ii. 
p.  1237). 

It  must  also  be  noted  that  there  was  a  counter 
tendency  to  that  which  ultimately  prevailed  ;  it 
was  probably  not  until  the  clerical  office  became 
a  regular  profession  that  promotion  from  one 
grade  to  another  became  an  ordinary  rule  ;  persons 
who  were  well  fitted  for  particular  offices  some- 
times remained  in  them  to  the  end  of  their  lives. 
Ambrose  {de  Offic.  Ministr.  i.  44)  writes  as 
though  division  of  labour  were  recognized  in 
the  church,  and  as  though  it  were  a  function  of 
the  bishop  to  find  out  the  office  for  which  each 
person  was  best  qualified.  As  instances  of  the 
prevalence  of  this  view  we  find  an  acolyte  of 
eighty-five  years  of  age  (Le  Blant,  Inscriptions 
Chr^tiennes  de  la  Gaule,  no.  36)  a  deacon  of 
fifty-eight  (ibid.  no.  430),  a  subdeacon  of  thirty- 
two  (De  Rossi,  Inscr.  Christianae  Urbis  Romanae, 
no.  743,  A.D.  448). 

(ii.)  The  definition  of  tne  particular  grades 
through  which  a  clerk  must  pass,  and  of  the 
time  which  he  must  spend  in  each  grade,  belongs 
to  the  period  of  the  Isidorian  and  Pseudo-Isi- 
dorian  decretals.  The  uncertainty  which  pre- 
vailed, even  after  those  decretals  had  been  for- 
mally incorporated  into  canon  law,  is  shewn  by 
the  great  variety  of  readings  which  exist  in  the 
various  MSS.  of  the  decretals.  1.  The  earliest 
of  them  is  probably  that  of  Siricius,  Epist.  ad 
Eumer.  c.  10  (=  Gratian,  Decret.  i.  dist.  77,  c.  3  ; 
Ivo  Carnot,  Decret.  6,  c.  91),  which,  according  to 
the  text  given  by  'EAwschiViS,  Decret.  Pseudo-  Lsid. 
p.  520,  allows  a  person  to  be  ordained  reader  in 
early  youth ;  then  from  puberty  until  thirty  years 
of  age  he  is  to  be  acolyte  or  subdeacon ;  five 
years  afterwards  he  is  to  be  deacon,  but  no 
definite  period  is  prescribed  before  he  can  be- 
come presbyter  or  bishop ;  if,  however,  a  person 
is  not  ordained  in  early  youth,  he  must  be  reader 
or  exorcist  for  two  years  after  his  baptism, 
acolyte,  and  subdeacon  for  five  years  in  all ; 
there  is  no  other  prescription  of  time  ;  but  other 
texts  give  an  interval  of  five  years  between 
a  deacon  and  a  presbyter,  and  of  ten  years 
between  a  presbyter  and  a  bishop.  2.  The 
decretal  of  Zosimus,  which  is  probably  next  in 
order  of  antiquity  {Epist.  ad  Hesych.  c.  3  = 
Gratian,  Decret.  i.  dist.  77,  c.  2  ;  Migne,  P.  L. 
vol.  XX.  p.  672 ;  Hinschius,  p.  553)  provides  that 
if  any  one  has  been  ordained  in  infancy  he  must 
remain  as  a  reader  until  he  is  twenty  years  of 
age  ;  if  he  is  ordained  later  in  life,  he  must  be 
either  reader  or  exorcist  for  five  years  after 
baptism ;  in  any  case  he  must  be  either  acolyte 
(Egbert's  Pontifical  has  "  catholicus  ")  or  sub- 
deacon for  four  years,  and  deacon  for  five  years. 
No  other  limits  are  prescribed.  This  rule  seems 
to  have  been  widely  recognized  after  the  8th 
century,  since  it  is  found  in  the  Gelasian  sacra- 
mentary,  and  in  the  pontificals  of  Egbert,  St. 
Dunstan,  Jumie'ges,  Noyon,  Cahors,  Vatican  ap. 
Muratori.  3.  The  Liber  Pontificalis  supplied 
the  canon  law  with  two  other  decretals :  (1)  in 
the  Vita  Caii  (=  Caii  Epist.  c.  6 ;  Gratian,  j 
Decret.  i.   dist.  77,   c.   1 ;  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  v.     I 


ORDERS,  HOLY 

190  ;  Hinschius,  p.  218)  Caius  is  said  to  have 
laid  down  a  rule  that  a  bishop  must  have  passed 
through  the  seven  orders  of  doorkeeper,  reader, 
.■xorcist,  acolyte,  subdeacon,  deacon  and  pres- 
l)vter;  (2)  in  the  Vita  Silvest.  p.  35  (Migne, 
V.  L.  vol.  viii.  802,  and  vol.  cxxvii.  1514, 
Hinschius,  p.  450,  whose  test  is  followed  here), 
that  pope  is  said  to  have  established  the  rule 
that  a  bishop  must  have  been  first  doorkeeper, 
then  reader,  and  then  exorcist  for  whatever  time 
his  bishop  may  have  determined  ;  then  acolyte 
for  five  years,  subdeacon  five  years,  custos  marty- 
rnm  five  years  [deacon  five  years,  in  some  MSS.], 
])resbyter  three  years. 

But  it  would  be  difficult  to  shew  that  the 
intervals  thus  prescribed  were  even  generally 
observed.  No  doubt  the  rule  came  to  prevail 
that  the  conferring  of  each  of  the  lower  grades 
must  precede  the  conferring  any  of  the  higher  ; 
but  the  ideal  of  the  decretals,  according  to 
which  a  clerk  must  remain  long  enough  in  each 
grade  to  prove  his  efficiency  in  it,  was  probably 
.seldom  realised,  except  in  the  case  of  those  who 
were  devoted  to  the  service  of  the  church 
from  infancy.  In  the  case  of  those  who 
sought  admission  to  holy  orders  in  later  life,  the 
only  interval  of  time  which  maintained  itself 
throughout,  and  from  which  a  dispensation  was 
very  rarely  given,  was  that  of  a  year  between 
the  first  admission  to  orders  and  the  presbyterate. 
The  Sarum  Pontifical  bewails  the  degeneracy  of 
the  times  which  left  so  short  an  intei-val  between 
the  "  status  laicalis  "  and  the  "  status  presby- 
terii  supremus  "  (ap.  Maskell,  Mon.  Ritual,  vol. 
ill.  p.  158)  ;  but  it  is  probably  the  case  that  the 
adoption  of  this  particular  interval  was  due  to 
the  custom  which  grew  up  in  some  parts  of 
Spain  and  Gaul  in  the  6th  century  of  requiring 
an  "  annua  conversio,"  i.e.  a  year's  seclusion 
from  secular  life  before  admission  to  major 
orders  (3  Cone.  Arelat.  a.d.  524,  c.  2  ;  3  Cone. 
Aurel.  A.D.  538,  c.  6  ;  5  Cone.  Aurel.  A.D.  549, 
c.  9) ;  this  again  was  connected  with,  and  per- 
haps grew  out  of,  the  rule  that  a  monk  must 
spend  a  year  in  minor  orders  and  the  diaconate 
before  being  ordained  presbyter  (S.  Gelas.  Epist. 
9  ad  Episc.  Lucan.  c.  2  ;  Gratian,  Bccret.  i.  dist. 
77,  c.  9 ;  Hinschius,  p.  650).  At  first  this  year 
Avas  divided  into  definite  periods ;  Gelasius 
directs  that  a  person  must  spend  three  months 
in  each  of  the  four  offices  of  reader  (or  "  nota- 
rius  "  or  "  defensor  "),  acolyte,  subdeacon,  and 
deacon  (ibid.).  But  afterwards  the  conferring  of 
minor  orders  became  a  mere  form  and  a  clerk 
could  pass  through  all  grades  up  to  the  diaconate 
on  one  and  the  same  day  (but  according  to 
Koman  canonists,  only  the  pope  could  grant  a 
dispensation  for  accumulating  major  orders  on 
the  same  day;  see  Catalani,  ad  Pontif.  Horn. 
parsl,tit.  2,"§§4,  6). 

In  the  East  the  primitive  custom  of  appoint- 
ing a  layman  to  any  church  office  lingered 
longer ;  the  custom  of  interstitia  is  almost 
unknown.  The  limitations  are  rather  limita- 
tions of  age  than  of  interval ;  for  example 
Ebed  .Tesu,  Tract,  vi.  c.  4,  2;  ap.  Mai,  Scriptt.  Vett. 
Nov.  Coll.  vol.  X.  p.  112,  lays  down  the  rule  that 
boys  are  not  to  receive  imposition  of  hands,  but 
are  only  to  be  appointed  readers  ;  when  they  have 
reached  adolescence  they  may  become  subdeacons; 
at  the  age  of  eighteen  they  may  become  deacons, 
at  twenty-five  presbyters ;  but  even  after  a  suc- 


ORDEES,  HOLY 


1477 


cession  of  graues  had  become  established  a 
person  who  had  attained  the  requisite  age  might 
be  admitted  to  more  than  one  grade  on  thy 
same  day ;  among  the  Nestorians  such  an  accu- 
mulation of  grades  became  the  usual  rule  (see 
the.'ritual  in  Denzinger,  Bit.  Orient,  vol.  ii.  p. 
227).  This  is  in  conformity  with  the  later 
Western  practice,  which  allowed  a  layman  to  be 
appointed  to  any  office  whatever,  but  compelled 
him  to  go  through  the  ordination  ceremonies  of 
all  the  lower  grades.  (See  above  for  the  case  of 
a  layman  elected  pope.) 

III.  External  Organization  of  the  Clergy. 
— In  apostolic  and  sub-apostolic  times  there  is 
no  evidence  of  the  existence  of  any  other  than 
the  internal  organization  which  has  been  described 
above.  Each  church  has  its  officers,  but  each 
church  was  independent  and  complete  in  itself. 
There  were  friendly  relations  between  one  church 
and  another ;  there  was  an  interchange  of 
letters  and  of  hospitality  ;  but  there  does  not 
appear  to  have  been  any  organized  combination 
for  common  purposes,  and  still  less  any  subordi- 
nation of  the  officers  of  one  church  to  the  officers 
of  another.  But  in  the  course  of  the  2nd 
century  begin  to  appear  the  outlines  of  a 
system  which  has  done  more  than  anything  else 
to  shape  the  subsequent  history  of  Christendom. 
First  of  all  the  clergy  of  neighbouring  churches, 
and  ultimately  the  clergy  of  the  greater  part  of 
the  Christian  world,  came  to  be  associated  in  a 
single  organization. 

Into  the  causes  which  produced  a  tendency  to 
organization  it  is  not  to  the  present  purpose  to 
enter.  But  the  shape  which  the  organization 
took  cannot  be  understood  without  a  reference 
to  the  influences  which  produced  it.  Those 
influences  flowed  chiefly  from  the  system  of 
administration  which  prevailed  in  the  empire. 
Just  as  the  internal  organization  of  the  church 
reflected  the  main  features  of  the  civil  policy 
and  religious  associations  of  the  time,  so  did  its 
external  organization  follow  the  lines  which 
were  already  marked  in  contemporary  life. 

This  is  seen  in  the  following  respects  espe- 
cially : 

(1.)  Every  year  deputies  {aweSpoi,  Icgati)  from 
the  several  towns  of  a  province  met  together  in 
a  provincial  council  (koiv6v,  concilium).  The 
objects  of  these  councils  were  various  and  their 
powers  extensive.  They  had  a  common  fund 
from  which  they  could  build  temples  or  erect 
statues  ;  they  decided  as  to  the  boundaries  of  the 
territories  of  cities  ;  they  had  the  right  of  com- 
municating directly  with  the  emperor  in  regard 
to  the  civil  and  judicial  administration  of  the 
province.  From  them  came  the  first  beginnings 
of  ecclesiastical  organization  in  similar  assem- 
blies or  "  councils  "  of  the  clergy.  Such  coun- 
cils began  in  Greece  and  Asia  Minor,  where  the 
civil  councils  are  known  to  have  been  excep- 
tionally active  (Tertull.c/c  Je/im.  c.  13,  "aguntur 
per  Graecias  ilia  certis  in  locis  concilia  ex 
universis  ecclesiis ; "  cf.  Euseb.  If.  E.  5,  10, 
quoting  probably  Apollinaris  of  Hierapolis  :  rwr 
Kara  rrjv  'Affiav  ■KiarSiv  iroWaKis  koX  TroWaxfi 
Tr)s'A(rias  els  toSto  [sc.  against  the  Montanists] 
)Tvve\e6vTccv)  ;  in  the  time  of  Cyprian  they  were 
beginning  to  be  a  regular  institution  in  North 
Africa,  and  from  that  time  onwards  they  became 
permanent  factors  in  church  history  [see  COUN- 
CILS, Vol.  I.  p.  473  sqq.].  Their  importance  in 
5  C2 


1478 


ORDERS,  HOLY 


Kgard  to  the  organization  of  the  clergy  is  that, 
following  the  example  of  the  civil  councils,  the 
ecclesiastical  councils  kept  to  the  lines  marked 
out  by  the  civil  government,  and  that  conse- 
quently instead  of  the  organization  for  eccle- 
siastical purposes  being  determined  by  proximity 
of  place  or  similarity  of  origin,  it  was  determined 
by  the  lines  of  demarcation  of  the  Roman  pro- 
vinces. Those  provinces  became  ecclesiastical 
units,  and  their  chief  cities  became  centres  of 
ecclesiastical  administration.  (For  the  fiicts  in 
relation  to  the  civil  councils,  see  Marquardt, 
Homische  Staatsverwaltung,  bd.  i.  pp.  oQb-377  ; 
id.  in  Ephemeris  Epigrapkica,  1872,  pp.  200- 
214;  Duruy,  Histoirc  des  Eomains,  vol.  v.  pp. 
213-219;  Fustel  de  Coulanges,  ifistoiVe  c?es  Insti- 
tutions Politiques  de  VAncicnnc  France,  vol.  i.  p. 
107  sqq.) 

(2.)  In  the  civil  councils  the  president  was  an 
officer  whose  functions  were  to  a  great  extent 
religious,  and  who  bore  the  name  of  Sacerdos 
provinciaa  (Cod.  Theodos.  12,  1,  46,  75,  174), 
or  apxtepevs  (JC.  I.  G.  3487,  and  elsewhere).  To 
him  the  other  priests  of  the  province  were  sub- 
ordinate, and  in  some  cases  he  appointed  them. 
(Julian,  Epist.  49,  63  ;  Eunap.  57,  ed.  Boisson. 
cf.  Marquardt,  1.  c.  p.  368).  When  the  eccle- 
siastical councils  came  to  be  established,  their 
president  not  only  received  the  same  or  an 
equivalent  name,  apx^epeis,  apxienlaKOTroi, 
summus  sacerdos,  but  he  was  also  invested  with 
the  right  of  confirming  both  the  appointment 
and  in  certain  cases  the  acts  of  the  other  bishops 
of  the  province.  In  the  East  this  office  fell  to 
the  bishop  of  the  metropolis,  who  was  hence  also 
called  6  t^s  fiTiTpoiroAiws  or  metrop)olitanus ; 
but  in  Africa,  and  probably  also  at  first  in  Gaul 
and  Spain,  it  fell  to  the  bishop  who  was  senior 
in  date  of  appointment  [see  Primate]. 

(3.)  Within  the  limits  of  the  great  provinces 
were  smaller  organizations.  The  provinces  were 
subdivided  into  disti-icts,  partly  for  fiscal,  partly 
for  commercial,  but  chiefly  for  judicial  purposes. 
These  were  known  as  convcntus,  conventiis  juri- 
dici,  jurisdictiones,  SioiK^iffeis  (a  use  of  the  word 
which  must  be  kept  distinct  from  its  use  to 
denote  the  larger  divisions  of  the  empire  under 
Diocletian).  Each  of  them  had  its  centre  of 
administration,  its  "  county-town "  with  its 
basilica  or  "  county-hall."  It  was  in  these 
centres  that  Christian  communities!  were  first 
formed,  and  the  area  of  the  juridical  conventus 
or  ''  diocese  "  became  naturally  the  area  of  the 
ecclesiastical  organization.  The  jurisdiction  of 
the  bishop  and  presbyters  was  concurrent  with 
that  of  the  civil  authority,  and  the  seat  of  juris- 
diction, which  was  also  the  place  of  meeting, 
was  under  the  Christian  emperors,  the  basilica  of 
the  civil  magistrate.  At  first  of  course  there 
were  many  districts  in  which  the  Christian  com- 
munity was  not  large  enough  to  warrant  the 
formation  of  any  organization ;  where  this  was 
the  case,  a  neighbouring  bishop  was  charged 
with  the  oversight  of  such  communities,  until  in 
process  of  time,  and  usually  through  the  inter- 
vention of  the  provincial  council,  they  were 
large  enough  to  have  bishops  of  their  own  ;  but 
even  in  the  5th  and  6th  centuries  the  sphere 
of  a  bishop's  jurisdiction  is  sometimes  spoken  of 
in  the  plural,  Sulp.  Sever.  Dial.  2,  3,  "  dum 
dioceses  visitat ;"  cf.  Sidon.  Apollinar.  Epist. 
7,  6,  p.   183;  4  Cone.   Tolet.  a.d.  633,  c.   36. 


ORDERS,  HOLY 

(For  an  account  of  the  civil  conventus  or  dioceses. 
see  Marquardt,  Horn.  Staatsv.  Bd.  i.  p.  341  ;  the 
early  history  of  ecclesiastical  dioceses  has  yet  to 
be  written.) 

Such  were  the  three  chief  respects  in  which 
the  ecclesiastical  organization  followed  the  lines 
of  the  civil  organization  ;  in  the  association  of 
churches  according  to  provinces,  in  the  forma- 
tion of  an  intra-provincial  hierarchy  with  a 
metropolitan  or  primate  at  its  head,  and  in  the 
recognition  of  the  bishop  of  a  city  as  having 
jurisdiction  over  the  district  of  which  the  city 
was  the  centre,  the  church  adapted  but  did  not 
materially  transform  leading  elements  of  con- 
temporary civil  life. 

How  close  the  correspondence  was  between  the 
ecclesiastical  and  the  civil  organization  can  be 
shewn  from  many  instances  in  both  east  and  west. 
The  most  interesting  case  in  the  west  is  that  of 
Gaul.  According  to  the  Notitia  Provinciarum  ct 
Dignitatum  (circ.  A.D.  400),  Gaul  was  divided 
into  two  civil  dioceses  :  (1)  D.  Galliarum  ;  (2)  D. 
Viennensis.  The  former  was  subdivided  into  ten 
provinces,  viz.  Belgica  prima  et  secunda,  Ger- 
mania  prima  et  secunda.  Maxima  Sequanorum, 
Lugdunensis  prima,  secunda,  tertia,  quarta  (  =  L. 
Senonia),  Alpes  Graiae  et  Poeninae.  (TheVeronese 
MS.,  which  gives  the  division  under  Diocletian, 
divides  Lugdunensis  into  two  instead  of  four 
divisions,  thus  shewing  that  the  subdivision  took 
place  in  the  4tk  century ;  cf.  Mommsen, 
Abhandlungen  der  Berlin.  Acadcm.  1862,  p.  492.) 
The  latter  was  subdivided  into  seven  provinces, 
viz.  Viennensis,  Narbonensis  prima  et  secunda, 
Novem  Fopuli,  Aquitania  prima  et  secunda, 
Alpes  maritimae.  Not  only  was  the  civil  metro- 
polis of  each  province  an  episcopal  see,  but 
in  all  cases  except  two  (Elusa  and  Ebrodunum) 
the  see  has  remained  until  modern  times,  and  in 
almost  all  cases  the  metropolitan  character  of 
the  see  has  also  remained,  the  bishops  being  styled 
arc/ibishops  to  the  present  day.  For  example, 
the  metropolis  of  Belgica  Prima  was  Augusta 
Treverorum  =  Trier,  a  bishop  of  which  see  was 
present  at  1  Cone.  Arelat.  in  314  ;  that  of  Belgica 
Secunda  was  Durocortorum  Remorum  =  Reims,  a 
bishop  of  which  see  was  also  present  at  1  Cone. 
Arelat. ;  that  of  Gcrmania  Prima  was  Moguntiacum 
=  Mainz  ;  that  of  Germania  Secunda,  Colonia  Ag- 
rippina  =  Koln  ;  that  of  Maxima  Sequanorum,  Ve- 
sontio  =  Besan9on,  of  which  see  a  bishop  existed 
as  early  as  the  time  of  St.  Irenaeus.  It  is  also 
remarkable  that  of  the  towns  (civitates)  which 
are  mentioned  in  each  province  as  being  towns 
of  importance,  almost  every  one  had  a  bishop. 
For  example  in  the  Provincia  Viennensis  twelve 
such  towns  are  mentioned  (besides  the  metro- 
polis Vienna),  viz.  civitas  Genavensium  =  Geneva, 
civ.  Gratianopolis  =  Grenoble,  civ.  Deensium  (  = 
Ad  Deam  Vocontiorum  of  the  Peutinger  Table 
=  civ.  Dea  Vocontiorum  of  the  Jerusalem  Itiner- 
ary) =  Die,  civ.  Valentinorum  =  Valence,  civ. 
Tricastinorum  (  =  Senomago  of  the  Peutinger 
Table)  =  S.  Paul-trois-Chateaux  :  civ.Vasisusium 
(=Vasio  of  Pliny)  =  Vaison,  civ.  Arausicorum 
(  =  Arusione  of  the  Peutinger  Table)  =  Orange, 
civ.  Cabellicorum=:Cavaillon  (for  the  name  of 
this  town  there  is  a  various  reading  in  the  Noti- 
tia, viz.  civ.  Carpentoratensium  =  Carpentras,  of 
which  a  bishop  is  mentioned  in  483),  civ.  Aven- 
uicorum  (=AvennioDe  of  the  Peutinger  Table)  = 
Avignon  :     civ.    Arelatensium   (in   some    MSS. 


OKDEES,  HOLY 

uiotrop.  civ.  Araelateiisis=Arelato  of  the  Peiitiu- 
ger  Table) = Aries,  civ.Massiliensium  =  Marseilles, 
':iv.  Albensium  ("  nunc  Vivaria  ")  =  Viviers. 
Every  one  of  these  towns  had  a  bishop  in  Roman 
times.  The  same  was  the  case,  with  hardly  an 
e.xception,  in  the  other  provinces.  France  pre- 
serves in  its  bishoprics  to  the  present  day  the 
outlines  of  the  Roman  administration.  On  the 
other  hand,  England  is  an  example  of  a  country 
in  which,  the  Roman  organization  having  almost 
entirely  passed  away  before  the  final  organiza- 
tion of  the  church  began,  the  dioceses  were  for 
the  most  fiart  formed  out  of  the  Sa.xon  kingdoms 
(see  Stubbs,  Constitutional  History,  vol.  i.  p.  "224): 
and  similarly  in  Ireland,  "the  spiritual  jurisdic- 
tioa  of  the  bishop  was  coextensive  with  the 
temporal  sway  of  the  chieftain  "  (Reeves,  Ec- 
clesiastical Antiquities  of  Down,  Connor,  and 
Dromore,  p.  303). 

Within  the  skeleton  thus  furnished  several 
other  tendencies  operated  which  arose  within  the 
church  itself. 

1.  There  arose  a  tendency  to  attach  a  clerk  to 
a  particular  church,  and  to  give  local  limits  to 
the  exercise  of  his  functions.  In  the  earliest  ages 
there  is  presumptive  evidence  that  a  member  of 
the  ordo  of  one  church  might  freely  pass  to 
another.  It  did  not  of  course  follow  that  he 
thereby  became  a  member  of  the  ordo  of  the  other 
i:hurch.  But  the  fact  of  his  holding  office  else- 
where v.-as  recognised,  and  he  enjoyed  a  certain 
lirecedence.  Sometimes  also  he  was  placed  on 
the  clergy-roll,  and  he  might  thus  be  on  the  roll 
of  several  churches  at  once.  An  ambitious  or  a 
'lisaffected  clerk  was  able  in  this  way  to  pass 
easily  from  a  narrower  to  a  wider  sphere,  or  to 
rid  himself  of  the  supervision  of  a  too  exigcant 
superior.  But  this  came  at  last  to  be  prohibited, 
except  with  the  full  consent  of  all  who  were  con- 
cerned. The  final  prohibition  was  indeed  the 
result  of  a  long  struggle,  nor  is  there  any  en- 
actment of  canon  law,  except  those  relating  to 
marriage,  which  required  to  be  so  frequently 
repeated.  The  earliest  existing  enactment  in 
the  east  is  Cone.  Xicaen.  c.  16  (which  however 
refers  to  an  earlier  canon,  possibly  that  which  is 
preserved  in  Can.  Apost.  15),  which  provides 
that  no  one  who  is  on  the  clergy-roll  of  any 
church  shall  leave  it  imder  penalty  of  excom- 
munication ;  and  that  any  ordination  in  one 
church  of  a  clerk  who  is  on  the  roll  of  another 
church,  without  the  consent  of  his  proper  bishop, 
shall  be  invalid.  These  enactments  were  re- 
peated, with  additions,  by  1  Cone.  Antioch.  c.  3, 
Cone.  Sardic.  c.  15,  Cone.  Chalc.  c.  10,  after  which 
no  further  regulation  on  the  subject  became 
necessary  in  the  east  for  two  centuries  and  a 
balf,  when  the  Trullan  Council  recognized  the  fact 
of  the  non-observance  of  the  earlier  canons,  and 
repeated  them  (c.  17).  In  Africa  similar  regula- 
tions were  made  by  the  councils  of  Carthage,  and 
were  incorporated  in  the  African  code  (1  Cone. 
Carth.  c.  5  ;  3  Cone.  Garth,  c.  21,  44 ;  Cod.  Eccles. 
Afric.  c.  54).  But  the  struggle  to  evade  them 
seems  to  have  been  stronger  in  Gaul  and  Spain  ; 
they  were  first  made  at  Aries  in  314  (1  Cone. 
Arelat.  c.  21)  ;  they  were  renewed  ten  times  in 
the  6th  and  Gth  centuries,  and  three  times  in 
the  7th  century ;  at  Orange  in  441  (Cone. 
Arausic.  c.  8),  at  Aries  in  451  (2  Cone.  Arelat. 
c.  13),  at  Tours  in  461  (1  Cone.  Turon.  c.  9),  at 
Vannes  in  465  (Cone.  Venet.  c.  10),  at  Valentia 


OKDERS,  HOLY 


1479 


ill  524  (?)  (Cone.  Valent.  c.  6),  at  Aries  in  524 
(4  Cone.  Arelat.  c.  4),  at  Clermont  in  535  (Cone. 
Arvern.  c.  1 1),  at  Orleans  in  549  (5  Cone.  Aurelian. 
c.  5),  at  Aries  in  554  (5  Cone.  Arelat.  c.  7),  at 
Braga  in  563  (2  Cone.  Brae.  c.  8),  at  Toledo  in 
633  (4  Cone.  Tolet.  c.  53),  at  Chalons  in  650 
(Cone.  Cabillon.  c.  13),  at  Toledo  again  in  683 
(13  Cone.  Tolet.  c.  11) ;  and  they  were  sanctioned 
by  a  capitulary  of  Pippin  in  753  (Capit.  Vernense 
duplex,  c.  12,  ap.  Pertz.  1,  26).  In  England  they 
were  recognized  by  the  Legatine  Synods  in 
787,  c.  6  (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  vol.  iii.  p.  447), 
and  by  Egbert  of  York  (Dial.  Egbert  Eborac.  c. 
7,  9,  ibid.  pp.  402  sqq.).  Afterwards  they  passed 
into  the  body  of  canon  law  (see  Gratian.  Dist. 
70 ;  D.  Ivon.  Carnot.  Decret.  6,  26  ;  Hugon.  de 
S.  Vict,  de  Sacram.  2,  3,  22),  nor  has  there  been 
any  serious  subsequent  attempt  to  destroy  the  re- 
lation of  lord  and  vassal  which  they  established 
between  a  bishop  and  the  other  members  of  the 
ordo  ecclesiasticus. 

2.  A  second  tendency,  which  arose  in  the 
course  of  the  3rd  century,  and  which  ran 
pari  passu  with  that  which  has  just  been  de- 
scribed, took  the  double  form  of  giving  local 
limits  to  a  bishop's  powers,  and  of  subordinating 
him  either  to  the  provincial  council,  or  to  a 
single  superior.  (<()  Probably,  the  first  express 
recognition  of  this  local  limitation  is  in  the 
letter  of  the  four  Egyptian  bishops,  Hesychius, 
Pachomius,  Theodorus,  and  Phileas,  to 'Meletius 
of  Alexandria,  in  A.D.  30.3-5,  which  was 
published  from  a  Latin  version  at  Verona,  by 
Jlaflei,  Opusc.  Eccles.  ii.  p.  253,  and  repub- 
lished by  Pitra,  .Tur.  Feci.  Gr.  vol.  i.  p.  1. 
A  t'liw  years  later  the  council  of  Antioch  ex- 
pressly limits  the  exercise  of  a  bishop's  powers 
to  his  own  province  or  i'Trapxia  (which  may 
possibly  be  used  as  in  Cone.  Nicaen.  c.  6  =  5iot- 
KTjcris)  ;  he  could  not  for  the  future  pass  into 
another  province  for  the  purpose  of  making 
ordinations,  except  on  the  written  invitation  of 
the  metropolitan  and  bishops  of  that  province 
(Cone.  Antioch.  A.D.  341,  c.  13);  the  council  of 
Constantinople,  forty  years  later,  renews  the 
enactment  (c.  2,  aKXrirovs  5e  eTncTKOTrovs  vKep 
SwiK7]cnv  /jLij  eTTi^alveiv  eirl  Xf'P'''''<"''0"S  ^ 
Ticrtv  &Wats  olKOi'Ofj.iai.s  e/CK:A.7j(ria(rT(Ko?s),  but 
makes  an  explicit  exception  in  regard  to  nations 
outside  the  Roman  organization  {iv  toIs  ISap^a- 
pLKo7s  e6v€ai).  In  those  paz'ts  of  the  West  in 
which  the  meshes  of  that  organization  were 
closer,  the  relation  of  one  bishop  to  another 
were  still  more  sharply  defined.  Where,  as  in 
Gaul  at  the  beginning  of  the  4th  century, 
there  was  a  bishop  for  every  civitas,  i.e.  for  the 
centre  of  every  circle  of  civil  jurisdiction,  it 
was  provided  that  each  bishop  should  be  con- 
fined to  his  own  circle,  and  should  not  exercise 
authority  in  the  circle  of  his  neighbour  (1  Cone. 
Arelat.  A.D.  314,  c.  17,  "  ut  nullus  episcopus 
alium  episcopum  conculcet,"  1  Turon.  a.d.  461, 
c.  9,  excommunicates  those  who  transgress  the 
"  terminos  a  patribus  constitutos  ;  "  1  Lugd. 
A.D.  517,  c.  5;  1  Arvern.  a.d.  535,  c.  10).  But, 
on  the  other  hand,  as  a  proof  of  the  intimate 
connexion  between  civil  and  ecclesiastical  or- 
ganization, where,  as  in  Ireland,  the  imperial 
system  of  administration  did  not  prevail,  the 
bishops  preserved  their  original 'status ;  they 
were  the  officers  not  of  districts  but  of  single 
congregations ;    they   moved    about    almost   as 


1480 


ORDERS,  HOLY 


they  pleased ;  dioceses  in  the  ordinary  sense  did 
not  exist  until  the  synod  of  Rath-Bresail  in 
1141  (see  Reeves,  Ecclesiastical  Antiquities  of 
Down,  Connor,  and  Bromorc,  append,  pp.  135, 
139).  (6)  It  is  also  probable  that  in  the  earliest 
times,  a  bishop  or  a  community  had  the  power 
of  appointing  any  baptized  person  to  office  with- 
out regard  to  the  place  of  his  baptism  or  to  his 
being  already  on  the  clergy-roll  of  another 
church.  But  while  on  the  one  hand,  as  we 
have  already  seen,  the  councils  gradually  came 
to  prohibit  a  member  of  one  church  from  taking 
office  in  another,  on  the  other  hand  they  re- 
strained bishops  from  ordaining  such  persons, 
pai-tly  by  making  such  ordinations  null,  and 
partly  by  subjecting  oflending  bishops  to  the 
penalty  of  suspension  and  excommunication. 
(c)  It  is  also  probable  that  in  the  earliest 
times  each  bishop  was  independent  of  his  col- 
leagues ;  the  several  shepherds  of  the  flock 
of  Christ  were  amenable,  not  to  any  earthly 
superior  but  to  Christ  Himself:  "singulis  pas- 
toribus  portio  sit  adscripta,  quam  regat  un- 
usquisque  et  gubernet,  rationem  sui  actus 
Domino  redditurus "  (St.  Cyprian,  Fjjist.  55, 
da  Cornel,  c.  14,  vol.  ii.  p.  821),  But  in  the 
course  of  the  4th  century  there  grew  up  the 
tendency,  which  was  probably  reflected  from 
the  great  contemporary  development  of  the 
hierarchical  system  in  the  empire,  to  subordi- 
nate bishop  to  bishop  and  church  to  church. 
The  details  of  this  suboi-dination  grew  out  of 
the  extension  to  the  ecclesiastical  sphere  of  the 
civil  system  of  provincial  councils  and  pro- 
vincial high  priests ;  but  the  spirit  which  led 
to  that  extension  grew  up  within  the  church 
itself. 

3.  A  third  tendency,  which  arose  in  the  East 
from  the  gradual  decay  of  the  population,  and 
in  the  West  from  the  necessity  of  consolidating 
an  organization,  which  had  interwoven  itself 
with  the  civil  administration,  and  round  which 
a  complex  growth  of  material  interests  had 
clustered,  was  the  tendency  to  limit  the  number 
of  towns  in  which  bishops  were  appointed.  The 
number  of  bishops  in  early  times,  in  both  East 
and  West,  was  very  large.  From  the  small 
provmce  of  Asia  Proconsularis,  which  formed 
but  a  tenth  part  of  the  Dioecesis  Asiana,  thirty- 
two  bishops  were  present  at  the  council  of 
Ephesus  in  431.  In  the  provinces  which  made 
up  the  Dioecesis  Africae,  470  bishoprics  are 
known  by  name  before  the  Vaudal'invasion  ;  and 
possibly  there  may  have  been  some  truth  in  the 
retort  of  Petilianus  to  the  reproach  of  Alypius, 
that  the  Donatists  had  bishops  in  villages  and  on 
estates,  "  immo  vero  ubi  habes  sane  et  sine 
populis  habes  "  (Cotlat.  Carthag.  i.  181,  ap.  Gal- 
landi  Bibl.  Fair.  vol.  v.  p.  620;  for  the  de- 
tails here  given  in  respect  to  Affica,  cf.  Gams, 
.Series  Episcoporum,  p.  463 ;  Kuhn,  Stddt.  u. 
biirgerl.  Verfassung  des  Rom.  Eeichs,  Bd.  ii. 
ji.  436).  In  Ireland  the  number  of  bishops 
cannot  be  certainly  ascertained,  but  must  have 
Ijecn  large ;  the  Annals  of  the  Four  blasters, 
ad  ann.  493,  speak  of  St.  Patrick  as  having 
ordained  700  bishops  and  3000  priests ;  and 
Aengus  the  Culdee,  in  the  9th  century,  speaks 
of  no  less  than  141  places  in  the  island,  in  each 
of  which  there  were  or  had  been  seven  contem- 
porary bishops  (Todd,  St.  Patrick,  pp.  32,  35 ; 
lieeves,    Ecclesiastical    Antiquities     of    Down, 


ORDERS,  HOLY 

Connor,  and  Dromore,  app.  A.  p.  123  sqq.  where 
several  other  references  are  given).  In  the  East, 
no  doubt  the  gradual  diminution  in  the  number 
of  bishoprics  arose  from  the  decay  of  the  popula- 
tion, but  in  the  West  it  was  the  result  of  policy. 
The  power  of  the  bishops  was  thereby  increased. 
This  is  expressly  stated  by  Leo  the  Great,  who 
contends  that  bishops  should  not  be  appointed 
"  in  quibuslibet  locis  neque  in  quibuslibet  cas- 
tellis  .  .  .  .  ne  quod  sanctorum  Patrum  divinitus 
inspirata  decreta  vetuerunt  viculis  et  posses- 
sionibus  vel  obscuris  et  solitariis  municipiis 
tribuatur  sacerdotale  fiistigium  et  honor  cui 
debent  excellentiora  committi,  ipsa  sui  niimero- 
sitate  vilescat "  (S.  Leon.  Magn.  Ep.  12,  c.  12, 
I.  p.  667).  In  the  century  that  followed 
the  conversion  of  Chlodwig,  a  diifereut  policy 
was  no  doubt  followed  within  the  Prankish 
domain.  A  large  number  of  new  bishoprics 
then,  for  the  first  ,timo,  appear  in  history, 
and  the  lines  of  the  Poman  organization 
are  broken.  But  this  foundation  of  new  sees 
lasted  only  for  a  time.  There  is  no  record  of 
any  new  foundation  between  that  of  Montpellior 
in  585  and  St.  Brieux  in  848.  On  the  contrary, 
it  became  necessary  to  re-enact  the  provision  of 
the  civil  law:  "  ut  episcopi  debeant  per  siu- 
gulas  civitates  esse  "  (Pippini  Capit.  Vern.  a.d. 
755,  cf.  Pertz,  i.  p.  24);  but  this  does  not 
appear  to  have  amounted  to  more  than  the 
affirmation  of  a  principle,  and  was  modified  by 
the  Capit.  Francofurt.  a.d.  794,  c.  22,  which 
repeated  the  Sardican  canon.  The  exigencies  of 
the  case  were  met  by  the  combination  with  the 
existing  system  of  an  order  of  bishops,  who  were 
not  tied  to  a  particular  city.  Such  an  order  had 
existed  in  the  chorepiscopA  of  the  East,  and 
under  that  name  it  was  revived  in  France. 
These  chorepiscopi  went  from  parish  to  parish, 
performing  especially  such  episcopal  acts  as  con- 
firmation, and  the  consecration  of  the  chrism 
and  admission  to  minor  orders ;  but  they  do  not 
seem  to  have  had  either  jurisdiction  or  power  of 
ordaining  presbyters  (Hrabani  Mauri  de  Inst  it. 
Cler.  i.  5 :  ordinati  sunt  chorepiscopi  propter 
pauperum  curam  qui  in  agris  et  villis  consis- 
tuut,  ne  eis  solatium  confirmationis  deesset : 
Pippini  Capit.  Vermer.  a.d.  753,  c.  14 ;  Pertz, 
i.  p.  22,  where  they  are  probably  meant  by 
"  episcopis  ambulantibus  per  patrias  ").  But 
they  were  found  to  give  rise  to  many  difficulties, 
and  in  the  9th  century  a  determined  and  ulti- 
mately successful  attempt  was  made  to  abolish 
them.  (The  history  of  the  struggle,  which  is 
of  especial  interest  in  connexion  with  the  origin 
of  the  Pseudo-Isidorian  Decretals,  will  be  found 
on  Weizsacker,  Ber  Kampf  gcgen  den  Chorepis- 
copat  des  frdnkischen  Reichs  im  neunten  Jahr- 
hundert,  Tubingen,  1859  ;  see  also  an  article  by 
the  same  writer  in  von  Sybel's  Historisclie 
Zeitschr if t  for  1860,  pp.  42  sqq.,  and  by  van 
Noorden  in  the  same  journal  for  1862,  pp. 
311  sqq.)  A  new  form  of  organization  had  been 
gradually  developing  itself  during  the  two  pre- 
vious centuries,  and  it  now  became  both  ex- 
tended and  firmly  established.  The  old  Roman 
organization  still  to  a  great  extent  survived. 
The  old  Roman  civitates  were  still  bishops'  sees  ; 
the  limits  of  the  old  Roman  conventus  were  still 
for  the  most  part  the  limits  of  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  bishops  of  those  sees.  But  the  import- 
ance of  those  towns  in  relation  to  their  neigh- 


ORDERS,  HOLY 

hours  had  in  many  cases  seriously  diminished ; 
and  the  districts  of  which  they  were  the  centres 
were  full,  not  of  2Mgam,  but  of  Christians  who 
required  clergy,  and  of  clergy  who  requireil 
supervision.  Hence  the  dioceses  were  sub- 
divided, not  as  they  would  have  been  in  earlier 
times  into  new  dioceses,  but  into  districts  in 
each  of  which  an  archpresbyter  had  a  modified 
jurisdiction  over  the  presbyters  and  other  clergy. 
[Archpresbyters,  Vol.  I.  p.  139 ;  it  may  be 
added  that  the  idea  probably  came  from  the 
Eastern  church,  where  we  find  the  functions  of 
archpresbyter  (=  irpcuTOTrpeafivTepos)  united 
with  those  of  a  irepwSevTVs,  or  itinerant  bishop. 
Corpus  Tnsc.  Graec.  No.  8822,  at  Abrostola  in 
Phrygia.]  This  was  supplemented  by  occa- 
sionally sending  the  ecclesiastical  officer  who 
stood  in  the  closest  personal  relation  to  the 
bishop,  viz.  the  archdeacon,  as  a  special  delegate 
to  enquire  into  the  condition  of  the  clergy  and 
parishes  on  the  bishop's  behalf.  Not  only  did 
such  a  delegation  become  in  time  a  dclegatio 
2DCi-petua,  but  also  in  the  case  of  some  large 
dioceses,  several  of  the  districts  under  the 
jurisdiction  of  an  archpresbyter  were  united 
together  and  placed  permanently  under  the 
jurisdiction  of  an  archdeacon.  The  detailed 
accoiint  of  this  last  arrangement  falls  outside 
our  limits  ;  but  it  is  necessary  to  mention  it  as 
forming  the  last  important  link  in  the  series 
of  changes  by  which  the  simple  system  of  the 
early  church  was  transformed  into  the  elaborate 
diocesan  organization  of  mediaeval  and  modern 
times.  (See  Waitz,  Deutsche  Verfassungsges- 
chichte,  Bd.  iii.  p.  364;  Grea,  Essai  historique 
sur  les  Archidiacres  in  the  BMiotheque  de  VEcole 
des  Charles,  S"""  serie,  t.  ii.  pp.  39,  215 ; 
Piettberg,  Kirch.engcschichte  Deutschlands,  Bd.  ii. 
p.  610.) 

IV.  Admission  TO  Orders.  — 1.  Qualifications: 
— The  fact  that  in  the  first  ages  of  the  church 
a  person  was  almost  invariably  appointed  to 
office  in  the  city  in  which  he  lived,  and  by  the 
community  among  which  he  had  been  baj^tized, 
prevented  the  necessity  of  minute  enactments 
in  regard  to  qualifications  for  orders.  It  was 
more  a  matter  of  common  understanding  than  of 
ecclesiastical  rule  that  no  one  should  be  ap- 
pointed who  had  been  known  to  lead  an  immoral 
life,  or  whose  fitness  for  office  had  not  been 
ascertained  by  experience.  The  election  was 
practically  free.  The  assembly  which  made  it 
was  not  bounds  by  any  regulations  except  those 
which  it  laid  down  for  itself.  The  points  which 
v/ere  looked  at  were  the  internal  qualifications 
of  character  rather  than  the  external  qualifica- 
tions of  age  or  status.  Upon  these  internal 
qualifications  all  the  earliest  exhortations  turn. 
The  Pastoral  Epistles,  1  Tim.  lii.  1-12  ;  Titus  i. 
0-9,  mention  no  others ;  the  almost  contem- 
jiorary  epistle  of  Polycarp  to  the  Philippians 
c.  5,  6,  exhort  that  deacons  be  "  blameless,  not 
slanderers,  not  double-tongued,  not  fond  of 
money,  temperate  in  all  things,  compassionate, 
careful,  walking  in  the  truth  of  the  Lord  ;  "  the 
Clementines,  e.g.  Epist.  Clem,  ad  Jacob,  c.  2, 
and  the  earlier  books  of  the  Apostolic  Consti- 
tutions, e.g.  ii.  1  sqq.,  direct  that  a  bishop, 
at  the  time  of  his  ordination,  shall  be  tested 
.as  to  his  having  brought  up  his  children 
in  the  admonition  of  the  Lord,  whether  he 
is  blameless   in   regard    to    the   needs    of   this 


ORDERS,  HOLY 


1481 


life,  given  to  hospitality,  and  apt  to  minister ; 
the  ordinances  of  Clement  (Ajot.  KA.17/X.,  Lagardt-, 
Juris  Eccl.  Reliq.  p.  74  sqq.  ;  Pitra,  Jxu\  Ecd. 
Gr.  vol.  i.  p.  77  sqq.)  direct  that  testimony 
shall  be  given  whether  he  "  have  a  good  report 
from  the  heathen,  whether  he  be  without  fault, 
fond  of  the  poor,  sober,  not  a  drunkard,  not  a 
fornicator,  not  overreaching  or  abusive,  or  a 
respecter  of  persons,  or  the  like  :  it  were  well 
that  he  were  wifeless,  but  if  not,  let  him  be  the 
husband  of  one  wife,  capable  of  discipline,  able 
to  interpret  the  scriptures ;  and,  even  if  un- 
learned, gentle,  and  abounding  in  love  towards 
all."  But  this  free  right  of  election  came 
gradually  to  be  restricted.  With  the  increase  in 
the  number  of  churches,  with  the  loosening  of 
the  bands  of  close  fellowship,  which  had  bound 
together  the  members  of  the  churches  in  the  face 
of  the  common  danger  of  persecution,  and  with 
the  multiplication  of  the  links  which  bound  one 
church  to  another,  the  original  system  was 
found  to  be  too  indefinite.  The  communities 
were  too  large  and  too  scattered  to  know  the 
habits  and  character  of  each  individual  member, 
and  the  functions  which  their  officers  had  to 
fulfil  became  too  important  and  too  complicated 
to  be  entrusted  to  any  one  without  close  in- 
quiry. Stress  began  to  be  laid  upon  the  necessity 
of  examination  before  appointment,  and  definite 
rules  had  to  be  agreed  upon.  With  the  existence 
of  such  an  examination  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Roman  municipalities  were  already  familiar,  and 
it  is  probable  that  the  ecclesiastical  communities 
followed  in  this  as  in  other  details  of  their 
organization  the  analogy  of  the  civil  communi- 
ties. No  one  could  be  elected  to  the  civil 
"  Ordo  "  without  being  previously  examined  as 
to  his  possession  of  certain  qualifications  :  he 
must  be  free-born,  of  a  certain  age,  unconvicted 
of  any  crime,  and  possessed  of  sufficient  property 
to  discharge  the  duties  of  his  office.  The 
examination  into  these  qualifications  imme- 
diately preceded  the  election,  and  the  duty  of 
making  it  fell  on  the  presiding  officer  (see 
Marquardt,  Eomische  Staatsverwaltung,  Bd.  i. 
p.  497) ;  the  chief  authorities  are  the  Lex  Julia 
Municipalis,  Coi'p.  Inscr.  Lat.  No.  206,  and  the 
Lex  Malacitana,  a  bronze  found  at  Malaga  in 
1851,  which  gives  more  minute  details  than  were 
previously  known,  and  which  has  been  published 
by  Momnisen  in  the  Ahhandlungen  der  koii.  Sdchs. 
Gesellsch.  der  Wissenschaft,  Bd.  3,  and,  in  a 
separate  treatise,  Eie  Stadtrechto  der  lateinischen 
Gemeinden  Salpensa  u.  Malaca,  Leipzig,  1855; 
also  by  Giraud,  Paris,  1856  and  1868;  in  the 
Corp.  Inscr.  Lat.  ii.  1964,  and  by  Orelli-Henzen, 
No.  7421).  In  the  same  way  the  possession  of 
certain  positive  qualifications  and  the  absence  of 
certain  disqualifications  were  made  conditions 
precedent  to  the  admission  to  the  "  Ordo  eccle- 
siasticus,"  and  the  presiding  officer  was  charged 
with  the  duty  of  seeing  that  such  conditions 
were  fulfilled.  But  it  is  obvious  thai;  under 
such  an  arrangement  the  qualifications  insisted 
upon  must  be  such  as  to  admit  of  an  external 
test;  and  it  was  natural  that,  when  once 
external  tests  began  to  be  imposed,  they  should 
tend  to  become  more  complex  and  more  rigid. 
The  earliest  of  such  tests  arose  out  of  the  early 
controversies  as  to  the  marriage  of  the  clergy. 
The  only  impediments  to  admission  to  orders 
which  are  expressly  mentioned  in  the  Apostolical 


1482 


ORDERS,  HOLY 


canons  .ire  digamy,  and  marriage  with  two 
sisters,  or  with  a  niece,  or  with  one  who  was  not 
a  virgin  (c.  17,  18,  19).  In  subsequent  lists 
<if  qualifications  and  disqualifications  such  im- 
pediments occupy  so  large  a  place  that  the  lists 
themselves  furnish  the  best  contemporary  evi- 
dence of  the  state  of  feeling  on  the  subject. 
Three  such  lists  in  three  successive  centuries 
may  be  taken  as  typical,  and,  for  the  sake  of 
more  ex.act  comparison  will  best  be  given  in  their 
original  form.  1.  In  the  6th  century  the  rules 
of  admission  to  orders  were  settled  by  the  civil 
law.  Justinian  (Novell.  123,  c.  12)  enacts  as 
follows: — KXrjpiKovs  ovk  aWws  x^'poToveTo-eai 
cvyxi^povfiev  ei  fjiij  ypaix/j-ara  Icracri  Kol  opOi]v 
TTiffTiv  Kai  fiiov  crefj.vhi'  ex'"^"''  '^"''  ""^^  TraWaKTjv 
ouSe  (pva-LKovs  ecrxou  ^  tx'"^"''  ^«'5as  aW'  v) 
ffwcppdvws  fitovvras  ^  ya/xeTTiv  vi^J-if-LOV  koL  aiir7]y 
fxiav  Kal  TrpiOTTiv  eVxiJKOTas  Kal  jUTjSe  xhp"-''  t^'O^} 
SiaCfvx6i^(rat>  avSpis.  (Compare  the  disqualifi- 
cations mentioned  by  S.  Greg.  M.  Hpist.  4,  26, 
ad.  Januar.  vol.  ii.  p.  704;  id.  Epist.  2,  37,  ad 
Joann.  vol.  ii.  p.  600).  2.  A  century  later  than 
Justinian,  the  fourth  council  of  Toledo,  a.d.  633, 
which  was  held  under  Isidore  of  Seville,  sums 
up  as  follows  the  canonical  disqualifications 
Avhich  were  recognised  in  the  West  at  that 
time  :  "  Qui  in  aliquo  crimine  detecti  sunt,  qui 
scelera  aliqua  per  publicam  poenitentiam  ad- 
misisse  confess!  sunt,  qui  in  haeresim  lapsi  sunt, 
qui  in  haeresi  baptizati  aut  rebaptizati  esse 
noscuntur,  qui  semetipsos  absciderunt  aut 
natural!  defectu  membrorum  aut  decisione 
aliquid  minus  habere  noscuntur,  qui  secundae 
uxoris  conjunctionem  sortiti  sunt,  aut  numerosa 
conjugia  frequentaverunt,  qui  viduam  aut  marito 
relictam  duxerunt,  aut  corruptarum  mariti 
fuerunt,  qui  concubinas  ad  fornicationes  habue- 
runt,  qui  servili  condition!  obnoxii  sunt,  qui 
ignoti  sunt,  qui  neophyti  sunt,  vel  laic!  sunt, 
qui  saccular!  militiae  dediti  sunt,  qui  curiae 
nexibus  obligat!  sunt,  qui  inscii  literarum  sunt, 
qui  nondum  ad  triginta  annos  pervenerunt,  qui 
per  gradus  ecclesiasticos  Hon  accesserunt,  qui 
ambitu  honorem  quaerunt,  qui  muneribus 
honorem  obtinere  moliuntur,  qui  a  decessoribus 
in  sacerdotium  eliguntur."  (The  last  few  phrases 
evidently  apply  not  to  all  clerks,  but  only  to 
presbyters  or  bishops.)  3.  A  century  later 
(circ.  A.D.  750),  Egbert  of  Vork  gives  a  similar 
list,  but  with  important  additions  and  omis- 
sions: "  Hujusmodi  tunc  ordinatio  episcopi,  pres- 
Interi  vel  diaconi  rata  esse  dicitur  ;  si  nuUo  gravi 
facinore  probatur  infectus,  si  secundam  non 
habuit  [uxorem]  nee  a  marito  relictam  ;  si  poeni- 
tentiam publicam  non  gessit  nee  ulla  corporis 
parte  vitiatus  apparet :  si  servilis  aut  ex  origine 
non  est  conditionis  obnoxius  ;  si  curiae  probatur 
nexibus  absolutus,  si  adsecutus  est  litteras;  hunc 
elegimus  ad  sacerdotium  promoveri.  Pro  his 
vero  criminibus  nullum  licet  ordinari  sed  promo- 
tos  quosque  dicimus  deponendos  ;  idola  scilicet 
.idorantes ;  per  aruspices  [et  divinos  atque]  in- 
cantatores  captives  se  diabolo  tradentes ;  fidem 
suam  falso  testimonio  expugnantes  ;  homicidiis 
vel  fornicationibus  contaminates;  furta  perpe 
Trantes ;  sacrum  veritatis  nomen  perjuri!  te- 
)neritate  violantes."  (Egbert!  Eborac.  Dial.  c.  15, 
ap.  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Councils,  vol.  iii.  p.  402 ; 
■\Vilkins,  Concilia,  vol.  !.  p.  85.) 

We    proceed    to    give    in    detail  the    various 
qualifications    and   disqualifications    fur    orders 


ORDERS,  HOLY 

which  were  laid  down  between  the  4th  and  tha 
9th  centuries,  grouping  them  as — I.  Personal.  11 
Civil;    III.  Ecclesiastical;   IV.  Literary. 

I.  Personal  Qualifications. — 1.  A  clerk  must 
be  sound  of  limb.  Cone.  Rom.  a.d.  465,  c.  3  ; 
3  Cone.  Aurel.  a.d.  538,  c.  6  ;  4  Cone.  Tolet. 
c.  19 ;  especially  he  must  not  have  mutilated 
himself  with  a  view  to  living  in  chastity,  Cone. 
Nicaen.  c.  1  (cf.  Socrat.  H.  E.  2,  26  ;  Theodoi-. 
//.  E.  2,  24) ;  Can.  Apost.  c.  22  ;  2  Cone.  Arelat. 
c.  7.  At  the  same  time  it  was  held  in  early 
times  that  the  Levitical  regulations  (Levit.  xxi. 
17  sqq.)  did  not  strictly  apply  to  the  Christian 
church,  and  when  the  monli  Ammonius  tried  to 
disqualify  himself  for  ordination  by  cutting  oft" 
his  ear  his  mutilation  was  held  to  be  no  bar 
(Pallad.  Hist.  Lausiac.  c.  12,  Migne,  P.  G.  vol. 
xxxiv.  1032;  Sozomen,  II.  E.  6,  30);  but  when 
in  later  times  the  Levitical  analogy  was  strictly 
applied,  the  loss  of  any  part  of  any  member  was 
held  to  be  a  disqualification,  and  Innocent  III. 
(Epist.  X.  124)  gives  a  special  dispensation  to 
one  whose  finger  had  been  cut  off  against  his 
will  (the  canonists  based  their  rule  on  a  pseudo- 
decretal  of  Innocent  I.  Hinschius,  p.  533  ;  Regino 
Prumiens.  de  Eccles.  Discipl.  lib. !.  410 ;  Burchard, 
lib.  ii.  c.  14;  Migne.  P.  L.  voL  cxxxii.  p.  272). 
Some  later  Roman  pontificals  (quoted  by  Cata- 
lan!, ad  Pontif.  Rom.  p.  1,  tit.  2)  require  the 
examiners  to  feel  (palpare),  as  well  as  diligently 
to  observe  the  persons  of  candidates,  and  even 
to  require  them  to  take  off'  their  shoes,  lest 
there  should  be  a  deformity  in  their  feet. 
2.  (1)  A  presbyter  must  be  at  least  thirty  years 
of  age.  This  rule,  which  was  based  on  a  refer- 
ence to  the  age  at  which  our  Lord  began  his 
ministry,  was  first  laid  down  by  Cone.  Neocaes. 
A.D.  314,  c.  11  ;  but  it  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  universally  accepted,  inasmuch  as  Jerome 
has  to  defend  upon  general  grounds  the  ordina- 
tion of  his  brother,  Paulinianus,  at  that  age  (S. 
Hierou.  Epist.  82  (62)  ad  Theoph.  vol.  i.  p.  518). 
But  it  was  recognised  by  a  Syrian  council,  a.d. 
405  (?),  c.  24  (Mansi,  vol.  vii.  1181),  by  several 
Western  councils,  4  Cone.  Arelat.  a.d.  524,  c.  1, 
3  Cone.  Aurel.  a.d.  538,  c.  6,  4  Cone.  Tolet.  a.d. 
633,  c.  20,  and  by  the  Trullan  council,  c.  14.  It 
is  also  recognised  in  the  civil  law,  Justin.  Novell. 
123,  c.  13,  and  in  the  Carolingian  capitularies, 
Capit.  Framofiirt.  a.d.  794,  c.  49  ap.  Pertz, 
M.  H.  G.  Legum,  vol.  i.  p.  75.  Bishops  were 
sometimes  ordained  at  an  earlier  age,  but  until 
the  8th  century  there  is  probably  no  instance  of 
such  an  ordination  of  a  presbyter.  The  instances 
even  then  belong  to  the  outlying  provinces 
of  Christendom.  Bede,  in  his  history  of  the 
monastery  of  Wearmouth  (Migne,  P.  L.  vol. 
xciv.  729),  clearly  implies  that  Ceolfrid  was 
ordained  presbyter  at  the  age  of  twenty-seven ; 
and  pope  Zachary  gives  permission  to  Boniface, 
"the  apostle  of  Germany,"  in  751,  to  ordain 
presbyters,  in  cases  of  emergency,  at  the  age  of 
twenty-five  (S.  Zachar.  Epist.  13,  ap.  Migne, 
P.  L.  vol.  Ixxxix.  952  ;  Gratian,  pars  i.  dist.  78, 
c.  5).  On  the  other  hand,  some  canonists 
allowed  of  no  exception  to  the  rule  which  made 
thirty  the  minimum  age,  Burchard.  Wormat. 
Decret.  ii.  c.  9,  Ivon.  Carnot.  Decret.  vi.  c.  30, 
Panorm.  iii.  29  ;  so  the  Cone.  Melfit.  a.d.  1089, 
c.  4.  But  the  rule  was  ultimately  relaxed,  and 
the  council  of  Ravenna,  A.D.  1314,  c.  2,  fixed  the 
age  at  twenty-five ;  so  Stat.  Eccles.  Cadiirc.  et 


OltDEES,  HOLY 

Euth.  ap.  Marteue  et  Durand,  Anecd.  vol.  iv. 
p.  718,  and  the  modern  Roman  pontifical.  The 
Nestoriau  canons  of  Ebedjesu  also  allow  ordina- 
iiatiou  to  the  presbyterate  at  the  age  of  twenty- 
five  (Tract,  vi.  c.  4,  can.  2,  ap.  Mai,  Script.  Vet. 
vol.  X.  p.  112).  (2)  The  age  of  deacons  was 
originally  fixed  at  twenty-five  ;  so  Cod.  Eccles. 
Afric.  c.  16  (but  one  version  of  3  Cone.  Garth. 
c.  4,  which  is  in  other  respects  identical  with 
this  canon,  adds  the  proviso,  "  nisi  primum 
divinis  scripturis  iustructi  vel  ab  iufantia  eruditi 
propter  fidei  professionem  vel  assertionem  ")  ;  so 
with  the  Gallican  and  Spanish  councils.  Cone. 
Agath.  A.D.  506,  c.  16,  4  Cone.  Arelat.  c.  1  (but 
the  vigorous  bishop  Caesarius,  who  presided  at 
this  council  and  subscribed  its  acts,  is  said  by  his 
biographers  never  to  have  ordained  a  deacon 
under  thirty,  Vit.  S.  Caesar.  Arelat.  1,  43, 
Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  Ixvii.  1022),  4  Cone.  Tolet. 
c.  20 ;  so  also  with  the  Trullan  council,  c.  14, 
and  in  the  civil  law,  Justin.  Novell.  123,  c.  13 
(the  later  Roman  use  fixed  it  at  twentv-four, 
Pontific.  Roman,  p.  1,  tit.  2,  2).  (3)  The  age 
of  a  subdeacon  does  not  appear  to  have  been  fixed 
by  any  canon  in  the  West  earlier  than  2  Cone. 
Tolet.  A.D.  531,  c.  1  (where,  however,  it  is  only 
au  inference  that  the  age  mentioned  applies  to 
all  subdeacons),  and  in  the  East  earlier  than 
Cone.  Trull,  a.d.  692,  c.  15  ;  in  both  cases  the 
age  mentioned  is  twenty.  Justinian  fixed  it  at 
twenty-five  {Novell.  123,  c.  13),  but  the  later 
tivil  law  agrees  with  the  canon  law  (Leo  Constit. 
16  and  75).  But  it  is  clear  that  there  was  in 
subsequent  times  considerable  variety  of  usage. 
Hugh  of  St.  Victor,  de  Sacrum.  2,  3,  21,  makes 
I'.'urteen  the  limit ;  the  council  of  Melfi  in  1089, 
c.  4,  Mansi,  xx.  723,  makes  fourteen  or  fifteen. 
In  the  Gesta  Abbat.  S.  Trudon.  lib.  viii.  c.  2, 
Migne,  P.  L.  clxxiii.  p.  113,  Rudolph  becomes 
subdeacon  at  eighteen,  which  is  the  age  fixed 
by  the  statutes  of  Cahors  and  Rodez  iu  1289, 
Martene  and  Durand,  Anecd.  vol.  iv.  p.  718. 
The  council  of  Ravenna,  a.d.  1314,  c.  2,  Mansi, 
vol.  XXV.  537,  makes  sixteen  the  limit ;  but  the 
almost  contemporaneous  Cone.  Vienu.  under 
Clement  V.  in  1311,  makes  twenty-two,  and  this 
age  was  adopted  by  the  council  of  Trent,  and 
remains  in  the  present  Roman  ordinal.  (4)  There 
is  no  canonical  limit  of  age  for  minor  orders. 
The  civil  law  fixes  the  minimum  age  for  a  reader 
at  eighteen  (Justin.  Novell.  123,  c.  13),  but  it  is 
clear  that  ordination  might  canonically  take 
place  at  a  much  earlier  age.  There  had  already 
arisen  in  the  West,  and  there  soon  afterwards 
arose  in  the  East,  the  custom  of  dedicating 
';hildren  to  the  service  of  the  church  in  their 
"arliest  years  ;  hence  the  text  of  the  Nomocanon, 
which  incorporates  the  regulation  of  Justinian, 
varies  in  good  MSS.  between  the  ages  of  eight, 
eighteen,  and  twenty ;  and  the  Scholiast  ad  loc. 
finds  it  impossible  to  reconcile  any  of  these 
readings  with  the  practice  of  his  day  -which 
allowed  ordinations  to  the  lectorate  at  the  age  of 
five  or  six.  The  letter  of  Siricius  (Hinschius, 
p.  522,  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  xiii.  1142  ;  quoted  by 
the  canonists,  Gratian,  pars  i.  dist.  77,  3,  Ivon. 
Carnot.  Decret.  6,  91)  directs  that  "  whoever  has 
devoted  himself  to  the  service  of  the  church  ought 
from  his  infancy,  before  the  age  of  puberty,  to 
be  baptized  and  associated  with  the  ministry  of 
readers."  The  letter  of  Zosimus  (Hinschius, 
p.   553,  Migne,   P.  L.  vol.  xx.  672  ;  quoted   by 


ORDEKS,  HOLY 


1483 


Gratian,  pars  i.  dist.  77,  2)  directs  that  "  if  any 
one  has  given  his  name  from  infancy  to  the 
ministry  of  the  church,  let  him  remain  among 
the  readers  until  the  age  of  twenty."  In  Gaul 
the  council  of  Vaison  in  529,  c.  1,  in  Africa  the 
third  council  of  Carthage,  c.  19,  and  in  Spain 
the  second  council  of  Toledo  in  589,  c.  1,  provide 
for  the  case  of  readers  marrying  when  they 
attain  to  puberty  ;  and  the  fact  of  early  ordina- 
tions is  proved  by  historical  examples,  e.g.  Sidon. 
ApoUin.  Upist.  iv.  25,  p.  126  ;  S.  Paulin.  Nolan. 
Foem.  XV.  de  S.  Felice,  v.  108  ;  Anastas.  Ziber. 
Pontif.  de  S.  Eugenio  L  p.  134,  "  clericus  a  cuna- 
bulis";  and  an  extant  inscription  at  Viviers 
to  a  reader  who  died  at  the  age  of  thirteen, 
ap.  Le  Blant,  Inscriptions  Chretiennes  de  la 
tiaule,  No.  484.  The  later  mediaeval  practice, 
which  was  adopted  by  the  council  of  Trent, 
was  not  to  confer  the  tonsure  before  the  age  of 
seven. 

II.  Civil  Qualifications.— I.  In  regard  to  the 
admission  of  slaves  to  orders  both  the  canon  and 
the  civil  law  varied  at  different  times :  in  the 
East  the  only  early  regulation  is  Can.  Apost.  82, 
which  allows  slaves  to  be  ordained  only  when 
they  have  been  manumitted ;  this  agrees  with 
the  civil  law,  Justin,  Cod.  I.  3,  37  (36),  Novell. 
123,  17.  In  the  West  the  earliest  regulation  is 
that  of  Cone.  Illiber.  a.d.  305,  c.  8,  which  dis- 
allows the  ordination  even  of  a  freedman  whose 
patronus  was  insaeculo;  but  1  Cone.  Tolet.  a.d. 
400,  c.  10  allows  such  ordination  with  the 
patron's  consent.  In  the  fifth  century  Leo  the 
Great,  writing  to  the  bishops  of  Campania, 
objects  to  the  ordination  of  slaves  as  inconsistent 
with  the  dignity  of  the  clerical  office,  but  is  at 
the  same  time  a  witness  to  the  occurrence  of 
such  ordinations."  (S.  Leon.  M.  Epist.  4  (3)  ad 
Epist.  Campan.  i.  p.  612  ;  for  the  meaning  of 
"originali,"  cf.  St.  August,  de  Civit.  Dei,  10,  1, 
"conditionem  debent  genitali  solo  propter  agri- 
culturam  sub  dominio  possessorum.")  In  Gaul  it 
would  appear  that  ordination  was  at  one  time 
held  to  involve  manumission,  for  1  Cone.  Aurel. 
A.D.  511,  c.  8,  enacts  that  if  a  bishop  knowingly 
ordains  a  slave  without  the  consent  of  his 
master  he  must  pay  "  duplex  satisfactio  ;"  if  he 
has  done  it  iguorantly,  then  those  who  "  testimo- 
nium perhibent  aut  eum  supplicaverint  ordinari  " 
are  to  pay  such  satisfaction ;  (this  seems  to 
imply  that  part  of  the  "testimonium"  which 
was  required  before  ordination  was  that  the 
candidate  was  free.)  In  a  council  held  in  the 
same  city  a  quarter  of  a  century  later,  there  is 
a  definite  exclusion  of  both  slaves  and  serfs : 
aut  nullus  servilibus  colonariisque  conditionibus 
obligatus  juxta  statuta  sedis  apostolicae  ad 
honores  ecclesiasticos  admittatur,  nisi  prius  aut 
testamento  aut  per  tabulas  legitime  constiterit 
absolutum  (3  Cone.  Aurel.  a.d.  538,  c.  26 ;)  but 
eleven  years  later  this  rule  was  relaxed,  and  a 
slave  might  be  ordained  with  his  master's  con- 
sent, or,  if  ordained  without  such  consent,  "  is 
qui  ordinatus  est,  benedictione  servata,  honestum 
ordini  domino  suo  impendat  obsequium,"  i.e.  he 
might  continue  to  be  a  clerk  without  ceasing  to  be 
a  slave  ;  it  is,  however,  also  jjrovided  that  the 
bishop  might,  if  the  master  preferred,  give  him 
two  slaves  in  place  of  the  one  who  had  been 
ordained  (5  Cone.  Aurel.  a.d.  549,  c.  6). ,  In  Ire- 
land the  canons  of  St.  Patrick,  which  are  pro- 
l>ably  at  least  a  century  later  than  the  foregoing 


1484 


OKDEES,  HOLY 


councils,  clearly  imply  that  a  clerk  might  be  a 
slave ;  c.  7  provides  for  the  excommunication  of 
a  clerk  who  is  negligent  in  coming  to  prayers  : 
•'  nisi  forte  jugo  servitutis  sit  detentus."  But 
in  England  Egbert  of  York,  about  the  same 
period,  expressly  disallows  the  ordination  of 
slaves,  at  least  to  the  diaconate  (Egberti  Eborac. 
Dial.  c.  15,  ap.  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Councils,  4'c. 
in.  p.  402).  The  Carolingian  rule  was  equally 
strict ;  if  a  slave  was  ordained  without  first 
obtaining  his  liberty  he  must  lose  his  orders  and 
go  back  to  his  master  (Capit.  Hludowici  I. 
Aquisgran.  general.  A.D.  817,  c.  6,  ap.  Pertz,  i. 
p.  207,  cf.  Capit.  Francofuit.  a.d.  794,  c.  30; 
Pertz,  vii.  p.  79  ;  Capit.  Ticin.  a.d.  801,  c.  22  ; 
Pertz,  i.  p.  86). 

2.  The  privileges  and  Immunities  [p.  822] 
which  Constantino  at  first  conferred  upon  the 
clergy  caused  so  many  rich  men  to  seek  refuge 
from  the  burdens  of  taxation  by  taking  office  in  the 
church  that  it  speedily  became  necessary  to  enact 
that  no  person  whose  fortune  placed  him  in  the 
rank  of  those  upon  whom  the  weight  of  public  bur- 
dens fell  should  be  allowed  to  become  a  clerk  ; 
the  first  law  on  the  subject  has  not  been  pre- 
served, but  the  continuation  of  it  which  enacts 
that  it  shall  not  be  retrospective  is  found  in 
Cod.  Theodos.  16,  2,  3,  a.d.  320.  It  was  re- 
'□acted  by  Constantius  in  361,  Cod.  Theodos.  8, 
4,  7  =  Cod.  Justin,  1,  3,  4;  and  again,  in  eftect, 
by  Honorius  and  Arcadius  in  398,  Cod.  Theodos. 
16,  2,  32  ;  fifty  years  later  a  law  of  Theodosius 
and  Valentinian  allowed  ordained  persons  who 
were  liable  to  municipal  duties  to  discharge 
those  duties  by  deputy.  Cod.  Justin.  1,  3,  21 ; 
but  Justinian  found  it  necessary  absolutely  to 
prohibit  the  ordination  of  such  persons:  di&- 
Tri^ojJ.€v  yUTjSeVa  TravTeXws  /xtJte  )3oi;Xei;T?V  /ui^re 
ra^ediT-qv  iTritTKO-Kov  *;  -KpecrPuTepov  rod  Aoiirov 
yiveffdai  (Cod.  Justin.  1,  3,  53  (52) ;  so,  also, 
id.  Novell.  6,  c.  4 ;  123,  c.  15).  The  necessity  for 
such  a  provision  appears  even  from  ecclesiastical 
writers,  e.g.  Basil  speaks  of  tZv  irXeiarccy 
(p6fici>  T7JS  (XrpaToXoylas  elcnroLovuTwv  eavrohs 
Tp  uTTTjpetn'a  (S.  Basil,  Epist.  54  (181);  Migne, 
P.  G.  32,  400;  cf.  Joann.  Diac.  Tit.  S.  Grcgor. 
M.  2, 15,  vol.  i.  p.  49) ;  and  the  rule  itself  was 
accepted,  e.g.,  by  Gregory  the  Great,  Einst.  4, 
26,  ad  Januar.  vol.  ii.  p.  704,  "  videndum  ne 
obnoxius  curiae  [i.e.  liable  to  serve  on  a 
municipal  senate]  compellatur  post  sacrum 
ordinem  ad  actionem  publicam  redire  ";  and  by 
4  Cone.  Tolet.  a.d.  633,  c.  19  ;  Egbert.  Eborac. 
Dial.  c.  15.  The  Frankish  kings  enacted  that 
no  freeman  should  be  ordameJ  without  the  per- 
mission of  the  king  or  his  officer  :  1  Cone.  Aurel. 
a.d.  511  (shortly  before  the  death  of  Chlodwig), 
c.  4,  enacts  "  ut  nullus  saecularium  ad  clericatus 
officium  praesumatur  nisi  aut  cum  regis  jussione 
aut  cum  judicis  voluntate ";  in  the  following 
century  another  Frankish  council.  Cone.  Remens. 
circ.  A.D.  625,  repeats  the  enactment ;  and 
among  the  Formulae  Marculphi  is  a  letter  from 
a  king  giving  such  a  permission  (Formulae 
Marculphi,  1,  19,  ap.  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  Ixxxvii. 
p.  712).  Several  instances  are  found  in  the 
biographies  of  the  same  century,  e.g.  Sulpice  of 
Bourges  (Notit.  in  S.  Sulpit.  c.  8  ;  Migne,  /'.  L. 
vol.  Ixxx.  p.  577);  Ouen  of  Rouen  (Vit.  S. 
Audoen.  ap.  Sur.  24  Aug.).  Charles  the  Great 
found  it  necessary  again  to  renew  the  enactment 
(Capit.  duplex  in  Theod.  ViUa,  A.D.  805,  c.  15; 


OKDEES,  HOLY 

Pertz,  1,  p.  134) ;  but  it  is  not  found  out  of  ths 
Frankish  domain. 

III.  Ecclesiastical  Qualifications. — 1.  Baptism. 
It  was  so  invariably  assumed  that  any  one  who 
was  advanced  to  office  in  the  church  had  already 
been  made  a  member  of  the  church  by  baptism 
that  the  enactment  of  a  canon  on  the  subject 
was  unnecessary.  At  Alexandria  a  catechumen 
might  be  a  reader  or  singer,  but  the  custom  is 
mentioned  as  exceptional  by  Socrates,  H.  E.  5, 
22,  and,  moreover,  readers  and  singers  were 
sometimes  not  reckoned  in  the  clcrus  at  all.  In 
the  middle  of  the  3rd  century  Cornelius  of  Rome 
expresses  a  doubt  whether  clinic  baptism  was 
sufficient  in  the  case  of  Novatian,  inasmuch  as  it 
had  not  been  followed  by  confirmation  (Euseb. 
//.  E.  6,  43)  ;  and  early  in  the  following  century 
the  council  of  Neocaesarea,  c.  12,  is  disposed, 
except  in  special  cases  (et  fx^  rax"  S'^  ti)v  ix^to. 
ravra.  avrov  [i.e.,  of  the  baptized  person]  airov^rjv 
Kol  iriffTiv  Kol  Sio  (Tirduiv  avdpwjrccv),  to  dis- 
allow altogether  the  ordination  of  those  who  had 
received  clinic  baptism.  But  the  non-renewal 
of  the  enactment  (except  in  6  Cone.  Paris.  A.D. 
829,  c.  8,  Mansi,  14,  542,  which  extends  it  to  all 
irregular  baptisms)  makes  it  probable  that  it 
was  construed  rather  in  the  spirit  of  its  ex- 
ceptions than  in  that  of  its  main  provision. 
The  case  of  a  presbyter  being  ordained  before 
being  baptized  was  so  rare  that  no  provision  is 
made  for  it  in  any  canon  of  the  first  eight 
centuries.  The  general  case  of  uncertain  or 
defective  baptism  is  sometimes  mentioned  in 
ecclesiastical  writers,  e.g.  S.  Dionys.  Alexand. 
Ep.  ad  Xystum  ap.  Euseb.  JI.  E.  7,  9  ;  S.  Leon. 
IMagn.  Ep.  66  (35)  ad  Neon.  Bavenn.  p.  1407  ;  id. 
Ep.  67  (2)  ad  Bustic.  Narhon.  c.  17,  18,  p.  1427  ; 
but  the  special  case  of  an  unbaptized  presbyter 
is  first  mentioned  in  Abp.  Theodore's  Penitential 
at  the  end  of  the  8th  century,  who  apparently 
deals  with  two  contingencies:  a.  If  the  pres- 
byter has  been  ordained  through  ignorance  on 
the  part  of  his  ordainer  that  he  has  not  been 
baptized,  the  ordination  is  invalid,  the  baptisms 
performed  by  the  supposed  presbyter  are  also 
invalid,  and  he  himself  must  be  baptized,  but 
cannot  be  reordained  (Pocnit.  1,  9,  12  ;  Haddan 
and  Stubbs,  Councils,  vol.  iii.).  b.  If  a  presbyter- 
is  ordained  under  the  belief  that  he  has  been 
baptized,  and  then  discovers  that  he  has  not,  he 
may  be  both  baptized  and  reordained,  but 
persons  baptized  by  him  must  be  rebaptized 
(id.  2,  2,  13).  In  the  following  century  a 
capitulary  of  Pippin,  which  mentions  a  similar 
case,  does  not  specify  what  is  to  be  done  with 
the  presbyter,  but  allows  his  baptisms  provided 
that  the  Holy  Trinity  was  invoked  at  the  time 
(Capit.  Compendiense,  A.D.  757,  c.  12  ;  Pertz. 
Lcgum,  vol.  i.  p.  28).  As  the  imposition  of 
hands  was  an  integral  part  of  baptism,  it  must 
be  held  to  be  implied  in  the  general  regulations 
as  to  baptism  ;  the  explicit  mention  of  it  as  a 
condition  of  ordination  is  much  later.  (But  it  is 
sometimes  supposed  to  be  meant  in  Cone.  Nicaen. 
c.  8,  which  requires  returning  Cathari  to  bft 
XH-poOfTov/xevovs  ;  so  Hefele  ad  loc.  and  Catalani 
ad  Pontific.  Roman,  p.  1.  tit.  2,  3;  but  Gratian, 
8,  1,  7,  and  others  understand  ordination,  not 
confirmation,  to  be  meant.) 

2.  There  was  a  further  rule  that  ordination 
was  not  to  follow  too  closely  upon  baptism  ;  the 
Pauline   /xr;   vi6^vTov  (1  Tim.   iii,  7)  expresses 


ORDEES,  HOLY 

both  the  'ordinary  rule  and  the  ordinary  practice. 
During  the  early  years  of  Christianity  it  was 
obvioifsly  important  that  before  a  person  was 
advanced  to  office  in  a  church,  and  especially  to 
an  office  which  involved  disciplinary  control, 
sufficient  opportunity  should  be  given  for  the 
observation  and  testing  of  his  character.  The 
leading  early  canon  on  the  subject  is  that  of  the 
council  of  Nicaea,  c.  2,  which  refers  to  an  other- 
wise unknown  earlier  canon  (perhaps  that  which 
is  embodied  in  Can.  Apost.  80),  and  speaks  of  its 
having  been  frequently  broken.  The  drift  of 
the  canon  is  clear,  although  there  is  some  doubt 
as  to  the  exact  interpretation  of  the  text. 
Eufinus,  H.  E.  2,  6,  sums  it  up  thus,  "  ne  quis 
nuper  assumptus  de  vita  vel  conversatione 
Gentili,  accepto  baptismo,  antequam  cautius 
examinetur,  clericus  fiat ";  so  also  the  later 
canonists,  e.g.  Gratiau,  1,  dist.  48  (see  Hefele, 
Councils,  E.  T.  vol.  i.).  It  was  repeated  in  effect 
in  the  same  century  by  Cone.  Laod.  c.  3  ;  but 
although  it  continued  to  be  valid,  as  is  seen  from 
e.g.  S.  Leon.  M.  Epist.  12,  c.  4,  i.  p.  663,  4 
Cone.  Tolet.  c.  19,  yet  the  necessity  for  it  practi- 
cally ceased  to  exist  when  the  great  mass  of 
the  population  came  to  be  of  Christian  parent- 
age and  to  have  received  baptism  in  infancy. 
Gregory  the  Great  interprets  the  Pauline  in- 
junction as  having  in  his  time  a  different  mean- 
ing from  that  which  it  had  in  the  earlier  ages 
of  the  church ;  he  applies  it  not  to  first  ordina- 
tion, but  to  subsequent  promotion,  and  para- 
phrases it  by  "  ordinate  ergo  ad  ordines  acceden- 
dum  est "  (S.  Greg.  M.  Epist.  ix.  106,  vol  ii. 
p.  1009).  But  two  centuries  after  the  council 
of  Nicaea  the  spirit  of  the  canon  was  revived  in 
another  form  in  Spain  and  Gaul.  A  period  of 
probation  was  imposed  before  even  one  who  had 
been  a  Christian  all  his  life  could  be  admitted, 
if  not  to  minor  orders,  at  least  to  the  diaconate. 
4  Cone.  Arelat.  a.d.  524,  c.  2,  3  Cone.  Aurel. 
A.D.  538,  c.  6,  5  Cone.  Aurel.  a.d.  549,  c.  9, 
enact  that  no  one  is  to  be  ordained  "  nisi  post 
annuam  conversionem,"  i.e.  except  after  a  year's 
withdrawal  from  secular  pursuits  and  devotion 
to  a  religious  life.  3  Cone.  Brae.  a.d.  563,  c.  20, 
eaacts,  what  is  not  expressly  stated  in  the  Gal- 
ilean canons,  that  this  year  is  to  be  spent  in  minor 
orders  "  [nisi]  ...  in  officio  lectorati  vel  sub- 
diaconati  disciplinam  ecclesiasticam  discat."  But 
there  is  no  evidence  of  the  existence  of  these 
regulations  outside  the  limits  of  Gaul  and  Spain, 
and  their  absence  from  the  list  of  disqualifica- 
tions in  4  Cone.  Tolet.  c.  19  (see  above)  is  pre- 
sumptive evidence  of  their  not  having  been 
permanent  even  within  those  limits. 

3.  It  was  an  early  and  apparently  a  universal 
rule  that  no  one  who  had  ever  forfeited  his 
position  as  a  full  member  of  the  church,  by  '  pro- 
fessing penitence,'  should  be  admitted  to  office. 
Before  the  age  of  councils  the  rule  is  mentioned 
by  Origen  (c.  Cels.  3,  c.  51,  i.  p.  482,  ed.  Delarue), 
and  Augustine  gives  the  reason  for  it,  "ne 
forsitan  etiam  detectis  criminibus  spe  honoris 
ecclesiastici  animus  intumescens  superbe  ageret 
poenitentiam,  severissime  placuit  ut  post  actam 
de  crimine  damnabili  poenitentiam  nemo  sit 
clericus  ut  desperatione  temporalis  altitudinis 
raedicina  major  et  verior  esset  humilitatis  "  (S. 
Augustin.  Epist.  185  (50),  c.  10,  ii.  p.  812).  The 
Roman  rule  admitted  of  no  exceptions :  Cone. 
Rom.  A.D.  465,  c.  3;   S.  Siric.    Epist.  1,  c.    14; 


OEDSKS,  HOLY 


143i 


Hinschius,  p.  522  ;  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  xiii.  1145  ; 
so  also  the  Galilean  rule.  Cone.  Agath.  a.d.  506, 
c.  43  ;  Epaon.  a.d.  517,  c.  3  ;  4  Arelat.  a.d.  524, 
c.  3  ;  3  Aurel.  A.D.  538,  c.  6  ;  so  also  the  African 
rule,  Stat.  Eccles.  Antiq.  c.  68  ;  so  also  the  early 
Pontificals,  quoting  the  decretal  of  Zosimus, 
Pontif.  Ecgb..  S.  Dunstan,  Noviom.,  Sacrani. 
Gelas.  But  the  Spanish  rule  admitted  of  ex- 
ceptions. 1  Cone.  Tolet.  A.D.  435,  c.  2,  makes 
the  proviso  "  nisi  tantum  [si]  necessitas  aut  usus 
exegerit  inter  ostiarios  deputetur  vel  inter 
lectores  ";  and  two  later  councils,  Cone.  Gerund. 
A.D.  517,  c.  9,  4  Cone.  Tolet.  a.d.  633.  c.  54, 
allow  the  ordination  of  persons  who  made  a 
general  profession  of  penitence  in  extreme  sick- 
ness, "  nulla  manifesta  scelera  confiteutes  sed 
tantum  peccatores  se  praedicantes,"  and  who 
afterwards  recovered.  (At  the  same  time  there 
is  a  treatise  of  Catalaui,  printed  as  a  note  to  10- 
Cone.  Tolet.  in  his  edition  of  De  Aguirre's 
Concilia  Hispaniae,  vol.  iv.  pp.  163-194,  "  De 
disciplina  antiquae  ecclesiae  speciatim  Hispanicac 
circa  lapses  in  peccatum  carnis  post  baptismuui 
ne  ordinentur  nee  admiuistrent  ordines  jam 
susceptos.") 

4.  It  was  enacted,  with  a  frequency  whicli 
indicates.4hat  the  rule  was  often  broken,  that  n!> 
one  should  be  ordained  out  of  the  church  tc 
which  he  belonged  (i.e.  probably,  the  church  iu 
which  he  had  been  baptized,  but  the  question  is 
not  easy  of  determination  :  see  the  discussion  of 
it  in  Hallier  de  Sacris  Electionibus,  pp.  605. 
sqq.),  or  promoted  to  a  higher  grade  out  of  thr 
church  in  which  he  was  first  ordained.  Viola- 
tions of  this  rule  rendered  the  ordination  invalid 
(&Kvpos  earai  t]  x^^porovia),  according  to  Cone. 
Nicaeii.  c.  16;  Antioch.  c.  24;  Sardic.  c.  15,  2 
Arelat.  a.d.  451,  c.  13  ;  5  Arelat.  a.d.  554,  c.  7  ; 
1  Turon.  a.d.  461,  c.  9,  10  (which,  however,  has 
the  proviso,  "  nisi  satisfactione  quae  ad  j)acem 
pertinent  componantur ").  Cone.  Chalc.  c.  10 
excommunicates  both  the  ordaining  bishop  and 
the  ordained  clerk  until  the  latter  returns  to 
his  own  church  ;  5  Cone.  Aurel.  a.d.  549,  c.  5, 
suspends  the  ordaining  bishop  for  three  months, 
and  the  ordained  clerk  during  the  pleasure  of 
his  proper  bishop.  The  rule  is  also  found,  but 
without  any  express  penalty  for  the  violation  of 
it,  in  Africa,  3  Cone.  Carth.  c.  21,  44  =  Cod. 
Eccles.  Afric.  c.  54;  in  Gaul,  Cone.  Arausic. 
A.D.  441,  c.  8  ;  Yenet.  a.d.  465,  c.  10  ;  Arveru. 
A.D.  535.  c.  11;  in  Spain,  Cone.  Illib.  A.D.  305, 
c.  24;  Valent.  A.D.  524  (546),  c.  6 ;  2  Brae. 
A.D.  563,  c.  8;  in  the  Capit.' Hadrian.  A.D.  785, 
c.  18  ;  and  in  the  Carolingian  capitularies,  e.g. 
Karoli  Magni  Capit.  A.d.  779,  c.  2  ;  Capit.  in 
Papia,  A.D.  789,  c.  3;  Pertz,  i.  p.  70.  The 
regulation  probably  arose  in  the  first  instance 
from  the  desirability  of  a  man's  being  ordained 
among  those  who  could  bear  witness  to  his 
innocency  of  life  and  soundness  in  the  fiiith  (so 
expressly  Cone.  Illib.  c.  24),  but  it  was  kept  up 
in  later  times  chiefly  in  the  interests  of  eccle- 
siastical organization.  (For  the  origin  of  the 
system  of  dimissory  letters,  see  DniissOEY 
Letters,  Vol.  I.  p.  558.) 

5.  The  regulations  in  regard  to  the  marriage 
of  candidates  for  orders  were  governed  by  the 
Pauline  injunction,  ^ums  yvvaiicbs  dvSpes  (1  Tim. 
iii.  2,  12  ;  Tit.  i.  6).  As  to  the  interpretation  of 
that  injunction,  there  appears  to  have  been  a  con- 
sensus of  opinion  ;  it  excluded  those  who,  having 


1486 


ORDERS,  HOLY 


lost  one  wife,  liad  married  another.  But  two 
questions  arose  :  firstly,  whether  the  rule  applied 
in  the  case  in  which  the  iirst  wife  had  been 
married  before  baptism ;  secondly,  whether  the 
rule  applied  to  others  than  presbyters  and 
deacons.  On  these  questions  there  were  varieties  of ' 
opinion  ;  as  to  the  first,  the  Eastern  rule  seems  to 
have  been  that  only  marriages  after  baptism  were 
to  be  reckoned  ;  so  Can.  Apost.  17,  6  Svffl  ydfj-ois 
(TvixtrXaKels  fj-era  rh  fidirri(rixa,  Cone.  Trull,  c. 
3 ;  cf.  Balsam,  ad  he.  This  limitation  of  the  rule 
is  defended  at  length  by  Jerome,  Ep.  (39  (83)  ad 
Ocean,  i.  p.  411,  but  herein  Jerome  stands  almost 
alone  among  Western  writers.  (At  the  same 
time  it  maybe  noted  that  Jerome's  general  view  of 
digamy  was  of  the  strictest ;  cf  Epist.  123  (11), 
c.  6,  i.  p.  904).  The  Western  rule  rigidly  ex- 
cluded from  the  priesthood  all  who  had  married 
a  second  wife,  whether  the  first  marriage  had 
taken  place  before  or  after  baptism ;  so  S. 
Ambros.  de  Off.  Ministr.  i.  50,  ii.  p.  66 ;  S. 
Augustin.  da  Bono  Conjug.  c.  18  ;  Migne,  6,  p. 
p.  387  ;  S.  Leon.  Epist.  5,  c.  3,  vol.  i.  p.  617  ; 
Innocent.  I.  Epist.  ad  Victoric.  Hinschius,  p. 
530  ;  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  x.\.  474  ;  Zosim.  Epist. 
ad  Hesych.  Hinschius,  p.  553,  quoted  (some- 
times as  a  decretal  of  Innocent  I.)  in  the  ponti- 
ficals of  Ecgbert,  St.  Dunstan,  Cahors,  Jumieges, 
Vatic,  ap.  Muratori,  and  in  the  Gelasian  sacra- 
mentary  ;  and  the  later  canonists,  e.  1.  Gratian,  1, 
dist.  26,  3  ;  D.  Ivon.  Dccret.  i.  292.  (It  is  pro- 
bable that  the  exceptions  mentioned  by  Tertull. 
de  Exliort.  Cast.  c.  7  [Montanist],  and  Hippol. 
Philosophum,  9,  12,  refer  to  violations  not  of  the 
rule  in  general,  but  of  this  stricter  interpretation 
of  it.)  The  attempt  to  extend  the  rule  to  all  clerks 
was  not  altogether  successful,  and  the  fluctua- 
tions of  opinion  which  are  marked  in  the  succes- 
sive enactments  are  worthy  of  study.  The 
following  are  the  more  important  enactments 
which  bear  upon  the  admission  of  married  persons 
to  orders  ;  for  a  more  general  account  of  the 
regulations  which  affected  persons  already  in 
orders,  see  Celibacy,  Digamy.  (1)  No  one  who 
had  married  a  second  wife  could  become  a  clerk  : 
Can.  Apost.  17;  1  Cone.  Valen.  a.d.  374  (?), 
c.  1 ;  Rom.  A.D.  465,  c.  2  ;  Gerund.  A.D.  517, 
c.  8  (which  excludes  any  one  who,  after  the  death 
of  his  wife,  "  aliam  cujuscunque  conditionis  cog- 
noverit  mulierem  ") ;  4  Arelat.  A.D.  524,  c.  3 
(which  speaks  of  the  necessity  which  had  arisen 
for  imposing  a  severer  penalty  for  the  violation 
of  the  rule) ;  3  Aurel.  A.D.  538,  c.  6  ;  Stat. 
Ecdes.  Antiq.  c.  69  ;  4  Tolet.  a.d.  633,  c.  19  ; 
Eom.  a.d.  743,  c.  11  ;  Poenit.  Theod.  i.  9,  10; 
and  in  the  civil  law,  Justin.  Novell.  123,  c.  12 
(but  apparently  limited  to  presbyters  and  deacons 
in  id.  Novell.  6,  5).  (2)  No  one  in  a  similar 
case  could  be  a  deacon  or  presbj'ter  :  Origen  in 
Luc.  Horn.  17,  iii.  p.  953,  ed.  Delarue ;  Justin. 
Novell.  6,  5 ;  123,  14 ;  Cone.  Epaon.  a.d.  517, 
c.  2.  (3)  No  one  who  had  married  one  who  had 
been  herself  mari'ied  before,  whether  widow  or 
divorcee,  could  be  ordained  :  Can.  Apost.  c.  17  ; 
1  Cone.  Valent.  a.d.  374,  c.  1 ;  Rom.  a.d.  465, 
c.  2  ;  3  Aurel.  c.  6  ;  4  Arelat.  c.  3  ;  Epaon.  c.  2  ; 
Stat.  Eccles.  Ant.  c.  69  ;  Cone.  Rom.  a.d.  743, 11  ; 
Zosim.  Epist.  ad  Hesych. ;  Poenit.  Theod.  i.  9,  10  ; 
Egbert.  Eborac.  Dial.  c.  15 ;  Cone.  Trull,  c.  3. 
(■i)  No  one  could  be  ordained  who  had  married 
two  sisters  (Can.  Apost.  19),  or  his  niece  (id.), 
or  an  actress,  or  slave,  or  courtesan  (id.  18.  Cone. 


ORDERS,  HOLY 

Trull,  o.  3),  or  who  had  a  concubine  (Can.  Apost. 
19 ;  4  Cone.  Tol.  c.  19  ;  Trull,  c.  3  ;  Poenit. 
Theod.  i.  9,  6),  or  whose  wife  had  been  guilty  of 
adultery  (Cone.  Neocaes.  c.  8  ;  cf  S.  Basil.  Epist. 
Canon,  iii.  c.  69).  (5)  The  earliest  positive  pro- 
hibition of  the  ordination  of  all  married  person; 
is  2  Cone.  Arelat.  c.  2,  "  assumi  aliquem  ad 
sacerdotium  non  posse  in  conjugii  vinculo  con- 
stitutum  nisi  fuerit  praemissa  conversio "  \i.e. 
renunciation  of  married  and  secular  life],  but  the 
date  and  authority  of  this  council  are  both  very 
uncertain. 

6.  Some  other  ecclesiastical  disqualifications 
appear  to  have  been  of  a  local  or  temporary 
nature.  (1)  Can.  Apost.  79,  Cone.  Arausic.  a.d 
441,  3  Aurel.  a.d.  538,  c.  6,  11  Tolet.  c.  13. 
enact  that  no  one  who  had  been  possessed  by  an 
evil  spirit  could  be  ordained  (cf  the  story  told 
by  Gregory  the  Great  in  his  life  of  St.  Benedict 
of  the  youth  who  was  exorcised  by  St.  Benedict, 
and  told  never  to  enter  holy  orders  ;  on  his 
attempting  to  do  so,  the  evil  spirit  returned  :  St. 
Greg.  Dial.  2,  c.  16  ;  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  Ixvi.  p. 
164).  (2)  1  Cone.  Carth.  c.  8  enacts  that  no 
one  can  be  ordained  until  he  has  rendered  his 
accounts  as  2jrocurato);  actor,  or  tutor  pupil- 
lorum,  in  order  to  secure  his  entire  disen- 
tanglement from  secular  business.  (3)  The 
Statuta  Ecclesiae  Antiqua  exclude  "  seditionarios, 
usuarios,  et  injuriarum  suarum  uitores  "  (cf  St. 
Basil,  Epist.  188  [canonica  prima],  c.  14,  p.  275). 

(4)  In  England  the  Dialogue  of  Egbert  gives  an 
indication  of  the  mixed  character  of  the  English 
church  in  the  middle  of  the  8th  century  by 
expressly  excluding  "  idola  adorantes,  per  arus- 
pices  [et  divinos  atque]  incantatores  captivos  se 
diabolo  tradentes  "  (Egbert.  Eborac.  Dial.  c.  15  ; 
Haddan  and  Stubbs,   iii.   402  ;  Wilkins,  i.  82). 

(5)  Illegitimacy  was  first  made  a  bar  by  the 
synod  of  Meaux,  A.D.  845,  c.  64,  but  even  then 
there  was  the  exception,  "nisi  ecclesiae  utilitas 
vel  necessitas  vel  meritorum  praerogative  aliter 
exegerit"  ;  but  the  question  was  an  open  one  for 
some  time  afterwards,  as  is  shewn  by  the  dis- 
cussion between  Roscelin  and  Theobald  d'Es- 
tampes,  whether  the  son  of  a  priest,  as  being 
necessarily  born  "  ex  lapsu  carnis,"  could  be 
ordained  (Theobald's  argument  against  the  ex- 
clusion of  such  persons  is  given  in  D'Achery, 
Spicilegium,  vol.  iii.  p.  448).  In  the  East  a 
canon  of  Nicephorus,  sometimes  printed  as  an 
addition  to  the  canons  of  Chalcedon,  Pitra, 
Spicileg.  Solesm.  vol.  iv.  465,  id.  Jiir.  Eccl.  Gr. 
vol.  i.  p.  536,  vol.  ii.  p.  328,  expressly  allows 
the  ordination  of  the  offspring  of  concubinage, 
digamy,  or  even  fornication  ;  but  the  Western 
rule  was  severer,  and  it  further  ranked  as  illegi- 
timate the  children  of  heretics  and  slaves  (cf 
Catalan! ac?  Pontif.  Uoman.  p.  l,tit.  2, 1,  §§  5,18). 

7.  Of  later  regulations,  the  most  important 
was  that  which  required  every  candidate  for 
orders  to  have  a  fixed  source  of  income,  or  title."^ 


^  The  meaning  of  the  word  tltulus,  like  that  of  canmi, 
in  its  ecclesiastical  sense,  has  been  so  often  misunder- 
stood that  it  is  advisable  to  mention  the  chief  facts  iu 
regard  to  its  use.  It  is  a  technical  term  of  Roman  law- 
whore,  from  its  original  use  in  relation  to  taxable  real 
property,  it  came  to  be  used  of  taxable  property,  and  of 
property  yielding  revenue,  in  general :  Cod.  Theodos.  lib- 
xi.  tit.  26, 1  =  Cod.  Justin,  lib.  x.  tit.  30,  1  (a  law  of 
A.D.  369),  "  in  eodem  litido  et  in  codem  modo  ad  solven- 


ORDEKS,  HOLY 

In  the  earliest  period,  when  each  church  had  its 
own  bishop,  and  parish  was  synonymous  with 
diocese,  appointment  to  office  was,  from  the 
nature  of  the  case,  appointment  to  a  particular 
office  in  a  particular  church.  This  primitive 
practice  of  appointments  seems  to  have  been  first 
departed  from  in  the  5th  century  ;  but  the  de- 
parture from  it  was  strongly  condemned  by  the 
council  of  Chalcedon,  c.  6,  which  enacted  that 
the  ordination  of  those  who  were  aTroXvTois 
XeipoTOfov/xivovs  and  not  iSiKcos  iv  fKKX-ncria 
noXeces  ??  kco^tjs  ^  fiaprvpiai  -1)  nova(TTf)piQi  should 
be  invalid.  For  three  centuries  after  the  enact- 
ment of  this  canon  there  appears  to  be  no  neces- 
sity for  re-enacting  it ;  but  it  reappears  in  the 
Dialogue  of  Egbert,  c.  9  (Haddan  and  Stubbs, 
Councils,  &c.  vol.  iii.)  and  in  the  Carolingian 
(Aapitularies,  e.g.  Karoli  Capit.  Eccles.  A.D.  789, 
c.  25  ;  Pertz,  vol.  i.  58 ;  Capit.  Francofurt.  a.d. 
794,  c.  28,  ap.  Pertz,  vol.  i.  p.  74,  "  ut  non 
absolute  ordinentur,"  Capit.  E.xcerpt.  a.d.  806, 
;'.  7,  Pertz,  vol.  i.  147.  In  the  meantime  it  had 
become  the  custom  at  all  ordinations  to  major 
orders  to  designate  the  particular  church  which 
the  ordinand  was  to  serve,  and  from  which  he 
was  to  derive  his  income.  This  is  the  case  in  the 
Pontificals  of  Ecgbert,  St.  Dunstan,  Vatican  ap. 
Muratori,  Rodrad,  Rouen,  Reims,  Noyon,  Ratold, 
and  the  Gelasian  Sacramentary  (but  the  omission 
in  the  Missale  Francorum  and  the  Cod.  Maf- 
feianus  is  to  be  noted).  But  there  does  not 
appear  to  be  any  direct  canonical  requirement  of 
a  titiilus  earlier  than  the  end  of  the  11th 
century  :  Cone.  Placent.  a.d.  1095,  c.  15,  '•  decer- 
nimus  ut  sine  titulo  facta  ordinatio  irrita  habea- 
tur  "  ;  at  the  same  time  Urban. II.,  under  whom 
this  council  was  held,  in  writing  to  the  bishop 
of  Toul,  leaves  it  to  his  discretion  to  allow  such 
ordinations  or  not  (Append,  ad  Epist.  Urbani 
Papae  II.  No.  xvii.  ap.  Mansi,  vol.  xx.  676). 

IV.  Literary  Qualifications. — It  both  follows 
from  and  confirms  the  general  view  of  the  nature 
of  the  clerical  office  in  the  primitive  church  that 
literary  qualifications  were  viewed  as  subordinate 
and  non-essential.     The  Pastoral  Epistles  require 


OIJDERS,  IIOLV 


1487 


drnn  protinus  urgeatur  in  quo  alteram  perperam  fecerit 
tlebitorem,"  where  Cujacius,  ad  loc.  Cod.  Justin.,  explains 
the  words  in  italics,  "  in  eodem  tit.  puta  in  auro  vel  in 
argento  et  in  eodem  modo  id  est  eadem  quantitate  " :  Cod. 
Theodos.  lib.  xii.  tit.  0,  3  =  Cod.  Justin,  lib.  x.  tit.  73,  3 ; 
lib.  xi.  tit.  64,  5  (a  law  of  a.d.  399),  "sciantjudices  nihil 
sibi  ex  piivatae  rei  canone  vel  eo  quod  ex  lisdem  titulis 
exegerint  ad  necessitates  alias  transferre  licere";  Cod. 
Tbeodos.  lib.  xii.  tit.  28,  12,  "  per  universes,"  i.e.  districts 
yielding  taxable  revenues ;  ibid.  lib.  xi.  tit.  2,  4,  tit.  12, 
2,  "annonariustitulus,"  i.e.  adistrict  yielding  taxablecorn: 
cf.  "canonici  tituli,"  ibid. lib. xiv.  tit.  16,  3,  " fiumentarii 
tituli" :  ibid.  lib.  xi.  tit.  1, 36, "  canonici  tituli."  Hence  the 
use  in  the  Liber  Pontificalis  of  the  districts,  i.e.  parishes 
into  which  Rome  was  divided  for  ecclesiastical  purposes, 
and  each  of  which  had  its  proper  revenues :  e.g.  \it.  S. 
ilarcell.  p.  31,  xxv.  "  titulos  in  urbe  Roma  constituit  quasi 
dioeccses  propter  baptismum  et  poenitenliam  multorum 
qui  convertebantur  ex  paganis  et  propter  sepulturas 
martyrum  ";  cf.  ibid.  Yit.  S.  Emrist.  p.  6 ;  Vit.  S.  Lean. 
p.  26.  Hence  the  mediaeval  meaning  of  ecclesiastical 
income,  e.g.  3  Cone.  Lateran.  a.d.  1179,  c.  5,  "Episcopus 
si  aliquem  sine  certo  titulo  de  quo  necessaria  vitae  per- 
cipiat  in  diaconum  vel  presbyterum  ordinaverit " ;  Synod. 
Exon.  A.D.  1287,  c.  8,  "  Caveant  ad  sacros  ordines  promo- 
vendi  ut  titutum  habeant  sufficientem  ";  Sarum  Pontifical 
.ip.  Maskell,  Mon.  Bit.  vol.  iii.  p.  156,  "  Nullus'  sine  vero 
titulo  vel  cujus  titulus  ad  non  titulum  est  redactus." 


that  a  bishop  shall  be  "  apt  to  teach  "  (SiSaKTiKus, 
1  Tim.  iii.  2,  which  is  paraphrased  in  Const! 
Apost.  7,  31,  into  Swa/jcevovs  SiSdaKeif  rhv  \6yov 
Trjs  eiia-ffidas),  but  early  Christian  literature 
distinctly  contemplates  the  existence  of  an  un- 
lettered bishop  (Aiar.  KXri/j..  16  (18),  iraiSeias 
fieroxos,  Swduevos  ras  ypacpas  fpfxriueveiu  •  e  I 
Se  ay p a. /J. /J. ar OS,  Trpavs  inrdpx'^'^  Kal  rrj  ayaTn) 
eis  TrdvTas  irepiaa-eveToi').  For  the  first  four 
centuries  there  are  no  conciliar  or  other  regula- 
tions requiring  knowledge  of  letters  as  a  qualifi- 
cation for  orders  ;  and  Jerome  expressly  mentions 
that,  in  his  time,  "  judicio  Domini  et  populorum 
sutfragio  in  sacerdotium  simplices  p.e.  illiterate 
persons]  eligi ;  saltem  illud  habeant  ut  postquam 
sacerdotes  fuerint  ordinati  discant  legem  Dei  ut 
possint  docere  quod  didicerint  et  augeant  scien- 
tiam  magis  quam  opes  "  (S.  Hieron.  Comment,  in 
Aggae,  c.  2,  v.  11,  vi.  p.  761).  But  in  the  5th 
century  the  altered  position  of  the  clergy  in 
reference  to  the  laity,  the  formation  of  a  liturgv, 
and  the  growing  tendency  to  lay  stress  on  for- 
mulae, rendered  it  necessary  to  lay  a  stress 
which  had  not  been  laid  before  on  the  possession 
of  certain  rudiments  of  education.  A  Syrian 
synod  in  405  (?)  (Mansi,  vii.  1181),  c.  26,  enacts 
that  not  even  a  subdeacon  is  to  be  ordained  until 
he  is  not  only  otherwise  instructed  in  doctrine, 
but  can  say  the  Psalter ;  and  the  Roman  council  of 
465  (?),  c.  3,  enacts  that  "inscii  quoque  litteraruni 
....  ad  sacros  ordines  aspirare  non  audeant." 
But  the  first  well-established  enactments  are 
those  of  the  civil  law.  Justin.  Novell.  6,  4,  a.d. 
535,  enacts  that  clerks  must  be  ypaiu-i-Ldrwy 
iwia-T^lxoves,  at  any  rate  presbyters  and  deacons  ; 
so  Novell.  123,  c.  12,  of  clerks  without  reservation. 
From  the  7th  century  onwards,  and  in  the  later 
canonists,  knowledge  of  letters,  the  degree  and 
kind,  however,  rarely  specified,  is  made  an  indis- 
pensable qualification :  4  Cone.  Tolet.  A.D.  633, 
c.  19;  8  Cone.  Tolet.  a.d.  653.  c.  8,  which 
specifies  the  requisite  knowledge  to  be  that  of 
"  totum  psalterium  vel  canticorum  usualium  et 
hymnorum  sive  baptizandi  supplementum  " ;  in 
England,  Dial.  Egbert.  Eborac.  c.  15  ;  among  the 
Culdees  of  Scotland  and  Ireland,  "  Prose  Rule  ot 
the  Celi  De,"  in  Reeves'  The  Culdees  of  the  Britislt 
Islands,  p.  95 ;  in  the  Prankish  kingdom,  Capit. 
Francofurt.  a.d.  794,  c.  20,  Pertz,  i.  73  ;  ia  the 
canonists,  Gratian.  p.  1,  dist.  24,  c.  5  =  D.  Ivon. 
Carnot.  Panorm.  3,  c.  21  =  ejusd.  Decret.  6, 
c.  21  ;  Burchard  Wormat.  Decret.  2,  18.  The 
further  regulations,  themselves  also  compara- 
tively rare,  which  specially  apply  to  the  higher 
orders,  corroborate  the  inference  that  the  know- 
ledge of  letters  which  was  requisite  for  admission 
to  the  lower  orders  must  at  first  have  been 
extremely  small.  2  Cone.  Aurel.  a.d.  533,  c.  16, 
enacts  that  no  one  can  be  ordained  presbyter  or 
deacon  "sine  litteris  vel  si  baptizandi  ordinem 
nesciat."  Cone.  Narbou.  a.d.  589  enacts  that 
no  bishop  is  to  ordain  an  illiterate  person  pres- 
byter or  deacon ;  if  such  persons  have  been 
already  ordained,  they  must  be  compelled  to 
learn;  if  any  one  will  not  learn,  he  must  lose 
his  stipend.  If  he  is  still  obstinate,  he  must 
be  relegated  to  a  monastery  "  quia  non  potest 
aedificare  populum."  Gregory  the  Great,  about 
the  same  time,  objects  to  Rusticus,  a  deacon  wlu) 
was  candidate  for  the  bishopric  of  Ancona,  that 
he  was  reported  not  to  know  the  Psalter,  and 
suggests  that  the  bishop  to  whom  he  is  ivriting 


1488 


ORDEKS,  HOLY 


should  find  out  "  quantos  psalmos  m  nns  teneat " 
vS.  Greg.  Magn.  Epist.  14-,  11,  vol.  ii.  p.  1269). 
No  doubt  Gregorj-'s  personal  influence  did 
much  to  raise  the  ordinary  standard  of  attain- 
ment ;  and  two  centuries  after  his  time  his  own 
works  were  ranked  with  the  Gospels,  the  Epistles, 
and  the  apostolical  canons,  as  constituting  the 
proper  objects  of  a  priest's  study:  Cone.  Mogunt. 
A.n.  813,  ^rae/.;  3  Cone.  Turon.  a.d.  813,'c.  3; 
•1  Cone.  Cahillon.  a.d.  813,  c.  1,  and  elsewhere. 
So  also  a  knowledge  of  the  calendar  was  required, 
e.  (].  by  Hincmar,  Capit.  Synod,  c.  8,  A.D.  852. 
How  much  knowledge  of  Scripture  was  required 
in  the  9th  century  is  shewn  by  the  selection  of 
passages  which  was  framed,  in  order  that  can- 
didates might  learn  it  by  heart,  by  Prudentius 
of  Troyes  (S.  Prudent.  Tree.  F/orilci/mm,  ap. 
Trombelli  Vet.  Fair.  0pp.  Bonon.  1753,  from  a 
MS.  furnished  by  Bianchini). 

In  the  East  the  standard  of  attainment  seems 
to  have  fallen  very  low.  2  Cone.  Nicaen.  a.d. 
787,  c.  2,  found  it  necessary  to  make  an  explicit 
regulation  that  every  one  who  was  advanced  to 
the  office  of  a  bishop  must  know  the  psalter  and 
be  able  to  read  the  Scriptures  and  the  canons. 
Still  later,  the  Nestoriau  canons  of  Ebedjesu 
{Tract,  vi.  c.  4,  can.  3,  ap.  Mai  Script.  Vett.  vol. 
\-.  p.  12)  enact  that  no  one  must  be  ordained 
city  deacon  who  does  not  know  the  lessons  and 
epistles,  but  a  country  deacon  maj-  in  cases  of 
emergency  be  allowed  who  knows  only  some  of 
the  i^salter.  The  implication  is  that  in  neither 
fase  was  it  required  that  he  should  be  able  to 
read,  but  only  that  he  should  know  the  pre- 
scribed portions  by  heart. 

2.  Mode  of  Testing  Qualifications.  Examination. 
— It  has  already  been  pointed  out  that  the  ecclesi- 
astical followed  the  analogy  of  the  civil  organiza- 
tion in  requiring  definite  qualifications  in  its 
officers  ;  it  is  also  probable  that  the  same  analogy 
was  followed  in  regard  to  the  mode  of  testing 
those  qualifications.  At  the  time  of  election  to 
office,  either  before  votes  were  recorded  or  before 
the  election  was  declared,  the  returning  officer  of 
an  ecclesiastical  as  of  a  civil  community  enquired 
viva  voce  whether  the  necessary  conditions  had 
been  fulfilled.  This  enquiry  was  made  not  of  the 
person  elected,  but  of  those  who  voted  for  him, 
or  who  presented  him  for  admission.  It  was  an 
enquiry  almost  entirely  into  moral  fitness.  The 
reason  which  Cyprian  gives  for  making  ecclesias- 
tical appointments  in  the  common  assembly  of 
the  church  is  that  "  in  the  presence  of  the  people 
the  crimes  of  the  bad  and  the  merits  of  the  good 
may  alike  be  disclosed,  and  that  the  ordination 
may  be  regular  and  legitimate  which  has  been 
tested  by  the  vote  and  judgment  of  all"  ("omnium 
suffragio  et  judicio  examinata,"  S.  Cyprian,  Epist. 
68,  3,  vol.  i.  p.  1026).  In  another  passage, 
Cyprian  appears  to  distinguish  between  the  testi- 
mony which  was  given  by  the  clergy  and  the 
vote  which  was  given  by  the  people  (id.  inter 
Epist.  S.  Cornel.  10  vol.  i.  p.  770).  This  testi- 
mony is  distinctly  described  by  Basil  as  the  result 
of  previous  enquiry  and  examination  (^Epist.  54 
(181)  ad  Chorepisc.  Migne,  P.  G.  vol.  xxsii.  400)  ; 
and  the  giving  of  it  formed  a  feature  in  almost  all 
rituals  of  ordination.  But  whereas  in  the  earliest 
period  the  enquiry  of  the  bishop  was  addressed  to 
and  the  testimony  given  by  the  whole  body  of  the 
clergy  of  a  church,  in  the  ensuing  period  two 
or  more  deacons  presented  and  bore  testimony  to 


ORDEES,  HOLY 

a  deacon,  two  or  more  presbyters  to  a  presbyter. 
Afterwards  the  practice  which  was  peculiar  to 
Rome  in  the  time  of  Jerome  (S.  Hieron.  Epist. 
146  (85)  ad  Evang.)  became  almost  imiversal  in 
the  West.  The  clergy  were  represented  by  the 
archdeacon  who,  as  the  chief  officer  of  the  external 
discipline  and  activity  of  the  church,  would  be 
most  likely  to  be  cognisant  of  the  current  repu- 
tation of  any  of  its  members.  (The  exceptions  to 
this  practice  are  comparatively  few  in  the  West ; 
the  Salzburg  and  Cambrai  pontificals  and  Codex 
Maffeianus  direct  a  presbyter  to  be  presented  by 
two  presbyters,  and  the  bishop's  questions  are 
addressed  to  the  bystanders,  which  ma)'  mean  of 
all  the  clergy  in  the  sanctuary.)  So  important 
was  this  function  of  the  archdeacon  that  Balsa- 
mon  (Ralle  and  Potl^,  '2,vvTay.  Kav.  vol.  iv.  p.  480) 
expresses  a  doubt  whether  a  deacon  could  be  or- 
dained without  it.  But  this  public  examination 
tended  to  become  a  mere  form,  and  was  found  to 
be  insixfficient.  Popular  testimony  was  apt  to  be 
partial.  The  bishop  himself  was  required  to  take 
more  active  steps  to  ascertain  that  the  ordained 
was  worthy.  Chrysostom  {Horn,  in  p)a>'ah.  cle  dec. 
mill,  talent.,  Op.  ed.  Migne,  vol.  iii.  p.  23)  warns  his 
fellow  bishops  that  this  is  one  of  the  things  for 
which  they  will  have  to  give  an  accovmt.  Justinian 
(^Xovcll.  137,  c.  1)  speaks  of  the  scandal  which  had 
arisen  from  clerks  having  been  ordained  without 
due  examination.  The  third  council  of  Carthage, 
c.  22,  and  the  third  of  Braga,  A.d.  572,  c.  3,  both 
lay  stress  on  such  examination  in  addition  to  the 
requirement  of  testimony  ("  oportet  non  per 
gratiam  munerum  sed  per  diligentem  prius 
discussionem,  deinde  per  multorum  testimonium 
clericos  ordinare  ").  In  order  that  such  an  ex- 
amination might  be  more  eflective,  Gregory  the 
Great  advised  Adeodatus  to  associate  with  him- 
self "  graves  expertosque  viros  "  (^Epist.  iii.  49, 
vol.  ii.  p.  660)  ;  and  this  became  ultimately  the 
general  practice  throughout  the  West.  The 
mediaeval  rule  was  based  by  the  canonists  (Gratian, 
pars  1,  dist.  24,  c.  5 ;  Ivo  Carnot.  Panorm.  3,  c. 
21,  Decret.  6,  c.  21  ;  Burchard  Wormat.  2,  c.  1) 
on  a  canon  of  an  otherwise  unknown  council 
(Cone.  Nannetense,  al.  Manetense,  said  to  have 
been  held  in  A.D.  895,  in  the  pontificate  of  For- 
mosus),  which,  as  it  to  a  great  extent  governs  the 
modern  Roman,  and  also  the  English,  practice, 
may  be  quoted  here :  "  Quando  episcopus  ordina- 
tiones  facere  disponit  onines  qui  ad  sacrum  niin- 
isterium  accedere  volunt  feria  quarta  ante  ipsam 
ordinationem  evocandi  sunt  ad  civitatem  una  cum 
[archijpresbyteris  qui  eos  repraesentare  debent ; 
et  tunc  episcopus  a  latere  suo  eligere  debet  sacer- 
dotes  et  alios  prudentes  viros  gnaros  divinae  legis 
et  exercitatos  in  ecclesiasticis  sanctionibus  qui 
ordinandorum  vitam,  genus,  patriam,  aetatem, 
institutionem,  locum  ubi  educati  sunt,  si  bene 
sunt  literati,  si  instructi  in  lege  Domini,  diligen- 
ter  investigent ;  ante  omnia  si  fidem  catholicam 
firmiter  teneant  et  verbis  simplicibus  asserere 
queant  .  .  .  Ita  per  tres  continues  dies  diligenter 
examinentur  et  sic  sabbato  qui  probati  inventi 
sunt  episcoporepraesententur."  This  examination 
was  in  some  dioceses  supplemented,  in  the  case  of 
a  presbyter,  by  a  further  public  examination  at 
the  time  of  ordination  in  regard  to  his  willing- 
ness to  be  ordained,  and  to  be  obedient  to  his 
bishop  (so  the  Mainz  and  Soissons  pontificals, 
published  by  Martene  ;  one  of  the  Corbey  ponti- 
ficals, published  by  Morin ;  and  Hittorp,  Ordo 


OKDEES,  HOLY 

Eomanus,  p.  93)  ;  the  former  of  these  questions  of 
examination  was  probably  intended  to  guard 
against  the  ordinations  of  persons  against  their 
will  (as  in  the  case  of  Paulinus,  S.  Hieron.  Epist. 
51,  60,  vol.  i.  p.  2-il,  or  of  Bassianus,  Acta  Cone. 
Ghalc.  xi.  ap.  Mansi,  vol.  vii.  p.  278),  the  latter  to 
secure  the  often  contested  rights  of  bishops  over 
parochial  clergy  [Parish]. 

There  was  a  further  test,  which  was,  however, 
rather  negative  than  positive,  in  the  appeal  to 
the  people  at  the  time  of  ordination.  It  is  pro- 
bable [see  Ordination]  that  originally  all  ap- 
pointments to  ecclesiastical  office  were  made  by 
popular  election  ;  subsequently  names  were  pro- 
posed by  the  clergy  or  by  the  bishop,  and  although 
the  form  of  a  popular  election  still  remained,  yet 
the  part  of  the  people  was  confined  to  the  exclama- 
tion &^ios,  "  dignus  est  "  ;  ultimately  that  which 
survived  was  the  appeal  of  the  bishop  to  the 
people  that,  if  any  one  knew  any  reason  why  the 
person  elected  should  not  be  ordained,  he  should 
come  forth  and  declare  it.  A  novel  of  Justinian 
(^Novell.  123,  c.  14,  and,  in  effect,  137,  c.  3)  regu- 
lates the  procedure  in  case  of  an  objection  appear- 
ing ;  but  the  canon  law  appears  only  to  provide 
for  the  general  case  of  a  bishop  knowingly,  or 
after  warning,  ordaining  an  unqualified  person 
(e.g.  3  Cone.  Aurcl.  a.d.  538,  c.  6).  It  is  pro- 
bable that  a  person  who  made  an  objection  which 
he  did  not  succsed  in  substantiating  was  liable 
to  the  penalty  of  excommunication  which  fol- 
lowed all  false  accusations  of  clerks  (Cone.  lilib. 
c.  75,  Agath.  c.  31),  and  also  that  an  objector 
must  himself  be  a  faithful  member  of  the  church 

,      and  of  irreproachable  character  (3  Cone.  Carth. 

^  c.  8  ;  Cone.  Chalc.  c.  21)  ;  hence  the  clause,  which 
still  remains  in  the  Roman  pontifical,  in  the  ap- 
l^eal  of  the  bishop  to  the  people,  "  si  quis  &c.  .  . 
verum  memor  sit  conditionis  suae."  But  that 
the  checks  thus  imposed  on  groundless  accusations 
were  not  intended  to  crush  enquiry  is  shewn  by 
the  fact  that,  when  the  extension  of  the  area  of 
dioceses,  and  the  multiplication  of  parishes  within 
the  limits  of  a  single  diocese,  made  the  appeal  to 
the  people  in  the  cathedral  church  at  the  time 
of  ordination  less  effective  than  it  had  originally 
been,  an  additional  test  was  imposed  by  making 
a  previous  appeal  to  the  people  of  the  parish  in 
which  the  ordinaud  lived. 

Ultimately  there  were  four,  and  in  some  cases 
five,  tests  which  every  ordinaud  had  to  satisfy. 
1.  He  must  have  the  testimony  of  the  presbyter 
<if  his  parish.  This  was  originally  given  viva 
voce  at  the  time  of  ordination,  and  the  presbyter 
•or  archpresbyter  presented  the  ordinaud  per- 
sonally to  the  bishop  ("  qui  eos  repraeseutare 
debent,"  in  the  Cone.  Nannet.  quoted  above)  ; 
afterwards  it  was  given  in  writing,  and  the 
archdeacon  presented  and  bore  testimony  to  all 
ordinands  alike,  both  those  of  whom  he  had  per- 
sonal knowledge  and  those  who  had  the  testi- 
mony of  other  presbyters.  2.  He  must  produce 
•evidence  that  his  intention  had  been  publicly 
declared  in  the  parish  in  which  he  lived,  and 
that  no  objector  had  come  forward.  3.  He  must 
not  have  been  objected  to,  or,  if  objected  to, 
must  have  been  cleared  from  the  objection  at 
the  time  of  ordination.  4.  He  must  have  been 
personally  tested  by  the  bishop,  assisted  by 
other  competent  persons.  (It  is  possible  that 
the  testimony  of  the  archdeacon  in  the  modern 
English  ordinal  may  partly  refer  to  this  exami- 


ORDEES,  HOLY 


1489 


nation ;  out  the  foct  that  the  Cone.  Nannet., 
which  forms  the  canonical  authority  for  the 
practice,  does  not  mention  the  archdeacon,  shew.'; 
that  originally  the  examination  by  the  bishop 
and  the  enquiry  by  the  archdeacon  were  distinct. 
The  earliest  mention  of  the  archdeacon  in  con- 
nexion with  this  examination  is  in  late  pontificals  : 
e.g.  Cod.  Vat.  No.  4744.)  5.  The  public  exa- 
mination by  the  bishop,  which  forms  part  of  the 
modern  English  ordinal,  is  an  extension,  appa- 
rently without  early  precedent,  of  the  examina- 
tion mentioned  above,  into  an  ordinaud 's  v.'ill- 
inguess  to  be  ordained  and  to  obey  his  diocesan. 
In  the  Roman  pontifical  it  follows  ordination, 
and  is  treated  not  as  an  examination,  but  as  a 
contract  {Pontif.  Rom.  pars  i.  tit.  12,  §§  29,  30). 

V.  Civil  St.4.tus,  Manner  I  of  Life,  and 
Discipline  of  Persons  in  Holy  Orders.— 
(i.)  Civil  Status:  1.  In  the  pre-Constantinian 
period  of  church  history  the  oificers  of  the  church 
had,  of  course,  no  distinct  civil  status.  They  were 
liable  to  the  same  burdens  as  all  other  citizens, 
whether  Christian  or  pagan ;  they  had  to  take 
their  places  among  the  decuriones,  to  act  as 
trustees,  and  to  serve  in  the  army.  Nor  is  there 
any  strong  presumption  that  the  discharge  of 
such  functions,  except  where  it  involved  the 
recognition  of  the  State  religion,  was  exception- 
ally distasteful.  The  sentiment  of  the  incom- 
patibility of  church  offices  with  active  civil  life 
first  appears  in  North  Africa.  In  the  busy  com- 
mercial towns  of  that  thriving  district  the 
Christian  communities  were  numerous,  and  the 
work  which  devolved  upon  their  officers  was 
consequently  considerable.  At  the  same  time 
such  officers  were  among  the  most  intelligent  and 
most  trustworthy  citizens.  They  were  conse- 
quently in  demand  for  civil  offices  of  trust.  But 
when  thus  "  saeculo  obstricti "  (Tertull.  de 
Praescript.  haeret.  c.  41)  their  attention  was 
liable  to  be  distracted,  and  the  administration  of 
ecclesiastical  affairs  to  suffer.  Such  employ- 
ments, so  far  as  they  were  voluntarily  under- 
taken and  not  imposed  by  the  civil  power,  were 
therefore  discouraged.  In  addition  to  this,  the 
analogy  between  the  Christian  ministry  and  the 
Jewish  priesthood  was  beginning  to  assert  itself 
in  practice,  and  the  frequent  outbreaks  of  perse- 
cvition  made  the  antithesis  between  the  church 
and  the  world  exceptionally  strong.  The  writings 
of  Cyprian  contain  frequent  protests  against  the 
combination  of  church  office  with  civil  life :  he 
inveighs  against  commercial  bishops  (De  Lapsis, 
c.  6):  he  claims  for  church  officers  that  they 
ought  "  nonnisi  altari  et  sacrificiis  deservire  et 
precibus  atque  orationibus  vacare "  (Epist.  66 
(1),  vol.  ii.  p.  397);  and  consequently  since 
Geminius  Victor  had  named  Faustinus,  a  pres- 
byter, as  his  executor,  he  inflicts  upon  the  former 
a  posthumous  punishment,  "  non  est  quod  pro 
dormitione  ejus  apud  vos  fiat  oblatio  aut  depre- 
catio  aliqua  nomine  ejus  in  ecclesia  frequen- 
tetur  "  (ibid.). 

2.  But  from  the  time  of  the  recoguition  of 
Christianity  by  the  Empire,  several  powerful 
causes  contributed  to  foster  the  nascent  tendency 
to  separate  church  officers  iuto  a  class  distinct, 
both  civilly  and  socially,  from  the  ordinary  mem- 
bers of  the  Christian  communities. 

(a)  The  first  of  these  causes  was  the  conces- 
sion to  clerks  of  the  immunities  from  public 
burdens    which    had   been    enjoyed    by    certain 


1490 


OEDEKS,  HOLY 


classes  of  heatlien  priests,  and  which  continued 
to  be  enjoyed  by  some  of  the  liberal  professions. 
[Immunities,  Vol.  I.  p.  882.] 

But  although  the  existence  of  these  immu- 
nities operated  powerfully  to  give  clerks  a  dis- 
tinct status,  and  although  the  enactment  of 
frequent  safeguards  against  their  abuse  shews 
that  they  were  largely  acted  upon,  and  al- 
though, moreover,  it  was  unlikely  that  anyone 
who  could  claim  exemption  from  public  burdens 
would  voluntarily  undertake  them,  still  it  is 
clear  that  the  concession  did  not  act  as  a  prohi- 
bition, and  that  church  officers  were  still  en- 
tangled with  civil  affairs  and  engaged  in  com- 
mercial pursuits.  There  is  a  wide  difference 
between  exemption  from,  and  ineligibility  for, 
the  discharge  of  civil  functions:  the  empire 
granted  the  former,  the  church  came  to  impose 
the  latter.  But  it  was  not  until  the  Council  of 
Chalcedon  that  the  holding  of  civil  office,  or  the 
administration  of  secular  business,  became  an 
offence  against  ecclesiastical  law ;  and  it  was  not 
until  eighty  years  after  that  council  that  the 
civil  law  finally  prohibited  any  of  the  higher 
municipal  officers  from  being  elected  presbyters 
or  bisliops  (Cod.  .Justin,  i.  o,  53  (52),  A.D.  532 ; 
cf.  also  Justin.  Novell.  123,  c.  15). 

(6)  A  second  important  and  concurrent  cause 
was  that  clerks  came  to  be  in  certain  cases 
exempted  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  ordinary 
courts  of  law.  The  granting  of  this  exemption 
was  of  itself  a  recognition  of  clerks  as  a  distinct 
class,  and  the  continued  existence  of  it  naturally 
tended  to  increase  the  class  feeling.  The  date 
of  the  earliest  concession  is  not  certain:  Haenel, 
Corpus  Legum  ante  Justinianum  latarum,  p.  204, 
gathers  from  Sozom.  H.  E.  i.  9,  Niceph.  Call. 
//.  E.  vii.  46,  S.  Ambros.  Epist.  ii.  13,  that  it  was 
made  by  Constautine  about  A.D.  331.  But  it  is 
not  clear  that  either  Constautine  or  his  imme- 
diate successors  did  more  than  recognise  the 
validity  of  church  discipline  ;  i.e.  of  the  voluntary 
jurisdiction  to  which  the  members  of  Christian 
societies  had  submitted  themselves. 

(c)  A  third  cause  was  that  after  the  time  of 
Constautine  the  funds  of  the  churches  no  longer 
consisted  wholly  of  voluntary  and  temporary 
offerings.  The  churches  could  inherit  and  hold 
property  (law  of  Constantino  in  321,  Cod. 
Theodos.  xvi.  2,  4).  The  provincial  governors 
were  required  to  furnish  annual  provision  not 
only  to  clerks  but  also  to  widows  and  virgins  on 
the  church-roll  (Inc.  Auct.  de  Constant,  ap. 
Haenel,  Corpus  Legum  ante  Justin,  lat.  p.  196 ; 
the  regulation  was  repealed  by  Julian  but 
restored  by  his  successor,  Sozom.  H.  E.  v.  5 ; 
Theodoret.  iv.  4).  A  fixed  proportion  of  the  land 
revenues  of  every  city  was  assigned  to  the 
churches  and  clergy  (Sozom.  H.  E.  i.  S;  Niceph. 
Call.  vii.  46  :  cf.  Euseb.  //.  ^.  x.  6  ;  Vit.  'Const. 
iv.  28).  The  rich  endowments  of  pagan  temples 
were  transferred  in  some  cases  to  the  newly- 
recognised  religion :  for  example,  Constautine 
gave  the  church  of  Alexandria  the  revenues  of 
ihe  temple  of  the  Sun  (Sozom.  v.  7)  ;  and  Theo- 
dosius  gave  the  same  church  the  wealth  of  the 
temple  of  Serapis  (id.  v.  16).  It  is  true  that 
these  endowments  did  not  in  the  fourth  century 
reach  all  the  clergy :  for  example,  Basil  speaks 
of  his  clergy  as  gaining  their  livelihood  by 
sedentary  handicrafts  (rcis  ISpaias  roiv  rexfS"', 
Epist.    198  (263)),    and   of  a   fellow-presbyter, 


ORDERS,  HOLY 

before  his  elevation  to  the  episcopate,  as  working 
for  him  (Ko^ret  ov  ixerpiccs  7]fuf  virripeTwv  Trpoi 
rhy  ^ioy,  Epist.  36  (228)).  But  the  fact  of 
church  officers  being  raised,  especially  in  the 
great  centres  of  population,  such  as  Constanti- 
nople and  Alexandria,  above  the  necessity  of 
work,  and  of  their  being  thus  withdrawn  from 
some  of  the  most  intimate  associations  of  ordinary 
life,  must  have  contributed,  probably  more  than 
any  other  single  cause,  to  isolate  them  from  the 
rest  of  the  community. 

The  result  of  these  and  other  co-operating 
influences  was  that  by  the  close  of  the  fifth 
century  the  officers  of  the  Christian  church 
enjoyed  a  unique  position  among  the  citizens  of 
the  Empire.  Exempt,  to  a  great  extent,  from 
public  burdens,  fenced  round  with  special  privi- 
leges even  in  civil  procedure,  and  endowed  witli 
revenues  which  the  State  had  given  them  special 
facilities  for  holding,  they  became  not  merely 
civilly  distinct,  but  the  most  powerful  class  in 
the  civilised  world.  In  the  East  their  statu.s 
remained  practically  what  the  early  emperors 
had  made  it  until  the  final  fall  of  the  Eastern 
empire.  But  in  the  West,  it  was  not  maintained 
without  a  struggle.  For  example,  the  law  of 
Valens  and  Valentinian  (Cod.  Theodos.  xvi.  2, 
23)  had  recognised  the  jurisdiction  of  local 
synods  in  all  ecclesiastical  causes:  this  enact- 
ment was  repeated,  though  without  its  subse- 
quent extensions,  in  the  Visigothic  Code  ;  but  it 
is  clear  from  the  "  interpretatio,"  and  from  ;ill 
the  "epitomes,"  that  it  was  understood  to  apjily 
only  to  disputes  "  inter  clericos  "  (cf.  the  texts 
in  Haenel,  Lex  Romana  Visigothorum,  p.  24G). 
Even  when  under  the  Carolingians  the  Easteru 
canon  law  began  to  be  recognised  in  the  West, 
and  to  be  quoted  in  Capitularies,  it  is  extreme]}" 
doubtful  whether  such  a  recognition  amounted 
to  a  re-enactment,  and  whether  the  claims  of 
clerks  to  such  a  separate  civil  status  as  involved 
separate  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  were  ever 
allowed.  (For  the  discussion  of  the  question  see 
Dove,  de  jurisdictionis  ecclesiasticae  apud  Gcrmanos 
Gallosque  progressu,  Berlin,  1855 ;  Boretius,  die 
Capitrdarien  im  Langdbardenreich,  Halle,  1864; 
Sohm,  die  geistliche  GericMsbarkeit  im  friin/dschen 
Reich,  in  the  Zeitschrift  f.  Kir chenr edit,  vol.  ix. 
pp.  193  sqq.) 

(ii.)  Manner  of  Life. — The  distinction  between 
clergy  and  laity  was  of  slow  growth,  and  the 
result  of  many  co-operating  causes.  Even  in 
divine  service  it  was  not  strongly  defined:  in 
social  life  it  hardly  existed  at  all.  Like  the  suc- 
cessors of  the  non-juring  bishops  in  the  eighteenth 
century,  or  like  the  earlier  preachers  of  tlie 
Wesleyan  Methodists,  the  officers  of  the  early 
Christian  communities  worked  at  trades,  kept 
shops,  took  part  in  municipal  affairs,  and  wore 
the  dress  of  ordinary  citizens.  (See,  for  examples. 
Funk,  Handel  und  Gewerbe  im  Christl.  Altert/mm, 
in  the  TheoL  Quartalschrift,  vol.  Iviii.  1876,  pp. 
371  sqq.;  Commerce,  Vol.  I.  p.  411.)  There 
was  no  sense  of  incongruity  in  their  doing  so- 
The  Apostolical  Constitutions  repeat  with  em- 
phasis the  apostolical  injunction,  "  That  if  any 
man  would  not  work,  neither  should  he  eat " 
(2  Thess.  iii.  10),  and  appeal  to  the  example  of 
the  Apostles  themselves  as  fishermen,  tent- 
makers,  and  tillers  of  the  ground.  But  since 
every  church  was,  as  every  Jewish  synagogue 
had  com.e  to  be  after  the  virtual  fusion  of  syua- 


ORDEES,  HOLY 

Sogues  and  synedria,  a  court  of  discipline  ;  and 
since  the  chief  function  of  the  officers  of  the 
church,  as  officers  of  discipline,  was  to  maintain 
in  the  Christian  churches  a  higher  standard  of 
morality  than  prevailed  in  the  heathen  world, 
there  was  from  the  first  the  feeling  that  those 
who  judged  others  should,  in  the  respects  of 
which  they  took  judicial  cognizance,  themselves 
be  blameless.  The  apostolic  admonition  to 
Timothy  was  of  universal  application,  "  Be  thou 
an  example  of  the  believers,  in  word,  in  conver- 
sation, in  charity,  in  spirit,  in  faith,  in  purity " 
(1  Tim.  iv.  12).  If  a  church  officer  failed  in  these 
respects,  it  was  competent  for  the  church  of 
which  he  was  an  officer  to  remove  him.  (This 
is  clearly  implied  in  Clem.  Rom.  i.  44.)  But 
this  was  obviously  an  inconvenient  form  of  pro- 
cedure, especially  when  the  list  of  oflences  was 
undefined ;  and  it  was  gradually  supplanted  by 
the  elaborate  system  of  synods,  provincial, 
diocesan,  and  oecumenical,  which  has  been 
described  above.  The  general  regulations  which 
these  synods  laid  down,  present,  as  far  as  they 
have  been  preserved,  an  accurate  picture  not 
only  of  the  ideal  but  also  of  the  actual  state  of 
the  clergy  in  various  pai-ts  of  Christendom. 
They  are  in  some  cases  extremely  minute.  They 
probably  grew  in  most  instances  out  of  individual 
cases  which  arose,  the  decisions  in  such  cases 
being  framed  as  general  rules  for  future  guidance. 
They  were  for  the  most  part  only  valid  in  the 
province  or  diocese  in  which  they  were  framed  ; 
and  valuable  as  they  are  in  enabling  us  to  arrive 
at  the  state  of  opinion  at  a  particular  time  in  a 
particular  country,  they  must  not  be  regarded 
j  as  having  had,  at  least  in  the  first  instance,  the 
t  character  of  general  laws.  In  later  times,  when 
!■  a  large  number  of  these  decisions  and  regula- 
tions were  collected  together  by  Dionysias 
Exiguus,  Ferrandus,  and  others ;  and  in  still 
later  times,  when  these  earlier  collections  were 
amalgamated  with  other  elements  into  a  corpus 
of  canon  law,  the  decisions  of  local  councils 
received  an  authority  which  they  had  not  at 
first  possessed :  but  for  the  purposes  of  church 
history  and  church  antiquities,  it  is  of  great 
importance  to  bear  in  mind  in  each  case  the 
circumstances  of  their  origin  and  the  limits  of 
their  validity.  If  these  necessary  limitations 
be  borne  in  mind,  it  will  be  found  that  during 
the  first  four  centuries  the  ecclesiastical  regula- 
tions which  afiected  the  social  life  of  church 
officers  were  comparatively  fev,'-  in  number.  In 
the  East  the  most  important  of  such  regulations 
were  that  clerks  should  not  take  usury  (Cone. 
Nicaen.  c.  17,  Laod.  c.  4,  Can.  Apost.  44) ;  that 
they  should  not  be  present  at  the  immoral 
masquerades  of  banquets  or  marriages  (Laod.  c. 
54);  that  they  should  not  bathe  with  women 
(Laod.  c.  30) ;  that  they  should  not  dine  at  club 
dinners  (ervfj-Trocna  ek  (n/jU)3oArjs,  Laod.  c.  55) ;  or 
enter  a  tavern  except  on  a  journey  (Laod.  c.  24, 
Can.  Apost.  54).  In  North  Africa  the  regula- 
tions are  mainly  to  the  same  effect :  clerks  must 
not  take  usury  (1  Carth.  c.  13  ;  3  Carth.  c.  16); 
or  go  to  taverns  (3  Carth.  c.  27,  =  Cod.  Eccles. 
Afric.  c.  40)  ;  nor  may  even  their  sons  exhibit 
or  witness  secular  games  (3  Carth.  c.  11).  (The 
minute  regulations  of  the  Statt.  Ecd.  Antiq., 
frequently  cited  as  4  Cone.  Carth.,  especially  c. 
45-63,  almost  certainly  belong  to  a  later  period.) 
In  Gaul  and  Spain  the  enactments  against  taking 

CHRIST.    ANT. — VOL.    II. 


ORDEES,  HOLY 


L491 


usury  are  found  in  four  councils  of  this  period 

Illib.  c.  20 ;  1  Arelat.  c.  12  ;  2  Arelat.  c.  14 ;  1 
Turon.  c.  13.  The  fact  that  clerks  had  not  yet 
ceased  to  trade  is  indicated  by  the  enactment  that 
bishops,  presbyters,  and  deacons  were  not  to  trade 
out  of  their  provinces  nor  go  about  the  country 
in  search  of  the  most  profitable  markets  (Illib.  c. 
18).  But  although  the  regulations  were  neither 
numerous  nor  stringent,  there  is  no  doubt  that 
by  the  end  of  the  fifth  century  the  officers  of 
the  church,  throughout  the  greater  part  of 
Christendom,  had  become  a  class  socially  as  well 
as  civilly  distinct  from  its  ordinary  members. 
The  theory  of  the  church  was  more  conservative 
than  its  practice.  The  form  of  the  primitive 
"canon,"  or  church-roll,  still  remained.  The 
various  ranks  still  shaded  oft'  into  one  another. 
The  "  order "  of  the  laity  still  held  its  place 
side  by  side  by  the  "  orders "  of  presbyters, 
deacons,  readers,  and  widows.  But  the  later 
conception  of  the  clergy  had  been  formed,  and 
was  beginning  to  express  itself.  The  social  dis- 
tinction between  church  officers  and  ordinary 
members  was  accentuated  by  two  circumstances, 
which,  though  slight  in  themselves,  and  in  the 
first  instance  rather  effects  than  causes,  helped 
materially  to  increase  it :  the  one  was  the  adop- 
tion of  a  peculiar  dress,  the  other  was  the 
adoption  of  a  peculiar  mode  of  wearing  the  hair, 
(rt)  The  first  of  these  had  shewn  itself  at  the 
beginning  of  the  fifth  century,  but  only  in  the 
form  of  a  tendency  to  wear  garments  of  a  more 
sober  hue  than  was  customary.  Jerome  dis- 
courages it:  "vestes  pullas  aeque  devita  ut 
Candidas "  (S.  Hieron.  Epist.  52  (2)  ad  Nepot. 
§  9).  It  was  succeeded  by  a  tendency  to  preserve 
the  older  form.s  of  dress,  instead  of  following  the 
changes  of  fashion  ;  and  ultimately,  chiefly  under 
the  influence  of  the  monasteries  and  the  canonical 
rule,  the  "  habitus  laicorum "  (Pippin.  Capit. 
Suession.  §  3,  A.D  744;  Pertz,  Legum,  i.  p.  21) 
was  absolutely  forbidden  [see  Dress,  Vol.  I.  p. 
582].  Qj)  The  second  mark  of  distinction  was 
slow  in  its  growth,  but  strong  in  its  influence. 
At  first  all  that  was  insisted  upon  was  that  the 
hair  should  not  be  worn  long  or  elaborately 
dressed;  consequently  the  earlier  references  to 
the  subject — e.g.  Sidon.  Apollin.  EpAst.  viii.  9 ; 
Arator,  Epist.  ad  Parthen.  69,  70,  ap.  Migne, 
Patr.  Lat.  vol.  Ixviii.  251 — do  not  prove  that  what 
was  afterwards  known  as  the  TONSURE  actually 
existed.  But  in  the  latter  part  of  the  sixth 
century  the  tonsure  appears  to  have  become 
definitely  established  as  a  mark  of  separation 
between  clergy  and  laity:  this  is  clear  from 
Greg.  Turon.  Lib.  de  Gloria  Confessor,  c.  32,  p.  92 ; 
id.  Vit.  Patr.  c.  17,  p.  1233 ;  and  from  the  fact 
that  Gregory  the  Great  defends  its  use  on  scrip- 
tural grounds  (^Peg.  Pastoral,  pars  2,  c.  7 ;  id. 
Epist.  lib.  i.  25,  p.  514,  quoting  Ezek.  xliv.  20 : 
but  it  may  be  remarked,  as  an  indication  of  the 
later  origin  of  the  practice,  that  Jerome  in 
writing  upon  that  passage  of  Ezekiel  makes  no 
mention  of  it,  the  words  which  are  found  in 
most  editions  being  confessedly  interpolated : 
S.  Hieron.  in  Ezech.  lib.  xiii.  c.  44,  vol.  v.  p.  547). 

In  the  meantime  the  inner  life  and  discipline 
of  the  class  which  was  thus  being  formed  was 
largely  influenced  by  the  growth  and  wide  exten- 
sion of  monasticism.  This  influence  is  especially 
shewn  in  the  tendency  to  live  in  community 

This  tendency  to  live  in  community  has  some- 
5  D 


1492 


OEDERS,  HOLY 


times  been  traced  to  much  earlier  times.  But 
although  there  are  indications  that  in  primitive 
times  all  who  were  on  the  church-roll,  whether 
as  officers,  widows,  virgins,  or  poor,  shared  a 
common  fund  and  a  common  meal ;  there  are  no 
indications  that  they  lived  together,  until  in  the 
fourth  century  church  officers  began  to  form  a 
distinct  class.  The  system  which  afterwards 
prevailed  appears  to  have  originated  with  Euse- 
bius  of  Vercelli,  f  371,  who  "  gathered  together 
all  the  clerks  into  the  fold  of  a  single  habitation, 
that  those  whose  purpose  in  religion  was  one 
and  undivided  might  have  a  common  life  and  a 
common  refection"  (S.  Maxim.  Scrm.  23,  ap. 
Muratori,  Anecd.  Lat.  vol.  iv.,  Migne,  Patr.  Lat. 
vol.  Ivii. ;  see  also  S.  Ambros.  Eijist.  Ixiii.  c.  66, 
82,  vol.  ii.  pars  1,  p.  1038 ;  Ps.-Ambros.  Serm. 
56,  vol.  ii.  pars  '2,  p.  468,  ascribed,  perhaps 
correctly,  to  S.  Maximus,  ap.  Muratori,  I.  c,  and 
Migne,  vol.  Ivii.  p.  886) ;  and  probably  from  the 
example  thus  set  by  Eusebius  and  strongly 
approved  by  Ambrose,  it  was  established  by 
Augustine  in  his  own  diocese  in  North  Africa, 
expressly  on  the  monastic  principle  of  the  re- 
nunciation of  private  property  by  those  who 
thus  lived  together,  and  who  are  hence  called 
''  monasterium  clericorum  "  (S.  Augustin.  Serm. 
355  =  de  divers.  49,  Op.  ed.  Migne,  Patr.  Lat., 
vol.  V.  p.  1570 ;  see  also  the  following  sermon). 
In  the  course  of  the  next  three  centuries  it 
seems  to  have  become  the  prevailing  system  of 
clerical  life  throughout  the  greater  part  of  the 
West.  The  city  clergy  lived  together  under  the 
eye  of  the  bishop;  they  dined  at  a  common 
table ;  they  even  slept  together  in  a  common 
chamber  (4  Cone.  Tolet.  a.d.  633,  c.  23,  makes 
special  provision  for  the  case  of  aged  or  infirm 
bishops,  priests,  or  deacons,  who  required  separate 
cells).  The  country  presbyters  in  the  same  way 
were  each  at  the  head  of  a  "  domus  ecclesiae," 
in  which,  as  the  tendency  grew  tip  to  dedicate 
boys  to  the  service  of  the  church  in  their  earliest 
years,  they  educated  such  boys  and  trained  them 
for  the  higher  orders.  Those  who  so  lived 
together,  whether  in  the  cathedral  city  or  in 
the  country  parishes,  appear  to  have  been  called 
"  canonici,"  and  to  have  had  their  definite  por- 
tions of  the  offerings  which  were  made  to  their 
respective  churches.  Occasionally  we  find  that 
a  special  endowment  was  made  for  the  support 
of  their  common  table  (S.  Greg.  Turon.  H.  F. 
X.  16,  p.  535  of  Baudin,  bp.  of  Tours  in  the 
time  of  Clothair  I.,  "hie  instituit  mensam 
canonicorum;"  cf.  the  will  of  a  bishop  of  Le 
]Mans  circ.  a.d.  615,  ap.  Mabillon,  Vett.  Anal. 
i.  254).  But  as  the  system  became  general,  it 
was  found  that  neither  the  ecclesiastical  canons 
nor  the  personal  control  of  the  bishop  were 
sufficient  to  prevent  a  laxity  of  life  among  those 
who  thus  lived  together;  the  "canonici"  con- 
trasted unfavourably  with  the  monks  who  lived 
under  the  stern  rc'ijime  of  St.  Benedict.  Con- 
sequently it  was  found  advisable  to  frame  a  rule 
of  life  for  "  canonici  "  as  well  as  for  monks,  and 
from  the  middle  of  the  eighth  century  almost  all 
Western  clergy  became  "  canonici  regulares " 
[see  Caxonici,  Vol.  1.  p.  282 ;  to  which  may  be 
added  the  important  dissertation  of  Muratori, 
de  Canonicis,  in  his  Antiquit.  Ital.  vol.  v.  p. 
183  sqq. ;  and  a  note  to  one  of  the  canons  of 
the  English  Legatine  Synods  in  Haddan  and 
Stulbs,  vol.  i.  p.  461,  which  however  admits  of 


ORDEES,  HOLY 

some  question].  The  ideal  of  this  canonical  life, 
or  "  vita  communis,"  is  found  not  only  in  the 
formal  rules  of  Chrodegang  (Mansi,  vol.  xiv, 
313,  Migne,  Patr.  Lat.  vol.  Ixxxix.  1097 ;  and  in 
its  longer  form,  Harzheim,  Concil.  Germ,  vol.i.  96 ; 
D'Achery,  Spicilcgium,  vol.  i.  565),  or  of  Ama- 
larius  (Harzheim,  I.  c,  Migne,  Patr.  Lat.  vol. 
cv.  815),  but  also  in  the  letter  of  Pope  Urban  in 
the  Pseudo-lsidorian  additions  to  the  Decretals 
(Hinschius,  p.  143).  But  unfortunately  it  has  its 
darker  side :  the  penitential  books  of  the  eighth 
and  ninth  centuries,  even  if  it  be  allowed  that 
some  of  the  offences  there  mentioned  are  rather 
imaginary  than  actual,  shew  that  at  any  rate  in 
Northern  Europe  the  standard  of  clerical  life 
had  been  rather  lowered  than  raised  by  its  dis- 
sociation from  the  common  life  of  the  Christian 
world. 

(iii.)  Discipline. — There  is  no  evidence  of  the 
existence  in  the  earliest  period  of  any  special 
discipline  for  church  officers.  The  distinction 
between  the  law  of  life  which  was  current 
among  the  mass  of  men,  and  that  which  was 
binding  on  Christians,  existed  for  all  members  of 
the  church  alike ;  and  although  exceptional 
qualities  were  required  in  a  church  officer,  what- 
ever might  lawfully  be  done  by  any  Christian 
might  also  lawfully  be  done  by  him.  Neither 
in  the  Pastoral  Epistles,  nor  in  any  other  of  the 
earliest  records  of  ecclesiastical  organization,  is 
there  any  trace  of  the  exceptional  rules  for 
church  officers  which  distinguish  later  canons. 
But  the  exercise  of  the  ordinary  discipline  is 
surrounded  in  their  case  with  special  safeguards  : 
"Against  an  elder  receive  not  an  accusation 
but  before  one  or  two  witnesses  "  (1  Tim.  v.  9). 

But  with  the  gradual  separation  of  church 
officers  from  the  rest  of  the  community  there 
came  also  to  be  rules  of  discipline  which  were 
specially  applicable  to  them.  These  rules  may 
be  conveniently  considered  under  two  heads : 
A.  Punishable  offences;  B.  Punishments.  On 
most  points  separate  articles  will  be  found  else- 
where, and  therefore  what  is  given  here  will 
chiefly  be  by  way  of  summary. 

A.  Punishable  oflences  may  be  divided  into 
three  classes : — (1)  Offences  relating  to  marriage 
and  sexual  morality,  (2)  offences  relating  to 
ecclesiastical  organization  and  divine  service, 
(3)  offences  relating  to  social  life. 

(1)  Offences  relating  to  Marriage  and  Sexual 
iloralitjj. — -It  is  especially  important  to  bear  in 
mind,  in  the  case  of  these  offences,  what  has  been 
said  above  as  to  the  originally  local  and  tempo- 
rary character  of  most  of  the  regulations  which 
exist.  The  drift  cf  opinion  in  favour  of  celibacy 
was  by  no  means  uniform  in  either  its  direction 
or  its  rate  of  motion.  (a)  In  regard  to  the 
marriage  of  ordained  persons,  the  following  are 
the  chief  disciplinary  regulations  : — Cone.  Ancyr. 
c.  10,  enacts  that  deacons  who  marry  after 
ordination  without  having  expressly  stipulated 
for  liberty  to  do  so  at  the  time  of  their  ordina- 
tion are  to  be  deposed;  Cone.  Neoc.  c.  1,  enacts 
that  a  presbyter  who  marries  after  ordination  is 
to  be  deposed ;  the  Apostolical  Canons  go  farther, 
and  say  that  no  clerk  can  marry  after  ordination, 
except  readers  and  singers  only  (C.  A.  26) ;  the 
Apostolical  Constitutions,  vi.  17,  extend  the  ex- 
ception to  subdeacons  (inTTjperas)  and  door- 
keepers (but,  on  the  other  hand,  Cone.  Chalc.  c. 
14,  speaks  of  the  exception  of  readers  and  singers 


ORDERS,  HOLY 

as  a  custom  of  some  provinces,  iTrapx'iai,  only). 
These  ennctments  were  confirmed  by  the  civil 
law.  A  law  of  Justinian  in  530  (Cod.  Justin,  i. 
3,  45)  goes  so  far  as  to  make  the  children  of  such 
marriages,  including  those  of  subdeacons,  illegi- 
timate; and  a  novel  of  the  same  emperor  (Novell. 
123,  c.  14)  subjects  the  oflending  clerk  to  a 
farther  civil  penalty  (but  this  penalty  was  after- 
wards modified,  on  the  ground  of  its  being  too 
severe,  by  the  Emjieror  Leo,  Const.  79  in  Corp. 
Jur.  Civ.  iii.  p.  814).  The  leading  Western  canon 
on  the  subject  is  8  Cone.  Tolet.  a.d.  653,  c.  7, 
which  enacts  that  anyone  who  after  ordination 
either  marries  or  becomes  a  layman  must  be 
deprived  of  his  dignity  and  secluded  for  the  rest 
of  his  life  in  a  monastery  ;  but  the  existence  of 
an  earlier  Western  canon  is  indicated  by  2  Cone. 
Aurel.  A.D.  533,  c.  8,  which  enacts  that  a  deacon 
who  marries  in  captivity  is  to  be  deposed  upon 
iiis  return  :  9  Cone.  Tolet.  A.D.  655,  c.  10,  makes 
the  children  of  such  marriages  slaves  of  the 
church  of  which  their  fathers  were  officers. 
(6)  If  a  person  was  ordained  who  was  already 
married,  the  Apostolical  Canons,  c.  5,  forbid  him 
to  put  away  his  wife  (-Trpo^xxtrei  evAa^elas) ;  and 
Cone.  Gangr.  c.  4,  anathematizes  those  who 
refused  to  receive  the  communion  from  a  married 
presbyter.  But  Epiphanius,  ii.  59,  4,  speaks  of  a 
canon  to  the  opposite  effect,  which,  however,  he 
admits  not  to  be  observed  :  Socrates,  ff.  E.  v.  22, 
notes,  on  the  other  hand,  that  although  there 
was  no  positive  enactment,  many  clergy  did 
abstain  from  their  wives,  and  that  in  Thessaly  a 
clerk  was  excommunicated  who  did  not  so 
abstain.  A  distinction  in  this  respect  was  after- 
wards drawn  in  the  East,  which  with  some 
modifications  has  remained  until  modern  times, 
between  presbyters  and  bishops.  Justinian 
enacted  in  531  that  no  person  could  be  made 
bishop  who  did  not  practise  married  contineiice 
(Cod.  Justin,  i.  3,  48,  cf.  Cone.  Trull,  xii.  13 ; 
and  see  Celibacy,  Vol.  I.  p.  324).  In  the  West, 
Cone.  Illib.  A.D.  313,  commands  all  married 
clerks  to  abstain  and  not  to  beget  children  under 
pain  of  deprivation ;  so  also  the  doubtful  addi- 
tion to  1  Cone.  Arelat.  c.  29:  2  Carth.  c.  3  = 
Cod.  Eccles.  Afric.  c.  2,  gives  the  prohibition 
without  specifying  a  penalty:  5  Carth.  c.  3  = 
Cod.  Eccles.  Afric.  c.  25,  makes  the  enactment 
apply  to  subdeacons  and  upwards,  but  not  to 
inferior  clerks:  1  Tolet.  A.D.  398,  assigns  the 
milder  penalty  of  non-promotion;  so  also  1 
Turon.  A.D.  441,  c.  2 ;  but  1  Araus.  a.d.  441, 
c.  23,  Agath.  a.d.  506,  c.  9,  Arvern.  a.d.  535, 
c.  13,  revert  to  the  penalty  of  deposition  in  the 
case  of  priests  and  deacons  :  Gerund.  A.D.  517, 
c.  6,  3  Aurel.  A.D.  538,  c.  2,  5  Aurel.  A.D.  549, 
<;.  4  (but  not  4  Aurel.  a.d.  541,  c.  17),  Autissiod. 
A.D.  578,  c.  20,  and  apparently  2  Matisc.  A.D. 
581,  c.  11,  3  Lugd.  A.D.  583,  c.  1  (all  Galilean 
councils,  and  all  belonging  to  the  century  which 
succeeded  the  baptism  of  Chlodwig),  include 
subdeacons  in  the  same  penalty.  This  inclusion 
of  subdeacons  is  also  mentioned  by  Leo  the 
Great  (JSpist.  167  ad  Bustic.  c.  3 ;  Upist.  14  aa 
Anastas.  c.  3),  and  its  adoption  in  Gaul  seems  to 
be  due  to  Roman  influence,  as  Gregory  the  Great 
{Epist.  i.  44,  vol.  ii.  p.  538)  speaks  of  it  as  a 
"  mos  Romanus "  which  had  recently  been 
imposed  on  Sicily.  The  Decretals  follow  in  the 
same  track  (S.  Siric.  ad  Eumer.  c.  7,  Hinschius, 
p.    521 ;    S.   Innocent   I.  ad    Yktoric.  e.   9.    ad 


ORDERS,  HOLY 


1493 


Exsi'pcr.  <■.  1,  ad  Maxim,  ct  Sever.,  Hinschius, 
pp.  530,  531,  .544):  so  also,  with  strong  emphasis 
upon  the  enactment,  in  the  Pseudo-Isidorian 
Epist.  Clement,  ii.  c.  46,  Hinschius,  p.  48.  2 
Cone.  Turon.  a.d.  567,  c.  19,  throws  upon  the 
rural  arch-presbyters  (i.e.  the  later  rural  deans) 
the  duty  of  seeing  that  the  other  clergy  of  their 
districts  observe  the  rule ;  in  case  of  a  breach  of 
it,  not  only  is  the  offender  himself  to  be  sus- 
pended, but  the  arch-presbyter  who  has  neglected 
to  guard  against  a  breach  of  it  is  himself  to  be 
secluded,  and  fed  on  bread  and  water  for  a 
month.  (c)  In  cases  where  marriage  was 
allowed,  digamy  in  any  of  its  forms  was  strictly 
prohibited.  In  the  East  the  Apostolical  Canons 
(c.  17-19)  refuse  to  allow  anyone  who  has 
married  (1)  two  wives  after  baptism,  (2)  a 
widow  or  divorcee,  to  be  on  the  clergy  list  (cf. 
Const.  Apost.  vi.  17 ;  Justin.  Novell,  vi.  c.  5).  But 
the  regulations  seem  to  have  fallen  into  disuse, 
inasmuch  as  at  the  time  of  the  TruUan  Council 
special  legislation  had  again  become  necessary, 
and  the  analogy  of  the  Western  church  was 
expressly  followed  (Cone.  Trull,  c.  2).  In  the 
West  there  were  numerous  enactments  on  the 
subject: — (i.)  1  Cone.  Valent.  A.D.  374,  c.  1,  dis- 
allows digamists  for  the  future,  but  does  not 
interfere  with  those  who  were  already  ordained : 
1  Tol.  A.D.  398,  c.  4,  degrades  a  digamous  sub- 
deacon  to  the  rank  of  a  reader  or  doorkeeper, 
and  deposes  a  trigamist :  Araus.  a.d.  441,  c.  25, 
will  not  allow  a  digamist  to  rise  higher  than  the 
subdiaconate :  Agath.  A.D.  506,  c.  1,  will  not 
allow  a  digamous  presbyter  or  deacon  to  exercise 
his  functions  ;  so  Epaon.  a.d.  517,  c.  2.  (ii.)  The 
wife  of  anyone  who  is  allowed  to  marry  must  be 
a  virgin.  1  Cone.  Tolet.  A.d.  398,  c.  3,  enacts 
that  a  reader  who  marries  a  widow  cannot  rise 
higher  than  the  subdiaconate:  1  Turon.  a.d. 
461,  c.  4,  enacts  that  he  must  in  such  a  case  hold 
the  lowest  place  on  the  clergy  list :  Agath.  a.d. 
506,  c.  1,  in  compassion  to  those  presbyters  and 
deacons  who  had  broken  the  rule,  does  not 
depose  them  from  their  office,  but  will  not  allow 
them  to  minister ;  but  2  Hispal.  A.D.  619,  c.  4, 
deposes  deacons  in  a  similar  case  without  hope 
of  restoration:  4  Tolet.  a.d.  033,  c.  44,  orders 
clerks  who  have  so  offended  to  be  separated  from 
their  wives.  So  also  in  the  Decretals:  S.  Siric. 
ad  Eumer.  c.  11,  Hinschius,  p.  522  ;  S.  Innocent. 
ad  Victoric.  c.  4,  ad  Felic.  c.  2,  ad  Ruf.  ct  Euseh. 
c.  1,  Hinschius,  pp.  530,  533,  549.  That  it 
became  not  only  the  law  but  the  usage  in  the 
West  is  a  fair  inference  from  the  fact  that  the 
pseudo-Isidore  does  not  even  mention  it  in  the 
spurious  part  of  his  collection,  {d)  Sexual  im- 
morality was  at  all  times  punished  severely  ; 
but  the  canons  are  few  in  number,  because  the 
gravity  of  the  offence  was  so  universally  recog- 
nised as  to  render  the  repetition  of  positive 
enactments  unnecessary :  the  leading  Eastern 
canons  are  Cone.  Xeoc.  c.  1,  Can.  Apost.  25 ;  but 
Cone.  Trull,  c.  4,  is  a  remarkable  indication  of 
later  Eastern  usage,  inasmuch  as  it  seems  to 
imply  that  a  lesser  punishment  than  deposition 
had  come  to  be  the  rule  when  the  woman  witli 
whom  a  clerk  committed  sin  was  other  than  a 
nun.  The  earliest  Western  canon  is  that  of 
Elvira,  c.  19,  which  inflicts  on  adulterous  bishops, 
presbyters,  and  deacons  the  severe  penalty  of 
perpetual  excommunication:  much  later,  the 
Carolingian    Capitularies    punish    an   offending 


1494 


ORDERS,  HOLY 


presbyter  with  scourging  and  two  )-ears'  im- 
prisonment on  bread  and  water  (Karlomauni 
Capit.  A.D.  742,  c.  6 ;  Pertz,  vol.  i.  p.  18) ;  but 
the  British  churches  were  more  lenient.  In  the 
sixth  century  an  ofl'ending  presbyter  or  deacon 
•was  punished  with  three  years'  penitence  (Gildae 
praef.  de  pocnit.  c.  1 ;  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  vol.  i. 
p.  113).  Theodore's  Penitential,  i.  9,  1,  revives 
the  Apostolical  Canon  which  deposes  but  does 
not  excommunicate  a  clerk  ;  cf.  Poenit.  Egb.  v. 
1-22,  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  vol.  iii.  p.  418.  (e) 
In  some  cases  the  purity  of  the  clerical  order 
was  further  guarded  by  punishing  clerks  for  the 
incontinence  of  their  wives :  Cone.  Illib.  c.  65, 
enacts  that  a  clerk  must  put  away  an  offending 
wife  or  be  himself  perpetually  excommunicated  ; 
Neoc.  c.  8,  enacts  that  he  must  either  put  her 
away  or  cease  to  exercise  his  office ;  1  Tolet.  c.  7, 
empowers  clerks  to  imprison  their  erring  wives, 
and  to  reduce  them  to  penitence  by  salutary 
fasting.  See  also  the  canon  of  Photius  in 
reference  to  presbyters  and  deacons  whose  wives 
had  been  abused  by  barbarians,  ap.  Mai,  Scriptt. 
Vett.  vol.  i.  p.  364. 

(2)  Offences  relating  to  Ecclesiastical  Organiza- 
tion and  Divine  Scnice. — These  may  be  divided 
according  as  they  are  connected  with  (a)  the 
growth  of  the  diocesan  system,  (6)  the  growth  of 
the  parochial  system,  (c)  the  establishment  of 
ecclesiastical  courts,  (cT)  ordination,  (e)  divine 
service. 

(«)  It  was  not  without  a  struggle  that  dioceses, 
in  the  modern  sense  of  the  term,  were  formed, 
and  that  the  church  officers  of  a  particular 
district  or  province  came  to  be  regarded  as  an 
organic  unity.  The  former  of  these  results  was 
chiefly  due,  as  has  been  pointed  out  above,  to  the 
establishme;it  of  the  system  of  synods ;  the  latter 
was  chiefly  due  to  the  regulations  that  a  clerk 
could  not  be  on  the  roll  of  two  churches  at 
once,  and  that  he  could  not  be  transferred  from 
the  roll  of  one  church  to  the  roll  of  another 
without  the  consent  of  his  former  superior.  The 
earliest  enactment  to  this  effect  is  Cone.  iS'icaen. 
c.  16,  which  laid  down  the  rule  that  if  any 
bishop  appointed  to  office  in  his  own  church  a 
clerk  belonging  to  another  church,  the  appoint- 
ment {x^^po'^ovia)  should  be  invalid.  But  the 
fact  that  the  rule  required  to  be  re-enacted 
again  and  again  shews  that  it  did  not  easily 
establish  itself:  a  few  years  after  the  Council  of 
Nicaea,  the  Council  of  Antioch  (c.  3)  repeated  it, 
with  the  addition  that  the  bishop  who  received 
another's  clerk  against  his  will  should  be  liable 
to  be  punished  by  the  synod:  Can.  Apost.  15 
punishes  a  bishop  in  a  similar  case  with  excom- 
munication ;  so  Cone.  Chalc.  c.  20.  Later  on  in 
the  P^ast,  Cone.  Trull,  c.  17,  after  reciting  the 
frequency  of  violations  of  the  rule,  enacts  that 
for  the  future  no  bishop  sh.all  receive  another's 
clerk  without  a  dimissory  letter  under  pain  of 
deprivation.  Still  later  the  Nestorian  synod  of 
Patriarch  John  (Ebedjesu,  Tract,  vi.  cap.  6,  can. 
8,  ap.  Mai,  Scriptt.  Yctt.xol.  x  p.  116)  punishes 
clerks  who  so  passed  from  one  vtjocese  to  another 
with  a  year's  suspension,  and  subsequent  degra- 
dation to  the  lowest  place  in  their  order.  In 
the  West,  1  Cone.  Arelat.  c.  21,  deposes  pres- 
byters and  deacons  who  transfer  themselves  to 
.another  church:  1  Tolet.  c.  12,  excommunicates 
them,  unless  they  are  refugees  from  a  heretical 
to   an   orthodox   church:   Milev.  c.   15  =  Cod. 


ORDERS,  HOLY 

Eccl.  Afric.  c.  90  (which  probably  arose  out  of 
the  case  of  Timotheus,  who  had  been  a  reader 
of  Augustine's,  but  was  promoted  to  the  sub- 
diaconate  at  Subsana,  S.  August.  Epist.  63  (240), 
Op.  vol.  ii.  p.  231),  enacted  that  no  cne  should 
abandon  the  church  in  which  he  had  been 
ordained  reader:  Valent.  c.  5,  excommunicates 
and  deposes  presbyters  and  deacons  who  do  not 
adhere  to  the  place  assigned  to  them  by  the 
bishop  who  ordained  them ;  2  Hispal.  c.  3,  deals 
with  the  case  of  a  clerk  who,  having  been  dedi- 
cated to  the  service  of  the  church  at  Italica, 
near  Seville,  had  fled  to  Cordova,  and  regards 
such  clerks  as  being  on  the  footing  of  "  coloni 
agrorum :"  1  Turon.  c.  11,  2  Arelat.  c.  13,  Statt. 
Eccl.  Antiq.  c.  27,  allow  a  clerk  to  migrate  with 
the  consent  of  his  bishop :  so  Cone.  Hertford, 
c.  3,  ap.  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  vol.  iii.  p.  119. 

(6)  It  was  apparently  an  early,  if  not  a 
primitive  rule,  that  the  presbyters  and  deacons 
of  a  church  could  not  ordinarily  act  without  the 
bishop  of  that  church.  In  the  next  stage  of 
organization  it  was  enacted  that  a  presbyter  or 
deacon  could  not  detach  himself  from  the  church 
of  which  he  was  presbyter  or  deacon  and  set  up 
an  altar  of  his  own  (Cone.  Antioch.  c.  5).  The 
next  step  was  to  provide  for  the  cases  in  which 
monasteries  or  other  ecclesiastical  institutions 
were  established  in  a  city  of  which  there  was  a 
bishop :  Cone.  Chalc.  c.  8,  following  what  it 
states  to  be  an  older  tradition,  subjects  all  such 
institutions  to  the  bishop  of  the  city;  Trull,  c. 
31,  2  Nicaen.  c.  10,  do  the  same  for  private 
chapels.  In  the  West,  4  Aurel.  A. P.  541,  c.  7, 
requires  the  clerks  of  "oratoria  domini  prae- 
diorum  "  to  have  the  consent  of  the  bishop ;  but 
the  Capitularies,  by  repeating  the  rule  that 
"all  presbyters  who  are  in  a  diocese  (parochia) 
must  be  under  the  jurisdiction  (potestas)  of  the 
bishop  of  that  diocese,  and  must  not  baptize  or 
celebrate  mass  without  his  sanction,"  seem  to 
imply  that  the  rule  had  been  broken  (Pippini 
Capit.  Vern.  dupl.  c.  8  ;  Pertz,  vol.  i.  p.  26).  The 
regulation  that  a  presbyter  could  only  celebrate 
the  Eucharist  in  a  place  consecrated  by  the 
bishop  is  first  found  in  2  Cone.  Carth.  c.  9 ;  but 
it  does  not  appear  to  have  been  universally 
recognised,  since  it  required  re-enactment  at  a 
late  date,  viz.  in  the  Liber  Pontificalis,  Vit. 
Siric.  c.  2  =  Dccret.  Synod.  Silvestr.  c.  9,  in  the 
Pseudo-Isidorian  decretals,  Hinschius,  p.  450  j 
cf.  Atton.  II.  Vercell.  Capit.  c.  7,  ap.  D'Achery, 
Spicilegiiim,  vol.  i.  p.  403. 

(c)  A  third  class  of  offences  consists  of  those 
which  grew  out  of  the  jurisdiction  of  ecclesi- 
astical coiirts.  The  exercise  of  discipline  by  the 
church  in  ecclesiastical  matters  must  be  dis- 
tinguished from  its  exercise  of  jurisdiction  iu 
civil  or  criminal  matters.  The  former  was  in- 
herent in  the  original  constitution  of  the 
Christian  communities;  the  latter  was  of  the 
nature  of  voluntary  contract.  The  history  of 
both  is  intricate,  and  has  yet  to  be  fully  written; 
it  must  be  sufficient  to  mention  here  that  while 
the  State  constantly  recognised  the  ecclesiastical 
courts  as  courts  of  arbitration,  and  was  ready  to 
enforce  their  sentences  when  both  parties  had 
agreed  to  oe  bound  by  those  sentences,  the 
church  on  its  part  endeavoured  in  the  West  to 
compel  clerks  to  resort  in  all  cases  to  its  own 
courts  rather  than  to  the  ordinary  civil  courts. 
This  is  seen  especially  in  3  Cone.  Carth.  c.  9  = 


OKDERS,  HOLY 

Cod.  Eccl.  Afric.  c.  15,  which  deposes  clerks  who 
resort  to  secular  tribunals  in  criminal  cases,  and 
■condemns  them  to  lose  their  cause  in  civil  cases : 
so  m  eftect.  Cone.  Milev.  c.  19  =  Cod.  Eccles. 
Afric.  c.  104,  Agath.  c.  8,  3  Tol.  c.  13 ;  and  in 
the  Cajntulnries,  I'ippini  Capit.  Vern.  dupl.  c. 
18,  Pertz,  vol.  i.  p.  2(3.  In  addition  to,  and  also 
in  distinction  from,  both  forms  of  judicial  autho- 
rity, the  bishops  came  to  have  an  independent 
and  extra-judicial  authority,  which  also  was 
€nforced  by  ecclesiastical  penalties.  Cone.  Agath. 
•c.  2,  enacts  that  clerks  who  neglected  their  duty 
were  to  be  corrected  by  their  bishop;  if  they 
pertinaciously  disregarded  such  correction,  they 
were  to  be  struck  off  the  roll  and  deprived  of 
their  pay.  Forty  years  later,  Cone.  Valent.  c. 
6,  suspends  and  excommunicates  clerks  in  similar 
circumstances :  still  later  in  the  same  century 
Couc.  Narb.  c.  10,  renews  the  enactment.  It  is 
not  clear  that  any  of  these  enactments  apply  to 
presbyters,  but  it  is  probable  that  they  so 
strengthened  the  position  of  the  bishops  of  the 
West  as  to  lead  them  to  claim  a  similar  juris- 
diction over  prosbj'ters.  2  Cone.  Hispal.  a.d. 
619,  c.  6,  held  under  Isidore  of  Seville,  restores 
«n  presbyter  who  had  been  deposed  by  the  sole 
authority  of  his  bishop,  and  refers  to  "  priscorum 
patrum  synodalem  sententiam"  to  shew  that 
"  episcopus  sacerdotibus  ac  ministris  {i.e., 
deacons]  solus  honorem  dare  potest,  auferre 
solus  non  potest : "  cf.  Statt.  Eccl.  Ant.  c.  23. 

(cT)  Offences  relating  to  Ordination. — The 
ofteuces  which  consisted  in  ordination  out  of  the 
]n-oper  diocese  have  been  mentioned  above  under 
((()•  The  chief  other  offence  was  ordination  for 
)noney,  i.e.  simony.  This  was  prohibited  in  the 
East  by  the  Apostolical  Canons,  c.  28,  under 
penalty  of  excommunication  of  both  ordainer 
4ind  ordained,  by  Cone.  Chalc.  c.  2,  Trull,  c.  22, 
2  Nicaen.  c.  5 :  in  the  West  by  2  Aurel.  A.u 
533,  c.  4 ;  6  Tolet.  A.D.  638,  c.  4 ;  Cabill.  a.d.  650, 
€.  16  ;  4  Brae.  a.d.  675,  e.  8.  (Of  its  prevalence 
in  France  at  this  period  there  are  many  indica- 
tions besides  the  repetition  of  conciliar  enact- 
ments, e.g.  in  the  Life  of  S.  Eligius,  lib.  ii.  c.  1, 
ap.  D'Achery,  Spicil.  vol.  ii.  p.  90,  and  in  the  Life 
of  S.  Romanus,  ap.  Martene  et  Duraud,  Anccd. 
vol.  iv.  p.  1654.)  It  was  also  prohibited  by  the 
civil  law :  a  law  of  Leo  and  Anthemius,  in  469 
(Cod.  Just.  1,  3,  31),  punishes  it  with  civil  "  in- 
famia  "  as  well  as  loss  of  the  office ;  a  law  of 
<51ycerius  and  Leo  (Haenel,  Corpus  Legum  ante 
Just.  lat.  1226,  p.  260,  from  Cod.  Vat.  Reg. 
1997)  mentions  and  reprehends  the  practice  of 
giving  notes  of  hand  to  be  paid  out  of  the  pro- 
ceeds of  the  office ;  cf.  Justin.  Novell.  56  and 
123,  c.  16,  for  the  practice,  which  had  grown  up 
but  which  tended  to  be  simoniacal,  of  giving 
presents  to  the  clergy  of  a  church  at  the  time 
of  ordination. 

(e)  Offences  relating  to  Divine  Service  and  the 
Eeligious  Life.—i.  The  Apostolical  Constitutions 
(2,  59)  enjoin  all  the  faithful,  laity  as  well  as 
clergy,  to  go  to  church  twice  every  day,  and  the 
Apostolical  Canons  (c.  8)  and  Cone.  Antioch.  (c.  2) 
enact  that  clerks,  if  present,  must  communicate  ; 
but  it  appears  from  the  civil  law  that  clerks 
were  rather  negligent  in  this  respect  (Cod. 
Justin.  1,  3,  42  (41),  10;  1,  3,  52  (51))  ;  and  a 
century  and  a  half  later  the  TruUan  Council 
thought  it  sufficient  to  punish  a  clerk  or  layman 
who,  not  being  hindered  from  attending,  absented 


ORDERS,  HOL"X 


1495 


himself  from  divine  service  for  three  successive 
Sundays.  The  Spanish  rule,  as  given  in  1  Cone. 
Tolet.  c.  5,  was  that  any  clerk  who  was  in  the 
neighbourhood  cf  a  church  must  go  to  the  daily 
sacrifice.  The  Galilean  rule,  as  given  in  Cone. 
Venet.  A.D.  465(?),  c.  14,  punished  with  seven 
days'  excommunication  clerks  who  were  without 
good  excuse  absent  from  the  morning  office. 
The  Irish  rule,  as  given  in  the  Canons  of  St. 
Patrick,  c.  7,  was  that  a  clerk  who  did  not  go 
morning  and  evening  "  ad  coUectas,"  was  to  be 
excommunicated,  unless  he  were  detained  by  the 
obligations  of  servitude  ("  jugo  servitutis  ").  The 
North  African  rule  was,  that  unless  a  clerk  were 
present  at  vespers  he  should  lose  his  pay  {Statt. 
Eccles.  Antiq.  c.  49).  ii.  The  regulations  which 
relate  to  the  conduct  of  divine  service  are  not 
numerous.  The  Apostolical  Canons  (c.  3)  depose 
a  bishop  or  presbyter  who  offers  upon  the  altar 
milk  or  honey,  or  birds  or  vegetables ;  or  (c.  59) 
a  clerk  who  reads  pseudepigrapha  as  though 
they  were  sacred  books;  3  Cone.  Brae.  a.d.  572, 
c.  10,  excommunicates  priests  who  celebrate  mass 
without  a  stole  on  both  shoulders;  13  Tolet. 
A.D.  683,  c.  7,  deposes  clerks  who  in  pique  or 
quarrel  strip  the  altar  of  its  vestments  or  put 
out  the  church  lights ;  Cone.  Rom.  A.D.  743,  c. 
13,  under  Pope  Zachary,  excommunicates  bishops, 
presbyters,  and  deacons  who  celebrate  mass  with 
a  staff  or  with  covered  head ;  the  Nestorian 
canons  of  Ebedjesu  {Tract,  vi.  can.  6,  c.  2)  punish 
a  clerk  who  officiates  without  his  boots,  iii.  It 
was  enacted  that  clerks  must  not  join  in  divine 
service  with  deposed  clerks,  or  heretics,  or  Jews 
(Can.  Apost.  c.  11,  45,  65)  ;  or  fast  on  the  Lord's 
day  {ib.  c.  64) ;  or  fail  to  keep  Lent  {ib.  c.  69) ;  or 
eat  flesh  with  the  blood  in  it  {ib.  c.  63). 

(3)  The  enactments  which  related  to  the 
social  life  of  the  clergy  during  the  first  four 
centuries  have  been  for  the  most  part  mentioned 
above  under  (ii.).  The  following  belong  to  later 
centuries: — In  the  East  the  Trullan  Council 
made  a  series  of  enactments  which,  being  for  the 
most  part  repetitions  of  earlier  enactments, 
shew  that  such  earlier  enactments  had  fallen 
into  neglect.  It  jDrovided  that  clerks  should 
not  be  the  lessors  of  taverns,  c.  9 ;  that  they 
should  not  take  usury,  c.  10 ;  that  they  should 
not  wear  unbecoming  dress,  c.  27;  that  they 
should  not  play  with  dice,  c.  50 ;  nor  be  con- 
cerned in  stage-plays  and  stage-dancing,  c.  50 ; 
nor  keep  brothels,  c.  86.  In  North  Africa  it 
was  enacted  that  they  should  wear  a  becoming 
dress  {Statt.  Eccles.  Antiq.  c.  45);  that  they 
should  not  waste  time  in  walking  about  the 
streets  {ib.  c.  47);  and  that  they  should  not 
sing  songs  at  a  banquet  {ib.  c.  62) :  on  the  other 
hand,  they  were  quite  at  liberty  to  procure  their 
livelihood  by  handicraft  or  agricultui-e  {ib.  c. 
51-53).  In  the  provincial  councils  of  Gaul  and 
Sp.ain  it  was  enacted  that  clerks  who  were 
engaged  in  trade  must  not  sell  dearer  than  other 
people  (Cone.  Tarrac.  A.D.  516,  c.  1),  or  drive 
hard  bargains  (3  Cone.  Aurel.  A.D.  538,  c.  27) ; 
that  clerks  must  not  live  with  secular  persons 
without  the  permission  of  the  bishop  (2  Cone. 
Aurel.  A.D.  533,  c.  9) ;  that  they  must  not  fre- 
quent banquets  at  which  love-songs  were  sung 
(Cone.  Venet.  A.D.  465,  c.  11 ;  Agath.  a.d.  506,  c. 
39) ;  nor  sing  or  dance  at  banquets  (Cone.  Autis- 
siod.  A.D.  578  (?),  c.  40) ;  nor  be  drunk  (Cone. 
Venet.  c.  13,  Agath.  c.  41);  nor  bear  arms  (Cone. 


14'J(J 


ORDEKS,  HOLY 


Herd.  A.D.  523,  c.  1) ;  nor  keep  hunting  dogs  or 
hawks  (Cone.  Epaon.  A.D.  517,  c.  4:  of.  Cone. 
Forojul.  A.D.  798,  c.  6  ;  Capit.  Generale,  A.D.  789, 
C.15,  Pertz,  vol.  i.  p.  69,  which  adds  "jesters  "  to 
the  list  of  prohibitions ;  Hettonis  Basil.  Capit.  11). 
In  Ireland  almost  the  only  social  regulation 
which  is  contained  in  the  Canons  of  St.  Patrick  is 
that  if  a  clerk  becomes  surety  for  a  "gentila," 
and  "  quod  mirum  non  est,"  if  the  gentile  cheats 
the  clerk,  the  clerk  must  pay  his  bond,  or  if  he 
lights  the  gentile  instead,  must  be  excommuni- 
cated (Can.  S.  Patric.  c.  8)  ;  the  later  collection 
of  Irish  canons  repeats  the  enactments  of  the 
Statt.  Secies.  Antiq.  (see  Wasserschleben,  die 
Irische  Kanonensammlung,  p.  33,  &c.).  In  Eng- 
land the  penitentials  of  Bade,  Egbert,  and 
Theodore  combine  to  atlbrd  conclusive  evidence 
that  the  chief  social  otfence  against  which  pro- 
vision had  to  be  made  was  drunkenness :  there 
is,  perhaps,  no  more  degrading  picture  of  the 
state  of  the  clergy  at  any  period  of  the  history 
of  the  church  than  that  which  these  penitentials 
present  {e.g.,  Poenit.  Theodor.  i.  1,  4,  ap.  Wasser- 
schleben, Bussordnung  dcr  ahendl.  Kirch,  p.  182 
sqq.,  and  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  vol.  i.). 

B.  The  punishments  by  which  the  observance 
of  disciplinary  rules  was  enforced  were  various ; 
the  most  important  were  the  several  forms  of  ex- 
communication, degradstion,  and  deposition. 

(1)  Excomimn%mtion.—{a)  Temporary:  The 
simplest  mode  of  enforcing  obedience  was  to 
suspend  a  clerk  from  all  the  privileges  of  church 
membership  so  long  as  he  was  recalcitrant 
{a.<pop'i.ii(Tdai,  Can.  Apost.  passim;  aKoivwvriTos 
ilvai,  Cone.  Nieaen.  c.  IG  ;  "a  communione  alienus 
haberi,"  2  Cone.  Arelat.  e.  3,  1  Turon.  c.  3). 
This  did  not  in  early  times  imply  more  than 
that  the  offending  clerk  could  not  remain  with 
the  faithful  to  participate  in  the  communion, 
and  that  he  consequently  lost  his  share  in  the 
offerings.  It  was  a  corollary  of  this  sentence 
that  he  could  not  exercise  his  office  (hence 
Mabillon,  Mus.  Ital.  vol.  ii.  p.  7,  explains  the 
phrase  "  arehiparaphonista  [i.e.,  archicantor]  a 
pontifice  exeommunicabitur,"  by  "  ab  officio  sus- 
pendetur  ").  Sometimes  the  period  during  which 
a  clerk  should  remain  excommunicated  was  ex- 
pressed in  the  canon :  e.g.  a  year  (Cone.  Epaon. 
A.D.  517,  c.  15  ;  2  Turon.  A.D.  567,  c.  19 ;  Narbon. 
A.D.  589,  c.  10);  three  months  (11  Tolet.  a.d. 
675,  a.  8).  But  more  commonly  the  time  was 
not  specified,  it  being  understood  that  submission 
would  be  followed  by  re-admission  to  full  status. 
The  Apostolical  Canons,  however,  contain  a 
stipulation  that  the  bishop  who  re-admits  a  clerk 
must  be  the  same  bishop,  if  still  living,  who  had 
excommunicated  him  (C.  A.  28,  where  Balsamon 
adds  that  even  if  the  bishop  had  died,  his  place 
in  this  respect  could  only  be  taken  by  his  suc- 
cessor, or  the  metropolitan,  or  the  patriarch). 
In  time,  and  especially  in  the  West,  this  form  of 
punishment  became  more  severe  than  it  had 
originally  been.  A  canon  of  the  fifth  (?)  century, 
which  claims  for  itself  the  authority  of  earlier 
canons,  separates  an  excommunicated  clerk  not 
only  from  communion  but  also  from  all  Christian 
society  ("a  totius  populi  coUoquio  atque  con- 
vivio  ")  until  he  submits  :  so  also  in  the  Canons 
of  St.  Patrick,  c.  28 ;  and  even  more  stringently 
in  the  Capitularies  (Pippini  Capit.  Vern.  dupl. 
A.D.  755,  c.  9,  Pertz,  vol.  i.  p.  26  =  Cone.  Vern., 
Mansi,  sii,   577;   Capit.    Ticin.  A.D.  801,  c.  17, 


ORDEES,  HOLY 

Pertz,  vol.  i.  p.  85).  (b)  Permanent :  For  some 
offences  a  clerk  was  permanently  ejected  from 
church  membership  (i^code7<T6a.i  riXeov  Kal 
ayeaOai  els  fjiiravoiav,  Cone.  Neoc.  c.  1  ;  piirre- 
aOai  tK  rfjs  tKK\-naias,  Laod.  c.  36  ;  iravTa-rrainv 
iKKOTTTeaOai  rfjs  iKKArjaias,  Can.  Apost.  28). 
This  involved  complete  loss  of  status  ;  re-admis- 
sion was  only  possible  through  the  door  of 
formal  and  public  penitence.  Even  this  was  in 
some  cases  denied  (hence  1  Cone.  Araus.  A.D. 
441,  c.  4,  "  poenitentiam  desiderantibus  clericis 
non  negandum  "),  and  in  the  earliest  of  Western 
provincial  councils  the  door  was  shut  by  express 
enactment  of  the  canon  itself  ("  nee  in  fine 
[sc.  in  articulo  mortis]  accipere  communionem," 
Cone,  lllib.  c.  2,  19  :  but  it  may  be  noted  that 
this  severe  form  of  sentence  does  not  appear  to 
have  been  repeated  by  later  councils). 

(2)  Suspension  and  Degradation. — Of  these 
there  were  several  forms  and  degrees:  (a)  a 
presbyter  might  be  suspended  from  the  function 
of  offering  the  Eucharistic  sacrifice,  but  not 
from  other  functions  (Cone.  Neoc.  c.  1) ;  (6)  a 
clerk  might  be  suspended  from  the  exercise  of 
the  functions  of  his  office,  but  retain  his  rank 
(Cone.  Agath.  A.D.  506,  e.  43 ;  Epaon.  a.d.  517, 
c.  2 ;  Trull,  c.  26 :  so  also  S.  Basil,  Upist.  ii.  ad 
Amphiloch.  c.  27,  id.  Epist.  iii.  ad  Amphiloch.  c. 
70);  (c)  a  clerk  might  lose  his  seniority  and 
be  placed  last  on  the  clergy  roil  (1  Cone,  turon. 
A.D.  461,  c.  4 ;  Trull,  c.  7  ;  2  Nieaen.  c.  5) ;  {d)  a 
clerk  might  be  degraded  to  a  lower  order  (1 
Cone.  Toiet.  c.  4) ;  (e)  a  clerk  might  be  cut  off 
from  the  hope  of  promotion  (Cone.  Tauron.  A.D. 
401,  c.  8 ;  1  Tolet.  c.  1 ;  1  Araus.  c.  24 ;  Andegav. 
A.D.  461,  c.  2 ;  Herd.  c.  1,  5 ;  Statt.  Ecd.  Ant.  c. 
54 ;  so  also  S.  Basil,  Epist.  iii.  ad  Amphiloch.  c. 
69)  ;  (/)  a  clerk  might  be  deprived  of  his  stipend 
(3  Cone.  Aurel.  a.d.  538,  c.  7  ;  Narb.  a.d.  589,  c. 
11,  13).  (This,  which  was  probably  one  of  the 
chief  effects  of  excommunication  in  early  times, 
was  retained  as  a  separate  and  minor  punish- 
ment, when  excommunication  came  to  carry 
with  it  greater  penalties.) 

(3)  Deposition. — This  was  sometimes  more  and 
sometimes  less  than  excommunication.  In  the 
earliest  times  it  does  not  seem  to  have  involved 
more  than  the  reducing  of  an  officer  to  the  ranks 
in  the  army.  This  is  implied  in  the  phrases  by 
which  deposition  is  designated:  ireiravcrdai  t^s 
rd^fus,  Cone.  Aneyr.  c.  10,  14 ;  KaQaipeiadai  ttjs 
Ta|€£os,  Neoc.  1 ;  Kad.  rov  K\vpov,  Nieaen.  c.  17  ; 
Kad.  Tf)s  XiLTovpyias,  1  Antioch.  e.  3  ;  Kadaipetadai 
absolutely,  Ephes.  c.  4,  Can.  Apost.  passim  ; 
fKiriiTTeiv  rod  fiddpLov,  Ephes.  c.  2,  Chalc.  c.  27  ; 
aWorpios  rrjs  d^ias  ehai,  Chalc.  c.  2  ;  e^w  rod 
KXvpou  KaQiaraaOai,  Cod.  Justin.  1,  3,  40  (39), 
10;  "amoveri,"  Cone.  lllib.  c.  30;  "ab  ordine 
cleri  amoveri,"  1  Arelat.  c.  13 ;  "  degradari," 
Cone.  lllib.  c.  20  ;  "  ab  officio  degradari,"  Statt. 
Eccl.  Ant.  c.  56  ;  "  deponi,"  lllib.  c.  51 ;  "  a  clero 
deponi,"  Statt.  Eccl.  Ant.  e.  68 ;  "ab  ecclesiastico 
removeri  officio,"  Cod.  Eccl.  Afric.  c.  25 ;  "  locum 
amittere,"  2  Cone.  Carth.  c.  8;  "  ab  imposito 
officio  repelli,"  1  Araus.  c.  16  ;  "  honore  proprio 
privari,"  Milev.  c.  19.  The  person  so  removed 
from  office  was  for  the  future  a  layman:  his 
place  in  church  was  no  longer  on  the  raised 
steps  or  seats ;  he  had  no  longer  a  voice  in 
the  administration  of  discipline ;  and  he  had 
no  longer  the  larger  share  of  the  offerings 
which  fell  to  the  several  grades  of  officers.    This 


OKDEKS,  HOLY 

is  sometimes  expressly  stated:  e.g.,  Justin.  Novell.  I 
vi.  5,  Th  \otirhv  iSiioT-ns  effra;  S.  B&sil,  Epist.  i.  i 
i'd  Amphiloch.  c.  3,  els  rhv  KaUSiv  dTrtotreels  | 
t6ttov;  Cone.  Trull,  c.  21,  eV  -r^  rSiv  XdiKSiv 
aTrcadovfifuoi  tott^  ;  3  Cone.  Aurel.  A.D.  538,  c.  '_', 
"laica  communione  contentus  ab  officio  depo- 
natur  ;"  2  Turon.  A.D.  667,  c  19,  "depositus  ab 
onini  officio  clericali  inter  laicos  se  observare 
cognoscat "  (but  with  permission  to  sit  among 
the  readers  in  the  choir).  There  is  no  trace  of 
the  recognition  in  early  canon  law  of  the  opinion 
which  afterwards  came  to  prevail,  that  a  person  so 
deposed  was  still  in  posse  what  he  had  been  before ; 
and  that  the  repeal  of  the  sentence  of  deposition 
would  restore  him  at  once  to  all  the  privileges  and 
po.vers  of  his  lost  place.  On  the  contrary,  even 
so  late  as  the  seventh  century,  and  even  in  cases 
where  the  deposition  was  found  to  be  unjust,  re- 
ordination  was  necessary  ("  non  potest  esse  quod 
fuerat  nisi  gradus  amissos  recipiat  coram  altario," 
4  Cone.  Tolet.  A.D.  633,  c.  28).  One  of  the 
earliest  instances  of  the  later  opinion  is  in  the 
Capit.  Vernetise  of  Pippin,  A.D.  753,  Pertz,  vol.  i. 
p.  23,  which  allows  a  degraded  presbyter  to 
baptize  in  cases  of  extreme  emergency.  The 
.addition  of  excommunication  to  deposition  was 
in  early  times  a  separate  and  cumulative  punish- 
ment; the  Apostolical  Canons,  c.  24,  maintain 
that  the  former  is  sufficient  without  the  latter, 
even  in  cases  of  theft  or  perjury,  on  the  ground 
that  a  man  must  not  be  pvmished  twice  for  the 
same  ofience.  They  allow  them  to  be  combined 
only  in  the  case  of  simony  (c.  28 ;  the  interpre- 
tation of  c.  64,  which  apparently  visits  with  the 
same  double  punishment  those  who  associj-te 
with  Jews  and  heretics,  is  not  certain:  cf. 
Balsamon  and  Zonaras  ad  foe). 

(4)  Other  Punishments. — (a)  In  the  sixth 
century,  when  the  practice  of  appointing  very 
\  oung  persons  to  minor  orders  began  to  prevail, 
it  was  sometimes  enacted  that  "  juniores  clerici " 
who  transgressed  the  canons  should  be  whipped 
(Cone.  Epaon.  A.D.  517,  c.  15  ;  1  Matisc.  A.D.  581, 
c.  8 ;  Narbon.  A.D.  589,  c.  13  ;  11  Tolet.  a.d.  675, 
c.  8).  The  fourth  Council  of  Braga,  which  is  of 
the  same  date  as  the  last-mentioned  council,  goes 
so  far  as  to  allow  presbyters  to  be  scourged  for 
grave  ofl'ences,  but  discourages  the  practice 
which  some  bishops  seem  to  have  had  of  beating 
their  clergy  themselves.  So  also  in  the  following 
century  a  presbyter  who  commits  a  sin  of  the 
flesh  is  to  be  scourged,  "  flagellatus  et  scorti- 
catus,"  before  being  imprisoned  (Karloman. 
Capit.  A.D.  742,  c.  6  ;  Pertz,  vol.  i.  p.  17).  The 
civil  law  recognises  the  same  mode  of  punish- 
ment for  clerks  below  the  grade  of  deacons 
(Justin.  Novell.  123,  c.  20 ;  cf.  Cod.  1,  3,  8).  (h) 
When  the  monastic  system  began  to  prevail, 
clerks  were  sometimes  punished  by  being  secluded 
in  a  monastery:  e.g.,  Cone.  Epaon.  a.d.  517,  c. 
22 ;  3  Aurel.  A.D.  538,  c.  7  ;  4  Tol.  a.d.  633,  c. 
29,  45  ;  8  Tol.  a.d.  653,  c.  7.  So  also  in  the 
civil  law:  Justin.  Novell,  c.  11,  substitutes  this 
punishment  for  that  of  banishment,  which  had 
been  imposed  nearly  a  century  and  a  half  earlier 
by  a  law  of  Arcadius  and  Honorius  (Cod.  Theodos. 
xvi.  2,  35).  It  was  sometimes  further  enacted 
that  clerks  who  were  thus  secluded  should  be 
confined  in  solitary  cells  and  fed  on  bread  and 
water  (2  Cone.  Turon.  a.d.  567,  c.  19  ;  1  Matisc. 
a.d.  581,  c.  8),  and  that  they  should  be  subject 
to  the  abbat  (Narbon.  a.d.  589,  c.  6).     [E.  H.] 


OEDINAL 


i-io: 


OEDEES  (Monastic).  [Moxasthrv,  p. 
1229.] 

OEDINAL.  It  is  proposed  in  the  present 
article  to  give  a  brief  account  of  the  books  which 
contain  the  early  forms  of  ordination  in  both 
East  and  West.  There  is  no  ancient  term  for 
such  books.  The  most  usual  Western  term  is 
Pontificale  ;  but  on  the  one  hand,  the  word  does 
not  appear  until  the  close  of  the  middle  ages, 
and  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  too  wide  for  the 
present  purpose,  inasmuch  as  the  books  so  desig- 
nated contain  not  only  forms  of  ordination,  but 
also  forms  for  all  offices,  e.g.  the  consecration  of 
churches,  in  which  the  presence  of  a  bishop  had 
come  to  be  required.  For  Pontificale  Sicard  of 
Cremona  in  the  12th  century  (Mai,  Spic.  Rom. 
vol.  vi.  p.  583,  Migne,  Patr.  Lat.  vol.  ccxv.) 
substitutes  Mitrale,  but  this  latter  word  does  not 
seem  to  have  obtained  general  currency.  Ordinale 
was  in  earlier  use,  but  with  a  different  meaning. 
Ralph  Higden  (^Polychronicon,  lib.  7,  c.  3)  speaks 
of  a  "  librum  ordinalem  ecclesiastici  officii  quern 
consuetudinarium  vocant,"  as  belonging  to 
Osmund  of  Salisbury  circ.  a.d.  1077  ;  but  in 
the  Gcsta  Abbatum  S.  Albani,  ed.  Riley,  p.  58, 
"  ordinalibus,  consuetudinariis,  missalibus  "  are 
enumerated  separately  among  the  books  given 
to  the  abbey  by  abbat  Paul,  a.d.  1077-1093 ;  an 
ordinariiis  liber  or  ordinarium  is  mentioned  in  a, 
charter  of  St.  Wulfran's  church  at  Abbeville  in 
a.d.  1208  ;  it  was  a  book  of  directions,  specify- 
ing "  quid  et  quando  et  quomodo  cantandum  sit 
vel  legendum,  chorus  regendus,  campanae  pul- 
sandae,  luminare  accendendum,"  i&c.  But  it  has 
been  supposed  that  there  were  ditierent  ordinaria 
for  the  several  classes  of  ministers,  and  that  the 
ordinarium  cpiscopab  was  the  same  as  the 
pontificale.  In  the  absence,  therefore,  of  any 
precise  ancient  term,  the  information  in  question 
has  been  placed  under  the  present  heading,  as 
being  more  expressive  than  any  other  to  modern 
English  readers. 

1.  Western  Ordiiuds. — It  is  not  possible  in 
the  present  state  of  knowledge  to  lay  down 
many  general  propositions  in  respect  to  early 
Western  ordinals.  The  earlier  MSS.  of  those 
which  are  known  to  exist  do  not  appear  to  have 
been  carefully  examined  by  any  scholar  of 
eminence  since  the  time  of  Muratori,  and  some 
of  those  which  have  been  published,  aud  which 
are  mentioned  below  as  belonging  to  a  certain 
date,  are  found  on  examination  to  be  composite 
MSS.,  i.e.  MSS.  of  clearly  distinguishable  and 
sometimes  widely  separated  dates,  which  have 
accidentally  been  bound  up  together.  Con- 
sequently, almost  all  facts  in  relation  to  ordina- 
tion which  are  assigned  to  certain  dates  on  the 
authority  of  printed  editions  of  the  several  MSS. 
are  liable  to  correction.  It  is,  moreover, 
probable  that  many  MSS.  remain  still  unex- 
amined, and  that  much  light  may  be  thrown  upon 
early  ecclesiastical  usages  by  fresh  discoveries. 
The  following  accounts  will  be  confined  to  those 
which  have  been  printed  :  nor  even  in  the  case 
of  those  which  have  been  specially  examined  f^or 
the  purposes  of  this  work  will  there  be  any  dis- 
cussion, which  must  necessarily  be  elaborate 
and  lengthy,  of  their  origin  or  approximate 
date.  But  even  with  this  limitation  it  is  clear 
that  the  printed  ordinals  belong  to  several  dis- 
tinct types,  and  that  the  type  which  ultimately 
survived,   and    which,   being    retained    in    the 


1498 


ORDINAL 


mediaeval  service  -  books,  lias  come  down  to 
modern  times  in  the  Roman  and  Anglican 
ordinals,  was  not  the  earliest  even  of  those  which 
still  remain. 

1.  Among  the  earliest  of  the  remaining  types 
is  that  which  is  printed  by  Mabillon  {jftLuseum 
JtaUcum,  vol.  ii.  85)  as  Ordo  Eonianus  viii.  It 
contains  short  forms  for  the  ordination  of  aco- 
lytes, subdeacons,  deacons  and  presbyters,  and  a 
longer  form  for  the  ordination  of  a  bishop. 

2.  Another  type  of  great  antiquity,  but 
Avhether  earlier  or  later  than  the  preceding  is 
not  at  present  clear,  is  that  which  was  first 
printed  by  Hittorp,  de  Divinis  Catholicae 
Ecclesiaa  Officiis,  Cologne,  1568,  p.  88,  col.  1  and 
part  of  col.  2.  This  is  distinctively  Roman,  as  is 
shewn  by  the  direction  that  the  pope  and  clergy 
are  to  go  in  procession  from  the  church  of  St. 
Adrian  to  that  of  St.  Maria  in  Praesepe.  It  is 
important,  as  separating  election  from  admission 
to  office  (i.e.  ordination  in  its  later  sense)  by  an 
interval  of  two  days.  It  gives  no  form  of  either 
prayer  or  benediction,  and  it  is  confined  to  pres- 
bvters  and  deacons.  It  was  printed  again  by 
Mabillon  from  a  St.  Gall  MS.  (J/ms.  Ital.  vol.  ii.) 
as  Ordo  Eotnanus  is.  and  by  Martene  {de  Antiq. 
Eccl.  Bit.  vol.  ii.)  from  a  MS.  of  the  Benedictine 
Abbey  of  the  Trinity  at  Vendome,  also  as  Urdo 
is.  ;  both  these  editors  add  to  what  Hittorp  had 
published  an  order  for  the  benediction  of  a 
bishop ;  and  Mabillon,  not  Martene,  gives  an 
order  respecting  the  four  seasons,  whicii  is  not 
in  accordance  witli  the  preceding  part  of  the 
MS.,  and  is  probably  a  remnant  of  a  distinct 
rite  ;  this  last  part  is  also  printed  from  MSS.  at 
Zurich  and  Einsiedeln  by  Gerbert  {Monum. 
Liturg.  Alemann.  vol.  ii.  38 ;  cf.  id.  Ziturg. 
Alcinann.  disquis.  V.  c.  4,  vol.  ii.  494). 

3.  Another  type  of  great  antiquity,  and  one 
which  is  possibly  earlier  than  either  of  the  two 
preceding,  is  that  which  occurs  as  a  preface  or 
preliminary  rubric  to  the  ritual  of  the  ordination 
of  deacons  and  presbyters  in  some  of  the  later 
ordinals  (for  which  see  below),  viz.  Sacram. 
Gelas.  i.  c.  20,  Missale  Francorum,  Cod.  Maff.  ap. 
Muratori,  Pontif.  Ecgb.  S.  Dunst.  Rodrad,  Cata- 
lani,  Ord.  ii.  It  is  remarkable  as  giving  no 
forms  of  benediction,  nor  any  mention  of  vest- 
ments, and  for  the  retention  of  the  primitive 
custom  of  making  the  oblations  to  the  bishop 
himself  at  the  Eucharist,  and  receiving  them 
back  from  him  when  consecrated. 

4.  The  older  MSS.  of  the  sacramentaries  con- 
tain prayers  which  might  have  been  combined 
with  any  of  the  rituals  hitherto  mentioned. 

(a)  That  which  is  known  as  the  Leonine 
Sacramentary  contains  prayers  without  rubrical 
directions,  to  be  used  in  (1)  the  consecration  of 
a  bishop,  (2)  the  benediction  of  a  deacon,  (3)  the 
consecration  of  a  presbyter.  The  "Veronese  MS. 
which  contains  the  sacramentary  is  assigned  to 
the  10th  century.  The  authorship  of  the  sacra- 
mentary is  absolutely  uncertain ;  various  con- 
jectures will  be  found  (1)  in  the  preface  to  the 
original  edition  of  the  work  by  Bianchini  in  his 
edition  of  Anastasius,  vol.  iv.  Rome,  1735  (whose 
ascription  of  it  to  Leo  the  Great  was  withdrawn 
later  in  life  according  to  Gerbert,  Vet.  Liturg, 
Alem.  vol.  i.  p.  80) ;  (2)  in  Mui-atori's  Disserta- 
tk>  de  Rebus  liturgicis,  c.  iii.  prefixed  to  his  edition 
of  it  in  his  Liturgia  Rornana  Vetiis,  vol.  i.  The 
text  will  be  found  not  only  in  the  above-meu- 


OEDINAL 

tioned  volumes  of  Bianchini  and  Muratori,  but 
also  in  the  Ballerini  edition  of  St.  Leo  M.  vol. 
ii.  p.  110  sqq.  (reprinted  in  Migne,  Patr.  Lat. 
vol.  Lx.  p.  113  sqq.). 

(6)  The  older  MSS.  of  that  which  is  known  as 
the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  also  contain  prayers, 
without  a  ritual,  to  be  used  at  the  ordination  of 
bishops,  presbyters,  and  deacons.  The  chief  of 
these  older  MSS.  are  (1)  one  in  the  Imperial 
Library  at  Vienna  (No.  1815.  5  ;  formerly  Theol 
149),  which  is  described  by  Lambecius  {Bihl. 
Caesar,  t.  ii.  c.  5,  p.  299)  (who  supposed,  but 
wrongly,  that  it  was  the  copy  which  Hadrian  I. 
presented  to  Charles  the  Great),  and  by  Denis 
{Codd.  MSS.  Theol.  B.  P.  t.  i.  pars  iii.  p.  3032) ; 

(2)  a  Vatican  codex,  which,  with  a  collation  of 

(3)  a  codex  in  the  Ottoboni  Library,  was  printed 
by  Muratori  {Lit.  Rom.  Vet.  vol.  ii.),  in  which 
edition  the  several  prayers  will  be  found  on 
pp.  882,  918,  1064. 

(c)  The  MS.  which  was  published  by  Cardinal 
Tomasi  in  1680  from  a  MS.  of  Queen  Christina 
of  Sweden,  and  which  since,  though  its  ascrip- 
tion to  Gelasius  is  generally  repudiated,  has  been 
known  as  the  Gelasian  Sacramentary,  contains 
two  sets  of  directions  and  prayers  for  ordina- 
tions :  the  one  (lib.  i.  c.  20-23)  corresponds  to 
some  extent  with  the  Leonine  Sacramentary, 
the  other  (lib.  i.  c.  95-99)  with  the  ordinals 
mentioned  below.  The  text  will  be  found  in 
Tomasi  (reprinted  in  Daniel,  Codex  Liturgicus, 
vol.  i.  p.  208),  in  Muratori  {Liturg.  Rom.  Vet. 
vol.  ii.) ;  and  in  Migne,  Patr.  Lat.  vol.  Ixxiv. 

5.  The  type  which  ultimately  prevailed  and 
which,  after  the  analogy  of  the  sacramentary  to 
which  it  is  usually  appended,  may  be  called  the 
Gregorian,  is  more  elaborate,  and  therefore 
probably  later  than  the  types  mentioned  above. 
The  most  important  of  the  MSS.  which  have 
been  published,  and  which  can  therefore  be 
compared  together  without  great  difficulty,  are 
the  following :  (1)  Missale  Francorum :  a  MS. 
found  by  Morin  in  the  library  of  A.  Petau  at 
Paris,  afterwards  bought  by  queen  Christina  of 
Sweden,  and  now  in  the  Vatican.  It  is  supposed 
bv  Jilorin,  on  internal  evidence,  to  have  been 
w-ritten  for  the  use  of  the  church  of  Poitiers, 
and  is  ascribed  by  him  to  the  6th  century, 
between  A.D.  511  and  560.  Mabillon,  who  first 
gave  it  the  name  by  which  it  is  now  known,  ' 
thinks  that  it  represents  the  prevalent  Prankish 
ritual,  but  ascribes  it  to  the  7th  century; 
either  date  places  it  earlier  than  the  MS.  of 
any  existing  Western  ordinal,  although  the  type 
which  it  embodies  is  probably  later  than  several 
of  those  which  have  been  mentioned  above.  It 
contains  the  ritual  for  the  ordination  of  door- 
keeper, acolyte,  reader,  exorcist,  subdeacon, 
deacon,  presbyter,  bishop,  virgin  and  widow. 
The  text  is  given  in  Morin,  de  Sacris  Ecclesiae 
Ordinationibus,  p.  261  ;  IMabillon,  Liturg.  Gall. 
lib.  iii.  p.  301;  Muratori,  Liturgia  Romana 
Vetus,  vol.  iii.  p.  439.  (2)  Codex  Remensis :  a 
JIS.  formerly  belonging  to  the  abbey  of  St. 
Remigius  at  Reims,  printed  bv  Morin,  p.  290. 
(3)  Codex  S.  Eligii :  a  MS.  probably  of  the  9th 
century,  once  in  the  abbey  of  Corbey ;  in 
Morin's  time  in  the  library  of  St.  Germain-aux- 
Prds,  now  in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale  at 
Paris  (No.  12,051).  This  MS.  forms  the  basis  of 
Menard's  text  (Paris,  1642),  and  also  of  the 
Benedictine  text  (S.  Greg.  M.  Op.  vol.  iv.),  of 


OKDINAL 

the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  ;  the  portion  which 
contains  the  ordinal  is  printed  by  Morin,  p.  270  ; 
for  an  account  of  its  date  see  Menard's  preface, 
and  Muratori  de  Jiebtis  Liturg.  c.  v.  in  his 
Liturg.  Bom.  Vet.  vol.  i.  p.  110.  (4)  Pontificale 
Ecghcrti:  which  represents  the  English  use, 
probably  of  the  8tli  century,  and  was  published 
from  a  Paris  MS.  of  the  10th  century  by  the 
Surtees  Society  in  1853  (edited  by  Mr.  Green- 
well).  (5)  Codex  Eodradi:  a  MS.  formerly 
belonging  to  the  abbey  of  Corbey,  dated  A.D. 
853,  and  now  in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale  at 
Paris  (No.  12,050) ;  it  is  compiled  with  great 
<>are,  and  its  compiler  gives  evidence  in  his 
preface  of  having  possessed  a  critical  spirit, 
which  was  in  advance  of  his  time,  and  which 
gives  the  MS.  a  high  value ;  it  is  printed  by 
Jlorin,  p.  278.  (6)  Codices  Vaticani :  many 
MSS.  are  mentioned  in  the  catalogues,  but  only 
three  are  known  to  have  been  published,  (a)  one 
of  no  specified  date  by  Eocca  in  S.  Greg.  M.  Op. 
vol.  vii.  Eome,  1593,  and  again  by  Morin,  p.  275  ; 
(/))  one  of  the  10th  century  by  Muratori,  Lit. 
lioni.  Vet.  vol.  iii.  p.  26 ;  (c)  one  of  much  later 
date  by  Catalani,  Pontificale  Romanum,  append,  ad 
p.  1,  tit.  12,  Ord.  iii."  (7)  Pontificale  S.  Dun- 
stani :  an  English  MS.  of  the  10th  century,  now 
in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale  at  Paris,  published 
by  Martene,  Ord.  iii.  (8)  Codex  Coloniensis :  of 
the  9th  century,  now  in  the  Cathedral  Library 
iit  Cologne  (No.  cxxxvii.),  which  formed  the  basis 
of  the  edition  of  Paraelius,  Missale  SS.  Patruin 
Latinorum,  sive  Liturgicon  Latinum,  Cologne, 
1571.  (9)  Codex  Gemmatensis  or  Lanaletensis : 
a  MS.  ascribed  by  Montfaucon  to  the  7th  or  8th 
century,  apparently  of  English  origin,  afterwards 
belonging  to  the  Monasteriuin  Lanalctcnse  (i.e. 
Llan  Alet,  near  St.  Malo,  in  Brittany) ;  cf  Mabil- 
lon,  Ann.  Benedict,  torn.  iv.  p.  461,  afterwards 
belonging  to  the  abbey  of  Jumieges,  but  now  in 
the  public  library  at  Eouen  (No.  A  27)  ;  pub- 
lished by  JIarteue  together  with  the  Pont  if'.  S. 
Dimst.,  with  which  it  agrees  almost  entirely  ; 
see  Gage,  Archaeologia,  vol.  sxv.  p.  235,  who 
gives  an  account  of  it,  and  ascribes  it  at  the 
earliest  to  the  end  of  the  10th  century. 
{10)  Codex  Rotomagcnsis :  commonly  known  as 
archbishop  Robert's  pontifical ;  now  at  Rouen, 
but  of  English  origm ;  sometimes  ascribed  to 
the  8th  century,  but  supposed  by  Gage,  Archaeo- 
logia, vol.  xxiv.,  to  have  been  written  for 
Aethelgar,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  A.D.  989  ; 
■see  Frere,  Bibliotheque  de  la  Ville  de  Rouen, 
p.  50 ;  published  by  Morin,  p.  282.  (11)  Codex 
Gellonensis :  ascribed  to  the  8th  century  ;  for- 
merly belonging  to  the  Benedictine  abbey  of  St. 
Guillem  du  Desert,  afterwards  to  St.  Gerniain- 
aux-Prds  at  Paris,  but  now  in  the  Bibliotheque 
Nationale  (No.  12,048);  published  by  Martene, 
Ord.  iv.  (12)  Codex  Ratoldi:  so  called  because 
of  its  mention  of  the  abbat  Ratold,  t986  ;  for- 
anerly  at  Corbey,  but  now  in  the  Bibliotheque 
Nationale  (No.  12,052) ;  published  by  Morin, 
p.  298.  (13)  Codices  Koviodunensos :  i.e.  of 
Noynn  in  Picardy  ;  (a)  three  jNISS.  ascribed  to 
the  8th  century  and  published  by  Martene,  Ord. 
iv. ;  (b)  a  MS.  sometimes  known  as  Codex  liad- 
bodi,  ascribed  to  the  9th  century  and  published 
by  Jlartene,  Ord.  vi. ;  (c)  a  MS.  of  the  13th 
century,  iniblished  by  Martene,  Ord.  xv. 
(14)  Codex  Suessionensis :  a  Soissons  MS.  of  the 
Ilth  century,  published  by  Martene,   Ord.  vii. 


OKDINAL 


1499 


(15)  Codex  Caturiccnsis,  i.e.  of  Cahors  :  ascribed 
to  the  8th  century,  and  published  by  Martene, 
Ord.  V.  (16)  Codex  Bisuntinus :  formerly  at 
Besan^on,  but  now  at  Tours  (Montfaucon,  vol.  ii. 
p.  1274)  ;  it  is  ascribed  to  the  11th  century,  and 
is  published  by  Martene,  Ord.  x.  (17)  Codices 
Beccenses :  two  MSS.  formerly  belonging  to  the 
abbey  of  Le  Bee,  in  Normandy ;  both  of  the 
12th  century ;  published  by  Martene,  Ord.  xi. 
xii.  (18)  Codex  Senoncnsis :  a  Sens  MS.  of  the 
time  of  Louis  the  Pious;  published  by  Morin, 
p.  294.  (19)  Codex  Bellovacensis :  a  Beauvais 
MS.,  written  about  A.D.  1000  and  published  by 
Morin,  p.  327.  (20)  Codex  S.  Victoria :  a  MS. 
of  the  12th  century,  formerly  belonging  to  the 
abbey  of  St.  Victor  at  Paris;  published  by 
Morin,  p.  329.  (21)  Codices  Moguntini:  (a)  a 
Mainz  MS.  of  the  13th  century,  now  in  the 
Bibliotheque  Nationale  at  Paris;  published  by 
Martene,  Ord.  xvi. ;  (6)  a  Mainz  MS.  ascribed  by 
Morin  to  the  same  period,  but  diflering  from  the 
former  in  important  particulars ;  partly  pub- 
lished by  Morin,  p.  336.  (22)  Codex  Salisbur- 
gensis :  a  Salzburg  MS.  ascribed  to  the  11th 
century,  published  by  Martene,  Ord.  viii. 
(23)  Codex  Maffeianus  :  an  early  and  important 
MS.,  the  history  of  which  is  not  known  ;  pub- 
lished by  Muratori,  vol.  iii.  p.  45.  (24)  Codex 
Caietanus :  a  MS.  which  agrees  in  many  points 
with  the  preceding ;  supposed  by  Morin  to  be  an 
Italian,  not  Roman,  ordinal  of  about  the  lOtli 
century,      and     published     by      him,    p.      313. 

(25)  Codex  Landolfi :  so  called  from  its  having 
belonged  to  a  bishop  of  Capua  of  that  name  in 
the  9th  century  ;  published  by  Catalani,  Pontifi- 
cale Romanum,    append,  ad  p.  i.  tit.  12,  Ord.  i. 

(26)  Codex  Barensis :  a  MS.  probably  of  the 
13th  century,  giving  the  use  of  the  joint  diocese 
of  Bari  and  Canusium  ;  published  by  Catalani, 
ibid.  Ord.  ii.  (27)  English  Ordinals:  Maskell's 
Monumenta  Ritualia,  vol.  iii.  contains  an  edition 
of  the  ordinal  according  to  the  use  of  Sarum 
from  a  Cambridge  MS.  of  the  15th  century 
(according  to  Maskell,  ibid.  vol.  i.  p.  1,  but  of  the 
13th  century  according  to  the  Cambridge  cata- 
logue. No.  1347)  with  a  collation  of  the  Win- 
chester Pontifical  (also  at  Camb.  Univ.  Library, 
No.  921)  of  the  12th  century,  the  Bangor  Ponti- 
fical (at  Bangor)  of  the  14th  century,  and  bishop 
Lacey's  Exeter  Pontifical  of  the  14th  century 
(since  published  separately  by  Mr.  Barnes, 
Exeter,  1847).  The  only  other  English  ordinals 
wliich  are  known  to  the  present  writer  to  have 
been  published  are  (1)  Cardinal  Bainbridge's 
York  Pontifical,  in  the  Cambridge  University 
Library,  which  was  edited  by  Dr.  Henderson  for 
the  Surtees  Society  in  1875 ;  (2)  a  Sarum  Pon- 
tifical of  the  11th  century  in  the  British 
Museum  (Tiberius,  c.  i.),  published  by  Mr. 
Chambers,  Divine  Worship  in  Enqland  in  the 
XIII.  XIV.  and  XIX.  Centuries,  London,  1878. 

Of  unpublished  and  uncollated  Pontificals 
there  are  many  ;  some  are  mentioned  in  the  list 
given  by  Zaccaria,  Bibliotkeca  Ritualis,  vol.  i. 
p.  164 ;  but  the  catalogues  of  most  great 
libraries  supply  instances  of  others.  The  most 
important  of  unpublished  English  Pontificals  is 
probably  that  which  is  contained  in  Leofric's 
Exeter  Missal  in  the  Bodleian  Library,  a  MS.  of 
various  dates,  one  part  of  it  containing  the  date 
A.D.  969. 

II.  Eastern  Ordinals :    i.  Grec^:. — The  earliest 


1500 


ORDINAL 


Greek  ordiual,  the  date  of  which  is  extremely 
obscure,  but  which  probably  represents  a  primi- 
tive type,  is  that  which  is  contained  in  the 
eighth  book  of  the  Apostolical  Constitutions,  and 
which  prescribes  the  ritual  for  the  ordination  of 
bishops,  presbyters,  deacons,  deaconesses,  sub- 
deacons,  and  readers.  (The  best  modern  texts 
are  those  of  Lagarde,  Const.  Apost.  Leipzig, 
1862,  and  of  Pitra,  Jtir.  Eccl.  Graecorum  Hist, 
et  Hon.  vol.  i.  pp.  45-75.) 

ii.  Next  in  importance  is  the  ritual  which  is 
given,  interwoven  with  a  mystical  explanation, 
by  St.  Dionysius  Areopagita  de  ecclesiastica 
Hierarchia,  c.  v.,  which  should  be  compared  with 
the  scholia  of  St.  Masimus,  and  the  paraphrase 
of  George  Pachymeres,  both  of  which  are 
usually  printed  with  it.  (The  text  will  be 
found  in  Migne,  Patr.  Graec.  vol.  ii.  ;  and  Moriu, 
de  Sacr.  Ofdin.  p.  52.) 

iii.  The  later  ordinals  seem  to  have  taken 
their  final  shape  in  the  course  of  the  8th  and 
9th  centuries ;  they  have  not  yet  been 
thoroughly  investigated,  but  the  dift'erences 
between  the  MSS.  which  have  hitherto  been 
collated  are  considerably  less  than  those  which 
are  found  between  the  Pordificals  of  the 
Gregorian  type  in  the  Western  church.  The 
chief  MSS.  are  the  following :  (1)  Codex  £ar- 
herini,  of  the  9th  century,  formerly  in  St. 
Mark's  Library  at  Florence  ;  printed  by  Morin, 
vol.  i.  p.  Qi ;  J.  A.  Asseman,  Cod.  Liturg.  Eccles. 
Univ.  vol.  \\.  p.  103.  (2)  Codex  Bessarion:  of 
the  10th  century,  given  by  a  Cretan  presbyter  to 
cardinal  Julian  at  the  council  of  Florence  ;  after- 
wards in  possession  of  cardinal  Bessarion,  who 
gave  it  to  the  monastery  of  Crypta  Ferrata,  near 
Kome,  of  A^hich  he  was  abbat ;  printed  by  Morin, 
i.  p.  74,  J.  A..  Asseman,  vol.  xi.  p.  125.  (3)  Codex 
Paris :  not  earlier  than  tlie  14th  century ;  in 
the  Bibliotheque  Rationale ;  printed  by  Morin, 
voL  i.  p.  83 ;  J.  A.  Asseman,  vol.  xi.  p.  147. 
(4)  Codex  S.  Andr.  Vail. :  of  uncertain  date,  in 
the  library  of  the  church  of  St.  Andrea  Val- 
lensis  at  Rome;  printed  by  Morin,  vol.  i.  p.  91, 
J.  A.  Asseman,  vol.  si.  p.  166.  (5)  Codices 
Vat. :  one  of  the  12th  century,  containing  the 
offices  for  the  ordination  of  reader,  singer,  sub- 
deacon,  deacon,  deaconess,  the  other  containing 
those  for  presbyter,  bishop,  abbat ;  printed  by 
Morin,  vol.  i.  p.  97,  J.  A.  Asseman,  vol.  xi. 
p.  179.  (6)  Codex  Leo  Allat. :  of  much  more 
recent  date,  and  possibly  more  Syrian  than 
Greek  ;  printed  by  Morin,  vol.  i.  p.  104,  J.  A. 
Asseman,  vol.  xi.  p.  196.  The  other  editions  of 
the  ordinals  are  less  precise  in  stating  the  MSS. 
authorities  upon  which  they  are  based ;  the  chief 
of  them  are  Habert's  'Apx'^P"'''""'''?  Liher 
Pontificalis  Eccl.  Graccae,  Paris,  1643,  and  Goar's 
¥.vxo'K6yiov,  sive  Eitiuxlc  Graecorum,  Paris, 
1647  (the  notes  to  which  are  valuable).  A  con- 
venient edition  for  general  reference,  but  useless 
for  scientific  inquiry,  is  that  which  is  contained 
in  Daniel's  Code.v  Liturgicus,  vol.  iv.  fasc.  ii. 
Leipzig,  1853. 

iv.  Coptic. — The  Coptic  ordinal,  which  may  be 
presumed  to  retain  the  chief  traditions  of  the 
later  church  of  Alexandria,  was  first  published  in 
its  present  form  by  Gabriel,  son  of  Tarik, 
patriarch  of  Alexandria,  in  1141.  It  has  been 
printed  in  the  West  from  several  different  MSS. 
which  do  not  materially  differ:  (1)  The  greater 
part   of  it  was   first   translated  into   Latin   by 


OEDINAL 

father  Kircher,  from  a  MS.  which  was  sent  to 
the  Propaganda,  and  published  by  Bartold  Nihu- 
lius  at  Cologne  in  1653,  in  the  ivfj.fj.iKTd  of  Leo 
AUatius ;  this  was  reprinted  by  Morin,  de  Sacr. 
Ordin.  (2)  The  oflices  for  the  ordination  of  a 
bishop,  metropolitan,  and  patriarch,  which  had 
been  omitted  by  Kircher,  were  printed  by 
Renaudot,  Liturg.  Oriental,  vol.  i.  from  a  Paris 
MS.  and  the  office  for  a  patriarch  also  from 
Ebnassal,  Epitome  Canonum,  a.d.  1239,  and  from 
Abulbireat  Lampas  teticbrarum,  saec.  xiv.  (3)  A 
later  version  from  other  Paris  MSS.  is  given  by 
Vansleb,  Histoire  de  I'Ejlise  d'Alexandrie,  Paris, 
1677,  p.  4,  sect.  2.  (4)  J.  S.  Asseman  translated 
the  offices  for  a  reader,  subdeacon,  deacon,  pres- 
byter, and  bishop  from  a  Vatican  MS.,  and  pub- 
lished them  in  his  Dissertazione  dell  i  nazionc  del 
Copti,  &c.  1733,  which  was  reprinted  by  Mai, 
Script.  Vet.  vol.  v.  pars  ii.  §  5.  An  orthodox 
Copt,  Raphael  Tuki,  published  in  1761,  under 
the  auspices  of  the  Propaganda,  an  edition  of 
both  the  euchologion  and  the  pontifical  from 
MSS.  which  he  found  at  Rome ;  a  Latin  version 
of  this  is  published,  with  a  collation  of  other 
editions,  in  Denzinger,  liitus  Orientalium,  vol.  ii. 
Wiirtzburg,  1864. 

iii.  Jacobite. — The  ordinal  of  the  Jacobite 
Syrians,  which  probably  retains  the  main  features 
of  that  of  the  church  of  Antioch,  is  said  to  have 
been  arranged  by  Michael  the  Great  about 
A.D.  1190.  It  has  been  published  in  three  forms, 
between  which  there  are  considerable  differences, 
(1)  By  Morin  in  Syriac  and  Latin  ;  (2)  by  Renau- 
dot, Perpe'tuite'de  la  Foi  de  I'Eglise  Catholique  from 
a  MS.  in  the  Grand  Ducal  Library  at  Florence. 
(3)  It  is  also  found  as  a  collation  with  the  Nes- 
torian  ordinal  in  J.  S.  Asseman,  Bibliotkeca 
Orientalis,  vol.  iii.  p.  2.  Probably  older  than 
any  of  these  ordinals  in  their  present  form  are 
the  canonical  directions  which  are  given  by 
Gregory  Abulfaradsch  (Bar-Hebraeus),  who  in 
the  13th  century  formed  a  collection  of  canons, 
a  Latin  version  of  which  by  J.  A.  Asseman  is 
published  in  Mai,  Script.  Vett.  Nov.  Coll.  fol.  x. 
pars  ii. 

iv.  Maronitc. — The  Maronite  ordinal  so  nearly 
resembles  the  Jacobite  ordinal  as  to  have  been 
sometimes  identified  with  it.  It  was  first 
printed  by  Morin,  but  imperfectly,  inasmuch  as 
the  MS.  which  he  used  was  a  Diaconicon  and  not 
a  full  Pontifical.     It  has  since  been  fully  printed 

(1)  by  J.  A.  Asseman,  Cod.  Liturg.  vol.  ix.  x. 
from  a  collation  of  ancient  MSS.  supplied  by  a 
Maronite  patriarch;  (2)  by  Denzinger,  Ritus 
Orientalium,  vol.  ii.,  who  has  reprinted  Asseman's 
text,  with  the  addition  of  a  collation  of  some 
important  materials  which  had  been  left  in  MS. 
by  Renaudot. 

V.  Nestorian. — The  Nestorian  ordinal  ascribes 
to  itself  a  higher  antiquity  than  any  of  the 
other  Oriental  ordinals.  It  bears  the  names  of 
the  patriarchs  Marabas  I.  t552,  and  Jesujab 
1660  of  Cyprian,  bishop  of  Nisibis,  fl.  767,  and  of 
Gabriel,  metropolitan  of  Bussorah,  circ.  884.  It 
has  been  printed  (1)  by  Morin  from  a  Vatican 
MS.  in  both  Syriac  and  Latin,  the  Latin  version 
being  however  to  some  extent  untrustworthy  j 

(2)  by  J.  S.  Asseman,  Bibliotkeca  Orientalis,  vol. 
iii.  p.  2,  from  the  same  and  other  Vatican  MSS., 
but  with  an  amended  Latin  version  ;  (3)  by  J.  A. 
Asseman,  Cod.  JJturg.  vol.  xiii.  ;  (4)  by  G.  P. 
Badger,     The    Nestorians     and     their    BitualSy 


ORDINARY  OF  THE  MASS 

London,  1852,  from  MSS.  which  differ  in  many, 
but  comparatively  unimportant,  points  from 
those  which  were  used  by  the  two  Assemans ; 
(5)  by  Denzinger,  liitus  Orientalmm,  vol.  ii.,  who 
has  reprinted  both  the  text  of  the  Assemans  and 
that  of  Badger.  [E.  H.] 

ORDINARY  OF  THE  MASS.  The  defi- 
nition of  ordlnarium  {-ius)  is  liber  continens  ordi- 
nem  divini  officii.  In  reference  to  the  Mass  this 
would  imply  the  fixed  framework  of  the  service 
into  which  the  variable  parts,  proper  to  the  day 
or  season,  are  fitted,  and  by  popular  iisage  is 
taken  to  mean  the  whole  of  the  service,  except 
the  canon.  [C-  E-  H.J 

ORDINATION. 

I.  ^'amesfor  ordination : 

i.  Words  denoting  appointment  or  election,  p.  1501. 

ii.  AVords  denoting  promotion,  p.  1502. 
.ii.  Words  denoting  membership  of  the  dents,  p.  1502. 
iv.  Words  denoting  admission  to  ofQce,  p.  1502. 

II.  Nature  of  ordination  : 

(1)  Contemporary  modes  of  civil  appointment,  p.  1503, 

(a)  By  the  people,    (b)  By  the  senate,    (c)  By 
the  sovereign. 

(2)  Corresponding  modes  of  ecclesiastical  appoint- 

ment, p.  1503. 

(a)  By  the  laity,    (b)  By  the  clergy,    (c)  By 
the  bishop. 

(3)  Ultimate  elements  of  ordination,  p.  1504. 

i.  Election : 

(a)  Of  presbyters,    (b)  Of  deacons,    (c)  Of 
subdeacons.    (d)  Of  readers, 
ii.  Testimony,  p.  1506  : 

(a)  Of  clergy,    (b)  Oflaity. 
iii.  Declaration  of  election,  p.  1507. 

III.  Rites  of  ordination  : 


ORDINATION 


1501 


i.  In  general, 

(a)  Prayer,  p.  150S. 
1508. 
ii.  In  special, 
1.  Ostiarius,  p.  150S. 
3.  Singer,  p.  1509. 
5.  Acolyte,  p.  1510. 
7.  Deacon,  p.  1511. 


(b)  Delivery  of  insignia,  p. 


2.  Header,  p.  1509. 
4.  Exorcist,  p.  1509. 
6.  Subdeacon,  p.  1510. 
8.  Presbj'ter,  1512. 
Other  officers,  p.  1515. 
IV".  Time  and  place  of  ordination  : 
i.  Time 

(1)  Season,  p.  1516.    (2)  Day  of  week,  p.  1517. 
(3)  Relation  to  divine  service,  p.  1517. 
ii.  Place,  p.  1517. 

V.  Minister  of  ordination : 

i.  Of  Presbyters,  p.  1518. 
ii.  Of  Deacons,  p.  1519. 
iii.  Of  Minor  Orders,  p.  1519. 
iv.  Of  Clerlis,  p.  1520. 

VI.  Re-ordination,  p.  1520. 
VII.  Literature,  p.  1520. 

I.  Names  for  Ordination. 
The  Greek  and  Latin  words  which  were  usea  to 
express  either  the  whole  or  part  of  the  series  of 
processes  which  in  English  are  commonly 
grouped  together  under  the  word  ordination, 
are  so  numerous  and  so  significant  as  to  throw 
considerable  light  upon  the  conception  which 
was  entertained  as  to  the  nature  of  the  pro- 
cesses themselves.  It  is  therefore  necessary  to 
treat  of  them  with  some  minuteness  of  detail. 
i.  Some  of  them  are  words  which  were  in  ordi- 
nary use  to  denote  civil  elections  or  appoint- 
ments; ii.  Others  are  ordinary  words  for  pro- 


motion to  dignity ;  iii.  Others  express  oniv  the 
fact  that  a  person  was  ranked  in  the  K\ripos  or 
ordo ;  iv.  Others  connote  a  special  sacredness  in 
the  office  itself,  and  the  performance  of  sacred 
rites  in  admission  to  it. 

i.  Words  denoting  appointment  or  election : 
(1)  ■Xiiporovetv  {xeiporovia):  this  word 
is  used  (a)  in  the  Kew  Testament,  Acts  xiv. 
23,  x^'POTO'''^''''"''''' y  Sc-  avrol^  icar  iKKKriaiav 
TTpeff^vTfpovs :  2  Cor.  viii.  19  (of  Titus),  x^'P"' 
TOi'T}dels  vTvd  rwv  iKKArjatHv ;  (6)  in  sub- 
apostolic  Greek,  St.  Ignat.  ad  Philad.  c.  10  ; 
(c)  in  the  Clementines,  Clement.  Epist.  ad- 
Jacob,  c.  2 ;  (d)  in  the  Apostolical  Constitu- 
tions, e.g.  2,  2,  27  ;  7,  46  ;  and  the  Apostolical 
Canons,  e.g.  2,  36  ;  (e)  in  the  Canou  Law,  e.  g. 
Cone.  Ancyr.  a.d.  314,  c.  13:  Neocaes.  a.d.  315, 
c.  3  :  Nicaen.  a.d.  325,  c.  16,  19 :  Antioch,  a.d. 
341,  c.  2;  (/)  in  the  Civil  Law,  e.g.  God. 
Justin.  1,  3,  42  (41),  §  9;  Novell.  Justin.  6, 
c.  4.  Its  meaning  was  originally  "  to  elect,"  but 
it  came  afterwards  to  mean,  even  in  classical 
Greek,  simply  "  to  appoint  to  office,"  without 
itself  indicating  the  particular  mode  of  appoint- 
ment (cf.  Schomann,  de  Comitiis,  p.  122).  That 
the  latter  was  its  ordinary  meaning  in  Hellenistic 
Greek,  and  consequently  in  the  first  ages  of 
church  history,  is  clear  from  a  large  number  of 
instances:  e.g.  in  Josephus,  Ant.  6,  13,  9,  it  is 
used  of  the  appointment  of  David  as  king  by 
God,  id.  13,  2,  2,  of  the  appointment  of  Jona- 
than as  high  priest  by  Alexander:  in  Philo, 
2,  76,  it  is  used  of  the  appointment  of  Joseph 
as  governor  by  Pharaoh :  in  Lucian,  de  morte 
Peregrini,  c.  41,  of  the  appointment  of  am- 
bassadors :  in  insci'iptions,  e.g.  Le  Bas  et  Wad- 
dington.  No.  42,  of  the  appointment  of  municipal 
officers;  and  so  also  of  civil  appointments  in 
ecclesiastical  writers,  e.g.  in  Sozomen,  H.  E.  7, 
24,  of  the  appointment  of  Arcadius  as  Augustus 
by  Theodosius ;  in  Isidore  of  Pelusium,  Epist. 
2,  264,  of  the  ajipointment  of  military  officers. 
In  later  times  a  new  connotation  appears,  of 
which  there  is  no  early  trace  ;  it  was  used  of 
the  stretching  out  of  the  bishop's  hands  in  the 
rite  of  imposition  of  hands.  But  the  12th 
century  canonist  who  affirms  this  to  be  the 
contemporary  meaning,  admits  also  that  the 
word  was  used  in  earlier  times  in  reference  to 
election  (Zonaras,  ad  Can.  Apost.  1).  About  a 
century  kiter  the  eai'lier  meaning  so  completely 
passed  away,  that  Balsamon  in  his  commentary 
on  the  same  passage  of  the  Apostolical  Canons, 
contradicts  Zonaras  by  denying  its  existence. 
(For  the  ultimate  identification  of  x^^po'^ovelv 
and  x^'PofleTeif,  see  below.)  (2),  Kad icrrdyetf 
(^KaTdcrTaais) :  this  is  the  most  common  word. 
It  is  first  found  in  Clem.  R.  1,  42  (of  the 
Apostles),  KaOicrravov  Tas  airapxas  avTuiv  .  .  .  - 
eis  eiTKTKOTzovs  Ka\  5.,  and  it  is  afterwards  found 
in  all  classes  of  ecclesiastical  literature :  e.g. 
Clement.  Horn.  3,  64:  Aiot.  KA^^u.,  17;  St. 
Iren.  adv.  Haer.  3,  2,  3 :  Cone.  Ancyr.  c.  10,  18, 
Nicaen.  c.  4,  Sardic.  c.  11,  15,  Laod.  c.  11, 
Chalc.  c.  2  :  Const.  Apost.  2,  1 :  Euseb.  //.  E. 
2,  1:  Socrat.  //.  E.  1,  9:  S.  Athanas.  Hist. 
Arian.  c.  75,  p.  308.  It  is  the  ordinary  classical 
and  Hellenistic  word  for  appointment,  without 
any  religious  or  ecclesiastical  connotation.  (3), 
irpoxe'P^C^"'^'"  (TrpoxeipiTis) :  e.g.  Const. 
Apost.  6,  23,  els  Up<i>ffvvr)V-  id.  7,  31,  iitiCKdvovs 
Kal  irpeo-jSuTepoiis  Kal  Sia/cJyouy :  Cone.  Nicaen. 


1502 


OEDINATION 


c.  10 ;  Socrat.  //.  E.  1,  9 ;  2.  6 ;  7,  2  ; 
Euseb.  H.  E.2,  1 :  Cod.  Justin.  1,  3,  48  (4-7). 
The  word  is  common  in  later  classical  Greek 
in  the  sense  of  "  to  elect,"  e.g.   Polyb,   3,   97, 

2  :  6,  58,  4.  Lucian,  Toxar.  c.  10 ;  and  this  is 
.sometimes  its  meaning  in  ecclesiastical  Greek : 
tut  its  more  usual  meaning  in  ecclesiastical 
•Greek  is  "  to  propose  a  name  for  election,"  as  is 
-clearly  shewn,  e.g.  by  Socrat.  H,  E.  1,  9  :  -n-poxet- 
pi(e(rOat  t)  inro^dWetv  ovojxara  (in  the  synodical 
letter  of  the  council  of  Nicaea),  id.  2,  6,  where 
it  is  co-ordinated  with  a-KivZuv  =  "  favere  "  :  in 
later  Greek  this  became  its  ordinary  meaning, 
e.g.  Nicetas  Paphlag.  Vit.  S.  Ignat.  Constant,  ap. 
Migne,  P.  G.  vol.  cv.  501,  says  "  many  having 
been  proposed  for  election  (Trpoxf^p^CoiJ-^vwv), 
but  some  having  failed  of  their  object  for  one 
reason,  some  for  another " :  cf.  the  notes  of 
H.  Valois  to  Euseb.  Vit.  Constant,  iii.  c.  62,  and 
of  Hase  to  Leo  Diaconus,  Hist.  vi.  6.  An  instance 
of  its  use  in  this  sense  in  secular  Greek  occurs 
in  an  inscription  at  Corycus  in  Cilicia,  ap.  Le 
Bas  et  Waddington,  No.  1421.  {'i)  irpo^dX- 
Xea-Qar.  e.g.  Cone.  Chalc.  c.  2;  Socrat.  If.  E. 
2,  37,  42 :  5,  8,  21 :  6,  11  :  in  its  classical  sense 
of  "  to  propose  a  name  for  election,"  and  hence 
almost  identical  with  irpoxeipiCeo-Bai.  (5) 
opi^ea-dai:  1  Cone.  Antioch.  c.  17:  probably 
from  its  use  in  the  New  Testament,  eg  Acts, 
17,  31.  (6)  constituere :  e.g.  St.  Cypr.  Epist. 
24 :  49 :  65,  3 :  in  clerico  ministerio  constitui, 
id.  66 ;  probably,  as  in  classical  Latin,  e.g. 
€ic.  pro  Deiot.  c.  9,  Suet.  Tib.  c.  65,  equivalent 
to  KaSiaTCLViiv,  and  equally  colourless  in  its 
meaning :  but  co-ordinated  with  cligcre  in  S. 
Ilieron.  Dial.  c.  Liicif.  c.  9 

ii.  Words  implying  promotion  to  dignity  :  (1) 
■KpoeKde^v :  Const.  Apost.  6,  17  ;  Cone.  Trull,  c. 
<j.  (2)  irpodyecrdat:  Cone.  Ancyr.  c.  12,  Nicaen. 
<;.  1,  Laod.  c.  26,  Trull,  c.  6.  (3)  ava^aiveiv : 
Cod.  Justin.  1,  3,  53  (52):  cf.  Socrat.  H.  E.  1,  9, 
irpoaavafiaiveiv  els  rrju  rifjiijv.  (4)  promoveri:  ad 
■clerum,  Cone.  Illib.  a.d.  305,  c.  80 :  ad  ordines, 

3  Cone.  Aurel.  a.d.  538,  c.  6.  (5)  conscendere  : 
ad  gradum  presbyterii.  Cod.  Lugd.  269,  ap. 
Haenel  Corp.  Legmn  ante  Justin,  lat.  p.  238. 
(fi)  praesumi,  provelu,  praeferri ;  1  Cone.  Aurel. 
A.D.  511,  c.  4 ;  Cassian,  Collat.  4  1,  ap.  Migne, 
P.  L.  vol.  xlix.  585. 

iii.  Words  implying  place  in  the  KXripos,  or 
•ordo  :  (1)  KKripoia&ai :  S.  Iren.  3,  2,  3  ;  Euseb. 
H.  E.  5,  28  ;  Socrat.  H.  E.  1,  8.  (2)  eV  K\^pcfi 
raTTearOai,  KaraTdrTe(r6ai,  Const.  Apost.  8,  3  ; 
Cone.  Trull,  c.  38.  (3)  ivapidiu-uaBai :  ra>  rdy- 
ixarnciiv  UpariKaiv  S.  Basil.  Epist.  54  (181),  ap. 
Migne,  P.  G.  xxxii.  400.  (4)  KaraAeyecrBai  :  i.  e. 
to  be  assigned  a  place  in  the  Kard\oyos  (Cone. 
Chalc.  c.  7  ;  cf.  1  Tim.  v.  9).  (5)  ordinare  (ordi- 
natio) :  found  in  almost  all  writers  fi-om  Tertul- 
lian  onwards  :  e.  g.  TertuU.  de  Praescr.  Haerct. 
<:.  41  ;  Clement.  liecogn.  3,  65  ;  6,  15  ;  S.  Cypr. 
Epist.  33  ;  68,  3  ;  S.  Ambros.  Epist.  63,  65 ; 
Cone.  Illib.  A.D.  305,  c.  30;  1  Arelat.  A.D.  314, 
c.  2  ;  1  Carth.  c.  8  ;  1  Tolet.  c.  2 ;  and  the  Civil 
Law,  passim.  The  earlier  classical  meaning  of 
rthe  word  had  already  been  narrowed  in  its  civil 
use,  from  administration  in  general  to  the  ap- 
Qiointment  of  magistrates :  e.  g.  Suet.  Botn.  c.  4  ; 
Vespas.  c.  23  ;  so,  as  late  as  Carolingian  times, 
<?.  g.  in  the  Capit.  Langobard.  a.d.  782,  <;  2,  ap. 
Pertz,  Legum,  vol.  i.  p.  42.  The  secular  use 
which  comes  nearest  its  ecclesiastical  use  is  in 


ORDINATION 

the  army,  where  "  ordinati  "  =  "  qui  ordinem 
adepti  sunt,  id  est,  centuriones  facti  "  (^Corpus 
Inscr.  Lat.  ed.  Mommsen,  vol.  iii.  no.  830).  It 
was  used  of  the  appointment,  not  only  of  clergy, 
but  also  of  monks  and  abbats  ;  e.  g.  Poenit. 
Theod.  2,  3,  3,  in  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Councils, 
4'c.,  vol.  iii. 

iv.  Words  denoting  admission  to  office,  and 
especially  to  sacred  office.  (1)  x^'Po^ereTj/ 
{x^^poBeaia):  first  found  in  Clem.  Alex.  Paed.  1, 
5,  p.  104,  ed.  Pott ;  and  OrigenjK  Matth.  vol.  iii. 
p.  660,  ed.  Delaruo,  of  Christ  putting  His  hands 
on  the  young  children :  so,  also,  in  a  general 
sense,  in  Doctrin.  Orient,  c.  32,  ap.  Clem.  Alex, 
ed.  Pott,  p.  9^54.  Its  earliest  uses  in  reference 
to  the  clergy  are  probably  Cone.  Neocaes.*c.  9, 
Nicaen.  c.  8,  19,  1  Antioch.  c.  17,  Const. 
Apost.  2,  32  ;  frequently  afterwards.  But  it  is 
difficult  to  determine  accurately  the  time  at 
which  x^'podeTi7ffdat  came  into  general  use  in 
reference  to  ordination,  because  the  texts  of  the 
MSS.,  especially  of  writers  and  councils  of  the 
4th  century,  vary  so  much  between  xs'poTOj'ra 
and  xf'poSea-i'a  as  to  make  the  determination  of 
the  reading,  in  the  present  state  of  criticism  as 
applied  to  patristic  Greek,  a  matter  of  great  un- 
certainty. Instances  of  such  variations  will  be 
found  in  the  WSS.  of  Cone.  Antioch.  c.  21 ;  St. 
Basil,  Epist.  217  (3)  ad  AinpMoch.  c.  51,  p. 
325  ;  Cone.  Chalc.  c.  15.  No  doubt,  after  x^V" 
Becria  was  once  introduced,  x^'pOTouia  tended  td 
be  identified  with  it,  as  is  clear  from  a  com- 
parison of  Isidore  of  Pelusium,  Epist.  1,  26  with 
id.  Epist.  2,  71,  where  the  two  words  are  used 
interchangeably  of  the  same  person  in  reference 
to  t^e  same  thing.  That  the  earlier  meaning  of 
Xf'pOTOvia  still  survived,  is  clear  from  its  use  .i 
few  years  afterwards  in  Theodoret ;  c.  g.  Quacst. 
%n  3  Peg.  c.  8,  int.  27,  of  God's  appointment  ot 
Solomon  ;  id.  »i  Epist.  ad  Pom.  c.  4,  v.  17,  of  the 
appointment  of  Abraham  as  Trarepa  Trdvrcov ; 
but  that  the  original  distinction  between  the 
words  was  afterwards  completely  lost,  is  shewn 
by  the  somewhat  clumsy  attempt  of  Symeon  of 
Thessalonica  to  invent  a  new  one  (de  Sacr.  Ordin. 
c.  156,  p.  138).  It  need  hardly  be  pointed  out 
that  the  identification  of  the  two  words  is  of  great 
significance  in  regard  to  the  history  of  the  con- 
ception of  ordination.  (2)  kpaaOai  (Sozom. 
//.  E.  1,  23),  or  Upovadai,  whence  the  designa- 
tion of  those  who  are  in  major  orders  as  04 
tep(jifj.evoi  (sometimes  written  Upii/xivoi) ;  e.  g. 
Justin.  Xov.  3,  2,  1 ;  Socrat.  H.  E.  1,  11.  The 
use  of  the  word  in  the  sense  "to  be  ordained," 
as  well  as  in  its  classical  sense,  "to  serve  as 
a  priest,"  is  made  certain  by  its  use  in  the 
active  in  an  inscription  ap.  Kichter,  Griech.  v. 
Lat.  Inschriften,  ed.  Francke  p.  134,  cf.  ib. 
p.  138. 

(3)  consecrari  (consecratio) :  S.  Ambros.  Epist. 
63,  §  59,  vol.  ii.  p.  1037,  of  Aaron  and  Eleazar, 
probably  as  a  translation  of  ayid^nv  ;  of  Chris- 
tian bishops,  presbyters,  and  deacons,  S.  Leon. 
JLagn.  Epist.  6  (4),  c.  6,  vol.  i.  p.  620  ;  of  an 
abbess,  Poenit.  Theod.  2,  3,  4,  ed.  Haddan  and 
Stubbs ;  of  a  virgin,  ib.  2,  3,  8  ;  Can.  Eccles. 
Afric.  c.  16;  Statt.  Eccl.  Ant.  c.  11.  (4)  bene- 
dici  (benedictio) :  levitica.  Cone.  Araus.  A.D.  441, 
c.  23 ;  5  Cone.  Aurel.  a.d.  549,  c.  6  ;  Cone. 
Autissiod.  A.D.  578,  c.  20,  2  Cone.  Caesaraugust. 
A.D.  592,  c.  1  ;  of  a  widow  or  virgin,  Poenit. 
Theod.  2,  3,  7. 


OKDINATION 

II.  Nature  of  Ordination. 
It  is  ericlent,  from  the  foregoing  enumeration 
of  foots,  that  most  of  the  phrases  which  were 
in  iise  in  the  earlier  period  to  denote  appoint- 
ment to  office  in  the  church,  were  also  in  use  to 
denote  appointment  to  office,  or  promotion  to 
dignity,  in  the  empire.  It  may  reasonably  be 
inferred  that  they  had  in  the  former  case  mean- 
ings analogous  to  those  which  they  had  in  the 
latter  ;  and  since  the  evidence  which  exists  in 
regard  to  the  former  is  abundant,  whereas  that 
which  exists  in  regard  to  the  latter  is  scanty, 
the  one  may  fairly  be  nsed  to  throw  light  upon 
the  other.  In  the  absence  of  any  convenient 
manual  to  which  reference  could  be  made,  it  is 
necessary  to  mention  here  the  leading  facts 
which  have  been  established  in  regard  to  it. 

1.  The  most  common  mode  of  appointment  to 
office  in  the  earlier  empire,  as  under  the  republic, 
was  that  of  popular  election.  The  form  of  such 
an  election  was  preserved  long  after  the  sub- 
stance had  disappeared  ;  and  it  was  preserved  in 
the  provinces  after  it  had  practically  ceased  to 
exist  at  Rome.  In  the  case  of  two  provincial 
towns  of  Baetica,  Salpensa  and  Malaca,  bronze 
tablets  containing  the  original  regulations  for 
election  have  been  preserved.  They  are  espe- 
cially important  in  relation  to  the  present  sub- 
ject, as  shewing  (1)  the  conditions  which  were 
imposed  as  to  the  eligibility  of  candidates,  (2) 
the  importance  of  the  presiding  officer.  That 
officer  had  the  function  of  examining  the  can- 
didates in  set  form,  before  votes  were  recorded: 
he  could  refuse  to  take  account  of  votes  which 
were  given  for  a  candidate  who  did  not  satisfy 
him  :  he  could,  in  default  of  other  candidates, 
himseU'  nominate  candidates,  and  declare  them 
to  be  duly  elected  :  and,  as  at  Rome,  the  election 
was  only  complete  when  he  formally  announced 
it  (renunciavit).  Hence,  an  officer  who  was 
really  elected  by  popular  vote  was  technically 
said  to  be  made  (creatus)  by  the  presiding  officer. 
(See  on  the  whole  subject,  Mommsen,  Die  Stadt- 
rcchte  der  latcinischen  Gcmeinden  Salpensa  und 
Malaca,  Leipzig,  1855,  and  also  in  the  Ahhand- 
Inngen  der  Konig.  Sachs.  Gesellsch.  der  Wissensch. 
bd.  3  ;  Marquardt,  Romische  Staatsverwaltung, 
bd.  1,  pp.  464-474,  where  references  will  be 
foimd  to  a  large  number  of  other  authorities.) 

2.  Gradually  free  election  by  the  people,  sub- 
ject only  to  the  veto  of  the  presiding  officer  in 
the  case  of  legal  ineligibility  on  the  part  of  a 
candidate,  was  superseded  by  election  by  the 
senate,  subject  only  to  a  formal  approval  on  the 
part  of  the  people.  This  became  the  case  at 
Rome  so  early  as  the  time  of  Tiberius  (Tacit. 
Ann.  i.  15),  and  by  the  4th  century  had  become 
the  prevailing,  though  not  the  universal,  rule 
throughout  the  empire  (Ulpian.  Dig.  4,  1,  3,  4 ; 
f'od.  Theodos.  11,  30,  53 :  12,  G,  20 ;  Cod.  Just. 
7,  62,  2:  10,  31,  46,  make  popular  election 
invalid ;  but  from  Cod.  Theod.  12,  5,  1  it  may 
be  gathered  that  popular  election  was  still  the 
rule  in  Africa,  since  the  magistrates  are  cautioned 
to  procure  the  election  of  suitable  persons:  this 
is  also  to  be  inferred  from  Renier,  Inscriptions 
d'Alge'rie,  no.  4070,  where  a  municipal  officer 
specially  mentions  his  election  by  the  Ordo,  as 
though  it  were  exceptional).  The  continuance 
of  the  formal  appeal  to  the  people  is  shewn  so 
late  as  the  end  of  the  3rd  century,  in  the  account 


ORDINATION 


1503 


of  the  election  of  the  emperor  Tacitus  (Vopisc. 
Ihcit.  c.  7).  Of  course  under  the  imperial 
regime  the  part  which  the  senate  played  in  the 
actual  selection  of  candidates  tended  to  become 
no  more  free  than  the  part  of  the  people  ;  but 
the  important  fact  is  that  the  form  of  election 
by  the  senate  remained  until  late  times,  and  that 
even  after  the  disintegration  of  the  empire  the 
greater  civil  appointments  were  made,  not 
directly  by  constitutive  nomination,  but  in- 
directly through  the  form  of  "  commendatio " 
(cf.  the  letters  of  Theodoric  to  the  senate,  ap. 
Cassiodor.  Variar.  e.g.  lib.  5,  Epp.  22,  41). 

3.  From  the  earliest  times  the  chief  officers  of 
state  had  possessed  and  exercised  the  right, 
which  must  be  carefully  distinguished  from  the 
right  of  commcndatio,  of  nominating  certain  of 
their  subordinates  without  the  necessity  of  even 
a  formal  submission  of  the  names  to  either  the 
senate  or  the  people.  The  right  had  beer 
jealously  guarded,  and  in  some  cases  restricted, 
but  it  had  never  passed  away,  and  the  empe<rors 
were  able  to  make,  especially  in  the  provinces,  a 
large  number  of  direct  appointments  without 
violating  any  constitutional  forms.  It  is  re- 
corded among  the  many  virtues  of  Alexander 
Severus  that  he  voluntarily  limited  his  own 
privilege  in  this  respect  by  consulting  the  people 
before  making  any  important  provincial  appoint- 
ment, "  hortans  populum  ut  si  quis  quid  haberet 
criminis  probaret  manifestis  rebus  ;"  and  it  is 
interesting  to  note  that,  although  himself  a 
heathen,  he  adduces  as  a  reason  for  the  course 
which  he  pursued  the  example  of  appointments 
in  the  Christian  church  (Lamprid.  Alex.  Sever. 
c.  45.  On  the  general  question  of  appointment 
by  superior  officers,  see  Mommsen,  RomiscTies 
StaatsrecJtt,  bd.  i.  pp.  181-192,  bd.  ii.  pp.  860- 
873) 

The  facts  which  exist  in  reference  to  early 
ecclesiastical  appointments  corroborate  in  a 
striking  manner  the  general  presumption  that, 
since  the  same  words  were  used  for  them  as  for 
civil  appointments,  the  same  modes  of  appoint- 
ment prevailed. 

1.  Of  the  existence  of  appointment  by  popular 
election  some  proofs  have  been  given  elsewhere. 
[Bishop,  Vol.  I.  p.  213 ;  Electiox,  p.  599.] 
But  as  in  the  Roman  municipalities,  so  also  in 
the  Christian  churches,  popular  election,  though 
a  condition  of  appointment,  did  not  of  itself  con- 
stitute appointment.  Just  as  a  civil  appoint  ■ 
raent  was  not  valid  until  the  officer  who 
presided  at  the  election  had  accepted  and  de- 
clared it,  so  it  was  also  in  the  case  of  ecclesi- 
astical appointments.  "  The  seven  "  were  chosen 
by  the  church,  but  they  were  appointed  by  the 
apostles ;  the  word  used  of  the  former  is 
i^eXe^avTo,  of  the  latter,  KaTaa-r-nffo/ji^v  (Acts 
vi.  3,  5).  This  distinction,  which  has  been 
often  ignored,  is  of  great  significance.  Nor 
is  it  the  only  point  of  analogy  between  civil 
and  ecclesiastical  elections.  Just  as,  on  the 
one  hand,  popular  elections  were  not  con- 
stitutive, so,  on  the  other  hand,  they  were 
not  absolutely  free.  Checks  of  two  kinds 
existed — (1)  conditions  were  imposed  on  the 
eligibility  of  candidates,  and  means  were  taken 
to  ascertain  that  these  conditions  were  com- 
plied with  ;  (2)  the  approval  of  other  persons  or 
bodies  was  required  to  make  the  election  valid. 
The    operation   of  the    former   of  these  checks 


1504 


ORDINATION 


resulted  in  the  gradual  establishment  of  a  com- 
plicated series  of  qualifications,  and  of  a  system 
of  examination,  with  a  view  to  test  qualifica- 
tions. [Orders,  Holy:  iv.  Qualifications  for: 
Examination  for.']  The  operation  of  the  second 
check  was  shewn  in  the  gradual  narrowing  of  the 
function  of  the  laity  from  election  to  express  or 
tacit  approval.  Just  as  in  the  empire,  the  senate 
at  Rome,  or  the  curia  in  a  municipality,  came  to 
interfere  in  popular  elections,  iind  ultimately  to 
render  them  nugatory ;  so  ^Mri  passu  in  the 
church,  appointment  by  election  passed  into 
appointment  by  co-optation,  and  ultimately  into 
appointment  by  nomination  of  either  the  bishop 
or  the  civil  power. 

2.  The  second  mode  of  appointment  which 
€xisted  in  the  empire  thus  tended  to  become 
the  prevailing  mode  in  the  church.  It  had  no 
doubt  existed  in  the  earliest  times,  for  Clement  of 
Rome  speaks  of  the  successors  of  the  apostles  as 
having  been  appointed  by  other  distinguished 
men  with  the  consent  of  the  whole  church  {ii(p' 
ir^paiv  iWoylfxwf  avSpciv  cruj'eiiSoKTjcracrTjs  rrjs 
iKKA-naias  -Kiia-ns,  Epist.  1  ad  Cor.  c.  44)  ;  but 
its  employment  seems  to  have  been  local  and 
limited.  The  function  which  Cyprian  assigns  to 
the  African  and  Spanish  clergy  in  ecclesiastical 
appointments,  is  that  of  consenting  or  giving 
testimony,  not  that  of  nominating  or  appointing 
(cf.  especially  Epist.  68,  3,  i.  p.  1026,  which  is 
important  because  it  expressly  applies  to  the 
appointment  of  deacons  as  well  as  of  bishops); 
and  it  is  clear  from  the  case  of  Cornelius  that 
this  was  the  case  also  at  Rome  (id.  Epist.  10, 
i.  p.  770).  But  in  the  4th  century  it  is  clear  from 
the  synodical  letter  of  the  council  of  Xicaea  to  the 
church  of  Alexandria,  that  in  that  church  the 
right  of  the  people  to  elect  was  limited  by  the 
right  of  the  clergy  to  propose  names  (7rpox€ipi- 
^ecrdai  ?)  virofidWeLV  ovofJiaTa).  The  council 
jjunishes  the  Melitian  clergy  (who  had  sup- 
ported Arius)  by  depriving  them  of  that  right, 
but  allows  them  to  succeed  to  the  vacancies 
caused  by  death  among  the  orthodox  clergy, 
provided  that  they  are  found  worthy,  that  the 
people  elect  them,  and  that  the  bishop  of  Alex- 
andria votes  for  them  and  confirms  the  election 
(Socrat.  ff.  E.  1,  Q;  Sozom.  H.  E.  1,  24).  It 
was  probably  this  right  of  proposing  names  for 
election  which  in  the  case  of  the  clergy  of  the 
Christian  churches,  as  beyond  question  in  the 
case  of  the  Roman  municipalities,  resulted  in 
the  virtual  election  by  the  clergy,  subject  only 
to  approval,  by  acclamation  or  by  silence,  on  the 
])art  of  the  people.  The  fourth  canon  of  the 
same  council  has  sometimes  been  interpreted  as 
being  a  formal  substitution  of  co-optation  for 
popular  election  in  the  case  of  bishops  (cf.  Hefele, 
Councils,  E.  T.  vol.  i.  p.  384;  Van  Espen,  Jus  Eccles. 
p.  1  tit.  13,  n.  10)  ;  and  in  the  course  of  the  next 
quarter  of  a  century  the  council  of  Laodicaea 
(c.  13)  expressly  enacted  that  the  elections  of 
those  who  are  to  be  appointed  to  the  priesthood 
(by  which  Zonaras  and  Balsamon  understand  the 
jjresbyterate,  Aristenus  the  episcopate)  are  not 
to  be  entrusted  to  popular  assemblies  (to7s 
oxA.ois).  At  the  beginning  of  the  following 
century,  Theophilus  of  Alexandria  gives  the 
election  to  the  clergy  (nav  to  hparelov),  the 
approval  of  the  candidates  (Sowi/nafei//)  and  their 
formal  appointment  (xeipoToi'eTi')  to  the  bishop. 
The  part  of  the  people  consists,  as  in  later  times, 


ORDINATION 

only  in  their  bearing  public  testimony  at  the 
time  of  appointment  (S.  Theophil.  Alexandr. 
can.  6;  Migne,  P.  G.  vol.  Ixv.  40).  The 
existence  of  this  mode  of  election  at  the  time, 
probably  somewhat  later,  when  the  eighth  book 
of  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  was  written,  is 
clear  from  the  mention  of  a  presbyter  as  having 
been  advanced  to  his  rank  "  by  the  vote  and 
decision  (x^rjcpcf  kuI  Kpiaei)  of  the  whole  clerns  " 
(Const.  Apost.  viii.  15  ;  cf.  the  expression  in  the 
same  book,  c.  4,  "nominated  and  approved," 
ovo/jLaaBivros  Kal  ap4(ravros). 

3.  The  third  mode  of  appointment  which  ex- 
isted in  the  empire  existed  also  in  the  church, 
but  to  a  more  limited  extent.  Some  officers 
were  appointed  by  the  mere  nomination  of  a 
superior  officer.  An  archdeacon  was  appointed  by 
bishop,  a  singer  by  a  presbyter.  But  the  num- 
ber of  such  officers  was  small ;  the  original  de- 
mocratical  constitution  of  the  church  shewed 
itself  in  the  jealous  limitation  of  such  appoint- 
ments. In  all  but  a  few  cases  the  nominations 
were  in  the  form  of  a  "  commendatio ;"  they 
were  subject  to  the  approval  of  either  the  clergy 
or  the  people,  or  both.  And  just  as  under 
the  empire,  this  form  of  nomination  was 
frequently  in  the  form  of  a  letter  or  a  speech, 
setting  forth  the  virtues  of  the  person  to 
be  appointed,  so  it  was  also  in  the  church.  An 
interesting  example  of  sucli  a  speech  is  that 
which  Sidonius  Apollinaris  made  at  the  election 
of  a  bishop  of  Bourges,  and  which  he  has  himself 
recorded.  It  concludes  by  giving  the  form  of 
nomination :  "  In  nomine  Patris  et  Filii  et  Spiri- 
tus  Sancti  Simplicius  est  quem  provinciae  nostrae 
metropolitanum  civitatis  vestrae  summum  sacer- 
dotem  fieri  debere  pronuntio,"  and  by  asking  the 
people  to  signifv  their  assent.  (Sidcn.  ApoUin. 
E2?ist.  7.  9,  p.  190.) 

As  the  organisation  of  the  Roman  empire 
became  gradually  weaker,  while  that  of  the 
church  grew  stronger  and  more  centralized  ;  as 
the  power  and  importance  of  the  episcopate  in- 
creased and  that  of  the  presbyterate  diminished  ; 
and  as,  moreover,  a  new  group  of  ideas  clustered 
round  the  primitive  conception  of  the  clerical 
office,  the  whole  system  of  appointments  to  office 
underwent  significant  modifications.  But  in  the 
altered  types  which  tended  to  prevail  in  the 
East  and  West  respectively,  the  old  elements 
were  still  present,  though  in  varying  degrees, 
and  these  elements  have  been  so  far  ignored  and 
overlaid  in  subsequent  times,  that  it  is  important 
to  shew  in  detail  the  extent  to  which  they  once 
existed. 

i.  There  was  always,  in  the  case  at  least  of 
those  which  had  been  from  the  beginning  the 
chief  grades  of  ecclesiastical  office,  viz.  those  of 
bishop,  presbyter,  deacon,  and  reader,  either  the 
reality  or  the  semblance  of  an  election.  To  a  few 
offices,  e.g.  those  of  archpresbyter,  archdeacon, 
acolyte,  and  doorkeeper,  the  bishop  could  probably 
appoint  propria  niotu.  But  in  the  other  cases  he 
was  only  the  executive  officer  of  the  community. 
He  was  in  the  position  of  the  returning  officer  at 
an  election  to  civil  office  in  the  empire.  He  had 
the  right  of  rejecting  unworthy  candidates,  in 
certain  cases  the  right  of  proposing  candidates, 
and  in  all  cases  the  right  of  renunciatio  or  decla- 
ration of  election.  But  the  church,  i.e.  either 
the  clergy  and  laity  acting  together,  or  the 
clergy  alone,  or  the  laity  alone,  has  always  exer- 


ORDINATION 

cised  on  the  one  hand  the  right  of  presenting 
persons  for  appointment,  on  the  other  the  right 
of  veto.  Both  these  rights  are  survivals  of  the 
older  right  of  election  by  direct  vote.  That  older 
right  was  gradually  limited  and  nullified  by  the 
operation  of  a  regulation  which  had  been  intro- 
duced as  a  safeguard.  In  the  course  of  the  4th 
■century  it  had  become  the  rule  that  no  ecclesias- 
tical election  was  valid  unless  the  bishop  or 
bishops  had  voted  with  the  majority."  In  the 
election  of  a  bishop  the  votes  of  at  least  three 
neighbouring  bishops  were  required ;  in  the 
election  of  a  presbyter  the  vote  of  the  bishop  of 
the  church  in  which  the  election  took  place  was 
sufficient.  (That  this  is  the  true  interpretation  of 
the  second  apostolical  canon  is  admitted  by  both 
Zonaras  and  Aristenus,  who  explain  Xfiporo^eiy 
by  ip'rj(j>i(etv.  Balsamon's  view,  which  is  based 
on  the  later  practice,  is  contradicted  not  only  by 
historical  facts,  but  by  his  own  interpretation  of 
Cone.  Laod.  c.  13,  which  he  makes  to  refer  to 
presbyters  as  well  as  to  bishops.)  It  is  easy  to 
see  how  this  regulation  operated  in  course  of 
time  to  throw  the  election  practically  into  the 
hands  of  the  bishops  ;  the  bishops  came  thus  to 
fulfil  a  double  function,  they  both  elected,  sub- 
ject, as  will  be  shewn  below,  to  testimony  and 
to  veto,  and  admitted  to  office.  But  it  is  impor- 
tant to  note  that  between  these  two  functions 
there  was  a  recognised  difference.  In  two  of  the 
oldest  Western  ordinals  the  election,  as  repre- 
sented by  the  summons  to  objectors  to  come 
forward,  and  the  "  advocatio  "  or  call  to  office, 
take  place  on  Wednesday  and  Friday,  the  impo- 
.•^ition  of  hands  and  the  benediction  take  place  on 
the  following  Saturday.  (Hittorp,  Ord.  Bom.  i. 
p.  88;  Mabillon,  Ord." Rom.  ix.  p.  90.)  In  later 
ordinals  the  separate  elements  are  combined  in 
a  single  service ;  but  even  in  them  there  is  a 
clear  distinction  between  the  declaration  of  elec- 
tion ("  eligimus  "  &c.,  see  below)  and  the  subse- 
quent "  benedictio  "  or  "  consecratio." 

But  since  election,  except  in  the  case  of  bishops 
(for  which  see  Bishop,  Vol.  I.  pp.  213,  sqq.),  be- 
came in  later  times  a  mere  form,  it  will  be  ad- 
visable here  to  shew  briefly  the  extent  to  which  it 
existed.  For  this  purpose  we  shall  tnke  the 
unimpeachable  testimony  of  the  ordinals  of  both 
the  Eastern  and  Western  churches,  in  preference 
to  collecting  historical  examples,  or  citing  more 
or  less  rhetorical  passages  from  ecclesiastical 
writers. 

(a)  Election  of  Presbyters. — In  almost  all 
Western  ordinals  the  bishop  begins  the  office  for 
the  ordination  of  presbyters  by  announcing  the 
fact  of  their  election  to  the  people:  "By  the 
4ielp  of  our  Lord  God,  and  our  Saviour  Jesus 
Christ,  we  elect  N.  to  the  order  of  the  presby- 
terate.  .  .  ."  (Cod.  Vat.  ap.  Murat.  vol.  iii. 
p.  31  ;  Pontif.  Ecgb.  S.  Dunst.  Noviom.  Caturic. 
Suession.  S.  Elig.  Becc.  Corb.  i.  ;  Hittorp,  Ord. 
Rom.  Vet.  ii.  p.  91 ;  Catalan!,  Ord.  ii.)"  That 
this  formula  was  regarded,  even  until  compara- 

a  The  principle  which  this  involves  was  known  to  the 
civil  law,  which  may  possibly  have  borrowed  it  from  the 
Christian  practice:  Julian  enactpd  that  no  one  should 
become  a  public  toacher  or  a  physician  without  a  "de- 
cretum  curialium,  opimorum  conspiranteconsilio."  Cud. 
rheodos.  13.  3.  5  =  Cod.  Justin.  10.  52.  7. 

•>  For  an  account  of  tho  ordinals  and  other  anthoritios 
which  are  thus  designated  here  and  througljout  tlio 
present  article,  see  Ordinal. 


ORDINATION 


1505 


tivcly  recent  times,  as  the  declaration  of  an 
actual  election,  is  shewn  by  the  fact,  that  when  a 
presbyter  was  appointed  by  the  pope's  mandate 
it  was  omitted.  {Caeremoniale  Ambrosianiim, 
published  by  order  of  S.  Carlo  Borromeo,  p.  69, 
ed.  Milan,  1619.)  The  later  English  ordinals 
are  more  explicit  than  other  Western  ordinals 
in  recognising  the  two  factors  of  the  electoral 
body,  "  electi  sunt  a  nobis  ct  dericis  huic  sanctae 
sedi  fmiMlantibus"  (Sarum,  Exeter,  and  Win- 
chester ordinals  in  Maskell,  Mun.  Bit.  vol.  iii. 
pp.  15.5,  160);  and  this  explicit  recognition  is 
preserved  in  the  modern  Roman  pontifical,  where 
the  bishop  addresses  the  presbyters-elect  as 
"  quos  ad  nostrum  adjutorium  fratrum  nostronun 
arbitrium  consecrandos  elegit "  (Pontif.  Kom.  p. 
1,  tit.  12,  §  5).  No  doubt  election  became  a 
fiction ;  how  or  when  it  began  to  become  so  is 
uncertain.  Historical  references  to  it  occasionally 
appear  in  comparatively  late  writers,  e.g.  Venan- 
tius  Fortunatus  (?)  in  the  Life  of  Medard  of 
Noyon  (c.  3,  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  Ixxxviii.  p.  536) 
says  "  presbyterii  officium  electus  excepit,  pro- 
batus  obtinuifc,"  and  it  is  clear  that  it  was  the 
rule  at  the  time  when  the  Liber  Diurnus  was 
compiled,  inasmuch  as  that  book  contains  a  for- 
mula for  a  papal  precept  requiring  a  bishop  to 
proceed  to  the  ordination  of  a  presbyter  without 
election  ("  sine  suffxagatione  ;"  Lib.  Diurn.  Rom. 
Pontif.  c.  5,  tit.  1,  ed.  Gamier,  p.  91).  In  the 
subsequent  address  to  the  people,  asking  for 
their  prayers,  the  election  is  attributed  to  the 
grace  of  God,  the  assumption  being  made,  as  e.g. 
in  Acts  i.  24,  26,  that  election  is  an  indication 
not  so  much  of  human  choice  as  of  the  divine 
will ;  so  Sacram.  Leon.  Pontif.  Ecgb.;  Catalani, 
Ord.  i.  In  the  later  Eastern  ordinals  this  is 
almost  the  only  trace  of  election  which  has  sur- 
vived ;  e.g.  in  the  Maronite  ordinal,  according  to 
Asseman  and  Renaudot,  ap.  Denzinger  ii.  p.  151  ; 
in  the  Nestorian,  according  to  both  Asseman  and 
Badger,  ap.  Denzinger,  ii.  p.  236,  267  ;  in  the 
Coptic,  according  to  Kircher  and  Vansleb  (but 
not  according  to  Asseman)  ap.  Denzinger  ii.  p. 
12.  But  that  this  is  only  part  of  the  earlier 
Eastern  practice  is  shewn  by  the  fact  that  the 
eighth  book  of  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  (c. 
15),  which  is  peculiarly  Eastern  in  its  character, 
speaks  of  a  presbyter,  in  the  formula  for  his 
ordination,  as  having  been  elected  by  the  vote  of 
the  whole  clergy. 

(6)  Election  of  Beacons.  In  the  earliest  ordinal 
of  the  Gregorian  type,  the  Missale  Francorum, 
the  deacons  are  expressly  stated  to  be  elected  by 
the  clergy,  and  the  assent  of  the  people  is  re- 
quested. The  election  is  claimed  as  a  special 
privilege  of  the  "  sacerdotes,"  but  the  bishop 
desires  to  know  whether  the  people  judge  the  or- 
dinand  to  be  worthy  :  "  et  si  vestra  apud  meam 
concordat  electio,  testimonium  quod  vultis  voci- 
hus  adprobato."  After  the  prayer  which  follows, 
the  bishop  adds  "commune  votum  [the  word  in 
its  mediaeval  sense  is  equivalent  to  the  Greek 
\prj(pos,  the  English  'vote;'  see  Ducange,  s.v.]  com- 
munis prosequatur  oratio."  In  almost  all  the 
later  western  ordinals,  the  bishop  begins  the  office 
for  the  ordination  of  deacons  with  the  same  for- 
mula, mutatis  mutandis,  as  in  the  case  of  presby- 
ters, declaring  their  election;  so  e.g.  Cod.  Vat.  ap. 
Muratori,  Pontif.  S.  Dunst.  Noviom.  Caturic. 
Suession.  Becc.  S.  Elig.  Hittorp  Ord.Rom.  ii.p.91; 
so  also  in  the  modern  Pontif.  Kom.  p.  i.  tit.  ii.  §  3. 


1506 


ORDINATION 


And  although  in  th.at  declaration  of  election  the 
co-operation  of  the  church  is  not  expressly  men- 
tioned, it  is  clearly  implied  in  the  formula  which 
follows  it,  as  it  follows  the  corresponding  declara- 
tion in  the  Missale  Francorum,  "  commxme  votum 
communis  oratio  prosequatur  "  (so  Cod.  Maff., 
Pont.  Ecgb.  S.  Dunst.  Noviom.  Caturic.  Suession. 
Becc.  Mogunt.  Corb.  i.,  Hittorp  Ord.  Rom.  ii. ; 
Catalan!,  Ord.  ii.  iii.  and  in  the  modern  Pontif. 
Rom.  p.  i.  tit.  ii.  §  5). 

(c)  Election  of  Subdeacons.  It  is  not  certain 
whether  during  the  first  nine  centuries  sub- 
deacons  were  elected  in  the  same  way  as  presby- 
ters and  deacons,  or  whether  they  were,  as 
subordinate  officers  of  the  church,  appointed  by 
the  bishop.  The  doubt  is  chiefly  caused  by  the 
variety  of  reading  in  the  earliest  Western  ordinals 
in  the  general  formula  of  declaration  of  election 
which  has  been  already  mentioned.  Some  of 
them  insert  the  word  "  subdiaconii,"  others 
omit  it.  The  insertion  of  the  word  can  be 
easily  accounted  for,  at  the  period  to  which 
most  of  the  ordinals  belong,  by  the  struggle  of 
the  subdiaconate  to  be  ranked  among  major  or- 
ders ;  the  omission  is  difficult  to  explain  if  sub- 
deacons,  like  deacons  and  presbyters,  had  been 
elected  from  the  beginning.  It  may  be  added 
that  the  modern  Homan  Pontifical  speaks  of  them 
in  the  litany  which  precedes  this  ordination  as 
"electos  "  (p.  i.  tit.  10,  §  7). 

(d)  Election  of  Headers.  The  most  remarkable 
example  of  the  conservation  of  the  primitive  prac- 
tice of  election  is  in  the  case  of  readers.  All  the 
ancient  Western  ordinals  mention  it,  and  almost 
all  refer  the  election,  not  to  the  bishop,  but  to  the 
"  fratres,"  i.e.  probably  to  the  body  of  the  clergy, 
"  eligunt  te  fratres  tui  ut  sis  lector  in  domo  Dei 
tui,"  so  Miss.  Francorum,  Sacram.  Galas,  c.  9G, 
Cod.  Vat.  ap.  Murat.  Cod.  Maff.  Pontif.  Ecgb.  S. 
Dunst.  Noviom.  Caturic.  Bisunt.  Becc.  Mogunt. ; 
English  ordinals  ap.  Maskell ;  Catalan!,  07-do,  i. 
(corrupted  to  "  diligunt  "  in  id.  Ord.  ii.  iii.) 
Hittorp  Ord.  Rom.  ii.  p.  89  (so  also  the  Cambray 
Pontifical  and  one  Noyou  Pontifical)  has  "  eleg- 
erunt,"  which  is  important  as  making  it  clear 
that  the  bishop's  office  was  rather  ministerial 
than  co-operative. 

ii.  There  was  always  the  testimony  of  the 
church  to  the  fitness  of  the  candidate.  It  was 
necessary  to  have,  not  merely  "  suffragia,"  but 
"  testimonia."  This  had  been  insisted  upon  from 
the  earliest  times.  The  pastoral  Epistles  require 
a  bishop  to  have  "  a  good  report  of  them  which 
are  without"  (1  Tim.  iii.  7  ;  see  S.  Chrysost.  ad 
loc.)  Cyprian  speaks  of  Cornelius  as  having  been 
made  bishop  "  de  clericorum  paene  omnium  tes- 
timonio,"  as  well  as  "  de  plebe  quae  tunc  adfuit 
suffragio  "  (S.  Cypr.  Epist.  10.  i.  p.  770)  ;  and 
he  apologises  for  having  ordained  Aurelius  as  a 
reader  in  his  retirement  on  the  ground  of  excep- 
tional merit,  "  exspectanda  non  stmt  testimonia 
humana  cum  praecedunt  divina  suffragia  "  (id. 
Epist.  33.  ii.  p.  320).  The  eighth  book  of  the 
Apostolical  Constitutions  enacts,  that  after  a  per- 
son has  been  elected  bishop,  and  presented  for 
ordination,  and  formally  identified  as  being  the 
person  elected,  the  further  question  must  be  put 
"  whether  he  is  attested  by  all  as  being  worthy  " 
(Const.  Apost.  8,  4).  So  also  Leo  the  Great  lays 
down  the  rule,  "exspectarentur  certe  vota  civium, 
testimonia  populorum  ;  quaereretur  honoratorum 
arbitrium,   electio  clericorum  "  (S.  Leon.  Magn. 


OEDINATION 

Epist.  10.  aa  Episc.  per  prov.  Vienn.  i.  p.  637, 
cf.  ibid.  p.  639).  And  it  was  one  of  the  accusa- 
tions against  Chrysostom  at  the  synod  of  the  Oak, 
that  he  had  ordained  persons  "without  testi- 
mony "  (a/xapTvpoos  Phot.  Bibl.  cod.  59,  p.  17). 
The  Statuta  Ecclesiae  Antiqua,  c.  22,  require  the 
"  civium  conniventia  et  testimonium,"  and  3  Cone. 
Brae.  A.D.  572,  c.  3,  requires  "  multorum  testi- 
monium." 

The  ordinals  continued  the  primitive  require- 
ment, and  through  them  it  has  descended  to 
modern  times.  It  is  almost  always  twofold, 
being  a  i-equirement  of  the  separate  testimony 
of  the  clergy  and  of  the  people  ;  and  since  each  of 
these  requirements  had  its  own  form,  it  will  be 
convenient  to  describe  them  separately. 

(a)  Testimony  of  the  Clergy. — the  Greek 
ordinal  is  apparently  the  only  one  which  has 
preserved  the  primitive  custom  of  asking  for 
the  viva  voce  testimony  of  the  assembled  clergy. 
The  Western  ordinals  were  framed  in  their 
present  form  after  the  archdeacon  had  become 
the  officer  who  stood  at  the  head  of  the  clergv 
and  next  to  the  bishop.  Consequently  the  voice 
of  the  clergy  is  expressed  through  the  arch- 
deacon. When  he  comes  forward  in  the  name 
of  the  church  ("  postulat  sancta  mater  ecclesia 
Catholica  ut  hunc  praesentem  [subdiaconum]  ad 
onus  [diacouii]  ordinetis "),  the  bishop  asks 
"  scisne  ilium  dignum  esse  ?  "  to  which  the  arch- 
deacon replies,  "  quantum  humana  fragilitas 
nosse  sinit,  et  scio  et  testificor  ipsum  dignum 
esse  ad  hujus  onus  officii."  This  is  the  formula 
(1)  in  the  case  of  presbyters  and  deacons  (Cod. 
Maff.  ap.  Murat.  vol.  iii.  p.  62  ;  Pontif.  S.  Dunst. 
Corb.  i.  Mogunt. ;  English  ordinals  ap.  Maskell ; 
Catalan!,  Ord.  ii.  iii.  and  in  the  modern  Roniau' 
Pontifical,  p.  1.  tit.  12,  §  3):  but  in  Hittorp 
Ord.  Rom.  ii.  p.  93,  the  enquiry  is  made  of  the 
presbyters  who  present  the  candidate.  (2)  In 
the  case  of  subdeacons  the  corresponding  formula 
does  not  appear  in  the  existing  ordinals  (unless 
it  be  implied  in  the  general  foi-mula  which  is 
given  in  Hittorp  Ord.  Rom.  ii.  p.  88),  and  its 
disappearance  tends  to  confirm  the  doubt  which 
has  been  expressed  above,  whether  subdeacons 
were  elected  by  the  church  and  not  rather 
appointed  by  the  bishop.  (3)  In  the  case  of 
readers  and  other  minor  orders,  Hittorp's 
Ordo  Romamis,  ii.  p.  88,  preserves  a  formula 
which  resembles  that  of  the  modern  English 
ordinal :  the  bishop  says,  "  vide  ut  natura, 
scientia,  et  moribus  tales  per  te  introducantur, 
iramo  per  nos  tales  in  domo  Domini  ordinentur 
personae  per  quas  diabolus  pellatur  et  clerus 
Domino  nostro  multiplicetur." 

Inlater  times  the  testimony  of  the  clergy,  signi- 
fied through  the  archdeacon,  had  to  be  supple- 
mented by  the  testimony  of  the  parish  priest  and 
theschoolmaster  of  the  candidate.  The  former  was 
suflicient  as  long  as  the  persons  to  be  appointed 
were  members  of  the  church  of  the  city  in  which 
the  ordination  took  place,  or  had  been  trained 
under  the  eye  of  the  archdeacon  in  the  diaconium. 
But  after  the  area  of  dioceses  had  become 
extended,  and  youths  were  entrusted  to  the  care 
of  parish  priests  (2  Cone.  Vasens.  A.D.  529,  c.  1), 
the  testimony  of  the  latter  was  required,  per- 
haps originally  in  place  of,  but  afterwards  in 
addition  to,  that  of  the  archdeacon.  A  still  later 
regulation  required  the  further  testimony  of  the 
master  of  the  school  at  which  the  candidate  had 


ORDINATION 

been  educated.  (Both  these  requirements  are 
retained  in  the  modern  Itoman  Pontifical,  p.  1, 
tit.  2,  §  4,  following  Cone.  Trident.  Sess.  xxiii. 
c.  5.) 

(b)  lestimony  of  the  Laity. — The  Western  ordi- 
nals agree  in  requiring  the  testimony  of  the  laity 
to  the  titnessof  anyone  who  is  appointed  presbyter 
or  deacon.  The  primitive  rule  seems  to  have  been 
to  consult  the  laity  three  days  before  the 
appointment  was  consummated  by  admission  to 
otHce  ;  so  Mabillon,  Ordo  i\.  ap.  l/»s.  Ital.  yo\. 
ii.  p.  90  ;  Hittorp,  Ord.  Rom.  i.  p.  88.  But  the 
later,  and  perhaps  also  occasionally  the  earlier, 
practice  was  to  require  the  testimony  to  be 
given  at  the  time  of  admission.  The  testimony 
wac  sometimes  positive  and  sometimes  negative. 
In  the  earliest  of  the  later  ordinals,  the  Missale 
Francorum  (so  Hittorp  Ord.  Rom.  ii.)  the  bishop 
charges  the  people  not  to  be  silent,  but  to  say 
openly  what  they  think  about  the  actions, 
character,  and  merits  of  those  who  are  to  bo 
ordained  presbyters,  and  requires  them  "  elec- 
tionem  vestram  publica  voce  profiteri."  (It  is 
remarkable  that  the  same  formula,  with  but 
slight  changes  of  phrase,  is  preserved  in  the 
modern  Roman  pontifical,  p.  1,  tit.  12,  §  4.)  Nor 
does  he  proceed  with  the  ordination  until  the 
testimony  has  been  given :  (it  may  be  inferred 
from  the  analogous  form  at  the  ordination  of 
bishops  that  the  answer  was  e.xpressed  by 
"  Dignus ").  But  the  majority  of  ordinals 
require  only  negative  testimony  :  they  prescribe 
that  an  appeal  shall  be  made  to  the  people  at 
the  time  of  the  declaration  of  election,  and  in 
continuation  of  the  formula  "  By  the  help  of  our 
Lord  God.  .  .  ."  (see  above,  under  "  Election  of 
Presbyters.")  "  If  anyone  has  anything  against 
these  men,  let  him  in  God's  name,  and  for  God's 
sake,  come  forth  with  boldness  and  say  it."  This 
is  the  prescribed  form  in  the  case  of  presbyters 
and  deacons,  in  Cod.  Vat.  ap.  Murat. ;  Pontif. 
Ecgb.  St.  Dunst.  Noviom.  Caturic.  Suession. 
Becc.  Mogunt. ;  Catalani,  Ord.  ii.  iii.,  English 
ordinals  ap.  Maskell.  In  the  case  of  readers, 
whose  office,  as  being  in  primitive  times  the  first 
step  above  the  laity,  had  to  be  guarded  with 
special  care,  the  ordinals  enact  that  the  bishop 
is  to  address  the  people,  "  setting  forth  their 
faith  and  life  ;"  so  Sacram.  Gelas.,  Cod.  Vat.  ap. 
Murat.,  Cod.  Maff.,  Pontif.  Ecgb.  Rem.  Rodrad., 
Catalani,  Ord.  ii. 

In  later  times  it  became  a  rule  of  the  Western 
church  that  this  testimony  of  the  people  should 
be  asked  for,  not  only  at  the  time,  and  in 
the  church  of  ordination,  but  also  in  the 
church  in  which  the  ordained  resided,  and  that 
the  parish  priest  should  testify  to  having  so 
asked  for  it.  But  the  rule  was  not  embodied  in 
a  canon  earlier  than  the  council  of  Trent,  sess. 
23,  c.  5,  and  the  fourth  (provincial)  council  of 
Milan  under  St.  Carlo  Borromeo. 

iii.  There  was  also  a  declaration  of  appoint- 
ment, corresponding  to  the  civil  renunciatio. 
In  the  Western  church  this  was  almost  the  only 
relic  of  the  primitive  election,  and  the  form  of 
duclaration  has  been  given  above  as  an  indica- 
tion of  the  existence  of  election.  But  all  the 
Eastern  churches  agree  in  giving  considerable 
prominence  to  this  element  in  ordination.  1. 
They  all  have  a  formula  corresponding  to  the 
western  formula,  "  By  the  help  of  our  Lord 
God  ..."  but  different  in  its  form,  inasmuch 

CHRIST.  ANT. — VOL.    II. 


OEDINATION 


1507 


as  what  in  the  one  is  regarded  as  the  act  of  the 
church,  is  in  the  other  regarded  as  the  act  of 
divine  grace:  t}  6fia  x^p'S  V  TravTOT^  to.  aa-devTJ 
dtpair^vovaa  Koi  ra  iWeiirovTa  avatrK-qpovaa  irpo- 
XeipiC^rai  Thv  5f7fa  rhv  6€0(pi\4aruTov  [5ia/co- 
vov'j  els  irpea-^vrepov.  The  primitive  character  of 
this  formula  is  proved  by  its  being  found,  with 
unimportant  variations,  not  only  in  all  MSS.  of 
the  Greek  ordinals,  but  also  in  all  Oriental 
ordinals,  for  both  presbyters  and  deacons.  2.  All 
except  the  Greek  ordinals  have  a  much  more 
elaborate  formula,  by  which  not  only  the  appoint- 
ment but  also  the  admission  of  the  newly 
ordained  person  is  said  to  be  complete.  The 
Coptic  formula  in  the  ordination  of  a  presbyter 
may  be  taken  as  typical.  The  bishop  says. 
"  We  call  thee  into  the  holy  church  of  God  ;" 
the  archdeacon  thereupon  makes  proclamation, 
"  N.  presbyter  at  the  holy  altar  of  the  holy 
catholic  and  apostolic  church  of  God  of  the 
Christian  city  M.  ;"  the  bishop  confirms  the 
archdeacon's  words :  "  We  call  thee,  N.,  pres- 
byter of  the  aforesaid  holy  altar,  in  the  name 
of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the 
Holy  Ghost."  This  is,  with  unimportant  varia- 
tions, the  formula  for  both  presbyters  and 
deacons,  among  Copts,  Jacobites,  Maronites,  and 
Xestorians,  (for  the  rituals  in  detail,  see  Denzin- 
ger,  vol.  ii.  pp.  9,  13,  67,  71,  73,  86,  91,  127, 
232).  It  is  remarkable  that  the  Greek  ordinals 
preserve  no  trace  of  it ;  but  it  is  important  to 
note,  that  a  trace  of  it  exists  in  Hittorp,  Ord. 
Rom.  i.,  Mabillon,  Ord.  Rom.  ix.,  where,  after 
describing  the  consultation  of  the  laity  three 
days  before  final  admission  to  office,  it  is 
said  that  the  ordinands  are  called  up,  from  the 
lower  level  of  the  laity  to  the  raised  floor  of  the 
sanctuary  ("  advocantur  sursum  et  statuuntur 
in  sinistra  parte  altaris,  usque  dum  pontifex 
missam  compleat "). 

What,  if  any  thing,  besides  this  public  declara- 
tion of  appointment,  was  necessary  in  the 
earliest  period  to  constitute  the  person  appointed 
a  church  officer,  is  not  always  clear.  Under  the 
civil  regime,  which  was  reflected  in  so  many 
ways  upon  the  ecclesiastical  organization,  renun- 
ciatio was  followed,  either  immediately  or  after  a 
defined  interval,  by  performance  of  the  duties  of 
the  office.  A  Roman  consul  designatus  dressed 
himself  in  his  official  dress,  went  in  state  to  the 
Capitol,  took  his  seat  on  the  curule  chair,  and 
held  a  formal  meeting  of  the  senate  ;  by  doing 
this  he  became  consul  de  facto ;  the  whole  pro- 
cess was  a  usurpatio  juris  ;  the  ceremonies  and 
forms  with  which  it  was  accompanied  were  no 
more  of  the  essence  of  the  process  than  were  its 
accompanying  festivities  of  the  essence  of  a 
Roman  consensual  marriage  (Mommsen,  Romi- 
schcs  Staatsrecht,  Bd.  i.  p.  503).  In  a  similar  way 
in  the  early  church  the  declaration  of  appoint- 
ment to  ottice  was  followed  by  the  public  per- 
formance of  the  duties  of  that  office.  Even  to 
the  present  day,  in  the  chief  Western  rituals  the 
newly-ordained  deacon  performs  the  deacon's 
function  of  reading  the  Gospel  ;  in  the  Roman 
ritual  the  presbyter  not  only  takes  his  place  in 
the  presbytery,  but  is  "  concelebrant  "  with  the 
bishop,  i.e.,  he  is  associated  with  him  in  the 
celebration  of  the  eucharist :  in  the  Greek  ritual, 
the  reader  performs  his  proper  function  of 
reading,  and  the  subdeacon,  who  in  early  times 
was  a  "kind  of  under-servaut,  washes  the  bishop's 
5  £ 


1508 


OKDINATION 


hands.  But  between  the  renunciatio  and  this 
lirst  piiblic  performance  of  duties,  certain  cere- 
monies came  to  intervene.  To  these  ceremonies 
the  canonists  and  theologians  of  the  middle  ages 
attached  great  importance,  <iud  the  canonists  and 
theologians  of  later  times  have  for  the  most  part 
assumed  them  to  be  essential.  But  in  the  period 
with  which  the  present  work  mainly  deals,  they 
held  a  very  different  place  from  that  which  has 
since  been  assigned  to  them. 

III.  Bites  of  Ordination. 

The  ceremonies  which  were  interposed  between 
appointment  to  office  and  the  usurpatio  juris,  or 
public  entrance  upon  office,  were  mainly  of  two 
kinds — (rt)  prayer,  accompanied  in  most  cases  by 
imposition  of  hands ;  (6),  the  formal  delivery  of 
the  insignia  and  instruments  of  office,  (a)  It 
was  both  natural  and  fitting  that  any  appoint- 
ment should  be  accompanied  by  prayer,  and 
prayer  accordingly  is  found  to  accompany  almost 
nil  appointments  from  the  earliest  beginning  of 
ecclesiastical  records.  The  significance  of  the  rite 
is  clearly  expressed  by  St.  Augustine :  "  quid 
aliud  est  manuum  impositio  quam  oratio  super 
hominem"  (de  bapt.  c.  Donat.  3,  16);  and  even 
the  ultra-mysticism  of  Dionysius  Areopagita 
finds  no  other  meaning  in  it  than  that  of  fatherly 
sheltering  and  subjection  to  God  (De  Ecdes. 
Hier.  5,  3,  3).  But  there  had  been  from  the 
first  a  connexion  between  the  imposition  of 
hands  and  the  xw'o'f'"'''o,  or  "  spiritual  gifts ;" 
and  under  the  influence  of  the  sacerdotal  ideas 
of  the  4th  century  this  connexion  became  so 
strong  that  Basil,  speaking  of  some  schismatics, 
says  :  irapa  roiv  iraTipoiv  sffxov  tot  x^'P"''"'"''"^ 
Kal  Sta  Trjs  iirtOiaecas  tu>v  xeipajf  avToiv  flxov 
rh  xop'o"/""'  "J"^  TTvevfj-ariKSv  (S.  Basil,  Epist.  ad 
Amphiloch.  188  (canonica  i.)  vol.  iv.  p.  270). 
This  led  to  a  restriction  of  the  rite  of  imposition 
of  hands  to  the  higher  orders  of  clergy.  It 
ceased  to  be  part  of  the  ceremony  of  admitting 
deaconesses  (hence  the  great  variety  of  interpre- 
tations of  Cone.  Nicaen.  c.  19  ;  cf.  Van  Espen  and 
Hefele,  ad  foe),  or  subdeacons  (except  among  the 
Armenians),  or  readers  (except  among  the 
Nestorians).  And  at  last,  in  the  12th  cen- 
tury, the  theory  of  the  connexion  of  the  rite 
with  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Ghost  was  so  firmly 
impressed  upon  Western  Christendom,  that  some 
ordinals  put  into  the  bishop's  mouth  at  the  time 
of  imposition  the  words  which  have  been  retained 
in  the  English  ordinal,  "  Receive  the  Holy  Ghost ;" 
(see  below  in  the  account  of  the  ritual  of  the 
ordination  of  a  presbyter  ;  for  a  long  series  of 
patristic  references  see  Morin,  pars  iii.  p.  141). 

(6)  The  history  of  the  rites  of  delivering  to 
the  persons  ordained  the  insignia  and  instru- 
ments of  their  office  is  less  clear,  but  their  origin 
is  obvious.  1.  The  ceremony  of  admission  to 
office  was  followed  by  the  performance  of  the 
duties  of  the  office.  It  was  natural  that  the 
presiding  officer  should  formally  deliver  to  the 
newly  ordained  person  the  Instrumenta  [p.  8G2] 
of  such  a  performance.  A  reader  had  to  read  :  the 
book  was  delivered  to  him,  and  he  read.  A  sub- 
deacon  had  to  wash  the  bishop's  hands  :  a  pitcher 
and  towel  were  delivered  to  him.  A  deacon  had, 
m  southern  countries,  to  drive  away  insects  from 
the  oblations  upon  the  altar  :  a  fan  was  delivered 
to  him.  [Flabellum.]  The  delivery  of  the 
eucharistic  vessels  to  a  pi'esbyter  is  probably  of 


ORDINATION 

late  date  ;  it  is  not  found  in  the  oldest  Western 
ordinals  (see  belovv'.  Ordination  of  Presbyters, 
§  12) ;  and  it  was  probably  limited  in  the  first 
instance  to  the  cases  in  which  a  presbyter  was 
ordained,  not  to  presbyterial  rank  in  the  cathe- 
dral, but  to  take  charge  of  an  outlying  church ; 
it  was  thus  part  of  the  ceremonies  not  so  much 
of  ordination  as  of  institution  or  induction.  But 
it  must  be  noted,  that  almost  all  writers  on  the 
subject  call  attention  to  the  much  smaller  stress 
which  was  laid  upon  these  rites  in  the  East  than 
in  the  West.  In  the  latter  the  opinion  came  to 
prevail  in  the  schools,  that  the  physical  contact 
of  the  instruments  by  the  ordinaud  was  of  the 
essence  of  the  sacrament  (S.  Thom.  Aq.  Snmma, 
pars  iii.  qu.  34,  art.  5) ;  whereas  in  the  former 
(a)  the  instruments  were  delivered  after  the 
ordination  was  finished,  (6)  no  formula  of 
delivery  was  prescribed  (see  Catalani,  ad  Pontlf. 
Bom.  p.  i.  tit.  5,  §  3  ;  Morin,  de  Sacr.  Ordin. 
pars  iii.  exerc.  ii.).  2.  The  delivery  of  vest- 
ments is  sometimes  traced  back  historically  to 
the  time  of  Gregory  Nazianzen,  who  says  that 
when  ordained  bishop  he  was  vested  by  his 
ordainers  in  a  long  tunic  or  alb  (jhu  ttoStJptj) 
and  a  mitre  (ttjv  KiSapiv,  S.  Greg.  Nazianz. 
Orat.  X.  in  seipsum,  vol.  i.  p.  241).  But  the 
extreme  scantiness  of  subsequent  allusions  to 
such  a  rite,  and  the  absence  of  any  mention  of  it, 
not  only  in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions,  but 
also  in  Dionysius  Areopagita,  tend  to  shew  that, 
even  if  it  existed,  little  stress  was  laid  upon  it. 
Its  significance  was  originally  the  same  as  that 
of  the  vesting  of  one  who  was  newly  baptized. 
Nor  was  it  the  only  point  of  close  analogy  between 
the  ceremonies  of  baptism  and  those  of  ordina- 
tion. The  vesting  in  vestments,  which  became 
so  important  a  part  of  the  ordination  ceremony 
in  both  East  and  West,  and  of  which  the  details 
will  be  found  below,  is  apparently  of  much  later 
origin.  The  first  certain  mention  of  it  is  in  4 
Cone.  Tolet.  a.d.  633,  c.  28,  and  it  is  absent 
from  several  of  the  most  ancient  Westerii 
ordinals.  It  grew  up  with  the  growth  of  a  dis- 
tinction between  clerical  and  lay  dress  ;  its  use 
can  be  traced  in  several  instances  to  the  influ- 
ence of  the  regular  upon  the  secular  clergy  ;  and 
its  significance  was  determined  by  the  mystical 
ideas  which  gradually  attached  themselves  to 
the  vestments  which  were  worn  at  the  celebra- 
tion of  the  eucharist. 

We  now  proceed  to  give  an  outline  of  the 
ritual  which  was  observed  in  both  the  election 
on  appointment  and  the  admission  of  the  several 
orders  below  the  order  of  bishop  [for  which  see 
vol.  i.  p.  221].  It  has  been  necessary  to  append  in 
the  case  of  the  Western  rituals,  the  precise  evi- 
dence which  exists  for  the  antiquity  of  the  several 
rites  :  for  in  no  department  of  Christian  anti- 
quities has  there  been  a  stronger  tendency  to 
assume  that  rites  which  prevailed  in  the  13th 
century  prevailed  also  in  the  8th,  and  that  rites 
which  prevailed  in  the  8th  century  are  part  of 
primitive  Christianity.  In  the  case  of  the 
Eastern  rituals,  references  only  are  given  to  the 
authorities  in  which  they  will  be  found,  because 
in  the  present  state  of  knowledge  on  the  subject 
it  is  impossible  to  determine  with  even  approxi- 
mate accuracy  which  of  the  several  rites  are 
ancient,  and  which  are  of  later  growth. 

1.  UsTiARius.  Western  Bites.— (Statt.  Eccl. 
Ant.  c.  9  ;  Sacram.  Gelas.  i.  95  ;  Amalarius.  de 


ORDINATION 

Ecd.  Off.  lib.  i.  7  ;  all  Western  ordinals  of  the 
(jlregorian  type ;  but  not  Mabillon,  Urcl.  viii.  ix.) 
The  majority  of  ordinals  direct  that  the  candi- 
date shall  be  instructed  by  the  archdeacon  in  his 
duties  (so  Sacrani.  Gelas.,  but  not  Anglo-Norman 
ordinals,  except  the  Rouen  Pontifical,  nor 
Catalani,  Orel,  i.,  nor  the  Cambrai  and  Mainz 
Pontificals).  At  the  suggestion  of  the  arch- 
deacon (not  mentioned  in  Catalani,  Ord.  i.)  the 
bishop  is  to  give  to  the  candidate  the  keys  of  the 
church  (Sacram.  Gelas.,  Cod.  Vat.  ap.  Murat., 
Pontif.  Ecgb.  S.  Dunst.  Noviom.  Caturic.  Sues- 
sion.  Bisunt.  Piem.  add  "  from  the  altar  ")  saying, 
"  So  act  as  one  who  is  to  give  account  to  God 
for  the  things  which  are  opened  by  these  keys." 
The  deacon  (Pontif.  Corb.  Rem.  Radbod.  Bisunt., 
St.  Elig.  Becc),  or  the  archdeacon  (Cod.  Mali'., 
Pontif.  Ecgb.  S.  Dunst.  Bisunt.,  English  ordinals 
ap.  Maskell)  delivers  to  him  the  door  of  the 
church  (this  is  not  mentioned  by  Sacram.  Gelas., 
nor  in  Cod.  Vat.  ap.  Murat. ;  but  the  Soissons 
Pontifical,  the  Cod.  Radbod.,  and  a  Tours  Ponti- 
fical mentioned  by  Martene,  vol.  ii.  p.  18,  not  only 
mention  it,  but  add  a  formula,  apparently  bor- 
rowed from  the  description  of  the  office  of  the 
ostiarius  in  Isid.  Hisp.  de  Eccl.  Off.  ii.  14, 
Hraban.  Maur.  de  Instit.  Cleric,  i.  12,  to  the 
effect  that  the  power  is  thereby  delivered  of 
admitting  the  good  and  rejecting  the  bad).  A 
preface  and  form  of  benediction  usually  follow, 
without  any  rubric  as  to  the  point  of  the  service 
at  which  they  are  to  be  used.  In  Cod.  Radbod. 
they  are  placed  before  the  delivery  of  the  keys, 
which  is  probably  their  proper  place.  Some  of 
the  later  ordinals,  e.g.  those  of  Mainz  and  Cam- 
brai (see  also  the  Pontif.  Roman.)  add,  that  after 
touching  the  keys  the  ostiarius  is  to  go  and  ring 
the  bell.  When  bells  came  into  general  use  in 
churches,  it  naturally  became  the  duty  of  the 
ostiarius  to  attend  to  them,  for  the  preface, 
which  probably  belongs  to  an  earlier  time,  im- 
plies that  it  was  his  duty  to  mark  the  "  distinc- 
tionem  certarum  horarum,  ad  invocandum 
nomen  Domini,"  i.  e.  the  canonical  hours  of 
prayer. 

i.  Reader.  I.  Western  Pates.— (Siaii.  Eccl. 
Antiq.  c.  8  ;  Sacram.  Gelas.  i.  96.  Isid.  Hispal. 
de  Eccl.  Off.  ii.  11  ;  Hrab.  Maur.  de  Instit.  Cleric. 
i.  11  ;  and  all  ordinals  of  the  Gregorian  type.) 
The  bishop  is  to  make  an  address  to  the  people, 
setting  forth  the  faith,  and  life,  and  ability  of  the 
person  ordained  ;  he  is  then  to  deliver  him  the 
book  out  of  which  he  will  have  to  read  (so  Cod. 
Vat.  ap.  Murat.,  Codd.  MafF.  Rem.  Rodrad.  et  al. : 
"  codicem  apicum  divinorum  ;  "  Isid.  Hisp., 
Albin.  Place,  Hrab.  Maur. :  "  codicem  Esaiae 
prophetae  ;  "  Cod.  Ratold. :  "  lectionarium  ;  " 
Pont.  Mogunt.,  English  ordinals  :  "  lectionarium 
prophetiarum  ;  "  Cod.  Colbert.  =  Jlartene,  Ord. 
xvii.),  saying,  "  Take,  and  be  a  reader  of  the 
Word  of  God,  destined,  if  thou  fulfil  thine  office 
faithfully  and  usefully,  to  have  part  with  those 
who  have  ministered  the  Word  of  God  "  (so  all 
Codd.,  omitted  in  Missale  Franc,  only).  The 
bishop  then  makes  the  declaration  of  election  , 
("  pronuntiatio,"  Cod.  MafF.,  "  electio  fratrum," 
Pontif.  Bisunt.)  :  '•  Thy  brethren  elect  thee  " 
("  have  elected "  Pontif.  Camerac.  Noviom., 
Hittorp,  Ord.  Rom.  ii.)  to  be  a  reader  in  the 
house  of  thy  God  ;  and  recognize  thy  office  and 
fulfil  it,  for  God  is  able  to  give  thee  abundant 
grace  "  (so  almost  all  Codd.,  omitted  in  Pontif. 


ORDINATION 


1509 


Radbod.,  Suession.,  Salisb.,  Bangor.,  Sarum.). 
Then  follows  in  all  ordinals  a  prayer  for  God's 
blessing  on  the  newly-ordained  reader. 

II.  Eastern  Bites.— I.  Greek.  The  Apostolical 
Constitutions  (viii.  c.  21)  direct  that  a  reader 
shall  be  ordained  (trpoxeipLiTai)  by  imposition 
of  hands,  with  a  prayer  that  God  will  give  him 
the  Holy  Spirit,  the  Spirit  of  Prophecy.  The 
later  Greek  rituals  will  be  found  in  the  Eu- 
chologium  ed.  Goar,  p.  233,  ed.  Daniel,  vol.  iv. 
p.  547 ;  Codd.  Bessar.  Barber.  Paris.  Vat.  Allat. 
ed.  Morin,  p.  71  sqq.,  ed.  J.  A.  Asseman,  vol.  xi. 
p.  120  sqq.  ;  Sym.  Thessal.  de  Div.  Ordin.  c.  158, 
ap.  Migne,  P.  G.  vol.  civ.  p.  366. 

2.  The  Co2Dtio  are  found  in  the  Apostolical 
Constitutions  in  Coptic,  ed.  Tattam,  c.  35 ; 
Morin,  p.  505 ;  Mai,  Script.  Vet.  vol.  v.  pars  ii. 
p.  209  ;  Denzinger,  vol.  ii.  p.  2)  ;  the  Jacobite 
in  Greg.  Barhebraeus,  Nomocan.  viii.  8  ;  Den- 
zingei-,  vol.  ii.  p.  66  ;  the  Maronite  in  Morin, 
p.  388;  J.  A.  Asseman,  vol.  ix.  p.  20;  Denzinger, 
vol.  ii.  p.  115;  the  Nestorian  in  Morin,  p.  442; 
J.  S.  Asseman,  vol.  iii.  pars  ii.  p.  793  ;  J.  A. 
Asseman,  vol.  xiii.  p.  1  ;  Denzinger,  vol.  ii.  p.  227, 
with  a  collation  of  the  rituals  given  by  Badger, 
p.  262. 

3.  Singer.  I.  Western  Pates.— {Qia.it.  Eccl. 
Ant.  c.  10 ;  Cod.  Maff".,  Pontif.  Ecgb.  S.  Dunst. 
Caturic.  Rotom. ;  Catalani,  Ord.  ii. ;  Hittorp.  Ord. 
Rom. ;  Isid.  Hisp.  de  Eccl.  Off.  2,  12 ;  Hraban. 
Maur.  de  Inst.  Cler.  1,  11  ;  but  omitted  from 
many  ordinals.)  "  A  psalmist — ;.  e.  a  singer — 
after  having  been  instructed  by  the  archdeacon, 
can  undertake  the  office  of  singing  without  the 
cognizance  of  the  bishop,  at  the  sole  bidding  of 
a  presbyter,  the  presbyter  saying  to  him,  '  See 
that  what  thou  singest  with  thy  mouth  thou 
believest  with  thine  heart,  and  that  what  thou 
believest  in  thine  heart  thou  approvest  in  deed.'" 
(In  addition  to  this  form,  the  pontificals  of 
Ecgbert  and  St.  Dunstan  insert  the  words  "  sive 
psalmistarum  "  in  the  preface  to  the  benediction 
of  a  reader,  from  which  it  may,  perhaps,  be  in- 
ferred that  when  a  singer  was  ordained  by  a 
bishop,  the  same  form  was  used  as  for  a  reader, 
as  was  the  case  in  the  Greek  church.) 

II.  Eastern  Rites.— 1.  Greek.  (In  most  MSS. 
of  the  later  Greek  ordinals  there  is  no  distinction 
between  the  ordination  of  a  singer  and  that  of 
a  reader  ;  but  there  is  a  separate  ritual  in  Cod. 
Leo  Allat.  ap.  Morin,  p.  104;  J.  A.  Asseman, 
vol.  xi.  p.  19(3.) 

2.  The  Coptic  is  found  in  Vansleb,  Hist,  de 
fEglise  d' Aiexandrie,  p.  4,  sect.  2,  c.  7,  Denzinger, 
vol.  ii.  p.  63  :  not  in  Kircher,  Morin,  or  Asseman ; 
the  Jacobite  in  Renaudot,  ap.  Denzinger,  vol.  ii. 
66,  not  in  Morin  ;  the  Maronite  in  Morin,  p.  384  ; 
J.  A.  Asseman,  vol.  ix.  p.  231  ;  Denzinger,  vol.  ii. 
p.  108.  The  Nestorians  have  no  special  ritual 
for  the  ordination  of  a  singer. 

4.  Exorcist.  Western  Rites. — (Statt.  Eccl. 
Antiq.  c.  7  ;  Sacram.  Gelas.  i.  c.  96,  and  all 
ordinals  of  the  Gregorian  type  ;  Isid.  Hisp.  de 
Eccl.  Off.  2,  13  ;  Hraban.  Maur.  de  Inst.  Cler.  1, 
10;  Amalarius,  de  Eccl.  Off.  1,  9.)  Some 
ordinals  direct  that  the  bishop,  sitting  with  his 
mitre  on  his  head,  shall  declare  the  duties  of  an 
exorcist  (so  Cod.  Maft'.  ;  Pontif.  Jlogunt.  Winton, 
Sarum.  Exon.).  All  ordinals  direct  that  tlie 
person  ordained  shall  receive  from  the  bishop 
a  book  of  exorcisms,  the  bishop  saying,  "  Take 
and    commit   to   memory,   and    have    power   of 

5  E  2 


1510 


OEDINATION 


imposition  of  hands  upon  one  possessed,  whether 
catechumen  or  baptized."  A  preface  and  prayer 
for  God's  blessing  on  the  exorcist  follow.  (The 
Sojssons  pontifical  makes  this  precede  thedelivery 
of  the  book,  which  is  probably  the  right  order.) 
6.  Acolyte.  Western  Bites.— (Stutt.  Eccl.  Antiq. 
c.  6  ;  Sacram.  Gelas.  i.  c.  95,  and  all  ordinals  of 
the  Gregorian  type  ;  Mabillon,  Ord.  Horn.  viii. 
in  iMus.  Ital.  vol.  ii.  p.  85,  reprinted  in  Migne, 
P.  L.  vol.  lx.\-viii.  p.  999.)  The  ancient  ritual 
which  is  given  by  Mabillon  directs  only  (1)  that 
the  clerk  shall  be  vested  in  a  chasuble  and  stole  ; 
(2)  that  the  bishop  shall  put  a  bag  over  the 
chasuble  (;.  e.  a  bag  for  receiving  and  carrying 
the  eucharistic  oti'erings) ;  (3)  and  that  the 
bishop  shall  pray,  "  By  the  intercession  of  the 
blessed,  and  glorious,  and  ever-virgin  Mary,  and 
the  blessed  apostle  Peter,  may  God  save,  and 
guard,  and  protect  thee.  Amen."  The  ritual 
of  all  other  ordinals  is  as  follows : — 1.  The 
bishop,  sitting  mitred  in  his  chair,  is  to  mention 
the  duties  of  an  acolyte  (so  Cod.  Maff.,  Pont. 
Mogunt.,  and  English  ordinals  ap.  Maskell,  except 
Pont.  Bangor. ;  but  the  majority  of  ordinals 
merely  direct  that  the  bishop  (or  archdeacon. 
Missal.  Franc.)  shall  previously  instruct  the 
person  ordained  in  his  duties.  2.  The  arch- 
deacon (Sacram.  Gelas.,  Statt.  Eccl.  Ant.,  Cod. 
Vat.  ap.  Murat.,  Missale  Franc,  Pontif.  Ecgb.  S. 
Dunst.  Corb.  i.  Rodrad.  Eotom.  Rem. ;  see  also 
Amalarius,  de  Eccl.  Off.  2, 10)  or  the  bishop  (Cod. 
Maff.,  Cod.  Turon.  ap.  Martene,  vol.  ii.  p.  19, 
Pontif.  Bisunt.  Camerac,  Mogunt.,  English  ordi- 
nals ap.  Maskell,  Catalan!,  Ord.  i.)  is  to  deliver 
to  him  a  candlestick  and  candle.  Some  ordinals 
give  no  form  of  words  (so  Sacram.  Gelas.,  Cod. 
Vat.  ap.  Murat.,  Missale  Franc,  Pontif.  Rotom. 
Rem.  Kodrad.  Ecgb.  S.  Dunst.).  Others  give  the 
form,  "  Take  the  candlestick  and  candle,  and 
know  that  thou  art  charged  with  lighting  the 
lights  of  the  church  "  (so  Cod.  Maff.,  Pont.  Bisunt. 
Mogunt.,  English  ordinals  ap.  Maskell).  Others 
give  the  form,  "  Take  this  bearer  (gestatorium) 
of  light  that  by  it  ye  may  have  power  to  chase 
away  the  darkness  of  the  adversaries,  and  faith- 
fully to  find  the  true  light  which  lighteth  every 
man  that  cometh  into  this  world  "  (so  Pontif. 
Corb.  i.  Ratold.  Suession.).  A  further  direction 
is  sometimes  given  that  the  bishop  is  to  say  the 
words,  the  archdeacon  to  deliver  the  candlestick 
(so  Pontif.  Salisb.  Camerac).  3.  The  acolyte  is 
then  to  receive  an  empty  pitcher  from  the  bishop 
(so  Pontif.  Bisunt.  Camerac.  Mogunt.  Exon. 
Winton.),  or  from  the  archdeacon  (Pontif.  Sarum. : 
other  ordinals  do  not  say  from  whom— e.  fj.  Cod. 
Vat.  ap.  Murat.,  Cod. Maff., Pontif. Ecgb. S.Dunst. 
Noviom.  Becc,  Catal.  Ord.  i.)  with  the  words, 
"  Receive  this  pitcher  to  pour  out  wine  at  the 
Eucharist  of  the  Blood  of  Christ  "  (so  Sacram. 
Gelas.,  Cod.Vat.  ap.  Murat.,  Missal.  Franc,  Pontif. 
Ecgb.  Corb.  i.  Rem.  S.  Dunst.  Ratold.  Noviom.  ; 
"  and  water "  is  added  in  Cod.  Maff.,  Pontif. 
Salisb.  English  ordinals  ap.  Mask.,  and  sometimes 
in  the  following  prayer,  though  not  in  this  ad- 
dress, e.  (].  Catalan!,  Ord.  i.).  4.  A  preface 
follows  in  many  ordinals  (not  in  Cod.  Vat.  ap. 
Murat.,  nor  in  Pontif  Ecgb.  S.  Dunst.  Ratold. 
Noviom.  Salisb.  Bisunt.),  and  a  prayer  for  bless- 
ing in  all  (except  Sacram.  Gelas.)  ;  but  the  forms 
of  prayer  vary,  some  ordinals  giving  one  pi-ayer 
(so  Missale  Franc),  some  two  (so  c.  g.  Pontif. 
Ecgb.    S.  Dunst.  Ratold.  Noviom.),  some   three 


ORDINATION 

(so  e.  (J.  Cod.  Maff.,  Pontif.  Mogunt.,  and  English 
ordinals  ap.  Mask.). 

6.  SuBDEACOX.  I.  Western  Eitcs.—SiaXi.  Eccl. 
Antiq.  c  5 ;  Sacram.  Gelas.  i.  c.  96,  and  all 
ordinals  of  the  Gregorian  tvpe  ;  Isidor.  Hisp. 
de  Div.  Off.  2,  10;  Amalarius,  1,  11  ;  Hrab. 
Maur.  1,  8 ;  Mabillon,  Ordo  Bom.  viii.  in  Mvs. 
Ital.  vol.  ii.  p.  85,  reprinted  in  Migne,  P.  L. 
vol.  Ixxviii.  p.  1001).  The  ancient  ritual  given 
by  Mabillon  directs  that  the  person  to  be 
ordained  shall  be  brought  forward  (apparently 
vested  in  a  chasuble)  and  that  he  shall  swear 
on  the  Holy  Gospels  that  he  is  not  guilty  of  any 
of  the  four  classes  of  carnal  sins  (i.e.  sodomy, 
adultery,  deuterogamy,  sin  with  a  consecrated 
virgin) ;  when  he  has  done  so  the  archdeacon  or 
the  bishop  shall  give  him  the  holy  cup,  and  say 
over  him  the  same  prayer  as  over  an  acolyte  (sec 
above).  The  ritual  of  the  later  ordinals  is  as 
follows:  1.  The  bishop,  sitting  mitred  in  his 
chair,  declares  the  duties  of  subdeacons  (Cod. 
Maff.  and  English  ordinals  ap.  Maskell,  except 
Pontif.  Winton.,  which  directs  that  the  candi- 
date shall  previously  have  been  instructed  in  his 
duties  by  the  bishop;  not  in  the  majority  of 
ordinals).  2.  The  bishop  shall  deliver  to  the 
person  to  be  ordained  an  empty  paten  and 
chalice.  3.  The  archdeacon  shall  deliver  to  him 
an  empty  (Pontif.  Sarum  says  "  full  ")  pitcher, 
a  basin,  and  a  towel.  4.  Tlie  bishop  shall  say, 
"Sec  of  what  the  ministry  is  delivered  to 
thee  :  if  hitherto  thou  hast  been  tardy  at  church, 
henceforth  thou  must  be  busy ;  if  hitherto 
sleepy,  henceforth  thou  must  "be  wakeful ;  if 
hitherto  drunken,  henceforth  thou  must  be  sober ; 
if  hitherto  immodest,  henceforth  thou  must  be 
chaste.  .  .  ."  (This  address  is  not  found  in 
Sacram.  Gelas.,  Cod.  Vat.  ap.  Murat. ;  in  Cata- 
lan! Ord.  i.  it  is  in  later  writing ;  it  is  placed 
before  the  delivery  of  the  chalice  and  paten  in 
Missal.  Franc,  Pontif.  Rodrad.  Rem.  Senon. 
Ratold.  Ecgb.  Noviom.  ;  it  is  placed  after  the 
delivery,  but  without  any  express  rubric  as  to 
the  point  at  which  it  should  be  spoken,  in  Cod. 
Maff.,  Pontif.  S.  Elig.  Rotom.  S.  Dunst.  Radbod. 
Salisb.  Bisunt.  Becc.  Camerac. ;  it  is  expresslv 
placed  after  the  delivery  in  Pontif.  Mogunt.) 
5.  Then  follows  a  preface  and  prayer  of  bene- 
diction (so  all  ordinals,  except  Pontif.  Rad- 
bod., which  places  these  befo7-e  the  delivery  of 
the  paten  and  chalice).  Three  other  rites  are 
sometimes  found ;  (a)  the  bishop  gives  the  sub- 
deacon  a  maniple  ;  so  Cod.  Maff.,  which  gives  the 
formula  of  delivery,  "Take  the  maniple,  by 
which  is  designated  the  fruit  of  good  works  ;"  so, 
with  a  different  formula,  Pontif.  Suession. ;  so 
also,  witliout  a  formula,  Pont.  Ecgb.  and  the 
later  English  ordinals,  but  not  the  intermediate 
English  ordinals,  viz.  tlie  Rouen,  St.  Dunstan's, 
and  Winchester  Pontificals ;  (b)  the  bishop 
vests  the  subdeacon  in  a  tunic  (Pontif.  Camerac. 
Mogunt.  ;  Catalan!  Ord.  ii.  ;  English  ordinals 
ap.  Maskell,  except  the  Winchester  Pontifical); 
in  the  Exeter  Pontifical  only  the  subdeacon  who 
is  to  read  the  epistle  !s  vested  in  a  tunic  ;  (c) 
the  bishop  delivers  to  the  subdeacon  the  book  of 
the  Epistles  ;  the  earliest  mention  of  this  is  in  an 
Aries  Pontifical  of  the  13th  century  (Martene, 
de  Antiq.^  Eccl.  Bit.  vol.  ii.  p.  20),  nor  is  it  found 
in  any  of  the  sacramentaries  or  ordinals  to  which 
reference  has  been  made  in  this  article. 

II.  Eastern  Bites. — 1.  Greek.    The  Apostolical 


ORDINATION 

Constitutions  (viii.  c.  20)  direct  that  in  oidainiug 
;»  subdeacon  the  bishop  shall  lay  his  hands  upon 
liim,  and  pray  that  God  will  give  him  grace 
worthily  to  handle  the  eucharistic  vessels.  The 
directions  of  the  later  Greek  rituals  are  to  be 
Ibund  in  the  Euchologium  (ed.  Goar,  p.  24-4, 
od.  Daniel,  vol.  iv.  p.  550 ;  Codd.  Bessa. 
Barbel-.  Paris.  Vat.  Allat.  ed.  Morin,  p.  71  sqq., 
'^d.  J.  A.  Asseman,  vol.  xi.  p.  118  sqq.;  Sym. 
Tliessal.  do  Sacr.  Ordin.  c.  1G2,  ap.  Migne,  P.  G. 
vol.  civ.  p.  367). 

2.  The  Coptic  in  Morin,  p.  505,  J.  A.  Asseman 
.■q).  Mai,  vol.  v.  pars  ii.  p.  210  ;  Denzinger,  vol.  ii. 
ji.  4  :  the  Jacobite  in  Greg.  Barhebraeus,  vii.  8, 
ap.  Mai,  vol.  X.  pars  ii.  p.  52  ;  Denzinger,  vol. 
ii.  ])p.  67,  79;  the  Maronite  in  Morin,  p.  392  ; 
.].  A.  Asseman,  vol.  ix.  p.  34 ;  Denzinger,  vol.  ii. 
,p.  121;  the  Nestorian  in  Morin,  p.  444;  J.  S. 
Asseman,vol.  iii.  pars  ii.  p.  801 ;  J.  A.  Asseman, 
vol.  xiii.  p.  9  ;    Denzinger,  vol.  ii.  pp.  229,  263. 

7.  Deacon.  I.  Western  Bites — (Sacram.  Leon. 
ed.  Muratori,  Lit.  Rom.  Vet.  vol.'  i.  p.  686,  ed. 
Ballerin.  p.  112  ;  Sacram.  Gregor.,  Codd.  Vat.  i. 
Othobon.  ap.  Muratori,  vol.  ii.  p.  1066 ;  these 
two  sacramentaries  contain  preface  and  prayei-s 
only,  without  rubrical  directions,  and  both  agree ; 
Sacram.  Gelas.  1.  c.  20,  22,  has  a  short  ritual 
and  prayers,  which  correspond  with  those  of  the 
other  two  sacramentaries  ;  Sacram.  Gelas.  1.  c. 
95,  has  a  short  canon,  =  Statt.  Eccl.  Ant.  c.  3 ; 
the  full  ritual  is  found  in  the  other  ordinals  of  the 
Gregorian  type,  e.g.  Cod.  Rem.  ed.  Morin,  de  Sacr. 
Ord.  pars  ii.  p.  290  ;  Cod.  Vat.  ii.  ed.  Murat. 
■vol.  iii.  p.  33 ;  Cod.  Mali",  ibid.  p.  55  ;  and  iu  the 
editions  of  Menard,  p.  235,  Benedict,  p.  223  = 
Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  Ixxviii.  p.  221 ;  another  ritual 
is  given  in  Mabillon,  Mas.  Ital.  vol.  ii.  p.  85.) 
i.  The  oldest  ritual  is  probably  that  which  oc- 
curs as  a  preliminary  rubric  in  Sacram.  Gelas.  i. 
c.  20,  Missale  Franc,  Cod.  Maff.,  Pontif.  Ecgb. 
S.  Dunst.  Rodrad.,  Catalani  Ord.  ii.  Hittorp, 
Ord.  i.  ;  it  is  in  entire  harmony  with  primitive 
customs,  and  the  ceremonies  and  prayers  which 
follow  it  must  be  regarded  as  later  expansions 
of  it.  (This  is  rendered  almost  certain  by  the  form 
of  the  rubric  in  the  Eouen  Pontifical.)  The 
bishop  declares  the  election  in  tlie  form  given 
below ;  then  follows  a  litany ;  when  it  is  con- 
cluded, all  rise  from  their  knees,  and  the  persons 
<dected  go  up  to  the  bishop's  chair ;  the  bishop 
gives  a  blessing  upon  their  office  ;  they  then  go 
down,  and  stand  in  the  proper  place  of  their 
<)rder("hac,sc.  litania,expleta  ascendunt  ad  sedem 
pontificis  et  benedicit  eos  ad  quod  vocati  sunt,  et 
descendunt  et  stant  iu  ordine  suo ").  After- 
wards the  newly  ordained  deacons  are  to  give 
their  offerings  (sc.  of  bread  and  wine)  into  the 
hand  of  the  bishop,  and  to  receive  them  back 
from  him  consecrated.  (This  important  relic  of 
the  primitive  communion  is  given  in  Pontif.  S. 
Dunst.,  Cod.  Maff.,  and  Catalani  Ord.  ii.  in  the 
-•ase  of  deacons  ;  see  below  for  its  place  in  the 
ordination  of  presbyters.)  ii.  A  probably  less 
ancient  ritual  is  that  of  Mabillon's  Ord'o  viii. 
The  subdeacon  who  is  to  be  promoted  to  the 
diaconate  stands,  vested  in  a  chasuble,  a  white 
tunic,  sc.  dalmatic,  and  holding  a  stole  iu  his 
liand,  before  the  steps  of  the  altar ;  after  the 
-•pistle  (which  is  taken  from  1  Tim.  iii.  8)  and 
the  gradual  he  is  divested  of  the  chasuble,  and 
the  bishop  having  said  a  preface,  a  litany  is  said, 
.ill  being  prostrate.     After  the  litany  the  bishop 


ORDINATION 


1511 


says  the  prayer  of  consecration  ;  the  new  deacon 
kisses  the  bishop  and  priests,  and  vested  in  his 
dalmatic  stands  at  the  bishop's  right  hand, 
iii.  The  later  ordinals,  with  the  exceptions  of 
Mabillon,  Ord.  ix.,  Hittorp,  Ord.  i.,  as  noted 
above,  combine  in  one  service  the  declaration  of 
election  and  the  admission  to  office,  but  at  the 
same  time  preserve  a  clear  distinction  between 
them.  (a.)  Declaration  of  Election. — Several 
ordinals  preserve  the  form  of  presentation  by  the 
archdeacon :  "  Our  holy  mother  the  Catholic 
church  demands  that  thou  shouldest  ordain  this 
present  subdeacon  to  the  burden  of  the  dia- 
conate ;"  the  bishop  asks,  "  Dost  thou  know  him 
to  be  worthy  ?  "  the  archdeacon  replies,  "  As  far 
as  human  frailty  allows,  I  both  know  and  testify 
that  he  is  worthy  of  the  burden  of  this  office ;" 
then  the  bishop  says,  '•  By  the  help  of  our  Lord 
God  and  our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ  we  elect  this 
person  to  the  order  of  the  diaconate."  This  is 
the  form  in  Codd.  Maff.  S.  Dunst.  Suess.  Corb. 
Ratold,  and  in  the  modern  Pontif.  Rom.  ;  Pontif. 
Vat.  ap.  Murat.  Ecgb.  Noviom,  Catur.  Becc. 
Rodrad.  Rotom.  Rem.  Senon.  omit  the  form 
of  presentation,  but  give  that  of  election ; 
the  Mainz  and  later  English  pontificals  (except 
Pontif.  Bangor.)  give  this  form  at  the  beginning 
of  the  ritual  of  a  general  ordination,  and  appar- 
ently for  all  orders  ;  the  words  are  slightly  dif- 
ferent. The  Winchester  Pontifical  introduces 
an  address  to  the  oi'dinands  between  the  presenta- 
tion and  the  election,  (b.)  Admission  to  Office. — 
(The  order  of  the  several  ceremonies  is  not  cer- 
tain ;  that  of  Cod.  Maff.,  which  is  almost  identical 
with  that  of  the  modern  Pontif.  Rom.,  will  be 
followed  here.)  1.  The  bishop,  standing,  addreses 
the  people,  "  Let  the  common  vote  be  followed 
by  a  common  prayer  .  .  .  ;"  this  address  is  said 
in  Cod.  Vat.  ap.  Murat.,  Missale  Franc,  Pontif. 
Petav.  Rotom.  Rem.  Ratold.  S.  Dunst.  Noviom. 
Becc.  to  be  "  ad  consummandum  diaconum  "  (or 
"  diaconatus  officium  ") ;  it  is  more  commonly 
placed,  but  without  any  rubrical  directions,  after 
the  prayer  of  benediction ;  but  the  Cambrai 
Pontifical  and  the  modern  Roman  Pontifical 
agree  with  the  Cod.  Maff. ;  the  Mainz  Pontifical 
places  it  after  the  first  imposition  of  hands ;  the 
later  English  pontificals,  except  Pontif.  Winton. 
omit  it.  2.  The  preface  follows,  i.  e.  a  short 
"  bidding  prayer  "  which  is  nearly  the  same  in 
all  ordinals,  but  which  in  Sacram.  Leon.  Gelas., 
Codd.  Vat.  et  al.,  is  broken  up  into  a  preface  and 
a  prayer.  3.  Then  follows  the  prayer  of  bene- 
diction :  "  Adesto  quaesumus  omnipotens  Deus, 
honorum  dator,  ordinum  distributor,  officiorum- 
que  dispositor  .  .  .  super  hos  famulos  tuos  quae- 
sumus, Domine,  placatus  intende ;  quos  tuis 
sacris  servituros  in  officium  diaconii  suppliciter 
dedicamus  .  .  .  emitte  in  eos,  quaesumus, 
Domine,  Spiritum  Sanctum  quo  in  opus  minis- 
terii  fideliter  exequendi  munere  septiformis  tuae 
gratiae  roborentur  .  .  ."  This  prayer  is  found 
with  slight  variations  in  Sacram.  Leon.  Gelas. 
and  all  Codd.  of  Sacram.  Gregor.  including  Codd. 
Othobon.  Vindob.  and  in  all  the  ordinals.  4. 
The  bishop  lays  his  hand  upon  the  deacon's  head, 
(o)  The  bishop  does  this  alone,  no  mention  being 
made  of  priests  in  Missale  Francorum,  Pontif. 
Corb.  Rem.  Ratold.  Ecgl).  S.  Dunst.  Radbod. 
Salisburg.  Bisunt.  (;8)  The  bishop  alone  lays  his 
hand  bn  the  deacon's  head,  but  the  other  priests 
touch  the  bishop's  haml,  or  touch  the  deacon's 


1512 


OKDINATION 


head  near  the  bishop's  hand,  in  Sacram.  Gelas.  i. 
c.  95,  Poiitif.  Kotom.  Catur.  Becc.  Noviom.  i. 
ii. ;  cf.  also  Amalarius  2,  12,  Durandus,  Eational. 
2,  9,  14.  (7)  The  bishop  lays  both  hands  on 
the  deacon's  head  in  Cod.  MafF.,  Pontif.  Ecgb. 
S.  Dunst.  Noviora.  Mogunt.  (5)  The  point  of  the 
service  at  which  this  is  to  be  done  is  not  specified 
in  Sacram.  Gelas.,  Missale  Franc,  Pontif.  Rotom. 
Eem.  Ratold.  Catur.  Salisburg.  Bisunt.  Becc. 
Eadbod.  Noviom.  i.  ii.  (e)  It  takes  place  at  the 
utterance  of  the  words  "  eniitte  in  eos  .  .  .  "  in 
the  prayer  of  benediction,  in  Cod.  Maff".  (C)  It 
takes  place  before  the  preface,  and  the  bishop  in 
laying  on  his  hands  says,  "Spiritus  Sanctus 
superveniet  in  te  et  virtus  Altissimi  sine  peccato 
custodiat  te  in  nomine  Domine,"  in  Cod.  Mogunt. 
only  ;  or  he  says  "  Accipe  Spiritum  Sanctum,"  in 
the  later  English  ordinals  ap.  Maskell  (but  not 
the  Winchester  Pontifical)  and  some  later  French 
ordinals  ap.  Martene,  ii.  p.  21,  no  authority  being 
earlier  than  the  13th  century,  (tj)  It  takes  place 
after  the  vesting  in  the  stole  and  before  the  pre- 
face, in  Pontif.  Ecgb.  S.  Dunst.  5.  The  bishop 
vests  the  deacon  with  a  stole  upon  his  left 
shoulder ;  this  ceremony  is,  however,  not  men- 
tioned, either  expressly  or  by  implication,  in  the 
majority  of  early  ordinals,  viz.  in  Sacram.  Gelas., 
Missale  Franc,  Cod.  Vat.  ap.  Murat.,  Pontif.  Rem. 
Rodrad.  Senon.  Noviom.  i.  Radbod. ;  its  place  in 
the  ritual  is  (a)  sometimes  at  the  beginning, 
Pontif.  Ecgb.  S.  Dunst. ;  (/8)  sometimes  after 
the  benediction,  Pontif.  Rotom.  Caturic  Becc. 
Noviom.  ii.  Mogunt.  English  ordinals  ap.  Mask.; 
(7)  sometimes  not  specified,  Pontif.  Corb.  Ratold. 
Bisunt.  The  formulae  with  which  it  was  accom- 
panied vary  :  (a)  "  Receive  a  white  stole  from 
the  hand  of  the  Lord  ..."  Codd.  Maff.,  Pont. 
Mogunt.  (as  an  alternative  form)  ;  (/3)  "  Receive 
the  yoke  of  the  Lord,  for  His  yoke  is  easy  and 
His  burden  light,"  Cod.  Suession. ;  (7)  "  By 
this  sign  we  humbly  impose  on  thee  the  otBce  of 
a  deacon,  that  thou  mayest  be  a  support  of  the 
divine  table,  as  it  were  a  pillar  of  its  columns, 
and  that  thou  mayest  serve  blamelessly  as  a 
herald  of  the  Heavenly  King,"  Pontif.  Corb. 
Ratold.  Bisunt.  Winton. ;  (S)  ''  Receive  the  stole, 
fulfil  thy  ministry,  for  God  is  able  to  give  thee 
an  increase  of  grace,"  Pontif.  Salisburg.  Camerac. 
Noviom.  ii.  Mogunt. ;  in  English  ordinals  ap. 
Maskell,  "In  the  name  of  the  Holy  Trinity 
receive  the  stole  of  immortality,  fulfil,"  kc. ;  (e) 
a  much  longer  form  is  given  in  Pontif.  S.  Dunst. 
Catur.  Becc.  and  Winton,  "  In  the  name  of  the 
Holy  Trinity  and  One  God,  receive  the  stole 
which  the  Lord  has  prepared  for  thy  receiving 
through  the  service  of  our  humility  and  through 
our  hands,  by  which  thou  mayest  know  that  the 
burden  of  the  Lord  God  is  laid  on  thy  shoulders, 
and  that  thou  art  bound  to  humility  and  to  the 
administration  of  the  church,  and  by  which  thy 
brethren  may  learn  that  thou  hast  been  ordained 
a  minister  of  God  .  .  .  ;"  (Q  no  form  is  given 
in  Pontif.  Ecgb.  6.  The  bishop  delivers  a  book 
of  the  Gospels  to  the  deacon,  with  the  words 
"  Receive  the  power  of  reading  the  Gospel  in  the 
church  of  God,  as  well  for  the  living  as  for  the 
dead  "  (Cod.  Matf.,  Pontif.  Radbod.  Suession.  Becc. 
Catalani  Ord.  ii.,  later  English  ordinals  ap. 
Mask.),  or  with  the  words  "  Receive  this  volume 
of  the  Gospels,  and  read  and  understand,  and 
deliver  to  others,  and  do  thou  fulfil  it  in  deed  " 
(Pontif.  Ecgb.  S.  Dunst.  Becc.)     This  ceremony 


ORDINATION 

is  not  found  in  Sacram.  Gelas.  or  in  any  of  the 
early  ordinals  except  that  of  Ecgbert.  Martene> 
vol.  ii.  p.  21,  says  that  it  was  for  a  long  time 
peculiar  to  the  English  church.  7.  The  bishop 
vests  the  deacon  in  a  dalmatic,  saying,  "  The 
Lord  clothe  thee  with  a  vestment  of  salvation,  and 
wrap  thee  in  a  garment  of  gladness,  through 
Jesus  Christ  our  Lord,"  Cod.  Maff.,  Pontif.  Salisb. 
Sarum.  Bangor.  This  ceremony  is  not  found  in 
any  early  ordinal ;  the  Besanfon  Pontifical 
limits  its  use  to  those  who  come  to  be  ordained 
from  monasteries ;  and  Martene,  vol.  ii.  p.  22, 
says  that  it  was  not  used  in  the  case  of  seculars 
until  about  the  12th  century.  The  Bangor  and 
Exeter  Pontificals  limit  its  use  to  the  deacon 
who  was  about  to  read  the  Gospel.  8.  The 
bishop  kisses  the  new  deacon.  Cod.  Maff.,  Pontif. 
Salisburg.  Bisunt.  9.  The  hands  of  the  deacon 
are  anointed  with  the  holy  oil  and  chrism,  and 
with  a  benediction ;  this  rite  is  only  found  in 
English  or  Norman  ordinals,  viz.,  Pontif.  Ecgb. 
S.  Dunst.  Becc.  Rotom.,  but  not  in  the  later 
English  ordinals,  ed.  Maskell.  10.  The  newly 
ordained  deacon,  or  if  there  be  more  than  one, 
either  one  appointed  by  the  bishop  (English 
ordinals),  or  the  last  ordained  (Pontif.  Mogunt.) 
reads  the  Gospel ;  this  custom  is  not  mentioned 
by  any  ordinals  except  those  just  specified,  but  its 
early  existence  is  not  only  in  accordance  with 
the  analogy  of  other  ordination  rituals,  but  is 
also  indicated  by  its  mention  in  Mabillon's 
Ordo  ix. 

II.  Eastern  Rites.— I.  Greeh.  The  Apo- 
stolical Constitutions  (viii.  c.  16)  direct  that 
in  ordaining  a  deacon  the  bishop  shall  lay  his 
hands  upon  him  in  the  presence  of  the  whole 
presbytery  and  the  deacons,  and  shall  pray  that 
God  will  lift  up  the  light  of  His  countenance 
upon  His  servant  who  is  ordained  (irpoxcipi^cJ- 
fievov)  to  the  diaconate,  and  grant  that  ministei-- 
ing  acceptably  in  his  office  he  may  be  deemed 
worthy  of  a  higher  degree.  Another  ritual  is 
given  in  S.  Dionys.  Areop.  de  Eccl.  Rierarch.  5, 
2,  p.  236.  The  later  rituals  are  to  be  found  in 
the  Euchologium,  ed.  Goar,  p.  249,  ed.  Daniel, 
vol.  iv.  p.  552  ;  Codd.  Bessar.  Barber.  Paris.  Vat. 
Allat.  ed.  Morin,  p.  68  sqq.,  ed.  J.  A.  Asseman, 
vol.  xi.  pp.  Ill  sqq. ;  Sym.  Thessal.  de  Sacr. 
Ordin.  c.  169,  ap.  Migne,  P.  G.  vol.  civ.  pp.  372 
sqq. 

2.  The  Coptic  forms  are  found  in  Morin,  p.  506  ; 
J.  A.  Asseman,  ap.  Mai,  vol.  v.  pars  ii.  p.  212  ; 
Denzinger,  vol.  ii.  p.  7 ;  the  Jacobite  in  Morin,. 
p.  479,  Gregory  Barhebr.  ap.  Mai,  vol.  x.  pars  ii. 
p.  48  ;  Denzinger,  vol.  ii.  p.  82 ;  the  Maronite  in 
Morin,  p.  396  ;  .T.  A.  Asseman,  vol.  ix.  p.  54 ; 
Renaudot  ap.  Denzinger,  vol.  ii.  p.  128 ;  the 
Nestorian  in  Morin,  p.  445  ;  J.  S.  Asseman,  vol. 
iii.  pars  ii.  p.  806  ;  J.  A.  Asseman,  vol.  xiii. 
p.  12  ;  Denzinger,  vol.  ii.  p.  229  ;  Badger,  vol.  ii. 
p.  325. 

8.  Presbyter.  I.  Western  Rites. — (Sacram. 
Leon.  ed.  Muratori,  Lit.  Rom.  Vet.  vol.  i.  p.  687, 
ed.  Ballerin.  p.  113,  and  Sacram.  Gregor.  Codd. 
Vat.  i.  Othobon.  ap.  Muratori,  vol.  ii.  p.  1064,. 
contain  prayers  only,  without  a  ritual  ;  Sacram. 
Gelas.  i.  e.  20  contains  a  short  I'itual  and 
prayers,  id.  c.  95  a  canon  =  Statt.  Eccl.  Ant. 
c.  3 ;  the  full  ritual  is  found  in  all  other 
ordinals  of  the  Gregorian  type,  e.g.  Cod.  Vat. 
ap.  Murat.  vol.  iii.  p.  36,  Cod.  Rem.  ap.  Morin, 
p.  290,  and  in  the  editions  of  Menard,  p.  237„ 


OKDINATIOX 

Benedict,  p.  224  =  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  Ixxviii.  p. 
224  ;  other  rituals  are  given  in  Mabillon,  Mus. 
Ital.  vol.  ii.  pp.  8(3,  90;  Hittorp,  Ord.  Horn. 
pp.  88,  93.)  i.  The  earliest  ritual  which  has 
been  preserved  is  that  which,  as  mentioned  above 
in  the  account  of  the  ordination  of  a  deacon,  is 
given  as  a  preliminary  rubric  in  the  Missale 
Francorum,  Sacram.  Gelas.,  and  other  early 
ordinals.  The  ordinands  are  presented  to  the 
bishop,  who,  after  receiving  the  testimony  of  the 
presenter,  declares  the  election  in  the  form 
given  below,  "  By  the  help  of  our  Lord  God," 
&c.  A  litany  is  then  said ;  when  it  is  finished 
all  rise,  and  the  persons  elected  go  up  to  the 
bishop's  chair;  the  bishop  gives  a  blessing  upon 
thf>ir  office  ;  they  then  go  down  and  stand  in  the 
proper  place  of  their  order.  The  gospel  is  then 
read,  and  afterwards  the  newly-ordained  pres- 
byters give  their  offerings  (sc.  of  bread  and  wine) 
into  the  hand  of  the  bishop,  and  receive  them 
back  from  him  consecrated.  (This  last  impor- 
tant rite  is  found  in  Pontif.  Corb.  Suession. 
Oamerac,  Cod.  Matf.,  Catalani,  Ord.  ii. ;  see  below, 
§  IG.)  ii.  Mabillon's  Ordo  Romanus  viii.  gives 
the  following  directions  :  "  The  archdeacon  hold- 
ing him  leads  him  to  the  steps  of  the  altar, 
divests  him  of  the  dalmatic,  and  so  vests  him  in 
a  chasuble,  and  leads  him  again  to  the  bishop. 
And  there,  saying  over  him  another  prayei',  he 
consecrates  him  presbyter,  giving  a  kiss  to  the 
bishop  or  to  the  other  priests,  and  stands  in  the 
rank  of  presbyters,  and  Alleluia  is  said,  or 
the  tract  and  gospel."  iii.  The  majority  of 
ordinals  combine  in  one  service,  as  in  the  case 
<if  deacons,  the  declaration  of  election  and  the 
admission  to  office. 

a.  Declaration  of  Election:  1.  Two  deacons 
conduct  the  ordinand,  vested  as  a  deacon,  to  the 
presbyters  ;  then  two  presbyters  receive  and  con- 
iluct  him  to  the  bishop's  chair  (Cod.  Maff.,  Pontif. 
Salisb.  Camerac. ;  but  instead  of  presentation, 
the  Mainz  Pontificals  require  the  ordinands  to 
be  summoned,  "  Let  those  who  are  to  be  ordained 
presbyters  to  the  title  of  St.  N.  come  forward  ;" 
the  Besanyon  Pontifical  adds  the  name  of  the 
priest  who  witnesses  to  and  presents  him). 

2.  A  deacon  (Cod.  Maff.)  or  the  archdeacon 
(Pontif.  S.  Elig.  Ratold.  S.  Dunst.  Suession.  Salis- 
bui-g.Noviom.  Mogunt.)  or  the  priest  who  presents 
(Cod.  Bisunt.)  addresses  the  bishop,  "Our  holy 
mother,  the  catholic  church,  demands  that  thou 
shouldst  ordain  this  present  deacon  to  the 
burden  of  the  presbyterate."  The  bishop  asks, 
"Dost  thou  know  him  to  be  worthy  ? "  The 
presenter  replies,  "  As  far  as  human  frailty 
allows,  I  both  know  and  testify  that  he  is  worthy 
of  the  burden  of  this  office  "  (Pontif.  Mogunt. 
S.  Dunst.  S.  Elig.  Catalani,  Ord.  ii.  iii. ;  Hittorp, 
Ord.  ii.;  of.  S.  Hieron.  Epist.  146  (85);  but 
Cod.  MafF.  uses  the  plural,  "//te  attestantibus  "). 

3.  The  bishop  then  addresses  the  people,  and 
asks  their  testimony.  Sacram.  Gelas.,  Pontif. 
Iiodrad.  Rotom.  Senon.  Ecgb.  Caturic.  simply  say 
"  data  oratione  ;"  but  Pontif.  Rem.  Noviom.  Vat. 
ap.  Murat.  add  the  form  of  address,  which  con- 
cludes by  asking  the  people  openly  to  give 
their  testimony  ("  ideo  electionem  vestram 
debetis  publica  voce  profiteri ").  Apparently 
in  the  place  of  this  address  to  the  people,  the 
Salzburg,  Soissons,  Cambrai,  and  Mainz  ponti- 
ficals have  a  public  examination  of  the  ordinand  : 
"Dost  thou  wish  to  receive  the  degree  of  the 


ORDINATION 


1513 


presbyterate  in  the  name  of  the  Lord  ?  Dost 
thou  wish,  as  far  as  thou  art  able,  and  human 
frailty  permits  thee,  to  remain  in  that  degree? 
Dost  thou  wish  to  be  obedient  to  thy  bishop  to 
whose  diocese  thou  art  to  be  ordained,  in  all 
things  lawful,  according  to  the  canonical 
statutes  ?  "  (Cod.  Maff.  is  singular  in  having  no 
mention  of  either  the  address  or  the  examina- 
tion.) 

4.  The  bishop  then  makes  the  declaration 
of  election :  "  By  the  help  of  our  Lord  God  and 
our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ  we  elect  this  person  to 
the  order  of  the  presbyterate.  If  any  one  has 
anything  against  him,  in  God's  behalf  and  for 
God's  sake,  let  him  come  boldly  forth  and  say  it. 
But,  nevertheless,  let  him  be  mindful  of  his  con- 
dition." (The  retention  of  this  form  "  si  quis  " 
.  .  .  after  the  request  for  direct  testimony,  is 
probably  a  relic  of  the  earlier  practice,  which  is 
found  in  Mabillon,  Ordo  ix.,  where  the  form  is 
appended,  not  to  the  declaration  of  election,  but 
to  the  announcement  by  the  reader  of  the  inten- 
tion to  elect  four  days  previously  to  the  actual 
admission.) 

5.  The  bishop  proceeds :  "  Let  the  common 
vote  be  followed  by  a  common  prayer"  .  .  . 
whereupon  a  litany  is  said  (so  Cod.  Maft'.). 

6.  The  bishop  lays  his  hand  (both  hands,  Pontif. 
Mogunt.)  upon  the  head  of  the  ordinand,  and  all 
the  presbyters  who  are  present  place  their  hands 
near  the  hands  of  the  bishop  (so  all  Codd.  excejit 
the  Mainz  Pontifical,  which  implies  that  they 
do  it  after  the  bishop),  (a)  Some  ordinals  direct 
that  while  this  is  being  done  the  prayers 
following  shall  be  said  (Cod.  Maff.).  (6)  The 
Mainz  Pontifical  directs  that  the  bishop  shall 
say,  "  The  Holy  Ghost  shall  come  upon  thee,  and 
may  the  power  of  the  Highest  keep  thee  without 
sin."  (c)  The  later  English  ordinals  ap.  Maskell 
direct  that  the  bishop  shall  say  nothing,  (d)  A 
Toulouse  Pontifical  of  uncertain  date,  quoted  by 
Morin,  de  Sacr.  Ordin.  pars  ii.  p.  340  (cf.  ib. 
pars  iii.  p.  135),  says  that  in  some  churches  the 
bishop  said,  "  Receive  the  Holy  Ghost ;  whose- 
soever sins  ye  remit,"  &c.  This  is  added  in  the 
Exeter,  Bangor,  and  Sarum  pontificals  as  a 
separate  rite  immediately  before  the  post-com- 
munion. Jt  is  found  also  in  Catalani,  Ordo  ii., 
where  it  is  placed  after  the  delivery  of  the 
paten  and  chalice,  and  where  the  words  are  in 
the  plural.  It  is  found  also  in  the  same  place, 
written  by  a  later  hand,  in  the  margin  of  the 
Cod.  Maff.,  where  the  words  are  first  given  in  the 
singular,  and  then  in  the  plural  ("  quo  singulis 
facto  ad  ultimum  dicat  in  generali,  Accipite," 
&c.).  But  no  mention  of  the  rite  is  found  in 
the  earlier  English  ordinals,  or  in  any  ordinal 
earlier  than  the  12th  centurj%  or  in  any  of  the 
great  liturgical  writers  of  the  middle  age, 
Amalarius,  Hrabanus  of  Mainz,  Ivo  of  Chartres,  or 
Hugo  of  St.  Victor.  Nor  was  there  any  canoni- 
cal authority  for  its  use  until  the  council  of 
Trent.  7.  The  prayers  which  follow  are  alike, 
with  only  verbal  variations,  in  all  ordinals 
(including  the  Leonine  and  Gelasian  sacramen- 
taries).  8.  The  bishop  then  says  the  preface  (or 
"  consummatio  presbyteri  ").  "  Let  us  make  a 
common  prayei',  brethren,  that  these  who  are 
elected  for  the  help  and  advantage  of  your 
salvation  may  receive  the  benediction  of  the 
presbyterate.  .  .  ."  The  prayer  of  benediction 
follows,  "  Sanctificationum  omnium  Auctor  cujus 


1514 


ORDINATION 


vera  consecratio,  cujus  plena  benedictio  est:  tu, 
Domine,  super  hos  famulos  tuos  quos  presbyterii 
honore  dedicamus  manum  tuae  benedictionis  in- 
t'unde . . ."  (Sacram.  Gelas.,  Cod.  Vat.  ap.  Murat., 
Pontif.  Ecgb.  Rem.  Noviom.  S.  Dunst.  Catur. 
Rotom.  Ratold.  Winton.  Mogunt. ;  the  benediction 
is  found  without  the  preface  in  Cod.  Maif.  and 
in  the  Besau9on,  Sarum,  and  Exeter  Pontificals.) 
Both  forms  are  placed  (1)  as  here,  immediately 
after  the  prayer  of  consecration,  in  the  earliest 
ordinals,  i.e.  Missale  Franc,  Cod.  Vat.  ap.  Murat., 
Pontif.  Ecgb.  Rem.  Noviom. ;  (2)  after  the  vesting 
in  the  chasuble  and  before  the  anointing  of  the 
hands,  Pontif.  Caraerac.  Noviom.  ii.  Moguut. ;  and 
without  the  preface.  Cod.  Maff.  ;  (3)  after  both 
the  vesting  and  the  anointing,  Pontif.  S.  Dunst. 
Catur.  Becc.  Some  ordinals  omit  the  mention  of 
either  form,  so  Pontif.  S.  Elig.  Radbod.  Rodrad. 
Thuan.  and  Sacram.  Leon. 

9.  The  bishop  then  turns  the  stole,  which 
has  hitherto  been  worn  over  the  left  shoulder 
only,  over  the  right  shoulder,  saying,  "  Receive 
the  yoke  of  the  Lord,  for  His  yoke  is  easy, 
and  His  burden  light"  (Pontif.  JIafF.  Salisb. 
Camerac.  Mogunt.,  English  ordinals  ap.  Mask.) ; 
in  Pontif.  Ecgb.  this  rite  takes  place  apparently 
at  the  beginning  of  the  ritual,  or  as  in  Pontif.  S. 
Duust.  Caturic.  Rotom.  before  the  prayer  of  con- 
secration. The  formula  in  Pontif.  Ecgb.  S.  Dunst. 
is,  "  The  Lord  put  the  stole  of  justice  round  thy 
neck,  and  the  Lord  keep  thy  mind  from  all  taint 
of  sin."  In  Mabillon,  Urd.  ix.,  after  the  benedic- 
tion, the  archdeacon  takes  the  stoles  from  the 
tomb  of  St.  Peter,  where  they  had  been  placed  the 
(lay  before,  and  vests  the  new  presbyters  in  them. 
Many  of  the  earliest  ordinals  omit  the  mention 
of  this  rite ;  sc.  Sacram.  Gelas.,  Missale  Franc, 
Codd.  Vat.  ap.  Mui-at.  S.  Elig.  Rodrad.  Rem.  ; 
Maskell,  Mon.  Bit.  vol.  iii.  p.  208,  thinks  that  it 
was  a  remnant  of  the  primitive  use  of  the  British 
church,  and  that  it  was  thence  introduced  into 
France  and  other  countries. 

10.  The  bishop  then  vests  the  presbyter  in  the 
chasuble  ;  this  rite  is  omitted  in  Sacram.  Gelas., 
Missale  Franc,  Pontif.  Rodrad.  Radbod.,  but 
the  mention  of  it  in  both  Mabillon's  ancient 
ordinals  (^Ord.  viii.  is.)  as  well  as  in  the  ordinals 
mentioned  below,  leaves  little  doubt  as  to  its 
antiquity.  Some  ordinals,  as  has  been  just  men- 
tioned, place  it  before  the  "  consumniatio  presby- 
teri ;"  and  its  place  in  relation  to  the  anointing 
of  the  hands  also  varies,  most  ordinals  placing  it 
in  the  order  which  is  followed  here  ;  but  Pontif. 
S.  Dunst.  Rotom.  Caturic.  Becc.  place  it  before 
the  anointing.  The  formulae  with  which  the  rite 
was  accompanied  vary  :  a.  Pontif.  Bisunt.  "  The 
Lord  clothe  thee  with  the  garment  of  innocency ;" 
b.  Pontif., Suess.  Salisb.  jMogunt.  Sarum.  "Receive 
the  priestly  vestment  by  which  is  betokened 
charity  ;  God  is  able  to  give  thee  an  increase  of 
grace  ;"  c.  Cod.  Maff.,  Pontif.  Exon.,  combine  the 
two  preceding  formulae,  Pontif.  Camerac  gives 
them  as  alternatives  ;  d.  Cod.  Vat.  ap.  Murat., 
Pontif.  S.  Elig.  Rem.  Rotom.  S.  Dunst.  Noviom. 
Becc.  Thuan.  "The  benediction  of  God,  the  Father, 
the  Son,  and  the  Holy  Ghost,  descend  upon  thee, 
and  mayest  thou  be  blessed  in  the  order  of  the 
priesthood,  and  mayest  thou  of^er  pleasing  victims 
to  Almighty  God  for  the  sins  and  oflences  of  the 
people."  (This  form  of  benediction  is  elsewhere 
placed  at  the  end  of  the  ritual,  before  the  kiss  of 
peace ;    so    Cod.    Maft'.,  Pontif.    Camerac.   Suess. 


ORDINATION 

Salisburg.  Winton.  ;  its  use  at  this  point  serves  to 
shew  that  at  one  time  the  vesting  in  the  chasuble 
was  the  last  of  the  rites  of  ordination.) 

11.  The  bishop  then  anoints  the  presbyter's 
hands  with  the  chrism,  or  oil  and  chrism,  or  oil 
of  the  catechumens,  with  a  prayer  that  "  what- 
soever they  blessed  might  be  blessed,  whatsoever 
they  sanctified  might  remain  sanctified."  (a.) 
This  rite  is  found  in  almost  all  ordinals  ;  but  not 
in  Sacram.  Leon,  or  inCodd.  Vat.Othob.  of  Sacram. 
Gregor.  or  in  Pontif.  Rodrad  :  it  is  mentioned  by 
two  French  liturgical  writers  of  the  9th  cen- 
tury, Amalarius  of  Metz,  t837,  da  Eccl.  Off.  2,  13, 
and  Theodulphus  of  Orleans  t821,  Capit.  ad 
Prcsb.  i.,  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  cv.  p.  193  ;  the  earliest 
canonist  who  speaks  of  it  is  Burchard  of  Worms 
(tl025),  Decret.  xx.  c  55,  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  cxl. 
p.  629,  but  the  recognised  body  of  canon  law 
distinctly  disallows  it,  quoting  a  response  of  pope 
Nicholas  I.  to  the  archbishop  of  Bourges  in  864, 
who  says  that  it  is  not  a  custom  of  the  Roman 
church  and  that  he  has  never  heard  of  its  being 
practised  in  the  Christian  church  (Gratian,  Decret. 
23,  c.  12,  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  clxxxvii.  p.  134,  Ivo. 
Carnot.  Decret.  6.  121);  this  must  be  held 
conclusive,  at  any  rate  as  to  its  not  being  a  ge- 
neral practice  in  the  9th  century  ;  but  afterwards 
it  no  doubt  became  general,  for  Innocent  III.  in- 
sists upon  it,  and  objects  to  the  Greeks  for  their 
omission  of  it  (Innocent  III.  Epist.  lib.  7.  121  ; 
Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  ccv.  407).  It  is  important  to 
note  that  even  the  Pseudo-Isidorian  authorities  for 
the  rite  (^Epist.  Anacleti,  c.  18,  ap.  Hinschius 
Dccretales  Fseudo- fsidorianae,  p.  75  ;  Epist.  Cle- 
ment, iii.  c.  58,  ibid.  p.  53,  to  which  may  be 
added  the  spurious  Comment,  in  lib.  I.  liequm, 
ascribed  to  Gregory  the  Great,  lib.  4,  c.  5  ;  Migne, 
P.  L.  vol.  Ixxix.  278)  refer  only  to  bishops ;  at 
the  same  time  they  clearly  shew  that  the  origin 
of  the  rite  was  the  growing  tendency  to  institute 
an  analogy  of  ceremonies  between  the  Old  and 
the  New  Testament.  (6.)  Several  ordinals  direct 
that  the  hands  shall  be  blessed  before  being 
anointed,  and  give  a  form  of  benediction  for  the 
purpose;  Pontif.  Ratold.  S.  Elig.  Rotom.  Caturic. 
Becc.  (c.)  The  Mainz  Pontifical  directs  that 
while  the  rite  of  anointing  is  going  on  the  hymn 
"  Veni  Sancte  Spiritus  "  shall  be  sung,  and  also, 
if  the  number  of  persons  ordained  require  it,  the 
hymn  "  Veni  Creator;"  in  the  Soissons  Pontifical 
the  h5'mn  "  Veni  Creator  "  is  apparently  sung 
immediately  after  the  anointing :  and  in  the 
English  ordinals  ap.  Maskell,  except  the  Win- 
chester Pontifical,  immediately  before  it.  There 
is  no  mention  of  either  hymn  in  other  ordinals. 
{d.)  In  addition  to  the  anointing  of  the  hands,  a 
group  of  English  and  Noi-man  pontificals  direct 
the  anointing  of  the  head;  so  Pontif.  Ecgb.  S. 
Dunst.  Caturic.  Rotom.  Becc,  but  not  elsewhere. 

12.  The  anointing  is  followed  by  the  delivery 
of  the  "  patenam  cum  oblatis  et  calicem  cum 
vino  "  (Pontif.  Mogunt.  has  "  calicem  pro  Sacra- 
mento praeparatum,  superposita  hostia  '  )  with 
the  words  "  Receive  power  to  offer  sacrifice  to 
God  and  to  celebrate  mass,  as  well  for  the  living 
as  for  the  dead  ;"  so  Cod.  Maff.,  Pontif.  Radbod. 
Salisb.  Bisunt.  Camerac.  Mogunt.,  English  ordinals 
ap.  Maskell,  Catalani  Ord.  ii.  ;  but  there  is  no 
mention  of  the  rite  in  the  oldest  ordinals  e.g.  in 
Missale  Franc,  Pontif.  Rem.  Ecgb.,  Cod.  Vat.  ap. 
Murat.;  nor  in  Isidore  or  Amalarius;  nor  is  it 
implied  in  4  Cone.  Tol.  c.  27.     It  probably  arose 


OllDlNATICN 

from  the  practice  of  which  a  record  is  preserved 
in  the  directions  which  are  given  in  Mabiilon'u 
Ordo  ix.  for  the  ordination  of  a  parish  priest  at 
Rome.  After  the  conclusion  of  the  whole  service 
■("  expletis  omnibus,  missa  rite  completa  "),  the 
pope  is  to  give  to  the  new  presbyter  the  priestly 
vestments,  and  the  instruments  of  the  mass, 
gold  or  silver,  wine,  corn,  and  oil,  with  which 
a  procession  is  made  to  his  parish,  both  the 
pope  and  the  people  accompanying  him. 

13.  One  ordinal,  Cod.  Maft'.,'directs  that  if  the 
presbyter  is  a  "  presbyter  cardinalis,"  i.e.  a  parish 
priest,  the  pope  shall  give  him  a  ring,  saying, 
"  To  the  honour  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  and 
the  Apostles  Peter  and  Paul,  we  commit  to  you 
the  church  N.,  with  its  clergy  and  people  ;"  this 
is  probably  the  earliest  form  of  institution. 

14.  The  benediction  follows  in  Codd.  Maff.  &c.; 
see  above,  §  10  ;  the  Sarum,  Exeter,  and  Bangor 
Pontificals  place  it  at  the  end  of  the  whole  oflice, 
after  the  communion  ;  the  Winchester  Pontifical 
places  it  here. 

15.  The  newly-ordained  presbyter  then  gives 
the  kiss  of  peace  to  the  bishop,  and  to  all  the 
clergy  who  are  present,  Codd.  Mafl".  Suession. 
Camerac.  ;  the  Mainz  Pontif.  places  this  rite 
before  the  benediction,  and  directs  that  the 
bishop  shall  go  round  to  each  of  the  newly- 
ordained  presbyters,  saying,  "  Pax  tibi,  frater, 
ora  pro  me  :"  the  English  ordinals,  except  Pontif 
Winton.,  also  place  it  immediately  before  the 
benediction,  but  transfer  both  rites  to  the  post- 
communion  office. 

1(5.  The  communion  office  then  proceeds :  a 
deacon  reads  the  Gospel;  the  newly-ordained 
presbyters  make  their  offerings_  to  the  bishop, 
and  receive  them  back  from  him  consecrated: 
so  Pontif  Suession.  Camerac,  Cod.  Maft'.  ap. 
Muratori,  vol.  iii.  p.  56,  directs  this  generally  in 
the  case  of  both  presbyter  and  deacon,  but  ibid. 
p.  68,  where  the  ritual  is  of  cardinal  presbyters, 
in  the  later  Roman  sense,  it  directs  specially  that 
they  shall  offer  two  lighted  tapers,  two  loaves, 
and  two  bottles  (amphorae)  of  wine,  and  omits 
the  clause  which  follows  in  the  earlier  rubric, 
'•  et  ab  eo  consecratas  accipiant."  Mabillon's 
Ordo  ix.  directs  that  from  these  oblations  the 
"  novitii  presbyteri "  shall  communicate  for 
eight  ensuing  days.  The  rite  is  an  important 
relic  of  the  primitive  communion,  in  which  the 
■bi-ead  and  wine  were  offered  to  the  bishop,  then 
blessed  by  him,  and  then  distributed.  The  rite 
itself  fell  into  disuse,  but  one  of  its  effects 
survived  in  the  rule  which  is  mentioned  in  the 
Soissons  Pontifical,  and  which  prevailed  in  some 
dioceses,  that  a  presbyter  should  keep  the  bread 
which  was  consecrated  at  the  time  of  his 
ordination  for  forty  days,  taking  a  portion  of  it 
every  day.  The  rite  probably  survived  also  in 
the  rubric  of  the  later  ordinals,  that  the  newly 
consecrated  presbyters  should  receive  the  host 
from  the  hands  of  the  consecrating  bishop. 

17.  A  still  more  important  relic  of  the  primi- 
tive communion  survived,  and  possibly  survives 
still,  in  the  theory  that  in  this  celebration  the 
newly-ordained  presbyters  were  "  concelebrant " 
with  the  bishop.  The  only  other  instance  of  the 
.survival  of  the  same  rite  is  that  which  is  men- 
tioned by  Innocent  III.,  de  Sacramentis,  .c.  25, 
Mignc,  P.  L.  vol.  ccxvii.  873,  of  the  cardinal 
presbyters  at  Rome  being  celebrant  with  the 
pope;  and  it  is  to  be  noted  that  the  significance 


ORDINATION 


1515 


of  the  rite  was  appreciated  by  mediaeval  canon- 
ists, e.fj.,  Durandus  in  iv.  Sent.  dist.  13,  qu.  3, 
who,  in  spite  of  the  statement  of  Innocent  III., 
denied  its  existence.  The_  elements  of  the 
historical  consideration  of  tfie  question  will  be 
found  in  Morin  de  Sacr.  Ordin.  pars  iii.  exercit. 
8,  p.  158 ;  Catalani  in  Pontif.  Bom.  p.  1,  tit.  12, 
§17. 

II.  Eastern  Rites.— \.  Greek,  i.  The  rite  which 
is  described  in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  is 
simply  this  :  "  In  ordaining  a  presbyter,  O  bishop, 
put  thy  hand  upon  his  head,  the  presbytery  and 
the  deacons  standing  by  thee,  and  in  praying 
say,  .  .  ."  (then  follows  a  prayer  that  he  who 
"  by  the  vote  and  election  of  all  the  clergv  has 
been  advanced  to  the  presbyterate  "  may  be  filled 
with  the  spirit  of  grace  and  counsel ;  with  this 
prayer  the  ritual  euds).  ii.  Dionysius  Areopa- 
gita  says  that  the  ordinand  "  bends  both  knees 
before  the  holy  altar,  and  has  the  hand  of  the 
hierarch  upon  his  head,  and  in  this  way  is  con- 
secrated .by  the  hierarch  with  the  invocations 
which  make  him  a  priest  (jais  Upoiroiots 
iiriKXyitrecn  oyiaferai)."  Then,  as  in  the  case 
of  deacons,  follows  the  sign  of  the  cross,  the 
sacred  proclamation  of  election  {avapp-qcris),  and 
the  consummating  salutation.  iii.  The  later 
rituals  will  be  found  in  the  Euchologium,  ed. 
Goar,  p.  292 ;  ed.  Daniel,  vol.  iv.  p.  556 ;  Codd. 
Bessar.  Barber.  Paris.  Vat.  Allat.  ed.  Morin,  p. 
66,  sqq. ;  ed.  J.  A.  Asseman.  vol.  xi.  p.  108,  sqq. ; 
Sym.  Thessal.  de  Sacr.  Ordin.  c.  179,  ed.  Migne, 
P.  G.  vol.  civ.  386). 

2.  The  Coptic  forms  are  found  in  Morin,  p. 
507  ;  .1.  A.  Asseman,  ap.  Mai,  vol.  v.  pars  ii.  p. 
213  ;  Denzinger,  vol.  ii.  p.  11 ;  the  Jacobite  in 
Morin,  p.  482  ;  Renaudot  ap.  Denzinger,  vol.  ii. 
p.  71  ;  Greg.  Barhebr.  vii.  5,  ap.  Mai,  vol.  x. 
pars  ii.  p.  48 ;  the  Maronite  in  Morin,  p.  404  ;  J. 
A.  Asseman,  vol.  ix.  p.  112  ;  Denzinger,  vol.  ii.  p. 
148  ;  the  A^estmnan  in  Morin,  p.  452  ;  J.  S.  Asse- 
man, vol.  iii.  pars  ii.  p.  813  ;  J.  A.  Asseman,  vol. 
xiii.  p.  12  ;  Denzinger,  vol.  ii,  p.  233. 

9.  Other  Orders  AND  Officers. — Other  rites 
of  ordination,  which  it  has  not  been  thought  neces- 
sary to  give  in  detail  here,  will  be  found  as  fol- 
lows :  —  I.  Abbat. — 1.  Latin  :  Cod.  Maff.  ap. 
Muratori,  vol.  iii.  p.  100 ;  Hittorp.  Ord.  Horn. 
p.  139.  2.  Greek:  Morin,  pp.  72,  82,  103,  117. 
3.  Coptic :  Denzinger,  ii.  16.  4.  Nestorian  and 
Jacobite:  J.  S.  Asseman,  Bibl.  Orient,  vol.  iii. 
pars  2,  p.  916.  II.  Abbess. — 1.  Latin:  Cod.  Maff. 
ap.  Muratori,  vol.  iii.  p.  100 ;  Hittorp,   p.    146. 

2.  Jacobite:  Greg.  Barhebr.  Nomocan.  ap.  Mai, 
Script.  Vet.  x.  51 ;  Denzinger,  ii.  71.  III.  Arch- 
DEACOX  (not  in  Western  ordinals). — 1.  Greek : 
Morin,  p.  115,  from  Cod.  Leo  Allat.,  so  also 
Goar,    p.    284.      2.     CojMc :    Morin,    p.    508. 

3.  Jacobite :  Denzinger,  ii.  70.  4.  Maronite : 
Morin,  p.  402;  J.  A.  Asseman,  vol.  is.  pp. 
Ixxxii.  97,  269;  Denzinger,  ii.  142.  5.  A'cs- 
torian :  J.  S.  Asseman,  vol.  iii.  2,  842 ;  Den- 
zinger, ii.  257.  IV.  Arcii-Presbyter  (not  in 
Western  ordinals). — 1.  Greek:  Morin,  p.  113, 
from  Cod.  Leo  Allat.,  so  also  Goar,  p.  287. 
2.  Coptic:  Denzinger,  ii.  16.  3.  3Iaronite : 
Morin,  p.  410;  J.  A.  Asseman,  vol.  ix.  pp. 
Ixxxvi.  279.  V.  Chorepiscopus  (not  in  Latin 
or  Greek  ordinals). — 1.  Jacobite:  Denzinger,  ii. 
74.  2.  Maronite :  Morin,  p.  415  ;  J.  A.  Asse- 
man, vol.  ix.  lip.   Ixxxvii.  204,  221.  285;  Den- 

I  zinger,     ii.    178,     184.       3.    .\cstorian :    J.    S. 


1516 


OKDINATION 


Asseman,  iii.  2,  835  ;  J.  A.  Asseman,  xiii.  210  ; 
Denzinger,  ii.  260.  VI.  Cleric  (i.e.  the  first 
tonsure). — 1.  Latin :  Rouen  Pontifical  and  Cod. 
Eatoldi  ap.  Morin,and  J.  A.  Asseman  ;  Salzburg. 
Bee.  JIainz  pontificals,  ap.  Martene ;  English 
pontificals,  ap.  Maskell,  iii.  p.  144 ;  Sacram. 
Gregor.  ap.  Murat.  ii.  p.  783.  2.  Greek :  Cod. 
Barberini,  ap.  Morin,  p.  91.  VII.    Deaconess.— 

1.  Latin:  Sacram.  Gregor.  ed.  Murat.  ii.  p.  918. 

2.  Greek:  Const.  Apost.  viii.  18  ;  Morin,  pp.  69, 
99;  Goar,  p.  262.  3.  Jacobite:  Greg.  Barhebr. 
vii.  7,  ap.  Mai  x.  51 ;  Denzinger,  ii.  71.  4.  Ncs- 
torian :  J.  A.  Asseman,  vol.  xiii.  p.  218 ;  Den- 
zinger, ii.  261.  VIII.  Monk. — 1.  Latin:  Cod. 
MafF.   ap.    Muratori,  iii.   101  ;  Hittorp,  p.  137. 

2.  Greek:    Morin,  p.   72;  Goar,  pp.  468,   473. 

3.  Jacobite:    Greg.    Barhebr.    ap.    Mai,    x.   60. 

4.  Nestorian :  J.  S.  Asseman,  iii.  2,  900.  IX.  NuN. 
— 1.  Latin :  Sacr.  Gelas.  ap.  Murat.  ii.  222 ; 
Sacr.  Gregor.  id.  ii.  786;  Cod.  Maff.  id.  iii. 
103  ;  Missale  Francorum,  id.  iii.  460 ;  Hittorp, 
pp.    141,    148.     X.    PebiODEUT^s — 1.    Jccobite 

same  as  for  Chorepiscopus,  see  above).  2.  Maro- 
nite:  J.  A.  Asseman,  vol.  ix.  pp.  Ixxxiv.  167; 
Denzinger,  ii.  165.  3.  Nestorian  (same  as  for 
Chorepiscopus,  see  above).  XI.  Widow. — 1. 
Latin  :  Sacr.  Gelas.  ap.  Muratori,  ii.  380  ;  Cod. 
Maff.  id.  iii.  107  ;  Missale  Francorum,  id.  iii. 
464;  Missale  Gallicum.  id.  iii.  507;  Hittorp, 
p.  149. 

IV.   Time  and  place  of  Ordination. 

I.  Time  of  Ordination. — (1)  Season  of  Ordi- 
nation: There  is  no  evidence  of  the  existence  in 
the  earliest  period  of  any  fixed  rule  as  to  the 
season  of  the  year  at  which  appointments  to 
ecclesiastical  office  might  take  place,  and  there 
is  strong  reason  to  believe  that  entrance  upon 
office  followed  immediately  upon  appointment. 
The  non-existence  of  any  such  rule  is  rendered 
almost  certain  (a)  by  the  fact  that  when  in  the 
Western  church  in  later  times  a  rule  was  laid 
down  it  became  necessary  to  invent  an  early 
authority  (the  decretal  of  Gelasius)  in  order  to 
support  it ;  (6)  by  the  fact  that  in  the  Greek 
church,  even  to  the  present  day,  ordinations 
may  take  place  at  any  time  (except  that  in  Lent 
they  are  limited  to  Saturdays  and  Sundays). 

Several  limitations  of  the  season  of  ordination 
gradually  arose  in  the  Western  church,  and  the 
rule  which  ultimately  became  established  by  the 
canon  law  was  neither  the  earliest  nor  the  only 
one. 

1.  Zeno  of  Verona  (f  380)  speaks  of  Easter 
{i.e.  probably  Easter  Day  and  Easter  Eve)  as 
being  a  special  time  for  the  promotion  of  clerks 
(ministri),  and  the  reconciliation  of  penitents  (S. 
Zenon.  Veron.  lib.  2,  tract  50,  ap.  Migne,  P.  L. 
vol.  xi.  p.  506). 

2.  Leo  the  Great  (Epist.  ix.  (xi.)  ad  Diosc. 
Alexand.  vol.  i.  p.  628)  has  a  passage  which  has 
given  rise  to  some  controversy.  He  says  that 
ordinations  to  the  priesthood  or  the  diaconate 
ought  not  to  take  place  on  any  chance  day,  but 
"  post  diem  sabbati  ejus  noctis  quae  in  prima  sab- 
batislucescit :  "  (a)  According  to  one  view,  these 
words  are  to  be  understood  as  allowing  ordina- 
tions only  at  Easter  (i.e.  on  Easter  Eve  and  Easter 
Day).  In  support  of  this  view  is  the  fact,  that  Leo 
only  allowed  baptisms  to  be  celebrated  at  Easter 
.and  Pentecost  {Epist.  xvi.  c.  3,  i.  p.  719). 
(6)  According  to  another  view,  the  words  allow 


ORDINATION 

ordinations  on  Saturday  night,  or  on  the  morning 
of  any  Lord's  Day.  This  view  is  rendered  almost 
certain  by  another  passage,  in  which  Leo,  writ- 
ing to  Anastasius  of  Thessalonica,  objects  to  the 
practice  of  limiting  the  restriction  to  the  Lord's 
Day  to  the  ordination  of  bishops,  and  of  ordaining 
presbyters  and  deacons  on  any  day  (Epist.  vi. 
(iv.)  i.  p.  610).  A  further  corroboration  of  this 
view  is  the  complaint  which,  in  writing  to  the 
emperor  Marcian,  he  makes  against  Anatolius  ;  it 
is,  that  the  latter  had  ordained  a  presbyter  on  a 
Friday;  but  nothing  whatever  is  said  about  the 
limitation  of  ordinations  to  a  particular  season. 
(Epist.  iii.  ad  Marcian.  Imp.  i.  p.  1185.  On  the 
whole  question  see  the  notes  of  Quesnel,  and  the 
Ballerini  to  the  passage  of  Leo  first  quoted 
above  ;  and  also  Quesnel,  Dissert,  vi.  de  jejumo 
sabbati,  reprinted  by  the  Ballerini  in  their  editioji 
of  Leo,  vol.  ii.  p.  1069,  and  by  Migne,  P.  L.  vol. 
Iv.  p.  627.) 

3.  The  ordinary  practice  of  the  bishops  of 
Eome,  which  however  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  erected  into  a  rule,  and  which  probably 
grew  up  in  the  period  intervening  between  Leo  the 
Great  and  the  establishment  of  the  four  seasons, 
was  to  hold  ordinations  in  December  (see  Ana- 
stasius B'Miothec&rius,  Liber  Fontifcalis,  passim, 
but  especially  Bianchini's  ed.  vol.  iii.  §  72 ; 
Amalarius  de  Div.  Off.  2,  1  ;  but  Mabillon,  Mus. 
Ital.  vol.  ii.  p.  ciii,  Catalani,  Corn,  in  Fontif. 
Bom.  pars  i.  tit.  ii.  §  12,  mention  various  exce])- 
tions  to  the  practice). 

4.  Out  of  the  rule  or  usage  that  both 
ordainers  and  ordained  must  fast  at  the  time  of 
ordination,  arose  the  usage  which  appears  to 
have  become  a  rule  in  the  course  of  the  8th  cen- 
tury, that  ordinations  must  take  place  at  the 
Ember  seasons,  i.e.  at  the  fasts  in  the  first, 
fourth,  seventh,  and  tenth  months.  The  rule  is 
given  in  the  majority  of  ordinals  in  the  form 
"  mensis  primi,  quarti,  septimi,  decimi,  sabba- 
torum  die  in  xii.  lectionibus  ;  "  so  Sacram.  Gelas., 
Pontif.  Rem.  S.  Dimst.  Rodrad.  Vat.  ap.  Murat. 
Elsewhere  the  particular  weeks  are  specified,  as 
being  the  first  week  of  the  first  month,  the 
second  of  the  fourth,  the  third  of  the  seventh, 
the  fourth  of  the  tenth  ;  so  Pontif  Egb.,  Hraban. 
Maur.  do  Instit.  Cler.  ii.  24 ;  Cone.  Mogimt.^ 
A.D.  813,  c.  34,  quoted  as  an  authority  by 
Gratian,  Dist.  76,  c.  2  ;  Mabillon's  Ordo  ix.  agrees 
with  the  preceding,  except  that  it  specifies  the 
Saturday  before  Christmas  ;  so  Amalarius,  deEccl. 
Off.  2,  1.  But  although  it  became  customary 
to  speak  of  four  seasons  only,  it  is  clear  that  ordi- 
nations in  Lent  were  not  limited  to  a  single 
Saturday.  In  probably  the  oldest  existing  MS. 
which  contains  the  rule  (Fragm.  Cod.  Vat.  ap. 
Muratori,  Lit.  Rom.  Vet.  vol.  iii.  p.  17)  auy 
time  "  a  quinquagesima  incipiente  usque  quinto 
decimo  die  ante  pascha,"  appears  to  be  allowed ;. 
and  the  Pseudo-Isidorian  decretal,  upon  which 
subsequent  usage  made  the  rule  to  rest,  specifies 
the  Saturdays  at  the  beginning  and  in  the  middle 
of  Lent  (S.  Gelas.  i.  Epist.  ix.  ad  Episc.  per  LucaUi 
c.  13  =  Decret.  General,  ap.  Hiuschius,  Decret. 
Pseudo-Isid.  p.  652  ;  cf.  Gratian,  Dist.  75,  7 ;. 
D.  Ivon.  Carnot,  Decret.  6,  74).  It  is,  how- 
ever, clear,  that  even  after  the  general  recep- 
tion of  this  decretal  there  was  some  variety 
of  usage  ;  and  the  rule  which  ultimately  pre* 
vailed,  and  which  is  recognised  in  the  modern 
Roman  Pontifical,  appears  to  combine  the  rule 


ORDINATION 

of  the  four  seasons  with  the  earlier  rule  of 
holding  ordinations  at  Easter. 

The  earliest  certain  instance  of  the  observance 
of  the  four  seasons  as  times  of  ordination,  is  in 
Paul  the  Deacon's  account  of  Chrodegang  of 
Metz  (circ.  766)  as  having  ordained  presbyters, 
"  as  is  the  custom  of  the  Koman  church,  on  the 
Saturdays  at  the  four  seasons  "  (Paul.  Diacon. 
de  Ordinu  Episc.  Metcns.  ap.  Mignc,  P.  L.  vol.  xcv. 
p.  710)  ;  but  they  had  been  previously  recognised 
by  the  Roman  Council  of  743,  c.  11,  under  pope 
Zachary ;  and  not  long  afterwards  the  Prankish 
capitularies  gave  them  a  civil  sanction  (Statt. 
Ehispac.  et  Prising,  a.d.  799,  c.  7,  ap.  Pertz, 
Legum,  vol.  i.  p.  78). 

It  may  be  convenient  to  add,  that  the  modern 
Roman  rule  allows  (a)  the  tonsure  to  be  conferred 
at  any  time,  (6)  minor  orders  on  any  Sunday  or 
double  festival,  (c)  major  orders  at  the  times 
stated  in  the  above-mentioned  decretal  of  Alex- 
ander III. 

(2)  Day  of  Ordination. — It  may  be  gathered 
from  what  has  been  said  above,  that  even  before 
ordination  came  to  be  restricted  to  certain 
seasons  of  the  year  they  were  limited  in  the 
Western  church  to  a  certain  day  of  the  week. 
It  is  antecedently  probable  that  the  more  impor- 
tant appointments  and  admissions  to  church 
offices  would  take  place  on  Sundays,  and  there  is 
therefore  reason  to  suppose  that  the  Greek 
practice,  to  which  Leo  the  Great  (see  above) 
bears  witness,  of  ordaining  bishops  on  Sundays, 
is  primitive.  It  is  difficult  to  trace  the  origin 
of  a  similar  limitation  in  the  case  of  presbyters 
and  deacons.  But  it  is  in  entire  harmony  with 
the  general  view  of  the  nature  of  ordination 
which  has  been  given  above,  that  the  evening  of 
Saturday  rather  than  Sunday  should  have  beeii 
the  customary  time.  The  performance  of  the 
sacred  functions  to  which  they  were  called  im- 
mediately succeeded  their  appointment  and  re- 
cognition. If  the  functions  themselves  were 
performed  early  on  Sunday  morning,  the  ap- 
pointment and  recognition  of  the  officers  would 
naturally  take  place  on  Saturday  evening.  Hence 
the  Western  rule,  which  is  embodied  in  the 
Gelasian  expression  "die  Sabbati  circa  vespe- 
ram." 

(3)  Place  of  Ordinations  in  Divine  Service. — 
Inasmuch  as  admissions  to  ecclesiastical  office  in 
primitive  times  consisted  in  a  public  recognition 
of  the  officer  who  had  been  elected  or  appointed, 
followed  by  a  performance  of  the  duties  of  his 
office,  it  was  natviral  that  such  admissions  should 
take  place  under  circumstances  which  admitted 
of  such  performance. 

In  the  Western  church  it  seems  to  have  been 
customary  that  admissions  to  major  orders  should 
take  place  during  divine  service  ;  but  not  even 
the  Pseudo-Isidorian  decretals  give  any  authority 
for  the  custom,  and  according  to  Hallier,  dc 
Sacr.  Elect,  p.  969,  later  canonists  sometimes 
inserted  the  words  "  intra  missam  "  into  a  letter 
of  the  Pseudo-Anacletus  in  order  to  obtain  the 
appearance  of  such  authority.  The  custom  is, 
however,  assumed  by  the  ordinals,  all  of  which 
(but  not  the  Missal.  Franc.)  direct  that  the  decla- 
ration of  election  to  major  orders  shall  be  made 
immediately  after  the  introit  ("  postquam  Anti- 
phonam  ad  Introitum  dixerint ") ;  so  Sacram. 
Gelas.  Cod.  Vat.  ap.  Murat.,  Pontif.  Rem.  Ratold. 
S.    Dunst,    S.    Elig.    Senon.    Noviom.    Caturic. 


ORDINATION 


151' 


Salisb.  Rotom.  The  place  of  the  ceremonies  of  ad- 
mission is  less  precisely  defined  :  (1)  The  oldest 
rubric  (see  above.  Ordination  of  Deacons,  i.) 
appears  to  make  the  benediction  follow  immedi- 
ately upon  the  litany  which  follows  the  declara- 
tion of  election.  (2)  Mabillon's  Ordo,  viii.  and 
almost  all  ordinals  place  the  ceremonies  of  ordi- 
nation between  the  epistle  and  gospel,  before 
the  Alleluia  or  Tract.  (3)  The  Sarum  Pontifical 
expressly  places  the  ordination  of  subdeacons 
before  the  epistle,  which  the  new  subdeacon 
reads.  (4)  The  Pontif.  Ratold.  Casanat.  are 
apparently  alone  in  placing  all  ordinations  before 
the  epistle.  The  majority  of  ordinals  give  no 
directions  as  to  the  time  of  admission  to  minor 
orders.  The  Pontif.  S.  Elig.  places  them  "post 
communionem,"  the  Sarum  Pontifical  during  the 
lessons,  before  the  mass  proper  begins. 

In  the  Greek  church  there  are  early  indications 
that  the  celebration  of  the  Eucharist  immediately 
followed  admission  to  major  orders,  c.  g.  Clement. 
Eecogn.  6, 15  ;  Dionys.  Areop.de  Eccl.  Hier.  6,  3, 
5 ;  although  even  so  late  as  the  beginning 
of  the  9th  century  it  is  not  spoken  of  as 
though  it  were  a  universal  rule ;  e.  g.  bv 
S.  Theodor.  Stud.  Epist.  lib.  2,  101.  But 
all  MSS.  of  the  ordinals  agree  in  making  ordina- 
tions to  the  lectorate  and  subdiaconate  take 
place  outside  the  liturgy,  and  in  making  ordi- 
nations to  major  orders  take  place  at  a  definite 
point  in  the  liturgy.  The  ordination  of  deacons 
is  placed  after  the  oblation  and  the  opening  of 
the  doors  ;  that  of  presbyters  after  the  cherubic 
hymn. 

In  the  other  Eastern  churches  there  is  less 
uniformity  of  usage.  The  Nestorian  Ordinal 
expressly  provides  for  the  case  of  ordinations 
(except  those  of  bishops)  which  are  not  accom- 
panied by  a  celebration  of  the  Liturgy.  The 
Coptic  ordinal  places  all  ordinations,  except 
to  the  episcopate,  immediately  before  the  preface 
of  the  anaphora.  The  Jacobite  and  Maronite 
ordinals  place  ordinations  after  the  consecra- 
tion of  the  elements.  (For  a  more  precise 
account  see  Denzinger,  liitus  Orientalium,  vol.  i. 
p.  144.) 

II.  Place  of  Ordination. — There  does  not 
appear  to  have  been  in  the  earliest  times  any 
rule  as  to  the  place  in  which  oi-dination,  in 
the  sense  of  apj)ointment,  might  be  made. 
F'rom  the  nature  of  the  case,  when  appoint- 
ments were  made  by  popular  suffrage,  they 
were  made  in  a  popular  assembly  ;  hence 
Origen  {Horn,  in  Levit.  6,  c.  3,  vol.  ii.  p.  216) 
argues  from  the  public  appointments  of  priests 
by  Moses.  But  when  they  were  made  by  the 
bishop  or  the  Ordo,  they  were  necessarily,  ii\ 
some  cases,  made  under  circumstances  which  did 
not  admit  of  the  gathering  of  an  assembly  in  a 
definite  place.  As,  for  example,  when,  with  the 
tacit  consent  of  the  people  and  the  other  mem- 
bers of  the  Ordo,  Cyprian,  and  those  who  were 
with  him,  appointed  Aurelius  and  Celerinus  (S. 
Cypr.  Epist.  33,  34,  vol.  ii.  p.  320,  324).  Th<; 
stress  which  Cyprian  elsewhere  lays  on  th» 
necessity  of  ordinations  being  made  in  public  (id. 
Epist.  68,  3,  vol.  i.  p.  1026  =  Synodal  letter  of  the 
council  of  Carthage  to  the  clergy  and  people  in- 
Spain),  shews  that  the  freedom  which  existed  as 
to  the  place  of  appointment  was  in  danger  of 
being  abused,  but  it  shews  also  that  such  freedom 
existed.     The    only  conciliar  regulation  on  the 


1518 


ORDINATION 


subject,  which  is  foumi  in  the  first  five  centuries, 
■is  that  of  the  Cone.  Laod.  c.  5,  which  enacts  that 
XeiporSviat  {i.e.  appointments,  according  to  both 
Balsamon  and  Zonaras)  should  not  take  place  in 
the  presence  of  aKpodfievot  (prob.  =  catechumens, 
but  according  to  Hefele,  Councils,  E.  T.  vol.  ii. 
p.  301  =  the  class  of  penitents  so  named.  See  vol. 
j.  p.  151,  AuDiESTEs).  The  reason  for  this  rule 
was,  that  the  faults  of  persons  were  freely  can- 
vassed on  such  occasions ;  and  that  it  was 
inexpedient  that  any,  except  full  members  of  the 
church,  should  take  part  in  the  election.  When 
sjiecial  buildings  came  to  be  set  apart  for 
assembly  and  worship,  ordination  naturally  took 
place  in  them ;  and  Gregory  Nazianzen  is 
indignant  because  the  ordination  of  Ma.ximus  the 
Cynic,  which  was  begun  in  a  church,  was 
finished  in  a  private  house  (S.  Greg.  Nazianz. 
£oem.  da  vit.  sua  v.  909  ;  cf.  Greg.  Presb.  Vit.  S. 
<lreg.  Nazianz.  Migne,  P.  G.  vol.  xxxv.  p.  282). 
But  the  point  was  not  the  sacredness  of  a  church, 
but  its  publicity  ;  even  Theophilus  of  Alexandria 
does  not  do  more  than  insist  that  ordinations 
shall  not  be  made  in  secret  {XaSpaicos),  and 
that  when  the  church  is  at  peace  they  shall  con- 
.sequently  be  made  in  church  (S.  Theophil.  Alex, 
can.  7,  ap.  Pitra,  i.  648). 

The  earliest  regulation  as  to  ordinations  in 
the  sense  of  admission  to  office,  and  the  earliest 
positive  enactment  as  to  ordinations  in  any 
sense,  is  that  of  the  civil  law.  Justinian  {Novell. 
6,  c.  i.  9,  and  c.  4,  A.D.  535)  enacts  that  admis- 
sions to  ecclesiastical  office  must  take  place  in 
the  presence  of  all  the  people  as  a  guarantee  of 
the  purity  of  the  election.  The  absence  of  an 
■<;arlier  regulation,  whether  ecclesiastical  or  civil, 
.is  shewn  by  the  fact  that  the  later  canonists  were 
compelled  to  invent  one ;  i.e.  they  inserted  the 
•word  manifesto  in  Cone.  Chalc.  c.  6  (Gratian, 
Decret.  1,  Dist.  70  ;  D.  Ivon.  Carnot.  Fanorni.  o, 
27).  Of  the  very  doubtful  Syrian  council,  which 
is  sometimes  assigned  to  A.D.  405,  and  of  which 
the  canons  are  printed  by  Mansi,  vol.  vii.  1181, 
^no  account  need  be  taken.  When  ordinations 
came  to  take  place  in  a  church,  it  was  uatui-al 
that  they  should,  as  a  rule,  take  place  in  the 
<;athedral  church.  At  the  same  time  there  has 
never  been  any  rule  limiting  them  to  the 
cathedral  church. 

In  later  times,  when  the  ceremonies  of  admis- 
sion to  holy  orders  were  interwoven  with  the 
liturgy,  it  was  enacted  that  they  should  take 
place,  not  merely  in  a  church,  but  before  the 
altar.  There  is  a  probability  that  this  had 
come  to  be  the  rule  in  the  early  part  of  the  7th 
century,  inasmuch  as  4  Cone.  Tolet.  A.D.  633,  c. 
28,  in  providing  for  the  readmission  to  office  of 
a  clerk  who  had  been  unjustly  deposed,  provides 
that  the  ceremonial  of  his  original  ordination 
shall  be  repeated,  and  this  is  to  take  place 
"  coram  altario."  But  the  first  direct  enactment 
to  this  effect  is  that  of  the  ordinals,  which  are 
probably  at  least  a  century  later. 

The  rule  of  themodern  Roman  Pontifical  is,  that 
the  tonsure  and  minor  orders  may  be  conferred  in 
any  place  whatever  ("  quocunqne  loco,"  "  ubi- 
<:umque,"  Pontit.  Rom.  pars  1,  tit.  2,  §§  13,  14) ; 
but  the  ritual  assumes  throughout  that  the 
place  will  be  a  church.  Ordinations  to  holy 
orders  must  take  place  either  in  the  cathedral, 
or,  if  any  other  place  in  the  diocese,  in  the 
■"  ecclesia  dignior '"  of  the  place  (t6.  §  22). 


OEDINATION 

V.  Minister  of  Ordination. 

In  the  earliest  period  of  church  history  when, 
as  has  been  shewn  above,  the  important  element 
in  ordination  was  not  the  act  of  admission  to 
office  but  the  act  of  appointment  to  it,  the 
question  as  to  who  could  ordain  is  practically 
identical  with  the  question  which  has  been 
already  answered,  as  to  who  could  take  part  in 
an  appointment.  The  presumption  is  that,  at 
least  in  the  three  primitive  offices  of  presbyter, 
deacon,  and  reader,  the  whole  church  acted 
together.  There  was  always  a  nomination,  an 
election,  an  approval,  and  a  declaration  of  elec- 
tion. The  two  latter  of  these  functions,  in  the 
church  as  in  the  empire,  devolved  on  the  pre- 
siding officer,  who,  in  the  church,  as  also  in  the 
empire,  frequently  added  to  them  the  further 
function  of  nomination  or  "  commendatio."  But 
when,  in  course  of  time,  a  church  ceased  to  be 
a  complete,  self-contained  and  organic  unity, 
and  had  outlying  churches  dependent  upon  it, 
or  was  itself  merged  in  a  larger  organization, 
and  when  greater  importance  came  to  be 
attached  to  the  recognition  by  a  church  of  its 
newly-appointed  officer,  and  to  the  prayer  for 
blessing  upon  his  office,  there  grew  up  an 
abundant  crop  of  questions,  partly  as  to  the 
limits  of  the  rights  of  dependent  churches  to 
make  appointments  without  reference  to  the 
mother  church,  and  partly  as  to  the  limits  of 
the  rights  of  independent  churches  to  act  with- 
out reference  to  the  general  confederation  of 
churches,  and  partly  as  to  the  unity  or  the 
plurality  of  the  channels  through  which  divine 
grace  flowed,  some  of  which  questions  are  still 
unsolved,  and  many  of  which  have,  at  various 
times,  been  the  cause  not  only  of  theological 
controversy  but  of  political  disturbance.  It  is, 
of  course,  impossible  here  to  do  more  than  indi- 
cate the  chief  facts  which  must  be  taken  into 
consideration  in  any  general  view  of  the  subject ; 
and,  for  the  sake  of  clearness,  the  word  ordainer 
will  be  used  in  its  narrower  sense  of  one  who 
can  admit  to  ecclesiastical  office,  whether  the 
person  admitted  be  appointed  by  himself  or  by 
others. 

1.  Ordainors  of  Presbyters.  —  i.  The  earliest 
evidence  is  presumably  that  of  1  Tim.  iv.  14, 
where  the  giving  of  the  "gift"  (xaptcr/xa)  to 
Timothy,  is  said  to  have  been  accompanied  with 
(;U6Ta)the  "laying  on  of  hands  of  the  pres- 
bytery." But  the  evidence  is  ambiguous,  inas- 
much as  it  is  uncertain  (1)  what  was  the  precise 
office  which  Timothy  filled ;  (2)  whether  the 
presbytery  acted  alone,  or  whether  the  presence 
of  an  apostle  or  other  president  is  assumed, 
though  it  is  not  mentioned,  ii.  Early  patristic 
evidence  is  for  the  most  part  ambiguous,  on 
account  of  the  ambiguity  of  the  terms  em- 
ployed ;  e.g.  in  Firmilian's  letter  to  Cyprian 
(.S.  Cyprian.  Epist.  75,  7,  vol.  i.  p.  1161), 
"•  majores  natu  qui  et  baptizandi  et  manum  im- 
ponendi  et  ordinandi  possident  potestatem," 
where  manum  imponendi  may  possibly  refer 
only  to  confirmation  after  baptism,  and  ordi- 
nandi only  to  election,  iii.  That  the  bishop  and 
presbyters  acted  together  is  rendered  probable, 
partly  by  the  general  character  of  the  relations 
between  bishops  and  presbyters  [Priest],  and 
partly  by  the  fact  that  the  Western  church, 
which  in  many  similar  respects  has  been  more 


ORDINATIOlsr 

conservative  of  aucient  usages  than  the  Eastern, 
has  to  this  day  retained  the  co-operation  of 
bishops  and  presbyters  in  the  ceremony  of  im- 
position of  hands  (see  above:  Ordination  of 
Presbyters),  iv.  That  the  bishop  could  in  certain 
cases  act  alone,  is  a  probable  but  not  a  proved 
hypothesis.  Its  probability  chiefly  arises  from 
the  fiict  that  in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions, 
and  in  all  eastern  ordinals,  though  the  clerg}', 
vind  especiallv  the  archdeacon,  as  the  repre- 
sentative of  the  clergy,  have  a  place  in  the 
ritiial,  the  bishop  alone  imposes  his  hands. 
V.  Whether  presbyters  could  act  alone  is  a 
keenly  disputed,  but  as  yet  unsolved  question : 
(a)  The  case  of  Ischyras,  who  was  ordained 
presbyter  by  the  presbyter  CoUuthus  of  Alexan- 
dria, and  whose  ordination  was  subsequently 
disallowed,  would  hardly  have  been  possible  if  the 
point  had  previously  been  ruled  in  the  negative 
by  competent  authority.  (For  the  detail  of  the 
controversy,  sec  the  letter  of  the  Mareotic 
clergy  to  the  synod  of  Tyre,  ap.  S.  Athanas. 
Apol.  c.  Arian.  c.  75,  vol.  i.  p.  152) :  (6)  The 
early  canon  (Cone.  Ancyr.  c.  14)  which  forbids 
chorepiscopi  to  ordain  {x^ipoTov^lv)  presbyters 
or  deacons,  also  forbids  city  presbyters  to  do  so, 
except  by  commission  from  the  bishop ;  assum- 
ing that  ordination  is  here  used  in  its  later 
sense,  the  canon  is  a  clear  admission  that  pres- 
byters are  disqualified  from  ordaining  pres- 
byters, not  by  any  defect  inherent  in  their  office, 
but  on  the  ground  which  is  assigned  by  the 
Apostolical  Constitutions,  of  church  order  (outtj 
yap  k(TTi  To|(s  iKK^Tjaiaa-TiKri  /cat  ap/j-opta.  G.  A. 
3,  11).  It  is  interesting  to  compare  with  this  the 
statement  of  the  great  antiquarian  and  canonist 
of  the  West  in  the  seventh  century:  "sola 
propter  auctoritatem  summo  sacerdoti  ordinatio 
et  consecratio  reservata  est,  ne  a  multis  ecclesiae 
disciplina  vendicata  concordiam  solveret,  scan- 
dala  generaret "  (Isidor.  Hispal.  de  Eccl.  Off. 
2,  7):  (c)  In  later  times  presbyters  were  no 
doubt  disqualified,  and  so  far  did  the  notion  of 
their  disqualification  go,  that  2  Cone.  Hispal. 
A.D.  619,  c.  5,  disallows  the  ordination  of  certain 
presbyters  upon  whom  a  bishop  had  laid  his 
hands,  but  to  whom,  at  the  same  time,  a  pres- 
byter and  not  the  bishop  had  given  the  bene- 
diction. In  this  respect  even  the  dispensing 
power  of  the  pope  was  regarded  as  being 
limited :  he  could  commission  a  presbyter  to 
confer  minor  but  not  major  orders,  "  qui  habent 
immediatam  relationem  ad  corpus  Christi"  (St. 
Thom.  Aquin.  in  IV.  Sent.  dist.  25,  qu.  1,  art.  1 
=  Summa  Tlwol.  suppl.  in  p.  iii.  qu.  38,  art.  1). 
vi.  The  question  of  the  right  of  chorepiscopi  to 
oi-dain  presbyters  is  also  one  of  great  difficulty  : 
(a)  In  the  fourth  century  chorepiscopi  are 
found  only  in  the  East,  and  were  probably  no 
more  than  the  parish  priests  of  rural  parishes ; 
they  were  the  first  attempt  at  ecclesiastical 
organization  in  the  direction  which  afterwards 
resulted  in  the  parochial  system ;  their  rights 
in  respect  of  ordination,  which  may,  however, 
in  this  case  mean  only  appointment,  are  strictly 
defined  by  Cone.  Ancyr.  a.d.  314,  c.  8,  1  Cone. 
Antioch.  A.D.  341,  c,  10,  which  give  them  an 
original  right  of  ordaining  readers,  subdeacons, 
and  exorcists,  but  only  a  deputed  right  of 
ordaining  presbyters  and  deacons.  (6)  The 
origin  and  status  of  the  French  choi-episcopi  of 
the    8th   and  9th  centuries  is  much  more  ob- 


ORDINATIOX 


151^ 


scure ;  and  the  question  of  their  right  to- 
ordain  was  probably  the  chief  cause  of  the 
forgery  of  the  Pseudo  Isidorian  decretals. 
The  genuine  writings  of  Isidore  {de  Eccl.  Off. 
lib.  2,  6)  repeat  the  rule  of  the  council 
of  Ancyra,  and  allow  chorepiscopi  to  ordain 
presbyters  with  the  consent  of  the  city  bishop 
on  whom  they  depend.  But  in  the  9th 
century  there  appears  to  have  been  on  the 
one  hand  a  claim  on  the  part  of  certain 
chorepiscopi  to  dispense  with  the  necessity  of 
such  consent,  and  on  the  other  hand  a  conten- 
tion that  not  even  with  such  consent  could  they 
ordain  either  presbyters  or  deacons.  The  con- 
troversy is  one  of  great  intevtist,  because  it 
involves  the  whole  question  of  the  validity  of 
non-episcopal  ordination  ;  but  the  points  in- 
volved are  too  intricate,  and  the  literature  too 
extensive,  to  be  more  than  mentioned  here.  (The 
elements  of  the  controversy  will  be  found  in 
the  spurious  letters  of  Damasus,  da  vana  corepi- 
scoporum  superstitione  vitanda,  ap.  Hinschius, 
Decret.  Pseudo- Isidor.  p.  509,  of  Leo  the  Great, 
ibid.  p.  628  (printed  also  among  St.  Leo's  works 
as  Epist.  88,  ad  Gcrmaniao  et  Galliao  Episc,  on 
which  see  Quesnel's  dissertation,  which  is  re- 
printed by  both  the  Ballerini  and  Migne),  and 
of  John  III.  ibid.  p.  715;  in  the  letter  of 
Leo  III.  in  answer  to  Charles  the  Great's  mission 
of  Arno  of  Salzburg,  ap.  Caroli  Magn.  Capit. 
tit.  iv.  ed.  Mansi,  xiii.  p.  1059 ;  in  the  treatise  of 
Hrabanus  Maurus,  Opusc.  ii.  ed.  Migne,  P.  L. 
vol.  ex.  p.  1195,  Labbe,  Concil.  Append,  ad. 
vol.  viii. ;  in  the  letter  of  Nicholas  I.  to  the 
archbishop  of  Bourges  (S.  Nicol.  Epist.  append, 
i.  ep.  19,  1,  ap.  Mansi,  vol.  xv.  390,  Migne,  vol. 
cxix.  p.  884);  and  in  a  number  of  synodical 
decrees  or  capitularies,  the  most  important  of 
which  is  that  of  the  council  of  Meaux,  A.D.  845, 
c.  44  (Mansi,  vol.  xiv.  p.  829).  The  controversy 
has  been  reviewed  by  most  writers  on  the  clerical 
office,  e.g.  by  Morin,  de  Sacr.  Ordin.  pars  iii. 
exercit.  4,  and  by  Natalis  Alexander,  Append,  ad 
diss,  de  Episcop.  super  Presb.  Eminentia.  The 
best  account  of  its  history  is  in  Weizsacker, 
Der  Kariipf  gegen  den  Chorcpiscopat  des  frUn- 
kischcn  Reiclis,  Tubingen,  1859.  The  ultimate 
result  of  the  controversy  was,  that  in  the 
Western  church  chorepiscopi  ceased  to  exist 
except  in  name,  and  that  the  city  bishops  finally 
established  their  claim  to  be  the  sole  channel 
through  which  the  spiritual  status  of  presbyters 
could  be  conferred. 

2.  Ordainers  of  Deacons. — What  has  been  said 
above  as  to  the  competency  of  others  than 
bishops  to  ordain  presbyters,  applies  also,  for  the 
most  part,  to  the  case  of  deacons.  The  special 
closeness  of  the  connexion  between  the  episco- 
pate and  the  diaconate  gave  an  especially  strong 
claim  to  the  lormer  to  admit  the  latter  to  office. 
The  case  of  Felicissimus,  who  was  made  (•'  con- 
stituit  ")  deacon  by  Novatus  (S.  Cyprian,  Epist. 
49,  vol.  i.  p.  728),  shews  that  the  appointment, 
which,  from  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the 
case,  may  be  held  to  include  the  admission,  of  a 
deacon  by  a  presbyter,  though  viewed  with  great 
disfavour,  was  not  regarded  as  invalid  ;  but  the 
whole  tendency  of  ecclesiastical  discipline  was 
opposed  to  such  ordinations,  and  mediaeval 
canonists  held  that  not  even  a  papal  dispensation 
could  authorise  thnni. 

3.  Ordainers  of  Minor  Orders.— I  The   right 


1520 


OEDINATION 


of  city  or  diocesan  bishops  to  admit  to  minor 
orders  is  undisputed.  ii.  That  chorepiscopi 
could  admit  as  well  as  appoint  to  minor  orders, 
is  a  probable  inference  from  Cone.  Ancyr.  c.  14, 
and  Cone.  Antioch.  c.  10.  It  was  allowed  in  the 
later  controversies  to  which  reference  has  been 
made  above,  iii.  That  presbyters  can  admit 
to  minor  orders  of  their  own  mere  motion 
is  uniformly  denied ;  but  that  they  can  do  so 
by  commission  is  as  uniformly  asserted ;  e.  g. 
by  Gelasius,  Epist.  ad  Episc.  Lucnn.  c.  8  = 
Decret.  General,  ap.  Hinschius,  p.  651 ;  see  S. 
Thom.  Aquin.  Stcmma,  suppl.  in  p.  iii.  qu.  38, 
art.  1,  and  Hallier,  de  Sacr.  Elect,  et  Ordin.  p. 
568.  iv.  Abbats,  provided  (a)  that  they  are 
])resbyters  ;  (6)  that  they  have  received  episcopal 
benediction  as  abbats,  can  ordain  readers  in  their 
own  abbey  according  to  2  Cone.  Nicaen.  c.  14— a 
regulation  which  was  adopted  in  Western  canon 
law.  (Gratian,  Decret.  p.  i.  dist.  69,  c.  1  ;  Ivo, 
Decret.  p.  5,  c.  376,  1  ;  see  also  Innocent  III. 
Epist.  ann.  xiii.  127,  Jligne,  P.  L.  vol.  ccxvi.  314.) 
4.  Ordainers  of  Clerks. — The  Apostolical  Con- 
stitutions, dealing  probably  with  the  period  in 
which  each  church  was  complete  in  itself,  do  not 
allow  presbyters  to  ordain  even  clerks  (C.  A.  ii, 
20).  But  in  the  West,  when  the  parochial 
system  established  itself,  and  the  rectors  of  rural 
parishes  came  to  have  a  sphere  of  work  and 
authority  which  was  in  many  respects  inde- 
pendent of  the  bishop,  presbyters  stood  in  a  very 
different  relation  to  the  lower  orders  of  clergy. 
In  the  7th  century  they  were  not  only  allowed 
to  admit  clerks,  but  encouraged  to  do  so  (Cone. 
Emerit.  a.d.  666,  c.  18) ;  and  almost  all  the 
ordinals  of  the  Gregorian  type  agree  with  Statt. 
Eccl.  Ant.  c.  10  in  enacting  that  a  singer  may 
enter  upon  his  office  "absque  scientia  episcopi, 
sola  jussione  presbyteri." 

VI.  Re-ordination, 
It  is  probable  that  in  the  earliest  period  each 
church  defined  for  itself,  in  individual  cases,  the 
conditions  upon  which  a  person  who  had  for- 
feited his  office  should  be  restored  to  it,  or  upon 
which  the  officer  of  another  church  should  have 
his  status  recognised.  It  is  also  probable  that, 
although  the  honorary  rank  which  was  fre- 
quently given  sometimes  became  substantive,  the 
state  of  things  which  is  forbidden  by  Can.  Aposf. 
c.  68,  once  actually  existed,  and  that  an  officer 
of  one  church  who  sought  office  in  another  had 
to  undergo  a  second  election  and  a  second  ad- 
mission to  office.  When  the  age  of  councils 
began,  the  rules  which  were  laid  down,  either 
for  a  group  of  churches  or  for  the  catholic 
church  throughout  the  world,  ordinarily  speci- 
fied the  penalty  which  was  incurred  by  a  viola- 
tion of  them.  The  chief  of  these  penalties  were, 
a  declaration  of  invalidity  (aKvpos  icnw  f)  x^'po- 
Tovia),  and  a  requirement  to  cease  from  office 
(TreTravcrdaj  b  toljvtos  tou  K\rjpov,  Kadaipeiadcc). 
The  offences  to  which  they  were  affixed  were 
chiefly,  (a)  violation  of  rules  of  ecclesiastical 
organisation,  by  having  been  ordained  out  of  the 
proper  church,  or  by  other  than  the  proper 
bishop  ;  (';)  simoniacal  ordination  ;  (c)  ordination 
while  in  a  state  of  lapse  or  heresy.  [For  a  de- 
tailed account  of  the  several  offences,  see  Orders, 
Holy:  Qualijica' ions  for:  Discipline  of.']  A 
person  who  was  so  deposed,  or  whose  ordination 
was  so  declared  to  be  null,  could  not  become  a 


OEDINATION 

church  officer  again  without  again  going  through 
the  processes  which  he  had  gone  through  incom- 
pletely in  the  first  instance :  for  example,  Cone, 
Nicaen.  c.  8  enacts  that  returning  Cathari  shall 
receive  imposition  of  hands  ;  id.  c.  19  enacts 
that  returning  Paulianists  must  be  both  re- 
baptized  and  re-elected  (ava&aTrTicr0evT€s  x^i-po- 
roveiadojffav).  This  continued  to  be  the  practice 
of  the  church.  For  example,  when  some  of  the 
Arian  clergy  wished  to  return  to  the  catholic 
faith,  it  was  enacted  that  they  might  be  ad- 
mitted to  otHce  by  the  bishop  "  cum  impositae 
manus  benedictione  "  (1  Cone.  Aurel.  A.D.  511, 
e.  10;  Cone.  Caesaraug.  a.d.  592,  c.  1):  so  in 
the  following  centur}',  of  those  who  were  or- 
dained "  a  Scottorum  vel  Britonum  episcopis," 
who  held  schismatieal  views  on  the  questions  of 
tonsure  and  Easter  (Poenit.  Theodor.  ii.  9,  1,  ap. 
Haddan  and  Stubbs,  vol.  iii.) :  and  so  also  in  the 
following  century,  of  those  who  were  ordained 
by  "  episcopi  ambulantes  "  (Pippin,  Capit.  Ver- 
mer.  a.d.  753,  §  14,  ap.  Pertz,  Legum,  vol.  i. 
p.  23)  ;  and  for  those  who  had  been  unjustly 
degraded  4  Cone.  Tolet.  a.d.  633,  c.  28,  pre- 
scribes the  ritual  of  reordination. 

But  early  in  the  history  of  the  church,  there 
had  resulted  from  the  Donatist  controversy  a 
belief  in  the  minds  of  many  theologians  that  the 
grace  which  was  conferred  at  ordination,  like 
that  which  was  conferred  at  baptism,  was  in- 
alienable ;  and  that,  in  spite  of  lapse,  the  one  as 
well  as  the  other  remained  till  death,  and 
might,  moreover,  be  communicated  to  others. 
This  belief  is  expressed  with  some  emphasis 
by  St.  Augustine :  e.g.  de  Baptismo  c.  Donat.  i. 
1,  vol.  ix.  p.  109  ;  contra  Epist.  Farmen.  ii.  28, 
vol.  ix.  p.  70,  and  is  either  stated  or  implied  in 
Cod.  Eccles.  Afric.  i.  27  (on  which  see  Schelstrat 
ap.  Van  Espen,  in  loc.)  ;  id.  c.  48  ;  5  Cone.  Carth. 
c.  11  ;  and  it  was  again  strongly  asserted  by 
Gregory  the  Great,  Epist.  ii.  46  ad  Joann. 
Savenn. ;  see  also  S.  Leo  Magn.  Epist.  18  (14) 
ad  Janmr.  i^.  731.  An  isolated  but  important 
factor  in  the  discussion  is  the  existence  of  a 
Galatian  inscription  of  A.D.  461,  Corpus  Inscr. 
Graec.  No.  9259,  which  gives  a  record  of  one 
who  was  t'Jcice  presbyter  (5is  yevop.evos  ■Kpea-^v- 
repos). 

YII.  Literature. 
The  literature  of  ordination  is  extensive,  but 
the  following  will  be  found  to  be  the  most 
important  references :  1.  The  early  authorities 
and  ordinals,  for  which  see  Ordinal.  2.  The 
early  mediaeval  antiquarians,  Isidore  of  Seville 
(c?e  Ecclesiasticis  Officiis),  Albinus  Flaccus  (Alcuin) 
{de  Divinis  Ofjiciis),  Amalarius  (de  Ecclesias- 
ticis Officiis),  Hrabanus  Maurus  (de  Institutione 
Clericorum)  (which  four  treatises,  with  others, 
will  be  found  printed  together  in  Hittorp.  de 
Divinis  Catholicae  Ecclesiae  Officiis,  Cologne, 
1568).  3.  The  French  liturgical  writers  of 
the  17th  century:  Hallier  (de  Sacris  Electio- 
iiibus  et  Ordinationibus),  Paris,  1636  ;  Morin  (de 
Sacris  Ecclesiae  Ordinationibus),  Paris,  1655 ; 
Thomassin  (Ancienne  et  Nouwlle  Discipline  da 
FEglise),  ed.  i.  Paris,  1677  ;  Martene  (de  Antiquis 
Ecclesiae  Ritibus),  ed.  i.  Rouen,  1700  (quoted 
above  from  the  Bassano  edition  of  1788),  to 
which  may  be  added  Catalani's  notes  to  his  edi- 
tion of  the  Pontificale  Romanum,  Piome,  1751 
(reprinted  at  Paris  in  1851). 


OEDO 

[For  Qualifications  for  Ordination,  Examina- 
tion (in  the  later  sense),  Intervals  between 
Grades  of  Orders  (Interstitia),  Title,  see  under 
Okde;rs,  Holy.]  [E.  H.] 

ORDO.  A  directory  for  the  due  performance 
of  any  sacred  rite.  An  ordo  might  (1)  contain 
directions  only,  or  (2)  it  might  give  the  prayers 
also.     [Liturgical  Books,  p.  1008.] 

For  several  centuries  the  prayers  in  the  sacra- 
mentaries  were  not  accompanied  by  sufficient  direc- 
tions for  their  proper  use.  The  rubrics  in  the  litur- 
gies of  St.  James  and  St.  Mark  are  very  few  and 
brief  compared  with  those  of  the  present  Greek 
office.  The  same  difference  is  observable  when  we 
compare  the  Gelasian  Sacrameutary  and  the  earlier 
copies  of  the  Gregorian  with  the  later  copies  of 
the  latter;  and  so  again  when  we  compare  the 
old  Galilean  missals,  disused  from  the  8th  cen- 
tury, with  the  Hispano-Gothic,  which  was  in  use, 
and  undergoing  changes,  down  to  the  end  of  the 
eleventh.  This  paucity  of  directions  would 
cause  great  inconvenience,  especially  when  cere- 
monies were  multiplied  to  the  degree  of  which 
St.  Augustine  complains  (Ep.  55,  ad  Januar.  19, 
§  35),  and  a  supplementary  book  of  instructions 
in  ceremonial  would  be  found  equally  necessary 
with  that  from  which  the  prayers  were  learnt. 
In  the  West  this  want  was  met  by  the  compila- 
tion of  a  book  to  which,  before  long,  the  con- 
ventional name  of  Ordo  attached  itself.  In 
Gaul,  in  the  8th  century,  each  priest  was 
required  to  describe  his  own  practice  in  writing, 
and  to  present  this  "libellus  ordinis  "  to  the  bishop 
in  Lent  for  his  approbation,  "  rationem  et  or- 
dinem  ministerii  sui,  sive  de  baptismo,  sive  de  fide 
catholica,  sive  de  precibus  et  ordine  missarum  " 
(Capit.  Karlomanni,  A.D.  742,  in  Baluz.  Capit. 
.Reg.  Franc,  i.  824).  In  the  same  age,  about 
730,  as  it  is  supposed,  appeared  the  "  libellus 
ordinis  Romani,"  or  "Ordo  Romanus,"  a  direc- 
tory for  the  use  of  the  bishops  of  Rome  and  its 
Kuburbicarian  dioceses  (OrcZ.  Horn.  i.  §  28  ;  3fics. 
Ital.  ii.  17)  in  the  first  instance,  but  which  be- 
came, in  time,  so  far  as  it  could,  a  guide  to  all  the 
]n-iests  who  used  the  Roman  offices.  Mabillon 
lias  printed  three  libelli  de  Missa  Pontificali 
(^Ord.  i.  ii.  iii.  u.  s.  1-60),  which  may  be  called 
three  editions,  differing  little  in  age,  of  the  same 
directory;  two  others,  de  Missa  Episcopali (v.  vi. 
64-76),  which,  from  the  celebrant  being  called 
episcopus  as  frequently  as  pontifex  and  from 
other  indications,  appear  to  be  intended  for  the 
use  of  any  bishop  ;  one  "  Ordo  Scrutinii  ad  electos, 
qualiter  debeat  celebrari  "  (vii.  77-84)  ;  and  two 
concerning  the  ordination  of  the  clergy  (viii.  ix. 
85-94)  [Ordinal];  all  of  which  were,  in  the  judg- 
ment of  the  editor,  "  written  before  the  9th  or 
10th  century  "  (Comment.  Praev.  ix.).  One  of  the 
libelli  de MissvEpiscopaliahore-mentioned,  speaks 
of  the  strictly  Roman  book  from  which  it  was 
derived  as  Piomanus  Ordo  (0.  vi.  8,  p.  73);  and 
under  this  name  a  directory  authorised  by 
Rome  was  adopted  in  Gaul  towards  the  end 
of  the  8th  century :  "  Unusquisque  presbyter 
missam  ordine  Romano  cum  sandaliis  celebret " 
{Gapitularia  Reg.  Franc,  v.  371).  Penitents  were 
to  bo  reconciled,  "  sicut  in  sacramentario,  et  in 
Ordine  Romano,  continetur "  (!6iC?.  vii.  202,  and 
Canones  Isaaci  Ling.  i.  35).  Amalarius  of  Jletz, 
about  820,  wrote  a  commentary  on  parts  of  Ordo 
ii.    (J/ms.    Ital.    ii.  42-51)   under    the    title    of 


OEDO 


1521 


"  Eglogae  in  Ordinem  Romanum,"  first  printed 
by  Baluze  {Capit.  Reg.  Fr.  ii.  1352);  then  by 
Mabillon  (m.  s.  p.  549),  in  the  body  of  which  he 
also  names  the  libellus  absolutely  "Romanus 
Ordo."  He  also  frequently  refers  to  this,  and  to 
the  apparently  earlier  form  of  it,  Ordo  i.  (ii.  s. 
3-40)  in  his  work  Be  Ecclesiasticis  Officiis, 
There  it  is  "  Libellus  Romanus  "  (i.  17  ;  iii.  27), 
"  Libellus  Romani  Ordinis  "  (i.  30),  or  "  Libellus 
qui  continet  Romanum  Ordinem  "  (i.  21),  In 
his  treatise,  De  Antiphoyiario,  he  again  calls  it 
simply  "  Romanus  Ordo  "  (c.  52).  There  also  he 
recognizes  the  existence  i^f  more  than  one  such 
directory:  "  Scripta  quae  continent  per  diversos 
libellos  Ordinem  Romanum"  (ibid.). 

That  the  Ordo  Romanus  was  later  than  the 
sacramentary,  and  ancillary  to  it,  is  evident 
from  a  reference  to  the  latter  in  Ordo  i.  On 
Wednesday  in  holy  week  the  bishop  "  dicit  ora- 
tiones  solemnes,  sicut  in  sacramentorum  (libro) 
continetur  "  (c.  28,  p.  19).  But  at  length  many 
of  the  directions  of  the  Ordo  were  incorporated 
with  the  sacramentary,  and  thus  became  "  ru- 
brics." Compare,  for  example,  the  rubrics 
peculiar  to  Codex  Eligianus,  from  which  Jlenard 
prints  (0pp.  S.  Greg.  torn.  iii.  62,  64,  Wednes- 
day in  holy  week  ;  65,  Maundy  Thursday,  &c.) 
with  Ord.  Rom.  i.  §  28,  30,  &c.  The  earliest 
Ordo  was  at  least  re-written  after  the  time  of 
Charlemagne,  whom  it  thus  mentions  :  "  Sabbato 
tempore  Adriani  iustitutum  est,  ut  flecleretur 
pro  Carolo  rege  "  (24,  comp.  §  28).  Usher  sup- 
poses that  it  was  originally  compiled  about  730 
(Cave,  Hist.  Lit.  in  v.  Ordo  Rom.). 

(2)  An  office  of  prayer,  with  its  rubrics,  was 
also  called  Ordo.  '  Thus  in  the  BesanQon  sacra- 
mentary of  the  7th  century,  "  Incipit  Ordo 
Baptismi "  (Mus.  Ital.  i.  323);  in  a  Roman 
sacramentary  of  the  9th,  "Ordo  vero  qualiter 
catacizantur  (sic)  est  ita "  (Cod.  Gellon.  in 
Marten.  Ant.  Eccl.  Rit.  i.  i.  18  ;  Ord.  6);  "Ordo 
ad  infirmum  caticuminum  (sic)  faciendum  vel 
baptizandum  "  (ibid.  Ord.  7)  ;  "  Incipit  Ordo  ad 
poenitentiam  dandam  "  (Exeod.  cod.  u.  s.  i.  vi.  7  ; 
Ord.  6),  etc.  Ratio  was  sometimes  used  in  the 
same  sense  ;  as,  "  Incipit  Ratio  ad  dandam  poeni- 
tentiam "  (ibid.  i.  vi.  3,  Ord.  2 ;  sim.  Ord.  10), 
"  Ratio  qualiter  Domus  Dei  consecrandus  est " 
(Pontificale  Ecgberhti,  26  ;  ed.  Surtees  Soc). 

Literature. — In  1561,  George  Cassander  printed 
at  Cologne  four  ancient  "  Libelli  Ordinis  Ro- 
mani ;"  A.  "  Ordo  Processionis  ad  Ecclesiam  sive 
Missam  secundum  Romanes  ;  "  B.  "  Ordo  Pro- 
cessionis quando  Episcopus  festivis  diebus  Missam 
celebrare  voluerit,"  &c. ;  C.  "In  nomine  Domini 
incipit  Liber  de  Romano  Ordine,  qualiter  cele- 
brandum  sit  Olficium  Missae  ;  "  D.  "  Incipit  Ordo 
Ecclesiasticus  Romanae  Ecclesiae,  vel  qualiter 
Missa  celebratur."  In  1568,  Melchior  Hittorp 
reprinted  these  at  Cologne  in  his  collection  of 
tracts,  De  Divinis  Eccl.  Cath.  Officiis,  in  the  order, 
as  compai-ed  with  that  of  Cassander,  A,  B,  D,  C. 
To  these  he  added  a  very  long  "  Ordo  Romanus 
Antiquus  de  reliquis  Anni  totius  Officiis  ac  Minis- 
teriis,"  compiled  from  several  "  libelli  ordinis  "  of 
very  different  dates,  as  it  appears,  probably  by 
Bernold  of  Constance,  A.d.  1066,  which  was  re- 
published from  another  MS.  with  considerable 
variations  by  Martin  Gerbert,  i/bwMm.  Vet.  Lititr- 
giae  Alemannicae,  P.  III.  p.  186,  typis  San.  Bias. 
1777.  The  libelli  of  Cassander  reappeared  in 
the   Mus.   Ital.  of  Mabillon,  with   two   others 


1522 


OREMUS 


within  our  time,  if  we  mistake  not,  and  many 
later.  His  order  is  that  of  the  apparent  dates  ;  I) 
(much  enlarged);  A;  C;  iv.  "  Fiagmentum  Vet. 
Ord.  Rom.  Missa  Pontiiicali  "  (complete  at  the 
end  of  Amalarius,  Eglorjaa,  Baluz.  Cap.  Rcrj.  Fr. 
ii.  1366  ;  whence  Mabill.  u.  s.  559  and  61);  v. 
•'  Ordo  Rom.  u.  s.  de  Missa  Episcopali  (primus)  ;  " 
B.  L.  A.  Muratori  has  transcribed  the  earliest 
of  these  (Mabill.  i.  Cass.  D)  into  his  Liturgia 
Bomana  Vetus  (torn.  ii.  p.  973)  from  Mabillon. 
Gerbert  also  gives  D  (the  first  part  of  Mab.  i.) 
in  his  Monum.  u.  s.  p.  144,  from  a  MS.  of  the 
9th  century.  [W.  E.  S.] 

OEEMUS  (SeriOcinev).  This  is  the  signal, 
or  invitation,  to  the  people  to  join  in  spirit 
in  the  prayer  which  is  to  follow.  In  the 
West,  e.\cept  in  Spain  and  pei-haps  Gaul,  both 
the  invitation  and  the  prayer  were  uttered 
by  the  priest,  who  was  said  respectively  ora- 
tionem  indicere  and  dare.  In  the  East  it 
belonged  to  the  deacon's  office  to  "bid"  the 
prayers ;  and  the  earlier  and  full  form,  of 
which  the  Clementine  Liturgy  and  that  of  St. 
James  give  several  examples,  consisted  in  the 
deacon  announcing  the  topics  of  prayer  to  the 
people  clause  by  clause,  while  they  responded 
Kvpie  e\4r]ffov,  or  some  corresponding  ejacula- 
tion, at  the  close  of  which  the  priest  summed  up 
the  petitions  in  a  collect.  It  is  possibly  a  trace 
(if  a  similar  custom  that  we  find  in  the  Gelasian 
Sacramentary  for  certain  days  {e.g.  lib.  i.  41, 
Ordo  de  feria  vi.  passione  Domini)  such  directions 
as  these  :  "  Sacerdos  dicit  Oremus,  et  adnuntiat 
diaconus  Flectamus  genua.  Et  post  paululum 
dicit  Levate.  Et  dat  orationem."  Similarly, 
Ordo  Romanus  I.  (Mabillon,  Mus.  Ital.  torn.  ii. 
p.  22,  &c.).  That  in  Africa  the  priest  bade  the 
prayers  may  be  inferred  from  St.  Aug.  Ep.  217, 
ad  Vitalem,  §  2  (Migne,  torn.  ii.  978),  where  he 
says  "quando  audis  sacerdotem  Dei  ad  altare 
exhortantem  populum  Dei  orare  pro  incredulis," 
&c.  In  Spain  and  Gaul  it  appears  that  the 
deacon  gave  the  invitation,  while  the  priest  pro- 
nounced the  prayer  (cf.  Isid.  Hispal.  de  Ecclcs. 
Off.  lib.  ii.  cap.  8  :  "  Ipsi  (sc.  diaconi)  clara  voce 
in  modura  praeconis  admouent  cunctos,  sive  in 
orando,  sive  in  flectendo  genua,  sive  in  psallen- 
do,  sive  in  lectionibus  audiendo";  and  immediately 
afterwards  "  illi  (sacerdoti)  orare,  huic  (diacono) 
psallere  mandatur."  The  sermon  attributed  to 
Caesarius  of  Aries,  among  the  Sermones  Supposit. 
of  St.  Augustine,  torn.  v.  app.  Serm.  286,  §§  1,  7, 
suggests  the  same  conclusion.     [Praeco  ;  Pros- 

PHONESIS.] 

In  the  present  Mozarabic  Liturgy,  "Oremus  " 
is  only  said  twice,  viz.  before  the  ''Agyos,"  and 
before  the  Capitulum,  which  introduces  the 
Lord's  Prayer. 

It  is  worth  while  to  notice  the  occurrence  of 
the  word  in  the  Roman  Missal,  just  before  the 
offertory,  where  no  spoken  prayer  follows  it. 
This  probably  marks  the  place  of  some  variable 
prayer,  answering  (it  may  be)  to  the  Ambrosian 
Oratio  super  sindonem,  which  has  become 
disused.  (See  Pseudo-Alcuin  de  JDiv.  Off.  cap.  '  de 
Celebratione  Missae,'  and  Amal.  de  Eccles.  OtJ. 
lib.  iii.  cap.  19.) 

The  ordinary  nse  of  the  word  in  any  of  the 
offices  is  to  mark  the  beginning  of  a  set  prayer, 
to  be  said  by  the  priest  aloud,  in  which  the 
people  only  concur  by  the  concluding  "Amen," 


ORGAN 

in  contradistinction  to  some  other  form  of  prayer, 
e.g.  by  versicles  and  responses,  or  some  other  act 
of  worship. 

Authorities. — Bona,  Rer.  Liturg.  lib.  ii.  cap. 
V.  §  11  ;  Du  Cange,  s.v.  ;  Zaecaria,  Onomasticon 
Pdtualc,  s.v.  [C.  E.  H.] 

OEEXTIUS  (1),  martyr,  with  six  brothers, 
soldiers,  under  Galorius  ;  commemorated  June  24. 
(Basil.  Menol.  ;  Acta  SS.  Jun.  iv.  859.) 

[C.  H.] 

(2)  "  Of  the  number  of  the  ancient  confessors," 
with  Secundus,  at  Antioch,  Nov.  15.  (Wright's 
Ant.  Syr.  Mart.'). 

OREPSES,  presbyter,  martyr  with  Or  ;  com- 
memorated Aug.  23.     (Basil.  Menol.)      [C.  H.] 

ORESTES  (1),  martyr,  under  Diocletian  i 
commemorated  Nov.  9.     (Basil.  Menol.) 

(2)  Martyr  with  Eustratius  and  others ;  com 
memorated  Dec.  13.  (Basil.  Menol.;  Daniel, 
Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  277.)  [C.  H.} 

ORGAN.  The  name  "  organum "  was  at 
first  not  restricted  to  a  particular  instrument, 
but  appears  to  have  nearly  become  so  by  St.^ 
Augustine's  time.  Commenting  on  Psalm  cl.  he 
says  :  "  Nam  cum  organum  vocabulum  graecum 
sit,  ut  dixi,  generale  omnibus  musicis  instru- 
mentis,  hoc  cui  folles  adhibeutur  alio  Graeci 
nomine  appellant.  Ut  autem  organum  dicatur. 
magis  Latina  et  ea  vulgaris  est  consuetudo." 
And — "Quamvis  jam  obtinuerit  consuetudo  ut 
organa  proprie  dicantur  ea  q-uae  inflantur  fol- 
libus."  So  from  his  enarr.  on  Psalm  Ivi. 
(our  57th),  "non  solum  illud  organum  dicitur 
quod  grande  est  et  inflatur  foUibus,  sad  quic- 
quid  aptatur  ad  cantilenara,"  we  also  learn, 
that  organs  were  of  considerable  size.  In  the 
same  comment  he  applies  the  term  "  organum  " 
to  the  cithara  and  the  psalterium. 

For  a  full  account  of  the  history  of  this 
instrument  the  reader  must  be  referred  to  Dr. 
Rimbault's  portion  of  Hopkins  and  Rimbault's 
excellent  work  on  this  subject.  There  it  is 
conclusively  proved  that  the  first  epoch  which 
distinguishes  the  antique  organ  from  the  medi- 
aeval one,  viz.,  the  invention  of  the  keyboard, 
is  very  nearly  synchronous  with  that  which  dis- 
tinguishes antique  from  mediaeval  music,  the 
invention  of  the  stave,  being  about  the  end  of 
the  11th  century.  Up  to  this  time  it  would 
appear  that  organs  only  differed  in  size  and 
number  of  pipes,  and  in  the  appliances  for  sup- 
plying wind.  The  article  "Hydraula"  in  Smith's 
Diet.  Greek  and  Bom.  Antiq.  gives  the  earliest 
form  of  it. 

Athenaeus  says  that  it  was  invented  by  Ctesi- 
bius,  of  Alexandria,  from  a  contrivance  applied 
to  a  clepsydra,  in  order  to  announce  the  hours 
at  night.  This  contrivance  is  attributed  to 
Plato,  but  it  seems  very  doubtful,  because  it  is 
only  said  of  him  as  a  tradition  (Aeyerai),  and 
Aristoxenus  was  not  acquainted  with  the  thing ; 
he,  being  not  far  removed  from  Plato's  date,  and 
professedly  writing  on  music,  would  be  likely  to 
have  known  of  such  an  invention  of  Plato's  (if 
it  were  so).  The  organ  of  Ctesibius  is  of  course 
much  later  (Athen.  Deipn.  iv.  23). 

The  organ  is  simply  a  development  of  the 
Syrinx  or  Pandean  pipe,  and  in  its  earliest  form 
consisted  of  a  small  box,  into  the  top  of  which  a 


OKGAN 

row  of  pipes  was  inserted ;  the  wind  was  supplied 
from  the  performer's  mouth  by  means  of  a  tube 
at  one  end  ;  and  any  pipe  was  made  to  sound  by 
means  of  drawing  a  slide  which  would  open 
the  hole  in  which  the  pipe  was  placed ;  the  slide 
being  pushed  in  again,  the  hole  was  closed,  and 
the  communication  between  the  pipe  and  the  box 
being  thus  cut  off,  the  sound  immediately  ceased. 
In  modern  organs,  for  these  slides  have  been 
substituted  valves  or  pallets. 

The  first  object  seemed  to  be  to  augment  the 
sound,  by  multiplying  the  number  of  pipes 
which  would  be  in  unison  with  each  otlier ; 
and  Ctesibius  has  the  reputation  of  having 
invented,  or  rendered  practicable,  the  perforated 
slide,  which  enabled  the  performer  to  have  the 
pipes  more  under  command.  This  will  be  best 
understood  by  the  following  figure,  which  repre- 
sents the  holes  in  which  the  pipes  stand. 


ORGAN 


1523 


[This  would  be  now  technically  called  an 
oi-gan  of  three  stops.] 

Each  of  the  slides  mentioned  before  would 
cover  one  of  the  vertical  columns  in  the  above 
figure,  and  Ctesibius's  slides  would  cover  one  of 
the  horizontal  rows ;  the  modern  analogue  of 
the  latter  is  the  "  register  "  or  "  stop."  If  three 
cards  be  taken  pierced  v/ith  holes  exactly  as  in 
the  figure,  and  the  one  be  kept  whole,  and  the 
others  divided  into  sections  containing  respec- 
tively a  vertical  column  and  a  horizontal  row,  so 
as  to  be  movable,  and  the  three  be  placed  over 
each  other,  the  action  will  be  clearly  seen. 

The  increase  in  the  number  of  pipes  required 
also  artificial  methods  for  supplying  wind  ;  the 
bellows  was  adopted,  and  by  the  time  of  the 
emperor  Julian  the  Apostate  had  become  so 
large  as  to  be  made  of  a  bull's  hide.  This 
appears  from  an  epigram  of  his  : 

'AAA.'  viro  Taupet'jjs  irpoBopoiv  CTDjAuyyos  carJTr,'; 
HepBev  evrpiqTiav  KaAdfuov  vno  pC^av  bSevei. 

Thus  the  organ  became  a  complicated  instrument. 
Tertullian  (de  Aninid,  xiv.)  uses  it  as  a  similitude 
for  the  many  members  composing  one  body. 
"  Specta  portentissimam  Archimedis  munificen- 
tiam,  organum  hydrolicum  dico,  tot  membra, 
tot  partes,  tot  compagines,  tot  itinera  vocum, 
tot  compendia  sonorum,  tot  commercia  modorum, 
tot  acies  tibiarum,  et  una  moles  erunt  omnia." 
It  would  seem  from  this  that  the  organ  was 
constructed  so  as  to  be  played  in  the  various 
modes,  Dorian,  Lydian,  &c.,  and  thus  supplied 
with  pipes  all  the  sounds  of  the  complete 
"  system  "  ;  if  the  "  modi  "  here  be  understood 
to  include  the  "  Genera,"  we  should  have  an 
organ  of  a  compass  of  three  octaves  and  a 
tone,  with  some  quarter-tones  in  it ;  but  it 
might  be  much  smaller  than  this.  The  "  com- 
pendia sonorum  "  would  appear  to  be  slides,  to 
cut  off  the  wind  altogether,  or  from  some  of  the 
ranks  of  pipes,  i.e.  our  modern  "  stops "  (the 
horizontal  rows  in  the  figure  given  above) ;  and 
the  "  itinera  vocum  "  would  probably  be  the  row 
of  pipes  belonging  to  the  same  note  (the  vertical 
columns  in  the  figure). 

So  St.  Augustine  (on  Psalm  cl.)  :  "  Quibus  for- 
tasse  ideo  addidit  organum,  nonut  singulae  sonent, 

CHRIST.  A^'T.— VOL.  II. 


sed  ut  diversitate  concordissima  consonent,  sicut 
ordinantur  in  organo."  Thus  the  organ  would 
be  likened  to  a  whole  combination  of  different 
musical  instruments. 

The  wind  was  supplied  either  directly  from  a 
bellows  worked  by  hand  (in  some  cases  worked 
by  the  weight  of  a  man  standing  on  it),  con- 
stituting a  "  pneumatic "  organ  ;  or  the  wind 
from  the  bellows  was  subjected  to  a  water  pres- 
sure to  steady  its  supply,  constituting  an  "  hy- 
draulic "  organ.  The  latter  sort  was  at  first 
considered  the  better,  but  afterwards  it  was 
superseded  by  the  other. 

Vossius  (de  Foemahcm  Cantu)  says  that  the 
use  of  hydraulic  organs  had  ceased  at  the  time 
of  Cassiodorus  (6th  century),  and  this  author  is 
cited  as  mentioning  organs  as  in  common  use. 
He  gives  the  following  quotation  from  Claudian : 

"  Vel  qui,  magna  levi  detrudens  murmura  tactu, 
Innumeras  voces  segetis  modulatur  ahenae, 
Intonat  erranti  digito  penitusquc  trabali 
Vecte  laborantes  in  carmina  concitat  undas." 

From  this  it  appears  that  the  pipes  were 
frequently  made  of  bronze,  and  the  sound  pro- 
duced by  drawing  the  slides. 

This  practice  was  continued  as  late  as  the 
time  of  St.  Dunstan ;  the  pipes  are  then 
described  as  "  aereae  fistulae "  (W.  Malmesb. 
Vita  S.  Aldhelmi). 

Vossius  tells  us  that  the  barbarians  tried  un- 
successfully to  make  hydraulic  organs,  and  so 
usually  they  were  made  pneumatic,  with  leather 
bellows,  but  that  the  hydraulic  ones  were  still 
considered  superior.  He  quotes  Cassiodorus's 
description  of  one :  "  organum  est  quasi  turris 
quaedam  diversis  fistulis  fabricata,  quibus  flatu 
follium  vox  copiosissima  destinatur  [var.  lect. 
distinetur];  et  ut  earn  moduiatio  decora  com- 
ponat.  Unguis  quibusdam  ligneis  ab  interiori 
parte  construitur,  quas  disciplinabiliter  magis- 
trorum  digiti  reprimentes,  grandisonam  effi- 
ciunt  et  suavissimam  cantilenam." 

There  is  a  very  singular  poem  representinp- 
an  organ,  by  Publilius  Porphyrins  Optatianus 
(4th  century);  something  in  the  style  of  the 
"  Altars,"  "  Easter  Wings, '  &c.  of  George  Her- 
bert. One  thing  seems  to  be  clear  from  this 
poem,  that  the  longest  pipe,  and  therefore  the 
bass  of  the  organ,  was  at  the  performer's  right 
hand,  precisely  contrary  to  our  present  arrange- 
ment, but  analogous  to  that  of  the  harp,  so  far 
as  the  right  hand  of  the  performer  is  concerned. 
This  arrangement  was  probably  adopted  as 
corresponding  to  that  of  the  strings  of  the  lyre. 
It  appears  from  the  latter  part  of  this  poem 
that  the  pipes  were  made  of  bronze,  and  arranged 
in  ranks  in  a  quadrangular  form,  as  in  the  figure 
given  above,  and  these  appear  to  have  been 
the  slides  worked  by  the  performer,  to  open  and 
shut  the  holes  in  which  the  pipes  were  placed ; 
the  wind  being  supplied  by  a  number  of  youths 
each  in  charge  of  a  bellows. 

A  representation  preserved  in  Gori's  Thesaurus 
Diptychorum  (said  to  be  from  a  MS.  of  the  time 
of  Charlemagne)  seems  to  agree  with  this  >very 
well.  King  David  on  a  throne,  playing  a  lyre, 
is  accompanied  by  three  men  on  a  trumpet,  a 
sort  of  violin  or  barbiton,  and  a  set  of  bells  (or 
perhaps  cymbals);  and  farther  off  is  a  pneu- 
matic organ,  with  the  performer  (seated  at  the 
extreme  right,  in  the  semicircular  part  of  the 
5  F 


1524 


OEGAN 


drawing)  working  the  slides,  and  another  blowing 
the  bellows.  It  would  seem  most  probable  that 
the  king  is  viewing  one  end  of  the  organ,  so  as 
to  see  both  the  organist  and  the  bellows-blower, 
they  being  on  opposite  sides  of  the  instrument. 
This  would  put  the  longest,  i.e.  the  bass,  pipes  op- 
posite the  organist's  right  hand.  (See  cut  No.  1.) 
At  this  end  of  the  organ  appear  to  be  two 
other  slides,  and  these  would  seem  most  pro- 
bably to  be  registers  or  stops,  running  under  a 
rank  of  pipes  such  as  that  shown  in  the  draw- 
ing ;  there  would,  therefore,  be  another  similar 


ORGAN 

author,  quoted  in  Hawkins,  Hist,  of  Music,  p. 
238),  and  an  hydraulic  one  was  erected  at  Aix- 
la-Chapelle  in  826,  for  Louis  the  Pious,  by  one 
George,  or  rather  Gregory,  a  Venetian,  after  the 
Greek  manner  (Vossius,  de  Poematum  Cantu)  ;  but 
though  the  writers  of  that  age  had  praised  Gre- 
gory's undertaking,  they  did  not  say  whether  it  was 
a  success.  An  organ  was  also  sent  to  Charlemagne, 
by  the  Caliph  Haroun  Alraschid,  and  was  probably 
pkced  in  one  of  the  churches  of  Aix-la-Chapelle. 
S.  Aldhelm  (de  Lauda  Virginum)  is  quoted  in 
proof  that  the  external  pipes  of  organs  in  Saxon 


Organ.    From  Gori's  Tliesaurus  Diptych 


rank  behind  these  ;  this  organ  would  be  of  two 
stops,  unless  some  more  were  understood.  The 
slides  worked  by  the  performer  would  run  trans- 
versely to  the  ranks  of  pipes,  and  each  slide 
would  open  two  (or  perhaps  more)  pipes  of  the 
same  sound.  The  performer  seems  to  be  pulling 
one  slide  out  and  pushing  another  in,  thus  pass- 
ing from  one  note  of  his  tune  to  the  following 
note.  He  had,  previously  to  his  performance,  it 
would  seem,  gone  to  the  bass  end  of  the  instru- 
ment, and  drawn  out  two  stops. 

The  use  of  organs  in  churches  is,  on  the  autho- 
rity of  Platina  and  others,  ascribed  to  pope 
Vitalian  (658-672);  but  Lorinus  gives  it  a 
higher  antiquity.  "  Julianus,  unus  de  auctoribus 
catenae  in  Job  multo  antiquior  Vitaliano  et 
Gregorio  magno,  ait  cum  pietate  organa  usurpari 
posse,  et  jam  in  templis  usum  illorum  fuisse 
cum  scriberet."  "  In  Concilio  Coloniensi  praecipi- 
tur  sic  adhiberi  organorum  in  templis  melodiam, 
ut  non  lasciviam  magis  quam  devotionem  excitet, 
et  ut  praeter  hymnos  divinos  canticaque  spiri- 
tualia,  quidquam  resonet  ac  repraesentet.  Ponti- 
fex  in  Capella,  et  graves  quidam  relligiosi,  eorum 
abstinent  usu."  But  in  England  the  contrary 
practice  obtained,  as  the  monastic  churches  were 
generally  provided  with  organs,  as  appears  from 
the  account  of  the  death  of  king  Edgar  (Sir  H. 
Spelman,  Glossar;/,  s.  v.  Organ) :  but  it  does  not 
appear  that  they  were  in  use  in  any  other 
churches.    (Compare  Music,  p.  1346.) 

In  797  an  organ  was  sent  to  king  Pepin,  by 
the  emseror  Constantine  (tract  by  an  unknown 


times  were  gilded.  The  quotation  hitherto  given 
consists  of  the  last  three  lines  of  the  following 
extract : — 

"Si  vero  quisquam  cbordarum  respiiit  odas 
Et  potiora  cupit  quam  pulset  pectine  chordas 
Quis  Psaliiiista  pius  psallebat  caiitibus  olini, 
Ac  mentem  magno  gestit  modulamine  pasci 
Et  cantu  gracili  refugit  contentus  adesse, 
Maxima  millenis  auscultans  organa  flabris. 
Ululceat  auditum  ventosis  foUibus  iste, 
Quamlibet  auratis  fulgescant  caetera  capsis." 

It  appears  to  the  writer  of  this  article  that 
the  contrary  is  rather  proved — that  the  beautiful 
appearance  arising  from  gilding,  &c.,  refers  to 
other  instruments,  and  that  the  organ  had  to 
appeal  for  its  adoption  to  considerations  of  sound 
only,  and  had  the  disadvantage  of  an  unpleasing 
appearance.  Certainly  the  representations  of  it 
are  not  very  attractive  to  the  sight.  But  this 
passage  does  prove  that  organs  in  the  7th  and 
8th  centuries  were  large,  although  "  millenis  " 
must  be  considered  somewhat  indefinite.  So  St. 
Augustine,  "  quod  grande  est  "  above.  Not  much 
later  than  our  period  an  organ  was  erected  at 
Winchester,  with  fourteen  bellows  and  400  pipes, 
40  to  each  key.  This  also  had  the  "  lyric  semi- 
tone," and  it  would  seem  most  probable  that  its 
compass  was 


It  was  blown  by  70  (?)  men,  and  played  on  by 


ORGAN 

two  monks :  "  Et  regit  alphabetuni  rector 
uterque  suiim,"  which  apparently  means  that 
one  managed  the  slides  that  caused  the  pipes  to 
speak,  and  the  other  managed  the  ranks  of  pipes 
to  be  used  ;  in  modern  parlance,  one  playing  on 
the  keyboard,  the  other  shifting  the  stops  ;  only 
these  were  later  improvements  (see  AVolstan's 
poem,  quoted  in  Hopkins  and  Rimbault,  p.  16)  ; 
or  it  might  possibly  mean  that  the  set  of  slides 
was  distributed  between  these  two  men  to 
manage,  the  one,  perhaps,  taking  the  lower 
portion,  and  the  other  the  upper,  making,  in 
tact,  a  duet    performance,   which   might   be    a 


ORGAN 


1525 


in  Hopkins  and  Rimbault's  Book  on  the  Organ, 
p.  18."    (See  cut  No.  3.) 

It  is  there  described  as  a  pneumatic  organ  ; 
but  the  writer  cannot  help  thinking  that  the 
cylinders  in  the  basement  are  intended  to  hold 
water,  and  thus  make  it  an  hydraulic  organ. 

The  smaller  of  these  contains  eight  pipes, 
apparently  arranged  in  two  tetrachords,  to 
each  of  which  is  assigned  an  organist ;  which 
somewhat  bears  out  the  supposition  of  a  duet 
performance  mentioned  just  above ;  the  most 
plausible  supposition  ior  the  compass  seems  to 
be— 


1.    From  3IS.  I'salicr  of  Eadwiiic,  in  Trinity  Cullege  Library. 


veiy  considerable  advantage  in  accompanying 
the  plain-song,  when  we  remember  that  every 
sound  produced  involved  the  drawing  of  a  slide 
and  pushing  it  in  again. 

The  accompanying  engraving  (No.  2)  from  the 
Utrecht  psalter  represents  an  organ  of  the  Sth 
century  ;  a  better  and  larger  instrument  is  repre- 
sented in  an  Anglo-Saxon  MS.  now  in  the  Library 
of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge,  and  is  engraved 


»  The  earliest  known  representation  of  this  instrument 
seems  to  be  that  on  the  south  bas-relief  of  the  podostal  of 
the  obelisk  of  Thothmes,  still  standinR  in  the  Atmeidan 
or  Hippodrome  of  Constantinople.  It  dates  from  A.n. 
380.     See  Tcxicr  and  Pullan,  Byzantine  Architecture., 

J  8  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

p.  5    J,  o 


1626 


OKIENS 


the  synemmenon  and  diernymenon  tetrachords. 
The  other  has  ten  pipes,  which  might  be 
imagined  to  be — • 


If  this  be  true,  the  bass  pipes  had  got  placed  at 
the  performer's  left  hand,  as  we  hare  got  them 
now.  It  is  not  at  all  evident  how  these  men 
were  conceived  as  playing ;  they  are  placed 
behind  the  organ,  and  of  course  the  slides  they 
had  to  manipulate  are  out  of  sight ;  possibly 
the  artist  may  be  representing  them  as  about  to 
commence,  and  giving  directions  to  their  four 
bellows-blowers  to  give  them  plenty  of  wind  to 
start  with.  [J.  R.  L.] 

OEIENS,  bishop  of  Auscium,  commemorated 
May  1.  (Usuard.  Mart.)  ;  Omentius  (Hieron. 
Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mai.  i.  61.)  [C.  H.] 

ORIENTATION.  A  term  applied  to  the 
situation  of  churches,  with  the  sanctuary,  or  part 
containing  the  altar,  towards  the  east. 

One  of  the  earliest  traces  of  orientation  is  found 
in  the  AjMstoUc  Constitutions  (ii.  57),  "  And  first 
let  the  house  be  oblong,  turned  towards  the 
east,  the  pastophoria  on  either  side  towards 
the  east."  It  is  asserted,  indeed,  by  ilabillon  (de 
Liturgia  GaUicana,  i.  8),  when  speaking  of  the 
ancient  churches,  that  "  they  all  used  to  end  in 
an  apsis  or  bow,  and  used  to  look  towards  the 
east."  This  statement,  however,  needs  some 
qualification.  For  the  church  of  Antioch  is 
described  by  Socrates  {Hist.  Eccl.  lib.  v.  cap.  22), 
who  says  that  "  it  had  its  position  inverted  ;  for 
its  altar  looks  not  towards  the  East,  but  towards 
the  West."  Paulinus  speaks  of  the  orientation 
of  a  church,  not  as  the  universal  or  obligatory 
usage,  but  only  as  "  morem  usitatiorem."  On 
the  whole,  it  appears  that  the  eastern  position 
of  the  altar  was  the  rule,  but  that  there  were 
exceptions  to  it  from  very  early  times.  For  the 
origin  of  this  usage,  see  East,  p.  586. 

In  the  attempt  to  form  an  opinion  upon  the 
subject  we  must  not  lose  sight  of  the  fact  that 
others  besides  Christians  have  had  a  rule  of  the 
kind.  There  is  an  elaborate  discussion  of  the 
point  in  the  Lexicon  Universale  of  Hofmann 
(s.  V.  Occidens).  He  shews,  upon  the  authority 
of  Josephus,  that  both  in  the  tabernacle  and 
in  the  temple  the  arrangements  of  the  struc- 
ture were  such  as  to  cause  the  Jewish  wor- 
shippers to  face,  not  towards  the  east,  but  to- 
wards the  west,  in  the  functions  of  religion. 
Maimonidcs  {On  Prayer,  cap.  xi.  1,  2)  traces  the 
usage  to  a  still  higher  antiquity,  finding 
evidence  in  Scripture  itself  that  such  was  the 
position  adopted  by  Abraham  upon  Mount 
Moriah — a  position  which  amongst  the  Jews 
was  not  confined  to  tabernacle  and  temple,  but 
extended  likewise  to  synagogue  and  prayer- 
house.  He  adds  a  reason  of  the  usage — that 
inasmuch  as  the  gentile  heathen  faced  toward 
the  east,  it  was  proper  that  the  people  of  God 
should  adopt  the  opposite  position.  Under  this 
head  the  following  passage  from  a  vision  of 
Ezekiel  is  relevant :  "  And  he  brought  me  into 
the  inner  court  of  the  Lord's  house,  and,  behold, 
at  the  door  of  the  temple  of  the  Lord,  between 
the   porch  and  the  altar,  were  about  five  and 


ORLEANS,  COUNCILS  OF 

twenty  men,  with  their  backs  toward  the 
temple  of  the  Lord  and  their  faces  toward  the 
east ;  and  they  worshipped  the  sun  toward  the 
east  "  (Ezek.  viii.  16).  There  is  some  difficulty 
in  harmonizing  the  statements  of  Vitruvius  and 
other  pagan  writers  of  authority  as  to  the 
orientation  of  the  altar,  the  sacred  image,  and 
the  worshipper  in  the  temples  of  the  heathen. 
But  the  following  passage  of  Clement  of  Alex- 
andria may  perhaps  be  taken  as  giving  a  clear 
and  accurate  account  of  their  usage  :  "  The  most 
ancient  temples  (of  the  pagans)  looked  towards 
the  west  (i.e.  had  their  entrance  towards  the 
west),  that  those  who  stood  with  their  face  to- 
wards the  image  might  be  taught  to  turn  towards 
the  east "  {Strom,  vii.  7,  §  43).  Hence  the 
practice  of  orientating  a  church  may  be,  in  its 
origin,  one  of  those  many  customs  which  Chris- 
tianity found  current  in  the  pagan  world,  and 
which  by  a  wise  economy  it  took  up  and  turned 
to  its  own  purpose.  A  long  discourse  on  the 
entire  subject  will  be  found  by  those  who  wish 
to  pursue  it  farther  in  the  Annals  of  cardinal 
Baronius  {Ann.  58,  c.  105).  [H.  T.  A.] 

ORION,  martyr,  commemorated  at  Alex- 
andria, Aug.  16.  (Wright's  Ant.  Syr.  Mart,  in 
Journ.  Sac.  Lit.  1866,  428  ;  Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  iii.  289.)  [C.  H.] 

ORLEANS,  COUNCILS  OF  (Aurelia- 
NENSiA  Concilia).  (1)  a.d.  511,  by  order  of 
Clovis ;  on  the  tenth  day  of  the  fifth  month 
according  to  some  MSS.  which  the  rest  make 
July  (shewing  that  the  Galilean  year  began 
then  in  March),  as  the  authors  of  L'Art 
de  verif.  les  Dates  observe,  presided  over  by 
Cyprian,  metropolitan  of  Bordeaux,  who  sub- 
scribed first,  with  thirty-one  bishops,  all  of  whose 
sees  are  given,  after  him,  the  bishop  of  Orleans 
as  low  down  as  last  but  two.  The  Isidoriau 
collection,  however,  may  be  thought  to  discredit 
this  order.  The  number  of  canons  passed  was 
likewise  thirty-one  ;  "  dont  quelques  uns,"  say 
the  same  authorities,  "  entreprennent  sur  la 
jurisdiction  civile.  Tel  est  le  quatrieme  qui 
ordonne  que  les  fils,  les  petits-fils,  et  les  arrifere- 
petits-fils  de  ceux  qui  ont  vecu  dans  la  cldri- 
cature,  demeureront  sous  le  pouvoir  et  la. 
jurisdiction  de  I'dveque.  Les  peres  de  I'assem- 
blee  dans  le  cinquieme  reconnaissent  que  toutes 
les  eglises  tiennent  du  Eoi  les  fonds  dont  elles 
sont  dotees  ;  c'est  la,  si  Ton  croit  un  moderne,  le 
fondement  de  la  Eegale.  On  ne  pouvait  gufere 
la  tirer  de  plus  loin."  In  the  earlier  part  of 
the  fourth,  which  they  inadvertently  call  the 
sixth  canon,  it  is  ordained  that  no  secular  person 
shall  be  taken  for  any  clerical  office,  except  by 
command  of  the  king  or  with  consent  of  the 
judge.  Of  the  rest,  the  first  three  prescribe 
rules  for  difterent  persons  who  have  taken 
sanctuary.  By  the  eighth,  any  bishop  knowingly 
ordaining  a  slave  unknown  to  his  master  is 
mulcted  to  his  master  of  twice  his  price.  By 
the  ninth,  a  deacon  or  presbyter  committiug  a 
capital  crime,  is  to  be  removed  from  his  office  and 
from  communion.  By  the  sixteenth,  bishops  are 
bound  to  relieve  the  poor,  sick,  and  disabled,  to 
the  utmost  of  their  power.  By  the  eighteenth, 
no  brother  may  marry  the  widow  of  his  deceased 
brother.  By  the  nineteenth,  monks  are  to  obey 
their  abbat,  and  abbats  the  bishops.  The  twenty- 
si-xth    says:    "cum    ad    celebrandas 


OKLEANS,  COUNCILS  OF 

Dei  nomine  conyenitur,  populus  non  ante  discedat 
quam  missao  solennitas  compleatur;  et,  ubi 
episcopus  fuerit,  benedictionem  accipiat  sacer- 
dotis."  The  twenty-seventh :  "  rogationes,  id 
est,  litanias  ante  ascensionem  Domini  ab  omnibus 
ecclesiis  placuit  celebrari ;  ita  ut  praemissum 
triduanum  jejunium  in  Dominicae  asceosionis 
festivitate  solvatur."  .  .  The  last :  "  episcopus, 
si  infirmitate  non  fuerit  impeditus,  ecclesiae  cui 
lirosimus  fuerit  die  Domiuico  deesse  non  liceat." 
A  short  letter  from  these  bishops  to  the  king  is 
preserved,  begging  him  to  confirm  what  they 
had  decreed,  if  it  mgt  with  his  approval.  JIany 
more  canons  are  given  to  this  council  by  Bur- 
chard  and  others.     (Mansi,  viii.  347-72.) 

(2)  A.D.  533,  or  536  according  to  Mansi,  June 
23;  by  order  of  the  kings  of  France,  when 
twenty-one  canons  on  discipline  were  passed,  to 
which  Honoratus,  bishop  of  Bourges,  subscribed 
first,  Leontius,  bishop  of  Orleans,  second,  with 
twenty-four  bishops  and  five  representatives  of 
absent  bishops  after  them.  As  regards  their 
matter,  the  seven  first  relate  to  bishops,  metro- 
politans, and  councils ;  the  eighth  and  ninth  to 
deacons  and  presbyters ;  the  tenth  and  eleventh 
to  marriage.  By  the  thirteenth,  abbats,  guar- 
dians of  shrines  (martyrarii),  recluses,  and 
presbyters,  are  inhibited  from  giving  letters  of 
peace  (epistolia :  which  is,  however,  the  correc- 
tion of  Du  Cange,  for  apostolia,  which  he  cannot 
explain).  "  Presbyter,  vel  diaconus  sine  literis," 
cays  the  sixteenth,  "  vel  si  baptizandi  ordinem 
uesciat,  nullatenus  ordinetur."  The  seventeenth 
and  eighteenth  are  directed  against  deaconesses, 
of  whom  no  more  are  to  be  ordained.  By  the 
nineteenth,  Jews  and  Christians  may  not  inter- 
marry. By  the  twentieth,  Catholics  who  go 
back  to  idolatry,  or  partake  of  meats  offered  to 
idols,  are  to  be  excluded  from  church-assemblies. 
By  the  twenty-first,  abbats  refusing  to  obey 
bishops  are  to  be  excluded  from  communion. 
This  council  is  not  given  in  the  Isidorian  col- 
lection.    (Mansi,  viii.  835-40.) 

(3)  A.D.  538,  May  7,  the  preface  to  which 
seems  hardly  consistent  with  so  short  an  interval 
between  this  and  the  last  council ;  and  this,  on 
the  other  hand,  is  given  in  the  Isidorian  collec- 
tion. It  was  attended  by  nineteen  bishops,  of 
whom  the  metropolitan  of  Lyons  subscribed 
first,  and  the  bishop  of  Orleans  last,  and  by  the 
representatives  of  seven  absent  bishops.  Thirty- 
three  canons  on  discipline  were  passed,  most  of 
them  testifying  to  a  general  neglect  of  the  canons 
from  the  metropolitan  downwards,  and  some  of 
them  not  easy  to  understand.  [Communion, 
Holy,  p.  419.]  The  thirtieth  forbids  Jews  to 
mix  with  Christians  from  Maundy  Thursday 
till  Easter  Monday.  The  thirty-first  threatens 
the  civil  judge  with  excommunication  who 
permits  heretics  to  rebaptize  Catholics  with 
impunity,  because,  say  the  bishops,  "It  is  cer- 
tain that  we  have  Catholic  kings."  (Mansi,  ix. 
9-22.)  ^ 

(4)  A.D.  541,  when  the  metropolitan  of  Bor- 
deaux presided  and  subscribed  first  of  thirty- 
eight  bishops,  the  last  being  the  bishop  of 
Orleans,  and  the  twelve  following  him  the 
representatives  of  absent  bishops.  Thirty-eight 
canons  were  passed  ;  but  it  is  to  be  observed 
that  neither  this  nor  the  next  council  is  included 
in  the  Isidorian  collection.  The  first  and 
second   canons   relate   to  Easter.     The  fifteenth 


ORPHANAGE 


1527 


and  sixteenth  shew  that  paganism  was  not 
yet  extinct  in  France ;  the  sevente«nth  that 
there  were  priests  and  deacons  who  were  married 
men,  though  it  prohibits  their  living  as  such  ; 
the  twentieth  decrees  :  "  Ut  nullus  saecularium 
personarum,  praetermisso  pontifice,  seu  prae- 
posito  ecclesiae,  quemquam  clericorum  pro  sua 
potestate  constringere,  discutere  audeat,  vel 
damnare  .  .  ."  The  twenty-seventh  renews  the 
tenth  canon  of  the  preceding  council  of  Orleans 
"  three  years  before,"  and  likewiso  the  thirtieth 
of  that  of  Epaune  A.D.  517,  against  incestuous 
marriages.     (Mansi,  ix.  111-22). 

(5)  A.D.  549,  Oct.  28,  convened  by  king 
Childebert,  when,  according  to  some  manuscripts, 
the  bishop  of  Lyons,  according  to  others,  the 
bishop  of  Aries  subscribed  first,  and  the  other 
second  ;  forty-eight  more  bishops  and  twenty- 
one  representatives  of  absent  bishops  complete 
the  list ;  but  the  bishop  of  Orleans  was 
not  among  them,  having  been  unjustly  ban- 
ished, though  he  was  restored  here.  Twenty- 
four  canons  were  passed,  the  first  of  which  is 
somewhat  after  date,  directed  against  the  fol- 
lowers of  Eutyches  and  Nestorius.  The  second 
ordains,  "  Ut  nullus  sacerdotum  quemquam 
rectae  fidei  hominem  pro  parvis  et  levibus  can  sis 
a  commuuione  suspendat  .  .  .";  the  ninth, 
"  Nullus  ex  laicis  absque  anni  conversione  prae- 
missa  episcopus  ordinetur.  .  .",  and  the  twelfth, 
"  Nulli  viventi  episcopo  alius  superpouatur  aut 
superordinetur  episcopus  ;  nisi  forsitan  in  ejus 
locum,  quem  capitalis  culpa  dejecerit."  The 
fifteenth  relates  to  a  hosjjice  (xenodochium) 
founded  at  Lyons  by  the  king  and  his  consort 
(Mansi.   ix.   127-40). 

(6)  A.D.  638,  "  ou  environ,"  say  the  authors  of 
L'Art  de  verif.  les  Dates,  but  it  is  variously  fixed, 
and  the  sole  authority  for  it  is  a  vague  statement 
by  Audoenus,  archbishop  of  Rouen,  in  his  Life  of 
St.  Eligius,  to  the  effect  that  an  un-named  heretic 
was  confuted  in  a  meeting  of  bishops  at  Orleans, 
due  to  the  exertions  of  that  saint  previously 
to  his  being  made  bishop.  It  can  hardly  pass, 
therefore,  for  a  sixth  council.  (Mansi,  x.  759-62.) 

[E.  S.  Ff.] 
OENATURA.  A  kind  of  fringe  going  round 
the  edge  of  a  robe,  sometimes  woven  of  gold 
thread  and  sewn  on.  It  is  mentioned  by  Caesarius 
of  Aries,  among  the  things  which  he  forbids  to 
be  introduced  into  convents,  "  plumaria  et 
acupictura  et  omne  polymitum  vel  stragula,  sive 
ornaturae  "  {Beg.  ad  Virg.  c.  42  ;  Patrol  Ixvii. 
1116  ;  cf.  Recap,  c.  11,  *.  1118).  See  Ducange, 
Glossarium,  s.  v.  [R.  S.] 

OEONTIUS,  martyr  with  Vinceutius  and 
Victor,  at  Embrun ;  commemorated  June  22. 
(Usuard.  Mart.)  [C.  H.] 

ORPHANAGE  (6p(pavoTpo(pe7oi',  orpJiano- 
trophium).  From  the  very  first  the  duty  of 
assisting  the  orphan,  among  the  other  classes  of 
destitute  and  helpless  persons,  was  recognised  as 
incumbent  on  the  Christian.  St.  Ignatius  ^Ep. 
ad.  Smyrn.  cap.  vi.)  mentions  it  as  one  of  the 
marks  of  the  heterodox  that  "  they  care  not  for 
the  widow,  the  orphan,  or  the  distressed." 
Again  and  again  in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions 
exhortations  are  given  concerning  them  to  the 
bishop  to  protect  them,  to  individual  Christians 
to  remember  them  in  their  charity  and,  if  pes- 


1528 


OETIIRON 


sible,  to  adopt  tliem.  The  way  in  whicli  they 
are  enumerated  in  the  Clementine  Liturgy  in  the 
Deacon's  Litany,  along  with  "  Readers,  singers, 
virgins  and  widows,"  suggests  that  perhaps  there 
may  have  been  some  sort  of  formal  "  church  roll  " 
kept  of  them,  and  it  is  obvious  that  so  long  as 
the  church  was  a  proscribed  and  persecuted  reli- 
gious body,  her  provision  for  them  could  not 
have  gone  beyond  some  such  institution  as  this. 
With  the  time  of  Constantine  came  endowments 
for  this  and  similar  purposes,  which  he  formally 
permitted,  and  himself  set  the  example  of  giving. 
(Euseb.  //.  E.  s.  6,  and  Vit.  Const,  iv.  28).  It 
was  looked  upon  as  a  fitting  duty  for  a  cleric  to 
undertake  the  guardianship  of  orphans,  and  in 
managing  their  affairs  even  to  mingle  in  secular 
business  {Cone.  Chalccd.  c.  3).  Clerics  seem 
commonly  to  have  been  at  the  head  of  orphan- 
ages and  hospitals  (Zonaras  in  can.  8,  Cone.  Ghal- 
ced.).  At  Constantinople  the  orphanotrophus, 
who  was  necessarily  a  priest,  and  who  was  a 
public  guardian  of  the  orphans,  was  an  official  of 
high  rank.     [Hospitals.] 

By  a  Prankish  capitulary  (^Conc.  Germ.  ii.  29) 
immunities  are  granted  to  orphanages  expressly, 
along  with  other  charitable  foundations  ;  shewing 
that  by  the  beginning  of  the  9th  century  such 
institutions  were  widely  recognised. 

Both  at  Rome  and  Constantinople  orphans 
from  the  orphanage  were  employed  as  choristers  ; 
so  that  in  some  Greek  rituals  (see  Goar,  p.  359) 
the  word  up(pavot  is  used  for  ''  choir-boys,"  and 
at  Rome  (see  Anast.  Biblioth.  mi  Vita  Scrgii  IT.) 
the  orphanotrophiura  came  to  be  used  as  the 
Schola  Cantorum.  [C.  E.  H.] 

ORTHEON.    [HocRS  of  Prayer,  p.  794.] 

ORUS  (?),  bishop,  martyr,  commemorated 
Sept.  14,  with  the  presbyter  Serapion.  (Wright's 
Ant.  Sijr.  Mart,  in  Journal  of  Sac.  Lit.  1866, 
429.)  [C.  H.] 

OSCENSE  CONCILIUM.   [Huesca,  Coux- 

CIL  OF.] 

OSCULATOEIUM.     [Kiss,  p.  903.] 

OSEA  (Hosea),  prophet,  commemorated  with 
Haggai,  July  4.  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Bom. 
Mart.;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jul.  ii.  5);  Oct.  17 
(Basil.  Menol.)  ;  Feb.  21  (Cal.  Ethiop.)    [C.  H.] 

OSTIANUS,  presbyter  and  confessor  in 
Yivarois ;  commemorated  June  30.  (Usuard. 
Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jun.  v.  378.)        [C.  H.] 

OSTIAKIUS  (flupoipbs,  TrvXoophs,  oariapios). 
It  is  argued  by  Bingham  (Antiq.  iii.  6)  that  the 
order  of  ostiarii  was  introduced  at  Rome  in  a  time 
of  persecution,  the  earliest  mention  of  them  being 
in  a  letter  of  Cornelius,  bishop  of  Rome,  in 
the  3rd  century  (Euseb.  Hist.  vi.  43).  The  order 
has  been  laid  aside  in  the  Greek  church  from 
the  time  of  the  Trullan  council  (a.d.  692).  But 
whatever  may  have  been  the  date  of  the  intro- 
duction of  the  ostiarius  as  a  functionary  of  the 
church,  the  word  was  certainly  used  in  a  very 
similar  sense  in  pagan  times.  For  not  only  was 
there  an  ostiarius  (the  modern  concierge)  at 
the  entrance  of  a  private  house  under  the  Roman 
empire  ;  but  while  the  basilica  was  still  a  court 
of  justice  it  had  an  officer  (ostiarius)  whose 
duty  it  was  to   regulate  the  approach  of  the 


OSTIAEIUS 

litigants  to  the  judge,  and  whose  nanif-  still 
survives  in  the  French  term  huissicr,  and  the 
English  usher,  applied  to  officials  who  are  charged 
with  similar  duties.  (See  Hofmann,  Lex  Vniv. 
s.  V.)    [Compare  Doorkeeper.] 

The  definition  of  his  duties  given  by  Charle- 
magne (Fragm.  de  Ritih.  Vet.  Eccl.)  is  as  follows  : 
"  Ostiarius  ab  ostio  ecclesiae  dicitur,  quod  ita 
debet  praevidere,  ne  ullo  modo  paganus  ingrc- 
diatur  ecclesiam,  quia  suo  introitu  polluit  earn. 
Debet  ctiam  custodire  ea  quae  intra  ecclesiam 
sunt,  ut  salva  sint."  The  first  diity  then  of  the 
ostiarius  was  to  keep  the  door  of  the  church, 
but  only  that  one  through  which  the  men 
entered.  The  door  through  which  the  women 
passed  was  kept  by  a  deaconess  {Constit.  Aposf. 
ii.  61,  quoted  by  Mede,  0pp.  p.  327).  The 
object  of  this  guardianship  was  to  prevent 
the  entry  of  improper  persons.  Martene  observes 
from  St.  Augustine  that  the  ostiarii  of  the 
Donatists  would  admit  no  one  to  their  churches 
till  they  had  enquired  of  him  to  which  com- 
munion (sc.  orthodox  or  Donatist)  he  belonged 
(de  Eccl.  Bit.  i.  viii.  8,  10).  In  the  ancient 
Roman  church  a  ciistom  prevailed  of  the 
ostiarius  asking  every  one  for  a  certificate  of 
faith  (libellum  fidei)  before  admitting  him  into 
St.  Peter's.  To  the  great  church  of  Constanti- 
nople there  were  attached  no  fewer  than  seventy- 
five  ostiarii  (Suicer,  Thesaurus,  1417). 

In  the  fragment  of  the  letter  of  pope  Cor- 
nelius to  Fabius  of  Antioch,  the  Ostiarii  arc 
spoken  of  with  exorcists  and  lectors  as  amount- 
ing to  fifty-two.  (Migne,  p.  743.) 

The  ostiarii  were  termed  an  ordo,  the  word 
used  of  their  appointment  was  ordinarc ;  and 
this  '•  ordination  "  was  solemnly  performed  by 
the  bishop,  with  a  service  which  appears  to  have 
been  substantially  the  same  in  all  the  ancient 
Rituals  and  Pontificals.  See  Ordination,  III. 
ii.  1,  p.  1510. 

By  the  synod  of  Laodicea  (cent.  4)  the  ostiarii 
were  forbidden,  in  common  with  all  other  clerics, 
to  enter  a  public  house  (can.  24).  From  another 
canon  (22)  of  the  same  council,  it  might  be  in- 
ferred that  the  duties  of  the  ostiarius  \ievQ.  at 
times  performed  by  other  orders.  "  The  minister 
(subdeacon  :  Hefele)  may  not  leave  his  place  at 
the  door."     [Sec  Doorkeepers,  p.  574.] 

[H.  T.  A.] 

OSTIAEIUS  (Monastic),  the  porter  of  the 
monastery  ;  sometimes  called  "janitor,"  or  "  por- 
tarius." 

The  gatekeeper  or  doorkeeper  was  an  im- 
portant personage  in  the  monastery,  entrusted  as 
he  was  with  the  twofold  responsibility  of  keeping 
the  monks  from  going  out,  unless  with  the 
abbat's  permission,  and  of  allowing  strangers  to 
come  in.  Being  thus  the  medium  of  communi- 
cation between  the  monastery  and  the  world  out- 
side, it  was  imperative  that  he  should  be  a  man 
of  trustworthiness  and  discrimination.  The  very 
lowliness,  in  one  sense,  of  the  office  made  it  all 
the  more  honourable  among  those  whose  professed 
aim  and  object  in  life  was  self-abasement  (Rufin. 
Hist.  Monach.  c.  17). 

The  importance  of  keeping  the  members  of  the 
monastery  within  its  walls  was  admitted  gene- 
rally, in  accordance  with  the  old  Benedictine  rule 
that  each  monastery  ought,  if  possible,  to  have- 
its  garden,  mill,  bakery,  supply  of  water,  and 


OSTIARIUS 


necessary  trades  within  its  precincts  (Bened.  ' 
Beg.  c.  QQ).  Only  one  way  of  egress  was  per- 
mitted, or  at  most  two.  Much  depended  on  the 
porter  being  discreet  (Bened.  Reg.  c.  66).  He  was 
to  be  a  man  not  only  advanced  in  years  but  grave 
and  sedate  in  character,  dead  to  the  world  ;  with 
a  younger  and  more  nimble  monk  to  carry  mes- 
sages for  him  if  necessary  {lb.).  By  the  rule  of 
Magister  there  were  to  be  two  porters,  both  aged 
men,  one  to  relieve  the  other  {Reg.  Mag.  c.  xcv.). 
In  the  Thebaid  in  such  esteem  was  the  office  held 
that  the  porter  was  to  be  a  presbyter  (Pallad. 
Hist.  Laus.  c.  Ixxi.).  Sometimes,  in  earlier  days, 
when  visitors  were  not  so  numerous,  the  poi'ter 
had  also  the  superintendence  of  the  guest-cham- 
ber (hospitium)  and  of  the  outer  cloisters,  as 
well  as  of  the  abbat's  kitchen.  (Martene,  Reg. 
Ben.  Comm.  c.  66.) 

Sometimes,  indeed,  the  porter  was  promoted 
to  be  abbat  (Martene,  ic.  s.).  Benedict  gives  an 
especial  emphasis  to  the  chapter  in  his  rule  ("  De 
Ostiario"),  by  ordering  it  to  be  read  aloud 
repeatedly,  that  ignorance  might  never  be 
pleaded  for  its  infraction. 

The  porter's  cell  was  to  be  close  to  the  gate- 
way {11}.).  He  was  to  inspect  all  comers  through 
a  small  barred  window  or  grating  in  the  door, 
bidding  those  whom  he  thought  worthy  to  wait 
Avithin  the  door,  and  the  rest  without,  till  he 
could  learn  the  abbat's  pleasure.  Every  night 
at  the  hour  of  compline  he  was  to  take  his 
keys  to  the  abbat  or  prior.  When  called  away 
to  chapel,  to  refectory,  or  to  lection,  he  was 
to  leave  the  gate  locked,  neither  ingress  nor 
egress  being  allowed  at  those  times.  It  was  part 
of  his  duty  to  distribute  the  broken  meat  and 
other  scraps  of  food  after  meals  to  the  mendi- 
cants waiting  outside  the  door,  and  to  see  that 
the  horses,  dogs,  &c.,  of  strangers  were  duly 
attended  to.  (lb.) 

Benedict  speaks  of  visitors  knocking^  at 
the  door  or  crying  out  to  be  let  in.  Some 
commentators  have  imagined  that  he  speaks 
severally  of  the  rich  and  the  poor  (lb.). 
His  direction  that  the  porter  is  to  reply  "  Deo 
Gratias,"  or  "  Benedic,"  has  been  similarly  ex- 
plained as  meant  for  these  two  classes  re- 
spectively. Another  reading  is  "Benedicat." 
"  Benedic  "  or  "  Benedicat  "  is  supposed  to  be  in- 
tended for  a  priest-porter,  "  Deo  Gratias  "  for  a 
layman ;  or  the  latter  to  be  used  on  first  hearing 
the  knock  or  cry,  the  former  on  accosting  the 
applicant  {lb.  ;  cf.  Augustin.  Etiarmt.  in  Pss. 
cxxxii.).  Anyhow,  this  curious  trait  of  monastic 
manners  recalls  the  primitive  salutation  of  Boaz 
and  his  reapers  in  the  story  of  Ruth  in  the  Old 
Testament.  The  words  were  to  be  spoken  gently, 
reverently,  aifectionately. 

It  was  one  of  the  laxities  of  later  ages  that  this 
important  office  was  not  unfrequently  delegated 
to  a  lay-brother,  technically  styled  a  "  conversus," 
or  sometimes  to  a  mere  layman.  Even  so  strict 
an  order  as  the  Cistercians  allowed  one  of  tlie 
two  porters  in  their  larger  abbeys  to  be  a  lay- 
brother.     (Martene,  u.  s.) 

There  was  an  official  in  nunneries  whose  duties 
corresponded  very  closely  with  those  of  the 
"ostiarius."  It  was  specially  enacted  in  the 
anonymous  Kule,  ascribed  by  some  to  Columba, 
that  the  "  ostiaria "  or  porteress  should  be  not 
only  aged  and  discreet,  but  not  given  to  gos- 
sippiug.     {Reg.  Cujusdam,  c.  iii.)         [I.  G.  S.] 


PADERBORX,  COUNCILS  OF    1529 

OSWALD,  king  of  Northumbria,  martyr ; 
commemorated  Aug.  5.  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Aug.  ii.  83.)  [C.  H.] 

OTHONE  {6e6vri).     [Stole.] 


PACHOMIUS  (1),  martyr  with  Papyrinus  ; 
commemorated  Jan.  13.  {Cal.  Bijzant. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  767.)  [C.  H.] 

(2)  Commemorated  May  9.     {Cal.  Ethiop.) 
[C.  H.] 

(3)  The  Great,  abbat  in  Egypt;  commemo- 
rated May  14  (Usuard.,  Wand.,  Bed.  Mart.  ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Mai.  iii.  295);  May  15  {Gal.  Byzant. , 
Daniel.  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  259).  Pachomius  is 
briefly  mentioned  in  Basil.  Mcnol.  May  6  as 
founder  of  the  solitary  life.  Some  Greek  MSS. 
of  Turin  and  Jlilan  mention  a  Pachomius  under 
May  6  with  Hilarion,  Mamas,  and  Patricius. 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mai.  ii.  104.)  [C.  H.] 

(4)  Bishop,  commemorated  with  bishop  Bartho- 
lomew, Dec.  7.     {Cal.  Ethiop.)  [C.  H.] 

PACIANUS,  bishop  of  Barcelona,  commemo- 
rated Mar.  9.  (  Vet.  Rom.  Mart.  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Mart.  ii.  4.)  [C  H.] 

PACIFICAE.  (1)  The  name  by  which  the 
missal  Litany  [p.  1001]  was  anciently  known 
in  the  West,  as  containing  prayers  for  peace 
(Neale,  Eastern  Ch.  Int.  p.  360).  Comp.  Preces. 
(2)  "  Letters  of  peace "  {elpTjviKal  iiriaroKau 
epistolae  pacificae).  The  council  of  Chalcedon 
(c.  xi.)  ordered  that  those  who  were  poor  and 
needed  assistance  should  travel  with  certificates 
founded  on  investigation,  or  with  letters  of  peace 
from  the  church  (^era  SoKinacrias  iiriffroXlots 
elrow  elprjviKois  iKK\7](na<jTiKo7s  fiovois).  The 
context  seems  to  indicate  that  this  canon  refers 
to  the  clergy.  Similarly  the  council  of  Antioch 
(c.  vii.)  desires  that  no  one  should  entertain 
strangers  without  letters  of  peace  {eiprjviKoov). 
Zonaras,  commenting  on  the  11th  canon  of 
Chalcedon,  says  (p.  104)  that  eipTiviKol  iivKTToKa). 
are  those  which  are  given  to  bishops  by  their 
metropolitans,  and  to  metropolitans  by  their 
patriarchs,  when  they  have  occasion  to  go  to  the 
court  of  the  emperor-,  and  also  those  which  are 
given  by  their  own  bishops  to  clerics  who  wish 
to  remove  to  another  city  and  to  be  entered  on 
the  roll  of  the  clergy  there,  in  accordance  with 
the  17th  canon  of  the  TruUan  council.  The 
term  used  in  this  canon  is,  however,  k-KoKvTiKoi, 
dimissory.  See  COMMENDATORY  Letters  ;  Dimis- 
SORY  Letters.  (Suicer's  Thesaurus,  s.v.  EiprjviKd.) 

[C] 
PACRATUS.    [Pancratius.] 

PADEEBORN,  COUNCILS  OF  (1),  a.d. 

777,  or  the  ninth  year  of  king  Charles,  when 
nvimbers  of  the  conquered  Saxons  were  baptized, 
pledging  themselves  to  remain  true  to  their  pro- 
fession. Three  Saracen  princes  arrived  likewise 
from  Spain  to  make  their  submission.  (Mansi, 
xii.  889-892,  and  Hartzheim,  Cone.  Germ.  i.  238.) 
(2)  Or  Lipstadt  {Lippiensc  Concilium),  A.d. 
780,  when  the  Saxon  churches 


ed    their 


1530 


PADUINUS 


organisation,  and  the  sees  of  Minden,  Halbersted, 
Ferden,  Munster  and  Paderborn  itself  were 
founded.     (Hartzheim,  ih.  243.) 

(3)  A.D.  782,  on  the  same  matters  :  but  of 
which  no  records  exist.     (Hartzheim,  ib.  245.) 

(4)  A.D.  785,  attended  by  all  the  bishops  of 
the  newly  made  sees ;  when  the  Saxon  laws 
in  their  amended  form  were  sanctioned. 
(Hartzheim,  ib.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

PADUINUS,    abbat    of  Le    Mans,  cir.  A.D. 

590  ;  commemorated  Nov.  15.    (Mabill.  Ada  SS. 

0.  S.  B.  saec.  i.  256,  ed.  1733,  from  a  MS.  of  the 

church  of  St.  Paduin  in  the  diocese  of  Le  Mans.) 

[C.  H.] 

PAENULA.  1.  Etymolog!j.  —  A\i\io\\g\i  it 
would  seem  that  this  word  is  not  used  at  all  in 
ecclesiastical  Latin'  as  the  name  of  a  Christian 
vestment,  still  the  corresponding  Greek  word, 
variously  spelt,  is  the  recognised  name  in  the 
Greek  church  for  the  vestment  known  in  the 
west  as  a  chasuble  [Casula],  and  the  same 
thing  is  denoted  in  the  Syrian  churches  by  a 
word  directly  formed  from  the  Greek.  More- 
over, although  the  word  paenula  is  not  used  in 
this  way,  yet  apparently  the  paenula  itself 
resembled  in  shape,  even  if  it  was  not  quite 
identical  with,  the  casula  and  planeta.  We  shall 
therefore  briefly  discuss  in  our  article  the  history 
of  the  Latin  word  itself. 

It  iirst,  however,  becomes  a  question  whether 
the  Latin  word  is  derived  from  the  Greek,  or  the 
Greek  from  the  Latin,  or  whether  both  are  to  be 
referred  for  their  origin  to  a  third  language,  as  the 
Phoenician.  The  absence  of  any  very  satisfactory  I 
derivation  in  either  Greek  or  Latin  would  be, 
as  far  as  it  goes,  in  favour  of  the  third  view, 
were  anything  reasonable  forihcoming.  We  do, 
indeed,  find  in  Hebrew  fl^vB,  for  a  kind  of 
outer  garment  (Talm.  Jer.,  Kelim,  c.  29  ;  cited 
by  Buxtorf,  Lexicon  Chaldaicum,  col.  1742),  but 
this  is  most  probably  merely  a  reproduction  of 
Pallium  ;  and  in  any  case  there  is  no  evidence  to 
justify  us  in  including  it  in  the  list  of  words 
that  passed  from  Phoenician  into  Greek  and 
thence  into  Latin. 

It  has  been  very  commonly  asserted,  with 
reference  to  St.  Paul's  use  of  the  word  in  2  Tim. 
iv.  13,  a  passage  to  which  we  shall  refer  at  length 
presently,  that  it  is  to  be  taken  as  one  of  the 
many  Latin  words  occurring  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment. This  view  seems  to  us  to  be  entirely  un- 
tenable, from  the  fact  that  the  Greek  word  can 
be  traced  back  nearly  to  the  time  of  Alexander 


»  We  find  in  Isidore  of  Seville  {Orig.  six.  24 ;  Patrol. 
Ixxxii.  691),  "  Penula  est  pallium  [here  evidently  a  mere 
general  term  for  an  outer  garment,  like  t|u.aTtoi']  cum 
fimbrils  longis ; "  but  here  the  word  is  of  course  not  used 
by  him  as  an  ecclesiastical  term,  but  merely  in  its  ordinary 
sense.  Also  in  an  old  Latin  version  of  the  letter  of  the 
Patriarch  Nicephorus  cited  below,  which  is  given  by 
Baronius  (Annales,  ad  ann.  811),  we  find  (^atvoAiov  ren- 
dered by  penula.  The  translator  (probably  Anastasius 
Bibliothecarius)  was  doubtless  influenced  by  the  simi- 
larity of  the  word,  but  the  instance  cannot  be  supposed 
to  afford  the  least  support  to  the  belief  that  i'he  paenula 
was  the  name  of  an  ecclesiastical  vestment  in  the  AVest- 
ern  Church.  Binterim  {Denkw.  iv.  1.  208)  remarlis  that 
'the  planeta  vi'as  also  called  paenula  by  the  ancients," 
but  be  gives  no  evidence  for  this  assertion,  and  it  does 
not  seem  very  likely  that  jiny  is  adducible. 


PAENULA 

the  Great,  a  period  at  which  it  cannot  be  fancied 
that  Greek  adopted  any  words  from  Latin.  The 
word  occurs  in  a  fragment  of  the  Iphigenia  in 
Tauris  of  Rhinthon,  a  writer  of  comedies,  or 
rather  burlesque  tragedies,  in  the  time  '  of 
Ptolemy  I.  As  this  seems  the  earliest  adducible 
instance  of  the  use  of  the  word,  we  shall  cite 
the  passage  with  its  context  from  the  Onomas- 
ticoa  of  Julius  Pollux  (vii.  60;  p.  288,  ed. 
Bekker) ;  i]  Se  /u-ai'Siiri  oixoiSv  ti  tijJ  KaAovfitvcp 
(paivoKri  •  riuoov  Se  iarw,  ws  /.(.ri  TrepiepX'^M*^"' 
Kprjras  ^  Xlfpaas,  AtVxi^Aos  ipe7  • 

AL^vpviKrj<;  fj.Lfj.rjiJ.a.  /xav5urj9  ;^tTwr, 

Kal  avrhs  Se  6  (paLv6\T]s  iff-riv  iv  "Pivdoivos 
'IcpLy^veia  rfj  iv  TavpOLS, 

eX^co-  Kttii'ai'  <j>aLv6\av  KairapTLUi. 

It  will  be  observed  that  the  citation  is  in 
Doric  Greek,  Rhinthon  being  a  native  of  either 
Tarentum  or  Syracuse.'' 

The  word  (paivSKri^  continued  to  e.xist  in 
Greek  in  its  ordinary  sense,  quite  apart  from 
Christianity.  It  occurs  in  the  digest  of  Epictetus 
given  by  Arrian  (lib.  iv.  c.  8 ;  vol.  i.  p.  637,  ed. 
Schweighaeuser).  Again,  we  find  in  the  Oneiro- 
critica  of  Artemidorus,  a  work  Avritten  about 
the  time  of  Antoninus  Pius,  that  the  6  Xeyoixevos 
(patvSA-rjs  is  associated  with  the  x'^a/xvs  or 
IxavSvas  as  to  its  significance  in  dreams  (lib.  ii. 
c.  3 ;  p.  135,  ed.  Reifif).  About  the  same  time, 
or  a  little  later,  Athenaeus  uses  the  v,-oYd  : — ol> 
(TV  e!  6  Kal  rhv  Kaivov  koI  ovdewco  iv  XP^'?  yevo- 
fxevov  (paiv6K7)v,  f'iprjTai  yap,  S>  jSeATttrre,  Kal 
6  <l)aiv6Aris,  eiVo!?',  "  Tlai  AetJKe,  56s  jj-Ol  rdv 
'dxpVO'rov  <paiv6K7)v  "  {Deipn.  lib.  iii.  c.  5). 

We  shall  next  cite  from  the  Greek  lexico- 
graphers. Here,  it  will  be  observed,  we  meet 
with  a  diversity  both  in  form  and  meaning  ;  for, 
besides  its  use  for  an  outer  garment,  it  is  also 
stated  to  mean  a  roll  of  parchment,  and  a  case  or 
coffer.  Whether  this  difference  is  to  be  ex- 
plained by  assuming  the  existence  of  two  origin- 
ally distinct  words,  cpaiv6\r]s  and  ^ai\6v7]s,  does 
not  appear,  nor  does  it  matter  for  our  present 
purpose."^  As  far  as  we  are  concerned,  there  can 
be  no  doubt  from  the  spelling  consistently  found 
in  the  above  cited  examples,  and  from  the  un- 
varying form  of  the  Latin,  that  the  original  and 
proper  spelling  of  our  word  is  (paLv6\r}s  ;  the 
other  spelling  being  either  that  of  another  word, 
or  a  mere  metathesis  for  the  former.  It  will  be 
observed  that  the  lexicographers  give  some  sup- 
port to  the  former  hypothesis.  Thus  Hesychius 
gives  (paiASvns'  ij  KTjTdpiov  [leg.  eiArjrapior] 
fie/x^paivov,  ?j  yAooffa6Kofji,ov :  and  cpatv6\a.-  to 
v(paaij.a,  ovtus  [here  probably  the  name  of  Rhin- 
thon has  dropped  out  before  the  citation  from 
him]  exoutra  H-oij'a;' ^aij'dAav.'i  Suidas  gives  three 

•>  Tertullian  asserts  (_Apol.  c.  6)  that  the  Lacedae- 
monians invented  the  paenula,  so  as  to  be  able  to  enjoy 
the  public  games  in  cold  weather.  This  statement, 
though  probably  not  worth  much,  is  interesting  as  con- 
necting with  a  Dorian  people  a  word  which  first  meets 
us  in  a  Dorian  poet. 

■=  Some  have  connected  the  former  with  ^aCvo/jLai  (e.  g. 
Etym.  Magn.  [irapa.  to  ^aivsaeai.  oAoi'],  Salmasius  [note 
in  Spartian.,  i??/ra,  "  translucens  et  perlucida  tunica"!, 
Suidas  s.  v. ;  and  it  may  be  added  that  we  have  <^atvoA.t's 
in  Sappho  [eo-Trepe  navTo.  <#)e'pet5,  ocra  cfiaivoAis  iaxeSaa' 
auu)s]),  deriving  the  latter  from  (^eXAd;. 

d  It  may  be  noted  here,  that  we  find  the  word  m  another 
passage  of  Hesychius :  aju^ii-ajToi/s  ■  xiTwras  v  ^eAAwcas  • 


PAENULA 

forms,  <paiXti>vr]S'  dXi^rhv  rofidptou  fMefiPpdl'vov, 
^  y\ai(T(T6KOfj.ov  f)  x'-'^'^vwv  : — (paiv6\-r]s'  x'''"'^''- 
•iffKOSi  01  Se  iraKatol  icpearpiSa :  and  (pevSx-qs- 
'Pcofia'iKY]  cTToArj.  Similarly,  the  Etymologicum 
Magnum  defines  ^i\6vi]s  in  almost  the  same 
-words  as  the  first  of  the  above  three,  and 
(paw6\i]s  also  as  Suidas  had  done.  It  is  perhaps 
^vorth  noting,  that  while  spellings  in   which  the 

V  precedes  the  A  are  always  defined  in  the  sense 
of  garment,  those  in  which  the  A.  precedes  the 

V  have  either  no  mention  of  garment,  or  have 
it  at  the  end,  as  if  a  subsequent  addition. 
It  is  of  course  quite  possible  to  assume  the 
existence  of  two  originally  distinct  words,  and 
yet  explain  each  as  the  name  of  some  kind  of 
•ganient  (so  Salmasius,  I.  c).  In  any  case,  how- 
ever, the  latter  spelling,  as  well  as  the  former, 
with  various  modifications  of  the  vowels,  occurs 
for  the  Greek  name  of  the  Christian  vestment. 
Again,  passing  this  point,  it  seems  doubtful 
whether  the  word  is  6  <paiv6\ris  or  ?;  (paiv6\rj. 
The  lineof  Rhinthon  makes  it  the  feminine,  and  the 
Latin,  it  is  true,  is  feminine  [but  the  termination 
in  7?s  would  naturally  be  replaced  by  one  in  a, 
which  would  be  feminine,  if  there  were  no  special 
reason  for  making  it  masculine  ;  so,  e.g.  xi^pTTis, 
KoxAias,  yavcrdTras,  all  masculine,  are  replaced 
by  the  feminine  charta,  cochlea,  f/ausapa],  but  our 
later  Greek  citations  make  it  masculine. 
Whether  there  is  a  misreading  in  Rhinthon  for 
Kaiv6v,  which  misreading  has  been  reproduced 
in  Hesychius,  or  whether  the  old  termination 
was  in  17,  and  the  later  one  in  77s,  it  is  impos- 
sible to  say.  As  regards  the  variation  in 
spelling  of  the  first  syllable  between  ai  and  e, 
we  can  hardly  doubt  that  the  e  is  a  >mere  cor- 
ruption, especially  when  the  Latin  spelling  is 
considered,  where,  whether  we  write  the  diph- 
thong ae  or  the  vowel  e,  the  first  syllable  is  uni- 
formly long. 

2.  Use  of  the  word  in  Latin. — We  shall  next, 
before  considering  the  Christian  usage  of  the 
word,  examine  its  use  in  Latin.  Here  we  find  it 
fi-eely  used  from  the  time  of  Plautus  onwards,  to 
indicate  a  warm,  heavy  outer  garment,  for 
travelling  or  cold  weather.  This  covered  the 
whole  person,  having  merely  a  hole  for  the  head  to 
pass  through  ;  and  thus  it  did  not  require  sleeves, 
but  fell  over  the  arms.  The  general  impression 
left  from  a  considerable  series  of  passages  (see 
Forcellini,  s.  v.)  is  that  the  garment  was  one 
which  would  not  be  worn  by  a  person  in  the 
higher  ranks  of  life,  save  under  the  special  cir- 
cumstances given  above,  though  it  would  be 
worn  as  an  ordinary  dress  by  slaves  and  the  like. 
Our  earliest  instance  is  from  Plautus  (^Mostellaria, 
iv.  2.  74),  where  a  slave  is  told  that  it  is  only 
his  paenula  that  saves  his  back  from  a  beating. 
Considering  the  source  whence  Plautus's  come- 
dies were  drawn,  the  fact  that  the  Latin  word  is 
first  traced  to  him  is  not  without  significance. 
Our  next  trace  is  found  in  one  of  the  fragments 
of  the  Satires  of  Lucilius  (lib.  xv.  frag.  6  ;  cited, 
as  also  the  two  following  instances,  by  Nonius 
Marcellus,  xiv.  3).  In  one  of  the  farces  (fabulae 
Atellanae)  of  Pomponius  Bononiensis,  one  cha- 
racter bids  another,  "  paenulam  in  caput  induce, 


PAENULA 


1531 


KpjJTc?  ^e\\u>vr\v  \iyov<ri.  There  is  perhaps  something 
wrong  with  the  text,  but  it  seems  hardly  safe  with 
this  reading  to  conclude  that  (^eXAwfrjs  is  a  Cretan  word. 
Sec  Alberti's  note,  in  loc.,  and  Suicer  s.  v. 


ue  te  noscat,"  referring  presumably  to  the 
hood,  with  which  the  paenula,  like  most  other 
similar  dresses,  was  furnished  [Hood].  Varro 
again  is  cited,  "  non  quaerenda  est  homini,  qui 
habet  virtutem,  paenula  in  imbri." 

In  Cicero  the  word  is  used  several  times.  In 
his  speech  ^ro  Milone  (c.  10;  cf.  c.  20),  he  tells 
how  Milo,  when  on  his  way  from  Rome  in  a  car- 
riage, having  his  wife  with  him,  and  wearing  a 
piaenula  (^paenulatus),  on  being  attacked,  springs 
from  the  carriage  and  casts  aside  his  paenula, 
which  would  only  fetter  his  arms.  In  his  speech 
pro  Sextio  (c.  38),  he  speaks  of  the  paenula  as  a 
garment  worn  by  mule-drivers.  Cicero  also  uses 
the  phrases  scindere  paenulam,  attingere  paenulam 
alicujus,  to  indicate  respectively  over-urgent 
civility,  and  "  taking  a  man  by  the  button-hole  " 
{Epp.  ad  Atticum,  lib.  xiii.  33).  We  have  said 
that  the  paenula  was  a  warm,  heavy  garment, 
and  thus  Horace  (JEpist.  i.  11.  18)  speaks  jokingly 
of  it  as  a  thing  which  no  one  would  dream  of 
wearing  in  hot  weather.  It  was  generally  made 
of  wool  {paenula  gausapina :  Martial,  Epig.  xiv. 
14-5),  but  sometimes  of  leather  {paenula  scortea : « 
i!j.  130).  Martial  (v.  27)  contrasts paenulaf us  with 
togatus,  as  indicating  a  lower  rank  in  society. 
Juvenal  {Sat.  v.  79)  makes  the  parasite,  when 
on  his  way  to  dinner  with  his  patron  on  a  stormy 
night,  complain  of  his  dripping  paenula.  It 
seems  also  to  have  been  used  as  a  soldier's  over- 
coat (Suetonius,  Galba,  c.  6 ;  Tertullian,  de  Cor. 
Mil.  c.  1).  In  travelling,  indeed,  the  paenula 
might  be  made  to  serve  the  purpose  of  a  blanket 
by  night,  as  well  as  a  cloak  by  day  (Seneca,  Epist. 
Isxxvii.  2). 

The  Historiae  Augustae  Scriptores  furnish  us 
with  several  instances  of  an  interesting  kind. 
Spartianus  tells  of  Hadrian  that,  when  tribune, 
he  lost  his  paenula,  which  he  took  as  an  omen 
of  his  future  imperial  dignity,  since  tribunes 
wore  a  paenula  to  keep  off  the  rain,  but  emperors 
never  (c.  3,  where  see  the  notes  of  Salmasius  and 
Casaubon).  Again,  Lampridius  mentions  that 
Commodus  (c.  16),  after  the  death  of  a  certain 
gladiator,  ordered  the  senators '  to  come  to  the 
spectacle,  not  in  the  toga,  which  was  white,  but 
in  ih.Q paenula,vf\\\ch.  was,  as  a  rule,  dark-coloured. 
Lampridius  remarks  that  this  was  "  contra  con- 
suetudinem,"  that  is,  doubtless  the  wearing  of 
the  paenula  was  still  not  common  among  the 
better  classes,  except  under  special  conditions. 
Indeed  of  this  a  further  proof  is  given  by  Lam- 
pridius, in  the  life  of  Alexander  Severus  (c.  27), 
in  that  this  emperor  gave  special  permission  to 
senators  to  wear  the  paenula  in  Rome,  as  a  pro- 
tection against  cold,  but  did  not  extend  this  per- 
mission to  matrons,  who  were  only  allowed  to 
use  it  on  a  journey.  This  need  not  be  assumed 
to  contradict  the  remark  of  Spartianus  given 
above,  for  we  may  suppose  Alexander  to  be  per- 
mitting the  wearing  of  this  dress  as  a  warm 
cloak  at  the  discretion  of  the  wearer,  whereas 
before  it  needed  bad  weather  to  justify  its  use, 
and  was  thought  to  be  a  kind  of  undress,  so  that 
emperors  never  used  it.  Lampridius,  in  his  life 
of  Diadumenus,  the  poor  little  son  of  Macrinus, 


=  Seneca  {Nat.  Quaest.  Iv.  6)  seems  to  distinguish  the 
paenula  from  the  scortea,  but  this  probably  only  implies 
that  wool  was  the  ordinary  material. 

f  It  seems  desirable  to  substitute  senatores  for  spec- 
tatores,  the  reading  of  the  MSS. 


1532 


TAENULA 


who  was  Augustus  before  he  was  ten  years  old, 
tells  (c.  2)  how,  on  the  child's  assumption  of  the 
name  Antoninus,  the  father  had  prepared  for  dis- 
tribution to  the  people  "  paenulas  coloris  rosei  " 
[here  probably  equivalent  to  russei ;  cf  Trebell. 
Vit.  Claudii,  c.  14],  which  were  to  be  called 
Antoninianae. 

We  pass  over  here  a  passage  of  Tertullian,  till 
we  have  spoken  of  the  use  of  the  word  by  St. 
Paul,  and  shall  next  refer  to  a  law  in  the  Theo- 
dosiau  code,  published  in  A.D.  382,  as  to  the 
dress  to  be  worn  by  senators  and  others.  In  this 
senators  are  forbidden  to  assume  the  warlilie 
garb  of  the  chlamus,  but  are  ordered  to  wear  the 
peaceful  dress  of  colobium  and  paenula.  It  is 
added  that  officials  "  per  quos  statuta  complentur 
ac  necessaria  peraguntur "  are  also  to  use  the 
paenula.  Penalties  are  provided  in  case  of  dis- 
obedience {Cod.  Thcodos.  lib.  xiv.  tit.  10,  I.  1, 
where  see  Gothofredus's  note). 
t  3.  Use  of  the  icord  by  St.  Paul — We  must  now 
consider  the  use  of  the  word  by  St.  Paul  (2  Tim. 
iv.  13),  "The  cloke  that  I  left  at  Troas  with 
Carpus,  when  thou  comest,  bring  with  thee,  and 
the  books,  but  especially  the  parchments."  The 
word  here  translated  '•  cloke  "  by  the  E.  V.  is 
found  variously  spelt  in  the  MSS.  as  (peXovns, 
<paiK6u-qs,  (paiXwvns,  and  (pe\uvT)s,  the  first  being 
undoubtedly  the  true  reading.  It  will  be  ob- 
served that  in  all  these  cases  the  \  precedes  the  v. 
The  old  Latin  version  (Sabatier,  in  he. ;  cf.  also 
Tertullian,  de  Orat.  15;  de  Cor.  Mil.  8)  and  the 
Vulgate  render  the  word  by  paenula,  evidently 
thinking  it  the  same  word  ;  but  the  Peshito  trans- 
lates it  by  iLJIijLo  iv.xri  (a  case  for  books).? 
Again,  Chrysostom  {Horn,  in  loc.  ;  vol.  xi.  p.  780, 
ed.  Gaume)  mentions  this  view,  "  by  <piX6vr\s 
here  he  means  the  outer  garment  (IfiaTtov).  But 
some  think  it  means  the  case  (yAuffcroKoixov) 
where  the  books  lay."  Jerome,  too  {Epist.  36 
nd  Bamasum,  §  13,  vol.  i.  167),  says,  "volumen 
Hebraeum  replico,  quod  Paulus  <p€\6v7]v  juxta 
quosdam  vocat."  It  is  impossible,  however,  to 
speak  here  with  any  great  degree  of  certainty. 
The  only  independent  evidence,  apart,  that  is, 
from  this  passage,  for  the  meaning  of  "  case," 
is  apparently  that  of  the  Greek  lexicographers, 
but  possibly  these  have  only  cited  Chr3'sostom. 
Then,  too,  it  may  be  said  that  the  notion  of  the 
"  case  "  may  have  been  suggested  merely  by  the 
contest,  still,  it  might  have  been  thought,  if  the 
word  were  merely  the  name  of  a  well-known 
garment,  it  would  be  a  somewhat  unlikely  mis- 
take for  a  translator  to  make.  Further,  the 
rendering  of  the  Peshito  is  the  more  worthy  of 
notice,  seeing   that   in  ecclesiastical  Syriac  the 

word    "phaino"    (  )  i  tc>  J    has    been    directly 

derived  from  the  Greek  as  the  name  of  the  vest- 
ment. 

If  we  assume  that  the  apostle  is  using  the 
■word  in  the  sense  of  a  garment,  then  increased 
point  will  be  given  to  the  urgent  wish  (v.  21) 
that  Timothy  should  come  before  winter,  the 
aged  apostle  "feeling  the  need  of  extra  warm  pro- 


S  Another  very  important  version,  the  Memphltic.is 
practically  of  no  avail  to  us  here,  inasmuch  as  it  merely 
reproduces  the  Greek  word,  and  there  is  no  independent 
evidence  as  to  the  sense  in  which  it  uses  it. 


PAENULA 

tection  agamst  the  cold.  Here  the  matter  might 
have  been  allowed  to  rest,  as  one  incapable  of 
positive  solution,  seeing  that  there  is  much  to  be 
said  for  either  view,  were  it  not  that  some 
writers  (Cardinal  Bona  \_Ecr.  Liturg.  i.  24-8]  and 
others)  have  gravely  argued  that  the  apostle 
here  desires  Timothy  to  bring  the  chasuble  he 
had  left  behind  him.  We  have  seen  that  there 
is  a  respectable  amount  of  evidence  for  explaining 
the  word  as  not  meaning  a  garment  at  all,  but, 
waiving  this,  positively  the  only  direct  evidence 
for  the  above  theory  is  that  this  word  in  a  modi- 
fied spelling  ((paiyoXiov,  &c.)  is  the  technical 
Greek  word  for  a  chasuble.  Chi-ysostom,  how- 
ever, took  it  for  an  ordinary  outer  garment ;  and 
this  is  significant,  when  taken  in  connexion  with 
the  so-called  Liturgy  of  St.  Chrysostom,  where 
the  word  <pa.iv6\iov  occurs  for  the  ecclesiastical 
vestment,  shewing,  as  it  does,  that  at  the  end  of 
the  4th  century  the  word  had  not  been  restricted 
into  its  special  eucharistic  meaning,  otherwise 
St.  Chrysostom  would  hardly  have  expressed 
himself  as  he  does.  Again,  nearly  two  hundred 
years  before  the  time  of  St.  Chrysostom,  we 
find  Tertullian  shewing  very  distinctly  the  views 
of  his  time  (de  Oratione,  c.  15).  He  has  been 
speaking  of  certain  practices  as  belonging  to 
superstition  rather  than  to  religion,  and  thus 
mentions  that  it  was  the  custom  of  some  to  lay 
aside  their  p)acnula  before  engaging  in  prayer,  as 
the  heathen  did  in  their  idol  temples.  But  for 
this  there  is  no  authority,  "  unless,"  he  adds 
ironically,  "  anyone  thinks  that  Paul,  from  hav- 
ing engaged  in  prayer  at  the  house  of  Carpus, 
had  thus  left  his  paenula  behind  him.  God,  I 
suppose,  does  not  hear  men  clad  in  a  paenula, 
Who  yet  heard  elTectually  the  three  saints  in  the 
furnace  of  the  king  of  Babylon,  as  they  prayed 
in  their  saraharae  and  turbans."  Tertullian  here 
laughs  at  the  idea  of  St.  Paul's  having  taken  off 
his  paenula  to  pray.  The  notion  of  this  garment 
having  been  one  specially  put  on  for  the  eucha- 
ristic service  is  evidently  utterly  foreign  to  the 
sense  of  the  passage.  The  gist  of  Tertullian's 
remark  is  merely,  "  What  a  foolish  notion  it  is 
of  these  people  to  think  it  unseemly  to  go  to 
church  in  a  paenula ! "  He  could  hardly  have 
spoken  in  this  way,  had  he  thought,  or  had 
people  generally  in  his  time  thought,  that  St. 
Paul's  paenula  was  really  a  sacrificial  vestment.'' 
It  may  be  added  here  that  in  a  commentary  on 
the  2nd  Epistle  to  Timothy  appended  to  the 
works  of  Jerome,  but  apparently  spurious,  the 
theory  is  broached  that  this  paenula  was  au 
offering  from  some  convert,  which  was  to  be 
sold  for  the  apostle's  benefit  (Comm.  in  loc.  vol. 
xi.  429).  This  too  is  utterly  foreign  to  any 
notion  of  a  chasuble.  Of  course  the  spuriousness 
or  genuineness  of  this  document  makes  little- 
matter  to  our  present  purpose,  which  is  to  show 
the  general  way  in  which  the  passage  was 
anciently  understood. 

Again,  as  regards  the  identity  of  the  term 
with  the  word  in  later  Greek,  this  of  itself 
will  not  count  for  much,  when  we  consider  of 
how  many  other  vestments  this  might  be  said, 

i>  It  is  amazing  to  find  that  Sala,  the  editor  of  Cardinal 
Bona,  can  gravely  remark  (vol.  ii.  238,  ed.  Turin,  1749), 
"  fuerunt  itaque  TertuUiani  aevo  qui  Pauli  penulam  ora- 
tioiiis  vestem  seu  sacrificalem  putarent."  Comment  on 
such  perversity  is  superfluous. 


PAENULA 

where  yet  the  use  was  certainly  not  iden- 
tical, the  word  casula  itself  being  a  very 
marked  instance ;  and  further,  it  does  not  seem 
that  there  is  a  certain  case  of  the  use  of  the 
term  in  its  technical  sense  before  the  time  of 
Germanus,  patriarch  of  Constantinople  in  the  8th 
century.  In  the  absence  of  direct  evidence  for 
the  early  use  of  the  word  in  its  special  sense,  the 
testimony  derivable  from  liturgies  of  uncertain 
date  cannot,  it  is  evident,  be  allowed  to  count 
for  much.  If,  on  so  feeble  a  case  as  the  above, 
some  are  disposed  to  believe  that  St.  Paul  refers 
to  his  chasuble,  we  must  allow  that  their  credu- 
lity has  been  developed  at  the  expense  of  their 
judgment. 

4.  Ecclesiastical  use  of  the  word. — The  name 
of  the  vestment  appears  in  later  Greek  under 
various  spellings,  (pawoKwv,  <pev6\iov,  <pevw\iov, 
(peKouiov,  (peAdovLOV,  (paiXwviov,  &c.  From  this 
has  been  formed, as  we  have  already  remarked,  the 
ordinary  Syriac  term  for  the  vestment,  phaino. 
[We  may  take  this  opportunity  of  remarking 
that  perhaps  in  Syriac  too,  as  well  as  in  Greek, 
the  word  was  not  strictly  confined  to  its  tech- 
nical ecclesiastical  sense.  We  find  it  in  one  of 
the  poems  of  Ephraem  Syrus,  used  metaphorically 
for  the  body,  our  '  mortal  coil '  wherewith  we  are 
clothed  (Bickell,  S.  Ephraemi  Carmina  Nisihena, 
XXXV.  79).  Here  Hades  is  represented  as  saying 
of  the  Saviour,  "as  at  the  wedding  feast  He 
changed  water  into  wine,  so  has  He  changed  the 


PAENULA 


153S 


(j>tvX::o»   )~L^?) 


into 


garment  of  the  dead 

life."]  In  Sclavonic  the  Greek  word  occurs  as 
phdoiii.  In  the  Arabic  versions  of  the  Coptic 
liturgies  the  name  for  this  vestment  is  generally 
al-bornos,  a  word  familiar  to  us  from  Eastern 
■books  of  travels,  and  perhaps  sometimes  also 
tilsam  (Renaudot,  Liturg.  Orient.  C(Ml.  i.  161, 
162,  ed.  Francof.  1847),  though  the  former 
word  appears  to  be  used  sometimes  in  the  sense 
of  an  alb,  and  the  latter  probably  stands  as  a 
rule  for  something  akin  to  an  amice.  In  the 
Armenian  church  the  eucharistic  vestment  now 
is  to  all  intents  and  purposes  a  cope,  save  that 
it  has  no  hood.  Its  native  name  is  shoochar 
(Fortescue,  Armenian  Church,  p.  134).  The 
Armenians  are  attacked  by  Isaac,  catholicos  of 
Armenia  in  the  12th  century,  in  the  second  of 
two  bitter  invectives,  in  that  they  do  not  use  the 
fpiXdviov,  making  no  distinction  of  vestments  in 
the  Eucharist '  (Orat.  2,  §  25  ;  Patrol.  Gr.  cxxxii. 
1236). 

We  have  previously  remarked  that  there  is 
no  certain  direct  mention  of  the  (pevoXiov  before 
the  time  of  Germanus.  We  do  not  mean  by  this 
that  there  is  no  evidence  for  the  use  of  this 
vestment  in  the  Greek  church  before  that  time, 
for  we  shall  presently  mention  some  art-remains 
which  figure  it  at  a  much  earlier  period,  but 
that  the  literary  notices  are  not  trustworthy.  Dr. 
Neale  (/.  c.)  quotes  in  proof  of  its  i.ntiquity  from 
the  life  of  St.  Marcian,i  priest  and  oeconomus  of 


■  Keale  (^Eastern  Church,  Introd.  p.  309  n.)  seems  to 
imply  that  Isaac  censures  tlie  Armenians  for  having 
changed  the  shape  of  the  eucharistic  vestment  from  what 
we  should  call  a  chasuble  into  what  we  should  call  a 
cope.  Any  one  who  will  look  at  the  passage  itself  will 
see  that  he  finds  fault  with  them  for  not  using  a  eucha- 
ristic vestment  at  all. 

Acta  Sanctorum,  Jan.,  vol.  i.  p.  612. 


the  Great  Church  (Constantinople),  who  is  said 
to  have  lived  in  the  time  of  his  namesake, 
emperor  of  Rome  (ob.  457  A.D.),  but  he  omits  to 
state  that  this  life  is  written  by  Symeon  Meta- 
phrastes  (ob.  after  975  A.D.).  Again,  Theo- 
phylact  Simocatta,  writing  early  in  the  7th 
century,  says  (^Hist.  vii.  6  ;  p.  280,  ed.  Bekker) 
that  after  the  death  of  John,  patriarch  of 
Constantinople,  they  only  found  a*  his  effects 
ffKlfiTToSa  ^vAivov  Kol  (Ticrvpav  e|  ipiov  is  to. 
^aKiara  evreXfi  <paiKtl)vriu  re  aKaWrj.  Con- 
sidering the  context  here,  it  seems  much  more 
likely  that  the  <pai\wvr\s  was  merely  the 
patriarch's  outdoor  cloak.'' 

We  next  refer  to  Germanus  (appointed  patri- 
arch of  Constantinople  in  715  a.d).  He  describes 
(^Hist.  Ecclcs.  et  Mystica  T/ieoria ;  Patrol.  Gr. 
xcviii.  394)  the  ungirdled  phelonion  as  meta- 
phorical of  Christ  bearing  His  cross.  From  a 
remark  a  few  lines  lower  down,  in  which  he 
compares  it  to  the  purple  robe  put  on  our  Lord 
(^ifKpaivei  ttiv  airh  kokkivov  Ttopcpvpav),  we  may 
infer  that  this  was  the  colour  of  the  vestment. 
A  century  later,  Nicephorus  (patriarch  of  Con- 
stantinople, 806-815  A.D.,  when  he  was  deposed), 
when  writing  to  pope  Leo  III.,  sends  as  a  present 
a  pectoral  cross,  a  seamless  white  sticharion,  and 
chestnut-coloured  phenolion  '  (^ffTtx<^P^ov  AevKhv 
Koi  (paivoXwv  KacTTdvov  &pf>a.<f>a),  and  an  cpitra- 
chelion  and  enchirion  {Patrol.  Gr.  c.  200). 

As  regards  early  Eastern  pictures  of  this  dress 
(for  the  West  is  not  now  in  question,  for  there 
the  corresponding  vestment  appears  first  as 
planeta  and  then  as  casula),  we  may  refer  first 
to  mosaics  existing  in  the  vault  of  the  church  of 
St.  George  at  Thessalonica.  These  have  been 
figured  from  coloured  drawings  taken  on  the 
spot,  in  Texier  and  PuUan's  Byzantine  Architec- 
ture (reproduced  in  Marriott's  Vestiarium  Chris- 
tianum,  plates  xviii.-xxi.),  who  give  arguments 
to  show  that  the  church  was  built  by  Constan- 
tine  himself  during  his  first  stay  at  Thessalonica. 
In  the  first  three  of  these,  at  any  rate,  the  figures 
are  clad  in  what  seems  to  be  a  (paiudXris  of  a 
reddish  or  purplish  colour.  One  figure  represents 
Philip,  bishop  and  martyr,  and  another  a  pres- 
byter Romanus,  but  there  are  also,  with  but 
slight  differences  of  garb,  the  well-known 
brother  physicians,  SS.  Cosmas  and  Damian^ 
and  Eucarpion,  soldier  and  martyr.  This  fact  has 
an  important  bearing  on  the  question  of  the 
early  use  of  a  special  eucharistic  vestment  in  the 
East,  if  the  garment  afterwards  specially  used 
was  in  the  4th  century  worn  by  laymen.  Among 
the  surviving  mosaics  of  the  church  of  St. 
Sophia  at  Constantinople  are  some  believed  to 
be  of  the  6th  century  representing  4th  century 
bishops.  These  are  clad  in  white  sticharia  and 
phenolia,  with  omophoria  (Marriott,  p.  Ixxv.). 
As  an  example  of  a  different  type,  we  may  refer 
to  an  illustration  figured  by  Assemani  from  a 
Syriac  MS.  of  the  Gospels  dated  586  a.d.  (Bibl. 
Med.  plate  lii.,  and  cf.  p.  2;  reproduced  by 
Marriott,  plate  xxviii.).  This  represents  Eusebius 
of  Caesarea  and  Ammonius  of  Alexandria,  the 
former   wearing   a   garment   which   may   be  a. 


k  This  too  is  Hefele's  view  (op.  cit.  p.  196). 

I  Hefele  (p.  196)  justly  points  to  this  as  evidence  that 
at  this  time  the  vestments  of  the  Roman  and  Greek 
churches  were  much  more  similar  than  they  afterwards 
became. 


1534 


PAGANISM 


phenolion,  but  whether  we  are  to  view  this  as 
representing  the  every-day  dress  or  the  dress  of 
official  ministration,  there  is  nothing  to  shew. 

The  form  said  on  the  putting  on  of  the 
phenolion  before  celebrating  the  Eucharist  runs, 
in  the  Liturgy  of  St.  Chrysostom,  ol  hpels  ffov, 
Kvp'.e,  ivSvaovrat  SiKaioffvvnv,  Kal  oi  '6cnoi  ffov 
ayaWidmi  ayaWLdaovrai,  irdvTOTe,  vvv  .  .  . 
(Goar,  Euchologion,  p.  60).  The  word  phenolion 
is  also  used  in  the  Greek  church  as  the  name  of 
the  special  vestment  of  a  "  reader,"  who,  on  being 
made  a  sub-deacon,  has  it  replaced  by  the 
sticharion  {ih.  236,  244.)  A  phenolion  was  also 
worn  as  a  special  privilege  by  the  ai-chdeacon  of 
the  clergy  attached  to  the  palace  of  Constanti- 
nople, on  the  Sunday  of  the  Adoration  of  the 
Cross  (see  the  article),  but  only  on  that  one  occa- 
sion (Codinus  Curopalata,  c.  9). 

5.  Literature. — For  the  materials  of  the  fore- 
going article,  we  are  largely  indebted  to  the 
various  lexicons  cited,  especially  Ducange,  Glos- 
sarium  Graecum,  s.  vv. ;  Suicer,  Thesaurus  Eccle- 
siasticus,  and  Forcellini.  The  examples  in  the 
last  are  given  in  chronological  order  by  Marriott 
{Vestiarium  C'hristianum,  App.  C).  Reference 
may  further  be  made  to  Hefele's  learned  and 
temperate  essay,  Die  liturgischen  Geti-iinder,  in 
his  Beitrdgo  zur  Kirchengeschichte,  Archdologie 
und  Liturgik,  vol.  ii.  pp.  195,  sqq.  See  also 
Wolf,  Curae  Philol.  [in  2  Tim.  iv.  131;  Masius, 
Diss,  de  Pallio  Pauli,  Hafniae,  1698  ;  Bartho- 
linus  de  Paenula,  in  Graevius,  Antiq.  Rom.  vi. 
1167,  sqq. ;  Ferrarius  de  Ee  Vesiiaria,  ih.  vi. 
682,  sqq.  [R.  S.] 

PAGANISM  (in  Christian  Art).  In  a 
former  article  [Fresco]  attention  has  been 
called  to  the  intimate  connexion  between  early 
Christian  art  and  that  of  the  pagan  community 
in  which  the  church  arose,  and  from  which  its 
first  members  were  gathered.  It  will  be  un- 
necessary to  repeat  what  has  been  there  said 
of  the  absence  of  any  strict  line  of  demarcation 
between  the  system  of  decoration  adopted  by  the 
adherents  of  the  new  faith,  and  those  to  which 
they  had  been  accustomed  as  members  of  a 
heathen  society,  and  the  rarity  of  anything  in 
their  earliest  pictorial  and  sculptural  repre- 
sentations distinctive  of  the  religion  they  had 
embraced,  which  rendered  primitive  Christian  art 
little  more  than  the  continuation  of  that  which 
they  found  already  existing,  purified  and  elevated 
by  the  influences  of  their  new  faith. 

In  the  same  article  reference  has  been  made 
to  the  manner  in  which  distinctly  mythological 
personages  were  pressed  into  the  service  of  the 
church,  and,  a  new  spirit  being  breathed  into  old 
forms,  objects,  persons,  and  scenes,  to  which  the 
mind  was  familiarised  in  connexion  with  pagan 
myths,  were  made  the  channels  of  conveying  to 
the  initiated  the  higher  truths  of  which  they 
became  the  symbols,  and  "all  that  was  true 
and  beautiful  in  the  old  legends  found  its  ful- 
filment in  Christ,  and  was  but  a  symbol  of 
His  life  and  work." — (Farrar.) 

It  remains  now  briefly  to  shew  how  this 
principle  was  carried  out  in  detail,  and  mytho- 
logical types  and  classical  forms  were  made  the 
exponents  of  Christian  doctrine. 

We  have  at  the  outset  to  distinguish 
between  (1)  that  class  of  subjects  which  con- 
tained   a    fundamental    religious    idea    common 


PAGANISM 

to  Paganism  and  Christianity,  which,  dimly 
shadowed  forth  in  the  one,  received  its  full 
development  in  the  other;  and  (2)  those  in 
which  the  resemblance  is  merely  formal  and 
external,  the  mythological  representations  sup- 
plying a  vehicle  for  Christian  ideas.  To  these 
we  may  add  (3)  the  still  more  abundant  class  in 
which  classical  forms  and  ideas  are  used  simply 
as  ornamental  accessories,  without  any  symbolical 
reference. 

I.  The  first  class  in  which  a  subject  from 
pagan  mythology  is  used  typically  to  depict 
some  Christian  truth  is  a  very  small  one.  The 
deep-seated  foulness  of  the  myths  of  classical 
antiquity,  on  which  the  early  Christian  writers 
were  never  weary  of  enlarging,  caused  a  natural 
revulsion  of  the  Christian  mind  from  them,  and 
rendered  them,  generally  through  their  associa- 
tions, quite  unsuited  for  conveying  sacred  truths. 

(1)  The  only  subject  borrowed  from  Pagan 
mythology  which  gained  any  general  acceptance 
in  Christian  art,  is  that  of  Orpheus  taming  the 
wild  animals  by  the  notes  of  his  lyre.  Almost 
from  the  beginning,  the  power  of  Orpheus  in 
subduing  the  ferocity  of  savage  beasts  and 
gathering  them  round  him  in  mutual  harmony, 
was  regarded  as  typical  of  the  all-conquering 
influence  of  Christ's  Gospel  in  taming  the  fierce 
fiassions  of  the  human  heart,  and  uniting  war- 
ring and  discordant  tribes  in  one  common  homage 
to  their  universally-acknowledged  Master.  (De 
Rossi,  Rom.  Sott.  ii.  p.  357,  c.  14.)  The  myth 
of  Orpheus  was  thus  regarded  as  an  adumbration 
of  the  words  of  Christ  (John  xii.  32),  "  I,  if  I  be 
lifted  up  from  the  earth,  will  draw  all  men  unto 
me,"  and  a  parallel  to  the  well-known  prophecies 
of  Isaiah,  in  which  the  same  symbolism  is 
adopted  (Is.  xi.  6-9,  Ixv.  25).  In  this  reference 
the  Orphic  myth  is  not  unfrequently  alluded  to 
by  the  writers  of  the  early  church  (Clem.  Ales- 
andr.  Cohort,  ad  Gentes,  c.  1 ;  Euseb.  de  Laud. 
Constant,  c.  xiv. ;  Greg.  Nyss.  in  Hexaem.  c.  7 ; 
Chrysost.  Homil.  xii.  c.  ii.,  Genes.  Homil.  xxiii. 
in  c.  vi. ;  Homil.  xix.  in  c.  ix. ;  Cassiod.  in  Ps. 
xix. ;  cf.  Lactant.  Inst.  vii.  24).  Orpheus  is 
still  more  often  alluded  to  by  the  Fathers,  and 
the  writings  ascribed  to  him,  in  common  with 
the  Sibylline  verses,  quoted  as  aftbrding  testimony 
to  the  unity  of  God  and  other  points  of  Chris- 
tian truth  (Theophil.  Autol.  iii.  2;  Just.  Mart. 
Cohort,  ad  Graec.  c.  15,  de  Monarch,  c.  2 ;  Clem. 
Alexandr.  Strom,  v.  12,  14;  Lactant.  Instit.  i. 
5,  6  ;  Aug.  Contr.  Faust,  xiii.  15,  &c.)  We  can- 
not, therefore,  be  surprised  that  he  should 
become  a  favourite  subject  of  early  Christian 
art.  The  most  remarkable  representation  of 
Orpheus  is  that  from  the  ceiling  of  a  cubiculum 
in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Callistus,  of  which  a 
woodcut  is  given,  YoL  I.  p.  696  (Bosio,  p.  239; 
Bottari,  ii.  tav.  Ixiii.  ;  Aringhi,  i.  547  ;  Garrucci, 
Pitture,  tav.  25  ;  Ferret,  i.  pl.  xxxiv.  bis,  p.  35). 
The  subject  occupies  the  central  octagonal  panel 
of  the  ceiling,  the  surrounding  panels  containing 
alternately  landscapes  and  scenes  from  the  Old 
and  New  Testaments.  Orpheus  displays  the 
hieratic  type  of  a  young  man  in  a  high  Phrygian 
bonnet,  and  loose  frock,  his  legs  clothed  with 
ananyridcs,  embroidered  with  a  chlamys.  He  sits 
among  trees,  holds  his  lyre  in  his  left  hand,  and 
beats  time  with  his  riglit  foot.  A  lion,  tiger, 
horse,  peacock,  and  other  birds  and  beasts  stand 
round    him.      An    arcosolium    from   the   same 


PAGANISM 

cemetery  presents  the  same  subject  with  very 
slight  variations  (Bosio,  255  ;  Aringhi,  i.  563  ; 
Bottari,  ii.  tav.  Ixx.- ;  Garrucci,  Pitturc,  tav.  30 ; 
Ferret,  vol.  i.  pi.  xx.  p.  30).  The  subject  has 
been  only  once  found  in  marble ;  on  a  sar- 
cophagus discovered  at  Ostia,  the  correspond- 
ing panel  containing  Tobias,  or  a  fisherman 
(Northcote,  pi.  xx.  ;  Martigny,  sub  voc.  from 
Visconti).  It  occurs  also  on  a  lamp  (Ferret, 
vol.  iv.  pi.  xvii.  No.  1,  p.  118),  and  on  a  gem 
given  by  Mamachi  (Orig.  iii.  81,  note  ^),  from 
the  Museo  Vettori,  and  others  specified  by 
Fiper  {Mythologio  mid  Syniholik.  i.  123).  No 
example  of  the  subject  is  found  in  mosaic  or  in 
miniatures. 

(2)  The  Sirens  were  introduced  into  Christian 
typology  as  emblems  of  temptations  to  sensual 
indulgence,  to  which  the  man  of  God,  symbolised 
by  Ulysses,  was  exposed  as  he  traversed  the 
waves  of  the  troublesome  world  on  his  way  to  the 
shore  of  everlasting  rest  (Maxim.  Turin.  Ilornil.  i. 
de  pass,  et  cruce  Domini ;  Hippolyt.  Philosophum. 
viii.  1),  and  which  he  was  enabled  to  overcome 
by  the  cross  of  Christ,  as  Ulysses  fastened  him- 
self to  the  mast.  One  such  representation  only 
has  come  down  to  us,  and  that  not  certainly 
Christian.  It  is  a  fragment  of  a  sarcophagus 
discovered  by  De  Rossi  in  the  cemetery  of  St. 
Callistus,  assigned  to  the  3rd  century,  and 
described  by  him  {Bulletino,  1863,  p.  35  ;  Iio7na 
Sott.  i.  tav.  XXX.  p.  5 ;  Martigny,  Dictionn.  art. 
Ulysse ;  Northcote,  pp.  232,  298).  Ulysses  sits 
weeping  in  his  vessel  with  two  companions. 
The  three  sirens  stand  around,  in  the  form 
described  by  Isidore  {Orig.  xi.  3,  30),  half  woman, 
half  bird,  with  wings  and  claws  ;  one  holding 
a  lyre,  one  a  flute,  and  the  third  singing  from  a 
roll  of  music.  The  cruciform  arrangement  of 
the  monogram  Tyranio  suggests,  but  does  not 
prove,  the  Christian  origin  of  the  sculpture. 

(3)  The  Hermes  Kriophorus  of  pagan  art 
certainly  supplied  the  original  type  of  the  Good 
Sliepherd  in  its  countless  repetitions.  [Shepherd, 
Good.]  The  syrinx,  or  Pandean  pipes,  which  is 
one  of  the  most  frequent  accessories  of  the  figure 
in  Christian  as  in  pagan  art,  was  regarded  as 
typifying  the  music  of  the  Gospel,  which  recalls 
the  wanderers  and  guides  the  sheep  in  the  right 
way.  (See  the  quotations  given  by  Garrucci, 
Vetri,  p.  63.)  The  face  and  form  of  the  Good 
Shepherd,  as  of  other  representations  of  Christ, 
appear  often  to  be  borrowed  from  those  of  the 
young  beardless  Apollo  (Fiper,  u.  s.  pp.  79, 
iOO-105  ;  Munter,  Sinnbilder,  i.  64,  ii.  7  ;  Pvaoul- 
Rochette,  Tableau  des  CatacomJjes,  p.  161  ftV) 

II.  As  examples  of  the  second  class  of  subjects 
•where  pagan  mythology  only  supplies  the  form 
of  the  representation  as  a  vehicle  for  Christian 
ideas,  and  the  ■  resemblance  is  external  only, 
the  most  remarkable  are  Hercules  carrying  oft' 
the  apples  of  the  Hesperides,  and  the  chariot  of 
the  Sun  God,  as  respectively  furnishing  formal 
types  of  the  Fall,  and  of  the  ascent  of  Elijah.  The 
resemblance  between  the  Hercules  subject  and 
its  Christian  correlative  is  too  striking  to  allow 
any  doubt  that  the  one  was  borrowed  from  the 
other  (Piper,  i.  66  fF.).  Another  part  of  the 
same  myth,  Hercules  feeding  the  fabled  dragon 
with  cakes  of  poppy-seed,  appears  to  have 
furnished  the  motive  for  the  representation  of 
.the  apocryphal  story  of  Daniel  killing  the 
dragon  at  Babylon  (see  woodcut,  Vol.  I.  p.  579). 


PAGANISM 


1535 


Equally  marked  is  the  resemblance  between  the 
fire-horsed  chai'iot  in  which  Elijah  is  represented 
ascending  to  heaven,  and  the  ordinary  repre- 
sentations of  Apollo,  or  Phoebus,  as  the  Sun  God 
in  his  rising.  In  the  absence  of  distinctive 
accessories  it  is  hardly  possible  to  determine 
which  of  the  two  subjects  is  intended.  This 
difficulty  is  sometimes  increased  by  the  intro- 
duction of  the  Jordan  as  a  river  god,  with  his- 
urn,  in  the  Scriptural  event  (Piper,  u.  s.  pp.  75- 
77).  The  correspondence  of  the  two  has  also 
been  confirmed  by  the  accidental  resemblance 
of  the  words  Elias  and  Helios  (ijAios).  (Sedul. 
Carm.  Fasch.  lib.  i.  v.  184).  This  symbolical 
representation  of  the  Jordan  by  a  river  god  with 
his  urn  occurs  also  elsewhere.  There  are 
remarkable  instances  in  the  mosaics  of  the  bap- 
tism of  Christ  in  the  baptisteries  at  Ravenna. 

III.  Little  need  be  said  upon  the  use  of  orna- 
mental accessories,  derived  from  heathen  art, 
such  as  wiiiged  genii,  victories,  armed  females, 
centaurs,  caryatides,  telamoncs,  pegasi,  hippo- 
campji,  and  the  like.  It  would  be  misapplied 
ingenuity  to  endeavour,  as  has  been  sometimes 
done,  to  affix  an  allegorical  meaning  to  each  of 
these  objects,  the  introduction  of  which  may  be 
satisfactorily  attributed  to  the  fancy  of  the 
painter  or  sculptor,  who  being  perhaps  still  a 
pagan,  and  certainly  one  who  had  learnt  the 
principles  and  piractice  of  his  art  in  pagan 
schools,  found  it  impossible  to  divest  himself  of 
its  traditions,  and  satisfied  both  himself  and  his 
employers  by  discarding  everything  that  was 
essentially  profane,  or  which  could  give  rise  to 
an  impure  imagination.  As  Raoul-Rochette  has 
remarked  (^Tableau,  &c.,  p.  214),  "  it  is  no  cause 
of  surprise  if  in  the  design  of  these  monuments, 
the  thoughts  of  the  early  Christian  artists  went 
back  to  the  traditions  of  paganism,  so  that  in 
the  execution  of  subjects  drawn  from  Holy 
Scripture,  their  hand,  by  the  blind  force  of 
habit,  reproduced  a  large  number  of  the  details 
of  profane  art,  especially  in  costume,  furniture, 
ornament,  and  architecture,  which  were  indif- 
ferent in  themselves,  and  to  which  they  had  been 
so  long  accustomed."  Thus,  in  the  words  of 
Kugler,  "  many  modes  of  expression  of  an  inno- 
cent nature  belonging  to  ancient  art,  though 
closely  associated  with  the  old  idolatry,  long 
maintained  their  position  for  purposes  of  deco- 
ration," and  that  with  so  little  individuality  of 
character  that  in  many  cases  by  nothing  but  the 
occurrence  in  some  part  of  the  design  of  some 
decidedly  Christian  symbol,  its  non-pagan  origin 
can  be  ascertained  (Raoul-Rochette,  Tableau 
des  Catacomhes,  pp.  120-122  ;  Pelliccia  de  Christ. 
Eccl.  Polit.  tom.  iii.  pp.  230-234,  ed.  Neapol. 
1779 ;  Northcote,  Rom.  Sott.  p.  196).  There  is 
not  one  of  these  decorative  forms  of  such  fre- 
quent occurrence  in  early  Christian  art  as  the 
vine,  together  with  scenes  connected  with  its 
cultivation,  and  the  ingathering  of  the  grapes. 
The  examples  are  too  common  to  particularize  ; 
but  We  may  refer  to  the  very  lovely  vine  of  the 
Callistine  catacomb,  "of  an  antique  style  of 
beauty  "  (Kugler)  [of  which  there  is  a  woodcut 
Fresco,  Vol.  I.  p.  695] ;  and  the  vintage  scenes 
from  the  baptistery  of  St.  Costanza  [MOSAICS, 
Vol.  II.  p.  1322].  In  this  we  have  an  instance  of 
the  way  in  which  a  purely  conventional  mode  of 
ornamentation  was  adopted  by  Christians,  and 
clothed  with   a   religious  signification,    full   of 


1536 


PAGANISM 


spiritual  teaching  to  the  initiated,  of  Christ 
the  "  True  Vine,"  and  believers  as  fruitful 
"  branches  "  in  Him. 

We  have  yet  to  speak  of  the  cases  in  which 
direct  pagan  subjects  occur,  to  which  it  is  diffi- 
cult if  not  impossible  to  assign  any  esoteric 
Christian  meaning.  The  fact  that  these  are 
found  entirely  on  sarcophagi  and  gilded  drinking 
glasses,  never  in  mosaics  or  the  wall-paintings  of 
the  catacombs,  suggests  the  probable  conclusion 
that  the  articles  on  which  they  occur  are  of 
heathen  origin,  and  were  used  by  Christians  from 
the  absence,  in  the  early  period  of  the  church,  of 
artists  of  their  own  faith  capable  of  fabricating 
them.  This  must  have  been  especially  the  case 
with  sarcophagi.  Those  who  needed  them  were 
compelled  to  resort  to  heathen  sculptors'  work- 
shops, and  to  content  themselves  with  selecting 
those  which  did  the  least  violence  to  the  new 
faith.  In  this  way  we  may  account  for  the 
occurrence  of  pagan  sarcophagi  in  Christian 
burial-places.  "  We  have  abundant  evidence," 
writes  Professor  Westwood  (Parker,  Archaeo- 
logy of  Some ;  Tombs,  p.  39),  "  not  only  that 
pagan  sarcophagi  were  used  for  the  burial  of 
Christians,  but  also  that  subjects  of  a  pastoral 
or  pagan  character  were  adopted  on  the  sarco- 
phagi of  the  earlier  Christians,  to  which  symbo- 
lical meanings  were  attached,  whereby  in  the 
minds  of  the  uninitiated  their  Christian  destina- 
tion w^ould  never  be  suspected.  In  the  words  of 
Mabillon  (Iter.  Ital  §  10,  p.  81),  "Sic  profanis 
tumulis  Christiani  non  raro  quasi  propriis  usi 
sunt.' "  As  examples,  we  may  name  one  found 
in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Agnes,  bearing  the  epitaph 
of  a  Christian  virgin  named  Aurelia  Agapetilla, 
designated  "  ancilla  Dei,"  which  is  ornamented 
with  a  figure  of  Bacchus,  surrounded  with  naked 
Cupids,  and  the  genii  of  the  seasons  (Boldetti, 
J).  466),  and  two  given  by  Millin  (Voyage  au 
Midi  de  la  France,  iii.  156,  158,  pi.  sxvi.  4, 
xxxvii.  3),  on  one  of  which  is  carved  the  Forge 
of  Vulcan.  On  another,  given  by  Northcote 
(p.  261),  Cupid  and  Psyche  are  represented  side 
by  side  with  a  Good  Shepherd,  who  is  overturning 
a  basket  of  fruit.  The  conversion  of  ancient 
carved  marbles  into  articles  for  the  use  of  the 
Christian  church,  such  as  fonts,  holy  water 
basins,  alms-boxes,  which  at  one  time  largely 
prevailed,  has  proved  rather  misleading  from  its 
having  been  supposed  that  their  present  use 
was  necessarily  contemporaneous  with  their  first 
execution. 

Some  of  the  gilded  glasses  extracted  from  the 
catacombs  bear  scenes  from  pagan  mythology, 
<and  the  figures  of  heathen  deities,  Hercules, 
Minerva,  Achilles,  Serapis,  &c.  On  others  are 
depicted  subjects  which  are  incapable  of  a  Chris- 
tian interpretation,  and  which  it  is  difficult  to 
conceive  could  have  been  executed  by  a  Christian 
artist.  One,  given  by  Perret  (iv.  pi.  xxx.  no.  82), 
represents  a  naked  female  waited  on  by  winged 
genii,  one  of  whom  holds  a  mirror.  Others  have 
the  genius  of  death  winged,  either  leaning  on  an 
inverted  torch  (Garrucci,  201,  5;  Buonarruoti, 
xxviii.  2),  or  arrested  in  full  career  by  the  meta 
or  goal,  indicating  the  end  of  life  {ibid.).  The  pro- 
nounced pagan  character  of  these  glasses  renders 
it  difficult  to  assign  them  a  Christian  origin,  and 
though  both  Garrucci  and  Wiseman  are  of  opinion 
that  this  art  was  confined  to  the  Christians  alone, 
they  bring  forward  no  grounds  for  this  view, 


PAGANISM 

which  is  prima  facie  improbable,  such  as  to  forbid 
us  to  regard  tliem  as  the  work  of  pagan  artists 
for  the  use  of  their  co-religionists. 

The  very  curious  wall-paintings  of  a  decidedly 
pagan  character,  in  the  cemetery  of  Praetextatus, 
first  published  by  Bottari  (torn.  ii.  preface,  p.  v. 
pp.  192,  218)  and  given  by  Perret  (vol.  i.  pi. 
Ixx.-lxxiv.)  and  by  Parker  (Archaeology  of  Bom. 
Catacombs),  to  which  a  Christian  origin  was 
assigned  by  Eaoul-Rochette  and  other  writers, 
are  now  proved  to  belong  to  one  of  the  Gnostic 
sects.  The  sepulcliral  chamber  they  decorate  is 
that  of  Vincentius,  a  priest  of  a  deity  named 
Sabasis  or  Sabasus,  and  his  wife  Vibia,  whose 
death  preceded  his  own.  They  embrace  four 
scenes : — (1)  Abreptio  Vibies,  the  soul  of  Vibia 
carried  oil"  by  Pluto  in  his  quadriga,  and  the 
dcscensio,  her  descent  to  Hades.  (2)  Her  judg- 
ment before  the  throne  of  Pluto  (D  is  pater),  seated 
with  his  wife  Abracura  (a^pa  KovpTj),  the  three 
Fates  (Fata  Divina).  Vibia  is  introduced  by 
Mercury,  and  accompanied  by  Alcestis.  (3) 
Inductio  Vibies,  her  introduction  to  the  mystic 
banquet  by  the  Angelus  bonus,  a  youth  crowned 
with  flowers,  and  her  taking  her  place  with  the 
other  guests  at  a  sigma-shaped  table  (Bonorum 
judicio  judicati).  (4)  The  funeral  banquet  given 
by  Vincentius  in  her  honour  to  the  priests  of 
Sebasius  (septeljii]  'pii  saccrdotes).  The  pagan 
character  of  the  whole  is  so  pronounced  that  it 
is  difficult  to  understand  how  these  paintings 
could  have  been  supposed  to  have  a  Christian 
origin. 

(Piper,  Mythologie  und  Symbolik  der  Christliclien 
Kunst;  Munter,  Sinnbilder :  Macarius,  Hagio- 
glypta ;  Garrucci,  Arti  Cristiane ;  Kaoul- 
Rochette,  Tableau  des  Catacombes ;  Perret,  Les 
Catacombes ;  De  Rossi,  Eoma  Sotterranea ;  Bullet- 
tino  ;  Northcote  and  Brownlow,  Roma  Sotter- 
xraiiea  ;  Parker,  Archaeology  of  Eome.  [Tomb  ; 
Sarcophagus.]  [E.  V.] 

PAGANISM,  SUEVIVAL  OF.  Enquiry 
in  connexion  with  this  subject  may  be  simijli- 
fied  by  treating  it  under  three  heads:  (I.) 
Paganism  as  a  form  of  public  worshi}}  supported, 
recognised,  or  tolerated  by  the  civil  power.  (II.) 
As  a  popular  belief  existing  in  open  contravention 
of  state  authority  and  in  avowed  antagonism  to 
Christianity.  (III.)  As  interwoven  with  the  reli- 
gion, discipline,  and  ceremonial  of  Christian  com- 
munities, or  discernible  in  their  everyday  life  and 
practice.  [For  pagan  influences  on  education,  see 
Schools.] 

Some  of  the  principal  facts  relating  to  (I.)  are 
given  under  Idolatry,  but  it  will  be  of  service 
here  to  pass  under  review,  somewhat  moi'e  gene- 
rally, the  influences  that  successively  determined 
the  relations  of  paganism  to  the  ruling  power 
under  the  empire — a  part  of  the  subject  inti- 
mately connected  wuth  (II.)  and  (HI.). 

(I.)  The  earliest  sentiments  of  paganism 
with  respect  to  Christianity  appear  to  have 
been  those  of  indifferent  tolerance.  When, 
however,  the  true  character  of  Christianity 
began  to  be  better  understood,  as  that  of  an 
avowedly  aggressive  and  intolerant  creed — 
aggressive,  that  is  to  say,  in  that  all  other  beliefs 
were  regarded  by  its  followers  as  hostile,  and 
intolerant  in  that  it  professedly  aimed  at  the 
overthrow  of  all  other  religions — the  attitude  of 
the  civil  power  altogether  changed.    [Martyr.] 


PAGANISM 

The  conversion  of  Constantine  and  the  edict  of 
Milan  (October  28,  313),  extending  state  recogni- 
tion to  Christianity,  materially  modified  all  the 
pre-existing  conditions  of  paganism,  which  from 
this  time  presents  itself  under  a  different  aspect. 
A  considerable  difference  is  also  now  discernible 
in  the  conditions  under  which  it  continued  to 
exist  in  the  East  and  those  which  surrounded 
it  in  the  West — a  distinction  of  no  little  import- 
ance in  the  later  history  of  paganism,  and  one  to 
■which  we  shall  have  occasion  again  to  refer. 

The  edict  of  Milan  =»  marks  the  inauguration 
of  the  principle  of  universal  toleration ;  everyone 
was  thereby  permitted  publicly  to  profess  what- 
-ever  religion  he  chose.  It  gave  to  the  Christians 
and  to  all  alike,  "  et  Christianis  et  omnibus,"  full 
and  open  freedom,  "  potestatem  liberam  et 
apertam,"  "  sequendi  religionem  quam  quisque 
voluisset  "  (Euseb.  Hist.  Ecclcs.  x.  5).  Con- 
stantine, though  protecting  Christianity,  at 
the  same  time  maintained  the  priests  of  the 
ancient  religion  in  the  enjoyment  of  their 
customary  privileges  (Cod.  'Iheod.  XII.  i.  21, 
A.D.  335  ;  XII.  V.  2,  a.d.  337  ;  Haenel,  1204, 
1278).  When  his  palace  was  struck  by  light- 
ning, he  sent  to  consult  the  pagan  augurs ; 
he  himself  continued  to  be  saluted  by  the 
title  and  represented  in  the  attire  of  Pontifex 
Maximus  (Mionnet,  Me'dailles  romaincs,  ii.  236)  ; 
and  the  statement  of  Zosimus  (iv.  36),  that  the 
same  honour  was  accepted  by  his  successors 
until  the  time  of  Gratian,  proves  that  the  title 
still  carried  with  it,  in  the  eyes  of  many,  a  cer- 
tain amount  of  prestige.  Other  facts  point  with 
-equal  force  to  the  tenacity  with  which  the  forms 
and  fashions  of  paganism  continued  to  pervade 
official  and  ceremonial  observance.  A  panegyric 
addressed  to  Constantine  in  the  year  321,  h>y 
Nazarius,  is  full  of  allusions  to  the  pagan  mytho- 
logy." A  law  enacted  in  the  same  year,  while 
condemning  magical  rites,  nevertheless  gives 
direct  sanction  to  the  use  of  charms  and  incanta- 
tions against  snow  or  hail  {Cod.  Theod.  IX.  xvi. 
3  ;  Haenel,  p.  868).  In  the  year  331,  a  date 
which  has  been  assigned  as  marking  the  decisive 
overthrow  of  pagan  worship  (Beugnot,  Hist,  de 
la  Destruction  du  Pag.  i.  175),  from  the  fact  that 
it  witnessed  the  almost  complete  destruction  of 
the  temples  in  Africa,  we  find  Anicius  Paulinus, 
the  prefect  of  Rome,  restoring  the  temple  of 
Concord  (Gruter,  Insc.  totlus  Orbis  Romani,  i. 
100).  Constantine,  after  his  death,  received  the 
honours  of  apotheosis  and  the  appellation  of 
"Divus  "  (Eutropius,  x.  10). 

A  politic  regard  for  popular  feeling,  as  asso- 
ciated with  time-hallowed  observances,  appears 
to  have  led  the  civil  authorities  still  to  sanction 
or  permit  many  of  the  traditional  formalities 
and  solemnities  of  paganism,  but  in  the  mean- 
time public  sentiment  itself  was  undergoing 
a  great  change.  Of  this  a  remarkable  proof 
is  afforded  in  the  fact  that  the  tombs  of  the  dead 
(which  among  purely  pagan  communities  were 
always  regarded  with  superstitious  veneration 
and  invested  with  a  peculiar  sanctity)  now 
began  to  be  frequently  plundered  and  desecrated. 
The  symbols  and  adornments  of  these  structures, 


PAGANISM 


1537 


a  This  edict  has  not  descended  to  us  as  a  state  docu- 
ment ;  but  the  copy  sent  by  the  emperor  Licinius  to  the 
prefect  of  Bithynia  has  been  preserved  by  Lactantius 
(Migne,  Patrol,  vii.  267). 


which  reflected  the  ancient  religious  belief, 
appear  to  have  excited  at  once  the  contempt  and 
cupidity  of  the  Christians,  who  converted  the 
materials  to  the  commonest  uses,  even  carrying 
them  away  for  building  purposes.  An  edict  of 
Constantius  II.  promulgated  A.D.  340,  enacts 
that  those  guilty  of  such  sacrilege,  without  the 
cognisance  of  the  proprietor,  shall  be  condemned 
to  work  in  the  mines  {Cod.  Thcod.  IX.  xvii.  1  ; 
Haenel,  p.  874).  A  subsequent  law  prescribed 
the  punishment  of  death  ;  but  in  the  year  349 
{ib.  IX.  xvii.  2)  this  was  mitigated  to  the  im- 
position of  a  fine. 

Legislation  now  appears  as  largely  dictated 
by  a  twofold  regard  :  (1)  for  the  responsibilities 
involved  in  the  profession  of  the  Christian  faith 
by  the  state,  (2)  for  the  feelings  of  the  Christiap 
majority  among  the  people  ;  while,  on  the  other 
hand,  there  is  ample  evidence,  especially  in  the 
West,  that  respect  for  the  prejudices  of  what 
was  still  a  powerful  minority  often  caused  suc- 
cessive enactments  to  remain  almost  a  dead 
letter.  It  would  accordingly  appear  probable 
that,  for  a  lengthened  period,  repressive  legis- 
lation was  virtually  inoperative.  Thus,  in  the 
year  341,  we  find  that  pagan  sacrifices  were  for- 
mally forbidden — "  cesset  superstitio,  sacrificio- 
rum  aboleatur  insania  "  {Cod.  Ilieod.  XVI.  x.  2  ; 
Haenel,  p.  1612).  The  proof,  however,  that 
such  sacrifices  were  still  publicly  offered  is  so 
incontrovertible  that  Labastie  conjectures  that 
reference  is  here  intended  only  to  private  sacri- 
fices and  the  magical  rites  with  which  they  were 
frequently  associated.  But  such  an  hypothesis 
is  rendered  highly  improbable  by  the  language 
of  an  edict  promulgated  in  346,  which,  while 
directing  that  the  temples  without  the  city  walls 
shall  be  permitted  to  remain  uninjured,  distinctly 
implies  that  those  within  the  city  precincts  were 
marked  out  for  destruction ;  and  even  the  reser- 
vation in  favour  of  the  former  is  justified  solely 
on  the  ground  that  the  public  games  and  Cir- 
censes  had  originated  with  the  worship  that  was 
associated  with  certain  temples,  and  that  it  was 
"  not  fitting  that  those  should  be  overthrown 
from  whence  the  Roman  people  derived  the 
celebration  of  ancient  festivities  "  {Cod.  Theod. 
XVI.  X.  2,  3;  Haenel,  p.  1612). 

A  similar  difficulty  attaches  to  two  enact- 
ments, purporting 'to  belong  to  the  years  353 
and  356,  forbidding  sacrifices  of  every  kind  under 
penalty  of  death  ;  for  here  again  Beugnot  proves, 
from  the  evidence  of  inscriptions,  that  through- 
out the  reign  of  Constantius  II.  the  temples  were 
open  and  sacrifices  offered,  not  only  in  Rome, 
but  throughout  the  Western  empire.  Of  this 
contradiction,  Beugnot  can  find  no  other  expla- 
nation than  that  afforded  by  the  supposition  of 
Labastie,  that  the  above  laws,  though  probably 
drawn  up  during  the  reign  of  Constantius,  re- 
mained unpromulgated,  and,  being  subsequently 
found  by  Theodosius  among  the  state  papers, 
were  inserted  by  him  in  the  code  with  conjectural 
dates. 

During  the  reiens  of  Julian  (361-363),  Jovian 
(363-364),  and  of  Valentinian  in  the  West  (364- 
375),  and  Valens  in  the  East  (364-378),  the  state 
theory  appears  to  have  been  that  of  general 
tolerance  and  strict  impartiality  with  respect 
to  religious  belief  (Gieseler,  Kirchcrujeschichte,  I. 
ii.  21,  22);  but  we  have  evidence  that  the  im- 
perial power  still  cherished  a  certain  sympathy 


1538 


PAGANISM 


with  many  pagan  practices  [Magic,  VI.  2).  The 
coins  and  medals  of  the  period  bear  the  figures 
of  many  of  the  pagan  deities,  especially  those  of 
Egypt  (Beugnot,  i.  271,  272).  It  is  stated  by 
Anastasius  Bibliothecarius  that  in  the  reign  of 
Valentinian,  an  emperor  whose  Arian  sympathies 
divided  and  weakened  the  Christian  party,  pa- 
ganism assumed  so  aggressive  a  demeanour  that 
the  clergy  were  afraid  to  enter  the  churches  or 
the  public  baths — "neque  in  ecclesias  neque  in 
balnea  haberent  introitum"  (Vitae Horn.  I'ontif.; 
Migne,  Patrol,  cxxviii.  31).  It  is,  however,  not 
a  little  remarkable  that  an  edict  of  the  same 
emperor,  of  the  year  368  {Cod.  Thcod.  XVI.  ii. 
18)  presents  us,  for  the  first  time,  with  the 
term  "  pagani  "  as  applied  to  the  adherents  of 
the  old  religion.  At  Rome,  we  have  abundant 
evidence  that  this  party  was  still  powerful. 
Prudeutius  (cont.  Symmach.  i.  v.  545)  can  con- 
gratulate only  six  families  of  senatorial  rank 
on  having  embraced  the  new  faith  (the  Anicii, 
the  Probi,  the  Paulini,  the  Bassi,  the  Olybrii, 
and  the  Gracchi),  and  Augustine  (Conf.  viii.  2) 
distinctly  implies  that  in  the  time  of  Simpli- 
cianus,  the  teacher  of  St.  Ambrose,  the  majority 
of  the  Roman  nobility  were  strongly  opposed  to 
Christianity.  Even  Gratian  (367-383)  appears 
to  have  proclaimed  almost  perfect  liberty  of  con- 
science, except  with  regard  to  some  minor  sects, 
whose  tenets  were  supposed  to  involve  obliga- 
tions incompatible  with  fidelity  to  the  state 
(Soz.  //.  B.  vii.  1 ;  Migne,  Series  Grcteca,  Ixvii. 
1.418).  But  in  the  year  382  he  ordered  that 
the  statue  of  Victory,  "  custos  imperii  virgo," 
should  be  removed  from  the  Curia;  he  also 
forbade  the  ofl'ering  of  the  "  hostiae  consulta- 
toriae  "  {Cod.  Tlieod.  XVI.  x.  7),  and  refused, 
for  himself,  the  title  of  Pontifex  Maximus.  It 
is  evident  from  the  language  of  Zosimus  (iv. 
36)  that  this  last  act  was  interpreted  by  the 
pagan  party  itself  as  a  formal  renunciation  of 
the  ancient  union  between  the  supreme  spiritual 
and  the  supreme  temporal  power,  and  as  inti- 
mating the  imperial  repudiation  of  all  claims  of 
paganism  on  the  latter. 

The  enactments  of  Theodosius  (378-395)  may 
be  considered  to  mark  the  real  commencement 
of  the  downfall  of  paganism,  but  their  influence 
was  still  almost  entirely  limited  to  the  East. 
The  emperor  had  the  sagacity  to  perceive  how 
largely  unity  in  religion  might  be  made  to 
conduce  to  the  object  towards  which  his  whole 
policy  was  directed— the  establishment  of  the 
unity  of  the  empire.  "  We  will,"  says  the  edict 
of  April  27,  380,  "that  all  the  nations  subject 
to  our  sway  be  of  that  religion  which  the  divide 
apostle  Peter  (as  the  faith  introduced  by  him 
and  preserved  to  the  present  time  declares) 
handed  down  to  the  Romans"  {Cod.  Theod.X.Vl. 
i.  2  ;  Haenel,  p.  1476).  A  law  of  the  year  381 
(Jb.  XVI.  vii.  1)  enacted  that  those  who  had 
relapsed  into  paganism  should  forfeit  the  right 
to  dispose  of  their  property  by  will ;  this  enact- 
ment was  confirmed  two  years  later  {ib.  XVI. 
vii.  2) ;  in  the  year  385  the  inspection  of 
entrails  and  all  magical  rites  were  forbidden 
under  pain  of  death  ;  a  law  of  February  391,  pro- 
mulgated in  the  first  instance  at  Milan,  forbade 
sacrifice  to  idols,  or  even  to  enter  the  temples 
{ib.  XVI.  X.  10^  Zosimus,  IV.  xxxiii.  8);  while 
■Vhe  same  law,  as  promulgated  at  Constantinople 
n  the  November  of  the  following  year,  visited 


PAGANISM 

such  practices  with  the  penalty  of  death  {Cod. 
Theod.  XVI.  x.  12  ;  see  also  Idolatry).  It  is 
stated  by  Theodoret  {Eccl.  Hist.  v.  20 ;  Migne, 
Series  Graeca,  Ixxxii.  1055)  that  Theodosius  also 
decreed  the  demolition  of  the  temples,  but  no 
such  law  is  extant,  and  the  assertion  must  at 
least  be  looked  upon  as  of  doubtful  authority. 
We  have  it,  however,  on  the  authority  of 
Libanius  that  the  prefect  Cynegius  was  in- 
structed to  close  the  temples  in  Egypt,  wheie 
both  the  Greek  and  the  Egyptian  worship  still 
numbered  many  adherents  {Orat.  pro  Templis, 
p.  194). 

The  distinction,  above  referred  to,  between 
East  and  West  now  becomes  of  primary  im- 
portance. Generally  speaking,  the  evidence 
would  seem  to  shew  that  legislation  which 
was  severely  enforced  in  the  former  division  of 
the  empire  was  practically  inoperative  in  the 
latter.  In  the  East,  paganism,  being  unidenti- 
fied with  any  political  party,  and  possessing  no 
influence  over  the  executive  power,  was  in- 
capable of  any  organised  resistance.  Instances, 
indeed,  are  to  be  found,  even  so  late  as  the  5th 
century,  of  pagans  occufiying  posts  of  high 
office — as,  for  example,  that  of  Optatus,  who 
was  prefect  of  Constantinople  in  the  year  404 
(Socrates,  JI.  E.  vi.  18 ;  Migne,  Series  Graeca, 
Ixvii.  337);  but  these  are  of  rare  occurrence, 
and  whatever  influence  the  pagan  party  still 
possessed  was  mainly  limited  to  the  schools. 
Hence,  even  so  early  as  the  commencement 
of  the  4th  century,  Lucian,  the  celebrated 
teacher  of  Antioch,  who  suffered  martyrdom 
under  Maximin,  affirms  that  "  whole  cities  and 
the  greater  part  of  the  world  "  are  already  of 
the  Christian  faith  (Milman,  Hist,  of  Chr.  ii. 
276),  a  statement  which,  the  evidence  already 
adduced  shews,  could  have  been  even  approxi- 
mately true  only  with  reference  to  the  Eastern 
provinces.  In  the  West,  on  the  other  hand,  and 
especially  in  Rome,  where  the  hereditary  dig- 
nities and  offices,  and  the  whole  historical  asso- 
ciations of  the  city,  were  closely  interwoven 
with  the  ancient  religion,  paganism  maintained 
its  ground  with  remarkable  tenacity.  Theodosius 
himself  evidently  recognized  this  broad  distinc- 
tion;  for  though  he  is  accused  by  Zosimus  (v. 
38)  of  persecuting  the  ancient  ritual,  he  neither 
closed  the  temples  nor  proscribed  the  pontiffs  in 
the  West.  Finlay  {Greeks  imder  the  Empire, 
p.  160)  considers  that  the  attachment  of  the 
Roman  aristocracy  to  paganism  proved  the  ruin 
of  the  Latin  provinces  ;  while  those  of  the  East- 
were  saved  by  the  unity  of  their  religious  faith. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  reign  of  Honorius 
(395-423),  temples  to  Jupiter,  Mercury,  Saturn, 
the  Mater  Deiim,  Apollo,  Diana,  Minerva,  Spes 
and  Fortuna,  and  Concord,  were  still  standing  in 
Rome,  and  many  of  the  old  religious  ceremonies 
and  festivals  continued  to  be  observed.  An 
edict  of  the  year  399,  promulgated  at  Ravenna, 
while  forbidding  the  pagan  worship,  prohibited 
the  destruction  of  the  temples  ;  it  was  the  im- 
perial pleasure,  it  stated,  that  edifices  which 
gave  so  much  adornment  to  the  public  thorough- 
fares should  be  preserved — "  publicorum  operum 
ornamenta  servari "  {Cod.  Theod.  XVI.  x.  15). 

It  is  not  accordingly  until  the  year  408  that 
paganism  can  be  regarded  as  having  been 
rigorously  suppresse(^  in  the  AVest.  In  the 
December  of  that  year  an   edict  of  Honorius, 


PAGANISM 

addressed  to  Curtius,  prefect  of  Italy,  forbade 
all  payments  ("annonae")  to  the  maintenance 
of  the'  ancient  worship,  enjoined  that  all  images 
in  the  temples,  if  any  still  remained,  should  be 
removed,  and  that  the  temjiles  themselves  should 
be  converted  to  secular  uses  and  the  altars 
destroyed  (ib.  XVI.  x.  20). 

lu  Africa  this  legislation  appears  to  have 
been  put  in  force  with  exceptional  severity,  and 
three  out  of  the  five  edicts  directed  in  the  reign 
of  Honorius  against  paganism  relate  to  that 
province.  Augustine  (de  Civ.  Del,  sviii.  54) 
testifies  to  the  actual  execution,  by  the  imperial 
officers,  Gaudentius  and  Jovius,  of  these  enact- 
ments :  pagan  priests  who  had  failed  to  quit 
Carthage  by  a  certain  day,  were  compelled  to 
retire  to  their  native  towns  or  villages,  and  all 
property  devoted  to  the  support  of  the  pagan 
worship  was  confiscated. 

The  testimony  of  contemporary  writers  to  the 
general  overthrow  of  paganism  now  becomes 
explicit  and  unanimous.  Zeno,  bishop  of  Verona 
towards  the  close  of  the  4th  century,  speaks 
of  "  nearly  the  whole  world  "  as  alreadv  Chris- 
tian (ad  Cor.  I.  vii.  29  ;  Migne,  si".  304) ; 
Jerome,  writing  a  few  years  later  (a.d.  403), 
says  "  the  golden  Capitol  is  dishonoured  ;  all  the 
temples  of  Rome  stand  begrimed  with  smoke 
and  covered  with  cobwebs ;  the  city  is  stirred 
to  its  foundations,  and  the  populace  stream  past 
the  half-demolished  shrines  on  their  way  to  the 
tombs  of  the  martyrs  "  {Epist.  cvii.).  Augustine, 
in  Africa,  declares  that  God  has  willed  the  over- 
throw of  Gentile  superstition,  and  that  He  has 
already  to  a  great  extent  completed  His  pur- 
pose. "  Ye  behold,"  he  says,  in  one  of  his 
epistles,  "  the  temples,  some  fallen  into  ruin, 
some  overthrown,  some  closed,  some  converted 
to  other  uses ;  and  the  idols  themselves 
broken,  burnt,  shut  up  fi-om  view,  or  actually 
destroyed "  {Epist.  ccxxxii.).  The  language 
of  Theodoretus  in  the  East  is  still  more  em- 
phatic ;  he  avers,  with  something  of  Oriental 
exaggeration,  that  the  temples  had  been  so 
utterly  destroyed,  that  their  very  fashion  had 
faded  from  memory,  and  men  no  longer  knew 
how  to  construct  au  altar,  while  their  materials 
had  been  consecrated  by  being  used  for  the 
tombs  of  the  martyrs  (Senno  de  Martijr. ;  Migne, 
Series  Graeccf,  Ixxxiii.  1034).  An  edict  of 
Theodosius  II.  of  the  year  423,  assumes  that 
paganism  is  virtually  extinct — "paganos  qui 
supersunt,  quamquam  jam  nullos  esse  credamus, 
promulgatarum  legum  jamdudum  praescripta 
compescant "  (God.  Theod.  XVI.  x.  22) ;  but  the 
appearance  of  subsequent  repressive  enactments, 
e.g.  one  of  the  year  425  (Append,  to  Cod.  Theod. 
p.  17),  forbidding  that  pagans  should  practise 
at  the  bar,  exercise  military  functions,  or  own 
Christian  slaves,  proves  that  the  exceptions  were 
still  numerous. 

Even  after  this  time  not  a  few  traces  of  pagan 
practices  are  discernible  in  a  form  that  directly 
challenged  the  attention  of  the  state,  and  are 
perhaps  to  be  explained  as  existing  by  sufferance, 
the  Christian  legislator  deeming  that  conces- 
sions like  these  might  be  made  to  the  prejudices 
of  the  vanquished  party  without  detriment  to 
the  security  of  the  true  "faith.  Instances  of  this 
kind  are  the  public  festivals  and  rejoicings  on 
the  kalends  of  January,  practices  especially  con- 
demned by  Maximus  of  Turin,  and  by  Chrysoloras, 

CHRIST.    ANT. — VOL.   II. 


PAGANISM 


1539 


bishop  of  Ravenna  in  430.  The  former  ex- 
pressly complains,  that  though  Christian  rulers 
enacted  salutary  laws  for  the  protection  of 
religion,  the  magistrates  gave  themsekes  no  trouble 
to  see  that  these  laws  were  carried  out  (Migne, 
Patrol.  Ivii.  610).  The  watching  of  the  flight 
of  birds,  and  the  shaking  of  the  lots  in  the  urn 
at  the  election  of  consuls,  were  still  practised 
under  Valentinian  III.  ;  and  even  so  late  as  the 
reign  of  Anthemius  (a.d.  467-472)  representations 
of  pagan  deities  appear  on  the  coinage  of  the 
empire  (Vaillant,  Numismata  Impp.  Romanorum, 
iii.  629). 

An  edict  of  Theodoric,  of  the  year  500  (Lin- 
denbrog.  Cod.  Leg.  Ant.  p.  255),  directing  that 
all  persons  found  sacrificing  according  to  the 
rites  of  paganism  shall  be  put  to  death,  marks 
the  culminating  point  of  repressive  legislation 
in  the  West ;  although,  when  taken  in  con- 
junction with  undeniable  evidence  of  the  con- 
tinued existence  of  paganism,  even  this  enactment 
is  regarded  by  Beugnot  as  a  menace,  rather  than 
designed  to  be  really  carried  into  execution  ;  and 
he  adduces  in  support  of  this  view  the  complete 
absence  of  any  trace  of  judicial  proceedings  in 
Italy  against  the  supporters  of  the  ancient 
religion  {Hist,  de  la  Destruct.  de  Faganisme,  ii. 
282). 

On  the  whole,  the  commencement  of  the  6th 
century  must  be  looked  upon  as  the  period  when 
the  severance  between  the  civil  power  in  the 
empire  and  the  pagan  faith  was  first  really 
carried  into  complete  effect,  and  the  closing  of 
the  schools  of  Athens  by  Justinian,  in  the  year 
529,  marks  the  formal  repression  of  the  old 
philosophy,  between  which  and  Christian  doc- 
trine it  had  at  one  time  seemed  possible  that  a 
reconciliation  might  be  effected.  The  destruc- 
tion at  nearly  the  same  time  of  a  temple  to 
Apollo  that  had  long  stood  on  Monte  Cassiuo,  to 
make  way  for  St.  Benedict's  celebrated  monas- 
tery, tyi^iiies  a  corresponding  revolution  in  the 
religious  life. 

II.  The  swvival  of  paganism  as  a  popular 
belief,  in  open  contravention  of  state  authority  and 
in  avowed  antagonism  to  Christianity. — This, 
again,  requires  to  be  distinguished  according  as 
it  presents  itself  (i)  as  a  survival  of  the  ancient 
Greek  or  Roman  mythology  ;  (ii)  as  the  religion 
of  Teutonic  or  other  barbarous  nations. 

(i)  Paganism  bemg,  as  the  word  denotes,  the 
faith  of  the  villager,  its  later  history  is  to  be 
traced  almost  exclusively  in  districts  compara- 
tively isolated  from  intercourse  with  the  great 
centres  of  civilisation.  The  force  of  the  term  is 
illustrated  by  the  observation  of  Orosius,  that 
"  as  aliens  from  the  city  of  God,  living  near 
cross  roads  and  villages  in  country  districts,  they 
are  called  villagers  or  gentiles  " — "  qui  alieni  a 
civitate  Dei  ex  locorum  agrestium  compitis  et 
pagis  pagani  vocantur  sive  gentiles  "  (Migne, 
xxxi.  3).  Similarly  Prudentius  (contra  Sym- 
machum,  iv.  620)  speaks  of  the  defenders  of  the 
ancient  faith  as  "pago  implicitos."  Of  its  per- 
sistence and  reappearance  in  such  localities,  long 
after  the  civil  power  had  pronounced  it  extinct, 
we  have  frequent,  and  often  startling,  evidence. 
The  triumph  of  Christianity  was  very  far  from 
being  a  continuously  progressive  overthrow  of 
the  old  superstitions.  Not  to  advert  to  those 
cases  in  which  the  new  faith  itself  became  alto- 
gether extinct,  as  in  Africa  before  the  advance 
5  G 


1540 


PAGANISM 


of  Mahometanism,  there  are  not  a  few  instances 
of  its  temporary  disappearance  in  comparatively 
limited  districts,  through  the  relapse  of  the 
population  into  paganism.  Generally  speaking 
the  following  conclusions  are  probably  sound : 
(1)  That  where  a  break  in  the  recorded  epis- 
copal succession  presents  itself,  paganism  re- 
gained the  ascendancy  during  the  period  repre- 
sented by  this  vacancy.  "  If,"  says  Gregory  of 
Tours,  when  referring  to  the  succession  in  his 
own  diocese,  "  any  one  should  inquire  why  only 
one  bishop,  namelj-,  Litorius,  is  to  be  found 
in  the  period  extending  from  the  death  of 
bishop  Gatianus  to  St.  Martin,  let  him  know 
that,  owing  to  the  resistance  of  the  pagans,  the 
city  of  Tours  was  long  deprived  of  all  priestly 
benediction  "  {Hist.  Fi:  i.  43).  (2)  That  where, 
in  the  history  of  a  community  or  of  a  city,  we 
find  no  trace  of  a  bishopric  or  of  a  monastery, 
paganism  probably  continued  to  hold  its  ground. 

The  language  of  St.  Augustine,  who  speaks 
of  the  faith  as  "  toto  terrarum  orbe  diffusa, 
exceptis  Romanis  et  adhuc  paucis  Occiden- 
talibus,"  points  to  a  distinction  which  may  be 
regarded  as  valid  during  the  greater  part  of 
our  period.  In  the  6th  century  the  pagan  party 
in  the  East  (the  iraTSes  "EK\-i)va>v,  as  they  were 
termed)  became  subject  to  persecutions  scarcely 
less  cruel  than  those  which  the  Christians 
encountered  under  Diocletian.  John  Malalas 
[Chronographia  ;  ]\Iigne  (S.  G.),  xcvii.  449]  states 
that  in  the  year  561  there  was  a  great  persecu- 
tion (Sjcoy^bs  'E.\\i]vo3V  (.Ujas),  and  that  the 
property  of  many  adherents  of  paganism  was 
confiscated  ;  while  a  decree  forbade  them  to 
exercise  their  political  rights  as  citizens.  He 
also  tells  how  certain  gamblers  (rives  tS>v 
KOTTLffTS>v)  who  had  been  guilty  of  blasphemy 
(I3\afr(priixlas  Sftvals  tavTOVs  Trepi^aXSfres)  were 
sentenced  to  have  their  h.inds  and  feet  cut  off, 
and  in  this  state  were  paraded  naked  on  camels 
through  the  streets  of  Constantinople,  while 
their  books  and  the  images  of  their  gods  were 
burnt  at  the  Cynegium. 

In  the  Italian  prefecture,  on  the  other  hand, 
where  the  presence  of  the  barbarian  conqueror 
(still  either  pagan  or  Arian)  secured  for  the 
Koman  paganism  a  certain  toleration,  the  ancient 
religion  was  long  cherished  and  its  rites  prac- 
tised. At  Rome  it  found  support  in  the  political 
traditions  and  associations  of  the  aristocratic 
party,  and  in  the  rural  districts  of  Italy  was 
protected  by  a  genuine,  though  bigoted,  devotion 
to  the  national  worship.  Even  Christian  his- 
torians admit  that  in  these  latter  regions  idolatry 
still  reigned  in  the  4th  century,  and  that  the 
work  of  evangelization  was  attended  with  con- 
siderable peril.  In  the  mountainous  districts  of 
the  north,  Saturn  and  Diana  continued  to  receive 
the  homage  of  the  peasantry,  and  the  first 
preachers  of  Christianity  encountered  a  martyr's 
fate  (Beugnot,  i.  284).  The  inhabitants  of 'the 
valleys  of  Piedmont  stubbornly  defended  the 
faith  of  their  ancestors  ;  Valens  and  Valentinian 
were  saluted  by  the  Venetians  as  the  "  divini 
patres  "  (Muratori,  i.  264,  no.  4).  At  Turin  and 
13rescello,  statues  were  erected  to  Julian  (Mar- 
mora Taurinen.  i.  249).  At  Milan,  where  the 
influence  of  St.  Ambrose  was  jiaramount  pagan- 
ism almost  disappeared ;  but  a  tractate  of 
Maximus  of  Turin  (Jligne,  Patrol.  Ivii.  721), 
written  nearly    half  a  century  later,  "  Contra 


PAGANISM 

Paganos,"  proves  the  extent  to  which  it  pre- 
vailed in  the  surrounding  districts.  Etruria, 
which  Christian  historians  have  represented  as 
completely  converted  during  the  reign  of  Con- 
stantine,  appears  by  the  testimony  of  Ammianus 
Marcellinus  (b.  xxvii.  c.  3)  and  that  of  Zosimus 
(v.  xli.)  to  have  been  a  stronghold  of  the  an  of 
divination  in  their  time,  and  to  have  supplied 
all  Italy  with  diviners.  At  Florence,  distin- 
guished by  its  worship  of  Mars,  a  tradition 
prevailed  that  if  the  statue  of  that  deity  were 
dishonoured  evil  would  befall  the  city  (Villani, 
i.  Ix.) ;  and,  out  of  deference  to  superstitious 
feeling,  the  statue  was  placed  on  the  bank  of  the 
Arno,  where  it  long  continued  to  receive  the 
homage  of  the  citizens.  At  Volaterra  the 
pagan  worship,  protected  by  the  powerful  family 
of  the  Caecinae,  maintained  its  ground,  and  was 
professed  with  impunity  (Rutilius  Numat.  i.  v. 
453).  In  the  central  poi-tion  of  the  peninsula, 
the  evidence  of  inscriptions  and  of  pagan 
writers  reveals  the  existence  of  the  pagan 
element  at  Sestinum,  Rimini,  Spoleto,  Alba, 
Ostia,  Praeneste,  &c.  (Symmachus,  Epist.  i.  43  ; 
Ammian.  Marc.  b.  xix.  c.  10 ;  Macrobius,  Sat.  i. 
23).  The  south,  owing  in  a  great  measure  to 
the  inaccessible  nature  of  the  country,  long  re- 
mained pagan.  Naples  was  distinguished  by  its 
adherence  to  the  national  faith  (Benevent.  Ant. 
Thes.  i.  118).  The  insularity  of  Sicily  exercised 
a  similar  influence,  and  inscriptions  at  Dre- 
panum  and  Marsala  shew  that  these  cities  were 
still  unchristianized  so  late  as  the  reign  of 
Valens  and  Valentinian  (Siciliac  Inscript.  Collect. 
pp.  27,  36).  Beugnot  (i.  289)  considers  that 
paganism  continued  to  be  dominant  in  the  island 
imtil  supplanted  towards  the  end  of  the  5th 
century  by  the  worship  of  the  Virgin,  which, 
after  the  third  general  council  at  Ephesus,  was 
largely  introduced  (Gronologia  univ.  della  Sicilia, 
p.  601). 

The  islands  of  the  Western  Mediterranean 
long  remained  altogether  pagan.  Rutilius  (i.  v. 
375)  speaks  of  the  worship  of  Osiris  as  pre- 
vailing in  ILlba,  while  that  of  Hercules  appears 
to  have  predominated  in  Sardinia  (Graevius, 
Thesaur.  xv.  58). 

In  the  province  of  Africa,  where  the  intimate 
relations  with  Rome  gave  rise  to  a  similar  state 
of  religious  feeling,  a  spirit  of  indifference  seems 
long  to  have  tolerated  the  ancient  worship  of 
the  country.  The  deities  to  whom  special 
reverence  was  paid  were  the  Tyrian  god, 
Melcarth  (identified  by  some  writers  with  the 
Libyan  Hercules),  together  with  Saturn  and 
Celeste.  Salvian  {de  Gub.  Dei,  Migne,  liii.  178) 
represents  even  Christians  of  his  time  as  uniting 
with  pagans  in  ceremonies  instituted  in  honour 
of  this  goddess.  In  Mauritania  and  Numidia, 
we  meet  with  other  names,  probably  those  of 
the  legendary  heroes  of  the  country.  At  Utica, 
Apollo  ;  at  Carthage,  Ceres  and  Proserpine,  were 
principally  worshipped.  But  the  niost  notice- 
able feature  of  these  provinces,  and  one  which 
long  survived  the  open  worship  of  pagan  deities, 
was  the  devotion  of  the  people  to  superstitious 
arts,  such  as  magic,  sortilegy,  augury,  &c.  At 
the  same  time  paganism  itself  exhibited  a  bold 
front — a  fact  partly  attributable  to  intercourse 
with  Rome,  partly  to  the  Donatist  schism, 
whereby  the  influence  of  the  Christian  party 
was    seriously    impaired.      Tho    spirit    of   the 


PAGANISM 

Donatists  is  illustrated  by  their  admiratioii  of 
the  character  and  policy  of  Julian,  who,  they 
asserted,  was  the  only  emperor  who  had  ex- 
hibited the  impartiality  that  became  the  civil 
power  (August,  cont.  Epist.  Farm.  i.  12  ;  Migne, 
xliii.  47).  But  even  so  late  as  the  year  408, 
we  find  the  pagan  party  at  Calama,  in  Xumidia, 
celebrating  the  kalends  of  June,  "  contra  recen- 
tissiraas  leges ;"  "  tam  insolent!  usu,"  says 
Augustine,  "  ut  quod  nee  Juliani  temporibus  fac- 
tum est."  They  finally  betook  themselves  to 
plundering  a  neighbouring  church,  and  mur- 
dered a  monk — conduct  which  Augustine  admits 
appeared  to  have  the  secret  sympathy  of  the 
principal  inhabitants  of  the  place  {Epist.  91 ; 
Mirne,  xxxiii.  ol6-7). 

In  Spain  the  resistance  to  Christianity  appears 
to  have  been  feeble.  The  absence  of  a  distinct 
national  religion  probably  favoured  the  introduc- 
tion of  the  new  faith,  the  previously  existing  wor- 
ship having  included  the  deities  of  different  lands, 
the  gods  of  the  capitol  together  with  those  of 
Phoenicia,  Greece,  and  Carthage.  We  find,  however, 
evidence  of  a  strong  Roman  element.''  From  the 
reign  of  Constantine  to  that  of  Valentinian,  the 
list  of  the  magistrates  of  the  province  is  notice- 
able, is  presenting  us  with  the  names  of  families 
distinguished  by  their  adherence  to  paganism 
(Masdeu,  v.  507).  St.  Pacian,  bishop  of  Barce- 
lona, who  died  towards  the  end  of  the  4th  cen- 
turv,  declares  that  many  of  the  inhabitants  of 
his  diocese  are  still  given  to  idolatry  (Migne, 
xiii.  1084) ;  and  Macrobius  speaks  of  the  Occi- 
tani,  a  people  near  Cadiz,  as  worshipping  in  the 
same  century,  "  cum  maxima  relligione,"  a  statue 
of  Mars,  whom  they  adored  under  the  name  of 
Neton  (i.  ix.).  Beugnot,  who  differs  from  Mas- 
deu and  Milman  on  this  question,  considers  the 
early  conversion  of  the  province  to  have  been 
little  more  than  nominal,  and  calls  attention  to 
the  articles  of  the  council  of  Elvira  as  indi- 
cating the  existence  of  many  pagan  usages  and, 
at  best,  but  a  very  impure  form  of  Christianity 
(i.  313-4). 

In  the  Gauls,  the  language  of  St.  Jerome, 
"  Gallia  monstra  non  habuit,"  implying  the 
absence  of  idolatry,  must  be  understood  as 
applicable  only  to  the  southern  portion  of  Trans- 
alpine Gaul ;  and  even  in  this  region,  where 
Uoman  institutions  and  Roman  civilization  long 
held  their  ground  after  they  had  been  over- 
thrown ou  the  parent  soil,  the  ancient  faith  was 
cherished  with  remarkable  tenacity.  In  Brit- 
tany, the  place  of  these  traditions  was  supplied 
by  Druidism,  and  in  the  north-east  by  Teutonic 
paganism.  St.  Martin,  in  the  4th  century, 
appears  to  have  been  the  first  whose  efforts  at 
evangelization  were  crowned  by  any  substantial 
success.  "Before  his  arrival,"  says  Sulpicius 
Severus,  "none,  or  scarcely  any,  worshipped  the 
true  God ;  where  he  overthrew  temples,  he  im- 
mediately erected  monasteries  or  churches" 
(Migne,    Patrol,   xv.    167).     Gregory   of  Tours, 


PAGANISil 


1541 


b  An  inscription  at  Tera,  in  Castille,  of  the  time  of 
Diocletian,  quoted  by  ^lasdeu  (^Hist.  de  Efpana,  v.  372) 
on  the  autliority  of  Velasco  Perez  de  la  Torre  (who 
speaks  of  having  both  seen  and  carefully  examined  it), 
purporting  to  record  the  sacrifice  of  a  white  cow  by 
imperial  autliority,  to  celebrate  the  suppression  of  the 
Christian  faith,  is  given  by  Htibner  (,Inscr.  Ilifj}.  Lat. 
p.  26*),  but  rejected  by  him  as  spurious. 


in  his  life  of  Simplicius,  bishop  of  Autun,  nar- 
rates how  the  worship  of  Cybele  still  reigned  in 
the  bishop's  diocese,  and  that  it  was  customarv 
to  carry  her  statue  round  the  fields  and  vine- 
yards in  order  to  render  them  productive.  In 
the  north,  his  friend  Wulfiliach  describes  the 
destruction  of  a  statue  of  Diana,  worshipped 
by  the  inhabitants  of  Treves,  in  the  last  quarter 
of  the  6th  century  (Hist.  Eranc.  viii.  xv.) ;  and 
St.  Ki'ian,  in  the  year  G89,  found  that  at  the 
court  of  Dagobert  II.,  king  of  East  Francia,  the 
same  golden  image,  "in  summa  veneratione 
habebatur  "  {Act.  SS.  Boll.  Juill.  p.  GIG).  Mer- 
cury was  an  object  of  special  veneration  in 
Elsass  (Mone,  ii.  343).  Temples  to  Jupiter, 
Mercury,  and  Apollo  existed  at  Rouen  in  the  7th 
century,  and  were  still  visited  by  worshippers 
(Martene,  Thes.  Nov.  iii.  1656,  b.).  The  con- 
version of  the  Franks  to  Christianity  was  a  far 
more  gradual  process  than  the  example  of  Clovis 
may  appear  to  suggest.  The  superstitions  of  the 
nation  were  widely  spread  by  them  in  Gaul,  and 
a  kind  of  fusion  seems  to  have  taken  place 
between  the  religion  of  the  conqueror  and  that 
of  the  conquered.  Beugnot  considers  that  in  no 
part  of  Europe  were  idolatrous  rites  and  prac- 
tices more  prevalent  subsequent  to  the  introduc- 
tion and  partial  acceptance  of  Christianity. 
HmcxaM- (cid  Episc.  de  Jure  Mctrop.  Migne,  cxxvi. 
200)  states  that  in  the  time  of  Charles  Martel  tiie 
Christian  foith  had  almost  died  out,  both  in 
Austrasia  and  Xeustria,  large  numbers  of  the 
eastern  Franks  never  having  received  baptism. 
The  worship  of  the  Teutonic  gods  was  main- 
tained under  the  names  of  Greek  or  Roman 
divinities  ;  Odin  became  Mercury  ;  Thor,  Jupiter  ; 
Frigga,  Venus.  To  this  practice  we  may  at- 
tribute the  singular  error  of  Gregory  of  Tours, 
who  represents  Clotilda,  when  endeavouring  to 
convert  Clovis,  as  referring  to  the  objects  of  her 
husband's  worship  under  the  names  of  the  deities 
of  the  Greek  mythology.  In  the  year  743,  the 
council  of  Lestines,  in  condemning  many  pagan 
superstitions  still  rife,  refers  to  "  sacra  Jovis  et 
Mercurii  "  (Mansi,  xii.  385)  ;  but  here  the  de- 
sign appears  to  have  been  simply  to  denote, 
under  classical  names,  the  Teutonic  deities,  for 
a  form  of  abjuration  drawn  up  for  the  people  in 
the  vernacular  substitutes  the  names  "  Thunaer 
ende  Uuoden." 

In  England,  where  Celtic  Christianity  was 
driven,  with  the  native  population,  into  Wales, 
the  different  kingdoms  were  indebted  for  their 
evangelization  each  to  a  difl'erent  source  ;  and  the 
work  of  conversion  to  even  nominal  Christianity 
was  not  completed  until  nearly  a  century  from 
the  time  of  the  landing  of  Augustine.  Kent  and 
Essex  relapsed  into  paganism.  Mercia,  under 
Penda,  remained  pagan  until  633.  Bede  states 
that  up  to  the  time  of  Wilfrid's  mission  in  681, 
"  all  in  the  province  of  the  South  Saxons  were 
strangers  to  the  name  and  faith  of  God  "  {Eccl. 
Hist.'w.  12). 

It  is  observed  by  Mone  (Gesch.  dcs  Heidcn- 
thiims,  ii.  51)  that  it  was  the  policy  of  the 
evangelizers  of  northern  Europe  to  choose, 
as  a  centre  of  their  operations,  districts  where 
the  worship  of  the  pagan  gods  was  maintained 
with  greatest  vigour;  a  policy  imitated  by 
Charles  the  Great  in  relation  to  the  Saxons. 
The  see  of  Paderborn,  like  Boniface's  monas- 
tery at   Fulda,  was   erected   among   an  almost 

■^  5  G  2 


1542 


PAGANISM 


entirely  heathen  population.  The  provisions 
of  the  Caiiitulary  of  Paderboru,  a.d.  785 
{da  Partibns  Saxoniac),  bear  witness  to  this 
fact;  and  it  is  inferred  by  Beugnot  that  the 
stringent  character  of  these  enactments,  when 
compared  with  the  milder  legislation  relating  to 
similar  superstitions  in  Gaul,  proves  the  more 
stubborn  adherence  of  the  Saxons  to  their 
national  faith.  It  may  be  observed  that  these 
provisions  were  again  promulgated  as  late  as  the 
year  1035,  by  Conrad  II.  against  the  pagan 
practices  of  the  Wends. 

III.  Faganisni  (i)  as  interwoven  with  the  reli- 
gious rites,  discipline,  and  ceremonial  of  Chris- 
tianity ;  or  (ii)  as  discernible  in  the  every  day  life 
and  practices  of  professedly  Christian  communities. 

This  part  of  the  subject  belongs  mainly  to  the 
period  distinguished  by  Beugnot  as  the  third  and 
concluding  stage  of  the  fall  of  paganism  in  the 
West,  commencing  with  the  reign  of  Valentinian 
III.  and  terminating  with  that  of  Charles  the 
Great.  After  the  fall  of  Rome  before  Alaric,  in 
410,  the  attitude  of  the  state  in  relation  to 
paganism  was  little  altered ;  but  great  conces- 
sions appear  to  have  been  made  by  the  church 
Avith  the  design  of  facilitating  the  work  of  con- 
version. The  policy  which  dictated  these  con- 
cessions may  be  referred  to  a  threefold  senti- 
ment : — (1)'  the  desire  to  mitigate  the  resent- 
ment of  those  who  asserted  that  the  fall  of 
Rome  was  attributable  to  the  neglect  of  the 
worship  of  her  ancient  gods  ;  (2)  to  a  sense  of 
the  common  danger  to  Christianity  and  pagan 
civilization  alike,  presented  in  the  triumph  of 
the  barbaric  invader ;  (3)  to  a  belief  in  the 
approaching  end  of  the  world — an  event  which, 
as  we  learn  from  Tertullian  {Apol.  42)  and  other 
writers,  was  believed  by  the  Christians  them- 
selves to  be  destined  to  follow  on  the  fall  of 
Rome,  and  which  rendered  them  doubly  anxious 
to  waive  such  points  of  diffei-ence  as,  although 
of  small  doctrinal  importance,  still  constituted 
serious  obstacles  to  pagan  conversion. 

(i)  The  observation  of  Chrysostom,  that  the 
devil,  "  finding  himself  unable  to  win  the  Chris- 
tians to  idolatry,  took  a  round-about  way  to 
seduce  them,"  points  to  the  existence  of  many 
pagan  practices  among  Christians  even  in  that 
father's  time  ;  but  a  large  number  of  usages  in 
the  ritual  and  observances  of  the  church  cannot 
be  traced  farther  back  than  the  5tli  century. 
The  language  of  some  of  the  fathers  seems,  it 
is  true,  often  to  imply  a  spirit  of  unsparing 
extermination;  but  it  is  certain  that  a  much 
larger  amount  of  compromise  actually  prevailed 
than  theory  countenanced.  Among  the  Teutonic 
nations  especially,  there  was  a  disposition  on  the 
part  of  the  earliest  evangelisers  to  be  satisfied — 
at  least  in  the  first  instance — with  a  series  of 
conversions  little  more  genuine  than  those 
effected  in  India  and  Ceylou  in  the  15tla  century 
by  Francis  Xavier  and  the  Jesuits  ;  and  even 
where  more  real  results  were  gained,  it  was 
often  found  expedient  to  leave  many  distinctly 
pagan  usages  unchallenged  for  a  time.  It  is 
perhaps  in  harmony  with,  the  distinction  above 
indicated,  as  observable  in  the  Christian  policy 
prior  and  subsequent  to  A.D.  410,  that  the  line 
of  conduct  authorised  by  Gregory  the  Great  in 
his  instructions  to  Mellitus  [Idolatry,  p.  811], 
and  that  recommended  by  bisliop  Daniel  to  Boni- 
face in  Frankland  {Epist.  xiv. ;    Migae,  Ixxxix. 


PAGANISM 

707-710),  is  in  strong  contrast  to  that  already 
referred  to  as  pursued  by  St.  Martin  in  Gaui. 
Heathen  temples  with  their  surrounding  pre- 
cincts were  often  permitted  to  stand  uninjured, 
the  idols  being  removed,  and  the  buildings  con- 
secrated to  Christian  uses ;  while  minor  observ- 
ances were  suifei'ed,  either  by  connivance  or 
tacit  assent,  to  continue,  which,  with  the  lapse 
of  time,  were  regarded  as  having  gained  the 
direct  sanction  of  the  church. 

Among  the  Latin  races,  the  worship  of  Mithra, 
the  Sun-god,  appears  to  have  survived  that  of 
nearly  all  the  other  gods  of  the  Roman  mytho- 
logy. M.  Gaston  Boissier  {La  Religion  romainc, 
ii.  417)  considers  that,  at  the  time  of  the  fall  of 
the  empire,  paganism,  as  it  existed  in  Italy, 
recognised  scarcely  any  other  deity.  Pope  Leo 
the  Great  states  that  many  Christians  in  his  time 
adored  the  rising  sun  from  lofty  heights,  '•  partim 
vitio  ignorantiae,  partim  paganitatis  spiritu;" 
and  that  some  Christians  did  this  under  so  mis- 
taken a  notion  of  religion,  that  even  when 
ascending  the  steps  of  St.  Peter's  at  Rome  they 
were  wont  to  turn  and  make  their  obeisance  to 
the  sun  (Migne,  Patrol,  liv.  94).  Maximus  of 
Turin  reproaches  those  whom  he  addresses  with 
culpable  indifference  to  idolatry  as  practised  by 
others.  He  says  that  if  their  attention  were 
drawn  to  an  idol,  they  would  say  it  was  no  con- 
cern of  theii-s,  "catisa  mea  non  est,  non  me 
tangit "  (Migne,  Ivii.  610).  Pope  Gregory, 
writing  to  queen  Brunehaut,  urges  her  to  put  a 
stop  to  idolatry  and  the  worship  of  trees  ;  for 
he  hears,  he  says,  that  Christians  who  go  to 
church  still  worship  daemons  (ibid.  Ixxvii.  939). 
Agila,  ambassador  from  the  Gothic  monarch 
Leuvichildus  to  king  Chilperic,  informed  Gre- 
gory of  Tours  that  his  people  held  the  worship 
of  idols  to  be  perfectly  compatible  with  that 
of  the  God  of  the  Christians  {Hist.  Franc,  v. 
44 ;  Migne,  Ixxi.  256).  Grimm  indeed  observes 
that  both  among  the  Anglo-Saxons  and  the 
Northmen  the  same  idea  prevailed  {Deutsche 
Mythol.  p.  7)  :  and  Bede  {Hist.  Eccl.  ii.  15)  states 
that  Redwald,  king  of  East  Anglia,  had  in  the 
same  temple  an  altar  on  which  to  offer  Christian 
sacrifice,  and  another,  a  smaller  one,  on  which 
to  offer  victims  to  devils.  The  canon  of  the 
council  of  Elvira  (a.d.  325)  forbidding  all  who 
have  received  baptism,  and  are  of  years  of  dis- 
cretion, to  enter  a  temple  in  order  to  participate 
in  idolatrous  worship,  under  penalty  of  being 
refused  the  sacrament  of  communion  at  death, 
is,  however,  sufficient  proof  that  the  action  of 
the  church  was  very  early  directed  against  such 
gross  misconceptions,  which  appear  to  have  been, 
for  the  most  part,  confined  to  semi-barbarous 
nations. 

A  more  interesting  and  instructive  inquiry  is 
that  which  relates  to  those  pagan  elements 
which  became  permanently  interwoven  with 
Christian  belief  and  practice,  and  were  even 
defended  by  many  of  the  great  teachers  of  the 
church.  The  controversy  between  Jerome  and 
Vigilantius,  and  that  between  Augustine  and  the 
Manichaean  Faustus,  offer  valuable  illustration 
of  this  portion  of  the  subject.  Vigilantius  at- 
tacked the  adoration  of  saints,  the  veneration 
paid  to  martyrs  and  their  relics,  and  the  custom 
of  placing  lamps  before  their  shrines.  Faustus 
declared  that  the  Christians  had  really  in  no 
way  abandoned  the  pagan  mode  of  life.     They 


PAGANISM 

had  merely  substituted  their  Agapae  for  the 
Pagan  sacrifices ;  their  martyrs  for  idols  ;  they 
stifl  appeased  the  shades  of  the  dead  with  wine 
and  meat  ofierings,  and  celebrated  along  with 
the  pagans  the  ancient  festal  days — the  Kalends 
and  the  Solstitiae.  It  appears  unquestionable 
that  both  Jerome  and  Augustine  admitted  the 
pagan  origin  of  these  customs,  but  maintained 
their  utility,  and  especially  vindicated  their 
retention  on  the  ground  of  expediency;  but 
both  Augustine  and  Theodoret  disclaimed  the 
notion  that  it  was  the  design  of  the  church  in 
any  way  to  deifij  the  martyrs,  whom  it  honoured 
and  revered  solely  as  instruments  of  the  divine 
power.  (Milman,  Hist,  of  Christianity,  bk.  iii. 
c.  Ai. ;  bk.  iv.  c.  ii. ;  Neander,  Chitrch  Historxj 
(in  Clark's  series),  iii.  452-3 ;  Gieseler,  Kirchen- 
ijesch.  (ed.  1845),  i.  ii.  333-5.) 

It  is  the  opinion  of  Baur  (Kirchengescli.  i. 
526-7)  that  the  veneration  of  martyrs  and  their 
relics  (from  whence  he  derives  the  invocation  of 
.saints)  is  to  be  traced  to  the  hero-worship  of 
pre-Christian  times;  Neander,  on  the  other 
hand,  claims  for  the  celebration  of  the  memory 
of  the  great  lights  of  the  church  "a  purely 
Christian  root,"  but  holds  that  it  received  a 
different  character  by  becoming  "  estranged  and 
diverted  from  the  original  Christian  spirit "  {u.  s. 
iii.  448).  The  earliest  instance  of  the  practice 
is  probably  the  celebration  of  the  anniversary  of 
Polycarp's  passion  at  Smyrna  (Ruinart,  Act.  sine. 
JLo'ti/r.  pp.  35,  43).  The  dove  which,  it  was 
-nil,  had  been  seen  to  rise  from  the  martyr's 
iKiily  is  compared  by  Baur  to  the  mounting  eagle 
which  proclaimed  the  apotheosis  of  the  Roman 
-mperors.  Tertullian  (tfe  Cor.  c.  3)  speaks  of 
'■  oblationes  pro  defunctis,  pro  nataliciis  "^  anmia 
die  ;  "  and  Cyprian  (i>.  34)  of  the  "  martyrum 
passiones "  and  their  "  anniversaria  comraemo- 
ratio."  See,  on  the  whole  subject,  3Iartye, 
p.  1127;  Patron  Saint;  PvELics. 

The  •  worship  of  Mary,  as  practised  by  the 
Collyridians,  is  looked  upon  by  Neander  (u.  s. 
iii.  458)  as  directly  traceable  to  that  of  Ceres. 
This  sect,  which  was  represented  by  a  number 
of  women  who  emigrated  from  Thrace  and  settled 
in  Arabia,  were  wont,  on  a  certain  day,  to  carry 
about  in  cars  {5i(ppoi),  similar  to  those  used  in 
pagan  processions,  cakes  or  wafers  consecrated 
to  the  Virgin,  which  they  first  presented  as 
offerings,  and  subsequently  ate.  This  practice 
Xeander  derives  from  the  customary  cake-ofl'er- 
ings  at  the  heathen  feast  of  the  harvest,  the 
Qffffj.o<p6pta. 

Direct  participation  in  pagan  festivals  seems 
to  have  been  not  uncommon  under  the  pretext 
of  a  semi-religious  observance,  though  fre- 
quently condemned  by  the  Fathers.  '•  I  have," 
says  St.  Ambrose,  "  a  grave  complaint  against 
you,  brethren.  1  speak  of  those  who,  though 
celebrants  along  with  us  of  Christ's  birth, 
join  in  the  festivals  of  the  Gentiles;  and,  after 
that  heavenly  banquet,  have  prepared  for  them- 
selves  a   feast  of  superstition He    who 

■seeks  to  share  in  divine  things  must  not  asso- 
ciate with  idols."  (Scrm.  vii. ;  Migne,  xvii. 
399).  Augustine,  when  reproving  the  Chris- 
tians of  Carthage  for  joining  in  like  festivals, 
represents  the  pagan   party  as    asking,  "Why 


PAGANISM 


1543 


"=  The  day  of  tbe  martyr's  death  being  regarded  as  that 
of  his  birtli,  to  iiiimoruility. 


should  we  abandon  our  gods  whom  the  Chris- 
tians worship  as  well  as  ourselves?"  (Opera, 
ed.  1577,  X.  9  6).  A  discourse  of  Petrus  Chry- 
sologus,  bishop  of  Kavenna  in  the  year  430, 
implies  that  participants  in  these  festivals  some- 
times endeavoured  to  exculpate  themselves  by 
denying  the  affinities  of  such  celebrations  to 
pagan  practices.  They  pleaded  that  their  obser- 
vance of  the  Kalends,  for  instance,  was  "  a  new 
mode  of  rejoicing,  not  an  ancient  erroi-,"  "  novi- 
tatis  laetitia  non  vetustatis  error,"  and  that  it 
was  "  anni  principium,  non  gentilitatis  offeusa  " 
(//om.  155;  Migne,  Iii.  611).  Pope  Gelasius, 
towards  the  close  of  the  5th  century,  expressly 
stigmatised  this  combination  of  Christian  and 
pagan  customs  as  "  adulterous,"  and,  in  con- 
demning all  participation  in  the  Lupercalia, 
seriously  remonstrates  with  those  who  imagine 
that  such  observances  are  of  any  real  efficacy  in 
securing  the  favour  of  the  gods  (Baronius,  Annal. 
vi.  522).  The  change  of  the  commencement  of 
the  year  from  January  to  Easter  is  asserted  by 
Beugnot  to  have  been  the  result  of  the  church's 
desire  to  break  with  such  pagan  traditions.  In 
the  year  567,  at  the  second  council  of  Tours, 
it  was  forbidden  to  celebrate  the  Kalends,  the 
Feralia,  or  the  Terminalia  (Mansi,  ix.  865 ; 
Hefele,  iii.  27).  But  even  so  late  as  the  9th 
century,  Piabanus  jMaurus,  who  speaks  of  Chris- 
tianity as  covering  the  whole  earth,  "  in  toto 
orbe  dilatatam  "  (Opera,  vi.  172),  asks  in  a  homily 
"  Contra  Paganicos  Errores,"  how  they  can  hope 
to  rejoice  at  the  eternal  banquet  of  the  saints, 
who  do  not  here  loathe  the  unlawful  feasts  of 
the  pagans  ?  How  shall  they  sing  with  angels 
the  praises  of  God  in  eternal  light  who  here  keep 
evil  sport  ("  funestos  ludos  ")  in  honour  of  idols  .' 
(ibid.  V.  606).  Modern  fairs  and  feasts  ("  feriae  " 
and  "festa")  bear  witness  to  the  tenacity  of 
these  traditions. 

In  Christian  ritual  itself  not  a  few  observances 
have  been  referred  with  considerable  probability 
to  a  pagan  origin.  The  custom  of  facing  the 
east  in  worship,  derived  in  the  first  instance  from 
Persian  notions  of  sun  worship  (see  supra  1542), 
appears  to  have  been  borrowed  from  Greek  and 
Roman  practice  (Aeschylus,  Agamemnon,  502 ; 
Vergil,  Aeneid.  viii.  68 ;  Ovid,  Fasti,  iv.  777, 
with  ]\Ir.  Paley's  note).  The  "  ter  injectus 
pulvis "  has  passed  into  the  Christian  burial 
service  ;  while  the  letters  D.  M.  on  the  tombs  of 
the  early  Christians  point  to  the  tenacity  of  pagan 
traditions  in  connexion  with  the  state  of  the 
departed  (Northcote  and  Brownlow,  Roma  Sot- 
terrcmen,  p.  26).  Lacerda,  in  commenting  on  the 
line,  "  Spargens  rore  levi  et  ramo  felicis  olivae  " 
(Verg.  Aeneid,  vi.  230)  considers  that  the  act 
therein  denoted  represents  the  origin  of  sprinkling 
with  holy  water,  a  practice  which  Justin  Martvr 
(Apol.  i.  62  ;  Migne  (S.  G.),  vi.  80)  declares  to 
have  been  introduced,  at  the  instigation  of 
daemons,  into  the  Christian  ritual  in  imitation 
of  the  true  baptism  proclaimed  by  the  prophets. 
"  Epitaphia,"  or  funeral  orations  over  the  dead, 
such  as  we  frequently  meet  with  in  the  writings 
of  the  Fathers,  are  distinctly  traceable  to  pagan 
precedent.     [Funeral  Serjions.] 

Among  those  observances  which  distinguish 
Roman  Catholic  ritual  from  Lutheran  or  Protes- 
tant, a  large  number  are  undoubtedly  of  pagan 
origin — a  connexion  which  Conyers  Middleton's 
celebrated  Letter  from  Borne  was  especially  de- 


1544 


PAGANISM 


signed  to  point  out.  The  use  of  incense  is  con- 
demned by  Tertullian  and  other  early  writers  as 
a  pagan  practice  [Incexse].  We  learn  from 
different  writers  (Origen,  cont.  Cels.  viii.  17  ; 
Min.  Felix,  Octav.  c.  10 ;  Arnobius,  bk.  vi.)  that 
the  absence  of  images  in  their  churches  was 
made  a  reproach  by  paganism  against  the  Chris- 
tians, and  Augustine  expressly  states  that  the 
introduction  of  these  visible  objects  of  adoration 
was  regarded  as  unlawful  in  his  day,  and  speaks 
of  the  adoration  paid  to  them  as  a  kind  of  in- 
sanity (acZ  Ps.  cxiii.;  Migne,  xxxvii.  1183-1185). 
The  earliest  mention  of  pictures  in  churches  has 
reference  to  the  4th  century,  and  their  introduc- 
tion is  expressly  forbidden  by  the  o8th  canon  of 
the  council  of  Elvira,  A.D.  324.  Epiphanius,  in 
the  same  century,  tells  us  (ap.  Jerome,  Epist. 
51  ;  Migne,  Patrol,  xxii.  253)  that  he  felt  it  to 
be  his  duty  to  destroy  a  hanging  "  velum  tinc- 
tum  atque  depictum,"  which  he  found  suspended 
in  a  church  in  Palestine,  representing  Christ  or 
one  of  the  saints.  Theodoretus  Cyrensis  {Grace. 
Affect.  Curatio,  Migne  (S.  G.),  Ixxxiii.  922)  refers 
with  express  approval  to  the  practice,  prevalent 
in  his  day,  of  suspending  votive  oflerings  {ava- 
S-iilxara)  in  the  churches  over  the  tombs  of  the 
martyrs,  on  escape  from  danger  or  recovery  from 
sickness ;  similarly,  those  who  were  childless 
presented  such  offerings  in  the  hope  of  being 
blessed  with  offspring  ;  those  already  parents,  to 
secure  the  divine  blessing  on  their  children. 

Tlie  little  chapels  with  images  of  the  Virgin 
that  so  frequently  meet  the  eye  of  the  tourist  in 
Southern  Germany  or  Italy  cannot  but  recall  to 
recollection  the  ''  Compitales "  or  deities  who 
presided  over  cross-roads,  and  whose  statues  and 
shrines  adorned  the  points  of  junction.  The 
asylum  afforded  by  pagan  temples  to  fugitives 
from  justice  or  from  their  foes  offers  perhaps  too 
vague  and  general  a  resemblance  to  the  right  of 
sanctuary  to  be  regarded  as  necessarily  the 
origin  of  the  latter,  which  may  with  equal  or 
greater  probability  be  referred  to  Jewish  prece- 
dents. 

(ii)  Among  the  vestiges  of  pagan  belief  dis- 
cernible in  the  everyday  life  and  practice  of 
Christian  communities  may  be  included  many 
observances  of  a  harmless  character  and  little 
moral  significance.  The  Roman  custom  of  pre- 
senting gifts  at  the  commencement  of  the  new 
year  is  still  observed,  and  the  expression  of 
good  wishes  on  the  same  occasion  is  alike  a 
pagan  and  a  Christian  usage  (Ovid,  Fasti,  i. 
175).  The  use  of  bridecakes  at  weddings  (the 
Eoman  confarreatio),  the  palatine  bay  and  oak 
on  our  coinage,  the  names  of  the  months,  which 
even  the  decree  of  Charles  the  Great  could  not 
permanently  alter,  all  distinctly  recall  a  like 
origin. 

Of  such  customs,  one,  the  "  strenae  "  (modern 
"etrennes")  degenerated  into  a  serious  abuse, 
which  the  church  did  its  best  to  suppress. 
[New  Year's  Gifts,  p.  1381."] 

As  proof  that  the  great  majority  of  the  super- 
stitions of  the  age  were  a  direct  inheritance 
from  paganism,  we  may  cite  the  following  illus- 
tration. Amid  the  loss  of  much  that  the  ancient 
astronomers  had  bequeathed  to  posterity,  the 
discovery  of  the  real  cause  of  eclipses  appears  to 
have  been  faithfully  preserved ;  and  in  his 
Natural  History,  Pliny  takes  occasion  to  extol 
this  triumph  of  science  over  superstition,  and 


PAGANISM 

warmly  urges  philosophers  to  like  achievements. 
As  his  writings  continued  to  be  studied  through- 
out the  greater  part  of  the  middle  ages,  this 
philosophical  solution  of  a  constantly  recurring 
phenomenon  was  never  lost  sight  of  by  the  edu- 
cated few,  and  hence  the  teachers  of  the  churck 
are  frequently  to  be  found  rebuking  the  vulgar 
superstition  which  led  the  common  people  to 
assemble  and  utter  cries  on  the  occasion  of  a 
lunar  or  solar  eclipse,  in  order  to  prevent  ths- 
moon  or  sun  from  being  totally  devoured. 
Discourses  directly  levelled  against  this  practice 
are  to  be  found  in  the  writings  of  Maximus  of 
Turin  (Migne,  vii.  337),  and  of  Kabanus  Maurus 
{Opera,  ed.  Colv.  v.  606),  with  which  compare 
Tacitus  {Annal.  i.  28).  On  the  other  hand,  as 
Pliny  expressly  states  that  earthquakes  portend 
calamity  {Hist.  Nat.  ii.  81-86)  so  the  Fathers 
shared  this  belief  with  the  multitude.  St. 
Ambrose  declares  that  the  death  of  Theodosius 
was  foretold  by  earthquakes,  by  "  mountains  of 
rain  and  an  unwonted  darliening  of  tha  sky" 
(Migne,  xvi.  1386).  The  pages  of  Gregory  of 
Tours  are  in  this  respect  as  superstitious  as 
those  of  Livy.  Four  suns  portended  a  great 
defeat  in  Auvergne  {Hist.  Franc,  iv.  31)  ;  blood 
flowed  from  broken  bread  {Ibid.  v.  34)  ;  it  rained 
blood  near  Paris  until  men  threw  aside  their 
stained  garments  in  horror  {ib.  vi.  14) ;  a  bright 
body  resembling  a  lofty  beacon  appeared  in  the 
heav^ens  to  foretell  the  death  of  Gondebald  (vii. 
11).  (See  also  de  Mirac.  St.  Martin,  Bouquet, 
Script,  ii.  469.)  The  belief  in  astrology  [As- 
TROLOGEKS],  which  Pliny  {Nat.  Hist.  ii.  5)  notices 
as  fast  gaining  ground  in  his  time,  could  never 
be  entirely  eradicated  throughout  the  period 
here  treated. 

It  must  nevertheless  be'  admitted  that  the 
voice  of  the  church  was  generally  strongly  pro- 
nounced against  the  more  childish  and  irrational 
forms  of  the  belief  in  omens.  "  Thou  seest," 
says  St.  Basil,  "  how  wrong  a  thing  it  is  to 
look  for  omens ;  yet  many  Christians  deem  it  no 
harm  {a^idpopov)  to  listen  for  sounds  and  to  give 
heed  to  signs  "  {Comment,  in  Isai.  c.  ii. ;  Migne, 
Series  Graeca,  xxx.  247).  He  instances  such 
trivial  circumstances  as  striking  one's  foot 
against  some  object  on  leaving  the  house,  or 
finding  one's  garment  caught,  and  admonishes 
Christians  rather  to  take  note  of  the  proofs  of 
divine  wisdom  and  goodness  exhibited  in  the 
natural  world.  St.  Chrysostom  refers  to  the 
belief  that  to  meet  a  cripple  or  a  one-eyed  person, 
when  starting  on  a  journey,  was  a  bad  omen 
(Hom.  ad  Pop.  Antioch.)  ;  St.  Eligius,  in  the  7th 
century,  enumerates  a  large  number  of  similar 
superstitions,  such  as  the  belief  that  to  allow 
one's  flocks  to  pass  by  hollow  trees  or  near  pits 
gave  them  over  to  the  power  of  evil  spirits.  He 
dissuades  women  from  wearing  amber  about  their 
necks,  and  from  invoking  Minerva,  and  rebukes 
the  folly  of  hesitating  to  set  about  new  under- 
takings at  the  time  of  full  moon  (Migne,  Ixxxvii. 
528).  ^     ^ 

Trial  by  the  ordeal  of  heated  iron  [Ordeal] 
was  probably  a  survival  of  the  custom  adverted 
to  in  the  lines — 

"  .  .  .  .  et  medium,  freti  pletate,  per  ignem 
Cultores  multa  premimus  vestigia  pruna." 

(Verg.  Aen.  xi.  7S7,  788.) 
The    following   Indicithcs    Superstitionum    et 
Paganiarum,  or  list  of  superstitions  and  pagan. 


PAGANISM 

observances  condemned  at  the  council  of  Lestines,"^ 
ill  the  year  743,  is  probably  a  fairly  complete 
enumeration  of  the  practices  prevalent  at  that 
time,  which  the  church  condemned  either  as 
pagan  or  Christian  superstitions  or  as  abuses 
connected  with  religious  worship. 

(1)  "  De  sacrilegio  ad  se{)ulchra  mortuorum." 
(2)  "  De  sacrilegio  super  defunctos,  id  est,  dad- 
sisas."  The  first  article  appears  to  have  reference 
lo  the  desecration  of  tombs  in  the  search  for 
hidden  treasure,  and  to  unlawful  rites  over  the 
places  of  interment;  the  second  to  pagan  ob- 
servances, such  as  drinking  and  riotous  banquet- 
ing, and  throwing  into  the  fire  whatever  the 
deceased  had  been  accustomed  to  hold  most  dear 
(cf  Mansi,  xii.  340).  (3)  "  De  spurcalibus  in 
Februario."  It  was  a  common  practice  among 
Teutonic  nations  to  celebrate  the  lengthening  of 
the  days  in  February  by  feasts  at  which  si'jine 
were  offered.  These  feasts  were  called  "  Spur- 
calia,"  and  in  Holland  and  Lower  Germany  the 
month  of  February  is  still  known  as  "  Sporkel- 
maend  "  (Hefele,  Conciliengesck.  iii.  506).  (4) 
De  casulis,  id  est,  flmis."  Probably  small  temples 
in  country  districts,  constructed  of  wood,  and  often 
converted  to  purposes  of  debauchery.  (5)  "  De 
sacrilegiis  per  ecclesias."  Hefele  compares  a 
statute  of  St.  Boniface  (Mansi,  xii.  385)  forbid- 
ding the  introduction  of  seculars  and  young 
women  into  the  churches  as  singers  and  also  the 
holding  of  feasts  within  the  walls.  (6)  "  De  sacris 
syl  varum,  quae  nimidas  vocant."  Here  Wurdt- 
wein,  in  Jligne  (Ixxxix.  810)  explains  "  quasi 
Xympharum  sacra."  Eckhard,  however,  thinks 
that  we  have  here  A  reference  to  sacrifices  at 
which  nine  heads  of  horses  were  offered,  and  prefers 
to  read  "nuinhedas."  A  capitulary  of  Charles  the 
Great,  of  the  year  794,  directs  that  "  sacred  " 
groves  and  trees  shall  be  hewn  down.  (7)  "  De  his 
quae  faciunt  super  petras."  To  offer  sacrifices  on 
rocks  was  a  frequent  practice,  and  is  forbidden 
by  numerous  synods  ;  St.  Eligius,  we  are  told  by 
St.  Audoen  (FjY«,  ii.  15)  enjoined,  "  Nullus 
Ohristianus  ad  fana,  vel  ad  petras,  vel  ad 
foutes,  vel  ad  arbores  .  .  .  vota  reddere  prae- 
sumat."  (8)  "  De  sacris  Mercurii  vel  Jovis." 
On  the  occurrence  of  the  names  of  gods  of  the 
Pioman  mythology  as  objects  of  veneration 
among  the  Germans,  see  observations  in  II.  ii. 
We  may,  however,  compare  Tacitus  (Germ.  c.  9), 
'•  Deorum  maxime  Mercuriwn  colunt."  (9) 
"  De  sacrificio  quod  fit  alicui  sanctorum."  The 
newly-converted  Germans  appear  to  have  often 
substituted  saints  and  martyrs  for  their  own 
gods  as  objects  of  veneration.  See  capitulary  5 
of  Germanic  council  of  742  (Mansi,  xii.  313). 
(10)  "De  phylacteriis  et  ligaturis"  [see  LiGA- 
tueae].  Alcuin,  some  fifty  years  later,  appears 
to  have  found  it  necessary  to  remonstrate  against 
the  wearing  of  relics  by  way  of  charms  (Epist. 
ed.  Dummler,  pp.  719,  721).  (11)  "  De  fontibus 
sacrificiorum."  Offerings  to  the  supposed  divini- 
ties of  fountains  and  streams  were  a  common 
practice.  Mone  (Gesch.  d.  Heidenthums,  ii.  270) 
states  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  districts 
watered  by  the  Elbe  and  the  Main  were  accus- 


PAGANISM 


1545 


ii  Lcstines  or  Liftinae  wag  the  site  of  a  royal  villa  in 
the  district  now  represented  by  the  province  of  Hennegau 
in  Belgium.  It  would  appear,  however,  that  most  of  tJie 
above  enactments  had  reference  to  TUuringia,  in  which 
Boniface's  labours  were  chiefly  carried  on. 


tonied  to  worship  the  genii  of  those  rivers,  and, 
whenever  the  year  gave  promise  of  a  season  of 
fertility,  would  cast  wheat,  oats,  and  barley 
into  the  stream  in  acknowledgment  of  the  favour 
shewn  by  the  river-god.  (12)  "  De  incantationi- 
bus."  The  formulae  or  mystic  sentences  uttered 
by  the  pretenders  to  magic.  (13)  "  De  auguriis 
vel  avium  vel  equorum  vel  bovum  stercora  vel 
sternutationes."  Tacitus  (^Gcrm.  c.  20)  says  that 
it  was  peculiar  to  the  race  to  observe  the  prog- 
nostications and  warnings  given  by  horses.  (14) 
"  De  divinis  vel  sortilegis.''  The  "  divini  "  fore- 
told events  from  signs  over  which  they  had  nf> 
control ;  the  "  sortilegi,"  from  objects  which 
they  carried  with  them,  e.g.  sticks  and  straws 
[Sortilegy].  "Auspicia  sortesque,  ut  qui 
maxime,  observant "  (Tac.  Germ.  c.  10).  (15) 
"  De  igne  fricato  de  ligno,  id  est,  nodfyr."  "  Nod- 
fyr  "  (Germ.  "  Nothen  ")  was  fire  produced  by 
friction,  and  was  held  to  possess  mysterious 
virtues.  To  jump  over  it  was  thought  to  be  a 
preservative  against  misfortune ;  garments 
placed  in  its  smoke  were  supposed  to  secure  the 
wearer  from  fever.  This  superstition  was 
especially  condemned  by  Boniface  at  the  Ger- 
manic council  of  A.D.  842  (Mansi,  xii.  315 ; 
Biuterim,  Denkwilrdigheiton,  II.  ii.  564).  (16) 
"  De  cerebro  animalium."  The  council  of 
Orleans  (a.d.  541)  forbade  that  oaths  should  be 
sworn  over  the  head  of  any  animal.  (17)  "  De 
observatione  paganorum  in  foco  vel  in  incoatione 
rei  alicujus."  The  embers  on  the  hearth  and 
the  ascending  smoke  were  supposed  to  give  indi- 
cations of  future  events.  Artists,  in  representing 
the  sacrifice  of  Cain  and  of  Abel,  were  wont  to 
represent  the  smoke  from  the  former  as  blown 
about  by  different  currents,  while  that  of  the 
latter  ascended  undisturbed  in  a  spiral  column 
(Migne,  Patrol.  Ixxxix.  810).  (18)  "De  incertis 
locis  quae  colunt  pro  Sanctis."  Besides  places 
generally  recognised  as  holy,  there  were  sup- 
posed to  be  many  others  of  a  like  character 
(Germ.  "  Unstiitte  ")  of  which  the  knowledge 
was  withheld  from  mortals,  but  by  passing  over 
which  unadvisedly  they  would  be  liable  to  be 
punished  by  the  infliction  of  some  malady.  (19) 
"  De  petendo,  quod  boni  vocant  sanctae  Mariae." 
Eckhard  (^Rerum  Franc,  bk.  xxiii.)  reads  "  peten- 
stro,"  "  bedstraw,"  and  understands  by  "  boni  ho- 
mines "  simple-minded  people.  Thyme  and  the 
yellow  lady's  bedstraw  are  still  termed  in  Germany 
"  Mother  of  God's  bedstraw."  Hefele  considers 
that  the  superstitious  use  of  the  plant  may  be 
traced  in  the  custom  still  prevalent  in  Catholic 
countries  of  offering  bunches  of  herbs  on  the 
Ascension  of  the  Virgin.  (20)  "  De  feriis,  quae 
faciunt  Jovi  vel  Mercurio."  Seiters  supposes 
that  Boniface  here  intended  to  forbid  the  naming 
of  the  days  of  the  week  after  the  heathen  gods  : 
e.g.  Thunaer  (Donnerstag),  Thursday ;  Woden 
(\Voenstag),  Wednesday;  Freja  (Freitag),  Friday. 
Binterim  suggests  a  more  probable  explanation 
by  quoting  Tacitus :  "  Deorum  maxime  Mer- 
curium  (Woden)  colunt,  cui  ccrtis  diehus  humanis 
quoque  Jiostiis  litare  fas  habent "  (Germ.  c.  9).  "  De 
lunae  defectione,  quod  dicunt  vince  lima."  We 
find  in  Maximus  of  Turin  (Migne,  Ivii.  334),  in 
St.  Eligius  (ibid.  Ixxxvii.  528),  and  Rabanus 
Maurus  (C;)em,  v.  606),  discourses  designed  to 
dissuade  their  hearers  from  the  folly  of  uttering 
outcries  on  the  occasion  of  a  lunar  eclipse.  It  was 
supposed  that  by  these  demonstrations  the  moon 


1546 


PAGANISM 


was  assisted  in  escaping  from  being  altogether 
devoured.  (22)  "  De  tempestatibus  et  cornibus 
et  cocleis."  Referring  apparently  to  the  belief 
in  "  weather-makers,"  and  to  superstitions  prac- 
tised with  drinking  vessels  and  spoons.  (23) 
"  De  sulcis  circa  villas."  Hefele  observes  that  a 
trench  round  a  house  was  supposed  to  be  a  pro- 
tection against  witches  ;  the  annotator  in  Migne 
(Ixxxix.  810)  supposes  that  allusion  is  designed 
to  superstitious  rites  observed  on  the  occasion  of 
making  such  trenches.  (24)  "  De  pagano  cursu 
quem  yrias  nominant  scissis  pannis  vel  calcia- 
mentis."  Eckhard  here  reads,  "  Scyrias,"  from 
Ecy  =  Scu  =  Schuh.  There  is  probably  allusion 
intended  to  a  pagan  custom  of  running  about  on 
the  first  of  January  with  torn  garments  and  shoes. 
(25)  "  De  eo,  quod  sibi  sanctos  finguut  quoslibet 
mortuos."  Much  as  the  Germans  ascribed  at 
pleasure  a  place  in  their  Walhalla  to  departed 
heroes,  so  they  appear  to  have  assumed  the 
right  to  canonise  departed  Christians.  This  as- 
sumption we  find  again  forbidden  at  the  council 
of  Frankfort  in  the  year  794.  (26)  "  De  simul- 
acro  de  consparsa  farina."  On  certain  days  the 
Germans  were  accustomed  to  make  honey  cakes 
representing  figures  of  their  gods.  Hefele  states 
that  in  Westphalia  the  cakes  made  at  the  time 
of  Carnival  are  still  known  as  "  Heidenwecke." 
(27)  "De  simulacris  de  pannis  factis."  Little 
figures  of  the  gods  cut  from  mandrake  and  then 
dressed  up  in  rags.  (28)  "  De  simulacro  quod 
per  campos  portant."  A  ceremony  probably 
resembling  the  Latin  Ambarvalia.  (29)  "  De 
ligneis  pedibus  vel  manibus  pagano  ritu."  The 
custom  of  oflering  in  the  churches  wooden  models 
of  feet  and  hands  by  those  who,  in  answer  to 
their  prayers,  had  been  cured  of  any  affection  of 
those  parts.  Theodoretus  Cyrensis  (u.  s.)  speaks 
of  the  custom  of  offering  gold  and  silver  eyes, 
feet,  and  hands,  though  without  condemning  the 
practice.  (30)  "De  eo  quod  credunt  quia 
feminae  lunam  commendent,  quod  possint  corda 
luminura  toUere  juxta  paganos."  Here  some 
read  "  comedant,"  and  consider  that  allusion  is 
designed  to  a  belief  similar  to  that  referred  to 
in  Tibullus,  "  Hanc  ego  de  coelo  ducentem  sidera 
vidi."  Maximus  of  Turin,  in  his  101st  homily 
(Migne,  Ivii.  337),  remonstrates  with  those  "qui 
putarent  lunam  de  coelo  magorum  carminibus 
posse  deduci,"  and  implores  them  that,  putting 
aside  this  pagan  error,  "  praetermisso  errore 
gentili,"  they  will  accept  a  view  more  consonant 
with  Christian  enlightenment. 

Similarly,  a  capitulary  of  Charles  the  Great, 
of  the  year  768,  requires  "  ut  populus  Dei 
paganias  non  faciat,"  and  enumerates  as  "  spur- 
citiae  gentilitatis  "  profane  sacrifices  to  the  dead, 
sortilegy  and  divining,  phylacteries,  auguries, 
incantations,  and  offerings  of  victims,  which  last, 
it  states,  "  foolish  men  are  wont  to  offer  close  to 
churches,  in  pagan  fashion,  in  the  name  of  the 
holy  martyrs  and  confessors  of  the  Lord  "  (Pertz, 
Legg.  i.  33). 

Features  of  a  more  general  character,  pointing 
to  a  low  conception  of  Christian  morality,  such 
as  the  settlement  of  disputes  by  duelling, 
authorised  by  the  code  of  Gondebaid,  king  of 
Burgundy  in  the  6th  century  (see  Okdeal),  the 
avenging  of  murder  by  murder,  as  recorded  on 
the  part  of  bishop  Gewelib  in  the  8th  century,  and 
facts  of  a  like  nature,  are  often  more  justly  to 
be  i-egarded  as  distinct  traditions  of  paganism 


PALLIUM 

than  merely  as  evidence  of  a  corrupt  or  imper- 
fect Christianity. 

Authorities : — Baur,  F.  C,  Geschichte  der 
christUchen  Kirche,  vol.  i.  (ed.  18G3)  ;  Beugnot, 
A.,  Histoiro  de  la  Destruction  dii  Paganisme  en 
Occident,  2  vols.,  Paris,  1835  ;  Blunt,  Rev.  J.  J., 
Vestiges  of  Ancient  Manners  and  Customs  disco- 
verable in  Modern  Italy  and  Sicily,  1823  ;  Boissier, 
G.,  La  li'eligion  romaine  d'Auguste  aux  Antonins, 
2  vols.,  1874 ;  Grimm,  Jacob,  Deutsche  Myihologic, 
1843 ;  Kellner,  Hellenismus  und  Christcntlium, 
Koln,  1866  ;  Lasaulx,  Der  Untergang  des  Hellenis- 
mus, Miinchen,  1854 ;  Marangoni,  Delle  Cose  gen- 
tilcsche  e profane trasportate  ad  Usoead  Ornamento 
dclla  Chiesa,  Roma,  1844 ;  Middleton,  Conyers, 
Letter  from  Borne;  Gieseler;  Gibbon;  Milman ; 
Keander ;  &c.  [J.  B.  M.] 

PAINTING.     [Fresco;  Miniature.] 

PALLA  ALTAEIS.     [Altar  Cloth.] 

PALLADIUS,  anchoret  in  Syria,  4th  cen- 
tury ;  commemorated  Jan.  28.  (_C'al.  Byzant.  ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  841.)  [C.  H.] 

PALLAIEE,  POLAIEE,POOLIRE.  When 
books  were  few  in  the  ancient  Celtic  church, 
and  required  careful  preservation  in  accompany- 
ing their  owners  from  place  to  place,  they 
appear  to  have  been  deposited  in  leathern  satchels 
or  wallets  which  could  be  attached  to  the  back 
by  thongs  in  travelling,  and  hung  upon  pegs  on 
the  wall  (Todd,  Obits  Ch.  Ch.  Dubl.  p.  Ixxi.)  when 
a  house  was  reached.  For  these  the  two  dis- 
tinctive names  of  Polaire  {Pallaire,  Foolire)  and 
Tiag  (tiagha)  were  used,  apparently  according  to 
the  size.  The  former  was  comparatively  small, 
often  a  case  for  manuscripts  or  for  only  one 
book,  like  the  case  in  which  the  Book  of  Armagh 
now  lies,  and  which  is  very  richly  embossed  and 
covered  with  figures  and  the  usual  Irish  inter- 
lacing patterns.  The  latter  was  of  coarser 
material  (as  of  sealskins,  Colgan,  Tr.  Tkaum. 
86,  c.  93,  130,  c.  9,  calling  it  saccidus  and 
2yera)  and  of  greater  capacity,  a  wallet  to  hold 
not  only  several  books,  but  relics  also  and  sacred 
utensils.  Evidently  the  writer  of  the  Tripartite 
Life  of  St.  Fatricli  (Colgau,  Tr.  Thaum.  123, 
c.  38)  is  in  error  when  he  says  St.  Patrick  left 
at  the  church  he  had  uewly  founded  at  Kellfiue, 
"  libros,  una  cum  scrinio  in  quo  SS.  Petri  et 
Pauli  reliquiae  asseruabantur,  et  tabulis  in 
quibus  scribere  solebat  vulgo  Pallaire  appel- 
latis  "  (Reeves,  S.  Adamnan.  Ixiii.  n.'',  115-117, 
359  ;  Petrie,  Bound  Towers  of  Ireland,  332-340  ; 
O'Curry,  Lecf.  Man.  and  'Cust.  Anc.  Irish,  i. 
pp.  ccclvii.-viii.,  iii.  113-117).  [J.  G.] 

PALLIUM.  We  find  this  word  in  a  great 
variety  of  uses  in  ecclesiastical  Latin.  Before 
proceeding  to  these,  however,  we  shall  first  note 
its  classical  acceptance  as  equivalent  to  i^aTiov, 
a  term  for  an  outer  article  of  dress  similar  to, 
but  not  the  same  as,  the  toga.^  We  may  describe 
it  as  being,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  a  square 
or  oblong  blanket ;  i'or  though  it  was  occa- 
sionally found  of  linen  and  other  materials,  wool 
was  by  far  the  most  common.     These  blankets 


a  It  sboulii  be  remembered  that  in  contradistinction  to 
the  pallium,  the  toga  was  in  some  sense  rouQd,  perhaps 
making  a  segment  of  a  circle. 


PALLIUM 

"were,  as  a  rule,  manufactured  in  their  natural 
state,  and  so  were  usually  white,  or  the  ordinary 
colour  of  the  raw  material,  though  sometimes 
dj-ed  into  special  tints. 

Such  an  article  of  dress  would,  of  course,  be 
inconvenient  if  the  wearer  had  to  run  or  to  en- 
gage in  active  work,  and  therefore  he  would 
throw  it  over  his  shoulders.  Thus  we  find  one 
of  Plautus's  characters,  a  parasite,  saying  {Cap- 
tivi,  V.  1.  12):  "Conjiciam  in  collum  pallium, 
primo  ex  me  hanc  rem  ut  audiat,"  that  is,  I  will 
throw  back  my  ]palUiun  to  be  able  to  run  quickly 
Avith  the  news.  Accordingly,  in  the  next  scene 
(1.  9),  he  is  observed  coming  "conlecto  pallio  " 
(cf.  also  Terence,  Fhormio,  v.  6.  4).  In  connex- 
ion with  this,  a  curious  mistake  has  been  made 
by  St.  Isidore  (Etymol.  xix.  24. 1) :  "  Pallium  est 
quo  ministrantium  scapulae  conteguntur,  ut 
dum  ministrant  exjiediti  discurrant."  Plautus  : 
'  Si  quid  facturus  es  appende  in  hunieris  pallium, 
et  purgat,  quantem  valet,  tuorum  pedum  perni- 
citiis.'  Dictum  autem  pallium  a  pellibus,  quia 
prius  super  indumenta  jjellicia  veteres  utebantur, 
quasi  pellea  sive  a  palla  per  derivationem  (leg. 
diminutionem").  Here  it  will  be  seen  that 
Isidore  treats  as  the  normal  state  of  things  that 
which  was  exceptional. 

Besides  this  special  sense  of  the  word  pallium, 
it  is  used  by  Isidore  in  the  same  chapter  quite  as 
ii  general  term  for  a  garment,  e.g.  the  toga  is 
pallium  purum  forma  rotunda  (§  3)  ;  the  paluda- 
inenium  is  insigne  pallium  and  p.  bellicimi  (§  9)  ; 
-the  paenula  is  p.  cum  fimhriis  longis  (§  14) ;  the 
lacerna  is  p.  fimhriatum  (ib.)  ;  and  the  praetexta 
p).  puerile  (§  16). 

A  third  use  of  the  word  in  patristic  Latin  is 
to  designate  the  coarse  outer  garment  of  monks 
and  of  others  Avho  affected  to  imitate  the  austeri- 
ties of  monastic  life.  Thus  pope  Celestinus 
I.  (ob.  432  A.D.),  speaks  of  such  as  being 
"  amicti  pallio  "  seemed  thereby  to  claim  a  sanc- 
tity not  rightly  theirs  (Epist.  4  ad  Episc.  Vicn. 
et  Narh.  c.  2;  Patrol.  1.  431).  Salvianus  again 
says  to  an  unworthy  monk,  "  licet  sanctitatem 
pallio  mentiaris  "  {adv.  Avaritiam  iv.  5  ;  Patrol. 
liii.  232).  To  take  a  different  type  of  example, 
when  Fulgentius  became  bishop  of  Ruspe,  he 
retained  his  former  monastic  habit.  His 
biographer  tells  us  that  "  subtus  casulam  nigello 
vel  lactineo  pallio  circumdatus  incessit,"  and 
ihat,  when  the  weather  permitted,  he  wore  a 
pallium  alone  within  the  monastery  (Vita,  c.  37  ; 
Patrol.  Ixv.  136. 

Again  we  meet  with  the  word  pallium  in  the 
Ithrnse pallitcm  linostimum,  which  we  have  already 
<liscussed  [Maniplk]. 

We  come  now  to  the  most  important  use  of 
the  word  as  a  special  vestment  of  archbishops, 
bestowed  upon  them  as  a  mark  of  increased 
dignity  by  the  Roman  see,  indicative  of  vicarial 
powers  (vices  apostolicae  sedis)  thereby  bestowed. 
The  discussion  on  the  history  of  this  privilege  in 
detail  will  be  found  under  the  article  PoPE ;  our 
business  here  is  merely  to  describe  the  vestment 
<-ind  to  give  a  slight  general  sketch  of  the 
history. 

The  pallium  consists  of  a  narrow  band,  which 
surrounds  the  neck  like  a  ring,  and  hangs 
down  before  and  behind.  The  appearance, 
therefore,  presented,  would  be  that  of  the  letter 

y. 

This  band  has  long  been  made  of  white  wool. 


PALLIUM 


1547 


j  ornamented  with  dark  crosses.*"  It  is  thus  kin- 
dred with  the  MiJLo<p6piov  worn  by  Greek  prelates 
[Omophoiuon],  in  reference  to  which  we  cited 
an  allusion  from  Isidore  of  Pelusium,  as  early  as 
the  beginning  of  the  5th  century.  It  may  be 
noted  that  the  wool  for  the  p)airmm  is,  and  has 
long  been,  furnished  by  the  lambs  which  are 
reared  in  the  convent  of  St.  Agnes  at  Rome.  In 
the  Life  of  Gregory  the  Great,  however,  by  John 
the  Deacon,  reference  is  made  on  the  occasion  of 
the  translation  of  his  body  to  his  jxdlium  as 
being  "  bijsso  candeute  contextum  "  (lib.  iv.  80). 
Whether  this  is  exceptional,  or  is  to  be  taken  as 
indicating  a  difference  in  Gregory's  time,  does 
not  appear,  probably  the  latter. 

A  little  further  on  (c.  84),  the  same  writer,  in 
minutely  describing  the  ancient  picture  of 
Gregory,  says  of  the  present  vestment :  "  Pallio 
mediocri,  a  dextro  videlicet  humero  sub  pectore 
super  stomachum  circulatim  deducto :  deinde 
sursum  |per  sinistrum  humerum  post  tergum 
deposito,  cujus  pars  altera  super  eundem 
humerum  veniens  propria  rectitudine,  non  per 
medium  corporis,  sed  ex  latere  pendet."  This 
description  would  give  a  result  pretty  similar  to 
the  Greek  omophorion.  This  similarity  may  be 
seen  from  a  comparison  of  Plates  25  and  41  in 
Marriott's  Vestiarium  Christianum.  Further,  it 
may  be  inferred  from  John's  language  that 
between  the  age  of  the  picture  and  his  own,  the 
pallium  had  undergone  a  slight  change  of  shape. 
We  may  gather  a  notion  of  what  the  pallium  was 
like  in  the  9th  century  from  the  notice  by 
Amalarius  (de  Eccl.  Off.  ii.  23  ;  Patrol,  cv.  1098), 
from  which  we  should  conclude  that  it  had  then 
assumed,  or  was  assuming,  its  later  shape.  Illus- 
trations of  the  varying  shape  of  the  pallium  at 
different  epochs  are  given  in  Marriott's  work. 
Thus  we  have  the  famous  6th  century  mosaic  in 
the  church  of  St.  Vitalis  at  Ravenna  (Plate  28, 
figured  in  this  Dictionary  under  Dalmatic  '•) ;  a 
figure  of  St.  Peter,  with  a  pallium  in  a  9th  cen- 
tury mosaic  (Plate  33)  ;  for  the  10th  century, 
we  may  refer  to  the  figure  of  Egbert  of  Treves 
(Plate  42);  for  the  lUh,  to  a  fresco  represent- 
ing St.  Clement  of  Rome  (Plate  43),  and  to  a 
picture  of  Dunstan,  from  a  MS.  in  the  British 
Jluseum  (Plate  44).  De  Rossi  has  figured  in  his 
Roma  Sotterranea  two  eight-century  frescoes  from 
the  Roman  catacombs  (copied  by  Marriott, 
Plates  30,  31).  Here  are  represented  early 
prelates  (e.g.  Xystus  and  Cornelius,  bishops  of 
Rome),  wearing  planetae,  over  which  are  white 
oraria  [Stole],  passing  over  the  left  hand  which, 
so  covered,  holds  the  book  of  the  gospels.  It 
must  be  considered  doubtful,  however,  how  far 
these  are  to  be  considered  instances  of  pallia  or 
mere  oraria. 

We  shall  now  mention  very  briefly  a  few  in- 
stances of  the  bestowal  of  the  papal  ^x(///«ot. 
The  earliest  example  which  is  adduced  is, 
perhaps,  one  recorded  by  Anastasius  Bibliothe- 


•>  These  are  now  four  in  number,  but  formerly  were 
as  a  rule  more  numerous.  Millin,  however  (Voyage  en 
Italie,  i.  108;  cited  by  Martigny,  Diet,  dcs  Ant.  chrk. 
s.  V.  Pallium),  mentions  a  figure  of  Cclsus,  archbishop  of 
Milan,  on  his  sarcophagus,  in  which  the  pallium  has  but. 
a  single  cross.  The  same  holds  also  for  the  pallium,  if 
it  be  a  pallium  in  the  Ravenna  mosaic  wo  have  referred 
to  below. 

<^  It  may  be  considered  open  to  doubt,  perhaps,  whether 
this  is  really  a  pallium. 


1548 


PALLIUM 


carius  of  Marcus,  bishop  of  Rome  (ob.  336  A.D.), 
though  it  is  possible  that  the  reference  is  of  a 
different  kind — "hie  constituit  ut  episcopus 
Ostiensis,  qui  consecrat  episcopum  urbis  [^i.e. 
Eome],  pallio  uteretur,  et  ab  eodem  episcopo  [%. 
episcopus]  urbis  Roma  consecraretur"  (Vitae 
Pontif.  49).  It  will  be  observed  that  we  have 
here  got  the  case  of  a  bishop,  not  an  archbishop  ; 
but  the  honour  may  at  first  have  been  given  with 
rather  more  latitude,  for  we  find  Gregory  the 
Great  bestowing  the  pallium  on  Syagrius,  bishop 
of  Autun.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  in  the  letter 
in  which  Gregory  sets  this  forth,  he  distinctly 
calls  attention  to  the  permission  of  the  emperor 
— "serenissimi  domini  imperatoris  [Maurice] 
.  .  .  prona  voluntas  est,  et  concedi  hoc  omnino 
desiderat"  {Epist.  lib.  ix.  11;  cf.  ib.  108:  vol. 
iii.  936,  1013). 

Saving  the  rather  doubtful  case  of  the  bishop 
of  Ostia,  the  earliest  instance  of  the  bestowal  of 
the  piallium  is  that  granted  by  Symmachus  (ob. 
514  A.D.)  to  Theodore,  archbishop  and  metropo- 
litan of  Laureacus  in  Pannonia  {Epist.  12 ; 
Patrol.  Ixii.  72).  In  this  case  no  mention  is 
made  of  the  imperial  authority.  On  the  other 
hand  we  have  a  letter  written  by  pope  Vigilius 
in  543  A.D.  to  Auxanius,  archbishop  of  Aries,  in 
which  he  defers  granting  the  pallium  till  the 
pleasure  of  the  emperor  shall  have  been  ascer- 
tained. In  a  subsequent  letter,  written  two 
years  later,  the  imperial  sanction  having  been 
given  (•'  pro  gloriosissimi  filii  nostri  regis  Childe- 
berti  Christiani  devotione  mandatis  "),  the  honour 
is  granted  {Epp.  6,  7 ;  Patrol.  Ixix.  26).  Other 
instances  are  those  of  Caesarius,  archbishop  of 
Aries,  on  whom  the  pallium  was  bestowed  by 
Symmachus  (  Vita  Caes.  lib.  i.  30  ;  Patrol.  Ixvii. 
1016),  and  Virgilius,  also  of  Aries,  to  whom  it 
was  granted  by  Gregory  the  Great  {Ejnst.  lib.  v. 
53 ;  Patrol.  Ixsvii.  782).  Into  the  famous  dis- 
pute as  to  the  rescript  of  Valentinian  in  con- 
nexion with  the  pallium  of  the  bishops  of 
Ravenna,  it  is  not  our  intention  to  enter. 

In  several  of  these  cases  the  recipient  had 
been  some  time  in  possession  of  his  see  on 
receiving  the  pallium,  which  thus  became  an 
exceptional  distinction,  conferred  when  the 
Roman  see  wished  to  bestow  such.  As  this  was 
one  of  the  countless  ways  which  went  to  the 
building  up  of  the  papal  power,  we  need  feel  no 
surprise  at  the  new  phase  of  things  which  meets 
ns  in  the  8th  century.  The  pallium  is  now  no 
longer  an  exceptional  honour,  granted  to  this  or 
that  archbishop,  but  a  badge,  the  acceptance 
of  which  implied  the  acknowledgment  by 
the  wearer  of  the  supremacy  of  the  apostolic 
see.  Thus  we  find  in  a  letter  written  by 
St.  Boniface  in  745  A.D.  to  Cuthbert,  arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  the  declaration  on 
his  part  of  willingness  to  obey  the  see  of 
Rome,  and  that  "  meti-opolitanos  pallia  ab  ilia 
sede  quaerere  "  (Epist.  63  ;  Patrol.  Ixxxix.  763). 
Indeed  we  find  from  some  letters  of  pope  Zacha- 
rias  to  Boniface  (743  A.D.)  that  the  latter  had 
already  made  application  for  pallia  for  several  of 
the  metropolitans  under  him.  {E2?p.  5,  6  ;  ib.  925.) 

One  step  more  alone  remains.  Pope  Nicholas 
I.,  in  his  Responsa  ad  consulta  Bulgarorum  (866 
A.D.),  orders  (c.  73  ;  Labbe,  viii.  541)  that  no 
archbishop  may  be  enthroned  or  may  consecrate 
the  eucharist  till  he  shall  have  received  the 
pallium  from  the  Roman  see. 


PALM 

Another  point  may  be  briefly  touched  upon, 
namely,  the  question  of  the  pallium  Gallicanum 
as  distinct  from  the  pallium  Pomanum.  It  has 
been  seen  that  under  whatever  conditions  the 
pallium  was  bestowed,  it  distinctly  took  the  form 
of  a  gift  vouchsafed  at  the  will  of  the  Roman 
see.  This  being  the  case,  it  is  not  easy  to 
understand  the  order  of  the  council  of  Macon 
(581  A.D.)  that  no  archbishop  shall  presume  ti>. 
say  mass  sine  pallio  (can.  6  ;  Labbe,  v.  968).  Tn 
suppose  that  this  means  that  archbishops  are 
prohibited  from  celebrating  mass  till  their  posi- 
tion is,  as  it  were,  ratified  by  Some,  is,  consider- 
ing time  and  place,  an  anachronism,  and  the 
language  of  the  canon  taken  per  se  would  never 
lead  to  such  a  conclusion.  Hence  many  have 
held  (e.//.  Hefele,  infra,  p.  217),  and  it  would 
seem  with  much  justice,  that  this  Galilean  use  is 
distinct  from,  and  exists  side  by  side  with,  the 
special  papal ^;aWmm;  that  it  was  simply  a  mark 
of  archiepiscopal  rank,  which  was  to  be  specially 
worn  at  mass,  just  as  each  other  order  would  be 
required  to  wear  its  own  peculiar  badge.  A 
possible  illustration  of  this  may  be  found  in  v. 
fragment,  edited  by  Martene  and  Durand,  which 
dwells  on  the  vestments  in  use  in  the  Gallicau 
church,  including  the  pallium  (^Thes.  Anecd.  v. 
99  ;    cited  by  Marriott,  p.  204). 

Literature. — For  further  details  on  the  whole 
subject  reference  may  be  made  to  Hefele,  Dio 
Liturgischen  Gewcinder  (in  his  Beitriige  zu  Eir- 
chengeschichte,  Archdologie  undLiturgik,  vol.  ii.  pp. 
214  sqq.);  Marriott's  Vestiarium  Christianum, 
App.  E,  &c. ;  Ruinart,  Dissertatio  de  Palliis  Arcki- 
cpiscoporum  (in  Ouvrages  posthumes  de  J.  Mdbillon 
et  de  Thierri  Ruinart,  Paris,  1724)  ;  Thomassinus 
de  Beneficiis,  part  2,  lib.  2,  c.  543,  Paris,  1688; 
Papebroch  de  forma  pallii  medio  aevo  mutata 
(in  the  separately  published  Prefaces,  &c.  of  the 
Acta  Sanctorum,  Venice,  1749) ;  Vespasiani  de 
Sacri  Pallii  Origine,  Roma,  1856.  [R.  S.] 

PALM.  The  great  beauty  of  the  date-palm 
in  all  stages  of  growth,  and  under  all  circum- 
stances of  background  and  association,  has 
made  it,  like  the  vine  or  the  corn-ears,  one  of 
the  natural  symbols  of  Divine  blessing.  The 
righteous  shall  flourish  as  a  palm-tree  (Ps.  xci. 
13)  may  be  taken  as  a  typically  Eastern  use  of 
the  tree  as  an  emblem. 

As  may  be  supposed,  the  palm  branch  is  found 
most  frequently  in  sepulchral  monuments  and 
inscriptions,  and  is  frequently  added  to  the 
monogram  or  chrisma  as  an  emblem  of  the  vic- 
tory of  the  faith  (Bosio,  p.  436,  and  Martigny's 
Woodcuts,  p.  498).  In  Bottari,  pi.  xxii.  (Aringhi, 
vol.  i.  p.  289),  it  is  beautifully  used  as  a  pillar  to 
divide  the  surface  of  a  sarcophagus  into  com- 
partments or  panels.  Also  Aringhi,  i.  pp.  295, 
297,  301  (where  the  fruit  is  indicated,  see  infra), 
and,  perhaps,  at  p.  307.  At  p.  321  the  heads  of 
two  apostles,  probably  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul, 
are  ornamented  each  with  the  whole  crown  or 
foliage  of  a  palm.  It  is  unquestionably  the  sign 
of  martyrdom  in  the  widest  sense  of  the  word — 
that  of  persistent  testimony  borne  to  Christ,  and 
consummated  by  death.  It  is  admitted  on  all 
hands,  that,  though  the  palm  accompanies  the 
martyr,  it  does  not  indicate  that  the  bearer 
actually  suffered  violent  death  in  will  and  deed 
(see  Rev.  vii.  9,  and  Gregory  the  Great  in  Ezech. 
bk.  ii.  hom.  xvii.,  where  the  palm  branches  ar« 


PALM 

spoken  of  generally  as  praemia  victoriae).  For 
inscriptions,  see  De  Rossi,  Inscript.  Christ.  Urbis 
Eomac,  vol.  i.  pars  prima,  p.  38,  no.  39,  anno 
331  ;  also  p.  9G,  no.  176,  177,  p.  204,  no.  230  ; 
Parker,  Phot.  2949  ;  Epitaph  of  Flavia  Jovina, 
Lateran  Museum,  no.  21,  and  2953,  no.  45 ;  also, 
for  France,  see  Le  Blant's  Inscript.  chre't.  dc  la 
Gaule,  vol.  i.  pi.  7,  32,  C2,  no.  56,  and  27,  no. 
166  ;  ii.  pi.  81,  no.  491. 

The  palm  or  palm  branch  appears  frequently 
in  Christian  mosaics  and  wall-paintings.  The 
most  beautiful  decorative  use  is  made  of  the 
whole  tree  at  Ravenna,  in  the  church  of  S.  Apol- 
linare  Nuova,  where  a  long  procession  of  male 
and  female  saints  is  represented  along  the  wall 
above  the  columns  of  the  central  aisle,  in  the 
richest  mosaic,  white  figures  on  gold  ground, 
shod  with  scarlet  and  bearing  small  crowns  in 
their  hands  lined  with  the  same  colour.  They 
are  separated  by  palms,  with  scarlet  bunches  of 
dates  hanging  from  beneath  their  crowns  like 
barbaric  earrings,  exactly  as  in  nature ;  and  the 
purity  and  brilliancy  of  the  effect  may  be 
imagined  (see  Ricci's  series  of  photographs). 
The  Augustan  frescoes  of  the  Doria  Pamphili  Villa 
(Parker,  Photographs,  no.  2696-2705)  contain  a 
palm  tree  admirably  drawn  from  nature,  with 
graphic  and  exact  resemblance.  It  is  found  in 
mosaics  in  St.  Cecilia's  at  Rome,  and  SS. 
Cosmas  and  Damian.  It  is  used  as  an  arcosolium 
picture  in  Marchi,  tav.  sli.  The  phoenix,  as  a 
symbol  of  the  resurrection,  and,  perhaps,  with 
a  certain  plaij  on  its  name,  often  appears  with 
the  palm,  as  in  the  mosaic  of  St.  Cecilia,  and 
on  the  sarcophagus  in  Bottari,  tav.  sxviii.  xxii. 
(see  woodcut).     Martigny  says  that  both  sym- 


PALM  SUNDAY 


1549 


Palm  Artade.    Bottari, 


bols  are  used  with  the  portrait  of  St.  Paul 
because  he  was  a  special  preacher  of  the 
Resurrection.  It  seems  simply  as  if  the  name 
phoenix  conveyed  ideas  of  both  objects  at 
once  to  the  painter  or  carver,  and  he  naturally 
put  both  into  his  work.  For  the  Palm  on 
Lamps,  see  Bottari,  t.  ccviii.  ;  on  vessels  sup- 
posed to  contain  the  blood  of  martyrs,  see 
Aringhi,  ii.  642  (found  in  the  confessio  of  St. 
Cecilia's  chui'ch),  Bottari,  tav.  cc.  cci.  ccii. 
With  the  Good  Shepherd  Bottari,  vol.  ii.  pi. 
Ixxviii.,    fresco   from   the   Callixtine    cemeterv. 


For  the  palms  of  the  Entry  [p.  613]  into  Jeru- 
salem, and  Bottari,  tav.  xxxix. 

On  the  uncertainty  of  the  palm-branch 
symbol  on  a  grave  as  indicating  the  martyrdom 
of  the  occupant,  see  Catacomks,  p.  308. 

[R.  St.  J.  T.] 

PALMARE  CONCILIUM.  [Rome,  Coun- 
cils OF,  No.  48.] 

PALMATIUS,  consul,  martyr  with  his  wife 
and  children  under  Alexander  Severus  ;  comme- 
morated May  10  (Bed.  Mart.  ;  Usuard.  Mart.). 
[C.  H.] 

PALM  SUNDAY.  [See  Holy  Week,  p. 
780.]  The  feast  of  palms  {^diwv  eopr-f])  was 
celebrated  in  the  East  as  early  as  the  5th  cen- 
tury, for  it  is  twice  mentioned  in  the  life  of 
Euthymius,  who  died  A.D.  472  {Vita  Euth.  auct. 
Cyrill.  Scythop.  11,  103 ;  Mmum.  Grace.  Cotel. 
210,  287),  but  no  mention  of  a  procession  with 
palms  occurs  until  we  enter  a  much  later  period. 
In  the  West  Isidore  of  Seville  (610)  speaks 
as  if  Palm  Sunday  were  a  great  day,  but  he 
mentions  no  use  of  palm  branches  on  it.  He 
merely  explains  that  "the  day  is  celebrated" 
on  account  of  the  event  recorded  in  St.  Slatthew 
xxi.  8-11,  &c.  {Do  Offic.  1.  28).  The  next  Latin 
writer  who  refers  to  the  feast  is  our  countryman 
Adhelm  (A.D.  709),  but  he  merely  tells  us  that 
in  his  church  the  Osanna  was  sung  by  a  double 
choir  {De  Laud.  Virginit.  30).  A  manuscript 
Ordo  Officii,  which  Mabillon,  from  the  character, 
supposes  to  have  been  written  about  800,  speaks 
of  a  "  Letania,  et  cum  ipsa  intrant  ad  missam 
majorem  {Annal.  Vet.  151,  ed.  2).  This  order 
was  observed  in  a  German  monastery.  It 
describes  a  procession,  but  its  antiquity  is  prob- 
ably less  than  Mabillon  supposed.  Amalarius 
(A.D.  812)  speaks  of  olive  branches  being  carried, 
but  does  not  say  in  procession  {De  EccL  Off.  i. 
10).  If  he  means  a  procession,  he  probably 
alludes  to  some  of  the  churches  only  of  his  pro- 
vince. For  there  is  no  reference  to  any  such 
custom  in  the  earlier  forms  of  the  Ordo  Pomanus 
(see  especially  Ordo  i.  in  Mus.  Ital.  ii.  18,  30),, 
nor  in  the  early  sacramentaries,  some  of  which 
do  not  even  recognise  a  benediction  of  the 
branches,  or  flowers  (so  Missale  Gothicum,  Liturg. 
Gall.  235 ;  Miss.  Gall.  Vet.  346  ;  Sacr.  Gelas.  in 
Liturgia  Rom.  Vet.  Murat.  i.  546 ;  Sacr.  Greg, 
ibid.  ii.  51 ;  0pp.  Greg.  v.  101,  ed.  1615 ;  but  one 
is  given  in  the  Besan9on  rite,  Mus.  Ital.  i.  390  ' 
in  the  Codex  Othobon.  of  the  Greg.  Sacr.  Jlur.  ?f.  s. 
&c.).  Rabanus  of  Mentz,  A.D.  847  {De  Instil. 
Cleri.  ii.  35)  merely  repeats  Isidore  ;  nor  do  we 
find  any  certain  mention  of  a  procession  after 
the  Ordo  Ojficii  above  mentioned,  until  we  come 
to  Pseudo-Alcuin  in  the  10th  century. 

A  similar  rite  is  observed  among  the  Greeks 
but  at  their  matins.  Codinus :  "  On  the  Feast  of 
Palms,  while  the  matins  are  yet  being  sung,  a 
procession  {irepiwaros)  takes  place,  and  there  must 
be  a  litany  (Aitti),  according  to  custom,  and  the 
emperor  must  Avalk  with  the  procession "  {De 
Offic.  xi.  4).  The  lampadarius  leads  the  way  with 
a  burning  torch ;  a  deacon  bearing  the  gospels 
follows  ;  then  come  the  bishop  and  priests  carry- 
ing icons;  and  some  of  the  people  walk  after 
them  {Codin.  x.  5).  During  the  procession  an 
idiomelon  is  sung,  which  is  said  to  have  been 
composed  by  the  emperor  Theophilus,  829-842 
(Cedrenus,  Hist.  Compctid.  ii.  118,  ed.  Nieb.),  via. 


a550 


PAMPHALO 


•"  Come  forth  ye  nations,  come  forth  also  )-e 
people  ;  look  upon  the  kingdom  of  heaven.  The 
gospel  comes  as  a  figure  of  Christ."  The  pro- 
cession ended,  matins  are  resumed,  but  the  palms 
■</3a(a)  are  retained  through  the  service  (Goar, 
745).  Prayers  used  at  the  distribution  of  the 
palms  before  the  procession  may  be  seen  in  the 
Euchologion  (744).  [W.  E.  S.] 

PAMPHALO     and      PAMPHAIMERUS, 

Egpytiau  soldiers,  martyrs  at  Chalcedon  under 
ilaximiau  ;  commemorated  May  17.  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Mai.  iv.  25,  from  the  Greek  Fasti.)  [C.  H.] 

PAIMPHILUS  (1),  martyr  under  Diocletian  ; 
■  commemorated  Feb.  16  (Hieron.  Hart,  with 
Valens,  deacon,  and  others ;  Wright's  Si/rian 
Mart,  with  Pamphilus,  at  Caes.  Pal. ;  Col. 
Byzant. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  253) ;  June  1. 
(Usuard.  Mart,  presbyter,  martyr  at  Caesarea, 
under  Masiminus,  his  Life  by  Eusebius  of  Cae- 
.sarea ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart. ;  Wand. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Jun.  i.  62.) 

(2)  ^lartyr  at  Eome;  commemorated  Sept.  21. 
(Usuard.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  vi.  236.) 

(3)  Martyr  under  Maximinus ;  commemorated 
Nov.  5.     (Basil,  il/eno/.)  [C.  H.] 

PAMPHIUS,  martyr  at  Caesarea  in  Pales- 
tine, with  Pamphilus ;  commemorated  Feb.  16. 
(Wright,  Auct.  Syr.  Mart. ;  Basil.  31enol.  with 
Valens,  &c.)  [C.  H.] 

PANAGIA  {Tlavayia).  One  of  the  ordinary 
titles  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  in  the  Greek  church. 
It  probably  came  into  use  some  time  in  the  7th 
century.  In  the  discussions  about  the  word 
©eoTOKos,  in  the  5th  century,  she  is  styled 
h  ayia  ivdpQivos.  So  too  in  the  sermon  of  an 
uncertain  author,  Pseudo-Chrysost.  Horn,  de 
Legislatorc,  p.  416  (Migne,  tom.  vi.  410),  which 
is  probably  assignable  to  the  6th  centviry,  she 
is  still  only  t)  ayia,  as  in  the  words  exofifv  r^v 
Secnroiuau  Tj/xwif  rrjv  ©eoTOKoy,  ri^y  ayiav  aenrdp- 
Bevov  Mapiav.  But  in  the  letter  of  Sophronius, 
patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  read  at  the  sixth  general 
council,  C.  Constant.  III.  a.d.  680  (Hardouin, 
tom.  iii.  col.  1268),  the  title  iravayia.  occurs 
several  times.  It  is  true  that  the  same  epithet 
is  found  repeatedly  in  a  set  of  eleven  pravers  to 
the  Virgin,  in  Greek,  attributed  to  St.  Ephrem 
i,Op.  Gr.  iii.  pp.  542,  &c.),  but  the  whole  cast 
of  these  prayers  obviously  belongs  to  a  time  f;ir 
later  than  that  of  St.  Ephrem. 

There  is  also  a  monastic  ceremony  called 
Panagia,  at  which  a  triangular  shaped  piece  of 
blessed  bread  is  elevated,  and  partaken  of,  after 
a  meal  with  certain  prayers,  by  all  present ;  and 
a  cup  of  wine  is  likewise  distributed  to  all  with 
a  thanksgiving  and  special  invocation  of  the 
Blessed  Virgin  Mary,  whence  the  name  of  the 
ceremony  is  said  to  be  derived  (Du  Cange,  Gr. 
Gloss,  s.  V.  and  Symeon  of  Thessal.  quoted  by 
Goar,  Etichol.  pp.  867,  868).  Although  in  this 
exact  shape  the  ceremony  belongs  to  a  time  later 
than  our  limits,  it  is  very  likely  a  relic  of  some 
primitive  observance,  some  memorial  of  the 
original  institution,  into  which  a  new  signi- 
licance  has  become  imported.  [C.  E.  H.] 

PANCEATIUS  (1),  bishop  of  Tauromenium, 
■said  to  have  been  a  disciple  of  St.   Peter   and 


PAPHNUTIUS 

to  have  seen  our  Lord ;  commemorated  Feb.  9 
(Basil.  Menol.)  ;  Ap.  3  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard. 
Mart. ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  i. 
237)  ;  July  9  (Cal.  Byzant. ;  Daniel.  Cod.  Liturq. 
iv.  262).  [C.  H.i 

(2)  Youth,  beheaded  under  Diocletian ;  com- 
memorated at  Home  on  the  Via  Aurelia,  May  12 
{Hieron.  Mart. ;  Bed.,  Wand.,  Usuard.  3Iart. ; 
Vet.  Bom.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mai.  iii.  17). 
In  the  Sacramentary  of  Gregory  the  natale  of 
Pancratius  is  observed  on  May"  12,  and  he  is 
named  in  the  collect.  In  the  Sacramentary  of 
Gelasius  he  is  commemorated  on  the  same  day, 
with  Nei-eus  and  Achilleus,  but  only  these  last 
two  are  named  in  the  collects.  (Murat.  Lititrq. 
Bom.  Vet.  i.  646,  ii.  84.)  [C.  H.] 

PANES YRICON  (naj/rj-yupu^V).  One  oi' 
the  Greek  office-books,  containing  '-Readings" 
appropriate  to  the  various  festivals,  collected  out 
of  the  writings  of  approved  authors,  generally 
recording  the  acts  and  virtues  of  the  saints, 
whence  its  name.  It  is  therefore  not  unlike  the 
Western  "Legenda."  There  is  no  authorized 
collection,  therefore  the  book  is  not  printed  ; 
but  different  copies  are  found  in  manuscript  in 
different  churches,  varying  considerably  in  their 
contents  according  to  the  diligence  or  piety  of 
the  collector.  [C.  E.  H.] 

PANNUTIA  (Pannucea).     This  is  a  name 
for  a  garment  covered  with  patches  Qxinnl),  and 
is  so  used   by   Isidore   (Etym.  xix.  22;  Batrol. 
Ixxxii.  687),  "quod  sit  diversis  pannis  obsita." 
[R.  S.] 

PANSOPHIUS,  martyr  at  Alexandria  under 
Decius ;  commemorated  Jan.  15  (^Cal.  Byzant. ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  996);  Jan.  16  (Basil. 
MenoL).  [C.  H.] 

PANTAENUS,  commemorated  at  Alexan- 
dria July  7.  (Usuard.,  Wand.,  Vet.  Bom.  Mart.  ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jul.  ii.  457.)  [C.  H.] 

PANTALEON  (1),  martyr  under  Maxi- 
mian ;  commemorated  July  28  {Hieron.  2Iart. ; 
Usuard.,  Wand.,  Vet.  Bom.  Mart. ;  Florus,  ap. 
Bed.  Mart.);  celebrated  by  the  Greeks  under 
the  name  of  Panteleemon,  martyr  and  lihysician, 
the  unmercenary,  July  27  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Cal. 
Byzant. ;  Boll.  'Acta  SS.  Jul.  vi.  397  ;  Daniel, 
Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  264) ;  Oct.  10  {Cal.  Armen.). 

(2)  One  of  the  nine  national  saints  of  Ethiopia  ; 
commemorated  Oct.  3  {Cal.  Ethiop.).       [C.  H.] 

PANTHERIUS,  martyr  in  Thrace  under 
Diocletian ;  commemorated  Aug  23.  (Basil. 
Menol.)  [C.  H.] 

PAPA.    [Pope.] 

PAPAS  (1),  martyr  at  Laranda  in  Lycaouia 
under  Maximian  ;  commemorated  Mar.  16  in  the 
Roman  Martyrology.  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mar.  ii. 
424.) 

(2)  Egyptian  martyr  with  Sabriuus  under 
Diocletian;  commemorated  Mar.  16.  (Daniel, 
Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  255.)  [C  H.] 

PAPHNUTIUS,    holy   martyr,    commemo- 
rated  by  the    Greeks  Ap.   19.     {Cal.  Byzant. 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  ii.  623.)  [C.  H.] 


PAPIAS 

PAPIAS  (1),  soldier,  martyr  under  Diocle- 
tian; commemorated  at  Rome  on  the  Via 
Nomentana,  Jan.  29.  (Usuard.,  Wand. ;  Bed. 
3Iart. ;  Vet.  Rom.  3fart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii. 
948  ;  see  also  Bed.  3fart.  Nov.  29.) 

(2)  Martyr  in  Egypt  with  Victorinus  and 
others  ;  commemorated  Jan.  31  (Basil.  Jfcnol.)  ; 
Feb.  25  (Usuard.  Mart.  "  under  Numerian "; 
Vet.  Horn.  Mart.).  In  the  Hicron.  Mart,  a 
Papias  with  the  same  companions  occurs  on 
Mar.  6.  In  the  Cal.  Byzant.  Ap.  5,  the  name 
occurs  as  Pappius. 

(3)  Martyr  with  Diodorus  and  Claudiauus 
under  Decius ;  commemorated  Feb.  4  (Basil. 
McnoL).  The  Ilieron.  Mart,  has  a  Papias  with 
some  of  the  same  companions  on  Mar.  6,  as  also 
hare  the  Roman  Martyrology  and  the  Bol- 
landists  (Feb.  iii.  627)  on  Feb.  2G. 

(4)  Bishop  of  Hierapolis,  friend  of  Polycarp, 
the  disciple  of  St.  John  ;  commemorated  Feb. 
22.  (Usuard.  3fart. ;  Vet.  Horn.  Mart. ;  Boll. 
Acta  .y.?.  Feb.  iii.  285.) 

(5)  (Papas,  Pappus),  martyr  with  Chrestus 
at  Tomi ;  commemorated  Ap.  5.  (Wright,  Syr. 
Mart.) 

(6)  Martyr  with  Peregrinus  and  others ; 
commemorated  July  7.     (Basil.  Jlenol.) 

[C.  H.] 
PAPINIUS,  bishop  and  martyr  in  Africa  in 
the  Vandalic  persecution ;  commemorated  Nor. 
28.     (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart.) 

[C.  H.] 
PAPIRIUS,  deacon,  martyr  with  his  sister 
Agathouica  and  Carpus,  bishop  of  Thyatira, 
under  Antoninus ;  commemorated  at  Pergamus 
Ap.  13  (Usuard.  Mart.);  Papyrius  (Vet.  Bom. 
Mart.)  ;  Papylus,  Oct.  13  (Basil.  Meiiol. ;  Daniel, 
Cod.  Liturg.  ir.  271).  [C.  H.] 

PAPPIUS.    [Papias  (2).] 

PAEABOLANI,  an  inferior  order  of  church 
officers  who  fulfilled  the  duty  of  hospital  atten- 
dants and  nurses  to  the  sick  poor,  whom  they 
relieved  from  the  alms  of  the  faithful,  "  dejra- 
tantur  ad  curanda  debilium  aegra  corpora" 
(Cod.  Theod.  lib.  xvi.  Tit.  ii.  de  Episc.  et  Gler. 
leg.  43).  Binterim  attributes  the  establishment 
of  these  functionaries  as  a  distinct  order  to  the 
peace  of  the  church  under  Constantine  (Dcnk- 
tourdirjkoit.  ri.  o,  26).  Previous  to  this  time 
the  care  of  the  sick  and  the  burial  of  the  dead, 
as  we  see  from  Diouysius's  graphic  account  of 
the  plague  at  Alexandria  (Euseb.  H.  E.  rii.  22), 
was  fulfilled  by  the  brethren  generally  as  a  duty 
of  Christian  love,  without  any  enrolment  into  a 
separate  body.  It  is  evident,  from  the  laws  of 
the  Theodosian  code,  that  the  "  parabolani "  were 
ranked  among  the  "  clerici,"  but  in  a  very  sub- 
ordinate capacity.  They  were  to  be  chosen  from 
the  poorer  classes,  and  there  was  an  express  pro- 
hibition against  men  of  rank  being  admitted 
into  the  confraternity.  The  name  was  pi-obably 
derived  from  Tvapa^dWeo-ea  (periclitari),  from  the 
courage  with  which  they  hazarded  their  lives  in 
time  of  plague  and  contagious  sickness,  like  the 
7rapoj3oXoi,  or  bcsiiarii,  who  exposed  themselves 
to  the  risk  of  death  in  fighting  with  wild  beasts 
ill  the  amphitheatre  (cf.  Socr.  //.  E.  rii.  22,  and 
^'alesius'  notes ;  Xiceph.  If.  E.  xiv.  3  ;  Acta  SS. 


PARABOLANI 


1551 


Ahdon.  et  Scnnen  apud  Suicer).  The  idea  that  it 
was  a  satirical  name  (from  ^am6o?ae  =  mere  talk), 
given  to  physicians  and  those  who  undertook  the 
care  of  the  sick,  because  they  promised  much 
and  performed  little,  if  seriously  proposed,  needs 
no  refutation  (Du  Cange,  sub  toe. ;  Bingham,  iii. 
ix.  3).  However  excellent  the  original  purpose 
of  this  order,  too  soon,  in  the  words  of  Baronius, 
"  ex  charitate  officium  transirit  in  factionem," 
and  the  parabolani  appear  as  a  factious  and 
turbulent  body,  taking  a  noisy  and  prominent 
part  in  all  religious  controversies,  and  causing 
so  much  trouble  to  the  civil  power,  that  special 
laws  had  to  be  passed  to  restrain  and  regulate 
them.  In  the  quarrel  between  Cyril  and  Orestes, 
A.D.  416,  the  parabolani,  zealously  espousing  the 
cause  of  their  bishop,  threw  the  city  of  Alexan- 
dria into  such  confusion  that  the  inhabitants 
despatched  an  envoy  to  Theodosius  II.,  begging 
him  to  issue  a  prohibition  for  the  bishop  tu 
leave  Alexandria,  as  his  was  the  only  authority 
by  which  their  violence  could  be  checked. 
In  consequence  of  this  petition,  Theodosius 
issued  an  edict  addressed  to  Monaxius,  the 
prefect  of  the  pretorium,  Sept.  28,  410  a.d., 
removing  this  turbulent  body  from  the  autho- 
rity of  the  bishop,  and  placing  them  directly 
under  the  prefect,  giving  him  the  power  of 
dismissing  them  for  riotous  conduct,  and  of 
filling  up  all  vacancies  caused  by  death.  The 
number  was  at  the  same  time  limited  to  500,  and 
they  were  to  be  selected  from  the  poorer  classes. 
The  interruptions  to  public  business  caused  by 
their  obstreperous  behaviour,  and  their  intimi- 
dation of  witnesses  and  jurors,  were  guarded 
against  by  an  inhibition  against  their  attending 
the  law  courts  at  all.  Any  judicial  complaint 
or  legal  business  they  might  have  was  to  be 
transacted  for  them  by  their  "syndic"  or  at- 
torney. They  were  also  prohibited  from 
attending,  as  a  body,  the  games  and  shows 
and  appearing  on  any  public  occasions,  as  being 
disturbers  of  the  peace  of  the  community.  This 
measure  proved  exceedingly  distasteful  to  the 
clerical  party  at  Alexandria,  whose  influ- 
ence with  the  feeble  emperor  proved  powerful 
enough  to  induce  him,  in  seventeen  months' 
time,  to  repeal  the  chief  provisions  of  his 
former  enactment  by  a  fresh  edict,  dated  Feb.  3, 
418  A.D.  In  this  the  number  was  raised  from 
500  to  600,  they  were  again  placed  under  the 
bishop's  jurisdiction,  and  the  ranks  wore  to  bo 
filled  from  those  who  had  previously  filled  the 
office  but  had  been  disbanded  by  the  prefect,  or 
who  were  known  to  be  skilful  in  their  care  of 
the  sick.  Their  rank  was  at  the  same  time 
somewhat  raised.  They  might  be  selected  from 
any  class,  excepting  the  "  honorati  "  and  "  cu- 
riales."  At  the  same  time  the  clause  prohibiting 
their  appearance  in  the  circus,  the  courts,  and 
on  public  occasions  was  confirmed  (Cod.  Thcod. 
u.  s.  leg.  42,  43,  vol.  vi.  p.  82,  with  Gothofrcd's 
notes).  We  find  the  parabolani  again  as  a  body 
of  noisy  fanatics,  ready  for  any  acts  of  violence, 
at  the  "Latrocinium"  of  Ephesus,  449  A.D., 
where  six  hundred  of  them  appeared  as  the  tools 
of  the  brutal  Barsumas  to  coerce  malcontents 
to  support  his  measures  (Labbe,  iv.  251).  The 
reputation  of  the  parabolani  as  a  dangerous 
class,  formidable  to  the  civil  magistrates,  how- 
ever useful  when  restricting  themselves  to  their 
appropriate  duties,  is  evidenced  by  the  legisla- 


1562 


PAEACLETICE 


tion  of  Justiniau,  which  confirms  the  prohibi- 
tion to  their  appearing  as  a  body  on  public 
occasions.  {Cod.  Justin,  lib.  i.  tit.  iii.  de  Episc. 
ct  Cleric,  leg.  18 ;  Binterim,  Denkwiirdigkeitcn, 
vi.  3,  26  ff. ;  Bingham,  Origines,  bk.  iii.  ch.  ix. 
§  1_4  ;  Gothofred,  Annotat.  in  Cod.  Tlieod.  vol.  vi. 
.v.  82  ;  Baronius,  Appeiid.  ad  torn.  v.  p.  G91.) 

[E.V.] 

PAEACLETICE  (napaK\y)TiK)),  fiifixiou 
TraporeATjTiKoV).  One  of  the  principal  and  most 
necessary  of  the  Greek  office-books.  It  is 
arranged  on  the  principle  of  the  Octoiichos,  but 
extended  so  as  to  contain  the  Troparia  of  the 
whole  Ferial  office  for  the  year.  By  some 
writers  it  is  attributed  to  Joseph  of  the  Studium 
(died  A.D.  883);  by  others  to  another  Joseph, 
surnamed  Melodus  (see  Leo  Allat.  de  Libris 
Eccles.  Graec.  p.  283).  Two  derivations  are 
given  for  the  name :  viz.  either  quasi  conso- 
latorius,  because  its  contents  tend  to  the  con- 
solation of  the  penitent ;  or  quasi  invitatorius, 
because  they  largely  consist  of  invocations. 

The  course  of  the  Ferial  office  depends  not  so 
much  upon  the  season  of  the  year  as  upon  the 
Tones  (^X"');  of  which  there  are  eight,  arranged 
to  follow  one  another  in  regular  sequence,  begin- 
ning with  the  week  after  Easter  week,  after 
which  they  recur  again,  and  so  on.  Each  Tone 
has  its  own  Troparia,  and  governs  the  service  at 
all  the  Hours  for  its  week.  Thus  the  entire  set 
of  variations  of  the  service  is  finished  in  a  period 
of  eight  weeks.  There  are  proper  tables  to  shew 
how  these  periods  of  eight  weeks,  with  their 
Tones,  fall  in  different  years,  according  to  the 
date  of  Easter.  By  i-eferriug  to  these  tables 
the  proper  Tone  for  the  week  in  which  any 
given  day  falls  may  be  found ;  and  then  the 
paracletice  gives  the  proper  Troparia  for  the 
different  offices  of  the  day.  [C.  E.  H.] 

PAEADISE  (TrapdSejtros,  from  a  Persian 
word  meaning  a  park  or  pleasure-ground)  is 
used  (1)  in  inscriptions  to  designate  the  place  in 
which  the  dead  in  Christ  wait  the  final  judg- 
ment. It  is  said  (Martigny,  Diet.  p.  577,  2nd 
ed.)  not  to  occur  earlier  than  the  end  of  the 
4th  century,  when  (a.D.  382)  it  is  found  in  the 
epitaph  of  Theodoi-a  (De  Rossi,  Roma  Sott.  i.  141, 
No.  317).  But,  without  the  actual  use  of  the 
Avord  "  Paradise,"  the  dwelling  of  a  soul  in  bliss 
is  often  indicated  by  pictures  or  symbols  of  the 
last  resting-places  of  the  faithful.  An  arcoso- 
lium  of  the  cemetery  of  Cyriaca  shews  an  oranti 
standing  between  two  figures,  who  draw  back  the 
curtains  on  each  side  ;  this  is  supposed  to  typify 
the  entrance  of  a  soul  into  the  rest  of  paradise 
(De  Rossi,  Bidlet.  1863,  p.  76),  A  painting  in 
the  cemetery  of  Petronilla  (Martigny,  p.  639)  is 
thought  to  represent  the  reception  of  a  soul  into 
Paradise  by  Petronilla.  The  soul  admitted  to 
the  joys  of  Paradise  is  sometimes  represented  as 
a  female  figure  standing  between  two  trees  in  an 
attitude  of  contemplation  (Perret,  Cafacombes,  v. 
pi.  V. ;  De  Rossi,  lioina  Sott.  i.  95),  often  accom- 
panied by  the  words  IN  pace.  This  inscription 
appears  in  the  representation  of  Dionysas  (said  to 
be  of  the  3rd  century)  in  the  cemetery  of  Soter 
(De  Rossi,  Iloma  Sott.  iii.  tav.  i.),  where  the  de- 
parted appears  in  the  midst  of  a  garden  full  of 
fruits  and  flowers,  where  birds  seem  to  flit  from 
branch  to  branch.  On  some  sarcophaguses  (as  in 
Bottari,  Sculture,  six. ;  Millin,  Midi  de  la  France, 


PAEALYTIC  MAN 

Ixv.  Ixviii.)  trees  or  vines  form  columns  sepa- 
rating the  different  groups ;  these  are  thought 
by  some  to  typify  Paradise.  Occasionally  the 
promised  land  is  typified  by  the  two  spies  bearing 
a  great  bunch  of  grapes  between  them  on  a  pole 
(Millin,  lix.  3 ;  Garrucci,  Vctri,  ii.  9).  And 
again  the  soul  is  typified  by  a  bird  sitting  on  a 
tree  (Lupi,  Severae  Epitaphiwn,  tav.  xvii.  p.  137), 
or  in  the  midst  of  flowers.  See  the  epitaph  of 
Sabiniauus  (Martigny,  p.  576).  The  flowers  and 
leaves,  which  often  enclose  representations  of  the 
Lord  in  glory,  as  in  some  of  the  ancient  mosaics 
of  Rome  and  Ravenna,  are  thought  to  refer  to 
Paradise  [Mosaics,  p.  1337];  and  figures  of 
saints  in  basilicas  are  frequently  placed  in  the 
midst  of  a  Paradise  indicated  in  the  same  manner. 
The  same  kind  of  symbolism  is  found  in  gilded 
glass  (Buonarroti,  Osservazione  sopra  alcuni 
Frammcnti  di  Vetro,  xviii.  xxi.  ;  Garrucci,  ix.  8). 
The  rich  dress  in  which  many  female  figures  are 
represented  on  sepulchral  monuments  is  thought 
by  many  to  indicate  the  "  splendour  of  Paradise  " 
(rpucpT)  Tov  irapaSeLffov)  of  which  the  liturgies 
speak.  The  banquets  which  are  so  often  repre- 
sented on  the  walls  of  sepulchral  chambers  are 
also  very  commonly  supposed  to  typify  Paradi- 
siacal joys  (Polidori,  Conviti  Effigiati,  in  the  Milan 
Arnica  cattolico)  (Martigny,  Diet,  dcs  Antiq.  chre't. 
s.  V.  Faradis). 

(2)  The  word  Paradise  is  sometimes  used  to 
designate  the  quadrangular  space  enclosed  by  a 
cloister,  often  used  as  a  burial-ground.  Comp. 
Narthex,  p.  1379.  [C] 

PAEAGAUDA,    PARAGAUDIS     d-rrapa- 

yavSis).  This  is  a  species  of  ornamental  fringe 
attached  to  a  dress.  We  find  in  the  Theodosian 
Code  (lib.  x.  tit.  21,  1.  1)  a  law  of  Valens  pro- 
hibiting the  use  of  "  auratae  ac  sericae  paragaudae 
auro  intextae "  to  private  persons.  A  law  of 
Theodosius  the  Great  (ib.  1.  2)  repeats  the  pro- 
hibition in  stronger  terms.  The  word  is  also 
used,  by  a  natural  extension,  for  the  dress  so 
ornamented  (see  Gothofredus's  note  in  loc.).  As 
there  is  no  special  Christian  connexion  of  the 
word,  it  is  needless  to  give  further  instances. 
It  is  apparently  oriental,  but  the  derivation  is 
unknown.  [R.  S.] 

PAEALYTIC  MAN.  Two  cures  of  the 
palsy  (besides  that  of  the  centurion's  servant)  arc 
circumstantially  narrated  in  the  gospels — one  of 
the  sufferers  at  the  Pool  of  Bethesda  (John  v. 
2-17),  the  other  of  him  whom  his  friends  lowered 
through  the  roof  in  the  crowded  assembly  of 
Capernaum  (Matt.  ix.  1-8  ;  Mark  v.  21  ;  Luke 
viii.  40,  V.  17-26).  The  former  is  by  far  the 
more  frequently  represented— almost  always  in 
the  act  of  carrying  away  his  bed,  or  '•  that 
whereon  he  lay,"  which  is  sometimes  a  Greek 
couch,  sometimes  a  somewhat  modern  ^stump- 
bedstead.  See  Rohault  de  Fleury,  L'Evangile, 
pi.  li.  figs.  1-5,  Bottari,  tav.  xxxix.,  and  Be- 
thesda, p.  201,  for  a  cut  from  a  Vatican  sarco- 
phagus. See  also  Rohault  de  Fleury,  pi.  Iii.  for 
many  varieties  of  the  grabatum,  two  from  ivories 
at  Ravenna  and  at  Clunj'.  A  scribe  or  apostle  is 
sometimes  present  (Bottari,  xxxi.).  The  other 
paralytic  sufferer  is  seen  as  lowered  through  the 
roof  by  cords  in  a  sarcophagus  photographed  by 
Mr.  Parker  (2906),  and  engraved  in  Bottari,  i. 
pi.  39.  See  Westwood,  Early  Christian  Sculpitures, 


PARAMENTA 

p.  23.  But  the  most  graphic  and  excellent  repre- 
sentation is  in  the  upper  course  of  mosaics  in  St. 
ApoUinare  Nuova  at  Ravenna  (Rohault  de  Fleury, 
L'Evangile,  pi.  xliii.).  De  Fleury  gives  two 
other  examples  from  9th  and  11th  century  MSS. 
nos.  510  and  70  in  the  Bibliothc-que  nouvelle. 

[R.  St.  J.  T.] 
PARAMENTA.  A  general  word  signifying 
■oi-naments,  or  decorations;  from  ^xtrare.  It 
might  be  applied  to  the  tapestry  with  which  a 
church  is  adorned  for  a  festival ;  to  the  coverings 
of  the  altar ;  to  the  sacerdotal  vestments ;  or 
(in  a  still  narrower  sense)  to  the  orphreys,  or 
apparels,  of  a  vestment.  The  authorities  for  its 
use  all  seem  to  be  late.  [C.  E.  H.] 

PARAMONARIUS,  an  ecclesiastical  official, 
the  nature  of  whose  duties  seems  to  have  been 
different  at  different  times  and  places.  The  word 
occui's  but  rarel)',  and  there  is  little  in  the 
context  of  the  passages  where  it  is  found  to 
indicate  the  position  occupied.  The  first  place 
where  it  occurs  is  in  the  second  canon  of  the 
council  of  Chalcedon,  where  the  "  paramonarius" 
(or,  according  to  another  reading,  "  prosmon- 
arius  ")  is  ranked  with  the  "  oeconomus  "  and 
"  ecdicus  "  (church  advocate)  as  one  of  the  sub- 
ordinate ofHcers  of  the  church,  whose  post  was 
sometimes  the  object  of  a  simoniacal  bargain. 
In  this  passage  it  is  considered  by  the  best 
authorities  to  mean  a  "  villicus  "  or  bailiff,  who 
managed  the  estates  of  a  monastery  or  church. 
"Monasterii  administer."  (Bevereg.  Pandect. 
Can.  torn.  i.  p.  112  ;  ii.  p.  109 ;  annotat. ;  Justellus, 
Bibl.  Jur.  Canon^  tom.  i.  p.  91 ;  Suicer,  sii])  voc.) 
It  is  also  explained  in  the  same  manner  by 
Gothofred  in  his  annotations  on  a  law  of  the 
Justinian  code  {da  Episc.  et  Cleriais,  1.  46,  sect.  3), 
where  the  paramonarii  are  associated  with  the 
s:enodochi,  ptochotrophi,  nosocomi,  &c.,  as  adminis- 
trators of  church  property.  Du  Cange,  on  the 
other  hand,  considers  the  office  to  be  one  of 
lower  grade,  identical  with  that  of  the  mansio- 
narius  in  the  Western  church,  concerned  with 
lighting  the  candles,  opening  and  shutting  the 
doors,  and  other  servile  duties.  The  word  is  so 
rendered  by  Dionysius  Exiguus,  and  explained  in 
the  margin  by  ostiarius,  and  the  quotations 
given  by  Du  Cange  (sub  voc.)  prove  that  it  was 
used  in  this  inferior  sense  in  the  West  in 
mediaeval  times  (Bingham,  Orig.  Eccl.  bk.  iii. 
ch.  xiii.  §  1  ;  Bevereg.  Pandectae,  u.  s. ;  Justellus, 
u.  s.).  [E.  v.] 

PARAMONUS  and  370  martyrs  under 
Decius  ;  commemorated  Nov.  29.  (C'a/.  Byzant). 
[C.  H.] 

PARAPHONISTA.  This  word  occurs  fre- 
quently in  the  early  Ordines  Eomani  published 
by  Hittorp,  and  by  Mabillon,  Museum  Ital. 
tom.  ii.  The  four  principal  singers  in  the  Schola 
Cantorum  at  Rome  were  named  paraphonistae. 
The  first  in  number  of  these  (prior  scholae)  pre- 
sented the  anthem.  It  was  the  duty  of  the 
fourth,  who  Avas  called  archiparaphonista,  to 
keep  the  pope  informed  of  any  matter  that  con- 
cerned the  choir,  what  anthems  were  to  be  sung, 
&c.  The  choir-boys  were  sometimes  called 
infantes  paraphonistae.  [C.  E.  H.] 

PARASCEUE.    [Good  Friday.] 

PARASCEVE,    martyr     at     Rome     under 


PARIS,  COUNCILS  OF 


1553 


Antoninus ;    commemorated    July    26.       (CiK 
Byzant.)  [C.  H.]  ' 

PARATORIUM,  a  designation  of  the  pro- 
thesis  or  credence  table  in  the  Ordo  Eoman'js, 
also  called  oblationarium,  "  because  when  the 
offerings  were  received  preparation  was  made 
out  of  them  for  the  Eucharist "  (Bingham,  viii. 
vi.  22).  [Protiiesis.]  It  also  stood  for  the 
Secretarium  Ecclesiae  or  Sacristy.  "  Calicem 
subdiaconus  dat  acolyto  et  ilia  revocat  in  Para- 
torium."  Ordo  Romanus,  "Reponitur  liber  ia 
paratorio  quodam  sive  in  secretario  "  (ibid.).  See 
Ducange,  Const.  Christ.  S.  Soph.  cc.  67,  68. 
[DiACONICUM.]  [E.  v.] 

PARENTS.     [Family.] 

PARIS,  COUNCILS  OF  (1),  a.d.  360  (al. 
362),  where  the  Arian  formula,  concocted  at 
Rimini,  published  at  Nice,  and  reaffirmed  at  Con- 
stantinople, from  which  the  word  "  Homoousios  " 
had  been  eliminated,  was  condemned  in  a  synodical 
letter  addressed  to  the  Easterns,  and  preserved 
in  the  11th  Fragm.  of  St.  Hilary.  (Mansi,  iii. 
357-359.) 

(2)  A.D.  555  (ixl.  551),  at  which  Saffaracus, 
who  subscribed  to  the  5th  council  of  Orleans  as 
bishop  of  Paris,  being  convicted  of  various  crimes 
by  his  own  confession,  was  deposed.  (Mansi,  ix. 
739-742.) 

(3)  A.D.  557,  in  the  pontificate  of  Pelagius  I., 
like  the  former  one,  when  ten  canons  were  passed, 
all  relating  to  church  discipline,  and  most  of 
them  re-enactments ;  e.  g.  the  eighth,  which 
says,  "  Let  no  bishop  be  ordained  against  the 
will  of  the  citizens ;  but  him  only  who  has  been 
elected  with  fullest  choice  of  the  people  and 
clergy.  Neither  let  any  see  be  filled  up  by  the 
powerofthe  prince,  nor  any  potentate  whatsoever, 
against  the  will  of  the  bishop  of  the  metropolis, 
or  his  suffragans."  Six  more  canons  are  given  to 
this  council  by  Gratian  and  others,  which,  as 
Mansi  shews,  embody  rules  of  the  ninth  and 
following  centuries.     (lb.  752.) 

(4)  A.D.  573,  when  Pappolus,  bishop  of 
Chartres,  complained  of  the  consecration  of 
Promotus  to  the  see  of  Chateauduninhis  diocese, 
by  Aegidius,  bishop  of  Rheims,  who  was  therefore 
called  upon,  in  the  name  of  the  council,  to  with- 
draw his  nominee.  The  council  also  addressed  a 
letter  to  king  Sigebert,  begging  of  him  not  to 
interpose  in  his  favour.     (76.  865-872.) 

(5)  A.D.  577,  when  Praetextatus,  bishop  of 
Rouen,  was  accused  by  king  Chilperic  of  having 
encouraged  the  revolt  of  his  son  Jleroveus,  which 
the  bishop  denied.  Forty-five  bishops,  among 
whom  was  Gregory  of  Tours,  the  historian,  heard 
his  defence.  But  in  the  end,  having  been  induced 
to  become  his  own  accuser,  he  was  carried  oif 
forciblv,  thrown  into  prison,  and  then  exiled. 
(lb.  875-880.) 

(6)  A.D.  615,  the  most  considerable  that  had 
yet  met  there  ;  said  to  have  been  attended  by 
seventy-nine  bishops,  and  even  called  general  in 
a  council  of  Rheims  ten  years  later.  Its  preface 
deposes  to  its  having  been  summoned  by  king 
Clotaire,  who  confirmed  its  canons  afterwards  in 
a  special  edict.  They  were  fifteen  in  number,  all 
disciplinary.  By  the  second  of  them,  no  bishop  may 
choose  or  have  one  chosen  to  succeed  him  during 


1554 


PARISH 


his  lifetime,  unless  he  should  have  become,  for 
some  reason,  in(i|i;iMe  of  administering  his  diocese. 
By  the  thinl  all  nianmiiitted  slaves  (liberti)  are 
to  be  defendcil  Ijy  priests,  and  not  reduced  again 
to  their  former  state.  And  by  the  fifteenth  no 
Jew  may  hold  or  apply  for  any  public  office 
giving  him  power  over  Christians.  Any  Jew 
endeavouring  to  compass  this  is  to  receive 
baptism  at  the  hands  of  the  bishop  of  the  place, 
with  all  his  family.  The  rest  are  less  new,  than 
old  canons  revived.  (Mansi,  x.  539-546.)  Ten 
more  canons  (Mansi  makes  them  fifteen)  are  pre- 
sei-ved  of  a  nameless  council  (Delaland,  Suppl. 
ad  Sirmond,  p.  62,  has  invented  a  name  for  it), 
by  the  first  of  which  these  fifteen  are  confirmed, 
as  being  in  no  way  contrary  to  the  Catholic 
faith  or  church  law,  while  by  the  eighth  priests 
and  deacons  are  forbidden,  under  pain  of  depri- 
vation, ever  to  marry,     (ft.  546-548.) 

(7)  A.D.  638.  When  the  exemption  of  the 
abbey  of  St.  Denis  is  stated  to  have  been  renewed, 
"  in  universali  nostrd  synodo  Parisiis  congregata," 
as  king  Dagobert,  who  subscribes  first,  is  made 
to  say.  But  if  so,  why  should  it  have  formed 
the  subject  of  a  grant  afterwards,  A.D.  658,  by 
bishop  Landeric  ?  (Mansi,  s.  659  and  xi.  61.) 
[E.  S.  Ff.] 

PARISH.  I.  J^am^s  for.— The  Greek  word 
TrapoiKia,  from  which  the  English  parish  is  de- 
rived, through  the  Latin  paroecia,  parochia,  the 
Norman-French  2Mroisse  (Lois  de  Guillaume  le 
Conquerant,  1),  and  the  early  English  parocJic, 
jxo-oshe,  parcsche  (Stratmanu,  s.  v.),  appears 
to  have  had  two  meanings.  (1)  In  Greek 
inscriptions  it  is  not  uncommon  to  find  the 
inhabitants  of  a  town  divided  into  those 
Avho  have  and  those  who  have  not  full  civil 
rights,  and  described  collectively  as  o'l  re  -KoKirai 
icaX  ol  irdpoiKoi  travres,  e.g.  Corpus  Tnscr.  Gr. 
No.  1631  at  Thespiae,  No.  2906  at  Priene, 
No.  3049  at  Teos,  No.  3595  at  Ilium  Novum ; 
hence,  in  the  first  use  of  the  term  and  its  cog- 
nate terms  in  Biblical  and  ecclesiastical  Greek, 
they  are  found  in  this  literal  sense  of  a  "  so- 
journer "  and  "  sojourning,"  e.^r.  in  the  LXX.  Exod. 
ii.  22  ;  Deut.  v.  14;  2  Kings  viii.  l,in  the  N.  T. 
Acts  vii.  29  ;  Ephes.  ii.  19  ;  Heb.  si.  9  ;  in  Philo, 
e.g.  vol.  i.  pp.  161,  511,  ed.  Mangey  ;  in  Josejjhus, 
e.g.  Antt.  Jud.  viii.  2,  9.  It  is  probable  that  the 
term  came  thus  to  be  ordinarily  applied  to  the 
colonies  of  Jews  in  the  great  cities  of  the  East, 
who  were  not  absorbed  in  the  ordinary  citizens, 
biit  kept  their  nationality  distinct ;  e.g.  at  Cyrene, 
where  Strabo  ap.  Joseph.  Antt.  Jud.  xiv.  7,  2, 
says  that  there  were  four  divisions  of  the  popu- 
lation— citizens,  farmers,  fxiroiKOL,  and  Jews. 
It  was  probably  continued  or  adopted  by  the 
colonies  of  Christians  in  the  same  cities,  who 
stood  in  a  similar  relation  to  the  rest  of  the 
population  :  hence,  in  Clem.  Eom.  i.  c.  1,  the 
church  of  Rome  describes  itself  as  tj  iKKATjaia 
Tov  @eov  7]  irapoiKovaa  ['Pi^/xrji'],  so  Polyc.  ad 
Philipp.  1 ;  Martijr.  Pohjc.  1.  With  this  mingled 
the  metaphorical  sense  of  the  word  in  which 
this  "  sojourning "  upon  earth  was  contrasted 
with  the  "  abiding  city  "  in  heaven,  e.g.  1  Pet. 
i.  17 ;  Clem.  Rom.  ii.  c.  5 ;  Corpus  Inscr.  Grace. 
No.  9474,  9683. 

(2)  It  was  used,  in  a  sense  which  continued 
its  earlier  sense  of  "  dwelling  near  a  city,"  as 
equivalent  to  a  rural  commune  or  a  detached 
suburb.     This  meaning  is  rare,  and  the  editors 


PARISH 

of  the  Corpius  Inscr.  Grace,  treat  tlie  use  of 
■irdpoiKos  in  the  sense  of  "  colonus,"  as  a  proof 
that  the  inscription  on  which  it  occurs.  No.  8656,. 
is  not  earlier  than  the  4th  century,  A.D.  In  the 
later  civil  law  wapoiKia  was  applied  to  villeins 
or  peasant-farmers  ;  e.g.  in  the  Practica,  tit.  15, 
c.  2,  ap.  Yon  Lingenthal,  Jus  Graeco-Eomanum, 
pars  i.  p.  42. 

In  the  ecclesiastical  use  of  the  words  these 
two  meanings  were  confounded — the  former 
meaning  predominates  in  the  earlier  period,  the 
latter  in  the  later;  nor  does  the  confusion 
disappear  until  far  on  in  the  middle  ages  ;  i.e. 
irapoiKla,  paroecia  were  i;sed  (i.)  of  the  whole 
colony  of  Christians  in  a  given  city  or  district, 
i.e.  of  the  "diocese,"  in  its  modern  sense  of 
the  district  over  which  a  bishop  came  to 
have  jurisdiction  ;  (ii.)  of  the  rural  or  suburban 
communities  which  were  more  or  less  depen- 
dent on  another  church — i.e.  of  the  "  parish  " 
in  its  modern  sense.  Between  these  two  uses 
of  the  words  it  is  not  always  easy  to  distin- 
guish. The  following  must  be  taken  as  being 
only  an  approximate  classification  of  some 
leading  instances : — i.  =:  the  modern  "  diocese  ": 
S.  Iren.  Ep.  ad  Florin,  ap.  Euseb.  //.  E.  v.  20 ; 
Apollon.  Ephes.  ap.  Euseb.  //.  E.  v.  18  ;  Alexand. 
Alexandrin.  Ep.  ap.  Theodoret.  H.  E.  i.  3 ; 
Cone.  Ancyr.  c.  18;  Nicaen.  c.  16  ;  Const.  Apost. 
ii.  1 ;  viii.  10 ;  St.  Cyrill.  Hierosol.  Catech.  xiv. 
21;  St.  Athanas.  Apol.  c.  Arian,  c.  49,  vol.  i. 
p.  131,  id.  Hist.  Arian.  c.  17,  vol.  i.  p.  279,  id. 
Tom.  ad  Antioch.  vol.  i.  p.  616 ;  St.  Greg.  M. 
Ep.  vi.  11 ;  xiv.  7  ;  in  Galilean  documents  from 
the  6th  century  onwards — e.g.  in  the  instrument 
of  foundation  of  the  abbey  of  St.  Mesmin  ap. 
D'Achery,  Sjjicileg.  vol.  iii.  p.  307 ;  in  England, 
Gone.  Clovesh.  c.  3,  Cone.  Cealcyth.  c.  3  ;  in  the 
probably  genuine  writings  of  popes — e.g.  Epit. 
Hadrian.  Can.  Apost.  40,  Hormisd.  Ep.  117,  ad 
Episc.  Ilispian.  c.  3 ;  in  the  Carolingian  Capitu- 
laries— e.g.  Karlomauui  Capit.  A.D.  742,  c.  3, 
Pippini  Cap)it.  Suession.  c.  iv.  1,  Capit.  Vern.  c.  3, 
Karoli  M.  CajM.  General.  A.D.  769,  c.  8 ;  in  the 
Liber  Pontificalis,  Vit.  3.  Si.vti,  p.  8 ;  in  the 
Pseudo-Isidorian  decretals — e.g.  Epist.  Clem.  i.  c. 
36,  70,  Epist.  Calixt.  ii.  c.  13,  Epist.  Lucii.  c.  5 ; 
and  even  in  the  12th  century — e.g.  Legenda  S. 
Ilugon.  Lincoln,  ap.  Giraldus  Cambrensis,  ed. 
Dimock,  vol.  vii.  p.  176.  So  far  did  this  wider 
sense  oi  paroecia  prevail  that  a  distinction  some- 
times apjsears  between  the  paroecia  of  a  simple 
bishop,  and  the  diocesis  or  provincia  of  a  metro- 
I)olitan — e.g.  S.  Bonifac.  Mogunt.  Epist.  49,  cal 
Zachariam,  A.D.  742,  Migne,  Patr.  Lat.  vol.  Ixxxix. 
714,  "  tres  ordinavimus  episcopos  et  provinciam 
in  tres  parochias  discrevimus ;  so  S.  Zachar. 
I^'pist.  3,  ad  Burchard,  Migne,  vol.  Ixxxix.  822. 
ii.  It  =  the  modern  "  parish  "  :  S.  Basil.  Epist. 
240  (192) ;  Const.  Apost.  ii.  58  ;  Cone.  Chalc. 
c.  17  ;  3  Cone.  Tolet.  c.  ix.  20,  Emerit.  c.  19,. 
2  Hispal.  c.  2,  Agath.  c.  21,  Rem.  c.  19,  Cabillon, 
c.  5 ;  Sidon.  Apollin.  Ep>ist.  vii.  6,  p.  183  ;  S. 
Greg.  M.  Epist.  i.  16 ;  Vit.  S.  Elig.  ii.  25,  ap. 
D'Achery,  Spicil.  vol.  ii.  ;  in  the  Pseudo-Isido- 
rian decretals,  Epist.  Clem.  iii.  c.  70  (from 
Lulli  Epist.  ad  Pontif.  Max.  in  S.  Bonifac.  Epist. 
112,  p.  290);  Hincmar  Rem.  Cajyit.  Synod.  4,. 
c.  1,  ed.  Sirmond.  p.  732,  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  cxxv. 
p.  795.  Conversely  dioecesis  is  frequently  used, 
probably  by  a  survival  of  one  of  its  classical 
uses  (for  which  see  Marquardt,  Edmische  Staats- 


PARISH 

venmltung,  BJ.  i.  p.  5)  as  equivalent  to  the 
modern  parish — e.g.  Sidon.  ApoUin.  Epist.  ix. 
16,  p.  283  ;  S.  Greg.  Turon.  H.  F.  iv.  13,  p.  152, 
id.  vi.  38,  p.  315,  uses  "  parochiae  "  and  "  dio- 
ceses "  synonymonsly  in  the  same  chapter ; 
Cone.  Agath.  a.d.  506,  c.  54,  Tarracon.  a.d.  516, 
c.  8,  4  Aurel.  A.D.  541,  c.  33,  3  Brae.  A.D.  572, 
c.  2,  4  Tolet.  A.D.  633,  c.  34,  36.  This  use  of 
dioecesis  (and  the  concurrent  absence  of  the  use 
of  paroecia)  is  especially  found  in  Italy — e.g. 
in  the  long  dispute  between  the  bishops  of  Arezzo 
and  Siena,  the  documents  relating  to  which  are 
given  by  Muratori,  Antiquit.  Ital.  vol.  vi.,  where 
2)arochia  does  not  appear  to  occur  until  the 
decree  of  the  Roman  council  respecting  the  case 
in  A.D.  853. 

(The  mediaeval  spelling  parocMa,  which  is 
a  constant  variant  for  paroecia,  seems  to  have 
arisen  from'  a  derivation  from  the  classical 
parochiis,  which  has  been  revived  in  modern 
times  by  Baur,  iiber  der  Ursprung  des  Episcopats, 
p.  78,  but  is  altogether  untenable.) 

ii.  Origin  of  Parishes. — The  origin  of  parishes, 
in  the  modern  sense  of  the  word,  is  to  be  found 
in  the  suburban  and  rural  organization  of  the 
Roman  empire.  In  the  more  civilized  countries 
of  that  empire,  each  important  city  had  a  dis- 
trict surrounding  it,  within  which  its  magis- 
trates might  exercise  jurisdiction  (_  =  regio,  Sicul. 
Flacc.  in  Gromat.  Vett.  ed.  Lachmann,  p.  135  ; 
tcrritorium,  Digest,  50,  16,  239,  §  8 ;  StoiK7]<ns 
Cic.  ad  Fam.  13,  15).  This  district  might  con- 
tain within  it  vici,  castella,  pagi,  Kc^ixai,  (ppovpia, 
which  formed  dependencies  of  the  city  (Isidor. 
Hispal.  Origin,  xv.  2,  11 ;  cf.  Marquardt,  Eomi- 
sche  Staatsvenoaltung,  Bd.  i.  pp.  7  sq.).  In  addi- 
tion to  these  large  cities,  with  their  surrounding 
territory  and  their  dependent  villages  and  ham- 
Jets,  there  were  independent  communities  in 
rural  districts,  which  had  their  own  officers,  and 
sometimes  also  their  own  territory  (Marquardt, 
ibid. ;  Kuhn  iiber  die  Entstehung  der  Stddte  der 
Alien,  Komenverfassung  u.  Synoikismos,  Leipzig, 
1878).  By  the  end  of  the  3rd  century,  Christi- 
.anity  had  penetrated  to  the  majority  of  these 
suburban  and  rural  organizations,  and  provision 
had  to  be  made  for  them  in  the  general  organi- 
zation. The  provision  varied  considerably  at 
different  times  and  in  different  countries ;  and 
the  modern  parish  is  the  survivor  of  many  earlier 
experiments. 

(1.)  In  Syria  it  was  sometimes  the  practice  to 
attach  a  small  town  for  ecclesiastical  purposes  to 
a  neighbouring  larger  town ,  for  example,  Beth- 
lehem was  attached  to  Jerusalem  (Sulp.  Sever. 
Dial.  i.  8,  ed.  Halm,  p.  159,  writing  of  St.  Jerome, 
says,  "  ecclesiam  loci  illius  (Bethlehem)  Hierony- 
mus  presbyter  regit ;  nam  paroecia  est  episcopi 
qui  Hierosolymam  tenet  ").  But  more  commonly 
in  Syria,  and  some  parts  of  Asia  Minor,  it  appears 
to  have  become  the  practice,  as  early  as  the  4th 
century,  to  appoint  presbyters  and  deacons  for 
small  towns  and  country  districts,  who  were  in 
some  respects  on  a  lower  footing  than  the  pi-es- 
byters  and  deacons  of  city  churches  (Cone.  Neo- 
caes.  c.  13 ;  Antioch,  c.  8),  and  who  were  super- 
intended by  rural  bishops,  x'^P^'^'^°''^o^oh  o^" 
itinerant  bishops,  ireptoSevTai,  who  were  them- 
selves in  some  respects  subordinate  to  the  city 
bishops  (Cone.  Ancyr.  c.  13;  Neocaes.  c.  13; 
Antioch,  c.  10  ;  S.  Basil.  Episf.  54  (181).  The 
eoutroversy  to  which  this  fact  gave  rise  in  the 

CHRIST.    ANT. — VOL.    II. 


PARISH 


1555 


West,  in  the  8th  and  9th  centuries,  is  referred  to 
under  Orders,  Holy,  III.).  An  interesting 
example  of  the  ecclesiastical  organization  of  a 
small  Syrian  town  in  the  4th  century,  a.d.  354, 
is  afforded  by  an  inscription  at  Eitha  (El-hit) 
in  Batanea,  printed  in  Le  Bas  et  Waddington, 
Inscriptions  Grecques,  cfc.  No.  2124  (=  Corpus 
Inscr.  Grace.  No.  8819),  where  the  clergy  con- 
sisted of  two  presbyters,  one  of  whom  was  also 
archimandrite  of  the  local  monastery,  and  two 
deacons,  one  of  whom  acted  as  oiKovSfxos,  or 
'  bursar."  (2.)  In  North  Africa,  the  system  of 
rural  or  itinerant  bishops,  with  jurisdiction  over 
detached  towns  or  villages,  does  not  seem  to  have 
existed.  It  is  clear,  both  from  the  large  number 
of  bishoprics  which  are  known  to  have  existed, 
and  from  the  taunts  which  were  thrown  out  on 
both  sides  in  the  course  of  the  Donatist  contro- 
versy, that  bishops  of  full  rank  were  ordinarily  ap- 
pointed, wherever  a  Christian  community  existed ; 
but  at  the  same  time  there  are  traces  of  the 
system  which  afterwards  came  more  generally  to 
prevail,  e.g.  in  St.  Augustine,  Epist.  209,  where 
he  speaks  of  a  "castellum"  which  formed  an 
outlying  dependency  of  the  church  of  Hippo : 
"antea  ibi  nunquam  ejMscopus  fuit,  sed  simul 
cum  contigua  sibi  regione  ad  paroeciam  Hippo- 
nensis  ecclesiae  pertinebat."  (3.)  In  the  district 
round  Alexandria,  r]  Mapedrrjs  x^P'^y  the  villages 
were  entrusted  to  presbyters,  under  the  super- 
intendence of  the  bishop  of  Alexandria.  Atha- 
nasius  mentions  upwards  of  ten  such  villages,  and 
also  speaks  of  the  bishop  visiting  them  (Treptepxo' 
fitvcp).  The  dispute  with  Ischyras,  which  occu- 
pies a  prominent  place  in  his  controversy  with 
the  Arians,  seems  to  have  arisen  out  of  the 
attempt  of  Ischyras  to  have  himself  appointed 
bishop  of  one  of  these  villages,  which  Athanasius 
resists  on  the  ground  of  its  being  contrary  to 
local  practice  (S.  Athanas.  Apol.  c.  Avian,  c.  63, 
vol.  i.  p.  143  ;  c.  85,  vol.  i.  p.  158).  (4.)  In  Gaul 
and  Spain,  the  circumstances  under  which  Christi- 
anity spread,  and  the  elaborate  civil  organization 
with  which  it  found  itself  in  contact,  led  to  the 
growth  and  consolidation  of  the  system  which 
has  since  become  permanent  in  the  Western 
church.  It  is  probable  that  in  those  countries 
it  did  not  penetrate  to  the  counti-y  districts  and 
rural  communes  until  long  after  its  complete 
organization  in  the  chief  towns.  Those  towns 
consequently  became  missionary  centres.  Pres- 
byters and  deacons  were  sent  into  the  castella 
and  vici,  partly  to  preach  and  partly  to  minister 
to  the  scattered  Christians  who  were  to  be  found 
there.  That  they  did  not  go  far  from  the  towns, 
and  that  they  did  not  give  to  the  Christians  the 
full  advantages  of  Christian  worship,  is  shewn 
by  their  having  to  return  to  the  city  church 
every  Saturday,  in  order  to  assist  in  the  services 
of  the  Sunday  (Cone.  Tarrac.  a.d.  516,  c.  7).  By 
degrees  the  Christians  of  these  country  districts 
became  more  numerous;  but  by  that  time  the 
tendency  had  arisen  to  limit  the  number  of 
bishops.  The  episcopate  had  become  more  im- 
portant. Its  dignity  was  not  to  be  impaired  by 
creating  a  bishop,  as  in  primitive  times,  for  every 
new  community.  Presbyters  and  deacons  were 
detached  from  the  staff  of  the  city  church,  and 
deputed  to  serve  country  churches.  They  were 
sent  not  merely  "ad  praedicandum,"  but  "  aa 
regendum,"  i.e.  to  exercise  ecclesiastical  disci- 
pline. At  first  they  were  still  nominally  on  the 
5  H 


1556 


PAKISH 


roll  of  the  city  clergy.  They  received  their  al- 
lowances, as  before,  from  the  common  fund.  They 
could  be  recalled  by  the  bishop,  and  re-attached 
to  the  city  church  (so  late  as  Cone.  Enierit.  a.d. 
666,  c.  12).  But  gradually  they  became  fixed 
in  their  several  districts,  or  "  paroeoiae."  As 
such  they  were  at  first  called  "  cardinales,"*  a 
term  which  was  also  applied  to  the  permanent 
chaplains  of  endowed  oratories  (e.g.  by  S.  Greg. 
M.  Epist.  xii.  11),  and  was  ultimately  superseded 
in  the  case  of  almost  all  parishes,  except  the 
Roman  tituli,  by  the  terms  diocesani,  e.g.  Cone. 
Agath.  0.  22  ;  Tarracon.  c.  13,  jMrochitani,  paroe- 
ciani,  parochiales,  Cone.  Emerit.  c.  18;  3  Tolet. 
c.  4 ;  7  Tolet.  c.  4 ;  9  Tolet.  c.  2  ;  locales,-^  Tolet. 
c.  20 ;  forastici.  Can.  Martin.  Brae.  c.  15  (trans- 
lating the  iTnx<ipioi  Trpecrfiiirepoi  of  Cone.  Neocaes. 
c.  13). 

Such  is  in  outline  the  history  of  the  origin  of 
the  parochial  system.  When  it  finally  came  to 
prevail,  it  tended  to  absorb  into  itself  the  other 
systems  upon  which  Christian  communities  had 
been  organized,  and,  although  only  after  struggles 
which  stretch  far  into  the  middle  ages,  and  not 
without  the  co-operation  of  the  civil  power  for 
the  purposes  of  political  convenience,  to  spread 
the  network  of  its  elaborate  organization  over 
the  whole  of  Western  Christendom.  But  it  will 
be  noted  that  the  history  which  has  been  given 
takes  account  only  of  rural  or  suburban  districts, 
and  of  towns  which  were  included  in  such  dis- 
tricts. It  is  necessary  to  explain  briefly  the 
extension  of  the  system — i.  to  episcopal  cities ; 
ii.  to  privately  founded  churches. 

(i.)  In  the  larger  cities,  some  kind  of  subdivi- 
sion soon  became  necessary,  not  only  because 
a  single  building  became  too  small  for  wor- 
ship, but  also  because  a  singly  organization 
became  too  cumbrous  to  discharge  effectively 
the  various  functions  of  discipline  and  of 
charity  which  the  church  assumed  to  itself. 
But  instead  of  subdividing  the  church  into 
separate  communities,  each  complete  in  itself, 
the  theory  of  the  unity  of  the  church  was  pre- 
served by  assigning  to  each  community  one  or 
more  presbyters,  and  regarding  these  presbyters 
as  forming  collectively  a  single  crvveSpiop,  or 
consilium,  under  the  presidency  of  a  single  bishop. 
This  was  the  case  at  Alexandria ;  each  district 
and  quarter  (\avpa)  of  the  city  had  its  own 
church  and  its  own  presbyter  (S.  Epiphan.  adv. 
Baeres.  68,  4  ;  69,  1 ;  Sozom.  H.  E.  i.  15).  This 
was  also  the  case  at  Rome.  The  earliest  certain 
evidence  which  we  possess  on  the  point  is  the 
letter  of  Cornelius  in  Euseb.  H.  E.  vi.  43,  which 
says  that  there  were  at  that  time  forty-six  pres- 
byters at  Rome.  A  few  years  later  Optatus  (cfc 
Schism.  Donat.  ii.  4)  mentions  that  there  were 
more  than   forty  basilicas;  it  is  inferred  that 


a  That  cardiiialiB  in  this  use,  which  was  transferred 
from  certain  civil  offices  under  the  empire,  means  "  fixed  " 
is  rightly  maintained  by  Gothofred,  ad  Cod.  Theodos, 
12,  6,  7,  Bockiug,  Notitia  Dign.  Orient,  c.  5,  2,  vol.  i. 
pp.  24,  205  ;  it  is  shewn,  e.g.  by  a  letter  of  pope  Zacliary 
to  Pippin  (^Epist.  S,  c.  15,  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  Ixxxix.  935) 
who  will  not  allow,  a  "presbyter  cardinalis"  to  be 
appointed  on  a  private  estate,  but  rules  that  whenever 
masses  are  required  in  private  oratories  a  presbyter  must 
be  specially  asked  for  from  the  bishop.  The  other  late 
liatin  meaning  of  "  cardinalis  "  {i.e.  praecipuus,  accord- 
ing to  Serv.  ad  Virg.  Aen.  i.  135),  is  less  applicable  to 
either  its  civil  or  its  ecclesiastical  use. 


TAKISH 

there  was  one  presbyter  for  each  basilica,  and 
probably  a  larger  number  for  the  bishop's  basi- 
lica. The  Liber  Pontificcdis  is  of  less  authority 
as  to  the  early  period,  but  is  more  precise  in  its 
details.  The  earliest  account  which  it  gives  is 
that  St.  Evaristus  assigned  churches  and  their 
revenues  in  Rome  to  presbyters  ("  titidos  in  arbi 
Roma  divisit  presbyteris."  Vit.  S.  Evarist.  p. 
6).  The  next  account  is  that  St.  Dionysius 
assigned  churches  to  presbyters,  and  instituted 
cemeteries  and  parishes  (the  text  is  partly  un- 
certain :  Bianchini  reads  ^'^  parochias  dioceses 
instituit,"  but  probably  the  second  of  these 
words  is  a  gloss  of  the  first,  as  parochia  was  a 
comparatively  rare  word  in  Italy,  and  also  as 
Hincmar  of  Rlieims  Opusc.  in  cans.  Ilincm.  Lau- 
dun.  c.  15  ap.  Migne,  Patr.  Lat.  -vol.  cxxvi.  330 
and  the  Pseudo-Isidore,  Epist.  ii.  Dionys.  c.  3 ; 
Hinschius,  p.  196,  evidently  read  "parochias" 
only).  A  few  years  afterwards,  pope  Marcellus  is 
said  by  the  same  authority  to  have  instituted 
twenty-five  "tituli"  at  Rome,  "quasi  dioceses 
propter  baptismum  et  poenitentiam  multorum 
qui  convertebantur  e  paganis  "  (  Yit.  S.  Marcell.  p. 
31).  It  may  be  inferred  from  these  three  accounts 
that  in  the  first  instance  the  presbyters  of  tlie 
several  Roman  churches  had  no  special  district 
assigned  to  them,  and  that  probably  they  were 
not  even  attached  to  any  particular  church. 
After  the  time  of  pope  Dionysius,  each  church 
had  its  own  clergy,  its  own  proper  district,  and 
its  own  revenues.  The  presbyters,  deacon,  and 
sub-deacon  of  each  church  were  "  cardinales," 
i.e.  fixed  to  the  given  church ;  but  collectively, 
as  at  Alexandria,  they  formed  a  single  body, 
which,  by  corporate  continuity,  with  changes  of 
detail  but  not  of  principle,  remains  to  this  day 
as  the  "  collegium  sanctae  Romanae  ecclesiae 
cardinalium." 

But  the  questions  of  the  relation  of  these 
"  tituli,"  "  parochiae,"  or  "  dioceses,"  to  the 
"  regiones  "  into  which  the  city  was  also  divided 
for  ecclesiastical  purposes,  and  also  of  the  degree 
to  which  they  were  analogous  to  the  parishes  of 
other  parts  of  Christendom,  are  questions  which 
do  not  seem  to  admit,  upon  extant  evidence,  of 
any  certain  answer  (some  help  towards  the  solu- 
tion of  the  first  of  these  questions  will  be  found 
in  the  treatises  of  the  learned  16th-century 
antiquar}',  Onuphrio  Panvino,  ap.  Mai,  Spicile- 
giwn  Bomanimi,  vol.  vi.,  and  in  Mabillon,  Mtu>. 
Ital.  vol.  ii.  Comm.  praev.  in  Ord.  Bom.  c.  3). 

(2)  Co-ordinate  with  the  normal  formation  of 
Christian  communities  by  the  aggregation  of  the 
Christians  of  a  city  or  district,  and  their  organi- 
zation, whether  under  presbyters  or  bishops, 
was  the  custom  of  erecting  places  of  worship 
upon  the  estates  of  landed  proprietors.  In  the 
first  instance  there  appears  to  have  been  no 
restriction  upon  the  erection  of  such  places  of 
worship ;  the  civil  law,  for  fiscal  reasons, 
required  the  officers  of  such  churches  to  be 
taken  from  the  estate  (law  of  Arcadius  and 
Honorius,  A.D.  398,  Cod.  Theodos.  16,  2,  33  = 
Cod.  Justin.  1,  3,  11),  but  otherwise  until  the 
middle  of  the  6t]i  century  left  them  practically 
free.  It  is  not  clear  whether  Cone.  Chalced. 
c.  4,  which  forbids  tlie  erection  of  jj.ovacrr'ijpiov 
^  evKT'r]piov  oTkov  without  the  consent  of  the 
bishop  of  the  city,  refers  to  these  churches ;  if, 
as  appears  most  probable  from  the  general  tenor 
of  the   canon,   it  does  not  refer  to  them,  the 


PARISH 

earliest  restriction  upon  their  erection  will  be 
Justin,  Novell.  67,  circ.  A.D.  540,  which  requii-es 
both  the  consent  of  the  bishop,  as  a  safeguard 
against  the  multiplication  of  heretical  churches, 
and  a  sufficient  endowment.  In  the  West  there 
are  few  traces  of  them  until  the  6th  century ; 
from  that  time  onwards  they  became  numerous. 
In  some  cases  they  Avere  merely  "  pi'ivate 
chapels,"  erected  for  the  convenience  of  the 
owners  of  country  estates,  and  the  regulation 
was  made  that  although  divine  service  might 
for  the  sake  of  convenience  ("  propter  fitiga- 
tionem  familiae")  be  performed  in  tlieni  on 
ordinary  days,  yet  on  the  greater  festivals  resort 
must  be  had  to  the  church  of  the  parish  or  the 
city  (Cone.  Agath.  A.D.  506,  c.  21 ;  1  Arvern. 
A.D.  535,  c.  15).  In  other  cases  they  appear  to 
have  had  districts  assigned  to  them  and  so  to 
have  become  country  parishes;  hence,  4  Cone. 
Aurel.  A.D.  541,  c.  26,  speaks  of  '^parochiae  in 
potentum  domibus  ;"  and  c.  33,  "  Si  quis  in  agro 
sue  aut  habet  aut  postulat  habere  dioecesim ;" 
and  9  Cone.  Tolet.  A.D.  655,  c.  2,  deals  with  the 
case  of  "  ecclesiae  parochiales  "  which  have  been 
founded  by  private  persons.  The  two  points 
which  were  mainly  insisted  upon  in  regard  to 
both  classes  of  privately-founded  churches  were 
(1)  That  they  should  be  under  the  bishop's  con- 
trol ;  and  (2)  That  they  should  be  sufficiently 
fudowed.  The  former  of  these  rules  probably 
appears  first  in  1  Cone.  Aurel.  A.D.  511,  c.  17  ; 
the  latter  was  enacted  by  4  Cone.  Aurel.  a.d. 
541,  c.  33.  A  good  example  of  the  kind  of 
endowment  which  was  required  is  afforded  by  S. 
Greg.  M.Episf.  12,  11,  which  recites  that  Anio, 
*'  comes  Aprutianus,"  had  founded  an  oratory 
within  his  "  castellum,"  and  that  he  wished  to 
have  it  consecrated  in  honour  of  St.  Peter.  St. 
Gregory,  writing  to  the  bishop  of  Fermo,  allows 
this  to  be  done  if  the  proper  endowment  is 
given,  namely,  a  farm  with  its  homestead,  a 
yoke  of  oxen,  two  cows,  four  pounds  of  silver,  a 
bed,  fifteen  head  of  sheep,  and  the  proper  imple- 
ments of  a  farm.  But  the  freedom  with  which 
in  early  times  churches  could  be  founded  in 
country  districts,  without  interfering  with  the 
rights  of  any  other  church,  came  to  be  restricted 
when  the  greater  part  of  the  Christianized  West 
came  to  be  covered  with  the  network  of  not  only 
diocesan  but  also  parochial  organization.  After 
a  country  district  had  been  constituted  into  a 
parish,  and  especially  after  the  payment  of 
tithes  and  fees  by  the  people  of  such  a  district 
to  the  church  of  that  parish  had  become  a 
matter  not  of  voluntary  offering,  but  of  legal 
obligation,  the  foundation  of  a  new  church 
within  the  limits  or  on  the  borders  of  such  a 
parish  tended  to  be  regarded  with  disfavour. 
Pope  Zachary,  writing  to  Pippin,  circ.  A.D.  741, 
will  not  allow  churches  or  private  estates  to 
have,  even  when  endowed,  baptisteries  or  "  car- 
dinal presbyters ;"  the  bishop  is  to  consecrate 
them  without  the  usual  solemn  masses,  and  to 
send  a  priest  to  perform  service  as  occasion 
requires  (S.  Zachar.  Eplst.  7,  ad  Pippin,  c.  15 ; 
jMigne,  P.  L.  vol.  Ixxxix.  935).  The  Carolingian 
capitularies  allow  the  erection  of  churches  by 
private  persons,  with  the  consent  of  the  bishop, 
but  they  are  careful  to  provide  that  the  former 
dues  to  the  original  church  of  the  district  shall 
not  be  interfered  with  (Karoli  M.  Capit.  ad  Salz. 
A.T).  803,  c.  3,  Pertz,  vol.  i.  p.  124;  id.  Excerpt. 


PARISH 


1557 


Canon,  c.  19,  Pertz,  i.  190;  Cone.  Mogunt.  a.d. 
813,  c.  41 ;  Hludowic.  et  Hlothar.  Capit.  c.  tj, 
Pertz,  i.  254 ;  Ansegisi,  Capit.  lib.  2,  45,  Pertz, 
i.  299).  The  subdivision  of  the  territory  and 
revenues  of  a  parish,  which  was  only  allowable 
in  cases  of  necessity,  was  entrusted  to  the  dis- 
cretion of  the  bishop,  by  Karoli  II.  St/nod.  Tolos. 
A.D.  844,  c.  7  ;  Pertz,  i.  379. 

iii.  Relation  of  Parishes  to  Biskops.  —  The 
jurisdiction  of  bishops  over  parishes,  and  over 
the  privately-founded  churches  which,  whether 
within  or  without  the  limits  of  parishes,  were 
within  the  district  over  which  a  bishop's 
authority  was  ultimately  assumed  to  extend, 
was  not  established  without  many  struggles. 
In  early  times  presbyters  had  claimed  the  right 
to  detach  themselves  from  the  church  of  which 
they  were  presbyters,  and  to  set  up  altars 
where  they  pleased.  The  attempt  was  crushed 
partly  by  the  dominance  of  the  Roman  instinct 
for  organization,  and  partly  by  the  overpowering 
necessity  for  preserving  the  unity  of  the  church. 
A  presbyter  who  set  up  an  altar  without  the 
consent  of  his  bishop  was,  ipso  facto,  excommuni- 
cated ;  and  if  this  separation  from  the  rest  of 
the  Christian  community  failed  to  deter  him, 
resort  was  had,  probably  for  the  first  time  in 
ecclesiastical  history,  to  the  power  of  the  secular 
arm  (Cone.  Antioch,  A.D.  341,  c.  5  ;  Can.  Apost. 
c.  31 ;  2  Cone.  Carth.  c.  5).  The  theory  which, 
from  the  first,  seems  to  have  governed  all  inter- 
pretations of  the  relations  of  the  original  city 
church  to  subsequently-formed  communities  in 
the  same  city,  and  to  suburban  or  rural  com- 
munities, was  that  the  officers  of  those  communi- 
ties were  still  part  of  the  one  original  organiza- 
tion. The  concilium  of  the  bishop  was  formed 
not  only  of  those  presbyters  who  assisted  him  in 
the  ordinary  administration  of  his  own  church, 
but  of  all  presbyters  who  were  in  the  same  juris- 
diction. In  course  of  time,  no  doubt,  a  distinc- 
tion between  these  two  classes  of  presbyters  was 
formed,  and  in  the  middle  ages  the  presbyters  of 
the  cathedral  came  to  assume  not  only  the  functions 
which  had  originally  belonged  to  all  the  presby- 
ters of  the  diocese,  but  also  in  some  cases  those 
of  the  bishop  himself.  But  so  late  as  the  8th 
and  9th  centuries  the  extra-cathedral  presbyters 
of  a  diocese  were  not  only  allowed  but  compelled 
by  penalties  to  assist  the  bishop,  as  members  of 
his  concilium,  at  least  once  or  twice  a  year 
(Pippini  Capit.  Vermcr.  a.d.  753,  c.  8,  Pertz, 
M.  H.  G.,  vol.  i.  p.  25  ;  id.  Capit.  Compcnd.  a.d. 
757,  c.  24;  Benedictus  Levita,  Capit.  i.  11,  60). 
The  organization  of  the  city  church  originally 
sufficed  for  all  the  clergy  of  the  district  or  dis- 
tricts which  were  attached  to  it.  When  the 
population  increased  without  a  corresponding 
increase  in  the  number  of  dioceses,  the  extra- 
cathedral  clergy  were  organized  separately  ;  but 
the  original  type  was  preserved.  The  bishop 
stood  at  the  head  of  two  organizations,  each  of 
which  was  the  counterpart  of  the  other. 
Parallel  with  the  archipresb;iter  iirbanus  was  tlie 
archipresbijtcr  ruralis  or  vicanus:  the  former 
became  known  in  time  as  the  decanus  or  dean  of 
the  cathedral,  the  latter  as  the  decanus  vicanus  or 
rural  dean.  Parallel  with  the  arcMdiaconus  nrhanns 
was  the  archldiaconus  ruralis,  and  the  struggle 
for  supremacy  between  the  archdeacon  and  the 
archpresbyter  in  the  cathedral  was  repeated  in 
the  diocese  with  different  results,  inasmuch  a* 
5  H  2 


1558 


PAEISH 


in  the  one  case  the  archpresbyter  and  iu  the 
other  the  archdeacon  succeeded  in  establishing 
his  claim. 

Conversely,  the  bishop  was  theoretically  an 
integral  part  of  the  parishes  which  came  to  be 
detached  from  the  church  in  which  he  personally 
presided.  The  parish  presbyter  had  not  at  first, 
as  he  came  practically  to  have  in  later  times,  the 
full  powers  of  the  ministry  in  his  parish.  In 
Rome  the  presbyters  of  the  several  tituH  had  not 
even  the  power  of  consecrating  the  eucharist ; 
the  consecrated  bread  was  sent  round  to  them 
every  Sunday  from  the  bishop's  church  (S.  Inno- 
cent. S2^ist.  ad  Decent,  c.  5 ;  Liber  Pontificalis, 
Vit.  S.  Melchiad.  p.  33) :  there  is  a  trace  of  an 
attempt  having  been  made  to  make  this  the  rule 
for  all  presbyters  (cf.  Liber  Pontif.  Vit.  S.  Siric. 
p.  55),  but  Innocent,  I.  c.,  expressly  disallows  the 
practice  in  regard  to  parishes  which  were  remote 
from  the  bishop's  church,  on  the  ground  that 
"  non  longe  portauda  sunt  sacramenta,"  and  that 
presbyters  have  the  right  of  consecration.  In 
regard  to  baptism,  the  co-operation  of  the  bishop 
became  necessary  in  two  respects,  (a)  the  parish 
presbyter  could  only  vise  chrism  which  the 
bishop  had  consecrated,  and  for  which  he  had  to 
send  to  the  bishop  once  a  year ;  (6)  the  baptism 
was  incomplete  until,  as  in  baptisms  in  the 
bishop's  own  church,  the  bishop  had  imposed  his 
hands  (see  Priest,  III.  Functions  of,  (2)  ii.).  In 
regard  to  discipline,  the  probability  is  that  in  the 
earliest  period  neither  a  bishop  nor  a  presbyter 
could  act  alone,  and  that  the  rule  of  the  Jewish 
stjnedria  which  required  an  ecclesiastical  court 
to  consist  of  at  least  three  members  was  ordi- 
narily observed.  Some  details  of  the  long 
struggle  between  bishops  and  presbyters  for  the 
right  of  the  latter  to  act  alone  are  given  else- 
where (Priest,  III.  Functions  of,  (1)  c).  This 
struggle  was  by  no  means  ended  within  the 
period  of  which  the  present  work  takes  cogni- 
zance, and  its  later  history  can  only  be  considered 
in  connexion  with  the  general  history  of  the 
relations  of  the  Roman  see  to  the  Western 
church  in  the  post-Carolingian  period.  It  may, 
however,  be  mentioned  here  that  an  interesting 
survival  of  the  earlier  theory  is  found  in  the 
council  of  Rouen  in  A.D.  650,  c.  16,  which  clearly 
implies  that  the  bishop's  ordinary  visitation  of  a 
jJarish  was  conceived  as  the  holding  of  a  court  in 
which  the  local  presbyters  were  his  assessors; 
the  purport  of  the  canon  is  that  minor  ecclesias- 
tical causes  should  be  determined  by  the  local 
presbyters  before  the  visitation,  and  that  the 
graver  causes  only  should  be  reserved  for  the 
more  solemn  court  in  which  the  bishop  himself 
presided. 

It  is  impossible,  within  the  limits  of  the  pre- 
sent work,  to  enter  in  detail  into  the  intricate 
question  of  the  precise  periods  at  which,  in  the 
several  parts  of  Christendom,  the  authority  of 
the  bishop  of  the  principal  church  of  a  district 
came  to  extend  over  all  the  towns  and  villages 
which  were  included  in  that  district.  That 
authority  was  not  established  without  many 
struggles,  and  its  nature  seems  to  have  varied  as 
widely  as  the  extent  to  which  it  was  recognized. 
But  it  came  at  length  to  consist  in  three  prin- 
cipal particulars.  (1)  The  appointments  of 
clerks  to  parochial  or  other  churches  were  sub- 
ject to  tlie  bishop's  approval.  (2)  Clerks  so 
appointed  were  subject  to  the  bishop's  jurisdic- 


PAEISH 

tion,  which  was  exercised  partly  in  the  course  ol 
annual  visitations  of  the  several  parishes,  partly 
by  requiring  clerks  to  repair  periodically  to  the 
bishop's  church  for  the  purpose  of  being  examined. 
(3)  The  bishop  had  the  sole  right  of  consecrating 
churches  and  altars. 

1.  The  Right  of  Approval. — In  the  earliest 
period,  when  the  clerks  of  rural  churches  were 
only  temporarily  detached  from  the  city  church, 
the  question  of  the  necessity  of  the  bishop's 
approval  could  hardly  arise,  inasmuch  as  that 
approval  had  already  been  given  in  the  fact  of 
their  original  ordination.  After  the  first  perma- 
nent organization  of  the  church,  the  right  of 
presbyters  to  detach  themselves  from  the  bishop's 
church,  and  form  communities  for  themselves, 
was,  as  has  been  pointed  out  above,  speedily 
crushed.  The  practical  difficulty  began  with 
the  foundation  of  places  of  worship  by  private 
persons  on  their  own  estates,  or  in  rural  districts 
which  were  not  as  yet  recognized  as  forming  part 
of  the  "  territorium  "  of  a  city.  Those  who 
founded  such  places  of  worship  claimed  the  right 
to  appoint  anyone  whom  they  pleased  to  officiate 
in  them  without  interference  on  the  part  of  a 
neighbouring  bishop.  But  the  civil  law  inter- 
fered, in  this  as  in  other  cases,  in  the  interests  of 
orthodoxy.  A  law  of  Arcadius  and  Honorius  in 
A.D.  404,  the  year  ofChrysostom's  second  banish- 
ment, forbids  "  nova  ac  tumultuosa  conventicula 
extra  ecclesiani  "  (Cod.  Theodos.  16,  2,  37  =  Cod. 
Justin.  1,  3,  i5).  In  the  following  century  Jus- 
tinian {Novell.  57,  c.  2,  .\.d.  537)  forbade  founders 
of  churches  from  appointing  anyone  whom  they 
pleased  to  serve  them,  without  the  consent  of 
the  bishop.  Another  Novel  (123,  c.  18)  throws 
a  similar  enactment  into  a  positive  form  by  pro- 
viding that  founders  of  churches  may  nominate 
clerks  for  them,  subject  only  to  the  clerks  being 
found  worthy;  but  the  immediate  result  of  these 
rules  appears  to  have  been  an  attempt,  which 
was  also  checked,  to  dispense  with  clerks  alto- 
gether in  such  places  (Justin.  Novell.  123,  c.  32, 
131,  c.  8).  About  the  same  time  similar  rules 
were  enacted  by  a  Western  council.  4  Co)ic.  Aurcl. 
A.D.  541,  c.  7,  will  not  allow  "  peregrini  clcrici  " 
to  be  appointed  to  oratories  without  the  consent 
of  th^e  bishop  of  the  "  territorium."  Still  later 
in  the  East  Cone.  Trull,  c.  31, 2  Cone.  Nicaen.  c.  10, 
forbade  clerks  from  serving  chapels  or  oratories 
without  the  consent  of  the  bishop,  under  penalty 
of  deposition.  But  the  question  was  not  settled 
in  the  West  ixntil  the  Carolingian  period,  when 
it  is  clear  that  a  determined  struggle  took  place 
between  bishops  and  founders.  The  Capitularies 
re-enact  the  rule  that  no  layman  could  either 
appoint  or  eject  a  presbyter  with  a  frequency 
which  shews  that  it  was  frequently  broken,  e.g. 
Karoli  M.  Capit.  de  Preshyt.  c.  2,  Pertz,  vol.  i. 
p.  161 ;  id.  Excerpt.  Can.  c.  2,  Pertz,  i.  189 ; 
Hludowici,  Capit.  Aquisgran.  A.D.  817,  c.  9,  Pertz, 
i.  207  ;  Capit.  Wm-mat.  a.d.  829,  c.  1,  Pertz,  i. 
350  (which  places  laymen  who  disregard  the  rule 
under  the  ban  of  the  empire,  so  also  Karoli  II. 
Edictum  Pistense,  a.d.  861,  c.  2,  Pertz,  i.  489). 
The  bishops  in  the  petition,  out  of  which  the 
Capitularies  of  Worms  resulted,  complain  that 
the  emperor  himself  had  encouraged  the  practice 
in  regard  to  the  clergy  of  his  own  palace  (Constif. 
Wormat.  Pctitio,  c.  12,  Pertz,  i.  340).  The  reason 
alleged  against  absolute  freedom  of  appointment 
on  the  part  of  laymen  is  that  the  "  acephali," 


PARISH 

»>.  clerks  who  owned  allegiance  to  no  bishop, 
were  often  not  reputable  persons  (Hludowic.  2 
Convent.  Tlcin.  I.,  a.d.  850,  c.  18,  Pertz,  i.  399, 
id.  Convent.  Ticin.  II.  a.d.  855,  Pertz,  i.  431. 
The  general  enactments  will  be  found  also  in 
Benedict.  Levit.  Capit.  lib.  i.  43,  87,  98,  147, 
213  ;  Ansegisi,  Capit.  lib.  i.  84,  141).  On  the 
other  hand  the  enactment  was  made,  probably  as 
the  result  of  a  compromise,  that  a  bishop  was 
bound  to  approve  a  clerk  whom  a  layman  pre- 
sented for  approval,  except  in  case  of  evident 
scandal  (Hludowic.  et  Hlothar.  Constit.  Wormat. 
de  persoiui  sacerdotali,  c.  15,  Pertz,  vol.  i.  p.  337). 
•1.  The  Right  of  Visitation  and  Discipline. — It  is 
probable  that  when  the  churches  of  great  cities 
■founded  branch  churches  in  their  suburbs  the 
bishop  of  the  city  church  periodically  visited 
such  churches  for  disciplinary  and  other  purposes. 
This  was  at  any  rate  the  case  at  Alexandria  at 
the  beginning  of  the  4th  century.  The  bishop 
made  his  circuit  (irepioSi'a),  and  it  was  in  the 
course  of  one  of  these  circuits  that  Ischyras  was 
presented  to  the  bishop  by  the  presbyters  of  the 
Mareotic  churches  as  an  oftender  against  the 
ecclesiastical  canons  (S.  Athanas.  Apol.  c.  Arian. 
c.  63,  85,  vol.  i.  pp.  143,  158).  The  existence  of 
the  same  practice  in  the  4th  century  in  the 
West  is  shewn,  e.g.  by.  Cone.  Turon.  a.d.  397,  c.  2, 
Avhich,  in  deciding  a'dispute  between  the  bishops 
of  Aries  and  Vienne,  decides  that  each  of  them  is 
to  "  visit  those  churches  which  are  shewTi  to  be 
adjacent  to  their  respective  cities."  But  there  is 
a  "remarkable  absence  of  conciliar  enactments 
until  the  7th  century,  when  4  Coiic.  Tolet. 
A.D.  633,  c.  36,  recites  that  bishops  ought  to  visit 
the  parishes  within  their  diocese  every  year,  and 
in  enacting  that  they  may  do  so  by  deputy, 
mentions  as  the  purpose  of  such  visitation  an 
enquiry  into  the  revenues  of  churches,  their  state 
of  repair,  and  the  manner  of  life  of  their  ministers. 
But  it  is  clear  from  a  canon  which  was  enacted 
at  the  same  place  thirteen  years  later  that  the 
bishop  not  merely  enquired  into  the  revenues  of 
parishes,  but  claimed  a  portion  of  them  (7  Cone. 
Tolet.  A.D.  646,  c.  4).  In  other  words,  the  bishop 
appears  to  have  claimed  the  same  rights  over  the 
revenues  of  dependent  churches  which  he  pos- 
sessed over  the  revenues  of  the  city  church.  The 
limitation  of  the  bishop's  claims  in  this  respect 
forms  the  subject  of  many  canons  and  capitu- 
laries, even  after  it  had  become  an  estab- 
lished rule  that  he  had  no  claim  to  the 
revenues.  Enactments  were  also  made  for  the 
purpose  of  limiting  his  claim  to  dues  and  ofler- 
ings  on  the  score  of  the  expenses  of  the  visitation, 
e.g.  Karoli  M.  Capit.  Langohard.  c.  5,  Pertz,  vol. 
i.  p.  110 ;  Karoli  II.  Synod  ap.  Tolos.  a.d.  844,  c. 
4,  Pertz,  i.  379  (which,  in  addition  to  fixing  the 
precise  amount  of  produce — wine,  fowls,  eggs, 
&c. — which  is  to  be  offered,  rules  that  if  a  bishop 
visits  a  parish  niore  than  once  a  year  he  is  not 
to  claim  his  dues  more  than  once),  Hludowic.  2 
Convent.  Ticin.  II.  a.d.  855,  c.  16  ;  Pertz,  i.  432. 
When  the  rite  of  confirmation  became  finally 
separated  from  baptism,  its  administration  was 
added  to  the  purposes  for  which  the  visitation 
was  made,  and  is  sometimes  spoken  of  as  a  prin- 
cipal purpose,  e.g.  Karlomanni,  Capitul.  A.D.  742, 
c.  3  ;  Pertz,  A'ol.  i.  p.  17,  "  quandocunque  jure 
canonico  episcopus  circumeat  parrochiam  populos 
ad  confirmandos;"  but  the  burden  which  this 
entailed  on  bishops  was  probably  one  of  the  chief 


PARISH 


1559 


causes  of  the  revival  in  the  Prankish  kingdom  of 
the  earlier  system  of  rural  as  distinct  from  city 
bishops  (Hraban.  Maur.  de  Instit.  Cleric.  1,  5), 
which  was  crushed  by  the  Pseudo-Isidorian 
decretals.  The  right  of  visitation,  for  all  pur- 
poses except  this  of  confirmation,  might  be 
exercised  by  deputy  (4  Cone.  Tolet.  c.  36,  allows 
the  bishop  to  depute  any  "  probabiles  presbyteros 
aut  diaconos"),  and  ultimately  came  to  be 
mainly  exercised  through  the  rural  archdeacons. 

In  addition  to  the  supervision  over  the  clerks 
of  parishes  which  was  thus  exercised  by  means  of 
annual  or  other  visitations,  it  was  sometimes 
enacted  that  such  clerks  should  periodically  pre- 
sent themselves  before  the  bishop  in  his  own 
church,  and  give  an  account  of  their  mode  of 
celebrating  divine  service  (Karlomanni,  Capit. 
A.D.  742,  c.  3  ;  Pippini  Cajnt.  Suession.  a.d.  744, 
c.  4;  Karoli  JI.  Capit.  General,  a.d.  769,  c.  8). 
Some  bishops  went  so  far  as  to  require  their 
clergy  not  merely  to  present  themselves,  but  to 
bring  with  them  their  instrumenta  ecclesiae, 
altar-vessels,  and  service  books  (e.g.  Theodulph. 
Aurelian,  CVyjiY.  ad  Fresh.  4;  Migne,  Patr.  Lat. 
vol.  cv.  193),  and  in  England  the  Liber  Legum 
Ecclesiast.  c.  4,  Wilkins,  vol.  i.  p.  266. 

The  jui'isdiction  which  a  bishop  came  to 
exercise  over  the  clergy  of  parishes  was  not 
different  in  kind  from  that  which  he  exercised 
over  the  clergy  of  the  city  church.  It  was  care- 
fully guarded  by  a  long  succession  of  enactments 
both  of  canon  and  civil  law.  The  accused  clerk 
seems  never  to  have  been  without  a  right  of 
appeal ;  and  the  primitive  theory  that  the 
bishop's  jurisdiction  attached  to  him  not  as  sole 
judge,  but  as  president  of  the  presbytery,  seems 
never  to  have  wholly  faded  away. 

3.  The  Eight  of  consecrating  Churches  and 
Altars. — It  seems  to  have  been  an  early  custom 
that  churches  should  be  solemnly  dedicated,  and 
it  may  be  assumed  that  the  bishop,  as  the  chief 
officer  of  a  church  or  of  a  district,  ordinarily 
took  part  in  such  a  dedication.  But  it  is  clear 
that  when  the  parochial  system  took  root  in  the 
West  the  presbyters  who  were  in  charge  of 
parishes  did  not  at  first  consider  the  presence  of 
a  bishop  indispensable  to  such  a  dedication.  2 
Cone.  Brae.  a.d.  563,  c.  19,  deposes  a  presbyter 
who  for  the  future  ("  post  hoc  interdictum ") 
consecrates  a  church  or  an  altar.  And  in  the 
following  century  the  canons  of  St.  Patrick 
enact  for  the  churches  of  Ireland  that  "  if  any 
presbyter  has  built  a  church  let  him  not  offer 
(sc.  the  Eucharist)  until  he  brings  his  bishop  to 
consecrate  it,  for  thus  is  it  seemly"  (Can.  S.  Patric. 
c.  19).  It  was  a  later  series  of  enactments  which 
limited  the  original  rights  of  a  presbyter  in 
regard  to  off'ering  the  eucharist,  by  requiring 
him  not  to  offer  it,  unless  under  pressure  of 
urgent  necessity,  except  in  a  consecrated  i)lace. 
The  earliest  enactment  to  this  effect  is  of  doubtful 
date,  resting  only  on  the  authority  of  the  Liber 
Pontificalis  and  the  Pseudo-Isidore  (Lib.  Pontif. 
Vit.  S.  Syric.  c.  2  ;  Gest.  Synod.  S.  Silvester,  c. 
9,  ap.  Hinschius,  p.  450).  The  other  enactments 
are  Carolingian,  e.g.  Karoli  M.  Capit.  General, 
A.D.  769,  c.  14,  Pertz,  vol.  i.  p.  32 ;  Capit.  Aqtiis- 
gran.  A.D.  801,  c.  9 ;  Hludowic.  2  Capit.  Eccles. 
A.D.  8'56,  c.  14,  Pertz.,  vol.  i.  p.  440,  and  post 
Carolingian,  e.q.  Atton.  Vercell.  Capit.  c.  7,  ap. 
D'Achery,  Spicilegium,  vol.  i.  p.  403.  _  By  a 
series  of  enactments  which  were  certainly  not 


1560 


PARISH 


earlier  than  the  preceding,  it  was  j^rovided  that 
if  a  presbyter  offered  the  eucharist,  as  he  might 
do  in  cases  of  urgency,  outside  a  consecrated 
building,  he  should  only  do  so  upon  a  portable 
altar  which  a  bishop  had  previously  consecrated 
(Karoli  M.  Capit.  General.  A.D.  769,  c.  14 ;  Cone. 
Taris,  A.D.  829,  c.  47 ;  Hincmar  Eemens.  Capit. 
A.D.  856,  c.  3;  Migue,  Patr.  Lat.  vol.  cxxiv. 
794). 

iv.  latenial  Organization  of  Pamhes. — (a)  The 
evidence  which  exists  as  to  the  earliest  organiza- 
tion of  parishes  is  not  sufficient  to  enable  us  to 
frame  many  general  statements  respecting  it. 
If  the  instance  of  the  Batanean  town,  which  has 
been  mentioned  above,  is  to  be  regarded  as  typical, 
it  would  seem  as  though  the  principle  of  the 
Jewish  synedria  had  been  preserved  in  the  East, 
and  that  in  each  parish  there  were  at  least  two 
presbyters  to  form  with  the  rural  bishop  a  court 
for  the  administration  of  discipline,  and  two 
deacons  for  the  dispensing  of  the  church  funds 
to  those  who  were  upon  the  roll.  In  the  West 
the  statement  of  Ambrosiaster  is  clearly  to  the 
same  effect :  "  aliquantos  presbyteros  (oportet 
esse)  ut  hint  sint  per  ecclesias  et  iinus  in  civitate 
episcopus  "  {Gomrn.  in  Epist.  1  ad  Timoth.  c.  iii.  12, 
ap.  S.  Ambros.  Oj}.  vol.  ii.  p.  295).  In  Home 
each  tiiubts  had  at  least  one  presbyter,  and 
ultimately  also  one  deacon  and  one  sub-deacon  ; 
but  the  precise  relations  of  deacons  to  the  tituli 
in  early  times  are  extremely  obscure.  In  Gaul 
and  Sjsain  a  single  presbyter  or  a  single  deacon 
was  sometimes  put  in  charge  of  a  parish,  and 
sometimes  a  presbyter  and  a  deacon  took  charge 
on  alternate  weeks  (Cone.  Tarracon.  A.D.  516, 
c.  7).  That  a  deacon  might  be  "  rector  "  of  a 
parish  is  clear  from  many  instances — e.g.  Cone. 
Illib.  c.  77,  "  diaconus  regens  j)lebem,"  S.  Greg. 
Turon.  clc  Gloi'ia  Confessor,  c.  30,  p.  918,  of  a 
deacon  who  "  rexit  ecclesiam  vici,"  at  Issiore, 
near  Clermont;  but  if  he  alone  baptized,  the 
baptism  was  not  complete  without  the  siibse- 
quent  benediction  of  the  bishop  (Cone.  Illib.  c. 
77  :  the  rule  was  afterwards  extended  to  bap- 
tisms by  presbyters);  and  1  Cone.  Arelat.  c.  15, 
disallowed  the  practice  which  had  grown  up  of 
deacons  offering  the  eucharist.  But  the  practice 
of  entrusting  parishes  to  deacons  wa3  ultimately 
forbidden,  though  apparently  not  until  the  9th 
century  (Hludowic.  et  Hlothar.  Capii.  JSccles. 
A.D.  825,  c.  1,  Pertz,  vol.  i.  p.  250).  There  are 
indications  that  laymen  were  sometimes  placed 
in  charge  of  parishes.  Cone.  Cabillon,  A.D.  650, 
c.  5,  enacts  that  "  saeculares  qui  need  am  sunt 
ad  clericatum  conversi "  are  not  to  be  entrusted 
with  the  government  ("  regendum  ")  of  either 
parishes  or  the  property  of  parishes  ;  Cone.  Rem. 
A.D.  625,  c.  19,  disallows  the  appointment  of 
.•irchpresbyters  who  are  not  clerks  ;  and  among 
the  Culdees  of  the  British  Islands  lay  parsons 
of  parishes,  though  discouraged  by  the  disal- 
lowance of  some  of  tlie  emoluments  of  the 
office,  are  not  forbidden  (Reeves,  Frose  Hide 
of  the  Cell  Be,  p.  94).  The  question  of 
the  appointment  of  monks  to  the  charge  of 
parishes,  which  was  keenly  contested  in  the 
middle  ages,  belongs  to  a  later  period.  Such 
appointments  are  allowed  by  Cone.  Mogunt. 
A.D.  847,  c.  14,  with  the  proviso  that  the  monk 
is  to  save  his  vow  of  poverty  by  giving  up  the 
revenues  of  a  parish  to  the  bishop  or  his  deputy. 
But  the  general  rule,  which  required  the  eccle- 


PAEISH 

siastical  head  of  a  parish  to  be  a  presbyter, 
though  broken  sufficiently  to  shew  that  it  was 
not  absolute,  was  no  doubt  ordinarily  observed. 
Every  parish  came  to  have  its  priest.  If  there 
were  several  churches  within  a  parish  (by  which, 
as  will  be  pointed  out  below,  must  not  be  under- 
stood in  pre-mediaeval  times  a  district  with 
definite  boundaries)  each  of  these  churches  was 
required  to  have  its  own  presbyter.  Two  or 
more  churches  could  not  be  committed  to  the 
same  presbyter,  unless  the  revenues  of  the  single 
churches  were  insufficient  for  his  support  (Cone. 
Emerit.  A.D.  666,  c.  19;  16  Cone.  Tolet.  a.d. 
693,  c.  5  ;  Cone.  Paris,  a.d.  829,  c.  49  ;  Hludowic. 
Capit.  Aquisgran.  a.d.  817,  c.  9,  Pertz,  vol.  i. 
p.  207  ;  Ansegisi,  Capit.  lib.  i.  86,  Pertz,  vol.  i. 
p.  283).  But  Hlothar.  I.  Constit.  Papiens  a.d. 
832,  c.  1,  absolutely  disallows  the  commission  of 
more  than  one  church  to  one  presbyter,  and 
enacts  that  unless  a  poor  church  is  shewn  to  be 
necessar}-,  it  is  to  be  desti-oyed  ;  if,  on  the  con- 
trary, it  is  shewn  to  be  necessary,  it  is  to  be 
endowed  with  lands  by  the  state.  It  is  impor- 
tant to  note  that  in  the  expressions  which  are 
constantly  used  in  reference  to  the  ecclesiastical 
head  of  a  parish,  whether  presbyters  or  others, 
the  sacerdotal  idea  is  almost  always  in  the  back- 
ground. He  is  not  so  much  the  ''  sacerdos  "  as 
the  "  rector ;"  he  is  said  "  plebi  praeesse ;"  he 
is  sent — not  to  administer  the  sacraments,  but 
"  ad  regendum  "  (e.g.  9  Cone.  Tolet.  c.  2  ;  11 
Tolet.  c.  3;  Pippin.  Ca^jj^.  Eccles.  iv.  a.d.  789> 
c.  81 ;  so  also  when  a  parish  presbyter  resigns 
his  office  he  is  said  "  ab  ordine  et  titulo  et  regi- 
mine  plcbis  se  exuere,"  Cone.  Rem.  A.d.  874,  c.  1 ; 
Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  cxxv.  796). 

(b)  It  does  not  appear  that  any  other  officers 
were  regarded  as  necessary  to  parochial  organi- 
zation. In  regard  to  the  earlier  period  there  is 
no  evidence  except  that  which  has  been  given 
above.  But  there  grew  up  a  feeling  against 
presbyters  offering  the  eucharist  without  the 
assistance  of  other  clerks  ;  and  it  came  to  be 
enacted  in  the  West  that  parish  presbyters  should 
both  have  such  clerks,  and  should  take  them 
into  their  houses  in  order  to  train  them  for  the 
service  of  the  church  (2  Cone.  Vaison,  a.d.  529, 
c.  1,  which  speaks  of  this  as  being  a  common 
custom  in  Italy  ;  Cone.  Emerit.  a.d.  666,  c.  18). 
These  "  clerici  parochiaui "  varied  in  number 
under  different  circumstances,  and  their  duties 
were  the  ordinary  duties  of  clerks  in  divine 
service.  They  survive  in  the  modern  "  parish 
clerk." 

(c)  The  question  of  the  mode  in  which  the 
presljyter  or  other  chief  officer  of  a  parish  was 
appointed  in  early  times  is  one  upon  which  only 
scanty  evidence  exists.  It  is  probable  upon 
general  grounds  that  such  appointments  did  not 
form  an  exception  to  the  general  rule,  which  at 
first  required  an  election  by  the  people  and  an 
approval  by  the  bishop,  and  which  afterwards 
allowed  the  clergy  or  the  bishop  to  nominate, 
and  the  people  merely  to  approve.  But  the 
endowment  of  parishes  by  private  persons,  and 
the  interweaving  of  the  parochial  with  the 
canonical  Jind  monastic  system,  so  far  overlaid 
the  primitive  practice  that  there  was  in  the 
middle  ages  only  a  small  proportion  of  parishes 
in  which  the  people  had  any  real  share  in  either 
the  election  or  the  approval  of  their  parish  priest. 
The    question  of  patronage,   so  far    as   it   falls 


PARLOUR 

within  the  limits  of  the  present  work,  is  dis- 
cussed elsewhere.     [Patron.] 

(d)  The  limits  of  parishes  were  probably  in 
almost  all  cases  fixed  by  the  previously  existing 
organization.  Where  the  Roman  organization 
prevailed,  the  parisli  was  the  pagus,  vicus,  or 
casttilum,  with  its  surrounding  tcrritorium. 
Where,  as  in  England,  the  Roman  organization 
had  been  almost  completely  swept  away,  the 
parish  was  identical  with  the  township  or  the 
manor  (Stubbs,  Constitutional  History  of  England, 
vol.  i.  p.  227 ;  Toulmin  Smith,  The  Parish,  2nd 
edit.  pp.  16-22).  But,  in  a  large  proportion  of 
cases,  it  is  probable  that  these  limits  were  not 
precisely  defined  until  the  legal  enforcement  of 
tithes  rendered  such  a  definition  necessary.  Nor 
was  it  until  a  much  later  period  that  parishes 
came  necessarily  to  adjoin  each  other ;  between 
parishes,  as  between  townships,  were  frequently 
tracts  of  more  or  less  unsettled  or  common  land, 
on  which  chapels  might  be  erected  without 
trenching  on  any  parochial  rights.  It  is  pro- 
bable that,  in  England,  the  final  parcelling  of 
the  whole  country  into  parochial  districts  was 
not  effected  until  the  era  of  the  poor-laws. 

[E.  H.] 

PARLOUR.     [Salutatorium.] 

PARMENAS,  one  of  the  seven  deacons, 
commemorated  at  Philippi,  Jan.  23  (Usuard., 
Notker..  Vet.  Rom.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii. 
453);  Mar.  3  (Basil.  Menol.)  ;  July  28  {Cat. 
Bi/zant. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  264). 

[C.  H.] 

PARMENIUS,  presbyter  and  martyr ;  com- 
memorated at  Cordula,  April  22  (Bed.,  Wand., 
Usuard.  Mart. ;    Vet.  Rom.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

PAROCHL\.    [Diocese,  Parish.] 

PAROCHIAL  CLERGY.   [Orders,  Holy.] 

PARODUS,  martyr ;  commemorated  Jan. 
22  (^Cal.  Buzant.).  [C.  H.] 

PARSONAGE.  The  information  about  the 
official  residences  of  the  clergy  in  early  times  is 
excessively  slight.  But  it  appears  probable  that 
they  had  such  residences.  Under  the  Jewish 
ritual  it  is  well  known  that  apartments  were 
provided  for  the  priests  and  Levites  within  the 
precinct  of  the  temple  itself  (1  Chron.  ix.  27). 
The  earliest  Christian  churches  had  annexes 
called  Pastophoria.  "  Let  the  house  (church)  be 
oblong,  turned  towards  the  east,  the  pastophoria 
on  either  side  towards  the  east,  seeing  it  resem- 
bles a  ship."  {Apost.  Constit.  ii.  57,  Labbe.) 
What  the  purpose  of  these  pastophoria  was  is  a 
moot  question.  But  some  writers  have  thought 
that  they  were  official  apartments  for  the  clergy 
attached  to  the  church.  (See  Hofman,  Lex. 
Univ.  s.  V.)  Some  colour  of  probability  is  lent 
to  this  hypothesis  by  the  fact  that  the  LXX 
make  use  of  the  word  to  designate  the  chambers 
of  the  Levites  in  the  courts  of  the  temple.  This 
opinion  is  adopted  by  Bingham  {Eccl.  Antiq.  viii. 
7,  11) ;  but  he  is  said  to  be  mistaken  by  Herzog 
{Real-Encijclopiidie,  vol.  i.  p.  729). 

One  of  the  earliest  notices  of  a  house  for  clergy 
is  that  in  the  Apostolical  Canons  (can.  5.  al.  4), 
where  it  is  prescribed  that  only  ears  of  corn, 
grajios,  oil  for  the  lamp,  an<l  incense  mav  be 
offered   at  the  altar,  and   that   all   other   fruits 


PASCHA  BIEDIUIM 


1561 


shall  be  carried  to  the  house,  as  a  first-fruit  for 
the  bishop  and  priests. 

This  dwelling  together  of  bishops  and  priests 
is  reflected  in  the  language  of  later  English 
history.  The  Excerpta  of  archbishop  Egbright 
(a.d.  740,  ed.  Johnson,  no.  26)  provide  that 
"  Bishops  and  priests  have  a  house  (hospitiolum) 
for  the  entertainment  of  strangers,  not  far  from 
the  church."  Jolmson  gives  his  opinion  that  at 
one  period  the  house  for  the  reception  of  guests 
was  not  identical  with  the  residence-house,  for 
fear  of  the  infection  which  the  strangers  might 
bring.  The  next  of  the  Excerpts  (no.  27)  en- 
joins, that  though  the  bishop  be  elevated  above 
the  bench  of  priests  in  church,  yet  in  the  house 
he  must  remember  that  he  is  but  a  colleague  of 
the  priests.  That  the  custom  of  bishop  and 
priests  dwelling  together  prevailed  in  England 
up  to  a  comparatively  late  period  (7th  century) 
may  be  seen  from  the  pages  of  Bede  {Hist.  Angl. 
lib.  iv.  c.  27,  p.  366,  Gidley's  translation). 

St.  Augustine  mentions  that  after  he  was  made 
bishop  of  Hippo  he  "  had  with  him  in  his  bishop's 
house  a  monastery  of  clerics,"  with  whom  he 
lived  according  to  apostolic  tradition.  (See  Ad 
Fratres  in  Eremo,  Sermo  xiv.  near  the  beginning; 
also  ihid.  Sermo  v.  about  the  middle.) 

The  term  domus  ecclesiae  as  the  designation  of 
the  house  of  a  bishop  is  very  common  in  the  writers 
of  the  early  centuries.  (See  Greg.  Turon.  Hist. 
Franc,  lib.  i.  cap.  39,  et  passim.)  When  a 
bishop  died,  his  house  (domus  ecclesiae)  was  to 
be  assigned  to  proper  custody  by  the  bishop  who 
came  to  bury  the  deceased.  (^Conc.  Aurelian,  ii. 
can.  6,  A.D.  533).  A  similar  direction  was  given 
as  the  council  of  Rheims,  A.D.  630,  can.  16. 
Hofman  (^Lex.  Univ.)  gives  Episcopium  as  one  of 
the  terms  for  a  bishop's  house. 

The  construction  of  a  house  for  a  bishop  was 
the  subject  of  a  direction  from  the  pope  (Gre- 
gory III.)  in  the  case  of  Boniface  the  English 
missionary  to  Thuringia :  "  Make  therefore  a 
house  in  which  your  father  (Boniface)  may  in 
person  be  bound  to  dwell "  (Antonius  Augusti- 
nus.  Juris  Pontificii,  part  2,  p.  3). 

The  episcopal  residence  (domus  ecclesiae)  is  in 
later  times  on  such  a  scale  as  to  be  the  scene  of 
a  banquet  to  a  member  of  the  royal  family  (S. 
Greg.  Turon.  lib.  vii.  cap.  27).  In  England  the 
penalty  for  breaking  into  the  house  of  the  bishop 
is  put  next  in  order,  and  apparently  in  magni- 
tude, to  the  penalty  for  breaking  into  the  king's 
house  (Laws  of  king  Ine,  a.d.  693). 

[H.  T.  A.] 

PARTHENIUS  and  Calocerus,  eunuchs, 
martyrs  at  Rome  under  Decius  ;  commemorated 
February  11  (Bed.,  Wand.);  Parteixcs  and 
Calocerus,  May  19  (Usuard.  Ifart. ;  Vet.  Rom. 
Mart. ;  Floras"  ap.  Bed.  Mart. ;  Hieron.  Mart.)  • 
Parthixius  and  Gallicorus,  May  17  (Hieron. 
Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mai.  iv.  26).         [C.  H.J 

PARTICLES.     [Fractiox.] 

PARURA.    [Alr.] 

PASCHA  MEDIUM,  or  BIedu-.m  Paschae, 
was  the  Wednesday  in  Easter  week.  So  Alcuin  : 
"  Sexagesima  inde  dici  potest  quia  Ix.  sunt  dies 
usque  ad  medium  Paschae,  quod  est  feria  quarta 
paschalis  hebdomadis "  (Ejiist.  ad  Cur.  M. 
Hittorp.  300).     Similarly,  Rabanus  JIaurus,  his 


1562 


PASCHA  PETITU3I 


disciple  {Tnstit.  Cler.  ii.  34),  and  Amalarius  (dc 
Ord.  Antiph.  32).  [W.  E.  S.] 

PASCHA  PETITUM.  This  was  a  uame 
given,  but  not  generally,  to  Palm  Sunday  in  parts 
where  the  creed  was  delivered  to  the  competeiites 
on  that  day  :  "  Diversis  vocabulis  distinguitur  ; 
id  est,  dies  palmarum  sive  florum,  atque  ramorum, 
osanna,  Pascha  Petitwn,  sine  competentium,  et 
capitolavium  "  {Ordo  Rom.  in  Hittorp.  46  ;  simi- 
larly in  the  edition  of  this  Ordo,  differing  in  many 
respects,  printed  by  Gerbert  in  Monum.  Vet. 
Liturg.  Alem.  iii.  195).  [Tkaditio  Svmeoli.] 
[W.  E.  S.] 

PASCHAE  CLAUSUIM  (P.\scha  Clausa, 
Pascha  Clausum,  Clausula  Paschae).  Most 
modern  writers  (as  Mabillon,  Liturgia  GalUcana, 
148  ;  Gerbert,  Lit.  Alcm.  Disq.  x.  iv.  2 ;  Ruinart 
in  Greg.  Turon.  Hist.  Franc,  ix.  44;  Du  Cange 
in  v.)  identify  this  with  the  first  Sunday  after 
Easter  (Low  Sunday,  Dies  Dominicus  post  Albas, 
Dominica  in  Albis  depositis,  Quasimodo),  but 
early  authorities,  whom  they  do  not  notice,  and 
certain  facts  bearing  on  the  question,  prove  that 
it  was  a  name  given  to  Saturday  in  the  Easter 
week.  Only  the  Macri  {Ilierolexicon  in  v.) 
within  our  reading  have  stated  this  correctly, 
and  they  give  no  authority.  Others  have  been 
probably  misled  by  the  fact  that  Low  Sunday  is 
now  called  Fdque  close  in  France,  to  which  and 
the  neighbouring  province  of  Metz  the  use  of 
the  term  Pascha  clausum  was,  so  far  as  appears, 
confined.  It  was  natural  that  the  name  should 
be  transferred  when  the  Saturday  ceased  to  be 
marked  by  any  special  observance,  i.e.  when  the 
great  baptisms  of  Easter  ceased. 

Amalarius,  a.d.  812,  says  exjiressly  :  "  Septua- 
gesima  perficitur  in  Sabbato  quod  vocatur 
Clausum  Pascha  "  (JDe  Ord.  Antiph.  32).  Alcuin, 
about  the  same  time  or  earlier :  "  Videtur 
Septuagesimus  dici  posse  dies  propter  decern 
hebdomadas  quae  sunt  ab  ipso  die  usque  clausum 
Pascha  in  quo  alba  tolluntur  vestimenta  a  nuper 
baptizatis  "  (^Epist.  ad  Car.  Magn.  Hittorp.  300). 
Rabanus  Maurus  {Tnstit.  Cler.  ii.  34)  echoes  the 
words  of  Alcuin.  But  the  newly-baptized  laid 
aside  their  white  dress  with  ceremony,  not  on  the 
Sunday,  but  on  the  Saturday.  Thus  Amalarius  : 
"  De  Sabbato  .  .  .  Hodie  revertuntur  ad  fontes, 
ut  exuant  se  albis  "  (De  Ord.  Antiph.  51). 

That  the  Clausum  Paschae  was  a  great  feast 
in  France  might  be  inferred  from  the  fore- 
going notices;  as  also  from  the  facts  that 
Gregory  of  Tours  treats  it  as  a  well-known  note 
of  time  :  "  Eo  anno  post  Clausum  Pascha  tarn 
immensa  cum  grandine  pluvia  fuit,"  &c.  {Hist. 
■  Franc,  ix.  44),  and  from  the  almost  absolute  use 
of  the  word  "  clausum  "  alone,  as  when  the  same 
author  says  of  some  persons  baptized  at  Rions  : 
"  NuUus  ad  clausum  pertingere  potuit  vivus  " 
{Glor.  Conf.  48).  [\V.  E.  S.] 

PASCHAL  EPISTLES  were  letters  writ- 
ten by  patriarchs  and  archbishops  to  the  bishops 
within  their  jurisdiction,  and  in  the  case  of  the 
pope  of  Alexandria  to  the  bishop  of  Rome,  if  not 
to  other  patriarchs,  containing  a  notice  of  the 
day  on  which  the  next  Easter  should  be  kept. 
They  were  also  called  "  Festal  Epistles  "  (Euseb. 
Hist.  Ecclcs.  vii.  20,  21,  eopTaariKal  einaroXai.), 
or  "Festal  Writs  "(j6iJ.  22,  kopr.  ypa(j>ai},  from 
their  connexion  with  the  great  feast  of  Easter 


PASCHAL  EPISTLES 

(Eus.  u.  s.  20).  At  Alexandria  they  were  first 
delivered  as  homilies,  being  afterwards!  put  into 
the  form  of  an  epistle,  and  so  sent  to  the  com- 
provincial bisliops.  Hence  they  are  sometimes 
called  "  Homilies  "  or  "  Discourses."  They  were 
carried  by  a  special  messenger  (5iaK0;Ui(rT?js. 
Synesius  begs  a  correspondent  to  treat  his  mes- 
senger kindly  coming  and  going,  and  to  provide 
him  means  of  proceeding  both  ways  (Ep.  13). 

I'he  Office  of  the  Bishop  of  Alexandria. — It  is 
asserted  by  Baronius  {Annal.  Eccles.  ad  ann. 
325),  Binius  (Labbe,  Cone.  ii.  69),  Dupin  {Bib- 
lioth.  Fcslcs.  under  Cg7-iL  Alex.),  and  many 
others,  that  the  bishops  of  Alexandria  were  ex- 
pressly requested  and  authorized  by  the  first 
council  of  Kicaea  to  give  annual  notice  to  the 
whole  church,  through  the  incumbents  of  the 
principal  sees,  of  the  day  on  which  the  ensuing 
Easter  was  to  be  celebrated.  That  the  pope  of 
Alexandria  did  at  one  time  give  such  notice  to 
the  bishop  of  Rome  as  well  as  to  those  of  Egypt 
is  not  to  be  disputed,  but  it  may  well  be  doubted 
whether  he  did  so  in  pursuance  of  any  decree  of 
that  council,  and,  again,  whether  he  transmitted 
a  similar  notice  to  the  other  patriarchs  of  the 
East.  If  we  are  to  be  guided  by  the  evidence 
still  extant,  we  shall  rather  infer  that  the  cus- 
tom, whatever  its  extent,  arose  from  the  volun- 
tary deference  paid  by  other  churches  to  that  of 
Alexandria  in  a  question  of  mathematical  science. 
No  formal  proof  of  the  alleged  conciliar  sanction 
or  decree  has,  to  my  knowledge,  ever  been 
attempted,  and  the  only  document  that  I  can 
meet  with  which  ascribes  it  to  any  oecumenical 
synod  appears  to  me  of  very  doubtful  weight. 
This  is  the  Prologus  S.  Cyrilli  de  Festi  Pasch. 
liationc,  which  is  found  in  Latin  only,  and  in  a 
single  MS.,  seemingly  of  the  9th  century.  It  was 
first  printed  by  the  Jesuit  Acgid.  Bucherius  after 
his  Comment,  in  Can.  Pasch.  Victorii  Aquit.  Antv. 
1633  (Prolog,  u.  s.  or  Epist.  87,  §  2  ;  O^yj.  Cyr. 
Al.  X.  383 ;  Migne,  Ixxvii.).  But  more,  per- 
haps, has  been  built  on  a  statment  of  Leo  the 
Great,  who  however  (Epist.  94,  c.  1)  speaks 
only  of  "  the  holy  fathers "  in  general.  If 
the  council  made  that  arrangement,  we  should 
reasonably  look  for  some  mention  of  the  fact 
in  the  paschal  epistles  of  the  bishops  of  Alex- 
andria, of  which  a  large  number  are  extant, 
especially  in  those  of  Athanasius,  who  was 
himself  at  Nicaea,  and,  becoming  bishop  of  Alex- 
andria within  a  year  of  the  conclusion  of  the 
council,  must  have  been  the  first  to  act  on  its 
decree.  Yet  neither  in  his  first  festal  epistle 
nor  in  any  subsequent  one  does  he  make  any 
mention  of  it.  Those  of  Theophilus  are  equally 
silent,  and  so  are  the  festal  homilies  of  Cyril. 
Twice  also  within  a  century  of  the  council  of 
Nicaea  we  find  bishops  of  Rome  consulting  those 
of  Milan  and  Carthage,  as  will  be  seen  presently, 
when  in  doubt  as  to  the  right  day.  We  observe 
also  that  Leo,  in  the  epistle  above  mentioned, 
begged  the  emperor  to  help  him  by  applying  to 
"  the  Egyptians,  or  to  ang  others  who  were  re- 
ported to  have  certain  knowledge  of  this  kind  of 
calculation"  (Epist.  94).  Marcian  wrote  to 
Proterius  of  Alexandria,  who  in  a  long  reply 
justified  the  calculation  which  Leo  doubted 
(inter  0pp.  Leon.  p.  203).  The  pope  submitted, 
and  thanked  the  emperor  for  his  interposition 
(Ep.  108);  but  it  is  remarkable  that  in  his  pas- 
chal letter  to  the  bishops  of  Gaul  and  Spain  ha 


PASCHAL  EPISTLES 

■does  not  mention  Proterius,  but  tells  them  of  his 
application  to  the  emperor,  "  quo  rescribente 
viii.  kai.  Maias  definitus  est  dies  "  (^Ep.  109).  At 
this  period,  then,  it  appears  certain  that  the 
tishops  of  Alexandria  were  not  held  to  have 
authority  to  settle  the  day  for  the  whole  church. 
That  they  were  held  in  great  esteem  for  their 
skill  in  such  questions  is  clear  from  some  of  the 
testimonies  already  alleged.  See  also  Dionysius 
Exiguus,  Epist.  Paschal,  i.  in  Apparat.  ad 
Baronii  Annales,  p.  248 ;  and  later  yet  Adrian 
I.  ad  Egilam  seu  Joan.  Preshyt.  Ep.  70  inter 
Ep)p.  Carolinas. 

Methods  of  Puhlication  in  various  Countries. — 
The  practice  of  the  church,  both  before  and 
after  the  Nicene  council,  will  receive  further 
light  from  the  following  testimonies.  Eusebius 
tells  us  that  Dionysius,  bishop  of  Alexandria, 
A.D.  247,  wrote  several  paschal  letters  {Hist. 
vii.  20-22),  in  one  of  which  he  "  set  forth  a 
canon  for  eight  years,  and  proved  that  it  is 
never  right  to  celebrate  the  feast  of  Easter  except 
•after  the  vernal  equinox  "  (ii.  s.  20).  A  synod 
of  Aries,  314,  thus  addresses  the  bishop  of 
Eome :  "  Touching  the  observance  of  Easter 
Sunday,  we  have  decreed  that  it  be  kept  by  us 
on  the  same  day  and  the  same  time  throughout 
the  whole  world,  and  that  thou  address  letters 
to  all  according  to  the  custom  "  (can.  1).  The 
council  of  Nicaea,  held  in  325,  settled,  with 
regard  to  the  time,  "  by  the  common  consent  of 
all,  that  the  most  holy  feast  of  Easter  should  be 
celebrated  on  one  and  the  same  day  "  in  every 
church  {Ep.  Constant,  ad  Ecclesias ;  Hard. 
Cone.  i.  449)  ;  but  we  cannot,  as  before  said, 
find  that  it  imposed  on  any  one  bishop  the  duty 
of  publishing  the  particular  day  in  each  year 
for  the  instruction  of  all  others.  St.  Ambrose 
says,  "even  after  the  calculations  of  the 
Egyptians  and  the  decision  of  the  church 
of  Alexandria,  most  of  the  bishops  of  the 
Eoman  church  are,  by  their  letters,  still  wait- 
ing for  my  opinion "  {Epist.  23,  §  8).  The 
question  was  whether  Easter  could  be  kept  so 
late  as  April  25.  In  393  the  council  of  Hippo 
in  Africa  decreed  "that  the  venerable  day  of 
Easter  should  be  made  known  to  all,  "  forma- 
tarura  subscriptione "  (can.  6 ;  Sim.  Cone. 
Carth.  V.  can.  7  ;  Codex  Afric.  73) ;  but  it 
does  not  say  by  whom  the  fORMATAE  were  to 
be  issued.  The  council  of  Carthage,  397,  deter- 
mined that,  "  because  of  the  mistake  which  is 
often  wont  to  arise,  all  the  bishops  of  the  pro- 
vince of  Africa  should  be  careful  to  receive  the 
day  of  paschal  observance  from  the  church  of 
■Carthage  "  (cap.  1).  To  this  they  afterwards 
added,  "  et  non  sub  angusto  temporis  spatio," 
and  that,  as  there  was  to  be  an  annual  synod  at 
Carthage,  "  the  holy  day  of  Easter  should  then 
be  published  by  the  legates  "  (cap.  41).  When 
this  was  settled,  two  bishops  present  said,  "  We 
ask  now  of  this  assembly  that  ye  deigir  to  in- 
form our  province  of  the  day  by  letters,"  on 
■which  the  president,  Aurelius  of  Carthage,  said, 
"It  must  needs  be  so."  In  413,  Innocent  of 
Rome,  writing  to  Aurelius,  expresses  his  opinion 
that  the  next  Easter  ought  to  be  celebrated  on 
March  22  (xi.  kal.  Apr^,  adding,  "  It  will  be- 
come your  wisdom,  my  brother  and  partner, 
with  the  like-minded  and  our  fellow-priests 
[consacerdotibus],  to  consider  this  same  matter 
dn  the  most  religious  synod,  that  if  objection 


PASCHAL  EPISTLES 


1563 


appear  to  our  settlement,  you  may  •write  back 
to  us  fully  and  openly,  that  we  may  beforehand 
prescribe  ty  letters  (as  the  custom  is)  the  ob- 
servation of  the  paschal  day,  so  fixed  by  de- 
liberation at  its  proper  time"  {^E^nst.  11). 
Cassian,  424,  limits  the  letters  of  the  bishop 
of  Alexandria  to  Egypt  {Collat.  x.  2).  A  frag- 
ment is  extant,  in  Latin,  of  an  epistle,  said  to 
have  been  written  in  444  by  Cyril  of  Alexan- 
dria to  Leo,  in  which  this  clause  occurs,  "  Simul 
Pascha  celebremus  kal.  ix.  Mail  [April  23] 
propter  rationem  embolismi  anni "  {Ep.  Cyr. 
A.  86  ;  Migne,  x.  378 ;  or  Oj)p.  Leon.  i.  602,  ed. 
Bailer).  See  also  the  letter  of  Paschasinus, 
whom  Leo  consulted,  "  Id  verum  invenimus  quod 
ab  Alexandrinae  ecclesiae  antistite  beatitudim 
tuae  rescriptum  est  "  {0pp.  Leon.  (Quesn.)  111). 
The  council  of  Orleans,  541,  decreed  that  the  day 
of  the  feast  should  be  "  notified  to  the  people  in 
church  by  the  bishop,"  and  that,  if  any  doubt 
arose,  the  metropolitan  should  consult  "  the 
apostolic  see,"  and  abide  by  its  decision  (can.  1). 
At  Braga,  at  a  council  held  on  Dec.  15,  571,  it 
was  resolved  that,  before  the  council  dispersed, 
"  the  coming  Easter  of  the  same  year  [according 
to  us  the  next,  572] — on  what  day  of  the 
kalends  and  in  what  month  it  should  be  kept — 
be  declared  by  the  metropolitan  bishop,  and 
that  the  rest  of  the  bishops,  and  the  other 
clergy  noting  this  down,  should  announce  it  to 
the  people  each  in  his  own  church  "  (can.  9). 
The  synod  of  Auxerre,  578,  ordered  "  all 
presbyters  before  the  Epiphany  to  send  their 
messengers  [to  the  bishop],  that  they  might 
inform  them  of  the  beginning  of  Lent  "  (can.  2). 
Gregory  of  Rome,  writing  in  598  to  the  bishops 
of  Sardinia,  says  that  it  was  a  custom  of 
the  island  for  the  bishops  to  go  themselves 
or  send  their  messengers  to  ask  for  a  written 
notice  of  the  day  on  which  the  next  Easter 
would  be  celebrated ;  and  that  whether  they 
knew  it  already  or  not.  He  exhorted  them 
to  be  faithful  to  the  custom,  which  some  were 
beginning  to  neglect  {Epjist.  vii.  Ind.  ii.  8). 
The  council  of  Toledo,  633,  shows  by  the  lan- 
guage of  its  fifth  canon  that  the  church  of 
Spain  did  not  receive  information  on  the  subject, 
at  that  period,  either  from  Rome  or  the  East : 
"  In  the  Spains,  a  diversity  in  the  announce- 
ment of  the  paschal  feast  is  wont  to  happen,  a 
difference  in  the  tables  of  the  festival  sometimes 
causing  error.  It  is,  therefore,  decreed  that  the 
metropolitan  bishops  inqicire  of  each  other  by 
letter  three  months  before  the  Epiphanies,  that, 
being  well  instructed  through  their  common 
knowledge,  they  may  inform  their  compro- 
vincials  of  the  day  of  Christ's  resurrection." 
it  is  probable  that  the  publication  of  tables  of 
the  movable  feasts  had  by  this  time  quite  put 
an  end  to  the  paschal  epistles  of  the  great 
patriarchs  ;  but  created  a  difficulty  when  their 
accuracy  could  be  questioned,  or  the  last  year 
for  which  they  provided  had  arrived. 

Time  of  the  Announcement. — The  festal  homilies 
of  Alexandria  were  preached  as  a  rule  on  the 
previous  Easter,  and  then  dispersed  as  letters. 
A  trace  of  the  time  is  found  in  many  of  those 
that  are  perfect,  e.g.  Athanasius  :  "  The  season 
calls  us  to  keep  the  feast  "  (i.  3)  ;  "  Again,  my 
brethren,  is  Easter  come  and  gladness  "  (ii.  14), 
&c. ;  Cyril :  "  The  present  is  a  time  of  festival  " 
(v.  44);  "Our  holy  feast  now  shining  "(vi.  60)-  &c. 


1564 


PASCHAL  TAPER 


Cassian  tells  us  that  the  epistle  -was  issued 
from  Alexandria  "  after  the  day  of  the  Epiphany  " 
{Collat.  X.  2).  I  do  not  think  that  we  can  infer  a 
fixed  time  from  the  extant  examples,  and  he  may 
have  been  misled  by  the  customs  of  the  West.  In 
the  West  the  council  of  Orleans,  in  541,  orders  the 
notice  to  be  given  in  church  by  the  bishop  "  on 
the  day  of  the  Epiphanies  "  (can.  1).  The  coun- 
cil of  Braga,  572,  directs  the  bishops  and  the  other 
clergy,  "  each  in  his  own  church,  to  announce  it., 
to  the  people  on  the  approaching  day  of  the 
Lord's  Nativity,  that  no  one  might  be  ignorant 
of  the  beginning  of  Lent"  (can.  9).  The  Epi- 
phany is  also  fixed  as  the  time  by  the  council  of 
Auxerre,  578  (can.  2). 

On  the  subject  of  this  article,  see  the  Prolego- 
nicna  to  the  edition  of  the  Paschal  Homilies  of 
Cyril  Alex,  published  at  Antwerp,  1618,  by  Au- 
tonius  Salmatia  ;  given  also  by  Migne,  0pp.  Cyr. 
A.  X.  394;  the  Introduction  to  the  Festal  Epistles 
of  St.  Athanasius,  translated  from  the  Syriac,  Oxf 
1854  ;  Joan,  van  der  Haageu,  Obseroationes  in 
Vetcrum  Patrum  et  Pontificum  Prologos  et  Epi- 
stolas  Paschales,  Amstel.  1734 ;  Habert,  'Apxie- 
pariKov,  Liber  Pontifical  is  Eccl.  Grace,  p.  719, 
Par.  1643.  "  [W.  E.  S.] 

PASCHAL  TAPEE.  This  was  a  large  taper, 
which  among  the  other  ceremonies  of  Easter 
Eve  ("sabbatum  sanctum")  was  solemnly 
blessed  before  the  altar,  at  Piome  by  the  arch- 
deacon, in  Spain  by  two  deacons,  then  lighted 
from  the  newly-struck  and  blessed  fire,  and 
carried  in  procession  before  the  catechumens  to 
the  font.  It  was  afterwards  placed  before  the 
altar,  and  was  to  burn  incessantly  until  after 
the  solemn  mass,  or  the  second  Vespers,  or  the 
Compline  service,  of  Easter  Day,  according  to 
different  rituals :  that  of  Soissons  requires  it  to 
burn  for  four  consecutive  days  (Martene  de 
Ant.  Eccles.  Pit.  lib.  iv.  cap.  24).  The  symbolism 
is  obvious.  In  its  origin  the  paschal  taper  was 
a  special  observance  of  the  general  custom  which, 
through  East  and  West  alike,  celebrated  that 
night  "much  to  be  observed"  by  a  bright 
illumination,  changing  the  darkness  into  light. 
[See  Easter,  Ceremonies  of, "Vol.  I.  p.  595.]  The 
twofold  reference  to  the  new  rising  of  the  Sun  of 
Righteousness  from  the  darkness  of  the  tomb,  and 
to  the  illumination  of  the  newly-baptized,  is 
constantly  recalled  to  mind  in  the"  office  of  the 
Benedictio  Cerei.  In  the  procession  of  tlie 
neophytes,  and  when  the  taper  precedes  the  pope, 
as  (according  to  the  old  Ordo  Romanus)  it  should 
do  during  the  whole  paschal  week,  it  is  taken  to 
represent  the  pillar  of  fire  which  led  Israel 
through  the  Red  Sea. 

The  institution  of  the  paschal  taper  has  been 
commonly  attributed  to  pope  Zosimus  (A.D.  417) 
on  tee  strength  of  the  notice  in  the  life  of  him 
iu  the  Liber  Pontificalis,  "  per  parochias  concessa 
licentia  cereos  benedici,"  or,  according  to  another 
version,  "  per  parochias  concessit  ut  cereos 
benedicerent ;"  but  it  was  pointed  out  by  Bar- 
onius  {Annul,  in  ann.  418)  that  this  really  im- 
plies the  extension  to  the  parish  churches  of 
a  custom  already  existing  in  (probably)  the 
great  basilicas.  The  hymn  of  Prudentius, 
"Inventor  rutili,"  commonly  sung  during  the 
office  of  the  benediction  of  the  taper,  cannot  be 
relied  on  as  an  argument  for  the  antiquity  of  the 
rite,  for  it  is  in  truth  only  an  excerpt  of  forty 


PASSION  SUNDAY 

lines  from  a  much  longer  hymn,  which  according 
to  the  best  reading  is  inscribed  ad  incensum 
luccrnae,  not  de  cereo  paschali,  and  which,  being 
No.  V.  of  the  Cathemerino?i  hymns,  was  clearly 
intended  for  daily  use  at  the  Vesper  service 
when  the  candles  used  to  be  solemnly  lighted. 
It  is  possibly,  however,  alluded  to  by  St.  Augus- 
tine (Be  Civ.  Lei,  xv.  22)  where  he  says,  "in 
laude  quadam  cerei  breviter  versibus,  dixi,"  &c. 
where  "  cerei,"  and  not  "  creatoris,"  seems  to  be 
the  true  reading.  Ennodius,  bishop  of  Ticino 
(died  521),  has  left  two  forms  oi  Benedictio  cerei, 
from  an  expression  in  one  of  which  it  is  inferred 
that  the  practice  of  preserving  particles  of  the 
wax  of  the  taper  as  charms  had  already  grown 
up  by  that  time.  Gregorv  the  Great  (E/iist.  xi. 
33)  and  can.  9,  C.  Tolet.  IV.  both  speak  clearly 
of  the  paschal  taper;  various  customs  grew 
up  round  the  rite  in  later  times,  such  as  that  of 
making  five  holes  in  the  taper,  or  attaching  five 
grains  of  incense  to  it,  of  stamping  upon  it  the 
date,  the  indiction  of  the  current  year,  or  the 
letters  A  and  n,  or  of  flistening  to  it  inscriptions 
of  various  kmds,  of  which  examples  may  be  seen 
in  Martene  (it.  s.).  (See  the  various  rituals  and 
commentaries  on  the  otBce  in  Sabbato  Sancto,  and 
MabiUon  de  Lit.  Gall.  p.  141.)  [C.  E.  H.] 

PASCHASIA,  virgin    martyr   at   Divio   iu 

Burgundy,    under     Aurelius ;      commemorated 

.Jan  9  according  to  the  ancient  calendars  of  St. 

Benignus  at  Divio.     (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  566.) 

[C.  H.] 

PASCHASIUS  (1),  bishop  of  Vienne,  con- 
fessor, cir.  A.D.  313  ;  commemorated  Feb.  22. 
{Vet.  Pom.  Mart.  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  iii.  290.) 

(2)  African  martyr  in  the  Vandalic  persecu- 
tion ;  commemorated  Nov.  12  {Vet.  Pom.  Hart.)  ;: 
Nov.  13  (Usuard.  Hart.).  [C.  H.] 

PASICRATES,  martyr  with  Valentinus  at 
Dorostolum  in  Macedonia ;  commemorated  Ap. 
24  (Basil.  Menol.)  ;  Passicrates,   at  Dorostorum 
iu  Moesia,  May  25  (Usuard.  Mart.)  ;  Pasicrates 
or  POLiCRATES,   May  25,   from   the   Latin  and 
Greek  menologies  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mai.  vi.  23). 
[C.  H.] 
PASSIONALE.     [Maetyrology.] 
PASSION,  EELICS  OF.     [Relics.] 

PASSION,    REPRESENTATIONS     OF. 

[Crucifix.] 

PASSION  SUNDAY.  The  fifth  Sunday  in 
Lent  has  from  ancient  times  been  called  Dominica 
Passionis  or  de  Passione  Domini,  because  from  it 
begins  the  more  special  commemoration  of  the 
sutfering  of  Christ.  An  Anglo-Saxon  homily 
(Aelfric's  Homilies,  li.  224  f.)  for  the  fifth  Sun- 
day in  Lent  commences  by  stating  that  from 
that  day  until  Easter  the  time  is  designated 
Christ's  Passion-tido  (Wheatley  on  the  Common 
Prayer,  ed.  Corrie,  p.  241,  n.  6).  la  token  oi: 
sadness  the  Gloria  Patri  is  generally  omitted  at 
this  season  in  responsories,  mvitatories,  and  in- 
troits.  The  character  of  the  season  is  strikingly 
shewn  in  the  Mozarabic  Mass  for  the  day.  In 
modern  times,  in  England  at  least,  the  name 
"  Passion- Week  "  is  commonly  given  to  Hoi.Y 
Week.  [C] 


PASTOPHORIUM 

PASTOPHOEIUM.  A  chamber  attached  to 
the  outside  wall  of  a  church,  and  approached 
from  within,  used  as  a  vestry,  sacristy,  treasury, 
as  well  as  a  living  and  sleeping  room.  IIacTT6s 
being  an  inner  chamber,  especially  a  bridal  cham- 
ber with  embroidered  hangings,  came  to  signify 
the  shrine  of  a  deity,  and  the  priests  whose  duty 
it  was  to  carry  the  shrine  were  called  pastophori 
(iraaroipupoi).  (Diod.  i.  29  ;  Clem.  Alex.  Paedag. 
iji.  c.  2  ;  Stromat.  vi.  c.  4),  and  the  chambers 
where  they  resided  in  the  precincts  of  the  temple 
pastophoria  (Tra(TTocpop€7a  or  iraffTocpopia).  The 
woi-d  is  of  frequent  occurrence  in  the  LXX  in 
this  or  an  allied  sense,  usually  as  the  translation  of 

nSE-'?,  and  generally  to  designate  the  chambers 
annexed  to  the  tabernacle  or  temple,  for  the 
habitation  of  the  priests  and  other  ministers,  or 
for  the  reception  of  the  offerings  in  money,  corn, 
fruits,  or  other  stores  (1  Chr.  ix.  26,  33 ;  xxiii. 
28;  xxviii.  12;  2  Chr.  xxxi.  11 ;  Isa.  xxii.  15; 
Jer.  XXXV.  4 ;  Ezek.  xl.  17,  38  ;  Esdr.  viii.  59). 
The  Vulgate  rendering  is  usually  excdrae,  some- 
times gazophylacium  (Jer.  xxxv.  4 ;  Ezek.  xl.  17, 
38)  or  tabernaculuni  (Isa.  xxii.  15) ;  in  2  Chr. 
xxxi.  11,  horrea.  Its  use  in  Christian  nomen- 
clature was  equally  extensive,  sometimes  denot- 
ing the  apartments  of  the  bishop  and  clergy  and 
ministers  and  keepers  of  the  church  ;  sometimes  a 
vestry  .or  treasury.  Bona  regards  it  as  synony- 
mous with  the  diaconicon  or  vcstiarium,  "  quod 
barbara  voce  sacristia  nuncupatur"  (Bona, 
Her.  Liturg.  lib.  i.  c.  xxiv.  §  2).  This  is  the 
sense  in  which  the  word  is  used  in  the  Apos- 
tolical Constitutions,  where  after  the  faithful  had 
communicated  in  both  kinds  the  deacons  were 
directed  to  take  what  was  left  and  carry  it  into 
the  "  pastophorium  "  (Ap.  Const,  lib.  viii.  c.  13  ; 
Bingham,  Orig.  Eccl.  bk.  viii.  ch.  vii.  §  11 ; 
Binterim,  Denkwiirdig.  ii.  2,  143;  Schelstrate, 
Cone.  Antiocli,  p.  186).  [E.  V.] 

PASTOE  (1),  with  his  brother  Justus,  youth- 
ful martyrs  ;  commemorated  at  Complutum  in 
Spain,  Aug.  6  (Usuard.  3Iart. ;  Florus,  Mart. 
ap.  Bed.) ;  Aug.  25  (^Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  And  Basileus,  commemorated  Dec.  25  in 
the  Sacramentary  of  Leo  (Murat.  Lit.  Rom. 
Vet.  i.  467).  [C.  H.] 

PASTOR  (noifi-ltv).  (1)  When  St.  Paul 
(Ephes.  iv.  11)  speaks  of  Troi^eVay,  "shepherds," 
he  seems  to  describe  not  so  much  those  admitted 
to  a  distinct  order  or  office,  as  those  who  "  took 
the  oversight  "  of  the  flock,  under  whatever  desig- 
nation. Thus  4m(TKOiroi  are  said  (Acts  xx.  28)  to 
"  be  the  shepherds  "  of  the  church  ;  and,  again, 
irpeffffvTfpoi  are  warned  (1  Pet.  v.  2)  to  "  be 
shepherds  "  to  the  flock  of  God,  even  as  Christ  is 
"shepherd  and  bishop"  of  our  souls  (1  Pet.  ii. 
25).  And  the  Latin  word  "  pastor  "  retained  for 
the  most  part  this  vagueness ;  it  designated  a 
minister  of  the  church  considered  as  guiding  and 
governing  a  flock.  More  especially  it  designated 
a  bishop ;  hence  in  later  times  "  pastoralitas  " 
came  to  mean  the  dignity  of  a  bishop  or  abbat, 
and  "  pastorare  "  to  exercise  the  functions  of  a 
bishop  or  abbat  (Ducange,  s.  v.). 

(2)  The  Advocate  of  the  Church  was  some- 
times called  "  pastor  laicus"  (Ducange).      [C] 

PASTORAL  STAFF.  (?d^5os,  ^uKTvpia, 


PASTORAL  STAFF 


156; 


vapBr)^ ;  hacuhis,  virga,  ferula,  pedum,  camhiUa. 
capuita,  crocea,  crozzia,  stampella,  crosse.) 

The  word  has  assumed  a  multitude  of  forms, 
partly,  no  doubt,  from  the  vagaries  of  the 
copyists  :  cambutta,  cabuta,  .  camhoia,  cambuca, 
cambucca,  camputa,  capuita,  combucca,  gahiica, 
sambuta,  &c. 

Migne  {Diet.  Orfevr.  s.  v.,  following  the  learned 
monograph  of  Barrault  and  Martin)  traces  the 
word  cambuta  to  the  Irish  missionaries  in  the 
time  of  the  Merovingians.  This  he  considers 
more  probable  than  its  connexion  with  KafMirru 
and  KafMTTvXT],  a  curved  staff. 

The  name  ferula  (ferio)  points  to  the  correc- 
tional use  of  the  staff. 

The  etymology  of  crosse  is  controverted.  We 
have  the  forms  crochia,  croqua,  crocula,  and  also 
crocea,  crossea,  croga,  crossa.  Some  of  these 
forms  may  be  traced  to  croc  and  crochet,  whilst 
others  suggest  crux  and  the  Italian  croce.  Magri 
observes  (Ifierolcx.  s.  v.)  that  the  pastoral  staff 
was  called  croccea  (Anglice,  crutch),  from  the 
use  that  was  made  of  it  as  a  support  in  walking. 

The  most  ancient  crosiers  {sic)  appear,  says  a 
learned  writer,  to  have  been  much  shorter  than 
those  of  succeeding  ages.  That  of  St.  Severinus, 
bishop  of  Cologne,  who  died  in  the  year  400, 
served  him  as  a  walking-stick  {Archaeologia, 
xvii.  37). 

There  are  no  grounds  for  saying  whether  the 
pastoral  staff,  when  it  was  first  adopted  as  an 
emblem,  was  designed  to  be  the  symbol  of  duty 
or  of  jurisdiction ;  whether  it  betokened  the 
shepherd's  duty  of  tending  the  flock  of  God  or 
(as  a  form  of  sceptre)  the  right  and  the  respon- 
sibility of  a  ruler.  Both  these  ideas  seem  to  be 
combined  in  one  of  the  earliest  Latin  authorities 
on  the  subject — the  passage  of  St.  Isidore  of 
Seville  (a.d.  560-636),  who  says  that  the  staff 
was  given  to  a  bishop  as  a  token  that  he  "  vel 
regat,  vel  corrigat,  vel  infirmitates  infirmorum 
sustineat "  {de  Ufficiis  Ecclesiasticis,  cap.  v.). 

The  term  "pastoral  staff"  seems  to  point  to 
the  shepherd's  crook  as  the  prototype  of  the^ 
wand  or  sceptre  which  has  symbolized  the  minis- 
terial office  from  very  early  times.  Indeed, 
Suicer  {Thesaurus  Eccles.  s.  v.  PaKrrjpia)  thus 
unhesitatingly  assigns  its  origin  :  "  Because  the 
ministers  of  the  church  are  called  shepherds, 
and  their  duty  is  to  feed  the  flock  of  God, 
namely,  the  church,  therefore  to  them  is  given 
a  staft'  or  rod." 

There  is  an  undoubted  propriety  in  the  symbol 
so  interpreted.  But  we  may  not  yet  have 
arrived  at  the  bottom  of  the  matter,  if  we  rest 
here  ;  for  there  is  some  reason  to  think  that  the 
pastoral  staff'  of  the  Christian  clergy  was  but 
an  adoption  with  a  new  significance  of  a  religious 
usage  older  than  Christianity  itself.  The  sculp- 
tures and  coins  of  Italian  paganism  shew  us  that 
the  augurs  of  antiquity  bore  a  staff  (lituus) 
very  closely  resembling  the  pastoral  staff.  It 
was  with  such  a  staff,''in  fact,  that  the  augur 
divided  the  expanse  of  heaven  (templum)  into 
regions  for  the  purpose  of  divination.  The  an- 
nexed figure  from  an  Etruscan  sculpture  will 
give  an  idea  of  the  augur's  staff.  In  connexion 
with  this  figure  it  should  be  observed  that  the 
early  form  of  pastoral  staff  appears  to  have 
been  quite  short — much  shorter  than  the  spe- 
cimens of  mediaeval  art  that  have  survived  to. 
us  (lleusens,  Elements  d'Archeologic  chre'ticnne, 


15( 


PASTORAL  STAFF 


Louvain,  1871).  The  form  of  the  lituus  might 
in  some  degree  account  for  this.  On  the  other 
side,  however,  it  ought,  perhaps,  to  be  noticed 
Ahat  the   lituus  had  to  be  borne  in  the  right 


Xituus.    (From  Smith's  Diet.  <•/  Gk.  ami  Rom.  Antiq ) 

hand,  whilst  the  handling  of  the  pastoral  staff 
does  not  appear  to  have  been  so  restricted.  In 
extant  representations  the  pastoral  staff  is  held 
sometimes  in  the  right  and  sometimes  in  the 
left  hand.  Such  a  variation,  however,  will 
hardly  be  thought  sufficient  to  negative  the 
possibility  of  the  hypothesis  —  which  has  the 
authority  of  Jlosheim  {Tnstit.  Eccl.  Hist.  pt.  ii. 
chap,  iv.)— that  the  pastoral  staff  is  one  of  those 
many  things  which  with  but  slight  alterations 
the  early  Christians  felt  at  liberty  to  adopt  from 
paganism  as  being  accepted  symbols  of  piety 
and  reverence. 

According  to  another  theory  of  its  origin,  the 
pastoral  staff'  is  a  survival  in  the  case  of  bishops 
of  what  was  once  to  be  seen  in  the  hands  of  all. 
It  is,  in  fact,  the  episcopal  walking-stick. 
Thomassin,  Grancolas,  and  other  liturgists  of 
modern  times,  have  vindicated  an  origin  of  this 
kind  for  the  staff.  According  to  them  it  is  no 
other  than  the  crutch  or  staff  {sustentaculum, 
recUnatoriwn)  which  at  first  was  permitted  to 
the  aged  and  infirm,  and  which  afterwards  be- 
came general  as  a  support  while  standing  in 
church.  When  seats  were  introduced  into  choirs, 
the  redinatorium  was  doomed  to  disappear,  and 
(according  to  these  writers)  survived  in  the 
hand  of  prelates  alone  as  emblems  of  honour. 
The  flaw  in  this  theory  appears  to  be  that  the 
reclinatorium  certainly  remained  in  general  use 
long  after  the  date  at  which  we  can  trace  the 
pastoral  staff. 

We  now  reach  the  question  bv  whom  the  pas- 
toral staff  was  used. 

(a)  Pope.— It  is  commonly  said  that  the  pope 
never  carried  a  pastoral  staff.  The  reason  as- 
signed for  this  custom  cannot  be  better  given 
than  in  the  words  of  Innocent  III.  "  The  Roman 
pontiff  does  not  use  the  pastoral  staff,  because 
St.  Peter  the  Apostle  sent  his  staff  to  Eucharius, 
the  first  bishop  of  Treves,  whom  he  appointed 
with  Valerius  and  Maternus  to  preach  the 
Gospel  to  the  German  race.  He  was  succeeded 
in  his  bishopric  bv  Maternus,  who  was  raised 
from  the  dead  by  "the  staff  of  St.  Peter.  The 
staff  is  down  to  the  present  day  preserved  with 
great  veneration  by  the  church  at  Treves."  {De 
Sacro  Altaris  Mysterio,  lib.  i.  cap.  62.)  It  is 
sarcastically  observed  by  Cahier,  a  Jesuit  writer, 
that  St.  Peter  must  have  repeated  more  than  once 
the  sacrifice  of  his  pastoral  staff,  for  several  places 
claim  to  have   it.     The  same  writer,  however. 


PASTORAL  STAFF 

shews  that  there  is  reason  to  think  that  popes 
did  bear  the  pastoral  staff'  up  to  the  11th  century, 
and  he  gives  a  figure  of  Gregory  the  Great 
bearing  a  staff  from  a  miniature  of  the  13th 
century.  This  figure  we  reproduce  here  (Cahier, 
Caracte'ristviues  des  Saints,  p.  298). 


Gregory  the  Great.    (From  Cahier.) 

Barrault  indeed  says  (p.  25)  that  the  por- 
trayal of  St.  Gregory  with  a  staff  proves  only 
the  ignorance  of  the  illuminator  in  the  13th 
century.  Perhaps  however,  this  is  not  quite  fair. 
It  may  shew  that  the  present  question  was  in 
debate  in  the  13th  century,  and  the  plate  before 
us  may  be  the  record  of  the  view  which  the 
illuminator  took  in  the  controversy. 

Another  representation  of  Gregory  the  Great 
with  a  staff  (though  it  is  of  a  different  shape, 
being  surmounted  with  a  cross)  is  published  by 
the  Arundel  Society.  This  singular  monument, 
says  Mr.  Marriott  (Vestiarium  Christianum,  p. 
237),  is  assigned  by  antiquaries  to  the  year  700 
or  thereabouts.  The  figure  is  easily  accessible 
in  Jlr.  Marriott's  work,  and  therefore  need  not  be 
reproduced  here. 

A  third  figure  of  Gregory  the  Great  with  a 
staff'  is  that  which   was  given  to  the  brothers 


Gregory  tlie  Great.    (From  Maori  ITieroUi.) 

Magri  for  the  Hierolexicon  (p.  65,  ed.  Romae, 
1677),  and  which  is  believed  to  be  contemporary 
with  St.  Gregory  himself. 


PASTORAL  STAFF 

Sligne  {I>ict.  de  VOrfevrerie,  s.  v.  Crosse) 
denies  that  the  popes  ever  used  the  pastoral 
staff  properly  so  called  ;  but  he  admits  that 
they  had  a  baton,  which  was  straight  as  a 
sceptre.  This,  however,  would  hardly  differen- 
tiate it  from  the  pastoral  staff  proper,  which 
was  not  restricted  to  a  particular  shape. 
Baronius,  it  may  be  mentioned,  concludes  that 
the  staff  is  to  a  bishop  what  a  sceptre  is  to  a 
king.  It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that,  when 
writers  contend  that  the  pope  bore  a  pastoral 
staff,  they  do  not  probably  intend  to  say  that 
the  staff  was  always  curved.  Krazer  indeed 
(De  Liturgiis,  p.  353)  shews  that  the  oft-quoted 
words  of  Innocent  III.,  in  which  he  is  under- 
stood to  disclaim  the  pastoral  staff  for  the  pope, 
are  to  be  understood  as  disclaiming  only  the 
curved  staff  of  ordinary  bishops.  By  some 
writers  (e.ff.  Martin  and  Barrault)  a  distinction 
is  drawn  between  the  cambuta,  the  crook  or  T 
shaped  staff,  as  the  symbol  of  the  pastoral  office, 
and  the  ferula  or  sceptre-like  staff  which  betokened 
sovereign  authority.  Such  writers  in  the  Roman 
Catholic  interest  are  not  unwilling  to  admit  that 
the  pope  carried  the  ferula,  whilst  denying  that 
he  had  the  cambuta.  It  would  obviously  be  a 
great  gain  to  their  position  if  it  could  be  shewn 
that  from  the  earliest  days  the  symbol  of  the 
pastoral  care  had  not  been  associated  with  the 
person  of  the  pope,  whilst  the  emblem  of 
sovereignty  had  always  been  so — that,  whilst  the 
one  character  had,  of  course,  been  understood, 
the  other  had  been  with  the  emphasis  of  the  very 
symbolism  pointedly  affirmed  as  attaching  to  him. 

In  judging,  however,  of  this  vexed  question, 
this  point  is  not  to  be  forgotten,  that  we  do  not 
find  any  trace  of  the  disposition  to  repudiate  the 
pastoral  staff  for  the  pope  until  about  the  12th 
century,  which  is  at  least  a  suspicious  epoch  on 
a  question  which  in  no  indirect  way  concerns  the 
glorification  of  the  temporal  sovereignty. 

(j3)  Bishojys. — On  the  early  use  of  the  staff  by 
bishops,  we  may  quote  the  authority  of  Baronius 
(ad  ann.  504-,  n.  38),  who  says  that  bishops  em- 
ployed the  staff  certainly  in  the  4th  century. 
The  earliest  mention  of  it  given  by  Maskell 
(Monum.  Bit.  iii.  273)  as  forming  a  part  of  the 
rite  of  consecration  of  a  bishop  is  the  passage 
quoted  above  from  Isidore  of  Spain  (a.d.  560-636). 

In  the  early  part  of  the  5th  century  there 
seems  no  reason  to  doubt,  says  a  competent 
writer,  that  St.  Patrick  took  with  him  to  Ire- 
land, when  he  went  to  preach  the  Gospel  there, 
the  pastoral  staff  which  afterwards  became  so 
famous  under  the  name  of  the  Staff  of  Jesus 
(Archaeologia,  svii.  36). 

In  the  will  of  St.  Remigius  (Flodoard.  Hist. 
lib.  i.  cap.  18)  mention  is  made  of  a  pastoral 
staff  carved  and  covered  with  gold  plates. 

The  earliest  mention  of  the  "staff"  among 
Latin  writers  appears  to  be  in  the  letter  which 
was  addressed  by  pope  Coelestine  (A.D.  423-432) 
to  the  bishops  of  the  provinces  of  Vienne  and 
Narbonne  on  the  subject  of  episcopal  dress  (Labbe, 
Cone.  ii.).  "  By  dressing  in  a  cloak  (pallium)  and 
putting  a  girdle  round  their  loins,  they  think 
that  they  shall  fulfil  the  truth  of  Scripture  not 
in  the  spirit,  but  in  the  letter.  For  if  the  pre- 
cepts in  question  were  given  with  a  view  to 
being  kept  in  such  a  fashion,  why  are  not  the 
subsequent  precp])ts  equally  observed  by  holding 
burning  lamps  in  the  hand  as  well  as  a  staff." 


PASTORAL  STAFF 


1567 


Amongst  the  Greek  writers  there  is  a  mention 
of  the  pastoral  staff  as  early  as  the  time  of  St. 
Gregory  of  Nazianzum  (cent.  .4).  He  savs 
(Oratio  42)  :  "  I  know  the  staff  which  can  support 
and  the  one  which  belongs  to  pastors  and 
teachers,  and  which  corrects  the  sheep  which  have 
reason." 

In  the  Life  of  Caesarius,  bishop  of  Aries  (a.d. 
469-542),  written  by  Cyprian,  his  pupil,  mention 
is  made  of  the  pastoral  staff  being  "  borne  by  his 
chaplain  (notarius) "  (Martene  de  Hit.  lib.  i. 
cap.  8,  X.  18.)  So  early  as  the  time  of  Romanus, 
archbishop  of  Rouen  about  A.D.  623,  we  find  the 
investiture  taking  place  at  the  hands  of  the 
king  by  giving  the  pastoral  staff  ("  Rex  .... 
baculum  illi  contulit  pastoralem  "). 

In  modern  times  a  bishop  is  represented  with 
a  crook,  an  archbishop  with  a  cross  or  crosier, 
a  patriarch  with  a  cross  having  two  transverse 
bars,  and  the  pope  with  a  cross  of  three  bars. 
But  there  is  no  appearance  of  this  classification 
within  the  epoch  embraced  by  this  Dictionary. 

The  carrying  of  the  crosier  before  a  metropoli- 
tan in  any  place  was  a  token  that  he  claimed 
jurisdiction  there.  Hence  in  later  times  arose 
difficulties,  when,  for  example  an  archbishop  of 
York  was  not  allowed  the  use  of  his  cross  at  a 
coronation  (see  Archaeologia,  xvii.  38). 

(7)  Ahhats  and  Abbesses. — The  proof  that  in 
very  early  days  abbats  had  the  staff  is  found  by 
Barrault  (p.  5)  in  the  fact  that  mention  is 
never  made  of  the  staff  in  the  pontifical  bulls 
(of  which  one  is  quoted  as  having  been  issued 
by  Theodore  I.  in  a.d.  643),  granting  to  abbats 
the  use  of  episcopal  insignia.  The  gloves,  the 
mitre,  the  ring,  and  others  are  specified,  but 
never  the  staff.  This,  Barrault  argues,  could 
only  be  because  abbats  already  had  the  staff. 
But  whether  this  be  accounted  as  proof  or  not, 
we  have  explicit  mention  of  the  abbat's  staff  as 
early  as  the  7th  century.  In  the  Life  of  St. 
Gall,  who  lived  in  the  early  part  of  that  cen- 
tury, we  have  this  mention  of  the  abbatial 
staff  of  Columban :  "  Qui  et  baculum  ipsius, 
quem  vulgo  Cambottam  vocant,  per  manum 
diaconi  transmiserunt  dicentes.  Sanctum  Abbatera 
ante  transitum  suum  jussisse  ut  per  hoc  notissi- 
mum  pignus  Gallus  absolveretur."  It  appears 
not  to  have  been  till  a  later  period  that  the 
privilege  of  abbats  was  conceded  to  abbesses. 

The  assumption  of  the  staff  seems  always  to 
have  formed  part  of  the  ceremonial  of  investi- 
ture in  the  case  of  an  abbat.  It  is  so  men- 
tioned in  the  penitential  of  Theodore,  arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury  in  the  7th  century.  There 
are  many  surviving  forms  of  the  ritual  em- 
ployed on  these  occasions  ;  but  with  the  ex- 
ception of  the  passage  just  quoted,  it  is  not  easy 
to  say  with  certainty  that  any  one  of  them 
falls  strictly  within  the  limit  of  time  embraced 
in  this  work.  Several,  however,  belong  cer- 
tainly to  a  period  not  much  later ;  and  the 
investiture  with  the  staff  is  so  generally  men- 
tioned in  them  as  to  lead  to  the  inference  that 
the  usage  was  already  a  general  and  accepted 
one.  Pugin,  indeed,  observes  (Glossary,  s.  v.) 
that  abbats  did  not  borrow  the  use  of  the 
pastoral  staff  from  the  episcopal  order,  as  they 
afterwards  did  that  of  the  mitre,  but  that  they 
had  this  distinction  from  the  beginning. 

(5)  Others. — It  does  not  appear  that  any 
other  persons   commonly  used  what  could  be 


15( 


PASTORAL  STAFF 


properly  called  a  pastoral  staff.  Hofmann,  how 
•ever  {Lex.  Univ.  s.  v.  Baculus),  quotes  Philo- 
stratus  as  an  aiithority  for  the  use  of  it  by 
priests  in  the  East.  But  in  the  Eastern  church 
there  is  always  a  risk  of  mistaking  for  an 
official  baton  the  ordinary  sub-axillary  staff 
which  even  laymen  carried  to  church. 

Shape. — Owing  to  the  entire  absence  of  primi- 
tive representations,  there  is  no  absolute  proof 
that  the  earliest  form  of  the  staff  was  that  of 
a  crook  (we  know,  indeed,  that  in  some  cases 
they  terminated  in  a  globe  or  a  cross)  ;  but,  as 
Pugin  observes,  the  crook  form  is  exceedingly 
ancient,  and  as  we  have  seen  above  in  the  case 
of  the  litims,  was  not  unknown  amongst  the 
emblems  of  religion,  even  in  pre-Christian  times. 

The  Catacombs  furnish    no   evidence   on  the 


subject.  There  is  indeed  a  figure  of  Amachius 
bearing  a  curved  staff  (Buonarroti,  Vet.  Ant. 
pi.  xviii.  p.  128),  which  might  be  taken  for  an 
example  of  it,  but  which  is  more  probably  a 
picture  of  the  augur's  rod.     The  earliest  forms 


St.  Juhn  -with  Pastoral  Staff.     (Barranlt.) 

of  the  staff  cited  by  Barrault  are  those  put  in 
the  hands  of  two  figures  of  St.  John  the 
Apostle,  from  a  MS.  in  the  British  Jluseum, 
which  (he  says,   on  the  authority  of  the  cus- 


PASTOEAL  STAFF 

todians  of  MSS.  in  that  institution)  is  a  copy  of 
a  Spanish  MS.  that  belongs  to  the  era  of  the 
Goths.  If  that  be  so,  it  need  hardly  be  said 
that  the  representations  (which  we  engrave 
here)  are  of  immense  interest  and  importance  in 
showing  the  development  of  the  staff  at  so  dis- 
tant an  epoch. 

The  second  of  these  figures  gives  an  example 
of  the  foliated  cross.  It  will  be  observed  that 
this  staff  could  not  be  intended  for  use  as  a 
rcclinatorium,  because  it  is    the   full  height  of 


St.  Joliu  with  Cross.    (Barrault.) 

the  man  himself  Similar  representations  are 
found  elsewhere — in  a  MS.  of  the  abbey  of 
Eluon.  which  is  conjectured  to  belong  to"  the 
latter  part  of  the  7th  century ;  in  the  staff  of 
:\Iontreuil.sur-mer  (fig.   1a),  which    local  tra- 


FlG.   lA. 

dition  assigns  to  the  abbess  St.  Austrebertha 
(temp.  Clovis  II.),  and  in  the  ancient  carving  in 
the  outer  wall  of  the  Church  of  St.  Thomas  at 
Strasburg,  which  is  believed  to  belong  to  the 
first  half  of  the  9th  century.  The  extreme 
antiquity  alleged  for  these  monuments  will  not, 
perhaps,  be  accepted  with  the  same  confidence 
in  all   the   several   cases,  but  the  details  of  the 


PASTORAL  STAFF 

Strasburg  carving  carry  iipon  the  face  of  it  the 
conviction  that  the  date  (830)  claimed  for  it 
(Barrault,  p.  22)  is  not  far  from  the  truth. 

Independently  of  the  few  monuments  that 
have  survived,  we  find  that  a  writer  of  the  time 
of  Charles  the  Bald  (died  A.D.  877)  could  even 
then  speak  of  the  curved  staff  as  an  antiquity 
(Mabillon,  Acta  SS.  Ben.  Saec.  iii.  pt.  ii.  p. 
244). 

In  the  case  of  the  curved  staff  we  can  distin- 
guish  three   constituent  parts — the  point,  the 


PASTORAL  STAFF 


1569 


Kemigius  is  an  example  of  early  work  in 
precious  metal.  The  so-called  staff  of  St.  Augus- 
tine (which  Gavantus  thinks  is  at  Valentin  in 
Spain,  while  Baronius  (in  anno  504)  places  it  in 
Sardinia)  is  made  of  ivory.  Besides  wood,  ivory 
and  the  precious  metals  as  the  material  of  the 
pastoral  staff,  we  find  mention  of  horn,  brass, 
iron,  lead,  and  even  crystal,  both  for  the  volutes 
and  the  knobs  of  the  rod.  It  is  possible,  how- 
ever, that  the  surviving  specimens  made  in 
base  metal  were  not  actually  l)orne,  but  weiu 


L 


rod,  and  the  crook  or  volute.  The  purpose  of 
these  several  parts  was  embodied  in  the  line 
which  appears  on  the  staff"  of  St.  Saturninus  at 
Toulouse — 

"  Curva  trahit,  quos  virga  regit,  pars  ultima  purgit." 

Latin  bishops,  says  Magri,  bear  a  staff  curved 
at  the  top  ;  Maronite  bishops  a  staff"  surmounted 
by  a  globe  and  cross  (which,  it  may  he  observed, 
is  also  the  form  of  the  staff"  in  the  figure  of 
Gregory  the  Great  that  is  engraved  with  this 
article ;  the  globe  alone  is  found  in  an  Anglo- 
Saxon  MS.  of  the  9th  century  engraved  by  Dr. 
Rock);  and  Greek  bishops  carry  a  staff  in  the  form 
of  a  T  cross.  This  form  perhaps  points  to  the 
use  of  the  staff  as  a  support  (fulcinatorium).  But 
in  the  East,  where  they  do  not  sit  in  church, 
secular  persons,  as  well  as  ecclesiastics,  supported 
themselves  at  divine  service  on  a  staff  of  this 
shape. 

Material. — The  moans  of  judging  what  mate- 
rials were  employed  in  primitive  times  are  ex- 
cessively scanty.  It  seems,  however,  to  be 
generally  agreed  that  wood  entered  into  the 
fabrication  of  the  pastoral  staff.  Jlartigny  says 
that  in  primitive  times  it  was  of  wood,  and  he 
adds  that  it  was  of  cypress  most  commonly 
(Diet,  des  Antiq.  chr€t.  s.  v.  Eveques).  It  may 
however,  be  doubted  whether  any  evidence  of  the 
cypress  is  forthcoming  which  is  of  an  earlier 
date  than  the  staff  sent  to  Stephen,  bishop  of 
Tournai  (cent.  12),  and  afterwards  presented  by 
him  to  the  bishop  of  Orleans.  Staves  of  wood 
arc  cited  by  Barrault  as  existing  at  Montreuil- 
sur-mer,  Ratisbon,  the  treasury  of  Cologne,  and 
elsewhere.  The  same  writer  states  that  whilst 
the  rod  was  of  wood,  the  upper  part,  whether  in 
the  shape  of  a  tau  or  of  a  volute,  was  of  a  more 
precious  material.  Ivory  was  especially  used 
lor    the    tau-shaped    staff.     The    staff   of   St. 


merely  copies  made  for  interment  with  a  deceased 
abbat  or  bishop. 

A  question  arises  as  to  whether  the  right  or 
the  left  hand  held  the  pastoral  staff,  or  whether 
either  did  it  indiscriminately.  We  have  seen  above 
in  this  article  that  the  pastoral  staff  was  not  in 
this  respect  regulated  by  the  laws  of  the  lituus, 
which  had  to  be  held  in  the  right  hand.  The  most 
common  usage,  in  later  representations  at  least, 
is  for  a  bishop  to  hold  his  staff'  in  the  left  hand, 
while  he  raises  the  right  in  the  act  of  benedic- 
tion. Nor  does  there  appear  any  reason  to 
suppose  that  in  that  solemn  act  the  staff'  was 
ever  held  otherwise  than  in  the  left  hand.  Yet 
there  are  many  representations  of  bishops,  when 
not  engaged  in  the  act  of  benediction,  holding 
the  staff"  sometimes  in  the  right  and  sometimes 
in  the  left  hand.  The  truth  of  the  matter 
appears  to  be  that  whilst  a  bishop  in  benediction 
always  bore  his  staff  in  the  left  hand,  upon  any 
other  occasion  he  was  free  to  hold  it  in  either 
hand  as  best  suited  his  pleasure  or  convenience. 
The  annexed  plate  (p.  1570),  which  is  extracted 
from  the  work  of  Barrault,  is  described  by  him 
as  an  abbat  blessing  his  monks.  It  is  of  the 
Carlovingian  period,  and  shews  the  act  of  bene- 
diction at  an  earl}'  date. 

Dr.  Rock  (^Church  of  our  Fathers,  vol.  ii.)  has 
verified  a  large  number  ofancient  representations, 
and  they  fail  to  bear  out  the  alleged  rule  either 
in  regard  to  holding  the  staff  always  in  the  left 
hand,  or  in  regard  to  the  volute  having  any  par- 
ticular direction. 

It  remains  only  to  add  that  as  the  giving  of  the 
staff  was  a  ceremonial  of  investiture  (Be  Marca 
da  Cunc.  Eccl.  et  Imp.),  so  the  surrender  of  it 
was  the  token  of  abdication,  and  the  breaking 
of  it  was  that  of  deposition.  By  the  fourth 
council  of  Toledo  (cent.  7)  it  was  ordained  that 
in    the   restoration  of  a  deposed    bishop    thci 


1570 


PATAPIUS 


baculus  should  be  placed  in  his  hand  (can.  28). 
See  Thomassin,  Discipline,  pt.  2,  lib.  i.  c.  23,  s.  7. 
Authorities. — Albert!  de  Sacris  Utensilibus  ; 
Krazer  dc  Liturgiis ;  llartigny,  Dictionnaire 
des  Antiquites  chretiennes ;  Le  Baton  pastoral, 
par  I'Abbe  Barrault  and  Arthur  Martin,  S.J., 
extrait  du  tome  iv.  des  Melanges  d'Archeologie, 
Paris,  1856  (the  most  elaborate  treatise  on 
the  subject ;  Cahier,  S.J.,  Les  Caracte'ristiques 
des    Saints,  Art.  Crosse ;    Jlartene  de  Ecdesiae 


PATEN 

memorated  Dec.  9  (Basil.  Menol.) ;  Dec.  8  (6'n/. 
Byzant.  ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  276  ;  Surius, 
De  Froh.  Hist.  S8.  Dec.  190,  ed.  1618).  [C.  H.] 

PATEN  (Latin,  pyatena  ;  Greek,  SiVkos).  The 
wide  and  shallow  vessel  in  which  the  bread  for 
the  Eucharist  is  placed  and  consecrated. 

Patens  must  have  been  in  use  from  the  earliest 
time,  when  any  formal  ritual  was  established, 
and  no  doubt,  as  was  the  case  with  the  chalice,  the 


« 


Ritihus ;  Thomassin,  Discipline  de  VEijlise ;  Hof- 
niann.  Lexicon  Universalis;  Du  Cange,  Glos- 
sariuin  ;  Magri  (Fratres),  Hierolexicon. 

[H.  T.  A.] 
In  the  Celtic  Church— Iha  staff  of  the  bishop 
and  also,  at  a  later  date,  of  the  abbat,  was  the 
Bachal  or  Bachuil,  and  Cambata  of  the  Latinised 
Celtic  church,  which  frequently  appears  in  the 
legends  of  her  saints.  Thus  St.  Kentigern  and 
St.  Columba  exchanged  their  staves  at  parting 
on  the  banks  of  the  Melendinor  (  Vita  S.  Kent, 
c.  40),  and  St.  Columba  on  another  occasion 
gave  his  staff  (Mor  Bachall)  to  Scanlann,  prince 
of  Ossory  (Colgan,  Tr.  Thaum.  433).  The 
Bachall  mor  of  St.  Moloc  is  preserved  at  luverary 
Castle,  Argyleshire,  and  the  Quigrich  of  St.  Fillan 
has  lately  been  returned  from  Canada  and  placed 
in  the  Antiquarian  Museum,  Edinburgh.  The 
staves  or  croziers  of  St.  Mun,  St.  Fergus,  and  St. 
Donnan,  after  having  been  preserved  at  Kilmure, 
Argyleshire,  at  St.  Fergus,  and  at  Auchterless, 
both  in  Aberdeenshire,  and  used  (certainly  the 
last)  for  superstitious  purposes,  are  lost  with 
that  of  St.  Serf,  and  with  the  Bachall  Isa  of 
St.  Patrick.  But  though  the  Quigrich  of  St. 
Fillan  is  rich  in  design  and  workmanship  (Wilson, 
Prehist.  Ann.  Scot.  664  sq. ;  Proc.  Sac.  Ant.  Scot. 
xii.  122  sq.)  and  the  Bachal  mor  of  St.  Moloc 
bears  traces  of  a  metal  covering,  the  original 
staves  of  the  saints  appear  to  have  been  ot^  the 
plainest  description,  without  a  volute  and  having 
only  a  slightly  curved  head  ;  while  it  is  only 
the  veneration  of  later  ages  which  has  ornamented 
them  with  the  precious  metals  and  jewels,  and 
carvings  of  elaborate  design.'  Many  of  these 
staves  have  been  carefully  preserved,  or  in  later 
days  found,  in  Ireland,  and  are  to  be  met  with  in 
public  and  private  collections  of  antiquities, 
some  plain  but  others  richly  decorated  (P;-oc. 
Jloy.  Ir.  Acad.  viii.  330 ;  Proc.  Soc.  Ant.  Scot. 
ii.  12  sq.  xi.  59 ;  Joyce,  Irish  Names  of  Places, 
2nd  ser.  182-3 ;  Reeves,  St.  Adaimi'in,  366-7  ; 
Killen,  Ch.  Hist.  Ir.  i.  118  sq. ;  Petrie,  Pound 
Towers,  pass.).  [J,  G.J 

PxVTAPIUS,  «  our  father,"  ascetic  of  Con- 
Dtautinople,  native  of  Thebes  in  Egypt ;  corn- 


primitive  paten  differed  in  little  or  nothing  from 
a  vessel  of  domestic  use  ;  and  until  the  primitive 
practice  of  employing  the  cakes  of  bread  brought 
as  oblations  by  the  congregation  was  superseded 
by  that  of  using  wafers  made  expressly,  patens 
were  often  of  large  size.  Such  were  the  patens 
weighing  from  twenty  to  thirty  pounds  each 
which  are  mentioned  in  the  Liber  Pontificalis  as 
given  by  various  popes  in  the  4th,  6th,  7th,  and 
8th  centuries  (».  Lives  of  popes  Mark,  Hormisdas 
Sergius  and  Gregory  IIL). 

According  to  Bona  {Bcrum  Liturgicarum 
1.  XXV.  3)  these  large  patens  were  ministeriales, 
and  were  not  used  by  the  priest  celebrating,  but 
only  in  distribution  to  the  people. 

Patenae  chrismales  are  also  mentioned  which, 
according  to  Bona,  were  "  ad  usum  baptismatis 
et  confirmationis,"  but  very  little  would  appear 
to  be  known  as  to  their  use. 

It  is  obvious  from  what  has  been  said  above 
that  patens  in  the  larger  churches  were  in  the 
earlier  ages  often  of  great  size.  Pioman  silver 
was  extremely  massive,  but  patens  weighing 
23  lbs.  must  have  been  of  very  considerable 
dimensions.  A  modern  circular  salver  15  inches 
in  diameter  may  weigh  about  5  lbs.,  and  the  size 
of  those  weighing  20  and  25  lbs.  may  thence  be 
roughly  inferred  to  have  been  not  less  than  2  feet 
to  2  2  feet  in  diameter,  if  circular,  and  very  pro- 
bably much  more.  If  the  material  were  gold,  the 
size  would  of  course  be  much  smaller.  Many, 
doubtless,  were  much  less.  The  golden  paten  (if 
it  be  one)  found  at  Gourdon  measures  about  7J 
inches  by  5 J  inches,  and  the  circular  paten  found 
in  Siberia  measures  7  inches  in  diameter. 

Patens  were  probably  usually  circular  ;  two  so 
formed  are  shewn  on  an  altar  "in  a  mosaic  in  S. 
Vitale  in  Ravenna,  the  building  of  which  church 
was  commenced  in  a.d.  547.  In  S.  Apollinare  ad 
Classem,  near  the  same  city,  a  building  of  about 
the  same  date,  two  objects,  which  it  would  seem 
are  intended  for  patens,  are  of  a  sexfoil  shape 
(Webb,  Continental  Ecclesiology,  p.  440).  One 
octagonal  in  form  is  said  in  the  Liber  Pontificalis 
to  have  been  given  by  pope  Gregory  IV.  (A.D. 
827-844)  to  the  church  of  S.  Maria  in  Via  Lata 
in  Rome ;  mention  is  made  in  the  same  work  of 


PATEN 

,  a  covered  paten  of  gold  weighing  23  lbs.  which 
pope  Leo  III.  gave  to  the  church  of  St.  Peter. 
That  of  Gourdon  is  oblong  in  form,  from  which 
fact  it  has  been  doubted  whether  it  was  really  a 
paten. 

The  material  was  most  commonly  silver,  but 
not  unfrequently  gold ;  e.g.  the  Byzantine  emperor 
Michael  sent  to  pope  Nicholas  I.  "  Patenam  ex 
auro  purissimo  cum  diversis  lapidibus  pretiosis, 
albis,  prasinis  et  hyacinthinis  "  (Zi6.  Pontif.  in 
vita  Kicholai).  Pope  Zepherinus  (a.d.  203-221) 
is  said  in  the  Lib.  Pontif.  to  have  ordered  that 
patens  of  glass  should  be  borne  before  the  priests 
in  the  churches  when  masses  were  celebrated. 
They  were  not  unfrequently  formed  of  this 
material.  Gregory  of  Tours  (ffe  Mirac.  S.  Martini, 
lib.  4,  c.  10)  mentions  a  paten  of  a  sapphire 
colour,  which  doubtless  was  of  glass ;  and  the 
"sacro  catino  "  at  Genoa  of  green  glass,  which, 
through  the  middle  ages  was  supposed  to  be  an 
emerald,  may  very  possibly  have  been  a  paten 
it  is  hexagonal.  Cav.  de  Rossi  has  given  en- 
gravings {Boll,  di  Arch.  Crist.  1864,  p.  80,  Al, 
5)  of  fragments  found  at  Cologne  of  a  glass  \  essi  I 
almost  a  foot  in  diameter  which  he  believes  to 
have  served  as  a  paten;  and  another  almost  entire 
exists  in  the  Slade  collection  in  the  British 
Museum  {Cat.  of  Slade  Coll.  p.  50),  which  was 
originally  about  10  inches  in  diameter  ;  this  was 
also  found  at  Cologne,  and  may  perhaps  be 
assigned  to  the  4th  or  5th  century  ;  the  decora- 
tion of  these  vessels  is  described  below.  In  the 
treasury  of  St.  Mark  at  Venice  are  two  or  three 
shallow  basins  of  glass,  which  have  probablv 
been  used  as  patens  ;  they  are,  however,  possibly 
later  in  date  than  the  period  embraced  by  this 
work.  Other  materials  were  sometimes  used ; 
in  the  same  treasury  is  a  Byzantine  paten  of 
alabaster,  about  IS^  inches  in  diameter,  and 
several  shallow  vesels,  probably  once  used  as 
patens,  of  agate,  sardonyx,  or  other  semi-precious 
stones,  handsomely  mounted  in  silver  gilt  with 
inserted  gems.  It  is  impossible  to  affix  precise 
dates  to  most  of  these,  but  if  they  do  not  belong 
to  the  period  treated  of  in  l.'">ese  volumes,  we  can 
no  doubt  form  from  them  coirect  ideas  as  to  the 
forms,  sizes,  and  decorations  of  patens  during 
some  centuries  antecedent  to  A.D.  1204,  about 
which  time  they  were  probably  brought  from 
Constantinople  to  Venice  with  the  other  spoil 
obtained  when  that  city  was  taken  by  the 
Crusaders. 

As  the  vessels  used  in  the  earliest  times  as 
patens  were  either  actually  such  as  had  served 
domestic  uses  or,  as  in  the  case  of  chalices,  were 
formed  upon  the  same  models,  and  as  the 
Christians  of  the  earlier  ages  undoubtedly  were 
in  the  habit  of  ornamenting  their  domestic 
utensils  with  crosses  and  other  religious  symbols, 
it  is  often  a  matter  of  much  difficulty  to  dis- 
tinguish between  vessels  which  were  and  which 
were  not  intended  to  be  used  exclusively  in  the 
rites  of  the  church.  Thus  it  has  been  doubted 
by  that  eminent  authority.  Padre  Garrucci, 
whether  the  golden  vesstd  found  at  Gourdon, 
and  shewn  in  the  accompanying  woodcut,  was 
intended  to  be  used  as  a  paten,  although  it  is 
decorated  with  a  cross.  His  chief  reason  for  the 
doubt  is  its  form,  there  being,  ho  thinks,  no 
instance  known  of  a  paten  thus  shaped.  As,  how- 
ever, the  form  would  be  by  no  means  incon- 
venient, and  as  wc  have  an  instance,  as  mentioned 

CHRIST.    ANT. VOL.    II. 


PATEN 


1571 


above,  of  an  octagonal  paten,  the  objection  does 
not  seem  decisive.  We  have  but  few  "examples  of 
early  patens,  and  it  seems  quite  possible  that 
some  may  have  had  this  oblong  form,  one  not 
uncommon  in  Roman  silver  vessels,  for  secular 
examples,  probably  of  the  5th  century,  may  be 
seen  in  the  British  Museum,  and  the  "Corbrido-e 
Lanx  is  an  earlier  instance.  In  favour  of  the 
supposition  that  it  was  actually  a  paten,  it  mav 
be  remarked  that  it  was  found  with  a  chalice 
(y.  Cualice),  and  that  the  centre  has  a  cross 
which  is  in  slight  relief,  a  circumstance  which 
would  seem  to  make  it  ill-suited  for  the  ordinary 
purposes  of  domestic  life.     That  patens  were  so 


decorated,  we  may  learn  from  the  passage  in  the 
Liber  Pontif.,  where  we  are  told  that  pope  Ser- 
gius  (a.d.  687-701)  gave  to  the  Vatican  Basilica 
"  patenam  auream  majorem  habentem  gemmas 
albas  et  in  medio  ex  hyacintho  et  smaragdo  cru- 
cem  ").  It  was  found  with  coins  of  the  earlier 
part  of  the  6th  century,  but  may  perhaps  be 
still  older.  The  octagonal  paten  alluded  to  above 


was  decorated  in  the  centre  with  the  head  of  our 
Lord,  having  on  the  one  side  the  head  of  St. 
Mark,  and  on  the  other  that  of  pope  Gregory  IV., 
the  donor. 

The  paten  shewn  in  the  other  cut  is  of  silver 
gilt,  and  was  found  in  one  of  the  Berozovoy  isles 
3  I 


1572 


PATEN 


in  Siberia,  in  the  year  18G7  ;  it  weighs  about  a 
pound  and  a  half,  and  measures  about  6  inches 
in  diameter.  Cav.  de  Rossi  {Boll,  di  Ant.  Crist. 
1871,  p.  153)  is  of  opinion  that  it  is  of  Byzan- 
tine origin,  and  dates  probably  from  about  the 
7th  century. 

The  paten  of  alabaster  mentioned  above  has  in 
the  centre  a  medallion  with  a  half-length  figure 
of  our  Lord  in  cloisonne  enamel ;  on  another,  also 
in  the  treasury  of  St.  Mark's  (of  agate  or  sar- 
donyx ?)  is  a  similar  medallion,  with  the  words, 
Aa)3eTe  <pdyeTf  rovrh  /.wv  icrrl  Th  crcofxa.  These 
may  perhaps  be  assigned  to  the  10th  or  11th 
century. 

The  paten  of  glass  found  at  Cologne,  of  which 
only  fragments  remain,  was  of  clear  uncoloured 
glass  ornamented  by  three  concentric  circles  of 
medallions  of  blue  transparent  glass  of  varying 
dimensions.  The  larger  of  these  are  decorated 
with  figures,  the  smaller  with  rosettes,  all  exe- 
cuted by  the  application  of  gold  leaf,  which  has 
1>een  removed  except  where  required  to  form  the 
figures,  which  were  then  completed  by  a  few 
lines  marking  out  the  features,  folds  of  drapery, 
and  other  details.     The  subjects  of  these  medal- 


at  Cologtie. 


lions  are  chiefly  Biblical— Adam  and  Eve,  the 
story  of  Jonah,  that  of  Daniel,  the  sacrifice  of 
Isaac,  &c.  In  most  cases  only  one  figure  is  to  be 
found  in  each  medallion.  The  centre  was  pro- 
bably occupied  by  a  figure  of  the  Good  Shepherd, 
symbolizing  our  Lord. 

The  paten  of  glass  mentioned  above  as  being  in 
the  Slade  collection  in  the  British  Museum  is 
decorated  with  gold  leaf  by  the  same  method,  and 
with  enamelling  in  blue,  green,  and  red  ;  but  the 
subjects  are  not  in  medallions,  but  ai-ranged,  as 
will  be  seen  in  the  woodcut,  in  eight  compart- 
ments, divided  by  slender  columns.  The  subjects 
of  these  are — Jonah  coming  out  of  the  whale,  and 
in  the  background,  reclining  under  the  gourd, 
Jonah  thrown  overboard ;  the  paralytic  man 
<arrying  his  bed  ;  the  Nativity  ;  the  sacrifice  of 
Isaac,  or  perhaps,  more  probably,  the  baptism  of 
our  Lord ;  the  three  Hebrew  youths  in  the 
furnace  ;  and  Daniel  in  the  lions'  den.  Of  the 
centre,  small  fragments  only  remain,  but  on 
them  may  be  distinguished  a  figure  of  an  animal, 
apparently    a   sheep,    and    the    letters    eo  .  .  . 


PATEN 

DULCi.\  i  The    subject   was,    there    can    be    ihi 
doubt,  the  Good  Shepherd. 

Another  vessel  of  glass,  which  may  very  pro- 
bably have  served  as  a  paten,  is  in  the  collection 
of  M.  Basilewsky  at  Paris.  It  has  been  figured 
and  described  twice  in  Cav.  de  Rossi's  Bullettino 
(1874,  p.  153  ;  1877,  p.  77),  and  will  be  treated 
of  a  third  time  in  the  same  publication.  It 
would  appear  to  be  9  inches  in  diameter,  and 
is  a  shallow  dish.  De  Rossi  does  not  call  it  a 
paten,  but  a  "  piatto " ;  the  central  subject, 
Abraham  about  to  sacrifice  Isaac,  seems,  how- 
ever, one  very  appropriate  to  a  paten.  Round 
the  central  subject  are  the  following  subjects  : 
the  history  of  Jonah;  the  temptation  of 
Adam ;  the  raising  of  Lazarus ;  a  figure 
striking  a  tree,  whence  issues  water;  Daniel 
in  the  lions'  den ;  the  three  Hebrew  youths 
in  the  furnace ;  and  Susanna  and  the  elders. 
The  subjects  are  accompanied  by  inscriptions, 
which  contain  many  irregularities,  e.g.  Abraham 
occurs  in  place  of  Adam,  and  that  attached  to 
the  figure  striking  the  tree  reads,  '•  Petrus 
virga  perculit."  The  lines  of  the  engraving  are 
scratchy  and  irregular  and  apparently  done  with 
a  diamond  point.  The  art  is  of  the  lowest 
order,  but  Cav.  de  Rossi  thinks  that  the  date 
may  be  circa  A.D.  400  ("tra  il  quarto  e  il 
quinto  secolo  ").  It  was  found  in  Podgoritza, 
the  ancient  Doclea,  in  Dalmatia. 

Occasionally  patens  bore  inscriptions  comme- 
morating the  donor,  or  containing  mention  of 
the  church  to  which  they  belonged.  One  of 
silver,  of  the  5th  or  6th  century,  which 
belonged  to  the  Vatican  Basilica,  has  been 
illustrated  by  Fontanini  {Discus  Argenteus 
votivus  vcterum  Christianorum,  Romae,  1726). 

As  ancient  examples  of  patens  are  so  uncom- 
mon, it  is  desirable  in  illustration  of  the  subject 


Ivory  Carvmff.    Artiiljisbop  celebrating 


to  mention  examples  in  which  they 
sented  in  works  of  art  of  early  date. 


are  repre- 
Reprcsen- 


PATER 

tations  in  early  art  of  liturgical  or  ritual  acts 
are  of  the  greatest  rarity,  and  few  can  be  found 
in  which  the  celebration  of  the  Eucharist  is 
represented.  One  of  these,  that  in  which  Mel- 
chisedek  is  represented  as  if  officiating  at  an 
altar,  in  a  mosaic  in  the  church  of  S.  ApoUinare 
ad  Classem  at  Eavenna,  has  been  already  adverted 
to.  On  the  paliotto  of  the  high  altar  of  S. 
Ambrogio  at  Milan,  in  the  panel  in  which  the 
saint  is  represented  at  the  altar,  no  paten  at  all 
is  shewn,  but  four  small  round  cakes,  perhaps 
3  to  4  inches  wide,  disposed  in  a  cruciform 
order,  and  marked  with  two  lines  crossing  each 
other.  This  monument  dates  from  a.d.  835.  In 
the  Public  Library  at  Frankfort  on  the  Main  is 
preserved  a  piece  of  carved  ivoryformed  like  the 
half  of  a  diptych,  which  probably  once  formed 
part  of  the  binding  of  some  service  book,  from  a 
part  of  which  the  annexed  cut,  representing  an 
archbishop  celebrating  mass,  is  taken.  The  carver 
may  be  supposed  to  have  intended  to  represent  a 
paten  about  6  inches  in  diameter.  This  carving 
IS  probably  of  the  9th  century. 

The  last  example  to  be  noticed  is,  although  of 
«arly  date,  not  within  the  limit  of  this  work  ;  but 
some  mention  of  it  should  be  made.  It  is  the 
group  which  forms  part  of  the  embroidery  of 
the  dalmatic  called  that  of  pope  Leo  III.,  but 
v.'hich  probably  dates  from  a  period  not  far  from 
A.D.  1200,  and  is  of  Byzantine  work.  In  this  our 
Lord  is  represented  as  standing  behind  an  altar, 
and  extending  to  one  of  His  apostles,  with  His 
right  hand,  a  loaf  or  cake  of  bread,  circular  in 
form,  and  indented  by  two  lines  crossing  each 
other,  while  he  holds  another  similar  cake  in  his 
left  hand.  On  the  altar  stands  a  paten,  a  circular 
vessel  with  upright  sides,  and  less  shallow  than 
patens  would  seem  to  have  usually  been ;  in  pro- 
portion to  the  figures,  its  diameter  would  seem 
to  be  about  12  inches,  and  its  depth  about  4 
inches.  In  it  are  two  small  circles,  andt  wo  cakes, 
each  composed  of  four  circles  of  the  size  of  the 
lesser  ones.  The  best  engravings  of  this  dalmatic 
are  those  given  in  the  Kleinodicti  hcil.  Horn. 
JRciches.  [A.  N.] 

PATER.     [Father.] 

PATERMUTHIUS,  martyr  under  Julian; 
commemorated  July  9  (Basil.  Menol. :  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Jul.  ii.  703).  [C.  H.] 

PATERNUS,  bishop  and  confessor ;  com- 
memorated at  Coutances  Ap.  16  (Bed.  Mart. 
Auct. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  ii.  427)  ;  Sept.  23 
Usuard.  3Iart.).  [C.  H.] 

PATIANUS,  bishop  in  the  time  of  Theo- 
dosius ;  commemorated  at  Barcelona  Mar.  9 
(Usuard.  Mart.).  •         [C.  H.] 

PATIENS,  bishop  of  Lyon ;  commemorated 
Sept.  11  {Mart.  Hieron.  ;  Vsunrd.  3Iart.  Auct.- 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  iii.  791).  [C.  H.] 

TATRIARGB.  (naTpL^pxvs,patriarcha).  The 
title  patriarch  seems  to  have  been  introduced 
into  the  Christian  church  from  the  later  organi- 
zation of  the  Jews.  In  pre-Christian  times  the 
■Karpia    was    a    subdivision    of    the    tribe    (e.g. 

1  Esdr.  i.  4 ;  ii.  7),  and  one  of  the  titles  of  the 
heads  of  these  subdivisions  was  irarpLapxfls  (e.g. 

2  Chron.  xxiii.  20,  where  some  MSS.  have  sKaTOv- 


PATRIARCH 


1573 


rdpxovs  :  conversely  in  1  Chron.  ix.  9  the  usual 
reading  is  dpxovns  ■n-arptwi',  and  that  of  some 
MSS.  iraTpidpxaO  5  the  same  title  seems  also  to 
have  been  sometimes  given  to  the  head  of  the 
tribe  itself,  1  Chron.  xxvii.  22.  How  far  the 
tribal  organization  survived  the  dispersion  is  not 
clear ;  but  as  the  same  title  is  found  under  the 
empire  to  designate  the  heads  of  Jewish  commu- 
nities, or  confederations  of  communities,  it  is 
probable  that  the  later  use  was  a  continuation 
of  the  earlier.  The  first  mention  of  these  later 
TraTpidpxai-  is  probably  in  a  letter  of  Hadrian, 
quoted  by  Yopiscus  ( Vit.  Satumin.  c.  2)  ;  they 
are  also  mentioned  by  Origen  (Comni.  in  Psalm. 
vol.  ii.  p.  514,  ed.  Delarue),  by  Eusebius  (Comm. 
in  Isai.  c.  3,  Migne,  P.  G.  vol.  xxiv.  109),  by 
Cyril  of  Jerusalem  (Catech.  12,  ,17),  but  more 
particularly  by  Epiphanius  (i.  30,  p.  128),  who 
implies  that  the  office  was  one  of  considerable 
dignity.  They  are  also  mentioned  in  the  civil 
law— e.flf.  Cod.  Theodos.  16,  8,  1,  2,  11,  13;  but 
from  Cod.  Theodos.  16,  8,  29,  and  Theodoret, 
Eranistes,  op.  vol.  iv.  p.  32,  ed.  Schulze,  Migne, 
P.  G.  vol.  Ixxxiil.  61,  it  appears  that  in  the  first 
quarter  of  the  5th  century  the  office  came  to  an 
end.  (On  these  Jewish  patriarchs,  see  Gotho- 
fredus,  ad  Cod.  Theodos.  II.  cc. ;  Wesseling  de 
Judaeorum  archontibus,  c.  10,  reprinted  in  Ugo- 
lini's  Thesaurus,  vol.  xxiv.  ;  Walch,  Historia 
Patriarcharum  Judaeorum  quorum  in  libris  juris 
Romani  fit  mentio,  Jenae,  1752  ;  Zornius,  de 
Patriarchahtm  Judaeorum  auro  coronario,  re- 
printed in  Ugolini's  TJiesaurus,  vol.  xxvi.) 

The  title  seems  to  have  been  in  use  in  the 
Christian  church  before  its  extinction  among 
the  Jews.  The  earliest  references  to  it  are 
vague  ;  nor  is  it  clear  in  what  sense  it  was  used, 
or  to  whom  it  was  restricted.  Basil  (Epist. 
169,  vol.  iv.  p.  258),  writing  to  Gregory  Nazi- 
anzen  about  the  deacon  Glycerins,  says  that, 
despising  his  presbyter  and  his  chorepiscopus,  he 
had  invested  himself  with  the  name  and  dress 
of  the  patriarchate,  by  which  must  probably  be 
meant  the  episcopate.  Gregory  of  Nyssa  (Orat. 
funchr.  in  3felet.  Antioch.,  Migne,  P.  G.  vol.  xlvi. 
853)  uses  it  in  a  rhetorical  passage  of  all  the 
bishops  who  were  assembled  at  the  council  of 
Constantinople.  Gregory  Nazianzen  (^Orat.  xlii. 
p.  764)  appears  to  use  it  as  a  term  specially 
applicable  to  senior  bishops,  Tvpea^vrepwv  iiri- 
ffK6vwv  olKei6T€pov  Be  TTarpiap^wu,  a  use  which  is 
confirmed  by  its  use  in  Isidore  of  Pelusium 
(Epist.  2,  47,  Migne,  P.  G.  vol.  Ixxviii.  489). 
But  whether  it  was  at  any  time  applied,  except 
metaphorically,  to  all  bishops  is  very  doubtful, 
though  it  was  occasionally  applied  to  bishops 
who  would  not  have  been  called  patriarchs  in 
either  of  the  technical  senses  which  the  word 
came  ultimately  to  bear. 

(1)  In  its  most  important  use  the  title  has 
been  confined  to  the  bishops  of  the  five  sees  of 
Rome,  Constantinople,  Alexandria,  Antioch,  and 
Jerusalem.  This  use  grew  out  of  the  general^ 
tendency  to  frame  the  higher  organization  of 
the  church  on  the  lines  which  were  furnished 
by  the  empire.  The  gradations  of  rank  between 
bishop  and  bishop,  which  coi-respouded  to  the 
gradations  of  rank  between  city  and  city  of  the 
same  province,  came  to  exist  between  metropolis 
and  metropolis  of  the  greater  divisions  of  the 
empire.  At  the  time  of  the  council  of  Nicaea 
the  great  divisions  of  the  East  were  the  four 
5    12 


1574 


PATKIAECH 


dioeccses,  Oriens,  Pontica,  Asiana,  Thraciae  (this 
appears  from  the  VeroDcse  MS.  which  is  pub- 
lished by  Mommsen,  Ahhandlung  d.  Berlin. 
Academic,  1862,  p.  491).  Each  of  these  diosccses 
was  divided  into  pi-ovinces  (^iirapxiai),  and  each 
province  had  one  or  more  metropolis  (e.g.  in  the 
province  of  Asia,  Ephesus,  Sardes,  Smyrna,  and 
Pergamurn  were  all  called  iJ.riTpoir6\ets;  the 
references  in  proof  are  given  in  Marqiiardt, 
Edmische  Staatsverwaltung,  Bd.  i.  p.  186). 
Egypt  was  at  this  time  part  of  the  dioecesis 
Orientis,  but  the  sixth  canon  of  the  council 
anticipates  the  later  civil  organization  by  recog- 
nizing it  as  an  independent  ecclesiastical  division, 
and  subjecting  to  the  bishop  of  Alexandria  not 
cnly  the  bishops  of  Egypt,  but  also  those  of 
Pentapolis  and  Libya.  There  were  thus  in  the 
East  five  great  confederations  of  churches,  each 
of  which  was  independent  of  the  other ;  in  the 
West  the  see  of  Rome  stood  alone  in  its  supre- 
macy. In  the  following  century  the  council  of 
Chalcedon,  c.  28,  took  away  the  ecclesiastical 
independence  of  the  dioeceses  of  Pontus,  Asia,  and 
Thrace,  and  subjected  them  to  the  see  of  Con- 
stantinople, thus  reducing  the  number  of  sees  of 
the  highest  rank  to  Kome,  Constantinople, 
Alexandria,  Antioch,  with  which  the  see  of 
Jerusalem  was  reckoned,  extra  ordinem.  This 
action  of  the  council  of  Chalcedon  was  vigorously 
protested  against  by  the  Roman  delegates,  Leo 
the  Great  I'ejected  it,  and  the  28th  canon  is  not 
inserted  in  the  authorized  Latin  versions  of  the 
acts  of  the  council  (see  the  Actio  Scxtadecima  of 
the  council  in  Mansi,  vol.  iv.  p.  379  ;  S.  Leon. 
M.  Epist.  94  (35),  vol.  i.  p.  1198  d  ;  Epist.  119 
(92),  vol.  i.  p.  1215). 

But  it  is  remarkable  that  although  the  title 
"  patriarch  "  was  not  unfrequently  given  to  the 
bishops  of  these  sees  in  contemporary  extra- 
conciliar  literature,  and  became  in  later  times 
their  ordinary  official  appellation,  it  does  not 
occur  in  the  canons  of  any  of  the  councils  of  the 
first  eight  centuries ;  nor  is  it  confined  exclu- 
sively to  them  until  the  time,  probably  the  9th 
century,  at  which  earliest  Notitiae  were  com- 
piled. In  extra-conciliar  literature,  it  is  given 
(a)  to  the  bishop  of  Rome,  e.g.  by  Cyril  of 
Alexandria,  Homil.  Divers.  11,  ap.  Migne,  Patrol. 
Graec.  vol.  Ixxvii.  1040,  by  the  emperor  Theo- 
dosius,  Epist.  ad  Gall.  Placid,  ap.  S.  Leon.  M. 
Epist.  63,  vol.  i.  p.  989,  and  by  Justinian 
Contra  Monophysitas,  ap.  Mai,  Script.  Vet.  vol. 
vii.  p.  304;  in  later  times,  Hrabanus  Maurus 
addresses  the  pope  as  "primus  patriarcha  per 
orbem,"  Ccmmendatio  Tapae  prefixed  to  the 
treatise  Be  Laudibus  S.  Crucis,  ap.  Migne,  Patr. 
Lat.  vol.  cvii.  139.  (6)  It  is  given  to  the  bishop 
of  Constantinople  in  the  civil  law,  e.g.  Justin. 
Novell.  3 ;  but  the  assumption  of  the  title 
"  Oecumenical  Patriarch  "  (6  olKov/j.eviKhs  irarpi- 
dpXVS,  perhaps  first  by  Mennas  in  a  synodical 
letter  of  the  council  of  Constantinople  in  536, 
Mansi,  vol.  viii.  p.  959,  and  frequently  after- 
ward, e.g.  C.  I.  G.  No.  8685),  raised  a  strong 
protest  iu  the  West  (S.  Greg.  M.  Epist.  5,  43, 
p.  773  ;  Pelag.  II.  Becret.  ad  Universes  Episcopos. 
ap.  Hinschius,  p.  721),  and  even  before  the  final 
."leparation  of  the  Eastern  and  Western  churches 
led  to  the  omission  of  the  name  of  Constanti- 
nople from  the  list  of  "  primae  sedes  "  (see  e.g. 
the  Fracfatio  Nicaeni  Cmcilii  in  Quesnel's  Codem 
Canon.  Eccles.  printed  in  the  Ballerini  edition  of 


PATEIAECH 

S.  Lso  M.  vol.  iii.  p.  22  ;  the  Pseudo-lsidoriaa 
decretals,  Anaclet.  Epist:  3,  ap.  Hinschius,  p. 
82 ;  hence  in  Hincmar  Remens.  Opusc.  in  Causa 
Hincmar.  Lavdwn.  c.  16,  ap.  Migne,  Patrol.  Lat. 
vol.  cxxvi.  334  ;  see  also  Cacciari,  Exercit.  in  S. 
Leon  M.  Opera  de  Eutrjchian.  Haeres.  lib.  2, 
c.  4,  in  the  Ballerini  edition  of  St.  Leo,  vol.  ii. 
p.  471,  and  Migne,  Patr.  Lat.  vol.  Iv.  1251). 
(c)  It  is  given  to  the  bishop  of  Alexandria,  e.g. 
by  Justinian  contra  Monophysitas,  ap.  Mai, 
Script.  Yet.  vol.  vii.  p.  309,  and  by  Gregory  the 
Great,  Epist.  5,  43,  p.  770  ;  for  the  later  history 
of  this  patriarchate,  see  Neale,  History  of  the 
Holy  Eastern  Church,  Patriarchate  of  Constan- 
tinople; Renaudot,  Liturg.  Oriental,  vol.  i.  ; 
Vansleb,  Histoire  de  I'Eglise  d'Alexandrie  ;  Den- 
zinger,  Ritus  Orientalium.  (d)  It  is  given  to 
the  bishop  of  Antioch,  e.g.  by  Gregory  the 
Great,  Epist.  i.  26,  p.  516,  and  in  an  interesting 
inscription  of  the  7th  century,  now  at  Oxford, 
Corjnis  Inscr.  Graec.  No.  8987,  in  which 
Macarius  is  called  iraTpidpxvs  ttjs  fnydx-ns  deov 
Tr6\eco'!  'AvTioxf'^as  Kal  Trda-ris  di/aroAf/y,  i.e.  of 
the  Bioecesis  Orientis.  For  the  Jacobite 
Patriarchs  who  claim  to  continue  the  succession 
of  the  patriarchate  of  Antioch,  see  Denzinger, 
Situs  Orientalium;  Gregor.  Barhebr.  Nomocan. 
7,  3,  ap.  Mai,  Script.  Vet.  vol.  x.  pars  2  ;  and 
the  posthumous  fragment  of  Neale's  History  of 
the  Holy  Eastern  Church,  edited  by  G.  Williams. 
(e)  It  is  given  to  the  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  e.g. 
in  Justin.  Epist.  ad  Episcop.  Constantin.  dagentes, 
A.D.  536,  ap.  Mansi,  vol.  ix.  178. 

(2)  The  title  was  also  given  to  the  bishop  ot 
the  metropolis  of  a  civil  dioecesis ;  i.  e.  of  a 
division  of  the  empire  consisting  of  several 
provinces.  In  Cone.  Chalc.  c.  9,  such  a  bishop 
is  called  ii,apxos  ;  but  (a)  Justin.  {Novell.  123,  c. 
22),  in  referring  to  this  canon,  speaks  of  the  same 
officer  as  a  patriarch ;  (6)  an  ancient  scholium 
on  the  same  canon  ap.  Pitra  (Jur.  Eccl.  Graec. 
vol.  ii.  p.  645)  says,  e^apxov  SioiK7]a-€ccs  Ka\ei 
rhf  iraTpidpxVi'  fKdarr]!  StoiKr](rebis,  and  Zonaras 
ad  loc.  ap.  Migne,  Patr.  Gr.  vol.  cxxxvii.  p.  420, 
also  mentions  this  interpretation ;  (c)  Evagrius, 
H.  E.  3,  6,  p.  340,  probably  following  the  con- 
temporary writer  Zacharias  Rhetor,  speaks  of  the 
right  of  which  c.  28  of  the  same  council 
deprived  Ephesus,  and  which  Timotheus  Aelurus 
temporarily  restored  to  it,  as  rh  iraTpiapxiK-'i'V 
S'lKatov.  It  was  hence  sometimes  given  to  any 
metropolitan  who  had  other  metropolitans  under 
him;  e.  g.  to  the  bishop  of  Thessalonica,  as 
head  of  the  vicariate  of  Macedonia,  Theodorus 
Lector,,  p.  586,  ed.  Vales,  ap.  Migne,  Pafr.  Gr. 
vol.  Ixxxviii.  217  (the  status,  although  not  the 
title,  is  recognised  by  S.  Leo  M.  Epist.  6  (4)  ad 
Anastas.  Tliessalon.  vol.  i.  p.  621 ;  Theophanes, 
Chron.  p.  139,  quoting  this  passage,  and  knowing 
only  the  later  use  of  the  title,  thinks  this  use  of 
it  to  be  erroneous) ;  to  the  bishop  of  Theopolis 
(Prusa)  in  the  acts  of  the  council  of  Constan- 
tinople in  A.D.  536,  ap.  Mansi,  vol.  ix.  pp.  191, 
206 ;  to  the  bishop  of  Bourges  (as  having 
beneath  him  not  only  his  own  proper  province  of 
Aquitania  Prima,  but  also  Narbonensis  with  its 
metropolis  Narbonne,  and  Aquitania  Secunda 
with  its  capital  Bordeaux),  Nicol.  I.  Epist.  19  ad 
Rudolph.  Bituric.  A.D.  864,  ap.  I^Iansi,  vol.  xv. 
p.  3d0,  =  Epist.  6S  ap.  Migne,  Patr.  Lat.  vol. 
cxix.  884;  Desider.  Cadurc.  Epist.  12  ad  Sulpit. 
Bituric.  ap.  Canisii  Thesaurus,  vol.  i.  p.  64 ;  to 


PATRICIA 

the  bishop  of  Lyons,  2  Couc.  Matisc.  A.D.  585, 
pracf.,  S.  Greg.  Turon.  H.  F.  5,  21,  Petr. 
Venerab.  Epitaph.  Eaiiiald.  Lugdun.  ap.  Migne, 
Pat.  Lat.  vol.  clxxxix.  1022.  But  its  use  in  this 
sense  was  ultimately  superseded  in  the  West  by 
the  use  of  the  title  "  primate "  [Primate]. 
The  two  titles  are  identified  in  the  Pseudo- 
Isidorian  decretals,  e.  g.  Clement.  Epist.  i.  c.  28  ; 
Anaclet.  Epist.  ii.  c.  26,  Epist.  iii.  c.  29 ; 
Zepherin.  Epist.   2  ;  Annie.  Epist.  c.  3. 

(A  passage  of  Socrates,  IT.  E.  5,  i.  seems  to 
point  to  a  third  use  of  the  title.  In  his  account 
of  the  council  of  Constantinople  in  A.D.  381  he  not 
only  says  that  it  constituted  patriarchs,  but  also 
gives  their  names  :  six  of  them  are  metropoli- 
tans, but  one  of  them,  Gregory  of  Nyssa,  is  not 
even  a  metropolitan.  It  may  be  inferred  from 
this,  and  from  a  comparison  with  the  similar 
account  in  Cod.  Theodos.  16,  1,  2;  Sozom.  //.  E. 
7,  9,  that  the  dignity  thus  conferred  was  tem- 
porary and  personal,  giving  a  supremacy  to  the 
particular  bishops  named  which  did  not  attach 
to  their  sees,  and  which  had  reference  primarily 
to  the  current  controversy.  But  the  text  of  the 
passage  is  not  certain ;  some  old  versions  of  it, 
e.  g.  in  Cassiodorus,  Hisp.  Tripart.  9,  13,  Migne, 
Patr.  Lat.  vol.  Ixix.  1129,  represent  Gregory  of 
Nyssa  as  having  been  transferred  to  Caesarea,  in 
which  case  the  word  may  perhaps  be  taken  as 
equivalent  to  metropolitan.) 

Outside  the  limits  of  the  Catholic  church  of 
the  Roman  organization,  it  was  the  title  of  the 
head  of  the  Montanist  hierarchy,  S.  Hieron. 
Epist.  41  (54)  ad  Marcell.  vol.  i.  p.  189  ap. 
Migne,  Patr.  Lat.  vol.  xxii.  476  ;  it  was  adopted 
as  the  designation  of  their  chief  bishop  by  the 
Vandals,  Vict.  Vitens.  de  Persec.  Vandal.  2,  5, 
p.  15 ;  it  appears  to  have  been  similarly  adopted 
imder  the  Lombard  kings  of  Italy,  and  heuce 
the  bishops  of  Aquileia,  and  afterwards  of  New 
Aquileia  (Grado),  were  called  patriarchs,  Paul. 
Diacon.  de  Gestis  Zangobard.  2,  10,  ap.  Migne, 
Patr.  Lat.  vol.  xcv.  487  ;  on  these  patriarchates 
see  e.g.  Baronius,  vol.  xii.  ad  ann.  729  ;  Ughelli, 
Italia  Sacra,  vol.  v.  pp.  12,  1079  ;  Cappelletti, 
Le  Chiese  d'  Italia,  vol.  viii.  p.  9,  vol.  ix.  p.  19  ; 
the  patriarchate  of  Grado  was  transferred  to 
Venice  in  1451.  (For  other  patriarchates  which 
have  existed  or  still  exist  both  in  Eastern  Europe 
and  in  Asia,  but  which  fall  without  the  limits 
of  the  present  work,  see,  among  other  authori- 
ties, Neale,  History  of  the  Holy  Eastern  Church ; 
Denzinger,  Sitics  Orientalium;  Neher,  Kirchliche 
Geographie  u.  Statistik,  Regensburg,  1864;  Sil- 
bernagl,  Verfassung  u.  gegemcdrtiger  Bestand 
sammtlicher  Kirchen  des  Orients,  Laudshut, 
1865.)  [E.  H.] 

PATRICIA,  martyr  with  her  husband 
Macedouius,  a  presbyter,  and  her  daughter 
Modesta;  commemorated  at  Nicomedia  March 
13  (Bed.,  Wand.,  Usuard.  Mart.-,  Vet.  Emu. 
Mart.).  In  Hieron.  Mart,  for  this  day  there 
occur  the  following  : — Matricia ;  Patricia  and 
her  husband  Zeddo  a  presbyter ;  at  Nicomedia, 
Macedonius  a  pi-esbyter,  his  wife  Matricia,  and 
Modesta  daughter  of  presbyter  Cion  ;  Macedonus 
and  Patricia.  [C.  H.] 

PATRICIUS  (1),  bishop  and  confessor; 
depositio  commemorated  at  Auvergne  Mar.  16 
(Usuard.  Mart.). 


PATRON 


1575 


(2)  Bishop  and  confessor,  apostle  of  Scutia 
Hibernia;  commemorated  Mar.  17.  (Bed.,  or 
Wand.,  Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart.  ;  BolL 
Acta  SS.  Mart.  ii.  517). 

(3)  Bishop  of  Prusa,  "holy  martyr";  com- 
memorated May  19  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Cat.  Byzant. ; 
Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  259.) 

(4)  Abbat ;  commemorated  at  Nevers  A\x<y. 
24  (Usuard.  Mart.).  [C.  H.j 

PATRIMONIUM  PETRI.     [Pope.] 

PATRINI.     [Sponsors.] 

PATROBAS,  mentioned  by  St.  Paul  (Rom. 

xvi.  14) ;  commemorated  Nov.  4  (Basil.  Menol.). 

[C.  H.] 

PATROGLUS,  martyr  at  Troyes  under 
Aurelian ;  commemorated  Jan.  21  (Usuard. 
Mart.;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  842).  Jan.  2 
(Notker).  Another  Patroclus,  bishop  and  martyr 
in  Gaul,  occurs  on  this  day  in  De  Saussaye's 
Gallic  Martyrology  and  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii. 
1110.  [C.  H.] 

PATRON.  There  are  no  traces  in  the  early 
church  of  any  considerable  departure  from  the 
mode  of  appointment  to  ecclesiastical  office 
which  has  been  described  elsewhere  [Ordina- 
tion]. The  people  or  the  clergy  presented  to 
the  bishop  the  person  whom  they  had  elected  : 
the  bishop  had  the  right  of  examining  him  in 
order  to  ascertain  whether  he  fulfilled  the  re- 
quisite conditions,  and  of  declaring  the  election 
to  be  complete.  The  person  so  elected  ministered 
in  the  midst  of  the  community  which  had 
elected  him,  and  as  a  coadjutor  of  the  bishop  who 
had  admitted  him  to  office.  Even  when  out- 
lying districts  came  to  have  churches  of  their 
own,  which  had  not  a  complete  organisation, 
but  were  dependent  upon  the  church  of  the 
neighbouring  city,  the  same  system  continued 
without  substantial  change.  The  first  modifica- 
tion of  that  system  arose  from  the  practice,  which 
was  at  first  encouraged  more  in  the  East  than 
in  the  West,  of  building  places  of  worship  on 
country  estates  for  the  benefit  of  those  who  re- 
sided upon  such  estates  :  (see  the  eloquent  appeal 
of  Chrysostom  to  landowners,  Horn.  18  in  Act. 
Apost.  c.  5,  Op.  ed.  Migne,  vol.  ix.  147).  So 
different  were  these  places  of  worship  in  both 
their  origin  and  their  purpose  from  the  churches 
of  ordinary  Christian  communities,  that  the 
ordinary  internal  organization  of  such  churches 
seemed  inapplicable  to  them.  They  were  neither 
disciplinary  nor  eleemosynary,  and  consequently 
had  no  need  of  either  the  officers  of  discipline 
or  the  officers  of  almsgiving.  They  were  not 
always  within  the  territoriwn  (x'^P")  of  ^^J 
city,  and  in  such  cases  were  as  much  outside 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  bishop  of  a  city  as  the 
estates  upon  which  they  were  built  were  outside 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  municipal  magistrates. 
The  owners  of  the  estates  consequently  claimed 
an  absolute  control  over  them.  Nor  does  there 
appear  to  have  been  in  the  first  instance  any 
interference  with  such  control.  It  is  not  until 
the  6th  century,  and  even  then  not  in  canon  but 
in  civil  law,  that  any  enactments  are  found  on 
the  sub/cct.      Probably  in  the  interests  of  ortho- 


1576 


PATRON 


Jox  belief,  Justinian  enacted  on  the  one  hand 
that  no  church  or  oratory  should  be  erected 
without  the  consent  of  the  bishop  or  without  a 
sufficient  endowment  {Novell.  67),  and  on  the 
other  hand  that  the  founders  of  churches  should 
not  appoint  clerks  to  minister  in  a  church  with- 
out first  presenting  them  to  the  bishop  for  ex- 
amination (Novell.  57,  c.  2).  Almost  the  only 
other  eastern  regulation  is  that  of  the  Trullau 
Council,  which  virtually  repeats  the  second  of 
these  regulations,  and  in  doing  so  shews  by 
implication  that  it  had  come  to  be  disregarded 
(Co7ic.  Trull,  c.  31).     [Oratorium.] 

In  the  West  the  canons  of  Spanish  and  Galil- 
ean councils  shew  that  the  respective  rights 
of  the  owners  of  estates  and  the  bishops  of 
neighbouring  cities  were  subjects  of  frequent 
disj^ute.  The  earliest  regulation  is  that  of  the 
first  council  of  Orange  (1  Cone.  Arausic.  A.D. 
441,  c.  10)  which  enacts  that  if  a  bishop  has 
built  a  church  upon  an  estate  belonging  to  him 
which  lies  within  the  territory  of  another  bishop, 
he  shall  have  the  right  of  nominating  clerks  for 
that  church,  but  that  the  actual  appointment  of 
such  clerks,  and  also  the  dedication  of  the 
church,  shall  rest  with  the  bishop  of  the  terri- 
tory. This  enactment  implies  that  in  a  similar 
case  a  layman  had  no  absolute  right  of  nomina- 
tion, but  that  the  bishop  within  whose  territory 
the  church  was  built  could  either  accept  or  re- 
fuse the  clerks  whom  the  founder  wished  to 
appoint.  A  century  later,  within  the  Prankish 
domain,  and  after  Teutonic  conceptions  of  the 
rights  of  the  owners  of  land  had  entered 
with  the  Franks  into  Gaul,  the  fourth  Council  of 
Orleans  passed  a  series  of  enactments,  the  tenor 
of  which  shews  that  the  owners  of  estates  upon 
which  churches  were  built  claimed  large  powers 
over  such  churches  :  it  enacts  that  those  who 
build  them  are  to  endow  them  with  sufficient 
lands,  and  appoint  a  sufficient  number  of  clerks  ; 
that  they  are  not  to  appoint  such  clerks  against 
the  will  of  the  bishop  "  ad  quern  territorii  ip- 
sius  privilegium  noscitur  pertinere  ;  "  and  that. 
the  clerks,  when  appointed,  are  to  be  amenable  to 
ecclesiastical  discipline,  and  not  to  be  impeded 
by  the  owner  of  the  estate  or  his  agents  in  the 
discharge  of  their  ecclesiastical  duties  (4  Coiic. 
Aurelian.  A.D.  541,  c.  7,  26,  33).  But  in  the 
7th  century  the  council  of  Chalons-sur-Saone 
makes  it  clear  that  the  owners  of  such  estates 
had  again  asserted  a  right  both  to  appoint  and 
to  govern  their  clerks,  independently  of  the 
bishop,  and  enacts  that  this  usage  is  to  be  re- 
formed, so  as  to  give  both  the  ordination  of  clerks 
and  the  disposal  of  the  revenues  of  oratories  to 
the  bishop  {Cone.  Cahill.  A.D.  650,  c.  14).  None 
of  these  or  any  other  Galilean  canons  deal  ex- 
pressly with  the  case  of  ordinary  parish  churches  ; 
and  this  must  probably  be  taken  as  negative 
evidence  in  favour  of  the  supposition  that  the 
primitive  usage  had  not  been  altered.  There  is, 
however,  a  Spanish  canon  which  gives  to  the 
builder,  and  apparently  to  the  restorer,  of  a 
parish  church  the  right  of  presenting  clerks  to 
the  bishop  for  ordination,  and  disallows  any  or- 
dination which  is  made  by  the  bishop  to  such  a 
church  in  defiance  of  the  founder's  nomination 
(9  Cone.  Tolct.  a.d.  655,  c.  2);  but  the  absence 
of  any  mention  of  heirs  in  this  canon,  coupled 
with  the  express  mention  of  them  in  the  pre- 
ceding canon,  establishes  a  presumption  that  the 


PATRON 

right  of  nomination  was  personal  to  the  founder, 
and  did  not  descend  to  his  heirs.  With  the  ex- 
ception of  this  canon,  there  is  no  evidence  of  the 
recognition  in  the  Western  church  before  Caro 
lingiau  times,  of  any  right  on  the  part  eithev 
of  a  founder  or  of  any  other  person  to  nominate 
clerks  to  a  parish  church  ;  (the  instance  quoted 
in  the  canon  law,  Gratian,  Decret.  pars  ii.  cans.  16, 
quaest.  1,  31,  and  ascribed  to  pope  Pelagius,  is 
clearly  of  much  later  date). 

The  policy  of  the  popes  from  the  time  of  Gregory 
the  Great  was  even  more  decidedly  in  the  same 
direction.  That  pope,  writing  to  Felix  of  Messin;i, 
requests  him  to  consecrate  a  church  which  has 
been  built  upon  private  property,  if  he  finds  that  it 
has  been  sufficiently  endowed,  but  expressly  denies 
to  the  founder  any  rights,  except  the  right  of  admis- 
sion to  service,  "  which  is  due  to  all  Christians 
in  common  "  (S.  Greg.  M.  Epist.  ii.  5,  ad  Felic. 
Messan.).  This  letter,  which  was  afterwards 
ascribed  to  Gelasius  {Append,  ad  Epist.  Gelasii 
Papae,  ap.  Mansi,  vol.  viii.  133,  Migne,  P.  L.  vol. 
lix.  148),  became  the  basis  of  the  canon  law  on 
the  subject  (Gratian,  Decret.  pars  ii.  cans.  IG, 
quaest.  7,  26),  and  its  substance  is  embodied  iu 
the  form  of  petition  which  is  given  in  the  JJber 
Diurnus  for  the  consecration  of  an  oratory  (c.  5, 
3,  p.  92,  ap.  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  cv.  88).  In  order 
still  further  to  secure  churches  erected  on  pri- 
vate estates  from  interference  on  the  part  of  the 
owners  of  the  estates,  and  to  prevent,  as  it  were 
by  anticipation,  the  abuses  to  which  the  later 
system  of  patronage  gave  rise,  Gregory,  although 
he  required  an  endowment  for  such  churches, 
declined  to  allow  presbyters  to  be  permanently 
appointed  to  them :  they  were  to  be  served  by 
presbyters  sent  by  the  bishop  from  time  to  time 
(S.  Greg.  M.  Epist.  ii.  12  arf  Castor.  Arimin.,  ix. 
70  et  xii.  12  ad  Fassiv.  Firman.,  is.  84  ad  Benen. 
Tundarit.,  cf.  Mabillon,  Comm.  Fraev.  in  Ord, 
Rom.  in  Mus.  Ital.  vol.  ii.  p.  19 ;  the  rule  is  also 
found  in  a  fragment  printed  by  Holsten,  Coll.. 
Bom.  vol.  i.  p.  234,  and  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  Ixix.  414, 
and  ascribed,  without  sufficient  ground,  to  pope 
Pelagius).  And  a  century  and  a-half  afterwards, 
immediately  before  the  great  change  which  we 
are  about  to  describe,  pope  Zachary  lays  down 
a  similar  rule  in  almost  identical  terms  :  (S. 
Zachar.  Epist.  8  ad  Fippi/i.  c.  15,  ap.  Migne, 
P.  L.  Ixxxix.  935,  xcviii.  87,  Codex  Carolinus  ed. 
Jafte,  p.  26  ;  in  contrast  to  this  may  be  noted  the 
later  policy  which  disallows  "  presbyteros  con- 
ductitios  "  where  a  church  has  funds  enough  to 
have  "  proprium  sacerdotem  :  "  Cone.  Femens.  c. 
9,  sub  Innocent.  II.  A.D.  1131,  ap.  Mansi,  vol. 
xxi.  460). 

But  although  these  earlier  relations  of  found- 
ers or  owners  of  churches  to  the  clergy  cannot 
properly  be  passed  over,  they  are  essentially  dis- 
tinct from,  although  they  have  often  been  con- 
fused with,  the  later  system  of  patronage.  That 
system  is  an  outgrowth  of  feudalism.  Both  the 
name  and  the  thing  belong  to  the  Frankish 
domain,  and  to  the  period  of  the  Carolingians. 
At  that  period  the  church  had  become  the  greatest 
landowner  in  Gaul :  it  has  been  computed  that  a 
third  of  all  the  real  property  in  Gaul  belonged 
to  it :  (for  some  particulars,  see  e.g.  Eoth^ 
Geschiehte  des  Benefieialwesens,  p.  248  sqq. 
Erlangen,  1850).  From  time  to  time  laymen 
had  been  allowed  to  have  the  usufruct  of 
some    of  these    lands,    on  condition   of  paying 


PATKON 

:in  annual  rent  to  the  cturches  to  which  they 
severally  belonged.  In  the  troubled  times  of 
Charles  Martel  and  his  sons  (Roth.  p.  315,  and 
appendix  v.,  combats  the  common  view  which  is 
defended  by  Waitz,  that  it  was  under  Charles 
Martel  himself:  see  Hegel  in  von  Sybil's  Zcit- 
schrift,  Bd.  5,  227),  this  use  of  church  lands  be- 
came almost  a  necessity  of  state.  In  a  capitu- 
lary of  A.D.743  {Capit.  Liftin.  ap.  Pertz,  M.  H.  G. 
Legum,\o\.  i.  p.  18;  Gengler,GermanischeIiechts- 
denkmdler,  p.  601),  it  is  enacted  that  some  part  of 
the  church  lands  shall  be  for  a  time  appropriated 
to  the  crown  as  an.  assistance  to  the  army  ("  at 
sub  precario  et  censu  aliquam  partem  ecclesialis 
pecuniae  in  adjutorium  exercitus  nostra  cum 
indulgentia  Dei  aliquanto  tempore  retineamus  "). 
The  lands  so  appropriated  were  assigned  as 
"  beneficia,"  i.e.  as  revocable  and  conditional 
grants  to  individual  soldiers.  The  system  of 
appropriation  soon  became  general,  and  the  ap- 
propriations when  general  also  tended  to  become 
permanent.  Not  long  after  his  conquest  of  the 
Lombards,  Charles  the  Great  confirmed  previous 
beneficiary  grants  of  church  lands,  reserving 
only  to  the  king  himself  the  right  of  recalling 
them  {Capit.  Langohard.  a.d.  779,  c.  14,  ap. 
Pertz,  i.  38).  A  certain  revenue  was  reserved 
to  the  church  :  in  the  capitulary  of  743,  it  was 
fixed  at  one  "solidus"  for  each  "casata"  or 
homestead :  afterwaixls  it  became  a  fixed  propor- 
tion of  the  produce,  usually  a  ninth  or  a  tenth 
(whence  the  later  system  of  "tithes").  The  holder 
of  such  a  benefice  was  entitled  senior,  dominus, 
or  patronus.  The  modern  "  patron  "  of  a  church 
living  thus  preserves  the  name  as  well  as  some 
of  the  functions  of  a  feudal "  lord."  (The  iden- 
tity of  "  patronus  "  with  "  dominus  "  and 
•'  senior  "  in  this  sense  is  shewn  (1)  by  the  conver- 
tibility of  "dominus"  and  "patronus"  in  the 
civil  law,  e.g.  in  the  text  and  title  of  a  law 
of  Valentinian  and  Valens  in  a.d.  365,  Cod. 
Theodos.  5, 11, 1 ;  (2)  by  express  later  statements, 
especially  Ratherius  Veronens.  Fraeloquia,  lib. 
i.  tit.  10,  ed.  Ballerini,  p.  28,  ed.  Migne  P.  L.  vol. 
cxxxvi.  1Q5,^^ patronus,  sive  ut  usitatius  a  multis 
dici  ambitur,  senior  es  " :  this  use  of  patronus  has 
descended  to  modern  times  in  the  Italian  padrone. 
See  also  Waitz ,  Die  deutsche  Beiclisverfassung, 
Bd.  ii.  40). 

It  was  not  long  before  the  ecclesiastical  duties 
for  the  performance  of  which  the  lands  had 
originally  been  intended  to  provide  were  regarded 
as  subordinate  to  the  general  privileges  of  the 
ownership  of  land.  The  lesser  lords  followed  in 
the  wake  of  the  king.  Just  as  the  latter  claimed 
a  supreme  right  of  nominating  to  bishoprics  and 
abbeys  (see  e.  g.  Rettberg,  KircJiengeschichte 
Deutschlands,  Bd.  2,  205 ;  Waitz,  Deutsche 
Verfassungsgcschichte,  Bd.  iii.  196,  354 ;  id. 
Deutsche  Eeichsverfassuiig,  Bd.  iii.  194;  Fried- 
berg  in  Zeitschrift  f.  Kirchenrccht,  Bd.  iii.  70), 
and  also  a  right  to  determine  who  should  be 
presented  to  churches  upon  the  crown  lands 
(Karol.  M.  Capit.  do  VilUs,  a.d.  812,  c.  6  ;  Pertz, 
vol.  i.  181),  so  also  the  former  asserted  the  right 
of  both  nominating  and  dismissing  the  clerks  of 
churches  which  were  within  their  fiefs.  The 
ancient  right  of  the  people  to  elect  tended  to 
disappear  before  the  claim  of  the  beneficiary 
holder  of  church  lands,  in  the  same  kind  of  way 
as,  in  England,  one  township  after  another 
became  the  manor  of  a   feudal  lord.      Within 


PATEON 


1577 


little  more  than  half  a  century  after  the  death 
of  Charles  Martel,  this  tendency  had  become  so 
strong  that  not  only  the  people  but  also  the 
bishop  was  ignored.  Charles  the  Great  strongly 
interfered  to  support  the  rights  of  the  bishops ; 
he  wrote  in  a  tone  of  indignant  rebuke  to  those 
who  were  guilty  of  the  "  immoderate  presump- 
tion "  of  refusing  to  present  presbyters  to 
bishops,  and  daring  to  appoint  to  parishes  with- 
out their  bishop's  consent  (Karoli  M.  Edictwn 
pro  Episcopis,  ap.  Pertz,  vol.  i.  81,  and  Jafte, 
Monumenta  Carolina,  p.  371).  But  the  fre- 
quency of  the  enactments  in  the  early  part  of 
the  9th  century,  against  the  practice  of  omitting 
to  obtain  the  sanction  of  the  bishop  in  appoint- 
ments to  parishes,  shews  that  that  practice  was 
neither  uncommon  nor  lightly  abandoned  ;  e.  g. 
Karoli  M.  Capit.  Generafe  Aquense,  a.d.  802,  c. 
13,  "  Ut  nullus  ex  laicis  presbiterum  vel 
diaconem  seu  clericum  secum  habere  praesumat 
vel  ad  ecclesias  suas  ordinare  absque  licentiam 
seu  examinatione  episcopi  sui "  ;  Cone.  Mogunt. 
a.d.  813,  c.  29,  30,  ap.  Mansi,  vol.  xiv.  72 ;  6 
Cone.  Arelat.  a.d.  813,  c.  4,  5,  ap.  Mansi,  vol. 
xiv.  59  ;  Excerpt.  Canon.  2  ap.  Pertz,  vol.  i.  189  ; 
2  Cone.  Cahill.  a.d.  813,  c.  42 ;  3  Cone.  Turon. 
A.D.  813,  c.  15 ;  Hludowic  I.  Capit.  Aquisgran. 
A.D.  817,  c.  9,  ap.  Pertz,  vol.  i.  207.  (6  Cone. 
Paris,  A.D.  820,  lib.  1,  c.  22,  ap.  Mansi,  vol.  xiv. 
554,  and  Constit.  Wormat.  c.  15,  ap.  Pertz,  vol.  i. 
337,  protect  a  patron  against  a  bishop  by 
requiring  "  diligens  examinatio  et  evidens  ratio  " 
on  the  part  of  the  bishop  before  the  rejection  of 
a  clerk.) 

It  is  important  to  note,  although  the  subject 
cannot  be  pursued  at  length  within  the  limits  of 
the  present  work,  that  the  usurpations  of  the 
beneficiary  holders  of  church  lands,  and  of  the 
other  feudal  lords  within  whose  domains 
churches  were  situated,  were  not  limited  to  the 
usurpation  of  the  right  of  appointment  of  clerks. 
They  began  to  claim  a  share  of  those  funds 
which  were  left  to  the  churches  after  the 
alienation  of  their  lands.  In  doing  so  they  were 
supported  by  the  state.  Charles  the  Great 
directed  the  bishops  to  determine  what  tribute 
presbyters  should  pay  for  their  churches  to  their 
lords  (Capit.  de  Presbyteris,  A.D.  809,  c.  3,  ap. 
Pertz,  vol.  i.  161,  "  Ut  episcopi  praevideant 
quern  honorem  presbyteri  pro  ecclesiis  senioribus 
tribuant ;"  and  Lewis  the  Pious,  after  specifying 
the  amount  of  land  which  parish  pi-esbyters 
might  hold  free,  enacted  that  if  they  had  more, 
they  should  pay  "  debitum  servitium  senioribus 
suis"  (Hludowic  I.  Capit.  a.d.  817,  c.  10,  ap. 
Pertz,  vol.  i.  209).  A  later  decretal,  falsely 
attributed  to  pope  Damasus,  which  is  incorpo- 
rated in  the  corpus  of  canon  law,  speaks  with 
reprobation  of  the  growing  custom  of  laymen 
claiming  part  of  the  oblations  which  were 
offered  in  church  (Gratian,  Decret.  pars  ii.  c.  10, 
quaest.  i.  16).  In  one  point  only  wei-e  patrons 
checked  with  any  degree  of  success.  Their 
assertion  of  the  right  to  nominate  clerks  was 
closely  followed  by  the  practice  of  selling  nomi- 
nations, or  at  least  of  accepting  presents  for 
them.  This  practice,  although  it  was  not  alto- 
gether suppressed,  was  at  least  checked  and 
discouraged.  It  is  disallowed  by  Cone.  Mogtmt. 
A.D.  813,  c.  30  (which  forms  c.  7  of  the  Statuta 
erroneously  ascribed  to  Boniface  of  Mainz,  and 
printed  as  his  in  D'Achery,  Spicilegium,  1.  508), 


1578 


PATRON 


Later  in  the  9th  century  Hincmar  of  Ehoims  is 
especially  distinguished  for  the  stand  which  he 
made  against  it :  he  expresses  his  determination 
in  every  case  to  make  inquiry,  and  in  no  case  to 
ordain  a  clerk  on  the  presentation  of  a  patron, 
if  the  clerk  has  given  a  single  penny  for  his 
presentation  (Hincmar,  Remens.  Epist.  43,  ad 
Teudulf.  Comit.  ap.  Migne,  Patrol.  Lat.  vol.  csxvi. 
264 ;  id.  Capit.  in  Synod  Remens.  a.d.  874,  c.  5, 
ap.  Migne,  Patrol.  Lat.  vol.  c.\xv.  800). 

The  system  of  patronage  which  thus  grew  out 
of  the  introduction  by  the  Carolingians  of  the 
system  of  granting  church  lands  as  fiefs  was  sup- 
ported by  two  other  circumstances,  which  also 
resulted  from  the  Prankish  rule. 

(1)  A  freeman  who  built  a  church  upon  his 
own  land  had  an  almost  absolute  right  of  pro- 
perty in  it.  In  direct  opposition  to  the  Roman 
rule,  according  to  which,  as  has  been  shewn 
above,  the  founder  of  a  church  had  no  special 
rights  whatever  in  the  church  which  he  had 
built,  but  in  full  accordance  with  the  spirit  of 
Prankish  jurisprudence,  Charles  the  Great  en- 
acted that  such  a  church  might  be  assigned  and 
sold  :  "  de  ecclesiis  quae  ab  ingenuis  hominibus 
construuntur  licet  eas  tradere,  vendere,  tantum 
modo  ut  ecelesia  non  destruatur  sed  seiviuntur 
cotidie  honores "  {Capit.  Francofurt.  a.d.  794, 
c.  54,  Pertz,  vol.  i.  75).  Accordingly  the  gift  of 
a  church  to  a  monastery  or  a  bishop  was  accom- 
panied with  the  same  forms  as  the  gift  of  any 
other  real  property  (see  Rettberg,  Kircheng. 
DeutscJi.  vol.  ii.  617).  This  right  of  ownership 
carried  with  it  the  right  of  appointment  of  its 
ministers,  subject,  however,  to  the  approval  of 
the  bishop;  the  right  was  not  personal,  but 
descended  with  the  estate,  and  if  the  estate  were 
divided,  and  disputes  arose  as  to  the  right  of 
appointment,  the  bishop  could  not  interfere  other- 
wise than  by  suspending  the  services  of  the  church 
until  the  joint  owners  or  co-heirs  had  agreed 
to  pi-esent  to  him  a  single  presbyter  (2  Cone. 
Cahillon.  A.D.  813,  c.  26,  ap.  Mansi,  vol.  xiv.  98  ; 
so  in  effect  Cone.  Tribur.  A.D.  895,  c.  32  ;  for 
some  questions  arising  from  this  rule  of  joint 
patronage  see  Hinschius,  in  the  Zdtschrift  fur 
Kirchenrecht,  vol.  vii.  pp.  1  sqq.).  At  first,  pro- 
vision was  made  that  the  foundation  of  such 
churches  should  not  interfere  with  the  rights  of 
previously  existing  churches  to  tithes  and  other 
dues  (Karoli  M.  Capit.  ad  Salz.  a.d.  803,  c.  3, 
Pertz,  vol.  i.  124,  and  Exeerpt.  Can.  c.  19,  Pertz, 
vol.  i.  190 ;  Cone.  Mogunt.  a.d.  813,  c.  41  ; 
Hludowici  et  Hlotharii  Capit.  c.  6,  Pertz,  vol.  i! 
254;  Ansegisi  Capit.  lib.  ii.  45,  Pertz,  vol.  i. 
299);  but  in  time  the  distinction  between  these 
privately-founded  churches  and  parish  churches 
proper  was  broken  down,  and  the  original  rights 
of  owners  in  the  one  case  became  indistinguish- 
able from  the  usurped  rights  of  feudal  lords  in 
the  other. 

(2)  All  holding  of  land  under  the  Prankish 
]-ule  involved  military  service.  The  full  rights 
of  a  freeman  could  only  be  claimed  by  one  who 
could  defend  those  rights  by  arms.  In  some 
instances  it  would  appear  that  clerks  did  not 
hesitate  to  take  the  field  (e.g.  Annales  S.  Amandi, 
a.d.  712,  Pertz,  M.  H.  G.  Scriptorum,  vol.  i.  6  ;  j 
Einhardi,  Annales,  a.d.  753,  ibid.  vol.  i.  139  ; 
Ruodolfi  Fuldens,  Annales,  a.d.  844,  ibid.  vol.  i. 
364);  but  there  was  a  strong  feeling  against 
their  doing  so,  and  enactments  were  passed  to  | 


PATEON  SAINTS 

prohibit  it,  e.g.  Karlomanni  Capit.  a.d.  742, 
c.  2;  Pertz,  Lcgum,  vol.  i.  16;  Pippini,  Capit. 
Vcrmer.  a.d.  753,  c.  16,  ibid.  vol.  i.  22  ;  Karoli 
M.  Capit.  General,  a.d.  769,  c.  1,  ibid.  vol.  i.  32, 
and  Capit.  Ecclesiast.  a.d.  789,  c.  69,  ibid.  vol.  i'. 
64.  It  was,  in  other  respects,  desirable  for 
clerks  to  avoid  some  of  the  personal  burdens, 
which  attached  to  freemen,  and  it  not  infre- 
quently became  necessary  to  protect  their  privi- 
leges and  their  lands  against  usurpation.  Con- 
sequently those  churches  and  monasteries  which 
were  large  landowners  frequently  put  themselves 
under  the  protection  of  a  neighbouring  secular 
lord.  The  common  name  for  the  tie  which  thus 
came  to  exist  was  "advocatia,"  but  with  this 
"  patrocinium  "  is  interchangeable  (on  this  point 
see  Waitz,  Deutsche  Meichsverfassung,  Bd.  ii. 
450,  iii.  321).  The  powers  of  the  "  advocatus," 
or  "patronus"  in  this  sense,  came  in  time  to 
be  considerable  [Advocate  of  the  Church. 
"Vol.  I.  p.  33],  especially  in  relation  to  abbeys, 
and  in  the  course  of  the  middle  ages,  though  so 
far  from  the  period  embraced  in  the  present 
work  as  not  to  admit  of  being  stated  in  detail 
here,  included  the  right  of  presentation.  In  our 
own  country  this  system  prevailed  to  so  great  an 
extent  that  the  word  "advocatia,"  under  its 
modern  form  of  "advowson,"  has  come  to  be 
synonymous  with  the  right  of  presentation. 

(Of  earlier  books  on  the  subject  the  best  are  F. 
de  Roye,  ad  Titulum  de  Jure  Patronatus,  Anjou, 
1667,  and  a  short  treatise,  by  the  jurist  G.  L. 
Boehmer,  de  Admcatiae  Ecclesiasticae  cum  Jure 
Patronatus  Ncxu,  Gottingen,  1757.  Of  more 
recent  books,  the  best  are  Lippert,  Versuch  einer 
historisch-dogmatischen  Entwickelung  der  Lehrc 
vom  Patronate,  Giessen,  1829 ;  Kaim,i?as  Kirchen- 
patronatrecht  nach  seiner  Entstehung,  Entwicke- 
lung, und  heutigen  Stellung  in  Staate,  Leipzio-, 
1  Theil,  1845,  2  Thei],  1866.  Reference  ma°y 
also  be  made  to  Rettberg,  Eirchengeschichte 
Deutschlands,  Bd.  ii.  pp.  16  sqq.;  to  Walter, 
Lehrbuch  des  Kirehenreehts,  ed.  12,  Bonn,  1856, 
pp.  457  sqq.;  and  to  Hinschius's  article  in 
the  Zeitschrift  fUr  Kirchenrecht,  vol.  vii.,  which 
has  been  quoted  above).  [E.  H.] 

PATEON  SAINTS.  For  the  general  doc- 
trine of  the  influence  of  glorified  saints  over 
human  affairs,  see  the  DiCT.  OF  Chr.  Biog<  &t. 
What  is  here  given  relates  simply  to  the  actual 
practice  of  Christians  in  adopting  saints  as 
patrons  whether  of  places  or  persons. 

I.  Nomenclature.  —  A  martyr  supposed  to 
have  a  special  interest  in  a  place  and  its  inhabi- 
tants was  called  their  patron  first  in  the  latter 
half  of  the  4th  century.  St.  Ambrose  is  pro- 
bably the  earliest  extant  witness  to  the  usage, 
when,  in  386,  he  calls  Gervasius  and  Protasius 
the  "  patrons  "  of  the  orthodox  at  Milan  {Epist. 
xxii.  11).  Somewhat  later  he  says  of  departed 
kings  and  martyrs,  "  Illi  fiunt  supplices,  hi 
patroni  "  {Expos,  in  Ev.  S.  Luc.  x.  12). 
Paulinus  of  Nola  frequently  gives  the  title  to 
Felix,  to  whom  his  church  was  dedicated,  and 
under  whose  peculiar  protection  he  believed 
himself  and  his  people  to  live.  Thus,  writing  in 
395  {Carm.  ii.  in  S.  Eel.  26)— 

"0  felix  Felice  tuo  tibi  praesule  Nola, 
Inclita  cive  sacro,  caelesti  firma  patrono." 

Similarly  Carm.  in  S.  F.  iii.  105  ;  t.  316,  vi.  5j 


PATRON  SAINTS 

but  especially  in  the  later  Natalitia,  which  reach 
to  the  year  408.  The  usage  was  probably  much 
extended  by  Faulinus.  It  was  taken  up  by  Pru- 
deutius,  whose  hymns,  De  Coronis,  were  written 
some  time  after  405  (see  Hymn.  ii.  539,  vi.  145, 
xiii.  lin.  ult.).  St.  Augustine  late  in  life,  about 
421,  makes  an  approach  to  the  usage  with  which 
others  must  have  made  him  familiar,  viz.  when 
he  speaks  of  commending  the  dead  to  the  saints 
near  whom  they  are  buried,  "  tanquam  patronis  " 
(De  Cura  pro  Ilort.  iv.  §  6  ;  see  also  xviii.  §  22). 
We  find  the  word  used  absolutely  in  the  books 
Dc  Miraculis  S.  Stephani,  claiming  to  be  drawn 
up  at  the  request  of  Evodius,  the  bishop  of 
Uzalis,  probably  not  long  after  the  year  420. 
E.g.  (in  Frologo) :  "  Ea  quae  per  patronum 
nostrum  Stephanum  primum  martyrem  suum 
operatus  est  apud  nos  Christus "  (comp.  i. 
1  ;  ii.  14).  By  the  year  461,  when  Paulinus 
Petricordius  wrote  his  metrical  Life  of  St. 
Mai'tin,  the  usage  must  have  been  thoroughly 
established  (see  lib.  1  ;  Migne,  61,  col.  1016  ;  ii. 
1028-9,  &c.)  The  last-named  author  gives  the 
title  to  St.  Martin,  even  when  speaking  of  events 
that  occurred  in  his  lifetime  (iv.  1041,  1048),  as 
does  Flodoard  to  St.  Kemigius  (Hist.  Ecd.  Rem. 
i.  13).  The  correlative  to  patronus  is  clicns. 
Early  Christian  writers,  however,  did  not,  if  my 
observation  may  be  trusted,  make  this  use  of 
it.  Paulinus  of  Nola,  in  one  of  his  latest 
poems  (a.d.  405),  calls  himself  the  alumnus  of 
Felix  (Carm.  xiii.  in  S.  Fel.  355  ;  comp.  95). 
Similarly  the  little  town  of  Abella,  "  tanti 
memoratur  alumna  patroni "  (ihid.  793).  With 
Prudentius,  the  Romans  are  the  "  alumni  urbici  " 
of  St.  Lawrence  (de  Cor.  ii.  530).  This  word  does 
not  occur  in  the  very  long  poem  of  the  younger 
Paulinus  above  mentioned.  As  the  patron  of  this 
church,  Paulinus  of  Nola  calls  St.  Felix  dominae- 
dius  (Epist.  V.  15,  xviii.  3,  xxviii.  9,  xxix.  13, 
xxxii.  10;  Poem,  sxiii.  109).  This  is  peculiar  to 
Faulinus,  but  the  patron  saint  was  commonly 
called  dominus  (Paul.  Carm.  in  S.  Fel.  i.  10). 
In  Lucian's  account  of  the  discovery  of  the 
body  of  St.  Stephen,  he  is  called  "dominus 
Stephanus  "  (Revelatio,  34,  8,  in  App.  vi.  ad  0pp. 
Aug.).  The  saints  who  reveal  its  site  in  a  vision 
call  themselves  "  the  lords  of  the  place  "  (ibid. 
7),  and  two  of  them  are  "  dominus  Gamaliel  " 
(4,  7),  and  "  dominus  Nicodemus  "  (3,  4).  The 
saint  being  dominus,  the  votary  was  servus,  as 
we  learn  from  Paulinus  and  Gregory ;  but 
the  more  common  phrase  was  famulus,  espe- 
cially in  the  later  part  of  our  period.  Thus 
Alcuin  of  Stephen  (Carm.  31  ad  Aram  S.  Steph.) 
Similarly  Hincmar  and  Abbo. 

The  Roman  relation  between  patron  and  client 
being  unknown  to  the  Greeks,  they  did  not  fall 
into  the  conventional  use  of  any  single  word  to 
denote  the  tutelary  saints  of  a  place  or  person. 
They  were  "  champions  "  or  "  patrons  "  (irpocr- 
rdrai,  Chrys.  Horn,  de  SS.  Bernice  et  Prosdoce, 
§  7),  "  advocates "  (irapaKXriTot,  Greg.  Nyss.  in 
il.  Mart.  App.  214,  or  awrtyopot,  Chrys.  Horn, 
c.  Ludos,  1  ;  Ham.  in  Mart.  ii.  669)  ;  "  inter- 
cessors "  (TTpea^evTai,  Greg.  Nyss.  u.  s.  ;  Bas. 
Or.  xix.  8  ;  Theodoret,  Gr.  Aff.  Cur.  viii. ;  0pp. 
IV.  921);  "  keepeis  of  the  city  and  guards" 
(■KoXtuvxoL  Koi  (piiKaKes,  ibid.  902)  ;  "  chiefs  of 
men,  champions,  and  allies,  and  averters  of  evil 
(iTpSiMOi  avdpwirwv  Kai  TrpS/xaxoi  Kal  iiriKOvpoi, 
Koi  tUv  KatcCcv  aTTOTpdiratoi,  ibid.  912),  &c. 


PATRON  SAINTS 


1579 


II.  The  Choice  of  Patrons.  ~Kt  first  the 
possession  of  a  relic  was  thought  enough  to 
constitute  the  saint  patron  of  its  possessors. 
To  give  an  instance :  when  the  body  of 
St.  Boniface  was  brought  to  Fulda,  "  the 
venerable  abbat  Sturmi  with  his  brethren  gave 
thanks  to  Christ  that  they  had  obtained  so 
great  a  patron  "  (Vita  Sturmii,  16;  comp.  15). 
This  was  so  fully  recognised  that  relics  were 
commonly  called  patrocinia.  It  often  happened 
that  a  miracle  alleged  in  connexion  with  human 
remains  raised  the  person  to  the  dignity  of  a  saint 
and  local  pati'on  (Paulin.  Petr.  Vita  S.  Mart.  v. 
106).  When  the  bodies  of  Gervasius  and  Protasius, 
discovered  at  Milan,  were  found  to  heal  de- 
moniacs, St.  Ambrose  said,  "  Brethren,  we  have 
escaped  no  slight  burden  of  reproach.  We  had 
patrons,  and  did  not  know  it  "  (Epist.  xxii.  11). 
In  the  course  of  time,  however,  persons  chose  a 
patron.  Thus,  c.  (].  "  Theodelinda,  about  600, 
built  a  church  at  Monza,  near  Milan,  in  honour 
of  St.  John  the  Baptist,  that  he  might  be  an 
intercessor  for  her  husband  and  children."  She 
promised  yearly  gifts  to  his  oratory,  that 
through  his  prayers  they  might  have  the  aid  of 
Christ  both  in  battle  and  wherever  else  they 
might  go."  "  From  that  day  they  began  to 
invoke  St.  John  in  all  their  actions  "  (Paulus 
Warnfridus  de  Gestis  Lanqobard.  i.  22,  ed. 
Hamb.  1611,  p.  371 ;  see  Mus.  Ital.  i.  210). 
Such  freedom  of  choice  as  is  here  shewn 
has  been  restricted  by  late  decrees  of  Rome, 
when  a  public  patron  is  to  be  elected.  He 
must  have  been  the  "  first  bishop  of  the 
place,"  or  one  whose  "  body  has  been  found 
buried  there,"  or  who  "  sprang  from  the  place 
and  was  a  citizen  of  it,"  or  one  who  has  "  in 
some  wonderful  way  protected  and  helped  the 
people  in  their  times  of  need  "  (Ferrar.  Prompta 
Biblioth.  in  v.  Pair.  SS.) 

III.  Patrons  of  Places. — Several  saints  are 
expressly  declared  by  early  writers  to  have 
been  the  "  patrons "  of  certain  places.  The 
name  is  not  given  by  Prudentius  to  the  saints 
enumerated  by  him  (as  the  glories  of  Africa 
and  Spain  (de  Cor.  iv.) ;  but  the  functions 
which  he  assigns  to  them  prove  that  they 
were  so  regarded.  In  another  poem  (De  Cor, 
V.  145)  three  of  those  mentioned — Fructuosus 
and  his  deacons — receive  the  name  patronus. 
Leo  taught  that  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  were  the 
special  patrons  of  Rome  (Serm.  80,  §  7  ;  com- 
pare what  he  says  of  St.  Laurence,  83,  §  4). 
Genesius  was  the  "nursling  of  Aries  by  right 
of  his  birth  there  ;  its  patron,  by  virtue  of  hi? 
death."  (Auct.  Inc.  Passio  S.  Gen.  Arel.  1,  13, 
inter  0pp.  Paulini  Nol.  ad  Calc.  Epp.)  Alcuin 
tells  us  that,  while  saints  should  be  honoured 
and  imitated  throughout  the  church,  "  yet  in 
certain  places  they  are  honoured  more  familiarly 
among  their  fellow-citizens  with  a  certain  special 
veneration,  because  of  some  one  of  them  having 
commonly  dwelt  there,  or  because  of  the  pre- 
sence of  his  sacred  relics,  which  have  been  given 
to  such  or  such  inhabitants  for  a  comfort."  Ho 
then  proceeds  to  name  several  such  patrons  of 
cities  and  regions,  as  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  of 
Rome  ;  St.  Ambrose,  the  "  defensor  "  of  Milan  ; 
the  Theban  Legion,  the  glory  of  the  Pennine 
Alps  ;  Hilary  of  Poitiers ;  Martin  of  Tours  ; 
St.  Denys  and  St.  Germain  of  Paris ;  Remigius 
of  Champagne,  the  people  of  which  whole  pro- 


15S0 


PATEO:^  SAINTS 


vince  "  hastened  to  the  dtv  ot"  Kheinis,  ofiering 
their  tows  there  as  if  to  a  present  patron.  Thns 
hath  the  divine  gvxsiness  provided  tor  the  whole 
■wwrld  by  giving  to  the  several  provuices  or 
peoples  a  special  patron  in  whom  to  rejoice  " 
(flom.  de  Sat.  Wi:iil}rvrdK  1).  In  the  age  of 
Alcuin,  we  observe,  certain  honours  were  claimed 
for  a  martjT  in  every  church,  though  special 
honours  were  paid  to  him,  and  special  trust 
reposed  in  him  in  those  places  of  which  he  was 
the  patron.  But  at  tirst  the  honours  paid  to 
them  and  other  saints  were  entirely  looaL  A 
curious  illustration  of  this  occorred  when  Julian 
separated  Constantia  from  Gasa,  of  which  it  was 
a  suburb.  As  a  consequence,  says  Sozomen 
(Sisi.  £ixL  T.  3),  "each  has  its  bishop  and 
clergy  by  itself,  and  its  celebrations  of  martyrs 
and  memorials  of  the  bishops  who  hare  belonged 
to  it." 

The  saints  protected  the  church  dedicated 
with  their  relics : 

"  Ita  suis  meriUs  jam  tecca  sacrata  tuetur, 
tJt  pcocni  effugiat  hcsus  ab  aede  sacra."*. 

(.AIcoLq,  Can*.  35  ad  Orai.  5.  Audr.) 

Similarly  Cctrminn  42,  77-79,  S5.  95,  9S,  115. 
They  acbrded   a   general    protection   to    the 
people  who  worshipped  in  their  churches : 

"ilartjris  egregii  Quinuni  altare  trinmphrs 
Hix  fulget  pcpolo  hie  qui  ferae  auxilium." 

(li  Camu  «  ad  Jr.  &  Qu.^ 

'' A4ju\-at  Iiic  aos 
"  Cnjcs  bjcore  sacro  constant  haec  templa  dicata."* 
CId.  Cam.  S3  <id  £(xl.  S.  Pitri.;) 

Specimens  of  the  Dedication-formalae  of 
churches  (e.j.  ~in  honorem  S.  Joannis  Eap- 
tistae")  mar  be  seen  under  IsscsrPTio^fS.  p. 
SiS. 

rV".  The  Angels  Patrcms. — When  St.  ilichael. 
St.  Gabriel,  and  St.  Raphael  were  drss  chosen 
by  authority  as  patrons  of  a  church  or  oratory. 
we  are  unable  to  say.  A  church  dedicated  to  St. 
ilichael  was  built  at  Kavenna  in  545.  (Ciam- 
pini,  Frt.  Mamtin.  iL  tar.  iriL  in  vol.  L  p.  S7). 
The  Besancon  Sacramentary,  a  Gallican  book 
modified  by  Roman  induence,  of  which  the  JIS. 
belongs  to  the  7th  century,  gives  a  "  missa  in 
honore  Sancti  ilichaheL"  which  was  evidentlv 
used  on  his  day  in  oratories,  &e..  named  after 
him,  or  possibly,  as  the  Galileans  of  that  a^  had 
very  few  saiats'  days,  on  the  anniversarv  or  their 
opening  whenerer  it  was  (-•  in  honore  beati  arch- 
angel! Michahelis  dedicata  nomini  Tuo  loca," 
Jfics.  Jia^.  i.  356).  There  is  no  sinnilar  mass  in 
any  other  Gallican  missal,  but  we  find  e:iamples 
in  all  the  oil  Roman  sacramentaries,  to  which  we 
infer  from  the  Besancon  that  they  belonged  at 
an  early  period.  The  Gelasian  assigns  to  2i.  kaL 
Oct.  "  Orationes  in  Sancti  Archangeli  ilichaelis  " 
QLHurgii  Horn.  Vet.  llurat.  L  669).  which  con- 
tain no  reference  to  the  dedication  of  the  church ; 
but  the  so-called  Leonian  gives  five  missae  for 
pridie  kaL  Oct.,  under  the  heading,  "^atale 
BasHicae  Angeli  in  Salaria,"  of  which  two 
(i.  It.)  allude  to  his  being  the  patron  of  the 
church  (Mnrat.  u.  s.  407).  The  early  copies  oi 
the  Gregorian  aU  have  such  a  mass  (iii.  kal. 
Oct.),  and  they  all  by  the  title  (Dedieatio  Ba^i- 
licae  S.  Michaelis,  Mur.  S.  Angeli)  intimate  that 


PATRON  S.UNTS 

St.  Michael  Avas  the  patron  of  the  church  in 
which  it  was  to  be  used  (^see  Rocca's  copy  in  Opy. 
Greg.  M.  V.  151,  Aatv.  1615 ;  Pamelius,  Rituale 
SS.  PP.  ii.  345 ;  Murat.  «.  s.  ii.  125 ;  ilehard  in 
0-pp.  Greg.  ed.  Ben.  iii.  135).  Among  the  poems 
of  Alcuin  are  two  on  chxirches  dedicated  to  hin\ 
(29,  16S),  three  on  altars  of  St.  Michael  (37.  64. 
77X  and  a  sixth  (1S6)  "ad  aram  sanctorum 
archangelorum,''  i>.,  as  the  verses  shew,  of 
Michael,  Gabriel,  and  Raphael. 

V.  Fiiirons  of  CLis^s. — ^In  the  middle  ages 
every  trade  and  profession  had  its  patron,  and 
every  disease  a  saint  especially  girted  for  its 
cure.  The  germ  of  this  distribution  of  offices 
appears  even  from  the  very  introduction  of 
saint-worship.  Thus  Justina,  persecuted  by  the 
magician  Cyprian.  "  implores  the  Virgin  Mary  to 
aid  a  Tirgin  in  peril "  (Greg.  Nai.  ITom,  24  vj 
Cypr.  §  11).  St.  Agnes  is  addressed  by  PruJen- 
tius  (i)t?  Conn.  14,  in  fine)  as  the  especial 
patroness  of  female  chastity.  St.  Nicetius,  the 
patron  of  Lyons,  was  the  especial  friend  <'t" 
prisoners  (Greg.  Turon.  Vitae  Atrrtfm,  viii.  7). 
St.  Sigismund  cured  the  ague  (Greg.  Turou. 
da  G/or.  JTctrt.  75).  In  the  Besancon  Missal 
found  at  Bobio,  belonging  to  the  7th  century,  is 
a  mass  of  St.  Sigismund,  "  pro  frigoriticis " 
(Mabillon,  Mtiiae.  Hal.  i.  344).  Phocas  was 
the  patron  of  sailors  (Aster.  Amas.  £acom.  in 
Pho-:.  5  in  Comberis,  Auctar.  i.  ISO,  par.  16S0X 
Sailors  at  their  mess  would  by  turns  deposit  in 
money  the  cost  of  a  meal  as  the  share  of  Phocas, 
and  when  they  arrived  in  port  distribute  it  to 
the  needy  in  his  name  i^ibfd.). 

VL  Gocd  Otjices  i;j.-i.>ect^d  from  Pciinn  Saints. 
— (1)  That  most  frequently  assigned  to  them  was 
one,  the  fulfilment  of  which  was  least  open  to 
dispute.  They  seconded  the  prayers  of  their  rota- 
ries,  and  thus  often  led  to  their  accomplishment, 
where  without  such  aid  they  would  have  faUed. 
St.  Basil  called  them  Snio-eas  (ruvepr-foi  {Boat. 
sis.  8,  xsiii.  7).  Leo  of  Rome  eshorts  his  people 
to  keep  vigil  in  St.  Peter's,  "  who  will  deign  by 
his  prayers  to  assist  our  supplications  and  fastings 
and  ahnsgivings  "  (Serm.  si.  4).  Gregory  L  calls 
patron  saints  "  adjutores  orationis "'  (/n.  Evamg. 
ii.,  Horn.  32,  §  S ;  comp.  Bas.  above).  In  &ct 
the  constant  hope  and  request  of  their  dients  ] 
might  be  expressed  in  the  words  of  Alcuin, 

"late  preces  nostras  adjuvet,  a^io,  suis." 

iCarm.  61  ad  Aram,  S.  Jocnn.  Bxft.) 


Similarly    Carm.    2S    ad    Septdcr. 
"Adjuvat    iste    preces    populi;"'    and    Oxm.- 
47  ad  Aram  SS.  Greg,  et  ITieron. 

(2)  There  was  no  danger  or  difficulty  in  which 
their  aid  was  not  invoked  with  success.  "  Let  us 
keep  vigU,"  says  Leo,  "in  the  church  of  the 
blessed  apostle  Peter,  by  whose  merits  aiding  us. 
we  may  obtain  release  from  all  tribulations" 
Serm.  S4,  §  2  ;  comp.  SI,  §  2).  Some  of  the  in- 
stances in  PaulinxLs  are,  even  bv  his  own  confes- 
sion, calculated  to  raise  a  smile  rather  than  to 
edify.  For  example,  a  rustic  who  had  lost  two 
oxen  by  theft,  instead  of  pursuing  the  robbers, 
flies  at  once  to  the  church  of  St.  Felis,  whom 
he  declares  responsible  for  their  restoration  (X'tf 
<?.  Pel.  Carm.  ri.  290). 

(3)  The  martyrs  were  the  especial  protectors 
of  those  who  were  named  after  them.  Thus 
Theodoret  says  that  Christians  "  make  a  point  of 
giving  the  appellations  o£  the  martyrs  to  their 


PATEOX  BAIXT3 

duUren,  by  that  means  procuring  safetj  and 
guardianship  for  them  "  {fjraec.  Aff.  Cur.  Disp. 
nii.  w.  ?.  923). 

(4;  The  active  assistance  in  battk  of  some  long 
if.yzrUA  hero  was  the  subject  of  many  a  Greek 
and  Roman  myth.  Among  the  semi-converts 
of  the  4th  century,  there  could  not  £ail  to  be 
many  on  whom  these  romantic  traditions  had 
made  a  deep  impression,  and  we  cannot  be  sur- 
prised at  their  spee^iy  reproduction  under  a 
Christian  guise.  The  patron  martyr  waa  re- 
garded as  a  feithful  ally,  both  in  aggression 
Mid  defence  of  those  who  served  him  well.  It 
is,  in  short,  in  the  heathen  myth  that  we 
discover  the  germ  of  the  mediaeval  romance 
which  culminated  in  the  conversion  of  the  apos- 
tles into  knight-errants.  Theodoret  relates 
that  on  the  night  before  the  battle  in  which 
The^ylosius  overthrew  Zugenius,  A.D.  S&i,  .St. 
John  and  St.  Philip  appeared  to  him  "  in  white 
garments  and  riding  on  white  horses"  and 
told  him  that  they  had  been  "  sent  as  his  alli^ 
and  champions"  (^Hist.  v.  24).  St.  Ambrose 
had  promised  that  he  would  often  visit  Florence. 
After  his  death  in  .397  "  he  was  frequently 
seen  praying  at  the  altar  in  the  Ambrosian 
basilica  which  lie  had  himself  built  there," 
and  when  the  city  was  l^esieged  by  Eadagaisus 
m  406,  he  appeared  to  a  citizen  of  the  place 
and  foretold  its  safety.  The  next  day  Stilicho 
came  to  its  relief  (  Vita  Arnhros.  a  Paulino  conscr. 
•50).  During  the  war  with  the  Goths,  A.D.  410, 
the  Romans  refused  to  repair  a  weak  part  of  the 
city  wall,  "  affirming  that  Peter  the  apostle  had 
promised  them  that  the  guardianship  of  that 
place  should  be  his  care,  for  the  Romans  reve- 
rence and  worship  this  apostle  above  all " 
(Procopins  de  BeU.o  GoUmo,  L  2.3 ;  ed.  Nieb.  iL 
110).  St.  Augustine,  421,  heard  and  believed 
that  when  Xola  was  besieged,  St.  Felix,  its 
patron  (ed.  Xieb.  ii.  110),  appeared  (2>e  Cur. 
pro  yiort.  xvi.).  Leo  of  Rome,  440,  asks 
triumphantly,  "Quis  banc  urbem  reformavit 
saluti  ?  Quis  a  captivitate  eruit  ?  Quis  a  caede 
defendit?  Ludus  Circen-sium,  an  cuxa  Sanc- 
torum ?  "  (Serm.  81,  §  1).  Yenantius,  A.D.  560, 
says  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  (Poem.  iii.  viL  19), 

"  A  lacie  hcetili  duo  propngnacnla  praescnt." 

A  part  of  the  poem  from  which  we  quote,  including 
this  claim  of  protection,  is  said  to  have  been  in- 
scribed by  Ina,  A.D.  639,  on  the  walls  of  his  church 
at  Glastonbury  (Bolland.  Feb.  torn.  L  p.  906). 
Compare  Relics. 

(5)  But  more  alien  still  from  the  spirit  and 
faith  of  the  Gospel  was  the  dependence  placed  on 
the  patron  from  protection  from  the  consequences 
of  sin,  even  at  the  day  of  judgment.  We  find  even 
blasphemous  expression,  as  I  think  it  must  be 
deemed,  of  this  dependence  at  the  earliest  period 
of  patron  worship.  Thus  Prudentius  declares 
that  he  desired  to  be  on  the  left  hand  of  the 
judge,  that  Romanus  may  come  to  his  rescue 
(J)e  Coron.  X.  in  fine).  The  patron  is  a  mediator 
with  Christ,  as  Christ  with  the  Father  (ibid.  ii. 
578).  This  extravagance  may  be  partially 
ascribed  to  the  improper  licence  which  the 
Christian  poets  allowed  themselves ;  but  the 
fundamental  error  is  common. 

VU.  I  am  not  acquainted  with  any  book  that 
treats  exclusively  or  especially  of  patron  saints. 
Works  on  the  general  cultus  of  the  saints  are. 


PAUL 


1581 


among  others,  J,  Camerarius  de  fn^xatif/iie 
Sanctorum,  Giaece,  Lips.  1545;  E,  Montagu 
fljp.),  Treatiie  of  Invooatifm  of  Sounti,  1624 ; 
WilL  Forbes  (bp.),  (>jn^ider'jiionei  MfAe-dJK  d^ 
Inxoc.  lionet.  Lond.  1658,  Hehnst.  1704,  Frank- 
fort, 1707  ;  Oxf.  A.  C.  L.  1856 ;  G.  Morley  (bp.). 
Epid^jVie  d^iae  de  Liv.  Scmct.  Lond.  1683*;  Dean 
Freeman  (.Samuel),  Diicr/nrze  concerrang  the  In- 
tocxction  of  Sairdt,  in  bp.  Gilwon'a  Presertatir'? 
aqainsst  Pojjer^j,  tL  4,  Lond.  17-38 ;  W.  CTagett. 
ijiirxpine  (xmcerrdrvj  tr<e  Worship  of  V,e  BletifA 
Virgin  Mary  ortd  the  .yiirUi,  Lrm.<L  1666;  re- 
printed in  Gibson,  «.  s. ;  Qasysi  .Sagittarius, 
Diga^rt.  de  NrdalUiis  Martynan,  Eotterd,  1599  ; 
J.  £.  Tyler,  Prirfdtixe  CrcrUAian  Wor$ttip,  Load. 
1840,  1847. 

On  the  patronage  of  angels  especially,  see 
Steph-  Clotz,  Tractatug  de  Ajigekloctria,  Boetoch. 
1636 ;  Joh.  Prideaux,  37*e  Patronage  of  Arigdi. 
Ox£  1636.  [W.  £,  S.] 

PAUL,  Apostle  ;  Festttais  of,  etc. 

(1)  Festival  of  St.  Feteb.  asd  St.  Paci- 
See  Peteb,  Apostle,  Flsiivals  of.  Corrwieirto- 
ratvyn  of  St.  Paul  on  Jurv?  %,  Cyid. 

(2)  Festival  of  Cmrergim  of  St.  Paui.—The; 
observance  of  this  festival  dates  frma  a  much 
later  period  than  the  ■preceding,  though  it  is  not 
at  all  easy  to  apprciimate  to  the  time  with  any 
degree  of  certainty.  The  reason  for  encb  a  com- 
memoration is  not  £xr  to  seek:  a  conreisjon 
such  as  that  of  St.  Paul  stands  on  an  altogether 
dicerent  footing  from  the  call  of  any  other 
apostle,  and  when  it  is  considered  how  different, 
humanly  speakinz,  Christianity  would  have 
been,  had  God  not  thought  fit  to  employ  St.  Paul 
as  He  did,  we  may  ^ow  that  there  is  a  sense 
in  which  Renan  is  justified  in  calling  St.  Paul 
'•  the  second  founder  of  Christianity." 

Besides  the  general  importance  of  the  event 
herein  commemorated,  there  was  also  probably  a 
desire  to  hestow  a  furtber  commemoration  on 
St.  Paul,  as  though  he  had  hardly  received 
sufficient  recognition  by  the  festival  of  Jane  29, 
of  which  the  commemoration  of  St.  Panl  on 
June  30  is  also  evidence ;  a  need  which  would 
be  the  more  &lt  inasmuch  as  other  important 
festivals  soon  became  associated  with  the  name 
of  St.  Peter.  It  may  be  noted  that  the  feast  of 
the  Conversion  of  St.  Paul  is  peculiar  to  the 
Western  church,  the  special  necessity  of  which 
we  have  spoken  as  tending  to  its  origination 
being,  on  the  whole,  peculiar  to  the  West. 

In  inquiring  as  to  the  date  at  which  we  can 
first  find  traces  of  the  observance  of  this  festival, 
we  shall  do  well  in  the  first  place  to  dear  the 
ground  of  fictitious  instanc-es.  Baronius  (Mart. 
Rom.  Jan.  29)  appeals  to  sermons  of  St.  Augus- 
tine for  this  lestival,  an  appeal  which,  if  sub- 
stantiated, would  give  a  decidedly  early  date. 
The  sermons  in  question  are  thc-se  given  by 
the  Benedictine  editors  as  273,  279  (Pitrol. 
xixviiL  1268),  and  also  189  of  those  rejected  by 
them  as  spurious  (St.  xxxix.  2098).  As  regards 
the  first  of  these,  while  it  is  true  that  the  con- 
version of  St.  Paul  is  dwelt  on,  the  particular 
part  of  the  Acts  containing  that  history  having, 
it  would  seem,  been  the  lection  in  the  service  ; 
vet  the  heading  which  connects  the  sermon  with 
the  festival  \pro  sdenautate  amt^nkmis  S. 
PattlQ  is  certainlv  late,  fcr  the  sermon  is  cited 
in   the  Indiadus'  oi    Possidius   (c   8)  as   "de 


1582 


PAUL 


vocatioue  apostoli  Pauli  et  commendatioue 
orationis  dominicae,"  and  it  seems  to  have  been 
one  of  those  made  for  the  paschal  season,  when 
the  Acts  was  regularly  read.  It  may  be  added 
that  the  Calendarium  Carthaginense  makes  r\o 
mention  of  this  festival,  a  weighty  argument 
against  its  celebration  in  Africa  in  Augustine's 
time. 

Not  unnaturally,  in  the  course  of  time,  when 
the  festival  was  actually  established,  the  subject 
matter  of  the  sermon  led  to  its  receiving  its 
later  title.  Thus  Florus  {Expos,  in  Epp.  Pauli ; 
1  Cor.  iii.,  1  Thess.  iv.,  1  Tim.  i. ;  Patrol,  cxix. 
324,  &c.)  invariably  cites  it  as  Senno  de  Convcr- 
sione  Apostoli  Pauli.  Assuming  the  authorship 
of  this  expositio  to  be  established,  the  above  is 
the  earliest  allusion  we  are  acquainted  with  to  the 
existence  of  the  festival,  bringing  it  to  about  the 
middle  of  the  9th  century. 

The  second  sermon  is  entitled  in  some  MSS.,  it 
is  true,  in  Conversione  S.  Pauli,  but  Florus 
always  cites  it  merely  de  Paulo  Apostolo  (op.  cit.  ; 
Rom.  i.  viii.  ix. ;  Phil.  ii.).  The  third  sermon  is 
merely  a  cento  made  up  from  other  sermons  of 
St.  Augustine. 

No  homily  for  the  day  is  found  in  the  works 
of  Leo,  Maximus  of  Turin,  Bede,  &c.  The  festival 
is  given,  however,  in  some  forms  of  the  Gre- 
gorian Sacrameutary  (col.  22,  ed.  Menard), 
where  the  service  includes  a  'solemn'  benediction. 
On  the  other  hand,  however,  Pamelius  obelizes  it, 
and  the  Cod.  Reg.  Sueciae  (Vat.  1275)  of  the 
Benedictine  edition  omits  it  altogether.  This 
MS.  is,  however,  of  about  the  date  900  A.D.,  and 
M(5nard's  Cod.  2 header icensis  i.,  a  century  earlier, 
gives  the  festival,  but  puts  it  after  the  com- 
memorations on  the  same  day  of  SS.  Emeren- 
tianus  and  Macharius.  It  may  be  noted  that 
the  festival  is  altogether  wanting  in  the  Gre- 
gorian antiphouary.  Almost  identical  with  the 
form  in  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  is  that  in 
the  Ambrosian,  the  only  differences  being  that 
the  latter  has  a  prayer  super  sindoncm,  and  that 
the  benediction  is  shorter.  In  the  Comes 
Hierongmi  it  is  entirely  absent,  Jan.  25  being 
merely  recognised  as  the  Natale  of  Macharius  and 
Emerentianus.  Taking  then  into  account  the 
reference  of  Florus,  and  assuming  the  date  of 
the  Cod.  Tlieodericensis  to  be  rightly  given,  it 
will  follow  that  the  festival  was  existing  at  the 
beginning  of  the  9th  century,  but  its  absence 
from  MSS.  of  the  sacramentary  of  a  later  date 
will  suggest  that  it  came  but  slowly  into  recog- 
nition. Thus  there  is  no  allusion  to  it  in  tfie 
capitularc  of  Ahyto,  bishop  of  Basle  early  in  the 
9th  century. 

On  turning  to  the  martyrologies,  we  find  in 
the  Mart.  Hieronymi  for  Jan.  25,  after  the  entry 
"  Nicomediae,  Biti,"  the  further  notice,  "  Eomae, 
Translatio  Sancti  Pauli  Apostoli  "  (Patrol,  xxx. 
455),  a  suggestion,  it  would  seem,  of  a  diflerent 
kind  of  origin  for  the  festival.  The  metrical 
martyrology  of  Bede  gives  a  notice  of  the  day, 
"  Octavas  merito  gaudet  conversio  Pauli "  (Patrol. 
xciv.  603).  This,  however,  is  wanting  in  some 
MSS.,  and  may  be  summarily  dismissed  as  an 
interpolation.  Moreover,  in  the  ordinary  martyr- 
ology of  Bede,  in  its  true  text  as  edited  by 
Henschenius,  there  is  no  mention  of  the  conver- 
sion of  St.  Paul,  though  this  occurs  among  the 
additions  of  the  late  texts  (Acta  Sanctoriini,'Mdr  ch, 
vol.  ii.   p.    xi.).     The   martyrology   of  liabanus 


PAULA 

Maurus  mentions,  on  Jan.  25,  both  the  trans- 
lation and  conversion  (Patrol,  ex.  1130)  ;  see  also 
Notker  (Patrol,  cxxxi.  1039).  Wandalbert,  in 
the  9th  century,  commemorates  the  festival, 
"  Octavo  ex  Saulo*  conversum  gloria  Paulum  " 
(Patrol,  cxxi.  587).  Some  9th-century  calendar.s, 
however,  do  not  recognise  the  festival  (see,  e.g., 
the  Kal.  Floriacense,  in  Martene  and  Durand, 
Ampl.  Coll.  vi.  650).  We  may  perhaps  approxi- 
mate to  the  date  of  the  introduction  of  this 
festival  into  England  by  noting  that,  while  there 
is  no  mention  of  it  in  the  pontifical  of  Egbert, 
archbishop  of  York  (732-766  A.D.),  yet  it  is  given 
in  the  sacramentary  of  Leofric  (bishop  of  Exeter. 
1050-1072  A.D.).  The  MS.  of  this,  however, 
now  in  the  Bodleian  Library,  is  of  the  10th 
century  (Surtees  Society's  Publications,  vol.  Ixi. 
p.  xi.). 

(3)  Apocryphal  Literature.  —  Of  apocryphal 
works  connected  with  the  name  of  St.  Paul  there 
is  a  considerable  quantity.  There  are  Acts  of 
Peter  and  Paul,  published  by  Tischendorf  (^cf" 
Apostolorum  Apocrypha,  pp.  1.  sqq.;  of.  p.  siv). 
There  are  also  Acts  of  Paul  and  Thecla  (ib.  p.  40  ; 
cf.  p.  xxi.)  referred  to  as  early  as  TertuUian  (de 
Baptismo,  c.  57).  A  Syriac  version  of  this  ha.- 
been  published  by  Dr.  Wright  (Apocryphal  Acts 
of  the  Apostles). 

Two  spurious  letters  exist  in  Armenian,  one 
purporting  to  be  from  the  Corinthian  church  to 
St.  Paul,  and  the  other  the  apostle's  answer.  A 
Latin  translation  of  these  is  given  in  Fabricius 
(Code.v  Pseud.  Vet.  Teat.  iii.  667,  sqq.).  An 
English  translation  by  Lord  Byron  is  also  given 
in  Moore's  Life  of  Byron.  We  have  also  a  spu- 
rious letter  to  the  church  of  Laodicea,  in  Latin 
(for  which  see  Lightfoot's  Colossians,  ed.  2,  pp. 
281,  sqq.),  and  a  series  of  letters  in  Latin, 
forming  a  correspondence  between  St.  Paul  and 
Seneca.  These  are  given  by  Fabricius  (op.  cit. 
i.  871 ;  cf.  Jerome  de  Viris  illustr.  12  ;  Aug. 
Ep.  153  ad  Macedonium,  §  14 ;  reference  may 
also  be  made  to  the  essay  in  Lightfoot's  Philip- 
pians). 

Further,  we  have  an  Apocalypse  of  Paul,  first 
edited  by  Tischendorf  (Apocalypses  Apocryphae, 
pp.  34,  sqq.)  from  a  Greek  MS.  in  the  Ambro- 
sian Library.  A  Syriac  text  also  exists,  of  which 
an  English  translation  has  been  published  (ib. 
p.  svii.).  [R.  S.] 

PAUL,  ST.  (IN  Art).     [Peter.] 

PAULA  (1),  martyr  at  Byzantium  undei 
Aurelian,  with  her  husband  Lucianus  and  theii 
children  Claudius,  Hypatius,  Paulus,  Dionysius  ; 
commemorated  Jan.  19  (Cal.  Byzant.).  Basil. 
Menol.  places  her  under  Jan.  3,  naming  the 
children  as  above,  but  the  husband  Lucillianus, 
and  attributing  the  martydom  to  the  reign  of 
Aurelian.  The  Cal.  Byzant.  has  Paula  and  her 
children  (who  ai-e  not  named)  and  her  husband 
Lucillianus  under  June  3.  In  Hieron.  Mart,  a 
Paula  with  numerous  others  at  Rome  occur 
under  June  3. 

(2)  Domitio ;  commemorated  at  Bethlehem 
Jan.  26  (Hieron.  Mart.)  ;  Jan.  27  (Usuard.  Mart. ; 
Vet.  Bom.  Mart). 

(3)  Virgin  martyr  at  the  city  of  Malaca  in 


1  The  reading  of  the  MSS.  for  the  mistaken  reading  ( 
the  earlier  editions,  saeclo. 


PAULINA 

Spain;      commemorated      June      18     (Usuard 
Hart.). 

(4)  Commemorated  with  Sabinus,  Maximus, 
and  others  at  Damascus  July  20  (Usuard.  Mart.}. 
This  name  occurs  as  Paulus  in  Hieron.  Mart. 

[C.  H.] 

PAULINA,  martyr  with  her  parents 
Artemius  and  Candida  at  Rome ;  commemorated 
Jun.  6  (Usuard.  Mart. :   Vet.  Bom.  Mart.). 

[C.  H.] 

PAULINUS  (1),  martyr  with  Heraclius  and 
others  at  Athens;  commemorated  May  15 
(Basil.  MenoL). 

(2)  Martyr  with  Felicissimus,  Eraclius,  and 
others  in  Etruria ;  commemorated  May  26 
(^Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart.). 

(3)  Bishop  of  Nola,  confessor  ;  commemorated 
June  22  (Usuard.,  Wand.,  Hieron.  Mart. ;  Vet. 
Bern.  Mart. ;  Florus,  Mart.  ap.  Bed.). 

(4)  Martyr ;  commemorated  Aug.  25 
(Wright,  Syr.  Mart.). 

(5)  Bishop  of  Treves  under  Constantius,  con- 
fessor'; hatalis  Aug.  31  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Aug.  vi.  668)  ;  depositio  Sept.  4  (Hieron. 
Mart.). 

(6)  Martyr  with  four  others  ;  commemorated 
Sept.  7  (Wright,  Syr.  Mart.). 

(7)  Bishop  of  York,  confessor  ;  commemorated 
in  Britain  Oct.  10  (Usuard.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  3Iart.). 

[C.H.] 

PAULUS  (1),  the  first  hermit  in  Thebais  ; 
commem.  Jan.  10  (Usuard.,  Wand.,  Mart. ;  Vet. 
Bom.  Mart. ;  Bed.,  Notk. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i. 
602)  ;  with  Johannes  the  Calybite  Jan.  15  (Ca/. 
Byzant. ;  Dan.  Codex  Liturg.  iv.  251). 

(2)  Martyr  with  Pausirion  and  Theodotion  at 
Cleopatris  in  Egypt  under  Diocletian;  com- 
memorated Jan.  24:  {Cal.  Byzant. ;  Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Jan.  ii.  591). 

(3)  Bishop  of  Trois  Chateaux  ;  commemorated 
Feb.  1  (Usuard.  Mart.  ■  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  i. 
92). 

(4)  Martyr  with  Cyrillus,  Eugenius,  and 
others ;  commemorated  in  Asia  Mar.  20. 
(Usuard.  3fart. ;  Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Mart.  iii.  83). 

(5)  Bishop  of  Narbonne,  confessor ;  com- 
memorated Mar.  22  (Hieron.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Bom. 
Mart. ;  Florus,  ap.  Bed. ;  Wand. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Mar.  iii.  371). 

(6)  Commemorated  with  Isidorus,  monks  at 
Corduba,  Ap.  17  (Usuard.  Mart.). 

(7)  Martyr  with  Petrus,  Andreas,  Dionysia  ; 
passio  commemorated  at  Lampsacus  May  15 
(Usuard.  Mart. ;  Hieron.  Mart.). 

(8)  Commemorated  at  Nevers  with  Heraclius 
and  others  May  17  (Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard. 
Mart.). 

(9)  Presbyter ;  commemorated  at  Autun  with 
bishop  Reverianus  June  1  (Usuard.  Mart.). 

(10)  Bishop  of  Constantinople,  martyr  under 
Constantius ;  commemorated  June  7  (Usuard., 
Wand.,  Hieron.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Jun.  ii.  13). 

(11)  Martyr  with  Cyriacus,  Paula,  and  others 


PAVEMENT 


1583 


at  Tumi ;  commemorated  June  20  (Hieron. 
Mart.  ;  Usuard.  3fart.  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jun.  iv. 
8). 

(12)  Martyr  with  his  brother  Joannes  under 
Julian ;  commemorated  at  Rome  June  2^i 
(Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart.). 

(IS)  Deacon  and  martyr  ;  commemorated  at 
Corduba  July  20  (Usuard.  Mart.).  Under  this 
day  occur  in  Hieron.  Mart.  Paulus  at  Corinth 
and  Paulus  (Paula  in  Usuard.)  of  Damascus. 

(14)  Martyr  at  Nicopolis ;  commemorated 
Aug.  11  (Wright,  Syr.  Mart.). 

(15)  Junior,  patriarch  of  Constantinople ; 
commemorated  Aug.  30  and  Nov.  6  (Cal.  Byzant. ; 
Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  267,  273).  Under  Nov.  6 
a  Paulus  occurs  for  Africa  in  Hieron.  Mart. 

(16)  Patriarch  of  Constantinople ;  com- 
memorated Oct.  3  (Cal.  Ethiop.). 

(17)  Commemorated  with  Paulina  Dec.  5  (Cal. 
Ethiop.).  In  Hieron,  Mart,  a  Paulus  occurs  for 
this  day,  with  many  others,  but  no  Paulina. 

[C.  H.] 
PAUSIACUS,  bishop  of  Synnada  in  the  7th 
century  ;  commemorated  May  13  (Basil,  Menol. ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mai,  iii.  240).  [C.  H.] 

PAUSILYPUS,  martyr  under  Hadrian; 
commemorated  Ap.  8.  (Basil,  Menol.).     [C.  H.] 

PAUSIRION,  martyr  with  Paulus  and 
Theodotion  under  Diocletian ;  commemorated 
Jan.  24  (Basil,  Menol. ;  Cal.  Byzant.).     [C.  H.] 

PAVEMENT.  Although  scarcely  to  be  in- 
cluded among  Christian  antiquities,  the  platform 
or  pavement  on  which  Roman  governors  of 
provinces  and  other  like  officials  were  accustomed 
to  place  their  chairs  when  sitting  in  judgment 
comes  under  our  notice  on  one  occasion  of  such 
pre-eminent  interest  that  some  mention  of  it 
can  hardly  be  omitted.  It  must  be  almost  need- 
less to  say  that  the  occasion  referred  to  is  that  in 
which  our  Lord  was  brought  before  Pilate — "  in 
the  place  called  the  Pavement  "  (eU  roirov  \ey6- 
jjiivov  KteSffrpccTov,  St.  John  xix.  13).  It  appears 
that  it  was  the  practice  for  Roman  officials  of 
high  rank  to  cause  such  a  pavement  to  be  con- 
structed as  an  adjunct  to  a  praetorium  wherever 
one  was  established.  Suetonius  (in  Vita  Jul. 
Cacs.)  says  that  it  was  related  of  Julius  Caesar 
that  in  his  expeditions  he  carried  with  him  pave- 
ments sectile  and  tesselated  ("  in  expeditionibus 
tessellata  et  sectilia  pavimenta  circumtulisse  "). 
Casaubon  remarks  upon  this  passage,  that  what 
he  carried  with  him  were  probably  the  materials 
with  which  such  official  pavements  might  be 
constructed. 

A  representation  in  art  of  such  a  pavement  may 
be  found  on  the  top  of  the  reliquary  of  carved 
ivory  [Reliquary]  preserved  in  the  Biblioteca 
Quiriniana  at  Brescia,  in  the  subject  of  Christ 
brought  before  Pilate,  the  scat  of  the  latter 
being  placed  on  a  slightly  raised  platform  or 
dais.     This  casket  is  probably  of  the  4th  century. 

The  pavements  of  churches  were  in  the  earlier 
ages  usually  either  of  mosaic,  or  tesselated,  or  of 
sectile  work,  the  latter  being  made  up  of  pieces 
of  marbles,  porphyries,  or  granites,  cut  so  as  to  fit 
together  and  form  patterns.     One  of  the  earliest 


I 


1584 


PAVEMENT 


examples  of  the  former  is  probably  the  pavement 
in  the  basilica  of  Reparatus,  near  Orleansville, 
in  Algeria,  probably  circa  A.D.  325.  (See 
woodcut.)  The  two  kinds  of  work  were 
occasionally  mixed,  as  in  the  pavement  of  the 
chapel  of  St.  Alexander,  on  the  Via  Latina, 
a     few    miles    from    Home,    discovered    about 


twenty  years  ago.  In  this  instance  slabs  of 
marble  enclose  squares  of  coarse  mosaic  of  white 
marble,  in  which  were  a  sort  of  quatrefoils, 
roughly  formed  by  tesserae  of  dark  stone.  This 
pavement  probably  dated  from  the  5th  or  6th 
century.  One  of  very  similar  character,  and 
probably  of  the  same  date,  was  discovered  in 
1858,  when  the  original  level  of  the  north  aisle 
of  the  choir  of  S.  Lorenzo-fuor-le-Mura,  at 
Rome,  was  reached  by  excavation.  The  pavement 
of  the  earlier  church  of  San  Clemente,  at  Rome, 
was  found  to  consist  of  slabs  of  marble  arranged 
in  a  somewhat  simple  pattern.  The  churches  of 
St.  Sophia  and  St.  John  Studios,  at  Constanti- 
nople, both  retain  portions  of  their  original 
pavements  :  large  slabs  of  marble,  circular  or 
quadrangular,  are  enclosed  by  bands  of  inter- 
lacing ornament,  chiefly  executed  in  strips  of 
marble,  but  in  part  in  mosaic  (y.  Salzenberg, 
Baudenhnale  Constant i7iopels,  &c.).  A  good, 
though  small,  example  of  a  sectile  pavement  will 
be  found  in  the  triforium  of  the  cathedral  of 
Aix-la-Chapelle,  being  no  doubt  a  portion  of 
that  brought  by  Charles  the  Great  from  Rome  or 
Ravenna. 

Mosaic  pavements  not  unfrequently  contained 
inscriptions  recording  the  names  of  the  donors. 
The  remains  of  such  an  inscription  were  found  in 
the  ruins  of  the  basilica  of  Reparatus  mentioned 
above.  In  this  occurs  the  names  of  Paulus, 
Pomponius,  Rusticus,  and  Adeodatus  with  the 
additions  "  votum  solvit,"  "  voti  comp."  &c. 
The  pavement  is  one  of  considerable  elegance ; 
it  is  divided  into  compartments,  in  which  are 
figures  of  stags,  goats,  sheep,  &c.  An  engraving 
will  be  found  in  Les  Carrelages  e'maille's,  by 
M.  Am^,  pp.  15-28,  borrowed  from  that  given 
in   the   report   of  the   Commission  Scientifique 


PAX 

de  I'Algerie  (Beaux-Arts,  I.  i.  pi.  liii.).  Another 
instance  of  a  pavement  provided  by  the 
contributions  of  the  members  of  the  church  is 
afforded  by  a  recent  discovery  at  Olympia. 
mentioned  in  a  letter  printed  in  the  Times  ol 
April  16,  1877.  It  is  there  stated  that  the 
ruins  of  a  large  Byzantine  church,  "  perhaps  as 
early  as  the  5th  century,  had  been  found." 
The  pavement  of  this  church  was  formed  ol' 
large  marble  slabs,  on  one  of  which,  in  the 
centre  of  the  nave,  was  inscribed,  "  Kyriakos. 
a  most  discreet  Anagnostes,  who  for  the  salva- 
tion of  his  soul  ornamented  the  pavement." 

In  the  crypt  of  the  cathedral  of  Verona  are 
remains  of  a  tesselated  pavement  of  elegant 
design,  probably  not  later  in  date  than  the  5tli 
century  (v.  engraving  in  Museum  Veronense  by 
Maffei,  j).  ccviii.).  In  the  compartments  of  this 
are  inscriptions  containing  the  names  of  the 
contributors  to  the  work  and  stating  the  quan- 
tities paid  for  by  each,  as  "  Eusebia  cum  suis 
tessallavit  P.  CXX." 

Another  remarkable  instance  of  an  early 
pavement  is  that  of  the  church  of  Dedamoukha, 
in  Mingrelia  (27ie  Crimea,  &c.  by  Capt.  Telfer, 
p.  123),  which  is  attributed  to  the  6th  century. 
In  this  instance  forty  small  circular  slabs  are  let 
into  the  floor  near  the  south  entrance,  and  are 
asserted  to  be  placed  over  the  heads  of  the 
"  aywi  TeffffapaKoyra,"  the  forty  saints  martyred 
in  Armenia,  in  the  time  of  Licinius,  by  being 
exposed  to  the  rigour  of  a  winter  frost  in  a 
marsh. 

Nor  were  pavements  made  use  of  for  memorials 
only,  for  Gregory  of  Nyssa  (in  Theod.  Orat.  25) 
says,  "  Nor  do  the  walls  alone  of  this  temple 
read  us  lessons  of  piety,  for  the  very  pavement, 
in  its  mosaics  like  a  flowery  mead,  promotes  our 
instruction."  That  few  examples  have  remained 
to  our  time  will  not  appear  surprising,  when  it  is 
remembered  that  the  pavement  is  the  part  of  the 
church  of  all  the  most  exposed  to  injury. 

One  example  of  a  tesselated  pavement  requircs 
mention  as  being  one  of  the  few  instances  of  the 
occurrence  of  Christian  symbols  in  Roman 
remains  in  England  ;  the  pavement  discovered 
at  Frampton  in  Dorsetshire,  an  engraving  of 
which  has  been  given  by  Lysons  (^Reliquiae 
Britannae-Romanae).  The  ruins  in  which  it 
was  discovered  were  apparently  those  of  a  villa; 
it  covered  the  floor  of  an  apartment  of  a  square 
form  with  a  semiciixular  projection  or  apse 
from  one  side.  In  a  compartment  occupying  the 
central  part  of  the  arc  of  the  apse  remained 
the  two  handles  with  portions  of  the  lip  of  a 
vase  which  if  complete  would  probably  have 
borne  the  form  of  the  vases  or  chalices  often 
found  in  early  Christian  art  (v.  Chalice); 
while  in  the  centre  of  the  chord  of  the  semicircle 
was  the  labarum  forming  the  centre  of  a  band 
of  foliage  ;  immediately,  however,  beyond  this 
band  was  one  which  ran  round  the  room,  and 
was  decorated  with  figures  of  dolphins.  In  the 
centre  of  this  band  and  in  contact  with  the 
labarum  was  a  large  head  of  Neptune,  while  a 
figure  of  Cupid  occupied  a  like  position  on 
another  side.  It  is  difficult  to  form  a  satisfac- 
tory conclusion  as  to  the  destination  of  this 
apartment  in  view  of  this  remarkable  collocation 
of  Pagan  deities  and  Christian  symbols. 

[A.  N.] 
PAX.     [Kiss,  p.  903.] 


PAX  YOBISCUM 
PAX  YOBISCUM.    [DoMiNus  Vobiscuh.] 
PEACE,  KISS  OF.     [Kiss.] 

PEACOCK.  See  Lamps,  p.  921.  The  pea- 
cock was  a  favourite  ornament  from  the  1st 
century ;  it  is  found,  with  other  birds,  at  Poz- 
zuoli  (see  new  frescoes  in  the  South  Kensington 
Uluseum,  nos.  1270-73),  at  Pompeii  and  Hercu- 
laneum,  and  repeatedly  in  the  Jewish  catacombs 
of  the  1st  century  (Parker's  Photographs, 
nos.  561,  562).  Martigny  says  it  was  a  symbol 
of  the  Resurrection,  from  the  annual  moulting 
and  renewal  of  its  beautiful  tail-feathers,  re- 
ferring to  Bosio  {R.  Sott.  p.  641)  and  Aringhi 
(R.  S.  II.  Ivi.  c.  36,  p.  612).  Mamachi  (Antiq. 
Christ.  1.  iii.  p.  92)  says  there  is  neither  authority 
for,  nor  objection  to,  the  symbolism,  a  view  in 
which  we  concur ;  and  Martigny  quotes  a  sentence 
from  one  of  St.  Anthony  of  Padua's  sermons 
(5  post  Trin.)  which  compares  our  body  to  all 
the  trees  of  the  wood  as  well,  and  with  equal 
plausibility. 

St.  Augustine  {de  Civit.  Dei,  1.  sxi.  c.  iv.) 
speaks  of  this  bird  as  an  emblem  of  immor- 
tality, from  the  opinion  of  his  time  that  its  flesh 
was  in  part  or  entirely  incorruptible.  For  this 
or  whatever  reason  it  is  made  in  the  cemeteries 
to  accompany  the  Good  Shepherd  and  the  sym- 
bolic Orpheus,  see  Fresco,  p.  696,  Bottari,  iii. 
tav.  Ixiii.  Like  the  Vine  and  the  Good  Shepherd, 
it  was  part  of  the  repertory  of  heathen  deco- 
ration. The  fact  is,  as  any  draughtsman  will 
see,  the  peacock  with  outspread  tail  is  specially 
adapted  to  ornament  circular  vaultings  and  walls 
beneath  them,  as  in  Aringhi,  R.  S.  col.  ii.  p. 
59.  Its  radiating  plumes  make  it  a  geome- 
trical centre  for  circles  or  curves  of  deco- 
ration, and  it  is  equally  well  suited  to  be  a 
centre  of  colour.  It  was  probably  one  of  the 
earliest  ornaments  adopted  by  Christian  painters, 
but  it  may  have  been  one  of  the  latest  invested 
with  sacred  meaning. 

The  writer  cannot  find  it  in  GaiTucci's  Vetri, 
but  it  seems  to  have  been  particularly  in  favour 
as  a  fresco  subject  for  walls  or  roof  ornament. 
Martigny  gives  an  example  from  the  cemetery  of 
SS.   Marcellinus   and   Peter  (see  woodcut)  of  a 


PECTORAL  CROSS 


158.^ 


From  Martigny. 


peacock  with  circular  train  displayed  standing 
on  a  globe,  with  the  remark  that  the  artist 
"  evidently "  means  to  symbolise  the  winged 
soul  rising  above  the  earth  after  the  resurrec- 
tion.    There  is  a  similar  painting  in  St.  Agne 


(Bottari,  t.  iii.  pi.  184).  He  is  strengthened 
by  Boldetti  (^Cimiteri,  &c.  p.  164)  and  by  Lupi 
{Dissert,  ii.  t.  i.  p.  204)  in  the  conviction  that 
the  casks  or  dolia  painted  near  this  latter 
[DOLIUJI]  represent  the  blood  of  martyrs  in- 
terred in  the  immediate  vicinity,  and  the  pea- 
cock their  resurrection. 

A  peacock  with  two  chicks  is  represented  in 
fresco  on  a  vaulted  monument  in  the  catacombs 
of  St.  Januarius  at  Naples.  The  latter  seem  to 
be  issuing  from  a  kind  of  nest-shaped  basket 
(D'Agincourt,  Peinture,  pi.  ii.  no.  9).  The  pea- 
cock and  young  are  also  found  in  a  Christian 
catacomb  discovered  at  Milan  in  1845  near  the 
basilica  of  St.  Nazaire,  for  which  Martigny 
refers  to  Polidori  sopi-a  alcuni  Sepolcri  ante- 
Cristiani  in   Milano,  1845,  p.  57. 

One  reason  for  believing  the  figure  of  the  pea- 
cock to  be  rather  ornamental  than  symbolic  is 
that  it  is  but  rarely  found  in  sculpture.  Two 
peacocks  are  found  with  a  verse  on  the  epitaph 
of  the  priest  Romanus  in  the  Musee  Lapidaire 
at  Lyons,  and  this  ornament  was  frequently  used 
in  after  days  in  the  Byzantine  sculpture  of 
Venice  (Ruskin,  Stones  of  Venice^  vol.  i.  p.  235. 
M.  Leblant  {laser,  chre't.  de  la  Gaule)  says  he  has 
only  found  it  three  times  on  monuments,  and 
Martigny  only  knows  two  examples  in  Rome — 
one  on  the  tombstone  of  Aurelia  Proba  (Boldetti, 
p.  361).  There  is  one  on  an  end  of  the  sarco- 
phagus of  Junius  Bassus  (Bottari,  t.  i.  p.  1). 
The  peacock  is  sparingly  used  in  a  merely 
decorative  way  in  Carlovingian  ornament. 
There  are  two  rather  conventionally  but  beau- 
tifully arranged  in  an  evangeliary  of  Charle- 
magne's (Bastard,  vol.  ii.  pi.  2).     [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

PEARL.     [MAEGAPaTA,  p.  1090.] 

PECTORAL  CROSS  (Greek,  iyKSx-nwv ; 
Lat.  Crux  Collaria,  pectorale,  rationale,  forma- 
Uum,  logium,  firmale,  firmaculum  ;  Ital.  fermale, 
fermaglio).  The  names  rationale,  logium  {\6yiov), 
were  adopted  by  Christianity  from  the  high- 
priest's  breast-plate.  They  may  be  best  explained 
in  Magri's  words  (Eierolexicon,  s.  v.)  :  "  quia 
miracvilose  futura  demoustrabat,  et  quasi 
loquebatur  ac  ratiocinabatur,  ideoque  rationale 
etiam  dicebatur."  The  word  is  used  by  Gregory 
of  Tours. 

The  earliest  account  of  the  pectoral  cross 
given  by  Hofmann  {Lex.  Univ.')  dates  from  the 
9th  century.  It  is  that  of  Auastasius,  the 
librarian,  "  Crucem  cum  pretioso  ligno  vel  cum 
reliquiis  sanctorum  ante  pectus  portare  suspen- 
sam  ad  collum,  hoc  est,  quod  vocant  Encol- 
pium." 

Pope  Innocent  III.  traces  its  use  by  the  pope 
to  the  vesting  of  the  high  priest  under  the 
Mosaic  law  {De  Sacra  Altaris  Mysterio,  lib.  i. 
cap.  53). 

In  the  East  the  custom  began  of  all  Christians, 
and  not  bishops  alone,  wearing  a  cross  hung 
about  the  neck.  [Encolpion;  Reliquary], 
Gregory  of  Tours  relates  that  he  once  put  out 
a  fire  by  drawing  from  his  breast  a  cross  of  gold 
which  inclosed  some  relics  of  the  Virgin,  the 
Apostles,  and  St.  Martin. 

It  should  be  noticed  that  neither  Durandus 
nor  Thomas  Aquinas  includes  the  pectoral  cross 
amongst  the  official  vestments  of  a  bishop  ;  yet  it 
appears  that,  though  it  was  not  a  part  of  the 


155 


PECTOKALE 


exclusively  episcopal  vesture,  bishops  were  in  the  ] 
habit  of  wearing  a  pectoral  cross  iu  the  time  of  i 
Durandus.  The  prayers  which  are  usually  recited 
on  putting  the  cross  upon  the  breast  are  not 
anterior  to  the  14th  century,  at  which  date  the 
pectoral  cross  seems  first  to  have  taken  rank 
amongst  episcopal  ornaments. 

Pugin  (Glossary)  observes  that  the' pectoral 
cross  is  now  considered  an  emblem  of  jurisdic- 
tion, hence  when  a  bishop  enters  the  diocese  of 
another  he  wears  the  cross  concealed. 

[H.  T.  A.] 

PECTORALE,  PECTORALIS.  These 
words  are  used  in  a  variety  of  senses  to  describe 
things  worn  on  or  covering  the  breast.  We  may 
mention,  for  example,  (1)  the  band  or  fillet  en- 
circling the  breast  of  women.  See  e.  g.  Jer.  ii. 
32,  where  the  Hebrew  □''"ItJ'P  (o-rr/eoSeir/iis, 
LXX)  is  rendered  by  Jerome  fascia  i^jectoralis  ; 
cf.  also  Isa.  iii.  24  (Vg.) ;  (2)  its  use  as  equivalent 
to  Rationale  (see  the  article),  but  no  instances 
occur  of  this  sufficiently  early  for  our  purpose ; 
(3)  Gregory  the  Great,  in  one  of  his  letters,  uses 
pectoralis  [_al.  pectorale]  simply  for  a  great-coat, 
which  he  sends  as  a  present  to  Ecclesius,  bishop 
of  Clusium,  who,  having  no  winter  coat,  suffers 
from  the  cold  (Epist.  xii.  47;  Patrol.  Ixxvii. 
1251).  [K.  S.] 

PEDILAVIUM.    [Maundy  Thursday.] 

PEDULES.     [Shoes.] 

PEDUM.     [Pastoral  Staff.] 

PEGASIUS,  martyr  with  Acindynus  and 
others  in  Persia  under  Sapor ;  commemorated 
Nov.  2  (Basil,  Menol. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv. 
273).  [C.  H.] 

PELAGIA  (1),  "  holy  martyr  "  under  Dio- 
cletian ;  commemorated  May  4  (Gal.  Bi/zant. ; 
Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  258). 

(2)  Martyr  at  Antioch  ;  commemorated  June 
9  (Basil,  MenoL). 

(3)  Martyr  with  Januarius  at  Nicopolis  in 
Armenia;  commemorated  July  11  (Hieron. 
Mart. ;  (Jsuard,  Wand. ;  Florus,  Mart.  ap.  Bed.). 

(4)  Martyr  of  Tarsus  under  Diocletian  ;  com- 
memorated Oct.  7  (Basil,  Menol.). 

(5)  Virgin  martyr  at  Antioch  under  Nume- 
rian ;  commemorated  Oct.  8  (Basil,  Menol.) ; 
with  the  virgins  Flecta  and  Barbara  (Cal. 
Armen.) ;  with  different  companions  (Hieron. 
Mart.)  ;  "  our  mother  "  (Cal.  Byzant.)  ;  ocria 
UTjTTjp  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  270. 

(6)  Quondam  meretrix  of  Antioch,  died  a  nun 
at  Rome  ;  commemorated  Oct.  8  (Basil,  Menol. ; 
Usuard,  Mart.  ;  Wright,  Syr.  Mart.). 

(7)  Peccatrix,  martyr  at  Antioch  with  Bero- 
nicus  and  forty-nine  others  ;  commemorated  Oct. 
19  (Hieron.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart. ;  Usuard, 
Wand.,  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

PELEUS,  bishop,  martyr  with  Nilus,  bishop 
in  Egypt ;  commemorated  Sept.  19  (Basil.  Menol. 
Usuard,  Mart. ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Sept.  vi.  21) ;  mentioned  again  by  Usuard  under 
Feb.  20.  [C.  H.] 


PENITENCE 

PELEUSIUS  or  PELUSIUS,  presbyter, 
martyr  at  Alexandria ;  commemorated  Ap.  7 
(Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard,  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Ap.  i.  659 ;  Wright,  Syr.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

PELICAN.  The  pelican  is  sometimes  used 
as  a  Christian  symbol,  in  consequence  of  the 
myth  which  relates  that  when  a  serpent  has 
bitten  her  young,  she  tears  open  her  breast  and 
revives  her  brood  with  her  own  blood.  The 
application  of  this  symbol  to  the  Saviour,  who 
gave  His  own  blood  for  perishing  man,  was 
readily  made  (Alt,  Bie  Heiligenbilder,  p.  56). 

[C] 

PELUSIOTAE.    [Philosarcae.] 

PENITENCE.  The  penitential  discipline, 
in  its  original  conception,  required  a  delinquent 
to  pass  through  three  stages,  beginning  with 
confession  of  his  guilt  [Exomologesis],  and  ending 
with  absolution,  and  a  restoration  to  his  forfeited 
privileges  [Reconciliation].  The  intermediate 
stage  of  penance  is  treated  in  this  article  in  the 
following  order : — 

I.  Names.    Origin  and  Development,  p.  15SG. 

II.   PEIOR  to  the   Sl'EEAD  OF  THE  NOVATIAN  IIlORESi 

1.  Duration  of  penance,  p.  1589. 

2.  Rites  and  usages,  p.  1590. 

ill.  The  Penitential  Stations,  p.  1591. 

1.  The  Mourners,  p.  1591. 

i.  Their  position  iu  tlie  church, 
li.  Duration  .ind  mode  of  penance. 

2.  The  Hearers,  p.  1592. 

i.  Their  position. 

3.  The  Kneelers,  p.  1593. 

i.  Their  position, 
ii.  Rites  and  prayers, 
iii.  Dress, 
iv.  Penitential  exercises. 

4.  The  Bystanders,  p.  1595. 

i.  Their  position. 

IV.    FitOK    THE    middle    op   THE    tlH   CENTDKr    TO   THE 
9TH. 

1.  In  the  East,  p.  1596. 

2.  In  the  West,  p.  1597. 

i.  Public  penitence, 
ii.  Private  penitence. 
V.  Sins  and  Penalties. 

1.  Sins  subjecting  to  penance,  p.  1599. 

i.  Open, 
ii.  Secret. 

2.  Penalties,  p.  1601. 

i.  Whether  exclusively  spiritual, 
ii.  Persons  on  whom  inflicted, 
iii.  Uniformity  of. 
iv.  Alleviation  of. 

a.  By  repentance. 
i!>.  By  confession, 
c.  By  intercession. 

3.  Penitence  denied,  p.  1603. 

i.  Sometimes  to  the  first  commission  of  inor- 

talia  delicta. 
ii.  Generally  to  the  repetition  of  delicta  once 

expiated. 
iii.  Sometimes  till  the  hour  of  death. 

4.  Penitence  of  the  sick,  p.  1605. 

5.  Season  of  penitence,  p.  1606. 

6.  Minister  cf  penitence,  p.  1606. 

7.  Penitence  cf  clergy,  p.  1607. 

I.  Names.     Origin  and  Development. 
The  original  meaning  of  the  Latin  word  poeni- 
tcntia,  with  its  Greek  equivalent  nerdyota,  was 


PENITENCE 

repentance — implying  change  of  heart,  contrition, 
and  amendment.  In  this  sense  it  was  frequently 
used  by  early  ecclesiastical  writers.  The  transi- 
tion from  this  meaning  to  that  of  penitential 
<liscipline  is  not  ditBcult'to  trace.  Along  with 
the  inward  feeling  of  contrition,  there  came  to  be 
combined,  in  the  theological  idea  of  repentance, 
an  outward  act  of  self-abasement.  Gradually 
the  outward  act  was  accepted  as  a  sign  of  the 
inward  sorrow,  and  ultimately  took  the  place  of 
it.  Isidore  (ii.  16,  de  Foenitentibus),  following 
Augustine  (Ej}.  54),  derives  the  word  from  the 
penal  idea  underlying  penitence  :  "  Poenitentia 
nomen  sumpsit  a  poena."  In  Kaban.  Maur.  Instit. 
ii.  29,  the  derivation  is  :  "A  punitione  poenitentia 
nomeL  accepit,  quasi  punitentia,  dum  ipse  homo 
punit  poenitendo,  quod  male  admisit."  The 
author  of  the  de  vera  et  falsa  Poenit.  c.  19,  which 
bears  the  name  of  Augustine,  slightly  varies  the 
r;tymology :  "  Poenitere  est  poenam  tenere,  ut 
semper  puniat  in  se,  ulsciscendo  quod  commisit 
peccando."  This  explanation  is  adopted  by  Peter 
Lombard  (sentent.  iv.  dist.  14),  and  by  Gratian 
{de  Poenit.  dist.  3),  and  is  the  accepted  etymology 
of  the  Roman  canonists  (Morinus  Poenitent.  i.  1). 

The  Latin  word  in  universal  use  to  express 
penitential  discipline  in  all  its  stages  and  degrees 
was  poenitentia,  with  its  corresponding  concrete 
noun  poeuitens,  a  penitent,  and  the  verb  poeni- 
tere, to  do  penance  In  Cyprian  and  in  the  Cone. 
Eliber.  the  noun  is  generally  used  with  some 
adjective,  as  "  agere,  facere  poenitentiam  plenam, 
veram,  legitimam."  At  a  later  date,  poenitentia 
was  employed  as  equivalent  to  the  discipline  of 
the  hneelers,  the  third  and  principal  station  of 
penance  (1  Co7ic.  Tolet.  c.  2  ;  Cone.  Agath.  c.  60 ; 
Felix,  iii.  Ep.  vii.)  In  the  Latin  penitentials  the 
verb  is  used  by  itself  absolutely.  2.  Exomolo- 
gesis.  A  Greek  word  adopted  by  Tertullian 
(Poenit.  c.  9),  and  used  by  Cyprian  and  Pacian, 
and  occasionally  later.  3.  Abstinere,  communione 
privari,  communionem  non  accipere.  The 
lightest  form  of  censure,  consisting  in  rejection 
from  participation  in  the  sacred  elements  for  a 
period  ;  a  frequent  formula  in  the  Latin  councils. 
4.  Segregatio,  separatio  ;  the  translation  of  the 
Greek  acpopia/xos.  5.  Flere,  andire,  substrari,  con- 
sistere — the  terms  of  the  four  stations. 

The  Greek  equivalent  of  poenitentia  is 
fjLfrdvoia.  This  word  retained  for  the  most  part 
its  original  meaning  of  change  of  heart.  Basil 
uses  it  (c.  34)  to  signify  the  penitential  course 
(see  Cone.  Laodic.  c.  19);  in  another  place  (c.  22) 
to  express  the  principal  station  of  the  inroTri- 
TTTorres.  In  the  latter  instance  it  precisely 
corresponds  with  a  similar  use  of  the  Latin 
poenitentia.  In  the  later  Greek  rituals  fj.eTdvoia 
is  a  prostration.  In  the  penitential  ascribed  to 
.John  the  Faster,  at  the  end  of  the  "  Ordo,"  the 
penitent  is  instructed  to  say  the  trisagion  eight 
times  .  .  .  and  to  make  eight  fxerauo'ias.  A 
little  before  it  is  directed  that  women  fx6vov 
TrpocrKvuTjcreis  ■KOLeiruicrav  x'^p)-^  /neTavotii/y.  The 
word  fj.iTa.vota  here  must  signify  some  laborious 
and  humiliating  posture.  2.  i^ofioXoyrjcns.  The 
word  employed  by  all  Greek  canonical  writers  to 
signify  the  course  of  discipline.  It  occurs  in  this 
sense  in  the  Ep.  li.  ad  Corinth,  which  bears 
the  name  of  Clem.  Rom.  3.  a(pof)icrix6s  —  the 
ordinary  term  of  the  Can.  Apost.  and  also  of  the 
canons  of  Cone,  in  Trull.  It  signifies  separation 
from  the  faithful   (compare  St.  Luke  vL    22), 

CHRIST.   ANT. — VOL.   II. 


PENITENCE 


1587 


involving  either  simple  rejection  from  the 
eucharist,  or  in  addition  to  rejection  the  per- 
formance of  certain  penitential  acts  and  rites, 
the  nature  of  which  was  not  defined,  but 
depended  on  the  custom  of  the  church.  4. 
■wpoaKKaiovres,  aKpoufj,€i/oi,  inToir'nrTovTes  or 
yovvic\ipovTes,  avviaTafxevoi.  The  four  stations. 
(Gregory  Thaumat.  Ep.  c.  11 ;  ^a.s\\ad  Amphiloc.  ; 
Cone.  Ancyr.  &c.)  5.  aKoivuviiros  ehat.  Th« 
penitential  censure  of  Cone.  Ephes.  (c.  6)  ;  Cone. 
Chalced.  (cc.  4,  8, 16,  23)  6.  imTlfjuav.  An  eccle- 
siastical penalty  (Basil,  Ep.  cc.  71,  74  ;  Sozomen, 
H.  E.  vii.  16).  inroKe'iaOat  e'/c  tco;/  KavSpwv 
iiriTifxioLs  (Cone.  Chalced.  cc.  3,  8,  9  ;  Cone,  in 
Trull,  cc.  44,  49,  &c.)  In  the  Greek  penitentials 
the  prayer  over  those  whose  penance  was  at  an 
end  is  called  evxh  tcSj'  e|  eTriTifxicou  Xvoixivoiv. 
7.  Kavovi^etv,  to  impose  a  penalty  according  to 
the  canons,  a  later  Greek  usage  (Euchologion, 
Gear,  p.  678). 

The  theory  of  penitential  discipline  was  this  : 
that  the  church  was  an  organised  body  with  an 
outward  and  visible  form  of  government ;  that 
all  who  were  outside  her  boundaries  were  out- 
side the  means  of  divine  grace  ;  that  she  had  a 
command  laid  upon  her,  and  authority  given  to 
her,  to  gather  men  into  her  fellowship  by  the 
ceremony  of  baptism  ;  but  as  some  of  those  who 
were  admitted  proved  unworthy  of  their  calling, 
she  also  had  the  right,  by  the  power  of  the  keys, 
to  deprive  them,  temporarily  or  absolutely,  of 
the  privilege  of  communion  with  her,  and,  on 
their  amendment,  to  restore  them  once  more  to 
church  membership.  On  this  power  of  exclu- 
sion and  restoration  was  founded  the  system  of 
ecclesiastical  discipline.  It  was  a  purely  spi- 
ritual jurisdiction.  It  obtained  its  hold  over 
the  minds  of  men  from  the  belief,  universal  in 
the  catholic  church  of  the  early  ages,  that  he 
who  was  expelled  from  her  pale  was  expelled 
also  from  the  way  of  salvation,  and  that  the 
sentence  which  was  pronounced  by  God's  church 
on  earth  was  ratified  by  Him  in  heaven.  No 
body  of  heretics  ever  ventured  to  claim  thi.s 
power.  Ambrose  was  not  merely  taking  high 
sacerdotal  ground,  but  stating  an  historical  fact, 
when  he  said  (De  Poenit.  i.  2),  "  Hoc  jus  sibi  recte 
Ecclesia  vindicat,  quae  veros  sacerdotes  habet ; 
haeresis  vindicare  non  potest,  quae  sacerdotes 
Dei  non  habet.  Non  vindicando  autem  ipsa  de  se 
pronuntiat,  quod  cum  sacerdotes  non  habeat,  jus 
sibi  vindicare  non  debeat  sacerdotale."  Peni- 
tence has  at  once  its  origin  and  sanction  in  the 
New  Testament,  and  primarily  in  the  promise 
of  Christ  Himself  (St.  Matt,  xviii.  18).  A 
system  of  discipline  was  undoubtedly  in  force 
among  the  Jews  at  the  Christian  era,  and  was 
recognised  by  our  Lord  (St.  John  xvi.  2  ;  St. 
Luke  vi.  22).  In  the  development  of  church 
organisation  which  the  apostles  were  appointed 
to  carry  out,  penitential  discipline  was  assigned 
its  place  (1  Cor.  v.  3-5 ;  2  Cor.  xiii.  10;  1  Tim. 
i.  20  ;  Tit.  iii.  10).  Two  of  the  great  "  mortalia 
delicta,"  moechia  and  idololatria,  in  the  case  of 
the  incestuous  man  at  Corinth  (1  Cor.  v.),  and 
of  the  heretics  Hynienaeus  and  Alexander,  were 
visited  with  apostolic  censure.  The  former 
example  contains  the  elements  of  the  future 
discipline.  It  was  a  distinctly  spiritual  eentence. 
The  decision  emanated  from  the  chief  pastor : 
"/  have  judged  already."  It  was  announced 
before  the  congregation :  "  When  ye  are  ga- 
5  K 


1588 


PENITENCE 


thered  together."  Its  effect  was  to  expose  the 
delinquent  to  some  bodily  mortification:  "  Deli- 
vered unto  Satan  for  the  destruction  of  the 
flesh."  -Its  object  was  his  amendment:  "That 
the  spirit  may  be  saved  in  the  day  of  the  Lord." 
And  its  result,  his  ultimate  restoration,  on  his 
repentance,  to  the  fellowship  of  the  church  (2 
Cor.  ii.  6,  7).  Many  of  the  fathers  saw  in  this 
expression — "delivered  unto  Satan  for  the  de- 
struction of  the  flesh,"  a  sanction  for  the 
austerities  of  penance  (Origen,  in  Levit.  Horn. 
siv.  4;  Pacian,  Paraen.  ad  Poenit.  c.  18  ;  Basil, 
c.  7  ;  Ambrose,  de  Poenit.  i.  13  ;  August,  de  Fid. 
et  0pp.  c.  26).  The  references  to  ecclesiastical 
discipline  in  the  earliest  writers  are  naturally 
rare  and  fragmentary.  The  organization  of  the 
church  was  no  less  incomplete  in  this  than  in 
other  matters.  Clemens  Roman.  {Ep.  ad  Cor. 
c.  57,  ed.  Jacobson)  has  the  following  passage  : 
'afieivov  ecTTii'  vixiv  iu  too  TtOinviqi  rov  XpiaTov 
fx'iKpovs  Kol  iWoyi/xous  evpeOrjvai,  ij  naO'  vire- 
poxV  doKOvi'Tas  iKpKpOrjvai  iK  rrjs  eXTTiSos 
avrov.  The  reference  of  this  to  some  simple 
form  of  discipline  is  unmistakable.  The  Shep- 
herd of  Hermas,  which  is  probably  a  generation 
later  than  the  Clementine  Epistles,  speaks  clearly 
and  fully  at  the  beginning  of  the  2nd  century 
of  the  practice  of  separating  an  offender : 
(Herm.  Pastor,  vis.  iii.  5 ;  see  Ibid.  Similitud. 
vii.)  An  evidence  for  the  existence  of  peni- 
tential discipline  in  these  early  times,  which 
is,  perhaps,  stronger  than  any  isolated  passage, 
is  the  universal  tradition  of  the  church.  The 
origin  of  Montanism  is  dated  by  Epiphanius 
in  one  place  {Haeres.  li.  33)  as  far  back  as  A.D. 
126.  Other  authorities  fix  it  about  A.D.  150 
(Robertson,  Ch.  Hist.  i.  5).  That  is  to  say,  Mon- 
tanus  was  only  one  generation  removed  from 
the  apostle  St.  John.  He  separated  from  the 
church  chiefly  on  the  ground  of  the  claims  of 
the  church  with  regard  to  discipline.  In  other 
words,  discipline  was  so  widely  prevalent,  and  so 
firmly  established,  as  to  create  a  schism  within 
a  generation  of  the  last  of  the  apostles.  The 
inference  from  this  is  well  drawn  out  by  Thorn- 
dike  {Laws  of  the  Church,  iii.  x.  2  ;  Works,  Lib. 
of  Anglo-Cath.  Theol.  vol.  iv.  pt.  1).  After 
Montanus  there  can  no  longer  be  any  question 
on  the  discipline  of  penance  being  part  of  the 
regular  organisation  of  the  church.  In  the 
early  ages  the  necessity  for  chin-ch  censures 
must  have  been  comparatively  rare.  As  the 
need  arose,  the  bishops  with  their  priests  dealt 
v/ith  each  case  in  some  simple  manner,  after  the 
model,  no  doubt,  laid  down  by  St.  Paul.  The 
treatment  of  those  who  lapsed  during  the  Decian 
persecution  gave  the  first  impulse  to  a  more 
systematic  and  uniform  organization.  Crimes 
were  classified,  penalties  promulgated,  and  the 
duration  of  penance  was  defined.  The  corre- 
spondence between  the  Roman  and  African 
churches,  which  appears  in  the  epistles  of 
Cyprian,  gives  some  insight  into  the  method  in 
which  a  degree  of  uniformity  was  gained.  Local 
needs  and  circumstances,  no  doubt,  had  their  in- 
fluence on  the  decisions  of  the  early  synods.  The 
system  in  the  West  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  so  rigidly  defined  as  in  the  East.  The 
canonical  epistles  of  Gregory  Thaumaturgus, 
Basil,  and  his  brother  Gregory  of  Nyssa,  were 
at  once  the  expression  and  the  support  of  this 
more  inflexible  rigidity.     Under  their  influence 


PENITENCE 

the  elaborate  system  of  the  penitential  stations 
took  its  rise.  These  stations  were  taken  into 
the  canonical  code,  but  they  never  appear 
to  have  entered  into  the  practical  administra- 
tion of  the  Western  discipline.  The  3rd, 
4th,  and  the  beginning  of  the  5th  centuries  may 
be  regarded  within  general  limits  as  the  flourish- 
ing period  of  the  penitential  system.  It  was 
then  complete  and  regular,  and  at  the  samo 
time  had  not  ceased  to  be  sustained  by  the  zeal 
and  belief  of  the  church.  The  extent  to  which 
it  entered  into  the  routine  of  Christian  legis- 
lation, is  manifest  from  the  space  which  peni- 
tential directions  occupy  in  the  writings  of  that 
period.  The  austerities  were  genuine  and  vo- 
luntary, endured  from  a  firm  conviction  that 
only  by  such  endurance  could  sin  be  expiated. 
"  I  have  known  many,"  says  Ambrose  (de  Poeni- 
ten.  i.  16),  speaking  as  of  facts  which  had  come 
under  his  personal  knowledge,  "  who  have  fur- 
rowed their  cheeks  with  continuous  tears,  who 
have  laid  themselves  in  the  dust  for  all  to  tread 
upon,  and  whose  faces,  thin  and  pallid  from 
fasting,  have  presented  the  appearance  of  living 
ghosts."  With  the  beginning  of  the  6th  cen- 
tury the  framework  of  the  system  was  still  un- 
altered, but  the  substance  of  it  was  rapidly 
decaying,  more  rapidly  in  the  East  than  in  the 
West.  Through  the  ^th  centmy  public  peni- 
tence was  all  but  dead.  It  revived  for  a  time 
under  the  ecclesiastical  rule  of  the  Carolingian 
princes,  but  the  real  life  of  penitence  resided 
in  the  private  system  administered  through  the 
penitentials.  Milman  {La.t.  Christian,  iii.  5),  in 
a  passage  on  the  power  accruing  to  the  clergy 
through  ecclesiastical  discipline,  thus  sums  up 
the  value  of  the  system  founded  on  the  peni- 
tentials :  "  However  severe,  monastic,  un-chris- 
tian,  as  enjoining  self-torture ;  degrading  to 
human  nature,  as  substituting  ceremonial  ob- 
servance for  the  spirit  of  religion  ;  and  resting 
in  outward  forms  which  might  be  counted  and 
calculated  ;  yet  as  enforcing,  it  might  be,  a  rude 
and  harsh  discipline,  it  was  still  a  moral  and 
religious  discipline.  It  may  have  been  a  low, 
timid,  dependent  virtue  to  which  it  compelled 
the  believer,  yet  still  virtue.  It  was  a  per- 
petual proclamation  of  the  holiness  and  mercy 
of  the  Gospel.  It  was  a  constant  preaching,  it 
might  be,  of  an  unenlightened,  superstitious 
Christianity,  yet  still  of  Christianity." 

II.  Prior  to  the  Spread  of  the  Novatian 
Heresy. 
The  chief  characteristics  of  discipline  prior  to 
the  spread  of  the  Novatian  heresy,  as  compared 
with  those  which  afterwards  prevailed,  were  the 
shortness  and  mildness  of  the  censures,  and  the 
simpler  forms  by  which  the  system  was  adminis- 
tered. The  Stations  of  Penitents  had  not  yet 
been  elaborated.  The  earlier  censures  no  doubt 
corresponded  with  those  imposed  afterwards  in 
the  stations,  but  the  technical  names  of  the 
stations,  and  the  systematic  division  of  penitents 
connected  with  them,  are  of  later  date.  In  the 
first  three  centuries  there  appear  three  distinctly 
marked  degrees  of  censure — (1)  exclusion  from 
ixirticipation  in  the  elements,  (2)  exclusion  from 
the  sight  of  the  sacrament  and  from  the  eucha- 
ristic  prayers,  (3)  exclusion  from  the  church 
altogether,  that  is  to  say,  excision  from  the  body 
of  the  faithful,  and  excommunication,  although 


PENITENCE 

this  latter  term  was  not  yet  in  use.  An  ex- 
amination of  the  principal  sources  of  informa- 
tion for  that  joeriod  will  serve  to  shew  clearly 
the  nature  of  these  penalties.  The  Apostolic 
Canons  employ  four  terms  to  express  church 
censure  —  1,  a.<popi^e(TQai,  separation,  which 
applies  equally  to  clergy  and  laity ;  2,  Ka- 
daipedat,  deposition,  which  was  confined  to  the 
clergy;  3,  a<popi^e(rdat  kclI  Kadaipecrdai,  which 
was  also  peculiar  to  the  clergy  ;  4,  tjjs  iKicXTjcrias 
aTTO^dAXeadai,  excision  from  the  church,  to 
which  all  were  subject.  The  severity  of  this 
last  sentence  was  still  more  increased  in  two 
canons  (cc.  27,  28),  which  direct  that  a  priest 
ministering  in  holy  things  after  deposition 
■travTa-Kacnp  eKKOTrreadai.  In  the  Apostolical 
Constitutions  there  is  no  record  of  any  organised 
system,  but  only  the  mention  of  lighter  and 
weightier  censures.  InApost.  Const,  ii.  16,  after 
some  general  directions  that  the  bishop  shall 
encourage  and  not  repel  penitents,  there  is  given 
the  mode  of  treating  a  delinquent.  He  was  to 
be  ejected  from  the  church,  and  the  deacons 
meantime  were  to  visit  him  and  remonstrate 
with  him,  and  if  he  appeared  contrite  they  were 
to  come  to  the  bishop  and  intercede  for  him,  the 
bishop  then  was  to  allow  him  to  enter  the 
church,  and,  when  satisfied  of  his  earnestness, 
to  reinstate  him  after  a  penance  of  a  few  weeks' 
fasting.  In  further  directions  in  the  same 
chapter,  the  bishop  was  to  refuse  the  penitent 
the  holy  communion  for  a  period,  the  length  of 
which  was  to  be  adjusted  to  his  offence,  and 
afterwards  receive  him  as  a  father  would  a 
repentant  son.  For  ordinary  purposes  of  disci- 
pline, and  for  light  offences,  this  was  the  censure 
employed.  The  heavier  penalty  given  in  the 
Constitutions  corresponds  with  the  excision  from 
the  church  of  the  Canons.  Here  is  evidently 
the  germ  of  the  system  of  stages  of  penitence 
which  was  afterwards  the  law  of  the  church. 
TertuUian  refers  only  to  one  degree  of  cen- 
sure, and  that,  as  might  be  expected  from 
his  character  and  writings,  a  severe  one.  He 
takes  no  note  of  the  simple  rejection  from 
communion  which  was  the  common  penalty 
in  the  Apostolic  Canons.  Censures,  he  states 
(^Apolog.  c.  39),  exclude  men  from  the  communion 
of  prayer,  from  the  solemn  assembly,  and  from  all 
holy  fellowship.  Penitence  with  him  was 
laborious  outward  self-abasement,  no  mere  loss 
of  a  holy  privilege.  It  was  an  exomologesis,  a 
confession  of  sin  by  act  as  well  as  by  word ;  and 
in  what  this  confession  consisted  he  shews 
vividly.  (PoeniY.  c.  9):  "Exomologesis  is  a 
discipline  for  the  abasement  and  humiliation  of 
man,  enjoining  such  conversation  as  inviteth 
mercy ;  it  directed  also  even  in  the  matter  of 
dress  and  food — to  lie  in  sackcloth  and  ashes,  to 
hide  his  body  in  filthy  garments,  to  cast  down 
his  spirit  with  mourning,  to  exchange  for  severe 
treatment  the  sins  which  he  hath  committed ; 
for  the  rest,  to  use  simple  things  for  meat  and 
drink,  to  wit,  not  for  the  belly's,  but  for  the 
soul's  sake  ;  for  the  most  part  also  to  cherish 
prayer  by  fasts,  to  groan,  to  weep,  and  to  moan 
day  and  night  unto  the  Lord  his  God ;  to  throw 
himself  upon  the  ground  before  the  presliyters, 
and  to  fall  on  his  knees  before  the  beloved  of 
God ;  to  enjoin  all  the  brethren  to  bear  the 
message  of  his  prayer  for  mercy."  The  same 
method  of  penitence  which  the  writings  of  Ter- 


TENITENCE 


loSa 


tullian  aisclose  appears  in  the  epistles  of  his  dis- 
ciple Cyprian.  The  stations  had  not  found  their 
way  into  Africa  in  his  time.  Cyprian's  usual 
terms  for  expressing  penitence  were  "  agere  poeni- 
tentiam,"  "  facere  exomologesim,"  which  signify 
the  performance  of  definite  penitential  acts.  He 
rarely  or  never  saw  occasion  to  use  the  censure, 
which  consisted  only  in  expulsion  from  the 
Eucharist,  and  not  often  the  great  sentence  o^ 
excision  from  the  church. 

The  decrees  of  the  council  of  Elvira,  circ.  A.D. 
305,  throw  great  light  on  the  course  of  discipline 
at  the  close  of  the  3rd  century.  The  canons 
were  of  exceptional  rigour,  but  the  system  on 
which  they  were  promulgated  no  doubt  followed 
the  general  lines  of  discipline  then  prevailing  in 
the  West.  They  use  three  grades  of  censure. 
For  various  minor  ofiences  the  penalty  was 
simple  rejection  from  participation.  In  these 
cases  no  outward  acts  of  penance  were 
performed.  The  beginning  and  end  of  the 
penalty  was  the  denial  of  the  sacred  elements. 
The  second  grade  of  censure  consisted  in  the  in- 
fliction of  strict  penitence,  the  "  poenitentia  "  and 
"  exomologesis  "  of  Tertullian  and  Cyprian.  The 
mode  of  carrying  out  the  penance  was  not  de- 
fined. It  was  enough  that  it  should  be  full  and 
canonical — "  vera,  legitima,  plena,"  that  is  to  say, 
according  to  the  rites  and  austerities  then  in 
practice  in  that  province.  This  penitence  was 
of  two  degrees — one  leading  to  reconciliation  at 
the  end  of  so  many  years,  the  other  only  at  the 
end  of  life.  A  third  censure,  employed  by  the 
Cone.  Eliber.,  was  that  of  expulsion  from  the 
church.  It  was  reserved  for  such  great  crimes 
as  retaining  images  in  a  house  (c.  41),  or  con- 
tumacy (c.  20),  or  a  relapse  into  infamous  modes 
of  lif§  (c.  62).  In  c.  49  the  offender  was  to  be 
absolutely  cut  off,  "  penitus  abjiciatur,"  the  force 
of  which  may  be,  either  that  in  addition  to  the 
ecclesiastical  censure  he  was  to  be  debarred  civil 
and  social  intercourse  with  Christians,  or  that 
he  was  to  be  cut  off  without  a  hope  of  return. 
This  last  interpretation  would  coincide  with  the 
remarkable  harshness  exhibited  by  the  Spanish 
fathers.  Of  their  eighty-one  canons,  no  less  than 
fourteen  specify  offences  for  which  excommuni- 
cation was  to  be  final,  "  nee  in  fine  dandam  esse 
communionem.""  On  a  review  of  these  early 
authorities  there  appear  to  have  been  up  to  the 
close  of  the  3rd  century  three  distinct  eccle- 
siastical censures — ^1,  rejection  from  participation 
for  a  fixed  period  ;  2,  rejection  from  communion 
and  the  prayers  of  the  faithful,  together  with 
certain  definite  acts  of  penance  :  this  is  penitence 
strictly  so-called  ;  3,  excision  from  the  church, 
whether  final  or  with  the  understanding  that  the 
offender  might  be  readmitted  by  means  of  peni- 
tence ;  this  censure  is  excommunicati-on. 

1.  Duration  of  Penance. — The  duration  of 
penitence  in  the  earliest  ages  is  uncertain.  The 
Apiost.  Const,  ii.  16,  permit  a  delinquent  to  be  re- 
stored after  two,  or  three,  or  five,  or  seven  weeks 
of  fasting.     That  the  period  was  short,  and  did 


»  These  canons  have  sometimes  anotlier  reading,  "  in 
ijne,"  in  place  of  "  nee  in  fine,"  and  also  in  c.  63  of  "  vi.\  iu 
fine:"  but  the  havshcr  reading  is  tlie  more  generally 
received  one.  Chiefly  on  account,  of  the  similarity  of 
these  canons  to  the  Novatian  heresy,  Morinus  (i.\.  19) 
endeavours  to-  prove  that  the  council  must  have  been 
held  prior  to  the  condemnation  of  Novatus,  in  fact  before 
the  age  of  Cyprian. 


1590 


PENITENCE 


not  approach  the  ten,  fifteen,  or  twenty  years 
which  were  inflicted  for  graver  offences  after 
the  4th  century,  is  rendered  probable  from 
the  absence  of  any  mention  of  long  periods  of 
exclusion  in  the  writings  of  Tertullian.  The 
same  inference  may  be  drawn  from  the  silence 
of  the  Apostolical  Canons.  They  affix  no  period 
whatever  to  their  penalties.""  The  teaching 
of  Montanus  and  his  great  convert,  Tertul- 
lian, who  seceded  from  the  church  partly  on  ac- 
count of  her  laxity,  had  the  natural  effect  of 
rendering  the  catholic  discipline  more  severe. 
Still,  in  Africa  under  Cyprian,  and  in  Rome 
under  Cornelius,  it  does  not  appear  that  a  sen- 
tence often  exceeded  one  or  two  years.  The 
demand  of  the  lapsed  to  be  admitted  without 
penitence,  and  the  curtailment  or  remission  of 
the  period  of  exclusion  by  a  commendatory  letter 
from  a  martyr,  are  clear  indications  that  the 
sentences  were  not  long.  In  one  instance  there 
are  the  materials  for  determining  the  actual 
length.  In  a  synod  held  under  Cyprian,  in  a.d. 
251,  after  Easter  certainly,  and  most  j^robably 
in  the  summer,  it  was  resolved  among  other 
matters  that  those  of  the  lapsed  who  had  even 
sacrificed  should  be  admitted  after  a  term  of 
penance.  Cyprian  foreseeing  signs  of  the  renewal 
of  persecution,  directed  through  another  synod 
on  the  Ides  of  May  of  the  following  year 
{Ep.  lix.  12)  that  these  lapsi  should  be  at 
once  re-admitted  (Ep.  Ivii.).  Their  penitence 
therefore  had  not  exceeded  nine  months.  It 
is  true  that  they  were  reconciled  under 
circumstances  of  particular  urgency ;  but  one 
or  two  centuries  later,  an  idolater  would  not 
have  been  admitted  in  less  than  several  years, 
under  any  circumstances.  In  general  it  may  be 
stated,  that  up  to  the  time  of  Montanus  the 
duration  of  penitence  was  very  short ;  after  Ter- 
tullian it  became  longer ;  but  frequently  in 
urgent  cases  it  was  curtailed,  both  by  councils 
and  bishops,  and  in  some  instances  remitted 
entirely.  The  contrast  between  this  leniency  in 
the  African  and  Roman  churches  and  the  crush- 
ing severity  of  the  Spanish  fathers  at  Elvira, 
about  a  generation  later,  shews  that  the  system 
of  discipline  was  not  yet  organised  on  a  uniform 
basis. 

2.  Rites  and  Usages. — Although  in  the  earliest 
ages  the  term  of  penance  was  short,  and  part  of 
it  was  frequently  remitted,  there  was  greater 
strictness  than  afterwards  prevailed  in  granting 
it.  No  one  was  admitted  who  did  not  beg 
admission  from  the  bishop,  with  all  the  out- 
ward signs  of  deep  contrition.  From  the  time  of 
Novatus  onwards  admission  was  easier,  for  when 
penitence  was  known  to  involve  long  years  of 
public  humiliation,  less  scruple  was  shewn  in 
opening  its  privileges  to  all  who  were  content  to 
submit  to  it.  After  the  4th  century  it  came  to 
be  laid  down  that  penitence  was  to  be  denied  to 
none  who  sought  it.  Innocent  I.  a.d.  402-417 
{Ep.  XXV.  init. ;  Labb.  Cone.  ii.  1288),  declared 
that  he  held  it  to  be  an  act  of  impiety  to  refuse 
imposition  of  hands;  an  opinion  upheld  by 
Celestine  I.  A.D.  422-432  (Ep.  ii.  adEpisc.  Gall. 


^  There  is  one  exception  to  this  statement:  c.  23 
inflicts  an  exclusion  of  three  years  on  laymen  who 
inutilate  themselves.  Morinus  iv.  9,  without  giving  any 
definite  reasons,  regards  the  words  cttj  rpia.  as  an  inter, 
polation. 


PENITENCE 

c.  2;  Labb.  Cone.  ii.  1620).  Similar  resolutions- 
were  passed  by  some  of  the  Prankish  councils 
{Cone.  Andegav.  a.d.  453,  c.  12  ;  Cone.  Epaon. 
A.D.  517,  c.  3G).  But  in  earlier  times  penitence 
was  regarded  more  in  the  light  of  a  privilege  and 
concession  than  of  a  right,  and  more  caution  was 
used  in  granting  the  privilege,  from  the  fact  that 
it  was  administered  once  only ;  if  the  penitent 
afterwards  relapsed,  there  was  no  door  by  which 
he  could  return. 

The   earliest   records    exhibit   the    delinquent 
outside  tlie  door  of  the  church,  clothed  in  sack- 
cloth, and  with  ashes  upon  his  head,  asking  the 
worshippers  as  they  entered  the  church  to  im- 
plore God  on  his  behalf,  and  make  intercession 
for  him  with  the  bishops  and  presbyters  and  the 
whole  congregation.     In  the  Apost.  Const,  ii.  16, 
already  cited,  it  is  directed  that  the  offender  is  to 
be  kept  outside  the  church,  and  detained  there 
till  he  has  given  evidence  of  genuine  repentance. 
The    length  of  the  exclusion  rested  absolutely 
with  the  bishop.     He  too  was  the  sole  judge  of 
the  sincerity  of  the  repentance.     The  locality  of 
the  repentant  man  who  was  seeking  the  peace  of 
the  church  was  outside  the  door  (Tert.  do  Pudicit. 
3)  ;  there,  in  his  remorse,  he  threw  himself  in 
the  dust  before  the  feet  of  the  priests  (Tert.  de 
Poenit.  c.  9),  and  before  the  brethren  {ibid.  c.  10), 
with  weeping  and  supplications  for  mercy.     His 
self-abasement  was  a  request  to  be  admitted  to 
the  grace  of  penitence  ;  it  was  the  first  act  of  the 
repenting  sinner,  begging  his  repentance  might 
be  accepted.      The  behaviour  which   befits   the 
repenting  sinner  is   drawn   out  by  Cyprian,  in 
language  which  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  is 
not  to  be  accepted  literally  (de  Laps.  c.  -21): 
"  Men  must  pray,  and  entreat  with  increased 
continuance  ;  pass  the   days   in  mourning,  and 
the  nights  in  vigils  and  weeping  ;  emplov  their 
whole    time    in    tears   and    lamentations ;    lie 
stretched  on  the  ground  ;  prostrate  themselves 
among  ashes,  sackcloth,  and  dust ;  after  Christ's 
raiment  lost,  wish  for  no  garment  beside ;  after 
the   devil's  feast,  must  voluntarily   fast ;    give 
themselves  to  righteous  works,  whereby  sins  are 
cleansed  ;  apply  themselves  to  frequent   alms- 
giving, whereby  souls   are  freed  from  death." 
Compare    Eusebius,   IT.   E.   v.    28.      The   next 
stage    was,   that    the    bishop,    satisfied   of   the 
man's    repentance,  and    yielding   to   the  inter- 
cessions addressed  to   him,  sent   the  deacon  to 
bring   him    into   the   church   {Apost.   Const,  ii. 
16),    and    solemnly    laid    his    hands    upon    his 
head,  and  admitted  him  to  penitence.    Whether 
his    public    confession,    which    had    necessarily 
been    uttered    during    his    abasement    outside, 
w^as   repeated    now,   or    at    some    later    stage, 
or    was    spoken   again   and   again   at   different 
stages,    there    is   no    evidence   clearly  to   shew. 
[EX03I0L0GESIS,   p.  644.]     What   is   certain   is, 
that    an    open    acknowledgment    of    guilt  'was 
required  at  the  beginning    of  penitence.      The 
imposition   of   hands,    as    in    confirmation    and 
ordination,    was    invariably   accompanied   with 
prayers,  the    form    of  which   no   doubt   varied 
in   different    churches.     One    example   is    given 
in    Apost.     Const,    viii.    9,    of    what    date    is 
uncertain ;     and    such    forms    of   prayer     are 
found    in    all    the    penitential    rituals    of   the 
9th   and  following  centuries.      At  the  time  of 
imposition  of  hands,  the  bishop  assigned  to  the 
delinquent  his  term  and  degree  of  penance,  and 


PENITENCE 

thenceforth,  and  until  he  was  reconciled,  he  be- 
came a  penitent,  properly  so  called.  After  the 
performance  of  the  various  acts  of  contrition,  the 
fastings  and  self-mortifications,  the  penitent  was 
received  back  into  the  church.  And  this  recep- 
tion in  the  first  three  centuries  took  place 
immediately  after  the  conclusion  of  the  penance, 
and  carried  with  it  all  the  privileges  of  full 
communion.  This  appears  to  have  been  the  un- 
doubted use  of  Cyprian,  and  of  the  Roman  and 
African  bishops  of  his  age. 

III.  The  Penitential  Stations. 
After  the  close  of  the  3rd  century,  discipline 
became  more  systematic  and  more  rigid.  The 
Novatian  controversies  had  had  a  twofold 
effect  on  the  Catholic  system.  On  the  one 
hand,  penitence  was  very  rarely  denied  to  any 
offender;  on  the  other,  its  duration  was 
longer,  and  its  austerities  sharper.  It  came  to 
be  regarded  less  and  less  in  the  light  of  a  privi- 
lege, and  more  exclusively  as  a  penalty — a  weapon 
in  the  hands  of  the  rulers  of  the  church,  to 
punish  her  criminals.  In  the  earliest  ages,  and 
before  the  zeal  of  Christians  was  cooled  by 
the  influx  of  the  mixed  multitude  which  the 
cessation  of  the  persecutions  introduced,  the 
fastings  and  mortifications  of  a  repentant  sinner 
were  voluntary  for  the  most  part,  the  natural 
expression  of  inward  grief.  There  was  no  fixed 
time  for  their  continuance  ,  this  was  determined 
solely  by  the  earnestness  of  the  repentance,  and 
the  discretion  of  the  bishop.  But  now  penitence 
became  a  penal  sentence,  which  was  to  be  worked 
out  by  certain  appointed  stages — so  many  years 
to  be  passed  in  one  stage  under  certain  condi- 
tions, so  many  more  in  another  with  a  relaxation 
of  the  conditions,  the  later  stage  not  to  be  begun 
till  the  earlier  was  completed ;  and  so,  step  by 
step,  the  outcast  was  restored  to  full  communion. 
The  stages  were  the  well-known  penitential 
stations.  The  East  was  their  birthplace.  In 
the  councils  of  Neocaesarea,  a.d.  314,  c.  3, 
and  Ancyra,  A.D.  314-,  cc.  20,  21,  25,  reference 
is  made  to  the  wpKXjxivoi  Pa6/j,ol  of  penance, 
proving  that  there  were  certain  stages  which 
were  so  well  known  and  well  established  in  the 
church  that  it  was  not  necessary  to  define 
them.  The  earliest  mention  of  them  by  distinct 
names  is  in  the  last  chapter  (c.  11)  of  the 
Canonical  Epistle  of  Gregory  Thaumaturgus. 
This  canon  is  commonly  regarded  as  of  a 
somewhat  later  date  than  the  rest  of  the 
Epistle,  but  it  expresses  the  view  of  a  period 
shortly  subsequent  to  that  of  Gregory  of 
what  was  then  believed  to  have  been  the 
course  of  discipline  in  Gregory's  age.  The 
definition  there  given  of  the  stations  is 
this :  "  Fletus  est  extra  portam  Oratorii,  ubi 
peccatorem  stantem  oportet  fideles  ingredientes 
orare  ut  pro  se  precentur.  Auditio  est  intra 
portam  in  Narthece,  ubi  oportet  eum  qui  pecca- 
vit  stare  usque  ad  Catechumenos,  et  illinc 
egredi.  Audiens  enim,  inquit,  scripturas  et 
doctrinam,  ejiciatur,  et  precatione  indignus 
censeatur.  Substratio  autem  est  ut  intra  portam 
Templi  stans  cum  Catechumenis  egrediatur. 
Consistentia  est  ut  cum  fidelibus  consistat ;  et 
cum  Catechumenis  non  egrediatur."  In  the 
system  of  discipline  carried  on  by  Basil  (cc.  22, 
56,  57,  58,  64,  66,  75,  77,  80,  81,  83),  and  his 
brother,  Gregory  of  Nyssa  {Can.  Ep.  passim), 


PENITENCE 


1591 


the  stations  bore  a  prominent  place ;  and  their 
use  seems  to  be  taken  for  granted  in  the  councils 
of  the  early  part  of  the  4th  century — Ancyra, 
Laodicea,  Neocaesarea,  Nicaea.  They  had  then 
become  a  recognised,  and,  so  to  speak,  a  canonical 
branch  of  the  penitential  organization  of  the 
church.  Their  working  will  best  be  seen  by 
taking  the  penitent  through  the  several  stages. 
At  the  outset  it  is  supposed  that  the  delinquent, 
either  by  confession  or  notoriety,  or  after  an 
examination,  stands  convicted  of  a  grievous 
sin;  that  he  has  made  an  open  acknowledg- 
ment of  it,  whether  before  the  bishop  or  the 
presbytery,  or  the  whole  congregation  [ExoMO- 
LOGESis] ;  that  he  has  received  imposition  of 
hands  from  the  bishop,  and  is  then  to  undergo 
his  penance  through  each  step  of  the  series. 
The  strict  letter  of  the  law  sentenced  him  to 
begin  at  the  first  and  lowest  of  these,  but  this 
strictness  must  in  practice  have  been  frequently 
relaxed.  Even  when  the  system  was  in  its 
greatest  force,  that  is  to  say,  in  the  Eastern 
church  through  the  4th  century,  some  coun- 
tenance was  given  to  this  laxity  by  the  canons 
themselves.  Thus  the  Cone.  Nicaen.  c.  12,  de- 
crees that  those  who  shew  their  repentance  by 
their  dress,  and  by  fear,  and  by  tears,  and  by 
submission  and  good  works,  may,  after  a  time 
among  the  "  audientes,"  share  in  the  communion 
prayer;  the  principal  and  laborious  station  of  the 
"  substrati  "  being  thus  omitted.  Basil  (c.  4)  in 
the  same  way  curtails  the  penance  of  one  who 
has  been  thrice  married.  The  Cone.  Ancijr. 
(c.  7)  permits  certain  delinquents,  after  two 
years  among  the  "substrati,"  to  leap  over  the 
stage  of  the  "  consistentes,"  and  be  received  to  full 
communion.  Analogous  instances  occur  in  Greg. 
Thaumat.  c.  9  ;  Basil,  cc.  13,  61,  73,  80,  81.  It 
was  only  in  rare  cases  that  an  otfender  was  sent 
at  all  to  the  mourners  or  the  hearers.  The 
ordinary  course,  almost  universal  in  the  Latin 
church,  and  very  general  in  the  Greek,  was  to 
remit  him  at  once  to  the  great  station  of  the 
"substrati."  This  was  the  course  enjoined  by 
the  Council  of  Ancyra,  cc.  5,  7,  8,  16,  24.  In 
Basil,  however,  a  strict  adherence  to  the  four 
consecutive  stations  was  decreed  for  all  great 
crimes.  In  the  Canonical  Epistle  of  Gregory  of 
Nyssa,  the  station  of  "consistentia"  does  not  occur. 
The  penitent  is  allowed  by  him  to  pass  from  the 
station  below  to  full  communion.  These  varia- 
tions are  fovmd  during  the  full  vigour  of  the 
system.  When  once  it  had  been  weakened,  it  must 
have  been  impossible  to  restore  it,  and  to  recall 
delinquents  back  to  submission  to  this  ideal 
severity. 

1.  The  Mourners,  flentes,  wpocrKXaiovTes. — 
This  was  the  first  stage  through  which  the 
penitent  was  to  pass.  It  is  to  be  distinguished 
from  the  mourning  and  weeping  outside,  to 
which  reference  has  already  been  made  in  the 
discipline  of  the  earlier  centuries.  The  station 
of  the  mourners  was  the  position  of  those 
whose  penitence  had  already  begun.  The 
mention  of  the  name  is  rare  among  the  early 
authorities;  and  it  is  not  likely  that  the 
thing  itself  was  frequently  imposed.  It  was  part 
of  the  scheme  and  framework  of  the  system, 
held  in  reserve  rather  than  commonly  inflicted. 
Reference  is  made  to  it  directly  in  the  last  canon 
(c.  11),  which  is  attributed  to  Gregory  Thauma- 
turgus,  and   indirectly,   in   c.    8   of    the   same 


1592 


PENITENCE 


epistle,  where  certain  robbers  are  held  to  be  un- 
deserving even  of  hearing ;  that  is  to  say,  they 
were  not  to  be  allowed  inside  the  building.  The 
only  station  then  remaining  for  them  would  be 
among  the  mourners.  Basil  introduces  the 
station  by  a  similar  paraphrase.  "  Polygamists," 
he  says  (c.  80),  "  are  not  to  be  received  for  three 
years ; "  and  a  short  time  afterwards  sentences 
other  culprits  to  be  ejected  for  three  years,  and 
in  each  case  adds,  "  then  they  are  to  be  hearers 
for  two,  kneelers  for  three,"  &c.  The  terms  "  to 
be  ejected,"  and  "not  to  be  received,"  signify 
some  stage  below  that  of  hearers,  which  can  only 
be  among  the  mourners.  In  many  of  his  canons 
(cc.  22,  56,  57,  58,  59,  G4,  6G,  75),  the  station 
is  mentioned  directly,  and  by  name.  But  this 
is  not  the  case  in  the  Canonical  Epistle  of  Gregory 
of  Nyssa.  He  remarks  that  there  is  a  canon  of 
that  sort  that  habitual  fornicators  are  to  be  ex- 
pelled for  three  years  altogether  from  prayer, 
and  afterwards  be  hearers  for  three  years,  &c. 
The  being  expelled  from  prayer  is  an  indirect 
way  of  describing  the  lowest  station. 

i.  Their  Fosition. — In  the  appointment  of  the 
ancient  churches  there  was  an  open  area  or 
space  set  apart  in  front  of  the  door.  All  who 
entered  the  church  necessarily  came  through  this 
area  or  approach.  This  was  the  place  assigned 
to  the  mourners,  and  beyond  it  they  were  for- 
bidden to  pass.  The  removal  of  delinquents 
outside  the  very  doors  of  the  church  was  a  prac- 
tice as  old  as  Tertullian,  who  states  (jle  Pudicit. 
c.  4)  that  for  certain  monstrous  crimes  the  crimi- 
nal was  not  allowed  to  cross  the  threshold  of 
any  part  of  the  sacred  building.  At  a  later  period 
Chrysostom  warns  (//o»i.  xvii.  in  Matt.')  some  of 
his  hearers,  that  if  they  continue  contumacious 
they  shall  be  prohibited  from  entering  even  the 
porch,  as  adulterers  and  murderers  are  prevented. 
Morinus  is  disposed  to  think  that  ejection  from 
the  building  and  exposure  to  the  elements  is  the 
interpretation  of  the  disputed  c.  17  of  Cone. 
Ancyr.  which  sentences  those  guilty  of  unnatural 
crimes  to  pray  els  tovs  xei/xofoyueVous,  inter 
hyemantes. 

ii.  Duration  and  Mode  of  Penance. — The 
mourners  being  placed  outside  the  very  doors  of 
the  church,  could  take  no  part  in  what  was  going 
on  inside.  They  were  cut  off  from  all  sacred 
rites  whatever.  They  could  hear  neither  the 
reading  of  the  Scripture  nor  the  preaching ;  still 
less  could  they  join  in  the  prayers  or  in  the 
sacred  mysteries.  So  far  as  public  worship  was 
concerned,  they  were  to  all  intents  and  purposes 
aliens  from  the  church.  There  remained  to  them 
only  their  personal  devotions,  and  their  hopes  by 
earnestness  of  repentance  and  amendment  of  life 
to  obtain  a  mitigation  of  their  sentence.  Still 
there  were  certain  duties  attached,  not  exclu- 
sively to  this  station,  but  to  a  state  of  penance 
generally,  and  which  would  be  more  rigorously 
enforced  in  this  station  whenever  it  was  occu- 
pied, by  the  performance  of  which  the  penitent 
was  led  to  expect  that  he  might  make  a  favour- 
able impression  on  the  church  from  which  he 
had  been  expelled.  The  foremost  of  these  was 
an  open  and  frequent  acknowledgment  of  his 
guilt.  And  this  self-abasement,  as  Ambrose 
points  out  {Pocnit.  ii.  10),  was  not  inflicted 
merely  for  the  humiliation  of  the  offender,  but 
as  proof  and  fruit  of  his  contrition.  If  par- 
don, he    savs,  has    to    be    obtained    from    one 


PENITENCE 

in  secular  power,  you  go  about,  and  canvass 
and  supplicate  people,  and  cast  yourself  at  their 
feet,  and  kiss  their  very  footsteps,  and  bring 
forward  your  innocent  children  to  plead  for 
their  guilty  parent ;  and  need  you  be  ashamed 
to  use  the  same  earnestness  in  beseeching  the 
church  to  intercede  to  God  for  you  ?  (See  Paciau, 
Paraen.  ad Poenit,  c.  6.)  The  dress  of  the  mourner 
was  to  correspond  with  his  language  and  posi- 
tion. There  were  no  special  regulations  allotting 
a  distinctive  garb  to  him,  but  whatever  dress 
was  held  to  be  suitable  to  severe  penance 
must  be  held  to  apply  to  the  station  in  which 
the  greatest  severity  was  exercised.  For  a  fuller 
account  of  the  penitential  dress  see  below,  under 
the  section  Kneelers,  p.  1593.  It  remains  to 
point  out  the  length  of  time  for  which  delin- 
quents were  remitted  to  this  lowest  depth  of 
penitence.  Basil,  c.  56,  assigns  twenty  years 
to  a  murderer,  four  of  which  are  to  be  among 
the  mourners.  For  the  same  crime  the  code  of 
Gregory  of  Nyssa  places  the  murderer  for  nine 
years  in  the  lowest  station.  For  manslaughter, 
(Basil,  cc.  58,  59),  two  of  the  eleven  years  of 
exclusion  are  to  be  among  the  mourners;  for 
adultery,  foiu-  out  of  fifteen  ;  for  uncleanness,  two 
out  of  seven.  One  canon  (c.  73)  sentences  an 
apostate  to  spend  the  remainder  of  his  life  si 
mourner. 

2.  Hearers,  audientes,  aKpodfievot. —  The 
notices  of  this  second  station  are  scanty.  There 
is  no  express  mention  of  any  rites  or  austerities 
peculiar  to  it,  nor  of  any  ceremony  by  which  the 
penitent  was  promoted  to  it  from  the  stage  oelow. 
With  many  of  the  Latin  Fathers— Tertullian, 
Cyprian,  Augustine — the  "  audientes  "  were  the 
catechumens,  and  these  writers  do  not  usetheterm 
at  all  to  express  a  penitential  station.  In  fact, 
it  is  doubtful  if  the  station  itself  ever  obtained 
a  general  use  in  the  Western  church.  It  was 
unknown  in  Africa ;  it  is  not  mentioned  by 
Ambrose  as  part  of  the  Italian  system  ;  it  is 
altogether  omitted  in  the  Collectio  Canon,  of 
Martin  of  Braga,  and  therefore  presumably  was 
not  in  use  in  Spain.  The  only  precise  and  direct 
reference  to  the  hearers  among  Latin  writers  is 
to  be  found  in  one  of  the  letters  of  pope  Felix 
III.  A.D.  483-492  {Ep.  vii.  ad  Episc.  Univers. 
Labbe,  Cone.  iv.  1075),  who  decrees  that  those 
who  submitted  to  a  second  baptism  should 
undergo  the  same  penalty  which  c.  11  of  Cone. 
Nicaen.  laid  upon  the  lapsed,  that  is  to  say,  three 
years  among  the  hearers,  Szc.  In  the  East  the 
station  was  a  recognised  part  of  the  organization 
of  discipline  from  the  beginning  of  the  4th 
century  (Gregory  Thaumat.  c.  11  ;  Basil,  cc. 
22,  56,  75,  &c. ;  Gregory  Nyss.  c.  3 ;  Cone. 
Ancyr.  cc.  4,  6,  9;  Cone.  Nicaen.  cc.  11,  12; 
Apost.  Const,  viii.  5). 

i.  llieirPosition. — Thee.  11  of  Gregory  Thaumat. 
places  the  hearer  within  the  door  in  the  narthes 
of  the  church.  His  position,  strictly  speaking, 
was  in  the  porch  (jrpoirvKaiov,  irpSdvpov,  irpSvaos), 
but  this  could  not  always  be  enforced  in  prac- 
tice. The  object  of  this  station  was,  that  he 
should  be  a  listener  to  the  Scriptures  and  the 
sermon.  In  some  buildings  he  might  be  able  to 
hear  while  standing  in  the  vestibule ;  but  as  a 
rule  his  place  must  have  been  assigned  within 
the  building  at  the  lowest  end  of  the  church. 
Inside  the  church  was  the  position  as  interpreted 
by  the  Greek  canonists  (Balsamon  in  can.  11,  12, 


i 


PENITENCE 

Cone.  Nicacn. ;  Zonaras,  in  c.  4  Cone.  Ancyr. ; 
Harmeuopulus,  Epitom.  Canon,  sec.  v.  tit.  3). 
He  was  so  far  in  advance  of  the  mourner  that  he 
was  spared  the  abject  self-abasement  and  suppli- 
cation expected  in  the  lowest  stage,  and  he  had 
moreover  the  privilege  of  hearing  the  Word  of 
God,  but  he  did  not  as  yet  receive  any  imposition 
of  hands,  nor  share  in  any  intercessory  prayer. 
He  was  admitted  within  the  walls  of  the  church, 
but  on  the  same  footing  with  Jews,  and  heretics, 
and  heathen,  and  the  first  order  of  catechumens  ; 
for  against  none  of  these  classes  who  wished  to 
enter  to  listen  to  the  Scriptures  were  the  doors 
of  the  church  to  be  closed  (4  Cone.  Carthag. 
c.  84). 

3.  Kneelees  (suhstrati,  viroirlTrrovTes). — This 
was  the  third  and  principal  station  in  the 
Eastern  system  ;  in  the  Western,  it  was  not  only 
the  principal,  but  in  general  practice  must  have 
been  the  only  one,  with  the  exception,  perhaps, 
of  the  consistentes.  When  the  Latin  fathers 
speak  of  penitence,  it  is  the  position  and  the 
penance  of  the  kneelcrs  that  they  have  in  their 
mind.  It  has  already  been  seen  that  the  two 
earlier  stages  entered  little  into  the  practical 
administration  of  the  discipline  of  the  West.  The 
Latin  versions  by  Dionysius  Exiguus,  and  by 
Martin  of  Braga  of  the  canons  of  Ancyra,  trans- 
late v-KOTZLTTTovTis  and  vTTOTrrcoffis  hy  poenitentes 
and  poenitentia.  And  so  the  pontifical  letter 
of  Felix  III.  {Ep.  vii.),  already  cited,  renders 
the  inroireaovTas  of  c.  ii.  Cone.  Kieaen.  by 
"subjaceant  inter  poenitentes."  It  therefore 
appears  that,  generally,  when  the  word  penitence 
was  employed  in  the  West  during  the  period 
vmder  review,  it  referred  not  to  the  four  stations 
in  succession,  but  to  this  particular  one  of  the 
hieelers.  In  this  station  also  was  performed 
the  esomologesis  of  the  earlier  fathers,  and  the 
"  plena,  legitima  poenitentia  "  of  Cyprian  and  the 
Cono:  Eliher.  In  one  of  Basil's  canons  (c.  22) 
this  station  is  called  pre-eminently  ix^Tavoia, 
poenitentia. 

i.  Iheir  Position. — The  position  of  the  penitent, 
or  the  kneeler,  is  stated  by  Gregory  to  be  within 
the  door  of  the  church,  so  that  he  may  go  out 
with  the  catechumens.  He  stood  within  the 
walls  of  the  building  in  the  part  below  the 
ambo.  And  this  position  agrees  with  the  decrees 
of  Basil  (cc.  22,  56,  75),  and  is  the  one  as- 
signed by  the  Greek  commentators  on  the 
canons  (see,  for  instance,  Zonaras  and  Balsamon 
in  can.  11,  12;  Cone.  Nicaen.  can.  4,  5;  Cone. 
Ancyr.)  The  ambo  thus  served  as  a  point  of 
demarcation  between  the  penitents  and  the  faith- 
ful ;  if  the  number  of  the  faithful  was  so  great 
as  to  extend  below  the  ambo,  the  penitents  were 
thrust  lovi^er  still. 

ii.  Rites  and  Prayers. — In  the  two  lower 
stations  the  delinquents  were  outside  the  care  of 
the  church  ;  as  mourners  they  could  not  enter 
the  building,  as  hearers  they  could  only  listen  to 
the  reading  and  preaching  of  the  word ;  but  in 
the  stage  of  kneelers  they  were  again  recognised 
as  a  part,  though  an  erring  part,  of  the  Chris- 
tian fold.  In  the  first  place,  they  underwent 
frequent,  if  not  constant,  imposition  of  hands. 
The  3  Cone.  Tolet.  a.d.  589,  c.  11,  orders  peni- 
tence to  be  administered  according  to  the  form 
of  the  ancient  canons,  which  appoint,  as  it 
proceeds  to  explain,  that  the  penitent  should 
frequently  resort  to  imposition  of  hands.     And 


PENITENCE 


1593 


long  before  this,  the  4  Cone.  Carthay.  A.D.  398, 
c.  80,  had  ordered  the  hands  of  the  priest  to 
be  laid  on  penitents  at  every  time  of  fasting ; 
and  even  on  days  of  remission  (id.  c.  82),  when 
other  Christians  were  accustomed  to  stand 
during  their  prayers,  penitents  were  not  to  be 
exempt  from  kneeling.  Together  with  imposi- 
tion of  hands,  special  prayers  were  oflered 
on  his  behalf;  c.  19  of  Cone.  Laodie.  a.d. 
320,  gives  an  early  accoimt  of  these  prayers. 
After  the  catechumens  have  gone  out,  the 
prayers  of  the  penitents  shall  be  offered, 
and  when  they  have  come  under  the  hand 
of  the  priest  and  departed,  then  the  praj'ers 
of  the  faithful.  The  order  of  the  service  is  re- 
lated fully  in  the  Apost.  Const,  viii.  8,  9.  After 
the  dismissal  of  the  candidates  for  baptism,  the 
deacon  cried  out,  "  Orate  poenitentes,  and  let  us 
pray  earnestly  for  our  brethren  who  are  under- 
going penance  ;  that  the  God  of  mercy  would 
shew  them  the  way  of  repentance,  and  admit 
their  contrition  and  confession,  and  bruise  Satan 
under  their  feet,"  &c.  When  the  prayer  was 
finished,  the  deacon  bade  them  rise  and  bow  their 
heads  to  receive  the  bishop's  benediction.  The 
order  of  prayer  accompanying  this  rite  is  then 
given.  At  the  conclusion  of  this,  the  deacon 
exclaimed,  "  Depart  ye  who  are  penitents."  The 
3  Cone.  Carthag.  a.d.  397,  c.  32,  directs  these 
rites,  in  the  case  of  notorious  delinquents,  to  take 
place  "ante  apsidem."  An  earlier- and  simpler 
account  of  the  dismissal  of  the  penitents  from 
church  is  given  in  Apost.  Const,  ii.  57.  There 
is  distinct  reference  to  this  service  in  Chrysostom. 
"The  first  prayer,"  he  says  {Horn.  71  in  Matt. 
p.  624),  "  which  M'e  pray  for  the  energumens,  is 
full  of  mercy  ;  the  second  prayer  likewise,  when 
we  pray  for  the  penitents,  is  for  mercy."  Bing- 
ham, Antiq.  XIV.  v.  13,  raises  the  question 
whether  these  prayers,  which  were  an  undoubted 
part  of  the  Eastern  offices,  were  in  use  also  in  the 
West,  but  concludes  that  the  usage  was  the  same 
in  both  branches  of  the  church.  Sozomen  (H.  E. 
vii.  16)  gives  a  graphic  account  of  what  he  had 
himself,  perhaps,  witnessed  in  a  Roman  church. 
"  In  the  Western  church,  and  especially  in  Rome, 
the  place  in  which  the  penitents  stand  is  visible 
to  all ;  they  take  up  their  position  in  it  dis- 
tressed and  sorrowful.  When  the  liturgy  is 
finished,  as  they  may  not  share  in  the  sacred 
mysteries,  they  throw  themselves  prostrate  on 
the  ground  with  cries  and  tears,  when  the  bishop, 
in  his  compassion,  coming  to  them,  falls  likewise 
by  their  side,  raising  his  voice  with  theirs,  till  at 
length  the  whole  congregation  is  dissolved  in 
tears.  After  this  the  bishop  is  the  first  to  rise 
and  to  take  them  by  the  hand  ;  and  when  he  has 
offered  the  prayers  suitable  for  sinners  perform- 
ing penance,  he  dismisses  them  from  the  church." 
The  same  ceremony  of  assigning  the  penitents 
a  special  place,  and  uniting  with  them  in  prayer, 
and  dismissing  them  with  the  catechumens,  was 
in  use  in  the  Frankish  church  (Cone.  Agath.  c.  60  ; 
Cone.  Epaon.  c.  29). 

iii.  Dress. — The  delinquent  in  this  stage  of 
penance  was  to  be  arrayed  in  sackcloth.  Whether 
he  was  required  to  wear  this  at  all  times  while 
under  sentence,  or  only  during  his  public  pros- 
tration in  the  church,  does  not  appear.  So 
Ambrose  (ad  Virg.  laps.  c.  8)  exhibits  a  virgin 
who  had  fallen  'into  sin,  undergoing  penance, 
clothed  in  sackcloth,  and  with  ashes  sprinkled 


1594 


PENITENCE 


upon  her  head.  And  so  Jerome  (Ep.  30  ad 
Ocean.)  describes  the  garb  of  Fabiola,  while  doing 
penance  in  the  Lateran  church  in  presence  of  the 
clergy  and  people  of  Rome,  with  a  garment  of 
sackcloth,  with  her  hair  dishevelled,  and  her  face 
and  hands  unwashed.  So  Gregory  of  Tours 
(Hist.  viii.  20),  depicts  the  penance  of  bishop 
tlrsiciuus.  It  was  one  of  the  decrees  of  the 
council  of  Agde  (a.D.  506,  c.  15),  that  an  offender, 
from  the  beginning  of  his  penance,  should  wear 
"  cilicium,"  as  was  the  custom  throughout 
the  church;  and  that  if  he  had  neglected  to 
change  his  dress,  he  should  not  be  admitted 
among  the  penitents.  The  "  sicut  ubique  consti- 
tutum  est"  of  c.  15,  Cone.  Agath.  is  illustrated 
by  Tertullian  de  Pudicit.  c.  5  ;  Cyprian  de  Laps. 
0.  19  ;  Caesarius  Arelat.  Horn.  i. ;  3  Cone.  Tolet. 
c.  12,  and  by  the  subsequent  directions  of  the 
rituals  of  the  8th  and  9th  centuries.  The  sordid 
garb  of  penance  was  to  be  worn  as  long  as  the 
exclusion  continued  (Pacian,  Paraen.  ad  Poenit. 
c.  19).  Another  austerity,  enjoined  by  c.  15, 
Cone.  Agath.  was  cutting  oil'  the  hair — a  direction 
also  found  in  1  Cone.  Bareinon.  A.D.  540,  c.  6,  and 
3  Cone.  Tolet.  A.D.  589,  c.  12.  A  man  was  to 
shave  his  head  ;  a  woman  to  wear  a  veil.  This 
veil  was  the  general  dress  of  a  female  penitent 
(Optatus  ii.  in  fin.).  Ambrose  (  Virg.  lap)S.  c.  8) 
had  ordered  his  penitent  virgin  to  cut  oiF  that 
hair  which  before  she  had  used  as  a  blandish- 
ment. The  shaving  the  head  gave  place,  at  a 
later  date,  to  the  opposite  practice  of  neglecting 
the  hair  and  the  beard,  and  suffering  it  to  grow 
long  and  heavy,  as  a  symbol  of  the  weight  of 
sin  resting  on  the  penitent's  head  (Isidore  de 
Eccles.  Off.  ii.  16). 

iv.  Penitential  Exercises. — In  addition  to  the 
public  submission  to  the  appointed  course  of 
discipline — the  prostration  in  the  church,  the 
open  confession,  the  penitential  dress,  the  rejec- 
tion from  the  Eucharistic  service — certain  special 
acts  of  self-mortification  were  requ.ired  from  the 
penitent.  In  the  earlier  ages,  and  when  zeal  was 
warmer,  these  acts  of  contrition  were  left  to  the 
conscience  of  the  contrite  sinner.  All  that  was 
absolutely  demanded  of  him  by  ecclesiastical 
usage  was  obedience  to  the  rites  of  the  public 
censure.  Still  it  was  thought  becoming,  and  a 
suitable  token  of  sincerity,  that  the  private  life 
should  be  in  accordance  with  the  public  profes- 
sion. So  Pacian  {Paraen.  ad  Poenit.  c.  19), 
speaks  of  it  as  a  daily  duty  of  a  penitent  to  weep 
in  sight  of  the  church,  to  mourn  a  lost  life  in 
sordid  garb,  to  fast,  to  pray,  to  fall  prostrate,  to 
refuse  luxury,  to  hold  the  poor  man  by  the  hand, 
to  entreat  the  prayers  of  the  widows,  to  fall 
down  before  the  priests,  to  essay  all  rather  than 
to  perish.  But,  as  will  be  seen  when  a  later 
period  is  reached,  these  private  acts  of  penance 
came  more  and  more  to  be  added  on  to  the 
public  discipline,  till,  ultimately,  they  usurped 
its  place.  A  still  later  stage  will  shew  these 
acts  redeemable  by  money  payments.  The  chief 
of  these  penitential  exercises  was  fasting,  borne 
sometimes  as  a  self-imposed  austerity,  some- 
times as  an  additional  penalty  inflicted  by 
authority.  At  a  later  date  these  special  fastings 
were  an  invariable  accompaniment  of  the  cen- 
sures of  private  penance.  In  the  4th  and  5th 
centuries,  if  not  invariable,  they  were  always 
expected  (Ambrose,  ad  Virg.  laps.  c.  9  ;  de  Poenit. 
ii.  10 ;  Caesar.  Arelat.  Horn,  i.)     Sozomen,  con- 


PEXITENCE 

tinning  his  account  {H.  E.  vii.  16)  of  the  prac- 
tices of  the  Western  church,  states  that,  in 
addition  to  the  public  formalities,  the  penitent 
voluntarily  exercised  himself  in  fastings,  and  iu 
abstinence  fi-om  meat  and  from  the  bath,  or  in 
other  mortifications  which  had  been  commanded 
him.  These  austerities  were  usually  assigned, 
as  Sozomen  relates,  by  the  penitentiary ;  but  as 
that  ofBce  was  altogether  abolished  in  the  time 
of  Nectarius,  the  more  general  practice  in  the 
church  m.ust  have  been  that  the  bishop,  or  priest, 
under  whose  ministrations  the  delinquent  ordi- 
narily lived,  allotted  them.  By  the  end  of  the 
5th  century,  special  penitential  fastings  were  the 
common  practice  (Felix  III.  Ep.  7).  Towards  the 
middle  of  the  following  century,  other  restric- 
tions were  added.  The  first  council  of  Barcelona, 
A.D.  540  (cc.  6,  7),  not  only  orders  penitents  to 
pass  their  time  iu  prayer  and  fasting,  with  a 
shaven  head  and  a  religious  dress,  but  also  for- 
bids them  to  be  present  at  banquets  or  to  take  a 
part  iu  public  affairs,  but  to  lead  a  frugal  life  in 
their  own  homes.  The  length  to  which  these 
deprivations  and  macerations  were  carried  may 
be  gathered  from  what  is  told  of  a  visit  to 
the  penitential  cells  of  a  monastery  by  John 
Climacus  in  the  6th  century  (apud  Morin.  vi.  11). 
After  relating  the  laborious  penance  of  the 
prisoners,  he  adds,  "What  I  saw  and  heard 
among  them  filled  me  with  despair,  when  I 
compare  my  easy  ways  with  the  rigour  of  those 
saints,  and  consider  what  the  aspect  of  the 
place,  and  of  their  whole  dwelling  was,  how 
dark,  and  foetid,  and  sordid,  and  squalid,"  &c.  In 
addition  to  fasting  and  abstinence  from  the 
ordinary  enjoyments  and  luxuries  of  life,  there 
were  two  other  restrictions  laid  upon  penitents, 
one  of  which  cut  them  off  from  marriage,  or,  if 
they  were  married,  from  conjugal  intercourse ; 
the  other,  from  the  profession  of  arms  or  any 
other  secular  calling.  These  two  restrictions 
were  curiously  confined,  both  as  to  the  date  and 
the  part  of  the  church  in  which  they  were  in 
force.  In  the  first  place,  they  are  not  met  with 
in  any  of  the  authorities  prior  to  the  conversion 
of  the  empire.  Neither  Tertullian,  nor  Cyprian, 
nor  Pacian,  nor  the  councils  of  Elvira  or  Aries, 
make  any  reference  to  penitents  being  excluded 
from  marriage  or  marriage-rights,  or  from  bear- 
ing arms,  or  carrying  on  business,  or  taking  any 
part  in  public  affairs.  So,  with  regard  to  the 
restrictions  on  public  or  professional  life.  Chris- 
tians were  undoubtedly  prohibited  from  under- 
taking certain  public  ofiices  {Cone.  Eliber.  c.  56; 
1  Cone.  Arelat.  c.  7),  not  because  they  were 
penitents,  but  because  of  the  taint  of  idolatry 
attaching  to  the  offices  in  question.  What  has 
been  said  with  regard  to  the  absence  of  these 
restrictions  in  the  West  in  the  first  three  cen- 
turies, applies  to  the  Eastern  church  abso- 
lutely. Neither  celibacy,  nor  retirement  from 
secular  life,  was  ever  imposed  in  connexion 
with  public  penance  in  the  East.  Such  pro- 
hibitions were  frequently  laid  upon  the  clergy, 
but  upon  the  clergy  alone  {Con.  Apost.  cc.  81, 
82 ;  Cone.  Chalced.  c.  3).  Coming  to  the 
Western  usage,  the  Latin  fathers  no  doubt 
counsel  seclusion  and  continence  during  the 
time  of  penance  (for  example,  Ambrose  de 
Poenitent.  ii.  10),  but  they  do  not  make  them 
obligatory.  The  earliest  decision  on  the  subject 
is  in  a  letter  {Ep.  i.  5)  of  pope   Siricius,  A.D. 


PENITENCE 

384-398,  in  reply  to  Himerius,  bishop  of  Tarra- 
gona (Labb.  Cone.  ii.  1017),  which  prohibits  par- 
ticipation in  the  elements,  although  it  sanctions 
•communion  in  prayer,  to  those  who,  after  their 
penance,  had  returned  to  military  life  and  con- 
tracted a  second  marriage.  There  was  always  a 
tendency  in  such  restrictions  to  increase  in 
severity.  Accordingly,  the  2  Cone.  Arelat.  a.d. 
443,  c.  21,  casts  out  altogether  from  the  doors 
-of  the  church  a  penitent  who,  during  his 
penance  or  afterwards,  entered  upon  marriage  a 
second  time.  And  3  Cone.  Aurelian.  a.d.  538,  c. 
25,  prohibits  a  penitent  from  resuming  arms  or 
secular  pursuits  under  penalty  of  being  denied 
communion  to  the  hour  of  death.  Still  severer 
is  a  decree  of  2  Cone.  Barcinon.  A.D.  599,  c.  4, 
which  places  marriage  during  penance  on  the 
same  footing  as  the  marriage  of  a  nun,  and 
orders  both  to  be  utterly  expelled  from  the 
church.  Some  of  the  Prankish  councils  (2  Cone. 
Arelat.  c.  22 ;  3  Cone.  Aurelian.  c.  24)  forbade 
married  people  even  to  be  received  as  penitents. 
The  latest  canon  appointing  these  restrictions  is 
the  one  of  Barcelona  just  quoted.  These  special 
penalties  may  therefore  be  said  to  have  been  in 
■use  through  the  5th  and  6th  centuries,  and  only 
in  the  Western  church.  They  will  reappear 
later  in  connexion  with  the  Western  discipline  ; 
no  longer,  however,  as  an  ordinary  part  of 
public  penance,  but  rather  as  special  punish- 
ments for  special  great  crimes.  It  is  manifest 
that  this  discipline  strictly  enforced  would  not 
only  lay  a  heavy  burden  on  those  who  submitted 
to  it,  but  would  also  lead  to  great  practical 
inconvenience.  The  number  of  penitents  at  this 
time  was  very  large,  and  if  they  were  to  be  ex- 
•cluded,  not  only  during  their  penance,  but  for  the 
remainder  of  their  lives,  both  from  carrying 
ai-ms  and  from  all  secular  pursuits,  their  means 
of  livelihood  would  be  cut  off.  The  necessities 
of  the  case  led  to  a  system  of  dispensation,  upon 
which  much  light  is  thrown  in  one  of  the 
epistles  of  pope  Leo  I.  a.d.  440-461  (Ep.  xcii. 
Labb.  Co7ic.  iii.  1408,  where  both  the  questions 
and  replies  are  given).  He  is  writing  in  answer 
to  questions  put  to  him  by  Eusticus,  bishop  of 
Narbonne.  In  reply  to  interrog.  10,  asking  how 
penitents  who  plead  in  a  law-suit  are  to  be 
treated  ?  Leo  answers,  that  a  man  who  is  seek- 
ing pardon  for  spiritual  wrong  must  be  con- 
tent to  forego  his  civil  rights ;  and  in  fact,  he 
prohibits  the  penitent  from  appearing  in  court. 
In  reply  to  the  next  question,  with  regard  to 
trade  and  business,  he  decrees  that  although  all 
matters  of  buying  and  selling  are  likely  to  stain 
the  soul,  still  that  there  are  some  trades  which 
are  honourable,  and  he  gives  no  decision  in  the 
matter.  In  practice  this  distinction  appears  to 
have  held  good,  that  a  respectable  trade  or  pro- 
fession was  open  to  a  penitent ;  but  that  if  he 
resixmed  any  questionable,  still  more  any  dis- 
creditable business,  he  again  exposed  himself  to 
ecclesiastical  censure.  And  this  is  in  accordance 
with  the  language  of  Gregory  {Hmn.  24  in 
Evangel.),  that  there  are  certain  trades  which 
can  scarcely  be  carried  on  without  contamina- 
tion with  sin,  and  it  is  obligatory  on  a  repentant 
sinner  not  to  adopt  one  of  them.  The  restriction 
with  regard  to  war  did  not  involve  the  same 
practical  difficulty  as  secular  business,  and  to  this 
Leo  was  not  disposed  to  grant  any  dispensation 
■declaring  (^Ep.  xcii.  interrog.   12')  that  it  was 


PENITENCE 


1595 


contrary  to  all  ecclesiastical  usage  for  any  one 
at  the  conclusion  of  his  penance  to  resume  arms. 
With  respect  to  continence,  the  councils  in  the 
canons  cited  above  insisted  upon  strict  self-con- 
trol, both  during  penance  and  afterwards.  This 
strictness  Leo  (ibid,  interrog.  13)  would  rather 
relax,  and  allow  a  married  man  to  return  to  his 
wife  when  his  penance  is  over.  This  decision  of 
Leo  is  cited  with  approval  by  the  sixth  council 
of  Toledo  (a.d.  638,  c.  8)  where  the  continence 
of  penitents  is  the  subject  of  a  long  disquisition. 
4.  The  Bystanders,  consistentes,  crwiffTafjiivoi. 
— The  fourth  and  last  penitential  station.  The 
ecclesiastical  term  aiKXraffis  is  given  in  the  c.  11 
of  Gregory  Thaumaturgus,  and  frequently  in  the 
canons  of  Basil.  The  Cone.  Ancyr.  uses  the  word 
once  only,  c.  25.  The  signification  of  the  term  is, 
standing  together  with  the  faithful  and  communi- 
cating with  them,  but  in  prayer  only,  and  not 
being  dismissed  before  the  Eucharistic  service. 
In  the  earlier  Greek  canons  the  station  is  more 
frequently  expressed  by  some  paraphrase.  The 
c.  12  of  Cone.  Nicaen.  decreed  that  after  an 
oifender  had  expiated  his  allotted  sentence 
among  the  hearers,  he  might  communicate  in 
prayer.  This  communion  to  which  the  "  con- 
sistentes "  were  admitted,  extended  no  further 
than  the  right  to  share  in  the  Eucharistic 
prayers.  All  the  other  rites  of  the  sacrament, 
and  more  particularly  reception,  were  forbidden. 
Among  the  prohibited  rites  was  that  of  bringing 
oblations.  The  Co7ic.  Ancyr.  frequently  (cc.  5,  6, 
7,  8,  9,  IG,  24)  describes  this  fourth  station  by 
the  expression  "  let  them  be  present  at  the 
Eucharist  without  oblation "  ( xwpis  irpoa- 
(popas  Koiv(i>v7](T6.TO)(xav).  The  c.  11  of  Cone. 
Kicaen.  expresses  the  last  stage  by  similar 
language.  See  also  Felix,  Ejj.  iii.  7.  Com- 
munion in  prayer,  without  the  privilege  of 
making  an  oblation,  was  therefore  tantamount  to 
rejection  from  actual  participation.  And  this  ap- 
pears to  have  been  the  extent  of  the  cKpopl^eadai 
of  the  apostolic  canons  and  the  abstinere  of 
Cyprian  and  of  the  councils  of  Elvira  and  Aries. 
The  consistentes  comprised  several  degrees  and 
classes  of  penitents.  1.  Those  who  had  worked 
their  way  up  through  one  or  more  of  the  lower 
stages.  2.  Those  whose  censure  only  excluded 
them  from  participation,  either  because  their 
offence  was  a  light  one,  as  in  the  case  of  the  in- 
habitants of  cities  absenting  themselves  from 
church  for  three  Sundays,  or  of  gamblers  (Cone. 
Elihcr.  cc.  21,  79  ;  1  Cone.  Arelat.  cc.  3,  4,  5,  6, 
1 1),  or  because  the  offender  had  at  once  confessed 
his  crime  and  obtained  a  remission  from  penance. 
(Gregory  Thaumat.  c.  9 ;  Basil,  c.  61).  3  Peni- 
tents, who,  after  reconciliation,  had  resumed 
their  secular  trades,  and  who  had  re-married,  and 
who  by  a  decree  of  pope  Siricius,  a.d.  384-398 
(Ep.  i.  5),  were  to  be  denied  participation.  Of 
these  classes,  the  second,  which  contributed  pro- 
bably the  greater  part  of  the  whole,  were  in  no 
strict  sense  penitents ;  the  third  was  an  ex- 
ceptional case.  The  first  were  the  consistentes 
proper.  They  were  admitted  once  more  into  com- 
munion with  the  faithful,  with  the  sxception  of 
the  right  of  making  oblations,  and  receiving  the 
elements.  Whether  or  not  they  were  exempt  from 
all  penitential  exercises  there  is  no  evidence  to 
shew.  Whatever  disabilities  in  the  matter  of 
marriage,  and  arms  eoid  public  affairs  and 
trade,  were  imposed  upon  other  penitents,  were 


1596 


PENITENCE 


laid  also  upon  these,  although  it  is  most  probable 
they  were  spared  the  humiliation  of  a  penitential 
dress,  and  of  public  imposition  of  hands. 

i.  Their  position. — The  position  of  the  consist- 
entes  was  above  the  ambo  with  the  rest  of  the 
congregation.  This  may  be  taken  as  a  matter  of 
course.  It  is  nowhere  expressly  so  stated,  but  as 
all  those  below  the  ambo,  catechumens,  penitents, 
energumens,  were  dismissed  before  the  beginning 
of  the  eucharistic  service,  and  the  consistentes  were 
permitted  to  remain,  it  is  natural  to  conclude 
that  their  position  in  church  would  be  above 
those  who  were  dismissed.  But  whether  they 
mixed  indiscriminately  with  the  faithful,  or  were 
set  apart  by  themselves,  is  not  so  clear.  Basil 
decrees  (c.  4)  with  regard  to  some  who  had  con- 
tracted a  third  marriage,  that  after  so  many  years 
among  the  Hearers  and  Co-slanders,  they  were 
to  be  restored  to  the  place  of  communion  (rw 
Toirtf)  TTJs  Koiuuyias'),  which  would  seem  to  imply 
that  the  actual  communicant  occupied  a  distinct 
place  in  the  church ;  and  bearing  in  mind  the 
orderly  arrangement  of  an  ancient  Christian  con- 
gregation, the  men  on  one  side,  and  the  women 
on  the  other,  the  monks,  the  virgins,  and  the 
sacred  widows,  in  the  front,  it  seems  more  likely 
that  the  penitents,  even  when  they  had  reached 
the  highest  station,  had  a  separate  locality  in  the 
church. 

IV.  From  the  seventh  Century  to  the  ninth. 
1.  1)1  the  East.  With  the  beginning  of  the 
5th  century,  the  Eastern  system  entered  upon 
a  new  stage.'  The  abrogation  of  the  office  of  the 
Penitentiary  priest,  which  took  place  some  time 
during  the  episcopacy  of  Nectarius  at  Constanti- 
nople, A.D.  381-397,  may  be  taken  as  the  point  of 
departure  from  the  earlier  practice.  The  reason 
and  the  circumstances  of  the  removal  of  this 
church  officer  are  given  in  Sozomen,  //.  E.  vii.  16  ; 
Socrates,  H.  E.  v.  19.  The  changes  which  may  be 
traced  to  this  act  of  Nectarius  are — l.The  removal 
of  the  presbyter  whose  office  it  was  to  superintend 
confession  and  penance.  2.  The  decline  of  the 
custom,  which  dated  from  the  earliest  ages,  of 
acknowledging  certain  crimes  openly  before  the 
congregation,  the  supervision  of  which  had  been 
one  of  the  duties  of  the  penitentiary.  3.  The 
selection  by  the  penitent  of  his  acts  of  penance, 
instead  of  their  assignment  by  the  penitentiary. 
4.  The  gradual  cessation  of  public  penance 
for  secret  crimes.  5.  The  cessation  of  the 
public  rites  of  daily  imposition  of  hands  and 
prayers  for  the  penitents,  which  were  the 
chief  ceremonies  in  the  ritual  of  the  station 
of  the  vwoTriTrroyTes.  Of  these  changes,  the 
first  four  followed  as  a  matter  of  course  from 
the  abolition  of  the  penitentiary's  office.  The 
public  imposition  and  prayer  did  not  long  sur- 
vive ;  they  may  be  said  to  have  ceased  with  the 
termination  of  the  observance  of  the  stations,  and 
they  formed  no  part  of  the  Eastern  discipline  at 
the  close  of  the  5th  century.  The  solemnities 
observed  towards  the  kneelers,  who  comprised  the 
great  body  of  those  who  were  undergoing  public 
penance,  consisted  of  two  parts ;  the  first,  the 
laying  on  of  hands  and  the  prayers  ;  the  second, 
the  formal  dismissal  from  the  church.  The  latter 
of  these  continued  in  force  after  the  former  had 
fallen  into  disuse.  Morinus  (Pocnitent.  vi.  22)  dis- 
covers a  mention  of  this  solemn  dismissal  in  the 
EccL  Mijstagog.,  c.  14,  of  St.  Maximus,  who  wrote 


PENITENCE 

in  the  7th  century.  The  disappearance  of  all  the 
solemnities  peculiar  to  the  stations  is  coincident 
with  the  omission  of  any  mention  of  the  station?; 
from  the  canons  of  councils.  The  one  exception 
to  this  statement  is  Cone,  in  Trull,  c.  87,  which 
sentenced  an  adulterer  to  be  a  Mourner  one  year, 
a  Hearer  two,  &c.,  &c.  Martene  (cfe  Bit.  Antiq.  i. 
6)  suggests  that  this  canon  points  to  the  existence 
of  the  stations  in  the  7th  century.  Morinus,  with 
more  reason,  regards  it  rather  in  the  light  of  an 
historical  reference  by  the  fathers  in  Trullo,  than 
of  a  canon  on  existing  discipline.  The  absence  of 
any  reference  to  the  rites  and  solemnities  of  peni- 
tents is  equally  marked  in  the  Greek  liturgies, 
as  in  the  canons  already  cited.  Those  of  Basil 
and  Chrysostom  are  altogether  silent  with  regard 
to  them.  So  are  the  liturgical  writings  of  Ger- 
manus,  patriarch  of  Constantinople,  about  A.D. 
720.  The  Syriac  liturgies  of  Antioch  and  the 
Xestorians,  in  common  with  all  the  oriental  litur- 
gies, mention  the  ritual  of  the  catechumens,  but 
not  that  of  the  penitents.  Equally  silent  is  that 
of  St.  Mark,  which  is  said  to  have  been  used  by 
the  churches  of  Jerusalem  and  Alexandria.  The- 
liturgy  of  St.  James  has  one  direction  which 
may  refer  to  the  dismissal  of  penitents.  After 
the  reading  of  the  Gospel,  the  deacon  is  to  say. 
Let  none  of  the  catechumens,  none  who  are  yet 
uninitiated,  none  who  are  unable  to  pray  with  us, 
be  present  at  the  mysteries.  It  is  not  improbable- 
that  the  expression  "  those  who  are  not  able  to 
pray  with  us,"  may  refer  to  delinquents  under- 
going penance,  but  they  are  not  mentioned  by 
name.  The  same  direction  occurs  in  the  Abys- 
sinian liturgy  (Morinus,  Poenitcnt.  vi.  22).  In  the 
age  of  the  compilation  of  these  liturgies,  the  old 
penitential  rites  of  public  prayer  and  imposition 
of  hands,  and  to  a  great  extent  of  solemn  dismissal, 
had  apparently  vanished.  In  the  time  of  the 
Greek  canonist  Balsamon,  the  12th  century,  every 
vestige  of  them  had  completely  departed,  and  they 
are  spoken  of  in  c.  19,  Cone.  Laodic.,  as  customs  of 
the  early  ages.  It  is  difficult  to  determine  with 
any  fulness  the  penitential  rites  which  took  their 
place.  The  chief  source  of  information  is  the 
Penitential  book  which  bears  the  name  of  John 
the  Faster,  who  succeeded  to  the  patriarchate  of 
Constantinople,  A.D.  585.  The  Penitential  is  pub- 
lished in  the  Appendix  (pp.  615-644)  of  the  great 
work  of  Morinus,  together  with  the  Canonarium 
of  John  the  Monk,  who  in  the  title  is  called  a  dis- 
ciple of  Basil,  which  can  mean  no  more  than  that 
the  treatise  contains  some  of  the  traditionary 
teaching  of  Basil,  or  carries  on  his  system.  If 
the  date  commonly  assigned  to  these  books  could 
be  depended  upon,  there  would  be  no  difficulty 
in  sketching  the  outline  of  the  penitential  system 
in  the  East,  in  the  6th  and  following  centuries. 
But  the  books  manifestly  contain  much  later 
additions,  and  modern  criticism  has  not  yet  deter- 
mined how  much  is  genuine,  and  how  much 
spurious  (Wasserschleben,  Die  Bussordnungen 
der  abendldndischen  Kirche,  p.  4,  note).  There  is 
little  donbt  that  John  left  behind  him  a  collection 
of  penitential  canons,  which  for  some  ages  had 
wide  authority  in  the  Eastern  church.  Nice- 
phorus  Chartophylax  (Ep.  ad  Theod.  Ilonach.) 
writing  about  the  year  800,  testifies  to  the 
general  reception  of  the  canons.  A  council  of 
Constantinople,  held  under  Alexius  Commenus 
about  A.D.  1085,  replying  to  certain  questions  of 
some  monks,  condemns  (quest.  11),  the  canonical 


PENITENCE 

system  of  the  Faster  for  having  destroyed  many 
souls  by  excessive  indulgence.  The  book  appears 
to  have  passed  through  the  same  history  as  some 
of  the  more  familiar  Penitentials  of  the  West. 
In  its  present  form  it  probably  contains  most  of 
the  original  instructions  of  John,  but  with  so 
much  of  accretion  that  it  is  unsafe  to  rely  upon 
it  in  matters  of  detail.  The  use  and  encourage- 
ment of  minute  secret  confession  are  unquestion- 
able, if  the  Penitential  is  to  be  accepted  as 
authentic  in  any  shape.  To  stimulate  confession, 
the  priest  was  instructed  to  examine  the  delin- 
quent in  the  utmost  detail.  Then  there  followed 
the  delivery  of  the  sentence,  consisting  mainly  of 
fastings,  and  continuing  sometimes  for  a  number 
of  years.  Lastly,  there  came  the  singular  practice, 
which  may  be  dated  from  this  age,  and  which 
continued  peculiar  to  the  Eastern  discipline,  of 
granting  a  preliminary  absolution  immediately 
after  the  confession,  and  after  the  imposition 
of  penance,  but  deferring  full  restoration  to 
communion  till  the  completion  of  the  penance, 
however  long  or  short  it  might  be.  The  only 
vestige  of  the  public  penitence  remaining  was  the 
retirement  of  the  penitent  (a7rb  tov  vaov)  from 
the  choir  of  the  church  into  the  narthex  while 
the  Mass  was  being  celebrated.  He  was  under 
instructions  to  retire  at  the  same  time  with  the 
catechumens,  but  he  was  not,  like  them,  solemnly 
dismissed,  although  his  retirement  was  doubtless 
a  remnant  of  the  old  rite  of  formal  dismissal. 
Eeferenceto  this  practice  of  the  penitent  retiring 
is  made  in  a  MS.  of  Simeon  of  Thessalonica,  In 
Sacr.  Liturg.,  about  a.d.  1000,  published  by 
Morinus,  Appendix,  p.  470.  The  order  of  conduct- 
ing the  confession  in  the  Greek  Penitential  was 
this :  first,  the  confession,  accompanied  by  a  certain 
ritual  of  posture  and  prayer,  then  a  minute  inter- 
rogation of  the  delinquent,  then  a  short  precatory 
absolution,  and  afterwards  the  assignment  of  a 
penance  to  be  performed  without  any  public  cere- 
monial. [See  ExoMOLOGESis,  Vol.  I.  p.  650.]  The 
sentence  sometimes  extended  to  ten  or  fifteen 
years  ;  the  iiririixia  (or  penitential  exercises)  were 
chiefly  confined  to  restrictions  on  matters  of  food 
and  drink.  [See  Fastixg,  Vol.  I.  p.  663.]  As,  how- 
ever, the  iinri/xia  were  precise  and  elaborate  and 
sometimes  of  long  duration,  and,  on  certain  festi- 
vals, might  be  omitted  entirely,  it  was  customary 
to  assign  them  in  writing.  Slaves  and  servants 
of  all  classes  were  to  receive  only  half  the  penance 
imposed  upon  their  masters.  The  ritual  described 
in  the  Penitentials  was  the  model  for  the  practice 
of  penitence  in  the  East  throughout  the  middle 
ages  (Leo  Allatius,  Consen.  Eccl.  Orien.  cum  Occi- 
dent, iii.  9). 

2.  In  the  West. 

i.  Fvblic  Penitence. — The  changes  which  came 
over  the  Eastern  discipline  in  the  5th  century 
were  longer  in  making  their  appearance  in  the 
West.  But  when  the  change  came  the  same  general 
results  followed.  The  ritual  of  public  imposition 
of  hands,  and  an  order  of  prayer  and  solemn  dis- 
missal before  the  eucharistic  service,  fell  into 
disuse.  Morinus  infers  from  the  absence  of  a  peni- 
tential ritual  in  any  of  the  early  Latin  liturgies, 
the  Gregorian  or  Gelasian  sacramentaries,  the 
Ordo  Romanus,  the  Ambrosian  liturgy,  or  of 
any  reference  to  one  in  the  early  liturgical  com- 
mentators, Walafrid  Strabo,  Piaban  Maur, 
Amalarius,  that  the  public  rites  in  the  treat- 
ment of  penitents  came  to  an  end  about  a.d. 


TENITENCE 


1597 


700.  Another  change,  dating  from  about  that 
period,  and  coincident  with  the  introduction  of 
the  Penitentials,  was  the  definition  of  the  dis- 
tinction between  public  and  private  penance. 
The  latter,  which  was  unknown  in  the  early 
ages,  now  almost  entirely  usurped  the  place  of 
the  former;  and  it  grew  to  be  accepted  as  a 
custom  of  the  church  that  public  penance  should 
be  reserved  for  notorious  offenders,  but  that  for 
secret  sins  private  penance  sufficed.  No  exact 
date  can  be  fixed  as  to  the  time  in  which  public 
penitence  fell  into  abeyance.  It  declined  with 
the  gradual  decline  of  primitive  church  order. 
In  the  English  church  it  had  disappeared  alto- 
gether before  the  close  of  the  7th  century. 
There  is  a  decree  in  the  penitential  of  Theodore 
(a.d.  669-690, 1,  xiii.  4),  which  states  that  recon- 
ciliation was  not  to  be  publicly  granted  in  his 
province,  because  public  penance  was  not  in 
existence.  Even  as  early  as  the  6th  century 
private  penitence  had  made  an  inroad  on  the 
public  discipline ;  there  is  a  canon  of  1  Cone. 
Mastiscon.  a.d.  581,  c.  18,  which  deprives  certain 
delinquents  of  communion  till  they  had  made 
satisfaction  by  public  penance.  In  the  stricter 
system  of  former  centuries,  the  deprivation 
itself  would  have  been  a  public  penance. 
Morinus  (vii.  1)  quotes  a  decree  from  Cone. 
Leptin.  A.D.  743,  which  he  states  to  have  beea 
confirmed  by  pope  Zacharias,  that  an  offender 
who  privately  and  spontaneously  confessed 
should  be  dealt  with  privately ;  if  he  was 
openly  convicted,  or  made  a  public  confession, 
then  he  was  to  pass  through  penance  publicly, 
in  the  presence  of  the  church,  according  to  the 
canons.  This  decree,  which  does  not  appear 
among  the  four  extant  canons  of  Lestines,  was 
inserted  in  tne  later  collections  of  the  Capitu- 
laries,  v.  52  ;  and  taken  with  other  indirect  indi- 
cations of  the  decay  of  public  discipline,  it  may 
be  regarded  as  representing  the  general  practice 
of  the  West  at  the  close  of  the  8th  century. 
Thus  the  2  Cone.  Remens.  a.d.  813,  c.  31,  called 
attention  to  the  distinction  which  ought  to  be 
observed  between  those  doing  public  and  private 
penance :  a  distinction  also  made  by  6  Cone. 
Arclat.  c.  26  in  the  same  year,  and  repeated  in 
the  Capitulary  issued  by  Cone.  Ticin.  A.D.  855, 
(Labb.  Cone.  viii.  149),  and  in  Cone.  Ifogunt.  A.D. 
847,  c.  31,  tmder  Raban.  Maur.  When  once  the 
custom  became  general  that  some  might  be 
exempt  from  public  penitence,  there  naturally 
arose  a  difficulty  in  enforcing  it  in  cases  which 
had  no  claim  to  exemption.  In  diflerent  pro- 
vinces, zealous  and  energetic  bishops  insisted 
upon  the  observance  of  the  canons.  Thus 
among  the  Capitula  issued  by  Hincmar,  A.D. 
852  (Labb.  Cone.  viii.  585),  to  the  clergy  of  the 
diocese  of  Rheims,  was  one  to  the  effect  that  if, 
in  defiance  of  clerical  admonition,  a  notorious 
criminal  refused  to  submit  to  public  penance, 
resort  was  to  be  had  to  the  extreme  censure  of 
excommunication.  Hincmar  allows  a  crimmal 
fifteen  days'  grace,  after  which,  if  ho  still 
refuses  submission,  he  is  to  be  excommuni- 
cated. In  England  (Theod.  Penitent.  I.  xiii.  4) 
public  penitence  was  in  abeyance  as  early  as  the 
close  of  the  7th  century.  In  France,  Jonas, 
bishop  of  Orleans  (da  Instit.  Laic.  i.  10),  writing 
at  the  beginning  of  the  9th  century,  states  that 
a  public  penitent  was  scarcely  ever  seen  in  tho 
churches,  and   that  the  vigour  of  the  ancient 


I 


1598 


PENITENCE 


discipline  was  almost  dead.  It  is  not,  howevei-, 
to  be  supposed  that  the  primitive  system  was 
quite  gone.  Public  penitents  were  still  to  be 
seen,  who  were  separated  from  the  faithful  in 
dress,  and  by  their  position  in  the  congrega- 
tion. An  evidence  of  their  existence  is  to  be 
found  in  the  laws  passed  for  their  protection. 
It  was  a  criminal  offence  in  a  priest  or  layman 
to  compel  a  public  penitent  to  eat  flesh  or  drink 
wine  (^Capitular,  i.  157) ;  to  slay  him  was  a  crime 
of  special  enormity  (ibkl.  iv.  18).  The  9th 
century  witnessed  some  revival  of  the  old  dis- 
cipline. The  organisation  of  the  stations  be- 
came again,  in  a  modified  form,  the  rule  of  the 
church  (see  Martene,  do  Pat.  I.  vi.  art.  4).  The 
Cone.  Vormat.,  a.d.  868,  c.  30,  appointed  a 
penitent  to  pray  for  a  certain  time  outside  the 
'  church  doors ;  at  the  end  of  that  period  he  was 
to  be  solemnly  introduced,  but  still  separated 
from  the  faithful,  and  be  placed  in  a  conspicuous 
corner  of  the  church,  and  there  to  stand,  unless 
he  had  special  permission  to  sit  (^Conc.  Mogunt. 
A.D.  888,  c.  16)  ;  afterwards  he  was  permitted  to 
mix  with  the  congregation,  but  reception  of  the 
-  elements  came  later  {Capitular,  v.  136).  If  the 
third  stage  of  non-participation  was  prolonged, 
communion  was  granted  on  Christmas  Day  and 
Easter.  Detailed  directions  for  dealing  with  par- 
ticular delinquents  will  be  found  in  the  pastoral 
letters  of  pope  Nicholas  I.  A.D.  858-867  ;  Ep). 
3vii.  ad  Eitol.  Episc. ;  Labb.  Cone.  viii.  503  ;  Ep. 
xxiv.  ad  Hincnuir. ;  ibid.  p.  513 ;  Cone  Nanne- 
tens.  A.D.  895,  c.  17.  In  the  matter  of  dress  it 
does  not  appear  that  any  change  was  made  from 
the  penitential  garb  in  use  in  the  earlier  cen- 
turies. In  some  provinces  it  was  the  custom  for 
the  hair  and  beard  to  be  shaven,  in  others  to  be 
neglected  and  suffered  to  grow  long.  All  the 
penitentials  and  rituals  to  which  an  "  ordo  "  is 
■attached,  speak  of  hair-cloth  and  ashes  as  ap- 
propriate to  the  time  of  penance.  A  penitent 
was  also  to  go  barefoot,  as  appears  from  the  Ep. 
3vii.  ad  Rivol.  Episc.  of  Nicolas  I.  just  cited, 
which  makes  an  exceptional  concession  in  favour 
of  an  individual  offender  to  wear  boots  or 
sandals.  Cone.  Trihur.  c.  55,  forbad  also  the  use 
of  linen.  In  addition  to  these  austerities,  a  rigid 
and  long-continued  system  of  fasting  was  imposed. 
Gregory  III.  (a.d.  731-741,  Ep.  i.  7 ;  Labb.  Cone. 
vi.  1469)  decided,  in  reply  to  a  question  of 
Boniface,  that  a  parricide  should  be  denied  com- 
munion till  death,  should  fast  the  second,  fourth, 
and  sixth  days  of  each  week,  and  abstain  from 
flesh  and  wine  as  long  as  he  lived.  A  man  who 
murdered  his  own  son  was  enjoined  by  Nicolas  I. 
{Ep.  xvii.  ad.  Rivol.  Episc.)  to  abstain  from 
flesh  all  the  days  of  his  life,  for  seven  years  to 
drink  wine  only  on  Sundays  and  festivals,  and 
the  remaining  five  years  of  his  penance  four 
days  a  week.  He  was  allowed  intercourse  with 
his  wife,  but  forbidden  to  bear  arms  except 
against  the  pagans,  and  if  he  had  occasion  to 
travel  he  must  go  on  foot.  Another  criminal 
was  ordered  by  the  same  pontiff  {Ep.  ad 
Hinemar.)  to  fast  till  evening  all  the  years  of 
his  penance,  except  at  Easter  and  on  the  fes- 
tivals; an  exemption  extended  in  another  case 
to  the  fifty  days  from  Easter  till  Pentecost. 
These  disabilities  and  austerities  are  enforced 
with  some  variety  in  the  councils  of  that  period 
{Cone.  Vormat.  cc.  26,  30,  36 ;  Cone.  Tribur. 
cc.    56,   58).      Morinus  sums    up  the  penalties 


PENITENCE 

inflicted  after  the  beginning  of  the  7th  century, 
as  distinguished  from  those  of  an  earlier  date, 
under^four  headings.  1.  Those  which  concern 
dress  and  habits,  including  the  obligation  to  go 
with  bare  feet,  and  to  wear  no  linen  and  to 
travel  on  foot.  2.  The  observance  of  specified 
days  and  modes  of  fasting.  3.  Corporal  punish- 
ment. 4.  Exile.  [See  Corporal  Punishment, 
Exile,  Fasting,  Flagellation.]  To  this  may 
be  added  a  fifth  of  incarceration,  or  Seclusion 
in  a  monastery,  involving,  of  course,  an  aban- 
donment of  secular  life.  An  ancient  MS. 
from  Beauvais  (Martene  de  Bit.  i.  6)  gives 
an  account  of  rites  of  public  penance,  which 
can  hardly  be  later  than  the  9th  century. 
It  is  interesting  to  note  in  it  the  vestiges  of  the 
old  ritual,  the  detention  without  the  door,  the 
imposition  of  hands,  and  the  solemn  dismissal. 
"At  the  beginning  of  Lent,  all  delinquents 
undergoing,  or  about  to  undergo,  public  penance, 
should  present  themselves  to  the  bishop  before 
the  door  of  the  church,  clothed  in  sackcloth, 
with  bare  feet  and  downcast  looks.  There  the 
penitentiary  priest  should  be  present  to  examine 
their  cases,  and  impose  penance  according  to  the 
appointed  grades.  The  bishop  should  then 
bring  them  into  the  church,  and  prostrating 
himself  on  the  ground,  together  with  all  the 
clergy,  should  sing  the  seven  penitential  Psalms  ; 
afterwards  rising  from  prayer,  he  should  lay  his 
hands  upon  them  in  accordance  with  the  canons, 
and  sprinkle  them  with  holy  water  and  place 
ashes  upon  them,  and  cover  their  heads  with 
sackcloth,  and  with  groans  and  sighs  announce 
to  them  that  as  Adam  was  cast  out  from 
Paradise,  so  must  they  be  cast  out  from  the 
church.  He  was  then  to  order  the  deacon  to 
conduct  them  outside  the  door,  the  clergy 
following  them,  and  saying  the  sentence,  'In 
the  sweat  of  thy  face,'  &c.,  and  the  bishop 
shall  close  the  door  iipon  them ;  and  so  they 
remain  outside  till  the  Coena  Domini."  A  Noyon 
SIS.  of  the  9th  century  gives  a  short  "  ordo  " 
for  public  penance,  which  is  repeated  by  the 
Pseudo-Alcuin,  and  many  rituals  of  a  later  date. 
"Take  the  penitent  on  the  fourth  day  in  the 
morning  in  Capite  Quadragesimae,  and  cover 
him  with  sackcloth,  and  shut  him  up  till  Coena 
Domini."  The  same  codex  contains  a  form  for 
the  benediction  of  ashes,  with  the  direction  that 
when  the  ashes  are  laid  on  the  head  of  the 
penitent,  the  priest  is  to  sa}',  "In  the  name 
of  the  Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Ghost,  remember 
that  thou  art  dust,  and  that  to  dust  thou  shalt 
return." 

ii.  Private  Penitence. — The  whole  system  dis- 
closed by  the  penitentials  points  to  the  preva- 
lence of  private  penance.  In  the  Greek  peni- 
tentials the  delinquent  makes  a  private  acknow- 
ledgment of  his  sins  to  the  priest,  he  is 
questioned  in  private,  and  the  various  rites  and 
ceremonies  which  precede  final  reconciliation 
are  also  private.  The  Latin,  no  less  than  the 
Greek,  penitentials  are  entirely  silent  on  the 
essential  elements  of  public  discipline.  Their 
contents  bear  out  the  statement  of  Theodore 
{Penitent.  I.  xiii.  4)  that  public  penance  did  not 
exist  in  the  province  for  the  discipline  of  which 
he  published  his  book.  The  clergy  had  sufficient 
hold  upon  the  consciences  of  their  flock  to 
compel  them  to  submit  to  many  severe  acts  of 
self-abasement  and  self-denial  for  their  sins.    But 


PENITENCE 

the  converts  of  the  independent  northern  races 
shrunk  from  the  open  humiliation  of  appearing 
bjefore  the  congregation  with  a  shaven  head,  and 
with  the  arms  and  the  attire  and  the  character- 
istic ornaments  of  a  free  man  laid  aside.  The 
whole  transaction,  the  imposition  of  the  penance 
on  the  one  side,  and  its  performance  on  the 
other,  was,  as  it  were,  a  secret  one  between  the 
delinquent  and  his  priest  or  bishop.  The  church, 
as  such,  took  no  part  in  the  matter.  The  nature 
of  the  sins  censured  varied  from  some  trivial 
carelessness  up  to  horrible  and  unnatural 
crimes.  But  each  offender  was  alike  subjected 
to  penance  whether  his  offence  was  labouring 
on  the  Lord's  Day  {Theod.  Penitent.  I.  xi.  1)  or 
murder  {Ibid.  I.  iv.  2)  or  heresy  {ibid.  I.  v.  9). 
For  the  first  of  these  offences  the  censure  was 
seven  days'  penance  ;  for  the  two  last  ten  years. 
But  in  either  case  the  delinquent  became  a 
penitent.  The  sentence  was  passed  by  the 
bishop  or  the  priest,  or  even  by  a  deacon,  but 
there  was  no  open  or  public  rite  connected  with 
it.  Fasting  and  abstinence  were  the  .  usual 
penalties,  and  these  were  generally  expressed  in 
the  disciplinary  canons  of  all  the  penitentials, 
Irish,  Anglo-Saxon,  or  Frankish.  To  these  the 
Irish  books  especially  added  Exile  from  the 
native  laud  for  a  fixed  period,  alms  to  the  poor, 
and  the  emancipation  of  a  certain  niimber  of 
servi  or  ancillae,  and  in  the  case  of  bodily 
injuries  satisfaction  to  the  parents  or  friends 
{Poenitent.  Vinniae,  Wasserschleben,  pp.  108- 
224).  As  discipline  decayed,  the  notion  of 
Redemptions  began  to  be  accepted,  and  other 
and  easier  penalties  were  introduced,  such  as  the 
singing  of  so  many  jisalms,  the  payment  of  so 
many  solidi  to  the  poor,  so  many  strokes  of 
a  rod,  •  or  genuflexions  {Beda  Poenitent.  xi.  x. 
Oummeau,  Poenitent.  "  de  divite  vel  potente 
cjuomodo  se  redimit  pro  criminalibus  cul- 
])is,"  Wasserschleben,  p.  464).  Both  Beda  and 
Cummean  give  their  sanction  to  the  employment 
of  a  substitute  by  any  one  who  was  unable  to 
say  his  psalms,  an  evasion  which  sounds  perhaps 
the  lowest  depths  to  which  the  rigour  of  the 
primitive  system  had  sunk.  In  most  of  the 
penitential  books  the  quadragesimal  season  of 
the  year  and  the  legitimae  feriae  of  the  week 
were  periods  when  more  severe  abstinence  was 
imposed.  See  below.  Season  of  Penitence.  On 
certain  days  the  penitent  was  free  from  his 
punishment ;  these  are  stated  by  Cummean  at 
the  conclusion  of  his  prologue,  to  be  all  Sun- 
days, Christmas,  Epiphany,  Easter,  Pentecost, 
St.  John  Baptist,  St.  Mary  Ever-virgin,  the 
twelve  Apostles,  and  St.  Martin,  because  his 
body  was  reposing  in  that  province.  Several  of 
the  Frankish  penitentials  have  attached  to  them 
a  "  ratio  "  or  "  ordo  ad  dandam  poenitentiam." 
These  are  doubtless  of  a  later  age  than  the  body  of 
the  canones  to  which  they  are  appended.  They  are 
apparently  of  a  sufficiently  early  date  to  throw 
some  light  on  the  system  of  private  penance  in 
the  8th  century.  The  Penitential.  Pseudo- 
Eoman.,  the  text  of  which  belongs  to  the  7th 
centuiy,  has  a  long  prologue,  "  Quomodo  peni- 
tentes  sunt  suscipiendi  sive  reconciliandi " 
(Wasserschleben,  p.  360).  In  it  the  priest  is 
exhorted  to  fast  one  or  two  weeks  with  the  peni- 
tent, and  even  with  cries  and  tears  to  join  in 
supplication  with  him.  In  this  latter  direction 
there  is  a  trace  of  the  custom   of  the  earliest 


PENITENCE 


Ib^^ 


ages  (Soz.  H.  E.  vii.  16).  When  the  penitent 
comes  to  confess  his  sins  the  priest  is  to  bid  him 
wait  a  little  till  he  has  entered  into  his  chamber 
for  prayer,  and  if  he  has  no  chamber,  the  priest 
should  say  the  prayer  that  foUow-ed  in  his 
heart.  After  the  prayers,  are  given  further 
details  on  the  fasting  to  be  imposed  and  on 
almsgiving,  the  alms  to  be  used  either  for 
the  redemption  of  captives  or  the  relief  of 
the  poor,  or  to  be  placed  on  the  altar.  Then 
follow  "  orationes  ad  dandam  poenitentiam  ;  " 
and,  finally,  the  prayer,  which  was  to  accom- 
pany the  imposition  of  hands.  This  ordo 
is  also  published  by  Martene  (de  Bit.  i.  6), 
from  a  pontifical  from  the  Benedictine  monas- 
tery of  Jumieges  of  the  8th  century.  Com- 
munion was  not  invariably  delayed  till  after 
the  final  reconciliation.  In  prolonged  penitence 
Theodore  permits  communion  "pro  miseri- 
cordia "  after  six  months  or  a  year.  A  MS. 
from  the  church  of  St.  Gatianus  of  Tours,  attri- 
buted by  Martene  {de  Pit.  i.  6)  to  the  9th 
century,  contains  an  "  ordo  privatne  ceu  annu- 
alis  poenitentiae,"  which  discloses  some  variety 
of  ritual.  It  directs  all  priests  to  exhort  their 
flocks  to  come  to  confession  the  first  day  of 
Lent,  and  if  from  being  on  a  journey  or  from 
being  engaged  in  any  business,  they  are  unable 
to  come  for  reconciliation  on  Coena  Domini,  the 
priest  may  reconcile  them  at  once.  When  each 
one  comes  to  confess,  if  a  layman,  he  is  to  lay  aside 
his  staff,  and,  whether  a  clergyman  or  a  monk, 
he  is  to  bow  himself  to  the  priest,  who  will 
then  order  him  to  sit  before  him.  Then  follow 
the  profession  of  faith  and  confession  of  sin, 
after  which  the  penitent  is  to  prostrate  himself 
on  the  ground  with  groans  and  tears  (prout  Deus 
dederit).  The  priest  is  to  suffer  him  to  lie  there 
for  a  time,  and  then  raise  him  and  assign  him 
his  penance  ;  then  comes  a  second  prostration, 
and  then  supplication  for  the  priest's  interces- 
sion. 

V.  Sixs  AND  Penalties. 
1.  Sins  subjecting  to  Penance. 
i.  Open  Sins. — Only  mortalia  delicta  exposed 
the  delinquent  to  penitence  in  the  early  ages. 
Lesser  offences  were  punished  by  the  rejection  of 
oblations  and  the  refusal  of  the  elements  in  holy 
communion.  The  faults  and  defects  of  daily  life 
were  considered  to  be  fully  satisfied  by  daily 
prayer.  Penitence,  strictly  so-called,  which  in- 
volved an  open  acknowledgment  of  sin  and  a 
performance  of  certain  acts  of  austerity  and  a 
special  dress  and  a  separation  from  the  faithful 
in  church,  was  restricted  to  certain  grievous 
sins  as  defined  by  the  canons.  The  model  on 
which  the  penitential  code  was  founded  was  the 
decision  of  the  apostles  with  regard  to  the 
newly-converted  Gentiles  (Acts  xv.  28,  29).  For 
the  first  400  years  the  three  great  sins  of 
idolatry,  murder,  and  adultery,  or  such  as  were 
closely  allied  to  them,  and  clearly  fell  under  the 
same  category,  were  in  general  the  only  crimes 
punished  by  public  penance.  The  slight  or 
apparent  exceptions  to  this  statement  will 
be  investigated  presently.  In  the  moral  and 
homiletical  writings  of  the  fathers  of  that 
period,  the  classification  of  sins  and  the 
enumeration  of  those  which  could  only  be 
expiated  by  penance  are  uiado  with  more  fulness 
than    in    the    canons    of    councils.      TcrtuUian, 


1600 


PENITENCE 


in  his  tract  Be  Piidicit.  c.  19,  which  repre- 
sents the  most  rigid  notions  of  that  age,  yet 
admits  that  some  sins  were  matters  of  daily 
occurrence  to  which  all  were  subject,  and  which 
consequently  needed  no  penance.  Among  such 
he  reckons  anger  and  quarrelling,  and  a  rash 
oath  and  a  failure  to  keep  <an  engagement,  and 
an  untruth  told  from  modesty  or  necessity.  But 
the  three  capital  crimes  he  arranges  on  a  level 
above  all  others  {ilnd.  c.  12),  and  endeavours  to 
prove, in  accordance  with  the  tenets  of  Slontanism, 
that  the  church  had  no  power  to  absolve  them, 
as,  he  infers,  she  claimed  to  do  through  penance. 
Nearly  all  the  references  to  penitence  in  Cyprian 
are  in  connexion  with  the  lapsed,  that  is  to  say, 
idolatry.  Although  there  are  two  passages 
which  intimate  that  penance  was  allotted  in  the 
African  church  to  less  heinous  sins.  In  Ep.  xvi.  2 
be  condemns  the  laxity  with  which  the  eucharist 
was  granted  to  the  lapsed,  whereas  in  lesser  sins 
(minoribus  peccatis),  sinners  do  penance  for  an 
appointed  time,  and,  according  to  the  rules  of 
discipline,  come  to  confession,  &c.  In  the  fol- 
lowing, Ep.  xvii.,  he  speaks  again  of  penance 
being  done  for  an  appointed  time  for  lesser 
offences  which  are  not  committed  against  God, 
contrasting,  that  is,  such  offences  with  idolatry, 
which  is  directly'  against  the  majesty  of  God. 
But  the  general  rule  of  the  church  was  that 
public  penance  was  restricted  to  mortal  sins. 
So  it  is  stated  by  Pacian  in  his  treatise  on 
penance,  which  manifestly  reflects  the  teaching 
of  Cyprian.  Other  sins  he  considers  (^Parocn.  ad 
Foenit.  c.  9)  may  be  cured  by  the  compensation 
of  good  works,  but  idolatry,  murder,  adultery 
are  capital  crimes.  Augustine  clearly  lays  down 
that  only  the  gravest  sins  were  visited  by  public 
penance.  There  are  some  sins,  he  says  {da  Fid.  ct 
op.  c.  26),  so  great  as  to  deserve  to  be  punished 
by  excommunication  ;  others  which  need  not  the 
infliction  of  that  humiliation  of  penance  which 
is  imposed  upon  those  who  are  properly  called 
penitents  in  the  church ;  a  third  class,  again, 
from  which  none  can  escape,  for  which  our  Lord 
has  left  lis  a  remedy  in  the  daily  prayer,  "  for- 
give us  our  trespasses."  This  distinction  of  light 
sins,  for  the  cure  of  which  daily  prayer  is  suffi- 
cient, occurs  again  and  again  in  his  writings 
{Enchiridion,  c.  71 ;  Ifom.  xxvii.  t.  10,  p.  177  ; 
Horn.  csix.  de  Temp.  c.  8  ;  Ep.  Ixxsix.  ad  Hilar. 
quaest.  1 ;  Ep.  cviii.  ad  Seleucian.,  cited  by 
Bingham).  He  tells  the  catechumens  (dc  Symbol. 
ad  Catechumen,  i.  7)  that  those  v,-ho  are  seen 
doing  penance  have  been  guilty  of  adultery  or 
some  such  grievous  act.  He  distinguishes"  be- 
tween peccatum  and  crimen,  the  former,  sinful- 
ness from  which  none  is  free,  the  latter,  an  act 
of  grievous  sin  {Tract.  Ixi.  in  Joan.  t.  9,  p.  126  ; 
Fo  Civ.  Dei,  xxi.  27  ;  de  Sijmhol.  i.  7).  Ambrose 
(de  Poenit.  ii.  10)  confines  penance  to  graviora 
delicta.  The  canonical  epistle  of  Gregory  of^ 
Nyssa  is  an  elaborate  treatise  -on  the  nature  of 
crime  and  of  the  ecclesiastical  discipline  suitable 
to  it.  Like  the  Latin  fathers,  he  starts  with 
murder,  idolatry,  and  uncleanness  as  the  three 
mortal  sins,  but  he  bases  his  classification,  not  on 
the  decision  of  the  apostolic  council  (Acts  xv.  28, 
29),  but  on  the  threefold  division  of  the  faculties 
of  the  soul,  the  rational,  the  irascible,  and  the 
concupiscible  ;  and  all  sins  punishable  by  penance 
he  ranks  under  one  of  these  three  headings. 
Under  the  first  are  reckoned  idolatry  and  apo- 


PENITENCE 

stasy,  either  of  which,  if  committed  wilfully  and 
through  instability  of  faith,  must  be  expiated  by 
a  life-long  exclusion ;  if  under  fear  or  compul- 
sion, then  a  nine  years'  penance  is  sufficient. 
Under  the  second  heading  he  includes  adultery, 
which  involves  the  disgrace  or  injury  of  another, 
and  simple  uncleanness,  the  former  crime  requir- 
ing double  the  penalty  of  the  latter.  To  the 
irascible  faculty  he  assigns  murder,  with  the 
distinction  of  voluntary  and  involuntary  homi- 
cide. He  then  discusses  covetousuess,  which,  in 
the  language  of  St.  Paul,  he  calls  a  species  of 
idolatry,  and  which  he  says  springs  from  a  com- 
bination of  all  these  faculties,  but  the  censure  of 
which,  he  adds,  has  been  overlooked  by  the 
fiithers  before  him.  Of  the  branches  of  covetous- 
uess he  considers  robbery  with  violence  and  the 
spoiling  of  graves  for  the  sake  of  the  clothes  and 
ornaments  contained  in  them,  to  be  the  only 
offences  requiring  public  penance.  Simple  theft 
and  the  robbery  of  tombstones  wei-e  marked  by 
no  ecclesiastical  censure.  He  declines  to  attach 
a  penalty  to  usury  and  extortion,  on  the  ground 
that  the  ancient  canons  have  not  done  so.  By 
usury,  however,  he  must  have  meant  usury  by  a 
layman ;  in  the  case  of  a  clergyman  it  had  been 
distinctly  condemned  by  Cone.  Nicaen.  c.  17. 
The  three  capitalia  delicta  are  the  principal 
objects  of  Basil's  canons.  He  has,  in  addition, 
one  on  perjury  (c.  64),  another  on  robbery 
(c.  01),  and  another  on  rape  (c.  30)  ;  each  of 
which  might,  without  any  violence,  be  brought 
under  the  heading  of  one  of  the  three  funda- 
mental sins.  The  councils  of  Elvira,  Ancyra, 
Neocaesarea  impose  penance  on  these  three 
mortal  sins  only.  In  Cone.  Eliber.  cc.  73,  75, 
the  crime  of  an  informer  was  held  to  involve 
murder,  and  was  punished  accordingly.  And  in 
the  same  light,  to  judge  from  the  extreme 
penalty  attached  to  it,  it  was  regarded  by 
1  Cone.  Arelat.  c.  14.  In  course  of  time,  and 
apparently  towards  the  close  of  the  4th  century, 
the  number  of  sins  for  which  public  penance 
was  exacted  began  to  be  enlarged.  As  in  the 
case  of  covetousuess,  in  the  passage  just  quoted, 
Gregory  of  Nyssa  states  that  it  had  been  over- 
looked by  the  ancient  fathers,  and  that  therefore 
he  adds  it  to  the  list  of  delicta.  Basil  (c.  30)  says 
the  same  of  rape,  and  of  polygainy  (c.  80),  that 
he  had  no  ancient  canons  to  guide  him,  and  that 
he  made  them  penal  by  his  own  judgment.  Still 
these  and  similar  additions  did  not  materially 
alter  the  definition  of  ecclesiastical  crimes,  and 
as  long  as  public  penance  was  in  force,  the  de- 
scription of  1  Cone.  Tolet.  A.D.  398,  c.  2,  held 
good  :  "  that  a  penitent  was  one  who  either  on 
account  of  murder  or  various  crimes  and  most 
heinous  sins  was  doing  public  penance."  Ex- 
communication for  small  faults  was  strictly  for- 
bidden by  Cone.  Agath.  A.D.  506,  c.  3.  The 
5  Cone.  Aurelian.  a.d.  549,  c.  2,  and  2  Cmc. 
Arvern.  a.d.  549,  c.  2,  laid  a  like  prohibition  on 
suspension  from  communion  for  light  causes  ;  an 
offender  was  to  be  suspended  only  on  those 
grounds  which  the  ancient  fathers  had  decreed. 
As  the  boundaries  of  the  church  were  enlarged 
and  her  relations  with  the  state  became  closer, 
the  ecclesiastical  was  framed  more  in  accordance 
with  the  civil  law.  Thus  the  2  Cone.  Tiiron. 
A.D.  567,  c.  20,  inflicted  long  penance  on  the 
abduction  of  a  sacred  virgin,  on  the  ground  that 
the    Pioman  law  had  made   it  a  capital   crime- 


PENITENCE 

And  the  spoiling  of  graves  by  clergymen  was  to 
be  punished  by  deposition  by  4  Cone.  Tolct.  a.d. 
633,  c.  46,  because  such  an  oftence  was  defined 
to  be  sacrilege  by  the  public  law.  Hence  it 
became  an  axiom  of  the  church  that  any  crime 
punishable  by  death  by  the  code  of  the  state  was 
to  be  expiated  by  penance.  This  was  the  lan- 
guage held  by  pope  Pelagius  II.  A.D.  578-590,  Ep. 
ii.,  and  by  Gregory  the  Great,  x.  Ei).  13,  aclEpisc. 
Passiv.  Firman.  (Moriuus,  v.  5).  Under  the 
system  administered  in  England  by  Egbert  the 
list  of  mortal  sins  became  considerably  enlai'ged. 
The  following  enumeration  is  given  in  the 
Archbishop's  Penitential,  c.  1,  "  de  capitalia 
crimina."  "Nunc  igitur  capitalia  crimina  se- 
cundum canones  explicabo.  Prima  superbia, 
jnvidia,  fornicatio,  inanis  gloria,  ira  longo  tem- 
pore, tristitia  seculi ;  avaritia,  ventris  inglu- 
vies,  sacrilegium,  id  est  sacrarum  rerum  furtum, 
e't  hoc  maximum  est  furtum,  vel  idolaticis 
servientem,  id  est  auspiciis  et  reliqua,  adul- 
terium,  falsum  testimonium,  furtum,  rapinam, 
ebrietas  adsidua,  idololatria,  molles,  sodomita, 
maledici,  perjuri."  His  second  chapter  treats 
"  de  minoribus  peccatis,"  but  the  distinction 
between  minora  and  caj/italia  in  his  list  is  al- 
together arbitrary  and  unmeaning.  The  com- 
plete account  of  the  sins  which  required  formal 
penitence  must  be  sought  in  the  penitential  | 
books  themselves. 

ii.  Secret  Sins. — No  distinction  was  made 
so  long  as  public  penitence  was  in  force  between 
secret  and  notorious  crimes.  The  same  penalty 
was  required  for  each.  In  the  earlier  ages, 
when  public  confession  was  practised,  it  followed 
as  a  matter  of  course  that  the  ensuing  penance 
should  be  public  too.  There  is  nothing  to  shew 
m  the  first  four  centuries  that  secret  sins,  after 
•once  they  had  become  known  to  the  church, 
were  treated  in  any  other  way  than  sins  which 
ivere  detected.  The  only  distinction  was  that, 
if  the  oftence  was  spontaneously  confessed,  the 
penance  was  lighter  (see  below  Penalties,  iv. 
Alleviation  of),  but  it  was  none  the  less  open 
penance.  Many  of  the  offences  censured  by  the 
canons  could  only  have  been  known  to  the  doers 
of  them ;  for  instance.  Cone.  Beocaesar.  c.  9  ; 
Cone.  Eliber.  c.  76;  Basil,  Ep.  cc.  69-71.  The 
very  exception  which  Basil  (c.  34)  states  was 
allowed  in  the  case  of  a  married  woman,  implies 
that  open  penance  was  the  rule.  Her  sin,  if  it 
was  unknown  to  her  husband,  must  have  been 
expressly  a  secret  one.  She  was  spared  open 
disclosure,  not  because  of  its  secrecy,  but  to 
save  her  from  her  husband's  vengeance.  The 
Epistle  of  Leo  to  the  bishops  of  Campania  (^Ep. 
Ixxx. ;  Labb.  Cone.  iii.  1373),  which  is  generally 
regarded  as  marking  a  departure  from  the  early 
practice  of  open  confession,  is  written  through- 
out on  the  supposition  that,  whether  the  sin 
was  open  or  secret,  the  penance  was  the  same. 
Morinus  gives  some  conspicuous  instances  of 
the  admission  of  secret  sins  being  followed  by 
severe  sentences.  One  was  that  of  Potamius, 
archbishop  of  Braga,  who  wrote  to  the  bishops 
assembled  in  the  tenth  council  of  Toledo,  A.D. 
656,  confessing  that  he  had  been  guilty  of  forni- 
cation. The  crime  was  altogether  unsuspected 
and  the  confession  spontaneous,  yet  he  was  sen- 
tenced by  the  council  to  life-long  penance.  See 
Morinus,  v.  11,  where  this  and  other  instances 
are  detailed  at  length. 


PENITENCE 


2.  Penalties. 


IGOl 


i.  Whether  cxelusively  spiritual. — The  different 
penalties  inflicted  by  ecclesiastical  discipline 
may  be  divided  into  three  degrees :  i.  excision 
from  the  church ;  ii.  penance ;  iii.  exclusion 
from  communion.  The  second  of  these  includes 
all  the  austerities  and  disabilities  imposed  by 
the  penitential  system.  The  extent  and  dura- 
tion of  them  have  been  sufficiently  discussed  in 
the  body  of  this  article.  Prior  to  the  conver- 
sion of  the  empire  the  church  had  no  power  to 
interfere  with  the  civil  rights  of  her  members, 
and  her  censures  must  have  been  exclusively 
spiritual.  "The  weapon  by  which  the  proud 
and  contumacious  are  stricken,"  says  Cyprian 
{E23.  iv.  4),  "  is  a  spiritual  sword."  [Compare 
Law.]  Yet  sometimes  the  rulers  of  the 
church  did  not  hesitate  to  apply  to  the 
heathen  emperors  to  uphold  their  discipline. 
In  answer  to  such  an  application,  Aurelian 
commanded  the  judgment  which  deposed  Paul 
of  Samosata  to  be  enforced  by  the  civil  power 
(Euseb.  H.  E.  vii.  30),  the  emperor's  authority 
being  confined  to  compelling  Paul  to  give  up 
the  house  and  church  of  his  see.  At  a  later 
date  the  bishops  still  more  readily  called  in 
the  power  of  the  magistrate,  when  spiritual 
censures  failed  to  maintain  ecclesiastical  order 
(Cone.  Antioch.  c.  5 ;  3  Cone.  Carthag.  c.  38 ; 
Codex  African,  cc.  68,  93);  and  no  inconsider- 
able part  of  the  ecclesiastical  legislation  em- 
bodied in  the  Theodosian  Code,  and  at  a  later 
period  in  the  capitiilaries  of  the  Carolingian 
kings,  had  for  its  object  the  maintenance  of  the 
discipline  of  the  church.  What  may  be  termed 
the  natural  rights  of  man  were  not  touched 
by  spiritual  censures.  A  parent  under  penance 
did  not  lose  his  authority  over  his  children, 
nor  were  subjects  absolved  from  their  alle- 
giance to  a  prince,  who  was  censured.  One 
of  the  Christian  emperors  was  a  penitent, 
others  heretics,  and  another  an  apostate,  but 
this  did  not  loosen  the  submission  of  the  church 
to  their  imperial  authority.  With  respect  to 
other  disabilities  affecting  penitents,  there  is  no 
mention  of  any  direct  refusal  of  funeral  rites. 
The  1  Cone.  Vasen.  a.d.  442,  c.  2,  decrees  that 
penitents  dying  suddenly  in  the  field  or  on  a 
journey  before  the  priest  could  be  brought  to 
them  might  be  buried  with  a  sacred  service  if 
they  were  leading  satisfactory  lives  ;  by  implica- 
tion denying  Christian  burial  to  the  contuma- 
cious and  impenitent.  The  absence  of  any  com- 
memoration after  death  woixld  follow  from  the 
refusal  of  the  rites  of  burial. 

ii.  Persons  on  lohom  inflicted. — All  baptized 
Christians  were  subject  to  the  censure  of  the 
church.  Over  Jews  or  heathen  outside  her 
jurisdiction  of  course  did  not  extend.  Cate- 
chumens who  were,  as  it  were,  in  a  middle  state, 
never  became  penitents.  If  they  were  guilty  of 
an  ecclesiastical  crime  they  were  degraded  to  a 
lower  class  of  their  own  order.  The  clergy 
were  dealt  with  on  a  different  footing  to  the 
rest  of  the  community  (see  below,  Penitence  of 
Clergy).  Penance  was  imposed  equally  upon 
women  as  upon  men.  Bingham  quotes  Valesius 
in  Soerat.  H.  E.  v.  19  ;  Bona,  i;er.  Liturg.  I. 
xvii.  5,  in  favour  of  the  opinion  that  although 
women   fasted   and   mourned   in   private,   they 


1602 


PENITENCE 


were  not  exposed  to  open  penance  for  the  first 
three  centuries.  But  no  such  exemption  appears 
in  Tertullian  or  Cyprian  ;  and  in  the  Spanish 
church  at  any  rate,  women  were  sentenced  to 
penance.  Cone.  Eliher.  c.  5  decrees  that  a  mis- 
tress beating  her  slave  to  death  shall  be  restored 
at  the  end  of  five  years  "  acta  legitima  poeni- 
tentia  ;  "  and  c.  14,  in  the  case  of  a  fallen  virgin, 
makes  a  broad  distinction  between  her  exclusion 
with  or  without  penance  (compare  Tbid.  cc.  8, 
10,  12,  13,  63,  65 ;  Cone.  Ancyr.  c.  21).  The 
statement  of  Basil  (c.  34-)  that  the  fathers  had 
decreed  that  an  adulteress  should  not  be  com- 
pelled to  publish  her  crime,  could  hardly  have 
been  inserted  if  public  penitence  of  women  had 
not  been  the  rule — as  in  the  4th  century  there 
can  be  little  doubt  it  was  the  rule.  The  peni- 
tential exercises  of  Fabiola  were  commended  by 
Jerome  (i?/j.  30,  Epitaph.  Fabiol.)  not  because 
she  was  a  woman,  but  because  they  were  under- 
taken spontaneously.  A  woman  submitting  to 
penance  was  no  special  object  of  commendation. 
(See  the  instructions  given  by  Ambrose  ad  I'irg. 
ia]os.)  The  3  Cone.  Told.  c.  12  gives  directions 
for  the  penitential  dress  of  a  woman.  A  man 
under  penance  was  to  shave  his  head,  a  woman 
to  wear  a  veil.  Female  penance  must  have  been 
so  common  as  to  require  regulating  where  the 
rule  prevailed  that  a  married  woman  could  not 
become  a  penitent  without  her  husband's  consent 
(2  Cone.  Arelat.  c.  22).  (For  special  female 
delinquencies,  see  Theodor.  Foenitential.  I.  xiv. 
"de  poenitentia  nubentium; "  Egbert,  Poeni- 
tenticii.  c.  7,  "  de  machina  mulierem.") 

Neither  wealth  nor  office  was  allowed  to 
exempt  a  delinquent  from  the  censure  of  the 
church.  Under  the  heathen  empire  the  mere 
acceptance  of  certain  magistracies,  inasmuch  as 
they  involved  their  holders  in  idolatrous  cere- 
monials, was  an  ecclesiastical  offence  (Cone. 
Eliher.  cc.  2,  3  ;  compare  the  note  of  Gothofred 
on  Cod.  Theod.  XV.  v.  "  de  spectaculis ").  By 
1  Cone.  Arelat.  a.d.  314,  c.  7,  all  Christian 
governors  of  provinces  were  ordered  to  take 
with  them  commendatory  letters,  and  bring 
themselves  into  communication  with  the  bishop, 
so  that  if  they  transgressed  against  discipline 
there  might  be  no  difficulty  in  expelling  them 
from  communion.  Although  in  the  4th  and 
5th  centuries  no  consideration  of  rank  checked 
the  great  bishops  from  censuring  offenders  in 
high  places,  as,  for  instance,  the  condemnation 
of  Andronicus,  governor  of  Ptolemais,  by  Sy- 
nesius  {Ep.  58),  and  the  governor  of  Libya  by 
Athanasius  (Basil,  Ep.  47),  and  the  famous 
espulsioa  of  Theodosius  from  communion  by 
Ambrose  (Bingham,  Antiq.  XVI.  iii.  4),  yet  in 
practice  the  right  was  rarely  exercised.  (For 
reasons  for  this  forbearance  see  Barrow,  Of  the 
Pope's  Supremacy,  p.  12.)  The  age  at  which  a 
young  person  came  under  the  discipline  of 
penance  is  nowhere  defined.  It  is  not  likely 
that  the  church  would  excommunicate  a  boy  or 
a  girl.  A  Roman  synod  imder  Felix  III.  (a.d. 
487,  c.  4)  decided  that  boys  who  had  been  bap- 
tized by  the  Arians  should  remain  a  short  time 
only  under  the  imposition  of  hands,  and  then  be 
restored ;  for  it  was  not  reasonable  that  their 
penitence  should  be  prolonged.  The  Cone. 
Agath.  c.  15  exempted  the  young  from  severe 
penance  because  of  the  weakness  of  youth.  In 
the  discipline  of  a  monastery  a  delinquent  under 


PENITENCE 

age  was  flogged  (Macar.  Reg.  c.  15  ;  Benedict, 
Reg.  c.  70 ;  Gregor.  Ep.  ix.  66,  quoted  by 
Bingham).  And  probably  in  the  church  at  large- 
the  weapon  of  penance  was  used  only  against 
those  who  had  passed  their  minority. 

iii.  Uniformity  of. — It  is  laid  down  in  the 
Apostolical  Constitutions  (ii.  48),  that  great  care 
and  discretion  were  to  be  exercised  in  treating 
offenders  ;  some  were  to  be  dealt  with  by  threats, 
some  by  terrors,  some  by  being  urged  to  alms- 
giving, some  to  fasting,  and  some  by  ejection 
from  the  church.  And  for  a  long  time  no  doubt 
this  discretion  was  vested  in  the  bishop,  assisted 
perhaps  by  his  presbytery.  As  the  church  grew, 
and  intercourse  increased  between  her  different 
branches,  a  more  uniform  scale'  of  penalties  was 
adopted.  The  frequent  communications  which 
passed  between  Rome  and  Africa,  traces  of  which 
are  preserved  in  Cyprian's  epistles,  are  the  first 
important  efforts  after  uniformity  of  discipline. 
The  decisions  of  the  councils  of  the  succeeding 
age  were  a  further  advance  in  the  same  direc- 
tion. Nearly  all  the  twenty-five  canons  of  Ancyra 
and  the  eighty-one  of  Elvira  treat  of  the  penal- 
ties suitable  to  ecclesiastical  crimes.  The  same 
may  be  said  of  the  twenty-two  canons  of  the 
first  council  of  Aries,  and  to  a  certain  extent  of 
the  canons  of  the  Apostles.  These  various 
judgments  of  the  assembled  fathers  represent, 
in  fact,  so  many  penitential  codes,  whose  decrees 
would  be  the  model,  if  not  the  rule,  for  the 
administration  of  discipline  throughout  the 
church.  The  appointment  of  the  Penitentiary 
officer  in  the  dioceses  of  the  Greek  church  would 
also  tend  to  produce  a  uniform  standard  of 
j^enalties.  The  treatise  which  more  perhaps 
even  than  the  decrees  of  councils  helped  to  estab- 
lish a  system  in  the  East  was  the  epistle  of 
Basil.  For  many  ages  this  canonical  letter 
of  Basil  was  the  standard  which  governed  the 
discipline  of  the  East.  Hardly  less  authoritative 
was  the  epistle  of  his  brother  Gregory  of 
Nyssa.  The  decisions  of  the  popes  on  questions 
referred  to  them  were  a  further  contribution  to 
a  body  of  penitential  law  ;  for  example,  Syric, 
Ep.  i.  3,  5,  6  ;  Innocent,  Epp.  i.  7  ;  ii.  12,  13  ; 
iii.  2 ;  Leo,  Ep.  Ixxix.  4,  5,  6 ;  Felix  III. 
Ep.  vii. ;  Nicolas,  Ep.  ad  Rirol.  The  Penitential 
books  were  an  additional  attempt  to  codify  the 
law.  Originating  either  from  famous  monas- 
teries, or  embodying  the  decisions  of  great  pre- 
lates, they  spread  far  and  wide  through  France 
and  England,  and  in  a  less  degree  through  all 
the  churches  of  the  West  in  the  7th  and  8th 
centuries.  The  3  Cone.  Tolct.  c.  11  in  the  6th 
century,  and  the  Cone.  Mogunt.  c.  31  in  the  9th, 
alike  complain  of  the  difficulty  of  maintaining 
penance  at  the  true  canonical  standard.  The 
penitentials  were  no  doubt  designed  to  meet  the 
difficulty.  The  principle  laid  down  by  Cone. 
Mogunt.  was,  that  penalties  were  to  be  based  on 
the  ancient  canons,  or  the  authority  of  scripture, 
or  the  custom  of  the  church.  The  penitentials 
in  themselves  possessed  no  canonical  authority, 
and  their  multiplication  was  in  some  instances 
regarded  with  jealousy.  "  Their  errors,"  said  the 
bishops  in  2  Cone.  Cabilon.  a.d.  813,  c.  38,  "  are 
certain,  and  their  authors  uncertain."  With 
the  growth  of  the  papal  power  and  the  centrali- 
zation of  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  at  Rome,  dis- 
cipline tended  to  become  more  and  more  uni- 
form. 


PENITENCE 

iv.  Alleviation  of — 

a.  By  repentance.  —  Although  the  church 
aimed  at  uniformity  of  discipline,  the  same 
penalty  was  not  always  imposed  on  the  same 
crime  ;  or  if  the  penalty  was  originally  the  same 
it  was  not  carried  out  alike  in  all  cases.  There 
would  be  practical  difficulties  in  the  way  of 
insisting  on  the  completion  of  a  merely  spiritual 
sentence  extending  over  twenty  or  twenty-five 
years.  But  in  addition  to  the  necessities  of  the 
case  a  mitigation  of  the  penalty  was  openly 
granted  in  certain  instances.  The  first  ground 
of  relaxation  was  earnestness  of  repentance  over 
and  above  the  formal  submission  to  censure. 
Cone.  Ancyr.  c.  5.  orders  the  bishop  to  examine 
the  present  and  past  life  of  a  penitent  and  shew 
clemency  accordingly.  By  Cone.  Laodic.  c.  2, 
perseverance  and  prayer  and  confession,  and  a 
total  abandonment  of  evil  habits,  were  allowed 
to  move  the  rulers  of  the  church  to  pity  (see 
Cone,  in  Trull,  c.  102).  Cone.  Nieaen.  c.  12 
decided  that  a  delinquent  who  proved  his  amend- 
ment by  fear  and  tears,  and  submission  and  good 
works,  and  labour  and  dress,  should,  after  his  ap- 
pointed time  among  the  Hearers,  join  in  com- 
munion of  prayer ;  that  is  to  say,  the  laborious 
station  of /i'jieeto'S  might  be  omitted;  those,  on 
the  other  hand,  who  thought  it  sufiicient  to 
shew  their  repentance  by  merely  coming  to  the 
church  dooi-,  were  to  complete  their  full  sentence. 
The  4  Cone.  Carthag.  c.  75  speaks  to  the  same 
effect  on  "  negligentiores  poenitentes."  Basil 
(c.  74)  considers  it  an  act  of  duty  that  those 
who  have  the  power  of  binding  and  loosing 
should  remit  part  of  the  penalty  of  the  earnest 
and  diligent.  The  same  sentiment  which  appears 
several  times  in  the  epistle  of  Gregory  of  jsyssa, 
regulated  the  administration  of  discipline 
throughout  the  church  (Innocent  I.  Ep.  i.  7  ; 
Leo,  £p.  Ixsix.  6  ;   Cone.  Vormat.  c.  75). 

b.  By  confession. — One  who  spontaneously 
confessed  his  crime  was  generally  treated  more 
leniently  than  after  detection.  Cone.  Either. 
c.  76  made  a  wide  distinction  in  the  case  of  a 
deacon  who  allowed  himself  to  be  ordained  after 
the  commission  of  mortal  sin.  If  he  made  a 
voluntary  confession,  he  might  be  reinstated  at 
the  end  of  two  years,  but  if  others  convicted 
him,  he  was  to  do  penance  for  five  years,  and 
then  be  restored  to  lay  communion  only.  In 
Martin  Bracar.  {Collect.  Cone.  c.  25),  a  priest  con- 
fessing under  similar  circumstances  might  re- 
tain the  name  of  priest,  but  not  celebrate  ;  if  he 
was  convicted,  even  the  name  was  to  be  taken 
from  him.  Gregory  Thaumaturgus  {Ep.  cc.  18, 19), 
with  reference  to  robberies  which  had  occurred 
during  the  confusion  arising  from  a  Gothic 
invasion,  made  the  station  of  a  delinquent  depend 
upon  the  manner  in  which  the  theft  was  re- 
vealed, whether  by  conviction  or  by  confession 
and  restitution.  Basil  (c.  61)  diminished  the 
penalty  of  a  thief  who  confessed  by  one-half. 
The  same  authority,  at  the  beginning  of  his 
treatise,  '  gives  to  spontaneous  confession  and 
lapse  of  time  and  ignorance  an  equal  power  in 
alleviating  penance.  (See  Ambrose,  Yirg.  laps. 
c.  8 ;  de  Foenitent.  ii.  8 ;  Prosper,  Vit.  Con- 
templat.  ii.  7.)  In  some  flagrant  instances,  as 
in  the  case  of  an  adulterous  clerk  (3  Cone. 
Aurel.  A.D.  538,  c.  7),  confession  was  of  no  avail. 

c.  By  intercession. — The  accounts  of  public 
penance   during   the   first  three    centuries  fre- 

CHRIST.   AST. — VOL.   II. 


PENITENCE 


1603 


quently  represent  "the  delinquent  imploring  the 
congregation  and  the  widows  and  the  virgins 
and  the  clergy  to  intercede  with  the  bishop  for 
him.  And  when  the  length  of  penalties  was 
undetermined  by  canon,  and  rested  practically 
with  the  individual  bishop,  such  intercessions 
were  a  recognised  channel  by  which  to  obtain  a 
mitigation  of  penance.  With  the  elaboration  of 
the  system  which  began  with  the  4th  century, 
these  intercessions  are  rarely  heard  of,  although 
Augustine  mentions  incidentally  (^Ep.  liv.  ad 
Macedon.  p.  93),  a  custom  of  magistrates  inter- 
ceding with  the  church  for  offenders.  In  Africa 
a  practice  arose,  which  quickly  became  abused, 
of  granting  alleviation  of  penance  to  the  inter- 
cession of  martyrs,  that  is  to  say,  of  Christians 
in  prison  expecting  death  during  persecution. 
[LiBELLI,  p.  981.] 

3.  Penitence  denied. 
I.  Sometimes  to  the  first  Commission  of  mortalia 
Delicta. — The  grace  of  penitence  appears  to  have 
been  withheld  from  certain  delinquents  in  the 
early  centuries,  not  because  the  church  had  any 
doubt  about  her  authority  to  grant  it,  but  on 
the  ground"  that  the  power  of  binding  was  vested 
with  the  same  sanction  as  that  of  loosing,  and 
that  to  open  the  door  with  equal  readiness  to 
all  great  criminals  alike  would  only  bring  dis- 
cipline into  contempt.  This  seems  the  probable 
explanation  of  the  undoubted  effect  of  some  of 
the  early  decisions.  Cyprian  has  left  it  on 
record  {Ep.  Iv.  c.  17)  that  among  his  predeces- 
sors some  entirely  closed  the  place  of  penance 
against  adulterers,  and  by  implication  against  the 
other  two  mortal  sins  which  were  of  a  still 
graver  character ;  but  he  adds  that  in  doing  so 
they  did  not  break  the  verity  of  the  church. 
How  far  this  exclusiveness  was  followed  in 
other  provinces  is  one  of  the  many  vexed  ques- 
tions of  the  primitive  discipline.  See  Albaspin. 
Ohservat.  II.  vii.  20  ;  Bona,  Eer.  Litury.  I.  xvii.  1  ; 
Fell  not.  in  Cypr.  Ep.  vii.  p.  17,  cited  by  Bing- 
ham. By  the  clear  testimony  of  TertuUian  (de 
Pudicit.  c.  1),  pope  Zephyrinus,  A.D.  202-218, 
granted  penance  to  the  sins  of  vincleanness  and 
fornication,  and  TertuUian  founds  upon  this  a 
charge  of  inconsistency  against  the  bishop  be- 
cause he  was  not  equally  indulgent  to  murder 
and  idolatry.  Morinus  (ix.  20)  holds  that  the 
evidence  of  TertuUian  in  this  treatise  on  the 
usage  of  the  Eoman  church  is  not  worthy  of 
credence.  Martene  (de  Bit.  i.  6),  on  the  con- 
trary, cites  him  as  a  trustworthy  witness. 
If  the  ordinary  reading  of  "nee  in  fine" 
in  many  of  the  canons  of  Elvira  is  to  be 
accepted,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  penitence 
was  denied  in  Spain  to  idolatry  and  to  murder 
(see  for  instances  cc.  1,  6,  63,  73,  75).  With 
reo-ard  to  moechia  the  decisions  were  more 
lenient  (cc.  13,  14,  31,  69,  72)  ;  except  in  aggra- 
vated cases  (cc.  12,  66,  71),  when  communion 
was  refused  absolutely.  It  may  be  well  to 
enumerate  the  exact  crimes  for  which  com- 
munion was  denied  by  the  council  of  hlvira 
even  at  death  ;  idolatry  in  an  idol  temple  niter 
baptism  (c.l);  a  baptized  flamcnsacrifinngagftin 
(cc.  2,  17)  ;  adultery  after  penance  (cc.  3,  4<)  j 
killing  by  witchcraft  (c.  6);  if  a  woman  deserted 
her  husband  without  cause  and  re-married  (c  8)  ; 
parents  selling  a  child  for  prostitution  (c.  12); 
dedicated  virgins  becoming  prostitutes  (c.  13); 


1604 


PENITENCE 


betrothal  of  a  daughter  to  an  idol  priest  (c.  17); 
adultery  by  clergy — on  account  of  the  scandal 
(c.  19)  ;  murder  by  a  woman  of  her  child  born  in 
adultery  (c.  63) ;  clergy  retaining  adulterous 
wives  (c.  65);  unnatural  crimes  (c.  71);  aggra- 
vated adultery  (cc.  64,  72,  79)  ;  giving  informa- 
tion which  leads  to  a  Christian  being  put  to 
death  (c.  73) ;  malicious  charges  against  the 
clergy  (c.  75).  These  decisions  appear  to  have 
had  at  the  most  only  a  provincial  authority, 
and  not  to  have  governed  the  general  discipline 
of  the  church.  For  the  Cone.  Ancyr.  (cc.  9,  16), 
which  was  contemporary  with  Cone.  Eliber.  or 
only  a  few  years  later,  granted  penance  to  each 
of  the  three  mortalia  delicta  even  in  their  most 
aggravated  forms.  And,  indeed,  throughout  the 
Eastern  church,  with  the  exception  of  a  decision 
of  Cohc.  Sardic.  c.  2,  which  rejects  certain 
fraudulent  bishops  from  even  lay  communion 
at  death,  there  does  not  appear  any  trace  of  the 
refusal  of  the  rites  of  penance  for  the  first  com- 
mission of  any  sin  sincerely  repented  of.  Nor 
does  any  trace  of  such  severity  occur  later  than 
the  Cone.  Eliber.  in  the  West. 

ii.  Gencralli/  to  a  Repetition  of  Sin  once  expi- 
ated.— The  refusal  of  penance  a  second  time  was 
one  of  the  unwritten  canons  of  the  early  disci- 
pline. No  council  passed  a  decree  against  its 
repetition,  but  in  practice  its  refusal  was  almost 
universal  from  the  very  beginning.  Hermas 
(Pastor,  Mandat.  ii.  4),  considering  whether  an 
.adulterous  wife  ought  to  be  received  by  her  hus- 
band, determined  that  she  should  be  taken  back, 
but  not  often,  for  to  be  servants  of  God  there  is 
but  one  penitence  (compare  Id.  Similit.  iii.  9).  This 
decision  of  Hermas  is  cited  and  approved  by 
Clem.  Alexand.  {Strom,  ii.  13,  p.  459,  ed.  Oxon.). 
The  language  of  Tertullian  is  very  explicit  (do 
Pudicit.  c.  7) ;  "  God  hath  placed  in  the  porch  a 
second  repentance,  which  may  open  to  those  who 
knock,  but  now  for  once  only,  because  now  for 
the  second  time,  but  never  again."  The  "  first 
repentance"  which  he  had  in  his  mind  was 
baptism.  A  little  later  {ibid.  c.  9),  he  speaks  of 
the  "second  and  only  remaining  repentance." 
A  passage  in  Origen  {Horn.  xv.  in  c.  25  Levit.) 
gives  a  clear  account  of  the  general  practice. 
"  In  graver  sins  the  peace  of  repentance  is 
granted  but  once  only,  or  seldom ;  but  those 
common  sins  which  men  frequently  commit, 
always  admit  of  repentance,  and  are  redeemed  at 
once."  The  words  "  or  seldom  "  are  generally 
regarded  as  a  later  interpolation;  the  date  of 
their  insertion  probably  coinciding  with  the 
growth  of  greater  laxity  in  the  Eastern  church. 
There  appears  some  reason  for  believing  that 
Chrysostom  did  not  hesitate  to  grant  penitence 
more  than  once.  Socrates  (//.  E.  vi.  21)  states 
that  he  taught  that  though  a  synod  of  bishops 
had  decreed  that  relapsed  penitents  should  not 
be  readmitted,  he  was  willing  to  receive  them  a 
thousand  times.  On  the  accuracy  of  this  state- 
ment with  reference  to  Chrysostom  see  Morinus, 
v.  37.  At  the  beginning  of  the  5th  century  the 
privilege  of  frequent  penance  was  taken  away 
from  the  Massalian  heretics  by  a  synod  of  Con- 
stantinople, A.D.  426  or  427,  under  Sisiimius, 
one  of  Chrysostom's  successors,  because  it  had 
been  so  often  abused.  From  this  Bingham  con- 
cludes {Antiq.  XVIII.  iv.  7)  that  a  repetition  of 
penance  was  not  unknown  in  the  metropolitavi 
province.  ,The  relaxation  of  the  early  rigour 


PENITENCE 

ir.ay  be  partly  attributable  to  the  excessive  length 
of  the  sentences  imposed  in  the  Eastern  church 
after  the  3rd  century.  If  a  delinquent  had  done 
penance  for  fifteen  or  twenty  years,  and  was 
willing  to  pass  through  the  ordeal  a  second  time, 
it  would  be  almost  impossible  to  reject  him.  In 
the  Latin  church  the  discipline  of  a  single 
penance  survived  longer.  The  Gone.  Eliber., 
which  was  so  severe  in  refusing  reconciliation 
even  once  was  not  likely  to  grant  it  a  second 
time  (cc.  3,  7,  74 ;  Pacian,  Ep.  iii.  contr.  Sem- 
2Jron.  c.  27).  They  are  rightly  reproved,  says 
Ambrose  (cfe  Poenitent.  ii.  10),  who  think  that 
penance  can  be  performed  often,  for  they  wanton 
against  Christ.  Augustine  {Ep.  cliii.  ad  Maeedon. 
c.  7)  is  a  witness  that  even  the  lowest  place  in 
the  church  was  refused  to  a  relapsing  penitent. 
The  manner  of  dealing  with  such  lapsers  in  the 
Western  church  is  laid  down  by  pope  Siricius 
{Ep.  i.  ad  Himer.  c.  5)  ;  they  were  not  to  have 
the  benefit  of  a  second  penitence,  but  might  be 
present,  without  communicating,  at  the  celebra- 
tion, and  be  allowed  a  viaticum  at  their  death. 
By  2  Cone.  Arelat.  A.D.  443,  c.  21,  a  penitent 
repeating  his  sin  was  to  be  cast  out  of  the 
church.  By  1  Cone.  Turon.  a.d.  460,  c.  8,  he 
was  ejected,  not  only  from  the  church,  but  from 
the  society  of  the  faithful  {Cone.  Tenet.  A.D. 
465,  c.  3).  By  the  6th  century  penitence  began 
to  be  conceded  frequently.  For  the  3  Cone. 
Tolet.  A.D.  589,  c.  11,  complains  that  in  many 
of  the  Spanish  churches  discipline  was  no  longer 
administered  according  to  the  canons,  but  as 
often  as  men  sinned  and  applied  to  the  priest,  so 
often  penance  was  granted.  This  abuse  the  coun- 
cil checked.  The  disappearance  of  the  early  rule 
dates  probably  from  the  decline  of  public  disci- 
pline, and  the  substitution  of  a  private  system  by 
which  a  sinner  obtained  reconciliation  as  often  as 
he  confessed  his  sin  and  submitted  to  penance. 

iii.  Till  the  Hour  of  Death. — The  ordinary 
course  of  penance  in  the  4th  and  5th  centuries 
held  an  offender  in  its  trammels  for  half  a  life- 
time for  certain  mortal  sins ;  if  the  sins  were 
especially  heinous,  the  penalty  extended  over  the 
whole  life,  however  long  its  duration.  This 
severity  was  not  confined  to  one  province.  In 
Spain  the  Gone.  Eliber.  c.  3,  withheld  commu- 
nion till  death  fi'om  a  converted  flameu  who, 
abstaining  from  sacrificing,  merely  exhibited  a 
shew ;  and  all  his  life  he  was  to  be  under  canon- 
ical penance.  A  consecrated  virgin  who  had 
fallen  was  allowed  communion  at  last  only  if  she 
had  passed  a  life-long  penance  {ibid.  c.  13).  At 
a  later  date  the  Cone.  Herd.  a.d.  523,  c.  5,  sen- 
tenced any  of  the  inferior  clergy  who,  aftef 
penance,  relapsed  into  the  same  sin,  to  exclusion 
till  death.  In  France  a  similar  sentence  waS 
passed  by  1  Cone.  Arelat.  a.d.  314,  c.  14,  on  false 
accusers  of  their  brethren;  and  by  Cone. 
Valentin.  A.D.  374,  c.  3,  on  lapsers  into  idolatry. 
In  the  East  the  Gone.  Ancyr.  a.d.  314,  c.  6, 
attached  this  penalty  to  unnatural  crime ;  and 
the  Cone.  Neocaesar.  c.  2,  decreed  that  a  woman 
marrying  two  brothers  was  to  be  expelled  till 
the  approach  of  death,  and  then  only  to  be  ad- 
mitted on  her  assurance  that  should  she  recover 
the  marriage  should  be  dissolved.  And  finally, 
in  Rome  Felix  III.,  A.D.  483-492,  decided  in  Cone. 
Pom.  c.  2,  with  regard  to  the  African  clergy, 
who  had  suffered  themselves  to  be  rebaptized  in 
the  Vandal  persecution,  that  they  were  to  con- 


PENITENCE 

tinue  under  penance  all  the  days  of  their  life,  1 
and  not  be  present  during  the  prayers  of  the 
faithful  or  even  of  the  catechumens,  and  be  ad- 
mitted to  lay  communion  only  at  death.  (See 
Ambrose,  Laps.  Virg.  viii.  38.) 

4.  Penitence  of  the  Sick. — The  sick  under 
discipline  may  be  divided  into  three  classes  : — 
i.  those  who  for  some  grievous  crime  had  been 
ejected  from  the  church  and  fell  sick  while 
outside  her  pale  ;  ii.  those  who  were  conscious  of 
undetected  sin,  and  asked  for  penance  on  their 
sickbed ;  iii.  those  overtaken  by  illness  while 
undergoing  penance.  With  regard  to  the  first 
class,  there  seems  little  doubt  that  for  about 
the  first  300  years  the  full  grace  of  penance 
was  denied  to  them  absolutely.  Cyprian  {Ep. 
ad  Antoyi.  Iv.  19)  does  not  shrink  from  stating 
this  positively.  The  great  council  of  Aries, 
A.D.  314,  c.  22,  at  which  most  of  the  Western 
churches  were  represented,  decreed  that  apos- 
tates who  had  not  sought  penitence  in  health 
were  to  be  debarred  from  it  in  illness,  unless 
they  recovered,  and  had  an  opportunity  of  proving 
their  sincerity.  The  denial  of  penance  at  the 
hour  of  death  to  those  who  had  scorned  it  in  life 
was  continued  in  the  case  of  condemned  criminals 
for  a  long  period  in  France.  In  Germany  this 
rigour  was  relaxed  in  the  9th  century  by  Cone. 
Vonnat.  z.  80,  Cone.  Tribur.  c.  31 ;  in  France  it 
•was  not  repealed  till  Feb.  1396,  by  a  decree  of 
Charles  VI.  It  does  not  appear  that  the  refusal 
of  reconciliation  was  necessarily  a  refusal  of  all 
the  benefits  of  penitence  ;  for  Innocent  I.  A.D. 
402-417  (^Ep.  iii.  ad  Exiqxr.),  states  that  the  old 
custom  of  the  church,  in  the  case  of  repentant 
delinquents  at  death,  was  to  grant  penance  but 
deny  communion,  and  that  this  was  done  in  order 
to  maintain  a  high  standard  of  discipline  during 
the  times  of  persecution,  and  that  afterwards, 
when  persecutions  ceased,  both  penance  and  abso- 
lution were  conceded  to  the  dying,  and  that  this 
henceforth  was  the  law  of  the  Catholic  church. 
There  is  a  saying  of  Cyprian  (ad  Demetriam,  c. 
15),  "  Nunquam  sera  est  poenitentia  si  sit  vera." 
None  the  less  the  great  African  father  denied 
communion  to  grievous  sinners  in  their  last 
illness,  not  however  because  he  doubted  the 
efficacy  of  death-bed  repentance  but  its  sin- 
cerity. After  the  close  of  the  persecutions 
full  reconciliation  was  granted  to  all  dying 
men  seeking  it,  whatever  their  previous  career  ; 
and  the  question  was  authoritatively  set  at 
rest  by  a  decree  of  Cone.  Nicaen.  c.  13.  [See 
Eeconciliatiox.]  The  treatment  of  the  second 
class  of  sick,  those  whose  sin  had  not  been  de- 
tected or  confessed  till  their  last  illness,  was 
more  uniform.  Penitence  and  reconciliation  were 
on  no  account  to  be  refused  them  {Cone.  Andegav. 
A.D.  453,  c.  13).  Pope  Celestiue  I.,  A.D.  422- 
432  (Ep.  ii.  cul  Episc.  Yienn.  ct  Xarbon.),  says 
that  he  knew  of  some  having  denied  penitence 
to  the  dying,  but  that  he  was  "  horrorstruck  at 
such  impiety."  Leo  I.  a.d.  440-461  (Ep.  cviii. 
ad  Tlieod.  Episc.  c.  4),  not  only  decided  that  peni- 
tence was  to  be  granted  to  the  sick,  but  adds 
that  "  if  they  have  lost  their  voice  and  could 
■only  express  by  signs  their  desire  for  penance,  or 
even  if  they  were  motionless  as  well  as  speech- 
less, and  any  trustworthy  witnesses  could  testify 
that  they  had  .signified  the  desire  before  the 
arrival  of  the  priest,  it  was  in  all  cases  to  be 
conceded."    The  first  council  of  Orange,  a.d.  441, 


PENITENCE 


iGo; 


c.  12,  passed  a  similar  decree,  having  in  view 
probably  the  case  of  those  overtaken  by  paralysis, 
or  any  similar  affliction.  The  4  Cone.  Carthag. 
A.D.  398,  c.  76,  had  carried  the  concession  even 
farther,  it  had  granted  penance,  not  only  to  the 
helpless,  but  even  to  the  insensible,  if  there  was 
evidence  that  it  had  been  desired  by  the  patient 
while  he  was  rational  (see  12  Cone.  Tolet.  c.  2, 
13  Cone.  Tolet.  c.  9).  These  decrees  governed 
the  administration  of  the  penitence  of  the  sick 
during  the  middle  ages.  The  third  class  of  sick 
contained  those  who  were  overtaken  by  illness 
during  their  penance.  In  the  4th  and  5th  cen- 
turies when  sentences  sometimes  extended  over 
twenty  years,  this  class  must  have  been  a  nume- 
rous one.  They  were  on  the  supposition  already 
penitents.  The  matter  remaining  to  be  consi- 
dered is  the  time  and  manner  of  their  Reconci- 
liation. One  point  in  connexion  with  the 
penitence  of  the  sick  is  involved  in  some  obscu- 
rity. If  a  penitent  recovered  who  had  been 
absolved  on  his  sick-bed,  was  he  to  complete  his 
original  sentence  ?  In  the  case  of  light  sins,  for 
which  an  oflender  had  been  merely  debarred 
communion,  it  would  follow  that  when  commu- 
nion was  conceded  the  penalty  was  at  an  end. 
Morinus  (x.  14)  is  disposed  to  extend  the  same 
principle,  at  any  rate  up  to  the  time  of  the 
spread  of  the  iS^ovatian  heresy,  to  delinquents 
guilty  of  greater  crimes,  and  who  had  been  made 
penitents  strictly  so-called.  He  considers  their 
absolution  a  satisfaction  of  all  ecclesiastical 
censure.  The  treatment  of  the  lapsed  in  the 
Roman  and  African  churches,  and  also  the  silence 
of  the  canons  of  Elvira  with  regard  to  the  com- 
pletion of  a  sentence  after  reconciliation  in  ex- 
treme sickness,  bear  out  the  inference.  He  makes 
the  same  statement,  though  with  some  hesitation, 
with  respect  to  the  Greek  church  in  the  period 
prior  to  the  organization  of  the  stations.  With 
the  beginning  of  the  4th  century  the  question 
becomes  clearer.  The  severity  which  spread 
through  the  treatment  of  all  penitents  was  ex- 
tended to  convalescents.  The  sentence  left  un- 
finished at  the  time  of  a  sickbed  remission  was 
to  be  taken  up  on  recovery.  This  rule  was 
enforced,  not  only  as  a  matter  of  principle,  but 
to  meet  the  cases  of  those,  which  appear  to  have 
been  not  infrequent,  who  feigned  dangerous 
illness  in  order  to  escape  part  of  their  penalty. 
Originally  a  penitent  once  reconciled  was  sent 
back  on  recovery,  not  to  his  former  position,  but 
only  to  the  station  of  eonsistentia.  The  council 
of  Nice  (c.  13),  after  resolving  that  no  one  on 
the  threat  of  death  was  to  be  denied  his  i(p65ioi' 
(viaticum'),  goes  on  to  decree  that  should  the  man 
revive  after  receiving  it,  he  was  henceforth  to 
communicate  in  prayer  only  till  his  original  sen- 
tence was  finished.  In  some  parts  of  the  church 
this  middle  course  was  the  one  adopted  for  a  long 
period.  It  was  approved  by  Felix  III.  (Ep.  vii.), 
in  the  treatment  of  the  rebaptized,  who  in  anti- 
cipation of  death  had  been  permitted  to  commu- 
nicate, and  is  inserted  by  JIartin  of  Braga  in  his 
Collect.  Can.  c.  82.  In  other  provinces  i;roater 
severity  prevailed.  Gregory  of  Nyssa  laid  it 
down,  that  a  patient  who  had  been  granted  par- 
ticipation in  the  holy  mysteries  should,  if  he 
recovered,  return  to  the  station  in  whicli  his 
danger  and  necessity  had  found  him.  Synesius 
(Ep.  67)  attached  the  .same  condition  to  ion- 
ceding  communion    to    a  certain   Lamponiainis. 


1606 


PENITENCE 


The  4  Cone.  Carthag.  a.d.  398,  c.  7G,  with  regard 
to  penitence  being  given  even  to  one  insensible, 
made  it  the  duty  of  those  who  had  been  witnesses 
of  his  contrition,  to  take  care  that  if  he  re- 
covered he  fulfilled  his  canonical  penance,  the 
duration  of  which  was  to  rest  with  the  discretion 
of  the  priest.  By  ibid.  c.  78,  no  sick  man  who 
had  received  his  viaticum  was  to  consider  his 
penitence  satisfied  without  imposition  of  hands ; 
and  as  this  was  one  of  the  rites  of  the  srcbstrati, 
it  would  involve  his  being  remitted  to  that 
station.  The  completion  of  penance  after  a  sick- 
bed absolution  was  for  a  long  time  the  general 
rule  (1  Cone.  Arcmsic.  A.D.  441,  c.  3 ;  Cone. 
JEpaon.  A.D.  517,  c.  36).  The  rule  was  to  some 
degree  modified  by  a  decision  of  1  Cone.  Bareinon. 
A.D.  540,  c.  8,  that  the  length  of  a  convalescent's 
penance  should  depend  on  the  discretion  of  the 
priest,  but  should  in  no  case  involve  imposition 
of  hands.  From  the  6th  century,  and  up  to  the 
beginning  of  the  12th,  severity  towards  the  sick 
increased  rather  than  diminished.  An  indication 
of  this  is  seen  in  3  Cone.  Tolet.  A.D.  589,  c.  12, 
which  requii-ed  sick  penitents,  equally  with 
those  in  health,  to  shave  their  heads  if  they 
were  men,  and  if  women  wear  a  veil,  and  put  on 
haircloth  or  some  other  penitential  dress.  This 
injunction,  which  appears  to  have  been  confirmed 
by  12  Cone.  Tolct.  A.D.  681,  c.  2,  and  by  13 
Cone.  Tolet.  A.D.  683,  c.  9,  must  manifestly  have 
depended  on  the  nature  of  the  sickness. 

5.  Season  of  Penitence. — The  godly  custom 
that  persons  convicted  of  notorious  crimes  should 
be  put  to  open  penance,  Avas  not  confined  to  the 
beginning  of  Lent  in  the  primitive  church. 
Bingham  (Antiq.  XVIII.  ii.  2)  says  there  is  a 
perfect  silence  in  the  more  ancient  writers  about 
it.  Morinus  (vii.  19)  traces  the  origin  of  the 
restriction  to  the  quadragesimal  seasons  to  the 
7th  century,  when  public  penance  had  censed  to 
bo  exacted  for  secret  sin.  For  the  first  half  of 
the  5th  century  Hilary  of  Aries  is  a  witness 
(Vita,  c.  13)  that  penitence  was  granted  every 
Sunday.  The  primitive  custom  appears  to  have 
been  to  receive  the  penitent  whenever  he  was 
brought  to  the  bishop.  In  the  Greek  church 
this  custom  was  never  restricted ;  but  in  the 
Latin  the  various  pontificals  and  rituals  of  the 
8th  and  9th  centuries  disclose  a  practice  of 
reserving  the  penitential  rites  to  the  beginning 
of  Lent,  whether  the  first  Sunday  or  the 
previous  Wednesday.  Even  at  that  date  peni- 
tence was  not  exclusively  confined  to  the  Lenten 
season.  The  cajmt  jejvnii  was  held  to  be  the 
usual  and  most  appropriate  time,  but  there  was 
no  law  of  the  church  prohibiting  the  imposition 
of  a  state  of  penance  at  any  season  of  the  year 
if  the  case  required  it. 

6.  3finister  of  Penitence. — In  the  administra- 
tion the  bishop  had  supreme  if  not  exclusive 
power.  The  statement,  however,  of  Jlartene  (cle 
Hit.  i.  6),  that  he  alone  received  confession,  and 
he  alone  imposed  penance,  is  too  unqualified.  For 
it  seems  undoubted  that  the  presbyters  shared 
the  bishop's  jurisdiction.  Still,  the  power 
resided  in  the  bishop  alone,  if  he  saw  fit  to 
exercise  it.  Cyprian  frequently  claimed  and  used 
the  sole  right  of  discipline  {_Epp.  xvii.  xix.  xxv. 
xli.  xlii.  xlvi.  &c.)  and  his  presbyters  acknow- 
ledged his  claim  (^Ep.  Caldonat.  ap.  Cyprian, 
xxiv.)  The  Apostolical  Constitutions,  which  deal 
so  largely  with  discipline,  are  addressed  to  the 


PENITENCE 

bishop.  He  was  to  preside  over  all,  as  entrusted 
with  the  power  of  binding  and  loosing  (^Apost. 
Const,  ii.  18) ;  upon  him  the  blame  was  to  be 
laid  if  he  neglected  to  exercise  his  power  (ibid. 
c.  10),  for  he  was  set  in  the  church  to  sit  in 
judgment  on  offenders.  [Bishop,  p.  231.]  But 
although  Cyprian  and  others  did  not  hesitate  to 
vindicate  their  episcopal  authority,  they  fre- 
quently acted  in  conjunction  with  their  presby- 
ters in  the  difficulties  disturbing  the  church. 
From  the  earliest  ages  there  are  indications  of 
this  association  of  presbyters  with  their  bishops. 
Some  such  association  appears  in  the  sentence 
issued  by  St.  Paul  against  the  incestuous  Corin- 
thian (  1  Cor.  V. ).  The  excommunication 
emanated  from  the  apostle,  but  it  was  to  be 
decreed  by  the  assembled  church,  "  when  ye 
are  gathered  together,"  at  Corinth.  The  apostle 
was  present  only  in  spirit  to  preside  over  their 
assembly. 

Ignatius,  whose  epistles  snew  tne  great 
authority  possessed  by  presbyters  in  the  2nd 
century,  refers  (^ad  Philadelph.  c.  8)  to  the  peni- 
tent coming  to  the  bishop's  consistory,  «js 
ffvvfSpiov  Tov  iiTtaKSvov.  The  Constitiitions, 
after  speaking  of  the  presbyters  as  the  advisers 
of  the  bishop,  and  the  council  and  senate  of  the 
church,  go  on  to  say  that  the  presbyters,  and 
the  deacons  shall  sit  in  judgment  with  the 
bishop  (^Apost.  Const,  ii.  28).  Tertullian's 
definition  of  exomologesis  (^Poenitent.  c.  9)  com- 
prised submission  and  supplication  to  the  pres- 
byters. Humiliation  before  the  presbyters  is 
related  of  Natalis  the  confessor  (Euseb.  //.  E. 
V.  28).  In  Cone.  Eliber.  c.  74,  the  "  conventus 
clericorum  "  is  made  the  judge  of  the  gravity 
of  a  perjurer's  offence.  Cyprian  has  numerous 
allusions  (Epp.  xvi.  xix.  &c.)  to  the  presbyters 
uniting  with  the  bishops  in  the  administration 
of  discipline.  For  himself,  he  said  {Ep.  xiv.), 
from  the  beginning  of  his  episcopacy  he  had 
resolved  to  do  nothing  of  his  private  judgment 
without  their  concurrence.  Cornelius  similarly 
(Ejy.  xlix.  ad  Cyprian)  woiild  not  decide  the  case 
of  the  confessors  who  had  sided  with  Novatian 
till  he  had  summoned  his  presbyter)'.  The 
councils  which  condemned  Origen  (Pamphil. 
Apolog.  ap.  Phot.  Cod.  cxviii.),  Kovatian  (Euseb. 
H.  E.  vi.  43),  and  Paul  of  Samosata  {ibid.  vii. 
28),  were  composed  of  bishops  and  presbyters, 
the  last-mentioned  synod  containing  deacons 
also.  The  first  step  in  the  prosecution  of'Noetus 
(Epiphan.  Haeres.  Ivii.  1),  and  of  Arius  (ibid. 
Ixix.  3)  was  to  bring  them  before  the  presbyter_v. 
Before  Alexander,  bishop  of  Alexandria,  issued 
his  circular  letter  to  the  other  bishops  against 
Arius,  he  had  previously  summoned  the  presby- 
ters and  deacons,  not  only  to  hear  the  letter,  but 
also  to  give  their  assent  to  the  judgment  (Co- 
teler,  ac?  Const.  Apost.  viii.  28).  On  the  con- 
demnation of  Jovinian  by  Siricius  (^Ep.  ii.)  a 
presbytery  was  summoned,  and  the  presbyters 
and  deacons  were  associated  in  the  promulgation 
of  the  sentence.  Similar  steps  were  taken  by 
Synesius  (^Ep.  Ivii.)  in  excommunicating  An- 
dronicus.  The  fourth  Cone.  Carthag.  c.  23,  pro- 
hibited a  bishop  from  hearing  any  cause  alone 
without  the  presence  of  his  clergy ;  but  it  is 
not  clear  whether  the  causes  in  view  were- 
clerical  or  lay.  In  many  instances  of  ecclesias- 
tical censures  the  laity  appear  to  have  been 
present,  not  in  any  judicial  capacity,  but  as  wit- 


PENITENCE 

messes,  and  to  stamp  the  sentence  as  issuing  from 
■the  whole  body  of  the  faithful. 

After  the  conviction  of  an  offender,  it  rested 
Avith  some  one  to  see  that  the  sentence  was 
carried  out.  In  such  public  rites  as  imposition 
of  hands  and  a  special  locality  in  the  church, 
there  could  be  no  need  of  supervision.  The 
case  would  be  different  with  the  more  private 
disabilities  and  austerities.  Generally  speaking, 
the  superintendence  rested  with  the  bishop. 
This  is  clear  from  the  numerous  passages 
referring  to  his  authority  over  penitents  ;  and 
further  evidence  in  the  same  direction  may  be 
gathered  from  the  laws  forbidding  a  bishop  to 
rece've  a  penitent,  without  recommendation, 
from  another  diocese.  {Can.  Apost.  c.  12  ;  Cone. 
Nicaen.  c.  5 ;  Cone.  Eliber.  c.  53  ;  1  Cone.  Arelat. 
c.  16.)  It  would  have  been  impracticable  for 
the  bishop  to  have  long  maintained  this  super- 
vision personally.  In  the  earliest  ages,  when 
every  member  of  a  church  was  known  to  the 
bishop  and  to  each  other,  he  probably  did  so ; 
the  congregation  would  supply  all  needful 
-evidence  of  the  performance  of  an  erring  mem- 
ber's penalty.  But  as  the  dioceses  increased  in 
size,  he  must  have  found  it  necessary  to  delegate 
his  authority.  In  the  East  it  was  transferred 
to  the  Penitentiary  presbyter,  appointed  by 
the  bishof),  and  acting  for  him.  In  the  West 
the  duty  of  supervision  appears  to  have  been 
committed  to  a  great  extent  to  the  deacon. 
The  Apostolic  Constitutions  (ii.  16)  appoint  the 
deacon  to  attend  to  an  expelled  member,  and 
keep  him  out  of  the  church,  and  afterwards 
bring  him  to  the  bishop.  In  the  9th  century 
rituals,  this  duty  is  laid,  not  on  the  deacons 
generally,  but  on  the  archdeacon.  He  it  was 
•who  collected  the  penitents  and  admonished 
them,  and  introduced  them  to  the  bishop, 
and  afterwards  bore  testimony  that  their 
penance  had  been  duly  performed.  Morinus 
(vi.  17)  conjectures  that,  for  at  least  300 
years  prior  to  the  date  of  these  rituals, 
these  same  duties  fell  to  the  charge  of 
the  archdeacon.  In  the  larger  dioceses  the 
■rural  deans  shared  the  duty  ;  and  subsequently, 
as  appears  from  the  visitation  articles  of 
Hincmar,  it  became  one  of  the  functions  of  the 
parochial  clergy. 

The  power  of  remitting  the  length  or  severity 
of  a  sentence  was  one  of  the  privileges  of  the 
bishop.  He,  said  the  council  of  Ancyra  (c.  5) 
Avas  to  examine  the  life  and  conversation  of  the 
penitent,  and  increase  or  mitigate  his  penalty. 
A  similar  power  was  recognised  by  a  succession 
of  councils  {Cone.  Nicaen.  c.  12 ;  Cone.  Clmlced. 
A.D.  451,  c.  16  ;  Cone.  Andegav.  A.D.  453,  c.  12  ; 
Cone.  Herd.  A.D.  523,  c.  5 ;  4  Cone.  Aurel.  A.D. 
541,  c.  8).  As  the  number  of  penitents  increased, 
more  discretion  was  vested  in  the  presbyter,  but 
always  with  a  reference,  and,  if  necessary,  with 
an  appeal  to  the  bishop.  Basil,  c.  74,  gives  the 
power  of  alleviating  penance  to  those  who  have 
■the  gift  of  binding  and  loosing ;  language  which 
was  also  used  by  Cone,  in  Trull,  c.  102.  By 
4  Cone.  Aurel.  c.  28 ;  1  Cone.  Cahilon.  c.  8,  the 
■"•  saccrdos  "  was  the  judge  who  determined  the 
extent  of  penance.  In  the  Eastern  church,  from 
the  time  of  the  Decian  persecution  till  the 
episcopacy  of  Ncctarius  of  Constantinople,  the 
penitentiary  must  have  been  the  executive 
minister  of  discipline 


PENITENCE 


1607 


7.  Penitence  of  Clergy. — The  penitential  disci- 
pline as  it  affected  the  laity  was  medicinal  rather 
than  penal.  In  its  treatment  of  the  clergy,  the 
penal  element  predominated.  Not  only  was  a 
delinquent  clerk  exposed  to  the  humiliation  of 
a  public  censure,  but  he  was  also  deprived,  tem- 
porarily or  absolutely,  of  his  oflice,  and  the  rank 
and  emolument  of  office.  And  the  sentence  was 
the  more  severe,  that  in  the  early  ages  a  de- 
graded clerk  was  never  reinstated.  Hence  a 
charge  against  a  clergyman  was  required  to  be 
proved  with  legal  formality,  as  his  guilt  in- 
volved not  only  a  moral  stigma,  but  a  loss  of 
privilege  and  means  of  livelihood.  This  two- 
fold eft'ect,  the  spiritual  and  the  temporal,  of  an 
ecclesiastical  censure  on  the  clergy,  naturally 
regulated  the  administration  of  discipline  to- 
wards them.  One  of  the  Apostolical  Canons 
(c.  24)  laid  it  down,  that  a  bishop,  priest,  or 
deacon,  for  certain  crimes,  was  to  be  deposed, 
but  not  excommunicated,  because  the  ^Scriptures 
had  said  that  a  man  was  not  to  be  punished 
twice  for  the  same  offence.  The  rule  was 
repeated  by  Basil,  cc.  3,  32,  57.  Still  it 
does  not  represent  the  unvarying  discipline 
for  the  first  three  centuries.  In  general  a 
clergyman  was  degraded  in  cases  in  which  a 
layman  was  excommunicated.  And  where  this 
rule  held  good,  a  clergyman  was  not  subjected 
to  penitence.  But  in  the  primitive  ages  it  fre- 
quently occurred  that  no  difference  was  made 
between  the  penance  of  clergy  and  laity.  The 
penalty  followed  the  same  course  as  if  the 
delinquent  had  not  been  in  orders — ejection 
from  the  church,  and  re-admission  by  penance. 
(See  council  of  Neocaesarea,  c.  1.)  The  Elviran 
canons  aftbrd  a  still  clearer  illustration  of 
clerical  penance.  A  deacon  confessing  a  pre- 
ordination crime  might  receive  communion  at 
the  end  of  three  years,  acta  legitimd  poenitentid 
{Cone.  Eliber.  c.  76).  For  instances  of  public 
penance,  see  the  account  given  of  Natalis 
(Euseb.  II.  E.  v.  28)  ;  and  of  the  presbyter  Felix 
(Cyprian.  Ep.  xxv.  ad  Caldon. ;  Ep.  Caldon.  ap. 
Cyprian,  xxiv.);  of  iS'^ovatus  (Id.  Ep.  lii.  3);  of 
Trophimus  (Id.  Ep.  Iv.  8) ;  of  bishop  Fortunatus 
(Id.  Ep.  Ixv.) ;  and  of  bishop  Basilides  (Id.  Ep. 
Ixvii.  6).  Nor  did  open  clerical  penance,  which 
was  part  of  the  stricter  system  of  a  time  of 
persecution,  altogether  cease  with  the  close  of 
the  3rd  century.  The  first  council  of  Orange, 
A.D.  441,  c.  4,  followed  by  the  second  council  of 
Aries,  c.  29,  determined  that  clergy  should  be 
admitted  to  penance  if  they  sought  it.  The 
first  council  of  Orleans,  A.D.  511,  c.  12,  mentions 
a  presbyter,  "  sub  professione  poenitentis."  The 
third  council  of  Braga,  A.D.  675,  c.  4,  threatened 
a  clergyman  with  six  months'  subjection  "  legibus 
poenitentiae."  (See  also  1  Cone.  Turon.  cc.  3,  5  ; 
Cone.  Venet.  c.  16 ;  Cunc.  Agath.  cc.  8,  42 ; 
Cone.  Herd.  cc.  1,  5  ;  2  Cone.  Tolct.  c.  3  ;  3  Coiw. 
Aurelian.  cc.  4,  8.)  On  the  other  hand,  a  state- 
ment of  Pope  Leo,  441-461,  seems  dillicult  to 
reconcile  with  these  authorities.  He  lays  it 
down  (in  Ep.  xcii.  c.  2,  ad  Hustie. ;  Labb.  Com-. 
iiii.  1408)  that  it  is  not  in  accordance  with 
ecclesiastical  custom  for  a  presbyter  or  deacon 
to  obtain  the  grace  of  penance  by  imposition  of 
hands.  One  explanation  is  that  the  "  eccle- 
siastica  consuctudo"  alleged  by  Leo  was  i-re- 
valcnt  only  in  tlio  Koman  church.  Another, 
that  the  words  of  Leo  were  strictly  correct,  and 


1608 


PENITENTIAL  BOOKS 


that  no  presbyter  or  deacon  as  such  was  ever 
subjected  to  penance,  because  he  was  first  de- 
graded and  had  ceased  to  be  a  clergyman.  But 
this  explanation,  while  reconciling  the  pope's 
language  with  canonical  decisions,  reduces  it  to 
a  mere  truism.  The  privilege,  or  inability,  in 
whichever  light  it  may  be  regarded,  which  as  a 
general  rule  protected  the  higher  clergy  from 
open  penance,  was  not  extended  to  the  lower 
orders.  The  council  of  Chalcedon,  a.d.  451, 
decreed  in  two  canons  (cc.  2,  8),  that  for  pur- 
poses of  discipline  monks  were  to  be  regarded 
as  laity  ;  a  decision  repeated  by  1  Cone.  Barcinon. 
A.D.  540,  c.  10 ;  Gone,  in  Trull,  c.  81 ;  2  Cone. 
Nicaen.  cc.  5, 13.  For  a  further  account  of  clerical 
penalties,  see  Bishop,  p.  228;  Degeadatiox  ; 
Discipline  ;  Orders,  Holy,  p.  1492.     [G.  M.] 

PENITENTIAL  BOOKS  :  Liber  Poeni- 
tentialis  ;  poenitentiale  ;  confessionale  ; 
poenitentiales  codices,  codicelli,  libelli  ; 
Leges  Poenitentium  ;  Peccantiidi  Judicia. 
The  term  is  applied  to  collections  of  penitential 
canons  issued  under  the  name  and  with  the 
authority  of  some  eminent  ecclesiastic,  with  a 
Tiew  to  establish  a  uniform  rule  for  the  admi- 
nistration of  discipline  ;  the  best  known  are  the 
Anglo-Saxon  penitentials  of  the  7th  and  8th 
centuries. 

The  early  history  of  canons  of  discipline  is 
involved  in  some  obscurity.  It  is  probable  that 
each  bishop,  with  his  presbytery,  administered 
the  discipline  of  his  diocese  on  certain  general 
principles  which  left  the  details  to  local  regula- 
tion. Afterwards,  as  individual  bishops  by 
weight  of  character  gained  a  reputation  in  the 
chui'ch,  their  decisions  on  matters  of  discipline 
iibtained  more  or  less  the  force  of  church  law. 
Hence  the  epistles  of  Basil  and  his  brother 
Gregory  of  Nyssa  on  penance  were  received  as 
of  something  like  canonical  authority.  In  this 
view  they  may  be  regarded  as  the  earliest  peni- 
tential books.  Of  these  two  sets  of  canonical 
laws,  that  of  Gregory  is  in  the  form  of  a  letter 
to  Letoius,  bishop  of  Melitine.  It  attempts  to 
trace  the  source  of  all  sin  to  one  of  the  three 
faculties  of  the  soul,  which  he  designates  the 
rational,  the  concupiscible,  and  the  irascible, 
and  for  each  a  separate  mode  of  treatment  is  to 
be  adopted  ;  but  there  is  no  regulated  scale  of 
penalties  for  different  degrees  of  sin.  The 
epistle  of  Basil  contains  more  direct  penal  enact- 
ments. It  deals  principally  with  the  three 
capital  crimes  of  idolatry,  murder,  and  fornica- 
tion, and  allots  to  each  form  of  sin  its  appro- 
priate punishment.  Although  stamped  with  no 
canonical  authority,  Basil's  epistle  evidently  had 
a  wide  influence  on  the  administration  of  the 
discipline  of  the  Eastern  church,  and  eventually 
received  the  synodical  sanction  of  the  council  iii 
Trullo,  A.D.  692.  Other  rudimentary  peniten- 
tials are  to  be  found  in  the  numerous  decretals 
of  the  Roman  bishops,  although  no  one  of  these 
deals  systematically  with  the  subject.  After  the 
3rd  century  the  chief  authority  for  the  regula- 
tion of  discipline  was  in  the  penitential  canons 
of  the  councils.  In  addition  to  the  general 
council  of  Nice,  the  Oriental  councils  of  Ancyra, 
A.D.  314,  Neocaesarea,  a.d.  314,  Gangra,  a.d. 
362,  and  the  various  African  councils  of  the  4th 
and  5th  centuries,  and  the  Spanish  and  Prankish 
from  the   4th   to    the   7th    century,  contain   a 


PENITENTIAL  BOOKS 

copious  legislation  for  the  administration  of 
penance.  The  decrees  of  these  councils  had  only 
a  provincial,  or  at  most  a  national,  force,  and 
there  was  no  attempt  to  establish  a  universal 
code  of  penitential  law.  The  nearest  approach 
to  systematizing  the  laws  of  discipline  is  in  the 
Codex  Eeclesiac  Afrlcanae,  emanating  from 
Carthage,  a.d.  419.  The  full  development  of 
the  penitential  system  is  usually  attributed  to 
Theodore,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  a.d.  669- 
G90.  But  recent  investigations  have  established 
the  genuineness  of  fragmentary  British  and 
Irish  penitentials,  which  indicate  that  the  system 
was  flourishing  in  the  Celtic  churches  in  these 
islands  at  a  period  anterior  to  Theodore.  The 
nature  of  the  contents  of  the  various  penitentials, 
wherever  there  is  any  peculiarity  to  call  for 
remark,  will  appear  as  the  list  proceeds ;  but  in 
general  it  may  be  said  that  they  had  one  com- 
mon charactei-istic,  varying  little  with  the 
nation  for  whose  guidance  they  were  compiled. 
They  maintain  a  complete  silence  on  the  dogma- 
tical controversies  which  shook  and  disunited 
the  Eastern  church  ;  in  many  of  them  there  is- 
little  or  no  reference  to  the  ordinances  of  the 
church  ;  their  whole  purpose  and  strength  are 
concentrated  on  the  enforcement  of  practical 
duties.  Among  the  rude  tribes  of  the  north 
and  west,  the  outward  profession  of  their  newly- 
acquired  Christianity  was  by  no  means  invariablv 
followed  by  an  abandonment  of  the  ferocious  and 
licentious  passions  of  the  old  heathen  life.  It 
was  the  object  of  the  penitential  book  to  allay,  and 
gradually  to  extirpate,  the  vices  of  heathenism. 
The  pictures  which  they  disclose,  especially  of 
the  sins  of  the  flesh,  is  a  dark  one.  But  the 
public  denunciation  of  these  crimes  and  passions 
in  the  church,  and  the  determination  of  her 
rulers  to  restrain  them,  was  a  step  towards  the 
light.  The  drawing  out  a  catalogue  of  different 
vices,  and  appending  a  proportionate  punishment 
to  each,  no  doubt  fostered  the  notion  that  each 
vice  had  its  price,  by  the  payment  of  which  it 
might  be  expiated,  and  so  far  tended  to  blunt  the 
moral  sense  of  the  iniquity  of  sin.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  church,  by  declaring  that  it  was  her 
function  to  discover  and  punish  vice  because  it 
was  vice  and  against  God's  law,  brought  home 
to  the  people,  in  the  only  way  these  simple 
races  could  understand,  a  belief  in  Godfs  moral 
government  of  the  world.  An  undue  multipli- 
cation of  the  books  was  jealously  watched.  In 
the  Gallic  church,  where,  to  judge  from  the 
number  of  Prankish  penitentials  which  survive, 
their  influence  must  have  been  widespread,  the 
council  of  Chalons,  A.D.  813  (c.  38)  passes  upon 
them  a  formal  censure  ;  they  are  said  to  clash 
with  the  authority  of  the  canons  ;  their  authors 
are  declared  to  be  uncertain,  but  their  erroi"s 
certain."     The  discipline  of  the  penitentials  was 


*  The  decrees  of  the  Gallican  councils  against  peni- 
tentials are  very  severe.  Thus  the  council  of  Chalons, 
A.D.  813,  c.  38:  "Modus  enim  poenitentiae  peccata  sua 
confltentibus  aut  per  antiquoium  inslitutionem  ant  per 
sanctarum  scripturarutn  auctoritatcm  aut  per  eccle- 
siasticam  consuetudlnem  imponi  dcbef,  repudiatis  ac 
pepitus  eliminatis  libellis,  quos  penitentiales  vocant, 
quorum  sunt  certi  errores,  incerti  auctores."  Compare 
Cone.  Mogunt,  a.d.  847,  c.  31 ;  Cone.  Paris,  a.d.  829, 
c.  32.  In  the  latter  the  bishops  are  ordered  to  burn  the 
penitentials  wherever  they  find  them:  ["Ne  per  eoa 
ult-rius    sacerdotes    impcriti  homines   decipiant."]    A 


PENITENTIAL  BOOKS 

that  of  the  cloister,  classifying  siu,  and  pursuing 
it  into  every  detail  ;  the  monastic  rules  being 
relaxed,  and  adapted  to  the  conditions  of  life  of 
a  free  people.  In  the  list  which  follows  it  will 
be  convenient  to  arrange  the  books  under  the 
headings  of  the  different  national  churches  in 
which  they  were  jjublished. 

I.  British  and  Irish  Pexitentials. 

1.  Excerpta  quacdam  de  Lihro  Bavidis. — ;The 
date  of  these  fragmentary  extracts  from  the 
'  Liber  '  of  David,  bishop  of  Minevia,  the  present 
St.  David's,  lies  between  A.D.  550  and  600  (Had- 
dan  and  Stubbs,  Councils  and  Feci.  Documents, 
i.  118).  They  consist  of  sixteen  canons  treating 
of  drunkenness,  fornication,  homicide,  perjury, 
robbery,  usury  ;  and  may  be  considered  as  the 
earliest  penitential  book  connected  with  the 
British  islands. 

2.  Sinodus  Aquilonalis  Britanniae. 

3.  Altera  Sinodus  Luci  Victoriae.  —  Two 
synods  held  imder  David,  in  the  year  569.  The 
tirst  contains  seven  penitential  canons,  the 
second  nine. 

The  locality  of  the  synods  was  probably 
Llanddewi  Brefi,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Car- 
digan (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  i.  117).  The  state 
of  morals  exhibited  by  these  early  canons  was 
degraded.  The  '  Liber  Davidis '  opens  with  the 
penalty  for  excessive  drinking  among  priests 
about  to  minister  in  God's  temple. 

4.  Poenitentiale  Vinniai. — This  book  was  first 
printed  by  Wasserschleben  {Bussordnungen,  &c. 
pp.  108-119)  from  a  comparison  of  the  MSS. 
Cod.  Sangall.  No.  150,  saec.  ix ;  Vindob.  Theol. 
Lat.  No.  725,  saec.  is  ;  Sangerm.  No.  121,  saec. 
viii. ;  and  the  Irish  canons  of  the  Cod.  Paris,  No. 
.'^182,  saec.  xi.  sii.  It  is  difficult  to  identify  the 
Viuniaus,  or  Finian,  whose  name  it  bears.  Was- 
serschleben conjectures  the  author  to  be  the 
Finianus  mentioned  by  the  BoUandists  (^Acta  SS. 
Mart.  i.  p.  391)  who,  born  in  Ireland  in  the  year 
450,  lived  for  some  time  in  Gaul,  then  went  to 
Wales,  to  bishop  David,  whence,  in  the  end  of  the 
5th  century,  he  returned  to  Ireland,  in  order  to 
uphold  the  faith  and  discipline  which  had 
declined  since  the  death  of  St.  Patrick.  If  this 
Finian  was  a  contemporaiy  of  David,  he  lived  a 
century  later,  but  even  so  he  would  be  earlier 
than  Columban,  which  corresponds  with  the 
conclusion  which  would  be  drawn  from  a 
comparison  of  this  confessional  book  with  that 
of  Columban,  where  the  greater  part  of  Finian's 
Avork  is  repeated.  Wasserschleben  divides  the 
book  into  fifly-three  paragraphs.  This  peni- 
tential enumerates  the  principal  crimes  of  the 
clergy  and  laity,  with  their  appropriate  punish- 
ments. Like  the  synods  under  St.  Patrick,  and 
the  Liber  Bavidis,  it  shews  the  influence  which 
the  clergy  had  obtained  in  temporal  matters 
among  the  Celtic  nations. 

5.  Prefatio  Gildae  de  Fenitentia.— The  date  of 

similar  feeling  is  apparent  in  a  letter  of  bisbop  Ebbo  of 
Rheims,  circa  a.d.  830,  to  Halitgar  of  Cambray  (Canisius, 
Lectt.  Antiq.  ed.  Basnage,  torn.  ii.  pt.  ii.  p.  87) :  ["  El  hoc 
est,  quod  hacinrc  valde  me  soUicitat,  quod  ita  confusa 
sunt  judicia  poenitenlium  in  presbyterorum  iiostrorum 
opuscuUs  atque  ita  diversa  et  inter  se  discrcpantia  et 
nuUius  auctoritate  suffulta,  ut  vix  propter  dissonaiitiutn 
possint  discerni,  unde  fit,  ut  concurreiitc3  ad  remedium 
poenitentiae  tarn  pro  librorum  confusione,  quam  eliam 
pro  ingenii  tarditate,  nuUatenus  eis  valeant  subvenire."] 


PENITENTIAL  BOOKS      1609 

this  fragment  must  be  placed  somewhere  before 
the  year  570  (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  i.  113).  u 
comprises  twenty-seven  sections,  several  of 
which  are  repeated  in  Cummean  and  Bede,  and  in 
the  so-called  Roman  Penitential.  The  mode  of 
penance  to  be  inflicted  is  strictly  stated  at  the 
outset,  and  is  much  more  in  detail  than  the 
penance  to  be  found  in  any  other  early  book. 

6.  Canones  Adamnani  {Addamnari  vcl  Ad- 
dotninari').— The  canons  of  Adamnan,  abbat  of 
the  monastery  of  Hy,  the  date  of  which  must  lie 
between  the  years  679  and  704,  were  jirobably 
passed  by  some  Irish  synod  under  Adamuan's 
influence  (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  ii.  111).  They 
consist  of  thirty  chapters,  treating  almost  en- 
tirely of  unclean  food. 

7.  Canones  Wallici.— These  canons  are  a  collec- 
tion of  national  rather  than  ecclesiastical  law. 
They  are  found  in  the  Cod.  Sangerm.  No.  121, 
saec.  viii.  with  the  title  •'  Incipit  judicium  cul- 
parum  ;"  in  the  Cod.  Paris,  No.  3182,  from 
whence  they  were  taken  by  Martene  {Nov.  Ihes. 
t.  iv.  col.  13),  they  are  called  "Excerpta  de 
libris  Eomanorum  et  Francorum."  For  the 
argument  for  their  Welsh  origin,  see  Haddan 
and  Stubbs,  i.  127.  Tlieir  date  is  probably  the 
first  half  of  the  7th  century. 

8.  Canones  Hihernenses. — These  canons  are 
found  in  the  same  Freuch  MSS.  with  the  pre- 
ceding collection.  They  are  all  of  great 
antiquity  ;  some,  as  apparently  iii.  "  Synodus 
Hibernensis  decrevit,"  being  decisions  of  synods 
over  which  St.  Patrick  presided.  The  canons 
are  interesting  as  specimens  of  early  penitential 
rules,  and  as  the  sources  from  which  later  com- 
pilations were  derived.  Wasserschleben  (pp.  136- 
144)  has  published  six  collections : — i.  "  De 
disputatione  Hibernensis  sinodi  et  Gregori 
Nasaseni  sermo  de  innumerabilibus  peccatis  in- 
cipit." Many  of  these  canons  are  afterwards  used 
by  the  compiler  of  the  Penit.  Biqotiamtm  [infra, 
p.  1612].  Their  spelling  of  Latin  terminations, 
is  remarkable  ;  there  are  also  traces  of  the  use 
of  the  old  vernacular,  as,  for  example  (c.  4), 
"  Poenitentia  magi  vel  votivi  mali,  si  credulus  id 
dem  ergach  vel  praeconis."  ii.  "  De  Arreis."  This 
is  the  earliest  notice  of  redemptions  to  be  found 
in  penitential  books,  and  was  the  parent  from 
which  many  later  developments  of  the  system 
drew  their  origin.  The  first  canon  gives  a  fair 
instance  of  the  nature  of  the  commutations  : 
"  Arreum  superpossitionis  C.  psalmi  et  C.  flee- 
tiones  genuum  vel  iii.  quingenta  et  cantica  vii. 
iii.  "Synodus  Hibernensis  decrevit."  iv.  "Dejec- 
tione."  A  curious  scale  of  payments  to  be  made 
by  one  who  turns  a  poor  man  adrift  or  refuses  to 
succour  him.  The  "jectio  "  shall  be  a  certain 
proportion,  from  a  fifth  to  a  ninth,  of  the 
composition  for  murder,  v.  "  De  canibus  sinodus 
sapientium."  vi.  "  Item  synodus  sapientia  sic  de 
decimis  disputant." 

IL  Prankish  Penitentials. 
The  discipline  of  the  Prankish  church  from 
the  4th  century  was  regulated  by  the  decrees  ot 
provin(!ial  councils,  which  are  remarkably  full  of 
disciplinary  canons.  It  was  not  till  the  7th  cen- 
tury that  anything  a|)pr(>aihing  to  a  systematic 
compilation  of  the  different  acts  of  councils  in 
the  form  of  a  penitential  was  attempted.  How 
well  the  ground  was  prepared  for  such  a  compi- 
lation   appears   from  the  nunierou*   penitential 


IGIO       PENITENTIAL  BOOKS 

works,  which  were  at  once  drawn  up  on  the 
basis  of  the  first  which  was  published. 

1.  Poenitentiale  Cohimhani.  —  This  earliest 
Prankish  penitential  was  the  work  of  the  Irish 
monk  Coluraban,  born  in  the  first  half  of  the 
6th  century,  in  the  province  of  Leinster.  He 
lived  for  some  time  in  the  great  monastery  of 
Bangor,  and  then  crossed  to  Gaul  in  the  year 
590  ;  a  few  years  later  he  penetrated  to  Italy, 
and  founded  the  monastery  of  Bobbio  at  the 
foot  of  the  Apennines,  where  he  died,  A.D.  615 
[DiCT.  Cur.  Biog.  i.  605].  Among  his  writings 
are  two  penitential  books,  one  '  Regula 
Coenobialis,'  designated  in  some  MSS.  'Poeni- 
tentiale,' '  Regula  fratrum  Hibernensium  ;'  in 
others,  '  Columbani  Liber  de  quotidianis  poeni- 
tentiis  monachorum.'  This  work,  framed  on  a 
severe  standard,  contains  a  code  of  monastic 
rules,  and  has  no  concern  with  the  general  ad- 
ministration of  church  discipline.  It  is  remark- 
able for  the  frequency  with  which  corporal 
chastisement  occurs  among  its  penalties.  Six, 
ten,  or  even  two  hundred  strokes  might  be  laid 
on  a  careless  or  offending  monk.  Columban's 
other  work  is  entitled  '  Liber  de  Poenitcntia,' 
or  '  de  Poenitentiarum  mensura  taxanda.'  The 
work  was  first  published  by  the  Minorite  friar 
Fleming,  in  the  year  1667,  from  a  codex  of  the 
monastery  of  Bobbio.  This  Cod.  Bobbiensis  is 
the  only  MS.  of  the  penitential  known  to  exist. 
It  consists  of  two  parts,  which  can  never  have 
been  intended  to  form  one  consecutive  set  of 
canons.  The  first  part  contains  twelve  chapters 
on  miscellaneous  ofi'ences,  some  of  which  are 
also  dealt  with  in  part  two,  and  not,  in  all  cases, 
carrying  the  same  penalty.  The  second  part, 
which  is  the  true  penitential  rule,  begins  with 
the  introduction,  "  Diversitas  culparum  diversi- 
tatem  facit  poenitentiarum ;"  then  follows  an 
elaborate  comparison  between  bodily  and 
spiritual  disorders.  After  the  introduction  come 
twelve  sections  on  the  "  capitalia  crimina  "  of  the 
"clerici  etmonachi;"cc.  13-25, on  the  "crimina" 
of  "  laici  ;"  and  the  remaining  cc.  25-30 
on  the  "  minutae  monachorum  sanctiones."  The 
last  chapter  of  Columban  (c.  30)  is  an  injunction 
laid  upon  the  monks  to  confess  before  mass  not 
only  actual  offences,  but  thoughts  and  desires. 
It  is  interesting  as  one  of  the  earliest  examples 
of  a  practice  which  was  afterwards  to  be 
stringently  enforced  upon  the  whole  church. 

In  the  introduction  to  the  penitential, 
Columban  states  that  he  has  composed  his  work 
partly  from  his  own  discretion,  and  partly  from 
the  "  traditiones  seniorum."  Among  these 
"  seniores  "  must  be  placed  Vinniaus,  from  whose 
Irish  penitential  Columban  has  borrowed  no  less 
than  thirteen  of  his  thirty  sections.  Compare 
Coluwh.  Pocn.  cc.  1,  2,  4-9,  11,  16,  20,  21,  23, 
•with  Vinniaus.  Poen.  23,  12,  11,  22,18,  19,  20, 
25,  26,  27,  8,  9  17,  36,  22,  9. 

Columban's  book  which,  from  the  name  of  its 
author,  has  usually  been  regarded  as  an  Irish 
work,  Wasserschleben  pronounces  to  be  Prankish, 
composed  after  he  had  crossed  to  the  continent. 
The  grounds  for  deciding  against  its  Irish  origin 
are  certainly  very  strong: — (1)  Monkish  rules 
and  penalties  always  emanated  from  the  superiors 
of  cloisters,  or  from  some  one  in  high  authority  ; 
it  is  highly  improbable  that  Columban  would 
have  been  allowed  to  publish  a  work  of  this  im- 
portance while  he  was  occupying  a  subordinate 


PENITENTIAL  BOOKS 

position  in  the  monastery  at  Bangor.  (2)  No 
trace  of  Columban's  canons  is  observable  in 
Theodore,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  they  form 
the  basis  of  numerous  imdoubted  Prankish  col- 
lections. (3)  C.  25  forbids  communicating  with 
the  heretical  sect  of  the  Bonosiaci,''  who  were 
spread  over  Gaul  and  Italy,  but  were  unknown 
in  the  British  Isles.  (4)  The  arrangement  of 
the  materials  shews  an  independent  undertaking. 
At  the  head  of  the  capitalia  crimina,  Columban 
places  homicide  ;  afterwards  follow  fornication, 
perjury,  &c.,  and  this  order  was  adopted  by 
most  of  the  Prankish  penitentials  ;  whereas  those 
which  rest  upon  Theodore's  work  begin  with 
drunkenness.  This  arrangement  was  probably 
due  to  the  prominence  which  these  various 
vices  and  crimes  attained  among  the  respective 
races.  With  the  inhabitants  of  the  British  Isles 
drunkenness  was  the  prevailing  sin — with  the 
German  tribes,  murder,  and  crimes  of  violence. 

2.  In  close  connexion  with  Columban's  work, 
Wasserschleben  (^Bussordnungen,  pp.  360— i29) 
has  printed  eight  anonymous  penitentials,  all  of 
which  show  a  Prankish  origin. 

(a)  Poenitentiale  Pseudo-Bomanum. — ^This  was 
first  published  by  Halitgar,  bishop  of  Cambray, 
in  the  9th  century,  and  may  be  found  in 
Canisius,  Lectiones,  ed.  Basnage,  ii.  2.  Halitgar 
styles  it  the  Roman  penitential,  and  states,  in 
his  preface,  that  it  is  one  "  quem  de  scrinio 
Romanae  ccclesiae  adsumpsimus."  It  is  also 
printed  at  length  by  Morinus  (de  Sacrament. 
Poenitent.  appendix,  pp.  565-568).  Wasser- 
schleben (Bussordnungen,  &c.  p.  58)  is  disposed 
to  doubt  this  statement  of  Halitgar  with  regard 
to  the  Roman  archives,  and  adduces  several 
reasons  for  believing  it  to  be  an  entirely  Prankish 
work.  (1)  Use  is  made  of  Gildas  (Ps.-Rom.  ix. 
1-5  ;  Gild.  9,  12,  21-24.  (2)  Undoubted  refer- 
ence is  made  to  the  Gallic  council  of  Auxerre, 
A.D.  578  (^Conc.  Autis.  cc.  1,  3,  4  ;  Ps.-Rom.  vi, 
3,  4,  5).  (3)  A  considerable  part  of  the  book  is 
borrowed  immediately  from  Columban,  and  it  is 
itself  the  source  of  several  chapters  of  the 
Merseburg  Penitential  (Mers.  47-51  •  Ps.-Rom. 
iii.  4 ;  vi.  8,  9,   10). 

(b)  Poenitentiale  Iluhertense. — First  published 
by  Martene  and  Durand  (Ampl.  Coll.  vol.  vii.  col. 
37)  from  a  MS.  from  the  monastery  of  St. 
Hubert  at  Audain  in  the  Ardennes.  The  full 
title  is,  '  In  nomine  sanctae  Trinitatis  incipiunt 
judicia  sacerdotalia  de  diversis  criminibus  ex 
canonica  auctoritate  sumpta.'  It  contains  a 
number  of  decrees,  strung  together  without  any 
connexion  or  rubrical  arrangement. 

(c)  Poenitentiale  Merseburgense.  —  This  peni- 
tential is  a  long  treatise,  comprising  149  sec- 
tions, and  is  chiefly  interesting  from  the  nu- 
merous references  to  heathen  manners  and  cus- 
toms :  c.  22  denounces  those  who  seek  auguries 
by  birds  or  any  other  evil  devices ;  c.  23,  divi 
nation  by  soothsayers,  because  they  are  the 
works  of  evil  spirits ;  c.  26  prohibits  "  sortes 
sanctorum,"  which  are  contrary  to  reason ;  c. 
27  denounces  as  sacrilege  the  resorting  to  trees, 
or  fountains,  or  "  cancelli,"  or  any  other  place 
except  to  a  church,  in  order  to  make  a  vow,  &c. 
[Paganism,  Survival  of.] 

b  Bonosus,  bishop  of  Sardica,  a.d.  392,  denied  the  per- 
petual virginity  of  our  Lord's  mother;  of  the  tenets  of 
his  followers  in  the  Ith  century  little  is  known. 


PENITENTIAL  BOOKS 

(d)  Poenitentiale  Bobicnse. — From  a  MS.  of  the 
■monastery  of  Bobbio,  of  the  7th  or  8th  century. 
It  is  headed  "  Judicius  poenitentialis."  It  con- 
.tains  47  sections  on  miscellaneous  offences,  and 
concludes  with  two  prayers  for  the  penitent. 

(e)  Focnitentialo  I'arisiense. — From  a  Parisian 
MS.  of  the  8th  century.  It  contains  61  sections 
of  the  ordinary  character. 

(f)  Foenitcntiale  Vindohoiiense.— This  is  from 
a  Vienna  MS.  of  the  10th  century.  It  has  a 
short  instruction,  headed  "  Judicium  patrum  ad 
penitentes."  The  greater  number  of  its  102 
sections  are  identical  with  those  of  the  Merse- 
burg  book. 

(g)  Poenitentiale  Floriacense. — From  a  Fleury 
codex,  which  was  first  printed  by  Martene  (da 
Bit.  Antiq.  ii.  61,  ed.  Rotomag.)  "  ex  pervetusto 
t;odice  Floriacensi."  It  opens  with  a  long 
"Ordo  ad  dandam  poenitentiam,"  according  to 
which  the  priest  is  to  receive  confessions.  The 
penitential  proper  is  styled  "  Judicium  poeui- 
tentiae  ;"  of  its  50  original  canons  only  10  are 
«?xtant. 

(h)  Poenitentiale  Sangallense. — Taken  from  a 
St.  Gall  MS.  of  the  9th  century.  It  is  intro- 
duced by  the  same  "  ordo "  as  the  preceding 
Poen.  Floriac.  It  contains  19  short  canons, 
nearly  all  of  which  are  to  be  found  either  in 
the  Merseburg  or  the  Parisian  books. 

All  these  anonymous  penitentials,  with  the 
exception  of  those  from  Vienna  and  Merseburg, 
bear  the  mark  of  the  7th  or,  at  latest,  of  the 
first  half  of  the  8th  century.  The  "  ratio  "  or 
■"  ordo  "  appended  to  Pseud.-Rom.,  Merseburg., 
Floriac,  Sangall.  are,  perhaps,  of  the  10th  or  11th 
century  (Wasserschleben,  Bussord.  p.  56).  They 
treat  throughout  of  private  penance,  consisting 
ehiefly  of  fasts  on  bread  and  water  ;  sometimes 
the  penance  of  exile,  almsgiving,  or  psalm- 
singing  occurs.  In  the  Pseudo-Roman  and  St. 
Gall  collections,  there  is  a  division  of  the  sub- 
ject into  chapters  according  to  the  principal 
crimes  ;  in  the  remainder,  the  canons  are  strung 
together  without  any  system  whatever.  Different 
from  the  Anglo-Saxon  practice  is  the  ratio  ap- 
pended to  the  Pseudo-Roman  and  Merseburg 
collections,  in  which  the  deacon  is  permitted  to 
receive  the  penitent,  at  least  if  the  priest  is  not 
present,  or  in  a  case  of  necessity. 

3.  Poenitentiale  Cummcani. — The  history  of  this 
penitential  is  involved  in  much  obscurity,  and 
the  identification  of  the  Cummean  (Commean, 
Oumian,  Cumin,  Comin)  whose  name  it  bears,  is 
no  less  perplexing.  The  Acta  SS.  Hibemens.  xii. 
Januar.  mention  twenty-one  Irish  ecclesiastics 
of  that  name,  but  no  intimation  is  given  of  any 
of  them  having  written  a  penitential.  In  two 
Swiss  MSS.  St.  Gall,  550  and  150,  a  penitential 
is  found  with  the  preface,  "  Cummeani  Abbatis 
in  Scotia  orti ;"  and  from  this  it  has  gene- 
rally been  concluded  that  both  Cummean  and  his 
work  were  of  Irish  or  Scotch  origin.  Mone 
( Quellsn  und  Forschungen,  p.  494,  cited  by  Was- 
serschleben), suggests  that  Columba,  abbat  of 
lona,  circ.  597,  compiled  the  work,  and  that 
Cumin,  one  of  his  biographers,  wrote  the 
preface.  Theinpr  (^Disquisit.  Sacrae,  p.  280) 
attributed  it  to  a  Cummean,  abbat  of  lona,  who 
died  at  the  end  of  the  6th  century.  Kunstmann 
(Die  Lateinischen  Ponitentialhiicher  der  Angel- 
'  aachsen,  p.  22),  although  not  expressing  himself 
decidedly  which  Cummean  he  considers  to  be  the 


PENITENTIAL  BOOKS       1611 

author  of  the  treatise,  regards  it  as  the  prin- 
cipal source  of  Theodore's  Penitential,  and 
remarks  that  Theodore's  use  of  it  is  a  further 
proof  of  the  consideration  enjoyed  by  Irish 
teachers  in  England.  Wasserschleben  (p.  62), 
with  more  critical  acuteness,  points  out  that  the 
designation  "  Abbas  in  Scotia  ortus  "  clearly  in- 
dicates that  Cummean  was  not  in  his  own 
country  when  he  composed  his  book.  He  there- 
fore looks  for  some  ecclesiastic  of  that  name  who 
lived  on  the  continent,  and  finds  him  in  a  Cum- 
mean mentioned  in  Acta  SS.  Hiberncns.  4  Jun. 
p.  244  ;  in  Annal.  Benedict,  ii.  p.  282,  and  in 
Ughellus,  Ital.  Sacr.  t.  iv.  col.  959,  960,  who 
emigrated  to  Italy,  and  died  in  Columban's 
monastery  of  Bobbio  in  the  reign  of  the  Lom- 
bard king  Luitprand,  which  extended  from  a.d. 
711  to  744.  The  fact  that  this  Cummean  is 
called  "  episcopus  "  in  the  Chronic.  Bohicns.  quoted 
in  Ughellus,  and  the  agreement  of  the  date  of 
his  death  with  the  date  which  the  internal 
evidence  from  the  penitential  bearing  his  name 
indicates,  render  it  highly  probable  that  he  is 
the  "  Abbas  in  Scotia  ortus."  Wasserschleben  has 
published  (pp.  460-491)  a  text  taken  from  the 
following  MSS. — Cod.  Sangall.  550,  saec.  ix. ; 
Cod.  Sangall.  675,  saec.  ix. ;  Darmst.  91,  saec.  ix. ; 
Vindob.  Theol.  651,  saec.  x. ;  Frising.  43;  Wind- 
bergens.  88.  Of  these  MSS.  only  the  first  bears 
Cummean's  name  ;  and  it  is  not  clear  whether 
some  older  MS.  has  not  yet  to  be  discovered  of 
which  these  are  copies.  As  to  the  date,  it  is 
manifest  that,  presuming  this  to  be  the  authentic 
penitential,  Cummean  took  his  work  from 
Theodore,  and  not  the  converse  ;  for  many  pas- 
sages of  the  former,  in  cc.  i.  ii.  iii.  iv.  v.  refer  to 
Theodore  by  name  as  the  authority  for  the 
decisions  given.  The  date,  therefore,  cannot  be 
earlier  than  Theodore's  death  in  a.d.  690.  On 
the  other  hand,  Cummean  was  the  source  from 
which  Egbert  drew  some  of  his  canons.  Com- 
pare Egbert.  Pen.  iv.  14 ;  vii.  7  ;  xii. ;  with  Cum, 
Pen.  vii.  8 ;  vi.  8 ;  xiii.  This  would  give  the 
middle  of  the  8th  century  as  the  limit  of  time 
on  the  other  side.  And  this  date  coincides  with 
that  of  the  Cummean  who  died  at  Bobbio  in  the 
reign  of  Luitprand.  There  is  a  curious  associa- 
tion of  Cummean's  work  with  the  name  of 
Jerome,  the  origin  of  which  is  of  old  date.  In 
an  Avignon  MS.  saec.  xiii.  it  is  distinctly 
ascribed  to  Jerome.  In  the  Cod.  Vindob.  Theol. 
No.  725,  saec.  ix.  fol.  40,  is  contained  an 
"  Inquisitio  S.  Hieronimi  de  penitentia,"  followed 
by  two  chapters  from  Theodore,  almost  the 
whole  of  Cummean,  and  some  other  additions, 
the  whole,  however,  anonymous.  This  is  also 
found  under  the  title  "  Hieronimi  fatentur"  in 
Cod.  Merseb.  fol.  23,  and  with  the  superscription 
"  de  duodecim  triduanis  "  in  Cod.  Vindob.  jur. 
can.  No.  116,  fol.  21 ;  also  in  the  Cod.  Cotton. 
Vespas.  D.  ii.  1,  p.  3,  are  some  "  Canones  poeni- 
tentiales  secundum  Hieronymum,"  which  are 
undoubtedly  borrowed  from  Cummean.  And  it 
is  remarkable  that  Egbert,  in  his  preface,  men- 
tions Jerome  in  company  with  Augustine, 
Theodore,  and  others,  as  authorities  on  thc^sub- 
ject  of  penitence,  but  does  not  mention  t  urn- 
moan  ;  he  borrows,  however,  bota  from 
Cummean  and  Theodore,  and  it  is  not  im- 
probable that  the  work  of  the  former  was 
known  to  him  under  the  name  of  Jerome. 

The  Penitentia]  is  headed  bya  long  introductioii 


1G12       PENITENTIAL  BOOKS 

comprising  (1)  "  de  diversis  criminibus."  (2)  "  De 
modis  poenitentiae,"  which  prescribes  the  scale  of 
scourging,  psalm-singing,  and  almsgiving,  &c. 
by  which  penance  could  be  redeemed,  bor- 
rowed apparently  from  Irish  sources,  see  Canoncs 
Hihernenses  de  Arrets,  p.  1 39.  The  code  of  dispensa- 
tions concludes  with  the  declaration,  which  is  also 
found  in  the  Appendix  to  Bede's  Penitential  (x.  8), 
that  he  who  does  not  know  his  psalms  and  cannot 
fast  must  look  out  some  respectable  man  to  do  it 
for  him,  whom  he  must  recompense  either  by 
labour  or  money.  (3)  "  De  divite  A'el  potente, 
quoraodo  se  redimit  pro  criminalibus  culpis."  The 
title  of  the  treatise  is  '  Exscarpsus  de  aliis 
plures  poenitentiales  et  canones.' 

4.  I'oenitentkile  Bigotianum. — This  penitential 
was  first  printed,  but  not  completely,  by  Martene 
{Thes.  Nov.  tom.  iv.  col.  22-30),  under  the  title 
'  Libellus  de  remediis  peccatorum,'  which  is  a 
variation  from  that  found  in  the  MS.  Wasscr- 
schleben  has  printed  his  edition  (pp.  441-460)  from 
Cod.  Paris.  Reg.  3182  (olim  Bigot.  89)  fol.  saec. 
xi.  pp.  286-299.  No  name  is  attached  to  it,  and 
Wasserschleben  gives  it  the  title  Bigotianum,  that 
being  the  only  MS.  in  which  it  is  found.  The  same 
MS.  contains  most  of  the  Irish  and  British  frag- 
ments, and  the  compiler  has  evidently  drawn 
largely  from  Irish  sources.  He  quotes  "canones 
sapientiumet  Gregorii"  (see  supra,  Canones  Hiher- 
nenses, p.  1609),  the  Canones  patrum,  Vinniaus, 
Theodore,  the  Frankish  penitentials,  Cassian,  and 
the  Vitae  Sanctorum,  from  which  he  adduces  the 
examples  of  the  Abbas  Pastor,  Moyses,  Peritus, 
Antonius,  St.  Syncletica,  and  others.  This  ele- 
ment in  the  penitential  would  lead  to  the  con- 
clusion that,  like  Columban  and  Cummean,  the 
author  was  one  of  the  many  Irish  missionaries 
who  settled  in  France.  The  work  appears  to  have 
been  made  use  of  by  Cummean,  unless,  as  is  not 
improbable,  both  were  derived  from  a  common 
source  not  yet  discovered.  It  is  especially  rich 
in  material,  and  the  writer  has  shewn  unusual 
originality  in  the  arrangement  of  his  matter. 

5.  Foenitentiale  Vindoboncnseib. — This  is  another 
anonymous  penitential  published  by  Wasser- 
schleben pp.  (493-497),  from  Cod.  Vindob.  Theol. 
Lat.  No.  725  (olim  667),  8vo.  saec.  ix.  fol.  1-82. 
It  contains  part  of  Cummean's  introduction,  the 
same  part  which  is  also  found  In  Cod.  Sangall. 
675,  and  is  designated  here  "  Praefatio  Cummeani 
Abbatis  in  Scotia  orti."  Then  follow  the  titles  of 
twenty-four  chapters,  borrowed  from  Cummean, 
Theodore,  and  Vinniaus.  Then  the  "  Inquisitio 
Sancti  Hieronymi  de  penitentia,"  mentioned 
above  ;  after  that  the  titles  of  seventeen  more 
chapters  from  the  same  sources  as  the  earlier 
ones,  and  concluding  with  "Interrogatt.  Augustini 
et  respons.  Gregorii." 

6.  Foenitentiale  Bemcme. — Another  book  based 
on  Cummean,  found  in  Cod.  Paris,  1603  (olim 
regius  4483  ;  Eemens.  264)  saec.  viii.  8vo.  fol. 
104-138.  It  is  an  anonymous  work  of  sixteen 
chapters. 

7.  Foenitentiale  XXXV.  Capitulonon. — This  is  a 
verj^  systematic  compilation  of  penitential  canons 
published  by  Wasserschleben  (pp.  505-526)  from 
the  Cod.  Vindob.  jur.  can.  No.  116,  4to,  saec.  x. 
fol.  22-41,  and  Cod.  Sangall.  150,  fol.  285-318. 
The  work  is  founded  on  Theodore,  Cummean,  and 
the  Frankish  Penitentials  connected'with  Colum- 
ban, and  the  decisions  of  the  two  former  authori- 
ties, under  the  designation  "Judicium  Cummeani," 


PENITENTIAL  BOOKS 

"  Judicium  Theodori,"  or  "Judicium  Cauonicum." 
are  frequently  citp.d  in  succession  for  the  sanio 
offence.  From  the  preponderating  use  made  of  Cum- 
mean's work,  and  Irish  and  Anglo-Saxon  sources. 
and  from  the  citation  of  a  "  Judicium  Scotorum." 
it  is  a  probable  conjecture  that  the  penitential  was 
compiled  by  some  Scotch  missionary.  The  treatise 
appears  to  have  had  a  wide  circulation,  for  large 
excerpts  from  it  appear  in  a  MS.  of  the  Austrian 
Cistercian  Monastery  of  Holy  Cross,  saec.  x.  in 
the  Cod.  Valicell.  saec.  xiii.  in  the  so-called  Col- 
lectio  Saviniana,  and  in  the  Collectio  Anselmi 
Lucens  (Wasserschleben,  Beitriigo  zur  Geschichte 
clcr  vorg ratianischcn  Kirchenrcchtsquellen,  pp.  34, 
151). 

Anglo-Saxon  Penitentials. 
1.  Foenitentiale  T/ieodori. — The  treatise  which 
bears  the  name  of  Theodore  is  the  most  important 
of  the  penitential  books,  but  it  is  only  within  the 
last  few  years  that  a  genuine  text  of  the  work 
has  been  published.  Whether  Theodore  was  him- 
self the  author  of  the  book,  and  what  it  was,  and 
whether  any  set  of  canons  existed  which  could 
be  proved  to  be  drawn  up  under  the  authority 
of  the  great  archbishop — these  till  quite  recently 
were  open  questions.  This  obscurity  is  the  more 
remarkable  as  there  was  a  unanimity  of  tradition 
for  many  centuries  that  Theodore's  was  the  first 
Anglo-Saxon  Penitential,  and  it  long  had  a  wide- 
spread influence  in  England,  and  was  long  the 
source  and  model  of  the  penitential  regulations 
in  France  and  Germany.  This  influence  was 
partly  due  to  the  nature  of  the  work  itself,  and 
partly  to  the  learning  and  commanding  character 
of  Theodore,  whose  primacy,  extending  from  A.D. 
669  to  690,  was  a  memorable  one  in  the  English 
church.  The  evidence  for  the  belief  that  a  Peni- 
tential did  emanate  from  Theodore  is  as  follows  : 
(1)  Egbert,  who  was  consecrated  bishop  not  later 
than  A.D.  733,  and  who  must  have  been  born  conse^ 
quently  soon  after  Theodore's  death,  twice  in  his 
undoubted  Penitential  quotes  Theodore  by  name  ; 
in  the  preface  he  speaks  of  him  in  company  with 
Augustine,  Gregory,  and  other  Fathers,  as  one  of 
the  great  authorities  on  penitence  ;  and  in  the 
body  of  his  work  (v.  ii.)  he  takes  a  canon  almost 
verbatim  from  Theodore's  treatise,  with  the  intro- 
duction "Teodorus  dixit."  The  Liber  Fonfif  calls 
(ed.  Vignol.  Rom.  1724,  tom.  i.  p.  270)  which 
was  first  published  in  the  second  half  of  the  8th 
century,  states,  "  Theodorus  Archiepiscopus  pec- 
cantium  judicia,  quantos  scilicet  annos  pro  uno- 
quoque  peccato  quis  poenitere  debeat,  mirabili  et 
discreta  consideratione  descripsit."  Identical  tes- 
timony is  given  by  Paiil  Warnefrid  (Paulus 
Diacouus)  cited  by  Wasserschleben,  p.  15.  (3) 
The  Codex  Canonum  Hibernicorum,  the  date  ot 
one  MS.  of  which  lies  between  A.D.  763  and  790 
(Haddan  and  Stubbs,  iii.  174),  quotes  the  work  by 
name,  as  do  also  many  of  the  French  penitentials 
and  collections  of  canons.  (4)  It  is  spoken  of 
by  Rabanus  Maurus  (i*e  judic.  poenit.  laicorum, 
c.  6 ;  opp.  Colon.  1626,  tom.  vi.  p.  119)  as  "  Poeni- 
tentialisquem Theodorus  constituit."  And  Regino 
of  Priim,  in  his  Visitation  Instructions  requires 
the  ecclesiastics  under  his  jurisdiction  to  be  pro- 
vided with  a  copy  of  either  the  Roman  Penitential, 
or  Theodore's  or  Bede's.  On  the  other  hand  (1) 
Theodore's  contemporaries  are  silent ;  Bede,  who 
speaks  fully  of  the  archbishop's  activity  iu  the 
English  church,  has  not  a   single  reference   to 


PENITENTIAL  BOOKS 

Theodore's  Penitential,  either  in  his  own  treatise 
or  in  his  History  ;  (2)  by  the  tv/elfth  century  the 
work  was  unknown,  or  forgotten,  in  England. 

Before  coming  to  that  which  can  now  be  con- 
fidently accepted  as  the  authentic  work  ascribed 
in  the  8th  century  to  Theodore,  it  will  clear  the 
ground  to  give  a  list  of  the  imperfect  or  spurious 
editions  of  the  book  that  have  been  published. 

(1.)  In  A.D.  1639  Spelman,  in  the  tirst  volu-me 
of  the  Concilia,  published  the  headings  of  78  chap- 
ters under  the  title  of  "  Poenitentiale  Theodori 
Archiepiscopi."  He  took  them  from  a  MS.  of  the 
library  of  Corpus  Christi  College,  Cambridge,  and 
expressly  states  that  he  was  not  permitted  to 
make  a  copy  of  the  whole.  This  MS.  seen  by 
Spelman,  C.  C.  C.  C.  190,  was  published,  with  six 
chapters  at  the  beginning  and  twenty-two  at  the 
end  omitted,  by  the  Eecord  Commission,  Ancient 
Laws  and  Institutes  of  England,  p.  277,  seqq. 
edited  by  Thorpe.  The  C.  C.  C.  C.  190  MS.  was 
taken  as  the  text,  and  MSS.  Cotton.  Vesp.  D.  15, 
C.  C.  C.  C.  320,  were  collated  with  it  to  supply 
various  readings.  In  favour  of  this  being  the 
original  work  there  is  only  the  title,  which  is 
comparatively  modern,  and  the  authority  of 
Spelman  founded  on  a  glance  at  the  MS.  Against 
this  supposition  are  these  fatal  objections  :  c.  20 
consists  for  the  most  part  of  canons  from  the  second 
Koman  council  under  Gregory  II.  A.D.  721  ;  c.  38 
contains  a  long  passage  from  a  capitulary  of 
Charles  the  Great,  A.D.  789 ;  in  almost  all  the 
chapters  use  is  made  of  the  Collection  of  Canons 
by  Halitgar  of  Cambray,  circ.  829  ;  there  are 
numerous  citations  from  the  French  councils  of 
Orleans,  Agde,  Chalons.  The  conclusion  from  this 
evidence  is,  that  Spelman  and  Thorpe's  Penitential 
is  a  French  compilation  not  earlier  than  the  ninth 
century.  This  edition  was  again  published  by 
Kunstmann  (Dw  Latcinischen  FonitentialbUcIi£r 
dcr  Awjelsaclisen,  Mayence,  1844),  who  also  pub- 
lished from  a  Ratisbon  MS.  a  series  of  193  canons, 
under  the  name  '  Canones  Gregoriani.'  The  full 
title  in  the  MSS.  is  "  Canones  Sancti  Gregorii 
Papae  urbis  Romae,"  the  origin  of  which  heading 
is  doubtless  to  be  found  in  the  replies  given  to 
Augustine  by  Gregory  on  the  ecclesiastical  go- 
vernment of  England.  These  "  Canones  Gregorii  " 
are  reprinted  by  "Wasserschleben  (pp.  160-180). 
They  consist  of  a  disorderly  selection  from  the 
genuine  work  of  Theodore. 

(2.)  D'Achery  in  the  Spicilegium,  vol.  ix.  pub- 
lished (A.D.  1669)  120  chapters  from  various  Pa- 
risian MSS.  under  the  title  "  Capitula  Theodori." 
In  A.D.  1671  they  were  republished  by  Labbe  and 
Cossart  {Concilia,  vi.  1875),  and  again  in  A.D. 
1723,  in  the  new  edition  of  the  Spicilegium  (i. 
486),  edited  with  the  notes  of  Baluze  and  Mar- 
tene,  when  the  120  original  canons  were  increased 
to  168,  of  which  however  the  last  twenty  came 
from  the  Irish  book  of  Adamnan  {supra,  p.  1609). 
In  Wasserschleben's  collection  these  canons  are 
jirinted  (pp.  145-160)  as  "  Capitula  Dacheriana." 
The  "  capitula  "  are  a  mixed  collection,  arranged 
without  any  method,  containing  few  canons  on 
penance,  and  possess  no  claim  whatever  to  be 
regarded  as  the  original  treatise. 

(3.)  Jacque.-.  Petit  published  in  Paris,  in  A.D. 
1677,  with  the  title  Theodori  Poenitentiale,  a 
work  in  fourteen  chapters,  taken  from  two  JISS. 
from  the  library  of  De  Thou,  together  with  the 
"  capitula  "  of  D'Achery,  and  sixty  other  canons 
communicated  to  him  from  various  MSS.  by  one 


PENITENTIAL  BOOKS       1613 

Nicolas  Favier.  These  fourteen  chapters  con- 
stitute what  is  now  recognised  as  the  second 
book  of  the  original  penitential.  Tlie  capitula 
of  Favier  have  no  connexion  with  Theodore,  but 
are  from  sources  as  late  as  the  10th  century. 
This  selection  of  Petit  was  reprinted  by  Migue 
in  A.D.  1851,  in  vol.  99  of  the  Patrologia. 

(4.)  The  obscurity  which  so  long  hung  over  the 
Penitential  of  Theodore  was  at  length  dispelled 
by  the  learning  of  Di*.  ¥.  W.  H.  Wasserschleben, 
Professor  of  Law  in  the  University  of  Halle.  In 
the  introduction  to  his  work,  Bio  Bussordnungen 
dcr  abcncUlindischen  Kirche,  published  at  Halle 
in  A.D.  1851,  he  has  demonstrated  (pp.  13-37) 
that  Theodore  himself  wrote  no  penitential,  but 
that  the  treatise  which  bears  his  name  contains 
his  original  decisions,  the  name  of  the  writei 
being  unknown.  Rejecting  all  previous  editions, 
he  has  instituted  a  fresh  search  into  the  chiet 
continental  libraries,  and  as  the  result  of  his 
labours,  has  brought  to  light  a  book  which  he  is 
satisfied  is  the  original  treatise  issued  under 
Theodore's  name.  For  his  text  he  has  made  use 
of  the  following  MSS. :  (a)  Cod.  Vindob.  no.  2195 
(Salisb.  324),  fol.  saec.  ix.  x.  fol.  2-40 ;  (b)  Cod. 
Vindob.  jur.  can.  no.  116,  8vo,  saec.  viii.  is.  fol. 
1-16  ;  (c)  Cod.  Sangerm.  no.  940  (ol.  912) :  this 
is  an  "  apographum  "  of  the  Corpus  MS.  320,  to 
be  mentioned  below ;  (d)  Cod.  Herbipol.  Theol. 
no.  32,  4to,  saec.  viii.  ix.,  containing  an  index  of 
both  books,  but  only  the  text  of  the  first.  The 
remaining  MSS.  contain  only  the  second  book  : 
(e)  Cod.  Paris,  no.  1603,  8vo,  saec.  viii.  fol.  92- 
103  ;  (f)  Cod.  Paris,  no.  3846  (ol.  Regius,  3665, 
Teller.  Remens.  262),  fol.  saec.  ix.  x. ;  (g)  Cod. 
Paris,  no.  1455,  fol.  (ol.  Colbert,  3368,  Reg. 
3887),  saec.  ix. ;  (h)  Cod.  Sangerm.  no.  366,  4to. 
saec.  ix. ;  (i.)  Cod.  Darmst.  no.  91,  4to,  saec.  ix. 
fol.  84,  seqq.  ;  (k)  Cod.  Sangerm.  no.  1365, 
4to,  saec.  x.  xi. ;  and  2  Codd.  Thuan.,  from  which 
Petit's  fourteen  chapters  were  taken. 

(5.)  Soon  after  the  publication  of  Wasser- 
schleben's edition,  and  before  they  had  themselves 
seen  his  text,  Professor  Stubbs  and  the  late- 
Rev.  A.  W.  HadJan  discovered  a  copy  of  the 
true  work  in  England,  which  only  differs  from 
Wasserschleben's  text  in  various  verbal  readings. 
This  text  was  published  by  them  in  A.D.  1871, 
in  Councils  and  Ecclesiastical  Documents,  iii.  176- 
203.  It  is  taken  from  MS.  320  in  the  library  of 
Corpus  Christi  College,  Cambridge,  an  earlier 
MS.  than  any  of  those  which  are  the  source 
of  Wasserschleben's  publication,  being  probably 
not  later  than  the  8th  century  ;  although  even 
in  this  a  reference  (I.  viii.  5)  to  "  quibusdani 
codicibus"  indicates  that  the  original  MS.  has 
not  yet  been  discovered.  The  Corpus  MS.  is  one 
of  those  which  Thorpe  used  without  seeing  its 
value ;  but  of  which  Wasserschleben  had  only 
an  imperfect  transcript  in  Cod.  Sangerman.  94(>. 
The  fact  that  the  researches  of  English  scholars 
have  brought  them  to  the  same  conclusion  as 
that  reached  by  the  eminent  German  investig.ntor 
into  Penitential  literature  may  be  regarded  as 
decisive  on  this  long-vexed  question.  W  e  no^v 
possess  a  substantially  accurate  text  ot  th.- 
treatise  which  was  known  in  the  early  part  n 
the  middle  ages  by  the  name  of  the  Pen>tcnt>al 
of  Theodore.  „    ,  .^        -., 

The  exact  date  and  name  of  the  writer  of  the 
Penitential  will  probably  never  be  .hscoyered 
In  some  of  the  Parisian  and    the   two  \  lenn. 


1614       PENITENTIAL  BOOKS 

]\1SS.,  the  work  is  described  as  "Poenitentiale 
Theodori,"  or  "  Canon  Theodori  de  ratione  poeni- 
tentiae  efc  diversis  quaestionibus."  lu  another 
Paris  MS.  (Cod.  Sangermanens.  1365)  it  is  called 
"Libellus  quem  Theodorus  archiei^iscopus  de 
diversis  interrogationibus  ad  remedium  temper- 
avit  poenitentium,  de  quaestionibus  conjugiorum 
cap.  xxvii."  The  full  title  of  the  original  is  want- 
ing altogether  in  the  early  Corpus  MS.,  which  has 
lost  its  tirst  folio;  in  the  only  MS.  in  which 
it  is  entire,  Vienna  2195,  it  stands  thus — 

Praefatio 
In  Nomine  Domini 
Incipit    Praefatio     libelli    quem    Pater 
Theodorus    diversis    interrogantibus    ad 
remedium    temperavit    penitentiae.     Dis- 
■  ciPULUS    Umbrensium    Universis   Anglorum 

■CATHOLICIS  PROPRIAE  ANIMARUM  JIeDICIS 
SANABILEM  SUPPLEX  IN  DOMlNO  ClIRISTO 
SALDTEM, 

This  title  is  followed  by  a  long  preface, 
written  in  particularly  barbarous  and  corrupt 
Latin.  Nevertheless  it  throws  considerable  light 
on  the  authorship  of  the  work.  The  treatise 
jiurports  to  be  a  series  of  decisions  on  ecclesias- 
tical discipline  given  by  "  venerabilis  Antistes 
Theodorus  "  in  answer  to  the  questions  of  the 
priest  Eoda,  suruamed  "  Christianus."  In  it  use 
has  also  been  made  of  a  "  libellus  Scotorum," 
afterwards  referred  to  (I.  vii.  5),  the  author  of 
which  is  expressly  stated  to  have  been  an  eccle- 
siastic. Of  this  Koda,  who  submitted  the  ques- 
tions to  Theodore,  nothing  whatever  is  known ; 
he  cannot  be  satisfactorily  identified  with  bishop 
Haeddi  mentioned  at  the  end  of  the  Penitential, 
nor  with  any  of  the  many  persons  of  the  age 
who  bore  similar  names.  The  identification  of 
the  "discipulus  Umbrensium,"  who  is  represented 
as  the  editor  of  the  treatise,  is  equally  remote. 
The  designation  signifies  either  that  he  was  a 
native  of  Northumbria  who  had  been  a  disciple 
of  Theodore,  or,  more  probably,  an  Englishman 
of  southern  birth  who  had  studied  under  the 
northern  scholars  (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  iii.  173). 
The  conclusion  which  is  clear,  and  which  can  be 
drawn  from  the  preface,  is  that  Theodore  was 
not  the  author  of  the  Penitential  in  the  sense  of 
•having  written  it  himself,  but  that  it  contains 
his  judgments,  was  drawn  up  imder  his  personal 
direction,  was  published  with  his  authority  and 
during  his  lifetime,  and  has  always  borne  his 
name.  The  priest  Eoda  is  spoken  of  as  "  beate 
memoriae,"  and  was  therefore  dead  before  the 
publication  ;  but  that  Theodore  himself  was  yet 
living  seems  highly  probable,  from  the  verses, 
first  published  by  Kunstmann,  in  which,  at  the 
conclusion  of  the  Penitential,  he  commends  his 
soul  to  the  prayers  of  bishop  Haeddi. 

For  his  decisions,  next  after  Holy  Scripture, 
Theodore  is  indebted  to  the  current  ecclesiastical 
iaw,  and  particularly  the  Codex  Canonum  of 
Bionysius  Exiguus.  Comp.  TJieod.  Poenit.  I.  i.  1, 
with  Can.  Apost.  42  ;  T.  Poenit.  I.  ii.  0,  with 
<!onc.  Ancyr.  c.  9  ;  T.  Poenit.  I.  v.  10,  with  Cone. 
jSficaen.  cc.  11,  12  ;  T.  Poenit.  I.  xv.  4,  with 
Cone.  Ancyr.  c.  23.  In  2\  Poenit.  I.  v.  2,  pope 
Innocent  is  quoted  by  name,  with  a  reference  to 
■•a  decision  of  his  in  A^o.  ad  Episc.  MaccJon. 
which  is  contained  in  the  Dionysian  codex. 
There  is  further  evidence  that  this  collection  of 


PENITENTIAL  BOOKS 

canons  was  known  in  England  in  the  7th  century  : 
at  the  council  of  Hertford,  a.d.  673,  Theodore 
brought  forward  certain  "  Canones  patrum  "  in 
order  to  select  those  which  were  suitable  for  the 
needs  of  the  English  church;  and  these  "canones" 
in  all  probability  were  the  collection  of  Diony- 
sius  Exiguus.  Traces  of  Theodore's  Greek  train- 
ing are  seen  in  his  frequent  references  to  Basil's 
Epistle  to  Amphilochius.  Five  times  he  quotes 
Basil  by  name,  in  addition  to  many  indirect 
appeals  to  his  decisions.  (Conf.  Thcod.  Pen.  I.  ii.  7, 
viii.  14,  xiv.  3,  II.  vii.  3,  xii.  6  ;  Basil,  Ep.  cc. 
58,  18,  4,  9,  21.)  A  further  evidence  of  Eastern 
learning  appears  from  his  many  allusions  to 
Greek  practices  ;  one  chapter  (II.  viii.)  contains 
nothing  else  but  a  comparison  of  the  different 
customs  and  opinions  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans. 
Justinian's  Novells  are  another  Eastern  source  on 
which  he  drew.  (Conf.  Theod.  Pen.  II.  xii.  7, 
11, 12,  21,  23,  32  ;  Novell.  Justin,  cxl.,  xxxiv.  10, 
XX.  5,  7,  6.)  Theodore  must  also  hare  been  con- 
versant with  the  British  and  Scotch  sources 
of  ecclesiastical  law.  Theod.  Pen.  I.  ii.  1  is  appa- 
rently taken  from  the  Liher  Davidis,  c.  6  ;  Theod. 
Pen.  I.  ii.  7  from  the  Sinodus  Liici  Vtctoriae, 
c.  8.  TJieod.  Pen.  I.  ii.  16  imposes  fifteen  years 
penance  on  incest,  but  adds  that  according  to 
another  standard  life-long  exile  has  been  allotted  ; 
this  is  in  reference  to  the  Sinod.  Luc.  Vic.  c.  6, 
which  inflicts  exile  on  incest.  The  one  canon  of 
Theodore  which  sanctions  commutation  of  pen- 
ance (I.  vii.  5)  is  also  foimded  on  a  Celtic 
authority  ;  it  comes  from  that  same  "  libellus 
Scotorum  "  to  which  allusion  was  made  in  the 
preface.     [PiEDEMPTIONS.] 

2.  Judicium  dementis. — This  fragment  was 
first  printed  by  Kunstmann  {Die  Lateinischen 
J'onitentialbiicJier  der  Angelsachscn,  pp.  176,177) 
from  an  Augsburg  MS.  no.  153.  With  this 
Wassersehleben  has  collated  a  10th  century  MS. 
from  the  Austrian  Cistercian  convent  of  Holy 
Cross.  Kunstmann  identifies  this  Clement  with 
Willibrord,  one  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  missionaries 
to  Frisia,  in  a.d.  692.  Willibrord  is  known  to 
have  borne  the  name  of  Clement  from  one  of  the 
letters  of  Boniface  to  pope  Stephen  (^Ep.  107, 
edit.  Jaffe).  Haddan  and  Stubbs  have  printed 
(Councils,  &c.  iii.  226)  the  canons  as  a  fragment 
illustrating  the  Anglo-Saxon  system  of  penitential 
discipline.  Wassersehleben,  however,  without 
giving  his  reasons,  appears  to  doubt  whether 
the  identification  can  be  authenticated,  and  has 
appended  the  "  Judicium "  to  the  Prankish 
penitential.  It  comprises  twenty  sections  of  no 
special  interest. 

3.  Poenitentiale  Baedae. — There  is  no  clue  to 
the  exact  date  of  this  work.  Bede  died  on  Ascen- 
sion Day,  A.D.  735,  and  assuming,  as  there  is  no 
reason  to  doubt,  that  the  treatise  was  written 
by  him,  the  date  of  it  must  be  fixed  in  the  early 
part  of  the  8th  century.  The  penitential  was 
first  published  in  the  Amplissima  Collectio  of 
Martene  and  Durand,  vol.  vii.  col.  37,  taken 
from  a  MS.  in  the  monastery  of  St.  Hubert,  at 
Andain  in  the  Ardennes.  This  edition  is  incom- 
plete, containing  only  the  latter  half  of  the 
work.  A  later  and  more  perfect  edition  was 
printed  by  Wassersehleben  (Bussordnungen,  &c. 
pp.  220-230)  from  a  Vienna  MS.  no.  116,  8vo, 
saec.  viii.  ix.  fol.  17-22,  collated  with  two 
other  codices.  Prising,  no.  3,  and  Eansh.  no.  73. 
In  this  edition  the  chapters  were  first  divided 


PENITENTIAL  BOOKS 

into  sections.  It  is  reprinted  with  various  read- 
ings from  the  issue  of  JIartene  and  Durand,  by 
Haddan  and  Stubbs  (Councils,  kc.  pp.  326-334). 
In  this  form  it  may  be  accepted  with  little  hesi- 
tation as  the  genuine  production  of  Bede.  It 
bears  the  title,  Incipit  Exscarpsuji  Domini 
Bedani  Presisyteri.  It  contains  twelve 
chapters.  In  addition  to  this  authentic  treatise 
of  Bede,  another  has  been  printed  bearing  his 
name.  It  appears  in  several  editions  of  his 
collected  works  under  the  heading  "  Liber 
de  remediis  Peccatorum."  It  is  printed  in 
the  Concilia  of  Spelman  and  Wilkins,  the 
former  of  whom  appears  to  have  had  some 
doubt  of  its  authenticity,  and  to  have  omitted 
considerable  portions  of  earlier  editions.  The 
best  text  is  that  printed  by  Kunstmann 
(^Ponitentialbiichcr,  &c.  pp.  142-175)  from  a 
Munich  MS.  of  the  11th  century  (Cod.  August. 
153),  and  adopted  by  Wasserschleben,  in  whose 
collection  it  bears  the  title  "Penitentiale  Pseudo- 
Baedae."  Haddan  and  Stubbs  regard  it  as  a 
compilation  from  two  distinct  works,  the 
Penitential  of  Bede  and  the  Penitential  of 
Egbert. 

4.  Poenitentiale  Eglerti. — Several  treatises  have 
been  published  bearing  the  name  of  Egbert.  The 
discovery  of  the  authentic  work  involved  a  no 
less  complicated  investigation  than  was  necessary 
in  the  case  of  Theodore's  Penitential.  Among 
the  documents  which,  wholly  or  in  part,  have 
been  attributed  at  various  periods  to  the  arch- 
bishop are — 

1.  In  Wilkins's  Concilia  (i.  pp.  113-143)  there 
is  printed  a  work  in  five  books  in  parallel 
columns,  Anglo-Saxon  and  Latin,  under  the 
title,  "  Poenitentiale  Ecgberti  Archiepiscopi 
Eboracensis."  This  is  reprinted  by  Thorpe  in 
the  Monumenta  Ecclcsiastica  appended  to  the 
Ancient  Laws  (pp.  343-392),  but  with  a  different 
division.  The  first  is  named  "  Confessionale," 
the  remaining  four  "  Poenitentiale."  In  addition 
to  which,  under  the  title  of  Addi.t amenta,  Thorpe 
gives  a  collection  of  thirty-tive  other  canons  in 
Anglo-Saxon  and  Latin.  A  further  edition  of 
part  of  this  work  is  given  in  Cooper's  Appendix 
B  to  the  Beport  on  the  Foedera,  with  the  title, 
"  Poenitentialis  Ecgberti  Archiepiscopi  Ebora- 
censis, liber  iv'"'."  The  grounds  for  rejecting 
the  claim  of  any  part  of  this  to  be  accepted  as 
the  original  work  are  : — (1)  The  first  three  books 
of  Thorpe's  "Poenitentiale"  are,  with  one  slight 
exception,  a  translation  of  the  third,  fourth,  and 
fifth  books  of  the  Penitential  of  Halitgar  of 
Cambray,  circ.  a.d.  829.  (2)  The  fourth  book  of 
the  "  Poenitentiale "  is  a  compilation  from 
Theodore  and  Cummean.  (3)  The  "  Confessionale  " 
is  composed  of  extracts  from  Theodore,  the 
genuine  Penitential  of  Egbert,  and  a  few  addi- 
tions from  the  Poen.  Bigotianum  and  Poen. 
Eemense ;  although  it  is  not  possible  altogether 
to  exclude  the  supposition  that  Egbert  may  have 
translated  into  Anglo-Saxon  some  of  the  older 
passages  both  in  the  "  Confessionale "  and  the 
fourth  book  of  the  "  Poenitentiale." 

2.  Thirty-five  canons,  purporting  to  be  ex- 
tracted from  the  second  book  of  the  Penitential, 
were  published  by  Spelman  in  the  first  volume 
of  the  Concilia;  these  were  adopted  both  by 
Lab])e  and  Cossart  {Concilia,  iv.  1(501-1604)  and 
liy  jMansi  {Concilia,  xii.  459).  They  are  taken, 
without  any  critical  attempt  to  distinguish  what 


PENITENTIAL  BOOKS       1615 

is  genuine,  from  a  Bodleian  MS.  to  be  mentionei> 
hereafter. 

3.  In  addition  to  the  Penitential,  a  collection 
of  Exccrptiones  has  been  published  bv  Spelman 
(pp.  258-278),  Labbe  and  Cossart  (vi.  1586- 
1588),  Thorpe  {Ancient  Lav:s,  p.  326  et  seqq.), 
and  in  a  translation  in  Johnson  {Canons,  ed. 
Baron,  i.  pp.  184-223)  under  the  name  of 
Egbert.  The  source  from  which  these  excerpts 
are  taken  is  MS.  Cotton.  Nero,  A.  1.  The  fact 
that  they  contain  extracts  from  the  capitularies 
of  Charles  the  Great  is  alone  fatal  to  their 
claim  to  be  regarded  as  Egbert's. 

4.  The  Liber  de  Remediis  Peccatorum  is  ascribed 
in  some  MSS.  to  Egbert.  On  its  true  histoiy 
see  above,  Poen.  Baedae. 

5.  The  Pontificala  which  was  published  in 
1853  by  the  Surtees  Society,  from  a  Paris  MS., 
bears  the  name  of  Egbert,  and  there  is  no  reason 
to  doubt  its  authenticity.  It  is,  however,  as  the 
name  implies,  a  ritual  and  not  a  penitential 
book.  Another  work,  the  Dialogus,  which  is 
equally  authentic,  has  an  indirect  bearing  upon 
penitence.  It  is  in  the  form  of  a  series  of 
decisions  on  ecclesiastical  matters  in  reply  to 
sixteen  "  interrogationes "  submitted  to  the 
archbishop  (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  iii.  403-413). 

6.  The  genuine  Penitential  was  first  printed 
as  an  anonymous  work  by  Martene  and  Durand 
{Amplissima  Collectio,  vii.  coll.  40-48)  from  the 
same  MS.  in  the  monastery  of  St.  Hubert  in 
which  Bede's  tract  is  found.  The  independent 
researches  of  Wasserschleben  have  led  him  to  the 
conclusion  that  this  must  be  the  original  work. 
His  edition  is  printed  in  his  Bussordnungen,  &c. 
pp.  231-247,  taken  mainly  from  the  Cod.  Vindob. 
jur.  can.  no.  116,  fol.  77-87;  it  is  also  found 
in  the  following  MSS. :  Cod.  Prising,  no.  3, 
Ranshov.  no.  73,  Sangall.  no.  677,  Vat.  Palat. 
no.  485.  The  genuine  Penitential  is  also  to  be 
found  in  the  Bodleian  MS.  718,  which  comprises 
four  books ;  of  these  books  the  first,  containing 
twenty-one  capifula,  which  are  the  first  twenty- 
one  capitula  of  the  so-called  "  Excerptiones 
Egberti"  of  Thorpe,  then  the  genuine  Avork, 
then  certain  confessional  prayers  of  a  later  date  ; 
the  remaining  three  books  belong  probably  to 
the  10th  century.  The  first  book  concludes  with 
the  words  "  Finis  libri  Poenitentialis  Ecgberhti 
Archiepiscopi."  Haddan  and  Stubbs  have  re- 
printed (iii.  416-431)  Wasserschleben's  text._ 
with  various  readings,  from  the  Andain  MS.  of 
Martene  and  Durand,  the  Bodleian  MS.  718,  and 
the  fragment  printed  in  the  Surtees  edition  of 
the  Pontificale.  The  identification  of  this  edition 
as  Egbert's  rests  on  the  ground  that  it  contains 
no  reference  to  anything  of  a  later  date,  that  it 
is  cited  as  his  by  Rabanus  Maurus,  a  pupil  ct 
Alcuin,  and  that  "it  is  declared  to  be  the  work  ot 
the  archbishop  by  the  compiler  of  the  Bodloiiin 
MS.  718.  The  e.xact  date  of  the  Penitential 
cannot  be  fixed  with  anv  accuracy.  It  was  no 
doubt  publishe.1  while  Egbert  was  archbishoi- 
He  died  A.D.  766,  in  the  thirty-fourth  vear  of 
his  pontificate,  and  he  probably  receive,  the  pall 
as  early  as  734,  for  at' this  date  he  «s  know"  to 
have  consecrated  bishop  Frithbert  of  Hexham. 
The  limits  of  time  within  which  he  i.ssued  th..- 
Penitential  cannot  then  be  drawn  closer  than 
A  D  734-766.  The  full  title  of  the  book,  with 
some  variation  in  the  Bodleian  MS.,  is  KxsCAUi.- 

SUJI     DE      CANONIliUS     CATHOLICORUM    PArUtM 


IGK 


PENITENTIAL  BOOKS 


VEIi     PeNITENTIALE    ad   REMEDIUM  ANI3IARUM 

DOMINI  Eajibercthi  Auchiepiscopi  Eburacae 
civitatis. 

Spanish  Penitential. 
In  the  Codex  Yigilanus,  or  Alveldensis,  in  the 
library  of  the  Escurial  (ft'.  148,  scr.  976)  there 
is  a  penitential  book  of  Spanish  origin,  the 
greater  part  of  which  consists  of  excerpts  from 
■Theodore,  Cummean,  and  Franlvish  penitentials. 
The  substance  of  the  book,  therefore,  contains 
nothing  noteworthy,  but  the  spelling  is  remark- 
able for  the  interchange  of  the  letters  b  and  v ; 
for  instance,  prevent  for  praebent,  serhandum, 
dbserhari,  inebriabent,  noberca,  abunculus,  voherit, 
valneaberit,  and  decanus  for  diaconus.  There'  is 
a  trace  of  national  customs  in  chapter  84 : 
"  Qui  in  saltatione  femineum  habitum  gestiunt 
et  monstruose  se  fingunt  et  majas  et  orcum  et 
pelam  et  his  similia  exercent,  1  ann.  penit." 
Majas  is  probably  connected  with  the  majo, 
maja,  a  boy  or  girl  aff"ectedly  and  shamelessly 
dressed ;  orcum,  the  orco  of  the  old  Spanish 
roanance,  the  ogre  or  wild  man  of  the  woods ; 
pelam  signifies  in  Spanish  a  richly-dressed  boy, 
carried  with  dancing  on  a  man's  shoulders.  See 
Wasserschleben,  p.  71. 

Greek  Penitentials. 

A  critical  investigation  into  the  history  and 
sources  of  the  Greek  penitential  books  has  not 
vet  been  made.  Morinus  (do  Sacramento  Foeni- 
tentiae,  appendix,  pp.  616-664)  has  published 
two  Greek  books,  one  of  which  has  the  name  of 
John  the  Faster,  Gregory's  contemporary  and 
opponent  at  Constantinople.  Morinus  has 
taken  his  edition  from  a  13th  century  IMS.  at 
the  *'  Bibliotheca  Altempsiana "  at  Rome  ;  he 
professes  himself  unable  to  decide  to  what  ex- 
tent the  MS.  contains  later  interpolations  into 
the  original  work ;  but  he  finds  extracts  in  the 
■works  of  Harmenopulus  and  Matthew  Blastares 
of  the  14th  century,  which  profess  to  be  taken 
from  John's  Penitential,  but  which  do  not  exist 
in  the  Roman  MS.  The  title  of  the  edition  of 
Morinus  is  ^AkoXovOm  koI  rafiy  e-rrl  i^o/xoAo- 
yovufvoiv  cwrayuffa  inrh  rov  ualov  warphs 
T]fj.a>v  'icoauyov  rod  vrjrrreuTov. 

The  other  book,  which  he  has  published  as  a 
separate  penitential,  taken  from  a  Vatican  MS. 
which  he  had  not  seen  himself,  is  styled : 
'Iwdwov  Moi'dxou  Ka\  AiaKovov,  iJLa6r]Tov  rov 
/xeyaXou  BaffiXei'ou,  ourtvos  ?;  iTTwvvfjLia,  t^kvov 
VTvaKorjs,  Kavovdpiov,  Siayopevov  Trepl  iravToov 
XeirTO/nepcas  rwv  Traduu,  koI  twv  tovtols  npos- 
4>6p(i>v  iTn.TiiJ.ioov,  Trepl  re  ttjs  aylas  Koivaiplas, 
.ppai/xdrQii'  Te  Koi  Tro/xdTcov  Kot  evx^tv  \iav 
ffvixira94a'Tarov. 

In  addition  to  these  Morinus  has  published  an 
^  \KoKov6la  Tbiv  i^ofjLoXoyovfxivoov,  taken  from  a 
10th  century  MS.  from  the  Barberini  Library  in 
Rome.  He  calls  it  a  breviary  or  enchiridion  of 
a  penitential.  It  comprises  three  headings:  the 
rite  of  making  and  receiving  a  confession,  the 
form  of  examining  the  penitent,  and  the  manner 
of  giving  absolution;  it  contains  no  list  of 
penalties  for  sins,  but  refers  to  an  index,  from 
■which  Morinus  infers  that  at  the  time  when 
this  breviary  was  in  use  there  was  well  known  in 
the  Eastern  church  some  penitential  book,  in 
which  the  penalties  of  sins  were  classified. 

The   methods   and   contents   of  these   Greek 


PENITENTIARY 

books  have  little  in  common  ■R'ith  the  Latin 
penitentials ;  they  bear  a  closer  resemblance  to 
the  later  "  ordo  "  or  "  ratio  "  appended  to  some 
of  the  Prankish  books.  Morinus  has  printed  the 
Penitential  of  Joannes  Jejunator  and  the 
Canonarium  of  Joannes  Monachus  as  distinct 
works.  "Whether  they  have  any  claim  to  be 
considered  as  original  and  separate  tieatises,  or 
whether  they  are  based  on  authentic  books  not 
yet  discovered,  or  whether  they  are  altogether 
productions  of  centuries  as  late  as  the  10th  or 
even  12th,  are  questions  which  cannot  be  satis- 
factorily determined,  till  some  scholar  shall 
examine  the  MSS.  which  survive  in  the  Eastern 
church  with  the  same  completeness  and  dili- 
gence which  have  been  bestowed  upon  the  peni- 
tential records  in  the  monasteries  and  libraries 
of  the  West. 

For  the  chief  contents  of  this  article  the 
writer  is  indebted  to  the  very  learned  work  of 
Wasserschleben,  Die  Bussordnungen  der  abend- 
Idndischen  Eirche,  Halle,  1851,  and  to  the 
critical  notes  introducing  the  Anglo-Saxon 
Penitentials  published  by  Haddan  and  Stubbs, 
Councils  and  Ecclesiastical  Documents,  vol.  iii. 
Oxford,  1871.  [G.  M.] 

PENITENTIAEY.  For  our  knowledge  of 
the  office  of  the  Penitentiary  Priests,  Prcsbyteri 
Poenitentiari,  o'i  iirX  ttjs  /xeTavolas  TrpecrjSvTepot, 
we  are  indebted  to  the  account  which  Socrates  (ff. 
E.  V.  19)  and  Sozomen  (//.  E.  vii.  16)  give  of  the 
abolition  of  the  office.  The  appointment  dates 
from  the  time  of  the  Novatian  schism.  The 
number  of  penitents,  particularly  of  those  who 
had  lapsed  during  the  Decian  persecution,  who 
flocked  to  obtain  absolution  from  the  church, 
gave  a  handle  to  the  Novatian  party  to  denounce 
the  system  of  Catholic  discipline.  Penitents  also 
frequently  made  confession  of  sins  before  the 
congregation  which  -were  tmfit  to  be  recited 
in  public,  and  were  a  cause  of  scandal,  both 
to  the  bisliop  -n^ho  published  them  and  to  the 
congregation  -(vho  listened  to  them.  To  obviate 
these  difficulties,  a  special  officer  called  the  Peni- 
tentiary was  added  to  the  ecclesiastical  roll, 
whose  duty  it  was  to  determine'what  crimes  were 
too  scandalous  for  public  acknowledgment,  and 
l^artJcularly  to  decide  M'hat  offences  excluded 
the  oflender  from  partaking  of  the  Holy  Com- 
munion, and  generally  to  superintend,  under  the 
authority  of  the  bishop,  the  administration  of 
discipline.  The  office  was  in  force  only  till  the 
time  of  Nectarius,  Chrysostom's  predecessor  in 
the  see  of  Constantinople.  During  his  episcopacy 
it  was  abolished,  at  least  in  that  part  of  the 
church  which  acknowledged  the  jurisdiction  of 
Constantinople.  The  occasion  ivhich  gave  rise  to 
the  abolition  does  not  appear  to  have  implicated 
the  Penitentiary  personally.  A  certain  lady  of 
rank,  who  was  doing  penance  under  his  direction, 
afterwards  confessed  that  she  was  at  the  same 
time  carr3'ing  on  an  intrigue  with  a  deacon  of 
the  church.  The  scandal  caused  a  great  out- 
cry, and  Nectarius,  to  prevent  similiar  disorder 
for  the  future,  formally  abrogated  the  office. 
This  was  in  a.d.  391.  There  hangs  some  ob- 
scurity over  the  question  whether  the  office  was 
at  any  time  a  univei-sal  one.  Sozomen  (/f.  E. 
vii.  16)  implies  that  it  existed  throughout  the 
West,  and  was  particular!}'  held  in  esteem  in 
the   church   of  Rome.     But   the  moi'e  general 


PENSIONS 

opinion  seems  to  be,  from  the  absence  of  any 
-mention  of  the  Penitentiary  among  Latin  eccle- 
siastical writers,  that  the  office  was  confined 
to  the  Eastern  church.  Compare  however, 
Augusti,  Christ.  Archdol.  ix.  122.  The  chief  inter- 
est attaching  to  the  abolition  of  the  office  is  the 
bearing  which  it  has  on  the  Roman  controversy 
of  auricular  confession.  Both  Socrates  and  Sozo- 
men  expressly  state  that  upon  the  discontinuance 
of  the  office,  each  one  was  to  be  allowed  to  partake 
of  the  holy  mysteries  as  his  own  conscience 
dictated.  From  which  it  seems  to  follow,  that 
wnate\rer  may  have  been  the  practice  while  the 
Penitentiary  Priest  was  one  of  the  recognised 
officers  of  the  church,  henceforth  secret  confession 
was  discountenanced,  and  that  there  was  to  be 
nothing  approaching  to  compulsory  confession 
before  coming  to  the  holy  sacrament.  To  weaken 
the  force  of  this  inference  it  has  been  suggested 
that  Socrates  and  Sozomen  were  Novatians,  or 
at  any  rate  wrote  in  the  interest  of  the  Xovatian 
party  ;  but  this  suggestion  has  no  foundation. 
For  some  account  of  the  controversy,  see  Hooker, 
Ecd.  Pol.  VI.  iv.  8;  Bingham,  Antiq.  XVIII. 
jii.  12. 

Ducange  quotes  Anastasius  Bibliothecarius  for 
the  authority  that  pope  Simplicius,  a.d.  468-483, 
appointed  an  officer  called  Poenitcntiarius Ecclesiae 
Eomctnae,  with  the  duty  of  superintending  the 
penitents  and  hearing  their  confessions,  and  that 
this  is  the  origin  of  the  office  in  the  church  of 
Rome.  In  modern  times  the  chief  of  the  Peni- 
tentiaries, Magnus  Poenitentiarius,  is  a  high 
official  in  Rome,  and  one  of  the  cardinals. 

The  regular  cathedral  officer  in  the  Roman 
Catholic  church  called  the  Penitentiary,  is  one  of 
the  appointments  of  the  council  of  Trent. 

[G.  M.] 
PENSIONS.  Certain  allowances  appear 
from  very  early  times  to  have  been  granted 
from  ecclesiastical  revenues  to  ecclesiastical 
personages  under  certain  circumstances,  such  as 
to  the  clergy  who  were  disabled  by  sickness  or 
old  age,  and  to  bishops  who  had  beeii  driven 
from  their  sees,  or  forced  to  resign  them  through 
bodily  infirmity.  Thomassin  (  Vet.  ct  Nov.  Ecd. 
Disdp.  iii.  2,  c.  29,  §  1)  says  that  these  were 
usually  given  in  two  different  forms,  either 
simply  as  an  annual  stipend,  or  by  granting  the 
usufruct  of  lands  belonging  to  the  church  ;  the 
latter  chiefly  in  the  case  of  strangers  who  had 
sought  refuge  in  the  diocese.  Examples  of  both 
kinds  of  pension  will  be  found  in  the  instances 
that  follow. 

The  first  recorded  case  of  a  pension  granted 
by  authority  is  found  in  the  acts  of  the  council 
of  Chalcedon,  a.d.  451  (act.  10),  where  Domnus, 
who  had  been  ejected  from  the  see  of  Antioch 
by  the  "  Robbers'  Meeting,"  was,  at  the  request 
of  his  successor  Maximus,  allowed  an  annual 
sum  from  the  revenues  of  the  see  sufficient  to 
keep  him  from  want,  and  that  his  claims  might 
not  be  a  cause  of  disturbance  in  future  years. 
The  same  council  (acts  11,  12)  allowed  Bas- 
sianus  and  Stephen,  who  had  both  been  un- 
canonically  elected  to  the  see  of  Ephcsus, 
pensions  of  200  aurei  each  from  the  property  of 
the  diocese. 

Abundant  instances  of  the  causes  for  which 
pensions  were  allowed,  and  the  dilforent  ways  in 
which  they  were  granted,  are  found  in  the 
writings  of  Gregory  the  Great.     Thus  (Epist.  i. 


PENSIONS 


1617 


42)  in  sending  certain  clergy  to  monasteries  to 
do  penance  for  incontinence,  he  orders  that  they 
should  receive  a  sufficient  allowance  for  their 
subsistence,  in  order  that  they  might  not  be  a 
burden  to  the  houses  into  which  they  were 
received.  In  another  place  {Epist.  i.  43)  he 
directs  the  bishops  of  lUyria  to  obey  the  man- 
date of  the  emperor,  who  had  ordered  that  the 
bishops  who  had  been  expelled  from  their  sees 
by  the  war  should  share  homes  and  revenues  of 
those  who  had  remained  undisturbed,  but  adding 
a  special  provision  that  they  only  receive  suffi- 
cient for  their  sustenance,  that  tliey  \s'ere  only 
to  be  regarded  as  guests,  and  that  "they  should 
have  no  authority  whatever  given  them  which 
should  even  approach  to  a  partition  of  the  see 
Again,  a  pension  of  forty  pieces  of  gold  {Epist 
ii.  53)  was  assigned,  on  the  ground  of  common 
humanity,  to  Agathon,  bishop  of  Lipara,  who 
had  been  deprived  of  his  see  by  canonical  judg- 
ment. When  a  certain  Felix,  a  deacon,  who 
had  ceased  communion  with  the  church  from 
mistaking  the  intention  of  the  fifth  oecumeni- 
cal coiincil,  applied  for  readmission,  Gregory 
{Epist.  iii.  14)  entreats  the  bishop  of  Syracuse 
either  to  restore  him  to  the  ofiice  of  a  deacon  or 
to  allow  him  a  part  of  the  stipend  belonging  to 
it,  adding  that,  in  order  to  take  himself  a  share 
in  the  good  work,  he  would  add  a  small  annual 
allowance  from  the  funds  of  the  church  of 
Rome.  A  bishop  of  Gaul  {Epist.  xi.  7)  who  was 
unable  to  perform  his  duties  from  pains  in  the 
head,  was  to  be  persuaded  to  retire,  but  his 
maintenance  provided  from  his  church. 

John  the  deacon,  in  his  Life  of  Gregory  the 
Great,  says  that  pensions  were  allowed  to 
bishops  for  two  reasons.  First  {Vit.  Greg.  iii. 
16)  when  they  were  driven  from  their  sees  and 
allotted  to  other  bishops  for  maintenance; 
second  {id.  iv.  39)  when  bishoj^s  retiring  were 
allowed  to  receive  from  their  successors  a  sum 
sufficient  for  their  maintenance. 

An  instance  of  the  usufruct  of  church  lands 
being  assigned  as  a  pension  is  recorded  by 
Gregory  of  Tours  {Hist.  Franc,  ii.  36)  in  the 
case  of  Euphrasius,  bishop  of  Clermont  in 
Auvergne,  who  allotted  to  Quintianus,  bishop  of 
Rodes  in  Aquitania,  who  had  been  driven  from 
his  see  by  the  Goths,  gifts  of  houses,  fields, 
and  vineyards;  and  the  bishop  of  Lyons  also 
allotted  to  him  certain  possessions  of  his  diocese 
which  were  situated  in  the  province  of  Au- 
vergne. A  more  curious  kind  of  pension  comes: 
to  light  by  the  same  historian,  who  records  {id. 
viii.^20)  that  when  Faustinus,  bishop  of  Aix, 
had  been  deposed  by  the  council  of  Macon,  it 
was  also  ordered  that  the  bishops  by  whom  he 
had  been  ordained  should  each  allow  him  an 
annual  pension  of  100  aurei. 

An  instance  of  another  kind  of  pension  is 
found  in  a  letter  of  Hiucmar  of  Rheinis  to  pope 
Nicholas  L  {Ep.  17,  0pp.  ii.  p.  249),  iu  which  he 
says  that  Rothadus,  bishop  of  Soissons,  havmg 
been  obliged  to  relinquish  his  see,  he  had  pro- 
cured for  him  the  gift  of  a  good  abbey ;  an.l 
that  all  his  fellow  bishops  had  gii-cn  him  assist- 
ance in  his  calamity,  partly  from  motives  of 
pity,  and  partly  that  he  might  not  give  any 
further  trouble  to  the  see,  "  ut  molest  us  et  .sodi- 
tiosus  ecclesiae  cui  pracfucrat  esse   non  deccr- 

"Another  class  of  pensions  appears  to    have 


1618 


PENTECOST 


existed  in  connexion  with  the  cathedral  clergy. 
The  third  council  of  Orleans,  A.D.  538  (c.  iV), 
leaves  it  entirely  to  the  discretion  of  the  bishoj/ 
to  permit  or  to  refuse  a  share  in  the  revenues  of 
the  cathedral  to  clergy  who  had  left  it  for 
the  purpose  of  entering  monasteries  or  serving 
other  churches.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
council  of  Merida,  a.d.  666  (c.  12),  provides 
that  the  bishop  shall  have  the  right  of 
selecting  his  cathedral  clergy  from  the  parish 
priests  and  deacons,  and  that  such  clergy 
shall  retain  the  revenues  of  their  parishes  on 
condition  of  making  an  adequate  allowance  to 
the  presbyter  who  has  taken  charge  of  the 
parish,  and  toUhe  other  clergy  connected  with 
the  church.  The  stipend  in  such  cases  accruing 
from  the  cathedral  revenues  being  described  as 
;i  gift  from  the  bishop  conditional  on  the  good 
behaviour  of  the  recipient.  Thomassin  (  Vet.  et 
Nov.  Eccl  Discip.  iii.  2,  c.  29,  §  22,  23)  thinks 
that  the  stipend  derived  in  these  cases  from  the 
cathedral  was  called  an  allowance  (pensio)  in 
order  that  such  clergy  might  not  be  charged 
with  holding  a  plurality  of  benefices. 

In  these  cases  the  allowance  of  pensions  was 
right  and  equitable.  Abuses,  however,  appear 
to  have  soon  crept  in,  especially  from  the  right 
assumed  by  the  Frankish  sovereigns  of  granting 
pensions  at  their  will  settled  on  property  belong- 
ing to  the  church.  On  the  representation  of  Leo 
III.  this  evil  was  checked  by  a  capitulary  of  Charles 
the  Great  (Addit.  iii.  c.  i.)  positively  forbidding 
any  division  or  partition  of  the  property  of  the 
church,  either  in  his  own  lifetime  or  by  his 
.successors. 

Another  class  of  pensions,  attended  ultimately 
with  great  evils,  arose  from  the  practice  of 
.ippointing  bishops,  under  various  circumstances, 
to  at  least  titular  possession  of  more  sees  than 
one.  [P.  0.] 

PENTECOST.  The  word  Tr^vrnKoar^  (in 
Latin  writers  sometimes  Quinquagesima)  was 
used  in  a  twofold  sense  by  the  primitive  church, 
both  for  the  whole  period  of  fifty  days  between 
Easter  and  Whitsun  Day,  and  also  more  strictly 
for  the  single  festival  of  Whitsun  Day. 

In  the  early  church  the  whole  of  the  fifty  days 
between  Easter  and  Whitsun  Day  was  regarded  as 
one  continuous  festival.  Thus  TertuUian  says 
that  all  the  festival  days  of  the  heathen  put 
together  will  not  make  up  the  Pentecost  of  the 
Christians,  "  Excerpe  singulas  festivitates  natio- 
num  et  in  ordinem  exsere ;  Pentecosten  implere 
lion  poterunt"  (rfe  Idololatr.  c.  12),  and  speaks  of* 
Pentecost  as  a  very  large  space  of  time,  "  latissi- 
mum  spatium,"  appointed  by  the  church  for  the 
administration  of  baptism  (de  Bapt.  c.  19).  In 
the  same  sense  the  canons  of  the  council  of 
Antioch  in  Encacniis,  a.d.  341,  speak  of  the 
quarta  septimana  pentecostcs,  medio  pentecostes 
(can.  20,  Labbe,  ii.  579).  The  Ordo  Romanus 
lays  down  that  "  Tempus  Pentecostes  inchoatur 
a  primo  die  resurrectionis  et  currit  usque  ad 
diem  quinquagesimum  post  Pascha,"  and  the 
Apostolical  Constitutions  (lib.  v.  c.  20,  ad  fin.) 
extend  the  term  to  the  whole  period  as  one 
of  festal  joy  (see  Beverigg,  Fandect,  torn.  ii. 
Annotat.  27  ;  Cotelerius,  Fatr.  Apostol.  torn.  i. 
]).  466).  Basil  the  Great  speaks  of  the  seven 
weeks,  rris  Upas  trevTeKova-T^s  (de  Spirit.  Sanct. 
c.  27).     From  the  continuous  festal  character  of 


PENTECOST 

the  period,  fasting  and  kneeling  in  prayer  were- 
prohibited,  as  on  Sundays.  TertuUian  says,  "  We^ 
count  it  unlawful  to  fast  or  to  worship  kneelino- 
on  the  Lord's  Day,  and  we  rejoice  in  the  same 
immunity  from  Easter  Day  to  Pentecost  (TertuU. 
de  Coron.  Milit.  c.  3).  The  same  rule  was  laid 
down  by  the  council  of  Nicaea,  A.D.  325  (can.  20, 
Labbe,  ii.  37).  Ambrose  also  describes  the  fifty 
days  as  each  like  a  Sundav,  when  "jejuniuni 
nescit  ecclesia,"  and  which  the  tradition  of  the 
ancients  appoints  to  be  regarded  "  ut  Paschae  " 
(Ambros.  in  Luc.  lib.  vii.  tom.  ii.  p.  1016). 
In  Sermon  61  (falsely  attributed  to  him) 
the  same  prohibition  of  fasting  in  Pentecost  is 
found  ;  and  in  the  Praefat.  ad  Fs.  50  it  is  spoken 
of  as  the  Christian  jubilee,  when  the  debt  of  sin 
is  remitted,  the  handwriting  against  us  blotted 
out,  and  all  Christians  rejoice  with  alleluias.  V/e 
have  also  the  authority  of  Epiphanius  (Expos. 
Fid.  c.  22)  for  the  cessation  of  fasting  and  kneel- 
ing during  this  period.  Augustine  speaks  of 
"  dies  illi  quinquaginta  post  Pascha  usque  ad 
Pentecostem  quibus  non  jejunatur  "  (Epist.  86), 
though  he  elsewhere  speaks  with  some  doubt  as 
to  whether  the  rule  was  universally  observed 
(Epist.  119,  ad  Januar.  c.  17).  During  this 
period  the  alleluia,  which  had  been  silent  during 
Lent,  was  heard  abundantly  in  the  services  of 
the  church  (August,  ibid.).  Isidore  has  a  long 
passage  (De  Offic.  Eccl.  lib.  i.  c.  32)  on  the  mode 
of  observing  the  period,  and  the  absence  of  all 
marks  of  mourning.  Cassian  is  also  very  full 
on  this  subject  (De  Institut.  lib.  ii.  c.  6,  18;- 
CoUat.  xxi.  c.  8,  c.  11,  c.  20).  Honorius  Augus- 
todunus,  in  his  Gemma  Animae  (lib.  iii.  c.  136), 
wi-ites :  "  Tempus  inter  Pascha  et  Pentecosten 
Quinquagesima  nominatur  quia  a  Sabbato  quo 
duo  alleluia  inchoantur  usque  ad  Sanctam 
Pentecosten  quinquaginta  dies  computantur 
quibus  alleluia  in  cantu  froquentatur  "  (cf.  Vales. 
ad  Euseb.  Vit.  Constant,  lib.  iv.  c.  64;  Balsamou 
in  can.  Nic.  xx.,  apud  Bevereg.  Pandect,  tom.  i. 
p.  84;  Mendoza,  in  Concil.  Illiber.  e.  xvii.  in 
can.  43,  apud  Labbe,  Concil.  i.  1261). 

Early  in  the  5th  century  an  ordinance  of  the 
youthful  devotee  Theodosius  II.,  A.D.  425, 
doubtless  emanating  from  his  sister  Pulcheria, 
prohibited  all  stage-plays,  Circensian  games,  and 
public  spectacles  during  the  period  of  "  quinqua- 
gesima "  on  account  of  its  great  sanctity  (Cod, 
Tiicod.  lib.  XV.  tit.  v.  dc  Spectacidis,  leg.  5 
tom.  V.  p.  253).  By  a  custom  of  the  church 
which  was  ancient  in  the  time  of  St.  Chrysostom 
(Homil.  Ixiii.  [Ixvi.]  cur  in  Fentecoste  Acta 
legantur),  and  which  is  still  retained  in  the  Greek 
church,  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  were  read 
between  Easter  and  Whitsun  Day  (August.  Tract, 
in  Joann.  VI.  §  18  ;  Serm.  315  ;  f?e  Fraedest.  Sanct. 
c.  ii.  §  4;  Chrysost.  Homil.  xxxiii.  in  Gen.  12. 
In  the  church  of  Spain  and  Gaul  the  Apocalypse 
was  commanded  also  to  be  read  at  this  season 
under  pain  of  excommunication  (Concil.  Tolet.  iv. 
can.  16,  Labbe,  v.  1711).  In  a  more  restricted 
sense  Fe-ntecost  stood  for  the  festival  of  Whitsun 
Day  alone.  In  this  sense  it  closed  the  cycle  of 
the  Festivals  of  our  Lord,  semcstre  JDomini, 
among  which  it  held  the  third  place,  after  Easter 
and  Christmas.  The  earliest  occurrence  of  the 
word  in  this  sense  is  in  the  forty-third  canon 
of  the  council  of  Elvira,  a.d.  305  (Labbe,  i. 
975),  which,  referring  to  the  erroneous  custom 
prevailing   in  some  churches  of  Spain  of  cele- 


PENTECOST 

bratiiig  the  fortieth  day  after  Easter  instead 
of  the  fiftieth,  i.e.  Ascension  Day,  not  Pente- 
cost, ordained  that  "juxta  auctoritatem  Scrij)- 
turaruni  cuncti  diem  Pentecostes  celebremus," 
warning  those  who  did  not  do  this  that  they 
would  be  regarded  as  bringing  in  a  new  heresy 
(Hefele,  Councils,  vol.  i.  p.  155,  Clark's  transl.). 
This  canon  appears  to  have  been  ineffec- 
tual in  checking  the  irregularity,  and  Pentecost 
continued  to  be  observed  prematurely  in  the  Span- 
ish church.  The  first  of  the  canons  of  the  tenth 
council  ofToledOjA.D.  656,  insists  on  observing  the 
right  number  of  fifty  days,  without  which  they 
could  not  look  for  the  full  gift  of  the  Spirit 
(Labbe,  vi.  460).  Pentecost,  as  the  anniversary 
of  the  descent  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  the  birthday 
of  the  church  of  Christ,  was  observed  as  one  of 
the  chief  Christian  festivals  from  a  very  early 
time.  It  is  mentioned  by  Origen  {Contr.  Cels. 
lib.  viii.  p.  392),  and,  if  we  give  any  weight  to 
the  doubtful  authority  of  the  supposititious 
work  ascribed  to  Justin  (Quaest.  ad  Orthodox, 
No.  115),  still  earlier,  by  Irenaeus.  It  is  clearly 
defined  in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions :  "  After 
ten  days  from  the  Ascension,  which,  from  the 
first  Lord's  Day  is  the  fiftieth  day,  do  ye  keep  a 
great  festival  on  that  day  the  Lord  Jesus  sent 
on  us  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Ghost  "  (lib.  v.  c.  20). 
There  is  a  sermon  of  Gregory  Nazianzen's  (do 
Pentecoste  Orat.  xliv.  torn.  i.  p.  712,  in  which  he 
calls  it  the  "  day  of  the  Spirit " — rijx-qffov  T7]v 
Tjix^pav  rov  irviVf^aTos.  Chrysostom  designates 
it  jUTjTpoTroAfS  Tciv  ioprwv  (Iloinil.  de  Pent.  ii. 
J).  469.)  Augustine  also  mentions  it  as  one  of  the 
chief  Christian  anniversaries  {Contr.  Faust,  lib. 
xxxii.  c.  12),  and  in  his  letter  to  Januarius 
(^Ep.  54)  speaks  of  it  as  one  of  the  unwritten 
ordinances  observed  by  the  whole  world,  ap- 
pointed either  by  the  apostles  (which  was  the 
unfounded  opinion  of  Epiphanius,  Haer.  Ixxv. 
§  G)  or  by  oecumenical  councils.  Among  the 
sermons  of  Leo  the  Great  are  three  (/S'crm.  75-77) 
de  Pentecostes,  and  four  (Serin.  78-81)  de  Jejunio 
Pentecostes.  It  was  regarded  as  a  day  of  chief 
observance,  of  equal  dignity  with  Easter  and 
Christmas,  on  which  it  was  the  duty  of  all 
Christians  to  communicate,  and  that  not  in  the 
smaller  country  churches,  but  in  the  mother 
churches  of  the  cities  (Concil.  Agathens.  a.d. 
506,  can.  18,  31 ;  Labbe,  iv.  1386  ;  Concil.  Aurel.  i. 
A.D.  511,  can.  25;  Labbe,  iv.  1408).  Eusebius 
designates  it  (de  Vit.  Constant,  lib.  iv.  c.  64) 
fxiyicrrri  eopTij,  irdufffTrros  Kol  iravayia  iriVTrj- 
Ko(TT7i.  The  celebration  originally  lasted  the  whole 
of  the  following  week,  to  the  Octave,  to  which 
effect  a  decree  was  passed  by  the  synod  of  Mentz, 
A.D.  813.  The  vigil  of  Pentecost  was  one  of  the 
chief  seasons  for  the  administration  of  the  sacra- 
ment of  baptism,  second  only  to  Easter  Eve. 
These  two  were  indeed  the  only  times  when  bap- 
tism was  permitted  in  the  Western  church, 
except  in  the  case  of  the  sick  (grabatarii).  To 
those  in  the  Eastern  church  the  Epiphany  was 
added  (Greg.  Naz.  Omi.  xl.  de  Bapt.).  In  the 
time  of  Tertullian  it  is  evident  that  baptism  was 
permitted  during  the  whole  of  the  fifty  days 
which  were  known  as  Pentecost  in  its  wider 
sense  (Tertull.  de  Bapt.  c.  19);  but  subsequently 
it  appears  to  have  been  restricted  to  the  actual 
vigil  of  the  festival  (Bingham,  Grig.  XL  vi.  7). 
Jerome  also  speaks  of  Pentecost  being,  like 
Easter,   one    of  the   solemn  times  for   baptism 

CHRIST.    ANT. — VOL.    II. 


PEPvEGRINUS 


1G19 


(Hieron.  Comment,  in  Zach.  xiv.  8  ;  Epist.  1x1. 
ad  Pammach.  §  16  ;  Baptism,  69,  Vol.  I.  p.  165)! 
Fasting  being  prohibited  by  the  earliest  church 
ordinances  during  the  whole  of  the  Pentecostal 
period,  including  the  following  week,  called 
Ilehdomas  Spiritus  Sancti,  the  usual  stationary 
fasts  on  Wednesdays  and  Fridays  were  origi- 
nally not  resumed  till  the  week  succeeding  t1ie 
Octave.  Afterwards,  when  the  Ember  weeks 
became  fixed,  the  week  succeeding  Whitsun  Dav 
was  observed  as  a  time  of  fasting  and  prayer 
(Ember  Days).  Leo  the  Great,  in  his  Pentecostal 
sermons,  lays  great  stress  on  the  observance  of 
the  Pentecostal  Fast  on  the  Wednesday,  Friday, 
and  Saturday  (Serm.  75-81).  The  Rogation 
days  date  from  the  time  of  Mamercus  bishop 
of  Vienne,  c.  a.d.  450,  and  established  by  the 
first  council  of  Orleans,  a.d.  511,  were  unaccept- 
able to  the  Spanish  church  as  violating  the  old 
rules  against  fasting  in  Quinquagesima,  and 
they  therefore  defen-ed  their  litanies  and  pro- 
cessions till  after  Whitsun  Day  (Wal.  Strabo, 
de  Offic.  Eccl.  c.  28  ;  Concil.  Gerund,  can.  ii.). 
[Rogation  Days.]  [E.  V.] 

PENTECOSTAEION.  The  mvr-nKo<TTi- 
piov,  says  Neale  (East.  Ch.  Intr.  p.  877),  "is 
to  the  weeks  between  Easter  and  All  Saints' 
Sunday  what  the  Triodion  is  to  those  between 
the  Sunday  of  the  Publican  and  Pharisee  and 
Easter  ;"  i.e.  it  is  the  ordinary  office-book  of  the 
Greek  church  for  that  period  of  the  year.     [C] 

PENULA.    [Paenula.] 

PEOPLE.     [Laity.] 

PEPUZA  or  PUZA  (in  Phrygia),  Nova- 
TiAN  Synod  of,  a.d.  375.  According  to 
Socrates  (iv.  28),  at  which  it  was  agreed  to  keep 
Easter  on  the  same  day  as  the  Jews.  But  this, 
he  adds,  was  not  the  act  of  the  collective  bodv 
(Mansi,  iii.  451).  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

PEEA.  This  word  seems  to  be  used  by 
Cassian  in  an  unusual  sense  for  the  sheepskin 
which  formed  part  of  the  monk's  dress :  "  pellis 
caprina,  quae  melotes  vel  pera  appellatur  "  (tie 
Coenob.  Inst.  i.  8  ;  Patrol,  xlix.  74 ;  cf.  Collat. 
xi.  3,  ib.  150).  Hence  the  word  has  found  a 
place  with  Isidore  :  "  Melotes,  quae  etiam  pera 
vocatur,"  «S.'c.  (Etijm.  xix.  24 ;  Patrol.  Ixxxii. 
691).  It  can  hardly  be  supposed  that  Cassian 
uses  the  word  in  its  ordinary  Latin  sense,  for  it 
is  not  at  all  likely  that  the  monks  Tinder  such  a 
rule  would  be  allowed  to  carry  a  wallet."  Gazet 
(not.  in  loc.)  suggests  that  pera  is  a  transcriber'."; 
error  for  paenula ;  others  would  read  diphthera, 
and  Ducange  would  transfer  appellatur  to  follow 
melotes.  This,  however,  seems  decidedly  feeble. 
It  is  perhaps  just  possible  that  the  word  may  be 
Egyptian.  {}^-  ^-J 

PEKEGEINATIO.  [Pilgrim.\ge.] 
PEREGEINUS  (1),  martyr  with  Iliorcnous 
or  Irenaeus,  and  Hirenis  ;  commemorated  at  Thes- 
salonica  May  5  (Usuard.  Mart.;  Vet.  lion. 
Mart.);  with  Hereneus  and  Hcrena  (Ihcrou. 
Mart.). 


■>  AVe  find  ^pa.  conjoined  with  miAwttj?  In  nitl. 
Lamiaca.  c.  83  {Patrol.  Or.,  -xxxiv.  n«5).  bnt  hero  thcr,- 
is  more  chance  of  the  word  being  usi'd  In  tbo  ordinary 
meaning.  j.   j^ 


1620 


PERFECTUS 


(2)  Bishop,  martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Autun 
May  16  (Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Mai.  iii.  561). 

(3)  Martyr  with  Isaurus  and  others  ;  comme- 
morated July  6  (Basil,  MenoL). 

(4)  Martyr  with  Lucianus  and  others  ;  comme- 
morated July  7  (Basil,  Menol. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Jul.  ii.  457). 

(5)  Presbyter  at  Lyon  ;  commemorated  July 
28  (Usuard.  Mart.;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jul.  vi. 
.543). 

(6)  Martyr  at  Rome  with  Eusebius  and  otliers 
under  Commodus ;  commemorated  Aug.  25 
(Usuard.  Mart. ;    Vet.  Bom.  Mart.).         [C.  H.] 

PEEFECTUS,  presbyter,  martyr  at  Cor- 
dova :  commemorated  April  18  (Usuard.  Mart.). 
[C.  H.] 

PERGAMOS,  Supposed  Svnod  of,  a.d. 
152,  when  seven  bishops  under  Theodotus  con- 
demned the  heretic  Colorbasius  or,  as  Tertullian 
calls  him  {Do  Praesc.  c.  50),  Colarbasus.  But 
the  only  record  of  it  is  preserved  in  a  work  on 
heresies  of  doubtful  authorship,  and  even  more 
doubtful  credit  (Mansi,  i.  669).  [E.  S.  Yi.'] 

PERGENTINUS,  martyr  with  Laurentiuus 
at  Arretium  ;  commemorated  June  3  (Usuard. 
Mart. ;  Vet.  Horn.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jun.  i. 
271).  [C.  H.] 

PEEIAPTA.     [Phylactery.] 

PERICOPAE  (TrepiKowaP)  are  the  sections 
into  which  the  Scriptures  have  been  divided  for 
the  purpose  of  reading  in  public.  See  Lection, 
Lectionary.  [C] 

PERIODEUTAE  (-rrepLoSevrai).  Assistants 
to  bishops,  with  the  duty  of  itinerating  in  coun- 
try disti'icts.  The  council  of  Laodicea,  A.D.  320 
(c.  57),  enacts  that  no  bishop  shall  be  appointed 
in  villages  or  countrj'  districts,  but  only  "  perio- 
Jeutae ; "  but  that  those  bishops  already  ap- 
pointed shall  perform  no  act  without  the  autho- 
rity of  the  bishop  of  the  city  (tov  iTTKTKSnov  rod 
iv  ry  irSXei).  It  does  not  appear  that  the  dis- 
charge of  these  functions  implied  admission  to 
the  episcopal  office,  since  at  the  council  of  Chal- 
cedon  (act.  4)  Valentinus  and  Alexander  sign 
themselves  "  presbyter  and  periodeutes."  There 
IS  no  further  information  about  the  duties  of 
these  officials,  or  as  to  the  portion  of  episcopal 
function  they  were  permitted  to  discharge. 
[Compare  Chorepiscopds.]  [P.  0.] 

PERISTERIUM.  [Dove,  the  Eucha- 
KiSTic,  p.  576.] 

PERITRACHELION.     [Stole.] 

PERJURY.  The  Christian  code,  following 
the  old  Roman  law  set  a  special  brand  of  infamy 
on  perjury  (Cod.  Thcod.  II.  ix.  8).  It  was  visited 
with  no  less  severity  by  the  discipline  of  the 
ohnrch.  Chrysostom  (^Hom.  xvii.  in  Matt. 
p.  182 ;  Horn.  xxii.  de  Ira,  t.  i.  p.  294)  placed  it 
in  the  same  category  with  murder  and  adultery. 
By  Basil  (ad  Amphiloc.  c.  64)  a  perjured  person 
was  allotted  eleven  year's  penance.  The  first 
council  of  Mascon,  A.d.  581,  c.  17,  enacted  that 
he  who  instigated  another  to  perjury  should  be 


PERPETUA 

debarred  from  communion  for  the  remainder  of 
his  life,  and  that  his  accomplice  should"  be 
incapable  for  the  future  of  giving  testimony. 
The  crime  occupied  a  chapter  in  each  of  the 
early  English  penitentials.  In  the  penitential  of 
Theodore  (I.  vi.)  it  is  declared  (c.  1)  that  he 
who  commits  perjury  in  a  church  shall  do  penance 
eleven  years  ;  but  (c.  2)  if  under  compulsion 
(the  compulsion  of  his  lord.  Bed.  Poenit.  v.  1), 
then  only  for  three  quadragesimae.  He  who  breaks 
a  vow  taken  at  the  hands  of  a  layman  (Theod. 
Poenit.  I.  vi.  3  ;  Egbert,  vi.  7) is  left  unpunished  by 
the  Greek  canons.  But  if  the  vow  had  been  taken 
at  the  handsof  a  bishop, priest, ordeacon,  or  on  the 
altar  or  a  consecrated  cross,  the  penance  for  break- 
ing it  was  three  years,  witharemission  of  twoj'ears 
if  the  cross  was  not  consecrated  (Theod.  I.  vi.  4  ; 
Bed.  V.  2 ;  Egbert,  vi.  2).  The  penance  for 
simple  pei-jury  was  three  years.  By  the  peni- 
tential of  Bede,  v.  4,  the  false  witness  was  to  be 
punished  according  to  the  circumstances  of  the 
case  ;  and  one  (ibid.  c.  5)  who  had  unwittingly 
been  guilty  of  perjury  and  afterwards  confessed 
his  offence  was  to  do  penance  a  year.  In  the 
Prankish  penitential  of  Cummean,  founded  on 
that  of  Theodore  (Wasserschleben,  Die  Biissord- 
nungen  der  abendlandischen  Kirche,  p.  460,  seqq.), 
the  punishment  is  graduated  to  the  offender's 
rank.  A  perjured  layman  (Pen.  Cum.  v.  1)  was 
to  do  penance  three  years  ;  a  cleric,  five  ;  a  sub- 
deacon,  six  ;  a  deacon,  seven  ;  a  priest,  ten  ;  and  a 
bishop,  twelve.  By  another  clause  (c.  9),  a  false 
witness  is  punished  less  severely,  but  on  a  corre- 
sponding scale.  In  c.  4,  a  layman  committing 
perjury  through  covetousness  was  to  sell  all  his 
goods  and  distribute  them  to  the  poor  and  retire 
to  a  monastery  ;  but  if  covetousness  did  not  lead 
to  the  crime,  "then  for  three  years  he  was  to  live 
in  exile,  not  bear  arms,  and  fast  on  bread  and 
water,  for  two  more  abstain  from  wine  and 
flesh  and  give  freedom  to  a  slave,  for  two  more 
years  distribute  alms,  and  at  the  end  of  seven  he 
might  be  restored  to  communion. 

The  breaking  of  oaths  which  ought  never  to 
have  been  made  was  not  a  matter  likely  to  come 
under  canonical  supervision.  There  are,  never- 
theless, a  few  decisions  of  councils.  The  Spanish 
council  of  Lerida,  A.D.  523,  c.  7,  declared  that 
any  litigant  binding  himself  by  an  oath  to 
remain  at  enmity  with  his  adversary  should  on 
account  of  his  perjury  abstain  from  communion 
for  a  year,  and  hasten  to  be  reconciled.  The 
lawfulness  of  breaking  such  oaths  is  discussed  at 
length  by  the  eighth  council  of  Toledo,  A.D.  653, 
c.  2.  The  council  supposes  one  or  two  extreme 
cases,  such  as  a  man  having  sworn  to  slay  his 
father,  or  compass  the  pollution  of  a  sacred 
virgin,  and  resolves  that  it  is  far  better  he 
should  break  his  oath  than  keep  it.  The 
opinions  of  Ambrose,  Augustine,  Gregory,  and 
Isidore,  are  cited  in  support ;  from  the  last  of 
whom  several  decisions  are  quoted  (Isidor.  ii.  31 ; 
sent.  10,  22)  to  shew  that  sometimes  it  is  better 
to  break  an  oath  than  observe  it.  [G.  M.] 

PERNOCTATIO.     [Vigil.] 

PERPETUA,  martyr  in  Africa  with  Felicitas, 
A.D.  203  ;  commemorated  Feb.  2  (Basil,  Menol.)  \ 
Mar.  7  at  Tuburbum  in  Mauritania  (Hieron. 
Mart. ;  Vet.  Rom.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Wand.) ;  Mar. 
7   at  Carthage  (Bed.  Mart.) ;  same  day  (BoU. 


PERPETUUS 

Acta  SS.  Mart.  i.  633).  The  Sacramentary  of 
Gelasius  commemorates  the  natale  of  Perpetua 
and  Felicitas,  who  are  uamed  in  the  "  secreta  " 
on  Mar.  7  (Murat.  Lit.  Bom.  Vet.  i.  642). 

[C.  H.] 

PERPETUUS,  bishop  of  Tours,  5th  century, 
commemorated  Ap.  8  (Usuard  3Iart.  ;  Vet.  Horn. 
Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  i.  748).  [C.  H.] 

PERSECUTION.     [Martyr.] 

PERSEVER  AND  A,  virgin  ;  commemorated 
June  26  (Usuard,  3Iart.).  [C.  H.] 

PERSIA,  Nestorian  Synods  in.  (1)  a.d. 
499,  under  Babeus,  patriarch  of  the  Nestorians, 
at  which  leave  was  given  to  all  the  clergy  to 
become  "  husbands  of  one  wife "  (Mansi,  viii. 
239). 

(2)  A.D.  544,  under  Abas  I.,  Catholicos  of  the 
Nestorians,  which  passed  eleven  canons  and 
asserted  in  the  last  of  them  that  they  had  all 
been  based  on  the  faith  of  the  318  fathers,  i.e. 
the  Nicene  (Mansi,  ix.  125). 

(3)  A.D.  588,  under  lesujabius,  patriarch  of 
the  Nestorians,  which  passed  thirty  canons,  and 
declared  in  the  first  for  receiving  the  Nicene 
faith,  the  canons  of  the  Apostles,  and  of  the 
other  fathers,  besides  repudiating  the  heresies  of 
Arius  and  Macedonius  on  the  Trinity,  and  of 
Eutyches  and  Manes  on  the  Incarnation  (/6. 
975).  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

PERSONIFICATION  (in  Art).  The  fashion 
of  representing  the  virtues  and  moral  feelings 
by  human  figures  is  one  of  great  antiquity  both 
among  writers  and  artists,  e.g.  Paulinus  of  Kola 
(^Epist.  16,  c.  4)  tells  us  that  "  et  spes  et 
nemesis  et  amor  atque  etiam  furor  in  simulacris 
eoluntur  " ;  and  Christian  poets  in  like  manner 
have  embodied  the  virtues  and  vices  in  their 
verses.  Prudentius,  for  example,  in  his  "  Soul's 
Conflict  "  (Psi/c/jom.  v.  21),  gives  this  warlike 
representation  of  Faith : 

"  Prima  petit  campum  dubia  sub  sorte  duelli 
I'ugnatura  Fides,  agresti  turbida  vultu, 
Nuda  humeros,  intonsa  comas,  exserta  lacertos." 

The  middle  ages  are  the  period  which  is 
more  especially  rich  in  the  representation  of 
the  virtues  by  human  figures  ;  and,  although 
they  are  beyond  the  limits  of  this  book,  it  is 
worth  while  to  cite  the  case  of  the  bronze  gates 
of  the  baptistery  at  Florence,  executed  in  1330 
by  Andrea  Pisano,  because  they  preserve  the 
type  of  representation  which  is  met  with  in 
earlier  times.  Faith  is  here  personified  as  a 
female  with  clasped  hands,  and  Charity,  also  as 
a  female,  with  a  lighted  torch. 

An  example  of  personification  may  be  seen 
on  a  rich  sarcophagus  from  the  cemetery  of  the 
Vatican  (Bosio,  Eora.  Sott.  p.  75),  which  contained 
the  remains  of  the  popes  Leo  I.  II.  III.  IV.  On  a 
frieze  which  runs  along  over  a  graceful  arch 
surmounting  a  standing  figure  of  our  Lord 
surrounded  by  His  disciples,  are  seen  two  half- 
length  figures,  supposed  to  represent  Hope  and 
Charity ;  the  former  with  clasped  hands  and 
eyes  raised  to  heaven,  the  latter  with  a  lighted 
torch. 

Among  similar  representations  of  artists  are 
to  be  seen  Penitence  as  a  female  figure  in  a  MS. 


PETER  AND  PAUL,  SS.      1621 

of  Genesis  in  the  Imperial  Library  at  Vienna 
and  in  a  MS.  of  Dioscorides  written  early  in  the 
6th  century  (pp.  4-5),  a  woman  holding  a 
mandrake  in  her  hand  personifies  Invention, 
proved  by  the  title  in  Greek  character  EYPECIC 
over  her  head.  On  p.  6  of  the  same  MS.  Juliana 
Anicia,  daughter  of  Anicius  Olybrius,  is  repre- 
sented with  female  figures  embodying  Prudence 
and  Magnanimity  (^poj/Tjo-jj  and  MeyaXo^vxia) 
on  either  side  of  her,  while  Thanksgiving 
('Evxapio-Tia)  bows  to  the  ground  before 
her  and  seems  to  kiss  her  feet.  Licetus  (de 
Lucernis  Antiq.  lib.  iii.  c.  10)  says  that  he  found 
an  ancient  lamp  with  figures,  representing,  in 
his  opinion,  Faith  and  Hope  depicted  on  it ;  and 
what  gives  probability  to  this  view  is  that  Hope 
is  standing  in  the  same  attitude  and  using  the 
same  gesture  as  the  figure  on  the  sarcophagus 
cited  above.  Such  allegorical  figures  became  no 
doubt  more  common  in  the  middle  than  they 
were  in  the  earlier  ages;  but  there  appears 
sufficient  grounds  for  thinking  that  they  were 
not  rare,  if  not  very  common,  in  the  first  eight 
centuries  ;  and  that  the  same  attitudes,  gestures, 
and  other  accompaniments  were  employed  to 
represent  the  same  ideas  in  the  earlier  as  in  the 
later  centuries  (Martiguy,  Diet,  des  Antiq.  chret. 
s.  V.  Vertus  et  Vices).  [E.  C.  H.] 

PERVIGILIAE.    [Vigil.] 

PETER  AND  PAUL,  SS.,  in  Art.  Eepre- 
sentations  of  the  two  chief  apostles — St.  Peter  as 
the  apostle  of  the  Circumcision,  and  St.  Paul  as  the 
apostle  of  the  Gentiles — had  a  very  early  place 
in  Christian  art.  Eusebius  speaks  of  having 
seen  many  such,  attributed  to  the  grateful 
feeling  of  those  who  had  been  converted  by  these 
apostles  to  the  faith  {H.  E.  vii.  18).  Con- 
stantine's  vision  of  the  two  apostles  recorded  in 
the  acts  of  St.  Sylvester  (ap.  Fuhrmann  de  Bapt. 
Const,  tom.  ii.  p.  68),  however  apocryphal,  is  a 
proof  that  at  that  time  these  personages  had 
acquired  a  recognised  type.  The  earliest  known 
examples  of  this  traditional  type,  as  shewn  in 
the  gilded  glasses  of  the  catacombs,  the  bronze 
medals,  tlie  mosaics  and  sarcophagi,  as  well  as 
in  the  early  statues  and  statuettes  of  St.  Peter, 
correspond  in  their  main  features  to  the 
portraiture  given  by  Nicephorus  Callistus 
(//.  E.  ii.  37).  St.  Peter  is  usually  represented 
as  tall  and  upright,  his  hair  and  beard  short  and 
crisp,  his  face  round  and  somewhat  undignified, 
with  a  long  fiat  nose  and  arched  eyebrows.  St. 
Paul  is  shorter  in  stature  and  a  little  bowed, 
his  forehead  bald,  his  beard  long  and  pointed, 
his  face  oval,  with  low  eyebrows,  and  the  nose 
straight  and  long,  and  his  physiognomy  char- 
acterized by  greater  delicacy  and  relinement. 
The  portraits  given  in  the  Greek  Jfcnaca  (Buo- 
narroti, Vasi  antichi,  p.  76)  correspond  with 
this  type  in  almost  all  points,  except  that  they 
represent  St.  Peter,  as  well  as  St.  Paul,  as 
suffering  from  baldness.  Some  rare  ex.implcs, 
on  the  other  hand,  assign  to  St.  Paul  a  brow 
well  covered  with  hair. 

The  earliest  representations  of  the  two 
apostles  are  those  found  in  the  gihied  glasses 
of  the  catacombs.  They  arc  sometimes  depicted 
alone— St.  Peter  (Garrucci,  Vctri  orrMi,  tnv.  i. 
n.  5,  tav.  xiv.  n.  3),  where  by  a  singular  caprice 
of  the  artist  the  apostle  appears  as  a  beardless, 
5  M  2 


1622      PETER  AND  PAUL,  SS. 

smooth-faced  young  man,  and  St.  Paul  (jhid. 
tav.  vii.  n.  5)  where  the  usual  type  is  maintained. 
In  by  far  the  larger  number  of  examples  the 
two  apostles  are  depicted  together,  either  in 
bust  (ibid.  tav.  x.  xii.  xiii.  xiv ;  Buonarr.  tav.  x. 
xi.)  [Glass,  p.  731]  or  standing  (Garrucci,  tav. 
ix.  xi.)  or  seated  (ibid.  tav.  xiv.  xv.  &c.).  In  an 
example  of  this  last  attitude  (ibid.  tav.  xv. 
n.  1-5),  the  two  apostles  appear  to  be  engaged 
in  a  lively  discussion,  such  as  that  recorded  at 
Antioch  (Gal.  ii.  11).  Each  holds  a  codex,  and 
St.  Peter  presents  his  roll  to  his  brother  apostle 
with  a  degree  of  eagerness  in  keeping  with  the 
ardency  of  his  character.  The  two  apostles 
are  in  innumerable  instances  portrayed  stand- 
ing on  either  side  of  our  Lord,  either  in  person 
or  symbolized  by  his  monogram  (ibid.  tav.  xvi. 
n.  5),  according  to  the  custom  spoken  of  St. 
Augustin  as  prevailing  in  his  day  in  Africa  (do 
Consens.  Evangel.  1-10).  [Phoenix.]  In  many 
cases  Christ  is  bestowing  on  His  apostles  the 
crown  of  life  (ibid.  tav.  xii.  nn.  1-7).  The 
central  place  is  not  unfrequently  occupied  by  a 
female  orante.  AYe  have  instances  of  the  Virgin  (?) 
(ibid.  tav.  ix.  6,  7),  St.  Agnes  (ibid.  tav.  xxi. 
1-3),  St.  Peregrina  (ibid.  n.  6).  St.  Lawrence 
also  fills  the  same  place  (ibid.  tav.  xx.  n.  7  ; 
Buonarr.  tav.  xvi.  2).  Other  saints  are  some- 
times associated  with  them,  e.g.  St.  Pastor  and 
St.  Damas  (ibid.  tav.  xxiii.  n.  2),  and  St.  Philip, 
St.  Simon,  and  St.  Thomas  (ibid.  tav.  xxv.  n.  6). 
In  the  room  of  the  central  figure  in  some 
instances  we  see  a  chaplet  of  victory  (ibid.  tav. 
X.  n.  2,  4 ;  Perret,  torn.  iv.  pi.  xxi.  3),  or  a  flower 
(ibid.  tav.  X.  nn.  6,  8),  or  several  codices  (ibid. 
tav.  xiii.  nn.  2-6).  St.  Peter  is  once  represented 
seated,  preaching  to  a  standing  female  (ibid.  tav. 
xvi.  n.  2).  Instead  of  the  more  usual  pavlvs, 
we  sometimes  find  St.  Paul  designated  by  his 
earlier  name  savlvs  (ibid.  tav.  xi.  n.  3  ;  tav. 
xvii.  n.  7). 

Next  to  the  gilded  glasses  the  class  of  objects 
on  which  the  two  apostles  most  frequently 
occur  are  the  sarcophagi  and  sepulchral  slabs  of 
the  catacombs.  The  engravings  of  Bosio, 
Aringhi,  Bottari,  Garrucci,  Perret,  Maffei  (Mus. 
Veron.  p.  484),  Allegrauza  (il/on.  Christ,  di 
Mila7io,  tav.  iv.  vi.),  Bugati  (ilem.  di  S.  Celse, 
tav.  1),  Millin  (atlas,  pi.  xxxviii.  lix.  Ixiv.  Ixix.), 
Le  Blant  (Sarcophages  d'Arles),  may  be  referred 
to  for  a  large  and  instructive  series  of  examples. 
The  type  is  almost  invariable.  Our  Lord  stands 
on  a  hill,  from  which  issue  the  four  rivers  of 
Paradise ;  on  one  side  St.  Peter,  with  covered 
hand,  receives  from  Him  a  half-opened  codex ; 
on  the  other  St.  Paul  bows  in  reverence  (Bottari, 
tav.  xxv. ;  llarangoni,  Act.  S.  Tkt.  p.  42).  A 
somewhat  different  arrangement  appears  in  a 
sarcophagus  at  St.  ApoUinare  in  Classe,  Ravenna. 
Our  Lord  is  seated,  and  gives  a  roll  with  His 
right  hand  to  St.  Paul,  while  St.  Peter  holds 
the  key  and  cross  on  the  left.  Both  apostles  are 
approaching  Christ  with  hasty  strides,  their 
garments  flying  behind  them  in  the  wind.  A 
sepulchral  slab  form  the  cemetery  of  St.  Callistus, 
commemoratmg  a  Christian  named  Asellus 
(Boldetti,  p.  193;  Perret,  vol.  v.  pi.  xi.),  bears 
the  busts  of  the  two  apostles,  rudely  incised, 
with  the  sacred  monogram  between  them.  The 
hair  and  beard  correspond  to  the  usual  type. 

Another  class  of  examples  is  found  in  the 
mosaics  of  the  basilicas,  for  which  we  may  refer 


PETER  AND  PAUL.  SS. 

to  Ciampini's  Vetera  moimmenta  and  our  own 
article  on  Mosaics.  The  frescoes  of  the  catacombs 
furnish  few,  if  any,  instances  (Boldetti,  p.  64 ; 
Bottari,  tav.  clxvi.).  Examples  of  mosaics  will 
be  found  in  St.  Sabina  (Ciamp.  tom.  i.  tab.  xlviii.), 
St.  Agatha  (tab.  Ixvii.),  St.  Maria  in  Cosmedin 
(tom.  ii.  tab.  xxiii.),  St.  Lorenzo  (tab.  xxxviii.), 
St.  Praxedes  (tab.  xlvii.),  St.  Cecilia  (tab.  lii.), 
the  baptistery  at  Ravenna  (ibid.  p.  234),  and  at 
Capua  (ibid.  tab.  liv.)  ;  the  former  basilica  of  the 
Vatican  (de  Sacr.  Aedific.  tab.  xiii.),  and  the 
later  mosaics  of  the  side  apses  at  St.  Costanza 
(ibid.  tab.  xxvii.).  A  bronze  medallion  found 
in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Callistus,  engraved  by 
Boldetti  (p.  192),  and  more  faithfully  by  De' 
Rossi  (Bulletino,  1864,  Nov.  Dec),  preserved 
in  the  Vatican  Library,  presents  the  heads  of  the 
two  apostles  embossed  in  a  style  of  unusual 
excellence  [see  woodcut,  and  Money,  p.  1307}. 


Medallion  of  SS.  Peter  and  Paal.    (Martigny. 


It  is  difficult  to  point  to  an  example  in  which 
the  normal  type  is  depicted  with  so  much  dig- 
nity and  beauty.  This  fine  work  of  art  is  placed 
by  De'  Rossi  in  the  first  half  of  the  3rd  century. 

There  was  no  invariable  rule  as  to  the  position 
of  the  two  apostles  when  represented  together. 
In  the  earlier  glasses  and  other  works  of 
art  St.  Peter  generally  occupies  the  right- 
hand  place,  and  St.  Paul  the  left.  In  later 
examples  the  order  was  frequently  reversed,  and 
this  disposition  became  the  rule,  especially  in 
the  papal  bulls  (Blamachi,  Orig.  et  Antiq. 
Christian,  tom.  v.  p.  503).  It  is  evident  that  no 
dogmatic  importance  can  be  assigned  to  this 
change  of  position. 

On  the  identification  of  St.  Peter  with 
Moses,  in  the  scenes  of  the  Striking  of  the 
Rock  and  the  Apprehension,  the  article  Old 
Testajiest  in  Art  may  be  consulted,  and 
that  on  Sculpture  for  a  description  of  the 
existing  statues  of  St.  Peter.  An  onyx  given  by 
Perret  (tom.  iv.  pi.  xvi.  85)  represents  the  apostle 
walking  on  the  water  and  our  Lord  seizing  his 
hand  to  rescue  him.  The  warning  of  his  Denial 
is  a  frequent  subject  on  sarcophagi.  There  is  a 
very  remarkable  example  on  one  of  the  ends  of 
the  magnificent  sarcophagus  of  the  4th  century 
discovered  in  the  Vatican  (Bosio,  85,  87  ;  Aringhi, 
i.  317,  319),  now  preserved  in  the  Lateran 
Museum.  In  this  and  in  some  other  examples 
the  cock  stands  on  the  summit  of  a  fluted  piu<vi. 
The  washing  of  St.  Peter's  feet  by  Christ  is 
found  on  a  sarcophagus  at  Aries  almost  precisely 
similar  to    one    given   by  Bottari   (tav.   xxiv.) 


PETEK,  ST.,  APOSTLE 

(Jlillin,  Atlas,  Ixiv.  no.  4).  Le  Blant,  Sarco- 
phages,  pi.  ix.  The  raising  of  Takitha  [see  that 
heading]  is  sculptured  on  a  few  sarcophagi. 
There  are  examples  at  Fermo  (de  Minici's 
JFonum.  di  Fermo,  p.  83)  ;  St.  JIaximin  (Rostan, 
Jlonum.  iconogr.  de  VEglise  de  St.  Max.  fig.  xii.), 
and  Aries  (Le  Blant.  w.  s.  pi.  ii.  fig.  2,  p.  4). 

The  delivery  of  the  keys  to  St.  Peter  appears 
on  a  sarcophagus  from  the  Vatican  (Bottari, 
tav.  xxi.  v.),  where  the  subject  is  well  executed. 
Another  example  is  found  on  sarcophagi  in  the 
crypt  of  St.  Maximin  (^2Ionum.  de  S.  M.  Mad. 
torn.  i.  p.  771),  in  the  museum  of  Aries  (Le 
Blant,  ?«.  s.  pi.  ii.  fig.  1),  and  De'  Rossi  speaks 
of  having  found  it  on  one  in  the  cemetery 
of  St.  Priscilla.  It  also  appears  on  a  vase 
of  uncertain  age,  to  which  Bianchini  assigns 
a  very  early  date  (Not.  in  Anastas.  Vit.  S. 
Urban,  n.  18),  given  by  Bottari  (torn.  i.  p. 
18.5),  and  on  the  mosaic  of  St.  Agatha  in  the 
Suburra,  a.d.  472  (Ciampini,  Vet.  Man.  tab. 
xxvii.).  The  apostle  usually  receives  the  keys 
or  key  (in  some  instances  there  is  but  one) 
in  a  fold  of  his  garment  with  marks  of  the 
greatest  reverence.  [Kevs,  p.  900.]  The 
apostle  carries  the  keys  as  a  symbol  of 
authority  on  a  sarcophagus  at  Verona  (Maftei, 
Mus.  Veron.  p.  484),  in  the  mosaic  of  the  trium- 
phal arch  of  the  basilica  of  St.  Paul  (a.d.  441) 
(Ciampini,  torn.  i.  tab.  Ixviii.),  and  that  of  St. 
IMaria  in  Cosmedin  at  Ravenna  (a.d.  5.53),  where 
he  is  in  the  attitude  of  oftering  them  at  the 
throne  of  the  Lamb  (ibid.  torn.  ii.  tab.  xxiii.).  The 
sword  does  not  appear  as  a  symbol  of  St.  Paul 
till  a  comparatively  late  period.  The  earliest 
example  known  to  Martigny  is  in  a  mosaic 
belonging  to  the  tomb  of  Otho  IL  (d.  A.D.  983), 
preserved  in  the  crypt  of  St.  Peter.  [E.  V.] 

PETER,  ST.,  APOSTLE,  Festivals  of. 
Several  festivals  connected  with  this  apostle 
have  long  been  observed  in  the  church,  the  com- 
memoration of  the  martyrdom,  in  which  he  is 
associated  with  St.  Paul,  of  his  episcopate, 
commemorated  on  two  separate  days,  and  of  his 
imprisonment. 

(i.)  The   Festival  of   St.  Peter  and 
St.  Paul. 

1.  Earig  Hlstorg  of  Festival. — A  joint  festival 
of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  primarily  and  espe- 
cially connected  with  the  Roman  church,  can  be 
traced  back  to  the  4th  century  after  Christ. 
The  discussion  as  to  the  whole  question  whether 
St.  Peter  ever  visited  Rome,  and  if  so  for  how 
long,  and  the  evidence  for  Rome  having  been 
the  scene  of  his  martyrdom,  will  be  found  at 
length  under  the  article  PoPE.  It  may  suffice 
here  to  remark  that  Eusebius  (Tlist.  Eccles.  ii. 
25)  cites  Dionysius  of  Corinth,  who,  in  a  letter 
to  the  Roman  church,  speaks  of  Peter  and  Paul 
having  taught  in  Italy  and  having  borne  witness 
to  the  truth  Kara,  tov  avrhv  Kaipdv.  Eusebius 
(Mi  loc.)  also  cites  the  Roman  presbyter  Caius, 
as  testifying  to  Rome  as  the  scene  of  these 
apostles'  triumphs — iav  yap  OeAijarjs  awiXBeli' 
eTri  Thv  BaTiKayhv,  ^  itrl  r^v  dbhv  TTjV  ^O.ffrlav, 
ivp-f}(Teis  TO,  Tpdiraia  twv  Taxnr]v  ISpvffa/xefaiv 
tV  iKK\7](riai/.  The  same  testimony  is  also 
Ijorne  by  Tertullian  (contra  Marc.  iv.  5  ;  de 
Fraescript.  36). 

We  have  said  that  a  festival  in  commemora- 


PETER,  ST.,  APOSTLE       1623 

tion  of  this  martyrdom  can  be  traced  back  to 
the  4th  century,  the  Natalls  Apostolornm  Petri 
et  Pauli,  observed  on  June  29.  A  hymn  of 
Pfudentius,  on  the  passion  of  these  two  apos- 
tles (Peristeph.  12),  is  evidence  of  the  early 
celebration  of  the  festival  in  Rome.  We  cite 
the  first  four  lines  in  evidence : 

"Plus  solito  coeunt  ad  gaudia;  die,  amice,  quid  sit ; 
Romam  per  omnem  cursitant  ovuntque. 
Festus  apostolici  nobis  redit  hie  dies  triumphi 
Pauli  atque  Petri  nobilis  cruore." 

Later  on  we  find  among  the  works  of  St. 
Leo  three  homilies  (Eo7)i.  82-84;  vol.  i.  p.  321, 
sqq.  ed.  Ballerini),  the  first  of  which  dwells"on 
the  double  commemoration,  the  second  refers  to 
St.  Peter  alone  (relegated  to  the  appendix  by 
Quesnell,  as  partly  spurious,  partly  a  mere 
cento  from  the  worlds  of  St.  Leo),  and  the  third 
is  for  the  octave  of  the  two  apostles,  the  head- 
ing, however,  being  perhaps  not  genuine.  At 
the  beginning  of  the  first  of  these,  St.  Leo 
claims  that  "  iu  the  place  where  the  departure 
of  the  chief  of  the  apostles  was  made  glorious, 
there  on  the  day  of  their  martyrdom  should  the 
rejoicing  take  its  rise."  The  Leonine  Sacramen- 
tary  contains  masses  for  the  day,  to  which  we 
shall  again  recur  (vol.  ii.  35  sqq.).  We  also  have 
sermons  for  the  festival  by  St.  Augustine  (Sermm. 
295-299  ;  Patrol,  xxxviii.  1348),  by  Maximus 
of  Turin  (Sermm.  66-69  ;  Patrol.  Ivii.  663),  &c. 

It  seems  also  pretty  certain  that  the  ancient 
Kalendarium  Carthaginense  includes  this  festival, 
though  the  MS.  is  somewhat  defective  at  this 
point.  After  St.  John  the  Baptist's  day  (June 
24)  come  two  entries  partly  lost,  then  "...  Jul. 
Sanctorum  .  .  .  Apostolorum."  After  another 
illegible  line  comes  the  ides  of  July.  As  no 
other  festival  of  apostle  is  known  to  have 
occurred  at  this  time,  it  seems  safe  to  refer  this 
line  to  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  (Patrol,  xiii.  1222). 
The  calendar  of  Bucherius,  which  Muratori  (de 
Rebus  Liturgicis,  c.  4;  Patrol.  Ixxiv.  877)  refers 
to  A.D.  355,  has  the  entry :  "  iii.  calend.  Julii 
Petri  in  Catacumbas  et  Pauli  Ostiense,  Tusco  et 
Basso  Coss."*  It  is  hardly  necessary  to  add 
that  all  Western  martyrologies  and  calendars 
agree  in  their  recognition  of  this  festival,  as  the 
different  forms  of  the  Mart.  Hieronymi,  Bede, 
Florus,  Usuard.  &c. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Apostolic  Constitutions, 
a  work  of  distinctly  Eastern  origin,  makes  no 
definite  mention  of  the  day,  perhaps  due  to  the 
festival  having  had  a  Western  origin  and 
gradually  finding  acceptance  in  the  East.  The 
order  is  merely  given  (viii.  33)  that  slaves  are 
to  rest  on  the  great  festivals  of  the  Saviour,  and 
also  on  "  the  days  of  the  apostles,"  to  which  is 
added  a  special  mention  of  that  of  the  proto- 
martyr  Stephen.  As  regards  the  Eastern 
church,  we  find  a  direct  statement,  valeat  quan- 
tum, made  by  Theodorus  Lector  (Hist.  Eccles.  ii. 

■>  Since  the  consulship  of  Tuscus  and  Bassus  fell  in 
A.D.  258  (Clinton,  Fasti  Bomani,  in  loc),  the  assigned 
date  is  either  altogether  erroneous,  as  Raronlns  tliitiks. 
or  is  to  be  referred  to  some  other  event  than  the  martyr- 
dom. Pearson  (Annal.  Cypr.  in  ann.  25«)  suggests  that 
it  may  be  the  date  of  the  tianslation  of  tlie  apostles'  re- 
mains  in  the  time  of  the  Valerian  persecution ;  and  ii 
has  even  been  suggested  that  the  transhition  loll  on  the 
same  day  as  tlie  martyrdom,  but  this  is  of  courRC,  mere 
conjecture. 


1624      PETER,  ST.,  APOSTLE 

16  ;  I'atrol.  Gr.  Ixxxvi.  189),  to  the  effect  that  a 
Roman  senator  named  Festus,  being  sent  to 
Constantinople  on  political  matters,  exhorted 
that  "  the  commemoration  of  the  chief  of  the 
apostles,''  should  be  held  with  great  honour  and 
reverence."  Theodorus  adds  that  the  festival 
had  been  kept  at  Constantinople  before,  but  now- 
received  a  great  additional  splendour  (ttoAAij) 
irKiov  r]v^r]i'dr)  rrjs  roiavrrjs  rh  (paiSphu 
iravTjyvpews).  This  is  put  in  the  reign  of  Ana- 
stasius  I.,  who  died  A.D.  518. 

What  credit  we  are  to  assign  to  the  remark  of 
Theodorus,  that  a  festival  of  St.  Peter  and  St. 
Paul  had  been  kept  at  Constantinople  before  the 
time  of  Anastasius  I.,  or  indeed  to  his  whole 
story,  it  is  impossible  to  say.  The  absence  of 
any  homily  for  a  festival,  afterwards  so  impor- 
tant, in  the  genuine  works  of  St.  Chrysostom,  is 
conclusive  against  any  general  celebration  of  the 
festival  in  the  East  in  his  day.  We  may  take 
this  opportunity  of  adding  that  in  the  older 
editions  of  St.  Chrysostom  (e.g.  Saville,  vol.  v. 
p.  991)  was  contained  a  homily,  els  rovs 
Kopvcpaiovs  Twv  aTro<n6\oiv  Tiirpov  koX  Xla.vXov 
Kal  rh  avTuiv  fxaprvpiov  iv'So^Sra.Tov.  The 
spuriousness  of  this  is,  however,  palpable  ;  and 
Montfaucon  contemptuously  rejects  it  (vol.  viii. 
p.  7,  in  spuriis). 

Binterim  (Benbc.  x.  i.  384)  cites  as  evidence 
for  the  early  celebration  of  this  festival  ic 
the  East  a  discourse  of  Gregory  of  Nazianzum 
and  one  of  Gregory  of  Nyssa.  As  regards  the 
latter,  first  published  by  Gretser  (Ingoldstadt, 
1620),  it  is  sufficient  to  say  that  it  appears  to 
be  certainly  the  work  of  Maximus  Planudes 
(see  Patrol.  Gr.  xliv.  35).  The  former,  delivered 
in  A.D.  381  before  the  hundred  and  fifty  bishops 
in  Constantinople,  does  not  appear  in  the  passage 
cited  to  have  anything  to  do  with  the  subject 
before  us,  but  to  be  a  bidding  farewell  to  a  cer- 
tain church  in  Constantinople — Xaipere,  ottJ- 
aroKoi,  ■')  KaX-i)  jXiToiKia,  ol  ifiol  5i5a.aKa\o\  rf/s 
e/j.TJs  a6\7]aeci}S,  el  Kal  /xri  irSWaKis  vjxlv 
twavnyvpiaa  (Drat.  42,  c.  26;  Patrol,  sxxvi. 
489,  where  see  note). 

In  the  Eastern  church  at  the  present  day  the 
festival  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  is,  save  the 
two  chief  festivals  of  St.  John  the  Baptist,  the 
only  one  not  immediately  connected  either  with 
our  Lord  or  the  Blessed  Virgin,  included  in  those 
of  the  first  rank.  The  entry  for  the  day  in  the 
Menaea  is  twv  aylaii'  evSo^cov  iravevtp-'rifX'jov  airo- 
crr6\coi'  Kal  TrpcaroKopvpaicou  Uerpov  Kal  UavXov, 
and  in  the  Greek  metrical  Ephemerides  prefixed 
by  Papebroch  to  the  Acta  Sanctorum  for  May 
(vol.  i.  p.  xxxii.)  is  tAt)  eVarTj  ffravphv  Tlerpos 
flKadi,  aop  6  XlavAos.  The  festival  of  June  29 
occurs  also  in  the  Ethiopia  and  Coptic  calendars 
(Ludolf,  ad  Hist.  Acth.  Comm.  p.  420).  Besides 
this,  Ludolf  also  mentions,  but  in  the  Ethiopic 
calendar  only,  festivals  of  Cephas  and  Saul  on 
September  22,  and  of  Peter  and  Paul  on  June 
19°  and  July  8  ;  but  it  is  possible  that  these  do 
not  all  refer  to  the  two  apostles. 


l>  The  reading  of  the  text  is  here  rwi'  Kopv^aCiav  dno- 
<tt6\ov  Jldrpov  Koi  ITavAou.  For  this  Valesius  sug- 
g'^sted  Tcii/  dnoa-ToXuiv  Kopv^aCov,  referring  tlie  title  to 
St.  Peter  only.  His  second  suggestion,  to  alter  airoa-ToXov 
into  airocTToXaiv,  secms  more  reasonable. 

<=  In  place  of  the  Peter  and  Paul  of  the  Ethiopic 
calendar,  the  Coptic  calendar  gives  the  Patriarch  Peter. 


PETEE,  ST.,  APOSTLE 

In  the  calendar  of  the  Armenian  church  given 
by  Assemani  (Bihl.  Or.  iii.  1,  645  sqq.),  we  find 
commemorations  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  on 
June  29  and  December  27,  the  fonner  perhaps  a 
Western  importation  in  addition  to  an  already 
existing  celebration.  There  is  also  a  commemo- 
ration of  Peter  and  Paul,  who  are,  however, 
2)erhaps  not  the  apostles,  on  June  1. 

In  connexion  with  the  twofold  nature  of  the 
celebration  in  the  Roman  church,  a  difficulty  has 
been  needlessly  raised  on  account  of  a  notice  in 
the  ilicrologus  (c.  42 ;  Patrol,  cli.  1009),  where, 
in  a  discussion  on  the  rule  to  be  observed  on  the 
concurrence  of  two  festivals  in  one  day,  it  is 
said  that  one  may  be  postponed  to  the  following 
day,  "as  the  holy  pope  Gregory  decided  to 
observe  the  feast  of  St.  Paul  after  the  feast  of 
St.  Peter."  Now  in  the  Gregorian  sacramentary, 
after  the  heading,  Hi.  kalendas  Jxilii.  Natalis 
Petri  et  Pauli,  comes  the  heading,  pridie 
kalendas  Julii.  Natalis  Sancti  Pauli.  A  suffi- 
cient explanation  is  given  by  Menard,  that 
originally  the  pope  celebrated  mass  twice 
on  the  earlier  day,  once  in  the  church  of  St. 
Peter  and  then  in  that  of  St.  Paul,  the 
latter  service  being  afterwards  transferred  to 
the  following  day.  The  hymn  of  Prudentius  we 
have  already  cited  speaks  of  the  two  masses  as 
said  in  difi'erent  churches  on  the  same  day 
{Pcristeph.  xii.  57,  sqq.). 

Confirmation  is  also  to  be  had  from  the  Gela- 
sian  sacramentary,  where  three  masses  are  given, 
besides  that  for  the  vigil,  one  for  St.  Peter  ;jj-opw, 
one  for  St.  Paul  proprie,  and  one  for  both  apos- 
tles ;  all  three,  however,  being  for  June  29.  The 
presumption  naturally  is  that  a  mass  was  specially 
provided  for  the  service  in  the  church  of  each  of 
the  apostles,  and  a  third  for  use  elsewhere  on 
that  day.  On  the  above  grounds,  and  considering 
too  that  in  the  service  for  June  29  in  the  Gre- 
gorian sacramentary  the  names  of  the  two  apos- 
tles are  equally  dwelt  on,  it  is  but  reasonable  to 
conclude  that  the  special  commemoration  of  St. 
Paul,  whether  held  on  June  29,  as  in  the  Gelasian, 
or  on  June  30,  as  in  the  Gregorian  sacramentary, 
was  due  to  the  desire  to  give  that  apostle  an 
equal  share  of  honour,  the  other  commemoration 
having  been  held  in  the  basilica  of  St.  Peter. 

2.  Liturgical  Notices. — At  the  risk  of  a  certain 
amount  of  repetition,  it  will  be  desirable  now 
briefly  to  review  the  information  derived  from  our 
chief  extant  liturgical  monuments.  Beginning 
with  those  of  the  Roman  church,  we  find  iu 
the  Leonine  sacramentary  a  series  of  masses, 
in  which  the  one  apostle  enters  as  prominently 
as  the  other.  One  of  the  last  of  these  has  the 
heading.  Item  ad  Sanctum  Pauhtm,  in  which, 
however,  St.  Peter  is  mentioned  co-ordinately 
with  St.  Paul.  To  the  sacramentary  of  Gelasius 
we  have  already  referred  ;  we  may  repeat  here 
that  we  have  a  mass  for  the  vigil  of  the  apostles 
Peter  and  Paul.  This  is  followed  by  three  masses, 
one  for  each  apostle  ^roprje,  and  one  for  a  conjoint 
celebration.  A  number  of  forms  are  also  given 
for  the  vespers,  and  a  mass  for  the  octave  of  the 
festival  (lib.  ii.  29,  sqq. ;  Patrol.  Ixxiv.  1166). 
In  the  Gregorian  sacramentaiy  is  a  mass  for  the 
vigil,  for  the   festival  {Natalis  Petri  et  Pauli  ^), 


d  It  may  be  noted  that  Menard's  Cod.  Rodradi  reads 
Natale  Saiicti  Petri,  aud  his  Cod.  Rhemensis,  Miale 
Sancti  Petri, proprie.  The  earlier  of  these  MSS.,  however, 
is  not  earlier  than  the  time  of  Charlemagne. 


PETER,  ST.,  APOSTLE 

and  on  the  following  clay  is  a  mass  for  the 
Natalis  Sanctl  Pauli.  There  is  also  a  mass  for 
the  octave  (col. Ill,  ed.  Menard).  It  may  be  noted 
here  that  in  some  MSS.  of  the  Gregorian  sacra- 
mentary  there  is  a  twofold  vigil  given,  the  second 
being  in  the  night  {ih.  col.  40-i).  In  the  Gregorian 
antiphonar}-,  the  vigil  bears  the  name  of  St.  Peter 
only,  and  so  too  the  festival  of  June  29,  followed 
by  the  nativity  of  St.  Paul  on  the  next  day. 
Into  this  point,  however,  we  need  not  further 
enter.  The  octave  bears  both  names  conjointly. 
In  the  Ambrosian  liturgy,  there  is  a  mass  for 
the  vigil  and  for  the  festival  of  the  two  apostles, 
but  no  commemoration  of  St.  Paul  is  indicated 
for  the  following  day. 

We  pass  next  to  the  Galilean  church.  In  the 
ancient  lectionary  (Lectionarium  Luxoviense), 
edited  by  Mabillon,  the  lections  in  festo  Sanctorum 
Petri  et  Pauli  are  an  extract  from  the  account  of 
their  passion  (in  place  of  the  ordinary  prophetical 
lection),  Romans  viii.  15-27,  St.  Matt.  v.  1-16 
(Mabillon  de  Liturgia  Gallicana,  lib.  ii.  p.  159  ; 
Patrol.  Ixxii.  208).  The  MS.  containing  this 
lectionary  is  assigned  by  Mabillon  to  the  seventh 
century,  which  alone  would  shew  that  our  festival 
was  observed  in  Gaul  under  the  Merovingian 
kings. 

We  may,  however,  apparently  go  'with  safety 
much  further  back.  There  is  extant  a  fragment 
of  a  homily  of  Avitus,  bishop  of  Vienne  (circa 
A.D.  490),  bearing  the  heading,  "  dicta  in  basilica 
S.  Petri,  quam  sanctus  episcopus  Tarantasiae 
condidit "  (no.  6  ;  Patrol,  lix.  294  ;  and  the  first 
of  the  following  fragments  evidently  belongs  to 
this  homily).  Again,  Gregory  of  Tours  mentions 
the  Natale  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  among  the 
festivals  whose  vigils  were  to  be  observed  in  the 
church  of  Tours  {Hist.  Francorum,  x.  31 ;  p.  531, 
ed.  Euinart).  After  such  evidence,  it  is  I'ather 
curious  that  we  should  find  in  a  letter  of  Catullus 
to  Charlemagne  the  remark,  "  sancti  Petri  in 
publico  celebrare  regno  tuo  constitues  "  {Patrol. 
xcvi.  1366).  How  far  any  neglect  may  have 
occurred,  or  what  special  reasons  there  may  have 
been  for  urging  such  a  point,  it  is  quite  impos- 
sible to  say. 

Mabillon's  Gothico-Gallic  missal,  which  he 
refers  to  the  8th  century,  gives  a  Jlissa  Sanc- 
torum Petri  et  Pauli,  which  contains  a  solemn 
benediction  of  the  people  [Benedictions,  Vol.  I. 
p.  196]. 

The  Mozarabic  missal  gives  a  mass  for  the 
festival  of  the  two  apostles  (p.  334,  ed.  Leslie), 
and  in  the  printed  editions  this  is  followed  by  the 
Commemoratio  S.  Pauli,  but  there  is  no  special 
form  for  this  latter,  and  it  is  obviously  a 
later  addition.  The  prophetical  lection,  epistle, 
and  gospel  are  respectively  Ecclus.  xliv.  2-16,  1 
Pet.  i.  2-15,  John  xv.  7-17.  We  may  add  here 
that  in  the  Sacramentarium  Bohianum  the  epistle 
and  gospel  are  Rom.  v.  7-17  and  Jlatt.  iv.  18, 
John  ii.  15-19.  As  regards  the  church  of  Milan, 
Thomasius's  Lectionarium  Amhrosianum  gives  2 
Cor.  xi.  19,  and  we  may  probably  gather  from  a 
passage  in  St.  Ambrose  {Lib.  de  Virg.  c.  19,  §  121, 
sqq. ;  Patrol,  xvi.  133)  that  the  early  part  of 
Luke  V.  was  also  read,  for  he  cites  verse  5  as 
froii  the  gospel  for  the  day.  As  regards  the 
church  of  Africa,  the  diocese  of  Hippo  at  any  rate, 
we  find  the  epistle  was  drawn  from  2  Tim.  iv., 
for  Augustine,  in  his  sermons  for  this  festival, 
twice  cites  verse  6  as  having  been  just  read — 


PETER,  ST.,  APOSTLE      1625 

"  recole  verba  quae  paulo  ante  ,  .  .  audivimus. 
Ego,  inquit,  jam  immolor  "  {Scrm.  297,  §  5  ;  299  • 
§3:  vol.  v."l772,  1781,  ed.  Gaume)  ;  and  "that 
John  xxi.  15  formed  part  of  the  gospel  is  seen 
from  one  of  the  same  sermons  (2962  ;  ib.  1761). 
In  the  Greek  church  the  epistle  and  gospel 
are  respectively  2  Cor.  xi.  21-xii.  9,  and  Matt, 
xvi.  13-19 ;  the  gospel  at  Matins  is  John  xxi 
14-25. 

(ii.)  The  Festivals  of  the  Cathedra  Petri. 
1.  Early  History  of  Festivals. — We  pass  now 
from  this  joint  celebration  of  the  two  apostles  to 
another  very  ancient  festival  which  regards  St. 
Peter  only.  The  idea  dwelt  on  in  this  latter  js 
of  his  episcopate,  or  perhaps  we  may  more  strictly 
say,  of  his  confession  of  Christ  and  our  Saviour's 
declaration  in  answer  (Matt.  xvi.  16,  sqq.),  and 
whether  it  were  so  directly  intended  or  not 
primarily,  it  has  ultimately  been  utilised  in  the 
interest  of  the  claims  of  the  see  of  Rome. 

Although  the  main  idea  of  the  festival  is  clear 
enough,  much  uncertainty  prevails  as  to  its  earlv 
history.  From  about  the  8th  century  onwards 
we  constantly  find  two  days  bearing  the  name  of 
the  Cathedra  Petri,  January  18  and  February  22, 
although  it  is  true  that  the  former  is  not  unfre- 
quently  absent.  These  are  known  as  the  Cathedra 
Romana  and  Cathedra  Antiochena  respectively," 
and  are  supposed  to  commemorate  St.  Peter's  two 
several  episcopates.  That  St.  Peter  had  been 
bishop  of  Antioch  is  maintained,  among  others,  by 
Leo,  who  connects  the  apostle  in  a  like  special 
way  with  the  two  churches  ("  speciali  magisterio 
in  Antiochena  et  Romana  urbe  fundavit  eccle- 
siam."  Epist.  cxix.  2  ;  vol.  i.  1213,  ed.  Ballerini). 
Our  earlier  notices,  however,  are  but  of  a  single 
festival.  It  has  then  to  be  considered  what  is 
the  cause  of  the  twofold  commemoration,  and 
where  did  the  festival  originally  take  its  rise. 
As  regards  the  latter  point,  we  may  safely  say 
the  West,  from  the  absence  of  any  trace  of  such 
a  festival  in  the  East,  and  from  the  early  date  at 
which  it  can  be  traced  as  existing  in  the  Roman 
church.  As  regards  the  former  point,  two  answers 
may  be  given.  It  is  possible  that  there  being 
one  Roman  festival,  this  one  commemoration 
branched  out  into  two,  with  the  notion  of  giving  a 
fresh  impetus  to  the  idea  underlying  the  com- 
memoration, a  special  element  being  assigned  to 
each  day.  On  the  other  hand,  it  must  be  remem- 
bered that  our  earliest  Roman  notices  fix  the 
Cathedra  Petri  on  Feb.  22,  and  bring  in  no  men- 
tion of  Rome  or  Antioch  ;  and  further  that 
in  Gaul,  where  the  festival  had  apparently  an 
exceptional  importance,  there  are,  at  any  rate, 
reasonable  grounds  for  thinking  that  the  festival 
fell  in  January.  All  this  would  rather  point  to 
the  conclusion  that  the  Roman  and  the  Gallican 
churches  observed  the  festival  on  different  days, 
and  afterwards  both  these  commemorations  lyero 
embodied  in  the  same  calendar,  and  the  mentions 
of  Rome  and  Antioch  are  but  the  attempt  to 
account  for  the  twofold  occurrence.  Lastly, 
although  a  weighty  objection  to  the  Roman  origin 
of  the  festival  may  be  urged  from  the  fact  of  its 
absence  from  important  Roman  records,  e.g.  tho 
Gelasian  sacramentary,  still  an  important  pomt 


«  It  may  be  noted  that  this  arranfrcment  U  not  qulto 
universal,  for  some  forms  of  the  CireRorian  sacnimei.tary 
have  in  noma  added  to  the  heading  of  l-eb.  22. 


I 


1026        PETER,  ST.,  APOSTLE 

the  other  way  is  th.at  the  first  notice  of  the 
festival  occurs  in  a  Roman  calendar,  two  centuries 
before  any  other  notice  is  found.  This  fact, 
combined  Avith  the  a  priori  likelihood  that  a 
festival  which  specially  brought  into  prominence 
the  idea  of  the  primacy  of  Pete/  should  take  its 
rise'  in  the  Eoman  church,  may  perhaps  justify 
us  in  thus  striking  the  balance  of  probabilities. 
If  so,  it  must  however  be  admitted  that  the 
Roman  church  did  not  at  first  bring  the  matter 
into  such  prominence  as  at  a  later  time. 

We  must  now  enter  into  the  evidence  seriatim. 
Our  earliest  mention  of  the  festival  is  that  in 
the  Bucherian  calendar,  where  the  entry  is  viii. 
Ml.  Mart.  Natale  Petri  dn  Cathedra  {Patrol. 
Ixxiv.  877).  This  is  a  rather  peculiar  use  of  the 
word  natale,  but  it  is  obviously  equivalent  to 
festivitas.  In  the  calendar  of  Polomeus  Silvius, 
which  belongs  to  A.D.  448,  we  find  on  Feb.  22 
the  entry,  Depositio  S.  Petri  et  Pauli,  followed 
by  the  words,  "  cara  cognitio,  ideo  dicta,  quia 
tunc  etsi  fuerint  vivorum  parentum  odia,  tem- 
pore obitus  deponuntur  "  (see  Acta  Sanctonim  ; 
January,  vol.  i.  p.  xlv).  The  reference  in 
the  latter  sentence  is  doubtless  to  the  heathen 
rite  of  the  feralia  or  2Mrcntalia,  celebrated 
in  the  latter  part  of  February,  to  which  Ave 
must  again  refer,  and  this  may  be  illus- 
trated by  the  entry  for  the  day  in  the 
calendar  of  Furius  Dionysius  Philocalus,  which 
carries  us  back  a  century  earlier,  Caristia 
(Kollar,  Analcct.  Vindobon.  i.  963).  As  to  the 
meaning  of  the  former  clause,  the  Ballerini,  in 
their  notes  on  a  sermon  of  St.  Leo  for  the 
festival  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  suggest  (vol.  i. 
498)  that  there  was  a  confusion  in  Silvius's 
mind  Avith  the  great  festiA'al  of  June  29,  aided, 
it  is  hinted,  by  his  observing  a  festival  of  the 
Cathedra  Petri  on  Jan.  18.  It  is  evident,  how- 
ever, that  Ave  cannot  speak  here  otherwise  than 
very  doubtfully.  What  evidence  the  Leonine 
calendar  might  have  afforded  us,  it  is  impossible 
to  say,  as  the  early  part  of  the  sacramentary  is 
Avanting.  The  festiA'al  is  passed  OA'ei-,  as  has 
been  already  mentioned,  in  the  Gelasian  sacra- 
mentary. It  is  given  in  the  Gregorian  sacra- 
mentary as  edited  by  Menard  (col.  29),  though 
not  in  the  text  giA'en  by  Muratori.  In  most 
jNISS.  of  the  Gregorian  sacramentary,  the  heading 
is  merely  Cathedra  Sancti  Petri ;  the  Cod.  Eatoldi 
prefixes  in  Antiochia.  Some  editions  give  in 
Eoma.  This  irregularity  tends  to  confirm  us  in 
our  notion,  that  the  special  ideas  of  Rome  and 
Antioch  are  not  of  the  original  essence  of  the 
festiA-al,  but  introduced  as  an  afterthought. 

In  the  Ambrosian  liturgy  there  is  no  recogni- 
tion of  the  festiA-al ;  but  in  the  Gallican  church 
it  must  have  had  a  rather  exceptional  promi- 
nence, as  in  ]\Iabillon's  Lcctionarium  Luxoviense 
not  only  are  lections  provided  for  the  festiA'al 
itself,  but  for  three  Sundays  reckoned  from  it. 
It  does  not  seem  clear  Avhether  this  Gallican 
feast  is  to  be  placed  in  January  or  February. 
The  much  greater  prominence  of  the  festiA-al  of 
the  latter  month  in  the  West  generally  Avould 
favour  the  view  that  the  latter  is  meant.  More- 
over, Mabillon's  Gothico-Gallic  missal  gives  us  a 
mass  for  the  day,  Avhich  follows  that  for  the 
couA-ersion  of  St.  Paul,  Avhicn  fell  on  Jan.  25. 
Another  argument  may  be  oerived  from  the 
order  of  the  second  council  of  Tours  (A.D.  567) 
forbidding  offerings  of  food  to  the  dead  on  this 


PETES,  ST.,  APOSTLE 


festiA-al.  This  order  Ave  shall  cite  at  length 
presently.  It  Avill  be  remembered  that  Ave  have 
already  referred  to  the  heathen  practice  as  pre- 
A-ailing  at  the  end  of  February.  On  the  other 
hand,  Mabillon  reminds  us  that  forms  are  only 
given  for  two  Sundays  after  the  Epiphany,  and 
also  that  after  forms  for  three  Sundays  following 
the  Cathedra  Petri  come  those  for  the  beginning 
of  Lent.  This  is  clearly  in  faA'Our  of  the  January 
date.  There  is  also  independent  evidence  that 
in  Gaul  the  feast  of  the  Cathedra  Petri  fell  in 
January.  Mabillon  cites  from  a  Mart.  Gel- 
lonense,  "  xv.  kal.  Februarii,  secundum  Gallos 
cathedra  sancti  Petri  apostoli."  It  Avill  thus  be 
seen  that  thei'e  are  reasonable  grounds  for  think- 
ing that  the  Gallican  festiA-al  fell  in  January, 
but  of  course  the  case  is  not  sufficiently  strong 
to  be  at  all  pressed. 

Be  the  matter  as  it  may,  the  majority  of 
martyrologies  and  calendars  recognise  the  two 
festiA-als.  Thus  in  the  3Iart.  Jlieronymi  we  have, 
"  XV.  kal.  Febr.  Dedicatio  cathedrae  sancti  Petri 
apostoli,  qua  primo  Romae  sedit  "  ;  and  "  viii. 
kal.  Mart.  Natalis  cathedrae  S.  Petri  apostoli, 
qua  sedit  apud  Antiochiam."  The  martyrology 
of  Bede  has  the  festiA-al  in  February,  but  only 
some  forms  of  it  recognise  that  in  January. 
Both  are  given  in  such  martyrologies  as  those  of 
Usuard.,  Rabanus  Maurus,  Notker,  &c.  Wandal- 
bert,  on  the  other  hand,  gives  only  the  festiA-al 
of  Feb.  22,  his  notice  for  Avhich  is  (^Patrol. 
cxxi.  590)  : 

"  Octavoque  Petri  cathedra  et  doctvina  coruscat, 
Urbs  laeta  Antiocbi  quo  primum  praesule  venit." 

Binterim,  speaking  of  ancient  German  calendars, 
remarks  (Denkw.  v.  1-331)  that  but  few  recog- 
nise the  festiA-al  of  Jan.  18.  It  AA-as  not  till 
the  time  of  pope  Paul  IV.  (ob.  A.D.  1559)  that 
it  Avas  definitely  and  authoritatiA-ely  established. 

2.  Liturgical  Notices. — We  haA-e  seen  that 
nothing  is  to  be  looked  for  from  Roman  liturgies 
before  the  Gregorian,  some  forms  of  Avhich 
give  a  mass  for  the  Cathedra  Petri  on  Feb.  22. 
The  notion  of  the  festiA-al  is  made  sufficiently 
plain  by  words  occurring  in  the  service.  Thus 
in  the  collect  Ave  read  :  "  Petro,  collatis  claA-ibus 
regni  caelestis,  animas  ligandi  atque  soh-endi 
pontificium  tradidisti ";  or  again  in  the  Pre- 
face :  "  Petrum  apostolorum  principem  ob  con- 
fessionem  Unigeniti  Filii  Tui  .  .  .  caelestium 
claustrorum  praesulem  custodemque  fecisti, 
divino  ei  jure  concesso,  ut  quae  statuisset  in 
terris,  servarentiir  in  caelis." 

Attention  has  been  already  called  to  the  fact 
that  in  Mabillon's  Lectionarium  Luxoviense, 
lections  are  provided  both  for  the  festival  of  the 
Cathedra  Petri  and  for  three  Sundays  reckoned 
from  it.  Pie  Dominico  post  Cathedram  sancti 
Petri,  &c.  (]\Iabillon  do  Liturgia  Gallicana, 
lib.  ii.  119;  Patrol.  Ixxii.  181).  The  epistle 
and  gospel  for  the  festival  are  respectively 
Acts  xii.  1-17,  Matt.  xvi.  13-19,  John  xxi. 
15-19  ;  the  leaf  of  the  MS.  Avhich  contained  the 
])rophetical  lection  is  Avauting.  The  mass  in  the 
Gothico-Gallic  missal  brings  out  very  strongly 
St.  Peter's  confession  as  its  central  idea  (o]}.  cit. 
lib.  iii.  226  ;  Patrol.  Ixxii.  181). 

In  the  Jlozarabic  missal,  Avhich  has  the  one 
commemoration  in  February,  the  prophetic 
lection,  the  epistle  and  gospel  are  respectiA'ely 
Isa.    xxxii.     1-19    (Avith     several     omissions), 


PETER,  ST.,  APOSTLE 

1  Peter  v.  1-6,  Matthew  xri.  13-20  (^Patrol. 
Ixxxv.  718).  The  same  gospel  also  is  found  in 
the  Sacramental- ium  Bohianum  and  the  Comes  of 
Pamelius  ;  the  epistles  in  these  last  being  re- 
spectively 1  Peter  i.  3,  4,  and  Heb.  v.  1  sqq. 

3.  Miscellaneous  Notices. — We  have  referred 
Above  to  the  order  of  the  council  of  Tours  in 
connexion  with  this  festival ;  we  shall  now  cite 
part  of  the  rule  in  question.  After  protesting 
Against  the  heathen  abuses  connected  with  the 
■calends  of  January,  and  still  practised  in  the 
sixth  century,  it  proceeds  :  "  Sunt  etiam,  qui  in 
festivitate  Cathedrae  domini  Petri  Apostoli  cibos 
mortuis  offerunt  et  post  missas  redeuntes  ad 
domes  proprias,  ad  gentilium  revertuntur  errores, 
€t  post  Corpus  Domini  sacratas  daemoni  escas 
accipiunt  "  (can.  22  ;  Labbe,  v.  863). 

We  find  this  practice  referred  to  in  the 
sermons  for  the  Cathedra  Petri  formerly  attri- 
buted to  Augustine,  but  palpably  spurious 
{Sermm.  190-192  in  Append. ;  vol.  v.  2836, 
€d.  Gaume).  Reference  is  made  to  a  deadly  error 
as  still  prevalent  on  that  day,  "  ut  super  tumulos 
defunctorum  cibos  et  vina  conferunt "  {Serin. 
190,  c.  2;  cf  191,  c.  3).  We  may  remark  here 
that  this  festival  did  not  exist  at  all  in  Africa 
in  Augustine's  time.  The  custom  condemned 
above,  like  many  other  heathen  practices,  seems 
to  have  lasted  on  in  the  church  for  a  long  time ; 
and,  in  the  12th  century,  John  Beleth  refers  to 
it  in  such  a  way  as  to  indicate  its  long  continu- 
ance (Rat.  div.  off.  c.  83  ;  Patrol,  ccii.  87).  He 
goes  so  far  as  to  describe  the  institution  of  the 
Christian  feast  as  mainly  designed  to  counteract 
the  heathen  feast.  After  saying  that  annually, 
on  a  certain  day  in  February,  the  heathen  were 
in  the  habit  of  placing  a  feast  on  the  graves  of 
their  parents,  for  the  refreshing  of  the  spirits  ot 
the  dead,  but  which  demons  devoured,  he  pro- 
ceeds to  say  that  this  custom  was  so  deeply 
rooted  that  holy  men  instituted  the  festival  of 
the  Cathedra  Petri,  fixing  it  on  the  same  day  on 
which  those  abominable  things  were  done  by  the 
heathen,  so  that  thereby  it  should  be  altogether 
got  rid  of.  Still  the  old  custom  left  a  trace  of 
itself  even  on  the  Christian  rite,  "  unde  etiam  ab 
illis  epiilis  festum  hoc  appellatum  est  beati  Petri 
cpularura." 

It  may  perhaps  be  worth  mentioning  here 
that  there  is  still  preserved  in  the  Vatican  a 
wooden  chair,  which  is  asserted  to  be  the  verit- 
able one  in  which  St.  Peter  sat.  On  this  and  on 
the  whole  question  of  the  festival  of  the  Cathedra 
Petri,  reference  may  be  made  to  Phoebeus,  Dis- 
sertatio  de  identitate  cathedrae  in  qua  S.  Petrus 
Romae  primum  sedit:  et  de  antiquitato  et  prae- 
stantia  solemnitatis  cathedrae  Romanae.  Romae, 
1666. 

(iii.)  The  Festival  of  S.  PETPa  ad  Vin- 

CULA,  ETC. 

Both  the  Eastern  and  the  Western  churches 
commemorate  the  imprisonment  of  St.  Peter 
by  Herod  Agrippa  and  his  miraculous  de- 
liverance. On  Jan.  16  is  the  Festival  of 
St.  Peter's  Chain  in  the  Greek  church,  and  on 
Jan.  22  in  the  Armenian  church  (Assemani, 
I.  c);  also  August  1  is  the  Western  festival 
Xatale  S.  Petri  ad  Vincida.  Neither  of  these 
times,  it  will  be  observed,  can  be  meant  to  repre- 
sent the  actual  time  of  the  event,  which  fell 
shortly   before   Easter  (Acts  xii.  4) ;  but  it  is 


PETER,  ST.,  APOSTLE       1627 

probable  that  in  both  cases  the  date  has  refer- 
ence to  the  dedication  of  a  church  in  memory  of 
it.  The  Western  festival  has  by  some  been 
associated  with  the  chains  with  which  the 
apostle  was  bound  by  Nero ;  this,  however,  was 
certainly  not  the  primary  idea,  and  we  shall 
discuss  the  point  at  length  presently. 

We  shall  first  refer  briefly  to  the  Eastern 
festival.  The  entry  for  this  in  the  Menaea  is, 
7)  Trpo(TK\ivqcns  Trjs  ri/xlas  aXva-eus  rod  ayiov 
Kal  Trauev(p^}ixov  anoffToXov  Tlerpov ;  and  that  in 
the  Greek  metrical  Ejihcmcrides  already  cited 
is,  SeipV  ■npoffKvviai  Xlirpov  Sekcitj;  ivi  eKTr). 
The  historical  lection  for  the  day  in  the  Menaea 
gives  the  tradition  that  the  chain  from  which  St. 
Peter  was  miraculously  freed  was  found  by  the 
Christians  and  treasured  up.  Afterwards  it  was 
removed  to  Constantinople  and  deposited  in  the 
shrine  of  St.  Peter,  which  is  in  the  Great 
Church,  and  there  his  commemoration  ((ruva|is) 
is  observed. 

As  to  the  supposed  date  of  this  event,  nothing 
is  said,  and  it  is  quite  uncertain  when  the 
festival  commemorating  it  arose.  There  is,  indeed, 
a  sermon  for  it  extant  of  which  the  Latin  trans- 
lation is  given  in  Lipomannus  and  Surius  (de 
probatis  Sanctorum  Historiis,  vol.  iv.  447)  ;  the 
Greek  text  itself  also  is  found  in  MSS.  in  the 
Vatican  Library  and  elsewhere,  but,  so  far  as 
I  am  aware,  it  has  not  been  printed.  The 
sermon,  however,  is  obviously  of  a  date  long 
subsequent  to  Chrysostom,  and  Baronius  (not. 
in  Mart.  Aug.  1)  assigns  it  to  Proclus  or  Ger- 
manus,  patriarchs  of  Constantinople.  Baronius 
recounts  how  the  empress  Eudocia,  the  wife  of 
Theodosius  IL,  brought  from  Jerusalem  in  A.D. 
439  the  two  chains  with  which  the  apostle  had 
there  been  bound,  one  being  sent  for  a  church 
in  Constantinople,  and  the  other  given  to  the 
empress's  daughter  Eudoxia,  the  wife  of  Valen- 
tinian  HI.,  who  built  a  church  on  the  Esquiline 
in  its  honour.''  As  regards  this  story,  we  may 
remark  that  there  is  no  trace  of  it  in  any  Greek 
writer  whatsoever.  Nicephorus  Callistus  even, 
when  speaking  of  Eudocia's  journey  to  Jeru- 
salem, and  of  the  relics  thence  brought  by  her 
(Hist.  Ecclcs.  xiv.  2),  makes  no  mention  of  St. 
Peter's  chain.  It  may  be  added  that  this  story 
is  equally  absent  from  any  but  quite  late 
Western  records,  and  may  be  summarily  dis- 
missed. All  that  may  be  safely  assumed  is  thiit 
at  some  time  a  church  was  built  in  Constanti- 
nople in  memory  of  St.  Peter's  imprisonment : 
and  there,  doubtless  in  accordance  with  the  taste 
of  the  age,  chains  declared  to  be  his  were 
treasured  up. 

In  the  Western  church,  too,  the  date  on  which 
the  festival  fell  probably  had  reference  to  the 
founding  of  a  church.  This  is  spoken  of  in  many 
martyrologies  as  one  built  and  consecrated  by  St. 
Peter  himself,  with  no  mention  of  any  imprison- 
ment. We  cannot  claim  a  very  early  date  for 
it,  for  it  is  absent  from  the  Kalendariwn  Cartha- 
qinense,  the  calendar  of  Bucherius,  and  the 
Leonine  and  Gelasian  sacramentaries.     Nor  does 


f  This  is  on  the  whole  the  story  as  tol.l  in  thr  in^lorn 
Roman  breviary,  which  adds  that  the  cJ.aiu  brou^l.t  from 
Jerusalem  to  Rome,  when  placed  by  the  pope  with  the 
one  with  which  the  apostle  had  boon  bound  by  Nero. 
became  miraculously  joined  with  it  so  as  to  form  ono 


1G28       PETEE,  ST.,  APOSTLE 

it  occur  in  the  Gallican  or  Mozarabic  liturgies. 
The  reference  to  the  dedication  of  a  church 
spoken  of  above  occurs  e.g.  in  the  Mart. 
Hieronymi,  "  Romae,  dedicatio  primae  ecclesiae 
a  beato  Petro  constructae  et  consecratae  " 
(though  some  forms  add,  "  et  absolutio  ejus  a 
vinculis  "),  the  Martjrology  of  Bede,  in  some  of 
its  forms  {Patrol,  xciv.  993),  Rabanus  jMaurus 
(j^x  ex.  1160),  &c.  The  metrical  martyrology  of 
Bede,  it  may  be  noted,  omits  the  festival 
altogether. 

That  this  church,  whatever  may  be  its  real 
history,  either  was  originally  built  in  memory  of 
St.  Peter's  imprisonment,  or  soon  became  asso- 
ciated with  that  idea,  may  be  inferred  e.g.  from 
the  heading  for  the  day  in  the  Gregorian  sacra- 
mentary     ad    Sanctum     Pctrum    ad     Vincula. 
Wandalbert,  in  his  metrical    martyrology,  tells 
us,  "  Careers  Roma  Petrum  celebrat  vindisque 
reductum  "   (Patrol,    cxxi.    606).     The    ancient 
Mart.    GeUonense  gives  (D'Achery,    Spicilegium, 
xiii.  408),    "  Roma   ad   vincula    catenas   Sancti 
Petri     osculandas."     Similarly    Usuard.    {Acta 
Sanctorum,  July,  vol.  vi.  399),  Notker  {Patrol 
exxxi.  1129),  &c.     The  last-named  writer,  after 
speaking  of  the  church  erected  by  St.  Peter  as 
the  first  in  Europe,  adds  that  in  this  were  de- 
posited the  chains  from  the  prison  in  Jerusalem. 
It  may  be  next  asked  what  grounds  we  have 
for  judging  whether  it  is  the  Herodian  or  the 
Keronian  imprisonment  that  is  referred  to.      On 
this,  besides  our  citation   from  Wandalbert  and 
Notker,  we  may  appeal  to  the  Gregorian  sacra- 
mentary  {in  loc. ;  col.  117,  ed.  Menard),  where  the 
reference  in  the    words  "Qui   beatum  Petrum 
apostolum   a  vinculis  ahsolutum   illaesum    abire 
fecisti  "  is  unmistakable.     The  homily  assigned 
to  Bede   (lib.  iii.  96,  de  Vinculis  Sancti  Petri; 
Patrol,  xciv.  498)  is  spurious.     This  dwells  on 
the    chains    brought    from    Jerusalem   and    the 
church  built  in  Rome  in  their  honour  by  pope 
Alexander  I.    It  seems  pretty  obvious  therefore 
that  the  writers  who  have  spoken  of  the  chains 
as    those    of    Nero     have     merely    wished    to 
strengthen  the  Roman  associations.     It  may  be 
worth  noting  that,  besides  the  church  of  &  Pietro 
in  Vincoli  on  the   Esquiline    hill,  there  is  also 
one  of  S.  Pietro  in  Carcere  on  the  Capitoline,  the 
latter  clearly  referring  to   St.  Peter's  imprison- 
ment at  Rome,  and  thus  more  or  less  disconnect- 
ing the  former  from  that  event.     This  church  is 
mentioned   in   the  Gregorian   sacramentar3',   as 
edited  by  Pamelius,  under  the  Monday  after  the 
first  Sunday  in  Lent,  in  a  note  of  the  station,  ad 
Sanctum  Petrum  ad  Vincula.     Durandus   {Rat. 
Die.  Off.yu.  19)  combines  both  reasons  as  causing 
the  festival.     On  the  whole  of  the   above  ques- 
tion, reference  may  be  made  to  Papebroch  in  the 
Acta  Sanctorum  (June,  vol.  vii.  410)  ;  also  Mon- 
sacrati,  Dissertatio  de  Catenis  S.  Petri  ad  Bene- 
dictum,  xiv.  1750. 

The  familiar  English  name  for  this  day  is 
Lammas,  probably  a  corruption  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  Hlaf-maesse,  i.e.  Loaf-mass  ;  seeing  that  on 
that  day  the  Saxons  oflered  an  oblation  of  loaves 
made  from  new  corn  (see  Bosworth's  Anglo- 
Saxon  Dictionary,  and  Strattmann's  Diet,  of  the  Old 
English  Language,  s.  v.  Hlaf ;  Wedgewood,  Diet,  of 
English  Etymology,  s.  v.  Lammas').  Thus,  in  tlie 
Sarum  manual,  the  day  is  called  Pcnedictio 
novorum  Fructuum.  Some  have  chosen  to  con- 
sider Lammas  as  a  corruption  of  Lamb-mass,  on 


PETER'S  PENCE 

the  ground  that  lambs  were  offered  at  this  time  • 
and  it  has  been  mentioned  that  tenants  of  the 
chapter  of  the  cathedral  of  York  formerly  paid  a 
live  lamb  on  Aug.  1.  There  does  not  however 
seem  to  be  much  authority  for  this  latter  view„ 
though  it  is  certainly  curious  that  we  find  a 
Welsh  name  for  the  day,  Dydddegwm  wyn,  Lamb- 
tithing  day. 

Besides  the  above  three  festivals,  we  find  in 
the  Ethiopic  calendar  a  commemoration  of  St 
Peter  on  July  31  (Ludolf,  p.  424),  with  merely 
the  entry,  Peter  the  Apostle.  Also,  in  the 
Armenian  calendar  (Assemani,  /.  c),  is  the  notice 
under  May  24,  "  the  finger  of  the  holy  apostle 
Peter,"  ot  the  reference  in  which  I  am  quite 
unaware. 

A  considerable  amount  of  apocryphal  literature 
has  been  associated  with  the  name  of  St.  Peter.  A 
passing  notice  of  it  may  be  given  here  ;  for  de- 
tailed information  concerning  it,  reference  may 
be  made  to  the  several  articles  in  the  Dictinnnr,, 


articles  in  the  Dictionary 
of  Christian  Biography  and  Literature.    Eusebius 
{Hist.  Eccles.  iii.  3)  mentions  as  works  falsely 
ascribed  to  St.  Peter,  his  Acts,  Gospel,  Preachino- 
{K^pvy/xa),  and  Apocalypse.    The  Gospel  of  Petet- 
IS  also  referred  to  by  Origen  {Com?n.  in  Matt. 
xiii.  55),  Eusebius  {Hist.  Eccles.  iii.  25  ;   vi.  12), 
Jerome     {de   Viris    Illustr.    c.     1),     Theodoret 
{Haeret.  Fabul.  Compend.  ii.  2).    The  last-named 
identifies    it    with     the    gospel   used    by    the 
Nazarenes.     The  Gospel  and  Acts  of  Peter  were 
condemned  as  apocryphal  by  a  council  held  at 
Rome   in   the  episcopate  of  Gelasius,  a.d.  494 
{Patrol,  lix.  175).     Besides  Eusebius  (/.  c.)  and 
Jerome  {I.  c),  the  Acts  of  Peter  are  referred  to 
by  Isidore  of  Pelusium  {Epist.  lib.  ii.  99  ;  Patrol. 
Gr.  Ixxviii.  544)  ;  and,  according  to  Philastrius 
{Haer.  88  ;  Patrol,  xii.  1200),  Acts  of  Peter  were 
in  use  among  the  Manichaeans.     Acts  of  Peter 
and  Paul  have  been  published  by  Tischendorf 
{Acta  Apost.  Apoc.  pp.  1,  sqq.),  and  also  Acts  of 
Peter  and  Andrew  {Apocal.  Apoc.  pp.  161  sqq.). 
The  Preaching  of  Peter  is  cited  by  Clement  of 
Alexandria    {Strom,    vi.    5,    15,    &c.),    Origeu 
{Comment,  in  Joan.  tom.   xiii.  c.  17),  &c.     His 
Apocalypse  is  cited  by  Clement  {Eel.  Proph.  41, 
48,  49),  and  in  the  Muratorian  canon  it.  is  classed 
with   the  Apocalypse  of  St.  John,  though  it  is 
added  that  some  are  opposed  to  its  being  read  in 
the   church.     An  apocalypse  of  Peter,   distinct 
from    the    above,    existed    in  Arabic,    of  which 
there   are   MSS.    in   the  Bodleian  and  Vatican 
Libraries  (Tischendorf,  Apocal.  Apoc.  p.  xx). 

In  addition  to  the  above,  another  work,  the 
UfpioSot  Uerpov,  is  mentioned,  e.g.  by  Jerome 
{adv.  Jovin.  i.  262),  and  is  obviously  the  same  as 
the  Itinerarium  Petri  condemned  at  the  Roman 
council  under  Gelasius.  Jerome  also  speaks  {da 
Vir  III.  c.  i.)  of  the  Judicium  Petri,  and 
Rufinus  {Expos.  Symh.  Ap.  38)  mentions,  among 
books  not  canonical,  that  "  qui  appellatur  Duae 
\  lae,  vel  Judicium  Petri."  The  extant  fragments 
of  the  above  works  have  been  collected,  with 
full  information  concerning  them,  by  Hilgenfeld 
{Novum  Testamentum  extra  Canoncm  receptnm, 
Fasc.  5). 

Two  Syro-Jacobite  liturgies,  bearing  the  name 
of  St.  Peter,  are  given  by  Renaudot  (Littirg.  Or. 
Coll.  11.  146,  sqq.,  ed.  Frankfort,  1847).  [R.  S.] 

PETER'S  PENCE  {Denarius  Petri,  Born- 
feoh,  &c.).     It  is  sufficiently  intelligible  that  the 


PETER'S  PENCE 

revenues  of  the  see  of  Rome,  derived  originally 
simply  from  the  patrimony  of  the  Roman  bishop- 
ric, should  have  proved  inadequate  to  the  papal 
requirements  as  the  supreme  pontiff  gradually 
assumed  the  supervision  of  the  whole  church — a 
function  involving  a  costly  expenditure  in  every 
country  that  acknowledged  his  supremacy. 
Among  other  expedients  for  meeting  this  diffi- 
culty,''the  tribute  known  under  the  name  of 
Peter's  Pence  was  systematically  levied  in  Eng- 
land (though  often  disputed  and  withheld)  until 
abolished  in  1534  by  Henry  VIII.  This  was  a 
tax  of  one  penny  on  every  hearth  collected  at 
the  Feast  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  (June  29). 

According  to  the  statement  of  Leo  III.  (Pope, 
A.D.  795-816),  the  tax  was  instituted  by  Ofl'a," 
king  of  the  Mercians,  in  the  year  787,  out  of 
gratitude  to  Hadrian  I.  for  that  pontiff's  autho- 
rization of  his  plan  of  dividing  the  province  of 
Canterbury  and  establishing  a  new  archbishopric 
at  Lichfield  (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Councils,  iii. 
455  ;  Stubbs,  Const.  Hist.  i.  220>     According  to 
the  tradition  preserved  in  the  Life  of  OfTa  (p.  29) 
ascribed  to  Matthew  Paris  and  printed  by  Wats 
along  with  his  edition  of  the  Historia  Major  of 
that   writer   (1640)— a  tradition  retailed  with 
amplifications    by    Walsingham    (Gesta    Ahhat. 
Monast.  S.  Albani,  ed.  Riley,  i.  5)— Offa  made  the 
o-rant  as  an  acknowledgment  of  extensive  im- 
munities granted  to  the  newly-founded  monas- 
tery of  St.  Alban's.     The  above  Life  of  Ofili  is, 
however,  to   so   great  an  extent  fabulous,  that 
this  statement  is  hardly  entitled  to  any  credit.^ 
A  more  trustworthy  account  of  the  origin  of 
this  tax  is  probably  that  given  by  William  of 
Malmesbury,  who  says  that  it  was  instituted  in 
the  year  855  by  king  Ethelwuif,  on  his  visit  to 
Rome,  partly,  it  would  seem,  in  return  for  the 
honourable  reception  previously  accorded  to  his 
son  Alfred  by  Leo  IV.,  who  had  also  anointed  the 
latter  king  :  "  Romam,  composito  regno,  abiit ; 
ibique    tributum,   quod  Anglia    hodio  pensitat, 
sancto  Petro  obtulit  coram  quarto  Leone  papa, 
qui  etiam  antea  filium  ejus  ad  se  missum  hono- 
rifice   susceperat,  et   regem   inunserat "   {Gest. 
Begum  Angl.  bk.  ii.  ed.  Hardy,  p.  152).     "  The 
grant,"  says  Hardy,  "  appears  to  have  been  made 
after  Aethelwulf 's  return  to  England,_  by  what 
Asser  calls  a  commendatory  epistle,  in   which 
he  ordered  three  hundred  mancuses  to  be  sent 
annually  to  Rome,  one-third  of  which  the  pope 
himself  was  to  have,  the  remainder  to  be  equally 
distributed  between  tlie  churches  of  St.  Peter 
and  St.  Paul  to  provide  lights  on  Easter  Eve  " 
(see   also    Haddan    and    Stubbs.    Councils,    iii. 
646).  .      . 

In  northern  Europe,  this  tax  was  not  insti- 
tuted until  much  later:  in  Denmark,  in  the 
reign  of  Cnut ;  in  Norway  and  Sweden,  by  the 
caAinal-legate,  Nicholas,  in  the  years  1152, 
1153  (Walter  (F.),  Kirchcnrecht,  sec.  198).  About 
the  same  time  the  payment  appears  to  have 
been  granted  by  Harald,  earl  of  Orkney,  from 
the  county  of  Caithness  (Haddan  and  Stubbs, 
Councils,  iii.  250).  The  tribute  appears  to  have 
been  acknowledged  as  the  pope's  due  by  ^^'^ilk  " 
the  Conqueror,  though  irregularly  paid 


PETRUS 


1620 


land  during  his  reign  (Selden,  Append,  to  Eadmer 
p.  164  ;  Lanfr.  Epp.  ed.  Giles,  No.  x.).  [J.  B.  M.] 

PETROCUS,  abbat  in  Cornwall ;  commemo- 
rated June  4  according  to  an  ancient  English 
missal  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jun.  i.  400,  §  3).     [C.  H.] 

PETRONILLA,  Roman  virgin;  commemo- 
rated May  31  (Usuard.,  Wand.,  Bed.  3fart. ; 
Vet.  Eom.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mai.  vii.  420). 
[C.  H.] 

PETRUS  [For  the  Festivals  of  the  Apostle, 
see  Peter].  (1)  Martyr  under  Maximian  at 
Aulana  (Usuard.),  at  Auclara  (Florus),  surnamed 
the  standard-bearer  {Cal.  B/jzant.),  Auselanus, 
Absalmus,  Balsamus,  &c. ;  commemorated  Jan.  3 
(Usuard.  Mart. ;  Florus,  Mart.  ap.  Bed. ;  Cal. 
Byzant.)  ;  Jan.  4  (Rabanus,  Notker,  and  others  ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  129) ;  Jan.  11,  Eleuthero- 
polis  (Basil.  Menol.)  ;  Assolanus,  Jan.  11  {Micron. 
2Iart.). 

(2)  Bishop  of  Sebaste  in  Armenia,  brother  of 
St.  Basil ;  commemorated  Jan.  9  in  the  Roman 
Martyrology,  and,  according  to  Baronius,  by  the 
Greeks  on  the  same  day,  but  his  name  is  not 
found  in  the  Greek  Menologies  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Jan.  i.  588).  The  Cal.  Armen.  places  Peter  and 
Blaze,  successive  bishops  of  Sebaste  in  Armenia, 
under  Jan.  15. 

(3)  Martyr  with  Severus  and  Leucius  at 
Alexandria;  commemorated  Jan.  11  (Usuard., 
Notker.,  Vet.  Bom.  Mart. ;  Hieron.  Mart. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  674). 

(4)  Martyr;  commemorated  Jan.  12  (Cul. 
Bijzant.).  The  name  occurs  on  this  day  witli 
Philoromus  and  Zoticus  in  Hieron.  Mart.,  cf.  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  725. 

(5)  Surnamed  Teloxarius,  martyr  under 
Justinian  ;  commemorated  Jan.  20  {Cal.  Bijzant.  ; 
Mcnaea ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  357). 

(6)  Martyr;  commemorated  Jan.  22  {Cal. 
Bijzant.);  a  Petrus  of  Valentia  occurs  on  this 
day  in  Hieron.  Mart.). 

(7)  Jailer,  martyr  with  Ananias,  presbyter, 
and  seven  soldiers,  in  Phrygia  under  Diocletianj 
commemorated  Jan.  26  {Cal.  Bgzant.);  Jan.  .. 
(Basil.  Menol). 

(8)  Aegyptius,  anchorite  in  Syria ;    commo 

morated  Jan.  27  {Cal.  Byzant.-    ''" —  «"' 

Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  771). 


Menaea;  Boll. 


(9)  Galata,  anchorite  near  Antioch  ;  comme- 
;rated  Feb.  1  {Meaaca;  BM.  Acta  SS  Feb. 
94). 

(10)  Twenty-first    patriarch    o' 
mmemorated     Feb.     13    and    0 


mor 
i.  94). 


Eng- 


»  Of  a  yet  earlier  institution  of  the  tax  by  king  Inc, 
for  the  maintenance  of  the  English  school  at  Jlonie, 
there  is,  as  Professor  Stubbs  says,  "  a  want  of  evidence ; " 
the  statement  occurs  in  Layamon's  Brut. 


commemorated 
Aethiop.). 


f  Alexandria ; 
Oct.    29    {Cal 


(11)  Chamberlain  of  Diocletian,  martyr  with 
Dorotheus   and   Gorgonius ;   comracraorated    at 

Nicomedia  Mar.  12  (^^''^r;,  ^^'''Z' ^s-  X  ' 
Mart.;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart.;  Boll.  Acta  i>^.  Mait. 
ii.  106;  Wright,  Syr.  Mart.). 

(12)  Martyr  in  Africa;  commemorato<l  War. 
14  {Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart.). 

(13)  Deacon  mart,..-  wi.h  H«™;;f^-;, -■; 

our  holy  father  ;  "  rom- 


memo 
Usuar 
Ap.  ii.  479), 

(14)  Thaumaturgns, ; 


morated  May  3  (Basil.  Menol). 


1^1 


1630 


PHAINA 


(15)  Martyr  with  Paulus,  Andreas,  and  a 
virgin  Dion3'sia ;  commemorated  at  Lampsacus 
jMay  15  (^Hieron.  Mart. ;  Florus,  3Ia7't.  ap.  Bed.  ; 
Usuard.  Mart.) ;  May  18,  Petrus  Lampsacemis 
and  Dionysius,  martyrs  (^Cal.  Byzant. ;  Daniel, 
Cod.  Litunj.  iv.  259 ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mai.  iii. 
452). 

(16)  Exorcist,  martyr  with  Marcellinus  pres- 
byter at  Rome  ;  commemorated  June  2  (Usuard. 
Wand. ;   Vet.  Rom.  3£art. ;  Ilieron.  Mart.). 

(17)  Presbyter;  commemorated  June  7  at 
Cordova,  with  Aventius,  Hieremias,  and  others 
(Usuard.  Mart.). 

(18)  Athonita,  "  holy  father,"  anchorite  of 
IMovint  Athos  ;  commemorated  June  12  (Daniel, 
Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  261;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Juu.  ii. 
535). 

(19)  "  Our  holy  father  "  ;  commemorated  July 
1  (Basil.  MenoL). 

(20)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Philadelphia 
in  Arabia  Aug.  1,  with  Cyrillus,  Aquila,  and 
others  {Ilieron.  Mart.;  Usuard.  3Iart.  ;  Yet. 
Horn.  3Iart.). 

(21)  Martyr  with  Julianus  and  others  at 
Kome ;   commemorated  July  7   (Usuard.  Mart. ; 

I  "et.  Rom.  Mart,  with  Juliana  instead  of  Julia- 
nus ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jul.  ii.  187). 

(22)  Soldier,  martyr  with  Marcellinus,  tribune; 
commemorated  Aug.  27  at  Tomi  (Hieron.  Mart. ; 
Usuard.  Mart.)  ;  both  names  in  the  sacramentary 
of  Gelasius  for  June  2,  being  named  in  the  collect 
and  the  "  secreta,"  but  not  in  the  post-com- 
munion (Murat.  Lit.  Rom.  Vet.  i.  646). 

(23)  Bishop  of  the  Capitolei,  martyr  ;  comme- 
morated Oct.  4  (Basil.  Mcnol. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Oct.  ii.  494). 

(24)  Martyr  at  Seville  ;  commemorated  Oct.  8 
(Usuard.  Mart. ;  Bolland.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  iv. 
273). 

(25)  Martyr  with  Theodosius,  Lucius,  Marcus, 
all  soldiers  of  Christ,  under  Claudius ;  comme- 
morated at  Rome  on  the  Via  Salaria  Oct.  25 
(Usuard.  Mart. ;  Bed.  3Iart.). 

(26)  Of  Alexandria,  "holy  martyr,  our 
father  " ;  commemorated  Nov.  24  (Ca/.  Byzant.)  ; 
Nov.  25  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Usuard.,  Wand.,  Bed. 
J/t«-i. ;  Vet.  Rom.  Mart.).  In  Ilieron.  Mart,  a 
Petrus  occurs  without  place  or  designation  on 
Nov.  25,  and  a  Petrus  commemorated  at  Alexan- 
dria on  Nov.  26. 

(27)  Martyr  with  Stephanus  junior  and 
Andreas ;  commemorated  Nov.  28  (Basil. 
Menol.). 

(28)  Martyr  with  Indes  and  Gorgonins ;  com- 
morated  Dec.  28  (Basil.  MenoL).  [C.  H.] 

PHAINA,  one  of  eight  virgins  martyred  with 
Theodotus;  commemorated  May  18  (Basil. 
Menol.).  [C.  H.] 

PHANON.     [Faxon:  Maniple.] 

PHANURIIIS,  martyr,  honoured  in  Rhodes 
and  Crete ;  his  miracles  described  by  an  anonymous 
author  of  the  8th  century,  according  to  a  Vatican 
31 S. ;  commemorated  May  27  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Mai.  vi.  693).  [C.  H.] 


PHARENSE  CONCILIUM.     [Wjiitby.] 

PHAEMACY.     [Magic] 

PHAROS  IN  ART.     [LiGiiTiiorsE.] 

PHAROS,  a  term  occurring  continually 
among  the  papal  gifts  in  the  Liber  Pontificalis  of 
Anastasius  and  elsewhere,  to  designate  the  large 
chandeliers  suspended  by  chains,  or  the  standing 
candlesticks  in  churches.  "  Pharus  est  majus 
lychni  sen  candelabri  vel  lucernae  genus  trans- 
latitie  a  Pharo  Alexandrina  quae  de  nocte  navi-  i 
gantibus  adlucebat "  (Alteserra,  Not.  in  Anastas,  \ 
§  13,  lin.  45).  We  find  them  constructed  of 
gold,  silver,  and  brass,  ornamented  with  dolphins 
(§  69),  circular  like  crown  (§  34),  in  the  shape 
of  a  cross  (§  1370),  of  network  (§  415)  revolving 
(§  423).  From  holding  wax  candles  they  were 
called  cereostata  (§§  57,  199),  and  from  the  cup 
or  basin  which  surrounded  them  pharocanthari 
(ibid.  136).  Those  in  St.  Peter's  were  only 
lighted  four  times  a  year,  at  Christmas,  Easter, 
the  festival  of  SS.  Peter  and  Paul  (June  29), 
and  the  Natalis  Papac  (ibid.  320).  [E.  V.] 

PHASIC,  martyr  with  his  daughter,  a  nun  ; 
commemorated  April  14  (Basil.  Menol.). 

[C.  H.] 
PHELONION.    [Paenula.] 

PHERBUTHA,  sister  of  bishop  Simeon, 
martyr ;  commemorated  Ap.  5  (Basil.  Menol.). 
The  Bollandists  assign  Pherbutha  or  Tarbula, 
Persian  martyr,  to  Ap.  22  from  Vatican  and 
Venetian  MSS.  (Acta  SS.  Ap.  iii.  19).     [C.  H.] 

PELIALA,  the  fountain,  or  laver,  in  the 
atrium,  at  the  entrance  of  churches,  so  desig- 
nated by  Paulus  Silentiarius  in  his  description 
of  St.  Sophia  (ii.  vers.  177)  [Cantharus  ; 
Fountain].  In  Gear's  Euchologium  (p.  449) 
wc  find  a  prayer  for  the  water  of  holy  baptism, 
iv  Tp  (piaAri  rov  fifcravXov  t^s  iKKAriffias. 
Phiala  is  used  by  Anastasius  for  a  golden  basin  or 
cup-shaped  lamp,  rising  from  a  cluster  of  por- 
phyry columns  in  the  middle  of  the  font,  in  the 
Lateran  baptistery,  lighted  up  only  at  Easter- 
tide, and  burning  balsam  with  an  asbestos  wick 
(Anastas.  Vit.  S.  Sikestri,  §  36,  lin.  51). 

[E.V.] 

PHILADELPHUS  (1),  martyr  ;  commemo- 
rated Feb.  8  (Basil.  Menol.). 

(2)  Son  of  Vitalius,  a  praefect  in  Italy,  martyi* 
with  his  brothers  Alphaeus  and  Cyi'inus ;  com- 
memorated May  10  (Basil.  Menol.).         [C.  H.] 

PHILAGRIUS,  bishop  of  Cyprus,  martyr 
with  Marcianus  bishop  of  Sicily  and  Pancratius 
bishop  of  Tauromenium,  all  discii^les  of  the 
apostle  Peter ;  commemorated  Feb.  9  (Basil. 
Menol.;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  277  "ex  Me- 
naeis  ").  [C.  H.] 

PHILANTHES  (Philanthus),  martyr  at 
Amasia ;  commemorated  Aug.  18  (Wright, 
Syr.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

PHILARETUS      ELEEMOSYNARIUS, 

native    of  Paphlagonia,    under    empress   Irene ; 
commemorated  Dec.  2  (Basil.  Menol.).     [C.  H.] 

PHILEAS,  bishop  of  Thumis,  martyr  with 
Philoromus  and  others,  A.D.  304 :  commemorated 


PHILEMON 

Feb.  4  (^Vet.  Eom.  Mart.;  Euseb.  H.  E.  viu. 
10 ;  Bed.  Mai-t.  Auct. ;  Wand.,  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Feb.  i.  462  ;  F.om.  3Iart.).  [C.  H.] 

PHILEMON  (1),  bishop  of  Gaza ;  commemo- 
rated Feb.  14  (Basil.  McnoL). 

(2)  Martyr  with  the  deacon  Apollonius  at 
Antiuous  in  Egpyt ;  commemorated  IMar.  8 
(Usuard.  3fart.')  ;  Dec.  4  (Basil.  Menol.  "  under 
Diocletian ") ;  Dec.  14  (^Cal.  Byzant. ;  Daniel, 
Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  277). 

(3)  Native  of  Rome,  martyr  with  Domnus ; 
commemorated  Mar.  26  (Basil.  Menol.'). 

(4)  One  of  nine  martyrs  of  Cyzicus ;  com- 
memorated Ap.  29  (Bas.  Menol.'). 

(5)  "  Apostle,"  and  his  companions ;  comme- 
morated Nov.. 22  {Cal.  Bezant.). 

(6)  "  Miles,"  disciple  of  the  apostle  Paul ; 
martyr  with  Archippus  at  Choni  near  Laodicea 
in  Phrygia;  commemorated  Nov.  23  (Basil. 
Menol).  [C.  H.] 

PHILETAERUS,  native  of  Nicomedia,  son 
of  Tatianus  ex-praefect,  martyr  under  Diocle- 
tian ;  commemorated  May  19  (Basil.  Menol. ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Llai.  iv.  312  ;  Mart.  Eom.). 

[C.  H.] 

PHILETUS,  senator,  martyr  with  his  wife 
Lydia  and  his  sons,  under  Hadrian ;  commemo- 
rated Mar.  27  (Bas.  3Ienol.;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Mart.  iii.  687).  [C.  H.] 

PHILIBERTUS  (Filibertus),  abbat  in  the 
Isle  of  Herium  in  Gaul ;  commemorated  Aug.  20 
(Usuard.  Mart. ;  Florus,  Mart.  ap.  Bed. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Aug.  iv.  66).  [C.  H.] 

PHILIP,  Apostle,  Legend  and  Festival 
OF.  Of  the  life  of  this  apostle,  beyond  what  is 
told  us  in  the  New  Testament,  but  little  is 
known,  and  in  much  of  this  there  is  a  confusion 
between  the  apostle  and  his  namesake  the  deacon. 
Clement  of  Alexandria  tells  us  (Strom,  iii.  52 ; 
cited  by  Eusebius,  Hist.  Eccles.  iii.  30)  that 
Philip  had  children,  and  that  he  gave  his  daugh- 
ters in  marriage.  We  also  gather  from  the  same 
writer  (ib.  iv.  71)  that  Philip  was  not  one  of 
those  whose  life's  work  was  crowned  by  a 
martyr's  death.  All  this  is  possible  enough,  but 
the  remarks  of  Polycrates  apparently  indicate  a 
confusion  between  the  two  Philips.  He  speaks 
(ap.  Euseb.  Hist.  Eccles.  iii.  31;  cf.  v.  24)  of 
Philip  as  falling  asleep  at  Hierapolis  ;  as  having 
had  two  daughters  who  remained  vii-gins  to  old 
age,  and  a  third  (presumably  a  married  one,  from 
being  thus  separated  from  the  other  two),  who, 
after  4v  'Ayla  Trvevfiari  ■n-oMrevtra^uiPrj,  lay  at  rest 
in  Ephesus.  Eusebius  then  proceeds  to  quote 
from  the  Dialogue  of  Caius,  where  mention  is 
made  of  the  four  daughters  of  Philip,  prophetesses 
at  Hierapolis,  at  which  place  was  their  tomb  and 
that  of  their  father.  Ou  comparing  these  notices 
with  Acts  sxi.  8,  it  can  hardly  be  doubted  that 
we  have  somewhat  varying  forms  of  tradition  as 
to  the  persons  there  mentioned,  more  especially 
when  Eusebius  himself  proceeds  to  cite  this  last 
passage  as  relevant  to  the  matter.  The  legends 
contained  in  the  Apocryphal  Acts  of  Philip  arc 
totally  undeserving  of  credit,  and  it  is  quite 
hopeless  to  try  to  determine  which  of  the  two 
Philips  is  indicated. 


PHILIP 


1631 


As  regards  the  festival  of  St.  Philip,  we  find 
that  he,  like  most  of  the  apostles,  had  no  special 
and  individual  commemoration  till  comparatively 
late.  Among  the  earliest  witnesses  in  the  west, 
where  St.  Philip  is  as  a  rule  associated  with  St. 
James  the  Less  on  May  1,  are  the  2Iartyrolof]iuia 
Hterowjmi,  the  metrical  martyrology  of  Bede, 
and  the  Gelasian,  Gregorian  and  Ambrosiau 
sacramentaries.  In  the  first  of  these  documents 
St.  Philip  is  commemorated  on  two  days,  April 
22  and  May  1,  besides  the  mention  in  the  list  of 
apostles  at  the  beginning — "  Kal.  Mail.  In 
civitate  Hierapoli  provinciae  Asiae,  depositio 
Philippi  apostoli."  On  April  22,  St.  Philip  is 
commemorated  alone;  on  May  1,  in  connexion 
with  St.  James,  a  mention  of  Hierapolis  being 
in  each  case  brought  in  {Patrol,  xxx.  467,  469). 
For  the  notices  in  Bede  and  elsewhere,  where  the 
two  apostles  are  conjoined,  and  for  the  possible 
reason  for  the  conjunction,  reference  may  be 
made  to  the  article  on  St.  James  the  Less.  As 
to  the  Roman  liturgies,  nothing  need  here  be 
added.  VVe  must  note,  however,  that  the  an- 
cient Galilean  forms  published  by  Mabillon  make 
no  mention  of  a  festival  of  St.  Philip  at  all,  nor 
was  he  recognised  in  the  Mozarabic  missal. 

On  passing  to  the  east,  we  no  longer  find  the 
two  apostles  associated.  In  the  Byzantine 
Calendar,  St.  Philip  {b  ayios  koI  Travixxpriixos 
airSaToXos)  is  commemorated  on  November  14, 
Philip  the  Deacon  being  commemorated  on 
October  11.  The  notice  for  the  former  in  tho 
metrical  Greek  Ephcmerides,  prefixed  by  Pape- 
broch  to  the  Acta  Sancto)-um  for  May,  is 
(vol.  i.  p.  Hi.)  ripQ7]s  KaKK€cpa\ris  deKarri  ^iMinre 
reTdpTT).  In  the  calendars  of  the  Ethiopic  and 
Coptic  churches  also,  November  14  is  the  day 
reserved  for  St.  Philip  (Ludolf,  ad  Hist.  Aeth. 
Comm.  p.  399),  and  October  11  for  Philip  the- 
Deacon.  It  is  true  that  the  latter  is  spoken  of 
as  Philip  "the  Apostle,"  but  then  the  Coptic 
calendar  adds  the  words  "one  of  the  seven 
deacons  " ;  and  in  this  it  does  but  agree  with  the 
Menaea,  which  not  only  applies  the  name  Apostle 
to  Philip  the  Deacon,  but  also  generally  extends 
the  use  of  the  term  considerably.  In  the  calendars 
of  the  Armenian  church,  which  are  given  by 
Assemani  (Bibl.  Or.  iii.  1.  645),  St.  Philip  is  com- 
memorated on  November  17.  The  "  Philip  the 
Apostle"  mentioned  by  the  first  of  the  two 
calendars  on  February  9,  is  defined  by  the  second 
as  "  Philip,  the  Deacon  and  Apostle." 

A  certain  amount  of  pseudonymous  literature 
is  associated  with  the  name  of  St.  Philip,  but  it 
will  be  generally  quite  uncertain  whether  the 
apostle  or  the  deacon  is  the  person  intended.  We 
have  a  gospel  of  Philip  mentioned  by  Epiphanius 
(Hacr.  xxvi.  13)  as  in  use  among  the  Gnostics. 
Acts  of  Philip  were  condemned  by  the  council 
held  in  Rome  in  494  A.U.,  under  the  episcopate 
of  Silasius  (Patrol,  lix.  162).  It  is  probably  this 
that  is  referred  to  by  Anastasius  Sinaita  as  j; 
TrepioSos  Tov  ayiov  ^iXlttttov  (cited  by  Fabricius, 
Cod.  Pseud.  Vet.  Test.  i.  806).  The  Greek  text, 
or  rather  several  large  fragments  of  it,  was  first 
edited  by  Tischendorf  (Acta  Apost.  Apocrypha, 
pp.  xxxi.  75  ;  Apocal.  Apoc.  p.  141).  Syriac  Acta 
have  been  published  by  Dr.  Wright  (Apocryphal 
Acts  of  the  Apostles).  This  is  a  diOercnt  docu- 
ment from  the  preceding,  and  probably  refers  to 
Philip  the  Deacon.  ,      ,     .     ,       r 

For  further  information  as  to  the  Icstivals  of 


1632 


PHILIPPA 


St.  Philip,  reference  may  be  made  to  Hensehe- 
nius  (Acta  Sanctorum ;  May,  vol.  i.  pp.  7  sqq.), 
Binterim  {Denkwurdigkciten  der  Christ-katholi- 
schen  Kirche,  v.  1,  pp.  365  sqq.),  Augusti 
(Denkwiirdigkeiten  aits  der  Christlichen  Archdologie 
iii.  pp.  201  sqq.),  etc.  [R-  S.] 

PHILIPPA,  martyr  with  her  son  Theodoras 
at  Perga  in  Pamphylia  ;  commemorated  Sep.  21 
(Basil.  Menol.).  [C.  H.] 

PHILIPPOPOLIS,  see  Sardica,  COUNCIL 
OF. 

PHILIPPOPOLIS  (CouxciL  of),  a.d.  347- 
8,  was  held  at  the  town  so  called  on  the  Maritza, 
to  the  north-west  of  Adrianople.  It  was  com- 
posed of  seceders  from  the  coimcil  of  Sardica  ; 
and  as  all  the  documents  put  out  by  them  were 
dated  from  that  place,  and  believed  generally  to 
have  emanated  thence,  they  will  be  best  con- 
sidered under  that  head.  The  documents  pecu- 
liar to  it  are  given  in  Mansi,  iii.  125  et  seq. 

[E.  S.  Ff.] 

PHILIPPUS  (1),  commemorated  with  Her- 
mogenes,  martyr,  and  others,  Jan.  24  (Cal. 
Byiant.). 

(2)  Bishop  of  Gortyna,  in  Crete,  under  the 
Antonines ;  commemorated  Ap.  11  (Usuard. 
3fart. ;  Vet.  Rom.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  ii. 
12)  ;  the  V.  R.  31.  mentions  a  bishop  Philippius 
at  Gortyna  also  on  Oct.  8,  without  period. 

(3)  One  of  the  seven  deacons  of  Act.  vi. ; 
natalis  at  Caesarea  June  6  (Usuard.  Hart. ;  Vet. 
Rom.  Mart.  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  June  1,  618  ;  Phi- 
lippus,  in  Africa,  for  this  day  in  Hicron.  Mart.') ; 
Oct.  11  {Cal.  Byzanf. ;  Basil.  Meml. ;  Daniel, 
Cud.  Liturg.  iv.  271). 

(4)  Martyr,  with  six  brothers,  under  the 
Antonines ;  commemorated  July  10  (Usuard. 
Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart. ;  Hicron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Commemorated  at  Alexandria  with  Zeus, 
Narseus,  and  ten  infants,  July  15  (Usuard. 
Mart. ;  Hicron.  Mart.  ;  Boll.  Acta.  SS.  Jul.  iv. 
27). 

(6)  Martyr  with  Strato  and  Eutychianus  at 
Nicomedia,  under  Aurelian ;  commemorated 
Aug.  17  (Basil.  Menol.).  Wright's  Syr.  Mart. 
has  Philippus  and  four  others  at  Nicomedia 
under  Aug.  1. 

(7)  Bishop,  previously  a  praefect,  father  of 
St.  Eugenia,  virgin  (Basil.  Menol.  Dec.  24) ; 
martyr  at  Alexandria  ;  commemorated  Sep.  13. 
(Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Rom.  3Iart.  ;  Acta  SS. 
Sep.  iv.  52). 

(8)  Bishop,  commemorated  with  Eusebius  and 
Hermes  at  Adrianople,  Oct.  22  (Usuard.,  Wand., 
Hieron.  Mart. ;  Wright's  Syr.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Oct.  9,  545,  from  a  Fulda  MS. ;  Mart.  Rom.). 
The  Mart.  Rom.  and  Acta  SS.  p.  523  assign  this 
day  also  to  another  Philippus,  a  bishop  of 
Firmum.  [C  H.] 

PHILO,  bishop  of  Calpae,  commemorated 
with  Hermogenes,  Menas,  Philip,  &c.  Jan.  24 
(Cal.  Bxizant. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  593). 

[C.  H.] 

PHILOGONIUS,  "  our  holy  father,"  bishop, 
formerly  pleader,  commemorated  Dec.  21  (Basil. 


PHILTKE 

Menol.) ;  Dec.  20  (Surius,  Ho  Proh.  Hist.  Dec. 
298).  [C.  H.] 

PHILOLOGUS,  one  of  the  seventy  ;  com- 
memorated Nov.  4  (Basil.  Menol.).  [C.  H.] 

PHILOMENUS,  of  Lycaonia,  martyr  at 
Ancyra  under  Aurelian  ;  commemorated  Nov. 
29  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Mart.  Rom.)  ;  Philumenus 
(Cal.  Byzant.).  [C.  H.] 

PHILOMINUS,  martyr  at  Heraclea  in 
Thrace,  with  Clementinus  and  Tlieodolius  ;  com- 
memorated Nov.  14  (Usuard.,  Wand. :  Hieron. 
Mart. ;  Mart.  Rom.).  [C.  H.] 

PHILONIDES,  bishop  and  martyr  at 
Curium  in  Cyprus,  under  Diocletian  ;  com- 
memorated Aug.  30  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  vi. 
544,  "  ex  Graecis  MSS.").  [C.  H.] 

PHILONILLA,  martyr  with  her  sister 
Zenais,  both  of  Tarsus,  relations  of  St.  Paul ; 
commemorated  Oct.  11  (Basil.  Menol.;  3Iart. 
Rom.).  [C.  H.] 

PHILOROMUS,  tribune,  martyr  with  bishop 
Phileas  at  Thmuis  ;  commemorated  Feb.  4  (  Vet. 
Rom.  Mart. ;  3Iart.  Rom.)  ;  at  Nicomedia  Jan.  8 
(Wright,  Auct.  S'/r.  Mart,  in  Journ.  Sac.  Lit. 
1866,  423 ;  Jan.  12  (Notker).  [C.  H.] 

PHILOSARCAE  was,  according  to  Jerome 
(Epist.  61  ad  Pummach.),  a  name  given  by  the 
Origenists  to  those  who  believed  in  the  resur- 
rection of  the  same  identical  flesh  and  bones 
which  were  buried.  They  also  called  such  be- 
lievers "pelusiotas,  luteos,  animales,  carneos" 
(Hieron.  Epist.  65  ad  Pamm.  et  Ocean.),  as  not 
having  attained  to  the  things  of  the  Spirit.  The 
word  TrrjAoucncoTai  is  explained  by  Jerome  him- 
self (Comm.  in  Jerem.  xxix.  p.  407)  to  mean  "  in 
luto  istius  corporis  constituti."  As  the  nick- 
name was  Alexandrian,  there  may  be  some  allu- 
sion to  Pelusium,  the  force  of  which  is  lost 
(Bingham's  Antiq.  I.  ii.  17).  [C] 

PHILOTHEI.     [MONAS-ERY,  p.  1219.] 

PHILOTHEUS,  martyr  with  Domninus 
and  others  under  Maximinus  ;  commemorated 
Nov.  5  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Mart.  Rom.).       [C.  H.] 

PHILTRE.  The  early  Christians  fully 
admitted  the  alleged  power  of  magic  to  excite 
love  or  hatred,  thougli  believing  themselves  to 
be  protected  from  its  influence.  Thus  in  the 
Clementina  Appion  is  made  to  say  that,  when 
hopelessly  enamoured  in  his  youth,  he  "  fell  in 
with  a  certain  Egyptian  thoroughly  versed  in 
the  arts  of  the  Magi  ....  who  freely  taught 
hira  the  charm  (iiraoiSrjv),  by  means  of  which 
he  was  successful "  (Horn.  v.  3).  Gregory 
Nazianzen  tells  us  that  the  legendary  Cyprian 
in  his  endeavours  to  corrupt  Justina,  employed 
the  services  of  a  daemon  "  whose  reward  was 
sacrifices  and  libations  and  that  close  relation 
which  is  established  through  the  blood  and  the 
odour  from  the  victims"  (Orat.  xxiv.  §  10). 
"Many  women,"  says  St.  Chrysostom,  "that 
they  may  become  attractive,  employ  incanta- 
tions and  libations  and  philtres,  and  ten  thousand 
other  contrivances"  (Hom.  24  in  Ep.  ad  Rem. 
§4). 


PHLEGON 

Faith  in  Christ  was  a  sufticient  shield  against 
such  darts  of  the  wicked  one ;  but  Theodoret 
tells  us  of  an  instance  in  which  the  miraculous 
power  of  a  saint  was  opposed  to  them.  A 
woman  of  rank,  whose  husband  was  unfaithful 
to  her,  complained  to  Aphraates  that  he  had 
been  "bewitched  by  some  artifice  of  magic." 
The  saint  "  by  prayer  destroyed  the  power  of  the 
enchantment,  and  having  hallowed  a  jar  of  oil 
brought  by  her,  directed  that  the  husband  should 
be  anointed  with  it "  {Histor.  Reluj.  8). 

Constantine,  in  321,  made  a  law  against  those 
who,  "  furnished  with  magic  arts,"  were  "  con- 
victed of  having  perverted  chaste  minds  to  lust " 
(Cod.  IX.  xviii.  4,  Dc  Magia).  When  the  crime 
appeared  among  professed  Christians  of  a  later 
period,  a  severe  penance  was  imposed.  "  Si  quis 
pro  amore  veneficium  fecerit,  et  ueminem  perdi- 
derit,  tres  annos  poeniteat ;  vinum  in  pane  et 
aqua "  {Poenitentiak,  ad  calc.  Sacram.  Gallic. 
in  Mus.  Ital.  i.  392).  The  old  Koman  poeniten- 
tial :  "  Si  quis  pro  amore  maleficus  sit,  et 
neminem  perdiderit ;  si  laicus  est,  dimidium 
poeniteat;  si  clericus,  annum  unum  poeniteat  in 
pane  et  aqua ;  si  diaconus,  tres  annos,  unum  in 
pane  et  aqua ;  si  sacerdos  quinque  annos,  2  in 
pane  et  aqua"  (Morinus,  do  Sacram.  Poenit. 
566;  Cigheri,  Vet.  PP.  Thcol.  Univ.  x.  223). 
In  the  9th  century,  bishops  at  their  visitations 
inquired  "  if  there  was  any  woman  who  pro- 
fessed that  she  could  by  certain  acts  of  witch- 
craft and  incantations  change  the  minds  of 
persons ;  i.e.  so  as  to  turn  them  from  hatred  to 
love  or  from  love  to  hatred  .  .  .  Haec  talis 
omnimodis  ex  parroechia  ejiciatur "  (Regino, 
do  Discipl.  Eccl.  ii.  v.  45).  [W.  E.  S.] 

PHLEGON,  one  of  the  seventy ;  com- 
memorated Ap.  8  (Cal.  Byzant. ;  Daniel,  Cod. 
Liturg.  iv.  257  ;  3Iart.  Pom.).  [C.  H.] 

PHOCAS  (1),  martyr  at  Autioch,  com- 
memorated March  5  (  Vet.  Pom.  Mart. ;  Usuard. 
2Iart. ;  FOCAS  ;  3Iart.  Pom.  ;  Bull.  Acta  SS.  ; 
Mart.  i.  366). 

(2)  Bishop  of  Siuope,  martyr  under  Trajan  ; 
commemorated  July  14  (Usuard.  3fa)'t.  FocAS ; 
Bed.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Pom.  Mart.  ;  Mart.  Pom. ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jul.  3,  639,  from  a  Vatican 
'Greek  MS.)  ;  July  22  (Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv. 
264);  July  23,  "holy  martyr"  at  Sempe  (Cal. 
Byzant.) ;  Sejit.  22  (Cal.  Byzant. ;  Daniel,  C.  L. 
iv.  269) ;  July  23,  and  Sept.  22  (Basil.  Mcnol. 
and  cf.  Jul.  6).  [C.  H.] 

PHOCE,  commemorated  with  Irenaeus  Oct.  7 
iCal.  Arm.).  [C.  H.] 

PHOENIX.  It  is  not  part  of  our  duty  to 
trace  the  story  of  the  phoenix  eastward,  or  con- 
nect it  with  the  Simurgh  of  Persian  poetry.  It 
reached  Rome  through  Greece  (see  Herodotus's 
account,  ii.  73).  It  is  represented  on  coins 
and  medals  of  Hadrian,  Caracalla,  Antoninus 
Pius,  Constans,  and  Constantine  (Miinter,  Sinn- 
hildcr  u.  Kunstvorstellnnqen  der  alien  Christ., 
1st  Heft,  p.  95,  and  tab.  iii.  fig.  69  and  68).  It 
would  easily  be  adopted  in  Christian  symbolism 
as  an  emblem  of  the  Resurrection,  and  its  name 
would  connect  it  with  the  palm-tree.  See  Ter- 
tullian  on  the  Resurrection  of  the  Body  (c.  25), 
where  he  quotes  Ps.  xcii.  of  the  palm.  The 
name,  the  tree,  and  the  bird,  with  its  mythical 


PHOSTERIUS 


1G33 


allegory,  all  connect  the  Eastern  and  Greek 
imaginations  with  the  central  Christian  doctrine. 
Hence  there  is  no  doubt  that  a  strange  bird  some- 
times represented  on  mosaics  (as  in  St.  Cecilia's 
at    Rome,    see    woodcut)    is    intended     fur    it, 


riioeuix.  (From  Martigny.) 


(Martigny,  pp.  B34-5.) 


especially  when,  as  in  this  instance,  it  bears  the 
Nimbus,  or  when  it  is  placed  on  the  palm 
(Bottari,  tav.  xsii.).  As  a  type  of  death  and 
resurrection  it  is  connected  with  baptism 
(Clemens  Romanus,  1st  Ep.  to  the  Corinthians, 
c.  25).  It  is  found  in  the  mosaics  of  SS.  Cosmas 
and  Damianus  at  Rome,  and  in  St.  Prassede 
(Ciampini,  Vit.  Monum.  tab.  16,  47,  51);  also 
in  the  glass  given  by  Dr.  Northcote  {Bwn't 
Sotterranea,  p.  316)  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul, 
being  attached  to  the  latter  in  particular,  as  the 
special  preacher  of  the  Resurrection.  This  re- 
markable   relic,   now    in   the   Vatican    library 


The  Lord  with  SS.  Peter  and  Paul.    (From  lioma  iloi:.) 


contains  the  Lord  ;  the  chief  apostle  and  the 
apostle  of  the  Gentiles,  the  former  bearing  his 
cross,  the  latter  with  a  crown  cast  behind  hini  ; 
the  palm-trees  and  phoenix  ;  the  Pie  Zeses  ;  the 
Lamb  below  as  in  a  church  mosaic,  with  Jorrtan 
intervening,  and  the  four  mystical  rivers  at  Wis 
feet  acrain  uniting  in  Jordan  ;  the  sheep  repre- 
senting the  faithful,  and  the  cities  of  Jerusaom 
and  Bethlehem.    (See  woodcut.)     [''•  ^l^- "'•  ^-J 

PHONASCUS.       [PUECKNTOK.] 

PHOSTERIUS,  abbat ;  oommemorated  .hxn. 
5  {Cal.  B>izant. ;  Boll.  Ada  S.'^.  Jan.  1,  -8^ 
"  ex  Menaeis  ").  L*--  "-J 


1634 


PHOTAGOGICA 


^^  PHOTAGOGICA  (cpcorayuyiKd)  are  short 
Troparia,  referring  to  God  as  giver  of  light, 
used  during  Lent  in  the  Greek  olHces  (Xeale, 
Uast.  Ch.  Intr.  p.  924).  [C] 

PHOTIDES,  martyr ;  commemorated   Mar. 
20  Basil.  3Icnol. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mart.  iii.  80). 
[C.  H.] 

PHOTINA,  Samaritan  woman  who  conversed 
with  the  Lord  (St.  John  iv.)  ;  commemorated 
March  20  (Basil.  McnoL;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Mart.  iii.  80).  [C.  H.] 

PHOTIUS,  martyr  with  Anicetus  at  Kico- 
media  under  Diocletian ;  commemorated  Aug. 
12  (Basil.  3fenol. ;  Cal.  Bi/zant. ;  Daniel,  Cod. 
Liturg.  iv.  265  ;  Mart.  Rom.  Piiotinus  ;  Wright's 
Sijr.  Mart,  gives  a  Photius  at  Nicomedia  with 
Archelaus  and  Cyrinus  under  Mar.  4).    [C.  H.] 

PHYLAGTEKY.  Any  thing  might  be  so 
called  to  which  a  protective  power,  not  due  to 
natural  causes,  was  ascribed.  Thus  Gregory  of 
Rome  in  603  sends  to  king  Adulovald  '•  phylac- 
teries, i.e.  a  cross  with  wood  of  the  holy  cross  of 
the  Lord,  and  a  lesson  of  the  holy  Gospel 
inclosed  in  a  Persian  case "  {Ep.  xii.  7  ad 
TheodeL).  Gregory  himself  wore  suspended 
from  his  neck  "  phylacteries  of  relics "  (Joan. 
Diacon.  in  Vita  Greg.  iv.  80).  [Ligaturai^.] 
But  the  term  was  chiefly  apiilied  to  written 
charms,  and  of  these  we  propose  to  speak  now. 

The  use  of  "  phylacteries  "  is  frequently  con- 
demned without  explanation,  as  by  the  council 
of  Laodicea,  probably  in  365,  which  forbids  the 
clergy  to  "  make  what  are  called  phylacteries," 
by  Epiphanius,  368  {De  Fide,  24),  by  St.  Eligius, 
640  {De  Beet.  Cath.  Convers.  3,  5,  7),  by  the 
council  of  Rome,  721  (can.  12),  by  Zachary  of 
Rome,  743  (Ep.  2  ad  Bonif.  §  6),  in  a  law  of 
Charlemagne,  769  {Capitulare,  i.  c.  6),  in  a  peni- 
tential of  Angers  (Morinus,  do  Sacram.  Pocnit. 
586),  &c.  But  they  are  often  described  as 
written  documents.  Thus  Caesarius  of  Aries, 
502  :  "  Phylacteria  diabolica  per  characteras  " 
{Serm.  66,  §  3  ;  comp.  §  5).  Boniface  in  the 
council  of  Leptines,  743 :  "  Phylacteria,  i.e. 
scripturas "  (can.  33 ;  0pp.  Bonif.  142,  ed. 
Wiirdtw.).  The  Capitidaries  of  the  French 
Kings  :  "  Phylacteries  or  false  writings  "  (vi.  72). 
The  name  was  not  used  among  the  Latins  so 
early  as  by  the  Greeks  ;  for  St.  Augustine,  397, 
describes  them  without  employing  it ;  "  Liga- 
turae  atque  remedia  .  .  .  sive  in  praecantation- 
ibus,  sive  in  quibusdam  notis  quos  characteras 
vocant  "  (De  Doctr.  Christ,  ii.  20,  §  30).  Neither 
Isidore,  who  copies  this  sentence  (Etgmol.  viii. 
9  n.  30),  nor  Hincmar,  who  borrows  it  from 
Isidore  (Dc  Bivort.  Illoth.  ct  Tctb.  Resp.  15) 
introduces  the  word,  from  which  we  may  perhaps 
infer  that  it  was  not  even  in  their  times  very 
familiar  to  all  the  Latins. 

Written  charms  are  condemned  under  the 
name  of  phylacteries  in  the  decree  ascribed 
variously  to  Gelasius  and  Hormisdas  de  Apocry- 
phis:  "Phylacteria  omnia  quae  non  angelorum 
(ut  illi  confingunt)  sed  daemonum  magis  arte 
conscripta  sunt,  apocrypha "  (Hard.  Cone.  ii. 
942). 

The  name  was  without  doubt  borrowed 
immediately  from  the  Jews;  and  the  general 
restriction  of  its  meaning  in  practice  is  due  to 
that   circumstance.      The    Jewish    phylacteries 


PILATE  ^ 

I 
(tephillin)  were    two  pieces  of   parchment,  oa  1 
which    were  written     four   texts   of    Scripture   - 
(Exod.    xiii.   1-10,    11-16;    Deut.   v.    4-9;    xv.    ; 
13-21).     One  of  these  was  bound  on  the   fore- 
head, the  other  on  the  left  arm  at  prayer.     They 
were  believed  to  avert  evil  from  the  wearer  and 
to  procure  blessings  for  him,  owing  to  the  name 
of    God   (Shaddai,    Almighty)    being    on    fhem 
(Beveridge   on  Can.  Laod.  36 ;  Pandect,  ii.  196 ; 
Schleusner,  Lex.  N.  T.  in  v.) 

The  Jewish  practice  would  also  naturally 
suggest  the  frequent  use  of  the  Scriptures  as 
phylacteries.  St.  Chrysostom,  after  speaking  of 
the  custom  of  the  Jews,  adds,  that  in  like  man- 
ner "many  women  now  suspend  the  Gospels 
from  their  necks  "  {Horn.  72  in  S.  Matt.  Ev.  §  2) 
and  elsewhere  "  Do  you  not  see  how  women  and 
little  children  hang  the  Gospels  from  their 
necks  for  a  great  protection "  {<pv\aKr]s,  Horn. 
xix.  ad  Antioch.  §  4).  St.  Augustine  mentions  a 
practice  of  putting  the  Gospel  on  the  head  when 
it  ached.  He  says  that  men  were  so  besotted 
with  ligaturae  that  he  rejoiced  when  he  found 
this  done  ;  not  because  they  did  it,  but  "  because 
the  Gospel  was  preferred  to  ligaturae  "  (fn  S. 
Joan.  Ev.  Tract,  vii.  12).  This  use  of  the  Gos- 
pels continued  for  many  ages.  Thus  Kilus  tlie 
Younger,  who  died  in  1005,  having  met  with  au 
accident,  "  took  out  of  his  bosom  the  phylactery 
which  he  always  carried  there  (this  was  a  fold- 
ing book,  the  treasure  of  the  New  Testament) 
and  put  it  to  his  eyes  and  lips  and  breast "  (Vita 
A7/r,  ix.  63;  Boll  and.  Sept.  26).  In  the  West, 
however,  even  this  was  distinctly  pronounced 
unlawful.  St.  Jerome  commenting  on  the 
Jewish  practice :  "  Hoc  apud  nos  superstitiosae 
mulierculae  in  parvulis  evangeliis,  et  in  crucis 
ligno,  et  istiusmodi  rebus  .  .  .  usque  hodie 
factitant,  culicem  liquantes,  et  camel  um 
glutientes "  (Comm.  in  St.  Matt.  Ev.  iv.  23). 
St.  Eligius  (u.  s.);  "  Etsi  dicatur,  quod  res 
sancta  sit  et  lectiones  divinas  contineat,  quia 
non  est  in  eis  remedium  Christi,  sed  venenum 
diaboli."     [Compare  Ligaturae,  p.  990.] 

[W.  E.  S.] 

PIATON,  presbyter  of  Tournay ;  passio 
Oct.  1  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct. 
i.  22).  [C.  H.] 

PICTAVIUM,  COUNCIL  OF.  [Poitiers.] 

PICTUKES.    [Fresco:  Images:  Mosaics.] 

PIENTIA,  martyr  with  Nigasius  in  the 
Vexin  ;  commemorated  Oct.  11  (tJsuard.  Mart. ; 
JUart.  Pom).  [C.  H.] 

PIGMENIUS,  presbyter  and  martyr  at 
Rome ;  commemorated  March  24  (Usuard. 
Mart. ;  Vet.  Pom.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart.  Auct. ; 
Mart.  Pom.;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mart.  iii.  481; 
Mar.  18  (Wand.)).  [C.  H.] 

PILATE.  Our  Lord's  appearance  before 
Pilate  is  almost  the  only  scene  of  His  passion, 
except  the  denial  by  St.  Peter,  which  is  to  ha 
found  in  the  catacombs,  on  sarcophagi,  or,  indeed, 
anywhere  in  very  early  Christian  art.  See 
Bottari,  tav.  xxiv.  where  Pilate  is  seated  on  a 
curule  chair  (John  xix.  13);  see  also  the 
Laurentian  MS.,  and  Bottari,  taw.  xv.  xxii. 
xxxiii.  XXXV.  Some  expression  of  anxiety  and 
reluctance  is  generally  given  to  Pilate,  and  io 


PILGRIMAGE 

some  instances  water  is  being  brought  for  his 
hands.  His  action  in  washing  them  is  frequently 
represented,  and  M.  Rohault  de  Fleury 
(^L'Eeangile,  vol.  ii.  pi.  Issxiii.  Ixxxiv.)  gives  six 
examples,  two  from  the  Lateran  sarcophagi, 
probably  4th  century,  one  from  St.  Apollinare 
nella  Citta  at  Ravenna,  the  third  (11th  century) 
from  St.  Urbano  at  Rome.  He  refers  also  to  a 
Gth-centuiy  ivory  in  the  Vatican.  One  of  the 
Lateran  sarcophagi  was  brought  from  the 
Liberian  Basilica,  commonly  known  as  the 
church  of  St.  Maria  Maggiore. 

The  subject  of  our  Lord  before  Pilate  is  twice 
repeated  on  the  lid  of  the  magnificent  ivory 
caskei  in  the  Biblioteca  Quiriniana  at  Brescia 
(Westwood,  Early  Christian  Sculptures  and  Ivory 
Carvings,  p.  37).  He  stands  before  Pilate  in  a 
group ;  and  in  another  before  Pilate  alone,  who 
is  in  the  act  of  washing  his  hands.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

PILGEIMAGE  (Peregrinatio).  A  pilgrim 
was  one  who  travelled  from  a  motive  of  religion 
to  any  place  considered  sacred,  because  pecu- 
liarly associated  with  the  memory  of  Christ  or 
any  of  the  saints.  The  growth  of  that  feeling 
towards  such  places  which  led  to  pilgrimages 
has  been  traced  in  the  article  on  Holy  Places, 
Vol.  I.  p.  774.  We  now  propose  to  speak  of  the 
chief  resorts  of  early  pilgrims,  their  immediate 
motives,  and  other  matters  of  interest  con- 
nected with  them. 

I.  TJie  Holy  Land. — Paula  and  Eustochium, 
writing  in  386,  suppose  that  there  had  been  a 
constant  stream  of  pilgrims  to  Jerusalem  from 
the  very  infancy  of  the  church  :  "  It  would  be 
tedious  now  to  run  through  every  age  from  the 
ascension  of  the  Lord  to  the  present  day,  and 
enumerate  the  bishops,  the  martyrs,  the  men 
eloquent  in  ecclesiastical  learning,  who  have 
come  to  Jerusalem,  because  they  thought  that 
they  had  less  religion,  less  knowledge,  and  had 
not,  as  the  phrase  is,  received  the  finishing 
stroke  of  their  virtues,  unless  they  had  adored 
Christ  in  those  places  whence  the  Gospel  had  first 
shone  forth  from  the  Cross  "  (-E^.  46  inter  Epp. 
Hieronym.  ad  Marcellam,  §  9).  The  record  of 
earlier  visits  is  scanty ;  but  it  is  probable  that 
these  writers  were  not  mistaken.  We  must  except 
from  the  holy  places  visited  by  their  pred-eces- 
sors  the  most  sacred  of  all ;  viz.  the  sepulchre 
of  Christ  and  Calvary,  which  from  the  time  of 
Adrian  to  that  of  Constantine  were  covered  by  a 
vast  mound  of  earth  surmounted  by  a  temple  of 
Venus.  It  is  to  be  observed,  however,  that 
Eusebius,  who  lived  in  Palestine,  and  was  sixty 
years  old  when  those  sites  were  uncovered, 
merely  says  that  the  heathen  madly  thought 
that  by  concealing  them  they  should  hide  the 
truth  ( Vita  Const,  iii.  26) ;  from  which  we 
should  not  infer  that  he  was  accustomed  to  see 
or  hear  of  crowds  of  pilgrims  eagerly  inquiring 
for  the  scene  of  every  great  Christian  event. 
On  the  other  hand,  Sozomen,  more  than  a 
century  later,  influenced  by  the  opinions  and  the 
custom  of  his  own  day,  clearly  supposes  that 
pilgrims  would  have  frequented  those  sites  in 
great  numbers  if  they  had  remained  exposed. 
According  to  him  the  heathen  hoped  that 
through  the  means  which  they  employed  "  the 
true  reason  of  the  reverence  paid  to  that  place 
would  in  the  course  of  time  be  forgotten,  Chris- 
tians neither  daring  to  frequent  it  themselves, 

CHRIST.    ANT. — VOL.    II. 


PILGRIMAGE 


l(jol 


nor  to  point  it  out  to  others  "  {Hist.  Ecd.  ii.  1). 
We  observe  also  that  the  iirst  visitors  to  the 
Holy  Land  of  whom  we  have  mention  were  at 
least  as  much  inquirers  as  devotees.  Alexander, 
the  first  whose  name  is  recorded,  is  expressly 
said  to  have  gone  there  evxvs  koX  ruv  rd-Kuv 
laropias  eVe/cej/  (Euseb.  Hist.  vi.  11).  Origen, 
his  friend,  A.D.  230,  describes  his  own  visit  to  the 
Holy  Land  as  a  "  search  after  the  footsteps  of 
Jesus  and  His  disciples  and  the  prophets " 
{Coiiim.  in  Ev.  S.  Joann.  torn.  vi.  §  24).  Fir- 
milian,  about  240,  is  more  vaguely  said  by 
Jerome  to  have  gone  to  Palestine  "sub  occa- 
sione  sanctorum  locorum  "  {De  Vir.  Must.  54). 

Helen,  the  mother  of  Constantine,  is  the  first 
pilgrim  to  the  Holy  Land  of  whose  visit  we  have 
anything  like  a  detailed  accoiint.  About  the 
year  328,  when  above  seventy  years  of  age,  she 
hastened  thither  to  offer  "  thank-offerings  by 
means  of  vows  (or  "  prayers ;  "  x^P^^'^^P^"'  5i' 
evxciv),  and  to  "  seek  knowledge  of  the  land 
worthy  of  veneration."  "  When  she  had 
bestowed  suitable  worship  on  the  footsteps  of 
the  Saviour,  in  accordance  with  the  saying  of 
the  prophet,  Let  us  worship  the  place  where 
His  feet  have  stood  (Ps.  cxxxii.  7),  she  forthwith 
bequeathed  to  posterity  a  fruit  of  her  personal 
devotion "  (Euseb.  Vit.  Const,  iii.  42)  in  two 
churches  which  she  built,  "  one  at  the  Cave  of 
the  Nativity,  the  other  on  the  Mount  of  the 
Ascension  "  (ib.  43).  About  five  years  after  the 
visit  of  Helen,  a  traveller  whose  name  is  un- 
known, though  the  diary  of  his  voyage  is 
extant  {Itinerarla  Romanorum,  Wesseling,  Am- 
stel.  1735,  pp.  549-617),  journeyed  from 
Bordeaux  to  Jerusalem,  whence  he  returned  by 
a  different  route  from  that  by  which  he  came. 
He  was  evidently  a  religious  pilgrim ;  for 
until  he  finds  himself  on  holy  ground,  his 
notes  are  rarely  more  than  a  record  of 
stages  and  distances.  He  gives  us  a  long 
list  of  sacred  places,  and  often  with  some 
remark  of  interest.  On  his  way  from  home  he 
saw  Tarsus,  the  birthplace  of  St.  Paul,  the  site 
of  the  house  (Sarepta,  not  mentioned)  where 
the  widow  sustained  Elijah,  Mount  Carmel, 
where  he  sacrificed,  the  bath  of  Cornelius  at 
Caesarea,  a  certain  spring  claiming  miraculous 
power  on  Mount  Sinai,  Stradela,  where  Ahab 
sat  and  Elijah  prophesied,  the  scene  of  David's 
victory  over  Goliath,  Mount  Gerizim,  Jacob's 
well  in  Sichar,  Luz,  where  he  saw  the  vision 
and  wrestled  with  the  angel,  and  where  the 
hand  of  Jeroboam  was  withered.  Arrived  at 
Jerusalem  he  saw  the  pools  made  by  Solomon  on 
either  side  the  temple,  the  two  called  Bethesda, 
a  crypt  in  which  Jewish  tradition  taught  that 
Solomon  had  confined  evil  spirits,  the  pinnacle 
of  the  Temptation,  the  place  where  Solomon  was 
said  to  have  written  the  book  of  Wisdom,  his 
reservoirs,  the  stone  stained  with  the  blood  of 
Zacharias,  the  marks  of  the  spikes  on  the 
caligae  of  the  soldiers  who  killed  him,  the  house 
of  Hezekiah,  the  pool  of  Siloam,  the  house  of 
Caiaphas,  and  the  pillar  at  which  our  Lord  was 
scourged,  the  site  of  the  house  of  David,  the 
walls  of  the  praetorium  of  Pilate.  Out  of 
the  city  he  visited  Mount  Golgotha,  and, 
a  stone's  throw  from  it  ("eighty  steps"), 
Antonini  Placcntini  Itincrarium,  19),  the  crypt 
in  which  the  body  of  Jesus  was  Inul, 
the  church   lately  built  there  by  Constantine, 


1636 


PILGKIMAGE 


the  Valley  of  Jehoshaphat,  the  sceue  of  the 
betrayal,  the  monuments  of  Hezekiah  and 
Isaiah,  Mount  Olivet  and  the  new  church 
thereon,  the  Mount  of  Transfiguration,  the  grave 
of  Lazarus,  the  sycamore  of  Zacchaeus,  the 
fountain  made  wholesome  by  Elisha,  where  was 
shewn  him  the  vessel  that  held  the  salt,  the 
house  of  Rahab,  the  site  of  the  pile  of  twelve 
stones  from  the  Jordan,  the  place  of  our  Lord's 
baptism,  the  little  hill  whence  Elijah  was  taken 
up  to  heaven,  the  tomb  of  Rachel,  Bethlehem, 
and  the  church  built  there  by  Helen,  the  tombs 
of  Ezekiel,  David,  Solomon,  &c.,  near  it,  the 
spring  at  which  Philip  baptized  the  eunuch,  the 
place  where  Abraham  dwelt  under  a  terebinth 
tree"  (Gen.  sviii.  4)  and  dug  a  well.  In  return- 
ing home  he  notes  all  the  stages,  as  before,  but 
only  connects  one  with  sacred  history,  viz. 
Philippi,  where  Paul  and  Silas  were  imprisoned. 

It  will  be  observed  that  in  this  careful 
enumeration  of  sacred  objects  and  places  there 
is  no  mention  of  that  which  a  few  years  later 
was  the  chief  attraction  of  pilgrims  to  Jeru- 
salem, the  supposed  cross  of  Christ.  This  at 
once  disproves  the  later  tradition  of  its  having 
been-  found  by  Helen  [Cross,  finding  of.  Vol.  I. 
p.  504 ;  Holy  Places,  iii.  Vol.  I.  p.  776].  Many 
instances  occur  of  pilgrims  going  to  Jerusalem 
"  to  adore  the  holy  cross,"  see  e.g.  the  accounts 
of  John  of  Sochus  (John  Moschus,  Pratum 
Spirit.  180),  Thalelaeus  {ih.  91),  Christopher 
(lb.  105),  Theophilus  and  his  two  companions 
Vita  Macarii  Bom.  3),  the  author  of  the  Life  of 
Suthymius  (Vita  Euth.  136),  &c. 

Paula,  the  friend  of  Jerome,  visited  every 
sacred  place  and  object  of  which  she  obtained 
information.  "  Entering  the  sepulchre  she 
kissed  the  stone  of  the  resurrection,  which  the 
angel  had  moved  away  from  the  door  of  the 
tomb  ;  and  licked  with  faithful  mouth  the  very 
place  of  the  body  in  which  the  Lord  had  lain  ; 
as  if  being  athirst  she  longed  for  water."  "  A 
pillar  was  shewn  to  her,  supporting  the  porch 
of  a  church,  stained  with  the  Lord's  blood, 
at  which  He  is  said  to  have  been  bound  and 
scourged.  The  place  was  shewn  to  her  where 
the  Holy  Ghost  came  down  on  above  one  hundred 
souls  of  believers."  Having  "  entered  Beth- 
lehem, going  into  the  cave  of  the  Saviour,  after 
seeing  the  sacred  lodging  of  the  Virgin  and  the 
stall  .  .  .  she  solemnly  affirmed  in  my  presence 
that  she  saw  with  the  eyes  of  faith  the  babe 
wrapped  in  swaddling  clothes,  the  Lord  wailing 
in  the  manger,  the  Magi  worshipping,  the  star 
shining  above,  the  virgin  mother,  the  careful 
foster-father,  the  shepherds  coming  by  night  .  .  . 
the  infants  slain,  Herod  raging,  Joseph  and 
Mary  fleeing  into  Egypt."  "Thence  she  went 
down  to  the  tower  Ader,  i.e.  of  the  flock,  near 
which  Jacob  fed  his  flocks,  and  the  shepherds 
watching  by  night  were  privileged  to  hear, 
*'  Glory  to  God  in  the  highest,"  &c.  She  saw 
"  the  glittering  cross  of  Mount  Olivet,  from 
which  the  Saviour  ascended  to  the  Father  .  .  . 
entered  the  sepulchre  of  Lazarus,  saw  the  house 
of  Martha  and  Mary,  and  Bethphage,"  the  spot 


»  "  Juxta  Ebron  Mons  JIambre  ad  radicem  cujus  est 
ilia  terebintus,  quae  dirxis  vocatur,  id    est,  ilex  vel 
quercus,    secus    quam    permuitum    temporis 
Abraam  "  (Enarratio  Locorum  Terrae  Sanctae,  Bali 
MUcdl.  by  Mansi,  j.  345), 


PILGRIMAGE 

where  Christ  mounted  the  ass,  the  scene  of  the 
parable  of  the  good  Samaritan,  the  sycamore  of 
Zacchaeus,  the  place  where  the  blind  man  stood 
by  the  wayside.  She  also  travelled  to  many  places 
in  Palestine  of  note  in  the  history  of  the  Old 
Testament,  both  before  and  after  her  visit  to 
Jerusalem  ;  and  lastly  went  to  Egypt,  where  she 
would  probably  have  remained  among  the 
ascetics  of  the  desert,  ''  ni  majus  sanctorum 
locorum  retraxisset  desiderium"  (Hieron.  Ep. 
108  ad  Eustoch.  9-14).  We  have  omitted  much 
of  her  toui-,  but  given  enough  to  show  that 
pilgrims  were  now  directed  to  many  holy  places 
which  their  guides  did  not  profess  themselves 
able  to  identify  when  some  sixty  years  before 
the  pilgrim  of  Bordeaux  travelled  over  the 
same  ground.  Paula  sketched  a  similar  route 
for  herself  and  her  friend  Marcella  when  the 
latter  should  travel  to  the  Holy  Land  (Paul,  et 
Eustoch.  ad  Marc.  Ep.  46  inter  Epp.  Hieron. 
§  12).  Gaudentius  of  Brescia,  A.D.  387,  men- 
tions a  pilgrimage  that  he  made  to  Jerusalem, 
but  gives  no  particulars  (Z>e  Dedic.  Basilicae  in 
Vet.  Brix.  Episc.  Opusc.  340,  Brix.  1738). 

At  this  period  and  onward  the  notices  of  pil- 
grimages to  Jerusalem  are  very  frequent.  For 
thirty-seven  years,  Melania  the  elder,  who  died 
in  410,  exercised  hospitality  towards  Christians 
who  came  to  that  city  "  for  their  vow's  sake, 
both  bishops,  and  monks  and  virgins,  and  those 
joined  in  marriage,  towards  persons  both  in 
high  position  and  those  of  private  condition,  .  .  , 
inhabitants  of  Persia,  and  Britain,  and  all  the 
isles"  (Pallad.  Hist.  Laus.  118).  The  Arabic 
collection  of  canons,  falsely  ascribed  to  the 
council  of  Nicaea,  says,  "  Faithful  sons  of  the 
Chui-ch  of  God,  when  ye  enter  on  a  pilgrimage 
to  pray  and  visit  the  houses  of  God,  the  places 
of  His  holiness,  and  the  footsteps  of  His  Christ, 
load  not  your  bodies  with  meat  and  drink,"  &c. 
{Deer.  Alia.,  25 ;  Hard.  i.  520).  Some  eminent 
names  are  preserved.  Philorhomus,  a  friend  of 
St.  Basil,  "  for  a  vow  went  twice  on  foot  to 
Jerusalem  to  do  honour  to  the  holy  places " 
{ibid.  113).  Fabiola,  who  died  in  399,  sailed 
thither  from  Rome,  and  for  a  time  was  the  guest 
and  disciple  of  St.  Jerome  (Hier.  Ep.  77  ad 
Ocean.  7).  A  few  years  later  Maraua  and  Cyra 
travelled  from  Beroea  in  Syria  "  to  Aelia  from  a 
desire  to  behold  tiie  sacred  places  of  Christ's 
suflerings  "  (Theodoret,  Hist.  Belig.  29).  Peter, 
who  was  known  to  Theodoret  when  the  latter 
was  a  child,  is  another  example.  In  421,  Por- 
phyrius  of  Gaza,  then  a  young  man,  was  seized 
with  a  "  divine  longing  to  adore  the  holy  and 
venerable  places  of  God  "  at  Jerusalem.  Not 
content  with  one  visit,  some  five  years  later, 
though  in  great  sickness,  he  went  there  again, 
and  "non  cessabat  quotidie  obire  loca  sancta, 
innitens  baculo  "  (  Vita  Porph.  i.  4,  auct.  Marco 
Diac.)  About  this  time  also,  Mark,  his  bio- 
grapher, happened  to  "  sail  out  of  Asia  to 
worship  the  holy  places  "  {ibid.  5).  The  empress 
Eudocia  went  as  a  pilgrim  to  Jerusalem  in  438 
(Socrat.  Hist.  Eccl.  vii.  47).  She  also  spent 
there  the  last  ten  or  eleven  years  of  her  life, 
and  evinced  her  religious  interest  in  the  holy 
city  by  repairing  its  walls,  founding  monasteries, 
and  building  the  church  of  St.  Stephen  at  the 
place  of  his  martyrdom  (Evagr.  Hist.  Eccl.  i. 
21,  22).  Licinius,  bishop  of  Tours,  A.D.  508, 
"  is  said  to  have  been  in  the  East  and  to  have 


PILGKIMAGE 

visited  the  places  of  the  saints,  and  to  have  gone 
to  Jerusalem  itself,  and  often  seen  the  places  of 
the  Lord's  passion  and  resurrection,  of  which  we 
read  in  the  Gospels  "  (Greg.  Tur.  Hist.  Franc,  ii. 
39).  Martin,  a  Pannonian  by  birth,  afterwards 
bishop  of  the  monastery  of  Dumium,  and  in 
562  archbishop  of  Braga,  "  made  a  rapid  voyage 
to  the  East  to  visit  the  holy  places,  and  so 
imbued  himself  with  learning  as  to  be  considered 
inferior  to  no  one  of  his  day  "  (ibid.  v.  38  ;  Isid. 
Hispal.  De  Yir.  Ulus.  45).  Many  other  names 
might  be  given ;  but  the  details  in  each  case  are 
so  scanty  and  devoid  of  interest,  and  so  few  of 
them  come  to  us  from  authors  of  full  credit, 
that  it  would  be  useless  to  attempt  an  account 
of  all.  There  is  one  traveller,  however,  who 
visited  Jerusalem  in  690,  the  narrative  of  whose 
voyage  is  of  great  importance  both  from  its 
fulness  and  authenticity.  This  was  Arculphus, 
a  French  bishop,  of  see  unknown,  who,  under 
the  guidance  of  Peter,  a  Burgundian  by  birth, 
but  living  as  a  hermit  in  the  Holy  Land,  saw  the 
places  of  chief  religious  interest  therein,  and  spent 
nine  months  at  Jerusalem.  On  his  return  home, 
"driven  by  stress  of  weather  to  the  western 
parts  of  Britain "  (Bede,  Hist.  Eccl  v.  15),  he 
became  a  guest  of  Adamnanus,  the  ninth  abbat 
of  Hy,  who  took  down  from  his  mouth  an 
account  of  his  pilgrimage,  and  a  few  years  later 
presented  it  to  king  Alfred.  The  treatise  of 
Bede  de  Sanctis  Locis  is  founded  on  it,  and 
some  extracts  are  found  in  his  History  (v. 
15-17) ;  but  the  work  itself  is  extant,  and  has 
been  printed  by  Gretser  (Ingolst.  1619)  and 
llabillon  {Acta  SS.  Ben.  saec.  3).  From  this  we 
may  learn  that  many  new  discoveries  and  iden- 
tifications were  alleged  to  have  been  made  since 
the  days  of  Paula,  by  which  the  faith  of  the 
pilgrim  was  confirmed  and  rewarded.  The 
cross  was  not  then  at  Jerusalem,  but  its 
place  was  well  supplied  by  the  stone  that  had 
been  at  the  door  of  the  sepulchre,  the  cup  used 
at  the  last  supper  ("  which  the  whole  people  of 
the  city  treat  with  immense  veneration "),  the 
sponge,  the  spear,  the  handkerchief  by  which 
the  head  of  our  Lord  was  covered,  a  linen  cloth 
woven  by  the  blessed  Virgin  on  which  were 
wi-ought  figures  of  our  Lord  and  the  twelve 
apostles,  a  pillar  set  up  where  the  dead  man  was 
brought  to  life  by  the  touch  of  the  true  cross  (Be 
Log.  Sand.  i.  4, '7-12).  The  spear,  the  sponge, 
the  reed,  and  crown  of  thorns  are  mentioned  by 
Gregory  of  Tours  (Mirac.  i.  7)  in  the  6th 
century,  but  the  two  latter  were  not  seen  by 
Arculphus.  Outside  Jerusalem  he  was  taken  to 
the  Field  of  Blood,  and  the  tree  on  which  Judas 
hanged  himself  (17,  19).  He  saw  (and  is  the 
first  to  mention)  the  footprints  of  Christ  on  the 
Mount  of  Ascension,  miraculously  permanent  in 
the  loose  sand  (22).  At  Bethlehem  he  was 
shewn  a  natural  basin  in  the  rock  full  of  pure 
water,  which  had  miraculously  appeared  on  the 
spot  where  the  water  in  which  the  infant  Jesus 
was  first  washed  had  been  thrown  (ii.  3). 
There  too  he  was  conducted  to  the  tombs  of  St. 
Jerome,  the  three  shepherds,  and  Rachel  (5-7), 
while  in  the  valley  of  Mamre  he  found  those 
of  Adam  and  the  three  patriarchs  (10).  The 
remains  of  the  oak  of  Mamre,  splinters  of  which 
•were  in  great  request  all  over  the  world,  were 
enclosed  and  covered  by  a  church  (11).  lu  a 
chapel  built  near  the  place  of  our  Lord's  baptism, 


PILGRIMAGE 


1G3; 


he  saw  preserved  the  garments  in  wliich  He  was 
baptized  (16).  A  comparison  of  the  i)resent 
list  with  those  given  before  shews  that  the  taste 
and  spirit  of  each  age  ruled  the  nature  of  the 
object  proposed  to  its  veneration.  As  super- 
stition became  more  gross  and  childish,  new 
food,  such  as  it  craved  for,  was  still  supplied. 

About  the  year  725,  WillibalJ,  the  nephew  of 
St.  Boniface,  visited  the  Holy  Land.  Besides 
objects  already  mentioned,  he  saw  the  places  in 
which  the  infimts  were  slain,  Dorcas  restored  to 
life,  and  where  the  Jews  strove  to  take  the  body 
of  the  blessed  Virgin  from  the  apostles.  He  also 
found  in  the  Church  of  the  Sepulchre  two  columns 
marking  the  places  on  which  the  two  angels 
(Acts  i.  10)  stood,  and  was  told  that  "  whoever 
could  creep  between  the  wall  and  those  pillars 
was  free  from  his  sins  "  (  Willib.  Hodoeporicon  in 
Basnag.  Thesaur.  Monum.  Scales,  ii.  p.  i.  112, 113, 
Amstel.  1725).  In  the  Itinerarium  of  later  but 
uncertain  age,  falsely  ascribed  to  Antoninus  of 
Placentia,  we  observe  the  further  progress  of 
what  we  must,  however  reluctantly,  deem  im- 
posture. For,  to  omit  new  identifications  of 
place,  we  there  read  of  the  lamp  "  which  had 
been  placed  at  the  head  of  our  Lord  when  He 
was  buried  "  (§  18),  of  blood  seen  where  He  was 
crucified  (26.),  of  the  altar  on  which  Abraham 
was  about  to  offer  Isaac  (19),  the  title  which 
Pilate  affi.xed  to  the  cross,  which  the  writer  "  held 
in  his  hand  and  kissed."  A  cross  was  also  shewn 
as  that  on  which  Christ  died,  though  the  Itinerary 
seems  to  have  been  written  long  after  that 
exhibited  in  Cyril's  time  had  been  carried  away. 
He  also  saw  the  reed  and  the  sponge  ("  cum  qua 
spongia  aquam  bibimus  ")  and  "  the  cup  of  onyx- 
stone  which  the  Lord  blessed  at  the  supper,"  a 
likeness  of  the  blessed  Virgin,  and  her  girdle  and 
head-band,  &c.  (20).  In  the  church  which  had 
been  the  house  of  James,  he  found  the  horn  with 
which  David  and  other  kings  of  Judah  had  been 
anointed,  the  crown  of  thorns,  the  spear,  and 
many  of  the  stones  with  which  Stephen  was 
stoned  (22).  The  tract  is,  as  the  Bollandists 
describe  it,  "  refertum  fabellis  plane  anilibus  " 
(Prolog,  in  Mali,  torn.  ii.  Migne,  n.  Ixxii.  897). 
We  do  not  hear  of  the  heavenly  fire  in  the  holy 
sepulchre  on  Easter  Eve,  an  imposture  practised 
to  this  day,  until  the  ninth  century.  It  is  then 
mentioned  by  Bernard,  a  French  pilgrim,  who 
visited  Jerusalem  in  870  (De  Locis  Sanctis,  §  10, 
in  Acta  Bencd.  iii.  p.  2,  p.  524).  According  to 
him,  an  angel  came  down  and  lighted  the  lamps 
hanging  over  the  sepulchre  ;  "  of  which  light 
the  patriarch  gives  to  the  bishops  and  the  rest 
of  the  people,  that  they  may  make  a  light  fiu' 
themselves  in  their  habitations."  To  this  pilgrim 
also  were  pointed  out  some  objects  of  reverence 
of  which  former  travellers  make  no  mention; 
as  the  iron  gates  through  which  the  angel  led 
St.  Peter  (§11),  the  place  of  the  betrayal  (§  12), 
four  round  tables  used  at  the  Last  Suj.per,  flie 
place  where  the  adulteress  was  brought  to  Christ, 
and  the  words  then  written  by  Him,  engraved 
on  marble  (§  13). 

IL  Roi)ic.  —  &i.  Chrysostom,  throughout  n 
lono-  panegyric  ou  St.  Paul,  dwells  on  his  wish  to 
visit  Rome  where  his  remains  wore  treasured 
(Horn,  xxxii.  in  Ep.  ad  liovi.  '-',  3  ;  //'"".  viii.  in 
Ep.  ad  Eph.  2).  At  this  period  Rome  could 
already  ofter  many  attractions  to  pilgrims  in  the 
shrines  and  other  memorials  of  St.  Pt'tor  .-in.l  St 


1638 


PILGKDIAGE 


Paul,  St.  Lawrence,  St.  Cassian,  St.  Hippolytus, 
St.  Aarnes,  &c.  (see  Prudentius  de  Coronis,  hymn. 
'2,  9,  11,  12,  14). 

"  Innumeros  cineres  sanctorum  Eomiila  in  urbe 
Vidimus."    (Prud.  u.  s.  11,  1.  1). 

Hence,  and  from  the  greater  facility  of  reaching 
it,  Rome  became  ere  long  a  more  common  resort 
of  European  pilgrims  than  the  Holy  Land  itself; 
e.  g.  Paulinus  of  Nola  made  an  "annual  journey" 
thither  (^Ep.  43  ad  Desid.  1 ;  Ep.  95,  Aug.  ad 
Paul.  6)  "  pro  apostolorum  et  martyrum  j 
veneratione  "  {Ep.  45  ad  Aug.  1).  He  describes  ' 
himself  as  spending  the  forenoon  on  one  of  these 
visits  in  the  memoriae  of  the  apostles  and  martyrs 
(^Ep  17  ad  Sever.  2).  Letters  are  extant,  written 
at  Rome  in  449  to  Theodosius  the  younger  by 
Galla  Placidia,  Valentinian,  and  his  wife  Eudosia, 
the  emperor's  daughter,  expressions  in  which 
show  that  the  wi'iters  had  gone  to  Rome  from  a 
motive  of  religion,  "  to  pay  worship  to  the  most 
blessed  apostle  Peter  "  (Concil.  Chalced.  p.  i.  cc. 
20-22,  Hard.  Cone.  ii.  35-37).  Galla,  in  a  letter 
written  to  Pulcheria  at  the  same  time,  says,  "  Ut 
Romam  freqquentibus  concursionibus  adaeque 
desiderepaus  inspicere,  causa  nobis  est  amplec- 
tendae  religionis,  ut  terminus  sanctorum  nostris 
exhiberemus  praesentiam  "  {ibid.  ;  in  Greek,  ap. 
Cotel.  Monum.  Gr.  i.  62).  Venantius,  in  his  Life  of 
St.  Remigius,  who  died  in  533,  tells  the  story  of  a 
young  girl  whose  wealthy  friends  conducted  her 
in  sickness  from  Toulouse  "to  the  tomb  of  St. 
Peter  in  the  city  of  Rome  with  a  very  great 
number  of  attendants  and  great  devotion  " 
(Ftia,§6). 

From  the  foregoing  testimonies,  we  may  perhaps 
infer  that  during  the  first  five  centuries  pilgrims 
went  to  Rome  chiefly,  if  not  entirely,  for  the 
feast  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul.  Compare  even  the 
later  Gregory  the  Great,  Epist.  vi.  19;  Horn,  in 
Ecang.  ii.  37,  §  9.  It  is  evident,  however,  that 
visitors  from  a  great  distance  could  not  even  at 
that  period,  and  much  less  could  they  in  the 
more  troubled  times  that  followed,  arrive  at 
Rome  by  a  given  day  with  anything  like  certainty. 
Hence,  after  the  7th  century  at  least,  we  find 
pilgrims  flocking  thither  at  every  part  of  the 
year.  The  first  visit  of  St.  Boniface  was  timed 
by  the  season  and  the  afl'airs  of  his  people  {Vita 
auct.  Willibaldo,  v.  14).  In  his  time  great  num- 
bers went  to  Rome  from  England  (Eangyth  ad 
Bonif.  Ep.  30,  ed.  Wiirdtus.).  The  stream  had 
begun  to  flow  about  653,  when  Benedict  Biscop 
paid  his  first  visit  to  Rome  (Bede,  Hist.  Abbat. 
Wiremuth.  §  2),  to  be  soon  followed  by  Wilfrid, 
who  had  been  his  companion  for  part  of  the  way. 
In  reference  to  the  journey  of  the  latter,  Eddi 
Stephani,  his  friend,  says  expressly  that  "  as 
yet  that  road  was  untrodden  by  our  nation  " 
{Vita  Wilfr.%3). 

The  "  limina  apostolorum  "  were  the  first 
objects  visited  by  pilgrims  and  probably  by  all 
religious  travellers  to  Rome.  Thus  Sidonius  of 
himself,  "  Priusquam  vel  pomoeria  contingerem 
triumphalibus  apostolorum  liminibus  afFusus " 
{Epp.  i.  5),  where  he  seems  to  refer  to  the  shrine 
on  the  Ostian  Way. 

III.  Other  Shrines. — St.  Chrysostom  says  that 
the  burial-places  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  St.  John 
and  St.  Thomas,  alone  among  the  apostles,  were 
known  in  his  day  {Horn.  xxvi.  in  Ep.  ad  Heb.  2). 
Of  St.  Thomas,  Gregory  of  Tours  tells  us  that 


PILGRIMAGE 

"  m  that  part  of  India  in  which  he  first  reposed  " 
there  was  a  church  in  which  "  by  the  virtue  of 
the  apostle  "  a  lamp  burnt  perpetually  without 
any  renewal  either  of  oil  or  wick.  Thither,  he 
says,  "  when  his  festival  came,  a  great  assemblage 
of  the  peoples  gathered,  and  those  from  diverse 
regions  coming  with  vows  and  merchandise " 
{Mirac.  i.  32).  A  story  told  by  Socrates  {Hist. 
EccL  iv.  18)  seems  to  imply  that  Edessa,  to  which 
city  his  body,  or  a  part  of  it,  was  translated, 
was  equally  frequented  on  that  account.  We 
read  little  of  the  tomb  of  St.  John  at  Ephesus, 
but  it  is  incidentally  mentioned  by  John  Moschus 
as  visited  with  other  shrines  by  an  ascetic  of 
the  same  name,  who  was  wont  to  leave  home 
"for  the  distant  deserts,  or  for  Jerusalem  to 
worship  the  holy  cross  and  the  holy  places,  or 
for  Mount  Sinai  to  pray  there,  or  for  the  martyrs 
at  long  distances  from  Jerusalem ;  for  the  old  man 
was  a  great  lover  of  martyrs,  and  would  go  away 
at  one  time  to  St.  John  at  Ephesus,  at  another 
to  St.  Theodore  at  Euchaita,  and  again  into 
Isauria  to  St.  Thecla  at  Seleucia,  and  again  to 
St.  Sergius  at  Saphae,  and  journey  one  while  to 
one  saint,  and  another  to  another  "  {Prat.  Spirit. 
180).  In  the  East,  the  tomb  of  Thecla  had  many 
visitors.  In  the  West,  St.  Felix  of  Nola  was  one 
especially  famous.  If  we  may  believe  the  poetical 
account  of  Paulinus,  multitudes  flocked  to  it  at 
his  festival  from  every  part  of  Italy,  even  from 
Rome  itself  {Poem.  xiv.  Nat.  iii.  54-85).  Per- 
haps, however,  no  shrine  was  so  popular  with 
pilgrims  in  search  of  health  as  that  of  St.  Martin 
at  Tours,  where  he  was  reported  to  have  per- 
formed numberless  cures  of  which  very  many 
are  recorded  by  Gregory,  573,  one  of  his  suc- 
cessors in  the  see  {Do  Mirac.  S.  Martini,  libr.  iv.). 

IV.  Mural  Inscriptions  by  Pilgrims. — The  cata- 
combs of  Rome  have  preserved  a  great  number 
of  these  graffiti  traced  with  a  stilus  or  with 
charcoal  on  the  walls  by  the  tombs  of  the  most 
illustrious  martyrs.  Many  of  the  earliest,  ascribed 
to  the  2nd  or  3rd  century,  "  merely  express  the 
names  of  the  visitors  ;  but  others  offer  pious 
thoughts  and  touching  prayers  "  (Martigny, 
Diet,  des  Antiq.  chre't.  v.  "  Pelerinage  "). 

V.  3fotive$  to  Pilgrimage.— {!)  Eesearch. — The 
first  resort  of  pilgrims  was  to  the  Holy  Land ; 
and  their  purpose,  research,  which  they  con- 
ducted in  a  devout  and  reverential  spirit.  [See 
before,  §  I.] 

(2)  Voivs. — If  Eusebius  is  not  merely  speaking 
after  the  notions  of  his  day,  Alexander,  the 
earliest  pilgrim  on  record,  combined  research 
with  the  fulfilment  of  a  vow.  Vows  are 
ascribed  to  Helena  {Canonum  Nicaen.  Arab. 
Praef.  Hard.  Cwic.  i.  525).  Palladius,  as  cited 
§  I.,  evidently  supposes  that  all  who  received  the 
hospitality  of  Melania  went  to  Jerusalem  "for 
their  vow's  sake."  Philorhomus  and  Eudocia, 
mentioned  before  {ibid.),  had  both  vowed  a  pil- 
grimage ;  the  latter,  if  she  should  see  her 
daughter  married  (Socr.  Hist.  EccL  v'n.  47). 
Paulinus,  describing  his  own  visit  to  Rome, 
speaks  thus  :  "  Ipsum  temporis  ante  meridiam 
in  votis  nostris  quoi-um  cura  vcncramiis  per  apos- 
tolorum et  martyrum  sacras  memorias  con- 
sumentes"  {Ep.  17,  §  2).  Wilfrid,  653,  has 
made  vows  to  visit  Rome  (Eddi  Steph.  in  Vita 
4),  and  long  after  him  Canute,  after  such  a 
pilgrimage,  says  of  himself,  "Hanc  quidem  pro- 
fectionem  jam  olim  devoveram  "  (Gul.  Malmesb. 


PILGEIMAGE 

dc  Reb.  Gest.  Reg.  Angl.  ii.  11,  fol.  41  B,  Lond. 
1596).  So  a  nun  in  Flodoard  makes  a  vow  with 
others  "  ut  iret  ad  locum  sancti  pignoris,"  viz. 
a  relic  of  St.  Helen  {Hist.  Ecdes.  Remens.  ii.  9). 
(3)  Baptism. — It  is  probable  that  many  cate- 
chumens sought  the  Holy  Land  from  an  early 
period  that  they  might  be  baptized  in  the 
Jordan.  Constantine,  in  337,  when  asking  for 
baptism  of  the  bishops  at  Nicomedia,  says,  "  I 
intended  formerly  to  do  this  at  the  stream  of  the 
Joi'dan ;  at  which  our  Saviour  is  recorded  to 
have  received  the  washing  for  an  example  to  us  " 
(Euseb.  Vita  Const,  iv.  62).  Eusebius  (De  Locis 
Hehraicis)  says  of  "  Bethabara  beyond  Jordan 
where  John  was  baptizing "  (St.  John  i.  28), 
"  where  also  many  of  the  brethren  to  this  day 
are  anxious  to  receive  the  washing";  or  as  St. 
Jei-ome  paraphrases  his  words,  "  desiring  to  be 
reborn  there,  are  baptized  in  the  life-giving 
flood  "  {De  Sit.  et  Xom.  Loc.  Hebr.  0pp.  torn.  iii. 
col.  182,  ed.  Vallars.).  If  Pseudo-Amphilochius 
may  be  trusted,  St.  Basil  and  Eubulus  intreated 
the  bishop  of  Jerusalem  that  they  might  "  receive 
divine  regeneration  in  the  river  Jordan,"  which 
was  permitted  {Vita  Basil.  4).  See  another 
example,  Prat.  Spirit.  138.  The  eve  of  the 
Epiphany  was  the  usual  time  for  such  baptisms, 
at  which  the  people  carried  away  of  the  conse- 
crated water  to  sprinkle  their  ships  with  it 
before  they  went  to  sea,  and  dipped  themselves 
"  pro  benedictione,"  and  linen  clothes  which 
they  kept  for  their  burial  {/tinerarium  Antonini 
Plac.  11).  In  the  account  of  the  pilgrimage  of 
St.  Willibald,  written  in  765,  we  read,  "  On  the 
Jordan,  where  the  Lord  was  baptized,  there  is 
now  a  church  raised  on  stone  piers,  and  beneath 
the  chui'ch  is  now  dry  land,  where  the  Lord  was 
baptized"  {ffodoeporicon  S.  Will,  in  Basnage, 
Thesaur.  Monum.  ii.  p.  i.  p.  111). 

A  similar  sentiment  seems  to  have  led  some 
catechumens  to  Rome.  Thus  Ceadwal,  king  of 
Wessex,  A.d.  088,  resigning  his  crown,  "  went  to 
Rome,  desiring  to  obtain  for  himself  this  special 
glory,  viz.  to  be  washed  in  the  fount  of  baptism 
at  the  thresholds  of  the  blessed  apostles  "  (Bede, 
Hist.  Ecd.  Angl.  v.  7). 

(4)  Devotion. — The  object  of  most  pilgrims, 
however,  is  best  described  as  prayer  in  some  holy 
place  or  before  some  holy  thing.  Faith  was 
confirmed  and  devotion  inflamed  by  sight ;  and 
the  more  fervent  the  prayer  the  more  acceptable 
was  it  deemed,  from  whatever  cause  its  greater 
fervour  might  arise.  Peter  the  Galatian  visited 
Palestine,  that  "  gazing  on  the  places  that  had 
witnessed  the  saving  sufferings  he  might  in 
them  worship  God  the  Saviour ;  not  as  if  He 
were  circumscribed  by  place,  .  .  .  but  that  he 
might  feast  his  eyes  with  the  contemplation  of 
the  things  he  desired  "  (Theodoret,  Hist.  Relig. 
9).  This  is  the  spirit  which  we  observe  in 
Paula  {Epist.  ad  Marccll.  §  5  ;  Ep.  46,  inter 
Hieron.  Epp.).  We  have  already  (§  1)  seen  such 
emotions  ascribed  to  Paula  by  St.  Jerome  in 
terms  which  shew  how  liighly  he  valued  and 
respected  them  ;  though  reason  and  exj)erience 
]eJ  him  to  warn  the  ordinary  Christian  against 
the  same  pilgrimage.  [See  HoLY  Places,  §  II. 
Vol.  I.  p.  7750 

The  motive  of  such  pilgrims  was  therefore  a 
loving  desire  to  trace  the  footsteps  of  Christ  and 
the  saints;  while  they  knew  and  confessed  that 
an  equal  devotion  elsewhere    would  have   met 


PILGEIMAGE 


1639 


with  an  equal  reward.  This  is  implied  bv  Theo- 
doret (above)  ;  and  so  St.  Jerome  :  "  I  dare  not 
confine  the  omnipotence  of  God  to  one  narrow 
corner  of  the  world.  .  .  .  From  Jerusalem 
and  from  Britain  the  court  of  heaven  is  equally 
open."  {Epist.  58  ad  Paulin.  2,  3  ;  comp.  Paula, 
M.  s.  §  10.)  St.  Chrysostom :  "  It  is  not  neces- 
sary to  make  a  pilgrimage,  or  travel  to  distant 
lands,  or  to  undergo  dangers  and  toils  ;  but  only 
to  have  the  will "  {Horn.  i.  in  Ep.  ad  Philcm. 
§  2).  "  There  is  no  occasion  to  cross  the  sea,  and 
to  make  a  long  pilgrimage.  Let  us,  every  man 
and  woman,  both  when  gathered  at  church  and 
remaining  at  home,  call  on  God  with  great 
earnestness  and  He  will  certainly  grant  our 
prayers."  {Horn.  iii.  ad  Antioch.  2.)  Gre-ory  of 
Nyssa,  dissuading  from  the  pilgrimage  to  Jeru- 
salem, says,  "  Change  of  place  does  not  make 
God  nearer  ;"  but  wherever  thou  art,  God  will 
be  with  thee  there,  if  the  tabernacle  of  the  soul 
be  found  such  that  the  Lord  may  dwell  in  thee 
and  walk  in  thee  "  {de  Eunt.  Hieros.  ii.  1087). 

(5)  Prayer  for  a  Specific  Benefit. — There  was, 
nevertheless,  some  inconsistency  on  this  point  in 
the  teaching  of  the  fathers  of  that  period.  They 
sometimes  spoke  as  if  God  were  more  easily  pro- 
pitiated at  the  shrines  of  the  martyrs  than  else- 
where.   [See  Pateon  Saints]. 

Where  once  this  opinion  of  the  prerogative 
of  prayer  at  a  mart3'r's  shrine  became  general, 
it  necessarily  gave  a  great  impetus  to  pilgrim- 
ages. Men  were  ready  to  travel  any  distance  to 
obtain  certainly  a  benefit,  which  prayer  could 
not  procure  for  them  at  home.  The  restoration  of 
health  was  the  boon  most  commonly  sought ;  but 
nothing  was  supposed  to  be  beyond  the  power  or 
the  goodwill  of  the  martyr.  Some,  therefore, 
asked  for  children  (Basil.  Horn,  in  xl.  Jlart.  8), 
some  for  success  in  business  (id.  Horn,  in  Mam.  1) 
or  war  (Greg.  Tur.  Hist.  Fr.  ii.  37),  or  for  the 
continuance  of  peace  {ibid.  iii.  28),  or  for  the 
detection  of  guilt  and  vindication  of  innocence 
(Aug.  Epist.  Ixxviii.  3).  Others  prayed  for  the 
"souls  of  the  departed.  To  a  son  who  is  repre- 
sented asking,  in  reference  to  a  pious  father, 
"  Why  should  I  pray  for  him,  why  give  alms, 
why  fast,  why  visit  the  bodies  of  the  saints  ?  " 
the  assurance  is  given,  "  It  is  a  holy  and  whole- 
some thought  to  pray  for  the  dead  (2  Mace.  xii. 
46),  .  .  .  and  to  make  pilgrimages  that  they  may 
be  released  from  their  sins  "  (Pseudo-Aug.  Scrm. 
ad  Fratr.  in  Ercino,  44;  0pp.  S.  Aug.  app.v). 
With  equal  confidence  men  undertook  pilgrim- 
ages as  a  means  of  obtaining  spiritual  benefits 
for  themselves.  Thus  Caesarius,  A.D.  502, 
thought  that  grace  to  overcome  sinful  habits 
would  be  granted  to  the  pilgrim :  "  Frequenting 
the  thresh'old  of  the  saints,  they  would  implore 
their  help  against  the  sins  themselves  "  (&m. 
GO,  §  3).  Victory  over  sin  would  insure  its 
forgiveness  ;  and  this,  also,  the  penitent  i>ilgrim 
asked  for  in  direct  terms.  E.  g.  Lotliair,  A.D. 
560,  "in  the  51st  year  of  his  reign,  sought  the 
threshold  of  St.  Martin  with  many  gi(ts,  and 
arriving  at  Tours,  at  the  tomb  of  the  said  i)rel.ite. 
unfolded  all  the  actions  which  lie  liad  done  .imiss 
and  prayed  with  great  groans  that  the  blessed 
confessor  would  beg  the  mercy  of  God  for  l.is 
faults  "  (Greg.  Tur.  flist.  Fr.  iv.  21).  S.nulariv, 
Pepin  in  763,  went  to  Tours  to  implore  bt.  Martii. 
"  that  he  would  deign  to  beseech  the  mercy  of 
God  for  his  crimes  "  (Fredegar.  Hist.  Qreg.  Con- 


:I640 


PILGRIMAGE 


tin.  iv.  135).  In  England  also,  during  the  same 
century,  we  find  persons  planning  a  visit  to 
Rome,  "  that  there  they  might  obtain  the  pardon 
of  their  sins "  (Cangyth  ad  Bonif.  Ep.  30  inter 
Epp.  Bonif.  ed.  Wiirdtw.).  Wilfrid  went  to 
Rome,  "  ab  ea  \_sc.  sede  Apostolica]  omnem  modum 
maculae  solvendum  sibi  credens  "  (^Vita,  §  3). 

Such  voluntary  penitents  were  known  by  their 
habit  from  the  6th  century  downwards,  but  I 
cannot  discover  what  its  pecularities  were. 
Venantius  Fortunatus,  560,  relating  an  old  tra- 
dition, represents  one  whom  he  calls  "  righteous 
and  holy  "  as  "  going  the  round  of  very  many 
villages  and  cities  in  the  winter  season,  wearing 
the  habit  of  a  penitent,  in  search  of  the  medicine 
of  his  soul  "  ( Vita  S.  Maurilii,  24).  I  do  not 
take  this  as  evidence  of  a  practice  much  earlier 
than  the  age  of  the  writer. 

(6)  Penance. — Pilgrimages  voluntarily  under- 
taken in  the  hope  of  obtaining  the  pardon  of  sin, 
naturally  suggested  the  imposition  of  pilgrimage 
as  a  public  penance.  Morinus  (de  Sacram. 
Pocnit.  viii.  17,  §  1)  supposes  that  this  custom  did 
not  begin  before  the  7th  century  ;  but  even  if 
Oaesarius  (u.  s.)  refers  to  voluntary  pilgrimages 
only,  a  passage  in  Gregory  of  Tours  is  sufficient 
to  prove  it  earlier.  He  relates  that,  about  the 
year  539,  "  a  certain  fratricide,  bound  with  iron 
rings  for  the  enormity  of  his  crime,  was  ordered 
to  make  the  circuit  of  the  places  of  the  saints 
for  seven  years "  (de  Glor.  Confess.  87).  The 
penance  here  described  was  afterwards  common 
in  the  cases  of  aggravated  murder,  the  rings 
being  made  from  the  w^eapon  with  which  the 
crime  had  been  committed :  "  Ipso  decernente 
pontifice,  ex  ipso  gladio  ferrei  nexus  compo- 
nantur,  et  coUum  peccatoris,  venter  atquebrachia, 
strictim  innectantur  ex  ipsis  ferreis  vinculis  " 
(Mirac.  SS.  Floriani  et  Florentii,  Martene  de  Ant. 
Eccl.  Bit.  i.  vi.  iv.  2  ;  see  also  Baluze,  Not.  in 
Capit.  Peg.  Franc,  ii.  1198). 

The  earliest  canons  which  prescribe  pilgrimage 
as  a  penance  do  not,  as  we  shall  see,  mention 
the  holy  places ;  but  that  they  were  visited  by 
tbe  professed  penitents  may  be  shewn  from 
other  documents.  The  Poenitentiale  of  Theodore 
of  Canterbui-y,  a.d.  688,  condemns  a  bishop,  for 
certain  sins,  to  be  deposed,  to  be  twenty-five 
years  in  penance,  to  fast  five  on  bread  and  water, 
and  to  "  end  the  days  of  his  life  in  pilgrimage  " 
(Morinus,  u.  s.  vii.  15,  §  1).  Egbert,  archbishop  of 
York,  732,  of  a  homicide  :  "  For  we  will  that  he 
perform  penance  in  a  foreign  land  ten  years  " 
{Poenitentiale,  i.  p.  i.  24).  [Exile.]  The  mur- 
derer of  an  ordained  person  was  to  "  leave  his 
country  and  possessions  and  go  to  Rome  to 
the  pope,  and  then  do  as  the  pope  should 
order  him "  {Poenit.  iv.  6).  The  council  of 
Chalons-sur-Saone,  813,  while  condemning  pil- 
grimages from  wrong  motives,  yet  declares  that 
the  devotion  of  those  who,  having  confessed 
sin  to  their  parish  priest  and  received  his 
counsel  to  that  effect,  "  desire  to  visit  the  thresh- 
olds of  the  apostles  or  any  of  the  saints,  per- 
severing in  prayer,  giving  alms,  amending  their 
life,  anl  correcting  their  manners,  is  altogether 
worthy  of  commendation"  (can.  45).  From 
this  century  downwards,  many  great  criminals 
resorted  to  Rome  to  obtain  mitigation  of  the 
penance  imposed  by  their  own  bishop.  Nicholas 
I.,  867,  writing  to  a  bishop  with  reference  to 
such  a  case,  says  :  "  Undique  etenim   venientes 


PILGRIMAGE 

admodnm  plurimi,  suorum  facinorum  proditores, 
quantum  dolorem  inferant  pectori  nostro,  plus 
singultu  reminiscimur  quam  calamo  scribi  queat. 
Inter  quos  videlicet  istum  Wimarum  ad  aposto- 
lorum  limina  festinasse  cognoscite."  This  man 
had  murdered  his  three  sons  ;  yet  the  pope 
lightened  his  penance  {Epist.  Nic.  136  ad  Rivo- 
ladruni).  We  see  here  one  of  the  many  ways  in 
which  the  action  of  the  popes,  ever  anxious  to 
keep  up  by  exercise  the  authority  which  they 
had  acquired,  tended  to  the  destruction  of  all 
discipline.  In  such  pilgrimages  also  we  trace 
the  origin  of  reserved  cases,  i.e.  of  the  practice 
of  referring  some  great  sins  to  Rome  for  abso- 
lution. 

VI.  Betters  of  Commendation.  —  Pilgrims  re- 
ceived letters  from  their  bishops,  abbats,  or  other 
superiors,  to  attest  their  bond  fide  character, 
addressed  to  the  secular  as  well  as  ecclesiastical 
authorities.  Forms  of  such  letters  are  extant. 
One  runs  thus :  "  Quatenus  praesens  portitor 
ille,  non  (ut  plerisque  mos  est)  vacandi  causa, 
sed  propter  nomen  Domini,  itinera  ardua  et 
laboriosa  parvipendens,  ob  lucrandam  orationem 
limina  sanctorum  Apostolorum  Domini  Petri  et 
Pauli  adire  cupiens,"  &c.  (Marculfi  Formulae,  ii. 
49  ;  Indiculum  Generale  ad  Omnes  Homines). 
Another  says  of  the  pilgrim  :  "  Petiit  nobis  ut 
ad  basilicam  S.  Petri  patris  vestri  pro  suis  culpis, 
vel  pro  nostra  stabilitate,  valeat  ambulare  ad 
orationem.  Propterea  has  literas  cum  saluta- 
tione  per  ipsum  ad  vos  direximus  ut  in  amore 
Dei  et  S.  Petri  ipsum  ad  hospitium  recipiatis," 
&c.  {Formulae,  Bignon.  xv.  Capit.  Peg.  Fr.  ii. 
503,  Charta  Tracturia).  Such  letters  were 
given  to  public  penitents  on  whom  a  pilgrimage 
was  imposed.  Thus  in  a  third  form  the  bishop 
or  abbat,  after  reciting  the  crime,  adds :  "  Nos 
pro  hac  causa,  secundum  consuetudinem  vel 
canonicam  institutionem,  dijudicavimus  ut  in 
lege  peregrinorum  ipse  praefatus  vir  annis  tot  in 
peregrinatione  ambulare  deberet."  He  there- 
fore begs  them,  as  the  penitent  is  only  wander- 
ing "  pro  peccatis  suis  redimendis,"  to  give  him 
shelter,  fire,  bread  and  water,  "  et  postea  sine 
detentione  liceat  ei  ad  loca  sanctorum  festi- 
nare  "  (Marculf.  App.  10,  Tracturia  pro  Itenere 
peragendo).  This  shews  conclusively  how  the 
period  of  exile  was  expected  to  be  spent. 
Among  the  extant  letters  of  Alcuin  is  one  in 
favovir  of  a  pilgrim  friend  addressed  "  amicis 
per  diversas  nominum  dignitates."  He  calls  it 
"  litterae  precatoriae  "  {Ep.  210,  Commend,  ad 
Amic.').  The  bishops  of  Rome  furnished  pilgrim 
penitents  with  similar  letters  for  their  return 
home.  The  form  in  tlie  Biber  Diurnns  Rom. 
Pont,  begins  thus :  "  Praesentium  latores  pro 
sua  devotione  liminibus  beatorum  principum 
apostolorum  praesentati,  petierunt  ut,  a  nobis 
relaxati,  valeant  ad  propria  remeare  "  (cap.  vi. 
tit.  x.  Item  Tractoria). 

VII.  Other  Encouragements  and  Helps. — Hospi- 
tality to  pilgrims,  both  on  the  road  and  on  their 
arrival  at  the  shrine,  was  inculcated  as  a  sacred 
duty.  Men  were  reminded  that  what  they  did 
unto  them  was  done  unto  Christ  {Car.  M.  802, 
Capit.  i.  27),  and  that  they  might  hope  to  find 
that  they  had  entertained  angels  unawares 
{Cone.  Aquisgr.  789,  can.  75).  The  council  now 
quoted  addressed  a  decree  to  all  laymen  and 
clerks :  "  Hoc  nobis  competens  et  venerabile 
videtur  ut  hospites,  peregrini  et  pauperes  sus- 


PILGRMIAGE 

ceptiones  regulares  et  canonicas  per  loca  diversa 
habeant "  (^ibid.).  In  802  Charlemagne  pro- 
claimed a  law  that  "  none  within  his  dominions, 
rich  or  poor,  should  venture  to  deny  hospitality 
to  pilgrims  ;  that  is,"  he  explains,  "  let  no  one 
for  the  love  of  God  and  his  soul's  health  refuse 
shelter,  fii-e,  and  water,  either  to  pilgrims  walking 
through  the  land  for  God's  sake  or  to  any  tra- 
veller "  (Capit.  i.  27).  Of  Charlemagne  himself, 
Eginhard  says  :  "  He  loved  travellers  [peregrines] 
and  bestowed  great  pains  on  their  entertainment ; 
so  that  their  number  seemed  (without  unreason- 
able complaint)  burdensome  not  to  the  palace 
only  but  to  the  kingdom  "  (T7ta,  §  21).  This 
was  in  accordance  with  the  teaching  of  Alcuin : 
"Regum  merces  in  miserorum  juvamine,  et 
maxime  peregrinorum  sacra  sancti  Petri  prin- 
cipis  apostolorum  limina  petentium,  magna 
apud  divinam  constat  esse  clementiam "  (JSp. 
26  ad  Angilbertum).  Herard  of  Tours,  858, 
charges  his  presbyters  to  "  love  hospitality 
above  all  things  "  and  to  "  undertake  the  care 
of  widows,  pilgrims,"  &c.  (cap.  18). 

In  many  places  permanent  hostels  were 
erected  for  the  reception  of  strangers,  especially 
religious  pilgrims.  Such  a  house  was  called 
xenodochiiim  ("  xen. ;  id  est  locus  venerabilis  in 
quo  peregrin!  suscipiuntur  "  ;  Capit.  Eeg.  Franc. 
ii.  29)  or  hospitale  peregrinorum  (because  in  it 
were  entertained  "peregrini  et  pauperes,  in 
quibus  specialiter  Christus  suscipitur  "  ;  Capit. 
Carol.  Calv.  tit.  xxviii.  10).  "  On  the  mount  of 
Nitria,"  says  Palladius,  "  was  a  xenodochium  in 
which  the  monks  entertained  any  guest  who 
presented  himself  throughout  the  time  of  his 
stay,  even  if  he  wished  to  remain  there  two  or 
three  years  "  {Hist.  Laus.  7).  Claudia,  the  mother 
of  St.  Eugenia,  "  built  a  xenodochium  at  Alex- 
andria, and  settled  lands  to  serve  for  the  recep- 
tion of  travellers  "( FiYa  Eugcn.  19;  Rosweyd, 
346).  John  the  Almoner,  who  became  patriarch 
in  609,  is  said  to  have  built  several  in  the  same 
city  (Leontius,  Vita  Joan.  49).  There  appears 
to  have  been  such  an  institution  at  Rome  in  the 
7th  century ;  for  pope  Martin,  in  his  exile,  a.d. 
654,  speaking  of  the  hospitality  accorded  at 
Rome  to  Pyrrhus  the  heretic,  when  he  went 
"  ad  vestigia  beati  Petri,"  says :  "  Quisquis  venit 
illuc  miserabilis  homo  hospitari,  omnia  ad  usum 
praebentur  ei,  et  nullum  immunem  suis  donis 
S.  Petrus  repellit  venientium  illuc ;  sed  panis 
mundissimus  et  vina  diversa  dantur,  non  solum 
ei,  sed  et  hominibus  ei  pertinentibus "  (Com- 
memoratio,  Hard.  Cone.  iii.  684).  Zachary  of 
Rome,  742,  ordered  frequent  gifts  of  food  to  be 
taken  "  peregrinis  qui  ad  beatum  Petrum  moran- 
tur "  (Anast.  Bibl.  Vit.  Font.  93),  where  the 
last  word  seems  to  imply  a  residence  provided 
for  them.  Leo  III.,  795,  gave  lands  "  pro  ali- 
moniis  Christi  pauperum,  seu  advenis,  vel  pere- 
grinis, qui  ex  longinquis  regionibus  veniunt " 
{ibid.  98),  and  he  is  supposed  to  have  built  for 
their  use  the  hospital  of  St.  Peregrinus,  which 
was  afterwards  largely  endowed  by  Paschal, 
A.D.  817  (*.  100).  Louis  the  Godly,  a.d.  814, 
assigned  a  property  near  Vienna  to  this  use  : 
"  Reddimus  etiam  ibi  quandam  villam  quae 
vocatur  Fasiana,  quam  volumus  ad  susceptionem 
peregrinorum  et  alimonia  pauperum  ibidem 
futuris  proficere  temporibus "  {Fraecept.  Lud. 
Pii,  Baluze,  Capit.  Reg.  Fr.  ii.  1404).  The 
council  of  Aachen,  816,  ordered  canons  to  pro- 


PILGRIMAGE 


1641 


vide  a  "  house  of  reception  in  which  the  poor 
could  be  gathered,"  over  which  a  brother  should 
be  set  "  to  entertain  strangers  and  pilgrims  who 
came  there  "  {Capit.  i.  141). 

Vlll.  The  Washing  of  Filgrims'  i^ec^— This 
was  an  observance  on  which  great  stress  was 
laid.  Thus  Caesarius  of  Aries,  a.d.  502,  enu- 
merates among  the  acts  of  Christian  virtue 
"  sanctorum  peregrinantium  pedes  humiliter  ab- 
luere"  {Scrm.  62,  §  3;  similarl)-,  57,  §  4; 
67,  §  2).  Another  Western  homilist  enforces 
the  duty  at  some  length  from  our  Lord's  ex- 
ample and  words,  St.  John  xiii.  4  {Serm. 
149,  §  1,  in  App.  iv.  ad  0pp.  S.  Aug.  ed. 
Ben.)  The  monks  of  Fulda,  in  a  petition  to 
Charlemagne,  say:  "Quod  peregrinorum  sus- 
ceptio  et  lavatio  in  eis  pedum  non  negligatur, 
sed  secundum  regulam  et  secundum  priorum 
nostrorum  consuetudinem,  quandocunque  vene- 
rint,  misericorditer  suscipiantur,  et  ab  omnibus 
patribus  lavatio  pedum  eis  exhibeatur  "  {Libcl- 
lus,  c.  13,  in  Baluze,  Not.  ad  Capit.  Reg.  Fr.  ii. 
1086).  In  the  same  age  some  monks  sent  by 
their  abbat  to  gather  hints  from  the  monastery 
at  Reichenau  report  to  him  that  there  "they 
wash  the  feet  of  pilgrims  every  week-day,  with 
psalmsinging  on  their  way  to  it  and  back " 
{Capit.  Monach.  3,  Baluze,  u.  s.  App.  Actor.  Vet. 
ii.  1380).  Monks  were  especially  tied  to  this 
observance  on  Maundy  Thursday,  the  day  on 
which  the  precept  {mandatura)  was  given. 
Thus  the  council  of  Aachen,  817  :  "  That  the 
Maundy  (if  it  be  the  time  of  the  Supper)  both 
of  the  fathers  and  of  travellers  [peregrinorum] 
take  place "  (can.  24,  Cap.  Reg.  Fr.  i.  583). 
These  latter  testimonies  probably  refer  to  all 
travellers,  religious  and  secular  ;  for  the  original 
rule  of  Benedict  (c.  53)  included  all.  Compare 
S.  Fructuosi  Regula,  c.  10.  St.  Columba,  560, 
expecting  visitors,  says  :  "  Draw  water  to  wash 
our  guests'  feet  "  (  Vita  auct.  Adamn.  i.  4). 

IX.  Protection  on  the  Road. — From  an  early 
period  pilgrims  were  put  under  the  especial  pro- 
tection of  the  law.  A  decree  of  Dagobert,  A.D. 
630,  says :  "  Let  no  one  dare  to  molest  or  hurt 
a  traveller  abroad  ;  for  some  go  about  for  God's 
sake,  others  for  necessary  business.  Neverthe- 
less, the  same  peace  is  necessary  for  all "  (Tit. 
iii.  4 ;  comp.  Cap.  Reg.  Fr.  v.  364).  Pepin  of 
Italy,  793  :  "  Touching  strangers  and  pilgrims, 
who,  in  the  service  of  God,  are  hastening  to 
Rome  or  to  other  places  to  the  bodies  of  the 
saints,  that  they  go  and  return  in  safety  under 
our  protection "  {Leg.  Longob.  i.  ix.  28). 
Charlemagne,  writing  in  796  to  Offa,  king  of  the 
Mercians,  promises  safe  -  conduct  to  English 
pilgrims  passing  through  his  dominions : 
"  Touching  pilgrims  who  desire  to  go  to  the 
threshold  of  the  blessed  apostles  for  the  love  of 
God,  and  the  health  of  their  own  souls,  let  them 
go  in  peace,  without  any  molestation  "  (Baluze, 
Capit.  Reg.  Fr.  i.  274). 

X.  Exemption  f rem  7b/A— The  words"  without 
any  molestation,"  used  by  Charlemagne  .ibovc, 
intimated  freedom  from  every  impost  paid  hy 
travellers  to  the  crown.  For  he  proceeds:  "But 
if  any,  not  in  the  service  of  religion,  but  in 
pursuit  of  gain  are  found  among  them,  let  them 
pav  the  appointed  tolls  at  the  proper  places." 
This,  however,  was  already  an  old  privileijp, 
having  been  granted  by  Pe].in  in  755  :  "  Touch- 
ing pilgrims  who  travel  for  the  sake  of  God, 


1642 


PILGKIMAGE 


that  they  take  from  them  no  tolls  "  (in  Synod. 
Vernensi,  *22).  Two  years  later,  at  Metz,  he 
expressed  this  more  fully :  "  That  ye  on  no 
account  detain  those  who  are  on  their  vfs^j  to 
Rome  or  elsewhere  for  the  sake  of  God  at  the 
bridges  and  dams  or  on  the  ferry-boat,  nor  make 
any  accusation  against  any  pilgrim  on  account 
of  his  baggage,  nor  take  any  toll  of  them  "  {Syn. 
Met.  c.  6). 

XI.  Evils  of  Pilgrimage. — The  moral  danger  to 
the  pilgrim  is  obvious,  and  bad  results  were  early 
noticed.  Gregory  of  Nyssa,  a.d.  370,  urged 
against  pilgrimage  to  the  Holy  Land  that  not 
only  was  there  no  command  for  it,  but  pilgrims 
suffered  a  spiritual  loss  through  it.  He  dwells 
on  the  wickedness  of  those  cities  in  the  East, 
through  which  they  had  to  pass,  and  asserts 
that  it  penetrated  into  the  lodgings  and  hostels 
which  they  were  obliged  to  frequent,  and  asks 
in  a  proverb,  "  How  can  one  pass  through  the 
smoke  without  smarting  eyes  ?"  {De  Eunt.  Hieros. 
ii.  1085.)  Nor  does  he  deem  Jerusalem  itself 
less  wicked,  or  less  full  of  danger.  [See  HOLY 
Places,  II.  vol.  i.  p.  775.]  St.  Jerome  {ibid.), 
A.D.  393,  gives  similar  testimony.  Our  country- 
man, Boniface,  bears  witness  to  the  existence  of 
the  same  evils  in  Europe.  For,  writing  to 
Cuthbert  of  Canterbury,  about  743,  he  alleges 
that  the  pilgrimage  to  Rome  was  almost  certainly 
fatal  to  female  chastity  :  "  They  are  ruined  in 
great  part,  few  remaining  chaste."  "  There  are 
very  few  cities  in  Lombardy,  or  France,  or  Gaul, 
in  which  there  is  not  an  adulteress  or  prostitute 
of  the  English  nation  ;  which  is  a  scandal,  and 
the  disgrace  of  the  whole  church."  {Epist.  ad 
Cudb.  8.)  He  suggested  that  women  should  be 
restrained  by  authority  from  making  the  pil- 
grimage. In  France  the  council  of  Chalons-sur- 
Saone,  813,  denounced  other  evils  of  which  pil- 
grimages were  the  occasion :  "  A  very  great 
error  is  committed  by  certain  persons,  who  ill- 
advisedly  travel  to  Rome  or  Tours  and  certain 
other  places  under  the  pretence  of  prayer. 
There  are  presbyters  and  deacons  and  other 
clerks,  who  living  carelessly  think  themselves 
thereby  cleansed  from  their  sins,  and  entitled  to 
return  to  the  exercise  of  their  ministry,  if  they 
reach  the  aforesaid  places.  There  are  also 
laymen,  who  think  that  they  are  sinning,  or 
have  sinned,  with  impunity,  because  they 
frequent  those  places  for  prayer.  There  are 
also  some  of  the  powerful  who,  to  gain  revenue, 
under  pretence  of  the  journey  to  Rome  or  Tours, 
make  a  great  gathering,  oppress  many  of  the 
poor,  and  affect  to  do  for  the  sake  of  their 
devotions,  or  of  a  visit  to  the  holy  places,  tliat 
which  they  do  in  truth  from  covetousness  alone. 
There  are  also  poor  persons  who  undertake  it 
either  merely  to  have  a  better  plea  for  begging 
(of  whose  number  are  they  who,  wandering  to 
all  parts,  falsely  assert  that  they  are  going 
there),  or  because  they  are  so  senseless  as  to 
think  themselves  cleansed  from  their  sins  by  the 
mere  sight  of  holy  places  "  (can.  45). 

XII.  Nomenclature.— At  a  later  period  a  pilgrim 
to  Rome  was  called  "  Romipeta"  or  "Romeus  ";  in 
Auvergne,  "Romoneou";  inProvence,  "Romieu"; 
&c.  (Ducange)  ;  in  France  generally  "  Romier  " — 
names  given  at  length  to  all  vagrants ;  whence 
probably  the  English  verb  "  to  roam."  Similarly, 
it  is  said,  a  pilgrim  to  the  Holy  Land  (Sancta 
Terra)  was  a  "  saunterer."    Those  who  had  been 


PISCICULI 

there,  brought  home  branches  of  the  palm,  and 
were  thence  called  "  palmers,"  "  palmarii,"  "  pal- 
mati,"  French,  "  paumiers  ";  and  sometimes  in 
France,  "  ramiers "  (Gretser  de  Sacr.  Peregr, 
ii.  11). 

On  this  subject,  Zaccaria  {Bibliographia  Selecta, 
iii.  ix.  2,  in  Fleury's  Discipl.  Pop.  Dei,  Ven. 
1761)  refers  us  to  P.  F.  X.  Mannhart  de  Anti- 
quifatibus  Chrisiianorum,  §  5,  n.  84  seqq.,  Aug. 
Vindel.  1767  ;  to  his  own  Annus  Sanctus,  ii.  iv. 
4  {DeW  Anno  Santo,  Rom.  1775);  to  Petrus 
Lazerus  de  Sacra  Vet.  Christ.  Romana  Pere- 
grinatione,  Rom.  1774 ;  and  Jo.  Stallenus,  Vin- 
diciae  Religiose  Peregrlnuntium,  Colon.  1643. 
See  also  J.  Gretser  de  Sacris  et  Religiosis  Pere- 
grinationibiis,  Ingolst.  1606;  A.  A.  Pcllicia  de 
"^Christ.  Eccles.  Politia,  ii.  13  ;  v.  5,  §'  2,  Neap. 
1777  ;  P.  Molinaeus  de  Peregrinationibus  Super- 
stitiosis  (with  which  is  printed  Gregory  of 
Nyssa's  Ep.  de  Eunt.  Hieros.),  Hanov.  1607; 
T."  M.  Mamachus,  Orig.  et  Antiq.  Christ,  torn.  ii. 
De  Peregr.  Vet.  Christ,  in  Palaest.,  Flor.  1749  ; 
J.  H.  Heidegger,  Dissert,  de  Peregr.  Relig. 
in  specie  Hieros.,  Rom.  &c.  [W.  E.  S.] 

PILLAR  SAINTS.    [Mortification.] 

PINNAS,  Scythian  martyr  with  Innas  and 
Rimas  ;  commemorated  Jan.  20.  (Basil.  Menol. ; 
Cal  Byzant,).  [C.  H.] 

PINYTUS,  bishop  of  Gnossus  in  Crete  ;  com- 
memorated Oct.  10  (Usuai-d.  Mart. ;  Mart. 
Rom. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  v.  9). 

[C.  H.] 

PIONIUS,  martyr  at  Smyrna;  commemo- 
rated Feb.  1  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Rom.  Mart. ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  i.  40).  [C.  H.] 

PIONUS,  presbyter  and  martyr  with  Metro- 
dorus  at  Nicomedia  ;  commemorated  March  12' 
(Florus,  Mart.  ap.  Bed.)  ;  Pion  and  Metrodus,  twO' 
martyrs  at  Smyrna,  occur  on  this  day  in  Hieron. 
Mart.  [C.  H.] 

PISALIS,  PiSELiS,  PiSELUM  (Gallice,  Poele), 
or  Pyrale,  the  same  as  the  Calefactorium,  a 
chamber  in  a  monastery  heated  in  winter,  either 
by  an  open  fireplace  as  at  St.  Gall,  or  with  hot- 
water  pipes,  which  served  as  the  common  room 
of  the  brethi-en,  for  social  intercourse.  Its 
usual  place  was  under  the  dormitory  on  the 
east  side  of  the  cloisters  ("  Reginboldus  .  .  . 
aedificavit  primum  dormitorium  subtus  autem 
pisalem;"  Act.  Murensis  Monast.  p.  9,  ap.  Du 
Cange.)  At  St.  Gall  it  had  an  outlet  com- 
municating with  the  necessarium.  Fires  were 
lighted  in  it  from  November  1.  "A  calendis 
Noyembris  concedetur  fratribus  accessus  ignis,- 
locus  aptus  fratribus  designetur  cujus  refrigio 
hybernalis  algoris  et  intemperies  levigatur "' 
(Concord.  Regular.  S.  Dunst.  Cant.  Mon.  Angl.  i. 
xxxiv.).  Adelard  {Statuta  Corbeiens.  c.  6), 
speaks  of  the  Piselum  as  only  in  temporary  use, 
'■'■jnselo  .  .  .  tempore  quando  illo  uti  necesse 
est "  (ap.  Du  Cange,  sub  voc.)  Du  Cange  is  in 
error  in  identifying  it  with  the  wardrobe.  At 
St.  Gall,  the  house  of  the  novices  and  the 
infirmary  had  each  their  separate  Pisalis  for  the 
use  of  the  inmates.  [See  Chitech,  Vol.  I.  p- 
383,  Monastery.]  [E.  V.}, 

PISCICULL    [Fish:  IXOYC] 


I 


PISCINA 

PISCINA,    a   designation    of    tlie    font,    for  I 
which  Optatus  gives  a  mystical  reason  in  con- 
nexion with  the  acrostichal  name  of  Christ  (jx^^'S;  ! 
piscis),  "Hie  est   piscis    qui  in   baptismate  per  I 
invocationem    fontinalibus    undis    inseritur,    ut 
quae    aqua  fuerat  a  pisce   etiam    piscina   voci-  j 
tetur"    (Optat.    lib.    iii.    p.    62,     Paris,    1631).  j 
Piscina  was  also  the  designation  for  the  infundi- 
bulum,  or  basin  to  the  right  (south)  of  the  altar, 
in  which  the  ministering  priest  washed  his  hands 
before    he    commenced  the    Eucharistic   service 
(Cyril.  Hieros.  Catech.  Mystagog.  v.  2  ;  August. 
Quaest.   Vet.  et  Nm.  Test.  c.  i.  101;  Binterim, 
Denkwurdigkeiten,  IV.  i.  112).  [E.  V.] 

PISTIS,  martyr  with  Elpis,  Agape,  and  their 
mother  Sophia  ;  commemorated  Sept.  16  (Basil. 
Menol.),  Sept.  17  {Cal.  Byzant.;  Daniel,  Cod. 
Liturg.  iv.  269).  [C.  H.] 

PISTUS,  martyr  with  his  brothers  Theognis 
and  Agapius  sons  of  Valerius  and  Bassa  ;  com- 
memorated Aug.  21  (Basil.  ift'HO^.)  ;  a  martyr  of 
the  same  name,  with  no  mention  of  the  family, 
occurs  on  this  day  in  Hieron.  Mart.         [C.  H.] 

PLACIDUS,  martyr  with  Euticius  and 
others  in  Sicily  ;  commemorated  Oct.  5  (Usuard. 
Mart;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  iii.  114;  Ilieroyi. 
Placitus).  [C.  H.] 

PLAGAL.  The  name  given  to  four  scales  or 
modes  added  by  St.  Gregory  to  those  fixed  for 
the  church  chants  as  settled  by  St.  Ambrose. 
The  former  were  called  Authentic  {v.  Authentic), 
auJ  bore  the  names  Dorian,  Phrygian,  Lydian, 
and  Jlixolydian,  ranging  respectively  through 
the  octaves  D— d,  E— e,  F— f,  G— g.  The  Plagal 
modes  were  called  Hypodorian,  Hypophrygiau, 
Hypolydian,  and  Hypomisolydian,  and  were 
placed  a  fourth  below  these  respectively,  ranging 
from  A— a,  B— b,  C— c,  and  D— d  ;  but  their 
"  final  "  or  "tonic  "  was  the  same  as  before,  viz. : 
D,  E,  F,  G.  Thus  the  Hypomisolydian  mode 
differed  from  the  Dorian,  although  it  was  con- 
tained in  the  same  octave  D — d,  in  that  the 
division  of  the  octave  in  the  respective  cases  were 
thus : — 


PLANETA 


1643 


Dorian. 


g: 


O-^- 


Hypomixolydi 


IZ2Z 


m 


The  prevailing  note,  or  "dominant,"  was 
lower  than  the  corresponding  authentic  dominant, 
being  respectively  F,  a,  a,  c  (see  also  Music). 
These  modes  v/ere  called  the  2nd,  4th,  6  th,  and 
8th;  and  at  an  earlier  period  Plagis  prothi, 
Plagis  deuteri,  Plagis  triti,  Plagis  tetrardi. 
Each  was  considered  as  "  related  "  to  the  cor- 
responding authentic  mode.  This  may  be  illus- 
trated, but  not  represented,  by  the  modern  use, 
in  which  A  minor  is  said  to  be  the  "relative 
minor  "  of  C,  or  in  which,  by  some  authorities, 
C  minor  is  claimed  to  be,  in  another  sense,  a 
"relative  minor"  of  C.  An  illustration  of  the 
fact  that  two  modes  may  consist  of  the  same 
notes,  may  be  given  by  the  different  treatment  of 


the  versicles  and  responses  now  in  use  in  cathe- 
drals :  assuming  the  priest's  reciting  note  to  be 
G,  on  week-days  they  are  often,  and  perhaps 
usually,  heard  sung  harmonised  with  the  plain 
song  in  the  Treble,  and,  for  the  most  part,  in  the 
tonality  of  G;  but  on  Sundays  and  festivals, 
when  Tallis's  harmonies  are  used,  the  same  plain 
song  is  put  into  the  Tenor,  and  the  prevailing 
tonality  is  C. 

In  consequence  of  the  relationship  between  the 
authentic  modes  and  their  corresponding  Plagals, 
more  extended  compositions  are  to  be  found  in 
both  combined,  a  pi'actice  the  modern  musicians 
have  largely  imitated.  [Compare  Mendelssohn's 
Lieder  ohne  Worte,  i.  5  ;  ii.  2,  &c. ;  Handel's  chorus, 
"  He  saw  the  lovely  youth "  (^Theodora)  ; 
Beethoven's  Fifth  Symphony;  Mozart's  Pianoforte 
Quartett  in  G  minor  ;  Weber's  Overture,  Der 
Freischiitz,  and  many  others.]  This  changing  of 
modes  or  scales  was  known  in  the  time  of  Euclid, 
by  whom  it  is  called  fj.eTaP6\r]  (Introd.  Harm.); 
but  although  apparently  unrestricted  by  him,  it 
would  seem  to  have  been  restricted  by  the 
church  composers  to  the  pair  of  authentic  and 
plagal  modes  corresponding  to  each  other.  A 
very  good  example  of  this,  but  of  a  later  period, 
is  the  plain  song  tune  to  the  Dies  Irae 
(Hymnal  Noted  No.  46) ;  the  first  two  stanzas 
are  set  in  the  Hypodorian  mode,  the  third  and 
fourth  in  the  Dorian  itself.  [J.  R.  L.] 

PLANETA.  In  a  previous  article  [Paenula] 
we  have  endeavoured  to  trace  out  the  history  of 
the  word  under  which  the  eucharistic  super- 
vestment  in  the  Greek  church  is  designated.  In 
the  western  church,  since  the  end  of  the  8tb 
century,  this  vestment  has  been  almost  universally 
known  as  casula,  but  so  far  as  notices  are  found 
of  such  a  vestment  as  in  use  before  that  date, 
the  word  used  is  planeta.''  Like  casula,  however, 
and  (paiv6x-r]s,  the  word  is  not  restricted  to  its 
eucharistic  meaning,  and  we  shall  presently  cite 
instances  in  which  it  is  found  for  a  dress  worn  by 
laymen. 

In  all  probability,  we  may  assume  that  the 
j)aenula,  planeta,  and  casula  were  to  all  intents 
and  purposes  the  same  dress,  dilTering,  that  is, 
merely  in  points  of  detail :  and  as  regards  the 
two  latter  words,  while  it  is  true  that  later 
liturgiologists  absolutely  identify  them  {e.g. 
Kabanus  Maurus,  infra),  shewing  that  in  process 
of  time  all  distinction  had  been  lost,  yet  it  is 
clear  that  at  an  earlier  period  a  slightly  ditferent 
idea  was  conveyed  by  the  two  terms  ;  the  plancta 
being  a  more  costly,  and  the  casnla  a  commoner 
dress,  the  latter  term  also  being  perhaps  a  pro- 
vincial or  popular  name  for  the  more  general 
expression  paenula. 

Thus  we  find  the  casula  as  a  dress  of  monks 
and  peasants  and  working  men  (see  the  article), 
but  references  are  met  with  to  the  plancta,  as 
something  too  costly  for  monks  to  wear,  and  as 
actually  in  use  by  senators  and  nobles.  Our 
earliest  instance  of  the  use  of  the  name  occurs 
early  in  the  5th  century.  Cassian,  writing  not 
later  than  417  or  418  a.d.,  when  describing  the 
dress    of    the    Egyptian   monks,   mentions   the 


a  Wc  may  note  that  In  the  Anglo..S..xon  Glossary  of 
Aelfric, plancta  is  defino.l  by  caeppc :  tl-URh  conversely 
caepve  is  deiined  pallium,  vat,s  sacenlot.Uii.  Thi» 
may  indicate  a  certain  latitude  In  the  use  of  the  word. 


1G44 


PLAMETA 


mafors,  or  the  short  cloak  which  they  wore 
covering  the  neck  and  shoulders.  "  Thus,"  he 
says,  "  they  avoid  at  once  the  cost  and  the  osten- 
■iaXioMsnass  o( pknietae  and  hirri"  {de  Cocnohiorum 
Institutis,  1-7;  Patrol,  xlix.  72).  The  exact 
term  used  by  Cassian  is,  it  may  be  remarked, 
planetica,  which  we  may  assume  to  be  a  diminu- 
tive of  planeta.  In  like  manner,  Isidore  of 
Seville,  two  hundred  years  later,  in  his  Hule  for- 
bids to  his  monks  the  use  of  the  planeta: — 
"  orarium,  birros,  planetas,  non  est  fas  uti,  neque 
indumenta  vel  calceamenta,  quae  generaliter 
caetera  monasteria  abutuntur  [i.e.  do  not  use]  " 
(Requla  Monachorum,  c.  12.  §  2 ;  Patrol.  Ixxxiii. 
882). 

The  planeta  would  thus  appear  to  be  a  dress 
whose  costliness  rendered  it  unsuitable  for  the 
use  of  simple  monks,  Avhose  duty  it  was  to  avoid 
luxury.  It  was  apparently  a  full  flowing  robe, 
for  Cassian  (supra)  contrasts  it  with  the  angus- 
tum  palliolum  which  the  monks  were  to  wear. 
With  this  agrees  the  notice  given  us  by  Isidore 
of  the  derivation  of  the  word.  As  there  are 
some  difBculties  connected  with  the  passage,  we 
give  it  at  length.  "  The  easula,"  he  says,  "  is  a 
robe  with  a  hood,  derived  as  a  diminutive  from 
casa  [a  house],  because  it  covers  the  whole 
person — a  sort  of  miniature  casa.  Similar  is  the 
origin  of  cuculla — a  sort  of  miniature  cclla.  I 
may  add  that  the  Greeks  hold  that  one  of  their 
names  for  these  robes,  planctae,  is  derived  from 
their  free  and  flowing  borders  *  [sic  et  Graeci 
planetas  dictos  volunt,  quia  oris  eiTantibus  eva- 
ganturj.  Hence  the  term  planetary  stars  ;  that 
is,  roving  stars ;  stars  which  roll  here  and  there 
with  a  roving  maze  and  motion  of  their  own  " 
{Etym.  lib.  six.  24;  Patrol.  Ixxxii.  691).  On 
this  passage  one  or  two  remai-ks  may  be  briefly 
made.  After  the  derivation  of  easula  has  been 
given  as  a  "  little  house,"  follows  the  mention  of 
the  planeta,  introduced  by  the  words  sic  et.  Of 
course,  however,  the  derivation  in  the  latter  case 
is  on  a  totally  different  groove ;  therefore  the  sic 
points  to  a  similarity  not  of  the  derivation,  but 
of  the  thing  itself.  That  is  to  say,  Isidore 
practically  identifies  the  planeta  with  the  easula. 
Again  the  derivation  o{  planeta  is  of  course  from 
the  Greek,  and. as  will  be  seen.  Isidore  distinctly 
implies  that  the  name  planeta  was  actually  given 
to  the  dress  by  the  Greeks.  Excepting,  however, 
a  remark  of  Rabanus  Maurus,  which  we  shall 
presently  quote,  therje  does  not  appear  to  be  any 
further  evidence  forthcoming  to  shew  that  the 
word  planeta  is  ever  used  in  Greek  in  that  sense. 
This  might  tend  to  prove  that  the  word  passed 
from  Greek  into  Latin  in  its  astronomical  sense, 
and  that  the  then  Latin  word  developed  this  new 
metaphorical  meaning.  Whether,  however,  the 
difficulty  is  to  be  explained  by  supposing  that 
evidence  of  usage  existed  to  Isidore,  that  is  not 
forthcoming  to  us,  or  whether  Isidore  was  mis- 
led into  his  statement  by  the  Greek  derivation, 
does  not  appear. 

It  has  been  already  remarked  that  the  planeta 
seems  to  have  been  a  dress  of  a  somewhat  costly 
description,  suitable  for  men  of  rank.  This  can 
be  shewn  not  only  by  the  prohibitions  to  monks 


»>  Cf.  Honorius  Augustodunensis  (^Gemma  Animoe, 
i.  207 ;  Patrol,  clxxii.  606) :  "  Haec  vestis  [easula]  et 
flaneta,  quod  error  sonat,  vocatur,  eo  quod  errabundus 
limbus  ejus  utrinque  in  brachia  sublevatur." 


A* 
>edi 

ais  * 


PLANETA 

we  have  already  cited,  but  by  direct  instances. 
In  a  life  of  Fulgentius  (ob.  a.d.  533),  by  one  of 
his  disciples,  a  description  is  given  of  his 
triumphal  return  to  Carthage  after  his  exili 
heavy  storm  of  rain  coming  on,  the  nobles 
ihm  planetae  to  form  a  shelter  for  Fulgentius — 
"  tantum  fides  nobilium  crevit,  ut  planetis  suis 
super  beatum  Fulgentium  gratanter  expansis, 
repellerent  imbres  et  novum  tabernaculi  genus 
artifiosa  caritate  componerent "  (c.  29  ;  Patrol. 
Ixv.  146).  Again,  in  the  well-known  representa-  i 
tion  of  Gregory  the  Great,  with  his  father  and  § 
mother,  which  is  described  by  his  biographer, 
John  tlie  deacon,  in  the  10th  century,  not  only 
Gregory  himself,  an  ecclesiastic,  wears  the 
planeta,  but  also  his  father  Gordianus,  a  senator. 
The  former  wore  a  "  planeta  super  dalmaticam 
castanea"  (lib.  iv.  c.  84;  Patrol.  Ixxv.  231); 
and  as  to  the  latter,  "  Gordiani  habitus  castanei 
coloris  planeta  est,  sub  planeta  dalmatica '"  (c. 
83).  It  may  fairly  be  inferred  from  hence 
that,  as  late  as  the  end  of  the  6th  century  at 
any  rate,  the  planeta,  whatever  its  use  by  eccle- 
siastics, whether  for  oflScial  use  or  otherwise, 
was  also  a  dress  which  any  gentleman  might 
fairly  use.  In  another  passage  of  the  same 
biography  (lib.  ii.  c.  24  ;  op.  cit.  104),  the  refer- 
ence is  not  quite  clear.  A  certain  person  having 
been  excluded  by  Gregory  from  communion  for 
adultery,  sought  the  aid  of  sorcerers,  who  un- 
dertook that  the  bishop's  horse  should  throw  him 
as  he  rode  in  procession.  The  plan,  however, 
was  readily  foiled  by  the  bishop.  In  the  narra- 
tive the  expression  occurs  :  "  When  the  sorcerers 
recognized  the  prelate,  ex  plaiietatorum  mapj^iila' 
torumque  processionibus."  The  mappida,  whatever 
its  nature  may  have  been,  was,  as  we  have 
shewn  in  a  previous  article  [Maniple],  a  special 
privilege  of  the  chief  ecclesiastics  of  the  Roman 
church  in  Gregory's  time.  The  planeta  we  have 
seen  to  be  worn  by  laymen  as  well  as  clerics. 
It  seems  to  us,  therefore,  impossible  to  define 
the  matter  very  exactly  here;  we  can  only 
say  that  the  two  sets  of  people  specified 
were  the  officials  of  high  rank  in  attend- 
ance on  the  bishops  of  Rome ;  but  whether 
these  are  to  be  viewed  as  exclusively  clerical,  or 
formed  of  clerics  and  laics  both,  is  doubtful. 
Ducange  (s.  v.  Planeta)  explains  the  two  classes 
as  deacons  and  subdeacous  respectively ;  and 
Marriott  (p.  202,  n.)  considers  the  planetati  to 
be  presbyters  and  high  officials,  and  the  map- 
pulati  to  be  deacons  and  subdeacons.  We  doubt, 
however,  whether  the  evidence  is  sufficient  to 
justify  us  in  coming  to  a  definite  conclusion. 

Thus  far,  we  have  seen  that  in  the  6th  cen- 
tury the  planeta  was  not  an  exclusively  clerical 
dress,  either  at  Rome  or  in  North  Africa. 
Further,  there  appears  to  be  no  allusion  what- 
ever in  the  records  of  the  first  six  centuries 
which  points  to  the  planeta  as  part  of  the 
ministerial  garb  of  the  Christian  clerics.  So  far 
as  it  was  worn  by  clerics,  it  was  in  virtue  of 
their  official  rank,  not  their  clerical  profession, 
the  privilege  being  one  shared  with  laymen. 

The  earliest  instance  in  which  the  planeta  is 
referred  to  as  something  specially  pertaining  to 
the  Christian  ministry  is  in  a  canon  of  the 
fourth  council  of  Toledo  (633  A.D.).  Here  it  is 
ordered  that  if  a  bishop,  priest,  or  deacon  shall 
have  been  unjustly  deposed,  and  shall  afterwards 
be   found    innocent,    he  is    still   not   to   regain 


PLANETICUS 

his  lost  rank  till  ho  shall  have  received  before 
the  altar,  from  the  hands  of  a  bishop,  the  ex- 
ternal badge  of  that  rank.  This  is  in  the  case 
of  a  bishop,  stole,  ring,  and  pastoral  staff;  in  the 
case  of  a  priest,  stole  and  planeta  ;  in  the  case  of 
a  deacon,  stole  and  alb,  and  so  forth  (can.  28, 
Labbe,  v.  1714).  A  later  notice,  but  of  a  less 
definite  character,  is  found  in  the  Regula  Canoni- 
coruin  (c.  8  ;  Patrol.  Ixxxix.  1102)  of  Chrodegang, 
bishop  of  Metz,  A.D.  743-766,  which  orders  that 
canons  living  "  foris  claustra  "  and  in  the  city 
must  attend  the  chapter  every  Sunday,  "  cum 
planetis  vel  vestimentis  officialibus." 

From  about  the  year  A.D.  800,  the  term 
planeta  was  in  great  measure  superseded  by 
casula,  the  two  words  being  thenceforward 
viewed  as  absolutely  synonymous  (see  e.  g. 
Rabanus  Maurus  de  Inst.  Cler.  lib.  i.  c.  21  ; 
Patrol,  cvii.  309).  [Casulam  .  .  .  hanc  Graeci 
planetam  nominant],  Honorius  Augustodunensis 
[supra']  ;  Innocent  III.  de  Sacra  Altaris  Mysterio, 
i.  42 ;  Patrol,  ccxvii.  789  [casula  vel  planeta]. 
For  further  illustrations  on  this  point,  see 
Ducange  (s.  v.). 

We  may  call  attention  here  to  a  similar  exten- 
sion of  the  use  of  the  term  planeta  to  that  which 
we  have  already  referred  to  as  existing  in  the  case 
of  the  phenolion  in  the  Greek  church.  In  an  Ordo 
Romanus  (viii.  1 ;  Patrol.  Ixxviii.  1000),  we  find 
the  planeta,  as  a  garment,  worn  at  ordination  by 
acolytes,  sub-deacons,  and  deacons.  Whether 
these  differed  in  shape  from  the  priestly  planeta 
is  doubtful ;  but  as  the  matter  falls  outside  our 
period  we  shall  not  pursue  the  subject  further 
(of.  ih.  xiv.  54;  Patrol.  Ixxviii.  1170). 

Literature. — For  the  matter  of  the  foregoing 
article,  we  are  mainly  indebted  to  Bock,  Gesch.  der 
liturgischen  Gewiinder  des  Mitteldlters,  vol.  i. 
p.  427;  vol.  ii.  pp.  101,  245;  Hefele,  Beitrdge 
zu  Kirchengeschichte,  Archdologie  und  Liturgik, 
vol.  ii.  p.  195  ;  Marriott,  Vestiarium  Christianum, 
App.  C;  and  Ducange,  Glossarium,  s.  v.  [R.  S.] 

PLANETICUS,      PLANETAKIUS,     an 

astrologer.  The  former  word  seems  to  have 
originated  in  a  false  reading  of  St.  Augustine, 
Confess,  iv.  iii.  4  :  "  Illos  planeticos  quos  mathe- 
maticos  vocant,"  where  we  should  read  pianos. 
Thence  it  found  its  way  into  Gratian,  Deer.  p.  ii. 
c.  26,  qu.  2,  cap.  8.  Planetarius  occurs  in 
John  of  Salisbury  :  "  Mathematici,  vel  planetarii, 
dum  professionis  suae  potentiam  dilatare  nitun- 
tur,  in  erroris  et  impietatis  mendacia  pernicio- 
sissime  corruunt "  (Policraticus  de  Nugis  Curial. 
ii.  19).  [W.  E.  S.] 

PLATO,  martyr  at  Ancyra,  brother  of 
martyr  Antiochus ;  commemorated  Nov.  18 
(Basil.  Menol. ;  Cal.  Byzant.  with  Romanus) ; 
June  22  (Wright,  Syr.  Mart.);  July  22 
(Usuard.  Mart. ;  Ilieron.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Rom. 
Mart. ;  Mart.  Rom. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jul.  v. 
226,  from  the  Greek  and  Latin  Fasti.      [C.  H.] 

PLATONIA,  a  broad  thin  slab  of  marble 
(ttAcitus),  used  for  inlaying  or  veneering  walls 
or  floors.  Rubeus  (^Hist.  Ravennat.  lib.  v.  p.  238, 
apud  Ducange,  suh  voc.)  speaks  of  "  tabulam 
marmoream  quam  appellabant  Graeca  voce  pla- 
toniam,"  and  in  Simon  Dunelra.,  ad  ann.  A.D.  794, 
we  read  of  "platonia,  id  est,  marmor  parieti 
infixum."  In  this  sense  it  occurs  frequently  in 
the  Liber  Pontificalis  of  Anastasius.     Liberius  is 


PLEBS 


lC4o 


stated  to  have  ornamented  the  tomb  of  St.  Agnes 
"de  platoniis  {jjlatinis,  Muratori)  marmoreis 
petris  "  (§  52)  ;  Sixtus  III.  erected  at  St.  Lau- 
rence's outside  the  walls  an  altar  and  silver 
caucelli  "  supra  platonias  porphyreticas "  Qhid. 
§  65) ;  and  Leo  III.  at  St.  Peter's  "  ex  metallis 
marmoreis  platonias  posuit  diversisque  picturis 
mirae  magnitudinis  opus  decoravit "  {ibid.  §  416). 
When  the  catacombs  became  objects  of  pious 
devotion,  it  was  customary  for  the  rude  walls  of 
their  more  sacred  shrines  to  be  faced  with  these 
platoniae.  Of  this  we  still  see  remains  in  the 
so-called  papal  crypt  in  the  cemetery  of  Callistus, 
the  work  of  Sixtus  III.  in  the  earlier  half  of  the 
5th  century,  thus  described  by  Anastasius: — 
"Fecit  platoniam  in  coemiterio  Callisti  in  Via 
Appia  ubi  nomina  episcoporum  et  martyrum 
scripsit  commemorans  "  (ibid.  §  65).  The  custom 
is  mentioned  by  Prudentius  : 

"  Nee  Pariis  contenta  aditus  obduccre  saxis 
Addidit  ornando  clara  talenta  operi." 

Peristeph.  xi.  183. 

From  being  the  most  celebrated  of  the  sepul- 
chral crypts  treated  in  this  manner,  the  subter- 
ranean vault  ad  catacumbas,  contiguous  to  the 
apse  of  the  basilica  of  St.  Sebastian,  from  which 
the  designation  catacomb  has  passed  to  all  similar 
cemeteries,  in  which  tradition  asserts  the  bodies 
of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  originally  reposed, 
after  having  been  lined  with  marble  by  pope 
Damasus,  A.D.  380 — "aedificavit  platoniam  ubi 
corpora  apostolorum  jacuerunt,  id  est,  beati 
Petri  et  Pauli  "  (ibid.  §  54  ;  of.  Beda  de  Sex  Aetat. 
Mundi,  ad  ann.  4328 — became  known  as  the 
Platonia,  and  was  generally  designated  by  that 
name.  It  is  a  rudely  triangular  chamber,  with 
curved  sides  and  a  rectilinear  base,  its  walls 
excavated  with  thirteen  plainly-arched  arcosolia 
with  stucco  ornaments.  Under  the  altar  is  a 
well-shaped  cavity  in  two  compartments,  where 
it  is  said  the  bodies  of  the  apostles  were  placed 
(Marchi,  Monumenti,  tav.  xxsix.  xl.  p.  216; 
Perret,  torn.  i.  pi.  5  ;  Bosio,  pp.  178-187). 

[E.  v.] 

PLAUTUS,  martyr  in  Thrace  with  Euticus 
and  Eraclea ;  commemorated  Sept.  29  (Usuard. 
Mart. ;  Hieron.  Mart.,  spelling  the  companious 
otherwise  and  sriving  other  companions ;  Mart. 
Rom.).  [C.  H.] 

PLAYS.    [Actors:  THE.^.TRE.] 

PLEBS.  (1)  Sometimes  used  merely  for 
the  laity  belonging  to  the  church.  Thus 
Augustine  addresses  his  epistle  to  the  church  at 
Hippo,  to  the  clergy,  the  elders,  and  the  whole 
laitv,  "universae  plebi."  And,  again  (Collat. 
Donat.  die  1,  §  5),  says  that  the  people  (plcbes) 
refused  to  acknowledge  two  bishops  in  one 
church.  The  sixth  council  of  Paris,  A.D.  8'-9 
(c.  25),  rebukes  certain  archdeacons  for  extor- 
tions practised,  not  only  on  the  parochial  clergy, 
but  evcu  on  the  faithful  laity,  "in  plebibus 
parochiae  suae."  .       , 

(2)  But  it  is  more  generally  used  m  the 
sense  of  an  ecclesiastical  division,  either  a 
.liocese,  or  a  parish.  Thus  the  first  council  of 
Carthage,  A  d.  348  (c.  5),  provides  against  the 
ordination  of  a  layman  from  another  d.occse 
"  de  piebc  alieua,"  without  the  know  edge  ot 
the  bishop  of  the  diocese  to  which  he  belongs; 


1646 


PLOTINUS 


and  (c.  12)  listens  with  ajjprobation  to  the  com- 
plaint of  one  of  their  number,  that  another 
bishop  was  in  the  habit  of  holding  visitations  in 
certain  parishes  of  his  diocese,  "  circuit  plebes 
mihi  attributas."  The  second  council  of  Car- 
thage, A.D.  390  (c.  20),  Cod.  Ecd.  Afric.  (cc. 
98,  99),  makes  regulations  for  the  allotment  of 
parishes  (plebes)  to  their  proper  dioceses.  The 
third  council  of  Carthage,  A.D.  397  (c.  20), 
provides  that  no  bishop  shall  interfere  with 
parishes  out  of  his  own  diocese,  "  plebes  alienae." 
A  council  h'jld  at  Rome,  a.d.  826  (Synod. 
Horn.  c.  16),  speaks  of  the  parishes  under  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  bishop,  "  subjectis  plebibus." 
The  council  of  Meaux,  a.d.  845  (c.  29),  orders 
that  bishops  should  visit  the  "  plebes  "  under 
their  jurisdiction.  A  Capitulary  of  Charles  the 
Great  (tit.  v.  c.  4)  speaks  of  the  presbyters  in 
charge  of  their  respective  plebes. 

(3)  Thomassin  0e  Ecd.  Discip.  Vet.  et  Nov. 
i.  2,  c.  5,  §  8)  thinks  that  the  word  was  especially 
applied  to  the  great  parish  churches  which  were 
in  charge  of  archpresbyters,  in  which  alone 
baptism  was  administered,  and  which  possessed 
some  jurisdiction  over  the  inferior  parishes. 
Thus  in  the  council  held  at  Rome,  A.D.  826 
{Synod.  Bom.  c.  8),  mention  is  made  of  the 
"plebes  baptismales."  The  first  council  of 
Pavia,  A.D.  850  (c.  6)  speaks  of  the  appointment 
of  penitentiaries  by  the  bishops  and  ardhpres- 
byters  of  "plebes  ;"  and  (c.  13)  speaks  of  arch- 
presbyters of  "plebes''  who  were  to  exercise  a 
certain  authority,  not  only  over  the  laity, 
"  vulgus,"  but  over  the  presbyters  of  the 
inferior  parishes,  "qui  per  minores  titulos 
habitant,"  and  to  have  authority  in  their  own 
parishes  as  the  bishop  in  the  cathedral  church, 
"sicut  ipse  matrici  praeest,  ita  archipresbyter 
praesit  plebibus,"  yet  in  due  submission  to 
episcopal  authority.  [P.  0.] 

PLOTINUS,  martyr,  with  forty-nine  others, 
at  Melitene  ;  commemorated  Nov.  21  (Wright, 
Syr.  Mart).  [C.  H.] 

PLURALITIES  {Pluralitas  benefidorum).— 
The  ofBce  of  a  clergyman  is  of  such  a  nature  as 
to  be  for  the  most  part  incompatible  with  other 
employment ;  nor  is  it  possible  for  one  person 
adequately  to  discharge  duties  in  two  churches. 
Hence  it  has  from  ancient  times  been  forbidden 
that  one  man  should  hold  office  in  diflerent 
places.  The  council  of  Chalcedon  (a.d.  451) 
ordered  (c.  10)  that  no  person  should  be  borne 
on  the  roll  of  two  churches  in  respect  of  the 
same  office.  Gregory  the  Great  (Joannes  Diac. 
Vita  Greg.  ii.  54 ;  Decretum,  p.  i.  dist.  Ixxxix. 
c.  1)  desired  that  one  office  in  the  church  and 
no  more  should  be  committed  to  one  person  ;  the 
members  of  Christ  must  subserve  each  its  own 
use.  The  sixteenth  council  of  Toledo  (a.d.  693) 
ordered  (c.  5)  in  the  most  emphatic  manner  that 
more  than  one  church  should  on  no  account  be 
committed  to  the  charge  of  a  single  presbyter  ; 
and  the  second  council  of  Nicaea  (a.d.  787) 
enjoined  (c.  15)  that  no  clerk  should  hold  pre- 
ferment in  two  churches,  for  a  man  cannot 
serve  two  masters.  A  main  object  of  this  canon, 
as  that  of  the  council  of  Chalcedon  previously 
quoted,  was  to  compel  clerks  to  remain  in  the 
church  were  they  were  first  ordained  (Walter, 
Kirdienrecht,  §  221,  9th  ed. ;  Van  Espen,  Jus 
Ecdesiasticum,  p.  ii_.  sec.  iii.  tit.  3).  [C] 


PNEUMA 


2»1 


PLUTAECHUS,  martyr  at  Alexandria  with 
Serenus    and   others  ;    commemorated   June  28^ 
(Usuard.    Mart. ;    Vet.    Horn.    Mart. ;     HieronM 
Mart.).  [C.  H.]  • . 

PLUVIALE.     [Cope,  p.  458.] 

PNEUMA.  This  word  is  quite  as  frequently 
as  not  met  with  in  the  form  Neuma  ;  sometimes 
also  in  the  form  Neupma,  which  seems  to  point 
to  the  orthography  of  Pneuma ;  and  in  the 
form  Neuma  the  origin  seems  to  have  been  lost 
sight  of  and  the  word  considered  to  be  of  the 
first  declension,  as  we  find  Neumae  and  Neumas. 
It  is  applied  to  a  musical  passage,  consisting  of 
a  number  of  notes,  which  were  either  sung  to 
one  syllable,  or  to  no  words  at  all,  in  that  case  ■ 
probably  on  the  vowel  a  (ah).  This  appears  to  ■ 
have  been  used  in  the  Jewish  worship  as  a  sub- 
stitute for  the  instrumental  performance  of 
"  Selah  "  (see  Diapsalma),  or  may  have  been 
considered  a  meaning  of  that  obscure  word.  It 
is  also  thought  to  be  a  technical  meaning  of  the 
term  "  jubilare  "  used  in  the  translation  of  the 
Psalms,  so  Belethus  (quoted  by  J.  M.  Neale  de 
Scquentiis  ad  H.  A.  Danid  Epist.  Crit.),  "In 
hujus  fine  neumatizamus,  id  est  jubilamus,  dum 
Hnem  protrahimus  et  ei  velut  caudam  accin- 
gimus,"  and  this  was  mystically  referred  to  the 
eternal  rejoicing  of  the  saints :  "  Solemus  longam 
notam  post  Alleluia  super  literam  A  decantare 
quia  gaudium  sanctorum  in  coelis  interminabile 
et  ineffabile  est;"  and  the  absence  of  words  is 
explained  thus,  "  quia  ignotus  nobis  est  modus 
laudandi  Deum  in  patria  "  (Neale,  ut  sup.).  The 
Pneuma  must  have  attained  considerable  mag- 
nitude within  the  period  of  this  dictionary, 
because  immediately  afterwards  Notker  de- 
veloped out  of  it  the  practice  of  singing 
sequences  (Neale) ;  it  would  seem  very  probable 
that  it  had  been  found  inconvenient  from  its 
length.  A  very  similar  proceeding  has  taken 
place  in  the  present  century  in  oratorio  music ; 
one  seldom  now  meets  with  long  florid  passages* 
such  as  are  to  be  found  in  songs,  and  even  in 
choruses,  in  the  works  of  Handel  and  Haydn. 

The  first  tone  is  generally  quoted  as  a  speci- 
men of  a  short  Pneuma  of  three  notes : — 


@3= 


Et  in  secula  se  -  cu  -  lo  -  rum.  A  -  men. 

The  following  is  given  in  Guido  Aretinus  {de 
Modorum  Formulis  apud  Coussemaker,  vol.  ii. 
pp.  78,  &c.),  in  a  "  Communion "  of  the  second 

mode : — 


m^-=i^- 


Et 


m^. 


-^ji^- 


-    rum.    A     -     men 

In    Walter    de     Odyngton    (Coussemaker,    i. 


"  These  pneumat.a  or  passages  were  at  a  later  period 
called  "  divisions ; "  tlius  Shakspere  "  Some  say  the  lark 
makes  sweet  division  "  {Romeo  and  Juliet,  iii.  5). 


POEMEN 

pp.  218,  &c.)  occurs  the  following  as  an  inde- 
pendent Pneuma,  apparently ;  under  the  eighth 
mode  : — 

Oc  -  to     sunt     be  -  a    -    ti  -  tu  -  di-nes. 


POLYEUCTUS 


1G47 


Neup  -ma. 


Some  of  considerable  length  appear  in  the 
Tonarius  Eeginonis  Prumensis,  in  the  notation 
spoken  of  above  under  the  article  Music,  that 
presents  the  appearance  of  short-hand  writing, 
anterior  to  the  invention  of  the  stave ;  they  are  put 
■with  the  NoNANXEANE,  or  NOEACIS ;  one  notably 
may  be  mentioned,  standing  at  the  head  of  the 
Differentia  iv"  toni ;  also  in  this  MS.,  additions 
made  by  a  later  hand  at  the  beginning  of  each 
section,  e.g.  "  Quarta  vigilia  venit  ad  eos,"  are 
supplied  with  a  notation,  and  apparently,  a 
Pneuma. 

Amongst  other  uses  for  Pneumata  one  was  to 
enable  the  chant  to  end  satisfactorily,  so  that 
there  could  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  mode  in  which 
jt  was  composed.  [J.  E.  L.] 

POEMEN,  "  our  father,"  anchorite  in  The- 
bais,  confessor ;  commemorated  Aug.  27  {Cal. 
Byzant. ;  Basil.  Menol. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv. 
266  ;  Mart.  Bom. ;    Boll.  Acta  SS.  vi.  25). 

[C.  H.] 

POENITENTIA.     [Penitence.] 

POITIERS,  SYNOD  OF  (Pictavense  c), 
A.D.  590,  to  adjudicate  on  a  quarrel  between  the 
royal  nuns  Chrodieldis  and  Basena  and  the 
abbess  of  the  convent  of  St.  Radegund,  their 
superior,  when  they  were  both  excommunicated 
(Mansi,  955-958).  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

POLIANUS,  martyr  in  Africa  under  Decius 
or  Valerian  ;  commemorated  Sept.  10  (Usuard. 
Hart.).  [C.  H.] 

POLIUS  with  Timotheus  and  Eutichius,  all 
deacons  ;  commemorated  in  Mauritania  Caesari- 
ensis  May  21  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart. ; 
Eieron.  Mart.,  POLUS).  [C.  H.] 

POLLIO,  martyr  in  Pannonia ;    commemo- 
rated Ap.  28  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Hieron.  Mart.). 
[C.  H.] 

POLYAENUS  (1),  martyr  with  Acacius  and 
Menander,  disciples  and  fellow-martyrs  of  Patri- 
cius,  bishop  of  Prusa ;  commemorated  May  19 
(Basil.  Mcnol.). 

(2)  Martyr  with  Hermas  and  Serapion  ;  com- 
memorated Aug.  18  (Basil.  Menol.).        [C.  H.] 

POLYANDRON.  This  word  is  used  by 
modern  antiquaries  for  a  common  sepulchre 
containing  any  number  of  bodies  above  four. 
Cells  (loculi)  were  arranged  in  three  or  four,  or 
even  in  as  many  as  twelve  tiers  one  above 
another,  in  the  sides  of  a  vault  or  catacomb,  and 
in  order  to  make  the  most  of  the  space,  they 
were  adapted  to  the  diflerent  ages  and  sizes  of 
the  bodies  to  be  placed  in  them.     Three  such 


parallel  rows  of  niches  are  to  be  seen  in  tlie 
cemetery  of  Cyriaca,  intended  respectively  for 
tall,  middle-sized  and  short  bodies  (Marchi 
I  Monumenti,  &c.  tav.  .w.).  Curiously  enough' 
such  cells  are  sometimes  found  excavated  in  a 
crooked  line,  so  that  it  would  seem  that  the  body 
must  have  been  bent  to  fit  into  them  (id.  tav. 
xviii.).  Tracings  for  blocks  of  niches  that  have 
never  been  executed  are  occasionally  found  (i'c/. 
p.  124  and  tav.  xxviii.). 

These  receptacles  for  the  dead  are  not  always 
made  in  the  walls  of  catacombs,  but  are 
sometimes  under  the  floor,  as  in  the  ancient 
Christian  cemeteries  at  Chiusi  (Cavedoni,  Cimit. 
Chiusi,  p.  20)  and  in  other  places  (Marchi, 
I  Monumenti,  &c.  tav.  xxi.  xxvi.  &c.). 

The  bricks  which  were  used  to  close  the 
mouth  of  these  cells  at  Ronie  were  obtained 
from  the  brickyards  in  the  neighbourhood. 
They  are  generally  marked  with  the  name  of 
the  factory  and  of  the  maker,  and  sometimes 
with  those  of  the  consuls.  The  last-mentioned 
mark  would  of  course  be  strong  evidence  of  the 
period  of  burial.  A  considerable  number  of 
drawings  of  these  inscribed  bricks  may  be  seen 
in  Boldetti  (Osservazioni,  &c.  p.  528  et  seq.)  and 
in  Fabretti  {Tnscript.  Antiq.  t.  viii.)  (Martigny, 
Diet.  des.  Antiq.  chre't.  s.  v.).  [E.  C.  H.] 

POLYCARPUS  (1),  bishop  of  Smyrna, 
martyr ;  comnjemorated  Jan.  26  (Bed.,  Wand., 
Usuard.,  Notker.,  Vet.  Bom.  Mart. ;  Mart. 
Hieron. ;  Mart.  Bom.  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii. 
691);  Jan.  27  at  Nicaea  (Wright,  Anc.  Syr. 
Mart,  in  Journ.  Sac.  Lit.  1866,  424)  ;  Feb.  23 
(Basil.  Menol. ;  Cal.  Byzant.  ;  Daniel,  Cod. 
Liturg.  iv.  253  ;  Hieron.  Mart.,  Polycarpus  of 
Asia). 

(2)  Presbyter  and  confessor;  commemorated 
Feb.  23  (Usuard.  Mart.,  Policarpus ;  Vet.  Bom. 
Mart. ;  Mart.  Bom. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  iii. 
369). 

(3)  Of  Alexandria,  martyr  under  Maximianus  ; 
commemorated  Ap.  2  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Ap.  i.  58). 

(4)  Martyr  with  Thraseas,  Gains,  and  eight 
others  at  Eumeneia  in  Phrygia  ;  commemorated 
Oct.  27  (Wright,  Syr.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

POLYCHRONIUS,  bishop  and  martyr  of 
Babylon  in  the  Decian  persecution ;  commemo- 
rated Feb.  17  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart. ; 
Vet.  Bom.  Mart.  ;  Mart.  Bom. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Feb.  iii.  5).  [C.  H.] 

POLYEUCTUS  (1)  of  Melitina,  flourished 
under  Decius  and  Valerian,  martyr  ;  commemo- 
rated at  Melitina  Jan.  7  (Wright,  And.  Syr. 
Mart,  in  Journ.  St.  Lit.  1866,  423) ;  Jan.  22  at 
Nicomedia  (i-6fc?.  424)  ;  Jan.  8  (Notker.);  Jan.  9 
(Basil.  Menol. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  250) ; 
Feb.  13  (PoLiOCTUS,  martyr  in  Mclitana, 
Usuard.  Mart.  ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart.  ;  POLYEUCTUS 
of  Melitina,  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  G51,  cir.  A.D. 
259);  Feb.  14  (Hieron.  Mart.,  Por.iCTUS  of 
Melitana)  ;  May  19  (Hieron.  Mart,  Poi.iociius 
of  Caesarea  in  Cappadocia) ;  M.iy  21  (Hicron. 
Mart,  Polieuctus  of  Caesarea  in  ( npp.  ; 
Usuard.  Mart.,  POLYEUCTUS,  with  Victonus 
and  Donatus  in  Mauritania  Caesanens;  Boll. 
Acta    SS.    Mai.    v.    5,   the    same);    Dec.    19 


1648 


POLYGAMY 


(Basil.  Menol.,  Polyeuctus,  martyr  of    Caesa- 
rea). 

(2)  Confessor  with  Timotheus  ;  commemorated 
May  20  (Wright,  Syr.  Mart.). 

(3)  Martyr  at  Caesarea  in  Cappadocia,  with 
Victurus,  Donatus,  Quintus ;  commemorated 
May  21  {Hieron.  Mart).  Under  Jan.  7,  Hicron. 
Mart,  has  Polioctos  and  Candida  at  Melitana ; 
Pohartus,  Filoronius,  Candidianus,  elsewhere. 
Under  Feb.  14  the  same  Martyrology  has  Candi- 
dianus, Poliarctus,  Filoronis,  in  Graecia.  Florus 
under  Jan.  11  commemorates  Poliuctus.  Candi- 
dianus, Filotimus;  and  on  the  same  day  the 
Bollaudists  have  Polyeuctus,  Candidianus,  Philo- 
romus  {Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  666).  [C.  H.] 


PONTTFEX 


POLYGAMY.     [Marriage,  ix.  p.  1101.] 

POLYMITUS  (POLYMITUM,  POLYMITA  VeS- 

Tis).  This,  as  the  name  implies,  is  a  garment 
woven  with  various  coloured  threads.  Thus 
Isidore  defines  it  iEtym.  xix.  22  ;  Patrol.  Ixxxii. 
686),  "  Pobpnita  multi  colons.  Polymitus  enim 
textus  multorum  colorum  est."  Caesarius  of 
Aries  forbids  to  nuns  the  use  of  "  plumaria  et 
acupictura  et  omne  polymitum  "  {lieg.  aJ  Virq 
42  ;  Patrol.  Ixvii.  1116).  Jerome  {Epist.  64  ad 
Fahiolam,  c.  12  ;  Patrol,  xxii.  614)  uses  the  word 
in  describing  the  Jewish  priestly  girdle.  The 
word  also  occurs  in  the  Capitularc  de  Imaginihus 
of  Charlemagne  (i.  12;  Patrol,  xcviii.  1033), 
where  the  "  vestis  polymita  sive  varia  "  is  the 
"  coat  "  of  Joseph,  symbolising  the  church  gath- 
ered out  of  many  nations.  For  further  references, 
see  Ducange's  Glossarium,  s.  v.  [R.  S.] 

POLYXENA,  virgin,  sister  of  Xautippe,  the 
wife  of  Probus  praefect  of  Spain  in  the  reigu  of 
Claudius,  disciples  of  St.  Paul ;  commemorated 
Sept.  23  (Basil.  Menol.).  [C.  H.j 

POMPA.     [Marriage,  p.  1109.] 

POMPEIUS  (1)  Martyr  with  Terentius 
under  Deems ;  commemorated  Ap.  10  (Mart 
Mom.) ;  Daniel  (Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  257)  gives  the 
two  names  as  one,  Pompeius  Terentius,  which 
may  be  by  a  typical  error  omitting  a  comma 
between  them. 

(2)  Of  Italy,  martyr  in  Macedonia  with  Pere- 
grinus  and  others  under  Trajan  ;  commemorated 
July  7  (Basil.  Menol.  •  Mart.  Bom.).        [C.  H.] 

PONTIANUS  (1)  Martyr  at  Spoletum 
under  one  of  the  Antonines  ;  commemorated  Jan 
19  (Usuard.  Mart.;  Vet.  Rom.  Mart.;  Bed. 
Mart.  Auct-  Mart.  Pom.);  Jan.  14  (xNotker, 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  932,  and  some  other  Mar- 
tyrologies). 

(2)  Deacon,  martyr  at  Carthage  with  St 
Cyprian;  commemorated  Mar.  8  (Vet  Mom 
Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart.,  Pontius). 

(3)  Martyr  at  Rome  with  Eusebius  and  others 
under  Commodius ;  commemorated  Auo-.  05 
(Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Pom.  Mart.).  ^ 

(4)  Pope  and  martyr  under  Ma.ximinus  ;  natalis 
commemorated    at    Rome    Nov.    20     (Usuard 
Wand.,   Vet.  Pom.  Mart.)  ;    Oct.   29   (Florus  ap! 
Bed.  Mart.)  ;  Aug.  13  (Hieron.  Mart.). 

(5)  Martyr  at  Rome  with  Praetextatus,  under 


Maximinus;    commemorated    Dec.  11    (Usuard 
Mart. ;  Vet.  Pom.  Mart.  ;  Hieron.  Mart.). 

PONTIFEX.     The  derivation  of  thS' ^Jd '^ 
by  V  arro,  from  pons  and  facere,  «  inasmuch  as  " 
he  says,    "the   Roman    pontiffs   built  the  Pons 
bubhcius  and  afterwards  frequently  restored  it " 
(de  Ling.  Led.  v.  83),  may  be  compared  with  a 
capitulary  of  Charles  the  Great  which  commences 
thus :   "  De  pontibus  vero  vel  reliquis  similibus 
openbus  que  ecclesiastki  per  justam  et  antiquam 
corisuetudinem  cum  reliquo  populo  facere  debent » 
(Pertz,  Legg.  i.  1 1 1).    Richter,  however,  considers 
the  theory  that  its  Christian  use  was  derived 
from  the  Roman  emperors  highly  improbable,  and 
inclines  to  regard  it  as  a  reminiscence  from  the 
Levitical  service  in  the  temple,   carryinc^  with  it 
the  notion  of  a  mediatorial  ofBce  (Lehrbtwh  d 
Jurchenrechts,  p.  2o4).     In  Christian  literature 
the  title  first  comes  prominently  before   us,  as 
sarcastically  applied  by  Tertullian   to  the  bishop 
of  Rome  :  "Audio  etiam  edictum  esse  propositum, 
et  quidem  peremptorium,  Pontifex  scilicet  maxi- 
mus,    quod   est    episcopus   episcoporum,  edicit," 
&c."  (de  Pudicitia,  c.  i.).     Cyprian  employs  lan- 
guage which  sufficiently  proves   that  such  pre- 
eminence was  unrecognized  in  the  African  church 
of  his  day:  "  neque  enim  quisquam  nostrum  epis- 
copum  se  esse  episcoporum   .   .   .   quando  habeat, 
omnis  episcopus  pro  licentia  libertatis  et   potes-* 
tatis  suae  arbitrium  proprium  "  (Alloc,  in  Cone. 
Carth.  ann.  256  ;  Gieseler,  I.  i.  361).    The  author 
of  the  Life  of  Fulgentius,  speaking  of  the  return 
ot  the  orthodox  bishops  to  Africa,  says  that  Hil- 
deric,  the  Vandal  monarch,  "  Carthaginiensi  plebi 
pi-oprium  donavit  antistitem  "  (i.e.  a  metropolitan) 
"cunctisque  in  locis  ci-diwaiionfispontificum"  (i.e. 
bishops)  "  fieri  clementissima  auctoritate  ordina- 
vit"  (Baronius,    ann.    522,    c.   x.).     This    alone 
suggests  some  doubt  as  to  the  genuineness  of  the 
39th  canon  of  the  African  code,  which  enjoins  that 
"  no  primate  shall  be   called  a  prince  of  priests, 
or  pontiff"  [African  Councils,  p.  38].  Similarly 
the  monks  of  Carthage  in  the  year  525,  in  a  peti- 
tion to  Boniface,  bishop  of  that  city,  address  him 
not  only  as    "  apostolica    dignitate   praeditus," 
but    also    as    "  Christi   venerandus   Pontifex" 
(Thomassin,   ed.  Bourass^,   ii.  366).     Hilary   of 
Aries  is  styled  "  summus  Pontifex  "  by  Eucherius, 
bishop    of  Lyons   (Migne,  1.    773).     Anastasius 
first  applies  the  term  to  Pelagius  I.,  of  whose  or- 
dination in  the  year  555  he  says,  "  et  ordinaverunt 
eum   pontificem  "  (Migne,  Patrol,   cxxviii.  109). 
Pelagius  himself  uses  the  title  when  speaking  of 
his  predecessor,  Leo  the  Great  (Sirmond.  i.  310). 
There  is,  however,  abundant  evidence  that  long 
after  the  6th  century,  especially  in  the  language 
of  the  civil  legislator,   the  title  continued  to  be 
applied  to  all  bishops  indiscriminately.     It  is  of 
frequent  occurrence  in  the  Gothic  and  Lombardic 
codes,  and  in  the  capitularies  of  Charles  the  Great, 
e.g.  "  Ut  unusquisque  sacerdos  cotidianis  adsistat 
orationibus  pro  pontifice  cujus  gubernatur  regi- 
mine  "  (Pertz,  Legg.  i.  87).      In  a  capitulary  of 
the  council  of  Aachen  (a.d.  803)  metropolitans  are 
designated  as  "  summi  pontifices."     Segebodusis 
styled  "  totius  Gothiae  provinciae  archipontifex  " 
(Gallia  Christiana,  vi.   168).     In  the   10th  cen- 
tury, Bruno,  primate  of  Cologne,   is  designated 
simply  as  "  pontifex  "  (Pertz.  3Ion.  Germ.  Hist. 
V.  430),  while  in  a  charter  of  the  year  962,  given 
by  Bertha,  queen  of  Hungary,  the  pope  of  Rome 


PONTIFICAL 

is  styled  "Pontifex  pontificum  apostolicae  sedis." 
But  in  the  yeai-  1000  we  find  the  archbishop 
of  Aries  designated  as  "  Pontifex  summus " 
(Ducange,  s.v.),  and  Lanfranc,  in  the  11th 
century,  is  referred  to  by  his  biographer,  Milo 
Crispinus,  as  "  Primas  et  pontifex  summus " 
(Migne,  Fat?'ol.  cl.  10).  DAchery  indeed,  in  a 
note  on  the  latter  passage,  states  that  these  titles 
■were  commonly  eiven  to  bishops  of  distinguished 
sees.  "  [J.  B.  M.} 

PONTIFICAL  (Liber  Pontificalis  Pontifi- 
cale,  'ApX'epariKSv),  a  book  of  offices  peculiar  to 
a  bishop,  as  those  of  ordination,  confirmation, 
&c.  The  later  pontificals  admitted  offices 
common  to  priests  and  bishops,  as  e.g.  that  of 
baptism,  but  with  special  directions  for  their 
performance  by  the  latter. 

The  early  Sacrajiextary  was  also  a  pontifi- 
cal. Thus  the  Gelasian  gives  the  prayers  said 
by  the  bishop  oyer  public  penitents  on  Ash-Wed- 
nesday and  Maundy  Thursday  {Liturg.  Rom.  Vet. 
Murat.  i.  505,  549)  ;  the  forms  of  ordination  of 
bishops,  priests,  and  all  the  inferior  clergy 
(512,  513,  515,  619-629);  the  benediction  of 
nuns  (629)  ;  of  the  holy  oils  and  chrism  (55-1)  ; 
of  baptism,  as  performed  by  the  bishop  on 
Easter-eve  and  the  eve  of  Whitsunday  (568, 
591);  the  orders  of  confirmation  (570,  597); 
and  of  the  dedication  of  a  church  (609). 

The  "  Ordo  Romanus,  qualiter  Missa  pontifi- 
calis celebretur,"  probably  compiled  about  730 
[Ordo],  may  be  regarded  as  a  partial  pontifical 
in  its  earliest  form.  The  first  part  {Miis.  Ital. 
ii.  3-16)  describes  a  pontifical  mass,  but  it  gives 
also  directions  for  the  especial  services  of  Lent 
and  Holy  Week  as  celebrated  by  a  bishop,  in- 
cluding the  making  of  holy  oil,  and  chrism,  and 
the  baptisms  of  Easter-eve  (17-29),  and  for  those 
of  Easter-day,  Whitsunday,  St.  Peter's  day,  and 
Christmas  (29).  An  appendix  contains,  with 
many  further  instructions,  the  method  of  making 
the  Agxus  Dei.  Such  a  directory  was  neces- 
sary at  a  time  when  the  sacramentaries,  as 
e.g.  the  Leonian,  or  Veronese  Gelasian  (Mur. 
u.  s.  i.  294-483),  were  almost  without  rubrics. 
The  necessary  parts  of  this  Ordo  were  afterwards 
transferred,  sometimes,  it  seems,  without  any 
alteration,  as  in  the  Codex  Eligianus,  printed  by 
Menard  {0pp.  Greg.  M.  iii. ;  i.  coll.  1-240)  to 
the  sacramentaries  as  rubrics. 

The  Gregorian  sacramentary,  as  edited  by 
Grimoald,  who  became  abbat  of  St.  Gall  in  841, 
omits  the  ordinal,  and  the  offices  of  confirmation 
and  the  dedication  of  a  church  (Menard,  Praef. 
in  Sacrum.  Greg.  xii. ;  Pamelii  Liturgicon,  index 
Sacr.  Grim.  ii.  390-394).  This  shews  that  some 
offices  assigned  to  bishops  were  already  to  be 
sought  for  in  another  book,  i.e.  in  a  "  pontifical." 
It  may  be  doubted  also  whether  the  Bcnedictiones 
Upiscopales  ("  sub  finem  Colonien.  praecipui  cod. 
alia  manu  script.")  originally  belonged  to  this 
isacramentary  (Pamel.  ii.  478). 

It  is  probable  that  pontificals  were  in  use  at 
least  in  England  a  full  century  before  the  time 
of  Grimoald,''  though  the  name  does  not  appear 
to  have  been  finally  fixed  at  that  period.     (1) 


PONTIFICAL 


1649 


b  Zaccaria  (BiUioth.  Bit.  i.  vi.  2)  says :  "  Inter  Latin- 
oi'um  Pontificalia  celebriora  sunt  S.  Protadii,  ii.  C26,"  &c. 
I  can  obtain  no  Information  about  tbe  PontiBcal  of  Prot.i- 
dius ;  and  suspect  that  the  statement  is  a  mistake  arising 


The  earliest  extant  is  probably  tliat  of  Egbert, 
archbishop  of  York,  from  732  to  760,  now  in  the 
National  Library  at  Paris,  no.  138.  in  order  to 
exhibit  the  full  contents  of  an  early  pontifical 
we  will  give  the  headings  of  the  several  offices 
in  this  book,  only  premising  that  the  extant  copy 
appears  to  have  been  written  in  the  lifetime  of 
Egbert.  "  Literis  Saxonicis  ab  annis  circiter  950 
eleganter  scriptum,"  said  Martene  in  1699  (Z>e 
A7it.  L'ccl.  Bit.  ed.  17G4,  i.  p.  xx.).  It  contains 
the  ordinatio  episcopi  (with  proper  missa  and 
benediction);  confirmatio  hominum  ab  episcopo 
dicenda  (with  benedictions) ;  ordo  de  sacris  ordi- 
nibus,  qualiter  in  Romana  aecclesia  presbiteri, 
diaconi,  subdiaconi,  vel  ceteri  ordines  clericorum 
benedicendi  sunt  (with  missae) ;  ratio  qualiter 
domus  Dei  consecrandus  est  (with  missae),  which 
is  preceded  by  a  form  to  be  used  by  the  priest 
when  he  gives  notice  of  the  intended  consecration 
{Pont,  of  Egbert,  p.  26  ;  Surtees  Soc.  vol.  sxvii.), 
and  followed  by  a  "  missa  in  dedicatione  ora- 
torii,"  a  proper  benediction  for  the  dedication  of  a 
church,  a  missa  '•  in  dedicatione  fontis,"  and  the 
office  to  be  used  "  in  consecratione  cimiterii " 
(with  missa)  ;  reconciliatio  altaris  vel  loci  sacri, 
with  missa  in  reconciliatione  ecclesie,  and  a  proper 
benediction.  The  second  part  (pp.  58-136)  con- 
sists chiefly  of  episcopal  benedictions,  but  other 
rites  occur.  We  have  (1)  benedictions  for 
Sundays  and  other  holidays  (58-93);  (2)  for 
occasional  use  as  at  ordinations,  super  regem, 
pro  iter  agentibus,  super  synodum,  «S:c.  (pp. 
94-100)  ;  (3)  Missa  pro  regibus  in  die  benedic- 
tionis,   followed   by  the    unction   and   prayers  ; 

(4)  consecratio  abbatis  vel  abbatissae,  benedictio 
virginis  monialis,  consecratio  viduae,  consecratio 
crucis,  ordo  ad   sanctimonialem  benedicendam  ; 

(5)  benedictions  of  fruits,  bread,  houses,  bells, 
&c.  ;  (6)  the  Roman  rites  for  Maundy  Thursday, 
the  blessing  of  the  Paschal  Lamb  and  other  feasts, 
the  blessing  of  incense  on  Easter  eve  ;  (7)  Bene- 
dictio armorum, — panis  ad  irifirmum, — casei  et 
butyri,  et  omnis  pulmenti,  ad  sponsas  benedictio, 
orationes  ad  libros  benedicendos,  benedictio  vini, 
pro  oculorum  infirmitate,  orationes  dicende  cum 
adoratur  sancta  crux,  ad  palmas  benedicendas  vel 
ramos.  Several  of  the  offices  are  given  by  Mar- 
tene (i-  92,  275  ;  ii.  31, 188,  199,  214,  246,  285, 
294  ;  iii.  101,  108).  Morinus  {de  Sacrum  Ord. 
ii.  230)  refers  to  the  same  century  the  pontifical 
known  as  the  Benedictional  of  archbishop  Robert 
now  in  the  public  library  at  Rouen,  no.  27.  It 
is  so  called  from  the  episcopal  benedictions  pre- 
ceding the  offices  in  the  MS.  A  full  account  of 
it  is  given  by  Mr.  Gage  in  ArcJiacologia,  vol.  xxiv. 
pp.  118-136.  The  extant  copy  seems  to  have 
been  written  at  the  instance  of  Aethelgar 
of  Canterbury,  989.  The  Ordinationum  Ritus 
are  printed  by  Morinus,  u.  s.  230-235;  and 
in  his  work  Be  Sacram.  Pocnit.  he  gives 
the  absolutio  dicenda  ab  episcopo  super  con- 
versum  et  poenitentem  (p.  478);  see  also 
p.  374).  This  pontifical  seems  to  have  been  only 
slightly  known  to  Martene,  as  he  merely  refers 
to  it  twice  (ii.  163  ;  iii.  88).  The  latter  wnter 
assigns  to  the  same  age  ("  annorum  900  )  the 
pontifical    formerly   in    the   Abbey   library   at 


from  the  fact  that  certain  lauds  or  acclamaUons  at  the 
enthronement  of  a  bishop  are  ascribed  to  Protadius. 
hlsbop  of  Bo9an9on.  who  died  in  625  (Migne.  Patrol. 
r.at.  Ixxx.  409). 


1650 


PONTIFICALIA 


Jumifeges,  now  no.  362  in  the  public  library  at 
Kouen  ;  which  is  also  described  by  Mr.  Gage  in 
Archaeologia,  vol.  xxv.  244-250.  He  also  gives 
in  extenso  the  order  of  the  consecration  of  a 
church,  with  proper  missa  and  benediction 
(251-274).  Martene  has  transcribed  from  it, 
ordo  ad  catechumenum  ex  pagano  faciendum 
(i.  15) ;  qualiter  suscipere  debeant  poeuitentes 
episcopi  vel  presbyteri  (275) ;  ordo  ad  unguen- 
dum  infirmum  (301);  ordinationum  ritus  (ii. 
-37);  benedictio  monachorum  (162),  the  same  as 
in  Bened.  Roberti  (163)  ;  virginum  (189)  ;  regum 
(214) ;  ecclesiarum  (250) ;  reconciliatio  loci 
sacri  (285)  ;  benedictio  scrinii  (shrine)  vel  arcae 
(300);  formula  excommunicationis  (322);  ordo 
ad  energumenos  adjuvandos  (347)  ;  ordo  ad  bene- 
dicendum  oleum  infirmorum,  oleum  catechume- 
norum  et  sanctum  chrisma  (iii.  88  ;  the  same  as 
in  Ben.  Rob.).  Martene  also  describes  (in  16S9) 
"  Remensis  archimonasterii  S.  Remigii  antiquum 
pontificale  ante  annos  900  literis  Longobardicis 
exaratum,  Tirpini  archiepiscopi  Remensis  nomine 
Tulgo  appellatum "  (i.  xxii).  See  offices  cited 
by  Martene  in  i.  68 ;  iii.  10. 

The  foregoing  are,  if  I  mistake  not,  the  only 
pontificals  extant  which  are  assigned  to  the 
period  ending  with  the  death  of  Charlemagne. 
It  may  be  well,  however,  to  mention  some  others 
of  note  to  which  a  less  "antiquity  is  ascribed. 
(1)  There  is  one  which  was  given  to  a  monastery 
by  Prudentius,  bishop  of  Troye,  who  died  in  861 
<Zaccar.  u.  s.  169  ;  Martene,  i.  192,  303,  ii.  384, 
iii.  133,  153).  (2)  A  MS.  described  by  Jos. 
Hai-tzheim  in  his  Catalogue  of  the  Cathedral 
library  at  Cologne,  1752,  as  "Pontificale  Re- 
mense,"  but  probably  English,  as  the  following 
petition  which  he  cites  from  it  appears  to  indi- 
cate : — "  Ut  regale  solium,  videlicet  Saxonum, 
Merciorum,  Nordanhumbrorumque  sceptra,  non 
deserat "  (Egbert,  Font.  pref.  x.).  (3)  That  of 
Rheims  "  circa  tempus  Hincmari  (845)  exara- 
tum "  (Zacc.  167).  (5),  (6),  (7),  (8)  Those  of 
Noyons  (by  Radbodus)  (Mart.  ii.  47,  260),  Sens 
(iii.  88),  Poitiers  (i.  68,  93;  iii.  74,  101,  133, 
153),  and  Cahors  (i.  93 ;  ii.  45,  262,  333),  the 
copies  of  which  are  of  the  3  0th  century.  (9) 
The  pontifical  of  Dunstan  of  Canterbury,  who 
died  in  988,  is  in  the  National  Library  at  Paris, 
no.  943.  Martene  gives  from  it  the  rites  of 
ordination,  which  agree  with  those  in  the  MS. 
formerly  at  Jumifeges  (ii.  37),  the  benedictio 
monachorum  (163),  and  the  ordo  qualiter  domus 
Dei  consecranda  est  (255). 

The  Greeks  and  Orientals  do  not  appear  to 
have  put  their  episcopal  offices  into  a  separate 
volume  until  long  after  the  9th  century. 

In  the  church  of  Rome  Clement  VIII.,  in  1596, 
supplanted  all  the  other  pontificals  of  his  obedi- 
ence by  a  new  edition  of  the  Roman  (Catalani, 
Proleg.  in  Font!/.  Bom.  ii.  5).  [W.  E.  S.] 

PONTIFICALIA.    [Bishop,  p.  239.] 

PONTIUS  (1),  deacon,  martyr  at  Carthage 
with  St.  Cyprian ;  commemorated  Mar.  8 
(Usuard.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mart.  i.  750  ; 
Vet.  Bom.  Mart.,  Pontianus). 

(2)  Martyr  under  Valerian;  commemorated 
May  14  at  Cimela,  a  city  of  Gaul  (Usuard. 
Mart. ;  Mart.  Bom. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mai.  iii. 
272).  [C.  H.] 

POOL  OF  BETHESDA.     [Bethesda.]       | 


POOR,  CARE  OF 

POOR,  CARE  OF.  The  care  of  the  poor 
was  from  the  date  of  the  Apostolic  Canons  for- 
mally entrusted  to  the  bishop.  This  indeed  was 
but  a  detail  of  the  very  wide  rule  that  the 
bishop  was  to  have  the  care  of  everything  that 
concerned  the  church.  (ird.i'Tci)!'  rihv  e/cKATjtnacr- 
riKwv  irpayixa.TCt)!'  6  iirlffKOiros  exe'ro)  Trjr  (ppov- 
riSa.  Can.  Apost.  xxxvii.  Labbe,  i.  34  B.)  The 
argument  of  the  fortieth  canon  is,  that  since  he 
was  entrusted  with  the  souls  of  men  he  ought 
certainly  to  be  entrusted  with  money. 

The  comment  of  Zonaras  on  the  forty-first  of 
the  Apostolical  Canons  is,  that  the  care  of  the 
poor  was  committed  to  the  bishop,  who  had  the 
control  of  ecclesiastical  property  with  this  view  ; 
but  that  the  bishop  was  to  make  the  distribution 
to  the  poor  thi-ough  the  agency  of  the  priests  and 
deacons,  in  order  to  avert  from  himself  the  sus- 
picion of  applying  the  funds  to  his  own  uses 
(Bevereg.  Pandect,  tom.  i.  p.  29).  A  similar 
provision  is  made  by  the  council  of  Gangra  (a.d. 
325)  which  provides  (can.  8)  that  no  one  shall 
either  give  or  receive  offerings  apart  from  the 
bishop  or  him  whom  the  bishop  appoints  to  make 
distribution  to  the  poor  (6  iTrireTcry/teVos  ei's 
olKovofiiav  einroi'ias.     Labbe,  ii.  418  b). 

Bishops  are  enjoined  by  the  tenth  canon  of  the 
third  council  of  Tours  (a.d.  813)  to  have  "maxi- 
mam  curam  et  solicitudinem  circa  pauperes ;" 
yet  they  are  to  dispense  what  is  collected  by  the 
churches,  not  indiscriminately,  but  "  cauta  cir- 
cumspectione."  In  fulfilment  of  this  duty  they 
are  authorised  by  the  following  canon  to  pay 
what  is  necessary  out  of  the  treasury  of  the 
church  in  the  presence  of  the  presbyters  and 
deacons  (Labbe,  tom.  7,  p.  1262  d,  e).  The 
same  presence  of  witnesses  (cum  testibus) 
when  the  bishop  makes  these  payments  is  insisted 
on  in  the  Capitula  (cap.  12)  of  Charlemagne  of 
the  year  813.  The  right  of  the  poor  to  the 
property  of  a  bishopric  was  admitted  by  John 
the  Almoner,  patriarch  of  Alexandria,  when 
he  founded  a  monastery  and  endowed  it  with 
the  revenues  of  the  see.  To  justify  such  an 
alienation,  he  pleaded  that  the  "patrimony  of 
the  poor "  could  not  be  better  administered 
than  by  being  given  to  those  who  were  devoted 
to  evangelic  poverty.  [Property  of  the 
Church,  C.  (4).] 

Pope  Gregory's  answer  to  the  first  question  of 
Augustine  of  Canterbury  is  most  explicit  on  the 
subject  of  the  poor.  "  It  is  the  custom  of  the 
apostolical  see  to  deliver  to  ordained  bishops  pre- 
cepts that  of  every  oblation  which  is  made  there 
ought  to  be  four  portions,  one,  to  wit,  for  the 
bishop  and  his  household,  on  account  of  hospi- 
tality and  entertainment ;  another  for  the  clergy; 
a  third  for  the  poor ;  a  fourth  for  the  repairing 
of  churches."  (See  Bede's  Eccl.  Hist,  of  the 
English  Nation,  Gidley's  transl.  p.  65.) 

By  a  later  council  {Cone.  Aquisgran.  c.  142, 
A.D.  816)  the  obligation  to  care  for  the  poor  is 
specially  extended  to  canons.  Canons  might  have 
their  own  private  dwellings,  yet  they  were  to 
maintain  "  intra  claustra  "  an  abode  for  the  poor 
and  aged. 

In  the  last  of  the  eighty  Arabic  canons  of  the 
council  of  Nicaea  (a.d.  325)  it  is  directed  that  in 
every  town  there  should  be  appointed  an  officer 
(to  this  day  at  Rome  called  Frocurator  pau- 
perum),  whose  duty  it  was  to  care  for  the  poor. 
He  might  be  either  cleric  or  layman ;  he  was  to 


POOR,  CARE  OF 

live  near  the  church,  and,  having  the  control  of 
funds,  he  was  to  provide  not  only  for  the  sick, 
but  also  for  those  who  were  in  prison.  For  those 
who  were  improperly  imprisoned,  he  was  to 
obtain  liberation ;  the  others  were  to  be 
helped  so  that  they  wanted  neither  for  food  nor 
clothing.  In  France  a  similar  order  was  made 
by  the  fifth  council  of  Orleans  (can.  20).  Every 
Sunday  the  archdeacon  or  the  dean  (prae- 
positus)  was  to  visit  the  prisons,  and  to  supply 
the  wants  of  poor  prisoners  out  of  the  funds  of 
the  church.  Justinian  ordered  the  same  to  be 
done  on  Wednesday  or  Friday.  Other  poor 
captives,  too,  the  bishops  might  help.  Some  of 
the  '  slaves  of  the  church  "  they  might  liberate, 
make  them  a  grant  of  money  not  exceeding 
twenty  shillings  (solidi),  besides  house,  vine- 
yard or  plot  of  ground  {Cone.  Agd.  7).  Other 
slaves  there  were  to  protect  when  enfranchised 
(ih.).  Gregory  of  Tours  makes  it  a  special 
feature  in  his  eulogy  of  Maurilion,  bishop  of 
Cahors,  that  he  stood  between  the  poor  and 
those  who  might  oppress  them  "  defendens  pau- 
peres  ecclesiae  de  manu  malorum  judicum."  It 
was  at  the  request  of  Meroveus,  bishop  of 
Poictiers,  that  King  Childebert  readjusted  the 
public  imposts  according  to  their  ancient  distri- 
bution, greatly  to  the  relief  of  the  poor  of  his 
diocese  (Greg.  Tur.  Hist  ix.  30).  When  the 
same  officers  that  had  been  at  Poictiers  passed 
on  to  Tours,  they  were  resisted  by  Gregory  him- 
self, who  at  length  obtained  from  the  king  a 
confirmation  of  the  immunities  that  had  been 
conferred  upon  the  city  of  St.  Martin.  In 
England,  Cuthbert  of  Lindisfurne  thought  that 
the  distressed  would  betake  themselves  to  his 
body  even  after  death.  The  concourse,  he 
urged,  would  be  troublesome  to  the  monastery, 
and  therefore  it  was  for  the  advantage  of  the 
brethren  that  he  should  be  buried  beyond  its 
precinct  (Bede,  Life).  Nor  was  it  only  what  it 
is  the  fashion  to  call  "  the  deserving  poor  "  that 
were  to  be  helped;  but  if  any  one  of  the  faithful 
had  wasted  his  property  in  drinking,  and  feasting, 
and  wickedness,  still  he  was  not  to  be  deserted. 
Whatever  may  have  been  the  practical  effect  of 
the  church's  care  of  the  poor,  in  theory  at  least 
she  always  discouraged  idleness  in  the  able-bodied. 
The  bishop  was  to  give  food  and  raiment  so  far 
as  he  could  to  those  who  needed  them ;  but  it 
was  only  to  those  "  qui  debilitate  faciente  non 
possunt  suis  manibus  laborare  "  {Cone.  Aurel.  i. 
can.  16,  qu.  Thomassin.  part  ii.  liv.  iv.  ch.  5). 

So  paramount  did  the  claims  of  the  poor 
appear  in  the  eyes  of  Christians,  that  St. 
Cyril,  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  did  not  hesitate 
in  a  time  of  distress  to  sell  even  the  treasures 
of  the  church  in  order  to  provide  relief.  The 
story  is  told  at  length  by  Sozomen  how  a  man 
recognised  upon  an  actress  a  piece  of  work  which 
he  had  presented  at  the  altar ;  how  a  merchant 
had  sold  it  to  the  actress ;  how  the  bishop  sold 
it  to  the  merchant ;  and  how  the  bishop  was  de- 
posed in  consequence  (Sozom.  Hist.  Ecd.  iv.  25). 
Certain  forms  of  distress  are  the  subject  of 
special  enactment.  The  leprous,  as  being  in  the 
worst  case  of  all,  were  especially  commended  to 
the  care  of  the  bishop  {Con.  Aurel.  v.). 

It  appears  that  the  clergy  became  in  some 
cases  so  poor  as  to  need  alms.  A  bishop  or  priest 
was  bound  to  supply  such  an  ecclesiastic  with 
what  was  necessary,  on  pain  of  excommunica- 

ClIRIST.    ANT.— VOL.   II. 


POPE 


1651 


tion,  or  even  of  deposition  in  case  he  would  not 
amend  {dm.  Apost.  lix.  Bevereg,  Pandect,  torn.  i. 
p.  38). 

Gregory  of  Tours  relates  that  Crodin  took 
pleasure  in  building  magnificent  houses  and  fur- 
nishing them  sumptuously,  then,  asking  bishops 
who  were  poor  to  dine  with  him,  he  presented 
them  the  whole  property,  in  order  that  "  the  poor 
being  maintained  by  it  might  obtain  for  him 
pardon  with  God."  The  same  writer  a}iplies  the 
term  matricularii  to  the  poor  who  were  on  the 
roll  of  the  church  {De  Mirac.  B.  Blart.  iii.  22). 
The  fund  for  the  relief  of  the  poor  was  spoken 
of  by  St.  Gregory  the  Great  under  the  phrase 
Res  pauperum  (S.  Greg.  Mag.  Fpp.  Ivi.  Iviii.). 
In  the  former  of  these  two  letters  he  gives  his 
authority  for  the  payment  of  a  distressed  man's 
debt  out  of  that  fund.  The  care  of  the  poor 
was  not  confined  to  the  giving  of  money  or 
its  equivalents.  In  one  of  the  letters  of  St. 
Gregory  the  Great,  the  defence  of  the  poor 
(defensio  pauperum)  is  enjoined  upon  a  bishop 
as  his  duty  {Ep.  xxxvi.).  The  ordinary  rules 
of  courtesy  were  even  to  be  strained  in  their 
favour ;  "  the  poor  and  aged  persons  of  the 
church  are  more  to  be  honoured  than  the  rest " 
{Cone.  Carth.  iv.  83,  a.d.  398);  and  those  who 
I'idiculed  the  invitation  of  the  poor  to  the  houses 
of  others  were  anathematized  {Cone.  Gamjr.  can. 
11). 

It  ought  to  be  observed  that  by  the  11th 
canon  of  the  council  of  Chalcedon  (a.d.  451),  it 
is  enacted  that  poor  persons,  and  those  requiring 
help,  should  be  provided  with  Pacificae. 

Sometimes  a  house  for  the  reception  of  the 
poor  was  maintained  by  private  munificence. 
Such  a  house  probably  was  the  "  xenodochium 
in  portu  Romano  situm,"  of  which  it  would 
seem  from  the  letter  of  St.  Jerome  that  Fabiola 
was  the  foundress  (St.  Hieron.  Ep.  xxx.  ad 
Occanum).  The  council  of  Aix  (a.d.  816)  required 
that  canons  should  provide  in  their  precinct  a 
"  receptaculum  ubi  pauperes  colligantur."  This 
receptacle  was  lower  down  called  "  hospitale  " 
(Labbe,  vii.  p.  1403,  A,  b).  Further  particulars 
of  such  establishments  are  given  under  Hospital, 
Hospitality.  [H.  T.  A.] 

POPE.  (A)  Meaning  of  the  name.  (B)  Theory 
of  the  office. 

(1.)  St.  Peter  axd  the  Episcopal  Succession  at 
Rome. 

(i.)  Tradition  "of  Peter's  episcopate  and  residence 

in  Rome,  p.  1652. 
(ii.)  Evidence    for  tlie  succession  after  his  time, 
p.  1654. 
(II.)  Development    of    the    CoNCErTios  of   the 
Office. 

(i.)  in  relation  to  olher  churches,  p.  1G58. 
(ii.)  in  relation  to  the  civil  power,  p.  ICOl. 
(III.)  Distinctive  Featokes  of  the  Ofiick. 
(i.)  Titles,  p.  1663. 

(ii.)  Election,   ordination,    and    consecration:    (al 
qualifications;  (/3)  by  wlioin  cU'Cte.l ;  (y)  method 
of  procedure,  p.  1665. 
(iii.)  Insignia  of  offlce,  p.  IGG9. 
(IV.)  Prerogatives   specially   claimed  for   ti.k 

°"""(i  )  Claim  to  universal  legislative  authority  in  the 
church:  (L)  in  the  granting  of  dispensations; 
(2)  In  the  conlcrring  of  privileges  p.  1609. 
..i.„  fn  ..iiihoritv  over  all  bishoprf  ' 


1652 


POPE 


bishops,  as  seen  in  tlie  appointment,  confirma- 
tion, ordination,  consecration,  and  translation  of 
bishops;  In  the  acceptance  of  their  resignations ; 
in  the  creation  of  new  bishoprics,  p.  1671. 
(iii.)  Claim  to  present  to  all  benefices,  p.  1675. 
(iv.)  Claim  to  temporal  power:  (1)  patrimonium  ; 
(2)  political  sovereignty,  p.  1676. 
See  Appeal,  Bishop,  Codncil,  Legate. 

(A)  Pope  *  (abbas,  papa,  father),  a  word  de- 
rived from  the  Greek  Trdiriras,  or  irdiras,  but 
often  erroneously  derived  from  the  Latin,  "  pater 
patrum,"  e.g.  Adam  Scotus,  in  the  12th  century, 
says  :  "  Ipsos  enim  papas,  id  est,  paires  patrum, 
mos  solet  ecclesiasticus  appellare,  et  ut  sic 
vocarentur  instituit "  (de  Tripart.  Tab.  Migne, 
Patrol,  cscviii.  394),  a  false  etymology,  that  may 
be  explained  by  the  fact  that  Greek  was  origi- 
nally the  official  language  of  the  church  both  in 
the  East  and  in  the  West ;  but  that  the  know- 
ledge of  it  subsequently  became  almost  extinct 
among  "  the  Latins  "  in  mediaeval  times.  Wala- 
frid  Strabo,  who  possessed  some  knowledge  of 
Greek,  writing  in  the  9th  century,  compares  the 
word  to  that  of  "  church  "  as  one  borrowed  by 
Teutonic  races  from  the  Greek  in  order  to  ex- 
press a  previously  unfamiliar  idea  :  "  Kyrch  a 
Kurios,  et  papst  a  papa,  quod  cujusdam  pater- 
nitatis  nomen  est  et  clericorum  congruit  digni- 
tati  "  (Migne,  cxiv.  927). 

The  earliest  ecclesiastical  use  of  the  word 
appears  to  have  been  to  denote  the  spiritual 
relationship  existing  between  a  teacher  of  Chris- 
tianity and  the  convert  brought  by  his  agency 
into  communion  with  a  recognised  Christian 
body  ;  in  many  cases  the  convert  assumed  the 
name  of  his  spiritual  father.  At  a  later  pn-iod 
the  term  began  to  be  restricted  to  bishops  and 
abbats.  Severus,  a  deacon  at  Rome  of  the  time 
of  Marcellinus  (a.d.  296-304),  having  received 
permission  from  Marcellinus  to  open  a  double 
tomb  in  the  catacombs,  speaks  of  having  done 
so — "jussu  papae  sui  Jlarcellini  "  (De'  Rossi, 
Insc.  i.  p.  cxv.).  Subsequently,  as  will  be 
shewn  in  the  course  of  this  article,  the  title  was 
limited  to  the  bishop  of  Rome  in  the  West  and  to 
the  patriarchs  of  Alexandria,  Antioch,  Jerusalem, 
and  Constantinople  in  the  East,  and  finally  was 
claimed  by  the  pope  of  Rome  exclusively,  although 
still  the  customary  mode  of  addressing  priests 
in  the  Greek  church.'' 

The  theory  of  the  Papacy,  as  defined  at  the 
council  of  Florence,  involves  the  assumptions : 
(1)  That  Peter  had  been  invested  by  Christ 
Himself  with  a  certain  pre-eminency  among  the 
other  apostles.  (2)  That  he  was  the  founder  of 
the  church  at  Rome,  and  that  the  inspiration 
and  authority  especially  vouchsafed  to  him  had 
been  given  in  equal  measure  to  his  successors, 
the  bishops  of  that  church.    (3)  That  the  bishop 

»  Throughout  this  article  the  dates  placed  after  the 
name  of  a  bishop  or  pope  of  Rome  denote  the  assigned 
duration  of  his  office.  For  reasons  which  will  be  ap- 
parent in  the  course  of  the  article,  I  have  preferred  to 
use  the  term  "  bishop  of  Rome  "  up  to  the  middle  of  the 
5  th  century,  and  after  that  date  to  employ  the  term 
•'  pope." 

*>  Martigny  (Die*,  des  Ant.  chret.)  says  that  the  Greeks 
tmploy  tho  -word  to  denote  both  bishops  and  priests,  but 
■with  a  different  accent  and  inflexion,  placing  the  accent, 
when  employing  it  with  respect  to  a  bishop,  on  the  first 
syllable ;  when  speaking  of  a  priest,  on  the  second ;  but 
this  is  doubtful. 


POPE 

of  Rome  might  thus  rightfully  claim  supremacy 
over  the  whole  Christian  church  and  over  all 
Christian  fathers  and  teachers.  We  have  to 
inquire  into  the  historical  evidence  for  these 
assumptions. 

(L)  (i.)  On  the  question  of  the  supremacy  of 
St.  Peter  among  the  Apostles,  and  of  his  presence 
in  Rome,  so  far  as  it  depends  on  Scriptural  autho- 
rity, see  Peter  in  Dicr.  of  the  Bible. 

When  we  turn  to  the  evidence  afibrded  by  un- 
canonical  writers,  we  find  that  either  Paul  and 
Peter  are  designated  as  joint  founders  of  the 
church  in  Rome,  or  Peter  assumes  the  foremost 
place,  while  Paul  receives  but  slight  notice,  or  is 
altogether  unmentioned. 

The  earliest  testimony  is  probably  that  of 
Dionysius,  bishop  of  Corinth.  In  a  fragment  of 
the  Catholic  epistles  of  this  writer,  preserved 
by  Eusebius  {E.  H.  ii.  25),  he  expressly  refers  to 
Paul  and  Peter  as  teachers  and  founders  of  the 
churches  at  Corinth  and  Rome,  and  also  as  having 
suflered  martyrdom  at  the  same  time.  Replying 
to  Soter  (bishop  of  Rome,  A.D.  168-177)  and  the 
Roman  clergy,  who  had  addressed  to  the  com- 
munity at  Corinth  a  hortatory  letter,  he  says : 
TaJSra  koI  vfxus  Sia  rrjs  roffavrris  uovdecrias,  tjji/ 
airh  lleTpuv  koI  TlavXov  (pvTeiau  yeurjOila'av 
'Poofj.aiaii'  T6  Kol  Kopivdicav  awfKepdcraTe.  Kal 
yap  &ix<po}  Kal  tls  rrjv  TjjxiTipav  KopivQov  (pvrev- 
(TavTes'  7)fxa.s  ofioiais  5e  Kal  (Is  rriv  'iraXlav 
dfiScre  SiSd^auTss,  enapTvpTjffav  Kara,  t'ov  avrhv 
Kaip6v  (Eusebius,  E.  11.  eJ.  Heinichen,  i.  180). 

The  main  statements  of  Dionysius  are  sup- 
ported by  the  independent  testimony  of  two  yet 
earlier  writers — that  of  Peter's  martyrdom  by. 
Clemens  Romanus,  and  that  of  his  teaching  at 
Rome  by  Ignatius.  The  language  of  the  former 
writer  is  explicit.  "  Let  us,"  he  says,  "  set 
before  us  the  holy  apostles.  Peter,  through  un- 
just envy,  endured  not  only  one  or  two,  but 
many  persecutions,  and  thus,  having  sufTered 
martyrdom,  passed  into  his  place  of  reward  in 
glory  :"  Kal  ovTio  fiaprvp-fjaas  iiropevdri  els  rhv 
d(pfi\6fj.euov  t6-kov  ttjs  5o'|7js  (Epist.  ad 
Corinth,  i.  v. ;  Hilgenfeld,  Nov.  Test.  ext.  Can. 
Eec.  i.  8  ;  Migne,  -S'.  G.  i.  217). 

The  meaning  of  Ignatius  is  perhaps  less  free 
from  ambiguity,  but  the  passage  occurs  in  his 
Epistle  to  the  Romans,  the  genuineness  of  which 
is  generally  admitted,  and  is  supported  by  the 
Syriac  version.  Addressing  "  The  church  which 
presides  in  the  place  of  the  region  of  the 
Romans  "  (iJtis  irpoKadrirai  iv  Tdircp  x^P'^°" 
'PoDixaiwu'),  he  says,  "  I  teach  you  not  as  did 
Peter  and  Paul  ;  they  were  apostles,  I  am  one 
condemned  ;  they  wea-e  free,  but  I  am,  as  yet,  in 
bonds  :"  06%  ws  UfTpos  KalVlavAos  Siardcraop-ai 
vfxiv  •  iKelvot  dirocTToAoi,  eyui  5e  KardKpnos ' 
eKelvoi  iXfvOepoi,  iyu  Se  fifXP^  ^^^  Soi/Xos 
(Cureton,  Corp.  Ign.  p.  47). 

The  event  foreshadowed  in  John  xxi.  18,  19, 
may  fairly  be  recognised  in  the  above  passage 
from  Clemens,  a  passage  sti-ikingly  confirmed  by 
that  in  the  Muratorian  canon  :  "  Lucas  optime 
Theophilo  comprendit,  quia  sub  praesentia  ejus 
singula  gerebantur,  sicuti  et  semote  passionem 
Petri  evidenter  declarat"  (see  Westcott,  Canon 
of  tho  New  Test.  p.  499,  ed.  1870).  Here,  though 
the  text  is  obviously  corrupt,  the  meaning  is 


«  Alii  <^o(,-n)(rai/T65  (Migne,  S.  G.  xx.  68);  but 
Eeinichen's  note  ad  loc. 


POPE 

sufficiently  clear ;  viz.  that  Luke  related  only 
those  events  of  which  he  was  an  eye-witness, 
and  that  consequently  the  martyrdom  of  St. 
Peter  is  not  recorded  by  him.  It  is  also  worthy 
of  note  that,  as  no  tradition  ever  assigned  any 
other  place  than  Rome  as  the  scene  of  Peter's 
martyrdom,  every  allusion  to  that  event  is  also  an 
indirect  confirmation  of  his  visit  to  the  capital. 

Irenaeus  is  the  next  writer  after  Dionysius, 
whose  testimony  is  of  a  like  tenor ;  and,  as  the 
disciple  of  Polycarp  and  subsequently  a  bishop 
of  the  Western  church,  he  can  hardly  be  sup- 
posed to  have  given  expression  to  a  tradition  at 
variance  with  the  prevalent  Christian  belief  of 
his  age.  He  speaks  of  Peter  and  Paul  as 
"  preaching  the  gospel  and  founding  the  church 
in  Rome "  (eV  'Pw/xrj,  evayys\t^ofx.ivoi>v  Kal 
6efji,eKiovvT<i»>  Tr]v  iKKArjalav),  and  represents  this 
as  occurring  at  about  the  same  time  that  St. 
Matthew  composed  his  gospel  {Adc.  Haer.  iii.  1). 
A  passage  in  the  Latin  version  of  the  same 
treatise  refers  to  the  church  at  Rome  as  that 
"  greatest  and  most  ancient  church  of  universal 
fame  which  the  two  most  glorious  apostles, 
Peter  and  Paul,  founded  and  organized " — 
"  maximae  et  antiquissimae  et  omnibus  cognitae 
a  gloriosissimis  duobus  apostolis  Petro  et  Paulo 
Romae  fundatae  et  constitutae  ecclesiae  "  (ih.  iii. 
3  ;  ed.  Harvey,  ii.  9). 

The  language  of  Tertullian,  in  his  enumera- 
tion of  the  apostolic  churches,  is  equally  definite. 
"  How  happy  that  church,"  he  exclaims,  "  for 
which  apostles  poured  forth  their  whole  teaching 
with  their  blood ;  where  Peter  shares  the  passion 
of  his  Lord,  where  Paul  is  crowned  with  the  fate 
of  John  !  "  {Be  Praescript.  adv.  Haer.  c.  36). 

In  the  4th  century  the  passages  are  numerous, 
even  in  the  most  authoritative  writers,  which 
corroborate  the  belief  expressed  in  the  foregoing 
statements,  and  wherein  the  bishopric  of  Rome  is 
habitually  referred  to  as  "  Petri  sedes."  See  Leo 
Magnus,  ad  Sicilienses  Episc.  (Mansi,  v.  1305)  ; 
ad  Theodosium  Aug.  (ib.  vi.  14)  ;  Concil.  Chalced. 
AUocutio  ad  Marc.  (ib.  vii.  455) ;  Anastasius  II. 
P.  (Thiel,  Epist.  Bom.  Font.  i.  624).  "  Petrus, 
cujus  sedem  tenemus,  locum  gerimus,"  Vigilius 
P.  (Mansi,  ix.  358),  &c.  Augustine  refers  to  the 
tradition  that  both  apostles  were  buried  at  Rome, 
as  one  of  universal  acceptance  :  "  jacet  Petri 
corpus  Romae,  dicunt  homines ;  jacet  Pauli 
corpus  Romae,"  &c.  {Serm.  296  ;  Migne,  xxxviii. 
1355).  The  seventh  book  of  the  Apostolical 
Constitutions,  which  belongs  probably  to  about 
the  year  a.d.  300,  represents  both  Paul  and 
Peter  as  ordinary  bishops  of  Rome — Paul  ordain- 
ing the  first  bishop,  Linus  ;  Peter  the  second, 
Clemens  (Cotelerius,  Pat.  Ajxst.  i.  385). 

The  passage  from  Dionysius  is  not  the  only 
one  which  Eusebius  adduces,  in  support  of  what 
was  certainly  his  own  belief  and  that  of  his  age, 
viz.  that  Peter  lived,  taught,  and  suffered  at 
Rome.  "  Also,"  he  says,  "  a  certain  ecclesiastical 
writei-,  Caius  by  name,  who  lived  about  the 
time  of  Zephyrinus,  bishop  of  Rome,  disputing 
with  Proclus,  the  leader  of  the  Cataphrygians, 
gives  the  following  statement  respecting  the 
places  where  the  earthly  tabernacles  of  the  afore- 
said disciples  were  laid :  '  And  I  can  shew  you 
the  trophies  (ja  Tp6vaia)  of  the  apostles  ;  for  if 
you  will  go  to  the  Vatican,  or  to  the  Ostian  road, 
you  will  find  the  trophies  of  those  who  have 
laid  the   foundations  of  the  church,   and   also 


POPE 


1653 


suffered  martyrdom  '  "  {H.  E.  ii.  25).  In  addi- 
tion to  these  extracts,  however,  Eusebius  also 
hands  down  another  tradition,  of  which  his 
acceptance  is  alone  sufficient  to  occasion  grave 
inquiry  as  to  his  judgment  and  authority  as  a 
writer.  In  the  fourteenth  chapter  of  the  same 
book  he  not  only  states  that  Peter  visited  Rome, 
but  assigns  the  object  of  his  journey  thither. 
The  apostle,  whom  he  designates  as  rhv  Kaprtphv 
Koi  fieyav  7<tiv  a,Tro(TT6\a>v,  rhv  aperris  eVe/co  tcov 
XoiirSiv  airdfTWP  irpoijyopov,  was  "  sent  on,"  he 
says,  "  by  divine  foreknowledge  to  Rome,  to 
vanquish  Simon  Magus,  and  to  be  a  light  and 
saving  doctrine  to  souls  in  the  West  "  (Migne, 
Series  Gi-aeca,  xx.  170-2).  This  statement  is  re- 
peated by  a  somewhat  later  writer,  Cyril  (bishop 
of  Jerusalem,  351-86),  who,  in  his  Ca'tachesis  (hk. 
vi.  c.  15),  refers  to  Peter  and  Paul  as  "ecclesiae 
praesule  j,"  and  describes  their  victory  over  Simon 
Magus  at  Rome  (Migne,  S.  G.  xxxiii.  362). 

The  relevancy  of  these  traditions  to  our  in- 
quiry becomes  apparent  when  we  add,  that  they 
are  regarded  by  certain  critics  as  not  only  in 
themselves  devoid  of  any  historical  basis,  but  as 
indicating  the  source  from  whence  sprung  the  whole 
story  of  Peter's  presence  and  martyrdom  in  Pome. 
According  to  Lipsius,  the  origin  of  this  story  is 
to  be  found  in  certain  doubtful  or  spurious 
writings  which  he  respectively  classifies  (a)  as 
Ebionite  or  Jewish-Christian  sources,  (j8)  the 
Catholic  or  anti-Judaistic  sources,  (y)  certain 
Gnostic  Acta,  extant  only  in  fragments. "^  Of 
these  the  first  are  now  represented  by  the 
Clementine  Homilies  (ed.  Lagarde,  1865),  which 
are  considered  to  belong  to  the  second  half  of 
the  2nd  century,  and  by  the  Clementine  Recog- 
nitions (ed.  Gersdorf,  1838),  which  ai-e  referred 
to  the  period  A.D.  212-230.  With  respect  to 
the  relative  antiquity  of  these  two  treatises  some 
difference  of  opinion  exists,  but  there  appears  to 
be  little  doubt  that  one  of  them  is  derived  from 
the  other,  and  that  the  latter  in  turn  is  founded 
upon  yet  earlier  treatises  known  as  the  Kvpuy- 
/Ltara  UsTpov  and  IlepioSoi  Xlfrpov  (Hilgeufeld, 
Mv.  Test.  &c.  iv.  32  ;  Lipsius,  Die  Q'icllen  d. 
rom.  Petrussage,  p.  14). 

The  Catholic  or  anti-Judaistic  sources  are 
mainly  represented  by  the  Upd^eis  Uerpov  koi 
nav\ov  (ed.  Thilo,  Acta  Petri  et  Pauli,  i.  and  ii. 
1837-8 ;  Tischendorf,  Acta  Apostolorum  Apo- 
crypha, 1851),  a  collection  extant  in  three  dif- 
ferent recensions,  and  not  supposed  to  belong  to 
a  period  anterior  to  the  5th  century  (Lipsius, 
M.  s.  pp.  52-4).  It  stands,  however,  in  close 
connexion  with  two  earlier  productions,  a  certain 
Tlpaliis  UavKov  and  a  Kripvyi.i.a  UfTpou,  which, 
in  the  opinion  of  Lipsius,  "  breathe  the  religious 
atmosphere  of  the  2nd  century."  Of  thesethe 
former  is  referred  to  by  Origen  (dc  Princip.  i.  2, 
3),  and  appears  (Hilgeufeld,  u.  s.  iv.  68-73)  to 
have  been  held  in  high  esteem  in  the  church,  and 
to  have  been  regarded  by  many  as  of  cammical 
authority.  By  Eusebius,  however  (.E.  II.  m. 
25),  it  is  included  among  the  spurious  writmgs 
iy&doC)  along  with  the  Shepherd  of  Hermas, 
the  Epistle  of  Barnabas,  and  the  Apocalypse 
of   St.    John    [Apost.    Const,   p.    120].      The 


<>  For  a  full  account  of  this  literature  the  reader  moy 
refer  to  the  articles  Acts  op  the  Ai-ostles  (Aivcrt- 

PHAL)  and  Cl,EME.NTI!*E  LlTERATCRE.  In  DlCT   OF  CHIU8T. 

Bioo.  5  0  5 


1(154 


POPE 


relation  of  the  latter  treatise,  the  K-npvy/xa, 
which  exists  only  in  fragments  (Hiigenfeld,  w.  s. 
iv.  52-67),  to  the  former  is  not  clearly  ascer- 
tainable, but  both  expressly  contravene  a  still 
earlier  tradition,  said  to  have  taken  its  origin  in 
Galat.  ii.  11-17,  of  a  permanent  hostility  between 
the  two  apostles.  The  Tlpd^eis  Tlerpov  Kal 
nav\ov,  which  must  be  regarded  as  essentially 
a  compilation  from  these  two  earlier  treatises, 
is  explicit  in  its  language  on  this  point :  "  We 
have  believed,  and  do  believe,  that  even  as  God 
separates  not  the  two  great  lights  which  he  has 
made "  (the  sun  and  the  moon),  "  even  so  He 
permits  not  you  to  separate  Peter  from  Paul  or 
Paul  from  Peter  "  (Tischendorf,  u.  s.  c.  5). 

The  theory  which  Lipsius  has  endeavoured  to 
establish — that  all  the  extant  sources  of  the 
Petrine  legend  may  be  traced  back  to  a  yet  older 
Ebionite  version  of  the  Acta  S.  Petri  as  to  their 
common  and  sole  origin,  and  that  this  Judaistic 
treatise  forms  accordingly  the  sole  basis  for  the 
tradition  of  St.  Peter's  presence  in  Rome— has 
been  disputed  by  many  eminent  scholars,  among 
whom  Hiigenfeld  (see  Zeitschrift  fiir  wissen- 
schaftliche  Thcologie,  1872-1878)  has  given  a 
full  discussion  of  the  question.  Any  attempt  to 
summarize  these  arguments  is  beyond  the  scope 
of  the  present  article  ;  and  equally  so  is  any 
examination  of  the  startling  theory  of  Lipsius, 
that  the  passage  above  referred  to  in  the  Epistle 
to  the  Galatians  became  the  origin  of  "eine 
immer  weiter  ausgesponnene  Sagenbildung," 
which  found  a  natural  conclusion  in  the  tradition 
of  a  final  and  decisive  contest  between  the  true 
and  the  false  apostle  at  Rome. 

Against  the  theory  of  the  two  apostles'  joint 
residence  and  labours,  the  fact  that  none  of  the 
epistles  written  by  Paul  from  Rome  (Ephesians, 
Colossians,  Philippians,  and  Philemon),  though 
conveying  many  salutations,  contain  any  allusion 
to  Peter,  presents  an  argument  of  no  great 
weight,  especially  if  we  assume,  as  certain  evi- 
dence suggests,  that  their  labours  were  bestowed 
on  two  distinct  churches.  If,  therefore,  it  be 
proposed  to  assign  Peter's  arrival  in  Rome  to  a 
date  subsequent  to  that  of  Paul,  and  also  to  the 
composition  of  the  epistles  written  by  the  latter 
during  his  first  imprisonment  (at  the  same  time 
accepting  the  various  statements  with  respect 
to  Paul's  second  imprisonment,  and  a  renewal  of 
his  labours  in  the  West  during  an  interval  of 
some  years),  the  evidence  in  favour  of  such  a 
theory  is  strong,  if  not  conclusive.  The  allusion 
to  Silvanus,  the  friend  of  St.  Paul,  in  the  first 
epistle  of  Peter  (v.  12),  and  that  to  Paul  himself 
in  the  second  (iii.  15),  admit  of  a  far  more  natural 
interpretation  when  understood  as  written  from 
Rome,  at  a  time  when  the  two  apostles  were 
labouring  there  contemporaneously,  if  not  con- 
jointly, in  connexion,  however,  with  two  distinct 
communities ;  the  labours  of  Peter  being  be- 
stowed on  a  Judaizing  church,  those  of  Paul  on 
a  church  composed  exclusively  of  Gentiles.  Even 
the  tradition  respecting  Simon  Magus,  amid 
much  that  is  pure  invention,  probably  points  to 
a  real  attempt  at  the  introduction  of  heretical 
doctrine.  He  is  said  to  have  been  a  supporter  of 
the  heresy  of  the  Patripassians,  and  the  church 
of  Rome,  from  the  earliest  times  of  which  we 
have  authentic  record,  is  distinguished  by  its 
uncompromising  opposition  to  heterodoxy  in 
every  shape. 


POPE 

(ii.)  77ic  evidence  for  the  succession  from  the 
time  of  St.  Peter. — The  difficulty  which  attaches  to 
a  belief  in  the  tradition  concerning  Peter  extends 
also  to  that  respecting  his  earliest  successors. 
According  to  the  lists  accepted  as  authoritative 
by  the  Romish  church,  the  succession  was  pre- 
served unbroken,  the  duration  of  each  bishop's 
tenure  of  office  being  accurately  known  to  us,  not 
only  in  years,  but  even  in  months  and  days.  On 
the  other  hand,  a  critical  investigation  of  these 
lists,  and  a  comparison  of  them  with  other  and 
earlier  sources  of  information,  disclose  consider- 
able discrepancies  with  respect  not  only  to  the 
periods  of  office,  but  also  to  the  simpile  order  of 
succession. 

The  original  sources  for  the  chronology  of  the- 
bishops  of  Rome  during  the  first  three  centuries- 
may  be  divided  into  two  classes  : 

(A.)  The  Greek  or  Eastern  lists. 
(B.)  The  Latin  or  Western  lists. 

This  classification  is  not  indeed  altogether  free 
from  objection,  for  the  lists  in  the  first  class 
were  undoubtedly  derived  from  Roman  sources, 
while  those  in  the  second  class  were,  in  all  pro- 
bability, originally  drawn  up  in  Greek,  which, 
up  to  the  middle  of  the  3rd  century,  was  the 
official  language  of  the  Roman  church.  It  is, 
however,  to  be  observed  that  the  Greek  lists  are 
distinguished  by  certain  points  of  difference, 
which  appear  to  indicate  that  they  were  tran- 
scribed from  those  of  the  west  prior  to  the  time 
when  the  official  lists  of  the  Roman  church  were 
adopted  in  their  final  form. 

In  the  following  summary  of  the  main  facts 
concerning  these  different  sources,  and  the  con- 
clusions that  have  been  drawn  from  them,  the 
Roman  episcopal  succession  will  be  more  easily 
considered  if  divided  into  two  portions :  (o) 
that  extending  from  Peter  to  Urban  (ending 
A.D.  230);  (/3)  that  from  Pontianus  to  Liberius 
(a.d.  230-352).  After  the  time  of  Liberius  no 
difficulties  present  themselves  that  here  call  for 
discussion,  and  for  the  purpose  of  the  present 
article  it  will  be  sufficient  to  limit  our  considera- 
tion almost  entirely  to  the  earlier  of  the  fore- 
going divisions. 

(A.)  The  first  list  of  which  we  have  any 
knowledge  is  that  which  was  known  to  Hege- 
sippus,  who  in  his  visits  to  the  apostolic  churches 
collected  information  concerning  the  succession 
of  the  bishops  from  the  time  of  the  Apostles, 
with  the  design  of  thereby  establishing  the  evi- 
dence of  an  unimpeachable  tradition  of  Christian 
doctrine.  His  statement  with  respect  to  Rome 
is,  that  during  his  residence  in  that  city  he  made 
out  a  list  of  the  episcopal  succession  down  to  the 
time  of  Anicetus, — yfvS/j.ei'os  Sh  iu  'Pd/xr;,  Sia- 
Soxv''  eTTOLTiadiiiTjy  jue'xpis  'AviK-fjTou  (Eusebius, 
H.  E.  iv.  22  ;  the  conjectural  reading  of  Savile, 
of  Ziarpi^riv  for  ^la^oxv^,  is  rejected  by  the  best 
authorities  ;  see  Heinichen's  note  ad  loc).  This 
list  is  no  longer  extant,  but  we  learn  from 
Eusebius  that,  according  to  Hegesippus,  Anicetus 
was  the  immediate  predecessor  of  Soter, — a  state- 
ment, as  we  shall  hereafter  see,  of  considerable 
importance,  inasmuch  as  the  early  Latin  lists 
uniformly  place  Anicetus  before  Pius,  and  Pius 
before  Soter. 

The  list  contained  in  Irenaeus  (adv.  Haer.  bk. 
iii.  c.  3)  represents  Peter  and  Paul  as  the  joint 
founders  of  the  church  at  Rome,  and  they,  it  is 
added,  "  Lino  episcopatum  administrandae  eccle- 


I 


POPE 

siae  tradiderunt "  (ed.  Harvey,  ii.  10).  The 
names,  as  preserved  in  the  original  Greek,  are 
as  follows : — 

01  aTTocTToAoi.  neVpo?  Koi   IlaOAos. 
arr'  a.TTo(TT6Kojv. 


POPE 


1.  Aivog. 

2.  'AveyK\r}TOs- 

3.  KKrjfxr)';. 

4.  EuapecTTOs. 

5.  AAefai'Spos. 

6.  HuVtos. 

1.  TeAeV^opos,  OS 


I'Sofws    inaprup-q- 


8.  'Vyr^os. 

9.  IIio5. 

10.    'Aj/lK7JT0S. 


lG5o 


It  may  fairly  be  assumed  that  this  list  repre- 
sents the  official  record  of  the  succession  accepted 
at  Rome  in  the  time  of  Eleutherus,  the  contem- 
porary of  Irenaeus. 

Eusebius  has  transmitted  to  us  a  double  list, 
— that  in  the  Chronicon  (bk.  ii.),  and  that  in  his 
Ecclesiastical  History ;  of  these  the  former  is 
contained  not  in  the  version  by  Jerome,  but  in 
the  Armenian  translation.  It  extends  from  Peter 
to  Gains,  the  last  bishop  before  the  Diocletian 
persecution,  and  includes  the  periods  of  office  : — 


Petrus  .     .  . 

Linus    .     .  . 

Linus    .     .  . 

Clemens     .  . 
Euarestoa  . 
Alexander 

Xestos        .  . 

Telesphoros  . 

Hyginos     .  . 

Pius      .     .  . 

Nikitos      .  . 

Soter     .     .  . 
Agripinos 
Eleutevrios 

Bector  .     .  . 
Zephrinos 

Calistatos  .  . 

Urbanus     .  . 

Pontianus  .  . 

Anteros      .  . 

Fabianus    .  . 

Cornelius   .  . 
Lucius 
Stephanus 

Xestos        .  . 

Dionysius  .  . 

Felix    .     .  . 
[Eutychianus] 

Gains    .     .  . 


DnRATION   OP 

Office 


ann.  xx. 
ann.  xiiii. 
ann.  viii. 
ann.  viiii. 
ann.  viii. 
ann.  x. 

ann.  xi. 
ann.  iili. 
ann.  xv. 
ann.  xi. 
ann.  viii. 
ann.  viiii. 
ann.  xv. 
ann.  xii. 
ann.  xii. 
ann.  viiii. 
(wanting) 
ann.  viiii. 
mens.  i. 
ann.  xiii. 
ann.  iii. 
mens.  ii. 
ann.  ii. 
ann.  xi. 
ann.  xii. 
ann.  x viiii. 
mens.  ii. 
ann.  xv. 


Date  from 
Abraham. 


2055 
2082 
2095 
2103 
2110 
2119 
2130 
2l40 
2150 
2154 
216S 
2180 
2185 
2189 
2202 
2216 
2229 
2236 
2246 
2256 
2256 
2264 
2268 
2268 
2271 
2279 
2289 
2296 
2296 


246 
250 
250 
253 
261 
271 
278 


Imperial  Year. 


Gaii  iii. 
Neronis  xii. 
Titi  i. 

Domitiani  vii. 
Domitiani  xiiii. 
Trajani  vi. 
Trajani  xvii. 
Adriani  viii. 
Adrian!  xviii. 
Antoiiini  i. 
Antonini  xv. 
Marci  iiii. 
Marci  xiii. 
Marci  xiii. 
Commodi  vii. 
Severi  vii. 
Caracallae  ii. 
Elagabali  1. 
Alexandrii  vii. 
Gordiani  i. 
Gordiani  i. 
Philippi  iii. 
Philippi  vii. 
Philippi  vii. 
Galli  ii.  . 
Gallienl  viii. 
Aurelianl  1. 
Probi  ii. 
Probi  ii. 


Here,  among  the  more  important  inaccuracies, 
will  be  noted  the  insertion  of  the  name  of  Agi-ip- 
pinus  of  Alexandria,  apparently  by  pure  oversight, 
as  twelfth  in  succession  ;  the  repetition  of  the 
name  of  Linus  in  the  second  place  instead  of 
that  of  Anencletus  ;  the  omission  of  the  name  of 
Eutychianus  in  the  twenty-sixth  place.  The 
duration  of  Peter's  episcopate,  it  will  be  noticed, 
is  given  as  twenty  instead  of  five-and-twenty 
years. 

The  following  table,  taken  from  Lipsius  (p.  1-t) 
exhibits  the  chief  points  of  difference  between 


the  foregoing  list  and  that  in  the  Ecclesiastical 
History  down  to  the  time  of  Urban.  Here  a 
certain  affinity  is  undeniable,  ns  in  the  enumera- 
tion from  Clemens  to  Soter  the  only  point  of 
divergence  is  that  in  the  C/u-onicon  a  year  more 
is  assigned  to  the  episcopate  of  Xystus  than  is 
allowed  in  the  E.  //.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
differences  in  the  first  four  places  and  those  that 
occur  after  Eleutherus  appear  to  place  it  almost 
beyond  doubt  that  the  two  lists  were  derived  from 
entirely  distinct  sources.  The  assigned  imperial 
years  of  the  two  lists  are  altogether  at  variance. 


Petrus  [ann.  .\xv.] 

Liflus,  ann.  xii.  [_Chron.  xiiii.]  .  . 
Anencletus,  ann.  xii.  [Chron.  xiii  ]    . 

Clemens,  ann.  viiii 

Evarestus,  ann.  viii 

Alexander,  ami.  x 

Xystus,  ann.  x.  {Citron,  xi.]  .  .  . 
Telesphorusf  anno  xi.  mo.     .     .     . 

Hyginus,  ann.  iiii 

Pins,-j-  anno  xv.  nici 

Anicetus,  ann.  xi 

Soter,  ann.  viii 

Eleutberius,  ann.  xiii.  \_Chron.  xv.]  . 
Victor,  ann.  X.  [6'?i?-ow.  xii.]  .  .  . 
Zephyrinus,  ann.  xviil.  [CTiron.  xii.] . 
Callistua,  ann.  v.  [_Chr<in.  villi.]  .  , 
Urbanus,  ann.  viii.  [Chron.  viiii.]     . 


DATE  OF   TERMINATION   OF  OFFICE. 


Imperial  year. 

A.O. 

[42-67]. 

Titi  ii. 

79. 

Domitiani  xii. 

92  (91). 
99  (100). 

Trajani  iii.  [.Miii.]. 

Trajani  xii. 

108. 

Adriani  iii. 

118. 

Adriani  xii. 

128  (127). 
138  (137). 

142. 



157  (I.%). 

Aurelii  viii. 

le.'^  (n;v). 

Aurclii  xvii. 

176  (175). 

Commodi  x. 

1.S6. 

Severi  viii.  [?  viiii.]. 

200. 

Elagabali  i. 

218(217}. 

Alexandri  i. 

222  (221). 

1656 


POPE 


The  version  of  the  C/ironicon  by  Jerome,  which 
is  now  generally  admitted  to  be  much  more  than 
a.  mere  translation,  exhibits  even  in  the  list  of 
the  Roman  bishops  considerable  deviations.  The 
only  two  dates  which  exactly  agree,  i.  c.  are  the 
same  in  the  patriarchal  and  the  Christian  eras, 
and  also  in  the  imperial  year,  are  those  given 
under  Anencletus  and  under  Anteros  and  Fabian  ; 
the  imperial  years  are,  in  fact,  derived  from  the 
Ecclesiastical  History. 

(B.)  Among  the  Latin  lists  is  the  Catalogus 
Liherianus,  contained  in  the  compilation  of  the 
chronicler  of  the  year  354,  and  extending  to  the 
bishopric  of  Liberius.  It  has  been  edited  by 
Mommsen  (^Abhandhmgen  dcr  philolog.-histor. 
Classe  der  konigl.  sacks.  Gesellschaft  der  Wis- 
scnschafien,  vol.  i.  (1850),  pp.  582-5,  and 
634-7),  to  whom  we  are  indebted  for  the  first 
correct  text,  and  also  for  original  research  with 
respect  to  its  sources  and  compilation.  The 
Catalogus  Liherianus  is  the  most  ancient  source 
of  the  Liber  Fontificalis,  and,  according  to 
Mommsen,  is  in  turn  derived  from  a  yet  older 
list,  that  originally  contained  in  the  Chronicon 
of  Hippolytus,  bishop  of  Portus,  a  work  to  which 
the  chronicler  of  the  year  354  is  to  be  found 
having  recourse  in  other  portions  of  his  treatise. 
In  the  Chronicon  of  Hippolytus  the  list  itself  is 
no  longer  extant,  but  the  heading,  "  Nomina 
Episcoporum  Romae  et  quis  quotannis  praefuit," 
is  alone  preserved.  A  comparison  of  the  Cata- 
logus Liherianus  with  that  given  by  Augustine 
{Epist.  53;  Migne,  xxxiii.  195)  and  that  in 
Optatus  (&  Schism.  Donat.  ii.  3)  seems  conclu- 
sively to  prove  that  all  three  lists  preserve 
essentially  the  same  tradition,  the  main  discre- 
pancies being  (1)  that  neither  Augustine  nor 
Optatus  makes  mention  of  "  Cletus  ;  "  (2)  that 
the  Catalogus  Liherianus  (as  known  to  us  from 
existing  MSS.)  omits  the  names  of  Anicetus, 
Eleutherus,  and  Zephyrinus  ;  while  (3)  in  Optatus 
the  name  of  Alexander  is  (by  a  palpable  blunder) 
left  out  before  that  of  Sixtus  and  put  in  the 
place  of  that  of  Eleutherus. 

The  omissions  in  the  Catalogus  Liherianus  are, 
however,  clearly  shewn  to  be  owing  to  careless- 
ness on  the  part  of  transcribers  or  some  such 
cause,  by  corresponding  gaps  in  the  consular 
dates^  between  Telesphorus  and  Hyginus,  Pius 
and  Soter,  and  Soter  and  Victor :  and  this  evi- 
dence, taken  in  conjunction  with  the  fact  that 
the  Catalogus  Felicianus  (the  oldest  existing 
version  of  the  Liher  Fontificalis)  which  was 
imdoubtedly  derived  from  the  Catalogus  Lihe- 
rianus, contains  missing  names,  sufficiently  jus- 
tifies the  conclusion  of  Mommsen  that  they 
originally  existed  in  the  latter  list. 

On  comparing  the  following  lists  with  those 
before  given,  we  see  that  the  lists  from  Augus- 
tine and  Optatus  support  the  Eastern  omission  of 
Cletus.  In  the  opinion  of  Lipsius,  these  two 
writers  have  preserved  to  us  a  more  ancient  form 
of  the  Western  tradition,  and  it  would  conse- 
quently appear  to  be  a  legitimate  conclusion  that 
the  insertion  of  Cletus  in  the  Catalogus  Liherianus 
is  an  interpolation  ;  Cletus  and  Anacletus,  in  all 
probability,  representing  one  and  the  same  per- 
son. Of  this,  the  statement  of  the  author  of  the 
treatise  against  the  Theodotians,  who  wrote  in 
Rome  during  the  episcopate  of  Zephyrinus,  that 
Victor  was  the  thirteenth  bishop  kith  Uerpov 
(Eusebius,  ff.  E.  v.  28)  afibrds  a  strong  corro- 


POPE 

boration.  Similarly,  Jerome,  while  referring  to 
a  difference  of  tradition  with  respect  to  the  order 
of  succession,  knows  nothing  whatever  oi- 
"  Cletus :  " — "  Clemens,  de  quo  apostolus  Paulus 
ad  Philippenses  scribens,  ait,  '  Cum  Clemente  et 
caeteris  cooperatoribus  meis  quorum  nomina 
scripta  sunt  in  libro  vitae '  (Phil.  iv.  3),  quartus 
post  Petrum  Romae  episcopus  :  siquidem  secun- 
dus  Linus  fuit,  tertius  Anacletus,  tametsi  plerique 
Latinorum  secundum  post  Petrum  apostolum 
putent  fuisse  Clementem "  {de  Viris  Lllust. 
c.  XV.  ;  Migne,  xxiii.  854).  On  the  other  hand, 
Augustine  and  Optatus  differ  from  the  Eastern 
lists  in  placing  Anicetus  before  Pius,  while  the 
chronicler  of  the  year  354  altogether  omits 
Anicetus. 


I 

I 


Catalog. 
Liberian. 

A'uciustinus. 

Optatus. 

Petrus. 

Petrus. 

Petrus. 

Linus. 

Linus. 

Linus. 

Clemens. 

Clemens 

Clemens. 

Cletus. 

Anaclitus. 

Anacletus 

Anacletus, 

Aristus. 

Evaristus. 

Evaristus. 

Alexander. 

Alexander. 

Sixtus. 

Sixtus. 

Sixtus. 

Telesforus. 

Thelesphorus. 

Telesphorus. 

Higinus. 

Iginus. 

Iginus. 

[Anicitus]. 

Anicetus. 

Anicetus. 

Pius. 

Pius. 

Soter. 

Soter. 

Soter. 



Alexander. 

[Eleuther]. 

Eleutherus. 



Victor. 

Victor. 

Victor. 

[Zypherinus]. 

Calixtus. 

Zephirinus. 

Zypherinus. 

Calixtus. 

Calixtus. 

Urbanus. 

Urbanus. 

Urbanus. 

Pontianus. 

Pontianus. 

Pontianus. 

Antheros. 

Antherus. 

Antherus. 

Fabius. 

Fabianus. 

Fabianus. 

Cornelius. 

Cornelius. 

Cornelius. 

Lucius. 

Lucius. 

Lucius. 

Steffanus. 

Stephanus. 

Stephanus. 

Sixtus. 

Xystus. 

Sixtus. 

Dionisius. 

Dionysius. 

Dionysius. 

Felix. 

Felix. 

Felix. 

Eutychianus. 

Eutychianus. 



Gaius. 

Gaius. 



Marcellinus. 

Marcellinus. 

Marcellinus. 

JIarcellus. 

Marcellus. 

Marcellus. 

Eusebius. 

Eusebius. 

Eusebius. 

Miltiades. 

Miltiades. 

Miltiades. 

Silvester. 

Sylvester. 

Sylvester. 

Marcus. 

Marcus.    , 

Marcus. 

Julius. 

Julius. 

Julius. 

Liberius. 

Liberius. 

Liberius. 

The  following  table  (p.  1657)  affords  a  com- 
parative view  of  four  lists  which  appear,  beyond 
all  reasonable  doubt,  to  have  been  in  existence  in 
the  4th  century,  with  such  emendations  as,  in 
the  opinion  of  Lipsius  and  other  critics,  are  called 
for  and  justified  by  the  conclusions  derived  from 
a  critical  study  of  the  texts.  These  lists  are  as 
follows :  (1)  The  Catalogus  Liherianus ;  (2)  The 
list  in  the  Chronicon  of  Eusebius ;  (3)  That  de- 
rived from  his  Ecclesiastical  History ;  (4)  That 
used  by  Jerome.  Of  these,  (1)  and  (2)  appear  to 
be  derived  from  independent  sources,  while  (3) 
and  (4)  shew  unmistakable  signs  of  a  commoa 


e  A  fifth  and  a  sixth  list,  the  former  of  no  independent 
value,  and  the  latter  (the  Leonine)  of  the  time  of  Leo  the 
Great,  compiled  from  lists  (1)  and  (2),  may  also  be  con- 
sulted in  Lipsius  {Chronologic,  &c.,  pp.  28-76). 


POPE 


POPE 


les-; 


I. 

-        '■• 

IIL 

IV. 

Petrus,           25  years. 

Petrus,           25  j'ears. 

Petrus,           25  years. 

Petrus,           25  years. 

Linus,            12    „ 

Linus,            14    „ 

Linus,            12    „ 

Linus,            ]  1      „ 

Clemens,          9    „ 

Cletus,             8    „ 

Aneucletus,  12    „ 

Cletus,            12     „ 

Anaclitus,      12    „ 

Clemens,          9    „ 

Clemens,          9    , 

Clemens,          9     „ 

Aristus,         13    „ 

Evarestus,        8     „ 

Evarestus,       8    „ 

Evarestus,        9      „ 

Alexander,      7    „ 

Alexander,     10    „ 

Alexander,    10    „ 

Alexander,     10  (12)  years. 

Sixtus,           10    „ 

Xystus,          11    „ 

Xystus,          10    „ 

Xystus,          10  years. 

Telesphorus,  11     „ 

Telesphorus,  U     „ 

Telesphorus,  11    „ 

Telesphorus,  11     „ 

Hyginus,          i    „ 

Higinus,           4     „ 

Hyginus,         4    „ 

Hyginus,          4      „ 

Piiis.f             16    „ 

Pius,               15     „ 

Pius,               15    „ 

Pius,              15  (19)  years. 

Anicetus,       12    „ 

Anicetus,       11    „ 

Anicetus,       11    „ 

Anicetus,       11  vears. 

Soter,                 9     „ 

Soter,                8     „ 

Soter,               8    „ 

Soter,               8  (9)  years. 

Eleutherus,    15     „ 

Eleuthenis,    15    „ 

Eleutherus,    15    „ 

Eleutherus,    15  years. 

Victor,              9     „ 

Victor,           12    „ 

Victor,           10    „ 

Victor,           10  (15)  years. 

Zephyrinus,  19    „ 

Zephyrinus,   12    „ 

Zephyrinus,    13    „ 

Zephyrinus,    la  years. 

Calixtus,          5     „ 

Callistus,         9     „ 

Callistus,          5     „ 

Callistus,          5      „ 

Urbanus,         8    „ 

Urbanus,         9    „ 

Urbanus,         «     „ 

Urbanus,          9     „ 

Into  the  various  difficulties  arising  from  the 
discrepancies  between  the  different  lists  in  the 
enumeration  from  Sixtus  down  to  Liberius,  it  is 
impossible  here  to  enter.  The  chief  difficulty  is 
that  which  relates  to  the  succession  and  the 
duration  of  the  episcopates  of  Pius  and  Anicetus. 
On  referring  to  the  three  lists  above  given  (the 
Cat.  Lib.,  that  from  Augustine,  and  that  from 
Optatus),  it  will  be  seen  that  while  the  name  of 
Anicetus  is  wanting  in  the  first  list,  in  the  other 
two  it  is  placed  before  that  of  Pius.  Mommsen, 
in  his  restoration  of  the  text  of  the  Catalogus 
Liherianus,  also  assigns  to  Anicetus  the  place 
immediately  preceding  Pius,  and  gives  ann.  iiii. 
m.  iiii.  d.  iii.  as  his  period  of  office — i.e.,  from 
the  consulship  of  Gallicanus  and  Vetus  (a.d. 
150)  to  that  of  Praesens  and  Rufinus  (A.D.  153). 
Lipsius,  however,  relying  rnainly  on  the  Eastern 
lists  and  the  authority  of  Hegesippus,  does  not 
hesitate  in  his  attempted  harmony  (as  above 
given)  to  place  Anicetus  after  Pius,  and  to 
assign  to  him  twelve  years  of  office — the 
original  Latin  list,  in  his  opinion,  having 
become  corrupted  by  a  succession  of  errors  of 
transcription,  as  follows : 

Original  Latin  List. 
Higinus,  ann.  iiii. 
Pius,  ann.  xvi.  (Euseb.  xv.). 
Anicetus,  ann.  xii.  (Euseb.  xi.). 
(a.)  Higinus,  ann.  iiii. 
Anicetus,  ann.  xii. 
Pius,  ann.  xvi. 

(6.)  Higinus  ....  [aim.  iiii.]. 

....  ann.  xii.  Anicetus  {noted  in  margin). 
Pius,  ann.  xvi. 

__J 

I 
(c.) 


Higinus,  ann.  xii. 
Anicetus,  ann.  iiii. 
Pius,  ann.  xvi. 


I 

(d.) 
Higinus,  ann.  xii. 

[Anicetus]. 
Pius,  ann.  xx. 


Additional  evidence  of  considerable  importance 
as  regards  the  relative  duration  of  these  two 
episcopates  is  presented  in  the  fact  that  Polycarp 
visited  Rome  during  the  episcopate  of  Anicetus 

f  The  duration  of  Plus's  tenure  of  oflBce  is  given  in  the 
text  of  the  Cat.  Lib.  as  ann.  xx.  m.  iiii.  d.  xxi. ;  this  how- 
ever is  contradicted  by  the  dates  there  given  of  tlie  consular 
years  of  his  accession  and  decease,  and  is  also  at  variance 
with  II.,  i  II.,  and  IV.  On  these  grounds  Lipsius  considers 
himself  justified  in  altering  the  period  to  sixteen  years. 


— according  to  one  tradition,  in  the  second  year 
of  that  bishop's  tenui-e  of  office  (see  Gieseler,  I. 
i.  242  ;  Robertson,  Church  Hist.  i.  29  ;  Neander, 
i.  407;  Eusebius,  Eccl.  Hist.  iv.  14;  v.  24; 
Migne,  Series  Graeca,  xx.  193).  This,  if  we 
accept  the  Eusebian  chronology,  in  the  Eccles. 
Hist.,  would  be  about  a.d.  158-159;  while  accord- 
ing to  the  Catalogus  Liherianus  (as  restored  by 
Mommsen)  it  woxild  fall  in  the  year  151 — a 
much  earlier  date  than  is  conjectured  for  that  of 
Polycarp's  visit  by  any  writer  of  authority.  The 
most  recent  investigation  of  the  date  of  Poly- 
carp's martyrdom,  that  of  Mr.  Waddington,  may 
be  regarded,  however,  as  affording  conclusive 
proof  that  it  must  be  assigned  to  the  year  155 
or  156  (J/e'moiVe  sur  la  Chronologic  du  Rhe'teur 
Aeliiis  Aristides,  in  Memoircs  de  I'Acad.  des 
Inscrip.  xxvi.  (1867) ;  see  also  his  Fastes  Asia- 
tiques  in  Lebas  and  Waddington's  Asie  Mineure). 
Such  a  conclusion,  moreover,  is  in  perfect  har- 
mony with  the  Eusebian  chronology  as  corrected 
by  Lipsius  ;  for  if  we  assign  to  Anicetus  twelve 
years  of  office,  terminating  with  the  year  167, 
and  deduct  from  this  date  eleven  years,  it  gives 
the  year  156  as  that  of  his  second  year  of  office 
— the  traditional  year  of  Polycarp's  martyrdom. 
It  only  remains  to  be  added  that  Waddington's 
conclusions  have  been  substantially  accepted  by 
Renan,  Hilgenfeld,  and  Lipsius,  and,  although 
assailed  by  Wieseler  (Christenverfolgungen  der 
Caesaren,  1878),  have  been  triumphantly  vindi- 
cated bv  Lipsius  (Jahrh.  fiir  protest.  Theol.  1878, 
4,  p.  751  sq.). 

Into  the  minor  difficulties  attaching  to  the  differ- 
ent lists  in  the  enumeration  from  Sixtus  (or  Xys- 
tus) to  Liberius  (after  which  time  no  doubt  of 
much  importance  attaches  to  the  accuracy  of  the 
official  records)  it  is  unnecessary  that  we  should 
liere  enter.  With  respect  to  the  earlier  period,^ 
in  which  both  the  main  interest  and  the  chief 
difficulty  centre,  we  may  perhaps  conclude  that 
authentic  tradition  is  wanting  until  we  reach 
the  name  of  Xystus,  or  at  the  earliest  that  of 
Aloxancfer.  Of  certain  special  rea.snus  for 
caution  in  accepting  the  prevalent  tradition,  wo 
shall  have  occasion" to  speak  at  the  clo.se  of  thi.s 
article;  but  while  admitting  to  their  fullest 
extent  the  arguments  which  suggest  the  neces- 
sity for  such  caution,  it  may  be  said  tliat  they 
canuot  be  regarded  as  sufficient  to  invalidate 
the  historical  existence  of  the  characters  whose 
names  are  recorded  as  those  of  Peter's  imme- 
diate successors.     "  Tlioso  names."  says  Lipsius, 


1658 


POPE 


"  are  those  of  men  who  occupied  a  conspicuous 
position  in  the  church  at  Rome  in  the  first  and 
second  generations  after  the  apostles.  Linus, 
referred  to  in  2  Tim.  iv.  21  as  among  the  circle 
of  Paul's  friends  during  his  imprisonment, 
belongs  to  the  former,  and  Anencletus,  or  Cletus, 
Aristus  or  Evarestus,  to  the  latter  generation." 

(II.)  Development  of  the  Conception 
OF  JHE  Office  :  (1)  in  relation  to  other  churches; 
(2)  in  relation  to  the  civil  power. 

(i)  In  relation  to  other  churches. 

It  will  now  be  of  service  to  notice  some  of  the 
principal  facts  which  illustrate  the  gradual  ac- 
ceptance by  the  church  at  large  of  the  theory  of 
the  Roman  supremacy  ;  and  here  it  cannot  but  be 
looked  upon  as  of  peculiar  significance,  that  in  the 
earliest  times  the  history  of  the  church  at  Rome 
appears  involved  in  the  greatest  obscurity.  From 
the  date  of  St.  Paul's  Epistle  to  the  Romans  (a.D. 
58)  up  to  the  episcopate  of  Victor  (a.D.  193-202), 
its  annals  are  a  blank,  save  when  some  incidental 
allusion  in  the  controversies  of  the  time  reveals 
an  occasional  fact. 

The  growing  importance  of  the  bishopric  is 
however  clearly  shown  by  the  saying  of  the 
emperor  Decius,  preserved  by  Cyprian,  to  the 
effect  that  he  would  sooner  hear  of  the  appear- 
ance of  a  rival  to  his  throne,  than  of  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  new  bishop  to  the  Roman  see 
{Epist.  ad  Antonian. ;  Migne,  iii.  774).  The 
theory  set  forth  by  Cyprian  himself  of  the 
essential  unity  of  the  church,  may  perhaps 
justly  be  regarded  as  tending  to  support  that  of 
the  primacy  of  the  bishop  of  Rome.  He  speaks, 
for  example  (Epist.  55,  ad  Cornelium),  of  the 
"  chair  of  Peter,"  and  "  the  principal  church  of 
Rome,  from  whence  the  priestly  unity  derived  its 
origin  " — "  ad  Petri  cathedram  atque  ad  ecclesiam 
principalem,  uude  unitas  sacerdotalis  exorta  est, 
....  litteras  ferre."  This  language,  however, 
when  compared  with  other  passages  {Epp.  7, 
52,  57,  72  ;  Epist.  ad  Q.  de  Haereticis  Baptizandis ; 
de  Unitate  Eccles.  c.  4)  seems,  at  most,  only  to 
prove  that  he  regarded  the  bishop  of  Rome  as 
•'  primus  inter  pares ; "  he  speaks  for  example 
{Epist.  52)  of  pope  Cornelius  as  "  collega  noster," 
and  distinctly  affirms  that  the  other  apostles 
were  invested  with  an  equal  share  of  honour  and 
power  with  Peter, — "  pari  consortio  praediti  et 
honoris  et  potestatis  "  (de  Unitate,s  c.  4).  The 
piiraseology  of  the  bishops  of  Rome  themselves, 
when  addressing  other  bishops,  is  confirmatory  of 
this  view.  In  the  4th,  and  earlier  part  of  the 
5th,  century  we  find  "  Julius  .  .  .  fratribus  " 
(Mansi,  ii.  1211);  "  Liberius  fratri  Eusebio  "  (iii. 
204,  207,  209) ;  "  Liberius  episc.  dil.  fratri  Eu- 
sebio "  (ib.  205)  ;  "  dil.  fratribus  et  coepiscopis 
nostris  Liberius  urbis  Romae  episcopus  "  {ilj.  iii. 
208)  ;  "  Zosimus  episcopus  urbis  Romae  Hesychio 
episcopo  Salonitano. "  "  Leo  episcopus  urbis 
Romae,"  "  Felix  episc.  s.  ecclesiae  cath.  urbis 
Romae  Acacio,"  "  Gelasius  Romanae  ecclesiae 
episcopus,"  &c.  In  these  latter  quotations  the 
limitation  implied  in  the  addition  "  urbis  Romae  " 
is  of  no  small  significance. 

With  the  fourth  century,  the  evidence  that 


e  The  passages  in  this  chapter  which  assign  to  Peter  a 
supremacy  amoag  the  other  apostles  do  not  occur  in  the 
earlier  MSS.,  and  are  attributed  by  Gieseler  (Kirchen- 
gesch.  i.  364)  to  Romish  transcribers ;  it  is  certain  that 
they  involve  the  writer  In  a  contradiction  of  himself. 


POPE 

favours  the  Roman  theory  becomes  more  abun- 
dant and  more  decisive.  Much  of  it,  however, 
relates  to  the  technical  question  of  jurisdiction 
and  will  be  found  under  Appeal  ;  much,  again, 
to  those  relations  of  the  bishop  of  Rome  to  the 
general  episcopate,  which  it  has  been  found  more 
convenient  to  treat  in  the  fourth  division  of  the 
present  article ;  our  enquiry  here  will  conse- 
quently be  limited  to  ascertaining  the  extent  to 
which  the  authority  of  the  bishop  of  Rome  was 
admitted  by  the  church  at  large  in  connexion 
with  the  definition  of  doctrine  and  the  main- 
tenance of  discipline. 

At  the  council  of  Nicaea  the  first  signatures 
are  those  of  Hosius,  Vito,  and  Vincentius,  the  lat- 
ter two  being  further  described  as  "  presbyteri 
Romani,"  subscribing  "  pro  venerabili  viro  papa 
et  episcopo  nostro  sancto  Silvestro  ;"  and,  if  it 
were  possible  to  accept  the  statement  of  Gelasius, 
Hosius  himself  (the  eminent  bishop  of  Corduba 
and  president  of  the  council)  was  really  the  legate 
of  Sylvester  on  this  occasion  :  eTre'xi'i'  rhp  t6wov 
Tov  TTJs  fieyicTTris  'Pw/xt^s  iiriffKonov  (Mansi,  ii. 
692  ;  Gelasius,  Hist.  Cone.  Nicaeni,  ib.  ii.  805). 
This  theory  indeed  is  still  accepted  by  Catholic 
writers  (Hefele,  Conciliengesch.  i.  24-38 ;  von 
Schulte,  Concilien,  p.  65),  but  is  rejected  by  Mil- 
man,  Greenwood,  Robertson,  and  others,  on  the 
ground  of  apparent  interpolation  and  confusion ; 
for  at  the  council  of  Sardica,  eighteen  years  later 
(a.D.  343)  we  find  the  subscriptions  of  Hosius 
and  Vicentius  appearing  in  the  same  places,  but 
without  any  addition  to  indicate  that  they 
attended  in  a  legatine  capacity  from  Rome.* 

The  alleged  canons  of  the  council  of  Sardica 
undoubtedly  conferred  on  Julius,  bishop  of  Rome, 
the  power  of  hearing  appeals  ;  but  the  fact  that 
the  canons  appear  to  have  been  unknown  to  the 
church  for  many  years  after  (Greenwood,  i.  155), 
and  that  when  adduced  by  Zosimus  (a.d.  417-8), 
their  authority  was  denied  by  the  African  bishops 
(Milman,  Lat.  Christianity,  bk.  ii.  c.  4),  is 
strongly  against  their  genuineness  (Gieseler  I.  ii. 
199).  And  even  if  their  genuineness  were  admit- 
ted, it  is  still  most  probable  (though  we  find 
Sozomen  and  Socrates  in  the  following  century 
representing  their  scope  as  general)  that  they 
implied  a  departure  from  the  rule  of  the  church, 
and  were  designed  to  have  effect  during  the 
episcopate  of  Julius  only  (Baur,  Christliche  Kirche, 
ii.  245). 

With  respect  both  to  Sylvester  and  to  Julius 
ive  have,  moreover,  other  evidence  which  dis- 
tinctly contravenes  a  contrary  assumption.  A 
letter  addressed  to  the  former  by  the  council  of 
Nicaea,  asks  for  a  confirmation  of  the  council's 
decision  by  a  synod  of  all  the  bishops  of  Eome  : 
"  episcopos  totius  vestrae  apostolicae  urbis  in 
unum  convenire,  vestrumque  habere  concilium 
.  .  .  .  ut  firmetur  nostra  sanctimonia  "  (Mansi, 
ii.  719)  ;  and  similarly  Julius,  when  he  summoned 
the  accusers  of  Athanasius  to  Rome,  and  was  met 
by  the  demand  why  he  assumed  to  write  alone,  re- 
plied that  the  views  he  upheld  were  not  his  alone, 

h  An  additional  proof  of  a  certain  tampering  with  the 
text  is  furnished  by  the  statement  of  the  Libellus  Synod- 
icus,  which  gives  a  third  version  of  the  function  filled  by 
Vito  and  Vincentius,  as  that  of  the  presidents  of  the 
Council :  ^9  c^ripxov  jrpoKaffefd/iej'Oi,  BiVioc  Kal  Bi/ceV- 
Tios  7rp6<7j3uT6poi,  Toi'  TOTTOV  ewcxovTe^  SiA/SeVrpcu  TcO 
irairTTO.  'Pwjjirjs  Kal  ToO  5ia56;(OU  airoO  lovAiou  "  ( Jlansi, 
r  ii.  747). 


POPE 

but  those  of  all  Italy  and  all  her  bishops  :  "  nam 
tametsi  solas  sim,  qui  scripsi,  non  meam  tamcn 
solius  sententiam,  sed  omnium  Italorum,  et  om- 
nium in  his  regionibus  episcoporum  scripsi  "  (i6. 
ii.  1230). 

Even  so  late  as  the  time  of  Innocent  I.,  Chiy- 
sostom,  when  entreating  the  interposition  of  the 
Roman  pontiff  against  his  rival  Theophilus,  ap- 
peals not  only  to  Kome  but  to  the  collective 
episcopate  of  Italy, — Kvpioi  (xov  rtniuiTaroi  koI 
euXajSeo-TaTot  (Migne,  S.G.  lii.  534:). 

It  is  however  undeniable  that,  as  already  ob- 
served, a  great  accession  of  influence,  if  not  of 
directly  admitted  authority,  was  gained  by  t'lie 
see  of  Rome  as  the  result  of  the  policy  of  Julius 
and  his  successors  in  connexion  with  the  Athan- 
asian  controversy.  The  bishop  of  Rome  was 
fi'om  that  time  regarded  as  the  foremost  defender 
of  orthodox  doctrine  ;  and  the  discharge  of  such 
a  function  at  a  time  when,  according  to  the 
assertion  of  Pacianus,  heresies  were  so  rife  that 
their  bare  enumeration  would  fill  an  "  immense 
volume  "  (Migne,  xiii.  1053),  was  in  itself  an 
inestimable  service  to  the  church.  Yet,  notwith- 
standing, the  fourth  century  passed  away  leaving 
the  Roman  supremacy  still  unrecognised.  Of  this 
the  implicit  testimony  of  Jerome  affords  almost 
conclusive  proof.  In  one  of  his  most  notable 
letters  (ad  Busticum  ;  Migne,  Patrol,  xsii.  932), 
he  takes  occasion  to  enforce,  by  various  analogies, 
the  expediency  of  admitting  a  central  and  single 
authority.  He  adduces  examples  from  the  ani- 
mal kingdom,  from  the  imperial  power,  from 
the  judicial  power,  from  the  military  power, 
and  from  domestic  rule,  and  finally  goes  on  to 
say, — "  singuli  ecclesiarum  episcopi,  singuli 
archipresbyteri,  singuli  archidiaconi ;  et  omnis 
ordo  ecclesiasticus  suis  rectoribus  nititur  "  {ib. 
942),  but,  remarkably  enough,  makes  no  refer- 
ence to  the  bishop  of  Rome. 

Under  Innocent  I.  the  claim  to  supremacy  was 
urged  with  fresh  vigour  and  increased  boldness 
of  assertion.  In  a  letter  to  Decentius,  bishop  of 
Eugubium,  he  says  that  the  authority  handed 
down  from  St.  Peter  is  entitled  to  the  obedience 
of  all  ("  ab  omnibus  debere  servari  "),  especially, 
he  goes  on  to  say,  "  when  it  is  clear  that  through- 
out all  Italy,  Gaul,  the  Spains,  Africa,  and  Sicily, 
together  with  the  intermediate  islands,  no  one 
founded  churches  save  those  whom  the  venerable 
apostle  Peter  and  his  successors  ordained  to  the 
priestly  office "  (Constant,  i.  855  ;  Mansi,  iii. 
1028),"  thus  entirely  ignoring  the  labours  of  St. 
Paul  in  the  West.  Writing  (about  A.n.  415)  to 
Alexander,  bishop  of  Antioch,  he  claims  preced- 
ence for  Rome  over  that  see,  as  the  city  to  which 
"  the  honour  temporarily  conferred  on  Antioch 
(the  presidency  of  St.  Peter)  was  transferred,  and 
in  which  it  was  consummated,"  "  quod  ilia  in 
transitu  meruit  ista  susceptum  apud  se  consum- 
matumque  gauderet "  (Mansi,  iii.  1054). 

We  may  perhaps  infer  with  Milman  {Lat.  Chris- 
tianity, bk.  ii.  c.  4)  that  the  Roman  supremacy 
was,  by  this  time,  generally  admitted  in  Itabi,^ 
for  we  find  Leo  1.  writing  to  the  bishop  of 
Aquileia  (which  see  was  not  included  in  the 
Roman  diocese)  as  one  subject  to  his  immediate 
jurisdiction  (Migne,  Patrol,  liv.  590).  In  Africa, 
however,  in  the  time  of  Zosimus  (a.d.  417-8),  the 
independence  of  the  episcopate  is  amply  attested 
by  its  condemnation  of  "  transmarina  judicia  " 
as  a  lawful  court  of  appeal  for  presbyters  in  that 


POPE  1659 

province  (Appeal,  p.  129).  That  the  ability  of 
Leo,  aided  by  the  decree  of  Valentinian,  would 
have  overcome  this  spirit  there  can  be  little 
doubt ;  but  in  the  year  before  Leo's  accession 
Carthage  was  taken  by  Genseric,  and  the  province 
became  subject  to  Arian  domination. 

It  was  during  the  pontificate  of  Leo  (a.D. 
440-61)  that,  by  general  admission,  the  Petrine 
prerogative  first  received  full  and  distinct  enun- 
ciation. As  already  stated,  the  decree  of  Valen- 
tinian III.  must  be  looked  upon  as  virtually  the 
act  of  Leo,  who  claimed  that  he  and  his  successors 
derived  from  St.  Peter  a  supreme  if  not  immediate 
jurisdiction  over  the  whole  church  :  •'■per  omTics 
ecclesias  cura  nostra  distenditur,  exigente  hoc  a 
nobis  Domino,  qui  apostolicae  dignitatis  beatis- 
simo  apostolo  Petro  primatum  fidei  suae  remu- 
neratione  commisit "  {Epist.  ad  Episc.  Illyr. 
Mansi,  v.  1231 ;  cf.  Epist.  ad  Dioscurum,  ib.  v. 
1240).  Of  the  exclusive  character  of  this  claim, 
his  language  in  his  sermon  on  the  fourth  anni- 
versary of  his  pontificate  leaves  no  doubt :  "  et 
tamen  de  toto  mundo  unus  Petrus  eligitur,  qui 
et  universarum  gentium  vocationi  et  omnibus 
apostolis  cunctisque  ecclesiae  patribus  praepon- 
atur,  ut  quamvis  in  populo  Dei  multi  sacerdotes 
sint  multique  pastores,  omnes  tamen  proprie 
regat  Petrus  quos  principaliter  regit  et  Christus  " 
(Migne,  Patrol,  liv.  16). 

Though,  after  the  invasion  of  Genseric,  the 
political  power  had  lapsed  almost  completely 
into  Leo's  hands,  the  prestige  resulting  there- 
from is  treated  by  him  as  altogether  subordinate  : 
"Roma,  quae  tamen  per  apostolici  sacerdotii 
principatum  amplior  facta  est  arce  religionis 
quam  solio  potestatis  "  {De  Vocatione  Gent.  bk.  ii. 
c.  6) ;  "  Civitas  sacerdotalis  et  regia  per  sacram 
beati  Petri  sedem  caput  orbis  efFecta,  latius 
praesidens  religione  divina  quam  dominatione 
terrena  "  (quoted  by  Neander,tr.  Torrey,  iii.  226). 

Yet  notwithstanding  the  unlimited  jurisdic- 
tion claimed  by  Leo,  it  seems  probable  that  even 
he  regarded  his  powers  as  visitatorial  in  their 
character,  to  be  exercised  beyond  the  Roman 
diocese  only  when  occasion  called  for  inter- 
ference ;  and  we  may  perhaps  assent  to  the  view 
that  "  he  would  himself  have  been  shocked  at 
that  unmitigated  religious  despotism  for  which 
his  name  and  his  authority  were  vouched  by  his 
successors  "  (Greenwood,  Cath.  Petri,  i.  437). 

Under  Hilary  (A.D.  461-7),  Leo's  successor,  the 
claims  ratified  by  the  decree  of  Valentinian 
were  pressed  still  more  unreservedly  in  the 
provinces  ;■  and  his  celebrated  letter  to  the  Gallic 
bishops  embodies  little  less  than  a  claim  not 
only  to  universal,  but  also  to  immediate  legis- 
lative authority  in  the  church  (see  Thiel,  Pom. 
Pont.  Epist.  i.  141-6). 

How  successfully  these  claims  were  urged, 
may  be  seen  when  we  compare  the  language  of 
Avitus  of  Vienne,  at  the  commencement  of  the 
6th  century,  with  that  of  Hilary  of  Aries.  In 
his  letter  to  the  Palmary  synod  (A.D.  502)  he 
ascribes  to  pope  Symmachus  superiority  to  all 
earthly  tribunals,  and  says  that  he  can  be  judged 
only  by  God;  he  also  distinctly  implies  the 
universal  character  of  the  Roman  episcopacy  : 
"  At  si  Papa  Urbis  vocatur  in  dubium,  e\>\sco- 
patus  jam  videbitur  non  episcopus  vacillare " 
(Migne,  lix.  248-9). 

In  the  pontificate  of  Hormisdas  (a.D.  514-23) 
a  further  advance  is  discernible  in  the  successful 


1660 


POPE 


effort  made  to  include  the  East  (which  had  never 
accepted  the  decree  of  Valentinian  III.)  in  the 
enunciation  of  the  foregoing  theory ;  and  the 
foi'm  of  confes;sion  subsci'ibed  by  John,  the 
patriarch  of  Constantinople,  on  the  return  of  the 
Eastern  church  to  orthodoxy,  although  evasive 
in  expression,  was  regarded  as  recording  a  signal 
victory  for  Rome  :  "  Sanctissimas  Dei  ecclesias, 
id  est,  superioris  vestrae  et  novellae  illius 
Eomae,  unam  esse  accipio  ;  illam  sedem  apostoli 
Petri  et  istius  augustae  civitatis  unam  esse 
definio "  (ib.  Ixiv.  444).  We  find  accordingly 
John  I.  (a.D.  523-6)  refusing  to  hold  intercourse 
with  Epiphanius,  the  patriarch  of  Constantinople, 
until  his  right  to  take  precedence  had  been  re- 
cognized :  irporpaTels  vivh  'EnKpaviov  rod  -rraTpt- 
dpxov  oil  KaTiSe^aro  eojj  irpo^Kadicrev  tov 
''EirKpaviov  6  'PaJ/^rjs  (Theophanes,  Chronoijraphia, 
Corp.  Hist.  Byzant.  XXVI.  i.  261).  In  the  same 
spirit  Pelagius  II.  (A.d.  578-90),  while  denoun- 
cing the  assumption  by  John  of  Constantinople 
of  the  title  of  "  oecumenical  patriarch,"  asserted 
in  the  most  unequivocal  language  the  universal 
primacy  of  the  see  of  Rome :  "  cum  generalium 
synodorum  convocandi  auctoritas  apostolicae  sedi 
beati  Petri  singulari  privilegio  sit  tradita" 
(Migne,  Ixsii.  739). 

John,  however,  so  far  from  discontinuing  the 
title,  again  subscribed  himself  thus  in  the  letters 
in  which  he  acknowledged  the  formal  notifica- 
tion of  the  accession  of  Gregory  the  Great.  This 
drew  from  Gregory  (a.d.  590-604)  a  still  more 
emphatic  condemnation  of  what  he  designated 
as  "a  haughty  and  damnable  distinction;" 
"  moreover,"  he  adds,  "  it  is  known  to  all  that 
the  apostle  Peter  is  the  chief  of  the  universal 
church.  Paul,  Andrew,  John — what  were  they 
other  than  chiefs  of  particular  churches?" 
(Migne,  Ixxvii.  743). 

The  remarkable  extension  given  by  Gregory 
the  Great  to  the  power  of  the  pontificate  will  be 
noticed  under  the  two  divisions  with  which  it  is 
most  closely  associated ;  (1),  the  relations  of 
Rome  to  the  episcopal  order ;  (2),  the  extension 
of  the  church's  patrimonium.  In  the  West  we 
have  evidence  that  important  exceptions  con- 
tinued to  exist  to  the  recognition  of  the  pope  as 
universal  metropolitan.  In  Spain,  it  is  observed 
by  Baxmann  {Politik  dcr  Pdpste,  i.  116),  that  the 
only  instance  of  Gregory's  assertion  of  such  juris- 
diction (see  infra,  p.  1673)  was  at  Malaga,  where 
the  imperial  government  still  held  its  ground. 
In  support  of  the  conclusion  to  which  this  foct 
plainly  points,  it  maybe  noted  that  the  language 
of  Gregory's  illustrious  contemporary,  Isidore  of 
Seville,  is  singularly  wanting  in  any  such  recog- 
nition of  the  Roman  prerogatives  as  the  papal 
assumptions  of  the  preceding  century  might 
appear  to  demand.  Isidore  admits  indeed  (ad 
Eugen.  Episc.  Tolet. ;  Migne,  Ixxxiii.  574),  that 
the  "potestas"  and  "dignitas"  conferred  on 
Peter,  and  transmitted  from  him  to  all  bishops, 
were  given  "  specialius  Romano  antistiti ;"  but  in 
a  more  formal  treatise  (de  Officiis  Eccl.  ii.  v.  5) 
he  expressly  affirms  that  all  bishops  are  to  be 
regarded  as  equal,  just  as  the  other  apostles  were 
equal  to  St.  Peter,  "siquidem  et  caeteri  apo- 
stolorum  cum  Petro  par  consortium  honoris  et 
potestatis  effecti  sunt  .  .  .  quibus  decedentibus 
successerunt  episcopi,  qui  sunt  constituti  per 
totum  mundum  in  sedibus  apostolorum."  Simi- 
larly in  his  Origines  (VII.  xi.)  he  assigns  "  sedes 


POPE 

apostolicae "  to  patriarchs,  archbishops,  and 
bishops  alike  :  "  Patriarcha  Graeca  lingua  sum- 
mus  pater,  quia  primum,  id  est  apostolicum, 
tenet  locum  "...  Archiepiscopus  Graece  sum- 
mus  episcoporum,  tenet  enim  vicem  apostoli- 
cum,"^  &c. 

Among  those  Western  nations  which  were 
indebted  for  their  conversion  to  the  direct  agency 
of  Rome,  we  perceive,  however,  an  increased  and 
not  unnatural  disposition  to  acknowledge  a  filial 
rather  than  a  fraternal  relation  to  the  parent 
see;  while  after  Gregory's  death,  the  course  of 
events — the  subjugation  of  Syria  and  Egypt  by 
the  Saracens,  with  the  involved  loss  of  Jerusalem 
to  Christendom,  and  the  extinction  of  the 
churches  of  Antioch  and  Alexandria — powerfully 
contributed  to  the  establishment  of  the  papal 
autocracy.  In  England,  from  the  time  of  the 
council  of  Whitby  (a  d.  664),  the  Gregorian 
traditions,  as  enforced  by  Augustine,  Theodorus, 
Wilfrid,  and  others,  were  readily  accepted, 
though  a  strong  spirit  of  resistance  to  the 
Roman  claims  to  immediate  jurisdiction  is  from 
time  to  time  discernible.  The  British  church 
appears  to  have  almost  refused  to  regard  the 
English  churches  as  Christian  (Bede,  E.  IT.  ii.  20). 
The  representatives  of  the  English  church  taxed 
their  antagonists,  in  return,  with  spurning  "  in 
tyrannous  pertinacity  the  tradition  of  the 
Roman  church "  (see  letter  of  Aldhelm  to 
to  Geraint  ;  Bright,  Early  English  Church 
Jlist.  pp.  419-423).  From  England  this  teach- 
ing was  in  turn  diffused  over  Frankland.  In 
this  latter  country,  however,  more  than  one 
important  change  in  the  relations  to  the  papacy 
is  to  be  noted.  From  the  time  of  Caesarius  of 
Aries  (a.d.  500)  the  churches  in  Aquitania  and 
Burgundy,  converted  from  Arianism  to  Catho- 
licism, appear  to  have  assumed  towards  the 
Roman  see  an  attitude  of  unquestioning  deference. 
Of  this  the  frequent  acceptance  of  the  pallium 
{infra,  p.  1673),  as  well  as  other  evidence,  is  suffi- 
cient proof.  But  in  Neustria  and  Austrasia, 
among  the  purely  Prankish  population,  this  was 
not  equally  the  case.  The  Merovingian  kings 
usurped  the  popular  rights  in  appointing  bishops 
to  vacant  sees  (Guizot,  Essais,  pp.  192-3) ;  and 
the  relations  which  the  genius  of  Gregory  the 
Great  succeeded  in  establishing  (Mansi,  x.  34, 
293  ;  Sirmond,  i.  420,  454,  456)  were  not  sus- 
tained. After  the  death  of  queen  Brunehaut  the 
intercourse  with  Rome  appears  to  have  come  to 
an  end.  The  council  of  Paris  (a.d.  615),  which 
restored  the  canonical  form  of  episcopal  elec- 
tions, makes  no  reference  to  the  papal  authority. 
Guizot  observes  that  from  the  death  of  Gregory 
the  Great  to  the  time  of  Gregory  II.  (a.d.  604- 
715),  not  a  single  document  exists  which  can  be 
cited  as  proof  of  intercommunication  between 
the  rulers  of  Prankish  Gaul  and  the  papacy 
(Civil,  en  France,  ii.  235).  It  was  the  great 
result  of  the  mission  of  St.  Bonifoce  that  it 
restored  the  spirit  of  allegiance  to  Rome  in  yet 
more  than  its  original  force  ;  and  the  principle 
which  he  distinctly  enunciated  of  the  duty  of 
referring  all  difficulties  of  an  important  character 
to  the  see  of  Rome  for  solution,  marks  an  all- 
important  era  in  European  church  history : 
"  eodem  modo  quo  nos  Romana  ecclesia  ordinatos 
cum  Sacramento  constrinxit,  ut  si  sacerdotes  vel 
plebes  a  lege  Dei  deviasse  viderim  et  corrigere 
non  potuerim,  fideliter  semper  Sedi  Apostolicae 


POPE 

et  Vicario  sancti  Petri  ad  emenJandum  indica- 
verim ;  sic  enim,  ni  fallor,  omnes  episcopi  debent 
metropolitano,  et  ipse  Romano  Pontifici,  si  quid 
de  corrigendis  populis  apud  eos  impossibile  est 
notum  t'acere"  (Migne,  Ixssix.  764). 

At  this  point  we  enter  iipon  the  •commence- 
ment of  a  remarkable  fusion  between  the  poli- 
tical and  ecclesiastical  aspects  of  our  subject, 
which  may  be  reserved  for  further  comment 
until  towards  the  close  of  the  outline  relating  to 
the  development  of  the  conception  of  the  papacy, 
(ii)  In  relation  to  the  Civil  Poioer. — The  rela- 
tions of  the  State  to  the  Christian  community 
under  Coustantine  the  Great  and  his  successors 
were  largely  determined  by  motives  of  policy. 
We  find  Constantius,  whose  conception  of  Chris- 
tianity was  extremely  defective,  avowing  his 
belief  that  the  whole  State  was  more  elfectually 
aided  by  "  religion  "  than  by  all  the  services  and 
endeavours  of  his  subjects,  and  declaring  it  to  be 
his  anxious  desire  "  to  rejoice  in  and  to  be  exalted 
by  the  faith."  (Cot?.  Theod.  bk.  xvi.  tit.  ii. ;  ed. 
Hanel,  p.  1490.)  Similarly,  Valentinian  III.,  in 
the  edict  already  quoted,  speaks  of  the  favour  of 
heaven  as  chiefly  to  be  gained  by  the  Christian 
"  faith  and  religion."  According  to  Godefroy 
(^Nmellae,  p.  49)  the  terms  "  religion "  and 
"  faith,"  as  here  and  elsewhere  employed  by  the 
Roman  lawyers,  are  to  be  understood  in  a  sense 
very  different  from  that  in  which  these  terms 
were  used  by  the  church  itself,  and  denoted 
simply  the  body  of  privileges  ("privilegia 
ecclesiae "  or  iroKneia  eKKXriaiaffriK^,  as  they 
were  respectively  termed,  in  the  West  and  the 
East),  conferred  upon  Christianity  as  a  recognised 
organization  by  the  State. 

In  such  a  compact  with  the  new  religion,  the 
emperors,  with  whatever  admixture  of  higher 
motives,  undoubtedly  saw  their  own  political 
gain ;  and  in  like  manner  the  bishops  of  Rome, 
in  their  efforts  to  assert  their  jurisdiction  over 
the  whole  church,  discerned  a  similar  advantage 
in  a  coalition  with  the  imperial  power.  This 
advantage  was  not,  however,  to  be  gained  with- 
out a  corresponding  loss  of  independence  and 
ecclesiastical  freedom.  "  The  laws  of  the  Chris- 
tian emperors,"  says  an  able  writer,  "  from 
Constantine  to  Leo  the  philosopher,  manifest  the 
absolute  subordination  of  the  spiritual  to  the 
temporal  authority.  The  minutiae  of  church 
government,  the  relations  of  the  clergy  among 
themselves  and  to  the  state,  their  duties,  their 
morals,  and  their  actions,  monastic  regulations, 
the  suppression  of  heresies — all  the  details,  in 
fact,  of  ecclesiastical  life,  internal  and  external, 
are  prescribed  with  the  assurance  of  unquestioned 
power,  and  with  a  care  which  shews  how  large  a 
portion  of  the  imperial  attention  was  devoted  to 
the  management  of  the  church."  (H.  C.  Lea, 
Studies  in  Church  History,  p.  16.)  At  Rome, 
however,  as  regards  the  chief  pontiffs,  this  lan- 
guage must  be  accepted  with  considerable  qualifi- 
cation. Exactly  in  proportion  as  the  imperial 
power  declined  in  vigour,  they  are  to  bo  seen 
assuming  a  bolder  policy  towards  both  the 
church  and  the  state.  The  removal  of  the  im- 
perial court  to  Ravenna,  under  Honorius,  was 
followed  by  the  new  assumptions  that  mark  the 
pontificate  of  Innocent  I.  The  feebleness  of 
Valentinian  III.  was  in  some  measure  compen- 
sated by  the  vigour  of  Leo. 

So  long  as  the  Western  empire  continued  to 


POPE 


1661 


exist,  the  traditions  of  papal  Rome  were  those 
of  at  least  professed  deference  to  the  temporal 
power;  but  when,  in  476,  the  Western  succes- 
sion came  to  an  end,  the  language  and  demeanour 
of  the  popes  towards  the  emperors  of  the  East 
were  characterised  by  a  different  tone.  A  com- 
parison of  the  letters  of  Gelasius  (a.d.  492-6)  with 
those  of  Leo  I.  illustrates  this  difference.  The 
latter  pontiff  invariably  addresses  the  emperor 
with  great  deference,  and  admits  in  the  most  ex- 
plicit manner  the  imperial  prerogative  in  rela- 
tion to  the  church.  To  Theodosius  II.  he  writes, 
with  reference  to  the  assembling  of  a  general 
council  at  Rome,  "  dementia  vestra  concedat " 
(Mansi,  vi.  53)  ;  to  Marcian,  "  ditfcrri  ad  oppor- 
tunius  tempus  sacerdotalem  synodum  juheretis  " 
(ib.  vi.  83).  Gelasius,  on  the  other  hand,  while 
admitting  the  Roman  sovereignty  of  Anastasius, 
unflinchingly  asserts  the  supremacy  of  the 
church  itself  in  all  matters  of  doctrine.  The 
tone  of  Symmachus  (A.D.  498-514)  is  equally 
bold,  "  An  quia  imperator  es,  contra  Petri  niteris 
potestatem  ?"  (Thiel,  Epist.  Rom.  Pont.  p.  703.) 
During  the  ascendancy  of  the  Gothic  power  in 
Italy  (a.d.  476-553),  the  claims  of  its  monarchs 
were  restricted  to  the  right  of  interference  at 
the  papal  elections  (see  III.  ii.  "  Election "). 
Theodoric  the  Great,  indeed,  proclaimed  complete 
liberty  of  religious  profession,  "  Religionem  im- 
perare  non  possumus,  quia  nemo  cogitur  ut  credat 
invitus "  (Cassiod.  Variar.  ii.  27 ;  v.  37).  The 
relations  of  the  Greek  emperors  and  the  Gothic 
sovereigns  are,  however,  justly  characterised  by 
Greenwood  {Cath.  Petri,  ii.  125)  as  "  of  some 
moment  to  the  progress  of  papal  history,"  the 
imperial  policy  being  directed  towards  an  alliance 
with  the  pope,  in  order  to  gain  assistance  in  its 
scheme  for  the  re-annexation  of  Italy.  John  I. 
was  received  at  Constantinople  (a.d.  525)  with 
distinguished  honours ;  and  to  the  suspicions 
thereby  excited  in  the  breast  of  Theodoric  we 
may  attribute  his  death  in  prison  on  his  return 
to  Italy.  In  the  year  530,  a  decree  of  Justinian 
declared  Constantinople  to  be  supreme  over  all 
the  churches,  "Constantinopolitana  ecclesia 
omnium  aliarum  est  caput"  {Just.  Codex,  i.  tit. 
ii.  24,  ed.  Kriegel,  p.  22);  but  in  534,  on  the  eve 
of  the  expedition  of  Belisarius,  an  endeavour  was 
made  by  the  emperor  to  enlist  the  sympathies  of 
John  II.  on  his  side,  by  a  remarkable  letter, 
wherein,  after  addressing  the  pontifi'  as  "  Sanc- 
tissimus  Archiepiscopus  almae  urbis  Romae  efc 
Patriarcha,"  he  assures  him  that  he  has  resolved 
to  subject  and  unite  all  the  clergy  of  the  regions 
of  the  East  to  the  Romish  see,  '■  Ideoque  omnes 
sacerdotes  universi  oricntalis  tractus  et  subjicere 
et  unire  scdi  vestrae  sanctitatis  properavimus  " 
(ih.  i.  tit.  i.  ad.  fin.  ed.  Kriegel,  p.  13). 

The  selection  of  John  I.  as  ambassador  from 
Theodoric  to  the  emperor,  and  that  of  Agapetus 
for  a  like  commission  by  Theodotus,  the  Gothic 
monarch,  in  535,  are  evidence  of  the  growing 
importance  of  the  papal  office  in  relation  to  the 
civil  power.  After  the  imperial  supremacy  had 
heen  restored  in  Italy  by  the  arms  of  Bolisanus 
and  Narses,  the  exarchs  of  Ravenna  succeeded  to 
the  authority  before  wielded  by  the  kinss  of  the 
Ostrogoths,  and  the  papal  elections  regularly 
awaited  their  couflrmation  (IH.  ii.  "  Election  ). 
Rome  herself  descended  to  the  second  rank  in 
Italy  and  the  treatment  of  Silvenus  (A.D.  o3b-8) 
and  of  Vigilius  (A.D.  538-55)  proves  how  com- 


IGGl 


POPE 


pletely  the  popes  were  now  at  the  mercy  of  the 
emperor.  Yet,  notwithstanding,  the  Roman  see 
still  represented  the  highest  and  most  influential 
authority  among  the  Italians  themselves,  and 
the  Pragmatic  Sanction  of  Justinian  (a.d.  554), 
which  fixed  the  civil  organization  of  Italy,  was 
issued  at  the  request  of  Vigilius  (Gibbon,  c.  xliii.). 

With  the  establishment  of  the  Lombard  su- 
premacy, that  of  the  Byzantine  court  was  again 
reduced  to  little  more  than  a  shadow  ;  and  it 
may  be  regarded  as  the  key  to  much  of  the  state 
policy  of  Gregoiy  the  Great,  that  his  chief  aim 
was  to  extricate  the  papacy  from  the  dangers  by 
which  it  was  menaced  by  these  two  powers.  His 
aversion  from  the  conquerors  did  not  prevent 
him  from  gaining  over  Agilulph,  the  king  of  the 
Lombards,  to  the  Catholic  as  opposed  to  the 
Arian  interest  {Paulus  Diac.  bk.  vi.  cc.  9  and  10). 
And  though  he  continued  to  profess  allegiance  to 
the  emperor,  there  can  be  no  question  that  his 
sympathies  with  the  empire  were  to  a  great 
€xtent  estranged  by  the  assumption  by  his  rival 
at  Constantinople  of  the  title  of  "  oecumenical 
patriarch."  The  relations  which  this  pope 
sought  to  establish  both  with  Frankland  and 
with  England  stand  in  very  close  connexion 
with  those  existing  between  the  papacy  and  the 
Lombard  and  Byzantine  courts  (Baur,  Gesch. 
d.  Ki7-che,  ii.  251 ;  Baxmann,  Politik  d.  Papste, 
i.  26). 

The  decrees  of  the  Quinisext  council  (a.d.  691), 
of  which  the  thirty-sixth  canon  was  an  endeavour 
to  revive  that  theory  of  episcopal  pre-eminence 
which  regarded  it  as  resting  solely  on  a  political 
foundation,  and  the  efforts  of  Justinian  II.  to 
thrust  them  on  the  acceptance  of  the  West,  mark 
the  last  stage  of  interference  on  the  part  of  the 
Eastern  emperors  with  the  papal  power.  In  the 
pontificate  of  Gregory  II.  (a.d.  715-731)  the 
dispute  concerning  image  worship  completed  the 
rupture  between  East  and  West ;  the  estates  of 
the  Roman  see  in  Sicily  and  Calabria  were  confis- 
cated by  the  emperor  Leo  ;  and  although  Gregory 
continued  to  profess  a  nominal  allegiance  to  the 
emperor,  it  would  appear  that  it  was  mainly 
from  motives  dictated  by  yet  stronger  feelings 
of  animosity  to  the  Lombards  that  he  and  his 
successors,  to  use  the  somewhat  exaggerated 
expression  of  Gibbon  (c.  xlix.)  "spared  the  relics 
of  the  Byzantine  dominion  "  (Greenwood,  ii.  481). 
Nothing,  however,  could  exceed  in  plainness  the 
terms  in  which  Gregory  repudiated  the  right  of 
the  emperor  to  interfere  in  questions  of  dogma, 
and  maintained  that  the  spheres  of  the  imperial 
and  papal  authority  were  entirely  distinct : 
"  Scis  imperator,  sanctae  ecclesiae  dogmata  non 
imperatorum  esse,  sed  pontificum,  quae  tuto  dog- 
matizari  debent.  Idcirco  ecclesiis  praepositi 
sunt  pontifices  a  rei  puhlicae  negofiis  abstincntes, 
et  imperatores  ergo  similiter  ab  ecclesiasticis 
abstineant,  et  quae  sibi  commissa  sunt,  capes- 
sant  "  (Mansi,  xii.  960).  The  significance  of  this 
passage  is  enhanced  when  we  consider  that  it  is 
from  the  pen  of  one  whom  Gibbon  styles  "  the 
founder  of  the  papal  monarchy." 

It  is,  however,  to  the  relations  of  the  see  of 
Rome  to  the  Lombard  power  that  we  must  refer 
that  alliance  with  the  Prankish  monarch  which 
paved  the  way  for  the  assertion  of  that  very 
political  power  which  Gregory  II.  professed  to 
disclaim.  "  Placed  between  a  heretic  and  a 
robber  ''  (to  use  the  expression  of  Bryce),   the 


POPE 

Roman  pontiff  fled  for  assistance  to  the  Frank ; 
and  the  appeal  of  Gregory  III.  to  Charles  Mattel 
for  aid  against  the  Lombards  marks  the  com- 
mencement of  that  new  conjunction  which  resulted 
in  the  claims  of  mediaeval  popedom.  The  title  of 
"  papa  universalis  "  which  Gregory  I.  had  de- 
nounced as  blasphemous,  was  claimed  by  his  suc- 
cessors in  the  8th  century,  and  the  aspiration  to 
political  influence  which  Gregory  II.  disavowed, 
grew,  in  the  middle  ages,  into  an  assertion  of 
political  supremacy. 

Other  circumstances  favoured  these  results. 
The  Orbis  Christianus  no  longer  coincided  with 
the  Orbis  Ronvmus,  and  the  want  of  a  bond  of  union 
between  the  nations  of  the  West  was  painfully 
felt.  This  want  the  papacy  could  in  a  great 
measure  supply  ;  and  the  celibacy  of  the  popes, 
and  the  elective  character  still  preserved  by 
their  office,  served  to  diminish  the  jealousy  with 
which  a  line  of  hereditary  rulers  might  have 
been  regarded. 

Under  these  circumstances,  the  appearance  of 
Boniface  in  Frankland  as  the  papal  legate  was 
attended  with  signal  success,  and  was  productive 
of  results  which  can  hardly  be  over-estimated  in 
their  importance.  The  "  familiar "  relations 
which  this  prelate  had  already  entered  into  with 
Rome,  the  oath  whereby  he  bound  himself  to 
perpetual  fidelity  to  the  supreme  pontiff  (Sir- 
mond,  i.  512),  and  the  strenuous  manner  in 
which  he  upheld  the  theory  of  the  Catholic 
unity,  the  duty  of  subjection  on  the  part  of  the 
whole  clergy  to  the  successor  of  St.  Peter,  and 
the  superiority  of  the  pope  to  all  earthly  tribu- 
nals ("  quia  cunctos  ipse  judicaturus  a  nemine 
est  judicandus  ")  constitute  a  crisis  in  European 
history.  (See  Hefele,  Conciliengesch.  iii.  553-4 ; 
Labbe  and  Cossart,  iii.  1925 ;  Greenwood,  Cath, 
Petri,  ii.  361-71). 

The  main  facts  in  relation  to  the  compact  with 
Pippin  and  Charles  are  stated  elsewhere  (see  IV. 
iv.  "  Political  Sovereignty  ").  It  will  be  suffi- 
cient here  to  observe,  that  although  the  elective 
character  of  the  papal  office  was  preserved,  the 
validity  of  each  election,  at  least  throughout  the 
reign  of  Charles  the  Great,  was  entirely  depen- 
dent on  the  sanction  of  the  Prankish  monarch, 
to  whom  the  pope  acknowledged  a  kind  of  feudal 
relation.  We  find,  for  instance,  that  when  Leo 
III.  announced  his  election  to  Charles,  the  latter, 
in  reply,  expressed  his  pleasure  at  receiving  the 
assurance  of  humble  obedience  and  the  pledge 
of  fidelity  to  the  throne  offered  by  the  pontiff, 
"  gavisi  sumus  seu  in  electionis  unanimitate,  seu 
in  humilitatis  vestrae  obedientia  et  in  promis- 
sionis  ad  nos  fidelitate"  (^Carolina,  ed.  Jaffe,  p. 
354). 

It  is,  however,  at  least  questionable,  whether 
the  coronation  of  Charles  at  Rome  (an  event  but 
imperfectly  understood  and  very  variously  inter- 
preted) was  not,  to  a  great  extent,  a  skilful  re- 
adjustment of  the  mutual  relations  of  the  empire 
and  the  papacy.  As  the  pope  required  the  con- 
sent of  the  emperor,  befoi'e  his  election  could  be 
regarded  as  valid,  so  the  emperor  henceforth  re- 
ceived the  formal  award  of  his  crown  from  the 
pope. 

Though  the  power  of  the  Prankish  episcopate 
largely  increased  with  the  decline  of  the  Caro- 
lingian  dynasty,  the  papal  and  the  royal  supre- 
macy were  still  held  to  be  inextricably  linked 
together.    Thomassin  quotes,  in  proof  of  this,  the 


POPE 

language  of  the  fourth  council  of  Tours  (a.d. 
849),  addressed  to  Nomenoe,  duke  of  Armorica, 
who,  at  the  same  time  that  he  revolted  from  his 
allegiance  to  Charles  the  Bald,  sought  to  render 
the  metropolitan  of  his  province  independent  of 
Rome :  "  omuem  liesisti  Christianitatem  dum 
Vicarium  B.  Petri  apostolicum,  cui  dedit  Deus 
primatum  in  omni  orbe  terrarum  sprevisti " 
(Sirmond,  iii.  70).  Similarly,  Lewis  the  Ger- 
man, when  he  sought  to  bring  over  the  council 
of  Chiersy  to  his  side  in  his  contest  with  his 
brother  Charles,  received  for  reply  that  they 
could  never  desert  one  who  had  been  inaugurated 
so  solemnly  by  the  Prankish  bishops,  "  quemque 
sancta  Sedes  Apostolica,  mater  nostra,  litteris 
apostolicis  ut  regem  honorare  studuit  et  confir- 
luare  "  (Sirmond,  iii.  129). 

In  the  memorable  struggle  between  Nicholas 
I.  and  Hiucmar  (arising  out  of  the  divorce  of 
queen  Theutberga  by  her  husband,  Lothair  II.) 
these  theories  were  asserted  by  pope  Nicholas 
with  unanswerable  force  against  the  French 
bishops.  He  maintained  that  even  the  imperial 
dignity  and  power  were  the  gift  of  the  holy  see  ; 
and  in  the  sequel  Hincmar  was  compelled  to 
restore  Rothrad  to  the  see  of  Soissons,  and  Lo- 
thair to  I'eceive  back  his  consort.  In  support  of 
this  simultaneous  exercise  of  the  papal  preroga- 
tive in  the  civil  and  in  the  ecclesiastical  domain, 
we  find  Nicholas  appealing  to  the  False  Decretals, 
a  collection  of  spurious  pontifical  decrees  which, 
it  was  alleged,  had  been  compiled  by  Isidore  of 
Seville,  but  of  which  the  Roman  archives  pre- 
sented no  trace,  their  first  appearance  belonging 
to  the  years  829-840,  when  they  were  brought 
to  light  at  Mentz.  In  these  the  sole  legislative 
power  of  the  pope  was  formally  and  systemati- 
cally laid  down.  "  The  papacy,"  says  Milman, 
"  became  a  legislative  as  well  as  an  administra- 
tive authority.  Infallibility  was  the  next  inevi- 
tible  step,  if  infallibility  was  not  already  in  the 
power  asserted  to  have  been  bestowed  by  the 
Lord  on  St.  Peter,  by  St.  Peter  handed  down  in 
unbroken  descent,  and  in  a  plenitude  which 
could  not  be  restricted  or  limited,  to  the  latest 
of  his  successors  "  (Lat.  Christianity,  bk.  r.  c.  4). 

III.  Distinctive  Features  of  the  Office. 

(i)  Titles. 

Papa. — This  title,  as  already  stated,  was  of 
wide  and  various  use  before  its  final  limitation 
to  the  Roman  pontiff.  In  the  East  its  ecclesi- 
astical use  has  always  been  comparatively  vague, 
including  not  only  bishops  and  priests  but  even 
readers.  We  find,  for  example,  the  emperor 
Isaac  Comnenus,  in  the  11th  century,  speaking 
of  a  "lector"  as  "papa."  "Quando  episcopus 
facit  simplicem  papam  sive  lector^ra  "  (Lupus, 
Opera,  v.  214).  In  the  5th  century,  Avitus, 
bishop  of  Vienna,  writing  to  the  patriarch  of 
Jerusalem,  addresses  him  as  "  Papa,  Apostle,  and 
Prince  of  the  Universal  Church : "  "  Papae 
Hierosolymitano.  Esercet  apostolatus  vester 
coneessos  a  Divinitate  primatus,  et  quod  prin- 
cipem  locum  in  universali  ecclesia  teneat,  non 
privilegiis  sokm  studet  monstrare,  sed  meritis" 
{Epist.  23  ;  aiigne,  Patrol,  lix.  239).  In  Alex- 
andria the  title  appears  to  have  been  first  borne 
by  Heraclius,  who  was  elected  patriarch  in  the 
year  222:  "ejus  tempore  appellatus  est  patri- 
archa  Alexandrinus  Baba,  id  est  avus  "  {E>itijchii 
Alcxand.  Patriardiae  Annales,  Migne,  S.  G.  cxi. 


POPE 


1663 


381-3).  It  has  been  asserted  that  the  title  was 
also  borne  by  the  archbishop  of  Seleucia  and 
Ctesiphon,  but  this  is  denied  by  Assemann, 
{Bihlioth.  Orien.  i.  14),  who  says  that  the  arch- 
bishop was  styled  "  Primas,  Catholicus,  et  Patri- 
archa,"  but  never  "  Papa." 

In  the  West  it  would  appear  from  the  testi- 
mony of  Walafrid  Strabo  {supra,  p.  1652),  that 
throughout  our  period  the  title  was  not  neces- 
sarily restricted  to  its  modern  use.  In  its  actual 
employment,  however,  it  appears  to  have  been 
confined  at  an  early  period  to  bishops.  Its  limit- 
ation to  the  pope  of  Rome  was  gradual,  com- 
mencing, probably,  in  the  Gth  century;  and,  as 
we  should  naturally  expect,  among  the  com- 
munities more  directly  under  the  influence  of 
the  Roman  see.  Liberatus  of  Carthage  speaks 
both  of  the  "  bishop  of  Rome  "  and  of  the  "  pope 
of  Rome,"  but,  according  to  Thomassin,  after 
the  time  of  Agapetus  (a.d.  535-6),  restricts  the 
title  of  "  papa  "  to  the  pope  :  "  Agapetus  papa 
ordinatur  ;  "  "  Papae  et  senatui  Romano  scribens 
rex,"  &c.  {Breviar.  cc.  18,  21,  22).  In  other 
parts  of  the  West,  the  title  continued  for  some 
time  longer  to  be  applied  without  restriction  to 
all  bishops.  Of  this  a  passage  in  Gregory  of 
Tours  {Hist.  Franc,  iv.  26)  aflbrds  a  good  illus- 
tration. In  the  year  563  Clothaire  I.  presented 
one  Emerius  to  the  see  of  Saintes  without  the 
consent  of  the  metropolitan  Leontius.  Leontius 
accordingly  sought  to  annul  the  appointment, 
and  at  a  council,  convened  at  Saintes,  Emerius 
was  deposed,  and  one  Heraclius  elected  in  his 
place.  Heraclius  was  thereupon  advised  to  de- 
spatch a  messenger  to  the  court  of  Charibert, 
king  of  Paris,  to  gain  his  support.  On  entering 
the  royal  presence,  the  messenger  exclaimed, 
"  Salve  rex  gloriose,  sedes  enim  apostolica  emi- 
uentiae  tuae  salutem  mittit  uberrimam  !  "  To 
which  the  king  replied,  "Numquid  Turonicam' 
adiisti  urbem,  ut  papae  illius  nobis  salutem 
deferas?"  It  is  difficult  to  avoid  concluding 
from  this  passage  that  both  Saintes  and  Tours 
were  styled  "  sedes  apostolicae  "  in  the  6th  cen- 
tury, and  their  bishops  "  papae."  So  also 
Clovis,  when  addressing  the  Gaulish  bishops  in 
the  year  508,  styles  them  "  apostolica  scde  dig- 
nissimi  papae "  (Mansi,  viii.  346) ;  and  they 
appear  themselves  to  have  claimed  the  title 
"  apostolici "  at  the  first  council  of  Oi'loans, 
A.D.  511  (Mansi,  viii.  367).  Thomassin,  how- 
ever, observes,  that  at  the  third  (a.d.  528), 
fourth  (a.d.  541),  and  fifth  (a.d.  549)  councils 
of  Orleans,  and  that  of  Clermont  (A.D.  549), 
only  Rome  is  styled  "  apostolica  sedes."  He 
also  cites  a  letter  of  Avitus  {Epist.  31),  written 
circa  525,  as  referring  to  the  pope  simply  as 
"papa  ;"  but  in  the  same  letter  (AJigne,  Patrol. 
lix.  248-9)  the  expression  "  papa  Urbis  "  also 
occurs,  while  in  another  {Epist.  7)  Avitus 
appears  to  attribute  equal  dignity  to  the  "papa 
Constantinopolitanus,"  referring  to  this  pontiff 
and  the  Roman  pontiff  as  a  double  constellatioQ 
in  the  ecclesiastical  firmament,  "velut  goniinos 
apostolorum  principrs  ....  velut  in  coclo 
jjositum  religionis  signum  pro  gomino  sidcre." 
Fortunatus  of  Poitiers,  writing  in  the  latter 
half  of  the    6th  century,  inscribes  a  letter  to 

1  Ruinart,  who  is  followed  by  Migne  (Ixxi.  166).  reads 
'  Romanam"  for  "Turonicara,'  but  see  note  to  Hefele, 

ConcUiengesch.  iii.  -0. 


1664 


POPE 


Felix,  bishop  of  Nantes :  "  Domiuo  sancto  et 
apostolica  sede  dignissimo  patri,  Felici  papae " 
(Misc.  iii.  4  ;  Migne,  Ixsxviii.  119)  ;  and  writing 
to  Euphronius,  bishop  of  Tours,  inscribes  the 
letter  "  Domino  sancto  ....  papae  "  (i&.  iii.  1 ; 
Migne,  Ixxxviii.  115). 

It  is  supposed  by  Thomassin  and  by  Phillips 
(Kirchenrecht,  v.  603)  that,  with  the  end  of  the 
6th  century  the  title  began  to  be  entirely 
restricted  to  the  pope  of  Rome,  who  was  now 
generally  recognised  as  "  pater  patrum."  We 
find,  however,  that  at  the  sixth  general  council, 
that  of  Constantinople  in  the  year  680,  Honorius 
is  referred  to  as  "  papa  antiquae  Romae,"  and 
Cyrus  as  "papa  Alesandriae  "  (Mansi,  xi.  214). 
The  following  titles  assumed  by,  or  given  to,  pope 
Agatho,  in  the  Acts  of  the  same  council,  appear 
to  indicate  that  such  titles  were  largely  en- 
hanced, at  discretion,  by  the  use  of  adjectives,  or 
a  more  amplified  description  :  "  episcopus  servus 
servorum  Dei;"  "episcopus  sapctae  Dei  catho- 
licae  atque  apostolicae  ecclesiae  urbis  Romae  ;  " 
"  sanctus  nuper  ordinatus  papa  in  apostolica  sede 
antiquae  Romae  ;"  "  sanctissimus  et  beatissimus 
archiepiscopus  antiquae  Romae  ;"  "  sanctissimus 
et  beatissimus  papa;"  "sanctissimus  papa;" 
"  orthodoxus  papa  "  (ib.  xi.  202,  209,  285,  298, 
322,  330,  346). 

In  the  9th  century  the  dissociation  of  the 
title  from  ordinary  episcopal  dignity  is  attested 
by  the  fact  that  we  find  Gregory  IV.  (a.d.  827- 
44)  reproving  the  Prankish  bishops  for  address- 
ing him  by  the  incongruous  titles  of  "  frater  " 
and  "  papa ; "  when  it  would,  he  says,  have  been 
more  fitting  to  have  shewn  simply  the  reverence 
due  to  a  father :  "  Romano  pontifici  scribentes, 
contrariis  eum  in  praefatione  nominibus  appel- 
lastis,  fratrem  videlicet  et  papam ;  dum  con- 
gruentius  esset  solam  ei  paternam  reverentiam 
exhibere"  (Migne,  civ.  207). 

The  use  of  this  title  in  addressing  any  other 
ecclesiastical  dignitary  than  the  pope  of  Rome 
was  formally  forbidden  by  Gregory  VII.  in  the 
council  of  Rome  of  the  year  1073:  "ut  papae 
nomen  unicum  sit  in  toto  orbe  Christiano,  nee 
liceat  alicui  se  ipsum  vel  alium  eo  nomine  ap- 
pellare  "  (Gieseler,  Kirchengesch.  i.  ii.  405,  with 
note). 

Pontifex  maximus  and  pontifex  summus.     [See 

POXTIFEX.] 

Episcopus  universalis  or  oecumenicus.  —  This 
title  first  assumes  significance  in  the  time  of 
Pelagius  II.  (a.d.  678-590),  who,  as  we  have 
already  seen,  strenuously  denounced  its  assump- 
tion by  John  the  patriarch,  and  at  the  same 
time  disclaimed  it  for  himself  (Baronius,  ad  ann. 
587).  His  remonstrance  appears  to  have  pro- 
duced no  effect  on  John,  for  we  find  his  successor, 
Gregory  the  Great,  repeating  both  the  remon- 
strance and  the  disclaimer.  According  to 
Gregory,  the  council  of  Chalcedon  had  already 
distinctly  affirmed  the  exclusive  right  of  the 
Roman  pontiff  to  this  title,  but  no  pope  had 
hitherto  assumed  to  himself  this  "audacious 
name,"  lest  such  an  assumption  should  seem  to 
involve  the  denial  of  the  title  to  his  episcopal 
brethren :  "  Numquid  non,  sicut  vestra  frater- 
nitas  novit,  per  venerandum  Chalcedonense  con- 
cilium hujus  apostolicae  sedis  antistitcs  .... 
universales  oblato  honore  vocati  sunt.  Sed  tamen 
nullus  unquam  tali  vocabulo  appellari  voluit, 
nullus  sibi  hoc  temerarium  nomen  arripuit,  ne 


POPE 

si  sibi  in  pontificatus  gradu  gloriam  singu- 
laritatis  arriperet,  hanc  omnibus  fratribus  dene- 
gasse  videretur  "  (JSpist.  v.  18  ;  Migne,  Ixxvii. 
743).  Authorities,  liowever,  concur  in  holding 
Gregory  mistaken  in  his  supposition  that  the 
title  had  been  sanctioned  by  the  council  of 
Chalcedon  (Gieseler  I.  ii.  228  ;  Hefele,  Concilien- 
gesch.  ii.  325;  Schaff,  p.  662);  Leo  was  only 
styled  olKovixeviKhs  apxi^T^icKonos  in  an  accusa- 
tion preferred  against  Dioscurus  bv  two  deacons 
of  Alexandria  (Mansi,  vi.  1006,  1012);  and  that 
he  himself  assumed  the  title  in  his  correspond- 
ence is  a  statement  that  probably  rests  upon  a 
forgery  (see  Gieseler,  u.  s.).  Boniface  II.  (a.d. 
530-2)  appears  to  have  been  thus  styled  by 
Stephen,  metropolitan  of  Thessaly ;  and  Boni- 
face III.  (a.d.  606),  who  according  to  Anasta- 
sius  (Muratori,  Script.  III.  i.  135)  obtained  from 
the  emperor  Phocas  a  decree  entitling  the  see  of 
St.  Peter  to  rank  as  "  caput  omnium  ecclesi- 
arum,"  is  said  to  have  openly  assumed  tlie  title. 
Gieseler  (I.  ii.  488)  refers  its  earliest  appearance 
as  self-assumed  to  the  Liber  Biwnus,  which  ap- 
peared A.D.  682-5 ;  and  Leo  II.  (a.d.  682)  was 
saluted  as  "  papa  oecumenicus  "  by  the  emperor 
(Mansi,  xi.  713).  After  tlie  7th  century  its 
occurrence  is  not  unfrequent.  It  is  given  by 
the  Roman  senate  to  Stephen  IV.  in  the  8th 
century  (Mansi,  xii.  625);  to  the  same  pontiff 
by  the  Lateran  council  of  the  year  769  (i6.  xii. 
713);  and  to  Leo  III.  by  a  synod  held  in  Rome 
in  799  (i6.  xiii.  1071).  It  was  used  by  Charles 
the  Bald  in  addressing  John  VIII.  in  the  year 
876,  on  the  occasion  of  that  monarch's  receiving 
the  imperial  dignity  from  the  latter.  In  the 
proposals  of  the  commissioners  presented  to 
Lewis  the  Pious  (a.d.  825)  the  pope  is  referred 
to  as  he  "  who,  by  apostolical  authority  and  the 
reverential  deference  of  the  world,  is  exalted  to 
the  universality"  (Baronius,  ad  ann.  825). 
Hallam,  however  (3Iiddle  Ages,  c.  vii.  pt.  1), 
quotes  Gratian  (Decretum,  ed.  1591,  p.  303): 
"  Nee  etiam  Romanus  pontifex  univei-salis  appel- 
latur,"  and  says  that  a  distinction  is  made  by 
the  canonists  between  "  universalis  ecclesiae 
episcopus  "  and  "  episcopus  universalis  ;"  "  that 
is,  the  pope  has  no  immediate  jurisdiction  in  the 
diocese  of  other  bishops,  though  he  can  correct 
them  for  the  undue  exercise  of  their  own." 

Apostolicus  [see  Apostolicus]. — The  latest  of 
the  episcopal  titles  claimed  exclusively  by  the 
pope.  Charles  Martel,  in  the  8th  century,  when 
recommending  Boniface  to  the  Frankish  bishops, 
addresses  them  as  "  domini  et  apostolici  in 
Christo  patres  episcopi "  (Migne,  Ixxxix.  699). 
To  the  evidence  of  Rupertus  Tuitiensis  (quoted 
in  Apostolicus)  may  be  added  that  of  Adam 
Scotus,  who,  speaking  of  the  pope,  says,  "Ipsi 
quippe  sunt  principales,  et  maximi  sedis  apo- 
stolicae in  ecclesia  Romana  successores  ;  unde  et 
ipsos  specialiter  apostolicos  sancta  ecclesia  vocare 
consuevit "  (de  Tripart.  Tab. ;  Migne,  cxviii. 
394). 

Servus  servorum  Dei. — This  title  was  not 
originally  restricted  to  the  bishop  of  Rome. 
Augustine  {Epist.  217,  ad  Vitaleni)  superscribes 
a  letter  "August,  episc.  servus  Christi  et  per 
ipsum  servus  servorum  ipsius."  Fulgentius 
(^Epist.  5)  styles  himself  "  servorum  Christi 
famulus  "  (Gieseler,  I.  ii.  214).  Its  earliest  use 
as  assumed  by  the  Roman  pontifls  appears  to 
have  been  by  Leo  the  Great,  who  so  styles  him- 


POPE 

self  in  a  letter  addressed  to  the  emperor 
Theodosius  II.  (Migiie,  Patrol,  cv.  23).  It  is 
adopted  again  by  Gregory  the  Great,  with  the 
design,  probably,  of  contrasting  his  own  humility 
with  the  arrogant  assumption  of  the  title  of 
"  universalis  "  by  John  of  Constantinople  (  Vita 
a  Joh.  Diac.  ii.  1).  His  contemporaiy,  Didier  of 
Cahors,  refused  to  permit  himself  to  be  addressed 
by  any  other  title.  In  the  9th  century  it  began 
to  be  limited  to  the  pope.  Leo  III.  habitually 
styles  himself  "  episcopus,  servus  servorum  Dei  " 
(Jafife',  Carolina,  p.  336,  et  passim). 

Clavigcr. — The  use  of  this  title  appears  to 
date  from  the  middle  of  the  8th  century.  Pope 
Hadrian  was  styled  "  clavicularius  regui  coe- 
lorum "  (Mansi,  xii.  828 ;  xvii.  130-1)  ;  in  a 
dedicatory  poem  addressed  in  the  thirty-seventh 
year  of  the  reign  of  Charles  the  Great  to  that 
monarch,  the  same  pontitf  writes,  "  Pollicite 
sacra  dona  clavigeri  aulae  Petri"  (Maassen, 
Gesch.  d.  Canonisch.  llechts,  i.  965-7). 

(ii.)  Election.  This,  as  is  generally  allowed  by 
ecclesiastical  writers,  was,  in  the  earliest  times, 
by  the  clergy  and  laity  of  the  church  of  Rome 
conjointly  with  the  bishops  of  the  neighbouring 
dioceses,  and  in  no  way  differed  from  that 
observed  in  election  to  other  bishoprics.  [Bishop; 
Ordination.] 

With  respect  to  the  election  of  pope  Cornelius 
(a.d.  251)  St.  Cyprian  tells  us  that  he  was 
raised  to  the  dignity  "  by  the  divine  decree,  the 
testimony  of  nearly  all  the  clergy,  the  assent  of 
the  people,  and  by  the  college  [Electoral 
Colleges]  of  venerable  priests,  and  by  good  men  " 
(Epist.  55 ;  Migne,  iii.  771).  The  emperor 
Valentinian  II.  in  a  letter  respecting  the  election 
of  Siricius  (a.d.  385),  says  :  "  We  hold  it  to  be 
the  right  of  the  Roman  people  that  they  should 
enjoy  concord  and  elect  the  best  man  for  bishop  " 
(Coustant,  Epist.  Roman.  Pont.  i.  639).  In  the 
disputed  election  of  Boniface  I.  (a.d.  418)  it  was 
alleged  as  decisive  in  his  favour  that  he  had  been 
elected  by  the  Roman  clergy,  "  amid  the  accla- 
mations of  the  people  and  the  chief  men  of  the 
city,  and  that  70  priests  had  subscribed  the  act 
of  election  in  the  presence  of  nine  provincial 
bishops  "  (i6.  i.  1007). 

The  method  observed  was  consequently  the 
same  as  that  observed  in  other  episcopal  elections  ; 
but  almost  as  soon  as  the  see  ol  Rome  rises  into 
historical  importance — fi-om  the  time,  that  is  to 
say,  of  Constantine  the  Great,  we  find  that  the 
act  of  consecration  was  always  deferred  until  the 
ratification  of  the  popular  choice  by  the  emperor 
(or  by  the  exarch  of  Ravenna)  had  been  received. 
In  the  manner  in  which  this  imperial  prerogative 
was  exercised, — according  as  it  was  invoked  by 
the  bishop,  restricted  to  a  mere  formality  by 
the  emperor,  or  enforced  in  a  spirit  which  virtu- 
ally destroyed  the  freedom  of  the  election — we 
are  presented  with  valuable  evidence  with  respect 
to  the  position  of  the  papacy  throughout  our 
period. 

The  earliest  instance  of  encroachment  by  the 
civil  power  on  the  popular  rights  was  the  act  of 
the  emperor  Constantius,  who  deposed  Liberius 
(A.D.  356)  and  installed  Felix  II.  in  his  place. 
The  new  pope  was  elected  by  three  eunuchs ; 
but  the  letters  which  represent  Athanasius  as 
stigmatising  these  proceedings  as  "  incredibile 
facinus,"  and  asserting  that  the  voice  of  the 
church  was  silenced  by  the  imperial  will :  "(^ui 


POPE 


16G.J 


in  locum  ecclesiae  palatium  suum  succederc 
voluerit "  (Baronius,  ann.  370  and  372)  are 
spurious.  The  clergy  and  people,  on  hearing  of 
the  banishment  of  Liberius,  pledged  themselves 
by  solemn  oath  in  assembly  never  to  accept 
another  bishop  during  his  lifetime. 

At  this  period  the  growing  importance  of  the 
office  is  attested  by  the  fierceness  of  the  contests 
for  its  possession.  Ammianus  Marcellinus,  refer- 
ring to  the  state  of  Rome,  says  that  he  "  should 
naturally  expect  that  those  who  were  desirous  of 
this  high  office  would  shrink  from  no  expedient 
of  faction  to  gain  it  "  (xxvii.  3)  ;  and  the  scenes 
that  marked  the  contests  between  Ursicinus  and 
Damasus  (a.d.  366-384),  and  Ursicinus  and  Siri- 
cius (A.D.  385-399)  afforded  the  emperors  Valen- 
tinian I.  and  II.  more  reasonable  grounds  for 
intervention  (Socrates,  H.  E.  ii.  27  ;  iv.  29). 
Under  Honorius  a  law  was  enacted  that  whenever 
two  candidates  for  the  vacant  chair  conducted  the 
contest  in  an  uncanonical  manner  neither  should 
succeed  to  the  vacancy,  but  that  the  Roman 
clergy  should  proceed  to  make  another  choice 
(Baronius,  ann.  419).  The  law,  however,  as 
emanating  from  a  secular  source,  has  never  been 
held  by  the  canonists  to  be  binding  on  the  church 
{Diet.  Grat.  V.  Illud  autem,  D.  96). 

Bribery  and  other  scandals  continued,  not- 
withstanding, to  mark  each  fresh  election ;  and 
in  the  pontificate  of  Siricius  (a.d.  468-483)— a 
time  when  jealousy  of  the  rival  see  of  Constanti- 
nople almost  absorbed  that  of  the  civil  power  as 
represented  by  Odoacer, — we  find  this  pope 
actually  invoking  the  interference  of  that 
monarch.  In  view  of  the  election  that  would 
follow  his  own  decease,  Simplicius  requested 
Basilius,  the  prefect  of  Odoacer,  not  to  sanction 
such  election,  unless  it  should  be  conducted  under 
his  auspices,  and  the  proceedings  throughout  be 
subject  to  his  supervision  (Hardouin,  Cone.  ii. 
977).  To  this  request  Basilius  assented  ;  and,  on 
the  death  of  Simplicius,  Odoacer  asserted  his 
right  of  confirming  the  election  of  the  new  pope 
— the  Roman  clergy  being  thus  compelled  to 
acknowledge  the  authority  of  an  Arian  monarch. 
On  the  same  occasion  a  royal  ordinance  was  pro- 
mulgated prohibiting  the  application  of  church 
funds  to  electioneering  or  other  party,  pur- 
poses. 

The  elections  of  Gelasius  and  Anastasius  II. 
were  conducted  in  due  form  (save  that  the  for- 
mer pontiff  refused,  in  the  first  instance,  to 
notify  his  election  to  the  patriarch  of  Constanti- 
nople according  to  custom)  ;  but  on  the  election 
of  Symmachus  another  disgraceful  contest 
ensued  between  his  party  and  that  of  Laurentius, 
and  the  arbitration  of  the  civil  power,  in  the 
person  of  Theodoricthe  Great,  was  again  invoked. 
Theodoric  appears  to  have  contented  himself 
with  convening  an  assembly  of  the  clergy  (A.D. 
499)  which  he  left  free  to  frame  whatever  laws 
might  be  deemed  necessary  ;  and  under  the  presi- 
dency of  Symmachus  the  following  canons  wore 
enacted  :  (1)  A  direct  adaptation  of  the  ancient 
Roman  law  dc  Ambihi,  whereby  any  presbyter, 
priest,  or  deacon,  canvassing  or  soliciting  votes, 
was  rendered  liable  to  degradation  and  excom- 
munication ;  (2)  The  penalty  of  the  anathema 
on  any  person  guilty  of  the  same  oflonce ;  (.!) 
That  a  majority  of  votes  should  decide  an  other- 
wise valid  election  ;  (4)  immunity  and  rowan 
to  any  person  (even  an  accomplice)  who  should 


1666 


POPE 


divulge  any  attempts  at  electoral  intrigues  and 
malpractices  (Baronius,  ad  ami.  499). 

In  the  difficulties  which  involve  the  history  of 
the  Sijnodus  Palmaris  (A.D.  502)  two  points  in 
relation  to  our  subject  may  be  regarded  as 
sufficiently  ascertained :  (1)  That  the  synod 
repealed  the  enactment  of  Odoacer ;  (2)  That  it 
did  this  solely  in  order  to  repudiate  the  precedent 
thereby  established  for  civil  interposition,  for  the 
law  concerning  the  alienation  of  church  property 
was  forthwith  re-enacted  in  all  its  details  by  the 
same  synod  (Hardouin,  ii.  975). 

The  elections  of  Hormisdas  and  John  I.  present 
no  particular  feature  ;  but  after  the  latter  had 
died  in  confinement,  a  victim  to  the  displeasure 
of  Theodoric,  that  monarch  assumed  to  himself 
the  right  of  both  nominating  and  appointing 
Felix  IV.  (or  III.).  This  invasion  of  their  privi- 
lege called  forth  energetic  remonstrance  alike  from 
clergy  and  people  ;  and  Theodoric  was  ultimately 
prevailed  upon  to  decree,  that  in  all  future 
elections  the  choice  should  rest  with  them, 
though  he  still  reserved  to  himself  the  royal 
right  of  pronouncing  upon  such  choice  before 
the  act  of  consecration  (Cassiodorus,  Variar.  viii. 
15). 

The  elections  of  Boniface  II.,  John  II.  and 
Agapetus,  conducted  under  Gothic  auspices, 
mark  another  period  of  open  and  shameless 
bribery  ;  and  almost  the  last  act  of  the  expiring 
Roman  senate  was  to  issue  a  decree  (ann.  532) 
declaring  that  any  person  convicted  of  giving  or 
promising  a  reward  for  the  purpose  of  bringing 
about  the  election  of  a  candidate,  should  forfeit 
the  right  of  sufl'rage,  while  the  bribe  was  made 
recoverable  by  action  against  the  receiver  (ibid. 
ix.  15).  This  decree  was  subsequently  ratified 
by  a  rescript  from  Ravenna,  which  extended  its 
operation  to  all  the  metropolitan  sees  of  Italy  ; 
and  Athalaric,  the  successor  of  Theodoric,  gave 
order  that  "  the  laudable  decree  of  the  most 
noble  senate  "  should  be  engraved  on  marble,  and 
placed  in  the  vestibule  of  St.  Peter's  (ib.  ix.  16).'' 

The  right  of  a  pope  to  influence  in  any  degree 
the  election  of  his  successor  appears  to  have 
formed  a  subject  of  deliberation  at  the  synod  of 
499  (see  Greenwood,  Cath.  Petri,  ii.  69).  In 
principle,  however,  such  interference  had  been 
virtually  condemned  by  Hilary,  who  had  for- 
bidden the  bishops  of  Tarraconensis  to  nominate 
their  successors  (Thiel,  i.  167).  The  theory  was 
now  revived  by  Boniface  II.,  who  obtained  from 
a  synod  in  the  year  530  a  decree  empowering 
him  to  appoint  a  successor,  and  actually  nomi- 
nated a  deacon,  Vigilius,  who  was  afterwards 
pope.  But  a  second  synod  reversed  the  decree 
("  quia  contra  canones  fuerat  hoc  factum  ") , 
and  Boniface  himself  publicly  committed  the 
writing  to  the  flames, — in  the  language  of  Anas- 
tasius,  "  reum  se  confessus  nmjestatis  "  (Murat. 
Script.  I.  ii.  p.  127.) 

The  restoration  of  the  imperial  authority  in 
Italy  was  followed  by  renewed  interference  with 
the  papal  elections.   A  law  of  Justinian  {Novellae, 


k  This  decree  may  be  regarded  as  retaining  its  validity 
until  the  time  when  the  papal  elections  became  vested 
in  the  College  of  Cardinals.  Baronius,  and  most  of  the 
Catholic  writers  since  his  time,  have  sought,  somewhat 
disingenuously,  to  give  a  different  aspect  to  this  undeni- 
able intervention  of  the  secular  power  (see  Annal.  533 ; 
Phillips,  Kirchenrecht,  v.  748). 


POPE 

cxxiii.  c.  25)  shews  that  bishops  were  required 
to  maintain  a  resident  agent  or  secretary 
at  the  residence  of  their  metropolitan;  the 
metropolitan,  again,  at  the  residence  of  his 
patriarch.  The  growing  dependence  of  the 
Roman  see  ou  the  emperor  is  probably  indicated 
by  the  fact,  that  Agapetus  (A.D.  535-6)  was  the 
first  pope  who  maintained  an  apocrisiarius  per- 
manently at  the  Eastern  court  (Thomassin,  ed. 
Bourasse,  i.  141).  From  this  time  the  influence 
exerted  by  that  court  over  the  papal  elections 
may  be  inferred  from  the  number  of  apocrisiarii 
(e.g.  PelagiusI.,GregoryI.,  Sabinian,  Boniftice  III. 
Martin  I.)  who  succeeded  to  the  papal  throne. 

The  illegal  deposition  and  murder  of  Sylverius 
(A.D.  536-7)  was  followed  by  the  uncanonical 
election  of  Vigilius,  at  the  dictation  of  Belisarius, 
who,  however,  according  to  Liberatus,  con- 
descended to  observe  the  usual  formalities : 
"  Convocatis  presbyteris  et  diaconibus  et  clericis, 
mandavit  eis  ut  alium  sibi  Papam  eligerent " 
(Migne,  Ixviii.  1040).  But  the  election,  to  quote 
the  language  of  Greenwood  (ii.  146),  "  by  every 
known  rule  of  canon  law  was  void  from  the 
beginning."  Pelagius  I.  (A.D.  555-60)  the  suc- 
cessor to  Vigilius,  was  installed  without  evea 
these  formalities,  and  his  unpopularity  was  such 
that  only  two  bishops  and  a  single  presbyter 
could  be  found  to  officiate  at  his  consecration 
(Greenwood,  ii.  162).  It  is  not  until  the  year 
678,  when  the  Lombard  invasion  had  paralysed 
the  power  of  the  Byzantine  court  for  inter- 
ference, that  we  again  meet  with  a  really  inde- 
pendent election, — that  of  Pelagius  II. 

The  successor  of  Pelagius,  Gregory  the  Great, 
was  summoned  to  the  papal  chair  by  the  unani- 
mous and  spontaneous  voice  of  the  electors ; 
"  Clerus,  senatus,  populusque  Romanus  sibi  con- 
corditer  pontificem  delegerunt "  ( Vita  a  Joh. 
Diac.  bk.  i.  c.  39).  For  nearly  three  quarters  of 
a  century  from  his  time,  no  election  calls  for 
particular  comment,  if  we  except,  perhaps,  that 
of  Eugenius  I.  (A.D.  654)  whose  installation  at 
the  dictation  of  the  imperial  power  during  the 
lifetime  of  his  predecessor,  was  in  open  disregard 
of  the  canonical  requirements.  The  changes 
that  mark  the  relations  of  the  papacy  and  the 
empire  during  this  period,  are,  however,  impor- 
tant. In  the  first  instance,  the  emperor  is  to  be 
seen  endeavouring  to  retain  his  control  over  the 
Roman  see  by  delegating  his  authority  to  the 
exarchs  of  Ravenna, — the  course  adopted  by 
Heraclius  in  639.  The  exarchs  appear  to  have 
sympathised  with  the  see  of  Ravenna  in  its 
endeavours  to  establish  "  autocephaly,"  and 
rendered  themselves  obnoxious  to  the  Roman 
pontiffs  by  an  arbitrary  exercise  of  their  powers. 
At  the  earnest  entreaty  of  pope  Agatho,  Constan- 
tine  Pogonatus.  in  the  year  682,  reassumed  these 
powers  to  himself,  and  finally,  on  the  succession 
of  Benedict  II.  in  the  year  684,  in  consideration 
of  the  great  expense  and  delay  (sometimes 
extending  to  a  twelvemonth)  involved  in  refer- 
ring each  election  to  Constantinople,  consented 
altogether  to  forego  his  right  of  sanction ; 
from  this  time  nothing  more  was  required  than 
a  formal  notification  from  Rome,  while  the  act 
of  consecration  no  longer  awaited  the  imperial 
sanction.  Baronius  speaks  enthusiastically  of 
this  concession:  "  Restituta  Romana  ecclesia  in 
pristinam  libertatcm ;"  and  the  election-  of 
John  V.  in  the  year  685,  is  regarded  by  many 


POPE 

cauonists  as  the  first  really  free  election.  (See 
Phillips,  Kirchenrccht,  v.  758.) 

The  number  of  Greeks  or  Syrians  who  appear 
as  Benedict's  successors  clearly  prove,  however, 
that  the  influence  of  the  exarchs  was  still  potent. 
Constantine's  concession  had  been  made,  more- 
over, 011  the  condition  that  the  election  u-as 
unanimous ;  and  the  contests  that  preceded  the 
elections  of  Conon  (a.d.  686),  and  Sergius  (a.d. 
687),  placed  the  newly-acquired  freedom  again 
in  jeopardy.  In  the  former  case  the  "  militia  " 
and  the  clergy  of  Rome  supported  different  can- 
didates ;  in  the  latter  the  interference  of  the 
exarch  of  Kavenna  was  solicited,  and  his  support 
gained  by  a  bribe  of  one  hundred  pounds  of  gold. 

It  was  not,  consequently,  imtil  the  outbreak  of 
the  iconoclastic  controversy,  and  the  loss  of  the 
exarchate,  that  the  prerogatives  of  the  Eastern 
emperor  in  relation  to  the  papacy  came  defini- 
tively to  an  end.  The  last  pope  who  solicited 
the  imperial  confirmation  of  his  election  was 
Gregory  III.  (a.d.  731-41) ;  and  the  acts  of  the 
Lateran  synod  of  769  exhibit  for  the  first  time 
the  discontinuance  of  the  imperial  year  in  the 
official  records  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Western 
church  (Hefele,  Conciliengesch.  iii.  435  ;  Mansi, 
sii.  703-21). 

The  Lombard  kings  appear  to  have  attempted 
no  interference  with  the  papal  elections  ;  but  in 
Rome  itself  the  growing  importance  of  the  influ- 
ence wielded  by  the  pontift"  invested  his  oflice 
with  a  corresponding  value  in  the  eyes  of  political 
parties.  The  forcible  installation  of  Constantine 
II.  (a.d.  767),  a  layman,  by  the  intervention  of 
the  armed  nobility,  marks  another  innovation  on 
the  canonical  method  of  procedure.  Strictly 
speaking,  Constantino  was  not  a  layman,  for  the 
party  who  raised  him  to  the  see  compelled  the 
bishop  of  Praeneste  previously  to  admit  him  to 
priest's  orders, — "  ut  orationem  clericatus  eidem 
Constantino  tribuerit "  (Anastasius,  xcvi.  8),  and 
the  same  bishop  consecrated  him  deacon  and  sub- 
deacon, — "subdiaconus  atque  diaconus  ab  eodem 
episcopojin  oratorio  sancti  Laurentii,  intra  eundem 
patriarchium,  contra  sanctorum  canonum  insti- 
tuta  consecratus  est"  (ib.  xcvi.  10).  As,  how- 
ever, these  ofilces  had  not  been  filled  for  the 
period  required  by  the  canons,  the  clergy  of 
Rome  refused  to  recognize  the  validity  of  Con- 
stantine's orders,  in  addition  to  which  he  could 
only  claim  to  be  "  diaconus  forensis,"  instead  of 
"  diaconus  cardinalis  "  (Phillips,  Kirchenrccht,  v. 
761).  After  he  had  been  deposed  and  blinded, 
he  was  brought  before  the  Lateran  synod  of  769, 
and  asked  how  he  had  dared,  being  only  a  lay- 
man, to  occupy  the  papal  chair,  "  cur  praesumps- 
isset  apostolicam  sedem  laicus  existens  inva- 
ders "  (Anast.  xcvi.  42).  He  appears  not  to  have 
dared  to  refer  to  his  own  uncauonical  admission 
to  orders,  but  pleaded  in  defence  the  precedents 
of  the  archbishop  of  Ravenna  and  the  bishop  of 
Naples,  both  of  whom  had  been  consecrated  to 
their  respective  offices  while  still  only  laymen. 
It  was  accordingly  enacted  by  the  synod  that 
*'  no  one  should  be  eligible  to  the  papal  dignity 
who  had  not  previously  risen,  step  by  stop,  and 
been  duly  made  a  cardinal  deacon  cr  presbyter" 
(ib.  xcvi.  45  ;  Muratori,  Script.  III.  i.  177). 

It  has  been  inferred  fi'om  a  subsequent  clause 
of  this  decree,  that  the  laity  were  at  the  same 
time  excluded  from  all  real  influence  in  papal 
elections,  and  permitted  only  to  express  assent 

CHRIST.    ANT. — VOL.    II. 


POPE 


1G61 


and  approval  after  the  selection  had  been  made 
by  the  clergy  (Hefele,  Conciliengesch.  iii.  43tj ; 
Greenwood,  Cathedra  Petri,  ii.  403,  note).  But 
it  is  evident  that  if  such  were  the  design  of  the 
synod,  it  either  failed  to  be  carried  into  effect  or 
was  soon  set  aside,  for  we  are  told  by  Anastasius 
of  the  election  of  Leo  III.  (a.d.  795),  •'  cuncto 
populo  Romano  electus  est "  (Muratori,  Script 
III.  i.  195)  ;  of  that  of  Stephen  V.  (a.d.  816)  "  a 
populo  Romano  est  electus  "  (ib.  111.  i.  212)  ;  and 
of  that  of  Paschal  I.  (a.d.  817)  "  una  voluntate  a. 
cunctis  sacerdotibus  sen  proceribus,  atque  omni 
clero,  nee  non  et  optimatibus,  vel  cuncto  populo 
Romano  in  sedem  apostolicam  Pontifex  elevatus 
est"  (ib.  in.  i.  213).  It  would  therefore  appear 
that  the  view  of  Fleury  (ix.  464)  is  more  likely 
to  be  correct,  viz.,  that  the  popular  or  lay  ratifi- 
cation of  the  clerical  choice  continued  to  be 
essential  to  the  validity  of  the  election  (see 
Thomassin,  II.  ii.  13,  §  7). 

The  statement  that  pope  Hadrian,  at  a  Lateran 
synod,  A.D.  774,  made  over  to  Charles  the  Great 
the  right  of  appointing  to  the  see  of  Rome,  toge- 
ther with  that  of  investiture  to  all  ecclesiastical 
dignities  in  the  empire,  may  safely  be  dismissed 
as  a  mere  fiction.*  The  utmost  that  the  Prankish 
monarch  claimed,  was  the  ancient  imperial  prero- 
gative of  confirming  each  papal  election.  Phillips 
(Kirchenrccht,  v.  763)  and  Thomassin  (II.  ii.  25) 
concur  in  their  belief  that  throughout  the  rule 
of  the  Carolingian  dynasty  these  elections  took 
place  in  due  canonical  form. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  is  not  to  be  denied  that 
the  stratagem  whereby  Leo  III.  exhibited  himself 
to  Christendom  as  the  bestower  of  the  imperial 
dignity  on  Charles  (A.D.  800)  introduced  novel 
elements  in  the  papal  relations  to  the  political 
power,  and  that  these  in  turn  served  to  render 
the  respective  rights  of  the  clergy,  the  people, 
and  the  emperor,  in  elections  to  the  Roman  see 
doubtful  and  conflicting.  In  this  manner  these 
elections  became  one  of  the  chief  causes  of  the 
strife  between  emperor  and  pope  in  the  middle 
ages  (see  Phillips,  Kirchenreclit,  iii.  150  ;  v.  763  ; 
Milman,  Lat.  Christianity,  bk.  iv.  c.  12 ;  Bryce, 
Holy  Roman  Empire,  c.  5 ;  Staudenmaier,  Gesch. 
derBischofswahlen,  pp.  55-70).  In  the  year  867, 
on  the  election  of  Hadrian  II.,  we  are  told  by 
Anastasius  that  the  "missi"  of  the  emperor 
(Lewis  II.)  were  in  Rome,  and  were  indignant 
that  they  were  not  invited  to  be  present  at  the 
ceremony  and  take  part  therein.  Whereupon 
they  were  assured  that  the  omission  was  not 
designed  as  a  slight  on  the  emperor  ("  Augusti 
causa  contemptus  "),  but  in  order  that  no  prece- 
dent might  be  afforded,  to  be  pleaded  on  future 
occasions,  for  the  presence  of  the  imperial  envoys 
at  the  papal  elections  (Migne,  cxxviii.  1382). 

(a)  Qualifications. — These,  throughout  oui- 
period,  appear  to  have  been  identical  with  those 
for  the  episcopal  office  generally,  viz.,  (1)  that 


I  "  Hadrianus  autom  Papa  cum  uni verso  sj-nodo  tradi- 
dorunt  Carolo  jus  et  potcstatem  eligendi  PontificeiD,  ct 
ordinandi  apostolicam  sedcnl,"  &c.  (Gratian,  JJecretiwi , 
I.  l.\iii.  23;  Migne,  Patrol,  clxxxvii.  335).  Tliis  pasi!;iK..'. 
taken  from  the  Chronica  of  Sigtbertus  Gcmblacoiusis. 
wbo  wrote  in  the  12th  century,  is  not  found  ia  tho  original 
MS.  of  that  author,  but  is  3upposcd  to  have  been  uddo.l 
by  his  coutinuator,  Anselmus ;  in  eillur  case,  it  ro-^olvcs 
itself  into  a  baseless  12th  century  tradition.  Sep  Mignf. 
cU.  147,  270-1,  n.;  also  Hirsch  (S.),  Oc  vita  et  scn>tii- 
Sigehcrti  monachi  Gemblaccnsis,  Berol.  13 1 1. 


1668 


POPE 


the  elected  should  be  fift}^  years  of  age ;  (2)  that 
he  should  be  one  of  the  clergy  of  the  church  over 
which  he  was  called  to  preside ;  (3)  that  he 
should  have  been  duly  and  regularly  admitted 
to  the  subordinate  offices  of  deacon  and  presbyter 
(see  Bishop,  p.  129).  No  instance  of  translation 
from  another  see  occurs  within  our  period,  the 
earliest  having  been  that  of  Forraosus,  who  was 
translated,  in  the  year  891,  from  the  bishopric 
of  Portus  (Bower,  History  of  the  Popes,  v.  66). 
The  absence  of  information  respecting  the  exact 
age  of  each  pontiif  at  the  time  of  his  election,  a 
fact  attributable  to  the  obscure  origin  of  the 
majority,  does  not  enable  us  to  determine  how 
far  the  limitation  with  respect  to  age  was 
adhered  to.  Gregoiy  the  Great  was  probably 
about  forty-sis  at  the  time  of  his  accession ;  Leo 
the  Great  was  just  fifty ;  Damasus,  Pelagius  I., 
Pelagius  II.,  and  Sergius  I.  were  considerably 
above  the  latter  age.  That  prior  admission  to  the 
priestly  office  was  looked  upon  as  indispensable 
may  be  inferred  from  the  foct  referred  to  above, 
that  even  in  the  case  of  the  forced  and  irregular 
promotion  of  Constantine,  in  767,  it  was  deemed 
uecessaiy  that  he  should  first  go  through  the 
forms  of  admission  to  the  diaconate  and  to  the 
priestly  office.  The  precedents  pleaded  by  Con- 
stantine sufficiently  prove  that  no  exception 
existed  in  favour  of  the  Koman  see.  Nationality 
vt^as  not  regarded,  and  seven  of  the  bishops  of 
Eome  in  the  first  three  centuries  were  of  Greek 
extraction ;  while  the  fact  that  from  a.d.  687- 
767  three  were  Greeks,  four  Syrians,  and  only 
one  a  Roman,  indicates  the  influence  exerted  at 
this  period  over  the  elections  by  the  exarchs  of 
Ravenna. 

(j8)  The  Electors. — These  were  originally  the 
neighbouring  bishops,  in  conjunction  with  the 
clergy  and  laity  of  the  church  of  Home.  Such  at 
least  is  the  tenor  of  the  evidence  afforded  by  a 
letter  of  St.  Cyprian  {Epist.  52)  concernmg  the 
election  of  Cornelius  (A.D.  251),  and  his  state- 
ment is  appealed  to  by  the  canonists  as  satisfac- 
tory proof  of  the  due  observance  of  the  canonical 
forms  as  soon  as  we  have  any  information  re- 
specting these  elections :  "  Factus  est  Cornelius 
episcopus  de  Dei  et  Christi  ejus  judicio,  de  cleri- 
corum  paene  omnium  testimonio,  de  plebis,  cjuae 
tunc  affuit,  suffragio,  et  de  sacerdotum  anti- 
quorum  et  bonorum  virorum  collegio  "  (Gratian, 
Dccrct.  II.  causa  vii.  qu.  1,  c.  5).  From  the  5th 
to  the  8th  century  it  would  appear  that  (1)  the 
whole  body  of  the  clergy,  (2)  the  magistrates 
("  judices ")  as  representatives  of  the  "  opti- 
mates,"  (3)  the  militia  ("  schola  "  or  "  generalitas 
militiae,"  who  really  represented  the  civic  class, 
while  the  "  civium  universitas  "  remained  in  the 
background)  made  up  the  component  elements  of 
the  electoral  body  (^Lih.  Diiir.  II.  i.-vii.).  In  the 
year  769,  we  find  Stephen  III.  (IV.)  presiding  at 
a  synod,  which  refers  in  one  of  its  decrees  to  the 
papal  elections  as  being  made  by  the  "  proceres  et 
primates  ecclesiae "  (Gratian,  Decret.  I.  Ixxix.  5). 
In  this  body  Thomassin  considers  we  may  recog- 
nise the  college  of  cardinals,"   but  the  formal 


n>  According  to  Jlilman  {Lat.  Cliristianity,  bk.  i.  c.  1), 
the  bishops  of  the  adjacent  towns,  Ostia,  Tibur,  Portus, 
&c.,  were  "  the  initiatory  college  of  cardinals  "  ;  but  this 
term,  when  It  first  comes  under  our  notice,  seems  to  have 
included  only  the  presbyters  and  deacons  of  the  Roman 
Church  (see  Caedinal,  292). 


POPE 

decree  for  the  election  of  the  pope  by  this  body  was 
not  promulgated  until  a.d.  1059,  when  the  second 
Lateran  council  decided  that  from  that  time  the 
choice,  "judicium,"  should  rest  with  the  cardinal 
bishops,  while  the  cardinal  priests  and  deacons, 
the  laity  and  the  emperor,  should  be  consulted 
only  for  their  assent  (Phillips,  Kirchenrecht,  v. 
792-796 ;  Gratian,  I.  dist.  xxiii.  1). 

(7)  Method  of  Procedure. — The  order  of  the 
proceedings  as  prescribed  in  the  Liber  Diurnus 
(Migne,  Patrol,  cv.)  is  supposed  by  the  editors 
to  be  derived  from  that  observed  at  four  papal 
elections,  viz.,  that  of  Boniface  V.  (a.d.  618),  of 
Leo  II.  (A.D.  682),  of  Conon  (a.d.  686),  and  of 
Gregory  II.  (a.d.  715). 

(1)  Immediately  on  the  pope's  decease,  a  letter 
("nuntius")  was  despatched  to  the  exarch  at 
Ravenna,  conveying  a  formal  announcement  of 
the  event.  Originally  this  letter  purported  to 
be  written  in  the  name  of  the  whole  body  of  the 
clergy;  but  from  the  time  of  Pelagius  II.  (Zift. 
Diur.  II.  i.)  it  appears  to  have  been  written  in 
the  names  of  the  archpresbyter,  the  archdeacon, 
and  the  "  primiccrius  "  or  chief  notary.  (2)  After 
the  funeral  rites,  and  a  solemn  three  days'  fast, 
during  which  time  the  electors  were  enjoined  to 
supplicate  the  divine  direction  in  their  new 
choice,  the  clergy,  "  optimates,"  and  '•  populus  " 
assembled  and  gave  their  votes,  and  the  decree 
was  drawn  up  and  received  their  signatures. 
(3)  The  election  was  then  announced  by  a  depu- 
tation to  Constantinople,  and  awaited  the  im- 
perial sanction."  (4)  It  was  similarly  announced 
to  the  exarch  at  Ravenna,  and  his  confirmation 
besought ;  if,  as  at  certain  periods  was  the  case, 
this  authority  was  not  vested  in  his  office,  he 
was  desired  to  use  his  influence  in  obtaining  the 
sanction  of  the  emperor.  From  the  time  of 
Honorius  (a.d.  626-38),  however,  Gregorovius 
{Gesch.  der  Stadt  Rom,  ii.  124)  considers  that 
the  Liber  Diurnus  shews  that  although  the  elec- 
tion was  also  notified  to  the  imperial  court,  the 
greater  importance  was  attached  to  the  consent 
of  the  exarch.  (5)  Letters  were  also  sent  to  the 
judges,  the  archbishop,  and  the  apocrisiarius  at 
Ravenna,  and  to  the  "  patricius,"  the  patriarch, 
and  the  apocrisiarius  at  Constantinople  ;  and  the 
decree  ("  decretales  paginae  ")  was  deposited  in 
the  archives  of  the  Vatican.  (6)  When  the 
confirmation  of  the  election  had  been  received, 
the  new  pope  was  conducted  to  St.  Peter's, — '*ad 
confessionem  sancti  Petri."  (7)  On  arriving 
there  he  made  a  public  confession  of  faith  before 
the  relics  ("  corpus  ")  of  the  apostle.  (8)  After 
receiving  consecration  and  ordination,"  he  re- 
peated this  confession.  (9)  Finally,  he  delivered 
a  sermon  in  the  city,  copies  of  which  were  sent 
to  all  the  churches. 

Somewhat  as  the  day  of  martyrdom  was 
spoken  of  as  the  birthday  of  the  martyr,  in  the 
community  to  which  he  belonged,  so  the  day  of 
their  election  to  the  papal  office  was  described  by 
the    popes    as   "dies    natalitius."      Thus    Leo 


n  It  appears  to  have  been  also  the  custom  for  the  em- 
perors to  notify  their  accession  to  the  papal  court  at 
Eome  (see  Thiel,  Epist.  Eom.  Pont.  i.  ro3). 

o  Menard,  in  his  notes  on  the  Liher  Sacramentorum 
of  Gregory  the  Great  (Migne,  Ixxviii.  517),  quotes  from 
an  ancient  MS.  at  Corbey,  to  which  however  he  assigns 
no  date,  an  order  of  ordination  in  which  parts  are  sever- 
ally assigned  to  the  bishops  of  Alba,  Portus,  and  Ostia. 


POPE 

Magnus,  preaching  on  the  anniversary  of  his 
accession,  says, — "  lUi  ergo  hunc  servitutis  nos- 
trae  natalitium  diem,  illi  ascribamus  hoc  festum, 
cujus  patrocinio  sedis  ipsius  meruimus  esse  con- 
portes"  (Serin,  iv.  c.  41 ;  Migne,  Patrol,  liv.  19). 

The  ceremony  of  foot-kissing,  of  which  the 
earliest  mention  is  on  the  instalhition  of  Valen- 
tine, A.D.  827,  took  place  on  the  formal  Induction 
of  the  new  pontiif  into  the  Lateran  as  its  pos- 
sessor. 

iii.  Insignia  of  the  office. — The  distinguishing 
insignia  probably  belonged  to  a  period  later  than 
A.D.  800 ;  although  a  tradition  is  preserved  by 
Almoin  {Hist.  Franc,  i.  24 ;  Migne,  cxx.xix.  660) 
that  the  emperor  Anastasius  sent  a  gold  crown, 
adorned  with  gems,  to  Clovis,  king  of  the  Franks, 
and  that  he,  at  the  suggestion  of  St.  Kemy,  sent 
it  to  the  pope.  Kocca  (de  Tiarae  Pontificiae 
Origine,  Thes.  pp.  7,  8)  considers  that  the  allusion 
in  the  spurious  donation  of  Constantine  to  the 
"diadema, videlicet  coronam  capitis  nostri,"  proves 
that  the  pope  had  already  assumed  a  crown,  as 
distinguished  from  the  ordinary  episcopal  mitre. 
The  ci'own  was  designed  to  symbolize  the  tem- 
poral power.  Innocent  III.  says  "  In  signum 
spiritualium  contulit  mihi  mitram,  in  signum 
temporalium  dedit  mihi  coronam ;  mitram  pr  o 
saeerdotio,  coronam  pro  regno "  (Serm.  iii.  i 
Migne,  ccxvii.  665).  The  earliest  reference  to 
the  double  crown  occurs,  according  to  Eichter 
(Kirchenrecht,  p.  201)  in  the  year  1297,  in  the 
pontificate  of  Boniface  VIII. ;  according  to  Phillips, 
(Kirchenrecht,  v.  612)  as  early  as  that  of  Nicholas 
II.  (A.D.  1059-61).  Von  Heffner  {Traclitcn  des 
christl.  Mittclalters,  p.  38)  assigns  the  earliest 
mention  of  the  triple  crown  to  the  time  of 
Clement  V.  (a.d.  1305-14)  ;  Phillips  not  earlier 
than  that  of  Urban  V.  (a.d.  1362-70).  The 
iipright  pastoral  staff  ("  pedum  rectum  ")  sur- 
mounted by  the  cross,  is  probably  referred  to  as 
the  "  ferula  pastoralis "  in  the  account  of  the 
deposition  of  Benedict  V.  in  the  11th  century 
(Pertz,  lion.  Germ.  i.  626),  and  cannot  be  traced 
farther  back  than  this.  The  cross  was  borne  by 
the  pope  in  common  with  all  the  other  bishops ; 
the  pallium  [Pallium]  in  common  with  other 
metropolitans,  but  the  pope  claimed  the  exclu- 
sive right  to  wear  it  on  all  occasions  (Richter, 
Kirchenrecht,  p.  218). 

IV.  Prerogatives  specially  claimed  for 
THE  Office. 

i.  Claim  to  universal  authority  in  the  church, 
as  specificallij  asserted  (1)  in  the  granting  of 
dispensations,  (2)  in  the  conferring  of  primlegcs. 

(1)  Theories  of  a  universal  jurisdiction  and  of 
special  powers,  as  prerogatives  of  the  Roman 
pontiff,  almost  necessarily  involved  his  right  to 
exempt,  under  circumstances  of  an  exceptional 
and  peculiar  character,  particular  communities 
or  dioceses  from  customary  canonical  observance. 
The  precedents  afforded  in  our  period  for  the 
exercise  of  such  a  power  are  few,  but  among  the 
best  ascertained  are — 

(a)  Dispensations  from  pencdties  attaching  to 
non-observance  of  the  cations. — The  power  to 
grant  these  is  justly  described  by  Thomassin  as 
in  its  very  nature  peculiar  and  singular,  for,  he 
observes  ( Vet.  et  Nova  Discip.  II.  iii.  27,  §  14), 
all  canonical  discipline  must  soon  have  come  to 
an  end,  if  each  bishop  had  possessed  the  power 
of   remitting  at    pleasure    the    obligations    im- 


POPE 


1669 


posed  by  a  canon  of  the  church ;  and  if  in  anv 
exceptional  emergency  a  bishop  or  local  synod 
ventured  on  such  an  exercise  of  power,  the  act 
was  always  held  to  require  the  confirmation  of 
a  general  council  or  of  the  pope.  The  view  of 
this  writer  with  respect  to  the  conditions  under 
which  such  power  could  be  exercised  are  given 
under  INDULGENCE,  p.  835;  but  the  following 
instances  are  deserving  of  note,  as  illustrating 
more  precisely  the  gradual  development  of  its 
exercise  by  the  Roman  pontiff. 

The  important  part  assigned  to  Melchiades 
(a.d.  311-14)  in  relation  to  the  Donatist  schism 
[Caecilianus,  Dict.  Christ.  Bigg.]  is  cited  by 
Catholic  writers  as  one  of  the  earliest  and  most 
important  instances.  Melchiades  restricted  his 
condemnation  to  the  author  of  the  schism,  and 
permitted  those  Donatist  bishops  who  had  been 
ordained  by  Majorinus  to  re-enter  the  pale  of 
communion,  and  to  retain  possession  of  their  sees 
on  declaration  of  their  readiness  to  renounce 
their  schismatical  tenets.  In  cases  where  a 
Catholic  bishop  had  been  established,  he  endea- 
voured to  provide  another  cure  for  the  Donatist 
bishop,  "ita  ut  quibuscumque  locis  duo  essent 
episcopi,  quos  dissensio  geminasset,  eum  confir- 
mari  vellet  qui  fuisset  ordinatus  prior,  alteri 
autem  eorum  plebs  alia  regenda  provideretur  " 
(Augustine,  Epist.  43 ;  Migne,  xxxiii.  167). 
This  policy  is  warmly  praised  by  Augustine  as 
indicating  the  personal  action  of  Melchiades  ; 
but  it  should  be  noted  that  he  also  speaks  of 
him  as  enacting  these  measures  at  Rome  "  cum 
multis  collegis  suis."  The  instance  is  however 
iinquestionable  proof  of  the  growing  deference 
paid  to  the  church  of  Rome  and  its  bishop. 

Other  instances,  cited  by  Thomassin  and 
Phillips,  as  occurring  in  the  times  of  Damasus 
and  Siricius,  are  referred  to  under  Indulgence, 
p.  835.  In  the  time  of  Anastasius  I.  (a.d.  398- 
401)  application  was  made  to  that  pontiff  by  the 
African  bishops  to  sanction  a  general  dispensa- 
tion to  the  Donatist  clergy.  It  had  previously 
been  decreed,  at  a  council  held  at  Capua  (A.D. 
3S9),  that  no  such  dispensation  should  be  granted 
unless  under  conditions  that  afforded  a  prospect 
of  a  complete  suppression  of  the  schism.  The 
church  of  Africa  accordingly  deemed  it  necessary 
to  gain  the  approval  of  the  Roman  see  before  it 
ventured  to  set  the  decision  aside  ;  but  at  the 
same  time  it  is  to  be  noted  that  they  do  not 
attribute  autocratical  authority  to  the  bishop  of 
Rome,  but  simply  such  pre-eminence  as  might 
be  claimed  by  the  representative  of  an  apostolic 
see,  "  Placuit  ut  litterae  mittantur  ad  fratres  et 
coepiscopos  nostros,  et  maxime  ad  sedem  apo- 
stoUcam  in  qua  praesidet  Anastasius  "(Corf.  Can. 
Eccl.  Afric.  c.  68). 

Symmachus  vindicates  a  similar  exercise  of  the 
papal  perogative  on  the  part  of  his  predecessor 
Anastasius  II.  (a.d.  496-8)  in  relation  to  certain 
of  the  Galilean  churches,  although  admitting  it 
to  have  been  "  praeter  ecclesiae  consuctudiuem 
ct  antiqua  praedecessorum  nostrorum  statuta ;  " 
he  also  in  the  same  letter  takes  occasion  to 
enunciate  the  general  rules  that  may  be  sup- 
posed to  regulate  such  exercise  of  supremo 
ecclesiastical  authority,  maintaining  that "  what 
is  done  contrary  to  the  canon  is  not  necessarily 
a  breach  of  the  canon,  which  is  violated  only  by 
a  wanton  disregard  for  precedent,"  and  that  it 
would  often  be'^"  cruel  to  insist  upon  a  law  when 


1670 


POPE 


its  observance  was  likely  to  be  attended  with 
detriment  to  the  church,  it  being  the  design  of 
all  laws  that  they  should  benefit,  not  injure" 
(Thiel,  Epist.  Bom.  Pont.  p.  657). 

The  doctrine  of  expediency,  as  thus  laid  down, 
and  depending  on  the  discretion  of  the  pontiff, 
is  illustrated  in  the  policy  of  Boniface  I.  (a.d. 
418-22).  On  the  one  hand  he  refused  to  permit 
Patroclus,  bishop  of  Aries,  to  assume  the  func- 
tions of  a  metropolitan  in  another  diocese  by 
ordaining  a  successor  to  a  vacant  bishopric 
"  contra  patrum  regulas,"  quod  nequaquam  pos- 
sumus  ferre  patienter,  quia  convenit  nos  pater- 
narum  sanctionum  diligentes  esse  custodes " 
(Epist  12)  ;  on  the  other,  in  the  permission 
which  he  accorded  to  Perigenes  to  assume  the 
bishopric  of  Corinth,  he  appears  directly  to  have 
departed  from  adherence  to  canonical  la»w 
(Coustant,  ed.  Schoenemann,  p.  723). 

A  certain  dispensing  authority  is  undoubtedly 
implied  in  the  permission  accorded  by  Celestine 
I.  (A.D.  422)  to  the  Nestorians,  to  be  received 
again  into  the  church  (ib.  pp.  871-6). 

The  language  of  Leo  I.  is  distinctly  that  of 
one  who  assumes  to  be  the  censor  of  the  whole 
church,  and  bound  to  interfere,  "  quoties  aliqua 
contra  instituta  canonum  et  ecclesiasticam  disci- 
plinam  praesumpta  vel  commissa  cognoscimus  " 
(Fraef.  in  Decret.);  and  he  asserts  that  com- 
pliance with  the  canonical  discipline  is  an 
essential  condition  of  communion  (can.  5) ;  yet, 
notwithstanding  we  have  a  conspicuous  instance 
of  the  exercise  of  the  dispensing  power  by  this 
pontiff.  In  a  letter  to  Flavianus,  bishop  of  Con- 
stantinople (Mansi,  V.  1365,  1406),  he  condemns 
the  heresy  of  Entyches,  but  at  the  same  time 
enjoins  that  the  latter  should  be  restored  to 
communion,  and  to  the  administration  of  his 
monastery,  on  abjuration  of  his  errors,  "  sedis 
enim  apostolicae  moderatio  banc  temperantiam 
servat,  ut  et  severius  agat  cum  obduratis  et 
veniam  cupiat  praestare  correctis."  In  a  letter 
to  the  emperor  Marcianus  he  severely  condemns 
the  presumption  of  his  rival  Anatolius,  bishop 
of  Constantinople,  in  ordaining  a  bishop  to  the 
church  of  Antioch,  "  contra  instituta  canonum  ;  " 
and  says  that  his  opposition  to  this  measure 
has  been  withdrawn  solely  from  a  desire  to 
restore  the  faith  and  from  a  love  of  peace,  "  quod 
uos  amore  reparandae  fidei  et  pacis  studio 
retractare  cessavimus  "  (JEpist.  civ. ;  Migne,  liv. 
1153). 

Thomassin  considers  that  a  yet  earlier  exer- 
cise of  the  dispensing  power  in  the  East  is  to  be 
found  in  the  action  of  Damasus  in  relation  to 
Flavianus,  bishop  of  Antioch.  On  this  occasion 
Theophilus,  of  Alexandria,  is  represented  by 
Socrates,  the  historian,  as  having  sent  a  messenger 
to  Damasus  to  suggest  that  it  would  be  for  the 
■welfare  of  the  church  if,  in  order  to  bring  about 
concord  among  the  laity,  he  would  condone  the 
offence  of  Flavianus  (Soc.  JI.  E.  v.  15) — Xvffi- 
TeXilv  etTTWi'  Si'  ofMSvotav  tov  \aov,  -jraptSuy 
Th  (pddffav  ^XaPiavov  ■K\7iixfJ.e\7ifia  (Migne, 
S.  G.  Ixvii.  281). 

In  the  time  of  Leo's  successor,  Hilary,  the 
prevalence  of  grave  irregularities  in  Spain,  in  the 
appointment  of  bishops  to  vacant  sees,  and  in 
their  removal  from  one  diocese  to  another, 
rendered  it  advisable  to  appeal  to  Rome.  Hilary 
granted  a  general  dispensation  with  respect^'to 
appointments  which  had   already   taken   place, 


POPE 

but  forbade  similar  disregard  of  the  canons  ia 
future,  "  ut  nihil  deinceps  contra  praecepta  beati 
Apostoli,  nihil  contra  Nicaeuorum  canonum 
constitutum  tentetur"  (Thiel,  p.  166). 

Gelasius,  at  the  time  when  the  Gothic  invasion 
had  deprived  Italy  of  half  its  clergy,  yielded  to 
imperative  necessity,  and  dispensed  with  the 
observance  of  the  canonical  periods  with  respect 
to  ordination  (Hardouin,  Cone.  ii.  897). 

Up  to  this  period,  the  evidence  seems  fairly 
in  harmony  with  the  view  of  Thomassin,  that 
dispensations  were  presumed  to  be  in  conformity 
with  the  precept  of  Augustine,  that  the  weal  of 
the  church,  not  the  interest  of  individuals, 
should  be  consulted  in  the  exercise  of  the  dis- 
pensing power,  the  conditions  being  (1)  that  the 
matter  in  question  should  be  of  primary  magni- 
tude  in  relation  to  the  church ;  (2)  that  the 
good  accruing  should  be  clearly  discernible, 
either  in  the  avoidance  of  some  evil  to  which  the 
observance  of  the  canon  might  afford  admission, 
or  in  the  gain  of  benefits  which  might  otherwise 
be  lost :  (3)  that  such  dispensations  should  have 
effect  only  with  respect  to  past  irregularities, 
and  not  be  construed  into  precedents  in  the 
future.  In  the  language  of  pope  Martin  I., 
"  Canones  ecclesiasticos  solvere  non  possumus  qui 
defensores  et  custodes  canonum  sumus,  non 
transgressores." 

With  the  advance  of  the  7th  century,  however, 
and  especially  in  the  contact  with  Teutonisni, 
we  find  the  papal  dispensation  solicited  and  con- 
ferred in  connexion  with  irregularities  of  a  kind 
that  afforded  precedents  for  some  of  the  worst 
abuses  of  mediaeval  times — the  appropriation  of 
revenues  of  bishoprics,  monasteries,  and  cures 
for  secular  purposes.  The  extent  to  which 
this  abuse  had  grown  under  Charles  Martel, 
in  Fraukland,  rendered  hopeless  the  efforts  of 
Boniface  towards  obtaining  satisfactory  restitu- 
tion, and  he  accordingly  obtained  from  pope 
Zacharias  permission  to  forego  the  duty  of 
demanding  full  reparation  to  the  churches  and 
monasteries.  The  pontiff"  himself,  indeed, 
appears  to  have  partially  condoned  these  spolia- 
tions, on  the  consideration  that  they  had  been 
made  in  behalf  of  the  Christian  state  in  its 
struggles  against  the  pagan  and  the  infidel — the 
Saxon  and  the  Saracen  {Epist.  x. ;  Migne,  Ixxxix. 
941). 

Other  facts  relating  to  the  same  period  seem 
to  indicate  that  this  prerogative  had  already  grown 
into  an  abuse.  "We  find,  for  example,  a  Frankish 
noble  pleading  the  papal  indulgence  for  an  un- 
lawful marriage,  an  irregularity  differing  in 
character  from  those  of  the  kind  which  the 
instructions  of  Gregory  the  Great  to  Augustine 
might  be  held  to  condone,  where  the  marriage 
tie  had  been  contracted  while  the  parties  were 
still  pagans,  "  in  quibus  se  per  ignorantiam  ante 
lavacrum  baptismatis  astrinxerunt "  (Epist.  xi. 
64;  Migne,  Ixxvii.  1190).  Certain  of  the  clergy, 
again,  alleged  that  notwithstanding  that  they 
led  immoral  lives  they  had  received  the  papal 
licence  to  continue  to  perform  their  sacred 
functions,  "  reveuientes  ab  apostolica  sede  dicunt 
se  Romanum  pontificem  licentiam  dedisse  minis- 
terium  episcopale  in  ecclesia  ministrare."  Boni- 
face appears  to  have  treated  these  representations 
as  mendacious,  "  quia  Apostolicam  sedem  nequa- 
quam contra  decreta  canonum  audivimus  judi- 
casse  "  {Epist.  49  ;  ih.  Ixxxix.  747) ;  but  the  mere 


POPE 

fuct  that  they  were  alleged  points  to  a  wider 
iind  less  defensible  exercise  of  the  dispensing 
power. 

Boniftice  himself  received  from  Zacharias  per- 
mission to  nominate  his  successor  to  the  see  of 
:aiaintz,  but  the  concession  was  made  with 
express  limitation  to  his  case,  "  praesentibus 
cunctis  tibi  successorum  designa,  ut  hue  veniat 
ordinandiis.  Hoc  nulli  alii  concedi  patimur  qnoi 
tibi  charitate  cogente  largiri  censuimus  "  (Migne, 
Ixxxix.  920)  ;  the  installation  of  his  successor 
during  his  lifetime  was  peremptorily  forbidden, 
as  "  contrary  to  every  ecclesiastical  rule." 

It  is  worthy  of  note,  that  Zacharias  was  not 
willing  to  delegate  any  general  dispensing 
powers  to  Boniface,  "  quaecunque  repereris  sacris 
canonibus  deviare  nulla  ratione  patiaris  sacrum 
ministerium  tractare  "  ({6.  Ixxxix.  928). 

At  the  eighth  oecumenical  council  it  was  de- 
clared in  the  most  explicit  terms  that  it  was 
the  legitimate  function  of  the  pope  to  exercise 
powers  of  this  description  for  "  the  healing  of 
the  wounds  of  the  catholic  and  apostolic  church  " 
(Hardouin,  v.  730).  And  at  the  third  council 
of  Soissons,  a.d.  866,  the  language  of  Herardus, 
archbishop  of  Tours,  points  to  this  function  as 
one  to  which  the  Galilean  clergy  had  frequent 
recourse  in  their  appeals  to  Rome  (Migne,  cxsi. 
777.) 

(2.)  To  confer  privileges. 

(a)  On  monasteries,  with  respect  to  episcopal 
jurisdiction. — The  exercise  of  this  prerogative 
may  certainly  be  traced  farther  back  than  the 
period  assigned  by  Guizot  and  other  writers  as 
that  of  its  earliest  use  (see  Bishop,  p.  232 ; 
Guizot,  Hist,  de  la  Civ.  en  France,  ii.  Ill),  viz., 
the  8th  century.  Before  the  time  of  Gregory  I., 
his  predecessors  appear  to  have  warned  members 
of  the  episcopal  order  that  they  had  no  canonical 
right  to  celebrate  mass  in  the  monasteries  of 
their  dioceses  (Baxmann,  Politik  der  Fiipste,  i. 
101) — a  theory  of  monastic  privilege  which 
would  derive  support  from  the  original  character 
•of  such  societies  as  laij  communities.  The  hard 
pressure  of  the  "  jugum  clericorum "  would 
appear  indeed  to  have  frequently  induced  these 
societies  to  place  themselves  under  the  pro- 
tection of  a  bishop  of  a  different  diocese  (see 
Gieseler,  Kirchengesch.  I.  ii.  425).  By  degrees 
they  began  habitually  to  look  to  Rome  as  the 
quarter  from  whence  they  were  likely  to  receive 
the  most  eff'ectual  protection ;  and  in  the  ponti- 
ficate of  Gregory  I.  we  have  a  well  authenticated 
instance  of  a  papal  response  to  such  appeals  in 
a,  letter  written  by  this  pope  to  Luminosus, 
abbat  of  St.  Thomas  at  Rimini,  wherein  he 
states  that  he  has  deprived  Castorius,  the  bishop 
of  the  diocese,  and  his  successors,  "  of  all  power 
of  injuring  the  monastery  "  (^Epist.  ii.  42  ;  Jafte, 
Eegesta  Mom.  Pont.  p.  114).  In  the  same  year, 
at  a  Lateran  synod  (a.d.  595),  it  was  enacted 
that  the  property  and  revenues  of  all  monas- 
teries should  be  free  from  episcopal  control 
(Mansi,  s.  485).  Special  privileges  appear  to 
have  also  been  conferred  by  Gregory  on  several 
of  the  Frankish  foundations,  to  protect  them 
from  the  already  conspicuous  rapacity  of  the 
Galilean  bishops  (Fpist.  vii.  12;  ix.  Ill;  xiii. 
8-10).  In  the  year  628,  Honorius  I.  conferred 
on  the  lamotis  monastery  at  Bobbio,  entire  free- 
dom from  all  ecclesiastical  control  save  that  of 
the  Pope  (Jaflc,  p.  157).     Tlie  abbey  at  Fnlda, 


POPE 


1G71 


founded  in  744  by  Sturm,  the  disciple  of  St. 
Boniface,  was  similarly  placed  by  Boniface,  in 
whose  diocese  it  was  situated,  directly  under  the 
papal  protection,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  autho- 
rity of  the  bishop  of  the  diocese.  Similar  pri- 
vileges were  conferred  in  750  on  Monte  Cassino 
by  pope  Zacharias.  Engel  (de  Priv.  et  Jur. 
Monast.)  enumerates  no  less  than  fifty  distinct 
privileges,  granted  by  papal  authority  to  monas- 
tic foundations  at  a  somewhat  later  period. 

(^)  On  bishops,  with  respect  to  residence. — The 
earliest  instance  on  record  occurs  nearly  at  the 
close  of  our  period,  when  Charles  the  Great,  at 
the  council  of  Frankfort  (A.D.  794),  notified 
that  he  had  received  from  pope  Hadrian  formal 
permission  to  I'etain  archbishop  Angilramn  at 
his  palace,  "  propter  utilitates  ecclesiasticas ;  " 
on  the  same  occasion  he  announced  a  like  per- 
mission with  respect  to  bishop  Hildebald,  and 
solicited  the  assent  of  the  council  to  these 
arrangements,  which  was  unanimously  granted 
(Sirmond,  ii.  201).  As  Thomassin  observes, 
these  formalities  clearly  prove  the  importance 
attached,  at  that  time,  to  such  departures  from 
canonical  obligations. 

(7)  With  respect  to  minor  details. — Among 
these  may  be  named  the  right  to  open  private 
chapels  for  public  worship,  to  wear  ecclesiastical 
dress  of  a  particular  kind  (Dalmatic),  and 
others,  of  which,  however,  the  examples  sire 
doubtful  and  extremely  rare  before  the  9th 
century. 

ii.   Claim  to  authority  over  all  bishoprics  and 


As  regards  elections  to  the  episcopal  office, 
the  outline  of  facts  presented  under  Bishoi' 
(pp.  216-219),  and  other  evidence  cited  by 
Thomassin  (II.  ii.  cc.  1-30),  appear  to  render  it 
probable  that  during  the  greater  part  of  oui 
])eriod  the  canonical  mode  of  election  was  main- 
tained— such  election,  however,  always  depend 
ing  on  the  confirmation  of  the  metropolitan, 
and  generally  upon  that  of  the  king  or  empei'or. 
That  this  mode  of  election  was  fully  recognized 
by  the  see  of  Rome,  is  shewn  by  a  letter  ad- 
dressed to  the  bishops  of  Tarraconensis  to  pope 
Hilary,  in  which,  after  complaining  that  Sil- 
vanus,  bishop  of  Calagura,  contrary  to  law  and 
custom,  had  ordained  a  bishop  in  opposition  to 
the  popular  wish — "  postponens  patrum  regulas 
et  vestra  instituta  despiciens,  nullis  petentibus 
populis,  episcopum  ordinavit " — they  assert  that 
they  have  recourse  to  the  papal  sec,  as  "  unicum 
remedium"  (Thiel,  Epi^t.  Ii.  P.  p.  156).  This 
last  expression  probably  indicates  the  real  cha- 
racter of  the  authority  wielded  by  the  see  of 
Rome  in  the  West,  where  as  the  one  apostolic 
see,  its  decision  was  from  time  to  time  invited 
in  relation  to  questions  of  an  extraordinary  and 
unusual  character.  On  the  other  hand,  tiie 
absence  of  all  evidence  of  any  claim  on  the  part 
of  the  pope  to  exercise  a  veto  in  ordin:u-y  elec- 
tions, seems  conclusive  against  the  existence  of 
such  a  right.  Canonists  who  maintain  that  it 
was  both  claimed  and  exercised,  are  compelled 
to  resort  to  the  singular  hypothesis  that  the 
power  of  the  metropolitan  was  hohl  by  him 
simplv  as  the  delegate  of  the  bishop  of  Konu- ; 
and  that  the  re-assumption  of  a  direct  Jiscliarg.' 
of  such  functions  l.v  the  latter,  was  merely  ••» 
changed  method  of  admini>trati<.n  rendered  im- 
peratively necessary   by  flie   inordinate  prcton- 


1672 


POPE 


sions  of  patriarchs  aud  metropolitans,  the  growth 
of  heresy  and  schism,  and  the  decline  of  dis- 
cipline (Phillips,  7urc/imrec7jf,v.  314-8;  Roussel, 
Hist.  Pontif.  jwisd.  ii.  12 ;  Zaccaria,  Anti' 
Febronius,  ii.  4). 

The  question  will  admit  of  being  more  con- 
cisely investigated,  if  considered  as  it  presents 
itself  in  relation  (1)  to  the  East ;  (2),  to  the 
West ;  (3),  to  pagan  communities. 

(1.)  Ill  the  East. — Even  here  it  is  alleged 
(Phillips,  ih.  V.  319)  that  the  papal  authority  in 
elections  to  bishoprics  was  recognized,  and  that 
the  patriarchs  of  Antioch  and  Alexandria  exer- 
cised merely  delegated  powers.  In  support  of 
this  view,  Phillips  quotes  a  letter  from  Damasus 
(A.D.  366-84)  to  Paulinus,  bishop  of  Antioch. 
But  the  language  of  this  letter  (respecting  the 
genuineness  of  which  some  doubt  may  be  felt) 
implies,  at  most,  only  a  general  supremacy,  of 
an  honorary  character,  conceded  to  the  bishop 
of  Rome.  If,  indeed,  we  remember  that  the 
authority  of  Damasus  was  disputed  in  Rome 
itself  by  his  brother  bishops,  it  seems  scarcely 
necessary  to  enquire  whether  it  was  recognized 
in  the  East.  The  evidence  cited  under  II.  (a) 
will  serve  in  some  measure  to  prove  the  un- 
soundness of  such  a  theory ;  while  in  relation 
to  the  decree  of  Valentinian  III.  (a.d.  455)  it  is 
to  be  observed  that  after  the  political  severance 
of  the  two  divisions  of  the  empire  in  a.d.  438, 
this  could  have  had  no  legal  force  in  the  East, 
unless  by  the  consent  of  the  eastern  emperor, 
which  was  never  granted  (Gibbon,  v.  279 ; 
Greenwood,  Cathedra  Petri,  i.  459). 

A  letter  of  Innocent  I.  (a.d.  402-17)  to 
Alexander,  bishop  of  Antioch,  which  mav 
reasonably  be  accepted  as  genuine,  seems,  how- 
ever, almost  decisive.?  Here,  after  distinctly 
interpreting  the  sixth  canon  of  the  council  of 
Nicaea  as  recognizing  the  right  of  the  bisliop 
of  Antioch  to  ordain  metropolitans  for  the  whole 
of  the  Eastern  diocese,  Innocent  goes  on  to  say : 
"  Itaque  arbitramur,  frater  carissime,  ut  sicut 
metropolitanos  auctoritate  ordines  singulari,  sic 
et  caeteros  non  sine  permissu  conscientiaque  ttia 
sinas  episcopos  procreari.  In  quibus  hunc 
modum  recte  servabis,  ut  longe  positos  litteris 
datis  ordinari  censeas  ab  his,  qui  nunc  eos  suo 
taiitum  ordinant  arhitratu;  vicinos  autem,  si 
aestimas,  ad  manus  impositionem  tuae  gratiae 
statuas  pervenire  "  (Migne,  Patrol,  xx.  547-9). 
Of  his  own  authority  in  relation  to  such  ordina- 
tions. Innocent  says  nothing  ;  but,  as  Thomassin 
(II.  ii.  8,  §  3)  points  out,  after  interpreting  the 
language  of  the  council  of  Nicaea  in  the  sense 
above  described,  holds  that  as  regards  the  bishops 
of  the  different  provinces  included  in  the  Eastern 
diocese,  those  in  the  provinces  nearer  to  Antioch 
were  to  be  summoned  to  the  metropolis  to 
receive  ordination  at  the  hands  of  its  bishop, 
while  those  in  the  more  remote  provinces  were 
to  receive  ordination  from  their  respective 
metropolitans,  their  elections  being  confirmed 
by  the  bishop  of  Antioch. 

Finally,  we  have  satisfiictory  proof  with 
respect  to  the  earliest  consecration  of  an  eastern 
bishop  by  the  pope.     Agapetus,  in  a  letter  to 

p  The  letter  is  contained  both  in  the  collection  of 
Dionysius  Exigutis  and  in  the  Collectio  Hispana ;  see 
!Maassen,  Gesckichte  der  Quellen  des  canonischen  Bechts, 
i.  246,  n.  17. 


POPE 

Petei-,  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  after  referring  to 
his  own  consecration  (Mar.  13,  A.D.  536)  of 
Meunas,  patriarch  of  Constantinople  (Liberatus, 
c.  21 ;  Migne,  Ixviii.  1059),  expressly  states 
that  "  since  the  time  of  the  apostle  Peter,  the 
Eastern  church  has  never  received  a  bishop  at 
the  hands  of  the  pope  "  (Hardouin,  ii.  236). 

(2.)  In  the  West. — Here  the  evidence,  though 
conflicting,  is  such  that  it  is  not  difiicult  to 
arrive  at  a  satisfactory  conclusion.  The  view 
of  Thomassin,  that  the  method  above  recognized 
by  Innocent  as  the  canonical  mode  of  procedure 
in  the  East,  may  be  supposed  to  have  corre- 
sponded to  that  in  force  in  the  West,  is  in  the 
highest  degree  probable.  The  claim  alreadv 
referred  to  (^supra,  p.  1659)  as  put  forth  by 
Innocent,  of  the  original  foundation  of  all  the 
bishoprics  of  the  West  by  St.  Peter  and  his 
successors,  points  to  a  theoretical  supremacy  of 
Rome  over  the  entire  episcopate.  With  respect 
to  the  suburbicariau  bishops  (Suburbicarii), 
their  ordination  was,  of  course,  directly  subject 
to  the  papal  approval  as  to  that  of  their  supreme 
metropolitan.  The  papal  sanction  was  also 
necessary  throughout  the  Roman  patriarchate. 
Of  this  a  letter  written  by  Celestine  in 
a.d.  429,  to  the  bishops  of  Calabria  and  Apulia, 
aftbrds  direct  evidence.  He  here  expresses  his 
surprise  that  the  churches  of  those  districts, 
after  electing  laymen  to  the  episcopal  office, 
should  venture  to  look  for  his  confirmation  of 
such  elections — "  de  nobis  pessime  sentientes 
quos  credunt  hoc  posse  facere  "  (Migne,  Patrol. 
1.  436). 

In  the  theory  above  indicated  by  Thomassin 
(who  appears,  however,  scarcely  to  have  appre- 
hended its  full  significance),  we  have  the  key 
to  much  of  the  subsequent  history  of  the  ex- 
tension of  the  papal  authority  over  the  whole 
episcopate.  Towards  the  close  of  the  4th 
century  we  are  able,  for  the  first  time,  to  trace 
with  any  certainty  the  presence  of  metropolitan 
bishops  in  the  West.  The  importance  of  this 
fact  in  relation  to  our  whole  enquiry  is  con- 
siderable ;  for,  as  will  be  seen,  it  compels  those 
who  assert  that  the  papal  prerogatives  were 
admitted  and  exercised  at  a  much  earlier  period, 
to  have  recourse  to  the  singular  hypothesis  that 
during  the  time  when  the  evidence  for  a  general  - 
recognition  of  the  authority  of  the  bishop  of 
Rome  is  especially  defective,  that  authority  was 
most  directly  exerted. 

At  the  same  time,  it  is  not  to  be  denied  that 
the  bishop  of  Rome  claimed  a  certain  nominal 
authority  over  all  patriarchs  and  metropolitans, 
and  their  elections  would  appear  to  have  been 
usually  notified  to  the  Roman  see,  not,  however, 
in  order  to  obtain  the  ratification  necessary  to 
validity,  but  as  a  spontaneous  recognition  of  the 
honorary  primacy  of  its  bishop.  Of  this  almost 
conclusive  evidence  is  afforded  in  two  letters 
addressed  by  Leo  the  Great  (a.d.  444)  to  the 
bishops  of  illyricum.  Here,  after  claiming  to 
have  authority,  derived  from  St.  Peter,  over  all 
churches  (svpra,  p.  1659),  he  formally  appoints 
Anastasius,  metropolitan  of  Thessalonica,  his 
delegate  to  consecrate  metropolitans  in  Illyricum, 
aud  to  convene  synods  (Mansi,  v.  1233).  Illyri- 
cum, however,  over  which  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  metropolitan  see  of  Thessalonica  was  thus 
extended,  was  included  in  the  Roman  patri- 
archate ;  it  accordingly  seems  reasonable  to  infer 


POPE 

■with  Thomassin  that  in  other  provinces,  not 
included  therein,  the  authority  of  the  Roman 
pontiff  was  neither  recognized  nor  asserted,  either 
directly  or  by  delegation, — "  quid  conjectandum 
restat  de  episcopis  longinquioribus  et  qui  ne 
Eomani  quidem  patriarchatus  iinibus  claude- 
bantur  "  (Thomassin,  II.  ii.  8,  §  11). 

The  earliest  instance  that  points  to  a  more 
general  recognition  of  this  authority,  is  perhaps 
that  contained  in  the  preamble  of  a  letter  ad- 
dressed to  Hilary  by  a  synod  of  Barcelona  (a.d. 
465),  soliciting  his  confirmation  of  the  uncanon- 
ical  translation  of  one  Irenaeus  from  a  neigh- 
bouring bishopric  to  that  of  Barcelona,  and 
implying  that  their  appeal  is  not  simply  dictated 
by  a  sense  of  the  importance  attached  to  the 
papal  decisions,  but  is  the  course  binding  upon 
them  as  a  matter  of  church  discipline  : — "  Etiamsi 
nulla  exstaret  necessitas  ecclesiasticae  disciplinae, 
expetendum  revera  nobis  fuerat  illud  privilegium 
sedis  vestrae  "  (Mansi,  vii.  924).  Inasmuch  as, 
however,  Hilary,  in  his  reply,  takes  occasion  to 
rebuke  them  for  ordaining  bishops  to  different 
sees  without  obtaining  the  sanction  of  Ascanius, 
their  metropolitan,  it  is  evident  that  in  Spain  a 
delegated  authority  was  all  that  was  at  this  time 
asserted  by  the  pope  (Thiel,  Epist.  Rom.  Pont. 
i.  166).  In  support  of  this  view  we  may  refer 
to  the  language  of  Gregory  the  Great,  at  a  yet 
later  period,  in  certain  instructions  to  his  legate 
when  the  latter  was  about  to  set  out  for  Spain. 
Here  it  is  clearly  implied  that  his  jurisdiction 
did  not  ordinarily  extend  to  bishops  in  that  pro- 
vince, for  in  referring  to  a  certain  bishop  named 
Stephen,  Gregory  says  that  "inasmuch  as  Ste- 
phen had  neither  a  metropolitan  nor  a  patriarch" 
a  certain  matter  in  dispute  must  consequently 
"  belong  to  the  apostolic  chair,  as  the  head  of  all 
the  churches,  and  be  decided  by  it "  (Epist.  xiii. 
45  ;  Migne,  Ixxvii.  1254). 

Generally  speaking,  however,  the  evidence 
exhibits  the  authority  of  the  pope  as  advancing 
from  the  time  of  Leo  the  Great,  towards  that  of 
a  universal  metropolitan  in  the  West ;  and  again, 
at  a  period  later  than  that  which  we  are  here 
called  upon  to  treat,  from  that  of  a  universal 
metropolitan  to  an  immediate  and  ordinary  juris- 
diction over  the  whole  episcopate.  Among  the 
means  whereby  this  great  extension  of  the  papal 
power  was  brought  about,  the  encouragement 
given  to  the  practice  of  appealing  to  Kome 
[Apeeal]  must  be  regarded  as  the  most  effectual. 
It  will  indeed  be  found  that  nearly  all  the  pre- 
cedents afforded  by  our  period,  which  canonists 
are  wont  to  cite  in  support  of  the  Florentine 
canon  {supra,  p.  1652)  represent,  in  reality,  ex- 
ceptional cases,  which,  viev/ed  in  their  proper 
light,  tend  rather  to  an  exactly  opposite  con- 
clusion. 

In  no  relation  were  appeals  to  Rome  more 
frequent  than  in  connexion  with  elections.,  and  in 
these  cases  the  pontiff  nearly  always  appears  as 
the  defender  of  popular  rights  and  of  canonical 
discipline  against  laxity  or  tyranny  on  the  part 
of  the  metropolitan.  Leo  himself  asserts  in  the 
plainest  language  that  the  wishes  of  the  laity 
and  the  concurrence  of  the  electing  bishops  are 
essential  to  an  ordination  to  a  bishopric, — "  Nulla 
ratio  sinit  ut  inter  episcopos  habeantur  qui  nee 
a  clericis  sunt  electi  nee  a  plebibus  sunt  expetiti  " 
{Kpist.  167;  Migne,  liv.  1420).  Thomassin 
(II.  ii.  10,  §  4)  considers  that  among  the  distin- 


POPE 


1673 


guishing  excellences  of  Gregory  the  Great's 
character  his  marked  abstention  from  interference 
in  episcopal  elections,  even  within  the  Roman 
province,  claims  special  notice.  It  would  appear 
indeed  to  have  been  this  pontiff's  great  aim  to 
preserve  to  every  church  its  rights  and  freedom 
on  such  occasions.  When,  for  example,  the 
church  at  Panormus,  in  Sicily,  were  in  great 
perplexity  with  respect  to  the  choice  of  a  new 
bishop  (owing  to  the  want  of  a  suitable  candidate 
for  the  office)  he  desired  them  to  send  deputies 
to  Rome  who  should  elect  a  bishop  there: 
"  quod  tamen  nos  non  voluntate  imjndsi  loquimur, 
sed  necessitate  compulsi ;  quia  quantum  est  ad 
nostrae  authoritatis  judicium,  de  suis  volumus 
ut  debeant  habere  pastorem "  {Epist.  xiii.  15  ; 
Migne,  Ixxvii.  1229).  Even  when  he  vouchsafed 
advice  to  a  church  with  respect  to  its  choice  (as 
in  the  case  of  Constantine  of  Milan)  he  abstained 
as  much  as  possible  from  all  appearance  of  dic- 
tation, "quia  antiquae  meae  deliberationis  in- 
tentio  est,  ad  suscipienda  pastoralis  curae  onera, 
pro  nuUius  unquam  misceri  persona  "  (i6.  iii.  29  ; 
ib.  Ixxvii.  644).  At  the  same  time  the  language 
of  his  biographer,  Joannes  Diaconus,  proves  that 
the  selection  of  fit  persons  for  the  office  in  his 
own  diocese  was  to  Gregory  a  matter  of  the  live- 
liest interest,  "  ab  ipso  suae  consecrationis  esordio 
jxr  omnem  diaecesim  suam,  episcopos  undecunque 
meliores  invenire  potuit  studiosissime  ordinavit " 
(  Vita,  iii.  7  ;  Migne,  Ixxv.  86). 

But  notwithstanding  Gregory's  genuine  mode- 
ration, events  in  the  political  world  contributed 
very  powerfully  during  his  pontificate  to  aug- 
ment the  authority  of  the  Roman  see.  Of  this 
we  have  undeniable  evidence  in  the  frequency 
with  which  the  pallium  [Pallium]  was  solicited 
at  his  hands.  Instances  of  the  bestowal  of  this 
vestment  before  his  time  are  exceedingly  rare ; 
among  the  best  authenticated  being  its  presenta- 
tion to  Caesarius  of  Aries  by  Symmachus,  in  the 
year  513  (Jaffe',  no.  477),  to  the  metropolitan  of 
Aries  by  Vigilius  (a.d.  537-555),  and  to  the 
same  dignitary  by  Pelagius  II.  (A.D.  578-590). 
Gregory  assigns  the  fact  of  its  liestowal  by  his 
predecessor,  as  a  reason  for  not  subjecting  "  the 
bishop  of  Aries  "  to  the  authority  of  Augustine 
(Bede,  E.  H.  i.  27).  By  Gregory  it  appears 
to  have  been  bestowed  i  on  the  metropolitan 
of  Hispalis  (Mansi,  x.  199),  on  the  metropolitan 
of  Aries  {ib.  ix.  1231),  on  the  bishops  of 
Augustodunum  in  Gaul  (Migne,  Ixxvii.  1014), 
of  Salona  in  Dalmatia  {ib.  ix.  1166),  of  Prima 
Justiniana  in  Illyricum  {ib.  ix.  1189),  on 
Augustine  as  archbishop  of  Canterbury  {ib. 
x.  394),  on  the  metropolitan  of  Nicopolis  in 
Epirus  {ib.  x.  6),  on  the  bishops  of  Messana, 
Syracuse,  and  Panormus  in  Sicily  {ib.  x.  7,  13, 
367),  and  on  the  metropolitan  of  Ravenna. 
Boniface  IV.  (a.d.  608-615)  sends  itto  Florianus, 
metrojiolitan  of  Aries,  and  writing  to  Theodoric, 
king  of  the  Franks,  speaks  of  the  act  as  "secundum 
antiquam  consuetudinem "  (Jaffe,  Rc<jcst.  Rom. 
Font.  p.  155).  Honorius  I.  (a.d.  G25-628)  refuses 
to  send  it  to  Hvpatius,  bishop  of  Nicopolis,  until 
the  latter  shall  have  purged  himself  from  t ho 
accusation  of  having  been  accessory  to  a  brother  s 


1  The  vcstmpiit  itself  is  not  mentioned  In  all  these 
instances,  but  tbc  language  implies  its  bestowal  as  tho 
Invariable  accompaniment   of  the  authority  cxprcj.-ly 

granted. 


1674: 


POPE 


death  (Mansi,  s.  581)  ;  he  promises  it  to  the 
bishop  of  Grada  (Jaffe,  p.  157) ;  sends  it  to 
Honorius,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and  to 
Pauliuus,  archbishop  of  York  (Mansi,  x.  580)  ; 
and  decrees  that  metropolitans  using  it  in  the 
streets  or  "  in  litaniis  "  shall  be  deprived  of  the 
right  to  wear  it  (ib.  x.  585). 

The  theory  that  the  acceptance  of  the  pallium 
did  not  involve  any  special  profession  of  allegi- 
ance to  the  pope  of  Rome  (Thomassin,  II.  ii.  45, 
§  10;  Greenwood,  Cath.  Petri,  ii.  220),  can 
hardly  be  looked  upon  as  valid  after  the  7th 
century.  Gregory  himself,  it  is  true,  appears  to 
have  considered  that  its  bestowal  must  be  pre- 
ceded by  the  express  wish  and  personal  applica- 
tion of  the  receiver,  and  also  be  sanctioned  by 
the  consent  of  the  reigning  prince  (Migne,  Ixxvii. 
781).  So  early  however  as  the  year  581,  a  canon 
of  the  first  council  of  Macon  forbids  metropo- 
litans to  celebrate  mass  without  it,  "  ut  archi- 
episcopus  sine  pallio  missas  dicere  non  praesumat " 
(Sirmond,  i.  371) ;  and  we  find  that  its  bestowal 
on  Tilpin,  archbishop  of  Rheims,  in  the  year  772, 
was  understood  to  entitle  him  to  appeal  to  the  pope 
from  the  authority  of  a  local  synod  (Flodoard, 
Hist.  Remens.  bk.  ii.  c.  17). 

(3.)  The  question  of  the  significance  to  be 
attached  to  its  bestowal  will  be  further  illustrated 
by  the  following  evidence  for  the  papal  authority 
over  bishops  and  bishoprics  (3)  in  jmgan  lands. 
In  this  relation  the  evidence  is  far  more  plainly 
favourable  to  the  theory  of  Roman  supremacy. 
A  bishop  sent  from  Rome  to  evangelize  a  heathen 
commixnity  was  directly  accountable  to  the  pope. 
He  was  known  as  "  episcopus  consecratus  in  sorte 
praedicationis,"  as  Boniface  was  styled  by  Gre- 
gory II.  (Epist.  5  ;  Migne,  Ixxxis.  503),  a  relation 
compared  by  Phillips  to  that  which  Titus,  when 
in  Crete,  bore  to  St.  Paul, — and  was  empowered 
both  to  create  new  bishoprics  as  occasion  might 
arise,  and  to  ordain  those  who  might  be  elected 
to  fill  them.  When  the  district  in  which  he 
laboured  had  been,  to  a  certain  extent,  brought 
under  ecclesiastical  organization,  if  the  distance 
precluded  a  special  journey  to  Rome,  his  ordina- 
tion was  delegated  to  another  bishop.  Of  this 
an  instance  occurs  in  connexion  with  the  arch- 
bishoprics of  York  and  Canterbury  in  the  time 
of  Honorius,  who  empowered  the  surviving 
archbishop  to  ordain  a  successor  on  a  va- 
cancy occurring  in  either  see  (Bede,  If.  E. 
ii.  18). 

It  would  appear,  however,  to  be  beyond  doubt 
that  in  pagan  lands  such  powers  were  only 
delegated  for  a  time  by  the  Roman  pontiff,  and 
were  resumable  at  pleasure.  Of  this,  strong 
presumptive  evidence  is  afforded  in  the  28th 
canon  of  the  council  of  Chalcedon,  already  quoted 
(supra,  p.  1664).  The  endeavour  here  made  to 
claim  for  the  see  of  Constantinople  rights  precisely 
corresponding  (iaa  npfa^eTa)  to  those  of  the  see 
of  Rome,  involves  the  assertion  of  the  right  of 
the  bishop  of  Constantinople  to  ordain,  not  merely 
the  metropolitans  of  Pontus,  Asia,  and  Thrace, 
but  also  the  bishops  "  in  sorte  praedicationis " 
among  the  pagan  communities  still  existing  in 
those  provinces,  en  5e  koI  tovs  eV  toTs  ^ap^api- 

K07s     ixtffKOTTOVS    TWV    irp0eip7)IX(:V(tlV      StotKi'iffewv 

(Mansi,  vii.  427).  The  proviso  in  this  latter 
clause  would  seem  to  have  been  designed  to 
complete  the  parallelism  between  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  primate  of  Constantinople  and  that 


POPE 

of  the  Roman  pontitf,  an  attempt  which  was  met 
by  the  indignant  repudiation  of  Leo. 

Among  such  communities  themselves  the 
theory  that  prevailed  appears  to  have  varied 
with  the  particular  conditions  and  circumstances. 
At  first,  the  papal  claims  would  be  received  with 
ready  assent,  such  as  a  sense  of  filial  gratitude 
would  naturally  dictate.  When,  however,  eccle- 
siastical power  became  associated  with  political 
power,  there  arose  a  spirit  of  greater  indepen- 
dence, like  that  from  time  to  time  exhibited 
among  those  nations  of  the  West  whose  conver- 
sion belonged  to  a  much  earlier  period.  We 
learn,  for  example,  from  Bede  (H.  E.  iii.  29)  that 
Wighard  was  sent  to  Rome  to  receive  his  conse- 
cration as  archbishop  of  Canterbury  at  the  hands 
of  pope  Deusdedit,  "to  the  end  that  he  might 
ordain  catholic  priests  for  the  churches  of  the 
English  nation  throughout  all  Britain ; "  arch- 
bishop Theodore,  again,  was  ordained  at  Rome 
by  Vitalian  (ib.  iv.  1).  Yet  notwithstanding,  only 
a  few  years  after  the  ordination  of  Theodore,  we 
find  Alfrid,  king  of  Northumbria,  refusing  to 
recognise  the  right  of  Wilfrid  to  the  bishoijric  of 
York,  though  the  election  of  the  latter  had 
twice  been  confirmed  by  popes  Agatho  and 
John  V.  "  I  will  not,"  said  the  monarch,  "  alter 
one  word  of  a  sentence  issued  by  myself,  the 
archbishop,  and  all  the  dignitaries  of  the  land, 
for  a  writing  coming,  as  ye  say,  from  the  apo- 
stolic chair  "  (Milman,  Lat.  Christianity,  bk.  iv. 
C.4). 

Again  the  tone  of  English  ecclesiasticism 
changes,  and  within  little  more  than  half  a  cen- 
tury Boniface,  in  Frankland,  announces  to 
Cuthbert,  in  terms  already  referred  to  (supra, 
p.  1660)  a  full  recognition,  on  the  part  of  the 
Prankish  bishops  and  their  metropolitans,  of  the 
supreme  and  final  authority  of  the  pope — "  De- 
crevimjis  .  .  .  subjectionem  Romanae  ecclesiae 
fine  tenus  vitae  nostrae  velle  servare ;  sancto 
Petro  et  vicario  ejus  velle  subjici ;  .  .  .  metro- 
politanos  pallia  ab  ilia  sede  quaerere  et  per  omnia 
praecepta  sancti  Petri  canonice  sequi  desiderare, 
ut  inter  oves  sibi  commendatas  nunieremur " 
(Epist.  63  ;  Migne,  Issxix.  763).  But  it  is  evi- 
dent that  this  deferential  spirit  was  succeeded 
by  something  approaching  to  insubordination; 
for,  a  few  years  after,  Boniface  writes  to  entreat 
the  indulgence  of  pope  Zachary  for  the  non-ful- 
filment of  the  above  engagements,  especially 
"  do  palliis  a  Romana  ecclesia  petendis,"  "  quia 
quod  promiserunt  tardantes  non  impleverunt,  et 
adhuc  differtur  et  ventilatur  "  {Epist.  lb  ;  Migne, 
Ixxxix.  778).  "  How  difficult  it  was  to  overcome 
the  repugnance  of  the  Teutonic  prelates,  is  mani- 
fest in  the  fact  that  St.  Lull,  the  especial  disciple 
of  St.  Boniface,  in  whose  favour  the  latter  exer- 
cised the  exceptional  privilege  accorded  him  of 
nominating  a  successor  to  the  primatial  see  of 
Mainz,  though  appointed  in  754,  had  not  yet 
sought  the  pallium  in  772,  when  Adrian  I.  wrote 
to  Tilpin  of  Rheims,  ordering  him  to  investigate 
the  doctrine  and  virtues  of  Lull,  and,  if  the  re- 
sult was  satisfactory,  to  give  him  a  certificate, 
on  the  strength  of  which  the  pallium  would  be 
sent  to  him.  It  was  evident  that  some  additional 
inducements  were  necessary  to  overcome  this 
aversion  and  to  bind  the  hierarchy  to  the  throne 
of  St.  Peter  "  (Lea,  H.  C.  Studies  in  Church  His- 
tory, p.  138).  Thomassin,  indeed,  is  of  opinion 
that  the  oath  administered  by  Boniface  was  an 


FOPE 

entirely  exceptional  measure,  justified,  however, 
to  a  certain  extent,  by  the  neglected  state  into 
which  ecclesiastical  discipline  had  fallen  in 
Frankland;  and  he  maintains  (II.  ii.  44,  §11; 
45,  §7)  that  throughout  the  reign  of  Charles  the 
Great  there  is  no  trace  of  any  oath  of  obedience 
taken  either  by  Prankish  metropolitans  or 
bishops  to  the  pope.  This  assertion  can  be  ac- 
cepted only  in  conjunction  with  his  peculiar 
view,  that  the  acceptance  of  the  pallium  did  not 
involve  any  acknowledgment  of  submission  to 
Eome,  for  both  the  bishops  of  Bourges  and  of 
Metz  received  that  vestment  at  the  hands  o/' 
Hadrian  I.  (Mansi,  xii.  834;  xiii.  909).  On  the 
other  hand,  throughout  Charles's  reign  it  is  evi- 
dent that  the  papal  pretensions  in  Frankland 
assumed  a  very  modest  guise,  and  were  little 
more  than  honorary  in  character ;  the  relations 
established  between  the  papacy  and  the  Prankish 
monarchy  secured  to  the  latter  full  powers  over 
the  church  within  its  own  dominions;  and  we  find 
Leidradus,  metropolitan  of  Lyons,  when  writing 
to  Charles,  implying  that  his  appointment  to 
his  episcopal  dignity  had  been  due  entirely  to  the 
monarch  himself,  ''  ad  regimen  ecclesiae  Lug- 
dunensis  destinare  voluistis  "  (Migne,  xcix.  871). 
In  the  year  877,  pope  John  VIII.  at  the  synod 
of  Ravenna,  ordered  that  all  metropolitans 
should  be  deprived  of  their  sees  who  failed  to 
apply  for  the  pallium  within  three  months  of 
consecration — "  a  regulation,"  says  Lea,  "  which 
met  with  little  more  respect  than  previous  like 
attempts  "  (^Studies  in  Church  Hist.  p.  87). 

designations. — It  is  confirmatory  of  the  nega- 
tive conclusions  to  which  the  foregoing  evidence 
points,  that  the  resignation  of  the  episcopal 
office  seems  never  to  have  required  the  assent  of 
the  pope.  Instances  adduced  to  the  contrary  are 
of  far  too  dubious  a  character,  and  too  rare  to  be 
accepted  as  in  any  degree  tending  to  invalidate 
this  general  fact.  A  letter,  addressed  by  Leo  I. 
in  458,  to  Eusticus,  bishop  of  Narboune,  who  has 
intimated  his  wish  to  seek  "  vacationem  ab  epis- 
eopatus  laboribus,"  on  account  of  his  despondency 
at  the  religious  condition  of  his  diocese,  proves 
nothing  more  than  that  Leo,  on  this  occasion, 
assumed  the  part  of  a  friendly  adviser  {Epist. 
clxvii. ;  Migne,  liv.  1415).  The  same  observation 
applies  to  another  instance,  the  remonstrance  of 
Martin  I.  (a.d.  649-55)  with  Amandus,  bishop 
of  Maestricht,  under  similar  circumstances  {ih. 
Ixxxvii.  155). 

Examples  cited  by  Phillips,  belonging  to  the 
9th  century,  that  of  one  Vilicarius  applying  for 
the  papal  license  to  resign  his  charge,  when  per- 
mission had  been  withheld  by  the  provincial 
synod,  and  that  of  Weuilo,  archbishop  of  Sens, 
soliciting  the  intervention  of  Nicholas  I.  to  pro- 
cure the  deposition  of  Herimann,  bishop  of 
Severs,  who  was  incapacitated  for  the  discharge 
of  his  duties  by  imbecility,  undoubtedly  carry 
more  weight.  But  the  evidence  collected  by 
Thomassin  (ed.  Bourasse,  ii.  919-22)  is  far  more 
convincing,  as  tending  to  establish  the  conclusion 
that,  even  in  the  9th  century,  the  authority  of 
tlie  pope  was  appealed  to  only  as  a  last  resource, 
and  generally  with  the  view  of  confirming  the 
decision  of  a  provincial  council  (see  also 
Thomassin,  Vetus  et  Nova  Eccles.  Discipl.  II.  ii. 
53,  §  1,  2,  3,  and  11),  but  that  usually  such 
questions  were  held  to  be  rightly  within  the 
cognizance  and  authority  of  the  diocesan  bishoj)S. 


POPE 


1675 


iii.   Claim  to  present  to  all  benefices. 

This  claim  on  the  part  of  the  Roman  pontiff, 
which  Milman  affirms  to  have  been  "unknown 
until  the  12th  century "  (Zaf.  Christianity,  hk. 
xiii.  c.  10),  is  certainly  not  to  be  recognized 
within  our  period.  The  precedents  cited  by  the 
canonists  are,  for  the  most  part,  taken  from  in- 
stances of  the  exertion  of  metropolitan  authority 
within  the  Roman  diocese,  or  are  only  to  be 
looked  upon  as  cases  wherein  the  advice  of  the 
pope  was  sought  and  given,  without  any  notion 
on  either  side  that  it  partook  of  the  nature  of  a 
command. 

We  find,  for  example.  Innocent  I.  instructing 
Marcianus,  bishop  of  Naissus,  in  Illyricum,  to 
appoint  to  ofiices  in  the  church  the  presbyters 
and  deacons  whom  his  predecessor,  Bonosus,  prior 
to  his  sentence  and  degradation,  had  consecrated 
to  such  offices — "  eos  recipiendos  esse  censemus  " 
(Constant,  ed.  Schoenemann,  p.  573).  It  is  to 
be  observed,  however,  that  the  authority  here 
exercised  relates  to  matters  within  the  province 
of  Illyricum,  over  which,  ever  since  the  time  of 
Damasus,  Rome  had  asserted  metropolitan  juris- 
diction [Metropolitan,  ad  fin.] ;  the  instance 
consequently  fails  as  proof  of  the  more  general 
application  (see  Le  Quien,  Oriens  Christianus,  ii. 
7-9). 

A  more  relevant  instance  is  that  of  Celestine  I. 
who,  when  writing  in  the  year  430  to  the  clergy 
and  laity  of  Constantinople,  enjoins  that  all 
bishops  or  priests  whom  Nestorius  had  deposed 
or  excommunicated  shall  be  regarded  as  still 
possessing  their  benefices  and  privileges — 
"  aperte  sedis  nostrae  sanxit  auctoritas,  nullum 
sive  episcopum,  sive  clericum,  sen  professione 
aliqua  Christianum,  qui  a  Nestorio  vel  ejus 
similibus  .  .  .  vel  loco  suo  vel  communione 
dejecti  sunt,  vel  ejectum  vel  excommunicatum 
videri "  (Constant,  pp.  816-829).  Here,  how- 
ever, it  is  to  be  remembered  that  the  interference 
of  Rome  had  been  invoked  by  the  contending 
parties,  and  that  its  assertion  in  the  Eastern 
capital  represented  an  altogether  abnormal  con- 
dition of  aflairs.  When  Leo  the  Great,  some 
years  later,  appears  as  intervening  between 
Anatolius,  bishop  of  Constantinople,  and  the 
archdeacon  Actius,  whom  the  former  had  de- 
prived of  his  office,  his  language — "  quern  tameu 
pietati  vestrae  commendare  praesumo  "  (Migne, 
Patrol,  liv.  1156),  is  of  a  very  different  character ; 
and  the  argument  of  Phillips  {Kirclicnrecht,  v. 
490)  that,  to  quote  the  language  of  .John  of 
Salisbury,  "the  requests  of  the  pope  are  man- 
dates," involves  the  anachronism  of  confusing 
the  status  of  the  papacy  in  the  5th  and  the  12th 
centuries. 

Other  instances,  such  as  when  Simplicius  in- 
flicts a  penalty  on  Gaudentius,  bishop  of  Aufinuni, 
for  ordaining  priests,  "  contra  statuta  canonuni 
ac  nostra  praecepta,"  and  directs  two  other 
bishops  to  deprive  him  of  the  future  exercise  ot 
such  power,  "totam  penitus  auferri  praecipmnis 
potestatem  "  (Thiol.  Epist.  Bom.  Pont.  p.  l-o); 
or  when  Gelasius  issues  stringent  regulations  to 
the  bishops  of  Lucania,  Bruttii,  and  Sicily,  with 
respect  to  the  ordination  of  the  clergy  and  their 
appointment  to  cures  (ib.  pp.  360-379)  .-.re  in- 
valid as  a  general  argument,  from  the  t^ict  that 
they  occur  within  the  Ko.naa  diocese,  where  at 
tliis  period,  such  authority  was  unquestionably 
wielded   by  tlie  Rom    *■'' 


iir. 


1076 


POPE 


In  all  but  the  last  of  the  foregoing  in- 
stances, it  will  be  seen  that  the  occasion  foi* 
the  papal  interference  arose  out  of  an  excep- 
tional position  of  affairs,  and  thus  turns  very 
much  upon  the  fundamental  question  of  appel- 
late jurisdiction  [Appeal,  p.  130].  Other 
instances,  cited  by  Phillips  and  Thomassin, 
belonging  to  the  pontificate  of  Gregory  the 
Great,  exhibit  again  the  following  important 
qualifying  conditions:  (a)  that  they  occur 
within  the  diocese  over  which  the  Roman  pontiff 
claimed  metropolitan  rights ;  (/8)  that  Gregory 
himself  appears,  where  practicable,  to  have  first 
consulted  the  bishop  of  the  district ;  (y)  that 
they  occur  af.  a  period  when  political  cii-cum- 
stances  might  warrant  an  occasional  extraordi- 
nary exertion  of  the  papal  influence.  For 
example,  when  Gregory  bestows  the  monastery 
of  St.  Theodorus  at  Messana  on  Paulinus,  bishop 
of  Taurinae,  he  first  consulted  with  the  metro- 
politan of  the  district,  Felix,  bishop  of 
Messana,  to  whom  he  writes :  "  quod  etiam 
te  voluisse,  jam  ejus  [sc.  Paulini]  relatione 
didicimus "  (^Epist.  bk.  i.  41 ;  Migne,  Ixxvii. 
528);  while,  when  writing  to  Felix,  a  sub- 
deacon,  with  reference  to  the  same  transaction, 
he  says : — "  quam  rem  venerabili  Felici  ejusdem 
civitatis  episcopo  nos  significasse  cognosce,  ne 
praeter  suam  notitiam  in  dioecesi  sibi  commissa, 
ordimduin  quippiam  contristetur  "  (Epist.  i.  42  ; 
ib.  Ixxvii.  529).  With  reference  to  the  ordina- 
tion of  Paulinus  himself  to  the  bishopric  of 
Lipara,  Gregory  writes  to  Paulinus,  to  say  that 
he  has  already  expressed  his  wish  in  the  matter 
to  Maximianus,  the  metropolitan:  "  Maximiano 
fi-atri  et  coepiscopo  scripsimus  ut  fraternitatem 
tuam  ecclesiae  Liparitanae  ex  nostra  auctoritate 
praeesse  constituat "  (^Epist.  ii.  17;  ib.  Ixxvii. 
580).  Similarly,  when  recommending  a  deacon 
as  a  proper  recipient  of  a  stipend,  he  wi'ites  to 
the  same  Maximianus  :  "  sive  \\i  ofRcium  diaco- 
natus  expleat,  seu  certe  ut  sola  ejusdem  officii 
pro  sustentanda  paupertate  sua  commoda  conse- 
quatur,  in  tuae  fraternitatis  volumus  hoc  pendere 
judicio  "  {Epist.  iv.  14  ;  ib.  Ixxvii.  695). 

But  to  whatever  point  we  may  assume  the 
papal  authority  to  have  advanced  in  this  respect, 
with  the  age  of  Gregory,  it  may  be  regarded  as 
certain  that  it  was  not  only  held  in  check,  but 
almost  entirely  set  aside,  by  political  events 
after  his  time.  Neither  in  England,  nor  in 
Frankland  under  the  Merovingian  and  Carolin- 
gian  dynasties  (save  for  a  brief  period  following 
the  arrival  of  Boniface),  was  there  any  disposi- 
tion to  admit  the  assertion  of  these  claims;  and 
it  is  not  until  nearly  the  close  of  the  12th 
century  that  the  appearance  of"  epistolae  moni- 
toriae,"  "  praeceptoriae,"  and  "  executoriae " 
indicate  that  such  powers  were  asserted  and 
enforced. 

(iv.)  Claim  to  temporal  poioer. 

(1)  Patrcmoniiim. — The  foundation  of  the 
church  of  St.  John  Lateran  by  Constantino  the 
Great,  is  probably  the  only  foundation  of  the 
kind  in  Rome  which  can  be  attributed  with 
much  probability  to  that  monarch.  At  the 
same  time  he  bestowed  upon  the  bishop  of  Rome 
for  a  residence,  that  portion  of  the  Lateran 
palace  [Lateran]  which  was  known  as  the 
"  domus  Faustae  "  (Gregorovius,  Gesch.  d.  Stadt 
Rom,  i.  87),  and  here  the  first  Lateran  synod 
was  held,  in  the  vear  313.     It  was  in  the  same 


POPE 

reign  that  the  church  acquired  the  right  of  pos- 
sessing estates,  and  receiving  bequests  of  landed 
property  from  individuals.  The  revenues  thus 
obtained  were  always  supposed  to  be  devoted  to 
charitable  purposes,  a  law  of  Constantine  of  the 
year  326  pronouncing  it  fit  that  "the  poor 
should  be  sustained  by  the  riches  of  the  churches  " 
{Cod.  Theod.  xii.  i.  6).  Under  this  plea  the  church 
at  Rome  soon  acquired  widespread  possessions  ; 
and  in  the  year  432  we  find  Celestine,  the  bishop, 
writing  to  Theodosius  II.,  and  entreating  his 
protection  for  certain  estates  of  the  see  in  Asia, 
which  a  lady  named  Proba,  the  representative  of 
an  ancient  house,  had  bequeathed  for  the  mam- 
tenance  of  "  the  clergy,  the  poor,  and  certain 
monasteries "  (Coustaut,  ed.  Schoen.  p.  879). 
Long  before  the  time  of  Gregory  the  Great,  the 
"patrimonium  Petri,"  as  it  was  termed,  was 
represented  by  large  estates  in  Southern  Italy, 
Sicily,  Corsica,  Africa,  and  Dalmatia.  "  Ever 
since  the  extinction  of  the  Western  empire  had 
emancipated  the  ecclesiastical  potentate  from 
secular  control,  the  first  and  most  abiding 
object  of  his  schemes  and  prayers  had  been  the 
acquisition  of  territorial  wealth  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  his  capital.  Ho  had,  indeed,  a  sort 
of  justification — for  Rome,  a  city  with  neither 
trade  nor  industry,  was  crowded  with  poor,  for 
whom  it  devolved  on  the  bishop  to  provide  " 
(Bryce,  Hohj  Roman  Empire,  p.  42).  In  pur- 
suance of  this  theory,  we  find  Gregory  himself 
speaking  of  such  property  as  "  res  pauperum  " 
(Migne,  Ixxvii.  834) ;  his  allusions  to  it  are- 
frequent.  He  refers,  for  instance,  to  lands  in 
Gaul,  "  patrimoniolum  ecclesiae  nostrae  quae 
illic  constitutum  est"  (Letter  to  Brunichild, 
Migne,  Ixxvii.  836) ;  in  Sicily  near  Catana  (ib. 
Ixxvii.  593),  but  these  latter  appear  to  have 
been  wrested  from  the  church  by  Leo  the 
Isaurian,  A.D.  730  (Le  Quien,  i.  97)  ;  in  Sardinia 
(Migne,  Ixxvii.  926),  in  the  Cottian  Alps,  in 
Illyricum,  and  in  the  cities  "  of  Otranto,  Galli- 
poli,  perhaps  Norcia,  Xepi,  Cuma,  Capua,  Cor- 
sealano,  Naples,  Palermo,  and  Syracuse" 
(Milman,  Lat.  Christianity,  ii.  115), 

The  "donatio  patrimonii  Alpium  Cottiae,'' 
presented  to  the  Roman  see  in  703,  by  Aripert, 
king  of  the  Lombards,  was  wrested  from  its' 
possession  by  Luitprand,  who,  however,  moved 
by  the  remonstrances  of  Gregory  II.,  again 
restored  the  territory  (Anast.  Greg.  II.  ;  Mura- 
tori.  Script.  III.  i.  154).  After  this  time  no  fur- 
ther reference  to  this  patrimony  is  discoverable, 
and  it  appears  to  have  been  finally  lost  to 
Rome  in  the  troubles  that  marked  the  second 
quarter  of  the  8th  century.' 

(2)  Political  sovereignty.  The  commencement 
of  the  political  authority  of  the  Roman  pontiff 
is  perhaps  to  be  discerned  in  the  discharge  of 
certain  civic  duties,  with  which,  like  the  bishops 
of  other  important  cities,  he  was  entrusted  on 
behalf  of  the  imperial  power  (Phillips,  Kirchen- 
recht,  iii.  37).  These  functions  date  back  as 
far  as  the  4th  century.  The  supreme  civil 
authority  of  the  city  appears,  however,  to  have 
been  wielded  by  the  prefect,  and  at  a  later 
period  by  the  "dux"  or  duke  of  Rome.  The 
beginning  of  a  really  independent  authority  has 
been  referred  (Sugenheim,  Entstehung  und  Aus- 
bildung  des  Kirclienstaatcs,  p.  9)  to  the  occasion 
when  Peter  the  "dux  "  having  been  driven  from 
the  city,  in  the  pontificate  of  Gregory  II.,  it  is 


POPE 

supposed  that  a  kind  of  republic  was  formed, 
with  the  pope  as  chief  admiaistratoi-.  This 
conjecture,  however,  is  wanting  in  any  real 
historical  basis  (Gregorovius,  ii.  258),  and  the 
commencement  of  the  "  States  of  the  Church  " 
is  more  correctly  referred  to  the  year  727, 
when,  according  to  Anastasius,  Luitprand,  after 
he  had  taken  and  plundered  the  town  of  Sutri, 
the  possession  of  the  emperor,  oftered  it,  at  the 
request  of  Gregory  II.,  as  a  gift  to  the  apostles 
Peter  and  Paul  (Muratori,  Script.  III.  i.  157). 

The  ]-eal  "  donatio  "  dates  from  the  year  754, 
when  Pepin  le  Bref,  at  a  council  held  at  Quiercy, 
bestowed  upon  Stephen  III.  the  territory  which 
he  had  wrested  from  the  Lombards,  consisting 
of  Eavenna  and  the  Pentapolis,  a  tract  of  coun- 
try to  the  east  of  the  Apennines,  stretching 
northwards  from  Ancona  and  the  city  of  Coma- 
clum.  According  to  Anastasius,  Desiderius,  the 
vanquished  Lombard  monarch,  had  already 
vowed  to  present  this  territory  to  the  Roman 
pontitr  (ib.  III.  i.  171 ;  Jaflc,  Ecgcst.  i?.  Pont. 
193-4). 

The  munificence  of  Pepin  was  rivalled  by  that 
of  his  son.  When,  in  the  year  774,  Charles 
(who  was  then  little  more  than  thirty  years  of 
age)  visited  Piome,  the  donation  of  his  father 
was  made  the  ground  for  soliciting  a  yet  larger 
grant.  It  is  difficult  to  acquit  Hadrian  on  this 
occasion  of  deliberate  falsification  of  the  deed 
conveying  Pepin's  grant,  for  when  read  by  that 
pontiff  to  the  monarch  it  was  found  to  include 
territories  heforc  unheard  of  as  part  of  the 
original  gift.  "  Some  of  these,"  says  Green- 
wood, "  had  never  belonged  to  the  exarchate  of 
Eavenna,  as  it  existed  under  the  Greek  dynasty, 
nor  had  ever  been  comprised  within  it  at  any 
time  since  the  Lombard  invasion  of  568.  Of 
this  deed,  as  read  by  the  pope,  Charlemagne 
himself  was  entirely  ignorant."  The  territory 
conceded  by  Charles,  "  per  designationem  con- 
finium,"  was  marked,  according  to  Anastasius, 
by  a  line  commencing  at  the  port  of  Luna  and 
taking  in  Corsica,  then  passing  on  to  Surianum, 
Jlons  Bardonus,  and  Vercetum,  from  thence  to 
Parma,  Reggio,  Mantua,  Monselice,  taking  in  the 
whole  exarchate  of  Eavenna  (sicut  antiquitus 
erat),  together  with  the  provinces  of  Venetia 
and  Histria,  and  the  duchies  of  Spoleto  and 
Beneventum  (Muratori,  Scrijjt.  III.  i.  186).  "It 
should  be  observed,"  continues  Greenwood, 
"  that  Spoleto  and  Beneventum  had  been  in  fact 
all  along  integral  portions  of  the  Lombard 
kingdom  ;  moreover,  it  is  known  that  Pippin 
did  not  dismember  that  kingdom  in  favour  of 
the  pcpc,  and  that  those  duchies  were  not  com- 
prised in  the  surrenders  which  Pippin  extorted 
from  Aistulph  in  pursuance  of  the  treaties  of 
Pontyon  and  Quiercy.  .  .  .  The  donation 
executed  by  Charlemagne,  at  the  request  of 
Hadrian,  was,  in  fact,  an  entirely  new  grant, 
comprising  indeed  much  of  the  older  claim,  but 
extending  it  to  at  least  double  the  area  stipu- 
lated for  in  the  prior  donation  "  (^Cath.  Petri, 
ii.  414 ;  Hefele,  Conciliengesch.  iii.  541). 
,  Out  of  these  successive  donations  arose  the 
story  of  the  "  Donation  of  Constantine,"  first 
alleged  as  a  fact  in  a  letter  of  Hadrian  to  Con- 
stantine and  Irene,  26th  Oct.  785  (Mansi,  xii. 
1056  ;  xiii.  527).  According  to  this  fabrication, 
Constantine  the  Great,  on  being  cured  of  the 
leprosy  by   the    intercession  of  pope  Sylvester, 


POKPHYEIUS 


1G77 


determined,  on  the  fourth  day  from  his  baptism 
to  quit  Rome  and  found  a  new  capital  on  the 
Bosporus,  in  order  that  the  supreme  ecclesias- 
tical power  of  the  West  might  have  free  scope, 
and  no  longer  be  overshadowed  by  the  presence 
of  the  imperial  authority.  He  accordingly  not 
only  made  over  to  Sylvester  the  Lateran  palace, 
but  also  invested  him  with  the  diadem,  the 
phrygium,  the  collar,  and  the  purple  cloak,  "  et 
omnia  imperialia  indutamenta."  The  clergy  of 
Rome  were  to  be  attired  in  similar  fashion. 
Finally,  Rome  itself,  together  with  all  the  pro- 
vinces of  Italy  and  the  West,  were  presented  to 
Sylvester  as  "  tmiversal  pope  " — "  ubi  enim 
principatus  sacerdotum  et  Christianae  religionis- 
caput  ab  impei-atore  coelesti  constitutum  est, 
justum  non  est  ut  illic  imperator  terrenus 
habeat  potestatem  "  (Gratian,  Corj}.  Juris  Can. 
Dist.  xcvi.  cc.  13,  14). 

This  forgery  (first  challenged  by  Cusanus  and 
Valla  in  the  15th  century)  having  long  been 
abandoned  as  spurious  by  the  chief  authorities 
in  the  Eomish  church  itself  (Bollinger,  Papst- 
fabeln,  pp.  52-62),  it  will  be  unnecessary  here  to 
adduce  the  data  for  such  a  conclusion. 

Authorities. — Histories :  Gibbon,  Baur,  Neander, 
Gieseler,  Milman,  Robertson,  Bingham  ;  Thomas- 
sin,  Vetus  et  Kova  Eccl.  DiscipUna,  ed.  1773  ; 
Phillips  (G.),  Kirchenrecht,  vol.  v. ;  Greenwood, 
Cathedra  Petri,  vols.  i.  and  ii.  ;  von  Schulte 
(J.  F.),  Concilien,  Piipsta  und  Bischofe,  1871  ; 
Richter  (A.  L.),  Lehrhuch  d.  kath.  u.  prot.  Klr- 
chenrechts,  1874;  Du  Pin  de  Antiq.  Ecclesiao 
DiscipUna  ;  Baxmann  (R.),  Die  Politik  der  Pdpste, 
vol.  i.  1868  ;  Lipsius  (R.  A.),  Petrus-Sagc  aud 
Chronologic  der  Eomischen  Bischofe;  Coustant 
(Petrus),  Pontificorum  Eomanoi-um  Epistolae, 
1796  ;  Thiel,  Epistolae  Bomanorum  Pontificorum, 
1867  ;  Wiltsch,  Kirchliche  GeograpMe  und  Sta- 
tistik,  1846 ;  for  councils,  Mansi,  Sirmond,  and 
Hefele.  [J.  B.  M.] 

POECH.     [Naethex.] 

POECH  [compare  Nartiiex].  Dr.  Keale 
{Eastern  Ch.  Introd.  p.  215)  says  of  Eastern 
churches  that  "  the  itpoavKiov,  or  porch,  is 
usually,  where  it  exists  at  all,  at  the  west  end, 
and  reaches  fj:pm  the  north  to  the  south  of  the 
narthex :  it  is  sometimes  a  lean-to  against  the 
west  end  of  the  narthex,  but  oftener  it  forms 
with  the  narthex  one  lean-to  against  the  west 
end  of  the  nave  .  .  .  Occasionally  .  .  the  trpoav- 
Xiov,  though  at  the  west  end,  is  simply  like  an 
English  porch  ;  and  sometimes  there  are  north 
and  south  porches.  .  .  .  The  north,  south,  and 
west  sides  are  open  between  the  jiiers  on  which 
the  vpoavMov  is  supported ;  the  east  side  .  .  is 
usually  adorned  with  mosaics  or  frescoes,  usually 
of  infernal  punishments.  Commonly  the  irpoav- 
\iov  opens  with  three  doors  into  the  narthex  .  .  - 
Against  the  east  side  there  is  a  seat  of  ^marble 
or  stone,  or — in  poor  churches — of  wood."  [C.j 

POEPHYEIUS  (1),  reader,  martyr  at 
Magnesia  with  Charalampus ;  commemorated 
Feb.  10  (Basil.  MenoL). 

(2)  Slave  of  the  martyr  Pamphius,  martyr 
with  Julianus  aud  Theodulus ;  commemorated 
Feb.  10  (Basil.  MenoL  ;  Mart.  Jiom.). 

(3)  Bishop  of  Gaza;  commemorated  Feb.  26 
and  Mar.  2  (Casil.  Mcnol.)  ;    Pol..  26,  holy  father 


1678      POERECTIO  VASORUM 

and  confessor  (Cal.  Byzant. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturq. 
iv.  254 ;  Mart.  Bom. ;  Boll.  Acta  S3.  Feb.  iii. 
643). 

(4)  Slave  of  Onesiphorus  (2  Tim.  iv.  19)  and 
martjT  with  him  ;  commemorated  July  16  (Basil. 
MenoL)  ;  Nov.  9  {Cal.  Byzant.). 

(5)  Man  of  God,  instructor  of  the  martyr 
Agapitus;  commemorated  Aug.  20  (Vet.  Bom. 
Mart. ;  Usuard.  3fart.,  Porphirius  ;  Mart.  Bom. ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  iv.  26). 

(6)  Martyr  under  Julian ;  commemorated 
Sept.  15  (Basil.  Menol.  ;  Mart.  Bom. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Sept.  v.  37). 

(7)  Of  Ephesus,  martyr  under  Aurelian  ;  com- 
memorated Nov.  4  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Mart.  Bom.)  ; 
a  Porphyrius  occurs  with  others  iu  Africa  in 
Jlieron.  Mart.  [C.  H.] 

rOERECTIO  VASORUM.  [IxsTrxjiEXXA, 
p.  862  ;  Ordination,  p.  1508]. 

PORTER.    [OsTiARius.] 

PORTICUS.     [Nartiiex.] 

PORTRAITS.  It  is  probable  that  very 
many  of  the  Oranti,  or  praying  figures  in  the 
catacombs,  both  male  and  female,  may  be 
portraits  or  memorial  figures  of  the  dead. 
Such  representations  were  quite  in  accordance 
with  Roman  fiimily  habits  of  sepulchral  observ- 
ance, and  respect  for  ancestors  passed  away  ; 
and  would  be,  in  fiict,  a  kind  of  Christian 
^'  Imagines."  Those  of  Probus  and  Proba  (see 
woodcut)  are  beautiful  and  pathetic  in  a  high 
degree.  Two  medallion  portraits,  one  of  which, 
to  judge  by  the  engraving,  must  have  been  a 
marked  likeness  of  considerable  merit,  occur  in 
the  cemetery  of  St.  Priscilla  (see  Bottari,  taw. 
els.   clxi.).     Both  the  medallions  appear  to  be 


L- 


of  military  men,  and  Bottari  mentions  a  con- 
jecture that  seventy-two  soldiers  martyred 
tinder  Numerianus,  with  Claudius  their  tribune, 
may  have  been  buried  in  that  spot.  They 
seem  to  be  of  the  same  rather  early  date,  as  their 
in-oportions  are  relatively  good,  and  small 
loculi  have  been  cut  through  the  pictures  into 
the  wall. 

Many  figures  in  the  mosaics  are  undoubtedly 
portraits,  as  those  of  Justinian  and  Theodora  in 


POTTERY 

the  church  of  St.  Vitale  at  Ravenna.  (See 
Crowe  and  Cavalcaselle,  Hist,  of  Fainting  in 
Italy,  i.  27,  and  Gaily  Knight's  Italian  Architec- 
ture, where  the  colours  of  the  mosaic  are  beauti- 
fully given  ;  also  Ricci's  series  of  photographs, 
and  the  copies  at  South  Kensington.)  The  marked 
countenances  of  many  saints  of  the  Eastern 
church  in  all  mosaics,  and,  indeed,  on  many  cups 
and  glasses,  can  hardly  be  ideals.  (See  Buonarroti, 
Osservazione,  &c.,  x.-xiii.)  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

POSSESSED.    [Demoxiacs;  Exorcism.] 

POSTURES  OF  DEVOTION.  [Gexu- 
FLEXiox;  Prayer.] 

POTAMIA,  martyr  with  Julius  at  the  city 
of  Thagora ;  commemorated  Dec.  5  (Usviard. 
Mart. ;  3Iart.  Bom.).  [C.  H.] 

POTAMIAENA,  martyr  at  Alexandria  with 
Plutarchus  and  others  ;  commemorated  June  28. 
(Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart.,  Potamioena  ; 
Mart.  Rom.  ;  Jlieron.  Mart.,  Potamixa  ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Jun.  ii.  6,  distinguishes  her  from  a 
virgin  of  Alexandria  of  the  same  name  comme- 
morated on  June  7.)  [C.  H.] 

POTAMIUS,     martyr    with     Nemesius    in 

Cyprus  ;     commemorated     Feb.     20    (Usuard. 

Mart. ;  Mart.  Bom. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  iii.  173). 

[C.  H.]  . 

POTENTIANA,  virgin  martyr  at  Rome  J 
commemorated  May  19  (Usuard.  Mai-t.  ;  VetJ^ 
Bom.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mai.  iv. 
296).  [C.  H.] 

POTENTIANUS,  martyr  with  bishop  Sa- 
binianus  at  Sens ;  commemorated  Dec.  31 
(Usuard.,  Wand.  Mart).  [C.  H.] 

POTITUS,  martyr  iiuder  one  of  the  Auto- 
nines  ;  commemoi-ated  Jan.  3  (Florus,  ap.  Bed. 
Mart.)  ;  Jan.  13  (Mart.  Bom. ;  Boll.  Acta  S3. 
Jan.  i.  754).  [C.  H.] 

POTTERY.  The  greater  part  of  the  objects 
made  of  clay,  which  bear  Christian  devices, 
symbols,  or  inscriptions,  will  be  found  under 
Lamps  ;  but  there  are  also  some  others,  for  the 
description  of  which  a  few  words  may  suffice. 
There  is  a  class  of  small  flat,  circular,  terra- 
cotta bottles,  with  two  handles  attached  to  the 
j  body  a  little  below  the  neck,  the  short  neck 
rising  a  little  above  them,  which  appear  to  have 
been  designed  for  holding  holy  oil.  On  all  of 
them,  either  on  one  side  or  on  both,  a  standing 
figure  is  represented  between  two  animals, 
sometimes  very  rudely  modelled,  but  which 
appear  in  every  case  to  have  been  intended  for 
camels.  Some  of  these,  probably  the  greater 
number,  are  uninscribed ;  but  a  few  bear  the 
name  of  Menas,  who  died  a  martyr  for  the  faith 
in  the  persecution  under  Galerius  Maximinus 
or  Maximianus  at  Alexandria  (see  Garrucci's 
remarks  in  Archaeologia,  vol.  xliv.  p.  323,  on  the 
confusion  of  the  two  saints  of  the  same  name). 
To  this  saint,  as  it  seems  most  probable,  this 
whole  class  of  ampullae  or  chrismaria  belongs, 
which  were  in  all  likelihood  made  exclusively  in 
Egypt  as  memorials  of  pilgrimage  to  his  tomb 
(which  was  nine  miles  distant  from  Alexandria) 
and  to  hold  oil  brought  from  it.  They  are  sup- 
posed by  M.  do  Rossi  to  have  been  manufactured 


POTTERY 

n    the   6th    ani   7th  centuries.     They  may  be 
UTanged  chronologically  as  follows : — 

(1)  On  one  side  the  inscription  EVAO  II  Pi  A 
rOY  II  AnOY  M  II  HNA-*  in  four  lines  on  the 
)oJy  of  the  cruse,  followed  by  a  small  rude  cross 
if  four  nearly  equal  limbs  :  below  in  another  line 
ihree  isellets,  all  enclosed  in  a  circle,  and  this 
igain  in  a  wreath.  On  the  other  side  a  draped 
igure  with  extended  arms,  an  orante  (details  of 
Irapery,  &c.,  obscure) ;  below  each  arm  a  very 
;udely  designed  animal,  on  each  side  of  the  head 
I  cross  as  before,  all  inclosed  in  a  circle,  sur- 
•ounded  by  a  circle  of  beads,  and  that  again 
nclosed  in  a  circle.  Height  (when  perfect) 
ibout  4  inches;  diameter  of  body,  2f  inches. 
Figured  and  described  from  an  example  found  at 
rVrles,  in  De  Rossi's  Bullett.  di  Arch.  Crist,  for 
1869,  pp.  20,  31,32.  De  Rossi  (ti.  s.)  notes  that 
jther  specimens  occur  in  museums  (public  or 
private)  in  Paris,  Rome,  London,  and  also  in  ]\Iont- 
luban  (found  at  Memphis)  as  well  as  Marseilles, 
.\ix  and  Turin  (also  found  in  Egypt).  Another 
in  the  Halles  Museum  at  Brussels,  of  pale  yellow 
clay,  has  TOY  APIOY  MHNA  only,  as  it 
would  seem,  but  the  description  is  defective 
(De  Rossi,  Bidl.  1872,  pp.  25-30). 

(2)  On  both  sides  an  orante  as  before,  but 
with  distinct  circular  nimbus  (no  crosses  near 
the  neck),  dressed  in  military  costume ;  the 
cloak  (jpaludamentum)  is  buckled  round  the  right 
shoulder,  and  the  cuirass  comes  down  nearly  to 
the    knees.     A   rude   animal    (a    camel)   is   on 


POTTEIIY 


1G79 


of  St.  Menus.    (De  Rossi 


either  side    his  body.     Across  the  body  of  the 
cruse,  near  the  neck  of  the  figure,  O  AFIOC 


»  Eulogia,  a  word  used  primarily  for  the  bread  in  the 
Eucharist,  then  for  loaves  distributed  after  it  to  tlio 
faithful,  is  also  extended  to  '  other  pledges  of  heavenly 
blessings'  (De  Eossi),  and  occurs  not  only  on  these 
fictile  chrismaria,  but  on  one  of  those  metal  ones  pre- 
served in  Monza  Cathedral,  where  we  have  EYAOFIA 
KY  P I O  Y  TO  N  A  r  I O  N  isic)  TO  n  00  N ,  on  which 
Kirchoff  observes  (in  Bijckh.  C.  /.  G.  n.  8977)  that  the 
sacred  oil  is  so  called  '  ut  pote  Domino  pro  sacriflcio 
oblatum,'  and  refers  to  Du  Cange,  Gloss,  i.  p.  447 ;  see 
De  Rossi,  Bull.  1869,  p.  31,  and  1872,  p.  7  :  also  Kc- 

lOGIAE. 


MHNAC  (MHN  ligated)  in  one  line.  Diameter 
of  body  of  cruse,  nearly  4J  inches ;  the  height 
must  have  been  fully  6  inches.  Figured  and 
described  by  De  Rossi,  Bull.  1869,  pp.  44,  46. 
Found  at  Alexandria.  (In  the  Florence  Mu- 
seum.) 

(3)  A  nimbed  orante,  nearly  as  in  No.  2  (with- 
out crosses)  ;  very  rude  camels  on  either  side,  but 
in  place  of  Greek  inscription  s.  M.  {i.e.  S.  Menas) 
on  either  side  of  the  neck  (the  S  is  clear,  the  M  is 
much  blurred).  The  reverse  has  a  Maltese  ci-oss 
inclosed  in  a  circle  or  wreath  of  palm  branches ; 
this  again  is  included  in  a  circle  in  which  three 
pellets  alternate  with  one  barleycorn,  there 
being  twelve  pellets  and  four  barleycorns.  Of 
hard  red  clay;  part  of  one  handle  missing. 
Height,  Sj  inches  ;  diameter  of  body,  2^  inches. 
Found  in  Lower  Egypt ;  formerly  in  the  Alle- 
mant  collection.     (See  below,  under  No.  4.) 

(4)  Uninscribed.  On  both  sides  an  orante,  as 
No.  1,  with  the  same  adjuncts.  Three  specimens 
from  Alexandria  in  the  Florence  Museum  (De 
Rossi,  Bull.  1869,  p.  46).  Two  others  of  soft 
pale  yellowish  clay,  diameter  of  body  about  3 
inches,  height  nearly  4  inches ;  both  from 
Lower  Egypt  (AUemant,  Collect.  d'Antiquite's 
e'gi/pt.  part  of  Nos.  520-531,  p.  85,  Lond. 
1878  ;  now  in  the  collection  of  the  writer,  as 
well  as  the  foregoing,  forming  part  of  the  same 
lot).  One  said  to  have  been  found  in  the  cemetery 
of  St.  Cyriaca  in  1830,  now  in  the  Le  Noirs 
collection,  is  figured  in  Ferret,  Catacombcs,  vol. 
iv.  pi.  XX.  n.  6.  The  amjndlae  with  full  in- 
scriptions would  (as  De  Rossi  observes)  natu- 
rally be  the  most  ancient,  those  with  shorter 
inscriptions  would  come  next,  and  those  with  no 
inscription  would  be  latest  of  all,  the  type 
having  then  become  known  (^Bzdl.  1872,  p.  30). 

(5)  There  remains  another  example  of  this 
class,  which  entirely  resembles  no.  3  on  the 
side  bearing  the  figure  of  Menas,  except  that  it 
has  two  crosses  in  place  of  S.  M.  ;  but  the  reverse 
has  a  monogram  plainly  reading  flETPOY 
inclosed  within  a  circle,  and  this  again  -within  a 
circle  of  scroll-work.  Clay  of  a  yellowish 
colour.  Height,  3^  inches ;  diameter  of  body, 
2i  inches.  Preserved  in  the  College  of  the 
Barnabite  Fathers  in  Moncalieri,  near  Turin 
(De  Rossi,  Bull.  1872,  p.  26.  tav.  ii.  nos.  4  and  5). 

De  Rossi,  while  fully  admitting  that  this 
fio-ure  between  camels  must  be  Menas,  thinks 
with  great  probability  that  the  Peter  of  the 
reverse  is  St.  Peter,  bishop  of  Alexandria,  also 
a  martyr,  who  died  in  the  persecutions  of 
Diocletian.  His  cemetery  near  Alexandria  is 
mentioned  by  the  monk  Epiphanius,  a  writer 
of  the  11th  century,  in  close  connexion  with  the 
sepulchre  of  St.  Menas  (pp.  5,  6,  ed.  Dressel. 
Lips.  1843).  It  is  just  possible,  however,  that 
Peter  may  be  the  potter's  name." 


b  Since  most  of  the  above  was  in  type,  Mr.  Franks 
has  kindly  called  the  writer's  attention  to  a  paper  in  tlio 
Arcliaeologia,  vol.  xliv.  by  Mr.  A.  Ncsbitt  "  On  a  Box  of 
Carved  Ivory  of  the  Sixth  Century,"  representing  tho 
Acts  of  St.  Menas ;  at  the  conclusion  (pp.  3i9,  330)  is  a 
description  of  the  flasks  of  the  same  .saint,  which  woro 
in  the  British  Museum  iu  1870.  Tlicy  are  ninctcon  In 
number,  and  except  one,  which  was  found  in  Calyninos. 
were  all  found  in  Egypt ;  eleven  are  inscribed  oigl.t  ar.i 
not  so.  They  more  or  less  resemble  those  which  havo 
been  mentioned  alxivc;  .some,  indml,  are  rxactly  liko 
no.  3  (above).    Two  of  them  have  prolUc  heads  of  t.U 


1680 


POTTEEY 


The  camels,  which  are  the  invariable  con- 
comitants of  Menas,  were  suggested  by  M.  de 
Rossi  to  be  reminiscences  of  the  desert  of  Libya, 
of  which  Menas  was  governor  during  his  life, 
and  regarded  as  the  protector  after  his  death. 
But  the  Acts  of  St.  Menas  say  that  he,  before 
imdergoing  martyrdom,  ordered  that  his  body 
should  be  placed  after  his  death  on  camels,  and 
that  the  beasts  should  be  left  free,  and  "  that 
they  would  see  the  glory  of  God  manifest,"  i.e.  by 
their  bearing  it  to  the  spot  where  God  willed 
that  his  sanctuary  should  be  erected  (Garrucci, 
n.  s.). 

There  are  in  the  British  Museum  a  few  other 
flasks  bearing  different  types  and  of  different 
forms,  which  were  probably  used  for  the  same 
purpose. 

(1)  Ampulla  without  handles.  On  one  side  three 
nrches  with  coronae  hanging  from  them :  cross 
and  two  branches  above  them ;  below  (retrograde) 
Kr  GAGH  CON  ;  below  the  inscription  a 
rude  bird.  On  the  other  side  the  same  types 
with  a  continuation  of  the  inscription  (also 
retrograde)  TH  CIONKET  (J.c.  Kvpie,  iKe^- 
aov  rfj  ^tovKer,  a  woman's  name).  Height 
between  3  and  4  inches.     From  Egypt. 

The  following  small  ampullae  have  two  small 
perforated  handles : 

(2)  Greek  cross  on  both  sides  impressed  with 
concentric  circles ;  similar  markings  in  the  two 
upper  compartments  on  both  sides  of  the  body  ; 
circles  round  the  neck. 

(3)  Greek  cross  on  both  sides  ;  rays  between 
the  limbs  ;  extremities  of  limbs  forked.  Recently 
brought  from  Egypt  by  the  Rev.  G.  J.  Chester. 

(4)  Figure  (of  a  saint)  at  full  length,  holding 
long  cross  in  left  hand,  and  grasping  snake  by 
the  head  with  the  other;  the  same  types  on 
both  sides.  This  and  the  preceding  are  narrower 
in  form  than  no.  (2). 

Other  kinds  of  fictile  vessels,  bearing  marks 
of  Christianity,  occur  but  rarely.  There  is  an 
amphora,  found  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Cyriaca, 
now  in  the  Lateran  Museum,  which  is  stamped 

in    intaglio    upon    the    neck    with  I  S'^i^prl  I 

(De  Rossi,  Bull.  Arch.  Crist.  1872,  p.  12>^ 

A  few  Christian  stamps  on  brick  and  tile  are 
now  to  be  mentioned.  A  fragment  of  brick 
found  in  Rome  has  XMT  KACCIOY  stamped 
upon  it  in  a  circular  form,  and  in  the   centre 

the  iisual  chrisma  T^P^  rudely  drawn  within  a 


Menas  (?)  with  curly  hair.  The  other  variations  need 
hardly  be  mentioned  here.  In  the  same  paper  (pp.  322, 
323)  are  remarks  relating  to  these  flasks  by  Padre  Gar- 
rucci in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Ivesbitt.  One  is  figured  in  the 
Bevue  Arclwologique,  vol.  i.  (1844),  p.  405,  and  others  in 
a  recent  volume  of  the  same  work,  not  seen  by  the 
writer.  The  Jluseum  has  acquired  other  flasks  of  St. 
Menas  since  1876  ;  among  them  is  a  large  example 
(from  Egypt)  which  may  possibly  be  intended  for  some 
ether  saint.  It  shews  a  naked  figure  with  nimbus 
between  two  bulls  and  two  other  animals,  perhaps 
meant  for  bears. 

c  A  piece  of  a  handle  of  a  wine  amphora  found  at 
Binchester,  now  preserved  in  the  Museum  at  Newcastle, 
has  the  potter's  name  V  R  F  I  enclosed  in  an  oblong 
label,  a  Greek  cross  (approaching  the  Maltese)  being 
inserted  between  R  and  F-  ^r.  Bruce  (_Roman  Wall, 
p.  411,  3rd  ed.)  is  unwilling  to  recognise  it  as  a  Christian 
•Bjrmbol,  probably  rightly. 


POTTERY 

circle.  Cassius  is  doubtless  the  master  of  the 
brick-kiln.  X.M.F,  as  De  Rossi  gives  reasons 
for  thinking,  may  stand  for  Xpia-rhs,  MixarjA, 
ra/SpjTJA.  (Bull.  1870,  pp.  7-31,  tav.  iii.  n.  2). 
A  fragment  of  tile,  found  at  Piacenza,  has  the 
same  chrisma,  also  very  rude,  accompanied  by 
some  scarcely  legible  marks,  which  may  perhaps 
form  the  word  NIKA  (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  p.  32, 
tav.  ii.  n.  2).  A  brick  found  in  the  Roman 
catacombs  in  1849  has  a  stamp  bearing  two  con- 
centric circles.  Within  the  outer  circle  is  the 
word  C  LAV  DIANA  (the  name  of  the  owner 
of  the  manufactory) ;  accompanied  by  an  ivy- 
leaf  :  within  the  inner  circle  is  the  chrisma 
of  the  ordinary  form  (Ferret,  Catacomhes,  t.  iv. 
pi.  XX.  n.  13,  and  t.  vi.  p.  119).  But  it  is  in 
Spain  perhaps  more  especially  that  tiles  and 
bricks  stamped  with  Christian  inscriptions  have 
been  found ;  they  have  been  collected  by  Hiib- 
ner  {Lisa:  Hisp.  Christ,  pp.  65,  6G).  Some  are 
not  altogether  intelligible  ;  the  more  remarkable 
of  the  others  are  as  follows  :  (1)  Bracaei  vi  | 
VAS  CUM  TVIS  (in  two  lines)  ;  between  them> 
A  ^  CO  (Hiibner,  n.  193,  who  mentions  that* 
many  examples  of  this  tile  have  been  found  in^^ 
various  parts  of  Hispania  Baetica).  (2)  Chrisma];- 
with  loop  to  left ;  followed  by  CHIOXI  ViVAs" 
(retrograde)  (n.  196).  (3)  Alpha  and  Omega 
(XI),  chrisma  between  them  in  one  line  in  a  line 
below  Felix  Asella.  This  form  of  the  Omega, 
if  correctly  given,  is  perhaps  unique  in  this 
connexion  (n.  197).  Others  have  Spes  in  deO 
and  the  chrisma  (n.  203,  6).  Tiles  of  the  same 
general  character,  some  of  early  date,  some  of 
Ostrogothic  times  have  been  met  with  in  Italy 
(De  Rossi,  Bull.  Arch.  Crist.  1872,  p.  12). 
Fragments  of  tiles  found  in  Strasbourg  in  a  tomb 
were  stamped  with  a  label  inclosing  the  inscrip- 
tion ARBOASTis  EPS  FICET  (fecit).  He  died  about 
679  A.D.,  and  was  evidently  in  possession  of  the 
manufacture  of  these  tiles  (Le  Blant,  Inscr. 
chrit.  da  la  Gaule,  n.  350,  pi.  39,  n.  233). 

On  a  vase,  probably  a  cup,  of  red  clay,  found 
between  Saint-L^ger-sur-Dheune  and  Chagny  are 
scratched  three  Latin  crosses,  two  of  them  with 
a  rude  heart-shaped  figure  at  the  base,  and  the 
third  surrounded  by  a  like  figure  ;  on  the  upper 
rim  is  inscribed  in  retrograde  and  inverted  letters 
the  potter's  name  pistillvs,  which  occurs  on 
other  examples  of  Gaulish  pottery ;  also,  both 
near  it  and  near  the  crosses,  the  letters  ZVY  (in 
various  combinations),  which  have  not  been  ex- 
plained. Supposed  to  belong  "  aux  premiers  temps 
du  christianisme."  Shape  nearly  cylindrical, 
slightly  increasing  above  ;  no  handles.  Height 
said  to  be  0-138;  breadth,  0-009  [0-039?].  (Le 
Blant,  M.  s.  n.  6,  pi.  1,  n.  2.)  Remains  of  tile 
and  also  of  pottery  have  been  found  in  Christian 
tombs  in  Gaul,"*  belonging  in  some  cases  to  vases 
too  large  to  have  been  placed  there  when  whole. 


d  Perret  (Catacomhes  de  Rome,  vol.  iv.  pi.  iii.  and  pi. 
vi.)  figures  many  pieces  of  pottery,  which  (as  he  justly 
remarks)  would  be  of  little  interest,  were  they  not  found 
in  the  catacombs  (the  exact  localities  are  not  given): 
among  them  are  jugs  (two  forms),  open  cups  without 
handles  (either  plain  or  with  protuberances),  and  others 
with  loops  for  suspension ;  also  long  pointed  amphorae, 
others  with  swelling  bodies  and  flat  bottoms.  Described 
in  vol.  vi.  pp.  109, 110.  As  they  are  the  ordinary  Roman 
pottery  of  the  period  no  more  need  be  said  about  them. 
See  also  Guenebault,  Diet.  loonogr,  s.  v.  "Vases." 


POVERTY,  VOWS  OF 

on  which  are  scratched  the  proper  names  of  the 
persons  buried,*^  accompanied  sometimes  by  the 
cross  or  chrisma,  or  the  symbols  occur  alone.  (See 
Le  Blaut,  u.  s.  pi.  17,  18,  19,  20.)  One  which 
31.  Le  Blant  supposes  to  be  of  the  4th  century 
(n.  155)  has  VIVAS  IN  DEO,  followed  by  a  palm 
scratched  on  a  piece  of  glazed  red  pottery  of 
classic  times  (Samian  ware)  ;  and  the  Louvre  has 
similar  fragments  with  Greek  Christian  inscrip- 
tions di'awn  with  the  point.  A  terracotta 
weight  (n.  160)  has  VRSVS,  with  palm  and  chrisma 
engraved  on  its  sides. 

It  may  be  added  that  on  fragments  of  Egyptian 
potterv  a  few  Greek  Christian  inscriptions  are 
written  in  ink,  containing  verses  from  the 
Gospels  and  from  the  hymn  trisagion,  which 
were  perhaps  used  as  charms.  They  are  pro- 
bably of  the  7th  or  8th  century.  (Bockh.  C.  L  G. 
Nos.  9060-9063).  [C.  B.] 

POVEETY,  VOWS  OF.  In  order  to  arrive 
at  a  correct  and  philosophical  view  of  this  wide 
subject,  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  self- 
imposition  of  poverty  is  not  exclusively,  is  not 
{it  might  be  said)  even  principally  Christian. 

As  an  example  of  it  in  Greek  paganism  it  will 
be  enough  to  cite  the  case  of  Crates,  the  wealthy 
Theban,  casting  away  a  mass  of  gold  when  he 
went  to  live  the  life  of  philosophy  at  Athens. 

In  the  ancient  religion  of  India  it  is  generally 
understood  that  voluntary  poverty  occurs  ;  but 
to  remove  all  vagueness  and  doubt  upon  the 
subject,  one  or  two  authorities  may  be  con- 
veniently presented  here. 

In  the  code  of  Menu,  then,  which  is  of 
supreme  obligation,  we  find  this  direction  laid 
down  for  the  man  who  would  make  progress  in 
Teligion : — "  From  devout  Brahmins  let  him 
receive  alms  to  support  life "  (^Institutes  of 
Menu,  ch.  vi.  27,  Calcutta,  1794).  At  a  later 
period  we  meet  with  the  same  ideas  in  a  still 
more  precise  form  in  the  Institutes  of  Akbar, 
where  one  of  the  five  subdivisions  of  the  state 
called  Jowg  Sumpergeyat  is  Appergerreh,  "  not 
holding  any  worldly  possessions,  but  considering 
them  as  the  cause  of  every  kind  of  unhappiness." 
(Institutes  of  Akber,  translated  from  the  Persian 
by  F.  Gladwin,  Calcutta,  1786,  vol.  iii.  p.  140.) 
And  finally,  in  our  own  century,  the  devout 
Hindu  who  professes  penance  is  thus  described 
■fay  Mill : — "  Repairing  to  a  forest  .  .  .  and 
leaving  all  property  and  all  worldly  duties 
behind  him,  he  is  there  directed  to  live  on  pure 
food,  on  certain  herbs,  roots,  and  fruit,  which  he 
may  collect  in  the  forest,  to  wear  a  black  ante- 
lope's hide,  or  a  vesture  of  bark,  to  suft'er  the 
hairs  of  his  head,  his  beard,  and  his  nails  to  grow 
continually"  {History  of  British  India,  bk.  2,  ch. 
G).  It  will  be  observed  that  these  are  phrases 
which  might  be  exactly  applied  to  the  life  of 
many  a  Christian  hermit. 

In  the  history  of  monasticism  the  vow  of 
poverty  is  one  factor  of  the  famous  triplet  which 
constituted  profession  (religionis  professio) — 
obedience,  poverty,  and  chastity,  (continentia, 
castitas).  The  vow  is  divided  by  canonists  into 
two  classes:  (1)  simplex,  (2)  solenne.  The 
solemn  vow  is  that  made  with  certain  approved 


«  A  brick  found  at  Adamaz  in  Spain  (probably 
ecratchcd)  reads:  "Camilla  in  Deo  decedit  e  vitae 
<HUbuer,  n.  s.  n.  194). 


POVERTY,  VOWS  OF        1681 

formalities  in  a  religious  body,  when  these  for- 
malities are  absent  the  vow  is  termed  simple.  It 
was  probably  under  a  vow  of  this  latter  kind  (if 
under  any  at  all)  that  the  early  ascetae  prac- 
tised poverty.  It  is  mostly  under  a  vow  of  the 
solemn  kind  that  the  religious  Orders  have  in 
subsequent  times  undertaken  that  life.  (See 
Aquinas,  Summa.  Secunda  Secundae,  q.  88,  and 
Cajetan's  Comment.)  Aquinas  argues  that  even 
if  a  monk  becomes  a  bishop  he  is  not  absolved 
from  his  vow  of  poverty.  He  ought  to  have 
nothing  of  his  own,  but  ought  to  be,  as  it  were, 
the  dispenser  of  common  property  {ib.  q.  88 
xi.). 

We  can,  however,  trace  the  fact  of  a  self-in- 
flicted poverty,  long  before  w-e  have  any  satis- 
factory evidence  of  a  vow  to  undergo  it.  There 
is  no  occasion  to  seek  the  prototype  of  such  a 
life  in  that  disdain  of  material  things  which  is 
in  one  degree  or  another  a  characteristic  of  most 
forms  of  religious  thought,  and  which,  as  we 
have  seen  above,  found  expression  in  the  Brah- 
manism  of  ancient  India,  and  the  polytheism  of 
ancient  Greece,  as  well  as  in  modern  Christianity. 
The  ultimate  motive  of  the  system  is  to  be  found, 
no  doubt,  in  the  infirmities  of  man  himself;  but 
when  we  are  considering  it  as  a  feature  in  the 
asceticism  which  is  specifically  Christian,  it  ;is 
enough  to  notice  that  the  germ  of  it  was  ready 
from  the  first,  both  in  the  life  our  Lord  Himself 
and  in  certaii;  texts  of  the  New  Testament. 
Just  as  there  were  words  in  Scripture  which 
seemed  to  demand,  and  in  some  cases  actually 
produced,  the  sacrifice  of  self-mutilation,  so  there 
were  words  which  seemed  to  imply  that  pos- 
session Avas,  if  not  a  sin,  at  least  a  hindrance  to 
Christian  life.  It  was  inevitable  that  "  Go  and 
sell  all  that  thou  hast "  should  be  taken  in  the 
full  severity  of  the  letter. 

Whatever  be  the  solution  of  the  vexed  ques- 
tion as  to  the  origin  and  name  of  the  early 
Ebionites,  it  seems  certain  that  they  made  a  pro- 
fession of  poverty,  esteeming  the  world,  and  all 
its  allurements,  as  the  property  of  Satan  (see 
Mr.  Soames'  learned  note  on  Mosheim,  Hist.  bk.  i. 
cent.  2,  part  ii.  ch.  v.  s.  2). 

In  the  middle  of  the  first  century  of  the 
Christian  era  we  learn  from  Philo  (quoted  by 
Eusebius,  Hist.  Eccl.  ii.  17)  that  the  Thera- 
peutae  divested  themselves  of  their  property  be- 
fore withdrawing  into  the  wilderness.  The  Greek 
historian  suggests  that  this  was  probably  in- 
tended as  an  imitation  of  the  practice  of  the  first 
Christians  in  the  Acts,  who  sold  their  lands  and 
laid  the  price  at  the  Apostles'  feet.  The  spirit 
of  voluntary  poverty  in  early  days  is  well  illus- 
trated in  the  life  of  St.  Spyridion,  bishop  of 
Trimython  in  Cyprus,  in  the  4th  century,  who 
was  so  far  a  devotee  of  poverty  that  he  lent 
his  monev  without  interest  (Sozom.  Eccl.  Hist. 
I.  xi.).  But  the  life  of  poverty,  says  the  Greek 
historian  just  now  quoted,  was  carried  to  "the 
summit  of  exactness  and  perfection  "  by  Antony, 
the  great  monk  (  djityas  fiovax^s).  Many  other 
instances  of  the  same  form  oi'  asceticism  in  the 
4th  century  are  recorded  in  the  first  book  of 
Sozomen's  Ecclesiastical  History. 

In  the  following  century  we  reach  the  time  of 
St.  Benedict  of  Nursia,  the  founder  of  the  cele- 
brated monastic  rule  that  bears  his  name.  The 
formal  vow  of  poverty  was  one  of  tlie  three  vows 
that  were  exacted  of  all  postulants  for  the  order, 


1682        POYEETY,  VOWS  OF 

the  other  two  vows  being  those  of  chastity  and 
obedience. 

It  is  important  to  notice  that  we  can  find  no 
trace  of  the  formal  vow  of  poverty  earlier  "  than 
the  Benedictine  rule.  It  appears  from  the 
Novellae  of  Justinian  that  in  his  times  the  profes- 
sion of  religious  life  was  not  accompanied  by 
any  particular  solemnity.  Even  in  the  monas- 
teries of  earlier  days,  such  as  St.  Antony's  for 
example,  there  was  no  formula  of  profession. 
It  is  obvious,  however,  that  poverty  is  an  essen- 
tial feature  of  the  monastic  life.  And  this  per- 
haps may  be  some  explanation  of  a  fact  which 
might  otherwise  occasion  some  surprise — that  in 
the  formula  of  profession  St.  Benedict  makes  no 
express  mention  of  the  poverty.  The  novice  is 
indeed  asked  three  questions,  which  no  doubt, 
are  meant  severally  to  correspond  with  the 
poverty,  the  chastity,  and  the  obedience;  but 
the  stern  demand  of  absolute  poverty  is  at  least 
very  mildly  phrased ;  it  is  in  fact  simply  the 
question  that  is  put  throughout  Christendom  to 
every  candidate  for  baptism,  "  Vultis  abrenuntiare 
saccule  huic,  et  pompis  ejus  ? "  (Martene  de 
Monctch.  Bit.  v.  4,  vol.  iv.  p.  223,  fol.  1764). 
The  rule,  however  (cap.  33),  describes  the  con- 
dition with  great  minuteness  of  detail — no  pro- 
perty, not  even  book,  nor  paper,  nor  pen,  nothing 
at  all,  was  the  professed  to  have. 

Precautions  were  always  taken  against  incon- 
siderate entrance  into  the  monastic  life.  And  it 
was  the  concern  of  princes  as  well  as  of  pastors 
to  secure  the  existence  of  proper  safeguards 
against  hasty  renunciation  of  all  title  to  posses- 
sion. We  are  not  therefore  surprised  to  find 
that  simultaneously  with  the  very  rise  of  formal 
profession  the  emperor  Justinian  regulates  ad- 
mission by  a  decree  (Nov.  5).  Laymen  were  to 
make  a  novitiate  of  three  years.     [NOYICE.] 

We  find  St.  Gregory  distinctly  enjoining  po- 
verty on  Augustine  of  Canterbury :  "  But  be- 
cause you,  my  brother,  having  been  instructed 
in  the  rules  of  the  monastery,  ought  not  to 
live  apart  from  your  clergy  in  the  church  of 
the  English,  which  by  the  aid  of  God  was  but 
lately  brought  to  the  faith,  you  ought  to  insti- 
tute that  conversation  which  was  our  fathers'  in 
the  beginning  of  the  early  church  ;  among  whom 
none  of  them  said  that  anything  was  his  own 
of  those  things  which  they  possessed,  but  all 
things  were  common  to  them  "  (Bede's  Eccl. 
Bist.  i.  27  ;  Gidley's  transl.  p.  65). 

Amongst  the  examples  of  the  life  of  poverty 
we  may  cite  some  famous  names.  St.  Anthony, 
Avhose  life  was  written  by  St.  Athanasius,  has 
perhaps  the  right  to  stand  first.  St.  Olympia  had 
the  distinction  of  being  under  the  guidance  of 
St.  Chrysostom  (see  Sozomen,  Hist.  Eccl.  viii.  9). 
There  are  the  pupils  and  friends  of  St.  Jerome — 
Fabiola,  Paula,  Eustochium,  and  others.  A  little 
later  we  have  John  the  patriarch  of  Alexandria 
(a.d.  616),  surnamed  Eleemosynarius.  Other  ex- 
amples collected  by  Zoeckler  (/miisc/ie  Geschichte 
dcr  Askese,  1863)  are  more  or  less  grotesque : 
Bisarion  the  abbot,  who  covered  a  corpse  with  his 
cloak,  gave  his  coat  to  a  beggar  and  went  stark 
naked  himself;  Eleemon,  who  sold  every  one  of 


'^  The  so-called  rule  of  Caesarius  of  Aries,  who  is 
slightly  earlier  than  St.  Benedict,  is  ascribed  by  Cave  to 
Tctradlus,  whom  he  makes  exactly  contemporary  with 
St.  Benedict  {Hist.  Lit.  i.  p  513). 


PEAEPOSITUS 

his  books,  and  himself  performed  the  office  of  a 
midwife  to  a  poor  woman  in  the  vestibule  of  a 
church ;  Macarius,  who  was  so  indifferent  to 
worldly  possessions  that  he  helped  the  thief  to 
complete  the  plunder  of  his  dwelling  ;  Pambo, 
who  at  once  distributed  amongst  the  poor  the 
three  hundred  pounds  of  silver  with  which  a  lady 
presented  him  ;  and  Agatho,  who  so  dreaded 
possession  that  he  would  not  even  receive  the 
solitary  piece  of  gold  that  was  offered  him  for 
distribution  to  the  poor.  [H.  T.  A.] 

PKAEBENDA.  A  word  probably  derived 
from  the  daily  rations  issued  to  soldiers 
(Thomassin,  Vel.  et  Nov.  Eccl.  Discip.  in.  2, 
c.  16,  §  1),  and  signifying  the  portions  of  food, 
raiment,  or  money,  allowed  to  a  monk  or  cleric. 
Gregory  the  Great,  writing  to  Paschasius,  bishop 
of  Naples  (Ep.  ix.  9),  speaks  of  a  hundred  solidi 
which  were  to  be  paid  to  the  clergy.  These 
allowances  were  distinct  from  the  benefice 
[Pkoperty  of  the  Church].  A  Capitulary  of 
Charles  the  Great  (^Addit.  iii.  c.  112)  provides 
that  canons  who  have  benefices  should  not  claim 
a  share  in  the  allowances  allotted  to  their  poorer 
brethren,  "stipendia  fratrum  unde  pauperiores 
vitam  sustinent  nequaquam  assumant."  Those 
who  offended  against  this  statute  were  to  be 
deprived  of  both  prebend  and  benefice,  "  utrisque 
careant  et  beneficio  et  praebenda,"  and  to 
forfeit  any  ecclesiastical  preferment  they  might 
happen  to  hold.  The  same  monarch  (Sirmondi, 
Cone.  Gall.  iii.  p.  637)  complains  that  certain  of 
the  clergy  neglected  their  parishes  in  order  to 
hold  a  prebend  in  the  monastery  of  Monte  Falco. 
The  development  of  the  prebendal  system  ber 
longs  to  a  period  beyond  our  present  limits. 

[P.  0.] 

PEAECENTOR.    [Precentor.] 

PRAECO.  As  it  was  the  duty  of  the  deacon 
at  certain  points  of  the  liturgy  to  proclaim  to 
the  people  the  subjects  to  be  prayed  for,  and 
generally  to  direct  them  by  his  voice  in  the  per- 
formance of  their  acts  of  worship,  he  sometimes 
received  the  name  of  Kripv^,  or  praeco,  the  herald 
or  proclaimer  [Deacon,  p.  529  f.]  Synesius  {Epist. 
67,  p.  209,  Migne)  calls  the  deacons  kpoK-fipvKes; 
and  the  word  Kr]p\nTiiv  is  used  of  the  deacon's  pro- 
clamations, as  "  KrjpvTTeTco,  fxi\  Tij  rwv  airlcraiv  " 
{Constt.  Apost.  viii.  5).  [Prosphonesis.]  (Bing- 
ham's Antiq.  II.  sx.  10.)  [P.  0.] 

PEAEFATIO.    [Preface.] 

PEAEFICAE.    [Mourning.] 

PEAEJECTUS,  bishop  and  martyr  at 
Auvergne  with  Amarinus  ;  commemorated  Jan. 
25  (Usuard.  Mart.  ;  Bed.  Mai-t.,  ProjeCTUS  ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  628).  [C.  H.] 

PEAEPEDIGNA,  martyr  with  her  husband 
Claudius  and  Maximus  at  Ostia  under  Diocletian ; 
commemorated  Feb.  18  (Usuard.  Mart.  ;  Vet. 
Bom.  Mart,  at  Rome  ;  Mart.  Rom.).         [C.  H.] 

PEAEPOSITUS  (Eng.  Provost,  Fr.  Prevot, 
Germ.  Piohsf).     The  word  pracpositus  is  applied 

(1)  like  the  kindred  Greek  words,  Trpoea-riis, 
■7rpoiCTTdfj.evos,  Trpocrras,  and  wpSeSpos,  both  to 
bishops   and   to   presbyters   [Bishop,   p.  209] ; 

(2)  to  the  person  who  presides  over  a  body  of 
canons  [Canonici];  (3)  to  the  second  in  com- 


PEAESANCTIFIED 

mand  under  the'abbat  in  a  monastery,  the  prior 
eiaustralis,  and  to  the  head  of  a  subordinate 
liouse  or  priory  [Prior].  It  is  also  applied  (4) 
to  that  member  of  a  chapter  who  takes  charge 
of  the  administration  of  the  capitular  estates, 
(5)  to  the  bailitf  or  steward  who  manages  an 
estate,  and  (6)  to  the  Advocatus  Ecclesiae. 
(Ducange's  Glossary,  s.  v.)    Compare  PEiNCErs. 

[C] 
PEAESANCTIFIED.    [Presanctified.] 

PEAESIDIUS.     [Presidius.] 

PEAETEXTATUS,  martyr  with  Pontianus 
at  Eome  under  Maximinus  ;  commemorated  Dec. 
11  (Usuard.  3fart.  ;  Vet.  Rom.  Mart. ;  Mart. 
Rom.).  [C.  H.] 

PEAGMATIUS,  bishop  of  Autuu  ;  comme- 
morated Not.  22  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Hieron. 
Mart. ;  Mart.  Rom.).  [C.  H.] 

PEAXEDIS,  virgin ;  commemorated  at  Eome 
July  21  (Bed.  Mart. ;  Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Rom. 
Mart.  •  Hieron.  Mart.  ;  Kal.  Antiquiss.  Patr.  Lat. 
cxxxviii.  1190  ;  Mart.  Rom. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jul. 
V.  130).  One  of  the  earliest  churches  of  Eome 
was  dedicated  to  her  (Ciamp.  Vet.  Mon.  ii.  143, 
2)  ;  her  figure  adorned  church  doors  and  was 
represented  with  a  lampas  ardens.  (/6.  i.  27.  2.) 
[C.  H.] 

PEAYEE.  It  is  unnecessary  to  say  that  the 
importance  of  prayer  as  a  means  of  spiritual 
growth  is  everywhere  insisted  on  by  Christian 
teachers,  especially  in  the  well-known  tracts  on 
Prayer  by  TertuUiau  and  Origen,  and  iu  that  on 
the  Lord's  Prayer  by  Cyprian.  Cyprian  in  par- 
ticular {Be  Orat.  Dom.  c.  4)  warns  us  that  we 
should  endeavour  not  to  offend  the  eye  of  God 
either  in  our  postures  or  the  tones  of  our  voice  ; 
that  God  will  have  us  worship  Him  iu  secret, 
as  well  as  in  the  assembly  of  the  brethren. 
Origen,  too  (^Dc  Orat.  c.  31),  insists  that  the 
outward  accompaniments  of  prayer  are  not  in- 
different, for  the  gestures  are  expressive  as  well 
as  the  voice.  And  again  (c.  Celsum,  vii.  39  and 
44 ;  Be  Orat.  c.  20),  he  describes  how  the 
Christian  in  his  prayer  closes,  so  far  as  may  be, 
the  avenues  of  sense,  and  abstracts  himself  from 
earthly  things.  He  prays  in  a  low  voice,  for  the 
heart  and  not  the  lungs  is  powerful  with  God 
(Tertullian  de  Orat.  c.  13).  See  further  on 
Prayer  as  an  ascetic  exercise,  Rosary,  Hours  of 
Prayer.  On  forms  of  prayer,  see  Liturgical 
Books. 

Christian  teachers,  from  the  apostles  onward, 
insist  constantly  on  the  necessity  of  common 
prayer.  When  ye  assemble  frequently,  the 
power  of  Satan  is  broken  (Ignat.  ad  Ephes.  c. 
13).  If  the  prayer  of  one  or  two  has  so  much 
power,  much  more  has  that  of  the  bishop  and 
the  whole  church  (i5.  c.  5).  The  Teacher  of 
peace  and  unity  did  not  prescribe  mere  individual, 
but  common,  prayer.  I  am  not  to  pray  to  "  inij 
Father,"  but  our  Father;  not  for  my  daily 
bread,  but  our  daily  bread  (Cyprian  de  Orat. 
Bom.  8).  When  the  feeling  of  community  in 
prayer  was  so  strong,  it  follows  that  frequent 
attendance  on  divine  service  was  insisted  on. 
"  Before  all  things,"  says  the  writer  of  the 
Clementine  Homilies  (Horn.  iii.  c.  69),  "  assemble 
yourselves  together  more  constantly.  I  would 
it  were  hourly,  at  any  rate  on  the  accustomed 

CHRIST.    ANT. — VOL.    II. 


PEAYEE 


1683 


days  of  assembling  ;  for  while  ye  do  this  ye  are 
within  the  walls  of  inviolability  (aa-vKias)." 
It  was  from  the  conception  of  prayer  as  a  duty 
that  public  prayer  itself  came  to  be  called 
officium  (Tert.  de  Orat.  c.  14).  Especially  was 
attendance  required  at  the  Sunday  services 
{Apost.  Constt.  vii.  30).  But  daily  attendance  at 
church,  morning  and  evening,  was  enjoined  on 
clergy  and  laity  alike  {lb.  ii.  59).  Origen  (in 
Genes.  Horn.  10,  c.  3)  reproves  those  who  camo 
to  the  house  of  the  Lord  only  on  festival  days, 
as  if  all  days  were  not  holy  to  the  Lord.  The 
Arabic  canons  which  bear  the  name  of  Hippolytus 
(c.  21,  p.  79,  quoted  by  Probst,  Kirchl.  BiscipUn, 
p.  362)  desire  the  priests,  sub-deacons,  and 
readers,  and  the  whole  people  to  assemble  to- 
gether iu  the  church  at  cock-crow,  and  give 
themselves  to  prayer,  the  saying  of  psalms,  and 
the  reading  of  Scripture.  Even  for  the  sick  the 
true  medicine  is  to  attend  at  church  and  enjoy 
the  prayers,  except  indeed  those  who  are  danger- 
ously ill.  The  Greek  Aiaraleis  tS:v  airoa-ToKwu 
(c.  22,  in  Hippolyti  Opera,  ed.  Lagarde,  p.  S3  = 
Apost.  Constt.  viii.  34)  desire  prayer  to  be  made 
at  dawn,  at  the  third,  sixth,  and  ninth  hour,  at 
evening,  and  at  cock-crow.  And  if  it  be  impos- 
sible by  reason  of  unbelievers  to  approach  the 
church,  the  bishop  is  desired  to  hold  meetings 
for  worship  {ffvvd^eis)  in  his  own  house ;  for  it 
is  not  the  place  that  sanctifies  the  man,  but  the 
man  the  place.  But  if  even  this  be  impossible, 
every  man  is  enjoined  to  say  psalms,  read  Scrip- 
tuie,  and  pray  by  himself,  or  by  two  or  three 
together.  The  injunction  is  added,  that  one 
of  the  faithful  is  not  to  pray  with  a  cate- 
chumen even  in  private.  When  such  provision 
was  made  even  for  a  time  of  persecution,  it 
is  easy  to  see  how  strong  was  felt  to  be  the 
obligation  to  prayer,  and  especially  to  public 
prayer.  And  the  acts  of  martyrs  frequently 
shew  the  same  thing.  The  martyrs  Saturninus 
and  Felix,  for  instance,  avowed  in  the  midst  of 
tortures  that  they  had  held  assemblies  for  worship 
(collectas),  and  gloried  in  their  obedience  to  the 
law  of  God  (cc.  10  and  12,  in  Euiaart,  pp. 
386-7). 

And  as  attendance  at  Catholic  worship  was 
eai'nestly  enjoined,  so  was  attendance  on  non- 
Catholic  worship  earnestly  forbidden.  One  who 
joined  in  the  worship  of  Jews  or  heretics  was 
excommunicated  (Can.  Apost.  64).  If  any  cue 
despises  the  church  of  God,  and  turns  aside  to 
the  abominations  of  the  heathen,  or  to  a  meetinaf 
of  Jews  or  heretics,  how  shall  he  give  account  to 
God  in  the  day  of  judgment?  (Apost.  Constt.  ii. 
61,  §  2). 

For  the  general  arrangement  of  the  place  ot 
worship  see  CiiURCH,  p.  378.  To  this  may  be 
added  that  the  space  nearest  to  the  presbytery 
was  occupied  by  the  virgins,  widows,  and  presby- 
teresses  (npecrfivTiSfs)  of  the  church,  standing 
or  sitting  (Apost.  Constt.  ii.  57,  §  8 ;  cf.  Ter- 
tullian de  Exhort.  Cast.  c.  11).  With  thcso 
were  probably  the  ascetics.  The  sexes  were 
separated  [Sexes,  Separation  of]  probably 
from  about  the  3rd  century  (^1;).  Constt.  ii.  57, 
§  4).  The  Apostolical  Constitutions  inform  us 
that  the  younger  part  of  the  cougrcgation, 
if  the  seats  were  not  sufficient  for  all,  had  to 
stand;  children  stood  beside  their  parents; 
women  not  yet  purified  after  childbirth  took 
their  place  among  the  catechumens. 


1684 


PEAYEK 


Men  and  womeu  were  desired  to  go  to  church 
in  seemly  dress,  with  simple  and  unaffected  mien, 
pure  in  body  and  in  heart,  fit  to  pray  to  God 
(Clem.  Alex.  Paedag.  iii.  11,  p.  300,  Potter). 
The  women  covered  their  heads  in  church,  ac- 
cording to  the  apostolic  precept  (1  Cor.  xi.  6)  ; 
the  men  bared  their  heads,  as  bondsmen  of  Christ, 
while  in  Judaism  and  heathendom  alike  men 
prayed  with  covered  head,  as  a  sign  of  freedom. 
[Hkad,  CovEPaKG  OF.]  Devotional  quiet  was 
maintained  during  the  service  ;  the  deacon  was  to 
prevent  whispering,  or  sleeping,  or  laughing,  or 
beckoning  {Apost.  Constt.  ii.  57,  §  8).  And  this 
direction  was  not,  it  appears,  superfluous;  for 
Origen  {In  Exod.  hom.  12,  §  2)  complains  that 
there  were  some  who,  while  scripture  was  read, 
withdrew  into  corners  and  amused  themselves 
with  worldly  conversation,  even  turning  their 
backs  upon  the  reader.  Strangers  who  brought 
oommendatory  letters  from  another  diocese  were 
conducted  by  the  deacon  to  their  proper  place ; 
n  foreign  presbyter  sat  among  the  presbyters,  a 
foreign  deacon  among  the  deacons ;  a  bishop  was 
received  with  honour  by  the  bishop  of  the  place 
{Ap.  Constt.  ii.  58). 

The  hours  of  prayer,  afterwards  observed  only 
by  the  clergy,  were  originally  intended  to  be  ob- 
served so  far  as  practicable  by  the  laity  also.  There 
is  nothing  in  the  passage  above  quoted  from  the 
Apostolical  Constitutions  (viii.  34)  to  limit  the 
observance  of  the  hours  to  the  clergy ;  and  even 
at  a  later  period  efforts  were  made  to  induce  the 
laity  to  attend  at  the  hours  of  prayer,  as  well  as 
at  the  Eucharistic  service,  at  least  on  festivals. 
Thus  a  capitulare  of  the  year  801  (quoted  by 
Van  Espen  de  Iloris  Can.  pt.  i.  c.  iii.  §  2)  says : 
"  It  was  ordered  not  merely  that  clerics  should 
])erform  the  offices  at  meet  times,  but  also  that 
they  should  ring  bells  to  rouse  the  people  to 
})ray."  And  Theodulph  of  Orleans  {Capit.  ad 
Fresh.  23,  24)  begs  those  who  can  do  no  more  at 
least  to  pray  twice  a  day,  morning  and  evening,  iu 
the  church,  if  a  church  is  near,  if  not,  wherever 
they  may  chance  to  be  when  the  time  comes. 
On  the  sabbath  (Saturday)  he  enjoins  all  Chris- 
tians to  come  to  church  with  lights  [for  the 
service  of  the  eve],  to  come  to  the  vigils  or  matin 
office,  and  again  with  their  oblations  to  the  mass 
[on  Sunday].  See  Hours  of  Prayer  ;  LiTUR- 
oiCAL  Books  ;  Liturgy  ;  Office,  the  Divixe. 

[C] 

Fostures  of  Prayer. — It  was  the  custom  in 
the  earliest  times  of  Christianity  to  pray  stand- 
ing, with  the  hands  extended  and  slightly 
raised  towards  heaven,  and  with  the  face 
turned  towards  the  east.  Exceptions  may  no 
doubt  be  cited  even  from  the  New  Testament, 
but  that  this  was  the  most  common  attitude  is 
evident  from  the  testimony  of  primitive  monu- 
ments. Frescoes,  sarcophagi,  sepulchral  monu- 
ments, ancient  glass,  mosaics  in  the  earliest 
basilicas,  above  all  the  Roman  catacombs,  exhibit 
the  faithful,  more  especially  women,  pra3'ing  in 
this  attitude  [Oranti].  Many  of  these  female 
figures  are  richly  dressed,  and,  as  though  wearied 
with  the  length  of  their  prayers,  have  their 
arms  supported  on  either  side  by  men,  who  to 
judge  from  their  dress  were  servants  ;  a  pro- 
bable allusion  to  the  support  which  Moses 
received  from  Aaron  and  Hur,  and  a  possible 
hint  not  of  their  weariness,  but  of  their 
lengthened  devotions.     The  presence  of  serving 


PKEACHING 

men  may,  like  the  rich  dress,  also  indicate  the 
position  in  life  of  the  deceased,  though  the  rich 
dress  may  also  have  had  a  religious  significance 
[Paradise].  Tertulliau  (Apologet.  xxx.)  expli- 
citly declares  this  to  have  been  the  Christian  atti- 
tude of  prayer — "  illuc  suspicientes  (in  coelum) 
Christiani  manibus  expansis  quia  innocuis,  capite 
nudoquianonerubescimus" — though  this  descrip- 
tion does  not  exclude  kneeling  nor  involve  turn- 
ing to  the  east,  while  it  adds  the  bare  head  to 
the  previous  description. 

There  is  abundant  evidence  from  ancient  art 
and  ancient  literature  to  shew  that  the  raising  the 
hands  toward  heaven  was  an  ordinary  attitude 
of  prayer  among  the  Egyptians,  Etruscans,  and 
Romans ;  but  Tertullian  (de  Orat.  xi.)  attaches  a' 
different  motive  to  the  Christian  elevation  of 
the  hands  to  any  that  could  have  entered  into 
the  mind  of  a  pagan.  Contrasting  the  mere 
elevation  with  the  expansion  of  the  hands  he 
says :  "  nos  vero  nou  attollimus  tantum  sed  ex- 
pandimus,  e  domiuica  passione  modulantes." 
The  same  desire  to  imitate  the  position  of  our 
Lord  upon  the  cross  is  related  in  Ruinart  {Acta 
Martyr.  Sine.  p.  235)  of  Montanus,  and  in  Usuard 
{Marty rol.  xii.  Kal.  Feb.)  of  Fructuosus,  Augurius, 
and  Eulogius.  Pagan  may  readily  be  distinguished 
from  Christian  orante  on  ancient  monuments,  the 
pagan  figures  raising  the  hands  vertically  with 
the  elbow  forming  a  right  angle,  the  Christian 
extending  the  arms  horizontally,  expressing, 
according  to  Tertullian  {de  Orat.  xiii.)  more 
humility  and  self-control ;  "  ne  ipsis  quidem 
manibus  sublimius  elatis,  sed  temperate  ac  probe 
elatis."  In  the  early  church  the  catechumens  as 
well  as  the  faithful  prayed  standing,  but  whereas 
the  latter  raised  the  eyes  to  heaven,  the  former 
bent  them  towards  the  earth,  to  indicate  that 
they  had  not  yet  acquired  by  baptism  the  right 
of  sons  to  raise  their  eyes  to  the  Father  in 
heaven. 

For  the  prevalence  of  the  attitude  of  kneeling 
in  the  early  church,  see  Genuflexion.  (Mar- 
tigny.  Diet,  des  Antiq.  chre't.  s.  v.  Priere,  Atti- 
tudes dc.)  [E.  C.  H.] 

PEAYER,  THE  LOED'S.  [Lord's 
Prayer.] 

PEE  ACHING.  KTipvy/xa,  praedicatio;  Si- 
Sac/caAia,  doctrina,  instructio,  institutio.  Sermons 
were  known  as  d/xiXiai,  tractatus,  homilies  ;  \6yot, 
sermones,  sermons.  Preachers  were  SiScJcfcaAoj, 
tractatores,  doctors,  or  expositors.     [Homily  and 

HOMILIARIUM.] 

I.  In  the  first  place  we  find  our  Lord  applying 
to  Himself  the  prophecy  of  Is.  Ixi.  1,  "  He  hath 
anointed  me  to  preach  the  gospel  to  the  poor" 
(Luke  iv.  18)  ;  and  giving  an  express  commission 
to  preach  to  the  Twelve  (St.  Luke  ix.  2),  and  it 
would  seem  to  the  Seventy  (St.  Luke  x.  9).  To 
the  forme?  it  was  repeated  with  great  solemnity 
immediately  before  the  Ascension  (St.  Mark  xvi. 
15) ;  and  we  find  St.  Paul  (1  Cor.  i.  17)  claim- 
ing with  considerable  emphasis  this  function 
of  preaching  (Ou  yap  airiffTiiKe  fj.e  Xpicrrhs  jSoir- 
ri^eiv,  aW  evayy(\i((adai)  as  peculiarly  belong- 
ing to  him.  Very  naturally,  therefore,  and  for 
an  obvious  reason,  the  preaching  of  the  Apostles 
is  described  by  the  term,  evayyfKiCeffOai ;  and 
fvayyfAtov  (in  the  singular)  means  not  only 
the  record  of  the  life  and  teaching  of  Christ,  but 
also   the   communication   by  preaching   of    the 


PREACHING 

knowledge  of  the  Incarnation.  See  St.  Luke  iii. 
18,  iv.  18;  Acts  v.  42  ;  Gal.  i.  11.  This  usage 
is  generally  confined  to  the  preaching  of  our 
Lord  and  His  apostles,  and  it  is  generally  true 
of  them  ;  but  there  is  apparently  one  exception 
at  least  in  Acts  viii.  4,  even  in  the  very  first 
period  of  the  spread  of  the  gospel. 

II.  At  a  somewhat  later  stage  of  the  primitive 
church,  when  congregations  had  been  formed  in 
various  places,  we  leai'n  from  the  epistles  of  St. 
Paul  that  those  to  whom  e.xtraordinary  spiritual 
gifts  had  been  committed,  were  in  the  habit  of 
preaching  and  expounding  in  the  public  assemblies 
of  Christians.     See  1  Cor.  xiv.  31  (where,  how- 

^  ever,  it  is  to  be  noticed  that  the  word  ehayy^Ki^u 
is  not  employed).  Certain  rules  are  laid  down 
there  for  these  "  preachings."  It  does  not,  how- 
ever, appear  under  what  further  limits  or  restric- 
tions this  custom  of  general  ministration  was 
permitted ;  and  as  these  extraordinary  endow- 
ments died  out  in  or  shortly  after  the  apostolic 
age,  this  "  ministry  of  gifts  "  was  speedily  re- 
l^laced  by  one  devolving  on  the  natural  deposi- 
taries, the  clergy.  Hilary's  comment  on  the 
Epistles  (in  the  works  of  St.  Ambrose)  states 
this  definitely,  but  it  is  not  clear  whether  upon 
any  kind  of  authority,  or  as  a  mere  theory :  Ut 
oi-esceret  plebs  et  multiplicaretur,  omnibus 
inter  ipitia  concessum  et  evangelizare  et  bapti- 
zare,  et  Scripturas  in  ecclesia  explanare.  At  ubi 
autem  omnia  loca  circumplexa  est  ecclesia,  con- 
venticula  constituta  sunt,  et  rectores  et  caetera 
officia  in  ecclesiis  sunt  ordinata,  ut  nullus  de 
clero  auderet,  qui  ordinatus  non  esset,  praesumere 
officium,  quod  sciret  non  sibi  creditum  vel  con- 
cessum "  (Com.  in  Ephes.  iv.). 

III.  Women,  however,  were  never  permitted 
in  the  church,  to  assume  the  character  of  public 
preachers ;  neither  in  the  apostolic  age,  as  we 
learn  from  1  Cor.  xiv.  34,  35 ;  1  Tim.  ii.  1 1, 12 ;  nor 
afterwards  was  this  ever  permitted  in  any  case. 
The  fourth  council  of  Carthage  (can.  99)  expressly 
declares  this  :  "  Mulier  quamvis  docta  et  sancta, 
viros  in  conventu  docere  non  praesumat."  To  the 
.-••ame  effect  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  (lib.  iii. 
<ap.  9).  The  allowing  of  women  to  preach  was, 
Jiowever,  a  mark  of  many  heretical  sects.  Thus 
Tertullian  :  "  Ipsae  mulieres  haereticae  quam  pro- 
<:aces,  quae  audeant  docere  "  (De  Praescript.  cap. 
41).  And  the  Montanists  even  made  this  a  leading 
principle  of  their  sect,  and  its  two  prophetesses, 
Priscilla  and  Maximilla,  were  quite  as  prominent 
in  the  teaching  of  their  followers  as  Montanus 
himself. 

IV.  Among  the  Catholics,  however,  preaching 
was  in  the  earliest  age  especially  the  duty  o 
the  bishop.  Justin  Martyr  (Apol.  i.  c.  67) 
describes  the  presiding  brother  (irpoetrTois)  as 
exhorting  the  assembly.  St.  Chrysostom,  com- 
menting ou  the  phrase  used  by  St.  Paul, 
"  A  bishop  must  be  apt  to  teach  "  (^I'SaKTMSv), 
refers  to  this  as  especially  required  of  the 
bishop  (Horn.  x.  in  1  Tim.  iii.),  and  declares 
in  another  place  that  "he  who  was  without 
the  power  of  preaching  ought  to  be  far 
from  the  throne  of  teaching "  (■n-^ppco  to-ro) 
ep6vou  Si5aaKa\iKov').  Similarly  Cyril  of 
Alexandria  speaks  of  the  episcopal  office  as 
a^lw/xa  SiSaaKaAiKhv  (Ep.  ad  Monach.  in  Cone. 
Ephes.).  The  same  phrase  was  used  by  the 
sixth  general  council  in  degrading  Macarius, 
bishop  of  Antioch,  for    heresy.     It  was    under- 


rilEACHING 


1685 


I  stood  that  a  bishop  undertook  to  preach  as  one 
of  the  distinctive  duties  of  his  office  ;  and  St. 
Ambrose  complains  that  he,  although  unlearned 
in  theology  and  unprepared,  was  obliged  to 
undertake  it :  "  Cum  jam  ellugere  non  possimus 
officium  docendi,  quod  nobis  refugientibus  im- 
posuit  sacerdotii  necessitudo  ....  Ego  raptus 
de  tribunalibus  atque  administrationis  infulis  ad 
sacerdotium,  docere  vos  coepi  quod  ipse  non 
didici.  Itaque  factum  est,  ut  prius  docere  in- 
ciperem,  quam  discere.  Discendum  est  igitur 
mihi  simul  et  docendum,  quoniam  non  vacavi 
ante  discere  "  (De  Offic.  Minist.  i.  1).  And  St. 
Chrysostom  developes  the  same  idea  at  length, 
and  with  great  beauty,  in  the  fourth  book  of  his 
treatise  De  Sacerdotio.  St.  Augustine,  when 
he  writes  to  blame  the  custom  of  the  auditors 
standing  throughout  the  sermon,  which  he 
says,  by  fatigue  of  the  body,  takes  away 
the  attention  of  the  mind,  so  that  they 
should  rather  sit,  says,  "  Antistites  sedentes 
loquuntur  ad  populiim "  (De  End.  Catech. 
e.  19).  The  passage  is  interesting  on  another 
ground,  since  we  learn  from  it  that  in  the  pro- 
vince of  Africa  the  custom  was  for  the  preacher 
to  sit  and  the  people  to  stand :  whilst  in  some 
other  churches  both  preachers  and  people  used 
to  sit. 

In  the  African  churches  it  would  seem,  fi-oni 
this  and  other  passages,  that  the  duty  of  preach- 
ing was  reserved  wholly  to  the  bishop  ;  and  to 
this  fact  we  must  refer  the  frequent  use  of  such 
phrases  as  mo  tractante  and  tractante  Episcopo 
in  the  Epistles  of  St.  Cyprian  (Epjx  52,  56,  83). 
It  was  for  centuries  altogether  unknown  in 
these  churches  that  any  but  bishops  should 
preach  ;  and  Possidius,  in  his  Life  of  St.  Augus- 
tine, relates  that  when  Valerius,  the  bishop  of 
the  diocese,  was  induced  by  Augustine's  remark- 
able powers  to  allow  him  to  preach  frequently 
before  him,  he  introduced  a  marked  departure 
from  the  customs  of  the  province  :  (  Vit.  Aug. 
cap.  5).  But  the  example  once  given  was 
afterwards  followed,  and  it  became  more  usual 
for  presbyters  to  preach  by  licence  from  the 
bishop,  "postea  bono  praecedente  exemplo, 
accepta  ab  episcopis  potestate,  presbyteri  non- 
nulli  coram  episcopis  populo  tractare  coepe- 
runt  verbum  Dei "  (ibid.).  But  in  the  Eastern 
Churches  presbyters  were  more  generall)- 
permitted  to  preach ;  for  the  same  author 
intimates  that  it  was  from  their  example 
Valerius  derived  the  idea,  and  disregarded 
accordingly  the  outcry  made  against  him. 
St.  Jerome  was  so  jealous  of  the  rights  of  pres- 
byters, that  we  need  not  be  surprised  to  find 
him  stigmatizing  the  refusing  to  them  the  pri- 
vilege to  preach  in  the  presence  of  bishops  as 
"a  very  bad  custom  in  certain  churches." 
The  ecclesiastical  historians  have  some  scat- 
tered notices  upon  the  subject.  Socrates 
(lib.  V.  c.  22)  asserts  that  at  Alexandria  pres- 
byters were  not  permitted  to  preach  ;  and  that 
this  restriction  began  from  the  time  when  (the 
presbyter)  Arius  troubled  the  church  by  his 
novel  speculations  respecting  the  Incarnation; 
which  has  somewhat  the  air  of  a  theory  in- 
vented e.T  post  facto  to  account  for  the  custom. 
But  he  records  in  another  place  (vii.  2)  in  hi.s 
notices  of  Atticus,  bishop  of  Constantinople, 
that  the  latter  constantly  prcach.-d  while  yet  a 
presbvter.  And  almost  tlie  entire  career  as  a 
'        -  r,  Q  2 


1686 


PREACHING 


preachei'  of  St.  John  Chiysostom  is  comprised 
in  the  sixteen  years  which  intervened  between 
his  ordination  as  deacon  and  his  elevation  to  tlie 
episcopal  throne  of  Constantinople.  To  this 
period,  amongst  many  other  of  his  works,  must 
be  referred  the  orations  on  the  martyr  Babylas. 
The  sermon  that  he  preached  before  the  bishop 
and  a  large  congregation  on  the  occasion  of  his 
ordination  as  presbyter  is  still  extant ;  and  it 
needs  only  to  mention  the  celebrated  orations 
0)1  the  Statues,  as  falling  likewise  within  the 
time  of  his  presbyterate. 

Similar  instances  from  other  churches  might 
easily  be  adduced  ;  and  there  is  nothing  to  shew 
that  they  were  in  au}^  respect  exceptions.  The 
power  and  the  duty  of  preaching  were  primarily 
in  the  bishop  ;  but  he  might  and  usually  did 
authorize  presbyters  who  were  capable  of  dis- 
charging it  to  do  so. 

A  case  is  recorded  by  Paulinus  in  his  Carmen 
de  Vita  Felicis  of  this  Felix  being  appointed  by 
Quintus,  as  the  newly-elected  bishop  of  Nola, 
to  preach  there  :  "  Ergo  sub  hoc  coram  Felice 
antistite  visit  Presbytero,  et  crevit  meritis,  qui 
crescere  sede  noluit  [he  had  refused  to  be  him- 
self chosen  bishop].  Ipse  ilium  tanquam  minor 
omnia  Quintus  observabat,  et  os  linguam  Felicis 
habebat.  Ille  gregem  officio,  Felix  sermone 
regebat." 

V.  The  case  was  somewhat  different  with 
regard  to  deacons.  The  power  of  preaching  was 
not,  in  the  earliest  times,  committed  to  them  ; 
and  where  the  terms  K-qpiffffeiv  and  Kripvyfia  are 
applied  to  them,  and  the  deacon  is  called  K-fjpv^ 
(or  Praeco),  it  is  to  be  understood  of  his  calling 
the  congregation  to  prayer,  giving  notice  of  the 
various  stages  of  the  service  and  such  like.  It 
was  noted  as  a  thing  unusual  even  among 
the  Arians  that  Leontius,  the  (Arian)  bishop 
of  Antioch,  permitted  Aetius,  a  deacon,  to 
preach  publicly  in  the  church  (Philostorg. 
Hist.  lib.  iii.  c.  17).  Yet  great  numbers  of 
sermons  and  similar  discourses  are  extant  from 
the  pen  of  Ephrem  Syrus  of  Edessa  (d.  a.d.  399), 
who  was  never  more  than  a  deacon  ;  and  we  must 
apparently  conclude  that  these  were  preached, 
and  that  we  have  here  another  exception  to  the 
ordinai-y  rule.  The  Com.  in  Ephes.  already 
quoted,  asserts  positively  "nunc  neque  diaconi 
in  populo  praedicant."  At  a  later  period  in  the 
West,  the  council  of  Vaison  (a.d.  529)  gave  per- 
mission in  a  canon  to  deacons  to  read  "the 
homilies  of  the  holy  fathers,"  when  the  priest 
was  prevented  by  sickness  from  preaching 
(can.  2).  And  it  is  said  of  Caesarius  of  Aries  in 
his  Life  that  when  himself  unable  to  preach 
through  sickness  and  age,  he  appointed  not  only 
presbyters  but  also  deacons  to  do  so.  But  the 
context  shews  (cap.  28)  that  they  were  merely 
to  read  discourses  or  homilies  "  Ambrosii,  Augus- 
tini,  seu  parvitatis  meae  vel  quorumcunque  Doc- 
torum  Catholicorum." 

It  may,  however,  safely  be  said  that  deacons 
were  as  a  rule  confined  to  reading,  and  were  not 
suffered  to  preach  ;  and  that  this  rule  was  not 
broken  through  except  in  rare  and  unfrequent 
instances. 

VI.  It  would  seem  that  monks  or  other  lay- 
men were  sometimes  permitted  to  preach.  Euse- 
bius  {Hist.  lib.  vi.  c.  19)  relates  the  well-known 
case  of  Origen,  who,  while  a  layman,  was  re- 
quested by  Alexandei-,  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  to 


PEEACHIXG 

preach  before  him  ;  and  Alexander  defended  this, 
when  challenged,  as  a  well-known  practice  when 
a  layman  was  well  qualified  to  preach.  In  doing 
so,  he  quotes  the  instances,  otherwise  unknown  to 
us,  of  Euelpis  at  Larandae,  bidden  to  preach  by  the 
bishop  Neon ;  of  Paulinus  at  Iconium,  and  of  Theo- 
dorus  at  Synnada.  This  freedom  does  not  appear, 
however,  to  have  existed  in  the  West.  We  find 
pope  Leo,  in  an  epistle  to  Maximus,  bishop  of 
Antioch,  telling  him  that  monks  or  other  laymen, 
however  learned,  should  not  be  allowed  to  usurp 
the  right  of  teaching  or  preaching,  but  only  the 
priests  of  the  Lord  {Ep.  60  or  62).  But  the 
very  caution  would  seem  to  shew  the  existence 
of  such  a  practice  ;  and  doubtless  monks  at  all, 
events,  who  were  capable  of  preaching  and  ex- 
pounding Scripture,  would  habitually  do  so  in 
their  own  communities.  With  respect  to  this 
practice,  nevertheless,  St.  Jerome  writes  :  "  Mona- 
chus  non  docentis,  sed  plangentis,  habet  officium  " 
{Ep.  55  ad  Bipar.),  and  in  the  epistle  to  Helio- 
dorus,  "  Alia  monachorum  est  causa,  alia  cleri- 
corum :  clerici  pascunt  oves,  ego  pascor." 

VII.  It  was  not  at  all  uncommon  in  large 
churches  having  many  clergy,  or  at  times  when 
bishops  were  assembled,  to  have  several  sermons 
preached  one  after  another,  in  the  same  assembly ; 
the  bishop,  if  there  were  one  present,  or  the 
person  of  greatest  dignity,  coming  last.  We  find 
in  the  so-called  Apostolical  Constitutions  the 
following  rule,  which  no  doubt  represents  the 
practice  of  the  period  when  it  was  written : 
"  When  the  gospel  is  read,  let  the  presbyters  one 
by  one,  but  not  all,  speak  the  word  of  exhorta- 
tion to  the  people,  and  last  of  all  the  bishop,  who  is 
the  governor  or  pilot  of  the  ship  "  (lib.  ii.  c.  57). 
And  it  is  clear  from  various  allusions  in  the  dis- 
courses of  St.  John  Chrysostom,  preached  by  him 
at  Antioch  while  still  a  presbyter,  that  the 
bishop  was  to  preach  after  him,  as  when  he  says : 
"It  is  now  time  for  me  to  keep  silence,  that  our 
master  may  have  time  to  speak  "  {jlom.  2,  de 
Verbis  Esai.  torn.  iii).  St.  Jerome,  writing  to 
Pammachius,  mentions  an  instance  when  two 
bishops,  Epiphanius  and  John,  bishop  of  Jerusa- 
lem, had  preached  one  after  the  other  in  the 
church  at  Jerusalem  {Ep.  61,  cap.  4). 

There  are  many  decrees  of  ancient  councils 
enforcing  the  duty  of  frequent  preaching,  and 
directing  when  and  how  often  sermons  should  be 
preached.  The  eleventh  council  at  Toledo  recom- 
mended to  bishops  diligently  to  fit  themselves  by 
reading  and  study  for  the  discharge  of  this  duty : 
"  ut  qui  ofBcium  praedicationis  suscepimus, 
nuUis  curis  a  divina  lectione  privemur.  Isidore, 
bishop  of  Seville  (d.  636  A.D.),  in  his  work  on 
'■'Ecclesiastical  Offices,"  lays  down  that  to  a 
bishop  the  knowledge  of  Scripture  is  necessary 
because  he  has  to  labour  in  preaching.  The 
Trullan  synod  enjoined  upon  bishops  "to 
preach  in  their  churches  every  day,  or  at 
least  on  Sundays,  teaching  all  the  clergy  and 
people  with  pious  and  orthodox  discourse,  col- 
lecting out  of  the  divine  Scriptures  knowledge 
and  right  judgments.  And  if  controversy  should 
arise  about  the  Scripture,  they  should  interpret 
it  no  otherwise  than  as  the  lights  and  doctors  of 
the  church  have  expounded  it  in  their  writings  " 
(can.  19).  A  letter  from  St.  Boniface,  archbishop 
of  Mentz  (d.  754  a.d.),  not  long  after  explains 
sufficiently  his  idea  of  the  importance  of  preach- 
ing as  a  duty  of  the  clergy :  "  Lullum  constituere 


PREACHING 

faciatis  Praedicatorem  et  doctorem  Presbyter- 
orum  et  Populorum.  Spero  quod  in  illo  habeant 
Presbyteri  Magistrum,  et  Monachi  regularem 
doctorem,  et  populi  Christiani  fidelem  Praedi- 
catorem et  Pastorem."  Still  more  emphatic  is 
the  second  canon  of  the  sixth  council  of  Aries 
(A.D.  813)  :  let  priests  learn  the  holy  Scriptures 
and  the  canons,  and  let  their  whole  business 
consist  in  preaching  and  teaching,  and  let  them 
build  up  others  as  well  in  the  knowledge  of  faith, 
as  in  the  practice  of  good  works."  A  council  of 
Mentz  in  the  same  year  exhorts  "  bishops  not  to 
fail  to  preach  in  person  or  by  a  deputy,  on  Sun- 
Jays  and  festivals"  (can.  25).  The  second  at 
Rheims  repeats  this  order  with  the  additional 
direction,  that  the  bishop's  sermon  shall  be  in 
the  vernacular  tongue,  in  order  that  he  may 
be  understood  (can.  14,  15).  And  the  third  of 
Tours  in  a  very  similar  canon  goes  so  far  as  to  re- 
quire that  he  shall  be  careful  to  translate  his 
discourse  "in  rusticam  Romanam  linguam  aut 
Theotiscam "  for  the  same  reason  (can.  19). 
As  in  other  parts  of  the  duty  of  the  clergy,  so 
with  this,  the  emperors  thought  it  their  duty 
from  time  to  time  to  supplement  and  support 
ecclesiastical  regulations  by  the  enactments  of 
their  own  secular  law.  The  title  of  one  of  the 
laws  in  the  Theodosian  code  issued  by  the  three 
emperors,  Gratian,  Valentinian,  and  Theodosius, 
is  de  munere  sen  officio  episcoporum  in  praedicando 
verbo  Dei.  The  same  law  was  inserted  into  the 
code  of  Justinian  (lib.  ix.  tit.  29,  de  Crimine 
Sacrikgii,  Leg.  1).  It  would  be  long  to  quote 
other  provisions  to  the  same  effect,  aud  we  close 
this  list  with  the  remark  that  this  subject  was 
naturally  not  overlooked  in  the  multifarious 
legislation  of  Charlemagne,  and  of  his  succes- 
sors. These  capitularies  contain  many  provi- 
sions very  similar  to  those  already  quoted. 
A  collection  of  "  tractatus  atque  sermones  et 
omelias  diversorum  Catholicorum  patrum,"  for 
the  various  Sundays  of  the  ecclesiastical  year  is 
still  extant,  which  was  compiled  by  Paulus 
Diaconus  at  the  command  of  that  sovereign. 
[Homily,  p.  782.] 

VIII.  As  to  the  days  when  it  was  usual  that 
sermons  should  be  preached,  the  Lord's  day  or 
Sunday  was  the  principal  occasion  for  this,  and 
it  is  thought  that  it  was  at  first  the  only  ap- 
pointed day.  For  Justin  Martyr  (Apol.  c.  87) 
seems  to  exclude  any  other  days  by  the  description 
he  gives  of  the  Christian  worship  "  On  the  day 
which  is  called  Sunday."  The  report  of  Pliny 
to  the  emperor  Trajan  speaks  of  the  Christians 
being  accustomed  to  meet  on  a  stated  day, 
"stato  die  ante  lucem  convenire  "  (lib.  x. ;  Up. 
97.  This  would  be  about  A.D.  105).  We  may 
perhaps  then  conclude  that  the  celebration  of 
the  Eucharist  and  with  it  the  preaching  of 
the  sermon  were  invariably  held  on  Sundays ; 
not  that  they  were  never  held  at  other  times. 
And,  in  fact,  we  learn  from  Tertullian  not  many 
years  later,  that  Wednesday  and  Friday,  the 
"  stationary  days  "  or  days  of  special  meeting, 
were  observed  in  a  similar  manner  with  celebra- 
tion of  the  Holy  Commumion,  and  no  doubt 
therefore  with  sermon,  which,  as  we  have  seen, 
was  a  usual  part  of  the  Eucharistic  service 
(Be  Orat.  cap.  14).  [Stations.]  The  natilitia 
or  anniversaries  of  the  martyrs  were  also  times 
of  abundant  preaching.  St.  Chrysostom,  in  his 
homily  on  the  martyrs  (Horn.  65)  ruinarks  upon 


PREACHING 


1087 


this,  and  mentions  that  the  whole  city  went 
forth  to  celebrate  their  memory  at  their  tombs. 

Likewise  the  great  festivals  and  fasts  of  the 
Christian  year  were  naturally  the  occasion  for 
the  delivery  of  sermons.  In  Lent  it  was  cus- 
tomary to  have  sermons  every  day.  The  homi. 
lies  of  St.  Chrysostom  upon  the  book  of  Genesis 
compose  a  Lenten  course  of  this  kind  ;  and  the 
homilies  "  On  the  Statues "  were  similarly 
preached  upon  every  day  in  Lent.  Pamphilus 
says  of  Origen  that  he  was  accustomed  to  ad- 
dress the  people  almost  every  day  {Apol.  pro 
Orig.  tom.  i.).  Iha  Apostolical  Constitutions  also 
have  an  order  directing  public  prayers  and 
preaching  to  be  held  on  every  Saturday  also, 
excepting  that  preceding  Easter  day  or  on  the 
Lord's  day  (lib.  ii.  c.  59).  [Sabbath.]  It 
would  seem  that  it  was  the  practice  in  the 
Egyptian  monasteries,  where  there  were  constant 
services  every  day,  for  a  sermon  to  be  preached 
daily,  and  this  was  usually  in  the  afternoon, 
"  post  horam  nonam,"  according  to  St.  Jerome 
(Ep.  22,  ad  Eustoch.  cap.  15). 

It  was  in  fact  a  general  custom  to  have  even- 
ing preaching  as  well  as  morning  upon  occasions 
of  particular  devotion  [compare  Vigil].  In 
several  of  Chrysostom's  discourses  he  plainly 
alludes  to  their  being  preached  in  the  afternoon : 
e.  g.  Horn.  10,  ad  Fopul.  Antioch.  St.  Augus- 
tine makes  it  clear  that  he  preached  sometimes 
in  the  afternoon  as  well  as  in  the  morning,  by 
expressions  which  he  uses  :  e.g.  in  his  second 
sermon  on  Psalm  Ixxxviii.,  where  he  says,  "  Ad 
reliqua  Psalmi,  de  quo  in  matutino  locuti  sumus. 
animum  intendite  et  pium  debitum  exigite." 
And  Gaudentius,  bishop  of  Brescia  (d.  A.D.  427), 
refers  in  his  Tractatus  to  his  having  preached 
twice  on  the  vigil  of  Easter  {Tract.  4).  Some 
of  the  discourses  of  St.  Basil  on  the  Hexaemeron, 
or  six  days  of  creation,  were  likewise  preached 
in  the  evening  {Horn.  2,  7,  9).  It  is,  perhaps, 
needless  to  multiply  instances  of  a  practice 
widely  spread  in  all  the  churches,  and  naturally 
to  be  expected. 

A  remarkable  statement  is  made  by  Sozomen 
(Hist.  lib.  vii.  c.  19),  that  at  Rome  neither  the 
bishop  nor  any  other  were  known  to  preach 
publicly  to  the  people  up  to  his  time  (a.d.  440). 
This  declaration  is  repeated  by  Cassiodorus  in  his 
Historia  Tripartita,  and  without  hinting  that  it 
is  incorrect.  Valesius,  in  his  note  on  this  pas- 
sage, observes,  in  corroboration  of  Sozomen,  that 
no  sermons  by  any  bishop  of  Rome  are  extant 
before  those  of  Leo  the  Great.  His  pontificat<> 
commenced  only  in  a.d.  440 — i.  c.  in  the  same 
year  in  which  Sozomen's  Histonj  breaks  ofl'. 
There  is  indeed  an  oration  delivered  by  pope 
Liberius  in  St.  Peter's  church  on  the  Feast  of 
the  Nativity,  upon  the  occasion  of  a  profession 
of  virginity  by  Marcellina,  sister  of  St.  Ambrose, 
and  other  ladies.  But  he  argues  (1)  that  this 
oration  was  not  properly  an  hfxiXia,  or  sermon, 
but  an  address  and  exhortation  to  Marcellina  ; 
and  (2)  that  it  was  an  exception  to  ordinary 
rule,  probably  to  do  honour  to  a  person  of  high 
rank.  Bingham's  suggestion  is  that  the  homilies 
of  famous  writers  might  be  read  in  i>lacc  of  a 
sermon.  Perhaps,  however,  all  that  Sozomen  s 
statement  need  be  taken  to  moan  is  that  it  tea* 
not  the  habit  to  preach  constantly,  as  m  other 
churches;  or  that  instead  of  formal  .sermon.s 
there    were     merolv    fiimiliar    and     ui.siudicd 


1688 


PREACHING 


PEEACHING 


addresses  for  which  the  title  of  Sermon  was  not 
arrogated ;  and  that  the  Roman  church  had  pro- 
duced no  great  ^jreachers,  such  as  Origen,  Atha- 
nasius,  or  Chrysostom,  in  the  East.  And  when 
we  remember  how  few  of  the  clergy  were  in 
the  habit  of  preaching  during  the  Middle  Ages, 
and  in  the  centuries  preceding  the  Reformation, 
the  statement  is  credible  enough.  Bingham's 
argument,  from  the  expressions  of  Justin 
Martyr  in  his  Apology,  does  not  seem  to  be  of 
much  weight,  since  Justin  was  essentially  Greek 
by  birth,  long  residence,  culture,  and  experi- 
ence ;  and  it  is  by  no  means  certain  that  in  the 
passage  in  question  he  is  describing  the  services 
of  the  Boman  church. 

IX.  Sermons  Avere  commonly  written,  but 
occasionally  preached  ex  tempore.  Origen  was  a 
distinguished  instance  of  the  latter  practice. 
Eusebius  {Hist.  lib.  vi.  c.  36)  relates,  however, 
that  it  was  not  until  he  was  sixty  years  of 
age  that  he  ventured  to  preach  unwritten 
sermons  in  the  churches ;  and  these  were  taken 
down  by  raxvypdcpoi,  or  shorthand  writers.  It 
is  related  by  Sozomen  concerning  St.  Chry- 
sostom upon  his  return  from  banishment,  that 
he  was  obliged  by  the  people  to  go  into  the 
great  church,  and  deliver  to  them  an  extem- 
poral  discourse,  "  Kal  ffx^^t^y  Tiva  5ie|7JX06 
^6yoy"  (Hist.  lib.  viii.  18).  And  in  many  of 
his  sermons  still  extant,  we  have  allusions  to 
incidents  taking  place  during  the  delivery  of 
them,  sufficient  to  prove  that  the  prepared 
sermon  had  been  embroidered  by  the  preacher's 
ready  eloquence  with  these  spontaneous  addi- 
tions. The  historian  Socrates  {H.  E.  vii.  2) 
relates  of  Atticus,  afterwards  bishop  of  Con- 
stantinople, that  though,  whilst  he  was  in  the 
order  of  presbyters,  he  used  to  preach  from 
memory  discourses  which  he  had  previously  pre- 
pared, yet  afterwards,  having  acquired  con- 
fidence by  industry  and  practice,  he  began  a 
course  of  extempore  (e|  auroo-xeSiou)  and  more 
popular  preaching.  Ruffinus  says  in  his  His- 
tory (lib.  ii.  cap.  9)  of  Gregory  Nazianzen  and 
St.  Basil,  that  there  were  noble  monuments  of 
their  ability  extant  in  the  sermons  which  they 
spoke  ex  tempore  in  the  churches  ;  but  it  is 
doubtful  whether  he  means  anything  more  than 
memoriter.  This  remark  cannot,  however,  apply 
to  that  passage  in  a  letter  of  Sidonius  Apolli- 
naris  (died  a.d.  482)  to  Faustus,  bishop  of 
Reggio,  in  which  he  refers  to  "  praedicationes 
tuas,  nunc  repentmas,  nunc  cum  ratio  poposcerit 
elucubratas,"  where  the  distinction  between  the 
two  classes  of  sermons  is  clearly  expressed.  It 
is  evident  that  to  preach  in  this  unpremeditated 
manner  was  a  matter  of  frequent  occurrence 
with  St.  Augustine.  In  one  of  his  sermons  on 
the  Psalms  (Horn.  Ps.  Ixxxvi.)  he  intimates  that 
it  had  been  prescribed  to  him  by  tlie  bishop  then 
present  in  church.  In  his  book  De  Doctrina 
Christiana  he  gives  such  detailed  directions  for 
the  practice  of  sacred  oratory  as  to  make  it 
abundantly  clear  that  he  contemplated  a  habit 
of  preaching  similar  to  that  common  in  modern 
times,  viz.  the  careful  preparation  beforehand 
of  a  discourse,  followed  by  oral  and  unassisted 
delivery  of  it.  In  his  treatise  De  Catcchizandis 
Eudibus  he  gives  two  sermons  of  diflerent  lengths 
as  models  for  the  inexperienced  preacher.  Yet, 
however  careful  had  been  the  preparation,  they 
^vere  wont  to  depend  somewliat  on  the  inspiration 


of  the  moment,  and  in  this  they  considered  thev  ' 
were  depending  vipon  the  help  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  j 
promised  by  our  Lord  in  the  Gospel  (St.  Matt.  x.  i 
19,  20.  There  is  an  exquisite  prayer  for  "a  \ 
humble  wisdom  which  may  build  up,  and  a  most  ■ 
gentle  and  wise  eloquence,  which  knows  not  how  \ 
to  be  puiled  up,"  preserved  in  the  works  of  St.  ' 
Ambrose  (Orat.  apud  Ferrar.  de  Cone.  lib.  i.  ' 
cap.  8),  which  he  is  said  to  have  habitually  | 
used  before  preaching ;  but  it  does  not  appear  | 
whether  privately  or  not.  But  these  quotations  I 
might  be  increased  to  any  number,  for  the  habit  ( 
of  commencing  the  sermon  with  a  prayer  was  i 
a  constant  one  among  the  later  fathers.  ^ 

Another  preface  to  the  sermon  which  was  i 
commonly  used  was  known  as  the  Pax,  "  Peace  i 
be  unto  you,"  to  which  the  congregation  would  | 
reply,  "  And  with  thy  spirit."  This  was  called  ] 
in  Greek  ■Kp6(rp-r\(ns,  the  address  or  salutation:  | 
but  St.  Chrysostom  speaks  of  it  as  the  Peace, 
' hvT{.'56vTes  Tcp  Zi56vTi  t)]v  a.pi]vriv  {Horn.  iii.  in 
Coloss.). 

It  was  not  uncommon  to  use  a  short  prayer  I 
before  the  sermon,  but  there  does  not  appear 
to  have  been  any  prescribed  form  for  this. 
It  was  a  matter  of  individual  choice ;  and 
from  the  various  specimens  of  such  prayers 
which  are  now  extant,  they  would  seem  to  be 
very  similar  to  those  which  are  frequently 
embodied  by  modern  preachers  in  the  exordium 
of  the  sermon.  Thus  in  the  commencement  of 
one  of  St.  Augustine's  homilies  upon  tJie  Psalms^ 
we  find  "  attendite  ad  Psalmum  ;  det  nobis  Bomt- 
nus  apierire  mysteria  quae  Ida  continentur  "  (in- 
Psal.  xci.).  A  similar  but  longer  one  occurs  in 
Psalm  cxxxix.  "  Adjuvet  [Dominus]  orationibus 
vestris,  ut  ea  dicam  quae  oportet  me  dicere  et 
vos  audire  (Comp.  also  De  Catechizandis  Eudibics, 
cap.  4  and  Horn,  in  Psal.  cxlvii.).  St.  Chrj'- 
sostom  also  says,  "  First  prayers  and  then  the 
word,  Tlp6repov  evxv  xal  tots  Koyos,  Horn,  xxviii.; 
but  is  here  probably  referring  to  the  general 
prayers,  perhaps  of  the  Ante-Communion  office, 
which,  at  all  events,  usually  and  preferably  pre- 
ceded the  sermon  {Constit.  lib.  viii.  cap.  5). 

X.  The  text  was  always  taken  out  of  some 
part  of  the  Scriptures ;  but  it  appears  from 
some  homilies  of  St.  Chrysostom  that  preachers 
would  sometimes  dispense  altogether  with  a  text. 
The  subjects,  however,  were  always  of  a  serious 
and  religious  nature.  St.  Gregory  Nazianzen,  in 
his  first  Orat.  Apol.  de  Fugd,  gives  a  list  of  these, 
which  includes  the  chief  doctrines  of  the 
Christian  faith  ;  and  St.  Chrysostom  gives  a  not 
dissimilar  one  (Horn.  24,  de  Bapt.  Christ,  torn.  i.). 

XL  From  the  facts  here  presented  it  will  be 
tolerably  evident  what  was  the  method  of  preadi- 
ing  generally  adopted  in  the  earliest  ages  of  the 
church.  There  was  little  scope  for  the  rhetorical 
arts  of  the  orator  in  the  earliest  Christian  assem- 
blies ;  and  probably  Thomassin  is  very  right 
when  he  concludes  :  "  et  Apostolos,  et  Episcopos, 
et  Presbyteros  qui  prioribus  his  saeculis  conciona- 
bantur,  sermones  etfudisse  extemporaneos,  inor- 
natos,  ex  abundantia  cordis,  et  plenitudine 
intima  charitatis  "  (  Vet.  et  Nova  Descrip.  Eccles. 
part  ii.  book  iii.  c.  83).  At  a  later  period,  when 
a  great  burden  of  doctrinal  teaching  and  polemi- 
cal discussion  was  thrown  upon  a  far  more  cul- 
tured and  leisurely  class  of  clergy,  the  typical 
discourses  of  the  age  became  much  more  elaborate 
and   literary  in  their  character,  even  while,  no 


PEEACHINGt 

doubt,  the  great  bulk  of  the  popular  preaching 
remained  comparatively  unchanged.  Of  this 
period  Origen,  Tertullian,  Athanasius,  and 
Jerome,  may  be  taken  as  representatives.  By 
the  end  of  the  4th  century,  however,  the  rhetoric 
of  the  schools  has  completely  made  its  way  into 
the  pulpit ;  and  in  the  brilliant  group  of  Christian 
orators  who  flourished  at  that  period,  St.  John 
Chrysostom,  the  two  Gregories,  of  Nazianzus  and 
of  Nyssa,  and  St.  Basil,  we  have  the  typical  ex- 
amples of  a  greatly  altered  style  of  Christian 
preaching.  About  this  time  it  became  usual  to 
preach  sitting  in  the  umbo  instead  of  in  the  more 
distant  cathedra,  in  order  to  be  better  heard. 
The  custom  of  applauding  the  preacher  by  clap- 
ping the  hands  and  stamping  the  feet  (Kp6ros) 
extended  itself  by  degrees  into  the  church,  and 
shewed  the  great  change  which  had  passed  over 
the  habits  of  Christians.  St.  Chrysostom  is  said  to 
have  inveighed  against  this  objectionable  custom 
in  an  eloquent  sermon,  which  tvas  loudly  applauded. 
Rhetoric,  in  fact,  speedily  passed  into  mere  un- 
real and  factitious  artifice  in  that  luxurious  age, 
and  the  sermon  seems  to  have  in  some  places 
sunk  to  be  little  higher  than  an  intellectual  ex- 
ercise. Accordingly,  in  Constantinople  and  other 
great  cities,  popular  preachers  were  loaded  with 
rewards,  with  fame,  and  it  would  seem  with 
recompense  of  a  more  substantial  kind.  The  his- 
torian Socrates  (i^i'si.  lib.  vi.  cap.  11)  tells  a  story 
of  a  certain  bishop  from  Ptolemais,  Antiochus  by 
name,  who  was  very  famous  for  his  eloquence,  and 
liaving  come  to  Constantinople  and  f)reached  in  a 
great  many  churches  there,  obtained  by  so  doing  a 
large  sum  of  money,  and  then  returned  home.  Pos- 
sibly this  prevalent  secularifij  of  tone  into  which 
the  practice  of  preaching  had  fallen,  may  not  be 
unconnected  with  the  disuse  of  it  in  the  Roman 
church,  and  it  would  seem  throughout  great  part 
of  Western  Europe,  where  at  this  time  a  much 
greater  simplicity  of  manners  and  even  ignorance 
prevailed.  Here,  however,  Hilary,  bishop  of  Aries 
(d.  A.D.  449),  was  renowned  for  his  preaching, 
which  seems  to  have  been  in  some  respects  a 
return  to  a  higher  and  purer  type  of  pastoral 
address.  It  is,  nevertheless,  too  much  like  the 
inflated  compliment  of  the  previous  century, 
when  we  are  told  by  a  contemporary  :  "  Si  Au- 
gustinus  post  Hilarium  fuisset,  judicaretur  in- 
ferior." The  writer  of  his  life  gives  the  following 
account  of  his  preaching  : — "  Temporalis  vero 
ejus  praedicatio,  quantum  flumen  eloquentiae 
habuerit,  quas  sententiarum  gemmas  sculpserit, 
aurum  supernorum  sensuum  repererit,  argentum 
splendentis  eloquii  abundaverit,  descriptionum 
varias  picturas,  et  rhetoricos  colores  expresserit, 
ferrum  spiritalis  gladii  acumen  in  truncandis 
haereticorum  venenatis  erroribus  exercuerit,  non 
dicam  dicere,  sed  ne  cogitare  me  posse  protestor ; 
sedilibus  praeparatis  in  jejunio  ab  hora  diei  sep- 
tima  usque  in  ejus  decimam  epulis  plebcm  spiri- 
talibus  saginabat,  pascendo  esurire  cogebat,  esuri- 
entes  nequaquam  pascere  desistebat.  Si  peritorum 
turba  defuisset,  simplici  sermone  rusticorum 
corda  nutriebat,  at  ubi  instructos  super  venisse 
vidisset,  sermone,  vultu  paritcr  in  quadam  gratia 
insolita  excitabatur,  seipso  celsior  apparebat  ;  ut 
cjusdcm  praeclari  doctores  temporis,  qui  suis 
scriptis  meriti  summi  claruere,  Silvius  Eusebius, 
Donnolas,  admiratione  succensi  in  hac  verba  pro- 
ruperint,  Non  doctrinam,  non  eloquentiam,  sed 
nescio  quid  super  homines  consecutum." 


PRECARIAE 


1G«'J 


Xn.  When  we  come  to  the  8th  century,  and 
the  beginning  of  the  9th  century,  we  must  con- 
clude, if  we  may  judge  from  the  few  specimens 
that  remain,  that  there  was  but  little  preaching, 
and  that  what  existed  shews  a  singular  mixture 
of  piety  and  dense  ignorance.  It  would  probably 
be  correct  to  say  that  there  was  little  or  no 
popular  or  public  preaching  at  all ;  the  written 
compositions  that  remain  to  us  from  that  age 
emanated  almost  in  every  case  from  the  monastic 
institutions,  and  were  intended  for  use  within 
their  own  walls  and  for  their  own  members.  On 
the  one  hand,  they  display  considerable  know- 
ledge of  the  letter  of  Scripture,  care  and 
acuteness  in  reasoning  upon  it,  and  ardent, 
if  simple,  piety.  On  the  other,  the  temper 
of  the  age  was  utterly  uncritical,  and  accepted 
indiscriminately  historical  truth,  and  the  most 
crude  and  incredible  legends.  The  Homilies  which 
are  extant  under  the  name  of  Aelfric  (whether 
written  by  him  or  not,  they  are  apparently  a 
work  of  that  age)  afford  numerous  examples  of 
this  characteristic.  And  on  the  other  hand, 
they  have  many  passages  of  considerable  spiritual 
insight  and  remarkable  earnestness  and  beauty. 
[S.  J.  E.] 

XIII.  Literature.  F.  B.  Ferrarius,  I)e  Veterum 
Christt.  Concionibus,  lib.  iii.  (Mediol.  1621,  often 
reprinted) ;  J.  Hildebrand,  Exercitationes  de 
Veterum  Concionibus  (Helmstadt,  1661);  E. 
Leopold,  Das  Predigtamt  im  Uixhristenthum 
(Liineburg,  1846) ;  Moule,  Christian  Oratory  of 
the  First  Four  Centuries  (Cambridge,  1864); 
Paniel,  Geschichte  der  christl.  Beredsamkeit 
(Leipzig,  1839  ff.)  ;  Tzschirner  de  Claris  Ecd. 
Vet.  Oratoribus  (Liepzig,  1817-1821) ;  Th.  Har- 
nack,  Geschichte  und  Theoiie  der  Predigt 
(Erlangen,  1878).  Collections  of  sermons  of  the 
fathers  are  found  in  Combefis,  Bibliotheca  Patrum 
Concionatoria  (Paris,  1662)  ;  Pelt  et  Rheinwald, 
Bibliotheca  Concionatoria  (Berlin,  1829  f.).   [C] 

PREBEND.     [Praebenda.] 

PRECARIAE,  PRECARIUM,  an  agree- 
ment, lease,  or  charter  (Ducange,  Gloss.),  by 
which  a  life  interest  in  church  property  was 
created,  1,  in  return  for  the  conveyance  of  an 
estate  to  the  church  in  fee  simple ;  2,  at  a 
fixed  quit-rent,  in  return  for  feudal  services. 

I.  In  the  first  case  the  property  appears  some- 
times to  have  been  given  over  with  a  bare  reser- 
vation of  the  life  interest.  Thus  Augustine 
{Sermo  356,  Migne,  Patrol,  i.  v.  page  1572), 
speaking  of  one  Aurelius,  bishop  of  Carthage, 
tells  a  story  of  a  man  who,  not  expecting  to 
have  children,  conveyed  his  whole  property  to 
the  church,  retaining  merely  a  life  interest 
(retento  sibi  usufructu) ;  when  children  were 
born  to  him,  the  bishop,  contrary  to  his  expecta- 
tion, restored  the  property  to  him.  In  most 
cases,  however,  the  arrangement  evidently  par- 
took largely  of  the  nature  of  a  bargain.  Thus 
the  third  council  of  Tours,  A.D.  813  (c.  51),  replies 
to  the  complaints  made  by  certain  heirs,  who  al- 
leged that  they  had  been  unfairly  disinherited,  be- 
cause the  property  to  which  they  had  a  rightful 
claim  had  been  conveyed  to  the  church  under  the 
title  of  "  precariae,"  that  no  one  ever  conveyed 
property  to  the  church  without  receiving  either 
as  much  as  he  had  given,  or  twice  or  thrice  as 
much  in  the   shape  of  life  interest  (usu  fruc- 


1690 


PRECARIAE 


tuario).  and  that,  if  the  donor  made  it  a  condi- 
tion, his  children  or  relations  were  allowed  to 
hold  the  property  on  the  same  terms  that  had 
been  agreed  on  with  himself.  It  is  added  that 
oren  relations  who  had  no  legal  claim  were  habi- 
tually permitted,  as  a  matter  of  grace,  to  hold 
the  property  which  had  been  conveyed  away 
from  them  (de  qui  illi  jam  erant  per  legem 
exclusi)  if  they  were  willing  to  hold  it  as  a  fief 
(in  bencficium)  from  the  church.  This  they 
allege  to  be  the  invariable  custom  and  method  of 
the  church.  It  is  probable,  however,  that  com- 
plaints continued  to  be  made  by  heirs  who  con- 
sidered themselves  unjustly  deprived  of  their 
inheritance,  and  that  such  assertions  were  not 
altogether  without  reason  may  be  gathered  from 
the  fact  that  the  council  of  Meaux,  A.d.  845 
(c.  21),  found  it  necessary  to  declare  in  the  most 
positive  terms  that  no  one  should  dare  to  accept 
"precariae,"  except  on  condition  that  the 
owner  should  retain  a  life  interest  in  the  pro- 
perty, and  receive  an  annuity  of  twice  the 
amount  from  the  property  of  the  church  (si  res 
proprias  et  ecclesiasticas  usufructuario  tenere 
voluerit).  In  case,  however,  the  owner  preferred 
to  convey  the  property  at  once  (ad  praesens 
demiserit)he  was  to  receive  a  life  interest  to  the 
amount  of  three  times  the  value  from  church 
property,  but  only  for  his  own  life. 

II.  The  second  class  of  "precariae"  consisted 
of  lands  held  from  the  church  by  military 
tenure,  on  condition  of  rendering  certain  feudal 
services,  and  paying  a  certain  fixed  quit-rent. 
The  occasion  of  the  foundation  of  these  precariae 
is  found  in  the  proceedings  of  the  council  of 
Leptina,  A.D.  743  (c.  2),  where  an  edict  is  recited 
of  Carloman  the  Elder,  providing  that,  on 
account  of  the  cruel  wars  then  prevailing,  and 
the  necessities  of  the  state  from  the  invasions  of 
surrounding  nations,  the  church  should  allot 
some  estates  for  the  assistance  of  the  army,  to  be 
held  on  lease  and  at  an  annual  rent  (precario  et 
censu),  on  condition  that  the  tenants  should  pay 
a  rent  of  twelve  denarii  for  every  farm  building 
(casata)  to  the  church  to  which  the  property 
belonged.  It  was  carefully  provided  that  the 
estate  should  revert  to  the  church  at  the  death 
of  the  original  holder,  but  if  the  necessity  of  the 
case  required,  or  the  sovereign  willed  it,  the  lease 
should  be  renewed  or  regranted.  These  leases 
might  also  be  revoked  even  before  the  death  of 
the  holder,  in  case  the  church  or  monastery  to 
which  they  belonged  was  in  actual  need. 

A  capitulary  of  Charles  the  Great  (A.D.  779, 
c.  13)  provides  for  the  renewal  of  "  precariae  " 
already  subsisting,  and  the  granting  of  them  in 
cases  where  they  did  not  exist.  From  the 
wording  of  the  capitulary  it  appears  that  there 
were  two  classes  of  these  leases,  some  dependent 
directly  on  the  church,  and  others  in  which  the 
sovereign  was  concerned,  for  it  directs  that  a 
distinction  should  be  made  (sit  discretio)  between 
tho  precariae  founded  by  the  will  of  the  sovereign 
(d  •  verbo  nostro  factas)  and  those  granted  by  the 
free  will  of  the  church  from  its  own  property. 
Another  edict  (^Addit.  iv.  §  32)  further  provides 
that  those  who  refuse  to  pay  their  quit-rent,  their 
tenths,  and  nones,  or  defer  to  seek  a  renewal  of 
their  leases,  shall  forfeit  their  fiefs,  which  shall 
return  in  absolute  and  perpetual  possession  to 
the  church  to  which  they  belong.  See  also 
Capit  V.  c.  198. 


PRECENTOR 

As  might  have  been  expected,  the  holders  of 
these  leases  were  engaged  in  a  continual  effort 
to  assert  hereditary  rights  over  the  estates  so 
held,  and  indeed  to  claim  them  as  their  abso 
lute  property,  on  payment  of  the  fixed  quit- 
rent.  Such  claims  were  absolutely  negatived  by 
imperial  decrees.  A  capitulary  of  Charles  the 
Great  {Capit.  vii.  c.  104),  after  reciting  the  evils 
that  had  fallen  upon  states  in  consequence  of 
seizing  the  property  of  the  church,  expressly 
provides  that  no  one  shall  hold  church  lands  ex- 
cept as  "  precariae  "  ;  that,  on  the  death  of  the 
holder,  they  shall  be  delivered  up  to  the  church, 
and  that  the  bishops  shall  elect  either  to  receive 
them  or  to  regrant  them  on  the  same  conditions. 
It  is  emphatically  added  that  the  property  shall 
be  delivered  to  the  bishops  of  the  particular 
church  to  which  it  belonged,  and  dealt  with 
them  according  to  the  law  (canonice). 

The  mistrust  of  the  bishops  indicated  in  the 
careful  wording  of  the  latter  provision  does  not 
seem  to  have  been  altogether  unfounded.  There 
are  traces,  even  in  the  slender  notices  of  pre- 
cariae which  are  found  in  the  records  of  councils, 
not  only  that  the  sovereign  occasionally  found 
them  a  convenient  method  of  appropriating,  with 
a  colour  of  legality,  the  estates  of  the  church, 
but  that  bishops  sometimes  used  them,  as  leases 
of  church  property  have  been  used  in  later  days, 
to  further  their  individual  interests.  Thus  the 
council  of  Meaux,  A.D.  845  (c.  22),  apparently 
referring  to  the  precariae  mentioned  in  the  capi- 
tulary of  Charles  the  Great,  above  quoted,  pro- 
tests that  the  sovereign  has  no  power  to  issue 
precepts  concerning  precariae  created  by  the 
church  (praecepta  regalia  super  precariis  eccle- 
siasticis  fieri),  and  also  (c.  21)  decrees  that  certain 
"  precariae  "  which  had  been  granted  by  bishops 
who  were  in  illegal  occupation  of  sees  which  were 
really  vacant,  should  be  resumed,  and  granted, 
if  desirable,  by  proper  ecclesiastical  or  civil 
authority  (cum  authoritate  ecclesiastica  vel 
civili).  The  latter  expression  seeming  to  indicate 
that  the  state  had  some  power  of  granting  "  pre- 
cariae "  out  of  the  estates  of  the  church.  The 
same  council  decrees  (c.  22)  that  "  precariae," 
according  to  ancient  rule  and  custom,  should  be 
renewed  every  five  years. 

It  was  evident  from  these  decrees  that  the 
system  of  "  precariae  "  was  never  altogether  free 
from  unfairness  and  dishonest)',  though  there  is 
no  express  mention  of  the  abuses  which  it  fos- 
tered in  times  later  than  our  present  limits. 
That  donors  of  property  regarded  the  system 
with  at  least  suspicion  may  be  inferred  from  the 
fact  that  gifts  were  sometimes  made  subject  to 
the  special  provision  that  they  should  not  be 
granted  as  precariae.  Thus  the  second  council 
of  Vermez,  a.d.  853  (c.  2),  revoked  the  conces- 
sion as  a  "  precariae "  of  a  certain  monastery 
belonging  to  the  abbey  of  St.  Dionysius,  because 
the  donor  of  the  property  in  question  had  made 
it  a  condition  that  it  never  should  be  granted  as 
a  fief  or  "  precariae  "  (nee  beneficiario  nee  pre- 
cario jure  distrahendum).  [P.  0.] 

PRECENTOR,  the  leader  of  the  singers  in 
the  chanting  of  the  psalms  and  the  other 
musical  portions  of  the  church  service,  "  qui 
vocem  praemittit  in  cantu  "  (Isidor.  Origg.  lib. 
vii.  c.  11);  "qui  cantando  voce  et  manu  in- 
citat,  ut  servus  qui  boves  stimulo  minans  dulci 


PEECENTOR 

roce  bobus  jubilet  "  (Honorius  Augustod.  Gemma 
Animae,  i.  17).  Other  names  were  vTro^oKevs, 
[a  prompter);  fuvaffKhs,  monitor,  su(igestor,psalmi 
oronuntiator  or  praenuntiator,  archicantor.  We 
ind  no  distinct  mention  of  this  office  before  the 
ith  century.  We  then  have  abundant  evidence 
)f  the  custom  of  dividing  the  psalms  and  canticles 
setween  one  leader,  who  recited  the  first  half  of 
:he  verse,  and  the  people  who  took  it  up  and 
;ang  the  latter  half,  "  praecinebant  cantores, 
Dopulus  vero  succinebat "  (Coteler.  in  Constit. 
ApostoL  note  34,  p.  260).  At  Caesarea,  we 
earn  from  Basil's  letter  to  the  Neocaesareans 
[EpisL  207  [63],  §  3),  the  psalmody  was  some- 
;imes  antiphonal ;  sometimes  one  began  the 
;train,  and  the  rest  responded  (ot  Xoiirol  vttt)- 
X^ovcri).  We  see  that  the  same  custom  was 
idopted  at  Alexandria  from  Athanasius's  narra- 
iive  of  his  escape  from  the  soldiers  who  were 
sent  to  apprehend  him.  When  the  church  was 
aeset  with  the  military  force,  he  directed  the  deacon 
:o  commence  the  137th  Psalm,  and  the  people 
:o  respond  at  the  close  of  each  verse  "  For  His 
uercy  endureth  for  ever,"  and  then  qiiietly  to 
iisperse  (Athanas.  da  Fug.  §  34,  p.  717).  The 
;ustom  at  Antioch  was  the  same,  as  we  learn 
from  Chrysostom,  "  He  who  chants,  chants 
ilone,  and,  though  all  utter  the  response,,  the 
roice  is  wafted  as  from  one  mouth  "  {Homil. 
sxxvi.  in  1  Cor.  xiv.  §  9).  A  similar  direction  is 
^iven  in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions — "  Let  some 
person  sing  the  hymns  of  David,  and  let  the 
people  join  at  the  conclusion  of  the  verses" 
Va  d/cpotTTixia  vTrorpaWeToi)  (lib.  ii.  c.  57). 
sidonius  Apollinaris  is  evidence  of  the  same 
2ustom  in  the  Galilean  church  in  the  5th  cen- 
tury— "  Psalmorum  hie  modulator  et  phonascus  " 
lib.  iv.  Ep.  11).  These  leaders  of  the  chant 
formed  a  distinct  class,  called  vvo^oKils  (Socr. 
H.  E.  V.  22),  originally  belonging  to  the  order  of 
'  lectores  "  (Marteue  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Discipl.  c.  iii. 
J  89),  of  whom,  in  Justinian's  time,  there  were 
is  many  as  twenty-six  attached  to  the  church  of 
[Constantinople  (Justin.  Novell,  iii.  c.  1).  They 
svere  forbidden  to  wear  an  orarium  (Can.  Laodic. 
23 ;  Labbe,  i.  1500),  as  being  a  too  distinctly 
clerical  symbol,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  were 
prohibited  from  singing  in  a  secular  dress 
;Canon  11,  Bracar.  II. ;  Labbe,  v.  841).  In 
process  of  time,  the  name  praecentor  became 
i-estricted  in  the  Western  church  to  a  single 
person,  or  sometimes  two  persons — the  Gemma 
Animae,  speaks  of  those  "  qui  chorum  utrimque 
regunt  "  (i.  74) — who  had  the  chief  regulation 
3f  the  musical  portion  of  the  service,  and  con- 
Jucted  it  himself,  per  baculum,  beating  time 
ivith  a  baton,  and  proclaimed  from  the  aml}0  the 
title  of  the  psalm  (Cassiodor.  Praef.  in  Ps.  c.  2). 
rhe  narrative  of  Beda  makes  us  acquainted  with 
several  persons  bearing  this  title  of  office,  such  as 
James,  the  chanter,  who  — "  raagister  eccle- 
iiasticae  cantionis  juxta  morem  Eomanum  " — 
nobly  remained  in  Northumbria  when  Paulinus 
fled  after  Penda's  victory  at  Hatfield  (Beda, 
Eccl.  Hist.  ii.  20).  Stephen  Eddi  (Haedde),  th« 
biographer  of  Wilfrid,  after  James,  "  primus 
cantandi  magister  Nordanhymbrorum  ecclesiis  " 
[ibid.  iv.  2).  Putta,  afterwards  bishop  of  Rochester, 
whose  sjiecial  skill  in  chanting  had  been  derived 
from  the  disciples  of  pope  Gregory  (ibid.). 
^Laban,  the  chanter  of  Hexham  (ibid.  v.  20),  and, 
above  all,  John,  the  praecentor,  archicantator  of 


PRECES 


1691 


St.  Peter's  at  Rome,  sent  by  pope  Ao;atho,  at 
Benedict  Biscop's  request,  a.d.  680,  to  teach  the 
monks  of  Wearmouth  the  Roman  style  of  sing- 
ing and  reading,  and  to  arrange  the  yearfv 
cycle  (ibid.  iv.  18),  "  which,  in  its  results,  affected 
the  whole  church  of  England  "  (Bright,  Earhj 
English  Church  History,  p.  314).  [E.  V.]' 

PRECES.  I.  While  always  capable  of  a 
more  general  meaning,  this  word  was  largely 
used  to  denote  a  series  of  short  petitions,  espe- 
cially such  as  were  dictated  to  the  people  by  the 
ministers  of  common  prayer.  In  this  usage 
there  was  a  distinction  between  orationes  and 
j)reces,  orationes  being  longer  forms  of  prayer, 
complete  in  themselves,  as  collects.  We  observe 
the  restricted  use  of  "  preces  "  in  St.  Cyprian. 
253  :  '•  Fratres  nostros  ....  in  menteni  habe- 
atis  in  oratiouibus  vestris,  et  eis  vicem  boni 
operis  in  sacrificiis  et  precibus  repraesentetis  " 
(Epist.  62  ad  Januar.).  Here  preces  =  the 
eucharistic  litany,  in  connexion  with  which  the 
names  of  benefactors  were  given  out  [Litany, 
Names,  Oblation  of].  St.  Augustine,  after 
speaking  of  the  several  petitions  of  the  Lord's 
Prayer,  says,  "  Preces  istas  Jurisperitus  coeli 
dictavit  "  (Serm.  114,  §  5). 

The  preces  of  the  West  were  at  first  always 
bidden  or  dictated  by  the  deacon,  like  those  of 
the  East  (thence  called  "  diaconica"),  from  which 
they  were  derived.  Thus,  Germanus  of  Paris, 
555,  speaks  of  the  "  Levites  singing  the  preces 
for  the  people  "  (Expos.  Brev.  Lit.  Gall.  c.  De 
Prece).  So  Isidore  of  Seville,  about  610  :  "  Ad 
ipsum  (diaconum)  quoque  pertinet  officium  pre- 
cum"  (Epist.  ad  Leudefr.  8).  But  at  Rome,  as 
we  infer  from  the  language  of  Pseudo-Innocent, 
the  litany  was  already  said  by  the  priest  before 
the  beginning  of  the  6th  century  :  "  De  nominv- 
bus  vero  recitandis,  antequam  preces  sacerdos 
faciat,"  &c.    (Epist.  ad  Decent,  c.  2.) 

II.  The  preces  were  peculiarly  the  prayer  of 
the  people,  and  even  of  their  children,  as  St. 
Chrysostom  expressly  tells  them  (Horn.  71  or  72 
in  S.  Matt.  Ev.  §  4),  and  naturally  dropped  out 
of  common  use  in  the  liturgy  when  the  people 
no  longer  understood  the  language  in  which  they 
were  required  to  respond.  Vestiges  of  them, 
however,  remain  in  the  ancient  sacramentaries. 
There  are  two  metrical  litanies  given  for  use  on 
Easter  eve  in  the  Besan(^on  sacramentary,  found 
by  Mabillon  at  Bobio,  and  assigned  by  him  to  the 
7th  century.  They  are  preceded  by  the  rubric. 
"  Incipit  Precis  (sic)  de  eodem  Die  "  (3fv.s.  Ital. 
i.  319).     See  Notitia  Eucharistica,  p.  304,  ed.  2. 

These  "  preces "  contain  seven  verses  each. 
The  same  sacramentary  gives,  in  a  part  for 
general  use,  three  collects  headed  Graiio  post 
Precem  (282),  one  of  which  refers  very  distinctly 
to  the  litany  which  originally  preceded  it. 
Two  similar  prayers  in  the  Gothico-Gallican 
Missal  retain  the  old  headings,  "  Collcctio  post 
Precem"  (Liturg.  Gall.  190),  and  ''Post  Prec." 
(251).  Both  pray  that  the  people  may  be 
heard,  thus  implying  that  they  had  been 
praying.  There  are  two  similar  prayers,  with 
the  heading  "Post  Precem"  in  the  Frankish 
Missal  of  the  7th  century  (Ibid.  324-5).  In 
two  Galilean  liturc;ics  (J//s'.  Goth,  in  Lit. 
Gall.  243  ;  Miss.  Gall.  Vet.  359)  we  find  for  use 
on  Easter  eve  sets  of  twelve  or  tliirteon  short 
intercessory  prayers,  each  introduced  by  a  request 


1692 


PKECES 


[Preface  (II.)]  from  the  priest  to  the  people 
that  they  would  pray  for  some  object  or  class  of 
persons,  as  for  those  then  and  there  keeping 
Easter,  those  in  exile  and  imable  to  keep  it ;  for 
the  clergy,  for  devoted  virgins;  givers  of  alms,  &c. 
In  a  third  we  find  only  the  requests — "  bedes  " 
in  the  stricter  sense — the  prayer  being  left  to 
the  silent  devotion  of  the  people,  except  that 
the  priest  says  a  general  "  Collectio  "  at  the  end 
(Sacram.  Gallic,  (the  Besan9on)  in  Mus.  Ital.  i. 
320).  In  the  last  these  bedes  follow  immediately 
the  metrical  litany  cited  above.  It  is  obvious 
that  the  form  of  this  office  is  derived  from  a 
litany  as  bidden  piece-meal  by  the  deacon 
according  to  the  practice  of  the  East,  and  of  the 
churches  of  Gaul  and  Spain.  They  were  probably 
also  a  substitute  for  such  a  litany.  That  which 
had  been  the  common  eucharistic  litany  was  re- 
tained on  Easter  eve,  after  its  disuse  at  other 
times  (Sacrum.  Gelas.  u.  s.  i.  564  ;  Ord.  Bom.  i. 
3fus.  Ital.  ii.  26,  35) ;  but  it  had  become  little 
more  than  the  repetition  of  Kyries,  and  the 
recitals  of  a  long  string  of  saints'  names  (see 
examples,  Miss.  Moz.  Leslie,  187 ;  Martene  de 
Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  lib.  i.  c.  i.  18,  Ordd.  6,  21).  At 
this  stage,  I  would  suggest,  the  want  of  the 
intercessions  in  the  old  litanies  was  felt ;  and 
the  churches  in  Gaul  sought  to  restore  them  in 
another  form  by  introducing  the  prefaces  and 
collects   above  described. 

The  Hispano-Gothic  preces  came  between  the 
PROPHECY  and  the  epistle ;  and  those  for  the 
ilrst  five  Sundays  in  Lent  were  retained  in  that 
place  to  the  last,  and  are  still  so  used  in  the 
liturgy  as  celebrated  in  the  parish  churches  of 
St.  Justa  and  St.  Mark  at  Toledo  (Miss.  Mozar. 
Leslie,  94,  105,  117,  128,  139).  The  Ambrosian 
Missal  still  retains  two  sets  of  preces  for  alter- 
nate use  on  the  second  and  three  following 
Sundays  in  Lent.  They  are  said  by  the  deacon 
after  the  introit.  Traces  of  the  eucharistic 
preces  are  also  found  in  the  earlier  Koman  sacra- 
mentary.  The  heading  to  Missae,  "  Orationes  ct 
Preces,"  is  of  frequent  occurrence,  though  the 
latter  had  disappeared  (Lit.  Rom.  Vet.  Murat.  i. 
349,  Leon. ;  493,  504,  &c.,  Gelas.).  The  later 
Gregorian  corrects  this  by  the  omission  of  et 
Preces.  See  the  various  codices  :  Mur.  ii.  7,  10, 
&c. ;  Pamel.  ihid.  ii.  187,  196,  &c. ;  Menard,  0pp. 
S.  Greg.  ed.  Ben.  iii.  82,  96,  &c. ;  Pvocca,  0pp.  S. 
Greg.  ed.  Autv.  1615,  v.  68,  73,  &c.  Allusions 
to  the  preces  of  the  people,  similar  to  those  of 
the  Gallican  collects  cited  above,  are  frequent  in 
the  Roman.  Thus :  "  Exaudi,  Domine,  suppli- 
cuxa  preces"  (Sacr.  Leon.  ib.  i.  517);  '•  Suscipe, 
Domine,  preces  populi  Tui "  (Gelas.  572) ; 
"  Preces  populi  Tui  ....  exaudi "  (686),  &c. 
Nor  were  these  expressions  rejected  by  the 
Gregorian  reviser,  as  they  were  easily  understood 
of  the  whole  office  when  the  proper  "  preces 
populi  "  had  fallen  out.  They  occur,  of  course, 
here  in  the  collect  for  the  day,  which  in  the 
Koman  rite  followed  the  litany.  See  examples, 
Sacr.  Greg.  Mur.  ii.  19,  26,  27,  31,  34,  &c. 
Several  of  our  own  collects  preserve  this  allusion 
to  the  preces.  The  following  are  among  the 
more  obvious  examples  :  Coll.  for  Septuagesima 
(comp.  Sacr.  Greg.  u.  s.  26),  tenth  Sunday  after 
Trinity  (,S'.  Gr.  169),  and  twenty-third  after 
Trinity  (ibid.  lib). 

III.  The  petitions  dictated  by  the  deacons  for 
the  catechumens  and  penitents  before  their  dis- 


PEEFACE 

missal  were  also  called  "preces."  Germanus 
(m.  s.)  tells  us,  in  the  dialect  of  his  day,  that  after 
the  lessons  "deprecarent  pro  illos  Levitae, 
diceret  sacerdos  collecta ;  post  prece  exirent 
postea  foris  qui  digni  non  erant  stare  dum  in- 
ferebatur  oblatio."  The  Hispano-Gothic  preces 
for  penitents  in  Lent  are  extant  (Miss.  Mozar. 
Leslie,  99-147). 

IV.  At  Kome  the  canon  in  the  liturgy  was 
sometimes  called  Prex.  Thus  Vigilius,  538,- 
after  speaking  of  the  general  "  Ordo  precum  in 
solemnitate  missarum,"  says  to  a  correspondent, 
Profuturus  of  Braga,  "  Ipsius  canonicae  p)recis 
textum  direximus  subter  adjectum,  quern  Deo 
propitio  ex  Apostolica  traditione  suscepimus " 
(Nova  Collect.  Cone.  1470,  Par.  1683,  §  5 ;  in 
Labb.  and  Hard.  "  ad  Eutherium  ").  Gregory  I. 
in  598  :  "  Orationem  vero  Dominicam  idcirco  post 
l^recem  dicimus,  quia  mos  Apostolum  fuit  vA 
ad  ipsam  solummodo  orationem  oblationem 
hostiae  consecrarent  "  (Epist.  ad  Joan.  Syrac.  vii. 
64).  He  had  been  blamed,  "quia  orationem 
Dominicam  mox  post  canonem  dici  statuistis " 
(ibid.)  [W.  E.  S.] 

PREFACE  (I.).  A  form  in  every  liturgy 
serving  as  an  introduction  to  the  anaphora  oi* 
missa  fidelium. 

The  Benediction. — In  most  offices  the  preface 
began,  after  the  first  liturgic  period,  with  a  bene- 
diction by  the  priest,  derived  from  2  Cor.  xiii. 
14,  to  which  the  people  responded,  or  with  the 
ordinary  mutual  salutation  of  the  priest  and 
people.  This  part  of  the  preface  cannot  claim 
an  apostolic  origin,  for  it  is  not  mentioned  by 
Cyril  of  Jerusalem  in  his  close  account  of  the 
liturgy  of  his  church,  a.d.  350  (Catech.  Myst.  v. 
2,  3),  nor  in  the  West  do  we  find  it  in  the  Gelasian 
sacramentary  (Murat.  Lit.  Bom.  Vet.  i.  695), 
nor  attached  to  the  canon  as  borrowed  from 
Rome  by  the  Franks  in  the  8th  century  (Lit. 
Gall.  Mabill.  326),  nor  have  I  met  with  any 
reason  for  supposing  that  it  had  a  place  in  any 
purely  Gallican  liturgy.  Yet  the  benediction  is 
very  ancient  in  the  East.  St.  Chrysostom,  398, 
alludes  to  it ;  the  priest  "  does  not  touch  the 
offering  without  first  praying  that  the  grace 
from  the  Lord  may  be  on  you"  (Horn.  i.  in  Pen- 
tec.  4).  Theodoret,  a.d.  423,  thought  it  uni- 
versal, for  he  calls  it  "the  commencement  of  the 
mystical  liturgy  in  all  the  churches "  (^^'sL 
146,  ad  Joan.  Oecon.).  In  the  liturgy  of  St. 
James,  used  at  Jerusalem,  it  appears  in  this 
form :  "  The  love  of  the  Lord  and  Father,  the 
grace  of  the  Son  and  God,  and  the  fellowship 
and  gift  of  the  Holy  Ghost  be  with  you  all" 
(Codex  Litiirg.  Assem.  v.  32).  Similar  expan- 
sions or  variations  of  the  apostolic  benediction 
are  found  in  all  the  Syrian  liturgies  (Renaudot, 
Collect.  Lit.  Orient,  ii.  21,  30,  126,  134,  &c.),  in 
the  Egyptian  rites  of  St.  Gregory,  Coptic  and 
Greek  (ibid.  i.  27,  98),  in  the  Armenian  (Neale, 
-Hist.  East.  Ch.  Introd.  530),  and  the  Clementine 
(Constit.  ^4jjos^  viii.  12).  The  Nestorian  liturgies, 
which  in  their  more  ancient  parts  represent 
those  of  Constantinople  and  Mopsuestia  before  the 
schism,  are  more  faithful  to  the  text  of  Scripture, 
but  they  read  "  us  "  for  "  you  "  at  the  end,  and 
add  "  Now  and  for  ever,  world  without  end " 
(Ren.  u.  s.  ii.  589,  617,  626  ;  Missa  Malabar. 
Raulin,  312).  St.  Basil  and  St.  Chrysostom 
differ   from   St.    Paul   only  by  giving    in   the 


PREFACE 

;econd  clause  "  the  love  of  the  God  and  Father  " 
Eucliologion,  Gear,  165,  75).  A  few  Eastern 
iturgies  do  not  use  this  benediction.  St.  Mark 
md  the  Greek  Alexandrine  of  St.  Basil  have 
nstead,  "  The  Lord  be  with  yoix  all  "  (Ren.  i. 
144,  64),  the  Coptic  SS.  Basil  and  Cyril,  "Ihe 
^ord  be  with  you  "  (ihid.  13,  40). 

The  Mozarabic  is  the  only  Western  liturgy  which 
"oUows  here  (with  its  own  variations)  the  more 
;ommon  oriental  form  :  "  The  grace  of  God  the 
^'ather  Almighty,  the  peace  and  love  of  our  Lord 
[esus  Christ,  and  the  fellowship  of  the  Holy 
jhost  be  with  us  all  evermore"  (^Miss.Moz. 
Leslie,  4).  -The  Milanese  has,  "  The  Lord  be  with 
(oxx "  (Ritual.  SS.  PP.  Pamel.  i.  300) ;  and  this 
■probably  borrowed  from  Milan)  is  found  in  all 
;he  extant  copies  of  the  Roman  Gregorian 
■Pamel.  ii.  178 ;  Rocca,  0pp.  Greg.  v.  63,  ed. 
L615  ;  Murat  ii.  1 ;  Menard.  0pp.  Greg.  ed.  Ben. 
ii.  1 ;  Gerbert,  Monum.  Eccl.  Aleman.  232  ;  &c.). 

The  common  response  to  both  benedictions  is, 
'  And  with  thy  spirit."  This  is  recognised  by 
5t.  Chrysostom  (m.  s.)  :  "  And  ye  respond  to 
lim,  '  And  with  thy  spirit.' "  In  a  few  liturgies, 
IS  the  Nestorian  (m.  s.  589,  626),  and  the  Syro- 
Tacobite  of  Eustathius  of  Antioch  {ibid.  235)  and 
lacobus  Baradatus  (347),  the  people  answer, 
A.men.  The  Mozarabic  is  peculiar :  "  And  with 
men  of  good  will."  Several  versicles  and  re- 
sponses with  the  kiss  of  peace  follow  before  the 
Sursum  Corda  is  said  (Miss.  Mozar.  Leslie,  4, 
227). 

Theodoret  evidently  regarded  this  benediction 
13  the  opening  of  the  Missa  Fidelium,  and  we 
ihould  infer  from  St.  Chrysostom  that  it  was  a 
part  of  it,  and  near  the  beginning.  In  the 
liturgy  of  Milan  (h.  s.)  it  is  preceded  by  the 
rubric,  Praefatio  in  Canonem,  and  in  some 
Oriental  rites  (the  Coptic  St.  Basil  and  St.  Cyril, 
Ren.  i.  13,  40)  by  the  title  Anaphora,  or  by 
the  rubric,  "  The  priest  says  the  canon  "  (Zii. 
Nestor,  ibid.  ii.  589,  617).  It  is  nevertheless  not 
improbable  that  originally  it  was  the  close  of 
bhe  former  and  less  sacred  part  of  the  liturgy,  as 
suggested  by  Mr.  Trollope  (Lit.  of  St.  James.  67). 
rhis  opinion  derives  countenance  from  the  f;icts, 
that  in  the  Mozarabic  the  peace  is  given  (Leslie, 
4-)  ;  in  the  Armenian,  the  deacon  utters  his  cry  of 
■•  The  doors,  the  doors "  (Neale,  it.  s.) ;  in  the 
Xestorian,  the  gifts  are  signed  (Ren.  ii.  589,  617, 
G26) ;  between  the  salutation  and  the  Sursum 
Corda  ;  and  also  from  the  response,  Amen,  to  the 
former  in  the  very  ancient  rite  of  Nestorius 
(626). 

Sursum  Corda. — The  next  member  of  the  pre- 
face is  Sursum  Corda,  "  Lift  up  your  hearts," 
as  it  is  commonly  given.  In  one  form  or  another 
this  is  found  in  every  perfect  liturgy,  whence  it  is 
reasonably  inferred  to  be  apostolic.  The  earliest 
Greek  writer  who  quotes  it,  Cyril  of  Jeru- 
salem, 350,  has  "AvcD  ras  napSlas  (Catech.  Myst. 
V.  3),  which  evinces  its  superior  antiquity  both 
by  its  simplicity  and  its  exact  correspondence  to 
the  common  and  earlier  Latin  form,  Sursum 
Corda.  To  the  latter,  St.  Cyprian,  252,  is  the 
earliest  witness  :  "  Sacerdos,  ante  orationem  prae- 
fatione  praemissa,  parat  fratrum  mentes  dicendo, 
Sursum  Corda"  (de  Orat.  Bomin.  152,  ed.  1690). 
St.  Augustine :  "  Si  in  terra  obruis  cor  tuum, 
erubesce ;  quia  mentiris  cum  respondes  quando 
audis,  Sursum  Cor. "  (Serm.  346,  §  4).  The 
singular  cor  for  the  corda  of  St.  Cyprian  is  so 


PREFACE 


169C 


frequent  in  St.  Augustine  (see  also  Sarm.  25 
§  7  ;  53,  §  14  ;  86,  §  1  ;  Enarr.  ii.  in  Psalm.  ?A, 
§  21 ;  &c.)  as  to  indicate  a  difference  between  the 
liturgies  of  Carthage  and  Hippo.  A  later  writer, 
compiling  a  sermon  from  St.  Augustine  (-St-rnd 
261,  §  1),  changes  his  cor  into  corda  (Senn.  177, 
§2,  in  App.  iv.  ad  Opp.  Aug.).  Caesarius  of 
Aries,  502,  has  the  plural :  "Dicente  Sacerdote 
Sursum  Corda  "  (Serm.  40,  §  4).  Germanus  of 
Paris,  555 :  "  Sui-sum  corda  ideo  sacerdos  habere 
admonet,  ut  nulla  cogitatio  terrena  maneat  in 
pectoribus  nostris "  (Expos.  Brev.  Lit.  Gall. 
Migne,  Ixxii.  94). 

The  liturgies  of  Rome  and  Milan  have  Sursum, 
Corda  (u.  s.).  So,  as  we  have  learnt  from  Cae- 
sarius and  Germanus  above,  had  the  Gallican  ;  so 
has  the  Mozai-abic  (u.  s.),  but  in  that  it  is  pre- 
ceded by  the  versicle  and  response :  "  Aures  ad 
Dominum.  R.  Chorus.  Habemus  ad  Dominum." 
It  is  singular  that  no  Greek  liturgy  preserves 
the  exact  words  cited  by  St.  Cyril.  St.  Clement 
(«.  s.)  has,  "Avca  rhv  vovv  ;  St.  James  (u.  s.),  "Kvu 
(TxoifJ-iy  rhv  vovu  KoL  ras  KapSias,  which  latter  is 
the  form  cited  by  St.  Chrysostom  (Horn.  is.  dc 
Poenit.  ii.  349),  and  by  Anastasius  Sinaita  (Orat. 
de  Sacra  Synaxi,  Gretseri,  Opp.  xi.  454).  The 
Greek  St.  Basil  and  St.  Chrysostom  give,  "Ava 
aX<*>t'-^v  ras  (capSias ;  as  do  also  the  Greek  litur- 
gies of  Alexandria  (Ren.  i.  64,  99).  And  this  also 
is  cited  in  the  same  passage  by  Anastasius,  as 
if  he  were  familiar  with  both  forms.  St. 
Mark  (u.  s.  144),  gives,  "Aj/co  v/xcOiv  ras  Kapdlas. 
The  Nestorian  Liturgy  of  the  Blessed  Apostles 
preserves  the  simple  form,  "  Lift  up  your 
minds  "  (Ren.  ii.  589)  ;  but  it  is  greatly  enlarged 
and  paraphrased  in  those  ascribed  to  Nestorius 
and  Theodore  :  "  Above  in  the  height  of  the 
highest,  and  in  the  awful  place  of  praise,  where 
the  fluttering  of  the  wings  of  the  cherubims 
ceases  not,  neither  is  there  any  intermission  to 
their  hallelujahs,  or  to  the  song  of  Holy,  Holy, 
Holy,  of  the  seraphim,  thither  lift  up  your 
hearts "  (Badger's  Nestorians,  223 ;  Ren.  ii. 
617,  626).  One  Ordo  Communis  of  the  Syrian 
Melchites  and  Jacobites  is  also  marked  by  the 
verbosity  of  the  nation  :  "  Above,  where  Christ 
sitteth  at  the  right  hand  of  God  the  Father,  be 
lifted  the  minds  and  understandings  and  hearts 
of  us  all "  (Ren.  ii.  21)  ;  but  with  one  exception 
(Xystus,  135)  all  the  other  Syrian  forms  in 
which  it  is  expressed,  including  the  common  St. 
James,  give,  "  Lift  up  your  hearts "  (ibid.  32, 
127,  146,  155,  &c.).  In  two  only  the  salutation 
and  its  sequel  is  represented  by  the  beginning, 
"The  love,"  &c.  (ii.  256,  513),  where  the  rest, 
including  the  Sursum,  is  doubtless  to  be  taken 
from  the  Ordo  Communis.  The  Coptic  liturgies 
as  translated  give,  "  Lift  up  your  hearts  "  (Bus. 
Ren.  i.  13 ;  Neale,  532),  and  "  Sursum  Corda " 
(Greg.  Cyr.  Ren.  28,  40),  but  the  original  Greek 
which  here  is  still  employed  in  the  service  ("  ex 
antiquitatis  reverentia,"  Ren.  i.  226,  227  ;  ii.  641) 
is,  'Ai-a)  vficoy  Tas  KapSlas  (i.  13).  The  clause 
before  us  has  dropped  out  of  the  very  corrupt 
Liturgia' Communis  or  Canon  Universalis  of  the 
Abyssinian  church  (Ren.  i.  513),  but,  from  the 
statement  of  Renaudot,  appears  to  be  in  all  their 
other  liturgies  (226).  In  the  Annonian  it  is 
said  by  the  deacon:  "Lift  up  your  minds  on 
biah  with  the  fear  of  God  "  (Neale,  530). 

The  response,  "We  lift  them  up  unto  tho 
Lord,"  is  noticed  among  the  Greeks  by  Cyril  of 


1694 


PEEFACE 


Jerusalem  {u.  s.)  :  "  Then  ye  answer,  "Exo/j-c-v 
TTphs  rhu  Kvpiov."  Yet  it  does  not  appear  in  the 
liturgy  of  Jerusalem,  though  found  in  some 
form  or  other  in  every  other.  St.  Chrysostom 
{Horn.  ix.  dc  Foen.)  cites  it  in  the  same  words  as 
does  also  Anastasius  Sinaita  (u.  s.  455,  456),  and 
this  is  the  common  reading  in  the  Greek  litur- 
gies—in St.  Clement,  St.  Mark,  and  the  Greek 
Alexandrines,  in  St.  Basil  and  St.  Chrysostom. 
Eenaudot  renders  the  Syrian  Ordo  Communis  (ii. 
21),  "Sunt  ad  Dominum;"  and  so  Masius,  the 
Syrian  St.  Basil  (586)  ;  but  the  former  gives  the 
"  Habemus  ad  Dominum "  in  ever}'  other 
Syrian  liturg)-,  except  that  of  Xystus,  where  we 
read,  "  Habemus  ad  Te,  Domine  "  (135).  The 
Nestorian  liturgies  :  "  Sunt  ad  [apud  Malah.  u.  s. 
312]  Te,'Deus  Abraham, Isaac, et  Israel,  rexgloriae 
(Beat.  Apost.  gloriose,  Kest.  pergloriose,  Mai.)  ; 
but  Theodore  (m.  s.)  simply,  "Sunt  apud  Te, 
Deus."  The  Armenian  (m.  s.)  has,  "  We  have 
lifted  them  up  to  Thee,  Father  Almighty." 

Among  the  Latins,  St.  Cyprian  (de  Or.  Bom. 
u.  s.),  St.  Augustine  {Serm.  227,  345,  §  4,  &c.), 
Caesarius  (Serm.  40,  §  4),  and  others,  quote  from 
their  liturgies  "Habemus  ad  Dominum."  Accord- 
ing to  St.  Augustine,  "quotidie  per  universum 
orbem  humanum  genus  una  paene  voce  respon- 
det,  Sursum  corda  se  habere  ad  Dominum"  (De 
Ver.  Relig.  3,  §  5).  The  Roman  and  Ambrosian 
liturgies  give  this  formula,  which  the  testimony 
of  Caesarius  proves  to  have  been  used  in  Gaul. 
The  Mozarabic  only  has, " Levemus  ad  Dominum" 
(Leslie,  4,  227). 

^McAamiia.— Another  versicle  is  then  said, 
properly,  as  in  most  liturgies,  by  the  priest, 
but  in  the  Armenian  by  the  deacon.  St.  Cyril 
of  Jerusalem  gives  it  thus,  Evxap'(Trr]a-o}fX€v  rai 
KvpiQj  (Catcch.  Myst.  v.  4) ;  but  it  is  not  found 
in  the  liturgy  of  his  church  (St.  James).  It 
occurs  in  the  same  words  in  St.  Clement  (Const. 
A20.\Vu.  12),  in  St.  Basil,  in  St. Chrysostom  (Goar, 
75,  165),  and  in  the  Greek  Alexandrine  of  St. 
Basil  and  of  St.  Gregory  (Renaud.  i.  64,  99),  but 
St.  Mark  has,  EuxapiffTcofieu  t.  k.  (144).  The 
Armenian  adds,  "  With  all  our  hearts  "  (Neale, 
530).  The  Coptic  rites  have  the  same  as  the 
Greek,  "  Let  us  give  thanks  unto  the  Lord " 
(^vxapiffTcifief,  13,  28,  40).  There  are  frequent 
variations  in  the  Syrian.  The  Ordo  Communis 
adds,  "  with  fear  "  (Ren.  ii.  21),  to  which  Xystus 
adds,  "and  worship  Him  with  trembling" 
(135).  St.  Basil :  "  Let  us  reverently,"  &c. 
(586  ;  corr.  550)  ;  others  :  "  Let  us  give  thanks  " 
(126,  170) ;  but  most  resemble  the  Greek,  "  Let 
us  give  thanks  unto  the  Lord"  (146,  177,  187 
203,  &c.)  ;  while  St.  James,  which  is  used  both 
by  orthodox  and  heretics,  agrees  with  the  more 
common  Western  form,  "  Let  us  give  thanks 
unto  our  Lord  God"  (31,  163).  The  Nestorian 
I'iturgies  are  peculiar.  The  Blessed  Apostles 
(ibid.  589)  and  the  Malabar  (Raulin,  312):  "An 
oblation  is  offered  unto  God,  the  Lord  of  all," 
which  Theodore  (Ren.  ii.  617)  and  Nestorius 
(626)  expand  by  long  interpolations. 

St.  Augustine,  in  the  Latin  church,  quotes  the 
clause  thus  :  "  Gratias  agamus  Domino  Deo  nos- 
tro  "  (Serm.  68,  §  5  ;  similarly,  Serm.  227  ;  Epist. 
187  ad  Dard.  §  21).  This  agrees  with  the 
Roman  fsacramentaries  (Murat.  Pamel.  &c.  ?(.s.). 
The  Jlilanese  (Pamel.  i.  300)  omits  "  Domino." 
The  Mozarabic  :  "  Deo,  ac  Domino  nostro  Jesu 
Christo,  filio  Dei,  qui  est  in  coelis,  dignas  laudes 


PREFACE 

dignasque  gratias  referamus  "  (Leslie,  4).  Wh«n 
the  Galilean  churches  adopted  the  Roman  canon, 
they  took  its  preface  with  its  several  parts  (see 
Miss.  Frarw.  in  Liturg.  Gall.  327).  Before  that, 
the  Sursum  Corda,  &c.  were  not  written  in  their 
liturgies,  nor  do  they  even  appear  before  the  con- 
testatio  in  the  oldest  sacramentary  in  which  the 
Roman  canon  was  inserted,  viz.  that  of  Be- 
sanfon  (Mas.  Ital.  i.  279),  though  we  learn  from 
Germanus  (m.  s.)  that  they  were  not  omitted. 
They  were  probably  still  said  from  memory  until 
the  suppression  of  the  Galilean  rites  in  the  8th 
century. 

The  response  to  which  St.  Chrysostom  refers 
is  found  in  nearly  every  liturgy.  St.  Cyril 
(Cat.  u.  s.)  gives  "Afioi'  koL  S'tKaioy.  It  is  the 
same  iu  the  Greek  St.  James,  St.  Clement,  the 
Alexandrine  Basil  and  Cyril  (all  as  above),  and 
in  the  Coptic  (Ren.  i.  13,  marg.).  The  common 
Greek  St.  Chrysostom  and  St.  Basil  enlarge  it 
(m.  s.)  by  a  reference  to  the  creed  which  in  them 
precedes  the  Sursum  Corda:  "  It  is  meet  and  right 
to  worship  the  Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Ghost, 
the  consubstantial  and  undivided  Trinity  "  ;  but 
copies  are  extant  of  the  9th  and  10th  centurv 
that  retain  the  brief  original  (Goar,  99  ;  Bunsen. 
Analecta  Ante-Nkaena,  iii.  215).  The  Syrians 
have  not  changed  it ;  but  the  Ordo  Communis 
(u.  s.)  adds  a  distinct  clause  :  "  0  God,  have 
mercy  on  us."  It  is  preserved  in  all  the  Nes- 
torian liturgies  (u.  s.)  ;  but  in  that  of  Nestorius 
it  is  followed  by  an  exhortation  from  the  deacon 
to  remember  the  mercy  of  God  in  the  redempi 
tion  of  man,  and  by  the  words  (also  said  by  him), 
"  Peace  be  with  us  all."  In  the  rest  he  only  ;- 
says  after  it,  "  Peace  be  with  us." 

St.  Augustine  bears  witness  to  the  practice  of 
Latin  Africa :  "  Et  vos  attestamini  '  Diipium  et 
justum  est "  dicentes,  ut  ei  gratias  agamus  qui 
nos  fecit  sursum  ad  nostrum  caput  habere  cor  " 
(Serm.  227  ;  comp.  de  Don.  Fersev.  13,  §  33 ; 
de  Bono  Viduit.  16,  §  20).  This  is  to  a  letter 
the  response  of  the  people  in  the  Roman, 
Milanese,  and  Hispano-Gothic  liturgies  (u.  s.). 
In  the  Galilean  it  is  written  at  the  beginning  of 
many  of  the  contestations,  without  any  rubrics  to 
distinguish  the  parts  of  the  priest  and  people, 
viz.  "  Immolatio  Missae.  Dignum  et  justum  est. 
Verfe  dignum  et  justum  est  nos  fibi  gratias 
agere,"  &c.  (Lit.  Gall.  188,  197,  &c.  ;  330,  371) 
The  Contestation. — The  next  part  of  the  pre- 
face is  strictly  and  properly,  according  to  St. 
Chrysostom  as  quoted  above,  the  commencement 
of  the  Eucharist.  It  is  often  itself  called  the 
Preface,  partly  perhaps  for  that  reason,  but  more 
certainly  because,  being  variable,  it  is  the  only 
part  which  appears  under  that  title  in  the 
collections  of  proper  prayers.  The  Goths  of 
Spain  called  it  the  Illatio,  either  because  this 
word,  used  by  them  in  the  sense  of  oblatio,  was 
like  the  Greek  anaphora,  the  name  of  the  office 
that  followed,  or  because  it  originally  denoted 
the  "  illation  of  the  gifts  "  (Cone.  Valent.  524, 
can.  1)  =  the  great  entrance  of  the  Greeks, 
which  took  place  at  this  part  of  the  service. 
"  Quinta  "  [oratio],  says  Isidore  of  Seville,  "  in- 
fertur  Illatio  in  sanctificatione  oblationis,  in  qua 
etiam  et  ad  Dei  laudem  terrestrium  creaturarum 
virtutumque  coelestium  universitas  provocatur  " 
(De  Off.  i.  15,  §  2).  The  word  is  once  used  as 
equivalent  to  preface  in  a  collection  of  Roman 
prefaces  at  the  end  of  the  Vatican  MS.   from 


PEEFACE 

vhich  Muratori  prints  the  Sacr.  Gregor.  viz.  in  the 
■ubric,  "  In  Exaltatione  S.  Crucis  eadem  iulatio 
licenda,  quae  et  in  inventions  S.  Crucis"  (ii.  334). 
rhe  Gallican  churches  often  called  this  prayer 
mmolatio,  because  it  began  the  more  sacrificial 
)art  of  the  liturgy.  This  may  be  illustrated  by 
he  rubrics,  'Apx'?  ^^is  irpoaKoixi^ris  (Lit.  S.  Bus. 
ilex.  Ken.  i.  6-i ;  8.  Greg.  A.  99),  and  'O  Up^hs 
ipXerai  ti)s  a.va<popas  (5'.  Marci.  144),  in  some 
".astern  liturgies.  "  Immolatio  "  occurs  in  the 
jesan9on  sacramentary  {Mus.  Ital.  i.  345),  in  the 
jothico-Gallican  {Lit.  Gall.  Mabill.  188,  191, 
!02,  &c.),  and  in  the  Missale  Gallicanum  Vetus 
if  Thomasius,  &c.  (ibid.  334,  368,  370,  &c.).  In 
he  Gallican  liturgies  it  is  also  called  the  "  con- 
estatio  "  for  an  obvious  reason,  viz.  because  the 
elebrant  in  its  first  words  joins  his  testimony 
vith  that  of  the  people  to  the  fitness  and  justice 
if  giving  thanks  unto  God. 

The  Roman  words  of  contestation  are,  "  Vere 
lignum  et  justum  est,  aequum  et  salutare,  nos 
ibi  semper  et  ubique  gratias  agere,  Domine 
Jancte,  Pater  Omnipotens,  aeterne  Deus,  per 
Christum  Dominum  nostrum"  (Murat.  Pamel.d'c, 
!.s.);  the  Milanese,  "Vere  quia  dignumet  justum 
st,"  &c.  (Pam.  M.  s.).  The  Mozarabic  varies : 
'  Dignum  et  justum  est,  nos  tibi  gratias  agere," 
ic.  (Leslie,  5, 17,  &c.)  ;  "  D.  et  j.,  vere  aequum  et 
alutare  est,  Domini  nostri  Jesu  Christi  adventum 
n  mirabilibus  praedicare,"  kc.  (for  Advent,  9)  ; 
'  D.  et  j.,  vere  dignum  et  honorificum  est,"  &c. 
12)  ;  and  so  on,  the  clause  which  follows  also 
■arying.  The  Gallican  varied  also  :  "  Vere  dignum 
t  justum  est  [aequum  et  salutare,  Zj'f.  Gall.  191] 
IDS  tibi  semper,  hie  et  ubique  (269)  gratias  agere 
et  gloriari  in  operibus  tuis,  269]  Domine,"  &c. 
188) ;  "  Vere  aequum  et  justum  est  nos  tibi 
;ratias  agere,  vota  persolvere,"  &c.  (197).  The 
■"ranks  early  adopted  the  constant  Roman  for- 
aulae  with  the  canon,  and  indicated  it  by  the 
ame  symbol  f  (Lit.  Gall.  317-319,  &c. ;  comp. 
hcram.  Gelas.  Mur.  i.  494-496,  «&c.). 

There  is  the  same  similarity  amid  variety  in 
he  Greek  and  Oriental  rites.  In  the  Alexan- 
rine  St.  Basil  the  priest  repeats  the  words  'A.k.5. 
hrice,  and  then  makes  a  direct  address  to  God, 
*^hich  begins  like  that  of  the  Greek  St.  Basil. 
?he  more  ancient  Syrian  rites  (as  St.  James, 
It.  Basil,  &c.  u.  s.)  are  faithful  to  their  Greek 
riginals  ;  but  many  of  the  later  have  no  e.xpress 
ontestation.  In  the  liturgy  of  Nestorius  (j6. 
127),  and  in  the  Nestorian  Blessed  Apostles 
589),  the  priest  prays  for  himself  between  the 
espouse  and  the  contestation. 

The  celebrant  ne.\t,  in  every  liturgy,  declares 
he  reason  why  God  should  be  thus  glorified ; 
tt  some,  as  in  the  Clementine,  in  the  Nestorian 
Theodore  and  Nestorius,  in  St.  Mark  and  St. 
Jasil,  Greek  and  Syrian,  and  some  other  Syrian 
brms,  at  great  length.  St.  Chrysostom  and  the 
b-menian  are  here  shorter  than  St.  Basil,  but 
onger  than  St.  James,  the  original  of  all  three, 
rhe  following  is  one  of  the  shorter  Oriental 
brms  :  O  Thou  who  art,  Master,  Lord,  the  God 
if  Truth,  existing  from  eternity,  and  reigning  to 
iternity,  who  dwtllest  in  the  highest  for  ever, 
md  lookest  down  on  lowly  things,  who  hast 
nade  the  heaven  and  the  earth  and  the  sea,  and 
ill  things  that  are  therein  ;  the  Father  of  our 
jord  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  by  whom  Thou 
last  made  all  things  visible  and  invisible,  who 
:ittest  on  the  throne  of  the  holy  glory  of  Thy 


PREFACE 


1G95 


kingdom,  who  art  adored  by  every  heavenly 
power  "  (Lit.  Bas.  Gr.  Alex,  in  Reuaud.  i.  64) 
St.  Cyril  (Catech.  Mijst.  v.  6)  refers  to  this  part 
of  the  liturgy  of  Jerusalem  at  sufficient  length 
to  show  that  it  resembled  very  closely,  and  may 
even  have  been  identical  with,  the  preface  as  it 
now  stands  in  St.  James.  The  Eastern  rites 
have  no  changing  or  "  proper  "  prefaces. 
^  The  common  Western  prefaces  are  here  much 
shorter  than  any  of  the  original  Eastern,  the 
reason  of  the  eucharistia  being  expressed  in  a 
few  epithets  only :  "  Domine,  sancte.  Pater 
Omnipotens,  aeterne  Deus  "  (Rom.  Amhr.).  But 
all  the  Western  missals  admitted  many  proper 
prefaces  ;  and  in  the  Mozarabic  and  Gallican 
liturgies  the  whole  ground  of  the  doxology  is 
stated  in  the  addition  proper  to  the  day,  which 
sometimes  begins  with  the  foregoing  Roman 
formula,  but  very  often  not.  Ex.  "  Dignum  et 
justum  est  te  auctorem  et  sanctificatorem  jejunii 
conlaudare,  per  quod  nos  liberas  a  nostrorum 
debitis  peccatorum.  Ergo  suscipe  clemens 
jejunantium  preces,"  &c.  (Missa  Jejunii  in  Miss. 
Goth.  No.  24,  u.  s.). 

Proper  Prefaces. — Though  proper  prefaces 
cannot  be  traced  to  the  East,  they  were  never- 
theless very  early  in  the  West.  In  one  for 
Christmas  Day  in  the  Mozarabic  rite  we  read : 
"  Post  multa  tempora  in  hac  die,  ante  non  multa 
tempora  .  .  .  nobis  natus  est  Christus  "  (Leslie, 
39).  A  "  contestatio  "  in  the  Gallican  fragment 
discovered  by  Mone  is  thought  both  by  him  and 
the  English  editors  to  have  been  written  during 
the  persecution  at  Vienne  and  Lyons  in  177. 
This  is  suggested  by  the  apparent  age  and  the 
matter  of  the  prayer,  and  by  a  comparison  of 
it  with  the  epistle  from  the  Christians  of  those 
cities  to  their  brethren  in  Asia  and  Phrygia 
(Euseb.  Hist.  Fed.  v.  1).  See  Gallican  Liturgies, 
Neale  and  Forbes,  Miss.  5,  p.  12. 

The  Milanese  missal  has  above  120  proper 
prefaces,  one  for  every  missa.  They  are  yet 
more  numerous  in  the  Mozarabic,  and  they 
appear  to  have  varied  in  the  several  Gallican 
i-ites,  whenever  the  other  prayers  varied. 
Hence,  in  the  Besan^on  and  Gothico-Gallican 
sacramentaries,  we  find  above  seventy.  They 
were  equally  numerous  at  Rome  in  the  6th 
century,  for  Vigilius,  538,  tells  us  that  on  saints' 
days,  as  well  as  at  Easter,  the  Ascension,  and 
Epiphany,  "  they  added  proper  chapters  adapted 
to  the  days  "  (Nova  Collect.  Cmcil.  1470)  ;  that 
is,  they  had  a  proper  missa  for  every  such  day, 
and  a  missa  was  not  complete  without  its 
preface.  The  so-called  Leonian  sacramentary, 
or  Veronese  Gelasian,  must  have  contained 
more  than  300 ;  but  the  rule  for  their  use  is  not 
very  certain.  The  later  Gelasian  limited  this 
profusion  to  Easter,  Ascension-tide,  and  Pentecost 
(Murat.  u.  s.  i.  572-606),  while  the  Gregorian 
reduced  the  number  to  eight,  of  which  two 
were  said  on  Christmas  Day,  that  at  the  second 
celebration  being  for  St.  Anastasia,  and  the 
others  severally  at  the  Epiphany,  Easter,  on 
Ascension  Day,  at  Whitsuntide,  and  on  the  fo.-vsts 
of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Andrew  (i'jiJ.  ii-  S,  I>,  16, 
66,  85,  101,  131). 

There  were  also  in  some  rites  proper  prefiiccs 
for  special  services  ;  as  for  the  benediction  of 
oil  and  chrism  [see  Missa,  x.  ('.')]  (Sa  r.  Gelas. 
Mur.  u.  s.  1.  555,  556,  557  ;  Sacr.  Greg.  ii.  55) ;  of 
the  paschal  light  (Missale  Goth.  Mab.  n.  s.  241  ; 


1G96 


PREFACE 


Jliss.  Gall.  Vet.  357  ;  Miss.  Moz.  Leslie,  177  ; 
Miss.  Ambros.  Pamel.  i.  345  ;  Sacr.  Greg.  JIur. 
ii.  143) ;  at  baptism  {Miss.  Goth.  u.  s.  247  ; 
Miss.  Gall.  Vet.  "  Contestatio  Fontis,"  363  ;  not 
in  the  Eoman,  Milanese,  or  Mozarabic);  at 
marriage  (Sacr.  Gel.  u.  s.  i.  721 ;  G7'eg.  ii.  245)  ; 
at  ordination  (Sacr.  Greg.  244,  427,  439). 

The  variable  part  of  the  canon  "  Communi- 
cantes,"  &c.  is  headed  by  the  title  Pracfatio  in 
the  mass  for  Maundy  Thursday  (Sacr.  Greg. 
u.  s.  54),  but  this  is  by  error. 

The  Reference  to  the  Angelic  Hosts. — In  every 
liturgy  the  eucharistic  preface  leads  up  to  the 
angelic  hymn,  after  a  reference,  which  is  nearly 
universal,  to  the  heavenly  spirits  by  whom  it 
was  first  sung.  They  are  claimed  as  fellow- 
worshippei-s.  "  This  divine  saying  handed  down 
to  us,  which  proceeded  from  the  seraphim  we 
repeat,  that  we  may  have  communion  in  our 
hymnody  with  the  supramundane  hosts  "  (Cyr. 
Hier.  Cat.  Myst.  v.  5).  Most  of  the  Greek 
liturgies  here  enumerate  the  orders  of  the 
angels.  Thus  St.  James  (who  associates  with 
ihem  "  the  spirits  of  the  just  and  of  the  pro- 
phets, the  souls  of  the  martyrs  and  the  apos- 
tles ")  :  "  Angels,  archangels,  thrones,  dominions, 
principalities,  and  authorities,  and  awful  powers 
(see  Col.  i.  16),  and  the  cherubim  with  many 
eyes,  and  the  seraphim  with  six  wings,  who  with 
two  wings  cover  their  faces,  and  with  two  their 
feet,  and  flying  with  two,  shout  one  to  another 
with  mouths  never  resting,  with  doxologies 
never  silent  (ecphonesis),  chanting  with  clear 
voice  the  triumphal  hymn  of  Thy  exalted  glor\-, 
crying  aloud,  giving  glory,  shouting,  and  saying. 
Holy,  Holy,"  &c.  (Assem.  v.  33).  Compare 
the  Clementine  (Const.  Apost.  viii.  12),  St. 
]\Iark  (Renaud.  i.  134),  St.  Basil  (Goar,  165), 
St.  Chrysostom  (ib.  75),  the  Greek  Alexandrine 
Basil  and  Gregory  (Ren.  i.  65,  99).  See  also 
the  Coptic  Basil,  Gregory,  Cyril  (ib.  13,  28,  46). 
Similarly,  the  early  Syrian  liturgies,  St.  .Tames 
(Ren.  ii.  31),  St.  Basil  (586),  &c.  St.  Chrysostom, 
however  (Goar,  76),  only  names  the  angels, 
archangels,  chei-ubim  and  seraphim,  while  the 
Ai-menian  is  yet  more  simple  :  "  He  .  .  .  hath 
granted  us  to  form  part,  with  the  heavenly 
host,  of  a  spiritual  company,  and  with  cheru- 
bim and  seraphim  boldly  to  sing  sacred  songs, 
to  cry,  to  call,  and  say.  Holy,"  &c.  (Neale, 
Introd.  534).  Nor  are  the  several  orders,  as  in 
Col.  i.  16,  mentioned  in  the  Nestorian  liturgies 
(Ren.  ii.  589,  617,  628;  Malab.  Raul.  312); 
though  this  part  of  the  preface  is  long  in  them  ; 
but  we  cannot  infer  from  these  facts  that  they 
were  not  named  in  the  apostolic  originals  ;  for 
the  passage  above  cited  from  St.  James  is  fully 
recognised  in  St.  Cyril's  quotations  from  the 
liturgy  of  Jerusalem  (u.  s.). 

The  prefaces  of  St.  Mai-k  and  the  Coptic  St. 
Cyril,  which  is  derived  from  it,  are  strangely 
interrupted  by  very  long  forms  of  intercession 
and  by  the  reading  of  the  diptychs,  which  are 
introduced  immediately  before  the  reference  to 
the  angelic  hosts  now  under  consideration  (Ren. 
i.  41,  146). 

In  the  West  this  part  of  the  preface  is  variable. 
There  were  four  forms  of  it  in  the  P!oman 
liturgy,  of  which  the  most  common  is  as  follows  : 
"  Et  ideo  cum  angelis  et  airhangelis,  cum  thronis 
et  dominationibus,  cumque  omni  militia  coelestis 
esercitus   hymnum  tuae  gloriae   canimus,    sine 


PRESANCTIFIED 

fine  dicentes,  Sanctus"  &c.  (Murat.  Sacr.  Leon.  i. 
312,  314,  &c.  :  Gelas.  501,  503,  &c. ;  Greg.  ii.  8, 
9,  10,  &c.).  '  For  the  others,  see  Sacr.  Gel  i. 
494,  575,  &c.,  Greg.  ii.  322  (Qiuim  laudant); 
Leon.  i.  315,  Gel.  517,  554,  &c. ;  Greg.  ii. 
2,  192,  &c.  (Per  quem  Te,  or  Per  quern  majes- 
tatem)  ;  Gel.  i.  572  ;  Greg.  ii.  90  (Sed  et  super- 
nae  virtutes}.  These  forms  are  found  in  the 
Galilean  and  Ambrosian  liturgies,  but  often 
varied,  and  with  several  others ;  e.g. — "  Ante 
cujus  sacratissimam  sedem  stant  angeli  atque 
archangeli,  et  sine  cessatione  proclamant,  di- 
centes, Sanctus,"  &c.  (Miss.  Goth,  in  Lit.  Gall. 
198)  ;  "  Congratuletur  innumerabilis  multitude 
augelorum  exercitus,  cum  quibus  innumerabilem 
gloriam  tuam  canimus,  sine  fine  dicentes,  Sanc- 
tus," &c.  (Ifiss.  Amhr.  Pamel.  i.  300).  In  the 
Jlozarabic  rite  no  preface  seems  in  this  part  to 
follow  any  other.  Some  are  very  ambitious, 
while  others  are  as  simple.  Ex.  "  Cum  angelis 
atque  archangelis  laudantibus  atque  ita  dicenti- 
bus,  Sanctus,"  &c.  (Leslie,  15). 

The  Hosanna. — Even  the  hosanna  which  fol- 
lowed the  sanctus  is  included  by  Isidore  (cfe  Off. 
i.  15,  §  3)  in  the  illation  ("  in  qua  etiam  et  ad  Dei 
laudem  terrestrium  creaturarum  virtutumque 
coelestium  universitas  provocatur  et  osanna  in 
cxcelsis  cantatur  ")  ;  but  this  will  be  more  pro- 
perly noticed  in  a  separate  article  on  the  Sanctus 
itself. 

(II.)  A  short  address  in  which  the  people 
are  taught  the  intention  of  the  prayer  or 
office  which  follows.  The  word  is  chiefly  so 
used  in  the  liturgies  of  (jaul.  In  a  complete 
Galilean  missa  a  preface  follows  the  "  Collectio 
post  Precem."  The  collect  which  it  pre- 
cedes and  explains  is  usually  headed  Collectio 
seqiiitur,  but  often  merely  Collectio  [MisSA,  X.  (3) 
(c)].  It  begins  the  Missa  Fidelium,  and  corre- 
sponds exactly  to  the  "  Missa "  of  the  Goths  in 
Spain  [Missa,  V.] 

In  certain  intercessions  said  on  Easter  Eve  in 
the  churches  of  Gaul  [Preces,  §  ii.]  the  several 
prayers  are  preceded  by  short  addresses  which 
are  called  prefaces  in  the  Missale  Gothicuin.  E.g. 
"  Oratio  pro  Lnfirmis.  Praefatio.  Let  us  beseech 
the  God  of  all  health,  and  Lord  of  all  power  for 
our  brethren  and  sisters,  who  are  afflicted  in  the 
flesh  by  various  kinds  of  sickness,  that  the  Lord 
will  grant  unto  them  the  heavenly  gift  of  His 
medicine  ;  through,"  iS:c.  "  Oratio  sequitur.  0 
Lord,  to  whom  it  is  an  easy  thing  to  raise  the 
dead  to  life,  restore  to  the  sick  their  former 
health,"  &c.  (Lit.  Gall.  245).  The  Jlissale 
Gothicum  has  twelve  such  prefaces,  the  Galli- 
canum  Vetus  (ib.  359)  thirteen,  each  followed  by 
the  prayer  for  the  object  announced  in  it. 

The  Ambrosian  missal  has  a  Praefatio  chris- 
matis,  in  which  the  bishop  on  Maundy  Thursday 
invites  the  people  to  pray  for  the  benediction  of 
the  chrism  (Rituale  SS.  PP.  Pamel.  i.  341).  In 
the  Gelasian  sacramentary  (Murat.  Lit.  Rom. 
Vet.  i.  621)  thebishop  begs  the  prayers  of  the  con- 
gregation for  those  whom  he  is  about  to  bless 
or  ordain  in  forms  entitled  "  Praefatio  Ostiarii, 
Lectoris,  Exorcistae,"  &c.,  and  the  phrase  is 
retained  in  the  Gregorian  pontifical  (ib.  ii.  405, 
406,  &c.).  [W.  E.  S.] 

PRESANCTIFIED,  MASS  or  LI- 
TURGY OF.  Any  communion  of  the  reserved 
elements  might  be  so    called  ;  but  in   practice 


PEESANCTIFIED 

hese  phrases  were  applied  only  to  those  public 
-ommunions  iu  Lent  for  which  the  elements  had 
;een  expressly  consecrated  on  a  previous  day. 
n  the  East,  consecrations  were  forbidden  from  an 
larly  period  throughout  Lent,  except  on  Satur- 
lays  and  Sundays  ;  in  the  church  of  Rome  they 
vere  equally  forbidden  on  Good  Friday  and  Easter 
'We  ;  in  Italy,  i.e.  iu  the  province  of  Milan,  on 
ivery  Friday  in  Lent.  Hence  those  who  wished 
,0  communicate  on  those  days  received  of  the  pre- 
anctified,  i.e.  of  the  previously  consecrated  gifts. 
T/ie  East. — The  foundation  of  the  rite  was 
aid  early  in  the  East.  The  council  of  Laodicea, 
)robably  about  365,  says,  "  It  is  not  lawful  to 
)ffer  bread  in  Lent,  except  on  the  Sabbath  and 
he  Lord's  Day  alone  "  (can.  49)  ;  which  appears 
•ather  to  state  and  confirm  an  old  custom  than 

0  establish  a  new.  In  an  age  when  commu- 
lions  were  valued,  and  Reservation  for  what- 
;ver  reason  practised,  the  final  result  would 
oon  develop  itself;  but  we  have  no  decree 
■especting  it  earlier  than  that  of  Constantinople 
n  691  :  "Let  the  sacred  liturgy  of  the  pre- 
anctified  [gifts]  be  performed  on  all  the  days  of 
he  fast  of  the  holy  Forty  Days,  except  the 
>abbath  and  the  Lord's  Day,  and  the  holy  day  of 
he  Annunciation  "  (can.  52).  The  Greek  liturgy 
if  the  presanctified  (which  see  in  the  Euchologion, 
Joar,  190)  was  probably  compiled  by  Germanus 
if  Constantinople  some  twenty-four  years  after 
he  date  of  the  council  there  (Goar,  210). 

Only  the  Greeks  celebrate  a  proper  liturgy  of 
.he  presanctified.  The  Maronites  do  not  even 
■eserve  on  the  liturgic  days  of  Lent  (Abraham 
icchellensis,  Epist.  ad  B.  Nihusium  in  Leon.  Allat. 
le  Eccl.  Occid.  et  Orient.  Consens.  ad  calc.  1663). 
rhey  celebrated  every  day  in  Lent,  except  ou 
Saturday ;  but  the  exception  was  only  a  part 
if  their  Jewish  observance  of  that  day. 

The  West. — Probably  the  earliest  notice  of  a 
•estriction  on  celebrations  in  the  West  occurs 
n  the  epistle  of  Pseudo-Innocent  to  Decentius  : 
'  It  is  an  established  fact  that  the  apostles 
vere  in  grief  during  those  two  days  (Good 
•'riday  and  Easter  Eve),  and  also  that  they  hid 
hemselves  from  fear  of  the  Jews.  Nor,  indeed, 
s  it  doubtful  that  during  the  said  two  days 
hey  fasted  to  such  a  degree  that  the  tradition 
)f  the  church  holds  that  the  sacraments  of  the 
;hurch  should  not  be  celebrated  at  all  during 
-hose  two  days  "  (§  4 ;  Hard.  Cone.  i.  997).  The 
vriter  is  stating,  of  course,  the  rule  of  Rome, 
t  is  probable  that  Easter  Eve  was  not  long  thus 

1  dies  clausus;  but  the  history  of  the  rite  is 
:ery  obscure.  The  present  rule,  which  only 
irescribes  reservation  on  Maundy  Thursday  for 
he  communion  on  Good  Friday,  was  probably 
ntroduced  in  the  7th  century.  A  monastic  rule 
if  that  age,  which  appears  to  be  in  great  part 
I  translation  from  the  Greek,  says,  "  Let  the 
;acraments  of  the  altar  be  consecrated  [on  the 
Fhursday]  in  a  large  glass  paten,  that  when 
;he  Jews  shall  seek  Christ  for  the  passion  on 
;he  sixth  day  [of  holy  week],  He  may  on  that 
lay  be  hid  in  our  minds  "  (through  reception  of 
he  sacrament ;  Regula  Magistri,  53  ;  Holsten. 
Ood.  Reg.  ii.  406).  The  Gelasian  sacramentary, 
;he  MS.  of  which  is  of  the  8th  century,  directs 
^hat,  after  certain  prayers  proper  to  Good 
[•'riday,  "  the  deacons  go  iuto  the  sacrarium, 
md  come  forth  with  the  body  and  blood  of 
,he  Lord,  left  from  the  preceding  day,  and  set 


PRESANCTIFIED 


1697 


them  on  the  altar."  The  Lord's  1  raver  with 
its  preface  and  embolis  having  been  then  said 
as  before  other  communions,  "  all  adore  the 
holy  cross  and  communicate "  (Liturg.  Rom. 
^'ct.  Murat.  i.  562).  This  procedure  is  recog- 
nized by  the  Roman  Order  of  a  Pontifical  2Iass, 
compiled  (it  is  thought)  about  730.  The  bishop' 
"  when  they  have  said  Amen  (after  the  '  Libera 
nos  '),  takes  of  the  Sanct.v,  and  puts  it  into 
the  cup,  saying  nothing ;  and  they  all  commu- 
nicate in  silence  "  {Ordo  R.  i.  35,  in  Mus.  Ital.  ii. 
23).  Similarly,  in  a  monastic  ordo,  seemingly  of 
about  the  same  age  :  "  Let  the  deacon  take  the 
body  and  blood  of  the  Lord,  which  was  left 
pn-eviously  on  the  day  of  Coena  Domini,  and  was 
consecrated,  and  put  it  on  the  altar,  and  lot  all 
partake  of  the  body  and  blood  of  the  Lord  in 
silence"  (Breviar.  Eccl.  Ord.  in  Thesaur.  A'ov. 
Anccd.  Mart,  et  Dur.  v.  108).  The  Gelasian 
rubric  is  found  copied  into  the  rites  of  Noyons, 
Rheims,  Rifes,  and  Gellone,  all  preserved  in  JVISS. 
of  the  9th  century  (Martene  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Rit. 
iv.  23,  §  27). 

It  was  from  Rome  that  the  Galilean  church 
thus  received  the  rite  ;  for  it  is  not  found  in  her 
earlier  books.  The  remains  of  the  Gothico- 
Gallican  missal  (^Litarg.  Gall.  Mabill.  237-239), 
the  Gallicanum  Vetus  {ibid.  349-354),  the 
Besanyon  sacramentaiy  {Mus.  Ital.  i.  315-318), 
and  the  Galilean  lectionary  {Lit.  Gall.  128-133), 
give  proper  prayers  and  lessons  for  Maundy 
Thursday  and  Good  Friday,  but  there  is  no 
allusion  in  them  to  the  mass  of  the  presanc- 
tified. Nor  do  we  find  any  in  the  wz'itings  of 
Germanus,  or  in  any  other  Galilean  authority. 

Nor  do  we  discover  any  trace  of  it  in  the 
original  office  of  Gothic  Spain.  It  is  not  men- 
tioned by  St.  Isidore  {de  Offic),  nor  by  any  of 
the  Spanish  councils.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
council  of  Toledo,  633,  complains  that  "through- 
out some  churches  the  doors  of  the  basilicas 
were  closed  on  the  6th  feria  of  our  Lord'.-; 
passion  {i.e.  on  Good  Friday),  and  neither  was 
office  celebrated  nor  the  passion  of  the  Lord 
preached."  The  council  therefore  ordei'ed — not 
that  a  mass  of  the  presanctified  should  be 
celebrated — but  that  the  mystery  of  the  cross 
should  be  preached  on  that  day,  "and  that  all 
the  people  should  in  a  loud  voice  implore  the 
pardon  of  their  sins  "  ;  that  by  this  means  they 
might  be  prepared  for  their  communion  on 
Easter  Day  (can.  7).  The  service  for  Good 
Friday,  now  found  in  the  Mozarabic  missal,  is 
of  a  late  date :  "  missa  praesanctificatoruni 
adjecta  videtur  "  (Mabillon,  Comm.  in  Ord,  Rom. 
1 1 ;  Mus.  Ital.  ii.  Ixxv.). 

We  have  no  evidence  of  the  practice  of  Roman 
Africa  later  than  that  of  St.  Augustine,  who 
refers  more  than  once  to  the  service  for  Good 
Friday  ("  solemniter  legitur  passio,  solemniter 
celebratur,"  Senn.  218  ;  so  again  232),  but 
gives  no  hint  of  the  peculiar  rite  in  question. 

The  Communion.— The  mass  of  the  presanc- 
tified originated  in  the  desire  to  communicate 
ou  Good  Friday,  or  on  other  days  when  conse- 
cration was  prohibited.  On  Good  I'nday 
(Parasceve),  says  Amalarius,  "the  body  of  tho 
Lord  is  not  consecrated.  It  is  necessary  that 
they  who  have  the  wish  to  communicafa  have 
the  sacrifice  from  the  preceding  day  {dc  Led. 
Off  i  12)  This  was  at  first  a  Rcneral  com- 
munion    "ut     populus    q^i    rcficiendus    erat 


1698 


PRESBYTER 


haberet  in  fundamentum  Corpus  Domini" 
{ibid.  iv.  20).  So  according  to  the  Gelasian 
rubric,  the  Ordo  Eomamis,  and  the  Bretiarium, 
quoted  above,  "  all  communicate."  Yet  when 
Amalarius  (about  820)  went  to  Rome,  he  found 
this  custom  already  obsolete  there :  "  In  that 
station  in  which  the  apostolical  salutes  the  cross, 
no  one  there  communicates  "  (u.  s.  i.  15). 

The  reader  may  refer  to  Leo  AUatius  de 
Missa  Praesanctificatorum  apud  Graecos  Dissert. 
ad  calc.  Op.  de  Eccl.  Occ.  et  Or.  Consens.  Col. 
Agr.  1648,  pp.  1530-1607;  lo.  .Bona,  Jierum 
Liturg.  i.  15,  §  5,  with  Sala's  notes ;  Notitia 
Eucharistica,  pp.  897-903,  2nd  ed. ;  and  to 
more  brief  notices  in  Marteno  de  Ant.  Eccl. 
Hit.  i.  iii.  i.  §  18;  Merati,  Nome  Observ.  in 
Gavanti,  Comiii.  in  Eubr.  i.  79 ;  Z.  B.  van 
Espen,  Comment,  in  Jur.  Vet.  Canones,  can. 
Trull.  52,  0pp.  vii.  147,  Yen.  1781;  Cave,  Diss. 
ii.  ad  calc.  Mist.  Liter,  v.  AeiTovpyiKoi'. 

[W.  E.  S.] 

PRESBYTER.    [Priest.] 

PRESBYTERESS.  1.  Frcsbytera  (rarely, 
and  apparently  later,  presbyterissa)  is  sometimes 
found  in  ecclesiastical  Latin  from  the  6th  century 
and  onwards  for  the  wife  of  a  presbyter,  especially 
for  a  wife  who  had  come  under  the  rule  which, 
in  some  parts  of  the  Western  church,  made 
married  continence  compulsory.  Cone.  Turon. 
A.D.  567,  c.  19,  and  Cone.  Autissiodor.  a.d.  578? 
c.  20,  forbid  a  presbyter  from  associating  with 
his  presbytera ;  S.  Greg.  M.  Epist.  9,  7,  implies 
that  in  such  cases  the  wife  went  to  a  monastery, 
where,  however,  she  did  not  become  a  monacha 
or  adopt  the  monastic  dress.  Rather  later  the 
word  is  found  for  the  widow  of  a  presbyter  (  =  the 
earlier  "  vidua,"  or  "  relicta,  presbyteri."  1  Cone. 
Tolet.  c.  18,  Cone.  Epaon.  c.  33,  1  Cone.  Aurel. 
<;.  13),  viz.  in  Roman  councils  under  Gregory  II. 
in  A.D.  721,  c.  i.  and  under  Zachary  in  743,  c.  5, 
both  of  which  anathematize  any  one  who 
marries  either  a  presbytera  or  a  diacona. 

2.  For  the  use  oi tt pea ^vt is, presbytera,  and 
■presbyterissa  in  the  sense  of  a  church  officer,  see 
Widows  and  Virgiks.  [E.  H.] 

PRESBYTERY  (1).  The  part  of  the  church 
occupied  by  priests  (,Brnxa,  QvcnaffTripiov,  aSvToy, 
a^ara,  UpefffivTepslov)  (Sic  in  Suidas)  Presby- 
terium,  Sacrarium,  Sanctuarium,  Altarium. 
(Secretariura  in  second  council  of  Aries,  can.  15, 
ace.  to  Martene). 

According  to  the  most  ancient  arrangement  of 
churches,  the  presbytery  was  the  part  behind 
the  altar  which  contained  seats  for  the  bishop 
and  priests.  It  was  early  described  in  the  West 
as  follows:  "...  loco,  ubi  sacerdotes,  reliquivc 
clerici  consistunt,  quod  presbyterium  nuncu- 
patur  .  .  ."  (Synodus  Romana  sub  Eugenio  2 
(824),  ap.  Ducange.  Quoted  as  Clemens  Papa  i. 
in  Labbe,  vol.  i.  116). 

The  presbytery  was  divided  from  the  rest  of 
the  building  by  rails  (/ciy/cAiSey,  cancelli),  which 
were  meant  to  render  it  inaccessible  to  all  but 
clergy  (Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl.  lib.  x.  4).  That  it 
was  separated  by  rails  "  a  reliqui  aede  "  appears 
in  the  Roman  synod  under  Leo  IV.  The  first 
council  of  Bracara  (can.  31)  prescribes  that  it  is 
•■  not  lawful  for  laymen  to  enter  the  sacrarium 
to  communicate,  but  only  for  the  clerics."  A 
Homan  synod,  under  Leo  IV.,  in  the  9th  (qu.) 


PRIEST 

century,  forbids  those  who  are  not  in  orders  to 
enter  it.     [Cajs'Celli  ;  Chancel  ;  Choir.] 

In  later  times  some  ambiguity  has  crept  in  as 
to  the  use  of  the  term  presbytery,  the  doubt 
being  whether  it  applies  to  a  space  before  the 
altar  or  behind  it,  and  whether  the  presbytery 
forms,  strictly  speaking,  any  part  of  the  choir 
of  a  great  church,  or  is  to  be  carefully  distin- 
guished and  architecturally  separated  from  it. 
These  later  uses  it  does  not  belong  to  the  present 
volume  to  discuss  at  length ;  but  with  regard  to 
the  precise  latitude  of  the  term  in  earl)''  cen- 
turies this  much  may  be  said,  that  no  ancient 
passage  has  been  found  where  presbytery  does 
not  mean  the  part  of  the  church  which  con- 
tained the  altar.  In  later  times  the  usage  of  the 
word  is  certainly  twofold,  it  being  sometimes 
identical  with  choir,^  and  sometimes  pointedly 
distinguished  from  it.  [H.  T.  A.] 

(2)  Presbyterium,  irpea^vriptov  (TrpsajSvre- 
puov),  are  sometimes  used  to  denote  the  body 
of  presbyters  taken  collectively  that  is,  as 
equivalent  to  rh  ray  irpea^vTfpctiv  avvedpiov. 
This  use  is  found  in  the  New  Testament  in  refer- 
ence to  both  Jewish  (St.  Luke  xxii.  66 ;  Acts 
xxii.  5)  and  Christian  (1  Tim.  iv.  14)  presbyters. 
Other  early  instances  are,  in  Greek,  S.  Ignat.  ad 
Eplies.  c.  2, 4 ;  Clem.  Alex.  Strom.  6,  13,  p.  793, 
ed.  Pott. ;  Origen,  Horn.  xi.  in  Hierem.  c.  3,  vol. 
iii.  p.  189,  ed.  Delarue;  S.  Ba^W.  Epist.  81  (319) 
ad  Innocent,  vol.  iv.  p.  174;  and,  in  Latin,  S. 
C  vprian.  Epist.  48  (45,  ed.  Hartel,  p.  610) ;  Collat. 
Carthag.  c.  130,  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  xi.  1298. 
For  the  functions  of  the  presbyters  acting  col- 
lectively see  Priest. 

(3)  The  same  words  are  also  used  to  denote 
the  office  of  a  presbyter.  Early  instances  of  this 
are,  in  Greek,  Origen.  Horn,  in  Matt.  XV.  c.  26, 
vol.  iii.  p.  690,  ed.  Delarue ;  S.  Athanas.  Apol.  c. 
Arian.  c.  47,  vol.  i.  p.  131 ;  S.  Epiphan.  c.  Haeres, 
68,  2,  p.  717  ;  and  in  Latin,  S.  Cvprian.  Epist. 
49  (52,  ed.  Hartel,  p.  619),  34  (39,  ed.  Hartel, 
p.  584) ;  Pont.  Diacon.  Vit.  S.  Gy^man.  c.  3 ; 
S.  Siric.  EpAst.  i.  c.  13 ;  S.  Innocent.  I.  Epist. 
38  ad  Maxim,  et  Sever. ;  2  Cone.  HisiJal.  c.  5. 

[E.  H.] 
PRESENTATION.    [Patron.] 

PRESENTATION   IN   THE   TEMPLE. 

[JIary,   Festivals  of,   §   1,   p.    1140 ;    §  5, 
p.  1144.] 

PRESIDIUS,  confessor  in  Africa  ;  commemo- 
rated Sept.  6  (Usuard.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

PRIAMUS,  martyr  in  Sardinia,  with  Aemi- 
lius,  Felix,  and  Lucianus  ;  commemorated  May  28 
(Usuard.  Mart.  yiMai-t.  Horn.).  [C.  H.] 

PRIEST  or  PRESBYTER.  I.  Names  for: 
(1)  Upifffivrepos,  piresbyter  (in  inscriptions 
sometimes  Tcpeff^oiripos,  e.g.  on  a  tomb  at  Melos 
of  the  3rd  or  4th  century,  Gorpus  Inscr.  Gr.  vol. 
iv.  No.  9288;  praesbiter,  Inscr.  Hisp.  Ghrist.  ed. 
Huebner,  No.  67 ;  presbiter,  ibid.  No.  174,  189 ; 
praesbytcr,  De  Rossi,  Inscr.  Ghrist.  Eom.  No.  303, 
Gorpus  Inscr.  Lat.  ed.  Mommsen,  vol.  iii.  No.  755  ; 
praesviter,  ibid.  No.  975) ;  in  use  in  Egypt  of  the 
officers  of  a  temple,  c.  g.  at  Diospolis  in  the  time 


»  Just  as  in  modern  English  the  term  choir  is  often 
applied  to  that  eastern  limb  of  a  cathedral  which  strictly 
comprises  presbytery  as  well  as  choir. 


PRIEST 

of  Cleopatra,  Corpus  Inscr.  Gr.  vol.  iii.  No.  4717 
and  of  the  "  headmen  "  of  a  village,  Reuvens  Snie 
Lsttre  a  M.  Letronne  sur  les  Papyrus  grecs  du 
Muse'e  de  Leide,  p.  32,  cf.  C.  I.  G.  vol.  iii.  p.  294 ; 
of  its  use  among  the  Jew.s  for  the  members  both 
of  the  local  courts  and  of  the  chief  court  at 
Jerusalem  the  most  trustwoi-thy  and  concise 
account  will  be  found  in  Schiirer,  Lehrhuch  dar 
ncutestamentlichen  Zeitgeschichte,  pp.  402  sqq. ; 
that  it  had  become  a  title,  and  was  not  confined 
to  persons  of  advanced  years  is  clear  from  (e.g.) 
Philo,  vol.  ii.  p.  481,  ed.  Mangey  (so  in  Christian 
times,  S.  Cyrill.  Alex,  in  Isai.  III.  vol.  iii.  p.  55,  ed. 
Aubert ;  Isidore  of  Seville  de  Ecdes.  Off.  2,  7,  and 
hence  Pseudo-Anacletus,  Epist.  ii.  c.  22,  explains 
that  Christian  presbyters  are  so  called,  not  on 
account  of  their  age,  but  "  propter  sapientiam," 
though  he  adds,  "  quod  si  ita  sit  mirum  est  cur 
insipientes  constituantur  ") ;  it  was  also  in  use 
for  a  professor  in  some  of  the  philosophical 
schools ;  cf.  Schweighauser's  note  to  Epictet. 
Diss.  i.  9,  10.  Its  Christian  use  begins  with 
the  N.  T.  e.g.  Tit.  i.  5,  and  is  continued  through 
sub-apostolic  to  modern  times;  e.g.  for  early 
references,  Clem.  R.  44,  5,  47,  6,  Hermas,  Vis 
2,  4  (where  Origen  de  Princip.  4,  11,  vol.  i.  p.  168, 
preserves  the  Greek  form,  which  the  common 
Latin  version  renders  by  "  seniores,"  the  Palatine 
by  "  priores "),  Papias  ap.  Euseb.  H.  E.  3,  39 
(where,  as  is  well  known,  the  precise  application 
of  the  term  in  both  the  expressions  ol  trpefffivTepoi 
and  6  Trpej^urepos  'Iwdvvris  has  been  frequently 
discussed:  a  convenient  index  to  the  literature 
of  the  subject  will  be  found  in  the  note  to  the 
fragments  of  Papias  in  Gebhardt  and  Harnack's 
Paires  Ap  ^stolid,  fasc.  i.  2,  p.  90,  ed.  1878), 
Clem.  Al.  Strom.  6,  p.  793,  ed.  Pott. ;  of  its 
use  among  non-Catholic  Christian  churches, 
the  most  interesting  example  (which  is  also 
probably  the  earliest  existing  inscription  on 
a  Christian  building)  is  that  of  the  inscrip- 
tion on  a  Marcionite  church  at  Lebaba  (Devi- 
Ali)  near  Damascus,  dated  a.d.  318,  ap.  Le  Bas 
et  Waddington,  Inscriptions  grenques  et  latines, 
vol.  iii.  No.  2558 ;  that  it  was  in  use  among  the 
Arians  appears  from  (e.^.)  Victor  Vitens.  de  Persec. 
Vandal.  5,  13.  (2)  'lepevs,  sacerdos :  the  early 
instances  of  the  use  of  these  terms  in  reference 
to  the  officers  who  were  commonly  called  pres- 
byters are  open  to  much  dispute ;  it  has 
sometimes  been  questioned  whether  Cyprian  does 
not  reserve  them  exclusively  for  the  episcopate, 
but  Epist.  35,  vol.  ii.  p.  325,  Epist.  40.  3,  vol.  ii. 
p.  334,  clearly  refer  to  presbyters,  cf.  id.  Epist. 
14,  3,  vol.  ii.  p.  263,  where  (as  in  Optatus,  i.  13, 
p.  14),  even  deacons  are  included,  "  presbyteris 
it  diaconibus  non  defuit  sacerdotii  vigor  ; "  from 
the  5th  century  onwards,  there  is  no  doubt  of 
their  common  application  to  presbyters,  c.q. 
Socrat.  H.  E.  i.  27  ;  Const.  Apost.  2,  25 ;  8,  46 
^ where  presbyters  are  lepeTs,  bishops  apxiepe7s) ; 
1  Cone.  Turon.  a.d.  461,  c.  1,  4  Tolet.  a.d.  633, 
:.  3,  4,  10;  S.  Greg.  M.  Dial.  1,  11;  so  in  the 
jpitaph  on  pope  Damasus  the  grades  are 
marked  "  lector,  levita,  sacerdos,"  Gruter,  p. 
1164,  11,  from  a  Palatine  MS.  ;  cf  the  confused 
but  important  testimony  of  Malchus  of  Phila- 
ielphia,  de  Bgzantinis  ap.  Corpus  Hist.  Byzant. 
fol.  i.  p.  55,  ed.  Venet.  T(iv  ^ap^dpoif  ex'^f  lepea 
Sv  01  XpicTTiauol  Ka\ovcn  irpecr^vT epof.  In 
:ourse  of  time,  however,  the  inclusion  of  both  for 
bishops  and  presbyters  under  a  single  term  was 

CHRIST.    ANT. — VOX,.    II. 


PRIEST 


1G99 


found  mconvement,  and  presbvters  were  some- 
times specially  designated  as  sccundi  sacerd'Aes 
(law  of  Theodosius  and  Valentinian,  probably  a  d 
430  ap.  Haenel,  Corpus  Legu:n  ante  Jmtinianwn 
Latarum,  No.  1183,  p.  241,  who  quotes  as  his 
authority  a  Corbey  MS.  given  by  Sirmond  in  his 
Append.  Cod.  Theodos.  c.  20,  and  his  own  paper 
in  the  Act.  Soc.  Reg.  Saxon.  Lips.  1852,  8,  p.  81) 
or  secundi  ordinis  sacerdotes  (S.  Leon  M  Serm 
48  [47],  c.  1,  vol.  i.  p.  181,Sidon.  Apollin.  Epist. 
5,  25,  p.  126),  or  minoris  ordinis  sacerdotes  (S.  Greg. 
M.  Horn,  in  Ezech.  lib.  ii.  Hom.  10,  c.  13,  where' 
however,  deacons  may  be  included,  as  they  prob- 
ably are,  in  Statt.  Eccles.  Autiq.  c.  27,  "  inferioris 
gradus  sacerdotes  ")— or  simply  ordo  secundus 
(Fredegodi,  Vit.  S.  Wilfrid,  c.  8,  Migne.  P.  L.  vol. 
cxxxiii.  987),  or  ol  e/c  tov  SevTepov  dpSvov  (Epist 
Constant.  M.  ap.  Euseb.  H.  E.  10,  5)  ;  so  "  pres- 
byteros  in  secundo  sacerdotio  coustitutos," 
Optat.  de  Schism.  Donat.  1,  13,  p.  14;  so  in 
the  Pseudo-Isidorian  decretals  Epist.  Anaclet.  3, 
c.  28.  "Sacerdotum  ordo  bipertitus  est,  S. 
Innocent  I.  Epist.  ad  Decent,  c.  3,  "presbyteri 
licet  sint  sacerdotes  pontificatus  tamen  apicem 
non  habent." 

The  English  word  "  priest "  is  the  later  form 
of  the  Anglo-Saxon  "priost"  (Cotton  MS. 
Augustus,  ii.  79,  a.d.  805-831,  a  Kentish  charter, 
printed  in  Ancient  Charters  in  the  British  Museum, 
vol.  i.)  or  "  preost "  (frequently  found,  e.g. 
Cone.  Bergh.  c.  7  ap.  Wilkins,  Councils,  vol.  i. 
p.  60  ;  Leg.  Aelfr.  ibid.  p.  193),  the  derivation 
of  which  from  "  presbyter  "  is  probable,  but  by 
no  means  certain:  in  the  A.-S.  Chronicle,  an. 
661,  id.  Thorpe,  p.  54,  the  MS.  of  Corpus  Christi 
College,  Cambridge,  has  "  maesse  preost,"  the 
Bodleian  MS.  "  preost,"  but  Cotton  MSS.  Tiberius 
A.  6  and  B.  1,  have  the  abbreviation  "  prb."  The 
A.  S.  "  sacerd  "  =  " sacerdos"  has  not  survived  in 
modern  English. 

II.  Nature  of  the  Priesthood,  and  its  Relations  to 
Bishops  and  Deacons. — In  one  of  the  two  passages 
in  which  the  word  iKKXrjala  is  placed  by  the 
Evangelists  on  the  lips  of  our  Lord,  it  is  men- 
tioned not  merely  as  an  assembly,  but  as  one  to 
which  disputes  could  be  referred,  and  whose 
decision  in  relation  to  such  disputes  ought  to  be 
respected.  The  eKKX-qala  was  conceived,  in  short, 
as  a  court  of  discipline.  As  such  it  continued 
among  Christians  the  functions  which  had  come 
to  be  fulfilled  by  the  synagogue  among  Jews  ; 
nor  was  it  separated  from  the  synagogue  even 
in  name,  eK/cAijcrfoaud  avvaycayi]  being  convertible 
terms  not  only  in  the  LXX,  but  also  in  most 
early  Christian  writers.  (See  Harnack's  elabo- 
rate note  in  Hilgenfeld's  Zeitschrift  fiir  wisse/i- 
schaftliche  Tlieolojie  for  1876,  p.  104 ;  and  also 
Bickell,  Geschichte  des  Kirchenreahts,  Bd.  ii.  p.  14.) 
But  the  Jewish  synagogue  only  possessed  dis- 
ciplinary powers  by  virtue  of  its  practical 
amalgamation  with  the  avviSpiov,  that  is,  hy 
virtue  of  the  presence  in  it,  though  properly 
distinct  from  it,  of  a  body  of  npt<T0vTfpoi—A 
corporation  or  college  of  elders,  who  formed  the 
local  court  for  administrative  as  well  as  judicial 
purposes.  It  is  therefore  natural  to  supjiosa 
that  when  the  Jews  who  became  Christians  mot 
in  assemblies  and  formed  communities  which 
bore  the  accustomed  names,  tliey  continued  in 
these  assemblic-s  and  communities  the  main 
features  of  the  accustomed  organization.  And 
this  is  in  fact  the  case.  Presbyters  are  found 
5  K 


1700 


PEIEST 


from  the  first  in  the  Judaeo-Christian  commu- 
nity at  Jerusalem  (Acts  xi.  30 ;  xv.  2,  4,  6,  22, 
23  ;  xvi.  4 ;  xx.  17),  at  Ephesus  (Acts  sx.  17), 
in  the  churches  of  Asia  Minor  which  were 
organized  by  Barnabas  and  Saul  (Acts  xiv.  23), 
and  in  the  churches  which  are  addressed  by  those 
of  the  apostles  who  were  most  conservative  of 
Jewish  usages,  St.  Peter  and  St.  James  (James 
V.  14 ;  1  Pet.  V.  1).  (It  must  be  noted  as  a 
significant  fact  that  they  are  not  once  mentioned 
by  St.  Paul,  except  in  the  Pastoral  Epistles.)  It 
is  a  fair  inference  that  officers  who  bore  the 
same  name  in  analogous  communities  had  analo- 
gous functions,  and  that  the  Christian,  like  the 
Jewish,  presbyters  were  officers  primarily  not  of 
worship  but  of  discipline.  This  inference  is 
corroborated  by  the  fact  that  all  the  references 
to  them  which  exist  in  both  the  canonical  and 
the  extra-canonical  writings  of  the  apostolic  and 
sub-apostolic  age  refer  to  discipline.  (1)  In  the 
canonical  writings,  excluding  of  course  those 
passages  in  which  the  reference  is  not  to  organi- 
zation but  to  the  possession  of  xopic/tctTo,  every 
passage  in  which  church  officers  are  mentioned 
speaks  of  either  the  exercise  of  authority  or  of 
the  practice  of  its  correlative,  obedience.  In 
1  Thess.  V.  12,  rovs  TrpoCarajxivovs  are  spoken  of 
as  vovdiTovvras ;  in  Heb.  xiii.  17,  obedience  is 
enjoined  to  the  leaders  of  the  community  as 
being  those  who  "  watch  for  your  souls  ;"  in 
1  Peter  v.  1,  the  presbyters  are  regarded  as 
shepherds,  and  are  exhorted  to  exercise  control, 
[i)j  avayKciTTws  aW'  eKovaicos,  not  as  masters 
over  slaves  (^KaraKvptcvovTss),  but  as  being  them- 
selves examples  of  the  qualities  which  they 
require  in  others ;  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles 
it  is  on  questions  of  church  discipline  that  the 
apostles  and  elders  meet  in  the  council  of  Jeru- 
salem (c.  XV.),  and  afterwards  at  the  end  of  St. 
Paul's  second  missionary  journey  (xxi.  18,  25) ; 
in  the  Pastoral  Epistles,  among  the  qualities 
which  are  enumerated  as  desirable  in  bishops  and 
presbyters  fitness  for  teaching  (SlSuktikSs)  and 
soundness  in  the  faith  (^aurex'^/^fov  tov  koto  rrjv 
SiSaxh^  TTicrrov  K6yov)  are  altogether  subordi- 
nated to  the  possession  of  the  moral  qualities 
which  are  necessary  in  a  moral  governor,  and 
which  in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  are  ex- 
pressly taken  as  correlative  to  the  exercise  of  dis- 
cipline. (2)  In  the  extra-canonical  writings  of 
the  Apostolic  and  sub-Apostolic  age  the  same 
position  is  held  by  the  presbyters,  and  obedience 
to  them  is  similarly  enjoined — e.g.  Clem.  Pv.  i. 
57  ;  Ignat.  ad  Trail.  3,  ad  Magiies.  2  ;  Polycarp, 
ad  Philijip.  5  ;  and  the  Ebionites  appear  to  have 
kept  up  the  original  distinction,  which  had  ap- 
parently become  in  most  cases  obliterated  among 
the  Jews  themselves  between  the  apxiffvudywyoi, 
or  proper  officers  of  the  synagogue,  and  the 
TTpeff^vTepoL,  or  proper  officers  of  the  (TvveSpiov 
(S.  Epiphan.  adv.  Haeres.  xxx.  18). 

Whether  the  institution  of  presbyters  existed 
in  the  first  instance  outside  the  limits  of  the 
Judaeo-Christian  communities  is  doubtful.  There 
is  no  evidence  that  it  did  so ;  the  presumption 
is  that  it  did  not,  for  when  St.  Paul,  writing  to 
churches  which  were  presumably  non-Jewish  in 
their  character,  recognizes  the  existence  of  church 
officers,  he  designates  them  by  other  names — 
Tcpoicndfjiivoi  (1  Thess.  v.  12),  iTrlcTKOiroi  (Phil, 
i.  1). 

i  )  Relations  of  Presbyters  to  Bishops. — What 


PEIEST 

were  the  primitive  relations  of  presbyters  to 
bishops  is  a  question  which  cannot  be  overlooked, 
and  yet  to  which,  with  the  evidence  at  present 
available,  only  a  tentative  answer  can  be  given. 
Most  probably,  as  the  former  were  of  Jewish,  so 
the  latter  were  of  Gentile  origin,  and  as  the 
former  presided  over  Jewish,  so  the  lattei-,  in  the 
first  instance,  presided  over  Gentile  communities. 
Hence,  when  the  distinction  between  Jewish  and 
Gentile  communities  began  to  fade  away,  the- 
two  sets  of  officers,  fulfilling,  as  they  did,  analo- 
gous functions,  were  regarded  as  having  equiva- 
lent rank.  This  point  must  be  taken  as  having 
been  conceded  by  almost  all  important  writers- 
upon  the  subject  in  both  ancient  and  modern 
times — e.g.  in  ancient  times,  S.  Hieron.  Comm. 
in  Ep.  ad  Tit.  c.  i.  id. ;  E2X  146  (85)  ad  Evang.  ; 
Theodoret,  Interp.  Ep.  ad  Philipp.  c.  i.  v.  1  y 
Ep.  i.  ad  Timoth.  c.  iii.  v.  1 ;  Ep.  ad  Tit.  c.  i. 
V.  7  ;  S.  Isidor.  Hispal.  de  Eccles.  Off.  lib.  ii.  c.  7  ;; 
Hrabanus  Maurus  de  Clericorum  Instit.  lib.  i.  c.  6 ;. 
and  in  modern  times,  to  take  only  writers  whose 
tendencies  are  strongly  hierarchical,  Probst 
(Sacramcnte,  p.  215);  Dollinger  (^First  Age  of 
the  Church  (E.  T.),  vol.  ii.  p.  111).  (The  evi- 
dence upon  which  this  opinion  is  based  will  be 
found  in  a  convenient  form  in  Bp.  Lightfoot's 
edition  of  The  Epistle  to  the  Philippians,  pp.  189 
sqq.,  and  in  Gebhardt  and  Harnack's  edition  of 
Clement  of  Rome,  ed.  altera,  p.  5,  and  of  the- 
Shepherd  of  Hermas,  p.  25 :  see  also  Baur, 
Kirch.  Gesch.  3te  Aufl.  i.  p.  270.  It  must, 
however,  be  noted  that  there  is  a  tendency  in 
many  writers  to  press  the  evidence  too  far,  and 
to  infer  an  original  idcntitij  of  bishops  and  presby- 
ters, whereas  all  that  can  be  legitimately  inferred  * 
is,  as  stated  above,  an  equivalence  of  rank.)  As- 
inter-communion  increased  between  Judaeo- 
Christian  and  Gentile  communities,  those  whc 
passed  from  one  to  the  other  tended  to  use  the 
names  bishop  and  presbyter  as  interchangeable  ^ 
but  how  the  two  offices  came  to  co-exist  as 
distinct  offices  in  the  same  community  is  the 
most  difficult  point  in  the  whole  complex  ques- 
tion ;  nor  does  it  seem  possible  upon  existing 
evidence  to  give  any  other  than  the  general 
answer  that  there  was  a  fusion  of  the  Judaeo- 
Christian  and  the  Gentile  organizations,  and  that 
this  fusion  was  a  gradual  one.  But  whether  this 
or  some  other  be  the  true  explanation  of  the  co- 
existence of  the  two  offices,  the  fact  of  such 
co-existence  must  be  admitted,  although  its- 
universality  may  be  denied.  Out  of  that  fact 
two  other  questions  spring :  (1)  How  was  it 
that  the  relative  rank  of  the  two  offices  changed 
from  one  of  equivalence  to  one  of  subordination  ; 
(2)  and  how  was  it  that  the  title  4maKOwos  rather 
than  any  other  attached  itself  permanently  to 
the  head  of  the  ecclesiastical  organization. 

(1)  To  the  first  question  many  answers  have 
been  given  in  both  ancient  and  modern  times ; 
when,  as  early  as  the  end  of  the  4th  century, 
Aerius  appealed  to  St.  Paul's  language  as  evidence 
that  bishops  and  presbyters  were  fi'ia  to|(s,  /J-la 
Ti/ir;,  icai  fv  a^lco/xa,  Epiphanius,  though  admitting 
that  the  difference  between  the  two  orders  lay 
only  in  the  power  of  ordination  (this  is  expressed 
by  the  contrast  between  Ttarepas  yivvav  t^ 
tKic\riaia  =  to  ordain,  and  rsKva  yivvav  rrj  (KkX. 
=  to  baptize),  propounded  the  theory  that  in 
some  cases  bishops  had  been  appointed  and  not 
presbyters,   and   in  others  presbyters,  but  not 


PRIEST 

bishops.  In  either  case,  however,  deacons  were 
necessary,  and  hence  St.  Paul  speaks  sometimes 
of  deacons  and  bishops,  sometimes  of  deacons 
and  presbyters.  Assuming  that  Timothy  was 
(1)  a  bishop,  (2)  a  bishop  in  the  later  sense,  he 
regards  the  command,  "  Rebuke  not  an  elder  " 
(1  Tim.  V.  1),  as  conclusive  proof  of  the  supe- 
riority of  the  one  order  to  the  other  (S.  Epiphan. 
adv.  Hacrcs.  Ixxv.  3-6,  p.  906).  Almost  con- 
temporary with  this  was  the  theory  of  Jerome, 
that  the  episcopate  rose  out  of  the  presbyterate 
as  a  safeguard  against  schism.  At  first  there 
Avere  several  presbyters  in  one  church,  but  after- 
wards one  was  elected  to  preside  over  the  rest : 
"  quod  postea  unus  electus  est  qui  caeteris  prae- 
poneretur  in  schismatis  remcdium  factum  est,  ne 
unusquisque  ad  se  trahens  Christi  ecclesiam 
rumperet "  (Hieron.  Ep.  146  [85]  ad  Evangel.). 
So  also  in  his  Comment,  in  Ep.  ad  Tit.  c.  i. 
"  idem  est  ergo  presbyter  qui  et  episcopus  et 
antequam,  diaboli  instinctu,  studia  in  religionc 
■fierent  et  diceretur  in  populis,  Ego  sum  Pauli, 
ego  Apollo,  ego  autem  Cephae,  commuui  presby- 
terorum  consilio  ecclesiae  gubernabantur "). 
Later  theories  on  the  subject  are  so  numerous 
as  to  make  the  discussion  of  them  an  almost 
endless  task ;  and  it  must  be  sufficient  here  to 
refer  to  the  more  important  of  those  which  have 
been  advanced  during  the  present  century,  viz. 
those  of  Rothe,  Die  Anfiinga  dcr  christlichen 
Kirche  u.  ihrcr  Verfassung,  1837  (which  is 
adopted  in  effect  by  Dollinger,  First  Age  of  the 
Church  (E.  T.),  vol.  ii.  p.  112);  Baur  (1)  iiberder 
Ursprung  des  Episcopats,  1838  (which  is  mainly 
a  criticism  of  Rothe's  theory),  and  (2)  Kirch. 
Geschichte,  3te  Auflage,  Bd.  i.  pp.  272  sqq. ; 
Eitschl,  Die  Entstehung  der  altkatholischen  Kirche, 
pp.  399  sqq.  ;  Herzog  iiber  die  Abfassungszeit 
der  Pastoralbriefe,  1872 ;  Hackenschmidt,  Die 
Anfdnge  des  katholischen  Kirchenbeg riffs,  1874. 

Without  here  adding  another  complete  theory 
to  those  which  have  been  advanced  already,  or 
treading  unnecessarily  upon  debatable  ground, 
it  may  be  useful  to  point  out  that  in  all  proba- 
bility the  question  does  not  admit  of  a  single 
answer,  and  that  the  relations  of  presbyters  to 
bishops  varied  widely  in  the  several  groups  into 
which  the  churches  of  the  first  two  centuries 
may  be  arranged,  (a)  The  case  of  Jerusalem 
stands  on  a  peculiar  footing.  The  Acts  of  the 
Apostles  preserve  the  tradition,  which  is  con- 
firmed by  later  authorities,  that  James  had  a 
kind  of  presidency  over  the  Judaeo-Christian 
community  which  existed  there.  The  nature  of 
that  presidency  is  uncertain.  The  Clementines 
speak  of  him  as  "  episcopus  "  (_Rccogn.  i.  66),  or 
"  archiepiscopus  "  {ibid.  i.  73 :  so  also  in  later 
times,  e.g.  Cone.  Ephes.  c.  30) ;  but  there  is  no 
contemporary  evidence  of  his  having  possessed 
the  designation,  nor,  even  if  the  tradition  of  the 
2nd  century  be  admitted  as  to  the  possession  of 
the  designation,  is  there  any  such  evidence  to 
shew  how  far  the  relation  in  which  he  stood  to 
the  other  apostles,  or  to  the  "  elders,"  was 
analogous  to  that  which  existed  between  the 
bishops  and  presbyters  of  later  times.  The  most 
probable  conjecture  is  that  in  this  case  the  con- 
ception of  a  visible  head  of  the  church  arose 
from  the  belief  in  the  nearness  of  the  Second 
Advent  (Gfrorer,  Allgem.  hirch.  Gcsch.  i.  p.  271); 
James,  as  the  Lord's  brother,  was  regarded  as 
occupying  His  place  until  He  came.     It  is  also 


PRIEST 


1701 


probable  that,  as  Gfrorer  thinks,  after  the  fall 
of  Jerusalem,  men's  thoughts  turned  to  Rome  as 
the  centre  of  the  Christian  organization,  and 
that  the  Psoudo-Petriue  literature  of  the  2nd 
century,  which  originated  at  Rome,  had  for  its 
chief  object  to  impress  the  hierarchical  ideas,  of 
which  it  is  full,  upon  the  Roman  mind.  Even 
in  the  earlier  books  of  the  Apostolical  Constitu- 
tions, which  probably  reflect  the  ideas  of  the 
3rd  century,  the  bishop  is  not  only  a.px<^v  /coi 
fiyovfievos,  but  iiriytios  Qebs  ixera  0e($r  (Const. 
Apost.  ii.  26).  (6)  In  the  larger  communities, 
such  as  Rome  or  Ephesus,  in  which  the  influence 
of  a  single  apostle  had  for  some  years  dominated, 
it  was  natural  that  the  monarchical  idea  should 
tend  to  prevail  after  the  apostle  himself  had 
passed  away.  The  existence  of  such  a  dominance 
is  here  assumed.  The  clearest  and  most  recent 
summary  of  the  controversy  will  be  found  in 
A.  Hilgenfeld's  article,  Noch  einmal  Petrus  in 
Rom  und  Johannes  in  Kleinasien,  in  the  Zeit- 
schrift  f.  Wissensch.  Theologie,  1877).  In  such 
communities,  therefore,  there  is  strong  historical 
evidence  to  shew  that  from  early  times  there 
was  a  recognized  and  permanent  president.  But 
Iiere  also  there  is  no  evidence  to  shew  the  precise 
relation  in  which  such  a  president  stood  to  the 
presbyterate.  It  is,  however,  a  significant  fact 
that  Irenaeus  speaks  of  the  early  heads  of  the 
Roman  church  as  presbyters  (in  the  letter  to 
Victor  of  Rome  in  Euseb.  H.  E.  v.  24 ;  so  of 
Polycarp,  in  the  letter  to  Florinus,  in  Euseb. 
H.  E.  V.  20).  (c)  In  the  case  of  the  churches  of 
other  cities,  in  which,  it  must  be  borne  in  mind, 
there  is  no  evidence  of  the  existence  of  a  presi- 
dent or  bishop  until  the  middle  of  the  2nd 
century,  it  appears  to  be  sufBcieut  to  point  to 
the  general  analogy  of  the  contemporary  com- 
munities, after  which  in  so  many  respects  the 
early  churches  were  modelled.  Democratical 
as  those  communities  were  in  the  main,  they 
still  had  a  president.  We  find  such  a  president 
(a)  in  the  Greek  associations,  under  several  titles 
— e.g.  apxepautariis,  at  Rhodes,  C.  I.  Or.  No. 
2525  b.  Foucart,  No.  46,  and  at  Syros,  Ross, 
Jnscr.  Gr.  Jned.  No.  107,  Foucart,  No.  44; 
ipaudpxvs,  Diog.  Laert.  vi.  63 ;  apx^po.vos  at 
Amorgos,  Foucart,  No.  45 ;  apxtdtaalrris,  at 
Delos,  C.  I.  Gr.  No.  2271,  Foucart,  No.  43 ; 
apxicrvfayuyos  (of  a  college  of  priests),  C.  I.  Gr. 
2007  f.  ;  so  also  among  the  i<p-r)^oi,  yv/xvaaidpxvs, 
C.  I.  Gr.  Nos.  274,  2885,  cf.  Le  Bas  et  Wadd. 
No.  223 ;  (b)  in  the  Roman  Collegia,  very  fre- 
quently, and  under  various  titles,  e.g.  "  Magister," 
at  Rome,  Orelli-Henzen,  Inscr.  Lat.  Nos.  6010, 
6011,  Mommsen,  C.  1.  Lat.  vol.  iii.  No.  1339,  id. 
do  Coll.  et  Sodal.  Rom.  p.  106 ;  "  praefectus,"  at 
Perusia,  C.  I.  Lat.  iii.  No.  3432,  at  Salona,  i.  Vid. 
No.  502  ;  "  patronus "  (=  Greek  TrpoffTarys, 
Plut.  i.  25,  which  may  be  compared  with 
the  Christian  Trpoiffrd/xevot),  e.g.  C.  1.  Lat.  in. 
Nos.  975,  984,  1209. 

These  special  circumstances  of  particular 
churches,  and  the  general  analogy  of  contem- 
porary communities,  seem  adequate  to  account 
for  the  fact  that  towards  the  middle  of  the  2nd 
century,  if  not  earlier,  there  was  a  tendency  to 
place  a  single  officer  at  the  head  of  the  eccle- 
siastical organization.  But  the  question  still 
remains,  nor  has  it  hitherto  been  answered,  except 
upon  purely  si)0(^ulativc  grounds,  why,  assuming 
the  existence  of  this  tendency,  should  this  single 
5  R  2 


1702 


PEIEST 


officer  have  been  called  iiria-Koiros.  The  key  to 
the  problem,  which  is  afforded  by  inscriptions 
which  have  only  come  to  light  in  recent  times,  is 
one  of  the  most  important  contributions  of  epi- 
graphical  science  to  early  Christian  antiquities. 
(1)  At  Salkhad,  in  the  Hauran  are  several 
inscriptions  which  contain  the  word  eiricKOTTOi 
(Le  Bas  et  Waddington,  No.  1990,  cf.  No.  1990, 
2298,  2412e  ;  WcUstein,Ausgewahlte  Gr.  u.  Lat. 
Inschriften,  No.  47,  in  Ahkandl.  der  Berl.  Akad. 
1863;  Transactions  of  the  Royal  Society  of 
Literature,  2  series,  vol.  v.  part  2,  p.  259).  It 
appears  from  these  that  the  officers  so  designated 
had  the  charge  of  the  funds  of  the  temple  (raToC 
0€oO),  and  that  out  of  these  they  had  erected  the 
building  of  which  the  most  important  inscription 
formed  part.  (2)  In  entire  harmony  with  this 
is  an  inscription  which  was  found  at  Thera. 
(Ross. /ftscr.  Gr.  Ined.  fasc.  No.  2, 198  ;  Rhangabe, 
Antiquit^s  helle'niques,  vol.  ii.  No.  764;  but  in  a 
more  exact  form  Wescher,  Revue  arch^ologique, 
vol.  xiii.  (for  1866),  pp.  245  sqq.)  :— 


fo/aeVo 


rayyeAiW  to  n[e: 


yvpiov  eyoai'eio-at  ■ 
Aiooi/a  Kttl  MeAeiV 


e7rio-K6[7ros 


"  It  has  been  decreed  (sc.  by  the  community 
that  the  eiriV/coTrot  (Dio  and  Meleippus)  shall 
accept  the  money  and  place  it  at  interest  .  .  ." 
This  seems  to  shew  that  the  i-nlaKoiroi  of  the 
Greek  associations  were  their  officers  of  finance. 
Such  also  were  in  all  probability  the  e-Tri'o-KOTrot 
of  the  early  Christian  churches.  One  of  the  most 
important  features  of  those  churches  was  that 
they  were  charitable  societies.  In  an  age  which, 
like  our  own,  was  marked  by  great  extremes 
of  wealth  and  poverty,  and  under  circumstances 
which  cut  off  many  of  their  members  from  the 
ordinary  pursuits  of  life,  they  tended  to  gather 
round  them  more  and  more  every  year  the  poor 
and  the  dependent.  They  dispensed  hospitality 
to  travelling  brethren,  they  tended  the  sick,  and, 
what  was  probably  the  weightiest  burden,  they 
supported  the  widows  and  orphans  of  those  who 
had  died  in  poverty,  or  by  martyrdom.  All  this 
required  not  only  funds,  but  a  dispenser  of  funds. 
It  was  not  possible  to  distribute  a  common  fund 
satisfactorily  by  means  of  a  number  of  officers 
with  equal  powers,  not  necessarily  acting  in 
concert.  A  presiding  officer  became  indispensable, 
and  the  officer  so  appointed  was  known  by  the 
title  which  was  in  current  use  to  designate  the 
financial  officer  of  a  community.  This  function 
of  the  Christian  bishop  continued  to  be  a  primary 
one,  even  after  many  other  functions  had 
clustered  round  his  oflice.  It  is  not  sound  to 
reason  from  the  functions  of  bishops  in  the  3rd 
and  4th  centuries  to  their  functions  in  the  first ; 
but  at  the  same  time,  the  fact  that  the  bishops 
were  the  custodians  and  dispensers  of  church 
funds  in  the  later  period  corroborates  the  infer- 
ence which  is  drawn  from  other  data  that  they 
were  so  also  in  the  earlier.  (As  the  point  is  only 
incidental  to  the  subject  of  the  present  article, 
the  evidence  in  favour  of  the  view  which 
is  here  stated  cannot  be  fully  given;  it  must 
be  sufficient  to  refer  to  the  stress  which  is 
laid  in  the  Pastoral  Epistles  upon  the  neces- 
sity of  a  bishop  being  acptXdpyvpos  and  <(>i\6- 
|evos;  to  the  fact  that  in  Hermas  (Sim.  9, 
27)  the  bishops,  who  are  distinguished  from  the 


PRIEST 

OTTtJo-ToAoi  tral  diSd(TKa\oi  of  c.  25,  are  regarded 
chiefly  as  ministers  of  hospitality  ;  to  the  fact 
mentioned  in  Justin  (Apol.  i.  67)  that  the  collec- 
tions of  the  faithful  were  deposited  in  the 
president  (TrpoecTa'S,  the  title  inlaKoiros  is  not 
given),  and  that  he  had  the  care  of  widows  and 
orphans  and  prisoners  and  strangers ;  and  to  the 
long  series  of  ecclesiastical  canons  and  imperial 
edicts  which  regard  the  bishop  specially  in  the 
light  of  trustee  of  church  property.  The  union 
of  financial  and  disciplinary  character  in  the 
same  person  has  a  close  parallel  in  the  curatores 
=  Koyiffrai  of  the  Roman  municipalities  under 
the  later  empire.  For  the  authorities  as  to  the 
functions  of  these  important  officers  see  Mar- 
quardt,  Mm.  Staatsverwaltung,  pp.  487-490.  It 
is  a  coincidence  which  is  worth  mentioning  that 
the  curator  had  the  title  of  pater  civitatis. 

It  is  not  difficult  to  see  that  such  an  officer  in 
such  communities  must,  from  the  mere  nature  of 
his  position,  have  had  considerable  power.  But 
several  collateral  as  well  as  several  derivative 
causes  were  at  work  to  increase  that  powei-,  and 
to  account  for  the  altered  status  of  the  pres- 
byterate  at  the  end  of  the  2nd  century  as  com- 
pared with  the  end  of  the  first. 

1.  The  custodian  of  the  church  funds  was  also 
the  custodian  of  the  list  of  persons  among  whom 
those  funds  were  to  be  divided.  He  kept  the 
Kavuv  or  KaTciXoyos.  [MatriCULA.]  Like 
the  corresponding  lists  of  contemporary  com- 
munities (which,  however,  were  rather  lists 
of  contributories  than  of  recipients),  this 
list  was  probably  arranged  in  classes,  the 
presbyters,  the  deacons,  the  "widows,"  and 
the  "virgins,"  being  severally  ranked  to- 
gether. Hence,  like  the  Roman  censors,  the 
custodians  of  this  list  seemed  to  have  assumed 
the  function  of  determining  upon  the  right  of 
particular  persons  to  be  admitted  to  or  excluded 
from  the  several  classes.  Hence  also  the  bishop, 
as  custodian  of  the  list,  was  the  proper  officer 
for  giving  certificates  of  membership.  When  a 
Christian  claimed  the  hospitality  of  a  foreign 
church  in  his  travels,  or  when  he  passed  per- 
manently from  one  church  to  another,  and 
claimed  a  place  on  the  roll  of  a  new  com- 
munity, such  a  certificate  was  indispensable. 
The  jealous  care  with  which  the  right  of  giving 
it  was  guarded  (Cone.  Antioch.  c.  7)  shews  the 
importance  which  was  attached  to  it,  and  sup- 
ports the  inference  that  it  played  no  inconsider- 
able part  in  the  exaltation  of  the  episcopate  in 
relation  to  the  presbyterate. 

2.  The  presbyterate  also  lost  ground  in  the  2nd 
century  through  the  large  development  within 
the  churches  of  opinions  which  were  at  variance 
with  the  general  currents  of  apostolic  doctrine. 
The  authority  of  apostolic  doctrine  was  generally 
admitted,  and  the  appeal  to  it  was  not  made 
only  on  the  Catholic  side.  Gnostics,  Ebionites, 
and  Ophites,  the  followers  of  Carpocratcs,  of 
Basilides,  and  of  Valentinus,  all  traced  back  their 
opinions  to  an  apostolic  source,  and  maintained 
that  they  were  the  inheritors  of  an  unwritten 
apostolic  tradition  (cf.  Iren.  i.  25,  5 ;  30,  14 ; 
Clem.  Al.  Strom.  7,  13,  p.  882  ;  7,  17,  p.  900, 
ed.  Pott.).  It  became  necessary  to  distinguish 
the  true  from  the  false  tradition,  and  the  former 
was  found  not  merely  in  the  tradition  of  apostolic 
as  distinguished  from  non-apostolic  churches 
(TertuU.  Adv.  Marc.  1,  21,  "  non  alia  agnoscenda 


PRIEST 

erit  traditio  apostolorum  quam  quae  hodie  apud  i 
ipsorum  ecclesias  editur  "),  but  specially  in  the  i 
tradition  which  had  been  handed  down  by  the 
heads  of  those  churches  (Iren.  3,  2,  2,  "  quae  per 
successiones  presbyterorum  in  ecclesiis  custo- 
ditur  ; "  cf.  id.  4,  26,  2  (and  4,  33,  8),  with  the  \ 
same  general  reference,  "  cum  ejnscopatus  sue- 
cessione  charisma  veritatis  acceperunt ; "  cf. 
Tertujl.  ck  Praescript.  Haerct.  c.  32,  26).  Hence, 
in  other  churches  also  the  chief  officer  was  the 
depositary  and  conservator  of  the  faith.  It  was 
safer  in  the  hands  of  a  single  person  than  if  it 
were  shared  by  a  number  of  persons.  Thus  the 
bishop,  who  had  by  this  time  begun  to  be  pro- 
minent above  the  presbyters,  was  regarded  as  a 
sort  of  incarnate  tradition,  the  pure  and  uncor- 
rupted  spring  of  apostolic  truth  (cf.  Clem. 
Eecogn.  3,  65,  ab  ipso "  [sc.  from  the  bishop] 
suscipite  doctrinam  fidei,  cf.  ib.  3,  61,  Ham.  3, 
60,  66  ;  Iijnat.  ad  Ephes.  3  ;  so  also  in  the  follow- 
ing century,  Cyprian,  Epist.  69,  5,  vol.  ii.  402, 
"  inde  enim  schismata  et  haereses  obortae  sunt 
et  oriantur  dum  episcopus  qui  unus  est  et 
ccclesiae  praeest  .  .  .  contemnitur ").  The  co- 
herence of  this  function  of  the  episcopate  with 
that  which  was  mentioned  in  the  preceding 
paragraph  is  strongly  marked  by  TertuUian  (tfe 
Praescr.  Haeret.  c.  20),  "Communicatio  pacis  et 
appellatio  fraternitatis  et  contesseratio  hospitali- 
tatis,  quae  jura  nonalia  ratio  regit  quam  ejusdem 
sacramenti  una  traditio." 

These  causes  operated  with  different  degrees  of 
force  in  different  communities  ;  and  it  is  by  no 
means  certain  when  the  subordination  of  the 
ordo  of  presbyters  to  a  single  officer  first  became 
general.  The  evidence,  whether  for  the  existence 
of  bishops  or  for  their  superior  authority,  cannot 
be  pressed  farther  than  the  facts  warrant,  (a)  It 
may  be  admitted,  for  example,  that  Hegesippus 
is  a  trustworthy  witness,  and  that  a  presiding 
officer  existed  from  the  first  at  Jerusalem  without 
also  admitting  that  such  an  olficer  had  the 
atti-ibutes  which  in  later  times  attached  them- 
selves to  the  episcopate.  (2)  It  may  be  admitted 
that  assuming  the  genuineness,  or  approximate 
genuineness,  of  the  shorter  letter  of  Ignatius  to 
the  Romans  (cf  Renan,  Ignace  d'Antioch,  a  review 
of  Zahn  and  Pfleiderer  in  the  Journal  des  Savants, 
1874,  p.  45),  bishops  existed  as  chief  officers  of 
certain  churches  in  Asia  Minor  early  in  the  2nd 
century,  without  also  admitting  that  they 
existed  in  Egypt  or  in  Gaul.  (3)  It  may  be 
admitted  that  bishops  existed  as  church  officers 
without  also  admitting  that  they  occupied  in 
relation  to  the  presbyterate  the  same  position 
which  they  occupied  afterwards.  Irenaeus,  for 
example,  was  cognizant  of  the  distinction,  but 
(a)  iu  using  "  successiones  presbyterorum,"  3,  2, 
2,  and  "successiones  episcoporum,"  3,  3,  2,  as 
convertible  terms ;  (6)  in  speaking  of  the  office  of 
"  presbyteri  "  as  "  episcopatus,"  4,  26,  2  ;  (c)  in 
applying  the  rovs  iwi.(TK6ivovs  of  Isaiah,  60,  17,  to 
TrpecT^vrepovs,  4,  26,  5,  he  clearly  implies  that 
there  was  no  essential  difference  of  function 
between  them.  (This  conclusion  cannot  be 
avoided  by  the  assumption  which  Bollinger 
makes  that  Irenaeus  uses  the  word  "  presbyteri  " 
in  an  unusual  sense,  Hippolytus  and  Callistus, 
E.  T.  p.  313.) 

But  by  the  beginning  of  the  3rd  century 
the  organization  of  almost  all  churches  had 
begun  to  conform  to  a  single  type,  bishop,  pres- 


PRIEST 


1703 


byters,  and  deacons.  In  some  places  the  older 
organization  lingered  on,  and  ihere  are  many 
indications  that  the  presbyters  did  not  allow  their 
privileges  to  be  curtailed  without  a  stru^ale. 
That  struggle  came  to  a  head  in  Montanism,°and 
the  triumph  of  the  episcojiate  over  the  presby- 
terate was  by  no  means  secure  until  Montanism 
was  crushed  (cf.  Ritschl,  Altkath.  Kirche,  pp. 
519  sqq.).  Even  so  stern  a  disciplinarian  as 
Cyprian  found  some  rebels  against  his  rule  (cf. 
e.g.  Epist.  9,  11);  and  his  quarrel  with  Novatus 
was  based  to  a  great  e.\tcnt  upon  the  fact  that 
the  latter,  though  only  a  presbyter,  had  ignored 
Cyprian's  claims  as  bishoj)  by  ordaining  Felicis- 
simus  as  deacon,  Ep.  49  (52)  ;"Felicissimum  satel- 
litem  suum  diaconum  nee  permittente  me  nee 
sciente  sua  factione  et  ambitione  constituit. 

When  this  type  was  once  established,  several 
circumstances  combined  to  render  the  subordi- 
nation of  the  presbyterate  more  complete.  The 
original  causes  of  both  the  rise  and  the  aggran- 
dizement of  the  episcopate  still  remained,  but 
new  causes  became  more  active.  Of  these  new 
causes  the  most  important  were  (1)  the  institu- 
tion of  synods,  (2)  the  assimilation  to  the  organi- 
zation of  the  empire,  (3)  the  rise  of  the  paro- 
chial system"  [for  which  see  ORDERS,  HOLY, 
III. ;  Parish]. 

But  even  after  these  influences  had  begun  to 
operate,  the  difference  between  the  two  orders 
was  rather  a  difference  of  rank  than  of  function. 

The  bishop  was  "  primus  inter  pares  "  (cf.  Am- 
brosiast.  Comm.  in  Epist.  I.  ad.  Timoth.  c.  3,  7, 
ap.  S.  Ambros.  Op.  vol.  ii.  p.  295,  "  episcopi  et 
presbyteri  una  ordinatio  est ;  uterque  enim 
sacerdos  est,  sed  episcopus  primus  est  ") ;  there 
was  no  function  which  he  discharged  which 
might  not  also,  save  only  as  a  question  of  order, 
be  discharged  by  a  presbyter ;  even  in  his 
proper  field  of  finance  he  was  not  an  absolute 
monarch,  but  the  executive  officer,  at  first  of  the 
community,  and  afterwards  of  the  presbyteral 
college  ;  (of  this  there  are  indications  even  so 
late  as  Statt.  Eccles.  Antiq.  c.  23,  ut  episcopus 
nullam  causam  audiat  absque  praesentia  clerico- 
rum  suorum ;  alioquin  irrita  erit  sententia 
episcopi  nisi  clericorum  praesentia  confirmetur ; 
id.  c.  32,  irrita  erit  donatio  episcoporum  vel 
venditio  vel  commutatio  rei  ecclesiasticae  absque 
couniventia  et  subscriptione  clericorum).  The 
one  function  which  Epiphanius  and  Chrysostom 
claim  as  peculiar  to  bishops  is  that  of  ordination 
(S.  Epiphan.  adv.  Haer.  lib.  3,  tom.  i.,  Ilaer.  74,  3, 
p.  906  ;  S.  Chrysost.  Horn.  2  in  Ep.  I.  ad.  Timoth. 
c.  3,  Migne,  ii.  p.  553) ;  but  we  have  elsewhere 
stated  the  grounds  which  exist  for  believing  that 
this  was  an  acquired  and  not  a  primary  function 
of  bishops,  and  if  so,  it  could  not  have  been  part 
of  the  original  difference  between  them  and 
presbyters  [see  Ordination].  In  the  courise  of 
the  5th  and  6th  centuries  the  subordination 
became  more  complete;  but  as  the  decrees  of 
councils  enable  us  to  trace  it  stcj)  by  stop,  its 
progress  will  be  sufficiently  clear  from  the 
following  section  on  the  functions  of  presbyters. 
It  will,  however,  be  convenient  to  give,  by  way 
of  contrast  to  the  statements  of  Epiphanius  and 
Chrysostom,  the  elaborate  cannn  iu  which  the 
second  council  of  Seville  sunimod  up  the  differ- 
ences of  function  which  had  come  to  be  recog- 
nized at  the  beginning  of  the  7th  century;  the 
canon  is  more  important  than  most  local  canons, 


1704 


PEIEST 


because  the  president  of  the  council  was  the 
learned  antiquarian  Isidore,  who  is  not  likely  to 
have  expressed  merely  local  customs  as  general 
rules ;  it  may  be  added  as  an  indication,  that 
the  tendencies  of  the  council  were  not  ultra- 
episcopal  ;  that  the  preceding  canon  had  restored 
to  his  office  a  presbyter  who  had  been  deprived 
by  the  sole  authority  of  his  bishop  "sine  con- 
cilii  examine  ....  Episcopus  enim  sacerdotibus 
ac  ministris  solus  honorem  dare  potest,  auferre 
solus  non  potest."  The  canon  in  question  begins 
by  disallowing  the  action  of  Agapius,  bishop  of 
Cordova,  who  had  frequently  commissioned  pres- 
byters in  his  absence  to  erect  altars  and  conse- 
crate churches  :  it  then  proceeds  to  state  in  detail 
(1)  what  presbyters  could  not  do  under  any  cir- 
cumstances, (2)  what  they  could  not  do  either  in  the 
presence  of  a  bishop  or  without  his  commission  ; 
"  nam  quamvis  cum  episcopis  plurima  illis  [sc. 
presbyteris]  ministeriorum  communis  sit  dispen- 
satio  quaedam  novellis  et  ecclesiasticis  regulis 
sibi  prohibita  noverint ;  sicut  presbyterorum  et 
diaconorum  ac  virginum  consecratio  ;  sicut  con- 
secratio  altaris,  benedictio  vel  unctio ;  siquidem 
nee  licere  eis  ecclesiam  vel  altarium  consecrare 
nee  per  impositionem  manus  fidelibus  baptizatis 
vel  controversis  ex  haeresi  paracletum  Spiritum 
tradere ;  nee  chrisma  conficere  nee  chrismate 
baptizatorum  frontem  signare;  sed  nee  publice 
quidem  in  missa  quenquam  poenitentium  recon- 
ciliare  nee  formatas  cuilibet  epistolas  mittere. 
Haee  enim  omnia  illieita  esse  presbyteris  quia 
pontificatus  apicem  non  habent  quem  solis  deberi 
episcopis  auctoritate  canonum  praecipitur ;  ut 
per  hoe  et  discretio  graduum  et  dignitatis  fasti- 
gium  summi  pontiticis  demonstretur  ;  sed  neque 
coram  episcopo  licere  presbyteris  in  baptis- 
terium  introire  nee  praesente  antistite  infantem 
tingere  aut  signare,  nee  poenitentes  sine  prae- 
cepto  episcopi  reconciliare,  nee  eo  praesente 
sacramentum  corporis  et  sanguinis  Christi  con- 
ficere, nee  eo  coram  posito  populum  docere  vel 
benedicere  aut  salutare  nee  plebem  utique 
eshortari  "  (2  Cone.  Hispal.  a.d.  619,  c.  7). 

(ii.)  Relations  of  Presbyters  to  Beacons. — The 
primitive  relations  of  presbyters  to  deacons  are 
hardly  less  obscure  than  their  relations  to 
bishops ;  but  one  point  at  least  is  clear,  that  it 
was  a  relation  of  superiors  to  inferiors  in  rank. 
Deacons  appear  to  have  been  mainly  out-door 
relieving  officers,  whose  function  was  to  find  out 
and  to  report  the  circumstances  of  worthy 
recipients  of  church  funds.  They  were  thus 
brought  into  intimate  connexion  with  the  bishops, 
who  were  the  custodians  and  dispensers  of  church 
funds.  With  the  growth  of  the  supremacy  of 
the  bishops,  and  also  with  the  extension  of  the 
eleemosynary  system,  there  was  a  corresponding 
increase  in  the  importance  of  deacons.  Of  this 
there  is  abundant  evidence  in  the  Apostolical 
Constitutions,  which  perhaps  from  this  point  of 
view  may  be  treated  as  a  "  Tendenz-schrift."  For 
example,  Const.  Apost.  2,  26,  the  bishop  sits  as 
it  were  in  the  place  of  God,  the  deacons  stand  by 
him  as  the  heavenly  powers  stand  by  the  side  of 
God ;  ibid.  2,  28  ;  the  laity  are  to  make  their 
requests  known  to  the  bishop  through  the 
deacons,  even  as  we  approach  God  through  the 
Lord  ;  ibid.  2,  30,  as  the  Son  is  the  messenger  and 
prophet  of  the  Father,  so  the  deacons  are  the 
messengers  and  prophets  of  the  bishop.  So  also 
in  the    place    which    deacons    and    presbyters 


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respectively  occupied  in  the  ritual,  the  pres- 
byters, who  were  only  coadjutors  of  and  concele- 
brant  with  (du/xfiucrTai,  Aiar.  K\rifx.  17  [20])  the 
bishop,  tended  to  be  crushed  out.  In  the  "  Ponti- 
ficial  High  Mass  "  of  those  days  the  bishop  and 
the  deacons  seemed  to  share  the  service  between 
them.  The  presbyters  might  take  the  bishop's 
place,  but  when  he  was  present  they  appeared  to 
have  little  share  in  the  liturgy.  Even  down  to 
modern  times  the  gospeller  and  the  epistoler  are 
regarded  as  deacon  and  sub-deacon  respectively. 
It  is  therefore  natural  to  find  in  early  councils 
traces  of  a  struggle  for  supremacy  between  pres- 
byters and  deacons.  It  is  clear  from  1  Cone. 
Arelat.  c.  15,  and  1  Cone.  Nicaen.  c.  18,  that  the 
deacons  had  begun  to  assume  to  themselves  the 
place  in  the  liturgy  which  was  afterwards 
reserved  exclusively  for  priests,  i.e.  bishops  and 
presbyters  (the  obvious  meaning  of  these  two 
canons  has  been  obscured  by  the  interpretations 
of  those  who  have  viewed  them  only  by  the  light 
of  later  usage,  e.g.  Binterim,  Denkwiirdigkoiten, 
Bd.  i.  p.  360;  Hefele,  Councils,  E.  T.  vol.  i. 
p.  429).  But  upon  these  assumptions  these 
councils  put  an  efiectual  check,  and  a  few  years 
afterwards  the  council  of  Laodicaea  (c.  20)  made 
the  further  regulation  in  support  of  the  presby- 
terate  that  a  deacon  must  not  sit  in  the  presence 
of  a  presbyter  except  with  the  presbyter's  per- 
mission (cf.  SS.  Apostolorum  Epitimia,  ii.  7,  ap. 
Pitra,  Jur.  Eccl.  Gr.  vol.  i.  p.  105,  which, 
although  Pitra  speaks  of  the  canons  in  general  as 
an  instance  of  "  protervam  illam  byzantinorum 
mentiendi  pruriginem,"  is  supported  by  Statt. 
Eccles.  Antiq.  c.  39).  The  rise  of  the  sacerdotal 
theory,  which  made  the  same  distinction  between 
presbyters  and  deacons  which  had  existed  in  the 
Mosaic  legislation  between  priests  and  Levites, 
settled  the  question  in  the  East,  nor  are  any 
other  conciliar  regulations  respecting  it  found 
until  Cone.  Trull,  c.  7,  which  so  far  modifies  the 
earlier  rule  as  to  allow  a  deacon  to  take  pre- 
cedence of  presbyters  when  he  is  acting  as  the 
deputy  of  a  metropolitan  or  patriarch.  In  the 
West  it  is  clear  from  Jerome  that  the  struggle 
was  even  stronger  and  more  lasting  since  he  is 
at  the  trouble  formally  to  refute  those  who 
thought  that  a  deacon  was  superior  to  a  presbyter 
(S.  Hieron.  Epist.  146  [85]  ad  Evangel.) ;  and 
although  the  canon  of  the  council  of  Aries,  and 
the  growth  of  the  sacerdotal  theory,  which  have 
been  mentioned  above,  prevented  any  revival  of 
the  claim  to  what  were  considered  to  be  sacer- 
dotal functions  (unless  account  be  taken  of  2 
Cone.  Arelat.  c.  15),  the  claim  for  precedence  was 
continued,  as  is  seen  from  Cone.  Ajidegav.  a.d.  453, 
c.  2  ;  1  Barcinon,  A.D.  578  (?),  c.  4 ;  4  Tolet. 
A.D.  633,  c.  39 ;  Statt.  Eecles.  Antiq.  e.  37.  It 
may  be  added  that  in  the  strenuous  eflfort  which 
was  made  by  Novatian  to  uphold  the  authority 
of  the  presbyterate  against  the  episcopate,  he 
seems  also  to  have  endeavoured  to  dispense  with 
the  diaconate  (cf.  Constant's  interpretation  of 
his  letter,  ap.  Routh,  Reliquiae  Sacrae,  vol.  iii. 
pp.  21,  78). 

(iii.)  Functions  of  Presbyters. — The  sketch 
which  has  been  given  of  the  origin  of  the  pres- 
byterate, and  of  its  early  relations  to  the 
episcopate,  has  to  some  extent  covered  the 
ground  of  the  present  section  ;  it  has  at  the  same 
time  shewn,  from  the  great  variations  which 
took  place  in   those  relations,   the  difficulty  of 


PRIEST 

ramiug  any  statements  on  the  subject  which 
vill  hold  good  foi-  more  than  a  particular  period, 
r  a  particular  group  of  churches. 

The  functions  of  the  presbyterate  may  be 
nainly  grouped  according  as  they  relate  (1)  to 
liscipline,  (2)  to  the  sacraments,  (3)  to  teaching, 
4)  to  benediction.  The  functions  of  presbyters 
n  regard  to  ordination  will  be  gathered  from  the 
pecial  article  on  that  subject.  [Ordination,  V. 
Minister  of  Ordination.'] 

(1)  Discipline. — It  has  been  mentioned  above 
hat  the  original  conception  of  the  presbyterate, 
,s  gathered  both  from  the  analogy  of  the  cor- 
esponding  otHce  among  the  Jews,  and  from  the 
i^ords  of  early  Christian  writers,  was  that  it  had 
he  general  control  of  the  morals  of  the  churches, 
,nd  constituted  a  court  of  discipline.  The  same 
unction  continued,  though  its  relative  import- 
nce  decreased,  even  after  the  episcopate  had 
ttained  its  final  supremacy,  and  after  tlie  officers 
fthe  church  had  become  officers  rather  of  wor- 
hip  than  of  government.  The  most  significant 
ndications  of  this  are  found  in  the  Ordinals  of  the 
Vestern  church  ;  the  tenor  of  both  the  addresses 
o  the  people  and  the  prayers  shews  this  to  have 
leen  the  leading  element  in  the  conception  of  a 
iresbyter's  functions  at  the  time  when  those 
)rdinals  were  framed.  Presbyters  are  said  to  be 
ppointed  to  help  bishops  in  the  government  of 
he  people  as  the  seventy  were  appointed  to  help 
loses.  The  prayer  is  that  they  may  exhibit  in 
heir  own  lives  the  virtues  which  they  i-equire  in 
thers.  In  the  earliest  ordinal  of  the  later  type 
Missale  Francorum,  ap.  Muratori,  Liturg.  Rom. 
Vet.  vol.  iii.  p.  450)  there  is  only  a  slight 
eference  to  any  other  functions,  but  all  the  later 
)rdinals  have  added  a  prayer,  or  prayers,  that 
he  presbyter  may  "  offer  acceptable  victims  for 
he  sins  and  offences  of  the  people,"  and  the 
'seudo-Isidorian  decretals  {Epist.  Fabrian.  2, 
.  17 ;  Hinschius,  p.  163,  make  sacrificing  the 
irominent  function.  The  question  of  the  general 
earings  of  this  function  of  discipline  upon 
Christian  morals  is  too  intricate  to  be  properly 
iscusseJ  here  ;  it  will  be  sufficient  for  the  pre- 
ent  purpose  to  treat  briefly  of  its  judicial  or 
uasi-judicial  exercise.  In  that  respect  an 
mportant  distinction  must  be  drawn  between  the 
unctions  of  the  Ordo  Prcshyterorum  in  a  church 
cting  in  concert  and  the  functions  of  an  indi- 
idual  presbyter  acting  alone;  it  is  the  more 
lecessary  to  bear  this  distinction  in  mind,  as  the 
gnoring  of  it  underlies  much  of  the  confusion 
i'hich  exists  in  many  of  the  discussions  to  which 
he  subject  of  the  presbyterate  has  given  rise. 

There  are  good  grounds  for  thinking  that  in 
he  earliest  period  of  church  history  the  pres- 
lyters  were  little  more  than  the  presidents  and 
xecutive  officers  of  the  community,  liable  to  be 
verruled  by  its  voice,  and  bound  to  carry  out  its 
ecisions.  The  most  pertinent  proof  is  the 
ccount  of  the  judicial  process  in  a  Christian 
ommunity  in  Tertull.  Apolofj.  c.  39  (judicatur 
nagno  cum  pondere  et  apud  certos  de  Dei  con- 
pectu,  summumque  futuri  judicii  praejudicium 
st  si  quis  deliquerit  ut  a  communicatione  ora- 
ionis  et  conventus  et  omnis  saluti  commercii 
elegetur.  Praesidcnt  prohati  quique  seniores, 
onorem  istum  non  pretiosed  testimonioadepti"). 
Jut  there  can  be  no  question  that  in  time, 
hough  there  may  be  a  doubt  as  to  the  particular 
ime,   the    ordo   of    a   church    (1)   assumed    an 


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1705 


authority  apart  from  the  community,  (2)  came 
to  consist  of  two  elements,  the  presbyters  and 
the  bishop  [the  discussion  as  to  the  place  of 
deacons  in  relation  to  the  ordo  must,  for  brevity's 
sake,  be  here  omitted]. 

(a)  The  presbyters  and  bishop,  acting  together, 
formed  the  court  to  which  ofl'ences  against  morals 
or  church  order  were  referred,  and  by  which  the 
atiairs  of  the  church  generally  were  administered. 
In  this  capacity  they  formed  a  crvueSptov  (Ignat. 
Epist.  ad  Trail,  c.  3),  and  are  designated  as  such 
even  so  late  as  the  4th  and  5th  centuries,  e.g.  by 
S.  Greg.  Nazianz.  Orat.  42,  11,  p.  756  ;  S.  Basil. 
Epist.  81  [319],  p.  174  ;  S.  Sisti  III.  Epist.  2  ad 
Cyrill.  Alex. ;  Synesius,  Epist.  67,  p.  208.  Hence, 
in  terms  which  are  borrowed  from  similar  courts 
under  the  empire,  they  are  also  spoken  of  as  <rij^- 
fiovKoi  Tov  67ricrK(J7rou,  ^ovX)}  t7\s  iKKK-qaias,  e.g. 
Const.  Apost.  2,  28,  and  in  Latin  as  a  "  consilium  " 
(Statt.  Eccles.  Ant.  c.  22).  And  since  the  smallest 
number  of  persons  who  could  form  a  avvfdpwi' 
among  the  Jews  was  three,  one  of  the  earliest 
documents  which  refers  to  ecclesiastical  organiza- 
tion requires  each  bishop  to  appoint  two  pres- 
bvters,  presumably  to  form  such  a  court,  Aiar. 
KAi7/x.  c.  20,  Pitra,  Jur.  Eccl.  Gr.  vol.  i.  p.  83 ; 
Bickell,  Gesch.  des  Kirchenrechts,  vol.  ii.  p.  122. 

(6)  The  bishop,  as  head  of  this  body,  was  an 
integral  and  essential  part  of  it.  His  consent 
was  ordinarily  necessary  to  the  validity  of  its 
acts.  He  was  the  officer  by  whom  sentences  were 
pronounced,  and  by  whom  the  i-estoration  of 
penitents  to  church  privileges  was  effected.  It  is 
probable  also  that  in  emergencies  in  which 
immmediate  action  was  necessary  he  had  a  dis- 
cretionary and  quasi-independent  power.  But 
without  such  an  emergency  even  Cyprian 
declined  to  act  alone.  He  will  not  judge  the  case 
of  the  sub-deacons  Philomenus  and  Fortunatus, 
and  the  acolyte  Favorinus,  since  many  of  the 
clergy  are  absent,  though  in  the  meantime,  in  his 
capacity  of  finance-officer,  he  orders  that  the 
accused  persons  shall  not  receive  their  monthly 
allowance  {Epist.  28  [34],  c.  3). 

(c)  Individual  presbyters  sometimes  claimed 
for  themselves  a  similar  discretionary  power: 
"  audio  tamen  quosdam  de  presbyteris  nee  evan- 
gelii  memores,  nee  quid  ad  nos  martyres  scrip- 
serint  cogitantes,  nee  episcopo  honorem  sacerdotii 
sui  et  cathedrae  reservantes,  jam  cum  lapsis  com- 
municare  coepisse  et  offerre  pro  illis  et  eucha- 
ristiam  dare,  quando  oportet  ad  haec  per 
ordinem  perveniri  (St.  Cyprian.  Epist.  11  [17], 
c.  2).  But  the  claim  was  disallowed.  In  the 
East  the  general  rule  was  laid  down  that  indi- 
vidual presbyters  must  not  act  without  the 
bishop's  consent  (Cone.  Laod.  c.  57,  dfev  yvwix-r)s 
TOV  iTricTK^izov  \  SO  Can.  Apost.  c.  39,  where  Bal- 
samon  limits  the  rule  to  the  administration  of 
church  funds,  but  Zonaras  understancis  it  of 
excommunication);  but  the  penitentiaries  who 
were  appointed  at  Constantinople  after  the 
Novatian  schism  were  presbyters  (Socrnt.  //.  E. 
5,  19),  and  much  later  archbishop  Theodore,  who 
must  be  taken  as  an  authority  for  at  any  rate 
contemporary  usage,  expressly  states  that 
"  among  the  Greeks  a  presbyter  may,  'f  there  is 
necessity,  reconcile  a  ]>enitent  "  (Poenit.  Tlieodor. 
2,  3,  8,  ed.  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Covncils,  &c.,  vol. 

iii.). 

In  the  West  their  powers  in  this  respect  wero 
limited  by  mauv  conciliar  enactments,  the  repe- 


1706 


PRIEST 


tition  of  which,  however,  shews  that  they  were 
not  unfrequently  struggled  against.  The  ear- 
liest canon  is  that  of  Elvira  (Cone.  Illib.  A.D.  306, 
c.  32),  the  main  purpoi-t  of  which  appears  to 
be  that  a  presbyter  (or  deacon)  must  not  re- 
admit a  penitent  even  in  peril  of  death  without 
consulting  his  bishop ;  but  the  text  of  the 
canon  is  somewhat  uncertain,  and  has  given  rise 
to  some  controversy  (cf.  the  notes  of  Aubespine 
on  the  canon,  printed  as  an  appendix  to  his 
edition  of  Optatus,  Paris,  1631  ;  F.  de  Jlendoza, 
Dissert,  de  Can.  Cone.  Illib.  ap.  Mansi,  ii.  p.  243 ; 
Petavius  de  Poenit.  et  Eecondl.  Vet.  Ecclesiae  Mori- 
hus  Recepta,  c.  2,  4).  There  is  a  similar  variety  in 
the  African  canons  on  the  same  subject ;  2  Cone. 
Carth.  c.  4,  coincides  with  the  version  of  the  canon 
of  Elvira  which  is  given  above  (the  text  as  given 
in  Mansi,  iii.  694,  is  slightly  different  from  id. 
iii.  86-7,  but  the  purport  is  the  same) ;  but 
the  African  code  allows  a  presbyter  to  act  in 
similar  cases  without  consulting  his  bishop  (Cod. 
Can.  Afric.  c.  43).  The  Galilean  canons  agree 
with  the  latter  rule ;  1  Cone.  Araus.  a.d.  441 
(under  S.  Hilary  of  Aries),  c.  1.  specially  of 
heretics ;  so  totidem  verbis,  2  Arelat.  c.  26 ;  so 
also  Cone.  Epaon,  a.d.  517,  c.  20.  Cone.  Agath. 
A.D.  506,  c.  44,  2  Cone.  Hisp.  a.d.  619,  c.  7,  lay 
down  the  converse  rule  that  a  presbyter  must 
not  readmit  a  penitent  publicly  in  church  ;  and 
the  latter  of  the  two  councils  prohibits  such  an 
action  even  upon  the  delegation  of  a  bishop ; 
but  archbishop  Theodore  expresses  the  opinion 
that  such  a  delegation  was  permissible  (Poenit. 
Theod.  1,  13,  3,  ed.  Haddan  and  Stubbs),  leaning 
herein,  as  in  other  points,  rather  to  the  Eastern 
than  to  the  Western  use.  It  may  be  noted  as  an 
indication  of  the  drift  of  opinion  and  usage  that 
the  Jumieges  Pontifical  of  the  end  of  the  8th 
century  (Pontif.  Gemmeticense,  Martene,  ordo  iii.) 
treats  the  receiving  of  penitents  as  an  ordinary 
function  of  bishops  and  presbyters  in  distinction 
from  deacons.  The  Apostolical  Constitutions 
(8,  27)  deny  the  right  of  individual  presbyters 
to  depose  (^Kadaipuv)  inferior  clerks,  but  allow 
them  to  suspend  (a(popiC€iv)  such  as,  being  subject 
to  their  authority,  deserve  suspension;  (the 
Coptic  version,  as  translated  by  Tattam,  c.  73, 
makes  the  distinction  to  lie  in  their  having 
power  to  put  out,  but  not  power  to  anathematize). 
Whether  a  single  presbyter  had  power  to  excom- 
municate in  early  times  is  doubtful :  the  earliest 
mention  of  such  a  power  is  probably  in  the 
Judicium  dementis,  which  gives  summary  power 
in  certain  cases  of  misbehaviour  in  church  to  a 
bishop,  presbyter,  or  any  clerk  (Judic.  Clem. 
c.  20,  ap.  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  iii.  226,  from 
Kunstmann  Ponitent.  Biicher  der  Angelsachs. 
p.  176). 

(2)  The  Sacraments  ;  (i.)  The  Eucharist. — In  the 
earliest  period  it  is  probable  that  in  the  Eu- 
charist, as  in  the  administration  of  discipline 
and  church  funds,  the  bishops  and  presbyters 
acted  together  (this  practice  of  "  concelebration" 
survived  at  Rome  long  after  it  appears  to  have 
ceased  elsewhere ;  it  is  mentioned  by  Amalarius 
of  Metz  in  the  9th  century,  de  Eccles.  Offi.  i.  12, 
three  centuries  later  by  Innocent  III.,  dc  Myst. 
Miss.  iv.  c.  25,  and  by  many  mediaeval  writers). 
They  jointly  offered  or  blessed  the  offerings,  and 
jointly  distributed  them  to  the  people.  In  the 
absence  of  the  bishop  the  presbyters  could  per- 
form these  functions  without  him ;  the  power  to 


PRIEST 

offer  or  bless  the  Eucharistic  offerings,  and  to  give 
them  to  the  people,  was  probably  regarded  as 
inherent  in  the  olfice  of  a  presbyter ;  and  it  may 
be  inferred  from  the  fact  of  its  being  the  fuuction 
of  which  an  erring  presbyter  was  first  deprived 
Cone.  Neocaes.  c.  9,  that  it  was  regarded  as  the 
chief  independent  function  of  his  office.  Out- 
side the  city  church  in  which  the  bishop  and 
his  presbyters  ordinarily  thus  acted  together,  a 
single  presbyter  seems  to  have  exercised  this 
power  without  question;  he  might  "break 
bread  "  with  confessors  in  their  prison,  or  as  in 
apostolic  days  "  from  house  to  house."  At 
Rome  the  presbyters  of  the  several  tituli,  which 
were  practically  equivalent  to  the  urban  parishes 
of  later  times,  were  restrained  from  consecrating 
the  Eucharist  themselves,  and  used  instead  that 
which  the  bishops  sent  them ;  but  the  words  of 
the  earliest  enactment  respecting  this,  state  ex- 
pressly that  the  practice  was  merely  designed 
as  a  mark  of  unity  of  communion,  and  admit 
that  presbyters  have  ordinarily  the  right  of  con- 
secration (S.  Innocent  I.  Epist.  ad  Decent,  e.  5). 
But  elsewhere  there  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  any  restriction  whatever,  except  those 
which  were  imposed  by  the  general  rules  of 
seniority  and  precedence,  e.g.  Cone.  Neocaes. 
c.  13.  In  time,  however,  there  came  to  be 
restrictions  of  place.  2  Cone.  Carth.  a.d.  390  (?) 
c.  9,  forbids  a  presbyter  from  performing  his 
office  "  in  quolibet  loco  "  without  the  permission 
of  his  bishop.  The  requirement  that  the  altar 
upon  which  he  offers  should  previously  have  been 
consecrated  by  a  bishop,  is  probably  of  much 
later  date;  the  first  positive  enactments  are  in 
the  Liber  Pontificalis  {Vit.  S.  Siric.  c.  2),  and  in 
the  Carolingian  capitularies,  Karoli  M.  Capit. 
General,  a.d.  769,  c.  14,  Pertz,  vol.  i.  p.  32  ;  the 
fact  that  it  is  so  elaborately  vindicated  by  the 
Pseudo-Isidore  (Decret.  Felicis  IV.  ad  Omnes 
Episcopos,  Hinschius,  p.  700)  and  also  the  fact 
that  it  occurs  as  a  positive  enactment,  not  based 
upon  early  canonical  authority,  so  late  as  the 
10th  century,  e.g.  in  the  capitularies  of  Atto  II. 
of  Vercelli,  circ.  A.D.  950,  c.  7,  ap.  D'Achery 
Spicil.  vol.  i.  p.  403,  are  significant  indications  of 
its  late  date.  In  the  absence  of  such  a  conse- 
crated altar,  fixed  or  portable,  Archbishop  Theo- 
dore allows  a  presbyter  to  perform  mass  provided 
that  he  holds  the  elements  in  his  hands  (Poenit. 
Theodor.  2,  2,  2,  ed.  Haddan  and  Stubbs). 

(ii.)  Baptism. — The  admission  of  a  new  member 
into  the  community  was  in  early  times  the 
work  of  the  whole  church.  In  the  most  solemn 
form  of  the  ceremony  bishop,  presbyters,  deacons, 
and  laity,  ri  nacra  lepa  StaK6criJ.ri(ris,  and  Trdvra 
Toi  Tf;s  iKK\7]trias  TrAT/pw^aro  (S.  Dionys.  Areop. 
de  Eccles.  Hicrarch.  2 ,  4,  where  a  comparison 
with  3,  14  shews  that  Pachymeres  is  wrong 
in  understanding  the  expressions  of  the  KXrjpos 
only)  had  each  their  appropriate  part.  In  the 
less  solemn  forms  of  the  ceremony  the  Eastern 
Church  seems  to  have  allowed  either  a  bishop  or 
a  presbyter  to  preside  {Const.  Apost.  7,  22 ;  so 
ibid.  3,  20,  ^a-rrTi^eiv  is  a  distinct  and  proper 
function  of  a  presbyter)  ;  but  in  the  Western 
Church  the  function  of  a  presbyter  in  this 
respect  seems  always  to  have  been  regarded  as 
delegated  and  not  original ;  on  this  point  the 
statements  of  Tertullian  and  Jerome  leave  no 
room  for  reasonable  doubt;  the  former  says, 
de  Baptismo,  c.    17,    "dandi    [se    baptismum} 


PRIEST 

[uidem  habet  jus  summus  sacerdos  qui  est 
piscopus.  Dehinc  presbyteri  et  diaconi,  non 
amen  sine  episcopi  auctoritate  propter  ecclesiae 
lonorem  ; "  the  latter  says,  Dial.  c.  Lucif.  c.  9, 
Ip.  ed.  Migne,  vol.  ii.  1G4,  "  inde  [sc.  from  the 
lecessity  for  unity  in  the  church]  venit  ut  sine 
hrismate  et  episcopi  jussione  neque  presbyter 
leque  diaconus  jus  habeant  baptizandi."  In 
loth  East  and  West  when  the  full  ceremonial 
ook  place,  thei-e  was  a  division  of  labour ;  the 
>est  account  of  the  part  of  each  order  of  clergy 
n  the  East  is  to  be  found  in  the  treatise  of 
it.  Dionysius  Areopagite  quoted  above :  the 
arliest  complete  account  of  Western  usage  is  to 
le  found  in  Mabillon's  Ordo  Eomanus,  i.  c.  43, 
d.  vii.  c.  11.  In  both  of  these  a  distinction  is 
[rawn  between  the  immersion  in  water,  which 
night  be  performed  by  deacons  and  even  by 
icolytes,  and  the  other  ceremonies,  of  which  the 
hief  were  the  anointing  with  the  chrism  and 
rhe  imposition  of  hands,  which  were  shared  be- 
tween the  presbyters  and  the  bishops.  If  the 
lishops  were  absent,  the  Eastern  church  allowed 
.  presbyter  to  do  all  that,  if  present,  the  bishop 
vould  have  done  ;  but  although  there  was  for 
ome  time  a  variety  of  usage  in  the  West  (as 
s  shewn,  e.g.,  by  the  fact  that  Gregory  the 
ireat  [_Epist.  4,  9,  vol.  ii.  p.  689]  reserves  the 
inal  anointing  on  the  forehead  for  bishops, 
vhereas  in  Epist.  4,  26,  vol.  ii.  p.  705,  he  allows 
t  to  presbyters),  it  ultimately  came  to  be  the 
Vestern  rule  that  a  presbyter  might  anoint 
v'ith  the  chrism,  provided  that  he  used  chrism 
vliich  had  previously  been  consecrated  by  a 
lishop,  and  also  that  he  did  not  anoint  on  the 
orehead  (S.  Innocent,  Epist.  ad  Decent,  c.  3,  ap. 
linschius,  p.  528),  but  that  he  must  not  in  any 
ase  impose  hands  (Theodulph.  Aurelian.  de 
h-dine  Baptismi,  c.  17,  Migne,  P.  L.  cv.  235).  In 
ther  words  a  presbyter  might  baptize,  but  a 
ishop  must  confirm ;  (it  is  important  to  note 
hat  when  Photius  objected  to  this  Western 
lasge,  and  asked  "  Whence  came  the  law  that 
a-esbyters  should  not  confirm  ?  "  Epist.  i.  13 
2),  ap.  Migna,  P.  G.  vol.  cii.  726,  the  Latins  were 
ot  able  to  give  any  better  authority  than  the 
)ecretals  and  the  Liber  Pontificalis,  see  e.g. 
he  arguments  of  Aeneas  of  Paris  ap.  D'Achery, 
'picileg.  vol.  i.  p.  141).  When  the  later  system 
f  dioceses  and  parishes  began  to  prevail,  there 
T2LS  some  variety  of  usage,  (a)  Sometimes  there 
ras  only  one  baptistery  in  a  diocese,  and  to  it 
11  candidates  for  baptism  had  to  come.  (/))  But 
lore  frequently  the  parochial  presbyter  liad  the 
ight  of  baptizing  in  his  own  parish,  and 
uch  baptism  by  a  parochial  presbyter  did  not 
onfer  the  full  status  of  church  membership  until 
;  had  been  followed  by  "confirmation."  Jerome 
bought  that  the  baptism  was  spiritually  valid 
without  such  confirmation  (S.  Hieron.  Dial.  c. 
'jucif.  c.  9),  but  the  later  view  doubted  this  (see 
.g.  Poenit.  Theodore,  2,  4,  4,  ed.  Haddan  and 
tubbs  ;  Joann.  Diac.  Epist.  ad  Senar.  c.  14,  ap. 
ligne,  P.  L.  vol.  lix.  406  ;  Isaac  Lingon.,  can. 
1,  8,  ap.  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  c.\.xiv.),  and  out  of 
bis  doubt  probably  sprang  the  revival  of  the 
horepiscopate  in  France  in  the  8th  and  9th 
enturies  (Ilraban.  Maur.  do  Instit.  Cler.  i.  5, 
ordinati  sunt  chorepiscopi  propter  pauperum 
uram  qui  in  agris  et  villis  consistunt  ne  eis 
alatium  confirmationis  deesset :  "  on  the  other 
and,  in  the  vigorous  polemic  against  the  chor- 


PEIEST 


170i 


episcopate  which  is  made  by  the  autlior  of  the 
false  decretals,  this  privilege  is  denied  to  them, 
e.g.  Leonis  Papae  de  Privilcjio  Chorepiscoporum, 
Hinschius,  p.  628,  Damasi  Papae  de  Chorepiscopis, 
ibid.  p.  514).  (c)  The  parochial  presbyter  had 
the  delegated  right  of  using,  but  not  the  right 
of  consecrating  the  baptismal  chrism.  This  was 
the  African  rule,  2  Cone.  Garth,  c.  3=  Corf. 
Eccles.  Afric.  c.  6  (but  it  apjjears  from  John 
the  Deacon  that  in  his  time,  i.e.  in  the  9th 
century,  African  presbyters  had  the  right  of 
consecrating  the  chrism,  Epist.  ad  Senar.  c.  8, 
Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  lix.  404 ;  Mabilion,  Mus.  Hal.  i. 

2,  74),  and  1  Cone.  Tolet,  c.  20,  enacted  that  it 
should  henceforth  be  the  Spanish  rule  ;  as  such 
it  was  conformed  by  2  Cone.  Brae.  a.d.  563,  c.  19, 
2  Cone.  Hisp.  A.D.  619,  c.  7  ;  but  it  is  rather 
implied  than  directly  stated  by  the  Gallican 
councils,  e.g.  cone.  Vas.  a.d.  442,  c.  3,  and  pro- 
bably did  not  exist  in  the  East  (cf.  Poenit.  Theod. 
2,  3,  8,  ed.  Haddan  and  Stubbs).  Where  the 
rule  existed,  the  parochial  presbyters  were 
bound  to  obtain  the  chrism  from  the  bishop  once 
a  year,  usually  just  before  Easter;  so  Statt. 
Eccles.  Antiq.  c.  36 ;  1  Cone.  Tolet.  c.  20 ; 
Cone.  Vas.  c.  3 ;  Cone.  Emerit.  a.d.  666,  c.  9, 
further  enacts  that  he  who  is  charged  by  the 
bishop  to  convey  the  chrism  to  presbyters  is  not 
to  exact  pay  for  it.  (d)  The  right  of  baptizing 
except  in  emergencies  was  appaj-ently  not 
personal  to  the  parochial  presbyter,  but  had  to 
be  exercised  in  an  authorized  place  ;  the  TruUan 
council  (c.  31)  will  not  allow  it  to  be  exercised 
in  private  chapels  without  the  bishop's  authority, 
and  the  Frankish  and  Carolingiau  capitularies 
appear  to  deny  the  title  of  even  parish  churches 
to  be  baptisteries,  unless  they  are  expressly 
constituted  such  by  the  bishop  ;  "  ut  publicum 
baptisterium  in  ulla  parochia  [i.e.  diocese]  esse 
non  debeat  nisi  ibi  ubi  episcopus  constituerit 
cujus  parrochia  est "  (Pippini  Capit.  Vernense, 
A.D.  755,  c.  7,  Pertz,  Legum  1,  p.  24  ==  Cone. 
Vern.  ap.  Mansi,  xii.  577  ;  so  also  Capit.  Ticinense, 
A.D.  801,  c.  16,  Pertz,  i.  p.  85). 

(3)  Preaching  and  Teaching.  —  The  Jewish 
presbyters  were  not,  as  such,  teachers  ;  and  since 
(1  Tim.  V.  17)  by  making  special  mention  of 
those  who  labour  in  the  Word  and  doctrine  "  im- 
jilies  that  some  presbyters  did  not  so  labour,  it 
may  be  inferred  that  teaching  was  not  an  in- 
herent function  of  the  Christian  presbyterate. 
The  Aiarayai  K\riixfVTos  (c.  16)  contemplate  the 
case  of  an  unlettered  presbyter,  and  the  earliest 
list  of  presbyteral.  functions  (Polyc.  Epist.  ad 
Philipp.  c.  6)  treats  a  presbyter,  wholly  as  a 
disciplinary  officer  ;  nor  is  there  any  mention  of 
presbyters  in  connexion  with  teacliing  in  either 
Clement  or  Ignatius.  The  Clementines  also  in- 
dicate that,  whereas  the  bishops  had  to  do  witli 
the  doctrine,  the  presbyters  had  to  do  with  the 
morals  of  the  members   of  the  church  (Pccogn. 

3,  65).  But  the  function  of  teaching,  although 
not  inherent  in  the  presbyterate,  was  not  in- 
compatible with  it.  There  were  "presbyteri 
doctores  "  (S.  Cyprian,  Epist.  24,  vol.  i.  p.  287 ; 
Ada  Perpctmc  ct  Felicitatis,  ap.  Ruinart,  c.  1;^); 
jireaching  (dfiiKuv)  was  a  function  from  which  a 
lapsed  i)resbyter  was  deposed  (Cone.  Ancyr.  a.d. 
313,  c.  1);  and  it  is  clear  that  the  Alc.\andrian 
usage  of  excluding  presbyters  from  preaching 
was  either  temporary  or  local  (Socrat.  //.  /,'. 
5,  22).     It  was,  in  short,  a  delegated  function ; 


1708 


PKILIDANUS 


it  was  committed  to  the  "  wiser "  presbyters 
(S.  Chrys.  Horn.  3  in  Epist.  i.  ad  Corinth.  Op.  ed. 
jMigne,  vol.  x.  p.  26),  and  therefore,  in  some 
churches,  could  not  be  exercised  in  the  presence 
of  a  bishop  (S.  Hieron.  Epist.  52  [2]  ad  Nepot. 
c.  7,  who  objects  to  this  exclusion;  2  Cone. 
Hisp.  A.D.  619,  c.  7).  But  after  the  establish- 
ment of  the  parochial  system,  the  privileges  of 
presbyters  in  parishes  became  extended  in  this 
and  in  other  respects  ;  and  the  Western  church 
seems  to  have  thenceforth  counted  preaching 
as  an  ordinary  function  of  a  parish  presbyter 
(3  Cone.  Vas.  A.D.  529,  c.  2 ;  Cone.  Cloves.  A.D. 
747,  c.  9);  so  the  ninth-century  writers  on 
church  institutions,  e.  g.  Hraban.  Maur.  de  Instit. 
Cleric,  i.  6  ;  cf.  Quesnel,  Dissert,  xi.  in  S.  Leon. 
M.  Op.  c.  12). 

(4)  Benediction. — The  Christian  churches  con- 
tinued the  Jewish  practice  of  blessing  both 
persons  and  things,  and  since  the  blessing  of 
persons  assumed  a  superiority  in  the  person  who 
gave  the  benediction  over  the  person  who  i-eceived 
it  (cf.  Heb.  vii.  7),  in  the  Christian,  as  in  the 
Jewish,  assemblies,  it  was  a  function  of  the  presi- 
dent. Ordinarily  it  was  thus  a  function  of 
the  bishop ;  but,  in  the  absence  of  the  bishop, 
a  presbyter  might  bless,  whether  publicly  iu 
church  or  privately  elsewhere  (Const.  Apost.  3, 
20  ;  8,  27  ;  S.  Basil.  Epist.  2  ad  Amphiloch.  c.  27, 
where  suspension  from  this  function  is  the 
punishment  of  a  presbyter  who  has  contracted 
an  unlawful  marriage).  But  in  the  West  the 
rights  of  presbyters  in  this  respect  became  much 
restricted.  In  the  5th  century,  Cone.  Regiens, 
c.  5,  allows  presbyters  to  give  the  benediction  in 
private  houses  and  in  the  country,  but  not  iu 
church  ;  and  early  in  the  following  century  Cone, 
-^gath.  c.  44  expressly  forbids  a  presbyter  to  give 
it  in  church  ;  but  2  Cone.  Hispal.  (a.d.  619,  c.  7) 
narrows  the  prohibition  to  cases  in  which  the 
bishop  is  present,  and  this  has  continued  to  be 
the  Western  rule. 

[For  the  conditions  of  admission  to  the  priest- 
hood, see  Orders,  holy  ;  for  the  mode  of 
appointment  and  admission,  see  Ordination  ;  for 
the  relations  of  priests  to  synods  and  councils, 
see  Council,  p.  473.]  [E.  H.] 

PKrLIDANUS,  martyr  with  Urbauus  and 
Epolonus,  three  youths,  who  suffered  with  bishop 
Babylas  at  Antioch ;  commemorated  Jan.  24. 
(Usuard.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart.  Prilidanius  ;  Florns 
ap.  Bed.  Mart.  Parilidanus,  under  Numerian  ; 
Mart.  Rom.  Prilidianus.)  [C.  H.] 

PKIMATE.  The  word  primate  ("  primas  ") 
seems  to  have  come,  like  some  other  ecclesias- 
tical terms,  from  the  civil  law.  From  its  first 
use,  in  which  it  was  applied  generally  to  the 
chief  men  of  a  community,  it  came  to  be  used 
in  an  official  sense  (a)  of  the  presidents  of  the 
Jewish  communities,  after  the  title  "patriarch  " 
had  ceased.  Cod.  Tlicodos.  16,  8,  8,  29  ;  (6)  of  the 
"  decuriones  "  of  a  muuicipalitv.  Cod.  Theodos. 
7,  18,  13;  12,  1,  4;  (c)  of  the  heads  of  the 
bureau  of  a  provincial  governor,  Cod.  Theodos. 
9,  40,  16  ;  12,  6,  3,  cf.  Bethmann-Hollweg,  Dor 
Romische  Civil-prozess,  Bd.  iii.  p.  142.  It  is  a 
probable  inference  from  the  Pseudo-Isidorian 
JSpist.  Anaclcti,  ii.  c.  26,  that  it  was  also  applied 
m  the  post-Imperial  organization  of  the  West  to  I 
ofEcers  who  had  judicial  functions  corresponding  ' 


PKIMATE 

to  those  of  ecclesiastical  primates ;  but  of  the 
existence  of  such  officers  no  direct  trace  can  be 
found.  (For  the  Garolingian  "  primates  palatii," 
see  Waitz,  Deutsclie  Verfassungsgeschichte,  Bd.  iv. 
277.) 

In  its  ecclesiastical  use  it  is  found  in  three 
senses.  (The  use  of  its  Greek  equivalent  6 
TTfjwTiixav,  which  is  found  in  several  Syrian 
inscriptions,  one  of  which  bears  the  date  a.d. 
514,  Corpus  Inscriptionum  Graecarum,  Kos. 
8627,  8630,  8631,  is  here  omitted,  because  there 
is  no  clue  to  its  precise  signification.) 

(1)  Its  earliest  sense  seems  to  be  that  of 
seniority,  whether  in  respect  of  age  or  of  office. 
Leo  the  Great  uses  "primatus"  of  seniority 
among  presbyters  (Epist.  19  (18)  ad  Dorum 
Benevent.  vol.  i.  p.  735).  Pope  Hilary  (Epist. 
8,  ap.  Jligne,  Patr.  Lat.  vol.  Iviii.  25)  transfers 
the  power  of  ordaining  bishops  from  Hermes, 
metropolitan  of  Narbonne,  to  Constantius,  bishop 
of  Qsez,  as  being  "aevo  honoris  primas;"  just 
as  in  a  similar  case  Leo  the  Great  (Epist.  10, 
vol.  i.  p.  641)  transfers  the  functions  of  metro- 
politan from  Hilary  of  Aries  to  Leontius,  ex- 
pressly on  the  ground  of  his  seniority.  The 
word  was  consequently  used  in  Africa  to  denote 
the  senior  bishop  of  the  province,  who  there 
held  the  place  which  in  most  other  parts  of  the 
Christian  world  was  held  by  the  bishop  of  the 
civil  metropolis.  The  exact  title  of  this  bishop 
was  "  primae  sedis  episcopus,"  and  3  Cone.  Garth, 
c.  26  =  Cod.  Eccles.  Afric.  c.  39  enacts  that  he 
is  not  to  take  the  appellations  "  summus  sacer- 
dos,"  or  ''princeps  sacerdotum  ;"  but  the  word 
"  primas "  is  used,  apparently  with  the  same 
meaning,  in  2  Cone.  Garth,  c.  12 ;  3  Cone.  Garth. 
28  (in  3  Cone.  Garth,  c.  7  =  Cod.  Eccles.  Afric. 
c.  19,  there  is  an  important  variety  of  reading 
between  '•primatem"  and  "primates");  to  this 
African  usage  Gregory  the  Great,  Epist.  i.  74, 
vol.  ii.  p.  559,  expresses  strong  objections. 

(2)  The  word  is  occasionally  used  in  reference 
to  the  office  or  status  of  a  metropolitan :  c.  g.  in 
the  dispute  between  the  bishops  of  Vienne  and 
Aides,  which  was  settled  by  Gone.  Taurin.  a.d. 
401,  c.  2 ;  in  1  Gone.  Brae.  a.d.  563,  c.  6 :  so 
also  sometimes  in  the  Latin  translations  of  the 
Greek  canons,  e.g.  in  Dionysius  Exiguus  Can. 
Apost.  35  ap.  Sirmond;  Codex  Can.  Vet.  Eccles. 
Roman.,  in  Feri'andus,  Breviatlo  Canonum,  c.  4, 
ap.  Migne,  Patr.  Lat.  vol.  Ixvii.  950,  "metro- 
politani  vel  primatis;"  in  Martin  of  Braga, 
Capit.  c.  4,  ap.  Mansi,  ix.  849 ;  and  in  S.  Leon. 
M.  Epist.  108  (83)  ad  T/ieodor.Forojuliens,  vol.i. 
p.  1173  (in  the  plural). 

(3)  The  title  was  not  in  ordinary  use  until 
the  9th  century,  and  it  was  then  applied  to  a 
new  distinction  which  was  created  among 
bishops,  chieily  by  the  influence  of  the  Pseudo- 
Isidorian  decretals.  In  the  Eastern  divisions  of 
the  empire  the  church  had  closely  followed  the 
gradations  of  civil  rank.  The  provinces  (iirap- 
Xi'ai),  each  of  which  had  its  civil  praeses  or 
consularis,  and  its  ecclesiastical  metropolitan, 
were  grouped  into  dioeceses,  each  of  which  had 
its  civil  vicarius,  comes,  or  praefectus,  and  its 
ecclesiastical  exarch  or  patriarch  [Patri- 
arch (2)].  But  in  the  West  each  province  was 
iu  almost  all  respects  a  separate  ecclesiastical 
unit ;  thei-e  was  no  officer  corresponding  to  the 
civil  vicarius:  there  was  no  appeal  from  the 
jirovincial    synod    and    the    provincial    metro- 


PRIMATE 

politan,  except  the  appeal,  which  was  oftener 
claimed  than  allowed,  to  the  bishop  of  Rome. 
The  earlier  policy  of  the  Roman  see  was  to 
support  the  authority  of  metropolitans ;  e.g.  S. 
Leo  M.  Epist.  108  (83)  ad  Theodor.  Forojul.  vol. 
i.  p.  1173,  objects  to  direct  appeal  from  a  bishop 
to  Rome.  But  its  later  policy  was  the  reverse 
of  this:  and  from  the  6th  to  the  8th  centuries 
the  influence  of  metropolitans  visibly  declined, 
so  that  Pippin  consulted  pope  Zachary  as  to  the 
best  means  of  reviving  it  (S.  Zachar.  pap.  Epist. 
ad  Pippin,  ap.  Mausi,  vol.  xii.  326).  It  was 
accordingly  revived  under  the  Carolingians 
{Pippin,  Capit.  Venn.  Duplex,  a.d.  755,  c.  2 ; 
Caroli  Magn.  Capit.  a.d.  779,  c.  1),  and  the 
revived  office  played  an  important  part  in 
political  as  well  as  in  ecclesiastical  affairs  (see 
Waitz,  Deutsche  Verfassungsgeschichte,  vol.  iii. 
p.  351  sqq.).  But  both  the  suff'ragan  bishops 
and  the  Roman  see  found  the  metropolitans  in- 
convenient :  the  former  preferred  a  remote  to  a 
near  superior,  the  latter  disliked  the  exercise  of 
ecclesiastical  discipline  by  judges  who,  if  sup- 
ported, as  they  seemed  likely  to  be,  by  the 
influence  of  the  temporal  power,  might  weaken 
its  direct  control  over  the  Western  churches. 
In  addition  to  this  there  appear  to  have  been,  in 
the  troubled  times  which  followed  the  death  of 
Charles  the  Great,  several  cases  in  which  bishops 
had  met  with  severe,  if  not  unjust,  treatment  at 
the  hands  of  metropolitans.  The  author  of  the 
Pseudo-Isidorian  decretals  consequently  intro- 
duced into  the  West  the  Eastern  distinction 
between  metropolitans  and  exarchs,  to  the  latter 
of  whom  he  confined  the  word  primate,  which 
had  hitherto  been  occasionally  used  for  any 
metropolitan,  and  which  he  identified  with  the 
earlier  Eastern  equivalent  of  exarch,  viz.  patri- 
arch, Epist.  Annie,  c.  3,  "  nuUi  archiepiscopi 
primates  vocentur  nisi  illi  qui  primas  tenent 
civitates  quarum  episcopos  et  successores  eorum 
regulariter  patriarchas  vel  primates  esse  con- 
stituerunt,  nisi  aliqua  gens  deinceps  ad  fidem 
couvertatur,  cui  necesse  sit  propter  multitudinem 
opiscoporum  primatem  constitui.  Reliqui  vero 
qui  alias  metropolitanas  sedes  adepti  sunt  nou 
primates  sed  metropolitani  nominentur :"'  so 
Anaclet.  Epist.  ii.  c.  26 ;  Zepherin.  Epist.  c.  2 ; 
Felic.  i.  Epist.  c.  4;  Steph.  Epist.  ii.  c.  10; 
Julii  Decret.  c.  12:  so  also  Benedict.  Levit. 
Capit.  iv.  439,  ap.  Pertz,  Lei:um,  vol.  ii.  pars  2, 
p.  130;  Capit.  Angilramni,  c.  22,  ap.  Hinschius, 
Decret.  Pseudo-Isidor.  p.  762.  The  letter  of  pope 
Hormisdas  which  Hincmar  of  Reims  quotes  in 
his  controversy  with  Hincmar  of  Laon  as  giving 
a  primacy  to  the  see  of  Reims,  with  a  reserva- 
tion of  the  rights  of  metropolitans,  resembles 
the  false  decretals  too  closely  to  be  ti-eated  as 
genuine  (Hincmar  Remens.  Opusc.  in  Causa 
Hincmar.  Laudun.  c.  16,  ap.  Migne,  Patr.  Lat. 
vol.  cxxvi.  338).  After  this  date  the  title  was 
in  frequent  use,  especially  in  reference  to  the 
metropolitans  to  whom  the  bishops  of  Rome 
entrusted  in  their  respective  districts  the  powers 
of  the  Roman  see. 

The  functions  of  primates  in  the  later  sense  of 
the  term,  so  far  as  thev  differ  from  the  ordinary 
functions  of  metropolitans,  are  almost  wholly 
judicial.  In  the  Pseudo-Isidorian  decretals, 
which  are  the  foundation  of  all  subsequent 
canon  law  on  the  subject,  an  accused  bishop  who 
suspects   the   impartiality   of  his  metropolitan 


PEIMICERIUS 


1709 


and  comprovincials,  may  claim  to  be  tried  by  the 
primate,  Clement.  Epist.  i.  c.  29  ;  Anacdet.  ii.  c. 
26;  Felic.  i.  c.  4 ;  Zepherin.  c.  2;  Jul.  c.  12: 
so  also  Capit.  Angilram.  c.  5 ;  a  primate  has 
also  an  immediate  jurisdiction  in  the  case  of  a 
metropolitan  who  oppresses  his  suffragans  or 
otherwise  exceeds  the  limits  of  his  authority, 
Annie.  3,  4  ;  Vict.  6  ;  and  also  in  all  "  majores 
ecclesiarum  negotia,"  Clement,  i.  c.  29  ;  Anaclet. 
ii.  c.  26 ;  Steph.  ii.  c.  10.  But  while  in  some 
passages  the  decretals  make  this  jurisdiction  of 
the  metropolitan  alternative  with  an  appeal  to 
Rome,  Vict.  6,  Jul.  12,  in  other  passages  they 
make  the  validity  of  the  sentence  of  the^primate 
contingent  on  its  confirmation  by  the  Roman  see, 
Zeph.  2,  Damas.  8,  elsewhere  they  appear  to 
give  a  final  authority  to  the  primate  and  his 
synod,  Pelag.  II.  ad  universos  episcopos,  and  else- 
where on  the  contrary  they  ignore  primates,  and 
give  an  immediate  appeal  from  the  metropolitan 
to  Rome,  Felic.  ii.  c.  20. 

(The  best  account  of  primates  in  the  later 
sense  of  the  word  will  be  found  in  P.  de  Marca, 
Dissertatio  de  Frimatu  Lugdunensi  et  ceteris  Pri- 
matibus,  first  published  in  1644,  and  edited  by 
Baluze  in  1659.)  [E.  H.] 

PRIMICERIUS.  The  name  of  these  officials 
["  primus  in  ceram  relatus "  (Ducange  Gloss.), 
the  first  entered  on  the  wax  tablet,  or  roll,  of 
the  clergy]  sufficiently  indicates  their  office  as  the 
head  or  leader  of  an  ecclesiastical  corporation. 
The  word  appears  to  be  identical  with  the  "  pri- 
miclerus,"  or  head  of  the  inferior  clergy,  of  the 
Spanish  church.     (Cone.  Emerit.  cc.  10,  14.) 

1.  The  office  is  frequently  mentioned  in  con- 
nexion witli  the  ecclesiastical  notaries.  In  the 
council  of  Chalcedon  frequent  mention  is  made 
of  Aetius,  the  primicerius  of  the  notaries.  In 
the  council  of  Ephesus  (act.  1)  the  task  of  recit- 
ing the  edict  of  the  emperor  Theodosius  was 
allotted  to  Peter,  a  presbyter  of  Alexandria  and 
primicerius  of  the  notaries.  Anastasius  the 
libi-arian,  in  his  life  of  pope  Julius,  says  that  he 
caused  all  the  records  (monumenta)  belonging 
to  the  church  to  be  placed  in  the  care  of  the 
primicerius  of  the  notaries.  In  the  postscript  to 
the  works  of  Aratus  {Bihl.  Patrum,  t.  vi.  p.  700) 
it  is  said  that  Vigilius  gave  the  poems  in  charge 
to  the  "  primicerius  "  of  the  school  of  notaries. 
Gregory  the  Great,  writing  to  Antoninus,  a 
sub-deacon  of  Salonica,  during  the  vacancy  of 
the  see  (Epist.  iii.  22),  directs  him  to  take  an 
inventory  of  the  property  belonging  to  the  see, 
and  hand  it  over  for  safe  keeping  to  Respectus 
the  deacon,  and  Stephen  the  primicerius  of  the 
notaries. 

2.  A  letter  from  Remigius  of  Rheims  (Ser- 
mondi  Cone.  Gall.  i.  p.  205)  mentions  a  primi- 
cerius of  the  lectors,  "primicerium  scholae 
clarissimae  militiaeque  lectorum." 

3.  Chrodegang,  in  his  rules  for  the  chapter  of 
Metz  (last  chapter),  speaks  of  a  primicerius  of 
the  MATRICOLARII,  who  was  to  exercise  a  genei-al 
supervision  over  them,  and  to  whom,  with  the 
archdeacon,  was  entrusted  the  distribution  of 
their  allowances. 

4.  They  were  also  members  of  the  cathedral 
body,  with  authority,  apparently  as  the  deputy 
of  the  archdeacon,  over  the  inferior  clergy,  fh.- 
council  of  Merida,  a.d.  666  (c.  10),  orders  that 
every  cathedral  should  have  an  archpresbyter, 


1710 


PEIMITIAE 


an  archdeacon,  and  a  primicerius ;  and  (c.  14) 
divides  the  offerings  into  three  parts — one 
belonging  to  the  bishop,  another  to  the  pres- 
byters and  deacons  to  be  divided  among  them- 
selves, and  the  third  to  be  handed  over  to  the 
primicerius,  and  by  him  allotted  at  his  discre- 
tion to  the  subdeacons  and  inferior  clergy, 
according  as  he  knows  them  zealous  and  dili- 
gent in  their  duties.  Isidore  of  Seville,  in  his 
epistle  to  Ludifrod,  bishop  of  Cordova  (Isidori  Op. 
p.  413),  states  that  the  primicerius  has  charge 
of  the  acolytes,  the  exorcists,  the  psalmistae, 
and  the  lectors.  In  the  Ordo  Eomanus  (tit.  25) 
the  primicerius  is  said  to  occupy  a  position 
like  that  of  the  archpresbyter  under  the  arch- 
deacon, and  to  have  special  charge  of  the  teaching 
and  discipline  of  the  deacons  and  the  other 
inferior  clergy.    [Chapter,  p.  349.] 

It  is  certain  that  this  office,  though  sub- 
ordinate to  that  of  the  archdeacon,  was  reckoned 
one  of  trust  and  honour.  In  a  letter  of  Pope 
Martin  (^Ep.  15)  the  duty  of  presiding  over 
the  see  of  Rome,  in  the  absence  of  the  pope,  is 
allotted  to  the  archdeacon,  the  archpresbyter, 
and  the  primicerius.  A  letter  of  John  IV.  to 
the  church  of  England  (Baronius  A.D.  639, 
6,  7)  is  signed  by  John  himself,  the  archpres- 
byter, the  primicerius,  and  the  consiliarius, 
the  primicerius  taking  precedence  of  the  con- 
siliarius. [P.  0.] 

PRIMITIAE.    [First  Fruits.] 

PRIMITIVUS  (1),  one  of  the  eighteen  mar- 
tyrs of  Saragossa ;  commemorated  Ap.  16 
(Usuard.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr  with  others  at  Rome  under  Ha- 
drian ;  commemorated  June  10  (Usuard.  Mart. ; 
Mart.  Rom.'). 

(3)  One  of  the  seven  sons  of  Symphorosa,  mar- 
tyred with  her  at  Tibur  under  Hadrian ;  comme- 
morated June  27  (Usuard.  Mart.).  In  Eieron. 
Mart,  a  Primitivus  occurs  for  this  day  in  Spain. 
[Symphorosa.] 

(4)  Martyr  with  Bonus  and  others,  clerics  of 
bishop  Stephanus  at  Rome,  under  Valerian  and 
Gallienus ;  commemorated  Aug.  1  (Florus  ap. 
Bed.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

PRIMUS  (1),  martyr  with  Cyricus  and  Thea- 
genes  at  Peparethus  in  the  Hellespont ;  comme- 
morated Jan.  3  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Eieron.  Mart. ; 
Mart.  Rom.) 

(2)  Martyr,  commemorated  Jan.  22  at  Nico- 
media  (Wright,  Atict.  Syr.  Mart,  in  Jmirn. 
Sac.  Lit.  1866,  424). 

(3)  Martyr  with  Felicianus  under  Diocletian  ; 
commemorated  at  Rome  on  Mons  Coelius,  Juno 
9  (Usuard.,  Wand.,  Vet.  Rom.  Mart.;  Bed. 
Mart. ;  Mart.  Rom. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jun.  ii.  149  ; 
Eieron.  Mart,  at  Nomentum.)  For  the  inscrip- 
tion and  mosaic  in  memory  of  these  two  saints 
in  the  church  of  St.  Stephen,  the  protomartyr 
on  the  Coelian  hill  at  Rome,  whither  their 
bodies  were  removed  cir.  773  by  pope  Hadrian 
1.,  see  Ciampini  Vet.  21on.  ii.  111-113  and 
plate  32.  [C.  H.] 

PRINCEPS.  The  bishops,  as  the  chief  offi- 
cers in  the  Christian  church,  were  honoured 
at  an   early  period  with  this  and  synonymous 


PRINCES 

designations.  [Bishop.]  But  according  to  the 
dirt'erent  idea  which  moulded  the  development 
of  the  Celtic  ecclesiastical  polity  in  the  British 
Isles,  and  framed  it  after  a  monastic  rather  than 
a  diocesan  or  purely  episcopal  model,  these  terms 
received  a  corresponding  destination.  The  eccle- 
siastical unit  in  the  early  Irish  church  was  the 
monastery,  whose  head  was  the  abbat,  the 
praesul,  primarius,  or  princeps  of  the  monastic 
family.  Hence  in  the  Annals  of  Ulster  (O'Conor, 
Rer.  Elh.  Scrip,  iv.)  the  abbat  is  called  abbas  or 
princeps  concurrently  from  A.D.  681,  until  in  the 
10th  century  the  princeps  has  all  but  superseded 
the  abbas  in  the  list  of  obits.  During  the  9th 
and  10th  centuries  the  princeps  is  found  occa- 
sionally as  a  secular  prince  (a.d.  808,  809,  835), 
but  very  much  more  frequently  he  is  evidently 
the  monastic  head,  and  appears  at  times  also  as 
bishop  (A.D.  825,  857,  873,  Sec),  Ferleighiun 
(a.d.  878)  and  tanist  abbat  at  one  monastery  and 
princeps  or  abbat  of  another  (a.d.  895-6, 
"  proximus  abbati  Cluanae  mac  nois  et  princeps 
Damhinisensis  ").  Desgabair  is  "  domiuatrix 
Princeps  Troeit  moir,"  i.e.  at  Drogheda  (a.d.  792). 
But  the  princeps  seems  also  at  other  times  to 
have  been  subject,  though  only  second  to  the 
abbat,  and  as  exercising  a  certain  authority  in 
the  monastery  as  either  successor  or  Erenach 
(Reeves,  S.  Adamno.n,  364).  In  the  continental 
monasteries  the  princeps  was  usually  a  sub- 
ordinate, as  is  probably  intended  in  the  Rule 
of  S.  Pachomius,  "  Vestimenta  .  .  .  accipient, 
qui  huic  rei  praepositi  sunt,  et  inferentur 
in  repositorio,  et  erunt  in  potestate  Principis 
monasterii "  (Du  Cauge,  Gloss,  t.  v.  447  a). 
In  Wales  Gwengad,  prince  of  Penaly,  and 
Sadwrn,  prince  of  the  city  of  Tail',  sign  char- 
ters as  clerical  witnesses  in  the  6th  century 
{Lib.  Landav.  by  Rees,  141,  292-293),  while 
Gwonocadwy,  prince  of  Penaly,  and  Sadoc, 
presbyter,  sign  after  king  Morgan  among  the 
laity,  though  both  probably  clerics  (75.  143,  395). 
The  monastic  praepositus  was  of  a  lower  rank 
as  "  habens  potestatem  ordinandi,  abbate  absente, 
omnia,  quae  abbas  praesens  facit  "  (Du  Cange, 
Gloss,  t.  V.  405  a),  as  head  of  an  affiliated  house, 
under  the  direction  of  the  parent  house  and  its 
abbat  (Reeves,  S.  Adamnan,  59,  60,  65,  78,  86, 
127,  339) ;  or  oeconomus  to  the  monastery 
(Ih.  339,  365)  having  charge  of  its  secular  affairs 
("  praepositus  domus  "),  as  the  episcopal  oecono- 
mus was  "  praepositus  ecclesiae."  They  thus 
as  oeconomi  or  erenachs  might  come  by  violent 
deaths  probably  in  the  discharge  of  their  secular 
duties  to  the  monastery  (Ann.  Ult.  A.D.  604, 
731,  813,  817,  &c.).  Their  office  was  praeposi- 
tatus  or  praepositura,  and  the  prioress  was 
Praeposita,  sometimes  Praepositissa.  (Du  Cange, 
Gloss,  t.  V.  404  sq.)  [J.  G.] 

PRINCES,    ALLEGIANCE    TO    (Eomi- 

nium,  Eoniagium,  Eominatus,  Sacramentum 
fidclitatis).  It  is  almost  superfluous  to  say  that 
the  general  duty  of  obedience  to  the  temporal 
sovereign  was  recognized  by  the  primitive  Chris- 
tians as  resting  upon  the 'precepts  of  the  New 
Testament  itself.  The  very  remonstrances  indeed 
which  are  there  addressed  to  Ciiristians—"  Who- 
soever therefore  resisteth  the  powei-,  resisteth 
the  ordinance  of  God  " — may  be  thought  to  be 
indicative  of  a  spirit  of  resistance  amongst  cer- 
tain individuals  of  the  body  ;  but  the  general  mind 


PKmCES 

md  practice  of  the  early  church  are  no  doubt 
;orrectly  sketched  in  the  boast  of  Tertullian 
[Ad  Scapulam,  cap.  iv.),  ^'The  Christian  is  the 
memy  of  no  man,  much  less  of  the  emperor." 

But  besides  this  general  allegiance  which 
I!hristians  were  so  ready  to  acknowledge  as  due 
"rom  them  to  the  secular  power,  there  was  a 
submission  of  a  more  special  and  technical 
character,  which  was  professed  on  the  assump- 
;ion  of  ecclesiastical  office.  It  was  not,  how- 
ever, until  bishops  so  grew  in  temporal  import- 
mce  as  to  be  formidable  opponents  or  them- 
selves possible  rivals  of  a  sovereign,  that  a 
formal  profession  of  fealty  could  have  had  much 
iignificance.  Hence  we  must  not  expect  to  find 
iuch  professions  recorded  amongst  quite  the 
earliest  annals  of  Christianity.  In  process  of 
time  a  recognition  of  general  allegiance  occurs  in 
the  inscription  of  episcopal  acts,  as  when  Cyrus, 
patriarch  of  Alexandria,  is  spoken  of  (Cone. 
fruU.  act.  13)  as  holding  his  position  by  the 
mercy  of  God  and  the  will  of  the  emperor.  It 
Qiay,  however,  be  doubted  whether  this  allegiance 
5ver  rested  upon  an  oath  in  the  East ;  for  it  was 
specially  enacted  by  the  emperor  Justinian  (Coil. 
lib.  1,  de  Ep.)  that  bishops  should  never  be 
naade  to  swear,  their  simple  promise  being  as  in- 
violable as  the  most  solemn  oaths. 

It  is  indeed  not  in  the  East,  but  in  the 
West,  and  specifically  in  Spain,  that  the  first 
beginnings  of  the  oath  of  fidelity  are  to 
be  sought.  The  Spanish  monarchy,  says 
rhomassin,  was  elective,  and  ecclesiastics  were 
sometimes  tempted  to  transfer  to  a  fresh 
aspirant  the  allegiance  which  they  had 
promised  to  the  existing  ruler.  Hence  arose 
the  solemn  oath  of  fidelity  by  which  laics  and 
acclesiastics  alike  were  bound  to  their  princes. 
rhe  seventh  council  of  Toledo  (cent,  vii.)  speaks 
of  the  oath  as  an  accepted  usage,  and  brands  its 
violation  as  "  perjurium."  By  the  tenth  council 
of  Toledo  in  the  same  century  the  penalty  was 
decreed  to  be  deposition,  without  power  of  re- 
storation, except  by  the  will  of  the  prince  him- 
self The  penalty  was  actually  carried  into 
effect  in  the  case  of  Sisbert,  metropolitan  of 
Toledo  at  the  close  of  the  7th  century  (Cone. 
Tol.  xvi.  can.  6). 

The  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  temporal  sove- 
reign was  not  confined  to  bishops  on  their  taking 
office.  The  second  canon  of  the  tenth  council  of 
Toledo  (cent,  vii.)  enacts  penalties  against  any 
ecclesiastic  (religiosus),  from  a  bishop  down  to  a 
clerk  of  the  very  lowest  order  or  a  monk,  who 
with  profane  intention  violates  his  "  generalia 
juramenta  in  salutem  Eegiam  gentisque  aut 
patriae  data."  By  this  term  "  generalia  jura- 
menta" it  is  not  to  be  understood,  as  Thomassin 
justly  remarks,  that  every  humble  clerk  or  monk 
took  an  oath  of  allegiance  before  the  sovereign, 
but  that  at  the  coronation  or  in  the  senate  or  at 
the  councils  the  bishops  and  superiors  took  the 
oath  in  their  own  name  and  in  that  of  their  in- 
feriors. In  England,  however,  it  is  impossible 
to  forget  that  an  oath  of  allegiance  personally  and 
individually  administered  may  form  one  of  the 
preliminaries  of  admission  into  holy  orders. 

The  form  of  the  oath  is  given  in  the  fourth 
council  of  Ti'ledo  (a.D.  633),  "  Whosoever  of  us, 
or  of  the  peoples  of  the  whole  of  Spain,  shall,  by 
any  conspiracy  or  purpose,  violate  his  oath  of 
fidelity  which  he  promised  for  the  condition  of 


PEINCES 


11 


his  country  and  the  race  of  the  Goths,  or  for  the 
preservation  of  the  king's  health,"  L.c.  This 
formula  was  reiterated,  and  response  was  made 
by  the  whole  clergy  or  people.  "  Qui  contra  hanc 
vestram  definitionem  praesumpserit,  Anathema, 
Maranatha,"  &c.  (can.  75).  The  fifth  council  of 
Toledo  determined  (can.  7)  that  this  general 
decree  for  the  preservation  of  the  kings  and  the 
kingdom  should  be  renewed  in  all  the  councils  of 
Spain.  In  some  subsequeut  councils  the  renewal 
actually  took  place.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
relation  thus  sketched  has  been  sometimes 
reversed.  It  is  laid  down  by  Bellarmine  {de 
Offic.  Princ.  Christ,  cap.  5)  that  "  the  bishop  is 
the  father  aud  pastor  and  doctor  as  well  of  the 
prince  as  of  the  rest  of  the  people;  and  in 
accordance  with  these  names  the  prince  ought  to 
be  subject  to  the  bishop,  not  the  bishop  to  the 
prince." 

The  form  of  the  oath  of  allegiance  under 
Charlemagne  was  this :  "  Promitto  partibus 
Domini  mei  Caroli  Regis  et  filiorum  ejus  quia 
fidelis  sum  et  ero  diebus  vitae  meae  sine  fraude 
et  malo  ingenio."  It  may  be  added  on  the 
authority  of  Hofmann  (Zex.  s.  v.  Fideles)  that 
laymen  only  took  the  oath,  bishops  being  bound 
to  a  simple  promise. 

In  early  times  we  find  traces  only  of  a 
promise,  rather  than  an  oath,  of  fidelity.  St. 
Leger,  bishop  of  Autun,  on  being  pressed  to 
recognize  Clovis  III.  as  king,  replied  that  he 
would  sacrifice  life  rather  than  the  fidelity 
which  he  promised  before  the  Lord  to  Theodoric 
(Thomassin,  pt.  ii.  Liv.  ii.  c.  38).  About  the 
same  period  St.  Eloi,  bishop  of  Noyon,  on  being 
pressed  to  swear  fidelity  to  the  king  over  the 
relics  of  the  saints,  excused  himself  till  the 
king  at  length  desisted,  at  the  same  time 
assuring  him  that  he  should  henceforth  have 
more  confidence  in  him  for  having  avoided  the 
oath  than  he  should  have  had  if  he  had 
sworn. 

In  the  African  church  we  do  not  find  any 
objection  to  an  oath  of  fidelity  in  general, 
but  only  to  an  oath  with  whose  terms  the 
bishops  were  imperfectly  acquainted.  Huneric, 
king  of  the  Vandals,  required  that  the  Catholic 
bishops  should  swear  to  the  contents  of  a  paper 
unknown  to  them.  They  suspected  treachery,  and 
refused.  They  were  not  "irrational  animals," 
they  pleaded  that  they  should  swear  lightly  and 
inconsiderately  without  knowing  what  the  paper 
contained.  We  may  infer  from  these  expressions 
that  they  did  not  object  to  an  oath  altogether, 
but  only  to  an  oath  blindly  and  thoughtlessly 
taken.  It  was  afterwards  declared  to  them  that 
it  was  a  kind  of  oath  of  fidelity,  expressing  their 
desire  that  Huneric  should  be  succeeded  by  his 
son  Hilderic.  Some  at  length  took  the  oath, 
while  the  rest  persistently  refused.  But  one  aud 
all  the  bishops  were  in  evil  case.  For  those  who 
took  it  were  banished  for  having  transgressed 
the  prohibition  of  the  Gospel,  "Swear  not  at 
all ;"  while  the  non-jurors  were  equally  banished, 
as  being  unwilling  that  the  son  of  the  king  should 
reign  after  him. 

In  the  East  the  early  bishops  resented  the 
attempt  to  impose  upon  them  an  oath  of  any 
kind.  The  attempt  of  Theodosius  the  yuunger 
to  exact  an  oath  of  the  bishops  drew  from  Basil 
of  Seleucia  the  vigorous  protest,  "  Hitherto  we 
know  not  that  an  oath  was  presented  to  bishops  " 


1712 


PKINCES 


(Cone.  Chalc.  Act.  1).  In  the  same  council  we 
find  a  similar  objection  to  oaths  of  any  kind  felt 
by  a  presbyter :  "  Five  and  twenty  years,"  cries 
Cassian,  "  I  have  been  in  commuuion,  in  business 
(as  a  barrister)  at  Constantinople,  and  God 
knows  I  never  swore  to  any  man :  and  now  when 
I  am  a  presbyter,  will  you  force  ine  to  swear  ?" 
The  solemn  affirmation  upon  the  Gospels  was  in 
those  days  felt  to  constitute  the  strongest  pos- 
sible obligation  upon  a  Christian  in  matters  of 
every  kind. 

A  gradual  relaxation,  however,  took  place  in 
the  stiffness  of  their  ideas  ;  so  that  by  the  time 
of  the  Trullan  council  (a.D.  680)  we  find  George 
the  deacon,  who  was  what  we  should  call  chan- 
cellor and  librarian  of  the  church  of  Constanti- 
nople, taking  an  oath  on  the  book  of  the  Gospels, 
"  By  those  holy  Scriptures  and  by  Him  who 
spake  in  them." 

The  ceremonies  practised  at  the  profession  of 
fidelity  have  been  different  in  different  countries. 
The  subject  was  required  to  extend  his  hands 
between  those  of  his  lord.  A  remnant  of  this 
may  perhaps  be  seen  when  a  degree  is  conferred 
in  Cambridge.  This  was  known  as  Homagium 
Manuale.  In  Spain  the  subject  kissed  the  hand 
of  his  lord.  Compare  the  practice  when  a  modern 
English  bishop  "  does  homage."  The  subject 
knelt  on  both  knees  before  a  prince,  while  the 
prince  himself  was  seated. 

Besides  the  authorities  already  quoted,  the 
reader  may  consult  Theiner,  Codex  Diplomaticus. 
Uom.  1861,  vol.  i.  [H.  T.  A.] 

PRINCES,  CONSENT  OF.  The  privileges 
conferred  upon  the  clergy  [Immunities  and 
Privileges  of  the  Clergy]  appear  to  have 
had  the  effect  of  inducing  men  of  wealth  to 
accept  ecclesiastical  offices  in  order  to  escape 
from  their  duties  and  obligations  as  citizens. 
This  disposition  was  kept  in  check  by  a  long 
series  of  imperial  decrees,  all  enunciating  the 
same  principle,  that  the  liability  of  all  property 
to  render  certain  services  to  the  state,  must  not, 
under  any  circumstances,  be  evaded.  A  law  of 
Constantine  (Cod.  Theodos.  lib.  xvi.  tit.  2,  leg.  3) 
provides  that  no  decurion,  or  son  of  a  decurion, 
or  anyone  liable  to  public  duties  by  possession  of 
property,  should  escape  his  obligation  by  en- 
rolling himself  among  the  clergy  (ad  clericorum 
nomen  et  obsequium  confugiat),  and  that  in 
future  no  one  should  be  permitted  to  be  ordained 
but  those  who  were  of  small  fortune,  and  not 
liable  to  civic  duties.  The  clergy  who  had  been 
ordained  after  the  issue  of  this  decree,  and  in 
defiance  of  its  provisions,  were  to  be  again  en- 
rolled in  their  curiae,  and  made  to  discharge 
their  public  duties,  but  those  who  had  been  or- 
dained before  the  passing  of  the  law  were  not  to 
be  molested.  Another  edict  of  the  same  emperor 
{ihid.  leg.  6)  provides  that  the  clergy  should  be 
chosen  from  those  who  were  liable  to  no  civic 
duties,  nor  of  sufficient  fortune  to  discharge 
public  offices,  for,  it  is  added,  it  is  reasonable 
that  the  rich  should  provide  for  the  necessity  of 
the  state,  and  the  poor  be  provided  for  from'the 
wealth  of  the  church. 

The  principle  of  these  laws  was  somewhat 
modified  in  later  edicts,  which  more  distinctly 
laid  the  obligation  to  render  public  services  on 
the  estate  itself  rather  than  on  the  donor,  and 
in  cases  of  disobedience  substituted  a   forfeiture 


PRIOR 

of  property  for  a  recalling  to  personal  service. 
[Orders,  holy,  p.  1484.]  [P.  0.] 

PRINCIPPUS,  martyr  with  Agathonicu& 
and  others  under  Maximinus ;  commemorated 
Aug.  22  (Basil.  Menol.).  [C.  H.] 

PRIOR,  MONASTIC.  1.  Title.  2.  Prior 
Claustralls :  (a)  His  status ;  (0)  mode  of  elec- 
tion ;  (y)  duties  ;  (S)  priors  different  from  deans. 
3.  Prior  Conventualis.  4.  Small  priories.  5. 
Prioresses.  The  title  "  Prior  "  for  a  monastic 
official  is  much  later  in  date  than  the  office 
itself.  According  to  Du  Cange  the  word  was 
not  so  used  before  the  time  of  pope  Celestine 
v.,  towards  the  end  of  the  13th  century  (Du 
Cange,  Glossar.  Lat.  s.  v.).  But  the  office  so 
designated  is  as  old  probably  as  the  beginning 
of  monasticism,  certainly  as  the  first  attempts 
to  organize  the  coenobitic  life  ;  "  praepositus  " 
and  "  praelatus  "  being  the  words  used  in  the- 
early  days  rMartene,  Commentar.  in  Peg.  S. 
Benedtcti,  c.  65;  of.  Greg.  Magn.  Dialog.  I. 
cc.  2,  7).  In  one  passage  where  Benedict  of 
Casino  enjoins  on  the  younger  monks  the  duty 
of  being  reverent  to  their  "priors"  ("priores 
suos  nonnos  appellent  juniores  "),  it  is  supposed 
with  reason  that  he  means  their  elders  or 
superiors  in  the  monastery  (Beued.  Reg.  c.  63). 
Menard  contends  that  wherever  in  the  rule  of 
Benedict  the  term  "  prior  "  is  used  in  the  singular 
number  and  absolutel}',  not  relatively,  it  signifies 
the  abbat  himself,  and  quotes,  in  support  of  his 
argument,  a  passage  from  Caesarius  of  Aries 
(Menard,  Comment,  in  Bened.  Anian.  Concordia 
Eegularum,  c.  47  ;  cf.  Caesarii,  Eegula  ad  Virgines, 
c.  3).  Where  Benedict  in  his  rule  orders  that 
if  any  monk  has  an  urgent  question  to  ask 
during  the  hours  of  silence,  he  must  ask  it  of  ^ 
the  "  prior,"  Menard,  with  other  commentators, 
explains  the  word  to  mean  the  abbat  or  some 
monk  senior  in  standing,  or  higher  in  official 
position  than  the  others  present  (Bened.  Reg. 
c.  6.  Comment.).  Similarly  in  the  chapter  of  the 
rule  about  the  reader  for  the  week,  the  "  prior  " 
only  is  allowed  to  interrupt  the  reader,  if  neces- 
sary, and  to  interpose  a  remark  ;  here  Menard 
understands  the  abbat  to  be  intended,  Boherius, 
the  monk,  at  the  head  of  the  table  {lb.  c.  38). 
Again,  on  the  quantity  of  liquor  permissible,  the 
"  prior "  to  whose  discretion  it  is  left  to  order 
in  extraordinary  cases  a  larger  quantity  than 
the  hemina  or  pint,  is  supposed  by  Boherius  to  be 
the  father-abbat  himself.  Martene  cites  Haefteu 
to  shew  that  the  deans  (decani)  in  a  monastery 
were  sometimes  called  priors,  the  first  dean 
being  the  prior,  the  second  the  sub-prior,  and 
so  forth  (Martene,  u.s.  c.  21).  But  this  was  not 
usual. 

There  is  a  distinction  to  be  observed 
between  the  prior  of  the  cloister  ("  prior  clau- 
stralls "),  a  subordinate  officer  of  the  abbat,  and 
the  prior  of  the  convent  ("prior  conventualis  ") 
who  exercised  supreme  authority  within  a  mon- 
astery of  his  own  (Alteserrae  Asceticon,  ii.  8). 
In  the  latter  sense  the  Greek  equivalent  of  prior 
is  Hegumenos,  according  to  Alteserra,  who 
quotes  a  canon  of  the  second  council  of  Nicaea 
which  speaks  of  the  abbat  or  the  Hegumenos ; 
but  pei-haps  this  is  a  mere  tautology  (ib.  cf.  ii. 
Co7ic.  Nicaen.  a.d.  787,  c.  14).  Alteserra  quotes 
also  a  passage  from  Evagrius,  equally  precarious 


PEIOR 

in  its  application,  where  Cyril  is  called  Hegu- 
menos  of  the  "  sleepless  raonks  "  (riyovfupos  rwv 
'AKoifi-l]T<jov)  (Evagr.  Hist.  Ecd.  iii.  19).  Later 
Latin  writers,  according  to  Alteserra,  in  their 
affectation  of  Greek  fashions,  were  fond  of  styling 
priors  Hegumeni;  but  the  instances  which  he  cites 
from  Paulus  Diaconus  relate  to  monks  in  the 
Eastern  empire  (Alteserra,  u.  s.). 

The  prior  of  the  cloister  ranked  next  in  the 
monastery  to  the  abbat,  and,  subject  to  the 
abbat's  veto,  exercised  similar  authority  (Bened. 
Reg.  c.  65  ;  cf.  Condi.  Aquisgran.  A.d.  817,  c.  55). 
He  was  the  abbat's  lieutenant  (secundus  domus), 
acting  in  the  name  of  his  superior  officer  (Jlenard, 
Gommentar.  in  Bened.  Anianens.  Concord.  Rcijul. 
c.  27),  doing  nothing  on  his  own  independent 
responsibility,  but  always  as  subject  to  the  ap- 
proval of  the  abbat — head  of  the  abbat's  execu- 
tive, but  in  theory  nothing  more  (Fruct.  Reg. 
c.  20).  Practically  an  ambitious  prior  was 
apt  to  usurp  the  abbat's  functions,  especially  if 
his  abbat  were  of  less  energetic  temperament. 
According  to  the  ancient  Egyptian  rule  ascribed 
to  Pachomius,  the  monks  might  complain  to  the 
abbat  of  the  prior's  behaviour  (Pachom.  Reg. 
127-8).  The  prior  was  inspector  and  controller 
of  the  deans  {lb.  c.  12),  the  first  in  order  of  whom 
took  precedence  in  the  monastery  next  after  the 
prior  (Cone.  Aquisgr.  u.  s.). 

By  primitive  custom  in  the  West  the  prior 
was  appointed  by  the  abbat  alone  (Bened.  Reg. 
c.  65).  A  rule,  calling  itself  the  Rule  of  the 
East  ("  Regula  Orientalis  "),  but  probably  com- 
piled by  Vigilius  Diaconus  in  France  during  the 
5th  century  (Jlenard,  ad  Codex  Regularum  Bene- 
dicti  Anianensis),  says  that  the  prior  is  to  be 
appointed  by  the  abbat,  with  the  concurrence  of 
the  brethren  (cum  consilio  et  voluntate  fratrum). 
Gregory  the  Great  seems  to  have  appointed 
priors  and  abbats  on  his  own  authority  by  letter 
{e.g.  Gregor.  M.  Ej).  vii.  42  ;  ix.  42).  It  was  the 
rule  for  the  prior  to  be  elected  from  among  the 
inmates  of  the  monastery  ;  in  other  words,  the 
election  was  to  be  "  gremial "  (Martene,  Com- 
mentar.  Bened.  Regula,  c.  65 ;  cf  Cone.  Aquisgr. 
A.D.  817,  c.  31).  Priors  often,  as  was  to  be 
expected,  were  selected  for  the  office  of  abbat ; 
deans  in  the  same  way  were  often  promoted 
to  be  priors. 

The  tenure  of  the  office  of  prior  was  for  life, 
conditionally  always  on  good  conduct.  A  faulty 
prior  rendered  himself  liable  to  public  correction 
T  after  four  admonitions,  which  were  to  be  ad- 
ministered to  him,  according  to  Martene,  by  the 
abbat  in  private.  In  the  case  of  an  ordinary 
monk  the  warning  was  to  be  given  twice,  in  the 
case  of  a  dean  thrice,  before  proceeding  to  punish. 
The  several  degrees  or  stages  of  punishment,  ac- 
cording to  Hildemarus,  quoted  by  Martene,  were 
public  rebuke,  excommunication,  extra  fasting, 
flagellation  if  necessary,  deposition,  expulsion 
from  the  monastery  (Martene,  Commcntar.  ad 
Bened.  Reg.  cc.  21,  45).  Recourse  was  requisite 
occasionally  even  to  the  last  and  severest  penalty 
(e.g.,  Ardo,  Vita  S.  Benedicti  Anianens.  n.  24). 
Gregory  the  Great  is  quoted  by  Martene  as 
specifying  profligacy,  insubordination,  or  waste- 
fulness as  valid  reasons  for  deposing  a  prior 
(Martene,  u.  s.). 

The  prior's  first  and  especial  duty  was  to  look 
closely  after  the  discipline  of  the  monastery,  and 
to  report  any  breach  of  discipline  to  the  abbat 


PRIOR 


1713 


(Pachom.  Reg.  152,  154 ;  Bened.  Reg.  cc.  63,  65  ; 
Reg.  Tarnatensis,  c.  23;  Fruct.  Reg.  c.  11; 
Concil.  Mogunt.  I.  a.d.  813,  c.  11~).  He  was 
to  watch  over  the  conduct  of  his  brethren  day 
and  night,  in  the  refectory,  in  the  dormitory, 
and  elsewhere  (Hieron.  Ep.  ad  Eustochium ; 
Augustine,  De  Moribus  Ecclesiae,  c.  31).  In  the 
sleeping-chamber  the  prior  was  to  be  the  first 
to  rise  in  the  morning,  the  last  to  go  to  his  bed ; 
he  was  to  remain  standing  in  the  middle  of  the 
room,  till  all  the  rest  were  asleep,  to  guard 
against  any  irregularity ;  at  midnight,  after  the 
appointed  lection,  the  prior  was  to  expound 
(Fruct.  Reg.  c.  5 ;  Concil.  Aquisgran.  c.  31). 
He  was  to  lead  the  brethren  forth  to  their 
labours  in  the  field,  and  to  superintend  their 
noonday  repose  afield  in  the  heat  of  summer 
(Pachom.  Reg.  c.  58 ;  Stephani  Reg.  c.  55).  He 
was  empowered  to  enforce  discipline  by  the 
lesser  excommunication  (F'ruct.  Reg.  c.  11  ;  Reg. 
Tarnat.  c.  6).  It  is  related  by  Bede  how  St. 
Cuthbert  was  transferred  by  his  abbat  from 
Jlelrose  to  Lindisfarne,  as  prioi-,  to  keep  order 
among  the  monks  on  the  island  (Bed.  Hist.  Eccles. 
iv.  27).  It  was  another  part  of  the  prior's  office, 
in  order  that  the  abbat  might  have  more  leisure 
for  spiritual  concerns,  to  look  after  the  temporal 
possessions  of  the  monastery,  a  responsibility 
which  increased  with  the  increasing  wealth  of 
monasteries,  but  which  he  shared  with  steward 
or  oeconomus.  On  him  also  devolved,  together 
with  the  care  of  the  monastic  property,  the 
charge  of  the  litigations  in  which  the  brother- 
hood might  be  engaged  (Isidori  Hispal.  Reg.  c. 
20).  He  was  also  to  superintend  the  food  and 
clothing  provided  for  the  monks  severally,  not 
excluding  the  abbat's  portion,  rendering  his 
account  duly  from  time  to  time  to  his  superior 
(Fruct.  Reg.  c.  11).  To  discharge  rightly  these 
various  and  important  duties  the  prior  was  re- 
quired to  be  diligent,  obedient,  trustworthy ; 
grave  and  sedate  in  character,  but  not  too  ad- 
vanced in  years  to  be  still  active  (Pachom.  Reg. 
128  ;  Ferreol.  Reg.  c.  17  ;  Reg.  Cujusdam). 

It  is  easy  to  see  that  the  prior,  holding  so 
important  a  position  in  the  monastery,  might 
become  a  rival  to  the  abbat  rather  than  an 
assistant.  He  presided  in  the  abbat's  absence 
(Basilii  Regula,  c.  45),  and  it  was  hardly  to  be 
expected  that  an  ambitious  man,  after  once 
tasting  the  sweetness  of  authority,  should  abdi- 
cate cheerfully.  In  case  of  any  slackness  or 
delinquency  on  the  part  of  the  abbat,  the  prior 
was  to  set  matters  right  (Gregor.  M.  Epist.  iv. 
4);  after  once  reproving  his  superior,  he  was 
scarcely  likely  to  receive  orders  from  him  sub- 
missively; in  short,  though  intended  to  be  a 
comfort  and  support  to  his  commanding  officer 
(Ferreol.  Reg.  c.  17;  Fruct.  Reg.  c.  11),  he 
proved  too  often  a  thorn  in  his  side.  All  this 
Benedict  anticipated  with  his  shrewd,  states- 
manlike instinct.  He  was  jealous  of  anything 
like  a  divided  allegiance ;  he  was  afraid  of  in- 
subordination and  dissension  from  what  might 
practically  come  to  be  two  abbats  in  the  same 
monastery.  The  prior  would  fancy  himself  a 
second  abbat;  he  would  make  a  party  among 
the  brethren;  he  would  play  the  part  of  Absalom 
to  David,  seducing  the  subjects  from  their  loyalty 
to  their  ruler,  benedict  much  preferred  deans 
to  a  prior  as  the  abbat's  executive ;  they  would 
be  more  amenable  to  control,  less  factious  and 


1714 


PKIOK 


self-asserting.  Thus  the  reins  of  government 
would  be  in  the  abbat's  own  hands.  If,  how- 
ever, for  some  special  reason,  a  prior  should  be 
indispensable  to  a  monastery,  he  was  to  be 
chosen  by  the  abbat,  with  the  advice  of  the 
brethren  in  chapter,  that  is  of  all  the  brethren, 
according  to  some  commentators,  and  according 
to  others  of  the  elders  only  (Benedicti  Regula 
Commentata,  c.  65).  The  wisdom  of  the  great 
reformer's  policy  has  been  demonstrated  again 
and  again  by  experience.  His  canon  on  this 
point  was  reaffirmed  by  Charlemagne  in  tlie 
council  of  Maintz  {Cone.  Mogunt.  I.  c.  11).  Lay 
abbats  subsequently  found  it  far  more  convenient 
for  their  purposes  to  be  represented  by  deans 
than  by  a  prior  (Altes.  Ascet.  ii.  9).  Lay  priors, 
another  innovation  on  the  primitive  strictness  of 
the  Benedictine  rule,  were  prohibited  by  Charle- 
magne {Capitul.  A.D.  805,  c.  15). 

The  forms  of  institution  are  of  comparatively 
recent  origin  (Bened.  Eeg.  Comment,  u.  s.). 

The  conventual  prior  was  a  later  development 
of  monasticism,  and  was,  of  course,  essentially 
more  independent  than  his  claustral  brother. 
Next  in  rank  to  him  in  larger  monasteries  was 
the  sub-prior  (Anselmi  Epist.  iii.  29.  Ad 
monachos  Cantuar).  Among  the  "  canonici 
regulares "  the  bishop  was  supreme  generally, 
but  the  prior  in  questions  relating  to  the  rule, 
or  while  the  see  was  vacant  (Altes.  Ascet.  v.  s). 
The  conventual  priors  were  summoned  to  pro- 
vincial synods,  and  in  some  cases  to  the  election 
of  bishops.  They  were  sometimes  styled  "summi 
priors,"  or  "majores";  they  were  to  be  over 
twenty-five  years  of  age,  and  in  priest's  orders. 
They  exercised  the  same  powers  of  discipline  in 
their  priories  as  the  abbat  in  his  abbey — they 
were  elected  as  he  was ;  but  their  investiture 
belonged  to  the  abbat,  under  whose  jurisdiction 
they  nominally  were.  The  order  of  Premou- 
stratensians  was  at  first  under  priors,  afterwards 
under  abbats  (Altes.  Ascet.  v.  s.).  Very  small 
priories  were  invariably  discouraged  by  those 
who  desired  to  preserve  the  true  monastic  spirit. 
Priories  of  this  kind  were  the  result  of  several 
different  causes.  Sometimes  they  were  simply 
an  overflow  from  a  monastery  more  than  usually 
popular  for  the  abbat's  sake,  or  for  some  other 
reason;  sometimes  they  were  the  consequence 
of  a  monastery,  which  had  known  better  days, 
being  annexed  in  its  decrepitude  as  an  appendage 
to  another  more  flourishing;  sometimes  the 
priory  was  merely  an  outpost  of  the  monastery 
which  gave  it  birth,  on  some  detached  grange 
or  farm.  Whatever  might  be  its  origin,  a  priory 
on  a  very  small  scale  was  only  too  apt  to  degene- 
rate into  laxity  and  secularity.  Benedict,  in 
the  very  commencement  of  his  rule,  reprobates 
strongly  the  vicious  custom  of  two  or  three 
monks  herding  together  promiscuously,  being 
really  neither  hermits  nor  monks  (Bened.  Reg. 
c.  1).  Monks  of  this  description  were  termed 
"  Sarabaitae,"  or  "  Remoboth."  Bernard  calls 
such  priories  "  synagogues  of  Satan  "  (Bernard. 
Epist.  254  ad  Guarinum  abbatem).  It  was 
ordered  by  a  council  at  Aachen  that  no  priory 
should  consist  of  fewer  than  six  members  (Cone. 
Aquisgr.  a.d.  817,  c.  44).  Peter  the  Venerable,  of 
Clugny,  required  at  least  twelve,  and  this  became 
the  rule  of  the  Cistercians  and  Carthusians 
(Bened.  Reg.  Comment,  c.  1).  It  is  matter  of 
notoriety  in  the  history  of  the  English  reforma- 


PKIVATUS 

tion  in  the  15th  century  that  the  most  flagrant 
immoralities  were  generally  found  in  the  smallest 
monasteries.     [Cellitae,  p.  328.] 

The  office  of  prioress,  under  an  abbess,  was 
very  similar  to  that  of  the  claustral  pi-ior.  She 
was  to  be  firm  and  discreet ;  old  in  character 
though  not  in  years ;  she  was  to  superintend  the 
behaviour  of  the  nuns,  chiding  and,  if  necessarv, 
whipping  them  for  their  faults ;  she  was  held 
responsible  in  particular  for  their  clothes  and 
dormitories  {Regula  Cujusdam,  c.  2).  The  nuns, 
by  this  rule,  which  is  one  of  more  than  ordinary- 
strictness,  were  only  allowed  to  make  any  com- 
munication to  their  abbess  through  their  prioress 
(Ibid.  c.  22).  [See  also  Abbat,  Abbess  ;  Bene- 
dictine Rule  ;  Discipline,  &c.]        [I.  G.  S.] 

PEISCA,  virgin  martyr,  commemorated  at 
Rome  Jan.  18  (Usuard.,  Notker.,  Bed.  Mart. ;  Vet. 
Rom.  Mart. ;  Mart.  Rom. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii. 
183) ;  her  natale  commemorated  in  the  sacra- 
mentary  of  Gregory  Jan.  18,  her  name  being 
mentioned  in  the  collect  (Greg.  Sacram.  in 
Murat.  Lit.  Rom.  Vet.  ii.  19).  [C.  H.] 

PRISCILLA,  martyr  with  her  husband 
Aquila  ;  commemorated  Feb.  13  (Basil.  Menol.)  ; 
July  8  in  Asia  Minor  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet. 
Rom.  Mart. ;  Mart.  Rom.).  [C.  H.] 

PRISCILLIANUS,  martyr  with  Priscus  and 
Benedicta ;  commemorated  at  Rome  Jan.  4 
(Usuard.,  Notker.,  Vet.  Rom.  Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Jan.  i.  165).  [C.  H.] 

PEISCUS  (1),  presbyter,  martyr  with  Priscil- 
lianus  and  Benedicta ;  commemorated  at  Rome, 
Jan.  4  (Usuard.,  Notker.,  Vet.  Rom.  Mart.  • 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  165). 

(2)  Martyr  with  Malchus  and  Alexander  under 
Valerian  at  Caesareain  Palestine  ;  commemorated 
Mar.  28  (Usuard.,  Wand.,  Vet.  Rom.  Mart.; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mart.  iii.  711). 

(3)  Martyr  with  a  great  multitude  in  the 
district  of  Auxerre ;  commemorated  May  26 
(Usuard.  Mart. ;  Hieron.  Mart. ;  Mart.  Rom. ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mai.  vi.  365). 

(4)  Disciple  of  Christ,  martyr  at  Capua ;  com- 
memorated Sept.  1  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Rom. 
Mart. ;  Hieron.  Mart. ;  Kal.  Antiquiss.  Patr.  Lat. 
csxxviii.  1191 ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  i.  213);  his 
natale  observed  in  the  sacramentary  of  Gelasius, 
Sept.  1.  his  name  being  mentioned  in  the  collect, 
in  the  post-communion,  but  not  in  the  "  secreta  " 
(Galas.  Sacram.  in  Murat.  Lit.  Rom.  Vet.  i.  666). 

(5)  Martyr  at  Tomi  with  Crescentius  and  Eva- 
grius ;  commemorated  Oct.  1  (Usuard.  3fart. ; 
Vet.  Rom.  Mart.  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  i.  80 ; 
Hieron.  Mart,  has  a  Priscus  for  this  day,  but  not 
the  place  nor  the  companions).  [C.  H.] 

PEISON.     [Decanicum.] 

PEIVATUS  (1),  bishop,  martyr  in  the  diocese 
of  Gabala  (Mende) ;  commemorated  Aug.  21 
(Florus  ap.  Bed.  Mart. ;  Hieron.  Mart. ;  Usuard. 
Mart.  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  iv.  432). 

(2)  Martyr  ;  natalis  commemorated  in  Phrygia 
with  Dionysius,  Sept.  20  (Usuard.  Mart. ; 
Hieron.  Mart,  at  Synnada  in  Phrygia  with  Dor- 
midonus  and  others  ;  Mart,  Rom.). 


PEIVILEGE  OF  CHUKCHES 

(3)  A  soldier ;  commemorated  with  pope  Cal- 
listus  at  Eome,  Oct.  14  ( Vet.  Rom.  Mart.). 

[C.  H.] 

PEIVILEGE  OP  CHUECHES.  [Sanc- 
tuary.] 

PEOAULION.    [Porch.] 

PEOBOETIA  "  Of  the  Lights  " ;  commemo- 
rated Jan.  2,  3,  4,  5  (Col.  Byzant.).      [C.  H.] 

PEOBUS  (1),  martyr  with  Tarachus  aud  An- 
dronicus  ;  commemorated  Oct.  12  (Basil,  Menol. ; 
Cal.  Byzant.  \  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  271; 
Usuard.  Mart.  Oct.  11,  Nov.  13;  Florus,  May 
13  ;  Hicron.  Mart,  in  Cilicia,  Oct.  9  ;  natalis,  Sept. 
27,  ibid. ;  Wand.,  Vet.  Earn.  Mart.,  Mart.  Mom.  at 
Tarsus,  Oct.  11). 

(2)  Martyr  with  Archadius  and  Paschasius  by 
the  Vandals  in  Africa ;  commemorated  Nov.  12 
i_Vet.  Bora,  ifarif.) ;  Nov.  13  {Mart.  Rom.). 

[C.  H.] 

PEOCESSION.  I.  The  word  ivocedere  was 
used  by  the  early  Christians  in  the  especial  sense 
of  leaving  the  house  and  going  forth  for  some 
stated  and  grave  purpose  ;  in  particular  and 
chiefly  for  going  to  a  religious  service.  Tertul- 
lian,  A.D.  192,  addressing  Christian  women  says, 
"  With  you  every  reason  for  going  forth  (proce- 
dendi)  is  of  a  solemn  character  :  either  some  sick 
brother  is  to  be  visited,  or  the  sacrifice  is  offered, 
or  the  word  of  God  is  ministered"  {De  Cult. 
Foem.  11).  Dissuading  from  marriage  with  a 
heathen,  he  says,  "  If  you  have  to  go  to  a  service 
(si  procedendum  erit),  never  will  household 
business  be  more  iirgent "  (Ad  Uxor.  ii.  4).  See 
other  examples  in  St.  Jerome  (Ep.  128  ad  Gaud. 
3  ;  Ep.  107  ad  Laet.  9 ;  Ep.  22  ad  Eustoch.  17), 
St.  Augustine  {Dc  Civ.  Dei,  xxii.  8,  §  22),  Ura- 
nius  {De  Obitu  Paulini,  11),  Ennodius  {Vita 
E2nphanii  Ticin.  Migne,  Ixiii.  214),  and  Pseudo- 
Ambrose  {Serm.  vii.  3,  inter  Opj).  Ambr.).  When 
the  fame  of  a  saint  attracts  many  to  a  church 
in  which  his  relics  lie,  "major  est  (it  is  said) 
pro  meritis  ejus  frequentia  procedendi "  (Passio 
S.  Quiriui,  4 ;  in  Euinart,  Acta  Mart.  439,  ed. 
1731). 

Hence  processio  acquired  the  conventional 
sense  of  going  to  church.  Tertullian  :  "  Where 
the  fear  of  God  is,  there  is  ...  .  devout 
attendance,  and  a  modest  going  to  church  (pro- 
cessio) and  an  united  congregation  "  {Be  Fracscr. 
Haer.  43).  This  usage  led  to  the  application  of 
the  word  to  the  assembly  or  to  the  service 
itself.  Thus  Leo  of  Eome,  A.D.  445,  writing  to 
the  bishop  of  Alexandria  of  an  Alexandrian 
presbyter,  who  had  sojourned  some  time  at 
Rome :  "  Nostris  processionibus  atque  ordina- 
tionibus  frequenter  adfuit"  {Epist.  11,  al. 
81,  ad  Biosc.  2).  The  context  shews  that  by 
processionibus  we  are  to  understand  congregations 
for  the  celebration  of  the  Eucharist.  Gelasius 
of  Rome,  484,  advised  a  bishop  to  suspend  the 
services  (processionem)  of  a  certain  church, 
because  the  lord  of  the  place  seized  all  the  ob- 
lations {Victori  Episc.  Hard.  ii.  927).  In  the 
version  of  the  seventeenth  canon  of  Laodicea, 
probably  about  365,  by  Dionysius  Exiguus,  533, 
we  find  the  word  crwd^ecn  (religious  assemblies 
[Synaxis])  rendered  by  processionibus  (Hard. 
Concil.  i.  783).  The  Liber  Biurnus  Romanorum 
Bontificum,  compiled  in  the  9th  century,  gives 

CHRIST.    AKT. — VOL,   II. 


PEOCESSION 


1715 


the  form  of  letter  by  which  the  bishop  oi  Rome 
sanctioned  the  consecration  of  monastic  oratories. 
This  was  permitted,  "sic  tamen  ut  non  illud 
publica  processione  a  conditore  aliquatenus  tenea- 
tur  "  (v.  13).  So  of  a  baptistery  added  to  an 
old  church:  "Nihil  illic  juris  fundatori  ulterius 
jam_  debere,  nisi  processionis  gratiam,  quae 
Christianis  omnibus  in  commune  debetur  "  (ibid. 
20).  ^ 

II.  Processions  in  the  ordinary  sense  (Processus, 
Processio,  Litania,  Letania,  Laetania,  Rogationes, 
Supplicationes,  Pompa,  Anaveia,  Airrj,  UepiTraros) 
were  common  in  the  early  church.  Having  regard 
to  such  passages  as  Num.  x.  33 ;  Josh.  vi.  13 ;  2 
Sam.  vi.  4,  5 ;  1  Chron.  xiii.  7,  8 ;  2  Chron.  xx. 
27,  28  ;  Ps.  Ixviii.  25,  &c.  the  first  Christians 
probably  believed  that  they  had  the  sanction  of 
Scripture.  They  certainly  inherited  a  taste  for 
them  from  their  Greek  and  Roman  forefathers, 
and  appear  to  have  taken  the  more  ancient  pro- 
cessions in  some  respects  as  their  model.  [See, 
for  instance,  Aa<pvi)(popia  and  Triumphus  in 
Smith's  Bict.  of  Greek  and  Roman  Antiq.']  In 
the  triumphal  processions  from  the  Campus 
Martius  to  the  Capitol  (to  omit  what  is  less  to 
our  purpose)  flowers  were  strewn,  images  were 
carried,  incense  burnt,  and  songs  of  praise  sung 
(Livy,  iii.  29,  xxxix.  7;  Pliny,  v.  5;  Ovid, 
Tristia,  iv.  2,  3-6;  Be  Arte  Am.  i.  213-220; 
Bontica,  ii.  1,  35-40,  iii.  4,  23-40).  Many 
features  of  these  ancient  rites  reappear  under 
Christian  sanction  after  the  conversion  of  the 
empire.  The  people  naturally  clung  to  every 
custom  of  their  fathers  not  condemned  by  the 
gospel,  and  their  rulers  indulged  them  in  it. 

A.  Brocessions  in  the  Churches. — These  were 
probably  in  use  in  larger  churches  with  many 
clerks  before  the  toleration  of  Christianity. 

(1)  Brocessions  before  the  Service. — The  earliest 
Ordo  Romanus  about  730  describes  an  elaborate 
rite.  All  met  and  rested  in  the  SECRETAr 
RiUM,  or  by  the  door  of  it,  the  bishop  was  led 
out  by  the  archdeacon  and  the  second  deacon, 
each  taking  a  hand.  "  The  sub-deacon,  follov/ing 
with  a  censer,  goes  (procedit)  before  him  .  .  . 
and  the  seven  acolytes  of  the  region,  whose  turn 
comes  on  that  day,  precede  the  pontifi'  up  to  the 
altar,  carrying  seven  stands  of  lighted  wax 
candles.  But  before  they  come  to  the  altar,  the 
deacons  take  off  their  planetae  in  the  presbytery, 
and  the  sub-deacon  of  the  region  takes  them,  and 
hands  them  to  the  acolytes  of  the  region  to 
which  they  belong"  {Ordo  Rom.  i.  8,  in  Mils. 
Ital.  ii.  8 ;  Comp.  Ord.  ii.  4,  p.  43 ;  iii.  8,  p.  55 ; 
V.  5,  p.  65;  vi.  2,  p.  70).  (Compare  Gapnt. 
Reg.  Franc,  v.  372.)  The  Greeks  have  for 
many  ages  had  a  procession  in  monasteries  on 
the  vigils  of  the  greater  feasts  {Biataxis 
Philothei,  in  Euchologion,  Goar,  8 ;  comp. 
Lvcernarii  Orationes,  40-43). 

(2)  For  the  Brocession  before  the  Reading  of 
the  Gospel,  see  Entrance  ;  Gospel.  For  that  on 
Palm  Sunday,  see  p.  1549. 

(3)  After  the  Gospel. — This  eastern  rite  is  thus 
described  by  John  Maro  :  "  After  the  reading  of 
the  gospel  the  ancients  used  to  go  out  (of  the 
bema)  and  make  a  procession  or  circuit  through 
the  church.  And  first  in  the  procession  were 
carried  lights  that  mystically  denoted  the  pro- 
phets and  John  the  Baptist,  who  glow  and  shine 
as  stars  before  the  Sun  of  Righteousness.  But 
the  deacons  and  presbyters  who  went  in  proces- 

5  S 


1716 


PROCESSION 


sion  with  songs  of  jn-aise  represent  symbolically 
tlie  evangelists  and  twelve  apostles  who  went 
forth  and  preached  before  Christ"  {Expos. 
Minist.  u.  s.  9). 

(4)  After  the  Liturgy. — "Then  the  seven 
candlestauds  and  the  subdeacon  of  the  region 
precede  the  pontiff  to  the  secretarium.  Bnt  as 
he  descends  into  the  presbytery,  let  the  bishops 
first  say, '  Jube,  domne,  benedicere.'  Besp.  '  Bene- 
dicat  nos  Dominus.'  lies}:).  '  Amen.'  After  the 
bishops,  the  presbyters,  then  the  monks,  then  the 
school  (choir),  then  the  milites  draconarii,  i.e. 
those  who  bear  the  standard  (see  the  notes  of 
Lindenbrogius  and  the  Valesii  to  Ammianus,  xx. 
4),  after  them  the  bearers  of  the  wax  candlestands, 
after  whom  the  acolytes  who  keep  the  sacred 
gate  [Ruga],  after  them,  without  the  presbytery, 
those  who  carry  the  crosses,  then  the  junior 
churchwardens; — and  he  enters  the  secretarium." 
This  is  the  description  of  the  procession  to  the 
vestry  after  a  pontifical  mass  at  Kome  in  the  8th 
century  (Ordo  Bom.  i.  21 ;  comp.  Ord.  ii.  15 ; 
iii.  18). 

B.  Fublic  Processions. — The  earliest  allusion  to 
them  appears  to  be  in  the  writings  of  St.  Basil. 
When,  in  the  year  375,  the  clergy  of  Neocaesarea 
objected  that  the  method  of  psalmody  in  use  in 
his  church,  as  elsewhere  in  the  East,  was  un- 
known in  the  days  of  Gregory  Thaumaturgus, 
who  died  about  270,  Basil  replied,  "  So  were  the 
litanies  which  ye  now  practise  "  (Epist.  207  ad 
Neoc).  These  were  evidently  of  a  penitential 
character,  for  he  adds,  "I  do  not  say  this  as 
accusing  you,  for  I  would  that  ye  all  lived  in 
'  ears  and  constant  penitence."  But  we  find  that 
in  the  West  processions  were  at  the  same  period 
•used  on  festive  occasions  also,  at  least  by  the 
monks  ;  for  St.  Ambrose,  in  388,  speaks  of  monks 
"singing  psalms  after  the  custom  and  ancient 
use,  as  they  went  to  the  celebration  of  the  feast 
of  the  Maccabean  martyrs"  {Epist.  40,  §  16,  ad 
Theodos.).  About  the  same  time  the  Arians  at 
Constantinople  sang  hymns  antiphonally  as  they 
went  through  the  city  to  their  church  ;  where- 
upon St.  Chrysostom,  to  counteract  the  effect  of 
such  public  demonstrations,  organized  processions 
of  the  orthodox,  in  which  silver  crosses,  given 
by  the  empress,  and  lighted  tapers,  were  borne, 
and  psalms  sung  (Sozom.  Ecd.  Hist.  viii.  8 ; 
Pallad.  Dial,  de  Vita  Chrys.  15). 

(1)  The  Procession  on  St.  Mark's  Day. — On  the 
25th  April  (VII.  Kal.  Maii)  a  procession  ("  obsti- 
tit  in  media  Candida  pompa  via,"  Ovid,  Fast. 
iv.  906)  was  held  by  the  Romans  in  honour  of  the 
goddess  Robigo,  and  prayers  offered  to  her  for 
the  preservation  of  the  fruits  of  the  earth  from 
mildew  (Ovid,  u.s.  905-942;  Pliny,  xviii.  69; 
Varro,  De  Be  Bust.  i.  1  ;  De  Ling.  Lat.  vi.  3). 

A  document  issued  by  Gregory  of  Rome  in  591 
speaks  of  a  "  laetania  quae  major  ab  omnibus 
appellatur,"  which  was  held  on  a  Friday  in  that 
year,  with  a  procession  from  the  church  of  St. 
Lawrence,  "  qui  appellatur  Lucinae,"  to  that  of 
St.  Peter,  as  if  it  were  already  an  old  custom, 
"  solemnitas  annuae  devotionis  "  (JJharta  Epist. 
lib.  ii.  praef.)  Referring  to  some  of  the  most 
ancient  MSB.  of  the  Gregorian  sacramentary,  we 
find  set  down  for  the  25th  of  April,  "  Letania 
majore  ad  S.  Laurentium  in  Lucinae  "  {Liturg. 
Bom.  Vet.  Murat.  ii.  80  ;  Bituale  PP.  Pamel.  ii. 
285).  This  procession  also  ends  at  St.  Peter's,  as 
the  last  prayer  ("  in  atrio  ")  proves  by  its  refer- 


PEOCESSION 

ence  to  the  intercession  of  that  saint.  The  in- 
ference is  that  this  procession  is  the  same  as  that 
of  which  St.  Gregory  speaks.  His  procession, 
therefore,  took  place  on  the  25th  of  April,  and, 
from  its  antiquity,  may  be  supposed  with  proba- 
bility to  have  been  a  Christian  substitute  for  the 
heathen  Robigalia,  formerly  held  on  the  same 
day.  In  France  the  procession  of  St.  Mark's  day 
was  traditionally  held  to  be  celebrated  "  pour  les 
fruits  de  la  terre "  (De  Moleon,  Voyages  litur- 
giqucs,  307). 

Other  churches  took  this  rite  avowedly  from 
Rome.  The  council  of  Cloveshoo,  747,  orders 
litanies  "  on  the  seventh  day  before  the  calends 
of  May  after  the  custom  of  the  church  of  Rome  " 
(can.  16).  The  second  council  of  Aachen,  836, 
recognizes  the  "  Roman  "  observance  of  the  25tli 
of  April  as  the  custom  of  the  empire,  and  de- 
crees its  continuance  (can.  10 ;  see  also  Capit. 
Beg.  Franc,  vi.  74).  Similarly  Herard  of  Tours, 
858,  "De  Letania  Bomana  vii.  Kalendas  Maii 
rememoretur  "  {Capit.  94).  This  procession  was 
observed  in  France  during  the  last  century  at 
Nantes,  Orleans,  Rouen,  &c.  (De  Moleon,  79,  186, 
306,  &c.). 

(2)  The  Procession  of  the  Litania  Septiformis. — 
On  the  29th  of  August,  602,  Gregory  I.  of  Rome 
ordered  a  sevenfold  procession  of  clerks,  laymen, 
monks,  nuns,  matrons,  widows,  poor  persons  and 
children  (i.e.  probably  those  sujDported  by  the 
alms  of  the  church)  to  depart  in  separate  bands 
from  seven  several  churches,  and  all  to  meet  in 
the  church  of  St.  Mary  (Sermo  inter  Ejjist.  Greg, 
xi.  2,  given  also  at  length  by  Amalarius,  De  EccL 
Off.  iv.  25).     [Litany,  p.  1003.] 

(3)  On  Rogation  Days,  see  that  heading. 
(3)  Occasional  Public  Processions.-  (1)  At  times 

of  Public  Calamity. — These  were  very  common, 
especially  in  the  West.  Thus  Gregory  of  Tours 
tells  us  that  at  Limoges,  about  580,  when  very 
violent  rains  were  falling,  near  the  harvest,  after 
a  night  spent  in  watching  and  prayei-,  "the 
deacons  took  the  relics  of  the  saints,  suitably  and 
reverently  covered  with  a  silken  pall,  and  went 
forth  in  white  dresses  to  a  procession  "  (  Vita  S. 
Aridii,  8).  A  similar  rite  was  observed  at  Rome 
under  Adeodatus,  A.D.  671,  when  the  letaniac 
took  place  daily  during  the  rains  {Liber  Pontif. 
n.  78).  In  a  plague  at  Rheims,  546,  "  having 
taken  a  pall  from  the  tomb  of  the  blessed  (Remi- 
gius),  and  arranged  it  like  a  bier,  and  having 
lighted  wax  candles  on  crosses  and  stands,  they 
raised  their  voices  in  canticles,  and  so  went  the 
circuit  of  the  city  ;  nor  did  they  pass  any  hospice 
without  including  it  in  their  perambulation " 
(Greg.  Tur.  dc  Glor.  Conf.  79;  see  also  Hist. 
Franc,  iv.  5 ;  Vitae  PP.  vi.  6).  Gregory  I.  in 
600  advised  a  procession  twice  a  week  to  stay 
the  threatened  invasion  of  Sicily  {Epist.  ix.  45). 
Public  processions  with  similar  objects  were 
also  frequent  in  the  East ;  e.g.  during  an  earth- 
quake at  Constantinople  in  the  time  of  Theodo- 
sius  II.  (Cedrenus,  i.  600).  A  similar  pro- 
cession was  celebrated  every  year  in  memory 
of  the  great  earthquake  in  the  twenty-seventh 
year  of  Justinian  {Id.  ii.  674). 

None  of  the  processional  prayers  now  in  use 
proper  to  a  special  object,  as  relief  in  a  drought, 
deliverance  from  storms,  &c.  (Goar,  Euchol.  766- 
769),  appear  to  be  of  primitive  antiquity.  Some 
of  them  are  ascribed  to  one  of  the  patriarchs 
named  Callistus,  who  sat  about  1400  {ibid.  785). 


PKOCESSIOX 

It  is  probable  that  all  litanies  ordered  for  a 
special  purpose  were  sung  in  procession,  though  it 
is  not  always  so  expressed.     [Litany.] 

(4)  The  Processions  after  Baptism. — So  long 
as  many  were  baptized  on  the  eves  of  Easter  and 
Pentecost,  it  was  the  custom  for  the  neophytes 
to  leave  the  church  after  their  baptism,  and 
again  to  repair  to  it  on  the  seven  following  days 
in  procession,  clothed  in  alhis,  there  to  receive 
the  holy  communion.  The  earliest  witness  is 
Gregory  Nazianzen,  a.d.  370,  who,  preaching  on 
Easter  Day,  says  :  "  Beautiful  yesterday  was  the 
wearing  of  white  and  the  carrying  of  lights, 
which  we  observed  together  both  in  private  and 
public,  men  of  almost  every  rank,  and  the  whole 
magistracy,  lighting  up  the  night  with  a  fiery 
Haze"  (Orat.  45,  §  2).  There  is  direct  testi- 
mony in  the  West  to  the  repetition  of  these 
processions  during  the  week  after  baptism. 
Thus  Amalarius  :  "  Our  baptized,  their  past  sins 
done  away,  are  conducted  daily  to  the  church,  a 
lighted  pillar  of  wax "  (an  allusion  to  Exod. 
xiii.  21)  "  going  before  them "  (Z>e  Eccl.  Off. 
iv.  33;  Pseudo-Alcuin.  de  Div.  Off.  21). 

(5)  Before  Baptism. — When  Clovis  was  to  be 
baptized,  a.d.  496,  there  was  a  procession,  with 
all  the  usual  accompaniments,  to  the  baptistery 
(Flodoard,  Jlist.  Eccl.  Rem.  i.  13),  a  ceremony 
jirobably  common  in  the  case  of  great  person- 
ages, but  of  which  other  examples  do  not  occur 
to  me. 

(6)  Before  laying  of  the  first  stom  of  a  Church, 
^c. — A  law  of  Justinian,  527,  says  :  "  We  decree 
that,  before  all  things,  no  one  be  free  to  com- 
mence the  building  of  a  monastery  or  oratory 
before  the  most  God-loving  bishop  of  the 
city,  coming  thither,  pour  out  prayers  on 
the  spot,  and,  a  public  procession  having  been 
instituted,  set  up  a  cross,  and  make  the  fact 
manifest  to  all "  (Novella,  67). 

(7)  At  the  Dedication  of  Churches.  —  Proces- 
sions on  such  occasions  were  evidently  usual 
■within  our  period,  both  in  the  East  and  West ; 
but  they  seem  to  have  been  somewhat  differently 
managed.  When  the  first  encaenia  of  St.  Sophia 
at  Constantinople  were  celebrated  in  530,  there 
was  a  procession  (lite),  which  "  started  from 
the  holy  Anastasia,  Menas  the  patriarch  being 
seated  in  the  imperial  chariot,  while  the  emperor 
joined  in  the  procession  (ffvXKiravivovTos)  with 
the  people "  (Theophanes,  Chronogr.  ad  an.  i. 
338,  ed.  Nieb.).  At  the  second  encaenia  (the 
church  having  been  restored  after  injury  from 
an  earthquake),  after  vigils  kept  in  the  church 
of  St.  Plato,  a  procession  was  formed,  in  which 
the  emperor  himself  again  took  part,  "the 
patriarch  Eutychius  riding  in  a  chariot,  and 
dressed  in  his  apostolical  habit,  holding  the 
holy  gospels  in  his  hands,  the  people  all  chant- 
ing, "  Lift  up  your  heads,"  &c.  (ibid.  360).  The 
Western  rite  is  best  seen  in  the  early  English 
pontificals.  [Consecration,  p.  431.]  The  English 
pontifical,  formerly  at  Jumieges,  now  No.  3G2  in 
the  public  library  at  Rouen,  directs  the  first 
procession  to  go  round  the  church  thrice  before 
it  enters  (Martene  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  ii.  250 ;  or 
Archaeologia  for  March,  1833,  p.  259). 

(8)  Ad  Stationes. — In  the  cities  of  the  West, 
from  the  7th  century  downwards,  there  were 
processions  on  many  of  the  greater  days  from 
one  church,  at  which  the  people  collected  by 
appointment,  to  another,  at  which  the  service 


PEOCESSrS 


1717 


took  place.  Hence  the  phrases  "  collecta  ad 
Sanctum  M."  (used  first  for  the  gathering,  then 
for  the  prayers,  at  the  church  of  St.  M.),  and 
"statio  ad  S.  N."  (the  church  at  which  the 
procession  stopped  and  entered  on  the  chief 
service  of  the  day.  See  Menard's  notes  to  the 
sacramentary  of  St.  Gregory,  0pp.  Greg,  iii 
604,  662 ;  ed.  Ben.  and  art.  Station). 

(9)  Other  processions  which  may  be  men- 
tioned are,  that  on  Easter  Eve,  on  the  Annun- 
ciation (Goar,  Eucholog.  34),  at  the  translation 
of  Relics,  or  with  relics  at  other  times,  and  at 
funerals  [Obsequies,  §  xlv.] 

C.  Procession  held  at  the  idll  of  the  Bishop. 

From  a  spurious  addition  to  Gennadius  (De  Vir. 
Elust.  99),  we  infer  that  in  the  5th  century 
processions  were  celebrated  irregularly,  as  the 
bishop  thought  them  required  for  the  good  of 
his  flock.  For  it  tells  us  of  Honoratus,"  bishop 
of  Marseilles,  490:  "Litanias  ad  supplicandam 
Dei  clementiam  cum  plebe  sibi  credita  pro  viribus 
agit."  A  law  of  Justinian,  527,  made  the  con- 
currence of  the  bishop  necessary:  "Omnibus 
autem  laicis  interdicimus  ne  supplicationes  pub- 
licas  peragant  sine  religiosissimis  episcopis,  et 
qui  sub  eis  sunt  reverendissimis  clericis."  The 
context  shews  that  these  "  supplicationes  "  were 
made  in  processions :  "  Sed  et  venerabiles  cruces, 
cum  quibus  sacerdote  in  supplicationibus  ingredi- 
untur  non  alibi  quam  in  locis  venerabilibus 
reponuntor"  (Novella,  123). 

On  the  foregoing  subject  the  reader  may  con- 
sult Jac.  Gretser  de  Eccles.  Roman.  Processionibus, 
lib.  ii.  Ingoldst.  1604;  Nic.  Serrarius  de  Sacris 
Process.  Col.  1607 ;  Jac.  Eveillon  de  Process. 
Eccles.  Par.  1641;  Christianus  Lupus  de  Sacr. 
Process.  Bruxell.  1690  ;  D.  Vatar,  Bes  Processions 
de  I'Eglise,  Par.  1705  ;  or  the  shorter  notices  of 
S.  J.  Durandus  de  Bit.  Eccl.  ii.  10;  Al.  Aur. 
Pellicia  de  Christ.  Eccl.  Politia,  I.  v.  11  ;  Menard, 
Sacramentorum  Liber  Gregor.  n.  471 ;  J.  B. 
Casalius  de  Vet.  Sacr.  Christ.  Eitib.  c.  30. 

[W.  E.  S.] 

PROCESSUS,  martyr  with  Martinianus, 
said  to  have  been  baptized  by  the  apostles  Peter 
and  Paul ;  commemorated  at  Rome  in  the  ceme 
tery  of  Damasus  July  2  (Bed.,  Wand.,  Usuard 
Mart. ;  Vet.  Bom.  Mart.  ;  Hieron.  Mart. ;  Mart. 
Bom.).  Hieron.  Mart,  has  also  May  31  for  his 
uatale.  In  Gregory's  sacramentary  the  natale 
of  these  saints  is  observed  on  July  2,  and  both 
are  mentioned  in  the  collect  (Greg.  Sacram. 
Murat.  Lit.  Bom.  Vet.  ii.  105).  Pope  Paschal  I. 
erected  an  oratory  to  them,  in  which  their  bodies 
are  believed  to  lie  (Ciamp.  de  Sac.  Aedif.  57,  1). 
[C.  H.] 

PROCESSUS.  In  the  liturgy  of  Gothic 
Spain,  a  part  of  the  church  which  might  be 
either  a  chamber  in  the  sacrarium,  a  part  of  it, 
or  a  place  close  to  it,  was  so  called,  obviously 
because  the  clergy  formed  in  it  before  they 
entered  the  church  in  procession.  Thus,  on  Easter- 
eve,  the  deacon  and  clerks,  after  vesting,  "  enter 
the  processus,"  in  which  is  "  a  seat  set  for  tne 
pontifl"  according  to  custom."  There  he  gives 
tapers  to  all  present,  which  he  afterwards  lights 
with  the  "  new  fire  "  (See  Lights,  §  v.).  This  is 
followed  by  a  procession  of  the  clergy  through 
the  vaulted  way  towards  the  choir.  "  Vadunt 
per  bubata  ad  chorum  "  (Blissale  Mozar.  Leslie. 
174,  175,  521).  [W.  E.  S.]- 

5  S  2 


1718 


PEOCHORUS 


PROCHORUS,  one  of  the  seven  deacons; 
commemorated  Ap.  9  (Usuard.  3fart.  ;  Vet.  Bom. 
Mart,  at  Antioch ;  Mart.  Eom. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Ap.  i.  828);  by  the  Greeks  July  28  (Basil. 
3fenol. ;  Cal.  Bijzant. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv. 
264 ;  Boll.  I.  c).  [C.  H.] 

PROCLUS  (1),  martyr  with  Hilarius,  both 
natives  of  Ancyra,  under  Trajan  ;  commemorated 
.July  12  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Cal.  Byzant. ;  Daniel, 
Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  263 ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jul.  iii.  279, 
or  Procultjs  with  Hilarion  or  Hilarius  ; 
Mart.  Eom.). 

(2)  Deacon,  Sept.  19.     [PrOCULUS  (2).] 

(3)  "Our  father,"  patriarch  of  Constanti- 
nople ;  commemorated  Oct.  24  (Basil.  Menol. ; 
3£art.  Rom. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  x.  637)  ;  Nov. 
20  {Cal.  Byzant.).  [C  H.] 

PROCOPIUS  (1),  confessor  with  Basilius, 
tinder  Leo  Iconomachus ;  commemorated  Feb. 
27  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Col.  Byzant.,  bishop  of  De- 
capolis;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  254,  Decapo- 
lita). 

(2)  Martyr,  commemorated  July  8  (Wand. ; 
Basil.  Menol.  Dux  Alexandriae,  magnus  martyr  in 
city  of  Aelia) ;  in  Palestine  (Usuard.  Mart. ; 
Vet.  Bom.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Mart. ;  Mart.  Bom.) ;  Cal. 
Byzant.  "  glorious  and  holy  martyr  ;  "  Daniel 
(Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  262),  "  great  martyr  "  at  Cae- 
sarea;  Hieron.  Mart.  Procobus,  which  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Jul.  ii.  577  from  the  same  passage  read 
Procopius,  with  Quartus  and  Felix  at  Caesarea 
Capp.  [t-'-  H.] 

PROCULUS  (1),  martyr  at  Interamna  with 
Efybus  and  ApoUonius,  all  disciples  of  Valen- 
tinus  presbyter  of  Interamna ;  commemorated 
Feb.  14  (Bed.  Mart. ;  Mart.  Rom. ;  Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Feb.  ii.  756,  cf.  p.  862) ;  Ap.  14  (Usuard. 
Mart,  at  Interamna  ;  3Iart.  Bom. ;  Hieron.  Mart. 
at  Interamna  with  Valeutinus  and  others). 

(2)  Deacon,  martyr  with  Januarius ;  com- 
memorated Sept.  19  (Basil.  3Ienol.  Procltjs  at 
Puteoli ;  Yet.  Bom.  Mart.,  at  Naples  ;  Usuard. 
Mart. ;  Bed.  Ifart. ;  Mart.  Bom.). 

(3)  Bishop,  martyr  at  Autun ;  commemorated 
Nov.  4  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Hieron.  Mart. ;  Mart. 
Rom.). 

(4)  Presbyter,  martyr  at  Narnia ;  commemo- 
rated Dec.  1  (Usuard.  Mart.). 

PROCURATIONS.  The  fees  due  at  visita- 
tions to  bishops  and  archdeacons  from  the  parishes 
within  their  respective  jurisdictions,  intended  to 
cover  the  expenses  of  their  journeys.  A  series  of 
canons  and  decrees  of  councils  were  found  neces- 
sary to  keep  these  fees  within  their  lawful  limits, 
and  to  prevent  extortion  under  various  pleas. 
The  second  council  of  Braga  A.D.  570  (c.  2)  pro- 
hibits a  bishop  when  he  visits  his  diocese,  "  per 
dioceses  suas  ambulat,"  from  taking  any  fee 
beyond  two  solidi,  the  honorary  payment  due  to 
the  office,  "  honorem  cathedrae  suae,"  especially 
forbidding  him  to  claim  the  third  part  of  the 
oftertories  made  in  parish  churches,  which  is 
allotted  to  the  lighting  and  repairs  of  the  churches 
themselves.  The  seventh  council  of  Toledo  a.d. 
646  (c.  4),  after  reprehending  the  extortionate 


PROCURATIONS 

practices  of  the  bishops  of  Gallicia,  re-enacts  the 
canon  already  quoted  of  the  council  of  Braga,  fix- 
ing two  "  solidi "  as  the  legal  fee,  but  exempts 
from  payment  the  churches  belonging  to  monas- 
teries. It  also  provides  that  when  a  bishop  visits 
his  diocese  he  is  not  to  be  unfairly  burdensome 
to  any  particular  parish,  nor  to  demand  an  un- 
reasonable number  of  horses  for  conveyance  (see 
Bruns.  Councils,  i.  p.  264,  note)  nor  to  remain  more 
than  one  day  in  any  parish.  The  coimcil  of  Me- 
rida,  A.D.  666  (c.  11),  provides  that  all  clerics, 
whether  presbyters,  abbats,  or  deacons,  should 
receive  a  bishop  at  his  visitation  with  all  due 
honour,  and  provide  him  with  all  things  reason- 
ably necessary  according  to  their  means,  "  prout 
habuerint  aut  ratio  permiserit."  The  second 
council  of  Chalons  A.D.  812  (c.  14)  rebukes  the 
oppressions  and  exactions  sometimes  practised  by 
bishops  at  their  visitations,  and  (c.  16)  forbids 
them  to  exact  anything  for  the  lamps  and  oil  ot 
their  churches,  and  (c.  17)  speaks  of  an  annual 
tax  (censum)  of  12  or  14  denarii,  which  some 
bishops  were  in  the  habit  of  exacting,  and  em- 
phatically prohibits  it,  "  quod  penitus  abolendum 
est."  In  the  same  council  (c.  15)  the  archdeacons 
are-  rebuked  for  certain  exactions  from  their 
presbyters  and  parochial  clergy,  and  exhorted  to 
be  content  with  their  legal  dues.  It  was  pro- 
bably to  excessive  demands  made  under  the  name 
of  procurations  that  the  council  of  Paris  a.d.  829 
(cc.  25,  31)  referred  when  they  denounced  the 
extortions  practised  in  some  places  by  the 
bishops  (episcoporum  ministros),  not  only  on 
the  presbyters  but  on  the  laity  agents.  The 
fourth  council  of  Valentia  A.D.  855  (c.  22)  orders 
that  no  visitation  fee  shall  be  claimed  if  the 
parish  has  not  been  visited  that  year,  and  the 
second  council  of  Ticine  in  the  same  year  limits 
the  quantity  of  bread  and  wine  and  meat  which 
a  bishop  may  demand  at  his  visitation. 

The  same  principle  that  procurations  were  only 
intended  to  cover  the  legitimate  expenses  of  a 
visitation  pervades  all  legislation  on  the  subject. 
A  Capitulary  of  Ludwig  the  Pious  (1.  i.  c.  100,  Sir- 
mondi  Cone.  Gall.  ii.  432)  expressly  prohibits 
bishops  from  becoming  a  burden  to  their  flocks 
when  they  visit  their  parishes  for  the  purpose  of 
preaching  or  confirming,  and  orders  them  so  to 
arrange  their  visitations  that  they  may  not  be 
burdensome  or  unwelcome  (importuna  vel  oner- 
osa).  Hincmar  of  Rheims  appears  to  have  been 
most  anxious  to  check  all  extortionate  practices 
under  the  name  of  procurations,  and  his  writings 
clearly  indicate  the  abuses  which  had  crept  into 
this  part  of  the  system  of  the  church.  Thus, 
in  his  epistle  to  the  clergy  of  Laon  (Sirmondi 
Cone.  Gall.  ii.  660)  he  warns  the  bishops  not  to 
oppress  the  parishes  which  they  visit,  nor  to  exact 
more  than  the  contribution  (collatio)  which  had 
satisfied  their  predecessors,  nor  to  require  a  sepa- 
rate contribution  from  each  church  and  its  de- 
pendent chapelries,  but  only  one  paid  in  due 
proportion  by  the  whole  parish  ;  nor  were  they  to 
claim  or  exact,  under  pretence  of  receiving  a 
voluntary  contribution  (accipiat,  id  est  rapiat), 
any  subsidies  (adjutoria)  in  money  or  provisions 
under  the  plea  of  meeting  expenses  incurred  in 
the  reception  of  the  king  or  his  ambassadors,  or 
for  the  adornment  of  the  cathedral  church.  Again 
in  his  precepts  to  his  archdeacons  (id.  ii.  378)  he 
forbids  them  (c.  1)  during  their  visitations  ot 
their  country  parishes,  either  when  accompanying 


PKOCUEATOE 

him  or  by  themselves,  to  be  guilty  of  oppression  by 
demanding  things  not  necesscary,  or  by  taking  with 
them  a  superfluous  retinue,  or  their  own  relations, 
to  be  quartered  upon  the  parishes  which  they 
visited  ;  or  (c.  2)  by  visiting  their  parishes  too 
frequently,  so  as  to  live  at  their  expense  and 
save  their  own  income  ;  or  (c.  5)  by  demanding 
as  offerings  (eulogiae)  any  contribution  either 
in  money  or  in  any  other  way  from  the  presbyters 
when  they  came  to  attend  a  synod,  or  to  obtain 
the  chrism,  or  for  enquiry  into  their  ministry, 
beyond  such  as  they  might  be  disposed  to  make 
willingly. 

A  Capitulary  of  Charles  the  Bald  (id.  iii.  2,  3) 
enacts  (c.  1)  that  bishops  were  to  receive  either 
a  definite  quantity  of  provision  or  the  two 
"  solidi  "  allotted  to  them  by  the  councils  of 
Braga  and  Toledo  (c.  4)  ;  that  the  bishops  should 
choose  the  richer  parishes  for  their  visitations, 
and  that  four  parishes  might  unite  to  share  the 
expenses  of  a  visitation  ;  and  (cc.  5,  6)  that  they 
might  visit  parishes  once  a  year  and  receive 
procurations,  but  could  require  nothing  from 
parishes  not  visited.  If  they  visited  any  parish 
more  than  once  in  the  same  year,  they  were  to 
pay  their  own  expenses.  [P.  0.] 

PEOCUEATOE.  In  its  general  mean- 
ing a  person  in  charge  of  the  interests  of 
another  as  agent  or  factor  (see  Ducange,  Gloss.), 
but  more  usually  applied  in  a  more  limited 
sense  to  lawyers  in  the  civil,  or  proctoi's  in  the 
ecclesiastical,  courts. 

These  employments  were  in  general  forbidden 
to  the  clergy,  as  involving  secular  business  in- 
consistent with  their  office  and  position. 
Augustine  (de  Op.  Ilonach.  c.  15)  draws  a  dis- 
tinction between  occupations  which  are  carried 
on  by  manual  labour,  and  those  whose  nature  it 
is  to  distract  the  mind  with  cares  and  anxieties 
about  secular  business  (ipsum  auimum  occu- 
pare  curis  colligendae  sine  corporis  labore 
pecuniae),  and  expressly  numbers  "procura- 
tores,"  probably  using  the  word  in  its  general 
meaning,  among  the  latter  class.  So  Jerome 
{cid  Nepot.  c.  16)  asks  how  the  clergy,  who 
are  bidden  to  renounce  all  care  for  their  own 
temporal  possessions,  can  possibly  undertake  to 
be  managers  (procuratores  et  dispensatores)  of 
the  houses  and  estates  of  others.  The  decrees 
of  the  church  speak  with  imited  voice  in  the 
refusal  to  admit  into  the  number  of  the  clergy 
any  who  were  actually  engaged  in  managing 
the  affairs  of  others.  The  first  council  of  Car- 
thage, held  in  the  year  a.d.  348,  expressly 
decreed  (cc.  8,  9)  that  no  "  procuratores,"  or  those 
in  any  way  engaged  in  the  affairs  of  others  (obnoxii 
alienis  negotiis),  should  be  admitted  to  number  of 
the  clergy,  till  they  were  free  from  their  secular 
obligations,  lest  disgrace  should  be  brought 
upon  the  church,  the  third  council  of  Car- 
thage, A.D.  397  (c.  15),  prohibits  not  only 
bishops  and  priests,  but  any  of  the  clergy  from 
being  procuratores,  or  seeking  their  livelihood 
by  any  ignoble  or  dishonest  occupation,  giving 
as  a  reason  that  those  entrusted  with  the  ser- 
vice of  God  must  not  be  entangled  in  secular 
affairs.  The  council  of  Chalcedon,  a.d.  451 
(c.  3),  forbids  any  belonging  to  the  clerical  or 
monastic  orders  to  charge  himself  with  any 
secular  business  (J-KUffdynv  kavrhv  KoffixiKois 
SwiK'ficrecrtj')  making,  however,  exceptions  in  case 


PEOHIBITED  BOOKS        1719 

of  any  business  imposed  upon  them  by  law,  or 
committed  to  them  by  the  bishop  of  the  diocese 
or  undertaken  on  behalf  of  widows  and  orphans! 
The  council  of  Tarragona,  a.d.  516  (c.  11), 
forbids  any  monk  to  take  any  part  in  any  legal 
business  (forensis  negotii  susceptor  aut  executor 
existat)  except  on  behalf  of  the  monastery,  and 
under  order  of  the  abbat.  This  exception^  how- 
ever, was  not  allowed  by  Justinian,  who  in  one 
of  his  laws  {Novell,  cxxiii.  c.  6)  positively  pro- 
hibits any  bishop  or  oeconomus,  or  clergy  of 
any  grade  or  any  mark,  from  acting  as  manager 
(procuratorem  litis),  either  on  their  own  be- 
half, or  of  any  church  or  monastery.  Later 
councils,  however,  appear  to  have  insisted  on 
retaining  the  principle  that  the  clergy  might 
act  as  advocates  in  certain  cases.  The  council 
of  Verno,  a.d.  755  (c.  16),  forbids  any  of  the 
clergy  to  conduct  any  legal  business,  except  on 
behalf  of  widows  and  orphans,  or  in  cases  where 
the  property  of  the  church  was  concerned,  and 
then  acting  under  orders  for  their  bishop  or 
abbat.  In  like  manner,  the  council  of  Mayence, 
A.D.  813  (c.  14),  forbids  any  of  the  clergy  to 
act  as  agents  or  managers  (conductores  aut  pro- 
curatores) in  any  secular  matters,  except  in  de- 
fence of  widows  and  orphans.  See  also  Lawyers, 
P-  947.  [P.  0.] 

PEOEOETIA.  The  irpo^opria  of  the  Greek 
church  coi-responds  in  the  main  to  the  Eve  or 
Vigil  of  the  Latins.  But  some  of  the  greatest 
festivals  have  a  Trpoeopria  of  more  than  one  day. 
Thus  the  irpofopria  of  the  Epiphany  begins  on 
January  2,  of  Christmas  on  Dec.  20  (Neale, 
Eastern  Ch.  Introd.  p.  764).  [C] 

PEOFANATION.    [Sacrilege.] 

PEOFESSION.  For  the  profession  of  faith 
in  Baptism,  see  Baptism,  §§  43,  46  ;  Creed,  §  4, 
p.  489 ;  Interrogatio,  p.  865.  To  these 
it  may  be  added  that  the  form  of  profession 
given  by  the  council  of  Lestines  (Concilium 
Liptinense,  a.d.  743)  is  one  of  the  oldest  speci- 
mens of  a  liturgical  formula  in  a  Teutonic  lan- 
guage. It  is  given  as  follows  by  Professor 
Swainson  (^The  Nicene  and  Apostles  Creeds,  &c., 
p.  22) : — "  Gelobistu  in  got  al"mehtigan  fadaer. 
Ec  gelobo  in  got  aPinehtigan  fadaer.  Gelobistu 
in  crist  godes  suno.  Ec  gelobo  in  crist  godes 
suno.  Gelobistu  in  halogan  gast.  Ec  gelobo  in 
halogan  gasto."  That  is :  "  Q.  Believest  thou 
in  God  the  Father  Almighty?  A.  I  believe  iu 
God  the  Father  Almighty.  Q.  Believest  thou  in 
Christ  God's  Son?  A.  1  believe  in  Christ  God's 
Son.  Q.  Believest  thou  in  the  Holy  Ghost  ?  A. 
I  believe  in  the  Holy  Ghost."  [C] 

PEOFESSIONS.     [Trades.] 

PEOHIBITED  BOOKS.  L  Heathen  Pre 
cedent. — The  suppression  by  public  authority  of 
books  adverse  to  the  prevailing  religion  was 
common  long  before  the  Christian  era ;  e.g.  the 
Athenians  scandalized  by  a  declaration  of  Pro- 
tagoras, B.C.  411,  that  he  was  uncertain  of  the 
existence  of  gods,  "  called  in  his  books  from 
their  possessors  by  the  voice  of  a  public  crier, 
and  burned  them  in  the  market-place  "  (Diogen. 
Laert.  Vitae  Philos.  ix.  8,  §  3 ;  sini.  Lactant.  de 
Ird   Dei,   9).     Another  instance,  in   which  the 


1720        PROHIBITED  BOOKS 

actors  were  Greeks,  is  recorded  in  the  First  Book 
of  Maccabees  (i.  56) :  the  officers  of  Antiochus 
Epiphanes,  B.C.  168,  "  rent  in  pieces  the  books 
of  the  law  which  they  found,  and  burnt  them 
with  fire."  Examples  are  frequent  among  the 
Romans.  During  the  second  Punic  war,  B.C. 
213,  when  foreign  superstitions  were  gaining  a 
footing  in  Rome,  a  senatus-consultum  was  passed, 
and  published  by  the  praetor  urbis,  to  the  effect 
that  any  one  possessed  of  "  books  of  soothsaying, 
or  prayers  or  written  treatises  on  the  art  of 
sacrificing,"  should  give  them  up  to  the  praetor 
by  a  certain  day  (Liry,  Hist.  xsvi.).  On  a  dis- 
covery of  the  nature  of  the  Bacchanalian  rites, 
B.C.  186,  the  consul  Posthumius,  when  explain- 
ing the  cause  of  their  suppression  to  the  people, 
declared  that  the  magistrates  had  often  been 
charged  with  the  duty  of  "  forbidding  the  per- 
formance of  foreign  rites  .  .  .  collecting  and 
burning  books  of  soothsaying,  and  abolishing 
every  mode  of  sacrifice  not  after  the  Roman 
custom"  (j.bid.  xxxix.  16).  Five  years  later  the 
Greek  books  found  near  the  tomb  of  Numa  were 
immediately  burnt  "per  victimarios  ...  in 
conspectu  populi,  quia  aliqua  ex  parte  ad  sol- 
vendam  religionem  pertinere  existimabantur " 
(Valerius  Max.  ilcmomh.  I.  i.  14.  Compare 
Plutarch  in  Numa,  Reiske,  i.  298;  Lactant. 
Instit.  i.  22).  When  Augustus  became  Pontifex 
Maximus,  he  collected  and  burnt  above  two 
thousand  "  libri  fatidici  "  (Suetonius,  Octav.  31). 
The  works  of  political  opponents  were  exposed 
to  the  same  fate.  Tlius  the  writings  of  Labienus, 
about  12  B.C.  (Seneca,  Controvers.  vi.  Praef.), 
those  of  Cremutius,  A.D.  25  (Tacitus,  AnnciL  iv. 
35),  those  of  Fabricius  Veiento,  A.D.  63,  of 
Arulenus  Rusticus  and  Herennius  Senecio 
("  monumenta  clarissimorum  ingeniorum,"  Tacit. 
Agricola,  2)  were  in  the  same  manner  pulilicly 
destroyed.  The  books  of  the  Manichaeans  were 
also  under  the  ban  of  heathen  princes.  Thus 
Diocletian  and  Maximian,  A.D.  289,  ordered  the 
teache^-s  of  the  "  Persian  doctrine  to  be  burnt 
with  their  abominable  books "  (Baron,  ad  ann. 
288  ;  iii.  252,  ed.  1738),  and  Cabades,  king  of 
Persia,  A.D.  516,  after  a  great  slaughter  'of  the 
sect,  caused  their  books  to  be  biirned  throughout 
his  dominions  (Theophanes,  Chronogr.  ad  ann.  i. 
263,  ed.  Bonn). 

II.  Christian  Books  suppressed  by  Jews  and 
Heathens. — When  Christianity  began  to  acquire 
strength,  this  familiar  mode  of  suppression  was 
applied  both  by  Jews  and  Gentiles  to  all  writings 
that  were  supposed  to  teach  or  favour  it.  Ad- 
dressing the  Jews  of  his  day,  Anastasius-Sinaita, 
A.D.  561,  says:  "Your  fathers,  who  were  then 
completely  worsted,  .  .  .  commanded  that  none 
of  the  Jews  should  possess  in  writing  an  account 
of  the  things  done  by  Christ,  or  seek  after  them 
at  all,  or  read  them "  (Disput.  adv.  Judaeos ; 
Migne,  Ser.  Gr.  Ixxxix.  1246).  The  existence  of 
such  a  law  explains,  as  nothing  else  can,  the 
total  silence  of  Philo  and  the  probable  silence  of 
Josephus  on  that  subject ;  or  if  the  passage 
in  his  Antiquities  (xvii.  4,  §  3)  be  not  an  inter- 
polation, it  accounts  for  the  very  brief  notice 
which  the  facts  on  that  supposition  extorted 
from  the  latter.  The  Jews  hoped  that  the  new 
religion  would  die  out  if  left  to  oral  tradition. 
The  heathens  were  influenced  by  the  same  policy. 
"  Through  the  agency  of  wicked  demons,"  says 
Justin   Martyr,    "  death    was    decreed    against 


PROHIBITED  BOOKS 

those  who  read  the  books  of  Hystaspes,  or  the 
Sibyl,  or  the  prophets  "  {Apol.  i.  44 ;  comp. 
Clem.  Alex.  Stromata,  VI.  v.  43).  Diocletian 
ordered  "  the  destruction  of  the  Scriptures  by 
fire,"  in  edicts  published  throughout  the  empire 
(Euseb.  Jlist.  Eccles.  viii.  2).  In  every  persecu- 
tion, in  fact,  they  were  demanded  of  the  Chris- 
tians for  this  purpose,  and  many  were  required 
to  attest  tlieir  abjuration  of  the  gospel  by  burn- 
ing its  sacred  records  themselves.  Those  who 
gave  them  up  were  conventionally  termed  "  tra- 
ditores "  [Traditor],  a  name  which,  according 
to  St.  Augustine,  came  into  use  some  forty  years 
after  the  death  of  St.  Cyprian  (d.  258),  when  a 
great  "  burning  of  the  divine  books  "  took  place 
in  Africa  under  Maxentius  {De  Baptismo,  v.  1 ; 
vii.  2 ;  Optat.  de  Schism.  Donat.  i.  13). 

III.  Christian  Prohibition  of  Heathen  Books. — 
The  works  of  the  heathen  were,  on  the  other 
hand,  proscribed  by  the  Christians,  but  not 
without  discrimination.  Some  writers  were 
more  severe  and  strict  than  others,  but  we  are 
evidently  to  understand  their  denunciations  for 
the  most  part  of  those  books  only  which  had  a 
bearing  on  religion,  or  encouraged  a  loose 
morality.  The  Apostolical  Constitutions  (i.  6) 
in  both  recensions  say  :  "  Refrain  from  all  the 
books  of  the  Gentiles ;  for  what  hast  thou  to  do 
with  strange  discourses  or  laws,  or  with  false 
prophets,  which  even  turn  the  light-minded 
from  the  faith  ?"  Gregory  Nazianzen,  A.D.  363, 
hearing  that  his  namesake  of  Nyssa,  instead  of 
reading  to  the  people  as  before  the  "  sacred  and. 
refreshing  books  "  of  holy  Scripture,  had  turned 
to  the  "  brackish  and  undrinkable "  founts  of 
heathen  knowledge,  accused  him  at  once  of 
"  desiring  rather  to  be  called  a  rhetor  than  a 
Christian"  (Epist.  12,  al.  43).  St.  Basil,  the 
brother  of  the  latter,  has  left  a  discourse  ad- 
dressed "  to  the  Young  on  the  Way  to  profit  by 
the  Hellenic  Literature."  His  opinion  is  that 
much  good  may  be  obtained  from  it  by  those 
who  resolutely  put  aside  the  evil  part,  and  study 
to  bring  the  innocent  into  the  service  of  religion. 
Then,  "  if  the  two  literatures  are  at  all  in  har- 
mony with  each  other,  the  knowledge  of  them 
both  will  be  of  great  service  to  us ;  but  if  not, 
to  have  compared  them,  and  ascertained  the 
difference  will  tend  not  a  little  to  the  confirma- 
tion of  the  better  "  (§  2  ;  ii.  175).  St.  Jerome, 
378,  referring  to  Eph.  vi.  4,  says:  "Let  those 
bishops  and  i)resbyters  read  it  who  train  their 
sons  in  secular  literature,  and  make  them  read 
comedies,  and  sing  the  shameful  writings  of  the 
actors,"  &c.  (Comm.  iii.  in  Up.  ad  Ep)h.  u.  s. 
See  also  Epist.  22  ad  Eustoch.  §  30 ;  comp.  Aug. 
in  Fs.  103,  Enarr.  S.  ii.  §  4 ;  in  Fs.  31,  Enarr. 
S.  ii.  §  18 ;  Be  Animcc  et  ejus  Orig.  ii.  17,  §  23). 
One  ground  of  abstinence  from  even  the  more 
innocent  prodvictions  of  heathen  writers  is  men- 
tioned by  Germanus,  the  monk,  in  Cassian 
{Collat.  xiv.  12),  viz.  the  distractions  that  arise 
at  prayer  from  images  suggested  by  a  study  of 
poetry  and  history.  Paulinus  of  Nola  (Foema, 
10)  tells  us  that  hearts  devoted  to  Christ  are 
closed  to  Apollo  and  the  Muses.  The  council  of 
Carthage,  398,  decrees  :  "  Ut  episcopus  Gentiliunv 
libros  non  legat,  iiaereticorum  autem  pro  neces- 
sitate temporis  "  (can.  16).  Much  later  Gregory 
I.  strongly  denounces  a  French  bishop  who  was 
said  to  teach  belles-lettres,  "quia  in  uno  so  ore 
cum  Jovis  laudibus  Christi  laudes  non  capiunt  " 


PROHIBITED  BOOKS 

(^Epist.  ix.  48).  John  the  Deacon  says  that 
Gregory  "  forbade  the  reading  of  Gentile  books 
to  all  pontiffs  without  exception"  (^Vita  Greg. 
iii.  33).  Isidore  of  Seville,  about  630,  says  that 
the  Christian  is  "  forbidden  to  read  the  fictions 
of  the  poets,"  on  account  of  their  tendency  to 
corrupt  the  mind  {Sentent.  iii.  13).  Of  Gentile 
books  in  general  he  says :  "  Cavendi  sunt  tales 
libri,  et  propter  amorem  sanctarum  scripturarum 
vitandi"  {ibid.). 

Monks  were  especially  bound  to  renounce  the 
works  of  heathen  writers.  Isidore  of  Pelusium, 
A.D.  412,  writing  to  one,  says:  "What  is  there 
among  them  to  be  preferred  to  ours  ?  What  is 
there  that  is  not  full  of  falsehood  and  matter 
for  laughter  in  the  subjects  which  they  study? 
Are  not  their  divine  principles  framed  out  of 
passions  ?  Are  not  their  manly  actions  for  the 
sake  of  passions?  Are  not  their  conflicts  for 
passions?  Shun,  therefore,  the  reading  of  the 
shameful  stuff',  for  it  .hath  a  terrible  power  to 
reopen  woiands  that  are  skinned  over,"  &c.  {Epist. 
i.  63).  St.  Nilus,  440,  to  a  monastic  collector  of 
books :  "  The  rubbish  and  ashes  and  mud  of  the 
books  of  the  Gentiles  why  dost  thou  with  such 
diligence  rake  together,  to  no  profit,  but  to  hurt, 
after  renouncing  them  in  a  monastery  "  {Epist. 
ii.  73).  To  a  disciple  he  says :  "  Read  not  the 
books  of  the  heathen,  neither  historical  nor 
tropological,  nor  touch  the  "old  literature  at  all ; 
bat  read  the  New  Testament,  and  the  accounts 
of  the  martyrs,  and  the  lives  of  the  fathers,  and 
the  sayings  of  the  aged "  (iv.  1).  Isidore  of 
Seville,  in  his  Regula  2fonachorum :  "  Let  the 
monk  be  careful  not  to  read  the  books  of  the 
Gentiles,  or  the  volumes  of  the  heretics ;  for  it 
is  better  to  be  ignorant  of  their  pernicious  tenets 
than  by  experiment  to  run  into  any  snare  or 
error  "  (viii.  3).  Eginhard,  who  had  been  secre- 
tary to  Charlemagne,  but  afterwards  an  abbat, 
to  his  son,  a  monk  at  Fulda :  "  Grammatica  et 
rhetorica,  caeteraque  liberalium  artium  studia, 
vana  sunt,  et  valde  nociva  servis  Dei  nisi  per 
gratiam  Divinam  bonis  moribus  subesse  nos- 
cantur,  quia  scientia  inflat,  caritas  vero  aedificat. 
Melius  mihi  quidem  est  ut  te  mortuum  videre 
contingat  quam  inflatum  et  scatentem  vitiis " 
(Epist.  30,  ad  Vussin.  Migne,  104,  col.  519). 

It  is  probable  that  in  no  single  instance  are 
we  to  understand  a  Christian  writer  as  desiring 
the  absolute  suppression,  without  qualification  or 
exception,  of  the  entire  body  of  the  ancient 
literature.  This  was,  for  example,  very  far  from 
the  meaning  of  St.  Jerome,  who  elsewhere  defends 
the  appeal  of  Christian  writers  to  the  testimony 
of  the  heathen,  and  instances  Cyprian,  Quadratus, 
Aristides,  Justin  Martyr,  Clemens  of  Alexandria, 
and  many  others,  as  men  who  had  made  a  good 
use  of  secular  learning  {Epist.  70  ad  Magnum 
Orat.").  Long  before  this  we  find  Origen  exhorting 
Gregory  Thaumaturgus  to  study  the  philosophies 
of  the  Greeks  as  -TTpoiraiSiVfxara.  to  Christianity, 
and  "  geometry  and  astronomy  as  likely  to  be 
useful  in  the  interpretation  of  the  holy  Scrip- 
tures "  {Epist.  ad  Greg.  §  1,  ed.  Lomm.  xvii.  49). 
It  is  clear  that  these  pursuits  were  even  carried 
to  a  dangerous  excess  by  some,  and  that  so  early 
as  the  5th  century.  For  a  proof  we  may  refer 
to  the  applause  which  Sidonius,  bishop  of  Cler- 
mont (472),  bestows  on  the  secular  poems  of  Con- 
sentius  {Epist.  viii.  4),  and  to  the  spirit  in  which 
he  compares  the  work   of  Mamertus  {da  Statu 


PEOHIBITED  BOOKS        1721 

Animae)v;\ih.  the  productions  of  various  heathen, 
as  well  as  Christian,  writers  (iv.  3).  The  poem 
of  Mamertus  himself  {Contra  Poctas  Vanos) 
"  bears  evidence  of  its  writer  having  carefully 
studied  some  of  the  Roman  poets  "  (Smith's  Diet, 
of  Greek  and  Roman  Biogr.  n.  Mamertus) ;  nor 
does  he  in  the  course  of  it  condemn  the  study  of 
them  as  sinful,  but  rather  as  unsatisfactory,  and 
fit  for  children  only,  desiring  to  direct  his 
friend  to  the  higher  themes  which  the  gospel  can 
supply  {Bihlioth.  Vet.  PP.  v.  pt.  i.  979). 

IV.  Spurious  and  supposititious  Writings  claim- 
ing to  be  Christian. — These  were  very  numerous 
at  an  early  period,  and  as  their  object  was  in 
almost  every  case  to  recommend  some  heresy, 
cautions  against  them  abound  from  the  3rd 
century  downwards.  Thus  one  of  the  apostolic 
canons  (n.  60) :  "  If  anyone  shall  publicly  set 
forth  as  holy  in  the  church  the  books  of  the 
impious  with  false  titles  {\pivSeTrlypa^a.)  to  the 
destruction  of  the  people  and  the  clergy,  let  him 
be  deposed."  We  may  remark  that  the  canon  is 
evidently  dealing  with  a  well-known  class  of 
writings.  The  Apostolical  Constitutions,  in  the 
longer  Greek  recension :  "  You  must  not  regard 
the  names  of  the  apostles,  .  .  .  for  we  know  that 
the  disciples  of  Simon  and  Cleobius  have  com- 
piled poisonous  books  in  the  name  of  Christ  and 
His  disciples  .  .  .  Also  among  the  ancients  some 
have  composed  apocryphal  books  of  Moses  and 
Enoch,  and  Adam  and  Esaias,  and  David  and 
Elias,  and  the  three  patriarchs,  that  are  per- 
nicious, and  opposed  to  the  truth  "  (vi.  16). 

For  details  of  this  literature  see  DiCT.  Chr. 
BiOG.  s.  vv.  Acts,  Apocryphal  ;  Apocalypses 
Apocryphal  ;  Epistles,  Apocryphal  ;  Gospels, 
Apocryphal  ;  Clementine  Literature  ;  Pseu- 
depigraphic  Literature  ;  the  several  names 
of  the  supposed  authors  of  apocryphal  works, 
and  the  titles  of  anonymous  works. 

V.  Fictitious  Marty rologies. — Stories  of  perse- 
cutions and  martyrdom  were  naturally  popular, 
and  were  easily  made  the  vehicle  of  heresy.  A 
decree  against  such  false  or  tainted  narratives  by 
the  council  in  Trullo  (A.D.  690)  shews  that  the 
danger  from  this  source  was  still  recognized,  and 
that  the  church  in  the  East  was  still  vigilant 
against  it,  at  the  end  of  the  7th  century :  "  We 
command  that  the  martyrologies  falsely  com- 
piled by  the  enemies  of  truth  to  do  dishonour  to 
the  martyrs  of  Christ,  and  lead  those  who  hear 
them  to  unbelief,  be  not  read  publicly  in  the 
church,  but  that  they  be  delivered  to  the  fire  " 
(can.  63).  An  illustration  occurs  in  the  document 
transcribed  in  the  next  section,  viz.  in  Passio 
Quirici,  ij-c,  Passio  Georgii. 

VI.  The  Roman  Index  Librorum  Prohibitorum. 
— The  earliest  example  of  a  list  of  proscribed  books 
proceeding  from  Rome  is  a  document  variously 
ascribed  to  pope  Gelasius  (a.d.  494),  or  to  Hor- 
misdas  (514),  but  more  probably  of  the  8th 
century.  It  will  be  well  to  give  this  in  cxtenso 
with  such  notes  as  may  appear  useful.  We  print 
it  from  Hard.  Cone.  ii.  940,  where  it  occurs 
among  the  decrees  of  a  Roman  council,  said  to 
have  been  held  in  the  time  of  Gelasius  : — 

"  Notitia  Librorum  Apocryphorum  qui  nan  recipi- 

untur  (al.  qui  rccipi  non  debcnt). 

"  In  primis  Ariminensem  synod  urn  a  Constantio 

Caesare    Constantini   Augusti  filio  congregatam 

(A.D.  359,  Arian  against  its  better  mind),  medi- 


1722 


PROHIBITED  BOOKS 


ante  Tauro  praefecto,  ex  tunc  et  nunc,  et  usque 
in  aeternum,  confitemur  esse  damnatam. 

"Item  itinerarium(  =  Trepio5os)  Petri  apostoli, 
quod  appellatui-  Sancti  dementis,  libri  octo  (a!. 
novem,  al.  decern),  apocryphum.  (The  Recog- 
nitions of  Clement  ('Aj/ayj'ajpKr^cJs),  so  called  by 
Rufinus,  who  translated  it  (i)e  Adult.  Libror. 
Origenis  ad  calc.  0pp.  Orig.  xxv.  386,  ed.  Lomm.)  ; 
otherwise  "  dementis  Itinerarium,  Gesta,  His- 
toria,  Historiae,  Chronica,  and  Clemens ;  and 
from  Peter,  Petri  Period!  and  Itinerarium,  Petri 
Actus,  i.  c.  by  Clement  [see  Photius,  Bihlioth. 
113],  other  than  those  Acts  of  Peter,  of  which 
Peter  is  the  alleged  author  ;  and  the  Disputatio 
Petri  cum  Apione ; "  (Cotel.  PP.  Apost.  i. 
484.) 

"Actus  nomine  Andreae  Apostoli,  apocryphi. 
(See  Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  25  ;  Philastr.  de  Haer. 
88  ;  Epiphan.  Haer.  xlvii.  1,  Ixi.  1,  Ixiii.  2  ;  Innoc. 
Epist.  ad  Exuper.  7  ;  Turribius,  Epist.  §  5  inter 
Epp.  Leon.  M.) 

"  Actus  nomine  Thomae  apostoli  libri  decern, 
apocryphi.  (Twofold,  one  Jlanichaean  men- 
tioned by  Turribius  (m.  s),  and  Augustine  {De 
Serm.  Dam.  i.  20,  §  65),  and  another  put  forth 
by  the  Encratites  and  Apostolics ;  Epiph.  Haer. 
xlvii.  1,  L\i.  1). 

"  Actus  nomine  Petri  apostoli,  apocryphi 
(Eusebius,  u.  s.  iii.  3 ;  Philastrius,  Haer.  88  ; 
Hieron.  Viri  Illustr.  1 ;  Isidorus  Pelus.  Epist.  ii. 
99). 

"  Actus  nomine  Philippi  apostoli,  apocryphi. 

"  Evangelium  nomine  Thaddaei,  apocryphum. 

"  Evangelium  nomine  Matthiae,  apocryphum 
(Origen  in  S.  Luc.  Ev.  Horn.  1,  in  init. ;  Euseb. 
H.  E.  iii.  25  ;  Ambr.  Expos.  Ev.  Luc.  i.  2  ;  Jerome 
Praef.  in  Comm.  super  Matth.  Ev. ;  Innoc.  u.  s.  ; 
Bede,  Comm.  in  8.  Luc.  Ev.  i.  1). 

"Evangelium  nomine  Petri  apostoli,  apocry- 
phum (Origen,  Comm.  in  Matth.  Ev.  x.  §  17  ; 
Eusebius,  m.  s.  iii.  3,  25,  vi.  12  ;  Jerome  de  Yir. 
Illust.  1  ;  Theodoret,  Haer.  Fab.  ii.  2). 

"  Evangelium  nomine  Jacobi  minoris,  apocry- 
phum. (The  Protevangelium,  because  treating 
briefly  of  the  infancy  of  Christ.  Mentioned  by 
Origen,  Comm.  in  S.  Matth.  x.  §  17  ;  Epiph.  Haer. 
sxx.  23  ;  Innoc.  u.  s.  Probably  quoted  by  Justin 
Martyr,  Dial.  c.  Tryph.  78  (see  the  Pj-oier.  c.  18), 
Clemens  Alex.  Strom,  vii.  16,  §93  (comp.  Protev. 
19),  and  Epiph.  Isxix.  5  (comp.  Protev.  1,  2).) 

"Evangelium  nomine  Barnabae,   apocryphum. 

"  Evangelium  {al.  evangelia)  nomine  Thomae, 
quo  {al.  quibus)  utuntur  Manichaei,  apocryphum 
{al.  apocrypha).  (Written  by  Thomas,  a  Mani- 
chaean ;  see  Origen  in  Lw:.  Hom.  1  ;  Hippol. 
Eefut.  Omn.  Haer.  v.  7  ;  Euseb.  H.  E.  iii.  25  ; 
Cyril.  Hier.  Catech.  iv.  21,  vi.  18 ;  Amb.  u.  s. ; 
Jerome,  Praef.  in  Comm.  super  Matth.  ;  Innoc. 
M.  s.  ;  Leontius  Byz.  de  Sectis,  iii.  2  ;  Petrus 
Siculus,  Hist.  Manich.  16  ;  Bede,  u.  s. ;  Pseudo- 
Athan.  u.  s.) 

"  Evangelium  {al.  evangelia)  nomine  Bartholo- 
maei  apostoli,  apocryphum  {al.  apocrypha). 
(Jerome,  u.  s. ;  Bede,  u.  s.  Possibly  under  this 
name  is  condemned  by  mistake  the  Hebrew  copy 
of  St.  Matthew,  taken  by  St.  Bartholomew  into 
India;  Euseb.  v.  10.) 

"  Evangelium  nomine  Andreae  apostoli,  apocry- 
phum (Innoc.  u.  s.,  who  ascribes  it  to  Xeno- 
charides  (or  Nexocharides)  and  Leontius  ;  August. 
C.  Advers.  Leg.  et  Proph.  i.  20,  §  39). 

"  Evangelia  quae  falsavit  Lucianus,  apocrypha. 


PROHIBITED  BOOKS 

(The  forger  more  commonly  known  as  Leucius 
Charinus ;  see  below.) 

"  Liber  de  Infantia  Salvatoris,  apocryphus. 
(Irenaeus,  c.  Haer.  i.  20,  §  1,  ascribes  a  story 
found  in  this  to  the  Marcosians.  Anastasius 
Sinaita  perhaps  refers  to  it,  Hodegus  13.  Pseudo- 
Jerome  seems  to  speak  of  this,  or  a  part  of  it 
{Epist.  ad  Chromat.  et  Heliod.  inter  0pp.  Hieron.) 
under  the  title  of  Liher  de  Nativitate  S.  Mariae. 
He  ascribes  it  to  Seleucus  (  =  Leucius).  Its  full 
title  is  Libellus  de  MiracuHs  Infantiae  D.  J.  C, 
but  the  first  twenty-four  chapters  have  been 
known  as  Liber  de  Nativitate  Mariae,  et  de  Lnfantia 
Salvatoris.) 

"  Evangelia  quae  falsavit  Esitius  {al.  Isicius), 
apocrypha.  (St.  Jerome  {Epist.  ad  Damasum) 
couples  Hesychius  with  Lucianus  as  giving  name 
to  books  held  genuine  by  a  few.) 

"  Liber  de  Nativitate  {al.  Infantia)  Salvatoris, 
et  de  Maria  et  obstetrice  {al.  ejus),  apocryphus. 
(Probably,  from  the  matter,  the  Protevangelium 
Jfacobi  before  mentioned  under  another  title.) 

"Liber  qui  appellatur  Pastoris,  apocryphus. 
(The  Shepherd  of  Hermas.  Ko  book  is  more  fre- 
quently cited  by  early  writers,  as  Irenaeus,  Ter- 
tullian,  Clemens  Al.,  Origen,  Athanasius,  &c.  It 
proceeded  from  Rome,  and  the  ground  of  its 
condemnation  here  is  only  matter  of  conjecture.) 

"Libri  omnes  quos  fecit  Leucius  discipulus 
diaboli,  apocryphus.  (This  arch-forger  is  so 
called  by  Evodius  {de  Fide  c.  Manichaeos,  4,  inter 
0pp.  Aug.  App.  vi.  ed.  Ben. ;  but  the  older 
editions  give  Leontius  and  one  Vatican  MS.  Locu- 
tius),  by  Innocent  {u.  s.)  as  author  of  a  'book  under 
the  name  of  Peter  and  John,'  by  Turribius 
(?«.  s.),  Photius  {Biblioth.  114),  according  to  whom 
all  the  '  Apostolorum  Periodi,'  containing  '  Acts 
of  Peter,  John,  Andrew,  Thomas,  and  Paul,' 
were  written  by  '  Leucius  Charinus.'  St. 
Augustine  writes  the  name  Leutius  {Acta  cum 
Felice,  ii.  6 ;  but  some  MSS.  give  Levitico  or 
Lentitio).  His  full  name,  Leucius  Charinus,  is 
also  thought  to  be  disguised  under  'Xeno- 
charides  and  Leonidas  '  in  Innocent  {u.  s.).  Atto 
Vercell. callshim  Seleucius  (Hard,  in  /oc);  Pseudo- 
Jerome  {u.  s.),  Seleucus,  and  in  the  present 
document  he  has  appeared  as  Lucianus  ;  and  so 
Jerome  ;  Ep.  ad  Darnas  ,  as  above.) 

"Liber  qui  appellatur  Fundamentum,  apocry- 
phus. (Ascribed  to  the  founder  of  the  Mani- 
chaeans,  Aug.  de  Nat.  Boni,  42,  46 ;  comp. 
Acta  cum  Felice,  ii.  1.  It  was  in  the  form  of  an 
epistle.) 

"  Liber  qui  appellatur  Thesaurus,  apocryphus. 
(Cyrill.  Hier.  Catech.  vi.  13.  It  is  ascribed  by 
him  to  Manes,  but  by  Archelaus,  a.d.  278, 
Disp.  cum  Manich.  (Galland.  Bihlioth.  iii.  569),  to 
Terbinthus  or  Turbo  (572).     See  Photius,  85.) 

"  Liber  de  Filiabus  Adae  Leptogeneseos, 
apocryphus.  (Mentioned  by  Epiphanius,  Haer. 
xxxix.  6  ;  Jerome,  Ep.  78  ad  Fahiol.  18 ;  Ced- 
renus,  Compend.  Hist.  9,  ed.  Nieb.) 

"  Centones  de  Christo,  Virgilianis  compaginati 
versibus,  apocryphi.  ('  Proba,  uxor  Adelphi, 
centonem  ex  Virgilio  de  Fabrica  Mundi  et  Evan- 
geliis  plenissime  expressit  .  .  .  Et  quidam  Pom- 
ponius  ex  eodem  poeta  .  .  .  Tityrum  in  Christi 
honorem  composuit :  similiter  et  de  Aeneide ' ; 
Isid.  Hispal.  Etymol.  i.  39,  §  26.) 

"  Liber  qui  appellatur  Actus  Theclae  et  Pauli 
apostoli,  apocryphus  (Tertullian  de  Bajpt.  17  ; 
Greg.  Naz.  Orat.  iv.  69,  xxi.  22,  xxiv.  10 ;  Greg. 


PEOHIBITED  BOOKS 

Nyss.  Horn.  xiv.  in  Cant.  Cant.  i.  676  ;  Jerome, 
Ep.  21  ad  Eustoch.  §  40 ;  Aug.  de  Sane.  Vir- 
ginitate,  44,  §  45  ;  and  many  others.) 

"  Liber  qui  appellatur  Nepotis,  apocryphus. 
(The  work  of  a  Judaizing  Egyptian  bishop  of  that 
name,  Euseb.  If.  E.  vii.  24 ;  Vigilius,  de  Trih. 
Capit.  60.) 

"Liber  Proverbioruni,  qui  ab  haereticis  con- 
scriptus,  et  sancti  Xysti  nomine  praenotatus  est, 
apocryphus.  (The  Scntentiae  of  Sextus  Pytha- 
goreus  mistaken  for  a  Christian  book  in  the 
unfaithful  transLation  of  Eutinus,  and  ascribed  to 
Xystus  of  Kome ;  Orig.  c.  Ccls.  viii.  30  ;  Jerome, 
adv.  Jovin.  i.  49,  Ep.  133  ad  Ctesiph.  3,  Comm. 
in  Jcrem.  xxii.  24,  Comm.  in  Ezel:.  xviii.  5  ;  Aug. 
de  Nat.  etGrat.  64,  §77,  Retract,  ii.  42;  Gen- 
nadius,  de  Vir.  Illicst.  17.) 

"  Revelatio  quae  appellatur  Pauli  apostoli, 
apocrypha.  (Probably  the  'Ava^ariKov  (founded 
on  2  Cor.xii.  2),  a  Cainite  forgery.  See  Tertull. 
Praescript.  24  ;  Epiphan.  Hacr.  xxxviii.  2  ;  Aug. 
Tract.  98  in  S.  Joan.  iJc.  §  8 ;  Sozom.  H.  E.  vil 
19,  &c.) 

"  Revelatio  quae  appellatur  Thomae  apostoli, 
apocrypha. 

"  Eevelatio  quae  appellatur  sancti.  Stephani, 
apocrypha.  (^Epistola  Luciani  de  Revelatione  cor- 
poris Stephani.  Probably  condemned,  because 
the  writer  was  mistaken  for  Leucius.  See  Aug. 
Serm.  318,  §  1,  319,  §  6 ;  Gennad.  de  Vir.  Ilhistr. 
46.  There  is  a  Latin  translation  by  Avitus  inter 
0pp.  Aug.  App.  vi.  ed.  Ben.) 

"Liber  qui  appellatur  Transitus,  id  est, 
Assumptio  sanctae  Mariae,  apocryphus.  (Pseudo- 
Jerome,  ad  Paul,  et  Eustoch.  de  Assicm2}t.  B.  V. ; 
Bede,  in  Acta  Apost.  Retract.  8,  13 ;  Pseudo- 
Alcuin,  Ojyp.  Ale.  P.  ix.  Horn.  3,  de  Nat.  M.) 

"  Liber  qui  appellatur  Poenitentia  Adae, 
apocryphus.  (Gnostic ;  and  probably  the  same 
as  the  Apocalypsis  Adae ;  Epiph.  Haer.  xxvi.  8  ; 
Cedrenus,  u.  s.  17.) 

"  Liber  Ogiae  (Thiel's  second  copy  ascribed  to 
Hormisdas  reads  Eugenio,  Epist.  Rom.  Pontif.  i. 
396 ;  others  varioush'),  qui  ab  haereticis  cum 
dracone  post  diluvium  pugnasse  fingitur,  apocry- 
phus. (Probably  the  Manichaean  Rook  of  the 
Giants ;  Timotli.  C.  P.  de  Haeret.  Recept.  in 
Meursii  Varia  Bivina,  117 ;  Photius,  Biblioth. 
85.) 

"Liber  qui  appellatur  Testamentum  Job, 
apocryphus. 

"  Liber  qui  appellatur  Poenitentia  Origenis, 
apocryphus. 

"Liber  qui  appellatur  Poenitentia  sancti 
Cypriani,  apocryphus.  (The  Confcssio  S.  Cypriani, 
a  spurious  tract',  in  which  he  is  made  to  represent 
himself  as  having  practised  magic,  &c.,  before  his 
conversion  ;  printed  by  Fell,  ad  Calc.  0pp.  Cypr. 
53,  2nd  pagination.     See  below.) 

"  Liber  qui  appellatur  Poenitentia  Jamrae  et 
Mambrae,  apocryphus.     (2  Tim.  iii.  8.) 

"  Liber  qui  appellatur  Sortes  sanctorum  Ajjo- 
stolorum,  apocryphus.     [SORTILEGV.] 

"  Liber  qui  appellatur  Laus  (al.  lusus  ;  Thiel, 
466,  Lusa,  937,  Jus)  Apostolorum,  apocryphus. 
(The  true  reading  is  most  probably  Jus'sa,  by 
which  we  are  to  understand  the  Constitutions. 
This  is  confirn^ed  by  the  immediate  mention  of 
the  canons  in  some  MSS.) 

"  Liber  qui  appellatur  Canones  Apostolorum, 
apocryphus. 

"  Liber    Physiologus    qui   ab    haereticis    con- 


PROHIBITED  BOOKS         1723 

scriptus    est   et  beati  nomine  Ambrosii  signatus 
{al.  praenotatus),  apocryphus. 

"  Historia  Eusebii  Pamphili,  apocrypha.  (But 
see  below,  sect.  VIII.) 

"  Opuscula  Lactantii  {al.  Firmiani),  apocrypha. 
(Not  a  theologian,  and  therefore  falling  into 
some  minor  errors,  though  probably  ortiiodox  in 
intention.) 

"  Opuscula  (Julii)  Africani,  apocrypha.  (Con- 
demned for  no  better  reason,  we  presume,  than 
that  the  Chronicon  of  Eusebius  was  founded  on 
his  Chronica). 

"  Opuscula  Postumiani  et  Galli,  apocrvpha. 

"Opuscula  Montani  Priscillae  et  Maximillae, 
apocrypha.  (See  Apollon.  in  Euseb.  H.  E.  v.  18  ; 
Petrus  Siculus  Eist.  Manich.  23.) 

"  Opuscula  omnia  Fausti  Manichaei,  apocrypha. 
(The  writer  confuted  by  St.  Augustine.) 

"  Opuscula  Commodiani,  apocrypha.  (On  ac- 
count of  some  errors  in  liis  poems,  partly  akin 
to  those  of  Lactantius  in  reference  to  the  Mil- 
lennium, the  Resurrection,  &:c.) 

"  Opuscula  alterius  Clementis  Alexandrini 
apocrypha.  (This  author  could  hardly  have 
been  understood  in  the  West  in  the  8th  century, 
and  we  may  conjecture  that  his  '  gnostic '  was 
ignorantly  confounded  with  the  heretic  so  called  ) 

"  Opuscula  Tascii  Cypriani,  apocrypha.  (The 
saint's  full  name  was  Thascius  Caecilius  Cypri- 
anus.  As  the  '  Opuscula  beati  Caecilii  Cypriani 
Martyris  et  Carthaginiensis  episcopi '  are  fully 
approved  in  the  former  part  of  the  alleged 
decree  of  Gelasius,  Hard.  ibid.  939,  the  refer- 
ence here  must  be  to  the  magician  Cyprian  of 
romance,  with  whom  he  was  confounded,  Greg. 
Naz.  Orat.  18  ;  Prudent,  do  Cor.  13.    See  before.) 

"Opuscula  Arnobii,  apocrypha.  (His  work 
Adv.  Nationcs  was  a  very  able  defence  of  the 
Gospel  and  exposure  of  paganism,  but  written 
before  he  was  fully  instructed  in  Christian 
doctrine.) 

"  Opuscula  Tychonii,  apocrypha.  (A  Donatist, 
who  yet  wrote  against  his  own  party,  A.D.  390. 
See  Aug.  de  Doctr.  Christ,  iii.  30-37,  where  his 
Book  of  Rules  is  dissected.) 

"  Opuscula  Cassiani  (al.  Cassionis)  presbyteri 
Galliarum,  apocrypha.  (John  Cassian,  the  Semi- 
pelagian  founder  of  monachism  in  the  Latin 
church.) 

"  Opuscula  Victorini  Pictaviensis  (al.  Petabion- 
ensis),  apocrypha.  (Bishop  of  Pettaw  on  the 
Drave,  a  Millenarian.) 

"  Opuscula  Fausti  Regensis  Galliarum,  apo- 
crypha.    (The  Semipelagian,  a.d.  472.) 

"  Opuscula  Frumentii  Caeci,  apocrypha. 

"Epistola  Jesu  ad  Abagarum  regem,  apocrypha. 
(Received  by  Eusebius,  //.  E.  i.  13,  Darius,  whose 
epistle  to  Augustine  is  extant  (Ep.  230  inter 
Epp.  Aug.  §  5),  Procopius  (dc  Bello  Persico,  ii.  12) 
and  others.) 

"  Passio  Quirici  (al.  Cyrici)  et  Julittae,  apo- 
crypha. (By  Manichaeans  or  other  heretics.  So 
Theodorus  Icon,  who  wrote  the  more  trust- 
worthy Martyrium  printed  by  Huinart,  Acta 
Martyrium,  419,  ed.  2.  Condemned  also  by 
Nicephorus,  the  Confessor,  A.D.  806,  Const.  Eccl. 
13,  al.  46,  Spicil.  Solcsm.  iv.  390.) 

"Passio  Georgii,  apocrypha.  ('Of  all  the 
Acts  of  St.  George  which  we  possess  now — 
and  they  are  sufficiently  numerous — there  are 
none  that  can  claim  any  credence,  or  that  do 
not  carry  on  their  foce  visible  marks  of  false- 


1724 


PllOHlBITED  BOOKS 


hood'  (Tillemont,  Mem.  Ecd.  v.  81).  Two 
Martyrdoms  of  St.  George  are  condemned  by 
Nicephorus,  u.  s.) 

"  Scriptura  quae  appellatur  Contradictio  Sal- 
omonis,  apocrypha. 

"Phylacteria  omnia,  quae  non  angelorum 
(ut  illi  confingunt),  sed  daemonum  magis  arte 
{al.  nominibus)  conscripta  sunt,  apocrypha.    [See 

'^HYLACTERY.] 

"  Haec  et  omnia  his  similia  quae  Simon  Magus 
(A  treatise  called  the  Great  Demonstration  or 
Revelation,  'AirScpaats  Meyd^v,  ''vas  ascribed  to 
him,  Hippolytus,  Refut.  Omn.  Ilaer.  vi.  9-14, 
17,  18),  Nicolaus  (Rev.  ii.  6),  Cerinthus  (His 
Revelations  are  condemned  by  Caius  in  Euseb. 
H.  E.  iii.  28),  Marcion,  Basilides,  Ebion,  Paulas 
etiam  Samosatenus,  Photinus  et  Bonosus  et  qui 
simili  errore  defecerunt  (For  the  proscription  of 
a  book  by  Marcellus  de  SiAjectione  Christi,  sup- 
posed to  favour  the  heresy  of  Paul,  see  Socr. 
/list.  Ecd.  i.  36 ;  ii.  20),  Montanus  quoque 
cum  suis  obscaenissimis  sequacibus  (The  law  of 
Arcadius,  398,  ordered  their  books  to  be  burnt. 
Cod.  Theodos.  XVI.  v.  34.  See  also  Euseb.  //.  E. 
V.  18  ;  Peti-us  Siculus,  Eist.  Manich.  23),  Apol- 
linaris  [  Vita  Ephrem  Syri  inter  0pp.  Greg.  Nyss. 
ii.  1041.],  Valentinus  (A  Gnostic  hymn  and 
psalm  ;  Hippol.  u.  s.  v.  6 ;  vi.  37),  sive  j\raui- 
chaeus  (For  names  of  Manichaean  books,  see 
Timotheus  C.  P.  de  Haer.  Recept.,  Petr.  Sic.  m.  s. 
16,  and  the  formulary  of  renunciation  required 
of  converts  to  the  church  in  Cotel.  F.P.  Apost. 
note  to  Clem.  Recogn.  iv.  27.  Gelasius,  A.d.  482, 
and  Hormisdas,  574,  collected  and  burnt  the 
books  of  the  Manichaeans  [^Vitae  JPontif.  Anast. 
Bibl.  nn.  50,  52,  53],  a  fate  to  which  a  law  of 
Justinian  also  condemned  them,  527,  L.  i.  tit.  5, 
Ee  Haer.  xvii.  2.  See  Fundamentum,  Thesaurus, 
above),  Faustus  Africanus  (The  Manichaean 
mentioned  before),  Sabellius,  Arrius  (see  the 
Epistle  of  Constantine,  325,  to  the  « bishops  and 
peoples '  after  the  council  of  Nicaea,  condemn- 
ing Arian  books  to  the  flames  [Socr.  H.  E.  i.  9]. 
When  the  Goths  of  Spain  became  Catholic,  the 
king  collected  and  burnt  the  Arian  books 
[Fredegar.  Chron.  8],  Macedonius,  Eunomius 
(Public  edicts  against  them  in  397  ;  PMostorg. 
Hist.  Ecd.  xi.  5  ;  and  398  Codex  Theodos.  XVI. 
V.  34.  See  Photius,  Bihlioth.  45,  46,  137,  138), 
Novatus,  Sabbatius,  Callistus  (The  15th  bishop 
of  Eome,  who  having  '  mixed  up  the  heresy  of 
Cleomenes,  the  disciple  of  Noetus,  with  that  of 
Theodotus,  framed  another  stranger  heresy,'  and 
left  a  short-lived  party  in  the  church  of  Rome 
called  from  him  Callistians  ;  Hippol.  Befut.  Omn. 
Haer.  is.  1,  &c.  In  one  MS.  [Codex  Jixstelli]  the 
name  is  omitted  from  this  list ;  in  another  it  is 
disguised  under  Calipsus.'),  Donatus,  Eustathius, 
Jovinianus,  Pelagius,  Julianus  Eclanensis,  Cae- 
lestius,  Maximinus,  Priscillianus  ab  Hispania  (Leo 
M.  Ep.  15  ad  Turrib.  15,  16  ;  Turrib.  u.  s. ;  Cone. 
Brag.  561,  c.  Prise.  Haer.  17),  Nestorius  Constanti- 
nopolitanus  (Nestorian  books  ordered  to  be  burnt ; 
Cone.  Eph.  431,  Acta  i.  Relat.  ad  Imp.  Hard.  Cone. 
i.  1444  ;  a  law  of  Valentinian,  435,  Cod.  Theodos. 
XVL  V.  66,  Hard.  i.  1715;  Liberatus  Diac. 
Breviarium,  10  ;  Justin.  Novell.  42),  Maximus, 
Lampetius,  Dioscorus,  Eutyches  (To  be  burnt, 
and  the  readers  fined,  by  a  decree  of  Valentinian 
and  Marcian  ;  Cone.  Chalc.  451,  P.  iii.  c.  10,  Hard. 
ii.  680  ;  see  also  Justin.  Nov.  42  ;  Socr.  H.  E. 
iii.   31),  Petrus  et  alius  Petrus,  e  quibus  unus 


PKOHIBITED  BOOKS 

Alexandrian!  (Mongus,  a  Monophysite,  died  490), 
alius  Antiochiam  (Fullo,  also  a  Monophysite,  died 
about  490)  maculavit,  Acacius  Constantinopoli- 
tanus  (The  supporter  of  Mongus  against  Rome) 
cum  consortibus  suis  ;  necnon  et  omnes  haeresiar- 
chae  eorumque  discipuli,  qui  schismatica  docue- 
runt,  vel  conscripserunt,  quorum  nomina  minime 
retinentur ;  non  solum  repudiata,  verum  etiam 
ab  omui  Romana  Catholica  et  Apostolica  ecclesia 
eliminata,  atque  cum  suis  auctoribus  auctorum- 
que  sequacibus,  indissolubili  vinculo  in  aeternum 
confitemur  esse  damnata."  See  the  above  names 
in  Dictionary  of  Christian  Biography. 

VII.  Other  Books  p)7'oscribed  for  alleged  Heresy. — 
The  Notitia  of  Pseudo-Gelasius  does  not  pro- 
fess to  be  complete.  The  tracts  -of  Aetius 
(Cone.  C.  P.  359,  Theodoret,  H.  E.  ii.  28),  of 
Mouothelite  authors  (Cone.  C.  P.  a.d.  690,  Actio 
13,  Hard.  iii.  1353),  of  the  Iconoclasts  (Cone. 
Nic.  ii.,  a.d.  787,  can.  9),  of  the  Saracens  (Nicho- 
las I.  Resp.  ad  Bulg.  103),  &c.  were  equally 
ordered  to  be  destroyed.  On  the  Harmmiy  of 
Tatian  or  Gospel  of  the  Four,  see  Epiph.  Haer. 
xlvi.  1  ;  Euseb.  H.  E.  iv.  29 ;  Theodoret,  Haer. 
Fab.  i.  20.  The  extant  harmony  ascribed  to 
him  is  now  restored  to  Ammouius  of  Alexandria 
A.D.  228  (Galland,  Bibliotk.  ii.  Proleg.  c.  19,  p.  L). 
For  the  Helchesaites  and  their  book,  see  Hippol. 
Refut.  Omn.  Haer.  viii. ;  Origen  in  Ps.  82  ;  Euseb. 
H.  E.  vi.  38  ;  Timoth.  Presb.  de  Recept.  Haeret. 
in  Cotel. ;  Monum.  Graec.  iii.  390  ;  Epiph.  Haer. 
19,  e.  Ossen.  ;  53,  c.  Samps. 

VIII.  Modified  Judgments. — In  the  earlier  part 
of  the  Pseudo-Gelasian  decree  it  is  said  of 
certain  "  new  narratives  of  the  invention  of  the 
cross,  and  the  invention  of  the  head  of  John  the 
Baptist,"  "  When  they  come  into  the  hands  of 
Catholics,  let  the  sayings  of  the  blessed  Paul 
the  apostle  go  before,  prove  all  things  :  hold 
fast  that  which  is  good."  On  the  works  of 
Rnfinus,  the  reader  is  referred  to  the  judgment 
of  St.  Jerome.  Some  of  the  works  of  Origen 
which  Jerome  does  not  reject  may  be  read. 
"  Reliqua  autem  omnia  cum  auctore  suo  dicimus 
esse  renueuda  "  (Hard.  ibid.  940).  On  the  works 
of  Origen  see  especially  Jerome,  Epp.  86-100. 
12-^;Epist.  Synod.  Theophili,  inter  i/ip.  Hieron. 
92,  §  1  ;  Socr.  H.  E.  vi.  7,  10  ;  Soz.  H.  E. 
viii.  11,  14 ;  Sulp.  Severus,  Dial.  i.  3 ;  Vita 
Pachomii,  17.  The  Chronica  and  Ecclesiastical 
History  of  Eusebius,  though  the  latter  is  con- 
demned in  the  Notitia  Apocryphorum,  are  for  their 
utility  not  "  altogether  to  be  rejected,  but  tlie 
lukewarmness  of  the  First  Book,  and  his  defence 
of  Origen  are  noted  "  (Hard.  u.  s.). 

IX.  Suppression  effectual. — When  the  bishops 
could  appeal  to  no  express  law  of  the  empire, 
they  could  at  least  excommunicate  for  the 
oflence  of  reading  books  condemned  by  the 
church  :  and  they  did  so.  E.  g.  the  patriarch  of 
Constantinople,  595,  punished  a  priest  of  Ly- 
caonia  for  possessing  and  reading  a  book  "in 
which  many  heretical  things  were  contained." 
He  fled  to  Rome,  but  was  not  received  to  com- 
munion there,  until  he  made  a  declaration  of 
having  done  it  "  in  simplicity,"  professed  the 
orthodox  faith,  condemned  everything  heretical 
in  the  book,  manifest  or  latent,  and  pledged  him- 
self never  to  read  it  again  (Epist.  Greg.  M. 
V  34). 

X.  Much  information  on  the  foregoing  subject, 
and  brought   down  to    a  later    period,  may  be 


PKOHIBITED  DEGREES 

found  in  Jac.  Gretser  de  Jure  et  More  proluhendi, 
cxpurgandi,  et  aholendi,  Lihros  Haereticos  et  Noxios, 
Ingolst.  1603 ;  in  the  Supplementum  Dupilex 
to  the  same  work,  Ingolst.  1604;  and  the  later 
Upimctrum  sive  Auctarium  ;  all  printed  together 
in  the  13th  volume  of  his  works,  Eatisb.  1739. 
On  the  suppression  of  works  on  Magic,  see 
Magic,  p.  1076.  [W.  E.  S.] 

PEOHIBITED  DEGREES.  In  order  to 
prevent  incest,  marriage  has  been  forbidden  in 
all  civilized  nations  between  persons  related  to 
one  another  by  blood  or  through  marriage.  How 
fiir  the  prohibition  should  extend  has  differed  in 
different  nations  or  in  the  same  nations  at  dif- 
ferent times. 

The  words  "  prohibited  degrees  "  are  not  free 
from  ambiguity.  They  mean  that  marriage  is 
forbidden  between  persons  related  or  connected 
with  each  other  within  certain  degrees  or  steps 
of  nearness.  Thus,  in  the  direct  line  father  and 
daughter  are  related  in  the  lirst  degree  ;  the 
same  man  and  his  grand-daughter  are  related  in 
the  second  degree ;  the  same  man  and  his  great- 
granddaughter  are  related  in  the  third  degree, 
and  so  on,  whether  in  the  descending  or  ascending 
line.  The  principle  here  is  plain — there  is  one 
step  between  father  and  daughter,  two  between 
grandfather  and  granddaughter,  three  between 
great-grandfather  and  great-granddaughter ; 
consequently  they  are  related  to  one  another  in 
the  first,  second,  and  third  degrees  respectively. 
But  when  we  pass  from  the  direct  line  to  the 
collateral  line,  a  confusion  arises,  owing  to  a  dif- 
ferent manner  of  calculation  adopted  by  canonists 
and  civilians.  According  to  the  canon  law, 
brothers  and  sisters  are  related  in  the  first 
degree,  because  there  is  but  one  step  from  each 
to  the  father,  in  whom  their  blood  unites.  First 
cousins  are  said  to  be  related  in  the  second  degree, 
because  from  each  there  are  two  steps  to  the 
grandfather  in  whom  their  blood  unites;  and 
.similarly  the  children  of  first  cousins,  commonly 
called  second  cousins,  are  said  to  be  related  in 
the  third  degree,  because  each  is  separated  by 
three  steps  from  the  common  grandfither.  When 
one  of  the  parties  is  distant  only  two  steps  from 
the  common  stirps,  and  the  other  three  steps, 
they  are  said  to  be  related  to  each  other  not  in 
the  second  but  in  the  third  degree. 

But  the  civil  lawyers  calculate  otherwise. 
According  to  them,  the  brother  and  sister  are  re- 
lated in  the  second  degree,  because  from  the 
brother  to  his  ftither  is  one  step,  and  from  the 
father  to  his  daughter  (that  is,  the  brother's 
sister)  is  a  second  step.  On  the  same  principle 
an  uncle  and  niece  are  related  in  the  third  degree, 
because  from  the  uncle  to  his  father  there  is  one 
step,  from  that  father  to  his  son  a  second  step, 
and  from  that  son  to  his  daughter  (the  uncle's 
niece)  a  third  step.  First  cousins,  according  to 
this  calculation,  are  related  only  in  the  fourth 
degree,  because  from  one  cousin  to  the  grand- 
father there  are  two  steps,  and  from  the  grand- 
father to  the  other  cousin  there  are  two  steps 
more. 

Consequently,  when  we  speak  of  "  prohibited 
degrees  "  of  propinquity,  we  must  understand 
whether  wo  are  speaking  the  language  of  the 
canon  or  of  the  civil  law.  In  the  Digest,  lib. 
xxxviii.  tit.  x.  {Corpus  Juris  Civilis,  tom.  i.  p. 
1423,  Paris,  1627),  an  enumeration  is  made  of  all 


PEOHIBITED  DEGREES      1725 

relationships  in  the  first,  second,  third,  fourth, 
fifth,  sixth,  and  seventh  degrees,  but  It  will  be 
seen  at  once  how  much  these  must  differ  from 
the  relationships  calculated  on  the  principles  of 
the  canon  law  (see  Vinnius,  In  quatuor  libros 
Institutionum  Commentarius,  De  Nuptiis,  §  4, 
p.  53,  and  De  Gradihus  Cocjnationum,  p.  507,  ed. 
1672;  Selden  de  Jure  Gentium,  v.  ii.  Op.  vol. 
i.  p.  558,  Lond.  1726;  Brouwer  de  Jure  Con- 
iiuhiorum,  lib.  ii.  c.  9,  p.  442,  Delphis,  1714). 
Degrees  of  affinity  are  calculated  in  the  sam'e 
way  as  those  of  consanguinity  ;  a  man  is  there- 
fore in  the  first  degree  of  affinity  (according 
to  the  method  of  calculation  adopted  by  tho 
canon  law)  with  his  brother's  wife,  in  the  second 
degree  with  his  cousin's  wife,  in  the  third  degree 
with  the  wife  of  his  second  cousin. 

It  is  necessary  to  have  a  clear  apprehension  of 
what  is  meant  by  consanguinity  or  affinity  in 
the  different  degrees,  in  order  to  follow  the 
changes  of  the  canon  law  as  it  varied  its  prohibi- 
tions from  time  to  time. 

The  early  Christians  found  two  tables  of  pro- 
hibitions already  framed,  one  contained  in  the 
books  of  Moses,  the  other  in  the  Roman  law. 
They  supplemented  these  lists  by  two  other 
tables,  which  they  created  for  themselves  by  Im- 
perial legislation  and  by  the  decrees  of  councils. 

The  Mosaic  Code.- — -In  the  law  of  Moses,  mar- 
riage is  forbidden  with  the  following  blood  rela 
tions  : — Mother  (Lev.  xviii.  7),  daughter  (Lev. 
xviii.  17),  sister  and  half-sister  (Lev.  xviii.  9  ; 
XX.  17 ;  Deut.  xxvii.  22),  granddaughter  (Lev. 
xviii.  10),  aunt  (Lev.  xviii.  12,  13 ;  xx.  19). 
In  this  list  the  mother,  daughter,  and  sister  are 
related  in  the  first  degree  of  consanguinity,  the 
granddaughter  and  aunt  in  the  second  degree. 
The  grandmother  and  the  niece  are  omitted.  By 
the  same  law,  marriage  is  forbidden  to  the  follow- 
ing i-elations  by  affinity  :  —  Mother-in-law  and 
grandmother-in-law  (Lev.  xviii.  17  ;  xx.  14;  Deut. 
xxvii.  23),  daughter-in-law  (Lev.  xviii.  15 ;  xx. 
12),  brother's  wife  (Lev.  xviii.  16;  xx.  21), 
except  in  one  case  wliere  it  is  sanctioned  by  a 
positive  enactment  for  a  special  political  purpose 
(Deut.  XXV.  5),  step-mother  (Lev.  xviii.  8  ;  xx.  11  ; 
Deut.  xxii.  30),  step-daughter  (Lev.  xviii.  17), 
step-gi-anddaughter  (ibid.),  aunt  by  marriage,  or 
uncle's  wife  (Lev.  xviii.  14 ;  xx.  20),  "  a  wife 
to  her  sister"  (Lev.  xviii.  18).  In  this  list  the 
wife's  mother,  the  wife's  daughter,  the  wife's 
sister  (if  such  be  the  meaning  of  the  expression 
"  a  wife  to  her  sister "),  the  step-mother,  the 
daughter-in-law,  the  brother's  wife  would  be 
related  in  the  first  degree  of  affinity,  the  wife's 
granddaughter  and  the  uncle's  wife  in  the  second 
degree. 

Whether  marriage  with  two  sisters  succes- 
sively is  either  allowed  or  forbidden,  or  not 
touched  by  Lev.  xviii.  18,  is  a  question  which 
has  been  hotly  contested.  The  verse,  as  trans- 
lated in  our  version,  reads  thus :  "  Neither 
shalt  thou  take  a  wife  to  her  sister,  to  vex  her, 
to  uncover  her  nakedness,  beside  the  other  in  her 
lifetime."  These  words  cannot  be  construed  to 
condemn  successive  marriage  with  two  sisters. 
If  they  refer  to  such  marriage  at  all,  they  must 
be  regarded  as  permitting  it ;  for  the  words 
"  in  her  lifetime "  cannot  be  understood  other- 
wise ;  but  the  Hebrew  words  may  he  translated  in 
such  a  way  as  to  give  a  very  different  sense  to 
the  verse.  Accordingly  the  marginal  reading  runs, 


1726        PKOHIBITED  DEGKEES 

"Neither  shalt  thou  take  one  wife  to  another,"  in 
place  of  the  words,  "  Neither  shalt  thou  take  a 
wife  to  her  sister."  Thus  rendered,  the  verse  for- 
bids not  merely  the  simultaneous  marriage  of  two 
sisters,  but  of  any  two  women ;  in  other  words,  it 
is  a  prohibition  of  polygamy.  Though  the  mar- 
ginal reading  was  first  suggested  only  in  the 
16th  century,  there  is  no  doubt  that  gram- 
matically the  Hebrew  phrase  may  be  so  rendered 
(see  Exod.  xxvi.  3,  5,  6,  17,  and  Ezek.  i.  11,  23), 
and  it  is  rendered  in  some  such  manner  in  every 
other  place  in  the  Bible  where  it  occurs.  The 
objections  taken  to  such  rendering  are  minute 
and  arbitrary.  But  though  grammatically  un- 
assailable, it  lands  us  in  this  difficulty,  that  the 
verse,  if  so  interpreted,  appears  to  be  a  distinct 
prohibition  of  polygamy,  and  yet  there  are  other 
passages  which  seem  equally  clearly  to  permit  it 
(Ex.  xxi.  7-11;  Deut.  xxi.  15-17;  xvii.  17). 
And  it  cannot  be  denied  that,  if  polygamy  was 
to  be  forbidden,  we  should  expect  it  to  be  for- 
bidden in  a  more  unmistakable  manner.  To  this 
objection  it  may  be  replied  that  the  verse 
does  not  contain  a  general  prohibition  of  poly- 
gamy, but  that  it  commands  a  man  not  to 
take  one  wife  to  another  "^o  rex"  the  latter. 
According  to  this  interpretation,  the  verse 
would  neither  be  a  prohibition  to  marry  two 
sisters  during  the  lifetime  of  both  of  them, 
nor  consequently  a  permission  to  marry  a 
wife's  sister  after  the  decease  of  one  of  them,  nor 
again  would  it  be  a  prohibition  of  polygamy  in 
general,  but  it  would  be  an  injunction  addressed 
to  a  polygamist  forbidding  him  to  marry  a 
woman  who  would  be  likely  "  to  vex  "  a  wife 
whom  he  had  already  married,  from  being  known 
to  have  a  spite  against  her,  or  any  other  reason. 
If  this  is  the  true  interpretation  of  the  verse,  as 
seems  probable,  it  has  no  bearing  upon  our  sub- 
ject. Marriage  with  a  wife's  sister  is  not  for- 
bidden by  the  Mosaic  tables  unless  it  come  under 
the  general  prohibition,  "None  of  you  shall 
approach  to  any  that  is  near  of  kin  to  him  to 
uncover  their  nakedness  "  (Lev.  xviii.  6),  where 
there  is  no  doubt  that  the  expression  "  near  of 
kin  "  denotes  those  related  not  only  by  consan- 
guinity but  by  affinity.  The  fact  of  a  wife's 
sister  being  in  the  first  degree  of  affinity  and  the 
argument  from  analogy  make  it  likely  that  she 
is  included  under  the  generic  term,  "  near  of  kin," 
bvit  she  is  not  specifically  named. 

The  Eoman  Code. — By  the  Roman  code  mar- 
riage was  forbidden  with  the  following  blood-re- 
lations (natural  or  adopted)  : — Mother,  daughter, 
grandmother,  granddaughter,  sister,  half-sister,* 
and  aunt.  Marriage  with  a  niece  was  likewise 
regarded  as  incestuous,  but  when  Claudius 
desired  to  marry  Agrippina,  he  obtained  from 
the  senate  a  decree,  "  quo  justae  inter  patruos 
fratrumque  filias  nuptiae  etiam  in  posterum  sta- 
tuerentur"  (Tac.  Annal.  .xii.  7),  thus  causing 
marriage  with  a  brother's  daughter  to  be  legal- 
ized, though  marriage  with  a  sister's  daughter 


»  The  consanguinity  and  aJBnity  resulting  from  adop- 
tion was  called  legal  relationship.  It  ceased  to  be  an 
impediment  to  marriage  in  the  case  of  brothers  and 
sisters  by  adoption  as  soon  as  the  adoption  itself  had 
ceased  by  the  death  of  the  adopting  parent  or  the  eman- 
cipation of  either  the  adopted  or  the  real  child.  Legal 
relationship  was  acknowledged  by  the  church  as  an  im- 
pediment (Nicholas,  I.  Resp.  ad  Bulgar.  c.  ii.)- 


PROHIBITED  DEGREES 

still  continued  illegal.  The  innovation  intro- 
duced in  Claudius'  favour,  though  afterwards 
acted  upon  by  Domitian,  was  never  sanctioned  by 
public  feeling. 

The  marriage  of  first  cousins  was  also  origin- 
ally disallowed,  but  by  the  2nd  century  a.c.  it 
had  come  to  be  regarded  as  unobjectionable.'' 

According  to  Roman  law,  therefore,  marriage 
with  blood  relations  was  forbidden  to  those 
related  in  the  first  and  second  degrees  of  prox- 
imity, except  so  far  as  the  ancient  severity  was 
relaxed  by  custom  in  respect  to  cousins,  and  in 
respect  to  brothers'  daughters,  for  the  sake  of 
indulging  the  desires  of  Claudius. 

By  the  same  law,  marriage  was  forbidden  with 
mother-in-law  and  daughter-in-law,  step-mother 
and  step-daughter  (natural  or  adopted),  that  is, 
with  those  related  in  the  first  degree  of  alfinity, 
omitting  the  brother's  wife  and  the  wife's  sister. 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  Mosaic  and  the  Roman 
tables  almost  coincide.  The  chief  difference  is 
that  the  Roman  table  named  the  niece,  until 
altered  at  the  instance  of  Claudius,  while  the 
Hebrew  table  omits  to  name  her,  though  she  at 
least  is  undoubtedly  covered  by  the  expression, 
"  near  of  kin."  The  Koran,  basing  its  regulations 
on  the  Mosaic  code,  specifies  the  niece,  and  adds 
foster-mother  and  foster-sisters  (^Sur.  iv.  20). 

We  may  note  in  passing  that  the  Greek  tables 
of  prohibition  were  less  austere  than  those  of  the 
Romans,  as  would  be  expected  from  the  character 
of  the  two  peoples.  In  Athens  and  Sparta  mar- 
riage with  half-sisters  and  nieces  was  permis- 
sible. But  Greece  was  chaste  in  comjsarison  with 
Persia  and  Egypt,  in  the  first  of  which  marriage 
with  mothers  was  the  custom,  and  in  the  last 
marriage  with  sisters  (see  Selden,  who  enters  at 
length  into  the  question  of  gentile  licence  (I>e 
Jiire  Gentium,  v.  11 ;  Op.  vol.  i.  p.  553). 

llie  Imperial  Code. — The  Christian  Imperial 
code  was  not  a  separate  whole  in  itself.  It  took 
up  the  old  Roman  law  where  it  found  it,  and 
enlarged,  curtailed,  or  otherwise  modified  it, 
according  to  the  altered  needs  of  the  times  (see 
Cod.  Justin,  lib.  v.  tit.  iv.  leg.  17,  de  Cognatis  et 
Affinihus).  In  respect  to  marriage  there  were 
three  questions  on  which  opinion  was  divided : 
1.  Marriage  with  a  niece ;  2.  Marriage  with  a 
deceased  wife's  sister  ;  3.  Marriage  with  a  first 
cousin. 

The  shock  given  to  public  opinion  and  religious 
feeling  by  the  legislation  which  sanctioned  the 
marriage  of  the  emperor  Claudius  with  his 
brother's  daughter  Agrippina  was  not  got  over. 
Domitian  indeed  followed  the  example  of  Claudius, 
and  married  the  daughter  of  his  brother  Titus ; 
but  such  marriages  were  forbidden  by  Nerva, 
who  prohibited  all  marriages  with  a  niece, 
whether  she  were  the  daughter  of  the  brother  or 
of  the  sister.  By  the  time,  however,  of  Caracalla 
we  learn  from  Ulpian  that  marriage  with  a 
brother's  daughter  was  again  permissible,  and 
this  continued  to  be  the  law  down  to  the  time  of 
Constantine.    Sozomen  reports  {Hist.Eccles.  lib.  i. 


^  Spurius  Ligustinus,  A.c.  171,  say.^,  while  recounting 
the  good  things  that  he  had  done  or  which  had  befallen 
him,  "  Pater  mihi  uxorem  fratris  sui  filiam  dedit  "  (Liv. 
xiii.  34).  Vitellius,  in  arguing  for  Claudius's  marriage 
with  his  niece,  a.c.  50,  says:  "Conjugia  sobrinarum  diu 
igiiorata  tempore  addito  percrebuisse "  (Tac.  Annal. 
.\ii.  e). 


PEOHIBITED  DEGREES 

cap.  viii.  p.  21,  Cantab.  1720)  that  Constantme 
passed  some  laws  to  restrain  unlawful  marriages, 
but  no  such  laws  have  come  down  to  us.  Con- 
stantius,  in  the  year  339,  took  up  the  question 
of  marriage  with  a  niece,  and  not  only  utterly 
forbade  it,  whether  she  were  the  daughter  of  a 
brother  or  of  a  sister,  but  imposed  the  penalty 
of  capital  punishment  on  any  guilty  of  the 
offence,  thus  restoring  the  Roman  law  (except  as 
regards  the  penalty)  to  the  state  in  which  it  was 
before  the  innovation  of  Claudius,  and  at  the 
same  time  bringing  it  (with  the  same  excep- 
tion) into  accordance  with  Christian  feeling 
(JJod.  Theod.  lib.  iii.  tit.  xii.  leg.  i.  tom.  i.  p.  294). 

In  the  year  355,  Constantius  took  up  the  ques- 
tion of  marriage  with  a  deceased  wife's  sister 
and  with  a  deceased  brother's  wife.  These  mar- 
riages he  forbade  as  peremptorily  as  those  with 
the  niece  ;  but  allowing  that  they  were  regarded 
in  old  times  as  admissible,  he  did  not  impose 
such  extreme  penalties ;  but  he  denied  them 
the  name  of  marriage,  and  declared  the  chil- 
dren born  of  them  to  be  illegitimate  {Cod. 
Theod.  lib.  iii.  tit.  xii.  leg.  2,  tom.  i.  p.  296). 
This  legislation  was  confirmed  by  Theodosius 
the  Great,  Arcadius,  Theodosius  junior,  and 
Anastasius.  The  frequent  repetition  of  this  law 
shews  that  it  was  frequently  infringed,  and  we 
have  a  remarkable  example  of  its  infringement 
in  the  marriage  of  the  emperor  Honorius  with 
the  two  daughters  of  Stilicho.  In  Constantius' 
law,  marriages  with  a  deceased  brother's  wife 
and  a  deceased  wife's  sister  are  placed  upon 
the  same  footing,  and  no  distinction  is  drawn 
between  cases  in  which  the  previous  marriage 
had  been  dissolved  by  death  and  those  in  which 
it  had  been  dissolved  by  divorce — in  both  alike 
the  second  marriage  is  made  unlawful.  This 
continued  to  be  the  law  of  the  empire. 

Theodosius  the  Great  took  in  hand  the  question 
of  marriage  between  first  cousins.  We  have 
seen  that  the  earliest  Roman  law  did  not  permit 
these  marriages  (Tac.  Annul,  xii.  6),  but  by  the 
year  171  a.c.  they  had  come  to  be  looked  upon 
without  any  disapprobation  (Liv.  xlii.  34).  Theo- 
dosius condemned  them  utterly  in  a  law  made 
in  the  year  384  or  385.  This  law  is  no  longer 
extant,  but  it  is  referred  to  in  the  writings 
of  St.  Ambrose  <=  and  St.  Augustine,  and  by 
Arcadius  and  Honorius,  in  their  subsequent 
laws  of  A.D.  396  and  409,  in  a  way  to  dispel  all 
doubt  as  to  its  bearing.  St.  Ambrose  says : 
"  Theodosius  the  emperor  forbade  under  the 
severest  penalties  the  union  of  first  cousins, 
whether  born  of  the  father's  brother  or  sister  " 
(Epist.  Ix.  (al.  Ixvi.)  ad  Patcrnum,  Op.  tom.  ii. 
p.  1018  ;  Paris,  1690).  St.  Augustine  says,  that 
within  his  own  memory  such  marriages  had 
been  allowed  by  the  civil  law,  but  that  at  the 
time  that  he  was  writing  the  De  Civitate  Dei 
(about  A.D.  428)  they  were  prohibited  (Be  Civi- 
tate Dei,  XV.  16,  Op.  tom.  vii.  p.  459,  ed.  Migne). 
Arcadius  states  that  the  punishment  inflicted  by 
the  Theodosian  law  (for  it  is  to  that  to  which  he 
clearly  refers,  Cod.  Theod.  lib.  iii.  tit.  xii.  leg.  3, 
tom.  i.  p.  297)  consisted  of  Ignes  and  honorum 
proscriptin,  explaining  thus  the  meaning  of  St. 
Ambrose  when  he  speaks  of  its  penalty  as  being 


«  The  authorship  of  thia  law  is  frequently  attributed 
to  St.  Ambrose,  but  this  is  disproved  by  Gothofredus, 
Comment,  in  tit.  10,  lib.  iii.  Cod.  Theod.  torn.  i.  p.  290. 


PROHIBITED  DEGREES      1727 

severissima.  Honorius  refers  to  it  as  a  law  of 
his  father's  (Cod.  Theod.  lib.  iii.  tit.  10,  tom.  i. 
p.  287).  In  the  year  396  Arcadius  repeated  the 
prohibition  of  marriage  between  first  cousins, 
removing  only  the  terrible  penalties  which  his 
father  had  imposed  ;  eight  years  later,  A.D.  404, 
he  changed  his  mind,  and  made  the  marriage  of 
first  cousins  lawful  for  the  Eastern  empire.  (See 
two  very  valuable  notes  of  Gothofredus  on  Cod. 
Theod.  lib.  iii.  tit.  x.  and  tit.  xii.  leg.  3,  tom. 
i.  pp.  288,  298).  Five  years  later  (a.d.  409) 
Honorius  published  a  law  by  which  the  same 
marriages  were  declared  to  be  only  legiti- 
mate in  the  Western  empire  by  the  rescript 
or  dispensation  of  the  emperor,  causing  thus 
a  difference  of  sentiment  and  of  law  in  East 
and  West  (Cod.  Theod.  lib.  iii.  tit.  10;  Cod. 
Justin.  lib.  V.  tit.  iv.  leg.  19).  Arcadius' 
law  of  A.D.  404  was  adopted  by  Justinian,, 
and  its  provisions  became  acknowledged  as  the 
rule  of  the  Eastern  empire.  In  the  West  also, 
marriages  with  cousins  became  freely  per- 
missible, but  were  never  looked  upon  with  so 
much  favour  as  in  the  East.  The  barbaric  codes 
for  the  most  part  regard  them  as  unlawful. 

Canon  Law. — The  canons  of  the  early  church, 
in  so  far  as  they  deal  with  prohibited  degrees  of 
marriages,  are  concerned  with  the  same  three 
cases  that  we  have  seen  engage  the  attention  of 
the  civil  legislator,  and  also  with  attempted 
marriages  between  step-parents  and  step-children. 
Thus  the  council  of  Elvira,  A.D.  305,  imposes  the 
penalty  of  a  five  years'  excommunication  on  any 
one  who  marries  his  deceased  wife's  sister,  can. 
Ixi.,  and  that  of  perpetual  excommunication  on 
any  one  who  marries  his  stepdaughter,  can. 
Ixvi.  (Hefele,  History  of  the  Councils,  Eng. 
transl.  i.  pp.  164,  165).  The  council  of  Neo- 
Caesarea,  a.d.  314,  imposes  perpetual  excom- 
munication on  a  woman  who  marries  two 
brothers,  can.  ii.  (ibid.  p.  224).  The  Apostolical 
Canons  declare  that  a  man  who  has  married  two 
sisters  or  his  niece  may  not  be  a  clergyman 
can.  ix.  (ibid.  p.  465).*  A  Roman  synod  under 
Innocent  I.  a.d.  402,  forbids  marriage  with  a 
deceased  wife's  sister,  can.  ix.  and  with  a  de- 
ceased uncle's  wife,  or  the  son  of  an  uncle,  i.e. 
a  first  cousin,  can.  xi.  (ibid.  ii.  p.  429).  The 
council  of  Agde,  a.d.  506,  defines  as  incestuous 
those  who  marry  their  brother's  widow,  wife's 
sister,  stepmother,  cousin,  uncle's  widow,  uncle's 
daughter,  stepdaughter,  or  any  kinswoman,  can. 
Ixi.  (Labbe,  Concil.  tom.  iv.  p.  1393).  The  first 
council  of  Orleans,  a.d.  511,  forbids  marriage 
with  a  brother's  widow  or  a  deceased  wife's 
sister,  can.  xviii.  (ibid.  p.  1407).  The  council  of 
Epaone,  a.d.  517,  forbids  marriage  with  a 
brother's  widow,  wife's  sister,  stepmother,  cousin, 
uncle's  wife,  or  daughter,  stepdaughter,  or  any 
kinswoman,  can.  xxx.  (ibid.  p.  1580).  The 
council  of  Auvergne,  a.d.  533,  repeats  the 
legislation  of  the  councils  of  Epaone  and  Agde.^ 
can.  xii.  (ibid.  p.  1805).  The  second  council  of 
Orleans,  a.d.  533,  forbids  marriage  with  a  step- 
mother, can.  X.  (ibid.  p.  1718).  The  third  council 
of  Orleans,  A.D.  538,  prohibits  marriage  with 
stepmother,  stepdaughter,  brother's  widow, 
wife's  sister,  cousin,  and  uncle's  widow,  can.  x. 
(ibid.  tom.  v.  p.  297).     This  canon  was  renewed 

d  The  word  consobrinam,  found  in  Haloander's  version 
of  the  canon,  has  no  place  in  the  original. 


17: 


PROHIBITED  DEGREES 


by  the  fourth  council  of  Orleans,  A.D.  541,  can. 
xxvii.  (ibid.  p.  326).  The  third  council  of  Paris, 
A.D.  557,  prohibits  marriage  with  brother's 
widow,  stepmother,  uncle's  widow,  wife's  sister, 
daughter-in-law,  aunt,  stepdaughter,  step- 
daughter's daughter,  can.  iv.  (ibid.  p.  816).  The 
second  council  of  Tours,  A.D.  567,  recites  the 
marriages  forbidden  in  Leviticus  sviii.  and  adds 
to  them  those  with  niece,  cousin,  wife's  sister, 
and  confirms  the  canon  of  1  Orleans,  Epaone,  and 
Auvergne,  can.  xxi.  (ibid.  p.  872).  The  Capitulary 
of  Martin  of  Bracara,  A.D.  573,  forbids  marriage 
with  two  sisters,  cap.  Ixxis.  (ibid.  p.  914).  The 
council  of  Auxerre,  a.d.  578,  forbids  marriage 
with  stepmother,  stepdaughter,  brother's  widow, 
wife's  sister,  cousin,  uncle's  widow,  can.  xxvii. 
33  (ibid.  p.  957).  The  third  council  of  Lj-ons, 
A.D.  583,  renews  the  ancient  canons  against 
incest,  can.  iv.  (ibid.  p.  974).  So,  too,  the  second 
council  of  Macon,  A.D.  585,  can.  xviii.  (ibid.  p. 
987).  The  fifth  council  of  Paris,  A.D.  615, 
renews  the  legislation  of  Orleans,  Epaone, 
Auvergne,  Auxerre,  can.  xiv.  (ibid.  p.  1652). 
The  council  in  Trullo,  a.d.  691,  forbids  marriage 
with  cousin  (uncle's  daughter),  and  prohibits  a 
father  and  a  son  marrying  a  mother  and  a 
daughter,  or  two  sisters,  and  two  brothers  marry- 
ing a  mother  and  a  daughter,  or  two  sisters, 
can.  liv.  (ibid.  torn.  vi.  p.  1167).  The  first 
Roman  council  under  Gregory  II.,  a.d.  721,  for- 
bids marriage  with  brother's  wife,  niece  or 
grandchild,  stepmother  and  stepdaughter,  cousin, 
all  kinsmen,  and  any  one  married  to  a  kinsman, 
can.  T.-ix.  (ibid.  p.  1456).  See  also  the  Indicia 
of  Gregory  III.  Jiid.  xi.  (Hard.  Concil.  torn.  iii. 
p.  1873).  Pope  Zachary,  A.D.  743,  forbids 
marriage  with  two  sisters,  Ep.  vii.  c.  xxii.  (Labbe, 
Concil.  torn.  vi.  p.  1512).  The  first  Pioman 
council  under  pope  Zachary,  A.D.  743,  forbids 
marriage  with  cousin,  niece,  mother-in-law, 
brother's  wife,  and  all  relatives,  cap.  vi.  (ibid. 
p.  1547).  The  same  council  states,  that  pope 
Gregory  had  allowed  marriage  after  the  fourth 
degree,  on  account  of  the  rudeness  of  the  per- 
sons with  respect  to  whom  he  was  writing,  but 
as  a  general  rule  it  lays  down  the  principle  that 
there  should  be  no  marriage  where  any  relation- 
ship is  known,  cap.  xv.  The  council  of  Vermerie, 
A.D.  752,  pronounces  that  those  married  in  the 
third  degree  of  relationship  are  to  be  separated, 
while  those  in  the  fourth  degree  are  only  to  do 
penance,  can.  i.  (ibid.  p.  1657).  The  council  of 
Metz,  A.D.  753,  prohibits  marriage  with  step- 
mother, stepdaughter,  wife's  sister,  niece,  grand- 
daughter, cousin,  aunt ;  any  offender  to  be  fined, 
and  if  unable  to  pay  the  fine  to  be  sent  to  prison 
in  case  he  is  a  freeman,  and  if  not,  to  be  beaten 
with  many  stripes,  cap.  i.  (ibid.  p.  1660).  The 
council  of  Compifegne,  A.D.  757,  orders  separa- 
tion of  those  who  are  (even  one  of  them)  in  the 
third  degree  of  propinquity,  can.  i.  (ibid.  p.  1695). 
The  sixth  council  of  Aries,  A.D.  813,  makes  the 
same  prohibitions  as  previous  councils,  can.  xi. 
(ibid.  tom.  vii.  p.  1236).  The  council  of  Mayence, 
A.D.  813,  forbids  marriage  in  the  fourth  degree, 
can.  liv.  (ibid.  p.  1252). 

The  impediment  of  affinity  was  considered  to 
be  ci-eated  by  illicit  connexion,  as  well  as  by 
marriage  (Council  of  Agde,  can.  Ixi.  Hard. 
Concil.  tom.  ii.  p.  1004). 

Prohibitions  on  the  ground  of  spiritual  rela- 
tionsr.ip   belong   both  to  the  civil  and   to  the 


PROHIBITED  DEGREES 

canon  law.  They  were  first  introduced  by  the 
emperor  Justinian,  who  passed  a  law,  A.D.  527, 
forbidding  any  one  to  marry  a  woman  for  whom 
he  had  stood  as  godfather  in  baptism,  the  tie 
of  the  godfather  and  godchild  being  so  analogous 
to  that  of  the  father  and  child  as  to  make  such 
a  marriage  appear  improper  (Cud.  Justin,  lib.  v. 
tit.  4,  leg.  26).  The  council  in  Trullo,  A.D.  691, 
prohibited  marriage  between  the  godfather  and 
the  child's  mother,  ordering  that  all  who  should 
hereafter  enter  upon  such  marriages  should  be 
separated,  and  do  penance,  can.  liii.  (Labbe, 
Concil.  tom.  vi.  p.  1167).  The  first  Roman 
council  under  Gregory  II.,  a.d.  721,  anathematizes 
all  who  marry  their  commatrem,  can.  iv.  (ibid. 
p.  1256).  Pope  Zachary,  a.d.  741,  forbids  the 
marriage  of  the  godfather  with  mother  or  child, 
Ep.  vii.  c.  xxii.  (ibid.  p.  1512).  The  first  Pioman 
council  under  pope  Zachary,  a.d.  743,  forbids 
marriage  with  "  presbyteram,  diaconam,  nonnam, 
monacham,  vel  etiam  spiritualem  commatrem," 
cap.  5  (ibid.  p.  1547).  The  council  of  Metz,  a.d. 
753,  forbids  marriage  with  "  commatre  sua 
aut  cum  matrina  spiritali  de  fonte  et  confirma- 
tione  episcopi,"  cap.  i. ;  that  is,  it  prohibits  the 
marriage  of  the  father  with  the  godmother  of 
his  child,  and  the  marriage  of  the  child  with  his 
godmother,  and  the  marriage  of  the  confirmed 
person  M'ith  the  person  who  presented  him  for 
confirmation  (ibid.  p.  1660).  The  council  of 
Compiegne,  a.d.  757,  lays  stress  on  the  spiritual 
relationship  created  by  confirmation.  If  a  husband 
offered  for  confirmation  the  son  of  his  wife  by  a 
previous  husband  he  thereby  became  so  nearly 
connected  by  spiritual  kinsmanship  with  his  own 
wife  as  to  have  to  put  her  away,  and  he  was  not 
allowed  to  marry  again,  can.  xii.  (Hard.  Concil. 
tom.  iii.  p.  2005).  The  council  of  Mayence,  a.d. 
813,  forbids  marriage  with  the  godchild  or  the 
godchild's  mother,  or  the  mother  of  the  child 
offered  for  confirmation,  can.  Iv.  (Labbe,  Concil. 
tom.  vii.  p.  1252).  This  kind  of  relationship  is 
recognized  also  by  jiope  Nicholas  I.,  A.D.  860,  in 
his  reply  to  the  Bulgarians  (Hard.  Concil.  torn.. 
V.  p.  343).  For  a  list  of  spiritual  relatives  between 
whom  marriage  was  prohibited  in  later  times, 
reference  may  be  made  to  the  council  of  Salts- 
burg,  A.D.  1420,  can.  xv.  {ibid.  tom.  viii.  p.  980). 
The  council  of  Trent  found  it  necessary  to  re- 
strain these  extravagances  by  confining  spiritual 
relationship  to  sponsors  and  the  child  and  the 
parents  of  the  child,  to  the  baptizer  and  the 
baptized  and  the  parents  of  the  baptized,  to  the 
confirmer  and  the  confirmed  and  the  parents  of 
the  confirmed,  and  to  the  presenter  for  confirma- 
tion and  the  confirmed  and  the  parents  of  the 
confirmed  (Cone.  Trident.  Sess.  xxiv.  ;  De  Reform. 
Matrimon.  cap.  2  ;  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  x.  p.  151). 

It  will  be  seen  from  the  above  review  that 
during  the  whole  of  the  eight  first  centuries 
marriages  were  never  allowed,  either  by  civil  or 
canon  law,  in  the  first  degree,  whether  of  con- 
sanguinity or  affinity,  nor,  with  one  exception 
— that  of  cousins — in  the  second  degree.  The 
first  degree  of  consanguinity  comprises  the 
mother,  the  daughter,  and  the  sister.  With 
regard  to  these  no  question  has  ever  been  raised 
among  Christians.  The  first  degree  of  affinity 
comprises  the  stepmother,  the  wife's  mother,  the 
wife's  daughter,  the  son's  wife,  the  wife's  sister, 
the  brother's  wife.  The  repetition  of  prohibitory 
canons   shews  that  it  was   necessary  to  guard 


PROHIBITED  DEGEEES 

against  the  force  of  temptation  by  again  and 
again  re-affirming  the  law  of  the  church  with 
respect  to  these  cases,  but  there  is  no  wavering 
or  hesitation  as  to  what  was  the  law  binding 
upon  Christians.  The  prohibitions  of  marriage 
with  the  stepmother,  stepdaughter,  mother-in- 
law,  daughter-in-law,  sister-in-law,  and  wife's 
sister  are  as  decided  as  those  of  marriage  with 
the  mother,  daughter,  and  sister. 

The  second  degree  of  consanguinity  comprises 
the  grandmother,  the  father's  sister,  the  mother's 
sister,  the  son's  daughter,  the  daughter's 
daughter,  the  brother's  daughter,  the  sister's 
daughter,  the  first  cousin.  Marriage  with  all 
of  these  was  unanimously  prohibited,  with  the 
one  exception  of  the  cousin,  on  which,  as  V\"e 
have  seen,  great  differences  of  sentiment  existed. 
The  second  degree  of  affinity  comprises  the  fol- 
lowing :  Grandfather's  wife,  wife's  grandmother, 
father's  brother's  wife,  mother's  brother's  wife, 
wife's  father's  sister,  wife's  mother's  sister,  son's 
son's  wife,  daughter's  son's  wife,  wife's  son's 
daughter,  wife's  daughter's  daughter,  brother's 
son's  wife,  sister's  son's  wife,  wife's  brother's 
daughter,  wife's  sister's  daughter.  With  regard 
to  these  there  has  been  no  difference  of  senti- 
ment. The  church  of  England  in  its  "  table  of 
kindred  and  affinity,  wherein  whosoever  are 
related  are  forbidden  in  scripture  and  our  laws 
to  marry  together,"  confines  itself  to  the  rela- 
tionships of  the  first  and  second  degree  (omitting, 
what  the  early  church  omitted,  that  of  cousins), 
for  within  these  two  degrees  are  practically 
comprised  all  the  relatives  that  a  man  could  or 
would  marry;  but  during  the  period  with  which 
we  have  to  do  marriages  within  the  third  and 
fourth  degree  were  also  pronounced  unlawful, 
and,  indeed,  the  prohibition  was  extended  by  the 
end  of  the  6th  century  to  the  seventh  degree  ; 
and  so  it  continued  until  in  the  Western  church 
it  was  once  more  reduced  to  the  fourth  degree 
by  the  Lateran  council  under  Innocent  III.  in 
the  year  1215."=  Two  inferior  kinds  of  affinity, 
arising  from  the  second  marriage  of  a  sister-in- 
law,  and  of  that  sister-in-law's  second  husband, 
were  also  abolished  by  the  fourth  Lateran 
council  ;  and  the  affinity  caused  by  illicit  con- 
nexion was  declared  by  the  council  of  Trent  not 
to  extend  beyond  two  degi-ees  (Sess.  xxiv.  c.  4). 

It  is  not  necessary  to  quote  the  judgments  of 


«  The  growth  of  the  enlargement  of  the  area  of  prohi- 
bitions may  be  studied  in  the  history  of  our  own  country. 
In  the  time  of  Augustine  of  Canterbury,  a.u.  €01,  mar- 
riages in  the  first  and  second  degrees  of  relationship  were 
forbidden,  those  in  the  third  degree  being  counted  of 
doubtful  legality.  (See  Gregory's  Answers  to  Augustine, 
answer  v. ;  Johnson's  English  Canons,  vol.  i.  p.  €9,  Oxf. 
1850.)  Seventy  years  later,  in  the  time  of  Theodore  of 
Canterbury,  a.d.  673,  marriages  in  the  first,  second,  and 
third  degrees  were  forbidden,  and  those  in  the  fourth  were 
only  not  to  be  dissolved  (Theod.  Paenit.  cd.  Petit,  c.  xi. 
p.  12).  By  the  time  of  Lanfranc,  a.d.  1075,  the  prohibi- 
tion, in  England  as  elsewhere,  had  been  extended  to  the 
seventh  degree.  (See  Laufranc's  Canons,  made  in  Lon- 
don, can.  vi.;  Johnson's  English  Canons,  vol.  ii.  p.  14.) 
It  was  owing  only  to  the  "  rudeness  "  of  the  English  that 
marriages  so  far  as  the  seventh  degree  were  not  forbidden 
as  early  as  even  the  time  of  St.  Augustine.  Gregory  ex- 
plains that  elsewhere  he  prohibited  them  to  that  extent. 
(See  his  Rescript  to  Felix,  bishop  of  Messana;  Hard.  Con- 
di, torn.  iii.  p.  518.)  On  like  grounds  Gregory  II.  "con- 
cedes" marriages  after  the  fourth  degree  to  the  Germans 
(Epist.  ad  Bonif.;  ibid.  p.  1858). 


PEOHIBITED  DEGEEES      1729 

the  great  church  teachers  with  respect  to  any 
prohibition,  except  that ,  which  related  to  the 
marriage  of  cousins.  For  on  all  other  cases 
there  is  an  universal  agreement ;  and  we  have 
only  to  say  that  every  writer  who  deals  with  the 
subject  at  all,  witnesses  to  the  prohibitions  of  the 
canon  and  civil  law,  and  endorses  sometimes  one 
and  sometimes  another  of  them.  Thus  St. 
Ambrose  insists  upon  the  prohibition  of  marriage 
with  a  niece  in  writing  to  Paternus,  who  had 
proposed  a  marriage  between  his  son  and  grand- 
daughter {Epist.  Ix.  al  66  ;  Op.  tom.  ii.  p.  1018). 
St.  Basil  argues  with  great  force  and  ingenuity, 
in  his  letter  to  Diodorus,  against  marriage  with 
a  wife's  sister  •"  {Epist.  197  ;  Op.  tom.iii.  p.  213, 
Paris,  1638).  But  on  the  subject  of  the  marriage 
of  cousins  there  is  no  such  consensus.  St. 
Augustine  gives  it  as  his  opinion  that  such 
marriages  are  not  contrary  to  the  divine  law,  as 
they  were  not  contrary  to  Roman  law  until  the 
legislation  of  Theodosius  the  Great.  Until  that 
time,  that  is,  the  end  of  the  4th  century,  no 
objection  appears  to  have  been  taken  to  these 
marriages  by  the  church  ;  but  when  the  state 
changed  its  mind,  and  after  having  vehemently 
condemned  them  for  twenty  years,  once  more 
declared  them  permissible,  the  church,  which 
had  followed  the  imperial  lead  in  the  first 
instance,  did  not  change  back  again  so  readily. 
From  the  5th  century  onwards  ecclesiastical 
authority  first  frowned  upon  the  marriage 
of  first  cousins,  and  then  condemned  them, 
partly  as  being  in  the  second  degree  of 
propinquity,  and  partly  for  physiological 
reasons,  as  stated  by  pope  Gregory  in  his 
fifth  answer  to  St.  Augustine  of  Canter- 
bury. "  Sed  experimento  didicimus,  ex  tali 
conjugio  sobolem  non  posse  succrescere.  Et 
sacra  lex  prohibet  cognationis  turpitudinem 
revelare.  Unde  necesse  est  ut  jam  tertia 
vel  quarta  generatio  fidelium  licenter  sibi 
jungi  debeat ;  nam  secunda  quam  prae  dixi- 
mus,  a  se  omni  modo  debet  abstinere  "  (Bede 
Hist.  Ecdes.  i.  27,  p.  49,  Oson.  1846).  We  have 
already  noted  that  they  were  condemned  by  the 
councils  of  Agde,  a.d.  506,  of  Epaone,  A.D.  517, 
of  Auvergne,  a.d.  533,  by  the  third  council  of 
Orleans,  A.D.  538,  by  the  fourth  council  of 
Orleans,  A.D.  541,  by  the  second  council  of  Tours, 
A.D.  567,  by  the  council  of  Auxerre,  a.d.  578, 
and  by  others,  including  even  the  great  Eastern 
council  in  Trullo,  A.D.  691.  But  these  prohibi- 
tions did  not  begin  till  after  the  legislation  of 
Theodosius,  out  of  which  they  sprang  at  the 
end  of  the  4th  century.     It  is  noticeable  that 

*■  Under  the  shadow  of  the  system  of  dispensations  the 
practice  of  marriage  with  nieces  and  sisters-in-law  Las 
become  once  more  not  unfrequent.  Cardinal  Guibert, 
archbishop  of  Paris,  in  an  address  to  his  diocese  made  at 
the  beginning  of  Lent,  1877,  which  is'devoted  to  the  ques- 
tion of  marriage,  complained  that  in  Paris  the  infractions 
of  the  rules  as  to  intermarrying  within  the  prohibited 
degrees  had  become  alarming  in  their  number.    "  Mar- 


riages between  uncles  and  nieces, 


id  between  brothers- 


in-law  and  sisters-in-law,  which  used  to  be  unknown,  or 
almost  unknown,  have  multiplied  in  these  latter  times 
to  a  degree  which  saddens  us,  inasmuch  as  it  is  a  grievous 
weakening  of  the  principles  of  the  Christian  faith."  The 
archbishop  can  complain  of  the  evil,  but  he  cannot  forbid 
it,  and  he  acknowledges  that  the  state  of  things  is  worse 
in  the  rest  of  France  than  in  Paris.  CUfandement  de  S. 
Sm.  le  Cardinal-Archevcque  de  I'aris  pour  le  Carcmi 
de  1877.) 


1730 


PEOJECTUS 


jirohibitions  of  mcarriage  on  the  gromid  both  of 
cousinhood  and  of  spiritual  relationship  origi- 
nated not  with  the  church,  but  with  imperial 
legislation. 

For  Literature,  see  Marriage,  p.  1113. 

[F.  M.] 

PROJECTUS,  martyr,  commemorated  Jan. 
25  (Bed.  Mart.,  Praejectus  ;  Florus  ap.  Bed. 
Mart. ;  JS'otker. ;  Mart.  Rom. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan. 
2,  636,  deacon,  mart,  at  Cesala,  8th  cent.  [C.  H.] 

PROKIMENON  (irpoKei/xevov).  A  short 
anthem  consisting  of  a  verse  and  response, 
generally,  but  not  always,  taken  from  the  psalms, 
and  often  chosen  so  as  to  point  the  lesson  con- 
tained in  the  Epistle  for  the  day.  It  answers  on 
the  whole  in  the  Greek  liturgy  to  the  Western 
Gradual,  notwithstanding  that  it  is  sung  before 
the  Epistle,  while  the  place  of  the  Gi-adual  is 
between  the  Epistle  and  Gospel.  The  custom  in 
both  cases  doubtless  arose  from  the  earlier 
custom  of  singing  a  psalm  between  every  two 
lections.  •  [  Gradual.  ]  In  the  liturgy  of  St. 
Chrysostom  the  prokimenon  is  preceded  by  a 
proclamation  of  the  deacon,  viz.  xf/aX/xhs  t^  AavtS, 
:^o(pia,  though  no  psalm  is  sung  there.  The 
words  TpaXfjLbs  rcf  AavilS  are  repeated  after  the 
Epistle,  where  again  no  psalm,  but  only 
"Alleluia,"  is  sung.  This  probably  represents 
a  remnant  of  the  ancient  custom,  and  supports 
the  inference  that,  as  the  Gradual  of  the  West 
stands  for  the  psalm  between  the  Epistle  and 
Gospel,  so  the  Prokimenon  represents  that  which 
used  to  divide  the  Old  Testament  lection  (now 
disused  in  that  liturgy)  from  the  Epistle. 

A  Prokimenon  is  also  sung  in  the  Vesper  office 
of  the  Greek  church,  and  on  Sundays  and 
festivals  in  that  of  Lauds  also.  The  ordinary 
Vespers  prokimenon  is  invariable  for  the  day, 
but  on  the  other  occasions  it  refers  to  the 
Epistle,  as  in  the  liturgy.  [C.  E.  H.] 

PEOMUS,  martyr  with  Areus  and  Elias  ; 
commemorated  Dec.  19  (Basil,  ifeno/.). 

PEONAOS.    [Narthex.] 

PEOPERTY  OF  THE  CHUECH.  [Com- 
pare Orders,  holy,  p.  1490.] 

A.  Sources  of  Church  Property. 

1.  Lands. — In  the  earliest  days  of  the  church 
those  who  had  lands  and  houses  sold  them  and 
gave  the  price  to  the  church  fund  (Acts  iv.  34). 
This  continued  to  be  the  custom  of  the  church 
of  Eome  (Theod.  Lector.  Coll.  ii.  p.  367),  which, 
as  Valesius  thinks  had  no  immovable  property 
until  the  time  of  Gregory  the  Great,  excepting 
of  course  church  buildings  and  cemeteries.  So 
Augustine  would  never  purchase  land  or  houses, 
but  if  such  were  given  or  bequeathed  to  the 
church  he  accepted  them  (Posid.  Vita  Aug.  c.  24). 

We  find  the  church  in  possession  of  land  before 
it  was  a  body  recognized  by  the  state.  Alexander 
Severus  adjudged  to  the  church  a  piece  of  common 
land  to  which  the  vintners  also  laid  claim  (Lamprid. 
49).  In  A.D.  261  Gallienus  restored  the  ceme- 
teries. The  edict  of  Constantine  A.D.  313  declares 
that  the  Christians  are  known  to  possess  places 
belonging  not  to  any  individual  but  to  the  whole 
body,  and  he  commands  Anulinus  to  restore  the 
houses,  gardens,  and  other  property  to  the  several 
churches  (Euseb.  Hist.  x.  5).     From  this  time 


PEOPEETY  OF  THE  CHUECH 

immovable  property  was  given  to  the  church  in 
abundance.  Sometimes  the  donor  reserved  the 
usufruct  to  himself  or  some  near  relative,  as  Am- 
brose (Surius,  Apr.  4),  but  many  bestowed  all 
their  farms  and  property  absolutely.  Augustine 
{Ep.  199)  rebukes  Eudocia  for  impoverishing  her 
household  in  this  way. 

(For  the  alienation  of  church  property,  see 
Alienation.)  The  statute  of  limitations  did 
not  apply  to  church  property ;  recovery  was  not 
barred  for  a  hundred  years  {Cod.  Just.  1,  2,  23), 
which  was  afterwards  reduced  to  forty  {Nov. 
cxxxi.  6),  the  regular  limit  being  thirty.  An 
annual  charge  upon  land  by  gift  o-r  legacy  could 
not  be  redeemed  (C.  J.  1,  3,  46),  A.D.  530,  or  in 
any  way  cease  to  be  paid  in  perpetuity  ;  if  alien- 
ated it  could  be  recovered  with  interest  (ibid.  57), 
but  it  might  be  exchanged  with  another  church. 

Leases. — The  usufruct  of  church  property 
could  be  enjoyed  by  a  layman  for  his  lifetime  or 
a  term  of  years,  in  return  for  an  equivalent  paid 
at  death  or  the  end  of  the  contract  (Nov.  vii.  4). 
Justinian  forbade  church  estates  to  be  let  accord- 
ing to  the  ius  colonarium  (a  kind  of  beneficial 
lease  {Nov.  vii.  praef.).  Emphyteusis  was 
permitted  only  for  the  life  of  one  tenant  and 
two  specified  heirs  {Nov.  vii.  3) ;  it  was  for- 
bidden in  pei'petuity  {ibid.  7)  imless  the  estate 
was  profitless  and  could  not  be  improved  {N'ov. 
cxx.  1).  An  ordinary  lease  was  limited  to  twenty 
years  (C.  J.  1,  2,  24),  which  was  afterwards 
extended  to  thirty  {Nov.  cxx.  3). 

Another  method  of  granting  church  money  or 
f;irms  was  per  precdriam,  so  called  either  "  quia 
illudprecario  possidet"  or  "quia  precibus  obtine- 
tur  "  (Ducange).  This  is  sometimes  regarded  as  a 
kind  of  benefice.  One  form  was  a  lease  for  one 
or  a  fevf,  generally  five,  years,  and  rent  was  paid  ; 
sometimes  the  terms  were  the  same  as  the  em- 
phyteusis of  Justinian  {Nov.  vii.),  of  which  kind 
forms  are  found  in  Marculphus,  ii.  form.  39,  40. 

The  earliest  notice  of  precariae  is  in  a  canon 
ascribed  by  Gratian  to  some  African  council  (Labbe, 
Cone.  ii.  p.  1178),  which  permits  a  rector  to  re- 
voke any  precariae  made  by  his  predecessor  to 
the  injury  of  the  church.     [Precariae.] 

2.  Legacies. — a.d.  321.  Constantine  decreed 
that  any  one  might  bequeath  to  the  church  any 
property  he  pleased  {Cod.  Just.  i.  2,  1).  Full 
liberty  was  taken  of  this  privilege,  and  it  was 
soon  abused.  Many  bequeathed  all  their  pro- 
perty to  the  church,  leaving  in  poverty  those 
dependent  upon  them.  Augustine  refused  to  re- 
ceive legacies  if  they  were  needed  by  poor  relatives 
(Posidonius,  Vita  Atig.  24).  He  was  obliged  to 
defend  himself  against  the  charge  of  discouraging 
legacies.  Aurelius,  bishop  of  Carthage,  restored 
his  property  to  a  man  who,  having  given  all  to  the 
church,  afterwards  had  a  son  ;  so  when  an  angry 
father  disinherited  his  son,  Augustine  would  not 
accept  the  legacy  for  the  church  (cf.  Sermo  de 
diversis,  49).  Ambrose  {in  Lucam.  18)  forbids 
to  pinch  relatives  in  order  to  leave  money  to  the 
church.  Jerome  {Epit.  Mar.)  applauds  Marcella 
for  surrendering  her  own  wishes  to  her  mother's, 
and  bequeathing  her  property  to  relatives  rather 
than  the  church.  On  the  other  hand  he  advises 
the  widow  Furia,  in  spite  of  the  opposition  of  her 
father,  to  leave  her  money  to  the  church.  Gregory 
the  Great  restored  an  estate  rather  than  impover- 
ish the  children. 

A.D.  455.     The  law  of  Yalentinian  {Cod.  Just. 


PROPERTY  OP  THE  CHURCH 

xvi.  2,  20),which  forbade  clerics  to  receive  legacies 
from  virgins  and  other  religious  persons  even  as 
trusts,  did  not  probably  prevent  legacies  to  the 
church,  for  Jerome  (cid  Nepotian.)  and  Ambrose 
{ep.  50)  do  not  complain  of  the  law,  but  of  the 
greediness  of  those  will-hunters  who  made  the 
law  necessary.  Theodosius  (xvi.  2,  27,  a.d.  390) 
forbade  deaconesses  to  make  bequests  to  the 
church  ;  they  might  however  give  what  they 
pleased  in  their  lifetime  {ibid.  28).  Full  liberty 
was  restored  to  them  by  Marcian  {Cod.  Just.  i. 
2,  13). 

Augustine  advised  those  who  had  sons  to  add 
Christ  as  one  more  heir  and  give  the  church  an 
equal  share  with  the  rest  (-De  Biv.  Serm.  49);  dead 
children  were  to  be  counted  in  and  their  portion 
go  to  the  church  {ibid.  44).  Justinian  ordered  that, 
on  accepting  a  legacy,  the  bishop  should  enrol  the 
amount  and  the  date  before  the  civil  magistrate 
{Cod.  i.  3,  28).  Also  {Nov.  131,  9,  a.d.  541),  if 
,  legacy  be  left  to  God  or  Christ,  it  is  to  go  to  the 
church  of  the  place  where  the  testator  lived  ; 
when  a  saint  or  angel  is  named,  but  not  the  place, 
then  if  there  are  many  chapels  so  named,  the 
legacy  is  to  go  to  the  poorest  (unless  there  be  one 
which  the  testator  was  known  to  favour,  C.  J.  i. 

26)  ;  if  there  are  no  chapels  in  the  city,  to  one 
in  the  province,  and  failing  that,  to  the  church  of 
the  testator.  If  money  were  left  to  build  a  house 
for  charitable  uses,  the  work  must  be  completed 
within  a  year  {C.  J.  i.  3,  46).  The  canons  of  Car- 
thage (Con.  iv.  c.  xviii.  xix.,  a.d.  398)  forbid  the 
bishop  to  enforce  a  bequest  by  law,  but  Justinian 
commands  the  bishop  to  see  that  a  bequest  is 
duly  carried  out  {Nov.  cxxxi.  11.).  Annual  lega- 
cies might  not  in  any  way  be  changed,  but  were 
to  remain  annual  (C.  J.  i.  3,  46,  a.d.  530  ;  con- 
fii-med  ibid.  1.  57,  A.D.  534). 

The  minute  requirements  of  the  Roman  law 
were  sometimes  relaxed  in  favour  of  the  church 
— e.g.  bequests  to  the  poor  (C.  J.  i.  3,  24),  or 
for  the  redemption  of  captives  {ibid.  28),  were 
valid,  although  the  persons  benefited  were  im- 
certain,  and  the  claim  to  such  money  was  not 
barred  for  a  hundred  years  {C.  J.  i.  2,  23).  The 
Trench  kings  confirmed  the  canons  which  ordered 
that  wills  in  favour  of  the  church  should  be 
fvalid,  although  in  some  points  informal  (C. 
Lugdun.  ii.  2  ;  Paris,  iii.  1).     [Mortmain.] 

The  Lex  Falcidia,  which  forbade  a  man  to  leave 
more  than  three-fourths  of  his  property  in 
legacies,  was  repealed  in  the  case  of  the  church 
{Nov.  cxxxi.  12).  A.D.  772  a  Bavarian  council 
(c.  ii.)  arranged  for  the  alteration  of  a  will 
leaving  property  to  the  church. 

3.  Grants. — Grants  from  the  imperial  funds 
formed  another  source  of  revenue.  Constantine 
gave  a  large  sum  to  be  distributed  by  Caecilian, 
bishop  of  Carthage,  among  the  clergy  of  Africa, 
Numidia,  and  Mauretania  (Euseb.  Hist.  x.  6),  to 
defray  expenses — a  precedent  which  was  fre- 
quently followed  by  later  emperors.  He  also 
granted  an  annual  allowance  of  corn  to  the 
widows,  virgins,  and  clergy  in  each  province 
(Theod.  iv.  4).  This  was  revoked  by  Julian,  but 
one-third  was  restored  by  Jovian  and  confirmed 
by  IMarciau  {Cod.  Justin,  i.  2,  12).  At  the 
council  of  Chalcedon,  Dioscorus,  bishop  of  Alex- 
andria, was  accused  of  appropriating  it  (act.  3). 
Gregory  the  Great  (viii.  ep.  20)  writes  to  the 
proconsul  of  Italy  not  to  withhold  this  grant 
from  the  church  of  Naples.     In  iv.  42  he  blames 

CHRIST.   ANT. — VOL.   II. 


PROPERTY  OF  THE  CHURCH    1731 

Leontius  for  appropriating  the  corn  at  Ariminum. 
The  civilis  annona,  or  grant  of  bread  to  the 
poor,  is  oftener  mentioned  along  with  the  im- 
movable property  of  the  church,  and  could  not 
be  alienated  {Cod.  Just.  i.  2,  14 ;  Nov.  vii.  praef. 
and  cxx.  1).  There  is  a  decree  of  Marcian,  a.d. 
454,  which  is  thought  to  refer  to  this  corn  {C.  J. 
i.  2,  12):  "Et  quia  nostrae  humanitatis  est 
egenis  prospicere  et  dare  operam  ut  pauperibus 
alimenta  non  desint,  salaria  etiam  quae  sacro- 
sanctis  ecclesiis  in  diversis  speciebus  de  publico 
hactenus  ministrata  sunt,  jubemus  nunc  quoque 
inconcussa  et  a  nullo  prorsus  iraminuta  prae- 
stari." 

Anastasius  granted  seventy  pounds  of  gold  to 
the  church  of  Constantinople  for  the  proper  con- 
duct of  funerals  (C.  /.  i.  2,  18 ;  cf.  Nov.  lix.). 

When  the  barbarians  divided  the  lands  of  the 
empire,  the  church  estates  remained  sacred  ; 
generally  they  were  increased.  Clovis  and  his 
first  successors  awarded  large  tracts.  St.  Remi- 
gius  received  a  great  number  of  lands  to  be 
distributed  among  the  destitute  churches.  The 
royal  exchequer  was  greatly  impoverished  (Greg. 
Turon.  vi.  46).  Ludwig  made  grants  to  the 
church  of  Orleans  (Con.  Aurel.  i.  c.  5,  A.D.  511). 
Dagobert  I.  gave  the  royal  revenue  from  Tours 
to  the  church  of  St.  Martin  {Eligii  Vita,  1,  32). 
So  rapidly  and  alarmingly  was  the  church  of 
France  becoming  rich,  that  king  Chilperic  an- 
nulled all  testaments  in  which  the  church  was 
made  heir,  but  this  was  repealed  by  Gunthram 
soon  after.  Charles  Martel  seized  a  quantity  of 
church  land  to  reward  his  soldiers,  A.D.  740,  but 
part  was  restored  by  Pippin  {Gesta  Francorum, 
Planck).  Frequently  the  gifts  made  by  kings 
were  confirmed  in  synods,  as  those  of  Gunthram 
at  Valence,  and  of  Dagobert  (Planck,  ii.  203),  and 
of  Pippin  at  Ratisbon,  a.d.  742. 

4.  Slaves.  —  a.d.  590  the  first  council  of 
Seville  (c.  1)  was  i-equested  by  the  deacons  to 
annul  some  manumissions  of  the  late  bishop 
Gaudentius.  They  found  that  the  existing 
canons  forbade  the  alienation  of  church  property, 
and  rendered  all  such  transactions  void.  It  was 
decreed  that  if  Gaudentius  had  left  property  to 
the  church  the  slaves  might  remain  free,  other- 
wise he  ought  not  to  injure  the  church.  Still, 
to  judge  more  according  to  the  precepts  of 
humanity  than  by  strict  law,  such  freed  men 
were  to  remain  in  ius  ecclesiae,  ut  idonei :  their 
property  they  might  leave  to  their  sons,  but  to 
no  others.      See  SLAVERY. 

5.  Occasional  sources  of  revenue  were  the 
estates  of  clerics  and  religious  persons  who  died 
intestate  and  without  relatives  {Cod.  Just.  i.  3, 
20).  Theodosius  extended  to  the  church  this 
privilege  which  all  other  collegia  possessed. 
Clerics  without  relatives  were  expected  to  leave 
their  property  to  the  church  (Salvian.  ad  Salonic), 
and  were  allowed  no  heirs  but  their  nephews  by 
C.  Agath.  c.  24,  A.D.  506.  Also  all  the  property 
of  a  bishop,  except  what  he  possessed  before  his 
appointment  or  inherited  from  relatives  {Nov. 
cxxxi.  13  ;  cf.  C.  Rhem.c.  10,  20):  tfie  estates  of 
freed  men  of  the  church  who  died  childless 
(Greg.  M.  v.  12):  the  marriage  fees  of  slaves  on 
church  land  {ibid.  i.  42) :  property  stolen  from  a 
church  tenant,  if  recovered  (this  was  forbidden 
by  Gregory,  I.  c.) :  fines  for  ecclesiastical  offences  : 
the  estates  of  clerks  who  became  seculars  again 
(C.  /.  i.  3,  55).      The  goods  of    heretics  were 


1732     PROPEKTY  OF  THE  CHURCH 

sometimes  bestowed  on  the  church,  as  were  those 
of  Nestorius  when  he  was  sent  into  exile  by 
Theodosius.  So  also  were  the  houses  where 
Montanists  assembled  (Cod.  Theod.  xvi.  5,  57), 
and  Donatists  (ibid.  54).  Honorius  gave  several 
heathen  temples  (Cod.  Theod.  xvi.  10,  20).  Con- 
stantius  gave  a  temple  of  the  sun  at  Alexandria 
(Sozomeu,  v.  7),  and  some  basilicas,  as  the  Sesso- 
rian  and  the  Lateran.  The  statue  of  Serapis 
and  other  idols  at  Alexandria  were  melted  down 
for  the  use  of  the  church,  the  emperor  giving 
orders  that  the  gods  should  help  to  maintain  the 
poor  (Socrates,  vii.  7). 

Fees  for  baptism  were  at  one  time  paid. 
Greg.  Naz.  (de  Bapi.  Fr.  655)  writes  against  it. 
The  Con.  Eliberis,  c,  xlviii.  forbids  this  practice,  so 
does  Gelasius  (Ep.  ix.  c.  5)  ;  and  for  confirmation 
also.  Con.  Braccara,  ii.  c.  7,  forbids  the  exaction  of 
a  pledge  at  baptism  from  those  who  were  too  poor 
to  make  an  offering  ;  and  c.  v.  forbids  the  bishop 
to  extort  a  fee  from  the  founder  at  the  consecra- 
tion of  a  church.  Jerome  (Quaest.  Hebraic.  Gen. 
xxiii.)  censures  the  practice  of  exacting  money 
for  a  burial-place. 

6.  Benefices. — Ducange  defines  a  benefice  to  be 
"  praedium  fiscale  quod  a  rege  vel  principe  vel 
ab  alio  quolibet,  ad  vitam  viro  nobili  utendum 
conceditur.  Ita  autem  appellatum  est,  quod  is 
ex  mere  dantis  beneficio  ac  liberalitate  illud 
possideat."  The  word  had  a  wider  sense  in 
ecclesiastical  usage,  "  beneficia  ecclesiastica  dice- 
bantur  universim  res  ecclesiae  in  beneficium 
datae,  sive  a  principibus  sive  ab  ipsis  ecclesiis 
et  earum  praelatis  in  beneficium  datae  essent." 
It  has  apparently  the  sense  of  oblations  in  the 
first  canon  of  the  council  of  Auxerre,  a.d.  578. 
In  the  laws  of  the  Visigoths  (ix.  5,  5),  it  is 
equivalent  to  merces,  and  is  used  in  this  widest 
signification  by  Thomassin  in  his  work,  Vetus  et 
Kova  Ecclesiae  Disciplina  circa  Beneficia  et  Bene- 
ficarios,  which  treats  of  every  kind  of  payment 
to  the  clergy. 

Originally  a  benefice  was  not  separate  from 
ordination.  By  the  fact  of  ordination  a  clergy- 
man was  attached  to  a  church  and  could  claim 
maintenance.  All  the  funds  throughout  the 
diocese  were  handed  over  to  the  bishop,  who 
gave  the  clergy  their  portions.  Gradually  the 
custom  grew  up  of  making  special  reservations 
to  particular  places ;  the  right  to  maintenance 
was  no  longer  personal  but  focal ;  the  principle 
prevailed,  "  ut  qui  titulum  haberet  ius  quoque 
fructus  percipiendi  ex  bonis  titulo  annexis  con- 
sequeretur."  Ultimately  the  canonists  defined  a 
benefice  as  "ius  perpetuum  percipiendorum 
fructuum  quorumcumque  ex  bonis  ecclesiasti- 
cis  seu  Deo  dicatis  "  (Van  Espen.  vol.  i.  part  2, 
tit.  xviii.).  For  other  sources  from  which  the 
clergy  were  maintained,  see  also  Tithes,  Obla- 
tions, First-Fruits. 

Thomassin  considers  the  history  of  the  word 
to  be  as  follows  (ii.  lib.  iii.  c.  xiii.).  Benefices 
were  originally  lands  granted  by  the  emperor: 
when  laymen  seized  church  lands,  these  were 
held  also  of  the  prince  or  the  church  by 
military  tenure,  and  called  lenefices:  the  name 
remained  after  they  had  been  restored  to  the 
church.  The  other  explanation  is  that  they  were 
granted  to  the  soldiers  of  Christ  on  condition 
ot  serving  faithfully  in  the  army  of  the 
church.  I 

Binius,    followed    by   Baronius   (anno    502),  I 


PEOPEETY  OF  THE  CHUECH 

fixes  the  origin  of  benefices  at  the  beginning  of 
the  6th  century.  That  benefices  were  only 
just  coming  into  use  in  the  church  at  this 
time  is  supported  by  the  fact  that  some  clergy, 
after  enjoying  the  usufruct  for  thirty  years 
or  forty  (Just.  Nov.  cxxxi.  6),  claimed  the  lands 
as  their  own  by  pres-cription.  The  first  council 
of  Orleans  (c.  xxiii.),  A.D.  511,  decreed  that  if 
the  kindness  of  the  bishop  had  allowed  clerics 
or  monks  to  till  or  hold  lands  or  vineyards, 
even  though  many  years  could  be  proved  to 
have  passed,  the  church  was  to  suffer  no  harm, 
and  the  secular  law  of  prescription  (thirty 
years)  was  not  to  be  put  forward  to  the 
prejudice  of  the  church.  It  \^as  also  found 
necessary  to  forbid  all  clerics  to  go  to  the 
prince  to  seek  for  benefices  without  letters  com- 
mendatory from  the  bishop  (can.  vii.).  In  a.d. 
517  it  was  decreed  (Cone.  Epaonense,  c.  xiv.) 
that  if  a  beneficed  priest  be  elected  bishop 
of  another  church,  he  is  to  return  all  gifts 
previously  made  to  him  by  his  church.  Canon 
xviii.  enacts  that  the  secular  law  of  prescription 
is  not  to  apply  to  the  church. 

Although  a  benefice  was  altogether  the  free 
gift  of  the  bishop,  yet  his  right  to  revoke  his 
gift  was  questioned.  In  A.D.  538  the  third 
council  of  Orleans  (c.  xvii.)  forbade  a  bishop  to 
revoke  the  benefices  (munificentias)  granted  by 
a  deceased  predecessor,  except  for  improper  con- 
duct, but  he  could  force  an  exchange ;  his  own 
gifts  he  might  revoke  if  the  recipients  proved 
contumacious. 

Benefices  were  granted  by  word  of  mouth  or 
by  writing  (C.  Aurel.  iv.  c.  xviii.  a.d.  541),  as 
the  bishop  thought  fit ;  in  neither  case  could  the 
benefice  be  alienated.  If  a  benefice  were  granted 
to  a  cleric  of  another  church,  at  his  death  the 
benefice  returned  (ibid.  c.  xxxvi.).  Improvements 
went  to  the  church  at  the  death  of  the  benefi- 
ciary (ibid.  c.  xxxiv.).  If  a  bishop,  by  will,  left  a 
farm  to  a  cleric,  who  entered  upon  it  during  the 
vacancy,  the  new  bishop  might  confirm  or  annul 
the  legacy  (ibid.  c.  xxxv.).  A.d.  554  the  fifth 
council  of  Aries  (c.  v.)  forbids  clerics  to  dete- 
riorate the  property  of  which  they  have  the 
use  ;  the  younger  are  to  be  punished  ;  the  older 
to  be  regarded  as  murderers  of  the  poor.  a.d. 
567  the  second  council  of  Lyons  (c.  v.)  forbids 
bishops  to  withdraw  the  gifts  of  their  prede- 
cessors ;  if  the  beneficiaries  need  punishment,  it 
should  be  on  the  persons  rather  than  their  pro- 
perty. Such  canons  were  rendered  necessary  by 
the  frequent  quarrels  of  the  bishop  and  his  clergy, 
(Gregory  of  Tours,  Hist.  iv.  7 ;  v.  49  ;  vi. 
36).  The  will  of  Hadoind,  a  Galilean  bishop 
(apud  Baronium,  a.d.  652),  mentions  a  villa 
"  quam  Lupus  quondam  per  beneficium  nostrum, 
tenere  visus  fuit,  similiter  villa  quam  ex  munifi- 
centia  nostra  concessimus."  Lupus  is  to  enjoy 
the  usufruct,  and  on  his  death  they  are  to  be 
restored  to  the  church. 

In  the  Church  of  Italy  the  epistle  of  Sym- 
machus  to  Caesarius  of  Aries  probably  describes 
the  custom  of  that  time,  to  give  a  benefice  only 
to  deserving  clergy,  or  monks  or  strangers,  when 
there  is  some  strong  necessity  (Epist.  v.).  This 
was  confirmed  by  a  council  held  at  Rome  (cap.  iv. 
A.D.  502).  Gregory  the  Great  granted  a  benefice 
to  a  presbyter  at  the  request  of  his  bishop  ;  but 
ordered  the  annual  value  of  the  benefice  to  be 
deducted    from    the    presbyter's    share    at    the 


PKOPERTY  OP  THE  CHURCH 

ordinary  division  (Thomassin,  pars  3,  lib.  2, 
cap.  v.). 

In  Spain,  the  second  council  of  Toledo  (can.  iv. 
A.D.  531)  enacts :  "  si  quis  clericorum  agellos  vel 
vineolas  seu  alia  aedificia  in  terris  ecclesiae  sibi 
fecisse  probatur,  sustentandae  vitae  suae  causa, 
usque  ad  obitus  sui  diem  possideat.  Post  deces- 
sum,  ius  suum  ecclesiae  restituat,  nee  testamen- 
tario  aut  successorio  iure,  cuiquam  haeredum 
aut  prohaeredum  relinqviat  nisi  forsitan  episcopus 
pro  servitiis  aut  praestatione  ecclesiae  largiri 
voluerit."  A.D.  589  the  third  council  of  Toledo, 
c.  iii.,  enacts  that  bishops  are  not  to  alienate  the 
property  of  the  church.  However,  if  they  give 
to  the  churches  of  their  diocese  anything  which 
does  not  seriously  hamper  the  utility  of  the 
church,  "firmum  maneat";  and  to  strangers, 
clerics,  and  the  needy,  "  salvo  iure  ecclesiae  prae- 
stare  permittantur."  "  Firmum  maneat  "  im- 
plies that  the  land  would  never  return  to  the 
mother  church ;  it  is  the  contrary  to  the 
phrase  '-salvo  iure  ecclesiae."  So  canon  iv. 
allows  a  grant  to  a  monastery.  Sometimes  a 
benefice  was  granted  by  way  of  reward  and 
incentive  to  further  ettort :  if  the  bishop's 
liH[ies  were  disappointed  he  might  recall  his  gift 
(Con.  Emerit.  c.  xiii.  a.d.  666). 

The  laws  of  the  Visigoths  (iv.  5,  6)  forbid  the 
usual  law  of  prescription  to  apply  to  benefices,  and 
order  the  bishops  to  supply  rectors  of  churches 
with  a  list  of  the  property  of  the  benefice  :  the 
widow  and  children  of  a  deceased  beneficiary 
were  not  to  be  turned  out  of  the  benefice  (i.  1,  4). 

A.D.  779.  Charles  the  Great  ordered  "  decima  et 
nona  cum  ipso  censu  sit  soluta  "  by  those  who  held 
church  estates,  and  Selden  explains  nona  to  mean 
( Tithes,  chap,  vi.)  that,  in  addition  to  the  tithe 
which  all  land  was  supposed  to  pay,  a  ninth  part 
was  to  be  paid  as  rent  to  the  church,  a.d.  794 
the  council  of  Frankfort,  c.  xxv.,  orders  "  decimas 
et  nonas  sive  census,  donent  qui  debitores  sunt 
ex  beneficiis  et  rebus  ecclesiarum."  Can.  xxvi. 
orders  churches  to  be  restored  by  those  "  qui  bene- 
ficia  exinde  habent." 

In  the  East  there  is  no  trace  of  the  custom  of 
granting  benefices.  The  decree  of  Leo  and  An- 
themius  (a.d.  470,  Cod.  Just.  1,  2,  14),  which 
Thomassin  quotes,  has  reference,  not  to  granting 
a  benefice,  but  to  making  a  lease  in  the  usual 
way ;  for  the  usufruct  is  granted  only  in  exchange 
for  usufruct  of  equal  value  (sec.  5).  So  also 
Nov.  vii.  4. 

B.  Administration  of  Church  Property. 

The  administration  of  church  property  was 
the  duty  and  privilege  of  the  bishop,  as  is  de- 
clared by  the  council  of  Antioch,  can.  xxiv.,  A.D. 
341 ;  cf.  CI.  Rome,  vi.  c.  7 ;  Gelasius,  ep.  x. ; 
Gregory  the  Great,  ii.  13.  All  subordinate 
officials  were  bound  to  give  an  account  to  the 
bishop  and  to  act  according  to  his  judgment, 
whether  they  were  oeconomi  (Chalcedon,  c.  xxvi.), 
or  managed  the  guest-houses  (Greg.  Mag.  iii.  24), 
or  poorhouses  (Chalcedon,  c.  viii.),  or  parishes 
(ibid.  c.  xvii.),  or  charitable  trusts  in  general 
(Justin.  Nov.  cxxiii.  23).  Yet  the  power  of  the 
bishop  was  far  from  absolute.  He  was  controlled 
by  (1)  the  rights  of  the  clergy,  (2)  by  the  laws 
of  the  empire,  and  (3)  by  the  decrees  of  his  metro- 
politan and  of  the  provincial  synod  or  of  general 
councils.     [Bishop.] 

1.  The  rights  of  the  clergy  cannot  be  defined 


PROPERTY  OF  THE  CHURCH    1733 

with  exactness,  but  they  possessed  the  following 
privileges,  a.d.  341.  The  council  of  Antioch' 
c.  xxiv.,  decrees  that  the  bishop  is  to  admin- 
ister, but  the  presbyters  and  clergy  are  to  be 
made  acquainted  with,  the  property  of  the 
church,  that  it  may  not  be  confused  with  the 
private  property  of  the  bishop.  (Cp.  to  the 
same  purpose  Apostolic  Canon  xxxix.  or  xl.) 
Canon  xxv.  reseiwes  to  the  bishop  the  right  of 
dispensing  to  the  poor,  but  if  the  presbyters  and 
deacons  disapprove  they  may  summon  the  bishop 
before  the  provincial  synod.  So  the  CI.  of  Brac- 
cara,  iii.  c.  16,  a.d.  572.  The  CI.  of  Carthage,  iv. 
c.  32,  A.D.  398,  declared  a  sale  or  gift  to  be  void 
if  made  by  the  bishop  without  the  consent  and 
subscription  of  the  clergy.  The  edict  of  Leo, 
A.D.  470  (Cod.  Just.  1,  2,  14),  recognizes  the 
clergy  of  Constantinople  as  having  a  voice  in  the 
alienation  of  church  property.  So  also  Justinian, 
A.D.  536  {Nov.  xlvi.  1,  2),  relaxing  the  strict 
prohibition  of  Nov.  vii.  1,  allows  to  the  clergy  of 
a  church  the  right  of  judging  whether  it  were 
expedient  to  alienate  property  ;  and  by  Nov.  vii.  3 
the  consent  of  five  priests  and  two  deacons  is 
required  to  make  valid  the  kind  of  lease  called 
emphyteusis.  [Alienation.]  Thus  the  rights 
of  the  clergy  were  limited  to  control,  the  active 
administration  being  the  privilege  of  the  bishop. 
In  some  cases  presbyters  seized  this  privilege, 
but  it  was  held  to  be  an  act  of  insubordination 
(Greg.  Turon.  ii.  23).  The  council  of  Gangra, 
c.  vii.  viii.,  A.D.  324-371  (the  date  is  doubt- 
ful), anathematizes  any  who  give  or  receive 
gifts  for  the  church,  save  the  bishop  and  his 
appointed  officer.  This  has  reference  most 
probably  to  heretics  who  persuaded  people  to 
trust  the  dispensing  of  alms  to  them  rather 
than  to  the  orthodox  bishop  (Binii  Annot.). 

2.  The  imperial  laws  limiting  the  power  of 
the  bishop  as  to  alienation  and  leases  will  be 
found  in  the  article  Alienation,  and  above  under 
the  heading  leases. 

3.  A  council  had  at  all  times  the  right  to 
overrule  a  bishop.  Charges  of  maladministration 
are  frequent  in  the  history  of  the  church. 
Athanasius  was  charged  before  the  council  of 
Tyre;  Dioscorus  also,  bishop  of  Alexandria, 
before  the  council  of  Chalcedon,  where  Iba  of 
Edessa  was  also  tried.     See  Council. 

Patrons  were  not  allowed  to  interfere  with 
the  endo\vments  which  they  had  made  to 
churches  (CI.  Toledo  iii.  c.  19).     [Patron.] 

The  increase  of  wealth,  and  in  some  cases 
the  negligence  or  dishonesty  of  the  bishop, 
required  that  he  should  have  the  aid  of  an 
official.  The  Arabic  canons  of  the  council  of 
Nicaea  (c.  Iviii.  iv.)  decree  that  the  citizens 
of  each  city  are  to  choose  some  monk  or 
ecclesiastic  to  manage  the  hospitals.  Canon 
Ixxxvi.  orders  an  oeconomus,  or  steward,  to  be 
appointed  in  each  church,  and  with  him  others, 
to  manage  the  estates,  farms,  fruits,  and  vessels. 
(Cf.  chap.  Ixiii.  of  the  other  Arabic  version  in 
Labbe,  Gone,  ii.)  Gregory  of  Nazianzum,  when 
made  bishop  of  Constantinople,  found  no  account 
of  the  property  of  his  see,  and  during  his 
occupancy  he  kept  no  accounts  {Carmen  cfe  \ita 
Sua).  Chrysostom  was  accused  of  managmg  his 
revenues  without  giving  any  account  to  the 
clergy  (Photius,  Bibl.  Cod.  59).  Soon  after  his 
time  the  church  of  Constantinople  possessed 
more  than  one  steward,  as  we  find  from  the 
5  T  2 


1734    PEOPEKTY  OF  THE  CHURCH 

letter  of  the  council  of  Ephesus  addressed 
"  presbyteris  et  oecouomis,"  though  perhaps 
these  were  assistants  to  the  steward,  of  whom 
there  is  mention  in  the  Life  of  Chrysostom  by 
Palladius  (c.  20).     [Oeconomus.] 

In  the  Western  church  the  assistant  of  the 
bishop  was  generally  a  deacon,  or  archdeacon, 
or  subdeacon,  sometimes  a  presbyter,  occasionally 
a  layman.  Cyprian  brings  charges  of  fraud 
and  embezzlement  against  the  deacon  Felicis- 
simus  and  another  (Epp.  49,  55),  but  similar 
charges  against  Novatus,  who  was  a  presbyter. 
Augustine  committed  the  property  of  his  see 
to  certain  of  the  clergy,  from  whom  he  required 
a  strict  account  every  year  (Possid.  Vita,  24). 
When  on  a  journey  he  had  to  make  a  payment 
from  the  church  funds,  he  wrote  to  the  pres- 
byters (ep.  219),  and  at  his  death  left  the 
charge  of  all  the  property  to  the  presbyter 
Fidelis,  who  had  previously  had  care  of  the 
fabric  of  the  church.  Ambrose  left  the 
finances  of  his  see  of  Milan  to  be  administered 
by  his  brother  Satyrus,  who  was  a  layman. 
Prudentius  (irepl  arecp.)  celebrates  the  arch- 
deacon, St.  Laurence,  who  had  charge  of  the 
buildings  and  dispensed  the  alms.  St.  Martin 
orders  his  deacon  to  clothe  a  poor  man  (ap. 
Sulpitium).  At  Ticino,  Epiphanius,  before  he 
was  made  bishop,  managed  the  property  as 
deacon  (Eunodius,  ]'ita  Epiph.).  Pope  Agapetus 
transferred  to  an  archdeacon  the  government 
of  the  church  of  Regium  in  Gaul  (Cone.  Gall, 
i.  239,  A.D.  535).  The  council  of  Paris  V.  c.  8, 
joins  the  archdeacon  with  the  bishop  in  a 
decree  against  the  unlawful  assumption  of 
monastic  lands.  In  the  letters  of  Gregory 
the  Great  we  find  that  it  fell  chiefly  to  the 
archdeacon  to  have  charge  of  the  property, 
and  he  would  have  to  make  good  any  loss 
(i.  10,  19;  ii.  14,  15;  vii.  130).  He  was 
assisted  by  a  deacon  or  subdeacon  (i.  70),  and  in 
some  cases  was  released  from  his  onerous  duties 
after  five  years  (vii.  130).  The  CI.  of  Braccara 
[Braga],  II.  c.  7,  A.D.  563,  orders  the  arch- 
deacon to  manage  the  fund  for  repairs  and 
account  to  the  bishop.  Deacons  managed 
the  Sicilian  estates  of  the  church  of  Piavenna 
(Greg.  M.  is.  4),  and  as  such  duties  formed 
their  main  employment,  diaconia  came  to  ex- 
press the  duties  of  a  steward.  The  CI.  of 
Seville  II.  c.  9,  a.d.  619,  forbids  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  layman  to  the  office  of  oeconomus 
as  contrary  to  canon  xxvi.  of  CI.  Chalcedon, 
and  regards  every  bishop  guilty  of  contempt 
and  punishable  who  shall  administer  without 
an  oeconomus.  The  fourth  council  of  Toledo, 
canon  xlviii.  A.n.  633,  confirms  this.  Gregory 
{Epp.  vii.  6)  had  already  forbidden  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  layman.  An  oeconomus  is  ordered 
by  Gregory  to  manage  the  funds  of  the  see  of 
Dalmatia,  which  were  under  the  care  of  the 
subdeacon  during  a  vacancy  {Epp.  ii.  22).  This 
officer  was  also  sent  by  him  to  look  after  the 
guest-houses  of  Sardinia  (ii.  59). 

If  a  bishop  neglected  his  duties,  the  metro- 
politan had  the  right  of  compelling  him  (Justin. 
iVor.  cxxxi.  c.  11).  In  later  times  the  popes  as- 
sumed a  general  supervision,  and  often  appointed 
a  deputy.  Simplicius  transfers  to  Onagrius,  a 
presbyter  of  the  church  of  Ausona,  the  admi- 
nistration of  the  fund  for  the  poor  and  for 
repairs  (epp.  3).      Gregory  (ep.  ix.  28)  orders 


PEOPEKTY  OF  THE  CHURCH 

the  bishop  of  Ravenna  to  appoint  a  deputy,  and 
sends  the  presbyter  Candidus  to  see  after  the 
estates  of  the  Roman  see  in  Gaul  (v.  5  ;  x.  55). 
The  letters  of  Gregory  the  Great  shew  how 
large  an  amount  of  work  fell  upon  an  active 
administrator.  The  church  of  Rome  possessed 
estates  in  Sicily,  Sardinia  and  Corsica,  in  Apulia 
Campania  Liguria,  in  Dalmatia,  lllyricum,  Gaul, 
Africa,  and  even  in  the  East.  There  are  letters 
addressed  to  the  administrators  of  papal  estates 
in  all  these  territories,  and  in  many  cities. 
Gregory  prescribes  the  most  minute  regulations 
for  these  lands,  shields  the  peasant  from  the 
exactions  of  the  farmer  or  papal  officer,  fixes 
the  amount  of  small  vexatious  payments,  destroys 
false  weights  and  measures,  and,  lest  abuses 
should  be  revived,  provides  legal  forms  of  secu- 
rity (see  espy.  i.  42).  He  lowered  the  charge  for 
marriage  of  slaves,  secured  succession  to  the 
relatives  of  the  deceased,  and  repressed  the  un- 
scrupulous zeal  of  the  clergy.  Besides  deaconu 
and  subdeacons,  he  appointed  eminent  bishops  as 
his  vicars  (Milman,  Latin  Christianity). 

C.  The  Distribution  of  Funds. 

1.  This  was  the  duty  of  the  bishop.  Origi- 
nally all  revenues,  from  whatever  source  through- 
out the  diocese,  were  paid  into  his  hands. 
Afterwards  reservations  were  made  to  persons 
and  places.  The  Apostolic  Canons  and  Constitu- 
tions may  be  taken  to  represent  the  customs  of 
the  third  and  fourth  centuries.  Canon  xxxvii. 
(or  xxxix.)  recognizes  the  bishop  as  the  distri- 
butor of  all  goods  of  the  church,  and  warns 
him  not  to  appropriate  them  to  himself  or  his 
parents,  unless  they  are  poor.  Canon  xl.  (or 
xli.)  commits  all  to  the  care  of  the  bishop, 
who  is  to  dispense  to  the  poor  through  the 
presbyters  and  deacons.  The  Ap)ostolic  Constitu- 
tions (ii.  28)  order  that  at  the  agape  a  portion 
is  to  be  set  apart  for  the  bishop  as  first-fruits, 
even  though  he  may  not  be  present.  A  deacon 
is  to  have  twice  as  much  as  a  deaconess ;  a 
priest  who  has  laboured  assiduously  is  to  have 
a  double  portion,  a  reader  or  singer,  or  door- 
keeper, has  one  share.  The  priests  are  to  have 
the  first-fruits  of  new  bread,  of  wine  from  the 
cask,  of  oil,  honey,  apples,  grapes,  and  other 
fruit;  first-fruits  of  money  or  clothing  were 
for  the  orphan  and  widow.  Every  tithe  was 
to  be  given  to  the  orphan  and  widow,  the 
poor  and  the  proselyte  (vii.  30).  It  is  ordained 
(viii.  30)  that  all  first-fruits  are  to  support  the 
bishop,  priests,  and  deacons ;  the  tithes  are  to 
maintain  the  other  clerics,  virgins,  widows,  and 
poor.  In  Book  viii.  c.  31,  it  is  ordered  that  what 
remains  over  after  the  eucharist  is  to  be  divided 
by  the  deacons  among  the  clergy  :  to  the  bishop 
four  parts,  to  a  priest  three,  to  a  deacon  two,  to  a 
subdeacon,  reader,  singer,  or  deaconess,  one  part. 
In  Book  ii.  c.  25,  tithes  and  first-fruits  are  to 
be  taken  by  the  bishop  and  distributed  to  orphans 
and  widows,  the  afflicted  and  disti-essed. 

Cyprian  {Epist.  vii.  ed.  Goldhorn)  leaves  the 
care  of  the  widows  and  poor  to  the  presbyter, 
but  if  any  needy  foreigners  arrive  they  are  to 
be  supplied  from  his  special  share.  In  his  time 
division  was  regulated  by  dignity.  Cyprian 
writes  (Epist.  xxxix.)  that  for  certain  confes- 
sors who  were  only  readers  he  has  designed 
the  honour  of  the  priesthood,  that  they  are 
to    have    an    equal  share    with    the   presbyters 


PEOPERTY  OP  THE  CHURCH 

(sportulis  iisdem)  of  the  food  distributed,  and 
an  equal  share  in  the  monthly  divisions.  Pro- 
bably these  monthly  divisions  were  of  the  money 
which  we  read  in  Tertullian  (Apol.  39)  was 
jiaid  into  the  chest  monthly,  or  when  any 
jileased;  cf.  Cypr.  ep.  xxxiv.  When  Natalius 
WAS  made  a  bishop  of  the  sect  of  Theodotus,  he 
•■vas  promised  150  denarii  per  month  (Euseb. 
/list.  V.  28).  The  CI.  of  Antioch,  A.D.  341,  c.  xxv. 
orders  the  bishop  to  dispense  to  the  poor,  but  he 
may  take  what  is  required  of  necessity  for  him- 
self and  the  brethren.  St.  Augustine  and  his 
clergy  made  no  division,  but  had  all  things  in 
common  (Senno  .50),  but  he  was  afterwards 
obliged  to  give  this  up  {Sermo  46).  According 
to  Baeda,  this  was  the  custom  in  Britain  until 
th'  arrival  of  Augustine  {Hist.  Gent.  Angl.  iv. 
27).  Ambrose  says  the  bishop  should  decently 
aliirii  the  temple  of  God,  bestow  what  humanity 
suggests  upon  strangers,  be  neither  too  niggardly 
with  his  clergy  nor  too  indulgent  (Ojf.  ii.  21). 

In  all  this  we  see  no  trace  of  the  fourfold 
division  which  afterwards  became  the  recog- 
i;ized  custom  of  the  West.  In  the  Eastern  church 
this  custom  does  not  seem  to  have  obtained  at 
any  time.  In  the  Western  church  there  are  no 
traces  of  it  for  the  first  four  centuries  and  a 
half:  "non  enim  propriae  sunt  sed  communes 
ecclesiae  facultates  "  (Julianus  Pomerius  de  Vita 
Contempl.  ii.  9).  In  early  times  it  was  openly 
proclaimed  that  the  property  of  the  church  was 
the  patrimony  of  the  poor.  The  clergy  for  the 
most  ])art  claimed  a  maintenance  as  amongst  the 
poor ;  those  who  had  property  generally  gave  it 
to  the  churcli ;  or  if  they  retained  it,  they  lived 
upon  it  and  had  no  stipend  (ibid.  c.  ii.  12). 

2.  But  the  neglect  or  the  avarice  of  the  bishop 
required  some  settled  plan  of  distribution.  A.D. 
475.  Simplicius  (Epist.  iii.)  writes  to  Floren- 
tius  and  Severus  to  take  charge  of  the 
church  of  Osane,  as  its  bishop  was  guilty  of 
fraud.  Of  the  revenues  of  the  church  and  the 
oblation  of  the  faithful,  one-fourth  is  to  be  given 
to  the  suspended  bishop,  two  parts  are  to  be 
for  the  fabric  of  the  church  and  the  poor  and 
strangers,  the  last  part  to  the  clergy.  A.D.  494. 
Gelasius  (Epist.  ix.  27),  writing  to  the  bishops 
of  Lucania,  decrees  the  fourfold  division  to 
the  bishop,  the  clergy,  the  poor,  the  fabric.  The 
epistles  of  Gregory  the  Great  shew  that  the  four- 
fold division  was  then  thoroughly  recognized  as 
law.  He  bids  Felix  of  Messana  give  to  his  clergy 
the  customary  payments  (lib.  i.  ep.  64) :  orders 
the  bishop  of  Panormus  to  allow  his  clergy  their 
fourth  part  (ii.  51);  blames  the  bishop  of  Syra- 
cuse because,  although  the  revenues  of  his  church 
had  increased,  he  allotted  to  repairs  only  a  fourth 
part  of  the  unincreased  revenue,  and  adds  : 
'■  quartae  secundum  distributionem  canonicam 
dispensentur  "  (iii.  11)  ;  he  takes  away  from  the 
bishop  of  Agrigentum  the  fourth  which  he  ought 
to  receive,  and  gives  it  to  the  visitor  to  whom 
the  church  was  entrusted  (iv.  12).  When 
Augustine  had  made  converts  in  England,  he 
asked  how  he  should  divide  the  funds.  Gregory 
replies  (xii.  31)  that  it  is  the  custom  of  the 
apostolic  see  to  order  bishops  to  make  four 
portions,  one  for  the  bishop  and  his  household 
for  hospitality  and  maintenance,  for  the  clergy, 
for  the  poor,  for  repairing  churches ;  but  as 
Augustine  and  his  company  were  monks,  they 
had    better    live     in     common.      The    fourth 


PROPERTY  OF  THE  CHURCH      1735 

part,  which  was  assigned  to  the  clergv,  was 
not  divided  equally,  but  according  to  the 
order  and  the  merits  of  each,  of  which  the 
bishop  was  judge.  Simplicius  (1.  c.)  says, 
"clericis  pro  siugulorum  raeritis  dividatur." 
Gregory  (ii.  5)  orders  a  sick  man  to  receive  his 
usual  pay,  "  secundum  loci  eius  ordinem,"  and 
Gaudentius  of  Nola  is  to  distribute  the  fourth 
part  to  the  clergy  of  Capua,  "  iuxta  antiquam 
consuetudinem  secundum  personarum  quali- 
tatem  "  (iv.  26).  So  also  the  bishop  of  Panormus 
is  to  give  to  the  clergy  of  his  church  a  full 
fourth  part,  "secundum  meritum  vel  officiura, 
sive  laborem  suum  ut  ipse  unicuique  dandum 
prospexeris"  (xi.  51).  The  church  of  Catana 
supplies  more  minute  details  of  division  (vii.  8). 
The  clergy  complained  to  Gregory  of  their  bishop's 
method.  Cyprian,  a  deacon  who  was  despatched 
by  Gregory,  decided  that  of  the  clergy's  fourth 
a  third  part  should  go  to  the  presbyters  and 
deacons,  the  remaining  two  thirds  to  the  inferior 
clergy.  The  former  appealed  to  the  pope, 
asserting  that  it  had  always  been  the  custom  to 
give  two-thirds  to  the  priests  and  deacons,  and 
only  one-third  to  the  inferior  clergy.  Gregory 
left  the  division  to  the  judgment  of  the  bishop, 
to  divide  according  to  merit :  "  Ut  tibi  visum 
fuerit  discrete  dividere  ;  ita  sane  ut  unicuique 
sicut  meritum  laboris  exegerit,  libera  tibi  sit 
juxta  quod  provideris  largiendi  licentia."  In 
an  epistle  of  Gregory  (ix.  29)  to  Paschasius, 
bishop  of  Naples,  we  have  an  instance  of  the  pro- 
portion it  was  thought  fit  to  preserve  in  distri- 
buting to  the  several  orders  a  sum  of  which  the 
church  had  been  defrauded  :  to  the  clerics  of  the 
church,  a  hundred  solidi ;  to  one  hundred  and 
twenty-six  needy  pei-sons  on  the  church  books 
(praeiacentibus  c[uos  centum  viginti  sex  esse 
cognovimus)  half  a  solidus  each  ;  to  the  priests 
and  deacons  and  foreign  clerics  fifty  solidi ;  to 
poor  men  ashamed  to  beg,  one  hundred  and  fifty 
solidi ;  to  public  beggars,  thirty-six  solidi.  In 
the  absence  of  the  bishop  of  Ariminum  Gre- 
gory appointed  a  visitor  and  ordered  him  to 
set  apart  the  two  fourths  for  the  clergy  and  the 
poor;  the  remainder  was  to  be  divided  into 
three  parts  :  for  the  fabric,  the  titular  bishop,  the 
visitor  (iv.  42).  Gregory  used  to  make  distri- 
bution four  times  a  year,  as  is  stated  by  Johannes 
Diaconus. 

Such  was  the  custom  of  the  church  of  Rome. 
It  was  extended  to  Bavaria  and  ultimately  to 
the  German  church  by  a  capitulary  of  Gregory  II. 
There  also  the  fourth  for  the  clergy  is  to  be  dis- 
tributed "  pro  suorum  officiorum  sedulitate." 

In  the  Galilean  church,  the  council  of  Agde, 
c.  36,  A.D.  506,  orders  that  all  clerics  who  faith- 
fully serve  the  church  are  to  receive  the  stipends 
due  to  their  labours:  "secundum  servitii  sui 
meritum  vel  ordinationem  canonum."  Canon  ii. 
enacts  that  the  negligent  or  contumacious 
should  be  reduced  to  "  foreign  communion," 
that  is,  the  condition  of  clei-ics  of  another  church 
who  were  without  commendatory  letters  from 
their  bishop.  In  A.d.  511  the  first  council  of 
Orleans,  c.  v.,  enacted  that  the  produce  of  the 
estates  which  the  king  had  given  to  the  church 
should  be  used  for  repairs  of  churches,  main- 
tenance of  clergy  and  poor,  or  the  redemption 
of  captives.  Canon  xiv.  renews  the  ancient 
statutes,  and  orders  that  of  the  oblations  oil'ered 
upon  the  altar  the  bishop  is  to  claim  half,  the 


1736    PROPERTY  OF  THE  CHURCH 

clei'gy  are  to  receive  the  other  half  to  be  divided 
according  to  their  degrees ;  the  farms  are  to  re- 
main under  the  bishop's  power.  Canon  xv.  orders 
that  lands,  vineyards,  slaves,  and  cattle  given  to 
the  parishes  are  to  be  in  the  bishop's  power.  Of 
the  offerings  upon  the  altar  only  one  third  is 
to  be  paid  to  the  bishop.  But  as  some  of  the 
parishes  were  very  poor  the  council  of  Car- 
pentras,  A.D.  527,  oi'dered  the  gifts  to  the 
parishes  to  go  to  the  clergy  and  to  repairs  of 
the  church,  if  the  bishop's  see  was  adequately 
rich ;  if  not,  the  parishes  are  to  keep  only  so 
much  as  is  absolutely  needed  for  the  clergy 
and  repairs ;  the  surplus  to  go  to  the  bishop. 
A.D.  538.  The  third  council  of  Orleans,  c.  v., 
decreed  that  oblations,  made  in  city  churches 
were  to  be  in  the  power  of  the  bishop,  who 
might  set  apart  what  he  thought  fit  for  repairs. 
The  parishes  and  country  churches  are  to  keep 
their  own  customs.  Canon  xi.  withholds  the 
stipends  of  the  contumacious ;  so  does  the  coun- 
cil of  Narbonne,  c.  x.  a.d.  589,  and  also  from 
priests  or  deacons  who  could  not  read  (c.  xi.). 
Gregory  of  Tours  (Spicil.  torn.  v.  p.  107)  allows 
some  who  were  suspended  to  receive  their  share 
(sportulam). 

In  Spain  the  division  was  into  three  parts, 
the  duty  of  repairing  the  churches  being  thrown 
upon  the  bishop,  a.d.  516.  The  council  of 
Tari'aco,  c.  viii.,  complains  of  the  state  of  the 
churches,  and  orders  the  bishop  to  go  round 
annually  and  see  that  they  are  repaired,  accord- 
ing to  old  custom  ;  for  by  an  ancient  tradition 
the  bishop  receives  a  third  of  all.  a.d.  563.  The 
council  of  Braccara,  c.  vii.,  orders  three  equal 
portions  to  be  made  :  for  the  bishop,  the  clergy, 
and  for  repairs  and  lights,  of  which  last  fund 
the  arch-presbyter  or  archdeacon  who  admi- 
nisters it  is  to  account  to  the  bishop.  By 
canon  xxi.  the  oblations  of  the  faithful  and 
gifts  in  memory  of  the  dead  are  to  be  divided 
once  or  twice  a  year  among  all  the  clergy  equally. 
As  the  bishops  unjustly  seized  the  revenues  of 
the  smaller  churches  in  their  dioceses,  the  fourth 
council  of  Toledo,  c.  sxxiii.  a.d.  633,  ordered 
them  to  take  no  more  than  a  third,  and  to  go 
round  annually  and  repair  the  churches 
(c.  xxxvi.).  a.d.  655.  The  ninth  council  of 
Toledo,  c.  vi.,  allows  the  bishop  to  bestow  his 
third  of  the  oblations  on  any  church  he  pleases. 
a.d.  666.  The  council  of  Emerita,  c.  xiv. 
divides  the  money  offered  in  divine  service  into 
three  parts:  one  for  the  bishop,  one  for  the 
priests  and  deacons,  who  are  to  apportion  their 
share  according  to  order  and  dignity,  and  one 
share  to  the  subdeacons  and  clerics.  Canon  xvi. 
forbids  the  bishop  to  take  a  third  of  the  obla- 
tions from  a  parish,  and  throws  the  duty  of 
repairing  their  church  on  the  priests,  a.d.  693. 
The  sixteenth  council  of  Toledo,  canon  v.,  de- 
crees that  as  the  ancient  canons  allowed  the 
bishop  a  third,  he  may  exact  it  if  he  thinks  he 
ought,  but  must  then  take  the  duty  of  repairing 
the  churches  ;  if  he  waive  his  claim,  the  wor- 
shippers must  keep  their  church  in  repair  under 
the  supervision  of  the  bishop ;  but  when  all  the 
churches  are  in  good  repair  the  bishop  is  to 
have  his  third.  Jlany  of  these  canons  regard  the 
property  of  a  diocese  as  no  longer  a  fund  controlled 
by  one  head,  but  as  more  or  less  separated  and 
attached  to  particular  places.  At  what  time  this 
practice  began  cannot  be  exactly  fixed.  Theodorus 


PROPERTY  OF  THE  CHURCH 

Lector  (i.  p.  553)  says  that  about  A.D.  460  Mar- 
cion,  oeconomus  of  Constantinople,  was  the  first 
to  order  the  clergy  of  each  church  to  receive  the 
offerings  of  their  church.  Under  Justinian 
founders  of  churches  gave  endowments  (^Nov.  Ivii. 
2  ;  cxxiii.  18),  which  would  naturally  be  reserved 
to  their  churches,  though  the  Novels  do  not  state 
this  ;  on  the  other  hand,  the  law  prohibiting  the 
clergy  or  any  manager  of  a  charitable  house  to 
alienate,  speaks  only  of  ecclesia  or  sacra  domus. 

3.  Churches. — It  was  found  desirable  to  regulate 
church  building  by  law.  The  council  of  Chalce- 
don,  c.  iv.,  forbids  the  erection  of  a  domus  oratoria 
[Oratoridm]  without  consent  of  the  bishop.  Jus- 
tinian decreed  (Aou.  Ixvii.  2,  a.d.  538),  that  any 
one  who  desired  to  build  a  church  must  get 
leave  from  the  bishop,  and  must  also  give  first 
an  endowment  for  lights,  repairs,  and  the  support 
of  the  clergy  ;  if  he  cannot  afford  so  much,  he 
may  restore  an  old  church.  The  bishop  is  to 
consecrate  the  ground  and  fix  a  cross  there,  and 
when  the  building  is  once  begun  the  civil  judge 
is  to  enforce  its  completion  by  the  donor  or  his 
heirs  {Nov.  cxxxi.  7,  a.d.  541).  If  funds  are 
bequeathed  for  building  a  church,  the  bishop  and 
civil  judge  are  to  see  it  completed  within  three 
years  (Cod.  Just.  1,  3,  46,  a.d.  530),  which  was 
afterwards  extended  to  five  years  (lYou.  cxxi. 
10).  Consecration  is  forbidden  before  endowment 
by  c.  V.  of  the  third  council  of  Braccara, 
A.D.  572.  See  Churches,  Maintenance  of, 
p.  388. 

4.  The  Poor. — In  the  earliest  account  of 
church  property  (Acts  ii.  45)  we  read  "that 
distribution  was  made  to  every  man  according  as 
he  had  need."  The  first  council  of  the  church 
ordered  that  the  poor  should  be  remembered 
(Gal.  ii.  10).  During  the  first  eight  centuries  of 
the  church,  almsgiving  was  carried  to  a  perni- 
cious excess.  The  earliest  notices  of  church  ser- 
vice (Justin  M.  Apol.  2  ;  Tertull.  Apol.  39)  tell  us 
that  the  collections  were  made  for  the  orphans, 
widows,  the  sick  and  shipwrecked,  all  who  suf- 
fered for  the  faith  in  mines,  in  prison,  or  in 
exile.  Also  as  in  apostolic  times  the  wealthier 
churches  made  grants  to  the  poorer ;  the  church 
of  Rome  was  especially  noted  for  its  liberality 
(Dionysius,  Bp.  Cor.  JSpist.). 

First  in  the  ranks  of  the  poor  were  found  the 
clergy.  Some  clergy,  it  is  true,  were  notoriously 
wealthy  ;  but  a  natural  reaction  against  such 
unbecoming  luxury,  aided  by  the  influence  of 
the  monks,  led  many  to  abandon  all  their  pro- 
perty to  relatives,  or  bestow  it  upon  the  church. 
Augustine  was  especially  anxious  to  promote 
community  of  goods  among  the  clergy.  He 
refused  to  accept  for  the  church  a  legacy  from  a 
presbyter  who  had  been  apparently  supported 
from  the  common  fund  (Sermo  49).  He  de- 
clared he  would  ordain  none  but  those  who 
would  profess  poverty,  and  would  deprive  all  who 
broke  this  rule.  But  he  was  unable  to  carry 
this  out,  and  made  poverty  optional  (^Sermo  46). 
Many  of  tlie  most  eminent  fathers  of  the  church 
gave  up  all  their  property  upon  being  ordained, 
as  Cyprian  and  Ambrose,  Gregory  of  Nazianzum 
and  Basil  (Thomassin,  iii.  3,  3).  There  are  many 
references  in  the  fathers  and  a  few  in  the  councils 
to  the  duty  of  the  church  to  support  the  poor. 
[Poor,  Care  of.] 

5.  Pensions. — The  council  of  Chalcedon,  a.d. 
451,    assigned    pensions    to    four    persons :    to 


PEOPHECY 

Domnus,  ex-bishop  of  Antioch,  was  granted 
maintenance  (Act  x.)  ;  two  rival  claimants  to  the 
bishopric  of  Ephesus  were  to  have  an  annual 
allowance  of  200  gold  solidi  (Act  xii.)  ;  another 
disappointed  candidate  for  the  office  of  bishop 
was  to  be  kept  as  the  funds  of  the  church  might 
permit  (Act  xiv.).  Agapetus  {Ep.  2)  orders  the 
bishops  of  Africa  to  support  the  heretical  clergy 
who  returned  to  the  faith,  although  forbidding 
riicm  all  clerical  functions.  The  letters  of 
lirogory  furnish  many  instances  of  pensions  in 
1  he  church  of  Rome.     [PENSIONS.] 

(Labbe,  Concilia;  Thomassin,  Vetus  et  Kova 
Ecdesiae  disciplina  circa  Beneficia  et  Bene- 
ticiarios ;  Corpus  Juris  Civilis ;  Codex  Thcodo- 
siaims  ;  Sarpi  on  Benefices.)  [J.  S.] 

PEOPHECY,  LITUEGIOAL  (1).  A  lesson 
from  any  part  of  the  Old  Testament  read  in 
divine  service. 

(1)  Incidental  Notices. — The  Old  Testament 
was  read,  it  is  believed,  universally  at  the  cele- 
bration of  the  eucharist  in  the  first  liturgic 
period.  Thus  Justin  Martyr,  A.D.  140,  describ- 
ing that  service :  "  The  commentaries  of  the 
apostles  and  the  w-ritings  of  the  prophets  are 
read  as  time  permits "  {Apol.  i.  67).  In  the 
Constitutions,  Greek  and  Coptic,  the  apostles  are 
made  to  speak  of  "  the  reading  of  the  law  and 
prophets,  and  of  their  epistles,  and  of  the  gospels 
(viii.  5  ;  sim.  more  fully,  ii.  57).  According  to 
.St.  Chrysostom,  398,  Christians  "  heard  the 
prophets  and  the  apostles  "  in  that  service  (^Hom. 
iii.  de  David  et  Saul,  2).  St.  Augustine,  396, 
refers  to  first  lessons  from  the  Old  Testament 
read  in  it,  as  from  Isaiah  (Serm.  45,  §  1,  "  Prima 
lectio  Isaiae  "),  Micah  (48,  §  2,  "  Lectio  prima 
prophetica  "),  and  Proverbs  (82,  §  8,  "  Primitus 
audivimus  ").  In  his  church,  however,  the  Old 
Testament  was  not  always  read  first,  or  perhaps 
was  sometimes,  already,  not  read  at  all ;  for 
elsewhere  he  says,  "  Primam  lectionem  audivimus 
Apostoli "  (Serm.  176  ;  see  also  S.  165).  In 
France,  554,  Childebert,  in  a  decree  for  the  sup- 
pression of  idolatrous  practices,  speaks  of  the 
priest  giving  out  from  the  altar  the  teachings  of 
■'  the  gospel,  the  prophets,  and  the  apostles " 
(Baluz.  Capit.  Beg.  Franc,  i.  7).  Germanus  of 
Paris,  his  contemporary,  in  his  description  of  the 
Galilean,  or  more  correctly  the  Frankish  liturgy, 
says,  "  The  prophetic  lesson  keeps  its  own  place, 
reproving  evil  things  and  declaring  the  future, 
that  we  may  know  Him  to  be  the  same  God 
who  has  thundered  in  the  prophecy,  taught  in 
the  apostle,  and  shone  forth  in  the  lirightness  of 
the  gospel  "  (Epist.  i. ;  Migne,  Patrol.  Lat.  72, 
col.  90).  Gregory  of  Tours,  573,  speaks  of  the 
"  three  books  "  read  at  masses,  "  viz.  of  the  pro- 
phecy, the  apostle,  and  the  gospels  "  (Hist.  Franc. 
iv.  16).  Elsewhere  he  mentions  an  occasion  on 
which  "  the  prophetic  lesson  having  been  read, 
the  reader  was  already  standing  before  the  altar 
to  read  the  lesson  of  the  blessed  Paul"(Z)e 
Mirac.  S.  Mart.  i.  5).  Pseudo-Dionysius  in  the 
East,  probably  about  520,  tells  us 'that  "then 
(i.e.  after^the  Psalms)  follows  the  reading  of  the 
sacred  volumes  by  the  ministers  in  course  "  (De 
Eccl.  Hier.  iii.  2).  These  volumes  are,  according 
to  Maximus,  his  commentator,  645,  the  Old  and 
New  Testament  (Schol.  in  loc).  An  Armenian 
canon  of  the  6th  century :  "  Let  them  duly  cele- 
brate the    liturgy,   singing    psalms,   prophecies, 


PEOPHECY 


1737 


epistles,  and  gospels,  in  their  order  "  (Script.  Vet. 
Nova  Collect.  Mai,  x.  278). 

The  Ecclesiastical  Books.  —  The  liturgy  of 
St.  James:  "Then  (after  the  prayer  of  the 
Trisagion)  are  read  in  great  detail  (SiefoSi/cci- 
TOTo)  the  sacred  oracles  of  the  Old  Testament 
and  of  the  prophets,  and  the  incarnation  of  the 
Son  of  Man,  His  sufierings,  &c.,  are  set  forth  " 
(Lit.  of  St.  James,  ed.  Trollope,  41).  It  is 
evident  that  when  this  rubric  was  composed  the 
prophecies  were  not  short  extracts  appointed  for 
the  day,  but  were  left  to  the  discretion  of  the 
officiant.  We  should  naturally  infer  also  that 
the  New  Testament  was  not  yet  in  the  hands  of 
the  church  at  Jerusalem  ;  for  while  the  Old 
Testament  is- "  read,"  the  subjects  of  the  New- 
are  "  set  forth." 

The  Old  Testament  lesson  has  long  disappeared 
from  the  Greek  liturgies  of  St.  Mark,  St.  Basil, 
and  St.  Chrysostom ;  nor  are  there  now  '  anv 
traces  of  it  in  the  Eastern  liturgies  derived 
from  them  in  use  among  the  Abyssinians,  Copts, 
and  Syrians,  whether  Melchites  or  Jacobites. 
The  Nestorians  retain  it  under  the  name  of 
Karyana,  or  "  reading."  Sometimes  they  have 
two  lessons  from  the  Old  Testament ;  but  gene- 
rally the  second  before  the  epistle  is  taken  from 
the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  (Badger's  Nestorians, 
ii.  19,  217  ;  Renaudot,  Ziturg.  Orient,  ii.  589, 
599,  "  ad  Lectiones  ").  The  prophecy  is  pre- 
served in  the  Armenian  rite,  where  it  is  still 
preceded  by  a  psalm  (Le  Brun,  Dissert,  x.  14  ; 
Neale,  Introd.  Hist.  East.  Ck.  i.  402).  A  psalm, 
we  may  mention,  is  also  left  in  the  Syrian  Ordo 
Communis,  but  it  is  there  now  followed  by  the 
epistle  (Renaudot,  ii.  7). 

In  the  West,  the  Gothico-Spanish  Missal  pro- 
vides lessons  from  tlie  Old  Testament  for  every 
celebration  (Missale  Mozar.  Leslie,  1,  7,  It),  &c.). 
They  are  called  lectiones.  Thus  :  "  Lectio  Libri 
Esaye  prophete  "  (12)  ;  "  Lectio  Libri  Ecclesi- 
astic! Salamonis  "  (29).  The  old  Galilean  lec- 
tionary  found  at  Luxeuil,  which  is  assigned  to 
the  7th  century,  gives  one  or  more  prophecies 
under  similar  headings  for  most,  not  for  all, 
days  (Liturg.  Gall.  (106-173)  ).  We  also  ob- 
serve some  left  in  the  Besan^on  sacramentary  of 
the  same  date  (Mus.  Ital.  i.  278,  283,  289,  &c.). 
though  that  rite  is  in  several  respects  conformed 
to  the  practice  of  Rome.  In  the  Ambrosian,  a 
"  Lectio  Prophetica "  is  read  in  every  mass, 
except  the  first  two  on  Christmas  day  (Le  Brun, 
Dissert,  iii.  art.  2).  It  was  revised  by  Charles 
Borromeo,  after  a  period  of  neglect ;  but  had 
lasted  in  some  of  the  churches  of  Lombardy  till 
the  14th  century,  the  greater  number  being 
then  "  content  with  a  single  lesson  [before  the 
gospel]  after  the  custom  of  Rome  "  (Radulph. 
Tungr.  de  Canonum  Observ.  prop.  23).  This 
single  lesson  was,  we  further  learn,  taken  at 
that  period  sometimes  from  the  one,  sometimes 
from  the  other,  Testament  (ibid.).  The  old 
Roman  lectionary,  the  Ziber  Comitis,  testifies  to 
that  "  custom  of  Rome  ;  "  for  there  also  the 
ohe  lesson  before  the  gospel  is  taken  indiflerentl y 
from  either  book  (inter  0pp.  Hieronym.  x.  523, 
ed.  Vallars.  ;  Cap.  Beg.  Franc,  ii.  13u9  ;  Riiua'.c 
SS.  FF.  Pamel.  ii.  1,  &c.).  We  take  this  as 
an  indication  that,  during  the  first  liturgic 
period,  the  church  of  Rome  agreed  with  all 
other  churches  in  reading  from  the  Old  Testa- 
ment at  every  celebration.     A  remnant  of  that 


1738 


rROPHECY 


rite  is  still  found  in  the  substitution  of  lessons 
from  that  book  for  the  epistles  on  the  week-days 
of  Lent,  and  in  the  use  of  such  lessons,  even 
with  epistles,  on  the  ember  days.  Another  wit- 
ness to  the  primitive  rule  at  Rome  is  the  third 
ambo  for  the  prophecy  still  to  be  seen  in  the 
church  of  San  Clemente  in  that  city.  It  stands 
with  that  for  the  epistle  on  the  right  of  the 
altar ;  while  that  for  the  gospel,  which  is 
higher  and  more  ornate,  is  on  the  left  (Mar- 
tene  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  i.  iv.  iv.  3). 

Later  Testimony. — From  Rupert  of  Dcutz, 
1111  {de  Off.  Div.  iii.  15),  we  learn  that  "two 
lessons,"  i.  c.  a  prophecy  and  an  epistle,  were 
read  at  mass  "  tarn  die  quam  nocte  "  at  Christ- 
mas. Durandus,  whose  experience  lay  in  France, 
A.D.  1286,  saj's  that  some  churches  read  "  pro- 
phecies "  before  the  epistles  on  Christmas  eve 
and  Christmas  day  {Rationale,  vi.  12,  n.  3  ;  13, 
n.  20).  Such  lessons  are  found  in  many  of  the 
mediaeval  missals  of  France  (Mart,  de  Ant.  Eccl. 
Bit.  iv.  xii.  21). 

Posture  of  the  Hearers.  —  According  to 
the  Apostolical  Constitutions  (ii.  57)  the  people 
sat  while  the  Old  Testament,  the  Acts,  and 
Epistles  were  read,  rising  for  the  gospel.  In  the 
West,  the  earliest  custom  was  to  stand  during 
all ;  for  we  find  Caesarius,  A.D.  502,  giving  per- 
mission to  the  women  to  sit  when  the  "  lessons,'' 
i.  e.  the  prophecy  and  epistle,  were  longer  than 
usual  {Serrn.  95,  §  1).  But  from  the  language 
of  Amalarius,  who  wrote  about  827,  we  gather 
that  the  practice  had  become  obsolete  long 
before  his  time :  "  Quamdiu  haec  duo  cele- 
brantur,  id  est,  lectio  et  prophetia,  solemus 
sedere,  more  antiquorum  "  (de  Eccl.  Off',  iii.   11). 

The  Old  Testament  lessons  in  the  daily 
service  of  the  Mozarabes  are  also  called  "  pro- 
phetiae  "  {Breviarium  Gothicum,  Lorenzana,  7,  9, 
12,  17,  19,  &c.). 

For  notices  of  this  subject  see  Sala's  note  (4) 
on  Bona  Her.  Liturg.  ii.  6,  §  2 ;  INIabillon  de 
Liturgia  Gallic,  i.  5,  §  4 ;  Martene  de  Ant.  Eccl. 
Bit.  i.  iv.  4,  §  1  ;  Neale,  Hist,  of  the  Eastern 
Church,  Gen.  Introd.  p.  369 ;  Notitia  Eucha- 
ristica,  238-243,  ed.  2. 

(2)  The  hymn  of  Zacharias,  "  Benedictus 
Dominus,"  &c.  (St.  Luke  i.  68-79),  was  ahva3's 
sung,  except  in  Lent,  before  the  eucharistic 
lessons  in  the  old  Galilean  liturgy  suppressed 
by  Pepin  and  Charlemagne  in  the  8th  cen- 
tury ;  and  as  so  used  was  conventionally 
known  as  "  the  prophecy."  Its  connexion  with 
the  lessons  is  thus  explained  by  Germanus  of 
Paris,  555  :  "  Canticum  autem  Zachariae  ponti- 
ficis  in  honorem  sancti  Johannis  Baptistae  can- 
tatur,  pro  eo  quod  primordium  salutis  in 
baptismi  sacramenta  {sic)  consistit  .  .  .  et 
Johannes  medius  est,  prophetarum  novissimus 
et  evangelistarum  primus  "  {Epist.  i.  or  Expos. 
Miss,  de  prophetia). 

The  prophecy  was  on  some  days,  in  most  of 
the  Gallican  liturgies,  followed  by  an  "  Oratio  " 
or  "  Collectio  post  Prophetiam."  In  the 
Prankish  Missal  this  seems  to  have  been  said  in 
every  ordinary  mass  {Lit.  Gall.  322-325).  In 
the  Besan(;'on  sacraraentary  collects  "  post  pro- 
ph ■■tiara"  are  provided  for  Advent  {Mus.  Ital. 
i.  285,  287),  St.  John  the  Baptist's  day  (340), 
and  most  Sundays  (365,  370,  373).  The  Gothico- 
Gallicau  gives  two  only,  one  for  Christmas  day, 
and  the  other  for  the  first  Easter  mass  {Lit.  Gall. 


PEOSPHONESIS 

190,  251).  There  is  but  one  left  in  the  Reichenau 
fragment  (Foi-bes  and  Neale,  Gallican  Liturgies, 
8).  A  second,  the  title  of  v/hich,  "post  Pro- 
fetia "  {sic)  remains,  has  been  supplanted  by  an 
Apologia  Sacerdotis  (28).  There  are  none  in  the 
Missale  Gallicannm  Vetus  of  the  collections. 

The  Prankish  Missal  has  substituted  Roman 
collects  which  have  no  reference  to  "  the  pro- 
phecy "  for  its  original  prayers  "  post  pro- 
phetiam." All  the  other  examples  extant  shew 
that  these  were  properly  founded  on  the  canticle 
itself.  Some  of  them  preserve  much  of  its  lan- 
guage :  e.g.  "  Blessed  holy  God  of  Israel,  visit 
Thy  people,  bless  Thy  people,  and  deliver  it  from 
all  its  sins  ;  and  grant,  0  Lord  of  Hosts,  that 
we  may  be  delivered  out  of  the  hands  of  our 
enemies,  and  may  attain  to  serve  Thee  alone 
with  righteousness  and  holiness  all  our  days  ; 
and  direct  our  feet  in  the  way  of  peace,  that  we 
may  be  able  to  fulfil  Thy  will  in  all  things  " 
{Sacr.  Gall.  (Vesont)  in  Mus.  Ital.  i.  370). 

[W.  E.  S.] 

PEOPHETEUM  {irpocprireTov).  Churches  or 
memorials  ei'ected  in  honour  of  a  prophet,  or  in 
his  name,  were  iu  ancient  times  called  Prophetca. 
In  the  council  of  Constantinople  under  Mennas 
{Act.  iii.  A.D.  538,  Labbe's  Concil.  v.  5,  67) 
mention  was  made  of  the  Propheteum  of  Isaiah, 
and  Theodore  the  Reader  (lib.  ii.  p.  568) 
speaks  of  the  remains  of  the  prophet  Samuel 
being  deposited  in  a  separate  shrine  of  his  own 
(eV  T^  irpocp-nreico  avrov).  Compare  APOSTOLIUM. 
(Martiguy,  Diet,  des  Antiq.  chre't.  s.  v.) 

[E.  C.  H.] 

PROSA.  In  singing  the  Alleluia  [Alleluia] 
a  custom  grew  up  of  prolonging  the  last  syllable 
upon  a  series  of  notes.  This  was  called  the 
jubilatio,  and  sometimes  seqiwntia.  A  further 
development  followed,  of  setting  words  to  these, 
not  in  strict  metre,  but  in  rhythmical  prose,  hence 
called  Proses :  then  metrical  hymns  {Sequences) 
were  introduced.  Notker,  abbot  of  St.  Gall  in 
the  9th  century,  is  commonly  said  to  have  been 
the  first  writer  of  them.  The  Syrian  liturgies 
have  a  hymn  called  Sedra,  which  is  strictly 
a  prose.  [C  E.  H.] 

PEOSDOCIUS  (Prosducus),  martyr  at  An- 
tioch  with  Veronica  and  Romanus  ;  commemo- 
rated Ap.  20.     (Wright,  Syr.  Mart.)       [C.  H.] 

PEOSMANAEIUS.  The  word  Trpofffxavd- 
pios  seems  to  designate  the  verger  or  watchman 
whose  office  it  was  to  trim  and  extinguish  the 
church-lamps,  and  to  remain  permanently  in  the 
building  to  guard  it  from  pollution  or  robbery. 
Thus  the  recluses  {iyKKeicnoi)  and  prosmanarii 
are  mentioned  byTheodorus  Hermopolites  as  the 
persons  who  were  bound  not  to  leave  the  church. 
It  seems  to  be  equivalent  to  the  Latin  M.vx- 
siONAPaus  (Suicer,  Thesawus,  s.  v.).  Compare 
Paramonarius.  [C] 

PEOSPHONESIS,  the  act  or  office  of  calling 
on  the  congregation  to  pray,  and  suggesting  the 
several  subjects  of  their  prayer. 

The  council  of  Laodicea,  about  365,  directs 
that  in  the  liturgy,  after  the  dismissal  of  the 
catechumens  and  penitents,  "  the  three  prayers 
of  the  faithful  be  said  as  follows :  one,  viz.  the 
first,  in  silence ;  but  the  second  and  third  by 
the  method  of  prosphonesis"  (5ia  ■irpo(X<pa!V^are(ios, 


PROSPHONESIS 

cm.  19).  By  reference  to  the  liturgy  in  the 
Apostolical  Constitutions  (viii.  6),  we  learn  the 
meaning  of  this  to  be,  that  those  prayers 
are  to  'be  "  bidden,"  or  dictated  to  the  people, 
who  respond. 

KripvTreiv  is  used  in  the  same  sense  as  irpotr- 
(pwvelv.  Thus  the  Constitutions :  "  After  this  [the 
departure  of  the  competeutes],  let  the  deacon 
iiidclaim  (/irjpuTTeTO!),  Pray  ye  that  are  under 
j)euance  ;"  and  petitions  for  them  are  then  dic- 
tated to  the  faithful,  as  before,  for  the  other 
ncin-communicating  classes  (viii.  8).  So  on  a 
i-ertain  occasion,  St.  Athanasius  "ordered  the 
deacon"  KTipv^ai  fvxvv  (Socr.  Hist.  Eccl.  i.  13). 
V>\-  a  canon  of  council  of  Ancyra,  315,  deacons 
who  had  sacrificed  to  idols  during  the  persecu- 
tions of  that  period  were  no  longer  to  "  make  the 
jiroclamations "  (^Ktipvaaeiv,  can.  2).  Such  bid- 
dings of  prayer  are  called  by  St.  Basil,  373, 
i:7}pvyixa'ta  iKKK-qcnaffTiKa.  See  Epistle  155  (ed. 
Ben.),  where  he  mentions  some  of  the  subjects 
'suggested  ;  as  the  welfare  of  brethren  in  foreign 
lands,  of  those  in  military  service,  &c. 

Examples  of  prosphonesis  from  liturgies  that 
were  in  actual  use  will  be  interesting.  In  St. 
.lames,  after  the  sermon,  "the  deacon  saj's,  Let 
us  all  say.  Lord,  have  mercy.  0  Lord  Almighty, 
the  God  of  our  fathers,  we  beseech  Thee,  hear  us. 
l''iir  the  peace  from  above,  and  the  salvation  of 
our  souls,  let  us  beseech  the  Lord.  For  the  peace 
"f  the  whole  world,  let  us  beseech  the  Lord,"  &c. 
(  Lit.  Jlieros.  Trollope,  42).  Again,  after  the  offer- 
tiiry  and  creed,  "  the  deacon  makes  the  universal 
synapte,"  or  collection  of  petitions  for  all  sorts 
•ind  conditions  of  men.  "  The  deacon :  Let  us  be- 
seech the  Lord  in  peace.  The  people :  Lord,  have 
mercy.  The  deacon :  .  .  .  For  them  that  bear 
fruit  and  perform  good  works  in  the  holy  churches 
of  God,  for  them  that  remember  the  poor,  the 
widows  and  orphans,  strangers  and  them  in  need, 
and  for  those  who  liave  desired  us  to  remember 
them  in  the  prayers,  let  us  beseech  the  Lord.  For 
them  that  are  in  age  and  infirmity,  for  the  sick 
and  afflicted,  .  .  .  let  us  beseech,  &c.  For  travellers 
by  sea  or  land,  for  Christians  in  foreign  lands,  .  .  . 
let  us  beseech,"  &c.  (55).  Compare  St.  Chrysostom, 
in  which,  after  a  similar  beginning,  the  deacon 
bids  the  people  pray  thus  :  "  For  this  holy  house, 
and  for  those  who  enter  it  with  faith,  devotion, 
and  the  fear  of  God,  let  us  beseech  the  Lord. 
Choir :  Lord,  have  mercy.  The  deacon  :  For  our 
archbishop  N.,  for  the  honourable  presbytery, 
for  the  ministry  (deacons)  in  Christ,  for  all  the 
clergy  and  the  people,  let  us  beseech  the  Lord. 
The  choir:  Lord,  have  mercy.  The  deacon  :  For 
our  most  religious  God-protected  emperors,"  &c. 
(EiKhol.  Goar,  64  ;  siuiilarly,  70,  71,'74,  80).  A 
similar  ecteiie  is  bidden  by  the  deacon  in  the 
Armenian  liturgy  (Xeale's  Introd.  Hist.  East. 
Church,  420),  in  several  clauses,  to  each  of  which 
the  choir  responds  ;  as  it  does  to  those  of  another 
bidden  by  the  whole  body  of  priests  and  dea- 
cons chanting  (398).  Instances  in  the  Latin 
church  are  the  two  litanies  used  in  the  Milanese 
liturgy  alternately  on  the  second  and  tliree  fol- 
lowing Sundays  in  Lent :  "  The  innrcssa  ended, 
the  preces  hidden  hj  the  deacon,  the  choir  respond- 
inij.  Imploring  the  gifts  of  divine  peace  and 
pardon,  fi'om  our  whole  heart  and  our  whole 
mind,  we  pray  Thee.  R. :  Lord,  have  mercy. 
For  Thy  holy  catholic  church,  here  and  through- 
out the  world,  we  pray  Thee.     R. :  Lord,"  &c. 


PEOTHESIS 


1739 


(Pamel.  Ritualo  SS.  PP.  i.  328).  In  the  second 
form,  the  deacon  bids  thus :  "  Let  us  all  say. 
R. :  Kyrie  eleyson.  T7ie  deacon  :  Almighty  God 
of  our  fathers.  R. :  Kyrie,  &c.  The  deacon : 
Look  down,  O  God,  from  heaven,  and  from  Thv 
holy  seat.  R.:  Kyrie,  &c.  The  deacon:  For 
Thy  holy  catholic  church,"  &c.  (331). 

It  will  be  observed  that,  in  the  foregoino- 
examples,  the  prosphonesis  is,  except  in  one  case", 
assigned  to  the  deacon  alone.  It  was  at  first  his 
office  in  every  church,  and  the  fact  is  recognized 
by  many  early  writers.  E.  g.  St.  Chrysostom  : 
"  Ye  all  in  common  hear  the  voice  of  the  deacon 
commanding  and  saying.  Let  us  pray  for  the 
bishop,"  &c.  {de  Prophet.  Ohscur.  ii.  5).  In 
another  homily  (ii.  in  2  Cor.  §  5),  this  father, 
commenting  clause  by  clause  on.  the  prayer  for 
the  catechumens,  mentions  it  as  bidden  by  the 
deacon.  (See  Socrates,  u.  s.)  It  was  owing  to 
this  that  the  eirenica  of  the  Greek  liturgy  were 
also  called  diaconica.  Latin  witnesses  are  St. 
Augustine  in  Africa :  "  communis  oratio  voce 
diaconi  indicitur  "  {Ep.  55  adJanuar.  18,  §  34)  ; 
Caesarius  (502)  and  Germanus  (555)  in  France : 
"  Oratio  clamante  diacono  indicitur  "  (Caes.  Serm. 
85,  §  1),  "  Preces  vero  psallere  levitas  pro  populo 
ab  origine  libris  Moysacis  ducit  exordium " 
(Germ.  Epist.  i.  "  De  Prece,"  Migne,  Ixxii.  92) ; 
and  Isidore  in  Spain,  610:  "Ad  ipsum  quoque 
\_sc.  diaconum]  pertinet  officium  precum  "  {Epist. 
ad  Leudefr.  8). 

The  prosphonesis  of  the  deacon  is  lost  in  most 
of  those  Oriental  liturgies  in  which  the  petitions 
of  the  diaconica  are  now  gathered  or  expanded 
severally  into  long  prayers  and  assigned  to  the 
priest ;  as  in  the  Coptic  St.  Basil  (Kena:udot, 
Liturg.  Orient,  i.  5,  7  ;  but  see  a  trace  in  the 
previous  "  Deacon :  Pray  ye  for  the  Holy  Gos- 
pel," p.  7),  in  St.  Mark  (Jbid.  138,  150-153) ; 
in  the  Ethiopic  (505-507) ;  in  the  Syrian  ana- 
phorae  of  Clement  of  Rome  (ibid.  ii.  192),  of 
Severus  of  Antioch  (325),  St.  James  of  Edessa 
(375),  St.  Basil  (555),  &c. ;  and  in  the  Nes- 
torian  of  Theodore  (ibid.  619)  and  Nestorius 
(630).  It  is  preserved  in  the  Syrian  Ordo  Com- 
munis, the  first  part  common  to  all  the  liturgies 
(5),  and  in  the  anaphora  of  St.  James  (34-38), 
which  is  used  by  Melchites  and  Jacobites  alike. 
[W.  E.  S.] 

PROSTRATION.    ^Genuflexion.] 

PROSTRATORES.    [Penitence,  p.  1593.] 

PROTASIUS,  martyr  at  Milan  with  his 
brother  Gervasius ;  commemorated  June  19 
(Bed.,  Wand.,  Usuard.  Mart. ;  Vet.  Rom.  Mart. ; 
Hieron.  Mart. ;  Kal.  Antiquiss.  Pat.  Lat. 
cxxxviii.  1190  ;  in  the  sacramentary  of  Gelasius 
their  vigil  observed  on  June  18  and  their  natale 
on  June  19  ;  on  both  which  days  their  names 
occur  in  the  collect  "  secreta,"  and  post-com- 
munion ;  on  July  28  (Hieron.  Mart.) ;  Oct.  14 
(Cal.  Byzant.;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  271); 
Oct.  30,  Antioch  (Hieron.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

PROTERIUS,  confessor  at  Antioch  ;  com- 
memorated May  21  (Wright,  Syr.  Mart.). 

[C.  H.] 

PEOTHESIS  (TlpSeea-is  ;  Credentia ;  Copt 
Takaddemet).  The  term  wns  clearly  adopted 
into  Christian  ritual  from  the  Mosaic,  where  it 
is  part  of  the  Alexandrine  equivalent  for^  shcw- 
bread  (&pToi  t?is  irpoetcreois  and  ■Kp6ei(ns  aproiv) 


1740 


PEOTHESIS 


In  the  Greek  ritual,  the  term  is  applied  both  to 
the  recess  upon  the  left  of  the  holy  table  and  to 
the  lesser  altar  which  the  recess  contains.  Bing- 
ham observes  that  in  many  churches  "  there  was 
a  place  where  the  offerings  of  the  people  were 
received,  out  of  which  the  bread  and  wine  was 
taken  that  was  consecrated  at  the  altar  .... 
This  is  called  irpSOeais "  (Antiq.  viii.  vi.  22). 
Similarly,  with  a  slight  enlargement,  Renaudot 
describes  it  as  "  that  part  to  the  right  of  the 
bema  in  which  the  priest,  about  to  celebrate 
Mass,  arranges  and  prepares  what  is  necessary, 
and  from  which  he  proceeds  to  the  altar  with 
a  certain  solemn  ritual "  (^Liturgiae  Orient.). 
Du  Gauge.  (Gloss.  Graec.  s.  v.)  confines  his 
account  to  this  sense  of  the  word,  and  does 
not  even  hint  that  any  other  is  possible. 
Suicer,  however,  says  that  Prothesis  was  altare 
minus,  to  the  left  of  the  principal  altar,  and 
that  it  had  its  name  from  the  fact  that  the  bread 
which  was  to  be  consecrated  by  the  priest  was 
first  placed  upon  it  {Thesaurus,  p.  842).  In  this 
sense  the  term  prothesis  corresponds  to  the 
modern  Gredence.  It  is  remarked  by  Renaudot 
that  the  term  "  altare  minus  "  is  improperly 
applied  to  the  table  of  the  prothesis  "  because 
the  sacrifice  is  not  offered  upon  it "  {Lit.  Orient. 
i.  188,  ed.  Paris,  1716). 

Most  of  the  writers  upon  the  subject  appear 
to  be  agreed  that  the  prothesis  stood  to  the 
left  of  the  holy  table  as  you  face  it.  So  it  is 
placed  by  Leo  Allatius,  by  Goar,  and  by  Beve- 
ridge  (in  the  plan  given  by  Bingham,  though 
Beveridge's  own  words,  subsequently  quoted, 
seem  to  place  it  otherwise).  The  points  on 
which  they  diflfer  are  two :  (1)  whether  the 
Prothesis  was  a  part  of  the  bema  or  distinct 
from  it  ;  and  (2)  whether  there  was  a  direct 
approach  to  the  prothesis  from  the  bema  or  not. 
Beveridge  (Annot.  in  Gan.  Gone.  Nic.  Primi  in 
can.  xi.  16)  considers  that  the  prothesis  was  a 
distinct  place  from  the  bema,  and  that  there  was 
an  immediate  communication  from  one  to  the 
other,  basing  his  conclusion  upon  these  words 
from  the  liturgy  of  St.  Ghrysostom :  "  Kai 
iv\oyS>v  rhy  \ahy,  elcTfpxeraL'  (sc.  into  the  bema) 
fiera  Se  Tr,v  airoXvcnv,  €i  ovk  iarl  StaKovos, 
flaepx^Tat  6  tepevs  els  Tr}v  'np6diaiv,  Kai 
fieTa\aiJ.I3a.vei  rh  VTro\€icp6ey  iv  tw  ayicc  iroTrjpiu) 
Trpoaexics  ical  eiActjSuJs  Kai  aToirXweL  rh  ayiov 
iroTi^piov  rpls,  Kai  bpS  fxrj  /n-fivri  rh  AeySfievov 
uapyapirris.  He  afterwards  quotes  a  passage 
of  Marcus  Hieromonachus  to  shew  that  the 
censing  minister  sometimes  had  to  make  his 
entrance  into  the  sanctuary  through  the  pro- 
thesis  and  not  through  the  holy  doors.  That 
the  prothesis  was,  in  some  sense,  a  distinct 
apartment  from  the  sanctuary,  and  that  sundry 
liturgical  actions  had  to  be  performed  in  it  and 
not  in  the  sanctuary  seems  clear ;  but  it  may 
fairly  be  doubted  whether  ancient  churches  were 
always  built  in  the  same  way.  In  a  modern 
church,  a  vestry  is  sometimes  a  distinct  con- 
struction and  sometimes  an  apartment  merely 
curtained  oft'  from  the  church.  And  it  seems 
quite  conceivable  that  when  Leo  Allatius  places 
the  prothesis  in  the  bema,  while  Goar  separates 
it  from  it,  both  may  be  correct.  In  a  hand- 
some church  the  prothesis  may  very  well  have 
been  the  apse  of  an  aisle,  whilst  in  a  church 
of  humbler  pretensions  the  liturgical  require- 
ment   of    the    prothesis   may    have    been   met 


PEOTOAPOSTOLAEIUS 

by  separating  off"  a  part  of  the  bema  itself.  This 
ajjpears  actually  to  be  the  case  at  the  ]iresent 
day  according  to  the  description  given  by  Dr. 
Neale:  "The  chapel  is  usually  divided  by  a  wall 
from  the  bema,  a  passage  being  pierced  through 
it ;  sometimes  it  is  separated  by  a  screen,  and  iu 
poor  country  churches  has  occasionally  no 
division  at  all"  {Eoly  Eastern  Church,  Introd. 
p.  190). 

The  view  of  Mr.  Freshfield  is  that  the  con- 
struction of  the  prothesis  in  an  apse  is  a  question 
of  date  ;  that  Byzantine  churches  had  not  at 
first  an  apse  for  the  prothesis,  but  that  it  was 
introduced  to  meet  the  requirements  of  tlie 
ritual  when  developed  beyond  its  pristine  sim- 
plicity. He  says  that  "  where  an  ancient  Greek 
church  is  found  with  three  apses  it  is  subsequent 
iu  date  to  the  emperor  Justin  II.  {i.e.  the  middle 
of  the  6th  century),  or  has  had  a  new  east  end 
applied :  where  it  has  only  one  apse  it  is  prior 
to  that  date  "  {Archaeologia,  vol.  44,  xxiv.). 

It  should  be  noticed  that  in  Beveridge's  plan 
of  an  ancient  church  as  given  by  Bingham,  the 
prothesis  is  placed  on  the  left  of  the  spectator 
looking  towards  the  altar,  whereas  Beveridge's 
words  seem  to  insist  upon  the  contrary.  He 
seems,  indeed,  to  take  some  pains  upon  the 
point,  as  if  he  were  writing  against  the  conclu- 
sions of  previous  authors.  He  says,  "  Et  Sia- 
KoviKhv  quidem  ad  dexteram  Pontificis  in  throno 
sedentis  et  Occidentem  respicientis  collocatur, 
irpSOecTis  ad  sinistram,"  and  much  more  to  the 
same  purport  (Annot.  in  Gan.  Gone.  Nic.  Primi, 
in  Gan.  xi.  15).  In  point  of  fact,  amongst  the 
several  writers  there  seems  to  be  some  confusion 
in  the  use  of  the  terms  "  right "  and  "  left." 

In  the  Eastern  ritual  the  procession  from  the 
prothesis  to  the  altar  with  the  sacred  elements 
is  called  the  Great  EntRjVNCE  (p.  612)  fieyiXt) 
il(r6^os,  while  that  with  the  Book  of  the  Gospels 
is  called  the  Little  Entrance  (ixiKpa  flaSSoi). 
The  complete  rite  is  described  by  Goar  {EuchoL 
p.  131).  The  office  of  the  prothesis  is  the 
preparation  of  the  oblation  for  the  eucharistic 
service.  It  opens  with  the  rite  of  washing  the 
hands  on  the  part  of  the  priest  and  deacon,  sav- 
ing the  Psalm,  "  I  will  wash  my  hands  iu 
innocency,  0  Lord,  and  so  will  I  go  to  thine 
altar."  Dr.  Neale  infers  the  extreme  antiquity 
of  this  rite  from  the  words  of  St.  Gyril  of 
Jerusalem,  "  Ye  have  seen  the  deacon  giving 
water  to  the  priest  to  wash  his  hands,  and  to  the 
presbyters  who  surround  the  altar  of  God  " 
{Catech.  ilystag.  5).  The  whole  office  is  given 
in  English  by  Dr.  Neale  {Eastern  Church,  Introd. 
p.  341).  [H.  T.  A.] 

PEOTOAPOSTOLAEIUS,  the  first  episto- 
ler.  The  liturgical  epistle  is  called  the  apostle, 
because  taken  from  the  writings  of  the  apostles, 
in  the  Greek  and  Oriental  churches  {Liturg.  S. 
Chrijs.  in  Goar,  Euchol.  68  ;  -S'.  Marc,  in  Eenaud. 
Collectio  Lit.  Orient,  i.  137 ;  the  Coptic  rite,  ibid. 
6  ;  the  Ethiopic,  508 ;  the  Sgrian  [Blelchite  and 
Jacobite],  ii.  19,  but  "  epistle  "  also  8,  19  ;  the 
Nestorian,  585),  as  formerly  among  the  Latins 
(Ghildeberti  Constit.  a.d.  554,  Capit.  Hcg.  Fr. 
Baluze,  i.  7  ;  Germanus  Paris.  555,  Expos.  Missae 
in  Martene  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Hit.  i.  iv.  12  ;  Cone, 
Tolet.  A.D.  633,  can.  12 ;  and  some  copies  of  the 
Gregorian  sacramentary,  Murat.  Lit.  Bom.  Yet. 
ii.  1,    Menard.   0pp.  S!  Greg.  iii.   1,  ed.  Ben.  . 


PEOTOLICUS 

Rocca,  02:ip.  Greg.  V.  63,  ed.  1615).  Hence  the 
epistoler  was  called  by  the  later  Greeks  aposto- 
larius.  Describing  the  ceremonies  of  Easter  Eve 
at  Constautinople,  Codinus  tells  us  that  "the 
protoapostolarius  reads  the  prophecy  and  the 
apostle"  {da  Offic.  vi.  p.  46,  ed.  Niebuhr). 

[W.  E.  S.] 
PROTOLICUS,    martyr   with    Bassus    and 
Antonius  at  Alexandria  ;  commemorated  Feb.  14 
(Usuard.  Mart. ;  Mart.  Rom.').  [C.  H."i 

PROTONOTARIUS.     By  this  hybrid  word 
the  Greeks  denoted  the  ecclesiastical  officer   at 
Constantinople,    who    had    his    counterpart    at 
rmme  in  the  primicerius  notarionmi.    "  The  office 
[of  the  protonotary]  is  evident  from  the  name ; 
tor  he   is  the  first  of  the  notaries  or  scribes " 
(Codinus,  de  Offic.  Palat.  C.  P.  v.  41,  ed.  Bekk.). 
In  a  very  ancient  Notitia  Offidalium,  or  "  cata- 
logue raisonne"  of  church  officials  at  C.  P.,  printed 
liy  Goar,  we  read:  "The  protonotary  stands  in 
the  church  for  the  service  of  the  bishop,  and  it 
is  his  business  to  write,  if  there  be  any  occasion 
tnr  it.  He  also  examines  (or  makes  a  visitation  of) 
the  lawyers,  and  writes  wills  and  manumissions, 
and  precepts  and  the  like."  (MS.  Allat.  in  Eucho- 
loijion,  276).      Another  document   of  the  same 
kind  tells  us  that  his  station  was  in  the  bema, 
that  at  the  time  of  the  elevation  he  gave  the 
liusin  to  the  bishop,   that  he   might   wash   his 
liaiiiis,  and  that  he  also  held  the  Dicerium  {ibid. 
_'iiit).    He  read  the  gospel  on  Palm  Sunday  (277  ; 
similarly  270).  The  protonotarius  took  precedence 
after  the   ExoCATACOELi  (Joan.  Citrii  Eesp.  8, 
Jus  Gracco-Rom.  v.  in  the  notes  of  Gretser  and 
Goar  to  Codinus,  132).  In  the  12th  century,  imder 
Georgius  Xiphelinus,  the  protecdicus  [EcDiccs] 
was  charged  with  the  duties  of  the  protonotary, 
their  offices  being  amalgamated  imder  the  former 
name  (Joan.   Citr.  u.  s.  in  Goar,  Euchol.  283). 
In   what  century  tlie  title  of  protonotary  was 
lirst  used  by  the  Greeks,  I  cannot  say.     The  im- 
perial officer,   so  called,  is  termed  by  Socrates, 
A.D.439,7rpa)Too-Tc£T7)s  ToDi/  ^aaiKiKcev  v-xoypacpiuv 
{Hist.   Ecd.  vii.   23).      Agatho,  who  had  been 
employed  as  a  notary  at  the  sixth  oecumenical 
council,  writing  in  712,  calls  himself  "protono- 
tary   of  the    patriarchic   secretum "   {Epilogus, 
Hard.  Cone.  iii.  1833).  This  is,  I  think,  the  earliest 
example.    The  term  was  adopted  by  the  Eomans 
not  much  later.     Ammianus,  389,  calls  the  civil 
officer  merely  "  primus   inter    notarios  omnes " 
{Res  Gestae,  xxv.  8).     Gi-egory  of  Kome,  in  592, 
still  uses  the  phrase  "  primicerius  notariorum  " 
{Epist.    ii.    22)   when    speaking    of   the    eccle- 
siastic.      Similarly,    in     the    LiJjer    Pontifcalis 
{  Julius,  No.  36  )  :    "  Hie  constitutum  fecit,  ut 
....  omnium  monumentorum  in   ecclesia  per 
primicerium     notariorvxm     confectio    celebrare- 
tur."     Hadrian  of  Eome,   772,  uses  the  word, 
but    applies    it    only   to    a    chancellor    of    the 
empire  {E^jist.  ad  Gar.  M.  Hard.  Cone.  iii.  2017  ; 
inter  Epjp.  Hadr.  85).     After  cur  period,  how- 
ever, it  became  the  common  title  of  the  papal 
officers.    Thus  e.g.  John  de  Trembley  was  "  pro- 
tonotary of  the  apostolic  see  and  of  the  sacred 
council  of  Constance  "  (Hard.  viii.  492).    A  bull 
of  Leo  X.  speaks  of  the  "  protonotariatus  offi- 
cium"  and   "protonotariatus    habitus"  (Hard, 
ix.  1776).  [W.  E.  S.] 

PROTOPAPAS    {irpoiToirairas,    irpccrniepeus, 
TTpoiTOTTpea-^vTepos).      I.  The  chief  of  the  pres- 


PEOTUS 


1741 


byters  m  an  episcopal  church  was  so  called 
Hence  he  may  be  compared  to  the  dean  ..f  a 
western  cathedral.  At  Constantinople,  "when 
the  bishop  celebrates  the  liturgy,  the  protopapa. 
stands  above  all  the  rulers  of  the  church,  and 
in  the  divme  liturgy  gives  the  holy  communion 
to  the  bishop.  The  bishop  likewise  gives  it  to 
the  TrpcoToiepeis.  He  is  also  the  chief  in  the 
higher  ranks  of  the  church  ;  thus  occupvino-  the 
place  of  the  bishop  in  the  church"  '{Official. 
Catal.  ex.  Allat.  antiquissimo  MS.  printed  by 
Goar,  EiKhol.  p.  277  ;  compare  the  similar  Catal. 
p.  271).  He  IS  "the  first  of  the  bema,"  says 
Codmus,  "and  has  the  second  place  after  the 
bishop  '  {Ee  Offic.  Palat.  i.  p.  6,  ed.  Bekk.).  A 
brief  form  of  appointment  is  given  by  Goar 
from  an  ancient  Euchologion  (287).  Some 
special  duties  of  the  protopapas  of  Constan- 
tinople are  mentioned  by  Codinus,  which 
probably  did  not  difler  from  those  discharged 
by  the  same  ofl^cer  in  other  great  churches 
(xiv.  79). 

II.  The  chief  of  the  clergy  in  attendance  on 
the  emperor  was  also  called  the  protopapas. 
Thus  Codinus :  "  The  emperor  has  a  protopapas 
among  his  clergy,  the  church  has  the  same" 
{Be  Off.  xvii.  94).  Under  Constantine  VIII. 
"  the  protopapas  of  the  palace  was  commanded 
to  precede  the  army  with  the  precious  wood  of 
the  cross  "  (Cedrenus,  Mist.  Comp.  ii.  285,  ed. 
Nieb.).  One  Stylianus  is  mentioned  as  the  pro- 
topapas of  the  great  palace  under  Nicephorus  II. 
{ibid.  252). 

III.  Parish  priests  who  had  others  under  them 
were  also  called  protopapas.  The  eighth  canon 
of  Antioch,  A.D.  341,  forbids  "presbyters  in  the 
country  districts  to  give  canonical  epistles,"  but 
permits  the  chorepiscopi  to  do  so.  Balsamon, 
commenting  on  this,  says,  "  some  maintain  that 
the  presbyters  in  the  country  districts,  i.e.  the 
protopapades,  can  give  letters  of  peace"  {Pandect. 
Bever.  i.  437).  Again,  he  says  that  "  because 
the  canons  forbade  bishops  in  small  cities  and 
villages,  therefore  they  ordained  for  them  pres- 
byters ;  that  is,  protopapades  and  chorepiscopi " 
{Comm.  in  Cem.  x.  p.  439).  They  probably  had 
some  power  over  their  brethren,  as  well  as 
precedence,  from  the  first,  but  its  extent  does 
not  appear.  In  the  modern  Greek  church  the 
protopapas  "  in  vicis  episcopo  absente,  reliquis 
sacerdotibus  semper  praeeminet,  et  in  eos  jus 
exercet"  (Goar,  287).  [W.  E.  S.] 

PEOTOPEESBYXER.  The  protopapas  was 
anciently  so  called.  In  the  acts  of  the  synod  at 
the  Oak,  a.d.  403,  we  read  of"  Arsacius  (of  Con- 
stantinople), the  protopresbyter,  who  succeeded 
Chrysostom  "  (Hard.  Concil.  i.  1041).  A  proto- 
presbyter of  Alexandria  is  spoken  of  at  about 
the  same  time  (Socr.  Hist.  Eccl.  vi.  9).  In  the 
Monumcnta  Syn.  Nic.  ii.  a.d.  787,  one  of  the 
Roman  legates  is  called  wpciros  Trpecr^vrepos  of 
the  church  at  Rome  (Hard.  iv.  28).  See  Proto- 
papas, Archpresbyter,  Decanus.    [W.  E.  S.] 

PECTUS  (1),  pedagogus,  martyr  with  his 
pupils  Cantianus  and  Cautianilla ;  commemorated 
May  31  (CJsuard.  Mart.  ;  Hieron.  Mart.,  at 
Aquileia  ;  Mart.  Rom.^  ;  June  15,  with  Cantianus 
and  Clemens  {Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr  with  .Jaciuctus,  both  eunuchs, 
under   Gallienus ;    commemorated   Sept.  1 1,   on 


1742 


PROVINCE 


the  old  Via  Salai-ia  (Usuard.  Mart. ;  Bed.  Jfart., 
with  Hyaciuthus,  hoth  eunuchs  of  St.  Eugenia  ; 
Hicron.  Mart.,  with  Jacinctus,  at  the  cemetery 
of  Basillae  on  the  old  Via  Salaria ;  Vet.  Bom. 
Mart.,  Kal.  Antiquiss.  Patr.  Lat.  cxx.xviii.  1191, 
H'ith  Hyacinthus  ;  Mart.  Bom.,  with  the  same). 
The  natale  of  Protus  and  Hyaciuthus  on  Sept. 
11  is  observed  in  the  sacramentary  of  Gregory, 
their  names  mentioned  in  the  collect,  the 
"  super  oblata,"  and  the  "  ad  complendum " 
(Greg.  Mag.  Sacr.).  [C.  H.] 

PROVINCE.     [Ordkrs,  holy,  p.  1478.] 

PROVINCIAL  SYNOD.  [Council,  p.  473.] 

PROVOST.    [Praepositus.] 

PRUDENS  (Vet.  Rom.  Mart.  May  19),  dis- 
ciple of  St.  Paul.     [PuDEXS.]  [C.  H.] 

PSACHNION.  This  word,  whose  meaning 
is  quite  uncertain,  occurs  in  the  account  of  the 
sufferings  of  pope  Martin  I.  (ob.  a.d.  655).  After 
very  cruel  treatment  had  been  inflicted  on  him 
at  Constantinople,  the  sacellarius  (see  Ducange, 
s.  V.)  ordered  one  of  the  guards  standing  by,  a 
barber,  to  remove  at  once  the  pope's  psachnion 
(^Patrol.  Ixxsvii.  115).  This  done,  he  was  deli- 
vered to  the  prefect  of  the  city  with  a  view  to 
his  being  put  to  death,  which  he  but  narrowly 
escaped. 

Ducange  (^Glossarium,  s.  v.)  considers  that  the 
text  is  corrupt,  and  that  saccion  should  be  read, 
the  saccus  being  an  article  of  dress  worn  by 
patriarchs,  &c.  This  does  not  seem  very  pro- 
bable, because  the  pallium  would  be  above  all  the 
other  vestments,  and  the  removal  of  that  is 
subsequently  mentioned.  In  the  text  as  given 
by  Baronius  {Annales,  a.d.  651,  cc.  10,  11),  the 
reading  psachnion  is  found,  which,  however, 
leaves  the  matter  qviite  as  doubtful.  Baronius 
gives  the  rather  far-fetched  theory  that  the 
meaning  is  that  of  a  satchel  or  purse  {pcray. 
Macer  (^Hierolexicon,  s.  v.)  considers  the  word  to 
refer  to  the  tonsure,  laying  stress  on  the  fact 
that  it  is  a  barber  who  is  bidden  to  act  on  this 
occasion.  This  would  be  tantamoixnt  to  a  de- 
grading from  the  clerical  office,  so  that  the 
secular  power  could  be  then  called  upon  to  act. 
[R.  S.] 

PSALLENDA,  the  proper  antiphon  on  a 
saint's  day  in  the  Ambrosian  offices  of  lauds  and 
vespers.  Ex.  On  St.  Andrew's  day  at  vespers. 
'•  Psall.  Inveni  David  ser-\aim  meum  :  Oleo  sancto 
meo  unxi  eum.  Gloria  Patri,  &c.  Inveni,"  &c. 
[W.  E.  S.] 

PSALLENDUM,  the  anthem  between  the 
prophecy  and  epistle  in  the  liturgy  of  Gothic 
Spain:  "Postea,  iterato  Dominus  sit  semper 
vobiscum,  canitur  ant  profertur  psallendum, 
quod  idem  paene  est  atque  responsum,  non  dispar 
graduali  officii  Latini "  {Ordo  Div.  Off.  Goth. 
irom  Roblesius,  Vita  Xi7ncnii,  27,  in  Cone.  Hisp. 
Aguirre,  iii.  264).  Leslie  (in  PsaUendo,  Miss, 
liozar.')  denies  its  close  resemblance  to  the 
'gradual.  In  the  Missal  this  anthem  is  always 
headed  by  the  word  "  psallendo,"  which  is,  I 
conceive,  not  the  oblique  case,  but  the  lower 
Latin  form.  Compare  sono  for  sonum  in  the  Bre- 
viar.  Goth.  Loreuzana,  1,  6,  8,  &c.       [W.  E.  S.] 

PSALLENTIA,  a  method  of  singing  the 
psalms,  hymns,  &c.      "Graecorum    psallentiam 


PSALMODY 

ad  nos  dirigere  tua  fraternitas  dignetur."  This 
occurs  in  a  letter  to  Jerome,  which  has  been 
ascribed  to  Damasus  of  Rome,  the  ground  of  the 
request  being  the  rudeness  of  the  Roman 
psalmody  at  that  time :  "  Nee  psallentium  mos 
tenetur,  nee  hymni  decus  in  ore  nostro  cognos- 
citur."  The  authenticity  of  the  epistle  and  of 
Jerome's  reply  is  denied  by  Hardouin,  &c. 
(Mansi,  Co7icil.  iii.  428).  "  [W.  E.  S.] 

PSALLENTIUM  (or  Psallentius),  a  service 
of  psalms  and  hymns  ;  a  word  in  very  common 
use  in  France  in  the  6th  century  and  later ;  but 
less  frequent  elsewhere.  "  Cum  psallentio  sacer- 
dotum  cruceni  Domini  vel  pignora  sanctorum 
commendavit "  (Baudonivia  in  Vita  Badegundis, 
19) :  "  Dum  sub  muro  cum  psallentio  sanctum 
ejus  corpus  portaretur  "  (76.  28).  "  Prostrati 
solo  Dominum  diebus  singulis  cum  psallentii 
modulamine  deprecantur  "  (Greg.  Turon.  de  Vit. 
PP.  i.  1  ;  see  Hist.  Franc,  i.  43  :  "  Psallentium 
audierunt  in  caelo  ;  ii.  21,  in  a  procession ;  37,  of 
an  antiphon,  &c.).  In  653  Clovis  II.  made  a 
grant  to  the  church  of  St.  Denys,  "  ut  sicut 
tempore  domini  genetoris  nostri  ibidem  psallen- 
cins  per  turmas  fuit  institutus ;  vel  sicut  ad 
monasthirium  St.  Mauricii  Agaunis  die  noctoque 
tenetur,  ita  in  loco  ipso  celebretur  "  {I)c  Be 
Biplom.  Mabill.  466).  "  That  on  the  Lord's  Day 
every  priest  go  round  his  church,  together  with 
the  peojile  cum  psallentio  "  (^Capit.  Beg.  Fr.  \. 
ST2).  [W.  E.  S.] 

PSALMELLUS,  an  anthem  from  the  Psalms 
sung  after  the  prophecy  in  the  Ambrosian 
liturgy  {Bituale  SS.  PP.  Pamel.  i.  295),  and 
therefore  corresponding  to  the  PsALLENDUM  of 
the  Mozarabic.  Its  analogy  to  the  GRADUAL  is 
observed  by  Ralph  of  Tongres,  who  speaking  of 
the  responsories  of  the  mass,  says,  "  In  the 
Roman  office  they  are  called  graduals,  and  in 
the  Ambrosian,  psalmeli  "  (sic. ;  De  Can.  Observ. 
12).  The  following  rule  for  its  use  is  given  in 
the  Missal  of  1609 ;  "  Post  lectionem  [prophetiae], 
response  per  ministrum  Deo  gratias,  dicitur 
psalmellus,  quando  sequitvir  epistola ;  alioquin 
post  lectionem  dicitur  alleluia  cum  suo  versu, 
vel  cantus  "  (Lebrun,  Dissert,  iii.  art.  2). 

[W.  E.  S.] 

PSALMISTA.  The  Statuta  Antiqua  of  the 
African  Church  (c.  10)  declare  that  a  "psalmista, 
i.e.  cantor,"  may  undertake  the  office  of  a  church 
singer  at  the  mere  bidding  of  the  presbyter, 
without  consulting  the  bishop.  The  presbyter 
is  to  say  to  him,  "  tu  vide  ut  quod  ore  cantas 
corde  credas,  et  quod  corde  credis  operibus  com- 
probes."    Compare  Ordination,  p.  1509.    [C] 

PSALMODY.  The  object  of  this  article  is 
to  give  some  account  of  the  rise,  method,  and 
peculiarities  of  Psalmody  in  early  Christianity 
and  to  trace  the  progress  of  ideas  that  were 
associated  with  it. 

It  has  been  already  stated  in  .this  work  [see 
Office,  the  Divine]  that  psalmody  formed  so 
prominent  a  constituent  of  ancient  choir  services 
as  actually  to  have  given  its  name  to  some  of 
the  earliest  service  books  that  are  known  to  us. 
Indeed,  the  psalmody  of  any  given  service  may 
be  considered  as  the  thread'  upon  which  the 
pearls  of  lesson,  versicle  and  collect  are  strung. 

Germs  of  Choir  Services. — We  can  trace  the 
rise   of  the   elaborate    services  that  have  been 


PSALMODY 

used  in  the  Christian  church  ia  the  little  that 
has  come  down  to  us  about  the  practice  of  the 
ancients  iu'  psalmody. 

The  earliest  writers  as  well  as  the  uniform 
ti'adition  of  Christendom  imply  that  the  musical 
performance  of  psalms  has  always  formed  a  part 
of  Christian  worship.  The  first  passage  in 
Christian  literature  which  makes  any  reference 
to  the  subject  is  the  well-known  passage  from 
the  epistle  of  St.  Ignatius  to  the  Ephesians.  He 
uses  expressions  tiiere  which  can  only  be  explained 
on  the  hypothesis  that  the  early  Christians  sang. 
He  does  not  indeed  say  that  what  they  sang  was 
the  Psalms  of  David.  But  if  we  bear  in  mind 
the  practice  of  the  age  immediately  subsequent 
and  that  of  the  Jewish  church  before,  there  can 
be  no  reasonable  doubt  that  the  Psalms  of  David 
formed  at  least  a  part  of  what  the  early  Chris- 
tians sang. 

Justin  Martyr,  again,  iu  his  Apology  addressed 
to  the  emperor  Antoninus  Pius,  speaks  of  the 
Christians  singing  "hymns."  But  the  learned 
Benedictine  editor  observes  there  that  "  it  is 
plain  enough  that  the  name  of  Iiymns  was  given 
both  to  the  Psalms  of  David  and  to  lyrics  com- 
posed by  Christians  themselves,  which  used  to 
be  sung  in  church."  Tertullian  (Apol.  39), 
mentions  the  singing  of  compositions  takeu  from 
the  Holy  Scriptures,  amongst  which  it  can  hardly 
be  doubted  (though  he  does  not  distinctly  say  so) 
that  the  Psalms  of  David  were  included.  Origen 
too  (contra  Celsum,  viii.  37)  makes  use  of  expres- 
sions which  may  fairly  be  interpreted  in  the 
same  direction ;  yet  he  does  not  explicitly 
affirm  that  the  psalms  were  sung  in  public  worship. 
Indeed  the  earliest  mention  known  to  the  present 
writer  of  the  use  of  xf/aXfxol  iu  Christian  worship 
is  contained  in  a  passage  quoted  by  Eusebius  against 
Artemon,  the  heretic,  i|/oA/^oi  5e  oaoi  Kal  wdal 
a5e\(pS>v  a-K  apxvs  i^fb  iriffTuv  ypa<pe7(ra.i  tov 
\6yov  Tov  Qeov  rhv  XpiffThv  vjxvovffi  QioKojovvns 
(Hist.  Ecd.  V.  28).  Tliere  is  indeed  one  passage 
which  may  contest  the  priority  with  this  quota- 
tion of  Eusebius.  It  is  a  passage  attributed  to 
Hippolytus  in  the  oration  on  the  end  of  the 
world :  rh  arofia  v^Siv  irphs  So^o\oyiap  koI 
aivov  KoX  ypaXfiovs  Kal  ciSas  irvivp-ariKas  7)vrpi- 
TTiffa  AaAe?!/.  But  though  the  passage  is  ancient, 
yet  it  is  of  doubtful  authenticity,  and  therefore 
cannot  be  advanced  with  confidence  in  the  argu- 
ment. After  this  period  the  mention  of  psalmody 
properly  so-called  is  so  frequent  as  to  enable  us 
to  dispense  with  specific  citation. 

Atlianasius  (de  Virginitate)  tells  a  lady,  "  Say 
as  many  psalms  as  you  can,  and  to  every  psalm 
let  there  be  joined  prayers  and  bending  of  the 
knees  with  tears,  .  .  .  and  after  three  psalms  are 
finished,  say  Alleluia." 

This  practice  seems  to  be  the  prototype  of 
that  which  was  long  afterwards  the  Mozarabic 
and  Gallican  rule,  according  to  which  it  was 
directed  that  after  each  antiphon  which  followed 
the  psalm  there  should  be  said  collects,  which 
were  for  the  most  part  compiled  from  the  lan- 
guage of  the  psaliu  itself.  These  prayers  are 
probably  the  Collcctiones  spoken  of  iu  the 
council  of  Agde  in  the  year  506  (can.  30), 
which  were  to  be  said  by  bishops  and  presbyters. 
If  neither  bishop  nor  presbyter  but  only  a  deacon 
were  present,  then  these  prayers  were  not  said. 
There  is  a  diftorence  of  opinion  as  to  where 
the  practice  originated  of  interspersing  psalms 


PSALMODY 


174^ 


with  collects.  Tomasi  attributes  it  to  the 
Spanish  and  Gallican  churches.  Gerbert  thinks 
it  was  brought  by  Cassian  from  the  East  into 
Gaul.  In  the  council  of  Laodicea  (4th  century) 
there  is  a  canon  which  forbids  psalms  to  be  said 
without  a  lection  between  them  (Cone.  Laod. 
can.  17). 

The  use  of  any  human  composition  is  expressly 
forbidden  by  the  first  council  of  Braga :  "  Ut 
ultra  psalmos  vel  canonicarum  Scripturarum  novi 
et  veteris  Testamenti  nihil  poetice  compositum 
in  ecclesia  psallatur,  sicut  et  sancti  praecipiunt 
canones"  (Cone.  Brae.  1.  c.  12).  The  stiffness  of 
this  prohibition  was  afterwards  modified  (Cone. 
Told.  iv.).  It  seems  however  that  it  was  not 
meant  to  exclude  what  we  should  call  hymns, 
but  only  the  so-called  psalms  of  Solomon  and 
other  compositions  which  might  seem  to  claim 
rank  as  canonical  scripture.  (See  Balsamou  on 
Cone.  Laod.  can.  59.)  By  a  canon  (67) 
amongst  the  capitula  of  Martin  of  Braga  it 
was  forbidden  to  use  psalms  in  church  that 
were  not  in  Scripture  (compositos  et  vulgares). 
The  same  thing  is  repeated  in  the  9th  century, 
shewing  that  former  prohibitions  had  been 
ineffectual  (Cone.  Aquisgr.  can.  86).  In  con- 
nexion with  this  branch  of  the  subject  it 
will  be  remembered  that  there  was  often  a 
disposition  to  propagate  false  teaching  through 
the  medium  of  psalms  composed  by  such  teachers 
themselves  ;  as  in  the  case  of  Paul  of  Samosata, 
mentioned  by  Eusebius  (Hist.  Eecl.  vii.  30) ; 
Valentinus,  mentioned  by  Tertullian  (de  Came 
Ghristi,  17) ;  Apollinarists  in  Sozomen  (Hist. 
Eecl.  vi.  25)  ;  and  the  most  famous  example  of 
all — the  Donatists,  attacked  by  St.  Augustine 
(Ep.  55,  al.  34).  The  use  of  such  psalms, 
however,  does  not  seem  to  have  been  confined  to 
the  schismatic  party  ;  for  St.  Augustine  himself 
composed  a  long  psalm  against  tlie  Donatist 
party.  He  says  Tietract.  lib.  i.  20)  that  he 
meant  it  to  be  sung  by  the  multitude,  in  order 
that  the  unlearned  might  become  acquainted 
with  the  errors  of  the  Donatists.  The  psalm  is 
peculiar  in  its  structure.  It  is  an  alphabetic 
psalm  (Abecedarius)  with  an  intercalated  anti- 
phon. It  consists  of  strophes  of  twelve  lines 
each.  The  strophes  begin  with  the  letters  of 
the  alphabet  down  as  far  as  V,  the  antiphon 
being  said  at  the  beginning  of  the  psalm,  and  after 
each  strophe.  The  antiplion  in  question  is  the 
line  : 

"  Omnes  qui  gaudetis  de  pace,  modo  verum  judicate." 

This  antiphon  the  writer  himself  calls  Hypo- 
psalma.  The  whole  is  followed  by  an  epilogue, 
which  is  an  address  from  the  Catholic  church 
exhorting  the  people  to  a  loyal  adherence  to 
her.  Such  psalms  of  human  composition  were 
sometimes  called  Fsalmi  pleheii  or  vulgares ;  and 
in  Greek  ISicuriKol. 

The  commanding  position  which  psalmody 
occupied  in  the  early  monastic  life  cannot  be 
better  depicted  than  in  the  striking  phrase  of 
St.  Jerome's  about  the  convent  at  Bethlehem, 
"extra  psalmos  silentium  est."  St.  Ambrose 
even  proposes  the  example  of  birds,  as  a  con- 
sideration which  should  lead  people  to  begin  and 
end  the  day  with  psalmody  :  "  Quis  enim  sensum 


gereus  non   er 


ubescat   sine   psalmorum 


celebritate  diem  vel  inchoare  vel  claudere ;  cum 
etiam   minutissmae   aves   solemni    devotione    et 


1744 


PSALMODY 


dulci  carmine  ortus  dierum  et  noctium  perse- 
quantur  ?"    {S.  Ambr.  in  Ps.  118.) 

In  later  times  we  meet  with  a  curious  term, 
■which  appears  to  have  arisen  from  this  universal 
obligation  to  psalmody — Psalmi  superpositi.  In 
the  Benedictine  Rule  it  denotes  certain  psalms 
enjoined  for  meditation  upon  itinerant  monks, 
who  were  too  illiterate  to  read  the  psalter  at 
large.  (See  Du  Gauge,  Gloss,  s.  v.  "  Super- 
positi.") 

It  is  sometimes  inferred  from  a  passage  in 
St.  Augustine,  that  psalmody  was  not  intro- 
duced into  the  church  of  Milan  until  the 
Arian  persecutions  in  the  time  of  St.  Ambrose, 
"  turn  hymni  et  psalmi  ut  cauerentur  secun- 
dum morem  orientalium  partium,  ne  popu- 
lus  maeroris  taedio  contabesceret,  institutum 
est."  (St.  Aug.  Conf.  lib.  ix.  cap.  7).  His 
meaning,  however,  probably  is  not  that  the  use 
of  psalms  was  hitherto  unknown  in  the  Milanese 
church,  but  that  until  this  emergency  the  con- 
gregation had  not  performed  them  "  secundum 
morem  orientalium,"  i.e.  had  not  sung  them 
antiphonally,  and  with  the  people  joining  in. 
(See  Mabillon  de  Cursxi,  Gallicano  Bisquisitio.) 
Indeed,  it  will  be  sufficient  to  quote  the  phrase 
of  Augustine  himself  to  shew  that  the  practice 
of  singing  the  psalms  was  not  confined  to  any 
particular  church,  but  was  universal,  "  toto 
orbe  cantantur  "  (St.  Aug.  Conf.  ix.  4). 

Amongst  special  uses  the  psalmody  of  the 
ancient  Gallican  church  occupies  a  prominent 
position.  Cardinal  Tomasi  observes  that  "in 
more  modern  times  it  is  represented,  subject  to 
certain  alterations  of  detail,  by  the  Mozarabic 
(or  ancient  Spanish)  rite(Opp.  Oimiia,  torn.  iii. 
praef.,  Romae,  1748).  The  rise  and  progress  of 
psalmody  in  the  Gallican  church  are  described  at 
length  by  Mabillon  {de  Cursu  Gcdlicano  Bisqui- 
sitio). It  will  be  seen  later  in  this  article  that 
one  of  the  specialities  of  Gallican  psalmody  was 
the  use  of  Gloria  Patri  at  the  end  of  every 
psalm,  as  is  done  at  present  in  the  English  church. 
As  to  the  Roman  mode  of  psalmody  in  early  days 
Mabillon  (xi.  s.)  says  that  it  is  not  easy  to  define 
it ;  but  he  gives  his  opinion  that  it  diftered  in 
some  respects  from  that  laid  down  in  the  Bene- 
dictine rule.  The  phrase  which  Mabillon  uses 
is  modus  psallendi.  By  this  he  probably  does 
not  mean  the  features  of  execution,  that  is, 
whether  it  was  done  by  a  single  voice  or  by 
many,  whether  it  was  responsory  or  otherwise, 
but  he  probably  means  the  choice  and  assign- 
ment   of   psalm    and    canticle   in   the   several 


Of  the  condition  of  psalmody  in  this  country 
before  the  arrival  of  Augustine  (a.d.  596)  very 
little  is  known.  Of  the  British  chant  we  know 
nothing  but  from  a  passage  in  Gildas,  who 
praises  its  sweetness  (Dei  laudes  canora  Christi 
tyronum  voce  suaviter  modulantes).  Some 
writers  have  supposed  that  the  Gallican 
psalmody  was  used  here  by  Augustine ;  but 
Johnson  (^Canons,  preface,  xiii.)  refuses  to  allow 
this.  There  are  indications,  indeed,  that  con- 
siderable pains  were  bestowed  upon  the  sub- 
ject in  the  ancient  English  church.  Bede  (Hist. 
iv.  18)  gives  an  account  of  the  work  that 
was  donehere  in  the  improvement  of  psalmody 
by  John,  the  precentor  (archicantor)  of  St. 
Peter's  at  Rome,  who  came  here  by  command  of 
pope  Agatho.     So  great  was  the  influence  of  his 


I'SALMODY 

work  that  by  the  council  of  Cloveshoo  (a.d.  747) 
the  Roman  psalmody  was  made  of  obligation  in 
those  parts  of  the  British  Islands  which  were 
under  the  jurisdiction  of  archbishop  Cuthbert 
(can.  13,  15).  With  respect  to  the  language  in 
which  the  ancient  English  church  performed 
their  psalmody,  authorities  seem  scarcely  to  be 
agreed.  Johnson,  indeed,  admits  that  for  the 
first  250  years  after  the  arrival  of  Augustine  it 
was  done  in  Latin  for  the  public  service  (Canons, 
preface,  xiii.).  An  ancient  MS.  in  the  Cotton 
library  is  quoted  by  Collier  (EccL  Hist,  book  i. 
p.  48,  vol.  i.  fol.  ed.)  to  the  effect  that  Ger- 
manus  and  Lupus  brought  the  Gallican  Cursus 
(ordinem  cursus  Gallorum)  to  this  country  in 
the  5th  century.  If  that  be  so,  the  question  is 
settled ;  for  there  can  be  no  reasonable  doubt 
cither  (1)  that  the  term  Cursus  includes 
psalmody;  or  (2)  that  the  psalmody  of  the 
Gallican  rite  was  in  Latin.  On  the  relation 
between  the  Gallican  Cursus  and  ancient  English 
psalmody  the  reader  may  consult  with  advan- 
tage bishop  Stillingfleet's  Origines  Britannicae, 
chap.  iv.  From  that  work,  which  takes  in  the 
period  before  the  arrival  of  Augustine,  it  may 
be  gathered  how  little  is  really  known  of  the 
practices  of  Christianity  in  these  islands  during 
the  first  six  centuries. 

Upon  the  ancient  distribution  of  the  psalms 
for  the  service  of  the  church  Gavanti  ( J^esawrMs 
Sacrorum  Rituum,  torn.  ii.  s.  ii.  cap.  i.  3) 
writes  to  this  effect :  Walafrid  Strabo  reports 
that,  to  avoid  confusion  arising  from  variety  of 
uses,  pope  Damasus,  at  the  instance  of  Theo- 
dosius,  ordered  St.  Jerome  to  an-ange  the 
psalms  for  the  several  services  of  day  and 
night ;  that  the  distribution  ■vAs  made,  was 
approved  by  Damasus,  and  received  by  the 
whole  church.  It  is  not  unreasonable  to  assume 
that  in  the  9th  century  (Strabo's  period)  there 
were  extant  documents  from  which  it  could 
be  inferred  that  St.  Jerome  really  did  make 
some  such  distribution  as  that  which  is  alleged. 

Attempts  were  made  to  introduce  uniformity 
of  use  into  the  psalmody.  Thus  in  the  council 
of  Vannes  (A.D.  465),  "  Rectum  quoque  duximus, 
ut  vel  intra  provinciam  nostram  sacrorum  ordo 
et  psallendi  una  sit  consuetudo  "  (Can.  15).  The 
same  thing  occurs  again  in  the  second  council  of 
Bracara,  which  guards  against  the  introduction 
of  private  uses  from  the  monasteries.  (Cone.  Brae. 
ii.  cap.  1.) 

The  regular  psalms  that  would  have  occurred 
in  the  office  of  the  day  were  at  times  set  aside  in 
favour  of  proper  psalms.  A  capitulum  of  the 
synod  of  Aix  in  the  year  817,  runs  thus:  "  Ut 
l^raetermissis  partitionibus  psalterii,  psalmi  spe- 
ciales  pro  eleemosynariis  et  defunctis  cantentur  " 
(cap.  50). 

It  ought  to  be  noticed  that  in  the  performance 
of  psalmody  the  headings  or  titles  of  the  psalms 
seem  always  to  have  been  recited.  It  is  well 
known  that  in  his  popular  sermons  on  the 
Psalms,  St.  Augustine  often  makes  a  great  deal 
out  of  the  strange  words  which  the  English 
reader  commonly  passes  quite  unnoticed.  Indeed, 
he  speaks  of  the  title  as  the  herald  of  the  psalm 
(praeco  Psalmi).  In  this  respect  Christianity 
probably  followed  what  had  always  been  (and 
still  is)  the  usage  of  the  synagogue,  where  the 
title  is  always  recited  as  an  integral  part  of  the 
psalm,  when  the  psalm   is  used   for  devotional 


PSALMODY 

j  nrposes,  either  by  a  single  individual  or  by  the 
nssembled  multitude. 

Jlode. — The  methods  of  performing  psalmody 
ii  the  ancient  church  are  reducible  to  these: — 

1.  The  psalm  was  executed  by  a  single  voice, 
whilst  all  the  rest  of  the  congregation  listened. 

2.  Sometimes  it  was  done  by  the  whole  con- 
gregation singing  together. 

3.  The  congregation  was  divided  into  two  parts 
or  choirs,  which  sang  alternate  verses. 

4.  One  voice  sang  the  first  part  of  a  verse  (as 
we  say,  incepted  it),  and  the  rest  of  the  congre- 
gation all  together  succented  it,  that  is,  sang  the 
close  of  it. 

To  these  methods  some  writers  add  yet  an- 
other; e.g.  Martene  (de  Eccl.  Bit.  IV.  iii.  7) 
descrilDes  a  method  which  he  calls  Eesponsorius. 
This  very  common  term,  however,  has  another 
meaning,  which  we  shall  consider  subsequently. 
In  this  method,  according  to  Martene,  the  cantor 
or  lector  recited  each  verse  of  the  psalm,  and 
then  the  whole  chorus  repeated  it  after  he  had 
done.  He  quotes  indeed  several  passages  to  estab- 
lish this  ;  but  it  may  be  doubted  whether  they 
cannot  one  and  all  be  otherwise  explained. 

(a)  The  method  in  which  a  single  voice  sang 
und  the  rest  listened  was  afterwards  called 
Tractus.  It  is  described  by  Cassian :  "  Prae- 
dictum  vero  duodenarium  psalmorum  numerum 
ita  dividunt,  lit  si  duo  fuerint  fratres,  senos  psal- 
lant ;  si  tres,  quateruos ;  si  quatuor,  ternos. 
Quo  numero  nunquam  minus  in  congregatione 
decantant ;  ac  proinde  quantalibet  multitude 
convenerit,  nunquam  amplius  psallunt  in  synaxi, 
quam  quatuor  fratres  "  (Dc  Coendbiorum  Instit. 
lib.  ii.  cap.  11,  ad  fin.  The  reason  why  a  psalm 
was  executed  sometimes  by  a  single  voice  and 
sometimes  by  the  assembly  at  large  is  given 
by  St.  Augustine :  "  Ideo  in  Psalmis  aliquando 
plures  cantant,  ut  ostendatur  quia  de  pluribus 
fit  unus ;  aliquando  umis  cantat,  ut  ostendatur 
quid  fiat  de  pluribus."     {In  Jo.  Tract,  xii.) 

(jS)  Cardinal  Thomasius  says  that  when  the 
whole  choir  sings  a  psalm  together,  not  alter- 
nately, the  ancients  called  this  method  the 
"direct"  (directus,  directaneus).  Mention  of 
this  is  made  in  the  Rule  of  St.  Benedict.  It  was 
practised  in  the  Milanese  rite,  in  which  at 
matins  one  psalm  after  the  chapter  was  sung  in 
tliis  manner.  In  the  monastic  rite  the  psalms 
before  and  after  meals  were  to  be  said  in  this 
manner,  without  antiphon  on  ferial  days,  but 
with  antiphon  or  alleluia  on  feasts. 

(7)  The  autiphonal  method  seems  to  be 
l>astern  in  its  origin.     [Antiphon,  p.  94.] 

It  is  often  in  the  present  day  debated  whether 
the  psalms  ought  to  be  sung  antiphonally  by 
half  verses  or  by  whole  verses.  It  is  therefore 
relevant  to  observe  that  in  the  council  of  Aix 
(8th  century)  a  direction  is  given  that  they 
should  be  sung  according  to  the  division  of  the 
verses  (ut  psalmi  digne  secundum  divisiones 
versuum  modulentur) ;  that  is,  the  clergy  were 
not  to  hurry  one  verse  into  the  next  as  if  there 
were  no  division  {Cone.  Aquiscjr.  cap.  70).  There 
is,  so  far  as  the  present  writer  knows,  no  trace 
in  early  Christian  antiquity  of  the  psalms 
having  been  sung  by  half  verses  by  equal 
choirs. 

(8)  In  this  part  of  the  subject  the  word 
Responsoriuni  demands  some  notice.  There  is  an 
ambiguity  about  it.     First,  certain  psalms  were 


PSALMODY 


1745 


so  called  from  the  liturgical  position  assigned 
to  them.  In  very  early  times  it  appears  that"  the 
epistle  and  gospel  were  divided  by  a  psalm. 
[Gradual.]  Psalms  appointed  for  this  function 
were  called  Eesponsoria.  Bingham  quotes  this 
use  of  the  term  in  the  fourth  council  of  Toledo, 
which  complains  of  the  omission  of  Gloria  Patri 
at  the  end  of  such  psalms—"  Sunt  quidam  qui 
in  fine  responsoriorum  Gloria  non  dicunt." 
But,  secondly,  any  psalm  might  be  called  a 
responsory  psalm,  not  from  the  liturgical  use  of 
it,  but  simply  from  the  mode  of  its  performance. 
St.  Isidore  of  Se\'ille,  for  instance,  applies 
Responsorium  to  a  psalm  that  was  begun  by  one 
voice  and  taken  up  by  the  chorus,  "  Vocata  hoc 
nomine  quod,  uno  canente,  chorus  consonando 
respondeat  {De  Off.  i.  8). 

The  people  seem  at  times  to  have  done  their 
part  most  lustily.  "  The  church  is  well  com- 
pared to  the  sea,"  says  St.  Ambi-ose,  for 
"  Piesponsoriis  psalmorum,  cantu  virorum, 
mulierum,  virginuni,  parvulorum  consonans  un- 
darum  fragor  resultat "  {Hcxem.  iii.  5). 

The  mode  of  performing  psalmody  in  the  East 
is  described  by  St.  Basil  the  Great.  The  people, 
he  says,  having  divided  themselves  into  two 
parties,  perform  (dj/Tuf/aXAouo-iv)  antiphonally 
to  one  another.  .  .  Then,  again,  having  entrusted 
to  one  person  the  duty  of  incepting  the  tune, 
the  rest  succent  {{nr-nxovcn)  (S.  Bas.  Mag.  Up. 
207,  Ad  clericos  Neocacsarienses).  [Antiphon, 
p.  94.]  This  seems  to  have  been  the  ordinary 
method  of  performing  psalmody  in  St.  Chry- 
sostom's  part  of  the  church  (whether  Con- 
stantinople or  Antioch),  for  he  complains  that 
as  soon  as  they  had  succented  {v-n-qxh'^o.vT^s)  two 
or  three  psalms,  they  hurried  off  from  church 
and  thought  it  was  enough  for  their  salvation 
{Hoiu.  xi.  in  2Iatt.). 

It  may  be  gathered  that  in  very  early  times 
there  were  leaders  of  the  psalmody  who  became 
afterwards  called  Kavovdpxai,  and  in  Latin, 
praecentores.  [Precentor.]  One  of  the  most 
famous  examples  of  this  mode  of  performance  is 
the  escape  of  St.  Athanasius  when  the  church 
was  surrounded  by  Arian  soldiers,  and  he  says, 
"  Sitting  on  my  throne,  I  ordered  the  deacon  to 
read  a  psalm  and  the  people  to  respond  {uva- 
Koveiv  al.  iinrixe'ii'},  for  His  mercy  endureth  for 
ever"  (Ath.  Apol.  de  Fugd,  p.  717,  tom.  i.  ed. 
Colon.  1686). 

In  the  rule  of  St.  Benedict  and  elsewhere  in 
connexion  with  psalmody  there  is  a  phrase  of 
very  frequent  occurrence,  psahnum  imponere.  It 
means  to  lead  the  choir  in  performing  the  psalm  ; 
as  we  should  say,  to  set  the  psalm.  By  the 
Capiiula  of  Martin  of  Bracara  (cent.  6)  no  one 
was  to  lead  the  psalmody  (psallere)  in  the  desk 
unless  he  had  been  ordained  lector  by  the  bishop 
{Cap.  Mart.  Brae.  can.  45). 

The  ritual  of  the  psalmody  as  it  was  practised 
amongst  the  monks  of  Egypt  is  thus  described 
by  Cassian,  a  writer  of  the  4th  century :  "  Unus 
in  medium  psalmos  Domino  cantaturus  exsurgit. 
Cumque  sedentibus  cunctis  (ut  est  moris  nunc 
usque  in  Aegypti  parlibus)  et  in  psallentis  verba 
omni  cordis"^  intentione  defixis,  undecini  psalmos 
orationum  interjectione  distiuctos  contiguis  ver- 
sibus  parili  pronuntiationc  cantasset,  duodccimum 
sub  Alleluia  responsione  consummans,  ab  univer- 
sorum  oculis  repente  subtractus,  quacstioni 
pariter   et   caeremoniis    finem    imposuit "    {De 


1746 


PSALMODY 


Coenohiorum  Instit.  lib.  ii.  cap.  5).  From  this 
l^assage  it  will  be  gathered  that  while  the  singer 
of  the  iDsalm  stood,  the  others  sat  down. 

From  some  of  the  expressions  already  used  it 
will  be  gathered  that  the  recital  of  the  psalms 
was  commonly — it  would  obviously  be  too  much 
to  say  always— musical.  In  this  respect  they 
shared  the  privilege  that  belonged  to  other  pas- 
sages of  Scripture.  So  far  as  we  know,  it 
appears  that  in  the  Jewish  church  the  Scrip- 
tures were  never  read  in  the  colloquial  inflexions 
of  ordinary  speech,  but  were  recited  with  fixed 
solemn  musical  intonation.  Every  word  in  the 
Hebrew  Bible  is  accompanied  by  a  mark  or 
accent,  which  indicates  not  only  the  logical  posi- 
tion of  the  word  in  the  sentence,  but  also  the 
particular  musical  inflection  with  which  the 
word  is  to  be  recited.  That  distinction  applies 
to  the  words  of  the  Book  of  Psalms  as  to  every 
other  book  of  Scripture.  In  such  a  matter, 
what  every  Israelite  was  familiar  with,  the 
Christian  Church  would  be  likely  to  continue. 
Basil  the  Great  (and  after  him  other  writers) 
explains  two  of  the  names  that  occur  in  the  titles 
of  the  psalms  as  having  reference  to  the  mode  of 
their  execution.  Apsalm,  he  says,  is  a  composition 
which  is  instrumentally  accompanied  (Stov 
evpvOfiajs  Kara,  robs  ap/xoviKOVs  ASyovs  Trphs  rh 
opyavov  Kpov7]Tai) :  a  sontj  on  the  contrary  is 
a  melodious  utterance  without  the  accompani- 
ment of  an  instrument  (jpcovr]  e^/xeA?;s  aTroStSo- 
fxei'r]  ivapfxouiois  X'"P'^  '''^i^  crvvTixVO'^^s  toC 
opyduov.  Horn  in  Fs.  29).  We  may  gather 
from  a  phrase  of  St.  Basil's  that  the  music  with 
which  the  psalms  were  performed  was  at  times 
as  elaborate  as  the  condition  of  musical  art  per- 
mitted. He  says  that  "  harmonious  tunes  of 
psalms  were  devised  by  us  "  in  order  that  those 
who  were  young  in  years  or  character  might  be 
attracted  and  instructed  thereby.  (S.  Bas.  Mag. 
Sermo  ii.  de  Doctrind). 

Protests  against  irreverent  methods  of  psalmody 
occur  from  time  to  time.  "  Psalmi  in  ecclesia  non 
cursim  et  excelsis  atque  inordinatis  seu  intem- 
peratis  vocibus,  sed  plane  ac  dilucide  et  cum 
compunctione  cordis  recitentur"  {Cone.  Aquisgr. 
c.  137).  At  one  time  it  seems  that  the  psalmody 
was  even  accompanied  by  gesticulations  of  the 
hands  (opxv'J'f^s  t^''  X^^P^")-  (^^^  Balsamon  on 
Cone.  Trull,  can.  75.)  The  conditions  of  good 
psalmody  are  well  described  in  a  regulation  of 
Louis  the  Pious  :  "  Psalmi  namque  in  ecclesia 
non  cursim  et  excelsis  atque  inordinatis  in- 
temperatisque  vocibus,  sed  plane  ac  dilucide 
et  cum  compunctione  cordis  recitentur,  ut  et 
recitantium  mens  illorum  dulcedine  pascatur  et 
audientium  aures  illorum  pronunciatione  demul- 
ceantur,  quoniam  quamvis  cantilenae  sonus  in 
aliis  ofiiciis  excelsa  solet  edi  voce,  in  recitandis 
tamem  psalmis  hujuscemodi  vitanda  est  vox  " 
(Ludovici  Pii  Reform.  Ecel.  de  Meg.  Cleric,  cap. 
xxiv.  ap.  Melchior  Goldastus,  ed.  Frankf.  1673, 
torn.  iii.  p.  217). 

Gloria  Patri  in  Psalmody. 

(1)  For  the  various  forms  in  which  the  Dox- 
ology  has  appeared,  see  Doxology. 

(2)  The  use  of  it  appears  to  have  differed  in 
the  East  and  West.  It  is  implied  by  Cassian 
(^Instit.  ii.  5)  that  the  use  of  Gloria  Patri  as  a 
response  at  the  end  of  every  psalm  is  a  Western 
practice,  whilst  in  the  East,  or  at  least  amongst 


rSALMODY 

tlie  monks  of  Egypt,  it  Avas  only  after  the  anti- 
phou  which  followed  the  last  psalm  that  it  was 
said.  St.  Benedict  enjoins  that  at  the  end  of  a 
psalm  Gloria  Patri  be  said  "in  the  Western 
manner."  Some  of  the  longer  psalms  he  divides 
into  two  Glorias.  This  pi-actice  of  dividing 
psalms  (as  we  still  do  the  119th  psalm  in  the 
English  psalter)  is  referred  to  in  the  third 
council  of  Narbonue  (A.D.  589).  "  Ut  in  psal- 
lendis  ordinibus  per  quemque  psalmum  Gloria 
dicatur  omnipotenti  Deo,  per  majores  vero 
psalmos,  pront  fuerint  prolixius,  pausationes 
fiaut  et  per  quamque  pausationem  Gloria  Trini- 
tatis  Domino  decantetur." 

The  reader  will  specially  observe  that  the  use 
of  Gloria  Patri  was  one  of  the  points  which  dis- 
tinguished the  Galilean  from  the  Roman  rite. 
The  Galileans  said  it  at  the  end  of  every  psalm, 
thus  furnishing  an  early  precedent  for  the  rule 
of  the  English  Prayer  Book  that  "  at  the  end  of 
every  psalm  .  .  .  shall  be  repeated  this  hymn  ;" 
but  the  Romans  did  not.  The  authorities  may 
be  seen  in  Collier,  Eccl.  Hist,  book  1,  cent.  5. 

Versions  Used. — It  is  not  within  the  scope 
of  this  work  in  any  way  to  discuss  the  character, 
origin,  or  authorship  of  the  several  versions  of 
the  psalms ;  but  one  or  two  points  about  the 
use  of  them  may  be  advanced  here. 

A  long  discussion  of  them  is  given  by  Lorimis 
{Praef.  in  Pss.  cap.  xiii.),  from  whom  these  facts 
may  be  gathered. 

At  the  request  of  St.  Jerome,  pope  Damasus 
caused  one  of  his  versions  of  the  psalms  to  be 
sung  in  the  churches  of  France — a  version  which 
from  that  use  of  it  has  been  since  known  as  the 
Galilean  psaltei*.  It  should  be  stated,  however, 
that  there  is  some  reason  for  thinking  that  it 
did  not  generally  prevail  in  the  French  Church 
till  after  this  date. 

The  churches  of  Rome,  including  the  church  of 
St. Peter's,  until  long  after  the  i)eriod  embraced  in 
this  work  used  the  old  version  of  the  psalms  which 
St.  Augustine  calls  Itala,  St.  Gregory  the  Great 
Vetus,  and  St.  Jerome  Vulgata.  The  j)salter 
used  in  the  church  of  Milan,  and  known  as  the 
Ambrosian  psalter,  does  not  diff'er  materially 
from  this. 

On  a  point  about  which  it  is  easy  to  make 
mistakes  it  may  be  well  to  set  before  the  reader 
the  very  words  of  some  accepted  authority. 
Zaccaria,  then,  says  this:  —  "Duplicis  porro 
Latinae  versionis,  psalterium  habemus,  Veteris, 
quam  Italam  vocant,  a  S.  Hieronymo,  sive 
Damasi  jussu,  sive  amicorum  precibus  Romae, 
sed  ut  ipse  ait  cursim  emendatae,  et  Hierony- 
mianae  quam  scilicet  Paullae  atque  Eustochii 
votis  satisfacturus  S.  Doctor  postea  suscepit. 
Illam  Romanam  vocant,  quod  Romae  praesertim 
in  usu  fuerit ;  hanc  Gallicanam  quod  hujus 
versionis  psalterium  in  Gallias  finitimasque 
Germaniae  ecclesias  inductum  fuerit,  atque  hinc 
ad  alias  etiam  Italiae  ecclesias  propagatum. 
Primae  tamen  seu  Romanae  versionis  psalterium 
ad  S.  Pii  V.  tempera  in  omnibus  urbis  ac 
suburbicariis  intra  xl.  ab  urbe  lapidem  consti- 
tutis  ecclesiis  retentum  est ;  ab  eo  autem  Ponti- 
fice  Vulgatae  editionis,  quae  ad  Hieronymianam 
seu  Gallicanam  interpretationem  maxime  accedit, 
psalterium  praescriptum,  Romae  in  sola  Vati- 
cana  S.  Petri  ecclesia,  in  reliqua  Italia  apud 
Mediolanenses,  atque  in  Veueta  S.  Marci  Basilica, 
in   Hispaniis   apud   Mozarabes   veteris    Romani 


PSALMODY 

psalterii  usu  servato  "  (Zacc.  BihUotlicca   Eitu- 
alis,  lib.  i.  cap.  iv.  art.  3). 

Mabillon,  observing  that  the  Gallican  Chris- 
tians had  their  own  version  of  the  psalms  for 
their  psalmody— a  version  which  differs  from 
the  Roman  psalter — quotes  Walafrid  Strabo 
upon  the  point : — "  Psalmos  autem  cum  secun- 
dum LXX  interpretes  Romani  adhuc  habeant, 
Gain  et  Germanorura  aliqui  secundum  emenda- 
tionem  quam  Hieronymus  pater  de  LXX  editione 
composuit,  psalterium  cantant,  quam  Gregorius 
Turonensis  episcopus  a  partibus  Romanis  mutua- 
tam  in  Galliarum  dicitur  ecclesias  traustulisse  " 
(Wal.  Strab.  de  Bebus  Ecclesiasticis,  cap.  23). 
This  latter  point  as  to  the  Gallican  version 
having  been  introduced  into  France  by  Gregory 
of  Tours  seems  open  to  some  doubt. 

This  feature  of  Gallican  psalmody — that  they 
had  their  own  version  for  it — is  of  some  interest 
to  us  in  Ilngland,  as  the  version  in  question  has 
influenced  our  psalmody  at  the  present  day. 
It  will  be  observed  that  the  Prayer  Book 
version  contains  a  verse  at  the  end  of  Ps.  136, 
"  0  give  thanks  unto  the  Lord  of  lords ;  for 
His  mercy  endureth  for  ever,"  which  is  not 
in  the  Bible  version,  and  which  is  not  found 
in  the  Hebrew  original.  The  Gallican  Psalter, 
which  now  indeed  has  taken  its  place  in  the 
Vulgate,  is  the  only  ancient  psalter  which  con- 
tains it. 

Posture. — All  that  we  can  gather  on  this 
branch  of  the  subject  is  what  may  be  inferred 
from  a  few  incidental  expressions  of  early  writers. 
From  the  phrases  of  Cassian  in  the  passage 
already  quoted,  "  Unus  in  medium  psalmos 
Domino  cantaturus  exsurgit  cumque  sedentibus 
cunctis,"  &c.,  we  have  a  trace  of  the  executant 
standing,  while  the  listeners  sat.  The  use  of 
the  terms  araffis  and  Kadiffp-a,  too,  as  applied  to 
the  lesser  and  greater  divisions  of  the  Greek 
psalter,  contain,  no  doubt,  some  reference  to 
the  posture  maintained  during  and  at  the  close 
of  the  psalm,  though  learned  writers  are  not 
agreed  as  to  the  precise  reason  for  their  adop- 
tion. Durandus  speaks  of  its  being  customary  to 
stand  f(jr  psalmody,  assigning  a  mystical  reason 
for  it,  "  ad  ostendendum  quod  stantes  in  bonis 
operibus  vincimus  "  {Rationale,  lib.  iv.  rubr.  2). 
That  this  posture  was  an  ancient  one  may  be 
inferred  from  the  bitter  words  of  St.  Jerome, 
addressed  to  the  recreant  deacon  Sabinianus ; 
"  Tu  stabas  in  choro  psallentium  "  (Sp.  xlviii.  in 
Sabin.).  So,  again,  after  the  meal  had  been  taken 
in  a  recumbent  posture,  the  guests  in  St.  Chryso- 
stom's  time  were  to  stand  up  for  the  psalmody, 
which  closed  the  repast  (S.  Chrys.  Horn,  in  Ps. 
41).  That  the  clergy  sometimes  sat  in  their 
stalls  during  psalmody  appears  from  the  account 
of  the  bishop  of  Rouen  given  by  Gregory  of 
Tours,  "  Cumque  inter  psallendum  formulae 
decumberet "  {Hist.  Franc,  viii.  31).  It  was 
the  custom  amongst  some  of  the  ancient 
monks  to  stand  during  psalmody  with  out- 
stretched hands  pointing  to  heaven  (see  Martene, 
de  Antiquis  Monachormn  Eitibus,  I.  ii.  56).  The 
greatest  care  seems  to  have  been  necessary  to 
guard  against  sleep  during  the  services,  which 
were  so  long  in  some  monasteries.  All  monks, 
of  course,  could  not  have  a  book  in  those  days, 
and  so  they  were  even  to  plait  straw  in  order  to 
keep  awake,  and  one  of  the  brethren  walked 
about  the   choir  with  a  lantern  and  thrust   it 

CHRIST.   ANT. — VOL.   II. 


JfbALMODY 


1747 


into  the  face  of  any  one  who  might  be  overcome 
with  sleep  (Martene,  ib.). 

One  other  posture  remains  to  be  noticed  here 
— that  of  leaning  upon  the  staff  (reclinatorium), 
which  was  a  common  support  in  church  before 
the  days  of  seats.  The  monks  of  Fulda  even 
complained  to  Chai-lemagne  about  the  tyranny 
of  their  abbat,  that  even  in  the  case  of  the  infirm 
he  would  allow  them  the  use  of  neither  staff  nor 
stall.  The  rule  of  Chrodogang,  bishop  of  Metz 
(9th  century),  in  prescribing  the  disciplina  psal- 
lendi,  directs  that  the  clergy  should  not  keep  their 
staves  in  their  hands  during  psalmody,  save  on 
account  of  bodily  infirmity  {Reg.  Chrod.  cap.  vii.). 
Lorinus,  while  contending  for  the  antiquity  of 
the  sitting  posture  during  psalmody  {sc.  amongst 
the  Egyptian  monks,  as  recorded  by  Cassian), 
remarks  that  in  the  opinion  of  some  writers  the 
psalms  which  are  called  "  penitential "  were 
recited  kneeling,  and  the  rest  of  the  psalms 
standing  {Praefatio  in  Pss.  cap.  xiv.). 

Psalmody  vnthout  Book. — One  remarkable 
effect  of  the  prevalence  of  psalmody  and  the 
scarcity  of  books  was  that  the  psalter  was  fre- 
quently learnt  by  heart.  In  the  6th  century 
this  is  reported  by  Cyril  of  Scythopolis  to  have 
been  done  by  St.  Theodosius.  St.  Jerome  desired 
that  it  should  be  done  even  by  very  young 
people.  Sketching  the  perfect  monk,  he  requires 
that  by  such  a  character  it  should  be  learnt 
word  for  word  {ad  Eiisticum.)  The  damsel 
Pacatula  was  to  commit  the  psalms  to  memory 
at  seven  years  old  {ad  Gaudentium).  No  one  of 
the  sisters  in  t)ie  Jerusalem  convent  might  be 
ignorant  of  the  psalter  {ad  Eustochium).  Even 
the  Huns,  he  says,  are  learning  the  psalter  {ad 
Lactam.).  Cyril  of  Scythopolis,  in  the  Life  of 
St.  Sabas,  says  that  monks  were  not  admitted 
till  they  had  learnt  the  psalter  and  the  rule  of 
psalmody.  Hence  it  was  ruled  by  the  second 
council  of  Nicaea  (can.  2),  that  no  one  should  be 
advanced  to  be  a  bishop  unless  he  knew  the 
psalter  by  heart,  and  that  he  was  to  be  examined 
by  the  metropolitan.  Gregory  the  Great  says 
that  he  would  not  ordain  John  the  Presbyter 
because  he  did  not  know  the  psalms  (S.  Greg. 
M.  lib.  4,  Ep.  45).  The  same  pope  would  not 
allow  Rusticus  the  deacon  to  be  made  bishop  of 
Ancona  for  a  similar  reason.  He  was  a  vigilant 
man,  indeed,  he  said,  but  according  to  report,  he 
did  not  know  the  psalms. 

A  curious  story  of  an  ineffectual  attempt  to 
learn  the  psalter  by  heart  is  told  of  the  archi- 
mandrite Theodore,  a  portion  of  whose  life  is 
given  in  the  Acts  of  the  second  council  of  Nicaea. 
He  had  been  miraculously  cured  of  an  epidemic 
sickness  which  had  threatened  to  prove  moi'tal  ; 
and  on  his  recovery,  apparently  by  way  of 
thank-ottering,  he  resolved  to  learn  the  psalter. 
He  learned  the  first  seventeen  psalms  ;  but  the 
eighteenth  baffled  him,  presumably  by  its 
length.  He  was  in  despair  about  his  task.  But 
prostrating  himself  on  the  pavement  of  an 
oratory,  he  prayed  for  success.  At  length  <n\ 
rising,  he  gazed  upon  the  image  of  the  Saviour  ; 
he  felt  in  his  mouth  a  taste  sweeter  than  honey  ; 
his  prayer  was  granted,  and  from  that  moment 
his  task  proceeded  smoothly  till  he  had  learned 
the  entire  psalter. 

So  great  was  the  zeal  of  holy  men  for  psalmody 
that  wonderful  achievements  are  recorded  as  to 
the  number  of  psalms  which   they  recited.     St. 


1748 


PSALMODY 


Gregory  Thaumaturgus  passed  entire  nights  in 
church  with  prayers  and  psalmody.  St.  Isidore 
had  no  fixed  number  of  psalms  which  he  said  in 
the  service  of  God,  for  the  night  and  the  day 
used  to  be  spent  upon  it.  St.  Germanus,  who 
was  bishop  of  Paris  in  the  latter  half  of  the  6th 
century,  would  say  fifty  psalms  or  more  before 
he  rose  from  his  bed  and  called  his  companions 
( Vita,  ad  fin.).  Of  St.  Maur,  the  disciple  of 
St.  Benedict,  it  is  related  that  he  would  repeat 
commonly  fifty  psalms,  often  a  hundred,  and 
sometimes  even  the  entire  psalter  before  the 
night  office.  St.  Gregory  of  Tours  (de  Glor.  Con- 
fess. 47)  has  even  a  wonderful  story  of  two  dead 
priests  miraculously  taking  part  in  the  psalmody 
of  the  choir  with  the  rest  of  the  clergy. 

Palaemon,  the  abbat,  would  say  the  whole 
psalter  and  the  canticles  by  night  without  any 
sound.  By  the  rule  of  St.  Benedict  (Reg.  c.  18) 
the  whole  psalter  was  to  be  gone  through  in  the 
week — a  light  rule,  he  urges,  seeing  that  the 
holy  fathers  did  as  much  in  a  single  day. 
In  England,  also,  a  similar  devotion  to  the 
psalter  appears  to  have  prevailed.  King  Egbert 
even  made  a  vow  that  besides  the  psalmody  in 
the  canonical  offices  he  would  daily  chant  the 
whole  psalter  (Bede,  Eccl.  Hist.  iii.  27). 

Laymen  seem  at  one  time  to  have  equalled,  if 
not  surpassed,  the  clergy  in  their  zeal  for 
psalmody.  A  constitution  of  the  emperor  Jus- 
tinian draws  from  this  fact  a  consideration  as  to 
Avhy  the  clergy  should  not  neglect  to  say  the 
daily  service:  ''Si  enim  multi  laicorum,  ut  suae 
animae  consulant,  ad  ecclesias  confluentes  studiosi 
circa  psalmodiam  ostenduntur,  quomodo  non 
fuerit  indecens,  clericos  ad  id  ordinatos  non  im- 
plere  suum  munus  "  (Cod  lib.  i.  41). 

As  a  specimen  of  a  very  ancient  allotment  of 
psalms  we  subjoin  the  day  and  night  canons  of 
psalms  of  Eusebius,  which  shew  what  psalms 
were  to  be  said  at  the  several  hours  : — 


Kavov^^ 

Uixepi 

.01  ^a\p.C,v. 

OpdpLvol  y' 

72,  140,  141. 

cup.  a' 

^.     8. 

P' 

29. 

y' 

1. 

«' 

41. 

e' 

50. 

S-' 

10. 

f 

69. 

1' 

84. 

6' 

111. 
140. 

id' 

108. 

1$' 

120. 

Kavo^es     NuKrepivo" 

Ttoi'  ij/aXp-iu 

Avx^t«olv' 

129, 

140,  12. 

up,a> 

^.74. 

P' 

29. 

v; 

54. 

6. 

e' 

4. 

S-' 

40. 

r 

51. 

[H.  T.  A.] 

(2)  Arrangement  of  Psalms  in  the  Offices. — This 

portion  of  the  article  confines  itself  to  reciting 

the  contents    of  the  principal  arrangements  of 

the  Psalter,    after  it    had    been  definitely  dis- 


PSALMODY 

tribute'd  for  the  "Divine  Office,"  the  "Opus 
Dei."  It  may,  however,  be  permitted  to  point 
out  the  coincidence  (surely  more  than  acci- 
dental) by  which  certain  psalms  have  become 
attached  to  and  associated  with  certain  hours, 
e.g.  (the  Western  church),  94  [95],"  as  an  intro- 
ductory psalm  to  the  psalmody  of  the  day  ;  and 
both  in  East  and  West,  62  [63],  66  [67],  to  the 
early  morning  ;  50  [51],  to  the  early  morning 
and  to  terce ;  56  [57],  to  sext ;  85  [86],  to  none  ; 
90  [91],  to  sext  or  compline;  4  and  133  [134], 
to  nocturns  or  compline;  19  [20]  and  20  [21], 
to  Sunday  morning. 

We  will  take  the  Eastern  church  first,  to 
follow  the  order  of  the  article,  Office,  the 
Divine. 

The  Psalter,  according  to  the  Greek    church, 
is  divided  into  twenty  sections  called  catMsmata 
\_Ka.di<Tfj.aTa],^  each  of  which  is  subdivided  into 
three  stascis  [ffTOLffeis]^ 
and  at  the  end  of  each  stasis,  Gloria  is  said — 


Stasis 


I.  contains  Pss.  1-8. 


11. 

9-16    [17]. 

III. 

17    [18]-23      [24. 
24    [25]-31       [32=. 
32    [33]-36      [37\ 

IV. 

V. 

VI. 

37    [381-45      [46'. 

VII. 

46    [47]-54      [55\ 

VIII. 

55    [56]-63      [64". 

IX. 

64    [65]-69      [70\ 

X. 

70    [71]-76      [77]. 

XI. 

77    [78]-84      [85J. 

XII. 

85    [86]-90      [9r. 

XIII. 

91    [92]-100  [lor. 

XIV. 

101  [102]-104  [105\ 

XV. 

105  [106]-108  [109]. 

XVI. 

109    110]-117  [118]. 

XVII. 

118  [119]. 

XVIII. 

119  [120]-131  [132". 

XIX. 

132  [133]-142  [143\ 

XX. 

143  [144]-150. 

These  cathismata  are  said  in  the  following 
order : — 

From  the  octave  of  Easter  (olvt (Tracrxa.)  till 
the  Sunday  after  the  octave  of  the  exaltation  of 
the  cross  [September  14],  the  Psalter  is  said  once 
a  week,  thus  : — 

On  Saturday,  at  vespers,  cathisma  1, 

On  Sunday,  at  matins,  2,    3 

On  Monday,  at  matins,  4,    5  At  vespers,  6 

On  Tuesday,  at  matins,  7,    8  At  vespers,  9 

On  Wednesday,  at  TOattms,  10,11  At  vespers,  12 

On  Thursday,  at  matins,  13,  14  At  vespers,  15 

On  Friday,  at  matins,  19,  20  At  vespers,  18 

On  Saturday,  at  matins,  16,  17  At  vespers,  1 
as  before. 

Thence  onwards  to  the  vigil  of  Christraas,<^ 
the  same  arrangement  is  followed,  except  that 
at  vespers  on  Monday,  Tuesday,  Wednesday,  and 
Thursday,  cathisma  18  (containing  the  gradual 
psalms)  is  always  said,  and  the  cathisma  assigned 
to  vespers  and  those  days  is  added  to  those  for 


»  In  this  article  the  Psalms  are  numbered  as  in  the 
Vulgate.  The  numbers  of  the  English  version  are  added 
ln[    ]. 

b  Cardinal  Bona  says  the  sections  are  called  by  these 
names  because  at  each  pause  in  the  psalmody  (o-rao-w), 
the  monks  rose  two  and  two  by  turns  to  recite,  and  that 
while  they  stood,  the  rest  sat. 

»  Gardinal  Bona  says  up  to  Tyrophagus,  "usque  ad 
Domiuicam  in  Quinquagesima." 


r 

In 


PSALMODY 

matins,  so  that  three  cathismata  are  then  said. 
During  the  same  period  cathisma  17  is  added  to 
those  of  Sunday.  Thence  to  the  Sunday  of 
Tyrophagus,  which  coi-responds  to  Quinquagesima 
Sunday,  the  arrangement  according  to  the  table 
given  above.  From  Sunday  of  Tyrophagus  up 
to  Wednesday  before  Easter,  the  Psalter  is  said 
twice  in  the  week,  thus  : — 

On  Saturday,  at  vespers,  cathisma  1. 

On  Sunday,  at  matins,  cath.  2,  3,  17. 

On  Monday,  at  matins,  cath.  4,  5,  6  ;  at  terce, 
7  ;  at  sext,  8  ;  at  vespers,  18. 

On  Tuesday,  at  matins,  cath.  9,  10,  11  ;  at 
prime,  12 ;  at  terce,  13 ;  at  sext,  l-i ;  at  Jiono, 
15  ;  at  vespers,  18. 

On  Wednesday,  at  matins,  cath.  16,  19,  20  ;  at 
prim£,  1  ;  at  terce,  2 ;  at  sext,  3 ;  at  none,  4 ;  at 
vespers,  18. 

On  Thursday,  at  matins,  cath.  5,  6,  7  ;  at  prime, 
S;  at  terce,  10  ;  at  sext,  11 ;  at  none,  12;  at 
vespers,  18. 

On  Friday,  at  matins,  cath.  13,  14,  15 ;  at 
tjrce,  19  ;  at  sext,  20  ;  at  vespers,  18. 

On  Saturday,  at  matins,  cath.  9,  as  usual. 
From  Thursday  before  Easter  to  the  Octave  of 
Easter  (exclusive)  the  Psalter  is  not  said. 

The  fixed  psalms  said  at  the  hours  in  addition 
to  the  cathismata  are  as  follows  : — <i 

At  nocturns  (jxearovvKriov),  on  Sunday,  Ps.  50 
^•''1];  on  week  days,  except  Satui'day,  50  [51], 
118  [119],  {i.e.  cathisma  17,  and  known  as 
■J  &ij.(vij.os),  120  [121],  133  [134];  on  Saturday, 
'U  [65]  to  69  [70]  {i.e.  cath.  9),  120  [121],  133 
[134]. 

At  lauds,  Pss.  19  [20],  20  [21]-3,  37  [38],  62 
[63],  87  [88],  102  [103],  142  [143]  (these  six 
known  as  the  Hexapsalmus),  50  [51],  148,  148, 
149  (oi  ahoi). 

At  prime,  5,  89  [90],  100  [101].  At  the 
mesorion  of  the  first  hour,  45  [46],  91  [92],  92  [93]. 

At  terce,  16  [17],  ;24  [25],  50  [51].  At  the 
mesorion  of  tlie  third  hour,  29  [30],  31  [32],  60 
[61]. 

At  sext,  53  [54],  54  [55],  90  [91].  At  the 
mesorion  of  the  sixth  hour,  55  [56],  56  [57],  69 
[70]. 

At  none,  83  [84],  ;84  [85],  85  [86].  At  the 
mesorion  of  the  ninth  hour,  83  [84],  84  [85],  85 
[86].  At  the  typics  (ra  Tuirjxo),  102  [103],  145 
[146]  ;  33  [34]. 

At  vespers,  103  [104]  (the  proaemiac  psalm, 
4/.  irpooifiiaKSi),  140  [141],  141  [142]  (these  two 
psalms  are  known  as  the  Kvpie  sKeKpa^a),  129 
[130],  116  [117],  122  [123]. 

At  great  compline,  4,  6,  12  [13],  24  [25],  30 
[31],  90  [91]  ;  50  [51],  101  [102],  109  [110], 
142  [143]. 

At  little  compline,  50  [51],  69  [70],  142  [143]. 

The  Armenian  church  divides  the  Psalter  into 
eight  sections,  called  canons,  as  follows  : — 

I.  contains  Pss.  1-17  [18]. 

II.                              18  [19]-35  [36]. 

III.  36  [37]-54  [55]. 

IV.  55  [56]-71  [72]. 
V.                             72  [73]-98  [99]. 

VI.  99  [100]-105  [106]. 

II.  106  [107]-118  [119]. 

VIII.  119  [120]-150. 

^  These  have  been  mentioned  in  the  article,  Thk 
Divine  Office,  but  for  completeness  they  are  here 
inserted. 


PSALMODY 


1749 


These  canons  are  divided  among  the  daily 
services,  so  that  the  Psalter  is  gone  through 
once  a  week,  and  in  monasteries  every  day  in  the 
following  order: — During  nocturns,  sections  oi 
canons,  1,  2;  after  nocturns  and  before  lauds, 
3,  4,  5;  at  terce,  6  ;  at  sext,  7  ;  and  at  none,  8.' 

The  following  psalms  are  also  appointed  for 
the  hours : — 

At  nocturns  (called  midnight),  Pss.  3,  87  [881 
102  [103],  142  [143]. 

At  lauds  (called  daybreak),  89  [90]  (v.  14: 
"  0  satisfy  us  with  Thy  mercy,"  to  end),  50  [51], 
148  [149],  150,  112[113]-5,'ll4[116,  vv.  1-9], 
129  [130],  53  [54],  85  [86]  (last  two  verses). 

At  prime  (called  sunrise),  71  [72]  (v.  19  to 
end),  91  [92],  62  [63],  64  [65],  21  [22],  142 
[143]  (v.  8  to  end),  44  [45],  69  [70],  85  [86] 
(last  two  verses). 

At  terce,  50  [51],  21  [22],  142  [143]  (v.  8  to 
end). 

At  sext,  40  [41]  (first  four  verses),  90  [91]. 

Xinone,  50  [51],  114[116, vv.  1-9],  115  [116, 
v.  9  to  end],  116  [117]. 

At  vespers,  certain  verses  from  the  Psalms : 
Pss.  85  [86],  139  ri40],  140  [141],  141  [142],  120 
[121],  90  [91],  122  [123],  53  [54]. 

Compline  (called  peace  or  rest)  is  double.  The 
former  is  said  in  church  immediately  after  vespers  ; 
the  latter  is  said  by  each  individual  in  private 
at  the  end  of  twilight. 

At  the  former  compline  are  said  Pss.  87  [88] 
(vv.  1,  2,  4,  6),  12  [13],  15  [16],  16  [17],  41  [42], 
69  [70],  85  [86]  (last  two  verses),  26  [27]. 

At  the  latter,  42  [43]  (3  to  end)  ;  the  follow- 
ing four  sections  from  Ps.  118  [119]  :  "Et  veniat 
super  me  ";  "  Memor  esto  servi  tui  ";  "  Iniquos 
odio  habui ":  "  Appropinquet  deprecatio  ";  35 
[36]  (9  to  end),  90  [91],  122  [123],  53  [54], 
150,  137  [138]  (last  two  verses),  141  [142] 
(6  to  end),  85  [86]  (last  two  verses),  4. 

In  the  Westcrnchurch  the  three  most  important 
distributions  of  the  Psalter  are,  (1)  the  Gregorian, 
(2)  the  Benedictine,  (3)  the  Ambrosian,  called 
respectively  after  the  names  of  their  i-eputed 
authors,  and  all,  with  change  of  detail  only,  in 
use  at  the  present  time.  Of  these,  the  Gregorian 
is  the  Psalter  of  the  secular  breviary  of  the 
Eoman  obedience,  the  Benedictine  that  of  the 
monastic,  and  the  Ambrosian  that  of  the  diocese 
of  Milan.  Hence  the  two  former,  from  their 
wide-spread  adoption,  are  practically  of  most 
importance. 

Taking  them  in  order : — 

(1)  T/ie  Gregorian  or  Soman  Psalter. 

The  following  is  the  distribution  "juxta 
antiquiorem  psallendi  modum  Ecclesiae  Romanae, 
ex  antiquis  monumentis  excerpta,"  as  given  by 
Thomasius,  and  with  the  exception  of  two  points, 
which  will  be  noticed  in  their  place,  is  still  that 
of  the  present  Roman  breviary. 

On  Sunday,  at  matins,  Ad  vigilias  in  primo 
gain  cantu,  94  [95]  (said  daily) ;  in  noctum  1, 
Pss.  1,  2,  3,  6,  7,  8,  9  [9  and  10],  10  [11],  12 
[13],  14  [15]  ;  in  noctum  2,  15  [16],  16  [17], 
17  [18] ;  in  7iocturn  3,  18  [19],  19  [20],  20  [21]. 

At  lauds  ("Ad  matutinos  diluculo"),  92  [93],  99 
[100],  62  [63],  and  66  [67],  said  as  one  psalm 
under  one  Gloria,  Benedicite"  ("  Benedictiones  sive 
canticum  trium  puerorum  "),  148,  149,  150,  said 

0  Though  not  strictly  psalms,  these  canticles  lorm  an 
integral  part  of  the  office,  and  require  notice. 

5   U   2 


1750 


PSALMODY 


under  one  Gloria,  and  called  Laudes,  Benedidus 
("  Canticum  evangelicum  Zachariae  "). 

At  prime,  21  [22],  22  [23],  23  [24],  24  [25], 
25  [26], 53 [54],  117  [118],  118 [119].  (1)  "Beali 
immaculati ";  (2)  "In  quo  corriget "  (said  under  one 
Gloria) ;  (3)  "  Retribue  ";  (4)  "  Adhaesit,"  under 
one  gloria,"  Athanasian  Creed  ("Fides  Catholica 
S.  Athanasii  Episcopi "). 

[In  the  later  revisions  of  the  Roman  breviary, 
Pss.  21  [22] — 25  [26]  are  not  said  on  Sunday  at 
prime,  but  are  thus  said  on  the  several  week 
flays: — On  Monday,  Ps.  23  [24];  on  Tuesday, 
24  [25];  on  Wednesday,  25  [2Q'];  on  TJiursday, 
22  [23]  ;  on  Friday,  21  [22].  This  is  the  first 
change  above  alluded  to.  In  the  Sarum  and 
other  English  breviaries  the  old  arrangement 
by  which  these  psalms  were  all  said  on  Sunday 
was  adhered  to.] 

On  Sundays  from  Septuagesima  to  Palm  Sunday 
inclusive,  the  following  changes  are  made  : — 

At  lauds,  instead  of  the  two  Psalms,  92  [93], 
and  99  [100],  50  [51]  and  117  [118]  are  said. 

At  prime,  instead  of  117  [118],  92  [93]  is 
said. 

At  terce,  118  [119]  (  (5)  "  Legem  pone,"  and 
(G)  "Et  veniat";  (7)  "  Memor  esto,"  and  (8) 
"  Portio  mea";  (9)  "Bonitatem,"  and  (10) 
"  Manus  tuae,"  under  three  glorias). 

At  sext,  118  [119]  (  (11)  "Defecit,"  and  (12) 
"In  aeternum ";  (13)  "  Quomodo,"  and  (14) 
"Lucerna";  (15)  "  Iniquos,"  and  (16)  "Feci," 
under  three  glorias). 

At  none,  118  [119]  ((17)  "Mirabilia,"  and 
(18)  "Justus  es";  (19)  "Clamavi,"  and  (20) 
"Vide";  (21)  "Principes,"  and  (22)  "  Appro- 
pinquet,"  under  three  glorias). 

These  psalms  are  said  daily  at  terce,  sext,  and 
none,  whatever  be  the  office. 

At  vespers,  109  [110],  110  Till],  111  [112], 
112  [113],  113  [114  and  115].  ""  Magnificat. 

At  compline,  4,  30  [31],  vv.  1-6,  90  [91],  133 
[134],  Nunc  dimittis.  These  psalms  are  said 
daily  at  compline,  whatever  he  the  office. 

On  Monday,  at  matins  (in  the  nocturn),  26 
[27],  27  [28],  28  [29],  29  [30],  30  [31],  31  [32], 
32  [33],  33  [34],  34  [35],  35  [36],  36  [37],  37 
[38]. 

At  lauds,  50  [51],  5,  62  [63]  and  66  [67]  (said 
under  one  gloria).  Song  of  Isaiah  ("  Confitebor," 
Is.  xii.),  148,  149,  150  (said  under  one  gloria), 
Bcnedictus. 

At  prime,  53  [54],  118  [119]  (the  first  four 
sections,  said  under  two  glorias  as  on  Sunday). 

[These  psalms  are  said  on  every  week  day, 
whether  a  festival  or  not,  except  where  specially 
directed.] 

At  vespers,  114  [116,  vv.  1-9],  115  [116, 
ver.  10  to  end],  116  [117],  119  [120],  120  [121], 
Magnificat. 

[On  ordinary  week  days  throughout  the  year, 
except  in  Eastertide,  at  all  the  hours  except 
nocturns,  Ps.  50  [51]  is  said  with  intercessory 
prayers  (in  precibus)."] 

N.B. — In  the  later  revisions  of  the  breviary 
this  is  no  longer  the  case.  Preces  (curtailed) 
are  only  said  in  Advent,  Lent,  and  on  a  few 
other  days  of  fasting,  in  which  Ps.  129  [130]  is 
said  at  lauds,  and  50  [51]  at  vespers.  At  the 
little  hours  no  psalm  is  said  at  j)reces.  Here 
also  the  English,  which  were  not  subject  to  this 
revision,  retained  the  old  arrangement.  This  is 
the  second   of  the  two  points  changed,   which 


PSALMODY 

were  mentioned  at  the  outset  as  alone  of  any 
importance. 

On  Tuesday,  at  matins,  in  the  nocturn,  38  [39], 
39  [40],  40  [41],  41  [42],  43  [44],  44  [45],  45 
[46],  46  [47],  47  [48],  48  [49],  49  [50],  51 
[52], 

At  laiids,  50  [51],  42  [43],  62  [63],  and  6G 
[G7]  (said  as  one,  as  before).  Song  of  Hezekiah 
("  i:go  dixi,"  Is.  xxxviii.  10),  148,  149,  150  (as 
before),  Bcnedictus. 

At  vespers,  121  [122],  122  [123],  123  [124], 
124  [125],  125  [126],  Magnificat. 

On  Wednesday,  at  matins,  52  [53],  54  [55],  55 
[56],  56  [57],  57  [58],  58  [59],  59  [60],  60  [61], 
Gl  [G2],  63  [64],  65  [66],  67  [68]. 

At  lauds,  50  [51],  64  [65],  62  [63],  and  66 
[67],  The  Song  of  Hannah  ("Exsultavit,"  1 
Sam.  ii.),  148,  149,  150,  Bcnedictus. 

At  vespers,  126  [127],  127  [128],  128  [129], 
129  [130],  130  [131],  Magnificat. 

On  Thursday,  at  matins,  68  [69],  69  [70],  70 
[71],  71  [72],  72  [73],  73  [74].  74  [75],  75  [76], 
76  [77],  77  [78],  78  [79],  79  [80]. 

At  lauds,  50  [51],  89  [90],  62  [63],  and  66 
[67],  The  Song  of  Moses  ("  Cantemus,"  Ex.  xv.), 
148.  149,  150,  Benedictus. 

At  vespers,  131  [132],  132  [133],  134  [135], 
135  [136].  136  [137],  Magnificat. 

On  Friday,  at  matins,  80  [81],  81  [82],  82 
[83],  83  [84],  84  [85],  85  [86],  86  [87],  87  [88], 
88  [89],  93  [94],  95  [96],  96  [97]. 

At  lauds,  50  [51],  142  [143],  62  [63],  and  66 
[67],  The  Song  of  Hahakkuk  ("  Domine  audivi," 
Hab.  iii.),  148,  149,  150,  Bcnedictus. 

At  vespers,  137  [138],  138  [139],  139  [140], 
140  [141],  141  [142],  M'jgnificat. 

On  Saturday,  at  iiiatins,  97  [98],  98  [99],  99 
[100],  100  [101],  101  [102],  102  [103],"  103 
[104],  104  [105],  105  [106],  106  [107],  107 
[108],  108  [109]. 

At  lauds,  50  [51],  91  [92],  62  [63],  and  66 
[67],  TIte  Song  of  Moses  ("Attende  coelum," 
Deut.  xxxii.),  148,  149,  150,  Benedictus. 

At  vespers,  143  [144],  144  [145],  145  [146], 
146  [147,  vv.  1-11],  147  [147,  ver.  12  to  end], 
Magnificat. 

The  outline  of  the  scheme  is  thus  seen  to  be 
very  simple.  The  psalms  from  1  to  108  [109]  are 
said  in  order  at  matins,  and  the  remainder,  from 
109  [110]  to  the  end,  at  vespers,  throughout  the 
week,  omitting  those  psalms  which  are  said  at 
other  hours,  and  are  thus  distributed : — 

On  Sunday,  at  matins,  in  the  first  nocturn, 
twelve  psalms ;  in  the  second  and  third,  three 
psalms  in  each. 

On  week  days,  twelve  psalms  said  in  one  noc- 
turn. 

At  vespers,  five  psalms  are  said  daily. 

For  the  other  hours,  at  lauds,  five  psalms  [i.e. 
what  reckons  as  five]  are  said  daily. 

At  prime,  three  daily,  with  additional  psalms- 
on  Sunday. 

At  terce,  sext,  and  none,  three  daily. 

At  compline,  four  daily. 

In  addition,  Benedictus  is  said  daily  at  lauds, 
as  are  Magnificat  at  vespers  and  Nunc  dimittis  at 
compline. 

Into  the  festal  arrangements  of  the  Psalter  it 
is  not  necessary  to  enter.  The  chief  variations 
are  the  following  : — 

In  festivals  of  nine  lessons,  nine  psalms  taken 
from  the  matin  psalms  are   said  at  mxitins  in 


PSALMODY 

three  nocturns  of  three  ijsalms  each,  instead  of 
the  psalms  in  course. 

At  lauds  and  vespers,  the  Sunday  psalms  are 
for  the  most  part  said,  instead  of  the  psalms  in 
course.  At  vespers  on  festivals,  Ps.  116  [117]  is 
often  substituted  for  the  last  Sunday  psalm,  113 
[114  and  115].  Earlier  usage  assigned  special 
psalms  for  lauds  and  vespers  much  more  rarely 
than  \yas  afterwards  the  case. 

(2)   The  Benedictine  or  Monastic  Psalter. 

The  germ  of  the  monastic  rite  is  supposed 
to  have  been  derived  from  the  solitaries  of  Egypt. 
■St.  Benedict  framed  a  rite  for  monks,  which  was 
approved  by  Gregory  the  Great,  and  henceforth 
adopted  for  the  use  of  monastic  congregations. 
It  is  used,  with  slight  modifications  of  detail,  by 
the  Cistercians,  Carthusians,  and  other  monastic 
orders.  The  so-called  mendicant  orders  use 
the  secular  breviary. 

The  main  idea,  so  to  speak,  of  the  distribution 
of  the  Psalter  is  the  same  as  that  of  the  Gre- 
gorian office,  that  the  Psalter  should  be  said 
once  a  week,  but  the  order  in  which  it  is  said 
differs  in  many  important  points.  Dealing  here 
with  the  psalms  only,  the  following  is  the  general 
outline  of  this  office : — 

At  matins  on  Sundays  there  are  three  nocturns ; 
in  each  of  the  first  two,  six  psalms  are  said  ; 
and  in  the  third,  three  canticles.  Week  days 
have  twelve  psalms,  said  in  two  nocturns. 

At  lauds,  five  (i.e.  what  count  as  five)  psalms 
are  said. 

At  each  of  the  lesser  hours,  three,  at  vespers 
four,  and  at  compline  three  psalms  are  said. 

The  following  is  the  distribution  : — 

On  Sunday,  at  matins,  Pss.  3,  94  [95]  (these 
two  psalms  are  said  daily) ;  in  nocturn  1 : — 20 
121],  21  [22],  22  [23].  23  [24],  24  [25],  25  [26]; 
in  nocturn  2  :— 26  [27],  27  [28],  28  [29],  29  [30], 
30  [31],  31  [32]  ;  in  nocturn  3,  three  canticles. 

At  lauds,  66  [67],  50  [51]  (these  two  psalms 
are  said  daily),  117  [118],  62  [63]  (these  two 
counting  as  one),  Benedicite,  148,  149,  150  (as 
one),  Benedictus. 

In  Eastertide,  and  on  certain  other  festivals 
when  they  fall  on  Sundays,  instead  of  Pss.  50 
[51]  and  117  [118],  these  two,  92  [93]  and  99 
[100],  are  said. 

At  prime,  118  [119]  ("Beati"— "In  quo 
corriget " — "  Retribue  " — "  Adhaesit  " — said  as 
four). 

At  terce,  118  [119]  "Legem  pone"— "Et 
veniat  " — "  Memor  esto." 

At  sext,  118  [119]  "Portio  mea"— "Boni- 
tatem  " — Manus  tuae." 

At  none,  118  [119]  "  Defecit  "— "  In  aeter- 
cum  " — "  Quomodo  " — said  as  three. 

At  vespers,  109  [110],  110  [111],  111  [112], 
112  [113],  Magnificat. 

At  compline,  4,  90  [91],  133  [134].  These 
psalms  are  said  daily  throughout  the  year.  On 
the  three  days  before  Easter  30  [31]  vv.  1-6, 
and  Nunc  dimittis  are  added. 

On  Monday,  at  matins,  in  nocturn  1 : — 32  [33], 
33  [34],  34  [35],  36  [37]  (said  in  two  parts, 
vv.  1-26,  and  ver.  27  to  end),  37  [38]. 

In  nocturn  2 :— 38  [39],  39  [40],  40  [41],  41 
[42],  43  [44],  44  [45]. 

At  lauds,  66  [67],  50  [51],  5,  35  [36],  Song  of 
Isaiah  (Is.  xii.),  148,  149,  150,  Benedictus. 

At  prime,  1    2,  6.  I 


PSALMODY 


1751 


At  terce,  118  [119]  "Lucerna" — "Iniquos"' 
— "  Feci." 

At  sext,  118  [119]  "  Mirabilia  "— "  Justus  es  " 
"  Clamavi." 

At  none,  118  [119]  "  Vide  "— "  Principes  "— 
"  Appropinquet." 

At  vespers,  113  [114  and  115],  114  [116,  vv. 
1-8]  115  [116,  ver.  9  to  end],  and  116  [117] 
(as  one),  128  [129],  Magnificat. 

On  Tuesday,  at  matins,  in  nocturn  1 : — 45  [46], 
46  [47],  47  [48],  48  [49],  49  [50],  51  [52]. 

In  nocturn  2  :— 52  [53],  53  [54],  54  [551  55 
[56],  57  [58],  58  [59]. 

At  lauds,  iqQ  [67],  50  [51],  42  [43],  56  [57], 
Song  of  Hezekiah  (Is.  xxxviii.),  148,  149,  150, 
Benedictus. 

At  prime,  7,  8,  9  (to  "  non  peribit  in  finem"  ), 
[9,  vv.  1-18]. 

At  terce,  119  [120],  120  [121],  121  [1221 

At  sext,  122  [123],  123  [124],  124  [125]. 

At  none,  125  [126],  126  [127],  127  [12S]. 

These  psalms  are  said  at  terce,  sext,  and  none, 
on  Wednesday,  Thursday,  Friday,  and  Saturday. 

At  vespers,  129  [130],  130  [131],  131  [132], 
132  [133],  Magnificat. 

On  Wednesday,  at  matins,  in  nocturn  1  :— 59 
[60],  60  [61],  "61  [62],  65  [66],  67  (pt.)  [68, 
vv.  1-18],  67  (pt.)  [68,  ver.  19  to  end]. 

In  nocturn  2  :— 68  (pt.)  [69,  vv.  1-16],  68 
(pt.)  [69,  ver.  17  to  end],  69  [70],  70  [71],  71  [72], 
72  [73]. 

At  lauds,  66  [67],  50  [51],  63  [64],  64  [65], 
Song  of  Hannah  (1  Sam.  ii.),  148,  149,  150, 
Benedictus. 

At  prime,  9  (pt.)  [9,  ver.  19  to  end,  and  10],  10 
[11],  11  [12]. 

At  vespers,  134  [135],  135  [1361,  136  [137], 
137  [138],  Magnificat. 

On  Thursday,  at  matins,  in  nocturn  1 : — 73  [74^, 
74  [75],  76  [77],  77  [78]  (in  two),  78  [79]. 

In  nocturn  2  :— 79  [80],  80  [81],  81  [82],  82 
[83],  83  [84],  84  [85]. 

At  lauds,  66  [67],  50  [51],  87  [88],  89  [90], 
Song  of  Moses  (Ex.  xv.),  148,  149,  150,  Bene- 
dictus. 

At  prime,  12  [13],  13  [14],  14  [15]. 
At  vespers,  138  [139]  (in  two),  139  [140],  140 
[141],  Magnificat. 

On  Friday,  at  matins,  in  nocturn  1 : — 85  [86], 
86  [87],  88  [89]  (in  two),  92  [93],  93  [94]. 

In  nocturn  2  :— 95  [96],  96  r97],  97  [98],  08 
[99],  99  [lOu],  100  [101]. 

At  lauds,  66  [67],  50  [51],  75  [76],  91  [92], 
Song  of  llahakliuk  (Hab.  iii.)  (in  three  divisions^, 

148,  149,  150,  Benedictus. 

At  prime,  15  [16],  16  [17],  17  [18]  (1-24). 

At  vespers,  141  [142],  143  [144]  (in  two)., 
144  [145]  (1-9),  Magnificat. 

On  Saturday,  in  nocturn  1 :— 101  [102],  102 
[103],  103  [104]  (in  two),  104  [105]  (in  two> 

In  nocturn  2  :— 105  [106]  (in  two),  106  [107] 
(in  two),  107  [108],  108  [109]. 

At  lauds,  66  [67],  50  [51],  142  [143],  Song 
of  Moses  (Deut.   .xxxii.)  (in  two  divisions),   148, 

149,  150,  Benedictus. 

At  prime,  17  [18]  (25,  "  Cum  sancto,"  to  end), 
18  [19],  19  [20]. 

At  vespers,  144  [145]  (10,  "  Confiteantur,"  to 
end),  145  [146],  146  [147,  vv.  1-11],  147  [147, 
ver.  12  to  end].  Magnificat. 


1752 


PSALMODY 


The  general  plan  then  is  this  : — • 

Pss.  1-19  [20]  are  said  at  pnme  on  week  days, 
beginning  on  Monday,  three  each  day. 

Pss.  20  [21]— 108  [109],  are  said  at  nocturns 
throughout  the  week,  beginning  on  Sunday, 
twelve  each  day,  said  in  two  nocturns  of  six 
psalms  each. 

Pss.  108  [109]  to  end  are  said  at  vespers 
throughout  the  week,  four  each  day. 

Psalms  which  are  said  in  other  parts  of  the 
office  are  omitted  when  they  occur  in  course. 

Ps.  118  [119]  is  said  at  prime  on  Sunday, 
and  at  terce,  sext,  and  none  on  Sunday  and 
Monday. 

Certain  of  the  gradual  psalms  are  said  at  terce, 
sext,  and  none  daily  on  each  of  the  other  week 
days. 

Pss.  3  and  94  [95]  are  said  daily  before 
nocturns. 

Pss.  66  [67],  50  [51],  148,  149,  150,  are  said 
daily  at  lauds. 

Benedictus  is  said  daily  at  lauds,  and  Magnificat 
daily  at  vespers. 

In  comparing  tliese  two  great  23salters  of  the 
Western  church,  the  Benedictine  arrangement 
appears  somewhat  inferior  in  simplicity  to  the 
Gregorian.  The  reason  for  beginning  the  psalms 
on  Monday  at  jyrime  is  not  obvious,  and  the 
division  of  the  longer  psalms  into  parts,  so  as  to 
equalize  in  some  degree  the  length  of  the 
psalmody  on  different  days,  while  the  number  of 
psalms  is  the  same,  is  not  without  awkwardness 
when  the  divisions  of  a  psalm  fall  into  different 
days  (see  prime  and  vespers  for  Friday  and 
Saturday).  The  distribution  of  the  psalms  for 
the  little  hour  is  also  less  natural.  On  the  other 
hand,  there  is  a  greater  variety  in  the  psalms  at 
lauds,  though  one  misses  the  daily  use  of  Ps. 
62  [63],  and  the  psalms  at  nocturns  are  more 
nearly  of  the  same  length  than  in  the  Gregorian 
Psalter. 

(3)  We  come  now  to  the  Ambrosian  Psalter, 
equally  venerable  and  interesting  with  the  two 
preceding  and  more  curious,  and  still  a  living 
rite,  though  of  much  less  practical  importance, 
owing  to  the  small  area  over  which  it  is  used. 
In  its  main  features,  it  is  doubtless  the  woi-k  of 
St.  Ambrose,  and  shows  Eastern  influences. 

The  chief  peculiarity  in  this  rite  is  the 
arrangement  of  the  matin  psalms  (1-108  [109]), 
which  are  divided  into  ten  decuriae,  and  are  gone 
through  in  the  course  of  a  fortnight.  Each 
decuria  is  divided  into  three  nocturns,  and  is 
said  under  three  antiphons,  one  to  each  nocturn ; 
and  gloria  is  said  only  at  the  end  of  each  nocturn. 
The  decuriae  are  as  follows: — 

Decuria  I.  Pss.  1-16  [17]. 


II. 

17  [18]-30  [31]. 
31  [32]-40[41\ 

III. 

IV. 

41  [42]-50  [51]. 

V. 

51  [52]-60  [61" . 

VI. 

61  [62 -70  [7  r. 

VII. 

71  [72]-80  [81" . 

VIII. 

81  [82]-90  [94  . 

IX. 

91    92]-100  [101]. 

X. 

101  [102]-108  [109]. 

The  name  decuria  is  plainly  derived  from  the 
fact  that  they  all,  with  the  t.xception  of  the  first, 
second,  and  tenth,  contain  ten  psalms.  Psalms 
which  are  said  in  other  parts  of  the  office  are 
also  said  in  course. 


PSALMODY 

The  psalms  at  matins  are  thus  arranged : — 
There  is  no  invitatory  psalm,  but  in  its  place 
the  first  part  of  the  Song  of  the  three  Children 
(called  Benedictus,  as  distinguished  from  the 
second  part,  known  as  Bencdicite).  This  is  said 
daily. 

On  Sunday  no  psalms  are  said  ;  but  three 
canticles,  one  in  each  nocturn. 

Matins,  on  Sunday,  in  nocturn  1,  Song  of 
Isaiah  ("De  nocte  vigilat,"  Is.  xxvi.) ;  in 
nocturn  2,  Song  of  hannah  (1  Sam.  ii.); 
in  nocturn  3,  in  winter.  Song  of  Hubakkuk 
(Hab.  iii.) ;  in  summer,  Song  of  Jonah 
(Jon.  ii.). 
On  Monday  in  the  first  iceek     .      Decuria     I. 

(Feria  2"  in  JJehdomada  1"''.) 
Tuesday  ....  II. 

Wednesday     .         .         .         .  III. 

Thursday       ....  IV. 

Friday V. 

Saturday,  in  nocturn  1,  Song  of  Moses 
(Ex.  XV.);  in  nocturns  2  and  3,  Ps. 
118  [119],  1-88,  said  consecutively, 
but  divided  into  parts,  one  in  each 
nocturn. 
On  Monday  in  the  second  iccch  .  Decuria  VI. 
Tuesday  ....  VII. 

Wednesday      ....  VIII. 

Thursday        .         .         .         .  IX. 

Friday X. 

Saturday,  in  nocturn  1,  Song  of  Moses 
(as  in  first  week) ;  in  nocturns  2  and 
3,  Ps.  118  [119],  89  ("In  aeternum") 
to  end,  said  as  in  the  first  week. 
The   first   decuria    is    said    on    Monday  after 
Septuagesima  Sunday.      The  regular  course   is 
interrupted  by  holy  week  (called  authentic  week) 
and    Easter  week.     Dec.  i.  is  said    on    Monday 
after   Low    Sunday  (Fer.  2*   post    albas).     The 
course  is  again  interrupted  by  Whitsunday  and 
Corpus  Christi,  with  their  octaves,  and  on  the 
Friday   after    the    octave    of    Corpus    Christi, 
Dec.  X.  is  said  ;  and  so  on. 

Lauds.  On  Sundays,  Benedictus  (Song  of  Zacha- 
riah).  Song  of  Moses  ("  Cantemus,"  Ex.  xv.), 
Benedicite,  Pss.  148,  149, 150, 116  [117],  a  direct 
psalm  ("  Psalmus  directus  "),  so  called  because 
said  straight  through  and  not  antiphonally,  and 
sometimes  a  psalm  of  four  ve7-ses,  so  called 
because  four  verses  only,  almost  always  the  first 
four,  are  said. 

On  week  days  (except  Saturdays),  Benedictus, 
Pss.  50  [51],  148,  149,  150,  116  [117],  a  direct 
psalm,  and  a  psalm  of  four  verses. 

On  Saturdays,  Benedictus,  Pss.  117  [118], 
148,  149,  150,  116  [117],  a  direct  i^salm,  and 
a  psalm  of  four  verses. 

The  direct  psalms  are  these.  They  are  the 
same  for  both  weeks. 

Sunday,  92  [93]  (said  also  on  festivals). 
Monday,  53  [54].  Tuesday,  66  [67].  Wednes- 
day, 69  [70].  Thursday,  112  [113].  Fridav, 
142  [143].  Saturday,  89  [90]. 
The  psalms  of  four  verses  are  : — 
Monday,  in  the  first  week,  5,  vv.  1-4  ;  in  the 
second  week,  83  [84],  vv.  1-4.  Tuesday  (in 
both  weeks),  87  [88],  vv.  1-4.  Wednesday,  66 
[67],  vv.  1-4.  Thursday,  62  [63],  vv.  1-4. 
Friday,  107  [108],  vv.  1-4.  Saturday,  88  [89], 
vv.  1-4. 

On  ordinary  Sundays  there  is  no  psalm  of  four 
verses.      The    psalms    at   the    other    hours   are 


PSALMODY 

nearly  the  same  as  the  Gregorian  for  the  same 
hours,  and  were  doubtless  taken  from  that 
psalter. 

Prime,  53  [54],  118  [119]  (first  four  sections, 
said  as  two),  Athanasian  Creed  (said  daily, 
and  headed  Symholuni). 

These  psalms  are  said  daily  on  Sundays  and 
week  days.  In  the  week  day  office  ("  in  otlicio 
feriali ")  50  [51]  is  said  also  "  in  precibus." 

Terce,  118  [119]  (next  six  sections,  said  as 
three,  as  in  the  Gregorian  Psalter).  Also  in  the 
week  day  office,  50  [51],  "  in  precibus." 

Sext,  118  [119]  (next  six  sections,  said  as 
three).  In  the  week  day  office,  56  [57],  "  in 
precibus." 

None,  118  [119]  (next,  and  last,  six  sections, 
saiil  as  three).  In  the  week  day  office,  85  [86], 
"  in  precibus.'"' 

Vespers.  The  daily  psalms,  including  Magnifi- 
cat, are  the  same  as  the  Gregorian,  with  the  addi- 
tion of  a  psalm  of  four  verses  on  week  days,  and 
in  special  seasons  on  Sundays.  These  are — on 
Jlonday,  8,  vv.  1-4.  Tuesday,  14  [15],  vv.  1-4. 
Wednesday,  30  [31],  vv.  1-4.  Thursday,  36 
[37],  vv.  1-4.  Friday,  74  [75],  vv.  1-1. 
Saturday,  91  [92],  vv.  1-4. 

Compline.  The  daily  psalms  are  4,  30'[31],  vv. 
1-6,  90  [91],  132  [133],  133  [134],  116  [117], 
Nunc  dimittis,  and  in  the  week  day  office  12  [13], 
"  in  precibus." 

There  is  no  distinction  between  the  weeks  in 
any  of  the  hours  but  matins  and  lauds. 

The  festal  arrangement  of  psalms  differs  in 
the  following  points.  The  psalms  at  matins  are 
unchanged  except  on  a  few  special  days  and 
seasons,  when  a  complicated  series  of  psalms  and 
extracts  of  psalms,  of  varying  number,  and  not 
arranged  according  to  their  order  in  the  Psalter, 
is  said. 

On  vespers,  at  festivals,  instead  of  the  psalms 
in  course,  two  psalms,  the  latter  followed  by 
133  [134]  and  116  [117],  the  three  said  under 
one  gloria,  are  said  at  different  parts  of  the  office. 

The  direct  psalms,  and  psalms  of  four  verses, 
vary.  The  psalms  throughout  are  said  according 
to  the  old  Italian  version  ("  Veterem  septuaginta 
versionem  "),  as  in  the  breviary  of  the  canons  of 
the  Vatican  Basilica  at  Rome. 

It  will  not  have  escaped  notice,  as  bearing  upon 
the  connexion  of  the  church  of  Milan  with  the 
East,  that  the  decuria  of  the  Ambrosian  rite  have 
a  close  family  likeness  to  the  cathismata  of  the 
Eastern  church,  and  that  the  psalms  said  "  in 
precibus  "  at  the  third,  sixth,  and  ninth  hours 
are  among  those  said  at  the  corresponding  hours 
in  the  Eastern  Psalter.  The  difference  between 
the  office  for  Saturday  and  that  for  other  days 
of  the  week  is  strong  evidence  of  such  connexion. 

The  Mozarahic  rite  has  the  strange  peculiarity, 
that  the  psalms  are  never  said  in  course.  In  the 
first  three  weeks  of  Lent,  and  on  a  few  other 
days  psalms  are  said  at  terce,  sext,  and  none. 
instead  of  the  fixed  psalms,  three  at  each  hour ; 
and  a  psalm  is  said  at  vespers,  but  the  order  in 
which  they  are  taken  is  very  irregular,  and  while 
many  psalms  are  frequently  repeated,  nothing 
like  the  whole  psalter  is  said.  This  peculiarity  is 
so  uulike  what  is  found  in  any  other  known  rite 
that  some  have  conjectured  that  the  distribution 
of  the  psalms  as  said  in  regular  course  has 
dropped  out  of  the  breviary  as  we  possess  it ; 
and  that  in  its  present  shape  it  only  contains 


PSALTER 


1753 


the  fixed  psalms  at  the  daily  hours  and  those 
for  special  days.  This,  however,  as  far  as  we 
are  aware,  is  pure  conjecture. 

The  following  are  the  psalms  assigned  to  the 
several  hours.  The  psalms  are  said  after  the 
old  version,  and  not  after  the  Vulgate. 

At  matins,  Pss.  3,  50  [51],  56  [57],  or  one  of 
them. 

At  lauds,  a  canticle  (varying),  Benedictus 
(i.e.  an  abridgment  of  both  parts  of  the  Song  of 
the  Three  Children')  not  said  "in  feriis ",  148 
149,  150. 

At  aurora  (said  before  prime  on  week  days, 
throughout  the  year, ''  in  diebus  feriis  per  totum 
annum"),  69  [70],  118  [119]  ("  Beati  immacu- 
lati  " — "  In  quo  corriget  " — "  Retribue  "). 

At  prime,  66  [67],  144  [145]  (in  two),  112 
[113],  119  [118]  ("Adhaesit  pavimento  "— 
•'  Legem  pone  " — "  Et  veniat "),  and  on  Sunday 
and  festivals,  Te  Deum. 

At  terce,  94  [95],  118  [119]  ("Memor  esto"— 
"  Portio  mea  " — "  Bonitatem  "). 

At  sext,  52  [53],  118  [119]  ("  Feci  judicium  "— 
"Mirabilia" — "Justus  es  Domine  "). 

At  none,  145  [146],  121  [122],  122  [123], 
123  [124]. 

At  vespers  (no  psalms  on  ordinary  Sundays 
and  week  days). 

At  compline,  4  (two  last  verses),  133  [134],  90 
[91]. 

The  later  "Western  arrangements  of  the  Psalter, 
such  as  those  of  Cardinal  Quignon,  or  of  the 
reformed  French  breviaries,  besides  beinsr  of  less 
interest,  are  not  within  our  limits  of  time. 

[H.  J.  H.1 

PSALTER.  When  we  call  to  mind  the  u'se 
which  has  been  made  of  the  Psalms  in  both 
.Tewish  and  Christian  churches,  we  must  expect 
to  find  distinct  volumes  containing  them.  Thus 
there  are  in  the  Bodleian  Library  alone  eleven 
Hebrew  MSS.  containing  the  Psalms  without 
any  other  book,  and  in  the  main  without  note 
or  commentary.  It  would  seem  evident  that 
these  MSS.  were  prepared  for  devotional  use. 

2.  And  so  we  find,  even  in  the  west  of 
Europe,  a  few  early  MSS.  containing  the  Psalms 
in  Greek.  The  most  famous  and  the  most 
beautiful  of  these  is  the  Greek  Psalter,  in  the 
Stadt-Bibliothek  at  Ziirich,  which  Tischendorf 
reproduced  in  his  Anecdota  Sacra.  In  this,  as 
in  all  other  Greek  Psalters,  according  to  Zaccaria 
{Bibliotheca  Bitualis,  p.  80,  ed.  1776),  the  Psalms 
are  followed  by  the  ten  canticles  of  the  Greek 
church,  as  they  are  also  in  the  Alexandrine 
]\IS.  Tischendorf  mentions  six  such  psalters. 
Of  these  the  Veronese  contains  the  Magnificat 
but  not  the  song  of  Zachariah  or  of  Simeon. 
The  Ziirich  MS.  contains  the  vfjLuos  ecoOwhs  of 
the  Alexandrine  MS.  and  the  three  canticles 
from  St.  Luke.  The  others  contain  (apparently) 
the  three  canticles.  Sometimes,  as  in  the 
Veronese  Psalter,  Isaiah  xxvi.  9-20  is  displaced 
for  the  hymn  in  Isaiah  v.  1-9.  (See  Canticles.) 

3.  The  Greek  Psalms  were  used  in  some  of 
the  monastic  churches  of  Italy,  and  possibly  of 
France,  even  as  late  as  the  8th  century,  after 
these  churches  had  become  otherwise  thoroughly 
Latinized.  For  this  purpose  copies  of  the 
Greek  Psalms  were  made  in  which  were  repro- 
duced the  Greek  words  in  Latin  letters  ;  thus— 
"  Meta  su  e  arche  en  imera  tes  dynameos  su  en 
te  lamprotete  ton  .agion."     The  oldest  MS.  of 


1754 


PSALTER 


this  character  extant  is  the  famous  Veronese 
Psalter  to  which  we  have  already  referred.  It 
is  supposed  to  be  of  the  6th  centuiy.  Its  con- 
tents are  printed  by  Bianchini  in  his  Vindiciae, 
with  a  facsimile  of  two  pages.  The  Septuagint, 
in  Latin  letters,  is  on  the  left  page,  the  old 
"  Itala  "  on  the  right.  It  contains  the  apocry- 
phal Psalm  Pusillus  eram  in  Greek  and  Latin, 
but  this  (in  Bianchini's  opinion)  was  added  by  a 
writer  of  the  7th  century. 

Another  famous  psalter  forms  part  of  the 
Codex  Seguerianus,  the  Paris  manuscript  of 
Cyprian  (St.  Germain  des  Pres,  186,  now  Paris, 
10,592).  The  Psalter  was  considered  by  the 
Benedictines  to  be  of  the  7th  century.'  It 
contains  the  Greek,  and  a  Latin  version  "  very 
different  from  ours  "  {Xouveau  TraM,  torn.  iii. 
p.  55,  ncte),  in  two  columns.  There  is  the 
latter  portion  of  another  psalter,  Greek  and 
Latin,  at  St.  Gall.  (No.  17);  this  is  of  the 
10th  century.  It  contains  the  Canticles,  and 
also  the  Lord's  Prayer  and  Apostles'  Creed,  and 
also  a  Litany  in  Greek  and  Latin. 

4.  The  Library  of  St.  Germain  des  Pres  con- 
tained a  beautiful  MS.,  which,  according  to 
tradition,  belonged  to  St.  Germanus  himself; 
the  vellum  is  coloured  purple.  The  letters  are 
silver,  except  that  the  names  of  God  are  in 
gold  ;  it  is  now  in  the  National  Library  in 
France,  No.  11,947.  A  facsimile  is  given  by 
Silvestre,  vol.  ii.  plate  113.  It  is  considered 
possibly  to  be  of  the  6th  century  (see  Bihliotheque 
de  FEcole  des  Chartes,  series  vi.  vol.  iii.  p.  343). 
It  is  represented  as  having  the  famous  words — 
"Dominus  regnavit  a  ligno "  (Psalm  xcv.), 
whence  it  would  appear  that  it  contains  either 
the  old  translation,  or  what  is  called  the  Roman 
version  of  Jerome.  This  Roman  version  was 
the  result  of  .Jerome's  first  attempt  to  correct 
the  translation  current  in  his  day,  which  he  did, 
according  to  his  own  account,  after  the  Septua- 
gint "licet  cursim"  (Migne,  xxix.  121).  This 
was  done  at  the  request  of  pope  Damasus ;  and 
it  was  in  use  at  Kome  for  some  centuries,  and  is 
still  used  at  the  Vatican  Basilica.  Indeed,  the 
Canticles  of  the  modern  Breviary  follow  this 
version.  It  seems  to  have  been  brought  into 
England  with  St.  Augustine,  and  so  was  used 
at  Canterbury.  Copies  are  found  in  the  British 
Museum,  Vespasian  A.  1  (to  be  described  just 
now);  Regius  II.  B.  5;  and  also  in  the  Cam- 
bridge Psalter,  Ff.  i.  23. 

5.  The  Psalter,  Vespasian  A.  1,  has  peculiar 
interest.  By  comparing  it,  page  by  page,  with 
the  account  of  a  volume  described  by  Thomas 
of  Elmham,  as  having  been  placed  "super 
tabulam  magni  altaris,"  "^  at  the  church  of  thn 
great  monastery  of  St.  Augustine's,  Canterbury, 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  it  is  the  one  that  is 
so  described  ;  the  contents  correspond  exactly  in 
the  two,  although  unfortunately  the  modern 
paging,  which  diffei's  from  the  original  reckoning 
of  the  folia,  produces  some  confusion.    It  begins 


»  Later  writers  say  of  the  8th  century. 

''  The  position  of  the  volumes  mentioned  by  Elmham 
tnay  be  seen  in  the  JIS.  in  the  library  of  Trinity  Hall, 
Cambridge ;  a  copy  of  the  drawing  is  given  in  Dugdale'a 
Monasticon,  under  St.  Augustine's  monastery,  Canter- 
bury. The  work  of  Thomas  of  Elmham  has  been  pub- 
lished in  the  series  of  the  Master  of  the  EoUs,  but  un- 
fortunately the  drawing  was  omitted. 


PSALTER 

with  the  tract  "Omnis  scriptura  diviuitus  in- 
spirata,"  which  is  followed  by  the  letter  of 
Damasus  to  Jerome,  and  Jerome's  reply.  Then 
it  contains  an  account  of  the  various  books  into 
which  the  Psalms  are  divided :  this  and  other 
similar  matters  fill  up  the  first  ten  leaves. 
According  to  the  account  of  Thomas,  the  eleventh 
leaf  began  with  the  text  of  the  Psalter,  having 
on  it  a  picture  of  "  Samuel  the  Priest."  This 
leaf  has  been  torn  out,  and  so  the  first  Psalm 
is  missing,  the  next  leaf  beginning  with  Psalm  ii. 
V.  4,  "Qui  habitat."  The  picture  of  Christ, 
which  is  now  placed  at  the  beginning  of  the 
volume,  was  clearly  inserted  at  the  binding, 
when  the  old  silver  figure  of  our  Lord  was 
removed.  There  are  a  few  curious  drawings  in 
the  volume,  and  at  the  end  of  Psalm  cl.  there 
comes,  apparently  on  an  inserted  leaf,  the 
apocryphal  Psalm  "  Pusillus  eram."  The  can- 
ticles for  the  various  days  of  the  week  follow, 
and  the  hymn  "  Benedicite."  After  that  we 
have  the  song  of  Zachariah,  the  "  Magnificat," 
and  three  old  hymns  :  "  Splendor  paternae  "  for 
the  matins,  "  Creator  omnium "  for  vespers, 
and  the  "  Rex  eterne  "  for  Sundays.  Here  the 
original  volume  ended,  but  appended  to  it,  at  a 
confessedly  later  date,  we  find  the  "  Te  Deum," 
the  "  Fides  Catholica,"  and  a  few  prayers.  This 
volume  has  of  course  attracted  great  attention. 
Some  account  of  it  will  be  found  in  Professor 
Westwood's  Palaeographia  Sacra,  No.  40,  and  in 
the  same  writer's  Miniatures,  p.  10,  plate  3. 
The  early  part  of  this  MS.  is  supposed  to  be  of 
the  8th    century,  and  so   falls  within   our  date. 

[  (It  is  sometimes  spoken  of  as  St.  Augustine's 
Psalter.)  The  others  which  we  have  mentioned 
are  assigned  to  the  10th  and  11th  respectively. 

I  6.  In  the  public  library  at  Rouen  there  is  a 
psalter  which  belonged  originally  to  the  abbey  of 
St.  Evroult  in  Normandy,  and  from  that  passed 
to  the  church  of  St.  Ouen.  An  account  of  this 
is  given  in  Silvestre,  vol.  iv.,  and  in  Prof  West- 
wood's  Miniatures,  p.  81.  The  Benedictines 
(^Nouveau  Traite,  ii.  226)  considered  it  to  be  of 
the  7th  or  8th  century ;  Prof.  Westwood  of  the 
10th.  It  contains  the  two  more  recent  transla- 
tions of  Jerome  in  parallel  columns,  the  one 
which  he  corrected  from  the  Septuagint  version 
of  Origen's  Hcxapla,  and  which,  from  its  ob- 
taining use  north  of  the  Alps,  is  called  the 
Gallican  Psalter  and  has  subsequently  been 
adopted  in  the  Vulgate ;  the  other,  which  he 
took  direct  from  the  Hebrew,  and  is  therefore 
called  the  Hebraic.  A  marginal  note,  considered 
to  be  of  the  11th  century,  has  been  found  in  the 
volume  :  "  Hoc  psalterium  anglicum  est,  ut  ipsa 
littera  manifestat  "  {Nouveau  Traite',  p.  383). 

Of  the  Gallican  Psalter  we  have  numerous  copies, 
because  this  version  was  adopted  in  the  writing- 
schools  of  Charlemagne,  after  orders  were  given 
that  every  priest  should  possess  his  own  psalter. 
There  are  several  volumes  containing  this  version, 
of  remarkable  beauty  and  interest.  One  is  in 
the  library  at  Vienna  (No.  1861),  and  is  sup- 
posed to  have  been  prepared  by  the  order  of 
Charlemagne  for  presentation  to  the  pope  Ha- 
drian I.  Of  this  there  is  a  long  account  m 
Kolzar's  Catalogue,  vol.  i.  pp.  347-415,  and  a 
facsimile  in  Silvestre,  ii.  126 ;  see,  too,  Denis,  i. 
xxviii.  Of  another  beautiful  copy  notice  has 
been  given  by  the  Palaeographical  Society  (see 
Plates  Ixix.  Isx.  xciii.);  this  seems  to  have  be- 


PSALTEE 

longed  to  the  emperor  Lothair,  a.d.  825.  A 
third  is  in  the  great  library  at  Paris  (1152),  and 
retains  still  the  beautiful  ivory  plaques  which 
formed  its  original  binding.  This  belonged  to 
Charles  the  Bald  (see  Silvestre,  ii.  129,  131). 
Another  of  almost  equal  beauty  is  in  the  Douce 
collection  at  Oxford  (No.  59),  and  a  tiftli  is  in 
the  library  of  Corpus  Christi  College,  Cambridge 
(No.  272,  0.  5.  It  belonged  to  a  certain  count 
Achadeus).  The  same  Gallican  version  is  found 
.  in  the  celebrated  psalter  Claudius  C.  vii.,  which 
belonged  to  the  Cotton  collection,  but  is  now  in 
the  library  at  Utrecht.  The  Vienna  copy  has 
much  prefatory  matter,  corresponding  in  some 
degree  to  that  in  Vespasian  A.  1,  including, 
however,  the  creeds  of  St.  Gregory  of  Rome,  St. 
Gregory  of  Neocaesarea,  of  "Jerome"  and  St. 
Ambrose,  together  with  the  genuine  Nicene 
creed.  They  all,  or  almost  all,  contain  the  full 
series  of  Canticles,  the  "  Te  Deum,"  the 
"  Quicunque  vult,"  the  "  Lord's  Prayer,"  and  tlie 
Apocryphal  psalm.°  The  MSS.  assigned  to 
Lothair  and  Charles  the  Bald,  and  that  in  the 
C.  C.  C.  library,  contain  litanies  by  which,  in- 
deed, their  original  ownership  is  established. 
There  is  another  MS.  in  the  library  at  Paris,  No. 
13,159,  which  contains  the  same  Gallican  version, 
together  with  prayers  belonging  to  each  psalm, 
and  copies  of  two  litanies,  of  which  one  is  called 
"  Litania  calula,"  and  the  other  "  Litania  Gal- 
lica."  If  this  MS.  is  contemporary  with  the 
litanies  it  contains,  we  must  assign  it  to  some  date 
between  a.d.  795  and  800.  It  is  probably  later. 
It  contains  the  Athanasian  creed. 

8.  At  a  period  somewhat  below  our  date,  great 
attention  was  paid  to  St.  Jerome's  three  versions, 
and  several  psalters  are  in  e.xistence  in  which  we 
have  two  or  three  in  parallel  columns.  There  is 
one,  indeed,  in  the  Vatican  library  (Regin.  xi.) 
which  was  given  to  it  by  queen  Christina,  and  is 
assigned  by  some  authorities  to  the  7th,  the  6th,  or 
even  the  5th  century.  This  contains  the  Gallican 
and  Hebrew  in  parallel  columns.  In  the  library 
of  Trin.  Coll.  Cambridge  is  a  volume  of  remark- 
able size  and  beauty,  in  which  are  found  the 
three  versions,  with  notes  in  the  intermediate 
spaces  and  margins.  A  volume  corresponding  to 
it  in  most  respects  (being  almost  a  facsimile)  is 
in  the  library  at  Paris,  No.  8846  ;  of  this  Sil- 
tre  gives  a  notice  in  vol.  iii.  no.  188.  The 
former  of  these  has  reproductions  of  the  drawings 
of  the  Utrecht  Psalter,  and  the  latter  has  some 
of  the  drawings. 

Further  information  as  to  later  psalters  will 
be  found  in  Prof.  Westwood's  works,  above  cited. 
An  account  of  an  important  Bamberg  psalter  is 
given  by  Dr.  Schbnfelder  in  the  Serapeum  of 
Nov.  1865.  This  has,  in  four  columns,  the 
Gallican,  Roman,  and  Hebraic  versions,  and  the 
Greek  in  Latin  letters.  See,  too.  Cardinal 
Thomasius'  Psalter,  published  separately  at  Rome, 
1697,  and  in  his  collected  works.  The  Psal- 
terium  Quincuplex  of  J.  Le  Fevre,  published  firtt 
by  Henry  Stephens,  1509,  contains  in  the  fc.\t 
the  three  versions  of  Jerome,  and  in  a  kind  of 
appendix  the  Vetus  and  what  he  calls  "  Psal- 
terium  Conciliatum"  an  attempt  to  produce  a 
version  from  the  Gallican  agreeing  "  more  with 
the  truth  and  the  Hebrew."  Mr.  Birch  of  the 
British  Museum  promises  a  work  on  this  subject. 


PULPITUM 


1755 


Charlemagne's  Psalter  does  not  contain  this. 


Some  notes  on  more  recent  volumes  will  be 
found  in  the  writer's  volume  on  the  creeds, 
Murra}^,  1872,  chaps,  xxiii.  and  xxiv.  Copies  of 
Jerome's  Roman  and  Gallican  translations,  with 
the  "obeli"  and  asterisks,  will  be  found  ia 
Migne,  vol.  xxix.  pp.  119-420;  of  the  Hebraic 
In  vol.  xxviii.  pp.  1183-1306.  The  last  is  also 
given  from  the  Codex  Amiatinus,  in  the  notes  of 
the  edition  of  the  Vulgate  by  Tischendorf, 
Leipsic,  1873.  An  interesting  account  of  the 
Psalterium  Aureum  of  St.  Gall  (no.  26)  has  been 
recently  published  by  the  Historical  Society  of 
St.  Gall,  but  it  is  mainly  occupied  with  its 
palaeographical  and  artistic  characteristics. 

PTOLEMAIS  (IN  Cyrexaica)  or  Tolo- 
METTA,  Diocesan  Synod  of,  a.d.  411,  under 
Synesius,  at  which  Andronicus,  prefect  of  the 
Libyan  Pentapolis,  was  excommunicated  for  his 
cruelty.  The  letter  of  Synesius,  announcing 
this  to  the  other  bishops,  is  extant  (Mansi,  iv, 
1-8).  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

PTOLOMAEUS  (1),  martyr  with  Lucius  and 
Tertius,  buried  at  Alexandria ;  commemorated 
Oct.  19  {Vet.  Rom.  Mart.;  Mart.  Bom.;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Oct.  8,  399.  Ptolemaeus).  Aug.  23 
(Wand.). 

(2)  Martyr  with  Amnion  and  others  at  Alex- 
andria ;  commemorated  Dec.  20  (Usuard.  Mart. ; 
Vet.  Rom.  Mart. ;  Mart.  Rom.).  [C.  H.] 

PUBLIA,  deaconess,  confessor  under  the 
emperor  Julian ;  commemorated  Oct.  9  (Basil. 
Menol.).  [C.  H.] 

PUBLIUS  (1),  bishop  of  Athens  ;  commemo- 
rated Jan.  21  (Usuard.  Mart.;  Vet.  Rom.  Mart. ; 
Mart.  Rom. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  2,  338). 

(2)  Commemorated  Jan.  25  {Cal.  Byzant. ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  2,  622). 

(3)  Commemorated  with  Julianus  in  Africa, 
Feb.  19  (Usuard.,  Wand.,  Hicron.  Mart). 

(4)  One  of  the  martyrs  of  Saragossa ;  com- 
memorated Ap.  16  (Usuard.  3fart.). 

(5)  Soldier,  martyr  under  Licinius ;  com- 
memorated Ap.  26  (Basil.  Menol.) ;  Ap.  25 
(Boll.  Acta  SS  Ap.  3,  361).  [C.  H.] 

PUDENS,  disciple  of  St.  Paul ;  commemo- 
rated Ap.  14  (Cal.  Byzant.)  ;  Ap.  15  (Daniel, 
Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  257,  with  Aristarchus  and  Tro- 
phimus;  Basil.  Menol.);  May  19  {Vet.  Rom. 
Mart.,  Prudens  ;  Usuard.  Mart. ;  Mart.  Rom., 
a  Roman  senator).  His  figure,  holding  a  roll, 
ornaments  a  church  gate  in  Ciampini  (^Vct. 
Mon.  i.  28,  2).  [C.  H.] 

PUGILLARIS.  One  of  the  names  of  the 
Fistula  or  tube  through  which  the  wine  in 
Holy  Communion  was  imbibed.  Thus  the  Ordo 
Romanus  i.  (p.  5),  describing  the  papal  IMass  on 
Easter  Day,  mentions  "  scyphos  et  pugillares" 
among  the  vessels  to  be  carried  to  the  church  in 
which  the  Mass  is  to  be  said.  [C] 

PULCHERIA,  empress,  commemorated  with 
Irene,  Aug.  7  (Basil.  Menol.)  ;  Sept.  10  (Mart. 
Rom. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS  Sept.  3,  503).        [C.  H.] 

PULPITUM.     [A-AiBO.] 


1756 


PUNISHMENTS 


PUNISH3IENTS.        [Corporal    Prxisii- 
jiENT ;  Discipline  ;  Fine  ;  Penitence.] 

PURIFICATION     OF     THE     AETAE 

VESSELS.  I  know  of  no  reference  to  the 
subject  in  any  document  within  our  period.  It 
is  noticed,  however,  in  the  general  instructions 
given  to  parish  priests  in  the  West  at  the  visita- 
tion of  the  bishop  in  the  9th  or  10th  centuries, 
and  we  may  presume  that  the  practice  which 
they  prescribe  had  been  in  some  degree  observed 
previously.  In  the  Sermo  Synodalis,  ascribed  to 
Leo  IV.  84-7,  but  perhaps  later,  we  read,  "  Wash 
and  wipe  the  holy  vessels  with  your  own  hands 
....  Let  a  place  be  prepared  in  the  sacrarium 
(secretarium.  Rather. ;  Admon.  Synod,  below)  or 
near  the  altar,  where  the  water  may  be  poured 
out  when  the  sacred  vessels  are  washed,  and  there 
let  a  clean  vessel  with  water  be  hung,  and  there 
let  the  priest  wash  his  hands  after  the  com- 
munion "  (Hard.  Concilia,  vi.  785).  The  same 
directions  appear  also  in  a  very  early  recension 
of  this  document  printed  by  Baluze  (Admonitio 
Synodalis,  ad  calc.  Reginon.  de  Discipl.  Feci. 
502),  and  in  the  Synodica  of  Ratherius,  a.d.  928 
(Hard.  u.s.  790).  They  have  also  been  preserved 
in  the  later  pontificals  of  Rome  (Regin.  n.s.  505, 
508).  Yet  the  order  that  the  celebrant  should 
himself  cleanse  the  vessels  could  hardly  have 
been  general,  for  in  the  11th  century  we  find 
John  of  Avranches,  about  1060,  assigning  this 
otHce  to  the  deacon  (Epist.  ad  MaurUium,  in 
App.  ad  0pp.  Greg.  M.  ii.  256,  ed.  Ben.). 

[W.  E.  S.] 
PURIFICATION,  FESTIVAL  OF  THE. 
[Mary,  Festivals  of,  §  1,  p.  1140.] 

PURPURA.  The  band  or  stripe  of  purple 
used  as  an  ornament  in  the  dresses  of  the 
ancients.  [Clavus.]  Caesarius  of  Aries,  in  his 
rules  for  nuns,  forbids  them  to  use  "  vestimenta 
lucida  vel  nigi'a  vel  cum  purpura,"  &c.  {Reg.  ad 
Virg.  Recap.  7  ;  Patrol.  Ixvii.  1118).  A  canon 
of  the  second  council  of  Nicaea  (787  a.d.),  in 
ordaining  that  clerics  should  dress  plain!)',  adds 
that  anciently  they  did  not  wear  variegated 
dresses  of  silk,  nor  TrpoaeriBeaav  irepoxpoa. 
iTnP\7tjxara  iv  toIs  anpois  twv  Ijnariav  (can.  16  ; 
Labbe,  vii.  609).  Another  illustration  of  the 
practice  is  furnished  us  by  Gregory  of  Tours, 
who  dwells  on  an  incident  where  a  mafors 
holoserica  is  turned  into  an  altar-cloth,  a  strip 
torn  oif  being  used  for  the  above-mentioned 
decoration  (^Hist.  Franc,  x.  16  ;  Patrol.  Ix.xi. 
548).  [R.  S.] 

PUSICIUS,  martyr  in  Persia ;  commemo- 
rated Ap.  21  (Vet.  Rom.  Mart.;  Mart.  Rom.; 
Usuard.  Mart.  PusiTius).  [C.  H.] 

PUZA,  COUNCIL  OF.     [Pepuza.] 

PYLORI.     [Doorkeeper  ;  Ostiarius.] 

PYNITUS  inter  episcopos  nobilissimus ; 
commemorated  at  Crete  Oct.  10  (Vet.  Rom. 
Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

PYTHON.  The  word  is  connected  with  the 
Hebrew  jriD,  pethen,  a  venomous  serpent,  which 
is  rendered  in  the  Septuagint  by  'Ao-ttis,  Deut. 
sxxii.  33  ;  Job  xx.  14  ;  Ps.  Iviii.  4 ;  Isaiah  xi. 
8  ;  by  Apdnaiv  in  Job  xx.  16  ;  and  by  BatriAio-zcos 


PYX 

in  Ps.  xci.  13,  b.  v.  Throughout  the  East  evil 
spirits  received  names  from  this  reptile,  an 
usage  originating,  we  cannot  doubt,  in  traditions 
of  the  event  recorded  in  Gen.  iii.  In  Scripture 
itself  we  have  "  the  great  dragon  .  .  .  that  old 
serpent  called  the  devil  "  (Rev.  xii.  9 ;  xx.  2). 
One  result  was  that  the  attributes  of  the 
demon  and  the  serpent  were  interchanged.  Hence 
the  python  slain  by  Apollo  at  Delos  was  thought 
to  have  inspired  the  oracle  before  the  god  took 
his  place :  "  Pythone  serpente  interfecto  totius 
vaticinationis  auctore  et  principe "  (Orosius^ 
adv.  Pagan.  Ilist.  vi.  15);  "Ante  Apollinem 
responsa  dare  solitus"  (Hyginus,  Fahul.  140). 
Hence,  also,  it  was  that  both  in  Jewish  and 
Christian  antiquity  the  name  of  python  was 
given  to  prophesying  spirits.  Hesychius  says, 
UvBaiv  AaifjL6viov  jxavTiKSv.  In  Acts  xvi.  16,  we 
read  of  "a  certain  damsel,  who  had  a  spirit  of 
python"  (in  Eustathius,  de  Fngasirim.  11,  •rr;j' 
■nvQajxavTiv).  In  the  Vulgate  of  Lev.  xx.  27,  we 
have,  "  Vir  aut  mulier  in  quibus  pythonicus  vel 
divinationis  fuerit  spiritus."  Compare  Deut. 
xviii.  11;  1  Sam.  xviii.  7,  8  (Eustath.  u.  s.  20,. 
trvdo/xavTis);  2  Kings  xxiii.  24;  1  Chron.  x. 
13,  "  pythonissam  "  ;  Isaiah  viii.  19  ;  xix.  3. 

The  lower  animals  were  supposed  to  be  subject 
to  this  possession.  In  the  time  of  Justinian 
there  was  a  dog  at  Constantinople  that  would 
scratch  up  and  return  to  their  several  owners 
rings  of  iron  and  gold  that  had  been  buried 
together ;  and  indicate  correctly  the  characters 
of  men  and  women  in  a  crowd, — "  on  which 
account  they  said  that  the  dog  had  a  spirit  of 
python"  (Cedrenus,  Hist.  Compend.  i.  657,  ed. 
IS'ieb.). 

Among  modern  writers  consult  especially 
J.  B.  Deane,  The  Worship  of  the  Serpent  traced 
throughout  tlic  ^Vorld,  Lond.  1830;  Leo  Allatius, 
de  Engastrimutho  Syntagma,  appended  to  Eusta- 
thius, w.  s.  ;  J.  H.  Ileidegcrer,  Dissertatio  de 
Pseudo-Samuele,  Tigur.  1675."  [W.  E.  S.] 

PYX  (Greek,  irvlis,  nv^iov ;  Latin,  pyjcis, 
pyxida,  a  box).  In  ecclesiastical  usage  the  box 
in  which  the  host  is  reserved  after  conse- 
ci'ation.  The  word  is  used  in  this  sense  in  a 
decree  of  pope  Leo  IV.,  a.d.  847-855  (Labbe 
and  Mansi,  Concil.  ed.  Venet.  t.  Ixiv.  p.  891), 
"  Super  altare  nihil  ponetur  nisi  capsae  cum 
reliquiis  sanctorum  aut  pyxis  cum  Corpore  Domini 
ad  viaticum  pro  infirmis."  In  the  first  Ordo 
Romanus  (Migne,  vol.  Ixxviii.),  in  the  part  which 
contains  the  detail  of  the  order  of  the  procession 
before  the  celebration  of  the  Eucharist  by  the 
pope,  the  passage  occurs,  "  duo  acolythi  tenentes 
capsas  cum  Sanctis  apertas."  This  is  generally 
interpreted  to  mean  vessels  in  which  the  Eucharist 
was  placed  ;  but  a  comparison  with  the  decree  of 
pope  Leo  IV.  seems  to  make  it  doubtful  whether 
such  is  the  true  meaning.     [Reservation.] 

It  is  the  opinion  of  many  writers  that  the  ear- 
liest receptacles  for  the  reserved  portion  of  the 
Eucharist  were  vessels  in  the  form  of  a  dove 
[Dove,  Eucharistic],  but  such  was  probably  not 
invariably  the  case ;  and  the  round  boxes  formed 
from  a  section  of  an  elephant's  tooth,  dating  from 
various  periods,  from  the  4th  to  the  7th  century, 
nearly  all  of  which  bear  sculptured  on  them  sub- 
jects which  may  be  held  to  have  some  reference 
to  the  eucharistic  sacrifice,  have  been  (v.  observa- 
tions by  Padre  Garrucci,  Archeologia,  vol.  xliv 


TYX 

p.  322)  confidently  supposed  to  have  served  for 
this  purpose.  Such  may  very  possibly  have  been 
the  case  in  some  instances ;  but  it  must  be  observed 
that  the  subjects  carved  upon  many  of  them 
would  be  well  suited  to  appear  on  a  receptacle 
for  a  BRANDEUM  or  cloth,  which,  as  we  learn 
from  St.  Gregory's  (the  pope)  letter  {Ep.  lib.  iv. 
ep.  30)  to  the  empress  Constantina,  was,  down  to 
his  period,  the  customary  substitute  for  a  relic, 
and  was  habitually  enclosed  in  a  pyxis.  His  words 
are  as  follows  :  "  Cognoscat  autem  tranquilissima 
Domna  quia  Romanis  consuetudo  non  est  quando 
Sanctorum  reliquias  dant  ut  quidquam  tangere 
praesumant  de  corpore  sed  tantummodo  in  pyxide 
brandeum  mittitur  atque  ad  sacratissima  corpora 
Sanctorum  ponitur.  Quod  levatum  in  ecclesia 
quae  est  dedicanda  debita  cum  veneratioue  recon- 
ditur." 

One  which  we  can  scarcely  doubt  to  have  been 
made  for  the  purpose  of  containing  a  brandeum 
(or  possibly  a  vessel  of  oil)  is  that  which  has  been 
engraved  and  commented  on  in  the  Archcologia 
(vol.  xliv.  p.  321).  On  it  are  two  subjects,  one  ithe 
martyrdom  of  St.  Menas,  the  other  the  saint  in 
a  glorified  condition  [Reliquary].  Several 
examples  of  such  boxes  bear  secular  subjects,  as 
one  in  the  museum  at  Zurich,  on  which  are  Venus 
and  Adonis  ;  on  another  is  Bacchus  ;  on  one,  in  the 
treasury  of  the  cathedral  of  Sens,  a  lion  hunt ; 
and  a  like  subject  is  on  one  in  the  British  Museum. 
<  )f  those  which  bear  Christian  subjects,  the  ear- 
liest and  finest  is  that  in  the  museum  at  Berlin,  on 
one  side  of  which  is  Abraham  about  to  sacrifice 
Isaac,  on  the  other  our  Lord  teaching  in  the  Temple. 
This  is  probably  as  early  as  the  4th  century. 

In  this  instance  it  is  difficult  to  see  the 
appropriateness  of  the  latter  subject  to  a  vessel 
employed  in  connexion  with  the  Eucharist,  though 
in  the  former  it  is  obvious.  By  Mr.  Westwood 
{Fictile  Ivories,  p.  272)  the  second  subject  is  said 
to  be  Christ  seated  among  His  apostles ;  but  one 
of  the  figures  would  seem  to  be  that  of  a  woman 
pressing  in  through  a  crowd,  and  the  next  figure 
an  elderly  baldheaded  man  raising  a  hand  with  a 
gesture  of  sui-prise,  figures  which  would  seem  to 
point  to  our  Lord's  teaching  in  the  Temple. 
Several  examples  present  the  history  of  Jonah  ; 
the  i-aising  of  Lazarus  is  found  upon  at  least  five  ; 
the  three  Hebrew  youths  in  the  furnace  on  one, 
various  miracles  of  our  Lord  on  others.  All  these 
may  be  thought  to  refer  in  some  way  or  other  to 
the  Eucharist,  but  most  would  be  applicable  to 
pyxides  containing  hrandea  or  oils  from  the  holy 
places  in  Palestine. 

These  boxes  appear  to  vary  in  date  from  the 
4th  to  the  7th  century,  and  in  size  from  about 
3|  inches  to  5  inches  in  diameter  and  height ; 
several  have  had  locks ;  among  them  that 
of  St.  Menas.  A  lock  is  perhaps  an  indication  of 
the  use  of  a  pyx  as  a  reliquary  rather  than  as  a 
receptacle  for  the  host,  for  while  many  would 
have  stolen  a  relic  few  would  have  dared  to 
steal  a  host. 

It  is  difficult  to  find  examples  of  pyxes  (in  the 
restricted  sense)  earlier  than  a.d.  800  which, 
either  by  inscriptions  or  ornamentation,  indicate 
clearly  their  destination.  We  find,  however,  great 
numbers  of  pyxes  made  in  the  12th  (some  possibly 
in  the  11th)  and  13th  centuries,  chiefly  at  Li- 
moges, of  copper  enamelled  and  gilt.  These  are 
usually  circular,  with  a  conical  cover,  and  about 
3  inches  in  diameter.  [A.  N.] 


QUINTILLA 


1757 


Q 

QUADKAGESIMA.     [Lent.] 

QUADRAPOLA.  This  word,  whose  mean- 
mg  is  quite  uncertain,  often  occurs  in  Anastasius 
Bibliothecarius.  He  tells  us  (e.  g.)  that  Adrian  I. 
made  for  the  church  of  St.  Peter  "cortinas  .... 
de  palliis  stauracinis  seu  quadrapolis  "  (p.  320). 
It  has  been  suggested  that  by  the  name  is  to  be 
understood  pieces  of  cloth,  in  whose  four  corners 
gold  or  silken  threads  are  interwoven.  This, 
however,  seems  nothing  more  than  a  guess. 
Reference  may  be  made  to  L)ucange's  Glossary 
[R.  S.]  ' 

QUADRATUS  (1),  martyr  under  Valerian 
at  Corinth,  commemorated  Mar.  10  ( Cal. 
Byzant. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Litui-g.  iv.  255). 

(2)  Disciple  of  the  apostles,  bishop  of  Athens, 
May  26  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Xot- 
ker. ;  Acta  SS.  Boll.  Mai.  v.  357). 

(3)  Martyr  in  Africa,  May  26  {Mart.  Usuard., 
Hieron.,  Vet.  Horn.,  Notker.).  [C.  H.] 

QUARTA,  martyr,  June  2  {Mart.  Hieron., 
Vet.  Rom.  Mart.,  Notker.),  one  of  the  martyrs  of 
Lyons.  [C.  H.] 

QUARTILLA,  commemorated  at  Surrentum 
Mar.   19,   with    Quintus,    Quintilla,  and   others 
{Mart.  Adon.,  Hieron.,  Vet.  Rom.  ;  Bas.  Men.). 
[C.  H.] 

QUARTUS  (1),  martyr  at  Rome  with 
Quintus  and  others ;  commemorated  May  10  in 
the  cemetery  of  Praetextatus  {Mart.  Usuard., 
Hieron.,  Vet.  Rom. ;  Bas.  Men.). 

(2)  Martyr  under  Decius  with  Felicissimus 
and  others ;  commemorated  Aug.  6  in  the 
cemetery  of  Praetextatus  {Mart.  Usuard.). 

(3)  Disciple  of  the  apostles ;  commemorated 
Nov.  3  {Mart.  Adon.,  Vet.  Rom. ;  Bas.  Men.). 

(4)  "Apostle,"  one  of  the  Seventy;  commemo- 
rated Nov.  10  with  Olympas  and  others  (Bas. 
Men. ;  Cal.  Byzant.).  [C.  H.] 

QUERCUS  (or  the  Oak),  Synod  of,  a.d. 
403.    [Chalcedon,  Councils  of  (1),  p.  833.] 

QUINIDIUS,  bishop  of  Vaison  ;  commemo- 
rated Feb.  15  (Usuard.  Mart.,  Vet.  Rom.  Mart., 
Boll.  Acta  SS.,  Feb.  ii.  827).  [C.  H.] 

QUINISEXTUM  CONCILIUM.  [Con- 
stantinople (34),  p.  444.] 

QUINQUAGESIMA.     [Pentecost.] 

QUINTIANUS  (1),  martyr  with  Partheniu.s 
and  others  in  Armenia;  commemorated  Ap.  1 
{Mart.  Hieron.,  Notker.). 

(2)  Pi-esbyter  and  Confessor,  June  14  (Usuard. 
Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jun.  ii.  960).         [C.  H.] 

QUINTILIANUS  (1),  martyr  with  Paulus, 
Matutinus,  and  others;  commemorated  Ap.  4 
{Mart.  Notker.  ;  Mart.  Hieron.). 

(2)  Martyr,  Ap.  16.  [Saragossa,  Martyrs 
op.]  [C-  ^f-] 

QUINTILLA    martyr,  commemorated  Mar. 


1758 


QUINTIXUS 


19  at  Surrentum  (Vet.  Rom.  Mart.;  Adon. 
Mart.) ;  QuiXTiLLUS  (Mart.  Hkron.,  Mart. 
Usuai-d. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mart.  iii.  27).    [C.  H.] 

QUINTINUS  (1),  martyr;  iiiventio  com- 
memorated Jun.  24-  (Flcr.  Mart.). 

(2)  Martyr  in  Gaul  under  Maximian ;  com- 
mem.orated  Oct.  31  (Mart.  Bed.,  Usuard.). 

[C.  H.] 

QUINTUS  (1),  martyr  in  Africa  with  Aqui- 
linus  and  Geminus;  commemorated  Jan.  4 
(Mart.  Ilieron.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Notker.). 

(2)  Martyr;  commemorated  at  Surrentum 
Mar.  19  (Mart.,  Usuard,  Adon.,  Ilieron.;  Vet. 
Rom.  Mart. ;  Notker. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mar.  iii. 
27.). 

(3)  Martyr,  May  10  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Hicron.). 

(4)  Martyr,  Sept.  5 ;  commemorated  at  Capua 
Avith  Arcontius  and  Donatus  (Mart.  Usuard., 
Adon.,  Ilieron.,  Boll.  Sep.  ii.  526).  [C.  H.] 

QUIRIACUS  (1)  (Judas),  bishop  of  Jerusa- 
lem; commemorated  May  1  (Mart.  Bed.,  Ilieron.) 
ilay  1  and  4  (Notker.). 

(2)  Jlartyr,  June  21  (21art.  Usuard.,  Eicron.). 

(3)  Martyr,  Aug.  12  (Mart.  Usuard.  ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Aug.  ii.  702). 

(4)  Martyr,  Aug.  23,  at  Rome,  with  Hippo- 
lytus  and  Archilaus  (Mart.,  Adon.,  Usuard.,  Vet. 
Rom. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.,  Aug.  iv.  565).       [C.  H.] 

QUIRILLUS,  martyr.  Mar.  11.  [Sebaste, 
FoKTY  Martyrs  of.] 

QUIRINUS  (1),  tribune  and  martyr,  fother 
of  Balbina ;  commemorated  at  Rome  Mar.  30 
(Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Rom. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. ; 
Mart.  iii.  811). 

(2)  Martyr  at  Rome  ;  commemorated  at  Rome 
Ap.  30  with  Clemen.s,  Lucianus,  and  others 
(Mart.,  Aden.,  Hicron.,  Wand. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Ap.  iii.  750). 

(3)  Bishop  and  martyr ;  commemorated  at 
Siscia  Jun.   4   (Mart.    Usuard.,    Adon.,  Ilieron.. 

Vet.  Rom. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jun.  i.  381). 

(4)  Martyr  with  Nicasius  and  Pientia  in  the 
Ve^cin ;  Oct.  11  (Mart.  Usuard.).  [C.  H.] 

QUIRIO,  martyr,  Mar.  11.  [Sebaste,  Forty 
Martyrs  of.] 


R 


RACANA,  a  word  whose  spelling  is  as  varied 
as  its  meaning  is  disputed.  Thus  Gregory  the 
Great,  in  the  two  passages  we  have  cited  below, 
spells  it  on  one  occasion  racana,  on  another 
rachana.  The  former  spelling  is  that  found  in 
Ennodius,  the  latter  that  in  Anastasius  Biblio- 
thecarius.  In  the  Rcgula  Majistri,  and  the  re- 
maining passages  referred  to  below,  it  is  spelt 
rachina. 

It  seems  to  us  most  likely  that  the  racana  was 
some  kind  of  rug  or  blanket,  not,  apparently,  of 
the  thicker  or  coarser  kind.  The  following  order 
^rom  the  Regula  Magistri  tells  pretty  strongly 


RAGAE 

for  both  points,  "  in  lectis  habeant  .  .  .  .  et 
lanas,  in  aestate  vero  pro  lanis  rachinis  pi'optei 
aestus  utantur  "  (c.  81,  Patrol,  l.xxxviii.  1031 : 
cited  in  the  Concordia  Regularum,  Patrol,  ciii. 
1255,  where  see  Menard's  note).  On  one  occasion 
we  find  Gregory  the  Great  sending  a  present  ot 
thirty  racanae  with  laenae  and  lecti ;  on  another 
he  receives  a  present  of  two  (Greg.  Mag.  Epist. 
-xi.  1,  78;  Patrol,  l.xxvii.  1119,  1210,  where  the 
notes  may  be  referred  to). 

It  was  made  of  hair  cloth  (r.  cilicina),  some- 
times at  any  rate  (Vita  S.  Radegundis,  c.  4; 
Patrol.  Ixxii.  666).  It  was  a  thing  worth 
stealing  (Audoeuus,  Vita  S.  Eligii,  ii.  38  ;  Patrol. 
Ixxxvii.  570).  This  last  was  a  r.  caprina  .... 
valde  optima,  and  perhaps  therefore  better  than  the 
ordinary  run,  for  in  Anastasius  v.e  read  of  four 
rachanellae  being  sold  numismate  una.  In  a 
later  passage  the  association  cum  storeis  et  rachanis 
is  important  for  the  view  which  we  have  adopted 
as  to  the  meaning  of  the  word.  It  ought  to  be 
added,  as  seemingly  conflicting  with  the  Regula 
Magistri,  that  the  words  following  the  above- 
cited  clause  are  per  totam  hiemem  (  Vita  Joliannis 
Eleemos.  9,  52 ;  Patrol.  Lxxiii.  356,  363).  The 
word  is  also  used  by  Ennodius  (Epist.  ix.  17  ; 
Patrol.  Ixiii.  156),  who  asks  that  a  laena  and 
racana,  which  are  to  be  presented  to  him,  shall  be 
"  coloris  rubei  aut  fusci."  On  a  survey  of  the 
foregoing  passages  it  will  be  seen  that  something 
of  the  nature  of  blanket  makes  very  good  sense 
throughout.  The  same  can  hardly  be  said  of 
some  other  views.  Thus  Sirmond  (Ennodius, 
not.  in  loc.)  thinks  it  must  be  some  kind  of  boot, 
by  assuming  that  racanae  are  the  same  as  ragae 
[Ragae],  and  that  these  latter  are  boots,  because 
the  Theodosian  Code  prohibits  them  in  company 
with  Tsangae,  which  certainly  are  boots  !  Du- 
cange's  theory  is  equally  unsatisfactory,  which 
explains  it  of  a  patched  and  worn  dress,  such  as 
monks  would  wear,  thus  deriving  it  from  paKos. 
It  is  hard  on  this  theory  to  understand  such  an 
allusion  as  that  we  have  cited,  where  a  rachana 
is  called  valde  optima,  and  is  thought  quite  worth 
stealing,  or  to  explain  several  passages  distinctly 
connecting  it  with  bed  furniture.  Other  views 
which  exjdain  the  word  as  a  kind  of  breeches,  or 
as  something  worn  round  the  neck,  need  not  be 
discussed,  in  the  absence  of  anything  like  evi- 
dence in  support  of  them. 

Besides  the  notes  we  have  already  mentioned, 
reference  may  be  made  to  Rosweyd,  Onomasticon 
in  Vitas  Patnan,  s.  v.  (Patrol.  Ixxxiv.  489),  and 
Ducange's  Glossanum,  s.  v.  [R.  S.] 

RADEGUNDIS,  ST.,  queen,  Aug.  13,  com- 
memorated at  Poitiers  (Ifart.  Usuard.,  Hieron., 
Flor.,  Wandalb. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  iii.  46). 
[C.  H.] 

RAGAE.  The  Theodosian  Code  (lib.  xiv.,  tit. 
10,  1.  3),  in  a  law  put  forth  by  Honorius  in  A.D. 
399,  forbids  the  wearing  within  the  city  oi  ragae 
and  tsangae.  [TsAXGAE.]  The  meaning  of  the 
former  word  is  very  doubtful.  The  preceding 
law,  issued  two  years  earlier,  had  prohibited  the 
wearing  of  hrachae  and  tsangae;  and  thus  one 
theory  has  been  to  read  hrachae  in  both  passages. 
This  view,  not  very  probable  in  itself,  is  rendered 
still  less  so  by  the  existence  of  a  diminutive 
ragella  (Ducange,  Glossarium,  s.  v.).  Others 
connect  it  with  paKT],  puKia,  and  illustrate  it  by 
such    words   as    pa/co5uTe?f,    paKevSvTeTu.      This 


EAGNULFUS 

would  give  us  the  meaning  of  .a  monkish  cloak, 
so-calle(,l  from  its  apparently  ordinary  condition. 
This  view  also  seems  somewhat  unsatisfactory, 
seeing  that  the  object  of  the  two  laws  appears  to 
be  to  put  down  the  wearing  of  foreign  dresses  in 
Eome,  under  a  penalty  of  total  confiscation  of 
property  and  perpetual  exile.  The  theory  that 
a  monkish  dress  is  intended  does  not  seem  to 
harmonize  with  the  direct  object  of  the  law,  and 
the  penalty  in  this  case  would  be  out  of  all 
proportion.  Othei-s,  again,  would  read  ruchae, 
deriving  it  from  povxov,  a  garment  (Ducange, 
Glossarium  Graeoum,  s.  v.).  It  seems  to  us,  how- 
ever, that  the  prohibition  appears  aimed  at  some- 
thing too  special  to  be  satisfied  by  a  quite 
I  general  word.  (See  Gothofredus,  not.  in  ha.  ; 
Ducange,  Glossarium,  s.  v.)  [R.  S.] 

EAGNULFUS,  martyr.  May  27,  comme- 
morated in  Artois  {Mart.  Usuard. ;  Boll.  Acta 
*SS'.  Mai.  vi.  717).  [C.  H.] 

EAILS.    [Cancelli.] 

EAM.  The  Ram  is  not  unfrequently  used  as 
a  symbol  on  Christian  monuments,  and  there 
seems  to  be  ground  for  thinking  that  it  was  em- 
ployed to  symbolize  other  ideas  than  those  signi- 
fied by  the  Lamb.  St.  Ambrose  {Ep.  Ixlii.) 
says  that  it  is  used  as  a  symbol  of  the  Word, 
even  by  those  who  deny  the  coming  of  Christ, 
and  finds  in  the  fleece  of  the  ram  a  symbol  of 
the  "  clothing-upon  "  of  Christians  (2  Cor.  v.  2)  ; 
ill  his  defence  of  the  flock  against  the  wolf,  a 
symbol  of  Christ's  victory  over  Satan  ;  in  his 
leading  the  flock,  a  symbol  of  the  Divine  guid- 
ance ;  in  his  substitution  for  Isaac,  a  symbol  of 
the  one  sacrifice ;  in  his  dumbn-ess  before  his 
shearers  (Is.  liii.  7),  a  symbol  of  the  meekness  of 
Christ.  And  another  father  of  the  Church 
(Prosper  dc  Promiss.  Dei,  pars  1,  c.  xvii.)  sees  in 
the  "  thicket  "  a  type  of  the  crown  of  thorns. 
Where  found  on  fonts  and  other  monuments 
having  any  reference  to  baptism,  it  was  probably 
used  as  a  symbol  of  force,  and  as  an  encourage- 
ment to  "  fight  manfully  "  (Ferret,  Catacombes 
de  Rome,  v.  iii.  pi.  8) ;  and  under  the  same  idea 
of  encouraging  themselves  with  the  device  of  a 
valiant  animal  in  times  of  persecution,  Christians 
seem  to  have  worn  rings  with  a  ram  engraved  upon 
the  stone.  It  may  be  added  that  two  rams 
face  to  face,  with  a  cross  between  them,  are  not 
an  uncommon  symbol,  and  may  be  seen  on  the 
capitals  of  columns  in  the  churches  of  St.  Am- 
brose and  St.  Celsus  at  Milan  (Allegranza, 
Sacr.  Mon.  di  Milano,  tav.  vii.  etc.). 

(Martignv,  Did.  des  Antiq.  chre't.  s.  v.  Belier.) 
[E.  C.  H.] 

EAPHAEL,  archangel,  Dec.  9  {Cal.  EthioiJ.). 
[C.  H.] 

EATISBON,  COUNCILS  OF.  (1)a.d.  768, 
says  Mansi  (xii.  699),  but  this  being  the  year  in 
which  Pepin  died,  it  could  not  well  have  been 
held  for  another  year  or  more,  to  have  been  held 
under  his  son  Charles,  who  seems  to  refer  to  it 
in  a  later  capitulary  as  having  legislated  on  the 
subject  of  country  bishops.  We  learn  from 
another  source  that  it  disallowed  their  perform- 
ing any  episcopal  functions,  unless  they  had  been 
ordained  by  three  bishops. 

(2)  A.D.  792,  attended  by  king  Charles ;  at 
which  Felix  bishop  of  Urgel  in  Spain,  was  first 


EECONCILIATION 


1759 


condemned,  for    propagating   the    heresy  called 

■  Adoptionism  (Mansi,  xiii.  855). 

I       (3)  A.D.  798,  when  a  bull  of  Leo  III.,  confirm- 

]  mg  the  translation  of  the  episcopal  chair  of  that 

city  to  the  church  of  St.  Stephen,  if  genuine  was 

received  (Mansi,  ibid.  993  and  Hartzeim,  i.  335). 

EAVENNA,  SYNOD  OF.  a.d.  419^"  Lm- 
moned  by  the  emperor  Honorius  for  settlino-  the 
contention  between  Boniface  and  Eulalius  for  the 
see  of  Eome,  vacated  by  the  death  of  pope  Zosi- 
mus ;  which  it  failed  to  do  (Mansi,  iv.  399-402). 
[E.  S.  Ff.]  " 

EEADEE.  [Anagnostes,  p.  79  ;  Ordina- 
tion, pp.  1506,  1509.] 

EEBAPTIZATION.  [Baptism,  Iteration 
OF,  p.  172.] 

EEBEACHIATOEIUM.  We  once  meet  with 
this  word  in  Cassian's  description  of  the  monastic 
dress  {De  Coenoh.  Inst.  i.  6;  Patrol,  xlix.  71), 
where,  from  the  number  of  synonvms  used  to 
describe  the  article  {ava^oXal,  ' succinctoria, 
redimicula),  it  may  fairly  be  said  with  Gazaeus 
{inloc.)  to  be  "obscuratus  potius  quam  illustra- 
tus."  It  would  seem  to  mean  some  sort  of  cords 
or  bands  {resticulae  duptices)  passing  ovei  the 
neck  and  down  the  two  sides,  being  then  so 
fistened  as  to  hold  the  garments  together,  while 
leaving  the  arms  free.  See  Isidore  {Etym.  xix. 
33,  5,  where  Cassian  is  cited),  Gazaeus  {not.  in 
loo.),  and  Ducange's  Glossary,  s.  v.  [R.  S.l 

EECEPTOEIUM.     [Salutatoeium.] 

EECLINATOEIUM.    [Staff.] 

EECLUSE.     [Hermit,  p.  771.] 

EECONCILIATION   OF   PENITENTS. 

This  was  the  last  stage  in  the  discipline  of  Peni- 
tence. By  it  the  penitent  was  fully  restored  to 
all  the  sacred  privileges  which  he  had  forfeited. 
This  restoration  was  expressed  by  different  terms. 
Tertullian  uses  the  phrases,  "  veniam,  aboli- 
tionem  delictorum,  indulgentiam,  remissionem, 
concessionem,  &c.,  saoramentum  benedictionis, 
pacis  redditionem,  eonimunicationem."  With 
Cyprian  the  ordinary  expressions  are,  "  pacem 
dare,  accipere,  ad  pacem  admitti,  communicationis 
jus  accipere,  dare,  veniam,  peccatorum  remis- 
sionem, indulgentiam."  The  council  of  Elvira 
has  "communionem  dare,  ascipere,  praestare, 
Dominicae  communion!  sociari,  reconciliari." 
Many  canons  express  reconciliation  simply  by  the 
word  "  communio,"  and  Greek  councils  speak  of 
those  unreconciled  as  a.Koiv(jivr}Toi.  In  the  coun- 
cil of  Nice  (c.  13),  absolution  is  called  a  viaticum, 
T^  reKevraiov  /cot  a.vayKai6Tarov  i(p65iov.  The 
same  word  was  adopted  by  1  Cone.  Arausic.  c.  3 ; 
1  Cone.  Vasens.  c.  2  ;  Cone.  Gerund,  c.  9  ;  3  Cone. 
Aurelian,  c.  25,  &c.  A  general  term  in  eccle- 
siastical documents  of  a  later  age  was  "absolutio" 
(Au(r«).  The  act  expressed  by  these  several  phrases ' 
was  the  solemn  absolving  of  public  penitents, 
and  restoring  them  to  full  communion.  The  act 
of  reconciliation  was  outward  and  visible,  but  a 
spiritual  remission  of  sins  was  held  to  accom- 
pany it.    Although  in  the  theological  doctrine  of 


1760 


RECONCILIATION 


absolution  regard  must  be  paid  both  to  the  forum 
internum — the  conscience  of  the  sinner,  and  the 
forum  externum — the  discipline  of  the  church, 
"there  is  no  trace  of  any  such  formal  distinction 
having  been  drawn  through  the  period  embraced 
by  this  work.  It  was  considered  that  when  a 
penitent  was  reconciled,  his  sin  was  pardoned. 
His  whole  course  of  penance  had  been  a  petition 
for  the  divine  forgiveness,  and  when  the  term  of 
the  sentence  expired,  the  offence  was  judged  to 
be  fully  e.xpiated ;  the  offender  was  then  restored 
to  communion,  and  that  restoration  presupposed 
the  forgiveness  of  God.  The  office  of  the  priest 
in  the  forum  internum  was  ministerial,  and  the 
form  through  which  he  exercised  his  ministry 
was  an  intercessory  prayer.  A  judicial  absolu- 
tion of  sin  was  resei-ved  for  the  Almighty. 
"  Christ  alone,"  says  Clemens  Alexand.  (Poeda- 
rjog.  i.  18,  vol.  i.  p.  138),  "  is  able  to  forgive  our 
sins.  He  alone  being  able  to  discern  the  sincerity 
or  insincerity  of  our  obedience."  The  early  doc- 
trine on  absolution  is  well  expressed  by  Pacian 
(Ep.  i.  15):  "Not  indiscriminately  to  all  is  this 
very  pardon  through  penance  granted,  nor  until 
there  shall  have  been  either  some  indication  of 
the  divine  will,  or  perchance  some  visitation, 
may  men  be  loosed  ;  that  with  careful  ponder- 
ing and  much  balancing,  after  many  groans 
and  much  shedding  of  tears,  after  the  prayers 
of  the  whole  church,  pardon  is  in  such  wise 
not  refused  to  true  penitence,  so  that  no  one 
thereby  prejudgeth  the  future  judgment  of 
Christ."  The  language  of  Ambrose  (de  Spirit. 
Sand.  iii.  18)  is  equally  clear :  "By  the  Holy 
Spirit  sins  are  pardoned  ;  men  do  but  apply  their 
ministry  towards  the  remission  of  sins ;  they 
do  not  exercise  any  power  of  authority.  Nor  do 
they  remit  sins  in  their  own  names,  but  in  that 
of  the  Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Spirit.  They  ask, 
God  gives."  Compare  at  a  later  date  the  state- 
ment of  Gregory  {in  Evangel.  Horn.  26,  vol.  i. 
p.  1555) :  "  Then  only  is  the  absolution  of  the 
bishop  valid,  when  it  follows  the  decision  of 
the  judge  within."  In  the  foi-um  externum,  the 
court  of  the  church,  the  bishop's  office  was  more 
directly  judicial.  By  his  own  authority,  through 
imposition  of  hands,  he  restored  the  penitent  to 
the  peace  and  communion  of  the  church,  and 
this  restoration  so  far  partook  of  a  sacramental 
character  that  an  African  synod  under  Cyprian 
{Ep.  Ixiv.  1)  ruled  that  peace,  however  irregu- 
larly given  by  a  priest  of  God,  was  not  to  be 
taken  away. 

The  complete  ritual  of  reconciliation  in  the 
early  ages  is  nowhere  preserved,  but  there  can 
be  little  doubt  that  it  comprised  one  or  more  of 
these  ceremonies :  public  prayer  was  offered  in 
behalf  of  the  returning  penitent ;  hands  were 
solemnly  laid  upon  his  head ;  the  Eucharist  was 
administered  to  him  as  a  token  of  his  return  to 
communion,  and  a  declaration  was  made  that  he 
was  again  in  the  society  and  peace  of  the  church. 
In  the  most  primitive  times,  perhaps,  even  these 
rites  were  wanting.  It  seems  probable  that  then 
the  delinquent,  who  had  been  subjected  to  a 
certain  penance,  during  which  the  hands  of  the 
bishop  were  frequently  laid  upon  him,  was  ipm 
/"acio  reconciled  at  the  conclusion  of  his  sentence, 
and  with  the  last  imposition  of  hands.  ]\Iorinus 
{de  Poenit.  vi.  21)  raises  the  question  whether,  at 
a  later  date,  when  the  station  of  the  consistentes 
was   in    use,  the  penitent   was  absolved    as    he 


EECONCILIATION 

entered  upon  the  station,  or  at  the  close  of  it. 
He  argues  that  the  "  viaticum  "  of  Cone.  Nicaen. 
c.  13,  is  not  participation  in  the  sacrament,  but 
a  sacerdotal  absolution,  and  that  therefore  abso- 
lution is  distinct  from  communion,  and  from  this 
he  infers  that  absolution  was  given  as  the  peni- 
tent was  advanced  to  the  stage  of  consistentia, 
and  full  communion  only  as  lie  left  it.  But  the 
whole  tenor  of  the  canons  which  mention  a 
viaticum  is  opposed  to  this  view,  and  a  state- 
ment of  1  Cone.  Arausic.  c.  3,  seems  to  put  the 
matter  beyond  doubt,  for  after  declaring  that 
a  dying  penitent  might  communicate  without 
imposition  of  hands,  it  adds  that  the  fathers  fitly 
named  a  communion  of  this  sort  a  viaticum. 

1.  I'etitions  for  Absolution. — In  the  simple 
mode  of  discipline  administered  in  the  earliest 
times,  it  rested  entirely  with  the  discretion  of 
the  bishop  to  determine  what  length  and  severity 
of  penance  entitled  the  penitent  to  absolution. 
It  seems  to  have  been  the  custom  for  members  of 
a  congregation  to  petition  the  bishop  to  take 
back  again  any  one  of  their  number  who  had 
been  ejected,  as  soon  as  they  were  persuaded  of 
his  repentance,  and  for  the  penitent  at  the  same 
time  to  join  with  the  clergy  and  bishop  in  earnest 
prayer  that  he  might  be  worthy  of  restoration. 
The  entire  congregation  thus  participated  in  their 
erring  brother's  return.  In  the  Apost.  Const. 
(ii.  16)  this  duty  of  intercession  is  committed  to 
the  deacons.  But  more  usually  the  penitent 
himself,  by  the  depth  and  earnestness  of  his  self- 
abasement,  was  his  own  best  intercessor.  An 
instance  of  a  successful  petition  to  be  absolved  is 
that  of  the  confessor  Natalis  (Euseb.  II.  E. 
V.  27) ;  an  unsuccessful  one,  though  supported 
by  the  supplication  of  the  people,  is  related  by 
Synesius  {Ep.  67)  of  a  certain  Lamponianus.  In 
no  case  does  it  appear  that  reconciliation  was 
granted  as  a  matter  of  course  ;  the  penitent  must 
ask  for  it,  and  beseech  the  congregation  to  unite 
with  him  in  his  request.  Tertullian  (de  Poenit. 
c.  9)  says  that  he  "ought  to  enjoin  all  the 
brethren  to  bear  the  message  of  his  prayer  for 
mercy ; "  and  in  the  following  section  (c.  10), 
"  When  thou  throwest  thyself  before  the  knees 
of  the  brethren,  thou  entreatest  Christ."  Similar 
language  was  held  by  Pacian  {Ep.  i.  15,  Paroen. 
ad  Poenit.  c.  24).  In  the  letters  of  Cyprian  and 
the  Eoman  clergy,  there  are  frequent  references 
to  the  part  borne,  in  the  reconciliation  of  the 
lapsed,  by  the  prayers  and  intercessions  of  those 
who  had  stood  firm,  "  stantis  plebis  "  (Cyp.  Epp. 
xix.,  XXX.  9,  xxxvi.  6,  xliii.  5).  Ambrose  like- 
wise speaks  {de  Poenit.  i.  16,  ii.  9,  10)  of  the 
pardon  of  an  offender  being  sought  by  the  tears 
and  lamentations  of  the  whole  congregation. 
This  supplication  of  the  people  ceased  after  the 
4th  century  to  be  part  of  the  ritual  of  reconcilia- 
tion in  the  East ;  but  in  the  West  the  pontificals 
and  rituals  of  a  date  as  late  as  the  13th  century 
exhibit  the  practice  of  the  whole  body  of  the 
clergy  and  all  the  people  on  the  Thursday  of 
holy  week  offering  public  prayers  for  the  peni- 
tents about  to  be  absolved,  and  the  bishop  pro- 
nouncing the  prayer  of  absolution  in  the  name  of 
the  whole  church ;  and  as  Morinus  (viii.  13), 
writing  at  the  close  of  the  17th  century,  adds, 
"  idem  adhuc  ritus  in  hunc  usque  diem  perdurat, 
sed  verbo  tenus  tantum." 

2.  Absolution  withheld  till  the  Completion  of 
Penance. — The   orisrinal   idea  of  absolution  was 


i 


KECONCILIATIOX 

that  of  a  correlative  to  public  discipline  ;  restora- 
tion to  communion  implied  its  having  been  before 
withheld,  and  those  only  could  properly  be  said 
to  be  loosed  who  had  previously  been  bound. 
Accordingly  it  was  for  many  centuries  an  in- 
flexible rule  of  the  church  that  absolution  should 
not  be  granted  till  the  offender  had  shewn  some 
proof  of  contrition  by  the  performance  of  certain 
outward  acts  of  penance.  The  evidence  of  this 
practice  is  spread  over  the  whole  penitential 
literature.  See  especially  Tertullian,  de  Poenit. 
passim  ;  also  the  canons  of  Elvira,  so  many 
of  which  attach  the  words  "  acta  legitima 
poenitentia  "  as  a  condition  of  restoration  ;  also 
the  indignation  expressed  throughout  Cyprian's 
epistles  against  those  of  his  presbyters  who 
transgressed  the  settled  Jaws  of  the  church  by 
reconciling  the  lapsed  without  penance,  an  abuse 
•equally  corrected  and  condemned  in  the  6th  cen- 
tury by  3  Cone.  Tolet.  c.  11 ;  and  for  pontifical 
■decisions  see  Syric.  Ei:).  i.  3  ;  Innocent.  Ep.  i.  7 ; 
Leo,  Ep.  sci.  The  princifjle,  of  course,  holds 
good  only  in  respect  to  penitents  strictly  so 
called ;  in  the  case  of  simple  separation  from 
communion  (a.<popi(Tixhs,  segregatio,  separatio), 
where  no  penalty  was  attached,  none  could  be 
exacted.  The  rule  was  sometimes  relaxed  in 
time  of  persecution,  as  in  Africa,  after  conspicu- 
ous zeal  and  resolution  succeeding  a  lapse  (Cyp. 
]'-jyp.  xxiv.,  XXV.) ;  or  in  deference  to  the  request 
<jf  the  martyrs  [Libellatici]  ;  or  in  favour  of 
the  sick  ;  or  in  case  of  the  clergy  who  were  sus- 
jiended  or  deposed,  but  not  subjected  to  penance. 
There  are  also  traces  in  the  Eastern  ritual,  of  a 
comparatively  early  date,  of  absolution  being 
granted  immediately  after  confession,  and  prior 
to  penance.  Morinus  (vi.  24)  assigns  the  origin 
of  this  custom  to  the  abrogation  of  the  office  of 
the  penitentiary.  The  earliest  documentary  evi- 
dence is  to  be  found  in  the  penitential  of  John 
the  Faster,  the  date  of  which  is  yet  to  be  deter- 
mined. In  that  treatise  the  penitential  course 
begins  with  a  minute  confession  of  sin,  imme- 
diately upon  which  follow  several  prayers  of  ab- 
solution (Kvffiii),  but  even  after  these  the  penitent 
is  still  held  to  be  aKoivwvriTos,  his  final  and  com- 
plete restoration  being  delayed,  and  communion 
withheld,  till  after  the  completion  of  his  pen- 
ance, which  in  some  cases  did  not  take  place  for 
long  years  after  he  had  been  absolved  (Morin.  de 
Poenit.  appendix,  p.  628).  On  the  contemporary 
Greek  practice  of  absolution,  see  the  evidence 
collected  by  Morinus  {ibid.  p.  660).  If,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  duration  of  the  sentence,  abstinence 
from  communion  was  much  prolonged,  the  peni- 
tent was  allowed  at  intervals  to  receive  an 
avriSwpov  [EuLOGiAE,  p.  629].  It  was  probably 
the  influence  of  his  Greek  training  which  led 
Theodore  to  introduce  among  his  canons  (Poeni- 
tential,  I.  xii.  4)  a  permission  for  communion  to 
be  given  "  pro  misericordia,"  at  the  end  of  a  year 
or  six  months,  although  the  penance  was  still 
unfinished.  The  history  of  the  steps  by  which 
in  the  Western  church  the  primitive  custom  gave 
place  to  the  mediaeval  practice  of  first  absolving 
and  reconciling,  and  then  inflicting  penance,  be- 
longs to  a  date  which  lies  outside  this  work. 

3.  Farm  of  Absolution. — Till  long  after  the 
Carolingian  era,  absolution  was  given  in  the 
supplicatory,  not  in  the  indicative,  form.  No 
penitent  was  reconciled  without  imposition  of 
hands,  and  imposition  was  never  unaccompanied 


RECONCILIATION 


1761 


with  prayer.  "Nihil  est  aliud,"  says  August. 
(de  Bapt.  iii.  16),  "  manus  impositio  nisi  oratio 
super  hominem."  And  this  in  itself  is  strong 
evidence  that  the  form  was  precatory.  The 
union  of  prayer  with  laying  on  of  hands  had 
strong  scriptural  authority  (S.  Matt.  xix.  13 ; 
Acts  vi.  6  ;  xiii.  3 ;  xxviii.  8),  and  was  supported 
by  the  practice  of  the  church  for  many  centuries. 
The  precatory  form  was  used  both  in  public  and 
private  reconciliation  and  in  absolving  equally 
the  sound,  or  the  sick,  or  the  dying.  And  for 
1200  years  no  other  form,  as  an  appointed  ordi- 
nance of  the  church,  usurped  its  place.  Morinus 
sums  up  (viii.  11)  his  investigation  into  the  prac- 
tice of  the  Latin  church  with  the  broad  state- 
ment, "  Demonstratum  videtur  continua  antiquae 
ecclesiae  traditione  peccatorum  remissionem  pub- 
lice  privatimque  deprecative  concessam  esse."  An 
indicative  absolution  first  appears  about  the  year 
1300.  Its  use  occurs  in  an  ancient  MS.  of  that 
date,  in  Gothic  characters,  of  the  abbey  of  St. 
Remigius.  The  MS.  contains  various  episcopal 
benedictions,  after  which,  in  addition  to  a  form 
of  reconciliation,  similar  to  that  contained  in  the 
Ordo  Bomanus,  there  is  given,  "  Item  absolutio," 
in  these  terms,  "  Auctoritate,  et  vice  B.  Petri 
principis  apostolorum,  cui  traditae  sunt  claves 
regni  caelorum,  cui  dedit  Deus  potestatem 
animas  ligandi  atque  solvendi,  dicens  ei  fami- 
liarius  prae  coeteris.  Quodcunque  ligaveris,  &c. 
Vice  inquam  ejusdem  B.  Petri,  cui  licet  merito 
longe  sumus  dissimiles,  quoniam  potestate  a  Deo 
concessa  e.xistimamus  consimiles,  ego  divinitus  vos 
absolvo  a  vinculis  peccatorum  vestrorum."  Mori- 
nus considers  the  term  "  absolution  "  in  this  MS. 
to  be  of  the  nature  of  a  blessing,  partly  confirma- 
tory, partly  dimissory,  after  the  final  reconcilia- 
tion, rather  than  signifying  a  remission  of  sins  ; 
and  that  this  was  the  ordinary  signification  of 
the  word  at  that  period.  A  copy  of  the  Grego- 
rian sacramentary  of  about  the  same  date,  con- 
tained in  the  library  of  the  cathedral  of  Tours, 
has  a  form  which  combines  the  two  modes. 
After  a  long  discourse  on  the  scriptural  autho- 
rity for  declaring  the  remission  of  sins,  the  ritual 
continues,  "  Cujus  nos  virtute  freti,  et  demen- 
tia confisi,  humillime  imprecantes  pietatem  suam, 
absolvimus  te  a  vinculo  tuorum  omnium  delic- 
torum,  et  quidquid  pro  eis  mereris,  oramus  ut 
avertat  propitius,  et  merearis  cernentem  omnia 
cernere,  sua  frui  visione  et  uti  consolatione,  ad 
gloriam  resurgere,  et  interim  sine  laesione 
manere  aggregatus  sanctorum  omnium  consortio, 
tribuente  Deo  Patre."  Then  follows  another 
form,  but  entirely  precatory.  It  does  not  ap- 
pear that  these  forms  superseded  the  solemn 
supplicatory  reconciliation,  they  were  rather 
supplementary  benedictions.  Speaking  generally, 
the  history  of  the  change  from  one  form  to 
another  is  this,  the  supplicatory  was  the  almost 
univei-sal  use  of  the  church  up  to  the  13th  cen- 
tury ;  in  the  course  of  that  century  the  indicative 
gradually  crept  in,  and  before  its  close  had  alto- 
gether taken  the  place  of  the  earlier  and  more 
scriptural  precatory  absolution  (Morinus  do 
Poenit.  viii.  8-12;  Bingham,  Antiq.  XIX.  ii.  5). 
The  following  is  a  very  old  form  of  supplica- 
tory reconciliation  from  a  Latin  missal,  cited  by 
Bingham  from  cardinal  Bona  (Ar.  Liturg.  ap- 
pendix, p.  763):  "Qui  mulieri  peccatrici  omnia 
peccata  dimisit  lacrymanti,  et  latroni  ad  unam 
confessionem  claustra  aperuit  paradisi,  ipse  vos 


1762 


EECONCILIATION 


redemptionis  suae  participes  ab  omui  vinculo 
peccatorum  absolvat,"  &c.  For  other  forms  in 
the  Latin  church,  see  Sacramentar.  Gregor.  ed. 
Mdnard,  p.  226. 

In  the  Greek  church  the  supplicatory  form 
has  never  been  abandoned.  Both  in  the  earliest 
and  more  recent  Euchologies,  the  absolution  is 
distinctly  a  prayer  to  God  for  pardon,  ehxh  ^"'^ 
tSiv  e|  fiTiTifj.lci)V  Kvofxiviiiv.  The  following 
compendious  form  was  represented  to  Morinus 
(vlii.  12)  as  in  general  use  through  the  Greek 
church  in  the  middle  ages,  having  come  down 
from  an  earlier  date :  hvrhs  AecrnoTa  ixvis,  &<pes, 
CTvyxtipV^oy  ras  afxaprias  tov  A.,  oti  ahv  rh 
KpUTOS,  &c. 

4.  Bites. — The  most  conspicuous  act  in  the 
ceremonial  of  reconciliation  was  the  imposition 
of  hands.  There  is  no  occasion  to  cite  authorities 
for  a  practice  which  was  as  essential  to  tiie  rite 
of  reconciliation  as  to  that  of  confirmation  or 
ordination.  Indeed  in  many  passages  the  ex- 
pression "  imposition  of  hands  "  is  identical  with 
absolution;  see,  for  instance,  Apost.  Const,  ii.  18; 
I'acian,  Ep.  iii.  ,-  Statiit.  Ecd.  Antiq.  cc.  76,  78 ; 
August,  de  Bapt.  iii.  16;  v.  20;  Leo,  Ep.  xcii.  17. 
With  the  exception  of  this  act,  no  other  part  of 
the  early  ceremonial  is  known.  It  is  probable 
that  for  many  centuries  the  whole  form  of 
recouciliation  consisted  in  the  bishop  laying 
his  hands  on  the  head  of  the  penitent  and 
saying  certain  prayers,  and  perhaps  making  a 
public  announcement  of  his  return  to  the  peace 
of  the  church.  Afterwards,  no  doubt  a  more 
elaborate  ritual  was  introduced,  but  there  are  no 
materials  from  which  to  ascertain  even  approxi- 
mately the  date  of  its  introduction.  The  Gela- 
sian  sacramentai-y  is  adduced  by  Morinus  as  the 
earliest  authority  on  the  subject.  After  the 
prayers  of  the  Mass,  on  "  Feria  5  in  Coen.  Dom." 
it  publishes  an  "  ordo  agentibus  poenit.  public," 
to  this  effect :  "  On  the  morning  of  Holy  Thurs- 
day the  penitent  is  to  come  forth  from  the  place 
where  he  has  done  penance,  and  to  present  him- 
self in  the  body  of  the  church  prostrate  on  the 
ground."  The  deacon  (in  the  Ordo  Bom.  the 
archdeacon)  is  then  to  accost  the  bishop  in  an 
address  which  begins  thus:  "Adest,  0  vene- 
rabilis  Pontifex,  tempus  acceptum,  dies  propitia- 
tionis  divinae  et  salutis  humanae,"  &c.,  at  the 
end  of  which  the  bishop,  with  the  whole  congre- 
gation, is  to  say  certain  verses  of  Psalm  li. 
The  archdeacon  is  then  to  ask  the  bishop  to  pray 
that  the  penitent  may  be  brought  near  to  God  by 
the  divine  grace  of  reconciliation.  After  which 
the  penitents,  having  been  solemnly  warned 
against  a  relapse  by  an  attendant  priest,  are  to 
be  formally  absolved  by  the  bishop.  Similar 
directions,  under  the  heading  "  de  Reconciliatione 
Poen.  Capital.  Criminis,"  are  given  in  the  Rule 
of  Chrodogang,  of  Metz  (c.  28).  This  ritual  is 
also  found,  with  some  additional  prayers,  in  the 
most  ancient  MSS.  of  the  Ordo  Bomanus ;  in  the 
Gregoi-ian  sacramentary,  "  in  Feria  5  de  Coen. 
Dom.  ;  and  with  some  further  additions,  which 
indicate  a  later  compilation,  in  the  spurious  de 
Divinis  Officiis,  cap.  de  Coen.  Dom.,  which  bears 
the  name  of  Alcuin,  and  there  can  be  little  doubt 
that  it  represents  in  general  outline  the  use  of 
the  Latin  church  on  both  sides  of  the  Alps  from 
a  very  early  age  (Morin.  de  Poenit.  viii.  11  ;  ix. 
30).  In  the  English  church,  public  reconcilia- 
tion was  never  appointed,  as  there  was  no  public 


EECOXCILIATION 

penance  (Theodor.  Poenitential,  I.  xiii.  4).  In  the 
Galilean  church  there  are  traces  of  a  more  elabo- 
rate ceremonial.  Morinus  prints  (Appendix,  pp. 
598-608)  an  office  book  from  the  cathedral  of 
Toulouse,  apparently  of  the  date  of  the  9th  cen- 
tury, containing  very  full  and  interesting  direc- 
tions for  the  reconciliation  of  penitents.  Palm 
Sunday  it  calls  the  Sunday  of  indulgence,  and 
appoints  that  at  8  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the 
following  Thursday  the  archdeacon  is  to  approach 
the  bishop,  seated  on  his  throne,  surrounded  by 
his  clergy,  and  to  bow  and  kiss  his  knees,  and 
announce  to  him  that  a  crowd  of  penitents  is 
standing  outside  waiting  to  be  reconciled  by  his 
ministration.  Upon  hearing  which,  the  bishop 
will  arise  and  walk  in  procession  with  his  clerg)' 
to  the  door  of  the  church,  and,  seating  himself 
there,  will  investigate  the  case  of  each,  and  set 
apart  those  who  are  to  be  reconciled.  He  will 
then  re-enter  the  church  and  ascend  the  steps  of 
the  altar,  with  his  face  turned  towards  the  peni- 
tents at  the  door,  while  four  singing  men,  placed 
at  the  door,  chant  an  antiphon,  "  If  Thou,  Lord, 
wilt  be  extreme,"  &c.,  and  four  others  from  be- 
hind the  altar  respond,  "As  a  shepherd  gatheretb 
his  flock  that  is  lost,  so  have  I  gathered  thee." 
The  deacon  is  then  to  bid  the  penitents  enter  the 
church,  where  they  prostrate  themselves,  while 
an  office  with  special  lections  is  sung  on  their  be- 
half, after  which  a  special  Mass,  with  appropriate 
prayers  and  readings,  is  offered  for  them ;  and 
immediately  after  the  gospel,  the  priest  is  to 
preach  to  them,  and  when  he  has  finished,  the 
deacon  is  to  read  a  long  exhortation,  the  priest 
explaining  particular  points  in  it.  When  the 
missa  poenitentium  is  over,  then  are  to  follow  the 
missa  pro  baptizandis  and  the  missa  chrismalis, 
and  then  comes  the  final  office  of  reconciliation. 
The  bishop  ascends  the  pulpit,  the  penitents 
prostrating  themselves  round  it,  and  the  deacon 
addresses  him  with  the  same  formula  contained 
in  the  earlier  rituals:  "Adest,  0  venerabilis 
Pontifex,  tempus  acceptum,"  kc,  at  the  conclu- 
sion of  which  he  leaves  the  pulpit  and  kneels 
before  the  altar,  while  a  long  penitential  litany 
is  sung ;  he  then  again  mounts  the  pulpit,  the 
priests  standing  in  front  of  it,  and  on  the  deacon 
saying  "  Orate  poenitentes,"  they  prostrate  them- 
selves ;  and  while  the  bishop  pronounces  the 
prayer  of  absolution,  seven  forms  of  which  are 
given,  two  or  four  or  more  of  the  attendant 
priests  lay  their  hands  on  the  penitents'  heads. 
The  deacon  then  accosts  them,  "  surgite  de  terra 
reconciliati  Deo,"  and  they  are  admitted  to  com- 
munion, receiving  before  the  rest  of  the  congre- 
gation, and,  after  one  more  admoni'^ion,  finally 
cease  to  be  penitents. 

Private  reconciliation  would  differ  from  the 
public  form  only  in  the  absence  of  ceremonial, 
the  two  essential  points  of  prayer  and  laying  on 
of  hands  being  maintained.  For  a  specimen  of 
this  administration  of  the  private  rite,  see  what 
is  published  from  a  Rouen  MS.  of  the  10th  cen- 
tury by  Morinus  (ix.  31). 

5.  Minister. — The  universal  practice  of  the 
church  committed  the  power  of  absolution  to  the 
hands  of  the  bishop  absolutely.  The  decrees  of 
Nice  (cc.  12,  13)  and  Ancyra  (cc.  2,  5),  leaving 
to  him  the  determination  of  the  length  and 
severity  of  penance,  assume  the  prevalence 
of  this  power.  At  a  later  date  it  was  the  sub- 
ject   of  special   enactments.     Thus    the    second 


KECONCILIATION 

council  of  Carthage  (c.  3)  altogether  forbade  a 
presbyter  to  administer  public  reconciliation, 
a  decision  repeated  by  Cone.  Agath.  c.  44,  and 
2  Cone.  Hispal.  c.  7.  See  also  Couc.  Eliber. 
c.  32;  3  Cone.  Carthag.  c.  32;  1  Cone.  Ai-ausic. 
c.  1  ;  Cone.  Epaon.  c.  16 ;  Leo,  Ep.  88.  Similarly 
the  penitential  of  Theodore  (I.  xiii.  2)  confines  the 
office  to  the  bishop.  And  in  the  Western  church, 
so  long  as  public  discipline  was  in  force,  he  was 
the  sole  minister  of  reconciliation.  In  the  East 
the  office  was  delegated  to  the  penitentiary,  one 
of  whose  functions  Sozomen  expressly  states 
(^H.  E.  vii.  16)  was  that  of  absolving  penitents. 
But  although  the  bishop  was  alone  formally  in- 
vested with  the  power,  in  practice  it  was  some- 
times delegated  to  the  presbyters.  There  is  a 
long  array  of  canons  authorizing  the  ministry  of 
a  presbyter  in  case  of  emergency,  only,  however, 
with  the  sanction  and  as  the  representative  of  the 
bishop,  as  in  the  absence  of  the  bishop  (2  Cone. 
Carthag.  c.  4,  3  Cone.  Carthag.  c.  32),  or  when 
the  penitent  was  in  danger  of  death  (iJp.  Dionys. 
Alex.  ap.  Euseb.  H.  E.  vi.  44 ;  Cone.  Eliber.  c.  32  ; 
Cyp.  Epp.  xviii.,  six. ;  1  Cone.  Arausic.  c.  1 ;  Cone. 
Eapon.  c.  16).  And  not  only  a  priest,  but  if  the 
danger  was  urgent  a  deacon  might  take  his  place  ; 
if  the  priest  had  ordered  him  (Cone.  Eliber.  c.  32), 
or  if  a  priest  could  not  be  found,  and  death  was 
imminent  (Cyp.  Ep.  xviii.).  The  same  usage  is 
apparent  from  c.  2  of  the  first  council  of  Toledo, 
A.D.  398,  which  prohibits  the  ordination  of  peni- 
tents, and  decrees  that  if  one  has  been  ordained 
deacon,  he  shall  be  placed  among  the  sub-deaccns, 
and  denied  the  privilege  of  laying  on  hands. 
Imposition  of  hands  was  used  only  in  ordination, 
confirmation,  and  reconciliation;  deacons  took  no 
part  in  the  two  former  rites,  it  must  therefore 
have  been  customary  for  them  sometimes  to  ad- 
minister the  last.  The  same  custom  reappears  in 
the  9th  century,  in  a  ritual  of  Noyon,  printed 
by  Martene  {de  Rit.  i.  6),  and  at  a  later  date  in 
the  introduction  to  the  ps.  Roman  Penitential 
(Wasserschlebeu,  Bussorchiungen,  p.  360).  No 
such  privilege  appears  to  have  been  given  to 
deacons  in  the  Greek  church.  On  the  force  of 
lay  absolution,  and  on  the  opinions  of  the  Roman 
canonists  on  its  validity,  see  Bingham,  Antiq. 
XIX.  iii.  4;  Morinus,  de  Poenit.  viii.  24).  In 
Africa,  under  the  administration  of  Cyprian,  the 
clergy  joined  with  the  bishop  in  laying  on  hands. 
Reference  is  made  to  this  on  two  occasions  {Epp. 
xvi.  2,  xvii.).  The  custom  appears  to  have  been 
an  isolated  one,  and  as  the  second  council  of 
Carthage,  A.D.  390,  forbade  presbyters  to  under- 
take the  rite  of  public  reconciliation,  it  had 
probably  fallen  into  disuse  by  that  date.  In  the 
Toulouse  Pontifical,  to  which  reference  has  been 
already  made,  the  attendant  priests  laid  their 
hands  on  the  penitents,  while  the  bishop  read 
the  prayers  of  absolution. 

6.  Time. — Reconciliation  being  consummated  by 
a  public  admission  to  communion,  it  must  always 
have  taken  place  in  public  service  during  the  cele- 
bration of  the  sacred  mysteries.  "  Reconciliare 
,  quemcjuam  in  publica  missa"  was  the  language 
of  councils  both  in  the  4th  and  7th  centuries 
(2  Couc.  Carthag.  c.  3 ;  2  Cone.  Hispal.  c.  7). 
All  extant  ritual  books  similarly  connect  public 
reconciliation  with  the  service  of  the  Mass.  But 
there  is  some  variety  of  custom  with  regard  to 
the  particular  {leriod  in  which  the  rite  was  ad- 
ministered.    Some  place  it  at  the  beginning  of 

CHRIST.    ANT. — VOL.    II. 


EECONCILIATION 


1703 


the  office,  and  this  appears  to  be  the  intention  of 
the  Ordu  Romanus ;  but  the  more  usual  interval 
was  immediately  after  the  reading  of  the  Gospel. 
In  the  Gelasian  sacramentary  the  penitential 
office  is  succeeded  by  the  direction,  "  Postea 
ofi'ert  plebs,"  that  is  to  say,  it  immediately  pre- 
ceded the  offertory.  In  the  Toulouse  Pontifical 
(Morin.  App.,  pp.  598-608)  the  ritual  of  recon- 
ciliation is  intermingled  with  three  masses,  but 
the  final  absolution  takes  place  after  the  gospel 
of  the  last  and  the  most  solemn  of  them.  In  the 
Greek  euchologies  the  prayers  of  absolution  for 
one  under  excommunication  are  to  be  said  just 
before  the  priest  places  the  elements  on  the 
altar. 

With  regard  to  the  time  of  year,  reconciliation 
appears  from  an  early  age  to  have  been  restricted 
to  the  paschal  season,  although  there  is  no  evi- 
dence by  which  to  ascertain  when  the  restriction 
began.  In  the  time  of  Innocent  I.,  A.D.  402-417, 
both  the  season  and  the  day  had  become  fixed. 
"  De  Penitentibus  ....  quiuta  feria  ante  I'ascha 
eis  remittendum  Romanae  ecclesiae  consuetudo 
demonstrat"  {Ep.  i.  7).  The  Thursday  in 
Holy  Week,  from  a  period  at  least  as  early  as 
the  beginning  of  the  5th  century,  was  therefore 
the  day  in  general  use  in  the  Western  church. 
So  the  Penitential  of  Theodore  (I.  xiii.  2), 
and  the  subsequent  penitentials,  to  which  an 
"  ordo  "  is  attached.  A  passage  in  Ambrose  {Ep. 
33  ad  Marcell.)  points  to  Good  Friday  as  the 
usual  day  for  relaxing  penance  in  the  north  of 
Italy,  a  supposition  which  is  perhaps  supported 
by  the  prayers  appointed  for  "  Feria  sexta  in 
Parasceue,"  in  the  Ordo  Ambrosianus,  all  of  which 
relate  more  directly  to  pardon  and  remission  of 
sins  than  those  of  the  Thursday  previous. 
Morinus  relying  on  a  passage  in  4  Cone.  Tolet. 
c.  7,  would  extend  the  same  custom  to  the 
Spanish  church,  but  the  words  of  the  canon 
clearly  refer,  not  to  penitence,  but  to  repentance 
generally.  There  was  no  reason  why  one  day  in 
the  Holy  Week  should  not  be  held  as  suitable  as 
another,  and  it  is  highly  probable  that  in  different 
parts  of  the  church  ditierent  days  were  selected  ; 
but  after  the  7th  century  all  trace  of  variety  of 
time  ceases.  No  surviving  ritual  or  pontifical 
alludes  to  any  other  day  than  the  Coena  Domini, 
and  all  Roman  canonical  writers  cite  the  assertion 
of  Innocent  as  conclusive  with  respect  to  the 
western  custom.  In  the  east  public  reconcilia- 
tion was  granted  apparently  on  any  day  at  the 
close  of  the  Holy  Week,  or  even  on  Easter  Day. 
This  appears  incidentally  from  a  letter  addressed 
by  certain  monks  under  excommunication  to  the 
council  of  Chalcedon  ;  they  complain  that  the 
times  of  Christ's  passion  and  the  holy  eve,  and 
day  of  Resurrection,  on  which  festival  penance 
was  wont  to  be  remitted  by  the  Fathers,  had 
passed  by  and  they  had  not  yet  been  absolved 
(Bingham,  Antiq.  XIX.  ii.  10).  Gregory  of  Nyssa, 
at  the  opening  of  his  canonical  epistle,  similarly 
.speaks  of  Easter  as  a  time  suitable  for  the 
sinner's  restoration.  In  the  case  of  the  sick  or 
dying,  reconciliation  was  given  of  cour.se  at  any 
season;  and  so  with  respect  to  private  penance, 
absolution  could  not  have  been  confined  to  a 
particular  season  although,  to  a  great  extent, 
the  private  ministration  kept  to  the  time  of  the 
public  and  more  solema  rite. 

7.  Place. — When   the  system   of  the  stations 
[Pe.nitexce,  p.    1591]  was  rigidly  enforced,  the 


1764 


RECONCn.IATION 


penitent  was  moved  station  by  station  towards 
the  sanctuary,  till  he  arrived  among  the  consis- 
tentes,  and  stood  with  them  near  the  altar  when 
the  sacred  mysteries  were  being  celebrated.  So 
when  his  own  time  of  reconciliation  came,  the 
bishop's  hands  were  laid  upon  him,  kneeling  in 
front  of  the  altar  :  "divino  altario  reconciliatus  " 
(1  Cone.  Tolet.  c.  2).  The  third  council  of 
Carthage  has  a  canon  (c.  32),  which,  after  stating 
the  conditions  on  which  a  priest  may  reconcile, 
adds,  that  where  the  crime  has  been  scandalous 
the  reconciliation  shall  take  place,  "ante  apsi- 
dem  ; "  on  the  principle,  no  doubt,  that  when 
the  offence  had  been  open  and  notorious,  the 
absolution  should  be  open  and  public  also.  In 
the  elaborate  Gothic  ritual  cited  above  from  the 
Codex  Tolosanns  of  Morinus,  the  penitents  are 
gathered  round  the  pulpit  to  receive  imposition 
of  hands,  and  their  reconciliation  is  afterwards 
completed  by  reception  with  the  faithful,  of 
course  at  the  altar.  In  the  Ordo  Romanus, 
Feria  5,  in  Cocn.  Dom.,  in  the  Gelasian  sacra- 
mentary,  and  in  the  later  pseudo-Alcuin,  Be 
JDivmis  Officiis,  the  penitents  are  directed  to  present 
themselves  for  reconciliation,  "  in  gremio  eccle- 
siae."  And  in  a  MS.  of  Evreus  appended  to  the 
Pontifical  of  Egbert  (Martene,c?c  Bit.  i.  6)  direc- 
tions are  given  that  the  bishop  is  not  to  mount 
his  throne  on  the  day  of  reconciliation,  but  is  to 
remain  either  near  or  in  front  of  the  altar. 

8.  Absolution  of  the  Sick. — There  are  two  lead- 
ing decisions  on  the  treatment  of  the  sick  in 
the  early  centui'ies,  which  at  first  sight  are  at 
variance.  The  first  council  of  Aries  (A.D.  314) 
(c.  22)  had  decreed  that  apostates  and  others  who 
sought  communion  on  a  sick  bed  were  to  be 
refused  it  until  they  recovered,  and  had  had  an  op- 
portunity of  performing  penance.  And  this  is  in 
accordance  with  what  Innocent  (^Ep.  iii.  ad  Ex- 
super.)  states  to  have  been  the  early  custom,  that 
at  first  penance  was  granted  to  such  delinquents, 
but  not  communion ;  and  that  afterwards,  on 
the  conversion  of  the  empire,  a  more  lenient  rule 
prevailed,  and  communion  was  refused  under  no 
circumstances  to  a  dying  man.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  council  of  Nice  (c.  13)  orders  the  Tra\aihs  Kal 
KavofiKhs  vd/uos  to  be  maintained  of  giving  an 
icpSSioi/  to  a  dying  man.  The  explanation  of  the 
apparent  discrepancy  is  that  the  canon  of  Aries 
applied  to  delinquents  generally,  while  the 
Nicene  canon,  as  is  evident  from  the  decisions 
immediately  before  and  after  it,  had  reference  to 
those  who  were  already  penitents.  The  primi- 
tive church  order  therefore  was  that  notorious 
offenders,  whose  repentance  began  only  on  their 
death-bed,  were  to  be  granted  penitence,  but  not 
communion,  while  those  who  were  already  peni- 
tents were  always  to  be  allowed  plenary  recon- 
ciliation when  in  danger  of  death.  Afterwards, 
from  the  beginning  of  the  4th  century,  the 
former  restriction  was  removed,  and  all  sick  men 
who  desired  it  were  to  be  allowed  the  benefit  of 
absolution.  "  They,"  said  Leo  {Ep.  xci.),  "  who 
in  time  of  urgent  danger  seek  the  safeguard  of 
penance  and  subsequent  reconciliation  must  not 
be  refused,  because  we  cannot  restrict  the  time 
to  God's  compassion  nor  put  any  limit  upon  it. 
Therefore  we  ought  not  to  be  hard  in  dispensing 
the  gifts  of  God,  nor  ought  we  to  ignore  tlie  tears 
and  the  contrition  of  the  penitent,  because  we 
believe  that  that  very  emotion  of  repentance 
springs  from  the  inspiration  of  God."    He  there- 


RECONCILIATION 

fore  rules  in  the  same  epistle  that  the  grace  oJ 
communion  is  to  be  given  if  the  sick  penitent 
has  lost  his  voice,  and  can  only  make  a  sign.  At 
the  same  time  there  was  not  the  same  assurance 
felt  of  the  final  pardon  of  the  sinner.  "lean 
give  him  penitence  and  absolution,"  said  Ambrose 
{in  Exhort,  ad  Foenit.),  "  1  cannot  give  him  cer- 
tainty." The  fourth  council  of  Carthage  (c.  76) 
had  decreed  that  if  the  patient  had  become  sense- 
less before  his  request  for  absolution  could  be  com- 
plied with,  he  should  still  be  absolved,  and  the 
sacred  elements  be  put  into  his  mouth,  to  which 
the  eleventh  council  of  Toledo,  A.D.  675  (c.  11), 
added  that  the  communion  would  be  complete 
though  the  sick  man  could  drink  the  cup  only, 
and  was  too  weak  to  swallow  the  bread  (see  12 
Cone.  Tolet.  o.  2,  13  Cone.  Tolet.  c.  9).  And 
further,  if  any  penitent  was  snatched  away  by 
sudden  death,  in  the  fields  or  on  a  journey,  with- 
out communion,  the  first  council  of  Vaison,  A.D. 
442  (c.  2),  decided  that  his  memorial  and  funeral 
rites  should  be  the  same  as  if  he  had  died  in  the 
peace  of  the  church.  The  4  Cone.  Carthag.  c.  79, 
and  11  Cone.  Tolet.  c.  12,  came  to  the  same 
decision.  In  the  Roman  church,  however,  a 
severer  practice  prevailed.  "  We  cannot,"  says 
Leo  {Ep.  xcii.  6),  "communicate  with  those 
when  dead  with  whom  we  did  not  communicate 
when  living."  This  strictness  was  maintained 
by  the  subsequent  popes  Gelasius  and  Vigilius, 
but  afterwards  abandoned  in  the  fifth  Romaa 
council,  A.D.  553,  and  the  whole  western  practice 
was  then  uniform.  From  the  ecclesiastical  rule 
that  a  penitent  did  not  die  out  of  communion 
with  the  church,  who,  from  the  accident  of  his 
death,  was  unable  to  obtain  the  eucharist,  arose 
the  custom  of  absolving  the  dead.  Gregory  the 
Great  ordered  a  prayer  of  absolution  to  be  read 
over  the  body  of  a  certain  monk  who  had  died 
suddenly  under  excommunication,  with  miracu- 
lous results, according  to  John  the  deacon  {Vita 
Greg.  1.45).  For  similar  instances  of  absolution 
of  the  dead  see  Gregor.  Dialog,  ii.  23,  iv.  55.  At 
first  the  absolution  went  no  further  than  the 
offering  of  prayers  and  masses  for  the  souls  of 
the  dead,  but  in  the  time  of  Innocent  III.  it  was 
decreed  that  the  whole  ceremonial  of  absolution, 
with  penitential  psalms,  &c.,  was  to  be  observed. 
Early  Greek  euchologies  contain  many  special 
prayers  for  absolving  the  dead  (JVlorin.  de 
Foenit.  X.  9). 

There  is  no  record  of  any  early  rites  peculiar 
to  the  reconciliation  of  the  sick.  The  ceremony 
would  probably  be  confined,  with  more  or  less 
formality,  to  prayer  and  imposition  of  hands,  and. 
administration  of  the  eucharist.  The  third 
council  of  Toledo  (c.  12),  followed  by  12  Cone. 
Tolet.  c.  2,  13  Cone.  Tolet.  c.  9,  ordains  that  the 
sick  penitent,  no  less  than  the  sound,  should  be 
shaved,  and  if  a  woman,  be  veiled,  and  be 
sprinkled  with  ashes,  and  clothed  in  sackcloth. 
And  this  practice,  with  some  variety,  long  con- 
tinued, for  some  ancient  MSS.,  quoted  by  Mi-nard 
in  his  notes  to  the  Gregorian  sacramentary,  refer 
to  sackcloth  being  laid  about  the  head  of  the 
dying,  and  a  cross  made  of  ashes  and  water  being 
placed  in  some  instances  on  his  breast,  and  in 
others  on  his  forehead.  It  was  the  custom  of 
the  Benedictines  to  wrap  a  brother  in  extremity 
altogether  in  haircloth.  For  further  particulars 
see  Viaticum,  and  for  clinical  penance  generally 
Pknitence,  p.  1605. 


EECONCILIATION 

9.  For  reconciliation  of  heretics,  which  was 
consummated  sometimes  by  imposition  of  hands, 
sometimes  by  unction,  sometimes  by  a  profession 
of  faith  on  the  part  of  the  returning  heretic,  see 
Heresy.  [G.  M.] 

RECONCILIATION,  of  a  Church 
P0Li,UTED.  {Eeconciliatio  ;  Apertio.  A  church 
under  a  ban  was  said  to  be  clausa.)  Certain 
passages  of  the  Old  Testament  and  Apocrypha 
doubtless  served  to  quiclien  and  guide  the 
instinct  of  the  church,  when  occasion  unhappily 
arose,  to  the  propriety  and  the  need  of  doing 
something  to  free  her  sacred  buildings  from 
the  pollution  contracted.  2  Chron.  xxix.  (for 
instance)  relates  at  great  length  how  king 
Hezekiah  "  opened  the  doors  of  the  house  of  the 
Lord,"  after  they  had  been  "  shut  "  by  the  wicked 
Ahaz,  and  with  what  rites  and  sacrifices  he 
"  made  reconciliation  "  (v.  24)  upon  the  altar. 
The  chief  instance  of  reconciliation  of  the 
(second)  temple  took  place  after  the  pollution  of 
it  by  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  all  the  details  of 
which  are  given  in  full  in  1  Mace.  i.  4.  And 
that  which  gives  this  ritual  its  abiding  interest 
and  influence  is  not  only  that  the  anniversary 
was  soon  after  observed  as  the  Feast  of  Dedica- 
tion, but  that  it  was  kept  by  the  Saviour 
Himself  (St.  John  .x.  22),  even  by  Him  who 
twice  drove  the  buyers  aud  sellers  out  of  the 
temple,  using  the  significant  words,  "make  not 
My  Father's  house  a  house  of  merchandize." 

The  early  part  of  the  4th  century,  which  was 
an  active  time  for  church  building,  was  also 
marked  by  the  rise  and  spread  of  the  Arian 
heresy,  which,  as  it  v/as  aggressive  in  the 
employment  of  litanies,  in  a  like  spirit  gained 
for  the  heretics  the  (temporary)  possession  of  the 
sacred  buildings.  The  pious  horror  entertained 
by  the  Catholics  of  any  contact  with  heretics 
doubtless  led  them  to  institute  and  use  some 
kind  of  rite  suitable  to  the  occasion  when  they 
recovered  their  own  churches,  though  no  early 
instance  or  form  has  come  down  to  us.  Nice- 
phorus  refers  to  the  edict  of  Jovian  by  which 
the  churches  of  God  were  again  "  opened."  In 
the  sacramentary  of  Gelasius,  No.  xciii.,  there  is 
an  office  for  dedicating  a  building  hitherto  used 
as  a  synagogue,  *'  quod  perditum  fuerat  ante 
latibulum,  et  quia  infidelium  turba  in  isto  loco 
conveniebat  adversa  "  (p.  617  ;  ed.  Murat.).  "  I 
Avould  scarcely  venture  to  af!ii'm  (says  Gussan- 
villaeus,  the  annotator  on  St.  Gregory  the  Great) 
that  the  churches  of  the  Catholics,  after  occupa- 
tion by  Arians  and  other  heretics  and  restoration 
to  the  Catholics,  were  always  dedicated  by  a 
fresh  rite.  But  whatever  took  place  in  former 
times,  Gregory  certainly,  a  most  c.'sperienced 
Ritualist,  consecrated  anew  churches  polluted  by 
heretics." 

And  accordingly  we  find  instances  recorded  in 
Gregory's  writings.  In  a  letter  to  Peter,  a 
subdeacon  of  Campania  (Epist.  lib.  iii.  19),  he 
expresses  his  great  anxiety  to  dedicate  to  the 
reverent  worship  of  the  Catholic  religion  places 
once  given  up  to  execrable  error  ;  €.</.  a  church  in 
the  third  region  in  Rome,  which  the  Arian 
superstition  had  for  a  long  time  retained,  he 
now  desired  to  consecrate  in  honour  of  St. 
Severinus,  and  in  order  to  accomplish  his  purpose 
he  asked  for  some  relics  of  St.  Severinus,  &c. 
Again,  in  Dialog,  iii.  30,  he  says,  "  The  church 


EECONCILIATION 


1765 


of  the  Arians,  in  that  region  of  the  city  called 
Suburra,  as  having  been  shut  up  (cf.  2  Chron. 
above)  for  two  years,  was  to  be  dedicated  afresh 
in  the  Catholic  faith."  And  this  was  done.  "  We 
entered  the  church,  with  a  great  multitude  of 
people,  singing  praises  to  Almighty  God,  and 
whilst  the  solemnities  of  the  Mass  were  going  on, 
and  the  crowd  stood  without  the  sacrarium,  some 
of  them  felt  a  pig  pressing  in  here  and  there, 
and  it  made  its  way  to  the  gates— a  proof  (says 
Gregory)  that  from  the  same  place  was  going 
out  the  unclean  inhabitaat  of  the  place."  He 
records  sundry  other  "  wonders "  of  the  same 
kind. 

The  story  receives  illustration  from  Victor  of 
Utica  in  his  account  of  the  persecution  of  the 
Vandals  (lib.  ii.  2,  no.  6).  "  A  presbyter  saw  the 
basilica  of  Faustus  filled  with  crowds  of  people, 
and  after  a  little  while  emptied  and  filled  with 
a  multitude  of  swine,  a  parable  of  its  being  given 
up  to  the  Arians." 

A  very  old  MS.  of  the  sacramentary  of  Gregory 
contains  an  office  entitled  "  Reconciliatio  Eccle- 
siae  violatae  "  (p.  490  ;  ed.  Muratori). 

Agapetus,  bishop  of  Rome,  is  said  to  have 
purged  by  his  catholic  prayers  the  veils  of  the 
altar  and  of  the  see  polluted  by  the  sacrilegious 
fables  of  the  (Eutychian)  Anthimus,  patriarch 
of  Constantinople  (Goar,  p.  618).  Gratian  (de 
Consecrat.  Bist.  J.  c.  20  et  seqq.)  records  the 
direction  of  pope  John  I.,  in  the  same  century, 
to  the  bishops  of  Italy,  saying  it  was  what  he 
had  done  himself  at  Constantinople  for  the  sake 
of  the  Catholic  religion  and  king  Theodoric,  the 
pious  orthodox  emperor  Justin  extirpating  the 
Arians.  Whatever  churches  we  found  in  their 
parts,  we  consecrated,  &c.  (See  Milman's  Latin 
Christianity,  bk.  iii.  cl.  3.) 

Tarasius,  patriarch  of  Constantinople,  who 
died  A.D.  806,  had  like  work  to  do.  Amongst 
the  forms  collected  by  Goar  (Euchol.  Graec.)  is 
found  "  a  prayer  of  Tarasius  on  the  opening 
or  reconciliation  of  a  church  profaned  by  the 
heretics"  (p.  618).  Other  forms  are  given; 
e.g.  "  a  prayer  on  the  release,  i.e.  the  reconcilia- 
tion of  a  temple  polluted  by  a  heretic  or  by 
heathen,  to  be  said  before  the  vestibule  of  the 
church."  "  A  prayer  to  be  said  by  the  bishop 
over  the  holy  table  where  the  heretics  have 
celebrated."  "A  prayer  to  be  said,  before  the 
customai-y  one  at  the  beginning  of  the  Mass,  on 
the  reconciliation  of  a  church  in  which  it  has 
happened  that  a  man  has  met  with  a  violent 
death." 

Martene  (torn.  ii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  xv.)  supplies 
several  offices  with  special  prayers  from  the 
pontifical  of  Egbert,  from  the  book  of  Jumi^ges, 
&e. 

Hospinian  (de  Orig.  Templorum,  lib.  iv.  p. 
379,  ed.  Tiguri),  according  to  his  custom  of 
disparagement,  ridicules  all  ritual  of  this  kind. 
And  he  refers  with  more  approval  to  the  case  of 
a  deacon  of  Nestorius,  who  had  polluted  a  church 
at  Constantinople,  when  Ne.storius  "did  not  use 
holy  water  or  the  like,  but  simjdy  removed  the 
deacon  from  his  i)lace  and  olfice."  To  inflict 
punishment  on  the  otlender  is,  he  says,  the  right 
course.  Of  old,  however,  a  ditterent  view  was 
taken  of  such  calamities.  Socrates  {Ecd.  Hist. 
vii.  33)  relates  :  "  The  slaves  of  a  rich  barbarian 
master,  to  escape  his  cruelty,  fled  to  the  church,^ 
and  with  drawn  swords  leaped  on  the  altar.  Of 
5X2 


1766 


EECTOR 


course  the  divine  office  could  not  go  on.  They 
threatened  every  one  that  came  near,  killed  one, 
wounded  another,  and  then_  killed  themselves. 
One  of  those  who  were  there 'said  that  the  pro- 
fanation of  the  temple  foreboded  no  good.  Nor 
was  that  saying  false,  for  it  portended  the 
rupture  of  the  people,  and  the  deisosition  of  him 
who  caused  it  (i.e.  Nestorius)."  [H.  B.] 

EECTOR.  (1)  The  word  rector  is  used  by 
Gregory  the  Great  in  the  Regula  Pastoralis  as 
equivalent  to  pastor ;  and  a  priest  is  said  to  rule 
(regere)  his  people  (Co«c.  Elih.  c.  77).  See 
Parish,  3,  iv.  p.  1560. 

(2)  The  lead  r  of  each  side  of  an  antiphonal 
choir  is  called  rector  chori,  as  in  an  ancient 
Sarum  missal  quoted  by  Martene,  De  Bit.  Ant. 
i.  240. 

(3)  The  pope  is  sometimes  styled  rector  sanctac 
sedis  (Macri  Hierolex.).  [C] 

REDEMPTION  (/."c^mijfw).— Commutation 
of  ecclesiastical  penance.  The  origin  of  the 
system  is  doubtless  to  be  traced  in  the  dispensing 
power  vested  in  the  hands  of  the  bishop.  This 
power  existed  from  the  very  first.  Indeed  the 
later  custom  of  assigning  fixed  sentences  to  par- 
ticular sins  was  a  development  of  a  far  earlier 
practice,  which  left  the  determination  of  the 
length  of  penance  entirely  in  the  hands  of  the 
bishop.  But  even  after  a  code  of  penitential 
laws  was  established  all  authorities  agreed  in 
leaving  to  the  bishop  the  power  of  relaxing  or 
i-emitting  a  sentence.  The  bishop,  declared  the 
council  of  Ancyra  (c.  5),  shall  be  the  judge  of  the 
sincerity  of  a  penitent's  contrition,  and  may 
either  increase  or  diminish  his  period  of  exclu- 
sion. If  the  delinquent  manifested  his  earnest- 
ness by  fear  and  tears  and  patience,  and  good 
works,  then,  said  the  council  of  Nice  (c.  12),  the 
bishop  may  relieve  him  from  passing  step  by  step 
through  his  allotted  stations.  For  further  illus- 
trations of  the  exercise  of  Indulgence  see  Basil, 
Ep.ad  Amphil.  cc.  2,  7,  54,  84;  Greg.  Nyss.  Ep. 
ad  Letoi.,  passim  ;  4  Cone.  Carthag.  c.  75  ;  Cone. 
Andegav.  c.  12;  Innocent,  Ep.  i.  7;  Leo,  Ep. 
cxxix.  5.  The  object  of  this  power  of  dispensa- 
tion was  not  to  exempt  men  from  penance,  but  to 
excite  them  to  perform  it.  It  was  natural  and 
equitable  that  one  who  shewed  earnestness  in 
his  repentance  should  not  be  debarred  from  the 
privileges  of  the  church  for  so  long  a  time  as 
one  who  paid  only  a  formal  and  perfunctory  obe- 
dience to  the  letter  of  the  law  which  had  con- 
demned him.  And  probably  for  the  first  five 
centuries  the  only  means  of  redeeming  penance 
were  zeal  and  sincerity  in  the  performance  of  it. 
After  the  6th  century  there  begin  to  be  traces 
of  a  more  corrupt  dealing  with  the  censures 
of  the  church.  As  the  life  of  the  penitential 
system  died  out  penance  came  to  consist  more  and 
more  in  outward  acts  alone ;  it  lost  its  original 
notion  of  a  censure  and  means  of  improvement, 
and  came  to  be  regarded  solely  as  a  punishment ; 
sin  was  to  be  expiated  by  submission  to  certain 
penalties,  regardless  of  the  state  of  mind  of  the 
offender.  To  redeem  penance  was  therefore  to 
substitute  one  outward  form  for  another.  The 
delinquent  was  allowed  to  purchase  a  remission 
lif  lengthy  acts  of  self-denial  by  undertaking 
others  which  were  shorter  and  more  laborious, 
or  by  voluntarily  depriving  himself  of  something 


REDEMPTION 

valuable  to  him.  The  principle  being  once  con- 
ceded, redemptions  of  penance  would  become 
general,  and  would  be  tolerated  more  leniently 
from  the  circumstance  that  they  brought  ma- 
terial profit  to  the  church  and  her  rulei-s. 
Moreover,  in  those  parts  of  the  church  where 
the  system  prevailed,  penance  consisted  almost 
exclusively  of  long  fasts  and  abstinences,  and  it 
must  frequently  have  happened  that  owing  to 
sickness,  or  other  circumstances,  it  would  be 
impracticable  to  observe  them,  or  from  an  accu- 
mulation of  crimes  their  duration  might  be  so 
extended  that  life  would  not  be  long  enough  for 
their  completion.  Some  dispensing  powei-  would 
then  be  necessary  to  assign  more  expeditious 
modes  of  carrying  out  the  sentence.  The  practice 
also  among  the  Teutonic  tribes  of  compounding 
for  personal  injuries  by  money  payments  would 
readily  lead  to  a  similar  composition  for  infringe- 
ments of  the  law  of  the  church.  Thus  the 
system  of  the  commutation  of  penance,  which 
is  altogether  alien  from  the  meaning  and  object 
of  a  spiritual  censure,  but  which  has  the  sanction 
of  honoured  names  in  early  English  church 
history,  grew  up.  The  power  of  granting  or 
refusing  such  redemptions  at  first  no  doubt  rested 
entirely  with  the  bishop  or  priest;  afterwards 
the  penitent  was  allowed  to  choose  for  himself, 
and  systematic  scales  of  penitential  values  were 
drawn  up.  It  has  been  customary  to  assume  that 
the  system  originated  in  our  own  land  with 
archbishop  Theodore.  Morinus  (cfe  Poenit.  x.  17), 
however,  had  the  sagacity  to  reject  as  spurious 
the  chapter  in  his  so-called  penitential  on  which 
the  assumption  is  based.  Since  the  discovery 
of  the  true  penitential  it  is  clear  that  redemptions 
were  permitted  a  century  before  Theodore's  time. 
VVasserschleben  (Die  Bussord.  pp.  136-140)  has 
published  fragmentary  collections  of  Irish  canons, 
all  of  very  early  date,  and  some  containing 
decisionsof  synods  over  which  St.  Patrick  presided. 
[Penitential  Books,  p.  1609.]  Among  these 
"  Canones  Hibernenses  "  is  one  series  which  treats 
entirely  "  De  arreis  "  (arrhis,  pledges).  It  con- 
tains nine  different  redemptions  of  the  penance 
of  a  year.  In  the  preface  to  the  penitential  of 
Theodore  is  an  acknowledgment  by  the  unknown 
editor  of  the  use  in  its  compilation  of  a  "  libellus 
scotorum,"  i.e.  an  Irish  book,  and  it  is  highly 
probable  that  from  these  early  Irish  canons  Theo- 
dore drew  his  reference  to  the  practice  of  com- 
mutations. He  did  not  himself  originate  the 
system ;  he  found  it  existing,  and  gave  it  his 
sanction .  "  Item  xii.  triduana  pro  anno  pen- 
sanda  Teodorus  laudavit.  De  aegris  vero  pretium 
viri  vel  ancillae  pro  anno  "  (Penitent.  I.  vii.  5). 
See  ibid.  I.  iii.  3 ;  I.  iv.  1.  Such  a  system  as  that 
by  which  a  sinner  was  allowed  to  purchase  him- 
self free  from  the  spiritual  penalties  attached  to 
his  sin  was  likely  to  be  popular ;  and  in  the 
interval  between  the  publication  of  the  peni- 
tential ot  Theodore  and  that  of  Bede  it  grew 
with  amazing  rapidity.  The  latter  treatise  con- 
cluded with  a  chapter  on  commutations  under, 
twelve  headings,  out  of  which  apparently  the 
penitent  was  at  liberty  to  select  the  easiest  and 
most  expeditious  mode  of  performing  his  penance. 
He  might  choose  almsgiving,  or  stripes,  or  psalm- 
singing,  with  genuflexions,  and  it  is  further 
provided  (Baed.  Poenitent.  x.  8)  that  if  he  cannot 
learn  psalms  he  may  pick  out  some  holy  man  to 
undertake  for  a  consideration  the  penalty  instead 


KEDEMPTION 

of  him.  The  same  system  vfus  tolerated  by 
archbishnp  Egbert.  Under  the  plea  of  a  "  con- 
silium misericordiae "  his  Penitential  (xiii.  11, 
xiv.-xvi.)  lays  before  the  delinquent  an  almost 
unlimited  choice  of  redemptions.  Nor  was  the 
corruption  confined  to  these  islands.  The 
FranKish  penilentials  of  Cummean  (Wassersch. 
p.  463)  is  equally  lenient  in  the  remission  of 
penance,  and  gives  a  long  catalogue  of  the 
methods  by  which  it  can  be  redeemed.  At  a  later 
date  Regino  of  Priim  issued  a  table  of  commuta- 
tions of  penance,  printed  by  Moriuus  (x.  16)  from 
an  unpublished  MS.  See  also  Capitula  Herard. 
c.  26,  Cone.  Tribur.  A.D.  895,  c.  56  ;  and  illustra- 
tions cited  by  Ducange,  s.  v.  "  Poenitentia."  At 
tne  close  of  the  9th  centuiy  the  abuse  prevailed 
equally  in  Italy,  Gaul,  and  Germany  (Morin,  x. 
17),  and  the  councils  of  the  period  do  not  appear 
to  have  made  any  serious  efforts  to  check  it.  In 
England  the  synod  of  Cloveshoe(A.D.  747),  under 
archbishop  Cuthbert,  published  some  strong  but 
ineffectual  protests.  Alms,  it  declared  (c.  26), 
were  to  be  given,  not  for  the  purpose  of  diminish- 
ing canonical  penance,  but  to  appease  the  Divine 
wrath  ;  similarly  (c.  27),  psalms  were  not  to  be 
sung,  in  order  that  abstinence  and  fasting  might 
be  omitted;  still  less  might  the  rich  employ 
their  wealth  to  relieve  them  from  the  penalties 
of  their  sins.  A  century  and  a  half  later  the 
council  of  Tribur.  (cc.  56-58)  attempted  to  regu- 
late indiscriminate  redemption  by  decreeing  that 
the  first  year  of  penance,  except  for  some  urgent 
cause,  should  be  rigidly  performed ;  of  the 
second  and  third,  portions  only  might  be  com- 
muted ;  on  the  treatment  of  the  remaining  years 
there  was  no  restriction. 

The  methods  of  redemption  were  various. 
Twenty-four  "  biduana,"  periods  of  two  days' 
fasting,  were  equivalent  to  a  year's  penance 
(Baed.  Pen.  x.  2).  Insteid  of  one  week  of  penance, 
300  psalms  said  kneeling,  oi",  if  said  without 
bending  the  knee,  324  (Cummean  "  de  Modis 
Poenitentiae.")  Fifty  psalms  with  genuflexions, 
or  seventy  without,  might  compound  for  one 
day's  abstinence  on  bread  and  water  (Egbert,  Poe7i. 
xii.  11).  Fifty  psalms  in  winter  had  the  same 
value  as  the  whole  psalter  at  another  season 
(ibid.  XV.).  The  penitent  wishing  to  say  fewer 
psalms  must  prostrate  himself  oftener  and  say 
the  Miserere  (ibid,  xvi.),  or  he  may  obtain  remis- 
sion by  getting  a  priest  to  say  masses  for  him. 
The  "Canones  Hiberneuses  "  attach  other  con- 
ditions to  the  saying  of  psalms ;  they  should  be 
said  (c.  3)  at  the  tomb  of  a  saint,  or  (c.  4)  while 
standing  for  three  days  in  a  church  without  food, 
or  drink,  or  sleep.  Another  method  of  compo- 
sition was  scourging.  Bede  {Pen.  x.  6)  suffers  the 
fourth  year  of  a  penalty  to  be  redeemed  by  MlO 
lashes  on  the  bare  body.  Egbert  {Pen.  xv.) 
assesses  a  day's  penance  at  twelve  strokes.  In 
the  Capitula  Herardi  {apud  Morin.  x.  16)  the  rod 
was  to  be  applied  during  vigils.  In  Bede  (x.  1-5) 
the  psalm-singing  was  to  be  accompanied  by  so 
many  •'  palmatae,"  which  Ducange  (s.  v.)  con- 
jectures to  mean  not  strokes  of  a  rod,  but  prostra- 
tions, and  with  the  palms  of  the  hand  extended 
on  the  ground.  More  general  and  more  corrupt 
than  any  of  the  above  redemptions  was  thnt  of  a 
money  payment.  Theodore  {Pen  I.  iii.  3)  allowed 
a  thief  to  escape  part  of  his  penance  ou  making 
restitution,  or  {ibid.  I.  iv.  1)  a  murderer  in  a 
blood-feud  by  composition  with  the  relatives  of 


REGIO 


1767 


his  victim.  He  also  {ibid.  I.  vii.  5)  gave  the 
sanction  of  his  authority  to  the  manumission  of 
slaves  in  lieu  of  penance.  But  he  nowhere 
countenanced  the  bare  and  direct  purchase  of 
remission.  In  Bede's  compilation  the  door  was 
thrown  open  a  little  wider.  In  place  of  the  Hfth 
year  of  a  long  sentence  large  almsgiving  would 
suffice,  or  if  a  penitent  is  ignorant  of  his  psalms, 
he  must  give  a  denarius  daily  to  the  poor,  in 
addition  to  fasting  {Pen.  x.  6).  With  Egbert 
redemption  by  moneyi  sopeuly  recognized.  He 
who  cannot  perform  his  penance  for  the  first  year 
must  distribute  in  alms  twenty-six  solidi,  for  the 
second  twenty,  &c.  {Pen.  xiii.  11);  if  he  is  a 
powerful  man  he  must  release  so  many  slaves 
and  captives.  The  Capitula  of  Regino  draw  up  a 
regular  scale.  For  seven  weeks'  penance  a  rich 
man  must  pay  twenty  solidi,  or,  if  he  cannot 
afford  so  much,  ten,  and  a  poor  man  three.  The 
money  was  to  be  used  either  for  the  release  of 
captives,  or  to  be  placed  on  the  altar,  or  for  the 
servants  of  God,  or  in  alms  to  the  poor.  By 
Cone.  Tribur.  c.  56,  the  Wednesday,  Friday,  and 
Saturday  fasts  might  be  redeemed  by  a  denarius, 
or  by  the  support  of  three  poor  people.  At  a 
later  period  the  laws  of  Edgar  (a. D.  967)  (Howel, 
Dec.  Eccl.  Britt.  p.  53)  mention  the  building 
and  endowing  of  churches,  making  bridges,  and 
repairing  the  highways,  as  modes  of  commuting 
ecclesiastical  censures.  To  these  may  be  added, 
of  a  still  later  date,  pilgrimages  and  war  against 
the  infidel.  [G.  M.] 

EEFECTORY.     [MoNASTERr,  p.  1240.] 

EEGALE.  By  the  right  of  rega'e  we  are  to 
understand  the  claim  on  the  part  of  the  sovereign 
of  a  country  to  enjoy  the  incomes  of  vacant 
bishoprics,  and  to  present  plena  jure  to  all 
ecclesiastical  places  or  benefices,  except  the 
ordinary  parochial  cures.  And  the  right  of  the 
king  to  the  episcopal  income — according  to  the 
French  lawyers — was  not  extinguished  by  the 
mere  appointment  of  a  new  bishop,  but  continued 
until  the  newly-appointed  bishop  had  taken  the 
oath  of  allegiance  in  due  form  (Dollinger  in 
Kir chen- Lexicon,  s.  v.).  The  full  development 
of  this  claim  belongs  to  mediaeval  and  modern 
times;  but  so  much  as  belongs  to  our  period 
may  be  seen  under  Vacancv  ;  BiSHOP,  p.  216  f ; 
Princes,  Allegiance  to.  [C] 

KEGENSE  CONCILIUM.     [Riez.] 

REGIAE,  another  form  of  "rugae."  Ma- 
billon  {Mus.  Ital.  ii.  p.  cxxxvii.)  draws  a  dis- 
tinction between  the  two  which  is  probably 
without  foundation.  [E.  V.] 

REGINA,  ST.,  virgin  and  martyr,  Sept.  7  ; 
commemorated      at    Autun     {Mart.      Usuard., 
Hicron.,  Wandalb. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sej).  iii.  24). 
[C.  H.] 

R[':GI0.  In  the  pagan  history  of  Rome  the 
word  means  a  quarter,  district,  or  ward  of  the 
city.  In  the  time  of  Augustus,  the  city  itself 
was  divided  into  fourteen  su<;h  wards. 

The  term  was  adopted  by  Christianity,  and  was 
made  to  serve  the  purposes  of  the  church.  The 
Ordo  Romanns  (ap.  Ducange)  observes  that  there 
were  seven  Regiones  in  the  ecclesiastical  division 
of  Rome.  But  in  the  time  of  Gregory  the  Great 
there  were  fourteen  Regiones  (Morinus  de  Sacr. 


17G8 


REGIONARIUS 


Ord.  iii.  8).  Each  had  its  regionary  deacons, 
subdeacons,  and  acolytes.  The  regions  took  their 
turn  by  a  regulated  cycle  in  the  pontifical 
ministration  of  Easter  week,  each  region  being 
responsible  for  a  day,  and  each  region  had  its 
assigned  precedence  both  in  church  and  in  pro- 
cession. 

In  the  collection  of  rubrics,  taken  from  the 
Salzburg  Pontifical,  and  headed  de  Gradihus 
Ecclesiae  Eomanae  (Martene,  I.  viii.  xi.  Ordo  9), 
we  find  that  at  ordination  there  was  a  gathering 
of  the  regions — "  fit  enim  conventus  populi 
et  congregatio  regionum  primum  ad  S.  Adri- 
anum." 

The  regions  had  officers,  who  were  called 
patroni  regionum  (Martene,  ibid.')  The  term 
existed  as  early  as  the  time  of  Clement  I. ;  for 
Publius  Tarquinius,  stirred  with  envy  at  the 
increase  of  the  Christians,  tried  the  infiuence  of 
money  with  these  officers  to  check  its  progress. 
"Vocavit  ad  se  patronos  regionum  et  data  eis 
pecunia  monuit  ut  seditionem  excitarent  nomini 
Christiano."  {Hist.  Clem.  I.)  The  patroni  how- 
ever, in  this  case,  may  perhaps  have  been  civil 
officers.  [H.  T.  A.] 

EEGIONARIUS.  The  term  is  sometimes 
used  absolutely  and  by  itself  as  the  name  of  an 
office  (Greg.  Mag.  vii.  i.  Ep.  5),  and  sometimes 
as  an  epithet  with  other  official  titles,  notarius, 
diaconus,  subdiaconus,  defensores.  An  example 
of  this  may  be  taken  from  the  second  council  at 
Eome  (a.d.  745),  where  the  word  occurs  in  this 
connexion :  "  Accipiens  Theophanius  notarius 
regionarius  et  sacellarius  relegit.  .  .  ."  (Actio 
1  ;  Labbe,  vi.  1557.) 

Bona  observes  that  the  term  is  applied  to  the 
ostiarii  and  other  ministers  who  served  the  pon- 
tiff when  he  was  officiating  in  the  several  regions. 
{Rer.  Liturg.  I.  xxv.  18.)  He  however  gives  no 
example  of  the  term  Eegionarias  being  applied 
to  bishops.  [See  Bishop.]  Nor  has  the  present 
writer  been  able  to  find  such  an  application  in 
Martene,  Thomassin,  Morinus,  Hofmann,  Du 
Cange,  or  other  authority  on  the  subject. 

The  term  Regionarius  was  looked  upon  as  a 
title  of  honour.  Gregory  the  Great  decreed  that 
as  some  of  the  notarii  and  subdeacons  were 
appointed  regionarii,  so  seven  of  the  most  eminent 
of  the  defensores  should  be  decorated  with  the 
same  distinction  (honore  regionario  decorentur, 
lib.  vii.  Ep.  17).  One  of  the  seven  defensores 
regionarii  was  assigned  to  every  two  of  the  four- 
teen regiones  of  the  city. 

The  following  passage  is  of  interest,  as  shewing 
the  application  of  the  term  to  the  order  of  sub- 
deacons :  "  Subdiaconi  sunt  omnes  numei-o 
viginti  et  unus,  septem  regvmarii  qui  epistolas 
et  lectiones  cantant  in  stationibus :  septem 
Palatini  qui  idem  munus  praestant  in  ecclesia 
Lateranensi :  septem  alii  qui  dicuntur  schola 
cantorum,  qui  cantant  tantummodo  quando 
summus  pontifex  celebrare  consuevit  "  (Martene 
de  Ant.  Ecd.  Rit.  i.  iii.  8). 

The  regionary  deacons  of  St.  Maria  and  St. 
Sylvester  were  put  in  charge  of  the  hospitals  of 
pope  Stephen  III.,  A.D.  752-757  (Anast.  Vit. 
Font.  p.  165). 

A  classification  of  the  inferior  ministers 
(acolytes,  exorcists,  lectors,  ostiarii)  is  made  by 
cardinal  Bona  into  (1)  regionarii,  who  were  dis- 
tributed throughout  the   regions,  and  in  them 


RELICS 

severally  ministered  to  the  pontiff;  (2)  sta- 
tionarii,  who  perfonned  the  same  office  for  him 
when  celebrating  in  the  stations;  (3)  basilicarii, 
who  served  by  turns  in  the  Laterau  Church  ; 
(4)  oblationarii,  whose  duty  it  was  to  receive 
the  oblations  and  bring  them  to  the  archdeacon. 
{Rer.  Lit.  I.  xxv.  18). 

When  the  pope  distributed  the  eucharist,  he 
communicated  the  regionarii  last  of  all,  except 
his  immediate  ministers  (acolyte,  &c.).  The 
order  was  first  those  who  were  in  orders  ;  then 
the  aristocracy  (magnates) ;  then  the  ladies 
(matronae) ;  then  the  regionarii  ;  and  lastly,  his 
acolyte  and  servers  (Martene  de  Ecd.  Rit.  i. 
iv.  X.  4).  From  this  passage  it  seems  as  if  re- 
gionarii was  applied  to  persons  not  in  any  ordei-s 
at  all ;  as  if  it  meant,  in  fact,  people  of  the 
regiones,  or,  as  we  should  say,  the  parishioners. 
[H.  T.  A.] 

REGULARES.  Horizontal  rods  of  wood  or 
metal  for  the  suspension  of  veils  or  curtains. 
They  are  usually  mentioned  in  connexion  with 
the  "rugae,"  which  appear  to  have  been  the 
lattice-work  screens  and  doors  separating  the 
presbytery,  the  confessio,  or  the  sacrarium  from 
the  other  parts  of  the  church.  The  "  regulares  " 
were  often  of  precious  metal,  and  were  decorated 
with  a  i-ow  of  images  on  the  upper  part.  Stephen 
IV.  (Anastas.  §  284)  made  silver  "  regularis  " 
above  the  "  rugae,"  by  which  access  was  given  to 
the  altar, "  ubi  imagines  in  frontispicio  constitutae 
sunt,"  at  St.  Peter's,  St.  Paul's,  and  St.  Andrew's. 
Hadrian  I.  (ibid.  §  330)  set  up  a  "  regularis " 
cased  with  silver  at  St.  Peter's,  and  placed  upon 
it  portrait-busts  ("  vultus  ")of  our  Lord  between 
the  archangels  Michael  and  Gabriel.  He  also 
erected  above  the  upper  "  ruga "  in  the  middle 
of  the  presbytery  another  silver-cased  "  regu- 
laris," supporting  similar  portrait-busts  of  the 
blessed  Virgin  between  St.  Andrew  and  St.  John 
Baptist,  all  six  "vultus"  being  made  of  plates 
of  silver-gilt  (Mabillon,  Mus.  Ital.  torn.  ii. 
pp,  viii.  cxxx.).  [E.  V.] 

REGULARS.     [Monastery.] 

REGULUS,  bishop  and  confessor.  Mar.  30, 
depositio  commemorated  at  Senlis  {Mart. 
Usuard. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mart.  iii.  816).    [C.  H.] 

REILIG,  RELEC,  RELIC,  RELIG,  Irish 
name  for  a  cemetery.  It  is  probably  derived  from 
the  Latin  reliquiae  {e.g.  Relic  Odhrain,  the  mon- 
astic burying-place  in  lona),  yet  is  also  applied 
to  the  pagan  cemeteries  like  the  Relig  na  Righ 
at  Cruachan  (Reeves,  St.  Adamnan,  203,  204, 
283,  417,  452;  Petrie,  Round  Toilers,  103-7, 
155-6).  Todd  {St.  Patrick,  476)  takes  the  word 
as  equivalent  to  Recles,  which  he  defines  "  a 
sepulchral  church,"  and  Reeves  (St.  Adamnan, 
276,  cf.  283)  "an  abbey-church,"  as  distin- 
guished from  the  secular  cathedral.  [J.  G.] 

RELICS.  I,  Heathen  Precedent.— The  law 
of  uncleanness  (Num.  six.  11-22)  preserved  the 
Jews  from  any  undue  veneration  of  the  relics  of 
the  dead  ;  and  their  freedom  from  this  super- 
stition was  inherited  by  the  church,  founded 
as  it  was  by  men  of  that  nation,  and  at  first 
largely  composed  of  them.  But  the  semi-converts 
of  the  4th  century  and  downwards  brought  with 
them  a  strong  tendency  to  the  worship  of  human 
relics  and  to  a  belief  in  their  tutelary  power. 


I 


RELICS 

This  had  been  general  among  their  heathen  fore- 
fathers, whether  Greek  or  Roman.  If  we  refer  to 
a  few  examples,  the  reader  will  be  able  to  judge 
for  himself  in  what  degree  the  later  practice 
of  Christians  sprang  from,  or  was  moulded  b}', 
heathen  precedent.  We  may  instance  the  reve- 
rence paid  by  Athens  to  the  supposed  relics  of 
Oedipus  (Valerius  Maximus,  Exempl.  Mem.  v.  3, 
ext.  3),  and  of  Theseus  (Plutarch,  Theseus,  36  ; 
compare  Cimon,  8),  by  Thebes  to  those  of  Linus 
(Pausanias,  Boeotic.  29),  and  by  Alexandria  to 
those  of  Alexander  the  Great  (Aelian,  Var.  Hist. 
xii.  64;  Suetonius,  Augustus,  18).  The  bones 
of  Zoroaster  were  the  safeguard  of  Persia 
{Chron.  Faschale,  67,  ed.  Dind.),  while  those  of 
the  first  Ferdiccas  secured  the  kingdom  to  his 
descendants,  so  long  as  they  should  be  buried  by 
them  (Justin,  Mist.  Philipp.  vii.  2).  An  oracle  de- 
clared that  if  the  bones  of  Phalantus  reduced  to 
dust  were  scattered  over  the  forum  of  Tarentum, 
the  city  would  never  be  lost  by  the  Partheniae 
(Justin,  iii.  4).  See  the  Aglaophamus  of  Lobeck, 
ii.  280. 

The  pomp  that  attended  the  translation  of  the 
relics  of  a  martyr  may  in  like  manner  be  illus- 
trated by  the  honours  shewn  to  the  remains  of 
Demetrius  (Plut.  Deinetr.  53),  and  Phocion  (Id. 
Phoc.  37). 

The  heathen  practice  of  delivering  orations  at 
the  graves  of  heroes  is  mentioned  by  Cyril  of 
Alexandria  as  a  justification  of  the  Christian  rites 
over  the  remains  of  the  martyrs  (^Contra 
Julian.  X.  336,  ed.  Spanh.). 

II.  The  earliest  Treatment  of  Relics  in  the 
Church. — The  first  Christians  regarded  the  bodies 
of  their  brethren  as  worthy  of  very  reverent 
care,  because  they  had  been  instruments  by 
which  God  had  wrought  ("  quibus  tanquam 
organis  et  vasis  ad  omnia  bona  opera  usus  est 
Spiritus  "  (Aug.  Be  Cura  pro  Mart.  5),  and  were 
destined  to  share  in  the  future  bliss  and  glory  of 
the  redeemed  soul.  It  was  for  this  reason  far 
more  congenial  to  Christian  feeling  to  cover  the 
remains  of  a  friend  with  earth  (OBSEQUIES,  §  xv.), 
and  leave  them  to  the  natural  process  of  decay, 
than  to  dissipate  them  by  fire,  or  give  them  to 
the  birds  and  beasts.  The  feeling  was  of  course 
greatly  intensified,  when  one  had  proved  his 
faith  in  the  resurrection  by  a  death  of  suffering. 
Great  efforts  were  therefore  often  made  to  obtain 
the  body  of  a  martyr  for  honourable  burial.  At 
tirst,  as  we  shall  see,  this  was  the  only  motive ; 
but  as  time  advanced,  a  superstitious  value 
began  to  be  set  on  the  relics  of  martyrs  and 
other  eminent  Christians.  There  is,  however, 
no  trace  of  the  error  to  be  found  before  the  con- 
version of  the  emperors,  under  whom  multitudes 
of  proselytes  entered  the  church,  who  had  only 
partially  renounced  heathenism. 

The  best  illustration  of  the  purer  sentiment 
is  found  in  the  earliest  records  of  the  martyrs, 
and  especially  in  those  contemporary  Acts  and 
Passions  which  were  prepared  by  the  notaries  of 
the  great  churches  for  reading  in  the  services  on 
their  anniversaries,  A  careful  examination  of 
such  documents,  as  collected  by  Ruinart  (Acta 
Martijrum,  ed.  Veron.  1731),  clearly  proves  the 
complete  freedom  of  the  first  Christians  from 
the  undue  veneration  of  relics  of  whatever  kind. 
For  our  piurpose  these  Acta  naturally  divide 
themselves  into  three  classes.  (1)  There  are 
■fifty-six  documents  that  make  no  mention  of  the 


RELICS 


1769 


burial  of  the  martyr  or  of  any  subsequent  dis- 
posal of  his  relics.  (2)  There  are  thirty-tico  that 
mention  or  allude  to  the  burial  only  ;  and  (3) 
there  are  seventeen  which  speak  of  the  relics  as 
preserved  for  veneration  or  as  a  means  of  nealing, 
or  both.  The  first  two  classes  range  in  subject 
from  A.D.  61  or  62  (Martyrium  S.  Jacobi  primi 
Hieros.  Episc.  Ruin.  5)  to  365  (Passio  S.  Bademi 
in  Persia,  E.  532),  and  in  authorship  from 
Hegesippus  A.D.  170  (R.  5,  6)  to  SS.  Chrysostom 
and  Augustine  and  Theodoret  (R.  446,  496,  524). 
In  the  Acta  of  SS.  Fructuosi,  ^c.  (of  the  2nd 
class),  who  died  at  Tarragona,  A.D.  259,  the 
fi-iends  are  forbidden  to  keep  any  relics.  The 
martyrs  had  been  burnt,  and  at  night  the 
Christians  went  to  the  amphitheatre,  "with 
wine  wherewith  to  quench  the  half-burnt  bodies, 
which  done  they  appropriated,  as  each  could,  the 
ashes  of  the  said  martyrs  which  had  been  col- 
lected." But  Fructuosus  "  appeared  to  the 
brethren  and  warned  them  that  they  should 
restore,  without  delay,  what  each  had  taken  of 
the  ashes,  and  see  that  they  were  buried  to- 
gether" (R.  193). 

The  earliest  martyrdom  in  the  third  class  is 
that  of  St.  Symphorian  at  Autun  (cir.  180),  but 
the  mention  of  Euphronius  the  bishop  of  Autun 
shews  that  the  document  cannot  be  earlier  than 
about  470  (see  Greg.  Tur.  Hist.  Franc,  ii.  15). 
The  next  is  that  of  St.  Lawrence,  A.D.  258 ;  but 
the  chronicler,  or  rather  rhapsodist  in  this  case, 
is  the  poet  Prudentius  (Hymn  de  Mart.  S.  L. 
See  line  133  et  seq.),  who  lived  a  century  and  a 
half  later  (R.  169).  St.  Eulalia,  A.D.  304,  is 
celebrated  by  the  same  writer  (Hymn  de  Mart. 
S.  Eul.  See  line  43  ;  R.  399).  Of  St.  Ferreolus, 
who  died  at  Vienne  304,  the  later  compiler  of 
his  Passion,  says,  "  Sepulcrum  sancti  corporis 
ejus  veneramur  .  .  .  cujus  beneficia  per  civitates 
sicut  expetuntur  votis,  ita  beneficiis  frequentibus 
approbantur  "  (R.  408).  The  graves  of  St.  Vitalis 
and  St.  Agricola  (d.  304)  were  opened  in  the 
presence  of  St.  Ambrose,  393,  who  fully  believed 
in  the  wonder-working  power  of  relics.  He  calls 
those  gathered  by  him  "crucis  tropaea,  cujus 
gratiam  in  operibus  agnoscitis  "  (£'.r/iori.  Virgin. 
2  ;  R.  410).  The  fervid  panegyrics  of  Pruden- 
tius (Hymn,  de  SS.  xviii.  Mm.  Caesaraug.)  are 
again  our  authority  for  the  honour  paid  to  the 
relics  of  the  martyrs  of  Saragossa,  304,  and  St. 
Cassian  of  Imola,  date  uncertain  (R.  411,469). 
Of  St.  Domnina  etc.  of  about  the  same  date,  St. 
Chrysostom  some  eighty  years  after,  says,  "Let 
us  fall  down  before  their  remains ;  let  us  em- 
brace their  coffins  ;  for  the  coffins  of  the  martyrs 
can  acquire  great  virtue  "  (Be  Bernice,  Sic,  7  ;  R. 
419).  The  martyrdom  of  Cyricus  and  Julitta 
(at  Tarsus,  305)  was  written  byTheodotus  of  Ico- 
nium  more  than  250  years  later.  Of  another 
Julitta,  who  suffered  at  Caesarea  in  Cappadocia 
some  time  in  the  4th  century,  St.  Basil,  about 
370,  says  that  the  earth  where  she  was  buried 
sent  forth  a  spring  of  water — "  both  a  safeguard 
to  those  in  health,  and  source  of  pleasure  to  those 
who  enjoy  it  soberly,  and  a  comfort  to  the  sick  " 
(Horn,  in  Mart.  Jul.  2;  R.  424).  The  same 
father  says  that  the  ashes  of  the  Forty  Martyrs  of 
Sebaste  in  Armenia,  A.D.  320,  being  thrown  into 
a  river,  carried  a  blessing  to  all  the  neighbouring 
coasts,  "  Like  towers  closely  set,  they  afford  pro- 
tection against  the  incursions  of  our  enemies" 
(Horn.  de'sS.  xl.  Mm.  8  ;  R.  464 ;  similarly  Greg. 


1770 


EELICS 


Nyss.  Horn.  t.  in  xl.  Mm.  ii.  935).  St.  Chrysostom 
again  in  his  Laud.  S.  Drosidis  (at  Antioch,  date 
unc.)  asserts  that  the  bones  of  the  martyrs  both 
drive  away  disease  and  put  death  to  flight. 
They  have  "  done  the  latter,"  he  says,  "  in  the 
time  of  our  forefathers;  the  former  in  ours" 
(§  4).  "  Where  the  bones  of  the  martyrs  are 
buried,  the  devils  fly  as  from  lire  and  intolerable 
punishment  "  (2).  Passi)  S.  Genesii  (at  Aries, 
date  unc):  "The  faithful  servants  of  God  at 
that  time  took  care  that  the  guardian  power  of 
this  one  martyr  should  be  a  defence  to  either 
bank  of  the  river  crowned  with  a  double  city 
(the  Rhone  flowing  through  it);  for  leaving  the 
traces  of  his  consecrated  blood  in  the  place  itself 
of  his  blessed  passion,  they  transferred  his 
honoured  remains  to  the  other  side  of  the  river, 
that  the  holy  Genesius  might  be  present  in  both 
places,  there  by  his  blood,  here  by  his  body" 
(K.  474;  written  by  Faulinus,  A.D.  o93,  ad. 
calc.  Epp.  0pp.  316).  Martyriwn  S.  Juliani  (a 
Cilician,  date  unc):  "Take  one  afflicted  by  a 
devil  and  mad,  and  lead  him  to  the  holy  tomb, 
in  which  are  the  remains  of  the  martyr,  and 
you  will  see  him  quite  starting  and  fleeing  away 
....  Now,  after  so  long  a  time,  when  the  body 
has  become  dust  and  ashes,  they  do  not  dare  to 
look  towards  the  tomb"  (Chrys.  Laudat.  S.  M. 
Juliani,  §  2  ;  R.  476).  Encomium  in  S.  M.  Phocam 
(at  Sinope,  date  unc):  "The  relics  divided 
among  many  places  keep  whole  for  the  thrice 
blessed  martyr  the  love  of  his  name  ....  The 
Romans  worship  Phocas  no  less  than  Peter  and 
Paul.  Whence,  as  they  relate,  they  have  with 
great  pains  procured  the  head  of  the  martyr 
....  to  honour  him,  and  for  their  own  advan- 
tage "  (Asterius  Amas.  A.D.  401,  in  Combefis. 
Av^t.  Gr.  i.  493).  Epistola  Eccksiae  Gotthicae 
de  Martyrio  S.  Sabae  (in  Gotthia,  372) :  the 
remains  were  left  unburied  by  the  murderers, 
"  sed  a  piis  fratribus  servatae  sunt,  easque  claris- 
simus  dux  Scythiae  Julius  Soranus,  Deum  colens, 
missis  viris  tide  dignis,  e  loco  barbaro  in  Ro- 
maniam  transtulit,  et  gratificari  volens  patriae 
suae  pretiosum  munus,  fructum  fidei  gloriosum, 
misit  in  Cappadociam  ad  vestram  religionem, 
ex  voluntate  presbyterorum  "  (R.  529).  S.  Vigilii 
Tridentini  Epistola  ad  S.  Joan.  Chrys.  de  Mar- 
tyrio SS.  Sisinnii,  &c.  (at  Anagnia  or  Anaunia 
near  Trent,  397)  tells  us  that  a  nobleman 
"sanctorum  recentium  et  vapore  fumantium 
reliquias  postulavit,"  which  he  took  or  sent  to 
Constantinople  (R.  535). 

The  necessary  inference  from  the  foregoing 
analysis  is  that  the  worship  of  relics,  and  the  be- 
lief in  them  as  remedies  anil  a  protection  against 
evil,  originated  in  the  4th  centurv.  They 
flrst  appear  in  writings,  none  of  which  are  earlier 
than  the  year  370 ;  but  they  prevailed  rapidly 
when  they  had  once  taken  root.  This  was  per- 
haps largely  owing  to  the  encouragement  which 
they  received,  as  we  have  seen,  from  some  trulv 
great  men,  as  Ambrose  and  Augustine  among 
the  Latins,  and  Basil  and  Chrysostom  in  the 
East,  who  were  evidently  deceived  by  certain 
physical  phenomena,  the  nature  of  which  is  ill 
understood  even  at  the  present  day. 

111.  Multifarious  Relics  of  Patriarchs,  Prophets, 
Christ,  the  Apostles,  and  other  Saints. — The  bones 
of  the  saints  of  the  Old  Testament,  long  held 
unclean,  became  in  the  4th  century  objects  of 
great  veneration.    E.g.  Paula  and  Eustochium, 


RELICS 

writing  to  Marcella  in  386,  suggest  that  when 
she  visits  the  Holy  Land  they  will  "  pray  together 
in  the  mausoleum  of  David,  .  .  .  hasten  to  the 
tabernacles  or  memoriae  of  Abraham,  Isaac,  and 
Jacob,  ...  go  to  Samaria,  and  together  adore 
the  ashes  of  John  the  Baptist,  Elisha  also,  and 
Obadiah  "  (h'pist.  Hieron.  xlvi.  12).  St.  Jerome, 
in  406,  tells  us  that  Arcadius  translated  "the 
bones  of  the  blessed  Samuel  from  Judaea  into 
Thrace  "  (C  Vigilant.  5).  Among  the  number- 
less relics  collected  with  the  aid  of  Charlemagne 
from  all  parts  by  Angilbert  of  Centule,  A.D.  814, 
were  the  blood,  hairs  (also  at  Corbie,  Acta 
Bened.  iv.  i.  376),  and  garments  of  John  the 
Baptist,  bones  of  his  father  Zacharias,  memorials 
of  Symeon,  &c.  (Scriptum  S.  Angitb.  14,  15  ; 
Bolland.  Feb.  iii.  103  ;  or  Acta  Bened.  IV.  i.  114). 
Hair  from  the  beard  of  Noah  was  shewn  at 
Corbie  in  the  same  century  (ibid.  377). 

Alleged  relics  of  our  Lord  were  very  nume- 
rous, and,  it  is  to  be  feared,  all,  without  excep- 
tion, ."spurious.  For  the  history  of  the  cross  see 
Vol.  I.  pp.  503-506.  To  the  discovery  of  the 
cross  by  Helena,  St.  Ambrose  in  395  adds  that 
of  the  title  written  by  Pilate,  and  of  the  nails, 
one  or  more  of  which  she  caused  to  be  wrought 
into  a  bit  for  her  son's  horse  {de  Obit.  7'heodos. 
46,  47),  a  tradition  known  to  St.  Jerome  {Comm. 
in  Zach.  xiv.  20),  Cyril  Alex.  {Comm.  in  loc.  eund.), 
Theodoret  {Hist.  Eccl.  i.  18),  Sozomen  {H.  E.  ii. 
1),  Ruflnus  {H.  E.  i.  7),  Gregory  of  Tours 
Mirac.  i.  6),  and  Cassiodorius  {Hist.  Trip.  ii.  18). 
By  the  time  of  Gregory  of  Tours,  573,  the  holy 
spear  (rediscovered  in  1098,  Guibert.  Abb.  Hist. 
Hieros.  v.  19,  vi.  7),  the  reed,  the  sponge,  the 
crown  of  thorns,  the  seamless  coat,  and  the 
pillar  of  scourging  had  all  been  supplied  to  the 
ignorant  credulity  of  the  age  {Mirac.  i.  6-8). 
The  thorns  were  still  green,  or  if  they  withered 
were  daily  restored  to  freshness  "  by  divine 
power."  Twists  of  bread  made  with  water  from 
the  tomb  were  sent  over  the  world,  and  healed 
many.  The  same  virtue  was  ascribed  to  plaited 
thongs  that  had  been  wrapped  round  the  pillar 
{ibid.  7,  8).  The  holy  coat  was  kept  in  a  chest 
in  a  very  secret  crypt  in  a  basilica  at  Galathea, 
a  place  mentioned  by  Gregory'  only,  "  quae  area 
a  devotis  atque  fidelibus  cum  summa  diligentia 
adoratur "  (8).  Twenty-one  "  holy  coats " 
were  afterwards  shewn,  as  at  Treves,  Argenteuil, 
Rome,  Bremen,  &c.  (See  Gildemeister  und  von 
Sybel,  Der  heilige  Rock  zu  Trier,  und  die 
zwanzig  andern  heiligen  ungendhten  Roche, 
Diisseld.  1845).  Angilbert  {u.s.)  believed  that 
he  had  acquired  parts  of  the  cross,  bonds,  nails, 
and  sponge,  of  our  Lord's  garments  and  sandals, 
of  the  table  and  bread  of  the  Last  Supper.  He 
also  possessed  water  taken  from  the  place  of  His 
baptism.  At  Corbie,  in  a  reliquary  called  the 
Prima  St.  Petri,  said  to  have  been  given  to  the 
monastery  by  Charlemagne,  were  His  blood  and 
hairs,  part  of  the  umbilical  cord,  of  the  mangei-, 
cross,  napkin,  table,  tomb,  clothing,  &c.  {Acta 
Bened.  iv.  i.  375). 

The  chair  of  St.  James,  the  first  bishop  of 
Jerusalem,  was  in  all  probability  the  only  true 
relic  of  the  apostolic  age  that  was  preserved  to 
the  4th  century.  It  is  mentioned  by  Eusebius 
as  treasured  at  Jerusalem  in  his  time,  "a  clear 
proof  of  the  veneration  in  which  holy  men  were 
and  are  held  "  {H.  E.  vii.  19). 

In  the  collection  of  Angilbert  («.s.)  were  manj 


RELICS 

alleged  relics  of  the  blessed  Virgin — drops  of  her 
milk,  some  hairs,  shreds  of  her  cloak  and 
garment  (these  all  with  parts  of  her  veil,  &c. 
also  at  Corbie,  Acta  iJensd.  iv.  i.  375),  and  a 
part  of  the  manger  (praesepe  Mariae),  which 
was  in  the  same  age  said  to  be  at  Rome  (Notitia 
Eccles.  Ui-h.  Bom.  Alcuini,  0pp.  App.  iii.  598). 
Abundance  of  her  hair  (reliquiae  tantae  capil- 
lorum)  was  said  to  have  been  brought  from 
Jerusalem  to  Spain,  and  to  be  preserved  at 
Astorga  and  Oviedo  (Osmundi  Epist.  ad  Idam, 
Mabill.  Vet.  Anal.  433,  ed.  2).  At  Corbie  were 
hairs  and  some  of  the  ointment  of  Mary  Magda- 
lene (Acta  Bened.  iv.  i.  376). 

Part  of  the  remains  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul 
are  now  "  in  the  Vatican  church,  another  por- 
tion in  the  basilica  of  St.  Paul ;  but  their  sacred 
heads  are  in  the  Lateran  basilica  "  (Ruinart  ad 
Greg.  Tur.  ilf(rac.  i.  28).  The  bodies  of  SS. 
Andrew,  Luke,  and  Timothy  were  at  Constanti- 
nople (Hieron.  C.  Vigil.  5).  Relics  of  St.  Andrew 
were  also  preserved  at  Neuvy,  near  Tours  (G.  T. 
Mir.  i.  31).  The  chains  of  St.  Paul  were  early 
said  to  be  at  Rome  (Chrysost.  Horn.  viii.  in  Ep. 
ad  Eph.  2  ;  Greg.  M.  Ep.  iii.  30,  xi.  49).  Part 
of  a  table  belonging  to  him  was  in  the  collection 
of  Angilbert  (m.s.).  Hairs  of  St.  Paul  were  sent 
by  pope  John,  557,  to  a  bishop  of  Vienne  (Hard. 
Cone.  iii.  342).  The  chains  of  St.  Peter  appeared 
at  Rome  much  later  than  those  of  St.  Paul,  not 
in  fact  till  very  special  claims  were  made  for 
Home  on  his  account.  If  I  mistake  not,  Gregory  I. 
is  the  first  to  mention  them.  He  sent  to  Chil- 
debert,  in  595,  "  keys  of  Peter  "  (Greg.  Tur.  Mir. 
i.  29 ;  see  §  vi.  sub  fin.)  and  some  filings  from 
his  chains  (Epist.  v.  6 ;  comp.  ii.  33 ;  iii.  3). 
So  in  741  Charles  received  from  Gregory  III. 
the  "  keys  of  the  venerable  sepulchre,  with  the 
chains  of  St.  Peter"  (Fredegar.  Chron.  ad  an.). 
The  importance  of  this  possession  to  Rome  in 
that  age  may  be  easily  understood  : 

"  His  solidata  fides,  his  est  tibi,  Roma,  catenis." 

Alcuin,  Cam.  169. 

A  nail  from  the  cross  of  St.  Peter  was  sent  by 
Gregory  of  Rome  to  Secundinus,  a  recluse  (Hard. 
Cone.  iii.  503).  At  Centule  (and  Corbie,  Acta 
Bened.  m.s.)  were  hairs  from  the  beard  of  St. 
Peter,  parts  of  his  casula,  his  sandals  and  table 
(Script.  Angilb.  m.s.)  ;  at  Corbie  parts  of  his  ribs, 
of  his  cross,  and  dust  from  his  tomb  (Acta  Bened. 
M.S.).  The  relics  of  the  other  apostles  were  in 
similar  request,  and  were  generally  of  the  same 
character. 

The  relics  of  St.  Stephen  the  proto-martyr 
deserve  especial  mention.  In  415  the  site  of 
his  body  and  of  those  of  Nicodemus  and  Gamaliel 
was,  according  to  one  legend,  revealed  to  a  priest 
named  Luclan.  They  were  at  a  place  called 
Caphargamala  (i.e.  Villa  Gamalielis),  near  Jeru- 
salem (Lucian  de  Rev.  Corp.  Steph.  2-3,  in  0pp. 
Aug.  App.  vi.  ed.  Ben.),  to  which  city  that  of  St. 
Stephen  was  removed,  except  some  small  joints 
and  the  earth  into  which  the  flesh  was  resolved 
(ibid.  8).  Nevertheless  another  story,  translated 
from  the  Greek  by  Anastasius  Bibliothecarius 
in  the  9th  century,  affirms  that  it  was  at  Jeru- 
salem in  the  time  of  the  emperor  Constantine 
(died  337)  and  Cyril  of  Jerusalem  (who,  how- 
ever, were  not  contemporaries),  and  was  by  their 
joint  action  removed  to  Byzantium  (de  Transl. 
S.  Steph.  ibid.).     A  third  document  tells  us  of 


EELICS 


1771 


relics  of  Stephen  brought  from  Jerusalem  to 
Minorca  soon  after  their  discovery,  and  there 
working  miracles,  by  which  many  Jews  were 
converted  (Ep.  Severi  de  Conv.Jud.  ibid.);  while 
two  books  de  Miraculis  S.  Stephani,  said  to  be 
written  at  the  instance  of  Evodius,  bishop  of 
Uzalis,  in  Africa,  the  friend  of  Augustine,  record 
many  alleged  miracles  wrought  in  that  city  by 
relics  of  St.  Stephen  sent  thither  "from  the 
parts  of  the  East"  (i.  1).  Several  miracles, 
alleged  to  have  been  wrought  at  Uzalis  and 
some  neighbouring  places  by  the  same  relics, 
were  believed  by  St.  Augustine  (de  Civ.  Dei, 
xxii.  8,  §§  10-21).  In  tlie  6th  century  some 
blood  of  St.  Stephen  is  found  in  the  altar  of  a 
church  at  Bordeaux  (Greg.  Tur.  Mir.  i.  34). 
But  far  more  singular  relics  were  some  drops  of 
sea-water,  preserved  by  the  bishop  of  that  city, 
which  had  fallen  from  his  robes  when  he  was 
seen  in  a  vision  after  succouring  a  ship  in  dis- 
tress, and  some  threads  of  a  cloth  with  which  the 
water  had  been  wiped  from  the  deck  (ibid.). 
Angilbert  (m.s.)  possessed  one  of  the  proto- 
martyr's  ribs,  and  one  of  the  stones  with  which 
he  was  slain. 

Among  the  numberless  miscellaneous  relics 
valued  within  our  period,  we  may  mention  bars 
of  the  gridiron  of  St.  Lawrence  (Angilb.  u.s.), 
the  under-pall  of  St.  Radegund,  which,  dipped 
in  water,  gave  it  the  power  to  heal  fevers  (Vita, 
Baud.  32),  the  straw  on  which  St.  Germanus  had 
lain  (  Vita,  Venant.  46),  a  thread  from  the  shirt  of 
St.  l.ubin  (  Vita,  Venant.  20),  a  shoe  that  fell  from 
the  foot  of  Epipodius  when  he  was  led  to  martyr- 
dom (Greg.  Tur.  de  Glor.  Conf.  54),  cords  from 
a  bed  (ibid.  85),  &c.  Dust  from  almost  any 
shrine  was  believed  to  have  healing  power.  By 
this  means  St.  Hilary  cured  leprosy  (  Vita,  ii.  4)  ; 
St.  Rigobert,  the  ague  (Flodoard,  Hist.  Eccl. 
Rem.  ii.  14)  ;  St.  Thaumastus,  a  French  bishop, 
toothache  and  fever  (Greg.  Tur.  m.s.  53  ;  see  also 
Mir,  ii.  45) ;  the  woman  who  had  treasured  the 
shoe  of  St.  Epipodius,  ague  (ib.  54) ;  &c. 
Earth  from  Jerusalem  was  in  equal  request,  and 
that  early  in  the  5th  century.  See  St.  Augus- 
tine, de  Civ.  Dei,  xxii.-xxviii.  6  ;  Ep.  52,  ad 
Severin.  §  2.  So  the  soil  which  had  drunk  the 
blood  of  the  martyrs  under  Sapor  II.,  A.D.  375, 
was  "  dug  up  and  carried  away,  and  preserved  by 
the  Christians  as  useful  to  heal  the  sick  "  (S.  J. 
Assem.  Acta  SS.  Mm.  Or.et  Occ.  i.  162);  and  in 
the  West  the  same  thing  is  told  of  the  earth  on 
which  Stratonica  and  Seleucus  had  last  trodden 
(ibid.  ii.  119),  and  of  sand  from  the  spot  on  which 
others  had  suffered  (Aridii  Vita,  6).  Laurel  leaves 
found  in  a  tomb  (Greg.  Tur.  Glor.  Conf.  84),  and 
flowers  from  a  miraculous  tree  before  the  tomb 
of  St.  Eulalia  (Glor.  Mart.  i.  91)  were  presei-red 
for  the  same  purpose. 

The  "holy  grail"  first  appeared  when 
Caesarea  was  taken  by  the  Crusaders  in  1101 
(William  of  Tyre,  Hist.  Rer.  Transm.  x.  16), 
if  it  be  correctly  identified  with  the  vessel  (of 
green  glass?)  found  there,  but  not  at  first 
deemed  a  sacred  relic. 

Long  lists  of  relics  in  ancient  churches  at 
Rome  and  elsewhere  are  printed  by  Mai,  in 
Script.  Vet.  Nova  Collcctio,  v.  i.  37-52.  Per- 
haps the  longest  extant,  enumerating  nearly 
400  articles,  occurs  in  the  Rclatio  do  Oriij. 
Monast.  Windberg.  given  by  Basnage,  Thesaur. 
Mvnum.  III.  ii.  214. 


1772 


EELICS 


IV.  Spurious  Relics. — St.  Augustine,  denoun- 
cing certain  wandering  impostors  in  tiie  habit  ot' 
monks,  says :  "  Some  of  them  have  for  sale  the 
members  of  martyrs,  if  they  were  martyrs  " 
(de  Op.  Monach.  xxviii.  36 ;  comp.  Isidore  de 
Div.  Off.  ii.  15).  Fraud  was,  therefore,  already 
practised  by  the  beginning  of  the  5th  century. 
Gregory  I.  near  the  end  of  the  6th,  writing  to 
the  Augusta  Constantina,  declares  that  some 
Gi-eek  monks  had  been  detected  exhuming  bones 
near  the  church  of  St.  Paul  in  Kome,  who,  being 
closely  questioned,  "confessed  that  they  had  in- 
tended to  carry  those  bones  to  Greece  as  the  relics 
of  saints"  {Epist.  iii.  30).  About  587  an  im- 
po^tor  appeared  at  Tours  and  Paris,  professing 
to  eome  from  Spain  with  relics  of  St.  Vincent 
and  St.  Felix.  Having  told  the  story,  the  historian 
adds :  "  Multi  enim  sunt  qui  has  seductiones 
■exercentes  populum  rusticum  in  errorem  ponere 
non  desistunt "  (Greg.  Tur.  Hist.  Franc,  ix.  6)  ; 
and  this  notwithstanding  the  stories  of  divine 
chastisement  which  were  circulated.  For  ex- 
ample, one  who  exhibited  for  gain  a  pretended 
bone  of  St.  Godehard,  was  seized  with  delirium 
and  died  (^Transl.  S.  God.  46,  Acta  Bemd.  VI.  ii. 
390). 

Such  frauds  were  less  frequently  exposed  in 
the  ages  that  followed,  many  bishops  unhappily 
thinking  that  it  would  be  inexjjedient  to  unde- 
ceive the  people;  e.ij.  a  man,  who  had  under 
various  names  sold  false  relics  in  France,  went 
into  Switzerland,  and  there  having,  "  more 
solito,  collected  by  night  from  some  vile  place 
the  bones  of  an  unknown  person,  and  placed  them 
in  a  box  on  a  bier,  declared  that  he  had  been 
revealed  to  him  by  angelic  information,  and  pre- 
tended that  he  was  a  martyr  named  Justus." 
The  ignorant  were  deceived,  miracles  were  said 
to  follow,  and  at  length  the  body  was  brought 
to  be  placed  in  a  newly-erected  church  at  Sus 
in  the  Engadme.  Our  informant  was  present 
at  the  consecration,  and  by  questioning  the  man 
easily  detected  the  imposture.  Nevertheless  the 
service  proceeded,  and  the  false  relics  had  their 
part  in  it  (see  after,  §  xiii.).  As  in  later  times 
with  the  impostures  of  La  Salette,  Lourdes,  &c. 
the  educated  and  thoughtful  were  shocked  and 
scandalized,  but  the  multitude  "remained  in  its 
error  injusti  nomen  pro  Juste  venerans  "  (Glaber 
Kodolph.  Hist.  iv.  3). 

We  must  not,  however,  attribute  all  false 
relics  to  the  action  of  deliberate  fraud.  The 
ignorant  were  always  disposed  to  regard  any 
human  remains  accidentally  discovered  as  those 
of  a  martyr,  especially  if  found  in  or  near  a 
■church.  An  altar  had  been  reared  in  a  certain 
place  in  the  diocese  of  Tours  on  the  strength  of 
a  popular  tradition  that  a  martyr  had  been 
buried  there.  St.  Martin,  a.d.  375,  doubting 
the  fact,  "  standing  on  the  tomb  itself,  prayed 
to  God  that  he  would  shew  who,  and  of  what 
merit,  the  person  there  buried  was.  Then,  turn- 
ing to  the  left,  he  saw  standing  near  him  an 
ill-conditioned,  fierce-looking  shade.  He  orders 
it  to  declare  its  name  and  character.  It  tells  its 
name,  and,  touching  its  crime,  confesses  that  it 
was  a  robber,"  &c.  (Sulpic.  Sever.  Vita  B.  Mart. 
8).  Augustine  of  Canterbury  found  some  per- 
sons, probably  in  France,  "  worshipping "  a 
body  which  they  sup])osed  to  be  that  of  St. 
Sixtns.  He  wrote  to  Ilome,  asking  Gregory  for 
some  genuine  relics  of  the  martyr,  who,  grant- 


EELICS 

ing  his  request,  gave  him  this  direction  :  "The 
relics  which  you  have  asked  for  are  to  be  buried 
by  themselves,  that  the  place  in  which  the  afore- 
said body  lies  may  be  altogether  closed  up,  and 
the  people  not  suffered  to  desert  the  certain  and 
worship  the  uncertain "  (Greg.  M.  Epist.  xii. 
31). 

V.  The  Trial  of  Belies.— I)onhUu\  relics  were 
often  put  to  a  deliberate  test.  We  first  hear  of 
this  in  Spain,  the  council  of  Sai-agossa  in  592 
making  a  decree  that  the  relics  in  use  where  the 
Arian  heresy  had  prevailed  should  be  "  brought 
by  the  priests  in  whose  churches  they  were 
found,  and,  being  presented  to  the  bishops,  should 
be  tried  by  fire  "  (can.  2).  Actual  instances  of 
such  ordeal  at  that  period  ai-e  not,  so  far  as  I 
am  aware,  on  extant  record  ;  but  we  meet  with 
several  later  on.  E.g.  Egbert  of  Trier  finding  what 
was  supposed  to  be  the  body  of  St.  Celsus,  "  lest 
any  suspicion  of  the  sanctity  of  the  holy  relics 
should  arise,  during  Mass,  after  the  otfertory 
had  been  sung,  threw  a  joint  of  the  finger  of 
St.  Celsus,  wrapped  in  a  cloth,  into  a  thurible 
full  of  burning  coals,  which  remained  unhurt 
and  untouched  by  the  fire  through  the  whole 
time  of  the  canon  "  {Annal.  Dened.  iii.  658,  ad 
an.  979,  n.  91).  Similarly  when  a  monk  brought 
from  Jerusalem  to  Monte  Cassino  a  piece  of  linen 
(more  probably  cloth  of  asbestos),  alleged  to  be 
part  of  the  cloth  with  which  our  Lord  wiped 
the  feet  of  the  discijjles  at  the  Last  Supper,  it 
was  also  put  into  a  censer  containing  fire. 
•'  Mox  quidem  in  ignis  colorem  conversa  post 
paululum  vero  amotis  carbonibus  ad  pristinam 
speciem  mirabiliter  est  reversa "  (Leo  Marsic. 
Chron.  Cass.  ii.  33 ;  Acta  Bened.  s.  vi.  i.  101). 
The  relics  of  St.  Rotrudis  stood  the  same  test 
{Chron.  Andriensis  Monast.  in  Spicil.  Dacher.  ii. 
78,  ed.  2),  which  was  applied  also  to  the  bones 
of  king  Wistan  {Vita  Wist.  5,  in  Boll.  June  1  ; 
i.  87)  ;  and  other  instances  might  be  given. 

Ruinart  has  printed,  from  a  MS.  preserved  in 
Rheims,  a  form  of  prayer  to  be  used  at  the  trial 
of  relics  (App.  ad  0pp.  Greg.  Tur.  1366),  which 
Mabillon  has  reprinted  in  App.  2  to  the  Epist. 
de  Cidtu  SS.  Jgnotorum,  written  by  him  under 
the  name  of  Eusebius  Romanus.  It  is  also  given 
from  two  Rheims  MSS.  by  Martene,  Ant.  Eccl, 
Bit.  iii.  8.  We  observe,  however,  that  the  relics 
referred  to  in  the  prayer  are  only  portions  of 
the  saint's  dress,  "  pannus  iste,  vel  filum  istud," 
a  circumstance  that  suggests  suspicion.  It  would 
require  no  great  adroitness  to  appear  to  repro- 
duce a  burnt  shred  of  cloth. 

VI.  Translation  of  Belies. — For  some  centuries 
there  was  an  unwillingness  to  meddle  with  the 
bodies  of  the  saints  when  once  buried,  arising  at 
first  from  a  proper  feeling,  but  later  on  from  a 
superstitious  fear.  A  disciple  of  Simeon  Stylites, 
desiring  a  relic  of  his  master,  thought  he  saw 
the  body  stir,  and  desisted  in  alarm  (Antonius 
in  Vita  S.  Sim.  16).  This  wholesome  shrinking 
was  first  forgotten  in  the  East  (see  the  next  para- 
graph of  this  section),  but  it  remained  so  long  a 
tradition  of  the  western  church  that  Gregory  of 
Rome  could  say  in  593,  "  De  Graecorum  con- 
suetudine,  qui  ossa  levare  sanctorum  se  asse- 
runt,  vehementer  miramur,  et  vix  credimus " 
{Epist.  iii.  30).     He  declared,  though  not  quite 

I  truly,  as  we  shall  see  :  "  In  Romanis  vel  totius 
Occidentis  parti  bus  omnino  intolerabile  est 
atque  sacrilcgum,  si  sanctorum  corpora  tangere 


RELICS 

quisquara  fortasse  voluerit "  (ibid.').  Many 
stories  are  related  of  the  danger  thus  in- 
curred. Even  down  to  the  latter  part  of  the 
Gth  century  (hodieque)  there  was  "  so  great  a 
fear"  of  meddling  with  the  tomb  of  St.  Cassian 
that  "  no  one  at  all  had  dared  to  touch  anything 
belonging  to  him.  If  any  one  did  so,  he  was 
either  seized  by  a  demon  or  destroyed  by  a  sudden 
death  "  (Greg.  Tur.  de  Glor.  Mart.  43).  When 
the  tomb  of  Agricola  or  Vitalis  was  opened  by 
one  who  "  desired  to  take  therefrom  some  of  the 
sacred  ashes,"  the  offender  was  caught  by  the 
stone  falling  on  him,  and  with  difficulty  released 
{ib.  44).  A  soldier  Who  rescued  some  relics  of 
St.  Andrew  from  a  fire  was  seized  with  cramp 
at  the  door  of  the  church,  whereupon  he  put  the 
casket  round  the  neck  of  an  unpolluted  child, 
one  of  his  prisoners,  and  so  "  arrived  safely  in  his 
own  country "  (Id.  Mir.  i.  30).  When  the 
Manichaeans  destroyed  a  fig-tree  which  had  a 
healing  power  from  growing  on  the  spot  where 
St.  Narses  had  suffered  (a.d.  341),  they  were 
punished  by  a  plague  (Assem.  Acta  SS.  MM.  iv. 
101).  When  Constantina  begged  of  Gregory  I. 
some  relics  of  St.  Paul,  he  assured  her  that  "  the 
bodies  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  blazed  in  their 
churches  with  miraculous  ten-ors,  so  great  that 
it  was  not  possible  to  draw  nigh  thither  even 
for  prayer  without  great  fear."  He  affirms  that 
when  his  predecessor  wished  to  change  the  silver 
covering  over  the  body  of  St.  Peter,  "  signum  ei 
non  parvi  teri'oris  apparuit ;"  and  that  when 
he  himself  wished  to  make  some  improvement 
about  the  tomb  of  St.  Paul,  the  person  who 
ordered  the  removal  of  some  other  bones  found 
near  it,  "  apparentibus  quibusdam  tristibus 
signis,  subita  morte  defunctus  est ;"  and  again, 
that  when  the  tomb  of  St.  Lawrence  was  acci- 
dentally opened,  all  present  died  within  ten 
days  (jSpist.  iii.  30).  Clovis  was  struck  with 
madness  because  he  attempted  to  carry  off  a 
bone  of  St.  Denys  {Gesta  Dagoberti,  i.  2 ;  in 
Duchesne,  Hist.  Franc.  Script,  i.  589,  comp. 
Gesta  Reg.  Fr.  44,  ibid.  717).  See  also  Vita  S. 
GucIumU,  vii.  72,  in  Bolland.  June  6  ;  i.  747  ; 
de  Ceratio  Ep.  5,  ih.  709  ;  Illustr.  Claud,  iv.  44, 
ib.  June  6,  i.  678 ;  &c. 

Constantine  was  the  first  who  ventured  to 
move  the  bodies  of  saints,  contrary  to  the  spirit 
of  the  ante-Nicene  church  : 

"  Constantino  primum  sub  Caesare  factum  est." 
Paulin.  Poem.  xix.  321. 

To  gain  for  his  new  city  a  prestige  similar  to 
that  conferred  on  old  Rome  by  the  remains  of  St. 
Peter  and  St.  Paul,  he  transferred  thither  "the 
holy  relics  of  Andrew,  Luke,  and  Timothy " 
(Hieron.  c.  Vigil,  b  ;  Procop.  de  Aedifcds,  i.  4 ; 
Theodorus  Lector,  Hist.  Eccles.  ii.  61).  A  later 
law  of  Theodosius  expressly  forbade  such  trans- 
lations to  the  subject :  "  Humatum  corpus  nemo 
ad  alterum  locum  transferat,  nemo  martyrem 
distrahat"  {Codex,  ix.  17,  §  7).  Gregory  I. 
(as  we  have  seen)  denied  that  it  was  ever  lawful 
to  disturb  them.  In  France,  however,  the  rule 
had  long  been  relaxed.  The  council  of  Epaone, 
in  517,  contented  itself  with  forbidding  "the 
relics  of  saints  to  be  placed  in  oratories  attached 
to  vills,  unless  it  so  happened  that  the  clergy  of 
some  parish  were  near  to  serve  (qui  famulentur) 
the  sacred  ashes  with  frequent  psalm-singing  " 
(can.  25).     Under  Charlemagne  the  old  Gallican 


RELICS 


1773 


liberty  was  restrained,  through  Roman  influence, 
as  we  cannot  doubt,  by  the  council  of  Metz, 
A.D.  813,  which  decreed  that  no  one  should  pre- 
sume to  transport  the  bodies  of  the  saints  from 
place  to  place  without  the  sanction  of  the  prince 
or  of  the  bishops,  and  the  licence  of  the  holy 
synod  (can.  51).  Hence,  generally  only  keys, 
13RANDEA,  &c.  Were  taken  from  the  tomb  of  a 
martyr,  even  when  a  relic  was  required  for  the 
consecration  of  a  church.  If  bodies  were  removed 
at  all,  it  was  only  that  they  might  be  buried 
again  in  a  more  fitting  place.  This  is  shewn  at 
length  by  Mabillon  in  Fraef.  Act.  Bened.  saec. 
ii.  n.  42.  The  instances  of  Stephen,  Gervasius, 
&c.  (see  also  Greg.  Tur.  Mir.  i.  51,  56,  63  ;  de 
Glor.  Conf.  72,  8u)  must  therefore  be  regarded 
as  exceptions.  See  other  exceptions  in  the  trans- 
lations of  SS.  Marculfus,  Quintinus,  Audoenus, 
Leodegarius,  Etheldrida,  and  Cuthbert  {Acta 
Bened.  from  a.d.  558  to  667).  At  length,  how- 
ever, the  tide  had  turned  so  completely  that 
credulity  was  not  overtaxed  by  the  story  of  men 
struck  with  blindness  because  they  attempted 
to  hinder  even  a  clandestine  translation  {De  SS. 
Gratiniano  et  Felice,  Boll.  June  1,  i.  24). 

VII.  Acquisition  of  Relics. — One  great  tempta- 
tion to  the  production  of  false  relics  was  the 
eagerness  with  which  everything  under  the 
name  of  a  relic  was  purchased.  The  sale  of 
them  was  forbidden  by  Theodosius  ("Huma- 
tum corpus  .  .  .  nemo  mercetur,  Codex,  ix. 
17,  §  7);  but  apparently  with  little  effect  in 
the  more  distant  provinces.  A  story  told  of  an 
abbat  of  Bourges  in  the  6th  century  implies 
that  it  was  common  in  France  at  that  period 
(Greg.  Tur.  Mirac.  i.  90).  Q.  Radegund  pro- 
cured a  multitude  of  relics  from  all  parts  of  the 
world  '■  tam  muneribus  quam  precibus  "  (Baudo- 
nivia.  Vita  S.  Rad.  14).  It  was  even  considered 
a  good  deed  to  steal  relics,  because  a  proof  of 
devotion :  e.  g.  a  German  bishop,  named  0th- 
win,  earned  off  by  night  from  Pavia  the  relics  of 
St.  Epiphanius  and  St.  Speciosa.  He  had  scruples 
at  first,  "  presumptionis  ducebat,"  but  a  German 
presbyter  "  divinitus  "  overruled  his  objections 
{Vita  Epiph.  3;  Pertz,  JJo7i.  Alem.  vi.  229). 
A  French  priest  stole  some  relics  of  St.  Helen 
from  a  church  at  Rome.  They  performed  many 
miracles  on  the  road  to  France,  and  were  re- 
ceived with  great  honour  (Flodoard,  Hist.  Eccl. 
Rem.  ii.  8).  The  tomb  of  St.  Benedict  had  been 
neglected,  and  its  very  site  forgotten,  but  when 
the  passion  for  relics  became  strong,  a  "  learned 
presbyter  "  went  from  France  to  Italy  to  search 
for  the  body.  Having  with  some  difficulty  found 
it,  he  carried  it  off  surreptitiously,  together  with 
that  of  Scholastica,  his  sister,  who  had  been 
buried  in  the  same  tomb.  Miracles  occurred  at 
once.  The  fine  linen  in  which  the  remains  were 
wrapped  became  red  with  blood,  and  every 
natural  obstacle  to  the  priest's  return  yielded  at 
once  to  supernatural  power,  until  they  were 
safely  deposited  at  Fieury  {de  Transl.  Corp.  S. 
Bened.  in  Gall,  in  Mabill.  Anal.  Vet.  211,  ed.  2). 
There  are  some  instances,  however,  in  which  the 
theft  is  disallowed ;  but  these  belong  to  an 
earlier  period,  or  the  circumstances  were  difter- 
ent.  F.  g.  Gregory  of  Tours  in  the  6th  century 
has  a  story  of  relics  stolen,  with  a  view  to  their 
beino-  .sold  ;  but  the  result  marked  the  di.^appro- 
bation  of  Heaven  {De  Glor.  Mart.  90).  A  bishop 
of  Verdun,  present  at  tlie  opening  of  the  shrine 


1774 


RELICS 


of  St.  Matthias  at  Treves,  attempted  to  steal  a 
relic  ;  but  the  lid  fell  suddenly,  and  he  lost  the 
end  of  his  cope,  which  had  been  caught  by  it 
{Invent.  Corp.  S.  Matthi.  i.  4;  Boll.  Feb.  iii. 
449).  In  the  old  Calendar  first  published  by 
P.ucherius  at  the  entry,  "  VI.  idus  Jul.  Depos. 
Silani,"  we  find  the  following  curious  note, 
"Hunc  Silanuni  Martyrem  Novati  (Novatiani) 
fui'ati  sunt." 

After  the  6th  century  it  was  common  to  send 
to  Rome  for  relics  for  the  consecration  of  a 
new  church,  if  none  could  be  found  at  hand,  and 
the  request  was  generally  answered  by  the  gift 
of  a  brandeum,  pailiolum,  or  velameii,  that  had 
been  held  over  the  relics  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul. 
Forms  of  letter  to  accompany  such  gifts  are  pro- 
vided in  the  Liber  Diurnus  of  the  Koman  Pon- 
tiffs :  "  Benedictiones  de  sanctuariis  Apostolicis, 
id  est  palliola  de  eorum  confessionibus,  tradi- 
dimus  collocanda  (in  ecclesia)"  (v.  12;  see  tit. 
15)."  Again:  "Scias  sanctuaria  noviter  missa. 
Sanctuaria  vero  suscepta  sua  cum  reverentia 
coUocabis "  (17).  A  supplement  to  the  Liber 
Diurnus  gives  a  form  in  which  the  pope,  intend- 
ing himself  to  consecrate  a  church,  demands  of 
a  bishop  relics  of  the  saint  to  whom  it  was  to 
be  dedicated  :  "  Levatas  reliquias  contradere  nou 
omittas ;  ut  ad  nos  .  .  .  quantocius  valeant 
reportari "  {Mus.  Ital.  i.  35). 

VIII.  Receptacles  of  Relics. — These  were  called 
CAPSA  (originally  the  coffin  for  the  whole  body) 
(Greg.  Tur.  Hist.  Franc,  viii.  5),  which  later  was 
"  capsa  major  "  (Flodoard,  Bist.  Eccl.  Rem.  iii. 
5) ;  capsula  (G.  T.  u.  s.  x.  31,  §  19  ;  Vita  S. 
Aridii,  29,  &c.)  ;  capsella  (Suggest.  Legat.  inter 
Epp.  Hormisdae  ad  calc.  Ep.  65  ;  De  Mirac.  S. 
Steph.  i.  8  in  Ap.  vi.  ad  0pp.  S.  Aug.  ed.  Ben.); 
capsis  (Translatio  S.  Mennatis,  in  Martene  et 
Durand.  Ampliss.  Collect,  vi.  983;  3Iirac.  S. 
Gibriani,  i.  5,  Bolland.  Mail,  vii.  633,  &c.) ; 
area  (Greg.  Tur.  Hist.  Fr.  x.  15,  Mir.  i.  8: 
Cone.  Bracar.  A.D.  675,  can.  6,  "  area  Dei  cum  re- 
liquiis  "),  Ctj/ctj,  theca  (Sozom.  Hist.  Eccl.  ix.  2  ; 
where  =  (7opos;Theodoret  ire Ps.  Ixvii.  12;  Testam. 
Perpetui,  Turon.  Greg.  T.  0pp.  1318);  scrinium 
(whence  shrine,  screen),  scriniolum,  Actus  Pontif. 
Cenoman.  24,  in  Mabill.  Analecta  Vet.  300,  ed.  2  ; 
Chron.  Cassin.  iii. ;  57,  &c.  but  I  doubt  if  within 
our  period ;  chrismarium  ( Vita  Aridii,  6,  35, 
3G  ;  Greg.  Tur.  de  Mir.  S.  Mart.  iv.  32);  sanc- 
tuarium,  at  first  the  reliquary,  but  afterwards 
less  properly  the  relic  (Greg.  M.  Ep.  v.  45; 
Cone.  Meld.  845,  can.  39  ;  Mus.  Ital.  ii.  152, 
&c.);  turris  {Chron.  Cassin.  iii.  30),  probably 
because  this  was  a  common  name  of  the  eucha- 
ristic  pyx  ;  pixidula  {ibid.),  &c.  Relics  were  often 
inclosed  in  crosses  (Greg.  Tur.  Mir.  i.  11 ;  Testam. 
Perpet.  n.  s.  &c.).     [Rkliquary.] 

IX.  Relics  carried  about  the  Person. — The 
Council  of  Braga,  675,  condemns  the  vainglory 
of  some  bishops,  who  in  their  progress  to  church 
on  the  festivals  of  martyrs  were  wont  to  "  put 
their  relics  on  their  necks,  ....  as  if  they 
were  the  ark  holding  the  relics,  the  Levites 
(deacons)  in  albes  carrying  them  on  litters." 
For  the  future,  either  the  Levites  were  to  carry 
"  the  ark  of  God  with  the  relics,"  or  the  bishop 
might  carry  it  himself  walking  in  the  proces- 
sion (can.  6).  The  objection  here,  however,  was 
that  this  practice  ministered  to  the  pride  of  the 
bishop.  For  it  had  long  been  the  custom  to 
c;irry  relics  about  the  person,  and  the  practice 


RELICS 

continued  ;  e.  g.  the  leader  of  a  party  of  Indian 
monks  (perhaps  about  A.D.  380)  wore  a  "  scrip 
of  hair-cloth,  filled  with  tlie  relics  of  certain 
holy  fathers "  (Joan.  Damasc.  Vita  B  irlaafn,  c. 
22).  Gerinanus  of  Auxerre,  A.D.  420,  when  a 
blind  child  was  brought  to  hiiti,  "  took  in  his 
hands  the  little  case  (capsulam)  with  the  relics 
of  saints  hanging  by  his  side,  aud,  tearing  it  off 
his  neck,  apjilied  it  to  the  eyes  of  the  girl  in  the 
sight  of  all "  (Constant.  Vita  S.  Germ.  i.  24). 
Aridius,  about  5S0,  wore  relics  about  his  own 
neck  ( Fiia,  29),  and  hung  dust  from  the  tomb 
of  St.  Martin  in  a  little  case  on  that  of  Gregory 
of  Tours  (G.  T.  Hist.  Fr.  viii.  15 ;  see  also  de 
Glor.  Mart.  i.  84).  St.  Willehad  of  Bremen 
"  had  a  case  with  holy  i-elics  about  his  neck " 
(Anschar.  in  Vita  Will,  in  Acta  Bened.  s.  iii.  P. 
2,  p.  406).  St.  Gall  wore  one  with  relics  of  the 
blessed  Virgin  (Walafr.  Strabo  in  Vita  S.  Gall. 
11).  This  was,  however,  probably  always  so 
far  uncommon  that  the  wearer  of  relics  was 
supposed  thereby  to  profess  peculiar  sanctity. 
Thus,  in  a  particular  case,  "  Capsulari  honore,  quo 
reliquias  inclusas  collo  gestabat,  cognoverunt 
Dei  esse  famulum  et  cultorem  "  (  Vita  S.  Amatoris, 
c.  iv.  §  25  ;  Boll.  May  1,  i.  57).     [Reliquary.] 

X.  Oaths  taken  over  Relics. — This  was  common 
at  one  time  both  in  the  East  and  West.  Cyril 
of  Scythopolita  relates  the  story  of  one  who, 
having  denied  a  trust,  was  required  to  take  an 
oath  over  the  relics  of  Euthymius.  His  perjury 
was  punished  by  a  scourging  in  a  vision  and 
death  {Vita  S.  Euth.  155).  In  the  West  we 
read  of  oaths  over  the  tombs  or  relics  of  SS. 
Denys  (Greg.  Tur.  Hist.  Franc,  v.  33),  Martin 
{ib.  V.  49),  Genesius  {de  Glor.  Mart  74),  Maxi- 
miu  {de  Glor.  Conf.  93),  Julian  {de  Mir.  ii.  19, 
39),  &c.  See  Car.  M.  Capit.  i.  an.  7,  89  n.  62.  A 
law  of  Childeric,  744  {Capit.  Reg.  Fr.  i.  154), 
renewed  by  Charlemagne  {Capit.  iv.  an.  803, 
c.  10 ;  Capit.  R.  F.  vi.  214),  decreed  that  "  eveiy 
oath  he.  sworn  in  a  church  or  over  relics." 

But  the  laws  of  the  Franks  took  cognisance  of 
such  oaths  more  than  a  century  before  Childeric. 
Dagobert  in  630  prescribes  the  ceremonial. 
When  the  oath  is  taken,  the  accused  and  his 
compurgators  shall  "  put  their  hands  on  the 
capsa,  and  he  only  whose  case  is  being  examined 
shall  say  the  words,  putting  his  hand  on  the 
hands  of  all  the  rest,  that  so  may  God  help  him 
and  those  relics  under  the  hands  which  he  holds, 
that  he  may  not  incur  guilt  in  the  matter  for 
wliich  he  is  questioned"  {Lex  Alain,  vi.  7,  Cap. 
Reg.  Fr.  i.  60).  Hence,  in  the  laws  the  accused 
is  said  to  touch  the  relics  "manu  quints,"' 
"sexta,"  &c.  according  to  the  number  of  his 
compurgators  (Baluze,  Notae  in  Marculfnm  in 
Capit.  Reg.  Franc,  ii.  924) ;  e.  g.  among  the 
Formulae  collected  by  Marculfus  is  an  order  that 
one  accused  of  receiving  a  fugitive  slave  shall 
repair  on  a  given  day  to  the  royal  palace  and 
clear  himself,  "  sua  manu  septima  ....  super 
capella  (=  capsella)  Domni  Martini"  (i.  38). 
Formularies  used  on  these  occasions  were  :  "  By 
this  holy  place  and  all  the  divine  relics  (patro- 
cinia)  of  the  saints  who  rest  here  "  (  Vet.  Form. 
Andegav.  49,  in  Mabill.  Anal.  Vet.  396,  ed.  2); 
"  By  this  holy  place  and  the  relics  of  the  blessed 
martyrs  "  (Greg.  T.  Hist.  Franc,  iv.  47). 

Egbert  of  York,  A.D.  732,  imposed  a  penance 
of  seven  years  on  those  who  took  a  false  oath 
"in  a  church,  or  on  the  gospel,  or  on  the  relics 


RELICS 

of  the  saints  "  (de  Remed.  Pecc.  9  ;  see  Rabanus 
ilaUra?,  Ep.  ad  Heriban.  18);  or  bound  them, 
as  in  another  code  (^Pucnitentiale,  i.  o4),  "  to  fast 
four  winters."  By  a  law  of  Charlemagne  a  false 
oath  over  relics  was  to  be  punished  by  the  loss 
of  a  hand,  or  heavy  fine  {Capit.  3,  an.  813,  n.  30). 
Gregory  III.,  A.D.  731,  declares  that  the  penance 
for  perjury  "in  altare  ubi  relicjuiae  habentur " 
was,  according  to  ancient  law,  to  last  seven  years. 
The  penalty  was  the  same  when  one  led  a  person 
to  commit  such  perjury  in  ignorance  {Jndicia, 
vii. ;  Hard.  Cone.  iii.  1872).  Stories  of  divine 
vengeance  were  also  current,  as  of  sudden  blind- 
ness or  palsy  inflicted  on  the  perjurer  ( Vita 
Meinwerci,  ix.  63 ;  in  Boll.  June  5,  i.  533). 

XI.  Relics  under  the  Altar. — It  became  the 
custom  at  a  very  early  period  to  build  altars 
over  the  body  of  martyrs,  or  close  to  the  place 
of  their  passion.  [Mkmoria,  Martyiuum.] 
The  Council  of  Carthage,  401,  ordered  that  all 
altars  raised  "  per  agros  aut  vias,  tanquam 
memoriae  martyrum "  should  be  destroyed, 
unless  relics  of  martyrs  were  really  buried  there 
(can.  7).  It  was  natural,  therefore,  that  when 
the  remains  of  a  saint  were  removed  to  a  church 
they  should  be  put  under  the  altar.  Thus,  of 
the  earliest  translation  on  record  we  read  : 
"Andrew,  Timothy,  and  Luke  the  evangelist 
rest  [at  C.  P.]  under  one  altar "  (Hodoepor. 
Willibiddi,  Basnage,  T/ies.  Mon.  EccL  114).  St. 
Jerome,  addressing  Vigilantius,  says  that  the 
bishop  of  Rome  "offers  sacrifice  to  the  Lord  over 
the  remains  of  the  dead  men  Peter  and  Paul 
....  and  considers  their  tombs  the  altars  of 
Christ  (C.  Vig.  9).  St.  Ambrose,  386:  "  Ille 
super  altare,  qui  pro  omnibus  passus  est ;  isti 
sub  altare,  qui  illius  redempti  sunt  passi(me  " 
(Epist.  22,  ad  Sor.  13).  Of  the  relics  of  some 
other  martyrs  the  same  father  says  in  393 : 
"  Quae  nunc  sub  altaribus  reconduutur " 
(Exhort.  Virgin,  ii.  10);  comp.  Pauliaus,  Poem. 
xxvii.  411).  The  body  of  St.  Vincent  was  re- 
moved not  long  after  his  martyrdom  from  the 
"little  basilica"  in  which  it  was  first  buried 
and  laid  "  sub  sacro  altari  "  in  a  more  important 
church  (Passio  S.  V.  12,  Ruinart,  329  ;  comp. 
Prud.  de  Cor.  v.  131).  Similarly  we  read  of  an 
altar  at  Merida,  "  quo  sancta  membra  (Eulaliae) 
teguntur "  (Greg.  Tur.  de  Glor.  Mart.  i.  91; 
comp.  Prud.  M.S.  iii.  211).  Symeon  of  Thessa- 
lonica  explains  at  length  "  why  the  relics  of 
the  martyrs  are  put  under  the  altar  "  (JDe  Sacro 
Templo,  116). 

XIL  Relics  in  the  Altar. — Sometimes  the 
body  or  other  relic  of  a  saint  is  said  to  be  placed 
in  the  altar,  i.e.  under  the  slab  or  mensa,  but 
not  in  the  ground  below  the  base  (see  Vol.  L  pp. 
64,  65).  Thus,  of  certain  alleged  relics  of  St. 
Andrew  we  read  :  "  Collocatis  in  altari  Novivi- 
censis  ecclesiae "  (Greg.  Tur.  Mir.  i.  31).  So 
"  in  aliis  basilicarum  altaribus  "  (Vitae  PP.  viii. 
8).  See  also  de  Mir.  S.  Jul.  40;  Mir.  i.  52; 
Vita  S.  Wilfridi  (Eadmer),  viii.  66. 

XIII.  Relics  in  the  Consecration  of  a  Church  or 
Altar. — Relics  were  sometimes  buried  at  the 
dedication  of  a  church  so  early  as  the  latter  part 
of  the  4th  century.  When  St.  Ambrose  dedi- 
cated the  Church  of  the  Apostles  near  the  Porta 
Romana  at  Jlilan,  he  translated  thither  the  body 
of  St.  Nazarius,  certain  "relics  of  the  holy 
apostles  having  been  previously  deposited  there 
with  the  greatest  devotion  on  the  part  of  all  " 


EELICS 


1775 


(Vita  A7nbr.  Paul.  auct.  33).  When,  some  time 
after,  he  had  dedicated  the  Ambrosian  basilica 
without  relics,  the  people  begged  him  to  do  as 
he  had  done  before.  Having  found  relics,  he 
complied  with  their  wish  {Ep.  22  ad  Marcell. 
13).  In  this  and  a  third  instance  (Exhort.  Virtj. 
ii.  10)  the  relics  are  said  to  have  been  placed 
under  the  altar.  Paulinus,  A.D.  393,  frequently 
recognizes  the  rite.  His  church  at  Nola,  "  reliquiis 
Apostolorura  intra  apsidem  trichoram  subaltaria 
sacratis,  non  solo  beati  Felicis  honore  venerabilis 
est  "  (Ep.  32,  ad  Sev.  12).  Of  the  little  church 
being  built  at  Fundi  he  says:  "  Hanc  quoque 
basiliculam  de  benedictis  apostolorum  et  mar- 
tyrum reliquiis  sacri  cineres  in  nomine  Christi 
....  consecrabunt  "  (§  17).  He  recommends 
deverus  to  obtain  relics  for  the  dedication  of  his 
church,  and  sends  him  verses  referring  to  the 
rite  : 

"  Dlvinum  veneranda  tegunt  altaria  foedus, 
Cumpositis  sacra  cum  cruce  martyribus." 

(Ibid.  5  7.) 

Gaudentius  of  Brescia,  A.D.  387,  having, 
when  on  a  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem,  received 
at  Caesarea  some  relics  of  the  Forty  Martyrs 
from  the  nieces  of  St.  Basil,  their  original 
possessor,  employed  them  many  years  after 
with  other  relics  in  the  dedication  of  his  church. 
In  his  sermon  on  the  occasion,  which  is  extant, 
he  says  :  "  Venerabiles  Martyrum  Quadraginta 
reliquias  populis  credentibus  hodie  proponimus 
percolendas  "  (  Vet.  Brix.  Episc.  Opusc.  p.  341, 
Brix.  1738).  "  Habemus  ergo  et  hos  xl.  et  prae- 
dictos  x.  sanctos,  ex  diversis  terrarum  partibus 
congregates,  unde  hanc  ipsam  basilicam  eorum 
meritis  dedicatam  Concilium  Sanctorum  nun- 
cupari  oportere  decernimus "  (345).  See  an 
instance  in  Gregory  of  Tours,  Mir.  ii.  50. 

In  the  6lh  century  relics  were  in  France  already 
thought  so  necessary  to  the  consecration  of  a 
church,  that  in  old  churches  not  so  dedicated 
the  omission  was  often  supplied,  as  in  the  church 
at  Neuvy,  "  ubi  nulla  adhuc  sanctorum  pignora 
habebantur "  (Greg.  Tur.  Mir.  i.  31),  and  of 
another  at  Precigni  till  then  "  absque  sanctorum 
pignoribus"  (Vitae  PP.  viii.  11).  The  same 
practice  prevailed  in  the  East ;  e.g.  when,  in  the 
6th  century,  a  church  was  dedicated  over  the 
tomb  of  Euthymius,  the  archbishop  "  deposited 
under  the  altar  certain  portions  of  the  relics  of 
martyrs  "  (Euthymii  Vita,  122,  in  Cotel.  Monum. 
Gr.  ii.  305).  The  council  of  Nicaea,  787,  ordered 
relics  to  be  put  in  every  church  that  had  been 
consecrated  without  them,  and  deposed  bishops 
who  should  in  future  so  consecrate  them  (can.  7). 
The  Liber  Biurnus  of  the  bishops  of  Rome  in  the 
8th  century  provides  a  form  of  licence  for  the 
removal  of  relics  from  a  church  in  ruins  to  a 
new  one  (v.  18).  Among  the  Greeks  Symeon  of 
Thessaionica  writes  a  whole  chapter  to  explain 
"  why  the  relics  are  carried  from  an  old  church 
to  a  new  "  (De  S.  Templo,  117). 

Any  relic,  however  trifling,  might  be  used  at 
consecrations.  The  most  common  were  Brandka 
or  the  like.  In  one  case  a  vessel  is  mentioned  in 
which  water  had  been  turned  into  balsam  (Greg. 
Tur.  de  Mir.  S.  Jul.  40).  Shreds  of  a  pall  or 
dress  were  common  (ibid.  34).  The  ceremony  is 
described  at  length  by  Remigius  of  Auxerre 
(De  Dcdic.  EccL  9),  and  several  orders  arc 
extant ;  as  in  the  Pontifical  of  Egbert  (ed-  Surtocs 


1776 


KELICS 


Society,  4G),  the  Jumifeges  Pontifical,  also  English 
(Mai-tene,  ii.  254),  and  that  of  Dunstan  (257). 
See  also  the  Ordo  Romanus  in  Blanchini's  collec- 
tion of  documents  (^Vitae  Pontif.  Rom.  auct. 
Anastas.  Bibl.  Proleg.  iii.  xlviii.),  and  later 
books  in  Martene,  ?«.  s.  pp.  267,  270,  274,  290. 

At  a  later  period  relics  were  also  used  at  the 
reconciliation  of  a  church.  See  the  Orders, 
Martene,  u.  s.  iii.  286  ;  iv.  ih. ;  v.  287.  Heathen 
temples,  again,  were  purified  for  Christian  wor- 
ship by  means  of  relics.  Thus  at  Antioch  one 
was  dedicated  by  the  bones  of  St.  Ignatius 
(Evagrius,  Hist.  Eccl.  i.  16).  Gregory  I.  ordered 
them  to  be  converted  into  churches  by  aspersion 
with  holy  water,  the  erection  of  an  altar,  and 
the  deposition  of  relics  (^Ep.  ad  Mellitum  in  Bede, 
Hist.  i.  30). 

The  part  of  the  altar,  &c.,  in  which  they  were 
placed  was  called  the  Sepulcrum,  Coxfessio, 
or  loculus  (Greg.  Tur.  Mirac.  i.  34).  It  had  an 
opening  for  the  introduction  of  brandea,  &c., 
opposite  to  which  was  a  similar  opening  in  the 
bo.x  inclosing  the  relics.  See  Sozom.  in  Hist. 
Eccl.  ix.  2,  and  the  notes  of  Vales,  in  loc. ;  or 
Mabillon,  Praef.  in  S.  ii.  Ord.  Ben.  obs.  44. 
These  holes  are  called  by  the  author  of  the 
Miracles  of  St.  Steplten  "  fenestellae  "  (Z>e  Mir. 
S.  St.  i.  12). 

Sometimes  the  entrance  of  a  church  was 
hallowed  by  the  burial  in  it  of  relics.  A  crime 
committed  in  the  court  of  the  church  was 
aggravated,  because  "the  doorway  of  it  had 
been  consecrated  with  the  relics  of  saints " 
{Capit.  Lud.  Pii,  819,  c.  1 ;  Capit.  Reg.  Franc. 
iv.  13 ;  Leg.  Longob.  i.  i.x.  36 ;  Canones  Isaaci 
Ling.  ii.  2).  As  there  is  no  earlier  evidence  of 
this  practice,  we  cannot  accept  the  suggestion 
of  Baronius  (Notae  ad  Martyrol.  Rom.  Nov.  18), 
and  Martene  (m.  s.  ii.  13,  §  12),  that  the  reve- 
rence shewn  to  the  threshold  of  a  church,  espe- 
cially as  indicated  by  the  much  earlier  use  of 
the  conventional  phrases,  limina  sanctorum, 
apostolorum,  is  to  be  ascribed  to  the  fact  that 
relics  were  buried  under  them. 

Relics  were  also  placed  in  other  parts  of 
churches,  or  their  adjuncts,  as  in  the  capitals 
of  piers,  in  the  corner-stones  of  bell-to  ;vers  (Leo 
Mars.  Chron.  Cassin.  iii.  30) ;  but  especially  in 
baptisteries  (Greg.  Tur.  Hist.  Franc,  x.  31,  §  19  ; 
Vitae  PP.  vii.  2).  A  form  of  petition  for  the 
dedication  of  a  baptistery,  "  ita  ut  reliquias  in 
eodem  loco  sanctorum  martyrum  111.  et  111. 
desiderem  introduci,"  may  be  seen  with  two 
forms  of  reply  in  the  Liber  Diurnus,  v.  19-21. 

Forms  of  public  notice  announcing  the  intended 
deposition  of  relics  on  such  occasions  ("  Denun- 
tiatio  cum  Reliquiae  Scorum  Martyrum  ponen- 
dae  sunt)  "  are  e.xtant.  See  the  Ord>  Romanus 
in  the  Prolegomena  to  the  Vitae  Pont.  Rom. 
of  Anastasius  Bibliothecarius,  ed.  Blanch,  iii. 
xlvii. ;  Ordo  R.  Beruoldi,  Hittorp.  De  Cath.  Eccl. 
Off.  119,  ed.  1610  ;  Ordd.  i.  ii.  in  Martene,  De 
Ant.  Eccl.  Rit.  ii.  13  {Missal.  Gellon.  and  Pontif. 
Egberti). 

XIV.  Relics  on  the  Altar. — From  the  6th  cen- 
tury downwards  relics  before  their  deposition 
Avere  commonly  set  on  the  altar,  as  the  place  of 
highest  honour.  Thus,  a  bishop  hearing  that 
some  were  brought  to  his  church,  says,  "  Let 
the  blessed  relics  rest  on  the  altar,  until  in  the 
morning  we  go  forth  to  meet  them  "  (Greg.  Tur. 
Hist.  Franc,  ix.  6).     Some  shreds  from  the  cloak 


EELICS 

of  St.  Julian  ready  to  be  placed  in  a  church, 
as  yet  without  relics,  were  set  for  the  night  on 
the  altar  {Mirac.  ii.  34).  It  appears  also  that 
when  pilgrims  bearing  relics  halted  at  a  church, 
they  were  so  placed  till  their  departure  {De 
Glor.  Conf.  39).  Compare  Baudonivia,  Vita 
S.  Hadegundis,  14.  Relics  were  not,  however, 
allowed  to  remain  for  any  time  on  the  altar 
until  the  9th  century.  It  was  believed  that  the 
miracles  of  St.  Walpurgis  ceased,  "  because  her 
relics  wei-e  on  the  altar  of  the  Lord,  where  only 
the  majesty  of  the  divine  mystery  ought  to  bo 
celebrated"  (Odo,  Collat.  ii.  28).  St.  Berchar 
appeared  to  a  monk  and  seriously  rebuked  him, 
for  having  placed  his  remains  on  the  altar  which 
was  "  Christi  mensa  Corporis "  {Mirac.  S. 
Berch.  V.  §  36  in  Boll.  Oct.  16,  vii.  1028).  The 
remains  of  St.  Servatius  of  Tongres,  when 
exhumed  in  the  time  of  Charlemagne,  were 
"  placed  before  the  altar,  because  it  was  not  yet 
held  lawful  for  anything  except  the  sacrifice  to 
be  set  upon  the  altar,  that  being  the  table  of 
the  Lord  of  hosts  "  {De  Servat.  iv.  30  ;  Boll.  May 
13,  ii.  218).  The  relics  of  St.  Celsus  were 
placed  on  the  altar  at  Trier,  979  {Annal.  Bened. 
iii.  658) ;  and  other  examples  occur  in  that  age. 
The  practice  in  fact  had  been  fully  established 
by  the  end  of  the  preceding  century,  as  appears 
from  a  canon  of  that  date:  "Nothing  is  to  be 
set  on  the  altar,  except  capsae  with  the  relics 
of  the  saints,  and  the  four  Gospels  "  (Cone.  Rem. 
c.  5,  in  Regino,  de  Discipl.  Eccl.  i.  60.  Comp. 
the  Admonitiones  Synodales,  ibid.  503,  505,  508). 

XV.  Watching  before  Relics. — This  begau 
early,  and  was  common  to  East  and  West.  Thus 
St.  Ambrose  says  of  the  remains  of  Gervasius 
and  Protasius,  "  The  evening  coming  on  we 
removed  them  to  the  basilica  of  Fausta.  There 
watch  was  kept  the  whole  night."  The  next  day 
they  were  placed  in  the  new  church  {Ep.  22, 13). 
When  Gregory  of  Tours,  573,  dedicated  his  own 
oratory,  he  watched  the  night  before  in  the 
church  in  which  the  relics  designed  for  it  lay 
{De  Glor.  Conf.  20),  and  he  incidentally  mentions 
the  practice  (vigilata  nocte)  elsewhere  {ib.  39). 
A  similar  vigil  was  kept  before  the  relics  of  Tara- 
chus,  and  when  others  were  placed  in  the  church 
of  the  laura  of  Euthymius  (Cyrill.  Scyth.  Vita 
Euthgm.  122).  The  rite  is  recognized  in  the 
early  pontificals :  "  Deinde  vadunt  ad  eum 
locum  in  quo  reliquiae  per  totam  noctem  prae- 
teritam  cum  vigiliis  fuerint "  {Pont.  Egberti, 
44 ;  in  Martene,  ii.  249  ;  see  other  orders,  ibid. 
254,  257,  259,  &c.).  Vigils  before  relics  were, 
however,  enjoined  at  other  times  on  priests 
who  had  charge  of  them,  "  Reliquias  sanctorum 
cum  summo  studio  vigiliarum  noctis  et  diurnis 
officiis  conservet "  {Capit.  Episcoporum,  an.  801, 
c.  3,  in  Cap.  Reg.  Franc,  i.  359). 

XVI.  Relics  brought  to  Councils. — We  have 
many  examples  of  this,  beginning  near  the  close 
of  our  period.  The  object  was  to  insure  the  assist- 
ance of  the  saint  thus  honoured.  In  758  Tassilo, 
duke  of  Bayeux,  swore  fealty  to  Pepin  at  the 
council  of  Compiegne,  over  the  bodies  of  several 
saints  (Adonis  Chron.  ad  an.  Migne,  cxxiii.  124). 
The  body  of  St.  Remigius  was  exposed  on  an 
altar  in  a  council  of  Rheims  held  in  the  time  of 
Leo  IV.  (Martene  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Rit.  iii.  i.  10), 
At  Charroux,  989,  a  council  was  held  before  the 
relics  of  St.  Junian  (Letaldus,  Hist.  2,  Acta 
Bened.  iv.  p.  ii.  434).     At  a  council  in  Aquitaine 


KELICS 

in  the  next  century,  "  multa  delata  sunt  corpora 
sanctorum  atque  innumerabiles  sanctorum  apo- 
phoretae  reliquiarum  "  (Glaber  Rodolphus,  IJist. 
iv.  5,  in  Du  Chesne,  Script.  Franc.  Hist.  iv.  45). 
See  other  examples  in  Martene. 

XVII.  Burial  near  Eelics. — At  first  there  was 
a  strong  feeling  and  even  a  law  against  burial 
near  the  body  of  a  martyr  [Obsequies,  §  xvi.], 
but  in  the  course  of  time  this  gave  way  to  the 
desire  to  be  placed  in  death  under  the  protection 
of  the  saints  by  such  proximity  to  their  remains. 
Gregory  of  Nyssa  buried  his  father  and  mother 
near  some  small  relics  of  the  Forty  Martyrs,  that 
in  the  resurrection  they  might  be  "  raised  in  the 
company  of  those  allies  full  of  confidence " 
{Orat.  3  in  xl.  Mart.  App.  214).  Maximus  of 
Turin,  442  :  "  It  was  provided  by  our  ancestors 
that  we  should  mingle  our  bodies  with  the  bones 
of  the  saints,  that  the  gloom  of  darkness  may  fly 
from  us,  while  Christ  gives  them  light.  Resting, 
therefore  [in  the  cemeteries],  with  the  holy 
martyrs  we  escape  the  darkness  of  hell,  by 
their  merits  indeed,  yet  partners  in  their 
sanctity  "  {Serm.  61).  Paulinus  (^Poema.  xxxv. 
607),  says  that  a  youth  was  buried  near  martyrs  : 

"  Ut  de  vicino  sanctorum  sanguine  ducat, 
Quo  nostras  illo  purget  in  igne  animas." 

St.  Augustine  thinks  the  only  advantage  of  it 
to  be,  "  ut  dum  recolunt  ubi  sint  reposita  eorum 
quos  diligunt  corpora,  iisdem  Sanctis  illos  tan- 
quam  patronis  susceptos  apud  Dominum  adju- 
vandos  orando  commendent  "  (De  Cur.  pro  Mort. 
4).  James  the  Syrian,  in  the  5th  century, 
"  collected  from  all  parts  many  prophets,  many 
apostles,  as  many  martyrs  as  possible  (i.e.  their 
relics),  and  stored  them  in  one  coffin  (designed 
for  himself),  desiring  to  dwell  with  the  saints 
and  to  rise  and  to  enjoy  the  vision  of  God  in 
their  company "  (Theodoret,  Relig.  Hist.  21). 
When  the  grave  of  St.  Udalric  was  opened,  there 
was  found  in  it  "  a  very  large  locked  chest,  full 
and    crammed "   with   relics  (Inventio  Corp.  S. 

Udal.  §  3,  Acta  Bened.  v.  470).  See  also  the 
legendary  Scriptura  do   Transl.   S.  Stephani,   1, 

Ojjp.  Aug.  App.  vi. 

XVIII.  Miracles  ascribed  to  Eelics. — Some  have 
already  come  before  us ;  but  it  may  be  well  to 
give  examples  of  different  kinds,  to  shew  that 
there  was  no  evil  supposed  too  powerful  for  relief 
by  their  means.     Compare  Wonders. 

'  (1)  The  Blind  receive  their  Sight,  &c.— When 
the  remains  of  Gervasius  and  Protasius  were 
found  at  Milan,  a.d.  386,  a  blind  man  having 
"  touched  the  clothing  of  the  martyrs,  immedi- 
ately received  sight  "  (Paulin.  in  Vita  S.  Amhros. 
14 ;  comp.  Ambr.  Epist.  22  ad  Soror.  17 ;  Aug. 
De  Civ.  Dei,  xxii.  8,  §  2).  Some  years  after  this, 
when  the  relics  of  Sisinnius  and  Alexander  were 
brought  to  Milan,  a  stranger  professing  to  be 
blind  touched  the  chest  in  which  they  were,  and 
•declared  himself  healed  (Paul.  u.  s.  52).  A  blind 
woman  touched  her  eyes  with  flowers  that  had 
been  in  contact  with  the  relics  of  St.  Stephen, 
and  "forthwith  saw  "  (Aug.  u.  s.  10).  A  blind 
man  was  directed  by  Germanus,  A.D.  555,  to  lie 
between  the  altar  and  some  relics  of  Gervasius, 
and  was  healed  (Fortunatus,  Vita  Germ.  56).  Of 
the  shrine  of  St.  Denys,  Fortunatus  says  generally 
that  there,  "  recipit  caecitas  visum,  debilitas 
gressum,  et  obstrictae  aurium  januae  recipiunt 
auditum  "  (Fassio  Dion.  3). 


EELICS 


1777 


(2)  T/ie  Dead  raised.— St.  Chrysostom  has. 
told  us  that  the  bones  of  the  martyrs  "  put  death 
to  flight "  (La2id.  Bros.  4).  Several  instances 
are  alleged  by  St.  Augustine.  A  presbyter  at 
Calauna,  in  Africa,  laid  out  as  dead,  revived 
when  a  tunic,  which  had  been  taken  to  a  memoria 
containing  relics  of  St.  Stephen,  was  placed  on 
his  body  (Aug.  de  Civ.  Dei,  xxii.  8,  §  12).  A 
waggon-wheel  went  over  a  child  and  killed  him, 
his  mother  took  him  at  once  to  the  same 
memoria,  "and  he  not  only  came  to  life  again, 
but  even  appeared  unhurt"  (ibid.  15).  Two 
women  also  were  restored  to  life  on  being  covered 
with  dresses  that  had  derived  virtue  from  the 
same  memoria  (16,  17).  A  dead  boy  "anointed 
with  the  oil  of  the  said  martyr,"  and  an  infant 
laid  on  the  memoria  also  returned  to  life  (18, 19). 

(3)  Devils  tormented. — This  was  universally 
asserted.  E.  g.  Paula  at  the  tombs  of  Elisha, 
Obadiah  and  John  the  Baptist  "cernebat  variis 
daemones  rugire  cruciatibus,  et  ante  sepulcra 
sanctorum  ululare  homines  more  luporum, 
vocibus  latrare  canum,  fremere  leonum,  sibilare 
serpentum,  mugire  taurorum"  (Hieron.  Epist. 
108,  ad  Eust.  13).  When  a  demoniac  was 
brought  to  the  memoria  of  Gervasius  at  Hippo, 
the  demon  "  with  a  great  wail  entreated  to  be 
spared,  and  confessed  when,  where,  and  how  he 
had  entered  the  youth  ;"  whom  thereupon  he  left 
(Aug.  de  Civ.  Dei,  xxii.  8,  §  7).  "  Persons  vexed 
by  the  attacks  of  an  unclean  spirit,  when  led  to 
the  tomb  of  St.  Denys,  "  to  be  tried  by  the  Divine 
power,  were  compelled  by  the  command  of  the 
saints  themselves  to  declare  by  name  where  each 
of  the  martyrs  had  been  laid  "  (Fortun.  Passio 
S.  Dion.  &c.  3).  A  demoniac  foretold  the  approach 
of  a  ship  containing  some  dust  fi-om  the  tomb 
of  St.  Julian.  As  it  came  to  land,  he  rushed 
towards  it,  and  after  a  brief  struggle,  was  set 
free  (Greg.  Tur.  de  Mirac.  ii.  o3).  When 
Gregory  of  Tours  took  some  relics  of  the  same 
saint  to  the  church  of  St.  Martin  in  that  city, 
an  energumen,  with  violent  emotion,  exclaimed, 
"  Why,  Martin,  hast  thou  joined  thyself  to 
Julian.  Why  dost  thou  call  him  hither?  Thy 
presence  was  punishment  enough  for  us.  Thou 
hast  called  one  like  thyself  to  increase  our  tor- 
ments "  (Id.  ioid.  34 ;  see  also  Vitae  P.  P.  viii. 
11.  Compare  Ambr.  Exhort.  Virg.  2;  Jerome 
c.  Vigil.  5  ;  Hilary,  c.  Constantinum,  8  ;  Alcuin 
de  Pontif.  Ebor.  0pp.  ii.  246,  &c.). 

(4)  General  Succour  and  Protection. — Con- 
stantino ordered  the  relics  of  St.  Andrew  and 
other  saints  to  be  taken  to  Constantinople, 

"  Ut  sua  apostolicis  niuniret  moenia  laetus 
Corporibus."  (Paulinus,  Poem.  xis.  335.) 

Later  writers  affirm  that  he  inserted  a  piece  of 
the  true  cross  in  a  statue  of  himself  erected  in 
the  same  city,  in  the  assurance  that  it  would  by 
that  means  be  "  kept  in  safety  "  (Socr.  Hist.  Eccl. 
i.  17;  Cassiod.  H.  E.  ii.  18).  "The  church," 
says  Asterius,  speaking  of  relics,  "is  walled 
about  with  the  martyrs  as  a  city  with  brave 
soldiers.  They  who  are  oppressed  by  the  con- 
tingencies of  human  life  hasten  to  the  resting- 
places  of  the  thrice  blessed  as  to  an  asylum 
(Horn,  in  SS.  Mart,  in  Auctar.  Combef.  i.  185). 
It  was  believed  that  owing  to  the  burial  of  three 
martyrs  in  a  fort  named  Malcan,  the  Sabaeans 
could  never  from  that  time  plunder  it  or  even 
make  their  way  up  to  it  (Assemani   Acta  SS. 


1778 


EELICS 


Mart.  Or.  et  Occ.  i.  79).  The  neighbours  of 
Sirneou  Stylites  lamented  the  removal  of  his 
body  to  Antioch,  because  they  would  thereby 
lose  the  protection  of  his  relics  (Anton,  in  Vita 
S.  Sim.  19).  The  same  feeling  prevailed  in  the 
West.  Thus,  Wilfrid  leaving  Rome  on  two 
several  occasions,  supplied  himself  with  relics; 
and  so  "  cum  benedictione  sanctorum  "  (Eddius. 
Steph.  Vita  Wilfr.  b3),  "  cum  reiiquiarum  sanc- 
torum quas  illic  invenit  auxilio"  (4),  readied 
Lome  in  safety.  Similarly,  the  father  of  Gregory 
of  Tou)-s  believed  himself  to  have  escaped  in 
many  dangers  by  sea  and  land  through  the  relics 
of  some  unknown  saints  which  he  carried  with 
him  (G.  T.  de  Glor.  Mart.  i.  84).  Hincmar 
inclosed  in  a  large  shrine  "  the  pledges  of  many 
saints  as  a  protection  to  the  whole  city  of  Kheims  " 
(Flodoard,  Hist.  Ecd.  Bern.  iii.  5).  The  inhabi- 
tants of  Cusan  in  Catalonia  sought  to  kill  St. 
Eomuald,  "  ut  haberent  pro  patrocinio  terrae 
vel  cadaver  e-xanime  "  (Petrus  Dam.  in  Vita  S. 
Rom.  13). 

XIX.  Evils  arising  from  Relic-  Worship. — The 
crowds  which  they  attracted  to  a  church  or 
monastery  were  a  serious  interruption  to  the 
duties  of  the  place,  and  a  source  of  gi-eat  dis- 
quiet and  misgiving  to  the  more  spiritual  and 
earnest  minded.  The  evil  was  felt  so  strongly 
at  the  Abbey  of  Moyen-Moutier  in  the  Vosges 
707,  that  the  abbat  Hidulfus  appealed  to  the 
departed  monk  by  whose  body  the  miracles  were 
wrought:  "  Brother  Spinulus,  on  account  of  the 
perils  incurred  by  souls,  stop  the  crowds  of  those 
who  flock  hither.  Then  the  miracles  ceasing,  the 
concourse  also  ceased"  (^Vita  hid.  i.  in  Boll. 
July  11,  iii.  228;  at  greater  length  in  Vita,  iii. 
c.  XV.  234).  The  monks  of  Rheims  equally 
deprecated  the  miracles  of  St.  Gibrian,  nor  was 
St.  Bernard  himself  allowed  more  liberty  at 
Clairvaux  {^Acta  llened.  Praef.  i.  saec.  iii.  ex.  36). 
At  Sarlata  the  monks  removed  the  body  of  St. 
Pardulf  to  a  neighbouring  church,  that  they 
might  regain  their  former  peace  (ibid.).  Stephen 
of  Liittich  adjured  St.  Wolbodo  to  "abstain  from 
miracles,  through  which  such  trouble  came  on 
the  brethren  by  night  and  day  through  the  sick  " 
{Acta  Ben.  S.  vi.  i.  165).  At  St.  Tronc,  when 
the  relics  of  the  patron  began  to  work  miracles, 
the  abbat  Guntram  endeavoured  to  conceal  them, 
remarking  that  "signs  were  given  to  the  unbe- 
lieving, not  to  the  believing  "  (Rudolph,  in  Chron. 
Trudon.  i.  Spicil.  Dach.  ii.  662).  They  continued 
under  his  successor  to  the  grief  and  annoyance 
of  the  elder  and  more  religious  monks  ;  for,  says 
the  historian,  "  the  further  the  glorious  fame  of 
St.  Trudo  was  carried  by  the  report  of  pilgrims, 
the  more  also  did  the  worldliness  of  our  monks, 
as  displayed  in  levity  of  manners  and  the  abuse  of 
A  state  without  discipline,  become  a  subject  of  re- 
prehension "  {Spicil.  u.  s.  664).  "  Because  many," 
remarks  Ambrosius  Autpertus,  "seem  to  have 
their  share  of  miracles,  but  in  nowise  have 
their  names  written  in  heaven,  we  do  not  in  this 
age  by  any  means  demand  miracles  in  the  church, 
but  a  perfect  life"  {Vita  SS.  Paldonis,  &c.  14). 

Literature. — The  following  are  among  writers 
on  this  subject.  J.  Calvin,  Traicte'  des  Reliques, 
Geneve,  16ol,  &c. ;  J.  Launoy  de  Cura  Ecclcsiae 
pro  Sanctis  et  Sanctorum  Reliqniis,  Par.  1660  ; 
Rud.  Hospinian  de  Ti-mplis,  ii.  7,  Genev.  1672  ; 
J.  Mabilion,  Lettre  d'un  Be'ne'dictin  touchant  le 
Biscernement  des  anciennes  Reliques,  Par.  1700; 


EELIGIOUS 

Idem,  Praefatio  in  Saec.  ii.  Ord.  S.  Ben.  iv.  42, 
obs.  7  ;  J.  H.  Jungius,  Disquis.  Ant.  de  Reliquiis 
et  Profanis  et  Sacris,  Hauov.  1783:  J.  A.  S.  C. 
de  Plancy,  Dictionnaire  critique  des  Reliques,  &c. 
Par.  1821.  [W.  E.  S.] 

RELIGIOUS.  The  word  may  designate 
(1)  ordinary  Christians;  (2)  ecclesiastics;  (3) 
monks.  In  modern  usage  the  term  is  applied 
to  those  who  have  given  themselves  to  the 
monastic  life,  whether  they  be  in  holy  orders 
or  not.  That,  however,  was  not  the  early  use  of 
the  word.  It  appears  from  the  second  canon  of 
the  tenth  council  of  Toledo  (cent.  7)  that  the 
word  included  all  ecclesiastics,  "  from  a  bishop 
down  to  a  clerk  of  the  lowest  order,  or  a  monk." 
Akin  to  this  is  the  fact,  that  in  a  canon  of  a 
subsequent  council  of  Toledo  (a.d.  693)  the  term 
seculir  is  applied  to  such  as  are  not  priests 
" Sacerdotes  "{Cone.  Td.  xvi.  can.  6).  But  that 
the  term  religious,  which  is  the  negation  of 
secular,  was  not  anciently  restricted  to  ecclesias- 
tics, may  be  inferred  from  the  first  council  of 
Orleans  (cent.  6),  where  we  have  the  term 
"  profession  of  religion "  applied  to  other  than 
those  in  orders. 

The  earliest  writer  in  which  the  use  of  reli- 
giosiis  is  clearly  fixed  in  its  technical  sense  of 
"  professed,"  is  Salvian,  a  French  writer  of  the 
5th  century.  In  the  passages  of  earlier  writers 
which  we  have  examined,  it  is  susceptible  of  the 
meaning  conveyed  by  the  modern  English  phrase 
a  religious  person.  In  Salvian,  however,  the 
technical  meaning  appears  to  be  undeniable. 
"  Some  of  your  sons  under  pretext  of  religion 
dissent  from  religion,  and  leave  the  world  {secu- 
lum)  more  in  garb  than  in  mind  "  {ad  Cathol. 
Eccl.  lib.  3).  And  again,  "  Multi  enim  Religiosi, 
imo  sub  specie  religionis,  vitiis  secularibus  man- 
cipati.  ..."  (id.  de  Gubern.  Dei,  lib.  5).  The 
fourth  council  of  Toledo  speaks  of  Religiosi,  who 
are  counted  neither  amongst  clerks  nor  monks. 
They  are  "  per  diversa  loca  vagi  "  and  are  to  be 
restrained  by  the  bishops  (can.  53). 

It  is  affirmed  by  Severinus  Binius,  in  a  note 
upon  canon  17  of  the  council  of  Gangra,  that 
"  the  Greeks  used  to  call  the  life  of  those  whom 
we  call  Reliiiiosi  by  the  name  of  atrKTjtris."  That 
points  to  a  field  of  Gi'eek  phraseology  upon  the 
subject  much  earlier  than  the  corresponding 
Latin  phrases  can  be  traced.  Thus  we  have 
yu/j.i'aaia  /xovaSiK^  in  Isidore  of  Pelusium ; 
ScTKTjcris  T7JS  evcrfjSeias  in  St.  Basil ;  a<rKT]ais 
fj-ovax^KT}  apud  Theophanem  an.  3  Cpnstantii  ; 
and  other  similar  expressions.  It  should,  how- 
ever, be  noticed  on  the  authority  of  Du  Fiesne 
{Gloss.  Gr.  s.  V.)  who  quotes  several  Greek 
authorities  in  support  of  his  position,  that  the 
aaKTiral  were  "  not  so  much  monks,  especially  in 
the  first  ages  of  Christianity,  as  any  Christians 
devoting  themselves  to  a  stricter  life  and  to 
holy  functions  of  piety." 

It  is  extremely  difficult  to  say  when  from 
meaning  devout  Christian  life,  the  word  religio 
faded  into  the  sense  of  monastic  profession.  Thus 
the  word  seems  to  be  hovering  between  the  two 
senses  in  the  fifth  council  of  Paris:  "Quae  sibi 
vestes  in  habitu  religionis  in  domibus  propriis 
tam  a  pareutibus  quam  per  seipas  mutaverint  " 
(can.  13).  In  such  a  passage  as  the  following, 
which  is  drawn  from  St.  Gregory  the  Great,  tht! 
word  seems  to   have  no  tinge  of  the  monastic 


EELTQUARY 

meaning.  Speaking  of  tlie  attraction  that  was 
exercised  upon  Roman  society  by  St.  Benedict,  he 
says,  "  Coepere  tunc  ad  eum  Romanae  urbis 
nobiles  et  religiosi  concurrere,  suosque  ei  filios 
omnipotenti  Deo  nutriendos  dare."  The  children 
may  have  been  brought  up  as  monks,  but  the 
parents  could  hardly  have  been  so. 

In  the  ninth  council  of  Toledo  (cent.  7)  religio 
plainly  means  the  monastic  profession  :  "  Paren- 
tibus  sane  filios  suos  religioni  contradere,  non 
amplius  quara  usque  ad  decimum  aetatis  eorum 
annum  licentia  poterit  esse  "  (can.  6).  By  that 
date  the  sense  seems  quite  established,  as  we 
have  again  "  religionis  tonsuram  "  and  "  reliijioni 
debitam  vestem,"  where  it  cannot  mean  "  holy 
orciers,"  because  the  clause  is  applied  to  both 
sexes  ("  in  utroque  se.'cu  "). 

Yet  long  after  the  technical  sense  of  religiosus 
had  made  good  its  footing,  the  earlier  meaning 
existed  along  with  it,  so  that  in  some  passages 
it  is  difficult  to  say  which  of  the  two  meanings 
is  intended.  Thus,  the  sixty-first  of  the  Capitula 
of  Martin  of  Bracara  reads,  "  Non  liceat  sacerdo- 
tibus  vel  clericis,  sed  nee  religiosis  laicis  convivia 
facere  de  confertis."  Here  a  good  sense  would 
be  got  either  from  "  devout  laymen,"  or  from 
"  professed  laymen." 

There  is  a  trace  of  a  certain  restriction  of  dress 
so  early  as  the  time  of  Augustine.  He  speaks  of 
young  men  who  have  wives  alleging  it  to  be 
difficult  for  them  to  assume  habitwn  religionis. 
He  replies  to  their  objection,  that  he  is  not  plead- 
ing so  much  for  a  change  of  dress,  as  for  a  change 
of  character.  Vestimenta  religiosa  would  be  of 
little  use  without  good  works  and  change  of  heart 
(S.  Aug.  Sermo.  Ixvii.  "  Rogo  vos,  fratres  charis- 
simi  ").  In  this  and  similar  passages,  however,  a 
restriction  of  dress  may  be  meant  which  distin- 
guished Christians  from  Pagans,  rather  than  one 
which  marked  out  one  particular  circle  of 
Christians  from  the  general  mass  of  their  fellow- 
believers.  [H.  T.  A.] 

RELIQUARY  (Gr  e^iK-ri,  hpoei,Kv;  Lat. 
reliquiarium,  capsa,  lipsanotheca,  locellus,  cinera- 
rium ;  if  of  such  size  as  to  be  attached  to  a  chain 
worn  round  the  neck,  eiicolpium,  or  eyKSXiriov, 
as  to  be  borne  eV  /cJAir^,  in  the  bosom  ;  phy- 
lacterium,  and  many  other  words  ;  if  to  be  carried 
processionally  feretnim ;  Fr.  reliquaire,  chasse) 
a  repository  for  relics.     Compare  Relics. 

Reliquaries  may  be  divided  into  two  principal 
classes — those  which  were  not  intended  to  be 
carried  on  the  person,  and  those  which  were. 

The  first  class  contains  by  far  the  greater 
number  of  forms  and  sizes,  both  of  which  varied 
in  accordance  with  the  size  and  form  of  the 
object  'so  be  included. 

Relics  may  be  divided  into  three  classes  : — 
1st,  Entire  bodies  of  martyrs  or  other  venerated 
persons,  or  portions  of  such  ;  2nd,  clothes  or 
other  objects  which  had  been  used,  or  had  in 
other  ways  come  into  contact  with  such  per- 
sons ;  and  3rdly,  oil  from  lamps  which  burnt 
before  their  tombs,  cloths  (brandea),  which  had 
been  placed  upon  them,  and  dust  which  had  been 
swept  from  the  floors  of  sanctuaries  held  to  be 
pre-eminently  holy. 

We  accordingly  find,  either  now  in  existence 
or  in  record,  reliquaries  of  the  most  diverse 
forms  and  sizes  :  boxes,  round,  rectangular,  octa- 
gonal,   &c.  ;    chests    with    gable  -  ended    covers 

CHRIST.    ANT. — VOL.   II. 


RELIQUARY 


1779 


(models,  in  fact,  of  tombs),  models  of  churenos 
cases  in  the  forms  of  lieads,  arms,  or  legs, 
images,  tubes  of  metal,  and  where  a  liquid,  as 
oil  or  blood,  was  that  to  be  preserved,  bottles 
or  flasks  of  various  forms  and  substances.  The 
materials  of  which  reliquaries  were  made  are 
not  less  varied.  We  find  them  of  gold,  silver, 
bronze,  crystal,  ivory,  wood,  bone,  agate,  sar- 
donyx. 

It  will,  however,  be  sufficient  here  to  describe 
a  few  of  the  more  remarkable  examples  which 
come  within  our  period. 

The  desire  to  preserve  tangible  memorials  of 
those  who  have  been  dear  to  us  is  one  so  uni- 
versally felt,  that  we  may  well  believe  that 
relics  were  preserved,  and,  in  consequence, 
reliquaries  made,  in  the  earliest  ages  of  Chris- 
tianity. Perhaps  the  earliest  testimony  to  the 
fact  that  relics  were  collected  is  to  be  found  in 
the  Acts  of  Fructuosus,  bishop  of  Tarragona, 
martyred  a.d.  259  (Ruinart,  Acta  Sincera,  p. 
219),  which  are  generally  classed  among  those 
known  as  genuine  and  authentic.  In  these  we  are 
told  (p.  221  f.),  that  after  his  martyrdom  the 
bishop  appeared  to  his  brethren,  and  admonished 
those  who  had  taken  any  of  the  ashes  which 
remained  after  the  burning  of  his  body  to  restore 
them,  so  that  all  that  remained  of  him  and  his 
fellow-martyrs,  Eulogius  and  Augurius,  might  be 
buried  in  one  common  grave.  The  earlier  cases 
relied  on  by  Martigny  (^Dict.  des  Antiq.  chre- 
tiennes)  and  other  Roman  Catholic  writers  to 
prove  the  high  antiquity  of  a  cultus  of  relics, 
as  those  of  St.  Polycarp  and  St.  Ignatius,  are 
rather  those  where  a  pious  and  affectionate  desire 
was  felt  by  the  surviving  disciples  to  give  honour- 
able burial  to  the  remains  of  those  whom  they 
had  venerated  while  living  than  those  in  which 
a  desire  was  felt  to  obtain  a  fragment  of  a  holy 
body,  to  be  made  the  objecl  of  veneration. 
[Relics.]  Ignorant  zeal  and  affectionate  feel- 
ing, however,  concurred  in  desiring  some  visible 
object  which  should  be  a  memorial  of,  or  at 
least  be  in  some  way  connected  with,  the  de- 
parted saint ;  and  as  in  the  earlier  ages  the 
rulers  both  of  church  and  of  state  strenuously 
opposed  the  exhumation  and  dismembering  of 
departed  saints,  substitutes  were  found  in  the 
cloths  (branded)  which  were  placed  on  the 
tombs  of  such  personages,  or  in  portions  of  oil 
taken  from  the  lamps  which  burnt  before  them. 
The  well-known  letter  from  St.  Gregory  the 
Great  to  the  empress  Constantina  (Epist.  lib.  iv. 
ep.  30),  in  which,  replying  to  her  requisition  for 
the  head  or  some  other  part  ("  aliud  quid  de  cor- 
pore  ")  of  St.  Paul,  he  expresses  his  horror  of  such 
an  act  as  exhuming  and  mutilating  such  sacred 
remains,  and  suggests  the  sending  instead 
brandea  in  a  "  pyxis  "  ("  tanturamodo  in  pyxide 
brandeum  "),  marks  a  point  of  time  when  the 
more  modern  system  of  dividing  the  remains  ot 
saints  was  coming  into  practice,  but  not  as  yet 
fully  established.  This  practice  would  seem  to 
have  been  introduced  earlier  in  the  East  than  in 
the  West,  for  Gregory  the  Great  complains 
{Epist.  lib.  iv.  ep.  30)  that  certain  Greek  monks 
were  caught  in  the  act  of  digging  up  bones  near 
the  church  of  St.  Paul,  which  they  confessed 
tney  purposed  to  convey  to  Greece  as  relics  of 
saints. 

These    details    as  to  the   character   of    what 
were  deemed  relics  in  the  earlier  ages  are  need- 
5  Y 


1780 


EELIQUAKY 


EELIQUAEY 


ful,  as  furnishing  the  reason  why  -we  find  on 
ivory  boxes,  probably  originally  reliquaries,  sub- 
jects from  the  history  of  our  Lord ;  such  are 
the  circular  boxes,  measuring  from  about  four 
to  five  inches  in  diameter ;  on  fourteen  out  of 
fifteen  examples  of  which  such  subjects  as  the 
miracles  of  Christ,  the  history  of  Jonah,  the 
three  Hebrew  youths  in  the  furnace,  all  of 
which,  either  directly  or  indirectly,  have  some 
reference  to  our  Lord,  and  consequently  to  the 
eucharist,  are  carved  (see  Padre  Garrucci's  Os- 
servazione  Ant.  vol.  xliv.  p.  322).  These  have 
been  usually  held  to  have  been  used  as  arto- 
phoria  or  pyxes  [Pyx]  to  hold  the  reserved 
portion  of  the  eucharist ;  but  the  recent  dis- 
covery of  one  on  which  the  martyrdom  of  St. 
Menas  is  carved,  leaves  it  open  to  doubt  whether 
such  was  their  original  destination,  and  whether 
they  may  not  really  have  been  intended  as  re- 
positories, either  for  vessels  of  oil  or  for  brandea 
[Brandeum].  If  such  were  the  case,  doubt- 
less those  on  which  acts  of  our  Lord  are  carved 
contained  such  memorials  from  some  of  the 
sacred  places  of  Jerusalem  or  Bethlehem,  as 
that  carved  with  the  martyrdom  of  St.  Menas 
no  doubt  contained  some  similar  objects  from  the 
shrine  near  Alexandria,  where  he  was  buried. 

The  earliest  in  date  of  these  circular  boxes  is, 
judging  from  its  excellence  of  style,  that  in  the 


Westwood's  '  Heme  lyones.'J 


museum  at  Berlin.  This  is  cut  from  a  portion 
of  a  very  large  tusk,  measuring  about  five  inches 
and  a  half  in  diameter  at  the  base  and  five  at 
the  top,  the  height  being  also  about  five  inches. 
The  subjects  carved  on  it  are  the  intended  sacri- 
fice of  Isaac,  and  Christ  teaching  in  the  Temple. 
Our  Lord  is  represented  as  youthful  and  beard- 
less, and  neither  He  nor  any  others  have  nimbi 
surrounding  their  heads.  The  style  is  extremely 
good,  not  inferior  to  that  of  the  best  sarcophagi 
with  Christian  subjects,  and  the  box  may  be 
with  reason  referred  to  a  date  as  early  as  the 
4th  century.  The  exceptional  example  of  these 
circular  boxes  is  that  figured  and  described  in 
the  ArchaeologLi  (vol.  xliv.  p.  322),  upon  which 
are  two  subjects — one,  the  martyrdom  of  St. 
ilenas,  an  Egyptian  who  sufiered  under  Maximi- 
nus  Galerius  or  Maximianus  ;  the  other,  the  saint 
in  a  glorified  condition  after  death,  standing 
before  a  gateway,  which,  no  doubt,  represents 
the  very  celebrated  sanctuary  where  he  was 
buried,  about  nine  miles  from  Alexandria.     This 


box  no  doubt  once  contained  some  relic  of  the 
saint  from  whose  shrine,  as  will  be  mentioned 
hereafter,  earthen  bottles  containing  oil  were 
sent  in  large  quantities.  The  box  may  be  con- 
fidently ascribed  to  the  earlier  part  of  the  6th 
century.  The  circular  part,  which  is  all  that 
remains,  measures  four  inches  and  a  half  in 
width  and  three  and  a  quarter  in  height. 

No  finer  example  of  a  reliquary  dating  from 
before  A.D.  800  has  been  preserved  than  the 
casket  of  carved  ivory  in  the  public  library  at 
Brescia.  It  has  been  taken  to  pieces,  but  evi- 
dently once  formed  a  box  about  nine  inches  in 
height  and  breadth,  and  thirteen  in  length,  the 
pieces  having  been  united  by  a  mounting,  or  at 
least  by  hinges,  and  bands  of  gold  or  silver.  It 
is  covered  with  carvings  representing  about 
thirty-five  subjects ;  the  larger  and  more  im- 
portant, both  as  regards  size  and  number,  being 
taken  from  the  Gospels,  and  representing  some 
of  the  more  important  miracles  and  scenes  in 
the  history  of  our  Lord.  Thus,  on  the  front, 
the  central  group  represents  our  Lord  teaching 
in  the  temple,  while  on  the  right.  He  is  shewn 
as  the  Shepherd  guarding  the  fold  from  the 
wolf,  and  on  the  left,  with  Mary  Magdalene  in 
the  garden.  On  one  side  the  principal  subject 
is  Christ  raising  the  daughter  of  Jairus  ;  on  the 
other,  restoring  sight  to  the  blind  man,  and 
raising  Lazarus  ;  on  the  back  are  the  transfigu- 
ration, and  the  story  of  Ananias  and  Sapphira  ; 
on  the  lid  are  Christ  in  the  garden  of  olives, 
Christ  taken  in  the  garden,  and  the  denial  of 
St.  Peter ;  while  above  are  two  subjects — Christ 
brought  before  Herod  (two  persons  are,  how- 
ever, shewn,  each  seated  in  a  curule  chair),  and 
Christ  brought  before  Pilate,  who  is  in  the  act 
of  washing  his  hands.  The  lesser  subjects,  two 
ranges  of  which  surround  the  box,  are  taken 
partly  from  the  Old  Testament,  partly  from  the 
New  :  the  history  of  Jonah,  scenes  from  that  of 
Moses,  of  Susannah,  of  Jacob,  and  others,  occur. 
Besides  these  are  two  scenes  of  agapes,  or  pos- 
sibly heavenly  banquets,  and  some  symbols,  as  a 
tower,  a  lamp,  an  olive  tree,  a  balance,  &c. 
Above  all  these  is  a  band  of  busts  in  pateras, 
fifteen  in  number ;  the  majority  are  bearded, 
but  some  are  youthful.  In  the  central  point  of 
the  front  is  a  youthful  head,  with  hair  cut 
short  over  the  forehead,  but  falling  in  long 
ringlets  to  the  shoulders,  which  is  intended  to 
represent  our  Lord,  the  same  type  of  head  and 
hair  being  preserved  through  the  whole  series 
of  subjects  in  which  He  appears.  None  of  the 
figures  have  a  nimbus  :  the  style  and  execution 
are  throughout  good,  quite  equal  to  those  of  the 
best  examples  of  sarcophagi  with  Christian  sub- 
jects ;  and  there  can  be  little  doubt  but  that 
this  most  important  monument  of  Christian  art 
ought  to  be  assigned  to  a  period  not  later  than 
the  4th  century.  Casts  are  in  the  South  Ken- 
sington Museum,  and  it  has  been  described  at 
some  length  in  the  Catalogue  of  Fictile  Ivories 
in  that  collection,  p.  34. 

Very  good  examples  of  reliquaries  of  the  next 
succeeding  centuries  are  supplied  by  those  dis- 
covered in  1871  near  or  under  the  high  altar  of 
the  church  of  Grado,  and  figured  and  described 
by  De  Rossi  {Boll,  di  Arch.  Crist.  1872,  p.  155). 
Both  are  boxes  of  silver,  the  one  circular,  the 
other  elliptical.  The  circular  box  is  four  inches 
in  diameter  and  three  in  height ;  it  is  divided 


EELIQUAEY 

into  six  compi'tments  by  a  central  tube  and  five 
partitions,  all  formed  of  thin  silver  ;  on  the  cover 
is  a  figure  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  seated  on  a 
throne,  and  holding  the  infant  Christ.  The 
Virgin  holds  a  cruciform  sceptre  {scettro 
cruclgcro)  in  her  right  hand,  and  a  nimbus  sur- 
rounds her  head.  An  inscription,  in  two  lines,  is 
engraved  on  the  box,  and  consists  of  the  names 
of  saints  as  follows  : — 

SANC .  MARIA .  SAXC .  VITVS .  SANC .  CASSANVS .  SANC. 
PANCRATIVS  .  SANC. YPOLITVS. SANC. APOLLIN- 

ARUS .  SANC .  MARTINVS. 

Within  were  found  eleven  small  plates  of 
gold,  bearing  names  of  saints  ;  a  small  cylindrical 
box  of  gold,  which  enclosed  a  very  small  glass 
pnial ;  a  small  golden  box,  of  cubical  form,  with 
a  Greek  cross  enamelled  on  its  lid ;  and  a  disc  of 
stucco  impressed  with  a  cross. 


RELIQUARY 


1781 


Grado  Keliqnary.    (From  De  Rossi's  '  BnU.  Crist.  Arch.') 

The  elliptic  box  measures  five  inches  and  three 
quarters  in  length  by  three  and  a  quarter  in 
width  and  height.  On  the  cover  is,  in  relief,  a 
gemmed  cross,  standing  on  a  monticule,  with  a 
sheep  on  either  side.  The  side  of  the  box  is  en- 
circled by  two  bands  of  inscriptions,  which  run 
as  follows  ;  the  upper  : — 

SANCTVSCANTIVSSANTIANVSSANCTACANTIANILLA 
SANTVSQVIRINVSSANTVSLATINV 

The  lower : — 

SLAVRENTIVSVSIOANNISVSNICEFORVSSANTISRED- 
DIDID   BOTVM 

The  first  s  of  the  latter  inscription  should 
be  added  to  the  former,  and  the  lower  one  read : 
"  Laurentius  vs  (^i.e.  vir  spectabilis),  Joannis  vs, 
Niceforus  vs,  Santis  reddidid  botum  (i.e.  red- 
diderunt  votum)." 

Between  these  insci'iptions  is  a  band  of  eight 
circles  (clypei  or  paterce)  enclosing  busts,  and  at 
each  end  a  palm  tree.  One  of  the  busts,  the 
central  on  one  side,  appears  to  represent  our 
Lord ;  the  hair  is  long,  and  the  ftice  beardless. 
Those  to  the  right  and  left  probably  represent 
St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul.  On  the  opposite  side,  in 
the  centre,  the  bust  is  that  of  a  young  woman 
richly  dressed ;  the  others  all  represent  men, 
beardless,  and  with  rather  short  hair.  This 
casket  contained  another  smaller  box,  of  silver, 
without  ornament. 

Both  caskets  were  found  full  of  water  ;  and 
nothing  remained  of  the  relics  which  they  doubt- 
less once  contained,  but  some  black  matter  like 
mud. 

Herr  Kandler,  Conservator  of  the  Monuments 
at  Trieste,  is  stated  to  have  expressed  an  opinion 
that  the  circular  box  might  date  from  about 
A.D  452,  and  the  elliptical  from  about  A.D.  568  ; 


but  these  ascriptions  of  date  are  perhaps  open  to 
doubt.  ^ 

To  the  7th  century  may  be  assigned  the  very 
remarkable  coffer  of  ivory  which  formed  part  of 
the  Meynck  collection.  It  is  eighteen  inches  in 
length,  eight  in  breadth,  and  five  and  a  quarter 
m  height.  It  is  entirely  covered  with  ornament 
consisting  of  bands  of  foliage  enclosing  half- 
length  figures  of  (on  the  lid  in  the  middle)  our 
Lord ;  on  His  right,  the  Virgin  Mary,  St.  Daria 
and  St.  Julia ;  on  His  left,  St.  John  the  Baptist 
St.  Alexander,  and  St.  Crisantus :  on  the  front^ 
SS.  Philip,  Thomas,  John,  Peter,  Paul,  Andrew^ 
Bartholomew,  and  James;  on  the  back,  S3. 
Stephen  the  proto-martyr,  Mark,  Thaddeus, 
Matthew,  James  (the  Less?),  Simon,  Matthias, 
and  Luke  ;  on  one  end,  SS.  Nereus,  Gregory  (the 
pope),  and  Achilleus ;  on  the  other,  SS.  Justus 
Martyr,  and  Pancratius.  The  names  are,  in  all 
cases,  given  in  inscriptions. 

The  figures  are  executed  in  a  very  poor  and 
feeble  style  ;  the  bands  of  foliage  are  rather 
elegant.  It  greatly  resembles,  both  as  regards 
style  and  execution,  the  diptych  sent  by  Gregory 
the  Great  to  queen  Theodelinda,  which  bears 
effigies  of  himself  and  king  David,  and  was  the 
cover  of  a  responsorium  graduale. 

It  is  noteworthy  that,  while  we  find  in  the 
Liber  Pontif.  almost  innumerable  gifts  of  chalices, 
patens,  and  other  vessels  and  articles  made  by 
various  popes  for  use  in,  or  decoration  of,  churches, 
very  few  notices  occur  of  reliquaries,  and  these 
only  commence  in  the  7tK  century.  The  expla- 
nation probably  is,  that  at  the  time  when  the 
cultus  of  relics  became  more  fully  established, 
every  Roman  church  possessed  entire  bodies  of 
saints,  transported  thither,  in  most  cases,  from 
their  original  places  of  deposit  in  the  catacombs, 
and  the  popes  naturally  took  comparatively  little 
account  of  such  lesser  relics  as  were  then  pro- 
curable. The  Greeks,  as  has  been  shewn  above, 
seem  to  have  been  the  first  to  dismember  bodies  ; 
and  it  is  therefore  not  surprising  that  one  of 
the  first  mentions  which  we  find  in  the  Liber 
Pontificalis  of  a  portion  of  a  holy  body  enclosed 
in  a  reliquary,  is  that  where  we  are  told  that 
pope  Gregory  111.  (731-752)  found  in  the  Lateran 
the  head  of  St.  George  in  a  "  capsa,"  with  a  label 
on  which  was  a  Greek  inscription,  testifying  to 
its  identity. 

Many  reliquaries  were  made  at  this  period, 
both  in  the  East  and  in  the  West,  and  mention  of 
them  frequently  occurs  in  chronicles  and  other 
documents,  but  examples  are  rare.  The  art  of  the 
period  was  extremely  bad  ;  and  when  a  precious 
metal  was  the  material,  they  have  probably  been 
broken  up.  Some  may,  however,  still  exist  with- 
out having  been  noticed  by  any  one  possessed  of 
antiquarian  knowledge  ;  for  it  is  not  always  easy 
to  obtain  a  sight  of  all  the  contents  of  a  church 
treasury.  One  fine  example,  which  may  very 
possibly  date  from  the  8th  century,  though  some 
are  disposed  to  give  it  an  earlier  date,  is  pre- 
served in  the  treasviry  of  the  abbey  of  St. 
Maurice,  in  the  Valais ;  it  is  about  seven  inches 
and  a  quarter  long,  two  and  a  half  deep,  and 
five  and  a  quarter  high  ;  the  lower  part  is  rect- 
angular ;  the  upper,  or  liii,  sloped  in  front  and  at 
the  back,  and  gabled  at  the  ends.  On  the  front 
is  a  large  antique  cameo  and  several  precious 
stones,  pearls,  sardonyxes,  and  other  stones  with 
antique  intaglios,  are  placed  at  rcguLir  intervals 


I 


178: 


EELIQUARY 


lines  of  pearls  run  from  one  stone  to  another, 
and  the  whole  of  the  compartments  thus  foiTned 
are  filled  with  small  pieces  of  garnet  and  of 
green  and  blue  glass,  each  piece  being  surrounded 
by  a  little  partition  (cloison)  of  gold,  precisely 


AbUjtae=;t  Ml 


in  the  manner  in  which  similar  ornament  is 
applied  in  the  brooches  frequently  found  in  the 
Saxon  graves  in  Kent,  on  the  sword  of  Childeric, 
and  other  objects,  dating  from  the  5th  to  the 
8th  century.  The  date  at  which  this  sort  of 
work  ceased  to  be  made  has  not  been  ascertained, 
but  it  seems  quite  possible  that  it  was  still  in 
use  as  late  as  the  8th  century,  and  the  form  of 
this  reliquary  is  rather  in  favour  of  a  somewhat 
late  than  a  very  early  date.  The  ends  are  orna- 
mented in  a  similar  manner.  The  back  is  covered 
with  a  plate  of  gold,  divided  into  rhomboidal 
compartments  by  corded  lines  ;  in  these  com- 
partments are  letters  engraved  on  the  gold,  in 
most  cases  one  letter  in  a  compartment:  the 
inscription,  which  reads  diagonally,  beginning 
at  the  right  hand  corner,  runs  as  follows : 
"Teudericus  Presbiter  in  honore  sci  Mauricii 
fieri  jussit.  Amen.  Nordvalaus  et  Rihlindis 
ordenarunt  fabricare  Undiho  et  EUo  ficerunt." 


^e^i2M}^^ 


M.  Aubert,  who  has  figured  and  described  this 
object  in  his  Tre'sor  de  I'Abbaye  de  St.  Alauricc 
d'Agaune,  p.  141,  and  pi.  xi.  xii.  observes,  on 
this  inscription,  that  the  names  clearly  point  to 


EELIQUARY 

the  Merovingian  period ;  and  he  supposes  that  it 
may  have  been  fabricated  by  a  Frank  or  Burgun- 
dian  artist,  about  A.D.  600. 

Two  remnrkable  examples  should  now  be  men- 
tioned, though  their  real  date  has  not  been  very 
clearly  ascertained.  One  is  preserved  at  ]\Ionza, 
the  other  in  the  treasury  of  the  Burg  at  Vienna, 
the  former  being  said  to  contain  hair  and  a  tooth 
of  St.  John  the  Baptist ;  the  latter,  some  earth 
mixed  with  the  blood  of  St.  Stephen. 

The  first  of  these  is  a  box  about  ten  inches 
high,  and  eight  wide,  but  of  little  depth  ;  it  is 
rectangular  below,  but  the  upper  part  is 
diminished  in  curved  lines,  so  that  only  a  narrow 
ridge  is  left  on  the  top.  It  is  covered  with  gold, 
on  which  are  set  precious  stones,  so  disposed  as 
to  radiate  from  a  centre.  The  back  is  covered 
with  a  plate  of  gold,  on  which  are  delineated,  by 
the  use  of  a  very  small  punch,  our  Saviour  on 
the  cross,  with  the  Virgin  on  one  side,  St.  John 
on  the  other,  and  two  figures,  one  piercing  his 
side,  and  the  other  offering  the  sponge  of  vinegar. 
Above  the  arras  of  the  cross  are  medallions,  en- 
closing busts  which  represent  the  sun  and  moon. 
The  drawing  is  tolerably  correct  and  good,  though 
the  execution,  by  reason  of  the  process  employed, 
is  rather  rough. 

The  reliquary  at  Vienna  is  of  almost  exactly 
the  same  form  as  that  just  described,  but 
smaller,  being  only  about  eight  inches  high.  The 
front  is  covered  with  precious  stones  ;  some  of 
the  larger  ones  are  disposed  in  a  sort  of  cruci- 
form arrangement,  the  others  rather  irregularly  ; 
all  are  very  simply  set.  The  back  has  lost  its  primi- 
tive covering,  but  the  sides  are  covered  with  thin 
gold  plate,  divided  by  circles  of  pearls  into  com- 
partments, in  which  are  figures  in  relief;  among 
these  can  be  distinguished  a  man  fishing  with 
a  hook,  one  mounted  on  horseback,  and  an 
avenging  angel  armed  with  a  bow  and  dart,  with 
a  legend,  "  kalis  Vidicta."  The  style  of  these 
figures,  according  to  Dr.  Bock  {Klcinodien  des 
Heil.  ROinischen  Reiches,  &c.,  p.  53,  app.),  shews 
a  reminiscence  of  the  classical  period. 

These  two  reliquaries  correspond  so  nearly  in 
character  that  they  can  hardly  be  far  distant  in 
point  of  date  ;  that  of  Vienna  is  probably  rather 
the  older  of  the  two.  Dr.  Bock  is  disposed  to 
think  that  this  last  perhaps  dates  from  a  period 
earlier  than  the  Carolingian ;  but  the  style  and 
character  of  the  representation  of  the  Crucifixion 
on  the  back  of  the  Monza  reliquary  seem  to  ap- 
proach very  closely  to  those  of  ivory  carvings, 
and  other  works  of  art,  which  have  been  clearly 
proved  to  date  from  periods  subsequent  to  800. 

Two  similar  reliquaries  are  said  to  exist,  one 
in  the  church  of  St.  Willibrord,  at  Emmerich,  the 
other  in  that  of  St.  Servatius,  at  Maestricht. 

A  very  remarkable  reliquary  of  kindred  form 
has  been  preserved  at  Sion,  in  the  Valois,  the  date 
of  which  can  be  accurately  fixed,  as  it  bears  the 
name  of  the  donor,  Altheus,  bishop  of  Sion  about 
A.D.  780.  It  is  six  inches  high,  six  and  a  half 
wide,  and  two  inches  and  two-eighths  deep  at  the 
base  ;  at  three  inches  from  the  base  it  begins  to 
diminish  on  all  four  sides,  and  no  doubt  was 
finished  at  the  top  by  a  crest,  now  lost.  It 
is  covered  with  thin  silver ;  on  the  front, 
in  the  upper  part,  are  the  stalk,  leaves,  and 
large  flower  of  a  plant  in  relief;  in  the  centre  of 
the  flower  a  medallion,  with  a  half-length  figure 
of  a  female  saint  in  cloisonne  enamel ;  below  are 


EELIQUAEY 

two  compartments,  in  each  of  which  are  two 
half-length  figures  of  saints,  also  in  cloisonne 
enamel ;  on  the  back,  on  the  upper  part,  are 
two  figures  in  relief,  St.  Mary  and  St.  John  ; 
below  are  two  plant-like  ornaments,  perhaps 
lilies  ;  on  the  sides  are  lily-like  ornaments  on  the 
upper  part,  and  half-length  figures  of  saints 
below.  On  the  under  side  is  the  inscription, 
*'  Hanc  capsam  dicata  in  honore  see  Mariae 
Altheus  Eps.  fieri  rogavit."  The  style  both  of 
the  enamels  and  the  reliefs  is  extremely  bad — 
in  fact,  barbarous.  This  reliquary  has  been 
engraved  by  Blavignac,  Hist,  de  I' Architecture 
sacree,  PI.  XI.  and  Atlas  PL  XXIII.* 

The  last  four  examples  which  have  been  men- 
tioned have  a  certain  similarity  in  form,  viz. 
that  they  have  a  rectangular  lower  portion,  and 
a  sloping  upper  portion.  This  form  afterwards 
became  that  adopted  in  all  the  larger  reliquaries, 
^nd,  indeed,  in  many  of  the  smaller.  It  has  been 
variously  supposed  to  have  been  borrowed  from 
a  tomb,  a  house,  or  a  chapel.  The  truth  would 
seem  to  be,  that  tombs  were  often  made  in  the 
form  of  churches  or  chapels  [see  Basilica],  and 
tombs  again  served  as  models  for  reliquaries, 
the  tomb-like  form  being  a  very  natural  one 
when  the  intention  was  to  enshrine  bones,  or 
other  portions  of  the  bodies  of  deceased  saints. 
Tho  change  to  this  form  from  the  earlier  bos  or 
pys-like  form,  appears  to  have  in  some  degree 
coincided  with  the  increase  of  the  practice  of 
dividing  the  mortal  remains  of  the  departed. 
A  further  development  of  the  idea  of  forming 
reliquaries  in  imitation  of  buildings  is  to  be 
found  in  that  given  by  Charles  the  Bald  to  the 
abbey  of  St.  Denis,  and  which  was  said  to  have 
belonged  to  his  grandfather.  It  is  said  to  have 
represented  the  facade  of  a  building  of  three 
stories  with  arcades  in  each,  embellished  with 
precious  stones  and  fine  pearls,  and  crowned  by 
a  magnificent  antique  cameo,  and  was  estimated 
to  contain  nineteen  marks  of  gold,  and  seven 
marks  weight  of  stones.  It  was  known  by  the 
name  of  the  "  Ecrin  de  Charlemagne."  An  en- 
graving of  it  has  been  given  by  Felibien,  in  his 
Histoire  de  I'Abbaye  de  St.  Dents. 

Reliquaries  in  the  form  of  heads,  arms,  legs, 
or  other  parts  of  the  human  frame,  made  during 
the  middle  ages,  are  frequently  to  be  found  in 
the  treasuries  of  churches,  but  no  example  of  a 
date  as  early  as  800  would  appear  to  have  been 
noticed.  Perhaps  the  earliest  now  existing  is 
that  in  the  treasury  of  St.  Maurice  in  the  Valais 
containing  the  head  of  St.  Candidus.  This  is 
probably  of  the  11th  century,  though  Dr. 
Liibke  attributes  it  to  the  9th,  and  calls  it 
erroneously  the  head  of  St.  Maurice.  It  is 
engraved  by  Blavignac,  Hist,  de  I' Architecture 
sacre'e,  kc,  and  by  Aubort,  Tre'sor  de  St. 
Maurice. 

A  few  words  must  be  said  on  the  vessels  used 
to  contain  liquids  which  were  held  in  veneration, 
for  these  are  virtually  reliquaries,  though  per- 
haps it  may  be  held  that  the  word  can  scarcely 
be  with  propriety  applied  to  them.  One  class  of 
these  consists  of  the  small  bottles  which  have 
been  frequently  foxmd  imbedded  in  cement 
against  the  tiles  or  slabs  with  which  the 
"  loculi "  of  the  catacombs  near  Rome  were 
closed.  There  has  been  some  difference  of  opinion 
as  to  whether  the  contents  of  these  bottles  was 
really  blood,  or  whether  it  was  not  wine  which 


RELIQUARY 


1783 


had  been,  if  not  actually  ccnsecrated,  blessed  at 
the  time  of  the  celebration  of  the  eucharist.  or 
at  least  presented  at  an  agape.  Martigny  {Diet . 
des  Ajitiq.  chret.,  art.  Sang  des  Martyrs)  states 
that  in  several  instances  particularized  by  him 
analysis  has  shewn  that  the  contents  had 
actually  been  blood,  and  that  fragments  of 
sponge  and  of  linen  have  been  found  within  them. 
The  bottles  are  usually  of  glass,  sometimes  of 
terra  cotta,  and  are  generally  globular,  with 
short  necks. 

Another  class  is  that  of  the  flasks  used  to  con- 
tain oil,  which  contained  some  admixture  of  that 
which  burnt  in  the  lamps  lit  before  celebrated 
shrines.  Among  the  most  notable  examples  re- 
maining are  those  preserved  at  Monza,  which 
some  suppose  to  have  been  sent  to  Queen  Theo- 
delinda  by  pope  Gregory  the  Great.  These 
Ampulla]  are  made  of  lead  or  pewter,  and  bear 
various  subjects  in  low  relief:  on  one  is  our  Lord 
in  glory,  enclosed  by  an  oval  aureole,  which  is 
supported  by  angels  ;  while  below  He  is  shewn 
standing  in  the  attitude  of  prayer,  with  the 
apostles  grouped,  six  on  either  side.  On  another, 
a  cross  between  two  candlesticks  (?)  is  surrounded 
bj'  heads  of  the  apostles  enclosed  in  circles.  On 
another,  an  edifice  surmounted  by  a  cross  occu- 
pies the  centre,  while  around  are  heads  of  Christ 
and  the  apostles.  Another  has  almost  the  same 
subjects  as  that  first  mentioned,  surrounded  by 
the  inscription : — 

EMMANOYHA  MET  HMCJN  OEOJC. 
On  others  is  the  inscription — - 

EAAION  ZYAOY  ZWHC  TOON  AFICjON 
XPICTOY  TOnOJN. 

These  may  very  probably  be  of  the  time  of 
Queen  Theodelinda,  but  they  are  not  those  men- 
tioned in  the  contemporary  list  on  papyrus  still 
preserved  at  Monza,  which  refers  exclusively  to 
oils  from  shrines  in  Rome.  These  last  are,  it 
would  seem,  those  in  glass  vessels  (y.  Frisi.  Mon. 
delta  Chiesa  Monzese,  p.  66),  some  of  which  still 
preserve  labels  corresponding  with  the  list.  The 
leaden  ampullae  probably  contained  oil  from 
various  holy  places  in  Palestine.  [Oil,  Holy, 
p.  1453.] 

Other  examples  worth  notice  are  the  earthen 
flasks  which  contained  oil  from  the  shrine  of  St. 
Menas.  [Pottery,  p.  1679.]  Many  of  these  have 
been  found — nineteen  are  in  the  British  Museum  ; 
and  they  have  occurred  in  almost  every  country 
which  borders  on  the  Mediterranean.  They  are 
usually  about  four  inches  high,  and  from  two 
and  three-quarters  to  four  inches  wide.  They 
usually  bear  effigies  of  St.  Menas,  with  his 
attribute  of  two  camels,  and  inscriptions,  con- 
taining either  the  name  of  the  saint  only,  or 
coupling  with  it  the  word  "eulogia,"  i.e., 
blessings.  The  style  of  the  figures  is  bad  and 
rude,  and  they  may  perhaps  be  attributed  to  the 
6th  and  early  part  of  the  7th  centuries. 

The  last-mentioned  objects  were  evidently 
made  for  the  purposes  to  which  they  have  been 
applied  ;  those  which  remain  to  be  mentioned,  on 
the  contrary,  are  vessels  originally  intended  for 
other  uses.  It  will  suffice  to  mention  two  very 
remarkable  examples,  which  have  been  preserved 
in  the  treasury  of  the  abbey  of  St.  Maurice,  in  the 
Valais,  from  a  period  probably  as  early  as  that 
embraced  in  this  work.  One  of  these  is  known 
as  the  Vase  of  St.  Martin,  the  tradition  being 


1784 


RELIQUAKY 


that  St  Martin  of  Tours,  visiting  Agaunvim, 
filled  this  vessel  with  earth  from  the  place  of 
the  massacre  of  the  Theban  legion,  mixed  with 
the  blood  of  the  sufferers,  which  miraculously 
issued  from  the  ground.  It  is  an  antique  vase  of 
sardonyx,  measuring  about  four  and  a  half  inches 
in  diameter,  and  about  six  in  height,  on  which 
is  sculptured  in  excellent  style  a  subject  believed 
to  represent  Achilles  betraying  his  sex  at  the 
sight  of  weapons  (y.  Aubert,  Tresor  de  I'Ahhaye 
de  St.  Maurice,  p.  181,  pi.  xvi.).  This  vase  has 
a  foot  and  neck  of  gold  set  with  precious  stones, 
and  plates  of  garnet  in  fillets  of  gold,  precisely 
in  the  same  manner  as  the  reliquary  belonging 
to  the  same  treasury  which  has  been  mentioned 
above. 

The  other  vessel  is  a  ewer  of  massive  gold, 
nearly  a  foot  in  height,  adorned  with  uncut 
sapphires  and  large  plates  of  cloisonne  enamel,  the 
colours  ofwhich  are  extraordinarily  rich  and  fine. 
According  to  tradition,  this  was  sent  by  Haroun 
el  Rashid  to  Charles  the  Great,  and  by  him  pre- 
sented to  the  abbey.  Whatever  the  value  of  the 
tradition  may  be,  the  vase  may  well  date  from  a 
period  sufficiently  early  to  allow  of  its  truth  ;  it  is 
more  probably  of  Byzantine,  than  of  oriental 
origin.  It  has,  like  the  last-mentioned  vase,  been 
engraved  and  described  by  Aubert.  This  ewer  is 
said  to  contain  blood  of  the  Theban  martyrs. 
Both  vessels  have  their  mouths  enveloped  in  some 
kind  of  string,  and  masses  of  wax,  on  which  are 
impressions  of  episcopal  seals,  the  legends  of 
which  are  undecipherable. 

As  great  an  antiquity  may  no  doubt  be  claimed 
for  the  second  class  of  reliquaries,  viz.,  that  of 
those  which  were  intended  to  be  worn  on  the 
person,  as  for  the  first.  Prudentius  alludes  to 
the  practice  of  wearing  relics,  which  of  course 
implies  cases  to  contain  them,  in  the  hymn 
celebrating  Fructuosus  and  his  fellow  martyrs, 
Eulogius  and  Augurius  (Peristeph.  vi.  v.  131) : 

"  Turn  de  corporibus  sacrae  favillre 
Et  perfusa  mere  leguntur  ossa 
Quae  raptim  sibi  quisque  vindicabat 
Fratrum  tantus  amor  domum  referre 
Sanctorum  cinerum  dicata  dona 
Aut  gestare  sinu  fidele  pignus." 

Many  instances  of  the  practice  of  wearing  a  "  cap- 
sella,"  or  "  capsula,"  with  relics,  are  to  be  found 
in  succeeding  centuries  (v.  De  Rossi,  B^ill.  diArch. 
Crist.  1872,  p.  17),  and  several  examples  have 
been  found  which  may  be  confidently  referred  to 
the  earlier  centuries  of  Christianity.  Two  of 
these  are  given  by  De  Rossi  (Bull.  1872,  Tav.  11, 


nuik 


eliquary.    (From  De  Bossi'a  '  Bnll.  di  Arch.  Criat.') 

fig.  1,  3).  The  one  bearing  the  labarum  (see 
woodcut,  p.  611)  is  of  gold,  and  was  found  in  1571 
in  a  tomb  of  the  Vatican  cemetery.  .  It  is  not 
now  known  to  exist,  but  the  design  has  been 
preserved  by  a  drawing  by  Alfarano,  and  it  has 
been  published  by  Bosio.    On  the  reverse  was  a 


RELIQUARY 

figure  of  a  dove.  De  Rossi  is  of  opinion  that 
it  contained  either  a  relic  or  some  portion  of 
the  Gospel  (v.  Bull.  1872,  p.  12,  1869,  p.  63,  as 
regards  the  practice ;  Bingham,  Orig.  Ecclcs.  c. 
xi.  chap.  V.  sect.  8,  and  b.  xvi.  chap.  v.  sect.  6), 
"  parvula  Evangelia,"  as  they  were  termed :  Mar- 
tigny  confidently  asserts  that  this  is  of  the  4th 
century.  It  may  indeed  be  so,  but  all  that  can  be 
said  with  certainty  as  to  its  date  is,  that  it  is  not 
older. 

The  other  example  (see  woodcut)  is  no  doubt 
more  recent.  De  Rossi  gives  it  to  the  5th 
century.  It  was  purchased  in  Rome  in  1872, 
and  is  made  of  thin  plates  of  bronze,  the  space 
between  them  being  not  more  than  sufficient 
to  contain  a  piece  of  parchment  or  of  cloth. 
The  subject  on  one  side  is  clearly  our  Lord 
changing  the  water  into  wine,  that  on  the  other 
would  seem  to  represent  the  martyrdom  of  St. 
Yitalis,  who  was  placed  in  a  pit  or  hole,  at  a 
place  called  ad  Palmam,  near  Ravenna,  and  then 
crushed  under  a  heap  of  stones  (v.  Bull.  1872,  p. 
10).  The  object  contained  in  this  encolpium  was 
probably  a  fragment  of  cloth,  perhaps  dipped  in 
the  blood  of  the  martyr ;  or  perhaps  a  morsel  of 
a  brandeum  which  had  been  placed  on  his  tomb. 

Another  and  frequent  form  for  a  pendant  re- 
liquary was  a  cross.  The  oldest  of  these  (if  we 
can  believe  the  tradition  concerning  it  to  be  well- 
founded)  now  existing,  is  probably  that  pre- 
served in  the  treasury  of  St.  Peter's  at  Rome, 
under  the  name  of  "Encolpium  Constantini 
Magni  "  (v.  Bock,  Kleinodicn  des  Heil.  Eomischcn 
Eeiches,  pi.  xx.  fig.  28,  p.  115).  Of  this,  only 
the  cross  which  occupies  the  centre  can  have 
any  pretensions  to  belong  to  the  period  of  Con- 
stantine,  the  tablet  in  which  it  is  enclosed  being 
obviously  Byzantine  work  of  the  11th  or  some 
later  century. 

The  cross  itself  has  arms  of  equal  length,  and 
measures  about  one  and  a  half  inches  in  height  and 
width.  It  contains  a  cross  reputed  to  be  of  the 
real  cross  of  our  Lord,  the  receptacle  containing 
which  is  surrounded  by  a  border  of  blue  and 
white  enamel.  Two  very  remarkable  examples 
of  such  pectoral  crosses  exist  in  the  treasury  of 
the  church  of  Monza.  The  earlier  is  that  which 
has  always  been  regarded  as  that  which  St. 
Gregory  the  Great  sent  to  Queen  Theodelinda,  in 
A.D.  603,  with  a  letter  {Epp.  lib.  xiv.  ep.  12),  in 
which  this  passage  occurs,  "  Excellentissimo  au- 
tem  filio  nostro  Adulouvaldo  Regi  transmittere 
phylacteria  curavimus,  id  est  crucem  cum  ligno 
sanctae  crucis  Domini  et  lectionem  sancti  evan- 
gelii  theca  persica  inclusam."  An  engraving  of 
this  will  be  found  under  CRUCIFIX,  p.  512; 
and  it  is  only  necessary  here  to  say,  that  it  is 
formed  of  gold,  the  figures  and  inscriptions  being 
in  niello,  and  covered  by  a  piece  of  rock  crystal; 
it  measures  three  inches  in  height,  by  two  and  a 
half  in  breadth.  In  the  interior  is  said  to  be  a 
piece  or  pieces  of  the  true  cross.  The  best  repre- 
sentation of  this  object  which  has  been  given,  is 
that  in  Bock's  Kleinodicn,  &c.,  app.  p.  25.  As  the 
inscriptions  on  this  cross  are  in  Greek,  it  has 
generally  been  assumed  that  it  was  of  Byzantine 
origin.  But  this  is  hardly  probable  :  Byzantine 
work  of  that  period  would  have  had  a  better  and 
rather  more  classical  character.  On  theother  hand, 
it  corresponds  very  closely  in  many  points  with 
the  drawing  of  the  Crucifixion  in  the  famous 
manuscript  Syriac  Gospels,  in  the  Medicean  library 


REMEDIUS 

at  Florence,  dated  a.d.  586  [v.  woodcut  under 
Crucifix],  and  it  most  probably  came  from  Syria, 
or  some  adjoining  country.  Pope  Gregory  sent 
to  Recared,  king  of  the  Visigoths,  a  cross,  very 
probably  of  like  fashion.  It  is  mentioned  in  one 
of  his  Epistles  {Ep.  cxxii.  lib.  ix.)  in  these  terms  : 
"  Crucem  ...  in  qua  lignum  Dominicae  crucis 
inest  et  capilli  beati  Johanuis  Baptistae." 

The  other  cross  at  Monza  containing  relics 
is  that  called  the  "Crux  Regni,"\vhich  belonged  to 
Berengarius,  king  of  Italy  (ob.  924).  It  is  perhaps 
beyond  the  period  of  this  work,  but  a  few  words 
may  be  admitted,  as  it  serves  as  an  example  of 
crosses  of  like  character  which  come  within  it, 
and  indeed  may  really  be  earlier  in  date  than 
its  possessor.  It  is  of  gold,  thickly  covered  with 
precious  stones,  sapphires  and  others,  chiefly  cut 
en  cabochon,  and  measures  nearly  nine  and  a  half 
inches  in  height  and  breadth  ;  the  height  is  a 
little  greater  than  the  breadth.  In  the  centre  is 
a  repository  for  a  relic.  Dr.  Bock,  who  has 
given  an  engraving  of  it  (pi.  xxxiii.)  is  of  opinion 
that  although  it  has  been  used  as  a  pectoral 
cross  at  coronations,  it  was  originally  attached 
to  a  votive  crown,  as  were  those  of  Agilulfus 
and  of  Reccesvinthus. 

At  Aix  la  Chapelle  is  preserved,  within  a 
crucifix  of  the  12th  century,  a  small  cross  mea- 
suring two  inches  and  three-eighths  in  height 
by  one  and  a-half  in  width.  On  the  upper  limb 
of  this  is  fastened  a  piece  of  wood,  which,  ac- 
cording to  a  respectable  tradition,  is  a  portion 
of  the  pectoral  cross  found  on  the  body  of  Charles 
the  Great,  when  his  tomb  was  opened  a.d.  1000. 
It  is  engraved  in  Dr.  Bock's  Ber  lleliquienschatz 
des  Liehfrauen-Munsters  zu  Aachen,  p.  36. 

The  cross  engraved  under  Encolpion  in 
this  work,  and  by  Martigny,  is  asserted  by  the 
latter  to  have  been  that  of  a  bishop,  and  to  be 
the  oldest  monument  of  the  kind  known  to 
exist.  De  Rossi  has  given  in  his  BuUetino  (May, 
1863)  a  long  and  careful  dissertation  on  the 
question  of  its  age,  and  arrives  at  the  conclusion 
that  it  probably  belongs  to  the  5th  or  6th 
century.  His  reasonings  appear  well  founded, 
but  on  one  consideration  he  does  not  dwell,  viz. 
that  it  was  found  in  a  tomb  within  the  church 
of  S.  Lorenzo-fuor-le-Mura,  near  the  repository 
of  the  martyr.  Pelagius  II.  (a.d.  572-590)  is 
stated  in  the  Liber  Pontif.  to  have  built  that 
portion  of  the  church  from  its  foundations. 
This  is,  perhaps,  too  strongly  expressed,  but  no 
doubt  he  executed  considerable  works  there  ;  and 
as  the  first  pope  who  was  buried  in  a  church 
was  Leo  I.  in  462,  and  he  only  in  the  vestibule 
of  the  saci'isty  of  St.  Peter's,  we  can  hardly 
suppose  that  any  one  would  have  been  placed  in 
such  proximity  to  a  martyr  so  venerated  as  St. 
Laurence  until  long  after  the  time  of  Leo  L  It 
may,  therefore,  seem  probable,  that  although 
the  cross  may  be  of  earlier  date,  the  interment 
did  not  take  place  much  before  A.D.  600.  There 
is  no  indication  that  the  wearer  had  been  a 
bishop,  as  Martigny  asserts.  On  the  sides  mono- 
grams are  engraved,  and  De  Rossi  makes  several 
suggestions  as  to  the  name  they  contain,  but 
declines  to  give  a  positive  opinion.  [A.  N.] 


EEREDOS 


1785 


EEMEDIUS,  bishop,  Feb.  3 ;  depositio  com- 
memorated at  Gap  (1/arf.  Usuard.).         [C.  H.] 

REMIGIUS,     bishop,    Jan.    13;    depositio 


commemorated  at  Reims  {Mart.  Usuard.)- 
transl.  Oct.  1  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Flor. ;  Vet.  Rom. 
Mart. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Oct.  i.  69).  [C.  H.]  * 

EENUNCIATIOK     [Baptism,  p.  159.] 

REPAIRS.  [Churches,.  Mai>,-tenance  of. 
p.  388.]  ' 

REPASTS.     [Meals.] 

REQUIEM.  The  Roman  service  for  the  dead 
has  acquired  this  name  from  its  proper  anthem 
beginning  with  the  words,  "  Requiem  aeternam 
dona  eis,  Domine  "  (see  2  Esdr.  Vulg.  4  E.  ii.  34). 
The  versicle  was  not  put  to  quite  the  same  use 
within  our  period,  but  it  appears  as  one  of 
several  little  chapters  ("  capitula,"  Murat.  Lit. 
Bom.  Vet.  ii.  213;  "versuum  capitella,"  0pp. 
Greg.  M.  v.  23,  ed.  1615)  said  after  the  prayers 
and  psalms,  "in  Agenda  Mortuorum,  quando 
Anima  egreditur  de  Corpora  "  (Mur.  u.  s.).  In 
this  use  it  is  probably  ante-Gregorian.  In  the 
Gelasian  sacramentary  only  one  capitulum  is 
indicated,  thus  :  "  Die  Cup.  In  memoria  aeterna  " 
(Mur.  u.  s.  i.  749) ;  but  as  the  offices  were  then 
committed  to  memory,  several  well-known 
versicles  may  be  understood  under  this  brief 
reference.  In  the  later  Gregorian  antiphonary, 
"  Requiem,"  &c.,  already  appears  as  the  introit 
of  the  Mass  for  the  departed  {Antiph.  Greg,  in 
Pamel.  Liturgica,  ii.  175).  [W.  E.  S.] 

REREDOS  (Fr.  retahle ;  Span,  retablo). 
It  is  shewn  by  Viollet-le-Duc  that  the  altars  of 
the  primitive  church  had  no  reredos  {Diction- 
naire  raisonne  de  P Architecture,  vol.  ii.  p.  34). 
So  long  in  fact  as  the  bishop's  seat  was  at  the 
back  of  the  altar,  it  was  unlikely  that  he  and 
the  people  should  have  been  separated  by  such  a 
screen.  The  rise  of  the  reredos  dates  only  from 
the  period  when  the  episcopal  seats,  and  with 
them  the  choirs,  were  established  in  front  of  the 
altars.  Towards  the  end  of  the  11th  century, 
says  the  same  writer,  they  had  not  in  the  West 
yet  begun  to  push  the  altar  back  against  a 
wall,  but  they  erected  upon  it  a  reredos,  which 
was  most  frequently  a  movable  erection,  and 
was  made  in  metal  or  in  wood.  In  France  none 
is  known  earlier  than  the  beginning  of  the  12th 
century.  France,  indeed,  was  slower  to  intro- 
duce these  "  parasite  ornaments  "  than  other 
parts  of  Europe.  And  Thiers  {Dissert,  sur  les 
principaiix  Autels  des  Eglises)  eulogizes  the 
devotion  of  antiquity,  which  was  content  to  do 
without  "  ces  nouvelles  inventions."  It  appears 
from  the  pages  of  Viollet-le-Duc  {Diet.  rais.  art. 
Autel)  that  in  France  the  cathedrals  were  the 
last  to  admit  the  reredos,  and  the  longest  pre- 
served the  ancient  traditions  of  the  altar. 

In  Spanish  it  appears  that  the  term  retablo 
was  applied  to  the  altar  itself.  The  council  of 
Elvira  (a.d.  305)  by  its  thirty-sixth  canon 
enacted  that  pictures  ought  not  to  be  in  a  church. 
Ferdinand  de  Mendoza  writes  a  treatise  on  the 
canons  of  this  council  to  Clement  VllL  In 
the  third  book  of  it  (upon  the  canon  in  ques- 
tion) he  has  the  following  :  "  Hinc  fit  probabile 
antiquitatem  et  originem  eorum  altarium  (quae 
Hispani  Jtctablos  vocant)  Hispaniae  deberi,  cum 
tabulis  potius  quam  parietibus  episcopi  nostri 
sacras  imagines  religionis  ergo  pingi  voluisse  hoc 
ipso  decreto  videantur"  (ap.  Labbe,  i.  123f)e, 
ed.  Par.  1671).  [H.  T.  A.] 


1786 


EESERVATION 


RESERVATION  OF  THE  EUCHARIST. 

Our  earliest  extra-scriptural  account  of  the  cele- 
bration of  the  Lord's  Supper  says  :  "  The  deacons 
communicate  each  of  those  present,  and  carry 
away  to  the  absent  of  the  blest  bread  and  wine 
and  watar  "  (Justin  Martyr,  A.D.  140,  Ajiol*  i. 
65).  This  liberty  was  necessary  during  the  per- 
secutions of  that  age.  From  other  writers  we 
infer  that  those  to  whom  the  Eucharist  was 
taken  at  home  were  not  bound  to  consume  it 
immediately,  or  all  at  once,  but  might  reserve  a 
part,  or  all,  for  future  occasions.  In  the  course 
of  time  this  liberty  was  extended,  and  we  find 
persons  present  at  the  celebration  themselves 
taking  away  and  reserving  of  the  sacred  elements. 
Tertullian,  at  Carthage,  192,  advises  some  who 
feared  to  break  their  fast  by  communicating,  to 
"  take  the  Lord's  body  and  reserve  it,"  until  the 
fast  was  over  (De  Oral.  19).  The  same  writer 
speaks  of  a  Christian  woman  as  partaking  of  the 
sacrament  at  home,  "  secretly  before  all  food  " 
(ad  Ux.  ii.  5).  This  seems  to  imply  a  frequent, 
perhaps  daily,  reception  of  the  reserved  Eucha- 
rist. St.  Cyprian,  bishop  of  the  same  city,  A.D. 
251,  tells  the  story  of  a  woman  who,  "  attempt- 
ing to  open  with  luiworthy  hands  her  casket  in 
which  the  holy  of  the  Lord  was  stored,  was  de- 
terred by  a  fire  rising  out  of  it  "  (De  Lapsis,  132, 
ed.  Brem.).  The  murderers  of  Tharsicius,  a 
deacon  of  Rome,  257,  found  him  "  carrying  about 
him  the  sacraments  of  the  Lord's  body  "  (Dama- 
sus,  Carm.  35 ;  Surius,  Aug.  2,  Acta  Stepham, 
p.  13).  So  some  Christians  in  danger  at  sea  have 
with  them  "the  divine  sacrament  of  the  faith- 
ful "  (Ambr.  de  Excess.  Fratr.  i.  43).  The  sister  of 
Gregory  of  Nazianzum,  praying  for  restoration  to 
health,  mingled  with  her  tears  "  whatever  her 
hand  had  treasured  of  the  antitypes  of  the  pre- 
cious body  and  blood  "  (Greg.  Naz.  Or.  viii.  18). 
St.  Jerome,  A.D.  398,  speaks  of  a  poor  bishop  as 
"  carrying  the  Lord's  body  in  a  wicker  basket. 
His  blood  in  a  vessel  of  glass  "  (Epist.  1 25  ad 
Bust.  §  20) ;  and  of  some  who,  deeming  them- 
selves for  a  special  reason  unfit  to  go  to  church, 
inconsistently  communicated  in  private  on  the 
same  day,  obviously  of  reserved  elements  (Ep. 
48  ad  Pammach.  §  15).  St.  Basil  tells  us  that 
"  at  Alexandria  and  in  Egypt  the  laity  for  the 
most  part  had  every  one  the  communion  in  their 
own  houses  "  {Ep.  93  ad  Caes.  Patric).  It  was 
thus  that  provision  was  made  for  the  commu- 
nions of  monks,  nuns,  and  hermits :  "  All  those 
who  dwell  alone  in  the  desert, where  there  is  no 
priest,  keep  the  communion  at  home,  and  receive 
it  at  their  own  hands  "  (ibid.).  We  might  gather 
as  much  from  an  instance  in  Palladius,  401 
(Hist.  Laus.  61).  In  527,  a  law  of  Justinian 
ordei-s  the  appointment  of  an  approved  presbyter 
or  deacon  to  "  carry  the  holy  communion "  to 
monks  and  nuns  (Novell,  csxiii.  36). 

Abuse. — Reservation  in  private  houses  natu- 
rally led  to  abuse,  especially  when  persecution 
had  ceased.  St.  Augustine,  in  430,  mentions  a 
case  in  which  "  a  poultice  was  made  of  the  Eu- 
charist" (Cont.  Julian,  iii.  162).  Some  heretics 
l^retended  to  communicate  publicly,  but  took  all 
away  with  them  from  one  wrong  motive  or 
another  (Cone.  Caesaraug.  A.D.  380,  can.  3  ;  Cone. 
Tolet.  400,  can.  14).  Later,  the  Eucharist  was 
abused  to  witchcraft  (Caesar.  Heisterb.  Dial. 
Mirac.  ix.  6,  9 ;  Cone.  Later,  iv.  can.  20,  &c.). 

Prohibition. — Abuse  led  to  suppression.     The 


RESERVATION 

1  earliest  prohibition,  if  it  be  assigned  to  the  right 
age,  is  that  of  an  Armenian  canon  of  the  4th 
century,  which  generally  forbids  presbyters  to 
"take  the  Eucharist  from  the  church  to  the 
houses  of  laymen,  and  there  impart  to  them  the 
sacred  bread"  (Canones  Isaaci,  in  Mai,  Script. 
Vet.  Nov.  Coll.  X.  280).  The  council  of  Sara- 
gossa,  380 :  "  If  any  one  is  proved  not  to  have 
taken  the  grace  of  the  Eucharist  in  church  after 
receiving  it,  let  him  be  anathema  for  ever  "  (can. 
3).  By  the  council  of  Toledo  (above)  it  was 
decreed  that  for  this  offence  a  person  should  be 
"  expelled  as  one  guilty  of  sacrilege." 

The  only  certain  instance  of  reservation  by  a 
lay  person  with  which  I  meet  after  the  5th  cen- 
tury, occurs  in  the  Pratum  Spirituale  (79)  of 
John  Moschus,  630.  He  mentions,  however,  that 
the  sacrament  had  been  laid  up  in  the  house  "  ac- 
cording to  the  custom  of  the  country  "  (Seleucia)  ; 
from  which  we  should  infer  that  it  was  at  least 
almost  extinct  elsewhere.  But  bishops,  priests, 
and  monks  continued  to  reserve.  Thus  we  read 
of  a  bishop,  Birinus,  of  Dorchester,  who  carried 
the  Eucharist  wrapped  in  his  pall  (  Vita,  Surius, 
Dec.  3),  and  of  priests  who,  as  was  "  then  the 
custom  of  many,  carried  it  as  a  safeguard  by  the 
way"  (Vita  Laitrentii,  7,  Sur.  Nov.  14),  and  of 
a  monk  who  was  able  to  send  it  to  another  at  a 
distance  (Joan.  Mosch.  Pr.  Spir.  29).  Greek 
monks  (Arcudius  de  Concord.  Eccl.  Oc.  et  Or. 
iii.  59),  and  the  bishops  of  Rome  (Lorinus, 
Comm.  in  Ps.  Ivii.  2),  have  retained  to  modern 
times  the  custom  of  carrying  it  on  a  journey. 

Various  Uses. — The  reserved  sacrament  was 
used  in  communions  of  the  Presanctified  (p. 
1696),  as  a  token  of  inter-communion  [Eulogia, 
Vol.  I.  p.  628],  as  Fermentum  for  other  cele- 
brations (I.  668),  for  the  communion  of  newly 
ordained  priests  (669),  for  deposition  in  tombs 
[Obsequies,  §  xix.,  p.  1434],  for  the  consecration 
of  churches  and  altars,  and  for  the  communion 
of  the  sick.  The  two  last-named  uses  we  propose 
to  consider  here. 

Deposition  in  Altars. — It  was  probably  in  the 
7th  century  that  the  church  of  Rome  introduced 
the  practice  of  depositing,  at  the  dedication  of  a 
church,  portions  of  the  consecrated  bread  under 
or  in  a  cavity  made  in  the  mensa  of  the  altar. 
Owing  to  the  lateness  of  the  extant  MSS.  only 
one  Roman  pontifical  now  known,  viz.  the  Codex 
Ratoldi,  prescribes  this  rite :  "  Ponat  tres  por- 
tiones  corporis  Domini  intus  et  tres  incensi " 
(Sacram.  Gregor.  Menard,  n.  580 ;  0pp.  Greg.  M. 
iii.  436,  ed.  Ben.).  In  the  Roman  books  this 
practice  was  part  of  the  order  of  consecration ; 
but  when  the  English  boiTowed  it,  they  treated 
it  as  a  separate  rite,  to  be  observed  after  the 
consecration.  Thus  the  council  of  Cealchythe, 
816,  having  directed  that  "all  be  performed  in 
order  as  in  the  service  book,"  adds,  ^'Afterwards, 
let  the  Eucharist  which  has  been  consecrated  by 
the  bishop  at  the  same  service  be  inclosed  with 
other  relics  in  a  casket,  and  kept  in  the  same 
basilica  "  (can.  2).  On  this  principle  we  find  the 
order  for  the  inclosure  of  the  sacrament  an  addi- 
tion or  appendix  to  the  forms  of  dedication  in  the 
early  English  pontificals.  See  that  of  Egbert  of 
York,  732-766  (p.  46,  ed.  Surtees  Soc),  that 
formerly  preserved  at  Jumifeges,  now  No.  362  in 
the  public  library  at  Rouen  (Mart.  u.  s.  ii.  254), 
which  is  assigned  to  the  latter  part  of  the  reign 
of  Charlemagne,  and  the  pontifical  of  St.  Dun- 


RESERVATION 

Stan,  961  (ib.  257).  The  two  latter  pontificals 
expressly  ascribe  this  rite  to  Rome  in  the  heading, 
"  Here  begins  the  Order  of  the  Deposition  of  the 
Relics  in  the  holy  Roman  Church."  The  council 
of  Cealchythe  (ii.  s.)  and  St.  Dunstan  (u.  s.)  imply 
an  opinion  that  the  Eucharist  was  more  impor- 
tant than  the  relics  generally  inclosed  with  it. 
The  former  says :  "  If  he  is  not  able  to  inclose 
other  relics,  yet  may  this  profit  more  than  all, 
because  it  is  the  body  of  Our  Lord  Jesus  Christ." 

Not  one  of  the  French  orders  which  prescribe 
this  rite  is  earlier  than  the  end  of  the  9tli  cen- 
tury, to  which  period  belong  the  pontificals  of 
Rheims,  Noyons,  and  Sens  {Mart.  ii.  260,  261, 
272).  It  is  found  in  many  later  down  to  the  15th 
century  {ib.  243).  It  was  practised  also  in  Ger- 
many, as  we  learn  from  a  Salzburg  pontifical 
of  the  11th  century  (Mart.  u.  s.  243).  For  its 
later  history  and  suppression,  see  Notitia  Eucha- 
ristica,  917-918,  ed.  2. 

For  the  Sick. — Among  the  absent  to  whom,  as 
Justin  Martyr  tells  us,  the  Eucharist  was  sent 
in  the  2nd  century  would  be  some  absent  from 
sickness,  but  we  cannot  say  when  it  began  to  be 
reserved  by  the  celebrant  expressly  for  their 
sake.  As  the  primitive  church  had  no  office  of 
private  celebration  for  the  sick,  this  was  pro- 
bably done  at  a  very  early  period.  Eusebius, 
near  the  beginning  of  the  4th  century,  tells  us 
of  a  dying  man  who,  sent  for  a  priest  to  com- 
municate him,  and  the  Eucharist,  which  must 
have  been  reserved,  was  taken  to  him  by  another 
{Hist.  Eccl.  vi.  44).  The  Armenian  canon  of  the 
same  century  permits  one  exception  to  the  pro- 
hibition already  quoted,  viz.  "  on  account  of  sick- 
ness." When  St.  Ambrose  was  dying,  420,  a 
priest,  warned  of  his  state,  carried  the  Eucharist 
to  him  (Paulinus,  in  Vit.  S.  Ambr.  47).  Philip- 
picus,  A.D.  597,  anticipating  a  violent  death, 
"  sought  to  receive  the  body  of  the  Lord."  It  was 
in  the  night,  and  the  danger  sudden,  so  that 
reservati«n  is  necessarily  implied  (Anast.  Biblioth. 
Hist.  Eccl.  83).  After  this  period  testimonies  to 
the  practice  are  very  frequent.  It  is  expressly 
ordered  by  a  council  of  Tours,  cited  by  Regino, 
that  "  the  sacred  oblation  be  laid  up  for  the 
viaticum  of  persons  departing  this  life "  {Be 
Discipl.  Eccl.  i.  70). 

Reservation  in  both  Kinds. — We  read  that  in 
a  tumult  at  Constantinople,  A.D.  403,  soldiers 
entered  the  place  "  where  the  holy  things  were 
stored  up,  and  the  most  holy  blood  of  Christ  was 
spilt  on  the  garments  of  the  said  soldiers " 
(Chrysost.  Epist.  ad  Innoc.  3).  Travellers  by 
sea  had  "  the  body  and  blood  of  the  Redeemer 
with  them  "  (Greg.  M.  a.d.  590,  Dial.  iii.  36).  St. 
Mary  of  Egypt,  when  dying,  A.D.  629,  received 
"  in  a  small  cup  a  portion  of  the  undefiled  body 
and  precious  blood "  ( Vita,  iv.  34,  in  Bolland. 
Apr.  2).  The  same  thing  is  related  of  SS.  Odilia 
(Mabill.  praef.  i.  in  Saec.  Bened.  iii.),  Chad  (  Vita, 
ii.  9,  Boll.  Mar.  2),  and  Cuthbert  (Bede,  Vita  S. 
Cuth.  X.  6)  in  the  same  century.  Bede,  701, 
orders  the  sick  to  be  "  refreshed  with  the  body 
and  blood"  (Regino  de  Disc.  Eccl.  i.  119).  The 
words  of  delivery  in  every  order  for  the  commu- 
nion of  the  sick  during  the  8th  and  two  following 
centuries  recognize  the  reception,  and  therefore 
the  reservation,  of  both  kinds  :  "  The  body  and 
blood  of  the  Lord  be  unto  thee,"  &c.,  and  the 
like  {Capit.  2,  Theodulfi,  Baluze,  Miscell.  ii.  104, 
ed.  2  ;  Book  of  Deer,  90 ;  Liber  de  Arbutknott,  pr. 


RESERVATION 


1787 


xis.,  xxii. ;  Martene,  w.  s.  i.  vii.  6,  n.  3  •  Xot 
Euch.  1022).  Even  in  the  11th  century  we  find 
in  a  Salzburg  pontifical  the  express  order :  "  Let 
the  priests  communicate  him  with  the  body  and 
blood,"  &c.  (Mart.  u.  s.  ord.  15).  Yet  it  would 
seem  that  in  the  9th  century  some  already  neg- 
lected to  reserve  the  wine,  for  the  canon  of 
Tours  already  cited  orders  the  oblation  reserved 
for  the  sick  to  be  "  steeped  in  the  blood  of  Christ 
[Spoon,  Eucharistic],  that  the  presbyter  may 
be  able  truthfully  to  say  to  the  sick,  '  The  body 
and  blood,'  "  &c. 

The  reserved  Eucharist  is  sometimes  spoken  of 
simply  as  "  bread  "  (Tert.  ad  Ux.  ii.  5),  or  "  the 
body,"  &c.  (Jerome,  Ep.  48,  ad  Pammach.  §  15), 
but  we  cannot  infer  from  this  that  the  body  only 
was  ever  reserved  at  the  time,  for  we  find  this  lan- 
guage used  of  public  as  well  as  private  commu- 
nions, and  all  acknowledge  that  the  former  were 
invariably  in  both  kinds.  With  TertuUian  {de 
Orat.  14)  and  Jerome  {u.  s.)  "  reception  of  the 
body "  is  the  public  reception  in  church,  the 
equivalent  of  which,  in  the  Armenian  canon 
before  cited,  is  "  drawing  near  to  the  bread." 

In  the  Greek  church  the  practice  of  intinction 
has  kept  up  the  reservation  of  the  blood  to  this 
day.  The  consecrated  bread  being  "  broken  into 
little  particles  [called  Margaritae,  or  pearls],  and 
sufficiently  tinged  and  moistened  in  the  conse- 
crated wine,  they  take  them  out  of  the  chalice, 
and  dry  them  in  a  small  dish  set  under  a  pan  of 
coals,  and  then  put  them  into  a  pyx  or  box  to  be 
reserved  "  (Smith,  Greek  Church,  162  ;  Leo  AUat. 
de  Recent.  Gr.  Tempi.  145).  This  is  done  on 
Maundy  Thursday,  and  the  particles  so  treated 
serve  for  the  aliturgic  days  of  Lent,  and  for  the 
sick. 

The  Renewal  of  the  reserved  Eucharist. — Few 
notices  of  this  occur  within  our  period.  The 
earliest  is  in  a  canon  of  Isaac  III.,  an  Armenian 
catholicus  of  the  7th  century,  by  which  the 
Eucharist  is  to  be  reserved  "only  from  Lord's 
day  to  Lord's  day,  or  from  sacrifice  to  sacrifice  " 
(can.  9,  Mai,  Script.  V.  N.  Coll.  x.  301).  In  the 
West  the  canon  of  Tours,  preserved  by  Regino, 
906,  says  :  "  Let  it  always  be  changed  from  one 
third  day  to  another  "  (w.  s.).  Later  rules  vary 
from  a  week  to  a  month  {Not.  Euch.  915). 

The  Vessel  containing  the  reserved  Sacrament. — 
When  this  was  taken  home,  during  the  age  of 
persecution,  it  was  placed  in  a  casket,  which  St. 
Cyprian  {de  Lapsis,  132)  calls  Aeca.  Turris  was 
the  common  name  for  the  vessel  in  which  the 
Fermentum  was  kept  in  churches  from  the  6th 
century  downwards,  at  least  in  France,  because 
"  the  Lord's  sepulchre  was  cut  in  the  rock  into 
the  likeness  of  a  tower"  (German.  Paris.  A.D. 
555,  Expos.  Miss.  Brev.).  See  the  alleged  will  of 
Remigius,  533,  in  App.  ad  Liturg.  Gall.  466 ; 
Greg.  Tur.  de  Glor.  Mart.  i.  85.  Venantius 
Fortunatus  has  a  poem  on  such  a  turris  (iii.  13). 
A  Benedictio  Calicis  et  Patenae  et  Turris  occurs 
in  the  Besan^on  sacramentary  {Mus.  Ital.  i. 
389).  In  the  8th  century  we  find  this  vessel 
called  capsa  at  Rome  {Ord.  Rom.  i.  8,  10).  See 
Capsa.  Pyxis,  afterwards  universal,  seems  to 
have  come  into  use  in  the  9th  century.  "  Every 
presbyter  shall  have  a  pyx  or  vessel  worthy  of 
so  great  a  sacrament,  in  which  the  Lord's  body 
is  to  be  carefully  kept"  (Cone.  Turon.  in  Regino, 
De  Discipl.  Eccl.  i.  70;  see  also  the  Articles  of 
Visitation,  p.  6,  ed.  Baluze-  Admon.  Synod.  Leou. 


1788 


RESroENCE 


iv. ;  Labb.  Cone.  viii.  34).  Cohimba  was  another 
name.  Perpetuus  of  Tours  (471)  in  his  will 
speaks  of  a  peristerium  (the  canopy  over  the 
columba),  and  a  silver  dove  for  a  repository  " 
(App.  0pp.  Greg.  Tur.  1319).  See  Dove.  Yet 
another  was  Chrismale  (_2Iissale  Francorwn  in 
lit.  Gall.  316).  See  Chrismal.  A  later  name, 
which  we  find  in  England,  Ireland,  and  France, 
was  cuppa  {Hist.  Episc.  Autiss.  57,  in  Martene 
de  Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  i.  v.  3  n.  8 ;  Instructto 
Decanorum,  Synodi  Meldensis,  in  Mart,  et  Dur. 
Tlicsaur.  Anecd.  iv.  930,  &c.  See  Ducange  in  v.). 
Ciborium,  originally  the  name  of  the  vaulted 
canopy  over  the  altar  (see  Vol.  I.  p.  66),  was  also 
used  in  this  sense  (^Chi'on.  Centul.  ii.  10,  iii.  3,  in 
Dach.  Spicil.  iv.  467,  480,  487).  The  Greeks 
keep  the  consecrated  bread  reserved  for  the  sick 
in  a  box  which  they  call  the  aprocpSpioy,  or  bread- 
holder.  "  This  box,  whether  of  silver  or  wood,  is 
put  up  into  a  silken  case,  the  better  to  defend  what 
is  inclosed  from  cobwebs,  or  anything  that  may 
defile  it,  and  is  hung  up  usually  behind  the  altar 
against  the  wall,  with  a  lamp  or  two,  for  the 
most  part,  burning  before  it "  (Smith,  Greek 
Church,  162).  [W.  E.  S.] 

RESIDENCE  (Residentia  Parochorum). 
There  are  many  proofs,  both  in  the  decrees  of 
councils  and  in  imperial  edicts,  that  the  evil  of 
non-residence  on  the  part  of  the  parochial  clergy 
had  made  itself  felt  from  the  earliest  times  as 
an  evil  which  required  to  be  strictly  guarded 
against.  At  the  council  of  Sardica,  a.d.  347 
(c.  16),  complaint  was  made  that  the  presbyters 
and  deacons  of  the  region  round  Thessalonica 
were  habitually  attracted  by  the  seductions  of 
the  capital  city,  and  induced  to  take  up  their 
abode  there  for  an  unreasonable  length  of  time. 
The  council  therefore  extended  to  the  parochial 
clergy  the  decree  that  had  been  made  about 
bishops  (c.  12),  that  they  should  not  be  absent 
from  their  parishes  more  than  three  Sundays. 
The  council  held  in  Constantinople,  a.d.  692 
{Cone.  Quinisex.  c.  80),  prohibited  any  of  the 
clergy  or  laity  from  being  absent  from  their 
parish  church  for  more  than  three  Sundays, 
except  under  plea  of  necessity.  In  case  of 
disobedience,  the  clergy  were  to  be  deprived  of 
their  preferment,  and  the  laity  excommunicated. 
Justinian  {Novell,  cxxiii.  9)  includes  all  the 
clergy  in  the  law  which  forbade  bishops  to 
be  absent  from  their  see  for  more  than  a 
year  except  on  imperial  business.  Gregory 
the  Great  (lib.  iv..  Indict.  12,  Ep.  13)  commends 
a  sentence  of  deposition  which  had  been  passed 
upon  a  presbyter  who  had  been  absent  from  his 
parish,  but  adds,  that  the  presbyter  asserts  that 
he  had  duly  obtained  leave  of  absence  from  the 
bishop,  and  been  unavoidably  detained  by  illness. 
He  therefore  directs  that  a  fresh  examination 
should  be  made  into  the  circumstances  of  the 
case.  A  capitulary  of  Charles  the  Great  (V.  c. 
329)  complains  that  bishops,  priests,  and  deacons, 
from  motives  of  gain  or  pleasure,  were  in  the 
habit  of  travelling  to  distant  parts  of  the  coun- 
try, leaving  their  parishes  destitute  of  the  means 
of  grace,  and  neglecting  the  duties  of  hospitality, 
and  strictly  forbids  the  practice  except  in  cases 
of  inevitable  necessity.  The  fourth  council  of 
Paris,  A.D.  829  (c.  29),  recites  in  strong  terms  the 
evils  caused  to  country  parishes  by  their  clergy 
being  sent  from  them  to  transact  legal  business 


RESIDENCE 

for  their  bishops.  At  a  council  held  at  Rome, 
A.D.  853,  Leo  IV.  complained  that  a  certain 
Anastasius,  a  cardinal  priest  ("  presbyter  cardinis 
nostri  ")  had  been  absent  from  his  church  for  five 
years,  although  repeatedly  cited  to  reside.  The 
sentence  of  the  council  was  that  Anastasius 
should  be  deposed. 

During  Pestilence. — It  appears  to  have  been 
reckoned  as  shameful  for  the  clergy  to  desert 
their  posts  in  time  of  pestilence,  as  in  time  of 
persecution,  such  seasons  being  always  regarded 
as  especial  calls  to  more  earnest  work,  and 
favourable  opportunities  for  making  impres- 
sion on  the  people.  A  few  examples  will 
suffice. 

Cyprian,  in  his  treatise  De  Mortalitate,  written 
on  the  occasion  of  a  terrible  pestilence,  recounts 
the  reasons  by  which  the  faithful  were  to  be 
persuaded  to  remain  in  the  afflicted  cities, 
adding,  that  this  afforded  them  a  splendid  oppor- 
tunity of  returning  good  for  evil,  by  succouring 
their  persecutors  in  the  hour  of  their  necessity. 
Gregory  Nyssen,  in  his  Life  of  Gregory  Thauma- 
turgus  (p.  958  B.  Migne,  Patrol.)  speaks  of  his 
conduct  during  a  pestilence  in  the  city  of  Neo- 
caesarea,  of  the  confidence  which  the  sick 
reposed  in  his  power  to  drive  away  the  disease 
by  his  prayers,  and  the  influence  which  he 
gained  over  the  profligate  and  unbelievers. 
Eusebius  (//.  E.  vii.  22)  gives  some  fragments 
of  the  epistles  of  Dionysius  of  Alexandria,  in 
which  he  speaks  of  the  noble  conduct  of  the 
Christians  of  that  city  during  a  plague,  narrat- 
ing how  they  helped  in  every  way,  not  only 
their  fellow-citizens,  but  even  the  heathen, 
tending  the  sick,  burying  the  dead,  and  in  many 
instances,  especially  in  the  case  of  presbyters 
and  deacons,  themselves  catching  the  pestilence 
and  dying.  This  he  contrasts  with  the  conduct 
of  the  heathen,  who  avoided  all  communication 
with  the  sick,  and  cast  out  their  dead  into  the 
roads.  Gregory  the  Great  {Epist.* Viii.  41) 
urges  Dominicus,  bishop  of  Carthage,  to  remain 
at  his  post  during  a  pestilence,  and  not  only  do 
all  he  could  to  assuage  the  sufferings  it  caused, 
but  to  make  it  a  time  for  earnest  exhortation 
while  the  hearts  of  men,  made  tender  by  fear, 
were  open  to  receive  his  exhortations  to  repent- 
ance. That  Gregory  inculcated  such  conduct, 
not  only  by  precept  but  by  example,  appears  in 
his  Life  by  John  the  Deacon.  It  is  there  stated 
(i.  39-43)  that  he  took  possession  of  his  see 
while  a  fierce  pestilence  was  raging,  and  encoun- 
tered the  evil  with  processions  and  public 
meetings  for  prayer ;  that  during  one  of  these 
meetings  eighty  people  died,  but  that  Gregory 
never  ceased  from  prayer  and  supplication  till 
the  plague  was  stayed.  Gregory  of  Tours  {Hist. 
Franc,  viii.  2)  relates  that  Salvius,  bishop  of 
Alby,  in  Narbonne,  remained  at  his  post  when 
the  city  was  devastated  by  pestilence,  urging 
the  people  to  repentance  and  prayer  ;  and  again 
{id.  ix.  22)  that  Theodorus  of  Marseilles,  on  a 
like  occasion,  remained  in  the  church  of  St. 
Victor  with  the  few  who  were  untouched  by 
the  pestilence,  in  earnest  prayer  for  its  cessa 
tion.  The  sixteenth  council  of  Toledo,  A.D.  693, 
in  the  recital  of  their  proceedings,  affixed  to 
their  decrees  (Bruns.  Canon  i.  p.  379)  notes  that 
the  bishops  of  Narbonne  were  prevented  from 
attending  by  the  pestilence  then  raging  in  their 
country.  "  [P.  0.] 


EESPONSOKIA 

EESPONSOEIA  (or  psahni  responsorii,  or 
psalmi),  a  technical  came  for  the  psalms  or 
J>ortious  of  psalms  which  were  said  or  sung 
between  the  lections  in  the  various  offices  of 
the  church.  Speaking  of  the  divine  oiEce  as 
arranged  according  to  the  Hours  in  the  Breviary, 
Eadulfus  said :  "  Sunt  etiam  in  officio  divino 
brevia  responsoria,  quae  in  officio  Romano  ad 
parvas  horas,  iit  ad  primam,  tertiam,  sextam, 
nonam,  et  completorium  dicuntur,  et  de  psalmis 
sumuntur  excepta  prima,"  &c.  {Be  Can.  Observ. 
Ziber,  Prop.  xii.).  Minute  regulations  as  to 
their  order  and  form  in  the  Hours  in  the  8th 
century  are  laid  down  by  Amalarius  (de  Ord. 
Antiphon.  lib.  cc.  71-80).  But  the  term  is  more 
frequently  used  to  denote  those  psalms  which  are 
interposed  between  the  lections  in  the  OrdoMissae, 
and  which  are  represented  by  the  Gradual, 
Tract,  &c.  in  the  modern  missal.  The  title 
"  responsorium  "  is  employed  instead  of  gradual 
throughout  the  antiphonary  of  Gregory,  as 
printed  in  Pamelius  (Liturg.  ii.  62-17G  ;  Gerbert. 
Zitunj.  Aleman.  i.  308 ;  Hugo  a  S.  Victorc, 
Erudit.  Tlieol.  i.  18).  It  was  originally  a  long 
passage  from  Scripture,  consisting  of  a  whole 
psalm  or  canticle,  for  which  an  extract  of  a  few 
verses  was  substituted  at  a  very  early  date. 
The  use  of  a  whole  psalm  survives  in  the 
Armenian  and  Coptic  liturgies  (Hammond,  C.  E. 
Anc.  Zit.  pp.  145,  199),  and  was  exempliiied  in 
the  old  Gallican  rite  by  the  position  of  the 
hymn  of  Zecharias  before  the  first,  and  of  the 
song  of  the  three  children  before  the  third 
lection. 

1.  The  title  "responsorium  "  is  said  to  be  due 
to  the  antiphonal  form  which  these  psalms 
assumed  in  the  mode  of  singing,  and  to  the  form 
of  versicle  and  response,  "vocata  hoc  nomine 
quod  uno  canente  chorus  consonando  respondeat  " 
(Isid.  Hisp.  de  Ecc.  Offic.  i.  8),  "  quod  alio 
desincnte  id  alter  respondeat "  (Rabanus  Maur. 
de  Institut.  Cleric,  i.  33),  "  quod  quoniam  alter- 
natim  cantatur,  unde  et  nominatur  respon- 
sorium "  (Hugo  a  S.  Victore,  Erudit.  Theol.  i. 
18).  According  to  other  rituals  the  term  is 
derived  from  the  responsory  answering  to  the 
preceding  lesson,  "quod  a  capite  repetatur" 
(Alcuin  de  Div.  Offi.  ed.  Hittorp.  p.  69).  "  Dicun- 
tur enlm  a  respondendo  ;  tristia  namque  tristibus 
et  laeta  laetis  debemus  succinere  lectionibus " 
(Rupert  de  Div.  Offic.  i.  15).  It  was  mystically 
interpreted  to  represent  the  active  life,  as  the 
alleluia  which  followed  it  represented  the  con- 
templative life  (Amalar.  de  Ecc.  Offic.  i.  35). 
Other  mystical  meanings  are  worked  out  at 
great  length  Qbid.  iii.  11-14).  The  difFerence 
between  antiphons  and  responsories  lay  in  the 
mode  of  singing.  "  Inter  responsoria  et  antiphonas 
hoc  diflert  quod  in  responsoriis  unus  dicat 
versum,  in  antiphonis  autem  alternent  versibus 
chori  "  (Raban.  Maur.  de  Instit.  Cleric,  i.  33). 

2.  The  date  of  the  introduction  of  "respon- 
soria "  into  the  liturgy  cannot  be  fixed  with 
accuracy.  They  were  popularly,  but  without 
sufficient  evidence,  said  to  have  been  invented  by 
the  Italians,  as  antiphons  were  invented  by  the 
Greeks  (Raban.  Maui-,  de  Instit.  Cler.  lib.  1),  a 
supposition  which  is  perhaps  based  on  the  late 
Latinity  of  the  term  by  which  they  are  technically 
known.  Allusions  to  them  in  the  following 
authors  and  documents.  Eastern  and  Western, 
prove  their  use  at  various  early  dates,  and  justify 


KESUKKECTION 


1789 


the  placing  of  their  introduction  by  Amalarius 
"  longo  ante  tempore,"  or  by  JIartene,  "  ab  ipso 
evangelii  exordio "  (Euseb.  Hid.  Eccles.  ii.  17, 
interpretante  Rufino  ;  Ambros.  ad  Marcellinam  ; 
Augustin.  in  Praefat.  ad  Psalmos  46,  99  ; 
Chrysost.  Hom.  36,  in  1  Cor.  ad  finem. ;  Sozomen, 
Eist.  Ecc.  V.  19  ;  St.  Benedicti  Regula,  c.  ix.). 

3.  The  normal  portion  of  the  "  psalmus 
responsorius  "  was  between  the  lections  in  the 
breviary  offices,  and  between  the  Epistle  and 
Gospel  in  the  Liturgy.  This  was  the  case  in  the 
Roman  liturgy  passim,  in  the  African  (Augustin. 
Serm.  x.  de  Verb.  Apost.  tom.  v.  p.  839  ;  Hom. 
xxxiii.  de  Verb.  Dom.),  in  the  Gallican  (Germani. 
Paris.  Expos.  Brevis.  §  7) ;  but  in  the  Mozarabic 
liturgy,  where,  as  in  the  Gallican,  three  lections 
occurred  in  each  missa,  the  full  responsory 
intervened  between  the  first  (lectio  prophetica) 
and  the  second  (apostolus). 

4.  The  psalmus  was  originally  sung  by  a 
single  cantor,  afterwards  by  several  cantors,  the 
response  being  taken  up  by  the  whole  choir 
(Ordo  Rom.  i.  §  10 ;  ii.  §  7  ;  Raban.  Maur.  da 
Instit.  Cler.  ii.  51)  ;  but  there  was  some  variety 
of  custom  on  this  point.  According  to  the 
ordinary  rule  a  lector  was  chosen  for  this  office. 
"Praecentor  psalmi  responsorii  usitatius  ex 
ordine  erat  lectorum  "  (Thomasius,  in  Praef.  ad 
Eom.  Antiphon.').  In  the  Anglo-Saxon  church  it 
was  sung  by  a  priest  (Theodore,  Penitent,  ii.  11) 
or  a  layman  (ibid.  i.  10).  In  the  Gallican  church 
by  a  deacon  (Greg.  Tur.  Hist.  Franc,  viii.  3)  or 
by  children,  "  nisi  tantummodo  responsorium 
quod  a  parvulis  canetur "  (German.  Paris. 
Expos.  Brev.  §  7). 

5.  It  was  sung  on  the  step  from  which  the 
epistle  had  been  read  (Ordo  Rom.  ii.  7),  whence 
its  more  modern  and  familiar  title  of  Gradual. 
It  was  said  or  sung  originally  by  heart,  but  at  a 
later  period  the  responsories  were  collected 
together  in  a  book  called  the  Responsoiiale. 
The  arrangement  of  its  parts  ditfered  slightly  in 
Rome  and  Gaul  (Amalar.  Prologus  de  Ordine 
Antiphon).  It  was  sometimes  prefaced  by  an 
announcement  of  the  passage  of  Scripture  from 
which  it  was  taken  (Cassiodorus,  cap.  ii.  Prefat. 
in  Psalm.),  and  was  usually  followed  by  the 
Gloria  Patri,  according  to  the  direction  of  the 
rule  of  St.  Benedict  (for  Nocturns)  and  of  the 
fourth  council  of  Toledo  (can.  15),  which  also 
alludes  to  its  permitted  omission  in  the  case  of 
the  penitential  psalms  (can.  16).  The  cantor  was 
vested  in  an  alb,  as  we  may  gather  from  the 
twenty-third  canon  of  the  council  of  Laodicea, 
which  forbids  his  wearing  a  stole,  and  from  the 
eleventh  canon  of  the  second  council  of  Bracara, 
which  forbids  his  wearing  ordinary  dress.  For 
further  information  the  reader  is  referred  to 
Gradual,  Tract,  &c.  [F.  E.  W.] 

EESTITUTUS  (1),  May  29;  natale  com- 
memorated at  Rome  on  the  Via  Aurelia  (Mart. 
Usuard.;  Bieroii.,  Notker.,  Vet.  Rom.;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Mai.  vii.  10).  . 

(3)  Aug.  23;  commemorated  at  Antioch 
(3fart.  Usuard.).  C<^-  ^1 

EESUEEECTION  AND  LAST  JUDG- 
MENT. It  is  difficult  to  say  with  certainty 
how  far  representations  of  this  tremendous  sub- 
ject really  belong  to  early  Christian  art,  that  i» 
to  say  to  that  period  of  it  which  ends  with  the 


1790 


KESUKRECTION 


death  of  Charles  the  Great.  Though  many  of 
the  great  mosaics  after  the  6th  century  repre- 
sent the  Lord  in  glory,  attended  by  saints,  they 
do  not,  as  at  periods  nearer  the  middle  ages,  set 
forth  His  sentence  on  the  wicked  or  the  righteous. 
That  of  the  Duomo  of  Torcello  is  probably  the 
earliest  remaining  instance  on  a  mural  scale.  The 
"various  sketches  of  the  condemnation  of  the  wicked, 
and  the  very  numerous  hells  of  the  Utrecht  Psalter, 
are  no  doubt  prior  to  them.  The  Psalter  of 
Athelstan  (late  9th  century)  has  its  concourse 
of  saints  and  glorification  of  our  Lord,  which 
quite  anticipates  the  crowded  mediaeval-Gothic 
Paradises. 

Lord  Lindsay  refers  the  great  judgment 
mosaic  of  Torcello  to  the  12th  century,  when  a 
reaction  or  renascence  of  Byzantine  art  took 
place  under  the  Comneni.  Its  Inferno  has  much 
ghastly  imagination  in  the  representation  of  the 
sea,  Amphitrite  in  person,  giving  up  her  dead, 
the  worms  writhing  from  fleshless  skulls,  kc. 
This,  with  the  varieties  of  torture  represented  in 
the  smaller  compartments,  would  be  almost 
decisive  as  to  its  late  date  ;  but  Prof.  Ruskin 
and  the  Marchese  Selvatico  appear  to  think  it 
probable  that  this  mosaic,  or  parts  of  it,  may 
have  been  among  the  decorations  of  the  original 
island-church  of  Torcello,  built  in  A.D.  641. 
(See  Appendix  to  Stones  of  Venice,  vol.  ii.)  If 
the  mosaics  are  really  7th  century,  they  are, 
as  far  as  the  present  writer  knows,  unique  as 
to  subject  and  treatment  for  that  time  ;  and 
their  ghastly  imagery  would  seem  to  indicate 
a  later  date.  They  certainly  anticipate  the 
imaginations  of  Giotto  and  Orgagna,  as  the  latter 
influenced  the  works  of  Michel  Angelo  in  the 
Sistine,  by  his  frescoes  in  the  Campo  Santo  of 
Pisa.  There  is  a  peculiarity  noticed  by  Prof. 
Ruskin  in  the  Torcellese  artist's  conception  of 
the  everlasting  fire,  not  as  a  conflagration  or 
fiery  prison-house,  or  personified  monster,  as  in 
later  days,  but  as  a  red  stream  issuing  from 
beneath  the  throne  of  God.  It  is  suggested 
under  Torment,  Place  of,  that  the  represen- 
tation of  an  actual  mouth  of  hell,  so  common 
in  the  middle   ages,  may  be  derived  from  the 


RESURRECTION 

tion  of  the  Last  Judgment  at  Mount  Sinai  ;  and 
the  one  or  two  at  the  convent  of  Mar  Saba  .seem 
of  late  date.  There  are  many  at  Mount  Athos,  but 
Mr.  H.  F.  Tozer  considers  them  entirely  out  of 
our  period.  In  Messrs.  Texier  and  Pullan's 
Byzantine  Architecture,  p.  41,  mention  is  made 
of  several  last  judgments,  none  at  all  early.  The 
subject  is  said  in  this  work  to  be  entirely 
Byzantine,  and  derived  from  Egypt,  to  be  in  fact 
a  repetition  of  the  psychostasis  of  antiquity. 
The  sculptures  in  tympana  of  church  porches  in 
the  West  during  the  13th  and  14th  centuries  are 
very  frequently  of  Byzantine  derivation. 

A  heathen  painting  of  judgment,  or  presenta- 
tion of  the  soul  after  death  to  the  lower  powers, 
has  been  found  in  the  catacomb  of  St.  Praetex- 
tatus.  (See  Perret,  i.  73.)  "  Diespiter "  and 
"  Mercurius  Nuntius  "  are  named  in  it,  as  also 
Alcestis.  See  also  the  "  Inductio  Vibies  "  in  the 
Gnostic  catacomb  (Parker,  Appendix  to  Catacombs, 
p.  174  ;  Perret,  vol.  i.  No.  73),  which  certainly 
represents  the  presentation  of  the  dead  Vivia  to 
some  assembled  divinities.  [R.  J.  T.] 

RESURRECTION  OF  OUR  LORD.    See 

Crdcifix.  This  subject  forms  part  of  several  of 
the  early  crucifixions.  There  seems  to  have  been 
a  feeling  on  the  part  of  scribes  or  their  patrons 
that  the  true  impression  of  the  event  of  the 
Lord's  death  could  only  be  given  in  one  view 
with  His  victory  over  death.  The  annexed 
woodcut  (No.  1)  is  a  striking  representation 
of  the  Resurrection  from  the  Rabula  MS.  in  the 
Laurentine  Library  at  Florence.  As  subjects 
drawn  from  the  passion  of  our  Lord  are  very 
rare  in  early  Christian  art,  it  is  not  very  sur- 
prising that  His  resurrection  does  not  occur 
often.  The  following  examples,  given  by  Rohault 
de  Fleury,  L'Evangile,  vol.  ii.  ppl.  92,  93,  94, 
will  amount  to  a  tolerable  list. 

In  sculpture,  a  well-known  Lateran  sarcopha- 
gus of  the  4th  century  gives  the  monogram, 
inscribed  in  the  circle  of  a  victor's  wreath  of 
bay  or  olive,  and  elevated  on  a  large  cross,  which 
forms  its  upright  P.  Two  soldiers  resting  on 
their   shields    are    placed     beneath     its    arms. 


KesorrecUon,  MS.  of  Eabul.    (Prom  Assemauis  Catalogus Bibliothecae  LaTirentianae.) 


Tearing  mouth  or  passage  from  the  infernal 
regions  described  in  the  vision  in  Plato's  Republic, 
bk.  X.  ;  but  its  not  being  found  in  this  mosaic 
may  render  the  connexion  less  plausible. 

The  present  writer  remembers  no  representa- 


Martigny  mentions  a  lamp  figured  by  Giorgi, 
de  Monogrammate  Ckristi,  p.  10,  of  nearly  the 
same  device,  with  the  addition  of  a  tablet  with 
the  motto  of  the  Labarum,  E  N  TO VIITO  N I K A  ; 
also  a  marble  tomb  at  Nimes,  and  a  sarcophagus 


EESURRECTION 

at  Soissons  (Le  Blant,  Inscr.  de  la  Gaule,  p.  304). 
Rohault  de  Fleury  speaks  of  a  fragment  of  a 
similar  sarcophagus  in  the  Vatican,  which  bears 
the  upright  monogram,  ornamented,  and  without 
the  cross.  See  also  Aringhi,  i.  311,  a  drawing 
from  a  Vatican  sarcophagus  which  belonged  to  a 
private  palace  in  his  day. 


REVERSION 


1791 


No.  2.    Symbolic  Resurrection  Sarcophagus  in  the  Lateran. 

The  6th  century  ivory  of  the  Vatican,  Rohault 
de  Fleury,  ii.  pi.  92,  represents  the  soldiers 
resting  on  their  shields  as  supporters,  with  two 
of  the  Maries  above  them.  The  sepulchre  is  a 
square  building,  surmounted  by  a  Lombard  cupola 
and  supported  by  two  pillars.  On  one  of  its 
doors  (the  other  is  omitted  in  the  carving — as 
broken),  there  seems  to  be  a  bas-relief  of  the 
Raising  of  Lazarus,  treated  as  in  the  catacombs. 
In  pi.  94  he  gives  two  8th  century  ivories,  now 
at  Munich  ;  one  of  the  three  Maries,  the  other 
of  St.  Mary  Magdalene  alone,  greeted  in  both 
cases  by  the  angel  of  the  resurrection.  They  are 
attached  to  an  11th  century  evangeliary,  but  he 
thinks  they  may  probably  be  of  the  time  of 
Charles  the  Great. 

In  mosaic,  the  church  of  S.  Apollinare  nella 
Citta  at  Ravenna,  is  the  only  example  we  know 
of  (K.  de  Fleury,  pi.  93,  6th  century).  In  this 
example  the  sepulchre  is  a  regular  Greek  circular 
temple,  a  peristyle,  with  architrave  and  flat 
dome  roof.  The  broken  door  leans  across  the 
entrance.  An  angel  sits  on  the  left,  with 
nimbus  and  wings,  white  robe  and  wand.  He 
addresses  two  women,  the  first  of  them  clad  in  a 
violet  tunic  and  brown  robe. 

Besides  these,  Martigny  mentions  two  tombs 
containing  this  subject;  one  belonging  to  the  crypt 
of  St.  Maximin  {Monuin.  de  Ste.  Madeleine),  another 
is  from  the  sarcophagus  of  St.  Celsus  at  Milan, 
(Bugati,  Mem.  di  S.  Celso,  p.  242,  tav.  1).  He 
<;ives  a  woodcut  of  it.  One  is  pointing  to  the 
napkin  or  grave-clothes,  in  the  condition  ob- 
served by  St.  Peter  and  St.  John  (John  xx.  5,  6)  ; 
the  other  sees  the  angel.  On  the  right  of  the 
sepulchre — which  is  circular,  has  a  round  arched 
doorway,  and  obtusely  gabled  roof — the  Lord 
appears  to  St.  Thomas  and  another  saint. 

Finally,  there  is  a  resurrection  on  one  of  the  reli- 
quaries sent  by  St.  Gregory  the  Great  to  Theode- 
lindaof  Lombardy(Mozzoni,  Tav.diStor.Ecd.  vii. 
97).  St.  Mary  Magdalene  prostrates  herself  before 


the  Lord ;  two  trees  and  a  fountain  represent  the 
garden ;  and  on  one  of  St.  Gregory's  phials  or  oil 
vessels,  sent  at  the  same  time,  and  now  at  Monza, 
there  is  an  angel  with  two  Maries.  See  Cruci- 
fix, p.  516,  vol.  i. ;  and  a  medallion  published  by 
Miinter,  Si/mholism,  part  i.  tab.  1,  No.  4  ;  with 
the  word  ANACTACIC.  The  chief  Christian 
symbolisms  of  the  Resurrection  are  the  univer- 
sally-occurring figures  of  Jonah,  and  the  less 
frequent  one  of  Samson  with  the  gates  of  Gaza 
(Buonarroti,  Vetri,  tav.  1,  fig.  1).  The  Raising 
of  Lazarus  will  be  found  s.  v.  ;  but  the  peacock 
and  the  ark  of  Noah  can  hardly  be  considered  (as 
by  De  Fleury)  as  symbolisms  specially  directed 
to  this  subject.  [R.  J.  T.] 

REVENUES.     [Property.] 

REVERIANUS,  June  1,  bishop;  comme- 
morated at  Autun  (^Mart.  Usuard. ;  Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Jun.  i.  40).  [C.  H.] 

REVERSION  (Segressus).  Instances  of 
securing  the  right  of  reversion  to  a  bishopric 
are  not  unfrequent  in  the  history  of  the  early 
church,  sometimes  by  desire  of  the  people,  at 
other  times  apparently  by  the  will  of  the  ruling 
bishop,  but  always  under  peculiar  circumstances. 

Eusebius  (ZT.  E.  vi.  11)  speaks  of  Alexander 
being  appointed  coadjutor  to  the  aged  Narcissus, 
bishop  of  Jerusalem,  evidently  with  the  right  of 
succession,  and  H.  E.  vii.  32  says  that  Theotecnus, 
bishop  of  Caesarea  in  Palestine,  ordained  a  certain 
Anatolius  to  the  episcopate  with  the  intention  of 
making  him  his  assistant  and  successor. 

Socrates  {H.  E.  v.  5)  says  that  in  order  to 
heal  a  schism  that  existed  in  the  church  of 
Antioch  (a.d.  379)  in  consequence  of  there  being 
two  bishops,  Meletius  and  Paulinus,  exercising 
their  functions  at  the  same  time  in  the  see,  the 
people  assembled  those  of  the  clergy  who  were  con- 
sidered worthy  to  be  entrusted  with  the  bishopric, 
and  bound  them  by  an  oath  that  whenever  either 
of  the  two  bishops  should  die,  the  survivor  should 
be  permitted  to  retain  undisputed  possession  of 
the  see  (compare  Theodoret,  H.  E.  v.  3,  with 
note  by  Vales.)  ;  and  JI.  E.  vii.  46  relates  how 
Paul,  the  Noratian  bishop  of  Constant inoj^e, 
when  on  his  death-bed,  was  not  only  permitted, 
but  requested  by  his  presbyters  to  select  his  own 
successor. 

Sozomen  (ff.  E.  ii.  20)  says  that  Maximus, 
who  had  been  ordained  bishop  of  Diospolis  by 
Macarius,  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  was  appointed  by 
the  people  coadjutor  and  successor  to  Macarius 
himself,  and  in  due  time  succeeded  to  the  see. 
.  But  these  instances  run  contrary  to  the  general 
intention  of  the  church  as  expressed  in  the 
decrees  of  councils.  Thus  the  Apostolic  Canons 
(c.  75)  forbid  a  bishop  to  ordain  any  of  his  rela- 
tions, giving  as  a  reason  that  the  principle  of 
hereditary  succession  ought  not  to  be  introduced 
into  the  church,  ov  yap  r)}v  tov  6eov  ei{K\r]aiav 
v-rrh  K\ripov6ixovs  6(pel\€i  Tidivat.  The  council  of 
Antioch,  A.D.  341  (c.  23),  expressly  forbids  any 
bishop  to  constitute  {Kaeicnav)  any  one  as  his 
successor,  and  provides  tlirtt  such  appointment, 
if  made,  shall  be  void.  The  fourth  council  of 
Toledo,  A.D.  633  (c.  19),  numbers  among  the 
clergy  disqualified  for  bishoprics  those  who  have 
been  appointed  by  their  prcilecossors  in  the  .see  : 
and  the  fifth  council  of  Paris  (c.  2)  forbids  any 


1792 


KEVOCATUS 


bishop  during  his  lifetime  to  appoint  a  successor 
unless  under  certain  conditions.     See  Coadjutor 


Bishop,  p.  398. 


[P.  0.] 


EEVOCATUS,  March  7,  commemorated  at 
Tuburbum  (^Mart.  Usuard.) ;  apparently  the  one 
mentioned  in  Mart.  Hieron.  Feb.  5.  [C.  H.] 

RHEIMS,  alleged  Council  of  {Remense  Con- 
cilixun).  A.D.  625.  First  mentioned  in  the  history 
of  the  church  of  Rheims  by  Flodoard,  one  of  its 
canons,  in  the  10th  century.  According  to  him, 
it  was  summoned  by  Sonnatius,  bishop  of  Rheims, 
attended  by  forty  or  more  bishops,  and  passed 
twenty-five  canons,  in  which  allusion  is  made 
more  than  once  to  the  synod  of  Paris,  A.D.  615. 
Nor  is  their  general  tone  dissimilar.  But,  accord- 
ing to  Burchard  and  others,  it  passed  twenty-two 
more,  which  he  omits,  all  confessedly  the  work  of 
the  8th  and  9th  centuries.  And  these  (coupled 
with  the  twenty-one  statutes  of  Sonnatius,  as  they 
are  called,  which  are  no  less  apocryphal),  must 
discredit  everything  else  reported  of  his  episco- 
pate, for  which  no  earlier  authentic  proof  can  be 
had  (Mansi,  x.  593-604).  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

EHENO.  We  learn  from  Isidore  {Etijm.  six. 
23.  4)  that  rJieno  is  the  name  of  a  garment 
covering  the  shoulders  and  chest,  and  reaching 
down  to  the  waist,  specially  intended  for  protec- 
tion against  the  rain.  According  to  Sallust 
(Isidore,  I.  c.)  it  was  worn  by  the  Germans.  The 
derivation  is  uncertain.  We  can  hardly  agree 
with  Isidore,  that  it  is  to  be  found  in  Rhenus,  the 
river  Rhine,  because  of  the  use  of  the  garment 
in  the  adjacent  country.  Another  theory  con- 
nects it  with  the  name  of  the  reindeer,  from 
whose  skin  it  may  have  been  made.  It  is  perhaps 
more  likely  that  it  is  to  be  connected  with  pV, 
so  that  it  would  merely  mean  a  sheepskin.  See 
Ducauge's  Glossarium,  s.  v.  [R.  S.] 

EICHARIUS,  Ap.  26,  presbyter  and  con- 
fessor ;  commemorated  at  Centula  (St.  Riquier) 
(^Mart.  Usuard.,  Notker. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Ap.  iii. 
441) ;  Oct.  9  {Mart.  Eieron.).  [C.  H.] 

EIEZ  (in  Provence),  COUNCIL  OF  {Rt- 
gense,  or  Reginense  Concilium),  a.d.  439.  Caused 
by  the  uncanonical  act  of  two  bishops  in  consecrat- 
ing to  the  see  of  Embrun  without  any  reference  to 
their  metropolitan  or  their  colleagues.  It  was 
attended  by  twelve  bishops,  of  whom  Hilary, 
bishop  of  Aries,  in  whose  jurisdiction  Embrun 
then  lay,  subscribed  first.  Its  eight  canons  are 
partly  directed  against  the  offenders,  and  partly 
to  prevent  any  similar  offences  in  future  (Mansi, 
V.  1189-1200).  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

EIGAE.     [RuGAK.] 

EIMAS  or  EIMNAS,  Jan.  20,  martyr  with 
Innas  and  Pinnas,  disciples  of  St.  Andrew  the 
apostle  (Bas.  3Ienol.  ii.  124 ;  Cal.  Byzant.). 

[C.  H.] 

EIMINL  COUNCIL  OF,  a.d.  359  (Arimi- 
NENSE  Concilium).  Two  councils,  of  which 
the  first,  that  at  Rimini,  was  entirely  composed 
of  Western  prelates,  and  an  Eastern  assemblino- 
at  Seleucia,  the  capital  of  Isauria,  were  con- 
voked about  the  same  time.  There  were  more 
than  four  hundred  present,  of  whom  but  eighty 
were  Arians.     The  Nicene  faith  was  accordingly 


EINGS 

received,  all  later  formulas  rejected,  and  four  or 
five  Arian  bishops  condemned.  Ten  deputies 
were  sent  with  these  decisions  to  Constantius. 
But  meanwhile  the  Acacians  proceeding  to  Con- 
stantinople gained  over  the  emperor,  and  sent 
the  last  creed  of  Sirmium  to  Rimini  to  be  received 
there.  At  first  the  council  steadily  refused  ccto- 
pliance,  whereupon  Ursacius  and  Valens,  two  of 
the  condemned  bishops,  hurried  off  to  Nicaea, 
overtook  and  duped  the  deputies  that  had  been 
sent  from  Rimini,  and  then  returning  thither 
themselves  with  count  Taurus,  who  had  orders 
to  do  whatever  they  told  him,  revolutionized  the 
council,  forced  it  at  a  subsequent  meeting  to 
subscribe  to  this  creed,  and  adopt  Arianism. 
"  Ingemuit  totus  orbis,  et  Arianum  se  esse  mira- 
tus  est,"  says  St.  Jerome,  who  summarizes  its 
proceedings  (Adv.  Lucif.  c.  17-19.  Compare 
the  documents  in  Mansi,  iii.  293-316,  and  the 
discussion  on  them  in  Hefele,  ii.  251-361,  Eng. 
Tr.).  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

EINGS.  The  finger-ring  used  as  a  signet  goes 
as  far  back  as  very  early  Egyptian  times.  It 
has  continued  to  be  used  for  the  same  purpose 
in  all  ages  down  to  the  present  day,  but  in  pro- 
cess of  time  has  come  to  be  employed  for  other 
purposes  also.  Rings  may  indicate  official  rank 
or  the  espoused  or  married  state,  or  may  be  used 
as  ornaments,  or  pressed  into  the  service  of 
devotion.  Wealthy  Christians  in  the  times  of 
the  apostles  wore  gold  rings  (James  ii.  2).  The 
Ante-nicene  and  Post-nicene  fathers  alike  find  it 
necessary  to  declare  against  the  prodigality  of 
Christians  in  wearing  rings  and  gems.  (See 
Tertull.  de  Hah.  Muliebr.  c.  5 ;  Apol.  c.  6 ; 
Clem.  Alex.  Paed.  lib.  iii.  c.  11 ;  Cyprian  de  Hob. 
Virg.  c.  14 ;  Basil,  Homil.  ad  Bivit.  c.  4 ;  Hieron. 
Epist.  ad  Laet.  c.  5).  One  of  the  earliest  notices 
of  a  finger-ring  in  Church  history  occurs  in  the 
Acts  of  the  ]\Iartyrs  Perpetua  and  Felicitas 
(circa  202  a.d.),  where  we  read  that  the  martyr 
Saturus  drew  a  ring  from  off  the  finger  (cinsu- 
lam  de  digito  petiit)  of  Pudens,  a  soldier,  who 
witnessed  his  sufferings,  and  returned  it  to  him 
covered  with  his  own  blood  (c.  6). 

Christian  Rings  of  Metal  set  with  Gems. 
A  large  number  of  Christian  rings  were  made 
to  be  worn  on  the  finger,  more  rarely  on  the 
thumb,  and  of  these  many  bore  engraved  stones, 
which  have  come  down  to  us  in  greater  numbers 
than  the  rings  themselves.  The  devices  on  such 
stones  are  described  under  Gems.  The  few 
examples  which  have  survived  having  but  very 
rarely  any  peculiarly  Christian  features,  need 
not  be  dwelt  upon  at  length ;  three  very  fine 
ones  have  been  just  alluded  to  under  Gems  (pp. 
713  b,  and  722  b,  note)  ;  one  now  in  the  British 
Museum,  of  massive  gold  of  hexagonal  form,  is 
supposed  to  be  of  the  early  part  of  the  third 
century,  diameter  about  1-5  inches  (figured  in 
Perret,  Catacombcs,  vol.  iv.  pi.  xvi.  n.  4):  the 
second  (p.  722,  a),  perhaps  a  little  later,  is  in 
the  possession  of  Monseigneur  de  Bonald,  Cardi- 
nal Archbishop  of  Lyons,  also  of  massive  gold, 
circular,  increasing  in  thickness  towards  the 
bezel,  where  it  is  foliated  ;  the  rest  is  irregularly 
but  elegantly  corded  at  intervals,  so  that  it 
bears  some  resemblance  to  a  succession  of  pearls 
(diameter  1-4  inches):  the  bezel,  fi-om  which 
the  gem  has  fallen  out,  of  an  oblong  quadran- 


KINGS 

gular  form  (longer  side  0-9),  has  on  its  two 
larger  sides  vivas  in  deo  |  as  boli,  followed 
by  a  palm  branch  (Gems,  p.  722,  figured  in  Le 
Blant,  Inscr.  clir€t.  de  la  Gaule,  pi.  2,  n.  6  ; 
Martigny,  Did.  s.  v.  Anneau,  ed.  2).     The  third, 


KINGS 


1793 


which  is  likewise  of  gold,  bearing  figures  of  doves 
embossed  on  the  shoulders,  is  set  with  a  garnet 
on  which  a  female  sitting  between  two  crosses 
is  engraved  ;  it  is  of  later  Roman  work.  (Gems, 
p.  716,  b.) 

The  following  gold  rings  remain  to  be  men- 
tioned, with  the  types  of  their  gems  or  pastes, 
when  present.  A  gold  ring  with  slender  flat 
xxniform  hoop  of  circular  form  with  circular 
bezel,  raised  and  scalloped  at  the  margin,  which 
is  surrounded  by  a  beaded  line,  holds  a  pale 
blue  niccolo  (a  truncated  cone)  on  which  is 
represented  a  dolphin  (regarded  as  a  fish  and  so 
taken  as  a  symbol  of  Christ,  see  De  Rossi,  Bull. 
1870,  pp.  49-73)  :  the  stone  is  inscribed  vivas 
NOCTOHAMVS  (the  nominative  for  the  vocative) ; 
diameter  of  ring  1  inch  ;  of  chaton  0-8  ;  of  sur- 
face of  gem  0-3.  This  curious  ring,  supposed  to 
be  of  the  third  century,  is  described  and  beauti- 
fully figured  (nat.  size)  by  Prof.  A.  Salinas,  Bed 
Museo  di  Balermo,  p.  59,  tav.  A,  n.  7,  and  by 
M.  de  Rossi,  Bull.  u.  s.  tav.  iy.  n.  13  (enlarged). 
Probably  found  in  Sicily. 

A  beautiful  gold  finger-ring,  with  the  hoop 
flat  and  widening  towards  the  bezel,  was  found 
in  1857  among  the  ruins  of  the  Roman  houses  in 
Tusculum,  and  came  into  the  possession  of  the 
Princess  Aldobrandini.  It  is  set  with  a  lapis 
lazuli  bearing  an  anchor  and  a  palm-tree ;  the 
symbols  of  hope  and  of  final  victory.  These 
symbols  occur  separately  on  several  gems  (see 
Gems,  pp.  714  and  716)  ;  but  have,  hitherto,  been 
found  in  conjunction  only  on  this  one  gem.  Not 
very  fine  work,  but  neither  again  at  all  rude  : 
De  Rossi  is  persuaded  from  various  considera- 
tions that  it  is  earlier  than  the  fourth  century 
(Bull,  di  Arch.  Crist.  1872,  p.  119,  tav.  vii. 
n.  3). 

A  massive  plain  gold  ring  in  the  British 
Museum  has  an  onyx  intaglio  bearing  the 
chrisma,  the  p  being  crossed  with  the  third 
stroke  f-EY  Fortnum,  Arch.  Journ.  xxvi. 
(1860),  p.  142. 

Another  very  massive  plain  gold  ring  of 
ordinary  subcircular  form,  bears  a  paste  in 
imitation  of  niccolo,  upon  which  is  engraved 
the  chrisma,  the  P  being  crossed  with  the  X 
and  also  with  a  horizontal  line  through  the  inter- 
section (dE)  :  diameter  of  ring  0-9  by  0-8  inch  : 
that     of  the    suborbicular    chaton    0-7     inch : 


height  of  socket  of  bezel  0-2  inch  ;  said  to  have 
been  found  in  England  (British  Museum). 

In  the  Castellani  collection  (now  in  the 
British  Museum),  No.  5  of  Mr.  Fortnum's  cata- 
logue, is  a  very  fine  example  of  a  gold  ring 
bearing  the  chrisma;  it  is  an  octagonal  hoop 
swelling  to  the  shoulders  and  surmounted  by 
the  monogram  of  the  ordinary  form  composed  of 
cloisons  of  gold,  from  which  the  stones  or  pastes 
or  enamels  which  ,they  once  held  have  now 
fallen  out. 

The  three  preceding  rings  are  probably  of  the 
4th  or  5th  century. 

For  the  ring  of  Bishop  Arnulphus,  see  below 
under  Episcopal  Ring. 

Other  settings  of  early  Christian  gems  are  in 
bronze  ;  one  enclosing  the  Good  Shepherd  on  a 
jasper  (Gems,  p.  712)  in  the  possession  of  Mr. 
Fortnum,  and  figured  by  him,  of  octagonal  form, 
is  by  his  kind  permission  here  reproduced.     Nor 


(Fortnum,  No.  6.) 

is  this  the  only  bronze  example.  See  Catalogue 
of  the  Uzielli  Coll.  p.  66,  n.  277,  Lond.  1861. 
(Christie  and  Manson.)  To  these,  others  doubt- 
less might  be  added. 

Rings  were  also  occasionally  set  in  ancient 
times,  as  now,  with  gems  on  which  no  subject 
is  engraved.  Some  of  these  were,  in  the  middle 
ages,  the  badges  of  bishops  (see  under  Episcopal 
Ring  belowj,  but  whether  we  have  any  of  them 
now  remaining  belonging  to  earlier  times  appears 
to  be  uncertain.  In  all  likelihood  Christians 
in  every  age  may  have  worn  such,  but  inde- 
pendently of  any  religious  significance. 

There  is  an  office  for  the  consecration  of 
cardinals  which  mentions  the  delivery  of  the 
ring,  Martene  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Rit.  lib.  i.  c.  8, 
§  xi.  Ord.  xiv.  It  is  probable  that  their  rings  also 
bore  a  stone  without  any  device.  In  1875,  when 
Pope  Pius  IX.  installed  several  cardinals,  he  pre- 
sented each  of  them  with  a  gold  ring  set  with  a 
sapphire  (Jones,  Finger-ring  Lore,  p.  216).  This 
stone  appears  to  have  been  generally  used  for  the 
purpose,  as  in  the  case  of  bishops  (Jones,  u.  s.). 

The  Ordo  Romanus  (p.  143,  Hitt. ;  see  Curtius, 
Synt.  p.  411)  and  various  mediaeval  offices 
(Maskell,  Mon.  Rit.  vol.  ii.  p.  319)  mention  the 
delivery  of  rings  to  nuns  at  their  consecration. 
What  these  were  we  know  not,  but  it  may  be 
surmised  that  they  bore  plain  stones. 

Forms  of  Christian  Rings  made  wholly  of  Metal, 
and  hearing  Devices. 
The  various  forms  of  these  rings  (as  Mr. 
Fortnum  observes)  do  not  appear  to  differ  from 
the  general  fashion  of  the  rings  of  their  day,» 
in  the  world  Christian  and  Pagan,  and,  so  far 
as  the  figures  in  his  and  in  the  present  paper 
are  concerned,  may  be  classified  nearly  m  his 


«  In  the  Bactyliotheca  of  Gorlaeus,  may  be  seen  figures 
of  upwards  of  200  rings,  one  or  two  of  wbicli  (1S4,  211) 
are  certainly,  and  a  few  others  (210,  205-209  from  tho 
catacombs)  probably  Christiui!. 


1794 


KINGS 


own  words  as  follows  (Arch.  Journ.  vol.  xxvi. 
pp.  138,  139).  The  numbers  attached  refer  to 
the  rings  in  his  own  collection,  and  described  by 
himself. 

A  large  part  of  the  others  which  are  not 
figured,  would  probably  fall  under  the  same 
heads. 

A.  The  circular  hoop  of  convex  metal  swelling 
to  the  shoulders  and  flattened  into  an  oval  or 
angular  chaton.  Such  are  Nos.  8,  24  and  25,  in 
Mr.  Fortnum's  collection  figured  below. 

B.  Rings  formed  of  two,  three,  or  more  hoops 
springing  from  one,  widening  to  the  bezel,''  and 
generally  having  beaded  wire  or  chainwork  be- 
tween each  hoop.  This  form,  as  the- last,  occurs 
also  at  an  earlier  period.  Nos.  1,  27,  28 
(Fortnum)  are  examples  of  this  form. 

C.  Octagonal.  A  flat  hoop  of  metal  formed 
into  an  octagon  ;  sometimes  oval  and  swelling  to 
the  bezel,  which  has  a  raised  table  of  metal ; 
a  form,  as  Mr.  Fortnum  thinks,  peculiar  to  the 
3rd  and  4th  centuries.  No.  6  (figured  above) 
is  of  the  same  form,  but  bears  a  gem. 

D.  A  peculiar  form,  greatly  varying,  and, 
again,  in  the  opinion  of  the  same  gentleman, 
only  occurring  during  the  Lower  Empire  ;  some- 
times of  the  largest  size,  and  of  great  weight  of 
metal.  The  bezel  is  more  or  less  raised,  and 
the  shoulders  divei'ge  in  straight  lines  at  a 
greater  or  less  angle  from  the  bezel  to  the  side, 
from  whence  the  hoop  is  completed  by  a  semi- 
circle or  semi-hexagon.  These  rings  are  some- 
times of  extreme  "width.  No.  11  and  12  (Fort- 
num) are  of  this  class. 

E.  A  simple  hoop,  generally  of  convex  metal, 
more  or  less  swelling  to  the  shoulders,  and  hav- 
ing a  circular  (but  little  raised)  bezel  with  flat 
table,  on  which  the  device  is  engraved  ;  Nos. 
13,  14,  15,  16,  17,  19,  and  33  (Fortnum)  are 
of  this  abundant  form.  Nos.  26  and  30  (Fort- 
num) are  varieties  with  a  square  bezel. 

F.  The  simple  hoop  has  a  high,  trumpet-shaped 
bezel,  formed  as  an  inverted  cone  of  greater  or 
less  height,  and  sometimes  octagonal  laterally. 
Such  are  Nos.  20  and  22  (Fortnum).  Cardinal 
de  Bonald's  ring  (figured  above)  with  raised 
quadrangular  bezel  and  No.  29  (Fortnum)  are 
variations  from  this  type. 

This  form,  he  says,  and  also  D,  are  peculiar 
to  the  period  of  decadence,  and  occasionally 
occur  of  grotesque  proportions  and  development, 
the  tower-like  head  rising  sometimes  to  more 
than  half  an  inch  in  height. 

To  the  above  classes  of  ]\Ir.  Fortnum  the  fol- 
lowing must  be  added  for  the  French  rings  of 
the  Merovingian  period,  figured  below  after  Le 
Blant, 

G.  A  simple  hoop,  slightly  swelling  towards 
the  shoulders,  where  it  is  sometimes  corded ; 
bearing  a  large  oval  or  subcircular  tabular 
chaton  (not  raised) :  the  extremities  of  the  hoop 
next  the  chaton  each  bear  bosses  varying  in 
number,  resembling  pearls  ;  and  the  chaton  some- 
times bears  a  border  in  imitation  of  smaller 
pearls.    See  under  Cross  below  for  two  examples. 


•>  Bezel  is  used  here  and  in  the  following  pages  as 
synonymous  with  chaton,  so  as  to  include  the  whole 
ornamental  surrounding,  if  any,  together  with  the  metal 
face  or  table.  If  the  latter  word  were  kept  for  the 
metallic  face  only,  and  bezel  for  its  surroundings,  it  would 
be  a  gain.    Scudo  (Lat.  scutum)  is  unambiguous. 


RINGS 

The  preceding  remarks  on  the  forms  of  Chris- 
tian rings  refer  only  to  such  as  bear  devices. 
Rings  to  which  keys  are  attached,  or  which  have 
the  bezel  in  the  form  of  a  shoe  (both  figured 
below  from  Mr.  Fortnum)  are  likewise  not  in- 
cluded in  the  above  classes. 

Christian  Rings  of  various  Materials,  not  hearing 
Devices,  nor  set  with  Gems. 
Plain  rings  in  abundance,  with  or  without  a 
bezel,  both  in  various  metals  and  in  ivory,  have 
been  found  in  the  Roman  catacombs  and  in 
Frankish,  German,  and  Saxon  graves,  and 
above  all  in  the  tomb  of  Maria,  wife 
of  the  emperor  Honorius,  where  150  rings 
of  difterent  kinds  were  found  in  1544,  now 
dispersed  and  lost  to  knowledge  (ToMBS) ;  and 
likewise  in  many  other  localities,  where  Chris- 
tians have  been  buried,  and  sometimes  even  upon 
the  finger  of  the  skeleton.  Some  ivory  rings, 
too  small  or  too  large  to  be  worn  on  the  fingers, 
have  been  found  attached  to  the  outside  of  se- 
pulchral niches  in  the  catacombs,  even  four  or  five 
on  the  same  tomb,  probably  for  the  purposes  of 
identification.  One  with  plain  cylindrical  hoop, 
another  ribbon-shaped  in  the  oblique  markings 
outside  are  figured  by  Ferret  (ii.  s.  pi.  viii.  Nos. 
5  and  8).  Rings  of  ostrich  bone  (de  struthionum 
ossibus  ansulae  in  digitis)  were  sometimes  worn 
as  superstitious  charms,  and  are  condemned  by 
St.  Augustine  accordingly  (De  Doctr.  Christ,  lib. 
ii.  c.  20).  On  these  various  rings  see  Martigny, 
Anneaux  des  prem.  Chr^t.  pp.  13-15,  and  his 
references:  also  Fortnum  in  Arch.  Journ.  vol. 
xxviii.  pp.  267,  268,  284. 

Materials  of  Christian  Eings. 

On  the  subject  of  material  Mr.  Fortnum 
observes  that,  "  as  a  rule,  early  Christian  rings 
of  gold  are  rare.  This  might  be  expected,  as 
the  use  of  rich  and  numerous  ornaments  was 
not  in  accordance  with  the  teaching  of  the  early 
church."  Notwithstanding  this,  however,  a  fair 
number  of  gold  rings  do  occur.  "  The  rule  also 
of  wearing  one  ring  only,  as  a  signet,  instead 
of  one  on  nearly  every  joint,  as  was  mostly  the 
fashion  among  the  Pagans,  would  account  for 
the  comparative  rarity  of  rings  with  early  Chris- 
tian symbols."   (Arch.  Journ.  vol.  xxvi.  p.  139.) 

Authentic  early  Christian  rings  in  silver  are 
perhaps  even  still  more  rare.  A  few  are  men- 
tioned below.  The  most  common  material  is, 
without  doubt,  bronze.  A  few  of  iron  still  sur- 
vive, but,  as  might  be  expected,  in  a  more  or 
less  damaged  condition :  two  from  Mr.  Fort- 
num's collection  are  figured  (Nos.  22  and  25). 
The  writer  has  seen  but  one  in  lead,  and  that  a 
miserable  production  in  all  respects,  whose 
Christianity  also  is  not  entirely  above  suspicion 
(Waterton  collection  :  see  under  Cross  below). 


(Fortnum,  No.  2.) 

It  is  but  very  rarely  that  the  entire   ring  is 
made  of  a  gem.     A  green  jasper  with  uniform 


RINGS 

flattened  honp  and  oval  flat  bezel,  bearing  a  boat, 
a  bird  (cock  ?),  and  palm-branch,  as  well  as  a 
cornelian  of  similar  form  bearing  a  dove  and 
branch,  have  been  already  mentioned  under 
Gems,  p.  715.  Mr.  Fortnum's  figure  (No.  2) 
of  the  former  is  now  subjoined. 

A  few  rings  in  bone  or  ivory,  in  addition 
to  those  mentioned  above,  are  described  below. 

Authorities  for  the  following  Enumeration  of 
Christian  Rings. 

The  general  enumeration  of  Christian  rings 
which  follows  has  been  derived  partly  from  the 
writers  on  the  Catacombs,  Aringhi,  Boldetti,  and 
Perret,  also  from  the  more  critical  works  of  MM. 
Martigny,  Hiibner,  Le  Blant,  Salinas,  De  Rossi, 
and  above  all  from  the  notices  by  Mr.  Fortnum  of 
those  which  are  contained  in  various  public  col- 
lections, and  in  his  own ; "  viz.  in  the  Vatican 
Museum  of  Christian  Antiquities,  in  the  Museum 
at  Naples,  in  the  Castellani  collection  now  in 
the  British  Museum,  and  in  the  Waterton  col- 
lection which  is  now  for  the  most  part  contained 
in  the  South  Kensington  Museum  (^Arch.  Journ. 
xxviii.  1871,  pp.  278-283).  His  own  collection 
is  described  partly  in  vol.  xxvi.  (1869),  pp.  137- 
147,  and  partly  in  vol.  xxviii.  pp.  268-277,  and 
the  later  additions  to  it,  pp.  284-291.  The  re- 
ferences to  the  numbers  are  as  he  gives  them,  and 
the  descriptions  of  the  gems  in  these  collections 
are  nearly  in  his  own  words."*  Several  other  rings 
mentioned  by  him,  whether  in  his  own  or  in 
other  collections,  ai-e  also  omitted,  as  possessing 
either  no  Christian  characteristics  or  very  doubt- 
ful ones.  The  same  remark  must  be  made  of 
some  of  those  figured  by  Perret  and  others. 

Principal  Types  of  Christian  Rings. 
Clement  of  Alexandria  enumerates  the  fish, 
the  anchor,  the  ship,  the  dove,  the  lyre,  and  the 
fisherman  as  fitting  objects  to  be  employed  on 
Christian  seals.  All  these  occur  on  gems  and 
pastes  (see  Gems,  Glass),  and  all  except  the  lyre 
and  the  fisherman  are  also  found  upon  rings  of 
metal  or  of  bone.  These  shall  now  be  men- 
tioned first ;  some  remarks  on  the  significance  of 
the  symbols  may  be  seen  under  Gems,  and  in 
Mr.  Fortnum's  two  papers  mentioned  above. 
The  arrangement  of  the  other  types  is  substan- 
tially that  which  has  been  followed  in  Gems. 

1.  Ordinary  Finger-rings. 

(1.)  Fish. — This  type,  so  frequently  found  in 

gems,  is  found  also  on  various  metal  rings.     One 

of  the  earlier  and  more  important  examples  has 

been  recently  described  and  figured  by  De  Rossi. 


RINGS 


1795 


"  Those  only  are  here  given  which  bear  some  probable 
outward  sign  of  their  Christianity.  Thus  the  ring  found 
in  Rome  reading 'XPCjl)  MAT  I  may  have  belouged  to 
a  Christian  whose  name  was  Chromatius,  this  being 
known  to  be  a  Christian  family  name  there,  but  as  there 
is  nothing  Christian  about  the  ring  itself,  it  is  omitted. 
See  Fortnum,  Arch.  Journ.  vol.  xxvi.  p.  141. 

d  Those  in  the  British  Museum,  in  the  Waterton  col- 
lection in  the  South  Kensington  Museum,  and  in  Mr. 
Fortnum's  collection,  have  been  in  most  cases  examined 
by  the  writer,  and  he  has  occasionally  added  remarks  upon 
them.  He  desires  to  e.xpress  his  thanks  to  iMr.  Franks, 
Mr.  R.  Soden  Smith,  and  to  Mr.  Fortnum  for  facilities 
kindly  given  to  inspect  them. 
CHRIST.   ANT. — VOL.    II. 


It  is  a  plain  uniform  hoop  of  gold,  the  breadth 
rather  more  than  J  inch,  diameter  about  1  inch, 
in  which  a  rude  slender  fish  is  depicted  in  white 
enamel  placed  between  the  second  and  third 
letters  of  OY0X  (for  IX0VC  retrograde). 
Found  near  Rome  ;  in  the  collection  of  Count 
Stroganoft'.  Referred  to  the  third  rather  than 
the  fourth  century  by  M.  de  Rossi,  who  thinks 
that  the  sublinear  form  of  the  fish  itself  stands 
for  the  missing  I  (De  Rossi,  Bull.  Arch.  Crist. 
1873,  pp.  76,  77,  tav.  iv.  n.  6). 

In  the  Naples  Museum  is  contained  a  gold 
ring  of  simple  form  engraved  with  a  fish.  (No. 
2  in  Fortnum's  enumeration.)  A  fine  gold  ring 
which  seems  to  be  more  correctly  referred  by 
M.  de  Rossi  to  the  4th  century  {Bull.  Arch.  Crist. 
1870,  p.  63),  than  to  the  Merovingian  period  to 
which  it  has  been  assigned  by  M.  Le  Blant 
{laser,  chre't.  de  la  Gaule,  torn.  ii.  p.  427,  n.  608, 
with  figure),  was  found  in  1851  beside  the 
Roman  road  at  Montbazin,  near  Montpellier,  now 
preserved  in  the  Museum  of  the  Archaeological 
Society  of  that  place,  has  a  small  fish,  with  a 
very  forked  tail,  engraved  upon  the  square 
elevated  chaton ;  the  hoop  is  slightly  angular, 
swelling  towards  the  shoulders  with  two  cords, 
each  terminating  in  a  snake's  head.  The  fabric 
appears  to  be  Roman,  and  not  Merovingian.  In 
the  Castellani  collection  (No.  9)  is  a  bronze  ring 
of  coarse  work,  the  bezel  engraved  with  one 
large  fish  between  three  smaller  ones.  Mr. 
Fortnum  has  a  bronze  ring  of  coarse  work,  the 
ciixular  lioop  of  which  is  surmounted  by  a  flat 
circular  bezel,  on  which  is  engraved  (very  incor- 
rectly) an  ear  of  corn 
between  two  fishes, 
which  he  regards  as  an 
"  emblem  of  the  bread 
of  life,  and  of  those 
who  live  rn  faith  upon 

it  "(No.  17).  (Fortnum,  No.  17.) 

(2.)  Anchor.—  The 
following  are  considered  to  be  Christian  by  Mr. 
Fortnum  :  a  gold  ring,  its  flat  band  swelling 
towards  the  bezel,  on  which  is  a  raised  oval  en- 
graved with  a  simply  formed  anchor,  Castellani 
collection.  No.  1  ;  now  in  the  British  Museum. 
(The  genuineness  of  this  ring  seems  somewhat 
doubtful :  the  work  is  rude.)  A  ring  of  duplex 
form,  also  of  gold,  engraved  with  an  anchor  and 
a  palm  (Naples  Museum,  No.  1).  Bronze  ring 
with  circular  bezel,  on  which  an  anchor  and 
a  ship  are  engraved  (Vatican  Museum,  No.  2). 
Boldetti  (Cimit.  p.  502,  No.  26)  figures  a  ring 
with  two  bezels,  on  one  of  which  is  an  anchor, 
on  another  a  ship.  (Reproduced  in  Martigny, 
Diet.  s.  V.  Anneaux.)  The  following  bronze  rings 
have  two  anchors  in  conjunc-  _ 

tion :  two  are  in  Mr.  Fort- 
num's collection.  One  (No. 
13)  is  "  formed  as  a  circle  of 
half-round  metal,  swelling  on 
the  shoulders,  and  having  a  (Fortnum,  No.  n.) 
circular  raised  chaton,  on 
which  is  engraved  a  double  fluked  anchor,  crossed 
by  one  of  a  single  fluke  and  surrounded  by  a 
pearled  border.  From  the  catacombs  at  Rome." 
Another  with  the  same  types,  less  well  preserved, 
obtained  in  London  from  a  dealer,  is  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  writer.  Mr.  Fortnum  notes  that 
this  emblem  w.is  in  use  previous  to  A.D.  312. 
Another  (No.  21)  has  the  face  of  the  beze. 
5  Z 


1796 


KINGS 


similarly  engraved,  but  the  socket  is  inversely 
trunoato-cnnical  (nearly  as  No.  20),  the  cone 
being  encircled  by  three  projecting  mouldings. 
Probably  of  the  4th  century.  Obtained  in 
London ;  place  of  finding  unknown. 

(3.)  Ship. — Mr.  Fortnum  has  a  bronze  ring 
with  plain  wire  hoop  (No.  14),  on  the  circular 
chaton  of  which  is  rudely  engraved  a  ship  with- 
out sails ;  X  and  P  (for 
XPICTOC)  are  engraved  on 
either  side  of  the  mast.  Ob- 
tained in  Rome.  The  follow- 
ing in  the  Castellani  Collec- 
(Fortnum,  No.  10.)  tion  are  also  of  bronze.  One 
with  corded  hoop  and  circular 
bezel,  engraved  with  a  ship  propelled  with  oars, 
the  mast  and  yard  of  which  form  a  cross  (No.  6). 
Another  of  similar  form,  and  of  similar  device ; 
but  the  mast  supports  the  reversed  chrisma 
enclosed  in  a  circle.  (No.  7.)  In  the  Waterton 
collection  was  formerly  "  a  massive  bronze 
signet  ring,  with  ship  in  full  sail,  having  the 
sacred  monogram  on  the  sail,  while  round  it  are 
the  names  step^nvs  helenae."  Fortnum  in 
Arch.  Journ.  vol.  xxviii.  (1871),  pp.  274, 
282.) 

[See  also  Anchor  and  Cross.'] 
(4.)  Dove. — This  type  occurs  by  itself,  and 
also  in  various  combinations.  A  massive  bronze 
ring  found  in  Rome,  with  scalloped  bezel,  bears 
on  its  face  simply  a  dove  (Boldetti,  Cimit.  p. 
502,  n.  27).  "  A  heavy  bronze  signet  ring  with 
massive  hoop  and  projecting  bezel,  upon  which  is 
the  figure  of  a  dove  ;  the  hoop  is  modelled  as  a 
wreath,  having  the  bezel  as  a  central  ornament," 
is  in  the  Waterton  collection,  No.  3.  (No.  605 
in  S.  Kens.  Mus.  Inv.)  In  the  Vatican  Museum 
(No.  15)  is  a  "  bronze  ring  with  large  oblong 
square  bezel,"  engraved  with  the  chrisma  and 
the  dove  standing  on  an  olive-branch ;  beneath, 
a  star  or  perhaps  double  cross.  See  Cross. 
A  nearly  similar  ring  is  engraved  and  described 
by  Aringhi,  Soma  Subt.  t.  ii.  p.  708,  reproduced 


(Fortnum,  No.  H.) 

by  De  Corte,  Synt.  p.  121.  In  Mr.  Fortnum's  col- 
lection (No.  11)  is  a  bronze  ring  of  coarse  work 
and  hexagonal  form  externally,  circular  inter- 
nally ;  the  shoulders  are  "  splayed  from  the 
chaton  to  the  centre  of  either  side."  On  the 
raised  circular  chaton  "  two  doves  and  a  fish  " 
(rather  three  doves)  are  engraved.  A  gold  ring 
found  at  Talavera  de  la  Reina  in  Spain  has  a 
hexagonal  bezel,  bearing  two  birds,  prob;ibly 
doves,  on  its  face.  "  Intra  hexagonum  ab  utraque 
parte  avis  est ;  in  circuitu  anticae  inscriptio 
EMANVEL,  posticae  RECCAREAO  (sic)," 
the  word  Reccaredo  being  followed  by  a  cross 
of  four  dots,  evidently  of  the  Visigothic  period, 
possibly  belonging  to  king  Recaredo  (585-601 
A.D.).  A  ring  (metal  not  named)  found  at  Cor- 
dova  in    1768,   now   in   the   public   library  of 


KINGS 

Madrid,  bears  a  bird  (dove  ?)  on  the  chaton 
around  which  is  inscribed  A  (Aurelii)  Vin- 
cent! (Hiibner,  Inscr.  Hisp.  Christ.  Nos.  206, 
207). 

The  above-named  ring  in  the  Vatican  Museum 
is  the  most  important,  but  not  the  only  bronze 
example  therein  contained  which  is  engraved 
with  a  dove.  See  under  No.  18  of  that  collec- 
tion.    (Fortnum.) 

See  also  below  under  Human  Figures. 

(5.)  Palm. — The  palm-branch  occurs  without 
doubt  on  Christian  rings,  but  when  alone  it  is  not 
easy  to  be  sure  that  the  work  is  Christian.  There 
are  several  gold  rings  in  the  Naples  Museum, 
one  of  duplex  form  (No.  4),  with  a  palm  on  each 
bezel,  also  a  heavy  plain  gold  ring,  in  the  Cas- 
tellani collection,  round,  with  flattened  bezel, 
coarsely  engraved  with  the  palm  (No.  4),  which 
is  counted  by  Mr.  Fortnum  to  be  Christian, 
though  with  expression  of  doubt.  A  gold  ring, 
half  an  inch  in  diameter,  with  thin  flat  hoop, 
and  the  bezel  no  wider,  in  which  a  palm-branch 
of  poor  Roman  work  in  the  Waterton  collection 
(No.  467  Inv.  S.  Kensington  Mus.)  may  probably 
be  Christian.  (See  Gems,  Vol.  I.  p.  716,)^  There 
are  other  rings  in  Mr.  Fortnum's 
collection  (Nos.  8,  9  (both  gold)  ^-^^^^ 
and  12  (bronze),  all  from  Rome),  ^>^^^^^ 
about  which  he  now  feels  less 
confidence  as  respects  their  Chris- 
tianity than  formerly  {Arch.  Journ.  vol.  xxviii. 
p.  276).  The  former,  found  in  a  child's  tomb, 
seems  of  the  3rd  or  4th  century;  it  is  small,  of 
a  common  form,  viz.,  a  simple  hoop  flattened  out 
on  the  bezel.     In  the  writer's  opinion  it  is  pro- 


(Fortnnm,  No.  8.) 


(Fortnnm,  No.  12.) 

bably  Christian  ;  the  palm,  the  symbol  of  victory, 
is  less  likely  to  be  given  to  a  pagan  than  to  a 
Christian  child  by  its  parents.  So  very  possibly 
is  also  No.  12,  with  bezel  raised  on  four  stages, 
and  palm-branches  on  the  shoulders,  which  seems 
rather  later,  perhaps  about  the  beginning  of  the 
5th  century,  when  paganism  was  dying  out  and 
monograms  were  coming  into  fashion  on  rings 
and   seals.     (This  monogram  may  be  eve    and 


(Fortnum,  No.  16.) 

stand  for  Evenus  or  some  other  proper  name, 
doubtless  that  of  the  owner.)  But  a  less  doubt- 
ful example  is  a  bronze  ring,  also  in  Mr.  Fort- 
num's collection  (No.  16),  on  the  bezel  of  which 
is  engraved  a  palm-branch  and  a  monogram, 
having  also  palms  in  panels  on  the  hoop.     See 


EINGS 

Acclamations  below.  Other  bronze  rings  in  the 
V.atican  Museum,  of  less  importance  (Nos.  18-25), 
are  engraved  with  the  palm.  It  should  be  added 
that  a  silver  ring  with  a  palm-brauch,  which 
may  be  Christian,  e.xists  in  the  British  Museum 
(Fortnum,  m.  s.  vol.  xxviii.  p.  276).  This  mate- 
rial is  but  rarely  employed  for  Christian  rings. 
There  is  however  another  ring  of  the  same  metal 
in  Mr.  Fortnum's  collec- 
tion (No.  28)  of  duplex 
form  with  united  pointed 
bezels,  on  one  of  which  is 
engraved  the  name  of  the 
possessor  favstvs,  and 
on    the    other    a   palm-  (Fortonm.  No.  28.) 

brpnch.    Weight,  4  dwt. 

4  gr.  Discovered  iu  1865  at  Porto,  near  the 
Tiber's  mouth,  in  the  ruins  of  a  house  believed 
to  be  that  of  Pammachius,  the  friend  of  St. 
Jerome,  among  many  other  objects  the  greater 
part  of  which  were  adorned  with  Christian 
symbols.  The  excavations  were  made  by  Prince 
Torlonia,  who  presented  most  of  the  objects 
found  there  to  the  Christian  museum  of  the 
Vatican. 

But  it  is  only  when  the  palm  is  combined 
with  Christian  adjuncts  upon  rings  that  we  can 
securely  affirm  them  to  be  Christian. 

There  is  a  bronze  hoop-ring  in  the  Vatican 
collection  (No.  14)  engraved  with  a   branch   of 

palm,    a   cross   potent    (^i— — ly,   and   the   word 

VIVAS.  It  occurs  also  in  connexion  with  the 
chrisma,  or  more  rarely  with  the  anchor.  See 
Chrisma  and  Anchor. 

(6.)  Cross. — This  subject  occurs  under  several 
different  forms,  and  is  either  alone  or  in  con- 
nexion with  others.  It  was  engraved  as  early 
as  the  fourth  century  on  the  iron  ring  of  St. 
Macrina,  which  contained  a  piece  of  the  true  (?) 
cross  ;  see  below  at  the  end  of  §  18. 

(a.)  Not  accompanied  by  Inscriptions  or 
irams. 


EINGS 


1797 


A  bronze  ring  gilt  with  high  inversely  conical- 
truncate  bezel  (cf.  No.  20  and  21  of  Fortnum) 
is  in  the  Vatican  Museum  (No.  17)  engraved 
with  a  Maltese  cross.  (See  also  below,  under 
Lamb.)  A  cross  potent  {i.e.  having  each  limb 
formed  as  a  T)  in  connexion  with  a  palm,  has 
been  mentioned  under  Palm.  (See  also  under 
Saints.) 

The  Greek  cross  is  found  on  many  rings  under 
(B)  :  also  by  itself  on  a  very  rude  ring  of  lead 
in  the  Waterton  collection  (No.  1  being  No.  607, 
71  Inv.  S.  Kens.  Mus.),  supposed  to  be  of  the 
Roman  period. 

A  Greek  cross,  crossed  by  another  in  form  of 
St.  Andrew's  cross  or  the  letter  X,  so  as  to  re- 
semble a  star  of  eight  points,  is  found  upon  the 
circular  bezel  of  a  coarse  bronze  ring  in  the 
Castellani  collection  (No.  11).  (See  also  under 
Dove.)  A  similar  figure  occurs  on  a  foot-shaped 
ring  mentioned  below. 

The  Latin  cross,  having  the  lowest  limb 
longest,  occurs  on  a  ring  supposed  to  be  a  mar- 
riage ring,  mentioned  below. 

(B.)  Acccmpanied  by  Names  or  Monograms. 
Of  this  class  of  rings  we  have  the  following 
Gaulish  examples.     A  gold  ring  of  the  Mero- 


(Le  Blant.) 


vingian  type ;  on  the  bezel  is  a  Greek  cross  at 
the  head  of  the  owner's  name,  berteildis  retro- 
grade (so  that  it  would  read  naturally  in  a  wax 
impression)  and  in  the  centre  a  monogram  similar 
to  one  on  a  coin  of  Childeric  II.  (670-691)  struck 
at  Marseilles,  and  perhaps  reading  MAR  for  Mar- 
silia  (the  low  Latin  form  for  Massilia).  Pro- 
bably found  at  Laon.  (Le  Blant,  u.  s.  n.  678  a.  pi. 
91,  n.  547.)  A  similar  gold  ring  with  similar 
cross  prefixed  to  abboneso  (retrograde)  ;  in  the 
centre  of  the  bezel  is  a  rude  head  to  the  left.  The 
diameter  of  the  subcircular  bezel  of  this  and  the 
foregoing  is  about 
half  an  inch.  Found 
in  Deuxieme  Aqui- 
taine.  (Le  Blant, 
u.  s.  n.  575  A.  pi. 
79,  n.  476.)  A  simi- 
lar gold  ring,  with 
corded  hoop,  and 
somewhat  larger 
pearled  bezel,  has  a 
similar  cross  prefixed  to  racnethramnus  (re- 
trograde) :  in  the  centre  a  rude  Merovingian 
head  as  before,  but  accompanied  by  six  pellets. 
Found  at  Biois  in  the  sands  of  the  Loire ;  now  in 
the  Bibliotheque  Imperiale  (Nationale).  (Le 
Blant,  M.  s.  n.  164,  pi.  22,  n.  137.)  A  silver 
ring  also  of  the  Merovingian  type,  is  supposed  by 
M.  Le  Blant  to  be  of  the  7th  century,  having  St. 
Andrew's  cross  (X)  prefixed  to  wabvetvsvs,  the 
last  letter  occupying  the  centre  of  the  circular 
chaton.  Found  in  the  ancient  cemetery  of 
Haulchin  (Hainaut),  in  Deuxieme  Belgique. 
Preserved  in  the  Museum  at  Brussels.  (Le 
Blant,  u.  s.  n.  321,  D.  pi.  35,  n.  216.)  A  bronze 
ring  of  this  type,  found  in  a  sarcophagus  at 
Allonnes  (in  Troisieme  Lyonnaise),  has  a  cross 
approaching  in  form  to  the  Maltese  prefixed  to 
LAVNOBERSA  (not  retrograde)  ;  within  the  centre 
of  the  circular  minutely  beaded  chaton  is  a 
monogram  enclosed  in  a  circle  ;  it  is  like  the 
head  of  a  trident,  with  two  pellets  above  the 
cross-bar  and  two  others  below,  possibly  read- 
ing ET  or  TE.  (Le  Blant,  u.  s.  n.  669  a.  pi.  90, 
n.  535.)  But  the  most  interesting,  because  the 
most  perplexing  ring  of  this  class,  is  a  fine  gold 
ring  of  Merovingian  type  with  corded  hoop, 
found  buried  at  a  slight  depth  near  Airvault, 
in  Deuxieme  Aquitaine,  now  in  the  possession 
of  M.  Benjamin  Fillon. 
On  the  chaton  is  a 
small  Greek  cross,  and 
above  it  an  almost 
inextricable  mono- 
gram which  has  been 
read  radegondis,  but 
which  may  equally 
well  be  read  into 
several  other  names  as 

Andregondis,  Gondegardis,  &c.  The  Abb^  Auber 
regards  it  as  the  ring  of  the  famous  Rhade- 
gonde,  Queen  of  France,  and  afterwards  foundress 
of  the  monastery  of  the  Holy  Cross  at  Poitiers, 
about  the  middle  of  the  6th  century.  But  this 
is  at  any  rate  very  uncertain,  not  to  .-^ay  impro- 
bable. Her  body,  resting  at  Poitiers,  is  said  to 
have  been  taken  up  bv  the  Huguenots  m  1562, 
and  her  ring  to  have  fallen  into  the  posse.ssion  of 
a  soldier,  on  whose  finger  it  was  found  seven  years 
afterwards  upon  the  field  of  battle.  Unless  this 
be  the  rinf,  it  seems  to  be  unknown  where  it  is 
5  Z  2 


(Lc  Blunt.) 


1798 


RINGS 


now.  (Le  Blant,  u.  s.  n.  575  B,  who  has  many 
observations  worthy  to  be  read,  pi.  75,  n.  452  ; 
Butler,  Lives  of  the  Saints,  Aug.  13.)  A  silver  ring 
found  at  Hohberg,  near  Soleure  in  Switzerland, 
with  broad  angular  hoop,  has  on  the  rectangular 
chatons  (forming  one  of  its  sides),  a  monogram 
which  apparently  reads  VERANI  accompanied  by 
a  Latin  cross.  (Id.  n.  362  a.  pi.  42,  n.  247.) 
Other  rings,  also  found  in  Switzerland,  bear 
monograms  on  the  chaton,  and  may  probably  be 
Christian,  but  they  bear  no  Christian  symbols. 
(Id.  Nos.  364,  365,  pi.  42,  249,  250.) 

Examples  occur  also  in  Italy  and  elsewhere. 
In  the  Castellani  collection  (No.  2)  is  a  heavy 
duplex  ring  of  gold,  found  at  Orvieto ;  on  the 
oval  bezel  of  one  of  the  united  hoops  is  incised 
the  name  blithia,  and  on  the  other  a  cross  potent 
L-B 


which  is  apparently  an  abbreviation 


above 

of  a  proper  name,  probably  of  the  same  name, 
as  Mr.  Fortnum  is  inclined  to  suppose.  In  the 
Vatican  Museum  (No.  7-10)  are  three  bronze 
hoop-rings,  each  engraved  with  a  cross  potent 
and  with  an  inscription  which  Mr.  Fortnum 
could  not  decipher  ;  probably  they  were  owners' 
names,  and  possibly  expressed  in  monograms. 
In  the  British  Museum  is  a  silver  ring  on 
whose  oval  chaton  (half  an  inch  by  about  a 
quarter  of  an  inch)  is  a  cross  pomm^  (i.e. 
having  a  globule  at  the  extremity  of  each  of  the 
limbs,  which  are  united  in  a  Latin  cross),  fol- 
lowed bv  EVCE,  below  which  is  a  B  and  an  I 
above,  probably  for  E VC  E  B I O Y.  The  shoulders 
of  the  hoop  are  slightly  foliated,  as  Roman  rings 
often  are. 

Mr.  Fortnum  purchased  in  Constantinople  a 
gold  ring  of  excellent  Byzan- 
tine work  (No.  24),  probably 
of  the  5th  or  6th  century. 
It  is  a  circular  convex  hoop 
widening  to  the  shoulders, 
and  flattened  to  form  an 
oval  bezel,  on  which  is  en- 
graved a  monogram  between 
two  Greek  crosses.  The 
Waterton  collection  (S.  Kens. 
Mus.  Inv.  No.  621)  has  a 
somewhat  later  example  of 
■zantine  work.  A  gold  ring 
the  hoop  of  which  is  nielloed 
on  the  outside  with  a  Latin 
cross,  and  the  proper  name 
of  its  possessor,  barinota  (i.e.  probably  Vari 
notarii) ;  the  bezel  is  formed  of  a  gold  solidus  of 
Constantine  Pogonatus  (668-688),  and  the  ring 
also  may  very  well  be  of  the  7  th  century. 

In  the  Royal  Museum  of  Palermo  (Salinas, 
Meal.  Mus.  di  Pal.  p.  57,  tav.  A.  n.  12)  is  a  plain 
oval  massive  gold  ring  with  small  fiat  bezel,  on 
which  is  engraved  a  Latin  cross  and  below  it, 
in  four  lines,  EY^YMHOY  YHT,  apparently 
for  Evc(>r]ixiov  vtrdrou.  It  is  doubtless,  as  Salinas 
observes,  of  a  base  epoch,  but  may  well  be  within 
our  limits.  The  Hypati  (viri  consulares)  aud 
Notarii  (secretaries)  were  high  officers  of  the 
Byzantine  court. 

"(7.)  Chrisma  or  Monogram  of  Christ  or  Initial 
Letters  of  Christ. — The  common  form    of   this 

^N?  V  and  also  the  form  having  the  P  reversed 
(  ^  )'  ''°°i6times  occurs  by  itself  as  on  bronze 


(Fo 


,  No.  19.) 


RINGS 

rings  found  in  Rome.  See  Vatican  collection 
(Nos.  15-25);  Fortnum  col- 
lection (Nos.  18,  19)."=  See 
also  Boldetti,  Cimit.  p.  502,  tav. 
3,  Nos.  29  and  31.  It  occurs  like- 
wise in  other  metals.  For  the 
Castellani  ring  with  cloisons  of 
gold,  see  above.  A  ring  of 
massive  silver,  or  rather  mixed  metal,  in  the 
collection  of  Lady  Londesborough  (No.  183  of 
Mr.  Crofton  Croker's  catalogue)  bears  on  its 
ovato-acuminate  bezel  the  ordinary  form  of  the 
chrisma.  (Fortnum,  u.  s.  p.  283  ;  figured  in  Jones's 
Finger-ring  Lore,  p.  47.) 

The  separate  letters  P  and  X  occur  on  a  bronze 
ring  in  the  Vatican  collection  (No.  5).  The 
chrisma  is  also  frequently  found  along  with  the 
Alpha  and  Omega.  In  Mr.  Fortnum's  collection 
(No.  10)  the  chrisma  occurs  between  those  letters 
on  a  bronze  ring,  which  is  a  "  circular  hoop  of 
convex  metal,  swelling  to  the  sciido,  which  is  of 
lozenge  shape,"  upon  which  the  letters  are  en- 
graved ;  "  the  shoulders  are  ornamented  with 
lozenge-shaped  panelling."  From  Rome,  of  the 
4th  or  5th  century.  (Arch.  Journ.  vol.  xxvi. 
p.  143;  vol.  xxviii.  p.  273.)  Also  on  another 
bronze  ring  from  Rome,  in  the  Vatican  collection 
(No.  16),  as  well  as  on  a  bone  or  ivory  ring, 
having  an  oval  bezel,  in  the  same  collection 
(No.  26). 

The  same  combination  is  found  on  a  bronze 
ring,  whose  figure  is  given,  brought  to  Mr.  Fort- 
num from  Rome  (No. 
30);  the  loop  of  the  P 
is  reversed,  and  a  sheep 
is  standing  on  either 
side  of  the  base  of  the 
monogram,  the  limbs 
of  which  are  slightly 
wedge  -  shaped.       The  (Fortunm,  No.  so.) 

hoop,    swelling    to    the 

shoulders,  ornamented  with  palm-branches,  is 
incised,  traces  of  niello  apparently  remaining 
in  the  incisions,  as  well  as  in  the  incised  types 
of  the  square  chaton ;  these  indicate  that  the 
ring  was  not  intended  for  sealing. 

The  palm  branch  is  placed  on  either  side  of 
the  chrisma  on  more  than  one  massive  bronze 
ring  found  in  the  Catacombs  of  Rome  (Boldetti, 
Cimit.  p.  502,  Nos.  30  and  33).  The  chrisma  is 
also  found,  though  very  rarely,  with  a  date 
expressed  by  the  name  of  the  reigning  emperor. 
There  is  an  ivory  ring,  recently  found  at  Lyons, 
of  large  size,  on  the  circular  bezel  of  which  a 
chrisma  with  long  stem  and  open  loop  is  sur- 
rounded by  viCTORE  AVG.  (he  was  associated 
as  emperor  in  Gaul  with  Maximus,  his  father, 
A.D.  383-388).  In  the  possession  of  Canon 
Martigny,  who  figures  it  (Diet,  des  Ant.  chre't. 
ed.  2,  s.  V.  Anneaux). 

The  chrisma  whose  stem  ends  in  a  star  is 
found  on  a  bronze  ring  in  the  Vatican  Museum 
(No.  11),  placed  between  two  stars,  a  word  of 
six  letters  (illegible)  being  underneath.  The 
chrisma  is  also  found  in  combination  with  Alpha 


0  Lord  Braybrooke's  collection  contained  "a  slight 
bronze  ring  "  (No.  49  of  his  Catalogue),  which  appears  to 
have  some  form  of  the  chrisma  ("  apparently  a  Christian 
monogram ") ;  it  is  said  to  have  been  found  In  the 
Thames.  Mr.  Fortnum  reasonably  considers  that  it  is 
probably  early  Christian  (in  Arch.  Journ.  vol.  xxviii. 
p.  283). 


RINGS 

and  Omega,  and  with  a  Ship,  with  Human 
Figures,  and  with  Acclamations  (see  under  those 
headings).  Mr.  Fortnum  remarks  that  this 
symbol  alone  or  in  combination  is  found  more 
frequently  on  Christian  rings  than  any  other, 
but  it  cannot  be  considered  as  one  of  the  earlier 
symbols. 

The  initials  also  of  Jesus  Christ  (I  X),  or  the 
first  two  letters  of  Christ  (X  P),  occur  alone  or  in 
combination  with  some  othar  symbol.    Mr.  Fort- 
num has  a  gold  triplex  ring,  found  in  Kome,  and 
probably  of  the  .3rd  or  4th 
century  (No.  1).    The  three 
hoops  spring  from  one,  and 
widen    towards    the    bezel, 
between    which    a    beaded 
wire    nearly  fills  the   open 
space,   and  is  formed  upon 
the   bezel   into    X   crossed 
by  the  I.     The  same   form 
occurs  on  Gems  (p.  722),  ana  appears  to  be  of 
very  early  date,  according  to  some  before  A.D. 
312.     (Foi-tnum,  u.  s.  vol.  xxviii.  p.  269.) 

The  P  X  or  X  q,  being  the  two  first  letters 
of  XPICTOC  likewise  occur;  P  X  alone  on  a 
bronze  ring  in  the  Vatican  Museum  (No.  5),  and 
X  *-l  in  conjunction  with  a  ship.     See  Ship. 

Mr.  Fortnum  figures  a  (so-called)  legionary 
ring  (No.  23,  repeated  in  Jones's  Finger-ring 
Lore,  p.  47)  on  which  we  have  the  letters 
XIIXX  preceded  and  followed  by  an  M  appa- 
rently; also  the  letters  IXP,  at  some  distance 
from  these,  which  he  interprets  as  "  Christian," 
i.e.  as  the  initials  of  Jesus  Christ.  It  is  rather 
to  be  suspected,  however,  that  it  is  a  numerical 
indication  of  some  sort ;  whether  P  has  any 
connexion  with  the  principes  or  pilani  or  praeto- 
ria  cohors,  or  be  something  altogether  different, 
is  not  very  easy  to  say.  Perhaps  an  inspection 
of  other  legionary  rings  might  help  in  the  inter- 
pretation. 

(8.)  Alpha  and  Omega.  This  most  ancient  con- 
junction of  Christian  symbols  occurs  on  a  bronze 
ring,  the  hoop  widening  towards  the  bezel  of 
which  the  margin  is  fluted  ;  Catacombs  of  Rome 
(Boldetti,  Cimit.  p.  502,  tav.  3,  n.  32  ;  repeated 
by  Martigny,  Diet.  s.  v.  Anneaux).  The  letters 
are  more  frequently  accompanied  by  the  Chrisma 
(see  Chrisma). 

(9.)  Abraxas.  This  famous  word,  also  written 
Abrasax,  is  said  to  have  been  the  invention  of 
Basilides,  a  Christian  gnostic,  but  is  very  rarely 
found  on  any  monuments  where  the  Christianity 
is  certain.  We  have,  however,  the  following :  "  A 
large  ivory  ring,  found  at  Aries,"  says  Mr.  King, 
"  bears  the  monogram  of  Christ,  between  a  and 
£0,  as  it  appears  on  the  coins  of  the  Gallic  princes 
of  the  4th  century,  Magnentius  and  Decentius, 
but  accompanied  by  the  title  ABPACAZ,  a  suf- 
ficient proof  of  the  identity  of  the  two  per- 
sonages in  the  estimation  of  its  owner."  {An- 
tique  Gems,  p.  358.)  He  informs  the  writer 
that  it  was  formerly  in  the  Mertens-Schaff- 
hausen  collection. 

(10.)  The  Lamb. — This  occui-s  as  the  symbol  of 
the  Saviour  and  of  the  Church ;  it  is  sometimes 
in  a  manifestly  Christian  connexion ;  sometimes 
more  doubtfully  so.  A  silver  ring  with  octa- 
gonal bezel,  diameter  1  inch,  engraved  with  the 
Agnus  Iki.  The  lamb  looks  back  at  a  cross,  of 
which  the  upper  part  only  is  visible ;  seemingly 
of  late  work,  but  probably  not  too  late  for  this 


EINGS 


1799 


(Fortnum,  No.  25.) 


work  (Waterton's  collection.  No.  602,  Inv. 
Kens.  Mus.,  where  it  is  called  Roman  early 
Christian,  not  mentioned  by  Fortnum).  See 
also  above  under  Alpha  and  Omega  (Fortnum, 
No.  30),  where  the  lambs  or  sheep  at  the  foot  of 
the  chrisma  signify  the  Church.  There  is  a  bronze 
signet  ring  in  the  Waterton  collection  (No.  4 
being  No.  604  Inv.  Kens.  Mus.),  having  the  hoop 
formed  as  a  wreath  of  palms,  with  oval  bezel 
for  the  central  ornament,  bearing  a  lamb  incised 
thereon.  Above  and  in  front  of  the  lamb  are 
two  rude  branches ;  Roman  work  but  poor,  con- 
sidered both  in  the  inventory  and  by  Mr.  Fort- 
num to  be  Christian. 

(11.)  Lion,  as  the  Evangelistic  Symbol  of  St. 
Mark. — On  a  small  iron  ring,  wrth  circular 
hoop,  swelling  to  the  chaton  in  Mr.  Fortnum's 
collection  (No.  25)  is  engraved  a  lion  to  the  left 
in  a  crouching  position.  This 
ring,  which  he  considers  to  be 
probably  of  the  6th  century, 
was  found  in  a  Coptic  village 
near  the  temple  of  Medinet 
Aboo,  Thebes,  whence  the  Christians  were  ex- 
pelled by  the  Arabs  in  the  7th  century.  He 
plausibly  regards  the  lion  as  referring  to  St. 
Mark's  church  at  Alexandria.  (See  Gems,  p. 
717,  b). 

(12.)  Saints  and  Human  Figures  (busts  or  fxdl 
length)  with  Christian  Emblems.  —  Under  this 
section  those  rings  which  have  heads  only  are 
not  included.  Most  of  the  following  seem  to  be 
representations  of  saints.  In  the  Waterton  col- 
lection (No.  6,  Inv.  No.  606)  is  a  massive  bronze 
ring,  1'2  inches  in  diameter,  of  rude  work,  per- 
haps Byzantine  :  the  hoop  is  surmounted  by  a 
flat  circular  bezel,  on  which  is  engraved  an 
orante  with  subcircular  nimbus,  a  palm  branch 
on  either  side ;  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  hoop 
is  a  smaller  "  tabular  sigillum  "  engraved  with  a 
Greek  cross.'  In  the  same  collection  (Inv.  No. 
619)  is  a  bronze  ring,  whose  hoop  does  not  swell 
towards  the  curved  circular  bezel :  upon  this  is 
engraved  in  very  poor  style  a  rude  bust  of  a 
saint,  with  an  oval  nimbus  round  the  head.  The 
labels  announce  it  to  be  Byzantine  work  of  about 
the  6th  century.  Diameter  0-9  inch.  Another 
and  rather  smaller  ring  in  the  same  collection 
(Inv.  608)  of  gold,  with  slender  hoop  not  swell- 
ing at  the  shoulders,  has  the  circular  bezel  en- 
graved with  the  bust  of  a  saint,  with  oval 
nimbus.  On  either  side  the  head  are  the 
letters  M  A  (for  Maria  ?).  The  style  resembles 
the  last;  but  the  ring  is  probably  at  least  as 
late  as  the  6th  century ;  perhaps  even  too  late 
for  the  present  work.  Mr.  Fortnum  has  a  bronze 
ring(No. 26),  "a simple  hoop,  holdingasquare  ta- 
bular chaton,"  on  which 
is  engraved  a  draped 
male  figure  with  subcir- 
cular nimbus  standing 
before  a  cross  potent, 
which  springs  from  what 
seems  to  be  a  cup  with 

bosses,   such    as     occur    of  (Fortnam.  Nc  2«.) 

glass  in  the  catacombs.     "Possibly    Byzantine 

f  Mr.  Fortnum  mentions  in  the  same  place  tli.it  the 
British  Museum  has  a  remarkable  gold  ring  of  analogous 
form,  on  one  face  of  which  are  three  Interlaced  triangles, 
and  on  the  other  intertwined  circular  lines  leaving  the 
form  of  a  cro^8  in  the  centre.     These  lines  and  others  on 


1800 


RINGS 


work  of  the  6th  or  7th  century;  obtained  in 
Athens."  In  the  same  collection  is  an  iron  ring 
(No.   22),  of  which  metal  very  few  rings  have 


«o.  22.J 

survived  in  tolerable  condition ;  on  the  flat 
raised  octagonal  bezel  are  engraved  two  figures, 
very  probably  intended,  as  Mr.  Fortnum  sug- 
gests, for  SS.  Peter  and  Paul  (Peter  and 
Paul,  and  Medals),  the  chrisma  between  their 
heads,  while  on  the  eight  sides  of  the  inversely 
truncato-conical  socket  or  stem  of  bezel  are 
engraved  eight  figures  imperfectly  preserved, 
probably  saints.  Perhaps  of  the  4:th  or  5th 
century  (Mr.  Fortnum  assigns  no  date).  Ob- 
tained in  London,  but  probably  of  Italian  work. 
The  same  collection  in  fine  contains  a  bronze 
I'ing  (No.  15),  with  i-ounded  hoop  slightly  swell- 
ing to  the  shoulders,  bearing  a 
plain  circular  bezel,  on  which  is 
engraved  a  female  draped  quite 
to  the  feet,  having  the  chrisma 
(with  loop  reversed)  on  each 
side  of  the  head,  and  a  bird, 
probably  a  dove,  on  either  side 
of  her  feet.  Possibly  an  emblem  of  the  church 
feeding  her  Jew  and  Gentile  children.  Found 
in  the  catacombs,  probably  that  of  St.  Calixtus, 
and  presented  by  Padre  Garrucci  to  Mr.  Fort- 
num :  they  assign  it  to  the  4th  century. 

There  are  a  few  others  of  this  class  which 
seem  rather  too  late  for  the  pi-esent  work.  One 
in  the  Waterton  collection  (Inv.  No.  629),  gold 
with  full-faced  bust  on  the  circular  bezel,  with 
a  Greek  cross  and  legend  AVFRET,  seemingly 
Anglo-Saxon  work  :  it  bears  some  resemblance 
to  the  unique  aureus  of  Bishop  Wulfred  in  the 
British  Museum. 

(13.)  Imperial  Personages  in  connexion  vith 
Christianity. — As  in  the  analogous  case  of  gems, 
these  occur  but  rarely  on  rings.  There  is,  how- 
ever, a  most  important  example  in  the  Museum 
at  Palermo,  which  has  been  well,  though  not  fully, 
described  and  illustrated  by  Salinas  and  Ugdulena ; 
and  reproduced  by  a  beautiful  figure  in  gold  and 
colours.  It  is,  as  the  former  observes,  a  veritable 
prodigy  for  the  minuteness  of  the  work  in  niello 
with  which  it  is  ornamented.  The  date  and 
principal  subject  appear  to  be  satisfactorily  made 
out :  viz.,  the  espousals  and  coronation  of  the 
emperor  Heraclius  and  his  wife  Eudocia  (a.d. 
010).  It  was  found  at  Syracuse,  along  with 
coins  of  Constans  II.,  the  grandson  of  Eudocia, 


the  boop  are  in  niello.  It  is  to  be  feared  thiat  this  curioua 
ring  falls  below  our  period;  the  simple  triangle,  however, 
occurs  on  various  early  monuments  as  an  emblem  of 
the  Trinity.  See  Tkiangle;  TfltNiTY.  Prebendary 
Walcolt,  however,  observes  that  three  interlacing 
triangles  do  occur  in  the  9th  century  {Sacred  Arch.  p. 
264). 


RINGS 

who  transported  the  seat  of  empire  thitlier, 
and  died  there  in  608.  The  gold  hoop  is 
slender  and  octagonal,  and  bears  upon  seven 
of  its  flat  sides  as  many  scriptural  sub- 
jects. Salinas  interprets  only  the  first  and  last. 
They  appear  to  be  as  follows  : — (1.)  The  Annun- 
ciation. The  Virgin  in  dark  dress  holds  a 
basket  (calathus)  and  ..,.?;  the  angel  on  the 
right  in  white  (silver).  (2.)  The  Salutation. 
Mary,  as  before,  and  Elizabeth,  in  a  paler  dress, 
kiss  each  other ;  they  stand  between  two  Greek 
crosses  supported  by  a  white  (silver)  pedestal. 
(3.)  The  Infant  Saviour  at  Bethlehem.  A  cave? 
(darkish) :  the  Infant  stretched  out  above :  the 
Virgin  on  the  left;  heads  of  two  oxen  (?)  in  the 
distance.  (4-.)  Adoration  of  the  Magi.  Virgin, 
with  circular  nimbus,  seated,  bearing  the  Infant 
on  her  lap,  on  the  left:  the  three  Magi  in  trun- 
cated caps  (like  modern  cylindrical  hats,  not 
Phrygian  caps  as  on  Medals),  advance  towards 
hei-.  (5.)  The  Baptism.  The  Baptist,  with  nimbus, 
places  his  hands  over  the  head  of  Jesus,  with 
nimbus  (?),  who  stands  in  the  Jordan  up  to  the 
middle  ;  on  the  opposite  bank  two  figures,  appar- 
ently angels  (mostly  in  silver).  (6.)  Uncertain, 
perhaps  Jesus  brought  before  Pilate.  A  figure 
with  helmet  and  cuirass  (?),  is  on  the  left ;  a 
figure  with  nimbus  in  the  centre  ;  another  figure, 
not  fully  draped,  on  the  left.  (7.)  The  Visit  to 
the  Sepulchre.  A  subcylindrical  structure  with 
dome,  on  the  summit  of  which  is  a  cross ; 
two  female  figures  on  the  left,  one  in  dark,  one 
in  pale  dress :  opposite  on  the  other  side  of  the 
tomb  an  angel  in  white  (silver).  The  length 
occupied  by  these  seven  subjects  is  about  three 
and  a  half  inches  ;  the  breadth  rather  more  than 
a  quarter  of  an  inch.  The  bezel  is  elevated 
about  a  quarter  of  an  inch  above  the  hoop;  the 
socket  is  keeled,  bearing  on  the  upper  part  the 
following  barbarously  spelt  legend,  to  which 
a  Greek  cross  is  prefixed :  OC  CjOflAON 
GYAOKIAG  eGT6*ANOCAC  HMAC, 
nearly  as  Ps.  v.  12  (LXX)  where  we  have  as 
oir\ci)  euSoKi'as  iffT^cpwcocras  r]ixas.  There  is 
every  likelihood  that  the  Empress  Eudocia  is 
here  enigmatically  described ;  who,  together 
with  her  husband  Heraclius,  are  represented  in 
white  (silver)  on  the  subcircular  chaton,  whose 
diameter  is  nearly  half  an  inch ;  a  dark  figure 
witli  subcircular  nimbus  standing  between  them, 
which  is  doubtless  intended  for  the  Saviour,  who 
occupies  a  similar  position  on  coins  of  Eomanus 
IV.  and  his  wife  Eudociae:  (1067-1070),  described 
and  figured  by  Sabatier,  Mon.  Bi/z.  vol.  ii.  p.  169, 
pi.  1.  n.  11.  The  espousal  and  coronation  of 
Heraclius  took  place  on  the  same  day,  so  that 
this  ring  may  be  considered  to  commemorate 
both  events  (Salinas,  u.  s.  pp.  57-59,  tav.  a. 
No.  1). 

(14.)  Acclamations  sometimes  accompanied  bi/ 
Ni lines  and  Portraits  of  the  Owners. — Several  rings 
of  bronze  are  engraved  with  the  inscription  VIVAS 
or  IN  DEO  VIVAS,  either  at  length  (with  slight 
variations)  or  in  monogram,  the  chrisma  being 


S  The  writer  must  confess  to  having  bad  a  misgiving 
that  this  is  the  Eudocia  of  the  ring ;  the  nimbus  of  the 
Saviour,  however,  is  different  in  the  two  cases ;  on  tlie 
ring  it  seems  to  be  simply  subcircular ;  on  the  coin 
it  is  cruciform.  The  circumstances  of  the  finding  point 
strongly  to  Eudocia,  wife  of  Heraclius. 


EINGS 

sometimes  added.     One,  in  Mr.  Forlnum's    col- 
lection,      finely       pre- 
served, found  in  one  of  — ^^t^ijc: 
the    catacombs    in    the  ^  _ 
Via    Appia    at     Rome,            ^^^^^^ 
bears  the  chrisma   and 
COSME    VIVAS    on    the 
circular  face  of  an  in- 
versely     conical     bezel 
(No.   20).     Another   in 
the  Vatican  has  a  square 


EINGS 


1801 


bezel  inscribed    

[NDEO 


(No.  6).  A  similar  one 
in  the  Waterton  collec- 
tion (No.  31).      Another  (Fortnum,  No.  20.) 

with  ribbon  hoop,  with  sessile  square  bezel  and 
retrograde    legend,    mentioned    by   De   Rossi   as 


Arch.  Grist.  1874,  pp.  76-79,  tav.  ii.,  where  the 
two  following  will  also  be  found).  The  same 
inscription,  but  with  DIO,  on  a  similar  ring, 
found  at  Chiusi :  VIVAI  is  considered  by  De 
Rossi  to  stand  for  vivat.  A  label  found  near 
Modena  has  the  face''  inscribed  with  the  same 


words  in  different  order 


A  more  interesting  ring  of  octangular  form 
in  the  Museum  of  the  University  of  Perugia, 
reads  round  the  right  sides  as  follows  : 

>^      I     SP     I     £R     I     IN     I     DE     I     OV     [     IV     I     AS. 

Spes,  in  Deo  vivas,  where  Spes  appears  to  be  a 
proper  name,  as  it  certainly  is  in  some  other 
inscriptions.  Mr.  Fortnum  has  other  bronze 
octagonal  flat-banded  rings  (Nos.  3,  4)  read- 
ing DONATE  BiBAS  (i.e.  vivas)  IN  DEO,  and 
V.  I.  V.  I.  N.  D.  E.  o,  both  from  Rome  ;  probably 
of  the  4th  century.  Mr.  Fortnum  has  also  a 
bronze  ring  with  flat  circular  bezel  and  circular 
hoop,  which  is  decorated  with  palm  branches  in 
lozenge-shaped  panels ;  the  monogram,  deeply 
cut  on  the  bezel,  is  rendered  by  the  Chev.  de 
Rossi,  Deus-Dona  vivas  in  Deo;  Deus-dona,  like 
Deusdedit,  &c.,  being  a  proper  name  (that  of  the 
owner)  and  still  surviving  in  the  French  Dieu- 
donne,  as  Mr.  Fortnum  observes.  Good  work  of 
the  4th  century,  found  in  Rome.  The  device  on 
this  ring  (No.  16)  figured  above,  and  on  another 
in  the  same  collection  (No.  20)  described  above,  is 
reversed,  as  the  rings  are  intended  for  signets. 

There  are  also  a  few  of  gold  bearing  the  same 
acclamation,  the  most  important  of  these  being 
found  in  1860  near  Masignano,  in  the  arch- 
deaconry of  Fermo  in  central  Italy  in  a  tomb 
made  of  large  slabs  of  stone,  containing  some 
bones  of  the  deceased  and  fragments  of  gold. 
This  splendid  ring  is  of 
gold  of  duplex  form, 
the  united  bezels  being  / 
acutely  ovate.  On  one  ■ 
is    engraved    the    name 

FILINANDA      (the       twO 

last    letters    each    in    a 

line   by   itself),   and   on 

the  other  are  two  lines  VIVAS  IN  DEO  followed 

by  a  star.     Six  beads  meet  the  juncture  of  the 

b  It  is  called  'siglUo  in  bronze,'  and  though  about 


(Fortnn 


,  No.  27.) 


bezels  on  each  side  ;  the  hoop  (rounded  exter- 
nally, plane  internally)  diminishes  in  width  from 
the  bezel.  Weight,  five  and  a-half  pennyweights. 
Probably  of  the  latter  part  of  the  3rd  or  of  the 
beginning  of  the  4th  century.  Formerly  in 
the  possession  of  Don  Antonio  Donati,  late 
librarian  of  the  college  of  the  Sapienza  at  Rome, 
now  in  the  collection  of  Mr.  Fortnum  (No.  27). 
See  also  Fahn,  where  the  inscription  is  simply 
VIVAS.  A  gold  ring  found  at  Caetobriga 
(Troye  ?)  in  Lusitania,  in  the  cabinet  of  the 
king  of  Portugal,  of  octagonal  form,  has  on  seven 
of  the  sides  AL  |  01  |  OS  |  AE  |  VI  |  VA  |  sin,  the 
eighth  side  being  a  monogram  probably  intended 
for  Kvpico  (hardly  for  Christo)  Hiibuer,  Insc. 
Hisp.  Christ,  n.  204.  A  gold  ring  found  at 
Silchester  about  1780  has  the  hoop  formed  into 
ten  squares,  in  one  of  which  is  a  rude  head 
inscribed  VEXVS,  and  in  the  other  seneciane 
VIVAS,  followed  by  iinde  for  In  Deo ;  a  pagan 
ring  Christianized,  see  Gems,  p.  714,  b.  (^Archaeo- 
logia,  vol.  viii.  (1787),  p.  449;  Hiibner,  Inscr. 
Brit.  p.  234,  n.  1305.)'  Other  acclamations  are 
more  rarely  met  with.  On  the  circular-ova] 
bezel  of  a  bronze  ring  in  the  Vatican  (No.  12) 
are  inscribed  two  words  separated  by  a  trans- 
verse line,  which  Mi.  Soden  Smith  suggests  may 
be  read  Kypie  SwTsp.  The  Abbe  Cochet  has 
published  a  bronze  ring,  reading  IN  m.  \  nvmi  ) 
NE  A,  seemingly  for  In  Dei  nomine.  Amen  (Le 
Blant,  Inscr.  chret.  de  la  Gaule,  tom.  ii.  p.  73). 
On  an  angular  (semi-hexagonal)  silver  ring, 
with  broad  ribbon-hoop,  we  have  on  one  side 
the  name  of  the  owner  Leubacius  in  two  lines 


and  on  part  of  the  semicircular  ribbon 


opposite  a  monogram  with  an  I  on  each  side  of 
it,  which  has  been  supposed  to  read  In  nomine 
Dei  (Le  Blant,  u.  s.  p.  561,  n.  672  a,  pi.  90,  n. 
538).  A  brass  ring,  found  in  Egypt,  now  pre- 
served in  the  museum  at  Leyden,  bears  an  in- 
scription in  two  lines,  G1C0  -p  GOG  0^^ 
6e6s).  The  chrisma  certifies  the  Christianity  of 
the  ring,  which  is  doubtless  of  tolerably  early 
date  (Bockh,  Corp.  Inscr.  Graec.  n.  9059). 

(15.)  With  Legends  containing  Profession  of 
Faith  by  the  Owners. — A  Roman  gold  thumb  ring 
supposed  by  Hiibner  to  be  of  the  Christian  period, 
found  in  1823  near  Castor  in  Norfolk,  bears  the 
legend  constani  (sic)  fides,  apparently  for 
Cvnstanti  fides  (Archaeol.  vol.  xxiii.  (1831)  p. 
366,  and  vol.  xxi.  p.  547,  with  figure  ;  Hiibner, 
Inscr.  Brit.  n.  1301,  who  observes,  "  Similia 
etiam  alibi  reperta  sunt  ").  The  legend  seems 
clearly  intended  to  shew  that  its  possessor  was 
a  Christian.  This  fact  which  is  more  fully 
expressed  on   the  gold  Saxon  ring,  now  to    be 


3   inches  long,  seems  to  have  been  intended  for  the 
bezel  of  a  ring. 

'  Two  gold  rings  have  been  found  in  Kngland,  which 
Hiibner  and  others  regard  as  Christian  or  as  "aevl 
Christiani;"  one  in  Sufifollf,  reading  OAVMriEl 
Z  H  0  A I C  (figured  in  Jones's  Finger-ring  JMre,  p.  256). 
another  found  at  Corbridge  of  beautiful  pierced  work, 
the  letters  being  cut  a  jour,  reading  AEMILIA 
ZESES  (described  and  figured  in  Arch.  Joum.  vli.  p. 
192;  but  see  Mr.  p'ortiium's  rcraarlcs  on  its  age  in  vol. 
xxvi.  p.  14>i).  For  these  and  other  rings  found  in 
England  which  may  probably  be  Cliristlan,  but  which 
do  nut  give  clear  signs  of  their  Christianity,  see  IIQbner, 
Inscr.  Hrit.  p.  234. 


180^ 


KINGS 


described,  whose  workmanship,  to  judge  from 
the  figure,  bears  considerable  resemblance  to  the 
coins  of  Ofta,  and  may  therefore  probably  be  of 
or  about  the  8th  century.  The  ring  is  of  con- 
siderable thickness,  the  hoop  being  composed  of 
beautiful  chain  or  rather  plait-work  which 
encloses  an  oval-headed  bezel  nearly  1  inch  by 
three-quarters,  in  the  centre  of  which  is  a  small 
bust  with  jewelled  head-band  or  diadem,  the 
collar  being  similarly  ornamented ;  around  it 
in  letters  evidently  of  early  date,  nomen  ehlla 
FID  IN  XPO  {Fides  in  Christo).  Found  in  a 
meadow  at  Bosington,  Hants.  Kow  in  the 
Ashraolean  Museum  at  Oxford.  (Journ.  Archaeol. 
Assoc,  vol.  i.  (1846)  p.  341  (with  fig.);  Jones's 
Finger-ring  Lore,  p.  63  (same  fig.). 

To  the  above  distinctly  Christian  subjects  is 
to  be  added  one  taken  from  the  Old  Testament, 
which,  however,  was  regarded  as  a  typical  repre- 
sentation of  the  great  sacrifice  of  the  death  of 
Jesus  Christ  and  of  his  resurrection  following 
thereon. 

(16.)  Sacrifice  of  Abraham. — This  subject, 
though  found  on  various  other  works  of  Chris- 
tian antiquity,  is  so  rare  upon  metal  rings  that 
only  a   single   example   seems  hitherto  to  have 


occurred.  In  Mr.  Fortnum's  collection  (No.  29) 
is  a  bronze  ring  with  highly  projecting  bezel  of 
square  form ;  the  hoop  is  a  simple  circle  of  angular 
projection  externally.  On  the  square  face  the 
subject  is  deeply  engraved.  In  the  centre  is 
Abraham,  holding  a  knife  with  point  upwards 
in  his  right  hand,  and  the  head  of  Isaac,  who 
kneels  before  the  altar  of  piled  wood,  with  his 
left.  He  seems  suddenly  to  have  caught  sight 
of  the  ram,  which  stands  below  a  tree.  Between 
Abraham's  head  and  the  knife  appears  an  un- 
certain object,  which  Mr.  Fortnum  with  great 
probability  explains  to  be  the  angel,  but  which 
Padre  Garrucci  suggests  may  be  i-ays  of  light, 
symbol  of  the  Divine  voice  restraining  Abraham, 
and  which  the  Chev.  de  Rossi  thinks  may  be 
the  volume  of  the  prophetic  Scriptures  tied  with 
a  ribbon  proclaiming  to  all  generations  that 
Abraham  should  be  blessed  in  his  posterity  ; 
but  these  explanations  seem  less  probable. 

Apart  from  these  had  better  be  described  two 
other  forms  of  rings :  one  in  the  shape  of  a  foot 
the  other  of  the  common  circular  form,  but  in 
combination  with  a  key. 

(17.)  Foot-shaped  Rings. — The  bezel  sometimes 
assumes  the  form  of  the  sole  of  the  foot,  or 
rather  of  the  shoe  ;  and  the  rings  of  this  form 
appear  to  have  been  in  most  cases,  if  not  all, 
used  as  signet-rings  to  indicate  the  possession  of 
the  things  so  sealed.  Bronze  rings  of  this  form 
have  been  found  in  the  Roman  catacombs,  either 
bearing  the  name  of  the  owner,  e.g.  a  massive 
ring,  labelled  IVSTVS  accompanied  by  a  star  or 
double  cross  (Curt.  Synt.  de  Ant.  p.  398,  from 


RINGS 

Aringhi,  i?.  S.  ii.  698),  or  having  the  chrisma 
with  horizontal  stroke  at  the  top,  and  two 
pellets  above  and  below,  as  one  in  the  Kircherian 
Museum  (Ferret,  u.  s.  pi.  xi.  n.  6),  or  as  a  larger 
one  in  the  same  Museum  which  reads  SPES  in 
DEO  (retrograde).  (Ferret,  u.s.  pi.  xi.  n.  5.)J 
See  also  De  Rossi  (Bull,  di  Arch.  Crist.  1874,  p. 
77,  tav.  ii.  n.  5)  for  a  fine  similar  example  from 
Capena  ;  and  one  in  Mommsen,  Inscr.  Beg.  Neap. 
n.  6310,  §  290,  now  at  Naples  (apparently  not 
retrograde).  There  is  a  ibot-shaped  ring  in 
the  Vatican  Museum  (No.  25) ;  also  another 
in  the  same  Museum  (No.  13),  engraved  with 
SAVIV,  i.e.  vivas  (re- 
versed), evidently  in- 
tended for  stamping. 
Mr.  Fortnum  has  one 
"  the  bezel  of  which 
surmounts  the  swelling 
shoulders  of  a  hoop  of 
half-round  wire,  and  is 
shaped  as  the  sole  of  a 
shoe  upon  which  is 
coarsely  incised  IN  DEO 
with  a  continuous 
border-line  of  punctua- 
tions" (No.  31).  He 
thinks  that  "  this  ring 
itmld  hardly  have  been 
used  for  stamping  or 
scaling,  as  the  lettering  reads  rightly  on  the 
ring  and  would  of  course  be  inverted  in  the 
impression." 

Mr.  Fortnum  observes  that  this  is  a  form  of 
ring  previously  and  contemporaneously  used  by 
pagans,  and  that  similar  rings  bearing  names 
and  words  that  cannot  be  assumed  as  Christian '' 
are  preserved  in  the  Castellani,  the  Waterton, 
British  Museum,  and  other  collections. 

The  form  of  the  foot  is  in  allusion  to  the  an- 
cient adage  of  the  jurists,  "  Quicquid  pes  tuus 
calcaverit  tuum  erit,"  on  which  Paul  de  Castro 
(lib.  i.  I)e  acq.  vel  amitt.  poss.)  writes :  "  Nota 
quod  pedes  sunt  instrumentura  aptum  ad  ac- 
quirendam  possessionem  naturalem :"  see  Pel- 
licia,  de  Eccl.  Polit.  tom.  iii.  p.  227,  quoted  by 
Martigny,  Anneaux  des  prem.  Chre't.  p.  38, 
also  Diet.  s.  V.  Anneaux.  It  is,  however,  just 
possible  that  such  rings  of  this  form  as  were  not 
intended  for  sealing  or  stamping  may  have  been 
symbolical  of  walking  with  God  (in  deo),  and 
having  attained  the  end  of  the  pilgrimage  in 
safety,  as  among  the  pagans  votive  images  of 
feet  expressed  a  safe  return  from  a  journey. 
See  Martigny,  Diet.  s.  v.  Plantes  de  Pied. 

(18.)  Pings  with  Key  attached.— This  class  of 
rings  is  by  no  means  exclusively  Christian ; 
several  without  any  emblems,  and  one  having 
rudder  between  two  ears  of  corn  on  the  onyx 
chaton  (see  pp.  34,  35),  are  figured  by  Licetus 
(de  Anulis  Ant.)  in  the  plate  at  the  beginning 


3  In  the  Vatican  Museum  there  is  a  stamp,  formed  as 
the  sole  of  a  shoe,  of  larger  size  than  the  rings  of  that 
form,  which  has  the  same  legend,  with  letters  reversed 
and  iQcised.  Fortnum  in  Arch.  Journ.  xxviii.  (I87I) 
p.  2S0.    It  may  have  been  made  for  a  ring. 

k  The  large  bronze  ring  engraved  FORTVNrvs  accom- 
panied by  an  ivy  leaf,  figured  by  Boldetti  (  Cimit.  p.  506 
n.  3S),  and  by  Ferret  and  Martigny  after  him,  is  in  all 
likelihood  Christian,  having  been  found  in  the  catacombs, 
but,  like  several  others  of  the  same  class,  has  been 
omitted  here. 


RINGS 

of  his  work.  (Nos.  2,  3,  4,  5,  6, 7,  8.)  They  have 
been  called  by  him  and  others  anuli  ad  claves 
(?«.  s.  c.  xxix.),  but  whether  this  expression  occurs 
in  any  ancient  authors  the  writer  cannot  say. 
Some  of  these  found  in  Holland  as  Lipsius  ob- 
serves, are  of  iron,  and  must,  therefore,  have  been 
worn  by  slaves  or  common  soldiers.  (Excurs.  B.  ad 
Tac.  A7in.  ii.)  Others,  however,  have  been  found 
in  the  catacombs,  some  of  which  Boldetti  figures. 
(Cimit.  p.  506,  Nos.  36,  37.)  Most  of  these  have 
no  Christian  symbols  ;  but  Mr.  Fortnum 
a  bronze  finger-ring  with 
key  attached,  of  which  a 
figure  is  given.  "  It  is  a 
simple  hoop,  the  bezel  of 
which  is  slightly  raised 
and  flattened,  and  from 
the  side  of  which  projects 
a  small  neck,  attaching  a 
circular  table  flattened 
towards   the   ring.     This 

is  pierced  with  a  cross  which  is  surrounded  with 
a  circular  depression  or  bordering."  The  key 
opened  the  lock  by  lifting  a  latch.  The  cross  he 
regards  as  a  Christian  emblem  :  but  this  can 
hardly  be  looked  upon  as  certain.  Obtained  in 
Rome,  and  regarded  by  its  possessor  "  as  perhaps 
of  the  4th  century."  (No.  32.)  In  the  Vatican 
LIuseum  is  a  similar  ring,  believed  to  have  been 
found  in  the  Catacombs.  (No.  1.)  Speaking  of 
this  kind  of  ring,  Possidius  (  Vit.  Aug.  c.  24,  in 
fine  operum  ejus),  says  that  St.  Augustine  never 
wore  them  himself.  "  Domus  ecclesiae  curam 
omnemque  substantiam  ad  vices  clericis  delegabat 
et  credebat.  Nunquam  clavem,  nunquam  anulum 
in  manu  habens,  sed  ab  eisdem  domus  praepositis 
cuncta  et  accepta  et  erogata  notabantur."  His 
signet  ring  (with  profile  portrait)  mentioned 
below,  he  most  probably  did  wear.  Gregory 
the  Great  (see  the  references  in  Boldetti,  Cimit. 
p.  507)  gave  golden  key-rings  of  this  kind, 
which  had  touched  the  body  of  St.  Peter,  or  in 
which  a  filing  of  his  chain  was  inlaid,  to  princes 
as  a  species  of  relic,  accompanied  by  his  bene- 
diction. A  beautiful  gold  key-ring,  found  near 
Bologna,  may  very  possibly  have  been  one  of 
these.  (Fortnum  in  Arch.  Journ.  vol.  xxxiii. 
pp.  110-112  with  fig.).  Rings  had  indeed  been 
already  used  as  reliquaries. 

Before  this  time  Macrina,  the  sister  of  St. 
Gregory  of  Nyssa,  had  obtained  a  piece  of  the 
true  cross,  lately  discovered  by  Helena,  and  had 
it  inclosed  beneath  the  bezel  of  an  iron  ring,  on 
which  a  cross  was  also  engraved :  she  wore  it 
next  her  heart.  (Greg.  Nyss.  in  Vita  Macr.  in 
Migne,  Patrol.  Gr.  vol.  xlvi.  p.  990.) 

Another  fine  gold  key-ring,  with  wards  formed 
of  nine  Greek  crosses,  reading  accipe  dvlcis 
on  the  chaton,  and  mvltis  annis  on  the 
hoop,  may  have  been  meant  for  a  new  year's 
gift.     (^Arch.  Journ.  vol.  xxix.  p.  305.) 

2.  Royal  Rings. 
It  is  certain  that  official  rings  were  in 
use  from  an  early  period  among  the  Christian 
sovereigns  of  France.  There  were  signet  rings 
entrusted  to  the  keeping  of  a  high  official,  who 
in  Merovingian  times  was  called  Refercndarius, 
sometimes  an  ecclesiastic.  Thus  Sigebert  the 
Second,  king  of  Austasia  (638-670),  appointed 
St.  Bonitus,  bishop  of  Clermont,  his  referendarius, 
^'anulo  ex  manu  regis  accepto"  {Vita  ^.  Boniti, 


EINGS 


1803 


15  Jan.).  Audoenus  or  Dado  was  the  referen- 
darius of  Dagobert  the  Great,  father  of  the 
above-named  Sigebert,  so  called,  as  Aimo  tells 
(^Eccl.  Hist.  iv.  14),  "  quod  ad  eum  omnes 
publicae  deferrentur  conscriptiones,  ipseque  eas 
annulo  regis  sive  sigillo  ab  eo  sibi  commisso 
muniret  sen  formaret.'  Audoenus  was  at  this 
time  probably  a  layman,  but  he  became  arch- 
bishop of  Rouen  in  640.     [See  Seals.]  * 

3.  Episcopal  Rings  in  General  ;  also  Rings 
OF  Investiture  and  the  Ring  of  the 
Fisherman. 

That  bishops,  in  common  with  other  Christians, 
possessed  rings  in  very  early  times,  is  easy  to 
prove  ;  but  when  the  ring  was  first  employed  as 
a  badge  of  their  office  it  is  more  difficult  to  say. 
The  earliest  example  now  known  of  the  posses- 
sion of  a  ring  by  a  bishop  is  probably  that  of 
Caius,  bishop  of  Rome,  283-296.  When  his 
tomb  was  opened  in  the  year  1622  there  were 
found  therein  three  coins  of  Diocletian,  in  whose 
reign  he  suffered  martyrdom,  and  also  his  ring 
("  sanctissimi  pontificis  anulus  adinventus  est"), 
see  Aringhi,  Bmn.  Svbt.  lib.  iv.  c.  48,  vol.  ii.  p. 
426  ;  Boldetti,  Cimit.  pp.  102,  103.  It  does  not 
appear  what  has  become  of  it.  Eusebius,  bishop 
of  Rome,  a.D.  310,  is  said  to  have  borne  the 
monogram  of  Christ  on  one  side  of  the  seal  of  his 
ring  and  that  of  his  own  name  on  the  other. 
(Du  Saussay,  Fanopl.  Episc.  p.  215.)  In  the  Ken- 
sington Museum  a  riug  (No.  7442  amongst  the 
Waterton  collection)  is  thus  described: — "Ring, 
silver  gilt.  An  episcopal  ring,  fluted  shank, 
from  which  rises  a  long  stem  and  collet,  set  with 
an  antique  paste.  Third  or  fourth  century. 
Found  in  Lombardy.  Diameter  1^  inch  by  J. 
Given  by  Sir  James  Hudson,  K.C.B."  It  does 
not  appear  why  the  ring  is  even  regarded  as 
Christian,  much  less  as  episcopal.  Possibly  the 
circumstances  of  the  discovery  might  throw  light 
on  this  matter.  The  pale  ground  of  paste  is 
inlaid  with  eight  red  and  blue  triangular 
tessellae,  also  apparently  of  paste  :  they  are  not 


1  It  does  not  appear  that  kings  received  rings  at  their 
coronation  till  after  the  time  of  Charlemagne.  Nothing 
is  said  of  the  ring  in  the  earliest  coronation  service 
I^nown,  that  of  Egbert,  archbishop  of  York  (732-767). 
See  Martens  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  lib.  ii.  c.  10,  Ordo  i. 
But  in  Ordo  iv.  Ad  benedicendum  regem  Francorum,  a 
form  is  given  for  the  delivery  of  the  ring.  This  is  described 
as  Ex  MS.  codice  Ratoldi  abbatis  Corbeiensis,'  who  may 
perhaps  be  the  same  as  a  writer  of  that  name  mentioned 
by  Fabricius,  supposed  to  be  of  the  10th  century  (^Bihl. 
Mid.  et  Inf.  Latin.).  It  runs  thus :  "  Accipe  anulum 
signaculum  videlicet  sanctae  fidei,  soliditatem  regni, 
augmentum  potentiae  per  quae  scias  triumphal!  potentia 
hostes  repellere,  haereses  destruere,  subditos  coadunare, 
et  catholicae  fidei  perseverabilitate  connecti.  Per  &c." 
The  earliest  French  king  who  received  episcopal  coro- 
nation at  all  was  Pepin,  according  to  Martene; 
but  we  do  not  find  that  either  he  or  Charlemagne 
received  a  ring  thereat.  The  earliest  (real  or  pretended) 
example  of  an  English  king  receiving  a  ring  at  his 
consecration  known  to  the  writer  is  given  m  a  nta  et 
Passio  S.  Edmimdi  Begis,  printed  in  the  Appendix  to 
Batteley'B  Antiq.  S.  Edmundi  Hurgi,  p.  U9  sqq.  where 
it  is  recorded  of  Offa,  king  of  the  East  Angles  (rather  of 
the  East  Saxons),  that  he  designated  in  855  Edmund  as 
his  successor,  "  jussitque  ut  anulum  anum  sibi  deferrcnt, 
quem  acceperit  ab  episcopo  in  regni  Estanglorum 
promotione."  But  the  whole  story  seems  to  be  apocry- 
phal.   See  Cutler,  Lives  of  the  Saints,  Nov.  20. 


1804 


RINGS 


quite  united,  but  resemble  a  star  of  eight 
rays. 

St.  Augustine  had  a  signet-ring  (anulus),  "  qui 
exprimit  faciem  hominis  attendentis  in  latus," 
meaning  apparently  a  head  seen  in  profile. 
[Gems,  p.  719.]  A  letter  of  Clovis  is  addressed 
to  the  Gallican  bishops,  circa  a.d.  511,  in  which 
he  promises  to  recognise  their  letters  as  authen- 
tic, provided  they  were  signed  with  their  ring 
("  vestro  anulo  signatas  ").  (Greg.  Turon.  0//. 
Append,  p.  1327,  ed.  Bened. ;  col.  1158,  ed. 
Migne,  Patrol,  t.  l.x.xi  ).  The  seals  probably 
bore  their  names  or  monograms. 

About  the  same  time  Avitus  bishop  of  Vienne 
writes  to  his  brothel-,  Apollinaris  bishop  of 
Valentia,  how  he  would  wish  his  signet-ring  to  be 
made.  The  ring  was  to  be  of  iron,  not  massive, 
formed  of  two  dolphins,  with  their  heads  on  the 
side  opposite  to  the  bezel,  and  their  forked  tails 
meeting  each  other  around  a  double  seal  turning 
on  two  pivots  ;  on  one  face,  which  was  to  be 
electrum  (pale  gold),  his  own  name  was  to  be 
engraved  in  monogram  ("  latitabunda  ")  ;  on  the 
other  side,  a  bright  green  stone  ("vernans 
lapillus  "),  his  name  was  to  be  written  in  full 
("  publica  ").  Such  at  least  appears  to  be  the 
meaning  of  his  directions,  which  are  given  as  he 
says  "  paullo  hilarius,"  but  which  might  have 
been  better  described  as  "  paullo  obscurius."" 
Such  monograms  had  become  fashionable  about 
this  time,  both  in  metal  and  in  stone,  on  seals  or 
on  coins  ;  and  the  passage  of  Symmachus,  relating 
to  the  intricacy  of  his  own  monogram  on  his 
seal  is  sufficiently  well  known  (lib.  ii.,  epist.  12). 
Arnulphus,  bishop  of  Metz,  in  a.d.  614,  took  for 
his  seal  a  milk-white  cornelian,  bearing  a  fish 
with  its  head  above  the  basket  in  which  it  is 
contained,  on  either  side  of  which  is  a  smaller 


■»  The  text  of  this  most  difficult  passage  is :— "  Signa- 
torium  igiiur,  quod  pietas  vestra  non  tarn  promittere 
quani  oiferre  dignata  est,  in  bunc  niodum  fieri  volo. 
Anulo  ferreo  et  admodum  tenui,  velut  concurrentibus 
in  se  delphinulis  concludendo,  sigilli  duplicis  forma 
geminis  cardinulii  inseratur.  Quae  ut  libuerit  vicissim, 
seu  latitabunda,  seu  publica,  obtutibus  intuentium  al- 
terna  vernantis  lapilli  vel  electri  pallentis  fronle  mutetur. 
Nee  tamen  talis  electri,  quale  nuper,  ut  egomet  hausi,  in 
saucto  ac  sincerissimo  impoUutae  manus  nitore  sordebat 
cui  corruptam  potius  quam  confectam,  aurl  nondum 
fornace  decocti  crediderim  inesse  mixturam ;  vel  illam 
certe,  quam  nuperrime  rex  GeUrum  (he  is  explained  to 
be  Alaricus,  a  Clodoveo  prostratus),  secuturae  praesagam 
ruinae,  mouetis  publicis  adulterium  firmantem  manda- 
verat.  Sed  sit  ejusmodi  color,  quern  aequaliter  ac 
modeste,  ruborem  ab  auro,  ab  argento  candorem,  pretio- 
sitatem  ab  utroque,  a  caeteris  rapientem  fulgorem,  arti- 
ficiosa  siquidem  medioxima  viroris  commendat  amoenit^s. 
Si  quaeras  quid  insculpendum  sigillo;  signum  monogram- 
matis  mei  per  gyrum  scripti  nomiiiis  legatur  indicio. 
Medium  porro  annuli,  ab  ea  parte  qua  volae  clausae 
vicinabitur,  delphinorum  quorum  superius  capita  descrip- 
simus,  caudae  tenebunt.  Quibus  lapisculus  ob  hoc  ipsum 
quaesitus,  oblongus  scilicet  et  acutis  capitibus  formatus, 
indetur.  Ecce  habes  quoddam  tautummodo  speculum 
dograatis  exsequendi.  Nee  tamen  amplitudinem  ele- 
gantiae  tuae  sic  ad  memoratum  exemplar  coacto  (leg. 
coarcto  ?),  quasi  liberum  uon  sit  addere  quod  videtur." 
Aviti  Viennensis  Epist.  Lxxviii.  Apollinari  episcopo 
(Migne,  Patrol.  Lat.  t.  lix.  pp.  280,  281).  M.  Le  Blant 
llnsa:  chret.  de  la  Gaule,  torn.  ii.  p.  50)  has  ventured 
upon  a  translation  or  paraphrase,  adding  reference,  to 
Sirmond  and  Canciani,  and  mentioning  a  Merovingian 
ring  on  which  the  name  Aster  is  engraved  in  monogram 
and  also  in  full. 


RINGS 

fish,  which  was  set  in  his  (gold  ?)  ring,  a  plain 
hoop  widening  towards  the  bezel,  first  figured 
in  Martigny,  Diet.  s.v.  Anneau  episcopal  (2nd 
ed.).  It  is  now  preserved  in  the  cathedral  at 
Metz.  [Gems,  p.  714.]  Ebresgilaus,  bishop  of 
Meaux  in  660,  wore  in  his  ring  an  intaglio 
representing  St.  Paul  the  hermit  {ibid.  p.  719,  b). 
Agilbert,  bishop  of  Paris  (666-680),  was  buried 
with  a  very  large  ring  (thumb-ring  ?)  set  with 
an  opaque  figure,  on  which  was  represented  St. 
Jerome  beating  his  breast  before  a  crucifix 
(ibid.  p.  718)."  The  ring  of  Leodegar,  bishop 
of  Autun  about  A.D.  685,  is  mentioned  by  Du 
Saussay  as  existing  in  1636  in  the  Royal  Mon- 
astery of  St.  Victor  in  Paris.  Unfortunately 
the  Martyrologiutn  Gallicanum  which  mentions 
it  under  his  day  (Oct.  2),  as  being  in  the 
monastery  aforesaid,  says  nothing  of  its  material 
or  style,  but  only  of  its  miraculous  qualities  : 
"  cujus  in  aquam  immersioue  miracula  fere 
perennia  eduntur ;  nam  oculorum  infirmitate 
laborautes  consecratae  aquae  ipsius  perfusionc 
recuperaut  passim  sanitatem."  " 

In  our  own  country  also  rings  have  been  found 
in  the  tomb  of  Birinus,  bishop  of  Dorchester, 
who  died  640  ("  inventus  quoque  [in  sepulchro] 
est  anulus,"  Vit.  S.  Birini,  incerto  auctore  in 
Surius  dc  Vitis  Sanctorum,  Dec.  3,  vol.  vi.  p.  220, 
Venet.  1681),  and  in  that  of  St.  John  of  Beverley 
who  died  in  721,  when  he  was  translated  into  a 
new  shrine,  circa  A.D.  1037  (Dugdale,  Hist,  of 
Coll.  Ch.  of  Beverley,  p.  55  in  Appendix  to  Hist. 
of  St.  Paul's  Cathedral ;  R.  C.  Neville,  Lecture 
on  Antiq.  of  Finger-rings,  p.  15,  Safifr.  Walden, 
1856  ;  VVaterton  in  Arch.  Journ.  vol.  xx.  (1863), 
p.  225.P 

"  Du  Saussay  {Fanopl.  Episc.  p.  1830)  describes  the 
setting  thus:— "  Encausto  anulus  in  superiori  parte 
circuli  decoratur,  eminetque  e  medio  ejus  vasculum 
falcatis  quasi  unguiculis  evectum,  quibus  ipsa  gemma 
stringitui- ;  adeoque  exquisite  artificio  fabrifactum  opus 
est,  ut  vix  elegantiori  forma  confectum  aliud  proferri 
possit." 

"  De  Corte,  Syntagm.  de  Anulis,  pp.  168-78  has 
various  notices  of  miraculous  rings.  Many  will  agree 
with  him  when  he  writes:  "  Et  quis  singulas  salutarium 
annulorum  virtutes  caelitus  adeptas  in  numerum  coget 
ni  lectori  suo  taedium  parere  gestiat  ?  Abstineo  igitur 
si  unicum  insuper  .  .  .  recensuero." 

p  There  is  a  very  early  Saxon  ring  which  may  perhaps 
be  the  ring  uf  Alhstan,  bishop  of  Sherborne  a.d.  824-867. 
If  so  it  is  just  too  late  for  this  work,  but  the  attribution 
is  uncertain,  the  name  being  a  common  one.  It  reads 
ALHSTAN  having  a  cross  prefixed,  on  four  round  sides 
of  a  ring  alternating  with  four  lozenge-shaped  sides 
on  which  fabulous  animals  are  depicted,  it  is  of  gold 
and  nielloed.  It  is  now  in  the  S.  Kensington  Museum, 
formerly  in  the  Waterton  collection.  Figured  in  Arch. 
Journ.  vol.  xx.  p.  226,  the  same  figure  being  used  for  Jones's 
Finger-ring  Lore,  p.  62.  It  had  been  previously  described 
and  figured  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Pegge  in  Archaeologia,  vol. 
iv.  p.  47.  Perhaps  it  should  be  added  that  when  the  tomb 
of  bishop  Cuthbert  (died  686)  was  opened  in  1537,  a 
"  massive  gold  ring,  set  with  a  sapphire  en  cabochon,  was 
found  on  one  of  his  fingers."  But  althongh  the  authen- 
tication of  its  discovery  is  undoubted,  it  is  considered  to 
be  certain  that  it  could  never  have  been  worn  by  St. 
Cuthbert,  being  apparently  not  older  than  the  14th  cen- 
tury. Mr.  Waterton  thinks  that  it  had  probably  belonged 
to  one  of  the  bishops  of  Durham,  and  had  been  placed 
where  it  was  found  on  some  occasion  when  the  shrine 
was  opened.  He  observes  that  it  has  been  figured  in  the 
Archaeol.  Aeliana,  vol.  ii.  (N.  S.),  p.  66,  and  is  now  pre- 
served in  St.  Cuthbert's  College,  Ushaw,  near  Durham, 


EINGS 

■  It  cannot  be  concluded  from  these  literary 
notices  that  episcopal  rings  were  of  an  ecclesi- 
astical character  properly  so  called,  or  different 
in  any  way  from  those  which  might  have  been 
used  by  persons  who  were  not  ecclesiastics.  Kor 
does  there  appear  to  be  any  clear  proof  that  such 
rings  existed  at  all  until  the  latter  half  of  the  6th 
century.''  From  about  that  time  forwards  bishops 
at  their  consecration  received  a  staff  (baculus) 
and  also  a  ring,  symbolical  of  their  office  as 
bridegrooms  of  the  church  (anulus),  and  also  as 
a  mark  of  honour;  but  whether  these  were  in 
all  cases  capable  of  being  used  as  signet  rings  or 
not,  it  is  difficult  if  not  impossible  to  decide,  from 
the  imperfect  nature  of  the  evidence.  In  later 
times  they  certainly  could  not  be  so  used.  The 
earliest  ecclesiastical  writer  who  makes  mention 
of  such  a  ring  seems  to  be  St.  Isidore  of  Seville,' 
who  was  bishop  of  that  see  from  A.D.  595-633. 
In  his  second  book  of  Ecclesiastical  Offices,  sup- 


EIXGS 


1805 


Arch.  Journ.  xx.  237,  where  much  more  information 
may  be  seen ;  see  also  A.  Butler,  Lives  of  the  Saints, 
March  20.  The  stone  bears  no  device,  in  conformity 
with  the  injunction  of  pope  Innocent  III.  in  1194: 
"  Anulus  (episcopi)  ex  auro  puro  solide  confectus 
palam  habeat  cum  gemma  in  qua  nihil  sculpti  esse 
deb?t"  (Merati,  ed.  Gavaiiti,  p.  1341).  Duranii  makes 
a  similar  remark  {de  Hit.  Eccl.  ii.  9,  §  31).  Accordingly 
many  episcopal  rings  of  the  13th  century  "  were  of  very 
rude  fashion  .  .  .  . ;  the  stone  set  just  as  it  was  found, 
merely  having  the  surface  polished,  and  the  shape  of  the 
bezel  was  adapted  to  the  gem."    Waterton,  u.  s.  p.  227. 

q  Mr.  0.  Morgan  (Archaeologia,  vol.  xxxvi.  p.  393) 
argues  from  the  silence  of  the  Apostolical  Constitutions 
which  give  minute  directions  for  the  consecration  of 
bishops,  that  the  ring  was  unknown  (as  a  symbol  of  the 
epis-opal  office)  at  the  time  when  they  were  written. 
This  time,  variously  estimated,  is  most  probably  about 
the  4th  century.— Apostolical  Const itutioxs. 

'  The  Abbe  (now  Canon)  Martigny,  both  in  his  An- 
neanx  chez  les  premiers  Chretiens  (pp.  44-46),  and  in 
both  the  editions  of  his  Diet,  des  Antiq.  chret.  (s.  v.  An- 
neau  episcopal)  has  laboured  to  prove  that  St.  Optatus, 
an  African  father  of  the  latter  part  of  the  4tb  century, 
distinctly  mentions  the  episcopal  ring,  as  belonging  to 
the  bishop's  office.  He  so  interprets  the  words  of  his 
first  book,  c.  10  (p.  37,  ed.  Albasp.)  where  he  says  that 
heretics  have  not  the  keys,  which  St.  Peter  alone  received, 
uor  the  ring  whereby  it  is  written  that  the  fountain  is 
sealed  (nee  anulum  quo  legitur  Ions  esse  signatus).  This 
passage  has  much  perplexed  the  commentators,  as  may 
be  seen  in  the  various  notes  in  the  editions  of  Albaspi- 
naeus  p.  118,  and  of  Migne  (Patrol,  t.  xi.  p.  902).  But 
there  is  little  doubt  that  Meric  Casaubon  has  rightly 
judged  that  there  is  an  allusion  here  to  Cant.  iv.  12,  "A. 
garden  enclosed  is  my  sister,  my  spouse ;  a  spring  shut 
up,  a  fountain  sealed."  If  so  the  ring  is  no  more  a 
material  ring  than  the  keys  ;  the  passage  is  rather  to  be 
understood  mystically  of  the  gifts  of  the  church  {de 
dotibus  ecclesiae)  of  which  the  episcopate  is  the  custodian. 
Others,  as  Samelli  (quoted  by  Martigny),  understand 
Optatus  to  allude  to  the  custom  of  sealing  up  the  bap- 
tismal fonts  with  the  bishop's  seal  in  Lent  (see  below). 
"  Mais  de  telles  difficultes  s'evanouissent  de%'ant  cet  autre 
textedu  meme  docteur  et  du  meme  livre :  Le  pontife  porte 
I'anneau,  afin  qu'il  connaisse  qu'il  est  I'epoux  de  son 
eglise,  et  que  pour  eUe,  a  I'exemple  du  Christ,  11  sacrifie 
sa  vie,  s'il  le  faut "  (Diet.  u.  s.)  In  his  special  work  on 
Christian  rings  he  quotes  the  original  at  length,  under- 
standing the  last  words  to  refer  to  the  discipline  of  the 
secret:  "Pontifex  ergo  anulum  portat  ut  se  sponsum 
ecclesiae  agnoscat,  et  pro  ilia  animam,  si  necesse  fuerit, 
ponat;  mysteria  Scripturae  a  perfidis  sigillet,  secreta 
ecclesiae  resignet."  But  no  such  passage  occurs  anywhere 
in  Optatus,  nor  any  passage  at  all  like  it.  It  is  found 
verbatim  in  Honorius  A.ugustodunensis,  a  writer  of  the 


posed  to  have  been  written  about  a.d.  610,  he 
says:  "Datur  (episcopo  dum  consecratur)  et 
anulus  propter  signum  pontificalis  honoris  vel 
signaculum  secretorum  "  (c.  5).  The  last  words 
might  appear  to  imply  that  this  was  a  signet- 
ring.'  David,  bishop  of  Benevento  in  the  time 
of  Charlemagne,  concludes  a  mandate  as  follows  : 
"  anulo  sanctae  nostrae  ecclesiae  firmavimus 
roborandum"  (quoted  from  Ughelli  in  Mab. 
de  re  Dipl.  ii.  xv.),  from  which  it  would  appear 
probable  that  the  bishop's  official  ring  went  with 
the  see.  And  upon  the  whole  it  seems  most 
natural  to  conclude  with  Mr.  Waterton  that 
most  if  not  all  the  episcopal  rings  earlier  than 
the  11th  century  were  also  used  as  signets  (^rc/i. 
Journ.  vol.  xx.  p.  225).  Thev  would  not  only  be 
employed  for  sealing  a  letter  or  an  official 
document,  of  which  instances  have  been  given : 
but  they  were  also  used  to  seal  up  a  box  con- 
taining relics,  when  an  altar  was  consecrated 
and  the  box  placed  thereon.  (See  Baronius  s.  a. 
627  for  the  seal  on  the  box  containing,  as  it  was 
supposed,  the  wood  of  the  true  cross,  which  was 
found  unbroken,  when  Syroes,  son  of  Chosroes, 
king  of  Persia,  restored  this  relic  to  the  Chris- 
tians.) In  some  churches  of  Gaul  and  Spain  the 
not  uncommon  but  far  from  universal  prohibi- 
tion to  baptise  in  Lent  was  enforced  in  the  7th 
century  by  the  application  of  the  bishop's  seal 
(anulus,  signaculum)  to  the  gates  of  the  baptis- 
tery, from  the  beginning  of  Lent  till  Easter,  when 
baptisms  were  often  celebrated  in  great  num- 
bers (Concil.  Tolet.  xvii.  (694),  De  reg.  fid.  c.  ii. ; 
Sarnelli,  Di  varie  Sorte  di  Anelli,  Lett.  Eccles.  t. 
iii.  p.  84,  referred  to  in  Martigny,  Diet.  s.  v. 
An-neaux ;  Bingham,  Ant.  xi.  6,  §  7,  xxi.  i.  §  12).' 
There  are  also  other  allusions  to  the  official 
episcopal  ring  in  the  early  part  of  the  7th 
century,  which  seem  to  carry  it  somewhat 
further  back  than  themselves,  probably  into  the 
preceding  century.  A  letter  of  ])ope  Boniface 
IV.  read  in  the  council  of  Rome  (a.d.  610)  says 
that  "monachus  nequaquam  anulo  pontifical! 
subarrharentur,"  i.e.  be  elevated  (as  Augustine 
and  Martin  had  been)  to  the  episcopal  rank,  if  the 
monastic  life  was  an  utter  disqualification  for 
the  office  (Coleti,  Concil.  t.  vi.  p.  1356).  In  the 
twenty-eighth  canon  of  the  fourth  council  of 
Toledo,  held  under  the  presidency  of  Isidore  of 
Seville,  a.d.  633)  we  read  that  "  if  a  bishop, 
presbyter,  or  deacon  be  unjustly  deposed,  and  in 
a  subsequent  synod  be  found  innocent,  he  cannot 
be  what  he  had  previously  been,  unless  he 
receive  again  the  rank  which  he  had  lost  from 
the  hand  of  a  bishop  before  the  altar.  If  he  have 
been  a  bishop,  he  must  receive  the  stole  {ora- 
riuni),  ring,  and  staff .  .  .  and  so  the  other  minor 


12th  century.  In  his  Gemma  animae,  lib.  i.  c.  216  (Migne, 
Patrol,  t.  clxxii.  p.  609;  Marriott,  Vest.  Chriit.  pp. 
139-140). 

"  This  inference  however  is  made  less  certain  by  the 
allegorical  expressions  which  follow.  "Nam  multa  .sunt 
quae  carnalium  minusque  intelligentium  sensibus  occul- 
tantes  sacerJotes  quasi  sub  signaculo  absconduiit,  ne 
indignis  quibusque  sacramenta  VA  aperiantiir." 

'  The  practice  is  earlier  than  the  d.ite  of  the  council  : 
"  ecclesiasticae  consuetudinis  ordo deposcit,  ut  ostia  b.iptis- 
terii  in  eodem  die  pontlHcali  manu  anulo  asMgnata  cluu- 
dantiir."  Mr.  Waterton  («.  s.)  appears  to  be  in  crr..r  in 
thinking  that  all  this  was  in  conformity  with  a  decree  of 
I'ope  Sergius  I. :  the  council  was  held  merely  duriug 
his  I'ontiflcate  (687-701). 


1806 


EINGS 


orders  are  to  receive,  with  a  view  to  their  resto- 
ration, what  at  the  time  of  ordination  they 
originally  received.  (Bruns,  Canon.  Apost.  et 
Concil.  Vet.  vol.  i.  p.  231.  Marriott's  rendering 
is  here  followed,  Vest.  Christ,  p.  75.)  From 
these  passages  it  is  plain  that  before  they  were 
written  bishops  received  a  ring  at  their  ordi- 
nation. We  have  seveival  ancient  ordination 
services  in  which  the  delivery  of  the  ring  to  the 
bishop  is  mentioned  ;  and  of  these  one,  if  not  more, 
is  pi-obably  somewhat  earlier  than  the  7th  century. 
The  sacramentary  of  Gregory  the  Great,  circa 
A.D.  590,  as  it  stands  in  Muratori's  edition,  gives 
the  following  formula :  Ad  anulum  digito  impo- 
nendum.  Accipe  anulum  fidei,  scilicet  signa- 
culum,  quatenus  sponsam  Dei,  videlicet  sanctam 
ecclesiam,  intemerata  fide  ornatus  illibate  custo- 
dias.  (^Sacramentarium  Gregorianum  de  Officio 
Episcopi,  in  Muratori,  Liturg.  Rom.  Vet.  t.  ii.  p. 
442,  Venet.  1748.)  But  in  the  edition  of  Angelo 
Rocca  (quoted  by  Du  Saussaye,  Panopl.  Episcop. 
p.  181)  we  read  :  "  memor  sponsionis  et  despon- 
sationis  ecclesiasticae,  ut  dilectionis  Domini  Dei 
tui,  in  die  qua  assecutus  es  hunc  honorem  cave  ne 
obliviscaris  illius.  Accipe  ergo  anulum  discre- 
tionis  et  honoris,  fidei  signum,  ut  quae  signanda 
sint  signes,  et  quae  aperienda  sunt  prodas,  quae 
Uganda  sunt  liges,  quae  solvenda  sunt  solvas  : 
utque  credentibus  per  fidem  baptismatis,  lapsis 
autem  sed  poenitentibus  per  mysterium  recon- 
ciliationis  januas  regni  caelestis  aperias  ;  cunctis 
vero  de  thesauro  Dominico,  nova  et  Vetera  pro- 
feras,  ut  ad  aeternam  salutem  omnibus  consu- 
las  gratia  Domini  nostri  Jesu  Christi,  cui  cum 
Patre  et  Spiritu  Sancto  est  honor  et  gloria  in 
saecula  saeculorum.  Amen."  This  last  appears 
to  be  a  later  form  or  adaptation  of  the  sacra- 
mentary which  gave  rise  to  the  Ordo  Romanus," 
where  a  portion  of  the  same  words  occurs 
(Martigny,  Anneaux  chez  les  prem.  Ghre't.  p.  41). 
From  these  flowed  a  variety  of  formulae,  one 
of  the  earliest  being  found  in  the  pontifical  of 
Ecgbert,  Archbishop  of  York  (732-766),  where 
we  read,  "  Cum  anuhis  datur  haec  oratio  dicitur : 
Accipe  anulum  pontificalis  honoris,  ut  sis  fidei 
integritate  munitus.  Foniif.  Egherti  Eboracensis 
Episcopi  in  Mart,  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  lib.  i.  c.  viii. 
art.  xi.  Ordo  ii.  We  have  also  repetitions  or  varia- 
tions thereof  in  several  early  mediaeval  services 
for  ordination,  which  in  all  cases  appear,  and 
in  some  instances  are  declared,  to  be  derived 
from  the  Ordo  Romanus.  (See  Martene  de 
Ant.  Eit.  Eccl.  lib.  i.  c.  viii.  art.  xi. ;  Ordo  iii., 
Ordo  v.,  Ordo  viii.,  Ordo  ix.,  &c.,  Bassan.  1788.) 
Of  the  age  of  these  rituals  it  is  not  easy  to 
speak  ;  but  inasmuch  as  the  manuscript  of  more 
than  one  of  them  is  as  early  as  the  10th  or 
11th  century,  it  is  not  improbable  that  some  of 
them  may  be  as  early  as  the  time  of  Charle- 
magne. (See  Waterton  in  Arch.  Journ.  xx.  1863, 
pp.  229,  230.)  In  the  Missa  Pontificalis  (Ordo 
xviii.)  of  Illyricus,  which  he  thought  to  have  been 
in  use  in  the  West  about  the  time  of  Gregory  the 
Great,  occurs  this  prayer:  "Ad  anulum;  cir- 
cumda  Domine  digitos  meos  virtute  et  decora 
sacrificatione."     (Gerbert,  Vet.  Liturg.  Alaman. 


"  Probably  a  compilation  of  the  8th  century.  See 
Ordo.  A  critical  edition  of  these  early  liturgical  compo- 
Bitions,  which  differ  much  in  different  MSS.,  would  be  a 
great  boon.  See  Palmer,  Orig.  Liturg.  $  vi.  (Liturgy  of 
Eome). 


RINGS 

tom.  i.  pp.  76,  255,  256,  s.  1.  1776.  See  also 
Martene,  u.  s.  lib.  i.  c.  iv.  Art.  xii.  Ordo  iv.)  It 
is  impossible  to  conjecture  from  these  liturgical 
forms  the  material  of  the  ring,  and  whether  the 
ring  had  a  gem  or  not,  and  if  it  had,  whether 
the  stone  bore  any  device  or  not.  These  matters 
may  for  some  time  have  been  left  indefinite; 
afterwards,  as  is  well  known,  they  were  all 
definitely  fixed.  The  Ordo  Romanus  and  general 
usage  in  the  Roman  church  afterwards  places 
the  ring  on  the  fourth  finger  of  the  bishop's 
right  hand.  "  Anulos  ipsos  non  in  sinistra  poni 
oportet,"  says  pope  Gregory  IV.  (elected  to 
the  papal  throne  in  827),  "nullius  venae  cor- 
dialis  habita  ratione,  quae  gentilitatem  capere 
videretur  ;  sed  omnino  in  dextra  tanquam  dig- 
niore,  qua  sacrae  benedictiones  impenduntur ; 
maxime  quia  ipsi  pontifices,  dum  saci'ificant, 
non  nimium  exercitas  manus  habent ;  et  sic 
ipsorum  tam  summorum  quara  ceterorum  pon- 
tificum  consecrationibus  dexterae  signanter  anu- 
lus  imponitur  "  {De  Cidtu  Pontificum,  quoted  in 
Martigny,  Anneaux,  &c.  p.  40). 

The  earlier  stages  (if  any)  through  which  the 
episcopal  ring,  with  its  concomitant  staii',  passed 
before  it  was  placed  on  the  hands  of  the  bishop- 
elect  by  t]>e  consecrating  prelate,  appear  to  Ise 
unknown  before  the  time  of  Charlemagne. 
Perhaps  it  was  not  received  at  all  before  conse- 
cration. 

A  few  words  must  now  be  said  upon  the  his- 
tory of  episcopal  investiture  by  the  ring,  the 
source  of  such  deadly  feuds  between  the  popes 
and  emperors  in  the  11th  and  12th  centuries. 

The  Ring  of  Investiture. — In  the  reign  of 
Charlemagne  commenced,  according  to  the  com- 
mon story,  the  investiture  by  the  ring  and  staff, 
an  act  of  the  civil  power  which  entitled  the 
bishop-elect  to  the  possession  of  the  temporali- 
ties of  his  see."  This  privilege  (among  others 
with  which  we  are  not  now  concerned)  was 
granted  to  him  by  pope  Hadrian  I.  in  gratitude 
for  the  services  which  Charles  has  rendered  to 
the  Holy  See  by  expelling  the  Lombards  from 
Italy.  This  fact  is  distinctly  asserted  not  only 
by  two  of  the  best  historians  of  the  12th  century 
Sigebert  {Chron.  s.  a.  mcxi. ;  see  also  Gi  at.  Dist. 
Ixxiii.  c.  22,  quoted  in  Investiture),  and  by 
William  of  Malmesbury  {Gest.  Reg.  Angl.  lib.  ii. 
§  202,  p.  348,  ed.  Hardy),  who  puts  the  declara- 
tion to  that  effect,  with  express  mention  of 
the  anulus  et  baculus,  into  the  mouth  of  pope 
Gregory  VI.,  but  also  by  a  bull  of  pope  Leo  VIII. 


■^  Such  is  the  conclusion  of  Kirchmann  (de  Armlis, 
c.  20,  p.  211,  Slesv.  1657),  who  has  carefully  investigated 
the  subject.  "  Verum  age,  dicamus  etiam,"  are  his 
words,  "de  usu  anulorum,  in  episcoporum  investituris; 
cujus  moris  ante  Caroli  M.  lempora  nullum  reperio  apud 
scriptores  vestigium."  De  Corte  accepts  his  conclusion, 
and  indeed  his  very  words.  (Curtius,  Syntagma  de 
A7utlis,  pp.  372,  373,  Antv.  1706.)  So  does  also  Mr.  0. 
Morgan  in  Archaeologia,  vol.  xxxvi.  p.  395.  Kirch- 
mann quotes  several  writers  later  than  those  mentioned 
in  the  test,  who  agree  in  the  view  that  investitures 
originated  in  the  time  of  Charlemagne.  Mosheim,  Ch. 
Hist.  cent.  xi.  part  ii.  c.  2,  $  15  (note),  says, "  What  king 
or  emperor  first  introduced  this  custom  of  appointing 
prelates  by  delivery  of  staff  and  ring  is  very  uncertain.' 
Adam  of  Bremen  ascribes  it  to  Louis  le  Debonnaire, 
the  son  of  Charlemagne  (814-840) ;  Humbert  to  Otho  the 
Great  (936-973),  tO'  which  latter  view  Mosheim  is  much 
inclined.    Both  writers  are  of  the  11th  century. 


RINGS 

(963-965),  written  only  about  a  century  and  a 
half  after  the  death  of  Charlemagne,  when  Otho 
the  Great,  his  patron,  was  on  the  throne.  "  Ad 
exeniplum  B.  Hadriani  apostolicae  sedis  antis- 
titis,  qui  domino  Carole  victoriosissimo  )-egi 
Fraucorum  et  Longobardoruni  patriciatus  dig- 
nitatem ac  ordinationem  apostolicae  sedis  et 
investituram  episcoporum  concessit,  ego  quoque 
Leo  episcopus  servus  servorum  Dei  .  .  .  con- 
cedimus  atque  largimur  Othoni  prime  regi 
Teutonicorum,"  &c.  (Grat.  Deer.  P.  i.  c.  In 
Synodo  Distinct.  Ixiii.,  whence  Kirchmann  ds 
Anulis,  pp.  212,  213;  but  the  text  is  a  little 
difterent  in  Pertz,  Mon.  Germ.  Leg.  torn.  ii.  B. 
p.  166  q.  V.)  It  is  only  fair  to  say  that 
attempts  have  been  made  recently  to  throw 
doubts  on  the  genuineness  of  this  bull.  Dr. 
Pertz  thinks  that  the  document  "  seems  to 
betray  a  later  origin,"  but  that  the  emperors 
at  the  time  "  really  had  the  power  here  de- 
scribed "  (Robertson,  Hist.  Christ.  Church,  book 
V.  ch.  v.).  But  the  bull  of  a  pope,  reckoned  by 
the  ultra-Roman  party  as  an  anti-pope,  offers 
no  very  tempting  subject  for  a  forger  in  the 
interest  of  the  see  of  Rome. 

Notwithstanding  these  and  other  respectable 
authorities,  some  distinguished  writers  have 
lately  called  in  question  the  whole  story  as  having 
been  fabricated  in  the  interest  of  Rome,  and  as 
being  unknown  in  the  age  of  Charlemagne.^ 
The  reader  must  of  course  form  his  own  conclu- 
sion on  this  obscure  matter,  which  could  not 
properly  have  been  passed  over  in  the  present 
article. 

It  must  be  added,  in  concluding  this  division 
of  the  subject,  that  the  episcopal  i-ing  is  unknown 
te  the  Greek  and  Oriental  churches. 

The  Fisherman's  Ring. — The  ring  of  the  fisher- 
man, new  made  of  gold,  and  having  a  represen- 
tation of  St.  Peter  in  a  boat  fishing,  with  the 
name  of  the  reigning  pope  around  it,  which 
(says  Mr.  Waterton)  "  may  be- called  the  papal 
ring  of  investiture,  being  placed  on  the  newly 
elected  pope's  finger  by  the  Cardinal  Camerlengo 
immediately  after  a  successful  counting  of  votes 
has  been  arrived  at  by  the  conclave,"  belongs,  as 
it  would  seem,  to  rather  a  late  mediaeval  period. 
It  has  been  stated,  indeed,  by  Rebuffus,  quoted  by 
Longi  de  Anulis,  p.  93)  and  by  Bongratia,  quoted 
by  Heineccius  {de  Sigillis,  p.  28),  that  St.  Peter 
himself  made  use  of  this  ring ;  but  who  believes 
this,  asks  Heineccius,  but  Bongratia  and  the  like 
of  him  ?  Mabillon  (do  Re  Dipl.  lib.  ii.  c.  14, 
§  11)  did  not  know  of  any  evidence  that  this 
ring  was  employed  before  the  13th  century. 
]\Ir.  Waterton,  in  his  valuable  memoir  "On  the 
Ring  of  the  Fisherman  "  {Archaeologia,  vol.  xi. 
p.  138,  1856),  believes  that  the  first  mention  of 
it  occurs  in  a  letter  of  Pope  Clement  IV.  to  his 
nephew  Peter  Grossi,  in  1265,  in  which  he  says 
"  Saluta  matrem  et  fratres  ;  non  scribimus  tibi 
neque  familiaribus  nostris    sub    bulla,   sed    sub 


EINGS 


180; 


w  See  Robertson,  Sist.  Chr.  Chvrch,  book  iv.  c.  vi.  (in 
fine),  and  Isvkstiture  in  this  Dictionary.  The  alleged 
silence  of  the  Caroline  Capitularies,  it  has  been  said, 
"seems  conclusive"  against  it.  The  silence,  however, 
of  Alcuin,  Amalariiis,  and  Rabanus  Maurus  has  been 
similarly  urged,  according  to  Martigny,  as  throwing 
doubt  on  the  existence  of  the  episcopal  ring  in  the  0th 
century,  wliich  has  been  clearly  shewn  to  have  been  in 
use  for  some  time  earlier.  (See  Martigny,  JJict.  s,  v. 
Anneau  episcopal.) 


Piscatoris  sigillo,  quo  Romani  pontifices  in  suis 
secretis  utuntur  "  (Masson,  in  T-7ta).»  Hence  " 
he  says,  "  it  may  be  inferred  that  the  popes  had 
already,  and  for  some  time  past,  used  this  device 
as  a  seal,  but  only  for  their  private  letters. 
Martin  V.  elected  in  1417,  issued  three  briefs, 
all  stib  anulo  Piscatoris,  in  the  year  1426.  For 
further  information  on  this  matter  down  to  our 
own  times,  see  Waterton  (m.  s.  pp.  138-142)  ; 
and  0.  Morgan  (ii.  s.  p.  398). 

4.  Espousal  and  Marriage  Rings. 
The  early  Christians  employed  the  ring  in 
espousals,  but  seemingly  not,  as  now,  in  the 
solemnity  of  marriage  itself.  "This  was  an 
innocent  ceremony,"  says  Bingham,  who  refers  to 
Selden,  Uxor  Hehr.  lib.  ii.  c.  14  and  c.  25,  *'  used 
by  the  Romans  before  the  times  of  Christianity, 
and  in  some  measure  admitted  by  the  Jews, 
whence  it  was  adopted  among  the  Christian  rites 
of  espousal  without  any  opposition  or  contradic- 
tion "  {Antiq.  of  Christian  Church,  book  xxii. 
c.  3,  §  5).  TertuUian  speaks  of  its  use  among 
the  heathen  as  harmless,  at  which  Christians 
could  take  no  offence,  and  might  therefore  be 
present  at  the  ceremonial  of  espousals  as  well  as 
at  seme  others.  But  it  would  rather  seem  from 
his  language  that  it  had  not  yet  been  adopted 
by  the  Christians  of  Carthage :  "  eas  (solemni- 
tates)  mundas  esse  opinor  per  semetipsas  :  quia 
neque  vestitus  virilis,  neque  anulus  (sponsalium 
sc. ;  see  the  words  preceding),  aut  conjunctio  mari- 
talis  de  alicujus  idoli  honore  descendit"  {De 
Idolol.  c.  16).  He  commends  the  ancient  Romans 
for  teaching  women  modesty  and  sobriety,  to 
whom  no  other  wearing  of  gold  was  permitted 
save  on  the  finger,  on  which  the  "  anulus  pro- 
nubus "  had  been  placed  {ApoL  c.  6).  The 
espousal  ring,  however,  was  not  always  of  gold, 
nor  did  it  always  bear  a  device.  "Etiamnunc 
sponsae  anulus  ferreus  mittitur,  isque  sine  gemma  " 
(Plin.  N.  H.  xxxiii.  1).  Yet  pagan  rings  some- 
times bore  joined  hands  as  a  device  (Pignor. 
Epist.  19);  such  were  also  common  in  Italy 
in  the  16th  century,  and  called  una  fede,  but 
became  obsolete  shortly  afterwards.  "  Id  genus 
anulorum  vulgo  nuncupatum  est  fides,"  says 
Licetus  de  Anidis,  p.  48 :  but  he  mentions  no 
such  Christian  rings  before  the  time  of  pope 
Nicolas  I.  It  is  evident,  howevei",  from  the 
words  of  Clement  of  Alexandria  that  Christian 
women,  while  they  were  bound  to  keep  the 
wearing  of  gold  within  reasonable  limits,  were 
permitted,  or  rather  enjoined,  to  wear  one  gold 
ring,  as  a  seal  upon  their  husband's  goods, 
seeing  that  upon  them  the  care  and  safe  keep- 
ing of  the  house  devolved.  This,  also  proves 
that  the  wife's  ring  bore  a  device.  The  use 
of  a  ring  as  a  signet  for  safety  is  the  only 
one  of  which  this  fivther  approves;  all  other 
rings,  he  says,  are  to  be  eschewed  {Paed.  lib.  iii. 
c.  xi.  p.  243  and  p.  246,  Sylb,).  Whether 
this  ring  had  been  given  her  as  "  anulus  pro- 
nubus"  does  not  clearly  appear.  But  it  would 
seem  probable  that  the  ring  of  espousals  was 
employed  in  Christian  rites  in  the  time  of  St. 
Agnes,  who  suffered  martyrdom  soon  after  the 
beginning    of    the    persecution    of    Diocletian, 


»  This  is  the  earliest  passage  quoted  by  Mabillon  fur 
its  use  (M.  s.);  and  from  him  it  is  doubtless  derived  by 
Mr.  Waterton.    See  also  Heineccius,  u.  s.  p.  U8. 


1808 


RINGS 


A.D.  303.  When  solicited  in  marriage  by  a 
noble  youth,  she  replied  that  she  was  already 
pre-occupied  by  another  lover  (i.e.  Jesus  Christ), 
"  qui  .  .  .  anulo  fidei  suae  subarrhavit  me,  longe 
te  nobilior  et  genere  et  dignitate "  (Pseudo- 
Ambros.  Epist.  1).  The  same  thing  is  rendered 
more  evident  still  from  the  expressions  of  St. 
Peter  Chrysologus  (made  bishop  of  Ravenna  in 
433),  who,  alluding  to  the  father's  putting  a 
ring  on  the  finger  of  the  returning  prodigal, 
not  only  calls  it  "  anulum  honoris  .  .  .  insigne 
Spiritus  pignus,  signaculum  fidei  "  (these  and 
like  expressions  occur  also  in  other  writers, 
see  De  Corte,  Synt.  p.  79),  but  "  arrham  coe- 
lestium  nuptiarum ''  {Serm.  v.)  Asterius, 
bishop  of  Amasia  in  Pontus,  who  flourished  about 
the  year  400,  makes  direct  allusions  to  the 
pre-nuptial  ceremonies  among  Christians,  and 
although  he  does  not  directly  mention  the  ring, 
there  is  little  doubt  that  it  was  employed,  in 
accordance  with  Roman  usage,  when  the  dowry 
was  agreed  upon.  "  Wilt  thou  make  void  (he 
asks)  the  agreements  (iirl  Tcji  yafxco)  which 
thou  settedst  down  with  a  view  to  marriage  .... 
I  mean  the  dowry  which  was  there  covenanted 
(rris  irpo'iKhs  t^s  ffvyypacpfiaris  fvTavda)  ? " 
(Aster.  Homil.  in  Matth.  xix.  3,  ed.  Combef.  p. 
81  D,  Paris,  1648).  We  have  an  actual  example 
of  the  giving  of  the  espousal  ring  recorded  by 
Gregory  of  Tours,  in  a  work  written  between 
690  and  595,  referring  to  somewhat  earlier 
times  than  his  own.  Speaking  of  St.  Leobardus 
(who  afterwards  retired  to  a  monastery)  he  says  : 
"  Denique  dato  sponsae  anulo,  porrigit  osculum, 
praebet  calcearaentum,  celebrat  sponsalium  diem 
fastum  "  (  Vit.  Pair.  c.  20).  Yet  it  is  not  easy  to 
name  any  author  earlier  than  Isidore  of  Seville, 
who  succeeded  to  the  archbishopric  of  that  place 
in  595,  from  whom  we  can  obtain  a  distinct 
attestation  that  the  ring  was  regularly  used  in 
Christian  espousals.  "  The  ring  (says  he)  is 
given  by  the  espouser  to  the  espoused  (a  sponso 
sponsae)  either  for  a  sign  of  mutual  fidelity  or 
.still  more  to  join  their  hearts  by  this  pledge  ;  and 
therefore  the  ring  is  placed  on  the  fourth  finger 
because  a  certain  vein,  it  is  said  (see  Aul. 
Gell.  Noct,  Att.  X.  10),  flows  thence  to  the  heart  " 
(Isid.  Hisp.  de  Eccles.  Off.  ii.  20).  During  the 
whole  period  with  which  we  are  concerned  the 
ring  seems  to  have  been  used  in  espousals  only, 
and  never  in  the  actual  marriage  ceremony  itself. 
For  pope  Nicolas  1.,  writing  so  late  as  860  in 
reply  to  the  Bulgarians,  says :  "  We  will  try  to 
shew  you  the  usage,  which  the  holy  Roman 
church  received  anciently,  and  which  the  church 
holds  up  to  this  time  in  unions  of  this  kind.  .  .  . 
After  the  espousals,  which  are  the  promised 
covenants  of  future  marriage,  made  by  mutual 
consent  .  .  .  and  after  the  espouser  has  engaged 
to  himself  by  a  pledge  (arrhis)  his  espoused  by 
decorating  her  finger  with  a  ring  of  fidelity  .  .  . 
both  are  led  shortly  afterwards  or  at  some  con- 
venient time  to  the  performance  of  the  marriage 
covenant.  And  first  they  are  placed  in  the 
church,  bringing  offerings  which  they  ought  to 
offer  to  God  by  the  hands  of  his  priest,  and  then 
they  receive  the  benediction  and  the  heavenly 
veil "  (Nicol.  I.  Bespons.  ad  Consult.  Bidg.  c.  3 ; 
in  Coleti,  Concil.  t.  ix.  pp.  1535,  6).y 


RINGS 

Examples  of  Espousal  or  Marriage  Bings. — • 
The  following  rings  bear  every  appearance  of 
having  served  matrimonial  purposes.  In  Spon's 
Bechcrches  curieuses  d'Antiquite,  Lyon,  1683, 
the  Dixihne  Dissertation  is  a  letter  from  de 
Peiresc  to  Holstenius  in  1619.  De  Peiresc 
bought  at  Aries  a  gold  ring,  weighing  about  an 
ounce,  recently  disinterred,  on  which  was  en- 
graved a  face  of  rather  rude  execution  with  the 
inscription  around  :  "  +  tecla  segella,  le  tout 
dans  une  plaque  d'or  environnee  de  quelques  en- 
richissements  de  feuillages  et  godrons  ;  dans  le 
vuide  desquels  est  ecrit  +  tecla  VIVAT  deo 
CVM  MARITO  SEO  (sic)  ;  k  I'opposite  du  cercle  de 
cette  bague,  on  y  voit  un  petit  ovale  avec  les 
lettres  dedans  ra'pe"  (p.  169). 

Peiresc  observes  that  the  cross  and  the  diction 
shew  the  ring  to  be  Christian :  Seo  for  SVO  he 
notes  as  a  not  uncommon  form  in  the  4th  and  5th 
centuries  ;  and  more  common  still  in  later  ones. 
He  regards  it  as  an  anuhis  pronubus.  He  does 
not  explain  SEGELLA  :  and  proposes  very  doubt- 
fully arra  genialis  as  the  explanation  of  RA'rE. 
The  former  may  possibly  be  for  Teclae  (i.e. 
Theclae  ?)  sigillum.  Other  rings  have  been  found 
in  France  which  appear  to  be  Christian  and 
to  have  been  used  in  espousals ;  e.g.  a  gold  ring, 
duplex,  hoop-wire  of  light  fabric  swelling  towards 
the  united  oval  bezels,  which  have  a  line  of  beads 
from  them  on  either  side  :  one  of  them  bears  the 
name  BAVBrLFVS,  the  last  three  letters  written 
in  a  line  above  ;  the  other  has  haricvba,  the 
last  letter  written  above.  It  is  regarded  as  a 
Christian  marriage  ring  by  M.  Le  Blant  who 
figures  it  (Inscr.  chr€t.  de  la  Gaule,  n.  337,  pi. 
36,  n.  221),  and  by  Canon  Martigny  {Anneaux 
chez  les  prem.  Chr€t.  p.  12).     There  is,  however, 


y  Riddle  (Christ.  Ant.  p.  714  note)  says  that  Calvoer 
(Rituals  £ccl.)  traces  the  origin  of  the  marriage  ring  to 


the  10th  century.  He  supposes  It  to  have  been  intro- 
duced in  imitation  of  the  ring  worn  by  bishops.  Martene 
de  Ant.  Eccl.  Rit.  (lib.  i.  c.  ix.  art.  5)  gives  several 
ordines  for  marriage.  The  ring  is  not  mentioned  in  the 
earliest  (Ordo  i.)  the  Missale  Gelasianum,  printed  from 
a  JIS.  of  the  end  of  the  8th  or  beginning  of  the  9th 
century;  it  occurs,  however,  in  a  Missale  liedonense 
(Ordo  ii.),  printed  from  a  MS.  about  200  years  later, 
where  we  have  Benedictio  super  anulum  in  these  words  : 
Creator  et  conservator  human!  generis,  dator  aeternae 
salutis,  omnipotens  Deiis,  tu  permitte  Spiritum  Sanctum 
Paraclitum  super  hunc  anulum.  Per,  &c.  Also  in  another 
form  (idem  Ordo)  thus :  Benedic,  Domine,  anulum  istum, 
ut  in  ejus  figura  pudicitiam  custodiant.  Per,  &c.  We 
likewise  find  the  ring,  which  is  sometimes  said  to  be 
a  silver  and  sometimes  a  gold  ring,  in  almost  all  the 
marriage  services  taken  from  stiil  later  MSS.  (Ordo  iii. 
iv.  vi.  vii.  vlii.  ix.  x.  xi.  xii.  &c.).  There  ;  re  two 
rings  mentioned  in  the  Euchologia  of  the  Greeks ;  the 
priest  gives  a  gold  ring  to  the  bridegroom  and  a  silver 
ring  to  the  bride  with  various  ceremonies  and  a  long 
prayer  afterMards  (Ordo  xvi)  See  also  Pellicia,  De 
Eccl.  Pol.  vi.  1,  3.  It  is  needless  to  do  more  than  allude 
to  the  assertion  or  tradition  that  Joseph  gave  tbe  Virgin 
Mary  first  an  espousal  ring  and  afterwards  a  marriage 
ring  (Martene,  I.  c).  J.  B.  Lauii  published  in  1622 
a  work  entitled  De  Anulo  pronubo  Deiparae  Yirginis, 
and  from  this  work  is  derived  the  account  given  in  Dr. 
John  Patrick's  Reflections  upon  the  Devotions  of  the 
Roman  Church,  pp.  45-60,  Lend.  16S6  (ed.  2  without 
his  name);  see  also  G.  Longi  de  anuHs,  p.  1,  Lugd. 
Bat.  1672.  This  ring,  o'  a  well-known  type  of  later 
Eoman  times,  is  preserved  at  Perugia.  There  is,  how- 
ever, another  which  passes  under  the  same  name  in  the 
church  of  St.  Ann  ■  .  t  Rome  (D  i  Saussay,  Panopl.  episc. 
p.  192).  See  Martigny,  Diet.  s.  v.  AnneauXiUnd  Fortnum 
in  Academy,  vol.  x.  p.  505  (1876). 


(Fortnnm,  \o.  33.; 


RINGS 

nc  external  sign  of  its  Christianity,  but  it  is 
very  similar  in  structure  to  Fortnum,  No.  27, 
which  is  certainly  Christian,  Probably  rather 
of  the  4th  century  than  of  the  Merovingian  age, 
to  which  M.  Le  Blant  refers  it:  said  to  have 
been  found  at  Vitry-le-Franyois,  now  in  the 
Cabinet  des  Medailles.  Another  gold  ring,  also 
considered  to  be  Christian,  is  figured  and  de- 
scribed by  Le  Blant  (m.  s.  n.  669  b,  pi.  90,  Nos. 
534,  536).  It  was  found  near  Mulsane,  and  is 
of  late  work ;  two  sides  of  its  raised  oblong 
chaton  are  inscribed  with  the  names  dromaci  | 
vs  BETTA  in  niello,  while  on  the  face  are  en- 
graved a  man  and  a  woman 
standing  ;  the  flattened 
wire-like  hoop  is  corded  at 
intervals.  Probably  too 
late  to  be  Pagan.''  But  Mr. 
Fortnum  possesses  a  gold 
ring  (No.  33),  undoubtedly 
Christian,  which  he  regards 
as  matrimonial,  of  Byzan- 
tine character,  like  the 
coins  of  the  5th  century. 
The  hoop,  flat  inside,  angu- 
lar externally,  bears  a  cir- 
cular button-like  bezel,  on 
the  face  of  which  a  male  and 
female  bust  are  opposed, 
above  them  there  is  a 
Latin  cross,  the  limbs 
being  slightly  wedge-shaped.  Weight  3|  dwts. 
Obtained  from  Athens.  Another  similar,  but 
flner  example,  octagonal,  with  decorated  panels, 
is  given  in  Arch.  Journ.  (vol.  xxi.  p.  311).  See 
Arch.  Journ.  (vol,  vii.  p.  191),  for  a  Roman 
ring  found  in  Durham  with  similar  types,  but 
without  any  Christian  emblem.  There  are  in 
fine  certain  gems,  set  in  rings,  bearing  an  anchor 
from  whose  arms  hang  two  fishes  (Gems,  p. 
714,  b;  see  also  Goy\.  Dactyl,  ii.  n.  564,  ed. 
Gronov.)  ;  and  Canon  Martigny,  who  has  re- 
ceived and  figured  an  example  bought  from 
Alexandria  {Diet.  s.  v.  Anneaux,  2nd  ed.)  re- 
gards these  "  anneaux  et  pierres  annulaires  "  as 
'•  bagues  nuptiales."  They  appear  to  be  of  the 
4th  and  5th  centuries.  His  speculation,  if 
uncertain,  is  at  least  ingenious. 

(The  following  are  the  principal  works  on 
rings  in  general,  in  all  which  Christian  rings  are 
mentioned  incidentally.  Kornmann  de  Anulo 
tripUci,  Franc.  1610  (often  reprinted);  Licetus 
de  Anulis  antiquis,  Utin.  1645;  Kirchmann  dc 
Anulis,  Slesv.  1657  ;  G.  Longus  de  Anulis,  Lugd. 
Bat.  1672 ;  Gorlaeus,  Dactyliotheca,  cum  expl. 
Gronov.  Lugd.  Bat.  1695  ;  Curtius  (De  Corte), 
Syntagma  de  Anulis,  Antv.  1706.  For  Christian 
rings  in  particular  we  have  Martigny,  Des 
Anneaux  chez  les premiers  Chretiens,  et  de  I  Anneau 
episcopal  en  particular,  Macon,  1858;  see  also 
his  Diet,  des  Ant.  chre't.  (ed.  2).  Various  papers  in 
the  Archaeologia  and  in  the  Archaeolofiical  Journal 
by  Messrs.  Waterton,  Octavius  Morgan  and 
Fortnum,  referred  to  above.) 

The  last  named  gentleman  has  most  liberally 
placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  writer  the  en- 
gravings used  in  illusti-ation  of  his  valuable 
papers  on  Early  Christian  Finger-rings,  published 


EOGATION  DAYS 


1809 


^  But  Mr.  Fortnum,  who  has  a  photograpn,  thinks 
that  the  figures  have  masks,  and  that  they  represent 
actors  in  a  play. 


in  the  Archaeological  Journal  for  1869  and  1871. 
Some  of  them  are  also  reproduced  in  Jones's 
Finger-ring  Lore,  pp.  47^9,  268-273  (Lond 
1877).  [c'.  B.]" 

EIPSIMIA,  Sept.  30,  virgin  martyr  in 
Armenia,  under  Tiridates  (Menol.  Graec. 
Sirlet.). 

EITUALE.  This  word  is  commonly  applied 
to  the  collection  of  ritual  directions  for  the 
various  offices  drawn  up,  in  accordance  with  the 
directions  of  the  council  of  Trent,  by  pope 
Paul  V.  in  16 14.  It  has  sometimes  been  supposed 
that  the  "  Libellus  officialis "  of  iv.  Tolet. 
c.  26,  was  a  ritual  book,  but  this  does  not  seem 
probable.     [Officialis  Liber  ;  Ordo.]        [C] 

RIVERS,  THE  FOUR.     [Four  Rivers.] 

ROBBER-SYNOD.     [Ephesus  (6),  p.  615.] 

ROGATIANUS  (1),  May  24,  martyr  ;  com- 
memorated at  Nantes  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Hieron., 
Wandalb.). 

(2)  Oct.  26,  presbyter  and  martyr ;  comme- 
morated in  Africa  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Vet.  Rom., 
Notker.).  [C.  H.] 

ROGATION  DAYS.     The  procession  on  the 
three  days  before  Ascension  Day  was  instituted 
by  Mamertus,  bishop  of  Vienne  in  Dauphine,  A.D. 
452,   when  that    city    was    greatly   injured    by 
earthquakes,  and  the  royal  palace  destroyed  by 
lightning.     It  became  an  annual  observance,  and 
other  bishops,    moved    by   the    visible    blessing 
which    attended    it,    followed    the    example    of 
Vienne  (Greg.  Tur.   Hist.   Franc,   ii.  34  ;  Avit. 
Horn,  de   Eogat. ;  Migne,    Pair.  Lat.  lix.  201  ; 
Sidonius,  Epist.   v.   14).     Whether    his   proces- 
sion was  really  earlier  than  the  Roman  rite  of 
April  25  [Processions],  it  is  impossible  to  decide. 
Mamertus,    at    all    events,    instituted    "  orandi 
modum,  edendi  seriem,  erogandi  hilarem  dispen- 
sationem  "  (Greg.  Tur.),  which  suited  the  temper 
of  his  countrymen,  and  became  a  widely  spread 
and  enduring  observance.  In  511  it  was  enforced 
by  the  council  of  Orleans:  "Ab  omnibus  ecclesiis 
placuit  celebrari "  (can.    27).     In  England  the 
council  of  Cloveshoo,  747,  orders  the  observance 
of    these    rogation    days,     "  secundem     morem 
priorum  nostrorum  "  (can.  16).     The  council  of 
Mayence    in    813    made    the    following   decree, 
which  can  hardly  refer  to  any  other  rogations 
than    those   before   Holy    Thursday :    "  It    hath 
seemed  good  to  us  that  the  greater  litany  be  ob- 
served by  all  Christians  on  three  days,  as  we  find 
in  our   reading  to  have  been  done,  and  as  our 
holy  fathers  instituted,  not  on  horseback,  nor  in 
costly  garments,  but  with  bare  feet,  and  in  sack- 
cloth  and  ashes,    unless  sickness  shall  hinder  " 
(can.  33  ;  comp.  Sidonius,  Ep.  v.  7,  "  Incedunt 
.  .  .  castorinati   ad   laetanias  ").     Herard,  858 : 
"  De  diebus  rogationum,  ut  reverenter  ac  studiose 
absque    turpibus   jocis    et    verbis    celebrentur " 
{Capit.  94).    Tliese  rogations  were  not  received 
at  Rome  until  the  time  of  Leo  III.  (a.d.  795),  who 
ordered  that  on  the  Monday  "the  pontitf,  with 
all  the  clergy  and  all  the  jieople,  should  go  forth 
from  the  church  of  the  Mother  of  God,  and  pro- 
ceed   to    the    manger    at    the    Church    of    the 
Saviour,  which  is  called  the  Constantinian,  with 
hymns  and  spiritual  songs ; "  on  Tuesday  from 


1810 


ROGATUS 


St.  Sabina  to  St.  Paul,  and  Wednesday  from  the 
Church  of  Jerusalem  to  St.  Lawrence  -without 
the  walls  {Liber  Pontif.  n.  98). 

Gregory  of  Tours,  as  above  cited,  does  not  tell 
us  that  the  "  orandi  modus "  instituted  by 
Mamertus  included  a  procession,  but  we  learn 
that  it  did  from  an  incidental  notice  of  the 
rogation  days  by  the  same  author  in  Hist. 
Franc,  ix.  6  :  "In  these  days  the  public  roga- 
tions were  celebrated,  which  are  wont  to  be 
performed  before  the  holy  day  of  the  Lord's 
Ascension.  But  it  came  to  pass  that  while 
Raguemodus,  the  bishop  (of  Paris)  was  in  pro- 
cession with  his  people,  and  perambulating  the 
holy  places,"  &c.  So  Fortunatus  in  his  Life  of 
Germanus,  who  died  in  576,  some  thirty  years 
before  his  biographer,  telling  the  story  of  a  blind 
woman,  "  not  able  to  go  with  the  people  at  the 
time  of  the  Litanies,"  says  that  "  hearing  the 
choir  of  the  psalm-singers  she  implores  the  help 
of  the  lord  Germanus  with  tears."  After  a 
vision  she  recovers  her  sight ;  and  when  the 
day  dawns  she  "  goes  forth  to  mass  with  the 
people  in  the  procession  "  (c.  33). 

The  Luxeuil  lectionary  gives  proper  lessons  for 
these  days  at  matins,  terce,  sest,  and  none  {Lit. 
Gall.  149).  One  prophecy  and  three  gospels  are 
also  appointed,  "  in  letauias  legends,"  in  the 
sacramentary  of  Besan^on  {Mus.  Ital.  i.  334). 
"  Collectiones  in  rogationibus  per  diversa  loca 
sanctorum,"  i.e.  to  be  said  at  the  several  churches 
or  shrines  at  which  the  procession  stopped, 
occur  in  the  Gothico-Gallican  Missal  {Lit.  Gall. 
266),  and  the  Missale  Gallicanum  Vetus  (376). 
The  former  also  gives  proper  missae  for  each 
day  (263-266);  the  latter  part  of  a  missa, 
headed  "  Incipit  missa  in  Rogationibus  "  (377), 
which  breaks  off  in  the  middle  of  the  contesta- 
tion. The  heading  implies  that  there  was  only 
one.  There  is  only  one  in  the  Besan^on  rite 
{Mus.  Ital.  i.  335).  Several  early  sermons 
preached  on  these  occasions  are  extant,  viz.  two 
by  Caesarius  of  Aries,  A.D.  502  {De  Letania,  \.  ii. 
in  Append,  ad  0pp.  Augustin.  SS.  173,  174,  ed. 
Ben.),  one  by  an  unknown  bishop  {ibid.  Scrm. 
135),  two  entire  by  Avitus  of  Vienne,  A.D.  490 
{0pp.  Av.  291,  296,  Migne,  lix.),  and  several 
fragments  by  the  same  author  (303,  306,  310, 
319,  322,  &c.).  [W.  E.  S.] 

EOGATUS,  Aug.  17,  monk  and  martyr; 
commemorated  in  Africa  {Mart.  Usuard., 
Notker.).  [C.  H.] 

ROMANUS  (1),  Feb.  28,  abbat;  comme- 
morated in  Mount  Jura  {Mart.  Usuard.  ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Feb.  iii.  737). 

(2)  Aug.  9,  soldier  and  martyr ;  comme- 
morated at  Rome  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Bed.,  Vet. 
Horn.  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  ii.  408). 

(3)  Nov.  18,  monk  and  martyr;  comme- 
morated   at   Antioch    {Mart.    Usuard.,  Hiiron., 

Vet.  Rom.,  Syrian,  Flor. ;  Cal.  Byzant. ;  Menol. 
Graec.  Sirlet. ;  Basil.  Menol.  i.  196);  a  church 
called  after  him  was  erected  by  Helena  at  Con- 
stantinople (Codinus  de  Aedif.  C.P.  p.  98,  ed. 
Bonn,  1843 ;  Du  Cange,  Cpolis.  Christ.  92). 

(4)  Nov.  24,  presbyter  and  confessor  ;  com- 
memorated at  Blaye  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Wandalb.). 

[C.  H.] 

ROME,  COUNCILS  OF.    Some  preliminary 

remarks  on  these  councils  are  necessary,  from 


ROME,  COUNCILS  OF 

the  prominent,  yet  constantly  changing,  position 
occupied  by  the  see  of  Rome,  from  early  times 
downwards,  in  the  affairs  of  the  church.  First, 
whether  from  design  or  accident,  their  records 
have  been  about  the  worst  preserved  of  any, 
the  only  voucher  for  the  earliest  being  the  Lib. 
Synodicus  or  Synodicon,  by  a  Greek  writer  with 
Latin  sympathies,  in  the  9th  century,  which,  even 
if  it  can  be  trusted,  is  full  of  mistakes ;  and  but 
incidental  references  in  St.  Cyprian,  Eusebius, 
Rufinus,  St.  Jerome,  or  St.  Augustine  for  the 
next  early.  Was  it  that  their  proceedings  were 
so  trivial,  or  of  so  little  interest  to  the  world  in 
general,  as  to  be  not  worth  recording  ?  or  was  it 
that  they  witnessed  to  a  state  of  things  which  a 
later  age  may  have  wished  forgotten  ?  Secondly 
— whether  from  design  or  accident — there  have 
been  more  synods  alleged  to  have  been  held  at 
Rome  confessedly  or  probably  spurious,  than  in 
all  the  rest  of  the  world  put  together,  their 
characteristic  being  that  they  have  been  forged 
in  the  papal  interest  directly,  which  is  also  the 
characteristic  of  a  good  many  more  fabled  to 
have  been  held  elsewhere.  It  may  sufiice  to 
instance  the  three  Roman  synods  under  pope  Sil- 
vester,as  theyare  called  (Mansi,ii.  551-4,615-34, 
and  1081-4)  of  the  first  kind  ;  the  alleged  canons 
and  synodical  letter  of  the  genuine  {ibid.  469-77), 
with  the  canons  of  the  spurious  (called  1  and  2 
in  the  Pseudo-Isid.  collection,  where  they  may 
all  be  read  and  compared ;  Migne's  Patrol,  cxxx. 
375-382)  councils  of  Aries,  all  three  betraying 
their  late  origin,  of  the  second.  How  so  patent 
a  forgery  can  have  deceived  the  learned  so  long 
is  a  marvel.  The  acts  of  the  pretended  council 
of  Sinuessa  (Mansi,  i.  1249-60),  damaging  as  they 
may  seem  to  pope  Marcellinus  personally,  were 
conceived  in  the  interests  of  his  see.  Centuries 
upon  centuries  have  to  elapse  before  we  come 
upon  a  really  genuine  Roman  synod,  with  toler- 
ably full  details  from  Roman  archives.  One 
thing  they  all  testifj^  to  beyond  doubt,  whether 
true  or  false,  viz.  that  according  to  the  tradi- 
tion of  those  days  the  bishop  of  Rome  could 
decide  nothing  of  importance  without  a  synod, 
any  more  than  his  brother  bishops.  Let  us  now 
inquire  into  their  composition.  This  we  shall 
find  vai'ied  with  the  actual  extent  of  jurisdiction 
of  their  presiding  bishop.  It  was  at  one  time 
commensurate  with  that  of  the  city  praefect, 
and  was  limited  to  the  suburban  churches ;  at 
another,  it  extended  over  the  ten  provinces  of 
central  and  south  Italy  governed  by  the  city 
vicar,  but  went  no  further,  which  was  its  posi- 
tion about  the  time  of  the  Nicene  council  and  for 
some  time  later  [see  that  Art.].  Every  now  and 
then,  indeed,  it  had  a  wider  appearance  ;  but  this 
is  at  once  seen  to  have  been  exceptional.  All 
the  earliest  Roman  synods  are  stated,  in  the  Lib. 
Synodicus  before-named,  to  have  been  synods  of 
from  10  to  15  bishops,  to  which  the  "  Concilium 
quindecim  finitimorum  episcoporum,"  in  a  re- 
script of  Gratian  and  Valentinian  to  the  then 
city  vicar,  may  point  (Mansi,  iii.  629  ;  comp.  the 
letter  of  the  Roman  council  immediately  pre- 
ceding, p.  624).  Then,  for  a  considerable  period, 
their  numbers  increased,  but  seldom  exceeded  70, 
which  is  about  the  number  of  sees  stated  in  the 
old  Vatican  MS.  printed  by  Baronius  (A.D.  1057, 
n.  19-23;  comp.  De  Marca,  Concord.  Sac.  et  Imp, 
i.  3,  12)  to  be  dependent  on  Rome  as  their 
metropole ;  and  also  the  number  usually  fixed 


ROME,  COUNCILS  OF 

npon  for  mythic  synods.  Every  now  and  then 
higher  numbers  are  reported,  as  has  been  said ; 
and  bishops  outside  those  limits  are  found  to 
have  been  present,  but  present  exceptionally. 
There  were  three  bishops,  for  instance,  from 
France,  named  by  Constantine,  present  at  the 
synod  which  pope  Miltiades  or  Melchiades,  and 
Merocles  (iwt  Mark,  see  S.  Opt.  de  Schism.  Don. 
i.  23),  bishop  of  Milan,  held  at  his  instance 
(Mansi,  ii.  433-40).  There  was  a  large  gathering 
under  pope  Damasus,  a.d.  372,  when  Auxentius, 
bishop  of  Milan,  was  deposed.  Its  synodical 
letter,  accordingly,  runs  in  the  names  of  Damasus 
and  Valerian  ;  the  latter  being  bishop  of  Aquileia 
(ibid.  iii.  455).  The  Sardican  fathers  had  before 
this  requested  pope  Julius  to  transmit  their 
decisions  to  "the  bishops  of  Italy,  Sicily,  and 
Sardinia"  {ibid.  40).  And  he  himself  tells  the 
Orientals  that  he  speaks  in  the  name  of  the 
Italian,  and  all  the  bishops  of  the  "  regions  "  (as 
the  Latin  has  it)  in  which  his  see  lay,  as  well  as 
his  own  (ibid.  ii.  1219).  In  both  passages  it  is, 
of  course,  possible  that  the  bishops  of  the  seven 
provinces  of  north  Italy  may  be  included ;  but 
if  so,  this  was  exceptional,  as  the  bishops  of 
Aquileia,  Milan,  and  Ravenna  were  still  indepen- 
dent centres  in  tho^e  provinces,  and  proud  of 
their  independence.  Nevertheless,  in  process  of 
time  not  only  they,  but  France,  Spain,  Great 
Britain,  and  Germany  threw  themselves  one 
after  another  into  the  arms  of  the  encroaching 
power,  or  else  had  to  submit,  till  metropolitan 
boundaries,  by  widening  their  circle,  became 
patriarchal,  and  synods,  from  being  Roman  or 
Italian,  European  (De  Marca,  ibid.  c.  vi.  4,  and 
0.  vii.  3-8,  but  with  some  corrections).  We  may 
now  pass  to  the  synods  themselves. 

Passing  over  three  synods  of  the  2nd  century 
reported  in  a  work  of  no  credit  (Hefele,  i.  83,  Eng. 
tr.),  we  may  start  with  the  first  given  in  Mansi 
from  the  Libellus  Synodicus : — 

1.  A.D.  140,  described  as  of  twelve  bishops 
under  pope  Telesphorus,  when  Theodotus  the 
tanner  was  condemned.  This  is,  however,  a 
misstatement,  for  he  was  really  condemned  by 
pope  Victor,  A.D.  194—8,  as  Mansi  points  out 
(i.  662). 

2.  A.D.  165,  of  ten  bishops  under  pope  Anicetus 
and  St.  Polycarp,  against  those  who  kept  Easter 
with  the  Jews  (ibid.  686). 

3.  A.D.  197,  under  pope  Victor;  on  the  ques- 
tion of  keeping  Easter  also  {ibid.  725).  There 
is  a  passing  reference  to  this,  indeed,  in  Euseb. 
E.  H.  V.  23 ;  and  perhaps  24  too. 

4.  Another,  of  fourteen  bishops,  under  the 
same ;  condemning  Theodotus,  Ebion,  and  Arte- 
mon  ((6i(7.  728). 

5.  Another  under  the  same,  condemning  the 
errors  of  Sabellius  and  Noetus  (ibid.),  but  which 
had  not  then  arisen.  Hence  Mansi  transfers  it 
to  the  pontificate  of  Sixtus  II.,  A.D.  258  (ibid. 
1002). 

6.  A.D.  237,  under  pope  Fabian,  condemning 
Origen.  For  this,  Rufinus  and  St.  Jerome,  besides 
Eusebius  (H.  E.  vi.  36),  are  quoted ;  but  their 
expressions  are  vague  (ibid.  1^1). 

7.  A.D.  250,  during  a  vacancy  ;  being  inferred 
from  St.  Cyprian,  Ep.  31  (ibid.  805). 

8.  A.D.  251,  under  pope  Cornelius,  respecting 
the  lapsed ;  inferred  from  St.  Cyprian,  Ep.  Hi. 
(ibid.  866),  and  at  which  Novatian  was  condemned. 
Some  make  two  councils  of  this,  but  Mansi  seemu 

CHRIST.    ANT.— VOL.   II. 


ROME,  COUNCILS  OF        1811 

right  (ibid,  note)  in  considering  it  one  and  the 
same.  True,  the  Lib.  Synodicus  says  that  it  was 
attended  by  eighteen  bishops  (ibid.  871);  on 
the  other  hand,  Eusebius  (E.  H.  vi.  43)  expressly 
states  there  were  sixty  bishops  present,  and 
presbyters  and  deacons  in  still  greater  abundance. 
He  states  further,  that  at  the  end  of  the  letter 
of  Cornelius  to  Fabius  of  Antioch,  now  unfortu- 
nately lost,  from  which  he  was  then  quoting,  the 
number  of  bishops  attending  it,  with  their  names 
and  sees,  was  set  down.  This  agrees  perfectly 
with  what  St.  Cyprian  says  of  it,  and  accounts 
for  St.  Jerome  calling  it  an  Italian  council.  But 
then  St.  Jerome  speaks  of  a  Roman  synod  as  well 
(Mansi,  ibid.  867-8).  Probably,  therefore,  the 
Roman  synod,  composed  of  eighteen  bishops,  was 
joined  by  forty-two  more  from  other  parts  of  Italy 
before  it  separated.  Cave  begins  his  list  (Hist. 
Lit.  i.  157)  with  this  synod,  and  it  is  certainly 
the  most  numerous  and  the  best  authenticated,  as 
yet,  of  any  synod  of  Rome. 

9.  A.D.  257,  under  pope  Stephen ;  when  the 
Africans,  who  had  decided  on  re-baptizing  here- 
tics, were  excommunicated  (ibid.  931). 

10.  A.D.  260,  under  pope  Dionysius ;  inferred 
from  what  St.  Athanasius  (de  Sent.  Dionys. 
§  13)  says  about  his  namesake  of  Alexandria 
being  accused  to  him  of  Sabellianism  (ibid. 
1015). 

11.  A.D.  313,  by  order  of  the  emperor  Con- 
stantine, whose  letter  to  Miltiades  (or  Melchi- 
ades), bishop  of  Rome,  and  Merocles,  as  we  shall 
see  presently,  giving  his  reasons  for  it,  is  extant 
in  Greek  and  Latin.  Its  Latin  heading,  according 
to  one  version,  is  "  Constant.  Aug.  Melchiadi 
episcopo  Romano  hierarchae  ; "  in  another,  for 
"  hierarchae,"  we  read  "  et  Marco  sanctissimo," 
taken  evidently  from  the  Lib.  Synodicus.  la 
Euseb.  (E.  H.  x.  5),  it  is  MiXTtaSp  iwia-Kdiru 
Vtejxaiwv  Kol  MapKct},  whei'e  the  true  reading  is 
unquestionably  Mepo/cAe?,  for  the  reason  supplied 
by  Optatus.  He  tells  them — using  the  plural 
number — that  Caecilian  is  to  set  sail  for  Rome, 
with  ten  bishops  from  among  his  foes,  and  ten 
from  among  his  friends.  Further,  that  three 
bishops  of  France — Reticius,  Maternus,  and  Ma- 
rinus — have  orders  to  be  there  likewise,  to  assist 
them  in  hearing  their  case,  as  the  law  directs. 
The  Donatists,  we  learn  from  St.  Optatus,  had 
petitioned  that  their  case  might  be  tried  by 
bishops  selected  from  France.  St.  Optatus  con- 
tinues, "So  there  were  judges  given  them  in  the 
persons  of  Maternus  of  ^Cologne,  Reticius  of 
Autun,  and  Marinus  of  Aries.  These  three 
bishops  came  from  France,  with  fifteen  more 
from  Italy.  They  met  in  the  house  of  Fausta,  at 
the  Lateran,  in  the  fourth  consulship  of  Constan- 
tine, and  the  third  of  Licinius,  or.  Friday,  Oct.  2  ; 
when  there  were  present — Miltiades  bishoji  of 
Rome,  Reticius  and  Maternus  and  Jlarinus  from 
France,  and  Merocles  from  Milan,  Florian  from 
Cesena,  Zoticus  from  Kintzen,  Stennius  from 
Rimini,  Felix  from  Florence,  Gaudentius  from  Pisa, 
Constantius  from  Faenza,  Proterius  from  Capua, 
Theophilus  from  Beneveuto,  Sabinus  from  Terra- 
cina,  Secundus  from  Praeneste,  Felix  from  Cis- 
terna,  Maximus  from  Ostia,  Evandrus  from 
Urbino,  Donatian  from  Cales.  Before  these 
nineteen  bishops,  when  they  had  taken  their  seats, 
was  the  cause  of  Donatusand  Caecilian  laid.  These 
sentences  were  given  against  Donatus  by  each : 
'That  he  had  confessed  to  having  re-baptized,  to 

6  A 


1812       ROME,  COUNCILS  OF 

having  imposed  hands  on  lapsed  bishops,  which 
is  not  the  wont  of  the  church.'  Witnesses  pro- 
duced by  Donatus  having  confessed  that  they 
had  nothing  to  say  against  Caecilian,  he  was 
pronounced  innocent  by  the  sentences  of  all  the 
above-named,  not  excepting  even  Miltiades,  whose 
sentence,  delivered  in  these  words,  closed  the  trial. 
'  Whereas  it  has  appeared  that  Caecilian  is  not 
accused,  on  their  own  shewing,  by  those  who 
came  with  Donatus,  nor  has  been  convicted  on 
any  count  by  Donatus  himself,  I  am  of  opinion 
he  fully  deserves  to  be  retained  in  the  com- 
munion of  his  church,  and  in  his  own  proper 
grade.'  Yet,  notwithstanding  his  own  condem- 
nation by  so  many  voices,  and  the  acquittal  of 
his  rival  by  a  ti-ibunal  so  grave,"  continues  the 
bishop  of  Milevis,  "  Donatus  appealed  from  these 
bishops  "  {De  Schism.  D.  i.  Id).  Finally,  that 
this  led  to  the  summoning  of  the  council  of 
Aries  by  Constantine  two  years  later,  we  learn 
from  himself  (Euseb.  ibid.  Ep.  ad  Clirest. ;  comp. 
St.  Aug.  Ep.  43  and  88,  ed.  Ben.). 

These  details  deserve  to  be  recorded  at  length 
for  their  decisive  character,  and  the  unimpeach- 
able testimony  on  which  they  rest.  We  learn 
from  them  (1)  that  it  was  3Ierocles,  bishop  of 
Milan,  to  whom  Constantine  wrote  jointly  with 
Miltiades  ;  (2)  that  this  synod  was  due  to  their 
joint  action,  under  orders  from  him,  which 
accounts  for  bishops  from  north  as  well  as  cen- 
tral Italy  being  there ;  (3)  that  if  bishops  from 
Africa  and  France  were  present,  it  was  because 
they  had  been  sent  thither  by  him ;  (4)  that 
each  of  the  bishops  present  delivered  his  sen- 
tence ;  and  if  proceedings  are  said  to  have  been 
closed  on  the  bishop  of  Rome  delivering  his  last 
<if  all,  like  St.  James  at  Jerusalem — the  council 
being  held  in  his  see — it  is  also  true  that  Donatus 
appealed,  and  was  allowed  to  appeal,  from  his 
sentence.  Vales,  {de  Schism.  Don.  c.  7)  confirms 
this,  instead  of  disproving  it  by  his  qixotations ; 
but  the  authorities  are  best  seen  in  Galland. 
(Bibl.  Vet.  Fat.  v.  461-675);  and  in  none  of 
them  is  there  the  least  countenance  for  the 
statement  in  Mansi  (ii.  434),  that  Constantine 
appointed  judges,  "  ea  lege,  ut  citra  scitum,  con- 
sensum,  et  auctoritatem  Romani  Pontificis  cnn- 
stituti  judices  nihil  definiant ; "  or  for  Hefele's 
(i.  179)  that  "the  decision  of  this  synod  was 
])roclaimed  by  its  president  the  bishop  of  Rome, 
and  communicated  to  the  emperor." 

The  three  spurious  synods  under  pope  Silvester 
are  omitted  here ;  but  the  acts  attributed  to 
them  may  be  studied,  as  curiosities,  in  Mansi 
(ii.  551-4,  600-618,  and  1081-4).  The  earliest 
references  to  them  being  in  the  reign  of  Charle- 
magne, they  could  not  have  been  forged  much, 
if  at  all,  earlier. 

12.  A.D.  342,  commonly  called  the  third  under 
Julius.  But  the  first  and  second,  given  by  Mansi 
(ii.  1269  and  1351),  are  fictitious.  At  this,  St. 
Athanasius,  having  been  heard  in  his  defence  by 
rifty  or  more  bishops  with  pope  Julius  at  their 
head,  was,  with  Marcellus  and  other  exiled  j 
bishops,  admitted  to  communion.  The  letter  of 
Julius,  written  at  the  request  of  the  council  to 
announce  this  to  the  Easterns,  is  extant  in  Greek 
and  Latin  (Mansi,  ibid.  1359  ;  comp.  St.  Athan. 
Apol.  c.  Arian.  §§  20-36,  and  Sozom.  iii.  8  ;  and 
Vales.  Observ.  in  Soc.  et  Soz.  i.  4,  5). 

13.  A.D.  349,  when  Ursacius  and  Valens  em- 
braced the  communion  of  St.  Athanasius,   and 


ROME,  COUNCILS  OF 

were  themselves  admitted  to  communion  by 
Julius,  having  satisfied  the  council  of  Milan,  two 
vears  before,  of  their  faith  and  sincerity  (Mansi, 
iii.  163-70). 

14.  A.D.  352,  under  Liberius,  on  becoming 
pope  ;  when  he  declared  for  or  against  St.  Atha- 
nasius. The  common  account  that  he  declared 
for  him  is  mainly  based  on  his  letter  to  the- 
emperor  Constantius,  extant  in  the  5th  fragment 
of  St.  Hilary,  and  admitted  on  all  hands  to  have- 
been  written  a.d.  354.  But  if  the  letter  ascribed 
to  him  in  the  preceding  fragment  is  genuine  and 
rightly  placed,  he  renounced  his  communioa 
some  time  before.  Then,  in  that  case,  the  refer- 
ence contained  in  it  to  a  letter  written  by  those 
he  was  then  addressing  to  his  predecessor,  Julius, 
and  not  to  himself,  would  point  manifestly  to  its 
having  been  written  soon  after  his  accession; 
and  tins,  again,  would  explain  its  apparent  incon- 
sistency with  the  other.  For  if  there  was  a 
difference  of  two  years  between  them  in  those 
exciting  days,  there  was  abundance  of  time  for 
all  the  further  correspondence  mentioned  in  his 
letter  to  the  emperor  to  have  taken  place,  and  also 
for  Liberius  to  have  changed  his  mind  again  and 
again  in  the  interval.  Lastly,  from  the  character 
of  the  comments  appended  to  this  letter  of  the 
4th  fragment,  we  can  hardly  doubt  its  having 
been  placed  there  by  St.  Hilary ;  and  if  so,  cadit 
quaestio,  Liberius  must  have  signalised  his  acces- 
sion, as  well  as  his  restoration,  by  condemning 
St.  Athanasius.  Mansi  (iii.  208  and  229)  shrinks 
from  committing  himself  on  either  side. 

15.  A.D.  358,  on  the  restoration  of  Liberius,  if 
at  all,  the  account  given  of  it  by  Baluze  being 
inconsistent  with  all  we  know  of  Felix  and  his 
retirement  from  other  sources.  (1)  St.  Athana- 
sius, it  is  well  known,  likens  his  ordination  to 
the  deeds  of  Antichrist  {Hist,  ad  Monach.  775). 

(2)  It  is  admitted  on  all  hands  that,  at  the  time 
of  his  appointment,  Acacius  of  Caesarea  was  his 
friend ;  and  that,  whether  orthodox  or  not,  him- 
self, he  held  communion  with  those  who  were 
not  (Soc.  ii.  37  ;  Soz.  iv.   11  ;  Theodor.  ii.   17). 

(3)  It  is  nowhere  stated  that  he  was  ejected  by 
Constantius.  He  remained  there  by  all  accounts, 
on  the  contrary,  till  the  return  of  Liberius,  when, 
Socrates  says,  he  was  turned  out  of  the  church, 
in  spite  of  the  emperor,  by  the  people  (j6.)  ; 
Theodoret  and  Philostorgius,  that  he  removed 
elsewhere  {ib.  and  iv.  3) ;  Sozomen,  that  he 
shortly  died  (iv.  15).  In  short,  the  story 
reported  by  Baluze  (Mansi,  iii.  290)  finds  its 
best  pendant  in  the  story  reported  by  Mansi 
farther  on  (ibid.  339-44). 

16;  A.D.  364,  occasioned  by  the  arrival  of 
deputies  from  various  Macedonian  synods, 
professing  the  Nicene  faith  ;  when  the  synodical 
letter  of  Liberius  and  the  Western  bishops,  ex- 
tolling the  iJicene  faith  and  their  adherence  to 
it,  preserved  by  Socrates  (iv.  12),  was  penned  in 
reply.  There  is  no  mention,  however,  in  either 
document  of  St.  Athanasius  (Mansi,  iii.  377-80). 
The  letter  addressed  by  Liberius  to  the  bishops 
of  Italy,  with  theirs  to  the  lllyrians,  wrongly 
supposed  by  Pagi  to  have  emanated  from  a  Roman 
synod  under  Damasus  (ad  Baron.  A.D.  369,  n.  5), 
would  seem  from  expressions  in  this  synodical  to 
have  been  sent  earlier  (St.  Hilar.  Fragm.  xii.  ed. 
Ben.,  with  the  note). 

17.  A.D.  366,  called  the  first  under  Damasus, 
who  was  elected  this  year;  and  in  it  with  28 


ROME,  COUNCILS  OF 

bishops  is  said  to  have  condemned  Valens  and 
Ursacius,  and  if  the  biographei-  of  Eusebius,  the 
presbyter  who  withstood  Liberius,  is  to  be 
believed,  Liberius  also  (Mansi,  iii.  447).   ; 

18.  A.D.  367  (al.  369),  called  the  second  under 
Damasus  ;  who  was,  according  to  his  biographer, 
acquitted  in  it  by  44  bishops  of  a  charge  of 
adultery  brought  against  him  by  two  deacons, 
Concordius  and  Callistus,  his  accusers  being  con- 
demned. 

19.  A.D.  372  (al.  369),  or  the  third  under 
Damasus  ;  in  which  Auxentius,  bishop  of  Milan, 
was  deposed.  As  Mansi  points  out,  the  synods 
of  Antioch  and  Rome,  with  their  dates,  are  much 
confused  about  this  time  (iii.  463-8).  This,  he 
thinks  with  Pagi,  took  place  A.D.  372.  It  was 
attended  by  90  bishops  from  Italy  and  France, 
as  Theodoret  (ii.  22),  or  by  bishops  of  many 
nations,  as  Sozomen  says  (vi.  23).  But  according 
to  the  letter  of  Valentinian,  Valens,  and  Gratian, 
to  be  mentioned  presently,  two  synods  really  met 
on  this  occasion,  one  in  Rome  and  the  other  in 
France.  Thus,  the  probability  would  be  that 
the  bishops  present  from  France  were  deputies 
from  their  own  synod.  Again,  its  synodical 
letter,  addressed  to  the  bishops  of  Ill3'ria,  runs 
in  the  name,  not  of  Damasus  alone,  but  of  Vale 
rian  as  well ;  the  latter  being  bishop  of  Aquileia. 
Further,  the  person  sent  with  this  same  letter 
to  the  Easterns  was  a  deacon,  not  of  the  church 
of  Rome,  but  of  Milan,  and  the  title  given  to  it 
in  the  copy  which  is  thus  addressed,  "  Exemplum 
synodi  habitae  Romae  episcoporum  xciii.  ex  re- 
scripto  imperlxli "  (ap.  Luc.  Holsten.  Coll.  Rom. 
p.  165),  suggests  its  having  been  convened  by 
the  emperor,  like  that  of  A.D.  313.  It  was  in 
every  way,  therefore,  more  of  an  Italian  than  of 
a  Roman  council ;  yet  not  more  so  than  the 
gravity  of  the  case  would  explain,  the  accused 
being  no  less  a  personage  than  the  bishop  of 
Milan.  The  subject  also  to  which  its  synodical 
letter  is  devoted  is  the  consubstantiality  of  the 
Father,  Son,  and  Holj'  Ghost,  as  affirmed  by  the 
Nicene  fathers.  Attention  had  been  forcibly 
directed  to  this  subject,  in  the  well-known  letter 
of  the  Alexandrian  synod  under  St.  Athanasius, 
ten  years  before  ;  but  it  was  revived  now,  as 
Sozomen  says,  with  special  reference  to  the  Holy 
Ghost  (vi.  22).  The  letter  of  this  council,  ad- 
dressed, in  the  first  instance,  to  the  bishops  of 
Illyria,  was  conveyed  to  them  by  Elpidius,  and 
elicited  an  energetic  appeal  on  their  part  to  the 
Eastern  bishops,  to  which  the  rescript  already 
noticed,  running  in  the  name  of  the  three  em- 
perors, lent  additional  force  (both  misplaced  in 
Mansi,  iii.  385-92).  But  the  same  letter  was 
also  carried  into  the  East  direct  from  Rome  by 
the  Milanese  deacon  Sabinus,  as  has  been  said. 
And  there,  Mansi  thinks,  a  synod  at  Antioch 
under  Meletius  replied  to  it  at  once  ;  but  Antioch 
was  tight  in  the  grasp  of  Valens  at  that  moment, 
and  for  the  nest  six  years,  as  has  been  shewn 
elsewhere  (Coxstantinoplk,  Councils  of,  4), 
and  Meletius  in  exile,  so  that  no  synod  under 
Meletius  was  then  possible.  Yet  for  all  that,  the 
mission  of  Sabinus  was  even  then,  probably,  not 
lost  upon  Antioch  ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  seems 
to  have  just  helped  to  decide  the  movement, 
which  resulted  in  the  additions,  afterwards  ac- 
cepted at  Constantinople,  to  the  Nicene  creed 
{ihi,L). 

20.  A.D.  374,  or  the  fourth  under  Damasus  ; 


EOME,  COUNCILS  OF 


181J 


at  which,  says  Mansi  (iii.  467),  Lucius,  the  rival 
of  Peter,  bishop  of  Alexandria  (Soc.  iv.  21-21 
was  condemned. 

21.  A.D.  378-9  (al.  373-5),  or  the  fifth  under 
Damasus  ;  attended  also  by  Peter  of  Alexandria, 
when  Apollinarianism  was  condemned  (Mansi, 
iii.  477).  The  circular  of  Damasus  announcing 
this  is  given  by  Theodoret  (v.  10  ;  comp.  Sozom'! 
vi.  25).  There  was  another,  and  vastly  more 
dogmatic  as  well  as  important,  letter  addressed 
by  him  to  Paulinus  of  Antioch  (Pagi  thinks  at 
a  council  distinct  from  this— Mansi,  ibid.  501-4) 
about  the  same  time;  perhaps  owing  to  the 
continued  banishment  of  Meletius,  in  which  we 
are  told  particularly  by  Sozomen  (vi.  7  and  vii. 
3)  Paulinus  was  not  involved ;  though  Theo- 
doret, in  inserting  it,  says  Paulinus  was  himself 
then  at  Thessalonica  (v.  11).  But  whether  he 
was  or  was  not  there,  this  letter  found  its  way 
to  Antioch  at  last,  where  it  was  accepted  in  full 
council  by  Meletius  and  146  bishops,  a.d.  379- 
80,  on  his  return  from  exile ;  and  is,  in  all  pro- 
bability, "  the  Western  tome  "  classed  with  the 
rulings  of  that  council  in  the  fifth  Constantino- 
politan  canon  (misplaced  by  Mansi,  iii.  461-2, 
but  restored  afterwards,  511-12).  Meletius  and 
his  colleagues,  in  their  answer  to  it,  evidently 
refer  to  the  mission  of  Sabinus  at  the  commence- 
ment of  his  exile,  A.D.  372  {ibid.).  Lastly,  the 
curious  letter  purporting  to  have  been  addressed 
by  a  Roman  council  to  the  emperors  Gratian  and 
Valentinian,  without  any  mention  of  Valens,  on 
the  subject  of  the  continued  intrigues  of  Ursinus 
and  his  party,  may  have  emanated  also  from  this 
council  (ibid.  624,  with  the  imperial  rescript, 
627). 

22.  A.D.  381,  the  sixth  under  Damasus,  and 
subsequently  to  the  Aquileian  council  of  that 
year,  as  Mansi  says  (jbid.  633) ;  when  the  invi- 
tation to  the  Eastern  bishops,  mentioned  by  them 
in  their  synodical  of  the  year  following,  was 
despatched  [CONSTANTINOPLE,  Councils  of,  (4) 
p.  436]. 

23.  A.D.  383,  or  the  seventh  and  last  under 
Damasus  ;  at  which  the  synodical  letter  of  the 
Easterns  just  mentioned  was  received,  and  the 
faith  of  the  council  of  Constantinople  confirmed, 
and  at  which  deputies  from  the  East  assisted 
(Mansi,  ibid.  639-42). 

24.  A.D.  386,  under  pope  Siricius  (comp.  Synod 
of  Telepte)  ;  when  nine  canons  were  passed,  says 
Pagi  {ibid.  678),  there  being  a  synodical  letter 
extant,  as  from  that  pope,  to  the  bishops  of 
Africa,  containing  nine  canons,  and  dated  "  Rome 
in  a  council  of  80  bishops,  Jan.  6  (sub  die  octava, 
Idus  Januarii,  post),  after  the  consulship  of 
Arcadius  and  Bauton "  {ibid.  669-71).  But 
this,  and  several  other  expressions  contained  in 
it,  and  in  more  than  one  of  its  canons,  go  far  to 
establish  its  fictitious  character  ;  so  that  its  ninth 
canon  (on  clerical  continence),  instead  of  having 
dictated  the  second  canon  of  the  council  of  Car- 
thage, A.D.  390  (ib.  692),  as  Mansi  thinks  {ib. 
687),  may  rather  have  been  borrowed  from  it  or 
made  to  suit  it.  [See  arts.  COUNCIL  OF  Sardica 
and  Council  of  Ticlepte.] 

25.  A.D.  390,  when  Siricius  with  his  clergy 
condemned  Jovinian  and  his  followers,  as  he  says 
himself  (Mansi,  ibid.  563-4;  comp.  687). 

26.  A.D.  400,  when  pope  Anastasius  addressed 
the  letter  to  the  African  bishops,  mentioned  in 
canon  tjb  of  their  code  {ibid.  1019 ;  comp.  770). 

6  A  2 


1814 


ROME,  COUNCILS  OF 


27.  A.D.  417,  under  pope  Zosimus,  on  his 
accession,  in  the  church  of  St.  Clement,  as  he 
tells  us  himself  in  his  letter  to  the  African 
bishops,  recommending  to  their  favourable  con- 
sideration the  profession  which  Celestius  the 
Pelagian  had  then  submitted  to  his  (Mansi,  iv. 
350  and  371). 

28.  A.D.  418,  if  at  all ;  at  which,  accoi-ding  to 
Mansi,  pope  Zosimus  issued  his  encyclic,  called 
"  Tractatoria  "  by  Mercator,  condemning  Celes- 
tius and  Pelagius  (ibid.  p.  375). 

29.  A.D.  430,  under  pope  Celestine  ;  on  re- 
ceipt of  letters  from  Nestorius  respecting  some 
Pelagian  bishops  who  had  come  to  Constantinople, 
complaining  that  they  had  been  deprived  of  their 
sees.  But  his  own  orthodox}'  being  impeached 
in  communications  arriving  about  the  same  time 
from  St.  Cyril,  his  opinions  were  scrutinised  and 
condemned  ;  and  he  himself  was  threatened  with 
excommunication  by  the  pope,  unless  he  retracted 
his  errors  within  ten  days  of  receiving  this  sen- 
tence, which  was  to  be  communicated  simulta- 
neously to  St.  Cyril  (Mansi,  ibid.  pp.  545-52  and 
1021-36). 

30.  A.D.  431,  under  the  same  ;  on  receipt  of 
the  summons  of  the  emperors  Theodosius  Junior 
and  Yalentinian  III.  to  the  council  of  Ephesus 
convened  by  them,- when  bishops  Arcadius  and 
Projectus  and  a  presbyter  named  Philip  were 
sent  thither  to  represent  the  pope.  In  the  paper 
of  instructions  they  received  from  him,  they  are 
told  to  look  to  St.  Cyril  for  guidance,  and  to 
follow  his  lead.  But  of  his  representing  the 
pope  conjointly  with  them  there  is  not  a  word 
(Mansi,  ibid.  pp.  555-6).  In  the  communications 
that  passed  between  themselves  on  the  subject 
the  pope  certainly  delegated  his  own  full  powers 
to  St.  Cyril  (^ibid.  p.  1301)  ;  but  ithis  was  excep- 
tional, no  such  delegation  ever  occurring  before 
or  since,  and  it  is  explained,  probably,  by  the 
accused  having  been  bishop  of  new  Kome  (comp. 
Ephesus,  Council  of). 

31.  A.D.  433,  under  pope  Sixtus  III.,  '' le  31 
juillet,  pour  I'anniyersaire  de  son  ordination," 
say  the  authors  of  L'Art  dc  verif.  les  Dates :  "  II 
y  rei^ut  la  nouvelle  de  la  paix  entre  St.  Cyrille 
et  les  Orientaux."  Thus  much,  indeed,  we  learn 
from  his  own  letters  to  John  of  Antioch  and  St. 
Cyril  (ap.  Baron.  A.D.  433,  n.  13  and  18).  But 
how  comes  it  that  nothing  further  is  added  of  a 
synod  of  this  same  year?  whose  acts,  said  to 
have  been  collected  by  Sixtus  himself,  fill  seven- 
teen columns  in  Mansi  (v.  1161-78),  but  whose 
true  character  Pagi  describes  as  follows  : — "  Acta 
synodi  Romanae  de  causa  Sixti  III.  Pontificis 
Eomani  stupro  accusati  ....  falsa  consulum 
nota  consignantur,  et  anachrouismis  scatent  .  .  . 
ejusdem  farinae  sunt  acta  de  synodali  apcusa- 
tione  et  expurgatione  Polychronis  episcopi  Hiero- 
solymitani,  quae  sub  poutificatu  Sixti  III.  Romae 
dicuntur  habita.  .  .  .  Refertur  quidem  accu- 
satio  et  purgatio  Sixti  III.  in  libro  Anastasii,  sed 
cum  in  eo  aliae  fabulae  recitentur,  utraque 
historia  suspectae  fidei  haberi  debet  "  (ad  Baron. 
ibid.  n.  31). 

32.  A.D.  444,  under  pope  Leo  I.,  who  gives 
more  than  one  account  of  it  himself,  against  the 
Manichees.     (Mansi,  vi.  459.) 

33.  A.D.  445,  under  the  same,  at  which 
Celidonius,  bishop  of  Besanc;on,  was  restored, 
and  St.  Hilary,  metropolitan  of  Aries,  who  had 
deposed  him,  deprived  of  all  jurisdiction  over 


ROME,  COUNCILS  OF 

the  province  of  Vienna  for  the  future.  A 
special  edict  was  obtained  subsequently  by  the 
pope  from  Yalentinian  III.,  confirming  this  sen- 
tence.    (Mansi,  ib.  p.  463  ;  comp.  v.  1243-54.) 

34.  A.D.  447,  under  the  same,  at  which  it 
was  ordained,  with  reference  to  some  complaints 
which  had  reached  him  from  Sicily,  that  no 
bishop  should  alienate  the  goods  of  his  church 
in  future  without  the  full  consent  of  his  clergy. 
(Mansi,  ib.  p.  493  ;  comp.  v.  1313-16.) 

35.  A.D.  449,  under  the  same,  at  which  the 
acts  of  the  robber-council  of  Ephesus,  as  it  was 
called  (Latrocinium),  were  rejected.  (Mansi, 
ib.  p.  509.) 

36.  A.D.  450,  when  the  same  pope  besought 
Yalentinian  III.,  then  present  in  Rome,  to  write 
to  Theodosius  Junior,  and  get  a  general  council 
convened,  at  which  the  late  proceedings  of  the 
robber-council  might  be  reversed.  (Mansi,  ib. 
p.  511.)  This,  in  all  probability,  was  the 
council  to  which  the  Liber  Synodicus  refers, 
though  JIansi  thinks  otherwise  (ib.). 

37.  A.D.  451,  at  which,  probably,  the  synodical 
letter  of  the  Chalcedon  was  received,  informing 
the  pope  of  all  that  had  been  done  there  (the 
date  assigned  to  it  is  Nov.  1 ;  see  Mansi,  vi. 
145).  That  he  confirmed  or  accepted  it  all  is  a 
pure  fiction  of  the  Liber  Synodicus  (Mansi,  vi. 
869-72),  flatly  contradicted  by  his  persistent 
opposition  to  the  28th  canon ;  and  it  is  even 
doubtful  whether  the  second  form  of  the  creed 
(that  of  Constantinople),  authorised  there,  was 
ever  regarded  by  him  with  the  same  favour  as 
the  first  (that  of  Nicaea).  Mansi  considers  two 
canons  were  passed  here  to  which  the  pope 
refers,  as  having  been  discussed  at  a  late  synod, 
in  one  of  his  many  letters ;  but  it  is  by  no 
means  clear  when  that  letter  was  written,  or  to 
whom  (ib.  comp.  vi.  385-92).  The  authors  of 
L'A)-t  de  verif.  les  Dates  make  the  year  of  the 
synod  to  which  he  refers  A.D.  458. 

38.  A.D.  465,  under  pope  Hilary,  to  consider 
a  dutiful  address  from  the  metropolitan  and 
bishops  of  Tarragona,  relative  to  two  bishops  of 
that  province ;  one  whom  they  wanted  to  or- 
dain, and  the  other  to  depose.  No  doubt  the 
thing  most  intended  to  be  gathered  from  their 
proceedings  was  the  glorification  of  their  metro- 
politan and  of  the  pope.  But  neither  the  sub- 
missive tone  of  their  letters,  nor  the  shouts  of 
applause  that  interrupted  them,  as  they  were 
read  out ;  nor  yet  the  shouts  of  applause  with 
which  the  five  canons  proposed  by  the  pope  fur 
regulating  their  case  were  received  ;  nor,  again, 
the  character  of  the  five  canons  which  he 
grounded  on  them  in  his  reply, — make  for  any- 
thing half  so  much,  as  against  the  genuineness 
of  this  synod,  which  was  evidently  concocted  to 
serve  a  purpose;  nor  can  its  standing  first  of 
the  papal  decrees,  added  to  the  collection  of 
Dionysius  Exiguus  by  a  later  hand,  be  considered 
much  of  a  presumption  in  its  favour.  (Migne, 
Patrol.  Ixvii.  315-20,  where  all  the  documents 
are  given  in  succession,  which  they  are  not  in 
Mansi,  vii.  959-68  ;  and  then  924-29.) 

39.  A.D.  478,  under  pope  Simplicius,  when 
Timothy  (the  Weasel)  of  Alexandria,  Peter  (the 
Fuller)  of  Antioch,  and  others  were  condemned. 
Inferred  by  Pagi  from  the  words  of  Felix  III. 
his  successor.     (Mansi,  vii.  1017-22.) 

40.  A.D.  483,  under  Felix  III.,  at  which  a 
letter  of  remonstrance  was  sent  to  the  emperor 


EOME,  COUNCILS  OF 

Zeno  for  taking  heretics  under  his  protection 
and  ill-treating  the  orthodox  ;  and  a  citation  to 
Acacius,  bishop  of  Constantinople,  for  similar 
conduct  to  appear  at  Rome.     (//).  pp.  1105-10.) 

41.  A.D.  484-,  under  the  same,  at  which  bishops 
Vitalis  and  Misenus,  who  had  been  sent  to  Con- 
stantinople with  the  despatches  of  the  previous 
synod,  and  inveigled  by  Acacius  on  their  arrival 
there,  were  excommunicated  and  deposed,  and 
Acacius  himself  condemned.  A  synodical  letter, 
giving  an  account  of  what  had  been  done,  was 
addressed,  in  the  name  of  the  synod,  to  the 
orthodox  presbyters  and  archimandrites  of  Con- 
stantinople ;  but  it  must  have  been  written  by 
the  pope  himself.  Forty-three  bishops  are 
stated  at  the  end  to  have  subscribed  to  it ;  but, 
if  so,  where  were  the  rest  of  the  sixty-seven  or 
seventy-seven  bishops  who  are  stated  to  have 
met  on  this  occasion  ?  (76.  pp.  1137-42.)  Pro- 
bably, the  letter,  as  it  stands  now,  is  both  muti- 
lated and  interpolated,  and  should  be  assigned 
with  Pagi  to  the  next  synod. 

42.  A.D.  485,  under  the  same :  Peter  the 
Fuller  having  been  restored  at  Antioch,  and 
Calendio  driven  out  by  the  emperor  Zeno  at  the 
instigation  of  Acacius,  who  was  thereupon  con- 
demned a  second  time,  and  with  him  Peter  the 
Fuller  also,  and  Peter  Mongus,  who  had  been 
forced  upon  Alexandria.     (/6.  pp.  1165-70.) 

43.  A.D.  487,  or,  as  Mansi  thinks,  488 ;  under 
the  same,  to  consider  the  case  of  the  Africans 
who  had  lapsed  under  persecution.  Six  resolu- 
tions were  passed,  and  are  contained  in  the 
encyclic  of  Felix  III.  {lb.  pp.  1171-74,  and 
1056-59)  of  that  date. 

44.  A.D.  494  (al.  496),  under  pope  Gelasius, 
and  attended  by  seventy  bishops,  whence  the 
well-known  decree,  de  libris  recipiendis  et  non 
recipiendis,  as  it  is  called  in  some  MSS.,  attri- 
buting it  to  him  (e.g.  the  catalogue  made,  A.D. 
831,  for  the  abbey  of  St.  Requier,  in  Dach. 
Spicel.  ii.  31,  ed.  Baluze),  is  said  to  have  issued ; 
being  in  others  attributed  to  pope  Damasus,  a 
predecessor,  or  Hormisdas,  a  successor  of  Gelasius. 
But  by  Pearson  (Vind.  Ign.  c.  4),  and  Cave 
(Hist.  Lit.  s.  v.  Gelasius),  it  has  been  pronounced 
spurious,  and  doubtful  by  Beveridge  (God.  can. 
Eccl.  prim,  c.  9).  Yet  the  strongest  arguments 
against  its  genuineness  have  not  been  so  fully 
developed  as  they  might  have  been.  (1)  Its 
upholders  are  not  agreed  in  what  year  or  under 
what  pope  it  was  held,  as  Pagi  confesses  (ad 
Baron,  a.d.  494,  n.  19).  (2)  It  is  not  included 
among  the  decrees  of  Gelasius  by  Dionysius 
Exiguus,  who  only  just  missed  seeing  him,  and 
expresses  great  personal  veneration  for  him  in 
his  preface  (ap.  JVligne,  Patrol.  Ixvii.  231).  (3) 
Neither  is  it  included  in  the  later  appendix  to 
his  collection,  which  ends  with  Gregory  II.,  or 
A.D.  731,  and  supplements  the  decrees  of  three 
popes,  anterior  to  Gelasius,  that  are  not  found 
in  Dionysius.  (4)  Neither  is  it  placed  in  any 
MSS.  among  the  decrees  of  Gelasius,  but  always 
either  last  of  all,  or  in  a  distant  corner  by  itself. 
(5)  Neither  is  it  quoted  or  mentioned  by  any 
writer  before  Charlemagne,  who  disputes  the 
sanction  given  in  it  to  the  acts  of  pope  Silvester 
with  the  pope  of  his  own  day,  Adrian  I.  (Lib. 
Carol,  ii.  13 ;  ap.  Migne,  Patrol,  xcviii.  1078 ; 
comp.  art.  Second  Nicene  Creed).  (6)  MSS.  are 
divided  on  some  points  of  importance,  as  to  what 
it  contains,  e.g.  whether  its  list  of  apocryphal 


ROME,  COUNCILS  OF        1815 

works  included  the  Apostolical  Canons,  or  not.  As 
far  back  as  the  9th  century,  there  were  men  who 
denied  this,  Dionysius  having  included  them  in 
his  collection,  and  popes  cited  them  approvingly 
before  and  since.  Nevertheless,  they  are  found 
in  some  MSS.  on  that  list  still.  (Beveridge,  as 
above.)  Another  point  is,  whether  among 'its 
general  councils,  that  of  Constantinople  was  in- 
cluded or  not.  In,  most  MSS.  it  is  left  out,  but 
it  is  included  in  some.  To  this  conflict  of  MSS. 
Mansi  considered  at  first  he  need  make  no  refer- 
ence;  but  in  his  Supplement  he  admits  his 
readers  to  full  view  (viii.  151-72).  (7)  The 
omissions  and  commissions  of  its  acknowledged 
contents  alone  should  have  condemned  it  long 
since.  It  classes  writings  under  three  heads: 
i.  Biblical;  ii.  Patristic;  iii.  Apocryphal. 
Under  the  first  head,  as  Cave  says:  "Autor 
decreti  se  S.  Hieronymum  in  omnibus  sequi  pro- 
fitetur.  .  .  .  Jam  vero  Hieronymo  in  definiendo 
S.  Scripturae  librorum  canone  e  diametro  re- 
pugnat."  The  second  head  opens  with  a  decla- 
ration (taken  in  substance  from,the  third  decretal 
of  Anacletus,  and  the  preface  to  the  Nicene 
Council,  in  the  Pseudo-Isidorian  collection)  on 
the  prerogatives  of  the  sees  of  Rome,  Alexandria, 
and  Antioch,  and  the  precedence  belonging  to 
each,  making  no  mention  of  Constantinople 
among  sees,  nor,  according  to  most  MSS.,  of  the 
council  of  Constantinople  among  general  councils, 
on  which  it  descants  next.  After  them,  a  list 
of  the  fathers  follows,  whose  works  are  to  be 
received ;  and  from  this,  to  say  nothing  of  other 
subsequent  omissions,  the  apostolical  fathers, 
one  and  all,  are  left  out,  though  midway  in  it 
we  read  :  "  Item  actus  beati  Silvestri,  apostolicae 
sedis  praesulis ;  licet  ejus  qui  conscripsit  nomen 
ignoretur ;  "  and  this  is  preceded  and  followed 
by  other  documents  of  the  same  stamp.  Finally, 
tlie  third  head  of  apocryphal  and  rejected  works 
includes  the  Ecclesiastical  History  of  Eusebius, 
the  works  of  Tertullian,  Lactantius,  Africanus, 
St.  Clement  of  Alexandria,  Victorinus,  and 
others — names  which  speak  for  themselves.  To 
give  pope  Gelasius  his  due,  we  may  fairly  say, 
that  if  only  the  letters  assigned  to  him  in  the 
Dionysian  collection  are  genuine,  this  decree 
could  not  have  been,  by  any  possibility,  dictated 
or  penned  by  him.  All  the  evidence  of  his  con- 
nexion with  it  is  comprised  in  the  twofold  cir- 
cumstance, that  most  MSS.  containing  it  have 
his  name  prefixed  to  it  ;  and  all  the  last  name 
figuring  in  it,  that  of  Acacius  of  Constantinople. 
But  Acacius  died  three  years  before  Gelasius 
became  pope,  and  was  only  condemned  by  him 
as  having  been  condemned,  and  never  absolved, 
by  his  predecessors.  Perhaps  those  turgid  ex- 
pressions of  pope  Hormisdas  on  which  Pagi 
relies,  may  have  suggested  its  composition,  to 
somebody  who  could  find  no  work  of  that  kind 
extant,  but  thought  there  should  be.  (Mansi, 
viii.  145-76,  part  of  which  has  been  antici- 
pated.) 

45.  A.D.  495,  under  the  same,  when  Misenus, 
one  of  the  two  bishops  who  had  been  sent  to 
Constantinople  by  Felix  III.,  and  been  excom- 
municated for  misconduct  there,  is  said  to  have 
been  absolved  (Mansi,  viii.  177-86).  This, 
again,  has  no  place  given  to  it  among  the 
genuine  decrees  or  letters  of  Gelasius,  even  iu 
Mansi  ;  neither  is  it  found  in  the  Pseudo- 
Isidorian    collection.     As    far   as    form    is    con- 


1816        ROME,  COUNCILS  OF 

cerned,  it  is  an  exact  counterpart  of  the  reputed 
synod  under  pope  Hilary,  A.D.  465,  described 
above. 

46-51.  A.D.  499-505,  under  pope  Symmachus. 
There  are  no  less  than  six  synods  attributed  in 
Mansi  to  this  pope;  but  their  dates,  number, 
and  acts  are  both  hopelessly  confused  and 
variously  assigned.  Not  one  of  them  is  given 
by  Dionysius  Exiguus,  who  might  have  wit- 
nessed them  all ;  only  the  first  three  are  given 
in  the  appendix  to  his  collection  ;  for  the  re- 
mainder our  sole  voucher  is  the  Pseudo-Isidore. 
Theodore,  the  reader,  a  Greek  and  contemporary, 
mentions  but  one,  viz.  the  second;  the  author 
of  the  Lives  of  the  Popes  but  two,  viz.  the 
second  and  the  fourth.  To  understand  them 
properly,  we  must  recall  the  facts.  Laurence, 
one  deacon,  was  consecrated  pope  on  the  same 
day  by  his  party,  that  Symmachus,  another 
deacon,  was  by  his ;  and  Theodoric  the  Arian 
as  well  as  Gothic  king,  resident  at  Ravenna, 
was  invoked  by  each  more  than  once  to  decide 
between  them,  so  that  of  turbulent  gatherings 
on  both  sides  there  was  probably  no  lack  ;  and 
Symmachus  gaining  the  day,  embellished  ac- 
counts would  be  written  of  his  subsequently,  to 
enhance  their  importance  and  to  swell  their 
number.  There  is  a  strong  family  likeness 
between  them  all  and  the  last  under  Gelasius, 
in  point  of  form.  In  Mansi  they  stand  as 
follows  : — 

(1)  A.D.  499,  when  five  canons  respecting 
papal  elections  are  said  to  have  been  decreed, 
amid  repeated  plaudits  (viii.  229-38). 

(2)  A.D.  501,  at  which  Theodore,  says  Theo- 
doric, Anastasius  says  Symmachus,  constituted 
his  rival  Laurence  bishop  of  Nuceria  (Jb. 
245-9). 

(3)  A.D.  502,  at  which  a  late  edict  of  king 
Odoacer,  approved  by  pope  Simplicius,  ordaining 
that  no  episcopal  elections  should  be  held  in 
future  without  concurrence  of  the  civil  magis- 
trate, and  that  all  alienations  of  church  property 
bv  the  bishop  of  the  diocese  should  be  void,  was 
annulled  {ih.  261-72). 

(4)  A.D.  503,  called,  from  a  door  in  the  church 
of  St.  Peter  of  that  name,  palmaris ;  and  occa- 
sioned by  a  reaction  in  favour  of  Laurence  ; 
when  115  bishops  declared  Symmachus  innocent 
of  the  crimes  laid  to  his  charge,  and  condemned 
Peter,  bishop  of  Altino,  whom  Theodoric  had 
appointed  arbitrator  in  the  renewed  schism, 
together  with  Laurence  himself.  Ennodius, 
bishop  of  Ticino,  drew  up  a  lengthened  apology 
for  the  acts  of  this  synod,  which  is  still  extant 
{ib.  271-94;  and  for  the  rest,  247-62). 

(5)  A.D.  504,  confirming  the  acts  of  the  pre- 
vious synod,  and  commending  the  apology  for  it 
by  Ennodius  in  high  terms  {ib.  295-303). 

(6)  A.D.  505,  at  which  all  who  had  possessed 
themselves  of  any  goods  belonging  to  the  church, 
were  to  be  anathematised  unless  they  restored 
them  (i'6.  309-16). 

52.  A.D.  518,  under  pope  Hormisdas;  for 
ending  the  schism  between  the  churches  of 
Rome  and  Constantinople,  which  began  with 
Felix  III.  and  Acacius,  and  had  lasted  thirty- 
five  years  (JIansi,  ib.  p.  579).  The  negotiations 
and  terms  at  last  agreed  upon  may  be  read 
among  the  letters  of  pope  Hormisdas  (46.  pp. 
434-52). 

■53-55.     All  said  to  have  been  held  a.d.  531, 


EOME,  COUNCILS  OF 

under  pope  Boniface  II.,  yet  there  is  a  suspicious 
character  about  them  all.  (1)  No  decrees  of 
this  pope  are  given  in  the  appendix  to  Dionysius 
Exiguus ;  and  but  one  by  the  Pseudo-Isidore, 
which  proves  its  own  spuriousness  (Mansi,  ib. 
pp.  731-35).  (2)  The  sole  authority  for  the  first 
and  second  of  these  synods  is  Anastasius,  or 
whoever  wrote  the  Life  of  this  pope  ;  and  the 
reason  given  for  them  is,  that  at  the  first 
he  constituted  a  deacon  named  Vigilius  his  suc- 
cessor ;  at  the  second  he  annulled  his  own  act, 
as  contrary  to  the  canons  (comp.  the  alleged 
letter  of  pope  Silverius  on  the  subject ;  Mansi, 
ix.  6,  and  another  alleged  synod  under  Boniface 
III.  below).  (3)  For  the  third,  which  was  only 
brought  to  light  in  modern  times,  there  is  no 
authority  whatever,  apart  from  the  MS.  con- 
taining it,  any  more  than  there  is  for  a  synod  of 
Constantinople,  which  is  there  said  to  have  led 
to  it.  The  heading  given  it  in  Mansi,  which 
was  made  for  it  by  the  discoverer  of  the  JIS. 
as  he  owns  himself — Lucas  Holstenius,  prefect  of 
the  Vatican — and  explains  fully  the  interest  at- 
tached by  him  to  its  discovery,  runs  as  follows  : 
— "  Concilium  Romanum  III.,  quo  lecti  sunt 
libelli  a  Stephano  Larissae  metropolitano  trans- 
missi,  atque  i)ro]atae  e  scrinio  sedis  apostolicae 
complures  epistolae,  quibus  constat,  quamvis  in 
toto  mundo  sedes  apostolica  ecclesiarum  sibi 
jure  vindicet  principatum,  specialem  tamen  in 
ecclesias  Illyrici  gubernationem  sibi  vindicasse  " 
{ib.  pp.  739-84).  Not  one  of  the  papal  epistles 
given  in  it  occurs  in  Dionysius  Exiguus  ;  and 
the  first  in  his  collection  to  bear  them  out  is 
one  addressed  to  Anastasius,  bishop  of  Thessa- 
lonica,  by  Leo  I.  (Migne,  Patrol.  Ixvii.  291-6), 
whose  letters  come  last  here. 

56.  A.D.  534,  under  pope  John  II.,  where  the 
proposition — "  Unus  e  Trinitate  passus  est  in 
carne  "  —  was  approved,  notwithstanding  its 
previous  rejection  by  pope  Hormisdas,  and  the 
opposition  made  to  it  by  the  monks  called 
acocmeti  by  the  Greeks.     (Mansi,  ib.  p.  815.) 

57.  A.D.  589,  under  pope  Pelagius  IL,  unless 
the  genuineness  of  his  letter,  in  which  he  speaks 
of  it,  is  to  be  given  up.  But  the  only  reason 
for  questioning  it  is  the  interesting  information 
it  contains,  about  the  prefaces  then  used  in  his 
church.  Particulars  of  them  having  been  asked 
of  him  by  the  German  and  French  bishops,  he 
says,  after  consultation  with  his  synod,  in  reply : 
"  Invenimus  has  novem  praefationes  in  sacro 
catalogo  tantummodo  recipiendas,  quas  longa 
retro  Veritas  in  Romana  ecclesia  hactenus  ser- 
vavit :  "  viz.  one  for  the  first  Sunday  after 
Easter — no  doubt,  that  of  Easter  repeated ;  one 
for  the  Ascension ;  one  for  Pentecost ;  one  for 
Christmas  ;  one  for  the  Transfiguration  ;  one  for 
festivals  of  the  Apostles  ;  one  for  holy  Trinity  ; 
one  for  holy  Cross  ;  and  one  for  Lent.  The 
grounds  on  which  Pagi  and  Bona  would  discredit 
this  statement  are  far  from  conclusive.  (Mansi, 
ix.  1021.) 

58-61.  Four  synods  appear  to  have  met  under 
pope  Gregory  I.  ;   at  least  Mansi  gives  four. 

(1)  A.D.  590,  at  the  request  of  the  emperor 
Maurice,  to  end  the  schism  that  had  ensued  on 
the  condemnation  of  the  three  chapters  at  the 
fifth  council.     (Mansi,  x.  453.) 

(2)  A.D.  595,  to  hear  a  comjjlaint  made  by 
John,  presbyter  of  Chalcedon,  against  John, 
bishop  of  Constantinople,   who  had   condemned 


ROME,  COUNCILS  OF 

him  for  heresy ;   he  was  pronounced  innocent. 
(/&.  pp.  475-8.) 

(3)  A.D.  601,  when  a  decree  was  passed  inter- 
dicting episcopal  interference  with  monasteries. 
It  is  signed  by  twenty-one  bishops,  fourteen  pres- 
byters, and  four  deacons.     {lb.  pp.  485-90.) 

(4)  A.D.  601,  when  Andrew,  a  Greek  monk, 
was  condemned ;  and  Probus,  abbat  of  a  monas- 
tery built  and  dedicated  to  St.  Andrew  by  the 
reigning  pope,  received  permission  to  make  a 
will.     {lb.  p.  489.) 

62.  A.D.  606,  said  to  have  been  attended  by 
seventy-two  bishops,  thirty-four  presbyters,  all 
the  deacons  and  minor  orders,  under  pope 
Boniface  III.,  when  a  decree  was  made  that  no 
steps  for  the  appointment  of  a  successor  in  the 
see  of  Rome  should  ever  in  future  be  taken,  till 
the  previous  pope  had  been  buried  three  days. 
There  is  only  the  same  authority  for  this  synod 
that  there  was  for  two  similar  synods  under 
Boniface  II.,  which  see  (Mansi,  x.  501). 

63.  A.D.  610,  under  pope  Boniface  IV,,  at 
ivhich  Mellitus,  bishop  of  London,  was  acci- 
dentally present,  and  from  which  he  returned 
with  its  decrees,  as  well  as  letters  to  king 
Ethelbert  and  archbishop  Laurence,  as  we  learn 
from  Bede.  But  the  genuineness  of  all  now 
extant,  purporting  to  be  such,  has  been  ques- 
tioned on  solid  grounds  by  the  learned  editors  of 
Spelman  and  Wilkins  {Councils  and  Documents, 
iii.  62-9 ;  comp.  Mansi,  s.  503-8). 

64.  A.D.  640,  under  pope  Severinus,  when  the 
Ecthesis  of  the  emperor  Hei-aclius  was  con- 
demned, as  appears  from  a  profession  in  the 
Liber  Diunius  of  the  popes,  where  this  pope  is 
mentioned  by  name.     (Mansi,  ib.  679.) 

65.  A.D.  641,  under  pope  John  IV.,  at  which 
the  Monothelite  heresy  was  condemned.  {Pj. 
pp.  697-700.) 

66.  A.D.  648,  under  pope  Theodore,  when 
Pyrrhus,  patriarch  of  Constantinople,  was  con- 
demned as  a  relapsed  Monothelite.  (j\Iansi,  x. 
78.3-4.) 

67.  A.D.  667,  under  pope  Vitalian,  when  John, 
bishop  of  Lappa  in  Crete,  who  had  been  deposed 
by  Paul,  his  metropolitan,  was  restored.  {Ib. 
ii.  101 ;  comp.  p.  16.) 

68-70.  A.D.  679-80,  under  pope  Agatho. 
Three  such  are  distinguished  by  Mr.  Haddau 
•and  Professor  Stubbs  {Councils  and  Documents, 
iii.  131-41),  the  first  of  which  consisted  of 
seventeen  bishops  and  thirty-five  presbyters, 
•and  discussed  questions  relating  to  the  English 
church,  but  without  reference  to  Wilfrid ;  at 
the  second,  which  consisted  of  fifty  bishops  and 
presbyters,  the  restoration  of  Wilfrid  to  his 
see  was  decreed,  subject  to  its  division  among 
bishops  of  his  own  choice;  at  the  third,  which 
consisted  of  125  bishops,  and  was  held,  in 
preparation  for  the  sixth  general  council,  against 
-the  Monothelites,  Wilfrid  took  part  as  bishop 
of  York,  and  signed  on  behalf  of  the  British, 
.Scottish,  and  Irish  churches.  The  account  of 
these  councils  in  Mansi  needs  revising  (xi. 
179-88). 

71.  A.D.  685,  under  pope  John  V,,  but 
Anastasius  alone  records  it ;  when  the  consecra- 
tion of  a  bishop  in  Sardinia  was  annulled,  as 
having  taken  place  without  leave  from  the  pope. 

.(Mansi,  xi.  1092.) 

72.  A.D.  704,  under  pope  John  VI.,  at  which 
Wilfrid  was  accused  and  acquitted  a  second  time 


ROME,  COUNCILS  OF 


1817 


The  pieces  relating  to  it  are  best  seen  in  the 
new  edition  of  Spelman  and  Wilkins  {Councils 
and  Documents,  iii.  256-64 :  comp.  Mansi,  xii 
165-8). 

73.  A.D.  706,  under  pope  John  VII. — at  least 
so  says  Anastasius — on  receipt  of  a  communica- 
tion from  the  emperor  Justinian  II.,  requesting 
a  decision  on  the  quini-sext  or  Trullan  canons, 
which  this  pope  was  too  timid  to  give,  and, 
according  to  his  biographer,  died  soon  after  de- 
clining. Mansi  makes  no  distinction  between 
this  synod  and  the  previous  one  ;  but  in  that 
year  Justinian  had  not  been  restored,  nor  John 
VII.  become  pope.     {Ib.) 

74.  A.D.  710,  if  at  all,  for  Mansi  doubts  it; 
the  only  document  on  record  attributed  to  it 
being  a  speech  of  Benedict,  archbishop  of  Milan, 
complaining  of  an  uncanonical  invasion  of  his 
metropolitan  rights  by  pope  Constantine.  (Mansi, 
xii.  219-24.) 

75-77.  Three  synods,  according  to  Mansi,  met 
under  pope  Gregory  II. 

(1)  A.D.  721,  when  seventeen  canons  against 
illicit  marriages  and  consulting  of  wizards 
were  passed  under  anathema,  and  subscribed  by 
twenty-three  bishops,  including  the  pope,  four- 
teen presbyters,  and  four  deacons.  (76.  pp. 
261-8.) 

(2)  A.D.  724,  when  Corbinianus,  bishop  of 
Freisingen,  who  had  petitioned  the  pope  to  be 
allowed  to  resign  his  see,  was  ordered  to  return 
to  it.     {Ib.  pp.  267-8.) 

3.  A.D.  726,  where  the  destruction  of  images 
ordered  by  the  emperor  Leo  III.,  surnamed  the 
Isaurian,  was  resisted  and  condemned  {ib.  pp.  268- 
70).  The  two  letters  of  Gregory  to  this  monarch 
best  explain  his  own  attitude  {ib.  pp.  959- 
82). 

78,  79.  Two  synods  under  pope  Gregory  III. 
are  given  in  Mansi,  and  this  time  not  from 
Anastasius  alone,  his  account  being  confirmed 
by  two  marble  tablets  in  the  Vatican  crypts 
inscribed  with  their  acts,  though  in  a  defaced 
state.  The  first  of  these  sat  in  judgment,  A.D.  . 
731,  on  a  presbyter  named  Gregory,  who  had 
been  sent  to  Constantinople  with  an  expostu- 
latory  letter  from  the  pope  to  the  emperor, 
which  he  had  failed  to  deliver.  At  the  request 
of  the  synod  he  was  pardoned,  and  sent  back 
with  it.  At  the  second,  attended  by  ninety-three 
bishops  and  a  large  concourse,  lay  and  clerical, 
a  constitution  was  published,  setting  forth  what 
had  been  the  immemorial  custom  of  the  church 
hitherto  respecting  images,  and  excommuni- 
cating all  who  contravened  it.  A  fresh  remon- 
strance was  despatched  to  the  emperor,  but 
with  no  better  success.     (Mansi,  xii.  297-300.) 

80,  81.  Two  synods  under  pojjc  Zachariah  are 
likewise  given  by  Mansi.  The  first  is  dated  the 
third  year  of  the  usurper  Artabasdus,  and  the 
thirty-second  of  Luitprand  the  Lombard  king 
(A.D.  743),  both  indicating  the  dawn  of  a  new 
style.  It  passed  fifteen  creditable  canons  on 
discipline,  but  the  subscriptions  to  it  are  not 
trustworthy  {ib.  381-90;  but  a  mistake  runs 
here   through    the   i)agination).     At  the  second. 


A.D.    745,    two    pnests    na 


led     Adalbert    and 


Clement,  having  been  condemned  for  heresy  by 
St.  Boniface  in  France,  were  deposed  and 
anathematised.  The  juoceedings  against  them 
are  spread  over  three  sessions,  and  the  sub- 
scrii>tious  to   it   include  seven   bishops,  besides 


1818 


ROMULUS 


the   pope,  and  seventeen  presbyters.      (76.  pp. 
o7o-82  ;  it  should  be,  393-402.) 

82.  A.D.  753,  under  pope  Stephen  II.,  but  it 
is  marked  doubtful  by  Mansi,  and  deals  only 
with  grants  to  monasteries  (Mansi,  .xii.  567-70). 
Another,  which  he  sees  less  reason  to  doubt, 
relating  to  a  quarrel  between  Sergius,  archbishop 
of  Ravenna,  and,  according  to  Mansi,  this  pope, 
is  placed  by  him  four  years  later  (ib.  p.  655). 

83.  A.D.  761,  under  pope  Paul  I.,  granting 
privileges  and  exemptions  to  certain  monasteries 
and  churches  built  by  him,  as  appears  by  his 
letter.     (76.  p.  660  ;  eomp.  p.  646.) 

84.  A.D.  769,  said  to  have  been  held  at  the 
Lateran,  under  pope  Stephen  III.,  when  judg- 
ment was  given  against  the  late  occupant  of  his 
see,  Constantine,  and  the  old  traditions  of  the 
church  respecting  images  upheld.  Mansi  makes 
much  of  what  he  considers  the  recovered  acts  of 
this  council.  The  authors  of  Z'Art  dc  ve'rif.  les 
Dates  observe  pithily  :  "  La  date  en  est  sin- 
gnliere."  It  runs  as  follows:  "In  nomine 
Patris  et  Filii  et  Spiritus  Sancti  ;  regnante  una 
et  eadem  sancta  Trinitate  .  .  .  mense  Aprili,  die 
12"°,  indictione7"'*;"  and  the  acts  which  follow 
are  commensurate  {ih.  pp.  703-22).  Another, 
also  said  to  have  been  held  at  the  Lateran 
under  pope  Adrian  I.,  a.d.  774  (which  Mansi 
feels  he  has  no  option  but  to  pronounce  spurious, 
yet,  "  ne  quid  desit  ad  plenam  de  re  conciliari 
notitiam,"  prints  at  full  length),  has  this  heading 
— epitomised  from  Sigebert — "  in  qua  Carolo 
Magno  jus  datum  fertur  a  pontifice,  ut  ponti- 
ficem  ipsum  Romanum  et  episcopos  eligeret  et 
investituram  concederet."  This  and  the  "  Sicilian 
monarchy  "  of  a  later  pope  may  deserve  com- 
parison {ib.  pp.  883-8).  Another,'A.D.  792,  under 
the  same,  is  reported  by  Mansi,  when  Felix, 
bishop  of  Urgel,  the  Adoptionist,  abjured  his 
heresy ;  but  it  is  nowhere  said  that  he  did  this 
in  a  synod,  as  Frobenius  points  out  (Diss,  de 
Hacr.  Blip,  et  Fel.  §  22;  ap.  Migne,  Patrol. 
c.  1,  312;  comp.  Mansi,  xiii.  857). 

85.  A.D.  794,  under  the  same,  confirming  the 
condemnation  of  Elipandus  and  Felix  at  the 
council  of  Frankfort.  (Mansi,  ib.  p.  859  ;  Froben. 
ib.  §39.) 

86.  A.D.  799,  under  pope  Leo  III.,  when  a 
tract  of  Felix  against  Alcuin  was  condemned. 
(]\Iansi,  ib.  pp.  1029-32 ;  Froben.  ib.  §  43.) 

A  new  era  was  opened  in  church  and  state,  as 
well  for  the  West  as  for  Rome,  by  the  next 
synod,  A.D.  800,  when  Charlemagne  was  solemnly 
crowned  emperor  on  Christmas  Day,  in  the 
church  of  St.  Peter,  by  the  reigning  pope  ;  but 
our  limits  forbid  any  further  details  of  this 
synod.     (Mansi,  ib.  pp.  1041-8.)         [E.  S.  Ff.] 

EOMULUS  (1),  Feb.  17 ;  commemorated  at 
Concordia  (Mart.  Usuard.);  at  Aquileia  (Mart. 
Jlieron.). 

(2)  Mar.  24;  commemorated  in  Mauretania 
(3Iart.  Usuard. ;  Hieron.,  Xotker.).  [C.  H.] 

EONANUS,  June  1,  6th  century;  comme- 
morated in  Armorica  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jun.  i. 
83).  [C.  H.] 

ROOD.  There  seems  no  satisfactory  evidence 
that  what  is  commonly  understood  by  a  rood, 
that  is,  a  cross  fixed  aloft  upon  a  beam  or  gallery 
in  the  middle  of  a  church,  is  to  be  found  within 


ROOD 

the  period  embraced  in  this  work.  It  is,  indeed, 
affirmed  by  Pugin  (Glossary  of  Ecclesiastical 
Ornaments)  that  these  crosses  between  the  nave 
and  choir  of  large  churches,  or  the  nave  and 
chancel  of  small  ones,  are  of  great  antiquity. 
The  same  is  affirmed  by  the  abbe  Migne.  But 
it  will  be  found  upon  comparison  that  he  has 
simply  translated  Pugin's  remarks,  and  therefore 
cannot  be  accepted  as  independent  authority. 

The  current  statements  on  the  subject  may  be 
conveniently  taken  fi'om  Migne  (Encyd.  The'olog.). 
It  is  affirmed  by  him  that  Georgius  Codinus,  one 
of  the  Byzantine  historians  of  the  15th  century, 
describes  an  ancient  cross  over  a  screen  in  the 
church  of  St.  Sophia  at  Constantinople.  He  says 
that  it  was  of  gold,  enriched  with  precious 
stones,  and  furnished  with  chandeliers.  Jligne 
quotes  this  writer  in  proof  of  the  assertion  that 
such  crosses  are  "  d'une  haute  antiquite,"  and 
assigns  him,  probably  by  a  typographical  error, 
to  the  5th  century,  whereas  he  was  really  of  the 
15th  century.  But  what  is  more  serious,  he 
gives  no  reference,  and  the  present  writer  has 
been  unable  to  verify  the  quotation.  Yet  it  may 
be  said  with  confidence  that  in  his  work  Ilepi 
T7)s  oiKoSo^i^s  ToC  vaov  TTJs  uyias  '2,o(pias,  Codinus 
certainly  describes  no  such  cross.  The  only 
cross  which  he  there  describes  is  the  cross  of  the 
ciborium — a  cross,  it  may  be  added,  which  cor- 
responds with  the  one  described  above,  both  in 
its  being  of  gold  and  in  its  adorument  with  jewels. 

But  all  these  quotations,  whether  in  English 
or  French  works,  are  ultimately  traceable  to  the 
great  work  of  Goar  (In  Ord.  Sacri  Ministcril 
Notac,  p.  19),  who  says,  "Ilium  [sc.  ambonem] 
qui  in  magna  fuit  ecclesia  describit  MS.  Regium 
Codini  verbis  vulgaribus,  thv  5«  &(ifi<tiva  /xt  [s^c] 
r^v  fftiiKiav  firoiriffev  /ue  aap5ovvx<^v  et  infra, 
i-Koiricre  t^v  rpovKKav  els  t.  &ix^(i}va  /uexa  fiapya- 
pnaptdov  [sic,  without  accent]  koX  Xv^vtirapiuv. 
6  Se  aravphs  rov  lifj-^oovos  'Icna  Airpas  p',  elx^  ^^ 
Kara  crri/XJ'ct  Ai;;;^i'iTapio,  Koi  fxapyapiTOLpia  dni- 
Sora-  civrl  Si  (rr7)diwv  6  &txfiwv  e?x*''  &vwOiv 
&\6xpvcra  ireraffta."  If  tliis  passage  is  correct, 
and  if  the  information  of  Codinus,  a  compara- 
tively late  author,  is  to  be  relied  upon,  this 
citation  obviously  concludes  the  whole  question. 

But  one  or  two  observations  must  be  advanced 
upon  it.  Goar  quotes  from  a  MS.  copy  of  Codi- 
nus, without  saying  from  which  of  his  works  the 
quotation  is  taken  ;  but  the  passage  is  not  to  be 
found  in  the  printed  edition  ef  Codinus,  de  S. 
Sophia,  which  is  where  it  would  naturally  be 
expected  (Corpus  Scriptorum  Historiae  Byzan- 
tinae,  Bonnae,  1 849).  There  is,  indeed  (p.  142), 
a  description  of  the  ambo,  which  in  some  degree 
resembles  the  citation  of  Goar,  but  there  is  no 
account  of  a  cross  upon  it  (the  cross  described  in 
that  page  is  the  cross  of  the  ciborium),  nor  is 
there  any  notice  of  a  variant  in  the  reading 
amongst  the  critical  notes  of  Meursius  and  Lam- 
becius. 

It  may  of  course  be  some  other  work  of 
Codinus,  which  Goar  quotes  ;  but  the  present 
writer  has  attempted  in  vain  to  find  anything 
like  it  in  any  of  the  works  of  Codinus  in  the 
printed  collection  above  referred  to. 

It  may  be  added  that  there  is  no  mention  of 
the  cross  in  the  metrical  description  of  the  ambo 
of  St.  Sophia,  which  is  given  by  Paul  the  Silen- 
tiary,  though  Ducange,  in  his  commentary  upon 
it,  says  that  Codinus  adds  a  mention  of  the  cross. 


EOOD 

The  classical  work  on  the  subject  of  rood-lofts 
is  somewhat  rare.  (Thiers,  Dissertations  ccck''- 
siastiqiies,  Paris,  1688.)  The  only  passage  which 
this  writer  quotes  is  that  from  Goar,  to  which 
accordingly  it  seems  that  all  the  statements  of 
the  subsequent  writers  are  to  be  traced. 

The  earliest  notice  of  a  crucifix  set  up  in  the 
middle  of  a  church  is  sometimes  said  to  be  the 
account  of  the  silver  figure  which  pope  Leo  III. 
(a.d.  795)  set  up  in  the  middle  of  St.  Peter's  at 
Rome.  The  account  is  thus  given  by  Ana- 
stasius  :  "  Ipse  autem  a  Deo  protectus  venerabilis 
et  almificus  pontifex  fecit  in  basilica  beati  Petri 
Apostoli  nutritoris  sui,  in  medio  basilicae  cruci- 
fixum  ex  argento  purissimo,  pensan.  libras  septua- 
ginta  et  duas."  ( Vitae  Fontif.  Leo  III.  §  ?.84-, 
]).  1'222,  ed.  Migne.)  There  is,  however,  nothing 
in  the  account  given  by  Anastasius  which  leads 
to  tlie  conclusion  that  this  crucifix  was  a  rood 
in  the  sense  that  it  was  raised  aloft  upon  a  beam 
or  gallery. 

These  two  examples — the  alleged  description 
of  Codinus  and  the  remark  of  Anastasius — are 
the  only  two  facts  that  are  adduced  to  support 
the  "  great  antiquity  "  of  the  rood.  But  it  thus 
appears  that  neither  of  them  is  altogether  free 
from  taint  ;  and  the  present  writer  has  not  suc- 
ceeded in  finding  any  evidence  which  would 
prove  indisputably  that  ancient  churches  within 
our  period  had  either  cross  or  crucifix  raised 
aloft  upon  a  beam  or  gallery. 

Migne  states  that  every  screen  between  nave 
and  choir  was  anciently  surmounted  by  a  rich 
cross,  but  without  image  of  our  Saviour  ;  that 
such  screens  existed  both  in  Greek  and  Latin 
churches  ;  that  down  to  a  comparatively  modern 
epoch  churches  were  never  constructed  without 
them,  either  in  France,  Germany,  or  Flanders  ; 
and  that  every  church  in  England  had  a  rood- 
screen  down  to  the  reign  of  Edward  (VI.),  when 
these  crosses  were  destroyed  by  Act  of  Parlia- 
ment. In  all  this,  however,  he  is  but  adopting, 
and,  in  some  respects,  misunderstanding  and 
s])oiling,  the  previous  remarks  of  Pugin. 

Pugin  (and  after  him  Migne)  observes  that 
the  cross  over  the  screen  was  often  suspended 
from  the  upper  arcade  of  the  church  by  three 
chains,  which  were  often  of  very  rich  construc- 
tion. But  neither  in  this  branch  of  the  subject 
is  there  anything  which  brings  it  within  the 
period  traversed  in  this  work. 

There  is  abundant  evidence  that  a  gallery  cor- 
responding to  the  rood-loft  or  jube  existed  in  the 
early  church.  (See  Prudentius,  "  Hymn  of  St. 
Hippolytus  ;  "  Gregory  of  Tours,  who  describes 
the  jubii  of  the  church  of  St.  Cyprian ;  and 
pope  Martin  I.,  who  had  the  canons  of  the 
Lateran  council  read  from  the  rood-loft  of  that 
church.)  VioUet-le-Duc,  however,  takes  it  fin- 
certain  that  the  ambons  of  both  Greek  and  Latin 
church  up  to  the  14th  century  were  not  at  all 
like  what  we  understand  by  a  rood-loft  or  jube 
(^Dictionnaire  raisonne  de  I' Architecture,  s.  v. 
"  Jube  ").  But  whatever  may  have  been  the 
precise  form  of  the  structures  in  question,  there 
seems  to  be  no  satisfactory  evidence  that  in  the 
early  centuries  they  were  surmounted  by  a  rood. 
Indeed,  the  earliest  example  which  Viollet-le- 
Duc  is  able  to  adduce  of  a  cross  or  crucifix 
placed  above  a  trabes  is  one  in  the  museum  of 
Clnny,  which  dates  from  the  12th  century. 

[H.  T.  A.] 


ROSARY 


1819 


ROSARY  (capeUina,  paternoster,  preculaCy. 
psalteriuin),  a  derice  for  numbering  prayers. 
The  early  Eastern,  and  probably  prae-Christian, 
custom  might  suggest  a  great  antiquity.  "  The 
Kuran  enjoins  prayers  five  times  a  day,  and  good 
Muslims  are  very  particular  in  going  through 
certain  prescribed  forms  morning,  noon,  and 
evening.  It  cannot,  therefore,  be  matter  of 
wonder  that  the  use  of  rosaries  (called  tasblh, 
'praise,' and  furnished  with  tassels  called  sAamsa)' 
is  common  among  Indian  Mohammedans.  In  all 
probability  they  were  common  among  Hindus 
and  Buddhists  long  before  the  Christian  era" 
(Prof.  Monier  Williams  in  the  Athenaeum,  Feb. 
9,  1878).  A  rosary  is  called  in  Sanscrit  Japa- 
mdtd,  "  muttering  chaplot,"  and  sometimes 
smarani,  "  remembrance  "  (ibid.).  Nevertheless, 
the  rosary  of  the  church  of  Rome  is  comparatively" 
modern.  Pius  V.,  in  a  bull  (1596),  ascribes  to 
St.  Dominic  the  invention  of  "  the  rosary  or 
psalter  of  the  blessed  Virgin,"  and  this  has  been 
understood  of  the  string  of  beads  so  called  ;  but 
he  seems  rather  to  be  speaking,  under  that  name, 
of  the  method  of  devotion  invented  by  St.  Dominic 
(150  Ave  Jlarias  and  15  Paternosters).  The 
beads  are,  however,  described  by  Polydore  Vergil 
1499  ;  but  we  should  infer  from  his  silence  that 
they  were  not  yet  called  a  "  rosary."  "  Est  modus 
orandi  postremo  inventus  per  calculos  ('  globulos 
precatorios,'  Transl.  S.  Norberti,  xvii.  149,  in  Bol- 
land.  June,  i.  911)  ut  ita  dicara,  ligneos,  quos- 
vulgus  modo  preculas,  modo  paternostros  ap- 
pellat."  These  he  describes  as  pierced  and 
threaded,  ten  smaller  calculi  for  the  Ave  Marias 
being  throughout  followed  by  one  larger  for  the 
paternoster,  to  the  number  of  fifty-five  alto- 
gether (De  Invent.  Her.  v.  9).  The  invention  of 
this  instrument  he  assigns  to  Peter  the  Hermit, 
who  flourished  in  1090.  The  number  of  beads- 
may  be  due  to  Peter,  but  earlier  in  the  same- 
century  we  meet  with  a  similar  contrivance. 
Godiva,  who,  with  her  husband  Leofric,  founded 
the  monastery  of  Coventry  in  1040,  possessed 
"  circulum  gemmarum  quem  filo  insuerat,  ut 
singularum  contactu  singulas  orationes  incipiens 
numerum  non  praetermitteret  "  (Gulielm.  Mal- 
mesb.  Script,  post  Bedam,  165,  ed.  1596).  The 
council  of  Cealchythe,  A.D.  816,  directs  that  on 
the  death  of  a  bishop  "  septem  bcltidum  pater- 
noster pro  eo  cantetur  "  (can.  10).  This  has  been 
understood  of  a  rosary  for  counting  prayers;  but 
Car.  ]\Iacri  (Hierolexicon,  in  v.)  suggests  that 
"  beltides  =  vueltas"  (Span,  rounds,  o/- returns), 
and  the  Bollandists  accept  his  explanation  (De  S. 
Dominico,  Aug.  i.  432,  433).  Another  error 
ascribes  the  invention  of  rosaries  to  Bede,  who 
died  in  735  ;  but  apparently  this  is  only  a  con- 
jecture built  upon  his  name  (Boll.  u.  s.).  Within 
our  period,  indeed,  I  meet  with  but  one  instance 
of  a  contrivance  at  all  similar,  Paul  of  Pherma, 
an  Egyptian  ascetic  of  the  4th  century,  "  having, 
prescribed  him  by  rule  300  prayers,  collected  as 
many  pebbles,  which  he  kept  in  his  bosom,  and 
threw  out  one  bv  one  at  every  prayer"  (Hist. 
Laus.  Pallad.  23 ;  Sozom.  Hist.  Eccl.  v.  29 ;  Cas- 
siod.  Hist.  Tripart.  viii.  1). 

The  origin  and  history  of  the  "rosary  m 
both  senses  of  the  word  are  discussed  at  lengtK 
in  Acta  Sanctorum,  Bolland.  de  S.  Domin.  Vonf. 
19-21,  Aug.  4,  i.  422-437.  See  also  Mabill. 
Praef!  in  V.  Sacc.  Bcncd.  125-128;  and  Conr. 
Schu'ltingius,  Bibliotheca  Ecclesiastica,  II.  i.   G4,. 


1820 


EOSULA 


Colon.  Agripp.  1599.      The  latter  (I.    ii.   205) 
gives  a  list  of  earlier  writers  on  the  subject. 

[W.  E.  S.] 
KOSULA,  Sept.  14 ;  commemorated  in  Africa 
(Mart.  Usuard.,  Notker.).  [C.  H.] 

KOTA.     [Corona,  p.  4(31.] 

EOUEN,  COUNCIL  OF  (Rotomagexse 
Concilium),  a.d.  G82,  al.  688-9,  al.  692,  at 
which  St.  Ausbert  presided,  fifteen  bishops  were 
present,  and  a  grant  of  privilege  to  the  abbey  of 
Fontanelle — that  of  choosing  its  abbat  from  its 
own  body — was  Confirmed  (Mansi,  xi.  1043-6  ; 
<:omp.  CaVe,  Jlist.  Lit.  i.  610V  EE.  S.  ¥(.] 

ROUND  TOWERS.  The  round  towers  of 
Ireland  have  a  character  and  literature  of  their 


own,  and  the  many  questions  regarding  them 
are  still  unsettled,  though  the  ascription  of  the 
towers  to  Christian  times  and  purposes  now 
appears  to  be  the  more  generally  accepted.  There 
are  upwards  of  a  hundred  known  to  antiquaries, 
and  of  these  about  twenty  are  perfect.  Two  in 
Scotland,  of  which  one  (Brechin)  is  perfect  and 
the  other  (Abernethy)  a  ruin,  together  with 
that  attached  to  the  gable  of  the  old  church 
at  Egilshay  in  Orkne}*,  are  the  only  examples 
outside  the  ancient  Scotia.  All  are  built  upon 
the  same  general  plan,  with  little  variety  of 
detail  :  the  complete  tower  at  Devenish,  in  Lough 
Erne,  may  be  accepted  as  the  type.  (See 
woodcut.) 

(i.)  The  tower  is  a  hollow  circular  column, 
from  fifty  to  one  hundred  and  fifty  feet  high, 
usually  capped  by  a  short  pointed  roof  of  stone. 
From  the  base,  which  is  frequently  of  cyclopean 
masonry,  and  measures  from  forty  to  sixty  feet 
in    circumference,    the    tower   is    externally    of 


ROUND  TOWERS 

ashlar  or  spawled  rubble  work,  and  tapers 
u])\vards  towards  the  summit.  Occasionally, 
as  at  Ardmore,  it  is  belted  with  stringcourses, 
which  are,  however,  entirely  ornamental,  and 
not  connected  with  the  internal  floors.  The 
wall  is  pierced  for  a  single  door,  which  is  never 
constructed  on  the  level  of  the  ground,  but  from 
eight  to  fifteen  feet  above,  and  for  windows, 
which  are  uufixed  in  position  and  number  ;  the 
jambs  of  both  the  door  and  the  windows  always 
incline  inwards  towards  the  top.  At  a  very 
short  distance  from  the  conical  roof  there  are 
usually    four,    but   sometimes    more    or    fewer, 


at  Glcmlalolis 


windows,  and  all  the  windows  in  the  tower  have 
round,  pointed,  or  square  heads,  but  never  a 
built  arch. 

Internally  the  tower  is  divided  into  stories,  in 
number  according  to  the  height.  The  lowest  is 
usually  filled  up  with  mould  or  masonry  to  or 
near  the  door-sill ;  the  rest,  usually  on  joisted 
floors  and  about  twelve  feet  high,  occupy  the 
whole  interior  to  the  top.  The  rooms  or  stories 
could  have  been  but  dimly  lighted,  there  being 
but  one  small  window  to  each. 

(ii.)  For  what  purpose  could  towers  of  this 
kind  have  been  built,  and  that  in  such  numbers? 
This  has  been  answered  by  many  suggestions  ; 
e.g.  that  they  were  the  temples  of  a  primeval 
religion  among  the  Cuthites  (Keane,  O'Brien), 
the  pyreia  of  Phoenician,  Persian,  or  other  Eastern 
nations  (Vallancey),  bell-towers  (Lynch),  sepul- 
cliral  monuments  (Windele),  Danish  forts  (Walsh, 
Molyneux,  Ledwich),  eremitic  pillars  (Karris), 
anchoret  or  penitential  cells  (Smyth),  bell- 
towers,  secondarily  monastic  sti'onghokls  (Petrie). 
There  can  be  no  doubt  but  that  in  the  Irish 
Annals  (as  in  the  present  day)  the  common  name 
of  the  tower  is  Cloictheach,  literally  bell-house, 
and  in  some  of  them  up  to  the  present  time  the 
bells  are  hung.  Yet  the  whole  structure  denotes 
a  place  of  temporary  refuge  and  defence  in  cases 
of  sudden  attack.  In  this  view  there  is  a  pro- 
priety in  both  the  general  outline  and  the  several 
details :  the  tall,  compact,  round  pillar,  with 
strong,  often  enlarged,  base  of  solid  building,  or 
of  great  thickness  in  the  wall,  and  with  the 
door  small  and  several  yards  above  the  founda- 
tion ;  the  smooth  external  f;icing  of  stone,  and 
the  storied  accommodation  within ;  the  small 
windows  for  ventilation  and,  at  the  top,  also  for 
observation,  and  the  strongly-defended  doorway. 
Into  such  a  house  of  defence,  which  is  always 
found  among  or  near  ecclesiastical  buildings,  or 
their  known  site,  the  monks  could  easily  retreat 
for  safety  to  themselves  and  the  valuable  goods 
of  the  church  till  the  enemy  had  left,  or  other 
succour  had  come  to  the  inmates'  relief.  The 
whole  building  is  such  as  bespeaks  a  stern  but 
passive  resistance,  and  when  the  cloictheach  was 


I 


EUBEIC 

burned  it  was  only  the  inner  flooring  that  was 
destroyed.  Its  use  as  a  bell-tower  appears  to  be 
secondary,  though  some  in  later  times  may  have 
been  specially  built  for  a  Campanile,  as  they 
may  also  have  been  for  other  purposes. 

(iii.)  As  to  the  age  to  which  they  belong, 
we  may  lay  aside  the  ante-Christian  views  of 
Cuthite  civilisation,  of  Eastern  fire-worship  and 
phallic  symbolism,  of  Druidical  rites,  and  celestial 
observations :  so  far  as  we  can  see,  they  were 
wholly  unfitted  for  these  purposes.  They  belong 
to  the  Christian  period,  and  their  erection  is  more 
or  less  traceable  from  the  Gth  (Reeves,  St.  Adam- 
nan,  215,  216  n.)  to  the  13th  century,  especially 
from  the  10th  to  the  12th.  There  appears  to  be 
no  reason  for  our  tracing  either  the  work  or  the 
design  to  the  Danes,  who  have  given  no  proof  of 
having  possessed  either  elsewhere  in  northern 
Eui-ope,  although  their  ravages  in  Ireland  may 
account  for  such  means  being  so  long  retained 
for  defence  and  safety.  The  clue  seems  all  but 
lost  to  the  origin  of  such  erections.  It  may  be 
that  they  are  the  remains  of  a  British  archi- 
tecture which  was  banished  from  Britain  by 
the  entrance  of  the  Saxons,  and  Petrie  (iiowut/ 
Towers,  367)  notices  their  resemblance  to  "  the 
most  ancient  military  towers  subsequent  to 
Koman  times  found  in  the  British  isles."  Waring 
(_St(me  Monuments,  &c.)  would  trace  them  to 
types  still  met  with  in  Sardinia  and  Southern 
Europe.  As  originally  built,  or  as  subsequently 
renewed,  they  uniformly  preserve  the  same 
general  features,  and  are  singularly  unlike  the 
oldest  round  tower  on  the  Continent — that  at 
St.  ApoUinare  ad  Classem,  Ravenna,  belonging 
to  the  6th  century.  They  are  sufficiently  ac- 
counted for  as  at  first  an  Irish  development  wliich 
suited  the  monastic  position  in  the  midst  of 
turbulent  tribes  and  piratical  invaders,  and  were 
persevered  in,  after  their  special  need  was  past, 
as  sacred  and  time-honoured  forms  of  ecclesias- 
tical architecture,  possibly  also  of  monastic 
precedence.  The  examples  in  Scotland  are  no 
doubt  owing  to  the  close  connexion  between 
the  Christianity  of  new  and  ancient  Scotia,  yet, 
strange  to  say,  the  towers  there  are  not  in  the 
Country  of  the  Scots  proper,  but  in  that  of  the 
Picts.     Compare  Towers. 

(iv.)  For  the  literature  of  the  Round  Towers  see 
Petrie,  The  Hound  lowers  of  Ireland;  Earl  of 
Dunraven,  Notes  on  Irish  Architecture,  ed.  by  M. 
Stokes  ;  Keane,  Towers  and  Temples  of  Ancient 
Ireland;  O'Brien,  Round  Towers  of  Ireland; 
Archaeologia,  i.  ii.  ix. ;  Fergusson,  Handbook  of 
Architecture ;  Lanigan,  Eccl.  Hist.  Ir. ;  Moore, 
Hist.  Ir. ;  Killen,  Eccl.  Hist.  Ir. ;  Vallancey, 
Coll.  de  lieh.  Hib. ;  Lynch,  Camh.  Evers. ;  Moly- 
neux,  Nat.  Hist.  Ir.;  Walsh,  ProsjJ.  State  of 
Ireland;  Ledwich,  Antiq.;  Froc.  Boy.  Ir.  Acad. 
vii. ;   Cumb.  Qu.  Mag.  iv.  [J-  C] 

KUBRIC.  Literally,  a  direction  or  remark 
written  in  red  letters.'  The  word  is  borrowed 
from  the  phraseology  of  old  Roman  law-books, 
in  which  the  titles,  remarks,  and  sometimes 
leading  decisions  were  written  in  red  ink. 


RUFUS 


1821 


Majorum  leg 


"  Perlege  rubras 
Fuv.  Sat.  xiv.  191. 


"  Dicant  cur  condita  sit  lex 
Bis  sex  in  tabuUs,  et  cur  rubrica  niiuetur.'' 

Prud.  contra  i'y'"-  '■•  ■*'^'*- 


In  the  same  way  the  regulations  for  the 
manner  of  performing  the  sacred  offices  of  the 
church  were  called  rubrics,  and  were  commonly 
written  in  red  characters  to  make  them  easily 
distinguishable  from  the  text  of  the  office  itself. 
Anciently  these  rubrics  were  collected  together, 
and  only  written  in  books  compiled  for  that 
purpose,  and  known  under  various  titles — 
Directory,  Ceremonial  (q.  v.),  Ritual,  Ordo 
(q.  v.).  The  oldest  MSS.  missals  and  early 
service-books  are  either  entirely  or  almost 
destitute  of  rubrics.  The  Sacramentary  of  Leo 
(483)  contains  no  rubrics.  The  first  book  of  the 
Gelasian  Sacramentary  (494)  contains  sixty- 
seven,  some  of  them  very  short;  the  second 
book  has  none  ;  the  third  book  has  nine.  The 
Gregorian  Sacramentary,  omitting  those  portions 
which  are  confessedly  of  a  much  later  date,  has 
twenty-six.  Of  the  ancient  offices  printed  in  the 
second  volume  of  Mabillon's  Museum  ItaUcuni, 
a  Gothic  Missal  of  the  9th  century  has  seven 
rubrics ;  a  Frankish  Missal  of  the  6th  century 
has  eight,  the  Canon  having  no  rubrics  at  all  ; 
an  uncial  Gallicau  Missal,  of  uncertain  anti- 
quity, has  six ;  a  Galilean  Sacramentary  of  the 
7th  century  has  eleven.  The  Stowe  Missal 
(Irish,  9th  cent.)  has  two  rubrics  in  the  ver- 
nacular. 

Burcard,  Master  of  the  Ceremonies  under 
Innocent  VIII.  and  Alexander  VI.,  at  the  close 
of  the  15th  century,  was  the  first  person  who 
published  together  the  order  and  the  ceremonial 
directions  of  the  Mass,  in  a  Pontifical  printed  at 
Rome,  1485,  and  in  a  Sacerdotale  published  a 
few  years  later  under  Leo  X.  The  obvious  con- 
venience of  such  a  course  outweighed  the  scruples 
which  were  felt  in  certain  quarters  about  pub- 
lishing before  the  laity,  directions  which  it  was 
only  necessary  for  the  clei-gy  to  know.  Such 
books  therefore  multiplied  rapidly;  but  it  is 
beyond  the  scope  of  this  work  to  trace  their 
various  editions,  together  with  the  changes  and 
modifications  which  the  Rubrics  have  from  time 
to  time  passed  through.  [F.  E.  W.] 

RUFINA  (1),  July  10  ;  commemorated  at 
Rome  ( Vet.  Rom.  Mart.,  Mart.  Hicron. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Jul.  iii.  28). 

(2)  July  19,  martyr  at  Seville  (Mart.  Usuard. ; 
Vet.  Rom.,  Notker.)."  [C.  H.] 

RUFINUS  (1),  Feb.  28,  martyr  (Mart. 
Usuard.). 

(2)  June  14,  martyr ;  commemorated  at 
Soissons  (3fart.  Usuard.  ;  Ilieron.,  Wandalb. ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jun.  ii.  795). 

(3)  June  21,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Syracuse  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon. ;  Vet.  Rom., 
Hieron.,  Wandalb.,  Notker.;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Jun.  iv.  73). 

(4)  Sept.  4,  youth  and  martyr ;  commemorated 
at  Ancyra  (Vet.  Rom.  Mart.;  Mart.  Hicrun.; 
Mart.  Notker. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sep.  ii.  2e>4).  ^^ 

RUFUS  (1),  April  19,  martyr  ;  comnu-mo- 
rated  at  Melitene  in  Armenia  (JA";<Lsuard.; 
Hieron.,  Syr.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Wandalb.,  Notker.). 

(2\  Aue.  1,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Phila- 
delphia in  Arabia  (Mart.  Usuard.;  Hieron., 
Notker.). 

(3)  Aug.  27,  patrician  an.l  martyr;  comme- 


1822 


EUGAE 


morated  at  Capua  {Mart.  Usuard.;  Hleron., 
Vet.  Rom.,  Wandalb. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  vi. 
16) ;  commemorated  inthe  Gelasiau  Sacramentarv 
on  this  day,  named  in  the  collect,  secreta,  anil 
post-communion. 

(4)  Nov.  21,  martyr;  mentioned  by  St.  Paul, 
Rom.  xvi.  13  {Mart.  Usuard.). 

(5)  Nov.  28,  martyr ;  commemorated  at 
Rome  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Vet.  Rom.). 

(6)  Dec.  18,  martyr;  commemorated  at 
Philippi  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Vet.  Rom.);  Dec.  17 
{Mart.  Wandalb.).  [C.  H.] 

RUGAE,  a  \vord  of  frequent  occurrence  in 
the  Ordo  RoDwnus,  as  well  as  in  the  Lives  of  the 
Pojies  under  the  name  of  Anastasius,  as  to  the 
meaning  of  which  there  has  been  some  con- 
siderable difference  of  opinion.  Caesar  Bul- 
linger,  looking  at  the  supposed  etymology  of  the 
word  and  not  at  the  jiassages  in  which  it  is 
found,  defined  "  rugae  "  to  be  streaks,  in  marble 
or  metal,  or  pipes  or  furrows  ("  canaliculos  et 
sulcos  ")  like  wrinkles,  or  wrinkled  and  streaked 
plates  of  precious  metals.  Ducange,  with  an 
equal  neglect  of  the  actual  use  of  the  word, 
strangely  connects  it  with  the  French  rue, 
and  explains  it  as  the  sacred  path  before  the 
presbytery,  "  via  in  aede  sacra  ante  presby- 
terium,"  by  which  the  pope  enters  when  about 
to  celebrate  Mass  {Descr.  Aed.  Sophian.  no.  73  ; 
Gloss,  sub  voc).  Mabillon,  by  a  comparison  of 
the  places  where  the  word  occurs  {Mus.  Jtal. 
tom.  ii. ;  Comment,  in  Ord.  Rom.  pp.  x.\i.  cxxxv.), 
has  clearly  demonstrated  that  by  "  rugae  "  are 
meant  the  metal  "cancelli"  or  screens  of  the 
more  sacred  parts  of  a  church,  with  their  doors 
and  gratings,  and  sometimes  the  lattice-work 
doors  alone.  In  the  larger  and  niore  sumptuous 
churches  they  were  often  made  of  silver  or  even 
of  gold.  The  presbytery  at  St.  Peter's  was 
fenced  in  with  silver  "  rugae,"  and  the  "  con- 
fessio  "  with  "  rugae  "  of  gold  (Anastas.  Steph.  IV. 
§  284;  Leo  III.  §  363).  Sergius  II.  set  up  six 
pairs  of  aurichalchum  {ibid.  §  492).  There  were 
greater  and  lesser  "rugae."  Leo  III,  erected 
twelve  "  rugae  majores "  before  the  "  secre- 
tarium  "  at  St.  Peter's  {ibid.  §  382).  The  larger 
were  of  very  considerable  weight.  Those  of  silver 
placed  by  Paschal  I.  before  the  vestibule  of  the 
altar  weighed  78  lbs.  {ibid.  §  447)  ;  those  erected 
by  the  same  pope  at  St.  JIaria  in  Domnica  60  lbs.  ; 
and  by  Leo  III.  at  St.  Andrew's  80  lbs.  {ibid.^  368). 
The  smaller  ones  were  called  "  rugulae."  The  "  ru- 
gulae,"  the  "  confessio  "  at  St.  Mary  Major's  set 
up  by  Paschal  I.,  were  of  pure  gold  {il>id.  §  447)  ; 
those  of  Leo  IV.  at  the  entrance  of  the  pres- 
bytery and  "  confessio  "  at  St.  Peter's,  with  the 
"  cancelli,"  of  silver :  "  rugulas  de  argento  fusiles 
cum  cancellis"  {ibid.  §  546).  According  to 
Mabillon,  "rugulae"  also  signified  the  grated  or 
latticed  window-openings  of  the  "  confessio," — 
"  fenestellae,"  or  "  cataractae," — by  which  the 
sacred  tomb  might  be  seen,  and  handkerchiefs  or 
napkins  [Brandea]  pushed  through  to  touch  it 
[Traxsenna]. 

The  entrance  of  the  "  rugae  "  was  kept  by 
acolytes  ("acolythi  qui  rugam  conservant," 
Ord.  Roman.).  At  ordinations  the  person  to  be 
ordained  deacon  stood  "  ante  rugas  altaris  "  {ibid. 
viii.  3),  and  when  ordained  priest  was  taken  out- 
side the  "  rugae,"  "  foras  ruga  saltans  "  {ibid.  4). 


SABBATH 

(Mabillon,  u.  s.  p.  cxxxvii.  p.  85.)  On  Ash- 
Wednesday  the  pope's  chamberlain  left  the 
chancel  and  passed  through  the  "  rugae "  to 
distribute  the  ashes,  and  on  Candlemas  Day  the 
pope  went  to  them  to  distj'ibute  the  tapers. 
On  Palm  Sunday  the  branches  and  leaves  were 
thrown  to  the  people  through  the  apertures, 
"  per  foramina  rugarum  "  (Mabillon,  ti.  s.  p. 
cxxxvii.  ;  Ciampini,  c.  xiv.  de  Azymo).     [E.  V.] 

EURAL  DEAN.     [Decanus  II.  p.  537.] 

RUSTICUS  (1),  Aug.  9,  martyr;  comme- 
morated in  the  East  {Mart.  Flor. ;  Micron., 
Notker.). 

(2)  Aug.  17,  subdeacon  and  martyr;  com- 
memorated in  Africa  {Mart.  Usuard. ;  Vet.  Rom. 
Notker.). 

(3)  Oct.  9,  presbyter  and  martyr;  comme- 
morated at  Paris  {21art.   Usuard.,  Bed. ;  Jlieron.) 

(4)  Oct.  26,  bishop  and  confessor ;  comme- 
morated at  Narboune  {Mart.  Usuard.). 

[C.  H.] 


s 


SABALLUM,  SABH  ALL,  SAUL,  SAVAL 

(Zabullum),  Irish  name  for  a  church  of  peculiar 
orientation,  usually  north  and  south.  It  origi- 
nated in  the  tradition  (as  presented  in  an  ancient 
Life  of  St.  Patrick  quoted  by  Ussher,  Brit.  EccL 
A7it.  c.  17,  Works  vi.  406,  and  in  the  Lives  of 
the  same  prelate  published  by  Colgan,  Tr.  Tkaum. 
pp.  23,  72,  124),  that  the  barn  of  Dichu,  his 
first  disciple  in  Down,  was  the  model  of  his  first 
church,  built  in  the  field  with  which  Dichu  pre- 
sented him,  or  perhaps  was  the  church  itself.'  It 
gave  its  name  to  the  parish  of  Saul,  co.  Down, 
and,  standing  north  and  south,  was  adopted  as 
the  epynomus  of  all  churches  which  deviated  to 
a  marked  extent  from  the  usual  Eastern  orienta- 
tion. (Reeves,  Eccl.  Ant.  40,  220  sq. ;  Todd,  St. 
Patrick,  344,  409  sq. ;  Petrie,  Round  Towers, 
148  sq. ;   Lanigan,  EccL  Hist.  Ir.  i.  212  sq.) 

[J.  G.] 
SABAS  (1),  Apr.   15,  Gothic  martyr  under 
Athanaric  in  the  reign  of  Valentinian  (Basil. 
MenoL);  Apr.  18  {Menol.  Graec.  Sirlet.). 

(2)  Apr.  25,  martyr,  officer  of  Gothic  race  at 
Rome  in  the  reign  of  Aurelian  (Basil.  Menol.) ; 
Apr.  24  {Menol.  Graec.  Sirlet.;  Mart.  Rom.-. 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Apr.  iii.  261). 

(3)  Aug.  27,  presbyter,  martyr  with  Alex- 
ander {Syr.  Mart.). 

(4)  Dec.  5,  Cappadocian  monk,  6  T)y laajxivos, 
"  our  father,"  in  the  reign  of  Theodos.  II.  founder 
of  monasteries  (Basil.  Menol;  Menol.  Graec. 
Sirlet.).  [c.  H.] 

SABBATH.  It  will  be  the  object  of  this 
article  to  give  a  brief  sketch  of  the  views  taken 
in  the  earlier  ages  of  Christianity  of  the  Sabbath 
of  the  Jewish  law,  and  of  the  degree  and  cha- 
racter of  observance  which  has  been  attached  to 
it  in  different  ages  and  different  branches  of  the 
Christian  church— in  fact,  to  take  up  the  subject 


Ul  HE) 

I  £ 

I  ^ 

*'•     Gioiti 
t,«jtk 


SABBATH 

very  much  where  it  is  left  by  the  article  Sab- 
I5ATU  in  the  Dictionary  of  the  Bible. 

In  relation  to  modern  ideas,  ascribing  a  sabba- 
tical character  to  the  Lord's  Day,  it  is  only  neces- 
sary to  refer  here  very  briefly  to  what  has  been 
more  fully  shewn  elsewhere,  that  the  notion  of 
a  formal  substitution  by  apostolic  authority  of 
the  Lord's  Day  for  the  Jewish  Sabbath,  and  tha 
transference  to  it,  perhaps  in  a  spiritualized 
form,  of  the  sabbatical  obligation  established  by 
the  promulgation  of  the  Fourth  Commandment, 
has  no  basis  whatever,  either  in  Holy  Scripture 
or  in  Christian  antiquity. 

The  Sabbath  is  invariably  regarded  as  repre- 
sentative of  the  rigid  Law,  which  has  passed 
away  ;  the  Lord's  Day  of  the  freedom  of  the 
Gospel,  which  remains  for  ever.  The  ideas 
symbolized  by  the  two  days  are  constantly 
distinguished,  not  unfrequently  contrasted. 
It  is  true  that  the  Lord's  Day,  becoming  the 
great  weekly  festival  of  jChristianity,  assumed 
something  like  the  place  of  the  Sabbath  in  the 
Jewish  system,  and  demanded  for  its  higher 
purposes  of  worship,  joy,  and  thanksgiving,  some 
measure  of  that  rest  from  work  so  emphatically 
characteristic  of  the  Sabbath.  But  the  idea 
afterwards  embodied  in  the  title  of  the  "  Chris- 
tian Sabbath,"  and  carried  out  in  ordinances  of 
Judaic  rigour,  was,  so  far  as  we  can  see,  entirely 
unknown  in  the  early  centuries  of  Christianity. 

For  the  proofs  of  this  assertion  see  Lord's 
Day.  In  the  present  article  the  reference  is 
throughout  to  the  true  Sabbath  (or  Saturday) 
as  distinguished  from  the  Lord's  Day  ;  and  to 
the  extent  of  its  survival  in  the  observance  of 
the  Christian  church. 

(I.)  It  is  of  course  clear  from  the  New  Testa- 
ment that — as  from  the  nature  of  the  case  we 
might  have  expected — the  obligation  to  observe 
the  Sabbath  according  to  the  Jewish  law  was 
never  in  any  sense  binding  on  Christians  as 
Christians.  St.  Paul's  words  are  absolutely 
decisive  (Col.  ii.  16,  17),  "  Let  no  man  judge  you 
in  meat  or  in  drink  ;  or  in  respect  of  an  holy 
day,  or  of  the  new  moon,  or  of  the  Sabbath  days  : 
which  are  a  shadow  of  things  to  come;  but  the 
body  is  of  Christ."  These  words,  written  to  the 
Colossians,  in  reference  to  the  strange  half- 
Gnostic  (and  perhaps  Essenic)  development  which 
was  the  last  form  of  Judaism,  are,  indeed,  simply 
a  clearer  and  more  definite  enforcement  of  the 
rebuke  of  the  observation  of  "  days  and  months 
and  times  and  years,"  addressed  to  the  earlier 
Pharisaic  Judaism  of  Galatia  (Gal.  iv.  10). 

How  they  were  understood  in  the  early  church 
(in  opposition  to  such  Judaism  as  that  of  Cerin- 
thus,  who  is  expressly  declared  to  have  enforced 
the  observation  of  the  Sabbath)  is  shewn  by  the 
celebrated  antithesis,  ^uij/ceTi  ffa^^aTi^ouTis  aWa 
Kara  KvpiaKT]v  C^^vTes  ("  no  longer  keeping  the 
Sabbath,  but  living  in  the  spirit  of  the  Lord's 
Day"),  in  Ignatius  (ad  Magn.  ix.).'  If  there 
was  no  transference  of  the  sabbatical  obligation 
to  the  Lord's  Day — which,  perhaps,  might  have 
been  not  unnatural,  provided  that  Our  Lord's 
teaching  as  to  its  nature  was  taken  as  a  guide — 
much  less  could  the  Jewish  Sabbath,  as  such,  be 
considered  as  having  any  claim  on  the  universal 
observance  of  Christians.  St.  Augustine's  remarks 
on  this  matter  may  be  taken  as  a  fair  type  of  the 
general  teaching  of  the  early  cliurch.  He  ex- 
pressly distinguishes  the  Fourth  Commandment 


SABBATH 


1823 


from  the  rest,  as  being  observed  figurativelv  or 
in  idea,  not  literally  or  in  formal  rule.  For'  the 
Christian  he  recognises  two  kinds  of  sabbatical 
rest :  first,  a  rest  from  the  "old  works  "  in  this 
life  ;  next,  an  eternal  rest  in  heaven — the  (to.^- 
^aTKrix6s  which,  according  to  the  Epistle  to  the 
Hebrews  (Heb.  iv.  9),  "  remaineth  for  the  people 
of  God."  *  See  Augustine,  dc  Gcnesi  ad  Litteram, 
book  iv.  (vol.  iii.  208),  and  Hpist.  ad  Jamiarkuii 
(vol.  ii.  20o).  The  Sabbath,  whatever  may  be 
decided  ou  the  controversy  as  to  the  existence 
of  a  patriarchal  Sabbath,  had  become  part  and 
parcel  of  the  Jewish  law.  Like  circumcision 
and  distinctions  of  meats,  it  had  served  its  pur- 
pose as  typical  and  preparatory.  Kow  it  had 
passed  away. 

(II.)  But  while  the  Jewish  Sabbath  could 
form  no  part  of  Christianity  as  such,  yet,  like 
other  parts  of  the  Mosaic  law,  it  would  endure 
in  the  actual  practice  of  the  Jewish  Christians  ; 
in  accordance  with  the  apostolic  principle,  "Is 
any  man  called  being  circumcised  ?  let  him  not 
become  uncircumcised  "  (1  Cor.  vii.  18),  and  the 
apostolic  practice  of  St.  Paul  in  his  own  case 
(Acts  six.  18,  xxi.  24)  and  in  the  case  of  Timothy 
(Acts  xvi.  3).  We  can  hardly  doubt  that  in  tlie 
earliest  days  of  the  church  the  Christians,  ju.st 
as  they  were  "  daily  in  the  Temple,"  so  also  kept 
the  Sabbath  with  their  Jewish  brethren  ;  while 
at  the  same  time  "  they  broke  the  bread  at 
home,"  and,  in  this  most  solemn  way  as  in  others, 
kept  the  Lord's  Day  among  their  fellow-Chris- 
tians. So  long  as  Jewish  Christianity  lasted  as 
a  distinct  phase,  co-existing  rather  than  coinci- 
dent with  the  Christianity  of  the  Gentiles,  it 
would  indeed  view  the  Sabbath  obligation  under 
the  light  of  Our  Lord's  teaching,  in  the  spirit  as 
distinguished  from  the  letter,  and  with  the  limi- 
tations and  mitigations  which  He  assigned  to  it. 
But  still  it  would  preserve  substantially  the  old 
sabbatical  observance  ;  while,  at  the  same  time, 
the  new  and  greater  sacredness  of  the  peculiarly 
Christian  ordinance  of  the  Lord's  Day  would,  in 
the  first  instance,  coexist  with  it,  and  afterwards 
in  all  probability  throw  it  into  the  shade.  Now 
after  no  long  period  of  existence  Jewish  Chris- 
tianity, as  such,  gividually  died  out,  especially 
after  the  fall  of  Jerusalem,  destroying  with  the 
Temple  the  system  of  Judaic  observance  ;  when 
even  the  church  of  the  holy  city  itself  became 
in  great  degree  a  Gentile  church,  and  a  growing 
antagonism  established  itself  between  Judaism 
and  Christianity.  Henceforward,  so  far  as  sab- 
batical observance  retained  its  strict  Judaic 
form,  and  imposed  itself  as  of  universal 
obligation,  it  would  be  looked  upon  with  sus- 
picion. The  Ebionites  are  spoken  of  by  Eusebius 
(^Eccl.  Hist.  iii.  27)  as  being  half  Jewish  in  the 
observance  of  the  Sabbath,  while  they  were  half 
Christian  in  the  observance  of  the  Lord's  Day. 
The  council  of  Laodicea  (a.D.  363)  anathematizes 
as  Judaizers  "  those  who  abstain  from  labour  on 
the  Sabbath,"  bidding  them  "honour  rathi-r  the 
Lord's  Dav,  and,  if  possible,  abstain  from  labour 


»  It  is  hardly  necessary  to  refer  to  the  extraordinary 
interpretation,  noticed  in  tlie  article  Sahhatu  in  tlio 
Dictionary  of  the  JiibU,  which,  against  the  whole 
context  (as,  indeed,  against  the  whole  tone  of  Now  Tes- 
tament teaching),  actually  transforms  this  passage  nito 
an  autliority  for  quasi-sabbaticol  observance,  as  a  law  of 
the  Christian  church. 


1824 


SABBATH 


on  it  as  Christians"  (ov  du  Xpiimavohs  'louSa- 
ifejf  /cat  tv  T^  (raj3/3aT(jD  crxoAa^eij/  ....  ttji/ 
5e  KvpiaK^v  TrporifMwvTas  e^  ye  Svvatvro  a'xoAafeii' 
(is  XpicTTiavoi).  The  enactment  is  important, 
not  only  in  its  attachment  of  the  obligation  of 
rest  to  the  Lord's  Day,  but  as  shewing  a  formal 
antagonism  to  strict  observance  of  the  Sabbath 
as  a  (lay  of  rest,  on  the  ground  of  its  essentially 
Judaistic  significance.  Whatever  the  Sabbath 
was  in  the  church,  it  was  to  be  something  wholly 
unlike  this.  Much  in  the  same  spirit  the  Pseudo- 
Ignatius  (^ad  Magn.  9)  distinguishes  between  the 
Jewish  and  Christian  idea  of  sabbatical  observ- 
ance. "  Let  us  not  keep  the  Sabbath  day  after 
the  Jewish  manner,  rejoicing  in  idleness,  .... 
but  spiritually,  rejoicing  in  the  meditation  of  the 
law,  not  in  the  rest  of  the  body,  admiring 
the  workmanship  of  God ; "  and  moreover 
infers  that  the  keeping  of  the  Sabbath  was 
a  preparation  for  the  greater  sacredness  of  "  the 
Lord's  Day,  the  day  of  the  Resurrection,  the 
royal  festival,  the  highest  of  all  days "  (yuer^ 
Se  rh  (TafiPaTi(Tat  eopTa^eVo)  Tray  <pi\6xp^ffTos 
rrju  KvpiOK^y,  tt/i'  o.vaffTacnixov,  Tr]v  ^acriKiSa, 
T-ilv  vvd.Tr]v  tSiv  ■Kaaojv  rj^epwv^.  But  while  the 
formal  sabbatical  obligation  was  thus  repudiated, 
as  purely  Judaistic,  we  find  that  in  the  Eastern 
church  a  distinct  observance  of  the  Sabbath 
remained,  and  remained  so  far  in  accordance  with 
the  old  Jewish  idea  that  (with  one  notable  ex- 
ception) it  was  always  a  festal  observance. 

This  is  brought  out  most  strikingly  in  the 
Apostolical  Constitutions,  in  which  the  Sabbath 
and  the  Lord's  Day  are  treated  almost  as  co- 
ordinate. Thus  (in  ii.  59,  1)  Christians  are 
exhorted  "  on  the  Sabbath  Day,  and  the  day  of 
the  Lord's  Resurrection,  the  Lord's  Day,  to 
gather  together  with  special  earnestness,  send- 
ing up  praise  to  God,  Who  made  all  things  by 
Jesus  Christ,  and  Who  sent  Him  to  us,  and  de- 
livered Him  to  sufter,  and  raised  Him  from  the 
dead."  The  different  consecrations  of  the  two 
days  are  still  more  clearly  marked  in  vii.  23,  2 : 
"  Keep  the  Sabbath  and  the  Lord's  Day  as  feasts  ; 
for  the  one  is  the  memorial  of  the  Creation,  the 
other  of  the  Resurrection "  (rb  /j-ev  Byifj-iovpyias 
karlv  {nroixpTiixa,  7\  Se  avaarad^ws).  In  vii.  30, 
1,  2,  there  is  an  elaborate  and  beautiful  prayer, 
bringing  out  the  sacredness  of  the  Sabbath : 
"  0  Almighty  Lord,  who  didst  create  the  world 
through  Christ,  and  didst  ordain  the  Sabbath  as 
a  memorial  of  creation,  because  in  it  Thou  didst 
rest  from  Thy  work  ....  Thou,  0  Lord, 
didst  bring  our  fathers  oiit  of  Egypt  ....  and 
didst  give  them  the  Law  or  Decalogue,  spoken 
with  Thy  voice  and  written  with  Thy  hand.  .  .  . 
Thou  didst  command  them  to  keep  the  Sabbath, 
not  giving  in  this  an  excuse  for  idleness,  but  an 
occasion     for    godliness "    (oh    TrpSfpacriv    apylas 

SiSovs,    aW'  acpopixiiv  ehffe^eias) "  For 

the  Sabbath  is  the  rest  from  creation,  the  com- 
pletion of  the  world,  the  seeking  out  of  Law, 
the  praise  of  thanksgiving  to  God  for  all  that 
He  gave  to  men."  The  same  passage  goes  on  to 
speak  also  of  the  peculiar  and  yet  higher  con- 
secration of  the  Lord's  Day.  In  viii.  33,  1,  we 
have  a  command  (in  the  names  of  St.  Peter  and 
St.  Paul):  "Let  the  servants  work  five  days; 
on  the  Sabbath  and  the  Lord's  Day  let  them  be 
free  from  labour  in  the  church,  with  a  view  to 
the  teaching  of  godliness."  Whatever  opinion  we 
may  form   as  to  the  genuineness  and  authority 


SABBATH 

of  these  Constitutions  (on  which  see  APOSTO- 
LiCAL  Constitutions),  it  is  at  least  clear  that 
they  represent  to  a  very  considerable  extent  the 
traditions  of  the  Eastern  church  in  the  3rd  and 
4th  centuries.  Thus  the  very  Council  of  Lao- 
dicea,  so  sternly  condemnatory  of  Judaizing 
Sabbatarianism,  yet  in  its  forty-ninth  and  fifty- 
first  canons  marks  out  "  the  Sabbath  and  the 
Lord's  Day "  as  days  to  be  observed  festally 
even  during  the  fast  of  Lent.  Everywhere  the 
festal  observance  is  very  strikingly  marked,  and 
we  note  that  the  consecration  of  the  Sabbath  by 
the  rest  of  the  Creator  is  brought  home  to 
Christians  by  a  constant  reference  to  the  creation 
as  having  been  wrought  "  through  Jesus  Christ." 
From  a  canon  (No.  16)  of  the  Council  of  Laodicea, 
and  from  a  passage  in  Socrates'  Ecclesiastical 
History  (vi.  8),  it  appears  that  on  the  Sabbath 
as  well  as  the  Lord's  Day  there  were  solemn 
assemblies  for  worship ;  and  Gregory  of  Nyssa, 
upbraiding  those  who  neglected  the  Sabbath 
assembly,  asks,  "  With  what  face  wilt  thou  dare 
to  behold  the  Lord's  Day,  if  thou  hast  despised 
the  Sabbath?"  "  for "  (he  adds)  "they  are 
sister  days."  Accordingly  in  the  Apostolical 
Canons  (Canon  Q^)  it  is  laid  down,  that  "if  any 
cleric  be  found  fasting  on  the  Lord's  Day  or  the 
Sabbath,  except  the  one  (Easter  Eve)  alone,  let 
him  be  deposed  ;  if  any  laic,  let  him  be  excom- 
municated." The  prohibition  of  this  canon  is 
illustrated  by  the  extravagant  declaration  of 
the  Pseudo-Ignatius,  that  "if  any  one  fasts  on 
the  Lord's  Day  or  the  Sabbath,  he  is  a  murderer 
of  Christ  "  (X/jiffTOKTJfox  iffri).  We  may  notice 
that  this  canon  is  appealed  to  in  the  "  Trullan  " 
(or  "  Quinisextine  ")  Council,  held  at  Constan- 
tinople in  A.D.  685,  in  opposition  to  a  custom  at 
Rome  of  fasting  on  the  Sabbaths  in  Lent,  and  it 
is  decreed  that  over  the  Roman  church  also  it 
should  "  most  firmly  prevail  "  {a-rrapaa-aKevrus 
Kpareiv).  From  a  well-known  passage  in  Epi- 
phanius  (cidv.  Haer.  Book  I.  Tom.  III.  vol.  i.  p. 
304),  we  may  conjecture  that  a  special  em- 
phasis was  given  to  the  festal  observance  of  the 
Sabbath  by  opposition  to  the  heresy  of  Marcion, 
who  is  said  to  have  bidden  his  followers  fast  on 
the  Sabbath  to  signify  their  "  repudiation  of  the 
God  of  the  Jews  "  (Jva  /utj  rh  KaQrfKov  rod  Qeou 
tS)v  'lovSaiwv  ipya(cifj.e6a).  But,  however  this 
may  be,  it  is  clear  that  a  reverence  was  paid  in 
the  Eastern  church  to  the  Sabbath  festival,  only 
second,  though  of  course  markedly  second,  to  the 
higher  sacredness  of  the  Lord's  Day. 

Nor  was  this  festal  observance  confined  to  the 
Eastern  church.  The  practice  of  fasting  on  the 
Sabbath  in  the  Roman  church  is  noticed  by  Ter- 
tullian,  and  condemned  on  the  ground  that  only 
on  the  Great  Sabbath  should  men  fast  (Be 
Jejmiiis.  c.  xiv.) ;  but  he  seems  to  indicate  that 
the  practice  was  not  invariable,  and  that  it  arose 
from  a  continuation  of  the  Friday's  fiist  ("  cur 
jejuniis  parasceven  dicamus  ?  quanquam  vos 
etiam  Sabbatum,  si  quando  continuatis — nun- 
quam  nisi  in  pascha  jejunandum,  secundum 
rationem  alibi  redditam ").  The  Montanists 
(he  says)  excepted  both  the  Sabbath  and  the 
Lord's  Day  from  their  solemn  fast  weeks  (c.  xv.), 
in  this  respect  distinctly  following  the  ancient 
Eastern  usage.  In  another  place,  speaking  of 
our  Lord's  defence  of  His  disciples  for  plucking 
and  eating  the  ears  of  corn  on  the  Sabbath,  he 
declares  that  "  He  remembered  the  privilege — 


SABBATH 

of  exemption  from  fasting — assigned  to  tlio 
Sabbath  from  the  beginning ;  "  alludes  to  the 
double  gift  of  ninnna  on  the  Friday  to  preserve 
the  Sabbath  from  the  necessity  of  fasting  ;  and 
finally  declares,  with  characteristic  vehemence, 
that  "  it  would  have  destroyed  the  Sabbath,  and 
.  even  the  Creator  Himseli",  if  He  had  commanded 
His  disciples  to  fast,  against  the  declaration  of 
Scripture  and  the  will  of  the  Creator  "  (Adv. 
Marc.  Book  iv.  c.  12).  It  is  true  that  he  is 
throughout  speaking  of  Jewish  observance  ;  but 
such  language  would  hardly  have  been  used 
without  qualification,  had  he  not  held  strong 
opinions  as  to  the  continuance  of  this  festal 
character  of  the  Sabbath.  This  conflict  of  usage 
coiitinued  long  in  the  Western  church :  for 
from  the  well-known  Epistle  of  St.  Augustine 
to  Casulanus,  we  find  that  the  sabbatical  fast 
was  observed  in  his  time  only  in  the  church  of 
Rome,  and  a  few  other  Westei-n  churches,  the 
majority  of  Western  churches  in  this  point  still 
agreeing  with  the  East.  Even  at  Milan,  in  the 
days  of  St.  Ambrose,  the  Eastern  usage  pre- 
vailed ;  and  when  St.  Augustine,  at  the  request 
of  his  mother  Monica,  put  the  question  of  the 
method  of  observance  of  the  day  as  a  case  of 
conscience  to  St.  Ambrose,  he  treated  it  simply 
as  a  matter  of  the  ordinance  of  this  or 
that  church,  and  added,  that  while  he  never 
fasted  on  tlie  Sabbath  day  in  Milan,  he  did  fast 
if  he  was  at  Rome.  So  entirely  was  this  prin- 
ciple carried  out,  that,  even  in  Africa  in  St. 
Augustine's  time,  some  churches  fasted  on  the 
Sabbath  while  others  feasted.  (See  Epist.  to 
Casulanus,  vol.  ii.  pp.  101-121,  Ben.  ed.  Paris 
1836  ;  and  for  a  similar  statement  of  the  variety 
of  practice  and  of  the  intrinsic  indifference  of 
the  question  at  issue,  compare  Epist.  to  St. 
Jerome,  sect.  14,  vol.  ii.  p.  291.) 

(HI.)  The  origin  of  the  fasting  observance  was 
probably  to  be  traced  (as  Tertullian  hints)  to  a 
continuation  of  the  fast  of  the  Friday.  Yictorinus 
(a.d.  270-303)  confirms  Tertullian's  statement 
on  this  point  with  a  significant  addition.  Speak- 
ing of  the  Saturday,  he  says  (De  Fahricd  Mundi), 
"  Hoc  die  solemus  superponere :  idcirco  ut  die 
dominico  cum  gratiarum  actione  ad  panem  ex- 
eamus  .  .  .  .  ne  quid  cum  Judaeis  Sabbatum  ob- 
servare  videamur  "  (see  Probst,  sect.  54,  p.  261). 
As  this  festal  observance  of  the  Sabbath  was 
natural  in  the  Christian  church,  wherever 
Jewish  influence  had  at  any  time  induced  a 
survival  of  the  old  Jewish  feast,  so,  on  the  other 
hand,  where  no  such  associations  had  power,  and 
where  the  Saturday  was  regarded  either  from  a 
purely  Christian  point  of  view,  or  in  antagonism 
to  Jewish  practice,  the  contrary  observance  of 
it  as  a  fast  might  very  naturally  arise.  The 
Lord's  Day  was  the  great  Christian  festival; 
the  Saturday  would  be  treated,  in  continuity 
with  the  Friday,  as  a  vigil  of  preparation,  and 
to  such  vigils  fasting  was  appropriate.  But 
there  was  a  far  more  powerful  reason  for  this 
fasting  usage  in  the  special  hallowing  of  what 
was  called  the  "  Great  Sabbath  " — i.e.  the  Easter 
Eve.  Even  in  the  Eastern  church,  where  the 
Sabbath  was  observed  festally,  this  was  re- 
garded as  a  strict  fast,  in  some  sense  the  most 
solemn  fast  of  the  year.  Thus  in  the  Apostolical 
Constitutions  we  are  told,  that  whereas  other 
Sabbaths  were  festal,  so  marking  the  rest  from 
Creation,  this  is  to  be  a  fast,  because  on  it  "  the 


SABBATH 


1825 


Creator  was  still  beneath  the  earth  "  (v.  15,  1)  • 
and  that  as  a  fast  it  is  to  be  regarded  as  of 
stricter  obligation  than  Good  Friday  itself. 
"  The  Friday  and  the  Sabbath  keep  as  an  abso- 
lute fast,  so  far  as  strength  allows;  ...  but  if 
anyone  is  unable  to  keep  the  two  days  conti- 
nuously, let  him  at  any  rate  keep  the  Sabbath. 
For  in  a  certain  place  the  Lord,  speaking  of 
Himself,  says,  '  When  the  bridegroom  shall  have 
been  taken  from  them,  then  shall  they  fast  in 
those  days'"  (v.  18,  2).  The  nature  of  the 
observation  of  this  sacred  fest  day  is  emphati- 
cally described  :  "  From  evening  till  cock-crow 
gather  together  in  the  church  and  watch,  pray- 
ing with  all  supplication  to  God  in  your  night- 
long vigil,  reading  the  law,  the  prophets,  "and 
the  psalms,  till  the  crowing  of  the  cocks ;  and 
then,  having  baptized  your  catechumens,  and  read 
the  gospel  in  fear  and  trembling,  and  spoken  to- 
the  people  the  things  concerning  salvation,  cease- 
from  your  mourning  and  pray  God  that  Israel 
may  be  converted,  and  find  a  place  for  repent- 
ance and  remission  of  their  ungodliness."  In 
the  Eastern  church,  indeed,  this  usage  was  con- 
fined to  Easter  Eve ;  but  in  the  church  of  Rome^ 
and  some  other  churches  of  the  East  and  West,, 
just  as  all  Fridaysfin  the  year  took  the  colour  of 
their  observance  from  Good  Friday,  so  all  the 
Sabbaths  of  the  year  might  reasonably  be  kept 
as  fasts,  in  imitation  of  the  fast  of  the  Great 
Sabbath  of  Easter  Eve. 

To  this  natural  inference  would  be  added  also 
the  effect  of  antagonism  to  Jewish  observance 
as  such.  We  find  that  both  in  the  East  and  the 
West,  the  Jewish  Sabbath  was,  or  was  thought 
to  be,  kept  as  a  day  of  violent  excess  ;  from 
which  was  derived  the  common  phrase  of  the 
hixus  Sabbatarius,  and  (as  some  think)  even  the 
use  of  the  word  "  Sabbat "  for  the  unholy 
revelry  of  witches  and  evil  spirits.  Bingham 
(Book  XX.  c.  ii.  4)  quotes  passages  to  this  effect 
from  St.  Chrysostom,  St.  Augustine,  and  others. 
St.  Chrysostom  (Hom.  i.  de  Lazaro)  declares 
that  the  Jews  used  their  release  from  secular 
work  not  "  for  spiritual  things,  sobriety  and 
modesty,  and  the  hearing  the  word  of  God,"  but 
in  serving  their  bellies  and  drunkenness,  gorging, 
and  revelry  QyaffTpi^ofxivot,  ixeOvovres,  Siap- 
priyyv/xeyot,  rpvcpwvres).  St.  Augustine  (Ps. 
xci.  sect.  2,  vol.  iv.  p.  1403)  similarly  accuses 
the  Jews  of  "  keeping  the  Sabbath  with  a  mere 
bodily  rest,  lazy,  dissolute,  luxurious."  "  Our 
rest "  (he  adds)  "  is  for  evil  works,  theirs  for 
good  works.  It  is  better  to  plough  than  to 
dance.  .  .  .  Many  rest  in  body,  and  are  turbu- 
lent in  soul.  .  .  .  That  which  is  hymned  in  the 
Psalm  is  the  condition  of  the  Christian  in  the 
Sabbath  of  the  heart,  in  the  rest,  the  tranquillity, 
the  serenity  of  conscience."  Such  Sabbaths  were 
(as  Theodoret  and  Cyril  of  Alexandria  insist  in 
commenting  upon  Amos  vi.  3)  the  (rdfi^aTa 
tpevSrj  of  the  prophets,  against  which  every  Chris- 
tian man  should  protest.  What  would  be  more 
natural  than  that  such  a  protest  should  be  made 
by  the  sobriety  and  mournfulness  of  a  fast  ? 

We  gather  from  the  Ei)istle  of  St.  Augustine 
to  Casulanus,  quoted  above,  that  in  his  days  the 
Roman  church,  with  characteristic  imperious- 
ness  and  intolerance,  urged  the  Sabbath  fast 
in  marked  antagonism  to  all  Jewish  observance, 
as  a  matter  of  absolute  oliligation ;  insisting 
that  they  who  neglect  it  "  are  still  in  the  llesli. 


1826 


SABBATH 


find  cannot  please  God  ;  .  .  .  lovers  of  their 
telly,  preferring  Judaism  to  the  church,  and 
becoming  children  of  the  bondwoman."  "If" 
(says  the  champion  of  their  cause)  "  the  Jew  by 
keeping  the  Sabbath  denies  the  Lord's  Day, 
how  shall  a  Christian  keep  the  Sabbath  ?  Either 
let  us  be  Christians  and  keep  the  Lord's  Day,  or 
let  us  be  Jews  and  keep  the  Sabbath."  St. 
Augustine,  indignantly  rejecting  this  imperious 
intolerance,  and  laying  down  the  principle  of 
simple  accordance  on  this  matter  to  the  custom 
of  each  church,  has  a  curious  passage  on  "  the 
Great  Sabbath  "  and  its  effect  on  the  general 
observance  of  the  Sabbaths  of  the  year.  "On 
that  day  "  (he  says)  "  the  flesh  of  Christ  rested 
in  the  grave,  as  God  rested  on  that  day  from  all 
the  works  of  His  creation.  Hence  arose  that 
variety  .  .  .  that  some,  as  especially  the  j)eoples 
of  the  East,  on  account  of  His  rest  prefer  to 
relax  the  fast ;  others,  like  the  Roman  church  and 
some  other  churches  of  the  West,  on  account  of 
the  humiliation  of  the  death  of  the  Lord,"  and 
(as  he  adds  below)  "  the  gi-ief  of  the  disciples," 
"  prefer  to  fast  "  (sect.  31).  But  looking  at  the 
question  in  the  abstract,  without  recognising 
anv  survival  of  the  old  Jewish  feast,  it  would 
certainly  seem  that  the  Roman  practice  might 
be  better  supported  in  argument ;  and  when  to  it* 
reasonableness  was  added  the  effect  of  a  strong 
anti-Judaic  feeling,  and  the  influence  of  the 
Roman  church,  which  was  soon  to  become  far 
greater  and  more  imperiousthan  in  St.  Augustine's 
time,  it  is  not  surprising  that  it  should  have 
prevailed  over  the  more  ancient  practice. 

At  a  later  period  we  find  Gregory  the  Great 
laying  it  down  with  authority,  that  to  "  cause 
the  Sabbath  to  be  kept  from  work  "  is  a  mark 
of  Judaizing  and  a  "  sign  of  Antichrist ;  "  and  we 
note  that  in  his  whole  treatment  of  a  tendency  to 
sabbatize  the  Lord's  Day  (see  Lord's  Day,  p. 
1051),  he  seems  to  ignore  altogether  any  special 
celebration  of  the  Saturday  as  a  Sabbath, 
whether  as  fast  or  festival.  This  silence  is  pro- 
bably significant  of  a  change  passing  over 
Western  usage  altogether :  fur,  so  far  as  we 
can  judge,  the  special  observance  of  the  Sabbath 
there  gradually  died  out.  The  fasting  observ- 
ance having  prevailed  against  the  festal,  was 
itself  naturally  overshadowed  by  the  Friday 
fast.  At  present,  while  all  Fridays  in  the  year 
(except  Christmas  Day)  are  fasts,  there  is  no 
trace  of  the  Saturday  fast,  except  in  the  vigils  of 
Easter  Day  and  Whitsun  Day,  and  the  Saturdays 
of  the  Ember  weeks. 

In  the  Eastern  church  the  festal  observance 
remained  far  longer,  and,  indeed,  is  distinctly 
traceable  at  the  present  day.  The  canonists 
Zonaras,  Balsamon,  and  Aristenus,  representing 
the  tradition  of  the  12th  century,  all  speak  of 
the  Apostolic  Canon  as  still  observed  and  bind- 
ing. We  have  a  consultation  of  Nicolaus  of 
Constantinople,  about  the  same  time,  as  to  the 
question  of  standing  in  prayer  on  the  Sabbath, 
as  well  as  the  Lord's  Day  ;  and  his  answer  is 
that  "  to  bend  the  knee  on  the  Sabbath  is  not 
forbidden  by  the  canon ;  but  that  men  generally 
(o:  TToWot),  because  they  do  not  follow  the 
practice  of  fasting  on  the  Sabbath,  refrain  also 
from  bending  the  knee."  Of  this  significant 
Eastern  usage  we  have  again  a  slight  trace  in 
the  West  in  the  Montanist  body.  Tertullian 
(de  Oratione,  c.  18)  speaks  of  a  variety  of  usage 


SABBATH 

introduced  by  a  very  few  who  on  the  Sabbath 
abstain  from  kneeling  ("per  pauculos  quosdani, 
qui  Sabbato  abstinent  genubus").  The  practice, 
however,  he  disapproves ;  he  would  have  it 
given  up,  or  so  retained  as  to  avoid  offence  ;  for 
the  abstinence  from  kneeling  (he  thinks)  jiro- 
l>erly  belongs  only  to  the  Lord's  Day.  It  never  ' 
seems  to  have  taken  any  hold  in  the  West ;  but 
in  the  East  it  is  still  preserved  in  the  present 
practice  of  the  Greek,  though  not  of  the  Russian 
church.  It  is  also  held  that  Saturday  is  so 
entirely  a  day  of  joy  that  it  is  unfit  for  fasting 
(excepting  always  the  Great  Sabbath),  and  ac- 
cordingly, if  a  vigil  chance  to  fall  upon  it,  it  is 
transposed  to  the  Friday.  Even  on  Easter  Eve, 
though  it  is  a  strict  fast,  yet  the  black  of  Lent 
is  changed  to  the  white  of  Easter  in  all  church 
vestments  and  furniture.  It  is  curious  also 
that  in  later  times  a  new  and  specially  festal 
consecration  was  given  to  the  Sabbath  in  the 
Eastern  church,  by  considering  the  Great  Sab- 
bath of  Easter  Eve  as  the  day  of  our  Lord's 
triumph  in  Hades,  giving  rest  to  the  spirits  in 
prison,  and  accordingly  looking  on  all  Sabbaths 
in  the  year  as  especially  days  of  commemoration 
of  those  who  rest  in  the  Lord.  Still  here  also 
the  greater  festal  sacredness  of  the  Lord's  Day 
has  rightly  overshadowed  it ;  and  in  ]>resent 
thought  and  usage  there  is  nothing  like  the 
quasi  co-ordination  of  the  days,  which  we  have 
seen  in  the  Ajxistolical  Constitutions}' 

Thus  the  Sabbath,  placed  between  the  two 
great  days  of  distinctively  Christian  observance, 
may  be  considered  as  parting  with  its  observ- 
ance as  fast  and  festival  to  the  one  and  the 
other. 

In  the  later  ages  of  the  Western  church,  as 
we  have  seen  (see  Lord's  Day),  a  distinctly 
sabbatical  observance  gathered  round  the  Lord's 
Day  itself, — partly  by  natural  attraction  to  the 
great  day  of  worship  and  rest,  partly  by  enact- 
ments civil  and  ecclesiastical,  ultimately  by  a 
formal  transference  to  it  of  the  obligation  of  the 
Fourth  Commandment.  But  it  is  notable  that 
when  the  Lord's  Day  was  thus  considered  to  be 
"  the  Christian  Sabbath,"  it  began  to  be  observed 
with  a  certain  austerity  and  rigour,  differing 
entirely  from  the  festal  character  of  the 
Sabbath  of  the  Jews.  We  are  almost  tempted 
to  trace  in  this  change  a  survival  of  the 
ancient  Western  usage,  which  observed  the  true 
Sabbath  as  a  fast. 

For  the  chief  authorities  on  this  subject  see 
Lord's  Day.  [A.  B.] 

Special  Ritual  of  the  Sabbath.  (1)  Lessons. — 
During  the  first  ritual  period  proper  eucha- 
ristic  lessons  were  provided  for  Sundays,  and 
a  few  feasts  and  fasts  only,  as  in  the  body  of  the 
old  Gallican  Lectionary.  At  the  end  of  this, 
however,  are  two  sets  of  prophecies,  epistles, 
and  gospels  for  choice  on  the  week  days  ;  or  there 
may  have  been  three  or  four,  for  the  MS.  breaks 
oft" "here  (Ziturg.  Gall.  Mabill.  172).  The  next 
step,  in  the  Roman  books  at  least,  was  to  appoint 
proper  lessons  for  the  Wednesdays,  Fridays,  and 
Saturdays  in  Lent  and  the  Ember  weeks.  See 
the  Capitula  Lectionum  Evangelii,  not  later  than 
the    beginning    of    the    5th    century,    in    the 


b  For  information  on  this  subject  I  have  to  thank  the 
Rev.  Archimandrite  Myriantheus,  the  chief  priest  of  the 
Greek  church  in  London. 


SABBATIUS 

Thesaurus  Anecdotorum  of  Martene  and  Durand 
(v.  &Q).  There  was,  however,  it  would  seem, 
an  ebb  as  well  as  flow,  for  the  later  Comes 
Hieronymi  in  its  earlier  form  (Pamelius,  Litur- 
gica,  ii.  1-61)  gives  (out  of  Lent)  Saturday 
lessons  only  for  the  Ember  weeks  (13,  34,  49, 
58),  and  that  before  Pentecost  (31),  though  it 
provides  for  Wednesdays  and  Thursdays  through- 
out the  year,  and  for  every  day  in  Lent.  Later 
on  lessons  were  assigned  to  the  Saturdays  after 
the  Epiphany  and  a  few  others  {Kalendarium 
Jiomanwn,  ed.  J.  Fronto,  Paris,  1652,  and  in 
Uj'ist.  et  Diss.  139-144,  Veron.  1733).  The 
Saturday  lessons  have  been  ascribed  to  Inno- 
cent L,  apparently  on  no  better  ground  than  is 
the  Sabbath  fast  at  Rome  (Anastas.  Biblioth.  in 
Vitae  Pont.  Labbe,  Cone.  ii.  1243),  viz.  that 
Pseudo-Innocent,  as  we  must  call  him,  in  the 
Epistle  to  Decentius  (§  4)  insists  on  the  ob- 
servance of  the  latter  rite,  with  which  the 
lessons  were  associated. 

(2)  Ordinations. — Leo  I.  in  459  desired  that  all 
ordinations  should  take  place  "post  diem 
Sabbati  ejusque  noctis  quae  in  prima  Sabbati 
lucescit,"  that  all  might  be  fasting  (see  (1) 
above),  "  quod  ejusdem  observantiae  erit,  si 
mane  ipso  dominico  die,  continuato  Sabbati 
jejunio,  celebretur"  (Epist.  81  ad  Diosc.  Alex.. 
1).  Gelasius,  494,  fixed  them  "  quarti  mensis 
jejunio,  septimi,  et  decimi,  sed'et  etiam  quad- 
ragesimalis  initii,  ac  mediana  quadragesimae  die, 
Sabbati  jejunio  circa  vesperam "  {Ep.  9  ad 
Luc.  et  Brut.  Episc.  11;  comp.  Gregor.  II.  Ep. 
4  ad  Thuriiig. ;  Cone.  Rom.  a.d.  743,  can.  11). 
It  was  owing  to  the  prolongation  of  the 
ceremony,  so  that  the  actual  ordination  took 
place  on  Sunday  morning,  according  to  Leo's  hint, 
that  no  proper  office  was  provided  for  the 
Sunday  after  an  Ember  week.  [Ordination, 
p.  1517.] 

For  certain  special  Sabbaths,  see  Sabbatum. 
[W.  E.  S.] 

SABBATIUS  (1),  July  4.    [Sebastia.] 
(2)  Sept.    19,  martyr  at  Antioch  with    Tro- 
phimus  and  Doryraedon  in  the  reign  of  Probus 
(Basil.  Menol. ;  Menol.  Graec.  Sirlet.).    [C.  H.] 

SABBATUM.  (1)  Sabbatum  in  Albis,  the 
Saturday  in  Easter  week,  on  which  day  the 
neophytes  laid  aside  their  white  dress  (Sacra- 
meiitarium  Gregorianum  in  Pamel.  Liturgica,  ii. 
278  ;  Mis^.  Ambros.  ibid.  i.  363  ;  Pseudo-Alcuin, 
de  Div.  Off.  18;  &c.). 

(2)  Sabbatum  Duodecim  Lectionum,  in  XII. 
Zectiones,  in  XII.  Lectionibus. — The  Saturdays 
of  the  ember  weeks  were  so  called  from  the 
twelve  lessons  read  in  the  office  or  mass  of  those 
days  ("  hand  enim  duo  haec  dividebantur  ;  " 
Fronto,  note  in  Kalend.  Rom.  in  Ep.  et  Diss.  175, 
Veron.  1733).  That  twelve  were  actually  read 
can  hardly  be  doubted,  and  it  was  in  all  proba- 
bility for  the  sake  of  the  candidates  for  orders, 
as  twelve  were  read  "secundum  Romanes"  for 
the    sake    of    the    catechumens    on    Easter    eve 

I  (Ilonorius  Augustod.  Gemm/x  Animate,  iii.  108  ; 
iv.  117;  Comes  Hierowjmi  in  Baluz.  O^pit.  Beij. 
Franc,  ii.  1324  (the  copy  in  Pamel.  Liturg.  ii. 
23.  and  the  Sacrum.  Gelas.  Murat.  Liturg.  Rom. 
Vet.  i.  43,  give  only  eleven);  Sacr.   Greg.  Mur. 

j        ii.   147    &c.),   but   it   wsb   soon   reduced   to-,  six 

I  CHKIST.    ANT. — VOL.   II. 


SABINA 


1827 


{Sacr.  Gel.  i.  nn.  19,  6;  Greg.  u.  s.  33,  94,  122, 
136),  or  to  five  {Comes  Ilier.  Baluz.  cc.  Ill, 
179,  222  ;  comp.  the  number  of  the  prayers  in 
Gelas.  i.  nn.  83,  85).  The  retention  of  the  old 
name  after  this  change  perplexed  the  early 
ritualists,  some  of  whom  said  that  each  of  the 
six  lessons  which  they  found  in  their  books  had 
been  read  twice,  once  in  Greek  and  once  in  Latin 
(Amalarius,  de  Eccl.  Off.  ii.  1  ;  Pseudo-Ale.  de 
Div.  Off.  26 ;  Gemma,  u.  s.  iii.  154,  &c.),  others 
that  the  psalms  said  with  them  were  counted  as 
lessons  (Raban.  Maur.  de  Instit.  Cleri,  ii.  24). 
An  Oi-do  Romanus  for  the  use  of  Salzburg,  be- 
longing to  the  11th  century,  orders  twelve 
lessons  to  be  said  on  these  days  in  a  church 
[Collect,  i.  p.  403],  in  which  the  people  were 
to  assemble  before  they  went  to  Mass.  This 
appears  to  Martene  {de  Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  I.  viii.  5, 
§  9)  to  account  for  the  name  ;  but  it  is  impos- 
sible that  so  many  early  ritualists  should  have 
missed  this  explanation  if  the  materials  for  it 
had  existed  in  their  day,  and  we  must  rather 
regard  the  Salzburg  rite  as  local,  probably  not 
older  than  the  11th  century.  At  first  there 
were  only  three  ember  seasons  {Capitulare  Led. 
Ecang.  in  Martene,  Thesaur.  Anecd.  v.  78,  79, 
81,  82  ;  Sacrain.  Gelas.  i.  82 ;  Cone.  Clovesh.  a.d. 
747,  can.  18),  but  when  the  Jejunium  Primi 
Mensis  was  added,  the  new  ember  Saturday 
received  the  name  common  to  the  rest  {Sacram. 
Gelas.  i.  19  ;  Greg.  Murat.  ii.  33),  though  pro- 
bably twelve  lessons  had  ceased  to  be  read  on 
any  of  them.  There  is  no  trace  of  such  a  rite  in 
the  Gallican  Sacramentaries,  nor  in  the  Mozar- 
abic  Missal. 

.(3)  Sabbatum  Sanctum. — The  common  name 
for  Easter  eve  in  the  Latin  church  {Sacram. 
Greg,  in  Murat.  Liturg.  Rom.  Vet.  ii.  65 ;  in 
Cod.  Elig.  Opp.  Greg.  iii.  70,  ed.  Ben.,  &c.).  See 
Easter  Eve,  p.  595. 

(4)  Sabbatum  Requiei  Dominici  Corporis. — A 
Gallican  name  for  Easter  eve  {Missale  Gallicanum 
Vetus,  in  Murat.  Liturg.  Rom.  Vet.  ii.  730). 

(5)  Sabbatum  in  Traditione  Symholi. — The  day 
before  Palm  Sunday.  It  was  so  called  at  Milan 
because  the  solemn  delivery  of  the  creed  to  the 
catechumens  took  place  on  it  {Ainhr.  Miss,  in 
Pamelii  Liturgica,  i.  326).  Some  ritualists  have 
supposed  that  this  was  not  the  original  custom 
of  Milan,  because  St.  Ambrose  {h'pist.  20,  ad 
Marcellinam,  §  4),  speaks  of  a  "  traditio  symboli  " 
on  Palm  Sunday.  His  words,  however,  do  not 
afford  sufficient  ground  for  the  inference.  He 
says,  "  Sequenti  die,  erat  autem  Dominica,  post 
lectiones  atque  tractatum,  dimissis  catechu- 
menis,  symbolum  aliquibus  competentibus  in 
baptisteriis  tradebam  basilicae."  He  would 
not  have  said  "to  smne  competentes,"  if  he 
referred  to  the  great  mass  of  those  who  received 
the  creed  at  this  season.  They  were  probably- 
some  who  from  one  cause  or  another  had  not 
been  present  on  the  previous  day.       [W.  E.  S.] 

SABEL,  June  17,  with  Manuel  and  Ismael, 
Persian  martyrs  at  Constantinople  under  Julian 
(Basil.  Menol.;  Cal.  Byzant. ;  Menol.  Grmc. 
Sirlet.).  \y-  ^O 

SABINA  (1),  Jan.  24,  virgin  martyr,  sister 
of  St.  Sahinianns,  commemorated  at  Troyes 
{Mact.   Bed.,   F lor.) ;    Jau.   29  (Boll.    Acta  SS. 


1828 


SABINIANUS 


Jan.  ii.   944,  from  an  ancient   MS.  of  Treves)  ; 
Aug.  29  (^Mart.  Usuard. ;  Mart.  Roman.'). 

(2)  Jan.  30,  also  called  Savina,  widow  of  Lodi 
in  the  4th  century,  commemorated  at  Milan 
(Boll.  Acta  88.  Jan.  ii.  1029,  from  the  office  of 
the  church  at  Milan). 

(3)  Aug.  29,  virgin  martyr  at  Rome  under 
Hadrian  {Mart.  Bed.,  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Hieron., 
Vet.  Horn.,  Rom.,  Notker.,  Wand.) ;  mentioned 
in  the  Super  Oblata  and  the  Ad  Complendum 
for  this  day  in  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary 
The  Liber  Antiphonarius  of  Gregory  has  an  office 
for  her  natale.  There  was  a  church  named  from 
her  on  the  Aventine  in  the  time  of  Symmachus 
(Mansi,  viii.  236  b)  and  Eugenius  II.  (Anast.  Lib. 
Pontif.  num.  ci.). 

(4)  Oct.  27,  martyr  at  Avila  in  Spain  under 
Dacianus,  with  Vincentius  and  Christeta  (^Mart. 
Usuard.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Wand.).  [C.  H.] 

SABINIANUS  (1),  Jan.  29,  martyr  with  his 
sister  Sabina  at  Troves  in  the  reign  of  Aurelian 
(Mart.  Usuard. ;  Boll.  Acta  88.  Jan.  ii.  937 
from  ancient  MSS.). 

(2)  Dec.  31,  bishop,  martyr  with  Potentianus, 
commemorated  at  Sens  (Mart.  Usuard.).  [C.  H.] 

SABINUS  (1),  Mar.  16,  martyr  in  Egypt 
with  Papas  in  the  Diocletian  persecution  (Cal. 
Byzant.). 

(2)  July  11,  confessor,  commemorated  in 
Poitou  (Mart.  Usuard.). 

(3)  July  20,  martyr,  commemorated  with 
Maximus  and  others  at  Damascus  (Mart.  Usuard., 
Hieron.,  Notker.). 

(4)  Aug.  23,  martyr  with  Silvanus  and 
Pantherius,  Thracians,  in  the  Diocletian  perse- 
cution (Basil.  MenoL). 

(5)  Sept.  29,  martyr,  commemorated  at 
Perinthus  (Syr.  Mart.). 

(6)  Dec.  30,  bishop,  martyr  under  Maximian, 
commemorated  at  Spoleto  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Vet. 
Rom.).  [C.  H.] 

SACCUS  (ffdKKOs).  (1)  The  8accus,  which 
may  be  considered  as  the  Eastern  representative 
of  the  Western  Dalmatic,  is  a  tight-fitting 
vestment  worn  by  metropolitans  (except  those 
of  the  Armenian  church),  and  in  the  Russian 
church  at  the  present  day  by  all  bishops,  instead 
of  the  phenolion.  See  Goar's  Eucholoyion,  p.  113. 
(2)  [Sackcloth.]      '  [r.  s.] 

SACELLAKIUS.  The  word  sacellum 
designates  a  casket  or  shrine  for  receiving 
relics  ;  hence  the  sacellarius  is  the  person  who 
has  the  custody  of  such  a  casket  or  shrine.  It 
more  commonly  however  designates  the  keeper 
of  a  money-chest,  or  treasurer  (Ducange's 
Glossary,  s.v.)  [C.] 


[Bishop,    p.    210;    Pkiest, 


SACERDOS. 
p.  1699.] 

SACERDOTALIS  LIBER.  A  name  some- 
times given  to  a  book  containing  the  offices  to 
be  said  by  priests,  as  Pontificalis  Liber  is  given 
to  that  containing  the  offices  to  be  recited  by 
bishops  (Macri,  Hierolexicon,  s.  v.).  [C] 


SACRAMENTARY 

SACKCLOTH  (saccus,  cilicium).  1.  We 
find  the  rough  Haircloth  [p.  756]— generally 
of  camel's  hair — which  was  used  in  the  East  for 
sacks  and  tents,  worn  as  a  sign  of  mourning, 
humiliation,  and  penitence  by  Syrians  (1  Kings 
XX.  32)  and  Ninevites  (Jonah  iii.  5),  as  well  as 
by  Israelites.  Among  the  latter,  sackcloth  was 
an  almost  invariable  accompaniment  of  mourning 
(2  Sam.  iii.  31 ;  1  Kings  xxi.  27  ;  2  Kings  xix.  1, 
&c.).  It  was  of  a  dark  colour,  as  we  see  in 
Apocal.  vf.  12:"  The  sun  became  black  as  sack- 
cloth of  hair  (ais  aaKKOs  Tpi'xii'os),"  and  was 
probably  associated  with  mourning  from  its  sad 
appearance,  as  well  as  its  roughness  and  incon- 
venience, for  it  does  not  appear  to  have  been  by 
any  means  invariably,  or  even  commonly,  worn 
next  the  skin. 

2.  Tertullian  (de  Poenit.  c.  9),  treating  of 
penitence,  does  not  speak  of  wearing  sack- 
cloth, but  of  lying  on  sackcloth  (sacco)  and 
ashes ;  and  similarly  Cyprian  (de  Lapsis,  c.  35, 
p.  262,  Hai-tel)  speaks  of  the  lapsed  proving 
their  penitence  by  grovelling  on  sackcloth  (cili- 
cium), dust,  and  ashes.  "  Sackcloth  and  ashes  " 
became  the  signs  of  a  penitent.  Ambrose  (ad 
Virg.  Lapsam,  c.  8)  would  have  the  penitent's 
whole  body  emaciated  with  fasting,  sprinkled 
with  ashes,  and  covered  with  sackcloth ;  and 
Pachomius  (Reg.  art.  121)  desires  one  who  has 
been  convicted  of  theft  to  appear  in  sackcloth 
and  ashes  at  every  assembly  for  prayer. 

3.  In  the  course  of  time,  probably  from  the 
3rd  century,  it  became  usual  with  ascetics  of 
remarkable  rigour  to  wear  a  hair-shirt  next  the 
skin  for  tlie  purpose  of  producing  discomfort. 
Such  men  as  Anthony  the  hermit,  Hilarion,  and 
other  patriarchs  of  monasticism  ai-e  said  to  have 
worn  the  hair-shirt  constantly  (Athanasius,  Vita 
8.  Ant.  c.  59  ;  Hieron.  Vita  8.  Hilarii,  c.  38). 

4.  The  eighty  original  monks  of  St.  Martin 
are  said  (Sulpicius  Severus,  Vita  8.  Mart.  c.  7) 
to  have  worn,  for  the  most  part,  clothes  of 
camel's  hair.  It  does  not  appear,  however,  that 
the  rough  vestment  of  the  monks  was  worn 
next  the  skin.  Ascetics  in  the  East  very  com- 
monly wore  cloth  of  camel's  hair — after  the 
example  of  some  of  the  prophets,  and  perhaps  of 
John  the  Baptist — as  their  ordinary  clothing. 
Compare  Mafors,  Melotes. 

5.  When  Martin  of  Tours  was  on  his  death- 
bed he  would  not  permit  his  disciples  to  put 
anything  between  his  body  and  the  sackcloth  on 
which  he  lay  ;  on  sackcloth  and  ashes  he  held 
that  a  Christian  should  die  (Sulp.  Sever.  Epist. 
3,  de  obitu  8.  Martini).  So  Anthony  and  Hilarion 
died  wrapped  in  their  haircloth,  and  Paula, 
according  to  Jerome,  died  on  the  slip  of  sack- 
cloth (ciliciola)  on  the  hard  ground,  which  had 
served  for  her  bed  during  life  (Hieron.  Epist. 
108,  ad  Eustoch.  p.  706,  ed.  Vallarsi).  In  the 
Middle  Ages  the  practice  became  common.  Peter 
the  Venerable  (de  Mirac.  i.  4)  speaks  of  dying  on 
sackcloth  and  ashes  as  a  custom  of  Christians, 
and  especially  of  monks  (0.  Zockler,  Geschichte 
der  Askese,  p.  82  ff.).  [C] 

SACRAMENTARY.  The  Western  books  of 
offices  were  first  called  Libi-i  8acramentorum ; 
but  after  the  8th  century  8acramentarium  is 
more  frequent  ;  though  at  Milan,  so  late  as 
1024,  we  find  the  treasurer  of  the  chapter  per- 


SACRAMENTAEY 

plexed  when  asked  for  an  "  Ambrosian  sacra- 
mentary  "  {Epist.  Martini  ad  Paul,  et  Gehert.  in 
Mus.  Ital.  i.  96).  Either  name  was  appropriate, 
because  the  book  contained,  not  the  Eucharistic 
prayers  only,  but  also  the  prayers,  benedictions, 
and  prefaces  used  at  the  performance  of  every 
sacramental  rite,  as  baptism,  confirmation,  ordi- 
nation, the  blessing  of  nuns,  widows,  oil,  salt, 
water,  the  dedication  of  churches,  &c. 

We  do  not  know  when  or  by  whom  such  a 
volume  was  first  compiled.  For  a  period  of  un- 
certain duration  and  varying  in  different  churches 
the  public  prayers  and  other  formularies  were 
committed  to  memory.  [Ordo,  §  1.]  A  trace  of 
this  practice  is  still  found  in  the  Gallican  sacra- 
mentaries,  which  merely  indicate  the  words  of 
consecration  by  the  first  words,  as  "Qui  pridie 
quam  pat."  or  the  like  {Liturg.  Gall.  Mabill.  192, 
195,  1-98,  202,  &c.),  or  omit  them  altogether 
{ibid.  227,  230).  In  the  West  attempts  were 
made  to  enforce  the  rule,  even  below  our  period. 
"Orationes  quoque  missarum  et  praefationes  et 
canonem  bene  intelligant  presbyteri ;  et  si  non, 
saltern  distincte  et  memoriter  proferre  valeant." 
This  occurs  in  one  of  those  episcopal  addresses 
which  were  read  at  visitations  from  the  9th 
century  downwards  (Admon.  Synod,  in  App.  ad 
Reginonis  Libr.  de  Disc.  Eccl.  504,  ed.  Baluz. 
Corap.  Ihquisitio  82,  ibid.  p.  15).  Bishops  even 
inquired  if  the  parish  priest  "had  by  heart" 
the  exorcisms  and  benedictions  of  salt  and  water 
CInquis.  90,  M.  s.  17),  if  he  could  repeat  the 
Psalms  from  memory  (76.  84,  p.  16),  and  the 
Athanasian  Creed  {lb.  85 ;  see  also  Admon. 
Synod.  504  ;  Aova,  506  ;  Koviss.  509  ;  Ahyto  Basil. 
Capit.  4  ;  Hincmar,  Capit.  an.  852,  cc.  3,  4  ; 
Walter  of  Orleans,  Capit.  21). 

It  is  evident  that  when  this  rule  was  in  full 
force,  a  complete  sacramentary  would  not  be 
needed  for  public  use  in  church.  If  the  memory  i 
required  assistance,  a  small  book  (libellus)  con- 
taining the  prayers  for  the  season,  or  the  occa- 
sion, would  be  more  convenient,  and  such  were 
used.  See  Gregor.-  Tfiron.  Hist.  Franc,  ii.  22  ; 
Yitae  Patrum,  xvi.  2.  Another  thing  worthy  of 
note  is  that,  even  when  all  the  offices  were  thus 
collected  into  one  volume,  it  would  at  first  con- 
sist of  prayers  only,  because  those  who  compiled 
it,  or  procured  its  compilation,  for  their  own  use, 
required  no  directions  for  familiar  practices. 
Hence  the  older  MSS.  contain  the  fewer  rubrics. 
The  so-called  Leonian  or  Veronese  Sacramentary, 
assigned  by  Morinus  to  about  488,  contains  no 
directions  whatever,  only  a  few  brief  headings 
to  the  missae,  the  several  members  of  which 
are  (except  in  one  single  instance,  Mxirat.  Lit. 
Bom.  Vet.  i.  410),  undistinguished  by  the  proper 
titles.  Super  Oblata,  Praefatio,  &c.  which  occur 
passim  in  the  Gelasian  and  Gregorian.  The 
growth  of  a  sacramentary  in  this  respect  de- 
serves further  illustration.  E.  g.  the  "  Leonian  " 
has  a  prayer  to  be  said  at  the  blessing  of  fruits 
on  Ascension  Day  {ibid.  313)  ;  but  there  is  no 
hint  of  its  purpose  except  in  the  words  of  the 
prayer  itself.  In  the  Gelasian  we  fiijd  the  rubric, 
"lude  vero  modicum  ante  expletum  canonem 
benedicis  fruges  novas  "  (Murat.  u.  s.  508  ;  Tho- 
masius,  Libri  III.  Sacram.  100).  Again,  the 
Leonian  (318)  supposes  baptisms  on  Whitsun 
Eve,  but  gives  no  directions  about  them  ;  in  the 
Gelasian  the  officiant  is  guided  by  several  rubrics 
of  some  length  (Murat.  m.  s.  592-596  ;  Thomas. 


SACRAMENTARY 


1829 


102-108).  Compare  with  the  same  view  the 
earlier  copies  of  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary,  as 
that  of  Pamelius  {Liturgica,  ii.  296,  7),  the  Vati- 
can or  Othobonian  (Murat.  ii.)  with  the  Codex 
Eligianus  from  which  Menard  {Sacram.  Liber  a 
Greg.  M.  compos.  Paris,  1642),  and  the  Bene- 
dictines after  him  {0pp.  S.  Greg,  iii.)  have 
printed  ;  or  the  ancient  Gallican  books  (Murat 
u.  s.  ii.  ;  Mabill.  Liturg.  Gall.  ;  Thomasius, 
u.  s.  &c.),  with  the  kindred  Mozarabic,  which 
was  in  common  use  three  or  four  centuries  later. 
Two  obvious  sources  of  these  accretions  may 
be  indicated.  In  the  8th  century  every  priest 
was  required  to  draw  up  and  present  to  the 
bishop  for  approbation  his  own  code  of  ritual 
{Gapit.  Karlom.  a.d.  742).  Such  notes  when 
approved,  would  naturally  be  entered  in  his 
book  of  prayers,  and  become  a  rule  to  his  suc- 
cessors also.  About  the  same  time  was  compiled 
the  Ordo  Pomanus  for  the  guidance  of  the 
bishops  of  Rome,  and  of  the  suburbicarian  dio- 
ceses. This  soon  became,  as  we  infer  from  the 
commentaries  on  it  by  the  German  Amalarius, 
an  authority  with  other  bishops  and  priests,  and 
many  of  its  ceremonial  directions  were  copied 
into  the  sacramentaries  with  more  or  less  literal 
exactness.  To  give  an  example.  In  a  direction 
of  the  Codex  Elig.  respecting  the  baptisms  of 
Easter  Eve  we  have  (Greg.  0pp.  iii.  73,  ed.  Ben.), 
"  Sunt  {Ord.  Pom.  I.  44,  Mus.  Ital.  ii.  27  ;  Ordo 
Scrutinii,  ib.  83 ;  Or.  Pom.  Bernoldi  in  Hittorp. 
de  Off.  Gath.  Eccl.  75,  ed.  1568;  sint)  parati  qui 
eos  suscepturi  sunt  cum  linteis  in  mauibus 
eorum  et  accipiunt  {Ordd.  U.S. :  accipiant)  ipsos 
a  presbyteris  {Ordo  P.  I. :  a  presbyteris,  vel 
diaconibus  ;  Orda  Scr. :  a  pontifice  vel  diaconi- 
bus ;  Bern. :  a  pontifice,  presbyteris,  vel  dia- 
conibus), qui  eos  baptizant."  The  Ordo  fre- 
quently refers  to  the  Sacramentary  for  the 
prayers  to  which  its  directions  apply.  E.  g. 
"  Dicit  orationes  solemnes  sicut  in  Sacramen- 
torum  (Libro,  supplied  by  Bernold,  M.S.  49,  66) 
continetur"  {0.  P.  in  Mus.  Ital.  ii.  19,  32  bis; 
see  also  pp.  21,  25,  31).  When  this  order  is 
copied  in  the  Eligian  codex,  the  mention  of  the 
sacramentary  itself  is  properly  onaitted  (Greg. 
0pp.  iii.  62)  ;  but  in  one  passag(e.(69)  a  similar 
reference  is  inadvertently  re.t,ained  —  "  ordine 
quo  in  Sacramentario."  We  ^find  again  that  the 
ejjiscopal  addresses  and  inqu^ies  already  men- 
tioned contain  many  directiou^.which  at  a  later 
period  appear  in  the  sacramenr,^j-ies,  as  e.  g.  with 
reference  to  the  mixed  cup  {Itiquis.  64,  Regin. 
13),  the  disposal  of  the  remainder  of  the  elements 
(65),  the  eucharistic  vestments  (Leo  IV.  de  Cura 
Past.  Labbe,  Cone.  viii.  36  ;  Admon.  Syn.  u.  s. 
503),  &c. 

The  Piman  Sacramentaries.  —  See  Litdrgy, 
p.  1032  fF.  We  may  mention  here  that  some 
critics,  judging  from  internal  evidence,  think 
many  of  the  prayers  in  the  "  Leonian  "  or  Vero- 
nese Sacramentary  not  later  than  Sylvester  and 
Julius  I.  (Morinus  de  Sacram.  Poenit.  ix.  30, 
R.  2 ;  Gerbert.  Vet.  Lit.  Alem.  Praef.  xv.-xviii.), 
or  than  Sixtus  IIL  and  Felix  II.  (Murat.  Liss. 
iv.;  i.  41)  ;  while  others,  also  judging  from  style 
and  matter,  see  much  in  all  the  Roman  books 
that  belongs  to  Leo  I.  (Thomas.  Praef.  in  Libr.  iii. 
Sacram.  p.  3;  Quesnel,  not.  in  Leonis  Scrm.  xcvi. ; 
Murat.  Diss.  i.  20).  No  ancient  author  ascribes 
to  Leo  the  comi)ilation  of  a  sacramentary,  but 
there  are  traditions  i)reserved  by  later  writer.s, 
(5  B  2 


1830 


SACEAMENTAKY 


which  shew  that  he  was  believed  to  have  enlarged 
at  least  the  missal  part  of  the  Romau  Liber 
Sacramentoriim.  Thus  Anastasius  Bibl.  Vitae 
Pontif.  in  some  copies  (Labbe,  Cone.  iii.  1291 ; 
BoUand,  Apr.  11,  ii.  21)  ;  Gemma  Animae,  i.  90  ; 
Rupert,  de  Div.  Off.  ii.  21,  &c.  Assemani 
inclines  to  the  opinion  of  Orsi,  "qui  purum 
putumque  Gelasianum  Sacramentarium  in  Vero- 
nensi  codice  contineri  censuit"  (Cod  Liturg.  vi. 
P.  3,  p.  ix.)  ;  though  he  admits  that  "  multae 
orationes  Leonis  sapiunt  stylum  et  forte  aeta- 
tem,"  and  "in  hoc  sacramentario,  velut  in  aera- 
rium  quoddam  illatas,  contineri  preces  liturgicas 
Romanae  ecclesiae  quae  prioribus  saeculis  fuere 
praescriptae  "  (viii.). 

Our  earliest  authority  for  assigning  such  a 
work  to  Gelasius  is  Gennadius  of  Marseilles. 
"  Scripsit  et  tractatus  diversarum  Scripturarum 
et  sacramentorum  "  (Z)e  Vir.  Ilhistr.  94:).  Wala- 
frid  who  is  later:  "Tam  a  se  quam  ab  aliis  com- 
positas  preces  dicitur  ordinasse  "  {De  Reh.  Eccl. 
22).  The  sacramentary  ascribed  to  him  is,  un- 
like any  other,  in  three  books ;  (1)  Ordo  Anni 
Circuli ;  (2)  Natalitia  Sanctorum  ;  (3)  Orationes 
et  Preces  cum  Canone.  It  was  this  recension 
which  Gregory  I.  undertook  to  simplify  ;  "  Ge- 
lasianum Codicem  de  Missarum  solemnitatibus 
multa  subtrahens,  pauca  convertens.  nonnulla 
adjiciens,  pro  exponendis  evangelicis  lectionibus 
in  unius  libri  volumine  coarctavit "  (Joan. 
Diac.  Vita  Greg.  ii.  17.  Comp.  Wal.  Strab.  u.  s.) 
All  the  extant  copies,  however  different  in  other 
respects,  consist  of  a  single  book. 

The  Gelasian  and  Gregorian  books  were  for 
some  centuries  in  use  at  the  same  time ;  and 
were  even  combined.  In  the  library  ofCentule  in 
831,  beside  three  Gregorian  and  nineteen  Gela- 
sian missals,  there  was  "  Missalis  Gregorianus 
et  Gelasianus  modernis"  temporibus  ab  Albino 
(Alcuino)  ordinatus "  {Chron.  Centul.  3,  in 
Dacher.  Spicil.  ii.  311,  ed.  2).  Another  collec- 
tion ascribed  to  Alcuin  (to  which  Jlicrologus 
[c.  60]  probably  refers)  is  printed  by  Pamelius 
{liituale  SS.  Patrum  If.)  with  a  second  by  Gri- 
moldus.  On  these,  and  on  a  third  by  Rodradus, 
see  Gerbert.  Vet.  Lit.  Alem.  Disq.  II.  i.  21. 
Yet  more  remarkable  than  the  twofold  sacra- 
mentary ascribed  to  Alcuin  is  a  volume  "  olim 
S.  Gallense,  nunc  Turicense,  saec.  circ.  X.  ad 
triplicem  ritum  Gelasianum,  Gregorianum,  et 
Ambrosianum  concinnatum,"  which  has  been 
printed  by  Gerbert  {Monum.  Lit.  Alem.  P.  I.). 

I'he  Milanese  Sacramentary. — The  predomi- 
nance of  Rome  did  not  suffice  to  commend  her 
offices  even  to  the  rest  of  Italy  itself  Paulinus  of 
Nola,  for  example,  "  fecit  et  sacramentarium  et 
hymnarium  "  (Gennad.  Vir.  HI.  48)  ;  but  that  of 
Milan,  from  its  real  or  supposed  connexion  with 
St.  Ambrose,  acquired  an  authority  which  has 
given  an  enduring  vitality  to  the  proper  use  of 
that  church.  In  1024-  two  canons  of  Ratisbon 
ask  the  treasurer  of  Milan  for  the  "  sacramen- 
tarium Ambrosii,"  "  cum  solis  orationibus  et 
praefationibus  Ambrosianis"  (Paul  et  Geb.  ad 
Mart.  Epp.  i.  iii.  Mm.  Ital.  i.  95,  97).  Two 
centuries  earlier  Walafrid  Strabo  says,  "  Ambro- 
sius  .  .  .  tam  missae  quam  caeterorum  disposi- 
tionem  officiorum  suae  ecclesiae  et  aliis  Liguribus 
ordinavit  "  {De  Eeb.  Eccl.  22).  It  is  not  improba- 
ble that  St.  Ambrose  did  re-arrange  the  materials 
left  by  his  predecessors,  among  whom  tradition 
placed  St.  Barnabas,  not  only  as  the  founder  of 


SACEAMENTAKY 

his  church,  but  as  the  author  of  a  "  Missae 
Ordo  "  also  (Vicecomes,  de  Bit.  Miss.  ii.  12).  At 
the  instance  of  a  Roman  council,  by  which  the 
pope  Hadrian  also  declared  himself  constrained, 
Charlemagne  attempted  to  destroy  all  the  Am- 
brosian  rites  which  Gregory  had  respected,  "  Am- 
brosianum mysterium  videns  esse  factum  divino 
magisterio  "  (Landulphus  Sen.  Mediolan.  Hist.  ii. 
4,  10,  in  Murat.  Script.  Per.  Ital.  iv.  72) ;  but 
the  pope  moved  by  the  remonstrances  of  a  French 
bishop,  Eugenius,  reassembled  the  council,  which 
was  induced  by  the  latter  to  reconsider  its 
decree,  and  the  Milanese  Sacramentary  was 
restored  {ib.  12).  The  Ambrosian  rite  in  the 
threefold  use  published  by  Gerbert  (see  above) 
gives  the  benediction  of  ashes  (p.  48),  of  olive 
branches  on  Palm  Sunday  (at  Milan,  "  Dom.  in 
Ramis  Olivarum  "  (64),  of  the  oils  (75),  the  order 
of  baptism  (88),  &c. ;  and  the  two  last- 
named  rites,  with  the  benediction  of  the  new 
fire,  have  a  place  in  the  "  Missae  Ambrosianae," 
almost  a  new  missal,  of  Pamehas  {Liturg.  i.S-iO, 
344,  348-351). 

The  Gallican  Sacramentaries.  —  These  were 
various,  and  it  would  seem  that  several  authors 
contributed  in  one  way  or  another  to  their  for- 
mation. "  Liber  hymnorum  et  alius  myste- 
riorum  "  (=  sacramentorum)  are  ascribed  by 
Jerome  {de  Script.  Eccl.  100)  to  Hilary  of  Poitiers, 
A.D.  354.  Salvian  of  Marseilles,  440,  composed 
many  "homilias  sacramentorum,"  i.e.  prefaces  in 
the  Gallican  sense  [Preface]  (Gennad.  u.  s.  67). 
Musaeus  also  of  Marseilles,  460,  at  the  request  of 
his  bishop  "  composuit  sacramentorum  egregium 
et  non  parvum  volumen  per  membra  quidem  pro 
opportunitate  officiorum  et  temporum,  pro  lec- 
tionum  textu,  psalmorumque  serie  et  cantatione 
discretum,  sed  supplicandi  Deo  et  contestandi 
beneficiorum  ejus  soliditate  sui  consentaneum  " 
(the  Gallican  preface  or  contestation,  Gennad. 
79).  Again,  Sidonius,  bishop  of  Auvergne,  472, 
composed  a  book  of  masses  (Greg.  Tur.  Hist. 
Franc,  ii.  22).  Chilperic  I.,  a.d.  561,  wrote 
masses,  but  was  unable  to  impose  them  on  the 
church  {ibid.  vi.  in  fine).  The  Gallican  sacra- 
mentaries were  suppressed  by  Pepin  and  Charle- 
magne [Liturgy,  51].  The  Roman  sacramentary 
which  the  latter  obtained  from  Hadrian  {Epist. 
Adr.  ad  Car.  M.  in  0pp.  Greg.  M.  iii.  618,  ed. 
Ben.),  as  a  standard  for  his  empire  is  identified  by 
Lambecius  with  a  codex  at  Vienna  entitled,  "  Li- 
ber Sacramentorum  de  circulo  anni  expositus  a 
Sto.  Gregorio  Papa  Romano,  "  &c.  {Biblioth. 
Caesar,  ii.  5,  p.  14).  The  Gallican  "  Missals  " 
mentioned  in  Liturgy,  §  54,  were  true  sacramen- 
taries ;  e.  g.  even  in  their  present  state  they  con- 
tain the  order  for  baptism  {Miss.  Goth,  in  Murat. 
M.S.  ii.  589  ;  Miss.  Gall.  Vet.  708-720,  736-742), 
ordination  {Miss.  Franc.  661-671),  benediction 
of  persons  {Miss.  Fr.  673,  5  ;  Miss.  Gall.  V.  701), 
of  things  {M.  Goth.  582  ;  31.  Fr.  675,  7,  &c.  ; 
M.  G.  F.  732).  The  Sacrnmcnt'irium  Gallicanum 
[Liturgy,  §  54  (f)],  besides  the  rites  of  bap- 
tism (Mur.  828-835,  847-852)  and  benediction 
845,  953-961),  gives  the  lessons  for  every 
Mass. 

The  Mozarabic.—See  Liturgy,  §§46-49.  The 
Council  of  Toledo,  633,  ordered  that  throiighout 
Spain  and  Gallia  Narbonensis  (also  under  the 
Goths)  the  same  mode  of  celebrating  masses  and 
other  offices  should  be  observed  (can.  2).  As 
Isidore  of  Seville  was  then  living,  and  the  His- 


SACRAMENTS 

pano-Gothic  missal  is  by  its  title  ascribed  to  him 
('•  a  sancto  Isidore  ordinatum  "),  we  infer  pro- 
bably that  the  redaction  was  committed  to  him 
by  the  council  (Baron.  Aniucl.  ad  an.  633,  n.  70). 
Among  the  materials  before  him  were  doubtless 
some  supplied  by  his  own  brother  Leander,  of 
whom  he  says,  "  In  ecclesiasticis  ofBciis  idem 
non  parvo  elaboravit  studio.  ...  In  sacri- 
ficiis  quoque,  laudibus  atque  psalmis  multa 
dulcison^  composuit "  (Z)e  Script.  Eccles.  28).  A 
later  contributor  was  Hildefonse  of  Toledo,  the 
author  "  missarum,  h^'mnorum  atque  sermonum." 
So  Julian  of  Toledo,  680  (App.  ad  Ildef.  de  Script. 
Eccl.  in  Bihlioth.  Eccl.  J.  A.  Fabricii,  66).  Of 
Julian  himself  we  also  read,  "  Librum  missarum 
de  toto  circulo  anni  in  quatuor  partes  divisum,  in 
quibus  aliquas  vetustatis  incuria  vitiatas  ac  semi- 
plenas  emendavit  ac  complevit,  aliquas  vero,  ex 
toto  composuit  "  {ibid.)  The  Mozarabic  missal, 
which  was  in  use  till  the  12th  century,  retains 
few  traces  of  the  special  character  of  a  Liber 
Sacramentorum.  But  such  are  the  "  blessing 
of  the  flowers  or  branches "  on  Palm  Sunday 
(Leslie,  148),  of  the  new  fire,  &c.  (174),  and 
a  brief  notice  of  baptism  on  Easter  Eve 
(189). 

The  African  Sites.— See  LiTURGY,  §§  38-42. 
Tradition  has  preserved  the  name  of  only  one 
composer  or  compiler,  Voconius,  bishop  of  Cas- 
tellanum  in  Mauritania,  in  a.d.  460.,  to  whom  is 
ascribed  "  Sacramentorum  egregium  volumen  " 
(Gennad.  u.  s.  78).  [W.  E.  S.] 

SACRAMENTS.  There  was  within  our 
period  no  tendency  to  restrict  the  application  of 
the  word  sacramentum  to  Christian  rites,  much 
less  to  any  fixed  number  of  rites.  Only,  when 
used  of  a  religious  observance  at  all,  it,  meant  that 
some  sacred  meaning  lay  under  a  visibie  sign  : 
"  Sacramentum  est  in  aliqua  celebratione,  cum 
res  gesta  ita  fit,  ut  aliquid  significare  intelli- 
gatur  quod  sancte  accipiendum  est  "  (Isid.  Ilisp. 
Origincs,  vi.  19). 

Being  a  purely  Latin  word,  sacramentum 
could  have  no  ecclesiastical  use-  in  the  Apostolic 
and  sub-Apostolic  ages,  during  which  the  lan- 
guage of  the  chuixh  was  exclusively  Greek 
(Milman,  Latin  Christianity,  I.  1,  vol.  i.  p.  27). 
After  that  period  it  came  into  common  use  from 
the  current  Latin  versions  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment, in  which  it  was  frequently  employed  as  an 
equivalent  to  the  Greek  fivarripiov,  mystery. 
Thus,  in  the  version  most  common  before  the 
Vulgate,  which  we  shall  denote  by  S.  (Sabatier, 
Bibl.  Sacr.  Lat.  Vers.  Ant.  Rem.  1743),  in  Rom. 
xvi.  25,  we  have  "  revelatione  sacramenti." 
Quoting  1  Cor.  ii.  7,  St.  Hilary  {De  Trin.  s. 
1076)  reads  "in  sacraraento."  For  other  ex- 
amples see  1  Cor.  xiii.  2  ("  omnia  sacramenta  "), 
as  cited  by  St.  Augustine  {Tract,  vi.  in  S.  Joh. 
Ei\  §  21,  viL  §  3  ;  ix.  §  8,  &c.);  Eph.  i.  9,  ilL  3, 
4.  9  in  S.  and  the  Vulgate;  Eph.  vi.  19  in  S. ; 
Col.  i.  26  in  St.  Hilary  {Comm.  in  Fs.  138,  518)  ; 
Col.  i.  27  in  V. ;  .1  Tim.  iii.  9,  16  in  S.  and  V.  ; 
Rev.  i.  20  in  S.  V. ;  x.  7,  xvii.  5  in  Sv ;  xvii.  7  in 
S.V. 

Hence,  whatever  could  in  any  sease  be  called 
a  mystery,  was  with  the  Latin  Christians  a 
"  sacramentum."  Revealed  truths,  and  even 
pious  opinions,  ai-e  "  mysteriorum  saci-amenta  " 
(Isid.  Hisp.  de  Scrip.  Eccl.  27),  the  nature  of 
the     Godhead    is     "  sacramentum     Trinitatis " 


SACRAMENTS 


1831 


(Idem,    C.  Judaeos,    i.  4,  §  6).     We    have    also 
"  sacramentum    incarnationis  "   (Leo    M.  Serm. 
xxiv.  4 ;  Euseb.  Mediol.  Epist.  Hard.  Cone.  i.  1781 '; 
comp.  Missale  Gallic.    Vet.  in  Mab.  Lit.  Gallic. 
347 ;  Ambr.  de  Bened.  Patriarch,  xi.  48,  in  some 
MSS.),    "s.    Dominicae    passionis    et    resurrec- 
tionis  "  (Leo,  Serm.  Ixi.  1 ;  comp.  liii.  4,  liv.  3), 
"s.  salutis  nostrae"  {lb.  Ivii.  5),  "s.  Scriptura- 
rum "    (Ixii.   1 ;    De   Vocat.    Gent.    [auct.    inc.] 
21),  "  s.   Paschale "  (liii.   5) ;  and  so   the  feast 
of    the    Nativity   is   "  sacramenti    solemnitas " 
(Cassian,   Collat.   x.  2).      The    touching  of  the 
catechumen  with    spittle    [Ears,    p.   586]  was 
a    "  sacrament "    (Rabanus    Maurus,    de   Instit. 
Cleri,  i.  27).     So  was  the  salt  given  to  catechu- 
mens :  e.g.  the  Council  of  Carthage  397  (followed 
in  Capit.  Beg.  Franc,  vii.  263  and  Addit.  iv.  63, 
76)  ordered  that  at  Eastertide  no  "  sacrament  " 
should  be   ministered  to  the  catechumens  "  nisi 
solitum  sal  "  (can.  5).    Comp.  Theodulf  {u.  s.  5)  : 
"  Salem  in  Sacramento  recipiunt."     [Salt,  §  3.] 
Again,,  the  creed  taught  to  catechumens  is  "  sacra- 
mentum religionis  "  {Expos.  Syinboli  in  Sacram. 
Gall,  (of  Besanfon),   Mus.  Ital.  i.  312);  comp. 
Missale  Gall.    Vet.   in  Litarg.  Gall.  Mabill.  339, 
347),   "  in  quo  quidem    pauca   sunt   verba   sed 
omnia  continentur  sacramenta  "   (Raban.   M.  de 
Listit.  Cleriyii.  56).    When  one  is  baptized,  "sub 
Trinitatis  tingitur  sacramento  "  (Isid.  Hispal.  de 
Offic.  Eccl.  ii.  25)  ;  while  of  the  Honey  and 
Milk    given  after    baptism,    John    the    Deacon 
says,  "  baptizatis  ....  hoc    genus  sacramenti 
offer tur "   {Epist.   ad    Senar.   12).     Baptism  it- 
self is  "  sacramentum  aquae  "    (Hildefonsus  de 
Cognit.  Bapt.  iL  28  ;  Ambros.  Expos.  Ev.  Luc.  x. 
48,  &c.),    and   "  s.   regenerationis  "    (Willibald, 
Vita  S.  Bonif.  vii.  19)  ;  confirmation  was  "  sac- 
ramentum olei  "  {ib.  26  ;  comp.  Aug.  Serm.  227  ; 
"oleum  est  SpLi-itus    Sancti    sacramentum),  or 
"chrismatis  "  (Isid.  Grig.  vi.  19  ;  Rabanus  deUni- 
verso,v.\6;  Cone.  Arel.  vi. can.  18),or"unctionis" 
(Origenis  Horn.  v.  in  Levit.  Vers.  Lat.   Vet.  §  2  ; 
Aug.  in  Ep.  S.  Joan.  c.  2,  Tract,  iii.  12).    St.  Au- 
gustine thus  speaks  of  all  the  rites  of  the  cate- 
chumenate  :  "  Omnia  sacramenta  quae  acta  sunt 
et  aguntur  in  vobis  per  ministerium  servorum 
Dei,   esorcismis,  orationibus,  canticis  spirituali- 
bus,   insufflationibus,  cilicio,  inclinatione   cervi- 
cum,  humilitate  pedum,"  &c.  {De  Symbolo,  Serm. 
ii.  1,  §  1);  while  Hildefonse  includes  all  these, 
the  baptism  itself,   the   confirmation    and    first 
communion  under  the  same  term ;  "  Praemissis 
.   .  .  sacramentis  expletis"  (m.  s.  i.  139  ;  comp. 
Magnus  Senonensis,  de  Myst.  Bapt.  in  Martene, 
de  Antiq.  Eccl.   Bit.  I.  i.   18  ;  Caesarius    Arel. 
Serm.  de  Dedic.    Eccl.  4;    Miss.   Gail.    Vet.    in 
Mabill.  Lit.  Gall.  362).     So   Walter  of  Orleans 
speaks  of  the  "  sacramenta  "  of  catechumens,  of 
the  sick,  and  of  the  dead  {Capiliila  20).     The 
Eucharist   was    called    "  sacramentum    altaris  " 
(Aug.  Serm.  59,  §  6,  De  Civ.  Dei,  x.  6),  or  "  sacra- 
menta altaris  "  (Id.  Serm.  226),  "  mensae  Domi- 
nicae 8."  (Id.  Serm.  127),  "s.  panis  "  Hildef.  «.  s. 
27),   "  eucharistiae  s."  (Tertull.  de  Cor.  Mil.  3), 
"s.  Dominici  corporis  et  sanguinis"  (Gaudent. 
Serm.  2;  comp.  Aug.  Ep.  98.  §  9).  "s.   carnis 
et  sanguinis"  (Hilar,  dc  Trin.  viii.  17),  &c.    St. 
Augustine  has  "  sacramentum  exorcismi  "  {Serm. 
227  ;  comp.  the  Gelasian  exorcism  of  oil,  "  Fiat 
haec  unctio  .  .  .  sacramentis  purificata;  "  Murat. 
It:  s.  i.   559).  and  terms  the  sign  of  the  cross  a 
sacrament  also  {Eiiarr.  in  Fs.  cxli.  4,  §  9  ;  comp. 


183i 


SACRARIUM 


Leo  M.  Serm.  liii.  3;  Ambros.  Expos.  Ps.  118, 
xiii.  6). 

Many  other  "  sacraments  "  might  be  enume- 
rated, if  it  were  necessary;  but  ancient  usage  will 
be  s\ifficiently  illustrated,  if  we  mention  one  other 
application  of  the  word.  By  "  sacramentum  " 
was  commonly  understood  an  oath,  especially  a 
military  oath  (e.g.  Codex  Theodos.  vi.  168). 
Hence  there  was  naturally  sometimes  an  allusion 
under  this  word  to  the  obligation  which  a 
Christian  takes  on  himself  as  a  soldier  of  Christ. 
Thus  Leo  {Serm.  xsi.  5):  "Si  coelestis  militiae 
sacramenta  servaveris,  .non  dubites  te  in  castris 
triumphalibus  Regis  aeterni  pro  victoria  coro- 
nandum."  Compai-e  Tertullian,  Ad  Martijres,  3  ; 
Adv.  Gentes,  2,  prope  init.  [W.  E.  S.] 

SACRARIUM.  (1)  A  Christian  church,  or 
consecrated  building  generally  ;  e.g.  "  confugit  ad 
ritus  Christiani  sacrarium  "  (Ammian.  Marcellin. 
lib.  xxvi.).  Cf.  Sidonius  Apollinaris,  lib.  viii. 
ep.  4 ;  Salvian,  lib.  iii. 

(2)  More  properly  the  most  sacred  part  of 
the  church,  the  place  of  the  altar  and  "  con- 
fessio  " ;  in  the  Greek  church  Th  ayiov,  rh  Upa- 
T610V,  from  which  the  laity  were  excluded.  The 
thirty-first  canon  of  the  rirst  council  of  Braga 
ordains  "  ingredi  sacrarium  ad  communicandum 
non  liceat  laicis  nisi  tantum  clericis ;  "  and  the 
third  canon  of  the  council  of  Vaison  speaks  of 
the  minister,  "  cujus  officium  est  sacrarium  dis- 
ponere  et  sacramenta  suscipere."  Here  the 
offerings  of  the  people  w«re  received.  The 
ninety-third  canon  of  the  fourth  council  of 
Carthage  forbids  the  reception  of  the  oblations 
of  brothers  at  variance  either  in  the  sacrarium 
or  treasury,  "  oblationes  dissidentium  fratrum 
neque  in  sacrario  neque  in  gazophylacio  re- 
cipiantur." 

(3)  The  sacristy,  or  vestry.  "  Sacrarium  dici- 
tur  quia  ibi  sacra  reponuntur  et  se.rvantur " 
(Walafrid  Strabo,  de  Reh.  Eccl.  c.  6).  This  use 
of  the  word  was  inherited  from  pagan  termino- 
logy. Ulpian  {Dig.  lib.  i.  tit.  8,  leg.  9)  defines 
"sacrarium"  as  "  proprie  locus  in  quo  sacrae  res 
ponuntur  et  servantur ;  quod  etiam  in  aede  pri- 
vata  esse  potest."  Servius  {ad  Aen.  xii.  199) 
similarly  says,  "sacrarium  proprie  locus  est  in 
templo  in  quo  sacra  reponuntur,  sicut  donarium 
est  in  quo  ponuntur  oblata."  We  learn  from 
Festus  {in  Secespitam)  that  the  holy  things  were 
exhibited  in  the  "  sacraria  "  behind  a  metal  Littice 
work,  as  afterwards  through  the  "  trausennae  " 
of  the  "  confessio  : "  "  sacraria  in  templis  repagulo 
sen  reticulo  aeneo  olim  sepiebantur ;  in  quo  tubi 
relinquebantur  per  quos  sacra  manibus  tangere 
licebat."  We  find  it  used  repeatedly  in  this 
sense  in  the  Ordo  Homanus,  e.g.  "  processionem 
coram  episcopo  acturis  a  custode  ecclesiae  in 
sacrario  ornamenta  praebenda  sunt ; "  and  in 
Anastasius  :  e.g.  a  portion  of  the  true  cross  is 
recorded  to  have  been  found  by  pope  Sergius  "  in 
sacrario  beati  Petri  apostoli,"  §  162.        [E.  V.] 

SACRIFICATI.  The  name  applied  to  those 
Christians  who  in  times  of  persecution  took  part 
in  a  heathen  sacrifice.  They  were  not  strictly 
apostates,  but  to  escape  confiscation  of  goods,  or 
torture  or  death,  they  performed  a  distinct  act 
of  idolatry.  The  act  was  generally  made  to 
consist  in  sharing  either  in  the  actual  sacrifice 
or  in  the   sacrificial  feast,  that  is,  they  openly 


SACRIFICE 

"  eat  things  offered  to  idols,"  and  so  in  the  lan- 
guage of  Cyprian  {Ep.  xx.  1)  they  defiled  both 
their  hands  and  life  with  sacrilegious  contact.  Cy- 
prian I'egarded  such  connivance  with  idolatry  as 
a  far  more  grievous  lapse  than  that  of  which  the 
LiBELLATici  were  guilty  ;  at  the  same  time  he 
drew  a  broad  distinction  between  the  degrees  of 
guilt  among  the  sacrificati  themselves.  "  We 
should  not,"  he  says  {Ep.  Iv.  10),  "  put  on  a  par 
one  who  forthwith  and  willingly  sprung  forward 
to  the  dreadful  sacrifice,  and  one  who,  having 
struggled  and  long  resisted,  came  by  compul^ion 
to  this  fatal  work-;  one  who  betrayed  both  him- 
self and  all  his,  and  one  who  of  himself  approach- 
ing to  the  danger,  protected  wife  and  children 
and  his  whole  house  by  exposing  himself  to  peril ; 
one  who  compelled  inmates  or  friends  to  the 
deed,  and  one  who  sheltered  under  his  own  roof 
very  many  brethren  who  withdrew  to  banish- 
ment." The  testimony  which  he  gives  in  other 
e.pistles  of  the  conduct  of  multitudes  of  Chris- 
tians in  Africa  in  the  Decian  persecution  goes 
far  to  justify  the  severity  of  the  church  towards 
those  who  sacrificed.  Men  did  not  wait  (Cyp.  de 
Lupsis,  c.  6)  to  be  summoned  to  the  trial,  they 
went  spontaneously ,  they  mutually  encouraged  one 
another  to  submit,  they  took  their  children  with 
them,  they  even  entreated,  when  the  magistrate 
postponed  the  ordeal  on  the  approach  of  night, 
that  their  downfall  might  not  be  delayed.  "  Why 
bring  an  offering,  wretched  man,"  he  continues, 
"why  present  a  victim  for  slaughter?  You  are 
yourself  an  offering  for  the  altar,  you  are  your- 
self come  as  a  victim  ;  you  have  slaughtered  there 
your  own  salvation,  your  hope  ;  your  faith  was 
burnt  in  those  funeral  fiames." 

The  penalties  of  sacrificing  varied  with  the 
circumstances  of  the  guilt.  If  the  lapser  was  com- 
pelled to  make  an  offering,  yet  did  it  in  a  festive 
robe  and  with  a  glad  countenance,  then  the 
council  of  Ancyra  (c.  4)  decrees  that  he  was  to 
do  penance  six  years, ;  if  in  a  mourning  robe 
and  with  a  sad  heart,  then  the  penance  was 
reduced  (c.  5)  lo  four  years  ;  if  he  did  not  actually 
partake  of  the  sacrificial  victim,  it  was  further 
reduced  to  three.  Should  the  sacrifice  be  repeated 
a  second  or  third  time,  the  penalty  (c.  8)  was 
seven  years'  exclusion,  and  should  a  Christian 
compel  or  entice  others  to  succumb,  he  was  to  be 
excommunicated  for  ten  years  (c.  9).  The  Council 
of  Nice  further  decreed  (c.  11)  that  if  a  Christian 
sacrificed  when  there  was  no  danger  and  not 
from  compulsion,  he  was  to  be  under  censure  for 
twelve  years ;  a  sentence  cited  and  made  more 
severe  by  1  Cone.  Valenlin.  c  3,  but  modified  by 
2  Cone.  Arelat.  c.  10.  The  Cone.  Either,  (c.  1) 
decided  that  one  who  after  baptism  and  of  full 
age  participated  in  the  worship  of  an  idol 
temple,  was  guilty  of  a  crime  for  which  recon- 
ciliation was  to  be  given  "nee  (nisi  ?)  in  fine." 
With  the  close  of  the  persecutions  the  crime  to 
a  great  extent  passed  away.  [G.  M.] 

SACRIFICE.  This  term  was  applied  by 
early  Christian  writers  to  any  act  or  offering  of 
devotion.  St.  Jerome  calls  private  prayers  at 
night  "  an  evening  sacrifice"  {Ep.  vii.  ad  Laetam). 
St.  Hilary  uses  "  sacrificium  "  of  the  performance 
of  the  corporal  works  of  mercy  (in  Ps.  cxl.).  St. 
Augustine  says  that  the  whole  congregation  of 
saints  form  the  Christian  sacrifice  {de  Civ.  Dei, 
X.  6)  in  words  which  are  suggestive  of  the  oblation 


SACEIFICE 

in  the  first  Postcom.  Collect  iu  the  Anglican 
Liturgy.  The  incense  offered  at  the  Benedictio 
Cerei  on  Easter  Eve  is  called  a  "  vespertinum 
sacriricium  "  (Sacram.  Gre.jor.).  The  offering  of 
bread  and  wine  by  Melchizedek  is  described  in 
the  Gelasian  Sacramentary  as  "  a  holy  sacrifice, 
a  spotless  victim."  These  words  "  sanctum  sacri- 
ficium  immaculatam  hostiam  "  are  said  by  Wal. 
Strabo  to  have  been  added  to  the  canon  by  Leo  L 
(de  Eeh.  Eccles.  c.  22).  They  are  difficult  to 
explain,  but  all  that  ingenuity  can  advance  in 
their  favour  is  put  together  by  Le  Brun  {Expli- 
cation, &c.,  torn.  i.  p.  500  ;  Hoppe,  L.  A.,  Die 
Epiklesis,  p.  119). 

But  by  far  the  most  common  use  of  the  term 
"sacrificium,"  together  with  such  wholly  or 
partially  equivalent  terms  as  Ovcria,  irpoa^opd, 
avacpopd,  hostia,  oblatio,  is  to  denote  the  Holy 
Eucharist.  The  sacrificial  character  of  that  rite 
has  been  based  on  the  use  by  our  Lord  at  its 
institution  of  the  words  iroieo)  and  avd/j.vr}(ris  ; 
but  it  does  not  fall  within  the  scope  of  this 
article  to  enter  into  the  merits  of  the  contro- 
versy which  has  been  raised  in  mediaeval  and 
recent  rather  than  in  primitive  times  over  the 
exact  significance  of  those  terms. 

The  reader  is  referred  to  Smith's  Diet,  of 
the  Bible  for  the  theory  and  history  of  Jewish 
sacrifices.  They  all  foreshadowed  the  sacrifice  of 
Christ  on  Calvary,  since  which  time  St.  Augustine 
says  that  "  in  lieu  of  all  these  sacrifices  and  ob- 
lations Christ's  body  is  offered  and  ministered  to 
the  partakers  "  (^de  Civ.  Dei,  xvii.  20),  that  "  the 
mysteries  of  the  Jews  were  succeeded  by  the 
sacrifice  which  He  afterwards  willed  to  be  cele- 
brated in  the  church  in  the  stead  of  them  all, 
because  by  all  of  them  He  was  prefigured."  (Z>e 
£apt.  cont.  Don.  iii.  27  ;  adv.  Leg.  i.  37  ^  c.  Faust. 
XX.  13,  21;  Enar.  in  Psalm,  xxxix.  12;  Euseb. 
Demonstr.  Evang.  ii.  10  ;  Apost.  Const,  vi.  23  ; 
Leo  L  Serm.  Ivii.  de  Pass.  §  7 ;  Theodoret  in 
Heb.  xiii.  10  ;  Cyril,  adv.  Nest.  iv.  5.)  The  same 
and  other  writers  frequently  dwell  on  the  offer- 
ing of  Melchizedek  as  prefiguring  the  eucharistic 
sacrifice  (Aug.  de  Civ.  Dei,  xvi.  22,  xvii.  17, 
xviii.  35 ;  c.  Adv.  Leg.  i.  38,  39 ;  Cyprian,  Ep. 
63,  §  4 ;  Clement  of  Alex.  Strom,  iv.  §  25 ; 
Euseb.  Dem.  Ev.  v.  3 ;  Jerome,  Ep.  ad  Marcel- 
lam,  c&c).  Other  writers,  especially  St.  Chry- 
sostom,  dwell  on  the  identity  of  the  eucharistic 
sacrifice  with  that  which  Christ  offered  (Horn.  2, 
in  2  ad  Tim.  Horn.  50  in  Watt.  vii. ;  Horn.  17  in 
Heb.  ix.  38,  in  eos  qui  Fascha  jejunant  iii.  §  4, 
&c.). 

We  append  a  list  of  the  various  sacrificial 
titles  applied  to  the  Eucharist  in  early  docu- 
ments Eastern  and  Western. 

The  sacrifice,  sacrificium  (Ambros.  in  Ps.  38, 
Sacram.  Leon  and  frequent.'),  dvffia  (Lit.  S.  Jas. 
Hammond,  edit.  pp.  25,  39,  &c. ;  Apost.  Const, 
ii.  57).  The  holy  sacrifice,  sacrificium  unde  dis- 
pensatur  victima  sancta  (Aug.  Conf.  ix.  13),  rj 
hpd  Ovcria,  Chrys.  {Horn,  de  Bapt.  Chr.  tom.  ii. 
p.  375).  The  new  sacrifice,  novum  sacrificium 
(Bede,  in  Horn.  S.  Pentecost,  bk.  vii.  p.  59,  edit. 
1563).  The  Lord's  sacrifice,  sacrificium  Domi- 
nium (Cyprian,  Ep.  Ixiii.  9).  The  awful  sacri- 
fice, fi  (ppiKTT]  Ovala  (Chrys.  Horn.  iii.  §  4,  in 
Philipp. ;  De  S.  Pentecost.  Hom.  i.  p.  493,  &c.). 
The  pure  sacrifice,  sacrificium  purum  (Iren.  iv. 
17,  5;  V.  25,  4).  The  inexhaustible  sacrifice,  v 
avdXwTOS  Ovffia  (Chrys.  Ep.  ad  Hebr.  Hom.  xvii. 


SACRIFICE 


1833 


3).  The  daily  sacrifice,  sacrificium  quotidianum 
(Sacr.  Leon.  Mens.  Jul.  xliv.  iv.  Cone.  Tolet.  can. 
5,  Greg.  Mag.  Dial.  iv.  58,  &c.),  dvcria  KaO-nnepivi] 
(Chrys.  iii.  Horn,  in  Eph.  iii.  4).  The  daily  sacri- 
fice of  the  church  (Aug.  de  Civ.  Dei,  x.  20).  The 
perpetual  sacrifice,  sacrificium  perenne  (Miss. 
Goth.  edit.  Mab.  p.  297).  The  sacrifice  of  salva- 
tion, sacrificium  salutis  (Wal.  Strabo,  Vit.  S. 
Gain,  i.  19).  The  sacrifice  of  Christians,  sacri- 
ficium Christianorum  (Aug.  c.  Faust,  xx.  18). 
The  sacrifice  of  Christ,  sacrificium  Christi  (Cy- 
prian, de  Unit.  Eccles.  c.  17).  The  sacrifice  of 
Christ's  Body,  sacrificium  corporis  Christi  (Ful- 
gentius,  Epist.  xiv. ;  Resp.  ad  Quaest.  5,  Ferrand. 
Aug.  Ep.  ad  Honorat.).  The  sacrifice  of  bread 
and  wine,  sacrificium  panis  et  vini  (Fulgentius 
de  Fide  ad  Petr.  §  60).  The  sacrifice  of  praise, 
sacrificium  laudis  (Sacr.  Gel.  Miss.  Goth.  edit. 
Mab.  p.  191  ;  Aug.  c.  Adv.  Leg.  i.  39,  &c.),  evaia 
alufo-eais  (Lit.  of  S.  Jas.  Gk.  in  Orat.  Veli).  The 
sacrifice  of  thanksgiving,  sacrificium  gratiarum 
actionis  (Ethiop.  Lit.).  The  unbloody  sacrifice, 
avaifxaKTos  Bvcrla  (Euseb.  de  Vit.  Const,  iv.  45  ; 
Athenag.  Leg.  pro  Christo,  §  13,  &c.  frequent.). 
The  most  pure  and  unbloody  sacrifice  ;  Kadapw- 
TciTTj  Kal  avaifxaKTos  dvcria  (Greg.  Naz.  Orat.  v. 
c.  Jul.  xxix.).  The  reasonable  and  unbloody  and 
mystical  sacrifice,  dvaia  \uyiK7)  Kal  dvaifj-aKTOs 
Kal  /nvartK-f)  (Apost.  Constitt.  vi.  23).  The  tre- 
mendous and  unbloody  sacrifice,  7]  ^ofiepd  Kal 
dvaiixaKTSs  Ovcria  (Lit.  S.  Jas.  in  Orat.  Veli). 
The  spiritual  sacrifice,  sacrificium  spirituale 
(Stowe  Missal.  Syr.  Lit.  of  S.  Jas.),  r]  wev/xaTiK^ 
dvcria  (Apost.  Constitt.  viii.  46  ;  Cyril.  Jer.  Orat. 
xxiij.  Mystag.  v.  8).  The  intellectual  sacrifice, 
\oyiKri  dvaia  (Euseb.  Dem.  Evang.  i.  10).  So 
Christ  is  said  to  be  intellectually  sacrificed 
(voTjTciJs),  Cyril.  Alex,  in  Zeph.  iii.  8,  10.  The 
true  and  full  sacrifice,  sacrificium  verum  et 
plenum  (Cyprian,  Ep.  Ixiii.).  The  holy  and  most 
awful  sacrifice,  ayia  Kal  cppiKoiSfCTTdrr)  dvffia 
(Cyril.  Jer.  v.  Myst.  Cat.  9).  The  honouring  and 
saving  sacrifice,  honorificentiae  et  sacrificii  salu- 
taris  obsequium  (Fulgentius,  ad  Monim.  ii.  2-5). 
The  most  true  and  single  sacrifice  of  the  new 
law,  verissimum  et  singulare  sacrificium  novae 
legis  (Aug.  Lib.  de  Spiritu,  xi.).  The  oblation 
of  the  church,  ecclesiae  sacrificium  (Fulgent,  ad 
Monim.  lib.  ii.  c.  vi.);  Ecclesiae  oblatio  (Iren. 
iv.  18,  1).  The  oblation  of  the  Body  and  Blood 
of  Christ,  oblatio  corporis  et  sanguinis  Christi 
(Fulgent.  Bespons.  ad  Quaest.  5,  Ferrand.  Epist. 
xiv.).  The  reasonable  offering,  rj  \oyiKi]  Xarpela 
(Anaph.  of  St.  Basil),  oblatio  rationalis  (Ethiop. 
Lit.).  The  tremendous  and  life-giving  offering, 
TTpocrcpopa  cppiKTrj  Kal  crcinijpios  (Chrys.  in  eos  qui 
Pasch.  jejun.  iii.  §  4). 

It  would  be  impossible  to  present  the  reader 
with  a  complete  catena  of  the  passages  in  early 
liturgies,  councils,  and  writings  in  which  the 
eucharistic  sacrifice  is  mentioned.  The  following 
list  of  sacrificial  phrases  from  the  earliest 
western  sacramentary  will  afford  an  idea  of  the 
extent  to  which  the  thought  and  language  of  the 
early  church  were  saturated  with  the  conception 
of  sacrifice.  The  same  phrases,  with  many 
variations  and  additions,  abound  in  all  early 
service  books,  Roman,  Gallican,  and  Mozarabic. 
The  writings  of  Eastern  saints  and  the  Eastern 
liturgies  abound  equally  in  the  use  of  Ovcria 
and  irpocTcpopd,  with  many  cognate  and  compound 
phrases. 


1834 


SACRIFICE 


In  the  sacramentary  of  Leo — "  Divinum  sacri- 
ficium  {Mense  Aprili,  xii.) ;  sacrificium  placa- 
tionis  et  laudis  (ih.  xiii.);  laudis  tuae  domine 
hostias  immolamus  {Mens.  April,  xiv.  Jul.  xli.)  ; 
hostia  placatiouis  et  laudis ;  spiritualis  hostia 
quae  miro  inefi'abilique  mysteiio  et  immolatur 
semper  et  eadem  semper  offertur  (Muratori,  de 
Meh.  Lit.  198)  ;  sacrificium  singulare  quod  majes- 
tati  tuae  et  semper  redditur  et  debet ur  {Mens. 
Jul.),  Prec.  Diurn.  xxxv.  xxxviii. ;  hostias  tibi 
domine  deferimus  immolandas  (ih.') ;  hostias  tibi, 
domine,  suppliciter  immolamus  (ih.)  ;  sacrificium 
nostrum  {in  Natal.  Dom.  iii. ;  see  the  whole  of 
this  collect.) ;  suscipe  domine  sacrificium  cujus 
te  voluisti  dignanter  immolatione  placari  {ad 
Jejun.  xmi.  Mensis) ;  oblationis  obsequium  quod 
oHerimus  {Mense  Apr.  xvii.) ;  sacrificium  cele- 
bramus  quod  nobis  debet  esse  perpetuum  {ib. 
xxvi.);  banc  oblationem  quam  tibi  offerimus 
placatus  accipias  {in  Pentecost.) ;  hostias  altaribus 
tuis  placationis  imponimus  {in  Natal.  SS^Johan. 
et  Fauli,  v.)  ;  oblatio  nostrae  servitutis  {in  Natal. 
SS.  Joh.  et  Pauli,  vii.,  iv.  Id.  Aug.  v.);  sacrificium 
(m  Natal.  Pet.  et  Pauli,  xvi.  frequent.) ;  hostias 
nostrae  devotionis  {Mense  Jul.  iii.);  sacrificium 
gloriosum  {Mense  Jul.  iii.) ;  oblatio  saicranda 
{Mense  Jul.  xv.) ;  sacrificium  tibi  domine  cele- 
brandum  placatus  intende  {Mense  Jul.  xix.); 
tuae  plebis  oblatio  {Mense  Jul.  xxiii.),  or  populi 
tuae,  or  familiae  tuae  (('6.  xxxiii.);  sacrificium 
quotidianum  {Mens.  Jul.  xliv.) ;  sacratae  plebis 
oblatio  (viii.  Id.  Aug.  vii.);  sacrificium  laudis 
(iv.  Id.  Aug.  v.  canon  Gelas.  frequent.);  sacri- 
ficium salutare  {Id.  Aug.  iv. ;  Natal.  Epis.  xix.)  ; 
sacrificium  nostrae  servitutis  (xvi.  Eal.  Oct.  iii.); 
hostias  laudis  {Prid.  Kd.  Oct.  i.  ;  Mens.  i^ep.  xii. 
&c.  frequent^  ;  sacrificium  nomini  tuo  dicatum 
{Mensis  Sep.  i.) ;  sacrificii  praesentis  oblatio 
{Super  Defunctos,  ii.) ;  sacrificium  cujus  te 
voluisti  dignanter  immolatione  placari  {in  Jejun. 
Mens.  xmi.  ii.)." 

The  following  are  among  the  various  titles 
applied  to  the  Eucharist  in  the  ancient  Celtic 
church  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland; 

Hostia  ;  {Syn.  Hibernens.  ii.  21)  oblaitio;  {Reg. 
Columbani,  c.  iv.)  0)^y:\ieX)X)  ;  {Senchus  Mor.  i. 
126,  ii.  344)  r4C01t^41C  ;  {Book  of  Deer)  s-dcri^- 
cium ;  (Gildas,  Praefat.  de  Poeniten.  §§  6,  7,  8  ; 
Hibernens.  xli.  4;  Reg.  S.  Colum.  cxii.)  sacrificale 
mysterium  ;  (Cuminius,  Vit.  S.  Colum.  p.  29)." 
To  celebrate  the  Holy  Eucharist  was  expressed 
by— "Ofiferre  (Gildas,  Praef.  de  Poenit.  xxiv,; 
Hibernens.  xviii.  6) ;  sacra  ofterre  (Gildas,  ib. 
xxiii.)  ;  offerre  sacrificium  {Liber  Davidis,  can. 
xii. ;  Patricii,  Confessio,  xiv.) ;  sacra  oblartionis 
mysteria  ministrare  (Adamnan,  Vit.  8.  Colum.  i. 
40);  sacram  oblationem  consecrare  {ih.  iii.  17); 
immolare  hostiam  (Secundini  Hymnws,  Irish 
Hymnary,  p.  17)." 

The  word  "  sacrificium  "  was  used  equally  for 
that  which  was  offered  to  God,  and  for  that 
which  was  given  to  and  received  by  the  com- 
municant. St.  Gall  told  his  scholar  Magnoaldus, 
"  My  master  Columbanus  is  accustomed  to  ofler 
unto  the  Lord  the  sacrifice  of  salvation  in  brazen 
vessels"  (Wal.  Strabo,  Vit.  8.  Galli,  i.  19).  The 
twelfth  canon  of  the  synod  of  St.  Patrick  runs 
thus ;  "  He  who  deserveth  not  to  receive  the 
sacrifice  in  his  life,  how  can  it  benefit  him  after 
his  death  ?"  (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Councils,  ii.  2, 
335).     St.  Patrick  said  to  the    newly-baptized 


SACRILEGE 

virgin  daughters  of  Laoghaire,  "  Ye  cannot  see 
the  face  of  Christ  except  ye  taste  of  death,  and 
except  ye  receive  the  sacrifice."  And  they 
answered,  "  Give  us  the  sacrifice  that  we  may 
behold  the  Son  our  Spouse,"  and  they  received 
the  Eucharist  of  God,  and  they  slept  in  death 
{Book  of  Armagh,  ful.  12a).  The  two  words 
communion  and  sacrifice  are  frequently  used 
together  in  one  phrase  in  the  Lenhhar  Breac. 
"  Thereafter  Patrick  sent  forth  his  spirit,  and  he 
received  communion  and  sacrifice  from  bishop 
Tassach's  hand  "  (fol.  29  b  ;  see  also  fols.  65  a, 
66  a). 

The  use  of  the  word  "  sacrificium "  for 
Eucharist  is  frequent  in  the  service  books  and 
ecclesiastical  documents  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
church.  This  is  natural  in  a  church  which 
accepted  through  its  founder  the  Roman  liturgy 
in  the  shape  of  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary, 
modified  by  the  introduction  of  several  Galilean 
and  perhaps  of  a  few  Celtic  features.  Illustrations 
might  be  drawn  from  almost  any  page  of  the 
Anglo-Saxon  missals  or  other  service  books 
(Surtees,  Soc.  vol.  Ixi.  p.  ix),  and  from  the 
regulations  concerning  the  Eucharist  laid  down 
iu  the  penitentials  of  Theodore,  cap.  xii.  (7th 
century)  ;  of  Bede,  cap.  viii.  (8th  century) ;  of 
Egbert,  cap.  xii.  (8th  century),  &c.  (Linga.J  J. 
Anglo-Saxon  Church,  edit.  1858,  vol.  i.  p.  265). 
[F.  E.  W.] 

SACRIFICIUM.  The  anthem  commonly 
called  the  ofiertory  ("  quod  in  honore  sacrificioi  uni 
canitur ; "  see  Isidore,  de  Eccl.  Off.  i.  14)  was 
so  called  among  the  Goths  of  Sjiain,  as  by  Isidore 
of  Seville,  a.d.  595  {Epist.  ad  Lmdefr.  §  5). 

Sacrificium  is  the  invariable  heading  of  the 
offertories  in  the  Mozarabic  Missal.  Ex.  (the 
offertory  for  Easter)  :  "  Sacrificium.  Ecce  Agnus 
(John  i.  29).  V.  Dicunt  qui  (Ps.  cvL  1-3). 
P.  Qui  tollit.  V.  Gloria  et  honor  Patri.  P.  Qui 
tolllt  peccatum."  [W.  E.  S.j 

SACRILEGE.  Amongst  the  acts  which  are 
specifically  classed  as  sacrilege,  we  may  enume- 
rate— 

(o)  The  act  of  one  who  "  acceptam  a  sacerdote 
Eaeharistiam  non  sumpserit "  {Cone.  Tolet.  i. 
cap.  14). 

(j8)  The  seizure  of  sacred  or  ecclesiastical 
property  {Cone.  Vas.  ii.  c.  4,  a.d.  529,  citing 
St.  Jerome's  letter  to  Nepotianus).  In  this 
category  we  find  the  seizure  of  the  goods  of  a 
bishop  at  his  death  by  the  clergy  {Cone.  Chalc. 
can.  22),  especially  the  plunder  of  the  palace  and 
the  licence  that  prevailed  through  the  whole  of 
Rome  and  its  suburbs  on  the  death  of  the  supreme 
pontic  (Ravennat.  sub  Joan.  iv.  c.  11,  ob.  a.d. 
685).  Akin  to  this  is  the  removal  of  anything 
from  the  episcopal  residence  during  the  vacancy 
of  the  see  {Cone.  Herd.  can.  16,  A.D.  524). 
[Vacancy.] 

At  a  later  period  we  find  traces  of  the  seizure 
of  the  goods  of  deceased  presbyters  or  clerics. 

{y)  A  bishop's  delivering  over  a  monastery  to 
spoliation  {Cone.  Hispal.  ii.  c.  10,  a.d.  619). 

(5)  The  sale  of  any  of  the  vessels  of  the  church 
on  the  part  of  a  presbyter  or  deacon  {Capitula 
Martini  Brae.  c.  17,  cent.  6). 

St.  Ambrose  melted  the  sacramental  plate  at 
Milan  to  redeem  some  captives,  and  the  Arians 
branded  that  as  saciilege.  But  St.  Ambrose 
justified   himself,  arguing  that  it   is   better  to 


SACRILEGE 

have  preserved  the  vessels  of  living  men  than 
lifeless  vessels.  A  similar  thing  was  done  by 
St.  Augustine,  by  Acacius,  bishop  of  Amida,  by 
St.  Cyril  at  Jerusalem,  and  by  Deogratias  of 
Carthage.  Bingham  shews  that  in  the  Code  of 
Justinian  a  special  provision  was  made  for  sell- 
ing the  church  plate  in  these  exceptional  cases, 
A  similar  provision  in  the  canon  law  was  made 
by  the  council  of  Rheims  (Can.  22). 

(e)  Oliences  against  the  person  and  rights  of 
the  sovereign  (^Cod.  T/icod.  lib.  6,  tit.  5).  See 
Princes,  Allegiance  to. 

(()  Plundering  the  graves  of  the  dead.  (Cod> 
Theod.  ix.  17  says  that  this  act  was  always 
esteemed  "  proximum-  sacrilegio.") 

(rj)  Impeding  a  clergyman  in  the  performance 
oi'  his  office  by  imposing  upon  him  other  duties 
(Cod  Theod.  16,  2). 

(6)  Allied  to  this  is  the  disturbance  of  divine 
service  and  affronting  its  ministers  {Cod. 
Theod.  16,  2). 

(i)  Bingham  quotes  the  words  of  pope  Gela- 
sius  in  proof  of  the  position  that  the  abstaining 
from  the  cup  in  Holy  Communion  is  sacrilege  i 
"...  quidam  sumpta  tantummodo  corporis 
sacri  portione  a  calice  sacri  cruoris  abstinent 
.  .  .  divisio  unius  ejusdemque  mysterii  sine 
grandi  sacrilegio  non  potest  provenire." 

(/c)  The  name  of  sacrilege  is  given  even  to  a 
neglect  of  ignorant  or  careless  teachers  in 
preaching  the  word  of  God  to  the  people  :  "  qui 
divinae  legis  sanctitatem  aut  nesciendo  con- 
fundunt  aut  negligendo  violant  et  offenduut 
sacrilegium  committunt "  {Cod.  Theod.  ap. 
Bingham,  xvi.  6,  27). 

There  are  many  acts  which  are  classed  as 
sacrilege  by  the  canonists  without  being  actually 
called  by  that  name  in  conciliar  decrees;  for 
example : — 

(1)  Wrapping  a  corpse  in  the  altaj.--pall  {palla 
altaris).     (Clem.  Ep.  ii.) 

(2)  A  deacon  using  the  same  as  a  covering  for 
his  shoulders  {ibid.). 

(3)  The  act  of  one  who  "  ad  sepulcra  martyrum 
adjungit  corpora  praecipitatorum  insanorum." 

(4)  Not  consuming  the  Eucharist  in  church 
(Caesar,  c.  3). 

(5)  Giving  the  Eucharist  to  the  dead. 

(6)  Offering  anything  but  bread  and  the  cup 
with  mingled  wine  and  wat^r. 

(7)  A  layman  undertaking  publicly  to  teach 
the  word  of  God  (Trull,  c.  64). 

(8)  Destroying  or  mutilating  books  of  Scrip- 
ture, or  delivering  them  to  booksellers  or  per- 
fumers {unguentarii)  to  be  destroyed  (TrulL 
c.  68). 

(9)  Profanation  of  churches  by  traffic  (Trull. 
c.  76) ;  or  introducing  cattle  (Trull,  c.  88) ;  or 
impropriety  (Trull,  c.  97). 

(10)  Giving  or  receiving  the  Communion 
{communioneni)  in  any  vessel  (Trull,  c.  101). 

(11)  Drawing  figures  of  the  cross  upon  the 
ground,  thus  causing  the  emblem  of  our  salvation 
to  be  trodden  upon  (Trull,  c.  73). 

(12)  Offering  improper  bread  for  consecration 
in  the  Eucharist  {Com.  Tolet.  c.  6,  a.d.  693). 

(13)  Misuse  of  the  sacTed  chrism  for  medicinal 
or  other  purposes  {Cone.  Arelat.  iv.  cap.  18, 
A.D.  813), 

(14)  The  act  of  the  traditores  in  delivering  up 
the  Scriptures  and  sacred  vessels  to  heathen 
authorities  for  destruction. 


SAGUM 


183c 


(15)  A  cleric  of  any  rank  consulting  augurs, 
soothsayers,  fortune-tellers,  or  mac^icians  {Cone. 
Tol.  iv.  c.  28). 

With  regard  to  the  punishment  enacted 
against  sacrilege,  it  appears  from  the  16th 
canon  of  the  council  of  Lerida  (Herd.)  already 
quoted  that  conviction  was  followed  by  "  pro- 
lixius  anathema."  The  guilty  were  disqualified 
for  accusation  ("  nullatenus  ad  accusationem 
sunt  admittendi,"  Eutychian  Epi4.  2). 

The  mode  of  inflicting  the  punishment  is 
described  at  length  in  the  24th  canon  of  the 
second  council  of  Tours  (a.d.  507).  The  occa- 
sion was  the  seiz-ure  of  cliurch  property.  The 
offender  was  to  be  admonished  by  the  presbyter 
of  the  church  that  had  suffered.  If  he  would 
not  make  restitution,  he  was  to  be  addressed  as 
a  son  in  letters  by  all  the  brethren.  But  if  he 
was  finally  recalcitrant  after  a  third  admonition, 
abbats  and  presbyters  assembled  to  pronounce 
the  solemn  anathema.  The  clergy  were  shut 
in  choir,  Christ  being  their  helper.  The  109th 
Psalm  (Vulg.  108)  was  said  to  the  murderer  of 
the  poor,  that  "  upon  him  might  come  the  curse 
that  came  upon  Judas."  The  effect  of  the 
denunciation  is  declared  to  be  that  he  should 
die  not  only  excommunicate,  but  anathematized, 
and  should  be  smitten  with  the  sword  of 
heaven.     [Maxediction.] 

The  fourth  council  of  Toledo  speaks  of  the 
sacrilege  of  grave-robbing  as  having  been  punish- 
able by  death  under  the  public  laws,  and  enacts, 
accordingly,  that  a  cleric  who  is  guilty  of  the 
crime  be  deposed  from  his  orders,  and  do  three 
years'  penance  (c.  45).  In  the  excerpts  of  arch- 
bishop Egbert  (quoting  Jerome)  sacrilegious  per- 
sons are  ranked  with  murderers.  The  infliction 
of  punishment  (presumably  capital  punishment) 
is  there  pronounced  to  be  not  "  effusio  san- 
guinis." Elsewhere  they  are  catalogued  with 
"  heretics,  suspected,  excommunicated,  felons, 
thieves,  resorters  to  fortune-tellers  and  wizards  " 
(Eutych.  Epist.  2,  ap.  Antonii  Augustini  Juris 
Pontif.  Epitome,  Lib.  34,  tit.  ix.  pars  ii.  cap.  8). 
Legend,  as  usual,  is  not  backward  in  depicting 
the  horrors  of  sacrilege.  See,  for  instance, 
Gregory  of  Tours  de  Gloria  Martyrum,  cap.  17  ; 
de  Miraculis  S.  Martini,  lib.  1.  [H.  T.  A.] 

SACEISTA,  SACEISTANUS.  The  minister 
to  whom  the  care  of  the  sacred  vessels,  vest- 
ments, and  furniture  was  committed.  "  Sacro- 
rumi  custos  ;  idem  qui  Thesaurarius  "  (Duraud. 
national,  lib.  ii.  c.  1,  n.  14).  [Sceuophylax.] 
[E.  v.] 

SACRISTY.  [Diaconicum;  Sceuophyla- 
cium;  Secretarium.] 

SADOC,  Feb.  20,  bishop,  martyr  in  Persia 
under  Sapor  (Basil.  Menol.  ;  Menol.  Graec.  Sir- 
let.).  [C.H.] 

SADOTH,  Oct.  19,  martyr  in   Persia  under 
Sapor  (Basil.  Menol.;    Menol.    Graec.    Sirlet.). 
[C.  H.] 

SAGAR,  Oct.  6,  bishop  of  Laodicea,  reputed 
disciple  of  St.  Paul  {Mart.    Usuard.,  Vet    Horn 
Notker.).  [C-  H.J 

SAGUM.  This  word  is  properly  applied  to 
a  cloak  worn  by  the  inferior  ranks  of  the  Roman 
soldiery.     We  gather  from  Isidore  that  it  was  of 


1836       SAINTES.  COUNCIL  OP 

Gallican  origin  and  rectangular  in  form  (Etymol. 
six.  24.  13).  With  its  military  use  we  have  no 
concern  here,  but  it  is  necessary  to  remark  that 
in  the  8th  century  we  find  several  prohibi- 
tions against  the  use  of  the  sagum  by  clerics. 
Thus  a  council  held  in  A.D.  742  under  the  presi- 
dency of  Boniface,  either  at  Ratisbon  or  Augs- 
burg, orders  that  "  priests  and  deacons  shall  not 
wear  saga  like  laymen,  but  camlae  "  (can.  7  ; 
Labbe,  vi.  1535).  The  rules  of  this  council  were 
confirmed  by  a  capitulary  put  forth  by  Carlo- 
man  at  Liptinae  in  the  following  year  (Balu- 
zius,  Cajjit.  Reg.  Franc,  i.  149).  Again,  in  a 
letter  of  Boniface  to  Cuthbert  (a.d.  745),  we 
find  a  reference  to  his  prohibition  to  the  "  ser- 
vauts  of  God  "  of  the  use  of  saga  or  weapons. 
In  the  Theodosian  Code,  sagum  is  the  name 
applied  to  the  cloak  or  outer  covering  used  by 
those  who  looked  after  the  horses  used  for 
public  conveyance.  These  are  not  to  be  taken 
away  or  torn  by  those  employing  the  horses 
(lib.  viii.  tit.  5,  11,  37,  48,  50 ;  and  see  Gotho- 
freilus's  note).  For  further  references  see  Du- 
cange's  Glossarium,  s.  v.  [R.  S.] 

SAINTES,  COUNCIL  OF  (Santonense 
Concilium),  a.d.  562,  when  Heraclius,  a  pres- 
byter, was  nominated  to  that  see  in  lieu  of 
Emerius,  appointed  to  it  uncanonically  by  king 
Clotaire  I.  But  the  bishops  were  fined  for  this 
act  by  Chdrebert,  the  son  of  Clotaire,  and 
Emerius  was  maintained  in  his  office.  (Mansi, 
is.  783-786.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

SAINTS  (Sancti,  ayioi).  (1)  The  people  of 
God,  as  holy  by  election  and  profession,  have 
been  so  called  under  both  dispensations  (Deut. 
XXX.  3  ;  Ps.  1.  5  ;  cxlix.  1,  5,  9  ;  &c.,  and  N.  T. 
Rom.  i.  7;  1  Cor.  i.  2;  Eph.  i.  1,  iv.  12;  Col.  i. 
2  ;  Jude  3  ;  &c.).  This  scriptural  use  of  the  word 
was  common  for  more  than  three  centuries  after 
Christ.  With  Constantine  the  visible  church  is 
6  aylciiv  (TvKKoyos,  the  assembly  of  the  saints 
(Tit.  Orat.  ad  SS.  Coetum).  In  several  passages 
in  which  St.  Chrysostom  speaks  of  the  interces- 
sion of  "  the  saints,"  the  context  shews  that  he 
means  our  living  brethren  (^Hom.  44  in  Gen.  §  2  ; 
Rm.  5  in  Alatth.  Ei\  §  4 ;  Horn.  5  in  Ep.  2,  ad 
Eph.  «  1).  "  Grex  sanctorum  "  is  the  church  in 
the  language  of  Victor  Vitensis  {de  Persec.  Afric. 
5).  Caesarius  of  Aries,  referring  to  the  precept 
(St.  James  v.  16),  "Confess  your  faults  one  to 
another,"  says  that  "  Scripture  advises  us  to  con- 
fess our  sins,  not  only  to  God,  but  also  to  the 
saints  and  those  who  fear  God"  {Serm.  Ivi.  §  7). 

But  several  conventional  restrictions  of  the 
meaning  of  this  term  were  at  the  same  time 
growing  up.  Thus  it  was  sometimes  limited  to 
those  who  lived  up  to  their  holy  profession,  the 
true  saints  in  the  visible  kingdom  of  saints  ;  as 
when  some  persons,  condemned  by  the  council  of 
Milevi,  A.D.  416  (cans.  7,  8),  attempted  to  ex- 
plain away  the  use  of  the  petition,  "  Forgive  us 
our  trespasses,"  by  "the  saints."  Again  it 
sometimes  meant  those  who  were  especially 
devoted  to  holy  offices  or  to  a  holy  life,  as  the 
clergy  and  monks  and  nuns.  Thus  Cyril  of 
Jerusalem  calls  a  certain  rite  in  baptism  "  the 
insufflations  of  the  saints  "  (jOatech.  Myst.  ii.  3). 
Salvian,  complaining  of  the  oppressions  of  his 
day  ;  "  Viduarum  et  pupillorum  viscera  devoran- 
tur,  et  cum  his  ferme  sanctorum  omnium  "  (de 


SAINTS 

Gvhern.  Dei,  5).  In  the  East  again  the  writers 
of  holy  Scripture  were  especially  so  called.  See 
examples  in  the  Festal  Epistles  of  St.  Athana- 
sius,  pp.  14,  20,  25,  39  \Engl.  Tr.  Oxf.).  St. 
Basil  of  Caesarea  asks,  "  Which  of  the  saints  has 
left  in  writing  the  words  of  invocation  at  the 
consecration  of  the  bread  of  Eucharist  and  the 
wine  of  blessing  ?  For  we  are  not  content  with 
those  things  which  the  apostle  or  the  gospel  has 
mentioned,  but  we  say  other  things  "  {de  Spir. 
Sand.  27,  §  66). 

(2)  Saints  in  the  Calendar. — The  use  of  the 
title  "saint"  to  denote  a  "martyr  designatus  " 
(Tertull.  Ad  Mart.  1)  or  "vindicatus"  (Optatus, 
de  Schism.  Donat.  i.  16),  or  a  confessor  raised  to 
the  same  rank,  is  not  earlier  than  the  5th  cen- 
tury. [Compare  Calendar;  Martvrology.] 
We  find  it,  however,  in  a  Roman  table  of 
gospels,  "Capitula  Leclionum  Evangelii  aun. 
circ.  ad  missam,"  which  Martene  thinks  not 
later  than  the  beginning  of  that  period,  almost 
every  name  being  preceded  by  the  title 
"  sanctus "  (Martene  and  Duraud,  Thesaur. 
V.  66).  Another  calendar  of  the  5th  cen- 
tury is  headed,  "  Hie  continentur  dies  natalicio- 
rum  martyrum  et  depositiones  episcoporum, 
quos  ecclesia  Carthagenis  anniversaria  cele- 
brant" {sic)  (Analecta  Vet.  Mab.  163,  ed.  2, 
Ruinart,  u.  s.  693).  Here  the  title  of  saint  is 
given  to  nearly  all ;  but  the  custom  does  not 
seem  to  have  been  quite  familiar  to  the  com- 
fiiler ;  for  the  first  six  in  the  list  are  without  it ; 
though  four  of  them  are  described  as  martyrs. 
The  rest,  above  80  in  number,  with  three  appa- 
rently accidental  exceptions,  are  all  called  saints. 
The  Calendar  of  Polemeus  Silvius,  or  rather 
P.  Annaeus  Silvius,  was  written  for  the  year 
448.  Beside  heathen  festivals,  birthdays  of  em- 
perors, &c.,  prognostications  of  weather,  and 
some  of  the  greater  Christian  festivals,  it 
notes  "Natalis  S.  Vincentii  Martyris,  Depositio 
sancti  Petri  et  Pauli,  Natalis  S.  Laurentii  Mar- 
tiris,  Natalis  S.  Hippoliti  Mart.,  Natalis  S. 
Stephani  Mart."  (Boll.  u.  s.  176  ;  Mai,  Script.  Vet. 
Nov.  Coll.  V.  i.  54).  Certain  Fasti  Consulares, 
which  end  at  the  year  493,  contain  memoranda 
of  nine  martyrdoms,  and  of  the  translation  of 
SS.  Andrew  and  Luke  to  C.  P. ;  but  in  only  two 
instances  (St.  Laurence,  St.  Euphemia)  is  the 
title  of  saint  employed  (Boll.  «.  s.  186).  A  frag- 
ment of  a  Gothic  calendar  found  in  the  library 
at  Milan  names  six  martyrs,  but  styles  none  of 
them  saints.  It  was  compiled  before  553,  but 
when  does  not  appear.  It  is  therefore  uncertain 
whether  the  omission  is  a  mark  of  great  anti- 
quity or  a  peculiarity  of  the  Gothic  church 
(Mai,  M.  s.  66).  In  the  Calendarium  Eomanum  of 
the  8th  century,  printed  by  J.  Fronto  {Epist.  et 
Dissert.  133,  Veron.  1733),  the  title  is  scrupu- 
lously prefixed  to  every  name ;  as  it  is  also  to 
those  found  on  a  marble  calendar  of  the  ninth 
given  by  Mai  (m.  s.  58). 

(3)  Commemoration  in  the  Liturgy. — The 
one  privilege  accorded  at  the  earliest  period  to 
the  recognised  saints  of  any  church,  was  annual 
mention  in  its  liturgy.  Thus  St.  Cyprian,  speak- 
ing of  two  martyrs,  says,  "As  ye  remember,  we 
always  offer  sacrifices  for  them,  whenever  we 
celebrate  the  passion  and  days  of  martyrs  by  a 
yearly  commemoration  "  {Epist.  34,  ad  Cler.  ed. 
Ben.).  [Natale.]  He  ordered  the  deaths  of 
persons  under  persecution  to  be  notified  to  him, 


SAINTS 

that  they  might  be  thus  commemorated  (Epist. 
37).  It  was  in  fact  a  part  of  the  bishop's  duty 
to  conti-ol  the  services  of  the  church  in  this  as 
well  as  other  respects.  Even  at  the  later  period, 
when  martyrs  became  objects  of  worship,  it  was 
the  bishop  who  exercised  the  right  of  admission 
or  exclusion  :  "  De  .  .  .  .  Sanctis  noviter  inven- 
tis,  nisi  episcopo  probante,  minime  venerentur  " 
(Capit.  Car.  Mag.  a.d.  805,  c.  17  ;  comp.  Cone. 
Francof.  794,  can.  42 ;  Capit.  Meg.  Franc,  v. 
257  ;  vi.  283).  Before  long  persons  not  martyrs, 
but  sufferers  for  the  truth  and  eminent  for  holi- 
ness (see  the  earlier  limitations  in  Hernias 
Pastor,  i.  vis.  3,  §  1 ;  iii,  Simil.  §  28 ;  relaxed 
in  Cyprian  Epist.  37  ad  Cler.),  received  the  same 
honour  under  the  title  of  confessors.  One  such, 
viz.  Sylvester,  but  only  one,  appears  in  the 
Eoman  calendar  of  the  beginning  of  the  5th  cen- 
tury, printed  by  Martene  {TheMurus  Anecd.  v. 
66).  At  length  such  commemoration,  whether 
annual  or  by  request  more  frequent,  became  an 
object  of  ambition,  and  was  purchased  by  gifts 
or  bequests.  E.g.,  a  matron  named  Theodilana 
in  the  6th  century  (Mabill.  Anal.  Vet.  160,  ed. 
2)  made  a  donation,  and  Remigius  of  Rheims 
(Labb.  Biblioth.  MSS.  i.  806),  and  Bertram  of 
Mans  (Mab.  u.  s.  257)  made  bequests  to  churches 
on  condition  that  their  names  should  be  "  in- 
scribed in  the  book  of  life  (the  diptychs)  and 
recited  on  every  festival." 

The  names  of  the  Virgin,  apostles,  and  other 
chief  saints  were  recited  from  the  diptychs  with 
the  rest,  in  some  churches  even  down  to  the 
8th  century  (Salig,  de  Dipt.  Vet.  iii.  34,  Halae 
Magdeb.  1731) ;  but  a  distinction  was  felt  to  be 
desirable  even  before  that  period,  and  in  the 
West  the  more  eminent  names  had  for  some  time 
occupied  a  permanent  place  in  the  liturgy  itself. 
Hence  within  our  period  there  were  prayers  for 
the  blessed  Virgin  and  others  by  name,  certainly 
in  most  of,  presumptively  in  all  the  litur- 
gies, except  the  Clementine,  which  was  modelled 
on  the  earlier  rite,  and  the  Nestorian  of  Theo- 
dore and  Nestorius  which  were  derived  from  the 
primitive  liturgies  of  Mopsuestia  and  Constan- 
tinople. At  first  these  intercessions  were  said  by 
the  priest  at  the  altar,  and  after  the  consecra- 
tion {Notitia  Eucharistica,  421,  ed.  2)  ;  but  after  a 
while,  obviously  for  the  sake  of  greater  distinc- 
tion, they  were  generally  removed  to  an  earlier 
part  of  the  service.  A  surviving  witness  to  the 
earlier  arrangement  is  found  in  the  Armenian 
liturgy :  "  The  Priest :  We  pray  that  the  mother 
of  God,  the  holy  Virgin  Mary,  John  the  Baptist, 
the  first  confessor  and  archdeacon  St.  Stephen,  and 
all  saints,  be  commemorated  in  this  holy  liturgy. 
Choir.  Remember  them,  O  Lord,  and  have 
mercy  upon  them  "  (Neale's  Introd.  to  Hist,  of 
East.  Church,  594).  Other  names  follow.  In 
the  original  text  of  St.  James  after  the  consecra- 
tion God  is  simply  besought  to  remember  all  the 
orthodox  *'  from  righteous  Abel  unto  this  day," 
but  the  later  adds,  "  that  we  may  find  mei-cy 
and  peace  with  all  the  saints,  ....  especially 
our  most  holy  ....  lady,"  &c.  (Assemani  Co- 
dex Liturg.  iv.  P.  2,  45).  The  Sicilian  St.  James, 
not  only  commemorates  the  Blessed  Virgin,  arch- 
angels, the  baptists,  the  apostles,  prophets  and 
martyrs  in  general  terms,  and  St.  Stephen  and 
James  by  name  (^ibid.  68)  before  the  consecration, 
but  also  prays  for  "  the  memory,  pardon,  and 
repose  "  of  all  the  archbishops  of  Jerusalem  after 


SAINTS 


1837 


James,  naming  some  of  them  (76).  After  the 
consecration  (p.  86)  it  commemorates  a  great 
number  of  the  saints  of  Scripture,  and  many 
martyrs  and  others  by  name,  "  not  that  we  are 
worthy  to  commemorate  their  blessedness,  but 
that  they,  standing  before  Thy  dread  and  awful 
throne,  0  Lord,  may  remember  our  piteous 
state." 

In  the  West  the  Roman  use  commemorates  by 
name  (in  the  Communicant es)  the  Blessed  Virgin, 
eleven  of  the  twelve  apostles,  St.  Paul  (associated 
with  St.  Peter),  Linus,  Cletus,  Clement,  Xys- 
tus,  Cornelius,  Cyprian,  Lawrence,  Chryso- 
gonus,  John  and  Paul,  Cosmas  and  Damian ;  to 
which  the  local  churches  added  names  at  will 
(Martene,  de  Ant.  Bit.  Eccl.  I.  iv.  8,  n.  16). 
This  was  before  the  consecration.  After,  it  prays 
for  part  and  lot  with  "  the  holy  Apostles  and  mar- 
tyrs John,  Stephen,  Matthias  (omitted  before), 
Barnabas,  Ignatius,"  and  ten  others.  In  both 
formularies  it  avoids  prayer  for  them.  The 
Mozarabic  now  merely  commemorates  (before 
the  consecration)  the  B.  V.  the  apostles,  &c. ; 
but  still  "  offers  on  behalf  of  the  spirits  of  those 
at  rest,  of  Hilary,  Athanasius,  Martin,  Ambrose, 
Augustine,  Fulgentius,"  &c. — In  all  sixty-five 
names  are  mentioned  (Leslie,  Missale  Mozar,  4, 
225). 

When  the  system  of  Missae  was  formed  in  the 
West  the  several  collects  composed  for  a  saint's 
day  mentioned  him  by  name.  The  reference  to 
him  was  various  ;  but  in  one  of  them  at  least  a 
prayer  was  offered  for  his  repose.  Such  prayers, 
however,  were  so  contrary  to  the  feeling  of  the 
early  mediaeval  church  that  only  two  examples 
have  come  down  to  us  in  the  sacramentaries  of 
Rome ;  viz.  the  secretae  in  the  Missae  for  St. 
Leo  and  St.  Gregory.  Until  altered,  not  long 
before  the  time  of  Innocent  HI.,  A.D.  1198  (Deer. 
Const,  iii.  130,  in  0pp.  ii.  764,  Colon.  1575),  they 
began  thus,  "  Grant  unto  us,  0  Lord,  that  this 
oblation  may  profit  the  soul  of  Thy  servant  " 
(Sitc7-am,  Gregor.  in  Murat.  Lit.  Rom.  Vet.  ii.  25, 
102). 

It  was  an  early  rule  that  no  saint's  day  should 
be  kept  in  Lent  (Cone.  Laodic.  can.  51  ;  Cone. 
Tolet.  A.D.  656,  cap.  1),  and  none  are  set  down 
for  that  season  in  the  earliest  Roman  table  of 
gospels  (Martene,  Thesaur.  v.  66),  nor  could  there 
have  been  any  in  the  old  Galilean  kctionary 
found  at  Luxeuil  {Lit.  Gall.  124). 

Litanies  of  the  Saints. — Originally  the  ectenes 
of  the  Greek  and  Oriental  churches  seem  to  have 
contained  no  reference  to  the  departed  (Nvtitia 
Eucharistica,  422).  Now  they  have  a  commemo- 
ration of  the  Virgin  and  other  saints  introduced 
somewhat  awkwardly  (Goar,  Euchol.  Graec.  66, 
74 ;  Renaudot,  Lit.  Orient,  i.  9,  139,  149,  506, 
514;  Raulin,  Liti.irg.  Malah.  298). 

Nor  were  they  commemorated,  except  very 
generally,  in  any  of  the  corresponding  Western 
forms,  the  Missal  litanies,  as  said  in  the  Missa 
Catechumeuorum  (in  the  Ambrosian  rite  im- 
mediately after  the  ingressa  [Intkoit])  from  a 
very  early  period.  In  the  Missal  litany  pre- 
served at  Fulda  (Bona,  Her.  Liturg.  i.  4,  n.  3), 
the  only  allusion  to  the  saints  is  in  the  clause 
"  Sanctorum  Apostolorum  et  Martyrura  memores 
sumus,  ut  orantibus  eis  pro  nobis  veniam 
mereamur."  There  is  no  reference  to  them 
whatever  in  the  two  litanies  retained  in  the 
Ambrosian   Missal   (Pamelius,  Liturgica,   i.   328, 


1838 


SAINTS'  DAYS 


331),  or  in  the  Mozarabic  and  Gallican  Preces, 
the  last  form  of  the  eucharistic  litany  in  Spain 
and  France.  But  when  litanies  disappeared  from 
the  liturgy,  they  were  still  used  in  Processions, 
and  in  the  visitation  of  the  sick.  As  so  used, 
however,  we  find  them  enlarged  by  direct  in- 
vocations to  saints ;  as  "  Sancta  Maria,  ora  pro 
nobis,"  &c. — Above  150  are  thus  addressed  by 
name  in  an  old  litany  of  English  use  ascribed 
to  the  8th  century,  printed  by  Mabillon  (A^ial. 
Vet.  168).  Another  of  the  same  character,  and 
also  English  of  the  9th  century,  is  given  by 
Mr.  Proctor  (Hist,  of  B.  C.  P.  230)  from  a  MS. 
(H.  i.  23)  in  the  Cambridge  University  Library. 
An  Anglo-Saxon  litany  printed  by  Mai  (Script. 
Vet.  Nova  Coll.  v.  i.  66)  from  a  MS.  of  Bary  St. 
Edmund's,  now  in  the  Vatican,  contains  thirty 
names,  all  purely  national ;  except  that  of  St. 
Helena.  One  of  Gallican  use,  and  of  the  age  of 
Charlemagne  (Mabill.  Anal.  171),  gives  about 
200  names,  among  which  we  find  those  of 
Oriel,  Raguel,  Tobiel,  which  Zachary,  in  a  council 
held  at  Rome  in  745  (act.  3),  declared  to  be 
"  the  names  not  of  angels,  but  of  devils  "  (Labb. 
Cone.  vi.  1561).  Later  litanies  of  this  kind  may 
be  seen  in  Bona  u.  s.  App.  (Codex  Chisian.),  and 
Martene,  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Hit.  I.  vii.  4,  (ordo  6 
(above  280  names),  ordd.  11,  13,  15,  17,  25).— 
See  litanies  as  used  at  the  dedication  of  a  church 
[Procession,  ii.  B.  15]  in  the  Ordo  Romanus,  Ber- 
noldi  (in  Hittorp.  Eccl.  Off.  108,  ed.  1);  and 
Martene  (de  Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  ii.  13,  ord.  4). 
They  contain  each  about  fifty  names.  For  similar 
litanies  sung  at  the  coronation  of  an  emperor, 
see  Mart.  u.  s.  ii.  9,  ord.  5  (at  Milan),  and  ii.  23, 
ord.  9  (at  Rome)  in  ed.  2  ;  at  that  of  a  king  of 
France,  ii.  10,  ord.  7  (58  names).        [W.  E.  S.] 

SAINTS'  DAYS.  [Festivals;  Martyr, 
p.  1127  ;  Natalis.] 

SALAMA  (Frumentius),  July  10,  Sept.  20, 
Dec.   14,  apostle  of  Ethiopia  (Cal.  Ethiop.). 

[C-  H.] 

SALARIA  or  SALARIUM.  A  saltcellar, 
generally  of  some  precious  metal,  for  holding  the 
salt  used  in  consecrating  holy  water,  or  in  the 
sacrament  of  baptism,  was  a  usual  piece  of  church 
furniture  towards  the  end  of  our  period.  Flo- 
doardus  (Hist.  S.  Remig.  lib.  ii.  c.  5)  mentions 
"  cochlearia  duodecim  et  salarium  argenteum." 
Bernard.  Mon.  (in  Ord.  Cluniac.  part  i.  c.  27) 
speaks  of  the  "  salaria  "  of  the  refectory,  into 
which  what  remained  over  of  the  salt,  when  the 
holy  water  was  consecrated,  was  put.  At  a  later 
period,  among  the  chuixh  furniture  of  York 
Minster  (Mon.  Angl.  iii.  171),  was  a  silver 
saltcellar,  gilt  inside,  "  pro  sale  in  doniinicis 
diebus  benedicendo."  [E.  V.] 

SALCHU  (Solochon),  Sep.  17,  an  Egyptian 
martyr,  commemorated  at  Chalcedon  {Sjjr. 
Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

SALOME,  Oct.  22,  disciple  of  Christ  (Mart. 

Usuard.,  Adon.,    Vet.  Rom.) ;  Oct.  21  (Notker.). 

[C.  H.] 

SALOMON,  Feb.  8,  martyr,  commemorated 
at  Cordova  (Mart.  Usuard.).  [C.  H.] 

SALOMONIS,  Aug.  1,  Maccabaean  martyr 
with  her  seven  sons  under  Seleucus  at  Jerusalem 
(Basil.  MenoL).  [C.  H.] 


SALT,  THE  RITUAL  USE  OF 

SALON,  Sept.  28,  bishop  and  confessor,  com- 
memorated at  Genoa  (Mart.  Usuai-d.).     [C.  H.] 

SALT,  THE  RITUAL  USE  OF      I.  Fut 

into  Holy  Water. — See  HoLY  Water,  §  iv. 
Prayers  for  the  exorcism  and  benediction  oftlie 
salt  before  it  was  mixed  with  the  water  may  be 
seen  in  the  Sacramentary  of  Gelasius  (Murat. 
Litivrg.  Rom.  Vet.  i.  739-741)  in  that  of  Gregory 
(Murat.  u.  s.  ii.  225;  Opp.  S.  Greg.  iii.  233,  ed. 
Ben.),  in  the  Romanizing  rite  of  Besani,on  found 
by  Mabillon  at  Bobio  (Mus.  Ital.  i.  386),  &c. 
Holy  water  was  often  made  expressly  to  be 
sprinkled  in  the  house  of  the  sick,  and  then,  as  at 
other  timt's,  was  "•  aspersa  sale."  See  Ordines 
vi.  16,  in  Marteae,  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  i.  vii.  4. 
The  origin  of  the  custom  is  not  known,  but  it 
is  possibly  connected  with  a  heathen  practice, 
described  by  Balsamon  as  having  been  observed 
annually  at  Constantinople  even  in  Christian 
times,  of  sprinkling  every  house  with  water  from 
the  sea  (Comment,  in  Cone.  TriUl.  can.  65). 

n.  At  the  Dedication  of  a  Church. — On  such 
occasions  blessed  water  mixed  with  ashes  was 
used,  and  salt  was  added  here  also.  It  was  sup- 
posed to  represent  divine  truth  ;  while  the  water 
was  a  symbol  of  the  people  ;  the  ashes,  of  the 
sacrifice  of  the  Lamb  of  God.  With  this  mixture 
the  bishop  signed  the  corners  of  the  altar,  and 
sprinkled  various  parts  of  the  church.  What 
remained  was  poured  out  at  the  foot  of  the  altar 
(Remigius  Autiss.  de  Dedic.  Eccl.  4-6).  There 
are  no  examples  earlier  than  the  8th  century. 
See  Martene,  u.  s.  ii.  13  ;  viz.  the  Gellone  3Jiss'al 
Ord.  1 ;  Egbert's  Pontifical,  Ord.  2  ;.  or  Surtees 
Society,  vol.  xxvii.  p.- 34  ;  the  Anglican  Pontifical 
found  at  Jumi^ges,  3  ;  Ordo  Romanus  Bernoldi  in 
Hittorp.  de  Off.  Cath.  Eccles.  112,  Col.  1568;  &c. 
The  same  rite  appears  in  the  Gregorian  Sacra- 
mentary (Murat.  M.  s.  ii.  474;  Opp.  S.  Greg.  iii. 
147,  ed.  Ben.),  but  not  in  the-  earlier  Gelasian 
(Murat.  M.  s.  i.  609). 

III.  Salt  given  to  Catechumens. — This  was  a 
purely  Latin  rite,  though  some  have  supposed 
Origen  to  refer  to  it  when  commenting  on  Ezekiel 
xvi.  4  (Hom.  in  Ez.  vi.).  As  no  other  Greek  or 
Oriental  writer  even  appears  to  allude  to  it,  and 
the  ritual  books  of  their  churches  do  not  pre- 
scribe it,  we  must  suppose  that  Origen  is  speaking 
figuratively,  like  the  prophet  whom  he  para- 
phrases. See  a  similar  passage  in  Ambrose,  Exp-is. 
in  Luc.  Ev..  x,  48 ;  comp.  Mark  ix.  50,  Luke  xiv. 
34,  Col.  iv.  6.  It  was,  however,  general,  if  not 
universal,  among  the  Latins  after  the  3rd  century. 
Thus  we  find  the  council  of  Carthage  in  397, 
decreeing  that  "  throughout  the  most  solemn 
days  of  Easter  no  sacrament  should  be  given  to 
the  catechumens,  except  the  accustomed  salt  " 
(can.  5).  St.  Augustine  also,  in  Roman  Africa, 
says  of  himself:  "  Adhuc  puer  ....  signabar 
jam  signo  crucis,  et  condiebar  ejus  sale  "  (Confess. 
i.  11,  §  17).  The  Gelasian  Sacramentary  has  a 
"  Benedictio  Sails  dandi  catechumenis,"  in  which, 
after  exorcising  the  salt,  the  bishop  proceeds : 
"  Proinde  rogamus  Te  .  .  .  .  ut  haec  creatura 
sails  in  nomine  Trinitatis  efficiatur  salutare 
sacramentum."  This  is  followed  by  a  "  Bene- 
dictio post  Salem  datum  "  (Murat.  u.  s.  i.  534  ; 
Codices  Sacrament.  Thomas.  49;  Romae,  1689). 
All  this  is  preserved  in  the  Gregorian  books. 
See  Murat.  u.  s.  ii.  60,  and  other  examples  in 
Martene,  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  I.  i.  6,  Ord.  3.     The 


SALUSTIA 

rite  is  not  found  in  the  old  Gallican  books 
(Thomasius,  u.  s.  ;  Liturg.  Gall.  Mabill. ;  Sacfam. 
Gall.  Vet.  in  Mus.  Ital.  i.  ;  Murat.  u.  s.  ii.),  but 
is  recognised  by  the  Romanizing  bishops  of  the 
empire,  whom  Charlemagne  consulted  on  the 
subject  of  baptism,  as  Leidrad.  Lugd.  (Be  Bap- 
tismo,  1),  Magnus  Senon.  (in  Martene,  u.  s.  art. 
17),  Theodulf  of  Orleans  {Epist.  ad.  Jo'inn.  5), 
&c.  In  Spain  Hildefonse  of  Toledo  (a.d.  657)  had 
only  heard  of  the  rite  as  local :  "  Catechumenis 
in  nonnullis  locis,  ut  refertur,  sales  accipiunt. 
....  Usquequaquam  non  probatur "  {De 
Cognit.  Bapt.  i.  26).  It  is,  however,  acknow- 
ledged by  Isidore  of  Seville  {De  Offic.  ii.  20)  : 
"  Exorcisantur,  deinde  salem  accipiunt."  In  the 
9th  century  it  was  still  known  that  this  rite  was 
not  apostolic:  "Alii  addiderunt  in  baptismatis 
Sacramento  e.xorcismos,  alii  conseci-ationem  fontis, 
alii  saliSf  vel  saliTae  infusionem "  (Walafr. 
Strabo,  de  Rebus  Eccl.  26). 

The  salt  was  gi-ven  at  every  Scrutinium 
{Ordo  Scrut.  1,  8,  in  Mus.  Ital.  ii.  7.7,  81),  and 
was  regarded  as  a  symbol  of  that  divine  wisdom 
with  which  the  catechumen  was  gradually 
imbued  during  his  preparation  for  baptism.  So 
Smaragdus  (Epist.  de  Sabb.  Pentec),  Isidore  (De 
Offic.  ii.  20),  Magnus  Senon.  (u.  s.),  Rabanus 
Maurus  (De  Instit.  Cleri,  i.  27),  and  many  others. 
This  signification  was  also  recognised  in  the 
formula  used  at  the  ministration,  "  Accipe,  ill.,  sal 
sapientiae,  propitiatus  invitam  aeternam  "  ( (9«f o 
Scrutinii,  1  ;  comp.  Sacram.  Gelas.  Murat.  i.  534  ; 
Greg.  ibid.  ii.  60). 

IV.  Given,  to  Penitents. — In  the  8th  century 
we  find  in  France  canons,  founded  on  that  of 
Carthage  respecting  catechumens,  which  order 
salt  to  be  given  to  penitents  also  :  "  Quae  forma 
etiam  a  publicis  poenitentibus  omnino  sequenda 
est  "  (Additio,  4,  ad  Capit.  Reg.  Fr.  c.  63  ;  comp. 
Cap.  R.  Fr.  vii.  263). 

v.  In  the  Eucharistic  Bread. — The  Greeks 
from  an  early  period  attached  importance  to  the 
presence  of  salt  in  the  bread.  It  was  the  mind, 
they  said,  as  the  leaven  was  the  soul  of  the 
oblate,  and  an  azyme  without  them  was  dead 
(Pseudo-Damnsc.  De  Azy?nis,  §  1,  0pp.  Joann. 
Damasc.  i.  649  ;  comp.  Mich.  Cerularius  ap. 
Humbert,  Adv.  Graec.  Calumn.  2,  and  Nomocamn 
Graec.  426).  The  Armenians  (Isaac  Cathol. 
Invect.  Sec.  adv.  Armen.  xii.  8 ;  Renuntiatio 
Annen.  in  notis  Cotel.  ad  Constit.  Apost.  v.  12), 
the  Nestorians  (Martene,  u.  s.  I.  iii.  8  ;  Le  Brun, 
Dissert,  xi,  9),  and  Syro-Jacobites  (Assemaui, 
Biblioth.  Orient,  ii.  183),  are  equally  zealous  for 
the  custom).    [Elements,  p.  602.]     [W.  E.  S.] 

SALUSTIA,  Sept.  14,  martyr  with  her  hus- 
band Cerealis,  under  Decius,  at  Rome  (Mart. 
Usuard.,  Adon.,  Notker.).  [C.  H.] 

SALUSTIANUS,  June  8,  martyr,  com- 
memorated in  Sardinia  (Mart.  Usuard.,  ffieron., 
Notker.)  ;  May  27  (Notker.).  [C.  H.] 

SALUTARIS,  July  13,  archdeacon,  martyr, 
commemorated  in  Africa  (Mart.  Usaard.,  Not- 
ker.). [C.  H.] 

SALVIUS  (1),  Jan.  11,  martyr,  commeino- 
rated  in  Africa  (Mart.  Bed.,  Notker.). 

(2)  July  1,  confessor,  commemorated  "  in  jjortu 
Yalencianas  "  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Wand.).  [C.  H.] 


SAMARITAN  WOMAN 


1839 


SAMARITAN  WOMAN.  This  subject  is 
not  very  frequently  represented  in  Christian  art. 
Martigny  mentions  four  examples  from  the  cata- 
combs ;  two  bas-reliefs  and  two  frescoes.  In  all 
of  them  our  Lord  is  represented  standing,  and 
not  sitting,  as  might  have  been  expected  from 
John  iv.  5.  In  the  first  of  two  sculptures, 
from  MafFei's  Verona  illustr.  part  iii.  p.  54  (see 
woodcut),  the  well  is  represented  as  a  narrow 
pit,  with  a  stone  curb  or  margin  like  the  mouth 
of  a  large  jar,  and  supplied  with  a  wheel,  rope, 
and  pulley  ;  which  appears  to  have  been  occasion- 
ally used  at  all  times  in  the  East  (Well,  Smith's 
Diet,  of  the  Bible'),  though  the  woman's  words, 
oijTe  &VT\if)ixa  ex^is,  KaX  rh  (ppeap  eVri  ^aOv, 
would  seem  to  imply  that  there  was  no  such 
convenience.  But  it  is  represented  in  the  MS. 
of  Rabula,  where  the  woman  is  somewhat  ecclesi- 
astically vested.  The  figures  of  our  Lord  and  the 
woman  stand  on  each  side  of  the  opening,  as  if 
the  words  "  Give  me  to  drink  "  had  just  been 
•uttered.  She  wears  a  tunic  and  pallium,  which 
Tertullian  (de  Pallio,  c.  1)  says  was  a  dress  proper 
for  men,  and  St.  Jerome  (Ep.  vi.  ad  Demetrium) 
attributed  to  women  of  low  rank.  Her  hair  is 
displayed,  or  only  bound  with  a  riband,  in  one 
of  these  examples,  which  may  indicate  indifferent 
character  (Tertull.  de  Virginibus  velandis,  vii.); 
but  in  the  other  (Bottari,  pi.  cxxxvii.)  she  wears 
a  broader  kind  of  fillet. 


Woman  of  Samaria  (from  Martigny). 

One  of  the  frescoes  of  this  subject  is  in  the 
Callixtine  cemetery  (Bottari,  tav.  Ixvi.).  Here 
the  woman  is  alone,  and  the  well  open  and  with- 
out windlass.  She  wears  a  short  wide-sleeved 
tunic ;  but  in  M.  Ferret's  Catacomhes,  vol.  i.  pi. 
71,  the  idea  and  treatment  of  her  figure  are 
different.  She  is  represented  as  tall  and  noble- 
looking,  in  a  long  flowing  tunic;  not  as  ques- 
tioning our  Lord,  but  presenting  Him  with  a 
cup  of  water,  as  He  raises  His^  hand  to  her, 
apparently  speaking  to  her  of  God's  gift  of  living 
water. 

No  less  than  eight  examples  of  this  subject  are 
figured  by  Rohault  de  Fleury  up  to  the  9th 
century,  and  he  gives  others  of  the  11th  (see 
L'Evangile,  vol.  i.  pi.  xlviii.  xlix.).  His  fig.  5, 
pi.  xlviii.  (6th  century),  from  the  tomb  of  St. 
Jude    at    Verona,    is    identical    with   the    first 


1840 


SAMONAS 


described  and  figured  by  Martigny.  His  first 
and  second  figures  are  early  work  from  St.  Prae- 
textatus  and  St.  Callixtus  ;  *  he  also  gives  a  5th- 
century  ivory  from  the  Muse'e  de  Cluny,  and 
another  carving  from  that  of  Aries.  His  next 
plate  contains  an  outline  from  St.  ApoUinare 
nella  Citta  in  Ravenna  (6th  century),  the  woman 
wearing  a  long  robe  with  two  stripes,  and  a 
disciple  standing  behind  our  Lord  ;  and  another 
from  a  9th-century  MS.  of  St.  Gregory  Nazian 
zen.  Our  Lord  wears  a  violet  robe,  the  woman 
a  red  gown  fronted  with  yellow  ;  the  bucket  and 
rope  are  in  gold.  The  latter  winds  around  a 
regular  drum  ;  and  all  the  four  last  examples 
contain  the  pulley  fixed  in  uprights. 

[R.  J.  St.  T.] 
SAMONAS,  Nov.  15,  martyr  with  Gurias  at 
Edessa   (Basil.    Menol. ;     Cal.   Byzant. ;    Menol. 
Graec.  Sirlet.) ;  Not.  14  (Cal.  Armen.).  [C.  H.] 

SAMPSON  (1),  June  27,  "our  father," 
xenodochus  at  Constantinople  in  the  reign  of 
Justinian  (Basi|l.  Menol. ;  Cal.  Byzant. ;  Menol. 
Graec.  Sirlet.). 

(2)  July  28,  bishop,  confessor,  commemorated 
at  Dol  {Mart.  Usuard.).  [C.  H.] 

SAMUEL  (1),  Aug.  20,  Hebrew  prophet 
{Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Eom. ;  Basil.  Menol. ; 
Menol.  Graec.  Sirlet.)  ;  Aug.  21  {Cal.  Byzant.')  ; 
June  3  {Cal.  Ethiop.). 

(2)  Feb.  16,  martyr  with  Elias,  Jeremias, 
Isaias,  Daniel  (Basil.  Menol.).  [C.  H.] 

SANCTA.  The  Fermentum,  or  reserved 
Eucharist,  is  so  called,  which,  having  been  con- 
secrated by  the  bishop  of  Rome,  was  sent  to  the 
churches  in  the  city.  The  word  is  used  as  a 
neuter  plural  in  the  most  ancient  recensions  of 
the  Ordo  Jiomanus  {0.  R.  i.  8,  17, 18  ;  ii.  12)  ;  but 
in  the  gloss  (mentioned  p.  668)  on  the  epistle  of 
Pseudo-Innocent  to  Decentius  we  have,  "  de  ipsa 
sancta  "  (Mabill.  Iter  German.  65,  Hambr.  1717). 
[W.  E.  S.] 

SANCTA  SANCTIS.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem 
in  his  description  of  the  liturgy,  after  comment- 
ing on  the  Lord's  Prayer  which  follows  Con- 
secration, proceeds  {Catech.  Mystag.  V.  19): 
Then  the  priest  says,  '  Holy  things  to  holy  men  ' 
{to.  ayia  to7s  ayiois).  Holy  are  the  gifts  on  the 
altar,  after  receiving  the  influx  of  the  Holy 
Spirit ;  holy  also  are  we,  to  whom  the  Holy 
Spirit  has  been  vouchsafed  ;  the  two  '  holies  ' 
correspond  one  to  the  other.  Then  we  respond, 
*  One  is  holy.  One  is  the  Lord,  Jesus  Christ.'  " 
The  Sancta  Sarictis,  which  Cyril  here  describes, 
is  in  nearly  all  Eastern  liturgies  the  prelude  to 
Communion.  See  {e.g.)  the  Greek  St.  James 
(Hammond's  Liturgies,  p.  49).  [C] 

SANCTIMONIALIS.  The  word  sancti- 
monialis,  designating  a  woman  of  distinguished 
piety,  is  applied  especially  to  such  as  were 
members  of  a  religious  society,  or  NuNS.  It  is 
not,  however,  limited  to  that  use  (Ducange, 
s.  v.).     Compare  Virgins  ;  Widows.  [CT] 

SANCTUARY  (Sanctuarium,  Sacrarium, 
Secretarium).     As  the  part  of  the  church  con- 


»  Apparently  given  in  Mr.  Parker's  Photograph  No. 
1801,  and  if  so,  very  dubious  as  to  meaning. 


SANCTUARY,  RIGHT  OF 

taining  the  altar,  the  word  sanctuarium  fii-st 
occurs  in  c.  13  of  the  first  council  of  Bracara 
(563);  .the  corresponding  word,  sacrarium,  in 
the  same  sense  is  found  a  little  earlier  in  c.  3  of 
the  council  of  Vaison  (442).  Many  of  the 
Rhenish  churches  had  two  sanctuaries,  one  at 
the  east  and  the  other  at  the  west,  and  the 
plan  of  the  abbey  of  St.  Gall,  attributed  to  the 
abbat  Eginhard,  who  lived  in  the  time  of 
Charlemagne,  presents  the  same  arrangement. 
[Church,  p.  383.]  (Viollet-le-Due,  Diet.  rais. 
de  r Architecture,  s.v.  Sanctuaiee).  See  Pres- 
bytery ;  Sacrarium.  [H.  T.  A.] 

SANCTUARY,  RIGHT  OF  {Jus  asylo- 
riiin).  The  right  to  take  refuge  in  a  church. 
Similar  rights  existed  both  in  Mosaic  and  in 
pagan  times,  and  they  in  some  cases  extended 
not  only  to  altars  and  churches  but  to  persons 
and  things  such  as  statues  and  standards.  (Sue- 
tonius, Vita  Tibcrii,  c.  37;  Tacitus,  Annai.  iii. 
60).  The  privilege  of  affording  refuge  was  con- 
ceded to  the  church  from  the  first  ages  of  the 
emperors  becoming  Christian.  The  codes  both 
of  Theodosius  and  of  Justinian  contain  imperial 
constitutions  for  the  control  of  this  privilege. 
In  later  times  the  right  has  been  abolished  as 
having  led  to  great  abuses.  The  church  was 
the  seat  of  the  bishop,  and  though  the  idea  of 
sanctuary  was  not  new,  yet  Christianity  very 
early  felt  that  the  bishop  was  the  natural  refuge 
of  those  who  were  in  trouble.  [Intercession, 
p.  864.]  It  was  in  fact  part  of  the  bishop's  duty 
to  intercede  for  those  in  trouble  ;  and  for  this 
reason  those  who  (whether  justly  or  unjustly)  had 
occasion  to  fear  the  civil  law  took  refuge  in  the 
church.  A  decree  that  follows  the  fifty-sixth 
canon  of  the  fourth  synod  of  Carthage  in  399 
enacts  that  the  bishojis  Epigonius  and  Vincent 
should  be  sent  to  the  emperor  to  beg  for  the 
churches  the  right  of  asylum.  This  seems  to  shew 
that  the  right  of  sanctuary  did  not  inherently 
reside  in  a  church,  but  that  it  was  a  specific  con- 
cession on  the  part  of  the  civil  power.  Legal  refuge 
was  in  point  of  fact  nothing  but  the  intercession 
of  the  clergy  for  men  in  distress,  and,  pending 
the  issue  of  their  efforts,  the  right  to  protect 
them  from  violence.  It  was  in  no  way  intended 
to  obstruct  justice,  although  in  course  of  time 
it  became  so  abused.  A  law  of  Justinian's  dis- 
tinctly affirms  this  position  :  "  Templorum 
cautela  non  nocentibus,  sed  laesis  datur  a  lege." 
Sanctuary  was  intended  to  be  a  shelter  for  the 
innocent,  the  weak,  and  the  misunderstood,  and 
not  a  refuge  for  systematic  or  determined  cri- 
mmals. 

The  right  of  sanctuary  at  first  attached  only 
to  the  altar  and  nave  of  the  church ;  but  in  431 
it  was  decreed  by  Theodosius  II.  that  the  right 
should  be  extended  also  to  the  court,  the  gardens, 
and  in  fact  to  the  entire  precinct  of  the  church. 

There  is  a  lengthy  edict  "concerning  those 
who  ^take  refuge  in  the  church  "  issued  by  the 
emperors  Theodosius  and  Valentinian,  from  which 
the  following  passage  may  be  quoted  as  shewing 
the  boundaries  to  which  the  right  of  sanctuary 
extended  in  early  times.  "  Let  the  temples 
[yao'C]  of  the  greit  God  be  open  for  those  who 
are  in  fear,  and  let  the  common  altar  [fi<iifji6s] 
receive  the  suppliants  who  fly  to  it ;  and  let  no 
menace  presume  to  remove  the  divine  aid,  which 
is  offered  to  all  alike  from  its  abodes 


SANOTUAEY,  EIGHT  OF 

In  our  times,  then,  we  decree  to  grant  for  the 
safety  of  fugitives  not  only  the  divine  sanc- 
tuaries [^BvffiaffT-npia]  and  the  oratory  of  the 
people  [^euKTriptov  rov  Aaov,  al.  vaov,  i.e.  the 
nave]  which  is  fenced  with  a  girdle  of  quadran- 
gular walls ;  but  whatever  spot  there  happens 
to  be  beyond  these,  as  for  as  the  extreme  doors 
of  the  church,  where  those  who  intend  to  pray  first 
enter — we  determine  that  it  be  an  altar  of  mercy 
to  the  fugitive  .  .  .  and  that  the  precincts 
next  to  the  public  property  about  the  first  doors 
of  the  holy  church,  whether  they  be  in  houses  or 
in  gardens,  or  in  courts  or  in  baths,  or  even  in 
porches,  shelter  fugitives  who  enter  them,  just 
as  the  inmost  part  of  the  church  would." 
(Labbe,  Concil.  iii.  1235,  ed.  Paris,  1671.) 

The  privilege  at  first  rested  on  imperial 
authority  ;  but  it  contributed  so  much  to  the 
obvious  advantage  of  the  church  that  it  was  after- 
wards confirmed  by  the  pope  (Pegge  on  Asylum 
in  Archaeologia,  vol.  viii.  p.  13).  Boniface  V., 
who  became  pope  in  609,  enacted  (Platina,  Vitae 
Fontificurri)  that  "  criminals  who  fled  to  churches 
should  not  be  taken  thenae  by  force."  From 
one  expression,  "  quovis  crimine  patrato,"  it 
appears  that  no  crime  was  bad  enough  to  exclude 
a  fugitive  from  the  protection  of  the  church 
(^Archaeologia,  vol.  viii.  p.  10).  This,  however, 
was  afterwards  modified.  Gaillard  {Hist,  de 
Charlemagne,  tom.  iii.  p.  80,  ap.  Pegge),  writes : 
"  All  churches  before  the  time  of  Charlemagne 
were  asyla  and  for  all  sorts  of  criminals ;  but 
he,  by  a  capitular,  A.D.  779,  conformable  to  one 
of  Carloman  and  Pepin  passed  about  744,  decreed 
that  churches  should  not  be  asyla  for  criminals 
who  had  committed  such  crimes  as  the  law 
punished  with  death ;  and  if  he  did  not  go  so 
far  as  to  make  it  lawful  to  force  a  criminal 
from  his  asylum,  yet,  what  came  to  the  same 
thing,  he  prohibited  people  from  giving  them 
any  nourishment." 

As  to  the  privilege  of  sanctuary  in  Britain, 
the  following  particulars  are  collected  by  Pegge, 
M.  s.  p.  16  if.).  In  Druidism  certain  sacred 
trees  were  held  to  be  asyla  (Evelyn,  Sylva,  p. 
614).  Suspicion  attaches  to  the  stories  which 
have  been  repeated  by  some  historians  that  the 
Christian  king  Lucius  (A.D.  180)  conferred  the 
privilege  of  sanctuary  upon  the  church  of  Win- 
chester, and  that  Sebert,  the  first  Christian  king 
of  Essex  (A.D.  604)  did  the  same  for  the  church 
of  Westminster.  Ina,  king  of  Wessex,  about 
A.D.  690,  enacts  that,  "  if  a  person  who  has  com- 
mitted a  capital  offence  shall  fly  to  a  church,  he 
shall  preserve  his  life  and  make  satisfaction  as 
right  requires.  If  any  one  deserving  of  stripes 
shall  fly  to  a  church,  the  punishment  shall  be 
forgiven  him." 

the  obligation  on  the  part  of  the  fugitive  to 
make  composition  for  his  crime  [Redemption] 
was  decreed  by  the  council  of  Mentz  in  813  : 
"  Ileum  confugientem  ad  ecclesiam  nemo  abstra- 
here  audeat  ....  tamen  legitime  componat 
quod  inique  fecit." 

The  early  centuries  of  Christianity  furnish 
many  interesting  incidents  in  connexion  with  the 
right  of  sanctuary.  A  phrase  of  St.  Ambrose's 
shews  that  the  altar  was  the  particular  spot  to 
which  the  right  of  asylum  especially  belonged. 
He  uses  the  expression  "  nee  altaria  tenebo." 
It  was  one  of  the  complaints  against  the  violent 
Eutychian    party   that    they   had    violated    this 


SAPIENTIA 


1841 


right  of  sanctuary,  and  dragged  their  orthodox 
opponents  from  their  refuge  to  massacre  them. 
St.  Chrysostom,  in  the  troubles  which  he  in- 
curred by  his  championship  of  orthodoxy, 
availed  himself  of  refuge  at  the  altar. 

In  the  time  of  Justinian  a  period  of  thirty 
days  was  allowed  for  sanctuary.  In  later  times 
it  became  much  less.  The  Code  of  Theodosius 
denies  the  right  of  sanctuary  to  public  debtors, 
that  is,  those  who  defrauded  the  state.  Private 
debtors  were  allowed  the  privilege.  Converted 
Jews  who  pretended  to  be  Christians  in  order 
to  escape  their  debts  or  due  punishment  were 
excepted.  Apostates  and  heretics  were  denied 
the  privilege,  and  the  same  prohibition  was 
imposed  on  runaway  slaves  and  men  who  had 
been  guilty  of  heinous  crimes.  King  Childe- 
bert  II.,  when  inviting  two  men  to  quit  their 
refuge  in  the  church  of  Soissons,  professes  that 
"  it  is  wicked  to  punish  men  that  have  been 
dragged  from  the  church,  even  though  they  he 
guiity  ")  S.  Greg.  Turon.  Hist.  Franc,  lib.  ix.  cap. 
38).  Miracle  is  alleged  in  vindication  of  an  out- 
rage upon  the  right  of  sanctuary.  A  runaway 
slave  takes  refuge  in  the  church  of  St.  Lupus. 
His  master,  with  much  profane  language,  would 
drag  him  out ;  when  his  tongue  is  rendered 
powerless,  and  he  can  only  produce  a  sound  like 
the  lowing  of  cattle  (S.  Greg.  Turon.  Lib.  de 
Gloria  Confessorum,  cap.  67).  The  shelter  of 
the  church  made  a  king  feel  quite  secure 
against  the  poniard  of  the  assassin.  Guntramn, 
who  became  one  of  the  four  kings  of  the  Franks 
in  561,  with  his  throne  at  Aries,  thought  his 
usual  guard  unnecessary  in  the  church  ;  and 
though  the  sanctuary  of  the  church  did  not  save 
him  from  attack,  yet  it  saved  his  would-be 
assassin,  for  it  was  thought  to  be  a  violation 
of  the  right  of  asylum  to  put  to  death  one  who 
had  been  dragged  from  the  church  (S.  Greg. 
Turon.  Hist.  Francorum,  lib.  ix.  cap.  3). 

The  text-book  on  the  subject  is  a  small  book 
by  Rittershusius,  'A(rv\ia,  hoc  est,  De  jure 
Asi/iorum,  Argentorati,  1624.  The  treatise  will 
be  found  in  Critici  Sacri,  vol.  viii.  See  the  excel- 
lent tract  by  Rev.  Sam.  Pegge  in  Archaeolo  ,ia, 
vol.  viii.,  giving  a  history  of  asylum  down  to 
its  abolition  under  James  I.  [H.  T.  A.] 

SANCTUS,  July  26,  martyr,  native  of  Ra- 
venna in  the  reign  of  Marcus  Antoninus  (Basil. 
MenoL).  [C  H.] 

SANCTUS.     [Preface.] 

SANDAPILAKII.  [Obsequies,  ix.  p.  1431.] 

SANGARA,  or  ANGARA,  NOVATIAN 
COUNCIL  OF,  in  Bithynia  (Sangarknse 
Concilium),  A.D.  391,  at  which  the  then  Novatian 
bishop,  Marcian,  called  upon  one  of  his  pres- 
byters, a  converted  Jew,  named  Sabljatius, 
to  defend  his  views  about  keeping  Ea>t.T. 
After  hearing  him,  it  was  voted  an  open  question, 
so  that  each  might  keep  Easter  as  he  would. 
This  decision  suggested  to  Socrates,  the  historian 
who  reports  it,  his  well-known  chapter  on  things 
indifferent.  {E.  H.  v.  21,  22  ;  comp  Mansi.  iii. 
699  ;  Cave,  Hist.  Lit.  i.  367.)  [E.  S.  I't.] 

SANTONENSE  CONCILIUM.  [Saintis] 

SAPIENTIA  (Soi'UiA),  Aug.  1,  martyr  with 


1842 


SAEABAITAE 


her  children  Fides,  Spes,  Caritas  {3fart.  UsuarJ. ; 
Cal.  Armen.);  Sept.  17  {Cal.  Byzant.);  Sept.  16 
(Basil.  Menol.) ;  commemorated  June  23  at 
Nicomedia  (Notker.):  July  1  at  Rome  (Flor.). 
[C.  H.] 
SAEABAITAE  were  such  monks  as  lived 
under  no  settled  monastic  rule,  but  collected  in 
little  groups  of  two  or  three,  generally  in  some 
populous  place,  where  they  found  purchasers  for 
their  wares,  which  they  sold  at  more  than  the 
market  value  in  consequence  of  their  supposed 
sanctity.  They  seem,  according  to  Jerome 
(Epist.  22  ad  Eustoch.  c.  15),  to  have  practised 
all  the  arts  whereby  a  reputation  for  sanctity 
with  the  vulgar  may  be  won,  in  dress,  appear- 
ance, and  gesture,  while  they  disparaged  those 
who  led  more  regular  lives.  The  Egyptians 
called  them  (says  Jerome,  u.  s.)  Remboth  or 
Remoboth.  Cassian  also  (^Collat.  18,  c.  7)  draws 
an  unfavourable  picture  of  them.  (Bingham, 
Antiq.  VII.  ii.  4.)  [C] 

SARABALLA,  SAKABARA.  This  word, 
which  represents  some  article  of  Persian  dress, 
is  merely  the  transliteration  of  the  Chaldee 
;^^2np,  occurring  Dan.  iii.  21,  27  [94  Vulg.]. 
The  exact  meaning  is  doubtful,  but  it  is  most 
probably  to  be  explained  of  some  kind  of  hose  or 
other  covering  of  the  leg.  Thus  the  Vulgate,  in 
the  former  of  the  two  passages,  renders  the  word 
by  h-accae,  and  Symmachus  by  avalvpi^es.  A 
full  discussion  of  the  meaning  of  the  Biblical 
word  does  not  fall  within  our  province — refe- 
rence may  be  made  to  Gesenius,  Thesaurns,  s.  v. 
The  occurrences  of  the  word  in  the  fathers  do 
not  help  us  much,  for  either  they  are  references 
to  the  above  passages  of  Daniel,  with  the  word 
merely  reproduced,  or  we  are  distinctly  told 
that  the  meaning  of  the  word  is  uncertain.  We 
find  the  word  in  Tertullian,  with  the  spelling 
sarahara  (de  Orat.  15,  de  Res.  Carnis  58  [of  the 
Three  Children] ;  de  Pallia  4  [of  Alexander  the 
Great  after  his  eastern  conquests]).  Jerome 
adopts  the  spelling  saraballa,  or  sarabala,  and 
speaks  of  that  with  an  r  as  corrupt  {Coram,  in 
Dan.,  in  loc. ;  Patrol,  xxv.  508  :  see  also  Epist.  i. 
ad  Innoc,  ib.  xxii.  329).  Jerome  explains  the  word 
as  meaning  coverings  for  the  legs,  but  we  find  a 
curious  difference  in  the  explanation  of  Isidore 
{Etym.  xix.  23.  2),  that  they  are  "  fluxa  ac 
sinuosa  vestimenta,"  and  that  in  the  opinion  of 
some  they  are  coverings  of  the  head,  "qualia 
videmus  in  capite  magorum  picta."  (Cf.  also 
Aug.  de  Magistro,  c.  10;  Patrol,  xxxii.  1214. 
Reference  may  also  be  made  to  Ducange's  Glos- 
sary, s.  V.)  [R.  S,] 

SARAGOSSA,  EIGHTEEN  MARTYRS 

OF,  Apr.  16  (Mart.  Usuard.  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Apr. 
ii.  406)  ;  Apr.  15  (Mart.  Adon.,  the  names  being 
somewhat  different :  Mart.  Hieron.,  the  names 
much  different ;  Mart.  Pom.).  [C.  H.] 

SARAGOSSA,     COUNCILS    OF    (Cae- 

SARAUGUSTANA  CONCILIA).  Three  are  reported. 
(1)  A.D.  380,  or  a  year  earlier  or  later,  accord- 
ing to  some :  for  which  Sulpitius  Severus  (Hist. 
ii.  47)  vouches  as  having  been  held  against  the 
Priscillianists,  and  resulted  in  the  condemnation 
of  two  bishops,  Instantius  and  Salvianus,  and 
two   laymen,   Elpidius   and  Priscillian  himself. 


SARDICA,  COUNCIL  OF 

"  Additum  etiam,  ut  si  quis  damnatos  in  com- 
munionem  recepisset,  sciret  in  se  eandem  senten- 
tiam  promendam."  This  is  the  only  part  of  his 
statement  which  connects  it  with  the  eight 
canons  that  have  been  assigned  it,  as  they  are, 
virtually,  the  words  of  the  lifth  canon.  The 
rest  are  by  no  moans  as  "  plainly  directed  against 
the  Priscillianists "  as  Hefele  requires  his 
readers  to  believe.  The  preface  to  them  makes 
only  twelve  bishops  present  at  their  passing. 
Sulpitius  makes  his  synod  attended  also  by  the 
bishops  of  Aquitaine  (Mansi,  iii.  633-40  ;  Hefele, 
ii.  292,  Eng.  tr.). 

(2)  A.D.  592,  when  three  canons  were  passed, 
all  suggested  by  the  conversions  from  Arianism 
that  were  taking  place,  and  passed  in  general  by 
those  who  had  subscribed  by  themselves  or  their 
representatives  to  the  third  council  of  Toledo, 
three  years  before.  Artemius,  metropolitan  of 
Tarragona,  who  had  been  represented  there  by 
his  presbyter  Stephen,  presided  now  ;  and  most 
of  the  eleven  bishops  who  subscribed  now 
subscribed  then.  Two  more  who  subscribed 
then  sent  their  representatives  (Mansi,  x.  471- 
4). 

(3)  A.D.  691,  by  order  of  king  Egica,  as  we 
learn  from  the  preface.  Five  canons  or  chapters 
were  passed,  the  fifth  of  which,  referring  to  the 
fifth  canon  of  the  thirteenth  council  of  Toledo, 
and  confirming  it,  decrees  further  that  the 
widows  of  kings  shall  take  the  veil  and  enter 
the  cloister  without  delay.  But  who  presided 
or  who  subscribed  on  this  occasion,  is  not  stated. 
It  may  be  observed  also  that  neither  of  these 
two  last  councils  appear  in  the  pseudo-Isidorian 
collection  (Mansi,  xii.  41-46).  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

SARAH,  the  wife  of  Abraham,  Aug.  19 
(Cal.  Ethiop.).  [C.  H.] 

SARAPION.     [Serapion.] 

SARBELUS,  Jan.  29,  martyr  under  Trajan 
(Basil.  Menol.).  [C.  H.] 

SARCILIS.  A  kind  of  woollen  garment, 
mentioned  together  with  cappae  and  camisiles 
in  the  Bute  of  Chrodegang,  bishop  of  Metz,  ac- 
cording to  the  text  as  given  by  Labbe  (c.  29, 
vol.  vii.  1458).  Here  it  is  ruled  that  clerics  of 
higher  standing  have  either  sarciles  or  wool 
sufficient  to  make  them  a  couple  for  the  year's 
use,  and  clerics  of  lower  standing  are  to  have 
one  each.  It  must  be  stated  that  the  text  given 
by  D'Achery  (Spicilegium,  i.  235  [here  the 
chapter  on  Vestments  is  41]  ;  reprinted.  Patrol. 
Ixxxix.  1075)  omits  the  mention  of  the  sarciles. 
In  a  capitulary  of  Charlemagne  of  A.D.  813  (c. 
19,  vol.  i.  510,  ed.  Baluzius),  it  is  ordered  that 
female  servants  of  the  Imperial  household  are  to 
receive  wool  and  flax  to  make  "  sarciles  (al.  sar- 
cillos)  et  camisiles."  [R.  S.] 

SARCOPHAGUS.     [Sculpture.] 

SARDICA,  COUNCIL  OF.  (1)  Socrates 
(II.  E.  ii.  20)  and  Sozomen  (H.  E.  iii.  11.)  state 
expressly  that  the  council  of  Sardica  (the  modern 
Sophia,  in  Bulgarian,  Triaditza)  was  held  in  the 
eleventh  year  after  the  death  of  Constantine,  i.e. 
A.D.   347.      But   the    fragments   discoTered   by 


SATAN 

Scipio  Maffl-i  place  the  second  return  of  Athan- 
asius  to  Alexandria  in  the  year  346,  and  we 
know  from  Athanasius  himself  that  this  return 
was  two  years  after  the  council  of  Sardica. 
Mansi  therefore  (iii.  87  tf)  places  the  council  in 
the  year  344.  The  nineteenth  of  the  Festal 
Letters  of  Athanasius,  that  for  the  Easter  of 
347,  was  certainly  written  in  Alexandria.  On 
the  whole,  it  seems  necessary  to  accept  the  year 
344  or  the  end  of  343,  as  the  true  date  of  the 
council.  [See  Athaxasius  in  DicT.  Chr.  Biog 
p.  190.] 

(2)  That  the  council  of  Sardica  was  summoned 
by  the  emperors  Coustans  and  Constantius  is 
clear  from  its  own  encyclical  (in  Athanasius,  Aiwl. 
c.  Arian.  c.  44)  ;  and  that  it  was  summoned  at 
the  desire  of  Paulus  and  Athanasius  is  stated 
Loth  by  Socrates  and  Sozomen  (m.  s.).  Julius, 
bishop  of  Rome,  was  represented  by  two  legates  ; 
Hosius  of  Cordova  was  president.  At  the  very 
outset,  however,  as  the  Western  bishops  insisted 
on  giving  Athanasius  a  seat  and  a  voice,  the 
Easterns  separated  and  held  a  rival  council  at 
Philippopolis,  where  they  'confirmed  the  depo- 
sition of  Athanasius,  and  drew  up  a  creed  in 
accordance  with  the  fourth  symbol  of  Antioch 
[p.  93].  It  is  evident  that  after  this  separation 
the  council  had  no  claim  to  be  called  oecumen- 
ical. The  Trullan  council  (c.  2)  adopted  the 
canons  of  Sardica  (as  it  did  those  of  Carthage 
and  others  which  have  no  pretensions  to  be 
oecumenical),  as  of  authority  in  the  Eastern  as 
well  as  the  Western  church:  but  they  have 
never  been  formally  recognised  as  oecumenical. 
Xay,  the  Roman  censors  obelised  the  passage  of 
Alexander  Xatalis  {H.  E.  saec.  iv.,  tom.  iv.  p. 
460,  ed.  Venet.  1778)  in  which  he  had  expressly 
stated  the  council  to  be  oecumenical.  This 
question  has  been  the  more  hotly  debated,  as 
canons  3,  4,  7  [Greek  5]  gave  to  deposed  bishops 
the  privilege  of  appealing  to  Julius,  bishop  of 
Rome.  It  seems  doubtful,  however,  whether  the 
council  intended  to  do  more  than  confer  on  Julius 
a  personal  privilege,  as  an  expedient  for  a  time  of 
trouble  and  division  [Appeal,  p.  197  ;  Pope, 
p.  1658].  The  canons  of  Sardica  in  Western 
MSS.  are  commonly  appended  to  those  of  Nicaea 
(Maassen,  Geschichte  der  Quellen  des  canonischen 
liechts,  i.  50  ff.)  [C] 

SAKDINIA,  COITXCIL  OF  (Sardiniense 
Concilium),  A.b,  521,  composed  of  African 
bishops  then  in  exile  there.  Their  synodical 
letter,  in  reply  to  John  Maxentius  and  his 
Scythian  monks,  on  the  grace  of  God  and  human 
freewill,  is  said  to  have  been  written  by  St. 
Fulgentius  (Mansi,  viii.  591-600).      [E.  S.  Ff.] 

SATAN.  (See  Devil,  Demon,  Dragon,  Ser- 
pent.) The  evil  spirit  is  represented  in  his  special 
character,  as  tempter  and  enemy  of  man,  in  the 
Book  of  Kells,  in  a  temptation  of  our  Lord. 
(Westwood,  Anglo-Saxon  and  Irish  3ISS.)  He 
is  there  a  black  skeleton-goblin  with  a  tail, 
almost  according  to  modern  fancy.  In  the 
Psalter  of  Utrecht  (Ps.  cix.  0)  he  is  drawn, 
"  standing  at  the  right  hand  "  of  the  wicked 
man,  apparently  in  the  sense  of  prevailing  over 
him.  Satan  is  seizing  him  by  the  hair  from 
behind,  and  kicking  him  with  supernatural 
violence  and  demoniacal  relish  in  the  small  of 
the    back.     (See    Mr.    Birch's    account    of    the 

CHRIST.    ANT.— VOL.    II. 


SAUCHES 


1843 


Utrecht    Psalter,    p.    264.)      Compare   Demon, 
p.  043,  and  Devil,  p.  547.  [i;.  st.  J.  T.] 

^^.f^TUEDAY.        [Sabbath;      Sabbatum  ; 

SATUENINUS  (1),  Jan.  31,  martyr  with 
Thyrsus  and  Victor;  commemorated  at  Alex- 
andria {Mart.  Usuard.,  //iero«.,  Xotker.,  Wand.'). 

(2)  Feb.  2,  martyr  with  Perpetua,  Felieitas, 
and    others ;    commemorated   at    Tuburbum   in 
Africa  (Basil.  Menol.)  ;    Mar.  14  (Basil.  Jl/ejwl 
here    Saturnilus)  ;      Mar.  7    {Mart.     Usuard. 
Hieron.).  ' 

(3)  Feb.  12,  presbyter,  martyr  with  Dativus 
and  Felix,  in  Africa  (Mart.  Usuard.). 

(4)  Ap.  27,  one  of  seven  bandit  chiefs,  said 
to  have  been  converted  by  Jason  and  Sosipater 
disciples  of  St.  Paul  (Basil.  Menol.). 

(5)  May    2,    martyr   with    Neopolis;    com- 
memorated at  Alexandria  {Mart.  Usua.vd.,ffieron 
Notker.y.  "' 

(6)  July  7,  martyr  in  the  reign  of  Trajan 
(Basil.  Menol.,  Saturnilus;  3Ienol.  Grace 
Sirlet.). 

(7)  Aug.  22,  martyr;  commemorated  with 
Martialis,  Epictetus,  and  others,  at  Portus 
Romanus  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Vet.  Bom.,  Hieron.). 

(8)  Oct.  6,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Capua 
with  Marcellus,  Castus,  and  Emilius  {Mart. 
Usuard.,  Hieron.,  Notker.). 

(9)  Nov.  29,  martyr,  under  Maximian  ;  com- 
memorated at  Rome  on  the  Via  Salaria  with 
Sisinnius  deacon  {Mart.  Bed.,  Usuard.,  Adon., 
Vet.  Rom.,  Wand.).  The  Mart.  Hieron.  adds  as 
his  companions  Chrysanthus,  Daria,  Maurus, 
who  are  named  with  Saturninus  in  the  Gelasian 
Sacramentary  in  all  the  special  prayers  for  his 
commemoration.  In  the  Gregorian  Sacrament- 
ary the  name  of  Saturninus  occurs  without  the 
others  in  the  Secreta  and  Super  Oblata. 

(10)  Nov.  29,  martyr  at  Toulouse  in  the 
reign  of  Decius  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Flor., 
Hieron.). 

(11)  Dec.  23,  martyr  in  Crete  with  Theo- 
dulus  and  others  in  the  reign  of  Decius  (Basil. 
Menol).  [C.  H.] 

SATYEIANUS  (Satirianus),  Oct.  16, 
martyr  with  Martianus  in  the  Vandal  persecu- 
tion in  Africa  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Vet.  Horn.,  Not- 
ker.).  [C.  H.] 

SATYEUS  (1),  Jan.  12,  (Saturus)  Arabian 
martyr  ;  commemorated  in  Achnia  {Mart.  Bed., 
Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  liom.,  Hieron.) ;  in  Arabia 
(Notker.). 

(2)  Feb.  2,  martyr  with  Saturninus,  Perpetu.i, 
and  others  [Saturninus  (2)]. 

(3)  Mar.  29,  martvr  in  Africa  under  Genseric 
{Mart.    Usuard.,    Adon.,     Vet.    lio/n.,    Notker.). 

[C.  H.] 

SAUCHES.     A  name  applied  (.says  Jerome's 

Fj^ist.   22  ad  Eustoch.  c.  15)   by  the  Egyptians 

to    those    monks    who    lived    a    commonj'  life 

[Coenobium  ;  Monasteev].  [C.] 

G  C 


1844 


SAULA 


SAULA,  Oct.  20,  virgin,  martyr ;  commemo- 
rated at  Cologne  with  Martha  and  others  {Mart. 
Usuard.).  [C.  H.] 

SAURCI,  COUNCIL  OF  (Sauriciacoti  Con- 
cilium), A.D.  589,  allowing  Droctegisile,  bishop 
of  Soissons,  to  return  to  his  diocese,  from  which 
he  had  been  driven  by  the  bishops  of  his  province 
for  drunkenness  four  years  before  (Mansi,  ix. 
1009).  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

SAYINA,  ST.    [Sabina  (2).] 

SCAPULARE.  A  garment  to  cover  the 
shoulders  (scapulae)^  specially  in  use  among 
monks.  The  Rule  of  St.  Benedict  provided  that 
his  monks  were  to  have  a  scapula.re  propter  opera 
(c.  55,  Patrol.  Ixvi.  771).  This  regulation  is 
cited  in  the  letter  written  to  Charlemagne  by 
Paul  the  deacon,  acting  on  behalf  of  Thcodemar, 
abbot  of  Monte  Cassino  {Patrol,  scv.  1588).  The 
writer  adds  that  the  dress  in  question  is  worn 
by  almost  all  rustics  in  that  country.  It  appears 
therefore  during  the  hours  of  work  to  have  re- 
placed the  hood  or  cowl,  as  being  shorter  and 
more  convenient. 

We  may  compare,  as  more  or  less  equivalent 
to  it  in  Greek,  avaKafios,  iirwfiiov,  i-KdifidSiov, 
KaravaiTiov.  See  especially  Menard's  notes  to 
the  Concordia  B,egulanun  (c.  62,  Patrol,  ciii. 
1231).  [R.  S.] 

SCEPTRE.    [Coronation.] 

SCErOPHYLACIUM.  Another  name  for 
the  Biaconicum,  or  sacristy,  as  being  the  reposi- 
tory of  the  utensils  for  divine  service,  ra  '{epa 
(TKevri,  and  the  vestments  of  the  priests,  from 
which  they  were  brought  by  the  deacons  before 
the  commencement  of  the  rites,  and  to  which 
they  were  carried  back  again  by  the  same 
minister  after  their  conclusion,  or  during  the 
singing  of  the  post-communion  hymn  {Chron. 
Alexandr.  p.  892 ;  Cotel.  in  Const.  Apost.  lib. 
viii.  c.  12  ;  Goar,  Eiwkolog.  p.  16  ;  Fallad.  Vit.  S. 
Chrijsost.  92).  The  ancient  liturgies  contain 
special  prayers  to  be  said  by  the  ministers  in  this 
place.  That  of  St.  James  gives,  evx^  \eyoix4vr] 
iv  T<S  (TKevocpvAaKicc  fiiTo.  rrjv  a.Tr6\vffiv.  In  the 
sceuophylacia  of  the  chief  churches  were  de- 
posited copies  of  the  imperial  edicts  and  laws 
{Novell.  Justin.  8,  Edict.  1,  in  Praefat.).  (See 
Ducange,  Constant inoj).  Christian,  lib.  iii.  §  87.) 
[DiACONICUM.]  [E.  v.] 

SCEUOPHYLAX.  An  ecclesiastical  officer 
in,  the  Eastern  church  corresponding  to  the 
sacrista  in  the  Western,  to  whom  was  committed 
the  charge  of  the  vessels,  utensils,  and  vestments 
belonging  to  divine  service.  Such  an  officer  is 
spoken  of  as  KeifiTiXidpxvs,  (pv\a^  rwv  Keijx-rtXicov 
(Soz.  //.  E.  V.  8),  <pv\a^  TWV  Upwv  KiifjixXioiv 
(Eustath.  Vit.  S.  Eutych.  §  8),  or  KpaTtiv  ra 
(TKevT)  rris  e/c/cA-Tjctas.  The  authorities  given  by 
Ducange  {siiIj  voc.)  shew  that  though  the  care  of 
the  sacred  furniture  was  more  commonly  entrusted 
to  a  deacon,  it  was  not  unusual  for  a  presbyter 
to  hold  the  office.  The  church  of  St.  Sophia  at 
Constantinople  had  a  large  number  of  sceuophy- 
laces  attached  to  it,  some  of  whom  were  presby- 
ters, some  deacons,  others  readers,  of  whom  the 
chief  was  called  o  /xeyas  (TKivo<pv\a^.  These  were 
reduced   by  Heraclius   (610-641)   to   ten,   four 


SCHOLA  CANTORUM 

presbyters,  and  six  deacons  (Codin.  de  Offic.  p. 
112,  ed.  Bonn).  The  "  great  sceuophylax  "  was 
always  a  leading  ecclesiastic.  Ccdinus  places 
him  '{ibid.  c.  1)  in  the  first  rank  of  the  officers  of 
the  church,  having  a  seat  in  the  holy  synod  with 
the  patriarch  himself.  Macedonius  was  sceuo- 
phylax when  he  was  elected  to  the  see  of  Con- 
stantinople (Theod.  Lect.  //.  E.  ii.).  When  the 
patriarch  celebrated,  the  great  sceuophylax  stood 
before  the  sceuophylacium,  and  supplied  him 
with  all  that  was  needful  for  the  service — 
vessels,  books,  candles,  &c.  It  was  also  his  duty 
to  take  care  of  the  ecclesiastical  utensils  of 
churches  deprived  of  their  bishop  by  death,  and 
to  see  that  all  the  churches  of  the  city  had  what 
was  needful  for  divine  service  (Gretser,  Annotat. 
ad  Codin.  p.  112 ;  Suicer,  sub  voc).  [E.  V.] 

SCHOLA  CANTORUM.  At  Rome,  in  early 
days,  there  was  established  a  school  for  the 
education  of  j-ouths  in  ecclesiastical  chant  and 
sacred  learning,  who  should  be  able  to  sing  the 
solemn  offices  at  the  several  churches  of  the  city 
on  great  occasions.  It  was  governed  by  an 
officer  of  great  dignity  and  consideration  in  the 
city,  who  was  variously  called  primicerius,  jjrior 
scholae  cantorum,  or  simply  cantor.  The  origin 
of  this  school  has  been  sometimes  thought  to  be 
due  to  Hilarus  {oh.  a.d.  467),  the  successor  of 
Leo  the  Great  in  the  see  of  Rome.  Sometimes 
it  is  traced  to  pope  Sylvester  (Bona,  Per.  Lit.  I. 
XXV.  20).  In  the  Life  of  St.  Gregory  the  Great, 
however,  written  by  John  the  Deacon,  the  crea- 
tion of  the  school  is  expressly  attributed  to  this 
great  reformer  of  the  church's  song  himself. 
In  any  case,  St.  Gregory  endowed  the  school — 
which,  if  it  existed  before,  depended  on  a  com- 
mon fund — and  constructed  a  residence  for  it. 
His  aim  appears  to  have  been  to  abrogate  the 
practice  which  hitherto  had,  in  some  degree  at 
least,  prevailed,  of  the  ministers  and  deacons 
themselves  executing  (often  inefficiently,  as  it 
appears)  the  singers'  part.  (See  Cone.  Pom. 
A.D.  595 ;  Decret.  Greg.  cap.  i.)  From  Rome 
the  institution  spread  to  other  churches,  so  that 
by  the  time  of  Charlemagne  we  find  mention  of 
a  schola  cantorum  at  Lyons  (Ledrad.  Archiepisc. 
Lugd.  in  Ep.  ad  Car.  Mag.').  In  this  school  of 
Lyons  several  became  so  learned,  says  their 
archbishop,  that  they  could  even  instruct 
others.  It  was  Pipin,  the  father  and  predecessor 
of  Charlemagne,  who  first  took  measures  for  the 
introduction  of  Roman  chanters  into  France  to 
instruct  the  Gallicans,  who  appear  to  have  been 
far  less  skilled  in  the  execution  of  their  church 
music.  In  a  letter  of  Paul  I.  to  Pipin,  the 
writer  has  handed  to  posterity  even  the  name 
of  the  master  of  one  singing-school  thus  estab- 
lished, as  Simeon,  who  is  described  as  scholae 
cantorum  Priori.  Amongst  the  several  schools 
which  thus  came  into  being,  that  of  Metz 
seems  speedily  to  have  acquired  distinction. 
For  in  the  time  of  Charlemagne,  we  find  this 
boast  of  a  Frank  monk,  that,  "  in  projiortion 
as  the  Roman  chant  surpassed  that  of  Metz,  so 
that  of  Metz  surpassed  that  of  the  other 
schools  of  the  French."  Charlemagne  himself 
ordered  the  establishment  of  such  schools  in 
suitable  places  throughout  his  empire,  with  the 
object  of  setting  bishops  and  presbyters  free 
from  the  necessity  of  attending  to  the  music, 
and  so    enabling   them  to   execute  their  offices 


SCHOLA  CANTOEUM 

with  the  greater  seemliness  and  dignity  after  the 
Roman  model  ("  sicut  psallit  Romana  ecclesia  "). 
A  school  of  a  somewhat  similar  character  appears 
to  have  existed  in  Africa  two  hundred  years  before 
Gregory  the  Great.  In  the  Arian  persecutions, 
twelve  of  the  children  of  such  a  school  were 
tortured  to  make  them  renounce  the  orthodox 
faith,  and  were  much  thought  of  at  Carthage  for 
the  strenuous  resistance  which  they  made  (Bona 
Mcr.  Lit.  I.  XXV.  20). 

The  course  of  instruction  is  described  in  the 
phrase,  "pueri  in  cautu,  lectione,  et  moribus 
sacris  instituebantur,"  and  the  life  of  the  house 
by  "  in  communi  vivebant "  {Peti:  Episc.  Urb.  in 
Schol.  ad  Vit.  Leonis  IV.).  To  the  instruction 
Charlemagne  adds,  "  computum,  grammaticam  " 
(capit.  i.  72). 

Persons  who  afterwards  rose  to  distinction 
were  members  of  the  school.  Sergius  I.,  on 
coming  to  Rome  as  a  youth,  was  put  into  the 
Schola  Cantorum  — "  quia  studiosus  erat  et 
capax  in  officio  cantilenae"  (Anastasius,  Vit.). 
The  same  writer  records  a  similar  history  of 
Sergius  II.,  Gregory  II.,  Stephen  III.,  and 
Paul  I. 

In  the  time  of  Stephen  VI.  we  find  that 
the  house  of  the  Schola  Cantorum  "  used  for- 
merly to  be  called  Orphanotrophium."  This 
term  may  perhaps  indicate  that  tlie  house  also 
served  as  a  receptacle  for  the  destitute  children 
who  fell  to  the  care  of  the  church.  By  the  time 
of  pope  Sergius  II.  (a.d.  844)  it  appears  that 
the  house  of  the  Schola  Cantorum  had  flilleu 
into  a  state  of  dilapidation  from  its  excessive 
age  ("  prae  nimia  vetustate  paene  in  ruinam 
posita  atque  contracta  ").  Pope  Sergius  restored 
it  to  a  better  condition  than  ever.  (Sergii  Vita, 
ap.  Labbe,  vii.  1796  d,  ed.  Par.  1671.) 

The  intention  was  that  the  Schola  Cantorum 
should  absorb  all  gifted  boys — "  in  quacumque 
schola  reperti  faerint  bene  psallentes  pueri, 
tolluntur  inde  et  mittuntur  in  Schola  Cantorum  " 
(rubric  in  Salzburg  pontifical,  ap.  Martene  I. 
viii.  xi.  ordo  9).  Martene  infers  from  a  decree 
of  Gregory  the  Great  that  the  school  included 
subdeacons  and  other  inferior  ministers  {De  Ant. 
Eccl.  Hit.  IV.  v.  15).  Gregory,  however,  does 
not  explicitly  say  so  (lib.  iv.  ep.  44). 

An  imperial  constitution  of  Louis  the  Pious 
is  indirectly  a  witness  to  the  influence  exercised 
by  the  Schola  Cantorum.  It  is  giving  directions 
for  the  reverent  execution  of  the  Psalms  in 
divine  service  ;  and  in  order  to  secure  this  end, 
senior  brethren  of  unexceptionable  life  are  to  be 
appointed  "  to  be  in  turns  with  the  Schola  Can- 
torum at  the  prescribed  time "  (Ludovici  Pii 
Reform.  Eccl.  de  Regida  Clerico>~um,  cap.  xxiv. 
ap.  Melchior  Goldastus,  ed.  Frankf.  1673,  torn, 
iii.  p.  217). 

The  Schola  Cantorum  at  Rome  appears  not  to 
have  furnished  the  choir  on  all  great  occasions; 
for  example,  not  at  the  Stations  (when  the 
regionarii  did  it)  nor  at  the  Lateran  Church,  but 
only  when  the  pope  officiated — "  alii  (subdiaconi) 
qui  dicuntur  Schola  Cantorum,  qui  cantant 
tantummodo  quando  summus  Pontifex  celebrare 
consuevit "  (Martene,  de  Antiq.  Eccl.  Bit.  I.  iii. 
8).  At  ordination  in  the  city  of  Rome,  the  schola 
repeated  the  litany  and  sang  the  Introit  (Salz- 
burg pontifical,  ap.  Martene,  I.  viii.  xi.  ordo 
9.) 
The  praecentors  of  the  responsories  were  in 


SCHOOLMASTER 


184; 


the  Roman  church  taken  from  the  Schola  Can- 
torum. Thomasius  quotes  from  a  MS  anti 
phonary  of  the  Vatican  Library  a  statement 
that  the  usage  was  for  the  master  of  the 
school  to  point  out  to  each  individual,  the  dav 
before,  what  responsory  he  was  to  sing  in  the 
night  office."  rij_  'p_  j^-, 

SCHOLASTICA,  Feb.  10,  virgin,  sister  of  St 
Benedict ;  commemorated  at  Castrum  Cassinum 
(^3fart.  Usuard.,  Notker.,  Wand.).  [C.  H.] 

SCHOLASTICUS.  (a)  The  title  of  a  class 
of  Roman  lawyers  or  advocates  in  the  4th  and 
5th  centuries,  against  whose  exactions  and  extor- 
tions from  their  clients  provisions  are  enacted  in 
the  Codex  Theodos.  (Lib.  viii.  tit.  10 ;  tom.  ii.  n 
598,  edit.  1665).  ^ 

(b)  There  is  a  passage  in  the  writings  of 
Gregory  the  Great  in  which  the  composition  of 
the  Roman  canon  of  the  mass  is  attributed  to 
a  certain  scholasticus  (Epist.  ad  Johan.  Episc. 
Syracusanum,  lib.  ix.  ep.  xii.  indict.  2).  It  is 
disputed  whether  the  word  as  here  used  is  the 
proper  name  of  an  otherwise  unknown  individual, 
or  whether  it  refers  to  a  member  of  the  body  of 
professional  men  called  "  Scholastici "  (Bona, 
dc  Rebus  Liturg.  lib.  ii.  cap.  xi.). 

(c)  The  instructor  of  the  younger  members 
of  a  monastery  was  called  "Scholasticus,"  or 
"Caput  scholae."  The  position  and  duties  of 
this  office  are  described  by  Thomassinus  ( Vetus 
ct  Nova  Eccles.  JJisciplina,  edit.  1706,  vol.  i. 
P-  8«5).  [F.  E.  W.] 

SCHOOLMASTEE(-Vagis;er  Scholae,  Schol- 
asticus, Caput  Scholae,  Capischolus  (in  France 
sometimes  Gapiscolus).  Very  few  Christians 
during  the  first  four  centuries,  appeared  to 
have  belonged  to  the  profession  of  the  "  gram- 
matici  "  or  the  "  rhetores,"  as  teachers  of  the 
traditional  pagan  learning.  Of  this,  the  com- 
parative rarity  of  Christian  monumental  in- 
scriptions which  distinguish  the  name  recorded 
as  that  of  a  "  gramraaticus"  is  significant 
evidence.  Passionei  [_Iiiscrizioni  antiche  (Lucca, 
1763),  p.  115]  gives  one  of  these  rare  excep- 
tions ;  and  Martianus,  a  presbyter  of  the  sect 
of  the  Novatians,  is  mentioned  by  Socrates  (II.  E. 
iv.  9)  as  teaching  ypamxaTiKovs  \6yovs  to  the  two 
daughters  of  the  emperor  Valens.  But,  in  general, 
the  necessity  under  which  those  who  adopted 
this  profession  found  themselves  of  expounding 
the  pagan  mythology  and  observing  the  pagan 
festivals,  seems  to  have  deterred  the  Christian 
teacher  from  entering  upon  such  a  career  [see 
Schools,  II.]. 

The  appointed  teacher  of  a  school,  from  the 
5th  century  onwards,  whether  monastic  or  epis- 
copal, was  generally  known  as  the  "scholasti- 
cus," or,  in  France,  as  the  "capischolus,"  or 
"  capiscolus."  In  the  cathedral  schools  he  was 
always  selected  from  the  body  of  the  canons, 
(among  whom  he  was  known  as  "  Caput  Scholae  " 
or  "  Magister  Scholae  "),  and  was  generally  cue 
of  the  senior  members,  and  one  whose  character 
and  life  were  especially  approved  (Keuftel,  Hist. 
Scholarum,  pp.  248-249).  The  "Magister 
Scholae "  is  mentioned  among  seven  officials 
at  the  church  of  St.  JIartin  of  Tours,  known  as 
the  "  hcbdomadarii,"  who,  in  turn,  once  a  week, 
6  C  2 


1-84G 


SCHOOLS 


were  called  upon  to  celebrate  "majorem  missam'" 
(Martene,  de  Ant.  Ecc.  Ititihus,  i.'l20). 

[J.  B.  M.] 

SCHOOLS.  Education  among  Christian  com- 
munities during  the  first  eight  centuries  succes- 
sively assumes  four  very  distinct  phases.  First, 
as  limited  to  instruction  in  the  special  tenets  of  the 
Christian  faith,  and  altogether  dissociated  from 
secular  education  ;  secondly,  as  combined  with 
pagan  culture,  and  aiming  at  a  partial  reconcilia- 
tion of  the  traditions  of  that  culture  with  its 
own ;  thirdly,  as  altogether  abandoning  any 
such  attempt,  and  restricting  itself  to  religious 
doctrine,  and  to  the  acquirements  directly  sub- 
servient to  the  purposes  of  the  clerical  or  the 
monastic  life ;  fourthly,  as  resuming  in  some 
measure  the  earlier  and  more  liberal  conception, 
and  manifesting  an  activity  productive  of  im- 
portant after-results. 

L  Of  the  Christian  bishop  of  the  primitive 
Church  it  was  required,  not  only  that  he  should 
himself  be  "  apt  to  teach,"  but  also  that  he 
should  provide  for  the  spiritual  instruction  of 
his  flock.  For  this  purpose  he  was  wont  to 
select,  after  the  custom  of  pagan  philosophers, 
those  among  his  disciples  who  by  superior  ac- 
quirements and  the  possession  of  the  faculty  of 
teaching  seemed  specially  qualified  for  the  work. 
The  method  of  instruction  was  catechetical,  and 
a  good  specimen  of  its  character  and  range 
will  be  found  in  the  Karrjx^"'^''^  ^oDTi^ofieyooy, 
or  lectures  to  catechumens,  delivered  in  a.d.  348 
by  Cyril,  afterwards  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  when 
still  only  a  presbyter  (Migne,  Fair.  Series 
Graeca,  xsxiii.  356).  The  subjects  of  his  dis- 
courses, such  as  the  Second  Coming  of  Christ, 
the  Holy  Spirit,  the  Incarnation,  Divine  Provi- 
dence, &c.,  shew  that  they  were  designed  for 
those  who  had  passed  beyond  the  elementary 
stage  of  doctrinal  knowledge.  Augustine,  in  like 
manner,  at  a  somewhat  later  period,  was  accus- 
tomed to  draw  around  him  in  his  episcopal 
house  the  most  promising  of  the  younger 
clergy,  and  instruct  them  in  the  Scriptures, 
those  who  had  been  thus  privileged  being  spe- 
cially sought  after  to  fill  the  ditferent  offices 
of  the  Church  in  Africa  (Possidius,  Vita  Aug. 
c.  xi.). 

From  this  method  of  systematic  instruction  by 
the  bishop,  the  school  as  a  distinct  institution 
was  a  natural  development.  Of  their  organ- 
isation and  method  of  instruction  an  account 
will  be  found  under  Catechumens  ;  and  a  full 
description  of  the  most  celebrated  of  their 
number  in  Alexandria,  Catechetical  School 
OF.  Origan,  when  driven  from  Alexandria, 
founded  such  a  school  at  Caesarea  in  Palestine  ;  it 
fell  into  decay,  but  was  restored  by  his  friend 
Pamphilus,  who  bestowed  on  it  a  valuable 
library  (Eusebius,  H.  E.  vii.  27  and  30).  Other 
examples  are  perhaps  to  be  recognised  in  a 
school  established  at  Jerusalem  by  Clemens 
Alexandrinus,  about  the  year  209,  over  which 
Cyril,  above  mentioned,  subsequently  presided  ; 
in  that  which  Rhodon  (the  last  teacher  of  the 
school  at  Alexandria")  founded  in  the  reign  of 


»  That  the  catechetical  school  of  Alexandria  had  ceased 
to  exist  with  the  close  of  the  fifth  century  appears, 
as  Guerike  points  out,  to  be  a  necessary  inference  from 
Cassiodorus,  Praef.  ad  de  Inst.  Div.  Litt.  Migne,  Pair. 
Ixx.  537. 


SCHOOLS 

Thoodosius  the  Great  at  Sida  in  Pamphylia 
(Guerike,  ScIloL  Alex.  i.  118);  in  that  which  it 
has  been  [supposed  Irenaeus  founded  at  Lugdu- 
num  (Langemark,  Hist.  Catech.  i.  108) ;  and  in 
that  which  Tertullian  (de  Baptismo,  c.  18) 
appears  to  imply  existed  at  Carthage  in  the  3rd 
century. 

Of  such  institutions  the  one  at  Alexandria 
may  be  accepted  as  the  type,  and  from  that  dis- 
tinguished centre  Christian  education  mainly 
derived  its  inspiration  during  the  first  three 
centuries.  In  Alexandria  itself,  however,  thj 
instruction  soon  advanced  beyond  the  purely 
dogmatic  character ;  the  dangers  with  which 
the  faith  was  menaced  by  Jewish  and  pagan 
opponents,  and  by  the  hei-esies  of  the  Gnostics 
almost  necessarily  imposing  on  the  Christian 
teacher  the  obligation  of  assuming  a  wider  range 
both  of  culture  and  teaching. 

With  respect  to  the  foregoing  kind  of  instruc- 
tion, it  is  important  to  observe  generally  that  it 
forms  a  characteristic  feature  of  early  Chris- 
tianity, the  education  of  youth  being  confided  to 
the  ministers  of  religion.  Among  pagan  com- 
munities, whether  Greek  or  Pioman,  the  functions 
of  the  priestly  office  were  limited  to  the  super- 
intendence of  religious  ceremonial  or  the  inter- 
pretation of  signs  and  oracles  ;  of  any  instruction 
of  the  people  in  the  traditions  of  their  faith  we 
find  no  trace. 

II.  The  views  expressed  by  the  earlier  teachers 
of  the  Church  with  respect  to  the  abstract  value 
of  pagan  learning  are  somewhat  vague  and  often 
conflicting  in  character.  It  is  obvious,  however, 
that  the  general  conditions  under  which  Chris- 
tianity existed  at  this  period  were  such  as  to 
render  any  attempt  at  founding  separate  schools 
of  general  instruction  unadvisable  if  not  impos- 
sible. Those  parents,  therefore,  among  the 
Christian  community,  who  could  afford  the 
expense,  sent  their  sons  to  the  gymnasium,  under 
the  care  of  a  paedagogus,  to  share  with  pagan 
youth  the  ordinary  instruction  of  the  time.  This 
fact  is  one  which  must  not  be  lost  sight  of  in 
any  endeavour  to  estimate  the  influences  under 
which  the  teaching  of  the  earlier  Fathers  was 
conceived. 

In  the  first  century,  intercourse  with  Greece 
had  already  somewhat  extended  the  narrow 
limits  of  Roman  education  both  in  Italy  and  in 
Gaul  (Horace,  Sat.  I.  vi.  71;  Epp.  II.  ii.  41), 
and  the  elementary  acquirements  of  reading, 
writing,  and  arithmetic,  were  followed  by  a 
certain  amount  of  instruction  in  the  Greek  lan- 
guage and  literature.  Quintilian  (I.  i.  12), 
indeed,  advises  that  such  instruction  should 
precede  the  study  of  the  Latin  tongue,  inasmuch 
as  a  command  of  the  latter  could  be  acquired 
without  any  formal  teaching  whatever  ;  and  we 
learn  from  Tacitus  (de  Claris  Orat.  c.  29)  that, 
probably  with  the  same  view,  it  was  customary 
for  the  children  of  the  wealthy  to  have  a  Greek 
nurse. 

In  the  days  of  the  empire  schools  were  of  two 
kinds — an  elementary  and  a  higher  grade.  At 
the  elementary  school  (that  of  the  "  gramma- 
tista,"  "  magister,"  or  "  litterator,"  styled  by 
Tertullian  (de  Fallio,  c.  5)  "  litterarum  primus 
informator  ")  the  scholars  were  taught  to  read 
intelligently,  and  with  correct  accentuation  the 
poets  and  orators  (Quint.  I.  i.  24  ;  I.  viii.  1), 
and    also    acquired    a    certain     knowledge    of 


SCHOOLS 

grammar  {Hi.  I.  iv.  22).  A  higher  degree  of 
instruction  was  imparted  at  the  schools  of  the 
"  grammaticus  "^  and  "  rhetor."  The  former  ex- 
plained difficulties,  expounded  the  plots  of  plays 
and  poems,  and  gave  outlines  of  histories 
("  quaestiones  explicet,  historias  exponat,  poem- 
ata  enarret,"  ib.  I.  ii.  14),  while  the  scholars 
translated  passages  from  Greek  into  Latiu  and 
then  back  again  into  Greek.  Under  the  guidance 
of  the  rhetor  they  composed  themes  and  declama- 
tions (chiefly  lifeless  and  mechanical  imitations 
of  standard  authors),  the  whole  training  of  these 
schools  being  almost  exclusively  conceived  with 
reference  to  the  requirements  of  the  forensic  orator 
(Tacitus,  de  Claris  Orat.  c.  35  ;  Suetonius,  de  Claris 
Bhet.  c.  1 ;  Pliny,  Ep.  i.  13  ;  v.  3  ;  vii.  17  ;  viii.  12 
and  26).  The  authors  studied  were  chiefly 
Homer  and  Vergil ;  the  lyric  poets,  especially 
Horace,  Menauder,  and  Terence  ;  the  Sentences 
of  Publius  Syrus ;  the  orators,  Demosthenes, 
Cicero,  and  Caius  Gracchus ;  the  historians, 
Thucydides,  Cato,  and  Sallust.  Beyond  this  no 
scheme  of  study  has  come  down  to  us,  and  it  is 
probable  that  the  teacher  selected  his  authors  at 
his  own  discretion. 

Such  was  the  character  of  the  education  that 
prevailed  throughout  the  more  civilised  parts  of 
the  empire  during  the  first  three  centuries. 
Liberally  aided  and  endowed  by  the  state  in  suc- 
cessive enactments  of  Hadrian,  Marcus  Aurelius, 
Vespasian,  Valentiniau  I.,  Gratian,  and  Theo- 
dosius,  it  was  far  too  generally  diffused  and  too 
essential  a  condition  of  success  in  social  and 
public  life  to  admit  of  its  rejection  by  the  Chris- 
tians of  those  days.  The  recognition  of  Chris- 
tianity by  the  state  does  not  appear  to  have 
produced  any  sudden  change  in  these  conditions. 
The  schools  of  the  empire,  as  they  were  termed, 
not  only  continued  to  exist,  but  maintained  their 
traditions  of  education  unmodified.  At  Athens, 
where  the  two  schools  (one  for  rhetoric,  the 
other  for  philosophy)  founded  by  Marcus  Aure- 
lius represented  a  kind  of  university,  were 
gathered  many  of  the  most  aspiring  intellects  of 
the  time.  Diodorus  of  Tarsus,  Gregory  Nazian- 
zen,'=  St.  Basil,  and  the  emperor  .Julian  attended 
the  same  school,  and  perhaps  sat  together  on  the 
same  bench  (Baronius,  iii.  687  ;  Basil,  Ep.  146). 
The  author  of  the  Greek  Life  of  Gregory  tells  us 
that  he  and  Basil  culled  the  flower  of  rhetoric 
while  avoiding  the  falsity  of  the  art  (Migue, 
Series  Graeca,  xxxv.  256).  He  also  states  that 
their  studies  included  grammar,  philosophy, 
music,  geometry,  and  astronomy. 

The  system  of  instruction  pursued  at  Athens 
seems  to  have  formed  the  model  for  the  higher 
instruction  throughout  the  empii-e.  A  similar 
though  less  famous  school  at  Rome,  founded  by 
the  emperor  Hadrian,  was  known  as  the  Athe- 
naeum. Here,  in  the  time  of  the  emperor 
Marcus  Aurelius,  Hadrian  the  sophist  taught 
with    great    success,   and   after    him,   Aspasius. 


SCHOOLS 


i8i: 


b  It  is  important  to  remember  that  througliout  our 
period  the  term  "grammaticus"  denoted  something 
much  more  than  a  teacher  of  grammar  in  the  modern 
sense,  being  really  equivalent  to  a  teacher  of  hclles- 
lettres.  See  Grafenhan,  Gesch.  d.  classischen  Philologie 
im  Alterthum,  iv.  52,  53;  UullmgeT,  Schools  of  Charles 
the  Great,  p.  77. 

c  See  his  poem  de  Vita  Mca,  for  a  description  of  his 
college  career  at  Atliens. 


(Philost.  Titae  Sophist.  589_,  627).  Milan,  on 
account  of  a  like  culture,  claimed  the  appellation 
of  "  Novae  Athenae,"  and  in  the  time  of  Theo- 
doric  the  Great  (a.D.  454-526)  would  appear  to 
have  still  been  distinguished  by  its  forensic  orators 
(Cassiod.  Variae,  viii.  19).  Cremona  and  Ber- 
gamo enjoyed  a  like  though  inferior  reputation. 
The  whole  of  southern  Gaul  was  equally  famous, 
the  schools  at  Marseilles,  Autun,  Lyons,  Bor- 
deaux, Toulouse,  and  Narbonue  being  especiallv 
celebrated.  Those  of  Carthage  were  the  resort 
of  most  students  who  aspired  to  distinction  either 
as  grammarians  or  rhetoricians.  On  the  death 
of  the  eminent  grammarian  Euanthius  of  Con- 
stantinople, in  362,  one  Chrestus  was  sent  for 
from  Africa  to  fill  the  vacant  chair  (Eusebius, 
Gliron.  ad  ann.). 

The  office  of  instructor  in  pagan  schools  would 
appear  to  have  been  proscribed  by  the  fathers 
of  the  church  on  account  of  its  intimate  con- 
nexion with  the  religious  belief  and  practice  of 
paganism  :  "  Quaerendum  autem  est,"  says  Ter- 
tullian,  "  etiam  de  ludi  magistris  et  de  caeteris 
professoribus  litterarum,  imo  non  dubitandum 
affines  illos  esse  multimodae  idololatriae "  {de 
Idol.  c.  10  ;  Migne,  Patrol,  i.  673-675).  The 
pagan  schoolmaster,  he  goes  on  to  say,  was  con- 
stantly under  the  necessity  of  referring  to  the 
gods  of  the  pagan  mythology,  of  explaining  their 
genealogies  and  prerogatives,  and  observing  their 
festivals.  At  the  feast  of  Flora,  it  was  customary 
to  adorn  the  schoolroom  with  garlands  ;  the  first 
payment  of  anew  scholar  was  devoted  to  Minerva ; 
the  new  year,  the  feasts  of  the  Seven  Hills  and 
the  summer  solstice  were  all  made  occasions  for 
the  presentation  of  gifts  from  the  scholar  to 
the  "  ludi  magister." 

When,  however,  it  came  to  a  question  of  the 
lawfulness  of  attendance  at  these  schools  on  the 
part  of  the  learner,  even  Tertullian  shrank  from 
interdicting  the  advantages  of  ordinary  education 
to  Christian  youth:  "Quomodo  repudiamus  saecu- 
laria  studia,  sine  quibus  .divina  esse  non  pos- 
sunt  ?  "  (i'/j.).  He  accordingly  decides  that  the 
Christian  scholar  may  frequent  these  schools 
under  the  plea  of  necessity,  and  he  enjoins  him 
to  take  the  good  and  to  reject  the  bad,  "  even  as 
one  who  knowingly  receives  poison  from  another 
who  knows  it  not,  but  refrains  from  drinking  it." 
"  Hence  it  was,"  observes  Dr.  Newman,  "  that  in 
the  early  ages  the  church  allowed  her  children  to 
attend  the  heathen  schools  for  the  acquisition  of 
secular  accomplishments,  where,  as  no  one  can 
doubt,  evils  existed,  at  least  as  great  evils  as  can 
attend  on  mixed  education  now.  The  gravest 
fathers  recommended  for  Christian  youth  the  use 
of  pagan  masters  ;  the  most  saintly  bisliojjs  and 
most  authoritative  doctors  had  been  scut  in  their 
adolescence  by  Christian  parents  to  pagan  lecture 
halls  "  {Idea  of  a  University,  p.  9).i 

During  the  first  three  centuries,  therefore,  the 
Christian  parent  justified  himself  in  sending  his 
sons  to  pagan  schools  on  the  ground  of  simple 
necessity ;    and    while    Christian    doctrine    was 


a  Of  the  different  channels  through  which  the  Qiristian 
teacher  of  his  day  acquired  instruction,  Chrysostom  is  a 
good  illustration,  having  been  cduciitod  in  religious 
knowledge  by  his  mother,  in  rlietoric  by  Libanius,  in 
philosophy  by  Andragathias,  and  finally  instructed  in 
Christian  doctrine  by  Miletius,  Diodorus,  and  Kartcrlus 
(sec  Kihn,  Mil.  chrisll.  Schultn,  p.  6ii). 


1348 


SCHOOLS 


tauglit  by  Christian  teachers,  secular  knowledge 
was  sought  in  the  ordinary  channels  (Assemann, 
Bihlioth.  Orient.  III.  ii.  923).  But  in  the  mean- 
time, the  far  more  difficult  question  of  the 
desirability  of  studying,  at  any  period  of  life,  the 
lU'oductions  of  pagan  genius  and  learning,  was 
debated  with  considerable  ai'dour,  and  at  the 
time  that  Christanity  received  the  recognition  of 
the  state,  remained  still  undecided.  While  a 
Cyprian  insisted  on  the  wide  distinction  between 
Christian  doctrine  and  pagan  philosophy  {ad 
Anton.  Migne,  iii.  782),  a  Celsus  reproached  his 
Christian  antagonists  with  their  hostility  alike 
to  learning,  wisdom,  and  thought  (Origen,  adv. 
Cels.  bk.  vi.).  At  Alexandria,  on  the  other  hand, 
the  study  of  pagan  authors  was  warmly  defended. 
Clemens  cites  in  its  defence  the  words  of  Christ 
(John  XV.  1-10),  wliich  imply  that  the  vine  must 
be  trained  and  pruned,  and  the  soil  cultivated, 
and  argues,  that  as  the  physician  who  studies 
other  arts  is  thereby  better  qualified  for  the  pro- 
fession of  his  own,  so  the  Christian  who  fami- 
liarises himself  with  other  modes  of  thought  will 
be  all  the  better  able  to  distinguish  the  alloy  of 
error  from  the  fine  gold  of  truth  (Strom,  i.  9  ; 
Migne,  Series  Graeca,  viii.  739).  These  views, 
says  Dr.  Newman,  were  advocated  in  the  early 
church,  "  not  witla  the  notion  that  the  cultiva- 
tion which  literature  gives  was  any  substantial 
improvement  of  our  moral  nature,  but  as  thereby 
openhiii  the  mind  ami  rendering  it  susceptible  of  an 
appeal ;  not  as  if  the  heathen  literature  itself 
had  any  direct  connexion  with  the  matter  of 
Christianity,  but  because  it  contained  in  it  the 
scattered  fragments  of  those  original  traditions 
which  might  be  made  the  means  of  introducing 
a  student  to  the  Christian  system,  being  the  ore 
in  which  the  true  metal  was  found  "  (Arians, 
p.  88). 

It  appears  to  be  beyond  doubt  that,  notwith- 
standing isolated  protests,  the  education  of  the 
clergy  throughout  the  fourth  century,  and  even 
after  that  time,  continued  to  be  of  this  more 
liberal  character.  Besides  the  conspicuous 
instances  already  noted,  we  find  Jerome,  in  a 
remarkable  letter  to  the  monk  Rusticus,  speaking 
of  the  education  of  the  latter  as  having  been 
commenced  in  Gaul  and  completed  at  Rome,  "  so 
that  the  dignity  of  the  Roman  discourse  might 
attemper  the  copiousness  and  elegance  of  the 
Gallic  "  (Migne,  xxii.  935).  Of  Jerome  himself 
it  is  to  be  noted  that  he  received  instruction  at 
Rome  from  Donatus  the  grammarian  {ib.  xxiii. 
472).  Lactantius  (t  aft.  317),  Arnobius  (f  circ. 
300),  Amlu-ose  (f  397),  Augustine  (f  430), 
Hilary  of  Poitiers  (f  367),  educated  at  his  native 
city,  Hilary  of  Aries  (f  449),  Sidonius  Apolli- 
naris  (f  489),  Salvian  (f  495),  are  all  examples 
of  ancient  writers  and  ecclesiastics  who,  while 
strenuous  defenders  of  Christian  doctrine,  had 
received  their  intellectual  training  in  schools 
which  followed  the  traditions  of  pagan  culture. 

In  the  meantime  the  growing  importance 
attached  bj'  the  church  to  the  whole  question 
of  education,  is  attested  by  the  language  of  its 
most  eminent  teachers.  "  Parents,"  says  Chrysos- 
tom,  "  will  inquire  carefully  when  they  hire  a 
herdsman,  as  to  his  fitness  for  the  work,  but 
will  take  little  trouble  when  engaging  a  tutor 
for  their  children,  althoui]h  there  is  no  function 
of  greater  importance  than  this"  (Horn,  in  Matt. 
ed.  BB.  vii.  605).     Elsewhere  Qb.   si.   159),   he 


SCHOOLS 

says  that  a  good  education  is  the  best  legacy 
that  a  parent  can  bequeath  to  a  son. 

This  increased  interest  in  the  subject  was  tho 
natural  result  of  the  fact  that  the  task  of 
educating  the  young  now  began  to  be  more  and 
more  confided  to  the  clergy.  We  find  that 
Julian,  when  at  Macellum,  was  instructed  in 
the  Scriptures  by  toTs  v(priyT]Ta7s  tSiv  ayliay 
Tpaipaiv  (Sozomen,  v.  2) ;  and  according  to 
Socrates  (//.  E.  iv.  9)  the  two  daughters  of  the 
emperor  Valeus  were  instructed  by  Martianus,  a 
presbyter  of  the  sect  of  the  Novatians,  in 
(jrainmar, — ypafifxariKovs  \6yovs. 

Thepolicy  of  Julian  (A.D.  361-363)  undoubtedly 
tended  to  preci|)itate  the  decisive  struggle  as 
well  as  to  embitter  all  subsequent  discussion  of 
the  question.  He  appears  to  have  noted  with 
displeasure  the  growing  influence  of  the  Chris- 
tian teacher,  and  to  have  sought  to  convert  tlie 
scruples  of  the  church  with  respect  to  pagan 
literature  into  a  pretext  for  excluding  her 
ministers  from  all  share  in  secular  education. 
The  Christian,  he  asserted,  if  really  convinced 
that  the  deities  whom  the  great  writers  of 
antiquity  worshijiped  were  unworthy  of  such 
adoration,  could  hardly  be  a  fit  expounder  of 
the  pagan  literature.  To  expound  Homer  and 
at  the  same  time  denounce  what  Homer  held  to 
be  most  sacred  and  venerable,  was  malevolent 
and  base.  He  accordingly  advised  the  Christian 
teachers  to  restrict  tliemselves  to  the  work  (if 
the  catechists,"  or,  as  he  expressed  it,  "  to 
ex])ounding  Matthew  and  Luke  in  tlie  churches 
of  the  Galileans  "  {Ep.  42  ;  ed.  Heyler,  p.  81). 
According  to  Socrates  (i/.  E.  iii.  12  ;  Migne, 
Series  Graeca,  Ixvii.  412),  he  also  enacted  a  law 
excluding  Christians  from  the  work  of  public  in- 
struction, and  the  motive  he  himself  assigned 
for  this  enactment  is  especially  deserving  of 
note,  namely,  that  by  bcinij  thus  prevented  from 
acquirincj  dialectical  skill  they  might  be  rendered 
incompetent  to  contend  in  argument  with  their 
pagan  antagonists.  • 

The  short  reign  of  Julian  was  succeeded  by 
that  of  Valentinian  I.  (A.D.  364-367),  who  pro- 
claimed general  religious  toleration,  and  that 
of  Gratiau  (A.D.  367-383),  who  was  the  avowed 
defender  of  Christianity.  The  former,  in  the 
year  364,  rescinded  the  prohibitory  law  of 
Julian  {Cod.  Theod.  ed.  Haenel,  p.  1322) ;  while 
the  latter,  aided  by  Ausonius,  who  was  of  Chris- 
tian faith,  and  had  taught  both  as  a  grammarian 
and  a  rhetorician  at  Bordeaux,  reorganised  th& 
schools  of  the  empire,  and,  as  far  as  it  lay  in  his 
power,  sustained  and  invigorated  the  traditions 
of  pagan  education  {lb.  vi.  tit.  13  ;  Haenel,  p.  545  j. 
see  also  pp.  1321,  1322). 

A  certain  dislike  and  suspicion  of  the  dialectic 
art  is  discernible  from  a  very  early  period  in 
the  church.  Irenaeus,  alluding  probably  to  the- 
Basilidians,  complains  of  those  who  oppose  the 
faith  with  an  Aristotelian  word-chopping 
{minutiloquium),  and  excess  of  refinement  in 
argument  {adv.  Haer.  ii.  sviii.  5).  Tertullian 
styles  Aristotle  "miser"  on  account  of  his 
invention  of  the  traditional  logic  {dc  Praescrip. 
c.  7).     Athauasius,  in  his  treatise  on  the  Nicene 


« 


e  "  Inter  quae  erat  illud  inclemens  quod  docere  vetuit- 
magistros,  rhelovicos,  at  grammaticos  Christianos,  ni. 
transis-ciitad  numinum  cultum  "  (Ammian.  Marcellinus 
XXiV.  iv.  20). 


SCHOOLS 

decrees,  speaks  of  Theognostus  as  advancing 
certain  opinions  with  respect  to  the  divine 
nature,  not  as  his  deliberate  conviction,  but  by 
way  of  exercise  in  argument — ois  if  yvfjLvaaia 
e^eTacras,  and  implies  that  Origen  sometimes 
wrote  with  a  like  design,  iis  Qf]Twv  koX  yvixv6.^o)v 
(Migue,  Series  Graeca,  xxv.  181  and  183). 
Eusebius  speaks  of  those  who  "are  ignorant  of 
Christ  and  adulterate  the  faith,  seeking  for  that 
iigure  of  the  syllogism  which  will  best  support 
their  heresy  "  {H.  E.  v.  27).  Jerome  contrasts 
the  "  campum  rhetorici  eloquii,"  the  "  tendiculae 
dialectorum,"  and  the  "  Aristotelis  spineta " 
with  the  plain  and  simple  language  of  Scripture 
(cidv.  Helvid.  Migne,  xxiii.  185).  Socrates  repre- 
sents Aetius,  the  Arian,  as  relying  in  argument 
on  the  categories  of  Aristotle  (ZT.  E.  ii.  25  ; 
Migne,  Series  Graeca,  Ixvii.  297  ;  see  also  H.  E. 
V.  10,  and  Sozomen,  //.  E.  vii.  12).  "  The  two 
Gregories,"  says  Dr.  Newman  {Arians,  p.  30), 
"  Basil,  Ambrose,  and  Cyril,  protest  with  one 
voice  against  the  dialectics  of  their  opponents : 
and  the  sum  of  their  declarations  is  briefly 
expressed  by  a  writer  of  the  4th  century 
(Epiphanius,  Haer.  Ixix.  69),  who  calls  Aristotle 
'  the  bishop  of  the  Arians.'  "  Even  so  late  as 
the  seventh  century  we  find  Theodorus  Rhai- 
tuensis  declaring  that  his  opponent  Severus  of 
Antioch  estimated  a  theologian  according  to  his 
knowledge  of  the  categories,  and  "  of  the  other 
refinements  of  pagan  philosophy "  (de  Incarn. 
Migne,  S.  G.  xci.  1504). 

In  the  East,  owing  to  the  tendency  of  the 
Greek  and  the  Oriental  mind  towards  subtle 
disquisition,  this  dialectical  culture  appears  to 
have  held  its  ground  much  longer  than  among 
the  Latin  races.  Socrates  the  historian,  who 
practised  as  an  advocate  in  Constantinople, 
recommends  the  cultivation  of  the  art  as  a 
means  of  defeating  the  enemies  of  the  faith  with 
their  own  weapons,  especially,  he  adds,  as  the 
Scriptures  themselves  do  not  teach  logic  (77.  E. 
iii.  16).  Eusebius,  bishop  of  Doryleum  in  the 
year  441,  had,  according  to  Evagrius,  taught 
rhetoric  in  the  public  schools,  and  availed  him- 
self of  his  knowledge  of  the  art  in  the  refutation 
of  Eutyches. 

Among  the  earliest  authoritative  utterances 
marking  the  transition  from  the  pagan  to  the 
Christian  theory  of  education  is  that  of  St. 
Basil,  who,  in  his  treatise  Trpbj  robs  Neovs 
(c.  2),  distinctly  adopts  the  monastic  axiom  that 
all  oui  actions  in  this  life  are  to  be  conceived 
as  preparatory  to  the  next.  He  nevertheless 
inculcates  a  certain  degree  of  attention  to  the 
best  writers  of  antiquity  as  sources  from  whence 
precepts  of  excellent  morality  may  be  gathered  ; 
citing  as  a  precedent  the  example  of  Moses,  who 
was  learned  in  all  the  learning  of  the  Egyptians 
(cc.  3  and  4 ;  Acts  vii.  22). 

The  language  of  the  Apostolical  Constitut'mis, 
on  the  other  hand,  which  were  designed  for  the 
instruction  of  catechumens,  is  authoritative 
against  the  reading  of  pagan  authors.*"  They 
enjoin  the  Christian  disciple   to  "  refrain   from 


SCHOOLS 


1849 


f  The  incongiuity  between  these  precepts  and  those 
of  St.  Basil,  addressed  to  the  same  class  in  the  Christian 
community,  may  perhaps  afford  an  argument  of  some 
weight  in  connexion  with  the  alleged  but  disputed 
antiquity  of  these  writings.    [See  Apostolical  Coxsti- 

T0TIOSS.] 


all  the  writings  of  the  heathen"  (Apost.  Const. 
i.  6  ;  Cotelerius,  Fat.  Apost.  i.  206).  [Pko- 
uiBiTED  Books.] 

The  influence  of  Ambrose  (Ijishop  of  Milan, 
A.D.  374-397)  on  the  literary  spirit  of  his  age' 
was  comparatively  slight,  but  his  writings 
sufficiently  attest  his  familiarity  with  the  best 
Latin  writers  of  antiquity. 

With  Jerome  the  case  is  altogether  different, 
and  the  effect  of  his  views  on  the  subsequent 
history  of  Christian  culture  probably  exceeds 
that  of  any  other  father,  Augustine  not  excepted. 
At  Rome  the  pupil  of  Donatus  the  grammarian 
and  of  Victorinus  the  African  rhetorician,  a 
scholar  at  the  imperial  school  at  Treves,  an 
attendant  on  the  lectures  of  Apollinaris  (the 
eminent  bishop  of  Laodicea)  at  Antioch— his  early 
training  and  associations  must  have  strongly 
inclined  him  to  regard  with  favour  the  literature 
of  pagan  antiquity.  His  original  sentiments 
are,  indeed,  clearly  attested  by  his  own  writings  ; 
and  during  his  ascetic  retirement  in  Syria  he 
was  often  wont  to  relieve  the  tedium  of  his 
vigils  by  the  perusal  of  Plautus  and  Cicero. 
But  the  divine  warning,  communicated  as  he 
believed,  in  a  dream,  recalled  him  to  a  sense 
of  his  error,  and  determined  him  to  abandon 
such  studies  and  to  restrict  himself  to  the 
sacred  authors  (Ep.  ad  Eustoch.  Migne,  xxii. 
416).8f  So  far,  however,  as  we  are  able  to 
gather  his  more  mature  sentiments  on  this 
question,  Jerome  would  appear  to  have  held  that 
the  study  of  pagan  literature  was  a  7iecessary part 
of  education,  but  that  its  continued  and  ardent 
pursuit  by  those  who  had  embraced  the  monastic 
or  clerical  life  was  inconsistent  with  their 
profession.  He  condemns,  for  example,  with 
severity  those  ecclesiastics  of  his  day,  who,  while 
neglecting  the  Prophets  and  the  Gospels,  in- 
dulged in  comedies  and  amatory  poetry,  "  et  id 
quod  in  pueris  necessitatis  est,  crimen  in  se  facere 
voluptatis "  (ccd  Damasum,  ib.  xxii.  76).  It  is 
obvious  from  this  passage  that  Jerome  held  that 
in  youth  the  reading  of  authors  like  Terence  and 
Vergil  was  a  necessity,  a  concession  which  may 
fairly  be  interpreted  as  implying  that  it  was  still 
the  practice  of  Christians  to  send  their  sons  to 
schools  of  the  kind  already  described.  Even 
after  his  adoption  of  the  monastic  life  at 
Bethlehem  (a.d.  386),  we  find  him  instituting, 
in  connexion  with  the  monastery,  a  school  for 
boys,  whom  he  himself  instructed  in  grammar, 
in  the  classical  authors  (especially  Vergil),  and 
even  in  the  Latin  poets  (Ebert,  Gesch.  d.  christlich- 
lat.  Lit.  p.  182).  As  regards  his  own  early 
education,  he  himself  tells  us  {ad  Domnioncm, 
Migne,  xxii.  237)  that  he  had  studied  the 
Commentaries  of  Alexander  of  Aphrodisias  on 
Aristotle  and  the  Introduction  of  Porphyry ; 
while  in  his  Apologia  adversus  Bnfinnm  (i.  16  ; 
ib.  xxiii.  472)  he  assumes  that  his  former  friend 
had  read,  when  a  boy,  the  Commentaries  of  Asper 
on  Vergil  and  Sallust,  those  of  Vulcatius  on  the 
orations  of  Cicero,  those  of  Victorinus  ci>  th« 
dialogues  of  tlie  same  writer  and  on  Terence 
those  of  Donatus  on  Vergil,  and  those  of  other 
commentators  on  Plautus,  Lucretius,  Horace, 
Persius,  and  Lucan.     As  this  obviously  implies 


g  A  precisely  similar  c.\pericnce  is  recorded  of  Cacsarius 
of  Aries  by  his  biographers,  and  was  followed  by  a  like 
result.  (Migne,  I'atr.  Ixvii.  lOOJ)- 


1850 


SCHOOLS 


the  study  of  the  authors  themselves,  it  is  evident 
that  at  the  close  of  the  4th  century  a  great 
proportion  of  the  classical  writers  were  still 
read  with  considerable  care. 

In  his  letter  (circ.  a.d.  397)  to  Magnus  (a 
Roman  rhetorician  who,  at  the  instigation  of 
Euffinus,  had  ventured  to  ask  Jerome  why  he  so 
often  introduced  allusions  to  profane  literature 
in  his  writings),  we  are  presented  with  what 
may  be  termed  the  stock  arguments  whereby 
such  culture  on  the  part  of  the  Christian  clergy 
has  been  defended  ever  since  his  time.  He 
alleges  that  even  Moses  and  the  prophets  borrow 
somewhat  from  the  "  books  of  the  Gentiles." 
He  quotes  the  opening  verses  of  the  first  chapter 
of  Proverbs,  Titus,  i.  12,  and  the  other  Pauline 
quotations  from  Aratus  and  Menander  as  further 
exam])les.  Then  lie  brings  forward  the  justifi- 
cation atlorded  by  Cyprian,  Origen,  Eusebius, 
Apollinaris — "  lege  eos,  et  invenies  nos  com- 
paratione  eorum  imperitissimos ;  "  he  refers  to 
Josephus  and  Philo,  and,  finally,  cites  the 
precedents  set  by  Quadratus,  Justin  Martyr, 
Dionysius,  Tatian,  Irenaeus,  Clemens,  Origen,'' 
Basil,  Gregory  Nazianzen,  Amphilochius,  &c. — 
"  qui  omnes  in  tantum  philosophorum  doctrinis 
atque  sententiis  suos  resarciunt  libros,  ut  nescias 
(juid  in  illis  primum  admirari  debeas,  eruditionem 
saeculi,  an  scientiam  Scripturarum."  In  the 
Latin  Church  he  brings  forward  the  examples 
of  Tertullian  Miuucius  Felix,  Arnobius,  Hilary, 
and  Juvencus,  and  finally  forestalls  the  possible 
objection  that  such  learning  was  only  resorted 
to  in  controversies  with  pagan  antagonists,  by 
observing  that  it  is  apparent  in  nearly  all  the 
icritinfis  of  those  whom  he  has  named  (ad 
Magmun,  Migne,  xxii.  426-430). 

It  is  questionable,  however,  whether,  with 
advancing  age,  Jerome's  views  did  not  assume  a 
third  and  yet  more  austere  j)hase.  We  find 
him,  for  example,  recording  with  manifest  exul- 
tation the  neglect  into  which  the  philosophy  of 
paganism,  Plato  and  Aristotle,  was  already  fall- 
ing (Migne,  xxvi.  487),  while  in  his  Commen- 
tary on  the  Epistle  to  the  Ephesians  (vi.'4)  he 
unsparingly  rebukes  those  bishops  and  presbyters 
who,  instead  of  instructing  their  sons  in  the 
faith,  make  them  study  pagan  authors,  read 
comedies,  and  sing  coarse  songs,  and  this,  too, 
at  the  cost  of  the  Christian  Church,  the  offerings 
of  the  devout  poor  thus  finding  their  way  into 
the  hands  of  the  grammarian  or  rhetorician  to 
he  lavished  on  profane  and  even  immoral  in- 
dulgences (Migne,  xxvi.  666). 

The  views  of  Augustine  much  resembled  those 
of  Jerome,  but  his  literary  sympathies  were  less 
ardent.  He  altogether  condemned  the  lighter 
literature  of  antiquity,  and  in  his  Confessions 
(i.  17)  he  refers  with  penitential  contrition  to 
the  jileasure  which,  in  his  youthful  days,  he  had 
taken  in  the  stvidy  of  the  Latin  poets.  The 
slight  evidence  of  a  certain  care  for  letters,  such 
as  his  anxiety  for  the  formation  of  a  library 
{Ep.  231,  Migne,  xxxiii.  1026),  and  the  solicitude 
which  he  is  said  by  Possidius  (Fito,  c.  31)  to 
have  shewn  for  its  preservation  after  his  death 


h  If  the  date  assigned  to  this  letter  by  the  Benedictine 
editors  be  correct,  this  mention  of  Origen,  after  the  dis- 
pute with  Ruifiuus  with  respect  to  the  orthodo.xy  of  the 
Alexandrine  teacher,  is  somewhat  remarljable.  (See 
Ebcrt,  Gesrh.  d.  dirisLlich-lat.  Lit.  p.  309.) 


SCHOOLS 

do  not  certainly  prove  anything  with  respect  to 
classical  authors.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  un- 
deniable that  the  sanction  of  Augustine  was 
given  in  very  explicit  terms  to  the  study  of 
rhetoric  and  to  that  of  the  graver  writers  of 
antiquity ;  and  two  passages  in  his  de  Doctrina 
Cliristiaaa  became  "  loci  classici  "  in  later  ages 
whenever  it  was  sought  to  defend  the  study  of 
pagan  literature  in  the  Church.'  Of  these,  the 
first  enforces  the  precept  that  the  writings  of 
the  philosophers  of  paganism,  wherever  they  are 
found  enforcing  what  is  in  agreement  with  the 
faith,  may  safely  and  advantageously  be  adapted 
to  the  Christian  use,  just  as  the  Israelites,  when 
they  went  forth  from  Egypt,  though  they  left 
behind  them  the  idols  and  superstitions  of  their 
masters,  took  with  them  the  gold  and  tlie 
raiment  (ii.  40 ;  Migne,  xxxiv.  63).  The  second 
passage  (iv.  2)  points  out  the  value  of  a  know- 
ledge of  rhetoric  to  the  Christian  preacher. 

HI.  The  course  of  events  after  the  death  of 
Augustine,  when  Gaul,  Italy  and  Africa  alike 
became  the  prey  of  the  barbarian,  involved  the 
overthrow  of  the  imperial  schools.  From  this 
time,  at  least  in  the  two  first-named  countries, 
the  profession  of  the  grammarian  and  the 
rhetorician,  as  that  of  a  distinct  class,  appears  to 
have  gradually  died  out,  while  the  culture  which 
they  represented  survived  only  in  a  few  rare  and 
isolated  instances  among  Christian  writers  and 
scholars,  who,  like  Claudius  Marius  Victor, 
Sedulius,  Pomerius  of  Lyons,  Prosper,  Claudius 
Mamertus,  and  Avitus  of  Vienne,  sought  to  give 
to  their  discourses  a  certain  rhetorical  embellish- 
ment, or  still  cultivated  the  art  of  original 
composition.  Whatever  of  education  continued 
to  exist  among  the"  laity  rarely  comprised  any- 
thing more  than  reading,  writing,  and  ordinary 
computation.  The  work  of  imparting  this 
elementary  instruction  was  carried  on  chiefly  in 
the  episcopal  or  cathedral  schools  which  bishops, 
by  virtue  of  their  office,  were  required  to  insti- 
tute in  the  chief  city  of  their  respective  dioceses, 
in  oi-der  that  youths  might  be  educated  for  the 
priestly  office  and  the  laity  receive  a  certain 
grounding  in  the  knowledge  of  the  faith.  The 
considerable  political  power  which,  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  6th  century,  the  episcopal 
order  still  retained  in  Southern  Gaul  enabled 
them  effectually  to  protect  these  institutions. 
In  the  year  529,  at  the  council  of  Vaison,  we 
have  evidence  that  it  was  sought  to  raise  the 
standard  of  education  among  the  clergy  by  re- 
quiring that  priests  in  charge  of  parishes,  accord- 
ing to  the  custom  of  Italy,  should  receive 
"  readers  "  into  their  houses  and  educate  them 
there  (Sirmond,  i.  226).  It  appears  to  be  a 
legitimate  inference  from  the  foregoing  canon 
that,  prior  to  the  Lombard  invasion,  the  educa- 
tion of  the  clergy  in  Italy  was  carried  on  in 
a  regular  and  systematic  manner,  and  that  an 
endeavour  was  made  to  introduce  a  corresponding 
system  into  Gaul. 

The  conquest  of  Africa  by  the  Vandals  (A.D. 
429)  does  not  appear  to  have  been  attended  by 


'  Compare  with  these  passages  Cassiodorus,  de  Inst. 
Div.  Lilt.  c.  28  (Migne,  I'atr.  Ixx.  554),  and  Eabanus 
Maurus,  de  Institutione  Ckricorum  {Opera,  ed.Colvencr, 
vi.  41):  the  latter  quoting  Augustine  without  any 
acknowledgment,  —  a  frequent  practice  in  the  middle 
ages. 


SCHOOLS 

results  equally  unfavourable  to  letters.  The 
Catholic  party  suffered  cruel  persecutions,  but 
their  Arian  antagonists  were  avowedly  friendly 
to  learning,  and  Carthage  still  preserved  her 
reputation  as  one  of  the  chief  schools  of  the  em- 
jiire.  Salvian  speaks  of  the  city  as  famed  both 
for  philosophy  and  the  cultivation  of  all  the 
liberal  arts  (de  Gub.  Dei,  bk.  vii.,  Migue,  liii. 
161).  It  is  uncertain  whether  the  treatise  of 
Martiauus  Capella,  a  rhetorician  of  Carthage, 
de  Nuptiis  Philologiae  et  Mercurii,  ct  do  Septem 
Artihus  Liheralihus,  Lihri  Novem,  was  composed 
before  or  after  the  Vandal  invasion,  but  long  after 
the  author's  time  it  continued  to  enjoy  an  ex- 
tensive popularity  as  a  manual  of  instruction. 
This  fact  is  alone  significant  evidence  of  the  per- 
manence of  a  certain  pagan  element  in  educa- 
tion ;  for  the  treatise,  owing  to  its  speculative 
character,  was  always  regarded  by  the  Latin 
Church  as  a  dangerous  book  (see  Mullinger 
(J.  B.)  Hist,  of  the  Unicersity  of  CcD/i'jridye,  i. 
23-26).  Felicianus  appears  as  an  eminent 
teacher  of  grammar,  whose  school  was  fre- 
quented both  by  the  sons  of  the  Vandals  and 
those  of  Roman  extraction  (Dracontius,  Praef.  ad 
Hylan.').  Dracontius  himself  was  a  poet  of  no 
mean  ability  in  the  reign  of  Gundamund  (a.d. 
484-496);  and  the  Christian  mother  of  Fulgeutius 
is  said  by  his  biographer,  Ferreolus,  to  have 
caused  her  son  to  commit  to  memory  the  whole 
of  Homer,  together  with  large  portions  of 
Menander.  After  this  early  training  in  Greek, 
Fulgentius  was  initiated  into  Latin  literature, 
and  pursued  the  study  with  the  combined 
advantages  of  home  instruction  and  attendance 
at  one  of  the  grammar  schools  of  Carthage — 
"  domo  edoctus,  artis  etiam  grammaticae  tra- 
ditur  auditorio  "  (Migne,  Ixv.  119). 

With  the  advance  of  the  6th  century,  the 
study  of  pagan  literature  and  the  traditions  of 
pagan  education  had  become  yet  further  circum- 
scribed in  Latin  Christendom,  and  the  oft-quoted 
lament  of  Gregory  of  Tours  ("  periit  studium 
litterarum  ")  may  be  accepted  with  little  reser- 
vation as  regards  his  own  country.  The  monastic 
traditions  of  education  alone  survived,  although, 
at  the  same  time,  it  is  evident  that  they  were 
sustained  with  some  vigour,  and  that  schools  for 
youth  (probably  of  the  kind  that  Caesarius  of 
Aries  had  instituted  and  promoted  in  Aquitaine) 
were  in  existence  in  the  time  of  Clotaire  II. 
<A.D.  613-628),  and  of  Dagobert  (a.d.  628-638), 
which  excited  the  emulation  of  other  lands.  We 
learn,  for  instance,  on  the  authority  of  Bede, 
that  Sigebert,  kiug  of  the  East  Angles  (a.d.  635), 
being  anxious  on  his  return  from  exile  "  to 
imitate  the  good  institutions  which  he  had  seen 
in  France,"  "  set  up  a  school  for  youth  to  be 
instructed  in  literature,  and  was  assisted  therein 
by  bishop  Felix,  who  came  from  Kent,  and  who 
provided  him  with  masters  and  teachers  after 
the  manner  of  that  country  "  (Baeda,  E.  II.  iii. 
18  ;  Henry  of  Huntingdon,  Hist.  Anyl.  bk.  iii. ; 
Savile,  Script.  332).  Evidence  again,  hereafter 
to  be  noted,  is  also  to  be  met  with  of  the  survival 
of  a  higher  culture  in  Italy,  Africa,  and  Spain. 

After  the  time  of  the  Origenistic  controversy, 
there  is  to  be  discerned  in  the  Western  Church 
a  growing  disposition  not  only  to  look  with 
distrust  on  all  secular  learning  as  tending  to 
encourage  speculations  which  too  often  ended 
in  heterodoxy,   but  also  to  adopt  a   tlieory   of 


SCHOOLS 


1851 


Scriptural  interpretation  which  involved  a  dis- 
paraging estimate  of  the  collateral  aid  which 
such  leai-ning  might  supply.  In  the  Institu- 
tiones  and  CoUationes  of  the  celebrated  Cassian, 
the  combination  of  these  views  is  clearly  to  be 
discerned.  Cassian  adopted  the  Alexandrine 
theory,  and  taught  that  beyond  the  gramma- 
tical meaning  of  the  Scriptures  there  lay  hidden 
a  succession  of  deeper  meanings,  the  tropolo- 
gical,  allegorical,  and  anagogical,  which  re- 
vealed themselves  only  to  the  sanctified  and 
purified  intellect  {Inst.  v.  24 ;  Coll.  viii.  3). 
The  importance  of  his  adoption  of  these  views 
lay  in  the  fact  that  he  was  also  the  author  of 
a  new  rule  of  monastic  life  and  education  in 
the  West,  and  that  consequently  those  com- 
munities which  accepted  this  rule  (and  they 
appear  to  have  included  the  majority  of  the 
monasteries  in  Gaul  in  the  5th  and  6th  centuries) 
cannot  but  be  looked  upon  as  dominated  by  a 
narrow  and  illiberal  conception  of  learning.  For 
a  time,  indeed,  under  the  influence  of  a  genuine 
enthusiasm,  they  rose  superior  to  their  traditions. 
The  monastery  of  St.  Victor  at  Marseilles,  founded 
by  Cassian  himself,  enjoyed  a  high  reputation  as 
a  school  of  education.  That  of  St.  Honorat,  on 
one  of  the  Lerins  group  of  islands,  was  yet  more 
celebrated,  and  the  "  Studium  Insulanum,"  under 
Vincentius,  was  famous  as  a  centre  of  serai-Pela- 
gian doctrine  in  the  5th  century.  Eucherius, 
bishop  of  Lyons  about  a.d.  449,  when  writing  to 
Salonius,  speaks  of  the  latter  as  having  received 
instruction  in  this  school  from  Hilary  of  Aries, 
Salvian,  and  Vincentius,  in  all  branches  of  reli- 
gious knowledge  {Praef.  ad  Salonium,  Migne, 
1.  773). 

But  the  severe  manual  labour  imposed  by  the 
rule  of  Cassian  {de  Cocnob.  Inst.  ii.  3)  alone 
almost  precluded  any  sustained  attention  to 
letters;  and  the  study  of  the  sacred  text,  the 
acquirement  of  the  arts  of  writing  and  singing, 
together  with  such  a  knowledge  of  the  Computus 
(see  Calendar)  as  would  enable  the  learner  to 
calculate  the  return  of  the  festivals  and  fasts, 
were  probably  the  limits,  but  rarely  exceeded,  of 
monastic  education  under  this  rule.  At  the  same 
time,  however,  it  is  to  be  noted  that  the  import- 
ance attached  by  Cassian  to  the  constant  studv 
of  the  Scriptures,  rendered  a  certain  amount  of 
education  obliyatory,  where  it  had  before  been 
discretionary  {Coll.  xiv.  10;  Migne,  xlix.  972), 
and  it  may  probably  be  safely  assumed  that 
wherever  after  Cassiau's  time  mention  occurs  of 
any  considerable  monastery  in  the  West,  there 
existed  in  connexion  with  such  monastery  a 
school  which  imparted  at  least  such  an  amount 
of  elementary  instruction  as  above  described. 

The  provis'ions  thus  laid  down  were  yet  more 
distinctly  enforced  in  the  rule  of  Caesarius  of 
Aries,  who,  in  addition  to  his  efforts  above 
noted,  for  the  spread  of  education  among  the 
clergy,  required  that  both  in  the  monasteries 
and  in  the  convents  of  his  diocese,  certain 
hours  of  study  should  be  strictly  observed. 
In  the  monasteries  this  time  was  from  the  hour 
of  rising  until  nine  o'clock  {licyula  ad  Monachos, 
reg.  14 ;  Migne,  Pair.  Ixvii.  1100).  In  the  con- 
vents for  women  it  was  for  two  hours,  from 
six  to  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning  {licjuUi  ad 
Vinjines,  reg.  14 ;  .'6.  Ixvii.  1110).    _ 

But  while  such  were  tlie  tendencies  of  educa- 
tion in  the  West,  we  find  a  far  more  liberal  cou- 


1852 


SCHOOLS 


ception  maintainiug  its  ground  in  many  of  the 
churches  iu  the  East.  In  marked  contrast  to 
the  school  of  Alexandria,  that  of  Antioch  ac- 
quired, in  the  4th  century,  scarcely  less  distinc- 
tion as  a  centre  of  widely  different  teaching. 
The  teachers  of  the  school  of  Antioch  were 
distinguished  by  the  high  value  which  they  set 
upon  paijan  literature,  and  had  their  views  with 
respect  to  Christian  education  gained  the  ascen- 
dancy, it  is  no  e.xaggeration  to  say  that  the  his- 
tory of  the  Church,  and  consequently  of  Europe 
at  large,  tliroughout  the  middle  ages  would 
have  been  materially  modified.  That  the  pro- 
fession of  instructor  iu  pagan  learning  did  not 
necessarily  involve  a  departure  from  orthodox 
belief  is  attested  by  the  example  of  Malchiou, 
a  presbyter  of  the  Church,  and  according  to 
Eusebius  (//.  E.  vii.  29),  "  head  of  the  profession 
of  the  sophists  in  the  schools  of  pagan  learning 
at  Antioch,"  but  who  was  also  distinguished  as 
a  refuter  of  the  heresies  of  Paul  of  Samosata. 

It  is,  however,  with  Lucian,  presbyter  and 
martyr  (fSll),  that  the  historical  exegesis  of 
Antioch,  in  conjunction  with  a  recognised  school 
of  instruction,  is  first  to  be  traced  with  certainty. 
(Neander,  Kirchenijcsch.  I.  iii.  825).  Lucian,  like 
Origen,  was  famed  as  a  teacher,  and  along  with 
Dorotheus,  educated  a  large  circle  of  illustrious 
disciples  (Nicephorus,  viii.  31 ;  Theodoret,  JI.  E. 
i.  5).  He  was  also  connected  with  the  schools  at 
Caesarea  and  Edessa.  When  Meletius  was  driven 
into  exile  by  the  Arians,  his  see  was  ably  guided 
by  Flavian  (1403),  and  both  of  these  bishops, 
according  to  Theodoret  {E.  H.  iv.  22),  were  the 
instructors  or  advisers  of  Diodorus,  from  whom 
the  high  celebrity  of  the  school  of  Antioch,  which 
lasted  from  about  A.D.  370-428,  may  be  held  to 
date.  Diodorus,  although  described  by  Jerome 
as  ignorant  of  secular  learning  (de  Viris  lllust.  c. 
119),  was  really  a  man  of  wide  and  varied  cul- 
ture, and  the  instructor  of  both  Chrysostom  and 
Theodore  of  Mopsuestia.  While  distinguished  as 
an  opponent  of  the  Apollinarian  heresy,  he  was 
also  an  able  defender  of  the  historical  school  of 
Scriptural  interpretation,  a  feature  which  suffi- 
ciently accounts  for  the  hostility  of  Jerome. 
With  the  deposition  and  condemnation  of  Nes- 
torius  (431)  the  reputation  of  the  school  at 
Antioch  appears  to  have  come  to  an  end. 

The  doctrines  taught  at  Antioch  re-appeared, 
however,  in  Mesopotamia,  and  especially  at  those 
celebrated  centres  of  theological  teaching,  Edessa 
and  Nisibis.  The  history  of  these  two  schools  is 
singularly  intertwined  and  somewhat  obscure. 
It  has  been  supposed  that  Edessa  was  the 
original  seat  whence  Antioch  first  derived  its 
characteristic  tradition,  and  it  is  beyond  doubt 
that  it  was  here  that  Lucian  received  instruction 
from  Macarius  (Socrates,  H.  E.  ii.  9).  Eusebius 
of  Emesa  was  also  instructed  here,  not  only  in 
religious  knowledge  but  also  in  pagan  learning 
(i6.).  It  is  not  until  the  4th  century  that  Kisibis 
appears  to  have  acquired  distinction  by  the 
teaching  of  Jacob,  its  bishop,  who  was  the  in- 
structor of  Ephraem  the  Syrian.  Ephraem  was 
subsequently  driven  from  Nisibis  and  took  refuge 
in  Edessa,  where  the  school  which  he  founded  or 
re-established  became  distinguished  for  its  judi- 
cious and  scholarly  principles  of  interpretation 
(Assemann,  i.  38  ;  Socrates,  //.  E.  iii.  6).  After 
the  year  431,  Edessa  became  a  centre  of  Nes- 
torian  doctrine,  and  the  survival  of  these  tenets 


SCHOOLS 

is  attributed  by  Theodorus  Lector  to  the  activity 
of  tins  school.  Its  suppression  in  the  year  48"9' 
by  the  emperor  Zeno,  on  this  very  account 
(Theod.  Lector,  E.  II.  ii.  49  ;  Assemaun,  i.  406) 
failed  to  bring  about  the  extinction  of  the  sect, 
for  its  teachers,  removing  to  Nisibis,  maintained 
the  same  traditions  ;  and  a  school,  iu  which  the 
Commentaries  of  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia  were 
prescribed  as  sources  of  doctrine  and  all  di- 
vergence from  his  teaching  was  forbidden  under 
the  pain  of  anathema  (tb.  iii.  84),  continued  to 
exist  until  the  middle  ages.  Junilius  Africanus, 
writing  about  the  year  540,  speaks  of  it  as  a 
centre  of  systematic  religious  instruction,  "  ubi 
divina  lex  per  magistros  publicos,  sicut  apml 
nos  in  mundanis  stvdiis  (j}-cunniatica  ct  rhetorica, 
oi-dine  et  regulariter  traditur  "  (Praef.  ad  de 
Fart.  Div.  Leg. ;  Migne,  Ixviii.  15).  The  fore- 
going passage  from  Junilius,  who  was  an  African 
bishop,  is  of  twofold  interest,  inasmuch  as  it 
attests  the  continued  existence  and  activity  not 
only  of  the  school  at  Nisibis  but  also  of  scho(ds 
of  grammar  and  rhetoric  in  Africa  iu  the  first 
lialf  of  the  6th  century. 

Among  others  whose  attention  was  attracted 
to  the  teaching  of  these  remote  schools  iu  the 
East,  was  Cassiodorus,  the  eminent  minister  of 
Theodoric  the  Great.  It  was  his  endeavour  to 
give  to  monastic  education  a  more  liberal  cast 
than  it  had  received  from  Cassian,  or  than  it 
was  then  receiving  from  his  contemporary, 
Caesarius  of  Aries— the  latter  of  whom,  not- 
withstanding his  efforts  to  promote  the  educa- 
tion of  the  clergy,  was  altogether  adverse  to  the 
study  of  pagan  literature.  Cassiodorus  appears 
to  have  succeeded  in  carrying  his  designs  iuto 
effect  in  connexion  with  the  monastery  which  h& 
founded  at  Viviers  in  Bruttium  ;  and  we  learn 
from  the  preface  to  his  treatise,  de  Institutione 
Divinarum  Littcrariim,  that  he  had  sought,  in 
conjunction  with  pope  Agapetus,  to  found  cer- 
tain chairs  of  Christian  instruction  at  Rome,, 
after  the  fashion,  he  says,  "  that  long  existed 
at  Alexandria,  and  that  now  prevails  iu  full 
force  at  Nisibis,  so  that  the  souls  of  the  faithful 
might  gain  eternal  salvation  and  their  speech 
be  adorned  with  chaste  eloquence  "  (Migne,  Ixx. 
537).  The  schema,  "  lectionis  ordo,"  given  by 
Cassiodorus  himself,  is  also  in  evident  agreement 
with  the  method  and  range  of  instruction  which 
prevailed  at  Nisibis ;  and  it  is  worthy  of  notice 
that  among  those  to  whom  he  refers  as  eminent 
jjromoters  of  Scriptural  instruction  ("iutro- 
ductores  Scripturae  diviuae  ")  is  Junilius  Afri- 
canus. Cassiodorus,  however,  goes  on  to  state 
that  the  outbreak  of  war  had  compelled  him  to 
abandon  the  above  design,  and  that  he  has 
accordingly  put  forth  his  treatise,  which  he 
describes  as  "a  compend  of  Scriptural  know- 
ledge and  profane  learning."  The  Catholic  spirit 
in  which  his  precepts  are  conceived  is  evident  iu 
many  points ;  in  his  advice  to  the  monks  to 
study  geography,  and  in  the  fact  that  he  had 
caused  Latin  translations  to  be  made  of  Josephus'' 
Ilistonj  of  the  Jews  and  of  the  writings  of 
Theodoret  (c.  8).  These  were  placed  iu  the 
library  which  he  collected,  and  of  which  his 
treatise  gives  an  account.  We  learn  that  it 
included,  besides  the  canonical  Scriptures  and  the 
Fathers,  the  encyclic  of  the  council  of  Chal- 
cedon  in  the  version  of  Epiphanius,  Eusebius' 
1  Ecclesiastical  History,  that  of  Sozomen,  together 


SCHOOLS 

with  the  works  of  Orosius,  Ammianus  Jlarcel- 
limis,  &c.  (Migne,  Fair.  Ixx.  1119-1147).  He 
also  takes  occasion  warmly  to  defend  the  study 
of  pagan  literature,  urging  that  it  is  often  an 
important  aid  to  that  of  the  Scriptures  them- 
selves, and  that  it  had  never  been  the  design 
of  the  fathers  wholly  to  prohiljit  it  (ib.  Ixx. 
554).  He  quotes  the  language  of  Augustine  (dc 
Doct.  Christiana,  ii.  40),  "  See  we  not  how  richly 
laden  with  gold,  and  silver,  and  raiment,  Cyprian 
that  most  sweet  teacher  and  blessed  martyr, 
went  forth  from  Egypt?  How  also,  laden  in 
like  manner,  Lactantius,  Victorinus,  Optatus, 
and  Hilarius  went  forth  ?  " — and  concludes,  in 
his  own  language,  "  utrasque  doctrinas,  si  possu- 
mus,  legere  festinemus.  Quis  enim  audeat 
habere  dubium,  ubi  virorum  talium  multiplex 
praecedit  exemplum  ?  " 

In  the  period  directly  following  upon  the 
invasion  of  the  Lombards  (a.d.  568),  learning  in 
Italy  ebbed  to  its  lowest  point ;  but  iu  the  mean- 
time the  foundation  of  the  monastery  on  Jlonte 
(Jassino  (a.d.  529)  and  the  rise  of  the  Benedic- 
tine order  had  inaugurated  a  new  epoch.  The 
rule  of  St.  Benedict  was  a  kind  of  mean  between 
that  of  Cassian  and  that  of  Cassiodorus.  It 
neither  enjoined  nor  forbade  the  study  of  secular 
literature,  but  it  prescribed,  like  the  rule  of 
Caesarius  of  Aries,  the  setting  apart  of  regular 
hours  for  reading.  The  energies  of  the  monk 
were  still  mainly  to  be  given  to  active  labour, 
but  the  grey  dawn  of  the  winter  day  and  the 
meridian  heat  of  summer  were  allotted  to  study  ; 
and  in  the  season  of  Lent  the  time  assigned  for 
this  purpose  was  extended.  With  the  one  excep- 
tion of  Cassian,  Benedict  specified  no  authors, 
but  only  the  books  of  the  Old  and  Kew  Testa- 
ments, together  with  such  expositions  thereon  as 
"  the  most  illustrious  doctors  of  the  orthodox 
faith  and  the  Catholic  fathers  had  compiled  " 
(ii(?,(/.  (S'.  Benedicti,  c.  8  ;    ed.  Waitzmann,  p.  32). 

The  interpretation  given  by  Gregory  the 
Great  (a.d.  544-604),  the  admirer  and  bio- 
grapher of  St.  Benedict,  to  the  monastic  theory 
was  probably  sufficient  to  exclude,  for  a  time,  all 
attention  to  secular  learning.  Writing  and 
teaching  under  an  exceptionally  vivid  conviction 
of  the  approaching  end  of  the  world — a  consum- 
mation which  he  held  to  be  plainly  foretold  by 
tlie  troubles  of  the  times — he  looked  upon  all 
studies  Avhich  did  not  directly  conduce  to  the 
purposes  of  the  religious  life  as  worse  than  use- 
less. We  find,  it  is  true,  both  his  biographers, 
Paul  and  John,  speaking  in  glov/ing  terms  of  the 
fiuurishing  state  of  learning  in  Rome  in  his  day. 
But  against  these  doubtful  and  vague  assertions 
of  a  later  age,  we  must  place  the  following  facts  : 
(1)  that  according  to  John  {Vita,  iii.  33), 
Gregory  expressly  forbade  bishops  to  study 
pagan  literature  ;  (2)  that  he  strongly  censured 
L)idier,  the  eminent  bishop  of  Yienne,  for  instruct- 
ing some  of  his  clergy  in  classical  literature,  an 
employment  of  time  which  he  declares  to  he  un- 
bccvminf/  even  in  a  pious  layman  {£p-  xi.  54)  ; 
(3)  that  by  his  own  admission  he  was  himself 
ignorant  of  Greek,  although  he  had  resided  some 
years  at  Constantinople  (£/>.  vii.  30),  and, 
according  to  Paulus  Diaconus  (Vita,  c.  2)  was 
"  second  to  none  in  Rome  iu  polite  learning."  As 
a  striking  illustration  of  the  results  of  this 
narrow  conception  of  intellectual  culture,  his 
Magna  Moralia,  or  Exposition  of  the  Book  of  Job, 


SCHOOLS 


185S 


claims  a  passing  notice,  as  a  work  conceived  in 
the  most  daring  spirit  of  allegorical  interpre- 
tation, to  the  entire  exclusion  of  the  aids  that 
oriental  or  classical  learning  might  have  sup- 
plied and  which  could  hardly  have  failed  to 
restrain  the  unbounded  extravagance  which  cha- 
racterises these  pages.  "  It  may,safelv  be  said," 
observes  Milman,  "that  according  to' Gregory's 
licence  of  interpretation,  there  is  nothing  which 
might  not  be  found  in  any  hook  ever  written" 
(Latin  Christianity,  bk.  iii.  c.  7). 

The  unrivalled  influence  exerted  by  Gregory 
over  his  age  is  thus  to  be  traced  in  a  twonfold 
form  in  relation  to  learning:  (1)  as  distinctly 
unfavourable  to  secular  studies  ;  (2)  as  favouring 
the  allegorical  method  of  interpreting  Scripture,, 
and  thereby  setting  an  example  which  operated 
powerfully  on  the  whole  course  of  mediaeval 
theology  ;  for  while  the  monastic  schools  which 
arose  in  England  were  modelled  mainly  on  his 
instructions,  it  was  from  England,  in  turn,  that 
the  schools  restored  or  founded  by  Charles  the 
Great  in  the  latter  part  of  the  8th  century 
derived  their  method  and  their  traditions. 

It  is  mainly  to  the  etforts   of  Theodore  and 
Hadrian,   in  the   7th    century,   that   we    must 
attribute  that  somewhat  more  liberal  conception 
of  Christian  studies  which  obtained  in  England 
at  this  period.    Both  these  ecclesiastics,  of  whom 
the  one  was  from  Tarsus,  the  other  from  Africa,, 
were   Greek  as  well  as  Latin  scholars  (Bright, 
Early  Church  History,  p.  219).     Of  the  system 
of  education  introduced  by  Theodore  it  has  been 
said,  "  that  it  was  in  principle  substantially  the 
same  as  that  which  now  prevails  "  (Hook,  Lives 
of    the     Archbishops,    i.    196).      Theodore     also 
augmented  the  library  at  Canterbury  (Edwards, 
Hist,  of  Libraries,  i.  101).     Of  the  higher  learn- 
ing which  characterised  this  movement,  Aldhelm 
(t  709)   and    Bede  (f  735)   are  the  two   most 
conspicuous  examples.     The  former  was  educated 
by    Hadrian    at    the    monastery    school    of    St. 
Augustine's,   Canterbury,  and    subsequently,   in 
order  to  obtain  a  livelihood,  instituted  a  school 
at    Malmesbury  (William   of  Malmesbury,  Gesf. 
Pont.  lib.  v.).     Aldhelm  was  also  the  founder  of 
numerous  other  monastic  schools  in  Wessex,  and 
we    still    possess   an    account    of   his    system  of 
instruction  (Wright,  Introd.  to  Biog.  Brit.  Litt. 
i.  74).     According  to  his  biographer,  Faricius,  he 
was  a  competent  Greek  scholar  (c.  1).     He,  how- 
ever, so  far  reflected  the  influence  of  Gregory's 
teaching,  that  he  discouraged  the  study  both  of 
the  poets  and  philosophers  of  antiquity  ;  iu  the 
inflated  Latiuity  which  passed  for  scholarshij)  of 
this  period,  he  intimates  that  the  rude  simplicity 
of  the  gospel  appears  to  him  far  preferable  to  the 
slippery  byways  of  pastoral  poetry  or  the  thorny 
winding    paths    of    philosojihy.     (Malmesbury, 
(lest.  Font.  ed.  Hamilton,  p.  342).  At  nearly  the 
same  time  that  Aldhelm  was  founding  schools 
in    Wessex,  Felix,  the    first  bishop  of  the  East 
Angles  (a.d.   680),  was   carrying  out  a  similar 
work  in  his  diocese,  where,  says  the  historian, 
"  barbariem  gentis   sensim   comitate  Latiua  iu- 
formabat  "  (ib.  147). 

The  tradition  from  Aldhelm  was  handed  down 
by  Albinus  (t  752),  abbat  of  St.  Augustine's, 
Canterbury,  and  the  literary  adviser  of  Bede. 
Albinus  was  instructed  iu  Greek  by  Theodore, 
and,  according  to  Beilc,  "  knew  the  Greek  tongue 
to    no     small    perfection,    and    the     Latin    as 


1854 


SCHOOLS 


thorouglily  as  the  English,  which  was  his  native 
tougue  "  (E.  H.  v.  20). 

The  extensive  learning  of  Bede,  which  was  of 
a  yet  higher  order,  was  acquired  partly  under  the 
tuition  of  Benedict  Biscop,  at  the  monasteries 
at  Wearmouth  and  Jarrow,  and  partly  at  St. 
Augustine's  at  Canterbury.  Bede  himself  was 
subsequently  an  active  founder  of  the  famous 
school  at  York,  the  most  distinguished  centre  of 
learning  in  England  in  the  8th  and  9th  centuries. 
It  was  successively  presided  over  by  Egbert, 
Ethelbert,  and  Eanbald,  each  of  whom  succeeded 
to  the  archbishopric  of  York  ;  but  its  most  dis- 
tinguished teacher  was  Alcuin.  The  school 
appears  to  have  been  open  to  the  secular  clergy 
as  well  as  to  those  designed  to  the  monastic  life, 
a  fact  which  may  to  some  extent  account  for  the 
liberal  character  of  the  studies  pursued  by  the 
scholars  (Migue,  Fatr.  c.  146  ;  ci.  845  ;  Stubbs, 
Pref.  to  do  Jnventione,  p.  vi.).  Alcuin,  who  was 
not  a  monk,  was  for  some  time  librarian  of  the 
cathedral  library,  and  in  his  Poeina  do  Pvnti- 
ficibus  Ecclcsiae  Eboracensis  (Migne,  ci.  845)  has 
left  us  a  glowing  description  of  its  treasures. 
According  to  his  account  it  was  a  complete  re- 
pository not  only  of  patristic,  but  also  of  Greek 
and  Latin,  literature. 

Such  was  the  institution  from  whence  the 
light  of  learning  was  transmitted  to  Fraukland, 
and  there  handed  down  to  the  middle  ages  ;  but 
before  proceeding  to  follow  this  main  path,  as  it 
may  be  termed,  of  our  subject,  it  will  be  neces- 
sary to  devote  a  brief  attention  to  the  condition 
of  letters  and  education  in  other  parts  of  Europe 
during  the  7th  and  8th  centuries. 

The  tradition  of  important  Christian  schools  in 
Spain  at  a  very  early  period  in  Church  historj', 
must  stand  or  fall  with  that  of  the  early  evange- 
lisation of  the  country  [Paganism,  Survival 
OF,  sec.  iii.].  It  aj)pears  to  have  suggested  to 
the  author  of  the  spurious  Chronicon  of  Dexter 
(ann.  185  and  370),— a  Jesuit  forgery  of  the  17th 
century, — the  statement  that  such  schools  ex- 
isted in  the  2ud  and  were  restored  in  the 
4th  century ;  nor  is  it  easy  to  believe  that, 
under  ecclesiastics  like  Hosius,  the  work  of 
education  could  have  failed  to  be  carried  on  with 
vigour.  Lannoy  (de  Scholis,  &c.  c.  Ivi.)  observes, 
however,  that  the  school  of  Bracara  (now  Braga 
in  Portugal)  is  the  only  one  of  which  we  have 
any  distinct  mention  prior  to  the  7th  century. 
This  school,  where  were  pursued  "  optimarum 
artium  studia,"  attained  to  yet  greater  celebrity 
Tinder  its  abbat  Fructuosus,  the  contemporary  of 
Isidorus.  In  the  time  of  Isidorus  (A.D.  570-636) 
a  general  revival  of  learning  throughout  Spain 
appears  to  have  taken  place.  The  great  school 
of  Seville,  which  had  been  founded  by  his  brother 
and  predecessor  in  that  see,  Leander,  exercised 
considerable  influence  over  education  throughout 
Andalusia.  Isidorus  himself  was  undoubtedly 
the  most  learned  ecclesiastic  of  the  7th  century 
and  an  active  promoter  of  learning.  He  was 
also  the  founder  of  another  school  in  connexion 
with  a  large  monastery  which  he  built  without 
the  walls  of  Seville.  The  discipline  of  this  school 
was  remarkable  for  its  severity.  The  scholars 
were  not  permitted  to  go  beyond  the  walls  of 
the  monastery  until  four  years  had  elapsed  from 
their  first  admission  ;  and  those  who  evinced  a 
disposition  to  saunter  about  and  neglect  their 
studies,  were  compelled  to  wear  iron  fetters  on 


SCHOOLS 

their  feet  (Rod.  Cerrat.  Vita  Isidori,  c.  xiv.; '' 
!Migne,  Ixxxi.  78).  Discipline  of  this  kind,  how- 
ever, was  confined  to  the  monastic  schools,  which 
appear  to  have  sometimes  served  the  ]>urpose  of 
the  modern  reformatory.  We  find,  for  exam])le, 
that  a  decree  of  the  fourth  council  of  Toledo 
(A.D.  633),  over  which  Isidorus  presided,  while 
enjoining  the  institution  of  schools  for  the  clergy, 
directs  also  that  refractory  scholars  shall  be 
sent  to  the  monasteries  (Mausi,  x.  626).  The 
first  canon  of  the  second  council  of  Toledo, 
A.D.  615,  makes,  likewise,  express  provision  for 
schools  for  the  clergy  under  the  direction  of  the 
bishop. 

Isidorus  says  (^Setit.  iii.  8)  that  both  prayer 
and  reading  are  duties  of  the  religious  life,  though 
preference  is  to  be  given  to  the  former.  He 
discourages  the  perusal  of  pagan  literature 
{ib.  iii.  13),  and  affirms  that  the  meretricious  art 
of  the  grammarian  must  not  be  preferred  to 
more  simple  knowledge  (i6.).  It  is,  however,  a 
legitimate  inference  from  his  Etijinuluf/iac  (or 
Orij/ines,  as  the  treatise  is  sometimes  termed), 
that  Isidorus  did  not  consider  these  injunctions 
to  be  equally  binding  on  the  clergy.  This  latter 
treatise,  along  with  those  of  Boethius,  the  do 
Artibns  ac  Disciplinis  of  Cassiodorus,  and  the 
de  Septan  Artibus  of  jMartianus,  may  be  looked 
ujion  as  completing  the  list  of  the  ordinary  text- 
books of  instruction  up  to  the  13th  century. 

On  the  whole,  it  may  be  said  that  Christian 
education  as  conceived  by  Isidorus  rested  on  a 
far  more  liberal  basis  than  that  laid  down  by 
Gregory, — a  fact  in  some  measure  attributable 
to  the  immunity  from  war  and  invasion  which 
Spain,  when  compared  with  Italy,  at  this  time 
enjoyed.  As  regards  the  interpretation  of 
Scripture,  however,  Isidorus  followed  in  the  steps 
of  Gregory,  a  fact  of  which  his  Allegoriae  affords 
decisive  evidence,  and  he  thus  lent  the  weight  of 
his  high  authority  to  the  perpetuation  of  the 
Alexandrine  tradition  in  the  Western  Church. 

The  extant  writings  of  Braulio  clearly  prove 
that  he  had  profited  largely  by  the  instruction 
of  Isidorus,  and  the  cjuotations  from  Terence, 
Horace,  Vergil,  and  Juvenal,  which  they  contain, 
shew  a  fair  knowledge  of  Latin  literature. 
Among  Isidorus'  other  pupils  were  Sisebut,  king 
of  the  Visigoths,  and  the  archdeacon  Redemptus, 
author  of  the  Life  of  St.  Didier.  Braulio,  in  his 
turn,  became  the  founder  of  an  important  school  in 
northern  Spain,  at  the  city  of  Saragossa,  and 
among  his  scholars  were  Eugenius,  third  bishop 
of  that  name  of  Toledo  (a  writer  whose  metrical 
compositions  are  among  the  most  favourable 
specimens  of  the  literature  of  the  period),  and 
Tai'on,  Braulio's  successor  in  the  see  of  Sara- 
gossa (Bourret,  L'Ecole  chret.  de  Seville, 
119-133). 

The  conquest  of  the  country  by  the  Saracens 
under  Musa,  in  the  year  711,  probably  involved 
the  extinction  of  these  schools,  though  traces  of 
learning  and  culture  are  discernible  even  after 
this  time  ;  but  throughout  the  7th  century, 
Spain  may  fairly  be  regarded  as  an  exception  to 
the  intellectual  darkness  that  prevailed  in  West- 
ern Europe  and  almost  justifies  the  observ- 
ation of  the  abbe  Bourret, — "  On  dirait  que 
toutes  les  muses  se  sont  eufuies  vers  les  bords 


''  Perhaps  one  of  the  passages  that  may  be  accepted  ; 
genuine  in  this  largely  interpolated  production. 


SCHOOLS 

hospitaliers  du  Butis,  car  de  la  seulemeut 
arrivent  les  echos  de  la  parole  antique  et  les 
signes  de  la  vie  iutellectuelle  de  I'liumanite " 
((6.  p.  203). 

In  the  East,  and  especially  at  CoBstantinople, 
the  study  of  grammar  and  rhetoric  received  the 
countenance  of  the  state  long  after  the  imperial 
schools  of  the  West  had  ceased  to  exist.  In  the 
year  425,  in  the  reign  of  Theodosius  II.,  an  edict 
was  promulgated,  designed  apparently  to  restrict 
the  function  of  public  teaching  to  those  who  had 
been  formally  appointed  to  teach  in  the  Capitol 
at  Constantinople.  Other  teachers  are  forbidden 
to  assemble  their  pupils  "in  publicis  magistra- 
tionibus  cellulisque  "  under  pain  of  infamy  and 
banishment  from  the  city,  but  are  allowed  to 
teach  in  private  dwelling  houses,  "  intra  parietes 
domesticos."  This  edict  has  been  characterised 
by  Finlay  as  a  tyrannical  e.xercise  of  power,  but 
he  omits  to  refer  to  the  fact  that  the  same 
measure  makes  provision  for  a  fixed  number  of 
public  instructors,  as  follows :  in  Latin,  three 
"  oratores  "  and  ten  "  grammatici  "  ;  in  Greek, 
five  "  sophistae  "  and  one  "  grammaticus  "  ;  one 
teacher  of  philosophy  ;  two  of  civil  law.  Each 
of  these  instructors  was  to  have  his  appointed 
"  locus,"  probably  a  fixed  place,  in  which  to 
assemble  his  class  {Cud.  Theod.  xiv.  tit.  9  ;  ed. 
Haenel,  p.  1389).  The  suppression  of  the  schools 
of  philosophy  at  Athens,  by  Justinian,  was  pro- 
bably a  blow  aimed  rather  at  heresy  than  at 
learning,  and  the  grammarian  and  rhetorician 
still  taught,  as  in  Africa,  unmolested,  and  in 
some  instances  with  distinguished  success.  The 
names  of  Stobaeus,  Theodorus  Anagnostes, 
Agathias,  and  Evagrius,  are  sufficient  proof  of 
the  continuance  of  a  certain  cultivation  of 
letters.  The  schools  at  Constantinople,  known 
as  the  oecumenical,  wei'e  also  celebrated,  and 
though  the  circumstances  under  which  the 
college  of  the  Octagon  in  that  city  was  founded 
are  lost  in  obscurity,  its  existence  in  the  8th 
century,  along  with  that  of  an  extensive 
library,  is  sufficiently  established.  "  The  classical 
writers  (iyKVKXioi) "  says  Donaldson,  "  were 
taught  with  a  strange  mixture  of  Church  fathers 
and  later  rhetoricians, — Libanius  and  Basil  being 
placed  on  the  same  footing  as  Demosthenes, 
Plutarch  and  Dion  Cassius  being  preferred  to 
Herodotus  and  Thucydides,  the  commentators  of 
Hermogenes  and  Aphthonius  being  substituted 
for  the  rhetoric  of  Aristotle,  and  Plato  and 
Aristotle  being  seen  darkly,  if  at  all,  through 
the  clouded  glasses  of  Proclus,  Olympiodorus, 
and  Joannes  Philoponus "  {Hist,  of  Gi-eeh  Lit. 
iii.  373-374). 

The  accession  of  the  Isaurian  dynasty  (a.d. 
726)  and  the  controversy  respecting  imago 
worship  were  eminently  unfavourable  to  letters, 
and  the  emperor  Leo  is  accused  of  burning  both 
the  college  of  the  Octagon  and  its  library. 
Towards  the  close  of  the  century,  however,  a 
considerable  revival  took  place,  and  it  is  evident 
that  no  small  amount  of  literary  culture  pre- 
vailed. At  the  commencement  of  the  9th  cen- 
tury the  celebrated  Theodorus  Studites  assembled 
round  him  at  the  monastery  of  Studion  a  band 
of  disciples,  some  of  whom  his  biographer 
describes  as  devoted  to  general  learning,  others 
to  Scriptural  studies,  and  some  to  manual  arts 
(Migne,  Series  Graeca,  xcix.  168).  "A  proof," 
'1         says  Finlay,  "  that  learning  was  still  cultivated 


SCHOOLS 


1855 


in  the  distant  parts  of  the  Byzantine  emi)ire,  and 
that  schools  of  some  eminence  existed  in  Greece 
is  to  be  found  in  the  fact  that  Leo  the  mathe- 
matician, when  a  layman,  retired  to  a  college  in 
the  island  of  Andros  to  pursue  his  studiesj^and 
there  laid  the  foundation  of  the  scientific  know- 
ledge by  which  he  established  his  reputation. 
After  he  was  compelled  to  resign  his  archbishop- 
ric of  Thessalonica,  the  general  respect  felt  for 
his  learning  obtained  for  him  from  Bardas  Cae- 
sar the  presidency  of  the  new  university  founded 
at  Constantinople  in  the  reign  of  Michael  III. 
(A.D.  842-867),  in  which  chairs  of  geometry 
and  astronomy  had  been  established,  as  well  as 
the  usual  instruction  in  Greek  literature."  {Hist, 
of  the  Byzantine  Emp.  ed.  Tozer,  ii.  25  ;  for  Leo's 
attainments  see  Wigne,  Series  Graeca,  cix.  199.) 
In  northern  and  central  Italy,  where  the  rule 
of  the  Lombard  supplanted  that  of  the  eastern 
emperor,  the  course  of  events  could  not  fail  to 
be  unfavourable  to  learning  ;  but  it  is  evident 
that  traditions  of  Greek  culture  lingered  in  the 
south  long  after  the  time  of  Gregory  the  Great. 
In  the  Life  of  John  of  Damascus  there  is  a  re- 
markable representation  given  by  the  monk  Cos- 
mas  of  his  attainments  and  course  of  study.  He 
had  been  captured  by  pirates  when  sailing  from 
Calabria  to  the  east,  and  as  he  stood  exposed  for 
sale  in  the  market-place  of  Damascus,  he  in- 
formed the  father  of  John  (by  whom  he  was 
subsequently  ransomed)  that  his  speech  had 
been  adorned  by  the  study  of  rhetoric,  his  reason 
trained  in  dialectical  methods  and  proofs  ;  that 
he  had  studied  ethics  as  taught  by  Aristotle  and 
Plato  ;  had  acquired  a  knowledge  of  physical 
philosophy,  arithmetic,  geometry,  music,  and 
astronomy  {rwv  aaripwu  irepicpopav) ;  and,  finally, 
had  been  initiated  into  the  mysteries  of  theo- 
logy, "  both,"  he  says,  "  as  handed  down  by  the 
Greeks  and  as  the  teachers  of  the  Latin  church 
had  most  clearly  set  them  forth  "  (Migne,  Series 
Graeca,  xciv.  430). 

In  Frankland  a  continuous  state  of  warfare 
sufficed  to  preclude  much  attention  to  the  edu- 
cation of  the  people  during  the  rule  of  Charles 
Martel  and  that  of  Pepin  leBref(A.D.  752-768). 
Guizot,  however,  contends  that  in  the  preceding 
century  and  a  half  (a.d.  600-750)  there  is  good 
reason  for  inferring  the  continued  existence  of 
episcopal  schools  at  Poitiers,  Paris,  Le  Mans, 
Bourges,  Clermont,  Vienne,  Chalons-sur-Saone, 
Aries,  and  Gap ;  while,  besides  the  monastic 
schools  of  St.  Medard  at  Soissons,  and  that  at 
Lerins,  he  considers  that  others  are  to  be  traced 
in  connexion  with  the  foundations  at  Poitiers, 
Liguge,  Ansion,  Luxeuil,  Fontenelle,  and  Sithiu 
{Hist,  de  la  Civilisat.  ii.  3-4).  It  was  reserved, 
however,  for  Charles  the  Great  to  initiate  a 
series  of  efforts  for  the  revival  of  learninp-,  which 
were  destined  to  be  attended  by  marked  success 
and  long-enduring  results. 

Charles's  regard  for  letters  may  have  been 
derived,  in  the  first  instance,  from  Peter  of 
Pisa,  who  appears  to  have  taught  grammar  nt 
the  court  of  Pepin  (Alcuin,  Ejh  75);  while 
Paulus  Diaconus,  the  historian  Leidradus,  a 
Bavarian,  and  Theodulfus,  a  Spanish  Goth,  were 
scholars  with  whom  he  became  jicquainted 
during  his  campaign  in  Italy  (a.d.  774).  But 
in  none  of  these  were  there  combined  the 
attainments  and  the  energy  requisite  for  carry- 
ing  out  the  great  work  of  restoration  which 


1856 


SCHOOLS 


Charles  had  in  view.  In  the  year  782,  he  is 
accordingly  to  be  found  applying  to,  Alcuin  of 
York  for  further  assistance.  Ultimately  Alcuin 
acceded  to  this  request,  and  on  repairing  to 
Frankland  was  installed. instructor  of  the  palace 
school,  and  also  invested  with  a  general  super- 
intendence of  the  work  of  education  throughout 
the  realm. 

There  can  be  little  doubt  that  Alcuin  was  the 
most  accomplished  scholar  of  his  time,  for, 
besides  considerable  theological  attainments,  he 
was  well  read  in  the  Latin  classics,  and  also 
j>ossessed  a  slight  knowledge  of  Greek  ;  but  his 
mind  was  wanting  in  independence  and  origin- 
ality, and  his  proneness  to  lean  on  precedent  and 
authority  inclined  him  rather  to  follow  out  the 
precepts  of  Gregory  the  Great  than  to  seek  to 
impart  to  the  studies  of  his  age  a  more  liberal 
and  catholic  tone.  This  must  always  be  re- 
garded as  no  slight  misfortune  for  Christian 
education  in  the  middle  ages,  for  the  almost 
unquestioning  deference  and  obedience  which 
his  learning,  high  character,  and  amiable  dis- 
])osition  won  for  him  from  his  scholars  resulted 
in  an  influence  over  education  in  Frankland  which 
lasted  until  the  rise  of  scholasticism,  and  may 
even  be  traced  after  the  Renaissance. 

The  palace  school,  which  included  Charles 
himself,  his  fiimily,  and  the  leading  members  of 
his  court,  is  noticeable  as  a  successful  endeavour 
to  raise  the  standard  of  lay  education  at  that 
time.  To  Alcuin's  instructions  we  may  pro- 
bably attribute  the  literary  tastes  of  Lewis  the 
Pious ;  while  Adelhard,  Wala,  Einhard,  and 
Iliculfus  all  perceptibly  reflect  the  same  in- 
fluence. The  teacher  supplied  his  class  with 
such  knowledge  as  was  to  be  gathered  from  the 
manuals  of  Boethius,  Isidorus,  and  Cassiodorus 
on  the  subjects  of  the  ancient  triviuin  and  quad- 
riciuin.  In  connexion  with  logic  and  astronomy 
this  was  of  a  very  meagre  character,  and  the 
inquiring  intellect  of  Charles  seems,  in  these 
brandies,  to  have  decidedly  outstripped  the  will- 
ingness or  the  resources  of  his  instructor  (see 
Alcuin,  de  Dialectica,  Migne,  ci.  951-979 ;  also 
ih.  c.  275 ;  and  Dtimmler,  Alcuiniana,  Epp.  98 
to  112). 

Aided  by  the  counsels  and  the  pen  of  Alcuin, 
Charles  next  commenced,  in  the  year  787,  an 
endeavour  to  awaken  a  more  systematic  atten- 
tion to  letters  in  the  monasteries  of  his  realm. 
A  copy  of  the  Capitulary  designed  to  promote 
this  object  (that  addi-essed  to  Baugulfus,  abbat 
of  Fulda)  has  been  preserved,  and  supplies  us 
with  an  important  illustration  of  the  actual 
status  of  education  at  this  period,  the  argument 
for  the  necessity  of  improvement  being  enforced 
by  reference  to  the  uncouth  and  illiterate  diction 
of  the  letters  from  time  to  time  addressed  to 
Charles  by  the  different  monastic  foundations. 
It  is  to  be  noted,  as  further  illustrating  Alcuin's 
theory  of  education,  that  the  desirability  of  the 
proposed  reforms  is  chiefly  insisted  on  on  account 
of  the  aid  that  students  would  thereby  receive 
in  understanding  the  Scriptures  and  those  deeper 
hidden  meanings  which  they  enfold.  "  For  as 
these,"  says  the  Capitular^',  "  contain  images, 
tropes,  and  similar  figures,  it  is  impossible  to 
doubt  that  the  reader  will  arrive  far  more 
readily  at  the  spiritual  sense  according  as  he  is 
the  better  instructed  in  learning  "  (Cotistihitio 
de  Scholis  per  simjula  Episcopiia  ct  Monastcria 


SCHOOLS 

instituendis,  Baluze,  i.  201-204;  Pertz,  Lefjg.  i. 
523).  Both  the  clerical  profession  and  the 
monasteries  at  this  period  were  largely  recruited 
from  the  servile  class  ;  and  it  marks  the  rising 
estimation  in  which  education  now  began  to  be 
held,  that  another  of  Charles's  Capitularies,  of 
the  year  789,  enjoins  the  clergy  to  seek  for 
scholars  not  only  amung  the  sons  of  slaves  but 
almost  among  the  sons  of  freemen ;  it  also 
directs  that  in  connexion  with  every  episcopal 
see  and  monastery  there  shall  be  a  school  where 
boys  shall  be  taught  the  psalms,  notation 
("  notas  "),  singing,  the  use  of  the  Computus,  and 
the  Latin  tongue,  and  that  they  shall  be  sup- 
plied with  accurately  transcribed  text-books, 
"  libros  bene  emendates  "  (Capitula  data  missis 
dominicis,  Baluze,  i.  360). 

In  the  year  796,  Alcuin's  work  of  reform  in 
Frankland  entered  upon  its  third  phase,  con- 
sequent upon  his  appointment  to  the  abbacy  of 
St.  Martin  of  Tours.  Here  he  forthwith  pro- 
ceeded to  put  in  practice  his  more  austere  con- 
ceptions of  monastic  discipline  and  education, 
while  his  reputation  attracted  scholars  not  only 
from  all  parts  of  the  empire,  but  also  from 
England  and  Ireland.  The  influence  he  thus 
exerted  over  his  disciples  during  the  eight  years 
preceding  his  death  constitutes  probably  the 
most  enduring  impress  that  he  left  upon  his  age  ; 
but  his  mistrust  of  pagan  literature  and  too 
deferential  adherence  to  the  Gregorian  tradi- 
tions largely  tended  to  cramp  and  fetter  the 
intellectual  energies  of  subsequent  generations. 

The  movement  thus  initiated  continued  to  de- 
velop itself  long  after  Alcuin's  death.  In  the 
year  in  which  he  died  (a.d.  804)  fresh  injunc- 
tions were  issued  with  a  view  to  the  more 
systematic  education  of  the  clergy  (Baluze,  i. 
417).'  In  813  a  decree  of  the  council  of  Cha- 
lons enjoined  the  creation  of  additional  schools 
for  the  cultivation  of  learning  and  the  study  of 
the  Scriptures  (Labbe,  Concilia,  vii.  1272).  The 
augmentation  in  the  numbers  of  the  scholars  is 
probably  indicated  by  a  canon  of  the  council  of 
Aachen,  in  817,  requiring  that  only  those  who 
had  already  embraced  the  monastic  life  (the 
"  oblati ")  should  in  future  be  admitted  to  the 
schools  within  the  monastery  walls  (Pertz,  Legg. 
i.  202).  From  this  time  the  monastic  schools 
appear  to  have  been  of  two  kinds  :  the  "  scholae 
claustrales  "  for  the  "  oblati,"  and  the  "  scholae 
canonicae  "  for  the  secular  clergy.  In  the  year 
822  Lewis  the  Pious  issued  new  instructions, 
affirming  that  education  since  his  accession  had 
not  received  due  attention,  and  enjoining  that 
every  candidate  for  holy  orders,  whether  young 
or  old,  should  have  a  settled  residence  and  a 
competent  instructor  ;  the  parents  or  masters  of 
scholars  were  to  provide  for  their  maintenance, 
and  if  the  extent  of  a  bishopric  rendered  it 
difficult  to  assemble  the  scholars  at  one  centre, 
additional  schools  were  to  be  opened  (Pertz, 
Leges,  i.  231).  Among  the  episcopal  schools  in 
J'rankland  those  of  Orleans  and  Rheims  were 
especially  distinguished.     The  first,   under  the 


'  The  charter  representing  Charles  as  endowing 
schools  at  Osnabriick  for  the  purpose  of  maintaining  a 
knowledge  of  both  Greek  and  Latin  among  the  canons 
of  the  cathedral  (see  Baluze,  i.  419)  is  not  accepted  bj' 
Pertz,  and  is  probably  spurious.  See  Diploma  C'aroH 
Uagni  Imperatoris  (1717),  a  treatise  attributed  to  Eccard. 


SCHOOLS 

direction  of  Theodulfus,  the  archbishop,  was 
perhaps  the  chief  centre  of  clerical  education 
lip  to  the  university  era.  Theodulfus  was  espe- 
cially active  in  his  endeavours  to  presei-ve  and 
restore  manuscripts,  and  those  of  Orleans  were 
noted  for  their  beauty  and  accuracy.  He  was 
also  the  author  of  a  compendium  of  rules  for 
the  guidance  of  the  clergy,  which  was  widely 
circulated  throughout  the  realm  (Baunard, 
Theodulfe,  c.  2;  Migne,  Pair.  cy.  191-207). 
The  school  at  Reims,  under  the  patronage  of 
the  celebrated  Hincmar,  was  not  less  famed, 
and  under  the  successive  teaching  of  Sigloard, 
archbishop  Fulk,  Remy  of  Auxerre,  and  Hucbald, 
enjoyed  the  proud  distinction  of  having  pre- 
served throughout  the  9th  century  that  tradition 
of  learning  which  links  the  episcopal  schools 
with  the  university  of  Paris. 

The  monastic  schools  of  this  period,  however, 
■altogether  surpassed  the  episcopal  schools  both 
in  learning  and  in  celebrity.     Foremost  in  this 
category  stands  the  school  of  the  abbey  at  Fulda, 
under  the  rule  of  Rabanus  Maurus,  the  disciple 
-of  Alcuin  at  Tours.  He  was  equally  distinguished 
by  his  attainments  and  his  ability  as  a  teacher, 
and  his  treatise  on  the  education  of  the  clergy, 
de  Institutionc  Clcrkorum,  contains  not  a  few  in- 
dications of  his  desire  to  set  up  a  somewhat  more 
liberal    standard    of  such    education  than  that 
which  he  had  received.     Among  his  scholars  he 
numbered   many  of  the    most    prominent  cha- 
racters   of  the    9th  century,  such  as  Walafrid 
Strabo,  Otfried  of  Weissenberg,  Rudolfus,  Luit- 
pertus,  Hartmuat,  Meginhard,  &c.  {Opera,  ed.Col- 
vener,  6  vols.  1626  ;  Spengler,  Lehen  des  heiligen 
Rhahanus  Maurus,  1856).     The  abbey  of  Hirsau- 
giae,  an  offshoot  from  F'ulda,   was  also  distin- 
guished as  a  learned  community  under  William, 
the  abbat  {Citron.  Peter shusanum,  Migne,  cxliii. 
338).      That  at  Seligenstadt,  under  Eiuhard  the 
historian,  was  noted  for  the  scholarly  and  admir- 
able productions  of  its  scriptorium;  that  at  Fer- 
rieres,  in  the  Gatinais,  could  boast  of  its  abbat, 
Lupus  Servatus,  the  presence  of  the  most  distin- 
guished classical   scholar  of  the  time   (Nicolas, 
Etude  sur  les  Lettres  de  Scrvat-Loup,  1861).  One 
of  his  disciples,  Eric,  afterwards  abbat  of  St.  Ger- 
main at  Auxerre,  was  the  instructor  of  Lothair, 
the  son  of  Charles  the  Bald.     At  Mayence,  the 
abbey  of  St.  Alban  numbered  among  its  scholars 
Rupertus,   known  for  his   Greek    learning,   and 
Probus,  a  devoted  student  of  Cicero  and  Vergil 
{Chron.  Hirsaugiac,  ann.   892  ;  Lupus  Servatus, 
Epp.  20  and  34  ;  Migne,  cxix.).     The  monasteries 
of  St.  Germain  des  Pres  and  St.  Denis  at  Paris 
already  enjoyed,  in  the  9th  century,   a  consi- 
derable celebrity  as  schools.     At    Corbey,  near 
Amiens,  under  Adelhard  and  Wala,  and  Pascha- 
sius  Radbertus,  was  gathered  a  society  eminent 
for    its    learning   and    illustrious    as   a   parent 
foundation.    It  fell  before  the  Norman  invasion ; 
but  its  namesake.  New  Corbey,  in  Saxony,  sus- 
tained the  same  traditions  with  scarcely  less  dis- 
tinction (W«?ae  Vita,  Pertz,  ii.  578-581).     The 
great  abbey  of  St.  Riquier,  under  the  rule   of 
Angilbert,  another  of  Alcuin's  scholars,  was  noted 
for  its  devotion  to  letters ;   an  inventory  of  its 
possessions,  made  in  the  year  831  by  the  direc- 
tion of  Lewis  the  Pious,  included  a  library  of  no 
less  than  two  hundred  and  thirty-one  volumes 
(Leon  Maitre,  Les  E<:olcs,  &c.  p.  67).     The  abbey 
of  St.  Martin  at  Metz,  under  the  rule  of  Aldri- 


SCHOOLS 


1857 


cus,  was  scarcely  less  celebrated  (Baluze,  Msec?/. 
i.  19)  ;  a  bible  presented  by  the  community  to 
Charles  the  Bald,  and  the  missal  of  bishop  Drogo, 
are  still  preserved,  and  rank  among  the  most 
valued  specimens  of  9th-century  art.  The 
society  of  St.  Mihiel-sur-Meuse  enjoyed  the 
instruction  of  Smaragdus,  whose  compend  of 
Donatus  frequently  appears  in  the  catalogues  of 
the  libraries  of  the  period.  St.  Bertin,  in  the 
diocese  of  Cambrai,  claimed  the  distinguished 
honour  of  leaving  educated  Grimbald,  whom 
king  Alfred  invited  to  aid  him  in  his  eflTorts 
towards  a  restoration  of  learning  in  England 
(Bollandus,  Juillet,  ii.  651). 

A  remarkable  effort  on  the  part  of  the  episco- 
pal order  still  further  to  extend  the  influences  of 
education  was  made  in  the  year  829,  when  at  an 
assembly  at  Paris  it  was  resolved  to  petition  the 
emperor  to  found  three  large  schools  at  three 
different  centres,  to  be  open  to  the  clergy  and 
the  monastic  orders  alike  (Mansi,  xiv.  599).  The 
scheme  appears  to  have  been  frustrated  by  the 
outbreak  of  war. 

The  principle  of  the  gratuitous  instruction  of 
the  sons  of  the  poor  appears  to  have  been  very 
distinctly  on  its  trial  at  this  period.  An  inscrip- 
tion over  the  portals  of  the  monastery  at  Salz- 
burg contained  the  verse — 

"  Discere  si  cupias,  gratis  quod  quaeris  habebis  ; " 

on  the  other  hand,  the  monastery  at  Tours,  under 
the  rule  of  Fredegis,  Alcuin's  successor,  was 
unenviably  distinguished  by  its  exaction  of  fees 
from  the  scholars.  This  practice  was  strongly 
denounced  by  Amalaric,  who  had  formerly  acted 
as  librarian  at  the  monastery,  and  had  been  pro- 
moted to  the  archbishopric  of  the  diocese.  In  the 
year  84-3,  he  founded  a  fund  for  the  purpose  of 
providing  gratuitous  instruction  in  Tours,  and 
the  measure  was  subsequently  sanctioned  in  a 
formal  enactment  by  Chai-les  the  Bald  (Mar- 
tene,  Thes.  Anecd.  i.  ann.  843).  At  nearly  the 
same  time,  Theodulfus  issued  instructions  to  the 
clergy  of  his  diocese  that  they  should  in  no  case 
demand  fees  for  the  instruction  of  children, 
but  only  accept  them  when  voluntarily  offered 
by  the  parents  (Mansi,  xiii.  388).  The  Capitu- 
lary in  which  he  embodied  this  proviso  was  sub- 
sequently widely  adopted  by  other  dioceses 
(Baunard,  Theodulfe,  p.  61). 

It  still  remains  briefly  to  advert  to  another 
school  of  thought,  that  of  the  Celtic  church,  and 
particularly  the  Irish  monasteries,  in  order  to 
complete  the  foregoing  outline.  With  the  name 
of  St.  Com  gall  there  is  associated  the  great 
school  of  Banchor ""  or  Benchor  in  the  Ards  of 
Ulster,  founded  in  the  year  558  {Lije  of  Columha, 
ed.  Reeves,  p.  306),  and  famous  as  a  seat  of 
learning.  The  yet  more  celebrated  school  at  Hy 
or  lona  is  associated  with  the  name  of  St. 
Columba;  that  of  Lindisfarne,  or  Holy  Island, 
with  the  labours  of  St.  Aidan  ;  those  of  Luxeuil, 
on  the  confines  of  Burgundy  and  Austrasia,  and 
Bobbio  in  the  north  of  Italy,  witli  the  missionary 
career  of  Columban.     St.  Gall  in  Switzerland, 


m  This  must  bo  carefully  distinguishea  from  tlio 
monastery  at  Bangor  (the  modern  Bangor-lscoed  in 
Flintshire)  mentioned  by  Hedc  as  numbering  upwards 
of  2.000  monks  (A'.  If.  ii.  2);  a  foundation  which  pos- 
sessed no  school  at  all  corresponding  to  its  importance 
as  a  monastery  (Bingham,  Ant.  Ii.  347). 


1858 


SCHOOLS 


which  in  the  9th  century  possessed  a  library  of 
four  hundred  volumes  (Weidmann,  Hist,  de  la 
BibUoth.  de  S.  Gall,  p.  16),  still  preserves  the 
name  of  its  founder.  St.  Kilian  in  Thuringia, 
and  Virgilius  in  Cariuthia,  were  representatives 
of  tlie  same  great  movement. 

Tlie  question  of  the  common  origin  of  this 
teaching,  characterised  by  a  distinctive  scholar- 
ship and  a  distinctive  theology,  in  Irish  founda- 
tions, would  involve  a  more  lengthened  inquiry 
than  is  here  admissible,  but  it  may  be  observed 
that  such  evidence  as  we  possess  remarkably  con- 
firms the  traditions  which  associate  the  early 
Irish  civilisation  with  the  East,  either  directly 
or  indirectly  through  Massilia. 

As  early  as  the  time  of  Jerome,  there  is  evi- 
dence of  an  Irish  Christian  civilisation  anterior 
to  St.  Patrick,  and  iu  the  6th  century  the 
"  Scotti  "  as  they  were  termed  (Ireland  being  the 
original  Scotland)  were  already  eminent  for  their 
love  of  learning.  An  Irish  scholar,  Maildulf, 
instructed  Aldhelm  at  Malmesbury  in  the  7th 
century ;  and  Theodore,  the  archbishop,  on  his 
arrival,  found  himself,  according  to  Aldhelm, 
surrounded  by  a  throng  of  eager  Irish  disciples, 
"  Hibernensium  globo  discipulorum  stipatur " 
(Ussher,  Syllog.  Ep.  p.  ."8). 

The  distinguishing  features  of  this  Celtic 
Christianity,  so  far  as  related  to  education 
and  learning,  were  as  follows :  (1)  the  adoption 
of  a  text  book  of  secular  education  which  was 
condemned  by  the  majority  of  the  Latin  clergy  ; 
(2)  a  superior  knowledge  of  Greek  and  also  of 
the  Latin  classics  and  of  astronomy ;  (3)  a  dis- 
position to  employ  dialectics  iu  theological  con- 
troversy. 

(1)  The  treatise  of  JNIartiauus  Capella,  to  which 
reference  has  above  been  made  (p.  1851),  was  a 
favourite  text-book  with  those  who  leaned  to- 
wards the  cultivation  of  pagan  learning.  We 
find,  for  example,  one  Securus  Melior  Felix,  a 
rhetorician  at  Clermont,  editing  the  treatise  in 
the  year  534,  and  distributing  copies  throughout 
Frankland  {Hist.  litt.  de  la  France,  iii.  21,  173); 
so  that  in  the  time  of  Gregory  of  Tours,  it  would 
appear  to  have  become  the  ordinary  manual  of 
all  those  who  among  his  countrymen  still  made 
any  profession  of  learning  {Hist.  Franc,  x.  31). 
St.  Patrick,  it  has  been  conjectured,  first  brought 
the  book  to  Ireland,  where  its  speculative  cha- 
racter recommended  it  to  the  native  genius. 
Various  features,  however,  combined  to  render 
the  volume  peculiarly  obnoxious  to  the  orthodox 
party ;  it  contained,  for  example,  a  remarkable 
anticipation  of  the  Copernican  theory  in  a  state- 
ment that  Mercury  and  Venus  revolved  round 
the  sun  ;  it  asserted  the  existence  of  an  antipodes, 
and  finally  it  referred  to  the  Triune  God  of 
Christianity  in  the  same  category  with  the  gods 
of  paganism  {Mart.  Cap.  ed.  Kopp,  p.  856).  It 
was  from  these  pages  that  Virgilius,  the  Irish 
bishop  of  Salzburg,  derived  his  theory  of  an 
antipodes,  by  the  maintenance  of  which  he  drew 
down  upon  himself  the  enmity  of  St.  Boniface 
and  the  anathema  of  pope  Zacharias  (Jafte,  Blon. 
Mogunt.  p.  191 ;  see  also  Gorini,  Defense  de 
VEglisc,  ii.  375-383).  Prudentius  of  Troyes,  in 
his  controversy  with  John  Scotus  Erigena, 
broadly  accused  the  latter  of  having  "  imbibed 
the  deadly  poison "  of  heresy  from  the  same 
work  (Migne,  Fatr.  cxv.  1294). 

(2)  The    superior    scholarship   and   classical 


SCILLITANI 

attainments  of  the  Irish  scholars  are  attested 
by  frequent  evidence.  Columban  beguiled  his 
leisure  with  the  composition  of  Latin  verse.  The 
affectation  of  Greek  modes  of  expression  is,  how- 
ever a  serious  defect  iu  their  Latinity,  and  adds 
much  to  the  obscurity  of  their  diction.  "  It  is 
palpable,"  says  Mr.  Haddan,  "in  British  writers, 
as  well  as  in  Irish  and  Saxon,  from  Gildas  down 
to  Ricemarch  "  {Femains,  p.  280).  They  were 
often  well  read  in  the  Greek  fathers,  and  Clement 
the  Scot,  when  at  the  court  of  Carloman  in  742, 
shewed  himself  familiar  with  the  writings  of 
Origen,  and  declined  to  be  bound  by  the  dicta  of 
Jerome,  Augustine,  and  Gregory  {ib.  pp.  274, 
286  ;  Jafte,  Hon.  Mogunt.  p.  140).  The  transla- 
tion of  the  treatises  of  the  pseudo-Dionysius  by 
John  Scotus  Erigena  in  the  9th  century  (a  tasic 
to  which  none  of  the  Prankish  clergy  had  been 
found  equal)  proves  his  superior  acquaintance 
with  the  Greek  language,  while  we  may  infer 
from  the  questions  which,  at  the  suggestion  of 
Clement  of  Ireland,  Charles  the  Great  propounded 
to  Alcuin  at  Tours,  a  more  than  ordinary  ac- 
quaintance with  astronomy  (Migne,  Patrol,  c. 
266  ;  Jatfe,  Alcuiniana,  p.  420). 

(3)  The  proneness  of  the  Irish  theologians  to 
the  use  of  the  syllogism  aroused  the  antipathy 
which,  as  we  have  already  seen,  was  traditional 
in  the  Latin  church  to  such  modes  of  discussing 
theological  questions  ;  Benedict  of  Aniane  notes 
tliis  feature  to  their  discredit :  "  Apud  modernos 
scholasticos,  maxime  apud  Scotos,  iste  syllogismus 
delusionis  "  (Baluze,  Misc.  v.  54).  The  practice, 
probably  carried  to  its  abuse,  is  discernible  from 
Pelagius  down  to  John  Scotus,  the  latter  of 
whom  Prudentius  found  it  necessary  to  remind 
that  the  fathers  of  the  church  had  enjoined  that 
the  faith  should  be  defended,  not  by  sophistic 
trickeries,  but  by  the  plain  statements  of  the 
Scriptures  :  "  Nequaquam  sophisticis  illusionibus, 
sed  Scripturarum  sanctarum  evidentissimis  alle- 
gationibus"  (Migne,  cxv.  1013). 

But  although,  in  the  8th  and  9th  centuries, 
the  treatise  of  Martianus  Capella  and  the  em- 
ployment of  dialectics  were  discouraged  by  the 
church,  there  is  sufficient  evidence  that  neither 
the  one  nor  the  other  fell  into  disuse  ;  so  that 
when,  at  the  commencement  of  the  12th  century, 
William  of  Champeaux  opened  his  school  of  logic 
at  Paris,  and  found  both  a  puj^il  and  a  rival  in 
Abelard,  the  ancient  art  was  revived  with  new 
vigour,  and  the  history  of  Christian  education 
itself  entered  upon  a  new  phase. 

Authorities,  4'c. — Thomassin.  Cave,  Historia 
Litteraria.  Keufl!el  (G.  G.),  Historia  Originis  et 
Progressus  Scholarum  inter  Christianas,  1743. 
Ampfere,  Histoire  litte'raire  de^  la  France,  3  v. 
1867.  Gorini,  Defense  de  I'Eglise,  4  v.  1864. 
Kihn  (H.),  Die  altesten  christlichen  Schulen, 
1865.  Leon  Maitre,  Les  Ecoles  e'piscopales  ct 
monastiqucs  de  I' Occident,  1866.  Kaufmann 
(Georg),  Ehetorenschulen  mid  Hlosterschulen, 
article  iu  von  Raumer's  Historisches  Taschenhuch 
for  1869.  Prantl,  Geschichte  der  Logik  im  Ahend- 
landc,  vols.  i.  and  ii.  1855-60.  Mullinger  (J.  B.), 
Schools  of  Charles  the  Great  and  Festoration  of 
Education  in  the  Ninth  Century,  1877. 

[J.  B.  M.] 

SCILLITANI,  TWELVE  MARTYRS, 
July  17;  commemorated  at  Carthage  {Mart. 
Bed.,  Usuard.,  Aden.,  Vet.  Bom.,  Hieron.,  Not- 
ker.,  Wand.).  [C.  H.] 


SCREEN 
SCEEEN.     [Cancelli  ;  Iconostasis.] 

SCRIBHNEOIR,      SCRIBHNIGH,      the 

Irish  scribe,  was  an  important  officer  in  the 
monastery,  and  probably  took  the  place  of  the 
more  ancient  Seanchaidhe  or  historian  of  pagan 
times.  He  was  copyist,  illuminator,  annalist, 
and  in  the  end  of  the  10th  century  became 
merged  in  the  Ferleighinn  or  public  lecturer  in 
the  school  (Colgan,  Tr.  TJiaum.  631-2).  As 
thus  associated  with  learning,  he  frequently 
became  abbat  and  bishop.  In  the  Annals  of  the 
Four  Masters  we  find  frequent  obits  of  the  scribe 
during  the  8th,  9th,  and  10th  centuries,  and  he 
is  often  (a.d.  803,  820,  828,  871,  &c.)  called 
"  bishop,  scribe,  and  abbat,"  or  even  (a.d.  819) 
"  scribe,  bishop,  anchorite,  and  abbat  "  (Reeves, 
Uccl.  Ant.  149  sq.  and  St.  Adamnan,  365 ;  O'Conor, 
lier.  Hib.  Scrip,  iv.  129  sq.)..  By  canon  the 
mulct  for  the  blood  of  a  scribe  was  equal  to 
that  for  the  blood  of  a  bishop  or  abbat  (see  the 
Irish  canon  of  the  8th  century,  quoted  from 
D'Achery  and  Martene  by  O'Conor,  lb.  iv.  130, 
and  Reeves,  Eccl.  Ant.  150  n.),  and  the  manu- 
scripts which  still  remain,  both  in  our  own 
libraries  and  in  the  continental,  attest  their 
skill,  taste,  and  assiduity,  and  their  knowledge  of 
the  principles  of  their  art,  and  of  the  combina- 
tions of  the  colours  and  colouring  matter  they 
used.  Chief  of  these  may  be  enumerated  the 
Book  of  Kells,  the  Book  of  Armagh,  and  the  Book 
of  Lecan,  with  their  ornamentation  of  Runic 
knots  and  animals  with  elongated  and  interlacing 
extremities  (O'Curry,  Led.  MS.  Materials  of 
Anc.  Jr.  Hist.  pass.  ed.  1873).  [J.  G.] 

SCRIPTURE,  STUDY  OF.  The  object 
proposed  in  this  article  is  to  throw  some  light 
upon  the  habitual  use  which  was  made  of  Holy 
Scripture  during  the  early  ages  of  the  church, 
as  the  subject  of  the  constant  study,  and  as  the 
guide  and  director  of  the  daily  life  of  its  members. 

I.  As  to  the  numerous  versions  made  in  ancient 
times  little  needs  to  be  added  to  the  articles 
which  have  already  appeared  in  the  Dic- 
tionary of  the  Bible.  [Versions.]  Great  im- 
portance was  attached  to  the  multiplication 
of  versions  into  the  vernacular  tongues  of 
those  who  received  Christianity.  St.  Augustine 
(Be  Doctr.  Christ,  c.  si.)  writes :  "  For  the 
translations  of  the  Scriptures  from  Hebrew 
into  Greek  can  be  counted,  but  the  Latin  trans- 
lators are  out  of  all  number.  For  in  the  early 
days  of  the  faith  every  man  who  happened  to 
lay  hands  upon  a  Greek  manuscript,  and  who 
thought  he  had  any  knowledge,  were  it  ever  so 
little,  of  the  two  languages,  ventured  upon  the 
work  of  translation."  ^  In  the  fifth  chapter  of  the 
same  work  St.  Augustine  bears  witness  to  the 
early  diffusion  of  the  Holy  Scriptures  in  various 
tongues.  Eusebius  also  says  (De  Praeparat. 
Evangel,  xii.  1)  that  the  Scriptures  were  trans- 
lated into  all  languages,  both  of  Greeks  and 
barbarians,  throughout  the  world  ;  and  Chry- 
sostom  (Horn.  i.  in  Joan.)  says  that  the  Syrians, 
the  Egyptians,    the  Indians,   the    Persians,    the 

»  There  is  ground  for  doubt  whether  by  the  use  of  the 
words  interpretes  and  interpretari,  Augustine  meant  to 
denote  only  translators  from  the  original  tongues,  or 
•whether  he  included  also  those  who  undertook  the 
revision  of  existing  versions. 

CHRIST.    ANT. — VOL.    II. 


SCRIPTURE,  STUDY  OF       1859 

Ethiopians,    and    a   multitude  of  other  nations 
translated  them  into  "  their  own  tongues." 

St.  Augustine,  in  his  letter  to  the  people  of 
Madaura  (Letter  ccxxxii.  vol.  ii.  p.  446,  Clark's 
ed.),  says  that  the  Divine  Scriptures  had  "  come 
into  the  hands  of  all." 

II.  Our  next  evidence  of  the  actual  use  made 
of  Holy  Scripture  in  the  early  Church  is  derived 
from  the  citations  both  from  the  Old  and  New 
Testament,  with  which  the  works  of  early 
writers  abound.  It  does  not  fall  within  our 
present  province  to  discuss  the  import  of  the 
references  made  to  apocryphal  writings  under 
designations  the  same  as,  or  similar  to,  those 
given  to  the  Canonical  Books  of  Scripture.  (See 
Canonical  Books,  p.  278,  and  Bict.  of  the 
Bible,  s.  V.  Canon.) 

The  following  extract  from  the  Bampton 
Lectures  of  Mv.  Conybeare  bears  directly  upon  the 
knowledge  of  Holy  Scripture  possessed  by  the 
members  of  the  Corinthian  Church  in  sub-apo- 
stolic days :  "  It  is  quite  evident  (Mr.  Conybeare 
writes)  that  it  (i.e.  the  first  Epistle  of  Clement) 
must  have  been  written  to  a  Church,  of  which 
a  considerable  and  influential  portion  of  the 
members  had  been  Jews,  or  proselytes  to  that 
faith,  since  it  throughout  supposes  the  most 
intimate  acquaintance  with  the  Scriptures  of  the 
Old  Testament ;  for  these,  and  not  the  Scriptures 
of  the  New,  are  universally  quoted  as  the 
written  authority  for  the  doctrines  it  contains. 
The  author  indeed  very  properly  refers  to  the 
discourses  of  our  blessed  Lord  as  to  an  authority 
of  equal,  and  indeed  more  especial,  weight ;  but 
he  never  expressly  quotes  these  from  any  par- 
ticular written  gospel  ;  and  although  he  always 
exactly  agrees  with  these  evangelical  narratives 
in  substance  and  in  sense,  yet  the  verbal  dis- 
crepancies will  shew  that  he  does  not  transcribe 
from  them  ;  but,  as  bishop  Pearson  has  well 
observed,  seems  to  have  relied  on  a  memory 
previously  familiar  with  our  Lord's  words  from 
the  oral  communications  of  the  apostles  or  their 
disciples  "  (pp.  55,  56). 

The  same  remarks  apply  to  a  considerable 
extent  to  other  writings  of  the  sub-apostolic  age, 
and  of  the  first  three  centuries  of  the  Christian 
era,  throughout  which  we  observe  that  a 
uniform  appeal  is  made  to  the  Scriptures  as 
the  unerring  rule  of  faith,  and  as  the  foundation 
of  the  various  creeds  which  were  composed 
within  that  period. 

III.  The  next  evidence  which  will  be  adduced 
of  the  actual  use  of  Holy  Scripture  in  the 
early  Church,  is  derived  from  the  numerous 
and  earnest  exhortations  which  are  found  in 
the  homilies  and  other  works  of  the  most  cele- 
brated writers  to  the  diligent  study  of  Scrip- 
ture, from  the  invitations  addressed  to  the 
heretics  and  the  heathen  to  examine  the  sacred 
writings  for  themselves,  and  from  the  inci- 
dental notices  which  their  writings  afford  of 
the  extent  to  which  the  Scriptures  were  read 
and  studied  in  private,  and  of  the  effects  thus 
produced. 

Clement  in  his  epistle,  c.  45,  exhorts  the 
Corinthians  to  "look  into  the  Holy  Scriptures, 
which  are  the  true  words  of  the  Holy  Ghost." 
Again  in  the  fifty-third  chapter  he  says,  "  Yo 
know  full  well  the  Holy  Scriptures,  and  have 
thoroughly  searched  into  the  oracles  of  God." 
Polycarp,  in  his  epistle  to  the  Philippians,  c.  12, 
6  D 


1860      SCRIPTURE,  STUDY  OF 

writes  thus  :  "  I  trust  ye  are  well  exercised  in 
the  Holy  Scriptures,  and  that  nothing  is  hid 
from  you."  Tatian  in  his  Address  to  the 
Greeks  (c.  29)  bears  witness  to  the  practical 
effect  produced  upon  his  own  heart  and  life  by 
the  writings  with  which  he  happened  to  meet, 
"  too  old  to  be  compared  with  the  opinions  of  the 
Greeks,  and  too  divine  to  be  compared  with  their 
errors."  Theophilus  (ad  Autolycum,  i.  14)  bears 
similar  testimony  to  that  of  Tatian  to  the  effect 
produced  on  his  own  mind  by  the  study  of  the 
Scriptures,  and  he  urges  his  friend  "  to  study 
carefully  the  prophetical  writings,"  assuring 
him  that  they  will  lead  him  "more  certainly  to 
a  way  of  escape  from  everlasting  punishments, 
and  to  the  attainment  of  the  everlasting  blessings 
of  God."  Justin  Martyr  (Cohort,  ad  Graecos, 
c.  35)  earnestly  exhorts  those  to  whom  he  writes 
"  as  the  one  thing  which  remained  for  them 
to  do,"  that  "  renouncing  the  error  of  their 
fathers  they  would  read  the  prophecies  of 
the  sacred  writers  .  .  .  and  learn  from. them 
that  which  will  give  them  everlasting  life." 
Athenagoras  in  his  Plea  for  the  Christians  writes 
thus  :  "  I  think  that  you  also  cannot  be  ignorant 
of  the  writings  either  of  Moses,  or  of  Isaiah  and 
Jeremiah,  and  the  other  prophets,"  and  adds, 
"  But  I  leave  it  to  you,  when  you  meet  with  the 
books  themselves,  to  examine  carefully  the 
prophecies  contained  in  them,  that  you  may,  on 
fitting  grounds,  defend  us  from  the  abuse  cast 
upon  us  "  (c.  ix.).  In  like  manner  Tertullian 
(Apol.  c.  31)  invites  the  Roman  presidents  or 
magistrates  at  Carthage  to  "  look  into  the  words 
of  God,"  and  adds  that  the  Christians  did  not 
conceal  their  Scriptures,  and  that  many  accidents 
brought  them  before  those  who  were  not  of 
their  religion.  Clement  of  Alexandria  in  his 
Exhortation  to  the  Heathen  (c.  ix.)  not  only 
quotes  many  of  those  "  ten  thousand  Scriptures," 
which,  he  says,  he  could  adduce,  but  he  addresses 
them  in  the  following  words  :  "  No  one  will  be  so 
impressed  by  the  exhortations  of  any  of  the  saints 
as  he  is  by  the  words  of  the  Lord  Himself,  the 
lover  of  man.  .  .  .  Faith  will  lead  you  in ;  ex- 
perience will  teach  you;  Scripture  will  train  you, 
for  it  says,  '  Come  hither,  0  children  ;  listen  to 
me,  and  I  will  teach  you  the  fear  of  the  Lord.' " 
And,  again,  in  the  Stromateis  (i.  7),  Clement 
writes  as  follows  :  "Wherefore  also  the  Scriptures 
were  translated  into  the  language  of  the  Greeks 
in  order  that  they  might  never  be  able  to  allege 
the  excuse  of  ignorance,  inasmuch  as  they  are 
able  to  hear  also  what  we  have  in  our  hands  if 
they  only  wish."  So  also  Tertullian  {ad  Uxorem, 
ii.  6),  when  setting  forth  the  dangers  arising 
from  marriages  between  Christians  and  idolaters, 
asks,  "  Ubi  fomenta  fidei  de  Scripturarum  inter- 
lectione  ?"  where  he  seems  to  assume  as  a  matter 
of  course  that  such  reading  would  be  common 
with  those  of  the  same  faith.  Other  passages 
might  be  adduced  from  the  same  writer  in  proof 
of  the  prevalent  use  of  Holy  Scripture  amongst 
Christians,  and  of  the  appeals  made  to  it  in  their 
apologetical  and  controversial  works  in  terms 
which  imply  its  accessibility  to  all.  In  like 
manner  Origen  (in  Jerem.  Horn,  iv.)  says :  "  Let 
us  read  the  Scriptures  of  the  Old  Testament.  .  .  . 
Let  us  also  read  the  Scriptures  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment, the  words  of  the  apostles  ;  and  having 
read  them,  let  it  be  our  care  that  they  be 
written  in  the  table  of  our  hearts."     And  again 


SCRIPTURE,  STUDY   OF 

(in  lib.  Jerem.  Horn,  xx.)  he  says  that  "  though 
at  the  very  time  of  reading  them  (the  Scriptures) 
there  be  no  sensible  advantage,  yet  in  the  end 
they  will  be  found  profitable  for  strengthening 
virtuous  dispositions  and  weakening  the  habits 
of  vice."  And,  once  more,  he  exhorts  his  hearers 
to  "  come  daily  to  the  wells  of  the  Scriptures, 
the  waters  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  there  draw, 
and  carry  home  a  full  vessel  "  (in  Gen.  Hom.  x.). 
In  the  letter  addressed  by  Theonas,  bishop  of 
Alexandria,  about  the  close  of  the  3rd  century, 
to  Lucianus,  the  chief  chamberlain  of  the 
emperor  (probably  Diocletian),  we  find  some 
interesting  directions  given  concerning  the  duties 
of  the  person  who  may  be  entrusted  by  the 
emperor  with  the  custody  of  his  library. 
Amongst  these  we  find  a  direction  to  "laud 
the  Divine  Scriptures  which  Ptolemy  Phila- 
delphus  caused  to  be  translated  into  our 
language  ;  and  sometimes,  too,  the  gospel  and 
the  apostle  will  be  lauded  for  their  divine 
oracles "  (c.  7).  The  following  advice  is  also 
given  to  Lucianus  himself:  "  Let  no  day  pass  by 
without  reading  some  portion  of  the  sacred 
Scriptures "  (c.  9 ;  in  Dacherii  Spicilegium,  iii. 
pp.  297-299).  Cyprian  (de  Spectacul'is,  c.  10) 
says  :  "  Let  the  faithful  Christian  devote  himself 
to  the  sacred  Scriptures,  and  there  he  shall 
find  worthy  exhibitions  for  his  faith."  Origen 
urges  his  hearers  not  only  to  hear  the  Scriptures 
read  in  the  church,  but  also  to  exercise  them- 
selves in  the  reading  of  the  same  in  their  houses, 
and  to  meditate  thereon  day  and  night  (cf.  Hom. 
in  Levit.  ix.  tom.  vi.  pp.  164,  165,  ed.  Wirce- 
burgi,  1783  ;  cf.  Hom.  in  Gen.  x.  tom.  v.  p.  229 ; 
Hom.  in  Ex.  xii.  tom.  v.  pp.  465,  466).  St. 
Augustine,  writing  to  Proba  (Ep.  c.  xxxii.  ii. 
p.  300,  Ant.  1700),  exhorts  her  specially  to  read 
the  writings  of  the  apostles,  assuring  her  that 
by  them  she  will  be  incited  to  acquaint  herself 
with  the  prophets,  whose  testimonies  the  apostles 
used. 

The  earnest  exhortations  of  St.  Chrysostom, 
addressed  to  all  classes  of  his  hearers,  to  devote 
themselves  to  the  diligent  study  of  holy  Scripture, 
are  familiar  to  all  who  are  acquainted  with  his 
writings.  Such  exhortations  are  found,  e.g.  in 
his  twenty-first  homily  on  Genesis,  and  in  his 
thirty-second  and  forty-first  homilies  on  St.  John, 
and  also  in  the  homilies  of  St.  Basil,  as  e.g.  in 
those  on  Pss.  xxviii.  and  lix.  A  more  re- 
markable passage  occurs  in  the  third  of  Chry- 
sostom's  sermons  on  Lazarus,  a  passage  which 
deserves  special  consideration  in  connexion  with 
the  present  subject,  not  only  by  reason  of  the 
earnest  exhortations  of  the  preacher  to  the 
private  study  of  holy  Scripture,  but  also  as 
bearing  directly  on  the  interesting  and  impor- 
tant inquiry  respecting  the  extent  to  which 
copies  of  the  Bible  were  multiplied  and  circulated 
in  the  4th  century.  In  the  beginning  of  that 
sermon,  Chrysostom  assigns  as  one  reason  why 
he  did  not  complete  his  examination  of  the 
parable  of  Lazarus  in  one  day,  his  desire  that  the 
subject  of  his  discourse  might  take  deeper  root 
in  the  minds  of  his  hearers  by  continuous  medi- 
tation on  what  he  had  said.  He  then  goes  on  to 
assign  as  the  reason  why  he  frequently  announced 
the  subject  of  his  discourse  several  days  before 
its  delivery,  his  desire  that  during  the  inter- 
vening days  his  hearers  should  take  the  book 
into  their  hands,  and  by  a  careful  examination 


SCRIPTURE,  STUDY  OF 

of  the  whole  of  the  pericope,  or  section,  they 
might  become  better  prepared  for  what  was 
afterwards  to  be  said  (i.  p.  903,  ed.  Paris, 
1839).  Chrysostom  proceeds  to  exhort  his 
hearers,  and  to  assure  them  that  he  will  never 
cease  to  exhort  them,  to  the  constant  reading 
of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  and  to  expose  the 
invalidity  of  the  excuses  of  those  who  alleged 
that  the  study  of  the  Scriptures  was  incumbent 
only  upon  persons  who  had  retired  from 
the  world,  and  did  not  appertain  to  those  who 
were  engrossed  by  its  daily  cares  and  anxieties. 
He  proceeds  to  exhort  his  hearers  to  procure  the 
Scriptures  for  themselves,  and  points  out  to 
them  the  advantages  accruing  from  their  posses- 
s-on, amongst  which  he  alleges  that  even  the 
sight  of  the  books  makes  men  less  prone  to  fall 
into  sin.  It  is  important  to  observe  that  the 
exhortations  of  Chrysostom  have  reference  to  the 
Old  Testament  as  well  as  to  the  New ;  that  he 
earnestly  exhorts  his  heai-ers  to  continue  to  read 
the  Scriptures,  even  though  they  might  not 
understand  much  which  they  read ;  to  have 
recourse,  when  needful,  to  those  who  were  better 
instructed  than  themselves;  and,  finally,  he 
assures  them  that  when  the  zeal  and  the  dili- 
gence to  which  he  encourages  them  are  dis- 
played, if  man  should  be  unable  to  teach  them 
the  truths  which  they  desired  to  learn,  God 
would  Himself  reveal  them.  The  whole  of  the 
fii-st  three  sections  of  this  sermon  deserve  special 
attention. 

Another  passage  bearing  upon  the  multiplicity 
of  copies  of  the  Bible  in  the  4th  century  is  found 
in  Chrysostom's  tenth  homily  (according  to  some 
editions  the  eleventh)  on  St.  John,  where  he 
deals  with  the  excuse  for  neglecting  the  study 
of  the  Bible  grounded  on  the  alleged  difficulty  of 
procuring  copies.  As  regards  the  rich,  he  says 
that  this  excuse  is  altogether  ridiculous.  He 
does  not  attach  much  weight  to  it  as  regards  the 
poor,  but  observes  that  if  any  are  so  poor  that 
they  cannot  purchase  copies  of  the  Scriptures  for 
themselves,  they  might  nevertheless,  by  reason 
ol  the  continual  public  reading  of  them,  become 
acquainted  with  the  whole  of  their  contents. 
Once  more,  in  his  thirty-second  homily  on  St. 
John,  Chrysostom  reproves  those  who  cared  only 
for  tlie  fineness  of  the  parchment  on  which  copies 
of  the  Scriptures  were  written,  or  for  the  beauty 
of  the  characters,  and  who  neglected  the  contents. 
And,  as  illustrating  his  own  practice,  reference 
maybe  made  to  a  passage  in  his  tenth  homily  on 
Genesis,  in  which  he  says  that  by  taking  the 
sacred  books  (toc  BeTa  /Si^Ai'a,  a  term  first  applied 
to  the  entire  collection  of  the  books  of  Scripture 
by  Chrysostom)  into  our  hands,  both  before  and 
after  meals,  we  shall  be  able,  when  at  home,  to 
derive  profit,  and  to  afford  spiritual  food  to  the 
soul. 

More  especially  the  great  writers  of  the 
early  church  urged  the  necessity  of  the  diligent 
study  of  Holy  Scripture  on  the  part  of  the  clergy. 
Gregory  Nazianzen  complains  of  those  who, 
before  they  well  knew  how  to  read  the  Scrip- 
tures, had  the  vanity  to  think  that  they  were 
qualified  for  the  government  of  the  church 
(  Orat.  i.  de  Fuga).  St.  Chrysostom,  in  his  trea- 
tise de  Sacerdotio,  earnestly  enforces  the  diligent 
study  of  Holy  Scripture  upon  the  clergy.  He 
observes  that,  as  spiritual  physic  for  the  souls  of 
men,  the  word  of  God  was  instead  of  everything 


SCRIPTURE,  STUDY  OF      1861 

that  was  used  in  the  cure  of  bodily  distempers 
(lib.  iv.  c.  3),  and  therefore  that  it  was  necessary 
that  the  ministers  of  God  should  be  very  diligent 
in  studying  the  Scriptures,  that  the  word  of 
Christ  might  dwell  in  them  richly  {ib.  c.  4).  St. 
Jerome  in  like  manner  says  that  a  sermon  should 
be  seasoned  well  with  Scripture  :  "  Sermo  presby- 
teri  Scripturarum  lectione  conditus  sit "  Fp.  n. 
ad  Nepotian.).  And  again,  "  Divinas  Scripturas 
saepius  lege  ;  immo  nunquam  de  manibus  tuis 
sacra  lectio  deponatur  "  {ad  Nepot.  de  Vita  Cleri- 
corum,  i.  p.  16).  So,  at  a  later  period,  the 
council  held  at  Toledo  in  A.D.  633  requires,  in 
its  twenty-fifth  canon,  that  the  clergy  should  be 
well  acquainted  with  the  sacred  Scriptures.  St. 
Gregory  the  Great,  writing  to  Augustine  after 
he  had  been  made  "archbishop  of  the  English 
nation,"  as  Bede  says,  assumes  that  he  is 
"  well  versed  in  holy  writ,  and  particularly  St. 
Paul's  epistle  to  Timothy,  wherein  he  endea- 
vours to  instruct  him  how  he  should  behave 
himself  in  the  house  of  God  "  (Bede,  Fed.  Hist. 
p.  46,  ed.  Giles). 

At  the  designation  of  Eraclius  by  St.  Augus- 
tine, as  his  colleague  in  the  discharge  of  some 
of  his  responsibilities,  and  his  successor  in  the 
episcopate,  he  reminded  the  clergy  and  laity  of 
Hippo  that  it  had  been  agreed  between  them 
that  no  one  should  intrude  upon  him  during  five 
days  of  the  week,  in  order  that  he  might  dis- 
charge that  duty  in  the  study  of  Holy  Scripture 
which  had  been  assigned  to  him  in  two  councils 
of  Numidia  and  Carthage  ;  and  he  expresses  his 
resolution  for  the  remainder  of  his  days,  so  far 
as  Eraclius  would  "  kindly  give  him  leave,"  to 
devote  himself  to  the  study  of  the  sacred  Scrip- 
tures (Letter  ccxiii.  vol.  ii.  pp.  408,  409, 
Clark's  ed.). 

The  following  references  throw  some  light  upon 
the  rules  and  observances  of  those  who  adopted 
the  monastic  life.  In  St.  Augustine's  rules  for 
the  observance  of  the  nuns  belonging  to  a  monas- 
tery in  which  his  sister  had  been  prioress,  he 
says  that  from  the  time  of  their  coming  to  table 
until  that  of  their  rising  from  it,  they  should 
listen  to  whatever  was  read  to  them  in  course, 
and  that,  whilst  their  mouths  were  exercised  in 
receiving  food,  tlieir  ears  should  be  occupied  in  re- 
ceiving theword  of  God  (Letter  ccxi.vol.  ii.p.  396, 
Clark's  ed.).  Cassian  says,  respecting  the  monks  of 
Egypt,  that  their  manual  labour  in  their  I'espec- 
tive  cells  was  so  conducted  that  their  meditation 
on  the  Psalms  and  other  portions  of  Scripture  was 
never  intermitted  (do  Instit.  Goenoh.  lib.  iii.  c.  2), 
St.  Jerome  also  says  of  the  Egyptian  monks : 
"  Post  horam  nonam  in  commune  concurritur  ; 
Psalmi  resonant,  Scripturae  resonant  ex  more  " 
{Fp.  xxii.  ad  Fustoch.).  The  same  writer  says 
also  that  they  daily  learned  some  portion  of  holy 
Scripture  (ib.).  Bede  says,  concerning  his  own 
manner  of  life  in  the  monastery  of  Weremouth, 
"  I  wholly  applied  myself  to  the  study  of 
Scripture." 

IV.  The  next  evidence  which  shall  be  adduced 
of  the  actual  use  which  was  made  of  Holy  Scrip- 
ture in  the  early  Church  is  derived  from  the 
extent  to  which  it  was  either  committed  to 
memory  as  a  distinct  exercise,  or,  as  a  result  of 
continuous  reading  and  meditation,  became 
familiar  to  the  mind  both  of  public  teachers  and 
also  of  private  individuals. 

Eusebius  says  that  Orii^cn's  father  trained  him 
6   1)  '2. 


1862        SCRIPTURE,  STUDY  OF 

from  his  childhood  in  the  Scriptures,  appointing 
him  to  repeat  some  passages  every  day  (^Hist. 
Eccles.  vi.  2).  Socrates  also  says  that  Eusebius 
of  Emesa  had  studied  the  Holy  Scriptures  from 
his  infancy  and  was  then  taught  human  learning 
(//isi.  Eccles.  ii.  9)",  and  Sozomen,  who  bears 
the  same  testimony,  says  that  this  was  done 
"  according  to  the  custom  of  his  country  "  (^Hist. 
Eccles.  iii.  6).  The  same  writer  says  that 
Marcus  the  heretic  was  expert  in  the  Scriptures 
(vi.  29),  and  Palladius  says  that  he  could  repeat 
all  the  Old  and  New  Testament  without  book 
(Histor.  Lnusiac.  c.  xxi.  quoted  by  Bingham,  Antiq. 
iv.  p.  176).  Gregory  Nyssen  remarks,  in  his 
life  of  his  sister  Macrina,  that  in  her  infancy  she 
was  taught  the  easy  portions  of  Scripture  that 
were  most  suitable  to  her  age.  Sozomen  says  of 
Julian  the  Apostate  {Hist.  Eccles.  v.  2)  that  "  he 
had  been  brought  up  in  the  knowledge  of  the 
Holy  Scriptures  under  the  guidance  of  priests 
and  bishops."  The  same  writer  says  of  Mark, 
one  of  the  monks  of  Scetis,  that  "  he  committed 
the  sacred  Scriptures  to  memory"  {ib.  vi.  29). 
St.  Jerome  says  that  the  young  virgins  whom 
Paula  had  collected  out  of  different  provinces 
were  obliged  to  learn  the  Psalms  and  some  por- 
tion of  Scripture  every  day.""  Augustine  (tfe 
Doct.  Christ,  ii.  ix.)  says  that  the  first  rule  in 
the  study  of  Holy  Scripture  is  "  to  read  them 
so  as  to  commit  them  to  memory,"  though  he 
qualifies  this  direction  by  the  words  which  fol- 
low, "  or  at  least  so  as  not  to  remain  wholly 
ignorant  of  them."  He  adds  :  "  In  this  matter 
memory  counts  for  a  great  deal ;  but  if  the 
memory  be  defective,  no  rules  can  supply  the 
want." 

He  refers  moreover  to  the  case  of  those  with 
whom  the  Holy  Scriptures  had  been  so  exclu- 
sively their  text-book  that  when  they  met  with 
other  and  more  commonly  used  forms  of  speech 
than  those  to  which  they  had  been  accustomed 
in  their  Latin  Bibles,  they  were  "surprised  at 
them,  and  thought  them  less  pure  Latin  than 
those  which  thev  had  learnt  from  Scripture" 
(X>e  Doct.  Christ.' ii.  15). 

Thus,  e.g.  in  his  preface  to  his  work  on  Chris- 
tian Doctrine,  St.  Augustine  refers  to  the  case  of 
the  Egyptian  monk  Antony,  who,  though  unable 
to  read  himself,  "  is  said  to  have  committed  the 
Scriptures  to  memory  through  hearing  them  read 
by  others,  and  by  dint  of  wise  meditation  to  have 
arrived  at  a  thorough  understanding  of  them  " 
(Works,  vol.  ix.  p.  2.  Edinburgh,  1873). 
Gregory  the  Great,  when  chiding  the  abbat  Theo- 
dore for  neglecting  to  read  some  of  the  words  of 
his  Saviour  daily,  mentions  the  case  of  Servulus, 
a  palsied  man  at  Rome,  who  purchased  a  copy 
of  the  Scriptures,  and,  though  unable  to  read, 
learned  the  Holy  Scripture  through  hearing  it 
constantly  read  to  him  by  the  religious  men 
whom  he  entertained  (Horn.  sv.  in  Evangel. 
Quoted  by  Bingham,  iv.  p.  179).  Eusebius  of 
Caesarea  mentions  the  case  of  a  blind  man  who 
could  repeat  any  part  of  the  Bible,  and  some- 


i>  Valesius,  in  his  notes  on  the  second  book  of  Socrates' 
Ecclesiastical  History,  says  that  "  it  is  well  known  tbat 
the  boys  of  Edessa  got  by  heart  the  books  of  Sacred 
Scripture,  according  to  the  usage  of  their  ancestors." 

»  "  Nee  licebat  cuiquam  sororum  ignorare  psalmos.  et 
non  de  Scripturis  quotidie  aliquid  discere."  (Epitaph. 
Paulae  0pp.  torn.  i.  p.  84.     1513  ) 


SCRIPTURE,  STUDY  OF 

times  supplied  the  place  of  a  reader' in  the  church 
(De  Martyr.  Palaestin.  c.  xiii.  ib.).  Socrates 
makes  incidental  mention  of  one  Pambos,  an 
illiterate  man,  who  went  to  some  one  who  could 
read  for  the  purpose  of  being  taught  a  Psalm 
(Hist.  Eccl.  iv.  23).  The  same  writer  says  of 
Didymus,  who  lost  his  sight  at  a  very  early  age, 
that  his  acquaintance  with  the  divine  oracles,  as 
contained  both  in  the  Old  and  New  Testament, 
was  so  perfect  that  he  composed  several  treatises 
in  exposition  of  them  (ib.  iv.  25),  and  of  the 
Emperor  Theodosius  Junior,  a.d.  422,  that  by 
his  early  training  "  he  learnt  the  Holy  Scrip- 
tures by  heart,"  and  that  he  was  "  a  more  inde- 
fatigable collector  of  the  sacred  books  than  even 
Ptolemy  Philadelphus  had  formerly  been  "  (ib. 
vii.  22). 

Jerome  (Ad  Gaudentium  de  Pacatulae  Infan- 
tulae  Educatione,  i.  pp.  45,  1515)  advises  that 
when  seven  years  old  Pacatula  should  learn  by 
heart  the  Psalms,  and  should  then  proceed  to 
make  the  books  of  Solomon,  the  gospels,  the 
Apostles,  and  the  Prophets  the  treasure  of  her 
heart.  Again,  when  writing  to  Laeta  concerning 
the  education  of  her  daughter  (i.  p.  26),  he  ad- 
vises that  at  a  tender  age  she  should  be  imbued 
with  the  sweet  Psalms.  He  prescribes  in  the 
following  words  the  order  in  which  he  recom- 
mends that  the  Scriptures  should  be  studied  and 
committed  to  memory  :  "  Discat  primo  Psalte- 
rium  :  hie  se  canticis  avocet :  et  in  Proverbiis 
Solomonis  erudiatur  ad  vitam.  In  Ecclesiaste 
consuescat  quae  mundi  sunt  calcare.  In  Job, 
virtutis  et  patientiae  exempla  sectetur.  Ad 
Evangelia  transeat,  nunquam  ea  positura  de 
manibus.  Apostolorum  Acta  et  Epistolas,  tota 
cordis  imbibat  voluntate.  Cumque  pectoris  sui 
cellarium  his  opibus  locupletaverit,  mandet  me- 
moriae Prophetas,  Pentateuchum,  et  Regum 
et  Paralipomenon  libros,  Esdrae  quoque  et 
Hester  volumina.  Ad  ultimum,  sine  periculo 
discat  Canticum  Canticorum,  ne  si  in  exordio 
legerit,  sub  carnalibus  verbis  spiritualium 
nuptiarum  epithalamium  non  intelligens,  vul- 
neretur.  Caveat  omnia  Apocrypha  (ih.  p.  27). 
So  again  (Ad  Demetriadem  de  Virginitate  ser- 
vanda, i.  p.  31)  Jerome  advises  Demetriades 
thus :  "  Statue  quot  hoi'is  sanctam  Scripturam 
ediscere  debeas;  quanto  tempore  legere,  non  ad 
laborem,  sed  ad  delectationem  et  instructionem 
animae." 

Again  (Vita  Hilar,  c.  7)  St.  Jerome  says  of 
Hilarion,  a  monk  of  Palestine,  "  Scripturas  sanc- 
tas  memoriter  tenens,  post  orationem  et  psalmos, 
quasi  Deo  praesente,  recitabat." 

V.  The  importance  which  was  attached  to  the 
public  reading  of  Holy  Scripture  in  the  religious 
assemblies  of  the  early  Christians  is  abundantly 
established.    [Epistle  ;  Gospel  ;  Lection  ;  Peo- 

PHECr.] 

But  besides  the  public  reading  of  the  Scrip- 
tures in  their  assemblies  and  the  earnest  exhor- 
tations with  which  the  writings  of  the  early 
Christians  abound  to  the  diligent  study  of  the 
same  in  private,  it  appears  to  have  been  a  custom, 
adopted  in  some  parts  at  least,  to  have  copies  of 
the  Scriptures  in  the  vernacular  tongue  placed 
in  convenient  parts  of  the  churches  so  that  those 
who  frequented  them  might  have  opportunity  of 
reading  them  for  themselves  either  before  or 
after  the  public  services.  The  following  lines 
written  by  Paulinus  upon  the  wall  of  the  church 


SCROLL 

of  Nola   bear   witness   to  the  existence  of  this 
custom  : 

"  Si  quern  sancta  tenet  meditandi  in  lege  voluntas ; 
Hie  poterit  residens  sacris  intendere  libris."  "^ 

VI.  The  last  evidence  which  will  be  adduced 
of  the  use  of  Holy  Scripture  made  in  the  early 
Church  is  derived  from  the  eagerness  with  which 
the  heathen  persecutors  searched  for  copies  of 
the  Scriptures,  the  importance  which  the  owners 
attached  to  their  possession,  and  the  infamy 
which  was  incurred  by  those  who  voluntarily 
surrendered  them.     [Traditor.] 

Amongst  the  many  passages  which  might  be 
cited  in  proof  of  the  practical  use  of  Holy  Scrip- 
ture in  the  early  Church  reference  may  be  made 
to  the  letter  of  Innocent  bishop  of  Rome  to  Chry- 
sostom  when  expelled  from  his  bishopric,  and  of 
Theodoret  to  Dioscorus  bishop  of  Alexandria. 
In  the  former  of  these  letters  Innocent  reminds 
Chrysostom  that  "  a  good  man  may  be  sorely 
tried,  but  cannot  be  overcome,  for  he  is  preserved 
and  guarded  by  the  truths  of  Holy  Scripture. 
The  Holy  Bible,"  he  continues,  "  which  we 
expound  to  the  people,  affords  abundant 
examples  of  the  afflictions  to  wliich  the  saints 
have  been  invariably  subjected,  and  shews  that 
they  did  not  receive  their  crowns  till  they  had 
passed  with  patience  through  the  severest 
trials  "  (Soz.  Hist.  Eccles.  viii.  26).  In  the  letter 
of  Theodoret  to  Dioscorus,  written  about  a.d. 
444,  he  speaks  of  the  great  comfort  which  the 
examples  contained  in  Scripture  afl'ord  to  those 
who  are  calumniated,  and  cites  the  case  of  Joseph 
when  cast  into  prison  by  Potiphar,  of  David 
when  persecuted  by  Saul,  and  lastly  of  our  Lord 
the  Saviour  Himself  when  accused  by  His 
enemies  of  deceiving  the  people  (Baronii  Annales, 
vi.  pp.  25,  26  ;   1685). 

As  a  further  illustration  of  the  practical  use 
made  of  Holy  Scripture  in  times  of  sorrow,  re- 
ference may  be  made  to  an  incident  recorded  in 
the  'Lives  of  the  Abbats  of  Weremouth  and 
Jarrow '  appended  to  the  works  of  Bede,  to  the 
effect  that  on  the  night  on  which  Benedict  died, 
Jan.  12,  A.D.  689,  some  of  the  brethren  met 
together  in  the  church  and  passed  the  night 
without  sleep  in  praying  and  singing,  whilst 
others  remained  in  the  side  chambers  awaiting 
his  departure  ;  and  it  is  added,  "  a  portion  of 
Scripture  from  the  Gospels,  appointed  to  be  read 
every  evening,  was  recited  by  a  priest  during 
the  whole  night  to  relieve  their  son-ow  "  (Bede, 
Works,  iv.  385  ;  ed.  Giles).  [C.  J.  E.] 

SCROLL.     [A^OLUME.] 

SCRUTINIUM.    [MissA,  p.  1203.] 

SCULPTURE,  CHRISTIAN.  The  abhor- 
rence of  carved  representations  of  the  objects  of 
worship  inherited  by  the  Christian  from  the 
Jewish  church  was  at  first  so  great  as  almost 
entirely  to  forbid  the  application  of  the  art  of 
sculpture  to  the  service  of  religion.  Early  Chris- 
tian statues,  either  in  marble  or  bronze,  are  of 
the  very  rarest  occurrence.  Hardly  moi-e  than 
half  a  dozen  examples  can  be  reckoned — enough 
to  shew  that  the  use  of  the  plastic  art  was  not 


i  Quoted  by  BiDSii&m,  Antiquities,  book  xiv.  c.  iv.  {  7. 


SCULPTURE,  CHRISTIAN    1863 

wholly  interdicted,  but,  at  the  same  time,  that 
its  use  was  regai-ded  with  grave  suspicion  and 
dislike.  If  we  could  accept  the  authenticity 
of  the  story  related  by  Eusebius  that  a  statue 
of  our  Lord  was  erected  at  Paneas  by  the 
woman  diseased  with  the  issue  of  blood  [Jesus 
Christ,  Representations,  p.  877],  we  should 
have  the  earliest  possible  example  of  sculpture 
devoted  to  Christianity.  The  tale,  however,  is 
totally  unworthy  of  credence.  The  statues  of  Christ 
and  other  scriptural  personages  with  which  Alex- 
ander Severus  furnished  his  "  lararium  "  have  no 
claim  to  belong  to  the  domain  of  Christian  art. 
The  very  few  early  Christian  statues  that  are 
known  to  exist  exhibit  in  their  form  and  technical 
treatment  the  genius  of  late  Roman  art,  and 
possess  no  individual  characteristics.  As  Liibke 
remarks  (Hist,  of  Sculpt,  i.  335),  "  the  novelty 
of  the  subject  was  not  yet  powerful  enough  to 
evoke  new  forms  or  new  expressions." 

The  only  early  Christian  statues  we  can 
enumerate  are  those  of  the  Good  Shepherd,  of  St. 
Peter,  and  that  of  St.  Hippolytus.  D'Agincourt's 
researches  in  Italy  during  fifty  years  discovered 
no  other  well-authenticated  example.  For  seven 
or  eight  centuries  the  art  of  sculpture  was 
extinct,  except  in  works  in  relief  on  sarcophagi 
and  ivories. 

I.  Statues. 

(1)  Among  the  earliest  and  best  of  these  is  a 
small  marble  statuette  of  the  Good  Shepherd, 
formerly  in  the  Vatican  Library,  now  in  the 
Lateran  Museum.  "  It  is  a  pleasing  idyllic 
figure,  with  artistic  qualities  that  remind  one  of 
the  works  of  a  better  period  "  (Appell,  Hon.  of 
Early  Christian  Art,  p.  4).  The  tunic  drawn  up 
is  fastened  round  the  waist,  and  the  shepherd's 
scrip  hangs  behind ;  he  fondly  holds  the  legs  of 
the  recovered  sheep  thrown  over  his  shoulders 
by  both  hands.  The  antique  grace  it  breathes, 
and  the  absence  of  any  distinctive  marks,  have 
caused  its  Christian  origin  to  be  somewhat  need- 
lessly questioned.  The  legs  have  been  partly 
restored  (Appell,  u.  s. ;  Westwood,  Early  Chris- 
tian Sculpture,  p.  50,  apud  Parker,  Archaeology 
of  Rome,  "  Tombs " ;  Perkins,  Tuscan  Sculp- 
ture, i.  p.  xliii.).  [Shepherd,  the  Good, 
p.  1893.] 

The  Lateran  Museum  contains  another  marble 
statuette  of  the  Good  Shepherd,  much  inferior 
in  execution,  which  is  stiff  and  rude.  The  shep- 
herd is  young  and  beardless  ;  he  holds  the  lamb 
with  his  right  hand  on  his  shoulder,  and  the 
"  pedum  "  with  his  left  (Westwood,  u.  s. ;  Perret, 
Catacomhes,  iv.  4).  There  is  also  one  of  inferior 
workmanship  in  the  Kircherian  Museum  (Per- 
kins, u.  s.  I.  xxxix.)  ;  and  one  is  mentioned  at 
the  end  of  the  4th  century  in  the  collection  of 
the  Duke  of  Medina  Coeli  at  Seville. 

(2)  St.  Peter.— ^y  far  the  most  important  early 
Christian  statue  as  a  work  of  art  is  the  famous 
bronze  figure  of  St.  Peter  in  the  \at.can 
basilica.  It  may  probably  be  placed,  as  it  is  by  Dr. 
Appell,  Perkins,  and  Liibke,  in  the  5th  century. 
Mr  J  H  Parker,  however,  who  always  regards 
early  dates  with  suspicion,  regards  it  as  "a  fine 
work  of  the  13th  century."  It  is  a  close  imita- 
tion of  the  ancient  Roman  portrait  statues,  and, 
according  to  Liibke  («.  s.  i.  337),  "  displays  a  care 
and  accuracy  of  technical  skill  astonishing  in 
the    5th    century,"   but  a    complete  absence  of 


1864    SCULPTURE,  CHRISTIAN 

originality  "  we  have  in  every  line  of  the  labo- 
rious imitation  of  antique  senatorial  figures." 
The  figure  is  in  Roman  costume,  with  the 
right  foot  extended  to  receive  the  liisses  of  the 
faithful ;  the  right  hand  is  extended  in  blessing, 
and  he  holds  the  keys  in  the  left.  The  marble 
chair  in  which  it  is  seated  is  of  the  15th  century. 
According  to  one  tradition,  Leo  I.  melted  down 
the  ancient  statue  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus  and 
recast  it  in  this  form ;  others  hold,  with  less  pro- 
bability, that  it  is  the  old  statme  with  a  new 
head  and  hands.  The  celebrated  statue  of  St. 
Peter  which  Leo  the  Isaurian  threatened  to 
destroy  in  the  time  of  Gregory  IL  (726-730), 
was  probably  that  preserved  in  the  crypt  of  St. 
Peter's,  the  body  of  which  is  antique,  the  head 
being  an  addition  of  the  13th  century. 

The  royal  cabinet  at  Berlin  once  contained  a 
small  standing  bronze  statuette  of  St.  Peter, 
said  to  have  been  found  in  the  catacombs. 
It  seems  to  have  been  taken  by  Napoleon  I.  to 
Paris,  and  to  have  never  returned.  It  is 
described  as  being  of  good  style,  with  drapery  of 
artistic  merit.  The  apostle  was  clad  in  the 
tunic  and  toga,  holding  the  labarum  in  the  left 
hand,  and  giving  the  benediction  with  the  right. 
The  head  displayed  the  broad  features,  the  short, 
thick  beard  and  curling  hair  characteristic  of  St. 
Peter  (Bartoli,  Antiche  Lucerne,  part  iii.  pi.  27  ; 
Miinter,  Sinnbilder,  ii.  21). 

(3)  St.  Hippolytus. — This  is  a  mai^ble  sitting 
statue,  much  restored,  especially  in  the  upper  por- 
tions of  the  figure.  It  was  formerly  in  the  Vatican 
Library,  but  is  now  in  the  Lateran  Museum. 
The  figure  is  seated  in  a  dignified  attitude  in  a 
marble  cathedra,  on  which  is  inscribed  the 
canon  Paschalis ;  and  on  the  other  side  a  list  of 
Hippolytus's  writings.  It  is  vested  in  the 
philosophic  pallium.  The  right  elbow  rests  on 
a  book  held  in  the  left  hand,  and  the  right  hand 
is  raised  to  the  breast.  The  date  is  uncertain, 
but  it  is  probably  not  later  than  the  6th  century. 
Mr.  Perkins  regards  it  as  devoid  of  character, 
while  it  is  pronounced  by  Winckelmann  and  other 
authorities  to  be  "  the  best  known  example  of 
early  Christian  sculpture "  (Westwood,  u.  s. 
p.  37 ;  Perret,  v.  pi.  i. ;  Bunsen,  Hippolytus,  i. 
frontispiece  ;  Miinter,  Sinnbilder,  ii.  13 ;  D'Agin- 
court,  Sculpt,  pi.  iii.  No.  1). 

II.  Sarcophagi. 

The  chief  field  for  the  exercise  of  the  art  of 
sculpture  in  the  early  Christian  church  was 
furnished  by  the  sarcophagi,  in  which  the 
remains  of  its  more  wealthy  members  were 
deposited.  The  number  of  these  is  very  large, 
especially  in  Rome,  where  very  many  have  been 
discovered  in  the  catacombs  and  other  places  of 
early  Christian  burial.  Examples  are  also  to  be 
found  at  Ravenna,  Milan,  and  other  cities  of 
Italy,  as  well  as  in  the  south  of  France,  where  a 
native  school  of  Christian  sculpture,  derived 
from  Italy,  evidently  flourished.  There  are 
also  a  few  in  Spain.  The  chief  examples  in 
Rome  are  now  collected  in  the  Lateran  Museum, 
where  a  very  interesting  series  of  examples  of 
Christian  sculpture  are  brought  under  the  eye 
at  once,  and  may  be  studied  and  compared  at 
leisure.  The  most  important  of  these,  as  well 
as  the  other  principal  sarcophagi  now  existing 
in  Rome,  have  been  photographed  at  the  cost 
of  Mr.   J.   H.  Parker,  and   their  designs   have 


SCULPTURE,  CHRISTIAN 

been  thus  made  accessible  to  the  student  at 
home. 

The  word  "sarcophagus,"  as  well  as  the  mode 
of  burial,  was  borrowed  by  the  early  Christians 
from  heathenism,  and  passed  into  the  nomen- 
clature of  the  church.  Augustine  writes : 
"  Area  in  qua  mortuus  ponitur,  quod  omnes  jam 
ffapiaxpayov  vocant "  (^De  Civit.  Dei,  xviii.  5). 
The  word  is  also  found  in  an  early  epitaph 
given  by  De  Rossi,  "  in  hoc  sarcofago  conditur  " 
{Liscr.  Christ.  Bom.  ii.  530). 

Nowhere  is  the  rapid  decline  of  art  more 
recognisable  than  in  the  sarcophagi.  The  bas- 
reliefs,  which  so  lavishly  adorn .  their  sides, 
manifest  a  lamentable  deterioration  of  style.  The 
compositions  are  crowded  and  ill-balanced ;  the 
figures  are  usually  ill-drawn,  with  short,  thick 
bodies  and  large  heads,  and  stiff  draperies,  and  a 
general  absence  of  dignity  or  grace.  The  com- 
positions are  rather  architectural  and  pictorial 
than  sculptural  or  statuesque.  The  figures 
occupy  one  plane,  unrelieved  by  any  depth  of 
backgrounds.  The  majority  of  them  are  seen  in 
front  view,  instead  of  the  profile,  which  charac- 
terises the  Grecian  friezes.  But  with  this 
decided  deterioration  of  style,  it  is  evident 
that  the  mode  of  decoration  and  its  general 
spirit  are  directly  derived  from  pagan  art,  and 
ai'e  in  no  sense  the  natural  development  of  the 
Christian  mind.  The  pose  of  the  figures,  their 
attitudes,  the  drapery,  the  types  of  the  heads 
are  inherited  from  ancient  plastic  works.  The 
inferiority  is  due  to  the  want  of  skill  in  the 
sculptors  employed,  not  to  the  introduction  of 
new  forms.  As  a  rule  the  earliest  works  are  the 
best,  and  conform  most  closely  to  the  pagan 
type.  The  later  we  descend,  and  the  more 
unmistakable  the  Christian  chaiacter  of  the 
sculpture,  the  greater  is  its  inferiority  as  a  work 
of  art.  Sarcophagi  bearing  a  distinctly  Christian 
character  scarcely  appear  before  the  4th  century. 
Le  Blant  {Sarcoph.  Chretiens  d' Aries,  pp.  iii.  iv.) 
speaks  of  the  exceeding  rarity  of  earlier 
examples.  He  refers  to  one  bearing  the  date 
A.D.  273,  and  regards  as  belonging  to  the  same 
primitive  type,  that  of  Livia  Primitiva,  trans- 
ported from  Rome  to  the  Louvre,  and  one  at  La 
Gayole  (pi.  xxxiv.),  but  is  able  to  mention  no 
others ;  and  though  an  earlier  date  has  been 
confidently  affirmed  for  some  others,  the  most 
trustworthy  authorities  agree  that  there  are  no 
well-authenticated  examples  of  Christian  sar- 
cophagi which  can  be  assigned  to  the  2nd  century 
and  hardly  any  to  the  3rd. 

There  is  abundant  evidence  that  pagan  sar- 
cophagi were  used  with  little  scruple  for  the 
burial  of  Christians — "Profanis  tumulis  Chris- 
tiani  non  raro  quasi  propriis  usi  sunt  "  (Mabillon, 
Iter  Ital.  §  10,  p.  81).  The  use  of  the  sar- 
cophagus was  a  mark  of  wealth,  and  the  desire 
not  to  shew  any  inferiority  to  their  neighbours, 
which  is  nowhere  more  powerful  than  in  funeral 
rites,  would  lead  Christians  of  means  and 
position  to  adopt  the  mode  of  the  disposal  ot 
their  dead  which  was  appropriate  to  their  rank, 
without  much  regard  to  the  character  of  the 
sculptures  wliich  decorated  their  last  resting- 
place.  If  there  had  been  Christian  sarcophagus- 
makers  they  would  doubtless  have  employed 
them  by  preference ;  but  in  the  absence  of 
artists  of  their  own  faith,  they  would  have 
recourse  to  sculptors  of  the  old  religion,  only 


SCULPTUKE,  CHKISTIAN 

taking  care  to  avoid  those  scenes  which  had  an 
immoral  tendency,  and  by  preference  selecting 
pastoral  or  vintage  scenes,  or  other  subjects 
into  which  a  symbolical  meaning  could  be 
easily  read.  A  sarcophagus,  discovered  in  the 
cemetery  of  St.  Agnes,  once  containing  the 
body  of  a  Christian  virgin,  and  bearing  the  in- 
scription "Aurelia  Agapetilla,  ancilla  Dei,"  is 
ornamented  with  figures  of  Bacchus  and  naked 
Amorini,  side  by  side  with  "  orautes  "  (Boldetti, 
Osservaz.  466).  Another  in  the  Vatican,  figured 
by  Cancellieri,  exhibits  Bacchanalian  scenes,  and 
a  Christian  inscription.  One  in  the  grounds 
of  the  Villa  Medici  on  the  Pincian  is  mentioned 
by  Martigny,  on  which  both  Cupid  and  Psyche 
and  Jonah  appear.  There  is  a  very  remarkable 
example  of  the  4th  century  at  Tortona  figured 
by  Mabillon  (It.  Ital.  Mus.  It.  i.  223),  bearing 
the  thoroughly  pagan  subjects  of  Leda  and  the 
Swan,  Phaeton,  Castor  and  Pollux,  and  boys 
looking  on  at  a  cockfight,  together  with  the 
neutral  subjects  of  the  Vintage,  and  the 
Good  Shepherd.  Bottazzi,  a  canon  of  Tortona, 
has  written  a  lengthy  disquisition  (Tortona, 
1824)  to  establish  the  Christian  character  of  this 
sarcophagus,  but  it  hardly  admits  a  doubt  that 
it  was  originally  a  pagan  work.  The  sarcophagus 
at  Aix  la  Chapelle,  in  which  the  body  of  Charle- 
magne was  first  laid,  on  which  the  Rape  of 
Proserpine  is  carved,  is  a  well-known  example  of 
the  employment  of  a  pagan  tomb  for  a  Christian 
burial.  The  beauty  and  sumptuousness  of  the 
work  overrode  all  scruples.  The  earliest  dated 
sarcophagus  bearing  an  undoubted  Christian 
subject  is  one  from  the  cemetery  of  SS.  Peter 
and  Marcellinus,  presenting  the  Nativity,  with 
the  ox  and  ass  standing  by  the  cratch,  with  the 
consular  date  a.d.  343  (Nativity).  The  mag- 
nificent sarcophagus  of  St.  Helena,  the  mother 
of  the  Emperor  Constantine  (d.  328),  now  in  the 
Vatican,  probably  the  largest  ever  fashioned 
with  the  exception  of  that  of  her  granddaughter 
Constantia,  is  entirely  devoid  of  Christian  sym- 
bols. It  is  formed  of  one  enormous  block  of  red 
porphyry,  highly  polished,  the  face  of  which  is 
covered  with  groups  of  armed  warriors  on  horse- 
back striking  down  their  enemies,  or  driving  their 
captives  before  them,  all,  as  it  were,  fioating  in 
the  air,  without  any  indication  of  the  ground. 
On  the  front  and  back  at  the  upper  angles  are  the 
busts  of  Constantine  and  Helena,  and  on  the  lid 
repose  lions,  wreaths,  and  winged  genii.  Liibke 
pronounces  it  to  be  "  full  of  expression  and  ani- 
mation in  a  good  antique  style  "  (i.  338)  ;  but 
Dr.  Braun  justly  remarks  that  "the  tolerable 
execution  of  individual  parts  only  renders  its 
want  of  meaning  as  a  whole  still  more  striking, 
there  being  a  want  of  unity  of  design  and  con- 
ception "  (Aringhi,  ii.  41 ;  Bottari,  iii.  pi.  196  ; 
Ciampini,  iii.  28 ;  Parker,  Tombs,  pi.  xii.). 

The  sister  sarcophagus  of  St.  Constantia  (d. 
324),  sculptured  like  the  last-mentioned  out  of 
a  solid  block  of  porphyry,  is  equally  wanting 
in  any  definite  Christian  symbolism.  It  is  the 
earliest  example  of  the  vintage  scenes  with  which 
Christian  sarcophagi  were  so  frequently  deco- 
rated. It  is  a  tasteless  work,  exhibiting  heavy 
groups  of  clumsy-winged  genii  gathering  grapes 
or  treading  them  out  (of  the  same  character,  but 
much  inferior  in  style  to  the  scenes  on  the  mosaic 
vault  of  the  sepulchral  chapel  where  the  tomb 
was  found),  with  arabesque  festoons,  peacocks, 


SCULPTURE,  CHRISTIAN    1865 

and  rams  at  the  angles,  all  laboriously  chiselled 
out  of  the  unaccommodating  material  (Aringhi, 
ii.  157  ;  Bottari,  iii.  132;  Ciampini,  iii.  31).  A 
sarcophagus  of  much  less  sumptuous  character 
but  of  far  more  graceful  design,  in  the  portico 
of  St.  Lorenzo,  shews  similar  scenes  depicted 
with  considerable  life.  Small  winged  genii 
gather  the  grapes  from  the  vines  in  baskets ;  a 
goat  laden  with  panniers  carries  them  ;  one  of  the 
genii  rides  an  ass  ;  a  cock  pecks  at  a  lizard,  &c. 
(Bottari,  iii.  19 ;  Agincourt,  Sculpt,  vi.  1).  A 
very  fine  example  from  St.  Sebastiano,  considered 
to  be  of  the  4th  century,  stands  in  the  hall  of 
the  Lateran  Museum.  Here,  also,  genii  are 
gathering  and  pressing  grapes ;  one  rides  a  goat ; 
another  carries  a  kid.  In  the  centre  and  either 
end  of  the  face  stands  the  Good  Shepherd 
(Garrucci,  Monum.  del  Mus.  Lat.  tav.  xlix.  fig. 
1-4).  Corresponding  scenes  from  the  olive 
harvest  are  with  local  propriety  carved  on  a  sar- 
cophagus in  the  museum  at  Aries.  Genii  un- 
winged,  naked  or  lightly  clad,  some  on  ladders, 
pick  or  carry  the  fruit  to  the  oil-press  (Millin, 
"_   „e,&c.,  pi.  61,  no.  3;  Appell,  p.  37). 

Pastoral  scenes  are  equally  abundant,  and  the 
Good  Shepherd  occurs  constantly,  sometimes 
with,  sometimes  without  subjects  from  Holy 
Scripture.  One  in  the  Lateran  Museum  (pho- 
tograph 3924)  portrays  the  shepherd  character 
of  our  Lord  and  His  apostles  with  unusual  dis- 
tinctness. The  Good  Shepherd  with  His  "pedum," 
His  right  hand  on  the  head  of  a  sheep,  stands  in 
the  centre,  and  is  repeated  with  a  group  of  two 
or  three  sheep  at  either  end  of  the  face.  Between 
stand  the  apostles,  six  on  either  side,  each  with 
a  sheep  at  his  feet.  Professor  Westwood,  in  the 
above-quoted  essay,  supplies  a  large  number  of 
references  to  pastoral  scenes  represented  on 
Christian  sarcophagi  (p.  43). 

Many  sarcophagi  bear  in  the  centre  of  their 
face,  and  sometimes  also  at  the  ends,  what 
are  known  as  imagines  clipeatae,  i.  e.  the 
busts  of  the  departed,  or  in  some  cases  standing 
figures  (e.  g.  that  of  Probus  and  Faltonia,  Bot- 
tari, 17),  contained  in  a  disk  or  shell,  or  sur- 
rounded with  a  wreath,  sometimes  borne  by 
winged  genii.  In  some  cases  these  busts  are 
unfinished,  proving  that  the  sarcophagi  were 
ordinarily  sold  in  an  incomplete  state,  leaving 
the  busts  to  be  carved  into  the  likenesses  of  the 
defunct  (Le  Blant,  p.  14,  pi.  viii. ;  Fabretti, 
Inscr.  p.  124;  De  Rossi,  Btdlet.  1865,  p.  69; 
Parker's    Photographs,  No.   2902).      Sometimes 


the  disk  bears  only  the  sacred  monogram  (Bot 
tari  37)  Not  a  few  of  the  less  costly  are  diy 
tiug'uished   only  by    an  "  imago  clipeata," 


the 


1866     SCULPTURE,  CHRISTIAN 

remaining  surface  being  incised  with  curved 
channels,  known  as  strigils,  from  their  resem- 
blance to  the  bath  instrument  of  that  name. 
Hardly  any  of  the  sarcophagi  have  inscriptions. 
The  magnificent  tomb  of  Junius  Bassus  is  an 
exception,  as  is  that  already  mentioned  of  Aurelia 
Agapetilla.  The  custom  of  decorating  sarco- 
phagi with  colours,  proved  to  exist  in  Syria  by 
Renan  (Bescr.  de  Phe'nicie,  pp.  415, 416),  has  been 
shewn  by  Le  Blant  to  have  been  sometimes 
adopted,  not  only  in  Jewish  catacombs  (Garrucci, 
Cimet.  d'Antichi  Ebrei,  p.  21),  but  also  in  those 
of  the  Christians  (Le  Blant,  p.  37). 

One  class  of  sarcophagi  have  as  their  only  or 
principal  subject  figures  of  our  Lord  and  His 
apostles.  Reference  has  already  been  made  to 
that  in  the  Lateran  Museum,  in  which  the  whole 
series  appear  in  the  character  of  shepherds.  One 
of  the  most  remarkable  of  this  class,  perhaps  the 
very  finest  of  the  Roman   sarcophagi,  is  that  of 


SCULPTURE,  CHRISTIAN 

sentation  is  found  in  sarcophagi  out  of  Rome. 
The  sarcophagus  of  Titus  Gorgonius  in  the  crypt 
of  the  cathedral  of  Ancona  represents  Christ 
standing  on  a  mount,  with  a  male  and  female 
figure  embracing  His  feet.  Near  Him  stand  St. 
Paul  and  a  disciple  with  a  jewelled  cross.  Four 
disciples  stand  under  arches  on  either  side.  At 
Ravenna,  where  the  sarcophagi  are  of  later  date, 
we  find  our  Lord  no  longer  seated  but  enthroned, 
and  sometimes  nimbcd  ;  on  one  at  St.  Apollinare 
in  Classe,  thought  by  Professor  Westwood  to  be 
perhaps  not  earlier  than  the  7th  century,  our 
Lord,  represented  as  a  nimbed  youth,  is  seated 
between  St.  Paul,  who  with  veiled  hand  receives 
a  roll,  and  St.  Peter,  who  bears  a  key  and  a 
cross.  Both  the  apostles  approach  our  Lord 
with  hasty  strides,  their  garments  carried  by  the 
wind.  On  either  side  two  figures  offer  crowns 
(Appell,  p.  28).  At  "  St.  Maria  in  porto  fuori  "  our 
Lord  appears  also  as  a  beardless  figure  enthroned 


Sarcophagus.    Church  of  St  ApoUinare  in 


Petronius  Probus,  praetorian  praefect,  d.  395, 
in  the  subterranean  church  of  St.  Peter's.  The 
face  is  divided  into  compartments  by  spirally 
fluted  columns  supporting  arches,  in  the  spandrils 
of  which  are  birds  pecking  at  baskets  of  grapes. 
In  the  centre  compartment  our  Lord,  holding  a 
jewelled  cross,  stands  on  a  mound  from  which 
issue  the  four  rivers  of  Paradise  ;  on  either  side 
of  Him  stand  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  in  attitudes 
of  reverential  attention.  Beyond,  to  the  right 
and  left,  are  two  arches,  each  enshrining  two 
apostles.  Each  end  has  three  arches,  with  two 
figures.  On  the  back  stand  Probus  himself  and 
his  wife  Faltonia  hand  in  hand,  with  a  disciple 
at  either  end  (Bosio,  49,  51,  53 ;  Aringhi,  pp. 
281,  283,  285  ;  Bottari,  tav.  16-18 ;  D'Agin- 
court,  pi.  vi.  figs.  12-15  ;  Appell,  p.  12).  A 
sarcophagus  in  the  Lateran  Museum  (photograph 
2909)  bears  on  its  face  Christ  and  the  apostles, 
each  bearing  a  roll,  under  arches  alternately 
round  and  angular,     The  same  system  of  repre- 


between  four  apostles,  one  of  whom  approaches 
Him  bearing  a  crown.  The  difference  in  cha- 
racter between  these  sarcophagi  and  those  of 
earlier  date  is  very  marked.  Fine  examples  of 
this  mode  of  treatment  are  offered  by  the  sar- 
cophagi of  Aries.  On  one  we  see  Christ  seated. 
His  feet  on  a  footstool,  with  the  apostles  and 
evangelists  seated  on  either  side.  Christ  holds 
a  book  inscribed  Dominus  Legem  dat,  the  other 
figures  hold  rolls,  some  open,  some  closed,  those 
of  the  evangelists  inscriljed  with  their  names 
(Le  Blant,  p.  7,  pi.  iv.).  On  another  of  remark- 
able beauty  of  execution,  the  central  place  is 
occupied  by  a  cross  surmounted  by  a  chaplet 
with  soldiers  below,  symbolizing  the  resurrec- 
tion. Six  apostles  stand  on  either  side,  raising 
their  right  hands  in  token  of  adoration.  Stars 
are  seen  in  the  background  (ibid.  p.  27,  pi.  xiv.). 
One,  divided  into  six  arched  panels,  contains  two 
apostles  on  either  side  of  Christ,  one  presenting 
a  basket  of  bread,  another  fish,  both  with  veiled 


SCULPTURE,  CHRISTIAN 

hands.  The  other  two  hold  rolls.  By  a  remark- 
able, if  not  unique,  arrangement  the  extreme  com- 
partments are  occupied  by  Abraham  and  Daniel, 
indicated  respectively  by  the  sword  and  by  the 
serpent  or  dragon  (ibid.  pp.  19-'21,  pi.  x.). 

The  large  majority  of  the  Christian  sarcophagi 
are  sculptured  with  scriptural  subjects.  These 
sometimes  occupy  the  face  alone,  sometimes  the 
face  and  ends,  and  there  are  instances  in  which 
all  four  sides  are  carved.  The  reliefs  are  some- 
times in  two  tiers,  one  above  the  other,  but 
more  usually  there  is  only  one.  The  subjects 
sometimes  form  a  continuous  frieze-like  series, 
one  running  into  the  other  without  any  division; 
sometimes,  and  more  commonly,  they  are  sepa- 
rated into  compartments  by  an  arcade.  There 
are  rare  instances  in  which  a  secondary  frieze 
above  the  reliefs  bears  sculptures  in  more 
diminutive  proportions. 

We  cannot  fail  to  remark,  as  in  the  catacomb 
frescoes,  the  limited  cycle  to  which  the  sculptor 
was  confined  by  ecclesiastical  tradition,  as 
well  as  the  small  amount  of  liberty  that  was 
granted  him  in  depicting  the  selected  subjects. 
Each  as  a  rule  conforms  more  or  less  closely  to 
one  hieratic  type.  The  subjects  are  derived 
almost  equally  from  the  Old  and  New  Testa- 
ments, and  are  mixed  together  without  any 
definite  system  of  arrangement,  so  as  best  to 
secure  symmetry  and  balance  in  the  composi- 
tion. Le  Blant  has  called  attention  to  the  large 
number  of  examples  in  which  Moses  striking  the 
rock  with  the  Israelites  eagerly  stooping  to 
drink,  at  one  end,  is  balanced  by  the  raising  of 
Lazarus  with  the  adoring  sisters  at  the  other, 
as  well  as  those  in  which  a  Divine  Hand  issues 
from  the  clouds  on  either  side  of  the  central 
subject,  in  one  case  to  arrest  Abraham's  sacrifice, 
in  the  other  to  give  the  Law  to  Moses. 

The  subjoined  tabular  list  shews  the  com- 
parative frequency  of  the  occurrence  of  the 
various  scriptural  subjects  on  the  sarcophagi  of 
the  Lateran  Museum  and  of  those  given  by 
Bosio  chiefly  from  the  Vatican.  The  list  is 
based  on  one  drawn  up  by  Dean  Burgon  from  an 
examination  of  the  Lateran  examples  (Letters 
from  Borne,  Letter  XX.),  corrected  by  Dr.  North- 
cote,  by  whom  the  list  from  Bosio  has  been 
added.' 

Lateran.  Bosio. 

Jonah 23        ..         11 

Moses  smiting  the  Kock       ..      21         ..         16 
The  Apprehension  of  Peter  't 


The  Assault  on  Moses 
The  Miracle  of  the  Loaves 
The  Healing  of  the  Blind     , 
The  Miracle  at  Cana 
The  Raising  of  Lazarus 
Peter's  Denial  Predicted 
Daniel  and  the  Lions. . 
The    Paralytic  carrying    h 


The  Creation  of  Eve  . . 


»  The  correspondence  of  the  cycle  of  subjects  depicted 
on  the  sarcophagi  and  in  the  catacomb  frescoes,  with 
those  in  the  Ordo  Commendationis  Animae  In  the 
Koman  Breviary,  to  which  Le  Blant  has  called  attention 
(^Sarcophages  d'  Aries),  is  too  remarlcable  to  be  over- 
loolied.  The  list  includes  Noah,  the  sacrifice  of  Isaac, 
Moses,  and  Pharaoh,  Job,  Elijah,  Daniel,  the  Three  Chil- 
dren, David  and  'Goliah,  Susanna,  and  the  deliverance 
of  Peter  from  prison. 


SCULPTURE,  CHRISTIAN      1867 

Lateran.         Bosio. 

Tlie  Sacrifice  of  Isaac           ..  ii  ..  9 

Adoration  of  the  Magi          ..  11  ..  g 

The  Fall  of  Man        ..         ..14  ..  10 
The  Woman  with  the  Issue) 

of  Blood       1      8  ••  9 

Christ's  Entrance  into  Jeru-i 

salem            )  "  •  •  8 

The  Good  Shepherd  . .         . .  6  . .  9 

Noah  and  the  Dove   . .         . .  5  . .  g 

Christ  before  Pilate  . .         . .  . .  e 

Moses  receiving  the  Law     . .  . .  g 

The  Three  Children  in   thc) 

Furnace        /  *  •  •  3 

Moses  taking  off  his  Shoes  . .  2  . .  2 

Elijah's  Ascension     . .         . .  2  . .  3 

The  Nativity 1  . .  4 

Christ  crowned  with  Thorns  1  . .  1 

One  of  the  most  remarkable  of  this  class  is 
the  very  elaborate  tomb  of  Junius  Bassus,  prae- 
fect  of  the  city,  a.d.  359,  which  "  for  its  style 
and  execution  may  be  regarded  as  one  of  the 
best  works  of  early  Christian  sculpture,"  though 
"  it  sufficiently  betrays  the  decline  of  art, 
especially  in  the  treatment  of  the  nude  " 
(Appell,  p.  10).  Its  face  is  decorated  with  two 
tiers  of  scriptural  subjects,  in  compartments 
divided  by  columns,  the  lower  arched.  In  the 
centre  of  the  upper  tier  our  Lord  sits  enthroned 
between  two  apostles,  borne  up  by  Uranus, 
represented  as  a  bearded  old  man  with  the 
canopy  of  heaven  extended  above  him.  The 
subjects  sculptured  are — beginning  from  the  left 
of  the  upper  tier — (1)  The  sacrifice  of  Isaac  ; 
(2)  the  apprehension  of  Peter ;  (3)  Christ  before 
Pilate  ;  (4)  Pilate  washing  his  hands.  In  the 
lower  tier — (1)  Job  visited  by  his  wife  and 
friends  [Old  Testament  in  Art]  ;  (2)  the  Fall 
of  man  ;  (3)  Christ's  triumphal  entry  into  Jeru- 
salem ;  (4)  Daniel  in  the  lions'  den  ;  (5)  Peter 
and  Christ  led  to  prison.  On  the  two  ends  are 
carved  genii  representing  the  Four  Seasons,  en- 
gaged in  operations  suitable  to  each.  The 
spandrils  of  the  lower  tier  of  panels  contain 
on  a  diminutive  scale  one  of  the  most  remarkable 
series  of  carvings  in  the  whole  range  of  Christian 
art,  and  probably  unique,  indicating  in  the  most 
unmistakable  way  the  sense  entertained  by  the 
early  church  of  the  unity  of  the  two  Testaments 
and  the  symbolical  meaning  of  the  acts  of  Moses 
as  a  type  of  our  Lord,  represented  under  the 
figure  of  the  Lamb.  In  these  very  interesting 
and  instructive  reliefs  a  lamb  holding  the  rod 
strikes  water  from  the  rock,  multiplies  the 
loaves,  raises  Lazarus,  receives  the  law  on  Mount 
Sinai,  and  baptizes  another  lamb.  As  already 
stated,  the  sarcophagus  is  also  remarkable  from 
having  on  it  the  epitaph  of  the  person  found  in 
it,  with  the  interesting  fact  that  he  was  praefect 
of  the  city  at  the  time  of  his  death,  and  that  he 
had  only  recently  been  admitted  to  the  church 
by  baptism.  "  Jun.  Bassus,  V.  C.  qui  vixit  annis 
xiii  men.  ii  in  ipsa  praefectura  urbis  neofitus  iit 
ad  Deum  VIII.  kal.  Sept.  Eusebio  et  Ypatio. 
coss "  (Bosio,  45  ;  Aringhi,  i.  277  ;  Bottari,  i. 
15;  D'Agincourt,  vi.  5,  11  ;  Liibke,  Hist,  of 
Sculpt,  i.  310 ;  Parker,  Tonjhs,  pi.  xiii.). 

A  very  fine  sarcophagus,  supposed  to  be  that 
of  Petronius  Probus,  consul  A.D.  341,  formerly 
the  altar  of  the  chapel  of  St.  Lucy  at  St.  Mary 
Major,  now  in  the  Lateran  Museum,  oflers  one 
of  the  very  best  examples  of  this  mode  of  treat- 
ment.    The  upper  row  exhibits  the  raising  of 


1868    SCULPTURE,  CHRISTIAN 

Lazarus,  Daniel  in  the  lions'  den,  the  law 
received  from  the  hand  of  God,  the  sacrifice  of 
Isaac,  and  Pilate  washing  his  hands.  A  scallop- 
shell  in  the  centre  contains  two  excellent  por- 
trait busts.  The  Divine  Hand  issuing  from  the 
clouds  on  either  side  of  the  shell  shews  the  usual 
attention  to  balance  of  composition  (Le  Blant, 
Sarcoph.  p.  sv.  cf.  pi.  vi.).  In  the  lower  tier  we 
have  the  combined  subject  of  Moses  striking  the 
rock  and  the  apprehension  of  Peter  (see  Old 
Testament  in  Art,  p.  1458),  Daniel  and  the 
lions,  Moses  reading  the  book  of  the  covenant, 
the  healing  of  the  blind  man,  and  the  miracle  of 
the  loaves  and  fishes.  This  last  subject  is  repre- 
sented in  a  somewhat  unusual  manner.  Our 
Lord  stands,  and  puts  His  right  hand  on  a  loaf 
and  His  left  on  a  basket  of  fish  (Aringhi,  i.  423  ; 
Bottari,  ii.  49 ;  Liibke,  fig.  200,  p.  843).     The 

I 


SCULPTURE,  CHRISTIAN 

sarcophagus  are  very  differently  treated.  Each 
is  carved  in  low  relief,  with  a  background  full 
of  buildings,  including  a  basilica  and  a  detached 
baptistery,  clumsily  executed,  but  of  high  interest 
as  contemporary  representations  of  architecture. 
The  one  represents  our  Lord  predicting  Peter's 
denial  ;  the  cock  standing  on  the  top  of  an  Ionic 
column  ;  the  other  the  woman  with  the  issue  of 
blood,  and  Moses  striking  the  rock.  These 
reliefs  are  separated  by  some  centuries  from  the 
admirable  sculptures  on  the  front.  They  are 
placed  by  Mr.  Parker  in  the  8th  century  (Bosio, 
85,  87;  Aringhi,  i.  317,  319;  Appell,  p.  20). 
Another  sarcophagus,  of  somewhat  similar  design, 
deserves  especial  notice  not  only  for  the  beauty  of 
its  execution,  but  as  exhibiting  scenes  from  the 
Passion  which  occur  very  rarely.  The  front  is 
divided  into  five  compartments  by  columns  with 


largest  sarcophagus  in  the  Lateran  Museum,  dis- 
covered at  St.  Paul's  outside  the  walls,  also  with 
two  tiers  of  subjects,  displays  in  the  centre  of  the 
upper  tier  unfinished  busts  of  a  husband  and  wife 
in  a  "  clypeus  "  supported  by  genii.  The  subjects 
belong  to  the  usual  cycle,  with  the  addition  of 
the  creation  of  woman  (Old  Testament  in  Art), 
and  the  adoration  of  the  Magi  (Appell,  16,  17  ; 
Northcote,  p.  200,  pi.  xix. ;  Westwood,  p.  50). 

A  somewhat  different  mode  of  treatment  is 
shewn  in  a  sarcophagus  of  the  4th  century,  dis- 
covered at  St.  Peter's,  now  in  the  Lateran 
Museum,  one  of  the  most  simple  and  excellent 
of  the  early  Christian  tombs.  The  front  is 
divided  by  eight  columns  exquisitely  carved  with 
foliage  and  flowers.  In  the  centre  the  youthful 
Christ,  supported  by  Uranus  bearing  the  vault 
of  heaven,  stands  between  two  apostles.  Others 
stand  on  either  side,  one  of  whom  receives  a 
scroll  from  the  hand  of  Christ.  To  the  left  is 
the  sacrifice  of  Isaac  ;  to  the  right  Christ  before 
Pilate,  who  washes  his  hands.  The  whole  are 
most  beautifully  designed  and  sculptured  in  high 
relief.     The  two  ends  of  this  very  remarkable 


spiral  flutes.  In  the  centre  stands  the  labarum 
with  the  ci-own  of  immortality.  Doves  perch  on 
the  arms  of  the  cross,  and  a  waking  and  sleeping 
soldier  sit  below.  To  the  right  Christ,  repre- 
sented as  a  youthful  figure  with  His  fingers 
raised  in  benediction,  stands  before  Pilate,  who 
is  preparing  to  wash  his  hands  ;  a  crown  of  glory 
hangs  above.  To  the  left  we  see  Christ  being 
crowned  with  thorns,  which  is  transformed  into 
a  victor's  chaplet ;  and  Christ  bearing  His  cross, 
a  mere  trunk,  under  a  guard  of  soldiers,  a  crown 
hanging  above.  Few  early  Christian  works  of 
art  exhibit  a  greater  union  of  calm  dignity  and 
grace  (Appell,  20,  21  ;  Northcote,  307). 

One  of  the  most  frequently  recurring  subjects 
is  the  history  of  Jonah,  a  type  of  death  and 
resurrection.  As  an  example  we  may  produce 
one  of  singular  grotesqueness  from  the  Lateran 
Museum,  the  face  of  which  is  literally  crowded 
with  figures  of  different  sizes,  of  which  the  Jonah 
series  is  the  most  conspicuous.  The  sea  monster 
with  long  sinuous  tail  and  vast  yawning  mouth, 
well  furnished  with  teeth,  appears  twice  in  the 
centre,  first  swallowing  the  prophet  as  he  is  cast 


SCULPTURE,  CHRISTIAN 

out  of  the  ship,  above  the  sails  of  which  are 
allegorical  representations  of  the  sun  and  wind, 
and  then  vomiting  him  forth.  Above,  Jonah  lies 
tranquilly  sleeping,  naked,  under  the  shadow  of 
the  gourd.  At  either  extremity  fishermen  are 
plying  their  craft,  and  snails,  crabs,  and  lizards 
crawl  on  the  shore.  Above  and  around  are  the 
common  Biblical  scenes  on  a  smaller  scale  ;  the 
raising  of  Lazarus,  Moses  smiting  the  rock,  the 
apprehension  of  Peter,  the  Good  Shepherd  and 
two  sheep  in  a  little  box-like  shrine,  and  Noah 
and  the  dove  floating  in  the  water  (Aringhi,  i. 
335 ;  Bottari,  i.  42  ;  Appell,  p.  19). 

When  we  quit  Rome  a  different  school  of  art 
is  evidenced  by  the  change  in  the  workmanship 
aad  the  appearance  of  new  subjects.  A  sarco- 
phagus in  the  crypt  of  the  cathedral  of  Fermo 
exhibits  the  raising  of  Dorcas  and  the  imprison- 
ment and  release  of  St.  Peter  (De  Minicis, 
Monum.  di  Fermo,  p.  83  ;  Appell,  p.  24).  At 
Verona  we  find  in  the  crypt  of  St.  Giovanni 
in  Valle  the  very  rare  subject  of  Judas'  kiss  and 
the  Samaritan  Woman  with  the  well-pulley  and 
bucket,  which  is  also  seen  at  Clermont  Ferrand 
(MaiJei,  Mus.  Veron.  p.  484;  Ver.  Ulustr.  part 
iii.  pi.  2,  nos.  1,  2).  At  St.  Ambrogio,  at  Milan, 
the  very  remarkable  sarcophagus  called  by  some 
that  of  Stilicho  and  Serena,  deserves  much  atten- 
tion. The  chief  subject  is  a  youthful  bearded 
Christ  teaching  the  apostles,  with  the  adoration 
of  the  magi  on  one  side,  and  the  three  children 
refusing  to  worship  the  golden  image  on  the 
other.  The  ends  exhibit  the  Fall,  Isaac's  sacrifice, 
Elijah's  ascension,  and  other  usual  Old  Testament 
subjects.  In  a  pediment  to  the  left  is  a  curious 
relief  of  the  Nativity  (Nativity)  (Appell,  p.  33). 

The  sarcophagi  at  Ravenna  display  a  remark- 
able poverty  of  invention  and  feebleness  of 
execution,  together  with  an  almost  complete 
absence  of  decoration.  The  ornamentation  con- 
sists chiefly  of  the  meaningless  repetition  of 
conventional  symbols,  crosses  and  monograms. 
The  limited  powers  of  the  Ravenna  sculptors 
is  strikingly  exhibited  in  the  colossal  marble 
tombs — five  in  number — in  the  mausoleum  of 
Galla  Placidia,  d.  450.  Her  own  sarcophagus, 
of  purest  Greek  marble,  is  now  perfectly  devoid 
of  ornament,  but  once  bore  plates  of  precious 
metals.  That  of  Honorius,  d.  423,  has  its 
front  divided  by  fluted  columns ;  in  the  central 
compartment  the  Holy  Lamb,  with  its  head 
awkwardly  turned  back,  stands  before  a  cross, 
on  whose  arms  doves  rest.  On  either  side  are 
simple  crosses.  That  of  Constantine  111.,  d.  421, 
has  carved  on  its  face  three  lambs  with  palm 
trees ;  the  central  lamb  standing  on  a  mount, 
whence  the  four  rivers  issue.  The  ten  large 
marble  sarcophagi  of  bishops  from  the  6tli  to  the 
8th  century,  at  St.  Apollinare  in  Classe,  are 
characterised  by  the  same  extreme  poverty  of 
invention  and  feebleness  of  treatment.  One, 
already  described,  exhibits  our  Lord  enthroned  ; 
but  nearly  all  are  content  with  the  same  mono- 
gram repeated  over  and  over  again,  sometimes 
encircled  with  wreaths,  crosses,  doves,  and  vases, 
lambs  under  palm  trees,  peacocks,  and  other 
frigid  conventionalisms.  It  is  an  interesting  fact 
learnt  from  Cassiodorus  ( Varior.  lib.  iii.  ep. 
19)  that  a  certain  sculptor  named  Daniel  was 
summoned  to  Ravenna  from  Rome  by  Theodoric 
for  his  skill  "  in  excavandis  atque  ornandis  mar- 
moribus,"  and  received  from  him  the  privilege  of 


SCULPTURE,   CHRISTIAN      1869 

supplying  the  inhabitants  of  Ravenna  with  sarco- 
phagi, which  are  designated  in  Theodoric's  re- 
script as  "orneae  quarum  beneficio  cadavera  in 
supernis  humata  sunt  ;  lugentium  non  parva  con- 
solatio."  The  tomb  from  St.  Apollinare  in  Classe, 
already  described,  displaying  our  Lord  enthroned 
with  a  cruciform  nimbus,  is  considered  by  Mar- 
tigny  to  be  undoubtedly  the  work  of  Daniel  the 
Sculptor.  These  sarcophagi  have  usually  semi- 
cylindrical  lids  with  imbricated  scales.  The  tomb' 
of  the  exarch  Isaac  at  St.  Vitalis,  d.  644,  repre- 
sents the  adoration  of  the  magi.  The  child  is 
nimbed,  and  the  star  stands  above  the  Virgin's 
head.  It  is  a  poor  scattered  work,  weak  in  desiga 
and  rude  in  execution  (Appell,  pi.  27). 

The  south  of  France,  as  has  been  already 
remarked,  is  peculiarly  rich  in  early  Christian 
sarcophagi  of  the  4th  and  5th  century,  par- 
ticularised by  Millin  and  Le  Blant,  who  give 
engravings  of  many  of  the  most  remarkable. 
Gregory  of  Tours  mentions  such  sarcophagi  as 
existing  in  France  in  his  day.  One  he  speaks  of 
formed  of  white  marble,  sculptured  with  the 
miracles  of  Christ  and  the  apostles  at  St.  Verona, 
near  St.  AUire  (de  Glor.  Confess,  c.  35,  cf.  c.  42), 
and  in  the  next  chapter  records  "  sepulchrum 
sculptum  meritis  gloriosum  sanctae  memoriae 
Gallae."  The  sarcophagi  at  Aries  conform  both 
in  style  and  subjects  with  those  of  Rome,  in 
other  places  they  are  marked  by  local  peculiari- 
ties. That  of  SS.  Chrysanthus  and  Daria  at 
Marseilles  has  its  face  divided  into  seven 
compartments  by  trees,  on  which  are  to  be  seen 
birds  with  their  nests  and  young.  Up  the  stems 
of  the  two  end  trees  serpents  are  wriggling 
towards  the  young  birds.  A  snail  crawls  up 
another.  In  the  centre  two  harts  are  drinking 
from  two  brooks  issuing  from  a  rock  ;  on  either 
side  the  apostles  stand  in  various  attitudes 
(Appell,  39  ;  Millin,  tom.  iv.  p.  136,  pi.  xxxviii. 
no.  4).  The  same  division  by  trees  with  birds 
on  their  branches  and  a  snake  climbing  the  trunk 
of  one  of  them  towards  a  bird's  nest  is  found  on 
one  of  the  Aries  sarcophagi  (Le  Blant,  p.  9,  pi.  v.), 
and  on  one  at  Carpentras.  The  cycle  of  Biblical 
subjects  is  somewhat  enlarged.  One  of  the  most 
favourite  subjects  on  these  Gaulish  sarcophagi 
is  the  Destruction  of  Pharaoh  and  his  host  in 
the  Red  Sea.  Le  Blant  mentions  three  or  four 
examples  at  Aries  itself,  and  others  at  Metz  and 
Avignon  (pp.  50,  54-57).  It  is  not,  however, 
limited  to  Gaul.  It  is  found  at  Rome  (Bottari, 
tav.  40,  94,  199)  and  Pisa  (Lasinio,  tav.  128), 
and  appears  depicted  with  much  stir  and  action 
on  a  sarcophagus  at  Spalato.  In  this  last  example, 
as  at  Aries  and  often  elsewhere,  the  Red  Sea 
is  symbolized  by  a  couchant  human  figure,  as 
the  Jordan  frequently  is  in  the  subject  of  the 
baptism  of  Christ  and  the  ascension  of  Elijah 
(Le  Blant,  pp.  51,  54).  A  sarcophagus  formerly 
at  Aries,  now  in  the  museum  at  Aix,  in  addition 
to  the  passage  of  the  Red  Sea,  which  occupies 
the  whole  face,  has  on  one  end  Moses  before 
Pharaoh,  and  on  the  other  the  gift  of  quails  and 
the  striking  the  rock.  The  pillar  of  fire  is 
depicted  in  the  most  naturalistic  manner  as  an 
actual  column  of  stone  with  a  blazmg  light  on 
its  summit  (Le  Blant,  pp.  50-52,  pi.  xxxi.,  -xxxn. ; 
Millin,  tom.  ii.  p.  353,  pi.  2,  no.  1,  2  3).  Ihe 
grapes  of  Eshcol  is  found  on  one  in  the  Marsoilles 
Museum.  Among  the  scenes  from  our  Lord's 
history  less  frequently  found  elsewhere  we  may 


1870      SCULPTURE,  CHRISTIAN 

mention  the  raising  of  the  widow's  son  (Le 
Blaat,  pp.  1,  9,  pi.  1,  i.  v.  p.  57),  the  raising  of 
Jairus's  daughter  (ibid.  p.  29,  pi.  xvii.  ;  Millin, 
t.  iii.  p.  537,  pi.  Isvi.  1),  Christ  and  the  woman 
of  Samaria  [ibid.  p.  30,  pl.  xviii.  2 ;  p.  63),  and 
the  washing  of  Peter's  feet  (ibid.  p.  18,  pl.  Ix). 
The  raising  of  Dorcas  is  seen  on  the  tomb  assigned 
to  Sidonius  ApoUinaris  in  the  crypt  of  St.  Max- 
imin  (Rostan.  Moniim.  Iconog.  pl.  xii.),  and  on 
one  in  the  Aries  Museum  (Le  Blant,  p.  4,  pl.  ii. 
1),  as  well  as  at  Fermo.  On  another  at  Aix 
there  is  the  massacre  of  the  innocents  (Faillons, 
Monuments  ing'dits  de  S.  M.  Maj.),  and  the 
giving  of  the  keys  to  St.  Peter  at  Avignon  and 


Sarcophagna.    Bordeau: 


at  Aries  (Le  Blant,  p.  4,  pl.  ii.  1).  One  of  the 
most  exquisite  of  extant  sarcophagi  is  in  the 
museum  at  Bordeaux.  It  has  no  figures,  but 
the  face  is  covered  by  graceful  vine  branches 
bearing  grapes,  issuing  from  two  vases  sur- 
rounding the  crowned  monogram,  which  also 
appears  on  the  sloping  lid  (De  Caumont,  Cours 
iV Antiquity,  vi.  220  ;  Appell,  p.  43). 

Spain    also    can    shew    some    early    Christian 
sarcophagi    at    Toledo,    Astorga,   Zaragoza,  and 


SCULPTURE,  CHRISTIAN 

Marcellus.  There  has  been  some  difference  of 
opinion  as  to  its  date,  but  it  may  probably  be 
assigned  to  the  4th  century. 

The  mode  of  fabricating  Christian  sarcophagi 
is  shewn  in  a  very  interesting  manner  on  the 
tomb  of  a  sarcophagus  maker  named  Eutropus, 
given  by  Fabretti  (Inscr.  Ant.  c.  viii.  p.  587,  cii.). 
erected  bv  his  son,  bearing  the  inscription 
AnOC  OEOCEBEC  GVTPOnOC  GN 
IPHNH  VIOC  EnOIHCGN.  It  repre- 
sents the  sculptor  seated  on  a  stool  with  steps  of 
different  heights  working  out  a  strigillated  sarco- 
phagus ornamented  with  mask,  with  a  young 
apprentice  turning  by  a  cord  and  pulley  the 
pointed  iron  drill  he  is  using.  The  mallet  and 
other  tools  lie  below.  A  finished  sarcophagus 
bearing  dolphins  and  the  name  GVTPOflOC 
stand  to  the  right.  Behind  the  sculptor  stands 
'  a  tall  male  figure  with  outstretched  arms,  hold- 
j  ing  a  small  vase  (Rom.  Sotter.  iii.  p.  443). 

III.  Tympana  of  Doorways,  etc. — The  intro- 
duction of  the  Lombard  style  of  architecture 
1  offered  a  new  field  for  the  Christian  sculptor's 
'  art  in  the  decoration  of  the  portals,  especially 
the  tympana,  of  the  newly-erected  churches. 
The  larger  part  of  the  existing  specimens  of 
this  mode  of  architectural  decoration  are  sub- 
sequent to  A.D.  800.  Some,  however,  come 
within  our  period,  and  demand  a  passing  refer- 
ence. One  of  the  most  remarkable  is  the  bas- 
relief  which  occupies  the  tympanum  of  the 
chief  doorway  at  the  cathedral  of  Monza,  to 
which  a  date  between  591  and  615  may  be 
assigned.  This  is  curious,  not  only  as  an  ex- 
ample of  the  rude  awkward  sculpture  of  the 
age,  but  also  as  representing  in  stone  the  con- 
secrated gifts  with  which  queen  Theodolinda 
enriched  the  church,  some  of  which  may  still  be 


ATIOC^QEOCEBEC 

ETTPOnOC-EN   IPHNH 

TIOCEnOIHCEN-K-5-I-K-CEn. 


Tomb  of  Entropos.    Fabretti,  Inserip.  Antiq.  c.  iii.  p.  587,  cii. 


Barcelona,  but  they  are  described  as  presenting 
no  remarkable  peculiarities.  In  England  a  tomb 
supposed  to  be  Romano-Chri.stian  has  been  dis- 
covered at  Barming  in  Kent  (Roach  Smith, 
Collect.  Ant.  i.  184),  and  a  stone  cist  with  a 
slightly  gabled  lid,  bearing  a  long  cross  with  a 
floriated  foot,  was  found  at  Westminster  Abbey 
(where  it  is  still  preserved)  in  Nov.  1869.  The 
inscription  states  that  it  was  erected  to  Valerius 
Amandinus  by  his  sons  Valerius  Praeventor  and 


seen  in  its  treasury.  The  church  being  dedi- 
cated to  St.  John  the  Baptist,  the  principal  scene 
represented  is  the  Baptism  of  Christ.  Our  Lord 
stands  in  the  water,  which,  in  defiance  of  the 
laws  of  gravity,  rises  in  a  cone  about  Him.  The 
Holy  Spirit,  depicted  as  a  dove,  descends  on  His 
head,  holding  a  vase  in  its  mouth,  from  which 
the  sacred  effluence  descends  upon  Him.  On 
either  hand  stand  the  Virgin  Mary,  St.  John, 
St.  Peter,    and   St.  Paul.     Above,    Theodolinda 


SEAL 

herself  appears  with  her  second  husband  Agilulf, 
and  her  son  and  daughters,  offering  a  jewelled 
crown  to  St.  John  the  Baptist.  Behind  are  seen 
the  pensile  crowns,  crosses,  vases,  as  well  as  the 
curious  chioccia,  or  hen  and  chickens,  presented 
by  her.  Another  interesting  bas-relief  of  a  coro- 
nation, of  the  same  date,  exists  in  the  south 
transept  (Perkins,  u.  s.  i.  slv. ;  D'Agincourt, 
Sculpture,  pi.  xxvi.  fig.  8).  A  large  number  of 
examples  of  early  Lombard  sculpture,  thirty- 
eight  in  all,  are  collected  by  D'Agincourt  in  the 
plate  just  referred  to,  which  shew  the  extreme 
rudeness  of  the  art  at  the  period. 

Other  examples  are  to  be  found  at  the  bap- 
tistery of  Cividale  in  Friuli,  erected  by  Calixtus, 
patriarch  of  Aquileia,  a.d.  712-744.  Here  we 
find  the  evangelistic  symbols,  crosses  with  palms, 
candelabra,  &c.,  surrounded  with  circles  rudely 
sculptured  in  a  barbarous  kind  of  relief,  formed 
by  lowering  the  surface  round  the  clumsy  figures 
which  rather  suggest  than  imitate  real  objects, 
the  details  being  marked  by  furrows  on  the 
stone. 

Mr.  Perkins  cites  as  other  specimens  of  Lom- 
bard sculpture  the  tomb  of  Pemmone,  duke  of 
Friuli,  at  St.  Mark's  in  Cividale,  of  the  8th 
century;  the  sculptures  at  St.  Ambrogio  at 
Milan,  St.  Tommaso  in  limine  near  Bergamo,  the 
Well  in  the  Lateran  cloisters,  &c.  [E.  V.] 

SEAL.  (1)  The  word  (r<ppayls  is  frequently 
used  in  Greek  liturgical  language  for  the  sign 
of  the  cross,  and  the  person  who  makes  the  sign 
is  said  (r<ppayiCei.v.     [Sign  of  the  Ceoss.] 

(2)  The  stamp  made  on  the  bread  used  in  the 
Holy  Eucharist  is  also  called  ffcppayis,  and  when 
the  bread  is  divided  in  such  a  way  that  each 
portion  bears  a  stamp,  the  portions  are  called 
c(j>payi5es.     [Lamb,  the  Holy,  p.  916.]      [C] 

SEALS.  (1)  Material  Seals.  During  the 
whole  of  the  Christian  period  comprised  in  this 
work  the  most  common  mode  of  sealing  was  by 
rings,  whether  set  with  stones  or  not,  the  im- 
pression being  made  in  wax.  *  [Gems  ;  Rings.] 

Wax  impressions,  however,  were  not  always 
made  from  gems  or  rings.  They  were  occasionally 
formed  by  a  simple  metallic  matrix,  like  official 
seals  in  mediaeval  and  modern  times.  Very 
few  such,  being  Christian,  or  indeed  of  any 
kind,  appear  to  have  come  down  to  us  until  after 
the  age  of  Charlemagne.  We  have,  however, 
the  brass  matrix  of  the  seal  of  Macarius, 
patriarch  of  Antioch  in  the  seventh  century, 
on  which  St.  Peter  is  represented  seated  having 
a  cock  near  him  ;  it  was  found  near  Aintab  in 
Syria  by  a  rustic.  (Chandler,  Harm.  Oxon.  praef 
p.  vii.,  with  a  figure.)  The  following  inscription, 
litteris  ligatis,  is  round  the  margin  :  it  runs  thus 
in  common  minuscules :  MaKopios  eAe'o)  ^^ov 
■KaTpidpxn^  '^VS  iJ.iya\r)s  QuiroAeuis  'Avriox^ias 
Koi  Trdar}s  dj/aroA^s  (Bockh,  C.  I.  G.  n.  8987). 
Macarius  was  condemned  in  the  sixth  oecume- 
nical council  (a.d.  681)  as  a  Monothelite.  An- 
tioch was  termed  in  the  age  of  Justinian,  who 
built  very  largely  there,  Theupolis  {i.e.  Theo- 
polis),  as  being  the  see  where  St.  Peter  governed 
the  church  of  God  ;  this  explains  the  device  on  the 

a  "In  Europe,  as  far  as  I  know,"  says  Beckmaun, 
"  wax  has  been  everywhere  used  for  sealing  since  the 
earliest  ages."  (Beckmann,  Hist,  of  Inventions,  vul.  i. 
p.  140,  transl.  by  Johnston,  in  Bohu's  Stand.  Libr.) 


SEALS 


1871 


seal.  M.  D'Arc  (see  below)  states  that  the  matrix 
of  Dagobert  I.  (A.D.  628-638)  was  discovered  in 
the  department  of  Doubs,  but  he  does  not  men- 
tion the  metal.  It  gives  his  foce,  seen  in  front, 
with  long  hair,  accompanied  by  two  crosses  and 
the  legend  Dagobeetvz  {sic)  rex  Francorum. 

Licetus  mentions,  on  the  authority  of  Petra- 
Sancta  (De  Sym.  lib.  iii.  c.  9),  that  Charlemagne 
"  non  in  anuli  gemma,  sed  in  gladii  capulo  sigil- 
lum  habuisse,  ut  edicta  et  leges  obsignaret : 
putabat  enim,  ejusdem  gladii  debere  esse  leges 
tueri  ac  eas  promulgare  "  (De  Anulis,  p.  144). 

A.  Wax  Impressions  of  Seals. 

Of  the  wax  impressions  themselves  a  greater 
number  has  been  preserved  than  might  perhaps 
have  been  expected :  they  are  mostly  in  very 
indifferent  condition,  and  they  vary  much  in 
quality.  The  oldest  extant  are  white  or  pale 
yellow  and  pale  red  or  reddish-brown;  both 
colours  are  found  in  Merovingian  and  also  in 
Carlovingian  times.  There  are  only  two  essential 
forms  of  these  impressions,  round 'and  oval :  the 
former  is  Merovingian,  the  latter  Carlovingian 
(Heineccius,  de  Sigillis,  pp.  51-56  ;  Sceaux  des 
Hois  de  France,  p.  2,  see  below;  D'Arcq,  see 
below). 

The  most  ancient  mode  of  fixing  the  seal  to 
the  deed  was  to  make  a  cruciform  incision  in  the 
deed  itself,  usually  on  the  right  hand,  through 
which  the  wax  was  introduced,  and  flattened  on 
both  sides.  The  seal  was  impressed  on  the 
written  side.*"  Before  the  11th  century  all  wax 
seals  were  thus  "  plaques  ;"  the  date  of  perhaps 
the  earliest  pendent  wax  seal  being  no  older 
than  A.D.  1067  (D.  D'Arcq,  JEle'm.  de  Sigillo- 
graphie,  pp.  xvii.  to  xxiii.,  prefixed  to  Collection 
de  Sceaux  des  Archives  de  I  Empire,  Paris,  1863- 
1868).  M.  Douet  D'Arcq  enumerates  the  seals 
of  the  Merovingian  and  Carlovingian  sovereigns 
existing  in  the  archives  of  France  ;  they  com- 
prise (besides  the  seal  of  Dagobert  I.,  mentioned 
above,  or  rather  apparently  an  impression  made 
from  it),'  the  following,  all  of  wax  and  plaques  : 
Thierry  III.,  Clovis  III.,  ChildebertllL,  Chilperic 
11.,  Pepin  le  Bref,  Carloman  and  Charlemagne. 
Their  names  and  portraits  (more  or  less  ob- 
literated) occur  upon  nearly  all  of  these,  and  a 
cross  is  still  sometimes  and  was  perhaps  originally 
always  prefixed.  One  of  the  seals  of  Pepin  le 
Bref  has  on  one  side  Christ  crowned  with  thorns, 
seen  in  front,  a  person  to  the  right  of  him  is  in 
profile ;  no  legend ;  it  is  attached  to  a  deed 
dated  June  20,  750''  (Nos.  1-16).   Wailly'  {Elem. 


^  The  earliest  example  in  the  British  Museum  is  of 
Eudes  111  the  9th  century,  just  too  late  for  this  work. 

"  There  is  also  an  impression  made  from  a  S'mI  a>cribed 
to  Slgebert  II.,  reading  S.  R.,  preserved  in  the  liibl.  Imp. 
Cab.  des  Ant.     It  is  not  mentioned  by  Chabouillet. 

^  Another  of  his  seals  has  a  head  of  Bacchus  or  Silenus  : 
one  of  Charleraasne  figured  by  Wailly,  pi.  A,  No.  9, 
bears  a  head  of  Surapis.  These  were  probably  impres- 
sions from  ancient  pagan  gems.  It  is  difficult  to  say  hdw 
extant  wax  impressions  generally  were  formed.  The 
seal  of  Dagobert  (figured  by  Wailly,  pi.  A,  fig.  I)  is  of 
considerable  size,  about  3i  inches  in  diameter;  it  was 
probably  made  from  a  matrix ;  but  its  genuineness  is 
very  doubtful.  See  the  remarks  in  the  Sceaux  des  h'ois 
de  France,  p.  2.  All  the  other  ancient  impressions  which 
he  figures  may  have  been  cxecuU-d  either  from  gems  or 
from  rings. 

<:  This  plate  is  reproduced  in  the  "  Tresor  de  Numisni. 


1872 


SEALS 


de  PaUoqraphk,  torn.  ii.  p.  338,  pi.  A,  No.  8, 
Paris,  1838),  figures  a  wax  seal  (plaque)  of 
Charlemagne,  which  reads  xpe  •  protege  • 
CAROL  •  REG  •  FRANCR.  It  is  attached  to  the 
charter  of  a  gift  to  the  abbey  of  St.  Denys, 
dated  September  14,  a.d.  774,  it  is  about  Ij 
inches  by  1  ;  oval,  not  acuminated.  There  is 
an  impression  of  this  seal  in  the  British 
Museum.^ 

The  only  English  king  within  our  period  of 
whom  any  wax  seal  remains  appears  to  be  Offa, 
king  of  Mercia  ;  it  is  described  by  D'Arcq  in  vol. 
iii.  of  the  above-named  work,  n.  9995  ;  head  to 
r.  surrounded  by  a  diadem  "  i  ^pi,"  the  wax  he 
describes  as  "  rougeatre,  tr^s-consistante,  plaque  " 
on  a  charter  of  that  king,  dated  790,  in  favour 
of  the  abbey  of  St.  Denys. 

B.  Bullae  of  Earth  and  Metal. 

In  very  early  times  some  kind  of  earth  was 
employed  for  the  purpose  of  receiving  the  im- 
pression of  the  seal  ;  this  method,  which  seems 
to  have  originated  in  Egypt,  was  occasionally 
employed  in  the  Greek  empire,  at  least  as  late 
as  the  8th  century.  The  lump  of  earth  so 
sealed  was  attached  by  a  string  or  strip  of  cloth 
or  leather  to  the  diploma  or  other  document. 
Such  earth  must  have  been  employed  in  sealing 
by  the  Byzantine  emperors,  for  we  are  told  that 
at  the  second  council  of  Nice  (a.d.  787)Leontius, 
bishop  of  Cyprus,  defended  the  worship  of 
images  by  saying  that  no  one  believed  that  those 
who  received  written  orders  from  the  emperor 
and  venerated  the  seal  worshipped  on  that 
account  the  sealing-earth,  the  paper,  or  the 
lead.  (See  Beckmann,  u.  s.,  pp.  137,  138.  For 
the  original  Greek  see  below.)  "Actual  ex- 
amples of  such  seals  belonging  to  Egyptian  and 
Assyrian  times  are  still  in  existence,  as  well  as 
remains  of  the  cloth  or  strap  by  which  they 
were  appended  "  (Birch's  Ancient  Pottery,  p.  83, 
2nd  ed.).  No  Christian  seals  of  this  character 
belonging  to  the  period  with  which  we  are  con- 
cerned appear  to  have  been  preserved.  We  have, 
however,  a  considerable  number  of  such  seals  in 
lead,  the  earlier  ones  being  principally  papal  bulls 
beginning  by  about  the  7th  century .B 

The  earliest  leaden  bull  of  certain  date  known 
to  be  now  extant,""  whose  authenticity  is  gene- 
rally acknowledged,  is  that  of  pope  Deus-dedit 
(a.d.  614-617);  it  is  figured  by  Ficoroni  (Pwmftj 
Antichi,  tab.   xxiii.  fig.   3).      It  bears    on   one 


et  de  Glypt."  in  the  volume  Sceaux  des  Eois  et  Reines 
de  France,  pi.  1. 

f  More  than  a  dozen  seals  of  Charlemagne  are  known 
in  was  or  metal  according  to  the  authors  of  the  Nouveau 
Traite  de  Diplomatique.  Pieresc  took,  impressions  of 
.incient  seals  (vetera  sigilla)  which  he  found  in  various 
ancient  abbeys  ;  they  bore  the  true  likenesses  (verae 
effigies)  of  Charlemagne  and  other  kings  of  the  second 
race  (Chiflet,  Anastasis,  p.  112). 

e  Rainaldus  maintains  that  papal  bulls  go  still  farther 
back,  and  affirms  that  leaden  bulls  of  Sylvester,  Leo  I., 
and  Gregory  I.,  are  kept  in  "  archive  Aretino  "  and  in  the 
Castle  of  St.  Aiigelo;  but  Helneccius  does  not  believe  in 
their  genuineness  {De  Sigill.  p.  48). 

h  Heineccius  thinks  that  the  Byzantine  emperors  made 
the  earliest  bulls  (u.  s.  p.  42) ;  that  the  patriarchs  of 
Constantinople  followed  them,  and  that  the  popes  of 
Kome  were  determined  not  to  be  behind  these  (p.  40). 
This  may  possibly  be  so,  but  the  existing  examples  and 
notices  suggest  a  different  chronological  order. 


SEALS 

side  the  Good  Shepherd  between  two  sheep,  and 
on  the^other  side  in  three  lines  devs  |  dedit  | 
PAPAE.  Leaden  bulls  of  the  following  popes  also 
are  still  preserved  :  Honorius  (A.D.  638),  Theo- 
dore I.  (A.D.  649),  Agatho  (a.d.  678),  John  V.  (a.d. 
685),  Sergius  I.  (A.D.  687),  Constantine  (A.D.  708), 
Zacharias  (A.D.  741),  Paul  I.  (a.d.  7o7),  Ste- 
phen III.  (a.d.  768),  as  well  as  of  many  later 
pontiffs.  On  all  these,  however,  the  types  are 
very  simple,  such  as  a  cross,  a  chrisma,  or  a 
star.  On  one  side  the  name  of  the  pope  occurs 
in  the  genitive  (sometimes  in  more  than  one 
line),  on  the  other  tlie  word  papae  (commonly 
in  two  lines).  Thus :  one  of  John,  supposed  to 
be  John  V.,  has  on  obv.  a  star  of  eight  rays,  in 
the  centre,  reading  iohannis  around;  the  rev. 
has  P  4-  A  I  PAE  in  two  lines  (British  Museum). 
Another  of  Sergius  I.  reads  on  obv.  +  sergii 
on  a  circle,  having  for  type  chrisma  and 
another  monogram  united  with  it ;  rev.  papae 
above  a  chrisma  of  the  ordinary  form  (Brit.  Mus. 
Figured  in  English  Cyclop.  Div.  iv..  Arts  and 
Sciences,  suppl.  1873,  s.  v.  bulla).  Another  of 
Zacharias  has  on  obv.  a  cross,  below  which  ZAC  | 
CHAR  I  lAE  in  three  lines;  on  rev.  a  cross,  below 
which  pa  I  PAE  in  two  lines  (Brit.  Mus.  Figured 
also  in  Martigny,  Diet.  s.  v.  Xumism.  ed.  2).  A 
fourth  of  Paul  I.  has  on  obv.  a  cross,  below 
which  PAV  j  LI  in  two  lines  and  beneath  another 
cross.  liev.  a  cross ;  pa  |  pae  in  two  lines,  and 
another  cross  below.  (Brit.  Mus.)  Other  ex- 
amples are  figured  by  Ficoroni,  m.  s.  t.  xxi.-xxv., 
and  by  Martigny,  u.  $.,  and  are  mentioned  by 
Mabillon  (de  Re  Dipl.  lib.  ii.  c.  14).  Several 
may  also  be  seen  in  the  British  Museum  ;  their 
dimensions  vary  from  1  to  1|  inches  across  ;  the 
form  is  subcircular. 

The  leaden  bullae  of  popes,  so  common  in  later 
times,  bearing  the  heads  of  SS.  Peter  and  Paul 
are  not  earlier  than  the  time  of  Paschal  II.  A.D. 
1099  (Martigny,  u.  s.).  Mabillon  (u.  s.  lib.  ii. 
V.  14)  mentions  bulls  bearing  the  names  of  those 
apostles  as  issued  in  the  time  of  Urban  II., 
his  immediate  predecessor. 

The  patriarchs  of  Constantinople  were  little, 
if  at  all,  behind  the  popes  in  employing  leaden 
bullae.  Germanus  I.  who  sat  there  A.D.  715  to 
730,  indited  an  epistle  decorated  with  a  bull  of 
lead  (jj.o\L$5lvT)  ^ovWrt)  which  is  described  in 
the  Jus  Graeco-Rom.  (torn.  i.  lib.  iii.  p.  236)  as 
having  on  one  side  the  Virgin  and  Child,  and 
on  the  other  (in  Greek)  "  Germanus,  by  the 
mercy  of  God,  Archbishop  of  Constantinople, 
New  Rome,  and  ecumenical  patriarch." 

Somewhat  later  we  find  other  bishops  making 
use  of  leaden  bulls  both  in  the  east  and  in  the 
west.'  The  second  council  of  Cabillon,J.e.  Chalon- 
sur-Saone  (a.d.  813),  c.  41,  directs  that  a  pres- 
byter moving  to  another  place  should  carry 
letters  fortified  by  the  names  of  the  bishop  and 
the  city  in  lead  (in  quibus  sint  nomina  episcopi 
et  civitatis  plumbo  munita).  See  Mabillon,  u.  s. 
lib.    ii.    0.  XV.     Other    later    authorities   make 


>  The  Lex  Alamannorum  has  a  chapter :  De  servis  ec- 
clesiasticis,  si  ad  Episcopum  aut  Judicem  suuin  venire 
despexerint,  in  which  occurs  this  clause :  "  Si  sigUlum 
episcopi  neglexerit  aut  ad  veniendum  aut  ad  ambulan- 
dum  ubi  jusserit,  duodecim  solidis  sit  culpabilis  " 
(ap.  Goldast.  Rer.  Aleman.  torn.  i.  c.  22,  p.  13).  These 
may  be  suspected  to  be  of  lead,  like  those  mentioned  in 
council  of  Chalons. 


SEALS 

mention  of  similar  episcopal  bulls  (Heinecc.  u.s. 
p.  49).  The  pi-actice  appears,  however,  to  have 
been  far  fi-om  universal,  and  no  actual  examples 
earlier  than  the  12th  century  were  known  to 
Heineccius  (u.  s.  p.  151).  The  writer,  however, 
possesses  a'buUa  of  Hypatius,  bishop  of  Nicopolis, 
in  Epirus,  in  A.D.  6'26,  of  whom  some  account 
is  given  in  Le  Qui  en,  Oriens  Christ,  vol.  ii.  p. 
138.  It  reads  in  barbarous  Greek  on  the  obverse  : 
+  inriAIIClOV:  on  the  reverse  +  below 
which  EmCKIlNlKOY  below  which  verti- 
cally, on  (retrograde)  and  another  cross  (for 
eTTKTK^Sirov)  Ni/cou7r(j(X€a)s).  (Formerly  in  the 
Lovati  collection  at  Rome.)  Other  episcopal 
bulls  exist  about  whose  age  it  is  less  easy  to 
speak,  as  that  of  Nicolaus,  patriarch  of  Constanti- 
nople, of  whom  there  were  several  so  named  from 
the  9th  to  the  12th  century  (Ficoroni,  tab.  xvii. 
n.  1,  Bockh,  n.  9036),  of  Leo,  bishop  of  Tauro- 
menium  (Ficoroni,  tab.  xx.  n.  7,  Bockh,  n.  9029), 
of  Sergius,  bishop  of  Therme  (Id.  n.  9045),  of 
Antonius,  metropolitan  of  Catana  (Ficoroni,  tab. 
xvi.  n.  4,  Bockh,  n.  9001),  and  of  Paul,  arch- 
bishop of  Thessalonica  (Ficoroni,  tab.  ix.  n.  1, 
Bockh,  n.  9037).J 

Leaden  bulls  of  ecclesiastics  of  lower  rank 
than  bishops  have  rarely  been  found.  We  have, 
however,  one  in  England  of  archdeacon  Boni- 
face, supposed  to  be  contemporary  with  Wilfrid 
(died  A.D.  709).  It  reads  on  obv.  +  \\  boni  || 
FATiiJl-f- ;  onrew. -1-||archi11diac1|-|-  (Hiibner, 
laser.  Brit.  Christ,  n.  221). 


SEALS 


1873 


fiSKv^^ov,  aWa  T(f  fiaaiXet  tt)v  irpoffKvvqaiv  koX 
rh  (xe^as  aireveifj^eu.  Concil.  Nic.  II.  Act.  iv.). 
Leaden  bulls  of  Charlemagne  are  mentioned  hr 
authors  (see  Heineccius,  u.  s.  p.  44),  and  some 
are  still  in  existence  ;  one  is  rudely  figured  in  the 
Nouveau  Traite  de  Diplomatique  (t.  iv.  p.  112) 
published  in  the  last  century  ;  another  impres- 
sion fi-om  the  same  mould  is  here  figured  from  a 
drawing  kindly  sent  by  M.  Sambon,  who  possesses 
the  original.''  Neither  specimen  is  complete,  but 
from  a  comparison  of  the  two  with  each  other  and 
with  a  bulla  of  Charles  the  Bald,  the  types  and 
legends  on  both  sides  can  be  satisfactorily  made 
out.  On  the  obverse  we  have  bust  of  Charle- 
magne to  r.,  with  broad  diadem,  wearing  the 
paludamentum,  with  legend  :  -f  Jesu  (iHV)  nate 
Dei,  Carlum  defende  patenter ;  on  the  reverse  a 
cross  with  open  diamond  in  the  centre,  each  arm 
terminating  in  a  letter,  the  four  letters  being 
K  R  L  S  (Karlus) ;  the  legend  is  -f-  Gloria  sit  Christo 
(x  P  o),  regi  victoria  Carlo.  It  is  not  improbable 
that  bullae  of  lead  were  employed  by  other 
emperors  before  Charlemagne ;  but  it  seems 
doubtful  whether  we  have  any  genuine  examples 
now  existing  in  that  or  any  other  metal  before 
his  time.  The  silver  bulla  of  Dagobert,  de- 
tached from  its  diploma,  which  is  mentioned  as 
being  in  "  gazophylacio  ducali  Gothano "  by 
Mabillon  and  others  is  regarded  by  Heineccius 
with  suspicion  (u.  s.  p.  41).  Polydore  Vergil 
De  Tnv.  Rerum,  lib.  viii.  p.  605)  says,  that 
Charlemagne  introduced  seals  (bulls)  of   gold, 


Leaden  buUa  of  Charlemagne.    (Size  of  the  original.) 


Leaden  bulls  were  likewise  employed  by 
secular  persons.  Those  of  the  Greek  emperors 
in  the  8th  century  are  the  earliest  recorded. 
Leontius,  bishop  of  Cyprus,  argued  before  the 
second  Nicene  council  from  the  veneration  paid 
to  the  leaden  bullae  of  the  Greek  emperors  to 
the  veneration  of  images  in  churches.  6  K^Kevcriv 
PaffiXeojs  Se^dfj.ei'os  koI  acnraadiu.ei'os  Tr)v  (T(ppa- 
y7Sa  ov  rhv  Tr7]Khv  iTi^fiff^v  ^  ttjj/  x^P'''')''  ^  '''^'' 


i  There  are  also  leaden  bullae  which  bear  the  names  of 
various  saints.  A  curious  example,  both  in  Greek  and 
Latin,  is  given  in  Ficoroni,  tab.  xiv.  n.  7.  On  one  side  is 
represented  a  man  in  the  attitude  of  benediction, 
O  N  I  KOA AOC  being  written  kioi'ijSoi'  in  two  lines ; 
on  the  other  is  a  cross,  below  which  in  three  lines  sigill 
I  set  I  NicoLAi  (Biickh,  n.  9035).  Ficoroni  and  Kirch- 
mann  consider  that  the  bull  is  a  seal  of  some  monastery 
dedicated  to  St.  Nicolas.  The  British  Museum  has  other 
examples  bearing  the  figures,  names,  and  titles  of  the 
Blessed  Virgin,  St.  Chrysostom,  St.  George,  and  St. 
Theodore,  which  probably  belong  to  the  same  category. 
The  dates  of  all  such  being  uncertain,  it  must  suffice  to 
have  alluded  to  them  thus  briefly. 


but  neither  Heineccius  (m.  s.  p.  33)  nor  any  later 
writer  apparently  have  ever  seen  such.  In  later 
times  both  emperors  and  popes  certainly  em- 
ployed them  (Heineccius,  u.  s.). 

In  a  suit  between  bishop  Wolfleoz  and  abbat 
Cotzpert  held  before  Louis  le  Debonnaire,  a 
document  was  produced  bearing  the  seal  ot 
Charlemagne.  "  Quam  (chartam)  quum  piissimus 
imperator  suscepisset,  sigillumque  sui  patris 
recognoscendo  intuitus  esset,  venerando  deoscu- 
latus  est,  circumque  astantibus  similiter  honoris 
causa  deosculandum  contradidit "  (Ratpert.  di^ 
Casib.  Monast.  S.  Ga/li,  c.  6,  p.  5 ;  quoted  by 
Heineccius,  u.  s.  p.  11).  It  is  not  clear  whether 
the  diploma  had  a  wax  or  a  leaden  seal  attached  ; 
more  probably  perliaps  the  latter.  (Cf.  Leontius, 
quoted  above.) 

The  number  of  leaden  bullae  belonging  to 
secular  persons  of  inferior  rank  is  very  consider- 
able.    All  or  almost  all  of  them  were  struck  in 


k  D'Arcq  (m.  s.  vol.  i.  p.  269)  ascribes  this  bull  to  Charles 
the  Bald. 


1874 


SEALS 


various  parts  of  the  Byzantine  empire,  more 
especially  in  Sicily.  Many  of  them  bear  upon 
the  obverse  a  cruciform  monogram,  representing 
Kvpie,  0OTidei  r^  a<S  SovKcc,  or  rcS  SovXiv  ffov, 
for  which  rov  aov  S6v\ov  is  sometimes  substi- 
tuted (0  Lord,  help  thy  servant)  ;  the  reverse 
bears  in  Greek  the  name  (often  in  monogram) 
of  the  owner  and  his  office  (often  in  an  abbre- 
viated form)  in  the  dative,  more  rarely  in  the 
genitive  case :  a  cross  often  precedes,  and  some- 
times follows.!  But  few  of  them  comparatively 
can  be  dated.  Of  these  we  mention  the  follow- 
ing :  A  bulla,  preserved  in  the  museum  of  the 


Leaden  Seal  of  Sergins,  about  two-thirds  of  the  i 
original.    (Bockh.) 

monastery  of  St.  Nicolai  at  Catania,  bears  on  the 
obverse  the  monogram  and  legend  above-men- 
tioned, and  on  the  other  side  the  name  of  Sergius, 
patrician  and  strategus — Obv.  K.  (i.  e.  Kupie) 
fio^Oi  (fioridei)  T<fi  SovXo)  trov.  Rev.  +  ^Zepylw 
irarpiKicp  Kal  (TrpaTTjyw  +.  He  is  reasonably 
supposed  to  be  the  praetor  of  Sicily  mentioned  by 
Anastasius  under  the  year  733  (Bockh,  n.  8988). 
Another  bears  the  same  obverse,  and  on  the  re- 
verse "  Gregorius,  patrician,  strategus  of  Sicily." 
He  is  supposed  by  Castelli  and  by  Kirchmann 
to  be  the  Gregory  who  governed  Sicily  in  the 
beginning  of  the  9th  century  (Bockh,  n.  8991). 
Another  example  (in  Mus.  Patern.  Bockh,  n. 
8989)  has  the  same  obverse,  but  bears  on  the 
reverse  the  name  of  John,  "  patrician  and  royal 
spatharius,"  probably  the  same  as  John  the  proto- 
spatharius,  who  was  sent  to  Sicily  in  the  reign 
of  Constantine  Porphyrogenitus  (a.d.  780-797). 
A  fourth,  preserved  in  the  Recupero  Museum  at 
Catania,  is  described  by  Prof.  Salinas  from  a  draw- 
ing by  Recupero  himself.  The  obverse  is  as  before ; 
the  reverse  bears  the  name  and  titles  of  Euphe- 
mius,  "  royal  spatharocandidatus  and  strategus  of 
Sicily."  The  title  of  royal  candidatus  occurs  on 
other  bullae,  mentioned  by  Salinas,  who  considers 
that  this  Euphemius  lived  in  the  reign  of  Con- 
stantine Porphyrogenitus,  to  whom  he  also  now 
attributes  the  gold  ring  which  he  figures,  men- 
tioned above  under  Rings,  §  6  b.  (^Tre  anelli, 
&c.,  M.  s.  pp.  4—6.)  A  fifth  bulla  in  fine,  found  at 
Philippeville  in  Algeria,  bears  on  each  side  a 
cross  and  two  pellets ;  below  is  written  on  the 
obverse  the  name  of  Photinus  (in  the  genitive), 
and   on  the  other   his  title  "  stratelates."      He 


'  The  same  formula  occurs  also,  though  rarely,  on 
rings.  Prof.  Salinas  describes  and  figures  a  gold  ring, 
preserved  at  Palermo  in  the  museum  of  the  Prince 
of  Trabia,  which  reads  in  four  lines  KG  BOH  ll 
©HTU)Ca)Aa  II  ACjON I  KHTABHA'CriAOP. 

i.e.  Kiipie  ^orjOei  roi  trm  &ov\w  Nt/cjjra  ^ao■lA.lKcp  irpuiTO- 
<TTra9apiw.  He  considers  that  he  is  probably  the  Nicetas 
mentioned  by  Baronius  under  the  year  797  as  prefect  of 
Sicily.  (_Tre  anelli  segnator.  .  .  .  invenuti  in  Sicilia, 
pp.  4,  5,  Firenze,  1871.)  We  have  also  a  ring  of  un- 
certain age,  preserved  at  Syracuse :  K[upie]  PlorjOii]  rq^ 
<^op[ov(n)<;]  (Biickh,  n.  9057).  These  should  have  been 
given  in  Rings,  under  Cross. 


SEALS 

appears  to  be  the  proto-spatharius  and  ffTparrjyhs 
Twv  avaTo\tKU>y,  who  is  mentioned  by  Cedrenus 
as  governor  of  the  province  of  Sicily  in  the 
reign  of  Michael  II.  (Bockh,  n.  8990). 

In  much  the  greater  number  of  cases,  how- 
ever, there  is  no  indication  of  date ;  as  for 
example  in  one  preserved  at  Syracuse,  which  has 
the  obverse  so  often  mentioned,  and  on  the  reverse 
"  Andreas,  hypatus  "  (consul),  "  and  strategus. 
Amen  "  (Biickh,  n.  8998).  Another  example,  in 
the  possession  of  the  writer,  from  the  Lovati 
collection,  has  the  obverse  as  before,  while 
the  reverse  has  "  Leo  notarius  "  (in  genitive). 
Another  from  the  same  collection  has  the  same 
obverse  in  the  dative,  and  on  the  reverse  "  An- 
tonius  notarius  "  also  in  the  dative.  Many  other 
names  of  officers  of  the  Byzantine  court  occur 
on  the  bulls  which  are  figured  and  ^escribed  in 
Bbckh's  work.  The  British  Musexim  also  con- 
tains a  large  number  of  such."^  But  it  is 
unnecessary  to  multiply  examples  here,  not 
only  because  their  date  is  doubtful,  but  also 
because  their  interest  is  rather  secular  than 
ecclesiastical. 

(2)  A  sacred  Sign,  especially  the  Sign  of  the 
Cross. — The  word  seal  is  used  for  the  sign  of  the 
cross  with  which  the  bread  in  the  eucharist  is 
signed.  In  the  liturgy  of  St.  Chrysostom  the 
priest  takes  the  oblation  (jpofftpopav)  with  his 
left  hand  and  the  holy  lance  (Lance)  with  his 
right,  and  with  it  sealing  (a((>payi(wi/)  over  the 
seal  {a-cppayW)  of  the  oblation,  he  says  thrice  :  "In 
memory  of  our  Lord  and  God  and  of  our  Saviour 
Jesus  Christ."  Heineccius  (m.  s.  p.  18)  notes 
from  Goar  that  this  seal  is  the  sign  of  the  cross 
impressed  on  the  host  or  oblation,  as  is  seen 
in  Arcudius,  and  in  the  figures  annexed.  He 
likewise  observes  that  the  sign  of  the  cross  is 
frequently  termed  acppayh  in  early  and  mediaeval 
Greek  writers,  whether  used  in  baptism,  or  ordi- 
nation or  in  the  eucharist,  or  elsewhere.  The 
tonsure  of  ecclesiastics  is  also  so  called.  (See 
Goar,  Etichol.  Grace,  pp.  117,321 ;  Suicer,  Thes. 
s.  V.  <r<ppayis ;  Ducange,  Gloss.  Med.  et  Inf. 
Grace.  &.  v.  atppayis.) 

(3)  Solomun's  Seal  used  as  a  Charm. — On  an 
amulet  of  red  copper,  pierced  for  suspension, 
found  at  Keff  in  Tunis,  described  at  length  under 
Medals,  part  of  the  legend  of  the  obverse  runs 
thus  :  —  Inbidia  (invidia)  inbidiosa  (invidiosa) 
nicil  (nihil)  tibi  ad.  (adimat  ?),  anima  pura 
et  munda  Quiriace ;  sata  malina  (maligna)  non 
tibi  p7-aevalea[7i]t.  Lijabit  te  Dei  brachium,  Dei 
et  Christi,  et  Signum  et  Sigillum  Solomo[nii\ 
PAXCASA-  (=*Abraxas?)  Perhaps  we  should 
read  Dei  et  Christi  signum  (i.e.  the  cross).  Con- 
sidered by  M.  Reuvens  to  be  "  assez  recent." 
It  may  possibly  be  as  late  as  the  conquest 
of  Africa  in  the  8th  century  by  the  Arabs, 
in  whose  view  Solomon  was  a  great  magician, 
and  from  whom  the  Christians  there  may  have 
derived  it ;  this  however  is  not  certain,  as  there 
are  gems  (haematite)  very  similar  to  some  coins 
of  the  4th  century  ;  they  bear  a  horseman  spear- 
ing a  fallen  enemy,  with  legend  COAOMcoN 
{Solomon),  and  on  the  other  side  C4>PAri2 
©EOT  (the  Seal  of  God),  with  mystic  characters. 
(Writer's    collection ;    others   nearly  similar  in 


"  The  writer's  thanks  are  due  to  Sir.  W.  de  G.  Birch 
for  giving  him  every  facility  to  inspect  these,  and  for 
other  valuable  help. 


SEASONS,  THE  FOUR 

Brit.  Mus. ;  one  side  of  a  bad  specimen  figured 
in  King's  Gnostics,  pi.  vi.  n.  7).  The  seal  of 
Solomon  is  said  to  be  the  pentalpha,  or  star 
of  fire  rays  formed  by  intersecting  triangles 
(Kirch.  Oedip.  Aegi/pt.  el.  xi.  c.  vii.  t.  ii.  pars  2, 
p.  477).  Hence  the  scars  on  the  rhizonia  of 
the  Convallaria  multiflora  have  given  to  the 
plant  the  English  name  of  Solomon's  seal.  On 
the  medal  and  on  the  gem,  however,  the  name 
Solomon,  and  the  words  Seal  of  God,  appear  to 
constitute  the  charm,  the  sigil's  power  being  to 
make  the  owner  victorious.  See  more  on  this 
subject  in  King,  u.  s.  p.  215,  Diet,  of  Bible, 
s.  V.  Solomon  ;  Lightfoot's  ed.  of  St.  Paul's 
Epist.  to  Coloss.  Introd.  pp.  91,  92,  note. 

[C.  B.] 

SEASONS,  THE  FOUR.  This  is  one  of 
the  adopted  subjects  of  Christian  art.  The 
seasons  had  long  been  a  favourite  subject  of 
Roman  decoration,  of  the  most  pleasing  charac- 
ter, and  connected  with  rural  and  pastoral 
imagery,  so  that  the  church  soon  invested  them 
with  associations  of  her  own.  To  the  heathen 
they  furnished  matter  for  contemplation  on  life, 
change,  growth  and  decay ;  in  Christian  thought 
the  hope  of  the  resurrection  was  added ;  and 
pictures  of  sowers,  reapers,  and  vinedressers 
would  have  their  definite  meaning  for  all  who 
knew  the  Lord's  parables.  And  these  pictures 
are  so  frequently  (almost  invariably  in  fact) 
associated  with  the  form  of  the  Good  Shepherd, 
that  it  is  impossible  to  doubt  their  Christian 
import,  at  an  early  date.  It  is  not  here  as  with 
single  emblems,  like  the  peacock,  lion  or  eagle, 
which  have  no  special  thread  of  meaning  to 
connect  them  either  with  the  Scriptures,  or 
with  Christian  imagery  unquestionably  derived 
from  Holy  Scripture. 

The  customary  use  of  this  subject  seems  to 
have  died  away,  perhaps  with  a  parallel  decline 
to  that  of  the  Good  Shepherd  (see  s.  v.).  The 
Seasons  in  the  catacomb  of  Domitilla,  or  St. 
Nereus  and  St.  Achilles,  were  perhaps  the  earliest 
frescoes  of  which  any  remains  are  left  (see 
Fresco)  ;  also  Parker's  Photographs,  No.  1820, 
618,  619,  and  text,  p.  12:3).  The  present  paint- 
ings are  evidently  restorations  of  the  roughest 
kind.  Another  fine  example  is  in  the  Callixtine 
catacomb  (Bosio,  p.  223  ;  Bottari,  tav.  Iv.),  where 
the  figures  are  in  pairs  on  each  side  of  the  Good 
Shepherd.  "  Winter "  is  a  woodman  by  his 
fire ;  "  Autumn,"  a  vintager,  almost  nude ; 
"  Summer,"  a  well-clad  reaper ;  "  Spring,"  a 
young  man,  only  clad  in  a  scarf,  and  gathering 
roses.  The  cemetery  of  St.  Praetextatus  contains 
another  set,  perhaps  equal  in  antiquity  to  those 
of  St.  Domitilla,  and  of  the  character  of  early 
2nd  century  work  at  latest.  They  are  arranged 
in  beautiful  decorative  forms  round  the  vaulting, 
and  on  the  walls  below  the  arches  of  the  ceme- 
tery. Laurels,  vines  and  grapes,  corn-ears  and 
roses,  represent  the  seasons  above  ;  and  there  are 
four  corresponding  agricultural  scenes  on  the 
walls,  of  realistic  treatment,  but  ornamentally 
arranged  with  great  skill.  These  were  un- 
doubtedly types  in  use  among  the  heathen  ;  but 
then  all  Christian  symbols  alike,  except  the 
anagraramatic  iish,  appear  to  have  been  more 
or  less  employed  thus  at  earlier  or  later  dates, 
and  in  variously  secular  senses. 

Martigny  gives  woodcuts  of  the  Four  Seasons, 
here    reproduced,    from     the    cemetery    of    St. 

CHRIST.  ANT. — VOL.    II. 


SEASONS,  THE  FOUR 


1875 


Pontianus.  They  form  four  compartments  of  a 
cupola-vault,  grouped  round  the  Good  Shepherd 
in  the  centre.  "  Spring  "  is  a  boy,  bearing  a  lily 
and  a  hare  ;  "  Summer,"  a  reaper  ;  "  Autumn," 
a  vintager  applying  a  ladder  to  a  tree  (shewing 
the  Italian  way  of  culture  rather  than  the  Greek 
training  to  stakes   and   frames) ;    "  Winter,"  a 


Spring.    From  the  Cemetery  of  Pontiauus  (Martigny), 


1876 


SEBASTE 


young  man  by  a  fire,  holding  a  torch  in  his  left 
hand,  and  in  his  right  (perhaps)  a  billet  of  wood. 
Martigny  refers  to  a  sculpture  from  the  ceme- 
tery of  St.  Agnes  (Boldetti,  Cimit.  p.  466; 
Jlaffei,  Gcmm.  Ant.  part.  iv.  No.  58,  59),  where 
"  Winter  "  bears  a  leafy  bough  and  a  bird.  This 
subject  exists  in  sculpture,  on  the  ends  of  the 
sarcophagus  of  Junius  Bassus.  Bottari,  torn.  i. 
capo  dclla  prefaz.,  and  Buonarotti  (  Vetri,  p.  i.) 
has  published  a  sepulchral  urn  which  bears  it 
also.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

SEBASTE,     FORTY     MARTYRS     OF, 

in  the  reign  of  Licinius :  Mar.  9  {Mart.  Bed., 
Wand. ;  Rom.  of  Greg.  XIII.  1586  ;  Cal.  Byzant. ; 
Basil.  Menol. ;  Menol.  Graec.) ;  Mar.  10  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Mart.  iii.  12  ;  Mart.  Horn,  of  Bened.  XIV. 
1749,  and  as  reprinted  in  1873 ;  cf.  Neale's 
note  at  Mar.  9  in  Cal.  Byzant.);  Mar.  11 
(Usuard.,  Adon. ;  Vet.  Rom.,  Notker.)  ;  Mar.  16 
{Cal.  Armen.).  [C  H.] 

SEBASTIA,  July  4,  martyr  with  Innocen- 
tius    and    thirty  others,   commemorated  at   Sir- 
mium   {Mart.    Usuard.) ;    also  called  Sabbatius 
(  Vet.  Rom.  Mart.)  and  Sabatia  [Mart.  Micron.). 
[C.  H.] 

SEBASTIANUS  (1),  Jan.  20,  commander 
of  the  first  cohort,  martyr  under  Diocletian, 
buried  "  in  vestigiis  apostolorum  "  {Metr.  Mart., 
Bed. ;  Mart.  Usuard.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Jlicron.,  Wand.)  ; 
commemorated  on  this  day  in  the  Sacramentary 
of  Gelasius,  his  name  being  mentioned  in  the 
collect,  the  secreta,  and  the  post-communion  ; 
also  in  the  Sacramentary  of  Gregory,  his  name 
occurring  in  the  collect  and  ad  complendum  ; 
Dec.  18  {Menol.  Gr.  Sirlet.). 

(2)  Feb.  8,  martyr  in  Armenia  Minor,  com- 
memorated with  Dionysius  and  Aemilianus 
{Mart.  Usuard.  ;    Vet.  Rom.,  Notker.).     [C.  H.] 

SEBOAS,  Nov.  13,  deacon,  martyr  in  Persia 
in  the  4th  century  (Basil.  Menol.  i.  185).  [C.  H.] 

SECLUSION.  One  of  the  penalties  imposed 
upon  penitents  in  the  seventh  and  two  following 
centuries  was  incarceration.  It  was  a  penal 
sentence,  and  distinct  from  the  voluntary  profes- 
sion of  monasticism  undertaken  to  expiate  a 
great  crime.  The  practice  arose  on  the  decay  of 
public  penance.  One  of  the  earliest  instances  of 
the  imposition  of  the  penalty  is  in  Spain.  The 
Cone.  Narbonens.  a.d.  589  (c.  6)  decreed  that  any 
clergyman  or  citizen  of  position  convicted  of 
crime  was  to  be  sent  to  a  monastery  for  correction. 
In  the  11th  Council  of  Toledo,  a.d.  675,  c.  7,  "  re- 
trusio  "  is  coupled  with  exile  as  among  the  recog- 
nised punishments  inflicted  by  the  church.  Nor 
was  this  mode  of  penance  confined  to  the  Penin- 
sula ;  it  became  common  throughout  the  West. 
Thus  pope  Gregox-y  II.  715-731,  in  a  letter  (Ep. 
ii.)  to  the  emperor  Leo  the  Isaurian,  con- 
trasts the  spiritual  with  the  civil  penalties  :  the 
state,  he  says,  executes  or  tortures  a  criminal,  but 
the  church  shuts  him  up  in  the  "  secretarium," 
the  vestry  or  the  chapter-house,  that  he  may 
purge  his  soul  by  fasts  and  vigils.  The  sentence 
of  incarceration  occurs  also  among  the  decrees  of 
a  synod  held  under  Boniface,  a.d.  742,  the  deci- 
sions of  which  were  confirmed  in  the  following 
year  by  Cone.  Liptin.  :  any  Christian  guilty  of 
fornication  was  to  do  penance  in  prison  on  bread 


SECRETA 

and  water  ;  an  ordained  priest  guilty  of  the  same 
sin  was  to  be  flogged  and  remain  two  years  in 
prison  ;  a  monk  or  cleric  was  to  be  beaten  thrice 
and  shut  up  ;  and  a  nun  who  had  fallen  was  to 
be  confined  and  have  her  head  shaved.     The  same 
discipline  is  apparent  in  the  rituals  of  that  period. 
The    Gelasian     Sacramentary,    under    the    title 
"  Ordo  agentibus  publicam  penitentiam,"  directs 
a  penitent  to  be  taken   in  the  morning  of  the 
first  Wednesday   in    Lent,  and    to    be    shut    up 
till  Holy  Thursday,  when   he  was  to  be  brought 
into  the  church ;  and  among  the  rubrical  direc- 
tions for  the  Mass  on  "  Feria  5,  in  Coen.  Dom.," 
the  penitents  are  instructed  to  come  out  from  the 
retreat  where  they  have  performed  their  penance. 
Similar  rubrics  are   contained  in  the   Ordo  Ro- 
numus,  and  in  pseudo-Alcuin  de  Dkinis  Officiis, 
cap.  de  Coen.  Dom.,  and  in   an  ancient  Toulouse 
Pontificalof  the  9th  century  (Morin.  de  Poenitent., 
appendix," p.  599),  where  the  penitent  is  ordered 
to  be  shut  up  "  in  loco  secreto  "  throughout  Lent. 
In  the  Penitential  of  Theodore   (I.  vii.   1)  life- 
long confinement  in  a  monastery  is  ruled  to  be 
the  appropriate  penalty  for  an  accumulation  of 
mortal  sins.      Compare  Poenitcntiale  Cummeani, 
siv.  1,  and  the  early  British  penitential  fragment 
"Sinodus  Aquilonalis  Britt."  cc.  1,  2  (Wasser- 
schleben.  Die  Bussord.  p.  103).      The  discipline 
of  imprisonment  was  enforced  also  against  the 
Canonici.     Thus  the  rule  of  Chrodegang  of  Metz 
(c.    28)  oi-ders    the    seclusion  of  the    collegiate 
clergy   when   under  penance   in  terms   identical 
with  the  directions  of  the  Rituals.     In  the  case 
of  the  secular  clergy,  after  monastic  houses  had 
become  general,  it  was  a  common  punishme-nt  to 
confine  an  offending  clerk  in  a  monastery,  either 
for  a  term  of  years  or  for  the  remainder  of  his 
life.      This    mode    of    seclusion   was    appointed 
both  by  civil  and  ecclesiastical  law.     Justinian's 
Novell,    c.xxiii.    20   direct    that   a   presbyter   or 
deacon  giving  false   evidence,  shall,  in  place  of 
being    scourged,    be    deposed    and    shut   up   for 
three    years    in    a   monastery.     The  Council   of 
Agde,  A.D.    506    (c.    50),  orders    the    seclusion 
to   be   lifelong  when  either  forgery  or  perjury 
has  been  committed  by  a  clergyman :  <a  similar 
penalty  was  attached  by  3  Cone.  Aurelian.  c.  7, 
to   adultery ;    and  by  4   Cone.    Tolet.  c.  29,  to 
magic   and    soothsaying.     See    Cone.   Epaon.  c. 
22  ;    7    Cone.   Tolet.  c.  3  ;    8  Cone.   Tolet.  c.  6. 
By  the  second  Council  of  Seville,  a.d.  618  (c.  3), 
a  clergyman  deserting  his  benefice  was  to  be  con- 
fined temporarily  in  a  monastery.     Monks  who 
subjected  themselves  to  penance  were  still  further 
secluded  by  confinement  in  the  cells  or  "  ergas- 
tula  "  of  their  monastery.    Syricius  (Ep.  i.  6)  im- 
poses this  penal  confinement  upon  monks  or  nuns 
who,  in  spite  of  their  monastic  profession,  have 
contracted  what  were  held  to  be  incestuous  mar- 
riages.   See  Cone.  Tarracon.  c.  1 ;   Cone.  Autissiod. 
c.  23;   Cone,  in  Trxdl.  c.41.     The  severity  of  the 
austerities  to  which  delinquent  monks  were  ex- 
posed when  under  confinement  may  be  gathered 
from  the  account  given  in  the  Sealae  of  Johannes 
Climacus,  grad.  5.  [G,  M.] 

SECRETA,  SECRETAE  {svh-oratio,  ora- 
tiones.  Cf.  tvxh  irpoaKoixiSris-  e^xh  avTKpiivov 
%v  6  iepeiis  iirivxiTai  iiziKXivofnevos,  i.e.  super 
oblata,  nvffTiKws).  In  the  course  of  the  Missa 
Fidelium,  the  celebrating  priest  was  wont  to  ask 
the  prayers  of  the   bystanders,  "Pray  for  me, 


SECEETA 

forethren,"  and  a  mutual  intercession  followed, 
"  that  it  might  be  siirsum  corda  with  them,  as  it 
was  already  with  him  "  (Amalarius)  ;  he  then 
turned  to  the  altar,  and  prayed  with  a  low  voice, 
so  as  only  himself  could  hear  the  words,  over  the 
oblations.  To  this  prayer,  or  these  prayers,  was 
given  the  name  of  secrcta  or  secretac.  In  the 
Clementine  liturgy,  the  bishop  was  enjoined  to 
pray  silently,  as  well  as  the  priests  present,  before 
he  commenced  the  more  solemn  part  of  the  service 
(€v^d/j.ei/os  oZv  KaO'  eavThy  6  apxiepevs,  Apost. 
Const,  viii.  12).  The  Council  of  Laodicea,  re- 
hearsing the  order  of  service  (can.  19),  says. 
-"After  the  catechumens  have  retired,  then  the 
prayers  of  the  faithful  are  to  be  made  in  three 
parts,  the  first  with  silence  (evxv  Sia  (nojTrrjs), 
and  the  second  and  third  with  acclamation  (5ia 
irpo(T<puvl](Ti(>is) ;  then  the  kiss  of  peace  is  to  be 
given,"  &c.  Many  of  the  fathers  mention  this 
prayer,  and  the  titles  of  it  as  found  in  the 
liturgy  of  St.  Chrysostom  are  given  above. 

Some  (e.g.  Bossuet)  have  conjectured  that 
the  word  secrcta  is  derived  from  the  sccretio 
(secerno),  i.e.  after  the  separation  from  the  rest 
of  the  offerings  of  what  was  reserved  for  the 
eucharistic  sacrifice,  or  after  the  separation  of 
the  catechumens  from  the  faithful ;  but  without 
ground,  for  the  ancient  sacramentaries,  as  well 
as  the  Greek,  agree  in  the  other  interpretation, 
which  is  further  proved  by  the  Book  of  Tours, 
where  we  find  these  prayers  called  (not  secretac., 
biit)  arcanae.  The  word  is  also  used  as  an 
adjective,  as  in  the  Sacramentary  of  Bobio, 
"  collectio  secreta."  The  prayers  were  some- 
times called  secreta,  i.e.  submissd  (voce).  Indeed 
Amalarius  and  other  writers  put  it  bevond  all 
question  by  the  rationale  of  the  practice  they 
supply.  Thus  Rupertus  (de  Divin.  Offic.  c.  4)  says, 
"The  priest  therefore  standing  in  silence,  and 
silently  (tacite)  saying  the  prayer  over  the  ob- 
lations, prepares  the  holy  sacrifice,  because  our 
Lord  also,  when  He  hid  Himself,  meditated  the 
saving  mystery  of  His  own  Passion.  The  silence 
of  the  priest  designates  the  hiding-place  of 
Christ.  The  priest  says  some  things  secretly, 
because,  about  the  Passion  of  Christ,  His  dis- 
ciples did  not  confess  Christ  but  secretly."  And 
so  Amalarius  (de  IJcc.  Offic.  iii.  32) :  "  The 
prayer  is  called  secret,  as  being  said  secretly.  In 
this  the  priest  prays  to  be  purged  at  the  present 
time.  It  belongs  to  the  priest  alone,  to  offer 
sacrifice  to  God  alone.  And,  therefore,  because 
■we  speak  out  of  our  thoughts,  no  resounding 
voice  is  necessary,  but  words  for  this  purpose 
alone,  that  the  priest  may  be  reminded  what  he 
ought  to  think."  The  same  was  put  into  verse 
by  Hildebert,  archbishop  of  Xours  (see  Durantus, 
de  Bit.  Ecc.  ii.  29).     See  Amen,  2.  p.  75. 

At  the  end  of  this  "  secret  "  prayer  the  priest, 
raising  his  voice  (eKipdivws,  Lit.  St.  Chrys.),  then 
said  the  collect,  "  super  oblata,"  and  then  pro- 
ceeded aloud. 

"  The  Leonian  Sacramentary,  as  it  has  come 
down  to  us,  provides  proper  prayers  to  be  said 
over  the  gifts  at  the  different  days  and  seasons. 
They  have  no  rubric  or  title,  but  in  the  later 
Gelasian  arc  called  secrctae,  in  the  Gregorian 
super  oblata.  The  fact  of  their  being  said 
privately  by  the  priest,  and  the  frequent 
reference  in  them  to  the  intercession  of  the 
saints,  shew  that  they  were  not  truly  primitive. 
Yet  the  position  of  some  may  be   justified  by 


SECRETARIUM 


1877 


regarding  them  as  a  secret  prayer  of  entrance 
on  the  lohole  sacrificial  action  of  the  liturgy. 
God  is  now  besought  to  accept  the  elements  for 
the  holy  use  to  which  man  is  devoting  them." 
(Scudamore,  A'oi.  Euc.  pp.  371,  372.)  Martene 
treats  of  this  part  of  the  ritual  (vol.  iv  lib  ii 
cap.  2,  §29).  (-H.B.]" 

SECRETARIUM.  Another  name  for  the 
sacristy  or  diaconicum  in  the  Latin  church. 
The  Council  of  Agde  (can.  66)  forbids  lay  officials 
"insacrati  ministri "  to  enter  the  secretarium, 
called  by  the  Greeks  diaconicum,  and  touch  the 
sacred  vessels.  The  Saxon  translation  of  the 
word  in  the  passage  of  Beda  (IT.  E.  ii.  1)  which 
records  the  burial  of  pope  Gregory  is  "  husel- 
portice,"  Eucharistiae portwus,  i.e.  the  place  where 
the  eucharistic  vessels  were  kept  (Bevereg. 
Pandect,  vol.  ii.  p.  76,  annotat).  Dionysius 
E.xiguus,  in  his  Latin  translation  of  the  canons 
of  Laodicea,  writes,  "  quod  subdiaconi  a  diaconico, 
i.e.  secretario  sint  remoti."  In  the  West  the 
secretaria  were  frequently  large  apartments 
sufficient  for  the  reception  of  a  considerable 
number  of  people.  Councils  were  not  uncom- 
monly held  in  them.  Thus  the  third,  fourth, 
fifth,  and  sixth  councils  of  Carthage  were 
held  "in  secretario  basilicae  restitutae,"  and 
that  of  Aachen  in  836  "in  secretario  basilicae 
S.  Mariae  quod  in  Lateranis  dicitur "  (Cossart, 
xiv.  67;  cf.  Greg.  Turon.  lib.  v.  c.  19).  The  second 
Council  of  Aries,  a.d.  452  (can.  15),  ordained 
that  "  in  secretario  diacono  inter  presbyteros 
sedere  non  liceat "  (Labbe,  Goncil.  iv.  1013). 
The  word  is  sometimes  used  for  the  council 
itself,  e.g.  "  venturo  secretario,"  "  praeterito 
secretario."  Presbyters  also  sat  in  them  to 
receive  the  salutations  of  the  laity,  or  to  hear 
and  settle  disjnites.  St.  Martin  sat  in  one 
"  secretarium  "  while  "  in  alio  secretario  prcs- 
byteri  sederent,  vel  salutationibus  vacantes,  vel 
audieudis  negotiis  occupati "  (Sulp.  Sever, 
lib.  iii.  Dial.  ii.  c.  1).  The  "  secretarium  "  also 
sometimes  served  as  a  lodging  room.  St.  Martin 
slept  there,  and  on  his  departure  the  virgins  of 
the  church  rushed  in  and  licked  the  place  where 
he  had  sat,  and  parted  the  straw  of  his  bed 
among  them  as  a  sacred  treasure  (ibid.).  Paulinus 
of  Nola  describes  the  purpose  of  the  two  "  secre- 
taria "  of  his  basilica,  one  as  a  vestry  or  sacristy, 
the  other  as  a  place  of  devout  study,  in  the 
following  lines. 

To  the  right  of  the  apse, 

"  Hie  locus  est  veneranda  penus  qua  conditur,  et  qua 
rromitur  alma  sacri  pompa  ministerii ;  " 

and  to  the  left, 

"  Si  quern  sancta  tenet  meditandi  in  lege  voluntas 
Hie  poterit  residens  sacris  intendere  libris." 

Jipist.  XH.  ad  Severum. 

Muratori  says  (Mus.  Ital.  torn.  ii.  p.  sxii.)that  in 
the  older  Roman  basilicas  the  "  secretarium " 
was  usually  placed  towards  the  lower  end  of  the 
nave  to  the  south,  i.e.  on  the  man's  side.  An 
oratory  was  sometimes  attached  to  it,  as  that  at 
the  Vatican  dedicated  to  St.  Gregory,  and  at  the 
Latoran  to  St.  Thomas.  Here  the  popes  robed 
themselves  before  the  high  festivals,  and  went 
thence  to  the  altar.  This  agrees  with  the  Onto 
Bomanns,  which  states  tliat  when  the  pope  is 
about  to  celebrate,  he  docs  not  go  at  once  to  the 
G  E  2 


1878 


SECULAR 


altar,  but  proceeds  first  to  the  "  secretarium," 
supported  by  his  deacons. 

Notices  of  "  secretaria  "  are  frequent  in  Ana- 
stasius.  The  first  place  of  interment  of  Leo  I. 
was  "  in  abdito  inferioris  secretarii "  at  St. 
Peter's  (Anast.  §  163).  Gregory  IV.  rebuilt  at 
St.  George's  "  secretarium  diaconiae "  (^ibid.  § 
464)  ;  Benedict  III.  rebuilt  the  baptistery  "  cum 
secretario "  at  St.  Mary's  Trastevere  (§  572) ; 
and  Nicholas  I.  that  at" St.  Mary  Cosmedin,  and 
constructed  in  it  a  "triclinium  cum  caminatis" 


(§  600). 


[E.  v.] 


SECULAE.  The  question  about  the  word 
is  whether  in  early  Christianity  it  designated 
those  who  were'not  in  holy  orders,  or  those  who 
were  not  living  under  monastic  rule. 

No  very  early  passage  is  forthcoming  in  which 
the  secular  is  contrasted  with  the  monastic  life. 
Even  after  the  rise  of  the  Benedictine  system  we 
find  the  term  secular  contrasted  not  with  regular 
as  applied  to  those  living  under  monastic  rule, 
but  rather  to  ecclesiastic;  for  in  the  sixteenth 
Council  of  Toledo  (a.d.  693)  secular  is  applied 
to  such  as  are  not  priests  or  bishops  {sacerdotes, 
can.  6).  So,  again,  in  the  fourth  Council  of 
Toledo  (a.d.  633)  the  term  secular  seems  almost 
equivalent  to  layman:  "Quicunque  ex  secu- 
laribus  accipientes  poenitentiam  totonderunt  se, 
et  rursus  praevaricantes  laici  effecti  sunt  .  .  .  ." 
(can.  55).  Yet  at  this  period  the  word  seems  to 
be  hovering  about  its  later  sense  as  describing 
those  who  are  unprofessed,  for  in  the  same  council 
we  have  the  following  language :  "  Duo  sunt 
genei'a  viduarum,  saeculares  et  sanctimoniales. 
Saeculares  viduae  sunt,  quae  adhuc  disponentes, 
laicalem  habitum  non  deposuerunt "  {Cone.  Tol. 
iv.  can.  56).  In  the  8th  century  we  find  the 
term  secular  in  the  modern  sense,  as  distinguished 
from  regular :  "  Ut  si  quis  secularium  sanctae 
professionis  famulatum  subire  desiderat,  non 
antea  tonsurae  habitum  suscipiat,  quam  illius 
conversatio  ac  morum  qualitas  secundum  monas- 
ticae  regulae  definitionem  manifestius  probetur" 
{Concil.  Cloveshov.  ii.  c.  24). 

The  word  secular  as  applied  to  those  who  do 
not  live  in  the  monastery  is  found  in  those 
sermons,  ad  Fratres  in  Eremo,  which  pass  under 
the  name  of  Augustine.  It  is  now,  however, 
generally  understood  that  these  sermons  are  the 
production  of  an  author  long  subsequent  to  the 
great  Latin  father,  so  that  we  cannot  affirm  that 
secular  was  used  in  its  technical  sense  so 
early  as  St.  Augustine's  day.  [H.  T.  A.] 

SECULARIZATION.    [Alienation.] 

SECUNDA  (1),  July  10,  virgin,  martyr  at 
Rome  with  Rufiua,  under  Valerian  (_Mart. 
Usuard. ;    Vet.  Bom.,  Ilieron.). 

(2)  July  17,  one  of  the  Scillitani. 

(3)  July  30,  virgin,  martyr  at  Tuberbo- 
lucernaria  in  Africa,  with  Maxima  and  others, 
under  Gallienus  (Mart.  Usuard. ;  Vet.  Horn., 
Hieron.,  Notker.).  [C.  H.] 

SECUNDIANUS  (1),  Feb.  17,  martyr  with 
Donatus,  Romulus,  and  eighty-six  others  ;  com- 
memorated at  Concordia  in  Africa  {Mart. 
Usuard. ;   Hieron.,  Notker.). 

(2)  Aug.  9,  martyr  with  Marcellianus  and 
Yerianus,    under    Decius :     commemorated     at 


SELEUCIA,  COUNCILS  OF 

Colonia    in    Etruria   (Mart.    Usuard. ;     Hieron., 
Notker.).  [C.  H.] 

SECUNDINA,  July  17,  one  of  the  SciLLi- 
tani. 

SECUNDINUS,  Feb.  21,  martyr  ;  commemo- 
rated at  Adrumentum  with  Verolus  and  others 
{Mart.  Usuard. ;  Hieron.,  Notker.).         [C.  H.] 

SECUNDOLUS,  Mar.  7,  called  also  Secun- 
dulus  and  Secundus  [FeliCITAS  (1)]. 

SECUNDULUS,  Mar.  24,  commemorated  in 
Mauretania  with  his  brother  Romulus  {Mart. 
Usuard.,  Notker.,  Wand.).  [C.  H.] 

SECUNDUS  (1),  Mar.  7,  martyr.    [Secun- 

DOLUS.] 

(2)  May  15,  martyr  in  Spain,  bishop  of  Avila, 
reputed  to  have  been  ordained  by  the  apostles  at 
Rome  {Mart.  Usuard.  ;    Vet.  Rom.,  Adon.) 

(3)  June  20,  martyr  ;  commemorated  at  Sir- 
mium  {Sijr.  Mart.). 

(4)  June  30,  martyr;  commemorated  at  Syu- 
nada  in  Phrygia  with  Democritus  and  Dionysius. 

(5)  Aug.  26,  martyr,  leader  of  the  Thebaean 
Legion ;  commemorated  at  Victimilium  in  Italy 
{Mart.  Usuard. ;    Vet.  Rom.,  Adon.). 

(6)  Nov.  15,  martyr ;  commemorated  at  An- 
tioch  with  Orentius  {Syr.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

SECURUS,  Dec.  2,  martyr  in  Africa  with 
his  brother  Verus  {Mart.  Usuard. ;  Hieron., 
Wand.).  [C.  H.] 

SEE  (Lat.  sedes ;  Fr.  siege).  The  history  of 
the  word  sedes,  in  ecclesiastical  usage,  is  exactly 
parallel  to  that  of  the  word  Cathedra  {q.  v.). 
Designating  first  simply  a  seat,  especially  a  seat 
of  dignity,  it  came  to  be  especially  applied  to 
the  seat  of  a  bishop,  and  thence  to  the  city  in 
which  he  had  his  throne.  Thus  St.  Augustine 
speaks  of  the  cities,  the  churches  of  which  had 
apostles  for  founders,  as  "  sedes  apostolicae," 
and  in  later  times  "sedes"  came  to  designate 
what  we  call  a  "  cathedral  church."    [Diocese.] 

[C] 

SELEUCIA,  COUNCILS  OF  (Seleucien- 
siA  Concilia)  ;  four  in  all.  (1)  a.d.  359,  at 
which  the  Acacians  or  pure  Arians  were  con- 
demned by  the  semi-Arians.  The  formula  com- 
posed by  the  latter  is  given  in  Latin  by  Mansi 
(iii.  315-326.) 

(2)  a.d.  410 ;  but  this  was  at  the  Persian 
Seleucia,  where  forty  bishops  and  metropolitans 
are  said  to  have  met  on  Christmas  Day,  and  passed 
twenty-two  disciplinary  canons,  or,  according  to 
the  Latin  version  of  them  published  by  Muratori, 
twenty-seven.  But  unless  this  Latin  version  mis- 
represents them  seriously,  its  bare  perusal  more 
than  confirms  the  doubts  of  their  genuineness 
which  he  throws  out  (Mansi,  ib.  1165-1174). 

(3)  In  Persia  likewise,  but  of  the  Nestorian 
body,  when  Acacius,  their  patriarch,  whom 
Barsumas,  the  metropolitan  of  Nisibis,  had 
accused  of  incontinence,  proved  his  innocence. 
(Mansi,  viii.  1173-1176.)  The  authors  of  L'Art 
de  ve'rif.  les  Dates  (i.  148)  make  two  synods  of 
this,  and  assign  diflerent  work  to  both. 


SELEUGUS 

(4)  A.D.  576,  in  Persia,  and  composed  of  Nes- 
torians  once  more,  whose  bishops  and  metro- 
politans, it  is  said,  requested  their  catholicos 
Ezekiel  "ut  fidem  legesque  Apostolorum  pa- 
trumque  occidentalium  ipsis  rursus  ponere  et  con- 
firmare  dignaretur,  quemadmodum  predecessores 
ejus  catholici  facere  consuevissent."  This  is  too 
like  the  ground  alleged  by  the  bishops  who 
formed  the  first  of  these  Persian  synods  to  be 
the  effect  of  chance;  but  of  the  thirty-nine 
canons  attributed  to  this  synod,  we  have  barely 
the  headings  of  one-third  to  judge  from.  (Mansi 
i^-  873.)  [-E.  s.  Ff.]  ' 

SELEUGUS  (1),  Feb.  16,  martyr  with  Pam- 
phius  and  others  at  Caesarea,  in  the  Diocletian 
persecution  (Basil.  Menol). 

(2)  Mar.  24,  martyr  in  Syria  {Mart.  Usuard., 
Hieron.). 

(3)  Sept.  15,  martyr  ;  commemorated  in 
Galatia  {Syr.  Mart.).  [C.  H.l 

SEMANTEON%  or  SEMANTERION  (arj- 
fiavrpov,  a-7jfj.avTripLov,  alsorb  ^v\ov,  to  'iepa^vka), 
substitutes  for  bells  in  the  Greek  church,  usually 
of  wood,  sometimes  of  iron  or  brass.  Goar 
(Euchol.  560)  speaks  of  them  as  "  perticae  e  ligno 
oblongae."  There  is  so  little  change  in  the 
ritual  of  the  Greek  church  that  the  present  form 
of  the  "  semantra  "  which  are  in  daily  use  in  the 
monasteries,  under  the  name  of  "  simandro," ''  to 
call  the  monks  to  service,  is  probably  that 
originally  adopted.  Neale  describes  a  "  seman- 
tron  "  as  "  a  long,  well-planed  piece  of  timber, 
usually  heart  of  maple,  from  12  ft.  and  upwards 
in  length,  by  1^  ft.  broad,  and  9  in.  in  thickness." 
In  the  centre  of  the  length,  each  edge  is  slightly 
scooped  out  to  allow  the  priest  to  grasp  it  by 
the  left  hand,  while  he  holds  a  mallet  in  the 
right,  with  which  "  he  strikes  it  in  various  parts 
and  at  various  angles,  eliciting  sounds  not  alto- 
gether unmusical."  The  semantra  are  usually 
suspended  by  chains  from  a  peg  in  the  proaulion 
(Neale,  Htst.  of  Holy  East.  Ch.  Introd.  p.  217). 
The  word  for  striking  or  sounding  the  criiixav- 
rpov  was  the  kindred  verb  <ri]nalviiv,  either 
alone  or  with  ^v\ov,  and  also  Kpovuv.  Kpovafxa 
was  used  as  the  sound  itself.  Thus  we  find  that 
the  joy  felt  at  Constantinople  on  the  translation 
of  the  relics  of  St.  Anastasius  was  shewn  ra 
'Upa  |uA.a  (rrjfMavavTes  (Concil.  Nic.  ii.  Sess.  iv. 
Labbe  et  Cossart,  siii.  22).  In  the  Life  of  St. 
Theodosius  the  archimandrite,  given  by  Moschus 
(Prat.  Spirit.'),  we  read  of  some  Eutychian  monks 
of  the  party  of  Severus,  who,  to  disturb  the  saint 
at  his  devotions,  "  beat  the  wood  "  at  an  unwonted 
hour,  and  of  Theodosius  beholding  Nonnus  pray- 
ing, with  a  star  over  his  head,  irph  tov  Kpowai 
rh  ^v\ov  (ihkl.  §§  73,  74).  St.  Sabas  rose  for  his 
devotions  befoi-e  the  hour  of  striking,  wph  tt/s  tov 
KpoiKT/xaTos  oopas  (Cyril.  Scythop.  Vit.  S.  Sab.  §§ 
43,  59).  The  officer  whose  duty  it  vv^as  to  sound 
the    semantron  was   the    candle-lighter,  kovSt]- 

XdwTTJS. 

Though    usually    of  wood,    the   "  semantra " 
were  sometimes  of  iron,  ayioa-'iSripa,  or  of  brass. 


=1  An  elegant  epigram  on  a  semantron  is  extracted  by 
JSeale  (p.  219)  from  Allatius  and  Englished  by  himself. 

b  The  vignette  on  the  title-page  of  Curzon's  Monasteries 
of  the  Levant  represents  the  beating  of  the  Simandro  in 
the  outer  court  of  a  monastery. 


SENGHUS  MOR 


1879 


These  were  formed  of  slightly  curved  metal 
plates,  and  gave  out  a  sound  not  unlike  that  of 
a  gong. 

Semantra  were  of  different  sizes,  larger  and 
smaller ;  a.  ^4ya,  <r.  ,xiKp6v.  Thus  we  read  in 
the  Tyjncoa  S  Sahae,  Kav5r,\<i',rTns  KUT^xe^v 
o-Tj/xaiVei  rh  jxLKpjv  (c.  1) ;  ayj,j.aivii  a-l^^avrpov 
IxiKpbv  Kal  ffvyayo/xeea  iv  rqi  vdpOriKi  xf^dWovrts 
{ibid,  bl);  and  again,  Kav^xiin-ns  i^ipx^rai 
Koi  (T-nixaiv^i  rh  ixeya  {ibid.  c.  1).  The  smaller 
were  sounded  first,  then  the  larger  (Goar 
Euchol.  p.  473),  which  were  followed  by  those  of 
iron.  Theodore  Balsamon,  in  a  treatise  devoted 
to  the  subject,  compares  the  sounding  of  the 
little,  great,  and  iron  "semantra"  to  the 
preaching  of  the  law  and  of  the  gospel,  and  the 
last  trump.  He  says  also  that  the  congregations 
were  summoned  by  three  "  semantra  "  in  monas- 
teries, and  only  by  one  large  one  in  parish 
churches. 

The  slow  deep  notes,  at  long  intervals,  pro- 
duced from  the  "  semantra "  at  funerals,  were 
called  al  $apeTai,  and  the  striker  was  said  Kpoinv 
rds  Capias  (Goar,  Euchol.  p.  560). 

"  Semantra,"  from  their  size  and  shape,  fur- 
nished formidable  weapons,  and  were  sometimes 
so  used  with  fatal  efi'ect  in  a  church  brawl 
(Mich.  Glyc.  Annul,  p.  302 ;  Scylitzes,  p.  637) 
[E.  v.] 
SENATOR,  Sept.  26,  martyr  ;  commemorated 
at  Albanum  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Hieron.).     [C.  H.] 

SENATORIUM.  A  term  used  in  the  ancient 
Roman  ordines  to  designate  the  part  of  the 
church  which  was  reserved  for  nobles.  It  was 
on  the  south  side  of  the  church  opposite  the 
part  assigned  to  women.  When  the  oblations 
were  made  by  nobles,  the  pope  or  priest 
descended  into  the  senatorium  to  receive  them. 
The  emperors,  however,  took  their  oblations  to 
the  altar  itself.  From  the  use  of  the  term  by 
Martene  {de  Eccl.  Bit.  I.  iv.  x.  4,  vol.  i.  p.  155, 
fol.),  it  appears  that  at  Eome  the  senatorium 
was  that  part  of  the  church  which  was  occupied 
by  (what  we  should  call)  the  aristocracy. 
When  the  pope  was  going  to  distribute  the 
sacrament,  after  communicating  those  who 
were  in  orders,  "  descendit  in  senatorium,  ubi 
magnates  Eucharistia  reficiebat."        [H.  T.  A.] 

SENGHUS  MOR,  a  collection  of  ancient 
Irish  laws,  modified  from  the  pagan  code  to 
meet  the  Christian  requirements.  It  is  the 
embodiment  of  ante-Christian  Brehon  law,  and, 
with  its  additions,  interpretations,  and  glosses, 
has  formed  tlie  authoritative  Brehon  code  from 
a  very  early  date  down  even  to  the  16th  century. 
But  the  time  and  circumstances  of  its  compila- 
tion are  matters  of  dispute.  Ancient  tradition 
and  its  present  Introduction  attribute  it  pri- 
marily to  St.  Patrick,  who  had  acquired  suffi- 
cient influence  to  procure  a  purgation  of  the 
pagan  laws,  and  the  infusion  into  them  of  a 
milder  tone  and  purer  Christian  principles.  This 
was  between  the  si.\th  and  the  ninth  years  after 
St.  Patrick's  arrival,  and  in  the  reign  of  Laeghaire, 
monarch  of  Ireland  (a.d.  428-463).  The  Irish 
Annals  of  Ulster  and  Annals  of  Tigermich  give 
the  exact  year,  A.D.  438  (O'Conor,  Rcr.  Hib. 
Script,  ii.  101  ;  iv.  1),  a  date  which  may  point 
to  the  theory  of  tlie  compilation  as  presented 
below.      Nine  are  said   to   have    been    engaged 


1880 


SENIOR 


together  in  the  work,  viz.  three  kings,  Laeghaire, 
with  Core  king  of  Munster,  and  Daire,  a  chief 
in  Ulster;  three  bishops,  St.  Patrick,  Benignus 
his  successor  at  Armagh,  and  Cairnech  of  Tuilcn  ; 
:!nd  three  poets  or  judges,  Kossa,  son  of  Trichem, 
Dubhthach  mac  Ua  Lugair,  and  Ferghus  (^Senchus 
Nor,  i.  p.  5).  This  would  assign  the  original  draft 
of  the  Seiichus  Mor  to  about  the  middle  of  the 
5th  century,  and  the  memory  of  St.  Patrick's 
connexion  with  it  was  perpetuated  by  the  deep 
reverence  ever  paid  to  its  constitutions,  and  the 
name  given  to  it  of  "  Cain  Patraic  "  or  Patrick's 
law.  It  was  also  called  'No)):)'!*  or  InJo^JI*, 
the  knowledge  of  the  Nine  {Sonchus  Mor,  i. 
17). 

But  this  Pati"ician  origin  has  been  keenly  dis- 
puted (Lanigan,  Eccl.  Hist.  Ir.  i.  c.  7,  §  15),  and 
had  objections  raised  to  it  on  the  score  of  history 
and  chronology  (Petrie,  Hist,  and  Antiq.  Tara 
Hill,  pass. ;  Irans.  Roy.  Ir.  Acad,  sviii.  52  sq. ; 
Todd,  St.  Patrick,  482  sq.,  following  Petrie).  Its 
critics  and  opponents  would  grant  it  Christian 
authority,  but  of  a  date  later  than  St.  Patrick's 
time.  But  in  the  edition  of  the  Senchus  Mor 
(published  under  direction  of  the  Commissioners 
for  publishing  the  Ancient  Laws  and  Institutes 
of  Ireland,  3  vols.  Lond.  1865  sqq.)  the  editor, 
Mr.  W.  Neilson  Hancock,  has  met  these  objec- 
tions and  upholds  the  Patrician  origin,  while  he 
shews  that  much  has  since  been  added,  and  allu- 
sions are  made  in  it  to  interpretations  and  Bre- 
hon  judgments  of  a  much  later  date.  The  era  of 
St.  Patrick  was  peculiarly  appropriate  for  the 
codification  of  the  Brehon  laws  in  Ireland,  espe- 
cially at  the  instance  of  a  Roman  citizen  who 
had  newly  arrived  from  the  Continent,  where  a 
similar  process  upon  the  Pioman  civil  law  was 
being  carried  out  with  all  the  weight  of  the  im- 
perial authoritj-.  The  Theodosian  Code  received 
the  imperial  sanction  in  a.d.  438.  (O'Curry, 
Led.  Man.  and  Cust.Anc.  Jr.  ii.  24  sqq.,  and  Lect. 
MS.  Materials  of  Anc.  Irish  Hist.  16.  91,  ed. 
1873  ;  Four  Mast,  bv  O'Donovan,  i.  132-34  n. ; 
Keating,  Gen.  Hist.  Ir.  B.  ii.) 

The  Senchus  Mor  (derived  from  the  Celtic  root 
sen,  old,  and  mor,  in  recognition  of  its  authority) 
is  in  no  sense  an  historical  treatise,  but  is  a  body 
of  laws,  criminal,  commercial,  social,  military 
and  agrarian,  containing  the  original  test  with 
a  large  collection  of  glosses,  interpretations,  and 
Brehon  refinements.  It  is  interesting  as  a  record 
of  ancient  law,  and  doubly  valuable  as  shewing 
the  mellowing  influences  of  Christianity  upon 
heathenism.  [J.  G.] 

SENIOR,  a  presbyter  or  priest,  one  belonging 
to  the  second  order  of  the  Christian  ministry. 
The  usage  arose  from  the  more  common  render- 
ing of  TrpecrjSuTepos  in  Scripture.  Thus  in  Acts 
XV.  6  the  early  version  gives  "  ApostoU  et  seni- 
ores"  (Sabatier,  Bibl.  Sacr.  Vers.  Ant.  iii.  549), 
and  this  is  preserved  by  St.  Jerome  ;  similarly 
ib.  22  (Sab.  552  ;  Hieron.)  or  23  (ib.),  xvi.  4  (Sab., 
Hier.).  In  Acts  xiv.  2,  xv.  23,  St.  Jerome  gives 
presbyteros.  The  word  is  used  in  this  sense  by 
Tertullian  (^Apol.  39),  Firmilian  {Ep.  ad  Cypr. 
u.  75  inter  Hpp.  Cypr.  ed.  Ben,  "seniores  et 
praepositi  "  =  priests  and  bishops),  and  Paulinus 
(^Ep.  4  ad  Amand.,  "  nomine  officioque  seniores)." 
It  occurs  also  in  the  Missale  Francorum,  "  Probet 
se  esse  seniorem "  {Liturg.  Gall.  Mabill.  307), 
and  the  Missale  Gallicanum  Vetus  of  Thomasuis 


SEPULCHRE,  EASTER 


and  others,  "Aedificet  sacerdotes  (the 
exaltet  seniores,  illustret  Levitas  "  (the  deacons) 
{ibid.  337).  The  prayers  in  which  these  occur 
are  probably  earlier  than  the  codices  in  which 
we  find  them.  We  may  mention,  however,  that 
so  late  as  the  beginning  of  the  7th  century 
Gregory  I.,  writing  to  a  bishop  in  whose  diocese 
Greek  was  spoken,  uses  the  direct  equivalent  to 
the  Greek  term,  "  consensus  seniorum  et  cleri  " 
{Epist.  ad  Joan.  Panorm.  xi.  51).  Compare 
Patron,  p.  1577.  [W.  E.  S.] 

SENNES  (1),  July  30,  martyr  at  Rome, 
with  Abdon,  Persian  subreguli,  under  Decius 
(Mart.  Bed.,  Metr.  Bed.,  Flor.,  Usuard. ;  Vet. 
Horn.,  Adon. ;  Hieron.,  Notker.,  Wand.).  The 
Liber  Antiphc/tiarius  of  Gregory  has  an  office  for 
their  natale. 

(2)  Nov.  29,  deacon,  martyr ;  commemorated 
at  Rome  with  the  deacons  Saturninus  and  Sisiu- 
nius  [Saturninus  (9)].  [C.  H.] 

SENS,  COUNCIL  OF  (Si:xonense  Con- 
cilium), A.D.  001,  but  the  only  thing,  not  purely 
conjectural,  reported  of  it  seems  to  be  that  St. 
Bethar,  bishop  of  Chartres,  was  favourably 
received  there.     (Mansi,  x.  485.)         [E.  S.  Ff.] 

SErTEM  DORMIENTES  (Seven  Sleep- 
ers OF  Epiiesus),  martyrs,  Jan.  8,  Mar.  4,  Aug. 
13  {Cal.  Ethiop.);  Jan.'l9  (Cal.  Armen.)  ;  Aug. 
4,  Oct.  22  (Ccd.  Byzant.) ;  commemorated  at 
Ephesus,  Aug.  10  {Mart.  Hieron.),  June  27 
(Notker.).  [C.  H.] 

SEPTEM  FRATRES,  July  10  (T'rf.  Eom. 
Mart.).  Their  intercessions  are  prayed  for  in 
the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  on  July  10.  They 
must  be  the  seven  sons  of  Felicitas  (cf.  Mart. 
Bede,  July  10).  [C.  H.] 

SEPTEM  VIRGINES,  April  9  ;  commemo- 
rated at  Sirmium  {Mart.  Bed.,  Usuard.,  Adon., 
Yet.  Rom.,  Hieron.  giving  four  only,  Wand, 
giving  five).  [C.  H.] 

SEPTIMIUS,  April  18,  martyr  ;  commemo- 
rated at  Salonae  with  Hermogenes  (Syr.  Mart). 
[C.  H.]  - 
SEPTIMUNTIA,  COUNCIL   OF   (Septi- 

MUNCENSE  Concilium),  a.d.  418  (?),  one  of  the 
many  councils  of  this  period  in  Africa  whose 
canons — in  this  case  six — are  known  to  us  only 
through  Ferrandus.     (Mansi,  iv.  439.) 

[E.  S.  Ff.] 

SEPTIMUS  (1),  Aug.  17,  monk,  martyr, 
with  Liberatus  an  abbat,  and  others  ;  commemo- 
rated in  Africa  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.). 

(2)  Oct.  24,  martyr,  with  Fortunatus, 
readers,  under  Diocletian ;  commemorated  at 
Venusia  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon. ;    Tet.  Rom.). 

[C.  H.] 

SEPTUAGINTA  DISCIPULI  DOMINI, 

commemorated  on  Jan.  4  {Cal.  Byzant.). 

SEPULCHRE,  EASTER.  Amongst  the- 
many  elaborate  rites  with  which  the  ancient 
church  solemnised  the  week  before  Easter  was 
the  ceremony  of  the  Sepulchre.  It  is  thus 
described  in  the  ancient  ordinarium  of  Bayeux  : 
"  On    Good    Friday   a    '  sepulchre '    is   prepared 


SEPULCHRE,  THE  HOLY 

towards  the  left  horn  of  the  altar,  with  cushion 
and  costly  linen.  Inside  this  the  bishop  buries 
the  cross,  the  reserved  sacrament  and  the  sacra- 
mental plate  ;  an  appropriate  form  of  service  is 
said ;  the  sepulchre  is  censed,  and  closed  ;  when 
all  depart  (according  to  a  most  ancient  Rituale 
of  Poictiers),  leaving  only  two  persons  to  guard 
the  sepulchre,  which  remains  till  Easter." 

Martene  (de  Ant.  Eccl.  Rit.  IV.  xxiii.  27) 
only  gives  examples  of  this  in  France  and 
England  (Sarum),  and  he  furnishes  no  particulars 
from  which  the  date  of  this  singular  performance 
can  be  inferred.  There  seems,  however,  no 
reason  to  suppose  that  it  was  coeval  with  the 
rise  of  transubstantiation,  as  it  is  plain  that  the 
pi  actice  of  "  reserving  "  the  sacrament  was  one 
that  existed  centuries  before  that  dogma  was 
formulated.  [H.  T.  A.] 

SEPULCHRE,  THE  HOLY.     It  is   now 

more  than  thirty  years  since  the  controversy  on 
the  site  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre  was  first  fairly 
commenced, — though  doubts  were  thrown  upon 
the  traditional  site  a  hundred  years  ago  by  the 
German  bookseller  Korte.  Dr.  Robinson  re- 
newed the  attacli  in  1842  by  arguing  that  the 
second  wall  must  have  run  outside  the  present 
church  —  a  thing  fatal  to  its  traditions.  The 
Rev.  George  Williams  defended  the  site,  main- 
taining that  not  only  was  there  a  continu- 
ous chain  of  historical  evidence  in  its  favour, 
but  that  the  second  wall  could  be  proved  to 
have  run  east  of  the  church.  Mr.  Fergusson,  in 
1847,  advanced  the  theory  that  the  site  was  a 
forgery  of  the  10th  century,  the  real  site  being 
that  now  occupied  by  the  Dome  of  the  Rock  ; 
and  Mr.  Finlay  in  the  same  year  attempted  a 
new  and  ingenious  defence  of  the  traditional 
site,  to  which  we  shall  presently  allude.  Since 
then,  many  books  have  been  written  on  one 
side  or  the  other.  Among  them  are  the  works 
of  Professor  Willis,  De  Vogiie,  De  Saulcy,  Tobler, 
and  Lewin.  Colonel  Wilson  has  produced  the 
ordnance  survey  of  Jerusalem  ;  the  rock  levels 
of  the  city  have  been  almost  completely  deter- 
mined by  him.  Colonel  Warren,  Lieut.  Conder, 
M.  Clermont  Ganneau,  and  Herr  Schick  ;  and 
Professor  E.  H.  Palmer  has  published  a  translation 
of  an  Arabic  historian,  which  makes  the  Dome 
of  the  Rock  to  have  been  built  by  Abd-el-Melek. 

The  question  divides  itself  into  two :  (A)  Is 
the  present  site  that  fixed  upon  by  the  officers 
of  Constantino  ?  and  (B)  Was  that  site  certainly, 
or  even  probably,  the  true  spot  where  our  Lord 
was  buried  ? 

A.  The  evidence  for  the  first  question  is  his- 
torical and  architectural.  We  propose  to  cite, 
as  briefly  as  the  subject  permits,  the  chief  his- 
torical evidence  which  bears  upon  the  Holy 
Sepulchre  from  the  Constantinian  period. 

I.  [a.d.  326.]  The  sepulchre  was  recovered  in 
the  year  326.  An  account  is  given  in  some 
detail  by  an  eye-witness  of  the  whole  event,  tlie 
historian  Eusebius.  No  doubt  whatever  has 
ever  been  thrown  upon  his  trustworthiness. 
He  says  (^Lifa  of  Constantine,  Book  iii.  chap, 
xxvi.  et  seq.)  . 

"  It  had  been  in  time  past  the  endeavour  of 
impious  men  to  consign  to  the  darkness  of 
oblivion  that  divine  monument  of  immortality. 
.  .  .  This  sacred  cave  certain  godless  persons 
thought  to  remove  entirely    from    the    eyes  of 


SEPULCHRE,  THE  HOLY    1881 

men,  supposing  in  their  folly  that  thus  they 
should  be  able  effectually  to  conceal  the  truth. 
Accordingly,  they  brought  a  quantity  of  earth  i 

from  a  distance  with  much  labour  and  covered 
the  entire  spot ;  then,   having  raised  this  to  a  j 

moderate  height,  they  paved  it  with  stone,  con- 
cealing the  holy  cave  beneath  this  massive  '. 
mound.  Then,  as  though  their  purpose  had 
been  effectually  accomplished,  they  prepare  on 
this  foundation  a  truly  dreadful  sepulchre  of 
souls,  by  building  a  gloomy  shrine  of  lifeless 
idols  to  the  impure  spirit  whom  they  call  Venus.* 
These  devices  of  impious  and  wicked  men  against 
the  truth  had  prevailed  for  a  long  time;  nor  ' 
had  any  one  of  the  governors,  or  military  com- 
manders, or  even  of  the  emperors  themselves, 
as  yet  appeared  with  ability  to  abolish  these  , 
daring  impieties,  save  only  our  prince.  ...  He 
gave  orders  that  the  place  should  be  thoroughly 
purified.  ...  As  soon  as  his  commands  were 
issued,  these  engines  of  deceit  were  cast  down,  ; 
.  .  .  overthrown,  and  utterly  destroyed.  .  .  , 
Fired  with  holy  ardour,  the  emperor  directed 
that  the  ground  itself  should  be  dug  up  to  a 
considerable  depth,  and  the  soil  .  .  .  transported 
to  a  distant  place.  .  .  .  But  as  soon  as  the 
original  surface  of  the  ground  under  the 
covering  of  earth  appeared,  immediately,  and 
contrary  to  all  expectation,  the  venerable  and 
hallowed  monument  of  our  Saviour's  resurrection 
was  discovered.  .  .  . 

"  Immediately  afterwards,  the  emperor  sent 
forth  injunctions  granting  ample  supplies  of 
money,  and  commanding  that  a  house  of  prayer 
worthy  of  the  worship  of  God  should  be  erected 
near  the  Saviour's  tomb,  on  a  scale  of  rich  and 
royal  greatness  ..." 

Here    follows    the   letter    of  Constantine,    in 
which  occurs  a  remarkable  passage,  the  follow- 
ing : — "  That  the  monument  of  His  most  holy  | 
Passion,    so    long    buried    beneath    the    ground,  i 
should  have   remained   unknown  for  so  long   a  j 
series  of  years  until  its  reappearance,    ...   is 
a  fact  which  truly  surpasses  all  admiration." 

Eusebius  resumes  the  naiTative  : — 

"  Accordingly,  on  the  very  spot  which  wit-  ' 

nessed  the  Saviour's  sufferings,  a  new  Jerusalem 
was  constructed  over   against  the  one  so  cele-  i 

brated  of  old,  which,  since  the  foul  stain  of 
guilt  brought  on  it  by  the  murder  of  the  Lord, 
had  experienced  the  last  extremity  of  desolation. 
It  was  opposite  this  city  that  the  emperor  began  1 

to  rear  a  monument  to  the  Saviour's  victory 
over  death  .   .  . 

"  First,  he  adorned  the  sacred  cave  itself  ...  I 

This  monument,  as  the  chief  part  of  the  whole,  * 

the    emperor's  zealous   magnificence    beautified  | 

with  rare  columns,  and  profusely  enriched  with 
the  most  splendid  decorations  of  every  kind. 
The  next  object  of  his  attention  was  a  space  of 
ground  of  great  extent  open  to  the  pure  air  of 
heaven.  This  he  adorned  with  a  pavement  of 
finely-polished  stone,  and  enclosed  it  on  three 
sides  with  porticoes  of  great  length  ;  for  at  the 
side  opposite  to  the  sepulchre,  which  was  the 
eastern  side,  the  church  itself  was  erected— a 
noble  work  rising  to  a  vast  height,^and  of  great 
extent  both  in  length  and  breadth." 


<^  A  coin  of  Jerus.ilem,  of  the  reign  of  Antoninus 
Pius  bears  upon  the  obverse  a  temple  of  Venus.  Thia 
coin 'is  engraved  in  Williams's  UoUj  City. 


1882    SEPULCHRE,  THE  HOLY 

The  description  of  this  church  follows : — 

"  In  the  next  place  he  enclosed  the  atrium 
which  occupied  the  space  leading  to  the  entrance 
in  front  of  the  church.  This  comprehended 
first  the  court,  then  the  porticoes  on  each  side, 
and  lastly  the  gates  of  the  court.  This,  then, 
in  the  midst  of  the  open  market-place,  the 
entrance-gates  of  the  whole  work,  which  were 
of  exquisite  workmanship,  afforded  to  passers-by 
on  the  outside  a  view  of  the  interior,  which 
could  not  fail  to  inspire  astonishment." 

II.  The  date  of  the  "  recovery "  or  "  dis- 
covery "  of  the  tomb,  A.D.  326,  was  seven  years 
before  the  anonymous  Bordeaux  Pilgrim  visited 
Jerusalem.  The  buildings  were  then  in  pro- 
gress, two  years  before  the  Dedication.  The 
following  is  his  evidence.  Because,  in  his  case, 
as  well  as  in  several  others  quoted,  his  words 
have  been  translated  so  as  to  mean  quite  dif- 
ferent things,  the  Latin  only  is  given. 

He  describes  the  Temple  in  its  ruined  condi- 
tion, where  there  was  shewn  an  "  angulus  turris 
excelsissimae,"  the  pinnacle  of  temptation — "ad 
caput  anguli  et  sub  pinna  turris  ipsius,  sunt 
cubicula  plurima  ubi  Salomon  palatium  habe- 
bat ; "  no  doubt  the  substructure  still  known 
as  Solomon's  stables.  Colonel  Warren  has 
revived  the  tradition  of  the  pilgrim  by  placing 
Solomon's  palace  on  the  spot.  A  remarkable 
passage  follows :  "  In  aede  ipsa  ubi  Templum 
fuit  quod  Salomon  aedificavit,  in  marmore  ante 
aram  sanguinem  Zachariae."  What  was  the 
aedes  ipsa  ?  And  did  the  pilgrim  confuse 
Hadrian's  with  Solomon's  temple  ?  If  the 
memory  of  Herod  as  a  builder  had  so  completely 
perished,  why  not  that  of  Hadrian  ?  A  line  or 
two  lower  down  he  says,  however,  "  sunt  ibi  et 
statuae  duae  Hadriani." 

From  the  Temple  he  takes  us  to  the  Holy 
Sepulchre  in  the  following  words  : — 

"  Item,  exeunti  in  Hierusalem,  ut  ascendas 
Sion,  in  parte  sinistra,  et  deorsum  in  valle  juxta 
murum,  est  piscina,  quae  dicitur  Siloa,  habet 
quadriporticum  ,  .  .  Inde  eadem  via  ascenditur 
Sion  et  paret  ubi  fuit  domus  Caiaphae  sacerdotis, 
et  columna  adhuc  ibi  est,  in  qua  Christum  flagellis 
ceciderunt.  Intus  autem,  intra  murum  Sion,  paret 
locus  ubi  palatium  habuit  David  .  .  .  Inde  ut 
eas  foris  murum  de  Sion  (eunti  ad  portam 
Neapolitanam)  ad  partem  dexteram,  deorsum  in 
valle  sunt  parietes  ubi  domus  fuit  sive  prae- 
torium  Pontii  Pilati :  ubi  Dominus  auditus 
est  antiquum  pateretur.  A  sinistra  autem 
parte  est  monticulus  Golgotha,  ubi  Dominus 
crucifixus  est.  Inde  quasi  ad  lapidem  mis- 
sum  est  crypta  ubi  corpus  ejus  positum  fuit 
et  tertia  die  resurrexit.  Ibidem  modo  jussu 
Constantini  imperatoris  basilica  facta  est,  id  est 
Dominicum  mirae  pulchritudinis,  habens  ad 
latus  exceptoria  unde  aqua  levatur  et  balneum 
a  tergo  ubi  infantes  lavantur." 

HI.  [a.d.  337.]  The  Onomasticon  places  Gol- 
gotha on  the  north  of  Mount  Zion. 

IV.  [a.d.  350.]  While  the  temple  of  Venus 
with  its  foundations  was  being  cleared  away, 
there  might  have  been,  and  most  probably  was 
present,  a  Christian  lad,  native  of  Jerusalem, 
eleven  years  of  age,  watching  the  discovery, 
which  did  as  much  as  the  great  luminous  cross 
which  appeared  in  the  sky  four  years  later  to 
confirm  the  doubtful  and  strengthen  the  faith- 
ful,   that   of    the   rock    containing    the   sacred 


SEPULCHEE,  THE  HOLY 

tomb.  It  was  Cyril,  afterwards  bishop  of  Jeru- 
salem. One  must  not  forget  that  he  is  the 
third  eye-witness  who  speaks  of  these  things ; 
that,  though  he  was  a  boy  at  the  time  of  the 
discovery,  he  lived  in  Jerusalem,  and  must  have 
watched,  step  by  step,  the  progress  of  the  great 
basilica ;  that  he  was  ordained  before  the  com- 
pletion and  dedication  of  the  buildings,  and  that 
many,  if  not  all,  of  his  lectures  were  delivered  in 
the  church  of  the  Anastasis  itself.  "  The  kings 
of  this  day,"  he  says,  "have  in  their  piety 
built  this  holy  Church  of  the  Resurrection  .  .  . 
in  which  we  are  assembled." 

The  statements  of  fact  which  have  been  ga- 
thered from  Cyril  must  therefore  be  admitted, 
unless  there  can  be  shewn  any  temptation  to 
exaggerate,  as  exactly  true.  Four  are  im- 
portant.    They  are  as  follows  : — 

(a)  "  The  cleft  which  was  at  the  door  of  the 
salutary  sepulchre  .  .  .  was  hewn  out  of  the 
rock  itself,  as  is  customary  here  in  the  front  of 
sepulchres.  For  now  it  appears  not,  the  outer 
cave  having  been  hewn  away  for  the  sake  of  the 
present  adornment ;  for,  before  the  sepulchre 
was  decorated  by  royal  zeal,  there  was  a  cave  in 
the  face  of  the  rock." 

(6)  "Though  the  place  " — outside  the  sepulchre 
— "  is  now  adorned,  and  that  most  excellently, 
with  royal  gifts,  yet  it  was  before  a  garden,  and 
the  tokens  and  traces  thereof  remain." 

(c)  "The  sepulchre  consisted  originally  of  a 
double  cave,  of  which  the  exterior  was  cut 
away  for  the  sake  of  the  present  adornment." 

(d)  "  The  entrance  .  .  .  was  hewn  out  of  the 
rock  itself,  as  is  customary  here  in  the  front  of 
sepulchres.  Now  it  appears  not :  the  outer  cave 
or  vestibule  having  been  hewn  away  for  the 
sake  of  the  present  adornment ;  but  before  the 
sepulchre  was  decorated  by  royal  zeal  there  was 
a  cave  in  the  face  of  the  rock  "  (Lect.  xiv.). 

V.  Sanctae  Paulae  Peregrinatio  (circa  a.d. 
380).  After  praying  at  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  she 
ascends  Sion  : — 

"  Inde  egrediens  ascendit  Sion  quae  in  arcem 
vel  speculam  vertitur.  Hanc  urbem  quondam 
expugnavit  et  reaedificavit  David." 

VI.  P.  Eucherii  epitome  de  aliquibus  locis 
Sanctis  (a.d.  427)  : — 

"  Situs  ipse  urbis  pene  in  orbem  circumactus, 
non  parvo  murorum  ambitu,  quo  etiam  montem 
Sion,  quondam  vicinum,  jam  intra  se  recipit,  qui, 
a  meridie  positus,  pro  arce  urbi  supereminet. 
Major  civitatis  pars  infra  montem  jacet  in 
planitie  humilioris  collis  posita. 

"Mons  Sion  latere  uno,  quod  aquilonemrespicit, 
clericorum  religiosorumque  habitationibus  fre- 
quentatur  :  cujus  in  vertice,  planitiem  monacho- 
rum  cellulae  obtinent  ecclesiam  circumdantes, 
quae  illic,  ut  fertur,  ab  apostolis  fundata  pro 
loci  resurrectionis  dominicae  reverentia. 

"Primum  de  locis  Sanctis.  Pro  conditione 
platearum  divertendum  est  ad  basilicam  quae 
martyrium  apjiellatur  a  Constantino  magno 
cultu  extructa.  Dehinc  cohaerentia  ab  occasu 
insunt  Golgotha  atque  anastasis  ;  sed  anastasis 
in  loco  est  resurrectionis,  Golgotha  vero,  medius 
inter  anastasim  ac  martyrium,  locus  est  dominicae 
passionis ;  in  quo  etiam  rupes  apparet  quae 
quondam  ipsam,  afifixo  Domini  corpore,  crucem 
pertulit.  Atque  haec  tum  extra  montem  Sion 
posita  cernuntur,  quo  se  ad  aquilonem  deficiens 
loci  tumor  porrigit.     Templum  vero  in  inferiori 


SEPULCHRE,  THE  HOLY 

parte  urbis  in  vicinia  muri  ab  oriente  locatum 
magnificeque  coustructum  quondam  miraculum 
fuit .... 

"  Ab  ea  fronte  mentis  Sion,  quae  praerupta 
rupe  orientalem  plagam  spectat,  infra  muros 
atque  e  radicibus  collis  fons  Siloa  prorumpit." 

VII.  Theodori  Liber  de  situ  Terrae  Sanctae 
(sixth  century)  : — 

"  In  medio  civitatis  est  basilica.  A  parte 
occidentis  intras  in  sanctam  resurrectionem  ubi 
est  sepulcrum  Domini  nostri  lesu  Christi.  Et 
est  ibi  mons  Calvariae  ad  quem  montem  per 
gradus  callis  est.  Ibi  Dominus  crucifixus  est  et 
ibi  est  altare  grande ;  sub  uno  tecto  est.  De 
Sepulcro  Domine  usque  in  Calvariae  locum  sunt 
passus  numero  XV.  ...  De  Calvariae  loco 
usque  in  Golgotham  passus  sunt  numero  XV.  .  .  . 
De  Golgotha  usque  in  Sanctam  Sion  passus 
numero  CC,  quae  est  mater  omnium  ecclesi- 
arum.  .  .  .  De  Sancta  Sion  ad  domum  Caiaphae 
quae  est  modo  ecclesia  Sancta  Petri  sunt  plus 
minus  passus  numero  L.  De  domo  Caiaphae  ad 
praetorium  Pilati  plus  minus  passus  numero  C. 
Ibi  est  ecclesia  sanctae  Sophiae." 

Let  us  pause  here  to  consider  the  position  of 
Zion.  It  seems  impossible  to  avoid  the  con- 
clusion that  all  are  agreed  in  describing  as  Zion 
the  western  hill.  It  is  only  on  that  supposition 
that  the  Bordeaux  Pilgrim  can  be  understood 
at  all.  Paula  goes  from  the  Church  of  the 
Sepulchre  to  ascend  Zion,  a  phrase  which  has  no 
meaning  at  all  if  Zion  were  the  eastern  hill  and 
the  Church  of  the  Sepulchre  built  on  the  top  of 
it.  Eucherius  speaks  of  the  city  lying  below 
Zion,  which  can  only  be  said  of  the  higher  hill, 
that  on  the  west ;  and  Theodoras  places  the 
basilica  in  the  middle  of  the  city,  a  statement 
which  would  never  have  been  made  of  the  Dome 
of  the  Rock.  Again,  there  is  nothing,  as  Lieut. 
Conder  has  remarked,  in  the  Haram  to  corre- 
spond to  the  Golgotha  of  Theodoras,  which  was 
reached  by  steps. 

VIII.  Antoninus  Placentinus  undertook  his 
journey  at  a  date  which  is  uncertain.  It  was, 
however,  some  time  between  Justinian  and  the 
Persian  conquest.  Very  little  reliance  is  to  be 
placed  on  the  statements  or  measurements  of 
this  traveller.  He  corroborates,  however,  the 
statement  that  the  sepulchre  was  cut  out  of  the 
rock : — 

"  Ingressi  sumus  in  sanctam  civitatem,  in 
qua  adoravimus  Domini  monumentum  .  .  . 
Ipsum  monumentum  in  quo  corpus  Domini 
positum  fuit,  in  naturalem  excisum  est  j^etram. 
Lucernae  hydria  quae  illo  tempore  ad  caput  ejus 
posita  fuerat  ibidem  ardet  diu  noctuque  :  .  .  . 
Lapis  vero  unde  clausum  fuit  monumentum 
ipsum  est  ante  illud  monumentum." 

IX.  On  the  conquest  of  Jerusalem  by  Chosroes 
11.  in  614,  the  whole  of  the  buildings  were 
entirely  destroyed,  but  rebuilt  in  630. 

The  authorities  for  this  statement  are  con- 
temporary with  the  event.  The  Chronicon 
Paschale,  Modestus  (de  Persicd  Captivitate),  and 
Antiochus  the  monk — all  three  contemporary 
authorities  —  describe  the  destruction  and  the 
rebuilding  of  the  church.  The  last-named 
writes :  "  Modestus  .  .  .  templa  Salvatoris 
nostri  quae  quidem  barbarico  igne  conflagrarunt 
in  sublime  erigit  omni  prorsus  digna  venera- 
tione,  puta  aedes  sanctae  Calvariae  ac  sanctae 
Eesurrectionis :    domum  insuper   dignam    omni 


SEPULCHRE,  THE  HOLY    1883 

honore  venerandae  Crucis,  quae  mater  ecclesi- 
arum  est." 

There  seems  to  be  little  reason  for  doubting  that 
this  account  is  true.  A  statement  supported  by 
three  contemporary  independent  authorities,  and 
followed  by  all  subsequent  historians,  has  a 
strong  groundwork  of  probability.  Add  to  this 
the  undoubtedly  savage  character  of  the  Persian 
conquest,  and  the  general  consent  that  his  camp 
followers  were  guilty  of  horrible  atrocities. 
Add,  too,  the  diflerence  between  the  buildings 
described  by  Eusebius  and  the  Bordeaux  Pilgrim, 
and  the  churches  described  by  Arculf,  and  there 
seems  to  be  no  room  whatever  for  any  doubt. 
The  buildings  of  Constantine  form  a  symmetrical 
and  artistically-constructed  whole.  There  was 
the  sepulchre  surrounded  with  pillars,  and  roof- 
less. There  was  the  open  space,  the  atrium, 
and  the  market-place.  In  the  buildings  of  the 
next  period,  as  described  by  Arculf,  Willibald, 
Eutychius,  and  other  writers,  there  are  three 
churches  (not  counting  the  small  church  of 
St.  Mary),  separate,  without  architectural  con- 
nexion. 

X.  [circa  a.d.  680.]  We   proceed  to  the  ac- 
count  of  Arculf.     It  was  taken  down  from  his 
own  lips  by  Adamnanus,  abbot  of  Columba  in  lona. 
The  date  of  the  journey  of  Arculf  cannot  be 
determined ;  no  one  knows  where  he  lived,  or  of 
what  see  he  was  bishop.     He  is  made  by  Adam- 
nanus to  speak  of  "  Majuvias,  Saracenorum  rex, 
qui  nostra  aetate   fuit."       Now  Moawiyah,    the 
first  khalif  of  the  Ommiades,  reigned  from  661- 
679.  Mr.  Wright  thinks  that  the  visit  of  Arculf 
to    Jerusalem    took    place    not    long  after  that 
sovereign's  death.     If  the  conjecture  be  correct, 
he  visited  the  town  ten  years  before  the  reputed 
building  by   Abd-el-Melek  of  the  Dome   of  the 
Rock.     "  On  the  spot  where  the  Temple  once 
stood,  near  the  eastern  wall,  the  Sai-acens  have 
erected  a  square  house  of  prayer,   in  a  rough 
manner,  by  raising  beams  and  planks  upon  some 
remains  of  old  ruins  ;  this  is  their  place  of  wor- 
ship, and  it  will  hold  about  3000  men.  .  .  .  The 
church  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre  is  very  large  and 
round,  encompassed  with    three   walls,   with  a 
broad  space  between  each,  and  containing  three 
altars  of  wonderful  workmanship,  in  the  middle 
wall  at  three  separate  points :  on  the  south,  the 
north,  and  the  west.     It  is  supported  by  twelve 
stone   columns  of  extraordinary  workmanship  ; 
and   it   has    eight   doors   or  entrances   through 
the  opposite  walls,  four  fronting  the  north-east, 
four  the  south-east.     In  the  middle  space  of  the 
inner  circle  of  the   house  is  a  round  chamber, 
cut  out  of  a  single  piece  of  rock,  within  which 
nine  men  can  pray  standing,  and  the  roof  of  which 
is  about  a  foot  and  a  half  higher  than  a  man  of 
ordinary  stature.  .  .  .  Within,  on  the  north  side, 
is  the  tomb  of  our  Lord,  hewn  out  of  the  same 
rock,  7   feet   in  length,  and  rising   three  palms 
above  the  floor."  These  measurements  were  taken 
by  Arculf  with  his  own   hand.     "  The  tomb  is 
broad  enough  to  hold  one  man  lying  on  his  back, 
and  has  a  raised  division  in  the  stone  to  separate 
the  legs.  The  entrance  "  (i.e.  of  the  loculus)  "  is 
in  the  south  side,  and  there  are   twelve  lamps 
burning  day  and  night,  according  to  the  number 

of  the  "^twelve   apostles Internally,    the 

stone  of  the  rock  remains  in  its  original 
state,  and  still  exhibits  the  marks  of  the  work- 
men's   tools:    its  colour   is   not    uniform,   but 


1884    SErULCHKE,  THE  HOLY 

appears  to  be  a  mixture  of  white  and  red."  He 
goes  on  to  describe  the  other  churches  which 
then  formed  the  group — the  square  church  of  the 
Virgin  Mary,  and  to  the  east  the  large  church 
built  on  the  site  of  Golgotha.  "  Under  the  place 
of  the  cross  a  cave  is  hewn  in  the  rock,  in  which 
sacrifice  is  offered  on  an  altar."  If  that  is  true, 
what  has  become  of  the  cave,  and  how  could  a 
cave  be  cut  in  the  rock  east  of  the  platform  in 
the  Haram  esh-Shereef,  where  the  ground  has 
a  slope  of  one  in  six?  Adjoining  the  church  of 
Golgotha  to  the  east  again  was  the  basilica  of 
Constantino — the  Martyrion.  Between  the  Ana- 
stasis  and  the  Martyrion  Arculf  speaks  of  an  open 
space,  doubtless  that  described  by  Eusebius. 

This  description,  with  the  rude  plan  which 
accompanies  it,  is  evidently  one  extracted,  so  to 
speak,  by  numberless  eager  questions.  Adam- 
nanus  wished  above  all  things  to  form  a  clear 
idea  in  his  own  mind  of  the  most  holy  of  holy 
places. 

XI.  [a.d.  690.]  The  Dome  of  the  Rock,  which 
is  according  to  Mr.  Fergusson's  theory  Constan- 
tine's  erection,  over  the  Holy  Sepulchre  was  built, 
according  to  Arabic  historians,  in  this  year  by 
Abd-el-Melek.  Three  Arabic  writers — Jelal-ed- 
Din,  Kemel-ed-Din,  and  Mejr-ed-I)in — agree  in 
describing  the  erection  by  the  Khalif.  Prof. 
E.  H.  Palmer  has  given  a  full  account  from 
these  sources  in  his  History  of  Jerusalem  (p.  79 
et  seq.).  Eutychius,  himself  of  Arab  extraction, 
also  ascribes  the  Dome  to  Abd-el-Melek. 

XII.  [a.d.  800.]  The  church  of  the  Holy  Se- 
pulchre was  given  by  Haroun-al-Raschid  to 
Charlemagne. 

XIII.  [A.D.  765.]  After  the  death  of  St.  Willi- 
bald,  who  visited  Jerusalem  four  times,  the  last 
about  the  year  765,  a  description  of  the  sacred 
places  was  written  by  his  biographer,  apparently 
from  his  own  narrative.  It  is  found  in  the  Acta 
Sanctorum,  and  is  quoted  by  Mr.  Fergusson, 
Canon  Williams,  and  Professor  Willis.  As  in 
the  case  of  the  Bordeaux  Pilgrim,  the  words 
have  been  used  by  controversialists  to  support 
opposite  views :  "  Et  inde  venit  ad  Hierusalem 
in  ilium  locum  ubi  inventa  fuerat  sancta  crux 
Domini.  Ibi  nunc  est  ecclesia  in  illo  loco  qui 
dicitur  Calvariae  locus  :  et  haec  fuit  prius  extra 
Hierusalem  ;  sed  Helena  quando  invenit  crucem, 
collocavit  ilium  locum  intus  intra  Hierusalem. 

"  Et  ibi  stant  nunc  tres  cruces  ligneae  foris  in 
orientali  plaga  ecclesiae,  secus  parietem,  ad  memo- 
riam  sanctae  crucis  domiuicae  et  aliorum  qui  cum 
eo  crucifixi  erant.  Illae  non  sunt  nunc  in  ecclesia 
sed  foris  stant  sub  tecto  extra  ecclesiam :  et  ibi 
secus  est  ille  hortus  in  quo  fuit  sepulcrum  Salva- 
teris.  Illud  sepulcrum  fuerat  in  petra  excisum, 
et  ilia  petra  stat  super  terram  et  est  quadrans  in 
uno  et  in  summo  subtilis. 

"  Et  stat  nunc  in  summitate  illius  sepulchri 
crux  et  ibi  supra  nunc  aedificata  est  mirabilis 
domus  et  in  orientali  plaga  in  ilia  petra  sepul- 
chri est  ostium  factum  per  quod  intrant 
homines  in  sepulchrum  orare.  Et  ibi  est  intus 
lectus,  ubi  corpus  Domini  jacebat  ....  Ille 
lectus  in  quo  corpus  Domini  jacebat  stat  in 
latere  aquilonis  intus  in  petra  sepulchri  et 
homini  est  in  dextra  manu  quando  intrat  in 
sepulchrum  orare.  Et  ibi  ante  januam  sepulchri 
jacet  ille  lapis  magnus  quadrans  in  similitudine 
prioris  lapidis  quern  angelus  revolrit  ab  ostio 
monument!." 


SEPULCHRE,  THE  HOLY 

XIV.  About  the  year  870  the  monk  Bernhard 
visited  Jerusalem.  The  following  is  his  account 
of  the  second  group  of  buildings : — 

"  Recepti  sumus  in  hospitale  gloriosissimi 
imperatoris  Caroli,  in  quo  suscipiuntur  omnes 
qui  causa  devotionis  ilium  adeunt  locum  lingua 
loquentes  Romana ;  cui  adjacet  ecclesia  in 
honore  sanctae  Mariae,  nobilissimam  habens 
bibliothecam  studio  praedicti  imperatoris,  cum 
xii.  mansionibus,  agris  vineis,  et  horto  in  valle 
Josaphat.  Intra  banc  civitatem,  exceptis  aliis 
ccclesiis,  quatuor  eminent  ecclesiae  mutuis  sibi- 
met  parietibus  cohaerentes,  una  videlicet  ad 
orientem,  quae  habet  montem  Calvariae  et  locum 
in  quo  reperta  fuit  crux  Domini  et  vocatur  basi- 
lica Constantini  ;  alia  ad  meridiem  :  tertia  ad 
occidentem,  in  cujus  medio  est  sepulcrum  Do- 
mini, habens  i.v.  columnas  in  circuitu  sui  inter 
quas  cousistunt  paiietes  ex  optimis  lapidibus  ;  ex 
quibus  ix.  columnis  iv.  sunt  ante  faciem  ipsius 
monumenti  quae  cum  suis  parietibus  claudunt 
lapidem  coram  sepulchre  positum,  quern  angelus 
revolvit  et  super  quem  sedit  post  peractam 
Domini  resurrectionem.  De  hoc  sepulchre  non 
est  necesse  plura  scribere  cum  dicat  Beda  in 
historia  anglorum  sua  sufticientia  .  .  .  Inter 
praedictas  igitur  iv.  ecclesias  est  paradisus  sine 
tecto,  cujus  parietes  auro  radiant ;  pavimentum 
vero  lapide  struitur  pretiosissimo  habens  in 
medio  sui  confinium  iv.  catenarum  quae  veniunt 
a  praedictis  quatuor  ecclesiis  in  quo  dicitur 
medius  esse  mundus." 

XV.  In  the  year  1010  the  group  of  churches 
were  all  destroyed  by  order  of  the  Khalif 
Hakeem.  Of  this  fact  there  seems  to  be  no 
doubt  possible.  It  is  attested  by  the  following 
writers : — Raoul  the  Bald,  Lib.  HI.  chap.  vii. ; 
Ademar;  Guide;  William  of  Tyre;  Abulfara- 
gius ;  Makrizi ;  and  it  is  acknowledged  by  Re- 
naudot.  Hist.  Patriarchanmi  Alexandrinorum,  and 
by  De  Sacy  in  his  Life  of  the  Caliph  Hahem 
Biamr  Allah.  The  churches,  it  is  stated,  were 
destroyed  as  completely  as  by  Chosroes.  It  is 
related  that  the  sepulchre  itself  was  not  spared 
— perhaps  they  broke  the  ujjper  portion  of  the 
rock. 

Scarcely  had  the  buildings  been  destroyed 
than  the  capricious  despot  gave  orders  for 
them  to  be  reconstructed.  "  Tunc,"  says  Raoul, 
"  de  universe  terrarum  orbe  incredibilis 
hominum  multitude  exultanter  Hierosolymam 
pergentes,  domui  Dei  restaurandae  plurima  detu- 
lerunt  munera."  By  the  help  of  the  emperor 
Romanus  Argyros  and  his  successor  and  the 
offerings  of  pilgrims,  the  churches  were  rebuilt 
in  1048. 

XVI.  [a.d.  1102.]  It  is  hardly  necessary  to 
quote  the  long  account  given  by  Saewulf  of  the 
buildings  as  they  were  before  the  magnificent 
alterations  made  by  the  Crusaders.  It  is, 
however,  most  valuable  in  shewing  what  the 
buildings  of  the  third  period  were — a  circular 
church,  with  a  group  of  chiirches  and  chapels 
round  it.  The  description  may  be  read  in  Prof. 
Willis's  paper  on  the  church  (Williams's  Holy 
City,  vol.  ii.  p.  270). 

No  one  has  doubted,  or  ever  will  doubt,  that 
the  group  of  buildings  described  by  Saewulf 
occupied  the  same  site  as  that  now  covered  by 
the  modern  church  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre. 
What  follows,  therefore,  has  no  tojKigraphical 
importance,  but  affects  the  question  whether  the 


SEPULCHRE,  THE  HOLY 

present  sepulchre  is  cut  in    the  rock  or  built 
up. 

XVII.  [a.d.  1125.]  The  Russian  abbot  Daniel 
writes  that  the  rock  was,  wlieu  he  visited  it, 
between  thirty  and  forty  years  after  the  occupa- 
tion by  the  Crusaders,  cased  in  marble,  with 
three  circular  openings  in  the  front  by  which 
the  stone  might  be  touched  and  kissed. 

XVIII.  [a.d.  1185.]  Phocas  says  that  the  se- 
pulchre was  divided  into  two  parts,  in  one  of  which 
was  a  polished  stone  raised  a  cubit,  on  which  was 
laid  the  Giver  of  Life ;  and  a  writer  of  1187,  just 
before  Jerusalem  was  recovered  by  the  Saracens, 
says  that  within  the  monument  was  the  rock  of 
the  sepulchre.  Travellers  in  1211,  1322,  and 
1356  confirm  the  casing  with  marble  and  the 
three  small  holes  in  the  southern  side,  by  which 
the  faithful  could  kiss  and  touch  the  rock.  In 
the  year  1480  Fabri  resolved  on  examining  the 
monument  carefully  to  see  whether  any  portion 
of  rock  remained  :  he  found  the  wall  "in  which 
the  little  door  to  the  sepulchre  is  formed,  to 
he  a  naked  rock  in  one  piece,  without  joints,  still 
shewing  the  marks  of  tools, — "  adhibito  lumine 
petraeam  parietem  vidi,  non  quadris  compo- 
sitam,  sed  integram,  in  qua  instrumentorum 
ferreorum  signa  manifeste  apparent."  He  con- 
cludes from  this  and  other  indications  that  the 
Holy  Sepulchre  had  been  destroyed,  but  not 
altogether  ;  that  it  had  been  subsequently  re- 
paired and  covered  with  marble,  to  prevent 
pilgrims  from  knocking  off  little  bits  as  relics. 

XIX.  [a.d.  1555.]  Bonifacius,  then  prefect  of 
the  council  of  St.  Francis  in  Jerusalem,  superin- 
tended extensive  repairs  in  the  church,  during 
which  he  removed  one  of  the  alabaster  slabs 
with  which  the  Holy  Sepulchre  was  covered  and 
exposed  the  very  tomb  itself;  and  shortly  after 
he  discovered  near  Jerusalem,  among  the  rock- 
cut  tombs,  one  exactly  resembling  that  of  the 
Holy  Sepulchre. 

XX.  Among  the  many  scattered  notices  of 
the  church  and  the  temple  area  which  have 
been  carefully  collected  by  the  Eev.  George 
AVilliams  for  his  Holy  City,  we  find  a  few  indica- 
tions of  importance.  Thus,  when  Julian's  work- 
men were  driven  from  their  work  by  the 
'•  globes  of  fire,"  Sozomen  says  they  took 
refuge  els  rh  Up6f.  What  was  this  hpov  ? 
Was  it  the  acdes  ijjsa  mentioned  by  the  Bor- 
deaux Pilgrim  ubi  Templum  fait  quod  Salomon 
aedificavit  i  Paschasius  Radbertus,  speaking 
from  information  given  him  by  pilgrims,  says 
that  the  monument  (a.d.  848)  was  cut  in  rock  ; 
that  it  was  all  one  stone,  not  many  ;  and  that 
a  man  could  hardly  reach  to  touch  the  roof. 
Eutychius  (Sai'd  ibn  Batrik)  speaks  of  great 
damage  done  to  the  churches  in  the  year  936 
by  the  Moslems :  "  ecclesiae  Constantini  portas 
australes  incendunt  nee  non  dimidium  portions 
anno  trecentesimo  vicesimo  quinto  (a.  n.)  .  .  . 
Cranii  locum  cum  (templo)  Resurrectionis  vasta- 
verunt."  This  is  the  last  fact  recorded  in  his 
annals,  and  one  can  hardly  suppose  it  to  have 
been  entirely  without  foundation.  In  1130 
the  Russian  abbot  Daniel,  as  we  have  already 
seen,  states  that  the  rock  was  cased  in  marble, 
but  had  three  circular  openings  in  the  front, 
through  which  it  might  be  touched  and  kissed. 
William  of  Baldensel  (a.d.  1336)  was  the  first 
to  express  a  doubt  whether  the  tomb  had  not 
been  built    up.     "  Illud  vero    advertendum  est 


SEPULCHRE,  THE  HOLY      1885 

quod  monumentum  ...  non  est  illud  in  quo 
corpus  Christi  sacratissimum  examine  primitus 
est  immissum  :  quia  sacro  attestante  eloquio 
monumentum  Christi  erat  excisum  in  petra 
viva.  Illud  vero,  ex  petris  pluribus  est  compo- 
situm  de  novo  conglutinato  cremento  minus 
artificialiter  et,  minus  quam  deceat,  ordinate." 

XXI.  In  the  above  catena  of  evidence  we 
have  included  everything  that  seems  of  real 
importance.  There  are  many  other  and  later 
accounts  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre — that  in  the 
Norman  French,  "La  Citez  de  Jherusalem," 
which  may  be  found  in  Williams's  Holy  City  ; 
those  of  the  Innominati  and  others  in  Tobler's 
volume,  Palaestinae  Dcscriptioncs.  But  they 
appear  to  add  no  new  facts  to  help  in  the  solu- 
tion of  the  question. 

Let  us  sum  up  the  evidence. 
It  would  appear,  therefore,  that  Constantine 
(see    his    letter)    thought    the    site    had   been 
entirely    unknown,     but     that,     according     to 
Eusebius,   the  memory  had  been  preserved,  in 
spite    of    the    "  attempts    of    impious    men ; " 
that    the    emperor     adorned     the    tomb    with 
pillars,    and    built    a    basilica    at    some    little 
distance    from    it,    leaving   the   space    between 
open  and  decorated  with  columns  ;  that,  accord- 
ing  to   the   Onomasticon,  Golgotha   is   north  of 
Zion  ;  that  according  to  the  Bordeaux  Pilgrim, 
he  who  would  go  to  Zion  from  the  Temple  must 
ascend  in  order  to  get  there, — in  which  state- 
ment he  is  supported  by  Paula — also  that  if  he 
would  go  outside  the  town  from  Zion  to   the 
Neapolitan  gate,   i.e.   the    gate    which  leads  to 
Neapolis  (Nablus),  the  Praetorium  of  Pilate  is 
on  the  right,  deorsum  in  valle ;  that  all  writers 
alike,  from    Cyril,    an   eye-witness    in    326,    to 
Father  Fabri,  an  eye-witness  in  1480,  declare  that 
the  tomb  is  cut  in  the  rock  ;  that  there  is  room 
in  the   sepulchre    for   nine    men   standing — not 
kneeling — the    are-     of  the   present   sepulchre 
available  for  standing  is  from  20  to  26  square 
feet,  just    enough   for  that    number ;    that  the 
height  is  such  as  a  man  can  hardly  reach  with 
his  fingers — it  is  from  7    to  8  feet ;    that  the 
churches  were  destroyed  in  614  and  i-ebuilt,  pro- 
bably much  after  the   same   plan  in  630  ;  that 
according   to   a    doubtful    authority    (Cedrenus, 
who  has  not   been  quoted  above)  the  churches 
were   burned  at    the   time   when   the   emperor 
Nicephorus    II.    took    Damascus    and    recovered 
Northern  Syria ;    that   in   1010  not  only  were 
the    churches  overthrown   but  also   the   sepul- 
chre was  partially  destroyed,  by  order  of   the 
Khalif  Hakeem  ;    that    considerable    alterations 
were  made  by  the   Latin  conquerors  ;  and  that 
from    the    conquest    of     Saladin,    despite    the 
destruction  of  the  sculptured  columns  before  the 
sepulchre     by    the    Charezmians    in    1244,    no 
great  change  was   made   in  the   church  till  the 
fire  of  1808  necessitated  a  rebuilding  from   the 
old   foundations.     Professor   Willis   has  pointed 
out  that  these  accounts  of  repeated  demolitions, 
burnings,  and  reconstructions,  should  be  received 
with    certain    deductions.      When    an    immense 
building  or  group  of  buildings  is  destroyed,  it  is 
done    generally   by  the    hands    of  hurried   con- 
querors.    The  foundations  remain,  with  some  of 
the  walls,  as  may  be   witnessed   to   this   day  on 
the  eastern  side  of  the  Tyropaeon  valley,  where 
stand   the  stones  of  Herod's  Temple,  known  as 
the  Jews'  Wailing  Place,    it  would  be  interesting 


1886    SEPULCHKE,  THE  HOLY 

indeed  to  know  what  portions,  if  any,  of  the  pre- 
sent chui-ch  belong  to  the  first,  second,  or  third 
group  ;  to  trace,  as  far  as  possible,  the  remains 
of  the  buildings  described  by  Saewulf ;  to  ascer- 
tain what  are  left  of  the  reconstructions  of 
Modestus  ;  to  establish  how  much  is  left  of  the 
Crusaders'  church  ;  and,  if  possible,  to  find  what 
belongs  to  the  churches  destroyed  by  Hakeem. 
This  has,  been  attempted  by  the  count  de  Vogiie 
in  the  Eglises  de  la  lerre  Sainte. 

XXII.  So  far  then,  from  Constantine  down- 
wards, the  history  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre  has 
appeared  to  most  students  a  clear  and  continuous 
record  of  events  which,  exaggerated  perhaps  by 
the  imaginary  terrors  of  eye  -  witnesses  and 
the  zeal  of  historians,  were  really  enacted 
around  the  site  where  now  stands  the  traditional 
Holy  Sepulchre.  But  in  1847  objections  of  an 
entirely  novel  kind  were  raised  by  Mr.  James 
Fergusson,  whose  reputation  as  a  student  of 
architecture  at  once  commanded  a  respectful  hear- 
ing. He  declared,  on  an  examination  (1)  of  the 
drawings,  sections,  and  plans  prepared  by  Messrs. 
Bonomi  and  Catherwood,  and  (2)  after  a  personal 
visit  to  Jerusalem,  that  the  Dome  of  the  Rock, 
which  he  called  the  Masjid  or  Mosque  of  Omar, 
could  not  have  been  built  by  Abd-el-Melek  in 
the  7th  century  ;  that  not  only  the  Arabs  could 
not  have  erected  such  a  building,  but  that  no 
Christian  architects  of  the  period  could  have 
designed  it ;  that,  finally,  it  belongs,  and  can 
only  belong,  to  the  time  of  Constantine. 

If  of  that  time,  then  why  have  we  no  account 
of  it  ?  And  what  else  can  this  splendid  and 
richly  ornamented  erection  be,  but  the  struc- 
ture placed  up  by  the  emperor's  command  around 
and  over  our  Lord's  place  of  sepulture  ? 

This  revolutionary  theory  necessitated  many 
others :  that  the  cave  under  the  dome  is  our 
Lord's  sepulchre  ;  that  Zion  was  also  the  Temple 
mount ;  that  the  Temple  was  in  the  S.W.  angle 
of  the  Haram ;  that  the  eastern  wall  was  built 
by  Agrippa  after  the  Crucifixion  ;  that  the  second 
wall  might  run  without  the  present  church  ; 
that  the  northern  part  of  the  Haram  area  was  a 
place  of  tombs,  with  other  consequences. 

Many  solutions  have  been  proposed  to  meet 
the  difficulties  of  this  theory,  first  started  by 
Mr.  Fergusson,  but  they  have  never  yet  been 
answered  with  such  fulness  as  to  convince  him 
or  his  followers.  Mr.  Lewin  (Siege  of  Jerusalem, 
p.  145)  suggested  that,  when  they  wanted  to 
build  the  Dome,  the  Arabs  brought  over  as 
many  pillars  and  other  ornaments  as  they  re- 
quired from  the  church  of  Constantine  over  the 
Holy  Sepulchre,  on  the  opposite  hill. 

The  count  de  Vogiie  pronounced  the  building  to 
be  Byzantine  in  character,  the  work  of  Christian 
artists  ( Temple  de  Jerusalem,  p.  82)  :  "  La  dis- 
position de  I'edifice,  prise  dans  son  ensemble,  est 
toute  byzantine :  un  sifecle  avant  I'hegire,  les 
architectes  byzantins  batissaient  des  Eglises 
polygonales  ou  rondes,  telles  que  celles  de  Bostra 
et  d'Ezra,  edifices  datds  du  sixieme  siecle,  qui 
se  rattachent  eux-memes  par  les  eglises  Con- 
stantiniennes  d'Antioche,  de  Saint-Constance  de 
Eome,  aux  temples  circulaires  de  I'antiquite.  Sous 
Abd-el-Melek,  les  Arabes  n'avaient  pas  d'art  qui 
leur  fut  propre :  ou  du  moins,  s'ils  avaient  des 
tendances  speciales,  un  goiit  particulier  pour  telle 
forme  ou  tel  motif  de  decoration,  ils  n'avaient  ni 
^coles  ni  artistes  de  profession,  et  surtout  ils 


SEPULCHRE,  THE  HOLY 

n'avaient  pas  d'ouvriers  en  etat  de  mener  a  bonne 
fin  une  grande  construction :  il  serait  injuste  de 
dire  qu'ils  n'avaient  aucune  notion  de  I'art  de 
batir,  puisque  les  villes  du  centre  de  I'Arabie 
sont  construites  en  ma^onnerie  de  pierre  et  de 
bois,  et  certainement  ces  constructions,  sur  les- 
quelles  nous  manquons  absolument  de  renseigne- 
ments  precis,  devaient  par  quelque  c6t6  avoir 
leur  originalitd  :  mais  a  Jerusalem,  en  Syrie,  en 
Egypte,  dans  les  pays  riicemment  sourais  a  leur 
domination,  ils  n'avaient  que  des  soldats  et  des 
fonctionnaires  :  pour  batir  les  nouveaux  monu- 
ments de  leur  culte,  ils  durent  s'adresser  aux 
vaincus,  a  la  population  indigene  qu'ils  avaient 
convertie  en  force,  mais  non  changiie  ni  ddplacde. 
Souvent  meme  ils  fireut  venir  du  dehors  les 
artistes  que  le  pays  ne  pouvait  pas  leur  fournir : 
la  grande  mosquee  de  Damas  fut  decoree  par  des 
mosaistes    que    le    Khalife    Al-Walid   demanda 

directement    il  I'empereur   d'Orient Les 

renseignements  historiques  manquent  sur  la  na- 
tionality des  architectes  du  Qoubbet  es  Sakhrah, 
mais  le  style  du  monument  est  un  guide  au 
moins  aussi  sur  que  les  chroniques  arabes  et  ne 
laisse  aucun  doute  sur  le  caractere  byzantin  de 
r<5difice.  Mais  quoique  byzantin  par  le  style,  il 
n'a  rien  de  chrtitien :  le  trait  i  principal  qui  le 
distingue  des  dglises  que  lui  ont  servi  de  modele 

est  I'absence  d'abside L'abside  est  le  signe 

distinctif  des  eglises  primitives,  et  son  absence 
ici  prouve  que  les  architectes  du  Qoubbet  es 
Sakhrah,  dont  en  batissant  suivant  les  habitudes 
byzantins,  surent  donner  au  monument  le  carac- 
tere musulman." 

XXIII.  But  if  the  architectural  argument  of 
Mr.  Fergusson,  to  shew  that  the  Dome  of  the 
Rock  is  the  work  of  Constantine,  has  never  been 
disproved  to  the  satisfaction  of  his  followers,  it 
must  be  also  acknowledged  that  the  objections 
to  the  corollary  to  the  theory,  that  it  is  the 
monument  raised  by  the  emperor  over  the  Holy 
Sepulchre,  have  also  never  been  satisfactorily 
answered. 

They  are,  as  may  be  gathered  from  the  fore- 
going historical  evidence,  briefly  as  follows: — 

1.  Constantine  built  no  dome  or  church  at  all 
over  the  sepulchre.  He  simply  ornamented  it 
with  columns. 

2.  It  appears  certain  from  the  Bordeaux  Pil- 
grim and  others  that  the  Zion  of  the  4th  century 
was  on  that  part  of  the  city  where  it  is  now 
placed. 

3.  From  the  Onomasticon  it  is  also  certain 
that  Golgotha  was  on  the  north  of  Zion. 

4.  Cyril  says  that  the  tomb  had  a  vestibule, 
"  as  is  customary  here  in  the  front  of  sepulchres." 
What  sign  of  a  vestibule  can  be  found  to  the  cave 
of  the  dome  ? 

5.  There  was  room  for  only  nine  men  to  pray, 
standing.     This  exactly  fits  the  present  tomb. 

6.  Paula,  after  leaving  the  church,  had  to 
ascend  in  order  to  get  to  Zion.  How  can  one 
ascend  from  the  Dome  of  the  Rock,  which  is  on 
the  top  of  the  hill  ? 

7.  How  far  is  the  theory  that  the  church  is 
that  built  by  Constantine — even  making  all  al- 
lowances for  damages  at  various  times,  repairs, 
and  additions — compatible  with  the  two  complete 
destructions  by  Chosroes  and  Hakem  ? 

8.  The  time  assigned  to  the  proposed  trans- 
ference of  the  old  to  the  present  site,  th.it  of  the 
wars  between  Nicephorus  II.  and  the  Khalif  Muez, 


SEPULCHRE,  THE  HOLY 

is  that  when  the  passion  for  pilgrimages  was 
the  strongest,  and  the  tide  of  pilgrims  the  most 
continuous.  Can  we  believe,  then,  that  a  vast 
conspiracy — including  bishops,  priests,  monks, 
pilgrims,  and  those  who  came  and  went  each 
week — should  have  succeeded  in  transferring 
at  one  coup  the  whole  of  the  sites,  real  and 
legendary,  from  one  part  of  the  city  to  another  ; 
that  the  conspiracy  was  joined  in  by  all  new 
comers  while  the  churches  were  in  process  of 
erection  ;  and  that  of  all  the  hundreds  necessarily 
engaged  in  this  forgery,  not  a  single  one  went 
home  and  told  the  tale,  not  one  was  found  to 
write  it  ?  Nor  was  it  only  the  pilgrims  who 
would  be  pressed  into  complicity  with  the  plot. 
There  were  the  merchants  who  flocked  every  Sep- 
tember to  the  great  fair  of  Jerusalem — regular 
traders,  who  came  year  after  year  and  knew  the 
city,  from  Byzantium,  Genoa,  Venice,  London, 
Marseilles,  to  buy  spices,  sugar,  silks,  and  rich 
stuffs.  These  would  have  to  join  in  the  plot, 
and  might  perhaps  have  done  so,  being  friends 
and  brother  Christians.  But  for  the  last 
thirty  years  of  the  century,  Jerusalem  was  sub- 
stituted for  Mecca,  and  an  immense  number  of 
Moslem  pilgrims  poured  yearly  into  the  Holy  City. 
Was  it  likely  that  not  one  of  these  merchants, 
admitting  their  complicity,  should  carry  home 
the  tale  ?  that  not  a  single  hostile  Jew — Jeru- 
salem was  full  of  Jews,  carrying  on  a  rich  trade 
in  dyeing  stuffs — should  seize  the  opportunity  of 
a  scoff  at  the  Christian  ?  and  that  not  one  Moham- 
medan writer  should  tell  how  the  worshippers  of 
the  Cross  had  combined  together  to  invent  a  lie  ? 
Such  a  conspiracy  may  have  been  successfully 
carried  through,  but  it  seems  most  improbable. 
Such  complicity  and  agreement  between  hostile 
fanatics  seems  impossible. 

9.  If  the  Dome  of  the  Rock  again  was  the 
Church  of  the  Sepulchre,  then,  for  300  years, 
we  must  suppose  the  Christians  and  the  Moslems 
entering  the  same  sacred  enclosure  side  by  side, 
as  friends,  for  prayer  and  worship.  Nothing 
has  ever  been  found  in  the  Haram  area  itself,  or 
in  any  book,  to  warrant  the  belief  of  a  wall  of 
separation  between  the  Mosque  el  Alka  and  the 
dome. 

10.  The  history  of  the  building  of  the  dome  by 
Abd-el-Melek  is  as  clear  and  precise  as  that  of 
the  building  of  St.  Paul's  by  Wren.  Three  Arab 
historians  relate  it  with  such  small  difference  as 
tend  to  shew  their  general  fidelity.  It  may  be 
urged  that  these  wrote  some  hundreds  of  years 
after  the  events.  That  is  true.  There  remains, 
however,  an  older  record.  In  the  building 
itself  a  long  Cufic  inscription  in  mosaic  runs 
round  the  colonnade.  "  In  the  name  of  God 
....  the  servant  of  God  "  (read  Abd-el-Melek), 
"  the  commander  of  the  faithful,  built  this  dome 
in  the  year  72  "  (a.D.  691). 

11.  Eutychius  (Annales,  ii.  289)  says  that  the 
Christians  had  built  no  church  "  within  the  area 
of  the  Temple,"  on  account  of  the  denunciations 
of  the  Lord,  and  had  left  it  in  ruins.  The  "  area 
of  the  Temple  "  in  the  10th  century  was  surely 
the  present  Haram  area. 

12.  Our  Lord's  tomb  was  rock-cut  (Luke  xxiii. 
53),  and  after  the  general  fashion  of  tombs 
in  Jerusalem.  What  resemblance  has  there  been 
found  between  the  cave  under  the  dome  and 
a  Jewish  tomb  ? 

13.  Lastly,  though  more  objections  might  be 


SEPULCHRE,  THE  HOLY      1887 

advanced,  consider  the  express  statement  of  the 
eye-witness  Cyril,  that  the  tomb  was  rock-cut, 
after  the  fashion  of  tombs  in  Jerusalem,  and  that 
it  had  a  vestibule.  Couple  with  this  the  fact 
that  it  had  room  for  only  nine  men  standing,  and 
that  there  was  in  it,  along  the  north  side,  a 
place  open  to  the  south,  three  palms  high,  large 
enough  for  the  body  of  a  man.  Now  the  cave 
under  the  dome  contains  more  than  500  square 
feet ;  it  may  possibly  be  rock-cut,  but  it  cer- 
tainly has  no  resemblance  to  a  Jewish  tomb ; 
there  is  no  vestibule,  and  no  appearance  of  there 
ever  having  been  any ;  thei-e  is  no  loculus, 
and  no  place  apparent  to  the  eye  where  there 
ever  could  have  been  one. 

These  objections  and  many  others  of  equal  and 
minor  importance  may  be  satisfactorily  disposed 
of,  but  at  present  they  remain  to  be  met.  And 
there  are  a  large  body  of  those  interested  in  the 
question,  who  are  content  to  accept  De  Vogiie's 
proposed  solution  of  the  architectural  difficulty  ; 
who  can  refer  all  the  accounts  of  pilgrims  with- 
out difficulty  to  the  present  site  ;  who  hold  that 
the  modern  site  is  that  spoken  of  by  Eusebius, 
Cyril,  and  the  unknown  pilgrim  from  Bordeaux, 
the  three  contemporary  witnesses. 

B.  The  next  question  is,  whether  the  site  is 
genuine  ?  Was  our  Lord  really  entombed  in  the 
place  now  shewn  to  visitors  and  pilgrims  ? 

I.  Historically  the  evidence  is  very  scanty. 
The  place  was  "  nigh  to  the  city  "  (John  xix. 

20)  ;  there  was  a  garden  in  the  place  where  He 
was  crucified  (John  xix.  41)  ;  the  sepulchre  was 
in  the  garden  (John  xix.  41)  ;  it  was  a  rock-cut 
tomb  (Luke  xxiii.  53  ;  Mark  xvi.  46  ;  Matt,  xxvii. 
60)  ;  it  was  "  without  the  gate  "  (Heb.  xiii.  12), 
that  is,  without  the  second  wall. 

There  is  no  other  direct  evidence  on  the  site 
of  the  tomb,  though  indications  may  be  found, 
by  the  light  of  which  theories  may  be  examined. 
Thus,  it  will  be  conceded  that  the  place  was  a 
frequented  spot,  or  at  least  so  near  the  city  that 
it  was  easily  accessible  by  the  crowds  who  went 
out  to  see  the  Crucifixion  ;  that  it  was  perhaps  so 
near  as  to  be  visible  from  the  Temple  wall  (John 
xix.  20,  21)  ;  that  it  was  probably  near  a  road 
leading  from  one  of  the  city  gates  (Mark  xv.  21)  ; 
and,  though  this  is  less  probable,  that  it  was 
near  the  Gennath  gate,  or  Gate  of  Gardens. 

II.  For  300  years  there  is  silence  as  regards  the 
sepulchre.  Early  in  the  3rd  century,  in  212, 
Alexander  goes  to  Jerusalem  to  see  "  the  holy 
places  "  generally.  Origen  speaks  of  the  cave 
at  Bethlehem  as  proof  of  our  Lord's  birth. 
Surely,  it  is  argued,  if  he  had  known  of  the 
sepulchre,  he  would  have  seen  in  that  stronger 
proof  still  of  the  Resurrection.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  is  assumed  that  he  knew  of  it,  but,  by 
reason  of  the  mound  of  earth  erected  purposely 
to  hide  it,  he  could  not  see  it. 

III.  In  the  absence  of  evidence  we  Ml  back  on 
theory.     There  are  two  lines  of  argument : 

1.  Those  who  do  not  believe  in  the  authenti- 
city of  the  site  contend  that  the  early  Christians 
took  no  care  to  preserve  the  memory  of  any 
sacred  place  ;  that  after  their  return  from  Pella 
they  found  Jerusalem  a  heap  of  ruins,  with  the 
tenth  legion  encamped  either  upon  or  close  to 
the  modern  site  (if  that  was  the  true  one),  a  fact 
which  by  itself  would  have  prevented  them  from 
visiting  it ;  that,  after  the  revolt  of  Barcochebas, 
the  Christians  were  confounded  by  the  Romans 


1888      SEPULCHRE,  THE  HOLY 

with  the  Jews,  chased  from  the  spot,  and  only 
tolerated  when  they  shewed  their  distinction  by 
electing  a  Gentile  bishop  ;  that  the  traditions  of 
the  past  vanished  with  the  Judaizing  or  Jewish 
Christians  ;  that  the  spot  chosen  for  the  church 
was  selected  from  some  vague  tradition  of  quite 
recent  growth,  from  some  fancied  resemblance  of 
ground,  from  some  remains  of  gardens,  or  even 
by  conscious  and  designed  imposture. 

2.  On  the  other  hand,  the  supporters  of  the 
tradition  point  out  the  improbability  that  such 
a  place  as  the  scone  of  the  Resurrection,  the 
stupendous  importance  of  which  has  ever  been 
present  to  all  Christian  teachers,  should  be  for- 
gotten by  those  on  the  spot.  They  argue  that 
the  Christians  must  have  returned  to  Jerusalem 
very  shortly  after  the  siege,  because  they  were 
able  to  elect  for  their  bishop,  in  the  place  of  the 
martyred  James,  Simeon,  son  of  Clopas,  brother 
of  our  Lord  ;  that  although  houses  and  walls 
may  be  destroyed,  streets  and  the  site  of  gates 
remain  to  mark  the  places  where  old  associa- 
tions cling  ;  that  the  tradition  is  unbroken  ;  that 
the  words  of  Eusebius  clearly  convey  the  fact 
that  the  site  was  known  to  all  Christians  in 
Jerusalem  ;  and  that  when  the  historian  speaks 
of  old  records  from  which  he  compiled  his  list 
of  the  early  bishops,  he  suggests  the  very  records 
which  preserve  the  memory  of  the  site. 

IV.  We  may  here  briefly  notice  the  theory, 
already  referred  to,  of  ilr.  Finlay.  It  is  this  : 
The  whole  of  the  vast  Roman  empire,  he  says, 
had  been  exactly  mapped  and  planned  by  the 
imperial  agrimensorcs,  under  Augustus^  On 
these  maps  everything  —  a  group  of  trees,  a 
garden,  a  vineyard,  or  a  field — was  accurately 
laid  down.  Of  course,  therefore,  Mr.  Finlay 
argues,  the  name  of  Golgotha  or  that  of  the 
tomb  of  Joseph  would  be  found,  and  all  Con- 
stantine  had  to  do  was  to  order  a  search  in  the 
survey  map  and  send  to  Jerusalem  word  where 
to  look  for  the  sepulchre. 

This  is  ingenious,  but  it  hardly  satisfies  oppo- 
nents of  tradition,  who  say  that  it  would  be 
absurd  to  expect  in  any  map  the  name  of  one 
tomb  among  many,  or  even  the  name  of  a  certain 
obscure  place  outside  the  city  ;  that  it  is  not 
clear  that  Palestine  was  regularly  re-examined  ; 
and  that  it  is  perfectly  clear  from  the  historian 
that  Coustantine  pursued  no  such  line  at  all, 
being  under  the  impression  that  the  tomb,  if 
not  the  site,  was  unknown.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  upholders  of  the  site  do  not  want  the  aid 
of  an  argument  which  requires  the  concession 
of  so  many  improbable  things. 

Y.  We  have,  lastly,  to  notice  the  topographical 
argument. 

The  sepulchre  was  without  the  wall ;  i.e. 
the  second  wall,  which,  starting  from  Gate 
Gennath  (Gate  of  Gardens),  near  the  town  of 
Hippius,  ran  to  the  fortress  of  Antonia,  in 
some  sort  of  curve  —  KvK\oviJ.evov.  The 
course  of  this  second  wall  has  yet  to  be  traced. 
If  it  is  proved  to  run  outside  the  sepulchre,  then 
the  site  must  be  at  once  abandoned.  In  1862  a 
portion  of  a  massive  wall  was  found,  about 
12  feet  deep,  just  south  of  the  church.  (Lewin, 
Siege  of  Jerusalem,  p.  215.)  ':  Its  stones  were 
about  7  feet  long  by  5  feet  wide,  and  shewed 
the  well-known  marginal  draft.  In  1874  M. 
Clermont  Ganneau  (Quarterly  Statement,  Pales- 
tine Exploration  Fund,  1874,  p.  145)  found  and 


SEEAPHIA 

partly  traced  a  scarp  which  he  ingeniously  con- 
nects with  the  second  wall.  At  present,  how- 
ever, we  may  admit  that  the  course  of  the  second 
wall  has  never  yet  been  made  out  to  the  satisfac- 
tion of  all.  Until  it  has  been  followed  from  end 
to  end,  or  at  least  until  its  foundations  and 
general  course  have  been  established  beyond  a 
doubt,  we  cannot  say  with  certainty  whether  or 
no  the  present  site  is  within  or  "  without  the 
gate." 

We  may  add  that  the  latest  writer  on  the 
subject,  Lieut.  Conder,  R.E.  (Tent  Work  in 
I'alestine),  argues  from  the  rock  levels,  that  the 
wall  must  have  passed  outside  the  church.  He 
has  discovered  a  place  north  of  the  city  called 
the  Place  of  Stoning,  which,  from  the  conforma- 
tion of  the  ground  as  well  as  the  name,  he  sug- 
gests as  the  real  site  of  Golgotha. 

There  is  one  fact  which  makes  in  favour  of 
the  present  site.  It  is  that  the  church  stands 
over  at  least  one  tomb  of  undoubted  antiqiiity,  and 
perhaps  stands  over  many.  It  has  long  been 
suspected  that  the  so-called  tomb  of  Joseph  of 
Arimathaea  which  is  shewn  within  the  church 
was  a  genuine  rock-cut  Jewish  tomb.  Professor 
Willis  states  the  fact  as  already  proved.  Dr. 
Robinson,  however,  denied  its  antiquity.  Colonel 
Wilson  (Q.  S.  notes,  p.  53)  speaks  of  the  place  as 
an  undoubted  tomb  with  rock-cut  loculi.  M. 
Clermont  Ganneau  has  proved  beyond  a  doubt 
(Quarterly  Statement,  Pal.  Explor.  Fund,  1877, 
p.  81)  that  it  was  a  tomb  of  the  well-known  type 
with  three  loculi  on  each  side,  in  which  he  has 
been  corroborated  by  Colonel  Wilson  (Quarterly 
Statement,  1877,  p.  128),  and  has  tried  to  shew 
that  it  is  connected  with  another  sepulchre  cut 
in  the  rock  beside  it  at  a  lower  level.  One  may 
fairly  argue,  therefore,  that  by  whatever  means 
this  site  was  chosen  for  that  of  our  Lord's  sepul- 
chre, whether  by  transference,  or  by  tradition, 
or  by  imposture,  it  was  chosen  with  the  know- 
ledge that  here  had  been  a  place  of  tombs.  Now 
the  only  known  tombs  within  the  second  wall 
were  those  of  the  kings  and  the  prophetess  Huldah. 

It  will  be  seen  that,  while  no  amount  of  argu- 
ment will  ever  reconcile  those  who  hold  oppo- 
site views  as  to  the  continuity  of  tradition  Irom 
the  earliest  times,  the  continuity  of  history  from 
the  time  of  Eusebius  appears  fairly  demon- 
strable. On  the  other  hand,  if  it  cannot  be  dis- 
proved by  architects  that  the  Dome  of  the  Rock 
is  of  the  age  of  Constantine,  what  way  out  of 
the  difficulty  remains  but  one,  that  pointed 
out  by  Mr.  Fergusson,  itself  bristling  with 
other  difficulties?  A  careful  and  exhaustive 
examination  of  this  building  on  the  spot  by  a 
thoroughly  competent  architectural  scholar  is 
greatly  to  be  desired.  That,  indeed,  seems  the 
chief  thing  necessary.  The  next  step,  if  it  should 
not  be  the  first,  is  the  recovery  beyond  any 
doubt  of  the  second  wall.  These  two  desiderata 
accomplished,  and  the  rock-levels  of  the  city — 
already  far  advanced— completed,  the  question 
of  the  site  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre  will  be  nar- 
rowed to  one  or  two  issues.  [W.  B.] 

SEQUENCE.     [Prosa.] 

SEQUESTRATION.     [Alienation.] 

SERAPHIA,  Sept.  3,  virgin,  martyr  under 
Hadrian ;  ^  commemorated  at  Rome  (Mart. 
Usuard. ;    Vet.  Rom.,  Adon.,  Notker.).     [C.  H.] 


SERAPION 

SERAPION  (1),  Jan.  31,  martyr,  belonging 
to  Corinth,  with  Victorinus  and  others,  in  the 
reign  of  Decius  (Basil.  Menol.,  where  he  is 
named  Sarapion) ;  Jan.  30  {Menol.  Graec.  Sirlet.)  ; 
Feb.  25  in  Egypt  (Vet.  Bom.  Mart.);  Apr.  5 
(Cal.  Byzant.). 

(2)  Mar.  19,  martyr  with  B^ssns  (Syr.  Mart.). 

(3)  Mar.  21,  anchorite,  martyr ;  commemo- 
rated at  Alexandria  (Mart.  Usuard. ;  Vet.  Horn., 
Adon. ;  Hieron.,  Notker.). 

(4)  Mar.  26,  reader,  martyr ;  commemorated 
-at  Pentapolis  in  Libya,  with  Theodorus  a  bishop, 
Ii-enaeus  a  deacon,  Ammonius  a  reader  (Mart. 
Usuard.,  Adon.  ;   Hieron.,   Vet.  Bom.,  Notker.). 

(5)  May  14,  bishop  of  Antioch  ;  commemorated 
with  Aphrodisius  (Syr.  Mart.). 

(6)  May  21,  martyr  with  twelve  othei-s  at 
Alexandria  (Syr.  Mart.). 

(7)  May  24,  Egyptian  bishop  and  martyr 
under  the  emperor  Antoninus  (Basil.  Menol. 
Sarapion  ;  Menol.  Graec.  Sirlet.). 

(8)  July  13,  martyr  under  Severus  (Syr. 
Mart.). 

(9)  Aug.  18,  martyr  at  Kome  with  Hermas 
■and  Polyaenus  (Basil.  Menol.). 

(10)  Aug.  27,  martyr  with  Marcellinus,  Man- 
nea,  and  others  ;  commemorated  at  Tomi  (Mart. 
Usuard.  ;   Hieron.,  Adon.). 

(11)  Sept.  14,  presbyter,  martyr  (Syr.  Mart.). 

(12)  Nov.  14,  martyr  at  Alexandria  under 
Decius  (Mart.  Usuard. ;    Vet.  Bom.,  Adon.). 

[C.  H.] 
SEEENA,  Aug.  16,  martyr,    once  the  wife 
•of  Diocletian  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon. ;  Vet.  Bom., 
Notker.).  [C.  H.] 

SERENUS,  June  28,  martyr;  commemo- 
rated at  Alexandria  with  Plutarchus  and  others 
(Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon. ;  Vet.  Bom.,  Hieron., 
Notker.).  [C.  H.] 

SEEGIUS  (1),  Jan.  2,  martyr  (Cal.  Byzant.). 

(2)  Feb.  2,  disciple  of  St.  Paul  (Cal.  Armen.). 

(3)  Feb.  24,  martyr ;  commemorated  at 
'Caesarea  in  Cappadocia  (Mart.  Usuard.  ;  Vet. 
Bom.,  Adon.  ;   Hieron.,  Notker.). 

(4)  Oct.  7,  martyr  with  Julia  and  Bacchus  in 
Euphratesia,  under  Maximian  (Mart.  Usuai'd., 
Adon. ;  Vet.  Bom.,  Notker.  ;  Cal.  Byzant.  ;  Basil. 
Menol. ;  Menol.  Graec.  Sirlet.).  [C.  H.] 

SERMON  (Sermo,  &c.).  The  sermon,  con- 
sidered as  part  of  the  liturgy,  always  followed 
immediately  after  the  Gospel,  and  thus  pre- 
ceded the  dismissal  of  the  catechumens  in  the 
Eastern  church  (Constat.  Apost.  lib.  ii.  57,  viii. 
I  4  ;  Ordo  Bom.  vi.  7).     This  appears  to  have  beeu 

its  liturgical  position  from  the  very  earliest 
times.  Justin  Martyr,  describing  Christian 
worship  in  the  2nd  century,  says,  "  When  the 
reader  (of  the  lections)  has  finished,  the  priest 
(ivpoiaTus)  admonishes  and  exhorts  by  word  of 
mouth  (Sia  AcJ-you)  to  the  imitation  of  these 
noble  deeds  "  (Apol.  i.  65-67).  Later  on  the 
first  council  of  Orange  is  quoted  as  alluding 
to  the  place  of  the  sermon  as  "intra  missa- 
a-um  sollemuia  habitum."      Caesarius  of  Aries 


SERPENT 


1889 


used  sometimes  to  order  the  doors  to  be  shut 
after  the  Gospel,  to  prevent  people  going  out 
before  the  sermon  (Cyprian  Teloneus.  Vit.  S. 
Caesar,  lib.  i.  §  19).  St.  Gall  (7th  century)  is 
recorded  to  have  preached  the  consecration 
sermon  after  the  Gospel  had  been  read,  on  the 
occasion  of  the  elevation  of  Joannes  Diaconus  to 
the  episcopate  (Wal.  Strabo,  Vit.  S.  Galli,  i.  25  ; 
see  Audoenus,  Vit.  S.  Eligii,  ii.  22).  In  St. 
Chrysostom's  time  the  sermon  was  prefaced,  in 
common  with  other  distinct  portions  of  the  liturgy, 
with  the  versicle  and  response,  "  The  Lord  be  with 
you,"  B.  "  And  with  thy  spirit,"  and  was  closed 
with  a  doxology  to  the  Holy  Trinity  (Ep.  ad 
Col.  Hom.  iii.  p.  348).  Further  information  on 
this  and  similar  points  is  given  under  Preach- 
ing, p.  1684,  and  Homily,  p.  781.     [F.  E.  W.] 

^^  SERPENT.      (See    Dragon    and    Devil.) 

There  is  this  distinction  between  representations 
of  the  serpent  and  the  dragon  in  Christian 
symbolism:  that  the  former  represents  the 
evil  power  in  its  tempting  office,  as  inviting  to 
sin  (Bottari,  ii.  60,  &c.),  and  the  latter  gene- 
rally points  to  evil  or  the  evil  one  in  his  de- 
structive function,  as  the  permitted  agent  of 
punishment.  A  gem  given  by  Gori  (Thes. 
Diptych,  vol.  iii.  p.  160)  represents  the  serpent 
twined  about  the  cross  and  apparently  tempting 
two  doves  [Cross,  p.  49.5].  Whether  the  serpent 
on  the  cross  may  not  in  this  instance  have 
reference  to  the  brazen  serpent  (Numb.  xxi.  9  ; 
John  iii.  14)  seems  doubtful. 

The  early  church  simply  followed  Holy 
Scripture  in  its  use  of  the  serpentine  symbol. 
Primarily  it  meant  the  power  of  evil ;  second- 
arily, it  referred  to  the  brazen  serpent,  as  a 
type  of  the  sacrifice  of  our  Lord  for  man.  In 
the  first  or  direct  form  of  symbolism,  its  use 
will  date  from  the  time  of  Constantine.  He 
caused  himself  to  be  represented  (see  Eusebius, 
in  Vit.  Constantin.  iii.  3)  as  piercing  the  dragon 
or  serpent  with  the  Labarum  ;  and  the  same  idea 
is  repeated  on  one  of  his  medals  (woodcut  No.  1), 


and  afterwards  on  Constantins's  (Aringhi,  ii. 
p.  705  ;  see  Baronius,  ad  ann.  325  ;  Grctzer,  dc 
Cruce,  t.  iii.  1.  i.  c.  5).  The  ancient  dragon  form 
on  the  vexillum  was  continued  by  Constantine, 
with  the  monogram  placed  above  it  [DracONA- 
Rius,  p.  579]. 

Continual  use   is  made  of  the  serpentine    or 
lacertine  form  in  Irish  and  Anglo-Saxon  orua- 


1890 


SERPENT 


ment  from  the  earliest  date  (see  Westwood's 
Falacographia  Sacra,  on  the  book  of  Kells  and 
other  ancient  MSS.).  This  is  of  course  in  great 
part  a  result  of  the  northern  taste  for  plaited 
and  interlaced  ornament ;  and  the  forms  to  which 
snake  heads  are  attached  are  generally  mere 
ribands.  Still  Professor  Westwood  appears  in- 
clined to  connect  their  continual  recurrence  with 
a  symbolism  of  temptation,  of  the  fall  of  man, 
and  his  spiritual  enemies ;  perhaps,  behind  this, 
to  fainter  traditions  of  ancient  Ophidian  worship 
of  the  principle  of  evil  or  destruction. 

The  earliest  representation  of  this  kind  in 
Christian  Art  is  the  great  book-cover  of  the 
Vatican,  representing  the  youthful  Christ  tread- 
ing on  the  lion  and  adder  (figured  by  Gori, 
Tlies.  Dipt.  vol.  iii.  p.  32,  tab.  iv. ;  Westwood, 
Fictile  Ivories,  pp.  51,  55). 

The  appended  woodcut  of  St.  Michael  trampling 
on  the  serpent  or  dragon,  in  his  character  alike 
of  tempter  of  man  and  enemy  of  God,  is  certainly 
well  within  our  period,  and  of  some  beauty  and 
importance,  as  illustrating  a  transition  (perhaps 
by  the  hands  of  some  skilled  northern  workman) 


from  classic  Roman  to  high  Gothic  art.  Some 
of  the  perpendicularity  of  the  harsher  Byzantine 
is  there,   but,  on  the  whole,  the   older   classic 


SERPENT 

style  has  not  yielded  to  it.  The  drapery  is  too 
complicated,  and,  with  the  oval  cetra,  may 
remind  us  of  Saxon  work ;  nevertheless  the 
figure  is  worthy  of  the  best  Gothic  of  later 
times,  which  it  strongly  resembles. 

The  various  Ophite  or  Basilidean-Christian 
heretics  made  much  use  of  the  serpent  on 
amulets,  &c.  (see  Gems,  p.  721,  Nos.  3,  4),  and 
it  appears  from  Augustine  {dc  Ilaeres.  cap. 
xvii.  and  xlvi.)  that  the  Manicheans  used  it  as 
a  direct  type  of  our  Lord.  See  King  (^Antique 
Gems  and  Rings,  vol.  ii.  p.  20,  note),  where  the 
dove,  with  an  olive  leaf  and  perched  on  a  wheat- 
sheaf,  represents  the  church,  and  is  supported  by 
a  lion  and  a  serpent,  evidently  with  reference  to 
IMatt.  X.  16. 

Our  Lord's  reference  to  the  serpent  of  the 
wilderness  as  a  type  of  Himself  would  give  the 
early  church  the  same  natural  reason  for  using 
it  as  a  graphic  symbol,  as  for  the  use  of  the 
Good  Shepherd.  Nevertheless,  it  seldom  occurs, 
although  it  is  the  first  "  image  "  which  occurs  to 
Tertullian  as  permissible  in  his  protest  against 
all  such  things  in  Be  Idololatrid,  iii.  St.  Am 
brose  dwells  on  it  thus  (-De  Spiritu  Sancto,  lib. 
iii.  c.  9)  :  "  Imago  enim  crucis  aereus  serpens  est: 
qui  proprius  {De  Salomon,  cap.  xii.  et  Serm.  Iv. 
De  Criice  Christ'i)  erat  typus  corporis  Christi :  ut 
quicunque  in  eum  aspiceret,  non  periret." 


No.  3.    Serpent  (from  Martigny,  p.  612). 

Martigny  also  gives  a  woodcut,  which  we 
here  repeat  (No.  3),  from  a  gilt  glass,  without 
reference,  which,  as  he  says,  may  represent 
Moses  with  his  rod,  and  the  brazen  serpent,  with 
a  person  who  represents  the  Jewish  people  con- 
templating the  latter.  But  from  the  large  size 
of  the  serpent,  and  the  calm  attitude  of  the 
spectator,  the  subject  may  possibly  be  the  rod- 
serpent  as  he  appeared  before  Pharaoh,  after 
swallowing  all  the  others. 

There  still  exists  in  the  nave  of  St.  Ambrogio 
at  Milan  a  brazen  serpent  on  a  granite  column, 
to  which  a  number  of  stories  are  attached.  It 
appears  from  Aringhi  {Roma  Subterranea,  vol.  ii. 
p.  453,  bk.  iv.  4)  that  it  was  given  to  Arnulf, 
bishop  of  Milan,  at  Constantinople  in  1101  ;  he 
having  gone  there  as  ambassador  from  Otho  III. 
(see  Ferrari,  Monum.  di  S.  Ambrogio,  p.  20).  It 
is  not  likely  to  be  any  remnant  of  a  heathen- 
temple  of  Aesculapius  on  the  spot,  and  is  probably 
an  Alexandrian  talisman  of  the  3rd  or  4th  cen- 
tury. (Murray's  Handbook  of  Northern  Italy,  p. 
158.)  This  reminds  us  of  the  singular  wreathed 
or  triple  serpent-pillar  still  in  the  hippodrome 
of  Constantinople,*  said  to  be  the  same   as  that 


>  Its  identity  with  the  Delphic  offering  of  Persian 
spoils  after  Plataea  is  now  established  (Eawlinson's 
Herodotus,  vol.  iv.  p.  391). 


SERVANDUS 

partly  shattered  but  not  destroyed  by  Mohammed 
II.  in  1453,  at  the  Turkish  storm  of  the  city. 
The  story  may  be  an  invention  of  Thevenot's, 
and  the  pillar  is  a  mere  wreck  (see  De  Quincey, 
Miscellanies,  chiefly  narrative,  p.  345,  ed.  1854). 
At  Milan  it  was  long  believed  to  have  been  re- 
ceived by  Arnulf  as  the  identical  brazen  serpent 
of  the  wanderings,  and  accordingly  held  miracu- 
lous, till  Carlo  Borromeo  seems  to  have  remem- 
bered or  rediscovered  that  that  relic  had  been 
destroyed  by  Hezekiah.  He  forbade  any  honours 
being  paid  it  accordingly.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

SEEVANDUS,  Oct.  23,  martyr  with  Ger- 
maaus  in  Spain  (^Mart.  Usuard.,  Vet.  Rom., 
Adon.).  [C.  H.] 

SERVATIUS,  May  13,  bishop  of  Tongres, 
confessor  (^Mart.,  Usuard.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Adon., 
Notker.).  [C.  H.] 

SERVICE.     [Office,  The  Divine.] 

SERVILIANUS,  Apr.  20,  martyr;  com- 
memorated with  Sulpicius  at  Rome  (Mart. 
Usuard.,  Aden.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Notker.).       [C.  H.] 

SERVILIUS,  May  24 ;  commemorated  with 
Zoellus  or  Joellus  in  Histria  (^Mart.  Usuard., 
Adon.,  Hieron.).  [C.  H.] 

SERVIUS,  Aug.  17,  subdeacon ;  commemo- 
rated in  Africa  (il/(wf.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Rom., 
Notker.).  [C.  H.] 

SERVULUS  (1),  Feb.  21;  commemorated 
with  Verolus  and  others  at  Adrumetum  {Mart. 
Usuard.,  Hieron.,  Notker.).  [C.  H.] 

(2)  Dec.  23,  commemorated  at  Rome,  buried 
in  the  church  of  St.  Clement  (^Mart.  Usuard., 
Vet.  Rom.).  [C.  H.] 

SEVERIANUS  (1),  Jan.  23,  martyr  with 
his  wife  Aquila  ;  commemorated  at  Neocaesarea 
in  Mauritania  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Rom., 
Hieron.,  Notker.). 

(2)  Jan.  25,  bishop;  commemorated  at 
Gavala  (Mart.  Usuai-d.,  Notker.). 

(3)  Sept.  9,  martyr  at  Sebaste  in  Armenia 
under  Licinius  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Cal.  Byzant. ; 
Menol.  Grace.  Sirlet). 

(4)  Oct.  9 ;  commemorated  with  Sparechius 
(Gal.  Armen.). 

(5)  Nov.  8.      [CORONATI  QUATUOR.]     [C.  H.] 

SEVERINUS  (1),  Jan.  8,  bishop  and  con- 
fessor, brother  of  Victorinus  ;  commemorated  at 
Naples  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Not- 
ker.). 

(2)  Feb.  11,  abbat  of  St.  Maurice  (Mart. 
Usuard.). 

(3)  Nov.  1,  monk ;  commemorated  at  Tibur 
{Mart.  Bed.,  Aden.,  Vet.  Rom.).  [C.  H.] 

SEVERUS  (1),  Jan.  11,  confessor;  com- 
memorated with  Peter  and  Lucius  at  Alexan- 
dria (Mart.  Usuard.,  Aden.,  Hieron.,  Vet.  Rom., 
Notker.). 

(2)  Aug.  8,  presbyter  and  confessor ;  com- 
memorated at  Vienna  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon., 
Notker.). 

CHRIST.  ANT. — VOL.  11. 


SEXES,  SEPARATION  OF      1891 

(3)  Nov.  8.      [CORONATI  QUATUOR.]    [C.  H.] 

SEVILLE,  COUNCILS  OF  (Hispalexsia 
Concilia).  There  were  two  councils  held  at 
Seville  :  one  under  Leander,  the  other  under  his 
brother  St.  Isidore. 

(1)  A.D.  590,  which  published  three  canons, 
the  two  first  relating  to  the  emancipation  of 
slaves ;  while  the  third  renews  the  5th  canon  of 
the  3rd  council  of  Toledo,  as  having  been  set  at 
nought.  But  several  more  are  given  to  it  by 
Burchard  and  others  (Mansi,  x.  449  sq.). 

(2)  A.D.  619,  which  published  thirteen  canons: 
of  which  the  twelfth  relates  to  a  Monophysite 
bishop,  a  Syrian  by  birth,  who  had  come  among 
them  and  at  length  abjured  his  heresy :  which 
is  refuted  and  condemned  in  the  thirteenth. 
The  rest  are  disciplinary  (Mansi,  i.  555  sq.). 

[E.  S.  Ff.] 

SEXES,  SEPARATION  OF.  In  the  early 
church  the  women  were  always  separated  from 
the  men  in  public  worship.  What  the  origin 
of  the  usage  was,  it  is  by  no  means  easy  to 
say. 

The  practice  may  pi-obably  have  come  into  the 
Christian  church  without  any  formal  enactment 
from  the  usages  of  Jewish  worship,  in  which  the 
women  were  (and  are  to  this  day)  separated 
from  the  men.  Or,  again,  it  may  be  simply 
a  feature  of  Oriental  life  and  manners,  under 
which  females  were  always  kept  in  greater 
seclusion  than  they  are  with  us  under  the  civil- 
isation of  the  West.  In  the  Apostolical  Consti- 
tutions it  becomes  the  subject  of  a  special 
direction  that  the  women  be  seated  apart 
(Kexcipifffj-fvais)  (Apost.  Constit.  ii.  57,  ed.  Bun- 
sen ;  Analecta  Antenicaena,  vol.  ii.  p.  121)  ;  and 
(ihid.  p.  122)  if  any  man  was  found  sitting  out 
of  his  place,  he  was  to  be  smitten  by  the  deacon, 
and  transferred  to  the  place  appropriate  for 
him.  At  one  time,  moreover,  it  appears  that 
the  sexes  entered  the  church  by  different  doors 
(Apost.  Constit.  lib.  ii.  c.  61).  The  ostiarii  were 
to  stand  at  the  entrances  of  the  men  and  the 
deaconesses  at  those  of  the  women  (see  Mede's 
Discourse  of  Churches,  p.  327,  fol.  ed.).  St. 
Chrysostom  seems  to  speak  of  an  actual  parti- 
tion between  the  men  and  the  women.  "  There 
ought  to  have  been  within  yoix  [the  men]  a  wall 
which  parted  you  from  the  women ;  but  since  ye 
would  not,  the  fathers  thought  it  necessary  to 
wall  you  off  even  with  these  boards :  for  I  hear 
from  my  elders  that  anciently  there  were  not 
these  walls"  (St.  Chrys,  Horn.  73  in  S. 
Matt.). 

In  some  places  it  would  seem  that  the  part  of 
the  church  allotted  to  the  women  was,  in  some 
sense,  upstairs.  They  were  placed  probably  in 
some  kind  of  a  gallery  {virepiSov)  [Galleries, 
p.  706].  It  is  said  by  Magri  (Hierolexicon,  s.  v. 
Narthex)  that  in  non-monastic  churches  women 
were  placed  iu  the  narthex,  which  was  fenced 
off  by  grilles  and  rails. 

The  authorities  for  the  strict  maintenance  of 
this  usage  of  separating  the  sexes  in  the  early 
centuries  of  the  church  are  very  numerous.  St. 
Cyril  of  Jerusalem  compares  the  church  to 
Noah's  Ark,  "  in  which  were  Noah  and  his  sous 
and  his  wife  and  their  wives ;  and  though  the 
Ark  was  one,  and  the  door  was  shut,  yet  had  all 
things  been  arranged  suitably.  And  though  the 
6  F 


1892 


SHAVING 


fhurch  be  shut,  aud  all  of  you  within  it,  yet  let 
there  be  a  distinction  of  men  with  men  and 
women  with  women."  (^Catech.  Prefat.  Oxf. 
transl.  p.  7.)  There  are  several  canons  which 
expressly  forbid  women  to  enter  the  sanctuary 
of  the  church.  We  may  cite  as  a  specimen  the 
44th  canon  of  the  council  of  Laodicea — "that 
no  woman  enter  into  the  apartment  where  the 
altar  stands."  The  rubric  of  a  pontifical  of  the 
church  of  Poictiers  (executed  in  MS.  not  later 
than  the  10th  century)  directs  that  the  males 
be  arranged  in  dexteram  partem,  and  the  females 
in  sinistram  (Martene,  de  Eccl.  mtihus,  lib.  i. 
cap.  i.  art.  12).  [H.  T.  A.] 

SHAVING.  [Beards;  Hair;  Orders, 
UOLY,  p.  1491;  Tonsure.] 

SHEEP.    [Lamb;  Shepherd,  the  Good.] 

SHELLS.  Both  marine  and  fresh  water 
shells,  either  whole  or  broken,  are  often  found 
on  the  tombs  of  martyrs  and  other  Christians 
(Boldetti,  Osscrcazioni,  p.  512,  fig.  65).  They 
are  sometimes  found  fixed  to  the  outside  of  the 
loculi ;  sometimes  merely  drawn  or  engraved 
upon  them  {ib.  pp.  351,  435) ;  often  in  the 
form  of  a  buccinum  or  whelk.  Various  forms 
of  this  symbol  may  be  observed  on  a  curious 
sarcophagus  in  the  Vatican,  representing  different 
kinds  of  fishing  (Bottari,  Scutture  c  Pitture,  tav. 
xlii.).  Gems  are  found  engraved  with  this  device, 
and  sepulchral  lamps,  either  in  the  form  of 
shells,  or  having  shells  carved  upon  them  (Bar- 
toli,  Antiq.  Luccrn.  part  iii.  fig.  23).  Ancient 
Gallic  tombs  exhibit  precisely  analogous  features. 
Snail-shells  were  found  in  the  sarcophagus  of  St. 
Eutropius  discovered  in  1843,  and  M.  Letronne 
(^Recueil  de  Pieces,  &c.  p.  81)  shews  that  the  use 
of  them  in  Gaul  cannot  have  been  a  matter  of 
chance.  Instances  of  the  same  symbolism  have 
been  met  with  in  a  Merovingian  tomb  in  the 
cemetery  of  Vicq,  and  the  abbe  Cochet,  in  the 
course  of  his  excavations,  met  with  a  good  many, 
especially  in  a  tomb  of  the  time  of  Charle- 
magne, near  Dieppe  {Normandie  soutcrraine, 
passim). 

The  most  probable  explanation  of  this  custom 
is  that  the  shell  was  used  as  a  type  of  the 
Eesurrection.  The  shell  represents  the  tomb, 
which  the  occupant  must  leave  empty  on  the 
last  day.  One  sarcophagus,  at  Marseilles,  shews 
the  shell  with  the  snail  still  in  it  (Millin,  Midi 
de  la  France,  pi.  Iviii.  4). 

The  significance  attached  to  this  symbol  in  the 
Middle  Ages  is  shewn  by  a  miniature  of  the  13th 
century,  given  by  Count  Aug.  de  Bastard  (^Bullet, 
des  Comit.  Hist.  Arche'ol.  &c.  1859,  p.  173),  repre- 
senting a  snail  coming  out  of  its  shell  by  the  side 
of  a  drawing  of  the  resurrection  of  Lazarus  ;  and 
the  same  combination  may  be  seen  in  a  MS. 
of  the  15th  century  in  a  collection  of  ancient 
liturgical  MSS.  made  by  order  of  Louis  XIV. 
The  aptness  of  the  symbolism  is  increased  by  the 
fact  that  the  snail  is  said  at  the  approach  of 
winter  to  block  up  the  mouth  of  his  shell  with  a 
calcareous  substance,  which  he  bursts  through 
on  the  return  of  spring  (Martigny,  Diet,  des 
Antiq.  chre't.  s.  v.  '  Coquillages ').  [E.  C.  H.] 

SHEPHERD,  THE  GOOD.  The  image 
conveyed  by  this,  perhaps  the  earliest  and  most 
important  of  all  Christian  symbols,  occurs  fre- 


SHEPHERD,  THE  GOOD 

quently  in  the  Old  Testament,  and  is  common 
to  all  countries  in  which  the  pastoral  life  has 
ever  prevailed.  The  Homeric  epithet,  "  Shep- 
herd of  People,"  conveys  much  the  same  idea 
as  Ps.  sxii.  Ixxx.  though  with  far  less  force  and 
tenderness.  (See  Ezek.  xxxiv. ;  Jer.  xxxiii. 
12,  &c.)  Our  Lord's  own  use  of  the  similitude 
concerning  Himself,  and  His  personal  relation  to 
all  mankind  (Luke  xv. ;  John  x.),  gave  it 
precedence  of  all  others,  excepting  perhaps 
that  of  the  vine,  which  stands  on  exactly  the 
same  ground.  That  of  Jonah,  which  relates 
rather  to  the  Lord's  resurrection  than  to  His 
relation  to  His  human  family,  occurs  more  fre- 
quently in  bas-relief,  and  almost  as  often  in 
painting.  But  as  is  observed  under  Fresco,  the 
Good  Shepherd  is  most  frequently  the  central 
painting  of  a  roof  or  wall ;  and  perhaps  the 
earliest  type  of  the  complete  decoration  of  a 
Christian  vaulting  is  the  vine,  with  more  or 
less  conventionalised  branches  and  clusters  sur- 
rounding the  Form,  bearing  on  His  shoulders 
the  sheep  which  was  lost.  (See  Vine  ;  Bottari,  ii.. 
tav.  93.)  Before  going  farther,  we  may  notice 
that  there  are  three  types  of  the  Good  Shep- 
herd :  one  connected  with  the  analogical  image 
of  Orpheus,  and  frequently  used  in  half-vaults 
and  semicircular  spaces ;  another  certainly 
adopted  from  the  Hermes  Criophonis  of  Calamis, 
at  Tanagra,  and  representing 
the  Shepherd  with  His  charge 
found  and  rescued.  This  is 
universal ;  occurring  in  fresco 
and  on  sarcophagi,  on  the 
gilt-glass  cups  ;  on  lamps,  in 
ivory,  and  more  rarely  in 
mosaic.  The  third,  with  staff 
and  dog,  is  less  frequent. 

For  reasons  which  can 
hardly  be  assigned  with  cer- 
tainty, the  Good  Shepherd 
died  away  in  the  5th,  perhaps 
the  4th  century.  Constan- 
tine,  it  is  true,  placed  "  sym- 
bols of  the  Good  Shepherd  " 
in  public  places  in  Constan- 
tinople ;  but  as  Lord  Lindsay 
says  (vol.  i.  ch.  on  Roman 
Art),  the  Eastern  church  gave 
the  subject  up.  And  though 
it  was  unquestionably  an 
image  of  Hellenic  origin,  tech- 
nically speaking,  it  was  never 
adopted  by  the  Eastern  or 
Byzantine  side  of  the  Christian 
church. 

The  paintings  in  the  tomb  of  St.  Domitilla 
are  almost  certainly  the  earliest  Christian 
frescoes,*  and  the  Good  Shepherd  was  as  cer- 
tainly chief  among  them.  There  is  one  in  the 
catacomb  of  St.  Praetextatus  [Fresco],  and 
the  Callixtine  contains,  or  did  contain,  many 
very  ancient  ones.  The  derivation  of  the  form 
bearing  the  sheep  will  be  found  in  Eaoul 
Pochette,  Discours  sur  V Origine  des  Types  imitatifs 
qui  constituent  I'Art  dn  Christianisme ;  also  in 
Seemann's  Gotter  u.  Heroen,  p.  80,  where  the 
statue  by  Calamis  is  figured  in  a  woodcut, 
which    we   here    repeat.      See    also    Pausanias, 


i  Ci  iophoras. 
From  Seeman'8  Gutter 
und  Heroen. 


»  For  proper  use  of  the  words  "  fresco  "  and  "  distemper  " 
see  Fresco. 


SHEPHEED,  THE  GOOD 

lib.  ix.  cap.  22,  p.  752,  ed.  Kuhnii.  This  may 
be  compared  with  the  two  4th  century  statues 
of  the  Vatican  and  Lateran  Museums,  for  one 
of  which  see  Jlartigny,  p.  515.  Both  are  among 
Mr.  Parker's  Photographs,  Nos.  2901,  2903. 
For  the   repetition  of  this   type   in   fresco,   see 


SHIP 


1893 


Statneof  the  Good  Shepherd  (from  the  Lateronllnseum,  Martijny). 

also  No.  2928,  and  Aringhi,  i.  p.  531,  2.  For 
the  stuccoes  of  the  Latin  Way,  Aringhi,  ii.  28. 
For  the  three-fold  Shepherd  and  vine,  3rd 
century,  on  a  sarcophagus  of  the  Lateran,  see 
Parker,  No.  2917,  also  2938. 

The  chief  example  in  mosaic  is  the  Shepherd 
of  Galla  Placidia's  Chapel.     This  is   figured  in 


probably  during  the  fervour  for  burial  with  the 
martyrs,  which  prevailed  about  the  time  of 
Damasus.  There  is  a  shepherd  with  syrinx 
(Aringhi,  i.  577),  with  a  dog  at  his  feet,  and 
bearing  the  sheep,  on  a  slab,  at  p.  594.  See  also 
Parker,  No.  2052,  in  Lateran  Museum,  taken 
from  St.  Callixtus.  These  two  last  give  traces 
of  a  third  or  Pvoman  ideal  of  the  Shepherd 
leaning  on  his  staff,  but  there  can  be  but  little 
doubt  of  their  meaning  (see  also  Buonarroti, 
Vetri,  iv.  1). 

This  subject  occurs  in  the  S.  of  France  (Millin, 
Midi  de  la  Gaule,  pi.  65) ;  in  Africa  {Annales 
arc/te'ologiques,  am.  vi.  p.  196);  also  in  a  Cyre- 
naean  hypogee  (Pacho,  Voyage  de  la  Cyre'naique, 
pi.  li.  p.  376). 

P'Agincourt  refers  three  examples  of  vaultings 
painted  with  the  shepherd  in  their  centres  to 
the  2nd  century,  given  at  Peinture,  v.  pi.  vi. 
text  ii.  p.  20.  One  is  the  Orpheus  under  Fresco, 
p.  696  ;  in  the  others  the  Shepherd  bears  the 
sheep.  These  designs  are  too  good  for  any  late 
date.  See  Gems,  p.  713  ;  Glass,  p.  732  ;  Lamps, 
p.  920. 

Rohault  de  Fleury,  as  usual,  gives  several  inte- 
resting examples,  some  of  them  not  figured  else- 
where ;  as  the  Criophorus-Shepherd  with  the 
syrinx  (pi.  Ixi.  vol.  ii.  p.  47),  and  that  with  the  two 
sheep  looking  up  to  Him  ;  both  from  St.  Agnes. 
The  picture  from  the  same  place,  of  an  orante  be- 
tween trees,  and  a  man  milking  an  ewe  on  one 
side,  another  bearing  a  sheep  on  the  other,  with 
mulctra  or  milkpails,  as  also  the  pastoral  scene 
(fig.  5,  ib.),  seem  to  be  of  a  mingled  character. 
He  also  gives  a  cut  of  the  Pisan  bas-relief  from 
the  Campo  Santo  (pi.  Ixii.).  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 


The  Good  Shepherd.   Fresco  from  Chapel  of  Galla  PlaciOia 


Eastlake's  translation  of  Kugler,  vol.  i. ;  also  by 
Crowe  and  Cavalcaselle,  vol.  i.  ch.  i.,  where 
it  is  well  described.  See  woodcut.  As  a  com- 
position, this  mosaic  should  be  compared  with 
the  Orpheus  of  Aringhi.     [Fresco,  p.  696.] 

For  other  examples  of  the  Orpheus-Shepherd 
in  fresco,  see  Aringhi,  vol.  i.  That  on  p.  563 
is  probably  a  painting  of  great  antiquity,  as  it 
is  defaced  by  a  tomb  being  cut  right  through  it, 


SHEPHERDS,  ADORATION  OF  THE. 

[Nativity.] 

SHIP.  The  comparison  between  human  life 
and  its  troubles  and  a  voyage  with  its  dangers 
was  familiar  enough  to  the  classical  mind  (Hor. 
Carm.  I.  xiv.  xxxiv.),  and  easily  adopted  by  the 
Christian,  especially  from  its  near  associations 
with  the  fisher-life  of  St.  Peter  and  other 
6  F  2 


1894 


SPIOES 


apostles.  The  ship  in  full  sail  (Boldetti,  p.  360), 
or  with  sails  furled  (('6.  366)  are  alike  ixsed  in 
the  cemeteries,  as  prosecuting  the  voyage  of 
Christian  life,  or  the  having  happily  concluded 
it.  (See  Boldetti,  pp.  360,  372-3  ;  Perret,  vol.  v. 
pi.  xxxii.  xxxvi.  397  of  Bivivs  restvtvs.)  The 
Lighthouse  or  pharos  is  sometimes  added,  as  a 
sign  of  the  accomplishment  of  the  voyage  of  the 
soul  (see  Mamachi,  Origin,  iii.  tav.  xvii. ;  Perret, 
V.  pi.  xli.  10;  and  Boldetti,  372-3).  And  in 
some  instances  the  name  of  the  dead  appears  to 
be  inscribed  on  the  ship,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
Eusebia,  whose  titulus  is  found  in  Passionei's 
Inscrizionc  antiche,  p.  125  (fol.  Lucca,  1763). 
The  latter  example  is  a  marble  in  the  Kircherian 
Museum,  where  two  large  urns  or  vases  are  re- 
presented in  the  ship  ;  which  may  seem  rather 
to  point  to  a  quasi- Egyptian  symbolism  of  the 
voyage  after  death  than  to  the  Christian  voyage 
of  life.  Sometimes  (Perret,  v.  pi.  liii.  6)  the 
monogram  takes  the  place  of  the  pharos  on  the 
sepulchral  slab.« 

For  the  ship  as  representing  the  church  of 
Christ,  see  Church,  p.  389.  For  the  Cardinal 
Borgia's  jasper  with  our  Lord  as  pilot  and  six 
rowers  on  a  side  (of  course  implying  six  others 
on  the  other  side)  see  woodcut. 


SLip  of  the  Lord  and  Apostles  (from  Borgia,  Dt  Cnift  reliternn)- 

The  dove,  with  olive-branch,  in  token  of  peace, 
sometimes  sits  on  the  prow  of  the  ship,  often 
with  the  words  in  Face.  (See  the  inscription 
GENIALIS  11  IN  PACE,  with  ship  and  dove, 
Perret,  v.  pi.  xxxii.)  Sometimes  (as  Boldetti, 
p.  373)  there  is  apparent  play  of  words  on 
the  name  of  the  buried  person,  as  a  ship  is  added 
to  the  epitaph  of  navira.  For  a  large  lamp 
in  the  form  of  a  ship  (see  Mamachi,  Orig.  iii. 
pi.  XX.)  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

SHOES.  (1)  The  Lord's  b-!r6Zt)jxa,  the  strap 
of  which    St.    John    Baptist    declares    himself 


•  The  monogram  is  not  to  be  found  on  this  slab,  but 
occurs  on  one  in  Ferret's  next  page. 


'  SHOES] 

unworthy  to  unloose  (John  i.  27),  was  probably 
a  sandal ;  i.e.  a  leather  sole  fastened  to  the  foot 
by  straps ;  and  He  Himself  bade  His  disciples 
"  be  shod  with  sandals "  (Mark  vi.  9),  an  in- 
junction with  which  they  no  doubt  complied 
(Acts  xii.  8).  It  seems  from  the  context  that 
the  intent  of  the  Lord's  command  was,  that  the 
disciples  should  confine  themselves  to  the 
simplest — even  coarsest — necessaries  in  their 
journeys.  And  according  to  Martigny  {JDic- 
tionnaire,  p.  786,  2nd  ed.)  all  sculptures  on 
sarcophagi,  all  mosaics  and  some  gilt  glasses  do 
exhibit  the  Lord  and  His  apostles  shod  with 
sandals ;  but  most  of  the  frescoes  in  the 
catacombs  (e.g.  Bottari,  Sculture  c  Pitture,  liv. 
Ivii.  Ixxii.  cxx.)  and  gilt  glasses  (Buonarroti, 
Vetri,  viii.  xv.  1,  xx.  2,  etc.)  represent  them 
with  bare  feet.  A  few  frescoes  give  them 
complete  shoes  (Bottari,  xix.  xlvi.  Ixxii.).  Female 
figures  in  art  are  generally  shod  with  complete 
shoes.  See,  for  instance,  in  frescoes,  the  Virgin 
in  the  Adoration  of  the  Magi  (Bottari,  xxxviii.), 
the  sisters  of  Lazarus  (xlix.),  the  woman  of 
Samaria  (xxiii),  and  some  of  the  Oranti  (xxxvi. 
Ix.).  Many  of  the  Oranti,  whose  attire  is  also  in 
other  respects  different  from  that  of  every-day 
life  [Paradise],  have  bare  feet  (cxv.  cxxiii.  etc.)  ; 
shoes  were  probably  not  thought  necessary  for 
those  who  tread  the  paths  of  bliss. 

Clement  of  Alexandria  {Paedag.  II.  xi.  §  117) 
has  a  curious  passage  on  the  shoes  of  Christians. 
He  deplores  the  prevalent  fashion  of  wearing  san- 
dals embroidered  with  golden  flowers  or  studded 
with  ornamental  nails  and  even  with  erotic 
devices.  All  such  decorations  as  these  he  would 
have  the  Christian  reject,  considering  that  the 
proper  use  of  shoes  is  simply  to  protect  the  feet. 
Women  may  be  permitted  to  use  white  shoes, 
except  when  they  are  on  a  journey,  when  they 
should  use  a  blacked  shoe  (t^  o.KenrT<f).  On  a 
journey  they  may  also  use  nailed  soles.  They 
should  at  all  events  use  shoes  of  some  kind,  out 
of  consideration  for  modesty.  For  men  however, 
unless  it  be  on  the  march,  it  is  better  to  be 
unshod ;  or,  if  they  cannot  bear  naked  feet,  to 
wear  light  slippers,  such  as  gymnasts  use 
(fiAavrais  ^  (paiKacriois). 

By  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century  it  was 
found  necessary  in  Gaul  to  prohibit  the  clergy 
from  wearing  shoes  unbecoming  their  condition. 
Thus  the  council  of  Agde  (C  Agathense,  c.  20) 
A.D.  506,  forbids  clerks  to  wear,  or  to  have 
clothes  or  shoes  not  suitable  to  their  office  ;  and 
a  council  at  Macon  (C.  Matisc.  i.  c.  5)  A.D.  591, 
also  forbids  the  clergy  to  wear  clothes  or  shoes 
after  the  fashion  of  the  world  (calceamenta 
saecularia).  Probably  these  canons  were  intended 
to  prevent  clerks  from  wearing  shoes  of  an 
extravagant  fashion,  such  as  the  peaked  shoes  of 
the  middle  ages.  [C] 

(2)  Monastic  Slwes. — In  the  earliest  days  of 
monasticism  monks  went  barefoot,  in  strict  ac- 
cordance with  the  austerity  of  their  profession  ; 
like  the  Stoic  philosophers  and  Hebrew  prophets 
in  whose  steps  they  trod  (Cassian,  Collat.  xxiv. 
10  ;  Gregor.  Nazian.  Oratio  viii.  de  Pace,  i.  Carm. 
47).  Instances  occur  continually  of  this  kind  of 
ascetic  self-mortification  in  the  lives  of  monks 
and     hermits '    (Discalceatio ;     nudis     pedibus 


Rosweyd,  Yitae  Patrum,  passim. 


SHOES 

incedere ;  nudipedalia  exercere,  etc.).  It  is 
related  of  Silvanus,  bishop  of  Philippopolis,  very 
early  in  the  fifth  century,  that  during  his  resi- 
dence at  Constantinople  he  walked  about  the 
crowded  thoroughfares  of  the  capital  of  the 
Roman  empire  in  sandals  of  twisted  hay 
(Socrates,  H.  E.  vii.  37). 

Some  heretics  strove  to  enforce  on  all  Chris- 
tians the  obligation  of  going  barefoot ;  these  were 
condemned  ;  but  the  practice  was  commended 
for  those  who  were  exceptionally  devout,  par- 
ticularly monks  and  penitents  (Augustin.  da 
Haeres.  68  ;  Hieron.  Ep.  xxii.  28  ;  Theodoret,  Hist. 
Belig.  4 ;  Gregor.  Turon.  dc  Vit.  Pair.  15).  Thus 
Augustine  praises  his  friend  Alypius  for  travel- 
ling barefoot  through  Italy  in  winter  (August. 
Confess,  ix.  6).  Instances  of  this  kind  might  be 
cited  almost  endlessly  during  the  middle  ages. 
"  Barefooted  "  was  an  epithet  commonly  applied 
to  the  mediaeval  friars,  even  when  they  had 
ceased  to  merit  it  literally. 

The  great  monastic  legislator  of  Monte  Casino, 
with  his  accustomed  sagacity  and  tolerance,  left 
the  question  as  to  the  proper  covering  of  the 
feet  to  be  settled  for  his  monks  by  the  abbat's 
discretion  in  each  particular  monastery,  accord- 
ing to  the  requirements  of  climate  and  locality. 
As  a  rule  Benedict  prescribed  "  pedules  et 
caligas  "  as  sufficient  in  ordinary  circumstances, 
wisely  prohibiting  all  controversies  about  size, 
material,  colour,  shape ;  only  recommending 
whatever  in  each  instance  might  be  cheapest 
and  least  eccentric  in  those  parts.  In  the  list  of 
articles  of  necessity  for  a  monk  are  mentioned 
these  "  pedules  et  caligae "  (Bened.  Ecg.  c. 
55). 

As  to  the  exact  meaning  of  these  terms  there 
is  much  uncertainty.  Martene,  in  his  com- 
mentary on  the  Rule  of  Benedict,  enumerates 
almost  endless  varieties  of  interpretation,  not 
easily  to  be  reconciled  with  one  another,  and 
Menard  speaks  of  the  words  as  obscure. 
Smaragdus,  according  to  the  former,  takes 
"  pedules "  as  shoes,  "  caligae  "  as  socks ; 
Hildemarus  takes  the  words  severally  as  slippers 
and  sandals ;  Bernardus  Casinensis  as  shoes, 
whether  of  wool  or  leather,  and  buskins  or 
gaiters  respectively  made  of  leather  and  wool  ; 
Boherius  Kicolaus  de  Fractura  as  shoes  and 
boots  ;  Haeften  as  woollen  socks  and  slippers ; 
other  commentators  as  slippers  and  half- 
boots,  or  as  socks  and  stockings  {Bened.  Reg. 
Comment,  in  c.  55).  In  such  a  conflict  of 
opinions  on  a  point  so  remote  from  the  experi- 
ence of  modern  times  it  is  hopeless  to  attempt 
to  decide. 

Nor  do  other  monastic  rules  solve  the  difficulty. 
Cassian  allows  "  caligae  "  at  midsummer  only 
and  midwinter  as  a  protection  against  excessive 
heat  or  cold  (Cass.  Institut.  I.  cc.  8,  10).  Isidore 
of  Seville  allows  "  pedules  "  in  winter,  or  during 
a  journey;  at  other  times  "caligae"  only 
(Isid.  Reg.  c.  14).  So  Fructuosus  of  Braga 
(Fructuos.  Seg.  c.  4).  The  anonymous  Rule  of 
"  Magister  "  orders  the  "  caligae  "  to  be  tipped 
with  iron  and  studded  with  nails,  "  ferratae  ac 
clavatae  "  (Heg.  Mag.  c.  81).  A  similar  expres- 
sion occurs  in  the  writings  of  Gregory  the 
Great  (Gregor.  M.  Dialog.  I.  c.  4.  Alteserra 
in  his  Asceticon  defines  "  caliga "  as  equiva- 
lent to  sandal,  "  calceus "  to  shoe  or  boot 
(Altes.  Ascet.  V.  c.  18).     Probably  the  meaning 


SIGN  OF  THE  CROSS 


1895 


of  all  these  terms  varied  in  different  times  and 
places. 

As  usual,  the  rule  and  practice  of  the  female 
devotees  correspond  with  those  of  the  monks. 
Egyptian  nuns,  for  instance,  are  spoken  of  by 
Isidore  of  Pelusium,  as  "sandalled  recluses" 
(Isidor.  Ej^p.  I.  87). 

(Alteserra  {k.\).\  Asceticon,  v.  18;  Halae,  1782. 
Helyot,  Histoire  ties  Ordres  monastiques,  Paris, 
1714.  Zoekler  (0.)  Eritischc  Geschichte  der 
Askese,  II.  2,  Frankfurt  a.  M.  1863.)    [I.  G.  S.] 

SHROUD.     [Obsequies,  §  v.  p.  1428.] 

SIAGRIUS  (Stagrius),  Aug.  27,  bishop  and 
confessor ;  commemorated  at  Autun  (Mart. 
Usuard.,  Adon.).  [C.  H.] 

SICK,  VISITATION  OF  THE.  [U.nction  ; 
Viaticum.] 

SIDA,  COUNCIL  OF  (Sidense  Concilium), 
A.D.  483,  al.  391,  against  the  Massalians  or 
Euchites,  attended  by  twenty-five  bishops,  with 
Amphilochius  of  Iconium  at  their  head.  A  letter 
was  addressed  by  them  to  Flavian,  bishop  of 
Antioch,  informing  him  what  they  had  done. 
(Mansi,  iii.  651.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

SIDON,  COUNCIL  OF  (Sidoxense  Con- 
cilium), A.D.  511,  attended  by  eighty  Mono- 
physite  bishops,  who  met  to  condemn  the  council 
of  Chalcedon,  and  Flavian,  the  second  of  that 
name,  bishop  of  Antioch,  and  Elias,  bishop  of 
Jerusalem,  for  upholding  it.  (Mansi,  viii.  371- 
374.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

SIDRONIUS,  July  11,  martyr;  commemo- 
rated in  the  territory  of  Sens  {Mart.  Usuard.). 
[C.  H.] 

SIGISMUND,  May  1,  king,  martyr ;  com- 
memorated at  Sedunum  (Sitten,  Sion)  {Mart. 
Usuard.,  Adon.,  Notker.,  Wand.).  He  has  a 
mass  in  the  Ancient  Galilean  Sacramentary. 

[C.  H.] 

SIGN  OF  THE  CROSS.  The  use  of  the  sign 
of  the  cross  is  of  great  antiquity,  and  was  very 
frequent  in  the  earlier  centuries  of  the  Christian 
Church.  It  was  connected  with  such  passages 
of  Scripture  as  Ezek.  ix.  4,  Rev.  vii.  3,  ix.  4, 
xiv.  1,  or  more  fancifully  with  such  passages  as 
Ps.  cxliv.  1.  It  was  by  Moses'  hands  being  held 
up  in  the  form  of  a  cross  that  Joshua  was 
believed  to  have  conquered  Amalek  (Ex.  vii. 
9-14),  and  the  cross  was  identified  with  the  sign 
of  the  Son  of  Man  foretold  to  appear  hereafter 
in  the  heavens  (St.  Matt.  xxiv.  30).  (Chrysost. 
and  Jerome,  in  loco;  Cyril,  Cat.  Lcct.  xiii.  41, 
XV.  22 ;  Cyprian,  ad  Quirin,  sects.  21,  22 ; 
Ephrem  Syrus,  de  Panoplia.) 

II.  The  original  mode  of  making  the  sign  of 
the  cross  was  with  the  thumb  of  the  right  hand, 
generally  on  the  forehead  only,  or  on  other 
objects,  once  or  thrice  (Chrysost.  Ihm.  ad  pop. 
Antioch.  xl.  ;  "  Thrice  he  made  the  sign  of  the 
cross  on  the  chalice  with  his  finger  "  (Sophron. 
in  Prat.  Spirit.).  So  Sozomeu  of  Douatus  (lib. 
vii.  cap.  27)  ;  and  Epiphanius  of  Joseplius  {Haer. 
XXX.).  JyisiiaU.  Var.  Quacst.  lis.  "  The  sign 
of  the  cross  is  on  our  brow  and  on  our  heart. 
It  is  on  our  brow  that  we  may  always  confess 
Christ,  on  our  heart  that  we  may  always  love 


1896        SIGN  OF  THE  CROSS 

him,  on  our  arm  that  we  may  always  work  for 
him  "  (Ambrose,  Lib.  de  Isaac  et  Anima,  viii.). 
"  Be  not  ashamed  of  the  cross  of  Christ.  For 
this  reason  hast  thou  received  it  on  thy  forehead, 
as  it  were  on  the  seat  of  shame  "  (Aug.  in  frag. 
Serm.  27  ;  see  Serm.  2  in  Parasccve ;  Com.  in  Pss. 
30,  141  ;  Cypr.  de  Unit.  Ecclcs.  cap.  16).  The  act 
of  crossing  was  generally  performed  in  the  name 
of  the  Trinity,  e-xpressed  or  implied.  "  The  faith 
is  sealed  in  the  name  of  the  Father,  Son,  and  Holy 
Ghost"  (Tertull.  dc  Bap.  cap.  6),  or  in  the  name 
of  Christ.  "  Being  a  Christian  she  crossed  herself 
in  the  name  of  Christ  "  (Epiphan.  Haer.  30,  cap. 
7),  or  with  some  formula  of  renunciation  of  evil. 
"  I  renounce  thee,  0  Satan,  and  thy  pomp  and 
thy  service,  and  I  enrol  myself  as  thine,  0  Christ. 
As  thou  sayest  this,  make  the  sign  of  the  cross 
upon  thy  forehead  "  (Chrysost.  Or.  2\,  ad  Pop. 
AntiocK).  It  is  impossible  to  fix  the  exact  date 
at  which  this  primitive  method  of  making  the 
sign  of  the  cross  became  obsolete.  In  the  Gth 
century  a  second  and  more  elaborate  method  had 
already  supplanted  it.  The  hand  was  raised  to 
the  forehead,  then  drawn  down  to  the  heart, 
then  to  the  left  shoulder  and  then  to  the  right, 
but  in  the  Eastern  Church  first  to  the  right  and 
then  to  the  left  shoulder.  Sometimes  the  thumb 
was  laid  cross-wise  over  the  index  finger  and 
kissed  (Gretser,  dc  Oru^e,  bk.  iv.  c.  2).  A  third 
method,  usual  in  benedictions  and  consecrations, 
was  to  make  the  sign  of  the  cross  in  the  air  over 
persons  or  objects.  A  fourth  method  was  to 
raise  the  hand  to  the  forehead  in  the  name  of 
God,  as  the  head  of  all,  then  to  lower  it  to  the 
mouth  in  the  name  of  the  Son,  who  is  the  Word 
of  the  Father,  then  to  the  heart  in  the  name  of 
the  Spirit,  who  is  the  bond  of  love.  In  all  these 
cases  some  or  all  of  the  fingers  might  be  em- 
ployed with  varying  symbolical  significations. 
Five  fingers  would  represent  the  five  wounds  of 
Christ ;  three  fingers  the  Blessed  Trinity ;  one 
finger  the  unity  of  the  Godhead.  Thus  pope  Leo 
IV.  ordered,  "  Sign  the  chalice  and  the  oblation 
with  the  right  cross ;  that  is  to  say,  not  in  a 
circle  and  with  various  fingers,  as  many  do, 
but  with  two  fingers  extended,  and  the  thumb 
bent  up  underneath,  by  which  the  Trinity  is 
signified.  Study  to  make  that  sign  of  the  cross 
rightly,  for  otherwise  ye  are  unable  to  bless 
anything "  {Supple?)!.  Mansi  Concil.  torn.  i.  p. 
911).  The  phrases,  "  Portare  crucem  in  fronte," 
eKTVTtovv  if  T(Z  fj.eTa>irci>,  have  led  some  persons 
erroneously  to  suppose  that  the  cross  was  in- 
delibly impressed  ou  that  part  of  the  body  ;  and 
a  custom  does  seem  actually  to  have  existed 
at  one  time  in  the  East  of  branding  Christian 
children  on  the  forehead  in  order  that  they 
might  be  recognised  again  if  carried  into  cap- 
tivity by  JIahomedans  (Renaudot,  Perpe't.  dc  la 
Foi,  torn.  V.  1,  2,  c.  4,  p.  106). 

III.  The  following  passages  will  prove  how 
widespread  the  use  of  the  sign  of  the  cross  became 
from  A.D.  150  onwards.  They  form  merely  a 
handful,  selected  from  out  of  the  multitude  of 
allusions  to  it  which  occur  in  the  pages  of  the 
chief  Christian  writers  of  the  first  five  cen- 
turies. 

"  In  all  our  travels  and  movements,  in  all  our 
coming  in  and  going  out,  in  putting  on  our  shoes, 
at  the  bath,  at  the  table,  in  lighting  our  candles, 
in  lying  down,  in  sitting  down,  whatever  em- 
ployment occupieth  us,  we   mark  our  foreheads 


SIGN  OF  THE  CROSS 

with  the  sign  of  the  cross  "  (Tertullian,  de  Cor. 
Mil.  c.  iii.).  "We  see  the  sign  of  the  cross 
naturally  in  a  ship  borne  along  with  bellying 
sails  ;  we  see  it  when  the  ship  glides  forward 
with  outstretched  oars,  and  when  the  yard  is 
hoisted ;  we  see  it  when  a  pure-hearted  man 
worships  God  with  extended  hands "  (Minu- 
cius  Felix,  edit.  1672,  p.  287,  compare  .Justin.  M. 
Apol.  2  ;  Ambrose.  Serm.  56 ;  Jerome,  Ep.  29, 
&c.).  "  And  when  ye  do  this,  we  shall  lay  our 
hands  upon  your  heads,  and  make  the  sign  of 
the  cross  upon  your  foreheads  "  (Julius  Afri- 
canus.  Hist.  lib.  vi.).  "  We  ought,  therefore,  on 
rising  to  give  thanks  to  Christ,  and  to  perform 
all  our  daily  work  with  the  sign  of  the  cross 
(Ambrose.  Serm.  43).  "  Whatever  thou  doest, 
wherever  thou  goest,  let  thy  hand  make  the 
sign  of  the  cross  "  (Jerome,  ad  Eustuch.  Ep.  22). 
"  Let  the  word  of  God  and  the  sign  of  Christ 
be  in  thy  heart,  in  thy  mouth,  on  thy  forehead, 
when  thou  sittest  at  meals,  when  thou  goest  to 
the  baths,  when  thou  retirest  to  thy  bed,  in 
going  out  and  in  coming  in,  in  time  of  joy  and 
in  time  of  sorrow  "  (Gaudentius  Brixianus,  tract. 
i.  de  Led.  Evang. ;  see  Migne,  Patr.  Cursus, 
tom.  XX.  p.  890).  Compare  Prudentius,  Cath. 
Hymn.  vi.  129,  seq.  ;  adv.  Sy/nm.  ii.  712.  "  For 
this  reason  the  Lord  himself  has  fixed  his  cross 
on  the  foreheads  of  those  who  believe  on  him, 
which  is  as  it  were  the  seat  of  shame,  where 
proud  and  impious  madmen  mocked  him  in  order 
that  the  faithful  may  not  blush  at  his  name,  and 
may  rather  seek  the  glory  of  God  than  of  men  " 
(Augustinus,  Horn.  liii.  in  Evamj.  S.  Joan,  sect. 
13;  Horn.  viii.  sect.  2  ;  Horn.  xi.  sect.  3,  et  passim). 
"  A  third  commentator,  one  of  those  who  believe 
in  Christ,  said  that  the  rudimentary  elements 
presented  in  the  letter  Tau  a  resemblance  to  the 
figure  of  the  cross,  and  that  therein  was  contained 
a  prophecy  of  the  sign  which  is  made  byChristians 
upon  their  foreheads  ;  for  all  the  faithful  make 
the  sign  in  commencing  any  undertaking,  and 
especially  at  the  commencement  of  prayer  or  of 
reading  Holy  Scripture "  (Origen,  Select,  in 
Ezecli.  cap.  9).  "  Let  us  not  then  be  ashamed 
to  confess  the  Crucified.  Be  the  cross  our 
seal  made  with  boldness  by  our  fingers  on  our 
brow,  and  on  everything  ;  over  the  bread  we 
eat,  and  the  cups  we  drink  ;  in  our  comings  in 
and  goings  out ;  before  our  sleep,  when  we  lie 
down,  and  when  we  awake,  when  we  are  in  the 
way,  and  when  we  are  still  (St.  Cyril  of  Jer. 
Catech.  Led.  xiii.  36). 

"  That  sign  of  the  cross  which  formerly  all 
persons  shuddered  at,  is  now  so  emulously  sought 
by  every  one,  that  it  is  to  be  found  everywhere, 
among  rulers  and  subjects,  among  men  and  women, 
among  married  and  unmarried,  among  bond  and 
free.  All  are  continually  making  it  upon  the 
noblest  portion  of  the  human  frame,  and  daily 
bear  it  about  engraved  on  their  foreheads  as  on 
a  pillar.  Behold  it  at  the  holy  table ;  at  the 
ordination  of  priests  ;  refulgent  along  with  the 
body  of  Christ  at  the  mystic  meal.  Everywhere 
one  may  see  it  celebrated,  in  houses,  in  market- 
places, in  deserts,  in  high-roads,  on  mountains, 
in  groves,  on  hills,  on  the  sea,  in  ships,  in 
islands,  in  couches,  in  dresses,  in  arms,  in 
porches,  in  convivial  assemblies,  on  gold  and 
silver  vessels,  in  pearls,  in  mural  paintings,  on 
the  bodies  of  the  suffering  brute  creation,  on  the 
bodies  of  persons  possessed  by  devils,  in  war,  in  • 


SIGN  OF  THE  CROSS 

peace,  by  day,  by  night,  in  revellers'  dances,  in 
companies  of  ascetics.  Thus  do  all  vie  with 
each  other  iu  seeking  this  marvellous  gift,  this 
unspeakable  grace."  (Chrysost.  contra  Judaeos 
et  Gentiles  qiiud  C/a-istus  sit  Detis,  edit.  1718,  p. 
571  ;  Horn.  Iv.  m  S.  Matth. ;  Horn.  xxi.  ad  Pop. 
Antioch ;  Horn.  x.  in  Acta  iv.  1-22,  where  he 
complains  of  its  having  dropped  into  a  merely 
habitual  mechanical  action  ;  Horn,  in  2  Tim.  ii. 
26,  and  in  1  Cor.  iv.  6,  &c.) 

IV.  The  above  quotations  prove  that  the  sign 
of  the  cross  accompanied  almost  every  acticjn, 
sacred  or  profane,  in  a  Christian  life,  from  rising 
in  the  morning  until  retiring  to  rest  at  night. 
It  may,  however,  be  convenient  to  specify  some 
objects  for  which  it  was  deemed  especially  use- 
ful, and  some  particular  virtues  which  were 
believed  to  be  contained  in  it,  or  results  which 
Avere  secured  by  its  use. 

(rt)  It  was  employed  by  members  of  the  early 
Church  to  denote  that  they  were  Christians  ;  and 
to  distinguish  themselves  from  the  surrounding 
heathen.  "We  recognise  the  members  of  Christ, 
if  they  are  the  members  of  Christ,  by  their 
bearing  the  sign  of  Christ "  (Augustine,  Sena. 
53,  de  Verbo  Dei).  The  Puritans  understood 
this,  and  urged  the  altered  circumstances  of  the 
times  as  a  ground  for  abandoning  the  custom 
altogether  (Hooker,  Eccles.  Pol.  Ixv.  6). 

(b)  To  put  the  devil  to  flight.  It  was 
believed  to  be  very  efficacious  towards  repelling 
the  assaults  and  neutralising  the  power  of  evil 
spirits.  "  Then  some  of  the  assistant  ministers, 
who  knew  the  Lord,  standing  by  the  sacrificing 
priest,  made  the  immortal  sign  of  the  cross  upon 
their  foreheads  ;  and  when  it  was  made,  the 
demons  were  put  to  flight,  and  the  sacred  rites 
thrown  into  confusion "  (Lactantius,  Lib.  de 
Mor-t.  Persec.  edit.  1692,  p.  87).  "  Along  with 
these  words  make  the  sign  of  the  cross  upon  thy 
forehead  ;  for  thus  not  only  no  human  adversary, 
but  also  not  even  the  devil  himself,  will  be  able 
iu  any  way  to  hurt  thee,  seeing  thee  appearing 
everywhere  protected  by  these  arms  "  (Chrysost. 
ad  Illurn.  Catech.  ii.  ad  finem ;  Horn.  Iv.  in  S. 
Matth. ;  Adv.  Judaeos,  viii.  8  ;  Cyril  of  Jerusa- 
lem, Cat.  Loot.  iv.  13,  xiii.  3,  36  ;  Augustin. 
Lib.  de  Symb.  cap.  i.  et  passim).  "  Let  him  who 
wishes  to  obtain  a  proof  of  what  has  been  said 
before  come,  and  at  the  appearance  of  demons, 
or  in  the  case  of  the  deceitfulness  of  oracles  and 
of  the  marvels  of  magic,  let  him  use  the  sign  of 
the  cross  which  is  ridiculed  among  them,  merely 
naming  the  name  of  Christ,  and  he  will  see  how 
the  demons  are  put  to  flight  by  it,  and  how  the 
oracles  cease,  and  all  magic  and  witchcraft  are 
brought  to  nought "  (Athan.  de  Incarn.  Verbi 
Dei,  cap.  48). 

(c)  For  reminding  and  encouraging  themselves 
and  others  under  difficulties  and  trials  to 
their  faith.  "The  flesh  is  signed  with  the 
cross,  that  the  mind  may  be  fortified  "  (Tertull. 
de  Pes.  Carnis,  c.  8.)  St.  Cyprian  encouraged 
martyrs  thus  :  "  Let  thy  brow  be  fortified,  that 
the  mark  of  God  may  be  preserved  intact" 
(Epp.  56-  et  58,  c.  6),  and  congratulated  tliose 
who  had  not  lapsed  in  these  words  ;  "  The  brow 
purified  with  the  sign  of  God  could  not  endure 
the  crown  of  Satan,  but  reserved  itself  for  the 
crown  of  the  Lord  "  {De  J.itps.   ch.   2,  torn.  i. 

121)- 

(d)  As  a  remedy  against  temptation  to  special 


SIGN  OF  THE  CROSS        1897 

sins  ;  as  anger  (Chrysost.  in  S.  Matt,  xxvii.  44  ; 
in  Act.  vii.  36-53),  or  lust  (Ambrose,  Exhort,  ad 
Virg.). 

(e)  As  a  charm  against  disease  or  mishap,  St. 
Chrysostom  enumerates  this  among  its  chief 
virtues.  "This  sign,  both  in  the  days  of  our 
forefathers  and  now,  hath  opened  doors  that 
were  shut  up,  hath  neutralised  poisonous  drngs, 
hath  taken  away  the  power  of  hemlock,  hath 
healed  bites  of  venomous  beasts."  (Horn.  liv. 
in  S.  Matt.  xvi.  23 ;  Horn.  viii.  in  Col.  iii., 
Aug.  in  Ps.  xciii. ;  Sophron.  in  Prat.  Spirit,  c.  56.) 
Many  of  the  fabulous  stories  contained  in  the 
pages  of  later  historians  and  martyrologists  are 
connected  with  this  supposed  efficacy  of  the  sign 
of  the  cross.  (Sulp.  Severus,  de  Vita  Martini, 
cap.  iii.  ix.  xxiv.  et  al.). 

(/)  For  purifying  places,  churches,  vessels, 
cups,  food,  drink,  and  other  objects  which  were 
considered  unclean,  or  had  been  abused  to 
idolatrous  purposes.  "  Is  not  then  swine's  flesh 
unclean  ?  By  no  means,  when  it  is  received 
with  thanksgiving,  when  it  is  marked  with  the 
sign  of  the  cross  ;  no  more  is  any  other  thing 
unclean."  (Chrysost.  Horn.  xii.  in  1  Tim.  iv. ;  for 
fabulous  stories  of  later  writers  vide  Bede, 
torn.  iii.  in  Vita  S.  Vedasti ;  Fortunatus,  in  Vita 
S.  Germani,  c.  34.) 

V.  It  remains  to  give  some  account  of  the 
ceremonial  use  of  the  sign  of  the  cross  in  the 
liturgy  and  sacramental  offices  of  the  primitive 
Church.  As  most  of  the  ritual  writers  and 
most  missals  and  manuals,  at  all  events  in  their 
present  form,  are  of  a  later  date  than  the  9th 
century,  this  account  must  be  necessarily  of  a 
somewhat  fragmentary  character.  A  minute 
and  systematic  account  or  a  comparative  table 
of  its  use  in  the  Eastern  and  Western  office- 
books  could  only  be  drawn  from  materials  of 
mediaeval  and  modern  times. 

The  Sacramentary  of  Leo  contains  no  rubrical 
directions  at  all.  The  few  rubrics  enjoining  the 
sign  of  the  cross  in  the  Gelasian  and  Gregorian 
Sacramentaries,  in  the  earliest  ordines  Komani, 
and  in  the  fragments  of  certain  Eastern  and 
Western  pontificals  and  rituals  not  later  than 
the  9th  century  will  be  noted  under  different 
headings.  Of  early  ritualists,  Amalarius  ex- 
plains the  meaning  of  crossing  with  oil  and 
balsam  in  baptism  {lib.  i.  c.  27),  and  its  frequent 
ritual  use  in  Holy  Communion,  at  the  gospel, 
at  the  consecration  of  the  chalice  by  touching 
it  crosswise  with  a  particle  of  the  consecrated 
host,  and  who  suggests  greater  simplicity  iu 
its  use:  "  It  seems  to  me  that  if  the  sign  of 
the  cross  was  made  once  over  the  bread  and 
wine  it  would  be  enough,  because  the  Lord  was 
crucified  once  "  {lib.  iii.  18,  24,  31). 

There  are  many  passages  scattered  up  and 
down  the  pages  of  the  Christian  apologists  and 
the  early  fathers  which  bear  out  what  the  above 
facts  seem  to  imply,  that  the  use  of  the  sign  of 
the  cross  became,  at  a  very  early  date,  a  marked 
feature  of  Christian  worsliip,  both  m  their 
general  devotions,  and  more  especially  lu  the 
administration  of  the  sacraments.  The  joined  or 
crossed  hands  in  any  prayer  rcprescuted  the 
cross— "  Crucis  signum  est  cum  lionio  porrectis 
manibus  Deum  pura  mentc  veneratur  "  (JIiuucius 
Felix,  edit.  1(372,  p.  288),  'EttJ  fvx^y  TTavpv, 
K.T.\.  (Chrvsost.  Derrumst.  quod  thr-istus  sd 
JDcus,  cap.  8).     In  speaking  of  the  sacraments, 


1898        SIGN  OF  THE  CEOSS 

lauguage  was  sometimes  employed  which  would 
seem  to  assert  their  invalidity,  or  at  least  their 
irregularity,  if  the  sign  of  the  cross  was  not  a 
constituent  portion  of  their  ceremonial.  "  Who- 
ever may  be  the  ministers  of  the  sacraments,  of 
what  sort  soever  may  be  the  hands  which  either 
immerse  the  candidates  (audientes)  for  baptism, 
or  anoint  them  ;  by  whatever  lips  the  sacred 
words  are  uttered,  it  is  the  authoritative  use  of 
the  sign  of  the  cross  which  works  the  efifect  in 
all  the  sacraments  "  (Cyprian,  de  Pass.  Christ'i). 
St.  Augustine  said  that  "  Unless  the  sign  of  the 
cross  is  made  either  on  tlie  foreheads  of  the 
faithful,  or  on  the  water  itself  wherewith  they 
are  regenerated,  or  on  the  oil  with  which  they 
are  anointed  with  chrism,  or  on  the  sacrifice 
with  which  they  are  nourished,  none  of  these 
things  is  duly  performed  "  (Horn,  cxviii.  in  S. 
Joan.  six.  24).  St.  Chrysostom  used  these 
words :  "  As  a  crown  so  let  us  bear  about  the 
cross  of  Christ.  For  by  it  all  things  are 
wrought  that  are  done  among  us.  If  one  is  to 
be  regenerated,  the  cross  is  there,  or  to  be 
nourished  with  that  mystical  food,  or  to  be 
ordained,  or  to  do  anything  else,  everywhere 
that  symbol  of  victory  is  present  with  us " 
(Horn.  liv.  [al.  Iv.]  in  S.  Matt.  vii. ;  Op.  torn.  vii. 
p.  551). 

In  these  and  other  passages  we  find  that  the 
sign  of  the  cross  was  part  of  the  ceremonial 
attending  certain  religious  services,  and  was 
especially  employed  on  the  following  occasions  : — 

(a)  At  the  reception  of  a  Catec/iumen. — St. 
Augustine,  in  an  address  to  catechumens,  told 
them,  "  Ye  are  not  yet  regenerate  by  holy  bap- 
tism, but  ye  have  been  conceived  in  the  womb  of 
lioly  mother  Church  by  the  sign  of  the  cross." 
(Lib.  de  Symb.  ad  Catech. ;  Horn.  1.  in  S.  Joan. 
sect.  12  ;  Ifom.  in  1  S.  Joan.  c.  2  ;  de  Peccator. 
Mer.  c.  26,  ct  passim).  In  the  old  Ambrosian 
rite  the  sign  was  ordered  to  be  made  once  on  the 
catechumen's  forehead  ;  in  an  old  Galilean  rite, 
twice  on  the  forehead  and  breast ;  in  an  old 
Gothic  missal  four  times,  on  the  eyes,  ears,  nose, 
and  heart ;  in  a  Galilean  sacramentary  (7th 
century),  once  on  the  face. 

The  above  and  the  following  details  are 
culled  from  the  Gelasiau  and  Gregorian  Sacra- 
mentaries,  and  the  fragments  of  early  Western 
missals  or  rituals  preserved  in  Mabillon's 
Musaeum  Italicum,  and  Martene,  de  Antiq.  Eccles. 
Hit.  Their  statements,  or  conjectures,  as  to  the 
dates  of  documents  have  been  accepted. 

(6)  At  Baptism. — In  the  preliminary  conse- 
cration of  the  water: — "  Baptism,  that  is  to  say 
the  water  of  salvation,  is  not  the  water  of  sal- 
vation, unless  having  been  consecrated  by  the 
name  of  Christ,  who  shed  His  blood  for  us,  it 
is  marked  with  the  sign  of  the  cross  "  (Aug. 
JTom.  xxvii. ;  lib.  6,  c.  Julian,  cap.  8 ;  Cypr. 
£p.  Iviii.  sect.  10) ;  in  the  exorcism  and  impo- 
sition of  hands  (Aug.  Conf.  i.  cap.  11);  at  the 
unction  (Constit.  Apost.  lib.  iii.  cap.  17  ;  Tertul. 
de  Resur.  cap.  8  ;  Ambros.  de  its  qui  initiantur, 
c.  4,  et  passim). 

(c)  At  Confirmation.  —  This  rite,  in  early 
times,  immediately  following  baptism,  consisted 
of  the  imposition  of  hands  and  the  making  the 
sign  of  the  cross  on  the  candidate's  forehead  with 
chrism  and  in  the  name  of  the  Trinity.  "  Bap- 
tized persons  receive  the  gifts  of  grace  by 
the  sign  of  the  same   cross,  and  by  imposition 


SILA'ANUS 

of  hands."  (Aug.  Serm.  19,  de  Sanctis; 
Gelas.  Sacram. ;  York  Pontifical  of  Egbert ; 
Cahors,  Beauvais,  Poictiers  rituals  of  9th  cen- 
tury.) 

(d)  In  extreme  unction. — The  short  office  for 
this  rite  in  the  Gregorian  Saci'amentary  contains 
no  rubric  enjoining  the  sign  of  the  cross.  It 
does  not  appear  in  connexion  with  unction  of  the 
sick  till  early  in  the  9th  century,  when  a 
Troyes  pontifical  directs  the  sick  man's  breast 
to  be  anointed  thrice  witii  cinders,  while  a  Tours 
pontifical  of  about  the  same  date  presents  this 
elaborate  rubric  (Martene,  lib.  i.  Ordo,  iii. 
cap.  vii.  art.  iv).     [Umction.] 

(e)  In  Holy  Communion. — This  rite  is  generally 
mentioned  in  passages  previously  quoted  as  one 
in  the  ceremonial  of  which  the  sign  of  the  cross 
formed  a  part.  The  cross  was  symbolised  by  the 
elevated  hands  of  the  consecrating  priest,  who, 
"  representing  the  mystery  of  the  cross  by  the 
elevation  of  his  hands,  prays  confidently  on 
behalf  of  his  own  and  the  people's  ignorance." 
(Cyprian,  de  Coena  Dom.  ;  Aug.  Serm.  clxxxi.  de 
temp. ;  Ordo  Rom.  i.  8,  11,  &c.,  ii.  2,  5  ;  Gregorian 
Sacramentary  ;  Mozarabic  and  Spanish  liturgies 
of  9th  cent.  Martene,  i.  382  ;  Mabillon,  Lit.  Gall. 
p.  449.) 

(/)  In  Ordination,  whether  of  bishops,  priests, 
deacons,  subdeacons,  readers,  or  other  minor 
church  officers  (vide  supra) ;  but  the  earliest 
extant  Western  ordinals  explicitly  ordering  the 
sign  of  the  cross  seem  hardly  to  fall  within  the 
limits  of  this  dictionary.  There  are  directions 
for  its  frequent  and  elaborate  use  in  the  old 
Syro-Jacobite  and  Coptic  ordinals  printed  in 
Martene,  vol.  ii.     [Ordination.] 

(g)  In  the  Consecration  of  Churches  and  Altars. 
— "  With  the  mark  of  the  same  cross  churches 
are  dedicated,  altars  are  consecrated "  (Aug. 
Hom.  Ixxv.  de  Divers.) ;  of  fonts,  of  patens 
(Gelas.  and  Gregor.  Sacram.) ;  in  blessing  and 
lighting  the  Easter  candle  on  Easter  eve  (i.h) ; 
and,  therefore,  probably  in  other  minor  acts  of 
dedication  or  consecration  which  have  escaped 
specific  mention.  (For  further  details,  in  addi- 
tion to  authorities  previously  quoted,  consult 
Lipsius,  de  Cruce,  and  Bintei-im's  Denkwiirdig- 
keiten,  vol.  iv.  pt.  1.)    [Consecration.] 

[F.  E.  W.] 

SIGNA.    [Bells.] 

SILANUS,  July  10  (Bed.  Mart.).  [Silva- 
NUS  (5).] 

SILAS,  apostle ;  commemorated  July  13 
(Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  in  Macedonia) ;  July  30, 
with  Silvanus,  Crescens,  Epaenetus,  Andronicus 
(Cal.  Byzant.,  Basil.  Me7wl. ;  Menol.  Graec.  Sir- 
let.).  [C.  H.] 

SILVANUS  (Sylvanus)  (1),  Jan.  29,  mar- 
tyr under  Diocletian  (Cal.  Byzant.). 

(2)  Feb.  6,  bishop  of  Emesa,  martyr  under 
Numerian,  with  Lucas  deacon,  and  Mocius  reader 
(Basil.  Menol. ;  Menol.  Graec.  Sirlet.). 

(3)  May  4,  bishop  of  Gaza,  martyr  under 
Diocletian  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Not- 
ker..  Wand. ;  Basil.  Menol.). 

(4)  May  24,  martyr ;  commemorated  in  Histria 
with  Servilius  and  others  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon., 

Vet.  Rom.,  Hieron.,  Notker.). 


SILVESTER 

(6)  July  10  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Notker. ;  Bed. 
SiLANUS),  one  of  the  seven  sons  of  Felicitas. 
[Septem  Fratres.] 

(6)  July  30,  apostle.     [Silas.] 

(7)  Aug.  23.     [Sabinus  (4).] 

(8)  Sept.  4,  boy  martyr  with  two  other  boys, 
Eufinus  and  Vitalicus  ;  commemorated  at  Ancyra 
(Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Bom.,  Hieron., 
Notker.) ;  Aug.  31  (Hieron.). 

(9)  Sept.  9  (Syr.  Mart.)  ;  Mart.  Hieron.  has 
a  martyr  under  this  day  in  Sabinum,  with  Hya- 
cinthus  and  others. 

(10)  Sept.  22,  confessor,  in  the  territory  of 
Bourges  (Mart.  Usuard.). 

(11)  Oct.  26  ;  commemorated  at  Antioch  with 
Marcianus  (Syr.  Mart.). 

(12)  Nov.  5,  martyr  under  Diocletian  with 
Domninus  and  others.     (Basil.  Menol.)    [C.  H.] 

SILVESTER  (Sylvester)  (1),  Jan.  2,  pope 
(Cal.  Byzant.;  Basil.  Menol. ;  Menol.  Graec. 
Sirlet.);  Dec.  31  (3fart.  Bed.;  Mart.  Metr. 
Bed. ;  Mart.  Usuard.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Wand.)  ;  prayed 
for  by  name  in  the  Leouian  Sacrameutary,  Octo- 
ber; his  natale  observed  on  Dec.  31  in  the 
Gregorian  Sacramentary,  which  gives  his  name 
in  the  collect ;  his  natale  also  observed  in  the 
Lib.  Antiph.  of  Gregory. 

(2)  Nov.  20,  bishop,  confessor  ;  commemorated 
at  Chalons-sur-Saone  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.). 
[C.  H.] 

SILVINUS,  Feb.  17,  bishop  ;  commemorated 
in  the  territory  of  Terouanne  (Mart.  Usuard.). 
[C.  H.] 

SILVIXJS,  Apr.  21,  martyr;  commemorated 
at  Alexandria  with  Arator,  Fortunus  and  others 
(Mart.  Usuard.,  Notker.).  [C.  H.] 

SIMEON  (Syjieon)  (1),  Stylites,  Jan.  5; 
commemorated  at  Antioch  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Flor., 
Adon.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Notker.,  Wand.);  Sept.  1 
(Basil.  Menol.;  Cal.  Byzant.;  Menol.  Graec. 
Sirlet.), 

(2)  Senex,  Jan.  5,  aged  prophet  of  Jerusalem 
who  took  the  infant  Jesus  in  his  arms  (Mart. 
Flor.,  iTicron.,  Notker.) ;  Feb.  I  (Menol.  Graec. 
Sirlet.);  Feb.  2  (Cal.  Ethiojh);  Feb.  3  (Basil. 
Menol. ;  Cal.  Byzant.) ;  Oct.  8  (Mart.  Usuard., 
Adon.,  Rom.). 

(3)  Feb.  18,  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  martyr 
(Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Notker.); 
Apr.  27  (Cal.  Byzant. ;  Menol.  Graec.)  ;  Sept.  18 
(Basil.  Menol. ;  Menol.  Graec). 

(4)  Apr.  14,  bishop  of  Seleucia  and  Ctesiphon, 
martyr  in  Persia  under  Sapor  (Basil.  Menol.) ; 
Apr.  17  (Cal.  Byzant. ;  Menol.  Graec);  Apr.  21 
(Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Wand., 
Notker.). 

(5)  Stylites  the  Younger,  or  the  Thaumasto- 
rite,  May  24  (Cal.  Byzant.);  May  23  (Basil. 
3fenol.). 

(6)  July  18,  patriarch  of  Alexandria  (Cal. 
Ethiop.). 

(7)  July  21,  monk  with  John  at  Jerusalem 
"  our  fatliers,"  in  the  time  of  Justinian,  natives 
of  Emesa  (Basil.  Menol.  ;  Cal.  Byzant.). 

(8)  July  27,  monk  (also  called  Simon) ;  com- 


SIMON  ZELOTES 


1899 


memorated  in  Sicily  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet. 
Rom.,  Hieron.,  Notker.).  [C.  H.]    ' 

SIMEON,  SONG  OF.     [Caxticle.] 

SIMILIANUS,  June  16,  bishop,  confessor; 
commemorated  at  Nantes  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon., 
Hieron.).  [C.  H.] 

SIMON  ZELOTES,  Apostle,  Festival  of. 

i.  Legend. — Although  this  apostle  is  designated 
by  two  apparently  distinct  surnames  in  the  New 
Testament,  Zelotes  and  Cananaeus,"  these  are,  as 
is  well  known,  identical  in  meaning.  The  latter 
merely  represents  the  Hebrew,  of  which  the 
former  is  the  Greek  equivalent,  the  reference 
doubtless  being  to  the  sect  of  the  so-called 
Zealots.  Beyond  the  fact  of  his  apostleship,  the 
New  Testament  tells  us  nothing  of  St.  Simon ; 
and,  as  in  the  case  of  so  many  other  apostles, 
there  is  next  to  nothing  of  trustworthy  tradition. 

It  is  not  our  province  to  discuss  either  of  the 
improbable  theories  which  identify  him  either 
with  Simon  the  Lord's  brothei-,  or  Symeon  who 
succeeded  James  as  bishop  of  Jerusalem.  The 
Greek  Appendix  of  Sophronius  to  the  Liher  de 
Viris  Illustribus,  does  indeed  identify  him  with 
the  latter  (Jerome,  vol.  ii.  958),  and  speaks  of 
the  crucifixion  which  he  underwent  at  the  age 
of  120  years  in  the  reign  of  Trajan.  This,  how- 
ever, is  too  utterly  unlikely  to  need  further 
notice.  A  note  in  one  of  the  Vienna  MSS.  of 
the  Aiwstolic  Constitutions  states  (viii.  27)  that 
Simon  was  martyred  in  Judaea  in  the  reign  of 
Domitian. 

The  prevailing  tenor,  perhaps,  of  the  tradi- 
tions as  to  Simon's  labours,  associates  him  with 
the  region  east  of  Palestine.  Thus,  the  prologue 
to  the  Mart.  Hieronymi  makes  Simon  sutler  with 
Jude  "  in  Susia,  civitate  magna  apud  Persidem  " 
(Patrol.  XXX.  437).  In  the  Armenian  chronicler 
Moses  of  Chorene  (5th  century)  are  given  letters 
of  Abgarus,  king  of  Edessa,  to  Artasis,  king  of 
the  Persians,  and  Nerses  his  son,  which  mention 
Simon,  one  of  the  chief  apostles  of  Jesus,  as 
labouring  in  Persia  (ii.  29,  18;  p.  140,  ed.  Whis- 
ton).  Moses  subsequently  adds,  "  as  regards 
Simon,  the  sphere  of  whose  work  was  Persia,  I 
can  give  no  certain  information,  either  as  to 
what  he  did,  or  where  he  was  martyred.  Some 
declare  that  an  apostle  named  Simon  died  near 
the  Iberian  Bosporus  "  (ii.  31,  6,  p.  143).  On 
this  last  point,  however,  Moses  declines  to  give 
any  opinion,  and  evidently  views  the  whole 
thing  as  quite  doubtful.  It  will  be  noticed  here 
that°  there  is  in  the  above  passage  nothing  to 
shew  which  of  the  two  Simons  among  the 
apostles  is  referred  to,  and  the.Whistons  (not.  in 
loc.)  remark  that  most  commentators  suppose 
the  reference  is  to  Simon  Peter.  In  the  Apo- 
stolic History  of  the  Pseudo-Abdias  (lib  6,  in 
Fabricius,  Codex  Pseudepig.  Mvi  Test.  i.  609),  the 
scene  of  Simon's  martyrdom  is  given  as  Suanir 
in  Persia,  and  the  name  of  the  Persian  kmg  as 
Xerxes.  The  Christian  poet  Veuantius  Fortu- 
natus  (ob.  A.D.  609),  following  the  lead  of  Abdias, 
declares  (Cami.  viii.  6 ;  Patrol.  Ixxxvni.  2/0)— 

"  Hinc  Simonem  et  Judam  lumen  Persida  gemeUum 
Laeta  relaxato  mittit  ad  astra  sinu." 


»  The  KauavCrr,';  of  some  aiitlioritios  Is  doubtless  a 
change  of  spellins  due  to  the  belief  .that  the  word  wa» 
derived  from  Cttuaau  or  Caua. 


1900 


SIMON  ZELOTES 


Another  story  says  that  he  laboured  in  North 
Africa,  Egypt,  Cyrene,  and  Mauritania,  but  the 
evidence  on  which  this  rests  is  of  no  weight 
(Niceph.  Call.  Hist.  Eccles.  ii.  40 ;  Pseudo-Doro- 
theus,  in  App.  to  Chronicon  Paschalc,  ii.  138,  ed. 
Dindorf ).  The  latter  states  that  after  labouring 
m  Africa,  he  carried  the  news  of  the  gospel  to 
the  British  Isles.  Such  also  is  the  story  told  in 
the  Mcnaea. 

ii.  Festival. — As  in  the  case  of  nearly  all  the 
apostles,  there  seems  no  trace  of  any  early  com- 
memorative festival  of  St.  Simon.  In  the  West, 
he  has  been  generally  associated  with  St.  Jude, 
and  commemorated  on  October  28  ;  in  the  East 
they  are  commemorated  on  difi'erent  days. 

As  regards  the  festival  in  the  Western  church, 
it  is  not  necessary  to  repeat  what  we  have 
already  said  in  the  article  on  St.  Jude,  and  we 
shall  accordingly  merely  refer  the  reader  there. 
It  may,  however,  be  well  again  to  remark  that, 
though  in  some  Western  records  St.  Simon  is 
commemorated  on  other  days  than  October  28, 
yet  in  all  these  cases,  so  far  as  we  are  aware,  he 
is  associated  with  St.  Jude. 

In  the  Greek  church,  St.  Simon  is  commemo- 
rated on  Jlay  10.  The  Mcnaeon  identifies  him 
with  Nathanael  (^ifiaiv  6  Ka\  NaOoi'avjA  6vo/j.a^6- 
fj-fvos),  although  there  can  be  little  doubt  that 
Nathanael  is  the  personal  name  of  Bartholomew. 
The  entry  for  Way  10  in  the  Greek  metrical 
Ephemerides,  prefi.xed  by  Papebroch  to  the  Acta 
Sanctorum  for  May  is  (p.  xxvii.)  t^  SeKarj; 
Sijuoira  ffTaipaiaav  'AttScttoXov  ex^P"!. 

In  the  calendars  of  the  Ethiopic  and  Alexan- 
drian churches  published  by  Ludolf,  there  is  no 
mention  of  St.  Simon,  but,  from  the  entry  on 
July  10  "  Nathanael  the  Canaanite  "  (Ad  Hist. 
Aeth.  Comm.  p.  421),  we  may  assume  that  these 
churches,  like  the  preceding,  identify  Simon  and 
Nathanael. 

In  the  Armenian  church  St.  Simon  is  perhaps 
commemorated  on  September  28,  on  which  day 
we  find  in  the  first  of  the  two  Armenian 
calendars  given  by  Assemani  (^Bihl.  Or.  iii.  1. 
645  sqq.)  "  Simeon,  Apostle  ;  "  though  in  the 
second  the  entry  runs,  "  Simeon,  the  kinsman 
of  Christ." 

The  name  of  Simon  has  not  apparently  been 
made  much  use  of  by  the  authors  of  apocryphal 
writings.  We  are  not  aware  of  the  existence  of 
any  except  the  Acta  Simonis  et  Judae  given  by 
the  Pseudo-Abdias  {suj^ra).  The  Apostolic  Con- 
stitutions, however  (viii.  27,  28),  assign  to  this 
apostle  the  regulations  as  to  the  consecration  of 
bishops,  benedictions,  &c. 

For  an  elaborate  account  of  the  legends  in 
connexion  with  St.  Simon  and  his  cultus,  refer- 
ence may  be  made  to  Van  Hecke  in  Acta  Sanc- 
torum (Oct.  vol.  xii.  pp.  421  sqq.).  [R.  S.] 

SIMONY.  Bingham  (Antiq.  XVI.  vi.  28) 
distinguishes  between  three  degrees  of  simony  ; 
(i)  buying  and  selling  spiritual  gifts ;  (ii) 
buying  and  selling  spiritual  preferments  ;  (iii) 
usurpation  of  ecclesiastical  functions  without 
election  or  ordination.  Against  trafficking  in 
spiritual  gifts  the  laws  of  the  early  church  were 
very  severe.  Thus  the  apostolical  canons  (c.  28) 
appointed  that  if  bishop,  priest,  or  deacon  ob- 
tained his  sacred  character  by  means  of  money, 
both  the  ordained  and  the  ordainer  were  to 
be  subject  to  total  excision    from    the    church, 


SIMONY 

iravTdiraaivTrjs  Koivwvias  eKKoirrecrOw,  the  severest 
sentence  which  it  was  in  the  power  of  the  church 
to  inflict.  The  second  canon  of  Chalcedon  like- 
wise excommunicated  those  who  obtained  by 
a  price  the  priceless  grace  of  holy  orders. 
Similarly  the  second  council  of  Braga,  a.d.  572, 
c.  3,  recapitulating  the  decision  of  the  Fathers 
against  bribes  pronounces  "  Anathema  danti  et 
accipienti."  And  in  fact  denunciations  against 
simony  are  frequent  throughout  the  whole  of  our 
period  after  the  4th  century  ;  see  2  Cone.  Aurel. 
cc.  3,  4,  4  Cone.  Tolet.  c.  19,  8  Cone.  Tolet. 
c.  3,  11  Cone.  Tolet.  cc.  8,  9,  Cone,  in  Trull, 
c.  22,  2  Cone.  Nicaen.  c.  5,  Cone.  Mogunt.  c.  30, 
Cone.  Kemens.  c.  21,  Basil.  Ep.  Ixxvi.  ad  Episc, 
Gelas.  Ep.  i.  ad  Episc.  Lucan.,  Symmach.  Decrct. 
c.  1,  and  very  frequently  in  the  writings  of 
Gregory,  Epp.  v.  53,  55,  57  ;  vi.  8 ;  ix.  49,  lOG  ; 
xi.  46  ;  xii.  28  ;  xiii.  41 ;  Bom.  in  Evangel.  1.  iv.  4. 
Against  simoniacal  transactions  the  civil  law 
upheld  the  discipline  of  the  church.  Thus 
Justin.  Novell,  cxxiii.  1,  cxxxvii.  2,  required  in 
the  consecration  of  bishops  that  both  the  electors 
and  the  bishop  elect  should  take  an  oath  on 
the  Gospels  that  nothing  had  been  given  either 
by  way  of  donation  or  promise,  or  through 
friendship,  to  obtain  the  election  and  the  conse- 
cration. Closely  allied  to  the  chief  sin  of  corrupt 
ordinations  was  that  of  withholding  the  sacra- 
ments unless  j)ayment  was  made.  The  various 
canons  directed  against  this  abuse  indicate  that 
on  pretence  of  asking  an  offering  the  clergy  were 
in  the  habit  of  setting  a  price  on  the  spiritual 
gifts  which  they  administered.  At  baptisms,  for 
instance,  it  seems  to  have  been  customary  to 
make  a  voluntary  oblation.  This  easily  led  to 
the  notion  that  the  oblation  was  compulsory,  and 
was  calculated  to  deter  the  poor  from  the  sacra- 
ment. The  council  of  Elvira  accordingly  (c.  48) 
prohibited  the  practice  of  casting  money  into  a 
bowl  at  baptism,  for  the  clergy  were  not  to  make 
gain  on  the  sacred  gift  which  they  had  received 
without  cost.  On  the  same  ground  Gelasius  (^Ep. 
i.  ad  Episc.  Lucan.)  forbade  the  Italian  clergy 
from  exacting  a  fee  for  baptism  or  confirmation. 
And  in  the  Greek  church  Gregory  Nazianzen 
(Orat.  40  de  i)a/)i.) remonstrates  with  those  who 
kept  away  from  baptism,  alleging  that  they 
could  not  afford  the  usual  offering  or  the  enter- 
tainment for  the  officiating  clergyman ;  he  tells 
them  that  the  only  offering  demanded  is  that  of 
themselves  to  Christ,  and  that  their  own  holy 
life  was  the  only  entertainment  expected.  In 
the  Spanish  church  apparently  in  sjiite  of  the 
decree  of  Elvira,  the  covetousness  of  the  clergy 
still  debarred  the  poor  from  baptism.  In  the 
second  council  of  Braga,  a.d.  572,  there  is  a 
canon  (c.  7)  denouncing  the  compulsory  demand 
of  a  pledge  from  those  who  had  not  wherewithal 
to  offer  voluntarily.  The  same  council  (c.  5) 
prohibited  the  exaction  of  a  fee  for  the  consecra- 
tion service  of  a  church.  The  eleventh  council 
of  Toledo  A.D.  675  (c.  8)  pronounced  it  contrary 
to  ecclesiastical  law  to  take  money  not  only  for 
promotion  to  holy  orders,  but  also  for  baptism, 
confirmation,  or  unction ;  the  demand  of  a  fee 
for  the  administration  of  the  eucharist  fell  under 
the  same  condemnation  from  Cone,  in  Trull,  c.  23. 
A  voluntary  offering,  which  was  of  the  nature  of 
a  thank-offering,  from  one  who  partook  of  a 
spiritual  ordinance,  was  lawful  and  praiseworthy, 
but  a  compulsory  fee  was  tainted  with  simony. 


SIMPLICIUS 

inasmuch  as  it  was  setting  a  price  on  the  work 
of  the  Spirit. 

Trafficking  in  the  gifts  of  the  Holy  Ghost  was 
simony  of  the  darkest  dye  ;  another  degree  of 
the  same  offence  was  the  empkiymeut  of  corrupt 
means  to  obtain  promotion  or  preferment  in  the 
church.  In  the  first  three  centuries,  when  the 
■emoluments  of  office  were  small  and  the  danger 
of  holding  them  great,  there  was  not  much 
occasion  to  pass  laws  against  simoniacal  promo- 
tions, for  when  a  persecution  ai-ose,  the  rulers  of 
the  church  were  struck  at  first.  But  when  a 
bishopric  became  not  only  a  position  of  dignity 
and  importance,  but  also  a  secure  one,  there  would 
arise  unscrupulous  candidates  for  the  office.  A 
bishop  who  accepted  a  bribe  in  order  to  advance 
any  dependant,  "a  house-steward,  advocate,  or 
bailiff"  (Cone.  Chalced.  c.  2),  to  an  ecclesiastical 
position  was  guilty  of  simony,  no  less  than  the 
man  promoted,  and  was  subject  to  deposition. 
Compare  the  oath  already  quoted  to  be  taken  by 
the  electors  that  the  bishop  elect  was  not  chosen 
from  favour  or  through  the  influence  of  money 
(Justin.  Novell,  c.xxxvii.  2),  but  because  he  was 
known  to  hold  to  the  Catholic  faith,  and  to  be  a 
man  of  good  life  and  sound  learning.  The  intru- 
sion into  sees  already  occupied  was  schismatical 
rather  than  simoniacal.  But  the  ambition  of 
bishops  to  get  themselves  removed  to  larger  sees, 
whenever  it  was  done  for  the  sake  of  gain  or  by 
corrupt  means,  was  of  the  nature  of  simony. 
"  That  pernicious  custom  ought  to  be  utterly 
rooted  out  that  it  be  lawful  for  any  bishop  to 
move  from  one  city  to  another ;  for  the  reason 
for  which  he  does  this  is  plain,  since  we  never 
heard  of  any  bishop  who  laboured  to  be  removed 
from  a  larger  city  to  a  smaller.  Whenever  it 
appears  that  avarice  is  his  motive,  it  is  idle  to 
plead  that  he  has  received  letters  of  invitation, 
since  many  are  corrupted  by  bribes  and  rewards 
to  send  the  letter  "  (Cone.  Sardic.  cc.  1,  2).  The 
translation  of  bishops  whose  motives  were  pure 
was  a  common  practice,  and  was  under  no 
suspicion  of  corruption.  [G.  JI.] 

SIMPLICIUS  (1),  'June  24,  bishop ;  com- 
memorated at  Autun  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Notker.). 

(2)  July  29 ;  commemorated  at  Eome  on  the 
Via  Portuensis  with  Faustinus  and  Beatrix, 
martyrs  under  Diocletian  {Mart.  Bed.,  Usuard., 
Adon.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Hieron.,  Notker.,  Wand.). 
There  is  an  office  on  their  natale  in  the  liber 
Antiph.  of  Gregory. 

(3)  Nov.  8,  with  Claudius,  Nicostratus,  Sym- 
pronianus,  and  Castorius,  eminent  artificers  and 
martyrs  under  Diocletian,  commemorated  at 
Eome  on  the  Via  Lavicana  (Mart.  Usuard., 
Adon.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Hieron.,  Wand.).         [C.  H.] 

SINERUS,  Feb.  23  (other  forms  of  the  name 
occurring  in  Ado  and  Mart.  Hieronym.),  monk, 
martyr  under  Diocletian  ;  commemorated  at  Sir- 
mium  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Hieron., 
Adon.).  [C.  H.] 

SINGER.  [Cantok;  Psalmista;  Sciiola 
Cantorum.] 

SINGILIONES  (ai-^iXKlo,).  In  a  letter  of 
the  emperor  Gallienus  (ob.  a.d.  268),  cited  by 
Trebellius  Pollio  (Vita  Claudii,  c.  17),  in  which 
he  recounts  a  number  of  presents  he  was  sending 


SIRMIUM 


1901 


to  Claudius,  who  afterwards  succeeded  him  as 
emperor,  he  mentions,  among  several  other 
articles  of  dress,  SingiUones  Dalmatenses  decern. 
The  meaning  of  the  word  is  very  doubtful,  from 
its  extreme  rarity.  It  seems  only  to  occur  again 
in  the  will  of  Gregory  of  Nazianzum,  where  he 
bequeaths  to  the  "notarius"  Elaphius,  with 
other  articles  of  dress,  acyiXXiwva  eva  (Patrol. 
Gr.  xxxvii.  393).  We  may  at  once,  with  the 
Greek  spelling  before  us,  reject  Casaubon's  pro- 
posal to  read  Cingiliones  (not.  in  loc).  It  seems 
best  to  suppose  that  the  Greek  word  is  but  a 
reproduction  of  the  Latin,  and  to  compare  it  in 
idea  with  such  Greek  words  as  anXo'is,  5nr\o1:s 
(cf.  the  English  singlet,  doublet).  Thus  we  have 
in  Hesychius,  airXoiSfs,  Iixcltlov  jxiKphu  and 
airX-riyls,  crvufMiTpos  x^"^""-  c"  Zvvajxivr)  StirXoi- 
drjvai.  Another  view  associates  the  word  with 
Sigillum,  and  thus  we  should  have  a  reference  to 
marks  worked  into  a  dress  (such  as  c.  g.  Gam- 
madia  [see  the  article]  and  the  like),  but  this 
view  seems  much  less  probable  than  the  fore- 
going. The  epithet  Dalmatenses  may  not  im- 
probably imply  some  connexion  with  the  Dal- 
matic [Dalmatic].  See  on  the  whole  question 
Salmasius's  note,  Trebell.  Poll.  /.  c).        [R.  S.] 

SIRENS.     [Paganism  in  Art,  p.  1535.] 

SIRIACUS,  June  18 ;  commemorated  at  Ma- 
laca  in  Spain  with  Paula  (Mart.  Usuard.). 

[C.  H.] 

SIRMIUM,  COUNCILS  OF  (Sirmiensia 
Concilia).  The  number  and  character  of  these 
councils  have  been  hotly  disputed.  Cave  (Hist. 
Lit.  i.  377-379)  makes  five  ;  Valesius  in  one  place 
(ad.Soz.  iv.  15),  four,  but  in  another  (ad  Soc.  ii. 
30)  a  fifth  ;  Mansi  (iii.  179-289),  three,  but  is 
favourable  to  a  fourth.  The  Jesuits  Petavius 
(Diss,  de  Phot.)  and  Sirmondus  (Diat.  Sirm.) 
took  opposite  sides  on  the  subject ;  and  de  Marca 
(Opusc.  V.)  intervened  between  them  without 
settling  it.  There  were  three  creeds  likewise 
published  at  Sirmium,  but  it  is  not  agreed  by 
which  councils.  Taking  Cave  for  our  guide, 
whose  statement  is  the  least  confused,  we  may 
arrange  them  as  follows : — 

(1)  A.D.  349,  when  Photinus,  bishop  of  that 
see,  was  condemned,  "veriim,  reclamante  plebe, 
sede  sua  jam  deturbari  non  potuit,"  as  Cave 
says.  This  synod  was  first  brought  to  light  by 
Petavius,  and  has  been  accepted  by  most. 

(2)  A.D.  351,  when  Constantius  was  there, 
treating  with  Vetranio  (Soc.  ii.  28)  and  Photinus, 
having  disputed  with  Basilius  of  Aucyra  and 
been  worsted  by  him,  was  deposed  ;  and  Marcus 
composed  the  first  of  the  three  creeds  in  Greek, 
to  which  twenty-five  anathemas  are  appended. 
Such  at  least  is  the  conclusion  of  Petavius  and 
Mansi.  Valesius  and  Cave  differ  only  from  them 
in  asserting  that  Marcus  was  not  the  author  of 
this  creed. 

(3)  A.D.  357,'when  Osius  and  Potaniius  both 
signed  and  lapsed.  The  creed  signed  by  them 
was  the  second  creed,  published  in  Latin,  but, 
according  to  Mansi,  translated  into  Greek  by  the 
same  Marcus  who  composed  the  first.  It  was 
much  more  heterodox  than  the  first,  however,  so 
much  so,  that  it  is  pronounced  "  blasphemy  "  by 
St.  Hilary.  Germinius,  the  successor  of  Pho- 
tinus, was  present  at  this  council. 


1902 


SISINNIUS 


(4)  A.D.  358,  when  a  composite  creed  was  put 
forth,  to  which  pope  Liberius  subscribed,  and  on 
subscribing  was  restored  to  his  see.  (Comp. 
S.  Hil.  Fragm.  vi.  (i,  and  the  notes  in  Migne, 
Patrol.  X.  689.) 

(5)  A.D.  359,  when,  according  to  Valesius  and 
Cave,  "  conscripta  est  fides  ilia,  quam  Marcus 
Arethusius  composuit,"  with  the  names  of  the 
consuls  prefixed  to  it.  This  was  afterwards  re- 
hearsed at  Rimini ;  but  as  it  was  probably  this 
also  to  which  Liberius  subscribed,  it  must  have 
been  promulgated  the  year  before,  for  he  was 
restored  that  year,  and  if  he  subscribed  to  a 
different  one,  there  must  have  been  four,  not 
three,  creeds  published  here,  which  nobody  main- 
tains. Let  us  suppose,  therefore,  that  the  names 
of  the  consuls  were  prefixed  to  it  at  Rimini,  and 
this  council  may  be  merged  in  the  preceding 
one.  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

SISINNIUS  (1),  May  29,  deacon,  martyr ; 
commemorated  with  Martyrius  reader,  and 
Alexander  doorkeeper  at  Auaunia  or  Anagnia 
{Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Notker.,  Hleron.). 

(2)  Nov.  29,  deacon ;  commemorated  at  Rome 
on  the  Via  Salaria  with  Saturninus  martyr,  and 
Sennes  deacon  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Adon.)- 

(3)  Nov.  24,  bishop  of  Cyzicus,  martvr  under 
Diocletian  (Basil.  MenoL).  '  [C.  H.] 

SISOES  THE  GREAT,  July  6,  monk  of 
the  4th  century,  "  our  father  "  (Basil.  Mcnol. ; 
Cal.  Byzant. ;  Menol.  Graec.  Sirlet).        [C.  H.] 

SIXTUS  (1)  (Xystus),  Apr.  6,  pope ;  com- 
memorated at  Rome  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Vet.  Rom., 
Adon.,  Notker.,  Wand.)  ;  Apr.  3  (Flor.)  ;  Aug.  6 
(Bed.  Metr.),  in  the  cemetery  of  Calixtus  on  the 
Via  Appia  {Mart.  Hieron.).  In  the  Gelasian  and 
Gregorian  Sacramentaries  his  uatale  is  on  Aug.  6  ; 
in  the  former  his  name  occurs  in  the  collect, 
secreta,  and  post-communion  ;  in  the  latter  he 
is  mentioned  in  the  collect.  The  Liher  Antiph. 
of  Gregory  has  an  office  for  his  natale. 

(2)  Sept.  1,  bishop  of  Reims  {Mart.  Usuard., 
Wand.).  [C.  H.] 

SLAVERY.  The  subject  of  the  relation  of 
the  Church  to  slavery  may  conveniently  be  con- 
sidered under  the  following  divisions  :— 

(i)  During  the  first  three  centuries,  when  Christianity 
was  itself  subject  to  oppression  and  whatever 
amelioration  is  to  be  discerned  in  the  condition 
of  the  slave  is  to  be  traced  rather  (a)  to  the 
teaching  of  the  Stoics,  O)  to  the  state  legislation, 
(7)  to  the  secret  societies,  &c. 

(11)  From  the  commencement  of  Christian  legislation 
under  Constantine  (a.d.  313),  to  the  accession  of 
Justinian  (a.d.  525). 

(iii)  From  the    accession  of  Justinian  to  the  death  of 

Gregory  the  Great, 
(iv)  From  the  death  of  Gregory  the  Great  to  the  com- 
mencement of  the  ninth  century:  (a)  in  the 
Eastern  empire,  O)  in  Latin  Christendom,  (y) 
among  Teutonic  nations,  prior  to  the  introduction 
of  Latin  institutions. 

(i)  During  the  first  three  Centuries. — The  more 
general  conditions  of  pagan  life,  which  fostered 
the  continuance  and  systeraatization  of  such  an 
institution  in  the  midst  of  highly  civilized  com- 
munities, are  described  under  Society;  it  will 
be  sufficient  here  to  note  a  few  of  the  principal 


SLAVERY 

facts  which  illustrate  the  indifference  of  society, 
as  it  existed  at  the  commencement  of  the  Chris- 
tian era,  to  the  moral  wrong  and  physical 
suffering  involved.  Looking  upon  the  slave  as 
nothing  more  than  an  animal  of  superior  intelli- 
gence, the  statesman  and  the  legislator  had,  up 
to  this  period,  altogether  discouraged  the  notion 
that  he  possessed  any  rights,  or  was  entitled  to 
any  consideration,  beyond  what  the  interest  of 
the  master  might  dictate.  Even  Aristotle  had 
asserted  slavery  to  be  an  institution  of  divine 
origin,  whereby  inferior  races  were  designedly 
subjected  to  the  superior  *  {Politics,  iii.  4),  a 
view  adopted  by  Cicero  {de  Repiih.  bk.  iii.,  quoted 
by  Nonius).  Pliny  compares  the  relation  of 
slaves  to  the  state  to  that  of  drones  in  the  hive 
{Nat.  Hist.  XL  xi.  1).  Cato  advised  that,  like 
beasts  of  burden,  they  should  be  worked  to  death 
rather  than  be  allowed  to  become  old  and  un- 
profitable ;  and  in  order  to  divert  them  from 
forming  conspiracies,  he  advised  masters  to  incite 
them  to  quarrel  with  each  other  (Plutarch,  Cato, 
c.  21).  It  was  a  proverbial  saying  that  every 
slave  was  an  enemy — *'  Quot  servi,  tot  hostes  " 
(Festus,  ed.  Mueller,  p.  261).  Columella  {de  Re 
Rust.  i.  8)  observes  that  the  more  intelligent 
they  are  the  more  frequently  it  becomes  necessary 
to  put  them  in  chains.  In  the  year  a.d.  63,  four 
hundred  of  the  slaves  of  Pedanius  Secundus, 
notwithstanding  a  strong  display  of  popular 
feeling  in  their  favour,  were  put  to  death  in 
order  to  avenge  his  assassination  by  one  of  their 
number  (Tac.  Ann.  xiv.  45) ;  and  in  the  time  of 
Ulpian,  who  wrote  in  the  3rd  century,  this  cruel 
practice  was  still  authorised  by  law  {Digest. 
XXIX.  V.  1,  §§  32  and  39).  The  chief  repre- 
sentative of  the  artisan  class,  the  slave,  inherited 
the  contempt  with  which  mechanical  labour  was 
regarded  by  antiquity.  Plato  {Repuh.  bk.  iv.) 
affirms  that  it  is  of  small  matter  whether  the 
mechanic  lives  a  virtuous  or  an  immoral  life  ; 
and  slaves  under  the  empire  were  unable  to 
obtain  redress  for  the  violation  of  their  own 
wives  {Cod.  Just.  IX.  ix.  23  ;  Kriegel,  Corp.  Juris 
Civ.  ii.  587).  As  he  was  held  to  be  a  non-reli- 
gious intelligence,  or  of  a  faith  differing  from 
that  of  his  master,  he  was  supposed  to  be  in- 
capable of  being  bound  by  oath,  and  controllable 
only  by  fear — "  quibus  diversi  ritus,  externa 
sacra  aut  nulla  sunt,  coUuviem  istam  nonnisi 
metu  coercueris "  (Tac.  Ann.  xiv.  44).  Even 
when  on  the  eve  of  receiving  his  freedom,  it  was 
customary  to  bind  him  by  a  promise,  subject  to 
certain  penalties,  that  on  becoming  a  freedman 
he  would  ratify  his  promise  by  an  oath  {Digest. 
XL  xii.  44). 

The  severity  with  which  the  whole  class  was 
generally  treated  appears  to  have  been  owing 
rather  to  an  instinct  of  self-preservation  than  to 
wanton  cruelty.  From  the  time  of  the  Servile 
Wars  of  the  2nd  century,  the  Roman,  though 
master  of  the  world,  lived  in  constant  dread  of 
conspiracy  and  insurrection  among  those  whom 
he  had  thus  deprived  of  their  natural  rights,  and 


'^  See  on  this  point  Krug,  de  Aristotele  Servitutis  defen- 
sore,  1815.  Overbecli,  however,  quotes  Pol.  I.  ii.  3 
(vo/xio  yap  TOf  ;u.ei'  Sov\oi'  elvai  TOi/  6'  iXevBepov,  ^lio-et 
6'  ovSiv  Si.a<j>ipei.i'.  StoTrep  ovSe  SCxaLOv.  /Siaiov  yap),  as 
proof  that  Aristotle  recognised  the  radical  Injustice  of 
the  institution.  Milman  '(Lat.  Christianity,  it.  13,  ed. 
186Y)  appears  to  have  overlooked  this  passage. 


SLAVEEY 

the  slaves  of  southern  Italy  were  looked  upon  as 
ever  ready  allies  for  those  who  might  seek  to 
kindle  the  flames  of  civil  war  (Tac.  Ann.  xii.  65). 
The  proportion  of  the  slave  class  to  the  rest  of 
the  community  under  the  empire  has  been 
variously  estimated — by  Gibbon  (ed.  Smith,  ii. 
179)  as  high  as  one-half  the  entire  population. 
This  estimate  is  generally  regarded  as  excessive, 
but  the  extent  to  which  the  system  of  slavery 
was  intertwined  with  the  whole  social  fabric  can 
hardly  be  exaggerated.  Labour,  whether  on  the 
farm,  in  trade,  or  in  domestic  service,  was  aban- 
doned almost  entirely  to  the  slave,  and  was  itself 
consequently  without  honour.  The  shepherds  of 
Calabria  and  Sicily  were  all  slaves,  and  fre- 
quently endeavoured  to  assert  their  freedom  by 
a  life  of  brigandage.  By  the  same  class  the 
mines  were  worked,  the  merchant  ship  and  the 
trireme  manned,  the  aqueducts,  roads,  and  via- 
ducts made  and  fepaired.  In  fact,  in  every 
department  of  arduous  toil  or  productive  labour 
(the  military  profession  alone  excepted),  the 
burden  was  mainly  borne  by  the  slave.  In  the 
higher  departments  of  mechanical  skill  and 
artistic  accomplishments,  the  slave  was  the  chief 
element,  and  in  the  mansions  of  the  wealthy,  by 
his  varied  labour,  often  supplied  the  whole  wants 
of  the  household.  He  designed  the  palace,  exe- 
cuted its  decorations,  and  adorned  its  walls  with 
paintings ;  he  prepared  the  feast  and  enlivened 
it  with  music ;  he  was  the  family  physician  and 
surgeon.  The  attendants  on  public  functionaries, 
on  the  magistrate  or  the  priest,  were  either 
slaves  or  freedmen  (Yarro,  ap.  A.  Gellius,  xiii. 
13).  The  whole  wealth  of  a  citizen  was  shrewdly 
estimated  by  the  answer  that  could  be  given  to 
the  question,  "  Quot  pascit  servos  ?  " — an  answer 
that  might  often  be  stated  in  thousands.  Pliny 
(^Nat.  Hist,  xxxiii.  47)  tells  us  that  one  C.  Caeci- 
lius  Isidorus,  in  the  reign  of  Augustus,  was  the 
owner  at  his  death  of  upwards  of  4000  slaves, 
although  a  large  portion  of  his  patrimony  had 
been  lost  in  the  civil  wars  ;  and  Chrysostom,  in 
the  4th  century,  when  condemning  the  inordi- 
nate luxury  of  his  time,  implies  that  it  was  no 
unusual  thing  for  the  wealthy  owner  to  possess 
from  a  thousand  to  two  thousand — a.vSpair6Swv 
Xi^i-oiv,  ^  5is  TocovToiv  (in  Matt.  Horn.  Ixiii.  4 ; 
Migne,  Scries  Graeca,  Iviii.  608). 

A  consideration  of  these  broad  facts  at  once 
suggests  the  risk  and  danger  that  would  have 
attended  any  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  Chris- 
tian teacher  in  the  first  three  centuries  to 
denounce  and  overthrow  slavery  as  a  system. 
Such  an  attempt  would  at  once,  and  not  without 
reason,  have  been  interpreted  as  tantamount  to 
advocating  a  revolution  in  the  state ;  and  the 
charge  of  being  revolutionary  in  character,  as 
regarded  pagan  institutions,  was  one  which 
Christianity  already  found  it  difficult  to  repel. 
It  accordingly  sought  to  ignore  rather  than 
to  obliterate  the  class  distinctions  of  ordinary 
society,  and,  in  this  policy,  it  could  undoubtedly 
claim  the  sanction  of  the  highest  source  of 
spiritual  instruction.  The  convert  to  its  prin- 
ciples, if  a  master,  found  in  the  apostolic 
writings  only  injunctions  to  consider  his  con- 
duct towards  his  slave  as  subject  to  the  rules  of 
Christian  intercourse.  He  was  forbidden  "  to 
threaten "  him  (Ephes.  vi.  9) ;  he  was  to  give 
him  what  was  "  just  and  equal  "  (Coloss.  iv.  1). 
If  a  slave,  he  was  enjoined  not  to  allow  his  con- 


SLAVERY 


1903 


dition  "to  be  a  care"  to  him  (1  Cor.  vii.  21), 
a  passage  which  Chrysostom  interprets  as  an 
injunction  to  remain  contented  with  a  slave's 
condition  —  rovrecTTt,  rrj  SouAeia  -Kapdufve 
(Migne,  Series  Graeca,  Ixii.  704) ;  he  was  to  be 
obedient  to  his  master,  and  to  serve  him  "  with 
singleness  of  heart  and  good  will"  (Ephes.  vi. 
5-9),  "  fearing  God  "  (Coloss.  iii.  22)  ;  whatever 
his  master's  moral  character,  he  was  to  serve 
him  "  with  all  fear "  (1  Pet.  ii.  18) ;"  of  the 
unlawfulness  of  such  relations  the  New  Testa- 
ment contains  no  intimation,  and  St.  Paul  him- 
self, when  at  Rome,  was  the  owner  of  a  slave 
(Philemon,  10-17). 

The  language  of  the  early  Fathers  was  mainly 
of  the  same  tenor.  They  inculcated  humanity 
on  the  part  of  the  master  by  arguments  which 
much  resemble  those  with  which  the  modern 
philanthropist  urges  the  exercise  of  the  same 
virtue  towards  the  brute  creation.  On  the  slave 
himself  they  enjoined  humility  and  resignation  ; 
but  while  the  pagan  philosopher  recommended 
suicide  to  the  most  miserable  of  this  unfortu- 
nate race  (Seneca,  Consol  ad  Marc.  c.  20),  the 
Christian  teacher  pointed  to  the  perfect  freedom 
and  happiness  of  a  future  state.  Ignatius  warns 
the  slave  not  to  be  arrogant  on  account  of  his 
spiritual  equality  with  his  master,  but  to  serve 
him  with  greater  zeal ;  he  advises  the  whole 
class  not  to  seek  enfranchisement  at  the  expense 
of  the  community,  Jest  they  should  themselves 
become  the  slaves  of  desire  (BovXoi  iTnOv/xias)  ; 
he  enjoins  Polycarp  not  to  despise  slaves, 
whether  male  or  female  (Epist.  ad  Polycarp. 
c.  4  ;  Cureton,  Corp.  Ignat.  p.  7).  Tatian  appears 
to  regard  the  tribute  paid  by  the  subject,  and 
the  service  rendered  by  the  slave,  as  coming 
under  much  the  same  category  {adv.  Graecos, 
c.  4;  Migne,  Sei-ies  Graeca,  vi.  246).  Tertul- 
lian  inculcates  the  exercise  of  patience,  both  on 
the  part  of  the  master  and  on  that  of  the  slave, 
as  the  most  efficacious  means  of  establishing 
satisfactory  relations  (de  Patientid,  c.  15). 
Clement  of  Alexandria,  in  whom  the  allusions  to 
slavery  are  frequent,  urges  that  "  slaves  are  men 
like  ourselves  "  (Paed.  iii.  12;  Migne,  i5?.  G.  viii. 
672),  and  that  Christians  are  bound  to  act 
towards  them  as  they  would  themselves  be  acted 
by,  but  nowhere  condemns  the  institution  itself. 
He  urges,  indeed,  that  the  unduly  large  numbers 
about  a  household,  the  ox^os  olKtruv  maintained 
by  the  wealthy,  should  be  reduced,  as  constitut- 
ing an  unjustifiable  luxury  (ihid.  iii.  7  ;  Migne, 
viii.  610)  ;  and  he  holds  that  the  moral  condition 
and  education  of  his  slaves  are  a  matter  to 
which  no  master  can  rightly  be  indifferent.  He 
even  appears  to  place  respect  to  parents  and 
regard  for  one's  slaves  on  an  equal  footing  as 
social  obligations.  Origen  {Cont.  Ccls.  iii.  44, 
54)  tells  VIS  that  it  was  made  a  reproach  to 
Christians  by  their  enemies  that  they  addressed 
their  appeals  to  women,  children,  the  unedu- 
cated, and  to  slaves.  He  imi)lics  that  Christian 
slaves  often  proved  instrumental  in  bringing 
about  the  conversion  of  households  to  which  they 
belonged  (Migne,  S.  G.  xi.  47G,  483).  Callistus, 
bishop  of  Rome  (a.d.  218-223).  had  been  a 
slave,  and  it  is  deserving  of  note  that  Hippolytus 


b  So  in  the  Apostolic  Constitutions,  iv.  12  (Cotelorius 
i.  301),  6  SovXoi  cvvoiav  eicr^epeVw,  rrpos  toi-  Sea-nornf 
fiiTo.  4)6^ov  ©eoO,  Kav  d<re|3jJ9  Kav  rroi/ijpoj  vrtdpxn. 


1904 


SLAVERY 


in  the  Philosophnmcna,  while  bitterly  assailing 
his  character  and  motives,  does  not  refer  to  the 
fact  as  involving  any  stigma."^  Of  the  uniform 
disregard  in  the  church  itself  of  any  distinction 
between  the  slave  and  the  free  man,  the  cata- 
combs afford  silent  but  significant  evidence ;  for 
"while  it  is  impossible,"  says  De  Rossi,  "to 
examine  the  pagan  sepulchral  inscriptions  of 
the  same  period  without  finding  mention  of  a 
slave  or  a  freedman,  I  have  not  met  with  one 
■well-ascertained  instance  among  the  inscriptions 
of  the  Christian  tombs"  {Boll,  di  Arch.  Crist. 
1866,  p.  24  ;  see  also  Le  Blant,  Inscrip.  chr€t.  de 
la  Gaule,  i.  119). 

In  the  meantime  other  influences  were  in 
operation,  which,  although  there  is  sufficient 
reason  for  concluding  that  they  could  never 
have  brought  about  the  abolition  of  slavery, 
undoubtedly  led  to  the  amelioration  of  the  con- 
dition of  the  slave,  and  to  a  more  humane  view 
of  his  position  in  relation  to  the  body  politic. 
These  were  (o)  the  doctrines  of  the  Stoic  philo- 
sophy ;  (0)  the  imperial  legislation ;  (7)  the 
private  clubs  or  societies. 

That  the  humaner  tendencies  in  the  imperial 
legislation  were  owing  to  the  spread  of  Chris- 
tian doctrine,  has  been  maintained  both  by  the 
jurist  and  the  historian,  but  is  not  supported  by 
the  most  authoritative  and  recent  research.  M. 
Wallon  (Jlist.  de  l'£sclavagc,  iii.  91)  distinctly 
admits  that  they  are  mainly  to  be  referred  to  the 
teaching  of  the  philosophy  of  the  age.  "  When 
Ave  add  to  these  laws,"  says  another  writer, 
"  the  broad  maxims  of  equity,  asserting  the 
essential  equality  of  the  human  race,  which  the 
jurists  had  borrowed  from  the  Stoics,  and  which 
supplied  the  principles  to  guide  the  judges  in 
their  decisions,  it  must  be  admitted  that  the 
slave-code  of  imperial  Rome  compares  not 
unfavourably  with  those  of  some  Christian 
nations  "  (Lecky,  Hist,  of  Morals,  ii.  327).  "  As 
regards  certain  improvements  said  to  have  been 
introduced  by  Christianity  into  the  imperial 
law  of  slavery,"  says  Sir  Henry  Maine,  "  they 
Avere  probably  quickened  by  its  influence,  but 
they  began  in  principles  which  were  of  stoical 
rather  than  of  Christian  influence  "  {Early  Hist, 
of  Institutions,  p.  63).  The  language  of  the 
Christian  apologists  above  cited,  in  unison  with 
that  of  the  most  enlightened  stoicism,  but 
scarcely  transcending  it,  must  be  regarded  as 
corroborative  of  these  views.  The  stories  told 
in  Bollandus  (i.  Mai,  p.  371 ;  Januarii,  p.  275), 
on  the  other  hand,  of  eminent  Romans  in  the 
reigns  of  Trajan  and  Diocletian,  immediately 
after  their  baptism  liberating  large  numbers  of 
their  slaves,  are  at  variance  with  nearly  all  the 
evidence  for  this  period. 

(ii)  From  the  commencement  of  Christian 
legislation  under  Constant inc  (a.d.  313)  to  the 
accession  of  Justinian  (a.d.  525). — The  period 
upon  which  we  are  now  entering  presents  us 
with  evidence  of  a  desire  on  the  part  of  the 
legislator    not    onlv    to    ameliorate    the    con- 


•:  The  sanclion  extended  by  Callistus  to  marriages 
solemnised  in  his  diocese  between  free  Christian 
women  and  Christian  slaves,  is  noted  hy  Overbeck 
{Studien,  &c.  p.  190),  as  one  of  the  very  rare  instances  that 
present  themselves  before  the  time  of  Constantine  of  any 
attempt  on  the  part  of  the  church  to  determine  questions 
that  came  within  the  provisions  of  state  legislation  (see 
Bippolyti  Refut.  ix.  12). 


SLAVERY 

dition  but  to  facilitate  the  liberation  of  the 
slave,  while,  in  either  case,  the  laws  relating  to 
the  subject  clearly  bear  the  impress  of  a  more 
humane  spirit.  For  example,  within  two  years 
from  the  time  that  Christianity  received  state- 
recognition,  a  law  passed  in  A.D.  315  enjoins 
that  fugitive  slaves  shall  be  branded  only  on 
their  hands  or  their  ears,  and  not  on  the  face — 
"  quo  facies,  quae  ad  similitudinem  pulchritu- 
diuis  est  coelestis  figurata,  minime  maculetur  " 
{Cod.  Just. IX.  xvii.  17 ;  Kriegel,  Corpus  Jur.  Civ.  ii. 
271) — a  sentiment  manifestly  of  Christian  origin. 

The  laws  relating  to  manumission  afibrd  more 
decisive  evidence.  The  customary  form  of  manu- 
mission during  the  master's  lifetime  had  hitherto 
been  by  a  well-known  ceremony  performed  in 
the  presence  of  the  praefect  and  his  lictor  ;  but, 
by  a  decree  of  the  year  316,  it  was  declared  that 
a  slave  might  be  set  at  liberty  by  a  simple 
declaration  made  in  a  Christian  church  in  the 
presence  of  the  priest  and  the  congregation, 
while,  instead  of  the  ancient  ceremony,  a 
written  document  signed  by  the  master  was  to 
suffice  as  evidence  {ibid.  I.  xiii.  1 ;  Kriegel,  ii. 
89-90). 

In  the  year  321,  a  further  concession  was 
made  in  a  decree  of  Constantine  addressed  to 
Hosius,  the  eminent  bishop  of  Cordova,  and  not 
improbably  reflecting  his  personal  influence  over 
that  monarch  (see  Milman,  Hist,  of  Christianity, 
bk.  iii.  c.  4).  Here,  after  recapitulating  the 
above  law,  the  enactment  goes  on  to  declare  that 
the  clergy  are  permitted  to  bestow  complete 
civil  rights  on  their  slaves,  not  only  by  a  simple 
declaration  of  their  purpose  before  "  the  church 
and  godly  folk,"  but  also  by  instructions  in  their 
wills  or  any  formal  document,  the  freedom  thus 
conferred  to  acquire  validity  from  the  day  on 
which  their  intent  has  been  made  known  {Cod. 
Just.  I.  xiii.  2). 

Biot  {de  r Abolition  de  VEsclav.  p.  147)  inter- 
prets this  latter  law  as  proof  of  a  design  on  the 
part  of  Constantine  to  attract  converts  to  Chris- 
tianity, inasmuch  as  those  whose  enfranchise- 
ment was  proclaimed  in  a  Christian  church 
would  necessarily  be  Christians,  and  these  are 
here  admitted  to  "  plenum  fructum  libertatis," 
i.e.  to  rank  not  simply  as  "  Latini "  but  as 
"  cives."  It  was  not  until  the  year  401,  nearly 
a  century  later,  that  this  mode  of  enfranchise- 
ment was  extended  to  Africa  (Biot,  p.  148)  ;  but, 
wherever  valid,  it  appears  to  have  been  recog- 
nised as  a  triumph  of  Christianity.  Augustine, 
in  one  of  his  sermons  {Serm.  ccclvi.  sec.  3), 
announces  that  several  of  his  clergy  are  design- 
ing to  emancipate  the  few  slaves  they  possess, — 
the  result  apparently  of  the  introduction  of  the 
new  law  into  his  diocese.  Gregory  of  Nyssa,  in 
contrasting  the  features  which  distinguished  the 
Christian  celebration  of  Easter  from  pagan 
festivals,  mentions,  among  others,  "the  slave 
enfranchised  by  the  good  and  humane  proclama- 
tion of  the  church,  and  not  smitten  in  unseemly 
fashion  on  the  cheek  "  {de  Resm:  Bom.  Orat.  3  ;. 
Migne,  S.  G.  xlvi.  657). 

A  law  bearing  on  the  same  subject,  but  of  yet 
earlier  date  than  either  of  the  foregoing,  is  lost ;. 
but  we  learn  from  Sozomen  {11.  E.  i.  9)  that  a 
hundred  years  later  these  three  laws  were  placed 
at  the  head  of  all  formal  documents  of  enfranchise- 
ment— irpoypd(pe(r6ai  iv  toTs  ypafifxaTeiots  tS>v 
iXivdfpMv  (Migne,  S.  G.  Ixvii.  21) ;  and  it  is  eas^ 


SLAVERY 

to  recognise  in  the  class  enfranchised  by  the  law 
of  316  the  "  tabularii,"  and  in  that  of  321  the 
"  chartularii  "  of  barbaric  codes  of  a  later  period 
(see  infi-a,  Pt.  iv.). 

If  we  add  to  the  foregoing  laws  another  of  the 
year  334,  forbidding  the  arbitrary  separation  of 
the  father  of  a  family  from  his  wife  and  chil- 
dren upon  the  death  of  their  common  owner 
{Digest.  XXXIII.  vii.  12,  §  7  ;  Kriegel,  i.  553)  ; 
and  another,  passed  under  Zeno  in  the  year  486, 
forbidding  any  citizen  in  any  province  of  the 
empire  to  have  a  private  prison  (Cod.  Just.  IX. 
v.),  we  have  before  us  the  main  evidence  that 
presents  itself,  prior  to  the  time  of  Justinian, 
of  a  desire  on  the  part  of  the  legislator  to  render 
the  yoke  of  slavery  less  intolerable.    . 

On  the  other  hand,  it  is  not  to  be  disguised 
that  the  actual  condition  of  the  slave  remained 
much  the  same.  We  find,  for  example,  from  a 
law  of  the  year  317,  that  the  examination  of 
fugitive  slaves  was  still  carried  on  by  torture 
{Cod.  Just.  VI.  i.  4).  A  law  of  the  year  319 
declares  that  on  a  slave  who  has  been  subjected 
to  the  lash,  or  put  in  chains,  dying,  as  the  sub- 
sequent result,  his  master  is  not  to  be  brought 
to  trial,  the  latter  being  liable  to  the  charge  of 
homicide  only  when  death  has  been  the  imme- 
diate result  of  his  violence  {Cod.  Theod.  IX.  xiii. 
1,  ed.  Haenel,  p.  859).  Another  law  of  the  year 
332  enacts  that  freedmen  may  again  be  reduced 
to  slavery  if  they  have  exhibited  "  superbiam," 
or  have  injured  their  patron  {ih.  IV.  x.  1 ; 
Haenel,  p.  396).  Another,  of  the  year  376, 
directs  that  slaves  turning  informers  against 
their  masters  are  to  be  burnt,  along  with 
•whatever  documentary  evidence  they  may 
have  put  in,  the  sole  exception  being  where 
the  accusation  which  they  have  alleged  has  been 
that  of  treason  against  the  state — "  majestatis  " 
{ibid.  IX.  vi.  2  ;  Haenel,  pp.  836-837). 

It  is  undeniable  that  in  the  4th  century  the 
language  of  the  Fathers  assumes  a  bolder  tone. 
Chrysostom  {ad  Ephes.  Horn.  xxii.  2),  Gregory 
Nazianzen  {Poem.  Theol.  ii.  26),  Lactantius  {Div. 
Inst.  V.  15)  alilce  inquire  into  the  origin  of  the 
institution,  and  concur  in  tracing  it  to  evil 
principles,  to  avarice,  tyranny,  and  injustice  ;  it 
is  openly  stigmatised  as  a  reversal  of  natural 
law  (Arnobius,  adv.  Genfcs,  bk.  ii.).  Lactantius 
expressly  states  that  Christianity  recognises  no 
difterence  between  rich  and  poor,  bond  and  free 
{Div.  Inst.  V.  16).  Chrysostom  boldly  grapples 
■with  the  apparent  difficulty  presented  by  St. 
Paul's   non-condemnation    of  the  systenij-^    and 

d  This  passage  appears  conclusive  against  the  argument 
of  bishop  Horsley  (Babington,  Influence  of  Christianity, 
&c.  p.  16),  that  St.  Paul  in  denouncing  "  menstealers " 
(avSpaTToSio-TaO  intends  to  convey  a  condemnation  of 
slavery  as  an  institution.  His  reference  is  plainly  to 
those  who  gained  a  livelihood  by  Icidnapping—a.  practice 
including  free  men  and  children,  as  well  as  slaves,  and 
selling  them  into  captivity  in  other  lands.  The  charity 
of  the  church,  throughout  our  peiiod,  was  largely  devoted 
to  redeeming  these  unfortunate  victims  [see  Cyprian, 
Epist.  60(Migne,  iv.  99);  Lactantius,  Div.  Inst.  vi.  12; 
Ambrose,  Off.  Lib.  ii.  28],  but  such  efforts,  however 
valuable  as  evidence  of  Christian  philanthropy,  cannot 
be  regarded  as  proof  of  a  desire  to  abolish  slavery  at 
home.  Of  this,  the  law  of  king  Ine  of  Wesscx,  in  the 
7th  century,  gives  decisive  proof.  "  If  anyone  sell  his 
own  countryman,  bond  or /ree,  though  he  be  guilty,  over 
the  sea,  let  him  pay  for  him  according  to  his  "wur" 
(Stubbs,  Documents,  p.  61). 


SLAVERY 


1905 


gives  it  as  his  explanation  that  the  exhibition  of 
a  state  of  slavery,  in  conjunction  with  that  of 
spiritual  liberty,  was  a  greater  moral  triumph 
for  Christianity  than  its  abolition,  even,  he  says, 
as  the  spectacle  of  the  three  Hebrew  youths 
walking  in  the  furnace  was  a  greater  marvel 
than  the  extinction  of  the  flames  would  have 
been  {in  Gcncsim,  serm.  v.  1).  The  manner,  again, 
in  which  the  church  asserted  the  slave's  religious 
equality  with  the  free  man  cannot  but  have 
paved  the  way  for  the  recognitioa  of  his  civil 
and  social  equality.  While  paganism  had  looked 
upon  him  as  a  non-religious  member  of  the  state, 
the  church  admitted  him  to  the  rite  of  baptism ; 
and  Gregory  Nazianzen  insists,  with  emphasis, 
on  the  absolute  equality  of  all  admitted  to  this 
sacrament :  "  Think  not,  ye  rich,  that  it  is 
beneath  your  dignity  to  be  baptized  with  the 
poor,  or,  ye  masters,  with  your  slaves.  For  even 
in  so  doing  ye  humble  not  yourselves  as  did 
Christ,  in  whom  ye  are  this  day  baptized,  and 
who,  for  your  sakes,  took  upon  Him  the  form  of 
a  slave.  For,  from  the  day  that  ye  are  changed 
anew,  all  the  ancient  marks  disappear ;  Christ 
is  impressed  as  a  common  form  on  all  "  {Orat.  in 
Sanct.  Bapt.,  Migne,  S.  G.  xxxvi.  712).  In  like 
manner,  Chrysostom  {in  Sanct.  Fascha,  Horn, 
iii.  4)  maintains  the  theory  of  a  perfect  equality 
among  the  partakers  of  the  sacrament  of  the 
Lord's  Supper.  According  to  the  73rd  of  the 
Apostolical  Canons,  no  slave  was  to  be  admitted 
to  ordination  without  his  master's  sanction ;  for 
this,  the  canon  says,  would  be  the  subversion 
of  a  household  ;  his  master's  consent  and  his 
oicn  freedom  are  declared  to  be  essential.  It 
would  appear,  however,  that  in  Jerome's  time 
slaves  were  sometimes  ordained  without  having 
obtained  enfranchisement.  John,  bishop  of  Jeru- 
salem, having  complained  of  such  an  ordina- 
tion in  the  church  at  Rome,  Jerome,  writing 
to  Theophilus,  bishop  of  Alexandria,  retorts  that 
John  himself  has  some  among  his  clergy  of  the 
same  condition,  and  urges  that  Onesimus,  whom 
Paul  converted  while  in  prison,  was  ordained  a 
deacon  while  still  a  slave  {Epist.  82  ;  Migne, 
xxii.  516).  In  the  correspondence  of  Gregory 
Nazianzen,  we  find  him  referring  to  a  case 
where  a  slave  had  been  made  bishop  over  a 
small  community  in  the  desert.  The  Christian 
lady  to  whom  he  belonged  endeavoured  to  assert 
her  right  of  ownership,  for  which  she  was 
severely  rebuked  by  St.  Basil.  After  St.  Basil's 
death  she  again  claimed  the  slave,  whereupon 
Gregory  addressed  to  her  a  letter  of  grave 
remonstrance  at  her  un-Christian  desire  to  recall 
his  brother  bishop  {(rvix-Koiixriv)  from  his  sphere  ot 
duty  {Epist.  79  ;  Migne,  S.  G.  xxxvii.  149-154). 
It  is,  however,  to  be  noted  that  Gregory  himself, 
"  though  he  had  liberated  some  of  his  slaves  ia 
his  lifetime,  yet  did  not  set  others  free  till  his 
death"  (Babington,  Influence  of  Christianity, 
&c.,  p.  29). 

In  the  5th  century,  and  subsequently  to  that 
period,  both  the  priestly  office  and  the  monastic 
profession  were  largely  recruited  from  the  servile 
class;  but  while  the  church  compassionately 
connived  at  this  means  of  escape  from  slavery, 
tlie  exigencies  of  the  state  (as  will  shortly  be 
shewn)  appear  to  have  been  held  incompatible 
with  such  licence.  Leo  the  Great,  indeed,  in  his 
lofty  conception  of  the  sacerdotal  office,  de- 
nounced a   practice  whereby  he   affirms   "the 


1906 


SLAVERY. 


sacred  ministry  is  dishonoured,  and  the  rights  of 
masters  are  set  at  naught "  {Epist.  4 ;  Migne, 
liv.  612).  A  decree  of  the  first  council  of 
Orleans  (A.D.  511)  requires  that  whenever  a 
bishop  shall  have  admitted  a  slave  to  the  office 
of  deacon  or  presbyter  unknown  to  his  owner, 
the  ransom  paid  shall  be  double  the  slave's  value 
(Sirniond,  i.  180).  A  council  held  in  the  same 
city,  in  538,  decrees  that  the  bishop  who  has 
thus  infringed  upon  the  master's  rights  shall 
himself  be  suspended  for  a  year  from  the  function 
of  celebrating  mass  (ib.  i.  255) ;  it  further  i-e- 
quires  that  neither  "  coloni "  (see  infra,  sec.  iii.) 
nor  slaves  "shall  be  admitted  to  ecclesiastical 
honours  until  either  by  testament  or  charter 
they  have  been  made  free," — "  Ut  nullus  servi- 
libus  colonariisque  conditionibus  obligatus,  juxta 
statuta  sedis  Apostolicae,  ad  honores  ecclesiasticos 
admittatur ;  nisi  prius  aut  testamento  aut  per 
tabulas  legitime  constiterit  absolutum "  (ib.'). 
The  prevailing  tone  with  respect  to  slavery  is 
still  such  as  indicates  that,  like  poverty  and 
other  ills,  it  was  regarded  rather  as  a  misfortune 
to  be  endured  than  an  injustice  to  be  done  away 
■with, — a  form  of  suft'ering,  consequent  upon  the 
Fall,  of  which  the  chief  compensation  was  to  be 
looked  for  in  a  future  life  (Eusebius,  Theophan. 
V.  21 ;  Gregory  of  Nyssa,  Orat.  9 ;  Chrysostom, 
Horn.  29,  in  Gen. ;  Cyril  of  Alexandria,  de 
Adorand.  in  Spiritu  et  in  Verit.  bk.  viii.).  The 
fear  that  Christianity  might  appear  to  be  aiming 
at  revolutionising  the  state  still  operated  with 
considerable  force.  Chrysostom  says  that  "  it  is 
fitting  that  the  Gentiles  should  perceive  that  a 
slave  may  please  God  ;  otherwise  they  will  assur- 
edly blaspheme  and  say  that,  if  masters  are  to 
be  deprived  of  their  slaves,  Christianity  has  been 
brought  in  to  upset  the  existing  order  of  things, 
and  is  a  work  of  violence."  In  the  same  treatise 
he  says  that  if  a  slave  is  distinguished  by  his 
excellent  qualities,  this  is  all  the  more  reason 
that  he  should  continue  in  servitude,  so  that  by 
his  presence  he  may  exert  a  beneficial  influence 
over  the  whole  household  (Arg.  in  Epist.  ad 
Philem.,  Migne,  S.  G.  Ixii.  704).  He  holds,  how- 
ever, on  another  occasion,  somewhat  different 
language,  advising  masters  to  give  those  slaves 
whom  they  do  not  really  require,  instruction  in 
some  useful  art,  and  then,  when  they  are  able  to 
earn  their  own  livelihood,  to  set  them  free.  But 
he  admits  that  this  advice  is  unpalatable  to  his 
hearers, — popriK6s  eifit  rois  aKovovcriv  (ad  Epist. 
i.  ad  Cor.,  Horn.  40;  Migne,  S.  G.  Isi.  354). 
Isidore,  the  learned  abbat  of  Pelusium,  puts  for- 
ward the  singular  theory  that  the  servile  con- 
dition may  even  be  preferable  to  that  of  the  free- 
man, because  in  the  day  of  judgment  the  slave 
might  plead  in  his  defence  that  he  had  been  com- 
pelled to  obey  the  mandates  of  his  earthly  master 
(Epist.  bk.  iv.  12  and  169).  Here,  however,  says 
Prof.  Babington,  "  he  is  not  giving  his  own 
counsel,  but  paraphrasing  St.  Paul "  (Influence 
of  Christianity,  p.  29).  It  is  a  somewhat  too 
sweeping  assertion  made  by  the  last-named 
writer,  that  the  writings  of  St.  Basil,  Ephraim 
the  Syrian,  Pseudo-Ambrose,  Chrysostom,  Je- 
rome, Salvian,  and  Leo  the  Great  do  not  contain 
a  hint  that  slavery  is  unlawful  or  improper ;  but 
it  is  certain  that  none  of  them  advocate  its  abo- 
lition. Theodorus  Cyrensis,  in  his  seventh  oration, 
de  Providentia,  puts  forward  the  view  that 
slavery  is  a  punishment  inflicted  on  the  human 


SLAVERY 

race  which,  while  it  convicts  man  of  sin,  bears 
witness  to  the  justice  of  the  Creator  (Migne,  <S'. 
G.  Ixxxiii.  676).  So  completely,  indeed,  did  the 
church  at  this  period  dissociate  the  theory  of  the 
slave's  spiritual  equality  with  the  freeman  from 
that  of  his  civil  rights,  that  at  the  Council  of 
Gangra  (circ.  379)  an  anathema  was  pronounced 
against  anyone  who  should  make  the  former 
theory  a  ground  for  instigating  a  slave  to  repu- 
diate his  master's  authority  (Hardouin,  Cone.  i. 
530).  Hefele,  who  cannot  be  supposed  to  under- 
state the  argument  in  defence  of  the  church, 
admits  that  fathers  and  councils  alike  systemati- 
cally discouraged  the  self-assertion  of  freedom 
(Beitrdge,  i.  216).  Enfranchisement  was  generally 
regarded  as  the  reward  of  exceptional  merit,  and 
was  often  associated  with  some  religious  festivals ; 
according  to  Gregory  of  Nyssa,  especially  with 
the  celebration  of  Easter  (Migne,  S.  G.  xlvi. 
657).'  How  far  the  church  was  from  proclaim- 
ing a  general  denunciation  of  slavery  is  to  be 
inferred  from  the  fact  that  in  the  year  503  the 
household  of  pope  Symmachus  was  largely  com- 
posed of  slaves,  and  that,  in  the  course  of  this 
pontiff's  struggle  with  Laurentius,  the  royal  com- 
missioner sent  by  Theodoric  subjected  them  to 
torture  in  order  to  extract  evidence  bearing  upon 
the  matter  in  dispute  (Milman,  Lat.  Christianity, 
bk.  iii.  c.  3).  Christianity,  to  quote  the  language 
of  Milman  (Lat.  Christianity,  bk.  iii.  c.  5),  had 
taken  slaves  "  out  of  the  class  of  brute  beasts  or 
inanimate  things,  to  be  transferred  like  cattle  or 
other  goods  from  one  master  to  another,  which 
the  owner  might  damage  or  destroy  with  as 
much  impunity  as  any  other  property ;  and 
placed  them  in  that  of  human  beings,  equally 
under  the  care  of  Divine  Providence  and  gifted 
with  the  same  immortality  ....  But  the  abro- 
gation of  slavery  was  not  contemplated  even  as 
a  remote  possibility.  A  general  enfranchisement 
seems  never  to  have  dawned  on  the  wisest  and 
best  of  the  Christian  writers." 

(iii)  From  the  accession  of  Justinian  to  the 
death  of  Gregory  the  Great. — Although  the 
efforts  both  of  the  legislator  and  of  the  church 
up  to  the  commencement  of  this  period  must 
be  looked  upon  as  tending  rather  to  the  ame- 
lioration of  the  condition  of  the  slave  than 
to  the  abolition  of  slavery,  events,  in  the 
mean  time,  were  conspiring  to  bring  about  a 
more  important  change, — that  whereby  slavery, 
as  a  political  institution,  was  gradually  sup- 
planted by  serfdom.  From  the  earliest  days  of 
the  empire,  the  cultivation  of  the  soil  (the  vital 
question  with  the  civil  administrator)  appears  as 
carried  on  mainly  by  two  distinct  classes, — the 
slave  and  the  "  colonus  " ;  the  first  cultivating 
the  land  solely  for  his  master's  profit,  the  second 
receiving  payment  for  his  labour  or  renting  the 
land  of  the  proprietor.  Owing  to  a  conjunction 
of  causes,  into  which  it  is  here  impossible  to 
enter,  the  owners  of  the  large  estates  found,  with 
the  advance  of  the  3rd  century,  the  supply  of 


«  A  passage  in  St.  Ambrose's  celebrated  reply  to  Sym- 
machus, implying  that  the  freeing  of  captives  is,  along 
with  feeding  the  poor  and  supporting  those  in  exile,  one  of 
the  works  of  charity  to  which  the  revenues  of  the  church 
of  his  day  were  largely  devoted  (Migne,  xvi.  837),  must 
be  classed  with  the  numerous  passages  referred  to  above 
(note  ^),  and  cannot  be  looked  upon  as  having  any  real 
bearing  upon  the  question  of  slavery. 


SLAVERY 

labour  altogether  inadequate  to  the  demand.  In 
the  reign  of  Honorius  (a.d.  395-423)  this  evil 
had  grown  to  such  an  extent  that  in  Campania, 
the  most  fertile  region  of  Italy,  no  less  than 
528,042  jugera  were  exempted  from  taxation 
owing  to  the  fact  that  they  had  been  deserted  by 
the  cultivator  {Cod.  Theod.  XI.  xxviii.  2  ;  Haenel, 
p.  1120). 

Against  these  difficulties  legislation  (as  is 
clearly  to  be  seen  in  the  Theodosian  Code)  had 
long  been  contending,  but  in  the  meantime  the 
condition  of  the  "  colonus  "  had  been  one  of 
steady  and  continuous  degeneration.''  His  rights 
as  a  freeman  had  been  repeatedly  disregarded ; 
his  property  had  been  confiscated,  and  he  and 
his  family  reduced  to  the  position  of  serfs, 
under  what  has  been  described  as  the  state's 
"  imperious  necessity  of  procuring  and  preserv- 
ing instruments  for  the  cultivation  of  land" 
[Maine  (Sir  H.),  Early  Hist,  of  Insliiutinns,  p. 
150].  To  quote  the  description  of  M.  Wallon, 
the  "  colonus  "  shared  the  condition  of  a  slave 
without  being  legally  such,  and  partook  of 
the  condition  without  enjoying  the  rights  of  a 
freeman.  From  the  reign  of  Constantius,  this 
anomalous  condition  of  things  is  frequently 
referred  to  in  legislation ;  but  it  was  not  until 
the  reign  of  Justinian  that  a  series  of  fresh 
enactments  took  formal  cognisance  of  the  griev- 
ances under  which  the  "  colonus  "  laboured  and 
defined  his  status  and  rights.  The  result  of  this 
legislation,  according  to  Savigny,  was  to  produce 
a  kind  of  amalgamation  of  the  "coloni"  and  the 
"  servi,"  whereby  the  heredity  of  laboui",  when 
associated  with  the  cultivation  of  the  soil,  became 
a  recognised  theory  in  law  {Mem.  Acad,  de 
Berlin,  1822-1823),  and  it  would  even  appear  to 
have  been  the  design  of  the  legislator  to  oblite- 
rate, as  far  as  possible,  all  distinctions  between 
the  two  classes.  In  a  law  of  Justinian,  indeed, 
•\ve  find  the  question  distinctly  propounded  as  to 
what  real  difference  can  be  supposed  to  exist 
between  slaves  and  "  ascriptitii,"  "  when,"  it 
says,  "  both  are  in  the  power  of  their  lord,  who 
is  equally  able  to  enfranchise  the  slave  (along 
with  his  private  hoard),  and  to  exclude  from  his 
overlordship  the  '  ascriptitius '  along  with  the 
tract  which  he  cultivates"  {Cod.  Just.  XI.  xlvii. 
22 ;  Kriegel,  ii.  702).  Every  freeman  who  had 
cultivated  the  same  land  for  thirty  years,  was 
now  declared  to  be  a  "colonus,"  and  as  such  was 
forbidden  to  transfer  his  labour  to  other  territory 
{Cod.  Just.  XI.  xlvii.  23);  if  he  attempted  to 
escape,  he  might  be  recaptured  and  chastised  by 
his  employer.  He  was  disqualified  both  for  civil 
and  military  functions  {ib.  XL  xlvii.  11  and  18; 
Kriegel,  ii.  700-701).  He  could  bring  no  legal 
action  against  his  employer,  unless  for  arbitrary 
raising  of  his  rent  or  some  personal  injury 
sustained  by  himself  or  one  of  his  family  {ib.  XI. 
xlix.  1-2  ;  Kriegel,  ii.  704).  The  slave,  on  the 
other  hand,  was  gradually  relieved  from  those 
disabilities  which  had  hitherto  distinguished  him 
from  the  "  colonus."  He  could  no  longer  be  sold 
away  from  the  land  which  he  cultivated.  In  his 
own  person,  in  his  rights  over  his  wife  and 
children,  and  in  the  right  of  acquiring  and 
bequeathing  property,  he  ranked  as  a  freeman. 


SLAVERY 


1907 


f  For  the  main  facts  which  illustrate  this  gradual 
descent  of  the  "colonus"  from  his  ancient  freedom,  see 
Biot,  dc  V Abolition  dt  VEsdavage,  pp.  177-181. 

CJlKiST.    AiiT. — VOL.    II. 


As  was  the  case  with  the  "ascriptitius,"  election 
to  the  episcopal  dignity  rendered  him,  ipso  facto, 
free, — "  Post  creationem  autem  a  servili  et  ad- 
scriptitii  conditione  episcopos  liberos  esse  jube- 
mus"  {Novell,  cxxiii.  4;  Kriegel,  iii.  544). 

It  will  be  seen,  from  the  foregoing  evidence, 
that  as  regards  that  large  portion  of  the  servile 
class  whose  labour  was  bestowed  on  the  land, 
their  condition  in  the  6th  century  differed  con- 
siderably from  that  of  the  agricultural  labourer 
in  the  early  days  of  the  empire.  It  was  much 
inferior  to  that  of  the  ancient  "  colonus,"  but  it 
was  a  great  improvement  upon  that  of  the  slave, 
— a  circumstance  which  requires  to  be  borne  in 
mind  when  we  observe  that  it  was  in  the  same 
century,  especially  during  the  pontificate  of 
Gregory  the  Great,  that  the  territorial  possessions 
of  the  church  first  begun  to  form  an  important 
element  in  its  history  and  policy.  Of  the  rela- 
tions of  the  church  to  the  labour  question  the 
letters  of  Gregory  afford  valuable  illustration. 
Among  them  there  is  one  to  Venantius,  bishop 
of  Luna  (the  great  seaport  on  the  confines  of 
Liguria),  from  which  it  appears  that  a  com- 
munity of  Jews,  holding  lands  in  the  diocese, 
were  also  proprietors  of  Christian  slaves.  Gre- 
gory, having  been  consulted  by  Venantius, 
distinctly  lays  it  down  as  a  rule  that  no  Jew  can 
be  allowed  to  hold  Christian  men  in  bondage, 
but  he  goes  on  to  say  that,  in  the  present  instance, 
although  those  over  whom  these  Jews  assert  their 
claim  may  be  free  men  in  point  of  law,  yet  not- 
withstanding, inasmuch  as  they  have  for  a  length- 
ened period  continued  to  cultivate  these  same  lands, 
they  are  bound  by  the  circumstances  of  the  case, 
and  must  accordingly  continue  to  cultivate  these 
lands  and  to  pay  their  rents  to  the  proprietors, 
besides  complying  with  all  the  obligations  legally 
binding  upon  "coloni"  or  "  originarii,"*  but 
that  no  further  burden  is  to  be  imposed  upon 
them  {Epist.  iv.  21 ;  Migne,  Ixxvii.  700). 

This  important  letter,  which  M.  Wallon  {Hist, 
de  I'Esclavage,  iii.  312)  regards  as  embodying 
the  imperial  legislation  of  the  period,  as  con- 
ceived under  the  conditions  above  described, 
would  appear  to  afford  unquestionable  proof  that 
the  position  of  the  "colonus"  at  this  time  was 
one  which  secured  to  him  a  considerable  degree 
of  freedom.  The  antipathy  of  the  church  to  the 
enslaving  of  Christian  men  by  Jews  or  pagans 
begins  now  to  be  very  strongly  marked.'"  A 
decree  of  the  Council  of  Macon,  A.D.  581,  directs 
that  Jewish  or  pagan  proprietors  shall  be  bound 
to  surrender  Christian  slaves  for  a  ransom  of 
12  solidi ;  and  that  any  Christian  shall  be  em- 
powered to  ransom  a  slave  at  such  a  price, 
whether  it  be  his  design  to  retain  him  in  his 
possession  or  to  set  him  at  liberty  (Sirmond,  i. 
373).     The  criticism  of  Overbeck  {Studien,  &c. 

g  The  "  coloni "  by  descent,  as  liistinpuished  from  those 
who  were  such  by  agreement,  tlie  ";iscri|  titii."  The 
influence  of  the  question  of  labour  in  conn,  xloii  with  the 
land  is  to  be  recognised  in  many  dir.cti..ns:  thus  a 
decree  of  ihe  Council  of  Agde  (a.d.  6U(>)  foibds  the 
enlranchisement  of  the  slaves  of  niona^t.-iies,  holding  It 
unjust "  ut  monachis  quc.tidianiim  riirakopii.-i  facicniibus, 
scrvl  eorum  liix-itatis  otio  pmiuntur  '  (.Mansi,  Cone. 
viii.  334). 

h  An  the  complement  to  this  sentiment  wp  may  note 
that  which  consiilered  the  en^laving  (d  p^igaii  captives  in 
war  jnsiiiiable  (see  Biot,  de  I'AbolUiun  de  Vt.sclavage, 
p.  23.).  g^ 


1908 


SLAVERY 


p.  211)  that  this  aversion  took  its  rise  in  mere 
religious  bigotry,  and  was  contrary  to  the  theory 
of  the  primitive  church,  breathing  rather  of  the 
ancient  pagan  prejudice  against  the  barbarian 
(Plato,  Eepvb.  v.  15),  appears  harsh  and  over- 
strained. It  is  also  to  be  remembered  that  the 
exaggerated  importance  now  discernible  as  at- 
tached by  the  church  to  a  formal  observance  of 
religious  duties,  e.g.  fasting,  keeping  of  saints' 
days,  &c.,  must  have  operated  very  strongly  in 
the  same  direction.  The  Christian  in  slavery  to 
a  pagan  master  could  hai'dly  have  avoided  living 
in  the  habitual  commission  of  mortal  sin  ;  and  to 
no  object  were  Gregory's  etTorts  more  ardently 
devoted  than  to  the  suppression  of  the  slave-trade 
as  carried  on  by  the  Jews  in  his  day  (JEpist.  iv.  9  ; 
Migne,  Ixxvii.  689 ;  see  also  pp.  498,  652,  868, 
953,  954,  1016).  Writing  to  Theoderic  and 
Theodebert,  kings  of  Frankland,  he  expresses  his 
surprise  that  they  should  permit  any  Jews  in 
their  dominions  to  possess  slaves  (Epist.  ix.  110  ; 
Migne,  Ixxvii.  1018).  It  seems  accordingly  that 
the  condition  of  these  "  coloni  "  at  Luna  was  such 
as  he  would  never  have  sanctioned,  had  it  not 
left  them  free  to  observe  Christian  worship  and 
perform  the  chief  duties  of  the  Christian  life 
unmolested. 

On  the  other  hand,  he  appears  to'  have  held 
the  theory  already  referred  to,  which  looked 
upon  one  Christian  in  bondage  to  another  as 
simply  the  result  of  the  divine  decree  finding 
expression  in  human  institutions  {Ejoist.  iii.  18; 
X.  66;  xii.  4;  Migne,  Ixxvii.  637,  1089,  1210); 
nor  can  it  be  denied  that  this  theory  appears 
sometimes  to  have  been  construed  by  him  in 
a  sense  repugnant  to  more  enlightened  views. 
Thus,  when  directing  Januarius,  bishop  of  Cagli- 
ari,  to  take  vigorous  measures  against  pagans, 
aruspices,  and  sorcerers,  he  says  that  if  slaves 
they  are  to  be  beaten  and  subjected  to  torture, 
but  if  free  men,  are  to  be  subjected  simply  to 
imprisonment  {Epist.  ix.  65  ;  Migne,  Ixxvii.  982). 
But,  notwithstanding,  it  is  in  the  letters  of  this 
pontiff  that  M.  Biot  considei's  we  have  the  earliest 
example  of  the  Christian  sentiment  of  liberty  as 
the  natural  right  of  man,  finding  expression  in  a 
definite  act  of  manumission ;  this  is  on  the  occa- 
sion of  bestowing  their  freedom  on  two  slaves, 
Montanus  and  Thomas,  when  Gi-egory  compares 
their  enfranchisement  from  the  yoke  which  the 
law  has  placed  upon  them  to  the  liberty  which 
Christ  came  to  win  for  all  mankind — "  quos  ab 
initio  natura  liberos  protulit,  et  jus  gentium 
jugo  substituit  servitutis  "  (^Epist.  vi.  12  ;  Migne, 
Ixxvii.  804). 

The  decisions  of  Gregory  having  formed,  in 
almost  every  important  question,  the  rule  of  the 
Latin  church  during  centuries  after  his  time, 
the  theory  to  which  he  here  gives  expression, 
may  be  n-gai'ded  as  that  which  continued  to  pre- 
vail to  the  conclusion  of  our  period,  whereby 
slavery  was  looked  upon  as  an  admitted  antago- 
nism between  "natura  "  and  the  ''jus  gentium." 
(iv)  From  the  de  ith  of  Gregory  the  Great  to  the 

commencement  of  the  9th  centuri/ :  (a)  in  tJie 

Eastern  Empire :  {$)  in  Latin  Christendom  ; 

(7)  among  Tctonic  nations,  prior  to  the  in- 

trod  'ction  of  Latin  institutions. 

(a)  The  influences  of  legislation  and  religion,  in 

the  eastern  provinces  of  the   empire,   combined 

steadily  to  diminish  the  number  of  slaves  (Gibbon, 

ch.  xliv. ;  Wallon,  Hist,  de  I'Esclavage,  iii.  452), 


SLAVERY 

and,  according  to  Finlay  (^Hist.  of  Greece,  ed. 
Tozer,  ii.  220),  were  aided  by  conditions  more 
favourable  to  free  labour,  operating  more  imme- 
diately "  in  extinguishing  predial  slavery,  and 
repressing  the  most  important  branch  of  the 
slave-ti'ade,  by  supplying  the  cities  with  free 
emigrants."  The  evidence  afforded  by  legislation 
is  to  be  studied,  after  the  6th  century,  chiefly  in 
the  enactments  of  Basil  the  Macedonian  (emp. 
867-886)  and  of  his  son  Leo  the  Philosopher, 
and  is  described  in  its  main  features  by  M.  Wallon 
(iii.  452,  453).  It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  latter 
emperor  revoked  the  law  of  Justinian  which  con- 
ferred freedom  on  slaves  who  had  taken  refuge 
in  churches  or  monasteries,  in  the  event  of  their 
giving  satisfactory  evidence  of  having  been  sub- 
jected to  ill-usage. 

The  monasteries  of  the  East  appear  to  have 
been  distinguished  by  their  repudiation  of  the 
employment  of  slave  labour,  a  principle  empha- 
tically laid  down  by  St.  Platon  and  Theodore 
Studites.  The  latter,  writing  to  his  disciple 
Nicholas  (recently  created  an  abbat),  instructs 
him  that  he  is  not  to  have  a  single  slave,  whether 
for  his  own  service,  or  that  of  the  monastery,  or 
for  the  culture  of  the  land  ;  "  for  this,"  he  says, 
"is  permissible,  like  marriage,  only  to  those  who 
lead  a  secular  life  "  (Sirmond,  Opera,  Paris,  1696, 
V.  84). 

(|3)  In  those  countries  where  Latin  influences 
continued  to  predominate,  the  close  connexion  of 
the  question  of  slavery  with  that  of  the  cultiva- 
tion of  the  land  appears  to  have  hindered  the 
progress  of  emancipation.  Among  the  Western 
Franks,  the  condition  of  the  slave  differed,  ac- 
cording to  Guizot,  from  the  ancient  servitude  of 
paganism,  in  that  it  was  not  "  uniforme,  con- 
stante  et  sdparee  de  celle  des  hommes  libres  par 
un  profond  abime  "  {Essais,  p.  214);  and  owing 
to  the  fact,  that  it  was  thus  vaguely  defined,  it 
aflbrded  conditions  which  ultimately  resulted  in 
the  establishment  of  freedom.  He  concurs,  how- 
ever, in  the  opinion  expressed  by  Gibbon  (ch. 
xxxviii.),  that  from  the  5th  to  the  10th  century 
"the  laws  and  manners  of  Gaul  uniformly  tended 
to  promote  the  increase,  and  to  confirm  the  dura- 
tion, of  personal  servitude;"  but,  at  the  same 
time,  considers  (Essais,  p.  208)  that  in  the  many 
cases  of  enfranchisement  that  come  under  our 
notice  during  this  period,  religious  ideas  suggested 
the  preponderating  motive.  The  Formulae  of 
Marculfus  (a  monk  of  the  7th  century)  systema- 
tically represent  the  bestowing  of  freedom  on 
the  slave  as  a  meritorious  action  that  will  be 
rewarded  in  a  future  state  (Migne,  Ixxxvii.  747). 
It  would  appear  that  it  was  customary  for  the 
king,  on  the  birth  of  a  son,  to  bestow  freedom 
on  three  slaves  on  each  of  his  farms  (villae),  and 
the  formula  used  on  these  occasions  is  preserved 
in  the  same  writer  (bk.  ii.  52).  The  Ripuarian 
Code  (which  exhibits  an  admixture  of  Latin  and 
barbaric  elements)  defines  three  distinct  modes 
of  enfranchisement,  according  to  which  the  slave 
was  known  as  a  "denarius,"  a  " tabularius,"  or 
a  "  chartularius."  On  the  first  of  these,  free- 
dom was  conferred  according  to  Salic  law, — 
the  slave  holding  a  coin  (denarius)  in  his  hand, 
and  the  king  thereupon  striking  his  hand,  so  as 
to  cause  the  coin  to  fiy  into  his  face,  and  pro- 
nouncing him  a  free  man  (Marculfus,  Form.  i.  22). 
The  second  mode  ("  secundum  legem  Piomanam  ") 
corresponded  exactly  to  that  prescribed  by  the 


SLAVERY 

law  of  Constantine  of  the  year  316 ;  the  third 
(whereby  the  freedman  was  known  as  a  "  char- 
tularius  ")  reproduces  the  method  prescribed  in 
the  law  of  321  (for  both  of  these  see  supra, 
sec.  ii.).  It  is  the  opinion  of  Guizot  {Essais, 
p.  213)  that  none  of  these  modes  secured  com- 
plete freedom  to  the  enfranchised  slave,  but  that, 
in  each  case,  he  was  subsequently  under  the 
necessity  of  attaching  himself  to  a  "  patronus," 
who,  in  the  first  case,  was  the  king;  in  the 
second,  the  church;  while  the  "chartularius " 
elected  to  which  of  these  two  he  would  be  bound. 
A  decree  of  the  Council  of  Chalons  (a.d.  650) 
prohibits  the  selling  of  slaves  out  of  the  realm 
of  king  Clovis  II.  (Sirmond,  i.  491);  and  another 
of  tiie  year  743  prohibits  their  being,  in  any  case, 
sold  to  Jews  (Mansi,  xii.  384).  The  abbat  Sma- 
ragdus,  in  the  reign  of  Charles  the  Great,  ex- 
horted that  monarch  not  to  reduce  captives  of 
war  to  slavery,  and  also  to  set  free  his  own  slaves 
(Biot,  u.  s.  p.  311).  The  104th  canon  of  the 
Council  of  Aachen  (a.d.  816)  exhibits  what  may 
be  regarded  as  the  prevailing  ecclesiastical  view 
of  slavery  at  the  close  of  our  period, — that  it  is 
to  be  looked  upon  as  a  consequence  of  the  Fall, 
and  that,  although  the  Creator  regards  not  the 
comparative  intelligence  (rationem)  of  indivi- 
duals, yet  He  has  destined  some  to  slavery  and 
others  to  freedom,  in  order  that  the  "  tendency 
of  the  slave  to  do  ill  may  be  restrained  by  the 
power  of  the  master"  (Mansi,  xiv.  211). 

The  chronicle  of  the  monastery  of  Farfi  in 
the  duchy  of  Spoleto,  in  an  enumeration  of  the 
slaves  and  dependants  of  the  monastery  made 
towards  the  close  of  the  7th  century,  shews  that 
these  slaves  resided  in  separate  cottages,  and 
were  permitted  to  hold  property  of  their  own, — 
a  condition  closely  resembling,  if  not  identical 
with,  that  of  the  "  colonus  "  (Muratori,  Scriptt. 
II.  ii.  428).  In  the  year  815,  Lewis  the  Pious, 
in  a  charter  confirming  the  rights  and  privileges 
of  the  same  monastery,  refers  to  its  "  servi  "  and 
"ancillae"  as  well  as  its  "  libellarii  "  (=  "tabu- 
larii  ")  and  "  chartulati  "  {ih.  II.  ii.  365).  Ari- 
chis,  duke  of  Beneventum,  in  a  capitulary  of  the 
year  774,  defines  the  relations  of  servants  to 
their  masters  as  one  of  complete  subjection, — 
"  ita  tamen  ut  ejus,  qui  eos  acceperit,  disciplinis 
et  imperio,  sicut  servi  subjaceant  "  (ib.  II.  ii.  336). 
In  Spain,  where  the  laws  of  the  Visigoths 
represented  a  kind  of  amalgamation  of  their  own 
code  with  that  of  Theodosius,  the  enactments 
relating  to  the  condition  of  the  slave  ofler  few 
points  of  material  difl'erence  when  compared  with 
the  Roman  law, — the  chief  distinction  being  that 
slaves  were  permitted  to  engage  in  military 
service  (Biot,  p.  402). 

(7)  Under  the  influence  of  the  spirit  of  Teuto- 
nic conquest,  the  growth  of  personal  freedom 
again  received  a  check.  "The  fruitful  cause  of 
personal  slavery,"  says  Gibbon  (ed.  Smith,  iv. 
374),  "  which  had  been  almost  suppressed  by  the 
peaceful  sovereignty  of  Rome,  was  again  revived 
and  multiplied  by  the  perpetual  hostilities  of 
the  independent  barbarians."  The  theory  main- 
tained by  one  writer '  on  our  subject, — that 
slavery,  strictly  so-called,  never  existed  among 
the  German  races,  and  that  contact  with  the  Latin 


SLAVERY 


1909 


■  Vfnedey  (J.)  Romerthum,  Ohristenthum  und  Ger- 
manenthum ;  c.  viii.  "  Die  Gernmnische  Knechtschaft 
nach  dem  Sturze  Koms." 


race  and  with  Roman  institutions  tended  rather 
to  aggravate  the  condition  of  serfdom  as  existing 
among    them,— is    at    variance    with   the    best 
established  conclusions.     Tacitus  {Germ.  c.  25) 
clearly   implies  that   the   slave's  life   could    be 
taken  by  his  master  with  impunity.    "  It  cannot 
be  denied,"  says  Professor  Stubbs,  "that  slavery 
in  the  strictest  sense  was  an  early,  if  not  a  primi- 
tive, institution  of  the  race  "  (Const.  Hist.  i.  78). 
In  direct  contravention  of  the  law  of  Valerian 
and  Gallienus  [_supra,  sec.  i.  ()3)],  the  laws  of  the 
Merovingian  dynasty  in  Frankland  permitted  a 
freeman  to  sell  himself  into  slavery,  and  even 
prescribed  the  formula  (Marculfus,  Form.  ii..28). 
The  researches  of  Jastrow  clearly  prove  that  the 
earliest  codes  of  the   Frisians,  Saxons,  Thurin- 
gians,   Franks    and  Alemanni,  all  involve    that 
fundamental  violation  of  natural  law  which  re- 
presented the  slave  as  a  Thing   rather  than   a 
Person.     He  had  indeed  a  recognised  legal  value, 
which  was  determined  like  that  of  other  "  things," 
by  assessment.     In  the  Saxon   and  Thuringian 
codes  this  value  is  fixed  by  law,  but  solely  as  a 
question  of  his  worth  to  his  owner.    In  the  older 
Salic  Code  and  in  that  of  the  Alemanni,  it  is 
estimated  with   reference  to  the  "  wergild "  of 
the   freeman   and   of  the   "lite."     The   Kentish 
Laws  of  Ethelbert  are  the  first  which  deal  with 
the  question  of  his  "  Mannwerth," — equivalent, 
says  Jastrow,  to  his  "  wergild,"  only  under  an- 
other name.     "  In  some  respects,"  says  Profe.ssor 
Stubbs,  "the  practice  of  the  law  is  better  than 
the  theory  :  the  slave  is  entitled  to  his  two  loaves 
a  day,  and  his  holy  days  are  secured  to  him.     He 
can  purchase  his  freedom  with  savings  which  in 
some  unexplained  way  the  law  has  allowed  him 
to   keep,   and   the  spiritual   law   can  enforce  a 
penance  on  the  master  for  illtreating  him.     But 
his  status  descends  to  his  children;  all  his  pos- 
terity, unless  the  chain  is  broken  by  emancipa- 
tion, are  born  slaves"  (Const.   Hist.  i.  79;  see 
also  Kemble,   Saxons  in  England,   i.   185-225). 
In  the  laws  of  Ine,  king  of  Wessex  (circ.  690), 
this  "  Mannwerth  "  becomes  technically  a  "  wer- 
gild "  (see  Jastrow,  Zur  strafrechtlichen  Stellung 
der  Sclaven  hei  Deutschen  und  Angelsachsen,  p. 
41).     One  of  the  laws  of  Wihtred,  king  of  Kent, 
made  at  a  witenagemot  held  at  Berghamstede  in 
690,   requires  that  the  head   of  a   family   who 
gives  them  meat  on  a  fast,  shall  do  penance  by 
devoting  his  "  hals-fang  "  (price  of  commutation 
for  punishment    in    the    pillory)    to    redeeming 
"  bond  or  free  "  (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Councils, 
iii.  235-6).    To  Theodore  of  Tarsus  is  attributed 
the  merit  of  obtaining  in  the  West  the  adoption 
of  the  axiom  of  Eastern  monasticism, — that  "  the 
monastery  could  have  no  slaves  "  (Hefele,  Bei- 
trd</e,  i.  217).     The  same  ecclesiastic,  however, 
allows  men  to  sell  themselves  into  slavery  "for 
meat,"  i.e.  in  order  to  avoid  starvation  (Haddan 
.and  Stubbs,  ib.  iii.  202).     "  Manumission,"  says 
Mr.  Green,  "became  frequent  in  wills,  as  the 
clergy  taught  that  such  a  gift  was  a  boon  to  the 
soul  of  the  dead.     At  the  synod  of  Calnith  the 
bishops  bound  themselves  to  free  at  their  decease 
all  serfs  on  their  estates  who  had  been  reduced 
to  serfdom  by  want  or  crime.    Usually  the  slave 
was  set  free  before  the  alt:ir  or  in  the  church- 
porch,  and  the  Gospel-book  bore  written  on  iU 
margins  the  record  of  his   emancipation  .... 
The  ^slave-trade    from   English    juirts   was    pro- 
hibited by  law,  but  the  prohibition  long  remained 
'  6  G  2 


1910 


SLAVERY 


ineffective.  A  hundred  years  later  than  Dunstan 
the  wealth  of  English  nobles  was  said  sometimes 
to  spring  from  breeding  slaves  for  the  market. 
It  was  not  till  the  reign  of  the  first  Norman  king 
that  the  preaching  of  Wulstan  and  the  influence 
of  Lanfranc  suppressed  the  trade  in  its  last 
stronghold,  the  port  of  Bristol "  {Short  History, 
pp.  54,  55). 

The  conclusions  to  which  the  foregoing  outline 
of  facts  appears  to  point,  as  to  the  extent  to 
which  the  Christianity  of  the  first  eight  centuries 
modified  the  conditions  of  the  slave,  admit  of 
being  very  concisely  summarized.  During  the 
first  three  centuries  Christianity  could  scarcely 
hope  materially  to  influence  that  legislation  by 
which  it  was  itself  persecuted,  but,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  the  philosophic  teaching  of  the  Stoics, 
it  brought  about  a  change  of  sentiment  which 
led  to  the  consideration  of  the  whole  question  of 
slavery  from  a  different  standpoint.  It  spoke  of 
him  as  a  man  in  this  life,  and  as  destined  to  im- 
mortality hereafter.  Of  the  general  abolition  of 
a  system  which  underlay  the  entire  fabric  of  the 
state  and  of  society,  it  had  little  or  no  concep- 
tion; but  with  the  fall  of  the  Western  empire 
the  whole  question  of  labour,  as  associated  with 
the  cultivation  of  the  land,  assumed  a  phase 
which  ultimately  involved  the  supjjression  of  the 
harshest  features  of  the  ancient  slavery.  Con- 
currently with  this  change,  Christianity  was 
gradually  raising  the  condition  of  the  slave  by 
admitting  him  to  the  sacraments  of  the  church 
and  to  the  ranks  of  the  clergy,  as  well  as  by  the 
manner  in  which  it  encouraged  his  complete 
enfranchisement  as  a  Christian  act,  and  associated 
it  with  Christian  observances.  Even  the  in- 
tolerant spirit  which,  at  this  period,  began  to  be 
displayed  towards  the  Jew  and  the  pagan,  is  to 
some  extent  redeemed  by  the  fact  that  it  led  to 
the  essential  injustice  of  slavery  being  more  fully 
recognised.  With  these  considerations  before  us, 
it  seems  difficult  not  to  assent  to  the  view  of 
M.  Wallon,  that  when,  at  a  later  time,  with  the 
commencement  of  feudalism,  the  question  of  the 
cultivation  of  the  soil  entered  upon  another  phase, 
there  was  no  security  in  existing  institutions  that 
the  serf  might  not  relapse  into  the  condition  of 
the  slave,  Christianitj'  interposed,  and  not  merely 
averted  any  such  retrograde  movement,  but  paved 
the  w^y  for  the  complete  emancipation  of  the 
serf;  while,  by  the  admission  of  Gibbon,  "  the 
custom  of  enslaving  prisoners  of  war  was  totally 
extinguished  in  the  13th  century  by  the  influence 
of  Christianity "  (Decline  and  Fall,  c.  xxxviii. 
note  96). 

Authorities  and  works  referred  to  :  Muratori, 
Dissert,  xiv.  and  xv.  in  Antiq.  Ital.  Med.  Aevi, 
vol.  i.  1738  ;  Venedey  (J.),  Romerthum,  Christen- 
thum  und  Germanenthum,  und  di  ren  wechselseitiger 
Einfluss  bei  der  Umgestaltung  der  Sclaverei  des 
Alterthums  in  die  Leibeigenschaft  des  Mittelalters, 
Frankfurt,  1840;  Biot  (Edouard),  De  V Abolition 
de  I'Esclav'ige  ancien  en  Orient,  Paris,  1840  ; 
Wallon  (Henri),  Histoire  de  V Esclavagc,  3  v., 
Paris,  1847 ;  Babington  (Churchill),  Influence 
of  Christianity  in  promoting  the  Abolition  of 
Slavery  in  Europe,  1846;  Riviere  (A.),  L'Eglise 
et  VEsclavage,  Paris,  1864;  Hefele  (C.  J.),  Slila- 
verei  und  Christenthum  (in  Beitrdge  zur  Kirchen- 
geschichte,  i.  212-226);  Overbeck  (Franz),  Ueber 
das  Verhdltniss  der  alien  Kirche  zur  Sclaverie  im 
riiinischen  Iieiche{]pt.  iii.  oi  Studicn  zur  Gcschichte 


SOCIAL  LIFE 

der  alien  Kirche,  Basel,  1875);  Allard  (Paul), 
Les  Esclaves  Chretiens  depuis  les  premiers  temps 
de  I'Eglise  jusqu'a  la  fin  de  la  Domination  liomaine 
en  Occident,  Paris,  1876,  and  review  of  the 
same  by  Ad.  Harnack  in  Theologische  Literatur- 
zeitung,  1877,  No.  6 ;  .Tastrow  (J.),  Zur  siraf- 
recht lichen  Stellung  der  Sclaven  bei  Deutschen  und 
Angehachsen,  Breslau,  1878.  [J.  B.  M.] 

SMAEAGDUS  (1),  March  12,  commemo- 
rated at  Nicomedia  with  Mardonius  presbyter, 
and  others  {Syr.  Mart.,  Hieron.  Mart.). 

(2)  March  16,  martyr  at  Rome  under  Maximin 
with  Largus  and  othei-s ;  passio  {Mart.  Usuard., 
Vet.  Rom.,  Adon.) ;  Aug.  8,  depositio  {Mart. 
Usuard.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Adou.,  on  the  Via  Ostiensi ; 
Mart.  Hieron.  on  the  Via  Salaria). 

SOCIAL  LIFE.  The  design  of  this  article 
is  to  point  out  and  illustrate  what  appear  to 
have  been  the  distinguishing  characteristics  of 
Christian  society  during  the  first  eight  centuries. 
As,  however,  these  characteristics  are  found  to 
differ  considerably  according  to  the  varying  con- 
ditions of  the  age,  any  attempt  to  bring  the 
phenomena  of  different  periods  within  a  single 
outline  could  hardly  but  prove  fallacious ;  it  is 
accordingly  proposed  to  consider  them  as  they 
present  themselves  to  our  notice  at  three  different 
eras :  (I.)  During  the  first  three  centuries. 
(II.)  In  the  empire,  subsequent  to  the  recogni- 
tion of  Christianity  by  the  state.  (III.)  Among 
Teutonic  communities,  subsequent  to  their  nomi- 
nal conversion  to  Christianity. 

(I.)  The  Christian  life,  as  conceived  in  the 
primitive  church,  may  be  said  to  have  been 
dominated  by  two  distinct,  and,  at  first  sight, 
somewhat  antagonistic  conceptions.  The  apo- 
stolic injunction  to  be  "  not  conformed  to  this 
world,"  but  "  transformed  in  the  renewing  of 
the  mind,"  and  the  teaching  which  led  the  early 
Christians  to  regard  themselves  as  "  an  elect 
people,  a  royal  priesthood,  a  holy  race,"  were 
combined  with  a  theory  of  the  relations  of  the 
Christian  citizen  to  mankind  at  large,  which 
completely  broke  down  the  barriers  of  the  old 
Roman  exclusiveness  and  led  him  to  look  upon 
mankind  as,  to  use  the  expression  of  Tertullian 
{Apol.  c.  38),  one  great  republic.  It  is  certain, 
however,  that,  partly  from  a  sincere  desire  to 
inculcate  principles  which  involved  the  recogni- 
tion of  a  universal  brotherhood,  partly  from 
anxiety  to  discourage  notions  which  caused 
them  to  be  regarded  with  suspicion  and  dislike, 
the  earlier  Christians  emphatically  disclaimed  the 
adoption  of  distinctive  institutions  or  peculiar 
habits.  Thus  the  author  of  the  Epistle  to 
Diognetus  (c.  5)  says  that  Christians  "  are  in  no 
way  distinguished  by  their  country,  speech,  or 
customs  from  other  men  ;  "  that  "  they  neither 
dwell  in  separate  cities,  nor  use  any  peculiar 
dialect,  nor  do  they  lead  an  unusual  {irapdcrrifj.ov) 
mode  of  life"  (Bunsen,  Anal.  Ante-A'ic.  i.  111). 

It  is  in  perfect  harmony  with  historical  ex- 
perience at  large  that,  though  the  centres  in 
which  Christianity  first  assumed  a  distinctive 
social  character  were  noted  for  their  luxury, 
dissipation,  and  immorality,  the  life  of  the  Chris- 
tians themselves  in  this  uncongenial  atmosphere 
appears  (so  far  as  we  are  able  to  arrive  at  the 
evidence)  to  have  been  faithful  to  an  unusual 
extent  to  the  Christian  ideal.     The  corruptions 


SOCIAL  LIFE 

that  surrounded  the  convert  iu  cities  such  as 
Antioch,  Alexandria,  Corinth,  Rome,  and  Car- 
thage were,  in  fact,  calculated  to  produce  in 
minds  not  totally  depraved  a  reaction  of  feeling 
which  materially  contributed  to  preserve  them 
from  yielding  to  the  debasing  influences  of  the 
example  set  by  their  fellow  citizens.'  Origen 
(cont.  Cels.  iii.  30),  when  referring  to  the  life  of 
the  Christians  in  these  great  cities,  does  not 
hesitate  to  affirm  that  even  the  least  exemplary 
among  them  greatly  surpassed  the  majority  of  the 
pagan  commimity  (jroWoiv  Kpe'iTTOvs  rvyxdveiv 
Twv  if  To7s  Stj/xot?  eKKXriffiaiy,  Migne,  Fatrol. 
Graec.  xi.  466).  If  to  this  condition  of  moral 
isolation  we  add  the  sense  of  estrangement  from 
the  state,  by  which,  if  not  actually  persecuted, 
the  earlier  Christians  were  generally  looked 
upon  with  mistrust,  the  Christian  life  at  this 
period  almost  necessarily  involved  a  certain 
exclusiveness  and  habitual  caution  in  inter- 
course with  the  world  without. 

While,  again,  in  all  the  ordinary  relations  of 
civil  life  the  Christian  could  conscientiously  dis- 
claim eccentricity  or  incompatibility  with  pre- 
vailing practice,  his  religion  and  his  conduct,  as 
derived  from  that  religion,  were  such  that 
neither  the  one  nor  the  other  could  pass  un- 
observed. At  home,  his  domestic  life  (the  life 
which  always  affords  the  best  guarantees  for  the 
right  and  virtuous  discharge  of  the  duties  of  the 
citizen)  offei-ed  a  superficial  resemblance  to  that 
of  the  pagan  in  that  the  observance  of  worship 
was  regular  and  systematic,  but  essentially  dif- 
fered from  it  in  so  far  that  what  in  the  one  was 
looked  upon  as  a  mere  ceremony  was  observed 
in  the  other  as  a  spiritual  exercise.  The  three 
canonical  hours  of  the  early  church,  the  3rd,  the 
6th,  and  the  9th  (Hours  of  Prayer),  were 
marked  out  as  times  of  devotion.  In  the  family 
circle,  at  the  third  hour,  the  Scriptures  were  read, 
the  common  prayer  was  offered,  and  the  Halle- 
lujah Psalm  sung.  Then  followed  the  first  meal 
of  the  day,  preceded,  like  every  other  meal,  by  a 
special  prayer  for  the  divine  blessing,  an  ob- 
servance which,  to  use  the  expression  of  Clemens 
of  Alexandria,  converted  every  meal  into  a 
sacrament  {Paed.  ii.  1  ;  Tertullian,  de  Orat. 
c.  20).  When  the  first  meal  was  over,  the 
mother  and  her  children  exchanged  the  kiss  of 
peace  and  then  separated,  where  necessary,  for 
their  daily  tasks  {Const.  Aegypt.  ii.  57,  62  ; 
Bunsen,  AiiaL  Ante-Kic.  ii.  472-3).  Besides 
the  hours  above  specified,  the  duty  of  private 
prayer  was  strictly  enjoined  (Cyprian,  de  Orat. 
Dom.  c.  4)  at  sunrise  and  at  sunset  {ih.  c.  35), 
before  retiring  to  rest,  and  at  midnight.  The 
Scriptures  were  daily  to  be  read,  but  their  right 
comprehension,  it  was  held,  could  be  looked  for 
only  when  this  exercise  had  been  preceded  by 
prayer  (Origen,  de  Orat.  c.  31).  Husband  and 
wife  were  enjoined  both  to  pray  together  and  to 
study  the  Scriptures  together,  a  precept  in- 
volving a  view  of  the  conjugal  relations  which 
strikingly  contrasts  with  the  reply  of  Critobulos 
to  Socrates  (Xenophon,  Oecon.  iii.  12)  that  "  he 
spoke  with  no  one  less  than  with  his  wife." 
Even  in  the  exercise  of  hospitality  prayer  found 


SOCIAL  LIFE 


1911 


a  So  Neander  {DenkwurdiokeUen,  &c.  i.  218)  notes 
that  the  numerous  monasteries  which  grew  up  in  the 
fourth  century  were  often  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of 
the  great  cities,    i 


a  place,  and  the  householder  was  enjoined  not  to 
let  his  guest  depart  without  a  joint  observance 
of  this  rite  (Tert.  de  Orat.  c.  21). 

Dominated  by  this  conception,  each  home 
became  a  sanctuary,  each  day  a  holy-day,  and 
the  life  of  the  perfected  Christian,  to  quote  the 
expression  of  Clemens,  one  long  service  of  adora- 
tion, ttTTos  8e  o  $ios  avTov  iravriyvpis  jj-ia  (Strom. 
bk.vii. ;  Migne,Patrol.  Graec.  is.  309).  In  all  these 
observances,  however,  one  feature  is  to  be  noted 
which  oflers  the  greatest  contrast  to  the 
jiagan  domestic  rites,  namely,  that  they  were  not 
looked  upon  as  a  mystery  to  be  guarded  from 
the  scrutiny  of  other  families  or  races,  but  were 
readily  shared  with  others  and  the  doctrines 
they  represented  willingly  explained,  a  spirit  of 
propagandism  taking  the  place  of  the  exclusive- 
ness characteristic  of  paganism. 

Another  important  feature  in  the  Christian 
home  life  was  the  altered  position  of  the  mother 
of  the  family,  a  change  so  considerable  as  to 
bring  about  a  completely  different  conception  of 
tlie  relations  of  womanhood  to  society.  While 
obedience  to  her  husband  was  enjoined  as  a  duty 
upon  the  wife,  that  duty  ceased  when  it  came  in 
collision  with  one  of  a  yet  higher  order  (Justin, 
Apol.  ii.  2).  She  was  looked  upon  as  capable 
of  attaining  to  an  equal  degree  of  perfection 
(Clemens,  Strom,  iv.  19;  Migne,  t6.  viii.  223),  as 
his  equal  in  all  relations  (Clemens,  Paed.  i.  4; 
Migne,  ib.  viii.  37),  and  endowed  with  precisely 
the  same  nature  (Clemens,  Strom,  iv.  8 ;  Migne, 
ib.  viii.  213).  She  was  to  aspire  to  wisdom  in  a 
like  degree,  <pL\o(TO(py]Tiov  oi)v  Koi  rais  yvvaii).v 
ifi.(pepa)s  Tots  avSpdai.  (lb.  iv.  8).  While  enjoined 
to  be  a  stayer  at  home  (ih.  iv.  8 ;  ib.  viii.  214), 
the  sphere  of  her  activity  in  the  domestic  circle 
was  at  once  extended  and  ennobled.  To  the 
household  industry  of  the  Roman  matron  she 
added  the  higher  function  of  instructing  her 
children  (Polycarp,  ad  Philippenses,  c.  5),  and  in 
this  relation  her  influence  was  often  of  incal- 
culable importance.  The  mothers  of  Chrysostom, 
Basil,  Gregory  Nazianzen,  Augustine,  and  Theo- 
doret,  were  mainly  instrumental  in  the  conver- 
sion of  their  sons.  Clement  of  Rome  commends 
the  Christians  at  Corinth  because  they  taught 
their  children  moderation  and  chastity,  fxerpta 
Kal  aejxva  voslv  (Epist.  i.  1 ;  Cotelerius,  Patres 
Apost.  i.  147).  "  Let  our  children,"  says  his 
namesake  of  Alexandria,  "  share  in  the  instruc- 
tion which  is  of  Christ "  (Strom,  iv.  17  ;  Migne, 
viii.  222).  Augustine,  on  the  other  hand,  is  to 
be  found  admitting  that  his  father,  who  was  in- 
different to  Christianity,  was  far  more  anxious 
to  see  him  accomplished  and  eloquent  than 
virtuous  and  modest  (Conf.  ii.  3).  In  the 
Epistle  of  Barnabas  (c.  19)  the  writer  enjoins 
every  Christian  to  instruct  his  sons  and  daughters 
in  the  fear  of  the  Lord  from  their  youth  up- 
wards. Leonidas,  the  father  of  Origen,  made 
his  son  commit  daily  to  heart  and  repeat  a  set 
portion  of  Scripture  (Euseb.  H.  E.  vi.  2).  The 
distrust  with  which  parents  regarded  tlie  ap- 
pearance of  their  children  in  mixed  assemblies 
(Clemens,  Strom,  iii.  11)  was  a  reflex  of  their 
own  sense  of  danger  when  mingling  in  pagan 
society,  and  their  watchful  and  pious  care  in 
this  respect  stands  in  remarkable  contrast  to  the 
declaration  of  Quiutilian  (1.  ii.  8)  that  the  rising 
generation  of  his  day  were  corrupted  before  they 
could  well  understand  the  distinction  betweeu 


1912 


SOCIAL  LIFE 


good  and  evil,  and,  so  far  from  being  demoralised 
by  their  school-fellows,  often  brought  the  con- 
tagion with  them  from  their  own  homes. 

The  discipline  of  the  Christian  household  was 
distinguished,  again,  by  a  spirit  of  greater 
gentleness,  the  sternness  of  the  pagan  father 
towards  his  son  being  exchanged  for  a  tone  of 
loving  admonition  (Cyprian,  Test.  adv.  Judaeos, 
iii.  71). 

While  such  were  the  influences  that  prevailed 
in  his  domestic  life,  the  Christian  citizen  left 
his  home  to  pursue  his  daily  avocations  in  the 
world  inspired  by  a  teaching  which  led  him  to 
recognise  in  every  other  man  a  brother,  and 
armed  with  a  moral  code  which  was  equal  to 
every  question  of  conscience  that  might  arise,  a 
code  which  was,  in  the  language  of  Rousseau, 
"  always  certain,  always  true,  always  single, 
and  always  in  harmony  with  itself."  In  sin- 
gular contrast  to  that  feeling  of  hatred  for 
foreigners  on  which  Plato  (Mencxenus,  p.  245) 
congratulates  his  fellow-citizens,  Justin  {Apol.  i. 
14,  ii.  13)  expressly  notes  that  whereas  sympathy 
and  intercourse  had  before  existed  only  between 
those  who  belonged  to  the  same  nationality, 
Christianity  admitted  no  such  limitations. 
"  We,"  he  says,  "  who  hated  and  destroyed  one 
another,  and  on  account  of  their  different  man- 
ners would  not  use  a  common  hearth  and  fire^ 
with  men  of  a  different  tribe,  now,  since  the 
coming  of  Christ,  live  familiarly  with  them,  and 
pray  for  our  enemies."  Even  towards  those 
who  were  not  of  the  same  faith  the  church  re- 
cognised the  obligation  of  shewing  friendship 
and  of  exchanging  friendly  offices,  "  necessitas 
amicitiarum  officiorumque  gentilium "  (Tert. 
de  Cultu  Fern.  ii.  11 ;  Migne,  i.  1329)  ;  while  all 
alike,  young  and  old,  bond  and  free,  Greek  and 
barbarian,  were  equally  admissible  as  members 
of  the  Christian  polity  (Clemens,  Strom,  iv.  8  ; 
Migne,  Patrol.  Graec.  viii.  213).  The  exigencies 
of  the  state  at  this  period  forbade,  indeed,  any 
to  entertain  the  notion  of  a  general  abolition  of 
slavery  [Slavery],  but  the  Christian  could  look 
upon  the  slave  as  one  born  by  misfortune  in  a 
condition  which,  however  pitiable,  involved  no 
religious  inequality,  and  which  he  was  bound  to 
ameliorate  by  acts  of  kindness. 

Underlying  this  new  and  greatly  enhanced 
estimate  of  man  as  an  individual,  there  was  the 
Christian  theory  of  the  sanctity  of  human  life, 
which  rested,  in  turn,  on  the  belief  in  the  im- 
mortality of  the  soul.  The  procuring  of  abortion, 
regarded  among  pagan  communities  as  scarcely 
deserving  of  censure,  was  from  the  first  system- 
atically denounced  by  the  church.  The  mother 
guilty  of  this  crime  was  excluded  by  a  decree  of 
the  council  of  Ancyra  (a.d.  314)  from  the  sacra- 
ment until  the  hour  of  death  [Children]. 
Infanticide,  and  the  exposure  of  newly-born 
infants,  a  common  practice  under  the  empire, 
and,  according  to  St  Ambrose  {Hexaem.  v.  18), 
especially  prevalent  among  the  poor,  as  abortion 
was  more  the  practice  of  the  wealthy,  was 
shunned  by  the  Christian  community  with 
horror.  "  Christians,"  says  the  writer  of  the 
Epistle  to  Diognetus  (c.  5),  "marry  and  beget 
children,   like  the    rest    of  mankind,    but    they 


i"  The  allusion  in  this  expression  to  a  community  of 
religious  rites  is  especially  deserving  of  notice.  See 
Fustel  de  Coulanges,  La  Cite  Antique,  c.  i. 


SOCIAL  LIFE 

do  not  cast  away  their  offspring."  (See  also 
Lactantius,  Div.  Inst.  vi.  20;  Cod.  Theod.  XI. 
xxvii.  1  and  2  ;  ih.  V.  vii.  1 ;  Allard,  Les  Esclaves 
Chr€t.  etc.  p.  370.) 

But  while  the  conception  of  social  obligations 
and  sympathies  became  thus  greatly  extended, 
in  one  particular  relation,  that  of  the  individual 
citizen  to  the  civil  power,  it  involved  a  different 
standard  from  that  of  paganism,  and  one  which 
was  also  somewhat  lower.  The  Christian  placed 
humanity  above  the  city,  and  repudiated  a  theory 
which  involved  the  obliteration  of  individual 
rights  whenever  they  came  in  conflict  with  the 
supposed  necessities  of  the  state.  The  duties  of 
private  life,  those  of  the  man  to  himself,  to  his 
family,  and  to  God,  were  now  regarded  as  para- 
mount, and  patriotism  was  no  longer  the  supreme 
duty  of  the  citizen.  The  patriotism  of  the 
pagan,  indeed,  it  has  been  truly  said,  was  but  a 
species  of  refined  egoism  by  which  he  demanded 
back  with  interest  all  that  he  gave  to  the 
commonweal.  On  the  Christian  the  love  of  his 
neighbour  was  enjoined  as  a  principle,  a  prin- 
ciple wliich  rendered  the  interpretation  of  all 
social  duties  easy  and  intelligible  (Clem.  Rom. 
ad  Corinth,  i.  49).  The  emperor  Julian  (Epist. 
49)  could  not  but  contrast  the  kindness  of 
Christians  to  strangers  with  the  ordinary  pagan 
indifference,  and  indicates  this  feature,  together 
with  the  care  shewn  by  them  for  the  tombs  of 
the  dead  and  their  external  decorum  of  de- 
meanour, as  three  points  well  deserving  the 
imitation  of  pagans. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  early  Christians  were 
ready  cheerfully  to  recognise  all  the  customary 
obligations  of  the  citizen  to  the  commonwealth. 
Justin,  in  addressing  the  emperor  Antoninus 
Pius,  says,  "We  everywhere  before  all  things 
endeavour  to  pay  tribute  and  taxes  to  those 
whom  you  appoint "  (Apol.  i.  17 ;  see  also 
Tatian,  cont.  Graecos,  c.  4 ;  Apost.  Const,  iv.  13). 
The  grandchildren  of  Jude,  Eusebius  tells  us 
(E.  H.  iii.  20),  when  summoned  before  Domitian, 
pleaded  in  proof  of  their  loyalty  to  the  civil 
power  the  taxes  which  they  paid  from  their 
manual  labour,  exhibiting  their  hands  callous 
with  toil.  Tertullian  {Apol.  c.  33)  declares  that 
the  Christians  are  actuated  by  a  more  reasonable 
sentiment  of  loyalty  towards  the  emperor  than 
that  of  the  pagan  community.  Origen  affirms  that 
by  their  prayers  they  render  effective  support  to 
the  imperial  cause,  "  composing  a  sacred  army  by 
their  intercessions  with  the  Deity  "  (cont.  Cels. 
bk.  viii. ;  Migne,  Patrol.  Graec.  xi.  797).  His 
language  to  Celsus  appears  to  imply  that  they 
often  declined  civic  offices,  but  he  justifies  such 
conduct  on  the  ground  that  in  so  doing  they  are 
able  to  give  themselves  "to  the  more  holy  and 
pressing  service  of  the  church  in  saving  the 
souls  of  men  "  (ih.). 

In  the  choice  of  a  profession  or  a  craft,  the 
Christian  was  necessarily  under  a  certain 
disadvantage  when  compared  with  his  pagan 
fellow-citizen,  from  the  disfavour  with  which 
his  creed  was  regarded  by  the  state  on 
the  one  hand,  and  from  the  limitations  im- 
posed by  the  church  on  the  other.  By  the 
church  he  was  forbidden  to  engage  in  any 
art  or  occupation  which  either  directly  or 
indirectly  subserved  the  rites  of  idolatry 
(Trades).  The  profession  of  the  astrologer  or 
the  conjurer  (the  latter  at  this  period  a  frequent 


SOCIAL  LIFE 

and  fruitful  source  of  gain)  was  equally  unlaw- 
ful (Neander,  Denkwiirdigkeiten,  &c.  i.  120).  He 
might  assume  the  profession  of  arms  when  it  had 
been  imposed  upon  him  by  the  state,  but  its 
voluntary  adoption  was  held  to  disqualify  him 
for  Christian  communion  {Const.  Aegypt.  ii.  41). 
The  calling  of  an  actor  or  public  dancer  was 
altogether  forbidden  him  (Actor,  Theatre).  His 
adoption  of  that  of  a  "  grammaticus  "  or  teacher 
of  pagan  learning  was  discouraged,  partly  on 
account  of  the  character  of  the  literature  which 
he  would  be  required  to  explain  and  comment 
on,  partly  from  the  close  connexion  of  the  pro- 
fession^ with  the  observance  of  pagan  festivals 
and  ceremonies  (Schoolmaster).  Beyond  these 
necessary  restrictions,  his  choice  was  circum- 
scribed only  by  pagan  prejudices  against  his 
creed :  "  It  is  lawful,"  says  Clemens  {Paed. 
iii.  11  ;'Migne,  Patrol.  Graec.  viii.  10),  "to  take 
part  in  public  affairs  (TroXiTeixraaQai)  ;  to  engage 
in  the  business  of  the  world,  provided  that  this 
be  done  honestly,  and  to  buy  and  sell,  provided 
that  one  has  but  one  price." 

Idleness  was  systematically  discouraged,  and, 
in  contrast  to  pagan  notions,  the  dignity  of 
labour  was  upheld  and  enforced.  The  Apostolic 
Constitutions  (iv.  2)  direct  bishops  to  endeavour 
to  find  employment  for  artisans  out  of  work,  and 
especially  for  orphans.  Barnabas  enjoins  those 
to  whom  his  epistle  is  addressed  to  labour  with 
their  hands  that  they  may  thereby  gain  for- 
giveness for  past  sins,  eis  Kvrpcocnv  twv 
afxapTiaiv  ffov  (Cotelerius,  Patres  Apost.  i.  52). 
It  was,  however,  the  prevalent  theory  of  the 
church,  at  least  from  the  4th  century,  that 
the  clergy  were  entitled  to  be  exempted  from 
manual  labour  (Manual  Labour). 

The  acquirement  of  wealth  does  not  appear  to 
have  been  pronounced  unlawful  by  the  church, 
but  the  teachers  of  this  period  insist  strongly 
that  when  acquired  it  should  be  devoted  to  right 
purposes  ;  money,  according  to  Clemens  {Quis 
dives  salvetur,  c.  14 ;  Migne,  Patrol.  Graec.  ix. 
338),  being  an  instrument,  not  in  itself  an  end. 
If  lawfully  obtained,  whether  by  frugality, 
enterprise,  or  inheritance,  there  was  nothing 
wrongful  in  its  mere  possession,  but  it  was  to  be 
devoted  to  charitable  purposes,  not  hoarded  in  a 
spirit  of  avarice.  It  indicates  very  significantly 
the  new  spirit  of  philanthropy  fostered  by  Chris- 
tianity, that  although  slavery  as  an  institution 
still  continued  to  absorb  to  but  a  slightly 
diminished  extent  the  classes  which  at  later 
times  appealed  mainly  to  public  charity,  acts  of 
systematic  benevolence  on  the  part  of  the  church 
are  to  be  found  becoming  much  more  common. 
The  church  at  Rome,  in  the  3rd  century,  sup- 
ported no  less  than  1500  poor  (Euseb.  H.  E.  vi. 
43).  Nor  was  this  charity  limited  to  those  who 
had  embraced  the  Christian  faith.  The  spon- 
taneity of  this  benevolence,  as  it  presented  itself 
to  the  observation  of  Pachomius,  impressed  him 
so  deeply  as  to  bring  about  his  conversion.  A 
recent  writer  has  said,  probably  with  justice, 
that  the  care  shewn  by  Christians  for  the  un- 
fortunate and  the  poor  is  the  feature  which 
offers  the  strongest  °  point  of  contrast  to  pagan 


SOCIAL  LIFE 


1913 


c  It  has  been  the  endeavour  of  some  writers  to  prove 
that  the  difference  in  this  relation  observable  between 
pagan  and  Christian  societies  is  to  be  referred  to  other 
than  religious  opinions.     The  main  facts  and  arguments 


society  in  these  times  (Schmidt,  La  Society  Civile, 
p.  351).  "  Almsgiving,"  says  Chrysostom  (in 
Matt.  Horn.  xlix.  3),  "  is  the  first  of  trades  for 
the  rich  ;"  and  Fleury  (Oeuvres,  ed.  Martin,  p. 
223)  traces  the  principle  of  charity  as  one  of  the 
most  prominent  and  well-sustained  traditions  of 
the  church  from  apostolic  times  until  the  rise  of 
monasticism. 

This  active  principle  of  charity  found  a  corre- 
sponding expression  in  the  Christian's  intercourse 
with  those  who  were  his  equals  or  superiors  in 
station.  As,  according  to  Origen  {contr.  Cels. 
Praef.  c.  2),  he  preferred  to  vindicate  the  tenets 
which  he  had  embraced  rather  by  rectitude  of 
life  than  skill  in  argument,  so  he  held  that  his 
sentiments  towards  his  fellow-men  were  best 
shewn  by  his  unwillingness  not  merely  to  do 
them  ill,  but  even  to  wish  it,  or  even  to  speak  or 
think  evil  concerning  them  (Tert.  Apol.  c.  36). 
Litigation  was  especially  avoided,  and  the 
Pauline  injunction  to  avoid  all  recourse  to  the 
pagan  tribunals  (1  Cor.  vi.  6-8)  became  a  per- 
manent tradition  in  the  church  (Cyprian,  Test, 
cont.  Judaeos,  iii.  44).  "  Accustomed,"  says 
Hallam  {Middle  Ages,  c.  vii.  pt.  1),  "  to  feel  a 
strong  aversion  to  the  imperial  tribunals,  and 
even  to  consider  a  recurrence  to  them  as  hardly 
consistent  with  their  profession,  the  early  Chris- 
tians retained  somewhat  of  a  similar  prejudice 
even  after  the  establishment  of  their  religion. 
The  arbitration  of  their  bishops  still  seemed  a 
less  objectionable  mode  of  settling  differences. 
And  this  arbitrative  jurisdiction  was  powerfully 
supported  by  a  law  of  Constantine,  which  directed 
the  civil  magistrate  to  enforce  the  execution  of 
episcopal  awards."  The  church  itself  inculcated 
the  practice  {Apost.  Const,  ii.  45  ;  Cotelerius,  i. 
246),  and  no  circumstance  tended  more  effectually 
to  strengthen  the  influence  of  the  clergy  than 
this  habitual  reference  of  all  matters  in  dispute 
among  the  Christians  themselves  to  the  arbitra- 
ment of  their  pastors. 

In  his  personal  habits,  the  Christian  was 
taught  to  practise  moderation,  all  ostentation 
being  systematically  avoided.  His  diet  was  to  be 
simple,  and  temperance  both  in  eating  and  drink- 
ing were  strictly  enjoined  upon  him.  Boys  and 
girls,  says  Clemens,  should  not  touch  wine,  but 
ought  aTre'xeo-flai  rov  (pap/xaKOV  tovtov  {Paed.  ii. 
2;"' Migne,  Patrol.  Graec.  viii.  65).  Minucius 
Felix  {Octav.  c.  31  ;  Migne,  iii.  46)  contrasts  the 
moderation  and  modesty  of  the  Christians  at 
their  banquets  with  the  licence  and  excess 
customary  among  the  heathen.  The  author  of 
the  Epistle  to  Diognetus  speaks  of  the  Christians 
as  "  living  in  the  flesh  and  not  after  the  flesh  " 
(c.  5),  and  even  the  feasts  held  in  honour  of  the 
emperor  appear  to  have  been  shunned  by  them 
(Tert.  Apol.  c.  35).  The  usual  accompaniment 
of  the  banquet— the  revel  (or  kH^os)  with  its 
lascivious  dances  and  wanton  songs— was,  of 
course,  equally  to  be  avoided  (Clemens,  Paed.  n. 
4  •  Migne,  ib.  viii.  70).  In  the  matter  of  dress  it 
is'evident  that  the  earlier  Christians  affected  no 


peculiarity,  the  language 


of  the  writers  of  the 


period  (see  Dress)  appearing  rather  to  imply 
that  they  followed  too  closely  the  fashion  of  the 


bearing  on  the  question  are  to  be  found  in  Lecky,  Htst; 
of  Morals  ii.  78-84 ;  Wallon,  Hist,  de  V Ksdai-age,  iv.  lY 
iii.  398,  note  88 ;  Havet,  Us  Origines  da  Ckristianisme 
i.  24-2e. 


1914 


SOCIAL  LIFE 


times.  Even  Clemens  (Paed.  iii.  11),  while 
coademniug  undue  luxury  and  effeminacy,  says 
that  "  the  wearing  of  gold  ornaments  and  soft 
raiment  is  not  altogether  to  be  condemned,  but 
only  an  undue  fondness  for  such  attire,"  and  he 
quotes  St.  Paul  (1  Cor.  vii.  31).  Tertullian, 
however  (rfe  Cult.  Fern.  ii.  11),  seems  to  imply 
that  among  females  the  convert  to  the  faith  was 
distinguished  by  greater  sobriety  of  apparel. 

In  the  furniture  of  his  house  the  Christian 
was  to  aim  at  simplicity.  "  The  use  of  gold  and 
silver  vessels,"  says  Clemens  {Paed.  ii.  8),  "  is 
vain  and  idle,  a  mere  illusion  of  the  eye.  The 
superfluous  possession  of  such  wealth  evokes 
envy,  it  is  hard  to  acquire,  hard  to  keep,  and 
ill-adapted  for  use."  Silver  plates  and  goblets, 
tripods  of  cedar,  ebony,  or  ivory,  bedsteads  with 
gold  and  silver  feet,  purple  curtains,  &c.,  are 
enumerated  by  him  as  tokens  of  undue  luxury, 
which  the  Christian  should  not  possess. 

Works  of  art  adorned  with  representations  of 
the  deities  of  the  pagan  mythology  would  of 
course  be  banished  from  the  Christian  household, 
but  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  during  the 
first  two  centuries  the  tendency  to  asceticism 
among  Christian  communities  led  to  an  undue 
depreciation  of  art,  especially  in  sculpture  and 
ornament.  Buonarotti  (de  Vitris  Goemeterialihus ; 
Mamachi,  i.  249)  attributes  to  this  fact  the 
comparative  rudeness  of  the  devices  on  the 
Christian  tombs  (Hefele,  Beitrdje,  i.  26). 

In  the  question  of  lawful  recreation  and 
amusements,  the  broad  principle  laid  down  by 
Cyprian,  that  the  scriptural  code  forbade  the 
Christian  to  xoitness  what  it  was  unlawful  for 
him  to  do — "  Prohibuit  enim  spectari  quod  pro- 
hibuit  geri  "  (de  Spectac.  c.  4  ;  Migne,  iv.  340) — 
afforded  safe  and  intelligible  guidance.  The 
sanguinary  gladiatorial  conflicts  which  so  de- 
lighted every  class  in  those  times  were  a 
spectacle  altogether  unlawful.  "  If,"  says  Ter- 
tullian, "  we  can  maintain  that  cruelty,  impiety, 
and  barbarity  are  lawful,  let  us  to  the  amphi- 
theatre "  (de  Spectac.  c.  19).  "  What  vileness," 
says  Clemens,  "  is  there  which  is  not  exhibited 
in  the  theatre  ?  .  .  .  They  who,  from  the  un- 
cleanness  of  their  own  hearts,  take  pleasure 
therein,  transfer  the  representations  they  have 
witnessed  to  their  own  homes  "  (Paed.  iii.  11 ; 
Migne,  Series  Graec.  viii.  109). 

Of  the  isolation  in  which,  according  to  some 
writers,  the  primitive  Christians  passed  their 
lives  (Renan,  St.  Paul,  p.  562),  few  signs  are 
observable  in  the  3rd  century.  ''  The  Apostolical 
Constitutions,"  says  Blunt  (Fj'rsi  Three  Christian 
Centuries,  p.  311),  "abound  in  provisions  for  a 
mixed  population  of  Christian  and  heathen 
thrown  into  the  most  intimate  civic  and  social 
relations."  Christians  are  not  unfrequently  to 
be  found  holding  high  public  office  and  even 
important  positions  at  court.  The  Christian 
father  of  St.  Basil  was  one  of  the  most  influential 
citizens  in  Pontus.  Eusebius  (E.  H.  vi.  28) 
states  that  in  the  household  of  Alexander 
Severus,  whose  mother,  Julia  Mammaea,  be- 
friended Christianity,  they  were  numerously 
represented.  Theonas,  bishop  of  Alexandria 
(a.d.  282-300),  writing  to  Lucian,  who  held  high 
otBce  in  the  court  of  Constantine  Chlorus,  gives 
him  detailed  advice  respecting  his  conduct  in  this 
difficult  position :  he  was  to  practise  impartial 
justice  to  rich  and  poor,  never  to  grant  access  to 


SOCIAL  LIFE 

the  emperor  for  a  bribe,  to  be  courteous,  bene- 
volent, and  modest  on  all  occasions,  and  especially 
to  obey  and  serve  the  emperor  himself  with  the 
utmost  fidelity,  so  long  as  in  so  doing  he  was 
not  involved  in  a  breach  of  religious  duty 
{Biblioth.  PP.  Gallandi,  iv.  69,  70).  "If  a 
Christian  was  appointed  librarian,  he  was  to 
take  good  care  not  to  shew  any  contempt  for 
secular  knowledge  and  the  ancient  writers.  He 
was  advised  to  make  himself  familiar  with  the 
poets,  philosophers,  orators,  and  historians  of 
classical  literature,  and  while  discussing  their 
writings  to  take  incidental  opportunities  of  re- 
commending the  Scriptures,  etc."  (Newman, 
Arians,  p.  68).  Notwithstanding,  however,  many 
and  eminent  exceptions,  it  is  evident  that  the 
larger  proportion  of  the  converts  to  Christianity 
during  the  first  three  centuries  was  drawn  from 
the  humbler  classes  of  society.  To  Celsus,  who 
made  it  a  matter  of  reproach,  that  the  new  faith 
appealed  to  and  was  embraced  by  the  most 
illiterate  and  simple  of  mankind,  Origen  contents 
himself  with  the  general  reply  that  Christianity 
was  essentially  catholic  in  character,  and,  while 
receiving  accessions  from  all  parts,  did  not 
exclude  the  young,  the  uneducated,  and  the  slave 
(Origen,  c.  Cels.  iii.  44;  M.ignQ,  Patrol.  Graec.  xi. 
476). 

Although  the  foregoing  outline  is  liable  to  the 
objection  that  the  picture  it  presents  is  derived 
rather  from  the  precepts  which  we  find  laid  down 
by  the  authorities  of  the  church  than  from  facts 
in  the  actual  lives  of  the  early  Christians  them- 
selves, there  is  good  reason  for  believing  that 
precept  and  practice  in  these  ages  were  in  closer 
agreement  than  perhaps  at  any  subsequent 
period  of  church  history.  The  observation  of 
Milman  (Zai.  Christianitij,  bk.  i.  c.  2),  that 
"  early  Christianity  cannot  be  justly  estimated 
from  its  writers,"  is  applicable  rather  to  the 
polemical  character  of  many  of  their  treatises — 
a  feature  which  in  no  way  detracts  from  the 
value  of  the  didactic  literature  of  the  age,  or 
the  presumption  therein  afforded  of  large  and 
increasing  communities,  like  that  at  Rome, 
growing  into  power  and  importance  amid  quiet 
obscurity  and  the  practice  of  a  genuine  though 
retiring  Christianity.  The  impression  which  the 
very  imperfect  data  that  remain  to  us  are 
calculated  to  produce — the  heroism  of  those  who 
from  time  to  time  were  compelled  to  attest  the 
sincerity  of  their  convictions  by  encountering 
martyrdom — the  reluctant  admiration  which  the 
lives  and  tenets  of  the  Christians  evidently 
excited  in  the  minds  of  the  less  prejudicial 
observers  among  the  pagan  party — all  combine  to 
prove  that  the  natural  recoil  from  the  excessive 
demoralisation  of  society  under  the  empire 
uniting  with  the  lofty  teaching  of  the  new  faith 
brought  about  a  very  high  standard  of  practical 
morality. 

Already,  however,  there  were  evidences  of  a 
considerable  decline  from  the  primitive  simplicity 
and  earnestness.  Cyprian  contrasts  the  luke- 
warmness  of  the  church  in  Africa  with  the  zeal 
of  the  apostolic  age,  when  believers  sold  their 
possessions  and  gave  them  to  the  poor  :  "  Now," 
he  says,  "  we  give  not  even  tenths  from  our 
patrimony,  and  when  the  Lord  bids  us  sell,  we 
buy  and  store  "  (de  Unit.  c.  24 ;  Migne,  iv.  203). 
In  another  passage  he  says  that  long  immunity 
from   persecution   had   brought    about  a   great 


SOCIAL  LIFE 

decline  in  religious  observance  ("  traditam  nobis 
disciplinam  pax  longa  corruperat  "),  and  he  looks 
upon  the  trial  of  the  church  under  Decius  as 
divinely  designed  to  restore  her  "fallen  and 
almost  unconscious  condition  "  (c?(?  Lapsis,  c.  5  ; 
Migne,  iv.  182).  He  cites  as  evidence  not  merely 
the  increasing  tendency  to  money-getting  and 
avarice,  but  also  the  frequent  marriages  of 
Christians  with  pagans  (ib.  c.  6). 

(II.)  That  Christianity  deteriorated  in  genuine- 
ness and  earnestness  soon  after  its  recognition 
by  the  state  and  its  profession  by  successive 
emperors,  is  a  generally  admitted  fact  (Baur, 
Die  Ghristl.  Kirche,  ii.  287  ;^  Pressens^,  Hist,  des 
trois  premiers  Siecles  de  I  Eglise  chre't.  vol.  v. ; 
Schmidt,  La  Sodete'  Civile,  &c.  p.  484).  Its  very 
existence,  it  has  been  observed,  was  threatened 
by  the  vast  numerical,  but  merely  nominal 
accessions  to  its  ranks  (Hirscher,  Die  Christl. 
Moral,  ed.  1851,  i.  47).  The  fathers  of  the  4th 
century  themselves  frequently  admit  and  deplore 
the  degeneracy  of  their  age  when  contrasted 
with  apostolic  times.  Chrysostom  speaks  of  the 
large  numbers  of  professed  Christians  in  his  day 
whose  sole  religious  observance  consisted  in 
coming  to  church  once  or  twice  in  the  year — 
ana^  tov  iviavrov  ^  Sevrepov  Trap'  Tjfuv  <poirci)VTa 
{de  Bapt.  Christi,c.  1  ;  Migne,  Patrol.  Graec.  xlix. 
364).  Augustine  laments  over  the  numerous 
defections  in  his  flock,  and  compares  the  body  of 
the  church  to  a  corpse.  Those  who  make  a  pro- 
fession of  religion,  he  says,  are  often  influenced  by 
unworthy  motives :  this  man  has  a  lawsuit,  and 
seeks  to  gain  the  good  will  of  the  clergy  that 
they  may  interest  themselves  in  his  behalf; 
another  takes  refuge  in  the  church  from  a 
powerful  foe  ;  another  seeks  to  gain  a  friend,  to 
accomplish  a  marriage,  or  to  evade  some  respon- 
sibility, "  ut  aliquam  pressuram  hujus  saeculi 
evadat  "  (m  Joh.  Eaang.  Tract,  xxvi.  10  ;  Migne, 
XXXV.  1600 ;  Serm.  xlvii.  17  ;  Migne,  xxxviii.  306). 
On  the  other  hand,  the  few  who  sought  to  lead 
a  really  Christian  life  were  often  subjected  to 
persecution  and  ridicule  by  the  rest  {in  Ps.  90, 
iSerm.i.4-;  Migne,  xxxvii.  1152).  Maximus  of 
Turin  compares  the  absence  of  charity  and  good 
works  in  his  day  with  the  zeal  of  the  apostolic 
age.  So  far  from  collecting  money  to  lay  it  at 
the  apostles'  feet,  the  Christians  of  his  day,  he 
says,  are  to  be  seen  dragging  the  victims  of  their 
extortion  from  the  feet  of  the  priests.  If  true 
wealth  consists  in  good  works  (1  Tim.  vi.  18), 
he  fears  that  a  wealthy  man  is  scarcely  to  be 
found  "  in  coetu  nostro  "  {Horn.  94  ;  Migne,  Ivii. 
321). 

That,  as  soon  as  Christianity  had  been  taken 
under  the  protection  and  patronage  of  the 
emperor,  large  numbers  should  have  professed 
its  tenets  from  no  better  motives  than  those  of 
self-interest  and  policy  is  sufficiently  intelligible  ; 
but  it  is  necessary  also  to  take  into  account 
other  causes  which  at  this  period  acted  with 
considerable  potency,  and  in  a  direction  unfavour- 
able to  morality  and  simplicity  of  life.  Among 
these  the  most  important  appear  to  have  been — 

(1)  The  removal  of  the  capital  to  Constanti- 
nople. By  this  important  change  the  imperial 
court  was  brought  directly  under  the  enervating 
influences  of  Oriental  habits  and  customs,  and  as 
the  result  there  prevailed  among  the  upper 
classes  of  society  an  amount  of  luxury  and 
effeminacy  unpi'ecedented  in  the  history  of  the 


SOCIAL  LIFE 


1015 


empire.  "  The  manners  of  the  East,"  observes 
Milman  {Hist,  of  Christianity,  bk.  iv.  c.  1), 
"were  too  strong  for  the  religion.  With  the' 
first  Christian  emperor  commenced  that  Oriental 
ceremonial,  which  it  might  almost  seem  that, 
rebuked  by  the  old  liberties  of  Rome,  the 
imperial  despot  would  not  assume  till  he  had 
founded  another  capital."  Ammianus  Marcellinus 
describes  the  court  at  the  accession  of  Julian  as 
"  vitiorum  omnium  seminarium  "  (bk.  xxii.  c.  4). 
With  the  latter  half  of  the  century  this  evil  is 
to  be  seen  spreading  not  only  in  the  East,  but 
also  in  Rome  and  throughout  Italy.  The  sermons 
of  Chrysostom,  Maximus  of  Turin,  and  Theodoret, 
and  the  letters  of  Jerome  and  Augustine  plainly 
shew  that  luxury  and  dissipation,  with  their 
usual  concomitants  of  avarice  and  inordinate 
love  of  money-getting,  were  at  this  period  the 
most  flagrant  vices  of  society — vices  against 
which  the  teachers  of  the  church  were  engaged 
in  a  continual  struggle,  though  with  very  im- 
perfect success. 

(2)  The  rise  of  numerous  sects  and  the  absorb- 
ing attention  given  to  controversial  theology,  which 
affected  moi-e  directly  the  doctrinal  teaching  of 
the  age.  Ammianus  describes  the  highways  in 
the  reign  of  Constantius  as  thronged  by  bishops 
urging  their  way  to  the  different  synods  intent 
on  "  reducing  the  whole  sect  to  their  particular 
opinions  "  (bk.  xxi.  c.  16).  Hilary  of  Poitiers, 
the  distinguished  opponent  of  the  Arians,  laments 
that  there  are  "  as  many  creeds  as  opinions 
among  men,  as  many  doctrines  as  inclinations, 
and  as  many  sources  of  blasphemy  as  faults  " 
{ad  Constant,  ii.  4 ;  Migne,  x.  545),  and  he  affirms 
that  the  ten  provinces  of  Asia  are  nearly  all 
Arian  {de  Synodis,  c.  63).  Pacian  declares  that 
the  simple  enumeration  of  the  different  sects  of 
Christianity  at  this  time  would  suffice  to  fill  a 
huge  volume  (Migne,  xiii.  1053).  When  Julian 
essayed  to  establish  the  principle  of  religious 
equality  in  the  relations  of  the  state  to  these 
contending  sects,  their  fierceness,  says  Ammianus, 
appeared  to  him  to  surpass  that  of  the  wild 
beasts  towards  man  (bk.  xxii.  c.  5).  Of  the 
extent  to  which  these  disputes  affected  and 
stirred  all  classes  of  society,  a  good  illustration 
is  afforded  in  the  thirty-second  oration  of  Gregory 
of  Nazianzum.  He  says  elsewhere  that  the  dis- 
putes generated  by  the  Eunomians  made  the 
market  places  ring,  disturbed  every  banquet,  and 
penetrated  even  to  the  women's  chambers  {Orat. 
27  ;  Migne,  Patrol.  Graec.  xxxvi.  488).  Augus- 
tine deplores  the  fact  that  while  the  pagans 
worship  many  gods  without  quarrelling.  Chris- 
tians who  worship  but  one  God  are  unable  to 
remain  in  unity  {Serm.  de  TJtilit.  jejun.  c.  7  ; 
Migue,  xl.  712). 

(3)  ImpoHance  attached  to  formal  religious 
observances.  As  the  result  of  this  excessive 
attention  to  obscure  questions  in  theology, 
dogmatic  belief  began  to  be  looked  upon  as  of 
greater  importance  than  virtuous  conduct ;  while 
conduct  itself  was  conceived  in  too  mechanical  a 
spirit— almsgiving,  fasting,  and  praying  at  stated 
hours  being  the  virtues  most  strongly  insisted  on 
(Baur,  Die  Christl.  Kirche,  ii.  289).  Augustine 
expressly  says  that  these  are  the  most  meritorious 
actions  in  this  life  {in  Ps.  42;  Serm.  ix.  11). 
"  Three  things,"  says  Leo  the  Great  {Serm.  xii.  4), 
"  there  are  which  most  of  all  appertain  to 
godly  action— praying,  fasting,  and  almsgiving." 


1916 


SOCIAL  LIFE 


Penance  was  imposed  by  the  church  for  com- 
paratively small  oftiences,  and  [the  canons  of 
numerous  councils  shew  a  tendency  to  enforce 
a  discipline  which,  although  perhaps  productive 
of  greater  outward  decorum,  cannot  but  have 
exercised  an  enervating  influence  on  the  higher 
conceptions  of  morality. 

(4)  Enhanced  distinctions  between  the  monastic 
and  ecclesiastical  orders  and  the  laity.  Notwith- 
standing the  many  examples  offered  by  monas- 
ticism  in  its  earlier  stages  of  self-denying  virtue 
and  saintly  life,  its  influence  on  society  at  large 
was  certainly  of  a  somewhat  mixed  character, 
attracting  admiration  among  the  majority  of  a 
life  which  they  were  unable  to  imitate,  and  thus, 
as  Gieseler  observes,  familiarising  society  with 
the  notion  of  a  "  higher  and  a  lower  order  of 
virtue  "  {Kirchengesch.  vi.  104).  It  is  again  at 
least  doubtful  whether  the  greatly  advanced 
conception  of  the  priestly  office  that  now  began 
to  prevail  tended  to  raise  the  moi-al  tone  of 
society  at  large.  The  clergy  were  regarded  as  a 
class  exclusively  devoted  to  religious  duties, 
whose  works  of  supererogation  might  avail  on 
behalf  of  others.  Eusebius  describes  the  clerical 
and  lay  elements  as  constituting  the  two  great 
divisions  of  society,  of  which  the  former,  seeking 
neither  for  marriage,  nor  children,  nor  wealth, 
is  devoted  to  appeasing  the  Deity  both  on  their 
own  behalf  and  that  of  their  fellow-Christians 
{Dem.  Evang.  i.  8  ;  Migne,  xxii.  29,  30).  No 
humiliation  or  punishment  was  regarded  by  them 
with  so  much  dread  as  that  whereby  they  were 
degraded  into  the  position  of  laymen  (Milman, 
Hist,  of  Christianity,  bk.  iv.  c.  1). 

(5)  Degeneracy  of  the  clergy.  Notwithstand- 
ing the  increased  attention  paid  to  organization 
and  to  ritual,  the  morality  of  the  clergy  was 
exposed  to  no  ordinary  temptations  by  their 
growing  power  and  wealth,  and  especially  by 
the  right  which  the  church  acquired  under 
Constantine  of  holding  landed  property  and 
inheriting  it  by  bequest.  The  practice  that  now 
began  to  prevail  of  making  the  clergy  the 
ordinary  dispensers  of  charity,  was  also  pro- 
ductive of  frequent  abuse.  A  law  of  Valen- 
tinian  I.  {Cod.  Theod.  XVI.  ii.  27,  28)  declares 
all  bequests  and  donations  to  ecclesiastics  null 
and  void.  "  Charioteers,  actors,  and  harlots,"  says 
Jerome,  "  yea  even  pagan  priests,  may  receive 
what  a  Christian  priest  may  not ;  I  complain  not 
on  behalf  of  the  church,  but  I  blush  for  those 
who  have  made  this  law  necessary  "  {Epist.  52  ; 
Migne,  xxii.  261).  Chrysostom  advises  his 
hearers  to  distribute  their  alms  themselves,  and 
not  through  the  agency  of  a  priest  or  deacon 
(Thierry,  S.  Je'rome,  p.  17). 

Other  causes  might  be  enumerated,  but  the 
foregoing  may  safely  be  assigned  as  those  which 
appear  to  have  operated  with  the  greatest 
potency  when  tested  by  the  social  phenomena  of 
the  4th  and  5th  centiTries.  The  period  a.d.  350- 
400  has  indeed  been  indicated  as  that  when  the 
greatest  luxury  known  in  ancient  times  pre- 
vailed, and  whatever  may  be  the  feature  of 
society  selected,  it  is  impossible  not  to  recognise, 
even  among  those  communities  which  enjoyed 
the  most  enlightened  spiritual  instruction  of  the 
time  and  afforded  the  most  eminent  examples  of 
the  Christian  virtues,  the  demoralising  effects  of 
this  influence.  In  the  4th  century,  the  ostentation 
and  luxury  that  prevailed  among  the  Christians 


SOCIAL  LIFE 

excited  the  surprise  even  of  the  pagan  pai-ty, 
and  Chrysostom  reminds  his  hearers  how  much 
more  effective  is  practice  than  precept :  "  when 
they "  (the  pagans),  he  says,  "  see  us  building 
splendid  palaces  and  baths,  laying  out  gardens, 
and  purchasing  estates,  they  cannot  believe  that 
we  are  looking  forward  to  dwelling  in  another 
city  "  {Horn.  xii.  in  Matt. ;  Migne,  Patrol.  Grace. 
Ivii.  208).  The  view  that  the  frivolity  and  dis- 
sipation engendered  by  this  excessive  luxury  are 
to  be  looked  upon  as  mainly  characteristic  of 
those  who,  while  giving  a  formal  assent  to 
Christianity,  really  retained  the  habits  and  tastes 
of  paganism,  is  not  altogether  borne  out  by  the 
facts.  Zosimus  (iv.  33)  does  not  hesitate  to 
accuse  even  Theodosius  of  culpable  effeminacy  ; 
and  the  sons  of  Theodosius  were  conspicuous  for 
the  oriental  splendour  by  which  they  were  sur- 
rounded, and  the  gorgeous  attire  which  attracted 
the  admiration  of  the  vulgar  to  their  person 
(Miiller,  de  Genio,  etc.  Aevi  Theodos.  p.  10).  The 
language  of  Synesius  at  the  court  of  Arcadius 
attests  the  existence  of  a  moral  degeneracy  at 
the  imperial  court  which  the  philosopher  and 
the  Christian  alike  condemned  (Migne,  ' Ptdr. 
Graec.  Ixvi.  1075-90).  The  governors  of  the 
provinces,  Eutropius,  Rufinus,  and  Andronicus, 
were  as  corrupt,  as  rapacious,  and  as  cruel  as 
Verres.  Milman  characterises  the  life  of  the 
aristocracy  as  "exhibiting  the  pomp  and  pro- 
digality of  a  high  state  of  civilization  with  none 
of  its  ennobling  or  humanizing  effects  "  {Hist,  of 
Christianity,  bk.  iv.  c.  1).  Ambrose  describes 
the  holders  of  high  public  offices  as  seeking  to 
gain  the  popular  favour  by  instituting  games  in 
the  circus,  performances  in  the  theatre,  and 
exhibiting  gladiatorial  combats  (de  Officiis  Minist. 
ii.  21  ;  Migne,  xvi.  131).  In  another  passage  he 
says  that  the  regard  for  wealth  has  taken  such 
a  hold  of  men  that  none  but  the  rich  are  had  in 
honour  {ib.  ii.  26  ;  iii.  6).  Asterius,  bishop  of 
Amasea  in  Pontus,  remonstrates  with  his  hearers 
on  their  abandonment  of  "  all  care  for  virtue 
and  the  welfare  of  their  souls;"  he  describes 
them  as  devoting  themselves  entirely  to  the  pur- 
suit of  gain  and  to  lounging  about  the  market 
places  ;  he  depicts  the  luxury  of  their  banquets, 
— the  attendants,  wine-bearers,  butlers,  musi- 
cians, dancing  girls,  flute-players,  buffoons 
{ye\coroiroLovs),  parasites, — and  then  asks,  "  How 
many  poor  are  wronged  in  order  to  provide  this 
luxury  ?  How  many  orphans  are  maltreated 
{KovSvA'tCovrai.)?  How  many  widows  made  to 
weep  ?  "  (Migne,  Patrol.  Graec.  xl.  170).  Per- 
haps however  the  most  sinister  feature  is  that 
he  declares  that  many  seek  to  be  well  spoken 
of  by  slave-dealers.  In  his  sermon  on  Dives  and 
Lazarus,  he  describes  the  prevailing  extravagance 
in  dress — a  feature  almost  invariably  indicative 
of  a  low  standard  of  public  morality.  Some 
wove  into  the  material  of  their  costume  repre- 
sentations of  wild  animals  and  hunting  scenes, 
which  excited  the  wonder  even  of  the  children 
in  the  street,  who  would  follow  pointing  at  the 
wearers.  The  more  pious  selected  subjects  in 
sacred  history,  the  miracles,  &c.  (ib.  xl.  166-170). 
The  clergy  shared  in  this  form  of  degeneracy. 
Jerome  describes  the  young  deacons  at  Kome  as 
appearing  in  public  with  their  hair  curled  like 
that  of  actors,  perfumed,  and  wearing  rings  on 
their  fingers,  going  from  palace  to  palace,  and 
there  singing  love-songs  or  declaiming  comedies, 


SOCIAL  LIFE 

and  leaving  with  their  hands  full  of  gold  (Eplst. 
22;  Migne,  xxii.  112). 

The  amusements  most  in  vogue  exhibited  the 
same  tendencies.  "  Paganism,"  as  Ozanam  truly 
observes,  "  made  its  last  stand  as  associated  with 
these  "  {Civilisation  in  the  Fifth  Century,  i.  89). 
Ammianus  Marcellinus  asserts  of  the  lower 
orders  that  the  Circus  Maximus  was  at  once 
"their  temple,  their  dwelling,  their  place  of 
assembly,  and  the  centre  of  all  their  desires " 
(bk.  xxviii.  4).  Gambling  was  a  vice  especially 
prevalent,  and  tended  materially  to  check  all 
habits  of  thriftiness  (Thierry,  St.  Jerome,  i.  4). 
At  the  council  of  Laodicea  (a.d.  320)  it  was 
deemed  necessary  to  enact  that  Christians  attend- 
ing marriage  feasts  ought  neither  to  dance  nor 
leiip — fiaWiCeiv  ^  opxeTa-dai  (Mansi,  Cone.  ii. 
574) ;  the  clergy  are  also  directed  to  retire 
before  the  plays  (Secopiai)  have  commenced,  a 
direction  which  evidently  implies  that  such  per- 
formances were  common  on  such  occasions  among 
the  laity. 

As  a  consequence  of  this  degeneracy,  religious 
duties  and  the  sacraments  were  neglected.  Leo 
the  Great  (de  Vocat.  Gentium,  ii.  33)  says  that 
even  the  rite  of  baptism  was  deferred  by  many 
until  they  found  themselves  in  some  great  peril. 
Other  observances,  such  as  the  "  Agapae "  or 
feasts  at  the  tombs  of  the  martyrs,  were  degraded 
into  occasions  of  shameful  excess. 

The  widespread  belief  in  magic  (Magic), 
whether  we  look  upon  it  as  a  relic  of  paganism 
(Paganism,  Survival  of),  or  as  fostered  by 
new  Oriental  influences,  shews  how  imperfect 
was  the  Christianity  of  the  time.  Augustine, 
on  presenting  to  his  congregation  in  church  a 
"  mathematicus  "  who  had  embraced  Christianity 
and  had  come  forward  prepared  to  burn  his 
books,  implies  that  he  had  duped  many  Chris- 
tians,— "  Quam  multis  eum  putatis  Christianis 
nummos  abstulisse  ? "  (in  Psal.  Ixi. ;  Migne, 
xxxvi.  748). 

The  laxity  that  pervaded  married  life  is  to  be 
inferred  fi-om  the  fact  that  the  restrictions  placed 
by  Constantiue  on  divorce  (Cod.  Theod.  III.  xvi. 
1)  were  almost  abrogated  under  Honorius  (ih. 
III.  xvi.  2) ;  and  Asterius  declares  that  men 
changed  their  wives  as  often  as  their  clothes,  and 
prepared  fresh  marriage  chambers  as  readily  as 
booths  at  a  fair  (Migne,  Patr.  Graec.  xl.  227). 

Zosimus  (iv.  28,  33)  supports  the  severest 
strictures  of  the  Fathers,  declaring  that  the  cor- 
ruptions of  the  court  penetrated  through  every 
grade  of  society,  and  that  all  order  and  decency 
were  disregarded  in  the  gratification  of  appetite 
and  indolence — a  condition  of  society  which,  in 
the  view  of  Gibbon  (iii.  404)  resulted,  not  from 
the  overflowing  prosperity  of  the  empire,  but 
from  "that  indolent  despair  which  enjoys  the 
present  hour,  and  declines  the  thought  of  futu- 
rity." If  indeed  we  note  that  the  writers  above 
quoted, — from  Ammianus,  who  died  towards  the 
close  of  the  4th  century,  to  Leo  who  died  in  461, 
— represent  both  pagan  and  Christian  opinion, 
and  also  depict  society  as  it  existed  in  the  most 
important  provinces  both  of  the  Eastern  and  the 
Western  empire,  the  "  discretion  "  which  Milman 
recommends  in  estimating  the  morality  of  the 
times  from  the  writings  of  the  Fathers,  will  not 
prevent  us  from  concluding  that  the  impression 
conveyed  is,  on  the  whole,  correct ;  nor  can  it 
be  a  matter  for  surprise  that  many  Christians 


SOCIAL  LIFE 


1917 


should  have  sought  to  escape  from  the  influence 
of  so  much  general  corruption  by  retiring  into 
almost  complete  seclusion  from  society.  The 
lives  of  St.  Basil  and  his  mother  and  sister 
at  Annesi,  of  Asella,  and  of  Marcella  at  her 
mansion  in  the  suburbs  of  Rome,  described  by 
Jerome  (^Epist.  24,  38;  Migne,  xxii.  129,  175), 
that  of  Jerome  himself,  that  of  Paulinus  at  Mola, 
may  all  be  looked  upon  as  indications  of  a  grow- 
ing sentiment  which  found  more  formal  expres- 
sion in  monasticism. 

Yet  notwithstanding  the  evidence  every- 
where presented  of  a  great  decline  from  the 
standard  of  Christian  practice  in  earlier  times, 
there  yet  appears  sufficient  evidence  to  warrant 
us  in  ascribing  to  Christianity  the  influences 
which  mainly  averted  the  entire  demoralisation 
of  society,  and  ultimately  brought  about  its 
reorganisation.  Features  are  still  to  be  discerned 
which  contrast  favourably  with  the  best  morality 
of  pagan  communities  in  any  age.  Infanticide 
and  the  exposure  of  offspring  continued  to  be 
persistently  denounced,  and  were  to  a  great 
extent  successfully  repressed  by  the  church 
(Chrysostom,  in  illud :  Filius  ex  se  nihil  facit, 
Horn.  4).  The  dignity  of  labour  began  to  be 
in  some  degree  recognised,  and  industry  to  be 
associated  with  freedom  (Wallon,  Hist,  de  I'Escla- 
vage,  iii.  92  ;  Guizot,  Hist,  de  la  Civilisat.  i.  52). 
Chrysostom  declares  that  laborious  poverty  is 
preferable  to  indolent  wealth  (in  I.  Cor.  Horn. 
xxxiv.  5).  The  rights  and  social  position  of 
women  continued  to  be  respected,  and  were  care- 
fully pi-otected  by  the  legislator  (Women). 

The  principle  of  universal  benevolence  was 
more  systematically  recognised,  and  Ambrose 
(de  Offic.  Minist.  iii.  7)  denounces  the  traditional 
custom  of  expelling  aliens  from  the  city  when 
famine  appeared  to  be  impending.  Asterius, 
while  censuring  the  selfish  luxury  of  the  age, 
affirms  that  the  man  who  can  look  upon  others 
suffering  from  hunger  or  disease  without  being 
moved  gives  the  lie  to  his  human  nature  (Migne, 
Patrol.  Graec.  xl.  171).  The  letters  of  Theodoret 
relating  to  Celestiacus,  a  wealthy  citizen  of  Car- 
thage, who  had  been  compelled  to  flee  from  that 
city  on  its  capture  by  the  Vandals  in  439,  with 
the  loss  of  all  his  possessions,  afford  a  picture  in 
pleasing  relief  to  these  times.  Celestiacus  had 
been  eminent  both  for  his  virtues  and  for  his 
hospitality,  and  Theodoret  (at  that  time  bishop 
of  Cyrrhus)  describes  the  Christian  fortitude  with 
which  he  bears  his  heavy  misfortune,  and  in  a 
series  of  letters  of  introduction  recommends  him 
to  the  sympathy  of  Domnus,  bishop  of  Antioch, 
and  other  of  the  chief  men  of  that  city  (Migne, 
Patrol.  Graec.  Ixxsiii.  1090-1096). 

It  is,  in  fact,  in  the  virtues  and  abilities  of 
the  eminent  men  who  at  this  period  adorned  the 
episcopate,  that  we  recognise  the  element  to 
which  society  owed  its  preservation,  and  round 
which  it  was,  to  a  great  extent,  subsequently 
reorganized.  "  The  ^bishop,"  says  Gibbon  (iv. 
36),  "was  the  perpetual  censor  of  the  morals  of 
his  people."  "The  religious  heads  of  the  com- 
munities," says  Milman  (bk.  iv.  c.  1),  "were 
the  supreme  and  universally  recognised  arbiters 
in  all  the  transactions  of  life."  As  church  dis- 
cipline acquired  greater  definiteness,  from  tho 
enactments  of  numerous  councils,  the  episcojial 
influence  made  itself  more  effectively  felt.  The 
bishop  often  confronted  the  civil  power  with  a 


1918 


SOCIAL  LIFE 


courage  and  authority  to  which  the  latter  found 
it  expedient  to  yield.  Ambrose  at  Milan,  Gregory 
at  Nazianzum,  Synesius  at  Ptolemais.  Deogratias 
at  Carthage,  Leo  and  Gregory  the  Great  at  Rome, 
are  instances  which  may  be  considerably  multi- 
plied at  this  period. 

In  proportion  to  the  social  and  political  autho- 
rity of  the  bishop  was  the  influence  which  he 
exerted  as  a  teacher  of  morality,  and  the  teach- 
ing of  these  centuries  was  often  singularly  en- 
lightened and  humane.  No  more  judicious'  and 
eU'ective  rebukes  of  superstition  can  well  be 
cited,  than  are  to  be  found  in  the  sermons  of 
Maximus  of  Turin  (Paganism,  survival  of). 
The  arguments  by  which  Asterius  of  Amasea 
enforces  the  advantages  of  temperance  and  occa- 
sional abstinence  might  command  the  assent  of 
the  most  enlightened  modern  social  reformer 
(Migne,  Patrol.  Graec.  xl.  371-4).  Synesius, 
"  in  whose  hands,"  says  Milman  {Hist,  of  Chris- 
tianity, bk.  iv.  c.  1),  "  the  power  of  the  Christian 
bishop  appears  under  its  noblest  and  most  bene- 
ficial form,"  repudiated  the  theory  of  the  celi- 
bacy of  the  clergy.  The  most  eminent  of  the 
Eastern  clergy  (in  contrast  to  the  narrow  view 
that  prevailed  in  the  Latin  church)  encouraged 
the  study  of  pagan  literature  (Schools).  Even 
Gregory  of  Tours,  though  singularly  prone  to 
superstition  and  credulity,  defended  the  principle 
of  religious  toleration.  Of  society,  as  presented 
to  us  under  the  influence  of  these  more  humane 
and  liberal  conceptions  yet  free  from  the  deeper 
corruptions  of  the  empire,  we  gain  a  glimpse 
in  the  pages  of  Sidonius  Apollinaris,  where  he 
describes  the  ordinary  life  of  the  nobility  of 
southern  Gaul,  with  whom  the  bishops  of 
the  prorince  associated  on  equal  terms.  The 
day  commenced  with  attending  service  in  the 
church  ;  then  early  visits  were  paid  to  neigh- 
bours, from  which  it  was  cus-tomary  to  return 
before  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning  :  the  remainder 
of  the  morning  was  spent  in  playing  tennis  or  in 
reading  Latin  authors  in  the  library.  Here  the 
ladies  were  supposed  to  occupy  themselves  only 
with  religious  works,  the  profane  writers  being 
reserved  for  the  men.  Then  followed  the  use  of 
the  bath,  after  which  dinner  was  served  (Epist. 
iL  9). 

It  is  probable  that  a  full  and  satisfactory 
investigation  of  our  subject  at  this  period  would 
render  it  necessary  to  distinguish  the  phenomena 
of  Eastern  and  Western  civilisation.  In  the 
opinion  of  some  writers,  the  earlier  and  more 
complete  acceptance  of  Christianity  in  the  East 
served  as  an  element  of  cohesion  among  the 
different  ranks  of  society,  which,  notwithstanding 
the  fierceness  of  theological  controversy,  enabled 
the  Byzantine  empire  to  oppose  a  successful 
resistance  to  successive  shocks  of  barbaric  in- 
vasion such  as  those  to  which  the  Western 
empire  succumbed.  The  traditional  theory, 
that  "the  example  of  the  Byzantine  empire  has 
proved  on  a  vast  scale  and  in  the  most  indis- 
putable manner  that  Christianity  co^ild  act  only 
mediately  and  indirectly  on  social  life,  that  it 
might  receive  the  assent  of  an  entire  nation  and 
yet  not  save  it  from  decrepitude  and  death " 
(Flint,  Philosophy  of  History,  i.  54)  is  accordingly 
not  unchallenged.  "  The  popular  element  in  the 
social  organisation  of  the  Greek  people,"  says 
Mr.  Finlay,  "  hy  its  alliance  with  Christianity,  in- 
fused into   society  the  energy   which   saved  the 


SOCIAL  LIFE 

Eistem  empire ;  the  disunion  of  the  Pagans  and 
Christians,  and  the  disorder  in  the  administration 
flowing  from  this  disunion,  ruined  the  Western  " 
{Hist,  of  Greece,  ed.  Tozer,  i.  138). 

(111.)  "  As  Christianity,"  says  Milman,  "  re- 
ceived the  rude  and  ignorant  barbarians  within 
its  pale,  the  general  etfect  could  not  but  be  that 
the  age  would  drag  down  the  religion  to  its 
level,  rather  than  the  religion  elevate  the  age  to 
its  own  lofty  standard"  {Hist,  of  Christianity, 
bk.  iv.  c.  5).  The  features  of  society  in  the 
Teutonic  communities,  after  their  convei'sion, 
attest  the  truth  of  this  observation.  It  is  agreed 
by  the  majority  of  the  most  competent  writers 
that  the  standard  of  morality  in  these  communi- 
ties, when  compared  with  that  of  the  Latin 
races,  exhibits  yet  a  further  decline,  and  that  if 
we  are  presented  with  fewer  evidences  of  vice 
there  was  a  larger  amount  of  brutality  and 
violence.  The  barbarian  conquerors  and  the 
subjugated  Latin  communities  reciprocally  in- 
fluenced each  other,  but  this  influence  was,  in 
the  first  instance,  for  the  most  part  unfavour- 
able. The  latter  were  still  further  demoralized 
by  their  subject  condition  (Jerome,  Epist.  89  ; 
Salvian,  de  Guh.  Dei,  vii.  5-10),  the  former  by 
the  licence  in  which  the;^  could  indulge  without 
check.  De  Broglie  {I'Eglise  et  VEmpire,  III.  ii. 
497)  characterises  the  conquest  as  "  la  mise  k 
sac  d'une  sociute  tout  entifere  par  des  hordes 
qu'aucun  lien  social  ne  contient."  The  fearful 
state  of  society  in  Frankland  under  the  Mero- 
vingian dynasty,  as  described  by  Gregory  of 
Tours,  is  familiar  to  most  students  of  history. 
Ozanam  {Civilis.  chez  les  Francs,  p.  311)  quotes 
from  the  Libellus  de  Ecclesiae  Disciplinis  com- 
piled by  Regino,  abbat  of  Priim  in  the  9th  cen- 
tury, the  questions  which  the  priest  is  there 
directed  to  put  to  an  ordinary  warrior  in  the 
confessional — a  category  which  implies  that 
crimes  of  violence  and  the  grossest  superstition 
were  still  fearfully  prevalent.  The  aversion  of 
the  conquerors  to  city  life  enhanced  the  difficulty 
of  bringing  them  within  the  influence  of  Chris- 
tian teaching.  The  clergy,  whose  duty  it  was 
to  convert,  instruct,  and  humanise  the  conqueror, 
themselves  shared  in  the  general  corruption. 
"  From  the  moment  that  the  barbarians  became 
masters  in  the  West,  an  immense  deterioration 
becomes  manifest  in  the  clergy,  in  their  teaching, 
in  their  standard  of  conduct  ....  Even  from 
men  like  Prosper  of  Aquitaine,  Avitus  of  Vienne, 
Caesarius  of  Aries,  the  descent  is  great  to  the 
next  generation  in  the  6th  century,  with  their 
coarse  and  superficial  religion,  their  readiness  to 
allow  sin  to  buy  itself  oft'  by  prodigal  gifts,  the 
connivance  by  the  best  men  at  imposture,  its 
direct  encouragement  by  the  average  "  (Church, 
Beginning  of  the  Middle  Ages,  p.  49).  The  epi- 
scopal order,  indeed,  lost  for  a  time,  much  of  its 
sacred  character.  The  bishop  was  often  a  war- 
rior, and  diff'ered  but  little  in  his  habits  of  life 
from  an  ordinary  baron ;  while  the  work  of 
evangelisation  and  the  preservation  of  the  scanty 
learning  of  the  time  devolved  almost  entirely  on 
the  monastic  orders.  Slavery  reappeared  in  its 
harshest  form,  and,  in  spite  of  the  eff'orts  of  the 
clergy,  continued  long  after  the  9th  century  to 
disgrace  the  Christianity  of  the  age  (Slavery). 

In  fine,  it  would  seem  that  society,  if  we  inter- 
pret the  term  in  its  strict  sense,  can  scarcely  be 
said  to  have  existed  in  Italy,  Gaul,  or  Britain 


SOCRATES 

during  the  period  that  immediately  succeeded 
the  conquests  by  the  Lombard,  the  Frank,  and 
the  Saxon.  In  its  place  we  can  discern  only  a 
state  of  disorganisation  wherein  the  obligations 
and  restraints  imposed  by  the  most  rudimentary 
form  of  civilisation  nearly  altogether  disappeared. 
This  condition  of  things  was  gradually,  and  often 
with  the  intervention  of  an  almost  complete 
relapse,  succeeded  by  one  which  exhibits  the  re- 
organisation of  society  mainly  under  ecclesias- 
tical influences,  and  the  establishment  of  in- 
stitutions, national,  social,  and  domestic,  which 
reflect  a  combined  tradition  of  Roman  law  and 
Christian  doctrine. 

Authorities  and  works  of  reference  :  besides 
the  standard  historians.  Gibbon,  Neander,  Baur, 
Gieseler,  Milman,  Finlay,  &c.,  Fleury,  Moeurs 
drs  premiers  Chretiens,  1720 ;  Cave,  Primitive 
Christianity ;  Genin  (J.  L.),  De  la  Socie'te'  chre'- 
tienne  au  Arne  siecle  d'apres  les  Lettres  des  Peres 
de  I' Eglise  grecque,  1850  ;  Schmidt  (C),  La  Socie'te 
civile  dans  le  Monde  Remain  et  sur  sa  Transfor- 
mation par  le  Christianmne,  1853 ;  Ozanam 
(A.  F.),  La  Civilisation  chre'tienne  chez  les  Francs, 
1849,  and  La  Civilisation  an  bme  Siecle,  2  v., 
1850 ;  Lecky,  Hist,  of  European  Morals  from 
Augustus  to  Charlemagne,  2  vols. ;  Thierry  (A.), 
St.  Jerome,  2  v.  1867  ;  Hefele,  Beltrage  zur 
Kirchengeschichte,  Archdologie  und  Liturgik,  Tu- 
bingen, 1864 ;  Pressense  (E.  de).  Hist,  des  trois 
premiers  Siecles  de  I'Eglise  chre'tienne,  vol.  v. 
1869;  Church  (Dean),  The  Beginning  of  the 
Middle  Ages,  1877.  [J.  B.  M.] 

SOCRATES  (1),  Sept.  17,  commemorated 
with  Stephanus  in  Britain  {Ma7-t.  Bed.,  Usuard., 
Adon.,  Notker.). 

(2)  Sept.  21,  soldier,  martyr  at  Amasea  with 
Theodorus,  under  Antoninus  (Basil.  Menol.}. 

(3)  Oct.  23,  presbyter,  martyr  with  Theodota 
at  Ancyra  (Basil.  Menol.)  ;  Oct.  21  (^Menol.  Graec. 
Sirlet.).  [C.  H.] 

SOISSONS,  COUNCIL  OF  (Suessionense 
Concilium),  a.d.  744,  attended  by  twenty-three 
bishops,  when  ten  canons  on  discipline  were 
passed,  Abel  and  Arthert  ordained  archbishops  of 
Kheims  and  Sens,  and  Adelbert  condemned  for 
heresy.     (Mansi,  xii.  369-372.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

SOLDIERS.     [Military  Service.] 

SOLEAS.  A  term  in  Eastern  church  archi- 
tecture, as  to  the  meaning  and  derivation  of 
which  there  has  been  great  diversity  of  opinion. 
The  orthography  of  the  word  is  also  very  vari- 
able. We  find  crwKias,  (reoAea,  craiXia.,  crw^eia, 
<ro\ea.  The  difficulty  in  determining  the  refer- 
ence of  the  word  was  recognised  by  Goar,  who 
attributes  it  to  the  arrangement  having  almost 
passed  out  of  use,  and  remarks,  "  in  ecclesiis 
Graecis  ubique  nomen  habet,  in  rarissimis  conspi- 
citur"  (Goar,  Eucholog.  18).  Allatius,  as  is  his 
wont,  pours  forth  a  mass  of  learning  on  the  sub- 
ject, and  comes  to  strangely  erroneous  conclu- 
sions in  the  end.  At  one  time  he  agrees  with 
Meursius  and  Beveridge  {Pandect,  vol.  ii.  annot. 
p.  74)  in  regarding  the  word  as  synonymous 
with  "solium,"  a  throne  {de  Tempi.  Graec. 
Recent,  ep.  ii.);  but  in  his  Dissertation  de 
Solea  he  identifies  it  with  the  "  tabulatum  "  or 
*'  iconostasis."     An  examination  of  the  passages 


SOLITARIES 


1919 


in  which  the  word  occurs  proves  the  erroneous- 
ness  of  both.  It  is  true  that  the  word  is  not 
always  strictly  used,  and  sometimes  has  a  wider 
signification  than  at  others  ;  but  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  the  "  soleas  "  was  a  division  of  the 
church,  not  a  piece  of  church  furniture;  and' 
there  can  be  as  little  question  that  Neale  is 
right  in  deciding  it  to  be  the  raised  platform 
intervening  between  the  "trapeza"  or  nave,  and 
the  "  bema "  or  sanctuary,  ascended  from  the 
nave  by  one  or  more  steps.  It  was  outside  the 
"  cancelli  "  or  "  iconostasis  "  of  the  "  bema,"  and 
was  approached  from  the  sanctuary  through  the 
"  holy  doors."  The  "  beautiful  doors,"  which 
are  placed  by  Neale  further  down  the  nave,  were 
to  the  (ritual)  west  of  the  "soleas,"  and  the 
"  ambo  "  stood  near  it.  It  corresponded  to  the 
chancel-rail  step  in  our  churches,  being  the 
place  where  the  communicants  knelt  to  receive 
the  Eucharist.  At  ordinations,  accordinof  to 
Goar  (zj.s.),  the  ordinand,  whether  deacon  or 
priest,  took  his  place  on  the  "  solea,"  and  two 
deacons  came  out  from  the  "  bema  "  and  con- 
ducted him,  on  either  side,  up  to  the  holy  doors. 
At  a  later  period  the  "solea"  seems  "to  have 
gained  extension  to  the  west,  and  became  the 
place  for  the  subdeacons  and  readers,  and  was 
called  ^rifxa  twv  avayvuKxriuv.  It  is  correctly 
defined  by  Gretser  {Annotat.  ad  Codin.  pp.  360- 
361,  ed.  Bonn)  as  "  gradus  vel  locus  excelsior 
ad  sacras  ^TJ^aaroy  fores  positus,  ex  quo  Christus 
pro  Christiana  communione  distribuitur."  Its 
true  position  and  character  appear  from  various 
passages  in  Codinus,  who  describes  the  emperor 
descending  from  the  "ambo,"  and  passing  alone 
across  the  "  soleas,"  "  not  the  way  he  came  to- 
wards the  beautiful  doors,"  but  towards  the 
"  soleas  "  and  "  bema,"  and  finding  the  patriarch 
standing  to  receive  him  at  the  "  holy  doors  " 
(Codin.  Curopal.  c.  17,  pp.  91,  94;  also  p.  361). 
In  the  more  stately  churches  the  "solea"  was 
inlaid  with  costly  marbles,  ornamented  with 
plates  of  silver,  and  decorated  with  images. 
When  the  dome  of  St.  Sophia  fell,  it  broke  to 
pieces  Tot's  ffccAfias  e'l  wi/x'tou  ovras  \i6ov ;  and 
on  the  restoration  by  Justin  II.,  both  it  and  the 
ambo  were  made  of  silver  (Codin.  Annotat.  p. 
361 ;  AUat.  de  Solea,  c.  xi.).  [E.  V.] 

SOLITARIES.  For  some  account  of  the 
impulses  which  led  men  to  seek  solitude  in  the 
wilderness,  see  Hermit,  Monastery.  It  may 
be  added  that  solitaries  before  long  began  to 
cluster  round  great  and  populous  cities.  [Com- 
pare Sarabaitae.]  Partly  perhaps  they  were 
influenced  by  actual  experience  of  the  spiritual 
horrors  of  loneliness,  partly  by  a  wish  to  mingle 
in  the  theological  fray  between  orthodox  and 
heretics,  partly  perhaps  by  a  longing  to  have 
their  hardships  noticed  and  honoured  by  men. 
Sometimes  the  cell  of  the  solitary  was  semi- 
attached  to  a  monastery  (Theodoret,  Hist,  Relig. 
c.  3).  Sometimes  the  solitary  cell  was  only  a 
temporary  shelter,  a  retreat  in  which  to  take 
breath,  as  it  were,  for  a  moment  before  engaging 
again  in  the  battle  of  life.  It  was  ever  the 
advice  of  the  wisest  leaders  of  the  monastic 
movement  that  there  should  be  a  certain  period 
of  probation  in  a  monastery  before  undertaking 
the  life  of  a  solitary,  and  that  none  should  be 
allowed  to  expose  themselves  to  the  risks  of  it 
without  the  express  sanction  of  their  monastic 


1920 


SOLOCHON 


superiors  (Cass.  Collat.  Praef.  xviii.).  As  the 
monastic  system  became  more  firmly  consoli- 
dated, and  at  the  same  time  more  complex  in 
its  organisation,  the  solitary  life,  especially  in 
Western  Christendom,  came  to  be  more  and  more 
exceptional  in  its  occurrence  (^Conc.  Toletan.  vii. 
A.D.  646,  c.  5;   Gone.  Franco/,  a.d.  79-i,  c.  12). 

Literature. — Petrarca  (Francesco),  Dialogus 
de  Vita  Solitarid;  Parisiis,  1513.  Rosweydus 
(H.),  Vitae  Patrum  sive  Historiae  Eremiticae ; 
Antverpiae,  1528.  Zimmermann  (Joh.  Georgvon), 
Ueber  die  Einsamkeit ;  Leipzig,  1784.  Hauber 
(Ign.),  Das  Lehen  und  Wirken  Gottgeiceihter 
Fersonen  in  der  Einsamkeit;  Lindau,  1844. 
Zoeckler  (D.  Otto),  Kritische  Geschichte  der 
Askese;  Frankfurt  a.  M.  1863.  [I.  G.  S.] 

SOLOCHON,  May  17,  Egyptian  soldier,  mar- 
tyr under  Maximian  (Basil.  Menol.  ;  Menol.  Graec. 
Sirlet.).  [C.  H.] 

SOLOMON,  king,  June  17  {Cal.  Ethiop.). 
[C.  H.] 

SOLUTOK  (1),  Nov.  13,  martyr,  commemo- 
rated at  Ravenna,  with  Valentinns  and  Victor 
(^Mart.  Usuard.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Hieron.,  Adon.). 

(2)  Nov.   20,  commemorated  at  Turin,  with 

Octavius  and  Adventor  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Hieron.). 

[C.  H.] 

SOMNIAEIUS,  Somniatorum  Conjector, 
bveipoKplr-qs,  6veip6fj.ai'Tts,  6veip6iro\os.  A  law 
of  Constantius  and  Julian,  a.d.  358,  denounces 
those  who  "  narraudis  somniis  occultant  artem 
aliquam  divinandi "  (Theodos.  Codex,  x.  16,  Be 
Malef.  6).  The  offence  was  equally  forbidden  in 
the  empire  founded  by  Charlemagne  (^Capit.  inc. 
an.  c.  40  ;  Baluz.  Cap.  Reg.  Franc,  i.  618  ;  comp. 
the  complete  code,  vi.  215  ;  Herardi,  Gapit.  3). 
The  council  of  Paris,  a.d.  829,  regarded  the 
practices  of  the  "  somniatorum  conjectores  "  as 
a  relic  of  paganism  (iii.  2  ;  comp.  Add.  ii.  to  the 
Cap.  Reg.  Franc,  c.  21).  [W.  E.  S.] 

SONUS,  or  rather,  corruptly,  sonum.  The 
Offertorium  of  the  Franks  was  so  called,  e.  g. 
"  Sonum  quod  canetur  (^sic)  .  .  .  quando  pro- 
cedit  oblatio"  (German.  Paris.  Expos.  Brev. 
Miss.).  The  name  is  said  (Germ.  u.  s. ;  comp. 
Isid.  Hisp.  de  Eccl.  Off.  i.  14;  Amal.  de  Eccl. 
Off.  iii.  19)  to  have  been  given  to  the  anthem, 
because  sung  in  imitation  of  the  sounding  of 
trumpets  over  sacrifices  under  the  law  (Num. 
X.  10). 

Among  the  Goths  of  Spain  the  proper  anthem 
at  lauds  and  vespers  on  festivals  was  also  called 
sonum.  E.  g.  the  council  of  Merida,  666,  orders 
that  on  such  days  "  post  lumen  oblatum 
(  =  lucernarium)prius  dicatur  vespertinum  quam 
sonum "  (can.  2).  This  sonum  was  sometimes 
called  laudes  ;  for  whereas  the  Mozarabic  breviary 
directs  that  it  shall  follow  vespers  immediately, 
Isidore  says  that  the  lucernarium  was  followed 
by  "  two  psalms,  one  responsory  and  laudes " 
{Regid.  Monach.  6).  The  following  is  the  sonum, 
or  in  the  yet  lower  Latin  of  the  Hispano-Gothic 
breviary,  the  "  sono,"  for  Easter  day;  "ego 
dormivi  et  quievi,  et  resurrexi,  quoniam  Dominiis 
suscitavit  me.  P.  Gloria  mea.  Alleluia.  V.  Non 
timebo  millia  populi  mei  circumdantis  me : 
exurge,  Domine;  salva  me,  Deus  meus.  P. 
Gloria  mea.  Alleluia "  (^Brev.  Goth.  Lorenzana, 
370).  [W.  E.  S.] 


SORTILEGY 
SOOTHSAYER.     [Mathematiccs.] 
SOPHIA,  ST.     [Sapientia.] 

SOPHEONIUS  (1),  patriarch  of  Jerusalem, 
commemorated  Mar.  11  (Basil.  Menol.;  Gal. 
Byzant. ;  Menol.  Graec.  Sirlet.). 

(2)  Dec.  9,  bishop  of  Constantia  in  Cyprus 
(Basil.  Menol. ;  Menol.  Graec.  Sirlet.).     [C.  H.] 

SORTILEGY.  It  was  held  that  "demons 
rule  lots"  (Cypr.  de  Idol.  Vanit.;  comp.  Minut. 
Fel.  Octav.  8 ;  Greg.  M.  Epist.  vii.  66).  Hence 
divination  by  lots  was  thought  a  part  of  magic 
and  a  branch  of  idolatry.  It  was  therefore 
forbidden  to  Christians  both  in  the  East  and 
West ;  as  bv  Cone.  Ancvr.  358  (can.  23),  C. 
Venet.  in  Gallia,  465  (c.  16),  C.  Agath.  506 
(c.  42),  AureL  I.  511  (c.  30),  Autiss.  518  (c.  4), 
&c.  It  was  a  subject  of  inquiry  at  episcopal 
visitation  (Regino,  de  Discipl.  Eccl.  151,  ed. 
Baluz.),  and  at  confession  (see  the  old  Galilean 
penitential,  c.  26,  in  Mus.  Ital.  i.  393,  and  others 
in  Morinus,  de  Sacram.  Poenit.  587,  &c.).  It 
was  condemned  by  Christian  princes ;  as  by 
Childeric,  742  (c.  5),  Carloman,  742  (c.  14),  Car, 
JI.  769  ;  id.  789  (c.  23),  Capit.  Reg.  Franc,  vi. 
215,  vii.  128.  Under  the  Prankish  laws  sorti- 
legi  were  not  received  as  witnesses  {Capit.  Reg. 
Franc,  vi.  397,  vii.  369). 

The  methods  were  various,  "  sortes  quas  sanc- 
torum vocant  (comp.  Concc,  Agath.  Venet.  Aurel, 
M.  s. ;  Bede,  de  Remed.  Pcccat.  c.  11),  vel  quas 
de  ligno,  aut  de  pane  faciunt "  (Cone.  Autiss. 
M.  s.).  Divination  "  per  sortes  sanctorum  "  was 
a  Christian  counterpart  of  the  sortes  Virgilianae, 
«&c.  An  augury  was  drawn  from,  or  a  conclusion 
founded  on,  the  first  passage  at  which  some 
sacred  book  (as  the  psalter  or  gospel.  Car.  M. 
an.  789,  c.  3 ;  the  lectionary,  Greg.  Tur.  Hist. 
Franc,  iv.  16;  the  sacramentary,  Jonas  Aurel. 
in  Vita  S.  Huberti,  c.  15,  in  Baluz.  Not.  ad  Cap. 
Reg.  Fr.  ii.  1038 ;  &c.)  first  opened  at  hazard. 
This  is  condemned  by  St.  Augustine  as  an  abuse 
of  the  divine  oracles,  though  he  had  rather  men 
had  such  recourse  to  the  gospels  than  to  demons 
(^Ep.  55  ad  Januar.  xx.  37).  The  Galilean  Peni- 
tential, u.  s,  punished  even  this  when  "contra 
rationem."  See  instances  of  the  practice  in 
Greg.  Tur.  or  Jonas,  u.  s. ;  Vita  S.  Consortiae  9, 
in  Acta  Bened.  i.  249  ;  Vita  S.  Hucherti,  18 ; 
Acta  Ben.  iv.  i.  302.  An  unsought  omen  from 
a  Psalm  ended  the  opposition  to  the  choice  of 
St.  Martin  as  bishop  of  Tours  (Sulpicius  Sever. 
de   Vita  B.  Mart.  9). 

There  is  extant,  under  the  title  of  Sortes  Apo- 
stolorum,  a  collection  of  pious  sentences,  but  not 
from  the  apostolical  writings,  so  framed  as  to 
give  suitable,  though  vague,  replies  to  every 
probable  inquiry.  They  were  printed  by  Petr. 
Pithoeus  in  his  Codex  Canonum  Vet.  Eccl.  Rom. 
Par.  1687,  p.  370.  A  fast  of  three  days  on  bread 
and  water  is  prescribed  before  using  them.  On 
the  third  day  the  office  of  the  Holy  Trinity  is  to 
be  recited  and  Mass  heard.  Special  prayers  are 
also  provided.  At  the  end  we  read,  "  Haec  sunt 
Sortes  Sanctorum  quae  nunquam  falluntur, 
neque  mentiuntur ;  id  est,  Deum  roga  et  ob- 
tinebis  quod  cupis.     Age  Ei  gratias." 

Many  tribes  retained  a  custom  observed  by 
their  heathen  ancestors  (see  of  the  Suessones,  Vita 
Anskari,    18,    26,    30,    Pertz,    ii.    701;    of   the 


SOSIPATER 

Saxons,  Transl  S.  Alex.  2,  ib.  675 ;  of  the  Fri- 
sioues,  Wulframi  Vita,  6,  8,  in  Acta  Bened.  iii. 
i.  359,  361 ;  Vita  Willibrordi,  11  ("sors  damna- 
torum "),  ib.  609 ;  comp.  Willebrordi  Vita,  3, 
Pertz,  ii.  381)  of  deciding  questions  of  guilt  or 
innocence,  life  or  death,  by  lot.  This  was  sanc- 
tioned by  Christian  princes ;  e.  g.  of  a  slave 
accused  of  theft,  "  ad  sortem  ponatur  "  (Childe- 
bert,  593,  c.  5).  The  Lex  Frisionum  describes  a 
method  (comp.  Tacitus,  Germania,  10).  Two 
tallies,  one  marked  with  a  cross,  were  wrapped 
in  white  wool,  and  laid  on  the  altar.  If  that 
marked  was  drawn,  the  person  was  acquitted. 
Some  kinds  of  ordeal,  as  governed  by  chance, 
were  included  under  the  term  sors.  Hence,  "  ad 
sortem  ambulare  "  (Childeb.  u.  s.  8).  Dagobert, 
630 :  "  Ad  ignem  seu  ad  sortem  se  excusare  stu- 
deat  "  {Lex  Ripuar.  xxxi.  5  ;  Eeg.  Franc.  Cap. 
Baluz.  i.  34-).  Leo  IV.  charges  the  Bretons  with 
settling  every  cause  by  lot :  "  Sortes  quibus 
cuncta  vos  in  vestris  discriminatis  judiciis  "  {Ep. 
ii.  4).  [W.  E.  S.] 

SOSIPATER,  Apr.  27,  with  Jason,  disciples 
of  St.  Paul  (Basil.  Menol);  Apr.  29  {Cal. 
Byzant. ;  Menol.  Grace.  Sirlet.) ;  June  25  at 
Pyrrhi  Beroea  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Notker., 
Vet.  Rom. ;  Menol.  Graec.) ;  Nov.  10  with 
Olympas,  Rhodion,  Tertius,  Erastus,  Quartus, 
"apostles,"  Rom.  xvi.  11,  15,  22,  23  {Cal. 
Byzant. ;  Menol.  Graec).  [C  H.] 

SOSISTRATUS,  June  8,  commemorated  at 
Antioch  with  Hesperius  and  Glycerins  {Syr. 
Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

SOSIUS  (Socius),  deacon  of  Misenum,  martyr 
•with  Januarius  bishop  of  Beneventum,  commemo- 
rated or  mentioned  with  him  on  Sept.  19  (Basil. 
Menol. ;  Menol.  Graec.  Sirlet. ;  Mart.  Bed.,  Adon., 
Vet.  Rom.,  Notker.),  and  separately  on  Sept.  23 
{Mart.  Bed.,  Usuard.,  Vet.  Rom.  Adon.,  Notker., 
Wand.).  He  occurs  with  Januarius  and  others 
on  Sept.  29  in  Mart.  Hieron.  [C.  H.] 

SOSTHENES  (1),  June  11,  disciple  of  St. 
Paul,  commemorated  at  Corinth  {Mart.  Adon., 
Vet.  Rom.);  Nov.  28  (Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet. 
Rom.) ;  Dec.  9  with  Apollos,  Cephas,  Tychicus, 
and  others  (Basil.  Menol.) ;  Dec.  7  {Menol.  Graec. 
Sirlet.). 

(2)  Sept.  10,  martyr,  commemorated  at  Chal- 
cedon  with  Victor  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet. 
Rom.,  Notker.).  [C  H.] 

SOTER  (Sother),  Feb.  10,  virgin,  martyr 
in  the  East  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Rom., 
Notker.,  Wand.) ;  her  natale  is  given  on  this 
day  in  the  Gelasian  Sacramentary,  which  names 
her  in  the  collect,  secreta,  and  post-communion. 
She  or  another  of  the  same  name,  a  martyr 
under  Diocletian,  is  mentioned  by  Notker  under 
May  12.  [C.  H.] 

SOUL,  SYMBOLS  OF  THE.  The  follow- 
ing symbols  were  used  by  Christians  in  the  first 
centuries  to  denote  the  deliverance  of  the  soul 
from  the  fetters  of  the  flesh  and  its  approach  to 
heaven  :  (1)  a  horse  running  a  race  and  near  the 
goal,  derived  no  doubt  from  1  Cor.  ix.  24,  and 
perhaps  from  2  Tim.  iv.  7  ;  (2)  a  ship  in  full 
sail  towards  a  lighthouse,  or  already  arrived  at 


SPIRITUAL  EXERCISES        1921 

port ;  (3)  a  sheep  or  a  lamb,  sometimes  by  itself, 
sometimes  borne  back  to  the  fold  in  the  arms  of 
the  Good  Shepherd  ;  (4)  a  dove,  sometimes  on  the 

wing,  sometimes  seated  near  an  empty  vase a 

symbol  of  the  body  deserted  by  the  spirit— or 
again  settling  in  a  flower-garden,  to  signify  the 
repose  of  the  soul  in  Paradise;  (5)  a  female 
figure  quitting  a  lifeless  corpse ;  (6)  by  a  minia- 
ture figure  resembling,  and  close  by,  the  repre- 
sentation of  the  dead.  A  curious  instance  of  the 
use  of  the  female  figure  occurs  on  a  leaden 
medallion  figured  by  Lupi  {Dissert,  i.  197),  repre- 
senting the  martyrdom  of  St.  Lawrence  [Money, 
pi.  viii.].  An  executioner  is  turning  the  body  of 
the  saint  upon  the  gridiron,  and  a  half-length 
female  figure  is  rising  from  it  with  hands  clasped 
towards  heaven,  from  which  a  hand  is  extended, 
placing  upon  her  head  a  crown  of  gold. 

It  is  possible  that  the  female  figures  in  prayer 
or  contemplation  between  two  trees,  found  on  so 
many  tombs,  may  also  be  symbolic  representa- 
tions of  the  soul  (Martigny,  Diet,  des  Antiq. 
Chret.  s.  V.  '  Ame  ')•  [E.  C.  H.] 

SOULS,  FESTIVAL  OF.    [All  Souls.] 

SOZON,  Sept.  7,  martyr  at  Pompeiopolis 
under  Maximian  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Cal.  Byzant. ; 
Menol.  Graec.  Sirlet.).  [C.  H.] 

SPAIN,  COUNCIL  OF  {Hispanum  Conci- 
lium).   [Toledo,  Councils  of  (18).] 

SPANOCLISTUS.  A  corrupt  form  of  the 
Greek  iirav(i>K\eiaros,  a  term  applied  to  chalices, 
patens,  chandeliers,  &c.,  closed-in  at  the  top.  The 
word  occurs  frequently  in  Anastasius.  There 
we  read  that  Leo  III.  gave  to  St.  Peter's  "  calicem 
aureum  praecipuum  spanoclistum  diversis  orna- 
tum  lapidibus,"  together  with  "  patenam  auream 
spanoclistam  "  (Anast.  §  399).  The  same  pope 
also  gave  "  gabathae  spanoclistae  "  to  hang  for 
the  purpose  of  giving  light  in  the  "  quadriporti- 
cus  "  or  cloister  (§  418)  ;  and  a  "regnum  spano- 
clistum "  of  gold  with  a  cross  depending  from  it 
to  hang  over  the  altar  (§  398).  Paschal  I.  also 
presented  to  the  church  of  St.  Praxedes  a  gold 
and  jewelled  "  regnum  spanoclistum  "  to  light 
the  altar  (§  435).  [Crown  ;  CORONA  Lucis; 
Gabatha.]  [E.  v.] 

SPERATUS,  July  17.    [Scillitanl] 

SPES.     [Sapientia.] 

SPEUSIPPUS,  Jan.  17,  with  Elasippns  and 
Melasippus,  Cappadocian  martyrs  (Basil.  Menol.), 
commemorated  at  Langres  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon., 
Hieron.,  Notker.,  Wand.).  [C.  H.] 

SPEUSIPPUS  and    his    brothers   Elasippus 
and  Melasippus  :  natale  Jan.  17.     (Bed.  Mart.) 
[C.  H.] 

SPIRIDION,  Dec.  12,  Thaumaturgus,  "  our 
father,"  bishop  of  Triniithus,  confessor  under 
Maximian,  commemorated  in  Cyprus  (Basil. 
Menol;  Cal.  Byzant.;  Menol.  Graec.  Sirlet.); 
Dec.  14  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Adou.,  Vet.  Rom., 
Wand.).  [C-  H.] 

SPIRITS,  EVIL.  [Demon;  Demoniac; 
Exorcism.] 

SPIRITUAL    EXERCISES.      Under   the 

head  of  "  Spiritual  Exercises  "  {Exercitia  Spin- 


1922      SPIRITUAL  EXERCISES 

tualia)  it  is  convenient  to  enumerate  the  prin- 
cipal practices  which  are  believed  to  contribute 
to  the  exaltation  of  the  spiritual  life. 

1.  First  among  these  we  may  reckon  Heading, 
and  especially  the  reading  of  the  Bible  [Scrip- 
ture, Study  of],  both  in  public  and  in  private. 
To  this  soon  came  to  be  added  works  compiled 
with  a  special  view  to  edification,  such  as  the 
Acts  of  Martyrs,  the  Collationes  of  John  Cassiau, 
and  the  lives  and  miracles  of  famous  men  col- 
lected by  Rufinus,  Theodoret,  Joannes  Moschus, 
Gregory  of  Tours,  and  others.  Forgeries  in  this 
field  of  literature  soon  came  to  be  frequent,  and 
many  Christians  had  an  inclination  for  the  pagan 
literature  which  the  more  ascetic  leaders  con- 
demned ;  circumstances  which  led  to  certain 
books  being  marked  off  by  authority  as  unfit  for 
the  reading  of  Christian  people  [Prohibited 
B00K.S;  Schools]. 

2.  The  Psalms  in  particular  have  always  had 
a  special  prominence  among  the  books  used  for 
spiritual  exercise  [Psaluody].  The  fathers 
constantly  recommend  the  learning  and  the 
saying  of  })salms  as  an  exercise  of  the  highest 
efficacy.  (See,  for  instance,  Jerome,  Epist.  107, 
ad  Lactam,  c.  4;  Epist.  125  ad  Rustic,  c.  11; 
Epist.  108  ad  Eustoch.  c.  19.)  And  the  psalms 
— however  long  a  portion  might  be  said — were 
commonly  recited  standing,  unless  in  cnse  of 
some  grievous  infirmity  (Theodoret,  Hist.  Eelig. 
cc.  2  and  5  ;  Jloschus,  Pratum  Spirituale,  c.  40  ; 
Basil.  Epist.  63  ad  Neocaesareenses,  &c.).  With 
psalmody  is  intimately  connected  the  observ- 
ance of  Vigils,  especially  in  monasteries  [Hours 
OF  Prayer,  p.  795].  A  whole  class  of  monks, 
the  "Sleepless"  [Acoemetae],  devoted  them- 
selves to  keeping  up  the  Divine  office  [Office, 
THE  Divine]  without  intermission. 

3.  Prayer  and  Processions,  Litanies,  Ro- 
gations, Stations,  and  PilgrimagjiS,  which 
are  reckoned  among  spiritual  exercises,  are 
treated  under  their  proper  headings. 

4.  The  Confession  of  sin,  both  to  the  Lord 
(Ps.  xxxii.  6  ;  1  John  i.  8,  9),  and  to  the  brethren 
(James  v.  16),  is  reckoned  among  the  exercises 
which  tend  to  edification.  Nothing,  says  an  old 
father  of  the  desert  (Rufinus,  Vitae  Patrum,  ii. 
9),  so  weakens  the  power  of  Satan  as  to  disclose 
our  unclean  thoughts  to  holy  men  and  spiritual 
fathers.  And  nothing,  says  another  (ib.  117), 
more  rejoices  the  enemy  of  souls  than  the  con- 
cealment of  such  thoughts  in  the  breast.  Hence 
in  monastic  orders,  both  of  earlier  and  later 
times,  a  reciprocal  confession  of  sins  is  enjoined 
on  the  brethren.  See,  for  instance,  Pegula  Co- 
lutnbani,  c.  10,  and  the  Pegula  Cujusdam,  c.  6 
(in  Holstenius,  i.  397) ;  the  latter  is  supposed  by 
Holstenius  to  be  Columba's.  This  kind  of  con- 
fession is  distinct  from  the  auricular  confession 
which  is  followed  by  sarramental  absolution. 

5.  That  the  Boly  Cont7nunion  holds  a  high 
place  among  the  means  of  grace  needs  scarcely 
to  be  said.  On  the  frequency  of  communion, 
see  Communion,  Holy,  p.  421.  It  may  further 
be  observed  that  in  the  early  African  Church 
the  brethren  were  so  anxious  to  sanctify  every 
meal  by  first  partaking  of  the  Eucharist,  that 
the  consecrated  elements  were  taken  home  for 
that  purpose  (Tertullian  ad  Uxorem,  ii.  5  ;  Do 
Orat.  19 ;  Cyprian,  de  Lapsis,  ii.  26.  See  also 
Arca,  Reservation).  Hippolytus  wrote  a 
treatise,  which   was  known  to   Jerome  (^Epist. 


SPIRITUAL   EXERCISES 

71  ad  Lucin.  c.  6),  on  the  question  whether  we 
ought  to  communicate  daily  or  at  set  times. 
We  may  see  from  the  laments  of  Chrysostom  and 
others  that  ordinary  lay  persons  communicated 
less  frequently  than  was  desired,  but  with  speci- 
ally devout  men  it  was  otherwise.  The  old  monk 
Apollo,  for  instance,  communicated  daily,  and 
taught  his  disciples  not  to  eat  until  they  had 
received  the  Eucharist  (Palladius,  Hist.  Laus.  c. 
52,  pp.  750,  751). 

6.  Self-Examination  (sometimes  called  Recol- 
lectid)  is  a  recognised  duty  of  Christians  (2  Cor. 
xiii.  5),  especially  before  Holy  Communion  (1  Cor. 
xi.  28) ;  but  self-examination  as  a  systematic 
practice,  regulated  by  definite  rules  and  recurring 
at  certain  times,  is  the  development  of  a  later 
age.  Clement  of  Alexandria,  in  the  directions 
for  Christian  life  which  form  the  Paedagogus, 
though  he  quotes  the  Pythagorean  precept,  that 
a  man  should  examine  himself  every  day,  does 
not  hold  it  up  as  necessary  for  the  Christian 
(^Paedag.  i.  lu),  andMacarius  in  his  special  treatise 
on  "  the  Guarding  of  the  Heart,"  while  he  in- 
sists strongly  on  the  necessity  of  with<lrawing 
into  oneself  and  of  constant  self-watchfulness, 
nowhere  recommends  any  methodical  practice 
of  this  exercise  (Trepi  ^v\aK7Js  KapSias,  c.  \.%  but 
compare  Athanasius,  Vita  S.  Antonii,  c.  28). 
Cassian  {Collat.  v.  14)  advises  every  man  to  direft 
his  principal  efforts  against  the  sin  which  most 
easily  besets  him,  but  gives  no  directions  for 
self-examination  such  as  prevailed  in  later  times. 
Nor  do  Chrysostom's  strong  recommendations  of 
watchfulness  over  oneself  {Horn.  73  ad  Pop. 
Antioch.  ;  Horn.  82  in  Joann.)  imply  any  definite 
rules  for  examination  of  conscience.  Such  rules, 
in  fact,  scarcely  belong  to  an  age  earlier  than 
that  of  St.  Bernard  and  the  mediaeval  mystics. 

7.  Meditation  or  Contemplation,  the  effort  to 
withdraw  the  soul  from  the  world  of  sense,  and 
fix  it  on  God  and  things  divine,  plays  a  vej'y 
important  part  in  the  lives  of  mediaeval  and 
modern  mystics.  But  in  this  case  also  the  de- 
velopment of  the  system  does  not  belong  to  the 
ancient  Church,  though  v/e  frequently  find  in 
ancient  worthies — especially  in  the  ancient  her- 
mits or  "  Fathers  of  the  Desert " — an  immense 
power  of  withdrawal  from  the  outer  world, 
generally  coupled  with  the  faculty  of  seeing 
visions  of  things  unearthly.  One  particular  form 
of  contemplation — the  contemplation  of  death — 
is  found  from  a  period  of  considerable  antiquity. 
Several  of  the  Eastern  ascetics,  after  the  example 
of  Anthony,  dug  their  graves  near  the  caves 
which  they  inhabited,  or  lived  in  tombs,  so  as  to 
be  always  reminded  of  their  latter  end  (Palladius, 
Lausiaca,  cc.  5,  45,  109,  113;  Theodoret,  Hist. 
Pelig.  cc.  6,  9,  12).  John  the  Almsgiver,  patri- 
arch of  Alexandria  (1616),  had  his  grave  and 
coffin  partly  prepared,  and  bade  the  workman 
inquire  aloud,  on  every  high  festival,  whether 
he  should  not  finish  the  work,  as  he  knew  not 
when  his  Lord  would  come  (Leontius  Neapol. 
Vita  S.  Joann.  Eleem/js.  c.  18).  The  abbess 
Caesaria  of  Aries,  sister  of  the  famous  bishop 
Caesarius  (t542),  had  a  hundred  stone  coffins 
made  for  her  hundred  nuns,  which  were  placed 
around  the  church,  that  they  might  daily  be  re- 
minded of  death.  And  other  instances  might  be 
mentioned  of  similar  practices. 

8.  Silence  of  course  accompanies  meditation. 
Pambos,  the  monk,  we   read  (Socrates,  H.  E.  iv. 


SPOLIA 

23,  p.  238)  was  so  struck  by  the  first  verse  of 
the  39th   Psalm—"  I  said,   I  will   take   heed   to 

my  ways,  that  I   ofifeud   not  in  my  tongue  " 

that  he  would  hear  no  more,  and  said  that  in 
many  years  he  had  not  learned  to  practise  it. 
Monks  came  to  be  named  Tia-vxaa-rai  and  their 
dwellings  i]  avxaurripia,  from  their  habit  of  silence 
[Hesychastae].  Macarius  kept  silence  a  whole 
Lent  (Lausiaca,  c.  20,  p.  723) ;  Arsenius  rushed 
from  the  tumult  of  the  court-life  of  Constanti- 
nople to  learn  to  practise  silence  in  the  desert 
(Rufinus,  ii.  190).  The  monks  of  Tabennae  kept 
so  profound  a  silence  that  they  seemed  to  be  in 
solitude  (Lausiaca,  48);  the  Nitrian  monks  ai)pear 
to  have  kept  silence,  each  in  his  separate  cell, 
except  when  they  met  at  the  church  on  the' 
Sabbath  and  the  Lord's  Day  (ib.  69).  The  abbat 
Thomas  kept  silence  for  thirty  years  (ib.  50  ; 
Rufinus,  ii.  6),  an  unnamed  virgin  (Lausiaca, 
85)  for  twenty-five;  John  the  Silentiary  for 
forty-seven  (Cyrillus,  Vita  Jo.  Si/,  c.  23;  in 
Surius,  V.  399).  Pachomius  taught  his  monks 
to  indicate  their  wants  by  signs,  so  as  to  avoid 
talking  (Pachomii  £eg.  c.  3,  in  Holstenius,  i.  27). 
The  Benedictine  Rule,  and  most  other  monastic 
rules  following  it,  enjoin  absolute  silence  in  a 
monastery  after  Com.pline,  and  also  at  table, 
€xcept  so  far  as  regards  the  reading  of  an  edify- 
ing book  (Reg.  Benedicti,  cc.  38,  42,  52 ;  Fruc- 
tiiosi,  cc.  8,  15;  Columbani,  c.  8;  Magistri, 
c.  8).  (Alteserrae  Asceticon  ;  Zockler,  Kritische 
Geschichte  der  Askese.)  [C.l 

SPOLIA 


[Vacaxcv.] 

_  SPONGE.  The  sponge  used  in  the  Greek 
liturgical  ritual  is  known  as  oyios  aizo-yyos,  or 
liovaa,  spongia  sacra,  or  jyurijicatorium.  Its 
present  form,  which  has  probably  come  down 
with  little  change  from  earlier  times,  is  described 
by  Allatius  (de  Bee.  Grace.  Tempi,  p.  149)  as  a 
piece  of  sponge  compressed  into  a  solid  cube, 
affixed  to  a  long  handle.  It  was  used  in  the 
office  of  prothesis  to  collect  the  small  crumbs  of 
the  bread  on  the  paten,  that  none  might  fall  off 
(Office  of  Prothesis,  Neale,  H.  East.  Ch.  Introd. 
349),  and  in  the  Eucharistic  office  was  repeatedly 
employed  by  the  deacon  to  cleanse  the  paten  and 
chalice  (Goar,  Emholog.  Lit.  Chrysost.  pp.  76, 151), 
and  after  the  reception  any  remaining  fragments 
were  swept  by  it  into  the  chalice,  and  both  that 
and  the  paten  cleansed.  For  this  purpose  the 
holy  veil  was  also  employed.  fxeTo.  t^v  neTdXrjxf/iv 
(TTTOyyi^ei  rw  KaXvixjxaTi  rh  aytov  •Kori]piov  .... 
TOT€  Xa^wv  rhv  ayiov  SIctkou  6  Smkovos  iiravoo 
Tov  ayiov  iroTripiov  awoffTroyyi^ei  tiS  aylqi  airoyycfi 
Ttavv  Ka\(t>s  (Liturg.  S.  Chrysost.  ;  Goar,  Euchol. 
p.  83).  The  sacred  virtue  of  the  Eucharist  was 
regarded  as  being  imparted  to  the  sponge,  which 
according  to  Goar  (u.  s.)  was  distributed  by  the 
patriarch  among  the  people.  It  is  similarly 
recorded  in  the  memoir  of  Gregory  II.  by  Anasta- 
sius  (§  182)  that  Eudo  of  Aquitaine,  when  about 
to  encounter  the  Saracens,  distributed  portions 
of  a  sponge  "  ad  usum  mensae  pontificis,"  which 
saved  all  who  received  them  from  wounds  and 
death.  A  liturgical  sponge  of  larger  size  was 
also  kept  for  the  ritual  washing  of  the  ,Holy 
Table  by  the  patriarch  on  Maundy  Thursday 
(Typ.  S.  Sabae,  c.  41 ;  Euchol.  p.  624).  (Allat. 
de  Ecc.  Graec.  Temp.  Epist.  1,  de  Musa.)  [E.  V'.] 

SPONSALIA.     [Marriage.] 

CHRIST,    ant. — VOL.    II. 


SPONSOKS  ] 923 

SPONSORS  (a.dBoxo. ;  ol.po.^4povr.s  ;  .a. 
Uywyoi ;  Kae'ny,i^6p,s ;  x^^P'iyo^yoi  [of  adults!  ; 
01  aiToraTr6iM,voi,  avvro.'VTiyL^voi;  spmsores; 
fid^jussores ;  fidei  doctores,  al.  fidedoctores  ■  sus- 
ceptores;  compatres  spiritales,  even  parente-^  ■ 
offerentes  The  occurrence  and  meaning  of 
several  of  these  titles  will  appear  below) 

HiSTORY.-Though  analogies  and  justification 
tor  the  mstitution  of  sponsors  may  be  found  in 
the  Bible   yet  there  is  no  mention  of  the  word  or 
thing.      And  though  Fuller  (Worthies  of  Enq- 
land  p.  326)  says  "  that  the  Jews  had  a  custom, 
at  the  circumcising  of  their  children,  that  certain 
undertakers  should  make  a  solemn  stipulation 
toi-  their  pious   education,   conformable  to    our 
godfathers   in  baptism,"  it  is  doubtful  whether 
these  were  anything  more  than  witnesses  of  the 
ceremony.      We    may   adopt   the   argument    of 
Tertulhan  ((?e  Cor.  Mil.  3),  "  If  no  scripture  hath 
determined   this,    assuredly    custom   hath    con- 
firmed It,  which  doubtless  has  been  derived  from 
tradition.       Other    observances,    without    any 
bcripture  document,  we  defend  on  the  ground  of 
tradition    alone,    and    by  the  supports  of  con- 
sequent custom.     In  fact,  to  begin  with  baptism, 
when  we  are  about  to  come  to  the  water,  in  the 
same  place,  but  at  a  somewhat  earlier  time  (i  e 
as  catechumens),  we  do  in  the  church  testify 
under   the    hand  of  a  chief  minister,  that  we 
renounce  the  devil,  his  pomps,  and  his  ano-els. 
Then  are  we  thrice  dipped,  pledging  ourselves  to 
something  more  than  the  Lord  hath  prescribed 
in   the    Gospel ;    then,    some    undertaking   the 
charge  of  us  (suscepti,  i.e.  bv  the  susceptores, 
lit.   those  who  take  the   cand'idates  out  of  the 
font,  or  god-parents),  we  first  taste  a  mixture  of 
honey  and  milk."  The  origin  of  sponsorship  is  lost 
in  obscurity,  for  though  some  (e.g.  Durantus,  de 
Bit.  Ecc.  i.  19)  make  Hyginus,  bishop  of  Rome, 
A.D.  138-141,  to  be  the  first  authority  for  it, 
the  necessity  for  its  introduction  is  rather  to  be 
referred  to  the  general  circumstances  of  those 
times.     The  frequent  persecutions  during  those 
early  ages  brought  with  them  a  twofold  peril, 
the  probability  of  the  violent  death  of  Christian 
parents,  and  the  possibility  of  the    lapse  into 
paganism    of    the    baptized.       Hence    arose    a 
twofold  necessity  on  the  part  of  the  church  of 
obtaining  a  security,  independent  of  the  parents, 
that    the    baptized    infants    should  be    brought 
up  in  the  faith  of  the  church  in  case  of  their 
parents'  death   or   apostasy,  and   that  the  real 
character    of    adults    seeking    baptism    should 
be  answered  for  by  other  than  themselves,   to 
guard  against  the  like  spiritual  calamity.     We 
know  that  the  risk  of  post-baptismal  sin  and  fall 
led    many    of  the    severer   school    of  Christian 
thought  to  advise  and  practise  postponement  of 
baptism,  e.g.  Tertullian,  who  uses  the  following 
argument,  which  incidentally  bears  witness  to  the 
sponsorial  office  as  an  established  institution  iu 
the  church.     "  The  delaying  of  baptism  is  more 
profitable,  according  to  the  condition,  or  disjiosi- 
tion,  and  moreover  the  age  of  each  person,  but 
especially  in  the  case  of  children.     For  why  is  it 
necessary,  if  the  thing  be  not  so  necessary,  that 
the    sponsors  (sponsores)  also  be  brought   into 
danger?  for  both    they  themselves  may,  from 
their  mortal  nature,  fail  of  their  promises,  and 
they  may  be  disappointed  by  the  growing  uj)  of 
a  bad  disposition"  (de  Baptism,  c.   18).      The 
more  charitable  and  trustful   course   was   that 
6  H 


1924 


SPONSORS 


indicated  in  the  JRespons.  ad  Orthod.,  attributed 
to  Justin  Martyr,  5G,  'A^wvvrai  rwv  ^la.  rov 
l3anTL(riJ.aTOs  ayuBiav  ra  Ppecpf]  t^  Triffrei  ruf 
irfjoff^tpovTcov  aiiTO.  rqi  ^airrifffjiari.  And  so  the 
author  under  the  name  of  Dionys.  Areo]i.  (de 
Ecc.  Hkrarch.  cap.  vii.  ad  fin.),  "It  appeared 
good  to  receive  infants  in  this  way,  that  the 
natural  parents  of  the  chikl  oflered  should 
hand  the  boy  over  to  one  of  the  faithful, 
a  good  teacher  of  divine  things,  under  whom, 
as  under  a  divine  father  (godfather),  and  a  pupil 
in  sacred  saving  truth,  the  boy  should  be.  On 
this  man  then  promising  that  he  will  educate 
the  child  in  holy  living,  the  priest  enjoins  that 
he  promise  the  renunciations  and  confess  the 
faith.  Mark,  he  does  not  say,  I  do  this  instead 
of  the  child,  but  so  the  child  does,  i.e.  I  promise 
that  I  will  train  up  the  child  by  my  sedulous 
exhortations,  so  that  when  he  grows  to  years  of 
discretion  he  will  renounce." 

The  rationale  of  the  office  for  adults  is  thus 
given  by  the  same  writer  (de  Ecc.  IJierarch.  cap. 
ii.  par.  2) :  "  He  that  is  inflamed  with  desire  of 
obtaining  the  heavenly  gift  (in  baptism)  goes  to 
some  one  of  the  number  of  the  faithful,  and 
prays  him  to  take  him  to  the  priest,  promising 
that  he  will  thoroughly  follow  all  that  is  deli- 
vered to  him  ;  and  he  prays  that  he  will  both 
bring  him,  and  that  he  will  undertake  the 
care  of  regulating  the  rest  of  his  life  for  him. 
The  other  (with  deep  sense  of  his  responsibility, 
&u.)  most  kindly  promises  to  do  what  he  asks, 
and,  taking  the  man,  brings  him  to  the  priest, 
who  with  joy  proceeds,  &c.  [At  a  later  stage 
of  the  proceedings]  he  orders  the  man  and  his 
susceptor  to  be  described  and  the  names  written 
down.  One  of  the  ministers  calls  aloud  to  each, 
and  then  leads  him  into  the  water,"  &c. 

That  these  sponsors  were  provided  in  a  great 
measure  to  afford  guarantees  for  the  character 
of  the  catechumen  is  plain  from  the  Apostolical 
Constitutio7is  (lib.  viii.  c.  32),  "Let  those  who 
first  come  to  the  holy  mystery  be  led  by  the 
deacon  to  the  bishop  or  to  the  presbyters,  and 
let  them  examine  into  the  reasons  wherefore  they 
are  come  to  the  word  of  the  Lord.  And  let 
those  who  bring  them  bear  witness  unto  them, 
knowing  accurately  what  concerns  them.  And 
let  their  manner  and  life  be  examined  into." 
The  rest  of  the  chapter  deals  with  this  examina- 
tion in  detail.  For  the  same  ends  it  was 
customary  for  deacons  and  deaconesses  to  under- 
take the  office.  In  the  Apostolical  Constitutions 
(lib.  iii.  16)  it  is  prescribed,  "  Let  a  deacon 
receive  (i.e.  as  sponsor,  for  baptism)  a  man,  a 
deaconess  a  woman,  that  the  grant  of  the  irre- 
fragable seal  may  be  made  with  seemly  security." 
Instances  are  given  by  Cotelerius  in  his  note, 
from  the  Life  of  St.  Epiphanius  :  "  Lucian  was 
the  father  {i.e.  the  godfather)  of  Epiphanius  in 
holy  baptism  ;  and  Bernice,  a  holy  virgin,  had 
been  the  (god)  mother  of  the  sister  of  Epi- 
phanius." Victor  of  Utica  {dc  Persec.  Vandal.) 
says,  "  A  deacon  stood  for  {suscepit)  each  one." 
(See  also  Bingham,  bk.  xi.  cap.  viii.  §  7.) 

Hence  also  the  great  care  which  the  early 
church  used  in  the  selection  of  persons  (other 
than  deacons)  to  undertake  the  office  of  sponsors. 
The  ancients  excluded  all  catechumens,  energu- 
mens,  heretics,  and  penitents,  that  is,  all  persons 
who  were  never  yet  in  full  communion  with  the 
church,  as  being  themselves  unbaptized  ;  or  else. 


SPONSORS 

such  as  had  forfeited  the  privileges  of  their 
baptism  by  their  errors,  or  crimes,  or  incapacity. 
By  some  canons  persons  who  were  never  con- 
firmed were  also  excluded.  At  a  council  held 
at  Auxerre,  a.d.  578,  monks  and  nuns  were  for- 
bidden to  act  in  this  capacity  (see  Bingham, 
bk.  xi.  cap.  8,  §  10).  It  does  not  appear  that 
wives  stood  vith  their  husbands  in  any  case. 
Elias,  metropolitan  of  Crete  (a.d.  732),  answer- 
ing the  monk  Dionysius  (lib.  iii.  juris  Oricntal.\ 
speaks  strongly  on  the  grave  duties  of  sponsors. 

The  fourth  Council  of  Carthage  (a.d.  398), 
canon  12,  prescribed  one  of  the  duties  of 
widows  and  deaconesses  to  be  the  instruction  of 
the  ignorant  and  rustic  women  how  to  make 
their  responses  to  the  interrogatories  which  the 
ministers  would  put  to  them  in  baptism ;  and 
how  to  order  their  conversation  afterwards. 

In  the  writings  of  St.  Augustine,  and  in  those         | 
attributed  to  liini,  we  have  frequent  allusion  to         > 
the  institution  of  sponsors,  with  practical  advice  ;         ' 
e.g.    Sei-m.   163,    de    Ihnpore,    and    to    similar         ';, 
purport,  De  Eectitudine  Cathol.  Conversat.  §§  2,  4, 
"I    admonish    you    above    all,    both    men    and 
women  who  have  stood  for  children  in  baptism, 
that  you  recognise  that  you  are  sureties  (fde- 
jussores)  to  God  for  those  whom  you  have  been 
seen  to  receive  from  the  font."     Where  also  he 
adds    further  injunctions  to    persevere    in   this 
duty  :    "  You  ought  to  admonish  them  to  preserve 
chastity,   love,  justice,   charity,    and   above   all 
things  teach  them  the  Creed,  the  Lord's  Prayer,, 
and  Ten  Commandments,  and  the  first  rudiments 
of  the  Christian   religion."     These  instructions 
are  quoted  in  the  canons  of  Cealchythe,  A.D.  78."). 

In  his  Epistle  to  Macedonius,  no.  153,  he  speaks- 
of  a  surety  deceived  by  him  for  whom  he  stood. 

The  threefold  interrogatories  put  to  sponsors,, 
and  the  promises  made  in  return  by  them,  are 
often  alluded  to  by  St.  Augustine,  and  all  is 
reckoned  to  the  benefit  of  the  child  :  <?.;/.,  "  It  is- 
piously  believed  that  the  faith  of  those  by  whom 
he  is  offered  for  consecration  is  profitable  to  the- 
infant "  {De  Lib.  Arbitr.  iii.  23 ;  and  similarly 
De  Baptismo  c.  Donatist.  iv.  31 ;  and  De  Pecc. 
Mer.  et  Rem.  lib.  i.  in  various  passages,  especially 
in  cap.  38). 

The  questions  put  to  Augustine  by  a  scrupu- 
lous bishop,  Boniface,  occasioned  him  to  treat  of 
the  subject  of  sponsors,  and  to  expound  the 
rationale  of  them  more  fully  than  elsewhere 
{Ep.  ad  Bonif.  98,  al.  23).  He  expressly  states 
the  Scripture  truth  that  regeneration  is  by  water 
and  the  Holy  Ghost,  not  by  the  will  of  the 
parents  (1),  or  by  the  faith  of  the  sponsors  (2)^ 
or  by  the  faith  of  the  ministers;  where  we 
should  observe  the  distinction  between  (1)  and 
(2)  drawn  by  the  writer.  Again,  even  mis- 
directed faith  and  lack  of  right  intention,  on  the 
part  of  sponsors,  do  not  vitiate  the  sacrament. 
"  For  it  is  not  so  much  by  those  by  whose  hands 
they  are  carried  that  children  are  offered  for 
receiving  spiritual  grace  (although  by  them  too, 
if  they  be  themselves  good  and  faithful),  as  by 
the  universal  society  of  the  saints  and  faithful ; 
by  all,  in  short,  whose  love  and  faith  is  in 
operation."  Thirdly  :  "  It  is  not  necessary  for 
the  removal  of  original  sin,  that  the  children  be 
presented  by  the  parents :  for  in  fact  many  are 
often  offered  by  persons,  as  it  may  happen,  no 
way  related  to  them,  e.g.  slaves  offered  by  their 
masters  ;  or  children   whose  parents  were  dead 


SPONSOES 

are  offered  by  those  who  have  had  it  in  their  power 
to  take  on  them  this  merciful  office.  Sometimes 
also  those  whom  their  parents  have  cruelly 
exposed  to  be  nurtured  by  any  chance  people, 
are  gathered  in  by  holy  virgins,  and  by  them 
presented  to  baptism.  They  certainly  never  had 
any  children  of  their  own,  nor  have  it  in 
prospect." 

In  the  view  of  this  paragraph,  exhibiting  the 
great  variety  of  sponsors  in  that  disturbed  time, 
we  may  believe  that  Bingham  has  assumed  too 
much  when  he  says  (bk.  xi.  cap.  viii.  §  2), 
"  Parents  were  commonly  sponsors  for  their  own 
children."  The  dogmatic  truth  which  lay  at 
the  foundation  of  the  institution  of  sponsors  is 
stated  by  St.  Augustine  in  the  latter  part  of 
chap.  5  of  his  letter  aforesaid.  The  very  next 
scruple  proposed  by  Boniface,  and  dissipated  by 
Augustine,  would  seem  to  shew  that  if  parents 
tcere  sponsors  in  any  case  it  was  not  qua  parents, 
but  as  being  members  of  the  church  and  repre- 
senting the  church  ;  that  the  primitive  doctrine 
of  infant  baptism  was  to  make  sponsorship  de- 
pend, not  on  a  natural  tie,  but  on  its  position  in 
the  communion  of  saints.  And  the  answer  of 
Augustine  is  made  general  for  all  cases,  viz.  that 
a  child  who  through  his  sponsor  answers  that 
he  believes,  does  believe,  as  having  received  the 
sacrament  of  faith,  for  the  sacrament  of  faith 
does  itself  render  him  a  faithful  one.  It  maybe 
added  that,  as  the  church  was  really  and  ulti- 
mately the  spiritual  mother,  so  on  the  church, 
and  not  on  the  sponsors,  devolved  the  duty  of 
maintaining  the  baptized  orphan  or  destitute. 

The  writings  of  Clement  of  Alexandria,  when 
he  treats  of  regeneration  in  baptism,  with  details 
analogous  to  those  of  the  birth  in  the  flesh, 
embody  the  ancient  sense  of  "godparents,"  as 
designating  the  parties  who  promote  the  spiritual 
regeneration  of  the  infiint  by  taking  for  him  the 
pledges,  or  engaging  to  remind  him  of  them,  or 
both  (see  Blunt,  On  the  Use  of  the  Fathers,  p. 
537).  And  so  is  the  later  term  "  patrini "  ex- 
plained by  Hugo,  de  Sacram.  (ap.  Durantus,  de 
Bit.  Ecc.  lib.  i.  19)  :  "  They  are  so  called  because 
while  they  offer  children  to  be  regenerated  to  a 
new  life,  they  in  a  sort  of  way  become  auxiliary 
to  their  new  regeneration."  "  That  the  spiritual 
generation  may  be  more  expressively  represented, 
there  being  spiritual  parents  present,  they  are 
called parentes,  and  the  susce2:)ti  are  called  filii" 
(S.  Aug.  Serm.  116).  Other  writers  speak  of 
the  love  which  a  godfather  ought  to  bear  towards 
his  godchild  as  that  of  a  father,  not  in  the  way 
of  consanguinity  but  of  spiritual  proximit}-. 

From  language  of  this  sort  the  step  was  per- 
haps natural  to  the  doctrine  associated  with 
the  term  "spiritual  affinity."  [Prohibited 
Degrees,  p.  1728.]  In  the  laws  of  king  Ina, 
A.D.  693,  no.  14,  the  sponsor  had  a  share  in  his 
godson's  weregild  if  slain,  i.e.  the  satisfaction 
to  be  made  in  money  for  murder  to  the  kindred 
of  the  murdered  party.  Kicephorus,  patriarch 
of  Constantinople,  A.D.  806,  excluded  a  man 
from  church  for  having  married  a  woman  whose 
children  he  had  stood  for,  thus  being  already  a 
"  compater,"  '«.(?.  "  simul  pater."  The  Council 
of  Mayence,  A.D.  813,  uses  the  same  term 
"compatres  spiritales,"  and  orders  them  to  instruct 
their  children  in  the  catholic  faith.  In  canon  55 
it  is  enjoined,  "Nullus  proprium  filium  vel 
filiam  de   fonte  baptismatis  suscipiat ;  nee  filii 


SPOON,  EUCHAEISTIC      1925 

clam,  nee  commatrem  ducat  uxorem  ;  nee  illam 
cujus  filiam,  aut  filiam  ad  confirmationem 
duxerat."  Where  the  reason  on  which  the  canon 
IS  based  is  to  be  especially  observed.  It  was  the 
same  reason  which  led  to  the  limitation  of  the 
number  of  sponsors  again,  which  originally  had 
been  one,  and  in  after  years  had  grown  to  more. 

It  was  always  understood  that  the  promises 
made  by  the  sponsors  were  made,  not  in  their 
own  name,  but  in  the  name  of  the  baptized,  and 
that  they  became  subsequently  responsible. 

Bingham  (bk.  xi.  cap.  viii.)  has  collected,  as 
usual,  much  valuable  information  on  the  subject 
of  sponsors.  Martene  has  an  apposite  quotation 
from  St.  Chrysostom  '  in  Ps.  14,'  but  the  refer- 
ence is  incorrect.  [jj.  B."| 

SPOON,  EUCHAEISTIC.  In  the  7th  cen- 
tury in  the  East  communicants  often  used  small 
vessels,  sometimes  of  gold,  in  which  to  receive 
the  sacred  elements  and  convey  them  to  their 
mouth.  This  practice  was  forbidden  by  the 
Council  of  Constantinople  in  691,  on  the  ground 
that  there  could  be  nothing  more  meet  for  that 
office  than  the  hand  of  the  Christian  (can.  101). 
From  the  language  of  John  Damascene,  730, 
"  With  hands  put  together  crosswise  let  us 
receive  the  body  of  the  Crucified "  (De  Fide 
Orthod.  iv.  13),  and  from  the  absence  of  all  later 
mention  of  these  vessels,  we  infer  that  the  prac- 
tice was  effectually  suppressed.  It  is  probable, 
however,  that  the  tradition  of  their  use  suggested 
that  of  the  spoon  which  somewhat  later  became 
general  in  the  Greek  and  in  most  of  the  Oriental 
churches.  This  was  lirst  employed,  as  is  sup- 
posed (Maldonatus,  de  Caerem.  Disp.  2,  xxii.  3), 
to  take  out  of  the  chalice,  after  the  Commixture, 
so  much  of  the  steeped  oblate  as  was  to  be  re- 
served for  the  sick  ;  but  afterwards  both  for  that 
purpose  and  for  the  communion  of  the  laity. 

The  Greeks  call  tlie  spoon  Xafiis,  the  tongs,  in 
allusion  to  Isaiah  vi.  6,  it  being  a  very  common 
thing  with  them  to  sjseak  of  the  Eucharist  under 
the  figure  of  a  "  live  coal ; "  a  usage  yet  more 
common  among  the  Syrians  (St.  Chrys.  Horn,  in 
illud  Vidi  Bom.  §  3  ;  Joan.  Damasc.  u.  s. ;  St. 
Ephrem,  Comm.  in  Esai.  u.  s.  ii.  31,  Rom.  1740). 
Hence  even  a  conventional  Syrian  name  for  the 
sacrament,  viz.  gmurto,  a  coal  (J.  S.  Assemani  in 
Biblioth.  Orient,  i.  70 ;  Renaud.  Liturg.  Orient. 
ii.  63).  At  first  the  fingers  were  spoken  of  as 
the  tongs,  as  in  the  liturgy  of  Jerusalem  :  "  The 
Lord  shall  bless  us  and  make  us  meet  to  take  up 
the  fiery  coal  with  the  pure  tongs  of  the  fingers, 
and  to  lay  it  on  the  mouth  of  the  faithful " 
(Assem.  Codex.  Lit.  v.  56).  When  the  image 
was  transferred  to  the  spoon  we  cannot  say.  In 
a  Coptic  prayer  at  the  consecration  of  the  latter, 
the  bishop,  after  a  reference  to  the  angel  "in 
whose  hands  were  the  tongs  with  which  he  took 
the  live  coal  from  the  altar,"  proceeds  thus: 
"Now  also,  0  God,  ....  stretch  forth  Thy 
hand  over  this  spoon,  in  which  are  to  be  taken 
up  the  members  of  the  holy  body,"  &c.  (Renaud. 
i.  54). 

In  all  the  churches  of  the  East  the  laity  re- 
ceive the  elements  together,  i.e.  the  body  steeped 
in  the  blood,  and  in  all  except  the  Armenian  (Le 
Brun,  Dissert,  x.  21)  the  spoon  is  emidoyed.  In 
the  Syrian  rite  the  minister  assisting,  whether 
priest  or  deacon,  may  receive  them  either  sepa- 
rately or  from  the  spoon  (Renaud.  ii.  119);  in 
^  G  H  2 


1926 


SrOON,  EUCHARISTIO 


other  Oriental  churches  and  in  the  Greek  he 
always  receives  in  the  former  manner  (Goar, 
Euchol.  Gr.  82,  83,  149;  Renaivl.  ii.  118). 

Intinction,  as  the  practice  of  steeping  the  body 
in  the  blood  was  called  in  the  West,  is  thought 
by  some  (Ligaridius  in  Goar,  152 ;  Arcudius, 
Conco)'d.  Occ.  et  Or.  iii.  53)  to  have  been  first 
adopted  (with  the  use  of  the  spoon)  in  conse- 
quence of  a  heretic  at  Constantinople,  whom  St. 
Chrysostom  was  communicating,  having  carried 
off  the  Eucharist  which  he  had  placed  in  her 
hand  (see  Sozom.  Hist.  Eccl.  viii.  5).  It  is  more 
probable,  however,  that  a  custom  so  general  was 
suggested  by  the  convenience  found  in  minister- 
ing thus  to  the  sick.  In  a  story  told  by  Eusebius 
the  person  sent  to  a  dying  man  with  the  Eucha- 
rist, the  priest  himself  being  sick,  was  directed 
to  moisten  it  and  drop  it  into  the  mouth  (^Hist. 
Eccl.  vi.  44).  The  Council  of  Carthage,  A.D.  398, 
orders  "the  Eucharist  to  be  poured  into  the 
mouth"  of  those  who  have  become  insensible 
(can.  76).  In  the  same  city,  not  much  later,  a 
woman  who  had  an  obstruction  in  the  throat 
received  a  "  steeped  particle  of  the  Lord's  body  " 
{De  From,  ct  Praed.  Dei,  Dim.  Temp.  6,  inter 
0pp.  Prosp.). 

When  intinction  for  ordinary  communions 
began  to  prevail  in  Europe,  it  seems,  like  so  many 
other  minor  rites,  to  have  been  introduced  from 
the  East  through  Spain  and  Portugal ;  for  we 
find  the  first  mention  of  it  in  a  prohibition  by 
the  Council  of  Braga,  A.D.  675.  The  ground 
alleged  was  that  our  Lord  gave  the  bread  and 
wine  to  the  apostles  separately  (can.  2).  The 
practice  thus  received  a  great  check  among  the 
Latins,  but  in  the  11th  century  we  find  it  general. 
In  the  12th  it  was  suppressed,  very  much  because 
it  suggested  the  sop  of  Judas,  but  still  under  the 
authority  of  tlie  canon  of  Braga,  which  was  then 
known  as  a  decree  of  pope  Julius  {Notitia  Eucha- 
ristica,  705,  ed.  2).  There  is  no  evidence  that  a 
spoon  was  ever  employed  in  the  West  during 
the  prevalence  of  intinction. 

So  fiu-  as  I  have  discovered,  the  only  proof 
that  the  practice  of  intinction  existed  in  Europe 
between  the  7th  and  the  11th  centuries  is  to  be 
found  in  the  words  of  delivery  used  in  many 
churches  at  the  communion  of  the  sick,  and  in 
directions  that  have  reference  to  them.  The 
form  given  by  Theodulf  of  Orleans,  A.D.  794, 
runs  thus  :  "  The  body  and  the  blood  of  the  Lord 
be  unto  thee  remission  of  all  sins,"  &c.  (Capit.  ii. 
in  Baluze,  Jliscell.  ii.  104,  ed.  2).  A  Scottish 
order  of  the  beginning  of  the  9th  century  : 
"  The  body  with  the  blood,"  &c.  (^Book  of  Deer, 
90).  Similarly  two  Irish  orders  in  the  Books 
of  Dirnna  and  Moling  {Liber  de  Arhuthnott,  six. 
xxi.).  Prudentius  of  Troyes,  A.D.  846  :  "  The 
body  and  blood  of  our  Lord,"  &c.  (in  Martene, 
de  Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  I.  vii.  6,  n.  3).  Regino,  a.d. 
906,  gives  a  canon  of  Tours  of  uncertain  date, 
in  which  it  is  expressly  ordered  that  the  "  sacred 
oblation  be  steeped  in  the  blood  of  Christ,  that 
the  presbyter  may  be  able  to  say  with  truth. 
The  body  and  blood,"  &c.  {De  Discipl.  Eccl.  i. 
70.  See  again  Not.  Euch.  1023).  In  the  11th 
century  some  formulae  of  delivery  verbally  re- 
cognised the  intinction  :  "  The  body  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  steeped  in  His  blood,  presei-ve  thy 
soul,"  &c.  {Pontif.  Suesson.  in  Mart.  u.  s.  16  ; 
Miss.  Ambros.  cited  by  Sala  in  Bona,  Ber.  Lit. 
ii.  18,  §  2)  [W.  E.  S.] 


STALLS 

SPORTULA  is  properly  the  basket  used  iu 
distributing  presents  of  money  or  food  to  clients 
(Juvenal,  iii.  249).  Hence  it  came  to  be 
applied  to  presents  or  donations  generally,  and 
Cyprian  calls  the  clergy  of  his  time  "  sportulautes 
fratres,"  as  depending  upon  the  contributions  of 
their  flock  {Epist.  1,  p.  466,  Hartel).  [C] 

STACHYS,  Oct,  31;  commemorated  with 
Amplias  and  Urbanus,  Rom.  xvi.  8,  9  (Basil. 
Menol. ;  Mcnol.  Graec.  Sirlet.).  [C.  H.] 

STACTEUS  (1),  June  27,  one  of  the  seven 
sons  of  Symphorosa.     [Symphorosa.] 

(2)  Sept.  28  ;  commemorated  at  Rome  {Mart. 
Usuard.,  Hieron.). 

STAFF  {Baculus,  cambuca).  During  the 
saying  of  long  offices,  consisting  principally  of 
psalmody,  at  which  it  was  usual  to  stand,  it  was 
permitted  for  the  woi-shippers  to  lean  on  a  long 
staff  or  crutch  by  way  of  relief  (Martene,  de  Bit. 
Eccl.  Ant.  iv.  xv.  13).  Chrodegang  of  Metz  in 
his  Rule  (c.  26)  does  not  permit  this  indulgence 
to  his  canons,  unless  in  case  of  infirmity.  The 
monks  of  Fulda  in  their  supplication  to  Charles 
the  Great  (Migne,  Patrol,  cv.  419)  complain  that 
their  abbat  did  not  permit  even  the  infirm  to  use 
a  staff  or  to  lean  on  the  standing-desk  {inclina- 
torium  or  reclinatorium).  The  staff  was  laid  aside 
at  the  reading  of  the  Gospel  (see  p.  744).  For  the 
staff  of  the  bishop,  see  Pastoral  Staff.        [C] 

STAG  (IN  Art).  From  a  very  early  date  in 
Christian  symbolism  and  iconography,  the  stag 
has  been  used  to  represent  the  Gentile  convert 
thirsting  for  and  approaching  the  waters  of 
baptism  [Cross,  p.  496].  He  accompanies  the 
lambs  or  sheep,  the  catechumens  of  Christian 
or  Jewish  birth,  in  most  baptismal  works  of 
art,  as  the  Lateran  cross,  the  frescoes  of  St.  Pon- 
tianus,  and  the  more  ancient  mosaics  of  the 
Ravenna  baptisteries. 

The  stag  is  represented  in  the  mosaics  of 
Ciampini  {De  sacr.  Aedif,  cap.  ix.)  ;  on  tombs 
(Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  ii.  c.  3  ;  see  also  for  later 
paintings  Bottari,  tav.  xliv.)  ;  on  lamps  (Aringhi, 
ii.  p.  603  ;  see  Lamps,  p.  921). 

It  would  seem,  from  a  Ravenna  sarcophagus 
given  by  Ciampini  (  Vet.  Mon.  ii.  p.  7,  tab.  iii.  D), 
where  tw'o  stags  are  represented  with  the  chalice 
(as  birds  frequently  at  Ravenna),  that  the 
animal  symbolises  the  desire  of  the  faithful  for 
the  other  sacrament  also.  These  examples  on 
Christian  tombs  can  hardly  have  a  secular  mean- 
ing only ;  though  occasionally,  as  in  Buonarotti 
{Frammenti  di  Oetro,  xxiv.),  the  stag  only  ap- 
pears as  a  beast  of  chase.  It  is  seen  in  this 
sense  very  frequently  on  the  Lombard  carvings 
from  the  8th  to  the  11th  century;  very  notably 
in  the  celebrated  hunt  of  Theodoric  on  the 
fa9ade  of  S.  Zenone  at  Verona.        [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

STAGE.     [Actors;  Theatre.] 

STALLS,  SEATS  {OpSi/os ;  consessus  pres- 
byterorum;  sedes ;  formula  [Magri,  Hiero- 
lexicoii]  ;  vastellum).    Compare  Stasidia. 

The  most  ancient  notices  describe  the  seats  for 
the  presbyters  as  being  arranged  in  the  arc  of 
the  apse,  behind  the  altar,  on  either  side  of  the 
^  seat  {dpovos)  of  the  bishop,  which  was  in  the 


ST  AMINE  A 

middle  of  them  (^Apost.  Cmistit.  1.  2,  c.  57). 
Bingham  (Antiq.  lib.  ii.  cap.  six.  §  6)  thinks  that 
this  arrangement  may  be  the  reason  why  the 
body  of  presbyters  was  called  by  Ignatius  {Ep. 
lid  Magnes.  13)  the  "  crown  of  the  presbytery." 
The  term  "  throne  "  was  not  anciently  confined 
to  the  seat  of  a  bishop,  but  was  applied  to  that 
of  the  presbyter  also.  Presbyters  were  spoken 
of  by  Constantine  (Euseb.  1.  10,  c.  5)  as  "  certain 
]H>rsons  from  the  second  throne."  St.  Gregory  of 
Xazianzum  speaks  of  himself  (de  Vita,  sua) 
as  forced  by  violence  "  into  the  second  throne," 
i.e.  into  priests'  orders.  This  arrangement,  says 
Viollet-le-Duc  (^Dict.  rais.  de  V Architecture,  s.  v. 
Choeur),  was  maintained  in  some  cathedrals,  for 
cs-'.mple  in  that  of  Lyons,  down  to  the  middle 
of  the  18th  century.  The  same  writer  (ibid. 
s.  V.  Stalle)  affirms  that  in  France  stalls  were 
constructed  in  wood  at  a  very  remote  period. 
In  Italy  and  Sicily,  on  the  contrary,  they  were 
sometimes  made  in  stone  or  marble,  a  practice 
which  the  comparative  rigour  of  the  climate 
rendered  unsuitable  in  France.  There  are  no 
stalls  remaining  in  France  anterior  to  the  time 
of  Charlemagne  ;  but  the  earliest  specimens  that 
are  left  can  only,  says  Viollet-le-Duc,  be  the 
consequence  of  a  long  tradition. 

The  principle  upon  which  official  seats  were 
assigned  in  the  early  church  seems  to  have  been 
this,  that  seats  were  the  index  of  spiritual 
rank.  Hence  gi-eat  care  was  taken  that  men 
who  were  in  deacons'  orders  should  not  sit 
with  those  of  superior  spiritual  rank.  As  early 
as  the  Council  of  Nicaea  there  is  a  trace 
that  deacons  were  endeavouring  to  thrust  them- 
selves into  the  row  of  priests.  By  the  18th 
canon  of  that  council  the  disposition  on  their 
part  to  intrude  into  the  "  highest  seats  of 
the  synagogue  "  is  formally  condemned.  "  But 
let  it  not  be  permitted  to  the  deacons  to 
sit  in  the  midst  of  the  presbyters,  for  that 
which  is  taking  place  is  contrary  to  canon  and 
contrary  to  order."  It  should  be  observed  that 
deacons  were  always  forbidden  to  sit  amongst 
the  pi-iests  in  the  sanctuary  (see  the  loth  canon 
of  the  Council  of  Aries,  ap.  Martene,  iii.  1,  7). 
The  deacons  were  bound  to  stand. 

It  is  not  easy  to  say  precisely  when  the 
arrangement  of  the  clergy  behind  the  altar,  which 
originated  in  the  East,  was  superseded  by  the 
plan  of  a  choir  with  which  we  are  now  familiar. 
But  the  ancient  arrangement  of  the  clergy 
appears  to  have  prevailed  in  the  French  church 
in  the  6th  century.  Queen  Chrodieldis,  with 
the  cross  in  her  hand,  enters  the  church  to 
denounce  the  abbess,  and  presents  herself  before 
the  assembled  priests,  who  take  their  seats  in  the 
tribunal  of  the  church — "Tunc  residentibussacer- 
dotibus  qui  aderant  super  tribunal  ecclesiae  " 
(Greg.  Turon.  Hist.  Francorum,  lib.  x.  15). 

No  mention  of  those  appendages  to  choir  stalls 
which  are  known  as  Misericordes  (Misericordiae) 
has  been  found  within  the  period  comprised  in 
this  work.  [H.  T.  A.] 

STAMINEA  (also  stamineum,  staminia,  &c.). 
A  woollen  undor-garment  used  by  monks.  The 
Eule  of  Fructuosus  allots  "  staminiae  duae  "  to 
each  (c.  4,  Patrol.  Ixxxvii.  1101 :  reproduced  in 
the  Concordia  Regularum  of  Benedict  of  Aniane, 
c.  17,  Patrol,  ciii.  1248,  where  see  Menard's 
note).     The  Regula  Magistri,  making  a  distinc- 


STASIDIA 


1927 


tion  according  to  the  seasons,  orders  that  in 
winter  each  monk  should  have  "paraturam 
grossam  quotidianam  stamineam."  Reference  is 
also  made  below  to  a  "pallium  stamineum" 
(c.  80,  Patrol.  Ixxxviii.  1030).  See  Ducange's 
Glossary,  s.  v.  ri>_  g  n 

STANDING  was,  as  is  well  known,  a 
common  posture  among  the  ancient  Christians 
in  Prayer  [p.  1684],  on  hearing  the  Gospel 
[p.  744]  or  sermons,  and  during  Psalmody  [p. 
1747],  which  formed  a  large  portion  of  the  daily 
offices.     Compare  Staff,  p.  1926.  [C] 

■  ■  STAPIO.  A  word  of  doubtful  meaning,  but 
standing  for  some  article  of  female  dress  or  orna- 
ment. In  his  Life  of  St.  Piadegundis  (c.  13 ;  Patrol. 
Ixxxviii.  503)  Venantius  Fortunatus  describes 
the  rich  objects  deposited  by  the  queen  at  dif- 
ferent altars,  including  the  above.  Mabillon 
suggests  tliat  scapio  (with  the  meaning  of  some 
sort  of  crown)  'should  be  read  (Acta  Sanctorum 
ordinis  Benedicti,  saecl.  i.  321).  He  argues  that 
if  stapio  be  retained,  it  must  be  some  kind  of 
ornament  for  the  feet.  [li.  S.] 

STAES  (in  Art).  One  or  more  stars  are 
often  seen  on  either  side  of  the  figure  of  Christ 
on  early  glasses,  &c.,  which  are  regarded  by 
Buonarotti  as  symbols  of  His  divinity  (^Vetri, 
p.  38).  A  Christian  lamp  given  by  Bellori 
(Antiche  Lucerne,  part  iii.  29)  presents  the  Good 
Shepherd  with  His  head  encircled  by  seven  stars. 
Sometimes  the  monogram  alone  appears  thus 
attended  (ibid.  viii.  1).  A  starry  field  is  frequently 
used  in  early  Christian  art  as  emblematical  of 
heaven.  At  St.  Vitalis  at  Ravenna  the  Holy 
Lamb  is  seen  in  a  field  thus  sown  with  stars 
(Ciampini,  tab.  18),  and  the  cross  is  similarly 
placed  in  the  chapel  of  Galla  Placidia  (ibid.  tab. 
65).  On  a  sarcophagus  at  Aries  stars,  alternately 
single  and  double,  are  placed  between  the  heads  of 
the  apostles  (Millin.  pi.  Ixv.  3  ;  Le  Blant,  pi.  xiv. 
p.  27).  The  figure  of  Habakkuk  bringing  food 
to  Daniel  on  a  sarcophagus  at  Brescia  has  seven 
stars  above  his  head  (Le  Blant,  p.  12).  A  single 
star,  together  with  emblems  of  the  Resurrection, 
and  a  Dove  surrounded  with  stars,  are  seen  on  a 
gem  given  by  Perret  (Catacombes,  iv.  pi.  xvi.  8). 
A  young  man  with  four  stars  on  his  tunic,  accom- 
panied with  eucharistic  emblems,  is  found  on  a 
glass  (Maranzoni,  Cose  Gentileschi).  In  the 
representations  of  the  Nativity  and  the  Epiphany 
the  star  is  an  almost  unfailing  accompaniment 
of  the  scene.  Instances  will  be  found  in  the 
woodcuts  of  the  articles  Nativity  ;  Magi,  Ado- 
ration OF.  [E.  v.] 

STASIDIA.  The  stalls  in  the  monastic  and 
other  churclies  of  the  East.  They  are  dis- 
tinguished from  the  stalls  of  the  Western  church 
by  their  being  originally,  as  their  name  implies, 
places  for  standing  in,  not  for  sitting.  They  had 
no  seats,  and  their  occupants  supported  them- 
selves when  weary  on  the  elbows  of  the  stalls, 
which  corresponded  to  the  crutches  which  were 
and  are  still  much  used  by  the  worshippers  in 
the  Eastern  churches.  Suicer  defines  them  with 
much  accuracy  as  "  sedilia  in  quibus  sacordotes 
vel  sedentes  quiescunt,  vel  stautes  accumbendo 
laborem  levius  ferunt ;  eo  ordine  ut  digniores 
dignius  occupeut  sedile  "  (sub  voc.).    Goar  states 


1928 


STASIS 


that  the  stall  of  the  "  heguraenos "  was  the 
furthest  to  the  east,  on  the  south  side  opposite 
the  "  icon "  of  the  patron  saint  {Emhol.  p.  4, 
n.  35).  He  says  also  that  in  monastic  churches 
they  were  usually  returned,  but  not  in  parish 
churches  (ibid.  19).  Each  monk  had  his  own 
stall.  The  Tijpicon  S.  Sabae  speaks  repeatedly 
of  a  monk  going  els  rh  (TraalSiov  aiirov.  They 
ai"e  sometimes  called  t6itoi.  [E.  V.] 

STASIS  ((TTOo-ts),  one  of  the  subdivisions  of 
he  Greek  Psalter.  In  the  Greek  church  the 
Psalms  are  divided  into  twenty  groups,  called 
KaBifffxaTa  or  sessions.  Each  Kadiff/j-a  is  divided 
into  three  (TTOtreis  by  the  recital  of  the  formula, 
Ao|a  Kal  vvv.  ' KK\r]Xovia.  So  imperative  was 
this  rule  that  even  Psalm  cxix.,  which  by  itself 
constitutes  the  17th  session,  was  divided  into 
three  (n6.<Teis.  And  further,  when  the  number 
of  Psalms  in  a  session  is  even,  still  the  odd 
number  of  araffiis  in  it  was  preserved  by  group- 
ing two  or  more  Psalms  together.  With  this 
may  be  compared  the  Western  practice  of 
securing  the  same  i-esult  by  saying  two  Psalms 
■under  one  Gloria  Patri.  For  further  information 
on  this  curious  subject  the  present  writer  may 
be  permitted  to  refer  to  an  essay  upon  it  in  his 
volume  on  llie  Gradual  Psalms. 

For  the  actual  division  of  the  Psalter  see 
Psalmody. 

Suicer  thinks  the  term   araffis  arises  either 

(1)  from  their  standing  to  recite  the  Psalms,  or 

(2)  from  their  standing  up  at  the  close  of  each 
session  (  Thesaurus,  s.  v.).     Perhaps,  however,  it 

'may  have  meant  a  halt  or  stop,  a  sense  which 
the  word  acquired  in  post-classical  Greek. 

[H.  T.  A.] 

STATE  AND  CHUECH.     [Law.] 

STATIC  1.  By  early  Latin  writers  was 
applied  to  a  fast  day.  Yet  a  distinction  can  be 
drawn  hetween  jejuniuin  and  .itatio. 

There  has  been  much  difference  of  opinion 
whether  a  statio  differed  at  all  from  a  fast 
(jejunium)  ;  and  if  so,  in  what  respect  it  differed. 
Pamelius,  for  example,  argues  that  there  is  no 
difference.  Bona,  however,  concludes  that  the 
statio  is  sometimes  identical  with  the  jejunium, 
and  sometimes  not.  The  statio  closed  at  none, 
the  jejunium  (proper,  e.g.  in  Lent)  at  vesper ; 
then  they  were  different.  But  sometimes  the 
shorter  fast  (which  Tertullian  calls  semi-jeju- 
nium)  was  called  jejunium.  In  this  case  the 
faithful  might  take  food  at  none,  and  then  the 
fast  was  the  same  as  the  statio.  The  relation 
between  statio  and  jejunium  is  discussed  by  Bona 
(de  Horis  Div.  Psahnodiae,  cap.  iii.).  In  Ter- 
tullian, he  says,  solvere  stationem  is  the  same 
as  jejunium  solvere.  But  Gregory  the  Great 
assigned  certain  churches  of  the  city  (Rome)  to 
stations,  and  on  the  more  solemn  days  com- 
manded that  stations  should  be  done  (stationes 
fieri)  until  sext,  and  to  those  churches  on  stated 
days  (statis  diebus — this  perhaps  suggests  the 
origin  of  the  term  statio)  the  faithful  usually 
resort.  The  stations.  Bona  complains,  have  dis- 
appeared, owing  to  the  chill  that  has  come  upon 
love,  and  the  abstinence  of  the  fast  alone  remains. 
The  classical  passage  on  the  subject  in  very 
early  writers  is  a  clause  of  Tertullian's  :  "  Simi- 
liter et  stationum  diebus  non  putant  plerique 
sacrificiorum   orationibus  interveniendum  quod 


STATIO 

statio  solvenda  sit  accepto  corpore  Domini  "  (de 
Orat.  c.  xiv.).  To  this  there  may  be  added  one 
or  two  other  sayings  of  the  same  writer  (de 
Jejun.  c.  14;  ih.  c.  10 ;  ib.  c.  13),  from  which  we 
gather  that  the  statio  was  held  on  Wednesday 
and  Friday  in  every  week  throughout  the  year 
(because,  according  to  Gratian,  on  those  days 
respectively  the  betrayal  was  planned  and  the 
Crucifixion  accomplished),  and  that  it  lasted  till 
the  ninth  hour.  The  fast  on  these  two  days  of 
the  week  is  enjoined  by  the  sixty-ninth  of  the 
Apostolical  Canons,  though  the  Greek  equivalent 
of  the  name  statio  does  not  appear  there.  It  may 
be  added  that  bishop  Beverege's  long  note  upon 
this  canon  will  be  found  to  give  the  most  com- 
plete and  the  clearest  i-c'sumd'  of  the  facts,  amidst 
all  that  has  been  written  upon  the  subject 
(Pandectae  Annot.  p.  35). 

It  has  been  already  suggested  that  the  fast 
was  called  statio,  because  the  solemnity  was 
kept  on  fixed  days  (statis  diebus) ;  but  St. 
Ambrose  gives  another  account  of  the  origin  of 
the  term.  "  Our  fasts  are  our  encampments 
which  protect  us  from  the  devil's  attack ;  in 
short,  they  are  called  stationes,  because  standing 
(stantes)  and  staying  in  them  we  repel  our 
plotting  foes  "  (S.  Ambr.  Serin.  25).  Tertul- 
lian likewise  undoubtedly  takes  advantage  of 
this  military  sense  of  the  word  (stationem  facere) 
in  his  treatise  de  Corona  Militis  (cap.  xi.).  For 
an  account  of  how  the  fast  of  the  Wednesday 
statio  became  in  process  of  time  exchanged  for 
the  Saturday  fast  in  some  parts  of  the  West, 
see  Sabbath. 

2.  An  assembly  of  the  faithful  in  church, 
especially  that  which  took  place  on  the  Lord's 
day.  It  has  been  mentioned  above  that  Gregory 
the  Great  regulated  these  stations  in  Rome,  but 
it  is  clear  that  he  did  not  originate  them  :  for 
though  the  word  appears  to  be  used  in  the  sense 
of  the  Fast  in  all  the  passages  of  Tertullian 
(see  the  several  notes  on  them  in  the  Oxford 
translation),  yet  it  (cttoo-is)  is  used  by  St. 
Gregory  of  Xazianzum  in  a  passage  where  it 
could  hardly  mean  anything  but  an  assembly 
(Greg.  Naz.  Orat.  hab.  in  Concilio  Const.).  The 
term  has  an  obvious  appropriateness  in  a  Greek 
church,  where  there  were  no  seats  and  all  had 
to  stand. 

3.  In  a  sense  closely  connected  with  the  fore- 
going, a  station  is  a  church,  oratory,  or  other 
place  where  ecclesiastical  processions  made  a 
halt,  and  certain  oflices  of  divine  worship  were 
performed,  sometimes  the  service  of  the  Holy 
Eucharist  itself.  From  this  it  came  to  pass  that 
the  processions  themselves  were  called  stationes. 
They  were  first  instituted  by  Cyril  of  Alexandria 
(Ducange,  s.  v.).  The  tombs  of  the  martyrs  were 
often  the  scenes  of  stations.  In  later  times  the 
term  was  used  of  a  procession  made  by  all  the 
clergy  of  a  city  to  some  leading  church  of  the 
city.  (Anselm.  Leod.  c.  69,  in  Wolb.)  Ducange 
says  that  when  the  clergy  from  the  various 
churches  were  assembled  at  a  station,  any  diffi- 
cult question  that  was  pending  was  settled. 
This  fact,  he  thinks,  accounts  for  Tertullian's 
statement  that  the  station  was  sometimes  pro- 
longed to  the  vesper  hour.  It  appears  from  St. 
Cyprian  (Ep.  41)  that  the  Novatian  schismatics 
demanded  that  their  charges  should  be  investi- 
gated "  in  statione."  Some  have  thought  that 
it  was  the  stations  of  this  class  that  Gregory 


STATIONS  OF   PENITENTS 

the  Great  took  order  to  regulate  ("  sollicitfe  ordi- 
navit "),  and  that  while  taking  paH  in  them  he 
delivered  many  of  his  homilies  on  the  gospels. 
This  would  point  to  the  use  of  the  eucharistic 
office  in  the  station.  The  same  use,  too, 
prevailed  in  the  church  of  Constantinople, 
where  we  are  told  that  the  epistle  and  gospel 
at  the  stations  used  to  be  recited  in  Latin 
(Nicolaus  I.  Ep.  8).  Anastasius  again  (m  S. 
Vitaliano)  speaks  of  a  station  "  ad  Sanctum 
Petrum  "  on  the  Lord's  day,  and  of  the  mass  being 
celebrated  there.  It  is  not  unlikely,  indeed,  that 
in  the  early  Christian  mind  statio  was  eminently 
connected  with  the  Eucharist,  because  the  corre- 
sponding word  (^noyQ)  was  already  in  use  in 
t'lie  ritual  of  Israel  in  connexion  with  the  sacred 
oblation  (see  Buxtorf,  Lex.  Talmud,  s.  v.  IJOV)  ; 

and  statio  may  be  an  example  of  those  many 
ideas  which  Christianity  adopted  from  Judaism. 
Hofmann  (^Lex.  Univ.  s.  v.)  boldly  defines  statio 
-as  ritus  audiendi  Evangelium.  This,  however, 
would  seem  to  restrict  the  liturgical  use  of  the 
Tvord  too  much. 

At  these  stations  the  sacramental  vessels  were 
■carried  in  procession.  Anastasius  tells  us  that 
this  practice  existed  as  early  as  the  time  of 
Hilarus  (a.d.  461),  the  successor  of  Leo  the 
Great  in  the  papal  see.  Leo  the  Third  (a.d. 
795)  made  twenty  such  vessels  of  the  purest 
silver,  to  be  carried  by  acolytes  in  procession 
("  qui  praecederent  per  stationes  per  manus 
acolytorum  "). 

In  modern  times  the  term  stationes  is  most 
often  applied  to  the  use  of  certain  devotions  in 
front  of  pictures  or  sculptures  representing 
the  leading  incidents  of  our  Lord's  Passion.  Of 
this  use,  however,  no  example  has  been  found 
within  the  period  to  which  the  present  work  is 
restricted.  [H._T.  A.] 

STATIONS  OF  PENITENTS.  [Peni- 
tence, p.  1591.] 

STAUROPEGIUM    {(rravpoTr-hyiov).      The 

solemn  act  of  fixing  a  cross  by  the  bishop  of  the 
diocese,  at  the  foundation  of  a  church  or  monas- 
tery. The  service  and  ceremonial  in  use  on  such 
an  occasion,  with  full  rubrical  directions,  are 
given  in  Gear's  Euchologion,  pp.  608-613.  This 
custom  is  an  ancient  one.  It  is  probably  alluded 
to  by  St.  Chrysostom,  when  he  asks,  "  What 
community  is  there  which  has  not  the  staff  and 
cross  ?  What  church  which  has  not  been  forti- 
fied with  the  cross  ?  "  {Horn,  in  Baia.) ;  and  it  is 
distinctly  mentioned  by  later  writers  (Balsamou 
in  can.  vii.  Septimae  Synodi). 

In  later  times  the  term  came  to  denote  a 
special  right  claimed  by  a  patriarch  to  consecrate 
a  church  in  any  diocese  within  his  province,  by 
sending  a  small  wooden  inscribed  cross  to  be 
fixed  behind  the  altar.  Such  a  church  became 
the  patriarch's  peculiar,  exempt  from  ordi- 
nary diocesan  jurisdiction.  An  account  of  the 
controversies  caused  by  this  custom  is  given  in 
Ducange,  Glossary,  Graec.  Med.  Aevi,  s.  v.  See 
for  further  authorities  on  the  subject  J.  M. 
Neale,  Eastern  Church,  Gen.  Introd.  p.  1041. 

[F.  E.  W.] 

STAUROPHYLAX.  After  the  supposed 
discovery  of  the  true  cross  by  St.  Helena,  the 
custody  of  the  holy  relic  was  committed  for  the 
time  being  to  one  of  the  presbyters  of  the  church 


STEPHEN,  ST. 


1929 


of  Jerusalem,  who  was  thence  called  o  CTavpo- 
(piiXa^.  It  was  regarded  as  a  position  of  very 
high  dignity,  and  the  holder  of  it  was  frequently 
advanced  to  the  episcopate.  Porphyrius  bishop 
of  Gaza  (a.d.  421)  held  the  office,  as  did  John  III. 
bishop  of  Jerusalem  (513-524).  "  Elias  episcopus 
Hierosolymae  exilic  traditur  et  pro  eo  Joannes 
crucis  custos  episcopus  ordinatur"  (apud  Du- 
cange sub  voc.).  The  names  of  several  presbyters 
who  were  "  guardians  of  the  Cross  "  occur  in  the 
biographies  of  St.  Euthymius  and  St.  Sabas  by 
Cyril  of  Scythopolis.  [E.  V.] 

STAUROTHEOTOKION  (ajavpoOeorS- 
KLov),  a  Troparium  or  Sticheron,  including  a 
mention  of  both  the  cross  and  the  B.  V.  M. 
(deoTOKos).  For  a  rubric  directing  its  use  see 
Goar,  Euchohg.  p.  188 ;  Triodium  in  Dominica 
Tyrophagi  Menaea,  July  12,  in  J.  M.  Neale, 
Eastern  Church,  Gen.  Introd.  p.  832. 

[F.  E.  W.] 

STEPHANIS,  Nov.  11,  martyr  with  Victor, 
under  Antoninus  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Menol.  Graec. 
Sirlet.).  [C.  H.] 

STEPHANUS  (1),  Jan.  14,  monk,  "our 
holy  father,"  in  the  time  of  Leo  Isaurus,  founder 
of  the  monastery  of  Chenolacus  (Basil.  Menol. ; 
Cat.  Byzant.). 

(2)  Mar.  27,  hegumen  of  Triglia,  confessor 
for  image-worship  under  Leo  Armenus  (Basil. 
Menol.). 

(3)  Apr.  1 ;  commemorated  in  Egypt  with 
Victor  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Hieron.') ;  May  8  (Usuard., 
Ilieron.,  Notker.). 

(4)  May  24,  martyr  with  Meletius  under 
Antoninus  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Menol.  Graec.  Sirlet.). 

(5)  Aug.  2,  pope  {Mart.  Bed.,  Usuard.,  Adon. ; 
Hieron.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Notker.,  Wand.  ;  Basil, 
Menol. ;  Menol.  Grace.') ;  Sept.  7  {Menol.  Graec.)  ; 
Nov.  4  {Cal.  Armen.).  In  the  Gregorian  Sacra- 
mentary,  he  is  commemorated  on  his  natale, 
Aug.  2,  and  named  in  every  prayer ;  there  is  also 
an  office  for  his  natale  in  the  Liber  Antiphonarius 
of  Gregory. 

(6)  Aug.  6,  subdeacon,  martyr  with  pope 
Sixtus  {Mart.  Bed.,  Usuard.). 

(7)  Sept.  17.    [Socrates  (1).] 

(8)  July  13,  Oct.  28,  "our  father,  Stephen 
the  Sabaite  "  {Cal.  Byzant. ;  Menol.  Graec). 

(9)  Nov.  22,  martyr  under  Diocletian,  with 
Marcus,  natives  of  Antioch  Ju  Pisidia  (BasiL 
Menol. ;  Menol.  Grace). 

(10)  Nov.  28,  The  Younger,  martyr  for 
image-worship  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Menol.  Graec. ; 
Mart.  Usuard.). 

(11)  Protomartyr.     See  Stephen.      [C.  H.] 

STEPHEN,  ST.,  PROTOMARTYR,  Le- 
gend and  Festival  of.  1.  Legend.— In  one 
of  the  appendices  to  the  works  of  Augustine  is 
a  letter  from  Avitus,  a  Spanish  priest  then  living 
in  Palestine,  to  Palchonius,  bisiiop  of  Bracara 
(Braga)  in  Spain,  which  was  to  be  conveyed  to 
him  by  Orosius  the  historian,  then  about  to 
return  "^to  Spain,  which  was  his  native  land. 
Besides  the  letter,  Avitus  furthur  entrusted 
Orosius  with  some  relics  of  St.  Stephen,  and 
with  a  Latin  translation  of  the  Greek  narrative 
of  Lucian,  to  whom,  it  was  believed,  had  been 


li)30 


STEPHEN,  ST. 


vouchsafed  the  discovery  of  the  martyr's  remains 
(Augustine,  vol.  vii.  1125,  ed.  Gaume). 

We  shall  proceed  to  give,  in  the  first  place,  a 
lirief  abstract  of  this  latter  document.  Luciaii 
V,  ;is  priest  of  the  church  of  Caphar-Gamala,  a 
village  twenty  miles  from  Jerusalem,  and  on  a 
CL'rtaiu  Friday  ("  parasceue,  hoc  est  sexta  feria  "), 
three  days  before  the  Nones  of  December,  Hono- 
rius  beiug  for  the  second  time,  and  Theodosius 
for  the  sixth  time,  consuls  (Dec.  8,  A.D.  415), 
ho  was  lying  half  asleep  in  the  baptistery,  where 
his  bed  was  placed  that  he  might  guard  the 
sacred  vessels.  Here,  at  the  third  hour  of  the 
night,  he  saw  a  vision  of  an  old  man  clad  in 
white,  with  a  golden  wand  in  his  hand,  who 
commanded  him  to  go  to  John,  bishop  of  Jeru- 
salem, and  bid  him  open  his  sejjulchre.  He 
further  announced  that  he  was  Gamaliel,  the 
teacher  of  Paul,  and  that  he  had  caused  the 
remains  of  Stephen  to  be  secretly  conveyed  by 
iiight  from  the  scene  of  his  martyrdom  outside 
the  north  gate  of  Jerusalem  to  Cajihar-Gamala. 
Here  Gamaliel  laid  the  body  in  his  own  tomb, 
on  the  east  side ;  and  subsequently  Nicodemus, 
vho  had  been  excommunicated  by  the  Jews  and 
had  been  maintained  by  Gamaliel,  was  laid  in 
the  same  tomb.  There  also  Abibas,  a  son  of 
<iamaliel,  who  had  with  his  father  been  baptized 
into  Christ,  and  had  died  before  his  father,  was 
laid.  Last  of  all,  Gamaliel  himself  was  buried 
there  ;  but  his  wife  Ethna,  and  his  eldest  son 
Selemias,  not  having  embraced  the  faith  of 
Christ,  were  buried  elsewhere. 

Lucian,  on  awaking,  doubted  the  reality  of  the 
vision,  and  prayed  that  if  it  were  sent  by  God  it 
might  be  repeated  a  second  and  a  third  time.  On 
the  following  Friday  the  vision  appeared  again, 
aiul  Gamaliel  asked  why  Lucian  had  not  obeyed. 
()u  being  told  the  reason,  he  shewed  as  emblems 
of  the  relics  three  golden  baskets  filled  with 
roses  (one  with  red  for  Stephen,  two  with  white 
for  Nicodemus  and  Gamaliel),  and  a  silver  basket 
filled  with  fragrant  crocuses  for  Abibas.  The 
vision  then  vanished.  Yet  a  third  time  it 
appeared.  On  the  following  Friday,  at  the  same 
liour,  Gamaliel  appeared  and  upbraided  him  for 
neglecting  to  obey. 

Lucian,  being  now  convinced,  set  off  for  Jeru- 
salem, and  related  the  story  to  the  bishop,  who 
bade  him  dig  for  the  relics,  it  being  believed  that 
they  would  be  found  under  a  heap  of  stones  in 
the  field  indicated  by  Gamaliel.  However, 
Gamaliel  in  a  vision  to  a  monk  named  Migetius 
explained  that  the  bodies  were  not  there,  but 
had  merely  been  laid  down  there  at  the  funeral, 
the  heap  having  been  set  in  sign  of  mourning. 
The  bodies  really  lay  in  the  north  part  of  the 
field,  in  a  spot  called  Debatalia.  A  vain  exami- 
nation of  the  heap  proved  the  truth  of  the  last 
vision,  and  the  relics  in  four  coffins  were  found 
at  the  spot  indicated.  On  that  of  St.  Stephen 
was  engraved,  according  to  one  text,  "Keayea 
Celiel,  quod  interpretatur  servus  Dei "  (c.  8,  Op. 
Git.  1133)  ;  according  to  another,  "  Celeliel  quod 
Stephanus  dicitur  "  (ib.  1134).  The  latter  inter- 
pretation is  of  course  the  correct  one,  celil  O  vS") 

being  a  common  Aramaean  word  for  a  crown,  as 
Stephen  in  Greek.  Bishop  John,  then  at  the 
Council  of  Lidda  or  Diospolis,  being  at  once  in- 
formed, came  to  the  spot,  bringing  with  him 
Eleutherius  bishop  of  Sebaste,   and  Eleutherius 


STEPHEN,  ST. 

{nl.  Eustonius)  of  Jericho.  When  the  coffin  of 
St.  Stephen  was  opened,  the  earth  shook,  and  a 
fragrant  odour  was  diffused,  by  which  seventy- 
three  persons  were  restored  to  health.  The 
coffin  was  then  reclosed,  and  was  carried  to  Jeru- 
salem, as  the  church  of  which  St.  Stephen  had 
been  deacon  ;  a  small  portion  of  the  relics  being 
left  at  Caphar-Gamala.  This  translation  was 
made,  according  to  one  text,  on  Dec.  2G  (7  Kal. 
Jan.),  or,  according  to  the  other,  on  Aug.  3 
(3  Non.  Aug.), 

We  cannot  of  course  attempt  to  define  accu- 
rately the  historical  element  in  this  legend,  still 
it  is  clear  that  some  discovery  of  the  relics,  real 
or  supposed,  took  place ;  and  that  this  was 
followed  by  universal  credence  in  the  story. 
Thus,  for  example,  as  we  shall  presently  see,. 
Augustine,  in  the  twenty-second  book  of  the 
De  Civitate  Dei,  written  a  few  years  after  the 
above  events  are  said  to  have  happened,  refers 
to  miracles  supposed  to  have  been  wrought  by 
relics  of  St.  Stephen  brought  from  Palestine  to 
the  province  of  Africa ;  and  the  events  are  taken 
for  granted  by  most  of  the  immediately  succeed- 
ing writers.  The  series  of  visions  supposed  to 
have  been  seen  by  Lucian  we  may  readily  allow  ; 
it  demands  nothing  more  from  us  than  to  credit 
Lucian  with  a  lively  imagination  and  an  intense 
faith.  Explorations  in  pursuance  of  these  visions 
might  easily  be  rewarded  by  the  finding  of  a 
body,  even  if  not  so  simply  as  the  story  makes  out. 
We  are  not  called  upon  either  to  lay  to  the 
charge  of  bishop  John  a  craftily  conceived  and 
carefully  worked-out  imposture,  or  to  accept  the 
elaborate  story  in  all  its  details.  Much  of  these, 
the  names  upon  the  coffins  and  the  like,  we  may 
readily  discard  as  mere  embellishments — a  story 
of  this  kind  never  loses  by  the  telling. 

The  news,  when  promulgated,  would  be,  we 
can  well,  believe,  eagerly  caught  up.  Relics 
were,  as  we  have  seen,  widely  dispersed  ;  and 
the  simple  but  intense  faith  of  the  time  might 
often,  by  its  very  intensity,  do  marvels.  Thus, 
for  instance,  the  case  of  Paulus  and  Palladia, 
afterwards  to  be  mentioned,  is  just  one  where 
strong  faith,  working  on  the  line  of  strong 
nervous  excitement,  might  well  produce  the 
results  said  to  have  happened. 

We  return  now  to  Orosius.  We  find  from  the 
letter  of  Avitus  that,  in  Dec.  A.D.  415,  he  was 
eagerly  looking  forward  to  his  return  journey 
from  "Palestine.  He  returned  to  Augustine  in 
the  following  year  (Aug.  Epist.  175,  §  1 ;  vol.  ii. 
923),  bringing  with  him  portions  of  the  relics 
of  St.  Stephen,  which  Avitus  had  obtained  from 
Lucian  (Avitus,  /.  c. ;  Gennadius,  de  Viris  Illus- 
tribus,  c.  39  ;  Patrol.  Iviii.  1 081).  The  history  by 
which  Orosius  is  most  generally  known  was  then 
written  ;  and  after  this  he  set  sail  for  Spain  with 
the  relics.  On  his  way,  he  landed  on  the  island 
of  Minorca ;  and  here,  learning  that  the  Goths 
were  ravaging  Spain,  and  that  it  would  hardly 
be  possible  for  him  to  return  thither,  he  settled 
j  rather  to  return  to  Africa,  having  intrusted 
his  relics  to  the  church  in  Minorca  (Severus,. 
Epist.  ad  omnem  Ecclesiam,  §  3  ;  apud  August.,, 
vol.  vii.  1146,  in  Append.). 

We  have  said  that  the  belief  in  the  discovery  of 
St.  Stephen's  relics  soon  spread  widely.  Besides 
Augustine,  of  whom  we  have  already  spoken, 
and  to  whom  we  shall  recur  presently,  we  may 
mention  Chrysippus,  a  priest  of  the  church  of 


STEPHEJi,  ST. 

Jerusalem,  living  about  the  middle  of  the  5th 
ceutuiy.  Photius  {Bibliotheca,  cod.  171 ;  Patrol. 
Or.  ciii.  500)  says  that  he  had  read  a  work  of 
Chrysippus,  a  panegyric  of  Theodore  the  martyr, 
where,  in  a  digression,  he  spealvs  of  Lucian  and 
his  vision,  and  the  consequent  discovery.  At 
about  the  same  period,  Basil  of  Seleucia  wrote  a 
panegyric  of  St.  Stephen  and  concerning  the 
discovery  of  the  relics  (^Orat.  41  ;  Patrol.  Gr. 
Ixxxv.  461).  The  Chronicle  of  Idatius  mentions 
the  manifestation  {martyr  Stephcmus  revelatur) 
at  Jerusalem  in  the  episcopate  of  John  {Patrol. 
li.  877) ;  and  the  Chronicle  of  Marcellinus 
speaks  of  the  discovery  of  the  relics  and  of 
Lucian's  narrative  (ih.  923  :  see  also  Gennadius, 
de  Viris  Ilhistribus,  39,  46,  47  ;  Patrol.  Iviii. 
1080  sqq.). 

We  now  return  to  Augustine.  In  the  last 
book  (the  twenty-second)  of  the  De  Civitate  Dei, 
written  apparently  towards  the  close  of  A.D. 
426,  he  tells  us  of  numerous  miracles  that  had 
been  wrought  by  the  help  of  the  relics  in  and 
near  Hippo"  (c.  8,  §§  10-22,  vol.  vii.  1065),  where 
a  memoria  or  oratory  of  St.  Stephen  had  been  built 
about  A.D.  425  (ibid.  §  20),  in  commemoration, 
it  would  appear,  of  the  ai'rival  in  Africa  of  fresh 
relics  of  the  martyr.  A  sermon  of  Augustine's 
seems  to  have  been  delivered  specially  for  this 
occasion  (Serm.  317,  vol.  v.  1870),  and  the  suc- 
ceeding one  when  the  relics  were  deposited  in 
the  church  erected  for  them.  In  a  letter  of 
Augustine's  to  bishop  Quintilian,  commending 
two  ladies  to  his  care,  he  remarks  that  they 
are  the  bearers  of  relics  of  St.  Stephen,  "  which 
your  Holiness  knows  in  what  befitting  way  you 
ought  to  honour,  even  as  we  ourselves  have 
done"    (Epist.  212,  vol.  ii.  1194). 

Besides  the  memoria  at  Hippo,  Augustine  spe- 
cifies, Aquae  Tibilitanae,  a  place  between  Hippo 
and  Cirta,  Sinita,  a  town  near  Hippo,  and 
Calama,  where  Possidius  was  bishop.  At  all 
these  places,  and  at  others  near,  as  well 
as  at  Hippo,  were  memoriae  of  St.  Stephen. 
Augustine  remarks  {ibid.  §  20)  that  though  he 
has  mentioned  many  miracles,  he  has  also  passed 
over  many,  which,  were  they  all  to  be  given, 
"  plurimi  conficiendi  sunt  libri."  He  adds  that 
not  only  in  the  country  round  Hippo,  but  at 
Uzalis  also,  a  town  near  Utica,  many  wonders 
were  done.  The  bishop  of  Uzalis,  Evodius,  an 
intimate  friend  of  Augustine,  caused  a  work  to  be 
written,  De  Miracidis  S.  Stephani  Protomartyris, 
in  two  books,  which  is  given  in  the  Appendix  to 
the  seventh  volume  of  Augustine  (col.  1161  sq.). 

One  more  example  may  be  added,  seeing  that 
it  was  made  the  occasion  of  several  sermons  by 
Augustine,  the  case  of  Paulus  and  Palladia  {de 
Civitate  Dei,  xxii.  8.  22  ;  Scrm.  320-324,  vol.  v. 
1881).  These  were  two  out  of  ten  children  of  a 
lady  at  Caesarea  in  Cappadocia,  all  of  whom  their 
mother's  curse  had  afflicted  with  a  terrible 
shaking  of  their  limbs.  The  two  above-named 
came  at  last  in  their  wanderings  to  Hippo, 
about  fifteen  days  before  Easter.  Here  they 
daily  visited  the  memoria  of  St.  Stephen,  and 
while  praying  on  Easter  morning,  the  youth  was 
suddenly  healed.  On  Easter  Tuesday  Augustine, 
in  his  sermon,  embodied  the  whole  deposition  of 
Paulus  {Scrm.  322,  supra),  and  on  that  day  the 
sister  was  restored  as  the  brother  had  been. 
Obviously,  however,  the  above  admits,  as  we 
have  already  said,  of  a  very  simjjle  explanation,  | 


STEPHEN,  ST. 


1931 


without  recourse    being    had  to  the   theory  of 
miracles  properly  so  called. 

Another  place  where  the  cultus  of  St.  Stephen 
early  prevailed  was  Ancona.  Augustine  relates 
{Serm.  323,  vol.  v.  1884)  that  at  the  martyrdom 
of  St.  Stephen,  a  certain  man  picked  up  a  stone 
that  had  rebounded  after  striking  the  martyr's 
elbow."  This  man  was  a  sailor,  and,  once  being 
at  Ancona,  it  was  revealed  to  him  that  he  should 
deposit  the  stone  there,  which  he  did,  and  thence- 
forth a  memoria  of  St.  Stephen  existed  in  that 
place.  This  is  mentioned  by  Gregory  the  Great 
{Dial.  lib.  i.  5 ;  Patrol.  Isxvii.  177). 

Into  later  legends  it  is  not  worth  while  to 
enter  at  length,  but  we  shall  give  them  a  pass- 
ing notice.  A  translation  of  St.  Stephen's  body 
from  Jerusalem  to  Constantinople  is  mentioned 
by  Nicephorus  Callistus  {Hist.  Eccles.  xiv.  9  ; 
Patrol.  Gr.  cxlvi.  1084)  as  taking  place  in  the 
reign  of  Constantine.  This,  of  course,  is  at 
variance  with  the  story  of  Lucian.  Theodorus 
Lector  {Hist.  Eccles.  ii.  64 ;  Patrol.  Gr.  Ixxxvi. 
215)  also  speaks  of  a  translation  to  Constanti- 
nople, but  puts  it  in  the  reign  of  Theodosius  II. 
on  a  certain  September  21.  The  story  of  the 
translation,  with  much  the  same  details  as  that 
told  by  Nicephorus,  is  given  in  a  writing  pur- 
porting to  be  a  translation  into  Latin  by  Ana- 
stasius  Bibliothecarius,  and  sent  by  him  with 
an  accompanying  letter  to  Landuleus,  bishop  of 
Capua  (Augustine,  vol.  vii.  1137  sqq.). 

From  this  we  gather  that  Capua,  too,  claimed 
to  possess  relics  of  St.  Stephen.  In  this  narra- 
tive the  translation  to  Constantinople  is  referred 
to  the  episcopate  of  bishop  John.  In  the 
Martyrologium  Eonmnum  is  recorded,  under 
May  7,  a  translation  of  the  body  of  St.  Stephen 
from  Constantinople  to  Rome  in  the  pontificate 
of  Pelagius,  when  it  was  laid  in  the  sepulchre  of 
St.  Laurence.  Even  Baronius,  however  {not.  in 
loc),  gives  up  this  legend. 

To  draw  illustrations  from  other  districts  than 
those  we  have  already  cited,  we  find  Gregory  of 
Tours  speaking  of  the  relics  of  St.  Stephen  taken 
into  Gaul(-ffis^.  Franc,  i.  30 ;  De  Gloria  Martyrum, 
i.  34 ;  Patrol.  Ixxi.  177,  734).  For  the  story  of 
the  African  bishop  Gaudiosus  fleeing  from  the 
persecution  of  the  Vandal  king  Genseric  to 
Naples,  and  of  the  relics  of  St.  Stephen  taken 
with  him,  see  Baronius  {not.  ad  Mart.  Bom. 
Aug.  3,  Nov.  28).  We  may  note  in  conclusion 
before  leaving  this  part  of  our  subject,  that  the 
empress  Eudocia,  wife  of  Theodosius  II.,  built 
a  church  just  outside  Jei-usalem,  on  the  scene 
of  St.  Stephen's  martyrdom,  and  was  herself 
interred  there  on  her  death  in  A.D.  461  (see 
e.g.  Nicephorus  Callistus,  Hist.  Eccles.  xiv.  50  ; 
Patrol.  Gr.  cxlvi.  1240). 

2.  Festivals. — The  discovery  of  the  relics  in 
Palestine,  whatever  explanation  we  may  give  of 
the  matter,  soon  caused  the  commemoration  of 
St.  Stephen  to  be  widely  observed  as  a  festival 
of  high  importance.  Still,  prior  to  the  date  of 
that  event,  we  have  definite  traces  of  the  exist- 
ence of  a  festival  of  St.  Stephen.  Thus  we  have 
two  sermons  foi-  the  festival  by  Gregory  of  Nyssa 
{ob.  circa  A.D.  396),  in  which,  as  well  as  in  that 
next  to  be  mentioned,  we  are  told  that  it  fell  on 
the  day  after  Christmas  {Patrol.  Gr.  xlvi.  701, 


»  The    play  upon   Aucoiia  and   d-yxwi'  is  of  course 
obvious. 


1932 


STEPHEN,  ST. 


721).  We  also  have  a  sermon  for  the  day  by 
Asterius,''  bishop  of  Amasea  in  Pontus,  which 
we  may  safely  refer  to  a  date  prior  to  a.d.  415 
{Ilom.  12;  Patrol.  Gr.  xl.  338).  Indeed  the 
absence  from  the  above  three  sermons  of  any 
allusions  to  the  discovery  in  Palestine  would  of 
itself  be  evidence.  The  homilies,  however,  for 
the  festival  of  St.  Stephen,  once  attributed  to 
Chrysostom,  are  clearly  spurious  (vol.  viii.  501, 
(599  ;  xii.  929,  931,  933,  ed.  Migne). 

To  the  above  may,  we  think,  be  added  the 
instance  mentioned  by  Augustine  (supra)  of  the 
ancient  memoria  of  St.  Stephen  at  Ancona.  If 
Augustine  honestly  believed  that  this  had  been 
built  at  a  period  not  long  subsequent  to  the 
martyrdom,  we  may  fairly  acquiesce  in  at  any 
rate  sufficient  antiquity  to  carry  it  back  to  a 
time  before  A.D.  415.  The  reference  to  the 
festival  of  St.  Stephen  in  the  Apostolical  Constitu- 
tions (viii.  33)  would  be  of  great  importance,  if 
■only  we  had  more  definite  knowledge  of  the  date 
of  the  work.  In  the  passage  cited,  it  is  ordered 
by  Peter  and  Paul  that  slaves  are  to  rest  on 
certain  great  festivals,  besides  which  are  the 
days  of  the  apostles  and  of  Stephen  and  other 
martyrs  unspecified. 

It  may  at  once  be  allowed,  liowever,  that  these 
isolated  notices  do  not  suffice  to  establish  the 
existence  of  a  festival  observed  by  the  church  at 
large,  and  thus  we  record  its  absence  from  the 
Roman  calendar  of  Bucherius,  a  document  of 
about  the  middle  of  the  4th  century.  When, 
however,  we  pass  to  the  period  after  a.d.  415, 
we  soon  find  all  ancient  calendars,  martyrologies, 
and  liturgies  agreeing  in  containing  a  commemo- 
ration or  commemorations  of  St.  Stephen.  The 
days  specially  associated  with  him  are  Dec.  2G 
and  Aug.  3.  The  first  is  certainly  the  comme- 
moration of  the  martyrdom,  both  because  we 
have  it  mentioned  in  writings  prior  to  the  date 
of  the  finding  of  the  relics,  and  because  of  the 
constancy  with  which  it  is  so  noted  in  ancient 
authorities.  On  the  other  hand,  one  text  of 
Lucian's  narrative  gives  Dec.  26  as  the  date  of 
the  translation,  the  other  referring  it  to  Aug.  3. 
Probably  the  latter  date  really  commemorates 
the  consecration  of  some  church  in  honour  of 
St.  Stephen,  or  the  like  event,  but,  as  we  shall 
presently  see,  it  is  generally  associated  with 
the  translation. 

The  festival  of  Dec.  26  is  recorded  in  the 
Roman  calendar  of  Polemeus  Silvius  of  a.d.  448 
{Patrol,  xiii.  688),  and  in  the  Galcndarium  Cartha- 
ginense,  which  is  probably  only  slightly  subse- 
quent to  A.D.  484  ((6.  1228).  It  is  not  neces- 
sary to  give  an  extended  list  of  ancient  authorities 
recognising  the  festival ;  it  may  suffice  to  mention 
the  Afa?-t.  Hicronymi  as  edited  by  D'Achery  from 
the  Corbey  MS.  (Patrol,  xxx.  437),  the  3Iart. 
Gellonense  (D'Achery,  Spicilegium,  xiii.  390),  the 
Gelasian  (Pa^ro^.  Ixxiv.  1309),  the  Gregorian  (i6. 
Ixxviii.  33),  and  Ambrosian  (Pamelius,  Liturgg. 
Latt.  i.  306)  Sacramentaries,  the  Mozarabic 
Missal,  the  Lecticmarium  Luxoviense,  the  Gothico- 
Gallic  Missal,  and  others.  To  the  Leonine 
Sacramentary  we  shall  refer  at  length  below. 
Among  the  fathers  who  have  written  homilies 
for  the  day  are  Maximus  of  Turin*  (Horn.  64, 


i)  This  sermon  is  definitely  ascribed  to  Asterius  by 
Photius  {Bibliotheca,  cod.  271  ;  Patrol.  Gr.  civ.  204). 
■^  There  are  also  two  other    sermons  attributed    tu 


STEPHEN,  ST. 

Senn.  85 ;  Patrol.  Ivii.  379,  701)  and  Fulgentius 
of  Ruspe  (Serm.  3 ;  Patrol.  Ixv.  729).  Again, 
Aug.  3  is  given  as  the  date  of  commemoration 
of  the  discovery  of  the  relics,  e.g.  in  the  Mart. 
Corbeiensc  (supra),  the  Martyrologies  of  Bede 
(Patrol,  xciv.  996),  Rabanus  Maurus  (t6.  ex. 
1160),  Wandalbert  (ih.  cxxi.  606),  Notker  (ih. 
cxxxi.  1131),  &c.,  and  in  one  text  of  Lucian's 
narrative.  Besides  the  above-mentioned  two 
days,  the  Mart.  Corbcicnse  also  cites  a  commemo- 
ration at  Jerusalem  on  Jan.  2,  and  at  Autioch 
tlie  "  natalis  reliquiarum  Stephani  protomartyris 
et  diaconi,"  on  Aug.  2.  It  is  not  improbable 
that  in  this  last  case  Antioch  is  an  error  for 
Ancona,  for  several  martyrologies  (e.g.  Bede, 
supra),  while  naming  Antioch,  add  the  story  of 
the  stone  which  struck  St.  Stephen's  arm,  men- 
tioned by  us  above.  Also  Aug.  2  is  perhaps  an 
error  for  Aug.  3,  on  which  day  the  reference 
occurs  in  Bede,  Rabanus  Maurus,  &c. 

It  is  now  necessary  to  enter  into  details  in 
connexion  with  one  or  two  liturgical  monuments. 
The  Leonine  Sacramentary  makes  no  mention  of 
St.  Stephen  among  its  December  festivals, 
though  it  recognises  there  the  festivals  of  St. 
John  and  the  Innocents.  In  August,  however, 
we  have  the  heading  "  iv.  nonas  Augusti.  Natale 
Sancti  Stephani  in  coemeterio  Callisti  via  Appia," 
after  which  follow  no  less  than  nine  masses  for 
a  festival  of  St.  Stephen  (Patrol.  Iv.  91).  JNIura- 
tori,  connecting  the  heading  with  the  masses, 
considered  that  the  io.  nonas  was  an  error  for 
Hi.  nonas,  but  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  Stephen 
mentioned  in  the  heading  is  Stephen  bishop  of 
Rome  (oh.  a.d.  257),  for  in  the  Depositio  Episco- 
porum  (i.e.  of  Rome),  which  stands  at  the  head 
of  the  calendar  of  Bucherius,  we  have  "  iv.  nonas 
Augusti  Stephani  in  Callisti "  (Bucherius,  de 
Doctrina  Temporum,  p.  267).  Also  the  Mart. 
Corheiense  gives  under  the  same  date,  "  Romae 
in  coemeterio  Calisti  Sancti  Stephani  martyris," 
and  the  Mart.  Gellonense,  "  Roma  Stephani  epi- 
seopi  et  martyris."  In  like  manner,  too,  the 
Gregorian  Sacramentary  gives  a  mass  for  the 
day  (Patrol.  Ixxviii.  128).  While,  however, 
there  can  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  reference  in  the 
heading  in  the  Leonine  Sacramentary,  the  masses 
have  direct  reference  to  the  protomai-tyr,  except 
the  eighth,  which  has  no  individual  reference  at 
all.  It  is  important  to  note  that  the  Preface  in 
the  seventh  mass  definitely  places  the  festival  of 
St.  Stei^hen  on  the  day  after  Christmas,  shewing 
clearly  that  this  mass,  and  therefore  probably 
some  at  any  rate  of  the  others,  are  in  their 
wrong  place  here,  and  should  be  transferred  to 
December.  It  may  be  added  that  several  of  the 
prayers  in  these  masses  occur  in  the  Gelasian 
and  Gregorian  Sacramentaries  under  Dec.  26. 
The  ninth  of  the  Leonine  masses  refers  to  the 
dedication  of  a  church  in  honour  of  St.  Stephen, 
and  the  Ballerini  (not.  in  loc.)  suggests  that  the 
reference  may  be  to  the  church  on  the  Mons 
Coelius,  dedicated  by  pope  Simplicius  (ob.  A.D. 
483).  Possibly  this  mass  properly  belongs  to 
Aug.  3. 

In  Ma.hil\on's Lectionarium Luxoviense,  alectioa 
is  provided  for  the  festival  of  St.  Stephen,  ad 

Maximus,  but  relegated  to  the  appendix  as  spurious, 
one  for  the  festival  of  St.  Stephen  and  the  other  for 
the  Octave  {Sermm.  29,  31,  in  Append.;  Patrol.  Ivii. 
905,  913). 


STEPHEN,  ST. 

matutinum,  Jeremiah  xvii.  7-18,  followed  by  an 
extract  from  a  sermon  of  Augustine.  At  mass, 
the  lections  are  Acts  vi.  1-vii.  2  ;  Matt.  xvii.  23- 
xviii.  11  (Patrol.  Ixxii.  174).  In  the  Gothico- 
Gallic  Missal  is  a  contestatio  or  preface  (the  so- 
called  loraefatio  being  here  the  priest's  first 
prayer)  of  unusual  length,  by  which  the  minds 
of  the  worshippers  were  to  be  better  fitted  for 
the  solemnity  which  was  to  follow.  In  this  fact 
we  may  see  obvious  evidence  of  the  importance 
of  the  festival  {ib.  230). 

In  the  Mozarabic  Missal,  the  prophetic  lection 
is  not  a  special  one,  but  serves  also  for  the 
festival  of  St.  Clement,  Wisdom  iv.  7-15  ;  and 
for  the  epistle  and  gospel  are  respectively  Acts 
vi.  1 — viii.  4  (omitting  vii.  2-51)  and  Matt, 
xxiii.  1-39  {Patrol.  Ixxxv.  190). 

In  the  Greek  church,  the  martyrdom  of  St. 
Stephen  is  now  commemorated  on  Dec.  27,  the 
festival  of  the  previous  day  commemorating 
the  Blessed  Virgin  and  St.  Joseph.  The  heading 
in  the  Menaea  speaks  of  St.  Stephen  as  the 
"  holy  protomartyr  and  archdeacon."  The  fes- 
tival of  the  translation  is  held  on  Aug.  2.  The 
notices  for  these  days  in  the  metrical  Ephenierides 
prefixed  by  Papebroch  to  the  Acta  Sanctorum 
for  May,  vol.  i.,  are  respectively  eiKctSj  Ka'Cveos 
"SiTicpavov  nopos  ifiSSur)  eTXev  and  SevTeplri 
veKvos  2Te<pdvov  yivfr'  apaKOfiiSii  (pp.  lix., 
xxxix.).  The  epistle  and  gospel  for  Dec.  27  in 
the  Greek  church  are  respectively  Heb.  ii.  11-18 
and  Matt.  xxi.  33-43. 

In  the  calendars  of  the  Armenian  church,  pub- 
lished by  Assemani  (Dibl.  Or.  iii.  1.  645  sqq.), 
Dec.  26  is  the  commemoration  of  the  martyrdom, 
and  Aug.  2  that  of  the  discovery  of  the  relics. 
Jan.  7  is  also  a  commemoration  of  St.  Stephen, 
apparently  of  the  martyrdom,  which  thus  comes, 
it  will  be  observed,  on  the  day  after  that  on 
which  the  Armenians  still,  alone  among  Chris- 
tians,   celebrate    the    Nativity    of    our     Lord. 

[CHPaSTMAS.] 

In  the  calendars  of  the  Coptic  and  Ethiopic 
churches,  published  by  Ludolf,  Dec.  27  is  the 
day  for  the  commemoration  of  St.  Stephen, 
though  the  Coptic  calendar  adds  the  note  "  Find- 
ing of  the  bones  of  Stephen  "  (ad  Hist.  Aeth. 
Comm.  p.  403).  This,  however,  as  we  have 
already  said,  is  obviously  wrong.  On  Sept.  12, 
both  calendars  have  another  commemoration, 
specially  defined  in  the  Coptic  calendar  as  the 
"  martyrdom  of  Stephen"  ^  (ib.  391).  On  Oct. 
14  is  yet  another,  but  in  the  Ethiopic  calendar 
only  (ib.  395). 

3.  Apocryphal  Literature. — The  council  held 
at  Rome  in  a.d.  494,  under  the  episcopate  of 
Gelasius,  condemned  among  other  books  a 
"  Kevelatio  quae  appellatur  Stephani "  (Patrol. 
lix.  178). 

In  addition  to  works  cited  in  this  article, 
reference  should  be  made  for  the  legend  and 
festival  of  St.  Stephen  to  Tillemont,  Me'inoires 
pour  servir  a  I'llistoire  Eccle'siastique,  vol.  ii.  pp. 
1,  503.     The  Acta  Sanctorum  of  the  Bollandists 


STICHARION 


1933 


''  It  is  all  the  more  probable  that  this  variation  from 
ordinary  use  is  simply  an  error,  because  in  the  Calendar 
of  the  Coptic,  Church,  published  by  Mr.  Malaii,  the  entry 
for  September  12  is  "  Removal  of  bom^s  of  Stephen, 
First  of  Martyrs  and  First  of  Deacons;"  and  that 
for  December  27,  "Martyrdom  of  the  holy  Apostle 
Stephen,  .  .  .  .  " 


do  not  avail  us  here,  not  having  yet  reached 
beyond  the  end  of  October.  [R.  S.] 

STERCATIUS,  July  24,  martyr  at  Merida 
with  his  brother  Antinogenus  (Mart.  Usuard., 
Micron.).  [C.  H.] 

STICHA.EION  or  STOICHAEION  (<rT.xa- 

pLov,  a-Toixaptop).  This  vestment  is  simply  the 
equivalent  in  the  Eastern  churcli  of  the  alb 
[Alb]  of  the  Western  church.  Before  citing 
any  references  as  to  its  use,  we  must  first  speak 
briefly  as  to  the  word  itself.  The  etymology 
must  be  considered  doubtful.  Goar  (Euchulo- 
gion,  p.  110)  derives  it  from  (ttIxos,  "ab  uno 
quasi  lineae  ordine,"  from  the  long  unbroken 
sweep  of  the  dress  ("  recta  et  longum  protensa"). 
Ducange  (Glossarium  Graecum,  s.  v.)  forms  it 
from  a  word  cTTixioy,  a  tunic.  There  is  no 
reason  to  doubt  the  bona-fide  existence  of  this 
latter  word,  for  we  find  in  Hesychius,  &^oXov, 
uvo/xa  arixeiov,  and  there  are  perhaps  traces  of 
a  Latin  word  stica  (see  Ducange,  s.  v.)  in  the 
same  sense  ;  still  it  brings  us  no  nearer  the 
derivation.  G.  J.  Voss  (da  Vitiis  Sennonis,  lib. 
iii.  c.  50)  suggests  that  stica  is  for  sticta,  giving 
us  the  notion  of  a  x'toji/  KardaTiKros.  He  calls 
attention  in  support  of  this,  to  the  fact  that  the 
sticharia  of  bishops  are  waved  in  bands.  Al- 
though the  fact  is  certainly  so,  the  roundabout 
theory  of  derivation  must  be  pronounced  absurd. 
Indeed  it  does  not  seem  unlikely  that  stica  may 
have  ai-isen  as  a  shortened  form  of  sticharion.  It 
is  possible,  however,  that  the  sticharion  may 
have  received  its  name  from  the  bands  or  lines 
upon  it. 

As  in  the  case  of  most  other  ecclesiastical 
vestments,  the  word  evidently  represents  in  the 
first  instance  a  dress  of  ordinary  life.  One  of  the 
charges  brought  against  Athanasius  was  that  he 
had  required  the  Egyptians  to  furnish  contribu- 
tions of  linen  sticharia  (Apol.  contra  Arianos, 
c.  60 ;  Patrol.  Or.  xxv.  358).  As,  in  describing 
this  incident,  Sozomen  speaks  of  x'-''''^^''-'^"  ^^voiu ' 
(pSpov  (Hist.  Eccles.  ii.  22),  and  Socrates  (Hist. 
Eccles.  i.  27)  of  Mvrjv  iaOrjra,  we  may  feel  pretty 
certain  that  we  are  not  dealing  here  with  eccle- 
siastical vestments  properly  so  called.  The  same 
may  be  said  of  the  references  to  sticharia  in  the 
will  of  Gregory  of  Nazianzum,  who  bequeaths 
to  Evagrius  the  deacon,  Kaixaaov  ev,  arixdptov  ey, 
■KaKAia  0,  and  to  the  "  notarius  "  Elaphius  a 
similar  gift  (Patrol.  Gr.  xxxvii.  293).  See  also 
Palladius  (Hist.  Lausiaca,  c.  136;  Patrol.  Gr. 
xxxiv.  1235),  where  Athanasius,  on  an  attempt 
to  apprehend  him,  catches  up  a  sticharion  and  a 
PippLov  and  flees  in  the  dead  of  night. 

We  must  refer  now  to  the  word  in  its  eccle- 
siastical sense.  Here  we  find  it  for  the  tunic  of 
bishops,  priests,  and  deacons,  as  well  as  for  sub- 
deacons  and  for  monks.  The  earliest  reference 
with  which  we  are  acquainted,  other  than  those 
in  a  Liturgy  the  date  of  the  several  parts  of 
which  must  be  considered  doubtful,  is  to  be 
found  in  Germanus,  patriarch  of  Constantinople, 
early  in  the  eighth  century.  His  account  is, 
"And  first  the  sticharion,  being  white,  setteth 
forth  the  splendour  of  the  Godhead  and  the 
glorious  citizenship  of  the  priest  (rov  Uptm). 
The  stripes  (Xup'ia)  of  the  sticharion  wliich  are 
on  the  sleeve  (to  if  rij  x«'P')i  ^'^  ^^^  ^'^^'^^  *'"' 
bonds  of  Christ  ....  The  stripes  which  run 


1934 


STICHERA 


across,  the  blood  which  flowed  from  the  side  of 
Christ  on  the  cross  "  {Hist.  Eccles.  et  Mystica 
Theoria  ;  Patrol.  Gr.  xcviii.  394).» 

We  gather  from  all  this  that  the  vestment 
was  originally  of  white  linen  ;  though  it  is  now 
often  made  of  costly  materials,  and  in  Lent 
(except  on  the  Annunciation,  Palm  Sunday,  and 
Easter  Eve)  purple  sticharia  are  worn  (Codinus 
Curopalata,  de  Officiis,  c.  9,  in  fin.).  This  is  of 
course  meant  in  sign  of  mourning. 

The  bands  spoken  of  by  Garmanus  may  be 
illustrated  by  those  found  in  early  instances  of 
vestments  in  the  West  [see  e.g.  Dalmatic].  It 
will  have  ))een  noticed  that  Germanus  referred 
to  the  sticharion  without  special  reference  to  any 
particular  oi'der.  The  wavy  bands  are  now, 
however,  peculiar  to  the  sticharia  of  bishops. 
For  another  kind  of  ornamentation  see  Gam- 
madia. 

The  Liturgy  of  St.  Chrysostom,  at  its  begin- 
ning, gives  the  formulae  to  be  used  by  priest  and 
deacon  on  assuming  the  sticharion  (Goar,  p.  59). 
The  same  name,  too,  is  given  to  the  garment  put 
on  the  subdeacon  at  his  ordination  (i6.  244). 
According  to  Goar,  however  (p.  246,  n.  6),  this 
is  a  tighter  and  shorter  garment  than  that 
ordinarily  so  called.  P'or  an  instance  of  the  use 
of  the  term  for  the  dress  of  monks,  see  ib.  p.  484. 
Among  the  Syriac  churches  the  vestment  is 
known  as  koutino,  a  mere  corruption  of  x'tc^vjoj' 
(Renaudot,  Lit.  Or.  Coll.  vol.  ii.  54,  ed.  1847). 
Among  Coptic  Christians  it  is  known  as  jabat,  or 
touniat,  the  latter  obviously  formed  from  the 
above  Greek  word  (ib.  vol.  i.  161).  See  for 
further  notices  Ducange'a  Giossarium,  s.  v. ;  and 
Suicer's  Thesaurus,  s.  v.  [R.  S.] 

STICHERA  ((TTixvpii).  (1)  Verses  com- 
posed by  ecclesiastical  authority,  and  forming 
part  of  the  Greek  liturgical  offices.  (Goar, 
Eucholog.  pp.  32,  206.)  anxvpo-  Trpoff6fioia 
were  versicles  composed  of  an  equal  number  of 
syllables,  so  that  they  could  be  sung  conveniently 
to  the  same  tone. 

(2)  Stichera  Biblia  was  a  name  given  to  certain 
books  of  the  Old  Testament,  in  consequence  of 
their  metrical  or  poetical  character,  viz.  Job, 
Psalms,  Proverbs,  Ecclesiastes,  Canticles.  (Greg. 
Naz.  quoted  by  Ducauge,  s.  v.)  [F.  E.  W.] 

STOLE  (orarimn,  stola ;  wpapiov,  eiriTpa- 
X'^^'O"-  TrepiTpaxv^iov,  <paK«lo\iov  [Germanus, 
'••^O;  Jiiop-     ^t  is  ti'ue  that  the  word,  stole 

does  not  occur,  in  its  technical  sense,  as  the  title 
of  a  certain  ornamental  Christian  vestment,  till 
after  our  period  of  the  first  eight  centuries,  but 
it  will  be  convenient  to  include  here  under 
this  head  our  notices  of  the  various  ornaments 
which,  under  whatever  name  known,  may  be 
grouped  together  as  being  but  varieties  of  the 
same  general  type. 

Before  doing  this,  however,  we  shall  briefly 
remark  on  the  uses  of  the  word  stole  {ffro\-i), 
sfo/a)  itself,  in  its  earlier  non-technical  meanings. 
In  classical  Greek,  (ttoXt}  is  most  often  found  in 
the  sense  of  garb  or  equipment  (see  e.  g.  Hero- 
dotus, i.  80,  tTTTraSa  ffTo\'i)v  iuicrraX/jLivovs'),  and 
also,  though  less  frequently,  with  the  meaning 
of  an  article  of  clothing,  a  single  garment.    This 


a  Ducange  (Gloss.  Graec.  s.  v.)  speaks  erroneously  of 
Germanus  referring  merely  to  the  sticharion  of  deacons. 


STOLE 

twofold  use  obtains  also  in  the  LXX.  Here 
cttoAtJ  stands  for  a  variety  of  Hebrew  words,  but 
most  frequently  it  is  used  for  the  priestly  and 
high-priestly  garments,  both  in  the  singular  for 
the  whole  set  of  vestments  (and  that  though  the 
Hebrew  word  itself  is  plural  [□"•"US]  ;  see 
c.!/.  Exod.  xxviii.  2,  3;  xxix.  21,  29,  &c.),  and  in 
tlie  plural,  where  reference  is  made  to  tlie  com- 
ponent parts  (e.g.  Exod.  xxviii.  4).  The  collec- 
tive sense  of  aro\-^  is  not  confined  to  the  priestly 
garb,  though  this  is  the  commonest  use  of  it  (see 
e.g.  Deut.  xxii.  5,  (ttoXt]  ■yvvaiKiia;  Jer.  lii.  27, 
^r|v  (TToXrjv  rrjs  (pv\aKrjs ;  see  also  Baruch  v.  1). 
We  may  add  that  aroX-f)  is  the  word  used  for  the 
robe  put  on  Joseph  by  Pharaoh  (Gen.  xli.  42), 
for  the  "  change  of  raiment  "  given  by  Joseph  to 
his  bi-ethren,  and  that  it  twice  occurs  as  the 
translation  of  ephod,  David  being  the  wearer  (2 
Sam.  vi.  14;  1  Chrou.  xv.  27).  The  word  will 
doubtless  carry  with  it  as  a  rule  the  notion  of  a 
long,  stately  dress,  as  may  be  inferred  from-  the 
choice  of  it  to  represent  the  flowing  priestly  gar- 
ments, though  of  course  it  is  not  meant  to  imply 
that  the  word  per  se  will  mean  the  priestly 
garb.  Such  is  markedly  its  New  Testament  use 
(see  e.g.  Mark  xii.  38;  Luke  xx.  46  [of  scribes 
loving  to  walk  about  eV  aroXais^ ;  Luke  xv.  22 
[where  it  is  the  "  best  robe  "  brought  forth  for 
the  prodigal],  also  Mark  xvi.  5  ;  Rev.  vi.  11,  &c.), 
and  also  that  found  in  classical  Latin,  to  which 
we  shall  presently  refer. 

In  ecclesiastical  Greek,  the  word,  as  applied  to 
the  garb  of  Christian  priesthood,  occurs  exceed- 
ingly rarely.*  Theodoret  (Hist.  Eccles.  ii.  27) 
tells  of  Constantine's  gift  of  a  lepa  ffroKii  to 
Macarius,  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  where  one  would 
suppose  the  word  to  be  used  much  in  its  old 
classical  meaning.  Germanus,  patriarch  of  Con- 
stantinople early  in  the  8th  century,  speaks  of 
T]  ffTo\^  Tov  Ifpitiis  as  being  /cara  rhv  iroB-f}p7] 
^Aaptiy  (Hist.  Eccles.  et  Mystica  Contemplatio  ; 
Pair.  Gr.  xcviii.  394).  This,  it  cannot  be  doubted, 
is  to  be  taken  of  the  phelonion,  the  vestment  par 
excellence;  indeed  it  may  be  noted  that  the 
orarium  is  afterwai'ds  mentioned  and  described, 
as  we  shall  shew  below.  Again,  in  the  still  ex- 
tant letter  of  the  patriarch  Theodosius  of  Jeru- 
salem to  Ignatius  of  Constantinople,  at  the  time 
of  the  Fourth  General  Council  of  Constantinople 
(a.d.  869),  when  a  present  of  the  supposed 
7ro5i7p7js,  €7ra)|Uis  and  fiirpa  of  St.  James  is  sent 
to  the  latter,  they  are  grouped  under  the  collec- 
tive term  of  fi  iepapx^Kr]  (TTo\i]  (Hardouin,  Con- 
cilia, V.  1029). 

In  classical  Latin,  the  stola  was  the  charac- 
teristic dress  of  a  Roman  matron,  as  the  toga  of 
a  citizen.''  It  came  down  to  the  feet,  ad  tales 
stola  demissa  (Horat.  Sat.  i.  2.  99),  and  was 
generally  edged  with  a  kind  of  flounce  (instita). 
The  use  of  stola  in  the  Vulgate  version  of  the 
Old  Testament  is  not  of  course  specific,  like  this, 
but  it  generally  carries  with  it  a  notion  of 
stateliness.  In  the  collective  sense  of  the  Greek 
word  for  the  set  of  priestly  vestments,  it  does 
not  seem  to  occur.     In  the  Vulgate  version  of 


«  Hefele  {Beitrage,  ii.  185)  speaks  of  only  two  instances 
as  to  be  found  in  the  writers  of  the  first  eight  centuries. 

b  Very  rarely  we  find  the  word  used  in  connexion 
with  men,  e.g.  of  the  priests  of  Isis  (Apuleius,  Metam.  xi. 
21). 


STOLE 

the  New  Testament,  stola  is  always  the  transla- 
tion of  ffTOX-f], 

The  technical  use  of  stola  for  a  stole  does  not 
occur  before  the  9th  century,"  orariuin  being  the 
current  name  of  that  ornament  in  the  preceding 
centuries.  Early  in  the  9th  century,  it  would 
seem,  the  new  name  began  to  come  into  use. 
Thus  Rabanus  Maurus,  writing  about  a.d.  820, 
speaks  of  the  "  orarium  ....  licet  hoc  quidam 
stolam  vocent  "  {dc  Inst.  Cler.  i.  19  ;  Patrol,  cvii. 
307).  Only  a  few  years  later,  Amalarius  speaks 
of  the  ornament  as  stola,  and  ignores  the  word 
orarium-  altogether  (tfe  Eccl.  Off.  ii.  20  ;  Patrol. 
cv.  1 096).  In  Walafrid  Strabo's  list  of  Christian 
vestments,  however,  in  the  middle  of  the  9th 
century,  the  name  orarium  alone  is  used  (de 
Rebus  Eccl.  24 ;  Patrol,  cxiv.  952).  Long  after 
this,  moreover,  the  old  name  survived  side  by  side 
with  the  new.  Thus,  in  a  statute  of  Riculfus, 
bishop  of  Soissons  (o6.  A.D.  902),  enjoining  a 
proper  stock  of  vestments  for  priest  and  altar, 
one  item  is  "  oraria,  id  est  stolae  duae  nitidae  " 
(stat.  7,  Patrol,  cxxxi.  17).  Again,  in  a  work 
once  wrongly  ascribed  to  Alcuin,  but  evidently 
written  in  the  10th  or  11th  century,  we  meet 
with  the  expression,  "orarium,  id  est  stola"  (de 
Div.  Off.  39 ;  Patrol,  ci.  1242),  as  though  the 
foi-mer  were  rather  a  technical,  the  latter  a 
familiar  name.  Writing  as  late  as  the  middle  of 
the  12th  century,  Honorius  of  Autun  still  uses 
the  old  word,  "  stola,  quae  et  orarium  dici- 
tur"  (Gemma  Animae,  i.  204;  Patrol,  clxxii. 
695). 

It  may  now  be  asked  why  such  a  word  as  stola, 
with  its  long-established  meaning  of  a  full  flow- 
ing robe,  should  have  been  chosen  to  represent 
so  totally  different  a  thing  as  the  narrow  riband- 
like ornament  which  we  know  as  a  "  stole."  To 
this  question  no  very  satisfactory  answer  has 
been  given.  It  has  been  suggested  that  the 
border  was  the  only  surviving  element  of  the  old 
stola,  and  thus  inherited  its  name.  This  is  the 
view  of  Durandus  (^Rat.  Dir.  Off.  iii.  5,  6),  who, 
after  stating  that  the  stola  was  once  a  white 
dress  coming  down  to  the  feet,  adds,  "  sed  post- 
quam  alba  coepit  portari,  mutata  est  in  iorquem." 
With  this.  Bock  (^Litunj.  Gewdnder  des  Mittcl- 
dlters,  i.  437)  agrees.  It  must  be  confessed,  how- 
ever, that  this  theory  does  not  seem  at  all  pro- 
bable. Equally  little  does  Marriott's  view  (^Vest. 
Christ,  p.  215)  commend  itself  to  our  mind,  that 
from  the  use  of  stola  in  the  Vulgate  it  became 
especially  associated  with  the  idea  of  a  priestly 
robe,  and  that  perhaps  the  orarium,  being  in 
the  8th  century  "  the  special  vestment  of  Chris- 


STOLE 


1935 


<=  There  would  be  a  much  earlier  instance  than  this 
if  we  could  accept  the  judgment  of  the  editors  as  to  the 
date  of  an  anonymous  fragment  concerning  the  vestments 
used  in  the  Galilean  church  (Martene  and  Durand,  Tlies. 
Anecd.  v.  99,  cited  by  Marriott,  p.  204).  Here  the  vest- 
ment is  called  stola,  the  name  orarium  being  altogether 
absent.  Although,  however,  the  date  of  this  document 
is  given  by  the  editors  as  the  middle  of  the  6th  century, 
there  seems  every  reason  for  putting  it  several  centuries 
later.  AVe  may  note  here  that  the  rule  is  laid  down 
concerning  the  stole,  that  it  is  not  to  be  worn  in  Lent, 
"pro  humiliatione."  Again,  the  word  stola  occurs  in 
the  technical  sense  in  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary,  but 
th£  form  in  which  this  has  reached  us  is  certainly  too 
much  modified  from  the  original  to  allow  of  any  weight 
being  given  to  this  instance  in  the  absence  of  any 
evidence  which  could  be  adduced  in  support  of  it. 


tian  priesthood,"  gradually  acquired  the  name  of 
the  "  stola,"  as  though  the  vestment  par  excel- 
lence. It  does  not,  however,  seem  to  us  that 
stola,  as  used  in  the  Vulgate,  has  any  special 
priestly  connexion;  and  further,  it  is  rather  a 
large  assumption  that  the  orariuin,  and  not  the 
planeta,  should  be  considered  the  typical  Chris- 
tian vestment. 

Even  after  stola  had  assumed  the  special 
meaning  of  orarium,  the  old  meaning  was  still 
retained  side  by  side  therewith.  Thus,  e.  ij. 
Honorius  of  Autun  {pp.  cit.  216)  speaks  of  the 
"  best  robe  "  of  the  prodigal's  father  as  j^rima 
stola.  Very  rarely  we  find  stola  and  orarium 
spoken  of  together,  the  former  presumably  in 
its  early  sense — "  stolam  cum  orario  "  ( Vita  S. 
Livini,  c.  14 ;  in  D'Achery  and  Mabillon's 
Acta  Sanctorum  Ordinis  Benedict!,  saec.  2,  i). 
455). 

We  must  now  discuss  the  history  of  the  earlier 
Vv'ord  orarium ;  and  here,  as  with  stola,  the  tech- 
nical meaning  is  preceded  by  a  non-technical  one. 
Of  this  we  have  given  one  or  two  instances  under 
the  separate  article,  to  shew  that  the  non-tech- 
nical sense  still,  as  it  were,  overlapped  the 
technical  in  Christian  writers.  We  must  now, 
however,  carry  back  our  examination  a  stage 
further.  Much  the  most  probable  derivation  of 
orarium  is  from  ora,  the  face,  but  several  others, 
some  indeed  very  far-fetched,  have  been  proposed, 
some  from  the  Latin  and  some  from  the  Greek. 
Salmasius  (^infra)  derives  it  from  ora,  in  the 
sense  of  border,  "  lorum  quod  ad  oram  vestis 
asseritur,"  much  the  same  in  fact  as  the  instita  of 
the  stola.  Another  Latin  derivation  is  from 
orare,  seeing  that  the  stole  is  always  to  be  worn 
during  prayer.  Eabanus  Maurus,  and  one  of  the 
canons  of  the  Fourth  Council  of  Toledo  (infra), 
derive  it  from  orare  in  the  sense  of  pracdicare, 
with  reference  to  one  of  the  special  offices  of  the 
deacon.  The  advocates  of  a  Greek  etymology 
propose,  some  to  derive  it  from  cipa,  because  by 
means  of  it  "  is  indicated  the  time  of  the  different 
parts  of  the  service,"  or  because  it  is  useful  "  ad 
ministrationem  in  horas ;  "  others  from  wpa'i^eiv, 
because  the  deacon  is  beautified  with  it  (!)  ;  and 
others  even  from  opdo},  because  the  sight  of  it 
shews  whether  it  is  the  priest  or  the  deacon  who 
is  ministering.  A  significant  piece  of  evidence 
bearing  on  the  question  of  the  language  is  fur- 
nished by  the  Etijmologicum Magnum,  s.v.  (pciiffffuv, 
(pwaauiviov  (an  Egyptian  word,  meaning  a  linen 
cloth),  which  is  explained  as  aivSaiv,  ....?; 
wpoffunrov  tl  eK/J.aye7ov.  Aijerai  5e  ovtm  km.  t 
irapa  'Poi/xaioLS  /caAetrai  wpdpioy.  More  reason- 
able than  any  of  these  latter  views  is  that  first 
given,  and  we  thus  obtain  the  meaning  of  hand- 
kerchief, in  the  point  of  view  of  a  primary  use  of 
wiping  the  face.  Then,  by  a  very  natural  exten- 
sion, the  word  would  become  used  for  things  like 
the  handkerchief,  strictly  so  called,  but  without 
any  reference  to  the  function  implied  by  the  deri- 
vation. Thus  in  this  latter  stage  it  would  cover 
pretty  much  the  same  ground  as  the  English 
word  kerchief. 

Our  earliest  examples  are  found  in  the  Jlis- 
toriae  Awjustae  Scriptores.  Trebellius  Pollio 
quotes  a  letter  of  the  emperor  Gallienus  (a.d. 
260-268)  to  Claudius,  who  afterwards  succeeded 
him,  in  which  he  mentions  the  presents  he  had 
sent  him.  Among  them  we  find  "  penulam  [sec 
the   article]   Illyricianam   unam   ....   oraria 


1933 


STOLE 


Sarabdcna^  quatuoi-"  (Vita  Claudii,  c.  17).  The 
next  emperor,  Aurelian,  was,  as  we  are  told  by 
his  biographer,  Fhivius  Voi)iscus,  the  first  who 
gave  oraria  to  the  Roman  people,  "quibus  uteretur 
populus  ad  favorem  "  (  Viti  Aurel.  c.  48,  where 
see  the  notes  of  Casaubon  and  Salmasius).  This 
appears  to  mean  that  the  people  could  by  these  in- 
dicate their  applause  in  the  circus  or  theatre,  hav- 
ing previously  been  in  the  habit  of  waving  their 
togas.  Thus  they  would  naturally  be  worn  over 
the  other  dress.  Marriott  justly  cites  in  evidence 
here  one  of  the  sculptures  on  the  Arch  of  Con- 
stantine,  where  a  number  of  the  attendants  of 
the  emperor  wear  over  their  left  shoulder  a 
broad  band  or  scarf  (^Vest.  Christ,  plate  iv.). 
When  we  find  that  the  earliest  pictures  of  the 
ecclesiastical  orarium  (ih.  plates  xxviii.  xxx.  xxxi.) 
are,  on  the  whole,  similar  to  the  above,  the  infer- 
ence does  not  seem  at  all  forced,  that  the  Chris- 
tian orarium,  like  the  chasuble,  the  dalmatic,  and 
other  vestments,  is  but  the  old  secular  orna- 
ment, modified  and  adapted  to  its  new  use.  The 
technical  Christian  meaning  of  the  word  then 
being  thus  formed,  it  speedily  passed  into  Greek 
and  Syriac ;  and  indeed  the  earliest  instance  we 
are  able  to  cite  of  this  teclinical  use  is  from  the 
canons  of  a  Greek  council.  Doubtless  relevant  to 
this  matter  is  the  question  of  the  pallia  linostima, 
which  Sylvester,  and  afterwards  Zosimus,  is  said 
to  have  commanded  deacons  to  wear  [Maniple]  ; 
and  the  papal  pallium  [Pallium]  is  obviously 
but  another  special  instance  of  the  general  orna- 
ment. So  too  in  the  East  we  have  wpdpiov, 
i-KiTpaxriMoy,  ii^io<p6piov  ;  all  of  which,  we  do  not 
doubt,  are  but  modifications  of  one  primary  idea. 
We  must  now  trace  the  history  of  the  orarium 
as  a  ministerial  garment.  In  the  West  our 
starting  point  for  such  a  history  will  be  the 
canons  of  early  Spanish  councils  of  the  6th  and 
7th  centuries,  one  of  which  furnished  us  with  an 
important  record  in  tracing  tlie  history  of  the 
chasuble  [Planet.^].  In  the  Eastern  church, 
however,  the  use  of  the  orarium  can  be  traced 
much  further  back.  It  is  to  be  remarked,  before 
entering  on  this  discussion,  that  the  orarium, 
having  been  originally  merely  a  handkerchief, 
even  though  at  times  of  a  choice  and  ornamental 
character  (from  which  species  of  it,  indeed,  the 
oraritim,  in  the  sense  of  stole,  has  sprung),  still  re- 
tained its  ordinary,  as  opposed  to  its  ecclesiastical, 
meaning,  even  amongst  Christians,  long  after  its 
ecclesiastical  meaning  had  been  formed.  Of  this 
we  have  already  given  some  examples  [Orarium], 
but  shall  again  here  cite  one  or  two  instances. 
Ambrose  uses  the  word  orarium  for  the  "  napkin  " 
with  which  the  face  of  Lazarus  was  bound  (de 
cxcessu  fratris  Satyri,  ii.  78;  Patrol,  xvi.  1396). 
We  find  it  in  Augustine  for  the  bandage  which 
binds  up  a  wounded  eye  (Je  Civ,  Dei,  xxii.  7  ; 
Patrol,  xli.  765).  Jerome  couples  it  with  sudarium 
(Epist.  52,  ad  Nepotianum,  c.  9  ;  vol.  i.  264).  The 
Christian  poet  Prudentius  says  of  the  martyrs 
Hemeterius  and  Celedonius,  that  they  sent  vip  to 
heaven,  as  it  were  heralds,  the  one  his  ring,  the 
other  his  orarium — "hie  sui  det  pignus  oris«  ut 


"5  The  meaning  and  spelling  of  this  word  is  doubtful : 
one  conjecture  is  5a?-ep«ena,  from  Sarepta,  the  Phoenician 
city. 

<=  The  implied  connexion  here  between  orarium  and 
OS,  as  bearing  on  the  question  of  derivation,  will  be 
noticed. 


STOLE 

ferunt  orarium "  (Pcristeph.  i.  86 ;  Patrol.  Ix. 
289  ;  cited  also  by  Greg.  Turon.  de  Gloria  Ma?-- 
tijrum,  I.  93  ;  Patrol.  Ixxsi.  787).  Indeed,  nearly 
two  hundred  years  after  this  we  may  still  cite 
an  instance.  The  four  oraria  which  Gregory  the 
Great  sends  as  a  present  to  Constantinople,  toge- 
ther with  two  camisiac,  are  obviously  merely 
handkerchiefs  (Epist.  vii.  30  ;  Patrol.  Ixxvii.  887). 
We  must  now  proceed  to  speak  of  the  orarium  as 
a  ministerial  vestment. 

The  general  result  yielded  by  the  whole  series 
of  early  allusions  is  that  the  orarium  might  be, 
and  was  to  be,  worn  by  orders  down  to  that  of 
deacon  inclusive,  but  below  the  order  of  deacous 
its  use  was  prohibited.  It  thus  becomes  specially 
associated  with  the  order  of  deacons,  as  the 
plancta  with  that  of  i)riests.  Our  earliest  refer- 
ence is  to  be  found  in  the  canons  of  the  Council 
of  Laodicea  (c.  a.d.  363),  which  forbade  the  use 
of  the  orarium  to  sub-deacons,  readers,  and 
singers.  The  latter  are  not  to  wear  a  stole  when 
they  read  or  sing  (cann.  22,  23  ;  Labbe,  i.  1500). 
Again,  in  a  sermon  once  attributed  to  Chrysostom, 
and  which,  though  probably  spurious,  is  not 
much  later  than  his  time,  the  writer  speaks  of 
the  \fiTovpyo\  ttjs  de'ias  Aeirovpyias  imitating 
the  wings  of  the  angels  with  their  AstttoI 
6d6vai,  which  are  worn  upon  the  left  shoulder, 
the  earliest  trace  of  that  which  we  afterwards 
find  the  universal  custom  (Parah.  de  Fil.  Pi'odigo, 
vol.  vii.  655).  Much  about  the  same  time, 
Isidore  of  Pelusium  speaks  of  the  od6vT)  with 
which  the  deacons  minister  in  holy  things  (Epist. 
i.  136 ;  Patrol.  Gr.  Ixxviii.  272).  It  is  true  that 
per  sc  the  word  ddSvrj  might  just  as  well  be  a 
maniple,  as  a  stole;  but,  in  the  first  place,  the 
maniple,  as  the  word  is  understood  in  the  West, 
is  unknown  to  the  Eastern  church,  and  moreover 
in  the  preceding  passage  the  odSyat  of  the  deacons 
are  worn  upon  the  shoulder.  A  very  similar 
allusion  to  that  of  the  Pseudo-Chrysostom  is 
found  in  the  account  of  Christian  vestments  by 
Germanus,  patriarch  of  Constantinople  (/.  c). 
Here  the  word  odSy-r]  has  been  replaced  by 
wpapiov.  We  must  notice,  however,  that  whereas 
in  Latin  orarium  means  a  stole,  by  whatsoever 
order  worn,  in  Greek  wpdpiov  means  the  stole  of 
a  deacon,  and  iiriTpaxh^iov  is  applied  to  that  of  a 
priest  or  bishop. 

We  shall  next  call  attention  to  a  series  of  con- 
ciliar  decrees  on  the  subject  of  the  orarium, 
which,  taken  together,  give  us  a  pretty  complete 
view  of  the  state  of  the  case.  In  the  first 
instance,  that  of  the  Council  of  Orleans  (a.d. 
511),  it  is  probable  that  the  ordinary  interpre- 
tation, which  explains  orarium  in  its  non-ecclesi- 
astical sense,  is  correct,  from  the  company  in 
which  orarium  here  finds  itself.  The  use  of 
orarium  and  tsangae  [Tsangae],  a  kind  of  boots, 
is  forbidden  to  monks  (can.  20  ;  Labbe,  iv.  1407). 
Our  earliest  definite  instances  are  drawn,  as  in 
the  case  of  the  planeta.  from  Spain.  The  Second 
Council  of  Braga  ordained  in  A.D.  563  that, 
inasmuch  as  the  habit  had  arisen  among  deacons 
of  the  province  of  wearing  the  orarium  below 
the  tunic,  and  consequently  hiding  it,  so  that 
they  could  not  be  distinguished  from  sub- 
deacons,  therefore  for  the  future,  "superposito 
scapulae  (sicut  decet)  utantur  orario  "  (cap.  9, 
Labbe,  v.  841).  It  is  from  the  records  of  the 
Fourth  Council  of  Toledo  (A.D.  633)  that  we 
obtain  the  greatest  amount  of  information.     One 


STOLE 

regulation  passed  here  was  to  meet  the  case  of 
clerics  iinjustly  deposed  from  their  orders.  If  a 
fresh  synod  reverses  the  sentence,  they  are  still 
not  to  be  considered  to  have  regained  their  lost 
functions  till  they  have  received  before  the  altar 
the  external  badges  of  their  order  from  the 
hands  of  the  bishop.  In  the  case  of  bishops, 
priests,  and  deacons,  one  of  these  is  the  oraimnn. 
A  subsequent  canon  of  the  same  council  forbids 
bishops  and  priests,  and  a  fortiori  deacons,  to 
wear  two  orarin.  The  deacon  is  to  wear  it  on 
the  left  shoulder  only,'  and  it  is  to  be  plain 
Qjurum),  not  ornamented  with  colours  or  gold 
(cann.  28,  40;  Labbe,  v.  1714,  1716).  The 
Fourth  Council  of  Braga  (a.d.  675)  ordei-s  that 
at  the  celebration  of  the  Eucharist  the  priest 
should  wear  his  stole  (and  only  one)  so  that  it 
should  pass  round  the  neck  and  over  both 
shoulders,  and  form  a  cross  on  his  breast  (can.  4  ; 
Labbe,  vii.  581).  This  regulation  is  quoted  by 
Innocent  III.  (de  Sac7'o  Altaris  Mysterio,  lib.  i. 
c.  54 ;  Patrol,  ccxvii.  794).  The  penalty  enacted 
for  disobedience  is  excommunication. 

All  this  points  to  a  well-established  state  of 
things,  when  even  the  manner  of  wearing  the 
vestment  is  prescribed;  and  there  is  nothing 
unfair  in  assuming  that  it  represents  a  long- 
settled  usage.  The  reference  also  to  stoles 
ornamented  with  gold  and  colours  points  to  the 
same  conclusion.  As  an  illustration  of  this 
last  point,  we  may  cite  the  will  of  Riculfas, 
bishop  of  Helena  {oh.  a.d.  915),  who,  among  his 
legacies  to  his  church  and  successors,  leaves 
"  stolas  quattuor  cum  auro,  una  (sic)  ex  illis 
cum  tintinnabulis "  (Patrol,  cxxxii.  468).  We 
may  probably  assume,  too,  that  the  omophoria 
and  oraria,  by  presents  of  which,  according  to 
Nicetas  Paphlago  (^Vita  Ignat.  Const.,  Patrol.  Gr. 
cv.  572),  the  patriarch  Photius  signalised  his 
restoration  (a.d.  878),  would  be  richly  orna- 
mented. 

A  number  of  later  rules  go  beyond  those  we 
have  already  cited,  and  require  at  any  rate  a 
priest  to  wear  his  stole  constantly.  Thus  the 
Council  of  Mayence  (a.d.  813)  directs  priests  to 
wear  the  stole,  —  "Sine  intermissione  .  .  .  . 
propter  differentiam  sacerdotii  dignitatis" 
(Concil.  Mogunt.  can.  28  ;  Labbe,  vii.  1249),  with 
the  view  of  course  of  shewing  at  all  times  that  he 
was  a  priest.  This  rule  assumes  a  special  form 
as  laid  down  at  the  beginning  of  the  10th  cen- 
tury by  Regino,  abbat  of  Prumia,  to  the  effect 
that  a  "priest  on  a  journey  shall  always  wear  his 
"  stola  vel  orarium  "  (Eccl.  Discipl.  i.  62  ;  Patrol. 
cxxxii.  190). 

Later  notices  of  the  stole,  its  ornamentation, 
and  special  rules  concerning  it,  do  not  fall 
within  our  province.  It  may  suffice  to  remark 
that  even  in  the  9th  century  not  only  were 
coloured  and  ornamental  stoles  worn,  but  also 
the  prohibition  to  wear  more  than  one  stole 
seems  to  have  been  disregarded.  We  find,  for 
example,  in  the  illustrations  to  the  Pontifical  of 
Landulfus,  a  MS.  of  the  9th  century,  that  some 
of  the  priests  wear  two  stoles,  one  of  which  is 
white,  with  black  crosses,  and  the  other  gold- 
coloured  (plates  xxxiv.-xxxvi.  in  Marriott,  taken 
from  D'Agincourt,  Histoire  do  I'Art  2^ar  Ic^ 
Monuments).  ^ 

'  The  reason  for  choosing  the  left  shoulder  is  given, 
viz.  that,  the  right  being  free,  the  deacon  may  be  able 
the  more  readily  to  hasten  to  and  fro  on  his  duties. 


STOLE 


1937- 


In  the  Greek  church  the  stole  is  known  by  ai 
different  name,  and  assumes  a  different  form, 
according  to  the  different  orders  by  which  it  is 
worn.  Thus,  as  we  have  already  seen,  the  form 
assumed  by  prelates  is  known  as  wnocpSpiov 
[Omophoriox],  the  stole  worn  by  bishops  gene- 
rally and  by  priests  being  known  as  iTrtrpaxv^MU 
and  TTiptTpaxv^^Lov.  the  name  iipdpwv  being  ex- 
clusively associated  with  the  stole  as  worn  by 
deacons.  Into  the  case  of  the  omophorion  we 
need  not  again  enter;  the  rpitrachelion  differs 
from  the  Western  stole  in  that  it  is  not  thrown, 
round  the  neck,  but  has  a  hole  for  the  head  to 
pass  through  and  hangs  down  in  front,  though, 
from  the  seam  down  the  middle,  it  preserves- 
the  idea  of  the  ornament  of  which  it  is  but  a 
modification. 

It  may  be  convenient  now,  if  we,  at  the  risk 
of  a  slight  repetition,  indicate  the  various 
methods  of  wearing  the  stole  characterising 
different  orders  in  different  branches  of  the 
church.  In  the  Western  church,  the  custom 
has  been  that  priests,  wearing  the  stole  over 
both  shoulders,  should  cross  it  on  the  breast, 
and  confine  it  at  the  waist  with  a  girdle  ;  the 
bishop,  who  has  his  pectoral  cross,  allowing  it  to 
hang  free,  while  the  deacon  has  the  stole  hang- 
ing over  the  left  shoulder  and  fastened  at  the 
right  hip.  As  regards  deacons,  however,  the- 
present  plan  is  an  innovation  on  an  older  one, 
dating,  it  would  seem,  from  the  12th  century 
(Hefele,  p.  191),  before  which  time  they  appear 
to  have  allowed  their  stoles  to  hang  down  freely 
like  those  of  the  Greek  deacons.  Perhaps  from 
the  12th  century  also  dates  the  habit  of  deacons 
of  the  Western  church  of  wearing  the  stole 
under  the  dalmatic.  To  do  more,  however,  than 
just  hint  at  this  would  be  to  go  beyond  our 
legitimate  limits. 

In  the  Greek  church,  the  epitrachelion  (worn  by 
priests  and  bishops)  practically  forms,  as  we- 
have  said,  one  band,  hanging  down  in  front ;  and 
the  deacon  wears  his  orarium  over  the  left 
shoulder,  hanging  down  before  and  behind,  thus 
justifying  the  simile  of  the  wings.  Among 
Syrian  Christians  we  find  a  difl'erence  :  here  the 
stole  is  worn  by  readers  (but  among  the  Maron- 
ites  only),  hanging  from  the  right  shoulder  ;  by 
sub-deacons  (among  the  Syrian  Christians  gene- 
rally), round  the  neck;  by  deacons,  hanging, 
from  the  left  shoulder  (as  in  the  Greek  church 
generally)  ;  and  by  priests,  hanging  round  the 
neck  and  in  front  of  the  breast  (Assemani,  Bihl. 
Or.  iii.  2.  797).  It  may  be  added  that  among 
the  Xestorians  a  reader  wears  the  orarium  over 
his  arms,  but  only  at  the  time  of  his  own  ordi- 
nation. Among  the  Malabar  Christians,  the 
vestment,  as  worn  by  deacons,  is  known  under 
the  name  of  orro,  the  shape  being  apparently 
like  that  of  the  epitrachelion,  with  a  iiole  for 
the  head  (Howard,  Christiaiis  of  St.  Thomas, 
p.  1:53).  The  vestment  is  known  in  the  Coptic 
church  under  the  name  hitarchil,  which  is  clearly 
a  corruption  of  epitrachelion  (Henaudot,  Liturg. 
Or.  Coll.  i.  162,  ed.  Frankf.  1847).  Among  the 
Armenians  it  is  known  as  poor-Ourar,  ap- 
parently a  corruption  of  orarium  ;  the  shape, 
however,  is  that  of  the  epitrachelion  (Fortescue, 
The  Armenian  Church,  ]).  133). 

For  the  mattor  of  the  foregoing  article,  we 
must  express  our  obligations  to  Hefele's  essay 
die   Liturgischen   Gciviindcr  in   his  Beitriige  zu- 


1938 


STKATO 


Kirchengescldchte,  Archdoloijie  unci  Ziturgik,  ii. 
1 84  sqq. ;  Bock's  Liturg.  Geuiinder  des  Jlit- 
tddlters,  i.  436  sqq. ;  Bona,  de  Rehus  liturgicis, 
i.  24.  6 ;  Marriott's  Vestiarium  Christianurn ; 
Ducange's  Glossaries,  s.  vv.  Orarium,  Stola, 
wpapiov ;  Payne  Smith's  Tliesaurus  Syriacus,  s.  v. 

\ffi\.  [H.  S.] 

STRATO,  Aug.  17,  martyr;  commemorated 
at  Nicomcdia  with  Philippus   and  Eutychianus 
(Basil.  J/e«o/.);  Aug.  15  {Mart.  Hieron). 
^  [C.H.] 

STRATOCLINIANUS,  June  30,  presbyter  ; 
commemorated  with  another  presbyter  (Al- 
pinianus)  and  bishop  Martialis,  at  Limoges. 

[C.  H.] 

STRATONICUS  (1),  Jan.  13,  soldier,  martyr 
with  the  deacon  Hermylus,  under  Licinius  in 
Moesia  (Basil.  Menol.  ;  Cat.  Bgzant. ;  Meml. 
Grace.  Sirlet.). 

(2)  Mar.  4,  Aug.  17,  lictor,  martyr  with 
Paulus  and  Juliana  at  Ptolemais,  in  the  reign 
of  Aurelian  (Basil.  Meml.) ;  Aug.  17  (Menol. 
Graec).  [C  H.] 

STRENAE.     [New  Yeau's  Gifts.] 

STRIGIL.    [Sculpture,  p.  lst33.] 

STUDITAE.    [AcoEMETAE,  p.  i:;.] 

STUPACIUM.  A  kind  of  cloth  made  from 
coarse  flax.  In  the  work  De  Vita  Eremetica, 
appended  to  the  writings  of  Augustine,  we  find 
among  the  rules  for  clothing  a  direction  that 
there  be  in  use  for  both  summer  and  winter 
"  duae  de  stupacio  camisiae  vel  staminae  "  (c.  20, 
vol.  i.  1390,  in  Append,  ed.  Gaume).        [R.  S.] 

STYLITES.  [Compare  Mortification,  p. 
1319.]  Solitaries,  who  made  their  abode  on  the 
top  of  a  pillar  ((ttDAos),  received  the  name  of 
o-TuAtTai.  The  first  of  these  pillar-saints  was 
Symeon,  who  in  the  early  part  of  the  5th  cen- 
tury took  his  stand  on  a  pillar  in  the  neigh- 
hourhood  of  Antioch,  and  died,  after  many  years' 
exposure  to  the  elements,  a.d.  459  (Evagrius, 
H.  E.  i.  13  f.).  His  most  famous  followers  were 
his  pupil  Daniel  (t  489),  whose  pillar  was  near 
Constantinople,  and  Symeon  the  younger  (f  596), 
who  displayed  himself,  like  his  namesake,  near 
Antioch  (Evagr.  vi.  23).  [See  their  lives  in  the 
DiCT.  OF  Christ.  Biogr.]  A  certain  Alypius 
is  said  to  have  spent  seventy  years  on  a  pillar 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Adrianople  (Surius, 
Nov.  26).  The  first  Symeon's  pillar  was,  accord- 
ing to  Evagrius  (i.  13),  two  cubits  (about  three 
feet)  in  circumference ;  and  the  saint  abode 
seven  years  on  lower  pillars,  and  for  thirty  years 
upon  one  of  forty  cubits  (about  sixty  feet). 
Another  authority  (Theodoret,  Hist.  Bel.  c.  26) 
says  that  he  took  his  stand  at  first  on  a  pillar 
six  cubits  high,  then  on  one  of  twelve,  then  on  one 
of  twenty-two,  and  that  in  the  year  440  he  was 
seen  on  one  of  thirty-six  cubits.  The  supposed 
base  of  Symeon's  pillar  is  still  shewn  at  Khelat- 
Sema'n  in  central  Syria,  between  the  church  and 
the  monastery  of  St.  Symeon  (De  Vogiie',  Syrie 
Centrale,  pi. "  139,  quoted  by  Martigny).  So 
slender  a  pillar  as  Evagrius  describes  must  of 
course  have  had  some  kind  of  platform  at  the 
top,  probably  railed,  or  it  would  have  been  im- 


SUBDEACON 

possible  to  avoid  falling  during  sleep ;  but  it  is 
clear  that  the  saint  allowed  himself  no  protection 
from  sun  or  storm.  In  an  ancient  drawing 
figured  by  Martigny  (p.  745,  2nd  ed.)  the  saint 
is  represented  sitting  in  a  kind  of  cup-shaped 
capital,  while  a  figure  below  attaches  a  basket, 
probably  of  food,  to  a  cord  which  he  lets  dow  n. 

The  pillar-saints  naturally  found  few  imitators 
in  the  more  rigorous  climate  of  the  West.  A 
Lombard  named  Wulfilac  did,  however,  pass 
some  time  on  a  pillar  in  the  district  of  Treves, 
and  quitted  it  at  the  desire  of  his  bishop.  He 
himself  told  Gregory  of  Tours  (Hist.  Franc,  viii. 
15)  that  he  sufiered  horribly  in  winter  from  the 
cold,  which  had  caused  the  nails  to  drop  from 
his  feet ;  and  that  the  rain,  freezing  on  his 
beard,  formed  icicles  which  hung  down  like 
a  bunch  of  candles.  (U.  G.  Sieber,  de  Sanctis 
Columnaribns  Dissert.  Lipsiae,  1714;  Schrockh, 
Kirche7igeschichte,  vni.  237  ft';  Uhleman,  Symeon 
der  erste  Sdulenheilige,  in  Illgen's  Zeitschrift, 
1845  ;  Herzog's  Real-Encyclop.  s.  v. ;  Martigny, 
Diet,  des  Antiq.  Chre't.  s,  v.)  [C] 

STYRACIUS,  Nov.  2,  martyr  with  Tobilas 
and  Nicopolitianus  at  Sebaste  in  Armenia,  in  the 
reign  of  Licinius  (Basil.  Menol.).  [C.  H.] 

SUBCINGULUM.     [Girdle,  p.  728.] 

SUBDEACON  (inroZiiKovos,  iiwqpiTT]s ;  sub- 
diaconus).  At  what  precise  time  the  orders 
lower  than  that  of  deacon  were  instituted  in  the 
church  is  a  matter  of  complete  uncertainty. 
The  attempt  to  trace  it  to  the  apostles  or  their 
immediate  successors  is  acknowledged  by  Cardinal 
Bona  (Rer.  Litwg.  lib.  i.  c.  25,  §  17)  to  be  a 
failure.  The  most  probable  view  of  the  case  is 
that  the  growing  needs  and  organization  of  the 
Christian  community  gave  occasion  to  their 
institution  and  gradual  and  orderly  development. 
"  Crescente  ecclesia,  crevit  officium  ecclesiasti- 
cum :  ut  niultitudini  ecclesiae  subveniri  posset, 
adjiciuntur  inferiores  in  adjutorio  pi-aeposito- 
rum  "  (Amalar.  de  Ecc.  Off.  lib.  ii.  c.  6).  And, 
after  their  introduction,  an  apposite  i^recedent 
was  discovered  by  later  writers  (e.g.  Isidor. 
Hispal.  de  Ecc.  Off.  lib.  ii.  c.  10 ;  Amalarius, 
lib.  ii.  c.  11 ;  Rabanus  Maurus,  de  Instit.  Cleric. 
lib.  i.  c.  8)  in  the  Nethinim  of  the  Jewish  church, 
though,  with  their  ignorance  of  Hebrew,  they 
strangely  interpreted  the  word  as  equivalent  to 
"  humilis  ;  "  and,  by  a  similar  mistake  in  etymo- 
logy, they  considered  Nathanael,  the  "  Israelite 
in  whom  was  no  guile,"  to  have  been  a  type  of 
the  order. 

St.  Ignatius  certainly  makes  mention  of  only 
three  orders — bishops,  priests,  and  deacons.  In 
his  Epistle  to  Polycarp,  vi.,  uTrjjpe'rTjj  means 
evidently  a  deacon.  And  so  it  is  in  Hermas,  Vis. 
iii.  5.  Beverege  (Cod.  Can.  lib.  ii.  4),  after 
quoting  No.  43  of  the  Apostolical  Canons,  argues 
that  the  office  existed  as  far  back  as  the  2nd  cen- 
tury, though  (he  acknowledges)  we  can  find  no 
mention  anywhere  of  its  first  institution.  All 
that  can  be  said  is,  with  Martene  (tom.  ii.  lib.  i. 
c.  8),  that  it  may  have  been  of  more  ancient 
introduction  than  the  other  "  minores  ordines," 
and  that  it,  as  well  as  they,  was  instituted  by 
the  church  in  the  2nd  or  3rd  century. 

Subdeacons  are  not  mentioned  by  name  in  any 
Christian  writings  of  the  West  till  the  3rd  cen- 
tury; e.g.  St.  Cyprian,  Epp.  24,  28,  78,  79,  80 
(ed.   Benedict),    and    the  Epistle  of  Cornelius, 


SUBDEACON 

'"bishop  of  Rome,  to  Fabius,  ap.  Euseb.  vi.  43 : 
and  in  the  Greek  church  not  till  the  4th  century; 
€.g.  St.  Epiphan.  in  Exposit.  Fidei  Cathol.  and 
St.  Basil,  Epist.  Can.  li.  who  calls  the  office  t) 
ax^^poTovrjThs  virr}pe(Tla.  Even  then,  and  later, 
some  uncertainty  hangs  over  the  time  of  their 
introduction  into  different  chvirches,  because 
other  minor  orders  were  included  under  the  term 
deacon,  after  they  were  certainly  in  operation. 
E.g.  Optatus  (lib.  i.  p.  39,  lib.  ii.  p.  53,  as  quoted 
■by  Cotelerius  in  his  note  on  Apost.  Const,  ii.  25), 
"  episcopos,  presbyteros,  diaconos,  ministros,  et 
laicos  seu  turbam  fidelium  "  :  "  cum  sint  quatuor 
genera  capitum  in  ecclesia ;  episcoporum,  pres- 
byterorum,  diaconorum,  et  fidelium."  And  so 
St.  Jerome,  on  Isaiah  six.  speaks  of  five  orders 
ia  the  church,  not  specifying  subdeacons.  In 
the  Apost.  Const,  lib.  ii.  28,  the  word  vTnjpirris 
is  used  as  an  equivalent  to  SiaKovos.  In  other 
places,  e.g.  iii.  11,  vi.  17,  viii.  28,  it  is  used  as 
■equivalent  to  viroStaKovos.  This  variation  of 
meaning  points  to  the  probability  of  some  inter- 
polation in  thesep  assages  ;  although  the  same 
variation  of  meaning  can  be  exemplified  from 
other  writers. 

The  age  for  ordination  to  the  subdiaconate 
was  twenty  years,  according  to  the  second  council 
of  Toledo,  can.  1  (a.d.  447),  and  so  the  council 
in  Trullo,  can.  15  (a.d.  692).  For  the  form  of 
-ordination,  see  Ordination,  p.  1510. 

In  regard  to  his  duties,  the  subdeacon  was  at 
first,  no  doubt,  little  more  than  what  his  name 
imported,  one  under  the  deacon,  to  assist  the 
-deacon.  Special  duties,  however,  were  soon 
assigned  to  him.  Such  were,  to  supply  water  to 
fthe  priest  in  which  to  wash  his  hands  at  the 
appointed  time  in  the  office  (^Apost.  Const,  viii.  11), 
■a  function  elsewhere  assigned  to  the  deacon  (see 
■Cyril.  Hicros.  Catech.  xxiii.  2).  By  the  Aposto- 
lical Constitutions  (viii.  11)  it  is  enjoined  that 
deacons  should  stand  at  the  door  by  which  men 
entered,  and  subdeacons  by  that  at  which  women 
■entered,  so  that  no  one  even  of  the  faithful 
should  go  in  or  out  during  the  recitation  of  the 
solemn  part  of  the  office.  The  whole  of  this 
duty  presently  devolved  on  the  subdeacons  (so 
Dion.  Areop.  Ecc.  Hierarch.  c.  5).  In  the  acts 
of  the  Nicene  council,  part  2,  were  recounted  the 
Upovixevoi,  viz,  eir'iff kotos,  irpea^vTepos,  StaKovos, 
inrr]p4ri]s.  It  was  the  province  of  the  last  to 
remain  at  the  narthex  of  the  church,  and  there 
io  keep  order  as  people  went  out  and  in ;  and 
not  to  depart  from  the  door,  till  the  service  was 
over.  By  the  council  of  Laodicea,  cans.  20-22,  a 
subdeacon  is  to  pay  the  same  respect  to  the 
deacon  as  the  deacon  to  the  priest.  He  must  not 
have  any  place  in  the  deacon's  apartment,  nor 
touch  the  sacred  vessels.  He  must  not  wear  an 
-ORARIUM,  nor  leave  the  doors.  This  is  again 
forbidden  him  by  can.  43.  Zonaras  on  these 
canons  explains  that  the  subdeacons  were  placed 
at  the  doors  for  the  purpose  of  clearing  out 
the  catechumens  after  their  part  of  the  service 
was  finished;  and  so  to  bring  in,  and  shew 
out,  the  penitents,  calling  aloud  to  them  to. 
leave  the  church,  and  to  the  faithful  to  remain 
They  were  not  to  leave  the  doors  for  the 
purpose  of  joining  in  the  sacred  mysteries,  for 
that  office  belonged  to  the  priests.  Before  the 
service  they  had  to  bring  to  the  deacon  the 
paten,  to  have  charge  of  the  bread  for  the  obla- 
tions, and  of  the  chalice  ;  and  after  the  conclu- 

CIIRIST.    ANT. — VOL.    II. 


SUBINTRODUCTAE         1939 

sion,  to  convey  them  back  again.  In  earlier 
times,  the  epistle  had  been  commonly  read  by 
the  lector,  i.e.  after  the  deacons  had  been  ap- 
pointed to  take  the  gospel.  The  practice  of  the 
subdeacon  reading  the  epistle  cannot  be  traced 
earlier  than  the  7th  century.  Martene  says  it 
did  not  begin  till  the  8th  century.  Amalarius, 
at  the  beginning  of  the  9th  (ii.  11),  expresses 
his  wonder  how  the  subdeacons  had  come  to  read 
the  epistle,  a  new  practice  which  was  then  gain- 
ing ground.  Other  functions  in  detail  fulfilled 
by  subdeacons  are  to  be  found  in  Apost.  Const. 
viii.  11,  12;  Martene,  sub  voce  subdiaconus 
(Ind.) ;  and  Bingham,  bk.  iii.  c.  2. 

In  the  church  of  Rome,  as  we  learn  from 
Euseh.  vi.  43,  the  number  of  subdeacons  was,  and 
continued  to  be,  seven  only,  in  close  adherence 
to  Acts  vi.  In  the  church  of  Constantinople 
there  were  seventy. 

The  subdiaconi  regionarii  in  Rome,  of  whom  we 
read  in  Gregory  M.  (lib.  viii.  Indict,  i.  Ep.  14, 
p.  906,  ed.  Ben.),  were  appointed  to  attend  on 
the  priest,  and  on  high  days  the  pope  himself, 
as  he  celebrated  on  the  station  days,  to  change 
his  vestments,  &c.  Originally  these  were  seven 
in  number,  then  seven  were  added,  and  seven 
again,  so  as  to  make  twenty-one  in  all ;  and  they 
were  placed  under  a  prior  (Ducange,  s.  voc. ; 
Milman,  Latin  Christianity,  bk.  iii.  ch.  7,  p.  411). 

At  their  first  institution  subdeacons  were 
reckoned  amongst  the  minor  orders,  as  is  evident 
from  the  council  of  Laodicea.  From  the  writ- 
ings of  Gregory  the  Great,  it  appears  they  had 
come  to  be  considered  a  sort  of  intermediate 
order.     [Orders,  Holy.] 

It  is  difficult  to  say  when  celibacy  was  first 
imposed  on  subdeacons.  By  the  fourth  canon  of 
the  first  council  of  Toledo  (a.d.  400),  "sub- 
deacons marrying  a  second  time  are  to  be  reduced 
to  the  rank  of  porter  or  reader,  and  not  to  be 
permitted  to  read  the  gospel  or  epistle."  From 
the- thirteen  canons  of  the  council  in  Trullo, 
we  learn  that  married  men  had  been  ordained 
subdeacons.  Sundry  epistles  were  written  by 
Gregory  the  Great  to  subdeacons,  from  which 
we  gather  that  the  rule  of  celibacy  was  strict 
in  Rome,  but  less  so  in  Sicily,  where  Gregory 
made  arrangements  for  a  stricter  rule  in  future. 
And  as  by  degrees  celibacy  was  enforced,  so  was 
the  subdiaconate  by  degrees  reckoned  amongst 
"  the  holy  orders  " :  subdeacons  could  now  enter 
the  sacrarium,  and  touch  the  holy  vessels ;  thus 
innovating  on  the  canons  of  the  councils  of  Car- 
thage, and  of  Agde  (can.  66).  (Cf.  Greg.  M.  Epp. 
lib.  i.  Ind.  ix.  Ep.  44,  &c.)  [H.  B.] 

SUBINTRODUCTAE  (^irvvelaaKTOi,  ii^d- 
craKToi,  cxtraneae  adoptivae  (Cone.  Brace,  ii.  iii.) 
called  also  aSf:\(pa\,  sorores,  and  d-yaTrjjTa!), 
females,  not  related  by  blood,  who,  under  the 
plea  of  spiritual  relationship,  resided  with  the 
clergy,  occupying  not  only  the  same  house  but 
the  same  room,  and  even  sometimes,  with  peri- 
lous rashness,  often  productive  of  the  grossest 
scandals,  the  same  bed  (Hieron.  Ep.  ad  Eustoch. 
22,  de  Virg.  Ciistod.).  These  females  were  com- 
mo'nly  some  of  the  consecrated  virgins  of  the 
church,  "whom,"  in  the  words  of  Bingham, 
"  they  that  entertained  them  pretended  to  love 
only  with  a  chaste  love."  The  suspicions,  how- 
ever which  this  injudicious  custom  gave  rise  to 
were  so  grave,  and  the  evils  resulting  so  terrible, 
6  I 


1940 


SUBINTKODUCTAE 


that  the  practice  received  the  sternest  condem-  I 
nations  of  the  church.    How  deeply  it  was  rooted 
in  human  nature  is  evident  from  its  springing  up 
again  and  again  in  spite  of  ecclesiastical  censures, 
and  requiring  to  be  repressed  by  repeated  canons 
of  councils.     One  of  the  earliest  notices  of  this 
close  intercourse  between  the  sexes,  cloaked  with 
a  religious  sanction,  occurs  in  the  Shepherd  of 
Hermas  (lib.  iii.  simil.  ix.  §  11).     The  virgins  of 
the  vision  invite  him  to  stay  with  them.    To  his 
question,  "  ubi  manebo  ?  "  they  reply  "  nobiscum 
dormies  ut  pater,  non  ut  maritus,"  which  put 
him  to  the  blush.     He  accepts,  however,  their 
invitation,  and  passes  the  night  with  them  out- 
side the  tower,  lying  in  the  middle  of  the  virgins 
on  their    "tunicae    linteae,"    the    whole    night 
being  spent  by  them  in  prayer.     This  passage, 
though,    as   Hefele    remarks,   inconsistent   with 
the  early  date  once  assigned  to  the  ''  Shepherd," 
proves  the  existence  of  this  practice  in  the  2nd 
century.     As  early  as  the  council  of  Elvira,  a.d. 
305,  can.  27,  a  bishop  or  any  cleric  was  forbidden 
to  have  any  female  residing  with  him  except  a 
sister    or    daughter,  "extraneam    neque   quam 
habere   placent "   (Labbe,  i.  973).     The    council 
of  Ancyra  also   by   its  19th  canon,   a.d.    -314, 
forbade  virgins  to  hold  intercourse  with  males, 
ffuj'epxOyueVas  dis  a.Se\(pa.s  (Labbe,  i.  1463).    The 
third  canon  of  the  council  of  Nicaea  was  directed 
against  this  practice,  forbidding  any  cleric,  either 
bishop,  presbyter,  or  deacon,  to  have  any  such 
female    to    reside    with    them,    but    only    their 
mother,  sister,  or  aunt,  whose  natural  relation- 
ship would  disarm  suspicion,  firj   i^uvat  (rvvfia- 
aKTOu  ex*'"  ir\r]v  el  fir}   &pa  jUTjrepa  t)  a5f\<pT]v 
fl  Oeiav  (Labbe,  ii.  29).    These  "  subintroductae  " 
were  also  condemned  by  the  third  and  fourth 
canons  of  the  first  council  of  Carthage,  a.d.  348, 
(«6.   715),  the  seventeenth  canon    of   the  third 
council  and  the  forty-sixth  of  the  fourth,  as  well 
as  by  the    second  council    of  Aries,   a.d.    452, 
can.  3  (J6.  iv.  1011);  and  of  Lerida,  a.d.   524, 
can.  15  (i6.  iv.  1613)  ;  the  first  council  of  Seville, 
a.d.  590,  can.  3  (i6.  v.  1589),  and  the  second  and 
third  of  Braga,  can.  15,  and  lex.  19  (A.  v.  838, 
909),  and  the  second  (can.  3)  and  fourth  (can.  42) 
of  Toledo  (lb.  iv.  1733,  r.  1716).     The  council  of 
Antioch  also,  by  which   Paul   of  Samosata  was 
deposed,  a.d.  369,  urged  among  the  reasons  for 
his    degradation  that    his    clergy  had    received 
into  their  houses  "  crvveiaaKTot  yvvaTKes,  as  the 
Antiochenes  called  them  "  (Euseb.  II.  E.  vii.  30). 
In  spite  of  ecclesiastical  censures,  however,  the 
custom  continued  to  flourish  to  the  great  scandal 
of  the  church  and  the  demoralisation  of  those 
who  adopted  it.     The  frequency  of  the  recur- 
rence of  its  prohibition  by  the  Spanish  councils 
proves  its  prevalence  in  Spain,    where    it    was 
practised  by  the  Priscillianists  (Braccar.  ii.  can. 
15,  Labbe,  v.  838).  How  intolerable  the  practice 
had  become  is  evident  from  several  passages  of 
the  writings  of  Cyprian,  who  praises  Pomponius 
for  excommunicating  a  deacon  who  had  persevered 
in  it   in  spite  of  episcopal   warning  (Cyprian, 
Epist.   62  [4]  ad  Pomponium;  Epist.   6   [14]; 
Epist.   7   [13]).      The  grossly  indecent  lengths 
to  which  it  was   carried  by  some   called   forth 
Jerome's  most    powerful  vituperation   {Ep.  ad 
Eustoch.).      "  Unde     in    ecclesias    Agapetarum 
pestis  introiit  ?     Unde  sine  nuptiis  aliud  nomen 
uxorum?      Immo   unde   novum    concubinarum 
genus  ?    Plus  inferam,  unde  meretrices  univirae  ? 


SUBINTRODUCTAE 

Quae  eadem  domo,  uno  cubiculo,  saepe  uno 
tenentur  et  lectulo  ;  et  suspiciosos  nos  vocant  si 
aliquid  existimamus  .  .  .  cum  in  eodem  pro- 
posito  esse  simulant  quaerunt  alienorum  spiritale 
solatium  ut  domi  habeant  carnale  commercium." 
And  in  his  letter  to  Oceanus,  de  Vita  Clericorwn, 
he  ordains  that  if  any  one  after  his  warnings, 
"  agapetas  amplius  quam  Cliristum  quaesierit 
amore,"  he  is  to  be  convened  according  to  the 
rule  of  the  synod,  and  the  Nicene  canons  read  to 
him.  Among  the  letters  of  Basil  is  one  to  a 
presbyter,  by  name  Paregorius,  an  old  man  of 
seventy,  threatening  that,  unless  he  dismissed 
his  "  subintroducta,"  he  would  depose  him  from 
his  office,  and  if  he  ventured  to  exercise  its 
functions  he  would  excommunicate  all  who 
recognised  him  (Basil,  Ep.  55  [198]).  Basil's 
brother  Gregory  Nyssen  also  condemns  those  who 
openly  cohabit  with  women,  and  give  the  name  of 
sisterhood  to  such  cohabitation  {Dc  Virg.  c.  23). 
We  learn  from  Gregory  Nazianzen  that  not 
only  were  clerics  in  the  habit  of  having  females 
to  reside  with  them,  but  that  ladies,  who  pro- 
fessed celibacy,  also  had  their  avveiffaKToi  of  the 
opposite  sex.     In  his  advice  to  virgins  he  says : 


upcreva 


t'  aA.e'civ6  <rvvei<TaKTov  Se  fiaAtora 


and  he  expresses  his  suspicion  of  this  question- 
able relationship  in  the  following  lines  : 

Toil?  Se  (Tweio-a/CTOus  cos  6>)  ^a.(TKov<Tiv  anavTei 
OVK  oIS'  el  Te  yafxia  SuxTOfieu,  sir'  dyd/iOts 

Sjjo-o/xei',  El  T£  ixiaovTi  ^vKd^Ofxev  ov  yap  eywye 
Kqv  /jie  Ae'yrjTe  (Ca/cu)?  irpayixa  t6S'  aii'eVo/iat. 

We  see  from  the  words  of  Jerome,  "  coelibem 
virgo  spernit  germanum,  fratrem  quaerit  ex- 
traneum  "  (Ad  Eustoch.)  that  this  indecorous 
custom  was  also  in  vogue  among  the  religious 
ladies  of  the  Western  church. 

On  his  appointment  to  the  see  of  Constanti- 
nople, Chrysostom  found  "  subintroductae  "  pre- 
vailing to  the  most  scandalous  extent  among  his 
clergy,  and  the  unpopularity  which  culminated 
in  his  deposition  and  exile  had  as  one  of  its  first 
moving  causes  the  stei-n  determination  with 
which  he  endeavoured  to  put  them  down,  and  the 
withering  sarcasms  he  poured  out  upon  them.  It 
appears  from  the  two  homilies  delivered  by  him, 
''  de  lis  qui  sMntroductas  virtjiiies  hahent"  that 
the  clergy  who  adopted  this  practice  degraded 
themselves  into  '■'■  cavalieri  serventi"  to  their 
imperious  mistresses,  carrying  their  cushions, 
smoothing  their  sofas  and  easy  chairs,  providing 
delicacies  for  their  table,  and  humouring  their 
whims,  to  the  complete  disregard  of  their  sacred 
character  and  the  neglect  of  their  clerical  duties. 
The  voice  of  the  church  having  proved  insuffi- 
cient to  repress  the  spreading  evil,  the  civil 
power  was  called  in  to  legislate  against  it.  A 
law  of  Honorius  and  Theodosius  II.  (Cod.  Theod. 
lib.  xvi.  tit.  ii.  de  Episc.  leg.  44;  Cod.  Just. 
lib.  i.  tit.  iii.  leg.  19)  expresses  its  strong  dis- 
approbation of  this  "  consortium  sororiae  appella- 
tionis,"  and  forbids  the  clergy  of  any  degree 
whatsoever  to  have  any  females  residing  with 
them,  except  mothers,  daughters,  and  sisters, 
with  a  special  reservation  for  wives  married 
before  their  husbands  entered  holy  orders,  "  quae 
ante  sacerdotium  maritorum  legitimum  meruere 
conjugium."  The  words  of  the  law  are  ''  quicum- 
que  igitur  cujuscunque  gradus  sacerdotio  fulci- 


SUBSCRIPTION 

untur,  vel  clericatus  honore  censentur,  estra- 
nearum  sibi  mulierum  interdicta  consortia 
cognoscant ;  hac  eis  tantum  facultate  concessa 
ut  matres  filias  atque  germanas  intra  domorum 
suarum  septa  contineant."  The  practice,  how- 
ever, obstinately  survived,  and  was  repeatedly 
denounced  by  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  in 
vain.  The  second  canon  of  the  council  held  at 
Rome  under  pope  Zacharias  in  the  middle  of  the 
8th  century  repeats  the  old  prohibition  of  the 
Nicene  council,  and,  as  subsequent  history  shews, 
with  as  little  effect,  "presbyteri  vel  diaconi 
subintroductas  mulieres  nullo  mode  secum 
audeant  habitare  nisi  forsitan  matrem  suam  aut 
proximitatem  generis  sui  habentes."  (Bingham. 
VI.  ii.  13 ;  Bevereg.  Pandect,  tom.  ii.  annot. 
pp.  45-47,  ib.  p.  178 ;  Muratori,  Anecdot.  Grace. 
p.  218  5(7.;  de  Synisactis  et  Agapetis ;  Justellus 
in  can.  3  Nkaen.  ;  Gothofred.  Not.  in  Cod. 
Theod. ;  Novell.  123,  c.  29 ;  Novell.  137,  c.  1.) 
■  [E.  v.] 
SUBSCRIPTION.     [SuPERSCRiPTiox.] 

SUBSELLIUM.  Other  words  used  in  the 
same  sense  are  scabellum,  suhpositoriuin,  suppe- 
daneum  (J/tto-ko^wv),  the  last  of  which  is  ex- 
clusively applied  to  the  support  of  the  feet  of 
our  Saviour  on  the  cross.  They  all  mean  a 
footstool  or  any  rest  for  the  feet ;  and  from  the 
earliest  time  persons  of  rank  or  authority  are 
represented,  when  seated,  as  resting  their  feet 
upon  a  stibsellmm.  This  mark  of  honour,  accord- 
ing to  Clement  of  Alexandria  (^Strom.  i.  16),  was 
invented  by  the  Persians.  Homer  gives  a  foot- 
stool to  Helen  and  to  Ulysses  {Odi/ss.  iv.  136  ; 
X.  315).  In  Christian  monuments  this  distinction 
is  assigned  to  God  when  receiving  the  offerings 
of  Cain  and  Abel  (Bottari,  Scultur-e  e  Pitture,  &c. 
cxxxvii.)  ;  to  our  Lord  when  seated  and  teaching 
his  disciples  (Perret,  Catacombes  de  Home,  ii.  pi. 
24) :  and  to  the  Virgin  when  the  Magi  are 
presenting  their  offerings  (Bottari,  Sculture  e 
Pitture,  x\). 

Episcopal  chairs  always  had  the  subsellium, 
and  Christians  generally  avoided  the  use  of  it  as 
a  matter  of  humility,  and  reserved  the  honour 
for  bishops.  In  this  spirit  Jerome  cautions 
Eustochium  (^Ep.  ad  Eustoch.  sxiii.)  (Martigny, 
Diet,  des  Antiq.  chret.  s.  v.).  [E.  C.  H.] 

SUBSTRATI.     [Penitence,  p.  1593.] 

SUBURBICARII  (Episcopatus)  or  SUB- 
URBICARIAE  (Ecclesiae).  The  earliest  use 
of  this  term,  in  connexion  with  church  history, 
occurs  in  the  sixth  canon  of  the  council  of 
Nicaea  as  given  by  Rufinus  of  Aquileia  (^Ilid. 
Eccles.  i.  6),  decreeing  that  "  the  ancient  custom  " 
shall  continue  to  be  observed  both  at  Alexandria 
and  at  Rome,  whereby  the  patriarch  (or  metro- 
politan) of  the  one  city  exercises  a  general  over- 
sight over  the  churches  throughout  Egypt,  and 
the  metropolitan  (or  patriarch)  of  the  other, 
over  "  the  suburbicarian  churches,"  "  et  ut  apud 
Alexandriam  et  in  urbe  Roma  vetusta  consuetudo 
servetur,  ut  vel  ille  Aegypti,  vel  hie  subwhi- 
carium  eccksiirum  sollicitu Jiuem  gerat  "  (Migne, 
Patrol,  xxi.  225  ;  Mansi,  ii.  702).  In  the  corre- 
sponding decree  of  the  council  of  Chalcedou  the 
same  expression  occurs :  "  Antiqui  moris  est,  ut 
urbis  Romae  episcopus  habeat  principatum,  ut 


SUBURBICARII 


1941 


suburbicaria  loca  et  omnem  provinciam  suam 
sollicitudine  gubernet "  (Mansi,  vii.  1127).  It 
is  matter  of  considerable  dispute  (i)  as  to  what 
is  intended  by  the  above  expressions,  "suburbi- 
carian churches,"  "  suburbicarian  districts  ;  " 
(ii)  whether  the  superintendence  to  be  exercised 
was  that  of  a  patriarch  or  a  metropolitan 
(Metropolitan). 

(i)  A  decree  of  the  emperor  Julian  affords 
further  illustration  of  the  use  of  the  term.  It 
says  that  the  resources  of  the  landed  estates, 
whether  patrimonial  or  copyhold,  must  be 
carefully  preserved  "not  only  throughout  all 
Italy,  but  also  in  the  suburbicarian  territories, 
and  in  Sicily  " :  "  Non  enim  per  Italiam  tantum, 
sed  etiam  per  suburbicarias  regiones  et  Siciliam 
patrimonialium  etemphyticorum  fundorum  vires 
servandas  esseperspeximus  "  {Cod.  Theod.  II.  i.  9). 
Here  it  seems  difficult  to  accept  the  view  of 
Gothofredus  (ad  loc.)  and  Cave,  that  the  "  subur- 
bicariae  regiones "  are  those  included  in  the 
district  governed  by  the  "  praefectus  Urbi "  or 
"  custos  LTrbis,"  a  region  which  from  the  time 
of  Augustus  embraced  a  circuit  of  100  miles' 
radius  from  Rome  (Dig.  I.  xii.  1,  §  3,  4;  Gregor- 
ovius,  Gesch.  d.  Stadt  Pom.  ii.  55 ;  Gothofredus, 
Opera,  Jurid.  Min.  p.  1320).  The  law  appears 
rather  to  contemplate  the  divisions  of  the  em- 
pire established  by  Constantine,  according  to 
which  "  Italia  "  would  mean  the  Italian  vicariate, 
which  comprised  northern  Italy,  the  First  and 
Second  Rhaetia,  &c. :  in  distinction  from  this  the 
"  suburbicariae  regiones  "  would  denote  the  ten 
provinces  of  the  Roman  vicariate,  which  were — 
1.  Campania;  2.  Tuscia  and  Umbria ;  3.  Picenum 
suburbicarium  (so  called  to  distinguish  it  from 
Picenum  Annonarium  in  the  Italian  vicariate) ; 
4.  Valeria ;  5.  Samnium  ;  6.  Apulia  and  Calabria  ; 
7.  Lucania  and  Bruttii ;  8.  Sicilia  ;  9.  Sardinia  ; 
10.  Corsica.  To  this  interpretation  of  the  ex- 
pression in  the  decree,  the  separate  mention  of 
Sicilia  presents  a  slight,  but  by  no  means  in- 
superable, difficulty. 

Bingham,  in  discussing  the  above  two  inter- 
pretations, says,  "  either  may  be  admitted,  as 
having  at  least  their  arguments  of  probability 
to  defend  them "  (A7itiq.  IX.  i.  9).  Ducange 
(s.  V.)  distinguishes  between  "  suburbicariae  "  and 
"  urbicariae,"  holding  that  the  former  term  de- 
notes the  ten  provinces,  the  latter  the  territory 
of  the  "  praefectus  Urbi."  Baronius,  on  the 
other  hand  (Ann.  325,  cxxxv.,  cxxxvi.),  considers 
that  these  terms  were  of  the  same  significance, 
and  both  denote  the  yet  wider  range  of  provinces 
bound  by  the  "  leges  frumentariae "  to  supply 
the  capital  with  corn  at  a  fixed  rate. 

(ii)  Bearing  in  mind  the  close  analogy  that 
existed  between  the  political  and  ecclesiastical 
organisation  of  the  empire,  it  seems  difficult  to 
suppose  that  the  term  "  suburbicariae  "  could 
have  been  used  in  the  church  in  a  different  sense 
from  that  in  which  it  is  employed  by  Julian ;  and 
we  are  thus  led  to  the  conclusion  that  the  council 
of  Nicaea  recognised  the  right  of  the  bishop  of 
Rome  to  exercise  over  the  ton  provinces  of  the 
Roman  diocese  or  vicariate  a  patriarchal  autho- 
rity corresponding  to  that  exercised  by  the  patri- 
arch of  Alexandria  over  Egypt.  [Metropolitan, 
Holy  Orders.]  That  he  already  exercised  im- 
mediate jurisdiction  as  a  metropolitan  over  these 
provinces,  and  that  this  could  have  been  described 
as  "  vetusta  consuetudo "  at  the  time  of  the 
6  I  2 


1942 


SUCCENTOR 


council  of  Nicaea,  is  contrary  to  all  probability 
(Pope,  iv.  2).  [J.  B.  M.] 

SUCCENTOR  (Latin,  succentor ;  Greek  vtto- 
paiuriTr]s ;  Sicil.  siuiciantro).  It  is  not  easy  to 
say  when  this  word  or  the  corresponding  office 
first  came  into  use.  But  it  was  known  to 
Joannes  de  Janua,  who  finished  his  CathoUcon 
in  1286,  for  he  describes  it  thus:  "Qui  in  ec- 
clesia  post  praecentorem  sive  principalem  can- 
torem  subsequenter  canendo  respondet,  vel  qui 
facit  officium  principaliter  in  choro  sinistro." 
But  although  the  word  does  not  become  at 
all  common  till  later  times,  still  it  seems  quite 
clear  that  it  was  known  in  early  days  ;  for  it  is 
named  by  St.  Augustine  :  "  Praecentor  scilicet 
qui  vocem  praemittit  in  cantu,  succentor  autem 
([ui  subsequenter  canendo  respondet  "  (Enarr.  in 
Ps.  87,  1).  This  is  the  earliest  known  passage 
in  which  the  word  occurs. 

Some  idea  of  what  was  meant  by  the  term 
"  succent  "  (succinere)  may  be  gathered  from  the 
following  passage,  in  which  St.  Basil  describes 
the  antiphonal  mode  of  singing  the  Psalms  in 
very  early  days  : — "They  sing  them  alternately, 
divided  into  two  choirs.  Then  having  entrusted 
to  one  to  begin  the  tune,  the  others  succent." 
(inrnxovffi,  succinunt,  Lat.  Tr.  Ep.  63  (al.  207) 
ad  Glcr.  Necoaes.) 

The  Greek  word  which  is  given  by  Ducange 
as  the  equivalent  of  succentor,  is  found  in  a 
passage  of  the  interpolated  epistle  of  Ignatius 
to  the  Philadeljihians :  t'iv  yap  flfit  (yui  .  .  . 
dX\'  ws  (rv(npaTia>T7)s  v/iwy,  virocpijivrirov  rd^tv 
ifrix^'"  C^'xon.  1644). 

The  passages  already  quoted  point  to  this 
officer's  duty  of  "  succenting  "  in  the  service  of 
the  church.  In  subsequent  times,  when  the 
office  became  a  dignity  in  the  greater  churches, 
another  character  was  superadded  to  him  in  that 
he  was  made  the  representative  of  the  precentor 
in  his  absence.  It  is  observed  by  Magri  {Hierolex. 
s.v.  Cantor)  that  in  many  churches  of  France  a 
festival  of  the  first  class  is  called /(?s<i(7n  cantons, 
because  it  then  belongs  to  the  praecentor  (cantor) 
to  arrange  the  service  (officium  ordinare) ;  while 
a  festival  of  the  second  class  is  called  festum 
succcntoris,  because  then  the  same  duty  falls 
upon  the  succentor.  [H.  t.  A.] 

SUCCESSUS,  Apr.  15,  martyr  of  Saragossa 
(Mart.  Notker.);  Apr.  16  (Usuard.). 

SUCCINCTORIUM.     [Girdle,  p.  728.] 

SUDARIUM.     [Ma>*iple.] 

SUESSIONENSE   CONCILIUM.     [Sois- 

SONS.] 

SUFFETA,  COUNCIL  OF  (Suffetanum 
Concilium),  a.d.  524,  where  St.  Fulgentius 
yielded  the  presidency  to  bishop  Quodvultdeus 
who  had  disputed  it  with  him  at  a  previous 
council.     (^L'Art  de  ve'rif.  les  Dates,  i.  150.) 

[E.  S.  Ff.] 

SUFFETULA,  COUNCIL  OF  (Sufpetu- 
LENSE  Concilium),  a.d.  418  (?).  The  only  record 
of  this  is  a  canon  attributed  to  it  by  Ferrandus, 
(Mansi,  iv.  439.)  [E.  S.  Ff.]  ' 

SUGGESTUS.    [Ambo.] 


SUN 

SULPICIUS  (1),  Jan.  17,  bishop";  commemo- 
rated at  Bourges  {Mart.  Usuard.) ;  Jan.  26 
(x\otker.).  [C.  H.] 

(2)  Apr.  20.     [Servilianus.] 

SUN  (see  Moon).  Martigny  states,  on  Bot- 
tari's  authority  (taw.  xxxii.  Ixxvi.),  that  the 
two  colossal  masks  or  grotesque  faces,  some- 
times observed  at  the  angles  of  ancient  sarco- 
phagi, are  intended  to  represent  the  sun  and 
noon.  In  this  sense  they  have  the  same  import 
of  the  seasons,  as  denoting  the  meting-out  of 
human  life.  Such  faces  or  masks  occur,  at  all 
events,  on  the  altar  of  the  Basilica  of  S.  Lorenzo- 
fuori-le-Mura  at  Rome,  which  resembles  an  ancient 
sarcophagus  in  all  its  details  of  ornament  (Ciam- 
pini,  Vet.  Mon.  c.  1,  tab.  xlv.  fig.  4). 

The  sun  appears  on  the  well-known  Vatican 
sarcophagus,  with  the  history  of  Jonah  and  the 
double  sea  monster  (Bottari,  tav.  slii.)  with  rays 
and  a  nimbus  (see  Parker,  Phot.  2005).  On  a 
lamp  referred  to  by  Martigny  in  the  collection 
of  Sante  Bartoli  (Lu'ccrn.  antich.  part  iii.  No.  39), 
the  sun  and  moon  accompany  the  Good  Shepherd, 
perhaps  representing  time  and  eternity,  as  is 
suggested  by  the  Abb^  Cavedoni  {Ragguaglio  delic 
Art.  Christ,  p.  32).  Or  they  may  probably  be 
placed  with  the  Good  Shepherd,  for  the  same 
varied  reasons  which  account  for  their  presence 
in  so  many  of  the  early  crucifixions.  Either, 
which  is  possible,  they  denote  the  two  natures  of 
our  Lord,  or  they  give  the  idea  of  a  presence  and 
attendance,  as  it  were,  of  the  powers  of  nature  at 
the  central  event  of  the  world,  and  remind  of  the 
eclipse  and  darkness  of  that  day.  Both  sun  aiul 
moon  occur,  at  all  events,  in  the  crucifixion  of 
the  Laurentian  or  Rabula  MS.  of  Florence 
[Crucifix,  p.  515].  So  in  the  9th  century 
MS.  Bibliothfeque  nationale,  No.  510).  On  the 
gates  of  St.  Paul  (R.  de  Fleury,  ii.  pi.  88),  as 
angels.  So  in  the  majority  of  Saxon  and  Irish 
MSS.  ;  on  the  diptych  of  Rambona,  as  half- 
length  figures  [Crucifix,  p.  515] ;  on  the  cross 
of  Velletri  (Borgia,  de  Cruce  Veliterna),  as  faces  ; 
so  also  in  the  wall  painting  of  the  cemetery  of 
pope  St.  Julius  1.  (Bottari,  t.  Ixxxii.).  The 
torches  borne  by  the  figures  of  the  diptych  of 
Rambona  are  a  singular  instance  of  barbaric 
return  to  classical  treatment,  quite  in  keeping 
with  the  almost  unique  addition  of  the  wolf  and 
twins. 

In  the  classical  revival  of  Charles  the  Great 
and  Alcuin,  for  such  in  MSS.  it  really  was,  the 
sun  and  moon  become  figures  in  chariots,  the 
sun  drawn  by  horses,  the  moon  by  oxen.  The 
Bible  of  Ct.  Vivian  in  Count  Bastai-d's  second 
volume,  contains  a  beautiful  example  of  Franko- 
or  Anglo-Greek  fancy  [Moon].  In  the  MS.  of 
Joshua,  7th  or  8th  century  (Vatican;  d'Agincourt, 
Peinture,  vol.  v.  pi.  xxviii.)  the  sun  stands  still 
as  an  8-rayed  star,  and  the  moon  on  the  other 
side.  This  had  been  long  before  represented  in 
the  5th-century  mosaics  of  St.  Maria  Maggiore 
at  Rome.  The  Utrecht  Psalter  has  a  sun  and 
moon  on  its  frontispiece  ;  at  the  heading  of  the 
Song  of  the  Three  Children,  at  Pss.  cxxxviii.  and 
cxliii.  as  two  heads,  one  wearing  a  crown  of 
spikes  or  rays,  the  other  a  crescent ;  and  in 
Ps.  cxxi.  they  are  represented  as  shooting  "  sharp 
arrows  and  hot,  burning  coals "  on  the  false 
tongue.  They  are  not  present  at  the  Crucifixion 
in  Ps.  cxii.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 


SUNDAY 

SUNDAY.     [Lord's  Day;  Week.] 
SUNDAY-LETTER.     [Easter,  p.  593.] 
SUNDAYS,  NAMES  OF.     [Year.] 

SUPERHUMERALE.  This  word  is  pri- 
marily used  in  patristic  Latin  for  the  ephod  of 
the  Jewish  high-priest,  exactly  translating  the 
eirwyuis  of  the  LXX  (see  e.g.  E.xodus  xxviii.  4,  6, 
&c. :  Jerome,  Epist.  64  ad  Fabiolam,  §  15,  vol.  i. 
363  :  Bede,  de  Tahernaculo,  iii.  4 ;  Patrol,  xci. 
466 :  Eabanus  Maurus,  de  Inst.  Cler.  i.  15 ; 
Patrol,  cvii.  306). 

The  meaning  of  the  word  having  thus  been 
fixed,  it  seemed  only  natural  to  later  liturgical 
writers,  who  saw  in  Christian  vestments  the 
reproduction  of  the  Jewish,  to  find  a  Christian 
representation  of  the  ephod,  and  to  call  it  by 
this  name.  Accordingly  the  amice  [Amice]  was 
often  thus  called  (see  e.g.  Pseudo-Alcuin,  de  Div. 
Off.  39,  Patrol,  ci.  1242  ;  Gilbert  of  Limerick,  de 
Statu  Eccl.,  Patrol,  clix.  999). 

The  word  is  also  used  for  the  archiepiscopal 
pallium  [Pallium],  as  by  Gregory  the  Great 
(Beg.  Past.  c.  14 ;  Patrol.  Ixxvii.  29 ;  Epist. 
lib.  i.  25  ;  ib.  471  [a  long  quotation  from  the 
preceding  work]  ;  lib.  vi.  64,  ib.  848),  and  in  the 
Collectanea  of  Anastasius  Bibliothecarius  {Relatio 
niotionis  in  S.  Maximum;  Patrol,  cxxix.  610). 
In  this  last  case  the  corresponding  Greek  word 
is  u)jxo^6piov  [OmophoriON].  For  further  refe- 
rences see  Ducange's  Glossary,  s.  v.  [R.  S.] 


SUPERSCRIPTION 


1943 


SUPERPOSITIO  JEJUNIL  An  addition 
of  one  fast  to  another,  causing  two,  three,  or 
sometimes  even  four  or  six  days  to  be  passed 
in  total  abstinence,  was  known  in  the  Latin 
church  by  the  name  of  superpositio  jejunii,  and 
in  the  Greek  by  virepOeffis.  Such  lengthened 
periods  of  fasting  were  termed  inrfpdecnfj.oi 
Tflfj-epai,  and  the  corresponding  verb  was  vTrepri- 
Beadat,  superponere.  This  superposition  of  one 
day  of  abstinence  on  another  might  take  place 
at  any  time  as  an  act  of  extraordinary  devotion, 
but  it  was  most  commonly  practised  in  Holy 
Week,  as  a  preparation  for  the  Easter  solem- 
nities, especially  on  Good-Friday  and  Easter  Eve, 
which  were  very  usually  kept  as  a  continuous 
fast.  This  practice  is  called  by  Tertullian 
"jejunia  conjungere  "  (de  Patientia,  c.  13),  and 
"  sabbatum  continuum  cum  jejuuiis  parasceues  " 
{de  Jejun.  c.  14).  It  is  referred  to  by  Cyril  of 
Jerusalem  {Catech.  xviii.  c.  17)  when  he  gives 
the  virepdeffis  r^s  prjffreias  rfjs  iropotr/ceyfjs 
as  a  reason  for  sliorteniug  his  address,  lest  he 
should  exhaust  the  catechumens.  Epiphanius 
also,  when  speaking  of  the  observance  of  this 
week,  states  that  all  Christians  observed  it  eV  I77- 
po<payia,  i.e.  taking  bread  and  water  and  salt,  and 
that  only  in  the  evening,  but  the  more  earnest 
passed  the  greater  part  or  the  whole  of  the 
week  in  perfect  abstinence  :  01  airovScuoi  StirAas 
Kol  rpiTrXas  kclI  rerpairAas  vTrepTidfUTai,  Kal  iiXrif 
TT/r  el3S6/j.a5a  rtves  (Epiphan.  Epitom.  Fid.  tom.  ii. 
c.  22  ;  cf.  Haer.  29,  Nazoraeor. ;  Constit.  Apost. 
lib.  V.  c.  18).  Dionysius  bishop  of  Alexandria 
in  his  canonical  epistle  (can.  i.  apud  Bevereg. 
Pandect,  tom.  ii.  p.  3)  uses  the  same  terms, 
vTrepTi94eai  and  inrepeeffis  when  speaking  of 
those  who  practise  special  abstinence  during  this 
week,  some  adding  two  days  together,  some 
three,   some   four,   some    the    whole    six,   while 


some  keep  the  fast  of  superposition  only  011  the 
Friday  and  Saturday,  and  think  they  have  done 
a  great  thing  if  they  hold  out  till  break  of  day 
on  Easter  morning.  This  continuation  of  the  fast 
from  day  to  day  during  Holy  Week  is  termed  by 
Sozomen  eTnavvdimiv  rrjv  vr^cmlav  (H.  E.  i.  11). 
As  has  been  said,  neither  the  term  nor  the  thing 
was  peculiar  to  Holy  Week,  but  was  applicable  to 
any  period  of  special  abstinence.  So  Evagrius, 
speaking  of  the  strict  asceticism  of  the  monks  of 
Palestine,  observes,  ol  iroWaKis  tocs  KaXov/xevas 
inrepQ^ffi^ovs  irpaTTovcri  {H.  E.  i.  21),  and  Victo- 
rinus  uses  "superpositio"  of  abstinence  for  two 
days  in  succession :  "  ratio  osteuditur  quare  usque 
ad  horam  nonam  jejunamus,  usque  ad  vesperam 
aut  superpositio  usque  in  alteram  diem  fiat " 
{De  Fabrica  Mundi,  apud  Cave,  Hist.  Lit.  i.  103), 
and  in  the  Acta  Martyrum,  Numidarum,  c.  8,  we 
find  "  continuatis  in  carcere  geminis  jejuniis." 
Such  a  fast  was  also  called  jejunium  duplex,  or 
duplioatum  (Hieron.  Epitaph.  Paulae,  c.  1).  The 
prolongation  of  the  Friday's  fast  through  Satur- 
day, which  we  learn  from  Augustine  (Epist.  86), 
had  become  customary  in  his  time  in  the  church 
of  Rome  and  in  .some  of  the  African  and  Spanish 
churches,  was  also  known  by  the  title  of  "  super- 
positio." This  double  fast  was,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  the  months  of  July  and  August  for 
health's  sake  (Labbe,  i.  973),  enacted  by  the 
council  of  Elvira,  can.  26,  "  Errorem  placuit 
corrigi,  ut  omni  Sabbati  die  jejunium  celebre- 
mus,"  and  can.  23,  "  jejuniorum  superpositionem 
per  singulas  menses  placuit  celebrari."    [E.  V.] 

SUPERPOSITIO  SILENTII.  This  ex- 
pression occurs  in  the  de  Poenitentiae  Mensura 
of  Columbanus,  c.  5,  6,  for  the  penance  of  total 
silence.  [E.  V.] 

SUPERSCRIPTION.  The  superscription 
and  subscription  of  letters  of  ceremony  early 
became  in  the  Christian  church,  as  elsewhere, 
matters  of  form  and  prescription.  John  the 
Deacon  informs  us  (  Vita  Greg,  iv.)  that  Gregory 
the  Great  in  his  letters  used  to  address  all 
bishops  as  "  brothers  and  fellow-ministers  ;" 
clerics  of  other  orders  as  "  dearly  beloved 
sons;"  laymen  as  "dominos;"  and  laywomen 
"  as  dominas."  He  seems  in  fact  to  have  used 
"  dominus  "  and  "  domina  "  nearly  as  equivalent 
to  the  "  sir  "  and  "  madam  "  of  modern  corre- 
spondence. According  to  the  common  forms  of  the 
Roman  court,  preserved  in  the  LiBER  DiURNUS, 
letters  to  the  Byzantine  emperor  are  to  be 
addi-essed  "  Domino  piissimo  et  serenissimo, 
victori  et  triumphatori  filio,  amatori  Dei  et 
Domini  nostri  Jesu  Christi ;"  to  an  empress 
(Augustae),  "Dominae  piissimae  filiae ;"  to  a 
patrician,  a  "Comes  Imperialis  obsequii,"  an 
exarch  or  a  king,"  "Domino  excellentissimo 
atque  prae-excellentissimo  filio ;"  to  a  consul 
"  Domino  eminentissimo  filio."  This  is  so  far 
in  accordance  with  Gregory's  practice  that 
"  dominus  "  forms  part  of  all  the  superscriptions, 
to  laymen  given  in  the  Liber  Dinrmts,  but  none 
are  given  to  a  person  of  lower  rank  than  a  consul. 
Probably  the  pope  did  not  communicate  directly 
with  inferior  persons.     [Lord,  p.  1041.] 

«  A  specimen  of  tbis  form  of  address  may  be  seen  in 
tbe  letter  of  Pope  Ilonorius,  a.d.  634,  to  King  Edwin,  in 
Bedp,  Mist.  A7igl.  ii.  17.  I'ope  Boniface  IV.,  a.d.  625, 
wrote  to  Edwiu  as  "  glorioso  regl  "  (ib.  11.  10). 


1944 


SURIEL 


The  subscriptions  given  in  the  Liber  Biurnus 
(lib.  i.)  are  :  to  an  emperor,  "  piissimum  Domini 
imperium  gratia  superna  ciistodiat  eique  omnium 
gentilium  colla  substernat ; "  to  an  empress, 
"  vestrae  pietatis  imperium  gratia  superna  cus- 
todiat,  domina  filia ; "  to  a  patrician  or  count, 
"  incolumem  cxcellentiam  vestram  gratia  superna 
custodiat,  domine  fili;"  to  a  consul,  "Deus  te  in- 
columem custodiat,  domine  fili."  Of  ecclesiastical 
persons,  a  patriarch  is  addressed  by  the  papal 
chancery  as  "  dilectissimus  frater ; "  a  bishop  as 
"  dilectissimus  nobis;"  a  presbyter,  or  one  of 
lower  rank,  as  "  dilectissimus  filius ; "  while  to 
an  archbishop  of  Ravenna  the  superscription  is 
*'  reverentissimo  et  sanctissimo  fratri  coepiscopo, 
servus  servorum  Dei."  The  subscription  is  in 
each  case  "  Deus  te  incolumem  custodiat,"  with 
the  addition  "  dilectissime  frater,  fili,"  &c.  as  the 
case  may  be.  To  the  pope  himself  the  super- 
scription used — at  least  by  the  clergy  of  a  sub- 
urbicarian  church — is  "Domino  beatissimo 
papae,"  or  "  Domino  sancto "  (ii6.  Diurn.  ii. 
titt.  1  and  3).  [C] 

SUEIEL,  archangel,  July  15  (Cal.  Ethiop.). 
[C.  H.] 
SUKPLICE.  The  surplice  (sxiperpelliceum) 
is  a  late  modification  of  the  alb  with  loose 
sleeves.  There  appears  to  be  no  trace  of  it 
before  the  end  of  the  12th  century,  so  that  the 
history  of  it  does  not  fall  within  our  period. 

[R.  S.] 
SUKSUM  COEDA.    [Preface,  p.  1693.] 

SUSCEPTORES.    [Sponsors.] 

SUSPENSION.    [Orders,  Holy,  p.  1496.] 

SUSANNA,  Aug.  11,  martyr  under  Diocle- 
tian; commemorated  at  Rome  with  Tiburtius 
{Mart.  Bed.,  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Eom.,  Hieron., 
Notker.).  [C.  H.] 

SWEARING.     [Oath;  Perjury.] 

SWINE,  1^^RACLE  OP  THE  (in  Art). 
The  only  instance  of  a  representation  of  this 
miracle  (Luke  viii.  27)  given  by  Martigny  is 
from  a  mosaic  of  St.  Apollinaris  at  Ravenna,  in 
which  tlie  possessed  kneels  at  the  mouth  of  a 
cave  or  tomb  (Mark  v.  3)  and  stretches  out  his 
hands  towards  the  Lord,  who  stands  before  him, 
nimbed,  while  in  the  background  the  swine  are 
rushing  towards  the  sea  (Martigny,  Diction- 
naire,  p.  241,  ed.  2).  [C] 

SYMBOLISM.  -2.vix^o\ov  means  a  sign  by 
which  one  infers  or  knows  a  thing.  It  will 
apply  in  fact  to  any  object  by  whose  means  we 
get  a  new  idea  of  comparison,  which  is  substi- 
tuted in  our  own  thoughts,  or  by  general  con- 
sent, for  anything  else ;  the  substitution  of  a 
more  obvious  or  familiar  idea,  drawn,  written, 
or  spoken,  for  a  more  recondite  or  important 
one,  is  necessary  to  human  instruction  or  com- 
munication, in  spite  of  all  its  various  dangers 
of  misapprehension  or  misapplication. 

I.  Symbolism  of  Decoration. — The  idolatrous 
misuse  of  picture-symbolism  within  the  body  of 
the  faithful  itself,  seems  not  to  have  affected 
the  Christian  church  very  severely  for  the  first 
three  centuries. 


SYMBOLISM 

(n)  The  strong  expressions  of  Tertullian  (de 
Idololatria,n\.')  are  directed  against  paganism,  and 
in  his  anxiety  to  prevent  any  tampering  with 
it,  he  objects  to  all  images  and  representations 
indiscriminately,  and  considers  the  painter's  art 
unlawful.  But  it  is  evident  that  he  virtually 
excepted  the  scriptural  emblems,  such  as 
Clement's  list  {Faedagog.  iii.  11,  §  59;  see 
Gems,  p.  712),  and  the  figure  of  the  Good 
Shepherd.  He  is  obviously  not  thinking  of 
them  at  all,  and  indeed  has  to  make  an  excep- 
tion in  favour  of  the  brazen  serpent  soon  after 
one  of  his  most  sweeping  statements.  In  the 
primitive  church  it  was  so  practically  under- 
stood as  not  to  need  statement,  that  images  in 
painting  or  carving,  made  for  the  sake  of  con- 
veying instruction,  are  an  entirely  different 
thing  from  images  intended  for  use  in  prayer. 
The  subject  of  Images  is  already  treated  [p.  813]. 
The  repugnance  of  the  Jews  to  the  use  of  images 
extended,  after  the  time  of  the  Maccabees,  even 
to  the  making  of  the  form  of  any  living  thing  ; 
and  this  would  account  of  course  for  the  strong 
feeling  among  Hebrew  Christians  against  both 
symbolic  and  direct  representation,  if  it  involved 
the  use  of  images  resembling  living  beings  in 
any  place  of  worship.  This  prohibition  has 
been  adopted  in  its  fulness  by  Islam.  Again, 
recently  converted  heathen  would  often  have 
nearly  as  strong  a  detestation  of  the  idolatrous 
system  which  they  had  escaped  from.  Symbols 
in  the  second  or  a  subsequent  generation  are  apt 
to  become,  first,  conventional  realisms,  then  per- 
sonifications, then  idols.  In  the  middle  ages,  the 
cross,  from  being  in  the  6th  century  the  symbol 
of  Christ's  person,  became  an  object  of  worship 
in  itself,  no  longer  an  emblem  of  the  life  and 
death  of  God  for  man.  This  degeneracy  of  sym- 
bolism has  exercised  the  church  from  the  4th 
century  at  least,  and  ran  a  parallel  course  in  the 
Christian  church  and  in  the  Hebrew.  For  as  the 
Hebrews  were  always  tempted  to  worship  the 
images  of  the  nations  among  whom  they  lived,  so 
the  Christians  were  tempted  towards  saint  wor- 
ship, as  a  traditional  reproduction  of  the  ancient 
Greek  hero  worship,  or  of  Roman  adoration  of 
the  manes.  All  mankind  have  a  tendency  either 
to  turn  symbols  into  images  or  actual  fetiches, 
or  to  substitute  beautiful  personifications,  or 
portraits  of  divine  or  sacred  persons,  for  ancient 
conventional  symbols  of  the  entirely  unseen 
presence  of  the  Lord.  Nevertheless,  however 
dangerous  tendencies  may  always  exist  in  image- 
symbolism,  carved  or  painted,  very  few  systems 
of  worship.  Christian  or  gentile,  have  totally 
resigned  its  use.  That  the  Hebrew  dread  of 
images  in  the  apostolic  days  by  no  means  pre- 
vented pious  Hebrews  from  using  picture- 
ornament  is  proved  once  for  all  bv  the  Jewish 
catacombs  (Parker,  PAoi.  no.  1160,"  1161).  The 
seven-branched  candlestick  was  painted  in  red  or 
scratched  in  the  mortar  of  every  loculus.  One  of 
them  was  adorned  with  human  figures,  flowers, 
and  birds,  including  the  peacock,  afterwards 
adopted  as  a  Christian  image.  The  earliest  part 
of  this  cemetery  dates  from  the  Augustan  age, 
but  part  is  as  late  as  Constantino.  The  Christian 
pictorial  or  graphic  system  was  a  convenience  of 
teaching.  Those  who  could  not  read,  and  per- 
haps could  not  well  ixnderstand  the  language 
used  by  oral  teachers,  had  the  pictures  of  our 
Lord,  His  miracles  and  history,  to  help  them. 


SYMBOLISM 

The  pictures  were  understood  by  the  brethren, 
It  they  conveyed  no  meaning  to  the  heathen. 
Ihe  ancient  family  religion  of  Rome  was  domestic 
and  ancestral,  and  the  human  symbolism  of  hope 
in  death  belonged  to  it.  It  held  the  spiritual 
expectation  of  another  life,  and  of  a  retribution, 
illustrating  both  largely  by  emblem  and  sign  in 
Its  tombs.  The  Roman-Etruscan  reverence  for 
the  dead  led  them  to  pay  great  attention  to  their 
sepulchres ;  and  the  decoration  of  burial  vaults 
m  ancient  Etruria,  and  also  in  pre-Christian 
Rome,  bears  important  witness  to  the  perma- 
nence of  national  custom,  and  the  willing  adop- 
tion by  the  church  of  non-Christian  symbolism, 
if  only  it  was  not  pagan  or  anti-Christian. 

There  will  be  found  in  d'Agincourt,  vol.  ii. 
{Architecture,  pi.  s.-xiii.)  three  illustrations  with 
important  bearing  on  this  point.  One  is  the 
interior  of  the  tomb  of  the  Scipios,  long  since 
discovered  and  despoiled  under  Pius  IV.  This 
has  chiefly  architectural  or  constructive  interest, 
from  its  sarcophagi  and  loculi— the  prototypes 
of  Christian  burial  in  after  days.  But  the 
burial  vaults  of  Tarquinii,  which  accompany  it, 
contain  symbolisms  of  the  gravest  kind,  assert- 
jng  immortality  and  retribution.  The  soul  is 
there,  led  away  lamenting  to  punishment  by 
dark  yet  beautiful  Genii  or  Eumenides,  its  white 
guardian  angels  interceding.  There  are  chariots 
of  Day  and  Kight,  Seasons,  and  various  other 
subjects  known  in  the  catacombs.  There  can 
be  no  doubt  that  this  earlier  sepulchral  art, 
with  its  notes  of  future  life  and  retribution, 
already  naturalised  and  in  use  for  centuries  in 
Rome,  made  it  easier  for  the  early  church  to  use 
picture-symbolism  in  tombs. 

The  relations  of  Christian  symbolism  to  that 
of  earlier  religious  systems  seem  to  have  been 
as  follows :— Certain  relics  of  Egyptian  or  Assy- 
rian imagery,  passed  into  the  Hebrew  system, 
were  there  found  to  lead  back  at  length  to  the 
idolatry  of  the  races  who  had  first  used  them, 
4ind  therefore,  after  the  Maccabean  dynasty, 
were  rejected  by  the  Jewish  nation,  though 
partly  resumed  in  idea,  and  as  pure  symbols,  by 
the  Christian  church.  Such  were  the  cherubic 
forms.  Those  of  the  lion,  the  ox,  and  the  eagle 
have  a  Christian  position  of  their  own.  A  sup- 
posed permission  of  symbolic  images  and  no 
more  was  inherited  from  the  Hebrew  church  : 
the  cherubic  images  and  the  brazen  serpent 
being  taken  as  precedents.  But  for  nearly  300 
years  of  its  existence  in  Rome  the  church  of 
Christ  might  be  considered  as  a  Greek  colony, 
with  cosmopolitan  relations  as  well  as  Hebraic. 
Greeks  were  used  to  pictures  everywhere,  and 
would  freely  adopt  and  adapt  the  decorative 
wall-painting  of  their  day.  In  the  basilicas,  or 
large  halls  of  palaces  where  the  brethren  met 
for  worship,  there  would  then  be  symbolic  pic- 
tures at  an  early  date — principally  the  vine  and 
the  Good  Shepherd,  considered  as  painted  texts 
of  the  Lord's  words.  But  further,  when  we 
come  to  consider  that  the  old  religion  of  Rome 
was  less  mythological  than  sepulchral,  and  that 
its  ancient  Etrurian  rites  dwelt  so  much  on 
adorning  the  tomb-chambers  of  the  dead,  it 
will  be  seen  what  special  family-Roman  reasons 
there  were  for  the  sepulchral  paintings  in  the 
catacombs.  The  Etrurians  had  imaged  an  un- 
known life  beyond  the  grave ;  the  Christians 
;set  forth  a  known  one. 


SYMBOLISM  1945 

frem,!jf  """'"^   ''   \'''*   °^  *^«  ^y^^ols  most 
fiequently   represented    in    painting    or    sculp- 

under  Old  rESTAjiENX  in  Christian  Art    or 
under  Paganish  in  Christian  Art. 

Ihpf  J,h  n  ■  Hippocampus  (Jonah) 

Abel  with  Cain  Horse 
Abel  in  the  act  of  sacrifice    House 

Abraham      „  „          Issue  of  Blood 
Abraham  with  the  Holy    Jerusalem' 

Three  jo,, 

Adam  and  Eve  Jonah 

^'I'^'^o'-  Jordan 

f"gf«  —as  River-God 

f  PPl^«  Joseph  (Patriarch) 

^'^  Lamb 

Bethlehem  Lion 

Bird  Lyre 

^^^f  Milk  or  Milk-pail 

"'*''  Monogram 

Car,  Cart,  Chariot  Moses 

Cask  or  Dolium  Net 

Cocks  Olive 
Children,  The  Three  Holy     Orante 

Corn  Orpheus 

Cross  Palm 

Daniel  Peacock 

Dolphin  Phoenix 

Iiove  ,  Pilate 

Dragon  Red  Sea 

Kagle  Rock 

^-■SS  Seasons,  Four 

Elijah  Serpent 

Firmament  Susanna 

Fir-tree  Sheep 

Fish  (Ix^vO  Ship 

Fish,  pictorial  Stag 

Fisherman  Shepherd,  The  Good 

Fountain  or  well  Sirens 

Furnace  Triangle 

Goat  Ulysses 

Gourd  (Jonah)  Vine 

Hand  Whale  (Jonah's). 
Hare 

Symbolic  personifications  occur  not  unfre- 
quently  in  early  art,  especially  in  the  MSS., 
and  may  be  distinguished  from  pure  symbols 
because  they  are  in  some  degree  connected  with 
mythology;  perhaps  with  idolatry,  either  as 
derived  from  it  or  leading  to  it.  For  instance, 
the  frequent  repetition  of  the  figure  of  the 
river-god,  Jordan,  as  in  the  celebrated  Greek 
drawings  of  the  Book  of  Joshua  in  the  Vatican, 
in  the  great  Venetian  Evangeliary,  on  the  vault 
of  the  baptistery  at  Ravenna,  and  in  the  Bene- 
dictionalofSt.  Ethelwold  (Westwood,  Palacogra- 
2ihia  Sacra)  are  harmless  relics  of  Greek  personi- 
fication. In  the  Greek  7th-century  MS.  of  the 
Book  of  Joshua  in  the  Vatican  (D'Agincourt, 
Feint,  pi.  29),  the  hill  of  the  foreskins  (Josh.  v.  3) 
is  represented  as  a  young  man,  and  the  city  of 
Gibeon  as  a  woman  with  a  face  full  of  anxiety ; 
not  to  speak  of  the  frequent  personifications  of 
the  church  as  an  Orante,  as  Susanna,  or  even 
as  the  woman  with  the  issue  of  blood.  A  pic- 
ture of  Night  occurs  in  a  Bible  of  the  9th  or 
10th  century  in  the  Bibliothfeque  du  Roi  at 
Paris,  as  a  female  figure  in  a  dark-blue  robe 
powdered  with  stars,  and  bearing  an  inverted 
torch.  It  is  a  beautiful  reproduction  of  classical 
imagery,  combined  with  Gothic  colour  and  depth 
of  feeling.  Day  and  night,  or  the  sun  and 
moon,  drawn  respectively  by  horses  and  oxen, 


1946 


SYMBOLISM 


are  found  in  the  Bible  of  Charles  the  Bold 
(J'alaeogr.  Sacra).    [Personification.] 

The  range  of  authorities  on  this  subject  is,  of 
course,  very  wide.  The  best  manuals,  perhaps, 
are  those  of  Alt  (Hciligcnbilder,  Berlin,  1845), 
Dr.  Piper's  Mijthologic  d.  christl.  Kunst,  and 
Merz's  article,  "  Sinnbilder,"  in  Herzog's  En- 
ajclopadie,  Bp.  Munter's  Sinnbilder  (1825)  is 
strongly  commended.  The  Abbe  Auber's  Sym- 
bolismc  rcligieux  is  ample,  and  perhaps  verbose. 
The  author  may  refer  to  a  book  called  Art 
Teaching  of  the  Primitive  Church  (S.  P.  C.  K. 
1873).  The  proper  authorities  for  the  art 
of  the  Christian  cemeteries  will  be  found  vmder 
Catacombs.  Prof.  Westwood's  works  contain 
many  facts  relative  to  MSS.  Aringhi's  index, 
in  Homa  Sotterranea,  contains  an  excellent  ac- 
count of  early  Christian  symbols,  with  quoted 
authorities,  for  the  most  part.  Lord  Lindsay's 
work,  with  references  to  D'Agincourt's  jslates,  is 
an  equally  brilliant  and  accurate  manual  of 
Christian  art  and  symbolism. 

U.  Symbolism  of  Construction. — Hitherto  we 
have  been  considering  symbolic  ideas  as  con- 
veyed by  sculptm-e  or  painting.  But  we  can 
hardly  pass  over  the  indirect  or  less  demonstrable 
symbolisms  of  architecture,  or  the  religious  or 
spiritual  meanings  attached  to  styles  and  fea- 
tures. What  spiritual  ideas  did,  or  do,  certain 
styles  of  building,  in  fact,  convey  to  a  com- 
petent number  of  competent  witnesses  ?  and  how 
far,  by  the  builders  and  contrivers,  were  the 
styles  or  features  intended  to  convey  spiritual 
or  any  other  special  ideas  ? 

In  the  first  place,  the  church  or  temple  itself 
is  in  all  cases  a  symbolic  object,  as  indicating 
an  unseen  object  of  more  importance  than  itself. 
All  its  splendour,  all  its  grandeur,  is  in  the 
nature  of  things  emblematic  of  a  house  not  made 
with  hands.  Symbolisms  of  the  altar,  and  all 
in  which  the  idea  of  sacrifice  is  involved,  are 
matter  for  the  theological  rather  than  the  ar- 
tistic department  of  this  work.  We  are  con- 
cerned only  with  the  constructive  form  of  sacred 
buildings,  whether  designed  by  the  ingenuity 
or  piety  of  the  builders,  or  inherent  in  the 
structure  itself.  Decorative  sj-mbolism  is  an 
addition  to  structure,  unmistakably  planned  and 
intended  by  those  who  paint  or  carve  ;  while  to  a 
great  extent  constructive  symbolism  seems  to 
depend  on  resemblances  observed  after  the  fact, 
and  analogies  which  the  original  builders  may 
not  have  thought  of.  The  features  of  a  building 
typify  or  indicate  the  needs  for  which  it  was 
raised,  or  in  honest  architecture  they  ought  to 
do  so. 

The  simple  constructive  arrangements  of  the 
earlier  Greek  temple,  passing  through  all  the 
vicissitudes  of  time,  climate,  barbarism,  war, 
and  peace,  developed  into  the  Christian,  even 
into  the  Gothic  church,  by  a  steady  natural  law 
of  progress,  which  some  call  decadence  and 
others  development.  The  essential  parts  are 
always  the  place  of  the  god,  and  the  place  for 
his  ministers,  with  space  —  "  temple,"  or  "  en- 
closure "  —  around,  roofed,  unroofed,  or  clois- 
tered, for  his  people  to  stand  before  him.  In 
the  Hebrew  temple  there  was  strict  classi- 
fication ;  all  the  chosen  people  were  sacred, 
and  had  their  exclusive  court ;  and  the  depart- 
ment of  the  priests  was  divided  between  their 
inner    cloister    and    the    sanctuary    where    the 


SYMBOLISM 

ministering  course  were  employed  ;  but  the  Holy 
of  Holies  still  remained,  where  the  brightness  of 
God's  presence  had  appeared.  The  later  syna- 
gogue has  its  choir,  sanctuary,  and  symbolic 
ark  or  chest  as  a  memorial  of  the  ark  of  the 
covenant,  occupying  the  Jerusalem  end  of  the 
building,  as  the  Christian  altar  is  placed  at  the 
east.  [Orientation.]  "=  The  construction  of 
a  Christian  church  then  is  in  itself  symbolic, 
like  that  of  all  other  temples.  The  meanings 
attached  to  various  parts  of  it,  or  to  the  hori- 
zontal or  vertical  style  of  its  architecture,  appear 
to  have  sprung  up  gradually  from  devout  imagi- 
nations of  various  times.  The  form  of  the  church 
is  traceable  in  all  cases  either  to  the  Basilica,  or 
the  circular  buildings,  baths  or  temples,  of 
which  the  Pantheon  is  the  grandest  type  re- 
maining. The  church,  in  the  first  instance, 
occupied  the  basilicas,  or  her  builders  adopted 
heathen  construction,  as  they  did  heathen  painting 
and  sculpture.  But  they  lost  no  time  in  con- 
necting meanings  of  their  own  with  the  building 
and  its  parts.  The  ship-symbolism  is  fully 
carried  out,  when  resemblances  are  contrived 
in  the  form  and  arrangements  of  the  actual 
structure  ;  and  this  is  certainly  indicated  in  the 
well-known  passage  from  the  Apostolical  Con- 
stitutions. {Apost.  Const,  ii.  c.  57,  ed.  Cotelerii, 
torn.  i.  p.  263.) 

There  was  an  important  symbolism  connected 
with  the  crypt  of  the  basilica,  which  connects 
the  larger  churches  with  the  primitive  worship 
and  celebrations  in  the  catacombs,  and  may  pro- 
bably be  coeval  with  the  Book  of  Revelation, 
The  altar  of  a  cubiculum  was  originally  the  table- 
tomb  above  the  remains  of  a  martyr  [Cata- 
combs]. It  is  scarcely  possible  not  to  connect 
this  with  the  passage  in  Rev.  vi.  9,  referring  tO' 
the  souls  of  the  faithful  to  death,  who  cry 
from  below  the  altar;  nor  with  the  parallel 
use  to  which  the  crypt  (or  prison  cell)  of  a 
Roman  basilica  was  converted.  In  Christian 
hands  the  crypt  became  the  tomb  of  the  martyr 
or  saint  to  whom  the  church  was  dedicated, 
and  its  altar  was  placed  directly  above  his  sar- 
cophagus or  grave.  Lord  Lindsay  says  the 
theory  of  an  ancient  church  presumed  it  to  be 
built  over  a  catacomb,  but  it  seems  probable- 
that  the  catacombs  were  often  opened  from- 
churches  or  their  area  (see  s.  ■;;.).  An  altar  in 
later  days  could  not  be  consecrated  without 
relics. 

The  arch  of  triumph,  between  the  central  nave 
and  the  sanctuary,  in  the  Christian  basilica- 
church,  was  figurative  of  the  transition  through 
death,  and  the  decoration  of  the  apse  and  tribune 
are  often  clearly  intended  to  give  the  idea  of 
heaven  or  the  apocalyptic  Jerusalem,  with  the 
Presence  of  God  [Mosaics].  See  Art-Teaching  of 
the  Primitive  Church,  p.  163,  by  the  author  of 
this  article. 

This  is  matter  of  decoration ;  and  the  con- 
structive symbolism  of  the  simple  or  Roman 
basilica  goes  no  further.  But  in  Byzantium, 
during  the  early  splendour  of  Constantine's  great 
works,  the  Eastern  or  absolutely  Christian  foms 

IS  The  introductory  essay  to  a  translation  of  Book  I. 
of  Durandus  of  Mende's  iJaiionaZe  Divinorum  Officiorum 
by  Neale  and  Webb  should  be  read  by  all  who  wish 
for  full  enumeration  of  symbolisms  in  church  construe- 


SYMBOLUM 

of  church  was  adopted,  and  the  whole  building 
made,  as  it  were,  emblematic  from  its  founda- 
tions by  being  raised  in  the  form  of  the  cross. 
The  cross  is  now  combined  with  the  dome  ;  the 
form  of  the  church  commemorates  the  humilia- 
tion and  sacrifice  of  God  for  man,  while  its  cen- 
tral cupola  involves  all  those  ideas  of  aspira- 
tion and  soaring  victory  which  have  since  been 
claimed,  almost  as  its  exclusive  property,  by 
the  northern  spire,  and  campanile.  The  first 
and  loftiest  ideas  of  aspiration  were  given  in 
strictly  horizontal  architecture  by  the  Eastern 
dome  and  cupola.  It  is  not  pure  vertical  height 
which  gives  the  idea  of  aspiration,  it  is  the 
sweeping  and  climbing  curves  of  arches  or  circles 
in  perspective.  Aspiring  lines  mean  lines  in 
which  or  by  which  the  sight  is  led  to  travel 
upwards.  The  soaring  effect  of  a  Gothic  interior, 
such  as  Westminster  Abbey,  is  not  conveyed  by 
perpendicular  lines,  but  by  the  perspective  curves 
of  piers  and  arches.  The  symbolism  of  aspira- 
tion has  been  worked  out  in  the  dome  and  cupola, 
as  well  as  by  the  pointed  arch  and  spire  ;  and 
horizontal  architecture  is  not  necessarily  grovel- 
ling, but  adapted  in  the  first  instance  to  the  uses 
of  a  hot  climate,  and  capable  of  being  adapted 
by  modifications  of  the  arch  and  vault  to  the 
needs  of  any  climate.  Without  doubt  the  Eastern 
dome,  rightly  decorated,  and  seen  from  within,  did 
and  does  seem,  as  Lord  Lindsay  says  (i.  p.  63),  to 
expand  into  infinity  like  the  vault  of  heaven.  His 
beautiful  corollary,  that  it  is  the  emblem  of 
heaven,  as  the  cross-structure  on  which  it  rests 
is  the  type  of  suffering  obedience,  which  in  the 
end  is  built  up  or  edified  to  reach  heaven,  is  in 
the  best  and  truest  spirit  of  ancient  imagery ; 
and  he  adds,  in  a  note,  the  remark  that  the  roofs 
of  temples,  both  Christian  and  Pagan,  were  fre- 
quently painted  azure  and  powdered  with  stars 
to  convey  the  same  idea. 

The  elaborate  symbolisms  of  pointed  architec- 
ture are  far  beyond  our  period.       [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

SYMBOLUM.     [Creed;  Traditio.] 

SYMEON.    [Simeon.] 

SYMMETRIUS,  May  26,  presbyter,  martyr  ; 
commemorated  at  Rome  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon., 
Notker.).  [C  H.] 

SYMPHORIANUS,  Aug.  22,  martyr  in  the 
reign  of  Aurelius ;  commemorated  at  Autun 
(iiart  Bed.,  Bed.  Metr.,  Usuard.) ;  called  Sinfu- 
rianus  in  the  Gothic  Missal,  where  there  is  a 
mass  for  his  natale  (the  day  unnamed),  and  he 
is  mentioned  in  the  prayers  as  a  follower  of 
Andochius  and  Benignus.  The  Liber  Antipho- 
narius  of  Gregory  has  an  office  for  his  natale  and 
that  of  Timotheus  jointly.  [C  H.] 

SYMPHOEOSA,  July  2,  martyr  in  Cam- 
pania with  her  seven  sons  (Mart.  Usuard., 
Adon.) ;  commemorated  at  Tibur  or  on  the  Via 
Tiburtina  July  18  (Hieron.,  Rom.,  Notker., 
Wand.);  July  21  (Bed.);  June  27  (Usuard., 
Mart.  Vet.  Rom.).  [C.  H.] 

SYMPHRONIANUS,  July  7  and  Nov.  8, 
artificer  and  martyr ;  commemorated  at  Rome 
with  Claudius,  Nicostratus  and  others  (Mart. 
Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Rom.).  [C.  H.] 


SYNCELLUS 


1947 


SYMPHRONIUS,  July  26;  commemorated 
with  Olympius  and  others  on  the  Via  Latina 
(Mart.  Usuard.);  Dec.  4  (Mart.  Vet.  Rom.) 

[C.  H.] 

SYNAPTE  (a-vvairTTi,  scil.  Serjo-ts  fj  atTrjais), 
the  Greek  term  equivalent  to  the  Latin  CoUecta, 
Angl.  Collect.  The  longer  prayers  in  the  Liturgy 
were  called  ixeyaXal  (rvvaTtTal,  and  the  Shorter 
Collects  in  Terce,  Sext,  &c.,  /xixpal,  (TwaTTTolf 
also  called  to.  SLaKoviKo.,  from  their  being  gene- 
rally read  by  a  deacon  or  ilp-qviKa,  from  the 
pax  vobiscum  which  preceded  them.  Synapte  is 
properly  applied  to  the  series  of  short  petitions 
which  often  occur  in  Eastern  offices,  and  of  which 
a  Western  example  may  be  seen  in  the  Ambrosian 
Missal  (Domiu,  2,  edit.  Pamel.  i.  321,  328.  The 
expression  avvavTr]  oiVrjo-eajs  refers  to  the  fre- 
quent repetition  of  the  phrase  t^  Kvpiou  S€7)0ctfjuej/ 
(Moriuus,  de  Sacris  Ordinat.  p.  227 ;  Goar, 
Eucholog.  pp.  46,  47).  [F.  E.  W.] 

SYNAXAEIA.     [Menologitjm.] 

SYNAXAEIA  (awaiapia).  The  lives  of 
the  saints  as  drawn  up  and  arranged  in  the 
Menaea  or  other  ecclesiastical  books',  sometimes 
extracted  and  published  for  convenience'  sake  in 
a  separate  form  by  themselves.  [F.  E.  W.] 

SYNAXIS  (avvalis).  (a)  A  general  nama 
for  a  course  of  ecclesiastical  offices,  constituting 
the  day-hours  and  night-hours  of  the  church. 
Cap.  vii.  of  the  Reg.  S.  Columbaui  is  entitled 
"  De  Synaxi,  id  est,  de  cursu  Psalmorum  et  ora- 
tionum  modo  canoncio."  Each  separate  office 
was  also  entitled  a  synaxis.  Mention  is  made  of 
a  vespertina  synaxis  (Rule  of  St.  Benedict,  c.  17  ; 
Mab.  de  Lit.  Gall.  p.  109);  a  matutinalis  or 
matutinorum  synaxis  (Martene,  Ampliss.  Coll. 
vi.  384,  Acta  SS.  Ord.  Benedict,  saec.  iv.  pt.  i. 
p.  399)  ;  nonae  synaxis  (ih.  saec.  v.  p.  15). 

(b)  A  congregation  or  gathering  of  monks  or 
clergy  for  any  religious  purpose  (Cassian,  lib.  ii. 
de  Jnstit.  Mon.  cap.  10). 

(c)  An  equivalent  term  for  eucharistia  (Dionys. 
Areop.  de  Eccles.  Hierar.  lib.  cap.  iii. ;  de  Sacra- 
mento synaxeos  sine  communionis,  et  passim). 

(d)  In  a  non-technical  sense  in  connexion 
with  time  ;  post  unius  anni  synaxin,  after  the 
lapse  of  a  year.  [F.  E.  W.] 

SYNCELLUS.  Originally  a  monk  occupy- 
ing the  same  cell  with  another  monk ;  sub- 
sequently a  subordinate  brother  who  shared  the 
cell  of  the  abbat,  or  of  the  bishop  when  the- 
latter  resided  in  a  monastery,  to  be  the  constant 
witness  of  his  manner  of  life  and  devotions,  who 
by  his  presence  might  strengthen  him  against 
temptation  and  stimulate  him  to  the  practice  of 
piety  (see  the  authorities  given  by  Ducange,  su6 
voc).  In  later  times  the  term  lost  almost  all 
reference  to  its  original  meaning,  and  became  the 
designation  of  a  high  ecclesiastical  dignity,  the 
"  syncelli  "  being  the  chaplains  and  confidential 
ministers,  or  private  secretaries,  of  metropolitans 
and  patriarchs,  who  very  frequently  became  theiv 
successors.  The  number  of  "  syncelli  "  of  the 
patriarch  of  Constantinople  attached  to  the 
church  of  St.  Sophia  was  at  one  time  very  large, 
but  it  was  reduced  by  the  emperor  Heraclius 
early  in  the  7th  century  to  two.  ^^  In  public 
assemblies  and  synods  the  "  syncelli  "  took  pre- 
cedence of  the  metropolitans,  which,  according 


1948 


SYNDICUS 


to  a  passage  cited  by  Suicer,  once  gave  rise  to 
an  unseemly  squabble  at  the  Pentecostal  cele- 
bration (Codin.  Curopal.  p.  112,  ed.  Bonn).  The 
chief  of  the  "  syncelli "  at  Constantinople  was 
called  irpajToavyKtWos  t?)s  /xeyaKTis  eKK\T]crias, 
corrupted  into  irpwToaiiyyeXos  {Liturg.  Chrijs.)  ; 
he  ranked  next  to  the  patriarch,  whose  spiritual 
director  he  was,  and  whose  confessions  he  heard. 
He  had  rooms  in  the  archiepiscopal  palace,  or 
when  the  patriarch  resided  in  a  monastery,  a 
cell  adjacent  to  that  occupied  by  him.  Cedrenus 
states  that  the  "protosyncellus  "  before  his  time 
had  usually  succeeded  to  the  patriarchal  throne 
on  its  vacancy.  (Goar,  Kuchol.  p.  112  ;  Suicer, 
svh  voc. ;  Ducange,  sub  voc.  ;  Codin.  Annotat.  pp. 
112,  377.)  [E.  v.] 

SYNDICUS.     [Advocate.] 

SYNETUS,  Dec.  12,  martyr  at  Rome  in  the 
r«ign  of  Aurelian  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Jlenol.  Gnwc. 
Sirlet.).  [C.  H.] 

SYNOD.    [Council.] 

SYNODICAE  EPISTOLAE.  [Council, 
p.  475.] 

SYNODITAE.  Monks  are  called  Synoditae 
in  the  Theodosian  Code,  from  their  living  in 
communities  (^(rvp6SoLs)  [Coenobium  ;  Monas- 
tery]. [C] 

SYNOPSIS  (ffwoypts).  Any  abbreviated 
compilation  from  the  larger  Office  Books  of  the 
Eastern  church  and  from  other  sources  for 
private  use.  [F.  E.  W.] 

SYNTHRONUS  (ffivepovos).  The  name 
given  to  the  chancel  seats  round  and  behind  the 
altar  in  the  Greek  church,  in  use  by  the  offi- 
ciating clergy  during  the  Liturgy,  &c.  The 
Thronos,  or  chief  seat,  the  bishop's  throne, 
occupied  the  central  and  easternmost  position 
behind  the  altar.  It  is  marked  G  on  the  ground 
])lan  of  the  church  exhibited  in  Goar's  Eucholog. 
p.  13.  [F.  E.  W.] 

SYNTYCHE,  July  22,  Phil.  iv.  4 ;  comme- 
morated at  Philippi  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet. 
Mom.,  Notker.).  [C.  H.] 

SYRINX.  As  in  numberless  instances  in 
ancient  Pagan  art  the  pipe  is  the  regular 
accompaniment  of  the  shepherd,  so  the  Good 
Shepherd  is,  in  Christian  art,  often  represented 
with  a  pipe  of  seven  reeds  or  straws.  Sometimes 
he  is  holding  it  in  his  hand  (Bottari,  Scultiire 
c  Pitture,  Ixxviii.  cv.  cix.),  sometimes  he  holds 
it  to  his  mouth  (Ferret,  Cat.  de  Rome,  v.  pi. 
Ixviii.),  sometimes  it  hangs  on  his  arm  (Bott. 
clxix.),  or  at  his  side,  suspended  by  a  strap  over 
the  shoulder  (ih.  clxxiv.)  ;  again,  it  is  to  be 
seen  lying  at  his  side,  as  on  a  fragment  of  ancient 
glass  in  the  collection  of  Buonarroti  (^Osserva- 
zioni,  &c.  tav.  v.  2). 

This  primitive  musical  instrument,  with  which 
shepherds  were  supposed  to  call  back  their  flocks 
to  the  fold,  like  other  pastoral  emblems,  soon 
began  to  be  used  in  an  allegorical  sense  by  the 
early  fathers.      Thus    Gregory   Nazianzeu  (Or. 

28,  43),  after  describing  the  anxiety  of  a 
shepherd,  who,  mounted  on  an  eminence,  fills  the 
air  with  the  melancholy  strains  of  his  pipe, 
I'ecommends  the  spiritual  pastor  to  follow  his 


TABULARIUM 

example  and  try  to  win  souls  to  God  by  per- 
suasion rather  than  by  force,  to  use  the  pipe 
rather  than  the  staff'  (Martigny,  Diet,  des  Antiq. 
chret.  s.  v.).  [E.  C.  H.] 

SYROPHOENICIAN,  THE  (in  Art).  Tlie 
Syrophoenician  supplicating  the  Lord  to  heal  her 
daughter  (Matt.  xv.  21  fi; ;  Mark  vii.  24  ff.)  is 
thought  to  be  represented  in  a  bas-relief  of  a 
sarcophagus  from  the  Vatican  cemetery  (Bosio, 
Roma  Sott.  p.  65  ;  Martigny,  p.  162,  2nd  ed.). 
The  woman,  represented  of  small  size,  kisses  the 
hand  of  the  Lord,  while  an  apostle  behind  her 
lays  his  hand  on  her  shoulder.  The  identifi- 
cation of  this  figure  with  the  woman  of  Canaan 
is  however  by  no  means  certain  (Martigny,  Diet, 
des  Antiq.  chre't.  s.  v.  Clianan<fcnne).  [C] 

SYRUS,  Sept.  12,  confessor ;  commemorated 
with  Eventius  at  Ticinum  (J/a*-^.  Usuard.,  Adon., 
Vet.  Rom.,  Notker.).  [C.  H.] 

SYSTATICAE  EPISTOLAE.  [Commen- 
datory Letters.] 


TABITHA  (in  Art).  The  subject  of  the 
resurrection  of  Tabitha  is  not  to  be  found,  as  far 
as  is  known,  on  any  Koman  monument,  but  two 
instances  occur  in  France.  One  of  these  is  on 
a  sarcophagus,  supposed  to  be  of  Sidonius,  bishop 
of  Aix,  seemingly  as  early  as  the  4th  century, 
and  still  existing  in  the  crypt  of  St.  Madeleine 
at  the  abbey  of  St.  Maximin  (Monum.  relat.  a 
S"  Madeleine,  t.  i.  col.  767).  In  agreement 
with  the  Scriptural  account,  St.  Peter  is 
represented  standing  and  holding  out  his  hand 
to  Tabitha.  The  bed  on  which  she  is  repre- 
sented sitting  up  is  furnished  with  curtains 
suspended  by  rings  from  a  rod,  and  near  it  two 
children  of  unequal  height  kneel  and  extend 
their  hands  to  the  apostle  in  token  of  gratitude. 
On  the  other  side  of  the  bed  is  a  front  view  of 
two  female  figures  in  a  dress  very  like  that  of 
modern  nuns,  which  is  supposed  to  have  been 
the  dress  of  widows  in  the  earliest  Christian 
times.  These  two  figures  are  of  course  intended 
for  the  widows  spoken  of  in  Acts  ix.  39.  The 
other  instance  referred  to  repeats  all  the  features 
of  the  one  already  described,  and  is  to  be  seen 
on  a  tomb  in  the  museum  of  Aries,  No.  70.  The 
same  subject  is  also  found  on  a  sarcophagus  in 
the  cathedral  of  Fermo,  with  this  difference  of 
treatment,  that  all  the  persons  represented  are 
taken  from  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  and  are  in 
some  way  connected  with  the  life  of  St.  Peter. 
(Martigny,  Diet,  des  Antiq.  chr€t.  s.  v.) 

[E.  C.  H.] 

TABULARIUM.  A  name  sometimes  given 
to  the  muniment-room  of  a  church  in  which  the 
archives  were  kept.  It  was  ordered  in  the  legis- 
lation of  Justinian,  and  afterwards  in  that  of 
Charlemagne,  that  documents  of  special  import- 
ance should  be  deposited  in  the  tahularia  of 
churches.  (T.  Eckhart,  Schediasma  de  Tahulariis 
Antiquis,  1717;  J.  C.  Beheim,  de  Archivis  sive 
Tahulariis  Vet.  Christian.  AltorL  1722.)       [C] 


TALIONIS  LEX 
TALIONIS    LEX.      [Corpoual    Puxish- 

JIENT,  p.  469.] 

TANIST  ABBAT,  according  to  tlie  Celtic 
laws  of  Tanistry,  was  the  abbat  designate 
(Reeves,  St.  Adamnan,  364,  379),  and  may  have 
exercised  a  certain  authority  (principatum  lae 
tenuit,  Ann.  Tig.  a.d.  707,  ap.  O'Conor,  Ber. 
Jlib.  Script,  iv.  224),  but  the  matter  is  obscure. 
(Skene,  Forduii,  ii.  441  sq. ;  Vallency,  Coll.  i. 
265  sq.,  274  sq.  ;  O'Curry,  Lect.  Man.  Cast. 
Anc.  Ir.  iii.  600.)  [J.  G.] 

TAPERS.     [Lights;  Paschal  Taper.] 

TARACUS  (Tharacus),  Oct.  11;  martyr 
with  Probus  and  Andronicus  in  the  Diocletian 
persecution  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Aden.,  Vet.  Rom., 
Notker.,  Wand.)  ;  Oct.  12  (Basil.  Mcnol. ;  Cal. 
Byzant.);  Sept.  27,  Oct.  9,  Oct.  10  {Hicron.)  ; 
May  13  in  Palestine  (^IJieron.);  Apr.  5  (Hieron., 
Notker.).  [C.  H.] 

TARASIUS,  Feb.  25,  patriarch  of  Constan- 
tinople (Basil.  Menol. ;  Cal.  Byzant. ;  Menol. 
Grace.  Sirlet.).  [C.  H.] 

TARBUA,  Apr.  22,  martyr  in  Persia  under 
Sapor,  sister  of  bishop  Simeon  {Mart.  Usuard., 
Notker.).  [C.  H.] 

TARRAGONA,  COUNCILS  OF  (Tarra- 
CONENSIA  Concilia).  Only  two  fall  within  our 
limits. 

1.  A.D.  464,  to  censure  Silvanus,  bishop  of 
Calahorra,  for  ordaining  out  of  his  diocese ; 
and  to  appoint  to  the  see  of  Barcelona,  then 
vacant.  The  alleged  letters  from  this  council  to 
pope  Hilary  have  been  noticed  under  an  alleged 
lioman  synod  of  the  year  following  (Mansi,  vii. 
957). 

2.  A.D.  516,  when  thirteen  canons  on  dis- 
cipline were  passed,  to  which  ten  bishops  under 
.John,  bishop  of  Tarragona,  subscribed.  {Ih.  viii. 
539-46.)  [E.  S.  Ff  ] 

TARSUS,  COUNCILS  OF  (Tarsensia 
Concilia),  a.d.  431  and  435.  The  first  when 
several  bishops  returning  from  Constantinople 
met  and  deposed  St.  Cyril  and  the  seven  bishops 
who  had  been  sent  thither  from  the  council  of 
Ephesus  against  the  Easterns  (Mansi,  v.  1147); 
the  second  when  Helladius,  metropolitan  of 
Tarsus,  and  several  of  his  suffragans,  gave  their 
adhesion  to  the  peace  made  between  John  of 
Antioch  and  St.  Cyril,  and  anathematised 
Nestorius.     {lb.  p.  1179.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

TATIANA,  Jan.  12,  Roman  deaconess,  mar- 
tyr under  Alexander  Severus  (Basil.  Menol. ; 
Cal.  Byzant. ;  Menol.  Grace.  Sirlet.).      [C.  H.] 

TATIANUS  (1),  Mar.  16,  deacon,  com- 
memorated at  Aquileia  with  bishop  Hilarius 
{Mai±  Usuard.) ;  Mar.  17  (Notker.). 

(2)  July  19,  martyr;  commemorated  with 
Macedonius  and  others  at  Synnada  {Syr.  Mart.)  ; 
Sept.  12,  with  Macedonius  and  Theodulus,  under 
Julian,  the  place  not  named  {Mcnol.  Grace.  Sir- 
let.).  [C.  H.] 

TAURINENSE  CONCILIUM.    [Turin.] 

TAURINUS,  Aug.  11,  bishop  of  Evreux, 
confessor  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Hierwi.).  [C.  H.] 


TE  DEUM 
TECLA.     [Thecla.] 


1949 


TE  DEUM.  The  history  of  this  wondrous 
hymn  is  obscure.  Although  no  version  of  it  in 
Greek  has  as  yet  been  met  with,  there  can  be 
little  doubt  that  large  portions  of  it  were  drawn 
from  Greek  or  Oriental  sources.  Taking  our 
modern  version  as  our  text,  we  shall  find  that 
it  consists  of  twenty-nine  clauses.  Of  these  the 
first  ten  are  closely  connected  with  the  Eucha- 
ristic  hymn  of  the  liturgy  of  Jerusalem.  We 
find  the  germ  of  the  next  three  in  the  Morning 
Hymn  of  the  Alexandrine  manuscript.  Of  the 
last  nine  clauses  those  numbered  22,  23,  are 
to  be  found  in  Psalm  xxvii.  9  (Vulg.  or  Sep- 
tuagiut).  The  next  three  are  found  in  the 
Morning  Hymn  above  referred  to;  27  is  iden- 
tical with  Psalm  cxxii.  3 ;  29  is  clearly  derived 
from  Psalm  xxi.  6. 

The  conclusion  of  the  hymn  varies  from  our 
received  text  in  three  series  of  important  manu- 
scripts. In  one  manuscript,  which  probably 
survived  the  sack  of  a  French  monastery,  and, 
after  being  purchased  by  Queen  Christina  of 
Sweden,  was  given  by  her  to  the  library  of  the 
Vatican  (Reg.  si.  or  Vat.  Alex,  xi.),  we  have 
the  following  clauses :  "  Benedictus  es  Domiue 
Deus  patrum  nostrorum  et  laudabile  et  glorio- 
sum  nomen  tuum  in  aeternum.  Dignare  die  ista 
sine  peccato  nos  custodire."  In  another  MS.  at 
the  Vatican,  No.  82,  we  have  nearly  the  same 
clause  :  "  Benedictus  es  Domine,"  &c.  We  may 
compare  this,  together  with  the  clauses  24, 
25,  26  still  remaining  in  our  version  with 
the  following  portion  of  the  Alexandrine  hymn, 
and  the  comparison  will  shew  convincingly  what 
is  the  origin  of  these  clauses  : — 

naff  e<da-Triv  ri)i.epav  evXoyrjcrio  <re 
Kai  aive<roi  to  ovofxa  <rov  et?  tov  aidva 
KoX  eU  Toi/  aliova  toO  aJwi/os. 
Kara^CoJo-ov   (Ci/'pie   Kal   •rrji'    T]ixipav  TavTr)U 
aj'a/u.o/JT^TOUs  ^v\ax6rii/ai,  rjixai. 

evAoyTjTos  et  Kvpie  6  0e6?  ruiif  naTepiov  rjfjiiov  Kal 
alverou  koI  SeSo^acrixii'ov  to  oi/o^ta  cou  eis 
Toiis  aioii'as.     'Afirjv. 

It  will  have  been  seen  that  there  are  four 
different  conclusions  to  this  hymn.  Speaking 
generally,  all  the  copies  are  the  same  up  to  and 
including  our  clause  21 ;  but  the  Vatican  MS. 
82  (a  Roman  psalter),  after  21,  has  only  24,  25, 
22,  23,  concluding  with  the  Benedictus  es,  as 
above.  That  is,  it  omits  altogether  26,  27,  28, 
29,  and  so  far  severs  itself  from  the  Greek 
hymn.  The  Vat.  Alex.  xi.  a  magnificent  psalter, 
containing  the  versio  Hebraica  of  Jerome,  omits 
in  the  Te  Deum  clauses  24,  25,  28,  29,  and  reads 
thus  :  22,  23,  Benedictus  es,  26,  27.  A  third 
version  was  current  in  Ireland.  In  the  hymn- 
book  edited  by  Dr.  Todd  for  the  Irish  Archaeo- 
logical and  Celtic  Society,  p.  194,  and  in 
the  hymn  contained  in  the  Antiphonary  of 
Bangor  (now  one  of  the  treasures  of  the  library 
at  Milan)  the  order  is  22,  23,  24,  25,  28.  They 
leave  out  26,  27,  29.  These  versions  are  intro- 
duced by  the  words  "  Laudate  pueri  Dominuni  ; 
laudate  nomen  Domini "  (see  the  Bangor  Anti- 
phonary, in  Migne,  72,  p.  587).  These  last 
verses  precede  the  hymn  also  in  the  copy  con- 
tained in  the  Isidore  MS.  now  in  the  Franciscan 
convent  at  Dublin.  At  the  end  of  the  copy  in  Dr. 
Todd's  Book  of  Hymns,  p.  19,  is  the  following  : 


1950 


TE  DEUM 


"  Te  Patrem  adoramus  eternum :  te  sempiternum 
filium  inuocamus  :  teque  spiritum  sanctum  in  una 
diuinitatis  substantia  raanentem  confitemur.  Tibi 
uni  Deo  in  Trinitate  debitas  laudes  et  gratias 
referemus  ut  te  incessabili  uoce  laudare  mere- 
amur  per  eterna  secula."  These  words  also 
occur  in  the  Franciscan  MS.,  but  they  are  not 
arranged  in  versicles  in  the  Irish  hymn-book. 
The  order  in  the  Bangor  Antiphonary  is  the 
same  as  in  the  Irish  hymn-book.  According  to 
Muratori,  the  "  Te  Patrem  adoramus  "  is  not 
found  in  this  Antiphonary ;  but  towards  the 
end  of  the  MS.  there  are  some  curious  fragments 
sewn  together  (not  noticed  by  Muratori), 
amongst  which  the  above  address  to  the  Holy 
Trinity  is  inserted,  and  also  another,  which  is 
identical  with  it  as  far  as  the  word  confitemur, 
and  then  proceeds : — 

'•  Tibi  Trinitas  laudes  et  gratias  referemus  ; 
tibi  uni  Deo  incessabilem  dicimus  laudem;  tc 
patrem  ingenitum,  te  filium  unigenitum,  te 
spiritum  sanctum  a  patre  [et  filio  is  added  in 
the  margin]  procedentem  corde  credimus ;  tibi 
inaestimabili  iucomprehensibili  omnipotenti  deo 
qui  regnas  in  aeternum." 

The  result  of  this  investigation  seems  to  be 
that  the  Te  Deum,  even  in  its  earliest  form,  was 
regarded,  like  the  Morning  Hymn  of  the  Alex- 
andrine MS.,  as  a  hymn  sung  to  the  Holy 
Trinity,  even  though  the  work  of  our  Lord 
predominates  in  its  latter  clauses. 

The  earliest  notice  of  it  that  has  been 
discovered  is  in  the  R:i!e  of  Caesarius  (about 
A.D.  527).  According  to  it  on  every  Sunday  there 
were  to  be  first  six  missae  or  prayers ;  these 
finished,  the  Matins  were  to  follow.  Exaltabo 
te  (Psalm  cxlv.)  ;  then  Confitemini  (cxxxvi.  (?)  ; 
then  Cantemus  Domino  (the  canticle  in  Exodus 
XV.) ;  Lauda,  anima  mea  (Psalm  cxlvi.) ;  Bene- 
dictio  (the  Benedicite  omnia  opera  Domini 
Dominum) ;  then  Laudate  Dominum  de  caelis 
(Psalm  cxlviii.)  Te  Deum  laudamus,  Gloria  in 
excelsis,  and  the  Capitellum.  The  Rule  of 
Aurelian  was  somewhat  similar.  Columbanus, 
who  was  connected  with  the  Irish  Bangor,  and 
founded  the  monastery  of  Bobio,  where  the 
Bangor  Antiphonary  came  from,  does  not  mention 
the  canticles  or  Te  Deum  in  his  rule ;  but  it  is 
worthy  of  notice  that  this  Antiphonary  gives 
the  hymns  Canticum,  Cantemus  Domino,  Bene- 
dictio  trium  puerorum,  Benedicite,  "  Hymnum  in 
die  Dominico,  Laudate  pueri  Dominum  ;  laudate 
nomen  Domini ;  Te  Deum  laudamus "  in  the 
order  of  the  rule  of  Caesarius.  Only  the  intro- 
duction to  the  Te  Deum  is  furnished  by  the  two 
verses  of  Psalm  cxii.  instead  of  Psalm  cxlviii.  : 
the  same  two  verses  which  precede  the  Te  Deum 
in  the  two  Irish  hymn-books. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  Bangor  Antiphonary, 
as  given  by  Muratori,  are  series  of  five  or  six 
sets  of  short  prayers  to  be  used  after  the  Ca7i- 
temus,  after  the  Benedicite,  after  the  Laudate 
Dominum  de  caelis,  and  after  the  gospel.  In- 
ternal evidence  shews  that  the  Laudate  Dominum 
de  caelis  included  here  the  Te  Deum ;  and  the 
prayers  furnish  a  beautiful  illustration  of  the 
Rule  of  Caesarius. 

Columbanus  died  about  615,  Caesarius  about 
542,  but  there  is  one  expression  in  the  Te  Deum 
which  seems  to  carry  us  back  to  an  earlier  date. 
We  refer  to  the  phrase  "  suscepisti  hominem," 
for  such  was  the  univei-sal  reading  until  Abbo 


TE  DEUM 

of  Fleury  altered  it  to  "  suscepturus."  There 
are  two  readings  of  the  verse.  The  two  Irish 
manuscripts  read,  "  Tu  ad  liberandum  mundum 
suscepisti  hominem."  All  the  other  old  copies 
which  have  been  examined  omit  the  word 
"  mundum."  In  either  case  the  verse  means, 
"  Thou  didst  take  upon  thee  man"  or  "  a  man  " 
either  "  to  deliver  him "  or  to  "  deliver  the 
world."  The  phrase  "  suscepit  hominem  "  was 
current  in  the  time  of  St.  Augustine,  but  went 
out  of  favour  after  the  Nestorian  controversy  ;  it 
gave  way  to  the  phrase  "adsumpsit  humani- 
tatem  "  or  "  humanam  naturam."  (We  find  the 
words  "  ad  liberandos  homines "  as  describing 
one  object  of  our  Lord's  Incarnation  in  Augus- 
tine's letters  No.  137,  §  11).  We  conceive  that 
so  far  there  is  sufficient  evidence  that  the  words 
of  the  hymn  may  date  from  the  time  of  St. 
Augustine. 

The  titles  which  we  find  prefixed  to  the  hymn 
in  various  psalters  are  interesting  in  themselves, 
and  may  perhaps  throw  some  light  upon  the 
localities  where  these  psaltei's  were  written.  The 
hymn  is  not  found  in  the  oldest  psalters,  as  in  those 
at  Bamberg  and  Verona  and  the  original  Vespasian 
A  1  (which  no  doubt  belonged  to  St.  Augustine's 
monastery,  Canterbury,  and  which  was  placed  in 
a  kind  of  recess  or  shelf  over  the  high  altar  on 
the  supposition  that  Augustine  brought  it  from 
Rome,  a  present  from  Gregory  the  Great),  or 
the  original  Galba  A,  sviii.  It  is  found  in 
several  psalters  written  in  the  9th  century. 
The  title  "  Hymnus  in  Die  Dominica  ad  matutin." 
or  "  ad  matutin.  in  die  dominica  "  is  prefixed  to 
it  in  Marinus'  psalter  at  C.  C.  C.  Cambridge 
(Xo.  272)  ;  in  the  beautiful  psalter  of  Charles  the 
Bald  at  Paris ;  one  at  St.  Gall,  15  ;  another  at 
C.  C.  C.  411  ;  and  the  second  part  of  Galba  A, 
xviii.  In  the  beautiful  volume  at  Oxford,  Douce, 
59,  it  is  entitled  "Hymnus  in  Die  Dominica." 
In  the  latter  part  of  Vespasian  A  1,  in  Claudius 
C.  vii.  (the  Utrecht  psalter),  Harleian  2904,  and 
the  quadripartite  psalter  at  Bamberg  it  is  called 
simply  "  Hymnus  "  or  "  Ymnum  in  matutinis," 
or  otherwise  to  the  same  effect.  In  the  last- 
named  psalter  there  is  an  attempt  at  a  Greek 
version  as  far  as  clause  12,  when  it  ceases.  In 
St.  Gall  20  we  find  the  v.-ords  "  hymnus  domin> 
pro  noct.  hoc  est  ante  lectionem  evangelii,"  and  in 
Arundel  155,  "hymnus  doms.  nocturna  laud, 
can."  In  the  former  as  well  as  in  St.  Gall  23 
(Folkard's  magnificent  psalter),  the  words  "  Te 
decet  laus,  te  decet  ymnus,  tibi  gloria,  domine, 
patri  et  filio  et  spiritui  sancto  in  saecula  saecu- 
lorum.  Amen,"  are  at  the  end  of  the  hymn.  In 
what  is  called  Bacon's  psalter  in  the  Cambridge 
University  Library  it  is  entitled  "  Hymnus 
optimus."  In  Reg.  2  B.  v.  at  the  British 
Museum  "  oratio  pura  cum  laudatione."  In  St. 
John's  College,  Cambridge,  c.  15,  "  laus  angelica." 
Then  we  come  to  a  series  in  which  the  title  is 
prefixed,  "hymnus  quem  S.  Ambrosius  et  S. 
Augustinus  invicem  condiderunt."  This  is 
found  in  Vienna,  1861  (the  famous  psalter  said 
to  have  been  sent  by  Charlemagne  to  Hadrian  : 
Daniel  "  confesses  that  he  had  always  suspected 
that  additions  were  made  at  the  end  of  this 
]jsalter  by  a  later  hand  "),  Vitellius  E.  xviii.;  St. 
Gall  23  (Folkard's)  and  27.  This  or  some  equi- 
valent title  prevailed  in  later  years.  In  a  psalter 
at  Salzburg,  A.  v.  31,  "hymnus  Augustini."  In 
several  notable  psalters  such  as  that  in  the  great 


TEKLA  HAIMANOT 

Venice  Bible  and  Paris  13,159,  C.  C.  C.  391, 
Lambeth  197,  Salzburg  A.  v.  30,  there  is  no 
title  prefixed.  The  Irish  book  of  hymns  has 
"  haec  est  laus  sanctae  Trinitatis  quam  Augus- 
tinus  sanctus  et  Ambrosius  composuit."  Arch- 
bishop Ussher  seems  to  have  seen  two  manu- 
scripts in  which  the  composition  was  ascribed  to 
one  Nicetus :  one  was  in  the  Cotton  Library. 
Such  a  volume  cannot  now  be  found,  but  in  the 
Norfolk  Library,  now  in  the  British  Museum, 
"Arundel   60,"  the   hymn    is    introduced  thus, 

"YMH'  SCIVICETI  EPI  DIEB  ;  DOMIN.  AD  MATUT." 

and  there  are  two  MSS.  at  Florence,  Plut.  xvii. 
Cod.  iii.  and  viii.  where  nearly  the  same  words 
are  found.  Elsewhere  (see  Oudin,  t.  i.  p.  668) 
it  is  described  as  "  Sisebuti,"  "  Sisebuti  monachi," 
"  S.  Abundii  •,"  these  probably  are  phonetic 
spellings  of  the  same  name. 

These  memoranda  may  possibly  assist  in  the 
effort  to  trace  these  manuscripts  to  their  original 
sources  or  to  the  localities  where  they  were  used. 
Many  of  the  titles  agree  with  the  account  given 
in  the  rules  of  Caesarius,  Aurelian,  and  Benedict. 
In  this  last  the  Te  Dcum  preceded  the  lesson 
from  the  Gospel,  the  Te  decet  followed  it  on  the 
vigils  of  the  Sundays.  The  change  from  mattins 
to  nocturns  is  interesting.  Of  course  the  service 
was  the  same,  though  the  name  was  altered.  It  is 
also  interesting  to  notice  that  in  the  7th  century, 
as  now,  the  Tc  Deum  preceded  the  lesson  from 
the  Gospel. 

The  words  "  Te  gloriosus  apostolorum  chorus  " 
have  recalled  to  many  minds  the  beautiful  pas- 
sage at  the  end  of  Cyprian's  treatise  de  Mor- 
talitate,  "  illic  apostolorum  gloriosus  chorus, 
illic  prophetarum  esultantium  numerus,  illic 
martyrum  innumerabilis  populus." 

The  Te  Deum  laudamus  is  mentioned  twice  by 
Alcuin  in  his  book  de  Psalmorum  usu  (Migne,  101, 
pp.  468,  469).  It  is  entitled  Hjjmnum  dominicale, 
p.  592.  But  the  test  has  been  modernized  in  the 
"  suscepisti."  [C.  A.  S.] 

TEKLA  HAIMANOT,  Aug.  17,  Dec.  20, 

apostle  of  monachism  in  Ethiopia  (Cal.  Ethiap.). 

[C.  H.] 

TELEPTE,  COUNCIL  OF  (Teleptexse, 
Telense,  or  Zellense  Concilium),  a.d.  418. 
We  have  ten  canons  attributed  to  this  council 
by  Ferrandus,  and  nine,  by  no  means  identical 
with  them,  in  a  letter  of  pope  Siricius,  said  to 
have  been  recited  at  it.  There  are  several  ex- 
pressions in  both  calculated  to  suggest  doubts  of 
their  authenticity;  nor  was  it  Siricius,  but 
Zosimus,  who  was  then  pope  ;  nor,  again,  is  this 
alleged  letter  of  his  found  in  the  Dionysian  col- 
lection ;  nor  are  the  marginal  references  to  this 
letter  in  Ferrandus  of  any  value,  as  Ferrandus 
all  through  quotes  the  exact  words  of  the 
council,  and  never  of  the  pope,  where  the  two 
differ  ;  see  Rome,  Cocncils  of,  a.d.  386.  (Mansi, 
iv.  379-82 :  comp.  Cave,  Hist.  Lit.  i.  473.) 

[E.  S.  Ff.] 

TELESPHORUS  (Thelesphorus),  pope, 
martyr,  Jan.  5  (2fart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet. 
Rom.,  Wand.) ;  Jan.  2  (Flor.,  Notker.).   [C.  H.] 

TEMPESTAEIUS,  Tempestuarius,  Tempes- 
tatum  immissor,  Ne(poSiwKTris.  By  the  last 
word  Balsamon  (Comment,  in  Cone.  Trullan.  can. 
.61)  understands  a  diviner  by  observation  of  the 
clouds ;  but  the  earlier  author  of  the  Quaestiones 


TEMPLUM 


1951 


et  Eesponsa  ad  Orthodoxos,  long  ascribed  to 
Justin,  makes  it  identical  with  tempestarius. 
"  How  is  it,"  his  querist  demands,  "  that  they 
who  are  called  vicpoSiwKTaL  contrive  by  means 
of  certain  invocations  to  send  hail  and  excessive 
rains  wherever  they  please"  (Qu.  31).  The 
reply  denies  that  any  have  such  power  ;  but  this 
remnant  of  heathen  superstition  prevailed  widely 
among  all  classes  of  Christians  from  the  4th 
century  downwards.  A  law  of  Constantius,  357, 
declares  that  there  were  "  many  who  dared  to 
disturb  the  elements  by  magic  arts "  (Codex 
Theodos.  is.  16,  v.).  The  offence,  which  seems 
to  have  been  more  common  in  France  than  any- 
where else,  is  frequently  mentioned  in  the  Carlo- 
vingian  laws  (Carol.  M.  789,  Capit.  i.  63  (Capit. 
Reg.  Franc,  i.  62) ;  id.  805,  Capjit.  ii.  25  (C.  R.  F. 
vi.  374)  ).  A  law  of  the  Visigoths  tells  us  that 
"  immissores  tempestatum  "  were  "  reported  by 
means  of  certain  incantations  to  send  hail  on  the 
vineyards  and  crops  "  (Zex  Visiq.  vi.  2,  §  3). 
Agobard,  813,  who  wrote  a  tract  on  the  subject, 
declares  that  almost  every  one  in  his  part  of 
France,  of  whatever  condition,  believed  in  their 
power,  and  that  a  storm  ascribed  to  it  was 
commonly  called  "  aura  levatitia "  (^Contra 
insulsam  Vulgi  Opinionem  de  Grandine  et  Toni- 
tricis,  1, 12,  14).  They  also  believed  in  a  country 
called  Magonia,  from  which  ships  came  to  the 
earth  in  the  storm  clouds,  whose  sailors  bought 
of  the  tempestarii  the  fruits  and  corn  that 
appeared  to  perish  here  (2).  This  imaginary 
crime  is  punished  by  the  Greek  council  in  Trullo 
(m.  s.)  with  six  years'  penance.  Latin  penitentials 
assign  seven  to  it  (Halitgar,  Poen.  Rom.  c.  5  ; 
Cumeanus  Hyens.,*  A.D.  630,  de  Mensur.  Foenit. 
7  ;  Theodor.  Cant.  Foenit.  356,  p.  73,  Par.  1677)  ; 
the  old  Galilean  adds  that  three  of  the  seven  are 
to  be  on  bread  and  water  (Mus.  Ital.  i.  393). 
[W.  E.  S.] 
TEMPLUM  for  a  Christian  church.  In  the 
Christian  writings  of  the  first  three  centuries 
"  templum  "  maintains  its  pagan  meaning,  and 
is  scarcely  ever  used  to  denote  a  Christian  church. 
Wherever  va6s  or  "  templum "  occur  with  a 
Christian  reference  it  is  almost  universally  in  a 
metaphorical  sense.  In  the  passage  from 
Ignatius  (jxd  Magnes,  c.  7)  Travres  ovv  ios  els  eua 
vahv  awTpex^Te  0eoC,  as  €7rl  %v  Qvaiacr'iipLov,  the 
local  reference  which  cannot  be  ignored  is  sub- 
ordinate to  the  spiritual.  The  early  fathers  are 
unanimous  in  spiritualising  the  idea  of  a  temple, 
and  applying  it  to  the  heart  of  the  Christian. 
Thus  Barnabas  in  answer  to  the  inquiry  whether 
the  temple  of  God  still  exists,  replies  that  it  does, 
but  it  is  the  heart  of  Christian  TrvivfiaTiKos 
vahs  olKoSofxovfieyos  raS  06^  (Epist.  c.  16),  and 
again,  vahs  ayios  riji  Kvpia>  rb  KaToiKrjTtjpiov 
rifxaiu  TVS  Kap5ias  (ibid.  c.  6) ;  and  Augustine,  to 
quote  one  out  of  an  infinite  number  of  similar 
passages,  writes,  "Simulacrum  Deo  nefas  est 
Christiano  in  templo  collocare  ;  "  how  much  more 
to  admit  evil  passions  into  the  true  temple  of 
his  heart !  (de  Fid.  et  Symbol,  c.  7).  Passages  are, 
however,  to  be  found  in  which  "  templum  "  and 
va6s  are  unmistakably  used  for  a  sacred  Christian 
building.  Ambrose,  writing  to  Marcellina 
(Ep.  33),  says  that,  on  the  new  basilica  bemg 
demanded  of  him  for  Arian  worship,  "respondi, 
templum  Dei  a  sacerdote  tradi  non  posse."     Lac- 


Cumeonus  Hyens.,  a.d.  630. 


1952 


TENEBEAE 


tantius  also  {do  Inst.  lib.  v.  c.  2)  states  that  at 
the  time  he  was  summoned  to  Bithynia  to  teach 
oratory  "  the  temple  of  God  was  overthrown." 
The  word  va6s  is  also  of  frequent  occurrence 
in  the  later  books  of  pAisebius's  Ecclesiastical 
History  for  the  churches  rebuilt  after  the  per- 
secution, e.cj.  Vfoos  aiidis  e'/c  Pddpwv  ei's  D'lf  os  &Treipov 
eyeipojjLiyovs  (If.  E.  lib.  x.  c.  2),  and  says  of  that 
erected  by  Paulinus  at  Tyre,  viois  (piAonuvus 
icTKivaaro  (ibid.  c.  4).  Many  other  examples  are 
referred  to  by  Bingham  (Vlll.  i.  6).        [E.  V.] 

TENEBEAE.  The  office  of  Matins  and 
Lauds  in  the  last  three  days  of  Holy  Week,  at 
which  a  triangular  candlestick  with  fifteen 
candles  is  used,  one  of  which  is  extinguished 
after  each  psalm.  The  last  one  is,  however,  held 
behind  the  altar  during  the  Benedictus,  and  is 
then  brought  back  to  typify  Christ's  resurrection 
from  the  dead.  Allusions  of  Alcuin  and  Ama- 
larius  prove  such  an  office,  with  local  variations, 
to  have  existed  in  the  8th  cent.  (Martene,  de  Ant. 
Ec.  Bit.  iv.  xxii.  §  2).  [F.  E.  W.] 

,   TERCE.    [Hours  of  Prayer.] 

TERENTIUS,  April  10,  African  martyr 
under  Decius  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Cal.  Byzant.) ; 
Apr.  10,  Oct.  28  (Menol.  Grace.  Sirlet.). 

[C.  H.] 

TERMON,  receiving  etymologies  more  or 
less  fanciful  as  terra  immunis,  terre-moine  or 
terra  monachorum,  and  the  Sanscrit  tarman,  is 
probably  the  Irish  form  of  the  Latin  terminus, 
and  was  originally  the  name  given  to  a  place  of 
sanctuary,  marked  off  by  its  stones  set  up  as 
boundaries.  Hence  it  was  applied  to  all  lands 
belonging  to  a  sanctuary,  and  more  generally  to 
all  church  lands.  As  such  the  termons  were 
entirely  free  from  secular  control  or  interference  ; 
they  might  be  mensals  to  the  bishop  or  monas- 
tery, or  let  to  tenants  for  maintenance,  service, 
or  money  rent,  and  he  who  had  charge  of  the 
termon  lands  was  called  the  erenach,  whose 
importance  is  shewn  by  his  name  being  often 
found  in  the  Irish  annals.  The  immunity  of  the 
termons  from  all  lay  exactions  was  affirmed  by 
the  council  of  Cashel  (c.  4),  a.d.  1172,  as  an  old 
right  that  had  been  encroached  upon  by  the  lay 
lords.  In  the  year  831  (Four  Mast.\  and  again 
in  844,  the  Irish  annals  record  the  burning  and 
pillaging  of  the  termon  or  terra  immunis  of  St. 
Ciaran  at  Clonmacnoise.  The  pi-esence  of  a 
termon  is  frequently  found  in  the  nomenclature 
of  Irish  topography.  (Ord.  ^urr.,  Londonderry, 
50,  208  sq.;  Ussher,  wks.  xi.  421  sq. ;  Val- 
lancey,  Coll.  de  Eeb.  Hih.  i.  132-3,  158  sq.,  179 
sq.,  2nd  ed. ;  Lanigan,  Eccl.  Hist.  Ir.  iv.  c.  26, 
n.  6',  c.  29,  §  3 ;  Robertson,  Scot,  under  her 
Early  Kings,  i.  329  sq.,  ii.  469 ;  Killen,  Eccl. 
Hist.  Ir.  i.  109  ;  Girald.  Camb.  Hih.  Exp.  i.  c. 
35,  wks.  V.  281  sq. ;  Ware,  Ir.  Ant.  c.  17  ;  Four 
Mast,  by  O'Donovan,  i.  447,  471,  et  al. ;  Joyce, 
Ir.  Names  of  Places,  2nd  ser.  208-11,  very  full 
and  apposite.)  [J-  G.] 

TERSANCTUS.     [Preface,  p.  1696.] 

TERTIUS,  Dec.  6,  martyr;  commemorated 
in  Africa  with  Dionysia,  Dativa,  and  others 
(Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Rom.).  [C.  H.] 

TERTULLA,  Apr.  29,  virgin;  commemo- 
rated with  Antonia  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.). 

[C.  H.] 


THEATRE 

TESIFON  (Ctesiphon),  May  15,  bishop  of 
Vergium  in  Spain  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet. 
Bom.).  [C.  H.] 

TESSELLI.  A  word  occurring  in  the  life 
of  Caesarius  of  Aries  by  Messianus  and  Stephen, 
published  by  Mabillon  (Acta  Sanctorum  ordinis 
Benedicti,  vol.  i.  672),  who  explains  (not.  in 
loc.)  the  word  as  meaning  "  quadrati  panniculi 
fovendo  stomacho  appositi."  See  also  Ducange's 
Glossary,  s.  v.  [R.  S.] 

TESSERAE.  In  the  time  of  persecution. 
Christians  recognised  each  other  by  secret  signs 
or  symbols,  whether  spoken  as  watchwords  or 
pictorial.  [Gems  ;  Rings;  Seals.]  Small 
tablets  engraved  with  such  symbols  were  called 
tesserae.  Tesserae  were  given  in  particular  to 
the  newly  baptized  (tesserae  baptismales),  and 
the  small  fish  of  bronze  or  crystal  which  ar& 
frequently  found,  are  believed  to  have  served 
this  purpose  [Fisii,  p.  674].  It  seems  also 
probable  that  Christians,  like  their  pagan  fore- 
fathers, gave  tesserae  to  each  other  as  pledges  of 
friendship  (Martigny,  Diet,  des  Antiq.  chr^t. 
s.  V.  Tessferes).  [C] 

TETRAPODIUM,  a  term  in  general  use  for 
any  table  with  four  feet ;  in  special  use  for  the 
table  on  which  the  bread  and  wine  for  oblation, 
the  oil  for  consecration,  &c.,  were  placed  in  the 
Eastern  Church.  It  usually  stood  near  the 
icouostasis  on  the  north  side  of  the  holy  doors. 
[F.  E.  W.] 

THADDAEUS,  apostle,  June  19  (Basil. 
Menol.);  June  19,  Aug.  21  (Menol.  Graec.)\ 
July  20,  Nov.  30  (Gal.  Armen.) ;  Aug.  20  (Cal. 
Byzant.)  ;  Oct.  28  (Bed.).  [C.  H.] 

THADDEUS.     [Jude,  p.  891.] 

THALASSA.  QdKaffcra  or  eaXaa-ffiSiov,  rrjs 
ayias  rpairf^ris  is  the  name  given  to  the  hollow 
recess  beneath  the  altar  of  a  Greek  church,  used 
for  the  same  purposes  as  the  Western  piscina.  A 
detailed  description  of  its  shapes,  ornamentation, 
and  use  is  given  in  Gear's  Eucholog.  p.  15. 

[F.  E.  W.] 

THALELAEUS,  May  20,  physician  at  Ana- 
zarbus,  martyr  under  Numerian  (Basil.  Menol. ; 
Cal.  Byzant. ;  Menol.  Graec.  Sirlet.).       [C.  H.] 

THANKSGIVING.    [Eucharist,  p.  624.] 

THARSICIUS,  Aug.  15,  acolyte,  martyr  at 
Rome  ;  commemorated  on  the  Via  Appia  (Mart. 
Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Bom.).  [C.  H.] 

THEATRE.  The  objections  of  the  teachers 
of  the  early  church  to  the  theatrical  profession, 
and  the  reasons  on  which  those  objections  were 
chiefly  founded,  have  been  partly  stated  under 
Actors;  it  will  here  consequently  be  necessary 
to  consider  simply  what  the  church  taught,  and 
on  what  grounds,  as  regarded  the  lawfulness  of 
witnessing  such  performances. 

Here  the  maxim  enunciated  by  the  author  of 
the  treatise,  de  Spectaculis,  that  it  was  unlawful 
to  witness  what  it  was  unlawful  to  do,  "  pro- 
hibuit  enim  spectari  quod  prohibnit  geri "  (de 
Spect.  c.  4 ;  Migne,  Patrol,  iv.  340),  would 
supply  a  ready  solution  of  the  question  ;  nor  is  it 
necessary  to  inquire  what  was  taught  as  to  the 
desirability  of  being  present  at  grossly  immorat 


THEATRE 

and  indecent  performances  like  those  referred  to 
by  the  early  fathers  (Minucius  Felix,  Octavius,  pp. 
343-4;  Tatian,  ac?y.  Graecos,  c.  22;  Tertullian, 
ch  SpectacuUs,  cc.  10  and  17).  The  author  of  the 
above  treatise  dc  SpectacuUs,  formerly  attributed 
to  Cyprian,  observes  that  "  at  the  theatre  it  was 
lawful  to  teach  whatever  the  law  forbade  "  (Migne, 
341),  and  declares  that  the  Christian  has  better 
sights  to  witness,  "  the  beauty  of  the  world 
around,  the  rising  and  setting  sun,  the  evolutions 
of  the  twinkling  stars,"  &c.  Augustine  (dc 
Civit.  Dei,  ii.  8),  however,  draws  a  distinction 
between  the  coarse  representations  of  the  mimes, 
and  comedies  or  tragedies, — the  latter  class  of 
plays  being,  he  says,  at  least  free  from  filthy 
language,  while  their  study  is  approved  by  elders 
iL  a  scheme  of  liberal  education  for  youth ;  in 
his  Confessions  (in.  2)  he  speaks  of  the  perform- 
ances he  had  himself  witnessed  as  "  luctuosa 
atque  tragica,"  and  of  the  scenes  therein  depicted 
as  "  vel  antiquae  vel  falsae,"  language  which 
clearly  implies  that  the  ancient  drama  still  held 
its  ground. 

That  the  stage  might  be  made  a  means  of  teaching 
moral  lessons  was  a  theory  evidently  not  unknown 
to  the  primitive  church,  although  the  plea  is 
summarily  dismissed  by  Tertullian  (da  Sped. 
c.  27),  who  advises  those  whom  he  addresses  to 
look  upon  whatever  elements  of  good  they  may 
discern  in  stage  productions  as  nothing  better 
than  "  drops  of  honey  intermingled  with  poison 
of  toads  "  (Migne,  i.  659).  When,  however,  with 
the  recognition  of  Christianity  by  the  state,  the 
majority  of  the  population  became  prtjfessedly 
Christian,  it  was  found  altogether  impossible  to 
suppress  such  exhibitions.  In  conjunction  with 
the  games  and  combats  of  the  circus  they  con- 
stituted very  nearly  the  sum  of  the  diversions  of 
the  lower  orders  (Ammian.  IMarcell.  bk.  xxviii. 
c.  4).  Hence  the  utmost  the  church  could  do 
appears  to  have  been  to  prohibit  the  profession 
of  the  actor  among  Christians,  and  to  discourage 
as  far  as  possible  the  popular  passion  for  theatrical 
performances.  The  twenty-eighth  of  the  African 
canons,  recited  at  the  council  of  Carthage  in  the 
year  419,  forbids  that  "spectacula  theatrorum  " 
shall  be  given  on  Sundays  or  other  days  held 
sacred  in  the  Christian  calendar,  for  when  such 
is  the  case,  and  especially  at  Easter,  the  canon 
goes  on  to  say,  "  the  people  prefer  the  circus  to 
the  church,"  "  populi  ad  circum  magis  quam  ad 
ecclesiam  conveniunt."  The  popularity  which 
these  performances  still  possessed  for  the 
majority  is,  however,  clearly  attested  by  the 
fact  that  the  same  canon  enjoins  that  Christians 
shall  not  be  compelled  to  witness  them, — "nee 
oportere  etiam  quemquam  Christianorum  cogi 
ad  haec  spectacula  "  (Mansi,  Cone.  iv.  490).  At 
the  council  of  Aries,  a.d.  452,  Christians  were 
forbidden  to  take  part  in  the  performance  of 
plays,  but  nothing  is  said  about  their  being 
present  as  spectators  (Mansi,  vii.  881 ;  Hefele, 
Conciliengesch.  ii.  283).  Leo  the  Great  says  that 
in  his  day  the  theatre  attracted  greater  throngs 
than  even  the  celebrations  at  the  festivals  of  the 
martyrs  (Serm.  84 ;  Migne,  liv.  335). 

In  the  East  the  untiring  severity  with  which 
Chrysostom  attacks  these  exhibitions  \_Opera  (ed. 
Migne),  ii.  337,  682  ;  iv.  696-7  ;  vi.  267  ;  vii. 
71,  426  ;  viii.  120,  188,  &c.],  and  the  reproaches 
in  which  he  indulges,  clearly  prove  that  even 
among  the  Christian  community  the  fascinations 


THEATKE 


1953 


of  the  theatre  were  too  strong  for  their  religious 
principles.  At  Antioch  he  complains  that  his 
audience  brought  with  them  to  church  the 
habits  acquired  in  witnessing  these  performances, 
and  instead  of  laying  the  exhortations  of  the 
preacher  silently  to  heart,  watched  for  oppor- 
tunities of  indulging  in  theatrical  applause 
(Opera,  ix.  227  ;  Neander,  dcr  heil.  Chrysost.  i. 
118).  In  his  first  homily  on  St.  .Tohn  he  says 
that  many  Christians  after  listening  to  the 
words  of  Scripture  and  the  Holy  Spirit  speaking 
therein,  go  away  to  witness  lewd  women  "  say- 
ing obscene  things  and  representing  still  more 
obscene  actions,"  and  effeminate  men  indulging 
in  buffoonery  one  with  another  (Migne,  Fair 
Graec.  lix.  28-9). 

Theatrical  performances  and  the  exhibitions  of 
the  circus  appear  to  have  been  almost  inseparably 
combined,  and  Isidorus,  in  the  7th  century, 
indicates  the  characteristic  vice  of  each  kind  of 
performance  when  he  declares  that  Christians 
have  no  right  to  share  in  "  the  mad  excitement 
of  the  circus,  the  impurity  of  the  theatre,  the 
cruelty  of  the  amphitheatre,  the  barbarity  of  the 
arena,  and  the  luxury  of  the  play  "  (Eti/m.  xix. 
59 ;  Migne,  Ixxxii.  409).  So  again  Salvian, 
when  describing  the  recklessness  of  the  popula- 
tion of  Carthage  during  the  invasion  of  the 
Vandals,  says  that  "the  church  of  Carthage 
indulged  in  the  mad  excitement  of  the  circus  and 
the  softer  delights  of  the  theatre,  and  while  the 
victims  of  the  one  were  butchered  without  the 
city,  the  victims  of  the  other  were  debauched 
within  "  (de  Gub.  Dei,  vi.  12).  It  is  probable, 
from  other  passages  besides  the  foregoing,  that 
the  exhibition  of  gladiatorial  conflicts  was  not 
infrequent,  even  after  the  time  of  Honorius 
(Gladiators).  We  find,  for  example,  Theodoric 
the  Great  addressing  to  Maximus,  the  consul,  a 
letter  in  which  he  makes  reference  to  the  different 
modes  of  conflict  in  certain  games  which  Maxi- 
mus has  recently  been  instituting,  especially  the 
conflicts  of  men  with  wild  beasts,  and  implies 
that  the  result  is  frequently  fatal  to  the  man. 
He  regrets  that  Maximus  should  be  under  the 
necessity  of  holding  these  games  ("quibus 
necesse  est  talia  populis  exhibere  "),  but  urges 
him  to  greater  liberality  in  rewarding  the  com- 
batants (Cassiod.  Variae,  v.  42 ;  Migne,  Ixix. 
675-7). 

Among  the  collection  of  canons  from  foi-mer 
councils  made  at  the  second  council  of  Braga, 
A.D.  610,  we  find  one  forbidding  the  clergy  to  be 
present  at  certain  "  spectacula,"  such  as  it  was 
customary  to  give  on  the  occasion  of  marriage 
feasts  or  other  convivial  entertainments  ;  when 
any  such  exhibitions  were  about  to  commence 
the  clergy  were  to  withdraw  (Migne,  Patrol. 
Ixxxiv.  624). 

Where  plays  were  not  actually  immoral  in  their 
tendency,  the  fathers  of  the  church  appear  to 
have  still  held  them  to  be  open  to  objection.  The 
author  of  the  treatise  attributed  to  Cyprian  says 
that  fathers  of  families  were  usually  represented 
in  a  ridiculous  light  (de  Spect.  c.  6 ;  Migne,  iv. 
:)41).  Augustine  associates  such  performances 
with  paganism,  and  says  that  the  gods  enjoined 
them  when  the  Pontifex  JIaxinuis  would  fain 
have  forbidden  them  (de  Civit.  Dei,  i.  32). 

We  find  no  traces  of  theatrical  representations, 
properly  so  termed,  among  the  Teutonic  race 
for  a  long  time  after  their  conversion,  not,  ia 


1954 


THEBAEA   LEGIO 


fact,  until  the  institution  of  the  religious  plays 
of  the  middle  ages.  [J.  B.  M.] 

THEBAEA  LEGIO,  Sept.  22  (Mart.  Bed., 
Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Horn.,  Hieron.,  Notker., 
Wand.).  [C.  H.] 

THECLA  (Tecla,  Tegla)  (1),  Sept.  23, 
virgin,  "  Protomartyr  "  of  Iconium,  disciple  of 
St.  Paul,  buried  at  Seleucia  in  Isauria  (Mart. 
Bed.,  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Hieron.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Rom., 
Notker.,  Wand. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  vi.  546)  ; 
Sept.  24  (Basil.  Menol.  ;  Menol.  Graec.  Sirlet.)  ; 
Mart.  Hieron.,  followed  by  Notker,  mentions  her 
again  under  Feb.  22,  in  connexion  with  Nicomedia, 
and  Bede's  metrical  martyrology  assigns  her, 
if  the  same,  to  Nov.  22.  It  must  be  this  St. 
Thecla  the  martyr  in  whose  memory  Justinian 
built  a  church  at  Constantinople  near  the 
Julian  gate  (Procop.  De  Aedif.  lib.  i.  cap.  4,  ed. 
Dindorf,  p.  190),  and  whose  church  or  fxaprvpiov 
is  mentioned  in  the  preface  to  the  159th  Novel 
of  Justinian  (Ducange,  Cpolis.  Christ,  lib.  iv.  pp. 
104,  133,  ed.  1729). 

(2)  June  1 ;  commemorated  with  Zosimus  at 
Antioch  (Hieron.,  Notker) ;  Dec.  20  at  Gildoba 
in  Thrace  (Hieron.). 

(3)  June  9,  martyr  in  Persia  in  the  4th  cen- 
lury  with  Mariamne,  Martha,  and  Maria  (Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Jun.  ii.  173). 

(4)  Aug.  19,  martyr  with  Agapius  at  Gaza 
.(Basil.  3fenol.;  Ifcnol.  Graec). 

(5)  Oct.  8,  virgin  martyr  with  Barbara  and 
Pelagia  (Cal.  Armcn.) ;  she  may  be  the  com- 
panion of  Andropelagia  at  Alexandria  on  Sept.  6 
(Menol,  Graec.  Sirlet.).  [C.  H.] 

THENES,  COUNCIL  OF  (Thenitanum 
Concilium),  a.d.  418(?).  Three  canons  pre- 
served by  Ferrandus  alone  vouch  for  it.  (Mansi, 
iv.  440.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

THEOCTISTUS,  Sept.  3,  monk,  "our 
father,"  companion  of  Euthymius ;  martyr 
under  Maximian  (Cal.  Byzant.  ;  Menol.  Graec. 
Sirlet.).  [C.  H.] 

THEODOLUS.     [Theodulus.] 

THEODORA  (1),  Mar.  13;  commemorated 
at  Nicaea  with  Theuseta  and  others  (Mart. 
Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Notker.). 

(2)  (Theodata),  Apr.  1,  martyr,  sister  of 
Hermes  (Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Notker. ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Apr.  i.  5). 

(3)  Apr.  28,  virgin  martyr  with  Didymus  at 
Alexandria  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Aden.,  Vet.  Rom., 
Notker.;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Apr.  iii.  572);  May 
27  (Basil.  Menol.) ;  Ap.  5,  May  26  (Menol.  Graec. 
Sirlet.);  Jan.  12  (Cal.  Byzant.). 

(4)  Sept.  11,  confessor  at  Alexandria  in  the 
time  of  the  emperor  Zeno  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Menol. 
Graec. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS  Sept.  iii.  788).     [C.  H.] 

THEODORETUS,         THEODORITUS. 

[Theodorus  (11).] 

THEODORICUS,  July  1,  confessor  at 
Reims  (Mart.  Usuard.).  [C.  H.] 

THEODORUS  (1),  Dux,  of  Euchaita, 
general  of  Licinius,  martyr ;  commemorated  on 


THEODORUS 

.Tan.  12  (Cal.  Byzant.);  Feb.  8  (Cal.  Byzant; 
Basil.  Menol.) ;  Feb.  7  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii. 
23) ;  June  8,  translatio  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Menol. 
Graec.  Sirlet.).  It  was  probably  this  saint  or 
the  following  to  whom  the  church  of  St.  Tiieo- 
dorus,  erected  by  St.  Helena  at  Constantinople, 
was  dedicated  (Codinus,  De  Aedif.  p.  38  ;  Ciam- 
pini,  De  Aedificiis,  p.  176),  as  well  as  tliat 
erected  by  Justinian  (Procop.  De  Aedif.  lib.  i. 
cap.  4  ;  Ducange,  Cpolis.  Christ,  lib.  iv.  p.  132). 
There  was  likewise  at  Constantinople  in  536  a 
monastery  of  St.  Theodorus  (Mansi,  viii.  907  li). 
On  the  distinction  between  this  saint  and  the 
following  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  23  may  be 
consulted. 

(2)  Tiro,  of  Amasia,  soldier,  megalomartyr 
at  Heraelea,  under  Maximian;  commemorated 
on  Feb.  17  (Cal.  Byzant.  ;  Basil.  Menol.;  Menol. 
Graec);  Nov.  9  (Mart.  Bed.,Flor.,  Usuard.,  Adon., 
Rom.);  under  the  same  day  Vet.  Rom.  Mart. 
and  Wand,  probably  mean  this  saint.  He  is 
commemorated  in  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary 
on  Nov.  9,  his  name  appearing  in  the  Collect, 
Super  Oblata,  and  Ad  Complendum. 

(3)  Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  commemorated 
on  Feb.  1,  Mar.  9  (Cal.  Ethiop.) ;  Dec.  3  (Basil. 
Menol.)  ;  Sept.  12  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Menol.  Grace  ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  iv.  10) ;  under  Sept.  2  the 
3Iart.  Hieron.  probably  means  the  same. 

(4)  Mar.  26,  bishop  of  Pentapolis  in  Libya, 
martyr  ;  commemorated  with  the  deacon  Hiere- 
neus  or  Irenaeus  and  the  readei-s  Serapion  and 
Ammonius  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Rom., 
Notker. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mart,  iii,  617). 

(6)  Trichinas,  Apr.  20,  solitary  near  Con- 
stantinople (Basil.  Menol. ;  Cal.  Byzant.  ;  Menol. 
Graec  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Apr.  ii.  756). 

(6)  SiCEOTES,  Apr.  22,  bishop,  "our  holy 
father "  (Basil.  Menol.  ;  Cal.  Byzant. ;  Menol. 
Graec  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Apr.  iii.  32). 

(7)  Sanotificatus,  May  15,  disciple  of 
Pachomius  (Basil.  Menol.  ;  Menol.  Graec). 

(8)  July]  4,  bishop  of  Cyrene  in  the  reign  of 
Diocletian,  martyr  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Menol.  Gr. ; 
3Iart.  Rom. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jul.  i.  19). 

(9)  Sept.  19,  archbishop  of  Canterbury.  It  is 
inferred  by  the  Bollandist  Cleus  (Acta  SS.  19 
Sept.  vi.  55)  that  Bede,  who  records  the  day  of 
his  death,  Sept.  19,  must  have  taken  it  from  the 
calendars  of  the  church,  thus  affording  proof  of 
Theodore's  early  beatification.  The  inference  is 
not  confirmed  by  Bede's  own  martyrology,  which 
omits  him.  Theodore  does  not  occur  in  any 
of  the  early  martyrologies,  nor  in  the  Martyr- 
ologium  Romamis  of  1498,  Venice  ;  but  it  appears 
in  those  of  1576,  1586,  and  all  later  dates. 

(10)  Martyr  at  Perga  in  the  reign  of  An- 
toninus ;  commemorated  Sept.  21  (Basil.  Menol.)  ; 
Apr.  19  (Menol.  Graec);  Sept.  20  (Mart. 
Rom.). 

(11)  (THEODORETUS,   THEODORITUS,    ThEODO- 

RICUS,  Theodulus),  presbyter  of  Antioch,  martyr 
under  Julian ;  commemorated  Oct.  23  (Mart. 
Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Rom.);  Mar.  23 
(Flor.,  Hieron.,  Notker..  Wand. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Mart.  iii.  449);  Oct.  22  (Notker.);  Nov,  24 
(Menol.  Graec.) ;  Mar.  2  (Basil.  Menol.) ;  Mar. 
29,  Apr.  10  (Hieron.).     On  the  variety  of  names 


THEODOSIA 

aud  attempts  to  distinguish  them,  see  Boll.  Acta 
SS.  23  Oct.  X.  32. 

(12)  Nov.  3,  bishop  of  Ancyra  (3fenol.  Graec). 

(13)  Studita,  commemorated  on  Nov.  11 
(Basil.  Menol. ;  Menol.  Graec. ;   Gal.  Bijzant.). 

(14)  Dec.  14,  commemorated  at  Antioch  with 
Drusus  and  Zosimus  (JUart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet. 
Bom.). 

(15)  Graptus,  "  holy  father,"  commemorated 
on  Dec.  27  with  Theophanes  poet  and  confessor, 
opponents  of  the  iconoclasts  (^Menol.  Gr.). 

(16)  Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  commemo- 
rated Dec.  28  (Basil.  Menol.).  [C.  H.] 

THEODOSIA,  Apr.  2,  virgin~martyr  under 
Diocletian,  at  Caesarea  in  Cappadocia  (Mart. 
Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Bom.,  Notker ;  May  29, 
Cal.  Byzant.). 

THEODOSIUS  (1),  Jan.  11,  Coenobiarcha, 
"  holy  father,"  cir.  485  (Cal.  Byzant.). 

(2)  Emperor,  commemorated  on  Jan.  18  and 
March  2  {Cal.  Ethiop.). 

(3)  Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  June  22  (Cal. 
Ethiop.). 

(4)  (TheODOTITTS),  Oct.  25,  martyr  at  Rome 
with  Lucius,  Marcus,  Petrus ;  commemorated 
on  the  Via  Salaria  {^Mart.  Bed.,  Usuard.,  Adon.). 

[C.  H.) 
THEODOTA  (1),  July  3,  martyr  with  Theo- 
dotus  under  Trajan  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Menol.  Graec. 
Sirlet.). 

(2)  Martyr  at  Nicaea  with  her  three  children 
under  Diocletian;  commemorated  on  Aug.  2 
(Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Bom.,  Notker.); 
July  29  (Cal.  Byzant.)  ;  Dec.  22  (Basil.  Menol). 
It  is  probably  this  Theodota  to  whom  a  church 
was  dedicated  in  the  Hebdomon  suburb  of  Con- 
stantinople (Procop.  de  Aedif.  lib.  i.  cap.  4, 
p.  1 90,  ed.  Dindorf. ;  Du  Cange,  Cpolis.  Christ. 
lib.  iv.  p.  105). 

(3)  Of  Pontus,  martyr  under  Alexander 
Severus,  commemorated  with  the  presbyter 
Socrates  on  Oct.  23  (Basil.  Menol.);  Oct.  21 
(Menol.  Graec).  '  [C.  H.] 

THEODOTION  (1),  Jan.  24,  of  the  city  of 
Cleopatris,  martyr  with  Paulus  and  Pausirius 
under  Diocletian  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Cal.  Byzant.). 

(2)  June  20,  martyr  in  Galatia  (Cal.  Armen.), 
probably  the  same  as  Theodorus  (12).    The  Cal. 
Armen.  places  a  Theodotion  under  Oct.  22  also. 
[C.  H.] 

THEODOTIUS,  Oct.  25.    [Theodosius  (3).] 

THEODOTUS  (1),  Jan.  4,  martyr  with 
Aquilinus  and  others  in  Africa  (Mart.  Usuard., 
Adon.,  Hieron.,  Notker,  Bom.). 

(2)  Of  Cyrinia  in  Cyprus,  confessor  under 
Licinius ;  commemorated  on  Jan.  17  (Cal. 
Byzant.);  Jan.  19,  Mar.  2  (Basil.  Menol.); 
Jan.  19,  May  6  (Menol.  Graec.) ;  May  6  (Mart. 
Bom.;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mai.  ii.  105).  It  may 
have  been  this  Theodotus  or  the  next  in  whose 
honour  there  was  a  monastery  at  Constantinople 
in  53G  (Mansi,  viii.  906  e). 

(3)  Martyr  under  Maximian  with  Maximus 
and  Asclepiodote  or  Asclepiodotus,  commemo- 
rated on  Feb.  19  and  Sept.  15  (Basil.  Menol.) ; 
Sept.  16  (Menol.  Graec.  Sirlet.). 

CHRIST.    ANT. — VOL.    II. 


THEONAS 


1955 


(4)  June  7.    [Theodorus  (12).] 

(5)  Jun.  19,  martyr  at  Antioch  (Mart.  Syr.). 

(6)  July  3,  martyr  with  Theodota  under 
Trajan  (Basil.  Menol.  ;  Menol.  Graec. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Jul.  i.  634). 

(7)  Nov.  2,  bishop  of  Laodicea,  physician 
(Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Bom.,  Bom.). ' 

(8)  Nov.  3,  companion  of  Theodorus  of  Au- 
cyra  (Menol.  Graec). 

(9)  Nov.  14,  martyr  with  Demetrius,  pres- 
byters, at  Perinthus  (Mart.  Syr.). 

(10)  Nov.  14,  martyr  with  Clementinus  and 
Philominus  at  Heraclea  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon., 
Wand.,  Bom.).  [C.  H.] 

THEODULA,  Jan.  18,  of  Anazarbus,  martyr 
under  Diocletian  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Cal.  Byzant.)  ; 
Feb.  5  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  i.  657).  [C.  H.] 

THEODULUS  (1),  Jan.  14,  monk  of  Sinai, 
son  of  Nilus  (Basil.  Menol.  ;  Gal.  Byzant.  ; 
Menol.  Graec.  Sirlet. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i. 
967). 

(2)  Mar.  23,  presbyter  of  Antioch  [Theo- 
dorus (11)]. 

(3)  Apr.  4,  reader,  martyr  with  the  deacon 
Agathopus  at  Thessalonica,  under  Maximian  (Syr. 
Mart.  ;  Basil.  Menol. ;  Mart.  Hieron.,  Mart. 
Notker.,  Mart.  Bom.)  ;  Apr.  5  (Cal.  Byzant.). 

(4)  May  2,  martyr  with  his  brothers  and 
their  mother  Zoe,  slaves  in  Italy,  in  the  reign  of 
Hadrian  (Basil.  Menol.  ;  Menol.  Graec. ;  Mart. 
Bom.). 

(5)  May  3,  presbyter  at  Rome,  martyr  under 
Trajan  with  bishop  Alexander  and  the  presbyter 
Eventius  (Mart.  Bed.,  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Bom., 
Hieron.,  Notker,  Wand.,  Bom.). 

(6)  Jun.  18,  martyr  in  Phoenicia,  companion 
of  Leontius  in  the  reign  of  Vespasian  (Basil. 
Menol.  ;  Menol.  Graec.  ;  Mart.  Bom.). 

(7)  July  26,. martyr  at  Rome,  commemorated 
with  Symphrotfius  and  Olympius  (Mart.  Usuard., 
Adon.,  Vet.  Bom.);  July  26,  Oct.  31  (Mart. 
Bom.);  translatio,  Dec.  4  on  Via  Latina  (Vet. 
Bom.,  Adon.). 

(8)  Sept.  12,  martyr  under  Julian  commemo- 
rated with  Macedonius  and  Tatianus  (Menol. 
Graec  ;  Mart.  Bom.). 

(9)  Dec.  23,  martyr  with  Saturninus  and 
eight  others  in  Crete  in  the  reign  of  Decius 
(Basil.  Menol. ;  Mart.  Bom.).  [C.  H.] 

THEOGENES  (1),  Jan.  3,  martyr  in  the 
Hellespont  under  Licinius,  commemorated  with 
Cyricus  and  Primus  (Mart.  Flor.,  Usuard., 
Hieron.,  Bom.;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  133); 
Jan.  4  (Notker.). 

(2)  Jan.  26,  martyr  with  thirty-six  others 
(Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Bom.,  Hieron.,  Bom., 
Notker.  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  718).     [C.  H.] 

THEOGNES,  Aug.  21,  martyr  with  his 
mother  Bassa  and  brothers  Agapius  and  Pistus 
in  the  reign  of  Maximian  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Men»l. 
Graec  Sirlet.  ;  Mart.  Bom.).  [C.  H.] 

THEONAS  (1),  Aug.  23,  patriarch  of  Alex- 
andria (Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Bom.,  Bom.  ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  4,  579);  Dec.  28  (Cal. 
EtkiopO. 


1956 


THEONILLA 


(2)  Jan.  4,  martyr  with  Theopemptus  in 
Cilicia  under  Diocletian  (Basil.  Menol.)  ;  Jan.  3 
or  4  (Menol.  Grace.  Sirlet.) ;  Jan.  3  (Mart. 
Horn.;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i.  127);  Jan.  5 
(Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  250);  Jan.  5,  called 
Thomas  (Cal.  Bijzant).  [C.  H.] 

THEONILLA,  Oct.  29,  martyr  in  Cilicia 
under  Diocletian  (Basil.  Menol.).  [C.  H.] 

THEOPEMPTUS.     [Thkonas  (2).] 

THEOPHANES,  hegumenus,  confessor  for 
images  under  Leo  Armenus,  commemorated  on 
Mar.  12  (Basil.  Menol;  Cal.  Byzant.;  Mart. 
Bom.;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mar.  ii.  213);  Oct.  11 
(Cal.  Byzant.).    See  also  under  Theodorus  (15). 

THEOPHANIA.    [Epiphany.] 

THEOPHILUS  (1),  Junior,  Jan.  30,  martyr 
under  the  Mahometans  in  the  time  of  Constan- 
tine  Copronymus  (Basil.  Menol. ;   Cal.  Byzant.). 

(2)  SCHOLASriCUS,  Feb.  6,  martyr  at  Caesarea 
in  Cappadocia  with  Dorothea  (Mart.  Usuard., 
Adon.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Hieron.,  Rom.). 

(3)  June  26,  bishop,  martyr  with  Philip  and 
others  at  Laodicea  (Syr.  Mart.);  July  28 
(Hieron.,  Notker.). 

(4)  July  23,  martyr  with  Trophimus  under 
Diocletian  (Basil.  Menol.  ;  Menol.  Graec.  Sirlet.; 
Mart.  Rom.). 

(5)  Sept.  8,  martyr  at  Alexandria  with 
Ammon,  Neotherius  and  others  (Mart.  Usuard. ; 
Mart.  Rom.). 

(6)  Oct.  2,  monk,  confessor  under  Leo  Isaurus, 
(Basil.  3fenol.  ;  Mart.  Rom.  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Oct.  i.  492) ;  Oct.  2  and  10  (Menol.  Gr.). 

(7)  Oct.  13,  bishop  of  Antioch  (Mart. 
Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Notker,  Rom. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.,  Oct.  vi.  108). 

(8)  Oct.  14,  patriarch  of  Alexandria  (Cal. 
Ethiop.). 

(9)  Nov.  3,  martyr  at  Caesarea  in  Cappadocia 
with  Germanus  and  others  (Mart.  Syr. ;  Mart. 
Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Hieron..,  Wand., 
Rom.)  ;  Nov.  12  (Hieron.). 

(10)  Dec.  20,  martyr  at  Alexandria  (Mart. 
Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Bom.,  Rom.). 

(11)  Dec.  28,  deacon,  martyr  under  Maximian. 
(Basil.  Menol).  [C.  H.] 

THEOPISTE  (Theospis),  martyr  with  her 
husband  Eustathius  and  her  sons  Agapius  and 
Theopistus  or  Theospes,  in  the  reign  of  Trajan  ; 
commemorated  Sept.  20  (Basil.  Menol.  ;  Menol. 
Graec.  Sirlet. ;  Mart.  Rom.) ;  Nov.  2  under 
Hadrian  (Mart.  Usuard.).  [C.  H.] 

THEOPEEPIUS,  Aug.  22,  martyr,  com- 
panion of  Agathonicus  (Basil,  Menol. ;  Menol. 
Graec.  Sirlet.).  [C.  H.] 

THEOTECNUS,  commemorated  on  Oct.  4 
(Syr.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

THEOTICUS,  Mar.  8,  martyr  with  Arrianus 
at  Antinous  (Mart.  Usuard. ;  Mart.  Rom.). 

[C.H.] 

THEOTIMUS,  Nov.  5,  martyr,  companion 
of  Donininus  tinder  Maximin  (Basil.  Menol ; 
Mart.  Rom.).  [C.  H.] 


THEVIS,  COUNCIL  OF 

THEOTOKION  (e^oTSiaou).  A  troparium 
or  sticheron  in  honour  of  the  Virgin  Mary, 
of  frequent  occurrence  in  the  sacred  offices  of  the 
Greek  Church,  into  which  it  is  stated  to  have 
been  introduced  after  the  condemnation  of  the 
Nestorian  heresy.  Its  occurrence  is  sometimes 
indicated  by  the  marginal  mark  0.      [¥,  E.  W.] 

THERAPEUTAE.  The  ascetics  mentioned 
under  the  name  of  dfpanevTal  by  I'hilo  (de  Vita 
Contempi.  c.  4)  were  (it  can  scarcely  be  doubted) 
a  development  of  the  same  tendency  of  Jewish 
thought  which  in  Palestine  produced  the 
Essenes  [Dicr.  OF  the  Bible,  i.  583].  There 
would  be  no  need  to  notice  them  in  a  work  on 
Christian  Antiquities,  were  it  not  that  Eusebius 
(H.  E.  ii.  17)  takes  them  to  have  been  a  Chris- 
tian sect  which  retained  some  Jewish  customs. 
The  supposition,  however,  that  a  Christian  sect 
could  have  been  formed  in  Egypt  before  the 
time  when  Philo  wrote  his  treatise  is  destitute 
of  all  probability,  and  his  language  in  no  way 
favours  the  supposition.  [C] 

THEEISTRUM  (e^picrrpop).  A  dress  or  veil 
for  female  use,  specially  adapted,  as  the  name 
shews,  for  summer  wear.  The  Greek  word 
occurs  several  times  in  the  LXX  (Gen.  xxiv.  65, 
xxxviii.  14,  19  ;  Cant.  v.  8 ;  Isa.  iii.  23),  in  all 
cases  for  one  of  the  two  Hebrew  words  ^'']}^> 
inn.  In  Gen.  xxxviii.  14,  Isa.  iii.  23,  the 
Vulgate  reproduces  the  Greek  word.  See  Jerome 
(Comm.  in  Isa.  1.  c),  whose  remarks  are  also  cited 
by  Isidore  (Etym.  xix.  25.  6 ;  Patrol.  Ixxxiii. 
692).  [R.  S.] 

THESSALONICA,       COUNCILS        OP 

(Thessalonicensia  Concilia),  a.d.  649-50. 
Two  seem  to  have  been  held  in  consecutive  years 
by  Paul,  its  Monothelite  bishop — one  for  con- 
firming his  heretical  doctrines  which  he  then 
embodied  in  a  letter  to  be  sent  to  pope  Martin, 
the  other  for  dealing  with  the  reply  made  to 
him  by  that  pope.  (Mansi,  x.  785;  L'Art  dc 
v€rif.  les  Dates,  i.  155.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

THEUSETA,  Mar.  13,  martyr  at  Nicaea, 
commemorated  with  Horris  and  others  (Mart. 
Usuard.,  Adon.,  Notker.,  Hkron.,  Rom.). 

[C.  H.] 

THEVESTINE,  COUNCIL  OF  (Theves- 
TiNDM  Concilium),  a.d.  362,  held  by  the 
Donatists,  whom  the  emperor  Julian  had  given 
leave  to  return,  at  which  Primosus,  bishop  of 
that  place,  protested  in  vain  against  their  ex- 
cesses.    (Mansi,  iii.  374.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

THEVIS,  COUNCIL  OF  (Thevinense 
Concilium),  a.d.  536,  when  ten  bishops  under 
Nierses,  catholicos  of  the  Armenians,  rejected 
the  council  of  Chalcedon,  and  declared  for  the 
Monophysite  doctrine,  thereby  separating  them- 
selves from  the  church  (Mansi,  viii.  871).  Mansi 
(ix.  771)  reports  a  second  council,  which,  how- 
ever, he  miscalls,  at  this  place,  where  the  addi- 
tion to  the  Trisagion — Qui  crucifixus  es  pro  nobis 
— was  confirmed,  a.d.  562.  The  authors  of 
L'Art  de  verif.  les  Dates  report  a  council  at 
another  place  in  Armenia,  called  Tiben,  ten  years 
before,  confirming  all  that  had  been  done  by 
Nierses  and  the  ten  bishops  of  the  first  council. 
(i.  152.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 


THOMAS,  ST. 

THOMAS,  ST.,  Apostlk,  Legend  and 
"Festivals  of.  1.  Legend,  ^c. — As  the  name 
Thomas  is  merely  the  Aramaean  word  for  a 
twin,  with  a  Grecized  termination,  it  is  obvious 
that  the  apostle  must  also  have  had  a  personal 
name.  This  is  given  as  Judas,  e.  g.  by  Eusebius 
{Hist.  Ecdes.  i.  13),  the  Acts  of  Thomas,  the 
JJoctrine  of  the  Apostles  (in  Cureton's  Ancient 
Syriac  Documents'),  &c.  Supposing  this  to  be 
correct,  it  would  be  very  natural  that  with  two 
other  Apostles  of  the  name  Judas,  advantage 
should  thus  be  taken  of  a  convenient  means  of 
distinction. 

Who  the  other  twin  was  it  is  of  course 
impossible  to  guess.  From  the  fact  tliat  St. 
Thomas  is  always  coupled  with  St.  Matthew  in 
the  lists  of  the  Apostles  in  the  Synoptic  Gospels, 
it  has  been  argued  that  St.  Matthew  was  the 
other  brother.  Again,  two  Paris  MSS.  cited  by 
Cotelier  {Apost.  Const,  lib.  ii.  63,  note)  speak  of 
St.  Thomas  and  his  sister  Lysia,  and  add  that 
Antioch  was  the  native  place  of  the  Apostle.  It 
has  been  argued  by  Thilo  (^Acta  S.  Thomac,  p.  95) 
that  the  author  of  the  apocryphal  Acts  identi- 
fied Thomas  with  Judas  the  brother  of  the  Lord. 
Here  we  might  cite  the  curious  remark  of 
Isidore,  that  Thomas  was  "justa  Latinam  lin- 
guam  Christi  geminus  ac  similis  Salvatori " 
{dc  Ortu  et  Obitu  Patrum,  c.  74 ;  Patrol.  Ixxxiii. 
152). 

Save  the  mention  of  Thomas  in  the  lists  of  the 
Apostles,  the  only  allusions  to  him  in  the  New 
Testament  are  to  be  found  in  John  si.  16 ; 
xiv.  3 ;  XX.  25  sqq. 

The  general  tenour  of  early  tradition  connects 
him  with  Edessa  and  with  Parthia  (Eusebius, 
Hist.  Eccles.  i.  13  ;  iii.  1  [cited  from  Origen] ; 
Socrates,  Hist.  Eccles.  i.  19).  Chrysostom  {Hom. 
in  Heb,  26,  §  2 ;  vol.  xii.  338,  ed.  Gaume)  speaks 
of  the  graves  of  Peter,  Paul,  John,  and  Thomas, 
as  being  those  whose  locality  was  known,  though 
he  does  not  specify  them.  That,  according  to 
the  current  tradition,  St.  Thomas  was  interred 
at  Edessa  may  be  inferred  from  Socrates  (^Hist. 
Eccles.  iv.  18,  cf.  Sozomen,  Hist.  Eccles.  vi.  18), 
who  speaks  of  the  splendid  memorial  church 
there  (jxaprvpiov).  Some  authorities  also  give 
India  as  the  scene  of  the  Apostle's  labours 
{Greg.  Naz.  Orat.  xxxiii.  11;  Patrol.  Gr.  xxxvi. 
27).  Sophronius,  in  an  Appendix  to  the  De  Viris 
Illustribus  of  Jerome  (vol.  ii.  958),  says  that  St. 
Thomas  preached  the  Gospel  to  the  "  Parthians, 
Medes,  Persians,  Carmanians,  Hyrcanians,  Bac- 
trians,  and  Magians,"  and  that  he  died  at 
Calamina  in  India.  The  story  of  the  Apostle's 
work  in  India  also  forms  the  basis  of  the  Acts  of 
Thomas,  already  referred  to. 

It  is  by  no  means  clear  how  we  are  to  inter- 
13ret  the  name  India.  The  word  is  doubtless 
often  used  in  a  somewhat  vague  way,  and  there 
are  grounds  for  believing  the  India  of  the  Acts 
of  Thomas  to  be  Arachosia  and  the  neighbouring 
regions,  lying  westward  of  the  Indus  (see  Dicr. 
OF  Christian  Biography,  Vol.  I.  p.  23).  On 
the  other  hand,  we  find  traditions  associating 
the  name  of  St.  Thomas  with  the  extreme  south 
of  India.  When  the  Portuguese  expeditions 
under  Vasco  de  Gama  and  Pedro  de  Cabral 
succeeded  in  reaching  India,  they  found  there 
(first  apparently  in  A.D.  1500)  Christians, 
belonging  to  a  fully  developed  and  obviously 
vei-y  ancient  church. 


THOMAS,  ST. 


1957 


These  Christians  claimed  the  apostle  St. 
Thomas  as  their  founder,  and,  still  survivino- 
as  a  distinct  church,  are  ordinarily  known  as 
"  Christians  of  St.  Thomas."  The  district 
occupied  by  these  people  was  part  of  Malabar, 
on  the  western  side  of  the  southern  extremity  of 
India,  between  the  ninth  and  twelfth  parallels 
of  north  latitude.  With  their  history  generally 
we  have  nothing  to  do  here,  but  a  brief  notice 
may  be  bestowed  on  the  legend  connecting  them 
with  the  apostle.  [On  the  subject  generally, 
see  Assemani,  Bibl.  Or.  vol.  iii.  part  2,  pp.  435 
sqq. ;  La  Croze,  Histoire  du  Ckristianism^  des 
Indes;  Howard,  The  Christians  of  St.  Thomas, 
and  their  Liturgies.']  It  would  of  course  be  rash 
to  claim  the  legend  as  authentic  history  ;  it  is, 
perhaps,  none  the  less  rash  to  maintain  its  certain 
groundlessness,  but  this  latter  form  of  rashness, 
it  would  appear,  has  seemed  more  justifiable 
than  the  former.  We  pass  over  as  inconclusive 
from  the  vagueness  of  the  word  India,  the  story 
of  Pantaenus's  journey  thither  (Eusebius,  Hist. 
Eccles.  V.  10) ;  and  the  alleged  presence  of  a 
"  Metropolitan  of  Persia  and  the  great  India," 
among  the  signatories  of  the  Council  of  Nicaea." 

We  come  to  something  undoubted,  however, 
in  the  narrative  of  Cosmas  Indicopleustes,  who 
visited  India  in  the  6th  century,  and  tells  us, 
"  In  the  island  of  Ceylon  (TawpoPauri)  in  further 
(iadiTipa)  India,  where  the  Indian  Ocean  is, 
there  is  a  church  of  Christians,  with  both 
clergymen  and  believers.  In  Malabar  (MoAe), 
in  like  manner,  where  the  pepper  grows  .... 
and  in  the  place  called  Calliana,  there  is  also  a 
bishop,  ordained  and  sent  from  Persia  "  (^Topo- 
graphia  Christiana,  lib.  iii. ;  Patrol.  Gr.  Ixxxviii. 
169;  cf.  lib.  xi.  ib.  446).  In  the  9th  century 
Sighclm  and  Aethelstan  were  sent  by  king 
Alfred  with  alms  to  Rome,  and  thence  to  India, 
"  to  St.  Thomas  and  St.  Bartholomew  "  (Anglo- 
Saxon  Chronicle,  sub  anno  a.d.  883,  p.  152,  ed. 
Thorpe;  William  of  Malmesbury,  lib.  ii.  122). 
The  latter  chronicler  speaks  of  the  envoy  as 
Sigelin,  bishop  of  Sherborne.  Again,  in  the 
13th  century,  Marco  Polo  visited  the  place  in 
Southern  India,  where  St.  Thomas  was  said  to 
have  been  martyred  (lib.  iii.  cc.  17,  18) ;  and  see 
Col.  Yule's  notes,  vol.  ii.  342,  ed.  2). 

The  existence,  then,  of  these  "Christians  of 
St.  Thomas,"  can  be  traced  back  definitely  to 
the  6th  century,  and  we  have  references  of  a 
still  earlier  date,  which,  however,  do  not  neces- 
sarily apply.  Those  who  reject  the  tradition 
of  the  apostle's  labours  in  India  ascribe 
the  foundation  of  the  Malabar  church  to  one 
Thomas  Cana,  who,  in  any  case,  bore  an  im- 
portant part  in  the  histoi-y  of  this  distant 
branch  of  the  church.  His  date  and  nation- 
ality, however,  are  much  disputed,  for  while 
one  account  makes  him  an  Armenian,  and 
places  him  at  any  rate  before  the  sixth  cen- 
tury (La  Croze,  p.  46),  others  (c.  ;/.  Assemani, 
op.  cit.  p.  444)  think  Armenian  an  error  for 
Aramaean,  and  fix  the  date  at  the  end  of  the 
8th  century,  when  he  was  sent  out  by  the 
Nestorian  patriarch.     If  this  latter  date  could 


»  The  reference  to  a  mention  of  India  seems  altogetlior 
a  mistake ;  and  even  as  regards  Persia  there  seems  good 
reason  for  tliinking  that  there  has  been  some  confusion 
between  the  name  of  the  conntry  and  I'ersa  the  name  of 
a  place  (I'itra,  .<piciUgium  Soksmetne,  i.  533.  note). 


1958 


THOMAS,  ST. 


be  considered  as  proved,  then  whatever  share 
this  later  Thomas  may  have  had  in  the  develoii- 
mcnt  of  the  Malabar  church,  he  clearly  could 
not  have  been  the  founder,*'  since  the  testimony 
of  Cosmas  shews  that  Christianity  was  existing 
in  Malabar  more  than  two  centuries  before  his 
time.  In  this  uncertainty  we  must  leave  the 
matter,  merely  observing  that  if  it  be  proved 
that  the  word  India  in  the  apocryphal  Acts  is 
used  in  a  different  sense  from  that  in  which  we 
now  use  the  word,  still  this  only  touches  the 
main  (juestion  to  the  same  extent  as  if  the  Acts 
had  called  the  region,  e.  g.  Parthia,  in  which  case 
we  should  have  had  two  distinct  claimants,  not 
necessarily  altogether  antagonistic. 

We  conclude  this  part  of  our  subject  by  re- 
marking that  the  common  foi-m  of  the  story  as 
to  the  apostle's  remains  describes  them  as  trans- 
lated from  India  to  Edessa,  where  they  were 
buried  (Mart.  Bom.,  Usuard,  Bede).  The  first 
named  Martyrology  speaks  also  of  a  later  trans- 
lation thence  to  Orthona  in  Apulia. 

It  may  further  be  noted  that  whereas  writers 
who  refer  to  the  manner  of  St.  Thomas's  death 
at  all,  invariably  speak  of  it  as  a  violent  one, 
Clement  of  Alexandria  cites  Heracleon  the 
Gnostic  to  the  effect  that  Thomas  was  one  of 
those  who  died  a  natural  death  (Strain,  iv.  9). 

2.  Festivals. — It  seems  probable  that  the  ob- 
servance of  a  festival  of  St.  Thomas  first  arose  in 
the  East  and  thence  passed  to  the  West.  Perhaps 
the  earliest  testimony  to  which  we  can  refer  is 
a  Homily,  cited  as  Chrysostom's  by  two  early 
councils,  but  which  editors  have  long  decided 
not  to  be  his,  from  the  marked  inferioritv 
of  style  (vol.  viii.  624,  in  Spuriis).  Still 
Tillemont's  arguments,  to  which  Montfaucon 
assents  as  at  any  rate  probable,  tend  to  shew 
that  it  would  have  been  delivered  at  Edessa  in 
A.D.  402.  The  Homily  is  evidently  delivered 
before  the  tomb  of  the  Apostle  (yepovTfs  Kal 
vfoi  irpofftriirTOixiv  <tov  t^  Ta(t>w),  and  is  distinct 
evidence  of  the  existence  of  a  festival  (cf  also 
Socrates, /.c. ;  Sozonien, /.c).  The  two  historians 
speak  of  the  splendid  church  of  St.  Thomas  at 
Edessa  and  of  the  emperor  Valens's  visit  to  it. 
The  author  of  the  life  of  St.  Ephrem  (ob.  circ. 
A.D.  373)  tells  a  story  of  the  healing  of  a  para- 
lytic before  the  doors  of  this  church  (Assemani, 
JBibl.  Or.  i.  49).  About  twenty  years  after  St. 
Ephrem's  death  (year  of  Greeks  705  =:  A.D.  394), 
there  took  place,  according  to  the  Edessene  Chro- 
nicle, the  translation  of  the  coffin  of  St.  Thomas 
to  the  church  dedicated  to  him  in  Edessa.  The 
day  is  specified  as  August  22  (op.  cit.  p.  399  ;  cf. 
also  p.  403,  where  the  prefect  Anatolius  is  said 
to  have  made  a  silver  coffin  for  the  apostle's 
remains).  The  celebration  of  the  festival  in 
Edessa  is  dwelt  on  by  Gregory  of  Tours  (de  Gloria 
Martyrum,  i.  31 ;  Patrol.  Ixxi.  733).  By  him 
it  is  said  to  happen  "  mense  quinto."  If  this  is 
taken  according  to  Western  reckoning,  the  5th 
month  would  be  July,  and,  as  we  shall  see,  on 
July  3  is  a   commemoration  of  the  translation 


b  No  weight  at  all  need  be  given  to  the  claim  on 
behalf  of  the  Thomas,  mentioned  by  Theodoret  (Haeret. 
Fab.  Comp.  i.  26;  Patrol.  Gr.  Ix.\xii.  380),  as  one  of  the 
three  missionary  disciples  sent  out  by  Manes,  India  being 
assigned  as  his  province.  It  is  a  sufficient  answer  to 
say  that  no  trace  of  Manichaeism  was  seen,  when  the 
Malabar  Christians  became  known  to  the  outer  world. 


THOMAS,  ST. 

in  the  Western  church.  Euinart,  however  (not.. 
in  loc),  appears  to  refer  the  5th  to  the  Syriao- 
reckoning,  so  that  counting  from  November,  the 
5th  month  would  be  March.  We  shall  presently 
mention  a  commemoration  of  the  Apostle  in  thi:j 
month  in  the  East. 

The  earliest  definite  reference  to  a  festival  othei' 
than  the  local  Edessene  one,  carries  us  back  to 
the  middle  of  the  5th  century.  Theodoret 
{Graec.  Aff.  Cur.,  Serm.  8 ;  Patrol.  Gr.  Isxxiii. 
1033)  speaks  of  the  change  of  the  old  festivals 
of  the  heathen  gods,  into  those  of  Peter  ami' 
Paul  and  Thomas  (the  only  three  apostles  men- 
tioned), and  other  saints. 

As  regards  the  West,  the  earliest  reference  to 
the  cultus  of  St.  Thomas  in  any  way  is,  so  far 
as  we  are  aware,  to  be  found  in  a  sermon  of 
Gaudentius  (bishop  of  Brescia  at  the  beginning 
of  the  5th  century),  on  the  occasion  of  the 
dedication  of  a  church  (basilica  concilii  Sanc- 
torum). The  good  bishop  claims  to  have  acquired' 
for  this  church  relics  of  St.  Thomas  and  three- 
other  saints  (Senn.  17  ;  Patrol,  xx.  959). 

It  may  fairly  be  assumed  that  the  festival  of 
St.  Thomas  was  but  gradually,  and  not  till  a 
comparatively  late  date,  recognized  in  thf- 
churches  of  the  West.  This  may  be  inferred 
from  the  absence  of  any  mention  of  it  in  e.  g.. 
the  ancient  Kalcndarium  Carthaginense,  the- 
Roman  Calendar  of  Pronto,  the  Leonine  Sacra- 
mentary,  and  some  forms  of  the  Gregorian ' 
Sacramentary  (e.  g.  Cdd.  Peg.  Suec,  Ca/cnsis\ 
Mabillon's  Lectionarium  Luxovicnse,  the  Gothico- 
Gallic  Missal,  the  Orationale  Gothicum,  &c.,  re- 
presenting North  Africa,  Rome,  Gaul,  and  Spain. 

It  is  found,  on  the  other  hand,  in  the  Gelasiai> 
and  in  some  forms  of  the  Gregorian  Sacrameu- 
taries,  the  Mozarabic  Missal  and  Breviary,  the 
Martyrologium  Jlieronymi,  &c.  In  these  St. 
Thomas  is  commemorated  on  December  21, 
the  commemoration  being  undoubtedly  of  the 
martyrdom,  though,  as  we  shall  see,  in  some- 
cases  it  has  been  referred  to  the  supposed  trans- 
lation of  the  Apostle's  remains  fi-om  India  tc 
Edessa. 

In  the  last  named  of  the  above  cited  autho- 
rities, besides  the  main  Western  festival  on 
December  21,  several  other  commemorations  are- 
given.  As  regards  this  chief  festival,  it  may  be- 
noted  that  while  the  reference  to  it  in  the  list 
of  festivals  of  Apostles,  which  forms  a  prologue 
to  the  Martyrology,  speaks  of  it  as  "  natalis 
Thomae  Apostoli  qui  passus  est  in  India  "  (Patrol. 
xxs.  451),  the  notice  in  the  ordinary  course  of 
the  Calendar  gives  "  in  Mesopotamia,  natalis  et 
translatio  sancti  Thomae  Apostoli  qui  translatus 
est  ab  Indis,  cujus  passio  ibidem  celebretur " 
(ih.  501).  We  further  have  on  December  28, 
"  in  Edessa,  translatio  corporis  S.  Thomae 
Apostoli ;  "  on  February  9,  "  depositio  Thomae,'" 
if  this  be  the  Apostle  (ib.  457)  ;  on  May  9,  a 
commemoration  of  SS.  John,  Andrew,  and 
Thomas,  at  Milan,  in  the  "basilica  ad  portam 
Romanam"  (ib.  471);  on  June  3,  a  festival  of 
the  "  natalis "  (ib.  476) ;  and  on  July  3,  "  in 
Edessa  ,  .  .  natalis  et  translatio  corporis  S. 
Thomae  Apostoli  ..."  (ib.  479). 

In  the  other  documents  cited,  December  21  is 
the  Natalis  in  the  Gelasian  and  Gregorian  Sacra- 


"=  Menard  gives  the  mass  for  the  day,  but  Pamelius  puts 
it  in  brackets  (Liturgg.  Latt.  ii.  364). 


THOMAS,  ST. 

Eientaries,  the  martyrology  of  Bede,  &c.  So,  for 
instance,  we  have  in  the  metrical  martyrolosv  of 
Bede  {Patrol  sciv.  606), 

"  Bis  senis  caelum  coepit  conscendere  Thomas." 
The  metrical  martyrology  of  Wandalbert,  however 
.{Patrol  cssi.  622),  refers  the  day  to  the  trans- 
.lation, 

"Translati  Thomae  celebret  duodenus  honorem," 
•and  the  martyrology  of  Usuard  has  in  one  MS. 
(Cod.  Lucensis)  the  translation,  and  in  another 
(Cod.  Corbeiensis),  the  two  commemorations 
combined.  The  true  text,  however,  of  this 
■iast  martyrology  certainly  gives  Natalis.  The 
day  really  associated  with  the  translation  in 
the  Western  church  is  July  3  (so  21art.  Rom., 
Bede,  Usuard,  Mart.  Hier.),  and  occasionally  the 
'two  commemorations  have  flowed  together. 

In  the  Greek  church,  the  day  on  which  St. 
Thomas  is  commemorated  is  October  6.  Thus 
€.  g.  in  the  metrical  Epliemerides  prefixed  by 
Papebroch  to  the  Acta  Sanctorum  for  May,  the 
aotice  for  the  day  is  ^ovpaaiv  ovrdaQr)  Qccfias 
fj.aKpo7(ri.v  eV  '^ktti  {Acta  Sanctorum  ;  May,  vol.  i. 
p.  xlvii.).  It  may  be  noted  further  that  the  first 
Sunday  after  Easter  is,  in  the  Greek  church, 
known  as  the  Sunday  of  St.  Thomas,  from  the 
Bubject  of  the  gospel.  This,  however,  is  not 
strictly  to  be  called  a  commemoration.  In  the 
Pentecostarion  the  title  of  the  day  is  given  in 
full,  as  KvpiaKi]  rod  avT'nraffxa.  ijToi  tj  ^prjXdcpriffis 
Tov  aylov  diroo-ToAou  Qoofia,  writ  short  in  the 
Synaxarion  as  KvpiaKr]  rov  0cu/ia.  The  same 
gospel  is  used  both  on  this  day  and  on  October 
■6,  St.  John  XX.  19-31. 

In  the  calendars  of  the  Armenian  church 
given  by  Assemani  {Bibl  Or.  vol.  iii.  part  1,  pp. 
645  sqq.),  March  31  is  given  in  both  as  a  com- 
memoration of  the  "  unbelief  of  Thomas ;" 
August  22  commemorates  "Thomas  the 
Apostle,"  with  a  reference  to  India  in  the  case 
of  one  of  them  ;  and  on  October  6  is  yet  another 
•commemoration,  but  in  one  calendar  only. 

In  the  calendars  of  the  Alexandrian  and 
Ethiopic  churches,  given  by  Ludolf,  is  a  com- 
^nemoration  of  St.  Thomas  by  the  former  church 
on  September  9  {ad  Hist.  Aeth.  Comm.  p.  391), 
•by  the  latter  church  on  October  6,  with  the 
aiote  "  apostle  of  India "  {ib.  p.  394),  and  by 
both  churches  on  May  21  (46.  p.  417). 

3.  Apocryphal  Literature.  —  An  apocryphal 
gospel,  bearing  the  name  of  St.  Thomas,  was 
•current  in  early  times.  There  are  two  distinct 
recensions  of  it  in  Greek,  and  an  independent 
Latin  form,  the  Latin  and  one  of  the  Greek  texts 
having  first  been  published  by  Tischendorf. 
The  gospel  is  apparently  referred  to  by  Irenaeus 
{adu.  Haer.  i.  20) ;  and  the  author  of  the 
Philosophumena  mentions  it  by  name  (lib.  v. 
Patrol  Gr.  xvi.  3134),  and  probably  also  Euse- 
bius  {Hist.  Eccles.  iii.  25).  Cyril  of  Jerusalem, 
in  speaking  of  it,  assigns  it  to  Thomas,  the 
missionary-disciple  of  Manes,  to  whom  we  have 
already  referred  {Catech.  iv.  36 ;  Patrol  Gr. 
xxxiii.  593 ;  cf.  Catech.  vi.  31).  In  view  of  the 
above-mentioned  references  this  of  course  is 
absurd.  For  further  details  see  Gospels, 
Apocryphal,  in  Diet,  of  Christian  Biography. 
We  have  also  Acts  of  Thomas,  first  edited  by 
Thilo,  and  since  by  Tischendorf  This  and  the 
Consummation   of   Thomas,  first    edited   by  Ti- 


THEONE 


1959 


schendorf,  form  the  beginning  and  end  of  a 
whole  of  which  some  of  the  middle  part  is  lost. 
An  abridged  form  is  given  in  the  Apostolic 
History  of  the  Pseudo-Abdias  (lib.  ix. ;  in  Fabri- 
cius,  Codex  Pseudepig.  N.  T.  vol.  i.  pp.  687  son.), 
and  we  have  also  the  Syriac  form  of  the 
Acts  edited  by  Dr.  Wright.  The  Acts  of 
Ihomas  are  mentioned  by  Epiphanius  {Haer. 
47  ;  Patrol  Gr.  xli.  852),  and  a  TrepfoSos  ©cu^a 
IS  named  m  the  Stichometria  of  Nicephorus 
{Patrol  Gr.  c.  1060),  which  is  possibly,  thou<rh 
not  certainly,  the  same  as  the  preceding.  Both 
Gospel  and  Acts  of  Thomas  were  condemned  by 
the  council  that  sat  at  Rome  under  Gelasius  in 
AD.  494  {Patrol  lix.  162).  A  Revelation  of 
Ihomas,  no  longer  extant,  was  condemned  at 
the  same  time.  In  the  Apostolic  Constitutions 
(lib.  viii.  21)  the  constitution  with  respect  to 
sub-deacons  is  referred  to  St.  Thomas. 

For  further  notices  on  the  subject  of  St. 
Thomas  reference  may  be  made  to  Binterim, 
Denkwurdigkeiten  der  Christ- Katholischen  Kirche, 
vol.  V.  part  i.  p.  523  sqq.;  Augusti,  Denk- 
wurdigkeiten aus  der  Christlichen  Archaologie, 
vol.  iii,  pp.  219  sqq.  The  Acta  Sanctorum  of 
the  Bollandists  do  not  avail  us  here,  not  having 
advanced  as  yet  farther  than  the  end  of  October" 

THOMAS   (1),   Jan.   5,  martyr.     [Theonas 

(2)  Mar.  20,  patriarch  of  Constantinople 
(Basil.  Menol). 

(3)  July  7,  solitary  in  Mons  Malaeus  (Basil. 
Menol ;  Cal  Byzant. ;  Menol  Graec.  Sirlet. ; 
Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  262). 

(4)  Apostle,  commemorated  on  Dec.  21  {Mart. 
Bed.,  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Hieron.,  Wand., 
Rom.);  on  this  day  his  natale  is  celebrated  in 
the  Gelasian  Sacramentary,  his  name  appearing 
in  the  Collect  and  Secreta."  An  oratory  dedicated 
to  him  was  built  and  adorned  by  pope  Symma- 
chus  in  the  Vatican  Basilica  (Anastas.  Lib.  Pontif. 
art.  'Symmachus';  Ciampini,  (fe  Aedif.p]).  69, 
95).  In  the  Ccd.  Ethiop.  he  occurs  under  May  21, 
and  "Thomas,  apostle  of  India"  under  Oct.  4. 
His  festival  in  the  Greek  church  was  on  Oct.  6 
(Basil  Menol ;  Menol.  Gr. ;  Cal.  Byzant. ;  Daniel, 
Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  270).  Three  churches  and  a 
monastery  dedicated  to  St.  Thomas  are  known  to 
have  existed  at  Constantinople  in  the  6th  cen- 
tury (Du  Cange,  Cpolis.  Christ,  pp.  116,  117). 

[C.  H.] 

THRASEAS  (Traseas),  bishop  of  Eumenia, 

martyr  at  Smyrna;  commemorated  on  Oct.   5. 

{Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Notker.,  i?o?w.) 

[C.  H.] 

THRASO,  martyr  in  the  reign  of  Maximin, 

commemorated    at    Rome     on    Dec.    11    {Mart. 

Usuard.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Hieron.,  Rom.).         [C.  H.] 

THREE  CHAPTERS.  [Constantinople 
(27)  p.  442.] 

THREE  CHILDREN,  SONG  OF  THE. 

[Benedicite,  p.  186.] 

THREE  KINGS.     [Epiphany;  Magi.] 

THRONE  (Lat.  thronus ;  Gr.  ep6vos),  a.  se&i 
to  be  occupied  by  persons  of  pre-eminent  dig- 
nity on  solemn  occasions.  By  early  writers  {v. 
Cathedra)  the  words  "  throne  "  and  cathedra 
seem  to  have  been  not   unfrequently  employed 


1960 


THRONE 


indiscriminately  for  the  seat  of  the  bishop,  and 
"  throne  "  was  evei>  employed  for  the  benches 
on  which  the  presbyters  sat.  At  the  present 
day  we  use  the  former  word  when  we  speak  of 
the  bishop's  seat  in  his  cathedral  chiirch. 

A  distinction,  however,  has  existed  both  in 
the  use  of  the  words  and  in  the  objects  them- 
selves ;  "  cathedra  "  being  the  more  proper  ex- 
pression for  the  chair  of  a  bishop,  throne  for 
that  of  an  archbishop,  a  patriarch,  a  pope,  or  a 
sovereign  jirince.  A  good  though  late  example 
of  this  distinction  is  afforded  by  the  words  used 
in  the  consecration  of  the  pope  of  Rome  when 
already  a  bishop,  before  he  is  placed  in  the 
papal  seat  by  the  senior  cardinal  bishop :  "  Deus 
.  .  .  respice  auaesumus  propicius  huuc  famu- 
lum  tuum  N.  quem  de  humili  cathedra  violenter 
sublimatum  in  throuum  ejusdem  apostoloruni 
principis  (i.  e.  St.  Petei-)  sublimamus  "  (Marcel- 
lus,  Eituum  Eccles.  &c.  libri  tres,  p.  xv.  Ven. 
1516). 

That  there  was  a  distinction  between  the 
material  throne  and  the  cathedra  we  may  learn 
by  comparing  the  representations  of  the  former 
to  be  found  in  mosaics  in  Rome  and  Ravenna, 
and  in  sculpture  in  marble  and  ivory,  with 
existing  examples  of  cathedrae ;  of  these  last 
several  are  to  be  found  in  the  basilicas  at  Rome, 
often  ancient  "  sellae  balneares,"  of  marble,  of 
moderate  size,  with  arms,  rounded  behind,  and 
with  a  low,  upright,  back  finishing,  with  a 
curved  outline.  Such  are  the  cathedrae  in  the 
churches  of  S.  Stefano  Rotondo  and  SS.  Nereo 
ed  Achilleo  at  Rome.  The  chairs  in  the  cata- 
combs hewn  in  the  living  rock,  and  that  in 
which  the  figure  believed  to  represent  Hip- 
polytus,  bishop  of  Porto,  is  placed  (now  in  the 
museum  of  the  Lateran),  are  all  varieties  of  this 
form.  The  ivory  cathedra  at  Ravenna,  believed 
to  date  from  the  time  of  Justinian,  is  of  nearly 
the  same  type,  but  has  a  much  higher  back. 
The  cathedra  in  St.  Cecilia  at  Rome  is  formed  of 
marble  slabs,  but  is  of  the  same  type. 

If,  however,  we  examine  the  mosaics  above- 
mentioned,  we  find  that  objects  symbolical  of 
our  Lord,  as  crosses,  or  figures  representing 
Him  or  the  Virgin  Mary,  are  placed  on  seats  of 
a  different  type — that  of  a  wide  seat  without 
arms,  and  usually  with  a  low,  straight  back. 
This  type,  it  would  seem,  was  derived  from  the 
Roman  bisellium,  a  seat  of  honourable  distinc- 
tion, which  was  a  sort  of  wide  stool  without 
arms  or  back. 

The  emperor  Theodosius  and  his  sons  Arcadius 
and  Honorius  are  represented  as  seated  on  such 
seats  on  the  silver  disk  at  Madrid.  In  the 
mosaic,  probably  dating  from  the  4th  century, 
in  the  apse  of  Sta.  Pudenziana  at  Rome,  the 
throne  on  which  our  Lord  sits  appears  to  have 
a  low,  straight  back  ;  and  in  the  mosaic  on  the 
triumphal  arch  of  Sta.  Maria  Maggiore,  in  the 
same  city,  the  infant  Saviour  is  placed  on  a  wide 
seat  with  low  sides  and  back.  This  mosaic  pro- 
bably dates  from  the  5th  century.  In  the 
church  of  SS.  Cosmo  and  Damian — a  mosaic 
which  covers  the  surface  of  the  wall  in  front  of 
the  apse — has  on  the  summit  of  the  arch  a 
figure  of  the  holy  lamb  placed  on  a  throne, 
represented  as  a  wide  stool  richly  ornamented 
and  furnished  with  a  cushion,  but  without  sides 
or  back.  This  mosaic  dates  from  the  6th  cen- 
tury. 


THRONE 

"  The  distinction  between  the  two  form.s 
was,  it  would  appear,  not  rigidly  kept  up, 
thrones  being  sometimes  furnished  like  cathe- 
drae, with  arms  and  backs  ;  but  it  will  generally 
be  found  that  down  to  the  mediaeval  period 
bishops  are  usually  represented  in  works  of  art 
as  seated  in  chairs  with  arms  and  backs,  while 
sovereign  princes  often  appear  as  occupying 
seats  without  sides,  though  furnished  with 
backs.  Good  examples  will  be  found  in  plates 
Ixvi.  Ixvii.  of  Agincourt's  History  of  Art  by  its 
Monuraents.  section  "  Painting,"  particularly 
figs.  2-7  on  the  former,  and  4  on  the  latter  page. 
In  the  first  the  countess  Matilda  and  her 
ancestors  are  shewn ;  in  the  last,  the  emperor 
Constantine.  All  these  are  taken  from  MSS. 
of  the  12th  century. 

It  seems  probable  that  thrones  were  con- 
structed without  arms,  in  order  that  as  they 
were  intended  for  the  use  of  persons  of  the 
highest  dignity,  on  occasions  of  great  solemnity, 
when  dresses  of  the  utmost  richness  would  be 
worn,  the  stiff  or  voluminous  embroidered  robes 
of  the  dignitaries  who  occupied  them  might  be 
conveniently  disposed  and  fully  seen,  possibly 
also  the  tradition  of  the  form  of  the  Roman 
bisellium  may  have  had  its  influence. 

No  example  of  a  true  throne,  constructed 
within  the  period  embraced  by  this  work,  has 
lieen  described,  but  one  probably  very  little  later  in 
date  has  been  preserved — the  so-called  cathedra 
Petri — which  is  kept  in  a  repository  in  the  wall 
of  the  apse  of  the  Vatican  Basilica  at  Rome. 
This  chair,  after  having  remained  shut  up  for 
many  years,  was  exhibited  in  1866  on  the  occa- 
sion of  the  centenary  celebration  of  the  mar- 
tyrdom of  St.  Peter,  and  was  carefully  examined, 
among  others,  by  that  distinguished  antiquary 
and  student  of  Christian  art.  Padre  Rafaelle 
Garrucci.  The  legend  that  it  had  been  the  curule 
chair  of  the  senator  Pudens,  and  bestowed  by 
him  upon  St.  Peter,  is  evidently  erroneous,  for  the 
chair  bears  no  resemblance  whatever  to  a  curule 
chair,  which  was  fashioned  in  such  a  manner  as- 
to  fold  up  like  many  garden  chairs  (v.  a  paper  on 
the  "  Fauteuil  de  Dagobert,"  by  M.  Lenormant, 
in  the  first  volume  of  the  Melanges  d'Archeo- 
lojic).  It  is  a  chair  without  arms,  but  with  a 
back  finishing  in  a  pediment.  On  the  front,  below 
the  seat,  are  fixed  some  carvings  in  ivory,  but 
these  are  additions,  not  part  of  the  original  de- 
corations. What,  doubtless,  are  original,  are  the 
bands  of  carved  ivory  which  are  placed  perpen- 
dicularly and  horizontally  on  the  front  and 
back,  and  on  each  side  of  the  pediment.  On 
these  are  sculptured  various  groups  of  warriors 
fighting  with  men  and  with  beasts,  monstrous 
animal  figures,  and  the  like ;  but  the  most 
remarkable  subject  is  a  half-length  figure  of  an 
emperor  which  Padre  Garrucci  believes  to  repre- 
sent Charles  the  Bald.  No  figure  or  symbol  of 
a  religious  character  is  to  be  found  in  these 
carvings  ;  and  from  these  facts  it  has  been  in- 
ferred that  it  was  probably  a  throne  made  for 
or  presented  to  Charles  the  Bald  at  the  time  of 
his  coronation  at  Rome,  A.d.  875.  It  may  be,  at 
any  rate,  safely  asserted  that  neither  its  con- 
struction nor  its  ornamentation  indicates  that  it 
was  constructed  for  a  cathedra  (v.  Two  Memoirs 
071  St.  Peter's  Chair,  published  by  the  Society  of 
Antiquaries,  1870). 

Thrones  are  to  be  found  on  works  of  art  so 


THURIBLE 

represented  as  to  shew  that   they  combine  the 
elements  of  the  curule  or  folding  chair   and  of 
the  throne  ;  and  one  remarkable  example  exist 
in  the  "  Fauteuil  de  Dagobert,"  preserved  in  th^ 
Louvre  (v.  woodcut).     In  this  instance  it  will  b'^ 


TIBURTIUS 


1961 


I  de  Dajjobert. 


seen,  that,  in  addition  to  the  folding-pieces  in 
the  form  of  an  X,  there  are  uprights  finishing 
in  lions'  heads.  On  many  consular  diptychs  the 
throne  on  which  the  consul  sits  is  so  represented 
as  to  shew  that  it  was  constructed  in  like 
manner.  M.  Lenormant  considers  that  the  chair 
in  question  is  probably  of  the  period  of  the 
sovereign  whose  name  it  bears  (a.d.  622-638). 
The  curule  chair,  in  its  simple  and  primitive 
form,  was  evidently  the  model  of  the  faldi- 
storium  or  faldstool,  the  portable  seat  occupied 
by  a  bishop  or  abbat.  M.  Lenormant  supposes 
that  the  use  of  such  a  chair  was  allowed  to 
bishops  in  recognition  of  the  dignity  of  their 
office. 

In  a  painting  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Callixtus 
at  Rome  (v.  Marriott's  Vcstiarium  Christianum, 
}>1.  XV.),  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  are  represented 
as  occupying  such  seats,  while  our  Lord  is 
seated  on  an  elevated  throne  without  sides,  but 
with  a  high  back.  As  none  of  the  figures  have 
nimbi  surrounding  their  heads,  and  the  style  of 
drawing  is  good,  this  painting  should  belong  to 
an  early  period.  [A.  N.] 

THURIBLE,  a  censer,  a  vessel  for  burning 
incense,  called  also  thymiaterium,  thuricremium, 
incensorium,  fumigatorium.  The  thurible  was 
usually  made  of  precious  metals,  and  was  at  first 
no  more  than  an  open  dish  or  vase,  to  which 
a  pierced  cover  was  subsequently  added,  and 
eventually  chains  for  swinging  ;  these  last,  how- 
ever, are  not  found  earlier  than  the  12th  century. 
An  example  of  this  date,  suspended  by  three 
chains,  is  given  by  Martigny  from  the  church  of 
the  Nativity  at  Bethlehem,  De  Vogue,  Eglises 
de  la  Terre  Sainte,  pi.  iii.  Ciampini,  torn.  iii. 
tab.  xxxiii.  There  is  no  mention  of  them  in 
the  Apostolical  Constitutions.  Thuribles  of  gold 
or  silver,  of  large  size  and  ornamented  with 
precious  stones,  occur  very  frequently  in  Ana- 
stasius  among  the  gifts  made  by  the  popes  to 
the  Vatican  and  other  Roman  basilicas.  To 
take  one  example.  Constantine  is  recorded  to 
have  presented  to  the  Lateran  two  thuribles  of 


gold  set  with  jewels,  one  weighing  30  lbs  the 
other  15  lbs.  (Anastas.  in  Sykcstro).  Eva- 
gnus  (//.  E.  vi.  21)  also  mentions  golden 
thuribles  among  the  gifts  of  Chosroes  to  the 
Church  of  Constantinople.  The  weight  of  these 
vessels  shews  that  they  were  stationary,  not  to 
be  swung. 

The  following  description  of  a  thurible  is 
given  by  Alcuin  (poem.  3)  :— 

"  Hie  quoque  Thuribulum  capiteUis  undique  cinctum, 
Pendet  de  summo,  funiosa  foramina  pandens, 
De  quibus  ambrosia  spirabunt  tura  Sabaea. 
Quando  sacerdotes  missas  offerre  jubentur.'" 

According  to  Amalarius  (lib.  iii.  c.  18),  "Thu- 
ribulum ante  Evangelium  portatur,  quia  Christus 
odor  suavitatis  in  igne  passionis  pro  nobis  sacri- 
ficatus  praedicatur."  We  find  a  different  sym- 
bolism in  the  Gemma  Animae  (lib.  i.  c.  42),  "  Thu- 
ribulum significat  corpus  Dominicum  ;  in'censum 
ejus  Divinitatem ;  ignis  Spiritum  Sanctum." 

[E.  v.] 
THURIFICATL  Those  who  in  times  of 
persecution  betrayed  the  faith  by  offering  incense 
to  idols.  Frankincense  was  an  accompaniment 
of  the  heathen  sacrifices,  so  that  the  offering  of 
it  was  made  a  common  test  in  the  persecutions. 
The  act  of  burning  incense  was  so  slight,  taking 
two  or  three  grains  in  the  fingers  and  sprinkling 
them  on  the  fire,  that  it  readily  lent  itself  to  the 
purposes  of  a  test,  and  the  Christians  were  urged 
to  save  themselves  by  complying  with  it.  "  It 
seems  absurd  to  be  tortured  and  slain  rather 
than  throw  into  the  fire  incense  taken  with  two 
little  fingers"  (TertuU.  de  Idol.  c.  11,  note, 
Oxford  ed.).  For  the  penalties  incurred  by  com- 
pliance see  Saceificati.  [G.  M.] 

THYRSUS  (TvRSUS)  (1),  Jan.  28,  martyr  in 
the  reign  of  Decius,  commemorated  at  Apollonia 
with  Leucius  and  Callinicus  (Mart.  Usuard., 
Adon.,  Yet.  Rom.,  Notker.,  Eojn.) ;  Dec.  14 
(Basil.  Mcnol. ;  Menol.  Graec.  Sirlet).  It  was 
this  Thyrsus  (Du  Cange,  Cpolis.  Christ,  lib.  iv. 
p.  97)  in  whose  honour  Justinian  erected  a 
church  at  Constantinople  (Procop.  de  Aedif. 
lib.  i.  cap.  4,  p.  190,  Bonn.). 

(2)  Jan.  31,  martyr,  commemorated  at  Alex- 
andria with  Saturninus  and  A'ictor  (Mart. 
Usuard.,  Adon.,  Notker.,  Hieron.,  Bom.) ;  named 
Tircus  in  Wandalbert. 

(3)  Sept.  24,  deacon,  martyr,  commemorated 
at  Autun  with  Andochius  and  Felix  (Mart. 
Bed.,  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Hieron.,  Notker.,  Wand., 
Bom.-).  [C.  H.] 

TIARA.    [Mitre.] 

TIBERIUS,  Nov.  10,  martyr  in  the  district 
of  Agde  in  the  reign  of  Diocletian  (Mart. 
Usuard.,  Adon.,  Wand.,  Emn.).  [C.  H.] 

TIBURTIUS  (1),  Apr.  14,  martyr,  com- 
memorated at  Rome  at  the  cemetery  of  Praetex- 
tatus  on  the  Via  Appia  with  Caecilia,  Valerianus 
and  Maximus  (Mart.  Bed.,  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet. 
Rom.,  Hieron.,  Notker.,  Rom.') ;  commemorated 
the  same  day  in  the  Leonian  Sacramentary ;  and 
also  in  the  Gregorian,  where  his  name  ap])ears 
in  the  collect ;  Nov.  22  (Menol.  Graec.  Sirlet.)  ; 
Nov.  24  (Basil.  Menol.).  There  is  an  antiphou 
for  his  natalis  in  the  Gregorian  Autiphouary. 


1062 


TIGRIDES 


(2)  Aug.  11,  martyr,  son  of  the  prefect 
Chromatius,  commemorated  at  Rome  "inter 
Duas  Lauros  "  (Mart.  Bed.,  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet. 
Horn.,  Ilieron.,  Horn.);  his  natale  is  liept  this 
day  in  the  Gelasian  Sacramentary,  his  name 
occurring  in  the  Collect,  Secreta,  and  Post-com- 
nunion.  Also  in  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary, 
his  name  occurring  in  the  Collect  and  Ad  Com- 
plendum. 

(3)  Sept.  9,  martyr,  commemorated  in  Sahi- 
num  with  Hyacinthus  and  Alexander  (Mart. 
Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vit.  Horn.,  Eieron.,  Notker., 
Bom.).  [C.  H.] 

TIGRIDES,  Feb.  3,  bishop,  commemorated 
with  bishop  Remedius  at  Gap  (Mart.  Usuard. ; 
Mart.  Hieron.,  naming  him  Eporteredus ;  Mart. 
Jiom.,  Tigides).  [C  H.] 


TILSAN.     [Planeta.] 

TIMOLAUS,  Mar.  15,  martyr  with  Agapius 
under  Diocletian  (Basil.  Menol.  ;  Menol.  Grace. 
Sirlet.) ;  Mar.  24  (Mart.  Rom.).  [C.  H.] 

TBION  (Thimon),  Apr.  19,  one  of  the  seven 
deacons,  said  to  have  been  a  martyr  at  Corinth 
(Mart.  Usuard.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Aden.,  Rom.) ;  July 
28,  commemorated  with  Prochorus,  Nicanor, 
Parmenas  (Cal.  Byzant.);  Dec.  30,  as  bishop  of 
Bostra  and  martyr  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Menol.  Graec. 
Sirlet.)  [C.  H.] 

TIMOTHEUS  (1),  disciple  of  St.  Paul,  com- 
memorated by  the  Greeks  on  Jan.  22  (Basil. 
Menol. ;  Cal.  Byzant. ;  Menol.  Graec.  Sirlet. ; 
Mart.  Usuard.;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  251); 
by  the  Latins  on  Jan.  24  (Mart.  Bed.,  Adon., 
Vet.  Rom.,  Notker.,  Rom. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii. 
566)  ;  at  Ephesus,  Sept.  27  (Hieron.)  ;  his  trans- 
latio  commemorated  at  Constantinople,  May  9 
(2Iart.  Rom.). 

(2)  Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  commemorated 
on  Feb.  7  (Cal.  Ethiop. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg. 
iv.  253). 

(3)  Ap.  6,  martyr  with  Diogenes  in  Macedonia. 
(Mart.  Usuard.,  Hieron.,  Notker.,  Rom. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Ap.  i.  537.) 

(4)  Martyr  commemorated  with  Masimus  at 
Antioch  on  Ap.  8  (Mart.  Syr.). 

(5)  May  3,  martyr  in  the  Thebaid  with  his 
wife  Maura  in  the  3rd  century  (Basil.  Menol. ; 
Menol.  Gr.  ;  Cal.  Byzant. ;  Daniel,  God.  Liturg. 
iv.  258 ;  Mart.  Ram. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mai.  i. 
376). 

(6)  May  20,  martyr,  coupled  in  the  Syrian 
Martyrology  with  Polyeuctus,  and  may  be  sus- 
pected as  identical  with  the  following. 

(7)  May  21,  martyr  with  Polius  and  Euty- 
chius  in  Mauritania  Caesariensis  (Mart.  Usuard., 
Adon.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Hieron.,  Notker,  Wand.,  Rom. ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mai.  v.  4). 

(8)  June  10,  bishop  of  Prusa,  martyr  under 
Julian  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Menol.  Graec.  ;  Mart. 
Rom.  ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  260 ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Jun.  ii.  273).  This  was  probably  the 
martyr  Timotheus  to  whom  two  churches  at 
Constantinople  were  dedicated,  mentioned  in  the 
Menaea,  but  their  period  or  origin  not  stated 
(Du  Cango,  Cpolis.  Christ,  p.  115). 

(9)  June  20,  martyr  at  Kome  with  his  brother 


TIRIDATES 

Novatus,    disciples     of     the     apostles     (Mart. 
Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Notker.). 

(10)  Aug.  22,  martyr  at  Rome  in  the  time 
of  pope  Silvester,  commemorated  on  the  Via 
Ostiensis  (Mart.  Metr.  Bed.  ;  Mart.  Bed., 
Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Wand.,  Rom. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Aug.  iv.  534).  Mart.  Hieron.  makes 
the  saint  of  this  day  and  cemetery  the  disciple 
of  St.  Paul.  The  Gregorian  Sacramentary  com- 
memorates his  natale  on  this  day,  naming  him 
in  the  Collect  and  Ad  Complendum.  The  Gre- 
gorian Antiphonary  has  an  antiphon  for  the  joint 
natalis  of  Timotheus  and  Symphorianus. 

(11)  Aug.  23,  martyr  with  Apollinaris  at 
Reims  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Wand.,  Rom. ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Aug.  iv.  573). 

(12)  Sept.  8,  martyr,  commemorated  with 
Faustus  at  Antioch  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Hieron., 
Rom.). 

(13)  Nov.  5,  companion  of  Domninus  and 
Theotimus,  martyrs  under  Maximin  (Basil. 
Menol.).  [C.  H.] 

TINTINNUM,  a  bell  (v.  Bell).  The  verses 
by  Tatwine,  archbishop  of  Canterbury  (a.d. 
731-734),  alluded  to  in  the  article  Bell,  run  as 
follows  : — 

De  Tintinno. 
Olim  dictabar  proprio  cognomine  Caesar 
Optabantque  nieum  proceres  jam  cernere  vultum 
Nunc  aliter  versor  superis  suspensus  in  auris 
Et  caesus  cogor  late  persolvere  planctum 
Cursibus  haul  tardis  cum  adhnc  turn  turba  recurrit 
Mordeo  mordentem  labris  mox  dentibus  absque. 

From  these  verses  it  would  seem  that  in  the 
earlier  part  of  the  8th  century  it  had  become 
customary  in  England,  as  on  the  Continent  at  a 
still  earlier  date,  to  hang  bells  of  considerable 
size  on  the  exterior  of  churches  in  order  that 
the  congregation  might  be  summoned  by  their 
sound.  Alcuin  (ob.  804),  describing  the  works 
executed  at  York,  says  (Opera,  ed.  Froben,  ep. 
171),  "  Videtur  condignum  ut  domuscula  cloc- 
carum  stagno  tegatur  propter  ornamentum  et 
loci  celebritatem."  The  "  domuscula "  in  this 
instance  would  seem  not  to  have  been  a  tower, 
but  rather  a  small  separate  edifice.  Bells, 
according  to  Walafrid  Strabo,  who  wrote  in  the 
early  part  of  the  9th  century  (de  Exord.  et 
Increment,  rer.  Eccl.  c.  5),  were  of  two  kinds, 
"  fusilia,"  and  "  productilia,"  the  former  cast, 
the  latter  of  sheets  of  metal,  joined  by  rivets 
and  hammered  into  form,  in  the  manner  of  the 
early  Irish  hand-bells.  The  "  tintinnum "  of 
which  archbishop  Tatwine  wrote  was  of  the 
former  class,  and  it  should  seem  formed  out  of 
a  bronze  statue  of  some  Roman  emperor.  Few,  if 
any,  bells  of  this  early  period  (if  we  except  the 
small  Irish  hand-bells)  are  probably  now  in 
existence,  but  Filippini  is  quoted  as  stating  in 
his  history  of  Corsica  that  a  bell,  bearing  the 
date  A.D.  700,  had  been  found  in  the  old  campa- 
nile of  the  church  of  S.  Maria  dell'  Assunzione 
near  St.  Florent  in  that  island ;  it  does  not 
appear  what  was  the  size  of  this  bell.  [A.  N.] 

TIRIANUS  (Trajanls),  martyr,  commemo- 
rated on  June  7  (Syr.  Mart.).  [C.  H.] 

TIRIDATES,  king,  commemorated  June  29 
(Cal.  Armen.).  [C.  H.] 


TITHES 

TITHES  (SeKarai,  decimae).  There  is  hardly 
au7  evidence  of  the  general  payment  of  tithes  be- 
fore the  end  of  the  4th  century.  Until  the  publi- 
•cation  of  Selden's  History  of  Tithes,  a.d.  1618, 
the  generally  prevailing  opinion  was  that  tithes 
were  due  de  jure  divino,  and  that  if  not  paid  from 
the  beginning,  they  were  paid  as  soon  as  the 
church  was  free  from  persecution.  This  opinion 
not  only  lacks  the  direct  support  of  antiquity, 
■but  is  opposed  to  the  kw  notices  we  have  re- 
maining of  the  practice  of  the  early  church.  As 
the  same  passsages  have  been  quoted  on  both 
sides  of  the  controversy,  and  as  much  depends 
apon  the  actual  expressions,  the  more  important 
evidence  must  be  quoted  in  full. 

In  the  1st  century  it  is  admitted  by  all  that 
there  is  no  evidence  of  the  payment  of  tithes. 
When  the  collection  was  made  for  the  poor 
brethren  in  Jerusalem  at  Antioch,  each  man  gave 
"according  to  his  ability"  (Acts  xi.  29);  in  the 
/churches  of  Galatia  and  of  Corinth,  each  is  or- 
dered to  give  "as  God  has  prospered  him." 
(1  Cor.  xvi.  1,  2.)  In  the  epistles  to  Timothy, 
where  St.  Paul  touches  upon  the  finances  of  the 
church,  there  is  no  mention  of  tithes  or  of  any 
other  fixed  proportion  as  being  paid  or  considered 
due. 

In  the  2nd  century  also  it  was  felt  that  to  fix 
upon  a  definite  proportion  was  to  limit  the  free 
cpirit  of  Christian  love.  Irenaeus  {Haer.  iv.  27) 
says  that  our  Lord  came  to  expand  and  extend 
the  law,  and  in  place  of  definite  commands  to 
substitute  principles  ;  "  and  therefore  instead  of 
'  thou  shalt  not  commit  adultery,'  he  commanded 
men  not  to  lust  (Matt.  v.  28),  and  instead  of 
'  thou  shalt  not  kill,'  not  even  to  be  angry  ;  and 
instead  of  paying  tithe  to  divide  all  one's  goods  to 
the  poor."  Thus  did  Christ  remove  "  the  fetters 
of  slavery."  So  again  (iv.  34)  Irenaeus  contrasts 
the  servitude  of  the  law  of  Moses  with  the  free- 
dom of  the  sonship  of  Christians  :  '•  and  for  this 
reason,  whilst  they  (the  Jews)  used  to  con- 
sider the  tithes  of  their  property  as  consecrated, 
they,  on  the  contrary,  who  have  apprehended 
freedom,  decree  to  the  uses  of  the  Lord  all  things 
which  they  have — ^joyfully  and  freely  giving  not 
what  is  less,  inasmuch  as  they  have  a  greater 
hope."  Yet  in  iv.  20,  after  stating  that  the  Le- 
vites  lived  on  tithes,  he  adds  "  Discipulis  inquit 
Dominus  Leviticam  substantiam  habentibus." 

In  the  3rd  century,  Origen  {Horn.  xi.  in 
Numeros),  advocating  the  payment  of  first-fruits 
mentions  tithes  also,  not  as  due  from  Christians, 
but  as  a  limitation  which  the  Christian  will  ex- 
ceed. He  quotes  Matt,  xxiii.  23,  "  '  Woe  unto 
you,  scribes  and  Pharisees,  hypocrites  !  for  ye 
pay  tithe  of  mint,  and  anise,  and  cummin,  and 
have  omitted  the  weightier  matters  of  the  law, 
judgment,  mercy,  and  faith :  these  ought  ye  to 
have  done,  and  not  to  leave  the  other  undone.' 
But  if  you  say  that  He  was  saying  this  with 
reference  to  the  Pharisees,  not  to  the  disciples, 
hear  Him  again  saying  to  the  disciples,  '  Except 
your  righteousness  shall  exceed  the  righteous- 
ness of  the  scribes  and  Pharisees,  ye  shall  in  no 
case  enter  into  the  kingdom  of  heaven.'  What 
then  He  wishes  to  be  done  by  the  Pharisees, 
he  wishes  to  be  fulfilled  much  more  and  with 
greater  abundance  by  the  disciples.  What 
He  does  not  wish  to  be  done  by  the  disciples  He 
does  not  command  the  Pharisees  either  to  do. 
How  then  is  our  righteousness  abounding  more 


TITHES 


1963 


than  that  of  the  scribes  and  Pharisees,  if  they 
dare  not  taste  the  fruits  of  their  land  before  they 
offer  first-fruits  to  the  priests,  and  tithes  be 
separated  for  the  Levites  ;  whilst  I,  doing  none 
of  these  things,  so  misuse  the  fruits  of  the  earth 
that  the  priest  knows  nothing  of  them,  the 
Levite  is  ignorant  of  them,  the  divine  altar  does 
not  perceive  them  ?"  (cf.  Horn.  xvi.  in  Genesim.) 

That  Origen  did  not  intend  in  this  passage  to 
give  his  judgment  upon  tithes  is  evident  from 
the  incidental  way  in  which  they  are  referred 
to,  and  from  his  formal  conclusion  in  which  he 
makes  no  mention  of  them,  "  Haec  diximus 
efferentes  mandatum  de  primitiis  frugum  vel 
pecorum  debere  etiam  secundum  literam  stare." 

Cyprian  (Epist.  i.  9,  ed.  Erasmus,  66  Pamel.) 
writes  to  dissuade  a  presbyter  from  accepting  the 
position  of  guardian  on  the  ground  that  the 
clergy  are  separated  from  all  secular  business. 
The  tribe  of  Levi  had  no  inheritance  but  was 
supported  by  tithes,  that  they  might  devote 
themselves  entirely  to  divine  service  ;  "  the  same 
plan  and  form  is  now  preserved  in  regard  to  the 
clergy,"  that  they  may  not  be  diverted  from 
their  sacred  duties,  but  receiving,  as  it  were 
tithes  Q'  sed  in  honore  sportulantium  fratrum  tan- 
quam  decimas  accipientes  ")  may  not  depart  from 
the  altar.  Here  the  phrase  tanquam  decimas 
is  decisive  against  the  payment  of  tithe  as  a  fixed 
legal  due,  for  decimae  paid  as  legal  dues  could 
not  be  tanquam  decimae.  There  is  analogy,  not 
identity  in  the  method  of  support. 

Cyprian  also  laments  the  diminution  of  alms- 
giving, which  was  consequent  upon  dissension 
(de  Unitate,  23).  "  Then  they  were  selling 
houses  and  estates,  but  now  from  our  patrimony 
we  give  not  even  tithes  ;  and  when  the  Lord 
bids  us  sell,  we  are  rather  buying  and  in- 
creasing." 

This  passage  is  against  the  fact  of  payment, 
and  does  not  even  recommend  tithes ;  for  the 
reference  is  not  to  annual  income,  but  to  pro- 
perty :  "  we  give  not  even  the  tenth  part  of  our 
estates,"  not,  "  we  do  not  even  pay  tithes  on  our 
estates." 

Thus  the  fathers  of  the  first  three  centuries 
nowhere  speak  of  tithes  as  even  a  minimum  due 
de  jure  divino,  though  they  had  occasion  for 
saying  so,  had  such  been  the  opinion  of  the 
church,  or  had  tithes  generally  been  paid  as 
legally  due ;  they  frequently  and  earnestly  ex- 
hort to  almsgiving,  they  never  exhort  their 
hearers  to  give  tithes. 

These  are  all  the  genuine  passages  which  can 
be  brought  forward.  They  fail  completely  to 
shew  that  tithes  were  paid  as  a  fact,  or  that  pay- 
ment was  considered  necessary  de  jure  divino.  In 
early  times  a  tenth  was  not  an  authorised  or  an 
adequate  proportion.  Justin  Martyr,  Tertullian, 
Cyprian,  all  make  some  reference  to  church 
finance,  but  in  none  of  them  are  tithes  mentioned 
as  a  source  of  income. 

During  the  4th  century  the  Apostolic  Consti- 
tutions refer  to  tithes.  In  lib.  ii.  cap.  xxv.  we 
read,  "  The  gifts  of  tithes  and  first-fruits  which 
are  given  in  accordance  with  the  command  of 
God,  let  the  bishop,  as  a  man  of  God,  expend." 
The  Levites  were  so  supported  of  old,  and  the 
clergy  are  the  Levites  now.  Yet  after  this,  a 
clear  distinction  is  drawn  between  tithes  payable 
then  under  the  law,  and  the  oblations  ottered 
nuw,   under   the   GosiJcl.     See  also  lib.  vii.  cap. 


1964 


TITHES 


XXX.,  and  lib.  viii.  cap.  sxx.,  which  regulate  the 
disposal  of  tithes. 

tit.  Ambrose  (Sermo  xxxiv.  in  feria  3  jxtst 
prim.  dom.  quadr.)  says,  "  God  has  reserved  the 
tenth  part  to  Himself,  and  therefore  it  is  not 
lawful  for  a  man  to  retain  what  God  has  re- 
served for  Himself.  To  thee  He  has  given  nine 
parts,  for  Himself  He  has  reserved  the  tenth 
part,  and  if  thou  shalt  not  give  to  God  the  tenth 
part,  God  will  taice  from  thee  the  nine  parts." 

So  in  a  sermon  on  Ascension  Day,  "  a  good 
Christian  pays  tithes  yearly  to  be  given  to  the 
poor."   (Cf.  in  Lucam  xi.  7.) 

Epiphanius  (Jlaer.  50)  argues  against  those  who 
kept  Easter  according  to  the  Jewish  law  for  fear 
of  the  curse  of  the  law,  though  in  other  respects 
they  agreed  with  the  church.  Tlie  curse,  he 
says,  refers  not  to  the  case  of  the  passover  only, 
but  also  to  circumcision  and  tithes.  Thus  he 
implies  that  the  law  of  tithe  was  not  binding  on 
the  church  any  more  than  the  law  of  circumcision, 
and  also  that  it  was  not  observed  by  those  whom 
he  was  addressing  any  more  than  by  the  church 
at  large. 

In  the  5th  century,  Jerome  on  JIalachi  iii. 
says,  "  What  we  have  said  of  tithes  and  tirst- 
fruits,  which  of  old  used  to  be  given  by  the 
people  to  the  priests  and  Levites,  understand 
also  in  the  case  of  the  peoples  of  the  church,  to 
whom  it  has  been  commanded  to  sell  all  they 
have  and  give  to  the  poor  and  follow  the  Lord 
the  Saviour.  ...  If  we  are  unwilling  to  do  this, 
at  least  let  us  imitate  the  rudimentary  teaching  of 
the  Jews  so  as  to  give  a  part  of  the  whole  to  the 
poor,  and  pay  the  priests  and  Levites  due  honour. 
If  anyone  shall  not  do  this  he  is  convicted  of 
defrauding  and  cheating  God." 

In  an  epistle  to  Nepotianus,  Jerome  writes, 
"  If  I  am  the  portion  of  the  Lord,  and  the  line 
of  his  inheritance,  and  do  not  receive  a  portion 
among  the  other  tribes,  but  as  if  (quasi)  a  Levite 
and  priest  live  upon  tithes,  and  serving  the  altar 
am  supported  by  the  oblation  of  the  altar."  His 
language  is  clearly  metaphorical,  and  not  a 
precise  statement  of  a  fact. 

Augustine  (Ps.  146)  gives  conclusive  evidence 
that  tithes  were  not  yet  regarded  as  a  legal  due 
"  Cut  off,  therefore,  something  first,  and  assign 
some  fixed  portion  ....  take  off  some  consider- 
able part  of  your  income  ?  Tithes  will  you  ? 
Take  off"  tithes,  although  it  be  too  little  ("  deci- 
mas  vis  ?  decimas  exime ").  ...  He  beyond 
whom  your  I'ighteousness  is  to  abound,  gives 
tithes  ;  you,  however,  give  not  even  a  thousandth 
part. 

In  Homily  48,  Augustine  says  that  the  present 
excessive  taxation  is  laid  upon  them  because 
they  do  not  give  to  God  the  things  that  are 
God's.  "Our  ancestors  used  to  abound  in 
wealth  of  every  kind  for  this  very  reason  that 
they  used  to  give  tithes,  and  pay  the  tax  to 
Caesar.  Now,  on  the  contrary,  because  devotion 
to  God  has  ceased,  the  drain  of  the  treasury  has 
increased.  We  have  been  unwilling  to  share  the 
tithes  with  God,  now  the  whole  is  taken  away. 
Alms  ought  to  be  paid  according  to  the  measure 
and  quantity  as  it  is  \yritten  (Tobit  iv.)  '  As 
thou  shalt  have,  give  alms  ;  if  thou  shalt  have 
little,  from  that  little  impart  to  the  hungry.' " 

In  his  sermon  to  the  brethren  in  the  wilderness 
(Serm.  64),  he  warns  those  wlio  till  the  earth  not 
to  defraud  the  church  in  the  matter  of  tithes,  nor 


TITHES 

any  other,  however  tliey  mav  live,  lest  they  lose 
all. 

A  spurious  sermon,  attributed  to  Augustine 
(^de  Tempore,  219)  is  wholly  on  the  duty  of  pay- 
ing tithes.  God  who  has  given  the  whole  con- 
descends to  demand  back  the  tithes.  This  is 
enforced  by  Malachi  iii.  and  Exodus  xxx.  God  is 
wont  to  reduce  to  a  tithe  those  who  withhold 
tithes.  For  tithes  are  sought  as  a  debt,  and  he 
who  has  refused  to  give  them  has  invaded  the 
property  of  other  men.  He,  therefore,  who 
wishes  to  gain  reward  or  to  merit  indulgence 
for  sin,  let  him  pay  tithe,  and  out  of  the  nine 
parts  as  well,  be  zealous  to  give  alms  to  the 
poor. 

Other  spurious  documents  are — a  canon  of 
Damasus,  a  letter  of  Jerome  to  Damasus,  and 
later,  a  decretal  of  Gelasius,  and  some  canons  of 
Orleans  and  Seville  (Seldcn,  ch.  v.). 

Chrysostom  (flom.  iv.  in  Eph.  ii.)  says  that 
the  Jews  paid  two  tithes,  whereas,  now,  a  man 
observes  to  him  with  astonishment,  "  So-and-so 
gives  tithes  !  Is  not  this  shameful  ?  If  under 
the  law  it  were  dangerous  to  neglect  tithes, 
consider  how  great  a  danger  there  is  now." 

Some  writers  quote  also  Jlom.  xxxv.  in  Genesiin, 
and  Horn,  xviii.  on  the  Acts ;  but  in  both  these 
places  decimas  is  found  only  in  the  Latin  transla- 
tion for  oTrapx^s. 

A  homily  on  Luke  xviii.  12,  attributed  to 
Eusebius  of  Emessa  (c.  a.d.  430)  says  that  the 
I)ayment  of  tithes  is  a  very  good  and  laudable 
practice. 

Cassian  (^Collat.  Ahhat.  Theonae  xxi.)  tells  us 
that  in  Egypt  many  persons  oft'ered  tithes  and 
first-fruits  to  the  famous  old  man,  abbat  John 
(c.  1).  This  is  the  earliest  instance  of  the  gift 
of  tithes  to  a  monastery.  Yet  they  were  not 
regarded  as  legally  due,  for  (c.  3)  the  righteous 
shew  that  they  are  not  under  the  law  by  exceed- 
ing tlie  legal  tenth  (cf.  c.  5) ;  and  Christ  bids  us 
not  to  pay  tithe,  but  to  sell  all  (c.  7).  Yet,  in 
c.  25,  he  says,  that  by  the  law  of  Moses  a 
general  precept  was  promulgated  ("  universo 
populo "),  and  we  who  are  bidden  (qui  praeci- 
pimur)  to  pay  tithes  of  our  substance  should 
also  jiav  tithes  of  our  time,  and  observe  the 
lenten  fast  (cf.  c.  33). 

Isidore  of  Pelusium  (c.  A.D.  440),  lib.  i.  Epist. 
317,  writes  to  count  Hermin  that  he  does  great 
honour  to  the  Lord  by  paying  first-fruits  and 
tithes,  and  will,  as  a  reward,  enjoy  much  pro- 
sperity here  and  eternal  happiness  hereafter. 

The  evidence  belonging  to  this  period  would 
seem  to  shew  that  payment  of  tithe  was  first 
regarded  as  a  duty  soon  after  A.D.  350.  By  that 
time  the  idea  generally  prevailed  that  the  priest 
of  the  Christian  church  had  succeeded  to  the 
office  of  the  Levitical  priests,  and  consequently 
to  their  rights  and  privileges.  Ambrose  was 
the  first  exponent  of  this  duty.  Augustine  and 
Jerome  waver,  partly  influenced  by  the  new 
ideas,  partly  mindful  of  the  perfect  freedom  of 
Christian  charity.  In  the  East  this  doctrine 
seems  to  have  made  very  little  progress  ;  Chry- 
sostom shews  that  it  was  rarely  practised. 
Epiphanius  completely  rejects  it,  Eusebius  can 
say  no  more  than  that  it  is  a  good  practice, 
Isidore  is  grateful ;  even  the  monk  who  accepts 
and  enjoins  tithes  is  mindful  of  a  higher  law 
than  the  Mosaic. 
1      Caesarius  of  Aries  (c.  A.D.  490)  de  Eleemos. 


TITHES 

Horn.  2,  says  not  only  are  tithes  not  our  own, 
but  belonging  to  the  church,  but  also  all  we 
have  is  from  God,  and  therefore  we  ought  to 
give  to  the  jjoor  (cf.  Lev.  xiv.  and  xxxvii.,  where 
he  quotes  chiefly  from  Augustine).  Eugippius 
(  Vita  S.  Severani,  c.  17,  §  18),  c.  a.d.  510,  says 
that  in  Pannonia  tithes  were  zealously  paid — 
"  quod  mandatum  licet  cunctisexlege  notissimum 
sit,"  was  taught  there  by  the  saint.  A  famine 
which  happened  was  thought  to  be  the  punish- 
ment of  neglect  of  tithes.  When  the  Lombards 
were  threatening  Italy,  one  instance  given  of 
their  savage  habits  was  that  they  did  not  pay 
tithes  (Greg.  Turon.  vi.  G).  Anastasius  Sinaita 
(A.D.  544),  in  his  Dux  Vitae,  question  13,  asks 
what  proportion  of  his  goods  a  man  ought  to 
offer  to  God.  The  answer  is,  "  If  he  who  gives 
half  [referring  to  Zacchaeus]  does  nothing, 
quanti  erit  is  qui  ne  decimam  quidem  praebet?" 

In  a  synodical  letter  written  after  the  second 
council  of  Tours,  A.D.  567,  the  faithful  are 
exhorted  to  follow  the  example  of  Abraham  and 
pay  tithes. 

Thus  for  two  hundred  years,  the  doctrine  of 
the  obligation  of  tithe  had  been  making  its  way, 
but  still  remained  only  a  pious  opinion,  unen- 
forced by  any  decree  of  emperor  or  council. 

At  length,  in  A.D.  585,  the  council  of  Macon, 
eager  to  take  away  the  causes  of  the  decay  of  the 
church,  recites  how  the  divine  laws  had  ordered 
the  payment  of  tithes  that  the  clergy  might  be 
left  free  to  their  sacred  duties :  "  Quas  leges 
Christianorum  congeries  longis  temporibus  cus- 
todivit  intemeratas.  Nunc  autem  paulatim 
praevaricatores  legum  pene  Christian!  omnes 
ostenduntur,  dum  ea  quae  divinitus  sancita  sunt 
adimplere  negligunt."  Wherefore  for  the  future 
all  are  to  pay  tithes,  which  the  priests  may 
spend  also  in  redeeming  captives  or  aiding  the 
poor.  All  who  refuse  are  liable  to  excommuni- 
cation. 

Selden  says  this  canon  is  not  in  the  oldest 
collections.  Agobard,  bishop  of  Lyons,  certainly 
writes  as  if  he  had  never  seen  it.  Gregory  the 
Great  (^Hom.  xvi.  in  Evang.)  says :  "  As  ye  are 
bidden  by  the  law  to  pay  tithes  of  property,  so 
strive  to  offer  Him  also  tithes  of  days." 

About  A.D.  660,  Marculphus  collected  all  legal 
forms  relating  to  land  ;  but  there  is  no  form  for 
charging  land  with  tithe.  But  the  constant  ex- 
hortations of  the  clergy  began  at  last  to  produce 
permanent  results. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  7th  century  grew  up 
the  custom  of  making  tithe  a  permanent  charge 
upon  land.  The  council  of  Aries  (iv.  c.  9,  A.D. 
813)  orders  "  ut  ecclesiae  antiquitus  constitutae 
nee  decimis  nee  ulla  possessione  priventur." 
This  does  not  require  an  earlier  date  ;  130  years 
would  fully  satisfy  "  antiquitus  constitutae." 

In.  A.D.  680,  "  decimancula  in  Eodolfi  curte — 
that  is,  a  tithe  of  small  value,  in  a  place  called 
Eodolph's  Court — was  consecrated  to  the  church 
of  Arras. 

The  Ethiopian  Missal,  which  dates  from  about 
this  time,  has  a  form  of  prayer :  "  Rogemus  pro 
iis  qui  obtulerunt  munera  sanctae  unicae  quae 
est  super  omnes  ecclesiae  sacrificium  scilicet 
primitiarum  decimarum,  gratiarum  actionis 
signum  et  monumentum." 

A.D.  720,  Eadbert,  bishop  of  Lindisfarne,  was 
noted  for  his  charities,  so  that,  says  Bede  {Hist. 
Eccl.  iv.  29),  he  used,  according  to  the   law  of 


TITHES 


1965- 


Moses,  every  year  to  give  tithes,  not  only  of 
beasts,  but  of  corn  and  fruits,  and  of  clothes  for 
the  poor.  Bede  also  says  (super  Exod.  quaest. 
c.  36)  that  ten  is  the  number  of  perfection,  and 
as  in  first-fruits  we  make  a  beginning,  so  in 
tithes  we  are  ordered  to  perfect  our  work. 

In  his  Scintillae,  or  common  places  (xxix.),  he 
quotes  from  Malachi  and  other  texts  in  favour  of 
paying  tithe ;  also  from  the  spurious  sermon 
J)e  Tempore,  219  (vide  supra  Augustine). 

Also  in  a  sermon  on  Luke  xvi.  (Do7)i.  ix.  post 
Trin.),  he  urges  his  hearers  to  give  half  their 
goods,  as  Zacchaeus,  or  at  least  two-tenths,  so  as 
to  surpass  the  Jews. 

In  A.D.  742,  Pipin  confirms  to  the  abbey  of 
Fulda  all  grants  of  tithe  past  or  future ;  and  in 
A.D.  750  he  gives  to  the  church  of  St.  Monon  a 
tithe  of  land. 

There  is  no  foundation  for  the  story  that 
Charles  Martel  granted  the  tithes  to  his  knights 
in  A.D.  740,  and  that  they  were  restored  at  the 
synod  of  Ratisbon,  a.d.  742. 

A.D.  745,  Boniface  of  Mentz,  writing  to  Cuth- 
bert,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  speaks  of  the 
clergy  as  receiving  tithes. 

A.D.  750,  the  Exceptiones  of  Egbert,  archbishop 
of  York,  make  mention  of  tithes.  No.  4,  the 
priest  is  to  teach  his  people  to  pay  tithes  of  all 
their  property.  No.  5,  the  priests  are  to  receive 
tithes  and  write  down  the  names  of  those  who 
pay  them  ;  they  are  to  be  divided  into  three 
parts — for  church  ornament,  for  the  poor,  for 
the  clergy.  No.  99  refers  to  the  Mosaic  law  of 
tithe.  No.  100  quotes  from  Augustine  a  passage 
exhorting  a  tithe  to  be  paid  of  all  sources  of 
income. 

Though  tithes  were  now  generally  paid,  they 
were  still  quite  voluntarily,  for  the  canon  of 
Macon  seems  to  have  become  obsolete  even  in  its 
own  province.  But  it  was  now  determined  to 
coerce  the  reluctant. 

Of  the  capitularies  of  Charlemagne  many 
refer  to  tithe,  but  most  are  later  than  a.d.  800. 

A.D.  778,  Charles  the  Great  ordered  tithes  to 
be  paid  throughout  his  kingdom  (Ca/)iY.  v.  123)  ; 
payment  is  to  be  enforced  by  excommunication 
or  by  the  civil  magistrate  (v.  46).  Herardus 
of  Tours,  at  the  same  time  forbids  his  clergy  to 
use  other  than  the  milder  methods  of  persuasion 
and  warning. 

Capit.  vii.  anni  xi.  A.D.  779 — "Concerning 
tithes,  let  each  man  give  a  tenth,  and  let  it  be 
dispensed  at  the  command  of  the  bishop." 

A.D.  787,  the  council  of  Calcuith  (c.  xvii.) 
quotes  the  law  and  Malachi,  and  orders  tithe  to 
be  paid  of  everything. 

A.D.  793,  Offa,  king  of  the  Mercians,  gave 
tithes  of  all,  to  expiate  the  treacherous  murder 
of  Ethelbert. 

The  council  of  Friuli,  a.d.  791  (canon  xiv.), 
says  that  there  is  no  better  teaching  concerning 
tithes  than  Malachi  iii. 

The  council  of  Frankfort,  a.d.  794  (canon  xxv.), 
orders  all  who  hold  benefices  of  the  church  to 
pay  tithes  and  ninths,  and  every  man  is  to  pay 
the  lawful  tithe  to  the  church. 

Yet  towards  the  close  of  this  period  Agobard, 
bishop  of  Lyons,  in  a  treatise  on  the  dispensa- 
tion of  church  revenue  (p.  27G),  expressly  denies 
that  before  his  time  any  synod  or  church  fathers 
had  determined  any  fixed  quantity  as  due  of 
necessitv.     From  his  position  he  must  have  had 


1966 


TITULUS 


every  opportunity  of  knowing  the  canon  of 
Wacon.  About  the  same  time  Alcuin  {Epist. 
vii.)  presses  upon  Charles  the  Great  the  in- 
expediency of  exacting  tithe  from  such  weak 
•Christians  as  the  newly  conquered  Huns.  This 
he  could  scarcely  do  if  tithes  were  generally 
■regarded  as  of  divine  obligation. 

Though  the  payment  of  tithes  was  always 
based  upon  the  law  of  Moses,  the  duty  was 
extended  beyond  the  Mosaic  precept  (of.  Luke 
sviii.  12). 

There  was  no  limitation  as  to  the  kind  of  pro- 
perty of  which  tithes  were  paid. 

Origen  speaks  only  of  annual  produce ;  Am- 
brose, of  grain,  wine,  fruits,  cattle,  business, 
hunting  ;  Augustine,  of  income,  of  annual  fruits, 
cr  daily  gains.  The  spurious  sermon  commands 
tithes  of  anything  whereby  the  man  lives — war- 
fare, business,  or  trade.  So  an  epistle  of  the 
bishops  of  the  province  of  Tours,  a.d.  567,  ex- 
horts payment  of  tithes  of  ail  property,  and 
even  of  slaves.  Eadbert,  bishop  of  Lindisfarne, 
gave  tithes  of  fruits,  quadrupeds,  and  clothes. 

Similarly,  whereas  the  Mosaic  law  granted 
tithes  to  the  Levites,  in  the  church  they  were 
claimed  not  for  the  clergy  alone,  but  for  the 
poor  also. 

The  persons  for  whose  benefit  tithes  were 
given  were  the  clergy,  says  Irenaeus  ;  Jerome,  the 
poor,  the  priests  and  Levites.  The  Apostolic  Consti- 
tutions claim  them  for  the  orphan  and  the  widow, 
for  the  poor  and  the  proselyte ;  "  for  the  other 
clerics  "  (the  bishops,  priests  and  deacons  were 
to  be  supported  by  the  first-fruits)  and  for  the 
virgins.  The  council  of  Macon  decrees  them  for 
the  clergy,  the  poor,  and  for  the  redemption  of 
captives.  In  Cassian,  we  see  tithe  paid  to 
•monks,  and  in  a  capitulary  of  the  fourth  year  of 
Charlemagne  to  monasteries. 

Thus  in  two  points  the  advocates  of  tithes 
went  beyond  the  law  upon  which  they  based 
their  claim. 

At  what  time  parochial  tithes  were  separated 
from  the  mother  church  and  affixed  to  the 
parish  church  does  not  appear.  Selden  (chap, 
xii.  on  Tithes)  says  that  in  the  Saxon  times  we 
iind  "  ecclesiae "  simply,  and  not  until  the 
Norman  dynasty  "  ecclesiae  cum  decimis." 

See  Selden  on  Tithes ;  Tillesley's  Reply  to 
Selden  ;  Spelman  on  Tithes  and  Concilia  Angli- 
■cana  ;  Thomassin,  part  iii.  lib.  i.  [J.  S.] 

TITULUS.  (1)  In  pagan  usage  an  inscrip- 
tion on  a  stone ;  later,  the  stone  which  marked 
the  boundary  of  property. 

(2)  In  the  time  of  Trajan  it  meant  the  limits 
«f  the  jurisdiction  of  presbyters  at  Rome.  This 
is  the  germ  of  that  meaning  which  title  bears  in 
ecclesiastical  practice. 

(3)  Sphere  of  work  for  orders.  [Orders, 
Holy,  p.  1486  ;  Parish,  p.  1556.] 

Closely  allied  to  this  sense  of  Titulus  is  the 
application  of  the  term  to  some  churches  in 
Rome.  Some  of  the  churches  there  were  called 
tituli,  and  some  were  not.  Of  pope  Marcellus 
(a.d.  308),  it  is  said  he  appointed  in  the  city  of 
Rome  twenty-five  "  tituli,  quasi  dioceses."  This 
last  expression  might  suggest  a  correspondence, 
with  the  idea  of  "  mother  churches."  And  this 
■would  support  Bingham's  view,  which  he  takes 
■from  Mede  (Discourse  of  Churches),  that  the 
■jiame    titulus   was    given    to    certain    churches, 


TOLEDO,  COUNCILS  OF 

because  they  gave  a  title  of  cure  or  denomina- 
tion to  presbyters  to  whom  they  were  committed 
(Bingham,  Antiq.  viii.  i.  10).  Succeeding  popes, 
— Silvester,  Damasus,  Innocent — appointed  each 
a  titulus  in  Rome  ;  so  that  in  the  time  of  Alex- 
ander the  Third,  they  are  spoken  of  as  being 
twenty-eight  in  number  (Anast.  Vit.  Fontif.). 
Another  reason  for  the  name  titulus,  as  applied 
to  the  church,  is  suggested  by  Baronius  (an.  112). 
The  sign  of  the  cross,  which  was  inscribed  upon 
them,  was  the  titulus  by  which  they  were 
known  to  belong  to  Christ,  just  as  imperial  pro- 
perty was  declared  to  be  such  by  the  imperial 
mark  {titulus  fiscalis)  affixed  to  it. 

From  meaning  the  whole  church  the  term 
titulus  was  sometimes  applied  to  a  part  of  the 
church,  (a)  a  chapel  in  which  the  bones  of  a 
saint  reposed,  and  (b)  the  sanctuary  (presby- 
terium,  jSfj/ia)  or  part  which  contained  the  altar. 
The  churches  called  tituli  were  distinguished 
from  the  others,  which  were  called  diaconiae, 
oratorin  ;  and,  as  being  the  principal  churches  of 
the  city,  were  called  tituli  cardinales  or  simply 
cardinales,  the  priests  who  were  attached  to 
them  being  called  presbyteri  cardinales.  See 
Cardinal.  [H.  T.  A.] 

TITUS  (1),  disciple  of  St.  Paul,  commemo- 
rated by  the  Latins  on  Jan.  4  {Mart.  Usuard., 
Aden.,  Vet.  Eom.,  Notker.,  Rom.) ;  by  the  Greeks 
on  Aug.  25  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Menol.  Graec.  Sirlet. ; 
Cat.  Ethiop. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  266). 

(2)  Martyr  at  Nicomedia,  commemorated  on 
Jan.  25  {Syr.  Mart.). 

(3)  Apr.  2,  TiiAUMATURGUS,  confessor  for 
images  {Cal.  Byzant.;  Menol.  Graec.  Sirlet.; 
Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  256).  [C.  H.] 

TOBIAS,  martyr  at  Sebaste  in  Armenia  under 
Licinius,  commemorated  on  Nov.  2  (Basil.  Menol. ; 
Mart.  Eom.).  [C.  H.] 

TOLEDO,  COUNCILS  OF  (Toletana 
Concilia).  No  less  than  21  councils  are  said  to 
have  been  held  at  Toledo,  between  A.D.  400  and 
701,  when  they  were  stopped  as  abruptly  by 
the  invasion  of  Spain  by  the  Moors,  as  they  had 
commenced  on  its  conquest  by  the  Visigoths. 
But  the  genuineness  of  the  two  first,  as  now 
given,  is  more  than  doubtful,  for  the  reasons 
which  follow.  The  authorities  to  be  consulted 
more  particularly,  besides  Mansi  and  Hefele,  are 
the  Collect.  Max.  Cone.  Hisp.  by  Cardinal  Aguirre 
(Catalan's  ed.) ;  Collect.  Can.  Eccl.  Hisp.  by 
Gonzalez,  Madrid,  1808 :  and  more  recently, 
with  notes  by  M.  Tejada  y  Ramiro. 

(1)  A.D.  400,  or,  as  another  reading  has  it,  397, 
when  19  bishops  are  said  to  have  met  and  passed 
20  canons.  But  appended  to  these  canons  is,  first, 
a  rule  of  faith  followed  by  18  anathemas,  whicli, 
as  we  shall  see,  was  made  by  a  later  and  southern 
council.  Some  professions  come  next,  which  are 
called  the  professions  of  bishops  Symphosius  and 
Dictinnius,  of  happy  memory;  who  certainly 
would  have  been  dead  by  then.  But,  again,  the 
definitive  sentence,  which  comes  last  of  all, 
must  have  been  passed  during  their  lifetime. 
Now,  the  two  first  documents,  necessarily,  can 
have  no  connexion  with  a  council  of  this  date  ; 
nor  the  third,  for  another  reason,  viz.  that 
neither  Symphosius  nor  Dictinnius  appear  among 
the  subscribers  to  those  20  canons  on  discipline 
that  come  first.     Nor,  lastly,  can  pope  Innocent 


TOLEDO,  COUNCILS  OF 

have  corresponded  with  this  council,  as  he  is 
supposed  to  have  done  (Mansi,  iii.  1063,  et  seq.), 
for  he  was  not  pope  till  two  years  afterwards. 
On  the  other  hand,  Idatius,  bishop  of  Chaves, 
who  was  contemporary  with  St.  Leo,  says  in  his 
Chronicon  (Migne,  Patr.  41,  876),  that,  during 
the  pontificate  of  Anastasius,  "  a  council  of 
bishops  met  at  Toledo,  in  which,  as  stated  in  its 
acts,  Symphosius  and  Dictinnius  and  other 
bishops  of  the  province  of  Gallicia  with  them, 
subscribed  to  the  condemnation  of  Priscillian, 
whom  they  had  once  followed  ;  certain  observ- 
ances of  ecclesiastical  discipline  were  decreed  ; 
and  Ortigius,  bishop  of  Celene,  who  had  been 
exiled  by  the  Priscillianists,  was  present  and  took 
jiprt."  This  statement  lends  positive  counte- 
nance to  the  third  of  these  documents  ;  but  none 
whatever  to  the  20  canons  that  come  first ;  for 
it  is  of  course  quite  possible  for  the  council  at 
which  Symphosius  and  Dictinnius  were  present 
to  have  passed  canons  on  discijiline,  yet  not 
these.  True,  there  is  a  bishop  Ortizius,  or 
Orticius,  who  subscribes  to  these  ;  but  nothing 
is  said  by  the  president  to  shew  there  was  any- 
thing special  in  his  case.  Again,  the  14th  of 
these  canons  bears  a  close  resemblance  to  the 
3rd  of  the  first  council  of  Saragossa,  a.d.  381, 
but  it  might  have  been  just  as  well  passed  40 
years  later  as  21  years  earlier.  The  mention  of 
the  quotidianum  sacrificium,  in  the  fifth  of  them 
affords  a  fair  presumption  that  they  were 
framed  in  Spain  (Bingham,  Ant.  xv.  9,  4),  yet 
there  is  a  curious  resemblance  between  the 
names  of  the  last  bishop  subscribing  to  them, 
Exuperantius  and  Exuperius,  bishop  of  Toulouse, 
with  whom  Innocent  I.  corresponded  (Mansi,  ih. 
p.  1038),  which  will  at  least  be  worth  calling  to 
mind  further  on.  All  the  pieces  are  given  by 
Mansi,  iii.  997-1015,  which  the  authors  of  UAi-t 
de  Verifier  les  Bates  only  confuse  further,  in 
attempting  to  explain  ;  and  which  the  most 
recent  editor  of  Spanish  canons,  M.  Tejada  y 
Eamiro,  discusses  at  great  length,  after  cardinal 
Aguirre,  but  alike  fails  to  clear  up. 

(2)  A.D.  405,  according  to  Mansi  {ib.  p. 
1161),  and  Cave  {Hist.  Lit.  i.  470),  or  407 
according  to  others,  for  the  mere  purpose,  that 
is,  of  bearing  out  the  letter  of  Innocent  I. 
already  noticed.  But  as,  1,  no  such  synod  occurs 
in  either  the  Isidorian  or  the  pseudo-Isidorian 
collections  ;  and  2,  no  such  letter  is  ascribed  to 
Innocent  by  Dionysius  Exiguus  ;  and  further, 
as,  3,  this  letter  in  the  Isido»-ian  and  pseudo- 
Isidorian  collections  is  addressed  to  a  synod  of 
Toulouse,  and  is  much  shorter  and  vastly  less 
explicit  on  disorders  in  Spain,  than  the  longer 
version  of  it  published  by  Sirmondus  in  his 
collection  of  the  synods  of  Gaul,  we  may  well 
doubt  which  deserves  most  credit,  the  letter,  or 
the  synod.  The  similarity  between  the  names 
of  the  last  subscriber  to  the  canons  of  the  former 
council,  and  the  bishop  of  Toulouse  with  whom 
Innocent  corresponded  has  been  already  pointed 
out,  and  is  worth  considering.  According  to  the 
Isidorian  and  pseudo-Isidorian  collections,  the 
second  council  of  Toledo  was  not  till  A.D. 
527,  when  8  bishops  met  and  passed  5  canons, 
but  between  this  and  the  supposed  council  of 
A.D.  405,  another  of  A.D.  447,  distinct  from  or 
identical  with  a  general  council  of  Spain,  sup- 
posed to  have  been  held  this  year,  has  been 
inserted  (Mansi,  vi.  491-494),  the  only  ground  for 


TOLEDO,  COUNCILS  OF    1967 

either  being  another  papal  letter,  which  even 
Cave  will  not  dispute  {Hist.  Lit.  i.  440).  But 
this  letter  {Ep.  xv.  of  St.  Leo,  ad  Turribium 
Asturiensein  episcopum,  according  to  Mansi,  v. 
1286)  is  open  to  grave  doubts,  affecting  not 
merely  the  alleged  synod  of  its  own  date,  but 
also  that  of  a.d.  527.  For  the  three  local  accounts 
of  it  are  far  from  consistent.  1.  Idatius,  a  con- 
temporary, says  in  his  Chronicon,  that  the 
writings  of  St.  Leo  against  the  Priscillianists  were 
brought  to  the  Spanish  bishops  by  Pervincus, 
deacon  of  bishop  Turribius  ;  among  which  was- 
a  full  discourse  addressed  to  Turribius  himself,, 
on  the  observance  of  the  Catholic  faith,  and  on 
the  blasphemies  of  the  heresies  ;  to  which  some' 
Gallicians,  however,  gave  but  a  treacherous 
assent  (Bligne,  ib.  882).  2.  Lucretius,  president 
of  the  first  council  of  Braga,  then  metropolis  of 
Gallicia,  a.d.  563  (Mansi,  ix.  774),  says  that  Leo 
forwarded  his  writings  against  the  Priscillians 
to  a  synod  of  Gallicia  by  a  notary  of  his  own  see, 
Turribius  ;  and  that  by  his  order  the  bishops  of 
Tarragona,  Carthagena,  Portugal,  and  Andalusia, 
having  assembled  themselves  in  council,  drew  up 
a  rule  of  faith,  with  chapters  appended,  against 
the  Priscillianists,  which  was  sent  to  Balconius, 
then  bishop  of  Braga,  and  read  out  now.  Lucre- 
tius thus  makes  Turribius,  not  a  correspondent, 
but  a  courier,  of  St.  Leo  ;  not  a  bishop,  but  a 
notary.  He  says  further,  that  the  writings  of 
St.  Leo  were  addressed  not  to  a  bishop,  but  to  ai 
council  then  sitting  in  the  north ;  and  that,, 
afterwards,  a  southern,  not  a  general,  council 
was  held  at  his  instance,  whei-e  the  rule  of  faith 
was  drawn  up  and  sent  to  Braga,  which  was  now 
read  at  Braga.  But  would  not  the  writings  of 
St.  Leo  have  been  read  out  there  too,  had  they 
been  then  extant  ?  3.  ]\Iontanus,  who  was  bishop 
of  Toledo,  and  presided  in  the  alleged  synod  of 
A.D.  571,  speaks,  in  the  first  of  the  ejiistles 
ascribed  to  him,  not  of  any  letter  of  St.  Leo,  but 
of  books  addressed  to  St.  Leo  by  a  most  blessed 
and  religious  bishop  Turribius  (in  these  docu- 
ments his  see  is  never  once  named) ;  yet,  that 
the  second  of  the  epistles  ascribed  to  Montanus 
himself  is  addressed  also  to  a  pious  bishop  Turri- 
bius, is  proved  incontestably  by  the  words  vestcr 
coepiscopus  fecit  (Mansi,  viii.  791),  which  cardinal 
Aguirre  must  have  been  napping  not  to  have- 
noticed.  This  clumsy  forgery,  which  must  have' 
been  concocted  before  the  middle  of  the  7th 
century  to  have  imposed  on  St.  Ildefonsus  (dc 
Vir.  lllust.  c.  3),  only  makes  the  inconsistency 
between  the  two  former  accounts  doubly  per- 
plexing ;  and  it  is  further  enhanced  by  the  f;ict 
that  while  the  Isidorian  collection  includes  both 
the  letter  of  St.  Leo  and  the  two  letters  of 
Montanus,  the  pseudo-Isidorian  collection  ignoresi 
all  three.  Let  the  author  of  the  false  Decretals 
have  credit  for  superior  discernment  for  once. 
The  letters  of  Montanus  destroy  each  other 
without  more  ado;  similarly,  that  of  Leo  to 
Turribius  has  only  to  be  compared  with  the 
alleged  letter  of  Turribius  to  Ceponius  and 
Idatius  (Mansi,  v.  1302),  and  it  will  be  seen  that 
while  both  affect  the  papal  in  tone,  one  is  not 
really  more  papal  than  the  otlier.  Baluzius  had 
more  reason  for  his  suspicion  than  he  liked  to 
avow  {ib.  vi.  491),  and  cardinal  Aguirre  can  find 
nothing  to  oppose  to  it,  but  the  antiquity  of  a 
MS.  (i6.  492).  The  main  upshot  of  it  all,  how- 
ever, is,  that  in  neither  of  these  collections,  nor 


1968      TOLEDO,  COUNCILS  OF 

in  any  of  these  documents,  is  there  the  smallest 
evidence  for  a  second  synod  of  Toledo  before  A.D. 
527  ;  and  as  for  the  acts  of  the  alleged  synod  of 
that  date,  besides  being  prejudiced  by  the  two 
letters  ascribed  to  its  president,  they  betray  far 
too  much  special  pleading  for  the  metropolitan 
rights  of  that  see  to  inspire  confidence.  (Comp. 
Card.  Aguirre,  Diss.  torn.  iii.  48  et  seq. ;  art. 
Gallicia,  Council  of,  p.  708 ;  and  the  alleged 
synod  of  T.  a.d.  610,  below.) 

(3)  A.D.  589.  Of  this  council  there  can  be 
no  doubt  whatever,  except  as  to  its  being  the 
third,  and  as  to  its  principal  ruling  having  been 
founded  on  a  misapprehen.sion.  As  68  bishops  or 
their  representatives  subscribed  to  it,  every  see, 
whether  of  Spain,  Portugal,  or  Xarbonne,  then 
in  existence,  must  have  been  represented  there  ; 
and  as  each  bishop  in  subscribing  appends  the 
name  of  his  see,  the  subscriptions  are  worth  a 
careful  study.  It  is  the  metropolitan  of  Merida 
who  subscribes  second — perhaps  as  being  the 
oldest — and  the  metropolitan  of  Toledo  subscribes 
third  ;  but  he  who  subscribes  first  is  the  king. 
Reccared,  king  of  the  Goths,  summoned  it  to 
■celebrate  his  own  conversion,  and  that  of  liis 
queen  and  people,  from  Arianism  ;  and  he  and 
his  queen  commence  proceedings  in  it  by  making 
profession  of  their  orthodoxy,  and  reciting  the 
creeds  of  Nicaea  and  Constantinople,  as  the 
faith  professed  by  the  Catholic  cliurch  throughout 
the  whole  world,  and  then  subscribing  to  them, 
and  to  the  definition  of  the  council  of  Chalcedon, 
in  their  own  names.  In  reciting  the  creed  of 
Constantinople,  translated  into  Latin,  they  insert, 
according  to  the  reading  of  some  MSS.  the  words, 
"  and  from  the  Son,"  in  describing  the  Procession 
of  the  Holy  Ghost.  Eight  bishops,  a  number  of 
presbyters,  deacons,  and  of  the  high  nobility, 
converts  from  Arianism,  likewise,  follow  with 
their  profession ;  in  which  besides  reciting  the 
two  creeds,  and  the  definition  of  Chalcedon,  like 
their  sovereign,  they  anathematise  twenty-three 
different  errors,  the  third  of  which  is  that  of 
those  who  deny  the  Procession  of  the  Holy  Ghost 
to  be  from  the  Father  and  the  Son.  Regulations 
for  discipline  come  next  by  order  of  the  king, 
embodied  in  23  lengthy  canons.  Among  the 
subscribers  to  them,  and  to  the  acts  of  the 
council  in  general,  are  those  bishops  whose 
abjuration  had  just  been  made,  with  the  king  at 
their  head,  who  subscribes  first ;  and  as  no  king, 
probably,  before  or  since :  "  I,  king  Flavins 
Reccared,  in  confirmation  of  these  matters,  which 
with  the  holy  synod  we  have  defined,  have 
subscribed."  Each  bishop  after  him  meekly 
says,  "I  have  subscribed  assenting  to  these 
constitutions."  So  that  this  addition  to  the 
creed,  and  doctrine  involved  in  it,  was  originally 
defined,  in  point  of  fact,  by  a  convert  prince 
at  the  head  of  the  same  council  that  received 
his  abjuration.  On  the  other  hand,  in  the 
2nd  of  these  very  canons  we  read :  "  The 
holy  synod  ordains  that  throughout  all  the 
churches  of  Spain  and  Gallicia,  according  to  the 
form  of  the  oriental  churches,  the  creed  of  the 
council  of  Constantinople,  that  is,  of  the  150 
fathers  be  recited,  so  that,  before  the  reading  of 
the  Lord's  prayer,  it  may  be  intoned  in  a  loud 
voice  by  the  people  before  communicating." 
Thus  it  would  seem,  that  in  anathematising  the 
opponents  of  the  twofold  Procession  of  the  Holy 
Ghost,  the    council    never    really   contemplated 


TOLEDO,  COUNCILS  OF 

interpolating  the  creed  ;  but  meant  in  all  honesty 
to  adhere  to  the  form  of  it  then  used  in  the 
East.  If,  therefore,  the  interpolation  of  the 
creed  dates  from  this  council,  it  was  as  ignorant 
an  interpolation  as  its  defence  has  been.  At  the 
same  time  the  doctrine  meant  to  be  expressed  by 
it  had  been  previously  laid  down  in  the  rule  of 
faith  transmitted  to  Balconius,  and  endorsed  in 
the  so-called  letter  of  Leo  to  Turribius ;  unless 
these  documents  have  likewise  received  additions. 
But  how,  on  the  other  hand,  is  the  omission  of 
all  reference  to  the  fifth  council  by  Reccared  and 
his  bishops  to  be  explained  ?  Having  been  held 
A.D.  553,  it  was  then  thirty-six  years  old.  And 
the  pen  of  St.  Gregory  the  Great  with  which  he 
congratulated  his  friend  Leander  on  the  conver- 
sion of  Reccared  (Ep.  i.  43,  Indict,  ix.),  must 
have  been  dipped  in  the  same  ink  with  which  he 
wrote  to  the  Eastern  patriarchs  shortly  before  ; 
"  Quintum  concilium  paritcr  veneror  "  (ih.  Ep. 
25).  Leander  was  in  all  probability  grandson  of 
Theodoric,  king  of  the  Ostrogoths,  and  educated 
in  his  dominions.  He  may  thus  have  sided  with 
tlie  bishops  of  Aquileia  and  Istria  on  that  subject, 
rather  than  with  Rome.  At  all  events,  neither 
at  this,  nor  any  subsequent  council  of  Toledo, 
was  the  fifth  council  so  much  as  named.  Pro- 
ceedings were  wound  up  by  a  glowing  review  of 
them  in  the  shape  of  a  homily  from  Leander, 
metropolitan  of  Seville,  who  had  acted  as  tutor 
to  the  king,  and  corresponded  with  pope  Gregory 
whom  he  had  known  at  Constantinople  (Mansi, 
ix.  997-1010). 

A.D.  597,  where  Massona,  metropolitan  of 
ilerida,  subscribes  first  again  ;  the  metropolitan 
of  Xarbonne,  second  ;  the  metropolitan  of  Toledo, 
third.  It  is  called  a  council  of  16  bishops,  but 
only  13  subscribe.  And  it  passed  only  2  canons, 
the  1st  of  which,  relating  to  the  celibacy  of  the 
clergy,  cardinal  Aguirre  says,  "  difiicillimus 
intellectu  est,"  but  he  omits  to  add  that  this 
council  is  unknown  both  to  the  Isidorian  and 
pseudo-Isidorian  collections,  and  has  not  been 
known  anywhere  as  the  fourth  council.  It  is 
transcribed  from  Loaisa  by  Mansi  without  com- 
ment (x.  477). 

A.D.  610.  But  this,  again,  with  the  alleged 
edict  of  Gundemar  confirming  it,  is  unknown 
to  both  Isidorian  collections,  like  the  last, 
besides  which,  the  plea  set  forth  in  it  for  the 
metropolitan  rights  of  this  see  shews  too  pal- 
pably the  use  which  it  was  designed  to  serve, 
and  this  its  reference  to  the  alleged  council  under 
Montanus  only  further  confirms,  so  that  even 
Mansi  says  its  genuineness  is  a  question  which  he 
leaves  to  the  most  learned  to  decide  (x.  511). 
Nothing  else  purports  to  have  been  discussed  at 
it ;  the  petitions  appended  to  it  are,  therefore, 
beyond  explanation. 

(4)  A.D.  633,  which  is  called  everywhere 
the  fourth  council.  Here  the  metropolitan 
of  Toledo  subscribes  only  fifth,  and  the 
metropolitan  of  Merida  third,  after  the  metro- 
politan of  Narbonne  ;  while  the  metropolitan  of 
Seville,  St.  Isidore,  who  had  succeeded  his 
brother  Leander  in  that  see,  presides.  It 
passed  no  less  than  75  canons,  and  no  less  than 
69  bishops  or  their  representatives  subscribed 
to  them.  The  first,  headed  "  De  evidenti 
Catholicae  fidei  veritate,"  dogmatises  on  the 
Trinity  and  Incarnation  in  language  that  every 
now  and  then  exhibits  phrases  common  to  the 


TOLEDO,  COUNCILS  OF 

Athanasian  creed,  and  ends  similarly,  "  Haec 
-est  Catholicae  ecclesiae  fides  :  hanc  confessionem 
oonservamus  atque  tenemus,  quam  quisquis 
firmissime  custodierit,  perpetuara  salutem  ha- 
bebit.  .  .  ."  The  provision  made  by  the  nest 
for  divine  service  is  no  less  noteworthy — "  Unus 
ordo  orandi  atque  psallendi  a  nobis  per  omnem 
Hispaniam  atque  Galliam  conservetur,  unus 
modus  in  missarum  solemnitatibus,  unus  in 
Tespertiuis  matutinisque  officiis  ;  nee  diversa  sit 
ultra  in  nobis  ecclesiastica  cousuetudo,  qui  in 
una  fide  contiuemur  et  regno,  hoc  enim  et 
antiqui  canones  decreverunt :  ut  unaquaque  pro- 
vincia  et  psallendi  et  miuistrandi  parem  con- 
suetudiuem  teneat.  .  .  ."  There  is  no  reference 
whatever  to  the  customs  or  the  tenets  of  the 
church  of  any  country  besides  their  own  in 
either  canon.  If,  owing  to  circumstances,  says 
the  3rd,  councils  cannot  meet  twice  a  year — 
juxta  antiqua  patrum  dccrcta — they  should  at 
least  be  held  once,  general  or  provincial,  as  the 
case  may  require.  All  the  other  canons  are 
conceived  in  the  same  spirit.  Of  the  last 
book  of  the  Bible  the  17th  says:  "Apocalypsis 
librum  anultorum  conciliorum  auctoritas,  et 
synodica  sanctorum  praesulum  Romanorum  de- 
creta  Joannis  evangelistae  esse  praescribunt, 
et  inter  divinos  libros  recipiendum  coustitue- 
runt.  .  .  ."  The  21st,  entitled,  "  De  castitate 
sacerdotum,"  leaves  the  question  of  marriage 
untouched,  and  is  content  to  say,  "  Inoft'en- 
sos  igitur  et  immaculatos  decet  Dei  esistere 
sacerdotes,  nee  ullo  eos  fornicationis  contagio 
pollui.  .  .  ."  The  57th  commences  a  series  of 
ordinances  about  Jews  in  these  words :  "  De 
Judaeis  hoc  praecepit  saucta  synodus  :  nemini 
deinceps  ad  credendum  vim  inferre  .  .  .  non 
enim  tales  inviti  salvandi  sunt,  sed  volentes  ;  ut 
Integra  sit  forma  justitiae.  .  ."  And  the 
seventy-second  says  of  those  slaves  who  have 
been  emancipated,  "  A  cujuslibet  insolentia  pro- 
tegautur  ;  sive  in  statu  libertatis  eorum,  seu  in  pe- 
-culio  quod  habere  noscuntur.  .  .  .'"'  The  writings 
of  St.  Isidore  afford  the  best  clue  to  the  compre- 
hensive character  of  these  enactments  (Mansi,  x. 
■611-50).  Compare,  for  instance,  can.  57  with 
what  is  said  of  Sisebute  {Chroii.  aera  dcl.). 

(5)  A.D.  636,  "  Diversis  ex  provinciis  His- 
paniae "  is  what  they  say  of  themselves ; 
and  it  is  a  fact  that  2  or  3  bishops  of  the 
provinces  of  Tarragona,  Portugal,  and  Nar- 
bonne  figure  among  the  subscribers  to  it ;  but 
all  the  rest  of  the  24  subscribing  or  repre- 
sented bishops  were  suffragans  of  Toledo,  whose 
metropolitan,  Eugenius,  is  found,  for  the  first 
time,  subscribing  first.  The  "  diversis  ex  pro- 
vinciis," whether  regular  or  not,  few  or  many, 
did  homage  to  the  occasion.  No  rival  metro- 
politan was  present.  Eugenius  subscribed  him- 
self: "Dei  miseratione  Toletanae  ecclesiae 
provinciae  Carthagiuis  inetropolitanus,"  a  style 
contrasting  with  his  meek  subscription  but  two 
years  afterwards,  when  his  see  was  again 
•eclipsed.  All  of  the  9  canons  now  passed 
have  reference  to  existing  disorders  in  the  state 
(Mansi,  X.  6538-8). 

(6)  A.D.  638,  when  the  metropolitan  of  Nar- 
bonne  presided,  and  Eugenius  subscribed  third, 
after  the  metropolitan  of  Braga,  but  before 
the  then  metropolitan  of  Seville,  Honoratus. 
No  less  than  53  bishops,  or  their  represen- 
tatives, subscribe  to  the  18  canons  now  passed, 


TOLEDO,  COUNCILS  OF      1969 

the  first  of  which  is  entitled,  "  De  plenitu- 
dine  fidei  Catholicae,"  and  embodies  a  disquisi- 
tion on  the  Trinity  and  Incarnation  about  three 
times  as  long  as  the  1st  canon  of  the  tenth 
council  under  St.  Isidore,  yet  borrowing  on  the 
Procession  from  his  account  of  the  third  council 
under  Fieccared  {Chron.  aera  Dcxxiv.)  as  clearly 
as  their  3rd  canon — "  De  custodid  fidei  Judae- 
orum "  departs  from  his  spirit.  Of  the  rest 
about  half  concern  the  state  rather  than  the 
church,  and  the  thanks  of  the  council  are  voted 
to  king  Chintila  for  having  called  them  together 
(Mansi,  x.  659-674). 

(7)  A.D.  646,  under  king  Chindasvinda,  who 
dethroned  the  son  of  the  summoner  of  the  pre- 
vious council.  Here  the  metropolitan  of  Merida 
presides,  and  Eugenius  of  Toledo  (strangely  left 
out  in  Mansi)  subscribes  third  once  more,  but 
this  time  after  the  metropolitan  of  Seville 
(Antonius),  who  had  succeeded  Honoratus  since 
the  previous  council,  and  therefore  must  have 
been  his  junior.  Thus  the  hypothesis  of  cardinal 
Aguirre  making  precedence  depend  on  seniority 
breaks  down  here  ;  for  it  was  not  Eugenius  II. 
but  Eugenius  I.  who  was  present,  as  we  learn 
from  St.  Ildefonse  ( Vir.  lUust.  c.  13).  But  6 
canons  were  passed  on  this  occasion,  and  the 
1st  of  them,  instead  of  expounding  the  faith, 
is  headed,  "  De  refugis  atque  perfidis  clericis  sive 
laicis,"  whose  case  is  discussed  at  very  great 
length.  The  rest  are  not  of  more  lasting 
interest.  Forty-one  bishops  or  their  represen- 
tatives subscribe  to  them.  (Mansi,  x.  763-74.) 
Another  council  is  appended  by  him  to  this  in 
the  next  page,  on  no  better  evidence  than  because 
certain  duties  ascribed  to  archdeacons  and  other 
functionaries  in  the  first  book  of  Decretals  (tit. 
23-4),  are  there  headed,  "  Ex  concilio  Toletano." 
But  on  this,  see  Bingham,  ii.  21,  8. 

(8)  A.D.  653,  where  the  metropolitan  of 
Merida  presides  again,  and  a  second  Eugenius 
of  Toledo  subscribes  third,  after  Antonius  of 
Seville.  Abbats  here  subscribed  for  the  first 
time,  signing  between  bishops  and  their  repre- 
sentatives, and  laymen  of  rank  similarjy  for  the 
first  time,  signing  last.  Twelve  lengthy  canons, 
in  the  1st  of  which  the  creed  of  Constantinople  is 
professed  in  its  interpolated  form,  were  passed, 
"  d'un  style  si  diffus  et  si  figure,  qu'il  n'est  point 
aise  de  les  entendre,"  as  the  authors  of  UArt 
de  Verifier  les  Bates  truly  say ;  62  bishops 
or  their  representatives  subscribed  to  them. 
King  Recesvinda  heads  them  with  a  lengthy  pro- 
fession of  his  own  to  which  he  subscribes  him- 
self, and  the  bishops  supplement  them  with  a 
decree  respecting  his  goods  and  chattels,  which 
he  finally  confirms  (Mansi,  x.  1205-1228). 

(9)  A.D.  655,  where  the  second  Eugenius  sub- 
scribes first,  adopting  a  new  style,  "  Regiae 
urbis  metropolitanus  episcopus  "  ;  and  from  this 
time,  whether  it  was  a  general  or  provincial 
gathering,  the  metropolitan  of  Toledo  presides 
always  at  councils  held  in  his  own  metropolis, 
and  sit^ns  first.  On  this  occasion,  indeed,  no 
other  "metropolitan  was  present.  Seventeen 
canons,  all  on  discipline,  were  passed,  and  signed 
by  16  bishops  and  the  representative  of  a  17th  ; 
8  abbats  and  4  counts  complete  the  list.  The 
heading  of  the  last  canon,  "  Ut  baptizati  Judaei 
cum  episcopis  celobrent  dies  festos,"  shews  what 
course  legislation  had  taken  on  that  subject  since 
the  davs'cif  St.  Isidore  (Mansi,  xi.  23-32). 


1970      TOLEDO,  COUNCILS  OF 

(10)  A.D.  656,  when  3  metropolitaBS  were 
present,  and  the  second  Eugenius  again  presides 
and  signs  first.  This  was  the  first  general 
council  at  which  this  had  occurred.  Only  7 
canons  were  passed,  and  20  bishops  and  25 
episcopal  representatives  alone  subscribe  to 
tliem.  Yet  this  council  deposed  Potamius, 
metropolitan  of  Braga,  whose  name  appears 
among  the  subscribers  to  the  eighth  council, 
on  his  own  confession  of  a  crime  committed 
1)7  him,  and  appointed  Fructuosus,  one  of  his 
suffragans,  in  his  stead.  It  also  transferred 
the  festival  of  the  Annunciation  to  Dec.  18, 
by  an  express  canon,  on  the  ground  that  it 
clashed  so  frequently  with  Lent  or  Easter  that 
its  due  observance  was  compromised  (Mansi,  xi. 
32-46). 

(11)  A.D.  675,  at  an  interval  of  nineteen  years 
from  the  preceding  one,  during  nine  years  of 
wliich  the  see  of  Toledo  was  filled  by  St.  Ilde- 
fonso,  nephew  to  the  last  prelate,  and  pupil  of 
St.  Isidore.  Why  no  council  should  have  met  in 
his  day  is  a  question  to  which  more  than  one 
answer  might  be  returned.  This,  however, 
is  what  the  16  bishops  who  met  under  his 
successor,  Quiricius,  on  this  occasion,  say  on  the 
subject :  "  Eramus  hue  usque  pro  labentis  seculi 
coUuvione  instabiles,  quia  anuosa  series  tempo- 
rum,  subtractd  luce  conciliorum,  non  tam  vitia 
auxerat,  quam  matrem  omnium  errorum  igno- 
rantiam  otiosis  mentibus  ingerebat."  This  is  in 
the  preface  to  their  own  j)roceedings,  which  ends 
Avith  a  lengthy  paraphrase  of  the  faith  of  the 
first  four  councils,  and  is  followed  by  16 
canons,  the  6th  of  which  begins  as  follows : 
"  His  a  quibus  Domini  sacramenta  tractanda  sunt, 
judicium  sanguinis  agitare  non  licet."  Yet  the 
very  next  canon  contemplates  bishops  pro- 
nouncing sentences  of  exile  and  prison  against 
offenders,  if  nothing  worse  (Mansi,  xi.  129-152). 

(12)  A.D.  681,  at  which  king  Ervigius  was 
present  to  open  proceedings  and  make  known  his 
wishes,  Julian  metropolitan  of  Toledo  subscribing 
first,  the  metropolitans  of  Seville,  Braga,  and 
Merida,  being  present,  and  subscribing  after  him 
to  13  canons  then  jjassed :  in  the  1st  of  which, 
after  a  profession  of  the  faith  of  the  first  four 
councils,  and  a  recital  of  the  interpolated  creed, 
the  resignation  of  king  Wamba  and  the  accession 
of  king  Ervigius  is  declared  to  have  been  duly 
received  and  authenticated.  Whereupon  both 
acts  are  confirmed  by  the  council,  and  all  w'ho 
had  taken  oaths  of  allegiance  to  the  one  are 
released  from  them  in  favour  of  the  other  ;  "  Le 
premier  exemple  d'une  pareille  entreprise  des 
eveques,"  as  the  authors  of  L'Art  de  Verifier  les 
Dates  say  of  it.  The  pendant  to  it  is  contained 
in  the  6th  canon,  whose  title  runs  thus  :  "  De 
concessa  Toletano  pontifici  geueralis  synodi  po- 
testate,  ut  episcopi  alterius  provinciae  cum  con- 
niventia  principum  in  urbe  regia  ordinentur." 
The  9th  canon  enumerates  and  ordains  a  series 
of  severe  enactments  against  the  Jews  to  be 
made  more  stringent  than  ever.  By  the  10th 
protection  is  assured  to  all  who  have  taken 
sanctuary;  the  11th  shews  that  worshippers 
of  idols  were  by  no  means  extinct  in  Spain 
at  that  date.  Thirty-five  bishops,  3  repre- 
sentatives of  absent  bishops  and  abbats,  and 
15  nobles,  subscribe  to  them.  Afterwards,  in 
the  editions  of  councils,  follows  an  edict  of 
king  Ervigius  confirming  them  all.     But  in  the 


TOLEDO,  COUNCILS  OF 

Isidorian  collection  the  first  part  of  this  edict  i* 
omitted,  and  appended  to  the  second  is  the  long; 
edict  of  king  Gundemar,  said  to  have  been  issued 
in  confirmation  of  the  alleged  council  of  A.D, 
610,  neither  of  which,  as  stated  already,  were- 
before  given  in  this  collection,  each  setting  forth 
the  privileges  of  this  see.  In  the  pseudo-Isidorian 
collection  only  the  second  part  of  the  edict  of 
king  Ervigius  follows  these  canons,  and  that  of 
Gundemar  appears  nowhere  (Mansi,  xi.  1023- 
1044). 

(13)  A.D.  683,  when  king  Ervigius  was  agair* 
present,  and  retired  after  stating  his  wishes  and 
handing  in  his  address.  Thirteen  canons  or 
chapters,  as  they  are  called  from  the  tenth 
council  onwards — and  their  length  alone  war- 
rants the  distinction — were  then  passed,  after 
the  faith  of  the  first  four  councils  had  been  pro- 
fessed and  the  interpolated  creed  recited,  deter- 
mining civil  questions  with  as  much  freedom  as 
ecclesiastical,  and  beginning  with  them  in  fact. 
Canon  5,  which  concludes  this  branch,  forbids  any- 
body to  marry  the  widow  of  the  king.  Canon  f> 
confirms  the  twelfth  council  anew,  while  reciting 
the  confirmation  given  to  it  at  the  time  V)y 
Ervigius.  The  subscription  to  them  of  Julian, 
who  subscribes  first,  is  peculiar :  "  Ego  Julianus 
indignus  sanctae  ecclesiae  Toletanae  metropoli- 
tanus  episcopus  instituta  a  nobis  defiuita  sub- 
scripsi."  All  the  rest,  3  metropolitans  and  44 
bishops,  merely  subscribe  their  names  and  sees. 
Eight  abbats,  27  representatives  of  absent  bishops, 
2  of  whom  were  metropolitans,  and  26  nobles: 
complete  the  list.  King  Flavins  Ervigius  follows 
with  his  ratification  (Mansi,  xi.  1059-1082). 

(14)  A.D.  684,  when  16  bishops  of  the 
province  of  Carthagena  met  under  Julian  of 
Toledo,  their  metropolitan ;  6  abbats,  and  2 
representatives  from  each  of  the  metropolitans 
of  Tarragona,  Narbonne,  and  Merida  ;  1  from  each 
of  the  metropolitans  of  Braga  and  Seville,  and 
2  from  absent  suffragans  of  Toledo,  being  also 
present  and  subscribing.  They  had  been  ordered 
by  king  Ervigius,  as  they  say  in  their  1st  canon, 
to  assemble  thus,  oh  confutandumApollinaris  dogma 
pcdiferum,  concerning  which  a  communication 
had  reached  them,  a  Emnano  praesulc ;  so  that 
whatever  they  might  decide  thereon  the  metro- 
politans of  other  proAances,  apprised  of  it  by 
their  representatives,  might  be  able  to  enforce 
by  means  of  their  own  provincial  synods  through- 
out Spain  and  Gallicia.  They  therefore  proceed 
to  discuss  this  question  in  all  its  bearings,  quitms^ 
Eomanae  sedis  fueramus  Uteris  invitati.  The 
2nd  canon  adds  that  the  courier  of  the 
Roman  prelate  had  also  brought  with  him  the 
acts  of  a  council  held  at  Constantinople  under 
the  then  Emperor  Constantine  ;  and  that  by  the 
courteous  letter  of  the  pontiff'  of  ancient  Rome 
they  were  invited,  ut  praedicta  synodalia  instituta- 
quae  miserat,  nost)-i  etiam  vigoris  manercnt 
auctoritate  suffulta ;  omnibusque  per  nos  sub- 
rcgtw  Hispaniae  consistentibus  patescei-ent  divid- 
ganda.  This  task  is  accordingly  taken  in  hand 
by  them  forthwith ;  and  finding  these  acts, 
on  examination,  to  be  quite  consistent  with 
the  faith  of  the  four  first  councils,  they  resolve 
as  follows  in  their  7th  canon :  "  Post  Chal- 
cedonense  concilium  haec  debito  honore,  loco,  et 
ordine,  collocanda  sunt :  ut  cujus  glorioso 
themate  fulgent,  ei  et  loci  et  ordinis  coaptentur 
honore."     Even  so,  they  cannot  let  the  oppor- 


TOLEDO,  COUNCILS  OF 

tunity  slip  of  dogmatising  on  the  same  points 
themselves,  which  occupies  five  more  canons,  to 
the  exclusion  of  every  other  subject.  It  is 
difficult  to  say  which  is  found  the  greater  crux 
by  Roman  Catholics  of  modern  times,  this  council 
or  the  papal  epistles  that  gave  rise  to  it.  From 
this  council  we  learn — 1.  That  gesta  synodalia  of 
the  sixth  council  were  duly  received  in  Spain 
from  the  then  pope,  Leo  II.,  which  of  course 
necessitates  their  having  been  translated  into 
Latin  under  his  auspices,  as  his  own  letter  con- 
templates and  his  own  biographer  expressly  states 
(Mansi,  xi.  1047,  1052).  2.  That  this  council 
considered  itself  free  to  examine  and  only  receive 
them  on  their  being  found  orthodox.  3.  That 
this  council,  by  its  manner  of  receiving  them, 
distinctly  testified  its  continued  non-acceptance 
of  the  fifth  council,  though  the  pope,  in  his 
epistle  to  the  bishops  of  Spain,  had  called  them 
particularly  the  acts  of  the  sixth  council,  and 
named  five  universal  councils  in  addition  (see 
above,  council  under  Reccared,  A.D.  589).  From 
the  papal  epistles  we  learn  that  the  Spanish 
bishops  and  their  king  Ervigius  had  the  con- 
demnation of  HonoriuS  of  Rome  by  the  sixth 
council  formally  notified  to  them  by  his  then 
successor.  G.  Loaisa  dares  not  impugn  the 
genuineness  of  these  letters ;  on  the  contrary, 
the  MS.  containing  them  has  others,  according 
to  him,  of  the  next  pope,  Benedict  II.,  no  less 
useful  for  throwing  light  on  this  council.  If  so, 
why  were  they  not  all  published?  Mansi  prints 
but  one  and  passes  oft'  one  of  the  letters  of  Leo 
for  another  {ih.  1085- 108G).  Cardinal  Aguirre  re- 
prints tliem  timidly  without  a  word  from  himself. 
Others  content  themselves  with  pronouncing 
them  spurious  or  interpolated  in  general  terms 
(Mansi,  ib.  1050-1058,  and  Constantinople, 
Councils  of,  p.  446).  No  confirmation  of  this 
council  by  the  king  is  appended  to  it  (Mansi, 
ih.  1085-1092). 

(15)  A.D.  688,  when  king  Egica  was  present, 
opened  proceedings,  and  handed  in  an  address  on 
withdrawing  ;  after  which  the  bishops  reiterate 
their  adherence  to  the  faith  of  the  first  four 
councils,  and  recite  the  interpolated  creed.  They 
then  proceed  to  their  real  business,  which  is 
curious  in  the  extreme.  Julian,  their  president, 
had  sent  a  work  entitled  Liber  de  tribus  Sub- 
stantiis,  to  Rome,  which  the  then  pope,  Bene- 
dict II.,  had  criticised  in  detail  and  pronounced 
against.  He  had  likewise  condemned  one 
expression  in  their  own  dogmatic  profession 
which  had  accompanied  it.  The  council  un- 
hesitatingly vindicates  both  by  passages  from 
the  fathers,  and  in  re-affirming  them  observes 
with  caustic  vein:  sicut  nos  non  pudebit  quae 
vera  sunt  defendere,  hinc  forsan  quosdam  pudebit 
quae  vera  sunt  ignorare.  This  matter  ended, 
another  is  settled  in  the  same  breath,  and  with 
equal  freedom,  relating  to  the  king.  He  is 
formally  released  from  intricacies  in  the  condi- 
tions to  which  the  late  king  had  bound  him  on 
marrying  his  daughter.  And  then  5  metro- 
politans, 65  bishops,  the  representatives  of  1 
metropolitan  and  4  more  bishops,  8  abbats,  o 
superior  clergy,  and  17  nobles  subscribe  to  its 
rulings  on  each  head.  Naturally  king  Egica 
confirms  them  by  a  special  edict  (Mansi,  xii. 
7-26). 

(16)  A.D.  693,  when  king  Egica  was  again 
j^resent,  opened  proceedings,  and  handed  in  an 

CHRIST.   ANT. — VOL.   II. 


TOLEDO,  COUNCILS  OF      1971 

address  on  withdrawing,  after  which  the  bishops, 
without  any  previous  reference  to  the  faith  or 
the  creed  of  councils,  put  forth  a  long  dogmatic 
statement  of  their  own,  in  which  the  points 
criticised  by  pope  Benedict  are  once  more 
re-affirmed.  At  its  close,  those  who  depart  from 
the  communion  of  the  church  or  have  never 
joined  it,  or  who  reject  the  faith  and  decrees  of 
the  first  councils,  are  anathematised  ;  and  13 
chapters  on  matters  relating  to  church  and  state 
follow.  Of  these  the  1st  is  headed  De 
Judaeorum  perfidid,  and  refers  in  high  terms  of 
praise  to  a  late  ordinance  of  the  king  having  for 
its  object,  quatenus  aut  convertantur  ad  fidem, 
aut  in  perfidid  perdurantes,  acrioribus  sedule 
mulctentar  stimulis.  The  6th,  which  is  the 
last  on  ecclesiastical  matters,  is  curious  for 
the  light  it  throws  on  the  bread  still  commonly 
then  used  for  the  Eucharist,  and  for  its  own 
ruling  thereon.  The  8th  is  De  munimine 
prolis  regiae ;  the  9th,  De  Sigeberto  episcopo — 
that  is  to  say,  the  late  metropolitan  of  Toledo, 
who  had  been  incarcerated  for  having  conspired 
against  the  king.  The  council  therefore  deposed 
him,  translating  Felix  from  the  see  of  Seville  to 
succeed  him,  Faustinus  from  the  see  of  Braga 
to  succeed  Felix,  another  Felix  from  the  see  of 
Portugal  to  succeed  Faustinus,  as  the  12th 
canon  relates  ;  and  the  last  canon  orders  that 
the  metropolitan  of  Narbonne,  who  was  pre- 
vented from  being  present,  should  lose  no  time 
in  convening  his  suftragans  to  subscribe  to  these 
chapters,  which  king  Egica  thereupon  confirms. 
All  the  newly-appointed  metropolitans,  with 
Felix  at  their  head,  and  the  metropolitan  of 
Merida,  who  alone  went  as  he  came,  54  bishops, 
5  abbats,  3  representatives  of  absent  bishops,  and 
16  nobles  subscribe  to  them  (Mansi,  xii.  59-88). 
(17)  A.D.  694,  when  king  Egica  was  once 
more  present,  opened  proceedings,  and  handed  in 
an  address  as  before.  After  this,  the  bishops 
commence  their  part,  by  reciting  the  interpolated 
creed,  and  proclaiming  their  adhesion  to  it.  In 
their  1st  canon  they  further  decree  that  the 
first  three  days  of  every  council  shall  be  spent 
as  fasts,  and  occupied  wholly  with  matters 
relating  to  the  faith  and  other  spiritual  or 
ecclesiastical  matters,  to  the  exclusion  of  secular 
persons.  Indeed,  of  the  8  canons  now  passed, 
only  the  7th,  which  is  headed  De  munitione 
conjugis  atque  prolis  regiae,  deals  with  any- 
thing else.  By  the  2nd  baptisteries  are  to 
be  kept  locked  in  Lent,  and  not  opened  except 
for  some  grave  cause.  By  the  3rd  the  washing 
of  the  feet  on  Maundy  Thursday,  which  had 
■  been  intermitted  in  some  churches,  is  ordered  to 
be  revived  and  everywhere  duly  performed. 
By  the  5th  a  pernicious  custom  of  using  a  mass 
intended  for  the  repose  of  the  dead  on  behalf  of 
the  living,  in  order  to  imperil  their  lives,  is  to 
be  punished  with  lifelong  excommunication  and 
imprisonment.  By  the  6th  the  general  use  of 
litanies  in  every  month  of  the  year  decreed  of 
old,  is  made  special  for  Spain  in  these  terms : 
"Ut  deinceps  per  totum  annum  in  cunctis 
<luodecim  mensibus,  per  universae  Hispaniae  et 
Galliarum  provincias,  pro  statu  ecclesiae  Dei, 
pro  incolumitate  principis  nostri  atque  salvatione 
populi,  et  indulgentia  totius  peccati,  et  a 
cunctorum  fidelium  cordibus  expulsione  diaboli, 
exomologesis  votis  gliscentibus  celebretur.  .  .  ;" 
with  which  St.  Isidore,  de  Eti/m.  vi.  c.  75-81, 
6  L 


1972      TOLERATION,  EDICT  OF 

may  be  profitably  compared.  The  heading  of 
the  8th  is  Be  Judaeorum  damnatione.  The 
usual  confirmation  of  these  canons  by  the  king 
follows ;  but  there  are  no  subscriptions  to  them 
(Mansi,  xii.  93-108). 

(18)  A.D.  701. — But  there  is  no  earlier 
authority  for  it  than  tliat  of  Roderic,  archbishop 
of  Toledo  in  the  i:>th  century  ;  who  merely 
mentions  it  to  add,  tamen  in  corpore  canonum 
noil  h((hetur,  without  gi\nng  any  particulars  of 
it  himself  (Mansi,  xii.  163-164).  After  this  there 
is  but  one  more  real  or  conjectural  council  of 
Toledo  till  A.D.  1086,  at  the  earliest,  and  this 
is  vaguely  called  by  most  a  "council  of  Spain  ;  " 
but  as  it  had  Elipandus  of  Toledo  for  its  presi- 
dent, Mansi  thinks  it  may  have  been  held  in  his 
metropolis.  The  date  assigned  to  it  by  him  is 
A.D.  793,  and  it  is  said  to  have  declared  in  favour 
of  the  views  of  its  president  on  Adoptionism, 
and  to  have  defended  them  by  testimonies  from 
the  fathers  in  a  synodical  epistle  addressed  to  the 
bishops  of  France,  subsequently  refuted  at 
Frankfort  (Mansi,  xiii.  857-858).         [E.  S.  Ff.] 

TOLERATION,  EDICT  OF  [Martyr, 
p.  1125]. 

TOMBS,  Tombstones.  From  the  earliest 
times  the  bodies  of  Christians  were  interred  in 
places  open  to  the  sky  (Cemetery)  and  in  sub- 
terranean burial-places  '  (Catacombs).  The  forms 
and  arrangements  of  the  tombs  in  the  catacombs 
of  Rome  and  also  of  Naples  are  sulficiently  de- 
scribed in  the  latter  article.  Those  in  the  cata- 
combs of  Syracuse,  Taormina,  Malta,  Canopus, 
and  Alexandria,*  are  likewise  alluded  to  and 
hai-dly  require  further  mention  here."  In  the 
following  article  an  endeavour  will  be  made 
briefly  to  notice — 

(A)  Various  kinds  of  tombs,  excluding  those 
mentioned  above,  found  in  ditlereut  countries.'' 

(B)  Objects  found  therein. 

(C)  Select  sepulchral  inscriptions  of  all  kinds, 
whei'ever  found. 

»  M.  de  Rossi  {Rom.  Sott.  Crist,  t.  i.  p.  87,  Rom.  1864) 
announces  his  preparation  for  a  general  work  on  Christian 
tombs  of  both  these  classes.  This  most  important  work 
has  not  yet  appeared,  so  far  as  the  writer  is  aware. 

•>  Cbristian  catacombs  occur  also  in  Milo  (Melos),  in 
which  vermilion  inscriptions,  probably  of  the  4th 
century,  as  well  as  a  small  stele,  have  been  found. 
(Bockh,  C.  /.  (?.,  nog.  9288-9290.) 

=  It  should  perhaps  just  be  mentioned  that  in  countries 
where  catacombs  were  unknown,  some  few  sepulchral 
chambers  have  been  discovered  underground.  De  Rossi 
mentions  one  found  at  Eheims  in  1738,  adorned  with 
pictures,  which  have  perished  ;  and  another  at  the  same 
place  which  was  found  and  destroyed  in  1817  (Eom.  Sott. 
t.  i.  p.  100):  see  also  Le  Blaut  (Manuel,  c.  i.x.)  for  a  sub- 
terranean chamber  at  Montmartre,  under  u  martyiium. 
In  Palestine,  again,  we  have  an  example,  of  the  same 
sort ;  a  subterranean  chamber  thirty  feet  long,  twelve 
wide,  and  eight  high  was  discovered  in  1854  near  Saida 
(Sidon).  On  the  interior  of  its  whited  walls  various 
figures  were  drawn  in  red,  and  an  inscription  was 
written  all  round  below  their  upper  edge,  which  recorded 
that  the  chamber  was  made  "  for  the  memory  and  the 
repose  of  Anarbas  and  his  brother  John ;"  with  two  pas- 
sages quoted  from  Ps.  xxiii.  and  1  Cor.  xv.  The  date 
also  given  in  the  inscription  is  rather  mutilated,  but 
probably  corresponds  to  a.d.  642  (Bockh,  C.  I.  G., 
no.  9153). 

^  Inscriptions  in  connexion  with  the  particular  tombs 
mentioned  are  included  under  this  section. 


TOMBS 

It  may  be  advisable,  however,  to  make  a  few 
preliminary  remarks. 

The  ancient  Roman  laws  of  the  twelve  tables 
and  those  of  imperial  times,  from  Hadrian  to 
Diocletian,  strictly  forbade  burials  to  take  place 
in  Rome  and  in  cities  generally  (see  the  laws 
quoted  by  Bingham,  Antiq.  XXIII.  i.  §  2).  The 
Christians  do  not  appear  ever  to  have  been 
charged  with  transgressing  these  laws,  but 
rather  objected  the  transgression  of  them  to  the 
heathen.  It  must  consequently  follow  that  we 
cannot  expect  to  find  tombs  in  city  churches  or 
in  any  grounds  contiguous  to  them  during  the 
first  "three  centuries.  [Churchyards.]  There 
is,  in  fact,  as  yet  no  literary  or  archaeological 
evidence  to  shew  that  any  Christian  burial  took 
place  in  a  church,  or  that  any  sepulchral  monu- 
ment was  placed  in  or  even  near  to  a  church 
before  the  death  of  Constantino  (Bingham,  u.  s. ; 
Mui-atori,  Anecd.  t.  i.,  Dissert,  xvii.  pp.  185- 
189).' 

Neither  does  there  appear  to  be  a  single  well- 
authenticated  instance  of  any  burial,  nor  of  any 
tomb  properly  so  called,  in  any  city  whatever 
during  the  same  period.  For  although  it  is 
stated  by  Eusebius,  following  Hegesippus  {Hist. 
Ecd.  lib.  ii.  c.23),  that  James  the  Just,  the  brother 
of  our  Lord,  had  a  tombstone  (^(TT^X-qy  erected  to 
him  close  by  the  Temple  at  Jerusalem,  on  the 
spot  where  he  was  martyred,  yet  it  is  far  more 
probable  that  he  was  buried  on  the  Mount  of 
Olives,  at  no  great  distance  indeed,  but  outside 
the  city  walls.  This  was  the  opinion  of  others 
mentioned  by  St.  Jerome  (^lib.  de  Vir.  HI.  c.  2) ; 
and  it  appears  from  the  Gospels  that  it  was  the 
custom  of  the  Jews  to  bury  outside  the  pre- 
cincts of  cities.  (Luke  vii.  12  ;  John  xix.  42  ; 
coll.  Heb.  xiii.  12.) 

For  these  three  centuries  we  have  very  few 
sepulchral  monuments  remaining,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  those  in  the  Roman  catacombs,  though 


^  De  Rossi's  work  on  the  Roman  inscriptions  of  the 
first  six  centuries  shews  no  sepulchral  slab  placed,  or 
presumed  to  have  been  ever  placed,  in  a  church  or 
basilica  during  the  first  three  centuries.  There  are, 
however,  many  epitaphs  of  the  4th  century  now  or 
lately  to  be  seen  in  Roman  churches  or  basilicas,  but 
very  few  can  be  counted  upon  as  being  in  their  original 
sites.  One  marble  slab  was  found  adhering  to  its  sepul- 
chre on  the  pavement  of  the  basilica  of  St.  Alexander  on 
the  Via  Nomentana  (a.d.  396),  and  another  (a.d.  402)  on 
that  of  the  subterranean  basilica  of  .St.  Hermes  (De 
Rossi,  Nos.  438,  507).  Some  appear  to  have  been  taken 
from  thecatacombs  (see  Nos.  80,  153,  182, 186,  224) ;  but 
De  Rossi  considers  that  this  is  not  the  case  with  others 
(Xos.  149,  184).  The  greatest  number  have  occurred  in 
the  pavement  of  the  basilica  of  St.  Paul  on  the  Via  Osti- 
ensis;  it  was  built,  according  to  Hiibsch,  ad.  386,  but 
some  of  the  slabs  bear  earlier  dates,  the  earliest  being 
A.D.  345  (see  Nos.  88,  98,  204,  209,  246,  316,  371),  con- 
sequently the  slabs  have  been  moved  from  their  original 
sites.  This  may  also  have  been  the  case  in  many  other 
instances. 

An  early  example  of  a  burial  in  an  African  basilica 
will  be  found  in  the  mosaic  of  Reparatus,  a.d.  475  (see 
below). 

Slabs  beautifully  decorated  with  foliage,  flowers,  etc. 
occur  in  the  church  of  Briord,  a.d.  487  (Le  Blant, 
no.  379,  pi.  43),  and  "in  the  nave  of  the  cathedral  of 
VaisoD,  A.D.  515  (Le  Blant,  no.  492,  pi.  66). 

'  For  the  form  of  the  crr^Xr)  see  Diet.  Gr.  and  Bom, 
Ant.  s.  V.  "Funus;"  but  the  word  appears  to  be  used 
somewhat  vaguely. 


TOMBS 

there  is  abundant  evidence  that  open-air  burial- 
places  of  various  kinds  were  then  in  use  in  many 
parts  of  the  Christian  world.  Many  of  these  monu- 
ments were  doubtless  destroyed  during  the  times 
of  persecution  (Euseb.  //.  E.  viii.  6).  Even  of 
the  few  which  remain  some  appear  to  be  restora- 
tions made  in  the  time  of  the  peace  of  the  church. 
De  Rossi  thinks  that  the  celebrated  Autun  in- 
scription (see  Vol.  I.  p.  806)  is  one  of  these. 
That  of  Caesarea  in  Mauretania  (Vol.  I.  p.  848) 
is  unquestionably  so.  (De  Rossi,  Rom.  Sott.  t.  i. 
§  iii.  /  Cemeteri  sopra  terra.) 

At  Rome,  and  indeed  everywhere  else  for 
several  centuries,^  many  tombs,  among  which 
some  were  Christian,  were  erected  in  the  suburbs 
by  the  sides  of  the  principal  roads  leading  into 
the  city.  Thus  according  to  Sidonius  Apolli- 
naris  {Epist.  i.  5,  ed.  Sirm.)  the  burial-place  of 
St.  Peter  was  outside  the  walls  of  Rome,  a 
church  being  still,  in  his  time  (a.d.  470), 
standing  over  it.  St.  Jerome  says  that  that 
apostle  was  buried  in  the  Via  Triumphalis  beyond 
the  Tiber,  and  that  St.  Paul  was  buried  in  the 
Via  Ostiensis,  three  miles  without  the  gates  of 
the  city  (w.  s.  c.  1  and  c.  5).  Caius,  a  presbyter 
of  the  church  of  Rome,  about  the  year  210, 
speaks  of  these  tombs  as  "  the  trophies  of  the 
apostles  "  (Euseb.  Hist.  Ecd.  ii.  25).  They  were 
removed  about  the  year  258  into  the  cata- 
combs, lest  some  indignity  might  be  offered  to 
them  at  that  time  of  persecution  {Dep.  Mart, 
ap.  Pearson,  Annal.  Cyprian,  p.  62).  The  very 
fact  of  their  removal  shews  that  they  could  not 
have  been  of  very  considerable  size.  They  may 
probably  have  been  cippi  bearing  inscriptions. 
Some  other  monuments  belonging  to  open-air 
burial-places  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Rome, 
which  have  come  down  to  our  times,  will  be 
noticed  below  under  Italy. 

"Quum  antiquitus,"  says  Onuphrius  Panvi- 
nius  {Rit.  Sep.  Mort.  c.  vii.  ed.  Col.  1568), 
"  tantum  extra  urbem  in  coemiteriis  hominum 
corpora  sepelirentur,  pace  ecclesiae  data  intra 
urbes  ad  templorum  limina,  postea  in  ipsis  tem- 
plis  sepeliri  mos  invaluit."  He  then  gives  many 
examples  of  burials  in  or  close  to  churches,  which 
we  proceed  to  cite  :  the  emperor  Constantine  was 
buried  in  the  porch  of  the  temple  of  the  apostles 
at  Constantinople,  and  this  is  probably  the 
earliest  known  example  of  the  kind ;  the 
emperor  Honorius  was  laid  in  the  porch  of 
St.  Peter's  church  at  Rome,  and  his  espoused 
wife  Maria  inside  the  same  church  ;  Rotharis, 
kinc  of  the  Lombards,  was  buried  in  the  church 
of  St.  John  the  Baptist  at  Pavia;  king  Clo- 
tharius  in  the  basilica  of  St.  Vincent ius  at 
Paris;  Brunichildis,  queen  of  the  Franks,  in 
the  church  of  St.  Martin  at  Autun;  Charles 
Martel  and  his  son  Pepin  in  the  church  of 
St.  Denis  at  Paris ;  Charlemagne  in  the  church 
of  St.  Mary  at  Aachen,  where  a  large  tomb- 
stone bearing  his  name  only,  Carolo  Magno, 
is  still  to  be  seen.  Pope  Leo  the  Great,  and 
many  popes  after  him,  were  buried  in  St.  Peter's 
at  Rome  ;  St.  Benedict,  abbot  of  Casino,  in  the 
basilica  of  St.  John  the  Baptist.  But  of  the 
character  of  their  tombs,  which  were  pro- 
bably in  most  cases  of  great  magnificence,  we 

B  irao-a  ttoXi?,  koX  naa-a  Kio/xri  irpb  tUv  el<T6Siov  Ta<^ovs 
«X€i  (Pseudo-Chrysost.  de  Fide  et  Lege  Nat.  t.  i.  p.  829, 
ed.  Bened.). 


TOMBS 


1973 


are  unable,  with  scarcely  an  exception,  to  say 
anything.  It  may  be  suspected  that  some  of 
them  were  marble  sarcophagi,  placed  either  above 
the  ground  or  possibly  below  it,  of  which  we 
have  many  fine  Christian  examples  yet  remain- 
ing from  the  4th  century  downwards,  more  or 
less  elaborately  sculptured.  [Sculpture.]  Not- 
withstanding the  examples  above  named,  and 
some  others  which  might  be  mentioned  [CuBi- 
CULUM  ;  Obsequies  of  the  Dead,  §  xiv.],  there 
were  several  laws  of  emperors  of  the  4th  and 
following  centuries,  and  several  canons  of  councils 
from  the  6th  century  onwards,  down  to  the 
Council  of  Mentz  in  the  time  of  Charlemagne, 
which  distinctly  prohibited  burials  in  churches, 
this  last  council,  however,  making  certain  ex- 
ceptions (Gretser,  rfe  Fun.  Christ,  ii.  8  ;  Bingham, 
XXIII.  i.  §§4,  6,  7,  8).  There  is  no  doubt  tha 
about  this  time  many  persons  considered  it  advan- 
tageous to  their  souls  to  be  buried  in  churches, 
and  Gregory  the  Great  in  the  6th  century  sanc- 
tions this  opinion.  "  When  heavy  sins  do  not  press 
men  down,  it  is  profitable  for  the  dead  if  they  be 
buried  in  churches,  because  their  friends,  as  often 
as  they  come  thither,  remember  those  whose 
sepulchres  they  behold,  and  offer  prayers  to  the 
Lord  for  them  "  {Dial.  lib.  iv.  c.  50).  In  spite 
of  this  opinion  in  its  favour  prohibitions  con- 
tinued to  be  made  not  only,  as  has  been  said, 
down  to  the  time  of  Charlemagne's  death,  but 
also  as  late  as  A.D.  1076,  when  a  council  of 
Winchester  under  Lanfranc  laid  down  in  its 
ninth  canon  that  "  In  ecclesiis  corpora  defunc- 
torum  non  sepeliantur."  Nor  was  it  until  the 
time  of  Boniface  VIII.,  about  the  close  of  the  l.Sth 
century,  that  it  was  spoken  of  as  a  customary 
thing  for  men  to  be  buried  in  a  church  where 
their  ancestors  lay.  From  his  decretals,  as 
Bingham  thinks,  "may  be  dated  the  ruin  of  the 
old  laws  "  {u.  s.  §  G).*" 

In  what  follows  little  will  be  said  of  any 
tombs  which  do  not  now  exist,  or  have  not 
lately  been  in  existence. 

(A)  General  Character  of  Christian  Tombs,  ex- 
clusive of  Catacombs,  in  various  Countries. 
Italy. — Christian  tombs  of  a  very  early  period 
have  been  found  above  ground  in  Tusculum  and 
elsewhere  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Rome.  De 
Rossi  {Bull,  di  Arch.  Crist,  for  1872)  has  a 
memoir  entitled  II  Tusculo,  la  Ville  Tusculane  e 


h  Muratori  («.  s.  p.  188")  holds  a  brief  to  shew  that 
burials  in  churches,  in  country  places  at  least,  had  never 
been  regarded  as  unlawful,  and  explains  away  the  church 
canons  and  imperial  laws  above  referred  to  as  merely 
designed  to  prevent  overcrowded  burials  in  churches: 
"  quia  nimis  in  aedibus  sucris  tunuilorum  cadaverumque 
moles  augehantur,  ut  propterea  coercendi,  ex  parte 
fuerint  Christiani."  But,  to  say  notliing  of  the  fact  that 
the  laws  and  councils  make  no  distinction  between  town 
and  country  churches,  the  Council  of  Braga  in  Spain, 
about  A.D.  563,  expressly  assigns  a  very  different  reason 
for  the  prohibition  (see  can.  IS,  quoted  in  Orseqdiks  op 
THE  Dead,  $  xvi.).  The  principal  passages  on  which  Mura- 
tori relies  are  from  I'aulinus  (both  quoted  in  Cubicula) 
and  from  .St.  Ambrose,  who  desired  to  be  and  was  buried 
under  the  altar  in  the  basilica  which  he  had  built  at  Milan. 
"  Dignum  est  enim  ut  ibi  requiescat  sacerdos,  ubi  offcrre 
consuerit."  COrat.  in  SS.  Gerv.  et  Prot.  The  true  re- 
ference is  to  Jipist.  xxii.  p.  877,  cd.  Bened.)  None 
of  his  authorities  are  earlier  than  the  end  of  the  4tU 
century.  ^   ^^  ^ 


1974 


TOMBS 


Ic  loro  antiche  memorie  Cristiane,  in  which  he 
says  that  lie  was  desirous  to  find  a  cippus  which 
had  been  transcribed  by  Fabretti,  and  had  been 
seen  many  years  later,  not  bearing  the  patera 
and  simpulum  so  frequent  on  pagan  cippi,  but 
two  anchors,  symbolical  of  Christian  hope,  a  de- 
vice found  on  the  tombs  of  tlie  Catacombs.  It 
runs  thus :  CI.  Irenico  |  filio  dvlcis  |  simo  cl. 
Evtij  I  ches  avs  et  cl.  Po  |  thrnwnvs  pa  |  ter  et 
Decia  Rv  \  fina  mater  fecei-vnt  (p.  98).  It  had 
been  found  at  Cianipino,  in  the  vicinity  of  Tuscu- 
lum.  The  account  of  his  successful  exploration 
is  very  interesting  (pp.  99,  100). 

De  Rossi  is  acquainted  with  only  one  other 
cippus  bearing  the  Christian  symbol  of  the 
anchor.  It  seems  now  to  be  known  merely  by 
the  description  contained  in  a  MS.  of  the  Vati- 
can (6039,  f.  252  verso) :  Cippus  in  hortulis  S. 
Sebastiani  extra  muros  P.  V.  (Petrus  Victorius) 
scripsit.  It  reads  :  Marcellae  |  sanctissi  \  viae 
femin  \  ae  Alvnni  |  anvs  fratc  \  r.  Below  which 
are  two  anchors,  that  on  the  left  being  reversed. 
"  The  cippus  form  of  the  monument,"  remarks 
De  Rossi  (u.  s.  p.  99),  "  if,  according  to  all  or- 
dinary rules,  it  excludes  a  subterranean  origin, 
does  not  necessarily  exclude  its  Christianity, 
because  we  know  that  Christian  sepulchres  still 
exist  above  ground  which  are  in  the  form  of 
cippi"  iBuH.  di  Arch.  Crist.  1864-,  pp.  25-32). 

But  besides  isolated  tombs  in  fields  or  vine- 
yards or  by  the  sides  of  the  public  ways,  we 
have  in  the  suburbs  of  Rome  several  cemeteries 
around  basilicas  which  were  apparently  executed 
about  the  4th  century.  De  Kossi  has  observed 
traces  of  such  in  various  states  of  preservation  in 
the  field  above  the  cemetery  of  St.  Callistus,  and 
in  the  Agro  Verano  above  that  of  St.  Cyriaca, 
and  in  other  places.  He  describes  at  length  and 
gives  a  figure  of  the  necropolis  above  ground 
under  which  is  the  catacomb  of  St.  Callistus 
{Rom.  Sott.  lib.  iii.  pp.  393  sqq.  tav.  xxxix.).  It 
consists  of  an  assemblage  of  deep  oblong  chambers 
of  different  dimensions  formed  by  walls  made  of 
mixed  tufa  and  brick,  intersecting  each  other  at 
right  angles,  the  tops  of  which  are  on  the  level 
of  the  ground.  The  covers  and  the  bottoms  of 
these  chambers  were  sometimes  composed  of 
marble  or  granite  slabs,  the  lateral  walls  being 
left  rough  ;  within  them  bodies  were  placed  one 
above  another  in  different  manners,  which  De 
Rossi  describes.  Sometimes  they  were  only 
separated  by  a  stone  slab,  sometimes  the  bodies 
were  placed  in  distinct  sarcophagi  ;  eight  or  nine 
corpses  were  ordinarily  placed  one  above  another. 
It  would  appear  that  only  a  very  few  inscrip- 
tions, unimportant  and  undated,  have  hitherto 
been  found ;  but  the  cemetery  may  be  referred 
to  the  fourth  or  fifth  century  from  the  style  of 
the  Avork  of  its  walls.'  He  also  found  above  the 
crypts  of  St.  Lucina  a  few  chambers  or  fosses, 
not  subdivided  like  these  into  horizontal  planes 
and  receiving  the  corpses  in  their  empty  spaces, 


'  With  this  necropolis  De  Rossi  compares  a  very  per- 
fect example  of  an  above-ground  cemetery  which  has 
lately  been  found  at  Portogruaro,  the  ancient  Julia  Con- 
cordia, in  Venetia,  the  excavations  of  which  had  not  in 
1877  been  completed.  Sarcophagi  lie  on  the  surface  of 
the  ground,  and  the  inscriptions  at  present  discovered 
appear  to  be  of  the  fourth  century.  For  some  account 
of  it  see  De  Rossi  {Bull.  1873,  pp.  80-32  ;  and  for  1874,  p. 
133  sqq.  tav.  ix.  and  Rom.  Sott.  (1877),  tom.  iii.  p.  395). 


TOMBS 

but  left  open  like  a  well  and  having  loculi  ex- 
cavated in  their  sides,  precisely  as  in  the 
Catacombs  (m.  s.  p.  404).  He  gives  in  fine  an  ac- 
count, in  the  first  volume  of  his  Inscript.  Christ. 
Urb.  Rom.  (j).  108),  of  a  cemetery  attached  to 
the  Vatican  basilica,  which  was  accidentally  dis- 
covered in  the  following  manner.  On  September 
G,  1689,  a  horse  trod  upon  and  broke  the  stone 
which  covered  the  opening  to  the  graves  below. 
Beneath  was  found  a  white  marble  sarcophagus, 
between  seven  and  eight  feet  long,  three  feet 
broad  and  three  feet  deep,  composed  of  several 
pieces  joined  by  mortar ;  the  body,  placed  therein 
on  its  back,  was  swathed  and  embalmed.  Below 
this,  divided  from  it  by  a  partition  about  nine 
inches  thick,  was  discovered  another  coffin  of  the 
same  size  and  with  similar  contents.  On  the  inside 
of  the  lid  of  the  latter  was  found  an  inscription, 
whose  date  corresponds  with  a.d.  3G9.  Other 
coffins  again  were  discovered  below  this,  but  the 
excavations  were  not  thoroughly  carried  out. 
The  stone,  as  frequently  happens,  was  broken  in 
l)ieces  and  part  of  it  built  into  a  wall.  De  Rossi 
describes  the  whole  inscription  from  Ciampini, 
and  indicates  by  his  plate  the  small  portion 
still  surviving  (see  his  no.  211,  p.  108).  He  also 
gives  {Rom.  Sott.  t.  i.  p.  94)  a  diagram  illus- 
trating this  mode  of  sepulture.  Coffins  thus 
placed  one  above  another  in  strata  have  not,  so 
far  as  De  Rossi  is  aware,  been  observed  in  Africa, 
or  in  Upper  Italy  or  in  France,  or  in  any  other 
country  where  subterranean  cemeteries  were  un- 
kuown.J  The  arrangement  indeed  is  substantially 
the  same  as  that  which  is  ado])ted  in  the  cata- 
combs of  Rome  [CATACOMBS,  in  Vol.  I.  p.  313]. 

Some  very  singular  tombs  have  been  found 
in  the  north  of  Italy,  at  Brescia,  Verona,  and 
especially  at  Milan,  below  the  floor  of  the  basi- 
lica of  Fausta.  Contrary  to  the  rule  which 
obtains  in  the  Roman  catacombs,  the  tombs  are 
decorated  with  paintings  in  the  interior;  they 
are  constructed  of  masonry,  and  their  narrow 
walls  are  adorned  on  the  inside  with  images  and 
symbols  traced  in  colours.  They  have  been 
assigned  to  the  ages  of  persecution,  but  although 
this  opinion  can  hardly  be  maintained,  their 
style  is  in  all  likelihood  a  survival  from  the 
times  when  it  was  dangerous  to  allow  signs  of 
Christianity  to  be  seen  outwardly  (De  Rossi, 
Rom.  Sott.  t.  i.  pp.  100-101,  and  references). 

A  few  words  should  be  said  in  conclusion  of 
the  two  principal  forms  of  the  sarcophagus  which 
are  found  in  Italy,  and  also  in  other  countries  : 
(1)  the  oblong  chest  or  coffin  type,  with  flat 
lid ;  the  ends  are  generally  square  (De  Rossi, 
Rom.  Sott.  tom.  i.  tav.  sxx.,  two  examples — one 
sarcophagus  isquite  plain;  the  otherslightly  orna- 
mented) or  more  rarely  rounded  (D'Agincourt, 
Bist.  de  I' Art,  Sculpture,  pi.  iv.  nos.  2  and  3,  both 
sculptured) :  (2)  the  cottage  type  (a  cnpamia 
of  the  Italian  antiquaries),  with  lid  like  a  roof, 
(Le  Blant,  Inscr.  Chre't.  Gaule,  pi.  78,  quite 
plain) ;  the  roof  ridge  is  sometimes  truncated  to 
admit  of  an  inscription  being  placed  thereon  (Le 
Blant,  u.  s.  pi.  22,  no.  139,  nearly  plain  ;  D'Agin- 


■j  He  mentions,  however,  as  an  exception,  the  disposi- 
tion of  the  sarcophagi  In  the  church  of  Vienne.  St. 
Gervais  furnishes  another  exception.  (For  both  these 
see  below.)  Still  he  thinks  it  not  improbable  that  this 
mode  of  burial  may  have  been  introduced  into  other 
parts  of  the  Roman  Christian  world. 


TOMBS 

court,  u.  s.  pi.  iv.,  sculptured),  instead  of  being 
written  on  the  end  (Le  Blant,  u.s.  pi.  69)  or  on 
the  side  (Bockh,  C.  I.  G.  no.  9163,  pi.  xv.).  The 
base  of  the  triangular  end  of  the  lid  is  some- 
times ornamented  with  acroteria,  like  a  temple. 
(Bockh,  u.  s.)  The  chest  and  lid  may  each  be 
of  a  single  stone,  or  of  many ;  bricks  and  tiles 
were  also  used  in  the  construction  of  the  meaner 
sort.  See  various  exami^les  of  sarcophagi  given 
in  Sculpture. 

France. — After  Italy  this  is  the  country  which 
most  abounds  with  Christian  sepulchral  stones 
and  slabs.  But  of  those  which  are  preserved  com- 
paratively few  tell  their  full  story.  The  circum- 
stances under  which  they  were  found  are  fre- 
quently unknown.  M.  Le  BL-mt,  partly  by  his  own 
observations  and  partly  by  examinations  of  books 
and  figures,  comes  to  the  conclusion  that  there 
were  three  forms  of  Christian  burial  in  ancient 
Gaul  accompanied  by  inscriptions.  (1)  Isolated 
tombs ;  (2)  cemeteries,  where  the  tombs  were 
either  below  the  surface  of  the  ground,  or  rest- 
ing on  the  soil ;  or  (3)  tombs  clustered  about 
sanctuaries  of  saints,  or  placed  in  churches 
{Manuel,  pp.  144,  145).  Of  each  of  these  one  or 
two  examples  shall  now  be  adduced.  It  must  be 
borne  in  mind  that  no  Christian  sepulchral  in- 
scription of  Gaul  whose  date  is  known  is  earlier 
than  the  4th  century. 

(1)  Isolated  Tombs. — An  example  of  this  iso- 
lation was  to  be  seen  in  the  monument  of  Adel- 
phius,  at  Sainte-Croix-du-Mont.  The  date  is  A.D. 
405.     It  bears  the  following  inscription  : 

Depositio  Adelfi  ....  |  anorvm  N.  Ill 
mensivm  \  et  tridvo  P.  C.  Dam.  ntri  |  Honori 
Avgusti  \  Sex  aS?'"  posvit  \  pater  Maurvsivs 
€t  Vrsa  m  |  ?  Qnater  ?). 

It  is  now  in  the  museum  at  Bordeaux  (Le  Blant, 
Itis.  Chr.  G.  t.  ii.  p.  384,  no.  591). 

"  EUe  (I'inscription)  etait,"  says  M.  Jouannet, 
"  encore  en  place  il  y  a  quelques  annees  au  pied 
des  coteaux  de  Viole  dans  les  vignes  du  Peyrat, 
prfes  de  la  voie  publique.  Elle  etait  encastree 
sur  la  grande  face  d'un  tombeau  construit  en 
moellons  a  chaux  et  a  sable,  et  qui  renfermait 
encore  un  squelette  "  (quoted  by  Le  Blant,  u.  s.). 

It  would  appear  probable  that  a  considerable 
number  of  the  smaller  extant  inscriptions  on 
marble  of  square  or  oblong  form  have  been  let 
into  the  tombs  or  sarcophagi,  or  into  the  wall 
near  them,  both  in  France  and  in  various  other 
countries  (De  Rossi,  Rom.  Sott.  t.  i.  pp.  95, 
96). 

Another  and  a  very  curious  instance  of  an 
isolated  tomb  occurs  near  Charmes,  which  was 
visited  in  the  17th  century,  when  Spon  saw 
it,  as  the  burial-place  of  a  saint.  The  in- 
scription is  in  elegiacs,  and  the  name  of  the 
person  buried,  Alethius,  is  i-ead  in  acrostic.  It  is 
singular  that  it  contains  no  evidence  of  dis- 
tinctly Christian  feeling.  The  last  line,  which 
is  prose,  probably  indicated  the  date  of  the 
consulate  of  Paulinus,  A.D.  534,  when  the  Franks 
invaded  Burgundy,  to  which  allusion  seems  to  be 
made  in  line  seven.  The  lid  of  the  sarcophagus, 
containing  the  inscription  enclosed  in  a  label  of 
a  common  form,  is  figured  by  Le  Blant  («.  s.  p. 
196,  pi.  64,  no.  391),  and  he  says  that  the  form 
of  the  sarcophagus  is  exactly  like  one  given  by 


TOMBS 


1975 


JI.   de   Boissieu  {Inscr.  Ant  de  Imn,  no.  cvii 
p.  524). 

The  epitaph  runs  thus  : 

Mvi  ingens  genvs  egregium  atq^  ordine  princeps 

Lvgdvni  procervm  nobile  consilivm 
Exacto  vitae  transcendit  ad  aethera  cvrsv 

Terienvm  tvmvlo  dans  animam  svperis 
[Sic  pair  is]  reliqva  gener  aepiafUia  condmt 

I[gnara  vt]  non  «tw[e]  saeclafvtvra  svi 
Vsvr  [ae]  Ivcis  natvs  melioribvs  an[nis] 

[Sex  lv2sltra']  exegit  non  breve  ter  spatimi 
lOivis]  qvifverit  simvl  et  qvo  no{rn]ine  [dictvs} 

lVer]sibi's  inprimis  ordine prod[it  apex] 
.  n  .  .  .  terrier  .  .  .  x  .  .  .  Pavlvi  .  .  . 

If  the  last  distich  is  rightly  restored  the  initial 
letters   C  V  will  probably  stand,  as  M.   Leon 
Renier  thinks,  for  Clarissimus  Vir  ;  his  proper 
title  seems  to  be  required. 
(2)  Cemeteries. 

(a)  Where  the  earth  received  the  sepultures. 
— At  St.  Gervais  a  cemetery  was  discovered  not 
many  years  ago,  in  making  a  cutting  for  the 
Vienne  railroad.  A  _  great  part  of  the  inscrip- 
tions found  therein  are  supposed  by  M.  Le  Blant 
to  belong  to  the  5th;  century.  Among  the  sar- 
cophagi^ some  were  made  out  of  one  block,  but 
the  majority  were  composed  of  files  and  old 
fragments  ;  in  several  instances  the  tombs  had 
been  placed  one  above  another,  and  some  corpses 
had  been  deposited  between  their  lateral  walls. 
With  the  exception  of  one  which  faced  the  south, 
they  were  regularly  turned  towards  the  east, 
after  the  usual  Christian  manner.  Although 
the  cemetery  had  never,  been  violated,  none  of 
the  epitaphs  were  placed  symmetrically ;  they 
were  found  as  it  were  thrown  hap-hazard 
(comme  jete'es  par  hasard)  upon  the  tombs,  or 
in  the  inside  or  near  them.  A  hasty  sketch,  by 
M.  Girard,  shews  the  irregular  disposition  of  the 
tombs  (Le  Blant,  u.  s.  torn.  ii.  pp.  52-53,  with  a 
figure). 

Recent  excavations  in  an  ancient  cemetery  of 
the  church  of  St.  Jean-des- Vignes,  near  Chalons- 
sur-Saone,  have  revealed  sarcophagi  of  free- 
stone (f/res)  placed  one  above  another  two  or 
three  deep.  They  are  supposed  to  be  of  the 
Merovingian  age  (Le  Blant,  u.  s.  t.  ii.  pp.  543-4). 
At  Lyons,  in  1731,  in  making  a  trench  for 
laying  down  pipes,  a  cemetery  was  discovered 
which  served  at  once  for  Christian  and  pagan 
burials.  The  excavations  were  not  pursued  fur- 
ther than  was  necessary  for  making  the  conduit. 
Of  the  inscribed  stones  which  turned  up  by 
chance  the  greater  number  were  dated,  and 
among  them  was  found  the  earliest  dated  in- 
scription yet  discovered  in  France,  being  of  a.d. 
334  (Le  Blant,  u.  s.  t.  i.  p.  139,  no.  G2  ;  and 
Manuel,  pp.  211,  212). 

The  inscription  was  sometimes  written  in  the 
inside  of  the  sarcophagus,  on  a  slab  forming 
its  bottom.  Two  such  wore  found  at  Briord,  one 
being  made  of  stones  and  bricks,  the  other 
having  its  sides  and  lid  composed  of  tiles  and 
undressed  fragments  (non-tuil/e's).  They  are  at 
least  as  early  as  the  beginning  of  the  sixth 
century  (Le  Blant,  u.  s.  t.  ii.  p.  6,  no.  374;  also 
p.  20,  no.  381). 

(b)  Where  the  Sarcophagi  were  resting  on  the 
Soil. — Such  occur  at  Aliscamps,  near  Aries,  in 
great  numbers.  Le  Blant  (Mauucl,  p.  145) 
observes  that  the  mass  of  tombs  here  struck  the 


1976 


TOMBS 


eyes  of  Dante  and  Ariosto  with  amazemeut.    (/«/. 
ix.  112,  115  ;    Orl  Fur.  xxxix.  st.  72.) 

Le  Bhmt  mentions  an  inscrii)tion  engraved 
"  sur  le  versant  du  couvercle  d'un  sarcophage 
de  pierre."  This  cover,  in  form  of  a  roof,  is 
also  marked  with  a  cross  patt^e  rudely  traced 
with  the  point  («.  s.  t.  ii.  p.  271,  no.  535).  It  is 
undated.  Another  inscription  from  the  same 
jilace  belongs  to  A.D.  541  (Le  Blant,  u.  s.  p.  272,  \ 
no.  537).  De  Rossi  also  mentions  having  | 
seen  at  Alisoamps  cofFius  of  calcareous  stone  | 
with  covei's  of  the  same  shape  incised  with  the  | 
chrisma  and  various  forms  of  crosses,  as  well  as 
lead  coflins  to  contain  the  body  (/.V/i.  Sott.  t.  i. 
J).  95).  When  Mi.  Fairholt  visited  Aliscamps  in 
1856,  he  remarked  that,  in  spite  of  the  numbers 
of  sarcophagi  that  have  been  carried  thence, 
hundreds  still  remain  ;  and  that  for  nearly  a  mile, 
as  the  visitor  walks  from  Aries  to  the  old  church, 
he  passes  between  rows  of  Roman  tombs  lying 
three  and  four  deep  on  each  side  of  him.  The 
best  tombs  have  been  carried  to  the  museums  ;  a 
few  of  those  that  remain  have  sculptured  in- 
scriptions ;  some  bear  the  insignia  of  the  profes- 
sion of  the  dead  which  they  contained,  as  where 
the  carpenter's  adze  and  the  mason's  plumb  and 
line  appear ;  but  the  larger  number  have  the 
Christian  monogram  only.  A  sketch  of  the 
general  appearance  of  a  part  of  the  cemetery  is 
given  (C.  R.  Smith's  Collect.  Ant.  vol.  v.  pp.  43, 
44). 

At  Sivaux  coffins  or  sarcophagi,  engraved  with 
a  cross  or  chrisma  and  bearing  a  simple  name, 
have  been  found  on  an  old  burying-ground 
(champ  de  sepulture).  They  seem  to  be  of  the 
6th  century,  or  thereabouts,  and  among  them 
are  some  which  appear  to  be  pagan  (Le  Blant, 
M.  s.  t.  ii.  pp.  357-359  ;  nos.  576  A-576  a).  Some 
of  the  monuments  of  Aliscamps  and  of  Sivaux 
have  been  drawn  by  Beaumene,  but  not  very 
correctly  (Le  Blant,  u.  s.  t.  i.  p.  25). 

(3)  Burials  in  Churches  and  Sanctuaries. — 
From  the  apse  to  the  middle  of  the  nave  of  the 
ancient  church  of  St.  Peter  of  Vienne  have  been 
found  beneath  the  surface  an  important  series 
of  Christian  tombs,  and  more  recently  others 
reaching  down  to  the  threshold  between  the 
church  and  the  porch.  Towards  the  altar,  where 
the  relics  of  the  martyrs  were  preserved,  they 
were  more  numerous,  and  in  the  choir  were  two 
or  three  deej) ;  but  not  so  near  the  entrance.  The 
coffins  had  been  old  jiagan  sarcophagi,  or  made 
out  of  the  debris  of  ancient  buildings.  The  in- 
scriptions, mostly  cut  in  marble,  have  often  been 
let  into  the  stone  which  re-covered  the  tombs 
(Le  Blant,  u.  s.  ii.  p.  581 ;  see  also  De  Rossi, 
Bom.  Sott.  t.  i.  p.  95,  and  the  reference).  They 
belong,  certainly  in  part,  and  probably  all,  to 
the  6th  century.  Among  these  broken  relics 
was  found  a  piece  of  the  epitaph  of  Sylvia, 
wife  of  the  patrician  Celsus  (a.d.  579),  of  which 
a  complete  copy  exists  in  a  MS.  of  the  9th 
century  (Le  Blant,  u.  s.  p.  582,  and  Manuel,  p. 
219).  A  great  number  of  Gaulish  inscriptions 
shew  that  tombs  were  placed  under  the  protec- 
tion of  the  graves  of  martyrs  (Le  Blant,  u.  s.  i. 
i.  p.  397  ;  see  also  his  Manuel,  pp.  146-148). 

The  tomb  of  Hilary,  bishop  of  Aries,  who  died 
in  449,  was  formerly  in  a  subterranean  chapel 
of  the  church  of  St.  Honoratus  at  that  place. 
It  is  a  sarcophagus  of  white  marble,  and  the 
inscription  is  written  on  the  triangular  end  of 


TOMBS 

the  lid.  It  is  now  preserved  in  the  museum. 
It  reads :  Sacro  |  sanctae  le  |  rjis  antestis  |  (fol- 
lowed by  a  leaf)  Hilarivs  (between  two  doves} 
liic  qviescit  (preceded  by  chrisma,  followed  by 
vase)  I  (Le  Blant,  u.  s.  t.  ii.  p.  252,  no.  515,  pi. 
69,  no.  416).  De  Rossi  remarks  on  the  beauty  of 
the  marble  sarcophagi  with  Christian  sculptures, 
representing  scenes  of  the  Old  and  New  Testa- 
ments, which  are  to  be  seen  at  Marseilles,  Aries, 
Nismes,  Avignon,  and  other  cities  in  the  south  of 
France  (n.  s.  p.  95). 

Zacharias,  third  bishop  of  Lyons,  in  the  be- 
ginning of  the  3rd  century,  laid  the  first  founda- 
tion of  a  cella  known  as  the  church  of  the 
JIaccabees,  and  in  after-times  as  the  church  of  St. 
Justus.  It  was  originally  underground,  being 
a  kind  of  crypt  which  was  carefully  concealed 
from  tlie  knowledge  of  the  pagans ;  therein  were 
deposited  the  remains  of  the  illustrious  martyrs 
of  Lyons,  with  St.  Irenaeus  at  their  head.  In 
the  ruins  of  this  church  were  found  in  the  year 
1736  several  Christian  sepulchral  slabs  of  marble 
belonging  in  part  or  entirely  to  the  5th  century 
(Lfi  Blant,  u.  s.  t.  i.  pp.  39  sqq.).  The  two 
following  are  among  the  most  important : — 

(1)  Flavivs  Flori  [nrs]  |  ex  trihvnis  qvi  vixit  \ 
octuginta  et  \  septim  militavi  (sic)  ann.  \  triginta 
ct  novem  positv  (sic)  |  est  ad  sanctos  et  pro  \  batvs 
annorum  dccini  |  et  octo  hie  commemo  \  ra  [tio  fif] 
santa  in  eclesia  Lvgdcnensi a  |  id  Calendas  Aug. 
(Le  Blant,  no.  41). 

Date  probably  of  the  5th  century,  the  aid 
(ante  diem  primum)  for  pridie  being  a  formula  of 
that  age.     (See  Le  Blant,  u.  s.  p.  338.) 

To  Florinus,  a  tribune,  buried  beside  the  tombs 
of  the  saints  or  martyrs  of  Lyons ;  entered  as  a 
military  probationer,  when  eighteen  years  of 
age ;  mentioned  during  divine  service  in  the 
diptychs,  or  list  of  benefactors  to  the  church. 

This  inscription  is  interesting  as  mentioning 
the  military  profession  of  a  Christian.  Others 
have  been  diligently  collected  by  Le  Blant  (u.  s.). 

(2)  In  hvc  loco  (for  hunc  locum)  reqvievit 
Levcadia  \  deo  sacrata  pvella  qui  (sic)  vitam  | 
svam  provt  proposverat  \  gessit  qvi  vixit  annos 
xvi  tantvm  \  beatior  in  dno  condedit  menteni  \  }}st 
consv  2'Jievdosi  xiii.  The  chrisma  between  two 
doves  facing  each  other  (Le  Blant,  no.  44). 

Post  consulatum  Theodosii  xiii.  gives  a.d.  430 
for  the  date. 

The  qui  twice  occurring  as  feminine  marks  the 
transition  to  the  French  qid. 

Le  Blant's  remarks  on  the  three  forms  of 
Christian  burial  in  France  apply  to  sepulchres 
in  France  of  an  earlier  date  than  the  8th  century. 

There  is  however  another  class  of  tombstones 
which  he  does  not  notice,  belonging,  in  part  at 
least,  to  a  somewhat  later  time,  but  not  al- 
together too  late  to  be  noticed  in  the  present  work. 
Le  Jlen  (in  Revue  Arch.  vol.  xxix.  p.  89,  for 
1875)  observes  that  at  an  ancient  period,  about 
the  8th,  9th,  or  10th  century,  it  was  customary 
in  Lower  Brittany  to  mark  the  graves  of  im- 
portant persons  by  a  long  stone  set  in  the 
ground,  having  the  form  of  a  pyramid  or  trun- 
cated cone,  often  channelled  from  top  to  bottom, 
sometimes  surmounted  by  a  cross  of  stone,  and 
frequently  having  a  cross  patte'e  incised  on  one 


TOMBS 

face.^  They  rarely  bore  any  inscription,  but 
some  few  record  the  names  of  the  deceased.  They 
are  very  numerous  in  the  departments  of  Mor- 
bihan  and  Finisterre.  Messrs.  Haddan  and 
Stubbs  {Councils,  vol.  ii.  pp.  97,  98)  give  an 
account  of  some  of  these  tombstones  and  inscrip- 
tions, one  or  two  of  which  appear  to  be  even  as 
early  as  the  6th  century ;  but  they  observe  that 
they  all  "  need  sifting  and  careful  examination 
to  ascertain  their  real  dates." 

Spain. — A  very  large  proportion  of  the  sepul- 
chral inscriptions  now  remaining  have  been 
removed  from  their  original  sites,  and  the  circum- 
stances under  which  they  were  found  have  not 
been  recorded.  It  is  probable,  however,  that  the 
modes  of  interment  which  prevailed  throughout 
the  country  were  much  the  same  as  in  France. 
All  the  three  kinds  mentioned  by  Le  Blant 
occur  here  also.  Thus,  an  isolated  tomb  of  one 
Oppilanus  was  found  in  1821  in  an  olive-yard  in 
Yillafranca  de  Cordoba.  It  was  a  sarcophagus 
constructed  of  stones,  covered  with  a  large 
marble  slab,  bearing  an  inscription  in  twelve 
lines,  dated  by  the  Spanish  era  680,  i.e.  A.D.  642 
(Hiibner,  Inscr.  Christ.  Hisp.  p.  36,  no.  123).  A 
Christian  cemetery  was  discovered  near  Asque- 
rosa,  about  half  a  league  from  Pinos  de  la  Puente 
(Ilurco).  Full  particulars  of  an  inscribed  slab 
bi-ought  thence,  probably  of  the  5th  or  6th 
century,  are  to  be  found  in  Hiibner  (m.  s.  no.  116). 
We  have  an  example  of  a  tomb  placed  in  a 
sanctuary  at  Alcala  del  Rio  (Ilipa),  where  there 
is  an  ornamental  cippus  erected  in  honour  of 
bishop  Gregory,  A.D.  544.  At  the  top  is  the 
chrisma,  combined  with  the  a  and  a,  enclosed  in 
a  circle.  On  either  side  are  two  quatrefoils, 
one  above  another.  The  inscription,  which  com- 
mences with  the  words  "  In  hoc  tvmvlo  iacet," 
shews  that  the  cippus  was  once  placed  in  im- 
mediate connexion  with  the  grave.  It  is  now 
standing  in  the  chapel,  dedicated  in  the  15th 
century  by  king  Ferdinand  to  this  Gregory, 
which  was  probably  erected  on  the  same  site  as 
a  more  ancient  chapel  (Hiibner,  u.  s.  no.  60). 
Fine  sarcophagi,  sculptured  with  scriptural 
subjects,  probably  of  the  5th  or  6th  century, 
have  been  found  in  the  crypt  of  a  ruined  church 
at  Saragossa  (Hiibner,  u.  s.  no.  152). 

Germany. — For  the  few  notices  of  tombs  which 
follow,  we  are  indebted  mostly  to  De  Rossi.  At 
Augsburg  there  is  a  sepulchral  area  or  "  hortus, 
quern  dudum  Afra  comparaverat  et  in  quo  mau- 
soleum sibi  suisque  esse  decreverat,"  as  a 
Avriter  of  the  15th  century  expresses  it,  perhaps 
following  some  more  ancient  authority.  She 
lies  buried  in  a  sarcophagus  of  calcareous  stone 
similar  to  those  of  Aliscamps.  At  the  beginning 
of  the  present  century  her  coffin  was  found  to 
contain  a  plate  of  lead  inscribed  Afra  in  good 
Roman  uncial  characters,  but  without  any  indi- 
cation of  Christianity.  She  and  her  companions 
suiFered  in  the  Diocletian  persecution,  according 
to  Ruinart  on  August  7,  A.D.  304.  There  are 
also  sarcophagi  of  the  same  kind  without  any 
inscription  whatever  at  Cologne,  in  the  crypt  of 
St.  Gereon  and  in  the  basilica  of  St.  Ursula. 
At  Trier  likewise  were  found  in  the  basilicas 
of  SS.  Paulinus  and  Matthias  a  large  number  of 

k  Christian  symbols  occur  on  a  "  menhir "  near 
Lannion,  in  the  department  of  Cutes  du  Nord.  Sec 
Haddan  and  Stubbs,  vol.  ii.  p.  98,  note. 


TOMBS 


1977 


sarcophagi  similar  to  those  of  Vienne,  mentioned 
above  (De  Rossi,  Rom.  Sott.  t.  i.  pp.  87,  95,  98, 
and  the  references).  At  the  same  place,  as  Le 
Blant  observes,  occurred  a  cemetery  in  which 
Christian  and  pagan  tombs  were  mixed :  on  one 
of  the  former  an  inscribed  tablet  of  white-marble 
was  let  into  a  thick  stone  slab,  which  was  placed 
against  the  side  of  the  lid  ;  this  tomb  was  made 
in  the  form  of  a  roof  turned  upside  down  (u.  s. 
t.  i.  p.  380). 

The  ancient  Franks,  and  perhaps  the  Germanic 
tribes  generally,  buried  the  dead  in  a  wooden 
coffin  (the  noffus  of  their  ancient  laws,  see  Du- 
cange,  s.  v.)  or  in  a  stone  chest  (pctra),  placing 
thereover  small  wooden  structures  covered  with 
drapery  (the  aristato  or  staplum  of  the  same 
laws,  see  Ducange,  s.  v.).  The  Christians  adopted 
this  usage ;  we  read  of  corpses  "  pallis  ac  naufis 
exornata  "  (Greg.  Turon.  de  Glor.  Conf.  c.  20) ; 
and  from  it  our  modern  pall  seems  to  have 
descended.  Sometimes  the  structures  of  wood 
were  larger  (portictdus,  atriolum,  or  hasilica), 
and  were  of  an  oblong  form,  having  four  columns 
and  being  open  on  all  sides  ;  these  also  were 
used  by  the  Christians.  Wendeliu  in  his  Salic 
Glossary  observes  that  up  to  the  year  1000 
almost  all  basilicas  in  Burgundy  were  made  of 
wood  (see  Chiflet,  Anast.  Child.  Regis,  pp.  78- 
80). 

Great  Britain.— In  the  Celtic  parts— that 
is  to  say,  in  Cornwall,  Devonshire,  Wales,  and 
Scottish  and  English  Cumbria — pillar-stones, 
generally  very  rudely  formed,  were  erected  over 
the  graves  of  the  deceased.  They  vary  in  height 
from  about  two  feet  and  a  half  to  twelve  feet, 
the  most  usual  height  being  about  four  or  five 
feet  or  a  little  more  ;  they  are  four-sided,  for  the 
most  part  of  nearly  the  same  breadth  through- 
out their  whole  length,  usually  rounded  at  the 
top,  but  occasionally  sloping  from  the  base  to  a 
point  or  cut  square  (Hiibner,  Inscr.  Brit.  Christ. 
nos.  1,  2,  3,  4,  5,  7,  10,  15,  18,  19,  30,  71,  &c.  ; 
Berlin,  1876).'  A  great  many  of  these  bear  no 
signs  of  Christianit}-,  though  they  are  presumed 
to  be  Christian  by  Hiibner  and  others  ;  but  upon 
some  few  of  them  such  signs  are  manifest  in  the 
chrisma  (the  only  symbol  save  the  cross  which 
occurs),  or  in  words,  as  Christianus,  in  pace,  &c. 
It  is  exceedingly  difficult  to  assign  most  of  them 
to  any  particular  period;  some  however  are  re- 
garded as  probably  belonging  to  the  5th,  while 
others  are  referred  to  various  succeeding  cen- 
turies. The  inscriptions  are  mostly  very  short, 
often  giving  the  name  only,  or  "  Here  lies  (/jiC 
jacet,  more  commonly  ic  jacit)  such  an  one."  In 
some  cases  the  corpse  was  certainly  buried  under 
a  heap  of  stones  and  the  pillar  placed  at  the  top 
(Hiibner,  u.  s.  no.  136);  such  monuments  were 
probably  solitary.  More  usually  the  burials 
were  in  churchyards,  or  in  cemeteries  attached 
to  religious  houses,  many  pillar-stones  having 
been  found  in  such  places  or  built  into  the 
walls  of  churches  and  priories  (Hiibner,  u.  s. 
passim).  These  rude  cippi  are  often  found  not 
in  situ,  some  having  been  converted  into  gate- 
posts (Hubner,  u.  s.  nos.  14,   21,  102,  148),  or 


1  This  important  work  has  appeared  sincclNscRiPTioNS 
(Vol.  r.  p.  SI4.5)  was  written.  Figures  are  frequently 
added.  Prof  AVestwood's  iMpidarium  Walliae  (now  in 
course  of  publication)  gives  splendid  plates  of  tlic  Welsh 
inscriptions. 


19- 


TOMBS 


used  for  stiles,  or  bridges,  or  door-sills  (Hiibner, 
u.  s.  nos.  17,  29,  101). 

The  number  of  Coruish  pillar-stones  bearing 
inscriptions  falling  within  our  period,  whose 
Christianit)'  can  be  counted  upon,  is  extremely 
small.  (See  Hiibner,  u.  s.  nos.  1-22  ;  Haddan 
and  Stubbs,  Councils,  vol.  i.  pp.  162  and  163.) 
In  Devonshire  there  are  no  stones  indubitably 
Christian  bearing  inscriptions  ;  but  stone 
crosses  not  inscribed,  which  are  considered  to 
be  Christian,  occur  in  several  places  here  and  in 
Cornwall. 

In  Wales,  pillar-stones  with  Christian  inscrip- 
tions are  much  more  numerous.  On  one  of  them 
Paulinus  is  commemorated  in  two  barbarous 
hexameters ;  he  is  presumed  to  be  the  bishop  of 
that  name  who  lived  about  the  middle  of  the 
6th  century,  and  who  taught  St.  David  and  St. 
Tilo  at  his  college  of  Whitland.  Another  men- 
tions Idnert,  who  is  supposed  to  be  the  same  as 


SCIIEIPFIAE' 
pjiPVIJACER' 


Kirkmadriae  Pillar-stone.    (Stuart.) 

the  last  bishop  of  Llanbadaru  in  the  first  part  of 
the  8th  century  (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Councils, 
vol.  i.  pp.  164-169,  625). 

In  Scottish  and  English  Cumbria  there  are 
very  few  inscribed  tombstones  whose  Christianity 
is  certain,  but  uninscribed  crosses,  some  orna- 
mented, have  been  found  in  churchyards  in 
Cumberland,  in  Wigtonshire,  and  about  Glasgow. 


TOMBS 

At  Kirkmadrine  in  Wigtonshire,  however,  there 
was  in  the  old  churchyard  a  stone  bearing  the 
chrisma  on  the  upper  part  of  both  back  and 
front.  On  the  front  the  A  KT  to  is  placed  above  the 
chrisma,  which  is  enclosed  in  a  circle,  and  below 
it,  "  Here  lie  the  holy  and  principal  priests,  i.e. 
Viventius  and  Majorius."  It  is  probable  that  it 
is  of  the  5th  century,  and  commemorates  priests 
connected  with  St.  Ninian.  This  stone,  and 
another  bearing  the  chrisma  and  the  name  of 
Florentius,  were  lately  used  as  gate-posts  in  the 
wall  of  the  burying-ground  (Hiibner,  u.  s. 
nos.  205,  206 ;  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  m.  s.  vol.  ii. 
pp.  51,  52), 


The  Bewcastle  Cross.    (Stephens.) 

There  are  very  few  pillar-shaped  monuments 
inscribed  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  language ;  one, 
apparently  sepulchral,  has  been  found  near 
Camelford  in  Cornwall,  but  the  meaning  of  the 
inscription  has  not  been  ascertained  (Hiibner, 
u.  s.  no.  16).  The  Saxon  tombstones  are  princi- 
pally of  two  kinds — stone  crosses  with  long  stem 
and  short  arms  near  the  top,  sometimes  highly 


TOMBS 

ornamented  -with  interlacing  patterns,  &c.,  in- 
scribed with  Runes ;  or  slabs  bearing  incised 
crosses  very  similar  in  style  to  the  Irish  (see 
below),  and  with  Latin  or  Runic  characters. 
Splendid  Runic  crosses  have  been  erected  to  more 
than  one  of  our  early  kings  :  one,  now  mutilated, 
to  Oswin  king  of  Deira,  about  a.d.  651,  now 
reads  only  "  After  (to)  Onswini,  King  ;  "  it  is  at 
Collingham,  Yorkshire.  Another,  at  Bewcastle, 
Cumberland,  was  erected  to  king  Alcfrith  about 
A.D.  670.  The  top  and  both  arms  of  the  cross 
have  been  broken  off;  its  present  height  is  four- 
teen feet  and  a  half,  and  it  is  conjectured  to  have 
been  originally  more  than  twenty  feet  high. 
Upon  it  are  figures  of  John  the  Baptist  with 
lamb,  of  the  Savioui-,  and  of  another  holding 
a  bird  (hawk?).  On  three  of  the  four  sides 
are  vine-branches  and  grapes  ;  two  of  these  have 
also  Runic  inscriptions,  as  has  also  the  fourth, 
where  the  figures  are  seen  in  relief.  The 
longest  inscription  on  this  side  tells  us  that  this 
beacon  (pillar)  was  erected  by  three  persons 
named  "  after  (to)  Alcfrith,  some  time  king  and 
son  of  Osivg."  The  last  sentence,  to  which  a 
cross  is  prefixed,  is  "  Pray  for  his  soul's  great 
sin."  A  third,  the  latest  belonging  to  our  period, 
is  to  Eadulf  (a.d.  705),  of  which  a  small  frag- 
ment only  remains.  It  appears  to  read :  "  This 
is  King  Eadulf 's  grave ;  pray  for  Jus  soul. 
Myredah  made  me,  Hludwyg  inscribed  me"  (see 
Stephens'  Runic  Monuments,  pp.  390,  398,  461). 
A  more  humble,  but  better  preserved  cross  than 
any  of  the  foregoing,  was  found  at  Lancaster  in 
a  churchyard  by  some  men  who  were  digging  a 
grave.  Its  date  is  supposed  to  lie  between  600 
and  700,  and  it  reads  in  Runes :  "  Pray  for 
Cynibalth  ;  God  bless  him."  A  fragment  of 
another  cross,  about  A.d.  700,  to  Hroetberht, 
found  at  Falstone,  Northumberland,  has  a  Saxon 
inscription  written  twice,  in  Runic  and  also 
in  Roman  characters;  and  a  small  piece  of  a 
cross  found  at  Dewsbury  in  Yorkshire  bears 
a  Saxon  inscription,  written  in  Roman  charac- 
ters ;  it  probably  belongs  to  the  7th  or  8th 
century.  (See  fig.  p.  1987.)  Both  inscriptions 
request  prayers  for  the  soul  of  the  dead  (Ste- 
phens, u.  s.  pp.  375,  456,  464). 

Sarcophagi  were  not  unknown  to  the  Anglo- 
Saxons;"  one  of  the  capanna  type,  bearing  a 
Greek  cross  on  the  side  of  one  end,  was  found 
at  Dewsbury  (Fosbroke,  Encycl.  of  Ant.  vol.  i. 
p.  132,  with  fig.  from  Gent.  Mag.  1836,  ii.  p.  38). 
The  lid  of  another,  rounded  at  both  ends,  and 
bearing  a  peculiarly  formed  cross,  on  which  is 
inscribed  in  Runes,  Kitil  Urna  lieth  here,  was 
discovered  at  Dover  (Stephens,  u.  s.  p.  465). 

At  Hartlepool,  in  Durham,  was  found  in  July, 
1833,  the  cemetery  which  belonged  to  the  ancient 
church  of  St.  Hilda.  Several  small  slabs  (cent. 
7  ?),  some  with  Runes  and  some  with  Latin  in- 
scriptions, were  dug  up  about  one  hundred  and 
thirty  yards  distant  from  the  church.  They 
bore  crosses,  with  or  without  A  and  u,  and 
either  the  name  of  the  dead  only,  or  with  the 
addition  of  a  request  for  prayer  on  his  behalf. 
Some  are  said  to  have  been  found  three  feet 
and  a  half  below  the  surface  of  the  soil,  each 
like   a   pillow   under   the    head    of   a    skeleton 


TOMBS 


1979 


"1  For  two  Roman  sarcophagi  in  England,  presumed  to 
be  Christian,  see  Sculptuke. 


placed  north  and  south.  The  largest  of  these 
was  only  a  foot  square,  the  smallest  seven  and 
a  half  by  five  and  a  half  inches.  Bede  (Lib. 
iv.  c.  11)  mentions  that  the  Saxons  some- 
times buried  the  dead  in  stone  coffins,  and  may 
perhaps  allude  to  a  pillow-stone  in  his  account 
of  the  burial  of  Sebbi,  king  of  the  East  Saxons 
(Stephens,  u.  s.  pp.  392-397).  It  is  strange,  if 
true,  that  stones  inscribed  "Pray  for  such  a  one," 
should  be  originally  placed  underground." 

Saxon  tombstones  with  Latin  inscriptions  have 
occurred  in  various  parts  of  ILngland,  mostly 
in  Yorkshire.  On  two  fragments,  perhaps  pieces 
of  a  cross,  we  have  the  name  of  Aedilburga, 
abbess  of  Hackness ;  on  both  pieces  prayers  are 
invoked  for  her  repose.  They  are  of  the  begin- 
ning of  the  8th  century  (Hiibner,  m.  s.  nos.  182, 
183).  For  the  remainmg  tombstones  it  must  be 
sufficient  to  refer  to  Hiibner  (pp.  61-73). 

Ireland. — A  small  number  of  four-sided 
pillars  have  been  found  in  ancient  Irish  cemeteries, 
which  are  of  the  same  general  character  as  those 
of  Wales  and  other  parts  of  Great  Britain.  Most  of 
these  have  been  found  in  the  county  of  Kerry ;  they 
bear  incised  crosses,  which  are  sometimes  accom- 
panied by  the  letters  DNS,  dni,  dno,  for  Dominies, 
Domini,  Domino."  Dr.  Petrie  considered  that 
they  were  "  unquestionably  of  the  5th,  or,  at  the 
latest,  of  the  6th  century  "  (Stokes,  Irish  Christ. 
Inscr.  vol.  ii.  p.  6).  Other  square  pillars,  bear- 
ing crosses  of  various  forms,  have  been  found  at 
Killpeacan  (now  Puckawn),  in  the  county  of 
Tipperary,  standing  close  together  near  the 
ruins  of  an  old  church.?  These  last  bear  every 
appearance  of  being  sepulchral.  Some  of  those 
of  Kerry,  in  Miss  Stokes's  opinion,  viz.  those  bear- 
ing letters  as  above,  do  not  appear  to  have  been 
sepulchral,  but  were  rather  signs  set  up  as 
terminal  crosses  to  mark  the  boundaries  of  the 
sanctuai-y  (u.  s.  vol.  ii.  p.  133).  There  is  a  fine 
quadrangular  pillar-stone  at  Killnasaggart  in 
the  county  of  Armagh,  which  certainly  seems, 
from  the  inscription,  to  have  been  erected  for 
the  latter  purpose  (cf.  the  Whithorn  Inscription, 
Hiibner,  u.  s.  no.  207). 

By  much  the  greater  number  of  sepulchral 
monuments  consist  of  flat  slabs,  which  have 
been  sometimes  found  in  situ.  The  earliest 
which  can  be  approximately  dated  are  of  the 
7  th  century,  and  there  are  others  of  the  8th  and 
of  the  9th.     There  is  little  doubt  that  they  were 


n  May  not  these  little  slabs  have  originally  been  set 
in  sarcophagi  above  ground,  or  in  the  walls  or  floor  of 
the  monastery?  Similar  small  slabs  have  been  found 
in  the  catacombs  of  Rome  (Stephens,  u.  s.  p.  39-4,  from 
Burgou). 

"  The  letters  dxs  are  inscribed  on  one  side  of  an  orna- 
mented cross  in  the  churchyard  at  Nevern  in  Pembroke- 
shire; it  is  supposed  to  be  of  the  Sth  century.  The 
letters  on  the  other  side,  akheh  (?),  have  not  been  ex- 
plained (Hubner,  tc.  s.  no.  103). 

p  At  Killeen  Cormac,  in  the  county  of  Kildare,  there 
is  a  cemetery  about  the  ruins  of  a  very  ancient  church 
which  was  on  the  summit  of  a  mound.  "  Pillar  stones," 
says  Dr.  S.  Fergusson,  "  fragments  of  crosse.f,  and  the 
debris  of  tlie  walls,  which  formerly  supported  the 
terraces,  give  an  appearance  of  singularity  and  antiquity 
to  the  place  which  it  is  difficult  to  describe."  A  sketch 
accompanies  this  notice  in  Stokes,  u.  s.  vol.  ii.  p.  2,  but 
it  does  not  clearly  appear  whether  the  pillar-stones  bear 
crosses  or  not;  one  of  them  has  an  Ogham  inscription, 
with  no  certain  mark  of  Christianity. 


1980 


TOMBS 


always  laid  flat  upon  the  surface  of  the  soil,  or 
in  the  floor  of  a  church  or  other  sacred  building 
over  the  body  of  the  deceased.  The  brief  request 
which  most  of  them  contain  to  pray  for  the 
deceased  seems  to  shew  that  they  could  not  have 
been  buried  along  with  the  corpse,  but  must 
have  been  visible  to  the  eye.  The  greater  part 
of  them  have  been  broken,  so  that  it  is  impos- 
sible to  ascertain  the  dimensions  accurately.  A 
few  are  nearly  perfect,  and  their  dimensions  are 
approximately  as  follows  : — 27  inches  by  20 
(vol.  i.  pi.  xviii.  fig.  47) ;  32  inches  by  18 
(pi.  xix.  lig.  49) ;  40  inches  by  20  (pi.  .\liii. 
fig.  108)  ;  58  inches  by  20  (vol.  ii.  pi.  xv.  tig.  30); 
33  inches  by  12  (pi.  xvi.  fig.  34).  The  great 
ancient  cemetery  of  Ireland  was  at  Clonmacnois, 
or  Cluain,  in  King's  County,  and  princes  and 
nobles  desired  to  be  buried  there  for  the  sake  of 
the  intercession  of  the  patron  saint  Ciaran,  who 
built  the  monastery  at  that  place  about  the  year 
544.  An  ancient  Irisli  poem  speaks  of  men 
"  sleeping  under  the  flags  of  Cluain."  Many  of 
these  flags  of  fine  work  have  been  met  with  in 
digging  graves  and  during  recent  excavations 
(Stokes,  M.  s.  vol.  1.  pp.  4,  5).  Another  singularly 
beautiful  stone,  probably  of  about  the  9th  cen- 
tury, the  time  ''  when  Irish  art  was  at  the 
highest  point,  still  lies  half-buried  in  grass  in 
the  churchyard  of  Durrow  "  in  the  same  county 
(Stokes,  M.  s.  vol.  ii.  p.  57).  At  Termonfechin, 
near  Drogheda,  in  the  county  of  Louth,  a  native 
stone  was  found  in  the  clay  floor  of  the  church 
when  it  was  excavated  about  ten  years  ago.  It 
bears  a  Greek  cross,  and  a  very  early  Celtic 
inscription,  entreating  prayers  for  two  persons 
named,  "  who  made  the  stone  fort "  (Stokes,  u.  s. 
vol.  ii.  p.  70).  Some  sepulchral  stones  were  dis- 
covered in  a  church  of  the  12th  century  at 
Jlona-incha  in  the  county  of  Tipperary,  which 
appear  to  be  greatly  older  than  the  building 
itself,  and  may  have  been  laid  on  the  floor  of 
an  earlier  structure  on  the  site  (Stokes,  u.  s. 
A'ol.  ii.  pp.  35-37).  jMiss  Stokes  remarks  that 
"  while  the  standing  crosses  "  (jione  earlier  than 
the  10th  century,  as  it  would  appear)  "  through- 
out Ireland  are  much  alike,  there  is  a  marked 
dissimilarity  in  the  sepulchral  slabs  found  in  the 
difterent  ancient  burial-grounds  throughout  the 
country  "  (Stokes,  u.  s.  vol.  i.  p.  8).  These  were, 
in  perhaps  every  instance,  marked  with  a  cross 
of  some  kind.     Sometimes  a  simple  Greek  cross 


Tombstone  reading  "  Colman  the  Poor."    (Stokes.) 

precedes  a  proper  name,  as  that  of  Colman  at 
Clonmacnois,  who  died  A.D.  661.  The  Ogham 
following  the  name  answers  to  the  Irish  word 
bocht,  i.e.  j)oor  (Stokes,  u.  s.  vol.  i.  p.  16). 
Sometimes  an  ornamented  Greek  cross  has  a 
circle  about  the  centre,  and  each  arm  is  termi- 
nated by  a  semicircle,  as  that  of  Colomban,  who 


TOMBS 

died  A.D.  628  (Stokes,  u.  s.  vol.  i.  pp.  15,  1(5, 
pi.  i.  fig.  3  ;  see  also  Vol.  I.  p.  847).  But  the 
j)eculiarly  Irish  form  is  the  Latin  cross  having 
a  circle  about  the  centre,  of  which  the  earliest 
perfect  example  is  seen  on  the  slab  of  Cuindless 
at  Clonmacnois;  he  died  A.D.  724  (Stokes,  t<.  s. 
vol.  i.  p.  18).  Crosses,  both  Greek  and  Latin, 
are  sometimes  enclosed  in  parallelograms.  For 
the  various  details  of  ornamentation,  see  Stokes, 
U.S.  vol.  ii.  pp.  138-146. 

Respecting  the  tombs  of  other  countries,  a 
very  few  words  must  suffice.  In  most  of  them 
they  appear  to  be  of  much  the  same  general 
character  as  those  which  have  been  already 
mentioned.  There  are  cippim  Egypt  (Boeckh, 
no.  9131),  in  Asia  Minor  (/(i.  no.  9165),  as  well 
as  in  Greece  and  the  adjacent  islands  (id.  no.  9311 
sqq.  nos.  9292,  9299).  Sarcophagi  appear  to 
have  been  general  throughout  Asia  Minor  {id. 
nos.  9206,  9264,  9283),  and  have  been  found  in 
considerable  numbers  in  the  cemeteries  of  Cory- 
cus  in  Cilicia  {id.  no.  9163,  with  fig.,  sqq.).  They 
occur  also  in  Africa,  one  sculptured  with  the 
Good  Shepherd  between  sheep  (Keniei-,  Inscr. 
Mom.  dc  I'Ahj^rie,  nos.  2293,  4031). 

It  is  curious  to  observe  that  the  columns  of 
the  peristyle  of  the  Parthenon  have  been 
converted,  so  to  say,  into  Christian  tombstones. 
Upon  them  are  inscribed  in  situ  a  great  number 
of  Christian  epitaphs,  the  earliest  of  which 
a])pear  to  be  of  the  7th  and  8th  centuries,  while 
they  go  down  as  low  as  the  14th  (id.  nos.  9350- 
9421).  Their  genuineness,  however,  has  been 
denied  (Ritter,  de  Comp.  Tit.  Christ,  p.  2). 

Cemeteries  were  attached  to  churches  or 
monasteries  in  Nubia  (id.  no.  9122)  and  in  Asia 
Minor  (iJ.  nos.  9249,  9268).i  Burials  in  churches 
perhaps  occurred  at  Constantinople  and  in  Thes- 
saly  (id.  9447,  9424),''  but  appear  to  have  been 
rare  throughout  the  East  generally,  at  all  events 
in  early  times. 

Tombs  excavated  in  rocks  occur  at  Jerusalem 
and  elsewhere.  On  the  side  of  the  mountain 
called  the  Hill  of  Ofience  facing  Mount  Zion,  a 
series  of  subterranean  chambers  have  been  cut 
out,  each  containing  one  or  more  repositories  for 
the  dead,  carved  in  the  rock  of  the  sides  of 
those  chambers.  M.  Clermont  Ganneau  has 
lately  discovered  here  several  small  sarcophagi, 
or  rather  ossuary  chests,  some  bearing  Hebrew 
and  some  Greek  inscriptions,  in  which  the  name 
of  the  deceased  is  accompanied  by  a  cross  ;  these, 
he  thinks,  are  almost  coeval  with  Christianity 
in  Palestine  (De  Rossi,  Bull.  1874,  pp.  155-158'; 
Quart.  Statem.  Pal.  Expl.  Fund,  1874).  Over 
the  entrance  of  some  of  the  sepulchres  are  Greek 
inscriptions,  to  which  crosses  are  usually  pre- 
fixed. One  of  them  is  over  the  door  of  the 
chamber  appropriated  to  Jeremiah,  a  monk  of 
the  monastery  of  St.  Thecla  (id.  no.  9139). 
These  tombs  are  without  ornament,  and  are 
supposed  to  be  earlier  than  some  other  sepul- 
chres  at  no  great  distance  from  them  at  Acel- 


q  Hamilton  (Researches  in  Asia  Minor,  p.  390)  says  that 
the  columns  and  capitals  in  this  burial-ground  at  Nefez 
Kieui  in  Galatia  are  Byzantine.  These  tombs  must  have 
been  of  a  considerable  size. 

"■  The  epitaph  at  Constantinople  is  supposed  to  be 
of  about  the  6th  century.  That  at  Lamia  in  Thessaly 
of  about  the  4th,  Query:  Are  they  in  their  original 
sites  ? 


TOMBS 

dama.  In  some  of  these  last,  which  may 
probably  be  of  about  the  4th  or  5th  century, 
are  ancient  paintings  upon  the  sides  and  roof 
of  the  chambers,  representing  tlie  apostles  and 
others  with  nimbi  about  their  heads  (Clarke's 
Travels,  vol.  ii.  pp.  549-571  ;  Boeckh,  u.  s.  pp. 
441-443).  Sepulchral  caves  occur  also  in  North 
Syria  (Boeckh,  u.  s.  no.  9152),  in  various  parts  of 
Asia  Minor  {id.  nos.  9211,  9259),  and  in  Malta 
(no.  9450).' 

We  have  said  nothing  of  certain  architectural 
monuments  of  a  sepulchral  character  erected  in 
memory  of  Christian  princes,  such  as  the  tomb 
of  the  empress  Helena  outside  Rome,  the  mauso- 
leum at  Home  of  Constantia,  a  daughter  of  the 
emperor  Constantine,  both  circular  buildings  witli 
domes ;  of  the  cruciform  funeral  chapel  of  Galla 
Placidia  at  Kavenna,  or  of  the  splendid  mauso- 
leum of  Theodoric  the  Great  at  the  same  place  : 
for  these  see  Chapel,  Church,  also  the  well- 
known  works  of  Hiibsch,  Quast  and  Fergusson, 
where  figures  will  be  found.  The  ruins  of  a  very 
few  others  still  survive.  One  known  as  the 
mausoleum  of  St.  Soteris,  of  circular  form  and 
of  gigantic  size,  stands  beside  the  Appian  Way, 
not  far  from  the  above-ground  cemetery  of  St. 
Callistus  (De  Rossi,  Eom.  Sott.  torn.  i.  tav.  1 ; 
tom.  iii.  p.  465).  Another,  whicli  De  Rossi 
considers  to  belong  to  the  martyr  Tibertius  and 
other  companions  of  St.  Cecilia,  is  to  be  seen 
above  the  cemetery  of  Praetextatus ;  it  is  of 
he.>;agonal  form  and  having  six  apses  (De  Rossi, 
u.  s.  p.  471).  He  points  out  that  a  martyrium 
described  by  St.  Gregory  Nyssen  was  of  octago- 
nal form  surmounted  by  a  dome  (u.  s.  pp.  459- 
472).  It  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  many 
more  Christian  sepulchral  monuments  of  an 
architectural  character  have  perished.  There 
are  several  imperial  laws  of  the  4th  and 
5th  centuries  (for  which  see  Bingham,  xxiii. 
c.  4)  directed  against  the  violation  of  tombs  in 
general ;  one  of  Constans  condemns  the  abstrac- 
tion of  columns  and  marbles,  and  another  of 
Constantius  the  transferring  of  the  materials  of 
sepulchral  buildings  to  private  houses.  These 
laws  were  issued  to  protect  such  sepulchres 
without  religious  distinction,  and  rich  Christians 
spared  no  expense  in  the  erection  of  these  edifices  ; 
see  the  passage  from  St.  Basil  quoted  above. 

B.  Objects  found  in  Tombs. 
The  Christians,  in  common  with  their  heathen 
neighbours,  were  in  the  habit  of  placing  a  variety 
of  objects  in  the  tombs  of  their  departed  friends. 
A  Christian  motive  is  sometimes  evident  in  their 
selection,  although  for  the  most  part  it  has  not 
been  influenced  by  any  such  consideration. 
Many  of  them  have  been  already  incidentally 
mentioned  [OBSEtiUiES  of  the  Dead,  p.  1433]  ; 
a  variety  of  personal  ornaments  and  articles  of 
the  toilet  are  amongst  the  objects  most  com- 
monly found.  The  waste  to  which  the  custom 
of  thus  placing  gold  and  silver  ornaments  led 
became  indeed  everywhere  so  excessive  that  an 
imperial  edict,  though  not  always  enforced,  was 


TOMBS 


1981 


s  De  Rossi  mentions  that  pictures  like  those  in  the 
catacombs  of  Rome  are  to  be  seen  in  a  Christian  cavern 
in  the  Cyrenaica,  and  that  a  similarly  painted  vault 
occurs  in  a  chamber  excavated  in  a  rock  in  the  Crimea 
(«oj)i.  Sou.  vol.  i.  p.  100).  Probably  these  were  sepul- 
chral. 


issued  to  check  the  custom.  [BuRlAL  OF  the 
Dead,  Vol.  1.  p.  253.]  The  most  remarkable 
example  is  the  large  marble  coffin  of  the  child 
Maria,  who  had  been  affianced  to  the  emperor 
Honorius,  which  was  placed  in  the  ;  Basilica 
of  St.  Peter  of  Rome ;  it  was  found,  when 
it  was  opened  in  1544,  to  contain  an  immense 
quantity  of  jewellery  among  many  other  things, 
as  will  be  seen  by  the  following  epitome  of 
its  contents :  a  vest,  cloak,  &c.,  made  of  silk 
and  cloth  of  gold,  from  which  forty  pounds  of 
gold  were  extracted  by  melting ;  a  large  silver 
box  containing  many  vases  and  articles  in  crystal, 
great  and  smallj  one  in  the  shape  of  a  nautilus 
fitted  up  with  gold  settings  for  a  lamp ;  other 
vases  and  little  animals  in  agate  and  in  gold, 
little  vessels  of  gold,  a  gold  heart,  gold  buckles 
adorned  with  gems,  rings  and  hoops  of  gold  of 
various  patterns,  gold  pendants,  and  perhaps  the 
remains  of  a  rattle  (crepundid),  crosses  made  of 
red  and  green  gems,  crosses  of  gold  set  with 
gems,  earrings  of  precious  stones,  necklaces  of 
gold  and  gems,  gold  bi'acelets,  a  gold  pin  bearing 
the  names  of  Maria  and  Honorius,  a  silver  pin 
and  many  fragments  of  precious  stones,  besides 
other  articles.  (Chiflet,  Anast.  Child.  Regis,  pp. 
55,  56,  quoting  Surius;  King,  Gnostics,  pp.  123- 
125,  quoting  Fanno  ;  De  Rossi,  Bull.  1863,  pp. 
53  sqq.)  With  this  may  be  compared  the  objects 
found  in  1653  in  the  tomb  of  the  pagan  king 
Childeric  at  Tournai,  enumerated  by  Chiflet 
{u.  s.  pp.  37-39,  188,  189).  For  the  splendid 
contents  of  the  Christian  tombs  of  Helena,  mother 
of  Constantine,  of  Narses,  duke  of  Italy  (who 
died  568),  of  Clovis,  and  of  Charlemagne,  see 
Chiflet,  u.  s.  pp.  59,  60,  91,  and  compare  Archaeo- 
logia,  vol.  iii.  pp.  389-90.  So  far  as  the  Roman 
catacombs  are  concerned,  these  objects  are  enu- 
merated under  Catacombs,  Vol.  I.  p.  314.  See 
also  Martigny,  Diet.  Ant.  Chret.  under  "  Objets 
trouves  dans  les  Tombeaux  Chretiens,"  and  De 
Rossi's  Rom.  Sott.  t.  iii.  p.  305,  for  impressions 
of  others  remaining  in  the  exterior  mortar  of  the 
loculi.  They  have  also  been  found,  though  not 
in  equal  numbers  in  other  countries,  particularly 
in  Gaul  (Cochet,  La  Normandie  Souterraine,. 
passim  and  plates).  Some  of  these  occasionally 
bear  Christian  devices,  more  especially  rings  (see- 
Rings  ;  Gems).  Fibulae  have  also  occurred  in 
tombs  of  the  Merovingian  age,  on  which  Daniel 
is  seen  between  two  lions  :  in  one  instance  his 
name  is  added  (Le  Blant,  u.  s.,  pi.  42,  87).  Th& 
abbe  Greppo  possessed  a  silver  hair-pin  of  six 
faces  above,  on  the  first  of  which  was  written 
ROMVLA  (the  name  of  the  owner),  on  the  third 
VIVAS  IN  DEO,  on  the  fifth  SEMPER;  it  was 
probably  found  in  the  catacombs  of  Rome 
(Perret,  Caiac.  vol.  iv.  pi.  20,  no.  5,  and  vol. 
vi.  p.  120 ;  Martigny,  u.  s.).  A  pendant,  com- 
posed of  two  onyx-stones  joined  together  by 
a  circle  of  gold  ornamented  on  the  edge  with 
four  emeralds  and  ten  rubies,  was  discovered  in 
the  tomb  of  Maria.     On  one  face  was  inscribed 

HOxXORI  I   MARIA  |  STILICHO  |  SERENA   |  Vn-.-lTIS, 

on  the  other  stilicho  |  serena  |  thermantia 
I  EUCHERI  I  ViVATis  ]  ,  witli  the  chrisma  (_^) 
in  the  centre  of  each  side  (Perret,  u.  s.  pi.  IG, 
no.  78).  The  comb  of  St.  Lupus  (died  623),  pre- 
served in  the  treasury  of  the  cathedral  of  Sens, 
was  probably  placed  in  his  tomb  with  a  religious 
feelinf,  as  priests  were  accustomed  to  comb  their 


1982 


TOMBS 


hair  before  celebrating  the  Eucharist  (Martigny, 
11.  s. ;  Ducange,  s.  v.  Pectcn). 

Vestments  are  also  frequently  found  in  tombs  : 
for  Maria  see  above  ;  for  Coustautine,  who  was 
placed  in  a  gold  coffin,  clothed  in  the  imperial 
purple  and  having  a  diadem  on  his  head,  see  Eus. 
Yd.  Const,  lib.  iv.  c.  60  ;  and  for  Charlemagne, 
who  was  dressed  in  his  imperial  robes,  see  Ar- 
chaeologia,  u.  s.  Military  men  were  buried  in 
military  garments  :  St.  Gereon  was  clothed  in  a 
soldier's  purple  cloak  and  black  leather  belt 
(Chiflet,  u.  s.  pp.  95,  197).  See  more  on  this 
subject  generally  under  Obsequies  of  the 
Dead,  §  v.  p.  14'J8. 

The  insignia  of  office  of  those  interred  therein 
have  often  been  found  in  tombs.  Sebert,  king  of 
the  East  Angles,  was  buried  with  his  royal  robes 
and  thumb-ring  set  with  a  ruby  ;  while  Charle- 
magne had  his  sword  girt  at  his  side,  and  oppo- 
site to  him  were  suspended  his  golden  sceptre 
and  golden  sliield,  which  had  been  consecrated 
by  pope  Leo  III.  {Archacoloijia,  u.  s.).  Ecclesiastics 
were  also  sometimes  buried  with  the  symbols  of 
their  office.  In  the  last  century  the  tomb  at 
Clonmacnois  of  St.  Ciaran  (died  a.d.  54-4-)  was 
opened,  and  amongst  other  things  his  chalice 
and  crozier  were  found  therein  (Stokes,  Irish 
Christ.  Inscr.  vol.  i.  i>i).  1,  3).  A  pectoral  cross 
of  lead  and  a  small  chalice  were  found  among 
other  objects  in  the  grave  of  Birinus,  bishop  of 
Dorchester,  who  died  A.D.  650  (Surius,  de  Vit. 
Sanct.  Dec.  3,  vol.  vi.  p.  220,  Yen.  1681).  And 
when  the  tomb  of  St.  Cuthbert,  who  died  687, 
was  opened  in  the  12th  century,  an  onyx  cha- 
lice was  discovered  beside  his  body  [Chalick]. 
To  descend  to  people  of  lower  rank,  implements 
of  handicraft,  some  of  which  have  been  mistaken 
for  instruments  of  torture,  have  been  found  in 
the  loculi  of  the  catacombs  [CATACOilBS,  Vol.  I. 
p.  314]. 

Lamps,  pottery,  and  glass  of  various  kinds  have 
occurred  both  in  the  inside  and  outside  of  tombs 
in  many  parts  of  the  Christian  world  [Cata- 
combs, u.  s. ;  L.AMPS,  Pottery,  Glass].  Bay 
leaves  have  also  been  found  under  the  head  of 
the  corpse  or  elsewhere  in  the  coffin ;  they  were 
placed  there  in  token  of  triumph  over  death 
(Martigny,  ?t.  s.). 

The  instruments  by  which  their  sufferings 
were  inflicted  were  sometimes  placed  within 
the  tombs  of  martyrs  [see  Obsequies,  p.  1434]. 
Martigny  has  collected  references  to  other  in- 
stances. Leaden  rolls  containing  the  acts  of 
their  passion  have  also  been  found  buried  with 
martyrs  (Boldetti,  Gimit.  pp.  322-324,  and  tav. 
ii.  no.  3). 

Perhaps  the  only  other  objects  discovered  in 
tombs  which  need  be  mentioned  here  are  coins  and 
medals.  The  first  Christians,  says  Bosio,  when 
they  buried  martyrs,  were  accustomed  to  bury 
with  them  the  coins  of  the  emperor  under  whom 
they  suffered  {Rom.  Subt.  lib.  iv.  c.  31).  This 
may  explain  the  finding  of  coins  of  Diocletian 
in  the  tomb  of  Caius,  bishop  of  Rome  (a.d.  283- 
296.  Boldetti,  Cunit.  pp.  102-3).  But  in  a  single 
tomb  of  the  cemetery  of  St.  Agnes,  Buonarotti 
counted  more  than  ten  coins  of  different  emperors 
of  different  times  (Buon.  Vetri  orn.  di  Fig.  Pref. 
p.  xi.).  Roman  money  of  various  periods  has 
also  been  found  in  the  Christian  tombs  of  Gaul 
and  Germany  (Le  Blant,  Insc.  Chret.  de  la  Gaule, 
t.  i.  pp.   210,   345;    Boldetti,    Cimit.    p.    644). 


TOMBS 

Coins  and  medals  have  likewise  been  seen  fixed 
on  the  outside  of  tombs  in  the  catacombs,  perhaps 
for  the  sake  of  recognition  only  (Buon.  Osservaz. 
sopra  ale.  Medagl.  referred  to  by  Martigny,  u.  s. 
among  other  authorities).  Their  impressions 
have  sometimes  remained  on  the  moi-tar,  clearly 
shewing  the  types,  after  the  coins  have  vanished 
(De  Rossi,  Horn.  Sott.  t.  iii.  pp.  305,  309). 

C.  Select  Sepulchral  Inscriptions. 
(See  also  Catacombs,  Vol.  I.  pp.  303-4-7-8-11.) 
The  small  collection  here  given  has  immediate 
reference  to  the  article  on  I^•SCRIPTI0NS  (Vol.  I. 
pp.  841-862).  Those  which  are  there  figured 
(pp.  846,  847)  will  all  be  found  written  out  and 
in  some  cases  translated  below.  They  were 
selected  mostly  with  a  view  to  illustrate  the 
different  styles  of  palaeography  and  the  different 
symbols  exhibited  in  different  epitaphs.  They 
likewise  serve  to  illustrate  the  general  subject 
of  the  present  article,  which  contains  a  few 
additional  figures  ;  one  having  symbols  not  men- 
tioned or  represented  above  (pp.  847,  848).  Tlie 
following  selection  and  the  examples  already 
cited  in  this  article  have  been  chosen  to  illustrate, 
so  far  as  could  be  done  by  a  limited  number,  the 
various  points  of  interest  which  epitaphs  present, 
such  as  their  different  ages,  styles,  grammatical 
peculiarities,  contractions  of  words  and  modes  of 
dating,  as  well  as  for  their  intrinsic  historical, 
ecclesiastical,  or  doctrinal  importance.  Thus 
the  three  earliest  known  dated  inscriptions,  all 
in  Rome,  are  here  given,  as  well  as  the  earliest 
of  those  in  our  own  country,  which  belong 
to  the  latter  part  of  the  period  comprised  in 
this  work.  Examples  of  the  varied  forms  of 
composition  will  here  be  found,  including  the 
most  ancient,  which  have  much  in  common 
with  pagan  epitaphs, ;ind  those  of  several  definite 
Christian  types  which  differ  in  different  countries. 
A  few  instances  of  the  solecisms,  incorrect  spell- 
ings, and  peculiar  uses  of  words  as  well  as  of 
the  contractions  of  words  (see  Ixsceiptions,  §§ 
v.  vii.),  occur  in  the  epitaphs  now  given  at 
length.  The  different  modes  of  dating  by  con- 
sulates, post-consulates,  indictions,  eras  of  pro- 
vinces, reigns  of  kings,  or  cyclic  periods  of  time, 
will  also  here  be  exemplified  (see  u.  s.  §  vi.). 

1.  Italy. 
1.  (De  Rossi,  Inscr.  Urh.  Rom.  no.   3,  p.  7.) 
Found   by  Boldetti  in  the   cemetery  of  Lucina 
on  the  Via  Ostiensis. 

SERVILIA   .    ANNORVJI   .   XIII   . 
PIS   .   ET    .   BOL   .    COSS   . 

Scrvilia,  13  years  old,  (buried)  in  the  considate 
of  Piso  and  Bolanus. — Piso  and  Bolanus  were 
consuls  A.D.  111.  The  earliest  complete  Chris- 
tian inscription  yet  found.'  The  place  of  finding, 
the  omission  of  D  .  M  .  and  the  simplicity  of  the 
diction,  unite  in  proving  that  the  epitaph  is 
Christian.      After  this  no    dated  Christian  in- 


'  Only  two  earlier  are  given  by  De  Rossi,  both  very 
incomplete :  one,  a.d.  71,  a  fragment  recording  two 
burials  in  one  tomb,  from  the  Catacombs,  reading  only 

[KAL  ?  A]VG   .  VESPASIAXO  lU  COS.    ||    .    .   .    .    [KAL  .']  IAN   . 

(p.  I).     The  other,   a.d.    107,   from  the  cemetery  of 
Lucina,  reading  in  one  (the  last)  line  n.  (i.e.  ann[orum]) 

XXX.      SVRA  .  ET  .  SENEC  .  COSS  .  (p.  3). 


TOMBS 

scription  of  Rome  (or  indeed  of  any  place  what- 
ever) has  been  found  until  a.d.  204. 

2.  (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  no.  6.)  Rome,  cemetery  of 
St.  Hermes. 

TI.    CL.    JIARCIANVS  .    ET  . 
CORNELIA  .    HILARITAS  . 

CORNELTAE  .  PAVLAE  .  PAR.  (parentes) 

FECR.    (fecerunf)   quae.   vix.  axn.   x.  dieb. 

(dies) 
VIII.    dec.    (decessit)  x.    kal.    avg.  max.  et  . 

VRB.    COS. 

A  fish  and  an  anchor  below.  Ma.ximus  and 
Urbanus  were  consuls  a.d.  234.  Tiberius 
Claudius  Marcianus  is  an  example  of  the  tria 
ncmina ;  they  have  not  been  hitherto  found  on 
any  Christian  epitaph  known  to  be  later  than 
the  3rd  century.  This  is  the  earliest  inscription 
bearing  Christian  symbols. 

3.  (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  no.  11,  p.  18.  Engraved  in 
Inscriptions,  Vol.  I.  p.  846.)  Rome,  from  the 
cemetery  of  Saturninus  ;  letters  not  incised,  but 
liainted  in  vermilion  :  the  points  do  not  indicate 
separations  of  words. 

Zatin  Inscription  in  Greek  cJiai-acters  : — 

KnCOYAE    KAYAEin     EA    nATEPNH 

NQNEIC 
NOBENBPEIBOYC      AEIE      BENEPEC 

AOYNA    XXIIII 
AEYKEC    *EAEIE     CEBHPE     KAPEC- 

CEME    nOCOYETE 

EA  EicnEiPEirn 

CANKTH   TOYH   MOPTOYA  ANNOYH- 

POM   LV 
EA    MHCnPHN    XI    AEYPQN    X. 

Or,  in  Roman  characters  : — 

KOSVLE  (consule)  klvdeio  (Claudio) 

ED  (et)  paterno  NONeis  (nonis) 

nobenbreibovs  (Novembribus)  deie  (die) 
beneres  (Veneris)  lovna  (luna)  xxiiii 

LEVKES  PHELEIE  (filiae)  SEBERE  (Severae)  ka- 
RESSEIIE  (carissimae)  posvete  (posuit) 

ED  (et)  EISPEIREITO  (ispirito,  for  spiritui) 
SANKTO  (sancto)  TOVO  (tuo)  iiORTOVA  (mor- 
tua)  ANNVOROM  (annorum)  lv. 

ED  (et)  MESORON  (mensium)  xi  devron  (die- 
rum)  X. 

In  the  consulship  of  Claudius  and  Paternus,  on 
the  nones  of  November,  on  the  day  of  Venus  (i.e. 
Friday,  Nov.  5),  the  twenty-fourth  of  the  moon. 
Levees  (Lucens  ?)  erected  this  to  his  dearest 
daughter,  Severa,  and  to  thy  holy  soul.  She  dipd, 
aged  fifty-five  years,  eleven  months  and  ten  days. 
Date  a.d.  269. 

"  The  infle.xions  of  this  epitaph,  some  of  which 
appear  also  in  an  epitaph  of  the  year  291,  betray 
its  Greek  origin,  almost  as  plainly  as  the  cha- 
racters in  which  it  is  written  "  {Edinh.  Rev. 
July  1864,  p.  233).  The  transition  from  ejus  to 
tuo  has  its  parallel  in  pagan  inscriptions.  See 
McCaul,  Christian  Epitaphs,  p.  23. 

This  inscription  has  been  rendered  femous  by 
Lnpi's  special  treatise  thereon. 

For  the  mode  of  dating,  see  De  Rossi's  notes 
and  Prolegom,  cap.  De  Cyclicis  lempjorum,  notes. 

"  The  mention  of  the  persons  who  made  the  tomb  is 
general  in  pagan  inscriptions,  but  fell  before  long  into 
disuse  among  Christians. 


TOMBS 


1983 


4.  (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  no.  23,  p.  27.  Engraved  in 
Vol  I.  p.  846.)  Found  in  the  cemetery  of 
bi.  Laurentius,  Rome,  in  1699  ;  the  tablet  wa.s 
affi.xed  to  the  loculus,  to  which  a  bloody  (')  vessel 
[Glass]  was  attached. 

,  2i/xTAiH:ia,  %  Ka\  KaKuivv/xos,  ((rjaev  irrj  la 
VfJ-fpas  Ky.  ire\e{,Tr]ff€v  npo  ly  /caA.  No/SeyUySpiw 
^avrrrifi  Kal  FaWw  inrdrois. 

SimpUcia,  who  was  also  well  named  (i.e.  as 
being  of  a  simple  disposition),  died  on  the  thir- 
teenth day  before  the  Calends  of  November  (Oct. 
20),  m  the  consulship  of  Faiistus  and  Gallus  (i  e 
A.D.  298).  ^ 

A  very  early  example  of  a  Greek  Christian 
inscription  with  a  date.  For  the  play  on  the 
name  see  Inscriptions,  Vol.  J.  p.  852. 

5.  (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  no.  1192.)  Fragment  of  a 
Roman  catacomb-stone,  "tabula  coemeterialis," 
now  at  Velitrae. 

D   M 
leopardvs  qui  vixit  [annos  .  .  .  ] 
ET  MENSES  N  (numero)  xi  deo  R  (reddidit) 

s  (spiritum)  Sa[nctvm] 
elatvs  est  viii  idvs  avg.  [cons  .  .  .] 

AVG 

The  great  interest  attaching  to  tlie  fragment 
is  the  occurrence  of  d  .  m  (for  Dis  Manihus')  on 
a  Christian  inscription.  A  ie'^  other  examples 
of  the  same  kind  are  found  ;  nearly  all,  like  the 
present,  supposed  to  be  earlier  than  the  4th 
century.  (See  Vol.  I.  p.  851  ;  McCaul,  u.  s.  p.  60  ; 
Martigny,  Diet.  s.  v.  D.  M.)  It  has  been  vari- 
ously explained;  either  as  being  engraved  bv 
stonecutters  on  the  blank  stones  in  advance 
before  they  were  sold  for  actual  use,  or  as  re- 
peated by  Christians  by  the  force  of  pagan  ex- 
ample and  habit  without  definite  meaning 
attached,  or  as  implying  a  certain  fusion  of 
heathenism  with  Christianity.  Such  a  fusion 
in  respect  of  this  very  matter  appears  in  a 
Christian  epitaph  (quoted  by  McCaul,  u.  s.  p.  63), 
sanctique  tui  numes  p)etentihus  adsint.  In  one 
example  the  chrisma  is  on  either  side  of  D.  m. 
(De  Rossi,  Bull.  1873,  tav.  xi.)  Deo  reddidit 
spiritum  sanctum  is  an  expression  found  only  on 
Christian  monuments.  Elatus  est  is  very  rarely 
met  with  except  in  pagan  epitaphs.  The  date, 
now  lost,  is  from  the  consulate  of  some  em- 
peror. 

6.  (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  no.  48.  Engraved  in  Vol.  I. 
p.  847.)  From  the  cemetery  of  Callistus  and  Prae- 
textatus,  Rome.  A  marble  tablet,  which  had 
once  been  the  side  of  a  sarcophagus  ;  the  original 
inscription  having  been  obliterated  : — 

Eq(uitius)  Heraclius,  qui  fuit  in  saeculum  (sae- 
culo)  an(nos)  xix,  m(enses)  vii,  d(ies)  xx,  lector 
r(egionis)  sec{undae).  Fecerun{t)  (sc.  parentes) 
sibi  ct  filio  suo  benemerenti  in  p{ace).  Decesit 
(sic)  vii  Irus  (Idus)  Februarias,  Urso  et  Polemic 
conss  (consulibus)  (i.e.  Feb.  7,  a.d.  338). 

Rome  was  divided  into  seven  ecclesiastical 
districts  or  regions,  and  Heraclius  was  attached 
as  a  reader  to  the  second  of  these. 

This  inscription  shews  examples  of  the  various 
leaves,  points,  and  marks  which  are  frequent  in 
Christian  inscriptions,  besides  the  symbols  of  the 
chrisma  (of  unusual  form),  the  dove,  and  palm- 
branches. 

7.  (De  Kn-isi,  n.  s.  no.  55.  Engraved  in  ^'ol.  I. 
]).  84G.)     From  the  cemetery  of  Theodora. 


1984 


TOMBS 


Constantio  A^uj.  II.  et  Constanti  Aruj.  [_Conss] 
Nonis  Deconh.  Claudianus  dormit  in  {pace']  (i.e. 
Dec.  5,  A.D.  339). 

Principally  remarkable  as  a  piece  of  rude  and 
hasty  palaeography  on  mortar. 

8.  (De  Rossi,  Bull,  di  Arch.  Crist.  1863,  p.  17. 
Engraved  in  Vol.  I.  p.  847.)  Discovered  in  front 
of  the  square  crypt  in  the  cemetery  of  Praete.\- 
tatus,  Rome. 

Bcatissimo  Mart'jri  Jamuirio  Damas^is  Episco- 
pus  fecit. 

Date  of  inscription  determined  by  the  pontifi- 
cate of  Damasus  (A.D.  366-384).  (Januarius 
was  martyred  in  305.) 

From  a  few  fragments  De  Rossi  happily  re- 
stores this  inscription,  which  is  written  in  the 
beautiful  Damasine  character. 


TOMBS 

later  period  hi/  Pope  Sijmmachus  or  Vigilius,  or 
John  III.  (A.D.  49 8-5 7 3), /oitnrf  in  the  cemetery 
of  St.  Callistus. 

The  restored  inscription  itself,  beautifully 
written  in  vermilion,  required  the  restoring 
hand  of  De  Rossi,  who  has  pieced  all  the  frag- 
ments together,  and  has  thus  obtained  the  whole 
epitaph,  with  scarcely  the  loss  of  a  single  letter. 
In  addition  to  this,  nine  morsels  of  the  original 
inscription  written  in  the  splendid  calligraphy 
of  Damasus,  or  rather  of  his  artist  Philocalus, 
were  obtained,  and  their  places  were  of  course  at 
once  determined  from  the  restored  inscription 
(De  Rossi,  m.  s.  t.  in.).  This  was  one  of  those 
epitaphs  which  was  known  in  MSS.  from  the 
transcripts  of  Alcuin's  scholars. 

The    restored    inscription    is    bounded   on   all 


%SV/ 


^^ 


of  orifiiial  Damasine  lusoription  to  Eusebiu 


ECIT     MX 

CATADOLERfey 
UmKBLERW 
EHTFYR! 


Iheracuy^ 

sEV"SEBIV"5MISER0L 

SEDlTIOQAED^iU^YMn 
rEXEMP,__ 

CYMBHGTORSEkYARtoo: 
^FERT^TITEXILIVM  OMINOSYBT 
iLlTORETINACRIOMWDYMBm^^l 

oEYSEBIOEPISCOPOETMA 


:te5 


[OEPIS/;( 

^.„  ..[iii.iij.HiiiirlMllliil'L.»^|| 


9.  (De  Rossi,  Hotna  Sott.  vol.  ii.  p.  191  sqq. 
tav.  iii.  iv. ;  Brownlow  and  Xorthcote,  Horn. 
Sott.  p.  170,  pi.  ii.  iii.). 

Epitaph  of  St.  Eusebius,  bishop  of  Rome  (a.d.  310), 
Damasus,   but  restored  at  some 


sides    by    two  others,    in    the   second  of  which 
the   letters  are  placed  columnwise  below  each 
other.     Above  and  below  we  have  : — 
+  Danmsvs  episcopvs  fecit  |  Evsebio  episcopo  et 
martyri. 


TOMBS 

On  the  right  and  left : 
Fvrivs  Dionysirs  FUocalm  scribsit  (scripsit)  |  Da- 

masis  pappae  cvltor  atqve  amatot  (amator). 

For  Damasis  pappae  De  Rossi  suggests  Damasi 
suipapae,  a  phrase  confirmed  by  other  authorities 
(m.  s.  p.  200). 

The  text  of  the  restored  inscription,  a  little 
corrupt,  runs  thus  when  corrected ;  the  errors 
are  given  below :  the  letters  in  brackets  are 
omitted  on  the  stone. 

"Heraclivs  vetvit  lapses*  peccata  dolere, 
Evsebivs  miseros  docvit  sva*"  crimina  flere  ; 
Scinditvr  [in]'=  partes  popvlvs  gliscente  fvrore, 
Seditio,  caedes,"*  bellvm,  discordia,  lites. 
Exemplo  pariter  pvlsi  feritate  tyranni, 
Integra  cvm  rector  servaret  foedera  pacis. 
Pertvlit  exilivm  [d]omino'  sub  ivdice  laetvs  ; 
Litore  T[r]inacrio'' mvndvm  vitamq.  reliqvit." 

(a)  labsos.  (b)  sum.  (c)  in,  omitted  here,  occurs 
in  the  Damasine  fragments,  (d)  caede  only  now 
visible,  possibly  originally  caede.  (e)  d  may 
have  been  obliterated.     (/)  Tinacrio. 

The  whole  may  be  expressed  in  English  as 
follows : 

"Datimsus,  Bishop,  set  up  this  to  Eusebius, 
Bishop  and  Martyr." 

"  Furius  Dionysius  Filocalus,  a  worshipper  and 
lover  of  Pope  Bamasus,  lorote  this." 

"  Heraclius  forbad  the  lapsed  to  grieve  for  their 
sins.  Eusebius  taught  those  unhappy  ones  to  wocp 
for  their  crimes.  The  people  were  rent  into  parties, 
and  with  increasing  fury  began  sedition,  slaughter, 
fighting,  discord,  and  strife.  Straightway  both 
[the  pope  and  the  heretic]  icere  banished  by  the 
cruelty  of  the  tyrant,  although  the  pope  was 
2oreserving  the  bonds  of  peace  inviolate.  He  bore 
his  exile  with  joy,  looking  to  the  Lord  as  his 
judge,  and  on  the  shore  of  Sicily  gave  uj)  the  world 
and  his  life." 

The  inscription  (translated  as  above  by  Messrs. 
Brownlow  and  Northcote,  u.  s.  p.  170)  refers  to 
the  severity  of  Heraclius,  who  following  Novatian 
would  fain  close  the  door  of  regonciliation  to 
apostates,  in  contrast  with  the  merciful  conduct 
of  Eusebius,  and  to  the  excited  feelings  of  the 
populace  about  the  matter  in  dispute. 

10.  (De  Rossi,  Lisc?-.  Urb.  Rom.  no.  251.  En- 
graved in  Vol.  I.  p.  847.)  From  the  cemetery 
of  Commodilla,  Rome. 

Petroniae  dignae  cojugi  (sic)  que  (quae)  vixit 
annis  (aunos)  xxi.  et  fecit  cum  conpare  m(enses) 
X.  dies  V.  [Dcposita  est]  Kal.  Nob.  (Novembribus) 
pos  (post)  conss  (consulatus')  Gratiani  ter  et 
Equiti.  Ursus  maritus  sibi  et  innocenti  compari 
fecit.  Cesquet  (quiescit)  in  pace. 

The  year  after  the  consulate  of  Equitius,  and 
the  year  after  Gratian's  third  consulate,  falls 
under  375  A.D.,  when  there  were  no  consuls 
(De  Rossi,  u.  s.  Proleg.  p.  xxx.).  The  two  doves 
symbolise  conjugal  affection  ;  the  figure  between 
them  is  an  orante. 

11.  (De  Rossi,  laser.  Urb.  Rom.  no.  .376.) 
From  the  ruins  of  the  basilica  of  St.  Paul  in 
the  Via  Ostiensis. 

GAVDENTIVS  PRESB.  SIBI 

ET  CONIVGI  SVAE  SEVERAE  CASTAE  IIAC  (i.e.  ac) 

s.\xc[tae] 


TOMBS 


198c 


FKIIINAE  quae  VIXIT  ANN.  XLII.  M.  III.  D.  X. 
DEP  (depositus)  ill.  NON.  APRIL.  TIMASIO  ET  PRO- 
MOTO  [COXS.S]. 

Gaudentius,  a  presbyter,  made  this  tomb  for 
himself  and  his  wife  Severa,  a  chaste  and  holy 
icoman,  loho  lived  ^2  years,  3  months,  and  10  days. 
Buried  April  2,  in  the  consulship  of  Timasius  and 
Promotus  (i.e.  a.d.  389). 

Allusion  to  the  marriages  of  ecclesiastics  are 
not  unfrequent  in  epitaphs.  Thus  in  an  epitaph 
in  Rome,  in  which  Petronia  the  wife  of  a  deacon 
is  the  speaker,  occur  the  beautiful  lines — 

Levitae  conjunx  Petronia,  forma  pudoris, 
His  m£a  deponens  sedibus  ossa  loco, 

Parcite  vos  lacrimis,  dukes  cum  conjuge  natae, 
Viventemque  Beo  credite  flere  nefas. 

I,  Petronia,  a  deacon's  (lit.  Levite's)  wife,  a 
model  of  modesty,  lay  down  and  place  my  bones 
in  this  resting-place.  Refrain  from  tears,  my 
sweet  daughters  and  husband,  and  believe  that  it 
is  sinful  to  weep  for  one  loho  lives  in  God. 

The  remaining  lines  in  prose  tell  us  that 
her  burial  took  place  Oct.  5,  a.d.  472,  and  that 
her  daughter  Paula  and  her  son  Gordian  were 
buried  in  the  same  tomb  in  a.d.  484  and  a.d. 
485,  as  well  as  Aemiliana,  '  sacra  virgo,'  probably 
also  a  daughter,  in  a.d.  489  (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  no. 
843  ;  McCaul,  Christ.  Epist.  no.  65).  A  lengthy 
inscription,  probably  found  at  Narbonne,  re- 
cording the  reparation  of  the  church  in  a.d. 
445,  tells  of  a  married  bishop,  Rusticus  episcopus, 
epUcopi  Bonosi  filius  (Le  Blant,  u.  s.  no.  617). 

12.  (De  Rossi,  Inscr.  Urb.  Rom.  no.  489.) 
From  the  cemetery  of  SS.  Quartus  and  Quintu?, 
Rome. 

CALEVIVS  BESDIDIT  AVIN[I0]  TRISOMV[k] 
VBI    POSITI    ERANT    VINI    (bini)    ET    CALVILIVS 

ET  Lvcivs  IN  pa[ce]  COS  (consule)  stil[ichone]. 
Calevius  sold  to  Avinius  aplacefor  three  bodies, 
where  both  Calvilius  and  Lucius  had  already  been 
placed  in  peace  in  the  consulship  of  Stilicho  (i.e. 
A.D.  400). 


Inscription  with  candlestick  and  various  otlier  symbols. 

Remarkable  for  the  accompanying  symbols : 
the  chrisma,  the  balance  (cf.  Dan.  v.  27),  the 
fish,  the  Jewish  candlestick  (a  Jewish  funeral 
ornament),  the  house  (the  last  dwelling-place  of 
the  departed),  and  the  mummy  (Lazarus  ?) 
approached  by  steps,  awaiting  its  resurrection. 
See  McCaul  {u.  s.  p.  49). 

13.  (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  n.  847.  Figured  in  Vol.  I. 
p.  847.)  Engraved  in  a  small  tabella  coemeterialis, 
found  in  situ  attached  to  the  loculus  in  the 
cemetery  of  St.  Zoticus  on  the  Labican  Way, 
Rome. 

This  barbarous  inscription  may  be  thus  ren- 
dered— 

Lepusculus  Leo,  qui  vixit  annum  ct  menses  wn- 
decim,  et  dies  decern  et  novem,  pcrit  septimo  calcn- 
das  Augustas,  Honorio  se.vies  Mujusto. 


189G 


TOMBS 


Scxies,  sc.  consule,  i.e.  a.d.  404.  Perit  is 
probably  a  preterite:  but  reXfin^  occurs  in  a 
vSyracusan  inscription,  A.D.  408.  It  is  one  of 
several  pagan  words  which  survived  in  Christian 
times. 

De  Rossi  does  not  give  the  size  of  this  little 
slab,  whose  breadth  does  not  very  much  exceed 
its  height.  Mr.  Burgon  remarks  on  the  great 
difference  in  size  of  the  early  Christian  grave- 
slabs  in  the  catacombs  of  Rome,  "  some  three  or 
four  feet  long,  yet  ranging  in  height  from  a  few 
inches  to  two  or  three  feet,  and  some  only  a  few 
inches  across,  either  way  "  (Letters  from  Eonie, 
p.  175). 

Remarkable  no  less  for  its  rustic  palaeography 
than  for  its  rustic  spelling. 

2.  France. 

1.  (Le  Blant,  Inscr.  Chr€t.  de  la  Gaule,  no.  58.) 
Lvons,  in  the  underground  chapel  of  St.  Ire- 
naeus  : — 

PROCVLA  ,  CL.   FEMINA 

FAMVLA  .  DEI  . 
A  .  TERRA  .  AD   MARTYRES 

Considered  to  be  of  the  4th  century  ;  punctua- 
tion capricious. 

Famula  Dei.  This  expression,  though  occur- 
ring elsewhere  (see  Vol.  I.  p.  848,  b),  is  found 
in  Ihe  epitaphs  of  Gaul  and  Spain  only,  and 
seems  to  be  therein  applied  exclusively  to  the 
dead{Le  Blant,  Manuel,  pp.  10,  11).  The  last 
line  indicates  that  she  has  joined  in  glory  the 
martyrs  beside  whom  she  lies  buried. 

2.  '(Le  Blant,  w.  s.  no.  145.)  From  St.  Eloi  in 
Upper  Normandy,  where  eight  other  Runic  in- 
scriptions have  been  found  : — 

IXGOMIR  :  SEN  :  nAGEN[s] 

IN  :  FRIEDE  : 
KONOUNG  :  CLOUDOOUIG 

CONSOUL  : 

(In  Runic  characters.) 

Ingomar,  son  of  Ilaijen,  in  peace.  King  Clovis 
being  Consul. 
The  date  is  A.D.  510.  A  confirmation  of  the 
statement  of  Gregory  of  Tours:  "  Igitur  Chlodo- 
vechus  ab  Anastasio  imperatore  codicillos  de 
consulatu  accepit  "  {Hist.  Franc,  lib.  ii.  c.  38). 
The  absence  of  the  name  of  Clovis  from  the 
Consular  Fasti  had  caused  Gregory's  accuracy  to 
be  doubted  (Le  Blant,  u.  s.).  Perhaps  the  ear- 
liest Christian  Runic  inscription  whose  date  is 
known. 


Eunic  Eritaph,  dated  by  the  ConsTilate  of  Clovis. 

3.  Spain. 
(Hiibner,  u.  s.  no.  117.    Figured  in  Vol.  I.  p.  847.) 
A  Ions;  marble   tablet   formed  in  an  ancient 


TOMBS 

wall  near  Arjona  in  Spain :  remarkable  for  the 
manifold  ligatures  of  the  characters  composed. 

(1)  -i-  MARIA    FIDELIS   CIIR(IST)I   IN   VITA   SUA 

(2)  ii(u)nc  diligens  locum,  ibiq(u)e  summum 
m(an)ens?  et  r(e)bus? 

(.H)   QUATUOR     DENI     UNO    SUPERVIXIT    ANNOS  ; 
CUM    PEN(i)TEN- 

(4)  (ti)A   REC(e)SSIT   IN    PACE   D(ie)  VII   ID(US) 
MARTI A(S),   SECUNDO   R- 

(5)  ECCISVINTI     REGNAN(TIS)     C(UM)      PATR(e) 

rR(iN)ciPiS  ANNO.  (Hiibner's  text.) 
-f  Maria,  a  faithful  servant  of  Christ,  who 
loved  this  place  (a  church  ?)  in  her  life,  and  there 
at  last  remains  and  reposes  (read  requiescens  rather 
than  rcbns),  overlived  fourteen  years  by  one  *  *  * 
(month  or  day).  She  departed  with  penitence  in 
peace  on  the  ninth  of  March,  in  the  second  year  of 
Reccisvintus  the  prince  reigning  with  his  father 
(Chinlasvindus'),  i.e.  A.D.  650. 

This  appears  to  be  the  sense  of  this  puzzling 
inscription.  The  second  line  may  possibly  l>e 
corrupt ;  in  the  third  is  some  omission. 

4.  Germany. 
1.  (Le  Blant,  n.s.  no.  22(3.)      Found  at  Trier, 
now  in  the  Museum  of  Porta  Nigra: — 

IlIC   AMAN 

tiae  in  pace 
hospita  c 

ARC  lACET. 

Two  doves  facing,  the  chrisma  enclosed  in  a 
wreath  between  them. 

Here  the  p>ilgrim  body  of  Amantia  lies  in  peace. 

The   letters    are    neatly    formed,    and    also  the 
birds  :  ])erhaps  of  the  4th  or  5th  century. 

For  Amantia  see  Vol.  I.  p.  853.  The  beauti- 
ful expression  hospita  caro  implies  that  heaven 
is  the  Christian's  true  home  :  and  the  same  tiling 
is  more  directly  said  in  the  Ad  coehim  praemisit 
opes  in  an  epitaph  suspected  to  be  written  by 
Venantius  Fortunatus,  who  uses  various  equiva- 
lent expressions  (Le  Blant,  m.  s.  no.  218). 

5.  Great  Britain  and  Ireland. 
1.  (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Counc.  and  Eccl.  Doc. 
i.  164 ;  Hiibner,  Inscr.  Brit.  Christ,  no.  82.)    On 
a  stone  found  at  Pont  y  Polion,  Cardiganshire, 
in  five  lines  : — 

SERVATVR   FIDAEI 

patrieqve  semper 

AMATOR    HIC    PAVLIN 

VS   lACIT   CVLTOR   PIENTI 

SIMVS    AEQVI  . 

Meant  for  two  hexameters.  Paulinus,  the  in- 
structor of  St.  David,  was  present  at  a  synod  in 
Wales  held  before  a.d.  569.  An  inscription  in  Old 
Welsh  relating  to  St.  Cadfan  and  king  Cyngen 
is  in  a  similar  style  and  about  the  same  date 
(Haddan  and  Stubbs,  u.  s.). 

The  other  early  Welsh  Christian  inscrip- 
tions, presumed  to  lie  between  A.D.  500  and 
700,  are  very  short  and  mostly  barbarous.  No 
prayers  for  "the  dead  in  any  shape  occur  in 
any"  of  them  ;  little  more  than  a  Aic  jacet  (often 
barbarized)  and  the  name  of  the  person  buried, 
the  name  of  the  father  being  sometimes  added. 
The  stone  sometimes  has  a  cross  within  a  circle. 
Three  will  suffice  for  this  place : — (1)  Porius  \ 


I 


t 


TOMBS 

hie  in  tumido  jacit  \  homo  Christixnus  fait.  (2) 
On  a  stone  bearing  a  cross  within  a  circle  (ac- 
companied by  a  long  stem  running  down  the 
centre  of  the  stone,  and  with  an  equivalent  (?) 
inscription  in  Ogham  characters) :  Cunocenni 
filius  I  Cunoceni  (sic)  hie  jacet.  (3)  Chrisma  of 
peculiar  form.  Carausius  hie  jacit  I  in  hoc  (sic) 
€on\geries  la\pidum.  We  have  also  the  name 
i^Pascent)  only.  (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  m.  s.  pp. 
164,  169  ;  Hiibner,  u.  s.  pp.  14-55.) 

2.  (Bentham's  Ely,  p.  51.  Figured  in  Vol.  I. 
p.  846.) 

"  Found  some  years  since  at  Hadenham,  near 
Ely ;  the  stone  which  seems  to  have  been  the 
brse  of  a  cross  is  square,  2J  feet  in  diameter, 
and  14  in.  thick;  in  the  middle  of  the  upper 
part  is  a  square  mortise,  into  which  is  fixed 
with  lead  another  stone  erect,  about  4  feet  high, 
and  then  broke  off,  which  probably  terminated 
in  a  cross.  The  inscription  which  fills  one  side 
of  the  stone  is  this  : — 


TOMBS 


1987 


+  LVCEM.TVAM.OVINO. 
DA  .  DEVS  .  ET  .  REQVIE, 

.  AMEN. 


.  .  .  Only  one  letter  e  is  of  the  Saxon  cast, 
the  rest  being  purely  Roman  "  (Bentham,  u.  s.). 
Now  in  Ely  Cathedral.  Ovinus  or  Winn  {mon- 
achus  magni  meriti)  was  the  steward  of  Ethel- 
dreda,  whom  he  accompanied  from  East  Anglia 
on  her  first  marriage  about  a.d.  652  (Beda, 
H.  E.  iv.  3).  Hiibner,  apparently  without 
reason,  thinks  this  inscription  much  later  (n. 
169). 

3.  (Archaeologia,  vol.  xxsiv.  p.  437,  pi.  xxxv. ; 
. .  T.  Fowler  in  Forks.  Arch,  and  Topogr.  Journ. 
with  more  correct  figure.) 

once  GFC/ 
%RbeqRJ 

ddadd 

|fL6    ' 

Saxon  Epitaph  at  Dewsbury.    (Fowler.) 

Found  some  years  ago  near  the  church  of 
Dewsbury,  Yorkshire,  now  in  the  possession  of 
Dr.  Hemingway.  Fragment  of  the  upper  arm 
of  a  cross  (apparently)  with  the  top  edge  broken 
off;  four  inches  across  in  widest  part.  Reads 
in  Saxon  (modified  Roman)  letters  in  seven  lines  : 

.  .  .  RHTAE  BE  j  CUN  AEFT  ]  ER  BEOR  |  NAE 
■GIBI  I  DDAD  D  |  AER  SA  |  ULE. 

M.  or  N.  set  up  this  in  memory  of  .  .  ."]  rht,  a 
beacon  (monument),  after  (on  account  of)  the 
hairn.     Pray  for  the  soul. 

The  proper  name  is  imperfect.  Probably  of 
the  7th  century  or  somewhat  later.  Stephens 
{U.S.  p.  464)  observes    that   old  North-English 

CHRIST.    ANT. — VOL.   II. 


inscriptions  in  these  letters  are  still  rarer  than 
those  written  in  Runes. 

4.  {Christian  Inscriptions  in  the  Irish  Lan- 
guage. Chiefly  collected  by  G.  Petrie.  Edited  by 
M.  Stokes,  vol.  i.  p.  15,  pi.  1.  Engraved,  Vol.  1. 
p.  847.) 

At  Clonmacnois,  in  King's  County,  now  placed 
as  a  head-stone  to  a  i-ecent  grave. 

Or  do  Cholumbon. 
i.e.  Pray  for  Colomban. 

Or  for  oroit,  equivalent  to  the  Latin  orate, 
which  also  occurs  at  length  (p.  74).  The  form 
of  the  cross  and  character  of  the  letters  belong 
to  the  earliest  period  of  Christian  art  in  Ireland. 
There  is  little  doubt  that  this  is  the  Columbanns 
whose  death  in  a.d.  624  is  thus  recorded  in  the 
Annals  of  Ulster :  "  Pausa  Columbani,  filii  Bard- 
daeni,  Abbatis  Clono,"  i.e.  of  Clonmacnois, 
where  a  monastery  was  founded  about  a.d.  544. 
The  formula  here  used  is  frequent  in  the  Irish 
inscriptions :  thus  we  have  Or  ar  Chuindless 
(U.S.  p.  18),  Or  do  Comgdn  (u.  s.  p.  19),  both  at 
Clonmacnois  ;  the  former  supposed  to  be  the 
epitaph  of  an  abbat  who  died  a.d.  724,  the  latter 
belonging  to  a  person  not  clearly  identified.  We 
have  it  also  in  the  epitaphs  found  at  Fuerty,^ 
Inismurray,  &c.  In  one  of  the  Aran  islands 
occurs,  or  ar.  ii.  canoin,  i.e.  pray  for  two  canons 
(u.  s.  vol.  ii.  p.  21).  Much  more  rarely  the 
good  wish  takes  this  form,  Bendachd  for  an- 
inainn  Joseph,  i.e.  a  blessing  on  the  soul  of 
Joseph,  who  seems  to  have  died  in  a.d.  811  at 
Roscommon,  where  the  inscription  is  to  be  seen 
(u.  s.  vol.  ii.  p.  11  ;  see  also  p.  31,  bis). 

6.  Greece. 
1.  (Bockh,  C.  I.  G.  n.  9303). 
Island  of  Salamis  in  Greece. 


+  OIKOC  AICjONIOC 

ArAOCjONOC  ANA 

fl^  KAl  EYcI>HMIAC 

€N  AVCI  0HKAIC 

lAIA  GKACTCjO  HMCjON 

Gl  AG  TIC  TCjON  IAICjON 

Gl  GTGPOC  TIC  TO  (A) 

MHCH  CU)MA  KATA 

0GC0AI  GN  TAV0A 

nAPGZ  TCjON  AVO 

HMCjON  AOrON  AU) 

H  TU)  0GCJL)  KAl  A 

NA0GMA  HTO) 

MAPANA0AN 

+ 
TIw  eternal  house  of  Agaiho,  a  reader,  and  of 
Euphemia  in  two  graves,  one  for  each  of  us.  But 
if  any  of  our  own  or  any  one  else  dare  to  place  a 
body  here  except  us  two,  may  he  give  an  account  to 
God ;  and  let  him  be  anathema  maranatha. 

Perhaps  of  the  4th  or  5th  century  :  see  domus 
aeterna  in  a  Christian  Roman  inscription,  a.d. 
363  (De  Rossi,  /.  U.  R.  n.  159).  For  similar 
pagan  sentiments  in  Greek  inscriptions  see  Ritter, 
DeComp.  Tit.  Christ,  p.  24^(Berlin,  1877);  and 
for  similar  execrations,  pp.  37-39. 


I  In  one  instance  accompanied  by  a  fish,  the  only 
Irish  example  known  (on  a  tombstone),  though  frequent 
in  Scotland  (voL  ii.  pp.  12.  13). 

6  J>1 


1988 


2.  (Bockh,  M. 
Thessalonica— 


TOMBS 

n.  9439.) 


Ka\6Kfpos  MaKi56- 

yi    Ke    Kol)  ^wcrtyevia,  to?j 

yKvKVTdTois  yovfv- 

(Tiv,  rh  KOijj.T]Tr}piov  (ws 

avaa-T&ffeais.     A  fish  below. 

Calocaerus  made  this  for  Macedon  and  Sosi- 
{jcnia,  his  sweetest  parents,  as  their  resting-place 
(lit.  cemetery')  till  the  resurrection. 

The  form  of  the  letters  (often  ligated  and 
scarcely  capable  of  being  represented  by  types) 
and  the  style  of  this  beautiful  inscription  are 
considered  to  point  to  the  2nd  or  3rd  century. 


Bockh.  C.  I.  G.  n.  9148. 

Ezra  (Zorave)  in  Syria  :  above  the  entrance  to 
a  mausoleum. 

TEPONTIOYII  YYXHll  CWZECOWll 

3fay  the  soul  of  Gerontius  be  saved! 

A  very  uncommon  formula. 

2.  (Bockh,  u.  s.  n.  9180.) 

Corycus  in  Cilicia  in  a  cemetery,  on  the  lid  of 
a  sarcophagus,  upon  which  arc  four  crosses. 

6T)Kr]  5ia(pepov\\(Tareopyiov\\KvpTOKa\\m\ov  (cor- 
rected text).  Sia<pipov<Ta  is  often  joined  to 
erJKrj  and  aaifiaTodriK-n  in  various  Asiatic  tituli ; 
it  appears  to  mean  particular  or  pecidiar,  i.e.  in 
which  no  other  body  must  be  laid.  KvpTOKdirr)\os 
is  a  fishing-tackle  seller.  The  trade  of  the 
person  buried  is  frequently  named  in  the 
sepulchral  inscriptions  of  Cilicia  and  other 
provinces  of  Asia ;  thus  we  have  a  brazier,  an 
oil-seller,  a  potter,  a  seaman,  and  several  others. 
The  inscriptions  of  Corycus  appear  to  be  of  the 
5th  and  6th  centuries. 

The  most  curious  example  is  from  Ancyra  in 
Galatia,  where  Theodorus  is  described  as  being  at 
once  a  presbyter  and  a  silversmith  (Bockh,  C.  I.  G. 
n.  9258).  Dr.  McCaul  gives  Latin  examples  from 
the  catacombs  of  Rome  of  the  mention  of  the 
secular  position  of  various  persons  buried  there, 
as  count  of  the  household  troops  (comes  domesti- 
corum),  lawyer,  prefect  of  the  city,  physician, 
baker,  gardener,  ex-quaestor,  prefect  of  the 
market,  keeper  of  a  public  granary  (Christ. 
Ejntaphs,  pp.  28-3G).  M.  Le  Blant,  therefore, 
must  be  understood  with  considerable  limita- 
tions, "  Des  indications  courantes  sur  les  ^pi- 
taphes  des  paiens,  la  filiation,  la  patrie,  la  con- 
dition sociale,  la  profession  .  .  .  ne  figurent 
point,  pour  ainsi  dire,  sur  les  inscriptions  chre- 
tiennes  de  langue  latine  "  (^Manuel,  p.  20).  The 
inscriptions,  however,  where  a  profession  is 
named,  seem  to  be  nearly,  if  not  always,  later 
than  Constantme. 

Eepreseutations  of  tools  belonging  to  particu- 
lar trades  have  been  mentioned  above  as  occurring 
at  Aries,  and  there  are  other  examples  in  the 
Catacombs  at  Rome  (Martigny,  Diet.  s.  v.  Instru- 
ments). 

Slaves  and  freedmen  are  occasionally  men- 
tioned in  Christian  inscriptions,  some  of  which 
appear  to  be  very  ancient,  one  is  certainly  before 
Constantine  (Le  Blant,  /.  C.  G.  tom.  i.  pp.  119- 
121.  De  Rossi,  /.  C.  U.  B.  n.  5,  dated  a.d.  217. 
Edinburgh  Review,  u.  s.  p.  240). 


TOMBS 

8.  Africa. 
1.  (Renier,  Inscr.  Rom.  Alger,  n.  3701,  p.  448.) 
Orleansville,  Algeria;  designed  in  mosaic  in 
the  pavement  of  a  basilica. 

IIIC   REQVIES 
CIT  SANCTAE   MEMO 
RIAE   PATER   XOSTER 
REPARATVS   E.    P.   S.   QVI   FE 
CIT    IN    SACERDOTIVM    AN 
NOS   Vmi   MEN   XI   ET   PRE 
CESSIT   NOS   IN   PACE 
DIE   VNDKCIMV   .    KAL 
AVG   PROVXC   .    CCCCXXX 

ET   SEXTA 

Hie  requiescit  sanctae  memoriae  pater  noster, 
Reparatus  episcopus,  qui  fecit  in  sacerdotium 
(sacerdotio)  annos  IX,  menses  XI  et  praecessit 
nos  in  pace,  die  undecimu  (undecimo)  Kalendas 
A^ujustas,  Provinciae  [anno]  quadringentesimo 
tricesimo  et  sexta  (sexto). 

"  Here  rests  our  father  of  holy  memory,  Re- 
paratus the  bishop,  who  passed  in  his  priesthood 
nine  years,  eleven  months  ;  and  went  before  us,, 
in  peace,  on  the  eleventh  day  before  the  Calends 
of  August,  in  the  436th  year  of  the  Province, 
«.  e.  July  22nd,  A.D.  475."  (McCaul's  Transl. 
M.  s.  p.  37.) 

The  years  of  the  secular  life  are  entirely 
omitted,  those  devoted  to  God  alone  being  men- 
tioned. (Le  Blant,  Manuel,  p.  10,  who  refers  to 
many  other  examples  in  Gaul  and  Italy.) 

2.  (Renier,  m.  s.  n.  4026.) 

A  marble  slab,  found  to  the  west  of  Cherchel, 
near  Caesarea,  in  Mauretania. 

IN   MEMORIA.    EORVM 

QVORVM    CORPORA    IN    AC 

CVBITORIO   HOC   SEPVLTA 

SVNT    ALCIMI    CARITATIS    IVLIANAE 

ET   ROGATAE   MATRI  [s]    VICTORIS   PRESBYTE 

RI    QVI     HVNC    LOCVM    CVNCTIS    FRATRIB.    FECI. 

(fecit  ?  see  fecerun  above,  Italy,  n.  5). 

Remarkable  for  the  word  accubitorium  (i.  e. 
public  cemetery  or  area),  and  also  for  the  word 
sepulta,  which  has  been  thought  to  be  unknown 
to  Christian  epigraphy.  [Inscriptions,  p.  851.] 
Perhaps  of  the  3rd  century,  to  which  several 
inscriptions  in  this  region  belong. 

3.  (Bockh,  C.  I  G.  n.  9114.) 
From  Kalabscheh  in  Nubia. 

[E]N0AKATAK[EI] 

TGHMAKAPIA 

OiCAYPIAGTeAGO) 

0HMA0YPAIN 

A\K  (litt.ug.)  H^OCANAnAV 

CONTHNrYXHN 

AYTHCENKOAAI 

niC  (-cdATTocO  ABPAAMKAI  iUtt.lig.) 

ICAAKKA!  (as  before)  |A 

KGOBrENlTG 

AMHN  t 

Here  lies  the  blessed  Thisauril.  She  was  made 
perfect  on  the  fourth  day  of  the  month  Athyr,  in 
the  eighth  indiction.  0  God,  rest  her  soul  in  the 
bosoms  of  Abraham,  Isaac,  and  Jacob.  So  let  it 
be !     Amen. 

Probably  of  the  5th  or  6th  century.  Another 
very  similar  inscription  from  Nubia  (n.  9120), 


TONSURE 

gives  the  date  (mutilated)  taken  from  the  era  of 
the  martyrs,  probably  corresponding  to  A.D. 
489.  The  Egyptian  epitaphs  generally  contain 
these  prayerful  hopes  for  the  dead  taken  from 
the  ancient  liturgies.  Ritter  (m.  s.  pp.  31,  32) 
considers  that  these  inscriptions  are  almost  or 
quite  peculiar  to  Egypt  and  Nubia,  and  are  of 
Judaeo-Christian  origin.  [C.  B.] 

TONSURE.  The  cutting  off  of  the  hair  of 
the  head  wholly  or  partially,  in  some  one  of  the 
modes  to  be  hereafter  mentioned,  has  been  from 
the  earliest  times  a  preparatory  step  to  taking 
holy  orders,  or  to  embracing  the  monastic  life, 
and  an  outward  mark  of  the  placing  of  those 
persons  who  submitted  to  the  operation  under 
ecclesiastical  law.  Numerous  mystical  inter- 
pretations of  the  tonsure  are  mentioned  by  early 
ritualists  (Amalarius,  de  Eccles.  Off.  ii.  5,  iv.  39  ; 
Isidor.  de  Eccles.  Off.  i.  4;  Eaban.  Maur.  de 
Institut.  Cleric,  i.  3).  The  usual  circular  shape 
was  believed  to  be  an  imitation  of  the  crown  «f 
thorns.  Bede  speaks  of  St.  Cuthbert  "  receiving 
the  yoke  of  Christ  and  the  Petrine  tonsure  re- 
sembling the  thorny  crown  which  encircled  the 
head  of  Christ"  (T'7^.  8.  Guthherti).  Other 
fanciful  reasons  which  are  supposed  to  have  in- 
duced St.  Peter  to  institute  the  tonsure  are  given 
by  Raban.  Maur.  {Lib.  de  Institut.  Cler.  i.  3,  ad 
finein). 

The  act  of  tonsure  was  solemnly  performed  by 
the  bishop  in  the  case  of  clergy,  by  the  abbat  in 
the  case  of  a  monk  entering  a  monastery,  the 
monkish  corona  being  somewhat  larger  than  that 
of  a  secular  priest.  Instances  are  on  record  of 
the  performance  of  the  tonsure  by  the  officiating 
priest  of  the  church  within  which  the  ceremony 
took  place  (in  the  church  of  St.  Martin  of  Tours), 
and  even  by  the  candidate  for  holy  orders  him- 
self (Greg.  Tur.  Hist.  Franc,  iii.  18).  In  Egypt 
and  Syria  it  was  the  custom  in  St.  Jerome's  time 
to  shave  the  heads  of  virgins  on  their  entering 
the  monastic  profession  (Hieron.  Ep.  48,  cont. 
Sahiniam)  ;  but  such  a  custom  never  became  pre- 
valent in  the  West,  and  was  condemned  by  a 
law  of  Theodosius  the  Great  (Lib.  xvi.  tit.  2,  de 
Episc.  Leg.  27).     [Orders,  Holy,  p.  1491.] 

It  has  been  stated  that  regulations  with  re- 
ference to  the  clerical  cut  of  hair  date  from  a 
very  early  period,  and  are  almost  coeval  with  the 
Christian  church.  But  the  earlier  of  these 
regulations  do  not  describe  the  tonsure  in  the 
later  and  technical  sense  of  the  term,  but  are 
merely  injunctions  to  the  clergy  not  to  wear 
long  hair,  and  have  been  erroneously  pressed  into 
service  by  eager  advocates  of  the  antiquity  of 
the  coronal  tonsure.  Such  are  the  directions 
attributed  to  Anicetus  A.D.  167  (Anast.  in  Vita; 
Migue,  Bib.  Pat.  Ltd.  cx.xvii.  p.  1203),  and  of 
pope  Damasus  {Ep.  viii.)  A.D.  366-84  ;  iv.  Concil. 
Carthag.  can.  44 ;  Optatus,  c.  Parmen.  lib.  ii. 
p.  58  i^Hieron.  xiii.  in  Ezek.  cap.  44  ;  Pruden- 
tius's  description  of  St.  Cyprian  on  his  reception 
by  the  clergy  at  Carthage  : 

"  Deflua  caesaries  compescitur  ad  breves  capillos," 
Peristeph.  xiii. 

Socrates's  description  of  the  cutting  of  Julian  the 
Apostate's  hair,  when  he  pretended  to  be  a 
monk,  eV  xi'V  Keipafj-evos  {Hist.  Ec.  iii.  1) ; 
Evagrius's  description  of  the  ordination  of 
Marcianus    {Hist  Ec.   iii.   26)  ;  the  account  of 


TONSURE 


1989 


the  admission  to  holy  orders  of  St.  Germanus 
of  Auxerre  in  the  5th  century  (  Vit.  S.  German. 
ap.  Surium,  31  Jul.) ;  and  of  St.  Caesarius 
of  Aries  in  the  6th  century  {ibid.  27.  Aug.) 
The  phraseology  of  some  of  these  passages  is 
consistent  with,  but  does  not  necessarily  prove 
the  employment  of  the  coronal  tonsure,  the  first 
indisputable  evidence  for  which  is  a  6th-century 
mosaic  representation  of  St.  Apollinaris  of 
Ravenna  (Ciampiui,  Vet.  Mon.  ii.  27)  and  can. 
41  of  the  fourth  council  of  Toledo  (a.d.  633), 
which  ordered  that  "  omnes  clerici,  detonso  supe- 
rius  capite  toto,  inferius  solam  circuli  coronam 
relinquant."  A  similar  direction  is  given  in 
Concil.  Quinisext.  A.D.  692,  can.  xxxiii. 

The  custom  of  the  tonsure  is  said  by  most 
ritualists  to  have  been  derived  by  the  Apostles 
from  the  Nazarites,  in  order  that  those  who  de- 
dicated themselves  to  God's  service  might  be 
distinguished  likewise  by  the  tonsure  of  the  hair. 
The  resemblance  is  not  very  complete,  as  the 
Nazarites  cut  off  their  hair  at  the  close  instead 
of  at  the  commencement  of  a  vow  (Isidore,  de 
Div.  Off.  i.  4 ;  Alcuin,  de  Div.  Off.  edit.  Hittorp. 
p.  6 1 ;  Raban.  l\Iaur.  Lib.  de  Institut.  Cleric,  i.  3). 
Gregory  of  Tours  attributed  its  introduction 
to  St.  Peter,  as  a  sign  of  humility  {de  Glor.  Mart. 
i.  28),  a  theory  which  is  criticised  by  Amalarius 
as  possible  but  not  proved,  and  he  concludes  by 
wisely  leaving  the  origin  of  the  tonsure  an  open 
question  like  the  authorship  of  the  book  of  Job 
{de  Eccles.  Off.  ii.  5,  iv.  39).  It  is  of  course  most 
improbable  that  either  the  apostles  or  their  suc- 
cessors during  the  period  of  heathen  persecutions, 
should  have  received  an  outward  mark  which 
might  at  any  mpment  lead  to  their  detection  and 
identification  as  the  leaders  of  a  religious  body, 
the  members  of  which  were  liable  to  the  punish- 
ment of  torture  or  of  death.  We  have  the 
express  testimony  of  Hegesippus  to  the  contrary 
in  the  case  of  St.  James,  "  upon  whose  head  no 
razor  was  ever  passed  "  (Euseb.  Hist.  Ec.  ii.  23). 

There  were  three  distinct  varieties  of  ecclesias-  ■ 
tical  tonsure. 

(a)  The  Roman  tonsure,  associated  with  the 
name  of  St.  Peter,  which  was  formed  by  the  top 
of  the  head  being  shaved  close,  and  a  circle  or 
crown  of  hair  being  left  to  grow  round  it.  In 
breadth  this  coronal  tonsure  was  said  "  to  be  like 
the  golden  crown  which  is  placed  on  the  head  of 
kings  "  (Isidore,  de  Div.  Off.  ii.  4). 

(6)  The  Eastern  or  Greek  tonsure,  styled  St. 
Paul's,  which  was  total.  When  Theodore  was 
selected  to  be  archbishop  of  Canterbury  (a.D. 
668)  he  was  obliged  to  wait  four  months  to  let 
his  hair  grow  in  such  a  manner  as  would  enable 
him  to  receive  the  coronal  tonsure  in  the  Roman 
manner,  "  for  he  had  previously,  as  subdeacon, 
received  the  tonsure  of  St.  Paul,  according  to  the 
manner  of  the  Easterns  "  (Bede,  Hist.  Ec.  iv.  1). 

(c)  The  Celtic  tonsure,  known  as  St.  John's, 
in  use  in  the  Celtic  church  of  Great  Britain  and 
Ireland.  It  consisted  in  shaving  all  the  hair  in 
front  of  a  line  drawn  over  the  top  of  the  head 
from  ear  to  ear.  The  Anglo-Saxon  church 
attributed  this  form  of  tonsure  in  use  among 
their  opponents  to  Simon  Magus.  Abbat  Ceolfrid 
discussed  the  subject  at  length  in  his  letter  to 
Nectan,  king  of  the  Picts,  A.D.  710  (Bede,  Hist. 
Ec.  V.  21).  Although  not  brought  forward  by 
St.  Augustine  either  at  Augustine's  Oak  or  at 
Bangor  this  question  of  the  shape  of  the  ton- 


1990       TORMENT,  TLACE  OF 

sure  formed  the  subject  of  the  most  frequent 
and  violent  controversy  in  England  during 
the  7th  and  8th  centuries.  There  are  traces 
of  the  same  controversy  in  France,  where  a 
Saxon  colony  at  Bayeux  had  cojjied  the  Celtic 
tonsure  from  the  Bretons  before  a.d.  590  (Greg. 
Tur.  Hist.  Franc,  x.  9),  and  in  Spain,  where  a 
tonsure  like  the  Celtic  was  condemned  by  Cone. 
Tolet.  iv.  A.D.  633,  can.  xli.  [P'urther  details  are 
given  by  Bede,  //.  E.  iv.  1  ;  Gildas,  Epist.  ii. ; 
Aldhelm,  Epist.  ad  Geruntium  in  Haddan  and 
Stubbs,  Councils,  &c.  iii.  268  ;  Mabillon,  Ann. 
Benedict,  i.  528  ;  Act.  SS.  ord.  Bened.  saec.  ii. 
pp.  119-20;  Chamillard,  de  Corona  tonsura  et 
hahitu  cleric. ;  Martene,  do  Antiq.  Eccles.  Eit. 
torn.  ii.  p.  14,  edit.  1788.]  [F.  E.  W.] 

TORMENT,  PLACE  OF  (ix  Art).  The  only 
representations  of  any  place  of  bodily  punishment, 
beyond  the  grave  and  in  the  spiritual  state,  which 
the  writer  knows  of  as  possibly  within  our  period, 
are  the  hell  of  the  Torcello  mosaics,  and  the 
numerous  pits  or  rapidly  sketched  infernos,  gene- 
rally with  ministering  demons,  'found  in  the 
Utrecht  Psalter.  [See  Resurrection.]  The 
writer  counted  eighteen  in  the  first  half  of  that 
extraordinary  work  (see  woodcut).  But  the 
dates  of  both  these  documents  are  verydoubtful. 
It  is  particularly  curious  in  the  Utrecht  Psalter, 
that  there  (fur  the  first  time  in  Christian  ima- 
gery as  far  as  he  knows)  the  mouth  of  hell  is 
sometimes    an    actual    mouth,    belonging    most 


From  the  Ctrecht  Psalter.     Hell. 

frequently  to  a  monstrous  head,  sometimes  quasi- 
human,  sometimes  nearer  the  fish  or  serpent- 
monster  of  the  Giottesque  infernos.  The  idea  may 
be  derived  from  the  vision  of  Er,  in  Plato's  He- 
public,  bk.  X.  The  souls  in  that  allegory  who  have 
passed  round  the  circle  of  the  rivers  of  punish- 
ment are  allowed  to  try  to  leave  Tartarus  by 
its  mouth ;  which  lets  them  pass,  if  their 
purgation  is  complete.  If  not,  it  roars  horribly, 
and  the  sinner  lias  to  go  back  and  repeat  his 
circuit  of  Phlegethon  and  Cocytus.  But  this 
subject  is  not  really  a  part  of  Christian  icono- 
graphy, even  of  the  first  millennium.  It  came 
into  prominence  with  races  like  the  Lombard,  ac- 
customed to  every  form  of  slaughter  and  terror, 
and  also  full  of  inventive  genius.     [R.  S.  T.  T.] 

TORPES,  May  17,  martyr  in  Etruria  under 
Nero  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Aden.,  Vet.  Ilom.,  Notker., 
Bmn.).  [C.  H.] 

TORQUATUS,  May  15,  bishop  of  Guadix, 
one  of  the  seven  apostolic  bishops  sent  to  Spain 
{Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Bom.,  Notker.,  Bom.). 

TORTURE,  INSTRUMENTS  OF.  [Cata- 
combs, p.  314.] 

TOUL,  COUNCIL  OF  (Tullense  Con- 
cilium), A.D.  550,  held  by  order  of  king  Theode- 


TOWER 

bald  to  support  Nicetius,  metropolitan  of  Treves, 
in  whose  province  Toul  lay,  in  his  struggle  with 
persons  excommunicated  for  incestuous  acts. 
(Mansi,  is.  147-50.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

TOURS,  COUNCILS  OF  (Turonensia 
Concilia),  a.d.  461  and  a.d.  567.  Both  remark- 
able for  the  length  of  their  disciplinary  canons  ; 
the  first,  at  which  thirteen  were  passed,  to  which 
Perpetuus,  bishop  of  Tours,  and  seven  bishops,  a 
blind  bishop  thiough  his  presbyter,  and  Thalas- 
sius,  bishop  of  Angers,  on  their  being  communi- 
cated to  him,  subscribed  (Mansi,  vii.  943-8)  ; 
the  second,  at  which  no  less  than  twenty-seven 
were  passed,  and  subscribed  to  by  Euphronius, 
bishop  of  Tours,  and  eight  others  (Mansi,  ix.  789- 
814).  Both  were  celebrated  in  honour  of  St. 
JIartin,  but  the  latter  was  held  in  his  church,  as 
though  it  had  been  finished  in  the  interval 
between  them.  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

TOWER.  We  have  now  so  long  been  ac- 
customed to  see  a  tower  either  attached  to  or 
immediately  adjoining  a  church,  that  many  per- 
sons would  be  disposed  to  make  the  presence  of 
a  tower  the  distinctive  mark  of  a  church,  and 
its  absence  that  of  a  chapel.  Such,  however, 
would  be  a  very  great  mistake  as  regards  the 
churches  of  the  earlier  centuries  of  Christianity. 
Until  bells  came  to  be  in  general  use  a  tower 
would  have  served  no  other  purpose  in  connexion 
with  a  church  than  that  of  a  place  of  security 
for  the  servants  and  treasures  of  the  church  in 
the  event  of  an  attack  from  brigands  or  enemies. 
Towers,  therefore,  did  not  in  the  earlier  ages  in- 
variably form  part  of  the  design  of  a  church. 

In  the  centre  of  cruciform  churches  towers 
may,  however,  have  been  erected  rather  for 
jesthetic  reasons  than  for  any  special  use,  as  the 
raising  the  central  part  of  such  a  church  obvi- 
ously greatly  adds  to  its  beauty  and  dignity.  The 
germ  of  the  central  tower  may  perhaps  be  found 
in  such  buildings  as  the  sepulchral  chapel  of 
SS.  Nazzaro  and  Celso  at  Ravenna  [Chapel,  ]>. 
346],  built  before  a.d.  450,  where  the  inter- 
section of  nave,  transepts,  and  chancel  is  covered 
by  a  dome  enclosed  in  a  low  square  tower. 

It  has  been  shewn  in  the  article  Bell  that 
bells,  and  probably  bells  of  considerable  size,  were 
well  known  in  Gaul  and  England  in  the  6th  and 
7th  centuries,  and  in  Italy  doubtless  they  were 
known  as  early,  if  not  even  earlier.  Towers 
were  of  course  familiar  objects,  and  it  may 
easily  have  occurred  to  some  ecclesiastic  or 
architect  that  a  tower  adjacent  or  annexed  to  a 
church  would  afford  a  convenient  means  of  so 
hanging  bells  that  their  sound  would  travel 
freely. 

The  earliest  examples  of  towers  connected 
with,  or  adjacent  to,  churches  would  seem  to  be 
the  towers  of  some  of  the  churches  at  Ravenna. 
Hiibsch  (Altchristl.  Kirchen)  asserts  that  the  lower 
part  of  the  tower  at  the  cathedral  shews  that 
it  is  of  the  same  date  as  the  adjacent  baptistery 
(attributed  to  a.d.  425),  by  the  fact  that  the 
quality  and  form  of  the  bricks,  and  the  manner 
in  which  they  are  laid,  are  identical  in  the  two 
structures.  On  like  grounds  he  considers  that 
the  square  tower  of  S.  Francesco  (see  woodcut) 
and  the  circular  one  at  S.  Giovanni  Evangelista 
date  from  the  latter  part  of  the  5th  century, 
and  that  at  S.  ApoUinare  in  Classe  {v.  Church, 


TO\VER 

p.  376)  from  the  period  of  the  building  of  the 
church  (a.d.  568). 

On  similar  evidence  the  same  writer  thinks 
that  part  of  the  towers  of  S.  Pudenziana  and  S. 
Lorenzo  at  Rome  are  as  early  as  the  7th  century. 
Certainly  no  one  who  knows  how  safe  a  guide 
the  character  of  brickwork  at  Rome  is  as  to  the 
dates  of  buildings  will  be  disposed  to  disregard 
the  opinion  expressed  by  Herr  Hiibsch,  but  the 
earliest  documentary  evidence  of  the  building  of 


m. 


TOWER 


1991 


^M 


Tower  of  S.  Francesco,  Ravenna. 
(From  Hubach's  Altahristl.  KirOien.) 

a  tower  in  connexion  with  a  cnurch  at  Rome 
would  appear  to  be  the  mention  in  the  Liher 
Font  if  calls  of  the  tower  built  by  pope  Stephen 
III.  (A.D.  768-772)  at  St.  Peter's,  in  which  three 
bells  were  placed  "  to  call  together  the  clergy 
and  people  to  the  service  of  God."  This  passage 
is  given  by  Ducange,  but  does  not  appear  in 
all  editions  of  the  Liber  Pontif.  If  genuine,  it 
certainly  seems  to  point  to  the  introduction 
of  a  practice  which  had  something  of  novelty 
about  it. 

In  the  life  of  pope  Leo  IV.  (a.d.  847-855)  in 
the  Liher  Pontif.,  it  is  stated  that  he  at  the 
church  of  St.  Andrew  the  Apostle  "  fecit  cam- 
panile et  posuit  campanam  cum  malleo  aereo,"  as 
if  there  were  something  rather  unusual  and  re- 
markable in  the  fact  of  a  hammer  being  used 
to  strike  the  bell.  The  fact  that  while  at  Rome 
there  are  nearly  thirty  churches,  portions  of 
which  are  of  earlier  date  than  a.d.  800,  while 
the  existing  bell-towers  are,  with  very  doubtful 
exceptions,  of  later  date,  and  that  no  early  men- 
tion of  the  construction  of  towers  is  to  be  found 
in  the  Liher  Pontif.,  which  enters  into  such  full 
detail  upon  the  works  done  by  the  successive 
popes  to  the  various  churches,  would  seem  to 
make  it  almost  certain  that,  as  has  been  said 
before,  it  was  not  until  a  comparatively  late  date 
that  a  tower  was  deemed  to  be  at  all  an  essential 
adjunct  to  a  church  ;  and,  indeed,  many  of  the 
older  churches  in  that  city  remain  to  the  present 
day  unfurnished  with  such  an  appendage.  Two 
churches  (built  827-824),  Sta.  Cecilia  and  Sta. 


Prassede,  shew  clearly  that  a  tower  did  not  form 
part  of  the  original  plans  ;  in  the  first  case,  it  is 
awkwardly  wedged  in  in  a  corner  ;  in  the  latter 
it  has  been  raised  on  the  end  of  a  transept. 

The  early  examples  above  mentioned  are  all 
detached  from  the  neighbouring  churches,  but 
towers  forming  internal  parts  of  churches  of 
very  early  date  are  to  be  found  in  central  Syria. 
The  annexed  woodcut  of  a  part  of  the  front  of  the 
church  at  Taftkha,  from  Comte  de  la  Vogiie's 
work,  shews  the  three-storied  tower  which 
forms  part  of  the  fa(;ade.  This  church,  Comte 
de  la  Vogiie  says,  is  probably  of  the  4th,  but 
cannot  be  later  in  date  than  the  5th,  century. 
At  Tourmanin,  in  the  same  country,  are  remains 
of  a  church  which  the  same  authority  attributes 
to  the  9th  century ;  here  are  two  western 
towers,  which,  however,  do  not  rise  above  the 
roof. 

Towers  were,  it  would  seem,  built  as  portions 
of  churches  in  England  at  an  early  date,  for  a 
square  tower  annexed  to  the  nave  is  to  be  found 
at  Brixworth  in  Northamptonshire,  which  there 
is  some  historical  ground  for  believing  to  have 
been  built  before  A.D.  700  {v.  the  Basilica,  &c., 
by  the  Rev.  C.  F.  Watkins,  and  Britton,  Chron. 
Hist,  of  Christian  Architecture,  p.  192).  That 
the  existing  building  is  really  of  an  early 
date  is  the  more  probable  as  the  head  of  an 
original  window  in  the  wall  between  the  tower 
and  the  nave  has  been  altered  by  the  insertion  of 
a  window  of  three  lights,  divided  by  two  balus- 
ters ;  this  alteration  is  supposed  to  have  been  a 
part  of  the  repairs  effected  after  a.d.  870,  when 
the  monastery  was  devastated  by  the  Danes. 

Another  early  example  of  a  tower  is  afforded 
by  the  church  in  Dover  Castle  ;  in  this  case  the 
tower  is  in  the  centre,  resting  on  four  semi- 
circular arches.  No  historical  or  documentary 
date  from  which  the  period  of  the  erection  of 
this  church  can  be  inferred  have  been  brought 
forward,  but  the  character  of  the  architecture  is 
much  the  same  as  that  of  Brixworth,  the  arches 
in  both  cases  being  square-edged,  and  constructed 
chiefly  with  large  flat  tiles ;  in  Brixworth  of 
Roman  make,  and  at  Dover,  it  would  seem,  imi- 
tative of  that  manufacture,  being  much  inferior 
in  quality  to  those  of  which  the  adjacent  pharos 
is  built. 

Another  feature  these  churches  have  in  com- 
mon, viz.  windows  of  large  size,  measuring,  at 
Dover,  7  ft.  2  in.  by  3  ft.  8  in.,  and  at  Brixworth 
5  ft.  10  in.  by  3  ft.  6  in. ;  these  dimensions  much 
exceed  those  of  windows  of  churches  of  the  same 
proportions  of  the  11th  or  12th  centuries,  and 
this  is  what  is  just  to  be  found  in  the  churches 
at  Rome  earlier  than  A.D.  1000.  Windows  may 
be  seen  in  some  of  these,  e.g.  the  clerestory  of 
S.  Lorenzo  fuor  le  Mura  (772-795  ?),  and  the 
windows  in  the  transept  of  St.  Prassede  (817- 
824) ;  which  approach  very  closely  in  size, 
proportion,  and  construction,  to  those  of  Brix- 
worth and  Dover.  In  Rome  the  great  window 
spaces  were  filled  with  pierced  marble  slabs  (r. 
Churches  in  Rome  before  A.D.  1000,  Archaeologia, 
vol.  xl.).  In  England  wood  may  probably  have 
served  in  place  of  marble,  and  the  apertures  in 
the  wooden  slabs  filled  with  horn,  or  other  semi- 
transparent  substances,  or  even  with  glass,  the 
use  of  which  for  such  purposes  was,  as  we  are 
told  by  Bede,  introduced  by  Benedict,  bishop 
about  A.D.  675.     It  is  possible  that  in  both  these 


1992 


TRACT 


cases  the  towers  may  have  been  built  with  the 
view  not  only  of  hanging  bells,  but  also  as  afford- 
ing places  of  security  for  the  treasures  of  the 
church  and  its  ministers  ;  some  of  the  latter  may 
oven  have  dwelt  in  them,  as  was  so  frequently 
the  case  in  Ireland  during  the  middle  ages. 

The  history  of  the  detached  slender  circular 
towers  with  conical  caps,  which  are  peculiar  to 
Ireland,  was  very  carefully  investigated  by  the 
late  Earl  of  Dunraven,  and  his  notes  and  con- 
clusions have  been  well  edited  and  commented 
on  by  Jliss  Stokes,  who  expresses  an  opinion 
based  mainly  on  the  character  of  the  masonry  of 
the  towers,  and  its  correspondence  with  that 
of  buildings,  the  date  of  which  can  be  approxi- 
matively  fixed,  that  none  of  these  towers  now 
existing  in  Ireland  can  be  believed  to  date  from 
an  earlier  period  than  the  latter  part  of  the  9th 
century.     But  see  Round  Towers. 

The  foundations  of  two  circular  towers,  one  on 
each  side  of  the  altar  end  of  the  old  cathedral  at 
Brescia,  still  exist ;  the  date  of  this  church  has 
not  been  at,certained,  but  it  may  be  as  early  as 
the  8th  centxiry.  Hiibsch  {Alt  -  Ghristlichc 
Kirchen)  places  it  between  600  and  750. 

According  to  the  restoration  suggested  by  the 
same  author  the  original  plan  of  S.  Lorenzo  at 
Milan  comprised  four  towers  at  the  angles  of 
the  buildings  ;  this  church  is  not  later  than  the 
Gth  century. 

In  the  church  of  Remain  Metier  in  Switzer- 
land, which  was  dedicated  in  753,  is  a  low  but 
perfectly-developed  central  tower,  and  it  seems 
not  unlikely  that  if  we  had  more  examples  of 
this  century  in  existence  we  should  find  that 
then  or  afterwards,  on  this  side  of  the  Alps  at 
any  rate,  a  tower,  either  central  or  at  the  west 
end,  frequently,  if  not  even  generally,  formed  a 
portion  of  every  important  church.  We  find, 
however,  in  the  plan  prepared  for  the  monastery 
of  St.  Gall  [Church,  p.  :-S83]  about  820,  only 
two  circular  towers,  one  on  each  side  of  one  of 
the  apses,  and  connected  with  the  church  only 
by  narrow  passages. 

In  the  dome  at  Aix-la-Chapelle  we  have  at 
the  west  end  a  tower-like  building  flanked  by 
two  circular  towers  containing  staircases. 

Several  churches  in  France  of  about  the  same 
date  as  St.  Martin  at  Angers,  founded  in  819, 
and  Germigny-sur-Loire,  dedicated  in  806,  have 
central  towers. 

In  the  countries  where  the  Eastern  church 
was  predominant  towers  do  not  appear  to  have 
been  built  in  connexion  with  churches  until  a 
late  period.  An  exceptional  instance  is  that  of 
the  erection  of  a  bell-tower  at  St.  Sophia,  in 
Constantinople,  between  867  and  880,  by  the 
emperor  Basil,  to  receive  bells  sent  to  him  by 
Orso,  Doge  of  Venice  ;  at  no  time  do  they  appear 
to  have  been  commonly  built.  The  central 
cupola  is,  however,  in  the  mediaeval  churches  of 
the  Byzantine  type  so  much  elevated  as  to  pre- 
sent something  of  the  appearance  of  an  octagonal 
tower.  [A.  JN\] 

TRACT.     [Gradual,  §  v.  p.  747.] 

TRACTORIAE.     [Council,  p.  475.] 

TRACTUS.     [Psalmody,  p.  1745.] 

TRADES  (including  Professions).  The  only 
pursuits  absolutely  interdicted  by  the  church  were 


TRADES 

those  associated  with  idolatry,  such  as  statuary 
and  painting  (so  far  as  they  involved  the 
fashioning  of  idols  or  the  representation  of  false 
divinities),  or  those  of  a  directly  immoral  ten- 
dency, such  as  the  theatrical  profession,  as  prac- 
tised in  these  times.  [Actors,  Theatre.]  Ter- 
tullian  {dc  Idololat.  c.  6),  in  condemning  the  trade 
in  idols,  replies  to  the  supposed  excuse  :  "  Facie, 
sed  non  cole,"  by  asking  how  it  is  possible  "  to 
disavow  in  speech  what  we  confess  with  the  hand, 
to  destroy  with  words  what  we  construct  by  our 
actions,  te  proclaim  but  one  God  and  to  make 
many?"  The  artificer,  he  affirms,  is  even  more 
culpable  than  the  i)riest :  "  plus  es  illis  quam 
sacerdos,  cum  per  te  habeant  sacerdotem " 
(Migne,  i.  668).  On  like  grounds,  he  condemns 
with  equal  severity  the  trade  in  incense,  a  pecu- 
liarly lucrative  one  in  his  day ;  and  he  con- 
cludes that  every  art,  profession,  and  trade  which 
ministers  te  idol  worship  is  itself  a  species  of 
idolatry. 

As  regarded  other  ordinary  modes  of  money- 
making,  they  were  in  no  way  looked  upon  by  the 
early  church  as  incompatible  with  the  duties  of 
the  Christian  life.  Tertullian,  when  repudiating 
the  notion  that  Christianity  involved  a  with- 
drawal from  ordinary  society,  says  (^Apol.  c.  42), 
"  we  carry  on  trades  among  you  "  {i.e.  among 
the  pagan  world  of  the  3rd  century).  Eusebius 
(iMin.  Evang.  i.  8 ;  Migne,  Berks  Graeca,  xxii.  30) 
says  that  the  pursuits  of  agriculture,  of  the 
market-place,  and  of  civic  industry  generally, 
are  perfectly  compatible  with  a  God-fearing  life. 
The  only  requirements  of  the  church,  indeed,  in 
these  relations,  appear  to  have  been  honesty  and 
moderation.  Tertullian  {de  Patientia,  c.  7)  con- 
trasts the  impatience  of  the  pagan  trader  under 
losses,  and  the  eager  desire  of  gain  which  seemed 
to  held  it  preferable  to  life  itself,  with  the 
Christian  view  which  teaches  us  to  prefer  our 
spiritual  welfare  to  the  acquirement  of  wealth 
(Migne,  i.  1262 ;  Cyprian,  de  Orat.  Dom.  c.  20). 
Cyprian  {de  Lapsis,  c.  6)  states  that  many 
bishops  in  his  time  had  abandoned  their  sacred 
profession  to  seek  the  acquirement  of  wealth  in 
distant  provinces,  attending  markets,  and  even 
lending  out  money  on  usury :  "  negotiationis 
quaestuosae  nundinas  aucupari  ....  usuris 
npultiplicantibus  foenus  augere "  (Migne,  iv. 
183). 

It  is,  however,  to  be  remembered  that,  accord- 
ing te  the  traditions  of  the  empire,  all  trades 
were  looked  upon  as  unworthy  of  a  free  citizen 
and,  to  some  extent,  disreputable.  It  is  probable, 
therefore,  that  in  the  earlier  centuries  they  were 
largely  carried  on  by  Christians.  Justin  Martyr 
{ad  Zenam  et  Sercnam,  c.  17)  repudiates  the 
notion  that  Christians  should  be  ashamed  to 
labour  for  fear  of  sinking  in  public  estimation. 
The  Apostolic  Constitutions  (iv.  11)  enjoin  that 
children  shall  be  taught  some  useful  art.  The 
legislation  of  the  state,  after  the  recognition  of 
Christianity,  does  not  appear  to  indicate  a  juster 
sense  of  the  dignity  of  labour  ;  and  the  removal 
of  the  capital  to  Constantinople  was  followed  by 
a  marked  decline  in  the  commercial  prosperity  of 
the  empire.  ''  The  humble  and  honest  occupa- 
tion of  the  shopkeeper,"  says  Finlay,  "  was 
treated  as  a  dishonourable  profession,  and  his 
condition  was  rendered  doubly  contemptible.  He 
was  made  the  serf  of  the  corporation  in  which 
he  was  inscribed,  and  his  industry  was  fettered 


TRADES 

by  restrictions  which  compelled  him  to  remain 
in  poverty  "  (^Hist.  of  Greece,  ed.  Tozer,  i.  117  ; 
God.  TJieod.  IX.  xxiii.  1).  St.  Basil  (iTom.  3  in 
Hexaemeron)  says  in  one  of  his  sermons  that  he 
is  aware  that  there  are  present  among  his 
audience  a  good  many  artisans  (ji-xy'nai  twu 
fiavavawv  rex'^^")  who  are  wanting  to  get  away 
to  their  work,  and  are  consequently  anxious  for 
liim  to  shorten  his  discourse  (Migne,  S.  G.  xxix. 
22).  It  is  evident,  however,  that  the  untruth- 
fulness in  which  traders  habitually  indulged 
often  made  commercial  pursuits  difficult  for  a 
Christian.  Augustine,  in  commenting  on  the  15th 
verse  of  Psalm  Ixxi.  (Septuag.  Vers.  No.  Ixx.), 
and  adopting  the  reading  of  the  Septuagint — 
"for  I  am  not  acquainted  with  the  ways  of 
men  " — renders  the  Greek  word  TTpayfiaTeias  by 
"  negotiatores,"  and  says  :  "  Audiant  negotia- 
tores,  et  mutent  vitam."  He  then  proceeds  to 
point  out  that  trading  and  truth-telling  are  not 
incompatible.  He  supposes  the  "  negotiator  "  to 
urge  in  his  defence  that  the  labourer  is  worthy  of 
his  hire  ;  and  that  bringing,  as  he  does,  his  wares 
from  a  distance  to  supply  a  public  want,  he  is 
entitled  to  a  profit.  But  this,  replies  Augustine, 
is  not  the  point  in  question,  "  agitur  de  mendacio, 
de  perjurio  ; "  and  he  maintains  that  the  vice  is 
not  inherent  in  the  transaction,  but  is  the  foult  of 
the  vendor.  He  advises  him  to  confess  candidly 
what  he  has  given  for  his  wares,  and  to  state 
what  he  demands  as  his  fair  profit :  "  Possem 
enim  dicere,  Tanto  emi,  sed  tanto  vendam  ;  si 
placet,  eme."  He  thinks  that  ti-adesmen  who 
acted  thus  would  greatly  increase  their  custom. 
He  also  rebukes  with  severity  another  common 
phase  of  mercantile  disingenuousness ;  as,  for 
example,  when  a  shoemaker,  on  receiving  an  order 
for  a  pair  of  shoes,  promises  them  by  a  certain 
time ;  but,  on  receiving  further  orders,  puts  the 
first  order  aside  and  disappoints  his  customer 
(Migne,  xxxvii.  886). 

In  the  West,  by  a  series  of  changes  which  can- 
not be  very  clearly  discerned,  we  find  that  in  the 
.5th  century  a  remarkable  change  had  taken  place 
in  the  respect  paid  to  labour.  Trades  and  crafts 
formerly  carried  on  almost  exclusively  by  slaves 
are  to  be  found,  especially  in  the  municipal 
cities  of  Gaul,  in  the  hands  of  free  men  whounited 
themselves  in  corporations  for  the  protection  of 
their  interests  (Guizot,  Hist,  do  la  Ciulisat.  i. 
52). 

The  following  examples  are  given  by  Martigny 
from  various  collections  of  inscriptions  in  the 
catacombs  and  elsewhere,  which  illustrate  the 
occupations  pursued  by  Christians  in  the  earlier 
centuries : — 

Of  a  "  rationalis,"  or  collector  of  taxes 
(Aringhi,  i.  406)  ;  of  a  "  scutarius,"  or  maker  of 
shields  {ib.  117);  of  dealers  in  purple  (cf.  Acts 
xvi.  14),  of  silversmiths,  blacksmiths,  carpenters, 
lapidaries,  potters,  tanners,  tent-makers,  weavers, 
colliers,  and  fishermen  (see  Lami,  de  Erudit. 
Apost.  p.  184).  Marchi  {Monumenti  dellc  Arte 
Crist,  p.  26)  gives  an  epitaph  of  a  female  vendor 
of  barley,  and  (p.  28)  that  of  a  "  lintearius,"  or 
linen-weaver.  De  Rossi  (i.  212)  furnishes  us 
with  that  of  a  baker — Bitalis  pistor  ;  and 
that  of  a  "  pastellarius,"  or  maker  of  rolls,  is 
found  after  the  5th  century ;  that  of  one  Mar- 
cellus,  patron  of  the  corporation  of  the  "  pastcl- 
larii,"  is  given  by  Muratori  (527,  v).  We  find 
also    epitaphs    of    one     Lucilius    Victorinus,    a 


TRADES 


1993 


manufacturer  of  dice— artis  tessalarie  lu- 
SORIB  (Boldetti,  p.  416);  of  a  "  confectorurius," 
or  pork  butcher  (Muratori,  cmliv.  5),  and  find 
from  Gruter  (ccclxi.  5)  that  the  "  confectorarii  " 
formed  a  corporation  along  with  the  "  suarii  "  or 
dealers  in  swine;,  of  a  "capsarius"  (Marchi, 
p.  27),  or  keeper  of  the  clothes  at  a  public  bath  ; 
of  a  sculptor,  with  design  of  his  chisel  and 
puncheon  (Rossi,  i.  188);  of  a  painter,  with 
similar  designs  of  compass,  puncheon,  and  brushes 
(Marangoni,  ^c<a  S.  Vict.  p.  125);  of  a  public 
measurer  of  corn,  accompanied  by  designs  of  a 
"  modius  "  full  of  wheat,  and  a  measuring  rod 
(Lupi,  Scv.  Epitaph,  p.  51);  of  a  "faber,"  with 
the  dribign  of  a  shovel;  of  a  Christian  lady, 
SEVERA  SELEUCiANE,  on  whose  tomb  there  is 
the  design  of  a  weaving  loom  (Lupi,  0pp.  Laud. 
pp._28,  29)  ;  designs  of  combs  Qb.  pp.  22,  29,  30) 
designate  "  lanarius  pectinarius."  Fabretti  (Insc. 
Ant.  Explic.  p.  574)  shews  us  a  poor  "  colonus  " 
named  Leon.  Perret  (V.  lii.)  gives  us  the  repre- 
sentation of  a  sower.  Marini  {Iscriz.  Alban. 
p.  188)  supplies  us  with  the  only  known  example 
of  a  "pincerna,"  or  cupbearer,  though  Lami  {de 
Erud.  Apost.  p.  230)  says  that  this  was  an  office 
often  filled  by  Christians.  The  "  fossores,"  who 
prepared  the  tombs  in  the  catacombs,  are  fre- 
quently represented  by  a  spade,  or  some  other 
implement  of  their  profession  (Boldetti,  pp.  53, 
59,  65 ;  Perret,  i.  30).  Boldetti  (p.  184)  gives  a 
design  which  he  supposed  to  represent  an  instru- 
ment of  martyrdom,  but  which  De  Rossi  {Bol- 
Ictino,  1864,  p.  36)  has  explained  as  designed  for 
a  dentist's  instrument  for  extracting  teeth  with 
an  extracted  tooth  by  the  side. 

The  evidence  with  respect  to  professions  has 
an  almost  entirely  different  significance.  The 
military  profession  and  those  of  the  "gram- 
maticus,"  the  "  rhetor,"  and  the  jurist,  were 
generally  held  in  high  honour,  and  instances  of 
Christians  in  these,  during  the  earlier  centuries, 
are  comparatively  rare.  In  the  legal  profession 
there  occur  the  names  of  Minucius  Felix,  the 
senators  Hippolytus  and  Apollonius  (Baldin. 
Fraef.  in  Mimic.  Eel.),  and  Tertullian,  according 
to  Eusebius  (H.  E.  v.  21),  was  distinguished  by 
his  knowledge  of  Roman  law.  De  Rossi  (i.  64) 
gives  an  inscription  on  the  tomb  of  a  Christian 
jurisconsult,  which  records  that  he  was  honoured 
by  the  friendship  of  Constantine  during  the 
emperor's  sojourn  in  Rome.  The  profession  of 
the  healing  art,  often  adopted  by  slaves,  appears 
to  have  been  far  more  common  among  Christians. 
The  name  of  St.  Luke  at  once  suggests  itself. 
Boldetti  (p.  416  et  pass.)  gives  a  large  number  • 
of  inscriptions  of  this  class.  Reinesius  gives  the 
epitaph  of  one  Alexander,  a  physician,  who  is 
said  to  have  been  XPI2TIANOC  KAI  UNET- 
MATIKOC  {Stjntag.  898,  v.),  the  latter  pro- 
bably denoting  that  he  belonged  to  a  class  of 
empirics  who  in  their  diagnosis  profess  to  refer 
every  symptom  to  the  Tr^/ef-yua.  Aringhi  (i.  415) 
gives  the  epitaph  of  one  Timothy,  an  'farch- 
iatrus  "  or  "  princeps  medicorum,"  an  officer  who 
was  also  physician  in  ordinary  to  the  emperor. 
Christian  freedmen  appear  as  discharging,  in  the 
service  of  the  emperor  or  of  senators,  the  offices 
of  secretary  "  commentaricnsis  "  (Lami,  de  Erudit. 
Apost.  p.  250),  of  "  librarius "  or  copyist,  of 
"  tabellarius  "  or  courier  who  carried  despatches 
(Passionei,  124,  n.  84),  of  "  arcarius  "  or  trea- 
surer, and  "  cubicularius  "  or  groom  of  the  bed- 


1994        TRADITIO  SYMBOLI 

chamber.  Lucian,  head  of  the  "  cubicularii "  of 
Diocletian's  palace,  was  instrumental  in  the  con- 
version of  many  to  the  Christian  faith  (Tille- 
mont,  Hist.  Ec'cl.  v.  7,  8,  180).  An  instance  of 
a  Christian  holding  the  office  of  "  scrinarius  "  or 
keeper  of  the  archives,  an  important  function, 
;md  one  involving  considerable  attainments, 
occurs  in  Aringhi  (i.  415).  The  father  of  St. 
Basil  was  a  teacher  of  rhetoric  equally  famed 
for  his  eloquence  and  his  Christian  virtues. 
The  profession  of  a  "  grammaticus "  was  not 
common  among  the  earlier  Christians,  probably 
on  account  of  its  .association  with  pagan  observ- 
ances (see  Schools).  De  Rossi  (i.  1242)  gives 
us  the  epitaph  of  a  "  magister  ludi "  and  also 
(i.  1167)  that  of  a  "magister  ludi  litterarii." 
The  military  profession,  though  often  disavowed 
by  certain  sects  and  by  individuals,  does  not 
appear,  at  any  time,  to  have  been  actually  for- 
bidden by  the  church  (see  War,  and,  for  other 
points  connected  with  the  whole  subject,  CoM- 
MKRCE).  [J.  B.  M.] 

TRADITIO  SYMBOLI,  the  solemn  delivery 
of  the  creed  to  the  catechumens  as  their  baptism 
drew  nigh.  We  only  road  of  it  in  connexion 
with  the  more  numerous  baptisms  of  Easter 
Eve,  but  it  is  certain  that  a  similar  discipline 
prevailed  with  reference  to  those  of  Whitsun 
Eve.  At  Rome  it  took  place  on  a  day  appointed 
by  notice  in  the  fourth  week  of  Lent  {Ordo 
Scrutinii,  6,  in  Mus.  Ital.  ii.  79).  Wednesday 
was  the  usual  day  (Assemani,  Codex  Liturg.  i. 
9o,  "  feria  quarta,  seu  ilia  feria  ;  "  see  Amalarius, 
i/c  Eccl.  Off.  i.  8 ;  Ordo  Horn,  in  Hittorp.  de 
Heel.  Caih.  Off.  31,  ed.  1).  At  Milan  the  creed 
was  given  on  Saturday  in  Passion  Week 
(See  Sabbatum,  &c.,  p.  1827).  In  Gaul, 
before  the  Roman  scrutinium  and  other  rites 
were  forced  on  the  national  churches  (^Capit. 
Beg.  Franc,  v.  372),  Palm  Sunday  was  the  day 
universally  observed.  This  appears  from  the 
internal  evidence  of  the  "  Missae  in  Symboli 
Traditione"  in  the  Gallican  sacramentaries, 
which  refer  to  the  entry  into  Jerusalem  {Miss. 
Goth,  in  Lit.  Gall.  235  ;  Miss.  Gall.  Vet.  ib.  346 ; 
Sacram.  Gall,  in  Mus.  Ital.  i.  314),  and  from  the 
thirteenth  canon  of  Agde,  a.d.  506.  The  lessons 
or  Palm  Sunday  in  the  Gallican  lectionary  (Lit. 
Gall.  127)  are  obviously  chosen  with  an  eve  to 
this  rite  (Jer.  xxx.  1-34 ;  Heb.  x.  3-34 ;  'John 
xii.  1-24).  In  Gothic  Spain  it  took  place  on  the 
same  day  (Isid.  Hispal.  de  Eccl.  Off.  i.  27),  but 
not  everywhere  in  Spain ;  for  the  council  of 
Braga  (now  in  Portugal)  in  572  (can.  1)  says 
that  the  creed  is  to  be  taught  the  catechumens 
"  in  the  twenty  days "  before  their  baptism. 
The  traditio,  then,  was  some  three  weeks  before 
Easter,  in  which  the  church  of  western  Spain 
seems  to .  have  agreed,  or  nearly  agreed,  with 
the  churches  of  Greece  and  Asia.  There  has  been 
a  controversy  about  the  time  of  the  traditio  in 
proconsular  Africa.  The  Benedictine  editors  of 
St.  Augustine  infer  from  his  language  in  Serin. 
212  "  in  Traditione  Symboli,"  that  it  took  place 
"die  ante  Pascha  serius  ocius  quinto  decimo  " 
(note  M.  s.),  while  Martene  argues  from  the  same 
premises  that  it  was  "  sabbato  ante  dominicam 
quartam  quadragesimae  "  {De  Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  I. 
i.  11,  n.  11).  The  redditio  or  repetition  of  it  to 
the  bishop  was  eight  days  later  when  the  cate- 
chumens received  the  Lord's  Prayer,  and  again 


TRADITIO  SYMBOLI 

on  Easter  Eve  before  their  baptism  (Aug.  Strin. 
58,  §§  1,  13). 

We  have  also  less  precise  information  on  the 
jjractice  of  the  Greek  and  Oriental  churches  than 
on  those  of  Gaul,  Spain  and  Italy.  St.  Jerome, 
A.D.  397,  writing  in  Palestine,  says,  "  Consuetude 
autem  apud  nos  istiusmodi  est,  ut  his  qui 
baptizandi  sunt  per  xl.  dies  publice  tradamus 
sanctam  et  adorandam  Trinitatem."  From  this- 
we  should  infer  that  the  creed  was  delivered  at 
the  beginning  of  Lent,  unless,  which  seems  im- 
probable, it  was  only  imparted  piecemeal  during 
the  whole  course  of  it.  We  find  Cyril  of  Jeru- 
salem, A.D.  347,  explaining  the  first  article  of  it 
in  his  fourth  catechetical  lecture  delivered  not 
far  from  the  beginning  of  that  season,  and  in 
the  fourteen  that  follow  dealing  with  doctrines 
exclusively  Christian. 

The  only  eai-ly  notice  of  time  in  the  church  of 
Constantinople  with  which  I  am  able  to  meet 
occurs  in  the  statement  of  Theodorus  Lector, 
that  before  the  time  of  Timotheus,  a.d.  511,  the 
Nicene  creed  was  "  recited  only  once  in  the  year, 
viz.  on  the  holy  day  of  preparation  (parasceve)  ot" 
the  divine  Passion  at  the  time  of  the  catechisings 
held  by  the  bishop  "  (Hist.  Eccl.  ii.  32).  We  can 
only  suggest  that  the  Apostles'  creed  was  used 
in  earlier  catechisings  by  the  priests. 

The  delivery  of  the  creed  was  in  the  Latin 
church  preceded  by  a  short  address,  "  praefatio 
symboli "  (Sacram.  Gelas. ;  Assemani,  Codex 
Liturg.  i.  11;  Ord.  Scrut.  6,  u.  $.;  Miss.  Gall 
Vet.  in  Lit.  Gall.  339 ;  Sacram.  Gall,  in  Mu». 
Hal.  i.  310.     Comp.  Catech.  Grace.  Ass.  111). 

It  was  afterwards  explained  in  detail  (Aug.. 
Senn.  214;  the  Sacramentaries,  u.  s.).  St. 
Augustine  has  three  sermons  (212,  213,  214)^ 
"  in  Traditione  Symboli ;  "  but  the  office  books 
give  forms  to  be  used  on  the  occasion. 

According  to  the  earlier  Roman  ritual  the 
creed  was  said  in  Greek  over  the  male  candi- 
dates, and  in  Latin  over  the  female  (Martene, 
M.  s.,  I.  i.  12,  ord.  2  (MS.  Gellon) ;  Fontif.  Fictav. 
ib.  ord.  3  ;  ord.  4,  ad  Scrut.  MS.  Wertin.  ib.  &c.). 
In  the  Gallican  it  was  said  in  Latin  only,  but 
over  each  sex  (Miss.  Gall.  Vet.  u.  s.  340 ;  Jesse 
Ambianensis,  de  Baptismo,  §  1).  In  the  Gelasian 
Sacramentary,  as  we  have  it,  it  is  given  both  in 
Latin  and  Greek,  but  both  are  said  over  all  the 
candidates. 

The  day  on  which  the  delivery  took  place  was 
called  by  the  Latins  "  Dies  in  Apertione  Aurium  " 
(Sacram.  Gelas.  i.  34 ;  Murat.  i.  537  ;  Miss.  Gall. 
Vet.  in  Lit.  Gall.  342  ;  Jesse  Amb.  u.  s.,  &c.) 
It  had  a  proper  mass,  "  Missa  in  Svmboli  Tradi- 
tione "  (Miss.  Goth.  u.  s.  235 ;  Gall.  Vet.  346  ; 
Sacram.  Gall.  u.  s.  314  ;  Miss.  Amfyros.  u.  s.  336). 

The  creed  used  was  at  first  everywhere  a  form 
identical  with  or  closely  akin  to  the  Apostles' 
creed  (Miss.  Gall.  Vet.  \.  s.  348  ;  Sacr.  Gall. 
u.  s.  312;  Isid.  Hispal.  de  Eccl.  Off.  ii.  22; 
Raban.  Maur.  de  lastit.  Cler.  i.  27 ;  Ord.  Bom. 
Bernoldi  in  Hittorp.  de  Eccl.  Off.  32,  ed.  1  ; 
Ordd.  9,  10  in  Martene,  u.  s.,  "Credo  in  Deum," 
&c.) ;  but  when  the  Nicene  creed  was  generally 
adopted  into  the  liturgies  it  was  also  chosen  in 
many  churches  for  the  instruction  and  profession 
of  catechumens  (see  for  the  Latin,  Sacram.  Gelas. 
Assem.  u.  s.  11 ;  Greg.  ib.  22;  Ord.  Scrut.  97  ; 
Ord.  5  in  Martene,  u.  s. ;  for  the  Greek,  Assem. 
«.  s.  114.  138;  Armenian,  ib.  172;  Syrian,  212, 
238,  252,  271).     There  is  early  evidence  of  tb^ 


TRADITOEES 

Greek  use  of  this  creed,  as  in  the  statement  of 
Theodore  already  quoted.  The  council  of  Con- 
stantinople, A.D.  518,  speak  of  it  as  "the  holy- 
symbol  in  which  we  were  baptized  and  do  bap- 
tize "  {Epist.  Sym.  ad  Joan.,  Labb.  Cone.  v.  166). 
Some  monks  memorialising  a  later  council  at 
the  same  place  (a.d.  536)  express  themselves 
in  the  same  manner  {ih.  172).  Similarly, 
Caesar  Basiliscus  writing  to  Timothy  Aelurus, 
"The  symbol  of  the  318  fathers  .  .  .  into  which 
we  and  all  who  have  believed  before  us  have 
been  baptized "  (Evagrius,  Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  4). 
The  Copts  use  a  short  form  declaring  belief  in 
the  Three  Persons  of  the  Trinity  (Assem.  i.  159). 
In  one  Latin  Ordo  an  option  is  given,  "Credo  in 
Deum  "  or  "  Credo  in  Unum  Deum  "  (Martene, 
u.  s.  ord.  4).  [W.  E.  S.] 

TRADITORES.  Those  who  in  the  time  of 
the  Diocletian  persecution  delivered  up  their 
Bibles,  and  sacred  utensils  for  destruction  :  "  Post 
Cypriani  mortem  40  annis  peractis  traditio  codi- 
cum  facta  est,  unde  coeperunt  appellari  tra- 
ditores "  (Aug.  de  Bapt.  conlr.  Donat.  vii.  2). 
The  charge  of  betraying  sacred  books  was  urged 
in  turn  against  the  Catholics  and  the  Dona- 
tists  (Aug.  Epp.  1.,  clxii.,  cl.\iv.,  De  Verb.  Dom. 
xviii.  19 ;  Contra  Crescon.  iii.  27).  The  first 
council  of  Aries,  A.D.  314  (c.  13),  held  immedi- 
ately after  the  persecution,  decreed  that  any 
clergyman  convicted,  not  by  hearsay  but  by 
manifest  acts,  of  having  betrayed  either  the 
sacred  Scriptures  or  the  church  vessels  or  the 
names  of  the  brethren,  was  to  be  deposed. 

[G.  M.] 

TEANQUILLINUS,  July  6,  martyr  at 
Rome  under  Diocletian  (3fart.  Usuard.,  Flor., 
Adon.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Bom.) ;  Dec.  18  (^Menol.  Graec. 
Sirlet.).  [C.  H.] 

TEANSENNA.  In  classical  usage  "  tran- 
senna  "  stands  for  any  piece  of  reticulated  work, 
either  a  net  or  snare  for  catching  birds  (Plaut. 
Bacchis,  iv.  6,  22  ;  Fei^sa,  iv.  3,  11 ;  Rudens,  iv. 
7,  10),  or  a  wicker  hurdle,  or  lattice,  or  anything 
imitating  that  form.  In  this  sense  it  was 
applied  to  a  carved  grating  filling  up  the  aper- 
ture of  a  window,  admitting  the  light,  but 
hindering  those  outside  from  looking  in,  called 
by  the  Greeks  ^lktvutov.  An  example  of  this 
arrangement  is  to  be  seen  in  the  church  of 
Sylvester,  below  that  of  St.  Martino  ai  Monti, 
in  Rome.  "  Per  transennam  aspicere  "  was  a 
common  Latin  proverb  found  in  Cicero  {de 
Oratore,  lib.  i.  c.  35). 

Paulinus  of  Nola  also  describes  the  "  tran- 
senna "  as  adapted  to  a  window  opening, 
"  laetissimo  vero  conspectu  tota  haec  basilica, 
aperitur  tribus  arcubus  paribus  perlucente 
transenna  "  (Epist.  12,  ad  Sever.). 

In  Christian  Antiquities  "  transenna  "  is  ap- 
plied to  the  carved  marble  gratings  used  both 
to  fill  up  the  openings  of  the  "  cancelli "  in  the 
churches  and  oratories  (precisely  as  in  those  of 
the  secular  basilicas,  of  which  an  excellent 
example  has  been  found  in  the  recently  excavated 
"  basilica  Jovis  "  on  the  Palatine  Hill),  and  to 
protect  the  shrines  of  the  martyrs  from  too  rude 
handling,  while  they  afforded  a  distant  and 
mysterious  view  of  the  sacred  treasures,  and 
allowed  handkerchiefs  and  napkins  called 
"  brandea  "  to  be  put  through  the  lattice  work, 


TEANSENNA 


1995 


and  bring  back  healing  virtue  from  contact  with 
the  consecrated  coffer.  A  "  transeuna  "  in  this 
last  sense  was  completed  of  pure  silver  by 
Sixtus  III.  about  the  tomb  of  St.  Lawrence, 
"  ornavit  transennam  et  altare  et  confessionem 
sancti  martyris  Laurentii  "  (Anastas.  in  Sixto  III. 
§  65).  The  design  of  a  "  transenna  "  discovered 
in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Callistus  is  given  by 
Boldetti  (Osservaz.  p.  35).  One  published  by 
De  Rossi  {Inscr.  Christian,  torn,  i.  proleg.  cxv. 
Northcote,  ed.  2,  pi.  ix.)  bears  a  curious  inscrip- 
tion of  the  end  of  the  3rd  century,  together  with 
an  earlier  one  partially  obliterated.  From  the 
former  we  learn  that  it  was  originally  prepared 
by  a  heathen  lady  for  the  reception  of  her  own 
epitaph.  It  was  subsequently  taken  possession 
of,  as  the  later  inscription  records,  by  a  deacon 
named  Severus,  who  clumsily  set  it  horizontally 
instead  of  vertically,  to  guard  the  aperture  of  a 
"  cubiculum  duplex  cum  arcosolio  et  luminare  "■ 
constructed  for  himself  and  his  family  by  the 
permission  of  pope  Marcellinus.  This  "  tran- 
senna," which  is  one  of  elegant  design,  measures 
6  feet  by  3  feet.  The  inscriptions  are  on  a  plain 
oblong  slab  in  the  centre.  The  design  of  the 
"  transennae  "  of  the  "  cancelli  "  and  of  the  altar 
of  what  is  known  as  the  papal  crypt  in  the 
cemetery  of  St.  Callistus,  has  been  faithfully 
restored  by  De  Rossi  from  the  fragments  dis- 
covered, and  the  supposed  arrangement  is  given 
(tav.  1,  A.  of  the  second  volume  of  his  Roma 
Sotterranea.  See  woodcut).  The  use  of  the 
"  transenna "  to  fence  in  the  "  confessio "  is 
still  seen  at  St.  Clement's.  Perret  gives  beauti- 
ful examples  from  St.  Priscilla  and  St.  Helena. 


GDC 


5 


The  life  of  Stephen  IV.  (Anastas.  §  274)  affords 
an  instance  of  the  use  of  the  word  in  its  first 
meaning  as  a  fence.  A  presbyter  named  Walde- 
pertus,  who  had  f?ed  for  refuge  to  the  church  of 
St.  Mary  ad  Martyres,  was  dragged  out  and 
thrown  "juxta  ti-ansennam  campi  Laterani,"" 
where  his  eyes  were  dug  out. 


1996 


TRAXSFIGUKATION 


JIartigny  (sub  voce)  presents  a  beautiful  ami 
•elaborate  example  of  a  "  trausenna "  from  .i 
church  at  Cherchel,  in  North  Africa,  with  th(,' 
letters  A  and  CO  forming  elements  of  the  lattice 
work.  [E.  V.J 

TRANSFIGURATION  (in  Art).  This  event 
in  our  Lord's  history  had  no  place  in  the 
ordinary  cycles  of  art  representations  in  the 
early  church.  It  occurs,  however,  two  or  three 
times  in  mosaics,  and  has  been  found  in  some 
minor  works  of  art.  The  most  remarkable  is 
that  of  the  6th  century  at  St.  Apollinare  in 
Classe,  already  described  in  the  article  Mosaics 
(p.  1333 j.  Here  the  representation  is  almost 
entirely  symbolical.  A  jewelled  cross  within  a 
circle  of  glory  occupies  the  central  place,  on 
either  side  demi-figures  of  Moses  and  Elias  float 
in  clouds,  while  three  sheep  among  the  trees  on 
the  hill  below  represent  the  apostles.  The  Trans- 
figuration is  also  depicted  in  a  mosaic  of  the  Gth 
century  in  the  chapel  of  the  convent  of  St. 
Catherine  on  Mount.  Sinai  (La  Borde,  Voijagc 
dans  I'Arahie),  and  in  an  ill-designed  clumsy 
work  of  the  8th  century  in  the  church  of  SS. 
Nereus  and  Achilleus  at  Rome  (Mos.\iCS,  p.  1333). 
Martigny  states  that  Jlillin  mentions  the  subject 
being  found  on  a  sarcophagus  at  Ostia,  but  \\v 
gives  no  reference  to  the  place.  Raoul  Rochette 
speaks  of  it  as  being  seen  on  a  lamp  discovered 
in  a  catacomb  at  Corneto  (see  also  D'A^incourt, 
Scu'pt.  l.xii.  no.  24,  28).  ^[L.  V.] 

TRANSFIGURATION      OF     CHRIST. 

commemorated  Julv  1+  (Cal.  Annen.);  Aug.  6 
(C'a/.  Byzant.;  Cal.  Ethiop.;  Basil.  Menol.; 
Menol.  Grace.  Sirlet. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv. 
265  ;  Mart.  Eom.).  [C!  H.] 

TRANSITORIUM,  the  anthem  sung  after 
the  communion  (see  COMMUNIO,  p.  412)  in  the 
Ambrosian  liturgy  (Radulphus  Tungr.  de 
Canonum  Obscrv.  Prop.  23,  in  Max.  Bihlioth.  Vet. 
Fatr.  xxvi.  319).  It  is  so  called  because,  while 
it  is  being  sung,  the  priest  leaves  his  place  and 
"  transfert  missale  ad  aliam  partem  altaris " 
(Ruhr,  in  Missali  Aiiibr.  a.d.  1669  ;  Martene, 
de  Ant.  Eccl.  Rit.  I.  iv.  12,  n.  3).  See  an 
example  in  Pamelius,  Liturgica,  i.  305. 

[W.  E.  S.] 

TRANSLATION  [BisHor,  p.  225 ;  Relics, 
p.  1772.] 

TREASURER.     [Oecosomus.] 

TRECENSE  CONCILIUM.     [Teoyes.] 

TREES  IN  ART.  The  trees  so  frequently 
seen  in  the  early  Christian  mosaics  and  frescoes, 
and  on  gilded  glasses,  sarcophagi,  and  other 
objects  of  art,  are  commonly,  as  Bosio  acknow- 
ledges (lib.  iv.  c.  44),  simply  ornamental  acces- 
sories devoid  of  any  symbolical  meaning,  though 
in  some  cases  it  is  probable  that  we  may  not  be 
wrong  in  regarding  them  as  typical  of  the  Tree 
of  Life,  an  emblem  of  immortality,  and  of  Chris- 
tians as  trees  of  the  Lord's  planting.  This  is 
certainly  the  case  with  the  palm-tree.  [Palm 
Tree.]  The  trees  between  which  the  Good  Shep- 
herd is  often  placed,  sometimes  with  the  adjuncts 
of  birds  and  a  milk-pail  (Perret,  Catacombes,  V. 
pi.  xlviii.,.  Isxvii. ;  Aginconrt,  iv.  vii.  10),  may  be 
safely  regarded  as  decorative,  though  a  symbolical 
meaning  may  be   easily   read  into  them.     The 


TRIFORIUM. 

same  may  be  said  of  the  trees  which  accompany 
the  raising  of  Lazarus,  sometimes  growing  out 
of  the  tomb  (Buonarruoti,  tav.  vii.  2)  or  in  part 
of  it  (Bottari,  tav.  vii.  2),  and  of  those  between 
which  the  "  orantes "  often  stand  ;  sometimes 
with  a  lamb  on  either  side  (Perret,  V.  v.).  St. 
Agnes  is  so  depicted  (Buonarruoti,  tav.  xviii.- 
xxi. ;  Bottari,  tav.  xcvii.  4).  The  symbolical 
reference  is  more  unmistakable  when  a  tree  or 
a  branch  is  depicted  between  A  and  CO  (De  Rossi, 
Horn.  Sott.  tom.  ii.  p.  323),  and  where  a  green 
tree,  rich  in  flowers  and  fruit,  is  opposed  to  one 
that  isdry  (Le  Blant,  Inscr.  Christ,  pp.  390,  394, 
409).     Compare  Paradise.  [E.  V.] 

TRENTALS.    [Obsequies,  xssi.  p.  1437.] 

TREVES,  COUNCIL  OF  (Trevirensk 
Concilium),  a.d.  385,  at  which  St.  Martin  was 
beguiled  into  being  present,  when  Ithacius,  the 
accuser  of  Priscillian,  was  acquitted,  and  Felix 
ordained  bishop  of  Treves.  (Mansi,  iii.  679- 
84.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

TRIANGLE.  For  this  emblem,  which  is 
rarely  used  in  the  early  church,  and  has  been  little 
noticed  in  consequence,  Martigny  refers  almost 
entirely  to  a  learned  article  by  M.  de  Rossi,  in 
the  Spicilegium  Solesmense,  vol.  iv.  p.  497,  on 
some  inscriptions  from  Carthage. 


Triangle.    (MartigTiy,  p.  641.) 

These  examples  are  almost  the  only  ones  known. 
[See  Monogram.]  The  first  will  be  found  in 
Aringhi(A'om.  Siiht.  i.  p.  605), the  second  and  third 
are  Lupi's  (Sev.  Epitaph,  pp.  64,  102),  the  fourth 
in  Boldetti's  Cimit.  p.  402.  The  fifth  and  sixth, 
with  the  monogram  and  enclosing  the  A  and  a> 
were  found  by  De  Rossi  in  a  MS.  of  the  Barberini 
library,  and  published  by  M.  E.  Le  Blant  (Inscr. 
chret.  ds  la  Gaxde,  t.  i.  p.  107),  the  last  is  on  the 
fifth  of  the  former's  African  marbles  (in  the 
Spicilegium). 

Three  fishes  arranged  in  the  fonn  of  a  triangle 
are  represented  in  Munter's  Sinnbildcr,  p.  49,  tab. 
i.  26.  And,  as  Martigny  observes,  all  the  triangles 
are  closely  connected  with  the  Monogram,  the 
special  symbol  or  name  of  the  Second  Person  of 
the  Holy  Trinity.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

TRIBIMAEUS,  Mar.  1,  martyr  at  Perga 
with  Nestor  under  Decius  (Basil.  Ilenol.). 

[C.  H.] 

TRIBUNAL.  [Immunities  ;  Jurisdic- 
tion; Law.] 

TRIFORIUM.  It  is  defined  by  Ducange  as 
a  kind  of  gallery  or  arcade,  which  is  carried  all 
round  a  church,  in  order  to  furnish  means  of  cir- 
culation about  the  church  above  the  principal 
arcade.  The  same  writer  derives  the  name  from 
the  fact  that  in  the  earlier  forms  of  the  triforiuin 
the  wall  had  a  triple  perforation  between  each 
pair  of  the  great  columns  below.     Stmcturally 


TRINITY,  THE  HOLY 

the  triforium  is  the  roof-space  of  a  lean-to  aisle. 
It  is  pronounced  by  Viollet-le-Duc  {Dictionnaire 
de  V Architecture,  s.  v.)  to  be  a  tradition  of  the 
gallery  (ambulatorium)  of  the  first  story  of  the 
Roman  basilica.  The  name  he  says  was  intro- 
duced into  the  vocabulary  of  architecture  by 
English  archaeologists.  Besides  its  purpose  of  a 
passage  to  which  Ducange  appears  to  limit  the 
triforium,  Viollet-le-Duc  speaks  of  its  being 
used  for  the  congregation  in  the  larger  cathe- 
drals on  the  occasion  of  a  great  solemnity. 

[H.  T.  A.] 
"'  TRINITY,  THE  HOLY  (in  Art).  The 
«arly  Christians  shrank  from  representing  God 
the  Father  in  human  form,  much  more  from  a 
pictorial  representation  of  tlie  Holy  Trinity.  The 
Triangle  was  used  to  symbolize  it,  but  even  of 
this  early  examples  are  not  common. 

But  the  appearance  of  the  three  angels  to 
Abraham  (Gen.  xviii.)  was  commonly  regarded 
by  the  ancients  as  a  manifestation  of  the  Holy 
Trinity,  and  it  is  no  doubt  as  such  that  it  is 
represented  in  a  mosaic  of  S.  Maria  Maggiore, 
a  work  of  the  5th  century  (Ciampini,  Vet. 
Monim.  I.  tab.  li.  1). 

In  representations  of  the  baptism  of  the  Lord 
by  St.  John,  the  presence  of  the  Father  is  fre- 
quently indicated  by  a  hand  appearing  from  a 
cloud,  while  the  Holy  Spirit  appears  as  a  dove 
[Dove,  p.  576].  Such  a  picture  Paulinus  de- 
scribes in  the  church  of  St.  Felix  at  Nola.  The 
abbe'  Martigny  sees  also  a  representation  of  the 
Trinity  in  a  mosaic  of  the  6th  century  in  the 
church  of  SS.  Cosmas  and  Damian  (Ciampini, 
Vet.  Mon.  ii.  tab.  xvi.),  where  the  Lord  stands 
teaching ;  a  hand  from  above  suspends  a  crown 
over  His  head,  while  a  dove,  the  head  sur- 
rounded with  rays,  flies  towards  him.  On  a 
sarcophagus  recently  discovered,  and  now  in  the 
Lateran  Museum,  three  bearded  persons  — 
probably  representing  the  Trinity — are  engaged 
in  the  creation  of  Eve.  This  is  said  to  be  of 
the  latter  half  of  the  4th  century  (Martigny, 
Diet,  des  Antiq.  Chre't.  s.  v.  Trinite).  [C] 

TRIODION  {Tpiv^iov).  One  of  the  ecclesias- 
tical books  of  the  Eastern  church  containing  the 
offices  from  Septuagesinia  Sunday  to  Easter-Eve. 
It  derives  its  name  from  the  fact  that  while 
hymns  in  honour  of  our  Lord,  the  B.  V.  M.,  and 
other  saints  had  usually  nine  strophes  (aJSai), 
during  this  period  of  the  year  they  have  only 
three.  Hence  l.\x.  Sunday  is  sometimes  called 
simply  '^Triodium."  A  detailed  and  hostile 
examination  of  the  contents  of  this  book  has  been 
written  by  the  Roman  Catholic  Leo  Allatius  de 
Lib.Ecdes.  Graec.  Hamburgi,  1712;  Neale  (J.M.), 
Jloly  Eastern  Church,  Introd.  p.  857.  [F.  E.  W.] 

TRIPHO.     [Trypho.] 

TRIPHONIA,  wife  of  Decius  Caesar,  com- 
memorated on  Oct  18  {Mart.  Bed.,  Usuard., 
Adon.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Wand.,  Notker.).         [C.  H.] 

TRIPODES,  June  10,  martyr  with  Basilides 
and  Madales  under  Aurelian  at  Rome  {Mart. 
Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Rom.).  [C.  H.] 

TRIPODIUM.  This  word  occurs  in  a  de- 
scription of  a  Gospel  procession  in  a  passage 
quoted  by  Martene  (de  Antiq.  Eccl.  Rit.  i.  iv.  v. 
2)  from  an  ancient  Tours  ritual.    It  was  probably 


TROPHIMUS 


1997 


a  triangular  stand,  on  which  the  Evangelistarium 
rested  while  the  Gospel  was  being  read. 

[F.  E.  W.] 
TRISAGION  (Tpicrayiov).  A  hymn  suno-  in 
the  Eastern  liturgies  during  the  Little  Entrance. 
It  derives  its  name  from  the  nature  of  its 
wording,  " Kyios  6  &ebs,  "Ajios  Xcrx^pos,  "Ayios 
aQavaros  i\i-r](Tou  ■r]/j.as.  It  is  also  called  tov 
rpiaayiov  So^o\oyia,  and  Tptar^  tov  aytafffiov 
TTJs  deias  tifivoKoylas  iKJSS-nffLs.  It  is  said  to  have 
been  first  introduced  into  the  Liturgy  in  the 
reign  of  the  younger  Theodosius  (408-450),  but 
it  is  probably  much  older.  The  legend  of  its 
being  supernatui-ally  communicated  to  the  terror- 
stricken  population  of  Constantinople  during  an 
earthquake  in  the  episcopate  of  St.  Proclus  (a.d. 
434)  is  preserved  by  many  writers  (Joan.  Damasc. 
de  Fid.  Orthodox,  iii.  10).  Peter  the  Fuller  at 
Antioch  (ob.  477)  added  the  words  6  aTavpoiOels 
Sl'  ri,uas.  His  successor  neutralised  this  Patri- 
passian  addition  by  inserting  Xpicrre  ISaffiKev;  but 
neither  phrase  obtained  a  permanent  footing, 
although  the  emperor  Anastasius  (a.d.  491-518) 
tried  to  impose  the  acceptance  of  Peter's  heretical 
formula  which  was  adopted  by  the  Syrian  Mono- 
physites  (Bingham,  Antiq.  xiv.  ii.  3  ;  Robertson, 
(J.  C.)  Hist,  of  the  Christian  Church,  i.  527,  ed. 
1864  ;  Martene,  de  Antiq.  Eccl.  Rit.  lib.  iv.  c.  23). 
In  the  West  it  forms  part  of  the  Improperia  on 
Good  F'riday,  where  it  is  placed  in  some  of  the 
earliest  extant  service  books  of  Troyes,  Poictiers 
(j6.).  The  E^x^  ^oC  Tpicrayiov  was  the  prayer 
said  by  the  priest  {i.i.v(ttlkc>)s,  secrete),  while  the 
trisagion  was  being  sung.  For  the  Latin  Saiictus 
or  Tersanctus,  with  which  the  Trisagion  is  some- 
times confused,  see  Preface,  p.  1696. 

[F.  E.  W.] 

TRIUMPHAL  ARCH.  The  name  given  to 
the  large  arch  at  the  altar  end  of  the  nave  in  the 
early  basilicas,  separating  it  from  the  transept 
or  from  the  sacrarium.  Of  this  arrangement  we 
have  examples  in  the  basilicas  of  St.  Paul's  out- 
side the  walls,  St.  Praxedes,  and  in  the  original 
church  of  St.  Peter's.  The  application  of  the 
name  is  also  extended  to  the  great  arch  of  the 
apse.  These  arches  are  often  supported  with 
lofty  columns  of  precious  marbles,  and  have  the 
spandrils  and  soffites  richly  decorated  with 
mosaic  pictures.  [E.  V.] 

TROJANUS,  bishop  of  Saintes,  commemo- 
rated on  Nov.  30  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.);  Feb. 
10  (Notker.).  [C.  H.] 

TROPARION  {rpoirapiov).  A  generic  name 
for  all  the  short  hymns  which  abound  in  the 
offices  of  the  Eastern  church  (Neale,  J.  M., 
Eastern  Church,  Introd.  pp.  832,  918). 

[F.  E.  W.] 

TROPHIMUS  (1),  Apr.  14,  commem^orated 
with  Aristarchus  and  Pudens,  "  apostles  "  {Cal. 
Bijzant. ;  Medial.  Qraec.  Sirlet.) ;  Apr.  15  (Basil. 
Menol. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  257) ;  Dec.  29  as 
bishop  of  Aries  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Vet.  Rom., 
Wand.,  Rom.). 

(2)  Martyr  with  Thalaeus  or  Thalus  under 
Diocletian,  commemorated  on  Mar.  11  {Menol. 
Graec. ;  Mart.  Rom.) ;  Mar.  16  (Basil.  Menol.). 

(3)  July  23,  martyr  with  Theophilus  under 
Diocletian  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Jifcnol.  Graec.  Sirlet.  ; 
Mart.  Rom.  ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  264). 


1998         TROYES,  COUNCIL  OF 

(4)  Sept.  19,  martyr  with  Sorapion,  or  Sabba- 
tiii.s,  and  Dorymedon, under  Probus  {Cal.  Byzant. ; 
Kasil.  Menol.;  Mcnol.  Grace;  Mart.  Rom.; 
Daniel,  Cod.  Litunj.  iv.  269).  [C.  H.] 

TROYES,  COUNCIL  OF  (Trecense  Con- 
cilium), A.D.  429,  from  which  Lupus,  bishop  of 
Troyes,  and  Germanus,  bishop  of  Au.xerre,  were 
sent,  at  a  request  of  the  British  church,  on  a 
mission  into  Great  Britain  to  assist  in  confuting; 
Pelagianism.  (Mansi,  iv.  543 ;  Haddan  and 
Stubbs,  Councils,  etc.  i.  16-18.)        [E.  S.  Ff.] 

TRUDO  (St.  Truyen),  presbyter  and  con- 
fessor at  Hasbanium  (Haspengaw),  commemo- 
rated on  Nov.  23  (^Mart.  Usuard.,  Hieron.,  Wand., 
Mom.).  [C.  H.] 

TRULLUS,  a  Latinised  form  of  the  low  Greek 
rpovWa  or  rpovWos  =  66\os,  a  hemispherical 
roof  or  dome.  The  covering  of  the  cupola  of  the 
church  of  SS.  Cosmas  and  Damian  at  Rome  by 
pope  Sergius  I.  is  thus  recorded  in  Anastasius 
(§  163),  "  trullum  ejusdem  ecclesiae  fusis  chartis 
plumbeis  cooperuit  et  munivit."  The  anonymous 
writer  (de  hois  Hicrosol.  §  1)  describes  the 
church  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre  as  being  arpoyyv- 
AoeiSrjs,  and  as  having  rpovWas  Svo.  The 
Quinisext  council  has  gained  the  name  of 
"  TruUan  "  or  "  in  trullo  "  from  having  been 
held  in  a  large  domed  hall  in  the  imperial  palace 
at  Constantinople  (cf.  Ducange.  Constanttnop. 
Christiana,  lib.  ii.  c.  4,  §  20;  lib.  iii.  c.  33). 
[Constantinople,  Council  of  (34),  p.  444.] 
Codinus  gives  the  nanv  "  trulla  "  to  the  silk 
cap  or  turban  worn  by  the  chief  imperial  secre- 
tary {Dc  Otjic.  c.  iv.  p.  22,  ed.  Bonn).      [E.  V.] 

TRUMPET.  The  Egyptian  monks  appear  to 
have  vised  a  trumpet  as  the  call  to  prayer,  pro- 
bably in  imitation  of  the  trumpets  by  which 
the  Israelites  were  summoned  to  their  solemn 
assemblies.  Thus  Pachomius  (Begula,  c.  3)  bids 
every  monk  to  leave  his  cell  as  soon  as  he  heard 
the  sound  of  the  trumpet  summoning  him  to 
divine  service.  And  the  same  usage  is  men- 
tioned by  Joannes  Climacus  (Scala  Paradisi, 
Grad.  19)  as  prevailing  at  the  convent  on  Mount 
Sinai  in  the  6th  century.  Perhaps  the  custom 
was  then  general  in  Egypt  and  Palestine  (Bing- 
ham, Antiq.  VIII.  viii.  15 ;  Martene,  de  Bit. 
Antiq.  IV.  ii.  9).  [C] 

TRYPHO  (Tripho)  (1),  Jan.  4,  martyr  in 
Africa  with  Aquilinus  and  others  (^Mart.  Usuard., 
Hieron.,  Adon.,  Notker.,  Bom.). 

(2)  Feb.  1,  martyr  in  Phrygia  under  Decius 
(Basil.  Menol. ;  Menol.  Graec).  At  Constanti- 
nople were  two  churches  dedicated  to  him  by 
Justinian  and  Justin  II.  respectively  (Codinus, 
de  Aedif.  p.  5,  p.  100,  Bonn;  Procop.  de  Aedif. 
lib.  i.  cap.  9,  p.  201,  Bonn;  Du  Cange,  Cpolis. 
Christ,  lib.  iv.  140),  and  in  536  a  monastery  is 
mentioned  (Mansi,  viii.  907  c). 

(3)  July  3,  martyr  with  ten  others  at  Alex- 
andria {Mart.  Usuard.,  Hieron.,  Rom.).    [C.  H.] 

TULLENSE  CONCILIUM.    [Toul.] 

TUNICA.  Any  description  of  the  tunica  in 
its  ordinary  classical  sense  is  foreign  to  our  pur- 
pose ;  and  its  diminutive  tunicella  (whence  the 
English  tunicle,  and  less  correctly  tunacle)  does 


TURRIS 

not  occur  within  our  assigned  period,  its  later 
special  use  being  for  the  vestment  of  the  sub- 
deacon  at  the  Eucharist  (see  e.g.  Durandus,  Rat. 
Div.  Off.  iii.  11.  3). 

One  or  two  instances,  however,  of  the  word 
tunica  in  early  Christian  writings  must  be 
noticed.  The  tunica  was  one  of  the  articles  of 
dress  provided  by  the  Rule  of  St.  Benedict  for 
his  monks  (c.  55,  Patt-ol.  Ixvi.  771).  It  seems 
to  have  been  much  the  same  as  the  Colohion  (see 
the  article),  a  tight-fitting  garment,  short- 
sleeved  or  sleeveless.  Later  on,  we  find  the 
tunica  as  an  article  of  sacerdotal  dress.  Here  it 
is  a  kind  of  upper  shirt,  worn  over  the  camisia, 
and  of  course  under  the  casula.  Two  tunicae 
might  be  worn,  an  upper  and  an  under  one 
(Amalarius,  de  Div.  Off.  ii.  22  ;  Patrol,  cv.  1097). 
The  word  often  occurs  in  the  Vulgate  as  a  trans- 
lation of  ;^jTci)»',  and  thus  our  Lord's  "  coat  with- 
out seam  "  becomes  tunica  inconsutilis.  For  the 
legend  in  connexion  with  this,  see  e.g.  Greg. 
Turou.  de  Gloria  Martgrum,  i.  8  ;  Fredegarius, 
Chronicon,  c.  11  (^Patrol  Ixxi.  712,  614). 

[R.  S.] 

TUNSIO  PECTORIS.  (1)  St.  Augustine 
more  than  once  alludes  to  the  beating  of  the 
breast  by  priests  and  people  at  the  recital  of  the 
petition  of  the  Lord's  Prayer,  "  Forgive  us  our 
trespasses  "  [Lord's  Prayer,  p.  1058]. 

(2)  It  was  also  usual  in  some  churches  to 
beat  the  breast  when  the  Agnus  Dei  was  said 
(Martene,  de  Rit.  Antiq.  i.  158,  ed.  Venet. 
1783).  [C] 

TURBO,  Jan.  17,  martyr  with  Speusipjius 
and  his  brothers  (Basil.  Menol).  [C.  H.] 

TURIANUS,  bishop  and  confessor  in  Brit- 
tany, commemorated  on  July  13  (^Mart.  Usuard., 
Rom.).  [C.  H.] 

TURIN,  COUNCIL  OF  (Taurinense  Con- 
cilium), A.D.  400  or  401,  assembled  at  the 
request  of  the  bishops  of  France,  for  considering 
a  difference  between  the  metropolitans  of  Aries 
and  Vienne  respecting  the  primacy  which  each 
claimed.  Eight  canons  are  embodied  in  their 
svnodical  letter.     (Mansi,  iii.  859-66.) 

[E.  S.  Ff.] 

TURRIS,  a  pix  of  precious  metal  for  the 
reservation  of  the  consecrated  bread  in  the 
Eucharist,  formed  in  the  shape  of  a  tower,  as 
other  similar  vessels  were  fashioned  in  the  shape 
of  a  dove  (Dove,  Euciiaristic).  In  the  Greek 
church  irvpyos  was  used  for  the  cihorium  (Du- 
cange, Const.  Christ,  iii.  62).  Paulus  Silentiarius 
writes  of  St.  Sophia  (ii.  303), 

XpvcreCifq  S'  i(j)vTTep9e  navaxpavTOio  Tpaire^r)^ 
ao-TTCTos  evpvK(\ev9ov  es  rj^P"-  Tvpyos  avda-n). 

Smaller  towers  were  employed  as  reliquaries. 
Not  unfrequently  the  dove  and  the  tower  were 
conjoined.  Conical  vessels  surmounted  by  a 
dove  appear  in  the  6th  century  mosaics  at 
St.  Apollinare  in  Classe  at  Ravenna  (Ciampini, 
Vet.  Mon.  ii.  c.  12).  There  is  also  a  doubtful 
example  on  a  sarcophagus  (Bottari,  tav.  six.). 
The  two  are  constantly  imited  in  the  catalogues 
of  presents  to  the  Roman  churches  in  Anastasius  ; 
e.g.  Hilary  gave  to  the  Lateran  "  turrim  argen- 
team  et  columbam  auream."  Martene  states 
that  towers  were  hanging  in  his  time  in  some 


TUSDRUM,  THYSDRUS 

of  the  Roman  basilicas  (dc  Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  lib. 
i.).  Gregory  of  Tours  has  (dc  Glor.  Martyr,  i.  86) 
"accepta  turre  diaconus,  in  qua  mysterium  Domi- 
nici  corporis  habebatur,  ferre  coepit  ad  ostium,  in- 
gressusque  templum  ut  eam  altari  superponeret." 
The  will  of  St.  Aredius  (Mabillon,  Analect.  tom. 
ii.)  enumerates  "  turres,"  together  with  silver 
chalices  and  velvet  coverings,  among  essential 
church  furniture.  The  exposition  of  the  ancient 
Galilean  liturgy  given  by  Martene  {Anecdot.  tom. 
T.  col.  95)  says  that  the  body  of  the  Lord  is  carried 
in  towers,  "quia  monumentum  Domini  in 
similitudinem  turris  fuit  scissum  in  petra,"  a 
sufficiently  far-fetched  and  unintelligible  reason. 
Mabillon  {Mus.  Ital.  tom.  i.  p.  389)  furnishes  the 
**  benedictio  calicis  et  patenae,  et  turris  in  qua 
celebraturi  sumus  sacrosancta  mysteria,"  and 
supplies  a  reference  to  the  will  of  St.  Remigius 
desiring  "  turriculam  et  imaginatum  calicem 
fabricari  "  (Flodoard.  Hist.  Rem.  i.  18,  ii.  6). 

[E.  v.] 

TUSDRUM,  THYSDRUS,  or  TISDRUS, 
COUNCIL  OF  (TcsDRENSE,  or,  as  in  the 
marginal  references  to  Ferrandus,  Thusdritanum 
Concilium),  a.d.  417,  inferred  from  the  mar- 
ginal references  to  canons  76  and  77  in  Ferrandus, 
and  from  words  in  the  preface  to  the  council  of 
Telepte,  a.d.  418  ;  but  see  that  council. 

[E.  S.  Ff.] 

TYANA,  COUNCIL  OF  (Tyanense  Con- 
cilium), A.D.  366,  at  which  Eustathius  of 
Sebaste,  deposed  at  the  synod  of  Melitena,  sought 
to  be  restored  to  his  see,  which  was  done ;  but  it 
was  only  followed  by  his  relapse.  (Mansi,  iii. 
393-8.)  [E.S.Ff.] 

TYCHICUS,  deacon,  disciple  of  St.  Paul, 
commemorated  at  Faphos  on  Apr.  29  (Mart. 
Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Horn.,  Rom.) ;  Dec.  9  with 
Sosthenes,  ApoUos,  Cephas,  and  others  (Basil. 
Menol).  [C.  H.] 

TYPICON  (tuttikoV)  [  =  Lat.  Ordinarium'\. 
(a)  One  of  the  ecclesiastical  books  of  the  Eastern 
church  containing  the  regulations  and  rubrics  for 
the  performance  of  divine  service,  including  the 
Liturgy,  the  Hours,  and  other  offices,  with  the 
variations  to  be  observed  on  festal  and  ferial 
days  throughout  the  year.  Every  church  pos- 
sessed its  own  typicum,  but  the  edition  most 
widely  accepted  was  that  drawn  up  by  St.  Saba 
for  the  monks  at  Jerusalem,  and  afterwards  re- 
vised by  Sophronius,  patriarch  of  Constantinople 
and  John  of  Damascus.  A  full  description  is 
given  by  L.  Allatius  (de  Lib.  Eccles.  Graecorum 
Dissert,  p.  1,  Hamburg,  1722  ;  Neale,  J.  M., 
Eastern  Church,  Introd.  p.  848). 

C6)  Typica  is  also  the  name  applied  to  verses 
selected  from  the  Psalms  to  be  sung  on  certain 
festivals  observed  in  the  Greek  church  in  honour 
of  our  Lord  and  the  B.  V.  M.  called  Despotica. 
Full  directions  are  given  in  Gear's  Euchologion, 
pp.  124,  186.  [F.  E.  W.] 

TYRANNIO,  Feb.  20,  martyr  with  Silvanus, 
Peleus,  and  others  under  Diocletian  (^Mart. 
Usuard.,  Notker.,  Rom.).  [C.  H.] 

TYRE,  COUNCILS  OF  (Tyria  or  Tyri- 
EKSiA  Concilia),  a.d.  335,  a.d.  449,  and  a.d. 
518).  Of  these  the  first  has  become  notorious 
for  having  deposed  St.  Athanasius  on  charges 
that  turned  out  utterly  false ;  but  that  it  could 


TZANGAE 


1999 


have  been  summoned  for  no  other  purpose  than 
to  condemn  him  must  have  been  clear  at  the 
time  from  the  fact  that  it  was  chiefly  composed 
of  his  enemies.  All  the  documents  relating  to 
it  are  given  in  Mansi  (ii.  1123-54),  and  its  pro- 
ceedings told  clearest  in  Cave  (Hist.  Lit.  i.  353). 
At  the  second  Ibas,  bishop  of  Edessa,  charged  by 
four  of  his  presbyters  with  Nestorianism,  was, 
after  a  full  hearing,  acquitted.  The  documents 
relating  to  it  were  rehearsed  at  the  ninth  and 
tenth  sessions  of  the  council  of  Chalcedon  (Mansi, 
vi.  497,  and  vii.  197  et  seq.).  At  the  third 
the  orthodox  acts  of  a  council  of  Constantinople 
three  months  earlier  were  confirmed.  The 
synodical  letter  of  Epiphanius,  bishop  of  Tyre, 
and  the  other  bishops  with  him,  was  rehearsed 
at  the  fifth  session  of  a  later  council  of  Constan- 
tinople under  Mennas,  a.d.  556.  (Mansi,  viii. 
577  and  1073-82 ;  comp.  art.  Councils  of  C.) 
[E.  S.  Ff.] 
TYRSUS.    [Thyrsus.] 

TZANGAE  (also  tsancae,  zanchae,  zancac, 
zangae ;  T^ajyai,  r^ayylcL),  a  kind  of  high  boot, 
first  apparently  mentioned  (with  the  spelling 
zanchae)  in  the  letter  of  the  emperor  Gallienus 
(ob.  a.d.  268)  quoted  by  Trebellius  Pollio,  in 
which  he  enumerates  a  list  of  presents  he  had 
sent  to  Claudius,  who  afterwards  succeeded  him. 
Among  these  we  find  "  Zanchas  de  nostris  Par- 
thicis  (al.  Parthicas)  paria  tria "  (  Vita  Claudii, 
c.  17 ;  where  see  Salmasius'  note).  Thus  their 
foreign  origin  may  be  inferred  ;  and  probably  it 
is  on  this  ground  that  the  Theodosian  Code  pro- 
hibits their  use  in  Rome.  A  law  of  Honorius, 
promulgated  in  A.D.  397,  threatens  those  who 
wear  tzangae  and  braccae,  intra  urbem,  with  con- 
fiscation of  property  and  perpetual  exile  (lib.  xiv. 
tit.  10, 1.  2,  where  see  Gothofredus's  note).  Two 
years  later  the  same  law  was  re-issued  (ib.  1.  3). 

This  prohibition  refers  to  persons  generally, 
inclusive  that  is  of  laics,  but  at  a  later  time  we 
find  the  prohibition  specially  laid  down  for  monks. 
The  first  council  of  Orleans  (A.D.  511)  forbids  the 
use  of  oraria  [Stole]  and  tzangae  to  monks  (can. 
20  ;  Labbe,  iv.  1408).  Akin  to  this  is  the  order 
of  the  first  council  of  Macon  (A.D.  581)  that  the 
clergy  shall  not  use  "  calceamenta  saecularia" 
(can."5  ;  Labbe,  v.  968).' 

The  Greek  words  often  occur  in  Byzantine 
writers  for  boots  worn  by  persons  of  high  rank, 
especially  the  emperor.  Codinus  Curopalata 
(de  Officiis,  c.  5)  describes  those  worn  by  the 
emperor  when  walking  or  on  state  occasions 
(npoKv^ets),^  adding  that  the  workman  who 
made  them  for  the  emperor  was  called  rCdyyas, 
not  T^ayydpios,  as  in  the  case  of  other  people. 
See  also  Chronicon  Paschak,  p.  614,  ed.  Dindorf; 
Theophanes,  vol.  i.  pp.  260,  484,  705,  ed.  Bekker. 

The  etymology  of  the  word  is  quite  unknown. 
Salmasius  sugge'sts  that  it  is  to  be  viewed  as 
equivalent  to  a  supposed  form  Siayxv,  derived 
from    &yx'^^    which    seems    most    improbable. 

a  Ducange  (Glossary,  s.v.)  cites  a  capitulary  of  Charle- 
magne ordering  "  ut  clericl  pampis  ut  tzangis  vel  armis 
non  utantur."  In  the  text,  however,  as  given  by  Baluzius 
is  read  "pompis  aut  sagis  "  (Lib.  vil.  398;  vul.  i.  1112)  ; 
and,  further,  the  whole  of  this  part  of  the  capitularies 
is  considered  by  Pertz  as  spurious  (Monumenta  Gir- 
manicae  nistorica:  I.egum,  tom.  ii.  p.  127  inspuriis). 

b  This  word  literally  means  a  kind  of  raised  throne. 
See  Ducange,  GU)SS.  Graec.  s.v. 


2000 


UXCTION 


Sophocles  (Greek  Lex.  of  Roman  and  Bj/zantine 
periods,  s.  v.)  derives  it  from  the  Teutonic  word, 
which  appears  in  English  in  the  form  shank. 
For  further  notices,  see  Ducange's  Glossaries, 
s.  vv.  [R.  S.] 


u 


UNCTION.     I.  Of  Pkrsons. 

(1)  Of  Catechumens.  —  (u)  The  practice  of 
anointing  catechumens  in  Africa  on  their  first 
reception  appears  to  be  implied  by  St.  Augus- 
tine when  he  says,  in  reference  to  the  anointing 
with  clay  in  John  ix.  6,  "  When  He  anointed 
him,  He  perchance  made  him  a  catechumen.  .  .  . 
(Tract.  44,  in  S.  Joan.  Ev.  §  2).  A  Roman 
council  assigned  to  the  age  of  Innocent  (4U2- 
41G)  decides,  in  reply  to  a  question  of  some 
Gallican  bishops,  that  it  is  sufficient  to  use 
the  "  exorcised  oil "  once  before  the  day  of 
baptism,  viz.  "at  the  third  scrutinium " 
(can.  8).  In  Spain,  Isidore  of  Seville,  610,  who 
distinguishes  between  the  catechumens  and  com- 
petentes,  says  of  the  former,  "These  are  first 
exorcised,  then  they  receive  the  salt,  and  are 
anointed  "  (Be  Eccl.  Off.  ii.  20).  So  Ildefonsus 
of  Toledo,  657  (De  Cognit.  Bapt.  i.  29 ;  see 
Hincmar,  Epist.  de  Baptismo,  7  ;  Hard.  Cone.  v. 
417).  There  is  no  trace  of  this  rite  in  any 
extant  Ordo  Scrutinii.  See  the  collection  in 
Assemanus,  Codex  Liturg.  i.  53-104.  Only  one 
Ordo  ad  faciendum  Catechumenum  out  of  ten 
printed  by  Martene  (De  Atit.  Eccl.  Bit.  I.  i.  7) 
preserves  this  iinction  (Ord.  6);  but  there  not 
the  ears  but  the  breast  and  shoulders  are 
touched,  as  in  the  later  pre-baptismal  unction. 

(h)  In  the  East  we  early  hear  of  an  unction 
with  exorcised  oil  immediately  before  baptism. 
Thus  in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  (vii.  22) : 
"  Thou  shalt  first  anoint  him  with  holy  oil  and 
afterwards  baptize  him  with  water  "  (compare 
iii.  16).  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  a.d.  350  :  "  Being 
stripped,  ye  were  anointed  with  exorcised  oil 
from  the  hair  on  your  head  to  the  soles  of  your 
feet.  After  that  ye  were  led  by  the  hand  to 
the  holy  font  of  baptism"  (Catech.  Myst.  ii. 
3,  4).  So  Chrysostom  (Horn.  vi.  in  Ep.  ad  i 
Coloss.  §  4) ;  Pseudo-Dionysius  (de  Eccl.  Hier.  \ 
ii.  7) ;  the  Recognitions  of  Pseudo-Clement 
(iii.  67).  This  "anointing  with  holy  oil  "  before 
the  baptism  is  mentioned  in  an  Egyptian  story 
told  by  John  Moschus,  630  (Pratum  Spirit.  3). 

In  the  Greek  church  there  is  still  but  one 
unction  with  exorcised  oil,  which  takes  place 
immediately  before  the  baptism  (Goar,  Euchol. 
354 ;  Assem.  ii.  141).  With  this  agrees  the 
Arabic  office  of  the  Greek  Melchites  (Assem.  ii. 
149).  The  Armenians  have  no  such  unction 
now.  They  had  it,  however,  in  the  8th  century, 
as  appears  from  a  canon  of  John  the  Catholic 
printed  by  Mai,  in  which  "  the  oil  of  catechu- 
mens "  is  expressly  mentioned  (Nova  Collectio 
Script.  Vet.  x.  ii.  304).  In  the  Coptic  church, 
when  its  constitutions  were  compiled,  there 
was  clearly  but  one  unction  with  exorcised 
oil  during  the  previous  part  of  the  baptismal 
office  (Apost.  Constit.  Copt.  ii.  46 ;  Tattam's 
ed.  57  ;  Boetticher's  Gr.  Tr.  in  Bunsen's  Anal. 
Antenic.    ii.    467) ;    but    in  the    Coptic   order 


UNCTION 

!  of  baptism,  as  wc  have  it,  there  are  two- 
j  (Assomani,  Codex  Liturg.  i.  148,  163).  The 
I  Abyssinians  use  the  same  order.  There  are  two 
I  also  in  those  of  the  Nestorians  (ibid.  i.  204;  ii. 
I  211),  of  the  Syrians  (i.  239,  254,  272,  and  ii.  224, 
j  234,  240 ;  ii.  253,  259,  285,  296,  302,  304),  and 
I  of  the  Maronites  (ii.  332,  349).  In  the  former  ol' 
i  these  unctions  the  Svrian  priest  uses  his  thumb 
(i.  239;  ii.  285). 

We  infer  from  the  narrative  of  John  Moschus 
that  both  sexes  were  anointed  over  the  whole 
body  (Prat.  Spir.  u.  s.)  ;  and  the  rituals  make  no 
distinction  when  they  prescribe  the  unction  of  the 
whole.  See  Goar,  Euchol.  Gr.  354  ;  Ordo  Nestor. 
Assem.  ii.  211;  Syr.  224  (Antioch.),  234 
(Hieros.);  240,  259,  296,  .304,  349  (Maron.). 
The  Office  of  Philoxenus  (240)  expressly  orders 
it  in  the  case  of  females. 

The   unction  of  which  we  are  now  speaking 
appears  to  have  l)een  of  much  later  introduction 
in  the  West.     It  is  not  noticed  by  the  Spanish 
writers  (Isidore,  610,  De  Bapt.  in  Eccl.  Off.  ii. 
24;   Ildefonse,   657,   De  Cogn.  Bapt.  i.  Ill,  in 
,  Baluz.    Misc.    Sacra,    torn.     ii.).      The    earliest 
;  witness  in  Gaul  is  Caesarius,  who  died  in  542: 
I  "  All  who  are  presented  to  the  church  for  saving 
baptism  receive  both  the  chrism  and  the  oil  of 
benediction "    (Serm.    22,  §   2).      Germanus    of 
I  Paris,  555,  mentions  an  unction  that  took  place 
I  when  the  creed  was  given  at  baptism,  but  he  is 
I  singular  in  speaking  of  it  as  an  unction  with 
.  proper  chrism :  "  Catechumenis  (sic)  chrismate 
I  unguetur."     This   he   expressly  says  was  made 
with  balsam  (Epist.  ii.  Migne,  Ixxii.  96).     The 
mistake   in  using  chrism  implies  that  the  rite 
was  quite  recently  adopted.     We  next  read  of 
this  unction  in  the  Besanton  sacramentary  found 
at  Bobio,  which  is  assigned  to  the  7th  century 
(3Ius.  Ital.  i.  324).     Another  probable  Gallican 
witness  is  the  author  De  Sacramentis :  "  Thou 
didst  enter  .  .  .    Thou  wast  anointed  as  an  athlete 
of  Christ"  (i.  2).     This  dates  from  about  745, 
if  Ambrose  of  Cahors  be  the  writer.     It  appears, 
however,  in  the  Gelasian  sacramentary  (Liturg. 
Rom.  Vet.  Murat.  i.  563),  our  copy  of  which  is 
of  the  time  of  Charlemagne,  and  in  some  copies 
of  the  Gregorian  of  the  9th  century  (Murat.  u.  s. 
ii.  61 ;  Pamel.  Liturgicon,  ii.  264;  Gerbert,  M(jnum. 
Vet.  Liturg.  Alem.  i.  83 ;  not  in  Menard,   Opp. 
Greg.  Ben.  iii.  70,  or  Rocca,  Opp.  Greg.  1615,  v. 
111).     We  find  frequent  mention  of  it  by  Galli- 
can bishops  using  the  Roman  rites  at  the  close 
of  the  8th  century  ;   as  Theodulf  of  Orleans,  794 
(De  Ord.  Bapt.  10) ;  Leidrad  of  Lyons,  798  (De 
Sacram.   Bapt.   2) ;  Jesse  of  Amiens  (Epist.  de 
Bapt.  c.  De    Unci.   Peat.  &c.) ;  Magnus  of  Sens 
(de  Myst.  Bapt.  ad  Car.  Magn.  printed  in  Mar- 
tene, cfe  Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  i.  i.  17). 

This  unction,  as  we  have  already  mentioned,  is 
prescribed  in  some  of  the  Roman  Orders  of  Bap- 
tism. It  appears  also  in  the  Ordo  ad  Scrutinium 
printed  by  Assem.  Cod.  Lit.  i.  102,  and  the 
earliest  Ordo  Romanus  by  Mabillon,  Mus.  Jtal. 
ii.  24.  It  is  found  in  the  modern  office  of  Milan, 
but  as  it  comes  before  the  exorcism  of  the  child 
and  the  giving  of  the  salt,  it  is  rather  in  the 
place  of  the  ancient  unction  of  the  catechumen 
than  of  that  of  the  competent.  See  Assem.  u.  s. 
ii.  44.  As  we  might  expect  from  the  silence  of 
Isidore  and  Ildephonsus,  it  is  not  prescribed  in 
the  ritual  of  the  Goths  of  Spain  (Miss.  Mozar. 
Leslie,  180),  nor  do  we  find  it  in  the  Gothico-- 


UNCTIOX 

Gallican  missal  {Liturg.  Gall.  248),  nor  in  the 
Old  Gallican  (j.bkl.  364).  The  only  Gallican  book 
in  which  it  appears  is  the  Romanizing  saeramen- 
tary  of  Besancon  {Mus.  Ital.  i.  324).  We  remark, 
too,  that  whereas  a  law  of  Carloman  in  742  only 
directs  presbyters  to  obtain  "  new  chrism  "  from 
their  bishop  (Cap.  3,  Capit.  Reg.  Fr.  i.  147), 
Pepin,  who  desired  conformity  with  Rome,  in 
744  orders  them  to  apply  to  him  for  both  "  chrism 
and  oil  "  (c.  4,  Aid.  158). 

For  the  formulae  used  at  this  unction  we 
must  refer  generally  to  the  collections  of  Mar- 
tene  and  Assemani  as  above,  contenting  our- 
selves with  that  anciently  employed  at  Rome : 
"  I  anoint  thee  with  the  oil  of  salvation  in  Jesus 
Christ  our  Lord  unto  life  everlasting  "  (Assem. 
M.  s.  i.  102). 

(2)  The  Unction  of  the  Baptized  with  Chrism. 
— According  to  the  older  Coptic  rite,  when  the 
deacon  and  the  neophyte  "  came  out  of  the  water, 
the  presbyter  anointed  him  (the  neophyte) 
with  the  oil  of  thanksgiving,  saying,  I  anoint 
thee  with  an  anointing,  with  holy  oil,  in  the 
name  of  Jesus  Christ  "  (Constit.  Eccl.  Aegijpt. 
ii.  46,  Boetticher's  Gr.  Tr.  in  Bunsen,  Analecta 
Antenic.  ii.  467,  or  Tatham's  Apost.  Constit. 
Copt.  59).  This  is  the  only  authority,  if  we 
mistake  not,  for  this  practice  in  the  East.  An 
unction  by  the  officiant  immediately  after 
baptism  is  mentioned  by  Latin  writers,  long 
before  we  hear  from  them  of  that  which  imme- 
diately preceded  it.  It  is  probable  that  pure  oil 
was  used  (as  evidently  in  Egypt,  for  in  the  canons 
above  cited  no  distinction  is  made  between  the 
material  exorcised  and  that  blessed  for  chrism), 
the  chrism  being  termed  oil  merely  by  several 
early  writers  who  will  be  quoted  ;  but  ere  long  a 
compound  (/xvpov)  was  introduced  from  the  East," 
which  soon  appropriated  to  itself  the  name  of 
"  chrisma." 

The  first  Latin  witness  to  this  unction  is  Ter- 
tullian,  192  :  "  Having  come  out  of  the  font,  we 
are  thoroughly  anointed  with  a  blessed  unction, 
after  the  ancient  rite,  in  which  they  were  wont 
to  be  anointed  unto  the  priesthood  with  oil  from 
a  horn"  {De  Bapt.  7;  see  E.xod.  x.xix.  30,  &c.). 
(comp.  Adv.  Marc.  i.  14;  De  Resurr.  8).  St. 
Cyprian:  "It  is  also  needful  that  the  baptized 
person  be  anointed,  that  having  received  the 
chrism,  i.e.  the  unction,  he  may  be  an  anointed  of 
God,  and  have  the  grace  of  Christ.  Moreover, 
that  is  a  thank-oftering  (eucharistia :  comp.  the 
titles  of  the  prayers  over  oil  and  jxvpov  in 
Constit.  Apost.  vii.  27,  42,  44,  &c.),  from  which 
those  who  are  baptized  are  anointed,  viz.  the  oil 
hallowed  on  the  altar  "  {Epist.  70).  Compare 
Be  Mi/steriis,  the  work  ascribed  to  St.  Ambrose 
(v.  29);  Jerome  (Dial.  adv.  Lucif.  §  9);  Augus- 
tine {de  Bapt.  Don.  v.  20,  §  23 ;  Serm.  324'^  dc 
Trin.  xv.  22,  §  46) ;  Pseudo-Innocent  of  Rome 
{Epist.  i.  3);  Isidore  of  Seville  {de  Eccl.  Off. 
ii.  25) ;  Ildefonsus  of  Toledo  {de  Coqn.  Bapt. 
i.  123);  Caesarius  (d.  542)  {Serm.  22,  §  2); 
Fortunatus  (living  in  GOO)  (i.  v.  5 ;  0pp.  ed. 
1786);  Pseudo-Ambrose  {de  b'ac7-ain.  iii.  2,  §  8)  ; 
Theodulph  {de  Ord.  Bapt.  1 5) ;  Leidrad  {de 
Sacram.    Bapt.    7)  ;    Jesse    {Epist.    ad   Sacerd. 


a  Pliny  {Nat.  Hist.  xiii.  1)  says,  "  Unguentum  Persa- 
rum  genti  se  debet."  He  also  gives  the  composition  of 
the  "unguentum  regale"  of  the  Parthians  (2),  which 
resembled  the  ixvpov  of  the  Greek  church. 


UNCTION 


2001 


c.  De  Unctlone  Capitis);  Magnus  (Martene^ 
u.  s.  i.  i.  17;  sim.  Anon.  Tract,  de  Sacr.  Bapt. 
ibid.) ;  Alcuin  {Ep.  90  ad.  Lugd.  and  De  Bapt. 
Caerem.  ad  Oduin.  Opusc.  4) ;  Smaragdus  {Coll. 
in  Epist.  in  Sahh.  Pentec.  u.  s.  321).  From 
Aquileia  we  have  the  testimony  of  Maxen- 
tius  {Collect.  Dicta  app.  Epist.  de  Signif.  Rit. 
Bapt.  §  8) ;  from  Metz,  of  Amalarius  the  chor- 
episcopus  {de  Eccl.  Off.  i.  27) ;  from  Treves  of 
Amalarius  the  archbishop  {de  Sacr.  Bapt.  u.  s. 
897) ;  from  Mentz,  of  Rabanus  Maurus  {de  Instit. 
Cler.  i.  28);  irom  Rome,  of  John  the  deacon 
{Epist.  ad.  Senar.  6,  u.  s.). 

This  unction,  as  we  have  learnt  from  Theo- 
dulph, was  on  the  head.  So  other  authorities ; 
Sacram.  Gelas.  in  Murat.  i.  570,  "on  the  brain;" 
Greg.  ii.  65;  Codex  Elig.  Greg,  in  Oppj.  Gr. 
iii.  73,  ed.  Ben.,  and  Cod.  Vatic.^?Mcca.  0pp.  Gr. 
V.  Ill,  ed.  1615,  "  on  the  crown  ;  "  a  Gregorian 
Order  for  the  Sick,  Mur.  ii.  264,  Assem.  ii.  10  ; 
the  Milanese  Office,  "  the  crown  "  (Ass.  ii.  47). 
The  Besan9on  Sacramentary  {ibid.  42)  is  peculiar 
in  having  "  in  frontes  ejus."  This  unction  was 
with  the  thumbs.  See  the  Ordo  Amhros.  Assem. 
U.S.  47;  Sacram.  Gelloii.  ibid.  54;  Remig.  59;- 
Codex  Elig.  Greg.  u.  s. ;   Cud.   Vat.  u.  s. ;  &c. 

(3)   Oil  of  Chrism  {luvpov)  used  at  Confirmation. 
— An  unction,  generally  on  the  forehead,  distinct 
from    the    unction    of   the    head   which    imme- 
diately followed  baptism,  came  to  be   practised 
in  the  church.     This  is   not  mentioned   by  the 
earlier  Latin    writers  who  speak  of  the    impo- 
sition of  hands.     See   Tertullian,  de  Baptismo, 
viii. ;    Cyprian,   Epist.    72    ad   Steph.    and    the 
council     of    Carthage,    A.D.     256,    cc.    5,    24 ;-, 
that    of    Elvira,    about    300,   can.    38    (to   be 
inferred  also  from  57),  the  author  De  Haeret. 
Bapt.  in   App.   ad   Opera  Cypr.    23,   ed.    1690. 
The  date  of  Pseudo-Innocent  is  not  known,  but 
as    we    certainly  hear    of  the  rite    in   Italy  in 
the    5th  century   we    may   give    his    testimony 
here.     His  statement  is  that  presbyters  ought 
not  to  sign  the  forehead   of  the  baptized  with 
the  oil  of  chrism,  "  for  that  is  the  privilege  of 
bishops  only,  when  they  give,  the  Holy  Ghost  " 
{Epist.   Inn.  i.  §  3).      Cassiodorus,  514:  "Our 
forehead  has    been    anointed  with    the    unction 
of  the  sacred  chrism  "  {Comm.  in  Ps.  cxxxviii. 
V.    2,    E.V.).      Fortunatus,    560,    is    the     first 
Gallican  writer  who  is  a  contemporary  witness 
to  the  rite  in  France;  but  we  may  infer  from 
a  passage  in  the    remains   of   St.  Patrick,  who 
received  Gallican   consecration  and   was  closely 
connected  with  the  church  in  Gaul,  that   it  was 
practised  there  in  the  middle  of  the  5th  century. 
Some  of  his  Irish  neophytes  were  murdered  by 
Welsh    invaders,     "while  still    in    their    white 
rubes,   the    day  after    they  had   been   anointed 
with  chrism,  and  while  it    was  yet  visible    on 
their  foreheads "    {Epistle  to  Coroticus,  Olden's 
tr.  93).     The  frontal  chrismation  at  confirma- 
tion   is    mentioned  by    Fortunatus    in  a  hymn 
{Opera,  i.   ii.  9).    Gregory  of  Tours,  573,  says 
that  Chlodovaeus  was  baptized    (in    496),   and 
"  anointed    with    the    sacred    chrism,  with    the  ■ 
sign  of  the  cross  of  Christ "    {Hist.   Franc,  ii. 
oi).     In  the  6th  century  the  rite   was  proba- 
bly universal    in    the    West.     Tlie   gift  of  the 
Holy  Ghost  is  also  connected  with  the  imposi- 
tion of  hands  and  unction  of  chrism  by  Ildefonso 
of   Toledo,  657'  {De   Cogn.   Bapt.    i.    128-131). 
Later  witnesses  towards  the  close  of  our  period 


2002 


UNCTION 


and  beyond  it  are  Theodulf  (de  Ord.  Bapt. 
17);  Leidrad  (de  Bapt.  7);  Jesse  (de  Bapt. 
c.  be  Conf.  Episc);  Amalarius  of  Metz  (de 
Eccl.  Off.  i.  27);  Rabanus  Maurus  (de  Instit. 
Cler.  i.  30). 

In  France  the  general  adoption  of  this  practice 
met  with  a  check  from  the  council  of  Orange  in 
441  :  "  Inter  nos  placuit  semel  chrismari." '^  If 
the  chrism  had  been  from  any  necessary  cause 
<imitted  at  baptism,  the  bishop  was  to  be  in- 
formed that  he  might  supply  the  omission 
"  Nam  inter  quoslibet  ('i/.  nos)  chrismatis 
ipsius  non  nisi  una  benedictio  est ;  non  ut 
praejudicans  quicquam  (al.  dico),  sed  ut  non 
necessaria  habeatur  repetita  chrismatio "  (can. 
2).  This  decree  was  adopted  by  the  council 
of  Aries  in  452  (can.  127).  The  testimonies 
of  Fortunatus  of  Poitiers  and  Gregory  of 
Tours  shew  that  the  rule  of  Orange  did  not 
prevail  over  Franco.  That  it  obtained  largely 
and  survived  to  the  time  of  Charlemagne  may 
be  inferred  from  the  silence  of  certain  authors, 
who  speak  only  of  the  imposition  of  hands  in 
their  description  of  confirmation.  Thus  Al- 
cuin,  after  an  account  of  the  rites  of  baptism  : 
"Novissime  per  impositionem  manus  a  summo 
sacerdote  septiformis  gratiae  Spiritum  accipit" 
(Epist.  90  ;  sim.  De  Bapt.  Caerem.  ad  Oduin.). 
So  Magnus  of  Sens,  using  here  the  same  words 
as  Alcuin,  but  adding  much  of  his  own  (Martene, 
de  Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  i.  17),  and  an  anonymous  copier 
of  Alcuin  (ibid.). 

We  see  from  several  of  the  foregoing  autho- 
rities that  the  forehead  was  anointed  at  confir- 
mation. This  was  done  both  in  the  East  and 
West,  but  in  the  East  other  parts  are  anointed 
also  ;  as  the  eyes,  nostrils,  ears,  breast,  hands, 
and  feet  among  the  Greeks  (Goar,  Etichol.  355,  6). 
or,  as  in  some  MSS.,  the  eyes,  nostrils,  and  ears 
only  (359,  360) ;  one  omits  the  feet  only  (362)  ; 
another  omits  the  hands  and  feet,  but  prescribes 
an  unction  of  the  back  (368).  Cyril  of  Jeru- 
salem mentions  the  forehead,  ears,  nostrils,  and 
breast  (Catech.  Myst.  iii.  3).  The  Copts  and 
Abyssinians  anoint  the  forehead,  eyes,  mouth, 
ears,  hand,  breast,  knees,  feet  (the  soles),  back, 
arms,  and  shoulders  (Assem.  iii.  83 ; — compare 
a  purely  Abyssinian  order,  111)  ;  the  Armenians 
the  forehead,  ears,  eyes,  nostrils,  mouth,  hands 
(together),  breast,  shoulder,  feet,  shoulder- 
blades,  saying  a  proper  sentence  over  each 
(ibid.  119  ;  see  Vartanes,  Resp.  2  ia  Mai,  Script. 
Vet.  Aot.  Coll.  X.  ii.  271).  Most  of  the  Syro- 
Jacobite  orders  prescribe  an  unction  of  the 
whole  body  in  both  sexes,  but  they  all  begin 
with  the  forehead  (154,'  160,  163,  169,  175, 
184);    one   (148)   mentions    the    forehead    and 

■^  A  couplet  from  an  inscription  to  the  memory  of  a 
bishop  named  Mareas  found  in  a  church  in  Rome  (Gruter, 
Corpus  Jnscrip.  1176)  has  been  quoted  in  the  same 
sense : — 

"  Tuque  sacerdotes  docuisti  chrismate  sancto 
Tangere  bis  nullum  judice  posse  Deo." 

It  is,  however,  difficult  to  believe  that  an  unsuccessful 
attempt  to  introduce  the  Gallican  restriction  into  the 
suburbicarian  dioceses  would  have  been  recorded  with 
approbation  in  Rome  itself;  and  as  the  context  speaks 
of  conflict  with  misbelievers,  we  rather  understand  that 
Mareas  maintained  the  Roman  rule  not  to  give  unction 
to  heretics  wlio  joined  the  church.  See  Morinus,  de 
Sacrum.  Poenit.  ix.  10. 


UNCTION 

windpipe  only.  The  Maronite  bishop  anoints 
the  forehead,  the  priest  the  head  only  (187). 
The  Melchites,  the  forehead,  ears,  hands,  feet, 
breast,  shoulders,  nostrils,  palms,  knees,  legs, 
back  (227).  The  apostolic  imposition  of  hands 
is  lost  in  every  Syrian  order.  On  the  other 
hand  the  Nestorian  books  do  not  prescribe  the 
unction  at  all  (ibid.  138  ;  Badger,  A'estorians, 
ii.  209);  from  which  we  infer  that  this  unction 
was  not  universal  when  they  left  the  church  in 
451.  When  this  rite  found  its  way  into  the  West 
the  frontal  unction  only  was  adopted,  probably 
because  none  other  was  then  practised,  at  least 
over  the  greater  part  of  the  East.  See  Sacram. 
Galas.  Murat.  Liturg.  Bom.  Vet.  i.  571 ;  Sacram. 
Gregor.  Codd.  Elig.  in  0})p.  Greg.  iii.  74,  ed.  Ben., 
Cod.  Vat.  U.S.  112;  Bontif.  Egbert;  Surtees 
Soc.  no.  27,  p.  7  ;  &c. 

The  Romans  used  the  thumb  in  this  unction 
(Sacram.  Greg.  Codd.  Elig.  Vat.  u.  s.),  as  they 
and  the  United  Maronites  (Assem.  iii.  187)  do 
now.  In  theory  the  minister  of  this  rite  was 
the  bishop.  In  the  West  it  is  expressly  confined 
to  him  by  the  author  of  the  Epistle  to  Decentius 
(Epp.  Innoc.  I.  i.  3),  Gregory  I.  (Ep.  iii.  9),  the 
Council  of  Seville  619  \can.  7),  Ildefonso  of 
Toledo  657  (De  Cognit.  Bapt.  i.  131) ;  Theodore 
o{  Cunterhnr J  (Buenitentiale,  iii.  8,  in  Stubbs  and 
Haddan's  Councils,  iii.  193),  Theodulf  of  Orleans 
(de  Ord.  Bapt.  17),  &c.  ;  and  recognised  as  his 
proper  office  by  all,  as  e.  g.  Cornelius,  a.d.  251 
(Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl.  vi.  43),  St.  Jerome  (c.  Lucif.  4), 
Isidore  of  Seville  (De  Eccl.  Off.  ii.  26),  Jesse  of 
Amiens  (u.  s.),  &c.  See  also  the  Sacramentaries. 
Nevertheless  some  liberty  was  allowed  even  at 
Rome.  In  Sardinia  it  had  been  the  custom  for 
priests  to  anoint  the  head  after  baptism.  Gre- 
gory I.  forbade  this,  but  afterwards,  in  593, 
modified  his  prohibition  which  had  given  offence  : 
"  We  acted  indeed  according  to  the  old  custom 
of  the  church,  but  if  any  are  really  distressed 
about  this  matter,  where  bishops  are  wanting, 
we  permit  presbyters  also  duly  to  touch  the 
baptized  on  their  foreheads  with  the  chrism  " 
(Epist.  iii.  26).  In  Spain  the  council  of  Toledo, 
so  early  as  400,  had  allowed  the  presbyter  to  do 
this  in  the  bishop's  absence  ;  and  even  before  him, 
if  he  commanded  it  (can.  20).  The  latter  liberty 
is  also  given  by  a  canon  in  the  collection  of 
Martin  of  Braga,  A.D.  569  (c.  52).  In  France, 
as  we  have  seen  above,  the  unction  by  the  bishop 
was  from  the  5th  century  to  the  9th  considered 
a  needless  repetition  of  tliat  by  the  priest  im- 
mediately after  baptism.  Pseudo-Baeda  ( m 
Bsalmo  26  v.  1,  Comment.)  asserts  that  the  unc- 
tion "  quae  per  manuum  impositionem  ab  epi- 
scopis"  is  the  same  with  that  last  mentioned, 
adding  "  propter  arrogantiam  tamen  non  con- 
cessa  est  singulis  sacerdotibus  sicut  et  multa 
alia"  (Baed.  0pp.  viii.  558,  ed.  1563).  That 
one  of  the  chrismations  was  originally  regarded 
as  a  substitute  for  the  other,  or  otherwise  con- 
nected with  it,  may  also  be  inferred  from  the 
tradition  that  Sylvester,  a.d.  314,  permitted 
priests  to  use  the  chrism  after  baptism,  lest  the 
person  should  die  without  any  chrismation 
(Anastas.  Biblioth.  Vit.  Bont.  34). 

In  the  East,  also,  the  bishop  was  considered 
the  proper  minister  of  this  unction  (see  Dionys. 
Hier.  Eccl.  iv.  10  ;  Maximus,  Scholia  in  H.  E. 
ii.  78)  ;  but  there  the  liberty  which  Gregory  I. 
permitted  in  a  special  case  was  extended  to  all 


UNCTION 

priests.  Hilary  the  Deacon,  351  (^Comm.  in 
Epist.  ad  Eph.  iv.  11),  tells  us  that  "among  the 
Egyptians  presbyters  give  the  seal  if  a  bishop  be 
not  present  "  (comp.  MS.  Colbert,  cf.  Quaest.  Vet. 
ct  Nov.  ll'st.  101,  probably  by  the  same  writer). 
In  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  the  priest,  no  less 
than  the  bishop  is  commanded,  to  "  seal  with 
ixvpov "  after  baptizing  (vii.  22).  In  the  9th 
century  Photius  affirms  the  right  of  priests  to 
give  the  unction  of  confirmation  as  freely  as  to 
baptize  {Epiist.  Encycl.  i.  13,  §  7).  Gabriel  of 
Philadelphia,  while  aware  that  this  was  at  first 
the  privilege  of  bishops,  says  that  "  the  Eastern 
Church  considerately  permits  it  not  to  bishops 
only,  but  to  presbyters  also  after  the  sacred  rite 
of  baptism  "  (in  Assem.  Cod.  Liturg.  iii.  Ixxxi.). 
The  bishop  is,  however,  in  every  case  the  real 
minister  of  the  rite,  because  the  chrism  which 
the  priest  applies  has  been  consecrated  by  him 
[Chrism].  To  the  authorities  there  given  add 
Damasus,  Epist.  5  ;  Cone.  Vasense,  a.d.  442,  can. 
3  ;  Gelasius,  494,  Ep.  ad  Episc.  Lucan.  4  ;  Cone. 
Hispal.  619,  cap.  7  ;  Synod.  Regiat.  850,  can.  7  ; 
Cone.  Wormat.  868,  ca'n.  2. 

Information  respecting  the  several  unctions  of 
which  we  have  treated  above,  and  the  oils  used 
in  them,  may  be  found  in  the  following  books 
and  many  others.  Jos.  Vicecomes,  de  Ant.  Bapt. 
Bit.  ii.  42,  Mediol.  1615;  idem,  de  Ant.  Confirm. 
Bit.  i.,  Med.  1618;  M.  Larroquanus,  Brevis  Dis- 
sert, de  lis  penes  quos  recens  tinctos  jus  erat  un- 
Ijendi,  in  his  Adversaria,  iii.  7,  Lugd.  Bat.  1688  ; 
Luc.  Holsten.  Dissert.  Duplex  de  Forma  et  Materia 
Sacram.  Confirm,  apud  Graecos,  Rom.  1666,  re- 
printed in  Morini  Opera  Posthuma,  Par.  1703  ; 
Jo.  Dallaeus,  de  Duob.  Latinorum  Sacram.  Con- 
firm., &c.,  Genev.  1659 ;  J.  A.  Assemanus,  de 
Sacram.  Confirm,  in  Codex  Liturg.  iii.,  Rom. 
1750,  a  reply  to  Daille ;  CI.  De  Vert,  Ce're'm.  de 
I'Eglise,  ii.  Bern,  sur  Ch.  ii.  32-34,  Far.  1708 ; 
J.  A.  Orsi,  de  Baptismo  et  de  Chrism.  Confirm. 
Mediol.  1773,  the  latter  an  answer  to  De  Vert. 

(4)  Unction  of  Heretics.  —  Heretics  whose 
baptism  was  considered  invalid,  on  whatever 
grounds,  were  baptized  and  confirmed  on  their 
admission  into  the  church.  This  was  ruled 
unanimously  by  the  council  of  Carthage,  a.d. 
256,  in  the  case  of  heretics  whose  baptism  was 
afterwards  allowed  by  the  church.  See  Bap- 
tism, Iteration  of,  p.  172. 

There  were  some,  however,  whose  baptism 
was  admitted,  but  who  were  not  confirmed. 
The  Novatians  "  did  not  confer  the  most  holy 
chrism  on  those  whom  they  baptized  ;  on  which 
account,"  says  Theodoret,  "the  most  highly 
esteemed  fathers  gave  command  to  anoint  those 
who  are  joined  to  the  church  from  this  heresy  " 
(^Haer.  Fabid.  iii.  5). 

Those  whose  baptism  and  confirmation  were 
considered  valid  were  of  two  classes;  i.  those 
who  had  received  those  rites  in  the  church,  be- 
fore they  lapsed  into  heresy ;  and  ii.  those  who 
had  received  them  from  heretics. 

i.  The  former  were  regarded  as  penitents 
(Heresy,  4,  i.  p.  768;  Penitence),  and  re- 
admitted with  the  simple  laying  of  hands,  as  in 
the  absolution  of  other  penitents  (Cone.  Carth. 
256,  cc.  4  and  22).  So  Cyprian  (Epist.  71,  ad 
Quint.  ;  Ep.  74,  ad  Pomp,  in  fine).  Even  those 
who  had  been  rebaptized  by  heretics  were  thus 
readmitted  as  penitents  (Leo.  I.  Epist.  159,  ad 
Nicet.   c.  6,  ed.  Ballerin.       Comp.   Innocent   I. 

CHRIST.  ANT. — VOL.  II. 


UNCTION 


2003 


A.D.  402,  Ep.  18  ad  Alex.  §  3 ;  Vigilius,  538, 
Ep.  ii.  §  3). 

ii.  A  difterent  language  was  held  with  regard 
to  those  converts  who  had  been  baptized  by 
heretics  only.  These  from  the  time  of  St.  Au- 
gustine, supposing  that  the  proper  matter  and 
right  form  had  been  employed,  Avere  received  at 
first  with  imposition  of  the  hand  simply  (see 
Stephen  in  Cyprian  Epist.  74  ;  De  Bapt.  Haeret. 
in  App.  ad  0pp.  Cypr.  ;  Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl.  vii. 
2 ;  Leo  M.  Ep.  166  ad  Neon.  2,  Ep.  167 
ad  Bust.  Resp.  18),  afterwards  with  imposition 
and  unction.  The  earliest  witness  to  the 
change  is  the  council  of  Laodicea,  which  some 
place  so  early  as  314;  others  so  late  as  372. 
This  council  directs  that  Novatians,  Photi- 
uians,  and  Quartodecimans  joining  the  church, 
"  having  learnt  thoroughly  the  symbols  of  the 
faith  and  been  anointed  with  the  holy  chrism, 
shall  thus  communicate  of  the  holy  mystery  " 
(can.  7).  So  St.  Basil  directs  the  Cathari, 
Encratites,  Aquarii,  and  Apotactites  to  be 
"  anointed  by  the  faithful  and  so  approach  the 
mysteries  "  (-E)^.  ad  Amphil.  can.  1).  Pseudo- 
Justin  :  "  Let  the  fall  of  the  heretic  who  comes 
to  the  orthodox  fiiith  be  remedied,  as  to  his 
heterodoxy  by  a  change  of  mind,  as  to  his 
baptism  by  the  unction  of  the  holy  ixvpov,  as  to 
his  ordination  by  the  imposition  of  hands " 
(Qitaest.  ct  Besp.  ad  Orthod.  R.  14).  The  coun- 
cil of  Constantinople,  381,  decreed  that  Euno- 
mians,  Montanists,  and  Sabellians  should  after  a 
long  catechumenate  be  rebaptized,  because  it 
regarded  their  baptisms  as  defective  in  form  ;  but 
it  only  required  that  Arians,  Macedonians,  Sabba- 
tians  and  other  Novatians,  Quartodecimans  and 
Apollinarians,  should  be  "  first  sealed  or  anointed 
with  the  holy  fxvpov,  on  the  forehead  and  eyes, 
and  nostrils  and  mouth  and  ears "  (can.  7). 
The  council  adds,  "  And  while  sealing  them  we 
say,  The  seal  of  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Ghost," — 
thus  making  it  an  act  of  confirmation.  Con- 
verts from  these  five  sects  are  mentioned  as 
requiring  the  unction  only  by  Timotheus  C.  P. 
{Epist.  de  Becept.  Haeret.  in  Coteler.  Eccles. 
Graec.  Monum.  iii.  392-396),  and  Theodorus 
Studita  (^Ep)ist.  ad  Naiwrat.  i.  40).  The  council 
inTrullo,  a.d.  691,  reaffirmed  the  decree  of  381, 
only  adding  the  Pauliani  to  the  number  of  those 
who  were  to  be  rebaptized  (can.  95).  See  also 
the  Arabic  Nicene  canon  in  the  article  on 
Heresy,  4,  ii.  (p.  768),  and  the  Eastern  form 
of  admission  (ibid.  iv.  p.  769). 

It  is  probable  that  this  unction  was  never 
introduced  at  Rome ;  for  we  find  Gregory  I. 
saying  in  600,  "  the  West  restores  Arians  by  the 
laying  on  of  the  hand,  but  the  East  by  the 
unction  of  the  holy  chrism,  on  their  entrance 
into  the  holy  Catholic  church."  Some,  he  tells 
us,  as  the  Monophysites,  were  received  on  a  pro- 
fession of  faith  only  (Epist.  ix.  61).  In  Gaul, 
however,  this  rite  had  already  been  observed  for 
more  than  a  century  and  a  half.  For  the  council 
of  Orange  in  441  says,  "  It  is  decreed  that  here- 
tics in  danger  of  death  and  desiring  to  become 
Catholics  be  sealed  by  the  presbyters  with 
chrism  and  benediction  (i.e.  imposition  of  hands), 
if  the  bishop  be  not  jiresent "  (can.  1).  The 
council  of  Aries,  452,  ordered  Photinians  or 
Paulianists  to  be  baptized  "secundum  patrum 
(Cone.  Nic.  19,  &e.)  statuta";  but  Bonosiani  (a 
subdivision  of  the  same  sect),  because  they 
6  N 


2004: 


UNCTION 


baptized  in  the  name  of  the  Ti-inity,  were  to  be 
received  into  the  church  "  with  chrism  and  im- 
position of  the  hand"  (cann.  16,  17).  Faustus 
of  Rhegium,  475  (De  Grat.  Dei  ct  Lib.  Arb.  i. 
l.j),  taught  that  one  thus  baptized  was  to  be 
"judged  to  be  so  washed  by  the  operation  of 
grace,  that  he  need  only  to  be  clothed  with  the 
benediction  of  the  chrism."  The  author  De  Ec- 
ctesiasticis  Doipnatici-s  (212  al.  52),  supposed  to  be 
Gennadius  of  Marseilles,  495,  says  that  all  who 
have  been  baptized  in  due  form  and  matter  by 
heretics  should,  if  able  to  answer  for  themselves, 
"  being  already  purged  by  the  soundness  of  their 
faith,  be  confirmed  by  imposition  of  the  hand  ;" 
but  that  those  who  cannot  answer  for  themselves 
should  be  presented  by  sponsors  as  at  baptism, 
"  and  so  being  fortified  by  imposition  of  the 
hand  and  the  chrism,  be  admitted  to  the  mys- 
teries of  the  Eucharist."  The  Gallican  council 
of  Epaone,  a.d.  517:  "We  require  the  pres- 
byters for  the  safety  of  souls,  which  we  desire 
in  all,  to  assist  with  the  chrism  heretics  who  are 
given  over  and  confined  to  bed,  if  they  seek  a 
sudden  conversion.  Which  let  all  desiring  to 
turn  know  that  they  must,  if  in  health,  seek  from 
the  bishop  "  (can.  16).  E.xamples  of  such  chris- 
mation  in  France  are  found  in  Gregory  of  Tours 
(Hist.  Franc,  ii.  ol ;  34;  iv.  27,  28).  The  same 
discipline  prevailed  in  Spain.  "  Heretics,"  says 
Isidore,  "  if  they  are  proved  to  have  received 
baptism  in  the  name  of  the  Father  and  of  the  Son 
and  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  are  not  to  be  baptized  a 
second  time,  but  are  to  be  purged  by  chrism 
only  and  imposition  of  the  hand "  {De  Eccl. 
Off.  ii.  24).  The  council  of  Seville  in  619  says 
that  it  is  not  lawful  for  presbyters  to  sign  the 
forehead  of  the  baptized  with  chrism  (can.  7). 
For  instances  of  the  practice  see  Greg.  Tur.  Hist. 
Franc,  v.  39;  ix.  15;  and  Reccared  at  the 
council  of  Toledo,  589  (Cone.  Hard.  iii.  471).  In 
the  9th  century  we  hear  of  the  same  rule  from 
Walafrid  Strabo  (de  lieb.  Eccl.  26). 

(5)  Unction  of  the  SicL — The  Apostles  anointed 
many  for  whose  recovery  they  prayed  (St.  Mark 
vi.  13),  and  St.  James  (v.  14,  15)  recommends 
the  same  practice  to  "the  elders  of  the  church." 
It  was  followed  by  very  many,  both  laymen  and 
women,  in  every  part  of  the  church.  E.g.  a 
female  saint,  Eugenia,  is  said  to  have  healed  a 
sick  woman  by  anointing  her  with  oil  (Vita,  11, 
in  Rosweyd,  343).  We  need  not  stop  to  prove 
this  at  length  ;  as  it  will  be  conceded  that  they 
who  could  do  the  greater,  viz.  bless  the  oil  (of 
which  see  many  instances  in  Oil,  uses  of  (3),  p. 
1455,  could  certainly  do  the  less,  viz.  apply  it 
when  blessed.  The  oil  blessed  by  St.  Monegund 
on  her  death-bed  was  necessarily  used  by  others. 
It  is  more  important  to  shew  that  this  liberty 
remained,  when  the  oil  was  no  longer  blessed 
by  laymen  and  women.  Thus  Pseudo-Innocent 
(/'^p.  ad  Decent.  §  8):  "Being  made  by  the 
bishop  it  is  lawful,  not  for  priests  only,  but  for 
all  Christians  to  use  it  in  anointing  in  their  own 
need,  or  that  of  their  friends."  Caesarius  of 
Aries,  502  :  "  Let  him  who  is  sick  receive  the 
body  and  blood  of  Christ,  and  then  let  him 
anoint  his  body  "  (Serm.  66,  §  3).  In  an  epi- 
demic he  recommends  a  person  to  "  anoint  both 
himself  and  family  with  blessed  oil "  (Serm.  89, 
§  5).  St.  Eligius,  640:  "Let  him  faithfully 
seek  the  blessed  oil  from  the  church,  wherewith 
to  anoint  his  body  in  the  name  of  Christ  "  (De 


UNCTION 

liect.  Cathol.  Convcrs.  5).  This  liberty  is  recog- 
nised in  an  old  pontifical  of  Rouen,  in  which  the 
bishop  is  said  to  "  bless  the  oil  for  the  sick  and 
for  the  people "  (Note  282  in  Lib.  Sacram. 
Grcijor.  Menard).  Notices  of  the  rite  in  the  8th 
and  9th  centuries  sometimes  leave  it  uncertain 
whether  the  priest  anoints  the  sick  himself, 
though  the  unction  and  communion  are  both 
mentioned.  E.g.  Theodulf  of  Orleans,  794 : 
"  When  the  sick  man  shall  have  been  anointed, 
with  prayers,  &c.,  then  let  the  priest  give  him 
the  peace  and  communicate  him  "  (Capitulare  ii. 
in  Baluz. ;  Miscell.  ii.  104,  ed.  Mansi).  With 
this  compare  Cone.  Aquisgr.  836  (De  Vita  Infer. 
Ord.  c.  5)  ;  Cone.  Mogunt.  847,  can.  26  ;  Herard. 
Turon.  858,  cap.  21  ;  Isaac  Lingon.  859,  Canones, 
i.  23 ;  Capit.  Reg.  Franc,  vi.  75  ;  the  articles 
of  visitation  (n.  18)  preserved  by  Regino  (De 
Discipl.  Eccl.  p.  23,  ed.  Baluz.)  ;  "  Bede  "  cited 
ibid.  i.  119  ;  &c.  Not  till  the  middle  of  the  9th 
century,  if  1  mistake  not,  do  we  meet  with  any 
express  injunction  to  the  priest  to  perform 
the  unction  himself.  Then  Hincmar,  852,  says 
to  his  clergy,  "  Let  him  himself  both  anoint 
them  with  the  sacred  oil  and  communicate  them  " 
(Capit.  5,  Labb.  Cone.  viii.  578).  Riculfus  of 
Soissons,  889  :  "  It  is  the  duty  of  presbyters  to 
anoint  their  sick  with  holy  oil  "  (c.  10,  ibid.  ix. 
419).  So  Leo  iv.  847  (De  Cura  Pastorali,  ih. 
viii.  34),  and  Ratherius  of  Verona  after  him, 
928  (Synodica,  ib.  ix.  1271)  :  "  Oleo  sancto  inuu- 
gite  et  propria  manu  communicate  "),  and  the 
three  Admonitiones  Sgnodales  printed  by  Baluze 
in  App.  to  Regino  (Dc  Discipl.  Eccles.  603,  608, 
612). 

The  restraint  of  the  unction  to  the  priest  had 
momentous  consequences.  The  original  inten- 
tion of  it  in  relation  to  the  healing  of  the  body 
was  practically  forgotten,  and  the  rite  came  to 
be  regarded  as  part  of  a  Christian's  immediate 
preparation  for  death.  Hence,  in  the  12th  cen- 
tury, it  acquired  the  name  of  the  last  unction, 
"  unctio  extrema,"  (Peter  Lomb.  Sentent.  iv.  23), 
i.e.  as  the  Catechism  of  Trent  asserts  (P.  2,  De 
Ext.  Unct.  3),  the  last  of  those  which  a  man 
i-eceived  from  the  church.  In  the  13th  it  was 
placed  by  schoolmen  among  the  seven  rites  to 
which  they  then  limited  the  application  of  the 
term  "  sacrament "  (Thomas  Aquin.  Summa, 
suppl.  ad  P.  iii.  qu.  29).  See  Martene,  de  Ant. 
Eccl.  Hit.  1.  vii.  1,  §  2  ;  Notitia  Eucharistica, 
1011,  2nd  ed. 

The  order  in  which  the  sick  were  anointed 
and  communicated  was  changed  more  than  once. 
The  earliest  extant  notices  (Cone.  Turon.  in  Regino, 
i.  116  ;  Caesarius,  u.s. ;  Eligius,  u.  s. ;  &c.)  put  the 
communion  before  the  unction.  This  is  what 
we  might  expect ;  for  when  recovery  from  sick- 
ness was  the  object  of  the  unction,  the  sufferer 
would  naturally  prepare  for  it  by  communicating. 
On  the  other  hand,  when  they  had  recourse  to  it 
only  at  the  supposed  approach  of  death,  it  was 
put  at  first  before  the  communion,  because  that 
had  always  been  regarded  as  the  proper  viati- 
cum, the  last  preparation  for  departure.  This 
was  the  common  order  in  the  9th  and  10th  cen- 
turies, as  we  learn  from  "  Bede  "  in  Regino,  Leo, 
Hincmar,  &c.  already  quoted,  and  from  nearly 
every  Ordo  Ungendi  in  Martene,  de  Ant.  Bit. 
Eccl.  I.  vii.  4.  See  also  the  first  Admonitio  Syno- 
dalis  cited  above.  At  length,  however,  extrema 
unctio  was  supposed  to  mean  unctio  in  extremis. 


UNCTION 

and  men  returned  to  the  original  order  from  a 
new  motive.  As  unction  is  still  notoriously  the 
last  rite  of  the  dying,  we  need  give  no  proof  of 
this ;  but  we  may  mention,  as  an  interesting 
illustration,  that  the  clauses  ordering  unction 
and  communion  in  the  first  form  of  the  Adino- 
nitio  Sjnodalis  ( above )  are  in  the  two  later 
inverted  with  a  view  to  this  change.  Their 
reading  is,  "  Propria  manu  communicet,  et  oleo 
sacro  inungat"  (Regino,  608,  612).  The  earliest 
oi-do  given  by  Martene  which  follows  this  rule 
is  an  Amiens  Pontifical  not  600  years  old  (I.  vii. 
4  ord.  27).  It  was  never  adopted  in  the  Church 
of  England.  An  early  example  occurs  in  the 
life  of  St.  Hildegund  of  the  12th  century,  "  Cor- 
pcre  Dominico  sibi  dato,  sancto  earn  inungi  fecit 
oleo  "  (  Vita,  v.  30  ;  Bolland.  Apr.  20). 

It  has  been  common  both  in  the  East  and  West 
for  more  than  one  priest  to  be  present  at  this 
rite ;  but  there  is  no  evidence  that  the  Greeks 
or  Orientals  observed  such  a  custom  before  the 
9th  century.  See  Leo  AUatius,  de  Consensu 
titriusque  Ecdesiac,  iii.  16,  §  15  ;  Arcudius,  de 
Concord.  Eccl.  Occ.  et  Or.  iv.  3).  In  the  West, 
however,  examples  occur  from  an  early  period. 
E.g.  St.  Clotilda,  554,  was  "secundum  Aposto- 
lum  inuncta  sacerdotibus  "  (^Acta  Chrotildis,  iii. 
§  19,  Boll.  June  3).  Several  were  present  at  the 
unction  of  St.  Himegund,  a.d.  690  (Vita,  iii.  20, 
Boll.  Aug.  25).  Theodulf  requires  three  (m.s.). 
In  850  the  synod  of  Ticino  ordered  that  "  the 
presbyter  of  the  place  .  .  .  should  invite  the 
neighbouring  presbyters  also "  (Syn.  Eegiatic. 
can.  8) ;  and  traces  of  the  custom  are  found  in 
some  of  the  ancient  offices  (Mart.  m.s.  Ord.  13, 
"  unus  ex  sacerdotibiis "  ;  Ord.  14,  "  singuli 
sacerdotes  "). 

The  Greeks  in  the  8th  century  made  only 
three  crosses  with  the  oil  which  they  "  poured 
out  of  the  ampulla  crosswise  on  the  head 
and  dress  and  whole  body  of  the  sick  man  " 
(Theodulf,  M.S.).  The  French  bishop  who  tells 
us  this  also  informs  us  that  the  Latin  practice 
was  to  anoint  the  eyebrows,  ears,  nostrils,  lips, 
the  back  of  the  hands,  the  feet,  throat,  breast, 
neck,  shoulder-blades,  navel,  or  the  seat  of  pain 
(ib.).  The  same  details  are  given  in  an  old 
English  pontifical  of  about  a.d.  800  (MS.  Gemmet. 
Mart.  M.  s.  Ord.  1),  and  in  that  of  Prudentius  of 
Troyes,  850  (Ord.  3) ;  only  the  former  omits  the 
throat,  the  latter  the  breast.  A  cross  was  made 
with  the  oil  on  every  part. 

We  need  hardly  mention  that  a  public  peni- 
tent could  not  be  anointed  in  sickness  until  he 
had  been  "  reconciled  by  the  communion  of  the 
body  and  blood  of  Christ "  (Cone.  Regiatic.  can. 
8). 

On  Maundy  Thursday,  while  the  other  oils 
were  provided  beforehand  by  the  clergy,  offer- 
ings of  oil  for  the  sick  were  brought  by  the 
people,  who  probably,  as  we  infer  from  their  use 
of  it,  took  much  of  it  home  with  them  after  it 
had  been  blessed.  The  earliest  Ordo  Romanus, 
about  730,  says,  "  Benedicitur  oleum  quod  popu- 
lus  offert "  (§  30,  Mus.  Ital.  ii.  20).  The  Gela- 
sian  Sacramentary  has  "  Benedictio  olei  ad  popu- 
\-am"  (Liturg.  Rom.  Vet.  Murat.  i.  555).  The 
Gregorian:  "Ampullae  quas  ofterunt  populi " 
(ibid.  ii.  55). 

On  some  points  connected  with  this  subject 
we  are  at  a  disadvantage  in  consulting  Roman 
Catholic   authors,    as   they  draw  no    clear  line 


UNCTION 


2005 


between  the  primitive  use  of  oil  with  prayer 
and  the  medieval  priestly  rite ;  but  we  may 
mention  Edm.  Martene,  De  Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  lib.  i. 
c.  7  in  several  editions  ;  Jo.  Launoius,  de  Sacram. 
Unctionis  Infirmorum,  Par.  1673  ;  J.  C.  Trom- 
bellius.  Tract,  de  Sacram.  Extr.  Unci.  Bonon. 
1776  ;  and  on  the  other  side,  Jo.  Dallaeus,  do 
Extrema,  ut  vocant,  Unctione,  Genev.  1659. 

(6)  For  the  Unction  of  Kings,  see  COROXATION, 
p.  466  ;  for  the  Unction  in  Ordination  see  Ordi- 
nation, p.  1512  ff. 

II.  Unction  of  Things.— Pseudo-Dionysius, 
perhaps  about  520,  tells  us  that  altars  were 
consecrated  by  the  affusion  of  ixvpov  (Hier.  Eccl. 
iv.  iii.  12).  An  Armenian  Catholicus  of  the  8th 
century  says  of  the  chrism,  "The  priest  ought 
to  receive  this  oil  from  the  bishops,  and  with  it 
anoint  altars,  temples  and  churches  "  (Joannis 
can.  9 ;  Mai,  Nova  Coll.  Script,  x.  ii.  304).  The 
Coptic  priest  signs  the  new  paten,  chalice,  and 
SPOON,  and  the  black  corporal  as  well  as  the 
altar  itself  with  chrism  when  he  consecrates 
them.  See  the  Benedictions  in  Renaud.  Liturg. 
Orient,  i.  54,  55.  In  the  Syrian  rite  an  altar  is 
consecrated  by  a  bishop  only,  who  "  signs  the 
slab  by  anointing  it  with  chrism  in  which  he 
dips  his  thumb,  drawing  it  over  the  same  lines 
which  he  had  before  described  in  the  form  of  a 
cross,  and  that  he  does  thrice,  reciting  mean- 
while versicles  from  the  psalms,  hymns,  and 
responsories."  After  which  he  says,  "This 
altar  set  before  us  hath  been  signed,  anointed, 
and  sealed  in  the  Name,"  &c.  (ibid.  ii.  57).  The 
practice  has  descended  to  the  modern  Greeks, 
whose  office  directs  the  bishop  at  the  dedication 
of  a  church  to  pour  /xvpou  on  the  slab,  and 
cross  it  thrice  with  the  same,  and  then  beginning 
at  the  crosses  to  anoint  the  whole  upper  surface. 
The  pillars  and  sides  of  the  altar  are  then  thrice 
crossed  with  chrism.  A  cross  is  also  made 
with  it  on  every  colftmn  and  pilaster  in  the 
church  (Goar.  Euch.  837-8).  The  chrism  is 
also  used  at  the  consecration  of  Antimensia  be- 
fore as  well  as  after  being  mixed  with  relics 
and  ceromastic  (ibid.  648).  We  hear  of  the 
same  use  of  oil  in  the  West  from  the  latter  part 
of  the  5th  century  downward,  if  indeed  the 
Homily  on  the  4th  Sunday  after  Pentecost 
ascribed  to  Eusebius  Emissenus  be  really  written 
by  Faustus  of  Rhegium,  who  is  said  to  have 
assumed  that  name,  a.d.  472  ;  for  there  we  read, 
"  By  oil  a  church  is  hallowed  "  (Horn.  Euseb.  E. 
151 ;  Par.  1554).  The  council  of  Agde,  506, 
says,  "  It  is  decreed  that  altars  be  hallowed  not 
only  by  the  unction  of  chrism,  but  also  by  a 
sacerdotal  (i.e.  episcopal)  benediction  "  (can.  14). 
The  council  of  Epaone,  517  :  "  Altaria  nisi  la- 
pidea  chrismatis  unguine  non  sacrentur  "  (can. 
26).  Yet  the  Prankish  missal,  of  about  560, 
only  orders  a  sprinkling  with  wine  and  water, 
mixed  (Lit.  Horn.  Vet.  Murat.  ii.  677).  The 
canon  of  Epaone  was  adopted  by  Egbert  of  York, 
a.d.  732-766  (can.  51 ;  Hard.  Cone.  iii.  1966). 
The  rite  is  not,  however,  mentioned  by  the 
council  of  Cealchythe,  816,  when  it  prescribes 
the  mode  of  dedicating  a  church.  In  Spain, 
Isidore  of  Seville,  about  630,  says,  "  Ad  epj- 
scopum  pertinet  basilicarum  consecratio,  unctio 
altaris,  confectio  chrismatis  "  (Ad  Leudef.  §  10). 
It  was  thought  to  be  done  in  the  case  of  the 
altar  in  imitation  of  Jacob  (Gen.  xxviii.  18, 
XXXV.  14).  The  council  of  Aix  la  Chapelle,  ia 
6  N  2 


!006 


UNIVEESITIES 


836,  after  citing  his  action,  says,  "The  Chris- 
tian religion,  talcing  example  from  the  ancient 
tradition  of  the  fathers,  .  .  .  erects  altars,  and 
])ours  oil  on  them,  and  anoints  them  with  the 
most  holy  chrism,  and  from  the  acts  and  vows 
of  the  afo'resaid  Jacob  sings  a  melody  to  Christ " 
(lib.  iii.  cap.  23).  Compare  Rabanus  Maurus 
de  Instit.  Cleric,  ii.  45,  and  Walafr.  Strabo,  de 
L'eb.  Eccl.  9.  This  notion  is  preserved  in  the 
old  English  pontificals.  See  Remigius  of 
Auxerre  (de  Dcdic.  Eccles.  8)  on  the  question, 
'•  Quid  signetur  in  varia  Unctione  Altaris?"  After 
the  miction  of  the  altar,  the  bishop  going  round 
the  church  signs  the  walls  with  chrism,  using 
his  thumb  (Pontif.  Egberti  Ebor.  in  Martene,  de 
Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  ii.  13,  Ord.  2).  Conip.  the 
English  pontifical  preserved  at  Jumieges  (ibid. 
Ord.  3),  that  of  Dunstau  (Ord.  4),  and  the  Galil- 
ean Pontificals  of  Rheinis,  Noyon  (Ordd.  5,  6),  &c. 
Egbert  gives  a  form  for  consecrating  a  paten  and 
chalice  with  unction  (Mart.  u.  s.,  but  at  length  in 
the  Surtees  Society's  edition,  p.  47.  Comp.  Mart. 
Ordd.  1,  3,  4,  &c.).  The  blessing  of  the  chalice 
lulknvs.  and  here  Dunstan  only  of  those  whom 
\\  e  have  cited  orders  it  to  be  anointed.  Bells 
were  also  anointed  with  chrism  when  blessed 
(Surt.  Soc.  118  ;  Mart.  u.s.  Ord.  3). 
^  [\V.  E.  S.] 

UNIYEKSITIES.    [Sciiooi^.] 

UNLEAVENED  BKEAD.     [Elements.] 

URBANUS  (1),  Jan.  24,  one  of  three  children 
martyred  with  Babylas  at  Antioch  under  Decius 
{Mart.  Usuard. ;  3Iart.  Horn.). 

(2)  Apr.  16.     [Saragossa,  Martyrs  of.] 

(3)  May  25,  pope,  martyr,  commemorated  at 
Rome  on  the  Via  Numentana,  in  the  cemetery 
of  Praetextatus  (Mart.  Bed.,  Usuard.,  Adon., 
Ifieron.,  Vet.  Bom.,  Boin.,  Wand.;  Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Mai.  vi.  11),  commemorated  on  this  day  in 
the  Gregorian  Sacramentary,  which  mentions 
him  in  the  collect. 

(4)  July  2,  martyr,  one  of  the  companions  of 
Aristo  in  Campania  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet. 
li'om.,  Bom.). 

(5)  Sept.  5,  martyr  with  Theodorus,  Medim- 
nus,  and  eighty  priests  and  deacons  under  Valens 
{Menol.  Grace.  Sirlet. ;  Mart.  Bom.). 

(6)  Oct.  31,  commemorated  with  Stachys  and 
Amplias,  disciples  of  the  apostles  (Basil.  Menol. ; 
Mcnol.  Gr. ;  Mart.  Bom.).  [C.  H.] 

URCEOLA  -TJS.  A  pitcher  for  containing 
water  for  ritual  use  in  the  Eucharistic  service, 
whether  for  washing  the  ministrants'  hands,  or 
for  cleansing  the  vessels.  In  the  ordination  of 
acolythes  the  delivery  of  an  "  urceolus  "  formed 
part  of  the  ceremonial:  "accipient  urceolum  in 
quo  datur  eis  potestas  infundendi  aquam  in  cali- 
cem  dominicum  "  (Steph.  Eduens.  lib.  de  Sacr. 
Altaris).  In  Lanfranc's  Epistles  we  find  "vas 
superius  unde  lavandis  manibus  aqua  infunditur  " 
(Cantuar.  Ep.  13).  [E.  V.] 

XJRGEL,  COUNCIL  OF  (Ursellense 
Coxcilium),  A.D.  799,  where  Felix,  bishop  of  that 
see,  was  condemned  by  the  French  bishops  sent 
by  Charlemagne  to  sit  in  judgment  on  him 
(Mansi,  xiii.  1033).  '  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

URSACIUS,  Aug.   15,  confessor  at   Nicaea 


USURY 

under    Licinius    (3fart.,    Usuard.,    Adon.,    ^'et. 
Bom.).  [C.  H.] 

URSICINUS(Ursinus)  (1),  June  19,  martyr 
at  Ravenna  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Bom., 
Bom.). 

(2)  Nov.  9,  bishop  of  Bourges,  confessor  (Mart. 
Usuard.,  Flor.,  Aden.,  Bom.).  [C.  H.] 

URSICIUS,  Aug.  15,  tribune  of  Illyricum, 
martyr  under  Maximian  (Basil.  Menol.) ;  Aug. 
14  (Menol.  Grace.  Sirlet. ;  Mart.  Bom.). 

[C.  H.] 

URSMARUS,  bishop,  confessor;  commemo- 
rated in  themonastervofLobbes,  Apr.  19  (Mart. 
Usuard.;  Mart.  Bom.);  Apr.  18  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Apr.  ii.  557).  [C.  H.] 

URSULA,  Oct.  21,  martyr  with  eleven 
thousand  virgins  at  Cologne  (Mart.  Bom.) ;  the 
virgins  without  Ursula  in  some  MSS.  of  Bede 
and  in  Wandalbert.  [C.  H.] 


UESUS,  Sept.  30,  commemorated  at  Solo- 
thurn  or  Soleure  with  Victor,  martyrs  of  the 
Theban  legion  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Bom.). 

[C.  H.] 
USTAZADES,  Apr.  21,  martyr  in   Persia 
(JIart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Bom.,  Bom.). 

[C.  H.] 
USURY.  In  the  early  church,  the  austere 
morality  inculcated  by  its  teachers  and  the  com- 
parative seclusion  of  its  members  from  inter- 
course with  the  world  and  participation  in  the 
more  equivocal  methods  of  acquiring  wealth, 
combined  to  cause  the  calling  of  the  usurer,  and 
even  the  occasional  lending  of  money /or  purposes 
of  gain  (whether  to  fellow  Christians  or  to 
strangers),  alike  to  be  regarded  as  unlawful. 
Such  procedure,  whether  systematic  or  excep- 
tional, was  accordingly  altogether  condemned; 
passages  such  as  Exod.  sxii.  24 ;  Levit.  xxv.  36, 
37  ;  Deut.  xxiii.  20,  21 ;  Xeh.  v.  7,  10,  11 ;  Ps. 
xiv.  4,  5;  liv.  12;  St.  Luke,  vi.  34,  35;  &c., 
being  regarded  as  decisive  of  the  Scriptural 
teaching  on  the  subject.  This  view  continued, 
for  the  most  part,  to  prevail  long  after  the  8th 
century.  The  schoolmen  unanimously  raised 
their  voice  against  usury  in  any  form  (Bonaven- 
tura,  ad  Sent.  iv.  xv.  2,  art.  2,  quaest.  1,  4; 
Aquinas,  Summa,  II.  ii.  78,  art.  1).  The  passage 
in  the  New  Testament  (Luke  xix.  23)  which 
appears  to  countenance  the  practice  was  explained 
away  by  Aquinas  by  supposing  that  money  as 
referred  to  in  this  parable  is  to  be  understood 
only  in  a  metaphorical  and  spiritual  sense.  The 
Reformers  (Luther,  Melanchthon,  &c.)  also  held 
that  the  teaching  of  the  Mosaic  law  left  no  doubt 
as  to  the  obligations  of  Christians  in  this  matter. 
The  practice  of  usury  under  the  Empire  offered 
however  peculiar  temptations  to  the  clergy,  from 
the  fact  that  it  required  no  previous  acquaintance 
with  any  craft  and  but  little  knowledge  of  com- 
mercial affairs.  On  the  other  hand,  it  was  liable 
to  abuse  which  involved  great  moral  wrong  :  the 
legal  rate  of  interest  was  fixed  at  twelve  per 
cent. — "  usura  centesima,"  * — but  in  the  time  of 


»  I.e.  one  per  cent,  per  month.  This  law  was  re- 
enacted  by  Constantine  only  a  month  before  the  council 
of  Nicaea,  a  fact  which,  as  Professor  Funk  observes, 
shews  that  the  prohibition  of  the  church  could  have  had 
but  very  partial  effect  (Cod.  Theod.  I.  ii.  23;  Funk, 
Gesch.  des  Kirchlichen  Zinsverhotes,  p.  9). 


USURY 

Chiysostom  there  were  many  who  demanded 
as  much  as  fifty.  He  denounces  this  as  Kaiva 
jivr)  t6ko3V,  Koi  ouSe  rots  'E\K-f]Vicv  vS/jlois  vevo- 
(xKTfjLiva, — "  a  new  rate  of  interest  unauthorised 
•even  by  the  laws  of  the  jjagans,"  and  yet,  he 
says,  the  usurer  will  exact  it  from  a  poor  man 
who  has  a  wife  and  children  and  gets  his  living 
by  thrashing  corn  or  treading  the  wine-press  (in 
Matt.  Horn.  li. ;  Migne,  Patrol.  Graec.  Iviii. 
588). 

Apollonius  (Euseb.  E.  H.  v.  18)  enumerates 
the  lending  of  money  at  interest  as  one  among 
other  unlawful  practices  indulged  in  by  the 
teachers  of  the  Cataphrygians.  Clemens  Alexan- 
drinus  (Strom,  ii.  IS)  says,  "the  law"  (i.e.  the 
Mosaic  law)  "  forbids  thee  to  lend  money  at 
interest  to  thy  brother ; "  and  he  interprets 
"  brother "  as  including  ts  av  6ij.6(pv\os  y, 
bfxoyvdjjLdiv  re  icai  rov  avrov  Aoyov  KeKoivccuriKcos 
<;Migne,  ib.  viii.  171).  Tertullian  quotes  Ezekiel 
(xviii.  8),  and  says  that  the  prohibition  of  the 
Old  Testament  is  ratified  by  that  of  the  New 
(adv.  Marcion.  iv.  17).  Cyprian  (Testim.  iii. 
48)  cites  the  same  passage,  and  also  Ps.  xiv. 
and  Deut.  xxiii.  20.  Commodianus  (Instruct, 
adv.  Gent.  Deos,  e.  65)  declares  that  the  alms 
of  the  usurer  find  no  favour  in  God's  sight, 
even  though  he  bestow  in  charity  twice  the 
-amount  that  the  legal  rate  of  interest  would 
enable  him  to  give, — "  duplicem  centesima  num- 
mum  "  (Migne,  v.  251).  Lactantius  (Div.  Inst. 
vi.  18)  classes  it  as  one  of  the  "mandata  Dei" 
that  no  man  shall  receive  interest  for  money  lent 
to  another  who  is  in  necessity,  otherwise,  he 
says,  the  kindly  act  loses  its  value,  and  the  lender 
is  as  one  who  profits  by  his  neighbour's  trouble, 
— "quod  qui  facit  insidiatur  quomodo,  ut.ex 
alterius  necessitate  praedetur  "  (ib.  vi.  699). 

But  while  it  is  not  unreasonable  to  suppose 
that  in  the  practice  of  the  austere  morality  in- 
culcated by  the  early  church  these  views  found 
corresponding  observance  among  a  certain  mino- 
rity, the  evidence  plainly  shews  that  they  were 
frequently  disregai'ded.  If,  for  example,  we  accept 
the  account  given  by  Hippolytus  of  Callistus,  both 
Callistus  and  his  Christian  master  Carpophorus 
pursued  the  calling  of  money-lenders  (Bunsen, 
Anal.  Ante-Nicaea,  i.  371).  Cyprian,  in  his  trea- 
tise de  Lapsis  (c.  6),  complains  that  many  bishops 
among  the  "  Lapsi,"  neglecting  their  divine 
office,  "  divina  procuratione  contempta,"  had 
turned  their  attention  to  worldly  gain,  and  were 
wandering  about  in  other  provinces,  attending 
markets  for  the  sake  of  lucre  and  increasing  their 
capital  by  lending  it  out  at  compound  interest, — 
"  negotiationis  quaestuosae  nundinas  aucu- 
pari  ....  usuris  multiplicantibus  foenus 
augere  "  (Migne,  iv.  183). 

It  is  supposed  by  Hefele  (Beitrdge,  i.  38)  that 
we  may  infer  from  this  that  there  existed  in 
Cyprian's  time  no  formal  declaration  from  the 
church  on  the  lawfulness  of  the  practice.  It 
appears,  however,  more  reasonable  to  conclude 
that  the  above  bishops  had  repudiated  all  further 
ecclesiastical  control.  The  first  canonical  deci- 
sion of  which  we  have  evidence  relating  to  the 
subject  is  that  of  the  council  of  Aries  (a.d.  314), 
which  directs  that  all  priests  practising  usury 
are  to  be  debarred  from  communion, — "  eos  juxta 
formam  divinitus  datam  a  communioneabstineri  " 
(Mansi,  Cone.  ii.  472).  At  the  council  of  Lao- 
dicea  (?  ann.  320)  it  was  decreed,  "  Non  oportere 


USURY 


2007 


hominem  sacratum  foenerari,  et  usuras,  et  quae 
dicuntur  sesquialteras  t"  accipere "  (ib.  ii.  564). 
This  canon  was  re-enacted  with  yet  greater 
stringency  at  the  council  of  Nicaea,  when  it  was 
decreed  that  whoever  of  the  clergy  should  be 
found  indulging  in  the  practice  in  his  dealings 
with  another  or  demanding  "  sesquialterae," 
should  be  deposed  from  his  office  and  excommu- 
nicated :  "  si  quis  inventus  post  statutum  usuras 
ex  mutuo  (e/c  /leraxei/jicrews)  sumere,  vel  earn 
rem  aliter  persequi,  vel  sesquialteras  exigere, 
vel  aliquid  aliud  excogitare  turpis  quaestus 
gratia,  e  clero  deponatur  et  sit  alienus  a  canone  " 
(Mansi,  ii.  675  ;  ib.  iv.  413).  The  forty-fourth  of 
the  Apostolical  Canons  similarly  requires  that 
any  "  bishop,  priest,  or  deacon "  who  demands 
interest  from  a  debtor  shall  be  deprived  of  his 
office  (Cotelerius,  i.  448). 

Although  the  conditions  of  the  mercantile 
community  in  the  East  and  the  West  differed 
materially  in  some  respects,  the  fathers  of  the 
two  churches  are  equally  explicit  and  systematic 
in  their  condemnation  of  the  practice  of  usurj'. 
Among  those  belonging  to  the  Greek  church  we 
find  Athanasius  (Expos,  in  Ps.  xiv.) ;  Basil  the 
Great  (Horn,  in  Ps.  xiv.),  Gregory  of  Nazianzuni 
(Orat.  xvi.  in  Patrem  tacentem),  Gregory  of 
Nyssa  (Orat.  cont.  Usurarios),  Cyril  of  Jerusalem 
(Catech.  iv.  c.  37),  Epiphanius  (adv.  Haeres. 
Epilog,  c.  24),  Chrysostom  (Horn.  xli.  in  Genes.), 
and  Theodoret  (Interpr.  in  Ps.  xiv.  5,  and  liv.  11). 
Among  those  belonging  to  the  Latin  church, 
Hilary  of  Poitiers  (in  Ps.  xiv.),  Ambrose  (de 
Tobia  liber  unus),  Jerome  (in  Ezech.  vi.  18), 
Augustine  (de  Baptismo  contr.  Donatistas,  iv.  19), 
Leo  the  Great  (Epist.  iii.  4),  and  Cassiodorus  (in 
Ps.  xiv.  10).  Among  these  writers  some  evince 
less  disposition  to  appeal  exclusively  to  the 
Mosaic  law  ;  Basil,  for  example,  cites  Luke  vi. 
34,  35  ;  Chrysostom,  Matth.  v.  42 ;  Gregory  of 
Nyssa,  the  fate  of  the  unmerciful  servant  in  the 
parable  (Matth.  xviii.  23-35),  and  the  fifth  peti- 
tion in  the  Lord's  Prayer.  Ambrose,  whose 
treatise  de  Tobia  is  entirely  devoted  to  the  con- 
demnation of  usury,  quotes  the  sentiment  of 
Cato, — "  fenerare  est  hominem  occidere,"  and 
inveighs  strongly  against  the  cruelty  involved 
in  the  practice.  "  The  borrower,"  he  says  to 
the  usurers,  "  asks  of  you  medicine,  and  you  give 
him  poison  ;  bread,  and  you  proffer  him  a  sword  ; 
liberty,  and  you  condemn  him  to  slavery !  "  Re- 
ferring to  the  technical  term  "  centesima,"  he 
asks  whether  it  might  not  better  serve  to  recall 
to  our  recollection  Him  who  came  to  seek  the 
hundredth  lost  sheep?  (Migne,  xiv.  591-622). 
Christ,  he  says,  came  to  fulfil  the  law,  not  to 
destroy  it,  consequently  the  Mosaic  prohibition 
is  still  in  force.  Leo  the  Great,  in  his  letter  to 
the  bishops  of  Campania  and  Picenum,  implies 
that  the  clergy  sometimes  evaded  the  prohibition 
by  lending  their  money  in  the  name  of  another, 
and  declares  this  to  be  equally  forbidden.  He 
laments  that  even  laymen,  who  wish  to  be  con- 
sidered Christians,  should  practise  the  usurer's 
callincf, — "  quod  et  in  laicos  cadere,  qui  Christia- 
nos  se  dici  cupiimt,  condolemus "  (Epist.  5  ; 
Mio-ne,  liv.  615).  Chrysostom  refers  to  the 
leaislation  which  forbade  senators  (tous  .... 
ehT7)V  ;U67o\rjv  nXovvras  fiovKrjv,  ^v  orvyKX-nTov 

b  "  Sesquialterae  "  or  Tj^ioAiac,  a  Byzantine  term  for 
interest  half  as  much  as  the  capital,  or  150  per  cent. 


2008 


USURY 


KaAovffi)  to  take  interest  for  loans,  and  contrasts 
the  usurer's  craft  with  that  of  the  husbandman, 
the  grazier,  or  the  artisan,  affirming  that  his 
gain  is  a  harvest  reaped  without  the  aid  of  soil, 
plough  or  rain  (m  Matt.  Horn.  Ivii. ;  Migue, 
Patrol.  Grace.  Iviii.  557). 

The  conditions  of  modern  society  and  commei"- 
cial  life  have  involved  such  a  revolution  in  the 
conceptions  respecting  the  employment  of  capital, 
that  the  arguments  whereby  it  was  sought  to 
justify  the  Mosaic  condemnation  of  usury  now 
api)ear  scarcely  intelligible.  It  was  objected 
that  usury  was  an  infringement  of  equal  dealing, 
because  more  was  given  by  the  borrower  than 
lie  received, — that  it  was  ruinous  to  many,  while 
serviceable  to  but  few, — that  it  was  oppression 
of  the  poor  man  under  the  guise  of  rendering 
him  a  service  (August,  in  Fs.  xxxvi.  Serm.  3 ; 
Ambrose,  dc  Offic.  iii.  3 ;  Chrysost.  in,  Matth. 
Hom.  56).  When  it  was  asked,  as  an  extreme 
case,  whether  the  man  who  lent  a  bushel  of  corn 
to  his  neighbour,  from  which  the  latter  reaped 
tenfold,  might  not  justly  claim  to  share  equally 
in  the  gain,  .Jerome  replied  by  citing  Gal.  vi.  7, 
and  by  a  quibble  worthy  only  of  a  professed  dia- 
lectician (ad  Ezech.  vi.  18  ;  Opera,  ed.  lligne, 
vi.  17G).  This  excess  of  stringency  produced  its 
natural  results  and  evasion  was  frequently  re- 
sorted to.  Ambrose  (de  Tcbia,  c.  14)  states  that 
it  was  a  common  practice  for  those  who  lent 
money  (especially  the  wealthy)  to  receive  the 
interest  in  the  form  of  goods. 

The  canons  of  later  councils  differ  materially 
in  relation  to  this  subject,  and  indicate  a  distinct 
tendency  to  mitigate  the  rigour  of  the  Nicaean 
interdict.  That  of  the  couucil  of  Carthage  of  the 
year  348  enforces  the  original  prohibition,  but 
without  the  penalty,  and  grounds  the  veto  on 
both  Old  and  New  Testament  authority,  "  nemo 
contra  prophetas,  nemo  contra  evaugelia  facit 
sine  periculo  "  (Mansi,  iii.  158).  The  language, 
however,  when  compared  with  that  of  the  council 
of  Carthage  of  the  year  419,  serves  to  suggest  that, 
in  the  interval,  the  lower  clergy  had  occasionally 
been  found  having  recourse  to  the  forbidden 
practice,  for  the  general  terms  of  the  earlier 
canon,  "  ut  non  liceat  clericis  fenerari,"  are 
enforced  with  greater  particularity  in  the  latter, 
"  Nee  omnino  cuiquam  clericonun  liceat  de 
qualibet  re  foenus  accipere "  (Mansi,  iv.  423). 
This  supposition  is  supported  by  the  language  of 
the  council  of  Orleans  (A.D.  538),  which  appears 
to  imply  that  deacons  were  not  prohibited  from 
lending  money  at  interest,  "  Et  clericus  a  dia- 
conatu,  et  supra,  pecuniam  non  commodet  ad 
usuras "  {ib.  ix.  18).  Similarly,  at  the  second 
council  of  Trullanum  (a.d.  692)  a  like  liberty 
would  ajjpear  to  have  been  recognised  among 
the  lower  clergy  (Hardouin,  iii.  1663).  While, 
again,  the  Nicaean  canon  requires  the  immediate 
deposition  of  the  ecclesiastic  found  guilty  of  the 
practice,  the  Apostolical  canon  enjoins  that  such 
deposition  is  to  take  place  only  after  he  has  been 
admonished  and  has  disregarded  the  admoni- 
tion. 

On  the  other  hand,  at  the  second  council  of 
Aries  (a.d.  452),  we  find  that  such  an  offence 
on  the  part  of  an  ecclesiastic  was  required  to  be 
punished  not  only  by  deposition  but  also  by 
excommunication,  "  depositus  a  commuuioue 
alienus  fiat  "  (Mansi,  vii.  880). 

Generally  speaking,  the  evidence  points  to  the 


USUitY 

conclusion  that  the  church  imposed  no  penalty 
on  the  layman.  St.  Basil  (Epist.  clxxxviii.  can. 
12),  says  that  a  usurer  may  even  be  admitted  tO' 
orders,  provided  he  gives  his  acquired  wealth  to 
the  poor  and  abstains  for  the  future  from  the 
pursuit  of  gain  (Migne,  Patrol.  Graec.  xxxii. 
275).  Gregory  of  Nyssa  says  that  usury,  unlike 
theft,  the  desecration  of  tombs,  and  sacrilege 
(lepotruAia),  is  allowed  to  pass  unpunished, 
although  among  the  things  forbidden  by  Scrip- 
ture, nor  is  a  candidate  at  ordination  ever  asked 
whether  or  no  he  has  been  guilty  of  the  practice" 
(Migne,  26.  xlv.  233).  A  letter  of  Sidonius 
Apollinaris  {Epist.  vi.  24)  relating  an  experience 
of  his  friend  Maximus,  appears  to  imply  that  no 
blame  attached  to  lending  money  at  the  legal 
rate  of  interest,  and  that  even  a  bishop  might 
be  a  creditor  on  those  terms.  We  find  also 
Desideratus,  bishop  of  Verdun,  when  applying 
for  a  loan  to  king  Theodebert,  for  the  relief  of 
his  impoverished  diocese,  pi'omising  repayment, 
"cum  usuris  legitimis,"  an  exiu-ession  whicii 
would  seem  to  imply  that  in  theGallican  church 
usury  was  recognised  as  lawful  under  certain 
conditions  (Greg.  Tur.  Hist.  Franc,  iii.  34).  So 
again  a  letter  (Epist.  ix.  38)  of  Gregory  the 
Great  seems  to  shew  that  he  did  not  regard  the 
payment  of  interest  for  money  advanced  by  one 
layman  to  another  as  unlawful.  But,  on  the 
other  hand,  we  find  in  what  is  known  as  arch- 
bishop Theodore's  Penitential  (circ.  A.D.  690) 
what  appears  to  be  a  general  law  on  the  subject, 
enjoining  "Si  quis  usuras  undecunque  exegerit 
.  .  .  tres  annos  in  pane  et  aqua  "  (c.  xxv.  3) ;  a 
penance  again  enjoined  in  the  Penitential  of 
Egbert  of  York  (c.  ii.  30).  In  like  manner,  the 
legates,  George  and  Theophylact,  in  reporting 
their  proceedings  in  England  to  pope  Adrian  I. 
(A.D.  787),  state  that  they  have  prohibited 
"  usurers,"  and  cite  the  authority  of  the  Psalmist 
and  St.  Augustine  (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Cone.  iii. 
457).  The  councils  of  Mayence,  Rheims,  and 
Chalons,  in  the  year  813,  and  that  of  Aachen  in 
the  year  816,  seem  to  have  laid  down  the  same 
prohibition  as  binding  both  on  the  clergy  and 
the  laity  (Hardouin,  Cone.  iv.  1011,  1020,  1033, 
1100). 

Muratori,  in  his  dissertation  on  the  subject 
{Antichitd,  vol.  i.),  observes  that  "  we  do  not 
know  exactly  how  commerce  was  transacted  in 
the  five  preceding  centuries,"  and  consequently 
are  ignorant  as  to  the  terms  on  which  loans  of 
money  were  effected.  A  later  period  shews  us, 
to  use  the  language  of  Mr.  Pearson,  "the  moral 
guides  of  society,  on  the  one  hand,  endeavouring 
to  enforce  a  law  which  was,  without  abatement, 
the  law  prescribed  originally  for  the  Hebrews  in 
Palestine;  while,  on  the  other,  foreign  wars, 
foreign  commerce,  and  the  perfectly  unequal 
division  of  land,  were  introducing  entirely  new 
conditions  of  life,  which  could  not  be  satisfied  by 
the  provisions  designed  for  a  nation  living  under 
totally  different  circumstances"  (^Theories  on 
Usury,  p.  16).  See  also  Funk,  Geseh.  des  Kirch- 
lichen  Zinsverhotes,  Tubingen,  1876. 

[J.  B.  M.] 

<=  A  canon  of  the  council  of  Agde  (a.d.  506)  :  "  Sedi- 
tionarios  nunquam  ordinandos,  sicut  nee  t(surarios," 
etc.,  jirobably  points  to  a  distinction  drawn  by  the 
church  between  the  professional  usurer  and  those  who 
only  occasionally  practised  usury  (Mansi,  viii.  536). 


VACANCY 


VACANCY.  The  voidance  of  a  see  by  a 
bishop's  death  was  often  the  occasion  of  abuse 
and  outrage,  which  the  church  in  various  parts 
made  successive  and  (it  may  be  added)  not 
unsuccessful  efforts  to  restrain. 

There  are  three  factors  which  must  be  kept  dis- 
tinct in  any  discussion  about  the  property  of  a 
vacant  benefice,  bishopric  or  other.  Thei-e  is  (1) 
the  property  of  the  deceased  (spolia)  ;  (2)  the 
revenue  of  the  benefice  in  the  interval  (deportus) 
and  (3)  the  income  at  the  beginning — a  year  or 
half  a  year — of  the  new  incumbency  (annata). 

The  twenty-eighth  canon  of  the  council  of 
Chalcedon,  a.d.  451,  stands  thus:  "That  it  is 
not  lawful  for  clergymen  after  the  death  of  their 
bishop  to  seize  what  belongs  to  him,  as  has  been 
forbidden  by  the  canons  of  old  time  "  (sc.  Can. 
Apost.  40  ;  Can.  Antioch.  24).  A  reference  to  the 
Antiochene  canon  here  quoted  shews  that  it  is 
the  private  property  of  the  bishop,  and  not  the 
estate  of  the  see  which  the  canon  was  designed 
to  protect. 

A  canon  such  as  the  following  shews  what 
sometimes  took  place  on  the  voidance  of  a  see. 
"  This  also  is  determined,  that  on  a  bishop's  being 
summoned  from  this  world  at  the  Lord's  bidding, 
clerics  keep  rapacious  hands  from  all  furniture 
or  whatever  is  in  the  church  house  or  belongs 
to  the  bishop,  in  books,  valuables  (speciebus), 
utensils,  vessels,  produce,  flocks,  animals  or  all 
property  altogether,  and  plunder  nothing  like 
robbers."  (^Conc.  Valentinum  Hispan.  cap.  2,  a.d. 
524). 

By  the  following  chapter  of  the  same  council, 
the  kindred  of  a  bishop  dying  intestate  were 
forbidden  to  touch  anything  without  the  sanction 
of  the  metropolitan  or  four  provincial  bishops. 
They  were  required  to  wait  for  the  ordination 
of  his  successor.  The  reason  assigned  is  lest  they 
should  touch  some  of  the  official  property,  which 
might  have  got  mixed  with  what  would  descend 
to  his  heirs.  Other  precautions  to  the  same 
effect  are  laid  down  both  in  the  seventh  and 
the  ninth  councils  of  Toledo.  The  Visigothic 
law  (1.  5,  t.  i.  c.  2)  even  directs  that  every  bishop 
should  at  the  commencement  of  his  episcopate 
verify  the  inventory  made  by  his  predecessor. 

The  second  council  of  Orleans  (a.d.  533) 
enacted  that  the  bishop  who  came  for  the 
funeral  should  demand  "  praeter  expensam  ne- 
cessarian! nihil  pretii  pro  fatigatione."  The 
same  council  also  provided  that  he  should  call 
the  presbyters  together  and,  going  to  the  bishop's 
residence  (domum  ecclesiae),  should  leave  it  when 
inventoried  (descriptam)  to  the  custody  of  fit 
persons.  So  strict  were  the  directions  after- 
wards issued  by  Gregory  the  Great  that  not 
even  the  cost  of  the  inventory  might  be  taken 
out  of  the  episcopal  property. 

From  a  canon  of  the  Trullan  Council  (c.  35) 
it  appears  that  on  the  death  of  a  bishop  his  own 
goods  and  those  of  his  church  were  under  the 
custody  of  the  clergy,  or  in  default  of  that  under 
the  custody  of  the  metropolitan,  who  shall  give 
them  to  the  successor  in  the  see. 

Besides  the  visiting  bishop  or  the  clergy  the 
archdeacon     is     often     named    as    the    proper 


VACANCY 


2009 


guardian  of  the  vacant  see.  •'  Patrimonio  eccle- 
siae in  gubernatione  archidiaconi  cjusdem 
ecclesiae  constituto,"  says  (Ej}.  7)  pope  Aga- 
petus  (t  536).  The  same  arrangement  is  en- 
joined in  France  by  the  council  of  Paris  in  615 
(can.  7).  For  the  form  of  appointing  a  bishop 
to  take  temporary  charge  of  a  vacant  diocese, 
see  Liber  Biurnus,  c.  iii.  tit.  11. 

From  the  seventh  and  eighth  canons  of  the 
same  council  of  Paris  Thomassin  (Discipline  de 
I'Eglise,  pt.  ii.  Liv.  iv.  c.  25,  4)  draws  the  follow- 
ing conclusions  as  to  the  state  of  the  church 
under  this  head  at  the  beginning  of  the  7th 
century.  1.  Other  churches  besides  cathedrals 
were  despoiled  at  the  death  of  their  incumbent. 
2.  Bishops  and  archdeacons  seized  the  "  spoil " 
of  abbeys  and  other  benefices.  3.  This  was  done 
under  specious  pretences,  as  that  all  other 
churches  were  but  offshoots  from  the  cathedral. 
4.  The  "^spoils  "  went  to  the  commonalty  of  the 
clergy  (sc.  the  cathedral  body),  and  not  to  the 
bishop  or  the  archdeacon  in  particular.  5.  The 
council  condemns  the  abuse.  6.  Both  the 
revenues  of  the  vacant  church  and  the  private 
property  of  the  deceased  incumbent  were  de- 
spoiled. 7.  The  spoliation  took  place  under  the 
authority  of  sovereigns,  magistrates, .and  mag- 
nates. 8.  Archdeacons  are  recognised  as  the 
proper  guardians  of  all  the  property  of  the 
vacant  bishopric  and  of  other  vacant  churches. 
9.  The  clergy  are  associated  with  them  in  this 
charge.  10.  That  these  ancient  outrages,  being 
so  condemned,  lend  no  colour  of  justification  to 
any  pretended  rights  of  spoliation,  which  in  later 
times  have  been  based  upon  them.  11.  But 
most  important  of  all  (says  Thomassin)  is  this 
deduction  from  the  language  of  the  canons — 
that  temporal  princes  were  not  yet  put  in  pos- 
session of  the  guardianship  of  the  vacant  sees  or 
abbeys.  Yet  it  must  be  observed  that  Clothaire 
the  Second,  when  confirming  by  an  edict  the 
decrees  of  this  council  of  Paris,  seems  to  reserve 
to  himself  the  right  of  making  certain  donations 
(_praeceptiones  nostrae)  from  the  goods  of  a 
vacant  see. 

The  lengths  to  which  the  outrage  of  "  spolia- 
tion "  sometimes  went  may  be  gathered  from  a 
story  told  by  Gregory  of  Tours  (lib.  6,  c.  13). 
The  clergy  of  Marseilles  combined  with  the 
governor  against  their  bishop.  The  bishop  was 
arrested,  and  the  clergy  themselves  pillaged  the 
residences  of  the  bishop,  and  made  a  raid  upon 
his  property,  just  (adds  the  narrative)  as  if  the 
bishop  were  already  dead.  This  licence,  how- 
ever, must  not  be  supposed  universal,  as  there  is 
a  marked  absence  of  any  allusion  to  it  in  the 
letters  of  Gregory  the  Great  about  the  property 
of  vacant  sees.  The  first  recorded  instance  in 
Rome  is  that  recorded  by  Anastasius  (a.d.  638) 
of  the  pillage  of  the  church  of  St.  John  Lateran 
on  the  accession  of  Severinus. 

The  great  point  to  be  established  upon  the 
subject  is  that  in  early  days  the  sovereign  did 
not  pretend  to  have  any  rights  either  upon  the 
property  of  deceased  bishops  or  upon  the  pro- 
ceeds of  vacant  sees.  This  appears  conclusively 
from  two  examples,  also  given  by  Gregory  of 
Tours  (1.  10,  c.  19).  Giles,  the  bishop  of  Kheinis, 
was  deposed  and  exiled.  In  his  chests  large  sums 
of  money  were  found.  The  king  confiscated  that 
portion  of  it  which  had  been  gotten  by  illicit 
means:  the  rest  was  left.     Again,  Baudin,  the 


^KJi-yj  VAL/AJMllVl 

sixteenth  bishop  of  Tours,  was  enabled  to  dis- 
tribute amongst  the  poor  a  very  large  sum  of 
money  ("amplius  quim  viginti  millia  solido- 
rum  "),  which  his  predecessor  had  left,  and  which 
clearly  had  not  escheated  to  the  crown. 

The  letter  of  Gregory  the  Great  to  the  clergy 
and  people  of  Hortona  (lib.  iii.  Ep.  39)  is  a  good 
specimen  of  his  action  during  a  vacancy.  "  We 
solemnly  delegate  the  visitation  of  the  destitute 
church  to  our  brother  and  co-bishop,  Barbarus. 
To  whom  we  have  given  in  charge  'ut  nihil  de 
redditu,  ornatu,  ministeriisque  a  quoquam  usur- 
pari  patiatur'.  .  .  .  We  have  given  him  licence 
to  ordain  priests  and  deacons,  if  need  be,"  &('. 
In  another  case  (Lib.  iv.  Ep.  12)  he  directs  that 
the  bishop-visitor  of  the  church  of  Agrigentum 
should  receive  the  same  income  for  his  services 
as  the  regular  bishop  would  receive.  At  times 
the  arrival  of  the  visitor-bishop  was  the  occasion 
of  a  squabble.  How  pope  Gregory  dealt  with 
such  a  difficulty  may  be  seen  in  his  letter  to 
Leontius,  who  was  made  bishop-visitor  of  Rimini 
(Lib.  iv.  Ep.  42).     [Visitator.J 

In  reply  to  the  claim  that  has  at  times  been 
made  of  the  right  of  the  pope  to  the  "  spoil "  of 
a  vacant  see,  Thomassin  quotes  words  of  Gregory 
the  Great  addressed  to  Constantius,  bishop  of 
Palermo,  who  was  made  visitor  of  the  church  of 
Terracina  (lib.  vii.  Ep.  lb) :  "  Mobile  vero  i)rae- 
dictae  ecclesiae  facta  subtiliter  volum\is  describi 
notitia,  nobisque  transmitti,  ut  e.x  hoc  quid  fieri 
debeat,  auctore  Domino,  disponamus."  The 
French  writer  argues  that  Gregory  would  not 
have  considered  at  his  leisure  how  it  should  be 
disposed  of,  if  it  had  belonged  of  right  to  his 
own  church ;  and  he  concludes  that  all  the 
"  spoil  "of  a  deceased  bishop,  and  all  the  revenue 
of  the  vacancy  belongs  to  the  clergy  in  common, 
and  the  succeeding  bishop,  whilst  ecclesiastical 
superiors  and  worldly  magnates  can  pretend  to 
no  other  glory  than  that  of  giving  protection  to 
the  canons  and  liberties  of  the  church.  Bishops 
lost  neither  spolia  nor  deportns  nor  annatae  ;  and 
bishops  in  their  turn  preserved  the  dcportus  of 
vacant  parochial  cures,  handing  them  faithfully 
to  the  new  incumbents  {Discipline  de  FEglise, 
pt.  ii.  Liv.  iv.  c.  26). 

That  portion  of  the  episcopal  revenue  which 
fell  to  the  crown  during  a  vacancy  was  known 
by  the  name  of  regalia  (Ducange,  s.  v.).  When 
the  bishop  was  dead,  it  was  said  to  be  aperta 
('•  regalia  est  aperta"),  and  it  so  continued  until 
his  successor  was  appointed,  when  it  became 
clausa.  The  act  of  homage  or  allegiance  on 
the  part  of  the  successor  preceded  the  delivery 
of  the  regalia  to  him,  [H.  T.  A.] 

VACANTIVI,  or,  in  the  Greek  form,  fia- 
KavTifioi,  were  clergy  v.'ho  w^ere  found  in  other 
dioceses  than  that  in  which  they  were  first 
ordained,  with  letters  from  their  bishop.  Against 
such  frequent  decrees  were  made.  The  council 
of  Agde  (c.  52)  forbids  communion  to  be  given 
to  such  wandering  clerks,  and  this  is  repeated 
by  the  council  of  Epaon  (c.  6) ;  the  council  of 
Valentia  (C.  Valentin,  c.  5)  orders  such  wanderers, 
if  contumacious,  to  be  deprived  both  of  commu- 
nion and  of  orders  (Bingham,  Antiq.  VI.  iv.  5). 

[C] 

VAISON,  COUNCILS  OF  (Vasexsia  Con- 
cilia), A.D.  442  and  a.d.  529.  Formerly  there 
were  thought  to  have  been  three.    1.  Which  some 


make  the  second,  "apud  Auspicium  episcopum 
ecclesiae  catholicae,"  says  the  title,  which  was 
the  favourite  style  of  the  bishops  of  Rome,  when 
ten  canons  on  discipline  were  passed,  but  no  sub- 
scriptions to  them  have  been  preserved  (Mansi, 
vi.  451-60).  2.  Which  some  make  the  third, 
where  four  interesting  canons  on  ritual — one 
relating  to  the  reading  of  homilies  of  the  fathers 
by  deacons  when  no  presbyter  could  be  got  to 
preach ;  another  to  the  saying  of  the  Kyrie 
eleison,  the  Sanctus,  Sanctus,  Sanctus,  the  Sicut 
erat  of  the  Doxology,  and  recital  of  the  name  of 
the  pope  for  the  time  being  in  divine  service — 
follow  the  first  on  discipline,  with  the  names  of 
St.  Caesarius  of  Aries  and  eleven  other  bishops 
affixed  to  them.     (76.  viii.  725-8.)      [E.  S.  Ff.] 

VAKASS.  The  vakass  is  a  vestment  or 
ornament  peculiar  to  the  Armenian  church. 
It  bears  a  certain  resemblance  to  the  amice, 
but  has  a  breastplate  attached  to  it,  as  in  the 
case  of  the  Jewish  high-priest ;  the  names  or 
figures  of  the  twelve  apostles  replacing  those 
of  the  twelve  tribes  (Neale,  Eastern  Church, 
Introd.  p.  306  ;  Malan,  Liturcjij  of  the  Armenian 
Church).  It  is  doubtful  whether  we  are  to 
view  this  as  a  direct  imitation  of  the  Jewish 
ephod,  or  as  really  a  modification  of  the 
Western  amice.  The  Armenians  themselves 
maintain  the  Jewish  origin  of  the  vestment, 
but  the  Armenians  have  borrowed  so  much 
from  the  Roman  church  that  the  latter  is  by 
many  thought  the  more  probable  view.  In  a 
recent  work  by  a  Jlelchitarist  of  St.  Lazarc, 
and  therefore  of  the  Roman  communion,  the 
vakass  is  described  as  "a  large  collar  of  j)rc- 
cious  stuff,  to  which  is  attached  the  amice"  (Lssa- 
venlens,  The  Armenian  Church,  p.  413).   [R.  S.] 

VALENCE,  COUNCILS  OF  (Valentina 
Concilia),  a.d.  374,  a.d.  530,  and  a.d.  586. 
1.  When  thirty  bishops,  according  to  some  MSS., 
met — it  is  not  clear  under  whose  presidency — 
passed  foui-  canons  on  discipline,  and  addressed 
two  synodical  letters,  one  to  the  bishops  of 
Fi-anco,  the  other  to  the  clergy  and  people  of 
Frejus,  inviting  attention  to  their  fourth  canon 
respecting  candidates  for  the  episcopate,  priest- 
hood, or  diaconate  (Mansi,  iii.  491-500).  2. 
Where  the  doctrines  of  freewill  and  grace  were 
discussed  with  reference  to  St.  Caesarius  of 
Aries,  who  was  prevented  from  attending  it  by 
ill-health,  but  deputed  able  representatives  to 
express  and  defend  his  opinions  (26.  viii.  723-6). 
3.  When  the  donations  of  king  Guntramn  and  of 
his  wife  and  daughters,  to  different  churches 
were  confirmed  by  teventeen  bishops  (lb.  ix. 
645-8).  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

VALENS,  Feb.  16,  deacon,  martyr  with 
Pamphilus,  Seleucius,  and  Paulus,  at  Caesarea 
under  Diocletian  (Basil.  Menol.  ;  Mart.  Hieron.). 
[C.  H.] 

VALENTIA,  COUNCIL  OF  (Valentinum 
Concilium),  a.d.  546,  where  six  chapters  on 
discipline  were  drawn  up  by  six  bishops,  and  an 
archdeacon  representing  a  seventh.  (Mansi,  viii. 
619-24;  but  he  suggests  a  later  date  for  it  on 
the  next  page.)  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

VALENTINA,  martyr  with  Thea  and  Paulus 
at  Caesarea,  under  Maximin  ;  commemorated  on 
July  15  (Basil.il/eno;.;  Menol.  Graec.  Sirlet.) ; 
July  25  (Mart.  Horn.).  ^  [C.  H.] 


VALENTINUS 

VALENTINUS  (1),  Feb.  14,  presbyter, 
martyr  at  Rome  under  Claudius  {3Iart.  Bed., 
Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Notker.,  Rom.). 
According  to  Baronius  (^Mart.  Rom.  Feb.  14,  note) 
it  is  this  Valentinus  who  is  commemorated  on 
this  day  in  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary,  which 
names  him  in  the  collect  and  super-oblata.  He 
is  also  celebrated  in  the  Lihcr  Responsalis  ot 
Gregory,  p.  757 ;  and  he  is  probably  the  Valen- 
tinus commemorated  in  the  Liber  Antiphonarius 
of  Gregory,  p.  665.  Pope  Theodorus  erected  a 
church  in  his  honour  at  Rome  on  the  Via  Fla- 
minia  near  the  Milvian  bridge  (Anastas.  Biblioth. 
de  Vitis  Rom.  Pontif.  art.  Theodorus,  num. 
128;  Mai-t.  Rom.  sub  Feb.  14,  ed.  Baron,  note; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  751).  On  the  distinction 
between  this  Valentinus  and  the  following  see 
Sollerius's  Obss.  iinder  Feb.  14  in  Usuard. 

(2)  Feb.  14,  bishop  of  Interamnia,  martyr 
{Mart.  Bed.,  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Hieron.,  Notker., 
Rom.  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  754).  According 
to  Baronius  (/.  c.)  it  is  this  Valentinus  who  is 
commemorated  on  Feb.  14  with  Vitalis  and 
Felicula  in  the  Gelasian  Sacramentary,  which 
names  them  in  the  collect,  the  secreta,  and  the 
post-communion.  The  name  Valentinus,  but 
undistinguished,  occurs  briefly  in  the  metrical 
martyrologies  of  Bede  and  VVandalbert.  In  the 
latter  case  it  is  the  bishop  according  to  Baro- 
nius (/.  c).  For  other  saints  of  the  same  name 
commemorated  on  this  day  see  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Feb.  ii.  pp.  742,  762,  763. 

(3)  Nov.  13,  martyr,  commemorated  at  Ra- 
venna with  Solutor  and  Victor  (^Mart.  Usuard., 
Adon.,  Hieron.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Rom.). 

(4)  Dec.  16,  martyr,  commemorated  at 
Ravenna  with  Navalis  and  Agricola  {Mart. 
Usuard.,  Hieron.  Rom.).  [C.  H.] 

VALENTIO  (Valentinus),  martyr,  com- 
memorated with  Pasicrates  at  Durostorum  in 
:Moesia  by  the  Latins  on  May  25  {Mart.  Usuard., 
Notker.,  Rom.);  by  the  Greeks  on  Apr.  24 
(Basil.  Menol. ;  Menol.  Graec.  Sirlet.).     [C.  H.] 

VALERIANUS  (1),  Jan.  20,  martyr  of 
Trapezus  with  Candidus  and  Aquila  under 
Diocletian  (Basil.  Menol);  Jan.  20,  21  {Cal.  By- 
zant.);  Jan.  21  (Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  251). 

(2)  April  14,  commemorated  with  Tibertius 
and  Maximus  at  Rome  on  the  Via  Appia  in  the 
cemetery  of  Praetextatus  {Mart.  Bed.,  Usuard., 
Adon.,  H'cron.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Notker.,  Rom.) ;  Nov. 
24  (Basil.  JfenoL);  Nov.  22  {Menol.  Grace. 
Sirlet.). 

(3)  Sept.  15,  martyr  in  the  reign  of  Antoninus 
Verus,  commemorated  at  Tournus  in  the  terri- 
tory of  Chalons-sur-Saone  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon., 
Hieron.  Notker.,  Rom.). 

(4)  Sept.  17,  martyr,  commemorated  at  Nivi- 
dunum  (Nyon)  with  Macrinus  and  Gordianus 
{Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.);  or  at  Noviodunum 
(Notker.,  Rom.). 

(5)  Dec.  15,  bishop,  confersor  in  Africa  under 
Genseric  {3£art.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Rom., 
Rom.).  [C-  H.] 

VALERIUS  (1),  Jan.  29,  bishop  of  Trfeves, 
reputed  disciple  of  St.  Peter  {Mart.  Usuard., 
Adon.,  Hieron.,  Notker.,  Wand.,  Rom.). 


VEILS 


2011 


(2)  June  14,  martyr  with  Rufinus  near  Sois- 
sons  under  Diocletian  {3fart.  Usuard.,  Flor., 
Wand.,  Rom.).  [C.  H.] 

VANNES,  COUNCIL  OF  (Venetiotm  or 
Venetense  Concilium),  a.d.  465,  or,  as  Pagi, 
461,  when  sixteen  canons  on  discipline  were 
passed  by  Perpetuus,  bishop  of  Tours,  and  five 
others,  and  sent,  with  a  synodical  letter  in  their 
name,  to  the  absent  bishops  of  that  province. 
(Mansi,  vii.  951-8.)  [E.  S.  Ff  ] 

VARUS  AEGYPTICUS,  soldier,  martyr 
under  Maximian,  commemorated  on  Oct.  19 
(Menol.  Graec.  Sirlet. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Litunj.  iv. 
272) ;  Oct.  25  (Basil.  Menol).  [C.  H.] 

VEDASTUS  (Vaast),  bishop  of  Arras,  com- 
memorated with  bishop  Amandus  on  Feb.  6 
{Mart.  Usuard.,  Flor.,  Rom.) ;  Oct.  26  (Notker., 
Wand.).  [C.  H.] 

VEILS,  Eucharistic,  in  the  Eastern  church. 
The  Eucharistic  veils  in  use  by  the  Greek  church 
were  three  in  nvimber :  (1)  the  paten  veil  (5(cr- 
KOKaKufxixa,  called  in  the  Syriac  ritual  Nauphar 
or  Anaphora),  for  covering  the  holy  bread ;  (2) 
the  chalice  veil;  (3)  a  very  thin,  transparent  veil, 
known  as  a^p,  or  ve<p4\r],  spread  over  both 
(Renaudot,  Lit.  Or.  i.  304;  ii.  61).  They 
were  always  of  the  finest  and  best  mate- 
rials procurable.  The  disk-veils  at  St.  Sophia's 
were  of  cloth  of  gold,  embroidered  with  pearls 
{Descript.  S.  Soph.  Anon,  apud  Du  Cange). 
According  to  the  mystical  interpretation  of 
Germanus,  the  disk-veil  represented  the  napkin 
that  was  about  our  Lord's  head  ;  and  the  arjp 
either  the  shining  cloud  at  the  Transfigura- 
tion, or  the  stone  which  closed  the  door  of  the 
sepulchre  (Goar,  Euchol  121,  838).  To  these 
should  be  added  the  el\7\r6v  or  corporale,  called 
also  KaraireTaff/xa  (Renaudot,  i.  195),  the  altar- 
cloth  covering  the  Holy  Table,  on  which  the 
paten  and  chalice  stood,  which,  according  to 
the  same  authority,  symbolised  the  fine  linen 
cloth  in  which  our  Lord's  body  was  wrapped 
(Goar,  Euchol  101,  130,  838,  849). 

The  ritual  of  the  veils,  as  given  in  the  Liturgy 
of  St.  Chrysostom,  is  as  follows.  (N.B.  The 
references  are  to  Savile's  edition  of  Chrysostom, 
vol.  vi.)  At  the  prothesis  the  priest  censes  the 
paten  veil,  and  after  the  asterisk  has  been 
placed  over  the  holy  bread,  covers  the  whole 
with  it,  with  words  from  Ps.  93  :  "  The  Lord 
hath  put  on  glorious  apparel,  and  girded  Him- 
self with  strength."  He  then  censes  the  chalice 
veil  and  covers  the  holy  cup  with  it,  while  he 
utters  (Habakkuk  iii.  3),  "  His  glory  covered  the 
heavens,  and  the  earth  was  full  of  His  praise. 
After  this  he  censes  the  a^p  and  spreads  it  over 
both  paten  and  chalice  with  the  words  (Ps.  xvii. 
8),  "  Hide  me  under  the  shadow  of  Thy  wings 
(p  986)  At  the  celebration,  after  the  Gospel 
has  been  read,  the  priest  takes  the  fl\vr6v  and 
unfolds  it,  and  places  it  on  the  holy  table  before 
the  .Ipvy^Kd  (p.  993).  At  the  great  entrance 
the  ahp  is  placed  over  the  left  shoulder  ot  the 
deacon  at  the  same  time  that  the  disk  is  put  on 
his  head  (p.  994).  The  priest  then  removes  the 
veils  from  the  paten  and  chalice,  and  takmg  the 
&.hp  from  the  deacon's  shoulders  and  censing  it 
covers  the  holy  things  with  it  (p.  995).     Ihe 


2012 


YENANTIUS 


deacon  then  takes  the  asterisk  and  puts  it  cross-  ' 
wise   over  the  disk,  and   having  sponged   it  on  j 
the   fl\7tr6y,  he  covers   it  with  the  aiip,  and  if 
there  is  no  fan  he  f;ins  the  holy  things  with  the 
paten  veil  (p.  997).     After  tlie  jtriest  has  com-  , 
municated  he  sponges  the  cup  and  his  own  lips  | 
with  the  veil  (p.  1U02).     After  the  deacon  has 
communicated  he  sponges  the  disk  over  the  cup, 
and   covers  the   cup  with  the  veil,  and   replaces 
the  asterisk  and  the  veil  over  the  disk  (p.  1003). 
Finally,    after    the    washing    of    the    cup    and 
cleansing     of    the    disk    he    covers    the     holy 
things,   the  cup  and    the  disk  with    the    veils, 
according  to  custom  (p.    1004).      The    form  of 
consecration  of  disk  veils  in  the  Coptic  church 
is  given   by  Renaudot  (Liturg.  Orient,  i.  304). 
[E.  v.] 

VENANTIUS  (1),  Apr.  1,  bishop,  martyr 
(Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Notker.,  Rom.).  There 
was  a  monastery  bearing  the  name  of  Venantius 
at  Constantinople  in  the  6th  century  (Mansi, 
viii.  1056  li ;  L)u  Cange,  Cpolis.  Christ,  lib.  iv. 
p.  162).  The  oratory  of  St.  Stephen  iu  the 
Vatican  basilica  is  said  to  have  been  called  also 
that  of  Venantius  (Rasponi,  de  Basilica  Vaticana, 
p.  234 ;  Ciampini,  dc  Sacr.  Aedif.  p.  17). 

(2)  Abbat,  commemorated  at  Tours  on  Oct.  11 
(Mart.  Flor.);  Oct.  13  (^Mart.  Usuard..  Mart. 
Horn.) ;  Oct.  23  (Notker.).  [C.  H.] 

VENETICUM  CONCILIUM.    [Vannes.] 

VENITE.      [IXVITATOUIUM.] 

VENTKILOQUUS.  The  "  master  of  obh  " 
was  frequently  called  ventriioquus,  iyyaaTpi- 
/uLvdos,  (yya<rrpifj.avTis,  ffTepi'6fjLai'Tis;  though  the 
Hebrews,  according  to  Bochart,  "  ariolum  id 
genus  non  ex  ventre,  sed  ex  axillis  vocem  emi- 
sisse  somniant "  (Hicroz.  iii.  5).  To  prove  this 
he  cites  the  Talmud  in  Sanhedrim  7,  the  gloss 
on  it,  and  Kabb.  Selomo  on  Deut.  xviii.  11.  Mai- 
monides  (de  Idol.  vi.  2)  says  that  these  diviners 
after  certain  ceremonies  appear  to  be  "  consult- 
ing another  person,  who  speaks  with  them  and 
answers  their  questions  from  the  earth  in  a  very 
low  voice,  which  they  cannot  hear  with  their 
ears,  but  only  perceive  in  their  mind  ";  or  they 
"  fumigate  the  skull  of  a  dead  man  and  sing 
charms,  until  they  hear  a  voice  going  before 
them  coming  out  of  their  armpits,  and  an 
answer  is  given  them."  It  is  evident,  at  least, 
that  the  voice  was  generally  traced  to  some 
part  of  the  person.  Thus  Plutarch  says  that 
"the  ventriloqui  [formerly  called  Eurycleitae, 
from  Eurycles  a  soothsayer;  see  Hesychius, 
Suidas]  are  now  called  pythons "  (de  Orac. 
Defectu,  Reiske,  vii.  632).  The  italic  ver- 
sion of  Lev.  XX.  27  gives  "  ventriioquus " 
(Sabatier) ;  that  of  Isaiah  viii.  1 9,  "  Qui  de 
terra  loquuntur,  qui  de  ventre  clamitant."  So 
the  LXX  render  ohh  by  iyyaffTpiiJ.v6os  in  Lev. 
xis.  31  ;  XX.  6,  27  ;  1  Sam.  xxviii.  7,  9  ;  Isaiah 
xliv.  25 ;  &c.  That  such  diviners  were  ventri- 
loqui in  the  common  belief  appears  also  from 
various  ancient  writers.  Origen  affirms  that 
some  "  from  the  earliest  age  have  been  under 
the  influence  of  a  demon,  whom  they  call 
python,  i.e.  a  ventriioquus  "  (de  Princip.  iii.  §  5)  ; 
an  opinion  noted  by  St.  Jerome  as  unsound  (Ep. 
124,  ad  Avit.  8),  but  only  as  to  the  early  posses- 
sion, for  the  latter  himself  paraphrases  Is.  viii. 


VERSE 

9,  thus,  "  Qiiaerite  ventriloquos,  quos  pythonas 
intelligimus "  (Comment,  in  loc).  Gregory 
Nyss.  says,  referring  to  the  witch  of  Endor, 
"  One  form  of  deceit  was  that  of  the  ventri- 
ioquus, whose  magic  art  was  skilled  to  drag 
back  to  the  life  above  the  souls  of  the  departed  " 
(de  Pijthonissa  Ep.  i.  869).  See  also  Tertullian 
(de  AniuM,  57) ;  Jerome  in  Ezck.  xiii.  1-9 ; 
Quaest.  Christ,  ct  Pesp.  inter  0pp.  Just.  M.  52 ; 
Pionius  in  Ruinart,  Acta  Sine.  Mart.  124 ; 
Isidore,  iii.  370 ;  Eustathius  Antioch.  de  Enqas- 
trim.  30 .  [W.  E.  S.] 

VENUSTIANUS,  Dec.  30,  martyr  with  his 
wife  and  children  under  Maximian  ;  commemo- 
rated at  Spoleto  with  bishop  Sabinus  (Mart. 
Usuard. ;  Mart.  Vet.  Pom.  which  states  that  his 
passion  was  on  Dec.  7,  and  the  festival  of  his 
sepulture  on  Dec.  30).  [C.  II.] 

VENUSTUS,  May  6,  martyr,  commemorated 
with  Heliodorus  in  Africa  (Mart.  Usuard. ;  Mart. 
Rom.).  In  Mart.  Hieron.  botli  names  occur  on 
this  day  in  a  numerous  list,  Vcnustus  at  Mihin 
and  Heliodorus  in  Africa.  [C.  H.] 

VERANUS,  bishop,  commemorated  at  Lyons 
on  Nov.  11  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Hieron., 
Rom.).  [C.  H.] 

VERBERIES,  COUNCIL  OF  (Vermeri- 
ENSE  Concilium),  a.d.  753.  Several  canons  on 
discipline  are  found  in  Gratian  and  elsewhere 
given  to  a  council  at  this  place,  which  is  thought 
to  have  met  in  the  first  year  of  king  Pepin,  and 
been  attended  by  him.     (Mansi,  xii.  365-8.) 

[E.  S.  Ff.] 

VERIANUS,  Aug.  9,  martyr  at  Colonia  in 
Etruria  under  Decius,  commemorated  with 
Secundianus  and  Marcellianus  (Mart.  Usuard., 
Notker.,  Rom.).  [C.  H.] 

■  VERISSIMUS,  Oct.  1,  martyr  at  Olisepona 
(Lisbon)  with  his  sisters  Maxima  and  Julia 
(Mart.  Usuard.,  Mart.  Rom.).  [C.  H.] 

VERN  or  VER,  COUNCIL  OF  (Vernense 
Concilium),  a.d.  755,  held  by  order  of  king 
Pepin  in  his  palace  there,  when  twenty-five 
canons  on  discipline  were  published.  (Mansi, 
xii.  577-86,  who  thinks,  however,  it  should  be 
dated  A.D.  756).  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

VEROLUS,  Feb.  21,  martyr,  commemorated 
at  Adrumetum  with  Secundinus,  Servulus,  and 
others  (ILart.  Usuard.,  Mart.  Pom.).        [C.  H.] 

VERONICA,  commemorated  at  Antioch  on 
Apr.  20  with  Prosdocius  and  Romanus  (Mart. 
Syr.);  Apr.  15  at  Antioch  with  Prosducus 
(Hieron.);  July  11  at  Antioch  with  Prodixa  and 
Speciosa  (Mart.  Hieron.);  the  matron  of  Jeru- 
salem so  called  is  said  to  have  been  comme- 
morated at  Rome  on  Feb.  4  (Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Feb.  i.  451  F).  [C.  H.] 

VERSE,  VERSICLE.  A  short  verse  or  text 
said  by  the  priest  in  the  course  of  the  liturgy  or 
the  divine  office,  to  which  the  congregation 
replied  in  another  short  verse  or  text  called 
a  Response.  Some  of  these  versicles,  as  the 
Siirsum  Corda  in  the  liturgy,  and  the  "  Deus  in 
adjutorium,"  which  occurs  at  the  commencement 
of  all  the  Hours,  are  of  great  antiquity.     The 


VERULAM 

latter  is  mentioned  by  Cassian  {Collat.  x.  10), 
and  in  the  rule  of  St.  Benedict  (cap.  x.).  Mediaeval 
Monastic  Consuetudinaries  contained  elaborate 
regulations  for  their  use,  of  which  a  specimen 
may  be  seen  in  the  A7itiq.  Constwtudines  Canon. 
Regularium,  S.  Victoris,  Paris.,  printed  by 
Martene  {de  Antiq.  Eccles.  Sit.  torn.  iii.  p.  279, 
edit.  1788).  Their  rationale  and  the  ritual 
reason  why  are  described  at  length  by  Amalarius, 
de  Eccles.  Off.  iv.  13,  et  passim.  Technical  names 
were  applied  to  some  of  these  versicles.  "O 
Lord,  open  thou  our  lips,"  with  which  nocturns 
opened  (Amalar.  de  Eccl.  Offic.  iv.  c.  9),  was 
called  "  Versus  Apertionis,"  and  the  verse  "  Let 
us  bless  the  Lord,"  with  which  most  offices  con- 
cluded, was  hence  called  "Versus  Ciusor." 

[F.  E.  W.] 

VERULAM,  COUNCIL  OF  (Verolami- 
ENSE  Concilium),  a.d.  793,  attended  by  king 
Offa,  archbishop  Humbert,  and  a  large  concourse, 
before  whom  the  foundation  of  the  abbey  of  St. 
Alban  was  discussed,  and  the  king  recommended 
a  journey  to  Rome  thereon.  (Mansi,  xiii.  861 ; 
Wilkins  by  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  iii.  470.) 

[E.  S.  Ff.] 

VERUS,  Dec.  2,  martyr  in  Africa  with  his 
brother  Securus  (Mart.  Usuard.).  [C.  H.] 

VESPERS.  [Hours  of  Prayer;  Office, 
THE  Divine.] 

VESTA  and  VESTURIUS,  July  17,  Scilli- 
tan  martyrs  {Mart.  Bed.).  [Scillitani,  Martyrs 
OF.]  [C.  H.] 

VESTMENTS.  On  this  subject  there  have 
been  two  leading  theories :  the  one  viewing 
Christian  vestments  as  a  direct  imitation  of  the 
Levitical,  the  other  deriving  these  from  the  dress 
of  ordinary  life  prevalent  in  the  early  ages  of 
Christianity.  The  former  theory  does  not  pro- 
bably meet  with  any  wide-spread  acceptance  at 
the  present  day.  Some  of  the  most  characteristic 
features  of  the  Jewish  dress  are  unrepresented  in 
the  Christian.  Thus,  whereas  in  the  Levitical 
priestly  dress  the  element  of  colour  is  strongly 
marked,  we  have  every  reason  to  believe  that 
the  dress  worn  by  the  ministers  in  primitive 
times  was  simply  white  [Colour].  Again,  the 
head-dress  of  Jewish  priests,  to  say  nothing  of 
the  more  striking  cap  of  the  high  priest,  with  its 
o-olden  neTaXou,  had  for  a  long  time  nothing  to 
answer  to  it  among  Christian  vestments  ;  for,  as 
we  have  already  shewn  [Mitre],  any  satisfactory 
traces  of  a  use  of  an  official  head-dress  on  the 
part  of  the  Christian  clergy  are  hardly  to  be 
found  for  the  first  thousand  years.  So  too  the 
coloured  girdle  of  the  Jewish  priest  fails  to  re- 
appear, for  the  girdle  is  not  met  with  as  a  recog- 
nised Christian  vestment  till  the  8th  century. 
Conversely  the  Christian  vestment  par  excellence, 
the  chasuble  [Casula],  is  utterly  unlike  any- 
thing in  the  Jewish  dress. 

Now,  on  the  other  hand,  when  we  come  to 
consider  the  nature  of  the  secular  dress  worn 
under  the  empire  in  the  early  times  of  Chris- 
tianity, we  are  at  once  met  with  a  large  amount 
of  coincidence  in  the  form  of  the  dresses  and  in 
the  names. 

A  Roman  gentleman  in  the  1st  century  and 
later  wears  his  tunic  with  some  form  of  super- 
vestment,  lacerna,  pallium,  or  the  like,  over   it,  [ 


VESTRY 


2013 


the  toga  being  now  rather  old-fashioned.  If  we 
take  as  our  stand-point  for  Christian  vestments 
the  records  of  the  fourth  council  of  Toledo 
(a.d.  633),  to  which  we  have  often  referred 
already,  we  have  mention  made  of  alb,  planeta, 
and  orarium.  Here,  then,  we  have  the  tunic  in 
the  ALB,  the  super-vestment  in  the  planeta,  and 
an  ornament,  \Vhose  secular  origin  is  absolutely 
demonstrable  in  the  orarium.  [Stole.]  The 
planeta  does  not  under  that  name  meet  us  as  a 
secular  dress  used  by  heathens,  though  we  do  find 
it  worn  by  Christian  laymen  ;  still  its  shape  is 
practically  the  same  as  the  paenula,  which  meets 
us  again  and  again  in  heathen  writers,  and  which 
is  identical  in  name  with  the  Eastern  equivalent 
of  the  chasuble,  the  (piv6\iov.  [Paenula.J 
The  casula,  another  variety  of  the  same  dress, 
whose  name  has  given  rise  to  the  modem 
chasuble,  is  itself  found  in  use  by  Christian  lay- 
men. As  regards  other  varieties  of  the  tunic, 
the  dalmatic  is  first  met  with  as  in  use  by  a 
Roman  emperor  ;  the  Greek  a-Toixdpiov  [Sticha- 
RIOn]  is  first  mentioned  in  connexion  with  the 
dress  of  ordinary  life.  Another  form  of  super- 
vestment,  the  cope,  has  certainly  had  a  similar 
origin.  The  STOLE  and  the  jianiple,  again,  were 
both,  as  has  been  already  shewn,  in  their  origin 
of  the  nature  of  handkerchiefs,  carried  in  the 
hand  ;  nor  can  there  be  any  reasonable  doubt 
that  in  such  things  as  the  Omophorion,  archi- 
episcopal  pallium,  &c.,  are  mere  modifications 
of  what  in  its  simplest  form  we  know  as  the 
stole. 

On  the  general  subject  of  the  history  of 
Christian  vestments  reference  may  be  made  to 
Marriott,  Vestiarium  Christianum ;  Hefele,  Die 
Liturgischen  Geadnder  in  his  Beitrdge  zur  Kir- 
chengeschichte  Archaologie  und  Litnrgik,  vol.  ii. ; 
Rock,  Tlie  Church  of  our  Fathers,  London,  1848  ; 
Bock,  Die  Liturgischen  Gewdnder  des  Mittel- 
alters,  #c.  [R.  S.] 

VESTRY.  {Sccrctarium,  sccretaria,  sacristia, 
sacrarium,  vestiarium.  Alukovikov,  PscTTidpiov.} 
Among  the  exedrae  of  an  ancient  church  was  an 
apartment  to  which  these  terms  were  applied. 
Some  writers  take  it  for  a  part  of  the  church 
itself,  whilst  others  are  of  opinion  that  it  was  a 
distinct  building.  (See  Bingham,  Antiq.  VIH, 
vii.  7.) 

We  find  that  in  early,  as  in  modern  days,  not 
only  the  vestments  but  also  the  treasures  of  the 
church  were  sometimes  kept  in  the  vestry 
[Sceuopiiylacium].  Sacred  vessels  were  kept 
there  (in  secretario),  no  one  being  allowed  to 
touch  them  except  the  subdeacon  or  acolyte 
(Capitula  Martini  Brae.  c.  41.  cent.  vi.).  Be- 
sides eucharistic  vessels,  a  gold  cross  of  si.i; 
pounds  weight  is  given  by  pope  ^  John  HI. 
(t  573),  "  ex  sacro  nostro  vestiario."  Gregory 
the  Great,  when  he  would  give  six  coins  to  the 
angel  who  appeared  to  him  in  the  guise  of  a 
shipwrecked  sailor,  was  informed  that  there 
were  no  coins  in  his  vestry  (Joh.  Diac  Vita  S. 
Greg.  Mag.  lib.  i.  c.  10).  In  these  passages. 
however,  as  well  as  in  several  others  quoted  by 
Ducano-e,  it  may  be  doubted  whether  the  vesti- 
arium was  an  attachment  of  a  church.  It  seems 
rather  to  have  formed  a  jtortion  of  a  royal  or 
pontifical  establishment. 

Another  point  of  resemblance  between  the 
ancient  and  the  modern    use   of  the  vestry   is. 


lOU 


YEXILLUM 


found  in  the  fact  that  it  was  used  as  a  place  of 
meeting.  From  this  it  may  be  inferred  that 
the  vestry  was  sometimes  a  place  of  considerable 
size.  The  third,  fourth,  and  fifth  councils  of 
Carthage  were  spoken  of  as  in  secretario  hasUicae 
restitutae.  The  synod  of  Aries  was  held  "  in 
secretario  ecclesiae."  The  same  is  true  of  a 
multitude  of  other  councils.  Just  as  the  modern 
word  vestry  means  both  the  place  where  a 
meeting  is  held,  and  also  the  assembly  or  session 
that  takes  place  there,  so  we  find  a  similar 
transition  in  the  Latin  word  secretarhim,  which 
at  times  means  a  part  of  a  church,  and  at  times 
a  session  of  a  council  held  in  that  part.  Hence 
we  get  such  phrases  as  "  secretarium  venturum  " 
for  the  "  coming  session  "  (see  Cone.  Rom.  ii.  act. 
1  ad  fin.). 

There  were  some  other  uses  to  which  the  vestry 
was  at  times  appropriated.  Du  Cange  (in  Paul. 
Silent,  p.  594)  shews  that  it  was  sometimes  used 
as  a  place  of  confinement  for  delinquent  ecclesias- 
tics, and  pope  Gregory  II.  in  a  letter  to  the  emperor 
Isaurus  contrasts  the  actions  of  a  secular  with 
that  of  a  spiritual  judge.  The  former  confiscates, 
hangs,  beheads ;  but  the  latter  places  the  gospel 
and  the  cross  about  the  culprit's  neck,  shuts  him 
in  the  vestry,  and  puts  fivsting  in  his  stomach, 
vigil  in  his  eyes  and  doxology  in  his  mouth. 

Sometimes  the  vestry  became  the  lodging  of 
an  ecclesiastic.  Sulpicius  Severus  relates  that 
St.  Martin  had  his  lodging  "  in  secretario  eccle- 
siae," and  that  after  his  decease,  all  the  Virgins 
burst  into  the  apartment,  licked  the  several  spots 
where  the  saint  had  sat  or  stood,  and  appropriated 
the  straw  upon  which  he  had  lain.  Bingham 
(Antiq.  YIII.  vii.  8)  shews  that  the  vestry  was 
also  called  receptorium  and  salutatorium,  as  being 
the  scene  of  pastoral  intercourse  between  clergy 
and  people.  [H.  T.  A.] 

VEXILLUM.  (1)  The  principal  Christian 
banner  has  a)  ready  been  described  under  L  abakitm. 
From  an  ancient  period  banners  were  carried  in 
processions,  the  bearers  of  which  were  called 
Dracoxarii  or  vcxiUifcri.  When  Gregory  of 
Tours  (^Hist.  Franc,  v.  4)  speaks  of  a  procession 
to  a  basilica  "post  crucem  praecedentibus 
signis,"  we  are  no  doubt  to  understand  that  a 
cross  headed  the  procession,  followed  by  banners. 
Similarly  Honorius  of  Autun  {Gemma  Animae, 
i.  72)  says,  '•  ante  nos  crux  et  vexilla  geruntur." 
An  old  use  of  Sarum  ordered  a  banner  of  sack- 
cloth to  be  carried  in  the  procession  at  the 
Reconciliation  of  Penitents.  (2)  The  word 
vcxillum  is  sometimes  applied  to  the  processional 
cross  itself  (Durandus,  Innocent  III.)  [C] 

VIATICUM.  This  word,  which  occurs  fre- 
quently in  classical  authors  denoting  "  provision 
for  a  joiirney,"  is,  togetlier  with  its  Greek 
equivalent  4(p6SLov,  often  used  in  early  Christian 
writings  to  denote  the  Eucharist,  generally,  but 
not  always,  as  the  communion  given  to  a  sick 
person  before  impending  death.  "  This  mystery 
is  sometimes  called  '  viaticum,'  because,  if  any 
one  enjoys  it  on  the  way,  he  will  arrive  at  that 
life  which  he  already  has  within  himself"  {Car. 
Hag.  lib.  vii.  101).  "This  word  'viaticum'  is 
the  name  of  communion,  that  is  to  say,  '  the 
guardianship  of  the  way,'  for  it  guards  the 
soul  until  it  shall  stand  before  the  judgment- 
seat  of  Christ  "  {Synodus  Hihernensis,  lib.  ii.  c. 
16,  Wasserschleben's  edit.  p.  20). 


VIATICUM 

The  phrase  to  €</)o'5ia  tov  Q^ov  is  used  by  St. 
Clement  in  a  passage  (Ep.  1  ad  Cor.  cap.  ii.) 
which  need  not  necessarily  bear,  although  it  is 
not  incapable  of  bearing,  a  Eucharistic  reference, 
but  which  is  usually  interpreted  as  involving  a 
general  reference  to  the  "  doctrines  and  means 
of  salvation,"  as  where  the  same  phrase  is  used 
by  St.  Basil  {Ep.  Ivii.,  ccxlix.  ad  Jlelet.  tom.  iii. 
pp.  157,  oS4)  and  by  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  of 
faith  (Horn.  Catcchet.  v.  §  12).  The  phrase 
(cpoSiov  foiTjs  aiSiov  is  employed  by  St.  Clement 
of  Alexandria  {Strom,  vi.  33),  which  is  like  the 
words  i<puSwv  ^<ir]s  aicaviov,  which  occur  in  the 
liturgies  of  St.  James,  St.  Basil,  and  St.  Mark, 
with  a  necessarily  Eucharistic  meaning  (in  the 
Prayer  of  Thanksgiving,  Hammond,  Liturgies,  etc. 
p.  191).  Bede,  in  his  account  of  the  death-bed 
of  Caedmon,  speaks  of  his  last  communion  as 
"  caeleste  viaticum  "  (//.  E.  iv.  24),  and  describes 
its  reception  in  his  hand.  Amalarius  speaks  of 
the  "  viaticum  morientis  "  {de  Eccl.  Off.  iii.  35). 
The  expression  4<(>65iov  ttjs  aaiTriplas  occurs  in 
an  Eastern  formula  of  indulgence  (Goar,  Eucholog. 
J).  682).  The  earliest  extant  conciliar  direction 
on  the  subject  is  can.  xiii.  of  the  council  of  Nice, 
ordaining  that  "none,  even  of  the  lapsed,  shall 
be  deprived  of  the  last  and  most  necessary 
viaticum  {rod  Tf\tvTaiov  koI  avayKaiordrov 
fipoSiov),  but  let  the  old  canonical  law  be 
observed  ...  let  the  bishop,  upon  examination, 
give  the  oblation  to  all  who  desire  to  partake  of 
the  Eucharist  upon  the  point  of  death."  This 
direction  is  re-enforced  in  varying  phraseology 
by  the  following  councils :  iv.  Carth.  cc.  76,  77, 
79  ;  i.  Araus.  c.  3  ;  ii.  Vasens.  c.  2  ;  Gerundens. 
c.  9  ;  ii.  Arelat.  c.  28  ;  Agath.  c.  15  ;  Epaon.  c.  36  ; 
iii.  Aurel.  c.  6  ;  i.  Matisc.  12  ;  xi.  Tolet.  c.  11. 
By  all  these  canons  the  administration  of  tlie 
viaticum  is  enjoined,  even  to  apostates  and 
parricides,  without  waiting  for  the  fulfilment 
of  the  incurred  course  of  penitential  discipline, 
although  stipulating  for  its  completion  in  case 
of  recovery.  Another  relaxation  of  church  rule 
lay  in  the  fact  that  it  was  permitted  to  be 
received  by  persons  not  fasting.  Cardinal  Bona 
calls  this  exemption  a  "  praxis  ecclesiae  ubique 
recepta,"  but  gives  no  authorities  for  his  state- 
ment {lier.  Lit.  i.  c.  xxi.  §  2).  Alcuin  refers  to 
its  immediate  administration  in  such  cases  as  a 
"  lex  antiqua  regularisque  "  {de  Biv.  Off.  p.  79, 
edit.  Hittorp.),  but  the  abolition  of  this  formal 
pre-requisite  of  fasting  seems  to  be  a  tacit 
inference  or  unwritten  custom  rather  than  au 
explicit  dispensation  resting  on  conciliar  enact- 
ment. 

The  language  of  the  canons  recently  quoted 
throws  no  light  on  the  question  whether  the 
death-bed  Eucharist  involved  reservation  or 
otherwise  ;  but  there  is  plentiful  evidence  from 
other  sources  that  the  dying  person  was  usually 
communicated  from  the  reseiTed  sacrament  [Re- 
servation]. It  was  carried  in  a  vessel  called 
a  Chrismal  [p.  356],  and  various  penalties 
wei-e  assigned  by  St.  Columbanus  for  dropping 
it  accidentally,  or  lea\nng  it  behind  through 
negligence  {Eeg.  Coenoh.  xv.).  The  capitularies 
of  Charlemagne  order  that  "  the  priest  should 
always  have  the  Eucharist  in  readiness,  that 
if  any  one  is  ill,  and  if  a  child  is  ill,  he  may 
communicate  him  at  once,  that  he  may  not  die 
without  communion  "  (lib.  i.  c.  161).  Sometimes, 
but  rarely,  there  seems  to  have  been  a  private 


VIATICUM 

and  special  celebration  of  the  Eucharist  in  a  sick- 
man's  house.  Paulinus,  bishop  of  Nola  (409-31), 
had  an  altar  in  his  sick  chamber,  at  which  he 
consecrated  the  Eucharist  not  long  before  his 
death  (Urauius,  Vit.  Paulin.  §  2).  Such  was 
possibly  the  object  of  the  invitation  to  St. 
Ambrose  to  ofler  the  sacrifice  in  a  private  house 
at  Eome  (Paulin.  Vit.  Amhros.  as  quoted  by 
Bingham  without  further  reference,  but  in 
chap,  xlvii.  Paulinus  evidently  refers  to  the 
reserved  Eucharist). 

It  has  been  a  subject  of  discussion  whether  the 
viaticum  was  administered  in  one  or  in  both 
kinds.  Bede  describes  a  dying  boy  as  refreshed 
"  viatico  Dominici  corporis  et  sanguinis  accepto," 
although  the  words  which  describe  his  act  of 
communion  have  been  sometimes  interpreted  to 
refer  to  one  kind  only,  "  simul  et  infirmanti 
puero  de  eodem  sacrificio  Dominicae  oblationis 
pnrticulam  deferri  mandavit "  {H.  E.  iv.  14). 
The  same  inference  has  been  drawn  from  the 
language  in  which  the  communion  of  Serapion  is 
described  by  Eusebius  {H.  E.  vi.  44).  But  if 
the  decision  of  the  question  is  to  turn  upon  the 
use  of  the  singular  or  plural  number,  counter 
evidence  is  supplied  by  the  description  of  the 
reserved  Eucharist  found  on  St.  Cuthbert's  body, 
"  oblatis  super  sanctum  corpus  positis  "  (Lingard, 
Anglo-Saxon  Church,  ii.  p.  44,  edit.  1858).  This 
tallies  with  other  and  direct  evidence  that  a 
sick  person  was  usually  communicated  in  both 
species  (Concil.  Tolet.  c.  si.  Reginon.  lib.  1,  de 
Eccles.  Discip.  cap.  119).  The  decolorization 
of  the  reserved  sacrament  alluded  to  as  a  test  of 
its  corruption  in  the  Regula  S.  Cobimbani,  c.  xv. 
possibly  points  to  the  twofold  but  conjoint 
reservation  of  both  elements.  The  Eastern 
custom  of  the  simultaneous  administration  of 
both  reserved  elements  is  implied  in  the  word- 
ing of  the  formulae  in  several  ancient  Western 
service-books,  e.g.  in  the  offices  for  the  Com- 
munion of  the  Sick  in  the  Celtic  books  of  Deer, 
Dimma,  and  Moling :  "  Corpus  et  sanguis  Domini 
nostri  Jesu  Christi  filii  Dei  vivi  conservet 
animam  tuam  in  vitam  perpetuam"  (^Book  of 
Dimma,  fol.  53  b).  "  Corpus  cum  sanguine 
Domini  nostri  Jesu  Christi  sanctus  sit  tibi  in 
vitam  aeternam  "  [perpetuam  et  salutem.  Book  of 
Deer}  (Book  of  Moling,  ad  fin.  Ev.  S.  Mat.). 

The  formula  in  an  ancient  Ambrosian  ordo, 
quoted  by  Gerbertus  {Liturg.  Aleman.  ii.  487),  is 
still  more  explicit :  "  Corpus  Domini  nostri  Jesu 
Christi,  sanguine  suo  inlitum  intinctum,  mundet 
te  ab  omni  peccato." 

Here  there  is  a  literal  compliance  with  an  order 
of  the  council  of  Tours  (a.d.  813),  which  enacted 
in  reference  to  the  viaticum  that  "  sacra  oblatio 
intincta  debet  esse  in  sanguine  Christi,  ut  vera- 
citer  presbyter  possit  dicere  infirmo,  corpus  et 
sanguis  Domini  proficiat  tibi,"  &c.  (Gerbert,  do 
Liturg.  Aleman.  disquis.  v.  c.  iii.  §  4).  There 
was  a  curious  provision  sometimes  made  (iv. 
Cone.  Carthag.  can.  76  ;  xi.  Toled.  can.  xi.),  that 
in  case  of  extreme  iafirmity  the  sick  person 
might  be  communicated  in  one  kind  only,  from 
the  chalice,  its  liquid  contents  being  poured  into 
his  mouth  when  he  was  unable  to  swallow  solid 
food. 

It  was  the  office  of  the  deacon  to  convey  the 
viaticum  to  the  dying,  as  it  was  his  duty  to  take 
the  Eucharist  to  the  absent  in  Justin  Martyr's 
time  {Apol.  i.  65) ;  but  in  cases  of  emergency 


TICAR 


201  •> 


any  ordinary  messenger  might  be  despatched 
with  it,  as  in  the  case  of  that  sent  to  the  dyin<^ 
Serapion  under  the  circumstances  described  bv 
Dionysius,  bishop  of  Alexandria,  and  recorded 
by  Eusebius  {H.  E.  vi.  44).  This  permission  to 
employ  any  agent  was  afterwards  abolished  as 
derogatory  to  the  dignity  of  the  Eucharist 
(Concil.  Kemens.  a.d.  813,  Regino,  lib.  i.  de 
Ecdes.^  Discip.  cap.  120),  but  several  later 
visitation  articles  and  episcopal  inquiries  prove 
that  the  custom  became  by  no  means  immediately 
extinct. 

In  cases  where  the  sick  man  was  both  anointed 
and  communicated,  the  unction  seems  usually  to 
have  preceded  the  viaticum  (Ivo  Carnotens. 
Decret.  p.  xv.  c.  35;  Martene,  lib.  i.  c.  vii. 
art.  2,  and  the  early  ritual  offices  preserved 
there),  but  this  was  not  always  or  necessarily  the 
case.  Sometimes  the  order  was  inverted  (Caesarii 
Serm.  265,  in  appendice  S.  Aug.  Op.  tom.  v. ; 
Migne,  Bih.  Pat.  Lat.  tom.  xxxix.),  but  the 
evidence  for  early  usage  on  this  point  is  deficient, 
the  earliest  ordines  "visitandi  infirmum"  or 
"  ungendi  infirmos "  not  belonging  in  their 
present  form  to  a  period  before  the  9th  century 
(Mabillon,  Lit.  Gall.  lib.  i.  c.  9  ;  Gerbert,  Vet. 
Lit.  Aleman.  pars  ii.  Disquis.  5 ;  Martene,  de 
Antiq.  Eccles.  Bit.  lib.  i.  c.  vii.  art.  vii.).  Com- 
pare Unction,  p.  2004. 

ii.  A  title  {i<p6^iov)  sometimes  given  to 
baptism  in  allusion  to  that  sacrament  being 
the  spiritual  provision  for  Christians  in  their 
way  through  this  life  (Basil.  Hom.  xiii.  de  Bapt. 
p.  480.  edit.  Paris,  1618).  To  administer  the 
rite  of  baptism  is  termed  icpoSid^eiv  by  Greg. 
Naz.  (Orat.  xl.  de  Bapt.  p.  G44,  edit."  1630  ; 
Suiceri  Thes.  Eccles.  sub  voc.)  [F.  E.  W.] 

VIATOR,  Oct.  21,  martyr,  minister  of  Justus 
bishop  of  Lyons  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.)  ;  Oct.  20, 
translatio  (Notker.)  ;  Dec.  14,  depositio  at  Lyons 
(Mart.  Flor. ;  Mart.  Mm.).  [C.  H.] 

VIBIANUS  (BiBiANUs),  Aug.  28,  bishop, 
confessor  at  Saintes  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon., 
Wand.).  [C.  H.] 

VICAR.  Though  the  term  ricarius,  or  vicarius 
generalis,  is  later  than  the  period  with  which  we 
are  concerned,  it  is,  from  the  nature  of  the  case, 
probable  that  bishops  who  were  either  infirm  or 
oppressed  by  extraordinary  labours  must  some- 
times have  had  .an  assistant,  who  corresponded 
more  or  less  to  the  "  Vicar-General  "  of  modern 
times.  In  fact,  Touttee  (Cyrilli  0pp.,  Vita  S.  Cyr. 
Diss.  i.  c.  3,  p.  8)  does  not  scruple  to  call  Cyril, 
who  had  acted  as  assistant  to  his  predecessor  in 
catechising  and  other  episcopal  offices,  the  Vicar- 
General  of  Jerusalem.  So  Vincentius  (Ruinart, 
Acta  MM.  p.  366,  ed.  1713)  acted  as  the  vicar  of 
Valerius,  bishop  of  Saragossa,  so  far  as  preaching 
was  concerned.  Paulinus  (in  Ruinart,  p.  251) 
describes  the  presbyter  Felix  of  Nola  as  assisting 
the  successive  bishops  Maximus  and  Quintus. 
Gregory  of  Nazianzus,  as  he  himself  declares 
(Oratio  xviii.  p.  327),  while  still  a  presbyter, 
assisted  his  father,  who  was  bishop  of  the  same 
see,  and  afterwards  performed  similar  offices 
towards  Basil  the  Great  at  Caesarea.  Basil  had 
himself  performed  similar  services  for  Eusebius 
(Greg.  Naz.  Orat.  xx.  p.  .340).  In  Constanti- 
nople the  ClIARTOl'HVLAX  was  a  kind  of  vicar- 


■201G 


VICTOR 


general  to  the  patriarch.  For  episcopal  assist- 
ants, see  Coadjutor,  p.  398.  (Uinterim,  Denk- 
wurdigkcitcti,  Bd.  1.  Th.  ii.  p.  415  fl". ;  Alte- 
serrae  Asccticon,  ii.  13).  [C] 

VICTOR  (1),  Jan.  22,  martyr,  commemo- 
rated at  Embrun  with  Vincentiii.s  and  Orontius 
(Mart.  Usuard.,  Xotker.,  Jiom.). 

(2)  Jan.  31,  martyr,  commemorated  at  Alex- 
andria with  Saturu'inus  and  Thyrsus  (ifar<. 
Usuard.,  Jlicron.,  Horn.). 

(3)  Corinthian  martyr  under  Decius,  commemo- 
rated on  Jan.  .'U  with  Victorinus,  Nicephorus, 
Claudianus,  Diodorus,  Serapion,  Papias  (Basil. 
Menol.);  Jan.  30  {Menol.  Graec.  Sirlet.).  Feb. 
25  under  Numerian  in  Egypt  {Mart.  Usuard. 
Vet.  Rom.,  Adon.,  Notker.,  Rom.)\  Apr.  5  {Cal. 
Byzant.;  Mcnol.  Graec);  Mar.  6  at  Nicomcdia 
{ilieron.) ;  Mar.  6  at  Nicomedia  with  Victorinus, 
having  been  tortured  three  years  with  Claudi- 
anus and  his  wife  Bassa  (Usuard.,  Vet.  Rom., 
Adon.,  Rom.,  Notker.,  Wand.;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Mart.  i.  423). 

(4)  Jlar.  30,  commemorated  at  Thessalonica 
with  Domninus  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Ilieron.,  Notker., 
"Wand.,  Rom.). 

(5)  Apr.  1,  martyr,  commemorated  in  Egypt 
with  Stcphanus  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Ilieron.,  Rom.) ; 
Max  8  (Usuard.,  Ilieron. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mai. 
ii.  299). 

(6)  Apr.  18,  martyr  under  Diocletian,  com- 
memorated with  Acindynus,  Zoticus,  Zono, 
Severianus  (Basil.  Mcnol.);  Apr.  20  (Mai-t. 
Rom. ;  Mcnol.  Graec. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Apr.  ii. 
747). 

(7)  Apr.  20,  bishop  of  Rome,  martyr  {Mart. 
Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Ilieron.);  July  28 
(Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jul.  vi.  534,  where  see  the 
natale  discussed  ;  Aug.  1  (Flor.).) 

(8)  Maurus,  Jlay  8,  martyr  under  Maximian, 
commemorated  at  Milan  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon., 
Vet.  Rom.,  Ilieron.,  Wand.,  Rom.;  Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Mai.  ii.  288). 

(9)  May  14,  martyr  with  Corona  under  An- 
toninus, commemorated  in  Syria  {Mart.  Bed., 
Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Ilieron.,  Notker., 
Wand.;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mai.  iii.  265);  else- 
where Feb.  20  {Ilieron.;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb. 
iii.  173). 

(10)  July  21,  soldier,  martyr  at  Marseilles 
under  Diocletian  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Aden.,  Ilieron., 
Vet.  Rom. ;  Notker.,  Rom. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jul. 
V.  142). 

(11)  July  24,  soldier,  martyr  at  Merida  with 
his  brothers  Stercatius  and  Antinogenus  {Mart. 
Usuard,,  Adon.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Notker.,  Rom. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Jul.  V.  535). 

(12)  (VlCTOEIUS,  ViCTURIUS,  ViCTURUS),  Aug. 

25,  bishop  of  Le  Mans  cir.  a.d.  619  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Aug.  v.  140). 

(13)  (ViCTORius,  ViCTURius),  Sept.  1,  bishop 
of  Le  Mans,  cir.  a.d.  690  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Hieron., 
Flor.  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  i.  220). 

(14)  Sept.  10,  martyr  in  Africa  in  the  time  of 
Decius  and  Valerian  with  Felix,  Litteus,  Poli- 
anus,  and  others  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Notker., 
Rom.). 

(15)  Sept.  10,  martyr  with  Sosthenes  at  Chal- 


VICTORIUS 

cedon    {Mart.    Usuard.,    Vet.    Rom.,     Notker., 
Wand.,  Rom.). 

(16)  Sept.  14,  martyr  with  Cyprianus  Cres- 
centianus,  Rosula,  Generalis,  and  others  {Mart. 
Usuard.,  Adon.,  Rom.). 

(17)  Sept.  22,  martyr  of  the  Thebaean  Legion 
{Mart.  Usuard.,  Ilieron.,  Rom.).  [Tiiebaea 
Legio.] 

(18)  Sept.  30,  martyr  with  Ursus,  both  of  the 
Thebaean  Legion  (Usuard. ;  Mart.  Rom. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.  Sept.  viii.  261);  his  translation  com- 
memorated at  Milan  {Mart.  Ilieron.). 

(19)  Oct.  10,  martyr  in  the  territory  of 
Cologne  {Mart.  Bed.,  Usuard.,  Ilieron.,  Notker., 
Wand.,  Rom.). 

(20)  Nov.  11,  martyr  under  Antoninus,  com- 
memorated with  Mennas  and  Vincentius  (Basil. 
Menol. ;  Menol.  Grace. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv. 
274). 

(21)  Nov.  13,  martyr,  commemorated  at 
Ravenna,  with  Solutor  'and  Valentinus  {Mart. 
Usuard.,  Hieron.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Rom.) ;  Mar.  26 
{Ilieron.,  here  calling  him  Pictor ;  Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Mart.  iii.  617). 

VICTORIA  (1),  Nov.  17,  martyr  with 
Acisclus  at  Cordova  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.). 

(2)  Dec.  23,  virgin,  martyr  under  Decius,  com- 
memorated at  Rome  {Mart.  Bed.,  Usuard.,  Adon., 
Ilieron.,  Vet.  Rom.).  [C.  H.] 

VICTORIANUS  (1),  Mar.  23,  proconsul  of 
Carthage,  martyr  under  Hunneric,  commemorated 
in  Africa  with  Frumentius  {Mart.  Usuard., 
Adon.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Rom. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mart, 
iii.  460). 

(2)  May  16,  martyr  with  Aquilinus  in  Isauria 
{Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Hieron.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Rom., 
Notker.).  [C.  H.] 

VICTORIOUS,  Dec.  11,  martyr  under  Maxi- 
mian, commemorated  at  Amiens  with  Gentianus 
and  Fuscianus  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Flor.,  Hieron., 
Wand.,  Rom.).  [C  H.] 

VICTORINUS  (1)  Mar.  6,  martyr  at  Nico- 
media {Sjr.  Mart.).  For  references  to  him  as 
the  companion  of  Victor  and  commemorated  with 
him  on  other  days,  see  Victor  (3). 

(2)  Apr.  15,  martyr  under  Trajan  or  Nerva, 
commemorated  in  Italy  with  Maro  and  Eutyches 
{Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Notker., 
Rom.). 

(3)  July  7,  martyr,  commemorated  at  Rome 
with  Nicostratus,  Claudius,  and  others  {Mart. 
Usuard.,  Adon.  Vet.  Rom.,  Rom.). 

(4)  July  19,  martyr,  commemorated  at  Synnada 
with  Macedonius  and  others  {Syr.  Mart.). 

(5)  Sept.  5,  martyr,  brother  of  Severinus,  com- 
memorated at  Rome  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet. 
Rum.,  Notker.,  Rom.) ;  on  the  question  of  his 
identity  see  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Sept.  ii.  489. 

(6)  Nov.  2,  bishop  of  Poictiers,  "  episcopus 
Pitabionensis,"  martyr  in  the  Diocletian  persecu- 
tion {Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Rom.). 

(7)  Nov.  8,  one  of  the  four  crowned  martyrs 

[CORONATI  QUATUOR].  [C.  H.] 

VICTORIUS  (1),  May  21,  martyr,  com- 
memorated   at    Caesarea     in   Cappadocia   with 


VICTUKUS 

Polyeuctus  and  Donatus  (^Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon., 
Notker.) ;  Victorinus  {Mart.  Rom.),  Victurus 
•(^Mart.  Hieron.). 

(2)  Aug.  25  [Victor  (12)]. 

(3)  Sept.  1  [Victor  (13)]. 

VICTUEUS  or  YICTUEIUS  [Victor  (12), 
(13)]. 

VIGILIUS,  Jan.  31,  bishop  of  Trent,  martyr 
(Mart.  Usuard.,  Vet.  Eom.) ;  Jun.  26  (Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Jun.  V.  165).  [C.  H.] 

VIGILS  {VigUiae).  (1)  For  the  custom  of 
waking  in  the  night  for  prayer  and  psalmody,  see 
Hours  of  Prayer,  p.  798. 

(2)  As  a  preparation  for  the  greater  festivals, 
Tigils  were  observed  in  churches  for  the  whole 
or  the  greater  part  of  the  night.  These  wei-e 
called  by  the  Greeks  iravwx'.'SiS,  by  the  Latins 
I'ervigilia,  or  Pernoctationes.  Of  such  Chryso- 
stom  speaks  {Horn.  4,  de  Verbis  Esaiae ;  vi.  121 
B,  ed.  Montfaucon).  "  See  the  holy  night- 
long vigils  linking  day  to  day."  Such  vigils 
preceded  not  only  the  great  festivals,  such  as 
Easter  and  Pentecost,  but  also  the  Sabbath  and 
the  Lord's  Day  (Socrates,  H.  E.  vi.  8).  But 
especially  in  the  case  of  a  martyr  it  was  the 
custom  of  the  faithful  to  pass  the  night  pre- 
ceding his  festival  in  the  church  which  covered 
his  remains,  or  in  one  dedicated  to  him.  Thus 
Chrysostom  (Hmi.  de  Martyr,  ii.  668  d)  says 
ihat  on  the  eve  of  a  martyr's  festival  the 
faithful  had  turned  night  into  day  by  their  holy 
watchings  (Sia  roov  -Kavvvxi^aiv  twv  Upwv). 
Against  such  watchings  at  the  end  of  the  4th 
century  Vigilantius  (Hieron.  c.  Vigilant,  p.  395, 
Vallarsi)  protested,  as  giving  occasion  for  riot 
-and  disorder,  and  Jerome  defended  them  with 
his  accustomed  vigour.  Sidonius  Apollinaris 
{Epist.  V.  17,  in  Sirmoudi  Ojyp.  Var.  i.  569) 
describing  the  celebration  of  the  anniversary  of 
,St.  Justus  at  Lyons,  mentions  the  preceding 
Tigil.  "  We  went  to  the  church,"  he  says, 
"  before  dawn ;  there  was  a  concourse  of  both 
sexes,  greater  than  the  spacious  church  would 
hold.  After  the  vigil-office,  which  was  sung 
antiphonally  by  the  monks  and  clergy,  we 
separated,  going  however  to  no  great  distance, 
to  be  ready  for  the  third  hour  [nine  o'clock  in 
the  morning],  when  we  were  to  join  with  the 
priests  in  the  divine  office."  Here  the  vigil 
appears  to  have  begun  at  an  early  hour  in 
the  morning,  not  on  the  evening  preceding  the 
festival.  Such  vigil-offices  consisted  of  prayers. 
Lections  [see  p.  252]  and  psalms,  and  at  least 
occasionally  included  preaching  (Caesarius  of 
A.rles,  Sermon.  285  and  300,  in  Augustine's 
Works). 

The  interval  which  Sidonius  mentions  between 
the  vigil  and  the  service  of  the  day  was  a  cause 
of  great  disorder.  There  was  often  dancing  and 
singing,  not  only  in  the  neighbouring  houses, 
but  in^'the  out-buildings  of  the  church,  and  even 
in  the  church  itself.  As  early  as  the  year  30i^ 
the  council  of  Eliberis  (c.  35)  prohibited  women 
from  keeping  vigil  in  cemeteries  on  account  of 
their  excesses.  A  constitution  of  king  Childebert 
(Hardouin,  Concilia,  iii.  334)  notices  the  riots 
which  took  place  at  vigils.  Binterim  (Denk-^ 
wurdigkeiten,  V.  ii.  154)  quotes  an  article  of 
inquiry  from  Theodore  of  Canterbury,  complain- 


VINCENTIUS 


2017 


iug  of  the  indecent  sports  which  were  some- 
times practised  in  vigils. 

There  is  in  early  times  no  indication  that 
fasting  was  a  condition  of  a  vigil.  Chrysostom, 
indeed,  in  the  homily  delivered  at  Antioch 
after  the  earthquake  (ii.  718  b.),  seems  to 
speak  as  if  fasting  was  connected  with  the 
vigil;  but  this  was  on  a  very  special  occasion 
of  humiliation.  Gregory  of  Tours  {Hist.  Franc. 
X.  31)  says  that  Perpetuus,  in  the  latter  half  of 
the_  5th  century,  arranged  the  fasts  and  vigils 
which  were  to  be  observed  throughout  the  year, 
but  there  is  nothing  to  indicate  that  the  "fasts 
and  the  vigils  were  identical.  Nicetus,  how- 
ever {De  Vigiliis,  c.  4,  in  D'Achery's  Spici- 
legium,  iii.  6),  does  warn  his  monks  to  pre- 
pare themselves  by  abstinence  for  a  vigil  as 
for  a  divine  mystery.  Pope  Nicholas  L  (858- 
867)  in  his  Responsio  ad  Bulgaros  (Mansi,  sv.  420) 
enjoins  a  fast  before  the  Assumption  of  the 
Virgin  Mary  and  before  the  Nativity  of  the  Lord. 
Regino  {Concil.  Germ.  ii.  482)  quotes  a  canon  of 
uncertain  date,  in  which  presbyters  are  desired 
to  give  notice  to  the  people  not  only  of  festivals 
to  be  observed  but  also  of  vigil-fasts  (jejunia 
vigiliarum).  We  may  say  therefore  that  the 
observance  of  a  vigil  by  fasting  came  to  be  usual 
not  later  than  the  9th  century.  Vigils  are  of 
rare  occurrence  in  the  oldest  calendars. 
[Calendar,  p.  258.] 

(Bingham,  Antiq.  XIII.  ix.  4 ;  Binterim, 
Denkwurdigkciten,  Bd.  V.  Th.  ii.  p.  152  ff.)    [C] 

VIGOR,  Nov.  1,  bishop  of  Bayeux,  confessor 
(2Iart.  Usuard.,  Hieron.).  [C.  H.] 

VINCENTIUS  (1),  Jan.  22,  deacon,  martyr 
in  Spain  {Mart.  Bed.,  Usuard.,  Flor.,  Adon., 
Hieron.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Rom.,  Notker.,  Wand. ;  Basil. 
Meiiol. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  394) ;  comme- 
morated this  day  in  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary, 
being  named  in  the  collect  and  Ad  Complendum. 
He  is  also  celebrated  in  the  Liber  Antiphonarius 
of  Gregory,  p.  664. 

(2)  Jan.  22,  martyr,  commemorated  with 
Orontius  and  Victor  at  Embrun  {Mart.  Usuard., 
Notker.,  Rom. ;  Boll.  Ada  SS.  Jan.  ii.  389). 

(3)  Apr.  19,  martyr  at  Colibre  {Mart.  Usuard., 
Adon.,  Hieron.,  Rom. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Apr.  ii. 
621). 

(4)  May  24,  martyr  at  Portus  Romanus  {2fart. 
Usuard.,  Adon.,  Hieron.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Notker., 
Rom. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mai.  v.  281). 

(5)  Abbat  of  Lerins,  commemorated  on  May  24 
in  modern  martyrologies  (Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mai. 
V.  284). 

(6)  June  9,  deacon,  martyr  at  Agon  {Mart. 
Usuard.,  Hieron.,  Rom. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jun.  ii. 
166). 

(7)  July  24,  martyr,  commemoi-ated  at  Rome 
on  the  Via  Tiburtina  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon., 
Vet.  Rom.,  Rom.);  July  23  {Hieron.,  Notker.). 

(8)  Auo-  25,  martyr  under  Comniodus,  com- 
memorateli  with  Eusebius,  Pontianus,  Peregrinus 
{Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Rom.) 

(d)  Oct  27,  martyr  at  Avila,  coinmomorateil 
with  Sabina  and  Christeta  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon., 
Vet.  Rom.,  Wand.,  Rom.). 

(10)  Nov.  11,  martyr,  commomoratod  with 
Mennas,     Victor,     Stcphanus     (Basil.    Mcnol.; 


2018 


VINE 


Menol.   Grace.  Sirlet. ;   Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv. 
274). 

There  was  a  church  named  after  St.  Vincentius 
at  Constantinople  in  the  reign  of  Justinian 
(Theoph.  Chronog.  p.  196,  ann.  A.C.  550;  Du 
Cange,  CpoUs.  Christ,  lib.  iv.  p.  196).      [C.  H.] 

VINE  (in  Art).  (See  John  xv.  1  ;  Psalm 
Ixsix.  ;  Isaiah  v.).  The  vine  is  the  most  ancient 
subject  of  Christian  art,  perhaps  without  except- 
ing the  Good  Shepherd,  with  which  it  is  so  fre- 
quently combined  [see  Suepherd,  the  Good]. 
It  is  one  of  the  foremost  of  the  symbols  chosen 
by  our  Lord  Himself  from  the  natural  things 
around  Him,  as  the  ancient  vines  on  Mount  Olivet 
still  remind  the  traveller.     Its  earliest  examples 


(Buttari,  tjiv.  xciii.) 


in  Christian  fresco  are  probably  the  vine  of  St. 
Domitilla  [Fresco,  p.  693],  and  those  of  St. 
Praetextatus  (i6.).  The  stuccoes  of  the  tomb  on 
the  Latin  Way,   woodcut  No.   1  (Bottari,   tav. 


xciii.  ;  Aringhi,  ii.  29),  certainly  existed  in 
Bosio's  time,  though  now  unknown,  and  seem 
to  have  been  of  the  2nd  century.  The  great 
vine  of  the  Callixtine  Cemetery  (woodcut  No.  2) 


VINE 

is  probably  of  high  antiquity,  and  is  the  best- 
liuown  instance  of  the  graceful  naturalism  of 
the  Christian  classic  style  of  decoration  (Bottari, 
tav.  Ixxiv.  ;  Aringhi,  i.  569).  In  mosaic,  the 
vines  of  St.  Constantia  in  Rome  are  perhaps 
the  earliest  'example  (see  Parker's  Mosaics  of 
Rome  and  Ravenna,  and  a  fine  fac-simile  in  the 
South  Kensington  Museum).  The  vine  of  Galla 
Placidia's  tomb,  woodcut  No.  3  (combined,   like 


most  of  the  others,  with  the  Good  'Ur  Royal 
Shepherd),  dates  about  a.d.  450,  and  is  highly 
interesting  as  compared  with  the  stuccoes  and 
also  with  the  Callixtine  vine. 

The  three  modes  of  treatment  are  so  distinctly 
related  to  each  other  and  to  the  Domitilla 
example,  and  give  so  clear  an  illustration  of  the 
progress  or  retrogress  from  classic  naturalism  to 
Byzantine  formalism  of  the  highest  order,  still 
retaining  classic  beauty,  that  woodctits  are 
given  here  to  illustrate  them. 

It  is  surprising  to  see  how  far  the  vine  has 
shared  the  fate  of  the  Good  Shepherd,  so  as  to 
exist  no  more  as  a  sacred  emblem  after  the  first 
five  or  six  centuries.  Its  heathen  or  ethnic  or 
human  use  went  on  ;  but  the  use  of  the  vine 
becomes  idly  decorative,  in  churches  and  houses 
alike.  However,  its  sculpture  is  a  little  later 
than  its  painting,  and  as  important.  The  por- 
phyry sarcophagus  of  St.  Constantia  (Aringhi, 
ii.  p.  157)  has  been  photographed  by  Mr. 
Parker.  See  Aringhi,  i.  307-9,  for  vines  on  un- 
questionably Christian  sarcophagi,  St.  Constan- 
tia's  being  by  no  means  certain.  See  also  Parker, 
No.  2917,  for  a  quaint  and  beautiful  sarcophagus, 
evidently  by  some  zealous  and  ingenious  work- 
man, perhaps  of  the  3rd  century,  who  cared 
more  for  his  subject  than  for  the  exemplaria 
Graeca  of  his  art.  Again,  Bottari,  i.  p.  1.  There 
was,  in  1871,  a  curious  sarcophagus  in  St.  Vitale 
at  Ravenna,  where  the  mind  of  the  sculptor- 
seemed  to  have  been  bent  on  the  vine  and  the 
acanthus  at  the  same  moment.  The  vine  of  the 
columns  of  Torcello  is  a  late  type  of  Graeco- 
Byzantine  work  of  the  highest  order  (^Stones  of 
Venice,  ii.  plate  3). 

For  the  vine  or  grapes  on  lamps,  see  Aringhi, 
i.  517,  for  two  examples,  also  ii.  648,  with 
the  Good  Shepherd.     Grapes  are  cut   on  tombs 


VIRGINS 

of  various  kinds  (Lupi,  Sev.  Epitaph,  p.  182  ; 
Fabretti,  581).  Martigny  points  to  a  strong 
resemblance  between  certain  carvings  of  this 
kind  at  Lyons  (De  Boissieu,  Inscr.  Antiq.  de 
Lyons,  1846-54)  and  Jewish  coins  in  Calmet's 
Diet,  of  the  Bible,  ii.  pi.  3,  pp.  17-19.  From 
this  he  infers  that  both  Jews  and  Christians  used 
the  symbol  each  in  their  own  sense,  with  refe- 
rence to  a  Promised  Land.  This  is  confirmed  by 
a  glass  in  Garrucci  (  Vetri,  tav.  ii.  No.  9),  with  the 
inscription,  "  In  Deo,  Anima  Dulcis,  Pie  Zeses," 
which  would  certainly  connect  the  sacramental 
I|  and  historical  senses  of  the  symbol.  See  also 
jt  Millin,  Midi  de  la  France,  pi.  lis.  3,  xxxviii.  8, 
Ij     for  Gallic  sarcophagi. 

I         Nevertheless,     as     Martigny    remarks     with 
I     obvious   truth,   the   eucharistic   meaning  of  the 
t     vine   or   its   fruit   is  later  than  its  original    or 
I     historic  symbolism  of  the  person  of  our   Lord. 
\    The  first  written  evidence  on  this  point,  he  says, 
,{    is  that  of  Paschasius  in  the  9th  century,  De  Cor- 
pore  et  Sanguine  Christi,  c.  x.  t.  ix.  Bibl.  Patrum, 
ed.  Colon.     He  mentions  a  sculpture  in   which 
genii  with  ears  of  corn  are  combined  with  others 
bearing  grapes,  of  about  the  same  date.     It  is  an 
Aries  sarcophagus  (Millin,  Midi  de   la   France, 
pi.  Iviii.  No.  5).     There  is  an  amethyst  in  the 
Eoyal  Library  at  Turin  (Perret,  iv.  pi.  xvi.  No. 
52)  with  a  vine-stock  and  grapes,  having  corn- 
ears  on  each  side.     Both  these  may  point  to  the 
"lements.     But  the  I'eal  meaning  of  the  vine  of 
Chr-«tian  symbolism  is  that  assigned  it  by  our 
Lord's  n'oi-ds  in  St.  John  xv.     He  is  the  vine, 
His  servi.  ^ts  are  the  branches,  bearing  fruit  only 
while  they  abide  in  Him.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

VIRGINS.  It  is  clear  that  in  the  course  of 
the  2nd  century  there  arose  a  strong  current 
of  feeling  in  favour  of  abstinence  from  marriage 
on  the  part  of  both  men  and  women.  This 
tendency  is  not  found  in  Clement  of  Rome,  nor 
in  the  Epistle  of  Barnabas,  but  it  is  apparent, 
though  under  allegorical  forms,  in  the  Shepherd 
of  Hermas  {Sim.  9,  10,  11).  Justin  Martyr 
(^Apol.  i.  15)  speaks  of  "many  men  and  women 
of  sixty  and  seventy  years  old  who  have  been 
disciples  of  Christ  since  infancy,  and  have  kept 
themselves  uncorrupted."  Athenagoras  (Legat. 
c.  32)  uses  almost  similar  language.  Tatian 
{ado.  Graecos,  32,  33)  flings  back  upon  the 
Gentiles  their  taunts  at  Christian  virginity.  At 
the  end  of  the  century  the  whole  question  of  the 
relation  of  Christianity  to  marriage  was  brought 
prominently  into  discussion  by  the  rise  and 
prevalence  of  Montanism ;  and  in  the  treatises 
of  Tertullian,  de  Velandis  Virginihus  and  de  Ex- 
hortatione  Castitatis,  the  Montanist  view  is  set 
forth  by  a  zealous  advocate.  In  the  next  genera- 
tion Origen  (c.  Cels.  7,  48)  contrasts  the 
Christians  who  dedicated  themselves  to  a  life 
of  virginity  for  the  sake  of  virginity  itself  with 
the  pagan  priestesses  who  did  so  only  for  the 
sake  of  worldly  honour.  In  Cyprian  we  find, 
probably  for  the  first  time,  the  expression  of 
the  idea  that  virginity  is  in  itself  higher  than 
marriage.  Clement  of  Alexandria  (Strom.  3,  p. 
558)  and  Tertullian  (ad  Uxor.  1,  8)  appear  to 
agree  with  those  who  place  married  continence 
or  widowhood  above  virginity  on  the  ground 
that  "fecile  est  non  appetere  quod  nescias ;" 
but  Cyprian  gives  the  higher  rank  to  virginity 
(e.  g.  De  Habitu  Virg.  c.  23 ;  Dc  Mortalit.  c.  26). 

CHRIST.  ANT. — VOL.  II. 


VIRGINS 


2019 


In  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  the  same  relative 
rank  appears  to  be  implied  in  the  metaphoi',  that 
whereas  widows  are  the  BvaiacTTripiov,  or  altar 
of  sacrifice,  virgins  are  the  6v/j.iaTr]piov,  the 
altar  upon  which  was  offered  the  purer  offer- 
ing of  incense  {Const.  Apost.  2,  23  ;  4,  3 ;  it 
may  be  noted  as  one  of  the  differences  between 
the  earlier  and  later  books  of  the  Apostolical 
Constitutions  that  in  2,  25  the  order  is  1, 
widows  ;  2,  virgins ;  whereas  in  the  third  and 
later  books  the  order  is  reversed).  Athanasius 
speaks  of  the  fact  that  girls  of  tender  years  took 
vows  of  perpetual  virginity  as  a  proof  of  the 
power  of  Christ  in  fostering  the  virtue  of  con- 
tinence {De  Incarnat.  Verb.  c.  51);  and  Cyril  of 
Jerusalem  {Gateches.  4,  24,  p.  64),  following 
Cyprian  {de  Habitu  Virgin,  c.  22 ;  so  also  Pseudo- 
Cyprian  de  Bono  Pudicitiae,  c.  7 ;  S.  Hieron. 
Epist.  107  (57)  ad  Letam,  c.  13,  S.  August. 
Epist.  150),  speaks  of  those  who  had  taken  such 
vows  as  living  a  life  like  that  of  the  angels  ; 
but  with  the  exception  of  the  curious  Gonvivium 
decern  Virginum  of  Methodius  (printed  in  Migne 
P.  G.  vol.  xviii.  27  sqq.)  the  exaggerated  praises 
of  virginity  which  characterise  some  later 
literature  are  almost  altogether  absent  from 
the  genuine  and  orthodox  writings  of  the  first 
four  centuries ;  those  writings  undoubtedly  con- 
tain the  germ  of  the  later  developments,  but  it 
is  a  significant  fact  that,  when  those  later 
developments  required  the  support  of  the  earlier 
fathers,  spurious  treatises  had  to  be  manufactured, 
e.  g.  those  of  St.  Athanasius  de  Virginitate,  Migne, 
P.'G.  vol.  xxviii.  251,  and  of  St.  Basil,  Op.  ed. 
Bened.  vol.  i.  p.  618.  The  more  sober  view  of 
the  church  seems  to  be  expressed  in  the  language 
which  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  put  into  the 
mouth  of  the  apostles :  "  About  virginity  we 
have  received  no  commandment ;  but  we  permit 
it  as  a  vow  to  those  who  wish  it,  only  urging 
this  upon  them — that  they  make  not  any  pro- 
fession rashly.  .  .  .  For  one  who  has  made  a 
profession,  doing  works  that  are  worthy  of  her 
profession,  must  shew  that  her  profession  is 
true,  and  that  it  is  made  to  give  her  leisure  for 
religion,  and  not  to  cast  a  slur  upon  marriage  " 
{Gonst.  Aijost.  4,  14). 

Those  girls  or  women  who  thus  devoted  them- 
selves to  lives  of  virginity  came  in  time  to  form 
a  separate  class  or  "  ordo  "  in  the  church.  In 
the  single  passage  of  the  genuine,  or  ap- 
proximately genuine,  letters  of  Ignatius  which 
refers  to  them,  they  are  apparently  co-ordinated 
with  widows  {ad  Smyrn.  c.  13.  The  text  of  the 
passage  is  obscure,  and  has  given  rise  to  much 
discussion ;  the  view  here  taken  is  that  of  Zahn 
in  Gebhardt  and  Harnack's  Patrcs  Apostolici,  fasc. 
ii.  p.  95,  which  is  strongly  confirmed  b}'  the 
gloss  on  the  corresponding  passage  in  the  inter- 
polated epistle,  and  also  by  Pseudo-Ignat.  ad 
Philipp.  c.  15).  Poly  carp  {ad  Philipp.  c.  4,  5) 
treats  in  succession  of  wives,  widows,  young 
men,  and  virgins,  which  may  be  taken  as  an 
indication  that  virgins  had  not  as  yet  acquired 
the  distinct  status  which  they  ultimately  had ; 
nor  do  they  appear  to  have  had  such  a  status  at 
the  time  when  the  earlier  books  of  the  Apostolical 
Constitutions  were  written ;  nor  is  there  any 
certain  evidence  of  their  being  regarded  as  a 
distinct  -'ordo"  until  the  4th  century.  This 
order  of  "holy  virgins,"  or  "church  virgins" 
{■KapQivoi  ayiai  or  iKKArjaiaffTiKai),  is  found  at 
G  0 


2020 


YIKGINS 


Jerusalem  (Sozom.  //.  E.  2,  2  ;  Socrat.  //.  E.  1, 
17),  where  the  empress  Helena  assembled  them 
and  waited  ou  them  at  supper;  iu  Persia  (Sozom. 
2,  11,  12);  at  Alexandria,  where  Constantine 
writes,  after  the  death  of  Arius,  to  the  "  clerks 
and  holy  virgins,"  enjoining  quietness  (ibid.  2, 31); 
and  at  Nicomedia  (ibid.  8,  23).  Their  existence 
is  also  implied  in  the  fact  that  Constantine  di- 
rected provincial  governors  to  make  an  annual  pro- 
vision for  them  as  well  as  for  widows  (Incert.  Auct. 
de  Constant,  ap.  Haenel,  Corpus  Legum,  p.  196). 
The  extent  of  their  existence  may  be  measured 
by  the  violence  of  the  Arian  reaction  against 
them;  whatever  was  prized  by  the  Catholic 
party  was  profaned  by  the  Arian  party  ;  and 
this  comparatively  new  institution  of  an  order 
of  holy  virgins  seems  to  have  excited  an  especial 
spirit  of  antagonism.  The  indignities  to  which 
the  virgins  were  subjected  are  mentioned  by  many 
contemporary  writers,  c.  g.  St.  Athanas.  Ej/ist. 
Encycl.  c.  3,  Apol.  ad  Constant.  Imp.  c.  33 ; 
Socrat.  H.  E.  2,  28  ;  S.  Hilar.  Pictav.  ad  Constant. 
Aug.  i,  6,  and  Fragm.  Hist.  2,  3 ;  3,  9,  ap.  Migne, 
P.  L.  vol.  s.  pp.  561,  633,  665  ;  S.  Greg.  Nazianz. 
Orat.  43  in  laud.  Basil.  M.  c.  46,  p.  805 ;  and 
Orat.  33,  c.  Arianos,  c.  3,  p.  605.  A  similar 
inference  may  be  drawn  from  the  pagan  reaction 
under  Julian;  that  part  of  that  reaction  was 
directed  against  this  institution  of  virgins  is 
clear  from  S.  Greg.  Nazianz.  Orat.  4  ;  c.  Julian,  c. 
87,  p.  121,  and  Sozom.  H.  E.  5,  5,  who  mentions 
that  Julian  went  so  far  as  to  require  virgins  and 
widows  who,  under  the  regulation  of  Constantine, 
had  received  allowances  from  the  state  to  refund 
them.  After  this  time  the  references  to  them 
are  frequent.  Basil  (Epist.  Canon.  2  ad  Am- 
jjhiloch.  c.  18)  and  Cyril  of  Jerusalem  (Cateches. 
4,  24,  p.  64)  speak  of  tJ>  Tayfia  ruv  irapQivoiv ; 
and,  probably  about  the  same  time,  the  spurious 
epistles  of  Ignatius  speak  of  rh  truCTTj^a  twv 
■nupdivaiv  (ad  Pldlipp.  c.  15)  and  exhort  Christians 
to  honour  them  as  consecrated  to  Christ  (cid 
Tars.  c.  9).  As  an  "  ordo  "  or  class  they  were 
th  rdy/xa  tuiv  -KapQivaiv  (S.  Basil,  Epist.  Canon. 
2,  ad  Amphiloch.  c.  18 ;  S.  Cyrill.  Hierosol. 
Cateches.  4,  24,  p.  64 ;  so,  probably  about  the 
same  time,  rh  (TvffTrifjLa  twu  irapdevwv  Pseudo- 
Ignat.  ad  Philipp.  c.  15,  As  individuals,  they 
were,  like  the  Virgin  Mary  who  was  constantly 
held  before  them  as  their  pattern,  "handmaids 
of  the  Lord"  (SouAtj  toO  ©eoO  on  a  tombstone 
at  Smyrna,  A.D.  540 ;  Corpus  Inscr.  Grave,  no. 
9277 ;  cf.  ibid.  nos.  9286,  9324,  9448 ;  so  in  the 
West  "  puella  Dei,"  1  Cone.  Tolet.  c.  6). 

It  is  not  clear  by  what  external  signs  the  vow 
of  virginity  was  indicated  in  the  first  three 
centuries.  There  is  no  mention  of  any  special 
ceremony,  and  the  fact  of  Cyprian  writing  an 
exhortatory  treatise,  De  Habitu  Virginum,  in 
which  he  urges  those  who  had  taken  such  a  vow 
to  have  nothing  to  do  with  worldly  ornaments 
("  quid  istae  cum  terreno  cultu  et  cum  oj-na- 
mentis,"  c.  5),  shews  that  as  yet  there  was  no 
special  dress.  But  in  the  course  of  the  fourth 
century  two  external  signs  of  the  vow  came  to 
be  adopted,  the  wearing  of  a  dark-coloured  dress, 
and  the  ceremony  of  being  vested  with  a  veil. 
The  first  of  these  was  but  partially  adopted  in  the 
time  of  Jerome:  "  solent  quaedam  cum  futuram 
virginem  spoponderint  puUa  tunica  eam  induere 
et  furvo  operire  pallio,  auferre  linteamenta  ;  .  .  .  . 
aliis  vero  e  contra  videtur "  (S.  Hieron.  Epist. 


VIRGINS 

128  (d8)adGaudcnt.  vol.  i.  p.  961,  ed.  Vallars.; 
cf.  id.  Epist.  107  (57)  ad  Letam,  c.  5,  vol.  i. 
p.  683;  Epist.  24  (21)  ad  Marcellam,  vol.  i. 
p.  129).  A  few  years  later  Leo  the  Great  speaks 
of  "  virginitatis  propositum  atque  habitum,"  as 
though  by  that  time  the  adoption  of  a  special 
dress  had  become  usual  (S.  Leon.  M.  Epist.  167 
ad  Rustic.  Xarbon.  c.  15,  vol.  i.  p.  1426).  Such 
a  change  of  dress  was  not  only  a  voluntary  act,. 
but  was  not  necessarily  attended  by  any  special 
ceremony:  a  Spanish  council  of  the  seventh 
century  forbids  any  who  have  adopted  it  io 
return  to  the  secular  life  (10  Cone.  Tolet.  A.D. 
656,  c.  5),  but  this  stern  rule  does  not  appear 
elsewhere,  and  the  fact  of  its  being  enacted  and 
of  the  severe  penalties  by  which  it  had  to  be 
enforced,  shews  that  it  had  not  up  to  that  time 
been  universally  recognised  even  in  Spain.  The 
second  mark  of  the  adoption  of  a  vow  of  virginity 
seems  to  have  arisen  out  of  the  metaphor  which 
is  found  as  early  as  the  time  of  Cyprian  (e.g. 
Epist.  4  (62),  p.  472,  ed.  Hartel),  and  which  is 
treated  as  a  common  expression  by  Athanasius 
{Ap)ol.  ad  Constantin.  Imp.  c.  33),  that  a  girl  who 
had  vowed  virginity  was  a  "  bride  of  Christ." 
The  poetry  of  the  metaphor  (which  survives 
e.g.  in  Methodius,  Conviv.  Dec.  Virg.  Orat.  11,  c.  1, 
p.  207,  where  the  virgins  sing  a  hymn  with  the 
beautiful  refrain,  vv/iKpie,  v-Kavravta  aoi)  was  trans- 
lated into  visible  acts.  The  virgin  was  publicly 
vested  with  the  bridal  veil  ("  flammeum  Christi," 
S.  Hieron.  Epi--t.  147  (93)  ad  Sabinian.  vol.  i. 
p.  1090;  Epist.  108  (86)  ad  Eustoch.  vol.  i. 
p.  723).  This  was  a  solemn  and  irrevocable  act. 
It  could  only  be  performed  (a)  by  a  bishop,  and, 
(6)  apparently,  on  a  great  festival  ;  for  the  latter 
point,  cf.  Ambros.  Exhort.  Virgin,  c.  7,  vol.  ii. 
p.  288,  "  venit  paschae  dies,  in  toto  orbe  baptism! 
sacramenta  celebrantur,  velantur  sacrae  vir- 
gines  ;"Gelasius,  Epist.  ad Episc.  Lucan.  =  Decret. 
General,  c.  14,  ap.  Hinschius,  p.  652,  allows 
Epiphany,  Easter,  or  the  Nativity  of  an  apostle  ; 
for  the  former  point  cf.  S.  Hieron.  Epist.  130 
(97)  ad  Dcmetriad.  vol.  i.  p.  976,  scio  quod  ad 
imprecationem  pontificis  flammeum  virginalem 
sanctum  operuerit  caput ;  the  absolute  restric- 
tion of  the  veiling  of  a  virgin  to  a  bishop  belongs 
to  an  African  council  of  uncertain  date,  2  Cone. 
Carthag.  c.  3,  and  to  later  times,  2  Cone.  Hispal. 
A.D.  618,  c.  7,  Cone.  Eotom.  A.D.  650,  c.  9,  6  Cone. 
Paris,  A.D.  829,  lib.  i.  c.  41,  43,  in  all  of  which 
presbyters  are  prohibited;  Caroli  M.  Capit. 
Aquisgran.  a.d.  789,  c.  75,  prohibits  abbesses  ;  on 
the  other  hand  3  Cone.  Carth.  c.  36,  allows 
presbyters  to  act  with  the  consent  of  the  bishop. 
The  reason  for  this  restriction  to  bishops  was 
probably  the  desire  to  uphold  the  dignity  of  the 
profession  of  chastity ;  it  was  fitting  that  the 
"  sanctiores  purioresque  hostiae,"  who  were  thus 
offered  upon  the  altar  of  God,  should  be  offered 
"  per  summum  sacerdotem  "  (Epist.  ad  Claudiam 
sororem  de  Virginitate,  c.  1,  ascribed  erroneously 
to  Sulpicius  Servius,  and  printed  by  Halm  as  an 
appendix  to  his  works  in  the  Vienna  Corpus 
Script.  Lat.  vol.  i.). 

The  act  of  veiling  came  to  be  accompanied 
with  ceremonies.  Basil  speaks  of  the  vow  being 
taken  "  before  God  and  angels  and  men,  the  vene- 
rable gathering  of  clergy,  the  holy  band  of 
virgins,  the  assembly  of  the  Lord  and  the  church 
of  the  saints  "  (S.  Basil.  Epist.  46  (5)  ad  Virg. 
Laps.  p.  136).     Augustine  seems  to  imply  that 


VIKGINS 

there  was  a  feast  (Epist.  150  ad  Prob.  et  Julian. 
np.  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  xxxiii.  645,  "  velationis 
upophoretum  gratissime  accepimus,"  but  the  ex- 
]>ression  may  be  metaphorical).  The  treatise 
J>e  Lapsu  Virginis  consecratae,  c.  5  (sometimes 
ascribed  to  Ambrose,  aud  printed  iu  his  works, 
vol.  ii.  p.  305  ;  more  recently,  on  the  strength  of 
an  Epinal  MS.  of  the  eighth  century,  ascribed  to 
Nicetas,  bishop  of  Romaciana  in  Servia ;  see 
i^e  Lisle,  Comptes  Bendus  dc  rAcademie  des  In- 
scriptions, 1877,  p.  274),  gives  a  vivid  account 
of  the  ceremonies  which  had  taken  place  when 
the  lapsed  (i.e.  married)  sister  had  taken  her 
vow  "  in  tanto  tamque  solemni  conventu  ec- 
rlosiae  Dei  [sc.  at  Easter],  inter  lumina  ueo- 
jihytorum  splendida,  inter  candidates  regni 
coelestis  quasi  Regi  nuptura  processeras  ;"  the 
ej)ithalamium  of  Solomon,  Psalm  xlv.,  had  been 
buug  over  her;  and  the  prayers  of  the  assembled 
people  in  their  shouted  "  Amen  "  had  been,  as  it 
were,  her  spiritual  dowry.  The  earliest  of  the 
later  rituals  is  probably  that  of  the  Missale  Fran- 
curum  ap.  Muratori  Lit.  Rom.  Vet.  vol.  iii. 
]i.  460,  which  for  the  most  part  coincides  with 
the  Leonine  Sacramentary,  ibid.  vol.  i.  p.  719, 
the  Gelasian  Sacramentary,  ibid.  vol.  ii.  p.  222, 
and  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary,  ibid.  vol.  ii. 
1>.  786 ;  the  ritual  of  Hittorp's  Ordo  Romanus, 
p.  141,  contains  the  same  prayers  with  others, 
and  with  some  rubrical  directions ;  that  of  the 
<'odex  Mafleianus  (Muratori,  vol.  iii.  p.  103)  is 
(liffereut. 

There  was  the  further  distinction  between 
those  who  had  "  changed  their  dress  "  and  those 
who  had  " taken  the  veil,"  that  for  the  latter 
tliere  was  a  limit  of  age.  Basil  (^Epist.  Canon. 
•2  ad  Ainphiloch.  c-  18)  allows  it  at  the  age  of 
.sixteen  or  seventeen.  Ambrose  mentions  that  in 
his  time  there  was  a  controversy  whether  the 
veiling  of  virgins  should  not  be  deferred  until 
they  were  of  mature  years,  and  decides  that  it 
is  a  question  of  sobriety  of  character  aud  not  of 
lajise  of  time  (S.  Ambros.  de  Virginitate,  c.  7, 
vol.  ii.  p.  223).  But  iu  the  course  of  the  fifth 
lontury  the  civil  law  disallows  the  veiling  of 
virgins  until  they  are  forty  years  old,  and  enacts 
that  any  one  who  causes  a  virgin  to  be  veiled 
Iiefore  that  age  is  to  be  fined  a  third  of  his 
goods  (Novell.  Majorian,  tit.  6,  c.  1,  §  1,  2, 
A.D.  458,  ed.  Haenel,  p.  306  ;  so  Cone.  Caesar- 
august.  A.D.  381  ?  c.  8).  The  council  of  Agde 
(A.D.  506  c.  19)  and  the  Liber  Pontificalis  (Vit. 
S.  Leon.  M.  p.  67)  fix  a  still  later  period,  viz., 
that  of  sixty  years  of  age ;  but  the  African 
code  {Cod.  Ecdes.  Afric.  c.  16)  and  in  later 
times  the  Carolingian  capitularies  (Caj)it.  Fra?i- 
cofurt.  A.D.  794,  c.  46,  ap.  Pertz.  M.  H.  G.  Le- 
gum,  vol.  i.  p.  74,  Hludowici  I.  Cupit.  Aqimgran. 
A.D.  817,  c.  26  ap.  Pertz,  M.  H.  G.  Legum,  vol.  i. 
p.  209)  fix  tlie  age  at  twenty-five.  Later 
canonists  made  a  distinction  between  (I)  the 
"  velum  professionis,"  which  miglit  be  taken  at 
twelve  years  of  age  ;  (2)  "  velum  consecrationis  " 
at  twenty-five;  (3)  "velum  ordinationis"  at 
forty  ;  (4)  "  velum  praelationis "  at  sixty  ; 
(5)  "  velum  contineutiae,"  which  was  proper  to 
widows,  and  for  which  no  age  is  specified  (Sil- 
vester Prieras,  i.e.  Mazolinus,  Silvestrina  Sunima, 
s.v.  Consecratio,  ed.  Antwerp,  1581,  p.  173; 
Durandus,  Rationale,  ii.  1,  45,  puts  tliese  in  a 
diflerent  order). 

In   order  to  protect  the    virginity    of  those 


VIRGINS 


2021 


who  had  taken  the  vow  arose  the  custom  of 
secluding  them.  The  custom  existed  as  early  as 
the  time  of  TertuUian,  who  speaks  of  it  as  one 
which  prevailed  iu  some  churches  of  both 
Greece  and  Africa  (de  Veland.  Virg.  c.  2).  The 
first  mention  of  special  houses  iu  which  such 
virgins  lived  together  is  in  the  middle  of  the 
fourth  century ;  Eleusius  was  banished  by 
Julian  for  having  founded  TrapQivS>vas  at  Cyzicus 
(Sozom.  //.  E.  V.  15)  ;  Basil  is  said  to  have  founded 
'iTapQivbi>vas  (S.  Gregor.  Naz.  Orat.  43  in  laud. 
S.  Basil.  M.  c.  62,  vol.  i.  p.  817);  and  Ambrose 
speaks  of  a  "sacrarium  virginitatis"  as  existing  at 
Bologna  (de  Virginibus,  i.  10,  vol.  ii.  p.  160).  In 
these  houses  an  organization  prevailed ;  Sozomen 
(/T.  E.  8.  23)  speaks  of  the  virgin  Nicarete, 
whom  he  praises  as  the  best  woman  he  ever  knew, 
as  having  refused  frequent  solicitations  to  preside 
over  the  church  virgins  ;  and  of  Matrona  as  hav- 
ing been  tup  lepHiv  -napQivcov  riyovixevr]  ;  so  also 
Athanasius  in  his  life  of  the  monk  Anthony 
speaks  of  his  sister  as  having  been  placed  early 
in  life  in  a  irapQivuv,  where  she  afterwards  became 
KaB-qyovyLivr]  twv  &\\aiy  irapQivuv  (S.  Athanas. 
Vit.  S.  Anton,  c.  2,  54,  vol.  i.  pp.  634,  668). 

Ultimately  this  seclusion  became  the  rule; 
those  who  vowed  virginity,  whether  they  had 
merely  "  changed  their  dress "  and  were 
"  professae,"  or  whether  they  had  received  the 
veil  and  were  "velatae,"  or  "  consecratae,"  lived 
in  monasteries  and  were  nuns.  For  their  history 
and  oi-ganization  reference  must  be  made  to 
other  articles  (NoN  ;  Monastery). 

A  virgin  who  married  after  taking  a  vow  was 
subject  always  to  censure,  and  sometimes  to 
penalties.  Cyprian  spoke  of  such  an  one  as 
"  non  mariti  sed  Christi  adultera "  (de  JIabitu- 
Virgin,  c.  20  and  Epist.  4  (62),  ed.  Hartel,  p.  476), 
and  the  phrase  was  often  repeated,  e.  g.  by 
Basil,  Epist.  46  (5)  ad  Virginem  lapsam,  p. 
138 ;  but  Augustine  repudiates  it,  and  will  not 
allow  that  marriage  after  a  vow  of  continence 
is  adultery  (de  Bono  Viduitatis,  c.  10).  Leo  the 
Great  treats  it  as  a  case  of  "  praevaricatio  "  or 
double-dealing  (Epist.  167  ad  Rustic.  Narbon.  c. 
15);  but  both  Jerome  (ado.  Jovin.  lib.  i.  15, 
vol.  ii.  p.  258,  ed.  Vallars.)  and  Gelasius  (Epist. 
9.  ad  Epjisc.  Lucan.  c.  22)  apply  to  it  the 
stronger  term  "  incest."  The  civil  law  made 
marriage  with  a  dedicated  virgin  penal ;  Con- 
stantinus  in  354  (Cod.  Theodos.  9.  25,  1)  enacted 
a  severe  penalty  upon  those  who  made  attempts 
on  the  chastity  of  virgins,  whether  with  or 
without  their  consent ;  ten  years  later  Jovian, 
in  the  counter-reaction  against  what  had 
happened  under  Julian,  went  so  far  as  to  enact 
that  even  the  solicitation  of  a  virgin  or  widow, 
willing  or  unwilling,  was  not  merely  penal  but 
capital  (Cod.  Theodos,  9.  25.  2,  Sozom.  //.  E. 
6.  3) ;  but  the  enactment,  though  preserved  in 
Cod.  Justin.  1.  3.  5,  probably  failed  from 
excessive  severity,  since  in  420  Honorius  and 
Theodosius  imposed  the  milder,  though  still 
severe,  penalty  of  confiscation  and  deportation  ; 
but  Majorian,"  Novell,  tit.  6.  1.  4,  re-enacted  the 
penalty  of  Jovian,  with  the  addition  of  confisca- 
tion. The  Barbarian  Codes  follow  the  prin- 
ciple of  the  Civil  Law ;  the  Litcrpretatio .  and 
two  Epitomes  of  the  Visigothic  Code  punish  the 
virgin  or  widow  as  well  as  the  man  (Zex 
Romana  Visigot/iorwn,  ed.  Haenel,  p.  195):  the 
laws  of  Luitprand  make  forfeiture  the  penalty 
6  0  2 


2022 


VIRGINS 


of  marriage  even  with  one  who  has  been 
dedicated  by  her  parents,  or  herself  taken  a 
vow,  without  having  been  veiled  (Leges  Luit- 
prandi,  c,  30,  A.D.  723,  in  Gengler's  Germanische 
Eechtsdcnkmaler,  p.  556) ;  the  Bavarian  code 
makes  the  penalty  for  such  marriage  twice 
the  ordinary  composition  for  the  abduction  of  a 
married  woman  (Lex  Baiuwariorum  i.  11,  textus 
primus,  ap.  Pertz,  Legum,  vol.  iii.  p.  276)  ;  in 
the  Prankish  domain,  Lothair  I.  simply  forbad 
such  marriages  (Chlothacharii  I.  Constitut.  c.  8, 
A.D.  560,  Pertz,  Lcgum,  vol.  i.  p.  2) ;  but 
Lothair  II.  made  even  the  attempt  to  marry 
capital  (Chlothacharii  II.  Edict,  c.  18,  A.D.  614, 
Pertz,  vol.  i.  p.  15).  The  ecclesiastical  penalty 
for  virgins  who  married  was  excommunication, 
for  a  longer  or  shorter  period.  The  leadmg  enact- 
ment of  a  general  council  is  that  of  Chalcedon, 
c.  16;  of  local  Western  councils  the  chief  enact- 
ments are  the  following.  The  council  of  Elvira 
A.D.  305,  c.  13,  condemns  them  to  perpetual 
excommunication  ;  the  first  council  of  Valence, 
A.D.  374,  c.  2,  will  not  admit  them  to  penance 
until  after  the  lapse  of  a  long  time ;  the  first 
council  of  Toledo,  A.D.  398,  c.  16,  will  not  re- 
admit the  oftender  to  communion  unless  she 
lives,  even  during  her  husband's  lifetime,  a  life 
of  continence  ;  the  first  council  of  Orange,  A.D. 
441,  c.  28,  treats  the  offence,  as  Leo  the  Great 
had  done,  as  a  case  of  "  praevaricatio ; "  the 
second  council  of  Aries,  A.D.  451,  limits  the 
excommunication  to  those  who  were  above 
"  twenty-five "  years  of  ago  ;  the  council  of 
Vannes,  A.D.  465,  c.  4,  treats  such  a  marriage  as 
adultery  ;  the  council  of  Lerida,  A.D.  523,  c.  6, 
treats  it  as  "  stuprum  ; "  the  third  council  of 
Orleans,  A.D.  538,  c.  16,  treats  it  as  "  raptus," 
and  makes  the  excommunication  perpetual :  so 
also  the  second  council  of  Tours,  a.d.  567,  c. 
20,  the  first  of  Macon,  A.D.  581,  c.  12,  and  the 
fifth  of  Paris,  A.D.  615,  c.  13.  So  also  in  Spain; 
the  sixth  council  of  Toledo,  a.d.  638,  c.  6  directs 
those  who  persist  in  such  a  marriage  to  be 
"  banished  from  all  Christian  society,  so  that 
not  even  talk  be  had  with  them."  (The  canons 
seem  always  to  avoid  the  honourable  word  for 
marriage  to  be  used  in  reference  to  such  cases  ; 
but  that  "  rapere  "  is  used  not  in  its  ordinary 
civil  sense,  but  only  to  cast  a  stigma  upon  such 
marriages  is  shewn,  e.g.  by  the  council  of  Reims, 
A.D.  625,  c.  23,  which  implies  that  the  "  raptor  " 
sometimes  had  the  king's  consent,  or  was 
supported  by  other  legitimate  authority. 

[E.  H.] 
VIRGINS,  THE  WISE  AND  FOOLISH. 
A  curious  painting  of  an  arcosolium,  in  which 
the  part  of  the  parable  relating  to  the  wise 
virgins  is  tinquestionably  treated,  was  found  by 
Bosio  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Agnes  at  Rome 
(Bottari,  Scidt.  e  Pitt.  &c.  tav.  cxlviii.).  In  the 
centre  is  a  woman  in  the  attitude  of  prayer, 
probably  intended  for  the  person  buried  in  the 
tomb,  robed  in  a  dalmatic,  with  two  bands  of 
purple  down  the  front.  At  her  feet,  representing 
the  soul  of  the  deceased,  is  a  dove  with  out- 
spread wings,  and  as  if  listening  for  the  voice  of 
her  mate  (Cantic.  ii.  10).  On  the  right  of  this 
female  figure  stand  the  five  wise  virgins,  simi- 
larly clad  in  dalmatics  with  purple  bands,  each 
bearing  in  her  right  hand  a  torch,  and  carrying 
in  her  left  by  the  handle  a  vessel  of  oil  (St. 
Matt.   XXV.  4).     The  leader  of  the  five,  who  is 


VISITATION 

knocking  at  the  door  of  the  room  where  the 
feast  is  going  on,  has  her  torch  lighted.  On  the 
left  of  the  praying  figure  five  other  women,  also 
intended  no  doubt  for  the  wise  virgins,  are  seated 
at  a  table  on  which  are  two  dishes,  a  fiagon,  and 
two  loaves. 

There  is  also  in  the  cemetery  of  Cyriaca,  a 
painting  in  fresco  of  the  same  subject,  more  fully 
treated,  the  foolish  virgins  being  also  represented. 
They  are  standing  on  the  left  hand  of  the 
Saviour,  easily  recognizable  by  their  extinguished 
torches  and  down-cast  looks.  Our  Lord,  turning 
to  the  wise  virgins,  points  out  to  them  the 
heavenly  feast  to  which  they  are  invited  (De 
Rossi,  Roma  Sott.  p.  76).  De  Rossi  thinks  that 
this  fresco,  so  far  unique  of  its  kind,  indicates 
that  the  tomb  is  that  of  a  virgin  consecrated  to 
heaven  ;  a  conjecture  deriving  much  probability 
from  a  trustworthy  tradition  of  a  convent  on  the 
same  spot.  The  sarcophagus  under  the  fresco 
exhibits  on  its  front  face  a  figure  in  the  attitude 
of  prayer,  while  two  other  figures  of  saints, 
thought  to  be  intended  for  SS.  Peter  and  Paul, 
are  drawing  back  a  curtain  and  ushering  the 
soul  into  paradise  (Martigny,  Diet,  des  Antiq. 
Chr€t.  s.  V.  '  Vierges  Folles,'  &c.).        [E.  C.  H.] 

VISITATION.  The  right  of  personal 
visitation  appears  to  have  been  considered  as 
inherent  in  every  office  that  conferred  authority 
or  imposed  responsibility  for  the  maintenance 
of  discipline.  Thus  it  belonged  (i)  to  metro- 
politans in  their  pi-ovinces.  Bingham  {Antiqui- 
ties, ii.  c.  16,  §  18)  thinks  that  the  right  of 
visitation  is  implied  in  the  ninth  canon  of  the 
council  of  Antioch,  A.D.  341,  which  asserts 
that  the  metropolitan  received  the  care  (tt^v 
(ppovTiSa  avaSex^crdai)  of  all  the  dioceses  in  his 
province.  But  the  wording  of  the  canon,  which 
goes  on  to  assign  as  a  reason  that  all  men 
who  had  any  business  in  hand  visited  the 
metropolitan  city  to  transact  it,  seems  rather 
to  point  to  some  supreme  power  of  jurisdiction 
to  be  exercised  in  the  metropolis  itself,  as 
having  been  in  the  minds  of  the  framers  of 
the  canon  (cf.  Bracar.  II.  c.  4 ;  Bruns,  Cone. 
ii.  p.  44).  Clearer  language  is  employed  by  the 
council  of  Turin,  a.d.  401  (Cone.  Taurinense, 
c.  2),  which,  in  deciding  between  the  rival 
claims  of  the  bishops  of  Aries  and  Vienne  to 
the  office  of  metropolitan,  decrees  that  each 
should  visit  the  churches  which  were  contigu- 
ous to  his  own  see  (eas  ecclesias  visitet  quas 
oppidis  suis  vicinas  magis  esse  constituat).  The 
council  of  Leptina,  a.d.  743,  or  Boniface  (Ep. 
Ixx.),  decrees  that  it  is  the  duty  assigned  by 
the  canons  to  metropolitans  to  look  into  the 
lives  of  the  bishops  of  his  province  and  the  way 
in  which  they  discharged  their  duties,  Occa- 
sional notices  of  metropolitan  visitations  are 
met  with  in  early  writers.  Thus  Possidonius 
{Vit.  August,  c.  8)  speaks  of  Megalius,  primate 
of  Numidia,  arriving  at  Hippo  in  the  course  of 
his  visitation  tour,  and  Bede  (Hist.  Eccl.  iv.  2) 
speaks  of  Theodore,  archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
as  passing  through  the  whole  island,  ordaining 
bishops  where  they  were  needed  and  setting 
right  all  things  which  he  found  in  disorder. 

(ii)  But  the  duty  of  visitation  especially 
belonged  to  bishops  in  their  dioceses.  [Bishop, 
p.  232.]  The  councils  were  continually  lay- 
ing dawn  rules    for  the   punctual  performance 


VISITATION 

of  this  duty  auJ  defiuing  the  business  to  be 
transacted. 

(a)  Visitations  were  to  be  held  yearly  in 
every  parish.  The  council  of  Lugo,  a.d.  569 
(^Conc.  Lucense,  Labbe,  Cone.  t.  v.  p.  874) 
orders  a  new  division  of  the  dioceses  in  Gal- 
licia,  on  the  ground  that  in  their  present  con- 
dition they  were  too  large  to  admit  of  a  yearly 
visitation.  The  council  of  Tarragona,  a.d.  516 
(c.  8),  orders  that  the  bishop  should  make 
yearly  visitations  to  provide  for  the  reparation 
of  such  churches  as  had  fallen  into  bad  repair. 
The  second  council  of  Braga,  A.D.  572,  c.  i. 
(Bruns,  Cone.  ii.  39),  orders  that  the  bishop 
should  visit  every  parish  in  his  diocese,  and,  on 
the  first  day,  inquire  how  the  clergy  performed 
their  duty,  in  order  that  where  it  was  neces- 
sary he  might  instruct  those  who  were  ignorant, 
especially  with  reference  to  the  canonical  rules 
for  the  exorcism  and  instruction  of  catechu- 
mens during  the  twenty-one  days  before  their 
baptism.  On  the  second  day  he  was  to  assemble 
the  people  and  instruct  them  in  their  duties, 
both  as  to  belief  and  practice.  No  express 
mention  is  here  made  of  an  annual  visitation, 
but  it  appears  implied.  Probably  the  expenses 
of  a  visitation  extending  over  two  days  were 
found  oppressive  to  the  clergy,  for  the  seventh 
council  of  Toledo,  a.d.  646  (c.  4),  enacts, 
amongst  other  precautions  to  prevent  extortion, 
that  no  bishop  shall  remain  in  any  parish  during 
his  visitation  for  more  than  a  single  day.  Pro- 
bably many  parishes  were  desirous  of  altogether 
avoiding  the  expenses  of  the  visitation,  since  the 
council  of  Merida,  a.d.  666  (^Conc.  Em.erit.  c.  11), 
speaks  of  certain  abbats  and  presbyters  who 
had  obtained  exemptions  (absolutionem)  from 
former  bishops,  and  orders  that  whenever  a 
bishop  arrives  for  the  purpose  of  visitation  he 
should  be  received  with  due  honour,  and  a 
reasonable  provision  for  expenses.  The  annual 
visitation  is  provided  for  in  the  fourth  council 
of  Toledo,  A.D.  633  (c.  36),  which  orders 
that  a  bishop  shall  visit  each  of  the  parishes  in 
his  diocese  every  year,  for  the  purpose  of  seeing 
that  the  churches  are  in  proper  repair  ;  but  if 
he  himself  is  prevented  by  ill-health  or  by  the 
pressure  of  other  duties,  the  visitation  might  be 
performed  by  one  of  his  presbytei's  or  deacons, 
who  should  inquire  into  the  condition  of  the 
churches  and  the  lives  of  the  clergy.  This  per- 
mission of  visiting  by  deputy  appears  to  have 
led  to  abuses,  for  we  find  the  council  of  Meaux 
(jConc.  Meldense,  c.  29),  a.d.  815,  speaking  in 
terms  of  the  strongest  condemnation  of  an  in- 
iquitous custom  (reprehensibilis  et  damnabilis 
consuetude)  which  had  arisen  among  some 
bishops,  of  never,  or  scarcely  ever,  visiting  in 
person  the  parishes  under  their  jurisdiction. 

(6)  The  canons  above  quoted  speak  of  the 
objects  of  the  bishops'  visitations  as  consisting 
chiefly  in  the  inspection  of  the  fabric  of  the 
churches,  and  the  maintenance  of  discipline 
among  the  clergy.  Other  duties  were  added  at 
a  later  period.  The  council  of  Leptina,  above 
quoted,  decrees  that  the  bishop's  visitation 
should  be  held  annually,  for  the  purposes  of 
administering  confirmation,  instructing  the 
people,  inquiring  into  the  morals  of  the  clergy, 
and  searching  out  and  prohibiting  all  pagan 
customs.  To  add  weight  to  his  authority  in 
this  last  duty,  it  was  provided  that  he   should 


VISITATOR 


2023 


be  accompanied  by  the  graphic,  or  count,  who 
filled  the  office  of  "  defensor  ecclesiae  "  in  his 
diocese,  "  Gravione,  qui  defensor  ejus  ecclesiae 
est "  (Labbe,  Concilia,  vi.  p.  1534 ;  see  Advo- 
catus  Ecclesiae,  p.  84).  The  capitularies  of 
Charlemagne,  vii.  cc.  94,  95, -129,  365  provide 
that  the  bishop  shall  visit  every  parish  in  his 
diocese  for  the  purpose  of  administering  con- 
firmation, of  inquiring  into  the  morals  of  his 
people,  and  extirpating  any  pagan  practices  that 
yet  lingered  among  the  people,  and  (^Addit.  iii. 
65)  of  correcting  any  oppression  or  corruption 
on  the  part  of  the  nobles  or  judges.  Offenders 
were  first  to  be  reproved  and  admonished  by  the 
bishop,  and  if  this  failed  to  produce  reformation 
to  be  reported  to  the  emperor. 

(c)  These  visitations  appear  to  have  been 
conducted  with  large  and  occasionally  extrava- 
gant expenditure.  Some  exceptions  are  recorded. 
Severus  Sulpitius  (Dialog.  2)  writes  of  St.  Mar- 
tin that  he  went  round  his  diocese  clad  in  a 
ragged  dress  and  a  black  cloak  and  riding  upon 
an  ass.  Bede  (^Hist.  Eecl.  iii.  28)  narrates  that 
St.  Chad  went  round  his  diocese  on  his  feet, 
especially  noting  that  he  visited  all  the  country 
districts,  the  farms  and  villages  and  castles. 
But  these  are  evidently  noted  as  exceptional 
instances.  Athanasius,  on  the  other  hand 
{Apolog.  ii.  §  74),  is  said  to  have  been  invariably 
attended  while  on  his  visitation  not  only  by 
priests  and  deacons,  but  by  a  considerable  num- 
ber of  the  laity,  "  non  paucos  ex  plebe."  For  the 
measures  taken  by  later  councils  to  check  the 
oppressions  and  exactions  for  which  visitations 
were  made  the  excuse,  see  PROCURATIONS. 

(iii)  Archdeacons  also  had  the  power  of  hold- 
ing visitations,  but  the  practice  seems  to  have 
been  of  gradual  growth.  Isidore  of  Seville 
{Epist.  ad  Ludifred),  after  defiuing  the  ordinary 
duties  of  an  archdeacon,  adds  that  he  investi- 
gates in  person,  "  ipse  inquirit,"  the  condition 
of  the  fabric  and  ornaments  of  the  churches 
and  other  pai-ish  matters,  and  sends  his  report 
to  the  bishop,  but  notes  that  this  is  done  by 
special  commission  "  cum  jussione  episcopi." 
Hincraar  of  Rheims,  however,  in  his  Precepts  to 
Archdeacons,  c.  1  {0pp.  ii.  p.  728),  speaks  of 
their  visits  to  country  parishes,  either  in  his 
company,  or  by  themselves,  as  if  such  visitations 
were  part  of  their  regular  duty  (see  Arch- 
deacon, p.  138,  and  Procurations). 

(iv)  The  right  of  visitation  appears  to  have 
been  claimed  in  some  instances  by  the  civil 
authorities.  The  council  of  Chalons  {Cone. 
Cabillon  (c.  11)  speaks  with  great  indignation 
of  the  conduct  of  certain  judges  who  claimed  a 
right  of  visitation  over  all  parishes  and  monas- 
teries subject  to  episcopal  superintendence,  and 
demanded  provision  for  their  expenses.  Pro- 
bably this  claim  arose  from  the  practice  above 
mentioned  of  associating  the  civil  "  defensor 
ecclesiae  "  with  the  bishop,  in  order  to  provide 
for  the  more  effectual  suppression  of  pagan 
customs.     [Missi  DOMINICI.]  [P.  0.] 

VISITATION  OF  THE  SICK.  [Unc- 
tion, p.  2000 ;  Viaticum.] 

VISITATOR.  A  bishop  temporarily  ap- 
pointed to  perform  the  duties  of  a  vacant  see,  or 
to  act  in  the  place  of  another  bishop  when  in- 
capacitated by  illness  or  lying  under  ecclesiasti- 


2024 


VITALIANUS 


cal  censure.  See  Intercessor.  An  old  formu- 
lary relating  to  the  election  of  a  bishop,  quoted 
by  Du  Cange  from  the  Spicilegium  Achcriense,  torn, 
viii.  p.  154,  provides  that  the  bishop  who  had 
been  in  charge  of  the  funeral  of  a  deceased 
prelate  ("  tumulator  ")  should  be  the  "  visitator  " 
of  the  vacant  see,  and  take  charge  of  the  pro- 
perty in  or  belonging  to  the  church,  the 
appointment  to  be  made  by  the  metropolitan. 
The  council  of  Riez,  A.D.  439  (^Conc.  Reg.  c.  6), 
orders  that  in  case  of  the  death  of  a  bishop,  no 
other  bishop  should  approach  the  cathedral 
church  at  the  time  of  the  funeral,  except  one 
from  a  neighbouring  see,  who  should  take  charge 
of  the  see  in  the  capacity  of  a  "  visitator  " — 
"visitatoris  vice."  The  use  of  the  word  seems 
especially  to  belong  to  the  Western  church.  It 
is  of  frequent  occurrence  in  the  writings  of 
Gregory  the  Great.  Thus  (^Ep.  ii.  25)  he 
appoints  Leontius  to  be  "  visitator  "  of  the  see 
of  Eiraini  in  consequence  of  the  ill-health  of 
the  bishop,  and  (I.  1,5)  commands  Balbinus,  and 
(I.  51)  Felix  to  go  as  visitatores  to  certain 
churches,  mentioning  that  their  chief  duty  was 
to  provide  for  the  ordination  of  the  clergy. 
Hincmar  of  Rheims,  in  his  epistle  to  the  bishop 
of  Laon,  expressly  claims  the  right,  as  metro- 
politan, of  appointing  a  visitator  "  to  the  care  of 
a  vacant  see  (see  Thomassin,  Vet.  et  Nov.  Eccl. 
Biscip.  ii.  2,  c.  21,  §  9).  The  word  TrepioSeuTT^s 
is  sometimes  translated  visitator  (see  Bruns, 
Canon,  note  in  Cone.  Laodic.  c.  57),  but  the 
offices  were  essentially  distinct.  See  Perio- 
DEUTES,  Vacancy.  [P.  O.] 

VITALIANUS,  pope,  commemorated  in 
modern  martyrologies  on  Jan.  27  {Mart.  Bom.; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  780).  [C.  H.] 

VITALICUS,  Sept.  4,  youthful  martyr  with 
two  others,  Rufinus  and  Silvanus  {Mart.  Usuard., 
Xotker.,  Rom.') ;  Vitalica  {Hieron.,  Vet.  Rom., 
Adon.).  [C.  H.] 

VITALIS  (1),  Jan.  9,  martyr,  commemorated 
at  Smyrna  with  Revocatus  and  Fortunatus 
(Mart.  Usuard.,  Wand. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jan.  i. 
567). 

(2)  Feb.  14,  martyr,  commemorated  at  Rome 
■with  Felicula  and  Zeno  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon., 
Rom.,  Notker.;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Feb.  ii.  743). 
This  is  probably  the  St.  Vitalis  commemorated 
in  the  Liber  Antiphonarius  of  Gregory,  p.  693. 

(3)  April  21,  one  of  the  companions  of  Arator 
(JMart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Hieron.,  Notker,  Rom.'). 

(4)  Apr.  28,  martyr,  commemorated  at 
Ravenna  (Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Rom., 
Notker.,  Wand.). 

(5)  July  2,  one  of  the  companions  of  Aristo 
{Mart.  Usuard.,  Aden.,  Rom.). 

(6)  July  10,  one  of  the  seven  sons  of  Felicitas, 
martyrs  at  Rome  {Mart.  Bed.,  Usuard.,  Adon., 
Hieron.,  Notker.,  Rom.). 

(7)  July  23,  bishop,  martyr,  commemorated  at 
Ravenna  with  Apollonius  (Basil.  Mcnol.  ;  Menol. 
Graec.  Sirlet.). 

(8)  Sept.  22,  martyr  of  the  Thebaean  Legion 
{Mart.  Usuard.,  Hieron.,  Rom.). 

(9)  Nov.  3,  martyr,  commemorated  at  Caesarea 
in  Cappadocia,  with  Germanus,  Theophilus,  and 
Caesarius  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Hieron.,  Vet. 
Rom.,  Rom.). 


VOLUME 

(10)  Nov.  27,  martyr,  commemorated  with 
Agricola  at  Bologna  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon., 
Hieron.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Wand.).  [C.  H.] 

VITUS  (1)  (ViTius),  Jan.  20,  martyr,  com- 
memorated at  Nicomedia  with  Cyriacus  and 
others  {Mart.  Syr.). 

(2)  Jan.  15,  martyr  under  Diocletian,  com- 
memorated in  Sicily  with  ]\Iodestus  and  Cres- 
centia  {Mart.  Bed.,  Flor.,  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet. 
Rom.,  Wand.,  Rom. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jun.  ii. 
1013);  in  Lucania  (//je;'on.)  ;  commemorated  on 
this  day  in  the  Gelasian  Sacramentary,  and 
named  in  the  collect  and  post-commvmion. 

(3)  Jun.  26,  martyr,  commemorated  at 
Nicomedia  {Mart.  Syr.).  [C.  H.] 

VIVIANA     (Bibiana),     martyr,     comme- 
morated at  Rome  on  Dec.  2,  with  Faustus  and 
Dafoosa  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Rom.). 
[C.  H.] 

VOCATOKIUM,  an  invitatory.  [Invita- 
TORIUM.]  "  In  oratorio  versum  non  dicant,  nee 
vocatorium  "  {Ordo  Off.  in  domo  S.  Bened.  ante 
Pascha,  in  Mabill.  Vet.  Anal.  151,  ed.  2). 

[W.  E.  S.] 

VOLUME.  The  "  roll  of  a  book  "  {volumen) 
was  composed  of  leaves  of  papyrus  or  parchment, 
glued,  or  otherwise  fastened,  end  to  end,  and 
rolled,  as  its  name  implies,  round  an  axis.  Libri 
and  codices,  on  the  other  hand,  derived  their 
names  from  the  material  of  which  they  were 
formed,  and  were  put  together  as  books  are  now. 
Donati  {de'  Dittici  clegliAnt.  p.  17)  gives  a  draw- 
ing of  a  volume  rolled  up  and  fitted  with  all 
requisites  for  use  and  protection.  The  fittings 
of  a  volume,  as  seen  in  a  drawing  given  by  Mont- 
faucon,  were  a  stick  to  roll  it  on,  with  a  boss  or 
knob  at  the  left  hand  of  the  MS.,  and  projecting 
a  little  way  beyond  the  right  side  of  it,  so  as  to 
furnish  a  handle ;  a  cover  of  vellum  fastened 
with  strings  or  straps  at  either  end,  and  a  slip  of 
thinner  vellum  glued  on,  with  the  title  of  the 
book  written  on  it.  Volumes  were  sometimes 
called  by  a  name  of  similar  origin,  rotulae 
(Durand.  Ration.  Div.  Off.  i.  c.  3,  n.  11). 

I.  Among  the  Greeks  and  Romans,  a  volume  in 
the  hand  was  the  mark  of  an  orator.  Polyhym- 
nia, the  muse  of  rhetoric,  is  always  represented 
in  this  way,  and  the  same  mark  of  distinction  is 
given  in  statues  and  bas-reliefs  to  senators  and 
other  great  men.  In  the  museum  of  the  Vatican 
there  is  a  statue  of  Augustus,  with  a  volume  in 
the  left  hand,  and  making  a  rhetorical  gesture 
with  the  right.  Among  the  early  Christians  the 
use  of  the  volume  as  a  symbol  seems  to  have 
been  more  general,  though  apparently  always 
confined  to  persons  of  distinction,  and  its  signifi- 
cance more  varied  and  subtle. 

1.  It  was  used  in  representations  of  the  first 
person  of  the  Trinity.  Bottari  {Scult.  e  Pitt. 
Ixxxiv.)  gives  a  drawing  of  a  sarcophagus  from 
the  catacombs,  in  which  the  Father  appears  as  an 
old  man  standing  up,  with  a  volume  in  his  left 
hand,  and  his  right  stretched  out  after  the  classi- 
cal manner,  and  representing  an  orator  towards 
Moses,  whom  he  is  ordering  to  put  otF  his  shoes 
before  he  approaches  the  burning  bush. 

The  hand  alone  bearing  a  volume  is  sometimes 
met  with  as  a  symbol  of  the  Father,  as  in  a 
bas-relief  of  the  6th  century  representing  the 


VOLUME 

iiaptism    of  Agilulfus,    king    of  the    Lombards 
(Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  ii.  tab.  v.) 

2.  The  patriarchs  and  prophets  of  the  Old 
Testament  are  represented  with  the  volume  in 
liand  (Durand,  quoted  above).  Moses  appears 
on  sarcophagi  thus  represented  (Bottari,  Scult. 
>■  Pitt.  xlix.  et  pass.)  only  when  he  is  striking 
the  rock,  which  looks  as  if  the  volume  were  in- 
tended as  a  mark  of  the  divine  power  granted  to 
Jiim  to  work  miracles  for  the  people.  In  some 
engravings  the  volume  is  not  in  his  hand,  but  in 
the  space  behind  his  head  (Garrucci,  Vetri  Orn. 
\c.  tav.  ii.  10). 

3.  Our  Saviour  is  almost  always  represented 
in  mosaics  and  in  the  bas-reliefs  of  sarcophagi 
with  a  volume  in  his  left  hand.  The  volume 
is  shewn  unrolled  (a)  when  he  is  addressing  St. 
I'eter  (as  on  a  great  number  of  sarcophagi),  and 
there  is  a  remarkably  clear  example  of  this 
treatment  in  the  mosaic  of  St.  Constance,  thought 
to  be  due  to  the  munificence  of  Constantine 
(Ciampini,  do  Sacr.  Acdif.  tab.  xxxii.)  ;  the  phy- 
lactery which  he  presents  to  St.  Peter  is  also  shewn 
unrolled,  and  inscribed  with  the  words  Dominus 
paccm  dat,  intended,  of  course,  as  the  apostle's 
commission  as  preacher  ofthegospel  of  peace(Eph. 
\i.  15).  (6)  Our  Lord  also  bears  the  volume  when 
he  is  teaching  (Bottari,  Scult.  e  Pitt.  &c.  cxxxiii. ; 
Allegranza,  Sacr.  Mon.  di  Milano,  tav.  i.),  and 
when  he  is  disputing  with  the  doctors  (Aringhi, 
Eoma  Siibt.  i.  579  ;  ii.  213)  [Doctors,  Christ 
WITH  the]  ;  and  on  this  occasion  he  has  a 
casket  at  his  feet,  supposed  to  contain  the  books 
of  the  Old  Testament,  to  which  he  may  make 
reference  in  his  discussion.  When  a  miracle  is 
being  wrought  the  volume  is  always  represented 
rolled  up,  as  in  the  healing  of  the  man  born 
blind  (Bottari,  Scult.  e  Pitt,  cxxxvii.) ;  of  the 
paralytic  {ih.  Ixxxviii.)  ;  the  changing  of  water 
into  wine  (ih.  Ixxxix.) ;  the  healing  of  the 
woman  with  the  issue  of  blood  (ih.).  But  in 
some  representations  of  the  raising  of  Lazarus 
(Bottari,  Scult.  e  Pitt,  xxxii.  xxxvi.)  the  volume 
is  unrolled,  with  the  probable  intention  of  sym- 
bolizing the  revelation  of  the  glory  of  God  (St. 
John  xi.  4),  and  of  "  life  and  immortality 
through  the  gospel  "  (2  Tim.  i.  10).  But,  for 
some  reason  as  yet  undiscovei-ed,  the  volume, 
which  is  an  invariable  accompaniment  of  a 
miracle  in  the  sculptures  of  sarcophagi,  does  not 
appear  on  glass  or  in  the  paintings  of  the 
catacombs.  In  the  museum  of  the  Vatican  there 
is  a  beautiful  fresco  brought  from  the  catacombs 
exhibiting,  as  far  as  is  known,  the  only  ancient 
representation  of  the  Last  Supper,  and  in  this 
the  Saviour  appears  with  the  rolled-up  volume 
in  his  hand. 

4.  Where  a  volume  appears  in  the  hand  of 
St.  Peter  or  St.  Paul,  it  is  supposed  to  repre- 
sent his  own  writings  ;  but  when,  as  sometimes 
on  ancient  gilded  glass,  a  volume  is  placed 
between  these  two  apostles,  it  is  supposed  to 
symbolize  the  unanimity  of  these  apostles  and  the 
identity  of  the  gospel  preached  by  them.  The 
golden  crown  by  which  it  is  generally  surmounted 
is  probably  intended  to  indicate  its  royal  origin  as 
the  good  news  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven  (St. 
Matt.  iv.  23).  Mosaics  often  exhibit  these 
apostles  with  the  volume  unrolled  and  showing 
extracts  from  Scripture  referring  to  some 
remarkable  event  in  their  lives  ;  thus,  in  the 
apse  of  the  ancient  Vatican,  St.  Peter  is  repre- 


VOLUME 


2025 


sented  (Ciampini,  dc  Sacr.  Acdif.  tab.  xiii.)  with 
a  phylactery  in  his  hand  inscribed  with  his 
memorable  confession  (St.  Matt.  xvi.  16).  In 
the  same  mosaic  St.  Paul  appears  standing  by 
the  seated  figure  of  the  Saviour  with  a  volume 
in  his  hand,  bearing  the  words  "  Mihi  vivcrc 
Christus  est  "  (Philipp.  i.  21). 

5.  The  apostles,  as  a  body,  are  found  repre- 
sented both  on  mosaics  and  bas-reliefs  with  this 
sign  of  their  commission  to  preach  the  gospel 
(Aringhi,  Rom.  Suht.  passim;  Bosio,  Rom.  Sott. 
passim  ;  Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  t.  i.  tab.  Ixvi.),  and 
the  Saviour  commonly  stands  in  the  midst  as  if 
he  were  teaching  them  (Millin,  Midi  de  la 
France,  p.  lix.). 

6.  In  the  more  ancient  monuments  bishops, 
as  depositaries  of  the  word,  bear  the  roll  in  the 
left  hand  ;  but  in  mosaics  (Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  ii. 
tab.  xxiv.),  diptychs  (Paciandi,  de  Cult.  Joan. 
Bapt.  pp.  230-260),  and  paintings  of  a  later  age, 
a  square  book  richly  bound.  A  representation 
on  glass  of  the  figure  of  St.  Cyprian  (spelt 
Cripranus)  from  the  catacombs  has  the  roll  in 
hand,  and,  besides,  a  volume  standing  on  end 
at  the  feet  (Garrucci,  Vet.  Ornat.  xx.  6).  Repre- 
sentations of  Justin  and  Timothy  may  be  cited 
as  instances  of  similar  treatment  {ib.  xxiv.  3), 
the  latter  having  always  on  ancient  glass  a 
second  volume  behind  him— a  possible  allusion 
to  the  two  epistles  addressed  to  him  by  St.  Paul. 

7.  Deacons  are  also  represented  bearing  in 
the  left  hand  the  same  badge  of  their  ministry. 
Buonarotti  (Vet.  Ornat.  tav.  x^i.  2)  gives  a  draw- 
ing of  St.  Lawrence  from  a  glass  bearing  the 
volume,  and  seated  between  SS.  Peter  and  Paul, 
who  appear  to  be  teaching  him. 

8.  Readers,  in  token  of  their  office,  as  readers 
of  the  Scriptures  to  the  congregation,  always 
appear  with  the  volume.  A  gilded  glass,  given 
by  Buonarotti  (ih.  tav.  xvii.  2),  preserves  what 
appears  to  be  a  representation  of  the  ordination 
of  two  youths  as  readers,  who  both  bear  the 
volume  in  their  hands. 

9.  In  some  sepulchral  monuments,  especially 
bas-reliefs  of  double  sarcophagi,  in  which  the 
marriage  ceremonies  of  the  deceased  are  com- 
memorated (Bottari,  Scult.  e  Pitt.  &c.  tav.  cxxxvii.; 
MafFei,  Veron.  Illust.  part  iii.  p.  54)  the  bride- 
groom holds  a  volume  in  his  hand  supposed  to 
be  the  nuptial  contract.  Sometimes  three  or 
four  volumes  stand  on  end  at  his  feet,  possibly 
indicating  the  various  offices  or  magistracies  he 
may  have  held.  Volumes  of  this  kind  are  said 
to  have  been  borne  by  slaves  after  patricians  at 
Rome  ;  and  when  they  appear,  as  they  sometimes 
do,  on  glass  (Buonar.  Scult.  e  Pitt.  tav.  sxviii. ; 
Garrucci,  Vet.  Ornat.  xxvii.  1),  and  on  the 
shields  and  sarcophagi,  it  is  probable  that  they 
are  merely  a  mark  of  the  dignity  of  the  person 
commemorated,  as  he  has  almost  always,  in  such 
cases,  the  senatorial  badge  of  the  broad  purple 
band. 

II.  Besides  these  volumes  borne  in  the  hand 
by  divers  personages  and  for  various  reasons,  a 
great  many  are  found  on  ancient  glass  (Garrucci, 
Vet.  Ornat.  xviii.  5,  6  ;  xvii.  i.  5,  &c.)  to  which 
it  is  difficult  to  assign  any  certain  significance. 
Buonarotti  (tav.  xx.)  gives  a  representation  of 
St.  Felicitas  and  her  seven  sons  between  two 
volumes  supposed  to  signify  the  two  volumes  of 
Scripture,  for  the  truth  of  which  martyrs  shed 
tlieir  blood  ;  and  Bottari  (Scult.  c  Pitt.  tav.  xix.) 


2026 


VOTIVE  OFFERINGS 


preserves  a  figure  in  the  attitude  of  prayer,  with 
two  volumes  tied  together  ou  cue  side  and 
au  eucharistic  cup  ou  the  other — a  symbolism 
of  which  the  meaning  is  obvious  enough. 

III.  Although  books,  as  we  understand  the 
term,  soon  began  to  be  used  for  the  reading  of 
the  gospel  in  churches,  volumes,  strictly  so-called, 
were,  for  some  time,  retained  for  the  prayers 
and  ritual  of  certain  ecclesiastical  functions. 
Cardinal  Cassanata  had  some  of  these  volumes 
of  as  late  a  date  as  the  9th  and  10th  centuries, 
containing  the  forms  of  the  ordination  service, 
the  ritual  of  baptism,  of  the  blessing  of  the 
font,  and  of  the  paschal  candle  (Martignv,  Diet, 
des  Antiq.  Clir€t.  s.  v.  '  Volume ').       [E.  C.  H.] 

VOTIVE  OFFERINGS,  "votiva,"  "quae 
Sanctis  ex  voto  aut  veneratione  offerebantur " 
(Muratori).  The  custom  of  bringing  offerings 
to  Christian  churches  in  acknowledgment  of 
some  signal  deliverance  from  peril  or  illness  or 
of  some  other  answer  to  prayer,  with  the  design 
of  perpetuating  the  remembrance  of  these  divine 
favours,  became  widely  prevalent  in  both  the 
Eastern  and  Western  churches  at  a  very  early 
period.  While  the  observance  undoubtedly 
offers  a  strong  resemblance  to  the  same  custom 
as  known  to  pagan  antiquity,  it  was  held  to  be 
sanctioned  by  Scripture ;  e.g.  in  such  passages 
as  Exodus  xvii.  4 ;  Ps.  cxi.  4.  It  ultimately 
became  closely  associated  with  the  veneration  of 
the  tombs  and  relics  of  martyrs,  whose  inter- 
cession and  aid  were  frequently  implored.  Au- 
gustine seems  to  have  sought  to  divest  the 
practice  of  the  superstitious  notions  with  which 
it  was  already  becoming  connected  in  his  time, 
by  pointing  out  that  such  offerings,  '*  apud  me- 
morias  sanctorum  martyrum,"  ought  to  be 
looked  upon  as  really  offered  to  God  {Serm.  273  ; 
Migne,  Patrol,  xxsviii.  1251). 

The  same  father  is  the  first  who  distinctly 
lays  down  the  theory  that  such  offerings  must 
be  made  in  churches.  As  quoted  by  Prosper  of 
Aquitaine,  he  says  that  the  best  offering  we  can 
make  to  God  is  that  of  ourselves,  and  as  the 
image  of  Caesar  was  to  be  given  to  Caesar,  so 
the  image  of  the  Deity  is  to  be  consecrated  to 
Him.  We  have  however  not  only  to  consider 
what  we  can  offer  and  to  whom,  but  also 
where  our  offering  should  be  made,  "  quia  veri 
sacrificii  extra  catholicam  ecclesiam  non  est " 
{Opera,  ed.  Migne,  x.  1860).  It  is  in  harmony 
with  this  view  that  we  find  the  20th  canon  of 
the  collection  ascribed  to  the  council  of  Nantes 
(a.D.  660)  forbidding  the  offering  of  vows  or 
presenting  of  candles  or  any  other  offering  for 
the  restoration  of  health  in  any  other  place  ex- 
cept Christian  churches :  "  Nullus  votum  faciat 
aut  candelam  vel  aliquod  munus  pro  sanitate 
sua  rogaturus  alibi  deferat  nisi  ad  ecclesiam 
Domino  Deo  suo  "  (Mansi,  Concilia,  xi.  59-61; 
Migne,  Ixi.  846). 

Similar  offerings  were  made  by  virgins  on  the 
occasion  of  their  consecration  to  the  service  of 
the  altar,  with  the  prayer  that  they  might  be 
enabled  to  keep  inviolate  their  vow  of  virginity. 
In  the  ancient  Sacramentarium  attributed  to 
St.  Leo  (Migne,  Iv.  38),  we  find  in  the  appointed 
service  for  such  occasions,  "  Offerimus  tibi, 
Domine,  preces  et  munera."  Gregory  the  Great, 
in  his  Liber  Sacramcntorum,  speaks  of  the  relics 
of  a  martyr  (those  of  St.  Laurentius)  as  them- 


VOTIVE  OFFERINGS 

selves  a   kind  of  offering,  "  votiva   martyria  "  | 

(Jb.    Ixxviii.    1251) ;    and    on    another   occasioii,  j 

when    referring   to  an  instance   of  a  wife    who  i 

presented  offerings  at  the  altar  for  her  husband's  > 

recovery  from  sickness,  styles  them  a  "  sacrifi-  ; 

cium "  {Dial.  iv.  57).  '  i 

The  extent    to  which  the  practice  prevailed  1 

both  in  the  East  and  in  the  West  in  the  5th 
century,  is  sufficiently  proved  by  two  writers — 
Theodoret  and  Paulinus  of  Nola.     Of  these,  the  j 

fui-mer,    in   a    remarkable    passage,    exultingly  ' 

describes  the  honours  paid  to  the  tombs  of  the 
martyrs  in  his  time — and  the  tombs  themselves  '• 

as  objects  of  universal  admiration,  splendidly 
adorned,  and  radiant  in  every  part.     "  To  these,"  j 

he  says,  "  we  repair  not  once  or  twice  a  year,  or 
five    times    only,   but  frequently  and    in   great  i 

multitudes  {iravriyvpus),  addressing  often,  each 
day,  hymns  to  Him  who  is  their  Lord.  And 
those  who  are  in  health  pray  that  their  health 
may  be  preserved  ;  those  in  sickness,  for  relief 
from  their  malady  ;  the  childless,  for  children  ; 
the  barren  women,  for  offspring ;    while  those  ; 

already    thus     blessed,    pray    that     their    sons  I 

and   daughters  may  be  endowed  with   desirable  ! 

gifts."  He  then  goes  on  to  describe  some  of  the 
offerings  (avaflij/uoTa),    as  consisting  of   models  \ 

of  arms,  legs,  eyes,  &c.,  according  to  the  affected 
part,  and  fashioned  out  of  gold,  silver,  or  wood — 
"  for  the  Lord,"  he'  says,  "  accepts  both  small  and 
costly  gifts,  estimating  them  by  the  capacity  of 
the  giver."  He  describes  other  offerings  (pro-  \ 
bably  tablets)  as  recording  the  vii-tues  of  the  I 

martyrs,   "  but  their  virtues,"  he  says,  "  prove  ] 

that  He  who  was  their  God  was  the  true  God," — 
T)  Se  TovTttiv  5vvafx.is  rhv  tovtuiv  Qihv  a.\r)divhv 
a.Tro(paivet  Qf6u  {Graecarum  Affect.  Curat.  ; 
Migne,  Fat.  Graec.  Ixxxiii.  922).     At  the  council  i 

of  Lestines  (a.d.  743)  the  offering  of  models,  such 
as  those  ^vhich  he  describes,  was  condemned  as  a 
pagan  usage  (see  Paganism,  hi.  ii.).  i 

The   references  to  the    practice   in    Paulinus  i 

give  evidence  of  a  still  more  superstitious  con-         ' 
ception  of  its  efficacy.     He  describes  in  his  four- 
teenth poem  {de  8.  Felice  Natalitiuni  Carm.  iii.)  the 
assembling  throngs  and  the   donors  as  hanging 
their  votive  offerings  to  the  pillars  of  the  church. 
He    then    proceeds    to    narrate    three    stories, 
which  enforce  the  necessity  of  faithfully  observ-         < 
ing  such    vows.     The    first    is    that    of  an    in- 
habitant of  the  town  of  Abellina,  who,  having         | 
vowed  a  pig  to  St.  Felix,  brought  his  offering  to 
the  shrine  of  the  saint,  but  endeavoured  to  evade 
the   genuine  performance  of  his  vow   by  killing 
the   pig  and  simply  giving  the  entrails  to  the 
poor  of  the   church,  himself  carrying    off  the 
carcase.     Ou  his  journey  home,  however,  he  was         i 
thrown  from   his    horse,   and   smitten   with  ap-         I 
parent  paralysis,  but  having  been  carried  back         ] 
to  the  church,  he  there  implored  the  forgiveness         '■ 
of  the  saint,  and  ordered  the  whole  carcase  to  be         i 
divided   among   the    poor.     Whereupon   he  was         ' 
miraculously  restored  to  the  complete  use  of  his         | 
limbs    and  "to    his    former   health    (Migne,    Ixi.         j 
439-501).  I 

The  second  instance  is  that  of  some  peasants.  i 
of  Apulia,  who,  having  reared  a  fat  sow  and  j 
dedicated  it  to  the  same  saint,  proceeded  to  drive  j 
it  to  the  church.  The  animal  however  sue-  j 
cumbed  to  the  fatigue  of  the  journey,  and  was 
unable  to  proceed.  Full  of  anxiety  lest  they 
should  seem  unfaithful  to  their  vow,  the  pious 


vows 

peasants  hastened  to  select  one  or  two  pigs  of  a 
smaller  size,  and  with  these  as  an  oft'ering  pre- 
sented themselves  at  the  church,  where  to  their 
astonishment  they  found  the  sow,  which  had 
been  miraculously  conveyed  thither  before  them. 
According  to  the  third  story,  a  heifer  had  been 
similarly  dedicated  to  St.  Felix  from  its  birth, 
and  when  the  time  came  the  owner  proceeded  to 
joke  it  to  the  cart,  when  it  broke  away  and 
escaped.  On  arriving  at  the  temple  however 
the  owners  found  the  animal  standing,  a  seem- 
ingly voluntary  victim,  at  the  altar  of  the  saint. 
[J.  B.  M.] 
VOWS  (eiiX'5)  "  votum  ").  "  If  in  Scripture 
a  vow  is  usually  termed  evxv,  being  designated 
as  a  prayer,  we  must  understand  more  especially 
that  kind  of  prayer  which  we  offer  when  making 
a  vow,  i.e.  irphs  evxh"-  But  all  things  which 
we  offer  to  God  are  vowed,  and  most  of  all  the 
offering  of  the  holy  altar,  wherein  is  implied  the 
greatest  of  all  our  vows,  whereby  we  vow  to  be 
in  Christ,  as  members  of  His  body "  (Augus- 
tine, Ep.  li.x.,  ad  Paulinum). 

The  earliest  example  of  a  Christian  vow,  a 
proceeding  derived  from  Old  Testament  pre- 
cedent, is  that  recorded  of  St.  Paul  in  Acts 
xviii.  18, — dxe  yap  evxw-  Hegesippus  (Euse- 
bius,  H.  E.  ii.  25)  implies  that  James  the  Just 
was  under  a  similar  vow.  The  tendency  in  the 
church,  after  the  ord  century,  would  seem  to 
have  been  at  once  to  encourage  the  practice  of 
making  vows  and  to  attach  an  increased,  and  it 
would  seem  an  exaggerated,  importance  to  their 
observance.  While  Cyprian  {Epist.  iv.),  for  ex- 
ample, advises  young  women  who  feel  themselves 
unable  to  preserve  their  vow  of  virginity,  to 
marry,  the  19th  canon  of  the  council  of  Ancyra 
(a.d.  314)  speaks  of  such  vows  as  of  perpetual 
obligation,  and  affirms  that  those  who  break  their 
vow  of  A'irginity  might  as  well  commit  bigamy, 
— rhv  Tuiv  Sijdfiwv  6pov  eKTrXripovTuiTav  (Mansi, 
Cone.  ii.  520).  Similarly  Fulgeatius,  in  his  trea- 
tise de  Fide,  lays  it  down  that  vows  of  chastity 
are  of  perpetual  obligation  on  both  sexes  (Migne, 
Patrol,  xl.  769). 

Among  the  principal  causes  of  the  tendency 
above  referred  to,  may  be  named  the  increased 
disposition  to  assert  the  superiority  of  the 
clergy  to  the  laity,  the  special  sanctity  with 
which  it  was  sought  to  invest  the  profession  of 
the  monk  or  the  anchorite,  the  veneration  of 
martyrs  and  of  their  relics,  and,  at  a  later  period, 
pilgrimages  to  shrines  and  masses  for  the  dead. 
The  attacks  directed  against  these  new  theories 
and  practices  by  such  writers  as  A^rius,  Jovinian, 
and  Vigilantius  being  recognised  as  just  by  the 
teachers  of  the  church  only  so  far  as  they  applied 
to  exces'ses  and  abuses,  the  theory  of  the  vow  with 
which  each  was  associated  seems  to  have  been 
left  untouched,  and  the  lawfulness  or  expediency 
of  taking  vows,  under  certain  conditions,  appears 
never  to  have  been  called  in  question.  Ambrose, 
for  example,  has  a  warning  against  vows,  but  it 
is  only  against  such  as  He  to  whom  they  are 
made  could  not  be  expected  to  approve, — "  quod 
sibi  cui  promittitur  nolit  exsolvi  "  {de  Officiis, 
iii.  12).  The  Apostolical  Constitutions  recognise 
with  approval  the  taking  of  vows  of  virginity, 
simply  advising  that  they  should  not  be  hastily 
„„,„„„j  (bn.  iv.  14  ;  Cotelerius,  i.  302). 

Vows  were  distinguished  as  (1)  "  vota  per- 
sonalia,"  or  those   applying  mainly  to  oneself. 


VULMAEUS 


202^ 


(2)  as  "  vota  realia,"  or  those  having  reference 
to  external  objects  and  circumstances  ;  they  were 
also  distinguished  as  "  perpetua  "  and  "  tempor- 
alia,"  or  vows  taken  for  a  specified  time.  Among 
the  "  vota  personalia  "  the  most  common  were 
those  of  abstinence,  chastity,  and  fasting.  Hilary 
of  Poitiers  says,  "  Deo  vovenda  sunt  contemptus 
corporis,  castitatis  custodia,  jejunii  tolerantia  " 
(Migne,  ix.  184).  Augustine  urges  Christians 
not  to  be  backward  in  taking  vows,  for  they 
will  not,  he  says,  be  sufficiently  inspired  by  their 
unaided  strength, — "Non  sitis  pigri  ad  voven- 
dum ;  non  enim  viribus  vestris  implebitis."  He 
enumerates  as  ordinary  vows  in  his  time,  those 
of  married  people  of  conjugal  fidelity  to  each 
other  or  of  abstinence  from  sexual  intercourse 
with  each  other,  of  the  wealthy  to  extend  hos- 
pitality to  all  religious  persons  approaching 
their  houses,  of  others,  to  give  all  their  property 
to  the  poor,  and  take  upon  themselves  the  re- 
ligious life  (in  Ps.  Ixxvi.). 

The  most  common  form  of  vow  in  tlie  earlier 
centuries  would  appear  to  have  been  that  of 
virginity.  Those  who  assumed  this  vow  had 
their  names  entered  in  records  kept  by  the 
church,  and  certain  other  formalities  were  ob- 
served, calculated  to  render  the  ceremony  more 
impressive  (Socrates,  //.  E.  \.  13  ;  Chrysost.  de 
Sacerd.  iii.  16).  The  binding  nature  even  of  the 
personal  vow  vras  not  only  insisted  upon  by 
the  church  but  sometimes  enforced  by  the  law. 
Thus  the  15th  canon  of  the  second  council  of 
Tours  (a.d.  567)  invoked  the  assistance  of  the 
law  to  impose  divorce  on  a  monk  who  had  so  far 
violated  his  monastic  vow  as  to  marry, — "  etiam 
judicis  auxilio  separetur "  (Mansi,  ix.  760). 
Generally,  howevei-,  the  non-observance  of  such 
vows  was  a  matter  to  be  brought  before  the 
episcopal  courts,  and  the  bishop  was  held  to  have 
the  power  of  mitigating  the  penalty  according 
to  circumstances  (council  of  Chalced.  can.  16  ; 
Mansi,  viii.  378).  As  regards  the  "  vota  realia," 
the  reader  may  consult  the  comments  of  Ulpian 
in  the  Digest  (fr.  2,  D.  50,  tit.  12  cfc  Pollicit). 

Vows  appear  to  have  been  frequently  taken  at 
the  tombs  of  the  martyrs,  and  Eusebius  speaks 
of  this  as  a  common  custom  in  his  time, — "Odev 
Ka\  iirX  ras  Q-r]Kas  avri^v  eOos  rjfuv  Trepuevai,  Kal 
Tas  evx^s  irapa  TauraTs  irotelirOai  (Praep.  Evang. 
xiii.  7). 

The  vow,  like  the  votive  offering,  was  held  to 
be  of  no  efficacy  unless  taken  in  a  church  and 
accompanied  by  the  observance  of  certain  re- 
ligious rites.  Thus  Hilary  of  Poitiers,  when 
commenting  on  Ps.  Iv.  (liv.)  1,  says  that  vows 
are  of  use  only  when  invested  with  this  cha- 
racter, and  that  it  is  only  when  they  are  thus 
offered  that  the  intercession  of  the  Holy  Spirit 
can  be  looked  for  in  our  behalf:  "  Vota  enim 
tantuni  ecclesiasticae  relligionis  utilia  sunt. 
Quae  cum  et  dignis  Deo  cautionibus  et  propositae 
in  ecclesia  observantiae  studio  probabuntur, 
turn  digni  erimus  pro  quibus  Deum  Sanctus 
Spiritus  interpellet  "  (Migne,  ix.  184).  See  also 
Novice,  p.  1409  ;  Pilgrimage,  v.  (2),  p.  1638, 
Virgins,  and  Votive  Offerings.      [J.  B.  M.] 

VULFEANUS,  Mar.  20,  confessor  {Mart. 
Usuard.).  [C.  H.] 

VULMAEUS,  June  17,  confessor  {Mart, 
Usuard.,  Adou.)  ;  July  20  {Mart.  Eom.). 

[G.  H.] 


•2028 


WAFER 


w 


WAFER.     [Elements,  p.  603.] 

WALERICUS,  confessor  in  Pagus  Vinna- 
•censis  (or  Vincmacus)  in  Picardy,  commemorated 
Dec.  12  (Mart.  Usuard.) ;  Apr.  1  (Kotkcr.  ; 
Boll.  Acta  SS.  Apr.  i.  14).  [C.  H.] 

WANDREGISILUS,  confessor  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Rouen  ;  commemorated  on  July  22 
(Mart.  Usuard.;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jul.  v.  253). 
[C.  H.] 

WANTI.    [Gloves.] 

WAR.  The  question  of  the  lawfulness  of 
war,  as  it  presented  itself  to  the  early  churcli, 
■assumed  a  twofold  character :  (1)  whether  a 
Christian  prince  could  rightfully  embark  in  any 
war ;  (2)  whether  a  Christian  subject  was 
bound  to  render  military  service.  On  both 
points  the  decisions  of  successive  teachers  of  tlie 
church  exhibit  a  material  difference,  a  difference 
mainly  to  be  explained  by  the  altered  relations 
•of  the  church  to  the  civil  power. 

During  the  tirst  three  centuries  the  considera- 
tion of  both  the  above  ques.tions  was  necessarily 
complicated  by  the  facts,  that  the  soldier  in  the 
Roman  legions  would  be  compelled  to  bear  arms 
in  the  service  of  a  state  professedly  pagan,  and 
that  military  service  was  closely  conjoined  with 
the  ceremonial  of  pagan  worship.  Hence  to 
both  questions  the  more  austere  teaching  of  the 
church  rejoined  with  an  unqualified  negative, 
-and  the  words  of  Christ  (Matt.  xxvi.  52)  wort' 
adduced  as  placing  the  matter  beyond  dispute. 

If,  as  some  critics  maintain  (Hefele,  Beitrdgc, 
i.  21),  the  language  of  Justin  (Apol.  i.  14)  and 
of  Athenagoras  (Lcgatio  pro  Christ,  c.  35)  does 
not  necessarily  imply  a  general  disapproval  of 
the  profession  of  the  warrior,  the  writings  of 
Tertullian,  both  before  and  after  his  conversion 
to  Montanism,  contain  passages  which  are  suffi- 
ciently explicit.  "There  can,"  he  says  (with 
allusion  to  ordinary  military  service)  "  be  no 
harmony  between  the  divine  and  the  human 
oath,  the  standard  of  Christ  and  of  the  devil,  the 
camp  of  light  and  the  camp  of  darkness ;  one 
soul  cannot  be  claimed  by  two  masters, — by  God 
and  by  the  devil "  (de  Idol.  c.  19).  His  treatise, 
de  Corona,  called  forth  by  the  incident  of  the 
Christian  soldier  who  refused  to  adorn  himself 
with  the  laurel  wreath  associated  with  pagan 
observances,  is  well  known.  He  there  declares 
that  merely  to  wear  the  wreath  alone  constitutes 
an  act  of  idolatry — "  Ita  et  corona  idolothytum 
efficitur "  (de  Corona,  c.  10).  As  for  the  mili- 
tary profession  itself,  "  Can  it,"  he  asks,  "  be 
lawful  to  handle  the  sword,  when  the  Lord 
Himself  hath  declared  that  he  who  uses  the 
sword  shall  perish  by  it  ?  Shall  the  child  of 
peace  engage  in  battle,  when  he  looks  upon  even 
the  strife  of  the  law-courts  as  unseemly  ?  Shall 
he  who  avenges  not  even  his  own  wrongs,  con- 
sign others  to  prison  and  to  chains,  torture  and 
punish  them  ?  "  ({6.  c.  11).  In  the  same  spirit  the 
martyr  Maximilian  (circ.  a.d.  295)  says,  "  Mihi 
non     licet    militare,    quia    Christianus    sum " 


WAR 

(Ruinart,  Acta  Martyr,  ii.  209).  So  again 
Clemens  of  Alexandria  (i.  p.  289)  asserts  that 
they  who  seek  peace  have  no  need  of  the  sword 
or  the  bow. 

The  opinion  of  Origen  is  less  distinctly  pro- 
nounced. In  two  passages  (adv.  Ccls.  v.  33  ;  vii. 
2G)  he  appears  to  support  the  view  of  Tertullian, 
and  in  a  third  (ib.  viii.  73)  he  puts  forward  the 
theory  that  Christians,  as  a  race  professedly 
devoted  to  the  service  of  God,  cannot  justly  be 
called  upon  to  bear  arms.  The  pagan  priests, 
he  urges,  are  exempt  from  such  service,  and, 
on  like  grounds.  Christians  claim  a  similar 
immunity.  "  We  could  not  fight  under  the 
emperor,"  he  says,  "  even  if  he  should  seek  to 
constrain  us  ;  but  we  fight  for  him  when  in  our 
own  camp  (X5iov  ffTparSireSou  fixre/Sefos)  we 
offer  up  prayers  on  his  behalf  "  (Migne,  Patrol. 
Grace,  xi.  797).  This  argument,  it  is  to  be 
noted,  appears  as  a  rejoinder  to  certain  criticisms 
of  Celsus,  who,  in  the  opinion  of  Gibbon  (ed. 
Milman  and  Smith,  ii.  189)  had  exposed  a  weak 
point  in  the  Christian  theory :  "  the  pagans 
very  frequently  asked,  what  must  be  the  fate  of 
the  empire,  attacked  on  every  side  by  the  bar- 
barians, if  all  mankind  should  adopt  the  pusil- 
lanimous sentiments  of  the  new  sect  ?  "  Lac- 
tantius  condemns  war  on  purely  philosophic 
grounds.  The  aim  of  the  wise  man,  he  says, 
should  be  not  to  engage  in  combat,  the  issue  of 
which  must  always  be  doubtful,  and  thereby  to 
annihilate  ("  toliere  ")  his  foe,  but  to  do  away 
with  the  cause  of  disagreement  itself  (Div.  Inst. 
vi.  18).  Origen  himself,  in  a  fourth  passage, 
appears  to  allow  that  defensive  war  is  justifiable, 
and  somewhat  quaintly  suggests  that  the  mode 
in  which  bees  carry  on  their  wars  may  perhaps 
serve  as  an  example  vphs  revs  SiKaiovs  Kal 
rerayfj-fvovs  TroKe/jLOvs  (adv.  Cels.  iv.  82). 

It  is  tolerably  certain,  indeed,  that  whatever 
may  have  been  the  prevalent  theory  of  the 
church  during  the  first  three  centuries,  many 
Christians  at  that  period  served  in  the  armies 
of  the  empire.  Tertullian's  own  expressions, 
"vestra  omnia  implevimus,  urbes,  insulas,  cas- 
tella,  municipia,  conciliabula,  castra  ipsa  "  (Apol. 
c.  37) ;  "  navigamus  et  nos  vobiscum  militamus  " 
(ib.  c.  42) ;  and  the  story  which  he  tells  of  the 
"  legio  fulminatrix "  (ad  Scapulam,  c.  4),  are 
decisive  evidence  to  this  effect.  We  find  again 
from  Eusebius  (H.  E.  viii.  4,  x.  8)  that  in  the 
time  of  Diocletian  the  number  of  Christian 
soldiers  was  considerable,  and  that  many  officers 
were  consequently  called  upon  by  the  emperor 
to  choose  between  a  return  to  paganism  and 
degradation  from  their  posts. 

The  important  evidence  afforded  by  Christian 
inscriptions  might,  it  is  true,  seem  at  first  sight 
to  contradict  these  statements.  Aringhi  (Antiq. 
Christianae,  i.  430)  gives  an  epitaph  of  a  soldier 
of  the  time  of  Hadrian,  and  (ii.  170)  that  of  a 
soldier  in  the  praetorian  guard  ;  Boldetti  (Osser- 
vazioni  sopra  i  cimiteri,  &c.,  p.  432),  one  of  a 
VETERANUS  EX  PROTEPaoRiBUS  (?  "  protectorio- 
ribus "'),  and  also  (p.  415)  one  "  Pyrrho  railiti," 
and  (p.  41  &)  that  of  one  who  is  described  as 
"  felicissimus  miles."  Marangoni  (Act.  S.  Vict. 
p.  102)  gives  us  that  of  a  centurion,  and  Ruinart 
(Act.  Mart.  i.  50)  that  of  two  brothers,  Getulius 
and  Amantius,  who  were  military  tribunes  under 
Hadrian.'  Le  Blant,  with  the  view  of  arriving 
at  a  more  precise  estimate  of  the  evidence  thus 


WAE 


WAK 


2029 


tifforded,  has  been  at  the  trouble  to  compare  the 
results  exhibited  in  three  collections  of  pagan 
inscriptions  taken  from  three  distinct  localities 
(Reinesius,  Si/ntag.  Inscript.  Antiq. ;  Steinei-,  Cod. 
Inscript.  Eoin.  Rheni ;  Mommsen,  Inscript.  Regni 
Neapol.)  with  the  Christian  inscriptions  contained 
in  Seguier  (^Inscript.  Antiq.  Index).  This  com- 
parison has  shewn  that  while  the  pagan  epitaphs 
give,  out  of  an  aggregate  of  10,050,  as  many  as 
545  as  those  of  soldiers,  or  an  average  of  5  •  42 
per  cent.,  the  Christian  epitaphs,  amounting  to 
4734  in  number,  contain  only  27,  or  about  0-57 
per  cent.  He  offers,  however,  what  may  be 
accepted  as  a  reasonable  explanation  of  this 
disparity,  and  a  sufficient  solution  of  the  apparent 
incompatibility  with  the  historical  evidence.  The 
•early  Christians,  he  considers,  accepted  military 
service  much  as  they  did  the  institution  of 
slavery,  namely  as  a  jMliticai  necessity.  As,  how- 
ever, the  Christian  slave  would  not  suffer  the 
fact  of  his  earthly  servitude  to  be  recorded  on 
his  tomb,  because  he  regarded  himself  as  first  of 
all  Servus  Dei,  as  the  Christian  soldier,  who 
was  first  of  all  Miles  Christi,  shrank  from 
recording  in  his  epitaph  that  he  had  been  the 
soldier  of  man  (Le  Blant,  Inscrip.  Chret.  de  la 
Gaule,  i.  81-87). 

As  soon,  however,  as  Christianity  received  the 
recognition   of  the    state,    much    of  this    early 

scrupulosity  began  to  disappear.  The  y^  in- 
scribed by  Constantine  on  his  standard,  and  the 
subsequent  appearance  of  the  Cross  on  the 
imperial  eagles,  mark  the  commencement  of  this 
change.  Some  difficulty  is  indeed  presented  in 
the  fact  that  the  13th  canon  of  the  council  of 
Nicaea  (if  we  accept  the  version  of  Rufinus) 
imposes  thirteen  years'  penance  upon  those  who, 
having  abandoned  the  military  confession,  were 
induced  again  to  embrace  it :  "  Qui  vero  propter 
confessionem  militiam  abjecerant,  et  rursuni  ad 
banc  abierunt,  hos  tredecim  annis  poenitentiam 
gerere,"  etc.  (Mausi,  Cone.  ii.  703).  Hefele, 
however,  maintains  that  this  canon  is  to  be 
taken  in  immediate  connexion  with  that  by 
Avhich  it  is  preceded,  and  that  it  refers  only  to 
the  soldiers  under  the  emperor  Licinius,  who  as 
Christians  resigned  their  posts  rather  than  take 
part  in  pagan  sacrifice,  but  subsequently  from 
mercenary  motives  returned  to  the  ranks  and 
paid  the  required  homage  to  the  pagan  gods 
(^Beitrdge,  i.  22  ;   Conciliengesch.  i.  399).' 

St.  Basil,  again  (^Epist.  188,  ad  Amphilochiuni), 
says  that  soldiers,  after  their  term  of  military 
service  has  expired,  are  to  be  excluded  from  the 
sacrament  of  the  communion  for  three  whole 
years.  But  Hefele  {Beit)-dge,  i.  23)  interprets 
this  as  referring  only  to  those  whose  hands  had 
been  actually  imbrued  in  the  blood  of  their 
fellow  beings.  He  looks  upon  the  passage  also 
as  conveying  rather  an  expression  of  opinion  on 
the  part  of  the  writer  than  an  express  injunction, 
and  maintains  that  it  does  not  imply  that  St. 
Basil  held  all  war  to  be  unjustifiable. 

Chrysostom  nowhere  actually  condemns  the 
■soldier's  calling,  although  {Horn,  in  Matt.  61,  c.  2) 
he  laments  the  temptations  to  violence  and  the 
indulgence  of  the  passions  to  which  soldiers  are 
exceptionally  exposed. 

But  by  far  the  most  explicit  and  authoritative 
declaration  on  the  subject  is  to  be  found  in  the 
writings  of  Augustine.     In  his  letter  to   Mar- 


cellinus  (Epist.  138),  he  says  that  if  Christianity 
demanded  the  condemnation  of  all  warfare,  the 
soldiers  in  the  New  Testament  seeking  for  a 
knowledge  of  salvation  would  have  been  directed 
by  our  Lord  to  throw  aside  their  arms  and  alto- 
gether renounce  their  profession ;  whereas  the 
advice  he  gave  them  was  to  be  content  with 
their  wages,  &c. ;  and  "  quibus  proprium  stipen- 
dium  sufficere  debere  praecepit,  militare  utique 
non  prohibuit "  (Migne,  xxxiii.  532).  In  the 
same  letter  he  says  that  as  a  father  sometimes 
severely  chastises  the  son  whom  he  loves,  so,  in 
dealing  with  different  nations,  the  Roman  power 
may  be  compelled  to  consider  what  is  for  their 
benefit  rather  than  what  they  would  themselves 
desire, — "  quorum  potius  utilitati  consulendum 
est  quam  voluntati  "  (ib.  xxxiii.  531).  Elsewhere 
he  says  that  ambuscades  and  other  deceptive 
stratagems  are  quite  legitimate  in  war  (^Quaest. 
in  Hept.  bk.  vi. ;  Migne,  xxxiv.  781).  He  draws 
also  a  distinction  which  subsequently  became 
classical,  between  just  and  unjust  wars.  In  the 
former  class  he  includes  wars  undertaken  to 
obtain  redress  for  wrongs ;  as,  for  instance, 
when  a  neighbouring  state  has  neglected  to 
make  reparation  for  injuries  inflicted  by  any  of 
its  citizens,  or  to  make  restitution  of  property 
wrongfully  seized.  A  war  entered  upon  for  the 
purpose  of  chastising  the  undue  arrogance  of 
another  state, —  "ad  subjugandam  mortalium 
superbiam," — may  even  be  looked  upon  as 
entered  upon  "  Deo  auctore  "  (cont.  Faust,  c.  75  ; 
Migne,  ilii.  447).  A  Christian  man  may  fight 
even  under  a  sacrilegious  king,  provided  that 
what  is  enjoined  upon  him  personally  is  not 
"  contra  Dei  praeceptum "  (i6.).  Augustine 
encouraged  Count  Boniface  in  his  valiant 
struggle  against  the  Vandals  by  the  exhortation 
not  to  think  that  "  no  one  who  wages  war  can 
please  God,"  and  cited  for  his  encouragement 
the  examples  of  king  David  and  Cornelius,  the 
centurion  {Epist.  189;  Migne,  xxxiii.  855). 

These  and  similar  utterances  of  this  father 
would  seem  to  have  determined  the  theory  of 
the  church  after  his  time,  and  it  is  easy  to 
understand  that  the  views  to  which  he  gives 
expression  would  be  further  enforced  by  the  fact 
that  a  large  proportion  of  the  wars  of  Christen- 
dom were  carried  on  against  the  pagan  or  the 
infidel,  as,  for  example,  those  against  the  Lom- 
bards, the  Saracens,  and  the  Turks,  and  thus 
represented  a  struggle  in  which  the  existence 
not  merely  of  the  state  but  of  Christianity 
itself  was  in  peril.  The  words  in  which  lie 
seeks  to  reassure  the  conscience  of  Count  Boni- 
face are  quoted  as  authoritative  by  Hincmar 
(de  Regis  persona  ct  regio  ministcrio,  c.  10) ;  and 
the  moral  distinction  which  he  draws  between 
different  kinds  of  war  is  reproduced  and  further 
elaborated  by  Isidorus.  The  latter,  in  his 
Etymologiae  (bk.  xviii.), — the  standard  authority, 
after  the  7th  century,  with  respect  to  the  rela- 
tions of  the  church  to  secular  matters, — distin- 
guishes wars  as  of  four  kinds :  (1)  just ;  (2) 
unjust;  (3)  civil;  (4)  "plusquam  civile." 
His  definition  of  the  first  coincides  with  that  of 
Augustine,  to  which  he  adds,  "  aut  propulsan- 
dorum  hostium  causa."  Unjust  wars  he  defines 
as  those  undertaken  from  passion  and  without 
adequate  cause.  No  war  can  be  just  save  that 
which  is  undertaken  for  the  purposes  of  inflict- 
ing just  punishment  ("  ulciscendi  causa  ")  or  in 


>030 


WASHING 


order  to  repel  aggression.  As  an  instance  of  (3) 
he  cites  the  war  between  Sylla  and  Marius ;  of 
(4)  that  between  Caesar  and  Pompey,  who  were 
not  only  "  cives  "  but  also  '•  cognati." 

The  efforts  of  the  church,  after  the  time  of 
jVugustine,  were  mainly  restricted  to  repressing 
the  far  from  infrequent  endeavours  of  the  clergy 
themselves,  in  times  of  special  danger  and 
excitement,  to  participate  in  the  strife  of  the 
battlefield.  That  such  service  was  wholly 
unbecoming  their  profession  does  not  appear  to 
have  ever  been  seriously  denied.  War  was 
always  regarded  by  the  church  as  distinctively 
tlie  concern  of  the  laity  ;  and  Eusebius  {Don. 
L'vaiuj.  i.  8 ;  Migne,  Patrol.  Grace,  xxii.  29-30), 
in  drawing  an  elaborate  comparison  between  the 
avocations  permissible  to  the  ecclesiastic  and  to 
the  layman,  specifies  as  among  those  that  belong 
solely  to  the  latter,  the  carrying  on  of  just  war- 
fare,— To7s  Te  (coTo  rb  S'lKaiov  (rTpaTevo/j.4vois. 
The  74th  of  the  Apostolical  Canons  requires 
that  any  bishop,  priest,  or  deacon  devoting  him- 
self to  military  service  and  aiming  at  combining 
it  with  the  duties  of  his  office  shall  be  forthwith 
degraded  from  his  ecclesiastical  rank,  on  the 
principle  of  giving  to  Caesar  the  things  that  are 
Caesar's  and  to  God  the  things  that  are  God's 
(Bunsen,  Analect.  Ante-Nic.  ii.  31).  The 
council  of  Toulouse  (a.d.  633)  directs  that  those 
of  the  clergy  who  ventui-e  to  take  up  arms  "  in 
quacumque  seditione  "  shall  be  similarly  treated 
and  sent  to  do  penance  in  a  monastery,— "  in 
monasterium  poenitentiae  onntradantur  "  (Mansi, 
X.  G30).  At  the  council  uf  Jleaux  (a.d.  845) 
the  clergy  were  forbidden  either  to  engage  in 
military  service  or  even  to  carry  arms,  "  armati 
incedere,"  under  pain  of  deprivation  of  office  as 
"  sacrorum  canonum  contemptores  et  eccle- 
siasticae  sanctitatis  profanatores  "  («6.  xiv.  827). 
But  notwithstanding  these  and  similar  pro- 
hibitions, we  find  pope  Nicholas  I.,  in  the  year 
865,  remonstrating  with  Lewis  the  German  and 
Charles  the  Bald  for  allowing  many  of  the 
Fraukish  bishops  to  absent  themselves  from  a 
synod  for  the  purpose  of  joining  in  the  defence 
of  the  coast  against  the  Northmen, — "Cum 
militum  Christi  sit  Christo  servire,  militum  vero 
saeculi,  saeculo  "  {Epist.  83  ;  Migne,  cxi.x.  922). 
[J.  B.  M.] 
WASHING.  The  principal  ceremonial  ablu- 
tions anciently  used  in  the  church,  besides 
baptism  itself,  are  :  the  washing  of  the  heads  of 
the  catechumens  on  Palm  Sunday  [HoLY  Week, 
p.  780],  and  of  their  feet,  and  sometimes  of 
their  whole  bodies,  on  Maundy  Thursday 
[p.  1160]  :  the  washing  of  the  feet  of  the  newly 
baptized  [Baptism,  p.  164]  ;  the  solemn  washing 
of  an  infant  seven  days  after  baptism  (Martene, 
de  Hit.  Antiq.  I.  i.  18,  Ordo  26)  ;  the  washing 
of  the  hands  of  those  who  entered  a  church  for 
worship  and  communion,  and  of  the  ministrants 
in  the  celebration  of  the  holy  Eucharist  [Han'ds, 
Washing  of,  p.  758 ;  Lavabo,  p.  938].  For 
the  ablution  of  the  vessels  used  in  holy  com- 
munion, so  far  as  it  is  found  within  our  period, 
see  Purification  of  Altar  Vessels,  p.  1756. 

[C] 
WATCHERS.    [AcoEMETAE.] 
WATER,  HOLY.     [Holy  Water.] 

WATER,     ORDEAL    OF.      [Ordeal, 
p.  1468.] 


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WATER-VESSELS.  Holy  watkr  must 
of  course  have  required  some  vessel  to  receive 
it,  and  very  ancient  vessels  destined  for  this  use 
are  believed  to  be  still  in  existence.  Boldetti 
(Osservationi,  p.  16)  declares  that  he  had  seen  in 
the  catacombs  certain  round  vessels  of  marble, 
terra  cotta,  or  glass,  placed  on  pillars  at  such  a 
height  as  to  be  easily  reached  by  tlie  hand. 
Such  a  pillar,  which  may  have  supported  a 
water-vessel,  is  found  at  the  entrance  of  an 
ancient  subterranean  chajiel  at  Chiusi  (Cavedoni, 
Ci)nit.  C/iius.  p.  20).  The  well-known  palin- 
dromic inscription,  NI^ON  ANOMHMATA 
MH  MONAN  OM>IN,  which  is  found  on  a  vase 
discovered  at  Constantinople  in  the  last  century, 
and  also  (in  an  incorrect  form)  on  one  more 
recently  discovered  at  Autun,  is  thought  to  in- 
dicate that  the  vase  had  been  used  to  hold  holy 
water.  There  is  in  the  church  of  SS.  Mark  and 
Andrew,  in  the  island  of  Murano,  a  well-pro- 
portioned urn  of  Parian  marble,  brought  by  the 
Venetians  from  Greece,  which  bears  the  inscrip- 
tion —  ANTAHZATAIM  YAnP  JVIETA 
EY0POZYNHZ  :OTI  *ONH  KY  EHI 
TQN  YAATQN  (Isaiah  xii.  3;  Ps.  xxviii. 
[xxix.]  3).  This  is  also  thought  to  have  been  a 
holy  water  vessel  (Paciandi  dc  Bjlncis,  p.  141  ; 
figured  in  Martigny,  p.  263,  2nd  ed.).  Goi'i 
(Thes.  Diptych,  iii.  suppl.  pi.  xxv.)  has  figured 
an  ivory  vessel,  bearing  in  relief  the  holy  family 
and  the  four  evangelists,  which  is  believed  to 
have  been  a  portable  holy  water  vessel.  But 
perhaps  the  most  curious  of  all  the  vessels  of 
this  kind  which  have  been  discovered  is  a  leaden 
vcssrl.  from  the  district  of  Tunis,  bearing  the 
ins,ripti(.n  —  ANTAHCATE  YACOP  MET 
EYOPOCYNHC.  Within  a  border  formed 
partly  by  the  inscription  itself,  partly  by 
branches  of  the  vine,  are  two  rows  of  figures: 
The  upper  row  displays  the  Good  Shepherd 
between  a  palm  and  a  gladiator,  who  takes  the 
wreath  of  victory  from  a  cippus  or  low  pillar  ; 
and  a  praying  figure  between  a  palm  and  a 
winged  Victory.  The  lower  row  shews,  twice 
over,  the  cross  placed  on  a  rock,  whence  issue 
the  four  rivers,  at  which  a  sheep  and  a  stag — 
the  Jewish  and  the  Gentile  Church — quench 
their  thirst.  This  vessel  is  figured  in  De  Rossi's 
Bulletino,  1867,  p.  80,  and  in  Martigny,  p.  264. 
Compare  CoLYMBiON,  FOUNTAINS,  Nysiphaeum, 
Phiala  (Martigny,  Diet,  des  Antiq.  Chre't.  s.  v. 
Eau  Benite).  [C] 

WEDDING.     [Marriage.] 

WEEK  (in  New  Testament,  ad^fiara  and 
ad^fiuTov,  in  the  phrase  fxia,  or  irpcirij,  trajS- 
fidrwu  or  aa^^drov,  Sevrepa  <r.  k.  t.  A. ;  1/8- 
5o/uas,  hcbdomas  and  hebdomada ;  septimana,  first 
so  used  in  Cod.  Theodos.  xv.  5,  5;  laterculus 
septem  dierum,  TertuU.  ad  Nat.  i.  13).  For  the 
measui'ement  and  notation  of  time,  the  Christian 
communities,  as  they  formed  themselves  in  the 
various  provinces  of  the  Roman  empire,  had,  in 
the  existing  local  or  national  method  of 
"  dating,"  all  that  was  needed  for  ordinary 
secular  purposes.  They  had  but  to  retain  the 
received  calendar  names  of  day  and  month,  and 
the  current  notation  of  the  year  expressed  in 
terms  of  an  "  era,"  or  by  name  of  consuls,  and 
the  like.  The  requirements  of  Christian  worshij) 
brought  with  them  certain  modifications  of  the 


WEEK 

accustomed  method  and  nomenclature.  In  every 
<;ity  of  the  Roman  empire  which  had  a  syna- 
gogue, Jews,  with  proselytes,  formed  the  nucleus 
round  which  the  church  grew ;  and  from  these 
the  Gentile  believers  accepted  the  Jewish  week. 
Already  the  seven-day  week  was  widely  known 
by  Greeks  and  Romans,  but,  for  the  most  part, 
as  a  measure  of  time  used  by  astrologers  (Chal- 
dean and  Egyptian).  The  Sabbath,  as  a  Jevkfish 
institution,  was  but  one  of  many  superstitions 
imported  into  Rome  from  the  East.  Christian, 
Jew,  and  Gentile  alike,  whether  or  not  they 
continued  to  attach  any  special  sanctity  to  the 
Sabbath,  appear,  from  the  first,  to  have  cele- 
brated the  first  day  of  the  week  in  memory  of 
the  Lord's  resurrection.     [Lord's  Day.] 

Names  of  the  Days  of  the  Week. — The  names 
derived  from  Jewish  usage,  fi'ia  (or  Trpcirrj), 
(Tafi^aruiv  (or  ffafi^arov),  Sevrepa,  k.  t.  \.,  occur 
in  the  New  Testament;  occasionally  in  subsequent 
times,  e.g.  Tertull.  has  "  quarta  et  sexta  sabbati  " 
{do  Jejun.  14,  and  St.  Epiphan.  Ifaer.  Ixx.  12). 
But  the  first  day  is  almost  constantly  {rifiepa) 
KvpiaKj]  or  Kvpiov,  dies  dominicus  or  dominica  ; 
{^Dominicum  does  not  necessarily  mean  "the  Lord's 
day "  in  Acta  Martyr.  S.  Saturnini,  Ruinart,  9, 
10  :  "  non  potest  intermitti  dominicum."  Comp. 
Tertull.  de  Fuga  in  Persecutione,  c.  14 :  "  quomodo 
dominica  soUemnia  celebravimus  ?  ")  i]  rov  Kvpiov 
avaffraaifi-os  (^Const.  Apost.  c.  ii.  59) ;  "  dies 
dominicae  resurrectionis  "  (Tertull.  de  Orat.  23). 
The  numerical  designation,  oyZ6-r],  eighth  day, 
occurs  only  in  mystical  expositions,  as  St.  Barn. 
Ep.  15 ;  St.  Iren.  de  Ogdoad.  fragm. ;  St.  Hilar. 
Praef.  in  Explan.  Psalm,  t.  i.  7  ;  St.  Augustine, 
Ep.  119  ad  Januar.  10-16. 

By  the  close  of  the  2nd  century,  we  find  the 
Wednesday  and  Friday  distinguished  as  fast-days 
(or  semijejimia)  under  the  name  dies  Stationum, 
ffTacrets.  The  Greek  names  for  these  days  are 
T6Tpas  and  irapaffKivi]  ;  for  the  latter  Epiphan. 
Expos,  fid.  §  22,  has  izpotra^^aTOv,  as  St.  Mark 
XV.  42,  irapaffKevT)  '6  iari  Tcpoadfi^aTov ;  a  law 
of  Constantine  (Euseb.,  Vit.  Const,  iv.  18)  terms 
the  parasceve  irph  ffa^fiaTov  ;  the  Latin, 
quarta,  sexta  sabbati  (Tertull.  u.  s.) ;  more  com- 
monly feria  quarta  and  parasceve.  Comp.  Petri 
Alex.  fr.  de  Paschate,  in  Routh,  Hell.  Sac.  iii.  343  ; 
Constit.  Apost.  vii.  23.  The  Greek  names  most 
in  use  for  the  days  of  the  week  are  KvpiaKrj, 
SeuTfpa,  rpiTTi,  rerpas,  Trefiirrr],  irapaffKivr], 
(Ta^fiaTov  ;  the  Latin,  dies  dominicus,  feria 
secunda,  f.  tertia,  f.  quarta,  f.  quinia,  parasceve, 
sabbatum.  This  ecclesiastical  use  of  the  term 
feria  is  variously  explained.  [Feria.]  The 
present  writer  conjectures  that  feria  secunda, 
tertia,  &c.,  came  into  use  as  Christianized 
equivalents  for  the  secunda  sabbati,  &c.,  objected 
to  as  Jewish.  Comp.  Rosch  in  Herzog,  £.  E. 
Zeitrechnung,  t.  xviii.  473). 

The  planetary  names  for  each  day  of  the 
week  came  to  the  Romans  (probably  before 
the  Christian  era)  from  Alexandria,  as  a  purely 
astrological,  not  a  religious  institute.  The  true 
explanation  of  these  names  is  undoubtedly  this 
— the  second  of  the  two  given  by  Dion  Cassius, 
xxxvii.  18,"  the  locus  classicus  on  this  subject  (see 


WEEK 


2031 


»  Ideler(fl36.  der  Chron.i.  179),  on  the  warrant  of  this 
passage,  held  that  the  seven-day  week,  in  connexion 
with  the  seven  planets,  was  early  known  in  Egypt.  But 
no  trace  of  such  a  week,  civil,  religious  or  astrological, 


Ideler,  Ildb.  der  Chron.  u.  s.,  and  ii.  177  ;  Lobeck, 
Aglaophamus,  p.  142,  and  J.  C.  Hare,  0?i  the 
Names  of  the  Days  of  the  Wee/:,  in  the  Cambridge 
Philological  Museum,  vol.  i.),  viz.  that  each  of  the 
twenty-four  hours  of  each  day,  beginning  at  sun- 
rise, was  assigned  to  one  of  the  seven  "  planets," 
taken  in  the  then-received  order,  Saturn,  Jupiter, 
Mars,  Sun,  Mercury,  Venus,  Moon,  continued, 
without  interruption,  from  day  to  day.  Thus, 
the  first  hour  at  starting  of  the  cycle  being 
that  of  Saturn,  that  planet  is  "  regent  "  of  the 
whole  day,  the  eighth,  fifteenth,  twenty-second 
hours  being  also  his;  the  twenty-third  has 
Jupiter  ;  twenty-fourth.  Mars  ;  and  the  twenty- 
fifth,  or  first  of  the  following  day,  comes  to  sun, 
who,  therefore,  as  "  regent,"  gives  his  name  to 
the  day.  Thus  the  twenty-second  hour  being 
the  sun's,  the  twenty-third  and  twenty-fourth 
fall  to  Mercury  and  Venus,  and  the  first  hour  of 
the  following  day  to  Moon,  whence  dies  Lunae  ; 
and  so  on  to  the  seventh  :  first  hour,  Venus.  In 
this  astrological  scheme,  the  first  day  of  the 
week  is  Saturday.  Dion  Cass.  (m.  s.),  who  says 
that  the  practice  of  naming  days  after  the 
seven  planets,  though  in  his  time  universally 
known,  "  had  come  in,  so  to  say,  but  recently," 
must  be  understood  to  speak  of  its  general  diffu- 
sion. It  was  certainly  known  long  before  his 
time.  "  Pompey,"  he  says,  "  throughout  the 
siege  of  Jerusalem  (B.C.  63)  availed  himself  for 
his  great  operations,  of  the  well-known  0^710  of 
the  Jews  on  the  seventh  day,  and  so  took  the 
city  by  the  final  assault '  on  the  day  of  Saturn.' " 
And  by  the  same  name  he  subsequently  calls  the 
day  of  the  taking  of  Jerusalem  by  Herod  and 
Sosius  (B.C.  37),  in  both  statements  clearly  iden- 
tifying Saturn's  day  with  the  Jewish  seventh  day 
(Browne's  Ordo  Saeclorum,  §  207  sq.).  The  name, 
"  day  of  Saturn,"  may  have  been  Dion's  own  sub- 
stitute for  a  "sabbath"  or  "seventh  day"  in  the 
contemporary  records  relating  to  Pompey  and 
Sosius.  But  early  in  our  era,  Tibullus  (i.  3,  17) 
clearly  identifies  Saturday  with  the  supposed  in- 
auspicious Jewish  sabbath — "Aut  ego  sum  cau- 
satus  aves  aut  omina  dira,  Saturni  aut  sacram  me 
tenuisse  diem  "  (comp.  Ovid,  Ars  Amat.  i.  45 : 
"  rebus  minus  apta  gerendis  Culta  Palaestino  sep- 
tima  festa  Syro  ").  Tacitus  (ffist.  v.  4)  says  that 
some  imagined  the  Jews'  sabbatical  rest  to  have 
been  in  honour  of  Saturn ;  Frontinus,  in  the 
reign  of  Nerva  (Strateg.  ii.  1,  17),  that  Vespasian 
reserved  his  chief  assaults  upon  the  Jews  for  the 
"  day  of  Saturn,"  on  which  it  was  unlawful  for 
them  to  do  any  work.  Between  this  and  the 
time  of  Dion  Cassius,  we  have  Christian  testi- 
monies to  the  application  of  the  planetary  names 
to  the  days  of  the  Jewish  week  in  Justin  Martyr, 
Tertullian,  and  his  contemporary  Clement  of 
Alexandria.  Plutarch's  Qu.  Sympos.  iv.  qu.  7,  is 
unfortunately  lost :  according  to  the  heading,  its 
subject  was  the  order  of  the  planetary  days, 
doubtless  arising  out  of  the  two  preceding  ques- 
tions, which  relate  to  the  Jewish  sabbath.  That 
the  planetary  week  was  known,  at  least  to  artists, 
early  in  our  era,  is  further  proved  by  monuments. 
In  the  Pittore  di  Ercidano,  iii.  pi.  50,  is  a  series 
of  seven  heads  of  planetary  deities  —  Saturn, 
Apollo  =  Sol,   Diana  =  Luna,  Mars,    Mercurius, 

has  been  found  on  Egyptian  monuments  ;  the  Egyptian 
week  from  the  earliest  times  was  the  decade.  Lepsius, 
Clironologie  der  Aegypter,  p.  131  fif. 


2032 


WEEK 


Jupiter,  Venus,  i.e.  in  the  order  of  the  week- 
days ;  also  an  ancient  bronze  represents  the  same 
seven  deities,  likewise  beginning  with  Saturn 
(Montfaucon,  Antiq.  Expl.  Suppl.  i.  pi.  17,  p.  37  ; 
J.  C.  Hare,  u.  s.  p.  31). 

Early  Christian  writers  use  the  planetary 
names,  for  the  most  part,  only  in  their  apologies 
and  other  addresses  to  the  heathen.  Thus 
Justin  Martyr,  n.  s.  names  the  KpoviK-f)  and  t]  tjK'iov 
Saturday  and  Sunday ;  and  TertuU.  Apologct. 
c.  16,  '' Aeque  si  diem  salts  laetitiae  indulgemus 
alia  longe  ratione  quern  de  religione  solis, 
secundo  loco  ab  eis  sumus  qui  clieni  Saturni  otio 
et  victui  decernunt,  exorbitantes  et  ipsi  a  Judaico 
more,  quem  ignorant ;"  the  same  matter  is  more 
fully  e.vpressed  in  ad  Nutmies,  i.  13.  In  the 
Codex  also  solis  dies  often  occurs,  but  with 
expressions  of  honour  attached ;  thus,  in  a  law 
of  Constaiitine  (^Cod.  Just.  iii.  12,  de  feriis,  1.  3, 
A.D.  321),  "  Omnes  judices  urbanaeque  plebes 
ct  cunctarum  artium  officia  venerabili  die  solis 
([uiescant ;"  so  Cod.  T/ieod.  ii.  8,  de  feriis  1.  1  (same 
year),  "  diem  solis  veneratione  sui  celebrem  ;" 
and  ihid.  viii.  8,  1.  3  (a.d.  386),  "Solis  die  quem 
(luminicum  rite  dixere  majores."  In  addresses  to 
Christians,  when  the  planetary  name,  Sunday, 
is  used,  it  is  usually  with  a  mystical  or  alle- 
gorical reference  to  the  creation  of  light  on  the 
first  day  (alluded  to  in  the  passages  of  Barnabas 
and  Ignatius,  and  clearly  expressed  in  that  of 
.lustin  Martyr,  given  above.  Compare  Leo  the 
(ireat,  Ep.  Jkcrct.  81,  c.  1),  or  to  Christ  as  the 
Sun  of  Righteousness.  So  St.  Ambrose,  Serm.  62  : 
"  Dominica  nobis  venerabilis  est  atque  sollemnis, 
quod  in  ea  Salvator  velut  sol  oriens  discussis 
inferorum  tenebris  luce  resurrectionis  emicuit : 
ac  propterea  ipsa  dies  ab  hominibus  saeculi 
Dies  Solis  vocatur,  quod  ortus  earn  Sol  Justitiae 
Christus  illuminat."  Gregory  of  Tours  (^I/ist. 
iii.  15),  "  Ecce  adest  dies  solis:  sic  enim  barbaris 
diem  dominicum  vocitare  consuetudo  est."  Cle- 
ment of  Alexandria  (Strom,  vii.  12,  §  75)  finds 
a  mystery  also  in  the  planetary  names  of  the 
stationes:  "The  true  Gnostic  knows  the  aenig- 
mata  of  the  tetras  and  parascevc,  our  fasting 
days :  to  wit,  that  these  being  the  days  of  Hermes 
and  Aphrodite,  he  shall  fast,  his  life  long,  for 
covetousness  and  carnal  lust."  The  planetary 
names  occur  in  some  Christian  calendars,  and  all 
through  the  Fasti  Consularcs  Anonymi,  from 
A.  u.  C.  246  to  1107,  in  which  to  the  consuls  of 
each  year  is  appended,  together  with  the  moon's 
age,  the  week-day  of  1st  January:  e.g.  V.  C. 
1107  [=  A.D.  354],  "  Constautio  "VII.  et  Con- 
stantioII./S'ai.  xxi.;"  meaning  that  the  1st  January 
of  that  year  was  Saturday  (Xorisii  Opjp.  xi. 
595  sqq.).  And  even  in  Christian  epitaphs,  as  in 
the  following  (ap.  Noris.  I.  c.  686),  of  a.d.  457, 
in  which  Paschasius  is  said  to  have  been  born, 
"  Dies  paschales  prid.  Non.  April,  die  Jobis,"  i.e. 
"iu  the  paschal  days,  on  4th  April,  Jupiter's 
day."  By  the  generality  of  Christians,  however, 
the  use  of  these  heathen  names  was  avoided. 
Indeed  Philastrius  (or  Philaster),  contemporary 
and  friend  of  St.  Ambrose,  cir.  A.D.  380,  in  his 
work  De  Haercsibus,  condemns  the  use  of  the 
planetary  names  as  heretical.  Isidore  of  Seville, 
A.D.  595  (Etym.  v.  30),  having  explained,  for 
the  benefit  of  the  unlearned,  that  "  the  first 
day  of  the  week,  the  una  sabbati  of  the  Hebrews, 
is  with  us  dies  Dominicus,  which  day  the  Gen- 
tiles have  dedicated  to  the  Sun ;  the  2da  sabbati 


WEEK 

our  2da  feria,  by  them  of  the  world  is  called 
dies  Lunae,"  etc.  goes  on  to  say,  that  one  does 
best  to  comply  with  the  ritus  ecclesiasticus  by 
which  the  days  are  called  feriae ;  and  that  if  one 
of  the  heathen  names  should  chance  to  escape  one's 
lips,  it  should  be  considered  that  those  whose 
names  the  pagans  have  given  to  the  week-days 
were  human  beings  who,  as  benefactors  of  man- 
kind, received  divine  honours  and  were  translated 
into  the  heavens,  so  that  it  is  no  sin  if  their 
names  do,  now  and  then,  happen  to  be  used  by 
us.  Comp.  Bedae  de  I'emporum  Hatione,  c.  6. 
[H.  B.] 

When  the  Latin  came  to  mingle  with  the 
Teutonic  races,  the  Latins  roughly  translated 
the  names  of  the  Teutonic  gods  by  names  of 
deities  with  which  they  were  familiar  (Tacitus, 
Germ.  9  ;  Atm.  xiii.  57  ;  Hist.  iv.  64),  and  con- 
versely the  northern  tribes  found  (as  they 
thought)  Teutonic  equivalents  for  the  names  in 
the  Roman  Pantheon  (Grimm,  Deutsche  Mytho- 
logie,  p.  108  ff.  2ud  ed.).  Hence  the  days  of  the 
week  received  names  which  were  thought  equi- 
valent to  their  classical  planetary  denominations. 
This  fact  renders  it  highly  probable  that  the 
week  was  adopted  by  the  northern  tribes  in  pre- 
Christian  times ;  for  if  it  had  been  received  from 
Christian  missionaries,  they  would  scarcely  have 
adopted  a  nomenclature  which  tended  to  per- 
petuate the  names  of  the  very  deities  whose 
worship  they  sought  to  abolish.  Both  William 
of  Malmesbury  {Gesta  Reg.  p.  9,  ed.  Savile,  1601) 
and  Matthew  of  Westminster  (Florcs,  p.  82) 
make  Hengist  say  to  Vortigern,  that  the  Saxons 
gave  the  name  of  Woden  (as  equivalent  to  Mer- 
cury) to  the  fourth  day  of  the  week,  and  of 
Freya  (as  equivalent  to  Venus)  to  the  sixth. 
Further,  the  name  of  Tins  or  Zio  (etymologically 
connected  with  Sanscrit  Diaus  and  Greek  Zeis) 
was  given,  as  equivalent  to  Mars,  to  the  third 
day ;  and  of  Thor  or  Donar,  as  equivalent  to 
Jupiter,  to  the  fifth.  Saetere  or  Safer  (found 
in  Saxon  Saeteresdag,  Frisinn  Saterdei,  etc.)  seems 
to  be  no  more  than  the  Teutonic  way  of  writing 
the  Latin  Satunnis.  Sol  and  Luna  were  simply 
translated  into  Sun  and  Moon.  Hence  arose  the 
Teutonic  and  Scandinavian  names  of  the  days 
of  the  week,  which  are  still  preserved  complete 
in  English,  Danish,  and  Swedish.  In  modern 
German  Samstag  (  =  Sabbatstag)  has  displaced 
Saturday,  and  Mittwoch  Wednesday.  In  the 
Romance  languages,  the  first  day  of  the  week  has 
a  name  derived  from  Dies  Dominica  (Ital.  Domi- 
nica, Span.  Domingo,  Fr.  Dimanclie),  and  the 
seventh  day  one  derived  from  Sabbatum  (Ital. 
Sabbato,  Span.  Sabado,  Ft.  Samedi  =  Sabbati  Dies). 
The  Slavs,  Lithuanians,  and  Finns  do  not  appear 
to  have  adopted  the  planetary  names ;  they 
simply  number  the  days,  making  Monday  the 
first  day,  and  consequently  Sunday  the  seventh. 
(See  further  in  Grimm,  D.  M.  p.  Ill  ff.).     [C] 

The  Sunday  Letters. — From  the  earliest  times 
after  the  introduction  of  the  Julian  calendar,  we 
find  the  first  eight  letters  of  the  alphabet  A — H 
ranged  in  unbroken  succession  against  the  days  of 
the  months,  from  1st  Jan.  to  31st  Dec.  (monu- 
mental calendars  collected  by  Gruter,  and  by 
Foggini,  are  enumerated  by  Ideler,  Handbuch,  ii. 
135).  These  letters  marked  the  7iundines ;  viz. 
on  whatever  day  of  January  the  first  nundines 
fell,  the  letter  of  that  day  marked  the  nundinal 
days  throughout  the  year  (except  in  leap  year,. 


WHIPPING 

■when  after  24th  Feb.  the  letter  fell  back  one 
place,  e.g.  from  B  to  A).  Familiar  as  this  ar- 
rangement must  have  been  to  Christians  living 
in  or  near  Rome  (or  wherever  the  nundines  were 
in  use),  it  is  strange  that  they  did  not  earlier 
apply  the  like  arrangement  to  their  ecclesiastical 
calendars,  for  marking  the  Sundays  of  each  year. 
Yet  it  is  not  until  some  time  after  the  council  of 
Nice  that  the  Sunday  letters  are  first  met  with, 
viz.  in  the  calendar  of  the  reign  of  Constantius, 
edited  by  Lambecius  in  the  Bibliothec.  Vindobon. 
t.  iv.,  in  which,  side  by  side  with  the  old  eight 
nundinal,  are  ranged  the  seven  dominical  letters, 
"  qua  nulla  antiquior  dominicalium  characterum 
memoria  extat,"  says  cardinal  Nons  (de  Cyclo 
paschali  Rarcnnate,  0pp.  t.  ii.  col.  786).  See 
further,  Easter,  p.  593.  [H.  B.] 

WHIPPING.  (1)  For  the  use  of  the  lash  or 
of  rods  as  a  punishment,  whether  of  monks  or 
others,  see  CORPORAL  Punishment,  p.  469. 

(2)  Whipping  was  also  used  as  a  penitential 
discipline.  Thus  it  is  related  of  abbat  Pardulph 
(t737),  that  in  Lent  he  bared  his  whole  body, 
and  commanded  his  disciple  to  beat  him  with 
rods  (MabiUon,  Acta  SS.  Bened.  iii.  .537).  In 
the  Penitential  of  Cummean  (^Wasserschleben, 
Bussordnungen,  p.  463)  one  of  the  methods  of 
redeeming  a  year  of  penance  is  to  receive  three 
hundred  strokes  of  the  rod  on  the  bare  body. 
And  there  are  many  instances  of  the  use  of  the 
lasli  for  penitential  purposes  in  later  times. 

(3)  The  discipline  of  the  scourge  applied  by  a 
man  to  his  own  back  probably  does  not  fall 
within  our  period.  For  though  Gretser  {Dc 
Spontanea  DisciiMntrum  seu  Flagellorum  Cruce) 
claims  to  have  produced  proofs  of  the  existence 
of  this  practice  from  writers  as  early  as  the 
fourth  century,  his  proofs  are  either  from 
spurious  writings,  or  fail  to  prove  the  matter  in 
hand.  Some  of  them  relate  to  the  beating  of 
the  breast  [TuNSiO  Pectoris]  as  an  indication 
of  penitence,  which  is  a  very  difierent  thing 
from  whipping  (Zockler,  Geschichte  der  Askese, 
p.  38  ff.)  [C] 

WHITBY,  COUNCIL  OF  (Pharense  Con- 
cilium), A.D.  664,  when  the  conference  men- 
tioned by  Bede  between  Colman,  Agilbert, 
Wilfrid,  and  others  in  the  presence  of  king 
Oswv  respecting  Easter  took  place  (Mansi,  xi. 
67-7'2;  Wilkins  by  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  iii. 
100-106).  ■  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

WHITE  GAKMENTS.  The  white  robes,  or 
albs,  in  which  the  baptized  were  clothed  as  soon 
as  they  issued  from  the  baptismal  waters,  are 
frequently  alluded  to  by  ancient  writers.  See, 
for  instance,  the  poem  JDe  Hesurrectione  Domini 
attributed  to  Lactantius ;  Paulinus  of  Nola, 
Epid.  xii.  ad  Sever.  ;  Cyril  of  Jerusalem, 
Catech.  Mystag.  iv.  8 ;  Ambrose,  de  Mystcriis, 
c.  7  [Baptism,  p.  163].  The  conferring  of  the 
white  robe  was  accompanied,  according  to  the 
Gregorian  Ordo  Baptizandi  Inf.,  by  the  words  : 
"  Accipe  vestem  candidam  et  immaculatam, 
quam  perferas  sine  macula  ante  tribunal  Domini 
Nostri  Jesu  Christi." 

It  was  the  almost  universal  custom  of  the 
church  that  the  white  baptismal  robes  were 
worn    for    eight    days,    so  that  when   baptisms 


WIDOWS 


2033 


took  place  on  Easter-Eve  the  albs  were  taken  off 
on  the  first  Sunday  after  Easter,  the  Dominica 
in  alhis  depositis.  This  ceremony  appears  to 
have  taken  place  in  the  sacristy  or  vestry- 
attached  to  the  baptistery,  where  they  were 
washed  in  water  blessed  for  the  purpose. 
What  became  of  them  after  this  is  not  quite 
clear.  In  some  cases  they  seem  to  have  been 
preserved  in  the  church  or  by  the  sponsor;  for 
a  certain  deacon  Muritta  (Victor  Vitensis  de 
Persec.  Vandal,  v.  9),  produced  as  a  witness 
against  his  godchild  Elpidophorus,  who  had 
fallen  into  Arianism,  the  sabana  which  he  had 
received  at  baptism.  In  other  cases  the  bap- 
tized person  seems  to  have  retained  it,  for  we 
read  that  St.  Anthony  of  Egypt,  in  the  prospect 
of  martyrdom,  appeared  before  the  judge  in  his 
baptismal  alb  (Martigny,  Diet,  des  Antiq. 
Clire't.  s.  V.  Aube ;  Suicer's  Thesaurus,  s.  w. 
\aixirpo(pope(ii,  Aei/xefjuoi/e'co ;  Menard,  note  327 
on  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary,  p.  356).      [C] 

WHITSUNTIDE.    [Pentecost.] 

WIDOWS.  It  is  clear  that  the  care  of  the 
fatherless  and  the  widow  formed  in  early  times 
an  important  department  of  ecclesiastical  ad- 
ministration. Among  subapostolic  writings  the 
Shepherd  of  Hernias  is  conspicuous  for  the 
prominence  which  it  gives  to  the  subject,  re- 
peatedly enjoining  it  as  a  Christian  duty  (Mand. 
8,  10  ;  Sim.  1,  8  ;  5,  3),  and  contrasting  the 
"  pernicious  men  who,  abusing  their  ministry, 
plunder  widows  and  orphans"  with  the  good 
bishops  who  shelter  and  protect  them  (iSVm.  9, 
26,  2  ;  9,  27,  2).  Ignatius  makes  it  a  reproach 
against  certain  heretics  that  they  neglected 
widows  and  those  who  were  in  distress  (ad  Smyrn. 
c.  6),  and  urges  Polycarp  not  to  neglect  widows, 
but  to  make  them  his  especial  care  (ad  Polyc.  c. 
4).  Polycarp  himself  urges  the  presbyters  of 
Philippi  not  to  neglect  the  widow,  the  orphan, 
and  the  poor  (ad  Philipp.  c.  4) ;  and  using 
a  metaphor  which  was  not  unfrequently  re- 
peated, and  which  is  of  importance  in  relation  to 
his  conception  of  the  Christian  sacrifice,  he 
speaks  of  widows  as  being  "an  altar  of  sacri- 
fice "  (dv<na(TTT]piov,  ibid.).  In  the  older  dis- 
pensation the  offerings  which  were  presented 
to  God  were  offered  and  partly  consumed  upon 
the  great  altar  of  the  temple  court,  but  under 
the  new  dispensation  they  are  distributed  among 
widows  and  others  who  were  in  need  (so  Const. 
Apost.  2,  26  ;  4,  3  ;  Pseudo-Ignat.  ad  Tars.  c.  9 ; 
Tertull.  ad  Uxor.  1,  7).  Justin  Martyr  (^Apol. 
i.  67)  places  widows  and  orphans  first  on  the- 
list  of  those  to  whom  the  offerings  of  Christian 
assemblies  were  distributed  by  their  president. 
The  Clementines  (Epist.  Clement,  ad  Jacob,  c.  8 ; 
cf.  Const.  Apost.  4,  2)  make  it  a  primary  duty  of 
presbyters  to  stand  towards  orphans  in  the  place 
of  parents,  and  towards  widows  in  the  place  of 
husbands.  In  the  earlier  books  of  the  Apostolical 
Constitutions  the  references  are  frequent :  so 
great  was  the  care  which  was  taken  of  widows 
ai;d  so  liberal  were  the  offerings  which  they 
received,  that  some  of  them  shamelessly  abused 
their  privilege  and  made  their  widowhood  a 
profitable  trade  (epyaaia,  3,  7,  12,  13:  cf. 
Pseudo-Ignat.  ad  Philadelph.  c.  4). 

In  order  to  entitle  anyone  to  receive  relief, 
widowhood    seems   to   have    been    of   itself    a 


J034 


WIDOWS 


sufficient  qualification.  The  number  of  widows 
thus  relieved  was  large.  Cornelius  of  Rome,  in 
the  middle  of  tlie  ord  century,  says  that  at  Rome 
the  widows  and  others  who  were  in  distress 
amounted  to  fifteen  hundred  (Kpist.  Cornel,  ap. 
Euseb.  //.  £.  6,  43)  ;  and  Chrysostom  reckons 
the  number  of  widows  and  virgins  who  were 
supported  by  the  comparatively  poor  church  of 
Aniioch  at  three  thousand  (S.  Ohrysost.  ITom. 
in  Matt.  66  (67),  c.  3,  ap.  Migne,  P.  G.  vol.  Ivii. 
630). 

Of  the  widows  who  were  thus  the  objects  of 
care  to  the  church  officers,  some  were  formally 
enrolled  on  the  KUTaKoyos,  or  list  of  church 
members,  as  a  distinct  class  or  "ordo":  (the 
Clementines,  Eecoijn.  6,  15,  Horn.  11,  35,  at- 
tribute the  formation  of  this  "ordo"  to  St. 
Peter).  But  even  at  the  time  at  which  the 
Pastoral  Epistles  were  written  it  is  clear  that 
restrictions  were  placed  upon  admission  to  that 
class.  It  is  laid  down  in  1  Tim.  v.  9,  10  that 
a  widow  is  not  to  be  entered  on  the  church-roll 
(^KaraKfytaBu)  "  under  three-score  years  old, 
having  been  the  wife  of  one  man,  well  reported 
of  for  good  works,  if  she  have  brought  up 
children,  if  she  have  lodged  strangers,  if  she 
have  washed  the  saints'  feet,  if  she  have  re- 
lieved the  afflicted,  if  she  have  diligently 
followed  every  good  work."  These  restrictions 
seem  to  have  been  consistently  maintained  in 
the  early  church.  They  are  elaborately  re- 
peated in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions,  3,  1,  5; 
Origen  (m  Joann.  tom.  32,  c.  7,  vol.  iv.  p.  422, 
ed.  Delarue)  shews  that  stress  was  laid  upon 
every  part  of  them  by  arguing  against  too 
literal  an  interpretation  of  the  clause  "  if  she 
have  washed  the  saints'  feet,"  the  omission  of 
which,  he  says,  must  not  be  taken  to  exclude  a 
widow  who,  in  her  time  of  prosperity,  shewed 
hospitality  to  the  brethren  in  other  ways; 
Tertullian  (de  veland.  Virg.  c.  9)  shews  that  the 
restrictions  of  age  and  monogamy  were  main- 
tained in  Africa ;  and  Ambrose  implies  that  they 
existed  in  his  time  in  Italy  (Exhort.  Vinjin.  c. 
4,  23,  vol.  ii.  p.  284,  where  Juliana  of  Bologna 
speaks  of  herself  as  being  "adhuc  immaturara 
viduitatis  stipendiis,"  i.e.  not  yet  sixty  years 
old  ;  so  de  Viduis,  c.  2,  9,  vol.  ii.  p.  188).  There 
was  sometimes  the  further  restriction  that  a 
widow  must  not  have  children  or  gi-andchildren 
capable  of  supporting  her  (Ambrosiast.  in  Epist. 
I.  ad  Timoth.  c.  3,  in  the  Append,  ad  op.  S. 
Amhros.  p. ,  295) ;  but  in  later  times  the  re- 
striction as  to  age  was  sometimes  waived  (Statt. 
Eccles.  Antiq.  c.  101 ,  "  viduae  adolescentes  quae 
corpore  debiles  sunt  sumptu  ecclesiae  cujus 
viduae  sunt  sustententur  "). 

The  possession  of  the  qualifications  which  are 
mentioned  in  the  Pastoral  Epistles  did  not,  ipso 
facto,  entitle  a  widow  to  a  place  on  the  church- 
roll.  She  had  to  be  definitely  appointed 
(^KaOicrTOLveadai,  Const.  Apost.  3, 1,  Ajot.  KAt^^u.  21 ; 
KaTardaaeffdat,  Const.  Apost.  8,  25  ;  both  which 
words  were  in  ordinary  use  for  the  ordination  or 
appointment  of  clerks;  see  Ordination).  It  does 
not  appear  by  whom  the  appointment  was  made. 
Chrysostom  (de  Sacerdot.  3,  16)  counts  the 
selection  of  fit  persons  among  the  burdens  of 
the  episcopal  office  ;  but  there  is  no  evidence 
that  the  right  of  appointment  was  confined  to 
bishops.  • 

The  "  order  of  widows  "  ("  ordo  viduarum," 


WIDOWS 

Clement.  Eecognit.  6,  15,  rb  rdyfia  tUv  xvp^t'i 
Pseudo-Ignat.  ad  Philipp.  e.  15  ;  rh  x'7P"f'i«'> 
Clement.  Homil.  11,  35;  Const.  Apost.  3,  1;  8, 
25)  which  "was  thus  formed  was  evidently  a 
small  class  in  each  community.  One  of  the 
earliest  collections  of  ecclesiastical  regulations 
fixes  the  number  at  three  (AioTa7ol  K\7iixevTos, 
c.  21  (24),  ed.  Pitra,  Juris  Eccles.  Grace.  Monu- 
vwnta,  vol.  i.  p.  84 ;  Lagarde,  Juris  Eccles.  Reliquiae, 
p.  74 ;  Hilgenfeld,  Novum  Testamentum  extra 
canonem  receptum,  fasc.  4,  p.  101),  but  it  had 
ecclesiastical  rank  (4KK\T]cnaffTiKii  t»;u^,  Origen 
in  Joann.  tom.  32,  7,  vol.  iv.  p.  422,  ed.  Delarue), 
and  it  is  enumerated  as  co-ordinate  with,  and 
therefore  distinct  from,  both  clerks  and  laymen 
(^Const.  Apost.  2,  25;  3,  11,  15  ;  8,  10,  12,  29). 
Its  members  were  supported  out  of  the  church 
ofl'erings  until  about  the  time  of  the  council  of 
Nicaea,  when  Constantine  sent  a  rescript  to 
provincial  governors,  ordering  that  they  should 
for  the  future  receive  an  annual  provision  in 
common  with  the  church  virgins  "  et  aliis  qui 
divino  ministerio  erant  consecrati  "  (Incert.  Auct. 
de  Constant.  ap.Haenel,  Corpus  Legum  ab  /mperat. 
Romanis  ante  Justinianuin  latarum,  p.  196). 
Julian  abolished  this  provision  and  compelled 
those  who  had  received  it  to  refund  it  (Sozom. 
//.  E.  5,  5),  but  his  successor  restored  it ;  and 
Theodoret  speaks  of  it  as  existing  in  his  own 
day  (Theodoret,  H.  E.  1,  11). 

The  duties  of  the  widows  who  had  thus  a 
separate  place  upon  the  church  roll  were  of  two 
kinds.  For  some  of  them  the  model  was  the 
Anna  of  the  Gospel  "  which  departed  not  from 
the  temple,  but  served  God  with  fastings  and 
prayers  night  and  day  "  (St.  Luke  ii.  37,  referred 
to  specially  in  Const.  Apost.  3.  1  :  cf.  S.  Basil, 
Epist.  174  (283),  p.  261)  :  others  were  employed 
in  the  good  works  of  nursing  the  sick,  urging  the 
younger  women  to  live  chastely,  and,  without 
teaching  the  mysteries  of  the  kingdom  of  God, 
making  converts  of  heathen  women.  The  lead- 
ing early  rule  is  Aiot.  KKriix.  c.  18,  referred  to 
above,  "  Let  three  widows  be  appointed :  of 
whom  let  two  continue  in  prayer  for  all  who 
are  in  trouble  ....  and  let  one  attend  to  those 
who  are  being  tried  by  illnesses,  ministering  to 
them,  and  vigilant,  and  reporting  their  neces- 
sities to  the  presbyters."  This  rule  is  repeated 
in  the  Jacobite  canons  of  Gregory  Barhebraeus, 
cap.  7,  sect  7,  ap.  Mai  Script.  Vet.  Nov.  Coll.  vol.  x. 
pars  ii.  p.  50,  and  in  the  Coptic  Apostolical 
Constitutions,  ed.  Tattam,  p.  24.  A  more  pre- 
cise account  of  the  duties  of  a  widow,  especially 
in  regard  to  "  those  who  are  without,"  is  given 
in  Const.  Apost.  3,  5 :  cf.  Clem.  Alex.  Strom.  3, 
p.  536,  who  traces  back  this  part  of  the  ministry 
of  women  to  the  times  of  the  apostles.  Origen 
(in  Isaiam,  Horn.  6,  vol.  iii.  p.  117,  ed.  Delarue) 
speaks  of  their  duty  in  relation  to  younger 
women;  Tertullian  (de  Veland.  Virg.  c.  9)  im- 
plies the  existence  of  a  similar  duty,  in  giving 
as  the  reason  for  the  restriction  as  to  age  and 
having  borne  children,  "  ut  facile  norint  ceteras 
et  consilio  et  solatio  juvare."  The  leading 
Western  canon  in  Statt.  Eccles.  Antiq.  c.  103, 
"  viduae  quae  stipendiis  ecclesiae  sustentantur 
tam  assiduae  in  dei  opere  ^sse  debent  ut  et 
meritis  et  orationibus  suis  ecclesiam  adjuvent." 
(It  is  interesting  to  find  an  allusion  to  the  work 
of  widows  in  the  satirical  account  of  the  Chris- 
tians which  is  given  by  Lucian,  de  Morte  Fere- 


WIDOWS 

grini,  c.  12,  where  widows  and  orphans  are  repre- 
sented as  waiting  at  the  prison  of  Proteus). 

How  long  this  primitive  institution  continued 
is  not  clear  ;  the  obligation  of  the  church  to 
help  its  widows  of  course  continued,  and  a  long 
catena  of  passages  might  be  made  to  shew  how 
constantly  the  obligation  was  recognised  and 
inculcated  ;  but  there  are  no  certain  traces  of 
the  recognition  of  the  primitive  class  of  poor 
widows  after  the  later  books  of  the  Apostolical 
Constitutions  in  the  East  and  the  Statuta  Ecdesiae 
Antiqua  in  the  West.  In  the  meantime  another 
"  ordo  viduarum  "  was  being  formed,  which  was 
not  limited  to  those  who  were  more  than  sixty 
years  of  age  or  who  were  in  need  of  support. 
This  second  order  of  widows,  which  long  sur- 
vived the  first,  and  which  (though  distinguished 
from  it  so  early  as  the  time  of  Chrysostom, 
Horn,  de  Vidiiis,  Op.  tom.  iii.  p.  323,  ed.  Migne) 
has  often  been  confounded  with  it,  arose  out  of 
the  strong  feeling  against  second  marriages 
which  manifested  itself  in  the  course  of  the 
second  century.  It  came  to  be  considered 
meritorious  for  a  woman  who  had  lost  her  hus- 
band, not  merely  to  abstain  from  a  second 
marriage,  but  to  take  a  vow  of  abstinence,  and 
to  indicate  her  vow  by  adopting  a  peculiar  dress 
("  vestis  fuscior,"  S.  Hieron.  Epist.  38  ad  Marcell. 
vol.  i.  p.  174).  This  ascetic  tendency  was  espe- 
cially strong  in  the  West,  and  the  great  Latin 
fathers  of  the  end  of  the  fourth  century  did 
their  best  to  encourage  it.  St.  Ambrose  wrote 
a  treatise  De  Viduis  (pp.  vol.  ii.  p.  184),  and 
elsewhere  speaks  of  the  "  grace  of  widowhood  " 
as  a  plant  of  specially  Christian  growth  (in 
Evang.  sec.  Luc.  lib.  3,  18,  p.  1320;  Hexaem.  5, 
19,  p.  105).  St.  Jerome's  circle  of  noble  ladies 
at  Rome  contained  several  who  had  taken  upon 
themselves  the  vows  of  widowhood,  and  his 
letters  contain  many  commendations  of  those  who 
had  done  so  (e.g.  Epist.  38  ad  Marcell.  p.  174 ; 
Epist.  108, «f?  Eustoch.  p.  690;  Epist.  123  ad 
Ageruck.  p.  900) ;  to  one  who  was  wavering  in 
her  purpose,  he  ends  a  long  letter  by  saying, 
"  Reflect  daily  that  you  will  one  day  die,  and 
you  will  never  think  of  a  second  marriage  " 
(Epist.  54  ad  Furiam,  p.  282).  St.  Augustine 
also  wrote  a  treatise  De  Bono  Viduitatis  (Migne, 
P.  L.  vol.  xli.) ;  in  it  he  does  not  agree  with  the 
Novatians  and  TertuUian  that  second  marriages 
are  always  to  be  condemned  (c.  4),  nor  even  with 
those  who  thought  that  the  second  marriage  of 
a  widow  who  had  taken  a  vow  of  continence  was 
adultery  (c.  10),  but  he  strongly  urges  that 
widows  should  take  such  a  vow,  and  that  having 
taken  it  they  should  persevere  (c.  19). 

The  result  of  this  incu'cation  of  the  virtue  of 
widowhood  was  that  a  large  number  of  widows 
took  the  vow.  But  some  of  those  who  did  so 
appear  to  have  been  influenced  only  by  a  desire 
to  gain  greater  freedom  and  to  have  a  decent 
cloke  for  lasciviousness.  The  civil  law,  which 
had  at  first  supported  the  ecclesiastical  tendency, 
was  compelled  to  check  it.  Majorian  enacted, 
after  reciting  the  abuse  of  the  vow  of  widow- 
hood, that  child kss  widows  under  forty  years  of 
age  must  either  marry  again  or  forfeit  half  their 
property  to  the  public  chest  (Novell.  Majorian, 
tit.  6,  1,  1,  ed.  Haenel,  p.  306).  The  church,  on 
the  other  hand,  continued  to  proclaim  the  merit 
of  perpetual  widowhood.  It  made  all  persons 
who  married  a  widow  ineligible  for  admission  to 

CHRIST.    ANT. — VOL.    II. 


WIDOWS 


2035 


holy  orders,  or,  if  already  in  orders,  ineligible 
for  promotion  [Orders,  Holt  ;  Qualifications 
for,  pp.  1485,  1492]  ;  and  if  the  widow  of  a  clerk 
married  again,  she  was  liable  to  perpetual  seclu- 
sion in  a  convent.  A  curious  instance  of  the 
latter  rule  is  afforded  by  Gregory  the  Great : 
the  widow  of  a  subdeacon  who,  after  her  hus- 
band's death,  had  married  again,  had  been 
visited  with  this  ordinary  punishment  of  seclu 
sion  ;  but  it  was  discovered  that  her  husband, 
before  his  death,  had  resigned  his  office  ;  where- 
upon Gregory  orders  the  widow  to  be  released 
^S.  Greg.  M.  E}yist.  4,  36,  ad  Leonem,  p.  716). 
It  is  probable  that  among  the  Teutonic  peoples 
the  ecclesiastical  tendency  was  fostered  by  the 
feeling  against  second  marriages  which  is  men- 
tioned by  Tacitus  (Germ.  c.  19),  and  which  is 
expressed  both  in  the  Teutonic  codes  and  in  the 
Merovingian  capitularies  (cf.  Walter,  Deutsche 
Rechtsgescldchte,  2'«  Ausg.  §  487). 

It  is  clear  that  for  several  centuries  widows 
who  took  the  vow  were  free  to  live,  as  they  had 
lived  before,  in  their  own  houses.  But  by  the 
eighth  century  a  feeling  had  grown  up,  especially 
in  Gaul  and  Spain,  that  the  only  safety  from 
temptation  lay  in  their  living,  as  virgins  under 
a  vow  usually  lived,  in  monasteries.  In  a.d.  748 
Pippin  and  the  Galilean  clergy  put  the  formal 
question  to  pope  Zachary  "  whether  widows  who 
lived  in  their  own  houses  could  save  their  souls," 
to  which  the  pope  gives  no  definite  answer,  but, 
following  the  decretal  of  Gelasius,  leaves  those 
who  break  their  vows  to  the  judgment  of  God 
(Zachar.  Pap.  Epist.  ad  Pippin,  ap.  Cenni  Codex 
Carolinus,vo\.  i.  p.  46,  and  Migne,  P.  L.vol.  xcviii. 
84).  In  the  following  century  the  Galilean 
church  abolished  the  option  which,  though  dis- 
couraged, had  still  continued  to  exist,  and 
enacted  that  professed  widows  should  no  longer 
be  allowed  to  live  in  private  houses  (6  Cone. 
Paris,  A.D.  829,  lib.  i.  c.  44).  In  this,  as  in 
some  other  respects,  pope  Nicholas  I.  disapproved 
of  the  Galilean  enactment,  and  refused  to  allow 
widows  to  be  forced  into  monasteries  (Nicol.  I. 
Eespons.  ad  Bulgar.  c.  87,  ap.  Mansi,  vol.  xv. 
p.  429).  But  ultimately  the  Galilean  rule  pre- 
vailed ;  the  taking  of  the  vows  of  widowhood 
implied  entrance  into  a  monastery ;  the  order  of 
widows  was  merged  in  that  of  nuns,  and,  as 
may  be  gathered  from  the  omission  of  the  rites 
of  benediction  of  widows  in  the  later  Sacra- 
mentaries,  at  length  disappeared  altogether. 

The  taking  of  the  vow  of  perpetual  widowhood 
was  accompanied  by  the  adoption  of  a  dress 
which  at  first  probably  differed  from  the 
ordinary  dress  only  in  its  material  and  its 
colour  (S.  Hieron.  E2yist.  38  ad  Marcell.  vol.  i.  p. 
174,  S.  August.  Epist.  cclxii.  9 ;  ap.  Migne,  P.  L. 
vol.  xxxiii.  1081).  The  assumption  of  this 
dress  was  probably  at  first  the  private  act  of 
the  widow  herself,  unattended  by  any  ceremony  ; 
but  it  soon  became  usual  to  give  greater 
emphasis  to  the  vow  of  which  it  was  the  token 
by  making  it  in  the  presence  of  a  bishop.  Even 
this  was  in  the  first  instance  a  private  and  not 
a  public  ceremony ;  for  the  first  council  of 
Orange,  A.D.  441,  c.  27,  speaks  only  of"  viduitatis 
servandae  professionem  coram  episcopo  in  secre- 
tario  habitam  imposita  ab  episcopo  veste  viduali 
indicandam." 

But    ultimately,  in   the    West,    the   act    was 
attended  with  a  ceremonial  for  which   provision 
6  P 


2036 


WIDOWS 


is  made  in  most  early  ordinals.  This  was 
especially  the  case  after  the  identification  or 
confusion  of  the  order  of  widows  with  the  order 
of  deaconesses.  In  early  times,  and  probably 
always  in  the  East,  the  two  orders  had  un- 
questionably been  distinct.  (1)  Their  functions 
wei-e  distinct,  widows  being  employed  in  prayer 
and  in  tending  the  sick,  whereas  deaconesses 
had  the  special  duties  of  assisting  at  the  baptism 
of  women,  and  of  guarding  the  church  doors. 
(S.  Epiphan.  Expos.  Fid.  c.  21,  p.  1104,  Pseudo- 
Ignat.  ad  Antioch.  c.  12,  Constlt.  Apost.  3.  15). 
(2)  The  mode  of  appointment  was  different, 
deaconesses  having  imposition  of  hands,  which 
widows  had  not  (Const.  Apost.  8.  18,  29).  (3) 
The  Apostolical  Constitutions  state  it  as  a  mark 
of  a  good  widow,  that  she  subordinates  herself 
to  the  deaconesses  as  well  as  to  the  presbyters 
and  deacons  (Const.  Apost.  3.  7.),  (4)  A  deaconess 
might  be  a  virgin  (^Const.  Apost.  4.  17,  Sozom. 
H.E.  8.  23).  But  it  is  clear  from  the  enact- 
ments of  the  council  of  Epaon,  a.d.  517,  c.  21, 
and  the  second  council  of  Tours,  c.  21,  fifty 
years  later,  that  in  the  Frankish  and  Burgundian 
kingdoms  the  distinction  had  come  to  be  dis- 
regarded. It  may  also  be  noted  that  the 
Statuta  Ecclesiae  Antiqua,  c.  12,  give  to  widows 
the  same  functions  in  the  baptism  of  women 
which  in  the  East  were  assigned  to  deaconesses. 
It  was  a  natural  result  that  many  parts  of  the 
rite  of  ordination  were  common  to  widows  and 
deaconesses.  The  earliest  ritual  is  that  of  the 
Missale  Francorum  (Muratori  Liturgia  Bom. 
Vet.  vol.  iii.  p.  463),  which  consists  of  two 
parts,  (1)  the  benediction  of  the  widow's  clothes, 
(2)  the  benediction  of  the  widow  herself.  For 
the  first  part  two  prayers  are  given,  which  are 
found  also  in  Egbert's  Pontifical  (ed.  Surtees 
Society,  p.  110);  where  two  other  prayers, 
"  Deus  qui  vestimentum  salutare,"  ..."  Deus 
bonarum  virtutum  dator,"  ....  are  added, 
which  are  also  found  in  the  text  of  the  Gregorian 
Sacramentary  (as  given  by  Muratori,  vol.  ii.  p. 
785),  and  in  the  Codex  Maffeianus  {ibid.  vol. 
iii.  p.  103),  for  the  consecration  of  the  vestments 
of  either  a  widow  or  virgin.  The  second  part 
consists  of  three  prayers,  (a)  "  Consolare  Domine 
banc  famulam,"  ....  which  is  found  also  in 
Egbert's  Pontifical,  p.  110,  in  Hittorp's  Ordo 
Bomanus,  p.  149,  in  the  Gelasian  Sacramentary 
(Muratori,  vol.  ii.  p.  380),  and  in  the  Codex 
Maffeianus  (iUd.  vol.  iii.  p.  109) ;  (6)  "  Domine 
Deus  virtutum  coelestium,"  ....  which  is 
found  also  in  Hittorp's  Ordo  Bomanus ;  (c)  Deus 
qui  Annam  filiam  Fanuelis,"  ....  which  is 
partly  found  also  in  Egbert's  Pontifical  and  in 
the  Missale  Gallieanum  Vetus  (Muratori,  vol. 
iii.  p.  507);  and  which  in  Hittorp's  Qydo 
Bomanus,  p.  144,  forms  part  of  the  office  of  the 
consecration  of  a  deaconess.  Egbert's  Pontifical 
adds  another  prayer,  which  is  omitted  from  the 
other  ordinals  at  the  consecration  of  a  widow, 
but  occurs  in  Hittorp's  Ordo  Bomanus,  ibid,  in 
the  consecration  of  a  deaconess.  The  rites  of 
imposing  the  veil  and  of  placing  under  the 
bishop's  ban  all  who  disturb  the  peace  of  the 
widow  or  deaconess  are  identical  in  the  two 
cases  in  Hittorp's  Ordo,  pp.  144,  149 ;  in  each 
case,  it  is  the  deaconess  or  widow  herself  who 
places  the  veil  upon  her  head.  This  point  is 
of  some  importance,  as  interpreting  and  illus- 
trating the  Western  rule  that  no  bishop  should 


WIDOWS 

veil  a  widow ;  (Gelas.  Epist.  9  ad  Episc.  Lucan, 
c.  15,  Decretum  General,  ap.  Hinschius,  Decretales 
Pseudo-Isidorianae,  p.  652 ;  repeated  in  Cone. 
Rotom.  c.  9,  Karoli  JI.  Capit.  Aquisgran.  a.d. 
789,  c.  59.  The  rule  seems  sometimes  to  have 
been  interpreted  as  prohibiting  the  veiling  of 
widows  at  all  ;  its  meaning  appears  to  have 
been  that  only  bishops  could  veil  virgins,  and 
that  only  presbyters  could  veil  widows ;  so 
6  Cone.  Paris.  A.D.  829,  lib.  i.  c.  40). 

A  widow  who  after  thus  making  a  solemn 
profession  of  continence  broke  her  vow,  was 
liable  to  severe  ecclesiastical  censure.  Gelasius, 
Decretum  Generate,  c.  21,  lit  supra,  had  been 
content  to  leave  such  an  one  to  the  judgment  of 
God.  But  the  African,  Spanish,  and  Galilean 
councils  imposed  the  penalty  of  a  more  or 
less  lengthened  excommunication ;  Stat.  Eecles. 
Antiq.  c.  104,  3  Cone.  Tolct.  c.  10,  3  Aurel.  c. 
18,  4  Tolet.  c.  56,  5  Paris,  c.  15,  6  Tolet.  6. 
The  Eastern  rule  visited  udeaconess  who  married 
with  death  and  confiscation  {Nomocanon,  tit.  9, 
c.  29,  ed.  Pitra,  Jur.  Eccl.  Graec.  Mon.  vol.  ii. 
p.  564). 

It  is  probable  that  at  one  time,  in  the  East, 
the  senior  widows  had  as  such  a  distinct  I'ank 
and  distinct  functions.  As  women  had  their 
own  deaconesses,  so  also  they  seem  in  some  places 
to  have  had  their  own  presbyteresses.  The 
references  to  them  are  few  in  number.  The  most 
important  is  that  of  the  apocryphal  Acta  ct 
Martyrium  Matthaei,  c.  28  (according  to  the 
Paris  MS.  as  edited  by  Tischendorf,  Acta  Apo- 
stolorum  Apocrypha,  p.  187),  which  speaks  of  the 
apostle  as  having  ordained  the  wife  of  a  certain 
king  as  Trpeo-^SDrts,  and  his  son's  wife  as  deaconess. 
The  Council  of  Laodicea,  c.  11,  implies  their 
existence  in  its  prohibition  of  their  appointment 
for  the  future ;  but  this  prohibition  must  be 
held  to  refer  to  their  functions,  or  to  their  place 
in  church  (TrpoKadT]fj.evai),  and  not  to  their 
existence  as  a  class,  since  they  are  distinctly 
recognized  in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  as 
being  co-ordinate  with  widows  and  virgins  (2,  57), 
though  inferior  to  deaconesses  (2,  28),  and  also 
since  Epiphanius  {Expos.  Fid.  c.  4,  p.  1060), 
arguing  against  the  Collyridians,  states  that  the 
church  gave  the  title  irpea-fivTiSas  to  the  elder 
widows.  The  earlier  Western  collections  of  canons 
understand  the  Laodicean  canon  as  referring  to 
'  muliei'es  quae  apud  Graecos  presbyterae  appel- 
lantur,  apud  nos  autem  viduae  seniores,  conversae, 
et  matriculariae '  (Fulgent.  Ferrand.  Breviat. 
Canon.  221,  ap.  Migne  P.  L.  vol.  Ixvii.  960;  so 
Isidor.  Mercat.  ap.  Migne,  P.  L.  vol.  cx.xx.  287)  : 
and  a  canonist  of  the  10th  century,  whose  source 
of  information  seems  to  be  lost,  speaks  of  them 
as  having  the  power  '  praedicandi,  jubendi,  vel 
docendi '  (Atto  Vercellens.  Epist.  8,  ap.  D'Achery, 
Spicilegium,  vol.  i.  p.  438).  It  is  probable  that 
they  were  also  to  some  extent  recognized  in  the 
West :  for  although  in  many  places,  e.g.  in  St. 
Greg.  M.  Epist.  9,  7,  p.  931,  the  term  '  presby- 
terae '  may  be  only  used  of  the  wife  of  a  presbyter, 
on  the  other  hand  Mabillon's  Ordo  Bomanus, 
ix.  p.  91  and  Hittorp's  Ordo  Bomanus,  p.  88, 
make  a  distinct  provision  for  the  benediction 
' presbyterissarum  atque  diaconissarum.'  Un- 
fortunately, however,  these  references,  though 
clear  and  sufficient  to  establish  their  existence, 
stand  altogether  alone. 

It  may  be  added,  partly  in  explanation  of  the 


WIGS 

above  quotation  from  Ferrandus,  that  in  the 
East  as  well  as  in  the  West  the  term  '  widow ' 
was  applied  to  a  wife  who  lived  in  voluntary- 
separation  from  her  husband  :  the  most  pertinent 
instance  is  afforded  by  a  sepulchral  inscription  in 
Le  Bas  and  Waddington's  Inscriptions  Grecques 
et  Latines  d'Asie  Mineure,  No.  816,  found  at 
Cotiaeum  in  Phrygia,  ffaxppotxvvn  (rjiraffa  ip 
XVpoo-vvri  KareAitipe  (Tvvevvov  xaKeiriSveueei 
Teip6ixivou.  [E.   H.] 

"WIGS.  Boldetti  (Osservazioni,  p.  297)  relates 
that  in  a  tomb  of  the  cemetery  of  St.  Cyriaca, 
w^hich  was  without  inscription,  but  which  he 
supposes  to  be  the  tomb  of  a  martyr,  he  found  a 
wig  with  the  hair  arranged  in  plaits  and  still 
lying  on  the  head  of  the  corpse. 

The  use  and  abuse  of  false  hair  among  the  pagan 
nations  of  antiquity  is  well  known.  Juvenal  and 
Martial  direct  all  the  force  of  their  satire  against 
the  women  who  try  to  revive  their  youth  by 
this  means,  "  enclosing  their  heads  in  a  sort  of 
•case,"  like  a  sword  in  its  scabbard ;  against  the 
men  who  change  their  hair-dye  with  the  seasons 
of  the  year,  and  the  dotards  who  think  they  can 
outwit  Fate  by  a  blonde  wig.  Lampridius  gives 
an  absurd  sketch  of  the  wig  of  the  emperor 
Commodus,  sprinkled  with  glutinous  perfumes, 
and  then  powdered  with  gold  dust. 

Christians  were  not  always  free  from  the 
influence  of  the  prevailing  fashion  ;  and  it  was 
to  be  expected  that  converts  from  Paganism 
would  not  at  once  abandon  the  fashions  of  their 
former  life.  Long  and  flowing  locks  have  always 
been  objects  of  admiration,  at  all  events  on 
Avomen,  and  St.  Paul  expressly  sanctions  their 
use  (1  Cor.  xi.  15).  Hence,  perhaps,  the  desire 
among  Christians  to  supply  their  place  by 
artificial  means.  This  brought  down  the  censure 
of  the  fathers  of  the  church,  and  TertuUian 
signalizes  himself  by  an  attack  on  women  who 
"  gave  their  hair  no  peace."  He  speaks  in  an- 
other passage  (de  Cultu  Foemin.  7)  of  "the 
monstrosities  of  twined  and  stitched  hair,"  which 
were  in  vogue,  and  Jerome,  in  a  letter  to  Mar- 
cella  (xxiii.),  pointedly  alludes  to  the  rage  for 
wearing  wigs  among  women  "  who  with  false 
hair  make  an  edifice  of  their  heads."  In  the 
frescoes  and  sculptures  at  the  catacombs  are  to 
be  seen  representations  of  women  in  prayer,  or 
seated  at  banquets,  with  abundant  hair  very 
artificially  dressed.  This  marks  their  epoch, 
and  is  a  great  help  in  determining  the  date  of 
these  monuments.  [E.  C.  H.] 

WILFRID,  bishop  of  York,  commemorated 
on  Apr.  24  {Mart.  Metr.  Bed.).  [C.  H.] 

WILLEBRORD,  bishop  of  Utrecht,  com- 
memorated in  Frisia  Nov.  7  {Mart.  Usuard., 
Wand.,  Rom.).  [C.  H.] 

WILLS  {Tesfame?ita).  The  rules  of  eccle- 
siastical law  relating  to  testamentary  matters 
cannot  be  collected  in  any  systematic  ar- 
rangement, as  they  are  for  the  most  part  in  the 
form  of  exceptions  to  the  general  law.  The 
civil  law  upon  the  subject  has  been,  to  a  large 
extent,  incorporated  into  the  canon  law  of  the 
period  subsequent  to  the  limit  of  this  article  ; 
and  it  is  a  matter  of  some  difficulty  to  disen- 
tangle from  this  groat  mass   of  legislation  those 


WILLS 


2037 


enactments  which  properly  belong  to  the  ecclesi- 
astical law  of  the  first  eight  centuries. 

In  this  article  the  regulations  to  be  found  in 
the  different  codes  will  be  arranged  under  the 
following  heads : — 

L  Tlie  Capacity  to  bequeath  by  Trill. 
II.  The  Capacity  to  take  under  a  Will. 

III.  Tlie  Property  which  may  be  made  the  Subject  of  a 
Will. 

IV.  Miscellaneous  Provisions. 
V.  Succession  by  Intestacy. 

The  law  relating  to  the  testamentary  dis- 
position of  Apostates  will  be  found  in  the  article 
on  that  subject.  [Apostasy,  p.  104.]  See 
also  Propertt  of  the  Church  (p.  1730  ff.). 
Hospitals  (p.  788,  col.  1),  Bishop  (p.  238, 
col.  1),  and  Immunities  and  Privileges  of 
THE  Clergy  (p.  826,  col.  2). 

I.    Tlie  Capacity  to  bequeath  hj  Will. 

In  France. — By  the  second  canon  of  the  second 
council  of  Lyons  (a.d.  567),  bishops  and  other 
clergy  might  bequeath  property  to  the  church 
without  the  formalities  required  by  the  civil 
law.  This  law  was  repeated  in  the  tenth  canon 
of  the  fifth  council  of  Paris  (a.d.  615).  The  eighth 
canon  of  this  council  contained  the  provision, 
that  the  archbishop  or  archdeacon  should  not 
appropriate  to  themselves  or  their  church  any 
property  left  by  a  clerk  to  another  church. 

In  the  African  Church. — According  to  St.  Au- 
gustine the  right  of  giving  or  receiving  by  will 
was  taken  away  from  the  Donatists.  (Lib.  1, 
contr.  Ep.  Parmeniaui,  12.) 

Under  the  Imperial  Law. — The  duty  of  be- 
queathing property  to  the  church  was  enforced 
in  the  amplest  terms  and  facilitated  by  Constan- 
tine  in  a.d.  321  {Cod.  Theod.  16,  2.  4).  For  the 
history  of  this  constitution,  see  the  note  of 
Gothofred,  and  Thomassinus  (3,  1,  IG,  and  18). 
This  injunction  was  repeated  in  the  Code  of 
Justinian  (1,  2,  1).  As  regards  its  extent,  the 
better  opinion  amongst  civilians  would  appear  to 
be  that  it  does  not  give  the  right  of  making  a 
will,  to  those  who  had  not  otherwise  that  right. 
The  solution  of  other  questions  arising  upon  this 
constitution  will  be  found  in  the  commentaries 
and  summarized  in  the  notes  of  Van  Leeuwen 
(Antwerp,  1809). 

Bequests  thus  made  were  secured  to  the  pos- 
session of  the  church  by  a  constitution  of  Leo 
(a.d.  470),  inserted  in  the  Code  of  Justinian  (1, 
2,  14). 

Women  were  forbidden  to  bequeath  property 
to  ecclesiastical  persons  by  a  constitution  of 
Valeutinian  a.d.  370  {Cod.  Tlieod.  16,  2,  20). 

This  was  extended  so  far  as  regards  the  pro- 
perty of  deaconesses  to  bequests  to  the  church 
and  poorbyTheodosius,  A.D.  390  (CW.  Theod.  16, 
2,  27).  This  last  constitution  was  two  months 
afterwards  repealed  as  regards  movables  {Cod. 
Theod.  16,2,  28).  Both  constitutions  were  abro- 
gated by  Marcirtu  in  a.d.  455  {Nov.  IMart.  6).  The 
observations  of  Baronius  {Ann.  ad  anu.  455  sec. 
25-28)  on  this  Novell,  may  be  compared  with  tlie 
notes  of  Gothofred  on  the  three  constitutions  of 
Theodosius,  in  A.D.  381  {Cod.  Theod.  16,  5,  7),  a 
disability  which  was  extended  by  the  same  em- 
peror toEunomians  in  a.d.  389  {Cml.  Theod.  16, 
5,  17).  This  right  of  giving  and  receiving  by 
will  was  restored  to  and  taken  away  from  these 


2038 


AVILLS 


heretics  several  times  during  the  subsequent 
forty  years.  The  seventh  book  of  the  history 
of  Sozomen  illustrates  these  changes  of  imperial 
jiolicy  and  feeling. 

At  length  in  A.D.  428  a  comprehensive  constitu- 
tion was  promulgated  by  Theodosius  the  younger 
(Cocl.  Thcod.  16,  5,  65),  which  confirmed  the  loss 
of  testamentary  lights  in  the  case  of  twenty- 
three  classes  of  heretics  mentioned  therein  by 
name.  These  penalties  were  confirmed  by  Jus- 
tinian in  his  code  (1,  5).  In  the  129th  Novell., 
A.D.  559,  he  grants privileges-to  the  Samaritani, 
but  these  were  taken  away  by  Justin  in  the  144th 
Novell. 

By  a  constitution  of  Valentinian  in  A.D.  42G 
{Cod.  Thcod.  16,  8.  28),  two  privileges  were 
given  to  the  converted  children  of  Jews.  In  the 
first  place  they  could  not  be  disinherited  or 
passed  over  by  their  Jewish  parents,  nor  given 
less  than  they  would  receive  under  an  intestacy. 
Secondly,  even  if  they  were  disinherited  for  a 
crime  against  their  parents,  they  were  still  to 
receive  the  quarta  Falcidia.  In  the  code  of 
.lustinian  is  inserted  a  constitution  of  Marcian 
(A.D.  455),  enabling  women  dedicated  to  religion, 
in  the  technical  sense,  to  bequeath  their  property 
to  ecclesiastical  purposes  (Cod.  1,  2,  13).  Jus- 
tinian himself  in  A.D.  538  forbad  to  monks  the 
right  of  making  a  will  {Nov.  76,  1).  In  the 
123rd  Novell.  (A.D.  546)  he  secured  to  presby- 
ters and  clerks  of  inferior  orders  the  right  of 
bequeatliing  their  property  (Nov.  123,  19). 

Under  the  Barbarian  Codes. — By  the  laws  of 
Luitprand,  king  of  the  Lombards  in  A.D.  721, 
minors  under  eighteen  years  of  age  could  bequeath 
a  part  of  their  property  in  favour  of  churches 
and  hospitals  (Davoud  Oughlou,  vol.  ii.  p.  61). 

II.   The  Capacity  to  take  under  a  Will. 

In  France. — By  the  6th  canon  of  the  council 
of  Agde  (A.D.  506)  followed  by  the  20th  canon 
of  the  council  of  Rheims  (a.d.  62.5)  property 
bequeathed  to  a  clerk  was  considered  to  be 
bequeathed  to  his  church. 

In  tlw  African  Church.  —  It  had,  in  St. 
Augustine's  time,  become  a  rule  that  the  church 
should  receive  no  estates  given  to  the  great 
detriment  and  prejudice  of  common  rights,  as  if 
a  father  disinherited  his  children  to  make  the 
church  his  heir  (Augustine,  Serm.  49,  De  Di- 
vcrsis ;  Possidius,  Vita  Augustini,  c.  24 ;  cited  by 
Bingham,  5,  4,  13). 

By  the  13th  canon  of  the  third  council  of 
Carthage  (a.d.  397)  bishops  and  clergy  were  for- 
bidden to  bequeath  their  property  to  non-Catholic 
Christians,  even  when  blood  relations.  By  the  81st 
canon  in  the  Codex  Ecclesiae  Africanae  (a.d.  419), 
bishops  who  appointed  heretical  or  pagan  heirs 
were  pronounced  anathema,  and  removed  from 
the  roll  of  those  whose  names  were  recited  as 
priests  of  God.  The  same  penalty  was  inflicted 
if  by  his  dying  intestate  the  property  of  a  bishop 
should  devolve  on  heretics  or  pagans. 

Under  the  ImjXJ-ial  Law. — Justinian  permitted 
the  disherision  of,  heretical  children  by  their 
parents  in  the  115th  Novell,  a.d.  542,  and  of 
heretical  parents  by  their  children  (3,  14  ;  4,  8). 
In  A.D.  546  he  forbad  the  disherision  of  children 
by  parents  and  of  parents  by  children  by  reason 
of  their  embracing  a  monastic  life  {Nov.  123, 
41).  He  also  directed  that  if  a  person  had 
entered  a  monastic    life,    and    had   died    before 


WILLS 

dividing  his  property,  his  children  only  took  « 
pars  kijitima,  the  rest  of  the  property  going 
to  the  monastery  {Nov.  123,  38).  Parents  were 
not  allowed  altogether  to  disinherit  children! 
taking  orders  or  entering  a  monastery,  as  appears 
from  a  Constitution  of  Justinian,  A.D.  534  {Cod. 
1,  3,  5.5). 

III.   The  Property  which  may  he  made  the  Subject 
of  a  Will. 

In  the  East. — The  council  of  Antioch  held 
in  A.D.  341,  in  its  twenty-fourth  and  twenty- 
fifth  canons,  provides  for  the  separation  of  the 
private  property  of  a  bishop  from  the  property 
of  the  church  under  his  care,  so  that  the  latter 
might  not  be  bequeathed  by  him  with  his  pri- 
vate property.  [On  these  canons,  and  the  apo- 
stolic canons  on  the  same  subject,  see  Aliena- 
tion, p.  51,  col.  1.] 

A  case  in  which  this  law  was  disregarded  will 
be  found  in  the  acts  of  the  council  of  Chalce- 
don  (a.d.  451).  Four  presbyters  of  the  church 
of  Edessa  accused  their  metropolitan,  Ibas,  of 
conniving  at  the  misconduct  of  his  suffragan, 
Daniel,  who  had  bequeathed  ecclesiastical  pro- 
perty away  from  the  church. 

In  France,  by  the  thirty-third  canon  of  the 
council  of  Agde  (a.d.  506),  if  a  bishop,  not  having 
children  or  grandchildren,  did  not  make  the 
church  his  heir,  his  property  was  to  be  mulcted 
of  a  sum  equivalent  to  that  spent  by  him  out  of 
ecclesiastical  revenues  on  other  objects ;  but  if 
he  left  descendants,  they  must  indemnify  the 
church  out  of  the  inheritance.  The  canons 
numbered  forty-eight  and  fifty-one  (but  which 
are  of  doubtful  authenticity)  forbid  bishops  to 
leave  to  heirs  or  legatees  any  church  property. 
This  provision  as  to  legacies  is  found  in  the 
seventeenth  canon  of  the  council  of  Epaon  (a.d. 
517),  but  it  excepts  cases  where  the  testator  has 
given  an  equivalent  out  of  his  private  property. 

In  Spain,  the  first  canon  of  the  first  council 
of  Seville  (a.d.  590)  repeated  the  above-cited 
thirty-third  canon  of  the  council  of  Agde. 

Under  the  Barbarian  Codes. — The  laws  of  Aistul- 
phus  (a.d.  749)  gave  exceptional  validity  to  wills 
in  favour  of  holy  places.  In  the  laws  of  the 
Visigoths  provisions  will  be  found  for  restraining 
the  cupidity  of  the  heirs  of  bishops  and  other 
clergy  {Davoud  Oghlou,  vol.  ii.  p.  151,  vol.  i. 
p.  163). 

Upon  the  whole  matter  Van  Espen  {Jus 
Ecclcsiasticiim,  2,  4,  1,  8;  draws  the  conclusion 
that  in  the  ancient  canons  it  was  forbidden  to  the 
clergy  as  well  as  to  the  bishops  to  bequeath  any 
property  which  they  had  acquired  from  the 
church. 

As  to  the  operation  of  the  Lex  Falcidia  upon 
bequests  for  church  purposes,  see  Property 
(p.  1731),  and  Ferraris,  Bibliotheca  sub  voce  Lega- 
tum,  sees.  137-138. 

IV.  Miscellaneous  Provisions. 
In  France. — By  the  fourth  canon  of  the  first 
council  of  Vaison  (a.d.  442 ,  any  person  as  an 
infidel  who  should  keep  back  the  gifts  of  the 
faithful  departed,  was  to  be  cast  out  of  the 
church.  This  canon  was  repeated  in  the 
twenty-second  canon  of  the  third  council  of 
Orleans  (a.d.  538).  The  fourth  council  of 
Orleans  (a.d.  541)  simply  provides  in  canon 
fourteen  that  property  left  by  a  lawful  will  to 


WILLS 

the  church  or  to  a  bishop  cannot  be  demanded 
by  the  heirs  of  the  deceased.  The  more  stern 
provisions  of  the  earlier  councils  were  repeated 
by  the  fourth  canon  of  the  first  council  of 
Macon  (a.d.  581). 

In  the  African  Church  it  was  forbidden  by  the 
eighteenth  canon  of  the  Statuta  Ecclesiae  Anti- 
qita  that  a  bishop  should  accept  a  guardianship 
under  a  will. 

In  Spain. — By  the  seventh  canon  of  the  ninth 
council  of  Toledo  (a.d.  655)  the  relations  of  a 
deceased  bishop  were  forbidden  to  deal  with  his 
property  without  the  consent  of  the  metro- 
politan, and  in  the  case  of  the  clergy  without  the 
consent  of  the  bishop. 

In  England  the  only  distinct  enactment  not 
brought  in  by  the  adoption  of  foreign  councils 
would  seem  to  be  the  second  answer  in  the 
dialogue  of  archbishop  Egbert  of  York  (a.d. 
732-766;  see  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  vol.  iii. 
p.  403),  where  he  directs  the  clergy  not  to 
become  witnesses  of  nuncupatory  wills  except  in 
■company  with  other  persons. 

Under  the  Imperial  Law. — That  the  clergy 
should  presume  to  decide  upon  testamentary 
questions  seemed  to  Justin  a  most  improper  act 
— "  absurdum  etenim  clericis  est,  immo  etiam 
opprobriosum,  si  peritos  se  voluit  ostendere  dis- 
ceptationum  esse  forensium,"  and  he  forbad  it 
(A.D.  524)  under  a  heavy  fine.  (^Cod.  1,  3,  41). 
Justinian  in  A.D.  528  gave  100  years  as  the 
limit  of  actions  upon  legacies  to  ecclesiastical 
purposes  (^Cod.  1,  2,  24) ;  but  he  afterwards 
reduced  it  to  forty  years,  except  in  the  case  of  the 
church  of  Rome  {Nov.  131,  6). 

Justinian  in  A.D.  530  promulgated  a  long 
constitution  {Cod.  1,  3,  46),  imposing  upon  the 
bishops,  and  in  their  default  upon  the  metro- 
politans, the  duty  of  looking  after  the  proper 
application  of  bequests  to  pious  uses. 

Two  years  later  he  exempted  bequests  by  the 
clergy  of  their  "  peculium  quasi  castrense  "  from 
any  "querela  inofficiosi  "  (Cod,  1,  3,  50);  but 
this  privilege  was  taken  away  a.d.  546  {Nov. 
123,  19). 

There  are  provisions  in  a  constitution  of 
Justinian  of  A.D.  530  for  determining  the  con- 
struction of  wills  when  the  object  of  the  testator's 
bounty  is  obscurely  indicated — e.g.  bequests  to 
Our  Lord  are  to  be  held  to  be  given  to  the 
church  of  the  town  or  neighbourhood  of  the 
-deceased,  bequests  to  archangels  and  martyrs  to 
churches  dedicated  by  their  name  in  the  town 
nr  neighbourhood,  failing  such  to  the  church  so 
named  in  the  metropolis.  If  there  are  more 
churches  than  one  of  the  same  name  the  intention 
-of  the  testator  must  if  possible  be  ascertained  ;  if 
this  cannot  be  done,  then  the  poorest  church  is 
to  be  chosen  {Cod.  1,  2,  26).  [For  the  further 
legislation  on  this  subject  in  the  131st  Novell. 
see  Property  of  the  Church.] 

F.  Succession  by  Intestacy. 
In  the  earliest  times  the  heirs  of  the  clergy, 
whether  bishops,  presbyters,  or  others  of  inferior 
order  succeeded  in  case  of  intestacy,  as  appears 
from  a  constitution  of  Valentinian,  A.D.  334 
.{Cod.  1,  3,  20),  in  which  no  distinction  appears. 
.Care  was,  however,  taken  that  the  private  pro- 
perty cf  bishops  should  be  separated  from  the 
church  property,  which  they  administered  in 
right  of  their  sees,   so   that  the    former   alone 


WOMEN 


2039 


should  pass  to  the  private  heirs.  (See  Cone. 
Antioch.  A.D.  341,  cap.  24;  Cone.  Chalc.  a.d. 
451,  cap.  22.) 

In  the  6th  century  the  canons  of  councils, 
which  directed  bishops  to  make  the  church  their 
heir  in  default  of  issue,  affected  to  the  same 
extent  the  succession  by  intestacy  (see  Cone. 
Agath.  A.D.  506,  cap.  33).  But  this  restriction 
did  not  apply  to  the  property  of  the  clergy  below 
the  order  of  bishops;  and  in  consequence 
attempts  were  wont  to  be  made  to  exclude  the 
heirs  of  the  clergy.  The  seventh  canon  of  the 
fifth  council  of  Paris  (a.d.  615)  was  directed 
against  this  abuse. 

The  contrary  practice,  by  which  the  heirs  of 
an  intestate  bishop  appropriated  church  property, 
had  to  be  guarded  against.  This  temptation 
seems  to  have  been  especially  felt  in  Spain,  and 
canons  of  several  councils  are  concerned  with  its 
suppression.  (Cone.  Tarracon.  A.D.  516,  cap.  12  ; 
Cone.  Ilerdense,  a.d.  523,  cap.  ult.)  By  degrees 
the  moveable  property  of  intestate  ecclesiastics 
was  claimed  by  the  church  on  the  pretext  that 
this  property  had  been  acquired  from  church 
property.     This  claim  was  styled  the  jus  spjolii. 

The  order  of  succession  to  the  property  of  in- 
testate clergy  did  not  differ  from  that  of  laymen, 
except  as  regards  the  children  of  those  clergy 
who  were  forbidden  to  marry.  These  children 
could  not  by  a  constitution  of  Justinian  in  a.d. 
530  {Cod.  1,  3,  45),  even  succeed  to  their  motlier's 
propei-ty.  If  a  clerk  died  intestate  and  left  no 
heirs,  his  property  went  to  the  church  which  he 
had  served.  {Cod.  1,  3,  20,  a.d.  334  ;  Nov.  131, 
cap.  13,  A.D.  545;  Capit.  Carol,  lib.  5,  cap.  173.) 
Passing  to  the  rules  which  govern  the  succes- 
sion by  clerks  to  the  property  of  intestates,  thev 
succeeded  in  the  same  manner  as  laymen  {Cod. 
1,  3,  56,  1)  and  their  professional  earnings  were 
not  brought  into  computation  {Cod.  1,  3,  34). 
The  same  law  applied  both  to  seculars  and  regu- 
lars {Cod.  1,  3,  56),  but  this  was  afterwards 
altered,  and  the  community  succeeded  to  the 
rights  of  regulars.     {Nov.  5  and  123,  cap.  38.) 

See  upon  the  succession  in  intestacy  Boehmer, 
Jus  Ecclcsiast.  Protest,  lib.  3,  tit.  27. 

[Besides  the  articles  and  authorities  cited  in 
this  article,  and  the  commentators  on  the  cited 
passages  of  the  civil  and  canon  law,  the  following 
authorities  may  be  consulted.  Van  Esjien,  Jus 
Ecclesiasticum,  vol.  ii. ;  Reiffenstuel,  Jus  Canoni- 
cum,  vol.  iii. ;  Photii  Nomocanon,  tit.  10 ;  Tho- 
massinus,  Vetus  et  Nova  Ecclesiae  Disciplina,  3, 
1,  16-21,  3,  2,  38-43  ;  Herzog,  Real-Encyhlo- 
pddie,  "  Testamente " ;  Ferraris,  Bibliothcca, 
"  Testamentum  "  ;  Walter,  Kirchenrccht,  262  ; 
Bino-ham,  Christian  Antiquities,  5, 4,  5-9,  6,  2,  9.1 
[I.  B.] 
WOMEN.  Certain  features  in  the  domestic 
and  social  influence  of  women  among  Christian 
communities  will  be  found  treated  of  in  the 
article  on  Social  Life.  It  is  proposed  here  to 
notice  some  of  the  special  points  of  difference 
in  the  Christian,  as  compared  with  the  pagan, 
conception  of  woman's  character  and  duties. 

The  estimate  of  womanhood  in  the  earliest 
Christian  literature  exhibits  a  remarkable  con- 
trast to  that  of  paganism,  as  both  attaching  far 
more  importance  to  female  modesty  and 
chastity,  and,  at  the  same  time,  greatly  en- 
hancing the  dignity  of  the  female  character  and 
enlarging  the  sphere  of  woman's  activities.     The 


2040 


WOMEN 


Epistle  of  Clement  of  Rome  to  the  Corinthians 
speaks  of  the  husbands  whom  he  addresses,  as 
exhorting  their  wives  to  the  discharge  of  their 
duties  with  a  blameless,  grave,  and  pure  con- 
scientiousness, and  in  a  spirit  of  conjugal 
affection,  and  also  teaching  them  to  superintend 
domestic  matters  with  dignified  decorum  (^(Xeix- 
vas)  [c.  i.  ed.  Dressel,  p.  48].  In  the  same 
manner,  Polycarp  {ad  Philipp.  c.  4)  exhorts 
the  Christian  wives  of  Philippi  to  live  in  the 
faith,  in  love  and  purity,  to  duly  honour  their 
husbands,  and  to  instruct  their  children  in  the 
fear  of  the  Lord.  Second  marriages  being 
systematically  discouraged  in  the  early  church, 
the  advice  given  by  the  same  writer  to  the 
widows  seems  directed  against  the  faults  to 
which  women,  when  loneiy  and  unemployed,  are 
specially  prone — "calumny,  speaking  against 
their  neighbours,  bearing  false  witness,  and 
avarice"  (ed.  Dressel,  p.  381). 

The  advice  of  Tertullian  (ad  Uxorem,  bk.  ii. 
c.  8)  that  a  woman  should  not  refuse  to  marry 
one  slightly  below  herself  in  station,  provided  he 
is  likely  to  prove  in  other  respects  a  good  hus- 
band, points  probably  to  the  existence  of  a 
certain  social  ambition  among  those  to  whom 
his  treatise  is  addressed,  which  he  considered 
unworthy  of  the  Christian  character.  As  con- 
trasted with  the  cruelty  which  too  often 
disgraced  the  privacy  of  pagan  households,  we 
find  Chrysostom  observing  that  it  is  a  shame  for 
a  man  to  beat  his  female  slave,  much  more  his 
wife  (in  Epist.  i.  ad  Corinth.  Horn.  26  ;  Migne, 
Patrol.  Grace.  Ixi.  222). 

The  teaching  of  the  most  enlightened  of  the 
fathers  was  undoubtedly  to  the  efl'ect  that  there 
was  no  natural  inferiority  in  the  woman  to  the 
man.  Theodoret  (Graec.  Affect.  Curat,  bk.  v.) 
insists  emphatically  on  their  exact  equality,  and 
says  tliat  God  made  woman  from  man  in  order 
that  the  tendencies  and  action  of  both  might  be 
harmonious.  Sometimes,  indeed,  he  observes, 
woman  has  been  found  superior  to  man  in  en- 
countering adversity  (Migne,  Ixxxiii.  836). 
Chrysostom  (Horn.  Ixi.  3)  says  that  no  one  is 
more  fit  to  instruct  and  exhort  her  husband  than 
a  pious  woman.  This  conception  differed,  how- 
ever, materially  from  that  of  Plato  (Bepuh.  v. 
p.  455),  in  that  while  the  Greek  philosopher 
sought  to  obliterate  the  ordinary  distinctions 
between  the  sexes,  the  Christian  father  held  that 
nature  assigned  to  woman  her  special  and  dis- 
tinct province  of  activity.  Chrysostom,  in  a 
passage  of  singular  beauty,  gives  us  a  com- 
parison between  the  duties  of  the  wife  and  those 
of  the  husband,  the  former  being  represented  as 
in  some  respects  the  more  dignified  ;  for  while 
the  husband  is  described  as  engaged  in  the 
rougher  work  of  life,  in  the  market  or  the  law- 
courts,  the  wife  is  represented  as  remaining 
at  home  and  devoting  much  of  her  time  to 
prayer,  to  reading  the  Scriptures,  koI  rrj  &Wri 
(pL\offo(pla.  When  her  husband  returns,  harassed 
with  his  labours,  it  is  her  function  to  cheer 
and  to  soothe  him,  irepiKOTmiv  avrov  to.  TrepiTTo, 
Koi  aypia  twv  XoyKTixwv,  so  that  he  again 
goes  forth  into  the  world  purified  from  the 
evil  influences  to  which  he  has  there  been 
exposed,  and  carrying  with  him  the  higher  in- 
fluences of  his  home-life  (m  Joann.  Horn.  Ixi. ; 
Migne,  lis.  340). 

The    participation    of  young    females   in   the 


WOMEN 

exercises  of  the  palaestra  and  in  races,  com- 
mended by  pagan  theorists  (Grote's  Plato,  iii. 
217),  is  condemned  by  Clemens  of  Alexandria 
(Paed.  iii.  10)  as  altogether  repugnant  to  the 
notions  of  female  modesty  (JJigne,  viii.  626). 
Chrysostom  (m  Matt.  Horn,  i.)  contrasts  the 
difference  in  relation  to  these  points  between 
Christian  and  pagan  teaching,  and  even  goes  so 
for  as  to  affirm  that  true  virginity  was  a  notion 
which  paganism  was  unable  to  realise  (Migne, 
Ivii.  19). 

At  the  same  time  we  have  satisfactory  evi- 
dence that  this  exalted  conception  of  the  female 
character  and  female  duties  did  not  involve  any 
renunciation  of  her  humbler  functions.  Clemens 
says  that  it  is  right  that  women  should  employ 
themselves  in  spinning,  weaving,  and  watching 
the  bread-maker  (rfj  ttsttovo-];),  and  that  it  is 
no  disgrace  for  a  wife  to  grind  corn  or  to  super- 
intend the  cookery  with  the  view  of  pleasing 
her  husband  (Migne,  viii.  626). 

The  excessive  luxury  of  the  4th  century  would 
seem  however  to  have  been  not  less  fatal  to  the 
maintenance  of  this  high  ideal  than  to  other 
features  of  the  Christian  character.  Amedee 
Thierry  says  that,  by  one  of  those  contradictions 
which  "  deroutent  la  logique  des  id^es,"  Chris- 
tianity itself,  essentially  the  religion  of  the  poor, 
conspired  to  give  to  the  manners  of  the  Western 
empire  a  degree  of  effeminacy  unknown  in  pagan 
times  (Saint  Jerome,  p.  2).  Chrysostom  de- 
clares that  many  of  the  ladies  of  Constantinople 
would  not  walk  across  even  a  single  street  to 
attend  church,  but  required  to  be  conveyed  for 
the  shortest  distance  (in  Matt.  Horn.  vii. ; 
Migne,  Ivii.  79).  When  there  they  were  to  be  seen 
with  their  necks,  heads,  arms,  and  fingers  loaded 
with  golden  chains  and  rings,  their  persons 
breathing  2)recious  odours,  and  their  dresses  of 
gold  stuff'  and  silk  (Milman,  Hist,  of  Christianity, 
bk.  iv.  c.  1).  Others,  again,  affected  masculine 
apparel,  and  seemed  to  blush  for  their  woman- 
hood, cutting  short  their  hair,  and  presenting 
faces  like  those  of  eunuchs  — "  impudenter 
erigunt  facies  eunuchinas  "  (Jerome,  Epist.  18). 
According  to  the  same  authority,  the  greater 
facilities  possessed  by  eftclesiastics  for  gaining 
admission  to  female  society  was  an  inducement 
with  some  to  become  priests — "  ut  mulieres 
licentius  videant "  (ih.').  Elsewhere  Jerome 
strongly  dissuades  the  clergy  from  accustoming 
themselves  to  private  interviews  with  those  of  the 
other  sex, — "  Solus  cum  sola,  secreto,  et  absque 
arbitro  vel  teste,  non  sedeas  "  (Epist.  52  ;  Migne, 
xxii.  260). 

The  exaggerated  importance  attached  by 
Jerome  to  the  unwedded  life,  as  one  of  superior 
sanctity,  seems  to  have  led  him  to  dwell  some- 
what harshly  on  the  weaknesses  and  worldliness 
of  many  of  the  wealthy  matrons  of  his  day.  He 
represents  them  as  given  to  excessive  personal 
adornment,  and  bestowing  much  of  their  time  on 
preparations  for  feasts  and  other  household 
matters.  When,  however,  we  find  him  enume- 
rating such  obvious  duties  as  "  dispensatio 
domus,  necessitates  mariti,  liberorum  educatio, 
correctio  servulorum,"  as  prejudicial  to  the 
higher  interests  of  the  soul,  we  perceive  that 
his  tone  is  that  of  one  to  whom  the  ascetic  life 
alone  appeared  adequately  Christian  (de  Perp. 
Virg.  c.  20 ;  Migne,  xxiii.  228).  On  the  other 
hand,    it   is    evident  that    the    state  of  Eomaii 


WONDERS 

society  at  this  time  rendered  it  exceptionally 
difficult  for  Christian  women  to  carry  the  prin- 
ciples of  their  religion  into  daily  practice.  Of 
this  Marcella's  retirement  to  her  mansion  in  the 
suburbs,  as  described  by  the  same  father,  is  an 
indication.  He  depicts  the  very  different  future 
which  her  mother  Albina  had  designed  for  her — 
a  splendid  marriage  and  the  possession  of  great 
wealth,  while  the  daughter  rarely  issued  from 
her  seclusion  save  to  visit  the  churches  of  the 
apostles  and  martyrs,  especially  those  least 
fi-equented  by  the  multitude  {Epist.  96).  The 
mistresses  of  large  establishments,  according  to 
Jerome,  were  often  exposed  to  exceptional  temp- 
tations ;  and  he  states  that  young  widows  would 
sometimes  consent  to  marry  even  pagan  hus- 
bands in  order  to  avoid  being  plundered  by 
dishonest  stewards  and  to  escape  the  anxieties 
inseparable  from  the  management  of  a  large 
household,  thus  bringing  home  to  their  children 
by  a  former  marriage  "  not  a  guardian,  but  an 
enemy  ;  not  a  parent,  but  a  tyrant  "  (^Epist.  54  ; 
Migne,  xsii.  291). 

Among  other  indications  of  the  confusion  and 
demoralisation  characteristic  of  the  5th  cen- 
tury must  be  included  that  laxity  of  church 
discipline  which  permitted  the  performance  of 
public  religious  rites  to  be  sometimes  entrusted 
to  women.  In  the  twenty-first  canon  of  the 
collection  ascribed  to  Gelasius  this  is  spoken  of 
as  evidence  of  the  "contempt"  into  which 
religion  had  fallen  —  "  audivimus  .  .  .  .  ut 
feminae  sacris  altaribus  ministrare  firmentur, 
et  cuncta  quae  non  nisi  virorum  famulatui 
deputata  sunt,  sexum  cui  non  competunt 
exhibere  "  (Migne,  Ivi.  420). 

It  is  generally  assumed,  though  on  somewhat 
scanty  and  doubtful  evidence,  that  at  the  period 
of  the  conversion  of  the  Teutonic  nations  the 
regard  for  female  chastity  and  the  respect  paid 
to  the  sex  were  greater  among  pagan  communi- 
ties than  among  the  Latin  races.  But  however 
this  may  have  been,  it  is  certain  that  the  views 
inherited  and  handed  down  by  the  Western 
church  with  regard  to  "  the  personal  and  pro- 
priety liberty  of  women  "  were  greatly  superior 
to  those  that  find  expression  in  any  of  the 
barbaric  codes.  Something  of  this  feeling  seems 
reflected  in  Jerome  when  {Epist.  130)  he  cen- 
sures parents  for  their  too  common  practice  of 
leaving  deformed  or  otherwise  unmarriageable 
daughters  inadequately  provided  for  (Migne, 
xxii.  981).  "The  church,"  says  Sir  Henry 
Maine,  "  conferred  a  great  benefit  on  several 
generations  by  keeping  alive  the  traditions  of 
the  Roman  legislation  respecting  settled 
property  ;  "  and  he  points  out  that  Christianity 
was  really  carrying  on  the  tradition  of  the 
Roman  dos.  The  formula  of  the  marriage- 
service,  "  With  all  my  worldly  goods  I  thee 
endow,"  is  one,  he  says,  "  which  sometimes 
puzzles  the  English  lawyer  from  its  want  of 
correspondence  with  anything  which  he  finds 
among  the  oldest  rules  of  English  law  "  {Early 
Hist,  of  Institutions,  p.  337  ;  see  also  De  Broglie, 
rE<jlise  et  I'Empire,  I.  ii.  273,  and  Edaircissc- 
ment  D).  [J.  B.  M.] 

WONDERS  (miracuh.,  signa,  2)rodigia,  por- 
tcntii — Oaiifxara,  Oav/ndcria,  ar]fj.e7a,  Svvtineis, 
repara,  7rapd5o|a).  The  reported  miracles  which 
fall  within  the  limits  of  our  period  constitute 


WONDERS 


2011 


no  compact  homogeneous  whole.  They  form 
themselves  into  distinct  groups.  One  group, 
having  for  its  object  the  conversion  of  the 
heathen,  gathers  round  notable  wonder-workers 
in  pagan  countries,  such  as  Gregory  of  Neo- 
caesarea  (Thaumaturgus)  and  Martin  of  Tours. 
Another  group,  or  other  groups,  of  miracles, 
whose  object  is  the  support  of  Athanasian 
orthodoxy,  gather  round  the  great  monks  of 
the  East — Antony,  Hilarion,  Pachomius — Am- 
brose in  the  West,  and  saints  of  lesser  note 
and  of  later  times  in  Spain,  or  appear  as  inter- 
positions of  Providence  in  the  form  of  marvellous 
deliverances  under  cruelties  inflicted  by  Vandal 
tyrants  in  Africa  or  Lombard  invaders  in  Italy. 
Other  miracles  vindicate  the  sanctity  of  images 
or  condemn  the  conduct  of  the  Iconoclast. 
Others  again,  whose  object  is  to  glorify  the 
enterprise  and  attest  the  piety  of  founders  of 
monasteries,  cluster  thickly  round  a  Benedict  or 
Columban,  amidst  a  galaxy  of  lesser  wonders  that 
stretch  across  the  centuries  in  the  acts  of  the 
saints.  This  classification,  as  bringing  out  the 
ethical  features  of  the  miracles  and  their  relation 
to  impoi-tant  events  in  church  history,  may  well 
be  borne  in  mind  and  allowed,  so  to  speak,  to 
run  pari  pxxssu  with  a  more  methodical  arrange- 
ment, according  to  which  we  shall  classify  the 
miracles  thus : — 

I.  Wonders  wrought  by  Living  Saints. 
II.  By  Relics. 
III.  By  the  Eucharist. 
TV.  By  Pictures  and  Images. 
V.  By  Celestial  Visitants. 

VI.  Apart  from  human  or  angelic  Agency,  or  the 
above-named  Means. 

In  adopting  for  the  purpose  of  further  classifica- 
tion the  division  of  miracles  into  those  of 
beneficence  and  power,  we  do  not  regard  these 
two  heads  as  denoting  distinct  kinds. of  mii'acles, 
but  simply  classes,  in  the  first  of  which  the 
beneficence  of  the  object  and  in  the  second  the 
power  of  the  performer  is  the  dominant  idea. 
Miracles  of  beneficence  are  also  those  of  power — 
Svvd/xeis — although  miracles  classed  as  those  of 
power  are  not  miracles  of  beneficence.  Again, 
miracles  of  either  class,  but  especially  those  of 
power,  will  appear  as  signs — a-rtfxeia — or  pledges 
of  a  superhuman  mission  on  the  part  of  the  per- 
former, i.e.  when  they  are  wrought  by  a  living 
saint,  or,  as  Tertullian  calls  them,  "  documenta 
virtutum,"  attaining  as  such  to  the  highest, 
because  the  ethical,  character  of  a  miracle, 
although  both  classes  of  miracles  may  degenerate 
into  mere  wonders — OavfiaTU,  repara — calling 
forth  simply  wonderment  and  amazement  (see 
Trench,  Notes  on  Mir.  Introd.). 

I.  Wonders  wrought  by  living  Saints. — Whether 
by  direct  means,  such  as  invocation  of  the  name 
of  Christ,  prayer,  signing  of  the  cross,  imposition 
of  hands;  or  indirect,  such  as  sending  to  the 
sick  saints'  garments  or  other  garments,  bread, 
oil,  or  water  which  had  been  blessed  by  saints. 

One  of  the  first  points  that  strike  us  in  the 
earlier  notices  of  miracles  which  have  reached 
us  from  the  fathers  is  the  absence  of  all  claims 
on  the  part  of  the  writers  to  the  performance  of 
the  miracles  they  attest,  and  of  all  mention  by 
name  of  those  who  wrought  them.  Thus 
Clemens  Romanus  states  that  there  was  a 
plentiful  outpouring  of  the  Holy  Spirit  upon  all, 


2042 


WONDERS 


and  Ignatius,  in  his  letter  addressed  to  the 
church  of  Smyrna,  says  that  church  was  merci- 
fully blessed  with  every  good  gift ;  and  they 
refer  without  doubt  to  miracles  that  were  going 
on  in  the  church,  but  they  do  not  arrogate  to 
themselves  individually  the  power  of  overcoming 
the  laws  of  nature,  or  specify  any  by  name  wlio 
possessed  such  a  power,  in  which  latter  respect 
they  stand  in  strong  contrast  with  the  chroniclers 
of  the  acta  of  later  saints.  As  to  the  gifts  here 
spoken  of,  they  appeared  in  the  form  of  the 
following  powers :  the  casting  out  of  devils, 
healing  of  diseases,  raising  the  dead,  speaking 
with  tongues,  the  prevision  of  events,  and  seeing 
visions,  the  three  first  kinds  being  miracles  of 
beneficence,  the  three  last  of  power  ;  the  first 
finding  their  parallel  in  point  of  character  and 
the  sphere  of  human  life  they  affect  in  the  evan- 
gelical miracles ;  the  last  their  source  in  the 
promises  of  our  Lord  and  the  predictions  of  Holy 
Writ. 

1.  Miracles  of  beneficence.  (1)  Exorcism  and 
healing  ;  (2)  Raising  the  dead  ;  (3)  Deliverance, 
protection,  succour. 

(1)  Justin  Martyr  says  that  Christians  in  the 
name  of  Jesus  cast  out  demons  from  those  whom 
pagan  enchanters  could  not  cure  (^Apol.  ii.  6). 
Amongst  the  deeds  of  mercy  which  the  true  dis- 
ciples of  Christ  performed  in  His  name,  Irenaeus 
specifies  exorcisms  and  cures  of  the  sick  (Contra 
Haer.  ii.  32).  Cyprian  writes,  '•  0  si  audire  eos 
velles  quando  a  nobis  adjurantur  et  torquentur  " 
(Ad  Deinetr.  xv.).  TertuUian,  "  Place  some  pos- 
sessed person  before  your  tribunals ;  any 
Christian  shall  command  that  spirit  to  speak, 
who  shall  as  surely  confess  himself  to  be  a  devil 
as  elsewhere  he  will  call  himself  a  god  falsely  " 
(^Apol.  23).  And  again,  "Devils  we  not  only 
despise,  but  both  overcome  and  daily  expose  and 
expel  from  men,  as  is  known  to  very  many  " 
(^Ad  Scap.  2  ;  cf.  also  Apol.  37).  [Demoniacs  ; 
Exorcism.] 

When  we  pass  from  this  general  testimony  of 
the  early  fathers  respecting  the  existence  of  a 
miraculous  agency  at  work  in  their  days  to  the 
more  detailed  accounts  of  later  miracles,  we  learn 
more  as  to  the  means  by  which  the  miracles 
were  wrought.  We  gather  that  on  the  whole 
these  means  were  much  the  same  as  those  which 
the  apostles  themselves  and  the  saints  of  their 
time  made  use  of,  who  on  their  part  were  guided 
in  some  measure  by  the  example  of  our  Lord,  viz. 
in  respect  of  prayer  and  the  imposition  of  hands 
(Mark  vi.  41,  vii.  34;  John  xi.  41;  Mark  vi.  5), 
and  in  some  measure  by  the  practices  He  enjoined, 
viz.  the  anointing  the  sick  with  oil,  and  the  use 
of  His  name  (Mark  vi.  13,  xvi.  17  ;  Luke  x.  17), 
although,  as  we  may  see  from  Acts  v.  15,  16, 
six.  12,  they  did  not  restrict  their  methods  of 
working  cures  either  to  the  divine  precedents  or 
precepts. 

Taking  first  the  miracles  of  exorcism  and 
healing  which  were  wrought  by  direct  means, 
viz.  invocation  of  the  name  of  Christ,  prayer, 
signing  of  the  cross,  and  imposition  of  hands, 
we  find  that  some  of  the  earliest  of  which  we 
possess  any  detailed  account  are  those  which 
Gregory,  bishop  of  Neocaesarea  in  Pontus, 
wrought  in  the  3rd  century,  but  the  record  of 
which  belongs  to  the  4th  century  and  is  due  to 
Gregory  of  Nyssa,  who  is  said  to  have  received 
his.  information  from  his  grandmother  Macrina, 


WONDERS 

As  being  less  notable  than  the  miracles  of  other 
kinds  which  the  saint  wrought,  we  shall  only 
refer  to  his  exorcism  of  an  evil  spirit  from  a 
youth  by  imposition  of  hands  (Newman,  on 
Miracles,  p.  xxviii.),  and  to  his  miraculous  heal- 
ing of  the  plague-stricken  in  Neocaesarea  (Fleury, 
liv.  vii.  c.  11).  Of  the  miracles  of  this  class 
which  the  earlier  Eastern  monks  wrought,  those 
of  Antony  and  Hilarion  may  stand  as  examples. 
St.  Athanasius,  who  wrote  the  life  of  the  first- 
named  monk  and  was  his  personal  friend,  says 
that  "  everywhere  he  had  had  an  anxious  desire 
for  truth  "  in  tlie  accounts  he  had  given.  Of 
Antony's  exorcisms  we  may  name  the  instance 
of  a  boy  whom  he  cured  in  a  fishing-boat,  and 
of  whose  state  of  possession  indications  were 
given  by  the  presence  of  a  foul  stench  in  the 
boat  (Newman,  on  Mir.  xxxi.),  and  of  a  girl  from 
whom  he  cast  out  an  evil  spirit  at  Alexandria, 
whither  he  had  gone  in  his  old  age  to  support 
the  party  of  Athanasius  (Fleury.  xi.  41)  ;  and  of 
his  cures  that  which  he  wrought  in  the  desert 
upon  a  man  aiHicted  either  with  epilepsy  or  mad- 
ness, not  by  any  means  he  employed  on  the  spot, 
but  by  bidding  him  to  go  to  Egypt,  and  assuring 
him  that  he  would  there  be  healed  (Newman,  on 
Mir.  xxxi.).  Respecting  the  miracles  Hilarion 
wrought  in  Sicily,  which  island  was  together 
with  Palestine  the  chief  scene  of  his  wonders, 
we  have  the  testimony  of  a  Jew,  in  Greece,  who 
reported  that  "  a  prophet  of  the  Christians  had 
appeared  in  Sicily  and  was  doing  so  many 
miracles  and  signs  that  men  thought  him  one  of 
the  old  saints."  Jerome,  who  wrote  his  life, 
records  the  following  miracles :  restoration  of 
sight  to  a  woman  who  for  ten  years  had  been 
blind ;  a  cure  of  paralysis  ;  another  of  dropsy ; 
exorcising  the  possessed — even  a  camel  who  in 
its  fury  had  caused  the  death  of  many  (Newman, 
on  Mir.  p.  xxxii. ;  Jerome,  t.  ii.).  Of  his  exor- 
cisms we  may  specify  one  as  remarkable  for  its 
being  followed  by  the  ofi'er  of  a  sum  of  money 
on  the  part  of  the  man  who  had  been  dis- 
possessed, and  for  the  saint's  reply  that  his 
acceptance  of  it  would  surely  bring  back  the 
possession ;  and  another  as  notable  for  the 
capacity  which  the  energumen  displayed,  on  the 
occasion  of  his  cure,  of  speaking  in  Syriac  and 
Greek,  of  which  languages  he,  being  a  Frank  by 
birth  and  uneducated,  had  no  knowledge  (Fleury, 
xii.  17). 

Turning  to  the  West,  we  find  in  the  4th  cen- 
tury St.  Ambrose  curing  a  woman  of  palsy,  lay- 
ing his  hands  on  her  in  prayer,  while  she  touched 
his  garment  (Paulini  Vit.  S.  Ainhros.  in  Append. 
2,  §  10),  casting  out  evil  spirits,  and  on  the  other 
hand  causing  for  his  misdeeds  a  thief  to  be  re- 
possessed (Fita,  43;  Fleury,  xx.  20),  and  St. 
Martin  of  Tours  delivering  a  slave  of  a  devil,  and 
healing  a  leper  at  Paris  (Sulp.  Sev.  Vita,  16,  19)  ; 
and  in  the  following  century  Germanus  of 
Auxerre,  at  Aries,  curing  a  prefect's  wife  of  a 
quartan  ague ;  at  Alesia,  bestowing  power  of 
speech  upon  a  girl  who  had  lost  it  for  twenty 
years ;  at  Autuu,  healing  a  girl  of  a  withered 
hand  ;  in  England,  a  boy  of  contracted  limbs  ; 
at  Milan  and  Ravenna,  casting  out  evil  spirits 
(^Acta  SS.  ad  d.  31  Jul. ;  La  Vie  du  grand  St. 
Germain,  par  Dom  Viole,  a.d.  1654). 

As  examples  of  exorcisms  and  cures  wrought 
by  indirect  means — viz.  the  sending  to  the  sick 
the  garments  of  saints,  or  other  garments  which 


WONDERS 

saints  had  blessed,  or  bread,  oil  or  water,  which 
likewise  had  been  blessed — we  may  mention  the 
following  instances.  Of  the  exorcisms  two  are 
noteworthy  as  indicative  of  the  obstacles  which 
the  euergumen,  in  the  one  case  by  persistence  in 
wrong-doing,  in  the  other  by  craftiness  and  ob- 
stinacy, could  oppose  to  the  salutary  exercise  of 
tliaumaturgic  gifts.  The  monk  Pachomius  had 
leen  applied  to  by  a  man  whose  daughter  had  an 
'■vil  spirit  to  work  a  cure.  The  saint  bade  the 
man  bring  him  one  of  his  daughter's  tunics, 
warning  him  at  the  same  time  that  the  blessing 
he  should  bestow  upon  it  would  be  of  no  avail 
as  long  as  his  daughter  continued  to  live  a  sinful 
life.  Accordingly  the  girl  was  not  cured  till 
she  had  confessed  and  forsaken  her  sin.  In  the 
other  instance,  the  saint  had  directed  that  in 
order  to  obtain  a  cure  the  euergumen  should 
before  each  meal  take  a  small  piece  of  a  loaf  of 
bread  which  had  been  blessed.  As,  however,  he 
refused  to  touch  the  bread,  the  device  was 
adopted  of  concealing  morsels  of  it  inside  dates, 
but  with  no  better  success.  The  demoniac  care- 
fully extracted  them.  At  last,  having  been  left 
some  days  without  food,  he  took  the  bread  and 
was  cured  {Acta  SS.  ad  d.  14  Mail ;  Fleury,  xv. 
-60).  By  means  of  consecrated  oil  Hilarion  healed 
the  bites  of  serpents  (Newman,  on  Mir.  p.  xsxii. ; 
Jerome,  t.  ii.),  and  St.  Martin  of  Tours  cured  a 
paralytic  girl,  when  at  the  point  of  death,  by 
putting  into  her  mouth  a  few  drops  of  the  like 
oil  (Sulp.  Sev.  Vita,  17).  Threads  frayed  from 
St.  Martin's  garments  healed  the  diseased  when 
wound  round  the  neck  or  fingers,  and  a  letter 
written  by  the  saint  cured  a  girl  of  fever,  when 
laid  upon  her  chest  (Vita,  19,  20).  Straw  upon 
which  Germanus  of  Auxerre  had  reposed  for  a 
single  night  cured  a  demoniac  when  bound  down 
upon  it ;  and  a  barley  loaf  which  the  bishop 
had  blessed  and  sent  to  the  empress  Placidia 
possessed,  and  for  a  long  while  retained,  wonder- 
working properties  (Acta  SS.  ad  d.  31  Jul. ; 
Vie  du  grand  St.  Germain,  par  Dom  Viole). 
Lastly,  by  threads  of  her  garments  St.  Genevifeve 
of  Paris  cast  out  devils,  and  by  bits  of  her  candle 
cured  the  sick  (Acta  SS.  ad  d.  3  Jan.). 

A  miraculous  cure,  occurring  in  the  4th  cen- 
tury, deserves  notice,  as  having  been  wrought  by 
the  performer  of  it  upon  her  own  person,  and 
by  the  employment — as  doubtless  was  often  the 
case — of  more  than  one  of  the  recognised  means 
of  healing,  as  well  as  for  its  indications  of  the 
asceticism  of  the  age.  Macrina,  sister  of  St. 
Basil  of  Caesarea  and  St.  Gregory  of  Nyssa,  had 
for  years  suffered  from  a  tumour  in  her  breast, 
for  the  cure  of  which  she  had,  from  motives  of 
modesty  and  in  opposition  to  the  earnest  en- 
treaties of  her  mother,  persistently  refused  to 
avail  herself  of  medical  aid.  One  morning,  having 
passed  the  night  in  supplication,  she  gathered 
from  the  floor  a  little  dust  upon  which  her  tears 
had  fallen  and  applied  it  to  her  sore,  begging  at 
the  same  time  her  mother  to  make  the  sign  of 
the  cross  over  the  diseased  part.  The  result  was 
an  immediate  cure  ; — a  slight  scar,  however,  re- 
maining, which  years  afterwards,  when  St. 
Macrina  lay  in  death,  was  pointed  out  to  her 
brother  Gregory  in  proof  of  the  miracle  then  for 
the  first  time  divulged  (Acta  SS.  ad  d.  19  Jul.). 

In  illustration  of  the  ethical  aspect  in  which 
miracles  of  beneficence  might  be  viewed  by 
those  who  were  the  subjects   or   witnesses    of 


WONDERS 


2043 


them,  we  may  note  the  cure  of  long-standing 
paralysis  which  Euthymius,  a  monk  who  lived 
in  Palestine  in  the  5th  century,  wrought  upon 
Terebo,  the  son  of  a  Saracenic  chief,  and  which 
resulted  in  the  conversion  to  Christianity  not 
only  of  the  patient  himself,  but  his  father  and 
attendants  (Fleury,  xxiv.  27). 

With  regard  to  the  comparative  prevalence  of 
miraculous  gifts  of  healing,  as  exercised  by  living 
saints,  in  the  different  ages  of  our  period,  we  can 
form  an  opinion  only  from  the  records  which 
have  reached  us.  Judging  from  these  the  power 
of  working  cures  was  in  no  wise  diminished  in 
the  6th,  7th,  and  8th  centuries.  Demoniacal 
possessions,  madness,  leprosy,  paralysis,  blind- 
ness, deafness,  loss  of  speech,  lameness — not  to 
name  other  diseases  and  infirmities — were  ills 
which,  occurring  no  less  frequently  than  in  pre- 
ceding ages,  constantly  called  forth,  and  found 
relief  through,  the  thaumaturgic  powers  with 
which  monks  and  bishops  were  endowed,  while 
accidents  such  as  those  to  which  monks  them- 
selves were  exposed  in  the  performance  of  their 
agricultural  labours — the  loss  of  a  finger  or 
thumb  in  reaping,  or  wounds  on  the  forehead 
from  the  impact  of  a  wedge  in  felling  trees  or 
cleaving  logs — were  naturally  not  excluded  from 
the  sphere  of  miraculous  treatment  ( Vita  S. 
Columb.  in  Acta  SS.  Ben.  saec.  ii.).  As  a  speci- 
men of  the  powers  with  which  monks  were  gifted 
for  the  casting  out  of  evil  spirits  and  working 
cures  we  have  only  to  follow  St.  Columban  in 
his  journey  from  the  east  to  the  west  of  France 
when  driven  by  Theodoric  from  his  dominions 
(ibid.).  Nor  was  there  any  partiality  in  the  dis- 
tribution of  these  miraculous  powers  over  the 
various  regions  of  Christendom,  although  the 
accident  of  the  place  of  birth  or  dwelling  of  those 
who  undertook  to  record  certain  miracles  might 
lead  us  to  an  opposite  opinion.  If,  for  example, 
during  the  6th  century,  thaumaturgy,  as  exer- 
cised in  the  matter  of  exorcism  and  healing, 
shone  brightly  in  Italy  in  the  persons  of  monks 
and  bishops — as  to  judge  from  the  writings  of 
pope  Gregory  (Dial.  i.  4  ;  ii.  26,  30  ;  iii.  6,  21  ; 
i.  10,  et  passim)  it  did — it  shone  no  less  brightly 
in  Palestine  in  the  person  of  the  abbat  Theodo- 
sius  (Acta  SS.  ad  d.  11  Jan.)  or  in  France  in  the 
instances  of  Melanius,  bishop  of  Rennes  (Acta  SS. 
ad  d.  6  Jan.)  and  St.  Genevieve  of  Paris. 

(2)  To  the  raising  from  the  dead  Irenaeus — 
although  in  terms  less  definite  and  precise  than 
those  he  and  others  of  the  early  fathers  employ 
when  speaking  of  exorcisms  and  cures — bears  his 
testimony  :  "  with  much  fasting  and  prayer  the 
spirit  of  the  dead  returned  "  (Contra  Hacr.  ii.  31) ; 
and  again:  "before  now,  as  we  have  said,  even 
the  dead  have  been  raised  up,  and  have  remained 
with  us  many  years"  (Contra  Haer.  ii.  32).  As 
individual  instances  of  this  wonder  as  they  occur 
in  the  course  of  our  period  we  may  take  the  fol- 
lowing. Julian,  who  suffered  martyrdom  at 
Antioch  in  the  Diocletian  persecution,  raised  a 
dead  man  to  life  (Acta  SS.  ad  d.  9  Jan.),  and  St. 
James,  bishop  of  Nisibis  (Antiochia  Mygdonica) 
A.D.  325,  a  man  who  was  brought  to  him,  as 
dead,  with  a  view  to  obtaining  money  (pre- 
sumably to  defray  the  expenses  of  burial),  and 
who  really  died  while  counterfeiting  death 
(Acta  SS.  ad  d.  15  Jul.).  St.  JIartin  of  Tours 
restored  to  life  a  catechumen  who  had  died  in 
his  monastery  unbaptized,  by  throwing  himself 


20U 


WONDEES 


upon  the  dead  body  and  praying  earnestly  for 
its  restoration  (Newman,  un  Miracles,  p.  xxxii. ; 
from  Sulpicius  Severus,  who  subsequently  knew 
the  subject  of  this  miracle,  and  asserts  that  he 
lived  for  many  years),  and  on  another  occasion 
a  slave  who  had  hanged  himself  (ibid.  p.  xxxiii.). 
Hilary  of  Poitiers  raised  a  child  to  life  who  had 
died  unbaptized  (Fortunatus  in  Jligne,  Patrol. 
Lat.  ix.  190  ;  Acta  SS.  ad  d.  13  Jan.).  Marcellus, 
abbat  of  a  monastery  of  the  Acoemetae,  near 
Constantinople,  A.D.  446,  a  monk  (Fleury,  xxvii. 
30),  and  Gelasius,  abbat  of  a  monastery  in 
Palestine,  A.D.  452,  a  child  (Fleury,  xxviii.  38). 
Germanus  of  Auxerre,  when  at  Ravenna,  raised 
a  man  from  the  dead  (Acta  SS.  ad  d.  31  Jul. ; 
Vie  clu  grand  St.  Germain,  par  Dom  Viole)  ;  St. 
Benedict  of  Nursia,  a  boy  (Greg.  M.  Dial.  ii.  32) ; 
St.  Bavo  of  Ghent,  A.D.  653,  a  man  (^Acta  SS. 
Ben.  saec.  ii.)  ;  St.  Walaricus,  abbat  of  a  monas- 
tery on  the  Somme,  A.D.  622,  one  who  had  been 
unjustly  hanged  (ibid.)  ;  St.  Wulfram,  bishop  of 
Sens,  A.D.  720,  five  Frisian  youths  who  had  been 
hanged  as  a  sacrifice  to  the  gods  (^Acta  SS.  Ben. 
saec.  iii.  pt.  1). 

(3)  Miracles  of  deliverance,  protection,  suc- 
cour— called  forth  as  they  were  by  the  dangers 
and  vicissitudes  to  which  men  were  constantly 
exposed,  and  the  various  needs  to  which  they 
were  subjected — afford  a  series  of  wonders  which, 
ranging  downwards  from  the  deliverance  of 
cities  from  siege  or  assault,  or  of  districts  from 
inundation,  to  the  multiplication  of  corn  in  a 
granary,  or  of  wine  or  beer  in  a  cask,  differ 
widely  from  one  another  in  respect  of  their  object 
and  importance,  and  the  sphere  they  affect,  and 
at  times  degenerate  into  little  else  than  a  dis- 
play of  miraculous  power  for  its  own  sake — 
therein  betraying  their  lack  of  the  requisites  of 
a  true  miracle :  "  miraculum  si  pia  utilitate  aut 
necessitate  caveat,  eo  facto  suspectum  est " 
(Gerson,  de  Distinct.  Ver.  Mir.). 

Of  miracles  of  this  class  no  instances  are  given 
us  by  the  early  fathers  in  their  general  notices 
of  the  deeds  of  mercy  wrought  by  the  true  dis- 
ciples of  Christ,  and  we  have  to  pass  on  to  the 
more  detailed  accounts  of  later  times.  The  rais- 
ing of  the  siege  of  Nisibis  well  illustrates  the 
protective  power  which  living  saints  were  en- 
abled to  exercise.  Sapor  11.  of  Persia  was 
besieging  the  city.  The  inhabitants  in  their 
alarm  appealed  to  their  bishop,  St.  James.  In 
answer  to  the  supplications  he  offered,  swarms 
of  gnats  attacked  the  besiegers,  their  horses  and 
elephants,  irritating  both  the  latter  to  such  a 
pitch  of  frenzy  that  they  broke  loose.  To  in- 
crease his  discomfiture  the  Persian  king  mistook 
the  bishop,  when  he  appeared  on  the  walls  in 
his  purple  and  with  his  diadem  on  his  head,  for 
the  Roman  emperor,  and  thereupon  raised  the 
siege  (^Acta  SS.  ad  d.  15  Jul.).  According  to 
Theophanes  (Chronographia,  pp.  52,  53)  the 
bishop's  prayers  had  the  further  result  of  bring- 
ing famine  and  pestilence  upon  the  besiegers 
when  returned  to  their  own  land ;  with  this 
miracle  we  may  compare  the  deliverance  of  Paris 
from  the  Huns  through  the  pravers  of  St.  Gene- 
vieve (^Acta  SS.  ad  d.  3  Jan.").  The  miracle 
wrought  by  Gregory  Thaumaturgus  on  the  banks 
of  the  river  Lycus  furnishes  an  instance  of  the 
exercise  of  this  power  in  another  direction.  The 
bishop  having  been  appealed  to  by  the  inhabi- 
tants of  a  certain  district  to  deliver  them  from 


"WONDERS 

the  calamities  to  which  they  were  from  time  to- 
time  exposed  through  the  overflowing  of  the 
river  Lycus,  made  a  journey  to  the  place,  and, 
invoking  the  name  of  Christ,  planted  his  staff  at 
the  particular  spot  where  the  stream  was  wont 
to  burst  through  the  mound  which  had  been 
erected  on  its  bank  to  prevent  its  encroachments. 
The  staff  became  a  tree  ;  the  water  rose  as  usual, 
but  henceforth  never  passed  the  tree  (Gregory  of 
Nyssa,  t.  ii.  pp.  991,  992).  This  miracle  had  its 
ethical  result  in  the  conversion  of  the  inhabitants 
who  were  heathens  (Newman,  on  Mir.  p.  xxvii.  ; 
Fleury,  vi.  c.  14).  Similar  miracles  were 
wrought  by  Hilarion  at  Epidamnus  (Gretser,  de 
Cruce,  ii.  63),  by  Severinus,  A.D.  475,  in  Nori- 
cum  (ibid.  Acta  SS.  ad  d.  8  Jan.),  bv  Fridian, 
A.D.  578,  at  Lucca  (Greg.  M.  Dial.  ii'i.  9),  and 
by  Attala,  A.D.  627,  a  monk  of  Bobio,  in  Italy 
(Acta  SS.  Ben.  saec.  ii.). 

As  a  rule  the  miracles  we  read  of  as  belonging 
to  this  class  were  confined  to  a  narrow  sphere  of 
beneficence,  having  been  wrought  for  the  good 
of  small  communities,  and  frequently  individuals. 
Thus  we  find  St.  Hilary  cleansing  the  Insula 
Gallinaria  (Isola  d'Arbenga)  of  serpents  (Fortu- 
natus in  Migne,  Patrol.  Lat.  ix.  190);  St. 
Martin  of  Tours,  when  in  his  missionary  zeiil  he 
had  set  fire  to  a  heathen  temple,  successfully 
repelling  the  flames  from  an  adjoining  house 
(Newman,  on  Alir.  p.  xxxiv.)  ;  St.  Maur  walking 
on  the  water  to  save  the  life  of  his  friend 
Placidius  (Greg.  M.  Dial.  ii.  7);  Germanus  of 
Auxerre  restoring  a  stolen  valise  to  its  owner 
(Acta  SS.  ad  d.  31  Jul. ;  Vie  du  grand  St.  Ger- 
main); St.  Benedict  of  Nursia  (Greg.  M.  Dial. 
ii.  6),  and  Leutfred,  abbat  of  a  monastery  near 
Evreux,  A.D.  738  (Acta  SS.  Ben.  saec.  iii.  pt.  1), 
causing  iron  to  swim  ;  Honoratus,  abbat  of  Fondi, 
A.D.  550,  by  the  sign  of  the  cross,  arresting  on 
the  hill-side  a  hvige  fragment  of  rock  which 
threatened  in  its  fall  to  overwhelm  his  monastery 
(Greg.  M.  Dial.  i.  1 ;  Gretser,  de  Cruce,  iv.  57). 

In  special  connexion  with  their  needs,  whether 
on  their  missionary  journeys,  or  at  home,  we 
may  note  the  miraculous  power  monks  possessed 
of  causing  water  to  flow  in  dry  places  by  the 
simple  expedient  of  planting  a  staff  in  the  ground 
or  of  striking  it,  or,  as  the  case  might  be,  the 
rock  with  a  rod— examples  of  which  we  find  in 
the  lives  of  Richarius,  abbat  of  Centulles,  A.D. 
645  (Acta  SS.  Ben.  saec.  ii.),  Furseius  of  Lagny, 
A.D.  650  (ibid.)  and  Wulfram  of  Sens  (Acta  SS. 
Ben.  saec.  iii.  pt.  1) — ,  as  well  as  of  multiplying 
wine  or  beer  in  the  cask — of  the  exercise  of 
which  gift  numerous  instances  occur  in  the  Acta 
SS.  Benedict. — and  of  quenching  the  flames 
when  fire  had  chanced  to  break  out  in  a  monas- 
tery or  convent,  as  may  be  seen  in  the  Lives  of 
Sulpicius  of  Bourges,  A.D.  644  (Acta  SS.  Ben. 
saec.  ii.),  and  Leutfred  of  Evreux  (ibid.  saec.  iii. 
pt.  1). 

2.  Miracles  of  power,  wrought,  (1)  In  con- 
firmation of  Christianity,  (2>  of  orthodoxy,  (3) 
In  punishment  of  evildoers,  (4)  In  illustration 
of  gifts  bestowed  upon  men  in  reward  for  pious 
enterprises. 

The  ethical  character  which  attaches  to  such 
miracles  as  find  a  place  in  one  or  other  of  these 
categories  proves  them  to  be  not  only  exhibitions 
of  power  (SvvdiifLs),  but  also  signs  (a-rjfjLela). 

The  forms  which  miracles  of  power  assumed 
in  the  early  church  were,  as  has  been  said,  the 


WONDEKS 

speaking  with  tongues,  prevision  of  events,  and 
the  seeing  of  visions.  With  regard  to  the  gift 
of  tongues — one  of  no  long  continuance  in  the 
church — it  may  suffice  to  quote  the  words  of 
Irenaeus  :  KadoiS  Kal  iroWaiv  aKOuofxeu  aSi\<poiv 
iv  rfj  (KKKriaia.  irpo(f>-i}TiKa  ixoyroov  Kal  irauToSa- 
-Ta7s  yXuxrffais  KaKovvTwv :  and  with  regard  to 
that  of  prevision — a  gift  which  on  the  contrary 
was  long  continued  to  the  saints  of  the  Church 
— we  may  give,  as  far  as  primitive  times  are 
concerned,  the  testimony  of  the  same  writer : 
ol  5e  irpoyvucTiv  exovai  -riav  fieWovTcav  (Contra 
Hxer.  ii.  32).  The  gift  of  seeing  visions — one  of 
no  shorter  duration,  but  of  far  wider  significance 
than  the  last  named — we  reserve  for  considera- 
tion by  itself.  Of  other  miracles  of  power  such 
as  later  saints  wrought,  whether  as  signs  or  as 
simple  wonders  (repara),  and  of  which  examples 
will  now  be  given,  we  find  no  mention  in  the 
writings  of  the  early  fathers  concerning  the 
church  of  their  times. 

(1)  Amongst  miracles  wrought  in  confirma- 
tion of  Christianity  we  may  place  those  which 
Gregory  Thaumaturgus  performed  upon  the 
occasion  of  his  being  forced,  through  storm  and 
the  approaching  fall  of  night,  to  take  refuge, 
together  with  his  companions  in  travel,  in  a 
heathen  temple  which  happened  to  be  famous 
for  its  oracles.  Having  invoked  the  name  of 
Christ  and  signed  the  cross,  the  bishop,  we  read, 
spent  the  night  in  praising  God.  In  the  morning 
the  priest  of  the  temple  found  upon  his  arrival 
that  the  demons  had  forsaken  their  shrine. 
<jregory  informed  him  that  he  could  bring  them 
liack  as  well  as  expel  them.  Challenged  to  per- 
form the  former  feat,  he  wrote  iipon  a  piece  of 
paper  the  words  "  Gregory  to  Satan — enter," 
and  handed  them  to  the  priest  who  placed  them 
upon  the  altar.  Forthwith  the  demons  gave 
evidence  of  their  return.  To  satisfy  the  priest 
still  fiirther  as  to  the  truth  of  Christianity, 
Gregory  accepted  a  challenge  to  move,  by  means 
of  his  word  alone,  a  large  stone  which  happened 
to  lie  near.  He  at  once  moved  it,  and  thus  con- 
vinced his  opponent  (Newman,  on  Mir.  sxvi.). 
Hilarion  wrought  a  remarkable  miracle  of  this 
class  at  Gaza.  A  Christian  named  Italicus,  who 
bred  horses  for  the  chariot-races,  applied  to 
Hilarion  to  help  him  against  a  rival  who  made 
use  of  magic  to  check  the  speed  of  Italicus's 
horses,  and  thus  to  secure  the  victory  for  his 

'  own  steeds.  The  saint,  although  at  first  unwill- 
ing to  lend  his  aid  in  so  trivial  a  matter,  acceded 
to  the  request  and  sent  Italicus  the  vessel  he 
was  wont  to  use  in  drinking  filled  with  water, 
wherewith  horses,  chariot,  and  charioteers  were 
to  be  sprinkled.  This  done,  the  Christian's 
horses,  Hying  like  the  wind,  easily  won  the  race. 
Whereupon  the  pagan  party  raised  a  loud  shout : 
'•  Marnas  (their  god)  is  conquered  by  Jesus 
Christ "  (Fleury,  xii.  17 ;  cf.  Hieron.  Ep.  7,  ad 
Laet.).  Of  this  class  also  is  the  miracle  St. 
Martin  of  Tours  wrought,  in  answer  to  a  chal- 
lenge from  a  pagan,  in  averting  from  himself  by 
the  sign  of  the  cross  a  falling  pine  (Sulp.  Sev. 
Vita  Mart.  10 ;  Fleury,  xvi.  31). 

(2)  As  confirmatory  of  orthodoxy  we  may 
note  two  miracles  which  St.  Arnulph,  who  was 
l)ut  to  death  at  Rheims  in  the  beginning  of  the 
(Jth  centurj-,  wrought  when  in  Spain.  Having 
received  a  command  from  the  king  of  the  Visi- 
goths, who  wished  to  test  the  saint's  powers,  to 


WOXDEKS 


2045 


rid  the  land  of  a  serpent  whose  breath  was  of  so 
fiery  a  nature  as  apparently  to  dry  up  water, 
St.  Arnulph  was  conducted  to  the  serpent's  lair, 
where  he  laid  his  stola  upon  the  head  of  the 
monster,  and  bidding  him  follow  led  him  to 
a  pond  and  forbade  him  ever  to  leave  it  or  thence- 
forth to  injure  any  living  creature.  In  the  same 
pond  lay  the  body  of  a  man  who  had  died  a 
violent  death.  Upon  the  saint's  approach  the 
dead  man  prayed  to  be  delivered  from  his  mise- 
rable resting-place.  St.  Arnulph  at  once  raised 
him  and  buried  him  in  a  fitting  grave.  These 
miracles  made  such  an  impression  upon  the  king 
and  his  courtiers  that  they  forsook  their  Arian- 
ism  and  accepted  the  Catholic  faith  (^Ada  SS. 
ad  d.  18  Jul.). 

(3)  As  an  example  of  a  miracle  wrought  in 
punishment  of  evildoers  we  may  take  the  follow- 
ing. When  St.  Willibrord,  a.d.  739,  was  on  a 
missionary  journey,  he  with  his  company  sought 
rest  one  day  in  a  field.  The  owner  of  the  land 
proceeded  to  drive  him  away,  refusing  to  listen 
to  his  remonstrances  or  to  drink  with  him  in 
token  of  amity.  "  Then,"  exclaimed  the  saint, 
"  drink  not."  Consequently  the  man  lost  the 
power  of  drinking  while  sutlering  all  the  pangs 
of  thirst,  nor  did  he  regain  it  till  he  had  con- 
fessed his  sin  to  the  saint  upon  his  return  in  the 
course  of  a  year  (^Acta  SS.  Ben.  saec.  iii.  pt.  1). 

(4)  In  illustration  of  the  gifts  bestowed  upon 
men  for  their  enterprise  and  piety,  we  may 
refer  to  the  miracles  of  power  St.  Benedict 
of  Nursia  wrought,  the  record  of  which  is  to  be 
found  in  the  second  book  of  pope  Gregory's 
Dialogues,  e.g.  the  saint's  defeat  of  an  attempt 
made  to  poison  him  (ii.  3);  his  miraculous 
detection  of  an  infraction  of  the  monastic  rules 
on  the  part  of  some  of  his  monks  (ii.  12),  and  of 
theft  on  the  part  of  a  messenger  (ii.  18)  ;  his 
enabling  two  monks  to  carry  a  heavy  fragment 
of  rock  (ii.  9)  ;  with  which  miracles  we  may 
compare  others  of  the  same  class  wrought  by 
St.  Columban  (^Acta  SS.  Ben.  saec.  ii.). 

As  instances  of  miracles  of  power  falling  in 
none  of  the  above  categories,  and  appearing 
rather  in  the  light  of  simple  wonders,  we  may- 
note  the  following :  St.  Macarius  the  elder,  A.D. 
356,  causes  a  human  skull  he  found  in  the 
desert  to  speak  {Acta  SS.  ad  d.  11  Jan. ;  Fleury 
siii.  38),  and  Severinus  of  Noricum,  a.d.  475,  a 
dead  priest  {Acta  SS.  ad  d.  8  Jan.)  ;  St.  Mary  the 
Egyptian,  a.d.  421,  after  signing  the  cross 
walks  on  the  waters  of  the  Jordan  (A.  Butler's 
Lives  of  the  Saints,  s.  v.) ;  Hermenlandus,  abbat 
of  a  monastery  near  Nantes,  a.d.  720,  by  the 
use  of  the  same  means  lights  his  lamp  {Acta  SS. 
Ben.  saec.  iii.  pt.  i.),  and  St.  Gudule  of  Brussels, 
A.D.  712,  by  prayer  her  candle  (Acta  SS.  ad  d. 
8  Jan.),  while  likewise  after  prayer  two  monks 
of  Bobio  are  able  to  carry  the  trunk  of  a  largo 
tree  {Acta  SS.  Ben.  saec.  ii.). 

Before  quitting  the  subject  of  wonders 
wrought  by  living  saints  we  shall  do  well  to 
note  first,  the  aspect  in  which  the  workers 
of  miracles  regarded  their  achievements,  and 
the  causes  to  which  they  attributed  them. 
When  no  answer  was  accorded  to  his  prayers 
respecting  the  cures  he  was  called  upon  to  per- 
form, Pachomius  used  to  comfort  himself  with 
the  reflection  that  often  God  shews  more  favour 
in  refusing  than  in  granting  our  requests 
(Fleury,  xv.  60).   Germanus  of  Auserre  displayed 


20iG 


WONDERS 


a  like  humility  in  attributing  the  cures  he 
woriied  to  the  means  he  employed,  and  not  least 
to  the  relics  he  bore  about  his  person  ( Vic  du 
grand  St.  Gcniuiin,  par  Dom  Vide).  Secondly, 
we  may  note  the  acknowledgment  on  the  part 
•of  those  who  fully  believed  in  and  themselves 
recorded  contemporary  miracles,  that  those  who 
wrought  them  were  liable  to  be  unduly  elated 
by  their  own  performances.  Thus  pope  Gregory 
reminds  Augustine,  in  respect  of  the  miracles 
that  saint  had  wrought  in  England,  that  the 
working  of  miracles  was  no  requisite  for  obtain- 
ing a  place  amongst  the  elect  (Ji/).  si.  28). 

II.    Wonders  wrought  by  Belies. 

The  relics  of  a  saint  perpetuated  the  benefits 
which  the  saint  himself  during  his  lifetime  had 
conferred  upon  those  who  stood  in  need  of  heal- 
ing or  succour.  [Uelics.]  The  translation, 
again,  of  a  saint's  body,  for  the  purpose  of 
obtaining  for  it  a  safer  or  more  honourable 
resting-place,  frequently  gave  rise  to  a  display 
of  its  thaumaturgic  virtues  (e.g.  Translatio  S. 
Severini,  Acta  SS.  ad  d.  8  Jan.).  We  must 
note  that,  unlike  those  which  were  wrought  by 
living  saints,  miracles  due  to  relics  form  no 
continuous  chain  reaching  -from  the  earliest  to 
the  latest  portion  of  our  period,  originating  as 
they  did  in  the  latter  half  of  the  4th  century. 
The  church,  however,  was  prepared  to  believe 
in  the  working  of  miracles  by  relics  through 
the  operation  of  various  causes :  first,  by  the 
regard  she  had  long  paid  to  the  remains  of 
martyrs ;  secondly  by  the  association  of  these 
remains — placed  as  they  were  beneath  the  altars 
of  churches — with  the  mysteries  :  "  Ejiiscopus, 
qui  super  mortuorum  hominum,  Petri  et  Pauli, 
secundum  nos,  ossa  veneranda  .  .  .  oftert  Domino 
eacrificia,  et  tumulos  eorum,  Christi  altaria  ar- 
bitratur "  (Hieronym.  ii.  adv.  Vigil,  p.  153) ; 
thirdly,  by  the  prevalence  of  a  notion,  of  heathen 
origin,  that  the  souls  of  the  departed  lingered 
about  the  graves  in  which  the  bodies  rested 
(Lactant.  ii.  2 ;  Greg.  M.  Dial.  ii.  38).  Perhaps 
also  in  accounting  for  a  readiness  to  believe  in 
the  virtue  of  that  which  was  inanimate  and 
possessed  no  powers  of  volition,  we  must  not 
wholly  eliminate  even  from  the  mind  of  the 
populace  the  effect  of  the  teaching  of  philosophy 
that  the  Deity  Himself  wrought  by  inherent 
virtue  rather  than  by  will — (pvcrei  ov  ^ov\7)fffi ; 
— while  as  an  influence  acting  immediately  and 
most  effectually  in  bringing  about  this  belief  we 
must  place  the  example  of  notable  men  such  as 
Ambrose,  Augustine,  Basil  and  Chrysostom. 

i.  Miracles  of  beneficence.  (1)  Exorcism, 
healing  ;  (2)  Raising  the  dead  ;  (3)  Deliverance, 
protection,  succour. 

(1)  Exorcisms  and  miraculous  cures  wrought. 
1.  By  the  bodies  of  saints.  2.  By  objects 
brought  into  contact  with  or  proximity  to  the 
bodies  of  saints,  living  or  dead,  (a)  The  gar- 
ments of  saints  or  other  objects  possessed  by 
saints.  (6)  Cloths  laid  upon  the  bodies  of 
dead  saints,  (c)  The  candles  which  illuminated 
or  the  lamps  which  were  suspended  above  the 
tomb  of  a  saint,  {d)  The  dust  which  gathered 
upon  the  tomb.  (f)  Water  with  which  the 
tomb  was  washed,  (f)  The  fabric  and  furni- 
■ture  of  the  church  which  held  the  relics. 

1.  By  saints'  bodies. 

3Iany  miracles  were  wrought  by  St.  Stephen's 


WONDERS 

relics.*  And  first  ui)ou  their  discovery  at  Ca- 
phargamala  near  Jerusalem,  in  consequence  of  a 
twofold  revelation.  The  town  of  Calama  had 
l)ossessed  relics  of  St.  Stephen  for  about  eight 
years,  and  that  of  Hippo  for  less  than  two  years, 
when  St.  Augustine  made  the  assertion  that 
many  books  would  have  to  be  written  in  order 
to  recount  all  the  miracles  of  healing — to  say 
nothing  of  others — which  had  been  wrought  by 
means  of  these  relics  during  this  si)ace  of  time 
ill  the  two  districts  of  Calama  and  Hippo,  and 
that  of  those  which  had  taken  place  in  the  latter 
district  alone  nearly  seventy  accounts  had 
already  been  written  (De  Civ.  Dei,  xxii.  8,  §  20). 

For  further  examples  of  miraculous  curea 
wrought  by  saints'  bodies  we  may  refer  to  the 
following  instances  :  the  cures  which  took  place 
at  Milan,  after  the  discovery  made  by  St. 
Ambrose  of  the  bodies  of  SS.  Gervasius  and 
Protasius,  of  the  blind  Severus  [Rklics, 
p.  1769],  and  of  demoniacs  and  other  sick 
people  upon  their  touching  the  cloths  which 
lay  upon  the  relics,  or  by  means  of  the  shadow 
the  relics  cast  when  borne  through  the  streets 
of  the  town  (Ambros.  Ep.  xxii.  9) ;  the  healing 
of  a  leper  at  Alexandria  bv  the  body  of  Elisha, 
A.D.  456  (Theoph.  176);  the  cure  of  a  blind 
man  who  on  touching  the  covering  of  the  bier 
of  St.  Theuderius  found  blood  flow  from  his  eyes 
and  received  sight  (Ado  Viennensis  in  Migiie, 
Patrol.  Lat.  cxxiii.  447)  ;  of  a  blind  woman  at 
the  funeral  of  St.  Aigulphus  of  Lerins,  a.d.  675 
(Acta  SS.  Ben.  saec.  ii.) ;  of  five  blind  persons 
and  two  with  shrunken  limbs,  at  St.  Martin's 
tomb  at  Toui's  (Greg.  Turon.  de  Mir.  Mart.  i.  12, 
25  ;  ii.  44,  58  ;  iv.  42)  ;  of  a  palsied  man  at  the 
tomb  of  Germauus,  bishop  of  Paris  (De  Gloria 
Confessor.  90) ;  frequent  cures  of  ague  at  the 
tomb  of  St.  Genevieve  {ih.  91);  one  of  tooth- 
ache at  that  of  St.  Medard  near  Soissons  (ib. 
95)  ;  and  various  miracles  of  healing  wrought 
by  St.  John  Baptist's  head  at  Emesa  (Theoph. 
665). 

2.  By  objects  brought  into  contact  with,  or 
proximity  to,  the  bodies  of  saints,  living  or  dead. 

Miracles  wrought  by  such  means  were,  accord- 
ing to  Gregory  the  Great,  likely  to  make  a 
deeper  impression  upon  the  popular  mind  than 
those  which  were  wrought  by  the  actual  bodies 
of  saints  (Dial.  ii.  38) ;  and  for  this  i-eason  :  in 
the  latter  case  they  might  be  regarded  as 
wrought,  in  answer  to  prayer,  by  the  saint  him- 
self whose  spirit  was  supposed  to  hover  about 
its  former  tenement. 

(a)  Saints'  garments  or  possessions. 

The  tunic  of  St.  John  the  Evangelist,  preserved 
in  Rome,  worked  many  miracles  (  Vita  Greg.  M. 
auctore  Jo.  Diacoiio,  lib.  iii.  59).  The  shoes  of 
St.  Gall,  A.D.  646,  healed  a  man,  to  whom  they 
were  given  after  the  saint's  death,  of  contrafticiu 
of  the  limbs  (Acta  SS.  Ben.  saec.  ii.)  ;  those  of 
St.  Cuthbert,  a.d.  687,  one  afflicted  with  paraly- 
sis (ibid.).  The  bed  on  which  St.  Gertrude, 
abbess  of  a  convent  at  Nivolles  in  Brabant,  a.d, 
658,  had  been  wont  to  sleep,  wrought  cures 
(ibid.),  as  did  also    the   fringe  or  threads  of   a 


»  So  many  indeed  were  wrought  in  the  course  of  the 
ages  as  to  give  rise  to  a  proverb  •  "  Whoever  pretends  to 
have  read  all  the  miracles  of  St.  Stephen,  he  lies" 
(Freculphus  apud  Basnage,  Jlist.  des  Juifs,  tom.  viii. 
p.  249,  Gibbon,  xxviii.). 


WONDERS 

chasuble  which  Nicetius,  bishop  of  Lyons,  had 
worn  (Greg.  Turon.  c^e  Vita  Pair.  viii.  5).  The 
keys  of  St.  Peter  wrought  many  cures  at  Rome, 
"super  aegros  positae  multis  solent  miraculis 
coruscare  "  (Greg.  M.  Ep.  i.  26,  30,  31). 

(p)  Cloths  laid  upon  the  bodies  of  dead  saints. 

From  the  habit  of  regarding  cloths  (Brandea) 
which  had  been  laid  upon  the  bodies  of  dead 
saints  in  order  to  obtain  virtue  from  them,  as 
possessed  of  properties  equally  miraculous  with 
those  of  the  body  itself,  it  is  frequently  difficult, 
in  the  absence  of  any  specific  term,  to  determine 
whether  the  terms  generally  used  to  designate 
relics  refer  to  the  actual  remains  of  the  saints, 
or  to  objects  which  had  been  brought  into  con- 
tact with  or  proximity  to  them,  and  amongst 
these  to  relics  manufactured,  so  to  spealc,  lilce 
the  brandea.  To  give  an  instance  of  cloths  thus 
transmuted  into  relics,  cloths  were  laid  upon 
the  face  of  Meletius  of  Antioch,  on  the  occasion 
of  his  funeral  at  Constantinople,  a.d.  381,  and 
distributed  amongst  the  people  as  prophylactics 
(Fleury,  xviii.  2).  And  in  a  less  formal  manner 
handkerchiefs  (oraria)  and  garments  in  use  were 
cast  upon  relics,  e.g.-  upon  those  of  SS.  Gervasius 
and  Protasius  (Ambr.  Ep.  xxii.  9),  in  order  to 
invest  them  with  remedial  properties.  We  read 
also  that  threads  frayed  from  a  handkerchief 
(facietergium)  which  had  been  used  to  cover  the 
face  of  Nicetius,  bishop  of  Lyons,  on  the  day  of 
his  death,  when  laid  upon  an  altar,  cured  an 
epileptic  who  prayed  before  it  (Greg.  Turon.  de 
Vit.  Fatr.  viii.  8). 

(c)  The  candles  which  illuminated,  or  lamps 
which  were  suspended  above  the  tomb  of  a  saint. 
[Oil,  Holy.] 

(d)  The  dust  which  gathered  upon  the  tomb, 
the  ordinary  method  of  administering  which  was 
to  give  it  mixed  with  water  as  a  drink. 

Dust  from  the  tomb  of  St.  Hilary  of  Poitiers 
was  the  means  of  cleansing  two  lepers,  bestowing 
sight  upon  a  blind  person,  and  soundness  of  limb 
upon  two  persons  afflicted  with  withered  hands 
(Fortunatus  in  Migne,  Patrol.  Led.  cxcv.  6,  7 ; 
Acta  SS.  add.  13  Jan.).  Dust  from  the  tomb  of 
martyrs  in  Lyons,  when  gathered  in  a  spirit  of 
true  faith,  cured  the  infirm  (Greg.  Turon.  de  Gl. 
Martyr,  i.  50),  as  also  that  from  the  tomb  of 
Modoaldus,  bishop  of  Treves,  a.d.  640  circ.  {Acta 
SS.  ad  d.  12  Maii).  By  dust  from  St.  Martin's 
tomb  at  Tours,  Avitus,  bishop  of  Auvergne,  and 
two  youths  got  cured  of  fever,  several  persons  of 
dysentery,  and  Gregory  of  Tours  himself  of  a 
violent  fit  of  faceache,  of  the  pangs  of  which  the 
bishop  betrays  a  lively  remembrance  in  the 
eulogy  he  passes  upon  this  particular  form  of 
the  Turonensian  relics :  "  0  theriacam  inenarra- 
bilem  !  0  pigmentum  ineffabile !  0  antidotum 
laudabile  !  Opurgatorium,  ut  ita  dicam,coeleste ! " 
(de  Mir.  S.  Mart.  ii.  51 ;  iii.  60). 

(e)  Water  with  which  the  tomb  was  washed. 
During  the  prevalence  at  Tours  of  the  epidemic 

already  mentioned,  several  persons  were  cured 
of  dysentery  by  the  water  with  which  St. 
Martin's  tomb  was  washed  in  preparation  for 
Easter  (Greg.  Turon.  do  Mir.  S.  Mart.  ii.  51). 
Similar  curative  virtues  attached  to  the  water 
with  which  the  corpse  of  a  saint  had  been  washed; 
instance  the  cure  of  a  demoniac  by  this  means 
(Acta  SS.  Ben.  saec.  ii. ;  Vita  S.  Cuthherti). 

(/)  The  fabric  and  furniture  of  the  church 
which  held  the  relics. 


WONDERS 


2047 


A  boy  suffering  from  the  effects  of  a  poisoned 
dart  was  cured  upon  kissing  the  threshold  of  St. 
Martin's  basilica,  in  accordance  with  a  well- 
known  ecclesiastical  custom,  prevalent  alike  in 
the  East  and  West,  and  alluded  to  by  Chryso- 
stom  (torn.  XXX.  in  ii.  ad  Cor.)  and  Prudentius 
(Hymnus  de  S.  Laurentio).  Sidonius  ApoUi- 
naris  {Ep.  i.  5)  tells  a  friend  that  he  lost  the 
sense  of  his  debility  when  prostrate  upon  the 
threshold  of  the  Vatican  ba-silica  in  Rome.  In 
the  neighbourhood  of  Bordeaux,  horses  were 
cured  of  disease  by  being  marked  with  the  key 
of  the  door  of  a  chapel  which  was  dedicated  to 
St.  Martin,  and  which  held  his  relics  (Greo- 
Turon.  de  Mir.  S.  Mart.  iii.  33).  " 

(2)  Raising  the  dead. 

For  examples  of  this  wonder  as  wrought  by 
means  of  relics,  see  Relics,  p.  1777.  To  these  we 
may  add  the  instance  of  a  man  who  was  raised  to 
life  at  the  tomb  of  St.  Genevieve  of  Paris  (Greg 
Turon.  de  Gl.  Confess.  91). 

(3)  Deliverance,  protection,  succour. 

The  belief  in  the  efficacy  of  relics  to  secure, 
whether  for  the  individual  believer  or  the  whole 
population  of  a  city,  deliverance  from  or  protec- 
tion against  all  ills,  was  equally  prevalent,  and 
of  the  same  date  as  to  its  origin  with  the  belief 
in  their  curative  virtues. 

As  instances  of  this  belief,  we  may  note  that 
the  inhabitants  of  Rome  regarded  the  relics  of 
SS.  Peter  and  Paul  as  safeguards  to  their  city. 
[Patron  Saints.]  In  the  same  light  the  people 
of  Nisibis  regarded  the  relics  of  their  bishop,  St. 
James,  attributing,  indeed,  to  the  removal  of 
them  by  Julian  the  loss  of  their  town  to  the 
Persians  (Fleury,  xv.  44). 

As  examples  of  actual  deliverance  from  danger 
arising  respectively  from  hostile  assault,  infec- 
tious disease,  inundations,  and  storms,  we  may 
mention  the  following  instances.  When  a  band 
of  rebellious  monks  belonging  to  the  monastery 
of  St.  Sabas  in  Palestine  were  on  their  way  to 
attack  the  monastery,  they  were  seized  with 
blindness,  and  unable  to  reach  their  destination. 
This  deliverance  of  the  abbat  and  his  party  was 
attributed  to  the  presence  of  the  relics  of  St. 
Sabas  (Fleury,  xxxiii.  3).  In  the  time  of  Gregory 
of  Tours,  the  populations  of  several  districts  of 
Gaul  were  visited  with  a  plague  of  an  infectious 
character,  amongst  these,  the  province  of  Prima 
Germania.  The  town  of  Rheims,  however,  escaped, 
by  virtue  of  the  pall  or  covering  of  St.  Renii- 
gius's  tomb,  which  was  carried  in  procession, 
with  the  accompaniment  of  crosses  and  candles, 
round  the  town  (Gi-eg.  Turon.  de  Gl.  Confess.  79). 
Gregory  himself,  when  the  disease  had  reached 
Auvergne,  sought  and  obtained  protection 
against  it  at  the  tomb  of  St.  Julian  {de  Mir. 
Martyr,  ii.  45).  On  the  occasion  of  an  inunda- 
tion, caused  by  the  overflowing  of  the  Adige,  at 
Verona,  in  the  6th  century,  a  large  crowd 
assembled  in  the  church,  and  before  the  tomb 
of  St.  Zeno,  bishop  of  Verona  {Martyr.  Horn. 
12  April.),  to  beseech  his  protection.  The  waters 
surged  up  round  the  edifice  to  the  height  of  the 
windows,  blocking  up  the  door,  but  did  not 
penetrate  into  the  church  or  enilanger  tlie  lives 
of  the  supplicants  (Greg.  M.  Dial.  iii.  19).  By 
the  erection  of  a  shrine  with  the  usual  accom- 
paniment of  relics,  the  frequenters  of  a  festival 
held  yearly  in  tlie  Cevennes,  were  delivered  froin 
storms  which  had  become  a  matter  of  certain 


2048 


WONDEKS 


occurrence  on  the  occasion  (Greg.  Turon.  de  Gl. 
Conf.  2). 

Besides  affording  deliverance  from,  and  protec- 
tion against,  ills,  relics  could  confer  positive  bene- 
fits. Thus  at  Nursia  in  Umbria,  the  carrying  of 
the  robe  of  Eutychius,  formerly  abbat  of  a  neigh- 
bouring monastery,  round  the  fields,  in  seasons 
of  drought,  invariably  produced  rain  (Greg.  M. 
Dial.  iii.  15). 

This  belief  in  the  miraculous  virtues  of  relics 
led  to  the  practice  of  carrying  relics,  as  the  Jews 
of  old  their  ark,  into  battle.  Thus  the  Prankish 
princes  required  their  ai-my  chaplains  to  carry 
them  at  the  head  of  their  forces  (Carlomanni, 
capit.  i.  ann.  742,  c.  2  ;  Caroli  M.  capit.  viii.  ann. 
803);  Chilperic  had  them  carried  before  him 
when  he  entered  Paris  (Greg.  Turon.  vi.  27) ; 
and  an  Eastern  king,  according  to  a  story  Gre- 
gory of  Tours  repeats,  went  so  far  as  to  insert 
the  thumb  of  St.  Sergius  in  his  own  right  arm, 
and  was  able,  as  a  reward  for  his  faith,  by 
raising  his  arm,  to  conquer  his  enemies  {Hist. 
vii.  31).  And  apart  from  this  public  and  official 
use  of  relics,  many  were  wont  to  carry  them 
about  their  person  for  their  own  individual  pro- 
tection against  dangers  in  general,  especially 
such  as  might  arise  in  travelling.  Gregory  of 
Tours  illustrated  the  practice  and  the  benefit 
resulting  from  it  in  his  own  case.  When  he  was 
on  a  journey  from  Burgundy  to  Auvergne,  a 
thunderstorm  came  on.  Plucking  some  relics 
he  carried  from  his  bosom  he  held  them  up  in 
the  direction  of  an  ominous-looking  cloud.  The 
cloud  parted  in  two,  and  no  harm  befell  the 
travellers  (de  Gl.  Martyr,  i.  84).  Upon  another 
occasion  he  extinguished  a  fire  by  producing  a 
cross,  which  contained  relics  of  the  Virgin,  the 
Apostles,  and  St.  Martin  {de  Gl.  Martyr,  i.  11). 
In  Gregory  the  Great's  epistles  frequent  mention 
is  made  of  relics  being  sent  by  that  prelate  to 
various  individuals,  amongst  these  to  Childebert, 
Eechared,  and  Constantina,  the  wife  of  the  em- 
peror Maurice,  which  were  to  be  worn  round  the 
neck  as  safeguards  against  physical  ills,  and  for 
the  sake  of  the  spiritual  benefit  they  were  calcu- 
lated to  bestow,  e.g.  (1)  keys  of  St.  Peter,  toge- 
ther with  which,  as  a  rule,  was  included  a 
minute  portion  of  his  chains  {Ep.  i.  26,  30,  31, 
iii.  48,  vi.  6,  ix.  52,  122,  xii.  7)  ;  (2)  chains  of  St. 
Paul,  i.e.  particles  filed  off  from  {Ep.  iv.  30); 
(3)  crosses,  containing  relics,  e.(j.  (a)  particles  of 
St.  Peter's  chains  {Ep.  iii.  33),  (6)  wood  of  the 
cross,  and  hair  of  the  Baptist  {Ep.  ix.  122);  (4) 
the  gridiron,  i.e.  pieces  of,  on  which  St.  Lawrence 
was  tortured  to  death  {Ep.  iii.  33).  With  this 
use  of  relics  as  safeguards  we  may  compare  the 
like  practice  of  wearing  a  portion  (lectio)  of  the 
gospels  suspended  round  the  neck  for  the  sake  of 
protection  (Jo.  Chrysost.  tom.  xix.  ad  Antioch.), 
and  of  placing  one  on  the  head  to  obtain  a  cure 
(Aug.  in  Johan.  c.  7). 

2.  Miracles  of  Power  wrought  by  Relics.  (1) 
In  attestation  of  the  righteousness  of  the  inno- 
cent, and  the  guilt  of  the  wrong-doer.  (2)  In 
punishment  of  those  who  treated  relics  with 
contempt,  and  appearing  in  either  case  in  the 
light  of  signs. 

(1)  Gregory  of  Tours  relates  the  two  following 
instances  :  A  priest  who  had  taken  refuge  in  the 
church  of  St.  Martin  at  Tours,  and  was  there 
put  into  chains,  was  proved  to  be  innocent  by 
the  fact  that  his  chains  fell  off  him,  and  could 


WONDEES 

not  be  made  to  remain  on  him  when  rejilaced 
{de  Mir.  S.  Mart.  i.  23).  On  the  other  hand,  a 
priest  who  had  falsely  asserted  his  innocence 
before  the  tomb  of  St.  Maximin  in  Treves  fell 
down  dead  {de  Gl.  Conf.  93).  For  a  similar  in- 
stance occurring  in  Bourges,  see  Greg.  Turon.  de 
Gl.  Martyr,  i.  34,  and  for  another  in  Milan, 
Fleury,  xxi.  54;  and  compare  pope  Gregory's 
words:  "Ad  exstincta  namque  eorum  corpora 
.  .  .  perjuri  veniunt  et  daemonic  vexantur" 
{Dial.  iv.  6). 

(2)  The  power  of  relics  to  punish  those  who 
treated  them  with  contempt  is  thus  illustrated. 
When  the  relics  of  St.  Baby  las,  bishop  of  Antioch, 
had  been  removed  at  the  emperor  Julian's  com- 
mand from  Daphne,  where  their  presence  was 
supposed  to  render  dumb  the  oracles  of  Apollo, 
the  temple  of  Apollo  caught  fire,  and  no  traces 
of  it  were  left,  a.d.  354  (Ruf.  i.  35,  36 ;  Sozom. 
V.  18,  19;  Theoph.  pp.  76,  77).  During  the 
troubles  with  which  the  6th  century  drew  to  its 
close  in  France,  a  basilica  which  stood  near 
Agen,  on  the  Garonne,  and  held  the  relics  of  the 
martyr  Vincentius  (of  that  town),  was  set  on  fire. 
Of  those  who  had  done  the  deed,  some  were 
seized  with  madness,  some  were  scorched  with 
lightning,  some  inflicted  wounds  on  themselves, 
some  drowned  themselves  in  the  river,  and 
others  were  tormented  with  various  diseases 
(Greg.  Turon.  vii.  35 ;  de  Gl.  Martyr,  i.  105). 
We  read  of  similar  judgments  in  the  instance 
of  a  count,  who  threatened  to  fire  St.  Martin's 
basilica  (cfe  Mir.  S.  Mart.  ii.  27);  a  councillor 
who  had  suggested  the  partial  demolition  of  a 
church  {de  Gl.  Martyr,  i.  92) ;  a  man  who  neg- 
lected to  deliver  relics  when  warned  in  dreams 
to  do  so  (i.  42) ;  a  queen  who  stole  some  (Eddius, 
33-38 ;  Robertson,  Ch.  Hist.  ii.  67) ;  a  Lombard 
who  was  about  to  make  an  incision  in  a  key  of 
St.  Peter's  (Greg.  M.  Ep.  vii.  26) ;  a  band  of 
Lombards  who  attempted  to  drag  some  monks 
away  from  a  tomb  {Dial.  i.  4). 

Other  miracles  of  this  class  may  be  regarded 
in  the  light  of  wonders,  such,  for  instance,  as 
indicate  the  possession  on  the  part  of  relics  of  a 
power  (1)  to  postpone,  with  reference  to  them- 
selves, the  process  of  decay.  Thus  Hilarion's 
body  ten  months  after  death  was  wholly  free 
from  corruption  and  gave  forth  a  sweet  fra- 
grance (Jer.  t.  ii. ;  Newman,  on  Mir.  p.  xxxii.). 
When  the  body  of  Amandus,  bishop  of  Maestricht, 
A.D.  679,  was  translated,  forty  years  after  its 
burial,  it  was  found  to  have  so  little  perished  in 
the  interim  that  blood  flowed  from  the  gums 
when  some  teeth  were  extracted,  while  the 
beard  and  nails  had  actually  grown  {Acta  SS. 
Ben.  saec.  ii.).  See  also  in  reference  to  St. 
Euphemia,  Evagr.  ii.  3  ;  Fleury,  xxviii.  1.  (2)  To 
increase  in  bulk,  e.g. :  Some  dust  taken  from  St. 
Martin's  tomb  at  Tours  so  increased  in  quantity 
as  to  fill,  and  even  force  its  way  through  the 
lid  of,  the  box  in  which  it  had  been  placed 
(Greg.  Turon.  viii.  15).  (3)  To  exercise  a  will 
and  purpose.  When  the  corpse  of  St.  Theu- 
derius  was  borne  out  to  burial,  it  could  be 
moved  in  no  other  direction  than  that  of  the 
saint's  monastery  (Ado  Viennensis  in  Migne, 
Patrol.  Lat.  cxxiii.  448).  (4)  To  vindicate  their 
sanctity.  Gregory  the  Great  alludes  to  a  story 
current  about  his  predecessor  St.  Leo,  who,  to 
convince  some  who  were  sceptical  on  the  subject 
of  such  relics,  tore  a  "  brandeum  "  with  a  pair 


WONDEES 

•of  pincers.  From  the  rent  thus  made  blood 
flowed  {Ep.  iv.  30).  All  that  is  here  said 
of  other  relics  may  be  said  of  relics  of  the  Holy 
Cross. 

III.  Wonders  wrought  by  the  Eucharist. 
Partly  from  the  solemnity  of  the  rite,  and 
partly  from  its  intimate  connexion  as  a  mark  of 
church  membership  with  the  doctrines  of  the 
Catholic  faith,  the  miracles  which  were  wrought 
by  the  Eucharist  appear  in  the  light  of  signs  and 
of  punitive  miracles  rather  than,  or  at  least  as 
often  as,  in  the  light  of  works  of  mercy,  whereas 
in  the  case  of  those  wrought  by  saintly  agency 
or  the  means  we  have  hitherto  noticed,  miracles  of 
beneficence  preponderate  over  those  of  an  opposite 
description.  Especially,  too,  must  we  note  that 
the  miracles  the  Eucharist  wrought,  it  wrought 
not  only  as  a  sacrament,  but  as  that  of  the 
Catholic  faith  in  contradistinction  to  the  rite 
and  in  condemnation  of  the  doctrines,  of  an 
heretical  creed. 

1.  Miracles    of    beneficence.      (1)    Exorcism, 
healing  ;  (2)  Deliverance,  protection,  succour. 

(1)  A  girl  possessed  of  an  evil  spirit  upon 
receiving  the  Eucharist  from  St.  Austregisile  of 
Boui-ges,  A.D.  624,  at  once  ceased  to  shout  and 
rave  (Acta  SS.  Ben.  saec.  ii.)  ;  and  a  singer  in  a 
church  choir  upon  receiving  it  from  Sulpicius, 
bishop  of  the  same  see,  a.d.  6-14,  revived  when 
exhausted  and  in  a  prostrate  condition  from  a 
■conflict  with  demons  (ibid.).  The  slaves  and 
-cattle  of  a  tribune  at  Hippo  were  freed  from 
sufferings  inflicted  by  demons  upon  their 
owner's  partaking  of  the  Eucharist  (Aug.  de 
Civ.  Dei,  xxii.  8,  §  6).  (2)  By  means  of  the 
Eucharist  a  child  was  preserved  from  perishing 
by  fire.  At  the  time  of  the  occurrence  of  the 
niiracle — the  reign  of  Justinian — it  was  cus- 
tomary to  distribute  amongst  the  young  children 
of  Christian  parents  such  fragments  of  the 
Eucharistic  bread  as  remained  after  communion. 
[EULOGIAE.]  By  accident  a  Jewish  child, 
mingling  with  his  Christian  companions,  re- 
ceived and  ate  one  of  these  fragments.  The 
father  of  the  boy — a  glass-blower  by  trade — 
was  so  enraged  that  he  shut  his  son  into  his 
furnace  in  order  not  only  to  kill  him  but  to 
destroy  all  traces  of  him.  The  child,  however, 
was  saved,  and  the  miracle  had  its  ethical 
result  in  the  conversion  of  the  mother,  who  was 
baptized  together  with  her  child  (Migne,  Diet, 
des  Proph.  et  dcs  Mirac.  t.  i.  p.  641).  The 
virtues  of  the  Eucharist,  as  a  means  of  succour, 
extended  even  to  the  dead.  A  young  monk  in 
St.  Benedict's  monastery,  who  had  gone  on  a 
visit  to  his  parents  without  obtaining  the 
customary  blessing  from  the  saint  before  quit- 
ting the  monastery,  died  on  the  day  of  his 
return.  After  burial  his  body  was  found  to 
have  been  displaced  and,  when  reburied,  again 
displaced.  St.  Benedict  then  ordered  it  to 
be  buried  with  the  Host  laid  upon  it,  after 
which  the  corpse  reposed  in  peace  (Greg.  M. 
Dial.  ii.  24). 

2.  Miracles  of  power  wrought  (1)  In  condem- 
nation of  immorality  ;  (2)  of  heresy. 

(1)  Gregory  of  Tours  relates  that  as  a  deacon 
— a  man  of  unholy  life — was  one  day  carrying 
the  Eucharist  into  a  church,  the  bread  flew  out 
of  his  hands  and  placed  itself  on  the  altar  {De 
Gloria  JIartyr.   i.    86).      In    the    time   of  St. 


WONDERS 


2049 


Liudger,  bishop  of  Miinster  in  Westphalia,  A.D. 
809,  a  woman,  living  in  illicit  connexion  with  a 
priest,  sent  a  jar  of  honey  to  a  church,  where  it 
was  placed  behind  the  altar.  As  soon  as  the 
bishop,  who  was  officiating  on  the  occasion, 
began  the  mass,  the  jar  broke  (^Acta  SS.  Ben. 
saec.  iv.  pt.  1).  (2)  Certain  members  of  the 
Donatist  sect,  in  token  of  their  contempt  for  the 
Catholics,  once  ordered  the  Eucharistic  bread  to 
be  given  to  their  dogs.  Upon  eating  it  the  dogs 
went  mad  and  bit  their  masters  (Optatus 
Milev.  de  Schism.  Donatist.  bk.  vi.).  A  woman 
receiving  some  of  the  Eucharistic  bread  of  the 
Macedonians,  to  her  alarm  found  that  it  had 
turned  into  stone  (Sozomen,  viii.  5 ;  Theoph.  120). 
As  a  wonder  or  prodigy  wrought  by  the 
Eucharist  we  may  note  that  according  to  Greg. 
of  Tours  {Hist.  vi.  21),  the  Host  on  one  occasion 
shed  blood  when  broken. 

The  consecrated  bread  set  aside  and  reserved 
[Reservation]  was  credited  with  similar  if  not 
equal  powers  of  working  miracles  with  that 
partaken  of  in  communion.  As  constituting  a 
means  of  grace,  it  was  sinful  to  treat  it  from 
whatever  motives  with  indifference,  as  may  be 
seen  from  the  following  incident.  A  bishop 
named  Marsius  upon  receiving  the  Eucharist 
from  the  hands  of  Melanius,  bishop  of  Rennes, 
A.D.  530,  let  his  portion  fall  into  the  folds  of  his 
robe,  deeming  it  a  mark  of  superior  sanctity  not 
to  break  his  fast.  The  bread  turned  into  a 
snake,  which  wreathed  itself  tightly  roimd  the 
bishop's  waist  and  could  not  be  got  rid  of  till 
Melanius  had  spent  a  night  in  supplication  on 
the  sufferer's  behalf,  when  it  reverted  to  its 
original  condition,  in  which  form  Marsius  thank- 
fully ate  it  {Acta  SS.  ad  d.  6  Jan.). 

Miracles  were  also  wrought  by  holy  baptism. 
St.  Augustine  {de  Civ.  Dei,  xxii.  8,  §  4)  mentions 
the  miraculous  effect  of  baptism  upon  a  surgeon 
afflicted  with  gout.  St.  Augustine  further 
relates  that  an  actor  was  cured  of  paralysis  by 
this  rite  (§  5).  Theophanes  records  a  similar 
cure  in  the  instance  of  a  Jew  [Chronograph.  127). 
Sight  was  bestowed  upon  Othilia,  afterwards  an 
abbess  in  Alsace,  on  her  baptism  {Martyr.  Rom. 
13  Dec).  As  a  miracle  of  power,  Theophanes 
relates  that  when  Deuterius,  an  Arian  bishop, 
A.D.  502,  was  about  to  baptize  a  catechumen 
after  the  Arian  formula,  "  in  the  name  of  the 
Father  in  the  Son,"  the  water  in  the  piscina 
suddenly  dried  up  {Chronograph.  234). 

IV.  Wonders  wrought  by  Pictures  and  Images. 

(ii)  Pictures  and  images  of  our  Lord  and  the 
saints. 

In  the  controversy  which  was  raised  in  the 
first  half  of  the  8th  century  respecting  pictures, 
one  argument  put  forward  in  favour  of  their  use 
was  the  fact  that  they  possessed  miraculous 
virtues.  Heaven,  it  was  urged,  had  wrought 
many  miracles  by  means  of  pictures.  Cures  had 
been  effected,  charms  broken,  visions  had  been 
accorded.  To  this  purport  pleads  Germanus, 
patriarch  of  Constantinople,  in  a  letter  addressed, 
A.D.  726,  to  Thomas,  bishop  of  Claudiopolis 
{Acta  Concil.  Nicaen.  ii.  Actio  iv.  in  Mansi,  xiii.). 
Such  miracles,  however,  were  confined  to  repre- 
sentations of  our  blessed  Lord  and  the  saints. 

1.  Miracles  of  beneficence.  (1)  Healing  ; 
(2)  Protection,  succour. 

(1)  A  picture  of  the  Virgin  Mary  at  Sozopolis 


2050 


WONDERS 


in  PisiJia  was  wont  to  slied,  at  the  point  where 
the  hand  of  the  Virgin  was  represented,  a  sweet- 
smellins;  ointment.  To  this  picture  Germanus 
esj)ecially  alludes  as  one  whose  miraculous 
virtues  were  attested  by  numerous  witnesses 
(Mansi,  xiii. ;  Fleury,  xlii.  2).  For  the  statue 
at  Caesarea  I'hilippi,  see  Jicsus  Christ,  Kepre- 
SENTATiON  OF,  p.  877.  An  image  of  our  Lord 
on  the  cross  which  stood  near  the  great  gate 
of  the  imperial  palace  at  Constantinople  was 
supposed  to  possess  miraculous  virtues,  and  in 
fact  was  believed  to  have  wrought  a  cure  of 
hemorrhage  similar  to  that  mentioned  in  the 
Gospels.  To  the  adoration  paid  to  it  on  this 
score  it  owed  indeed  its  destruction  by  the 
emperor  Leo  IIL  (Maimbourg,  Histoirede  VH€re'sie 
dcs  Iconoclastes ;  Fleury,  xlii.  3).  John  Damas- 
cene, after  praying  before  an  image  of  the  Virgin, 
had  his  right  hand,  which  had  been  cut  off, 
miraculously  restored  (Robertson,  Ch.  Hist.  ii. 
84,  85). 

(2)  The  victories  which  Heraclius  won  over 
the  Persians  were  attributed  to  the  fact  of  his 
carrying  at  the  head  of  his  legions  images  of  our 
Lord  and  the  Virgin  Mary  (Maimbourg,  m.  s.  ;  of. 
Fleury,  xxxvii.  3);  and  the  repulse  of  a  Saracen 
army  fi'om  the  walls  of  Nicaea,  a.d.  718,  to  the 
possession  by  that  city  of  images  of  the  saints 
(Theoph.  624,  625).  For  the  destruction  of  the 
war  machines  of  the  Persians  at  the  siege  of 
Edessa,  A.D.  621,  by  means  of  a  portrait  of 
Christ ;  see  Images. 

2.  Miracles  of  power. 

A  Jew  stole  a  picture  of  our  Lord  from  a 
church,  and  in  token  of  his  contempt  for  and 
hatred  of  the  Person  it  represented,  trans- 
fixed it  with  a  dart.  Forthwith  blood  began  to 
flow  from  the  picture,  and  in  such  quantity  as 
to  cover  the  Jew  from  head  to  foot.  Whereupon 
he  resolved  to  burn  it,  but  the  blood  it  had  shed 
enabled  its  rightful  owners  to  trace  and  bring 
condign  punishment  upon  the  thief  (Sigeberti 
Gemblac.  C/tronicon,  A.D.  560  in  Migne,  Patrol. 
Lat.  clx.  105). 

(6)  Images  of  the  cross. 

As  the  jjortrait  of  a  saint  became  endowed 
with  miraculous  powers  by  reason  of  the  holiness 
of  the  individual  therein  portrayed,  so  repre- 
sentations of  the  cross  obtained  as  such  some 
measure  at  least  of  the  virtues  which  attached 
to  the  true  cross  itself.  Miracles  of  bene- 
ficence, healing,  protection,  succour,  are  attri- 
buted to  such  ordinary  crosses,  exactly  similar 
to  those  attributed  to  the  true  cross  itself.  See 
Gretser,  de  Ciicce,  and  his  Hortus  Crucis. 

V.  Wonders  wrought  by  Celestial  Visitants. 

1.  Miracles  of  beneficence.  (1)  Healing ; 
(2)  Deliverance,  protection,  succour. 

(1)  St.  Cuthbert,  bishop  of  Lindisfarne.  A. P. 
687,  was  cured  of  weakness  in  his  knee  by  an 
angel  who  appeared  to  him  on  horseback  (^Actn 
SS.  Ben.  saec.  ii.) ;  and  a  nun  in  a  convent  at 
Pauvilly,  in  Normandy,  of  an  ulcer  in  her  throat 
after  the  hand  of  some  invisible  personage  had 
been  placed  in  support  of  her  head,  and  a  vision 
had  been  subsequently  accorded  to  her  of  one 
clothed  in  the  white  robes  of  a  virgin  ( Vita  S. 
Austreberiae,  Acta  SS.  Ben.  saec.  iii.  pt.  1). 
In  short  we  may  say  that  whatever  wonders 
were  attributed  to  living  saints  were  also  attri- 
buted to  celestial  visitants. 


WONDERS 

As  wonders  wrought  by  celestial  visitants  we 
may  class  (a)  the  presentation  by  them  of  gifts, 
c.(j.  of  a  magnificent  vestment  which  the  Virgin 
Mary  presented  to  Ildefonsus,  bishop  of  Toledo, 
to  be  worn  on  her  festivals,  in  reward  for  his 
defence  of  the  doctrine  of  her  perpetual  virginity 
(Baron,  ad  ann.  657.  53,  56  ;  Robertson,  ii.  58)  ; 
(6)  directions  given  by  angels  in  visions  or 
dreams  respecting  the  building  of  churches  or 
monasteries  in  all  instances  in  which  the 
miraculous  was  not  confined  to  the  apparition 
itself.  Thus  when  the  archangel  Michael  had 
thrice  appeared,  A.D.  709,  to  a  bishop  named 
Autbertus,  bidding  him  found  a  church  to  his 
honour  on  the  mount  now  known  as  St.  Michael's 
mount,  on  the  coast  of  Normandy,  the  bishop 
found  a  confirmation  of  the  superhuman  nature 
of  the  behest  in  the  fulfilment  of  an  appointed 
sign,  and  further  instruction  as  to  the  exact 
dimensions  of  the  church  in  its  lines  being  left 
untouched  by  the  dew  which  covered  the  top  of 
the  mount  (Appar.  S.  Michaelis,  Acta  SS.  Ben. 
saec.  iii.  pt.  1). 

VI.  Wonders  wrmujht  apart  from  Human  or 
Angelic  Agency  or  the  above-named  Means. 

Wonders  of  this  kind,  consisting  as  they  do 
largely  of  instances  of  providential  interference, 
whether  merciful  or  punitive,  rank  in  a  different 
class  from  those  wrought  by  saints  or  their  relics, 
or  by  sacraments  in  contradiction  to  the  laws  of 
nature.  Those,  too,  which  are  best  attested  are 
perha])s  the  least  marvellous,  although  in  dif- 
ferent degrees — those  which  are  most  miraculous 
rest  on  manifestly  insufficient  testimony.  Such 
phenomena  as  the  fall  of  a  shower,  the  death  of 
an  heresiarch,  the  interruption  of  a  work  by 
storm  and  volcanic  disturbance,  the  apparition 
of  a  cross  in  the  sky,  may  now  be  viewed,  some 
as  special  providences,  others  as  extraordinary 
coincidences  ;  but  at  the  time  of  their  occurrence 
they  were  one  and  all  unquestionably  regarded 
as  interpositions  of  Providence,  intended  to  supi)ly 
the  needs  or  to  confound  the  enemies  of  the 
faithful ;  and  as  such  it  is  probable  that  they 
were  deemed  no  less  miraculous  than  many 
wonders  wrought  by  living  saints  or  by  their 
relics  after  them ;  while  many  possessed  the 
advantage  of  being  widely  known,  whereas  the 
knowledge  of  the  others  was  often  confined  to 
the  narrow  sphere  in  which  they  had  been 
wrought.  With  regard  to  such  wonders  as  were 
rather  of  the  nature  of  marvels  or  prodigies,  it 
was  different ;  of  these  some  were  in  a  measure 
signs,  denoting  as  they  did  the  piety  of  a  saint 
when  living,  or  the  holiness  of  his  memory  when 
dead  ;  many,  however,  were  devoid  of  all  ethical 
features,  and  provocative  only  of  wonder,  while 
few  were  well  attested,  resting  as  they  often  did 
on  the  authority  of  monkish  traditions,  or  the 
testimony  of  solitary  witnesses. 

(a)  Miraculous  occurrences. 

1.  Miracles  of  beneficence.  (1)  Healing;  (2) 
Deliverance,  protection,  succour. 

(1)  A  body  of  Catholics  living  at  Typasa  in 
Mauritania,  a.d.  484,  for  the  crime  of  holding 
assemblies  and  refusing  to  communicate  with  art 
heretical  bishop,  had  their  right  hands  ampu- 
tated and  their  tongues  cut  out  by  the  roots  by 
order  of  Hunneric,  the  Arian  king  of  the  Vandals. 
The  miracle  lay  in  the  fact  that  on  the  third  day 
they  were  able  to  speak  as  before.     Three  at 


WONDERS 

least  of  the  narrators  of  this  miracle,  viz.  Aeneas 
of  Gaza,  a  rhetorician  and  philosopher  (m  Theo- 
phrasto),  the  emperor  Justinian  {Cod.  Justin,  i. 
tit.  30),  and  count  Marcellinus,  his  former  chan- 
cellor {Chronic.  MarceUin.),  were  witnesses  both 
of  the  mutilation  inflicted,  and  the  capacity  to 
articulate  in  the  case  of  some  of  these  martyrs 
who  were  living  in  their  time.  Marcellinus 
adds  that  one  of  the  confessors  having  been  born 
dumb,  spoke  for  the  first  time  after  the  excision 
of  his  tongue.  Procopius  (de  Bell.  Vandal,  i.  7) 
states  that  two — Gregory  I.  {Dial.  iii.  32)  that 
one — out  of  their  number  lost  their  supernatural 
power  of  speech  through  having  lapsed  into  evil 
living.  No  contemporary  authority  gives  the 
number  of  the  confessors ;  in  an  old  menology  it 
was  fixed  at  sixty  (Victor  Vitensis  in  Migne, 
Patrol.  Lat.  Iviii.  245 ;  Gibbon,  xxxvii. ;  New- 
man, on  Mir.  cc.-ccxiii.).  Other  examples  of 
the  preservation  of  speech  after  mutilation 
occur  in  the  instances  of  Aigulphus  of  Lerins, 
A.D.  675,  and  his  companions  {Acta  SS.  Ben. 
saec.  ii.),  and  Leger  bishop  of  Autun,  a.d.  678 
{ibid.) ;  while  of  miraculous  healing  of  another 
kind,  we  find  an  example  in  the  instance  of  a 
band  of  five  Catholic  slaves  in  Africa  who,  after 
having  been  beaten,  not  once,  but  on  several  occa- 
sions, almost  to  death,  had  their  wounds  invari- 
ably cured  by  the  morrow  (Fleury,  xxviii.  58).'' 

(2)  As  an  example  of  protection  and  succour 
accorded  to  large  bodies  of  men,  we  may  take  the 
miracle  of  the  so-called  thundering  legion.  When 
the  emperor  Marcus  Aurelius  was  waging  war 
against  the  Quadri,  his  troops  on  one  occasion 
suffered  greatly  owing  to  the  heat  and  from 
thirst.  Amongst  his  soldiers  were  many  Chris- 
tians. Those  who  belonged  to  the  Melitene 
legion  fell  on  their  knees  in  prayer ;  a  shower  of 
rain  fell,  refreshing  and  invigorating  the  Roman 
army,  but  terrifying  and  dispersing  the  enemy, 
to  whom  it  had  proved  a  storm  of  thunder  and 
lightning.  Such  in  the  main  is  the  account  with 
which  Eusebius  {Hist.  v.  5)  prefaces  the  original 
statement  of  Claudius  ApoUinaris  bishop  of 
Hierapolis,  in  an  apology  addressed  to  Marcus 
Aurelius,  A.D.  176,  although  no  longer  extant, 
and  the  few  words  in  which  TertuUian  {Apol.  5, 
ad  Scap.  4)  alludes  to  the  event.  Dion  Cassius 
{Hist.  Ixxi.),  omitting  all  reference  to  the  prayers 
of  the  Christians,  speaks  of  the  occurrence  as  "  a 
wonderful  and  providential  preservation,"  which 
he  attributes  to  magic,  as  Julius  Capitol inus  {in 
Marc.  Aurel.)  to  the  emperor's  prayers.  The 
event  itself  is  represented,  with  pagan  features 
in  the  mode  of  rendering,  on  a  bas-relief  of  the 
Antonine  column  in  Rome.  Manifestly,  however, 
it  is  erroneous  to  derive  the  title  "thundering 
legion "  from  this  occurrence,  as  it  already 
existed  and  was  as  old  as  the  time  of  Augustus. 
Baronius's  explanation  {Ann.  176,  20)  is  that  the 
Christian  soldiers  were  in  all  parts  of  the  army, 
and  after  this  were  incorporated  into  the  existing 
thundering  legion  (Newman,  on  Mir.  cxiii.- 
cxxii. ;  Migne,  ^Dict.  des  Mir.  t.  i.  p.  759). 

As  examples  of  protection  afforded  to  indivi- 


WONDERS 


2051 


b  These  cases  of  recovered  speech  after  mutilation  of 
the  tongue  have  been  investigated  in  a  special  treatise 
by  the  Hon.  E.  Twisleton,  who  has  quoted  several  cuses 
in  modern  times,  authenticated  by  well-known  surgeons, 
in  which  persons  thus  mutilated  have  been  able  to  speak. 
[C] 

CHRIST.    ANT. — VOL.    II. 


duals  we  may  note  the  instance  of  Theotimus, 
bishop  of  Tomi,  a.d.  400,  who  became  invisible  to 
his  pursuers  (Fleury,  xxi.  5)  ;  St.  Martin  of  Tours, 
the  arm  of  whose  assailant  fell  powerless  (Sulp. 
Sev.  Vita,  13);  Armogastus,  a  young  Catholic 
in  Theodoric's  service,  whose  limbs  were  freed 
from  their  bonds  on  his  signing  the  cross  and 
invoking  Christ  (Fleury,  xxviii.  59).  Of  pro- 
tection against  the  fatal  effects  of  poison  we  find 
an  example  in  the  instance  of  Sabinus,  bishop  of 
Canusium,  a.d.  593  (Greg.  M.  Dial.  iii.  5),  also 
of  Samson,  bishop  of  Dol,  a.d.  565  circ.  {Acta 
SS.  Ben.  saec.  i.) ;  and  of  miraculous  succour, 
under  circumstances  of  difficulty  or  absolute 
want,  in  the  instances  of  Clovis  who,  when 
marching  against  the  Visigoths,  was  after  prayer 
guided  to  the  right  place  for  crossing  the  Vienne 
by  a  stag  which  began  to  ford  it  (Greg.  Turon. 
ii.  37),  and  of  St.  Columban  and  his  companions, 
who  were  fed  by  ravens  in  a  time  of  famine 
{Acta  SS.  Ben.  saec.  ii.).  Comp.  also  the  in- 
stance of  a  prior  in  Life  of  Austregisile  {ibid.). 

2.  Miracles    of    power.      (1)   Punitive;    (2) 
Marvels. 

(1)  Of  this  class  was  the  fiery  eruption 
on  the  rebuilding  of  the  Temple  of  Jerusalem. 
The  emperor  Julian  had  given  orders  for  the 
rebuildmg  of  the  Temple,  having  entrusted  the 
superintendence  of  the  work  to  his  lieutenant 
Alypius,  and  himself  issued  invitations  to  the 
Jews  of  all  countries  to  assemble  at  Jerusalem 
and  aid  him  in  accomplishing  his  purpose.  Of 
the  marvellous  manner  in  which  the  work  was 
interrupted  and  the  imperial  designs  thwarted, 
we  learn  the  particulars,  some  from  one  writer, 
some  from  another.  A  whirlwind  arose,  scat- 
tering heaps  of  lime  and  sand  in  every  direction  ; 
a  storm  of  thunder  and  lightning  fell,  melting 
in  its  violence  the  implements  of  the  workmen; 
an  earthquake  followed,  casting  up  the  founda- 
tion of  the  old  Temple,  filling  in  the  new  excava- 
tions and  causing  the  fall  of  buildings,  especially 
the  public  porticoes  beneath  which  the  terrified 
multitude  had  sought  shelter.  When  the  work- 
men resumed  their  labours  balls  of  fire  burst  out 
beneath  their  feet,  not  once  only,  but  as  often  as 
they  attempted  to  continue  the  undertaking. 
The  fiery  mass  traversed  the  streets,  repelling 
from  the  doors  of  a  church,  even  with  loss  of 
life  or  limb,  those  who  had  fled  to  it  for  safety. 
This  miracle  has  the  support  of  contemporary 
writers.  Gregory  Nazianzen  {Orat.  v.  4),  and 
Ammianus  Marcellinus  [Hist,  xxiii.  1) ;  and  of 
later  historians  Rufinus  {Hist.  i.  37),  Socrates 
(iii.  20),  Sozomen  (v.  22),  Theodoret  {Hist.  Eccl. 
iii.  20).  See  Warburton's  Julian;  Gibbon,  c. 
xxiii. ;  Newman,  on  Mir.  clxxv. ;  Migne,  Diet. 
des  Mir.  t.  ii.  p.  1115.  With  regard  to  the  death 
of  Arius,  the  event  was  regarded  by  the  Catholic 
party  in  general  as  a  direct  interposition  of  Pro- 
vidence in  their  favour,  and  in  answer  to  the 
prayers  of  the  bishop  of  Constantinople  and  his 
clergy,  and  by  Athanasius  himself  as  a  sufficient 
refutation  of  the  Arian  heresy  (Athanas.  Dcd. 
Epist.  ad  Monachos,  3  Op.  v.  i.  344 ;  Milman, 
Hist,  of  Christianity,  bk.  III.  iv.).  Amongst 
miracles  of  this  class  those  of  an  anti-Arian 
complexion  are  indeed  conspicuous.  We  may 
instance  the  story  of  an  Arian  bishop  who  was 
struck  blind  when  about  to  force  his  way  into  a 
Catholic  church  (Greg.  M.  Dial.  iii.  29)  ;  of  a 
man  who,  when  counterfeiting  blindness  at  the 
6  Q 


2052 


WONDEES 


instigation  of  an  Ariau  bishop  who  wished  to 
display  his  pretended  powers  of  healing,  became 
actually  blind  (Greg.  Turon.  ii.  3)  ;  and  pope 
Gregory's  account  of  the  prodigies  which  at- 
tended the  re-consecration  for  purposes  of  ortho- 
dox worship  of  an  Arian  church  at  Rome  {Dial. 
iii.  30).  For  further  examples  of  Divine  judg- 
ments— for  as  such  they  were  regarded  at  the 
time  (Socr.  vi.  19  ;  Sozom.  viii.  27) — we  may 
refer  to  the  various  accidents,  unwonted  illnesses 
and  sudden  deaths  which  took  place  at  Constan- 
tinople, A.D.  40-4,  after  the  persecution  which 
was  raised  against  St.  Chrysostom  (Fleury,  xxi. 
48).  That  DiTine  visitations  were  not  confined 
to  this  side  of  the  grave,  see  Greg.  M.  Dial.  iv. 
51,  53,  54. 

(2)  Amongst  marvels  which  were  not  specially 
connected  with  saints  were  the  circumstances 
which  led  to  the  development  of  the  angelic  song, 
the  Greek  Trisagion  in  the  reign  of  Theodo- 
sius  II.  A  child  at  Constantinople  was  caught 
up  into  the  air,  and  on  his  return  in  the  course 
of  an  hour  reported  that  he  had  heard  the 
heavenly  host  singing,  0710s  o  @ehs,  ayios  iVx"- 
phs,  ayios  addvuTos  (Mansi,  t.  vii.  p.  104-1) ;  the 
fall,  at  Alexandria,  of  statues  from  their  pedestals, 
proclaiming  the  death  of  the  emperor  Maurice 
and  his  sons  (Theoph.  450) ;  the  filling  of  a 
piscina  with  water  through  some  unknown 
agency  (Greg.  Turon.  de  Gl.  Martyr,  i.  24)  and 
the  mysterious  strewing  of  the  pavement  before 
a  saint's  tomb  with  roses  {De  Mir.  Mart.  ii.  46). 

(6)  Miraculous  appearances. 

"  They  have  visions,"  writes  Irenaeus  {Contra 
Haer.  ii.  32),  "when  enumerating  the  gifts 
possessed  by  Christ's  true  disciples  in  his  day." 
To  quote  the  words  of  a  historian  who  does  not 
err  on  the  side  of  credulity,  "  it  is  impossible  to 
overlook  the  clear  traces  of  visions  and  inspira- 
tion which  may  be  found  in  the  early  fathers  " 
(Gibbon,  c.  xv.).  As  the  exercise  of  powers  of 
healing  and  exorcism  constituted  the  chief 
mode  in  which  the  early  Christians  exhibited  in 
an  active  form  the  miraculous  gifts  which  had 
been  imparted  to  them  for  the  good  of  othei's,  so 
were  visions  no  less  the  channel  by  means  of 
which  they  became  passive  recipients  of  super- 
natural communications  vouchsafed  to  them  for 
their  own  edification  and  guidance.  Thus  the 
purport  of  visions  was  sometimes  to  allay  the 
fears,  to  solve  the  doubts,  to  direct  the  steps  of 
those  who  were  in  trouble  or  difficulty,  some- 
times to  admonish  the  guilty,  and  sometimes  to 
forewarn  of  approaching  calamities.  Nor  were 
they  restricted  to  those  who  are  supposed  to  be 
the  fitting  recipients  of  communications  of  this 
sort — the  hermit  in  his  cave,  or  the  monk  in  his 
cell — having  been  vouchsafed  to  men  in  general, 
to  the  young  and  old,  to  the  lowly  as  well  as  to 
the  great.  During  the  first  ages  they  constituted 
an  important  means  towards  the  conversion  of 
the  pagan  from  his  heathenism,  the  heretic  from 
his  schism.  TertuUian  writes  :  "  Major  paene 
vis  hominum  e  visionibus  Deum  discunt "  {Do 
Animd,  47),  and  Origen,  "  Many  have  come  to 
Christianity  through  the  medium  of  visions 
which  occurred  to  them  while  awake  or  in 
dreams  "  {Contra  Cels.  1.  46). 
1.  Apparitions  of  Beings.  (1)  Angels ;  (2) 
Daemons ;  (3)  Departed  Spirits  ;  (4)  Living 
Saints. 

(1)  The  appearances  of  the  archangel  Michael 


WONDEES 

— "  qui  universalis  ecclesiae  a  Deo  patronus  et 
protector  est  institutus  " — were  numerous  both 
in  the  East  and  the  West,  e.g.  near  Byzantium, 
near  Colosse,  on  Monte  Gargano,  a.d.  500  circ, 
in  Normandy  (see  above),  a.d.  709  {Martyr.  Eom. 
8  Maii).  An  angel  appeared  to  St.  Theuderius 
directing  him  where  to  erect  his  monastery 
(Ado  Vienn.  in  Migne,  Pair.  Lat.  cxxiii.  447)  ; 
two  angels  to  Furseius,  A.D.  650,  admonishing 
him  as  abbat  of  a  monastery  that  monks  should 
pay  less  attention  to  the  mortification  of  the 
body,  and  more  to  the  cultivation  of  a  humble, 
contented,  and  charitable  disposition  (Fleury, 
xxxviii.  28). 

(2)  As  examples,  we  may  take  first  the  appear- 
ances of  the  evil  one  to  St.  Anthony  in  the  guise 
of  a  woman,  then  of  a  black  child  ;  as  a  monk 
with  loaves  in  his  hands,  when  the  saint  was 
fasting  ;  as  a  spirit  calling  himself  the  power  of 
God,  and  lastly  avowing  himself  to  be  Satan ; 
and  secondly,  the  appearance  of  demons  to  the 
same  saint  in  the  form  of  wild  beasts  and 
serpents  uttering  horrible  cries  (Newman,  on 
Mir.  xxix. ;  Fleury,  viii.  7). 

(3)  First  of  scriptural  saints.  St.  Stephen 
appeared,  a.d.  420,  to  Pulcheria,  sister  of 
Theodosius  II.,  informing  her  of  the  safe  arrival 
of  his  relics  {i.e.  his  right  hand)  from  Jerusalem 
(Theoph.  133,  134) ;  St.  Barnabas,  a.d.  484,  to 
Anthimus,  bishop  of  Constantia,  in  Cyprus, 
revealing  to  him  the  resting-place  of  his  body, 
near  Salamis,  in  that  island  (Fleury,  xxx.  19). 
Secondly,  of  bishops  and  abbats.  St.  Ambrose 
on  the  night,  being  Easter  Eve,  on  which  he  was 
laid  out  for  burial  appeared  to  the  newly-baptized 
infants,  varying  the  manner  of  his  appearance, 
but  to  the  parents  of  the  children  remaini-^g 
invisible,  even  when  pointed  out.  Again,  on  the 
day  of  his  death  he  appeared  to  saints  in  the 
East,  praying  with  them  and  laying  his  hands 
upon  them,  while  in  Florence  he  was  frequently 
seen  after  his  death,  praying  before  the  altar  of 
a  church  he  had  built  in  that  city  (Paul.  Vita, 
48,  49,  50;  Fleury,  xx.  21).  St.  Benedict 
appeared  after  death  to  an  abbat  and  prior  of  his 
order  at  Terracina  instructing  them  as  to  the 
plan  of  a  monastery  they  were  about  to  build 
(Greg.  M.  Dial.  ii.  22). 

(4)  As  an  example  of  the  appearance  of  a 
living  saint  we  read  that  a  child  who  liad  fallen 
into  a  well  was  found  sitting  upon  the  surface 
of  the  water,  and  that  his  account  was  that  St. 
Julian  Sabas  who  at  the  time  was  being  enter- 
tained by  the  mother  of  the  child  had  appeared 
to  him  and  borne  him  up  (Fleury,  xvi.  28).  We 
find  a  similar  story  in  the  life  of  Theodosius  of 
Palestine  {Acta  SS.  ad  d.  11  Jan.) 

2.  Visions  of  Purgatory,  Hell,  Heaven. 

A  vision  the  martyr  Perpetua  {Martyr.  Rom. 
7  Mar.)  had  of  her  brother,  in  whose  behalf  she 
had  been  moved  to  pray,  first  as  suffering  and  in 
a  place  of  darkness,  and  then  as  comforted  and 
surrounded  with  light,  has  been  supposed  to 
refer  to  a  state  of  purgatory  (Robertson,  i.  68; 
Milman,  ii.  221).  As  indicative  of  the  punish- 
ment of  the  wicked,  an  abbat  in  Auvergne  had 
a  vision  of  a  stream  of  fire,  and  of  men  immersed 
in  it  bitterly  bemoaning  their  sufferings.  These 
had  lost  their  footing  when  crossing  a  narrow 
bridge  which  spanned  the  stream,  and  were  men 
who  had  been  careless  in  the  discharge  of 
their    spiritual  duties.      After  this  vision  the 


WONDEES 

abbat  became  stricter  in  the  regulation  of  his 
monastery  (Greg.  Turon.  iv.  33).  Compare,  as 
of  similar  signification,  an  hermit's  vision  of 
Theodoric  the  Ostrogoth  being  cast  into  the 
crater  of  a  volcano  (Greg.  M.  Dial.  iv.  30). 
Visions  of  heaven  were  accorded  amongst  others 
to  St.  Furseius  (Fleuiy,  xxxviii.  28)  and  to 
Salvias,  bishop  of  the  Albigenses,  as  a  place 
paved  with  gold  and  silver  and  illuminated  by 
a  cloud  shining  beyond  the  light  of  sun  or  moon 
(Greg.  Turon.  vii.  1). 

3.  Apparitions  of  Crosses.  (1)  In  the  air ;  (2) 
On  the  garments  of  men ;  (3)  On  animals. 
(1)  Constantine,  when  marching  against 
Maxentius,  A.D.  311,  and  in  doubt  to  what 
deity  he  should  apply  for  succour  against  an 
enemy  whose  forces  outnumbered  his  own,  saw  in 
company  with  his  whole  army  a  luminous  cross 
in  the  sky  above  the  mid-day  sun  with  this 
inscription,  "  In  this  conquer."  The  same  night 
our  Lord  appeared  to  Constantine  in  a  vision, 
shewed  him  a  cross,  and  bade  him  fashion  a 
standard  after  the  pattern  of  it  as  a  means  of 
victory  in  his  contest  against  Maxentius.  Such 
is  the  account  Eusebius  gives  in  his  Life  of  Con- 
stantine (i.  28-32),  but  not  till  twenty-six  years 
after  the  occurrence,  and  which  he  professes 
to  have  heard  from  the  emperor  himself,  who 
affirmed  his  statement  with  an  oath.  Socrates, 
Philostorgius,  Gelasius,  and  Nicephorus  speak  of 
the  phenomenon  as  seen  in  the  sky  ;  Sozomen 
and  Eufinus  in  a  dream,  although  on  the 
authority  of  Eusebius  they  also  mention  the 
apparition  in  the  sky.  In  a  panegyric  delivered 
immediately  after  the  victory  the  speaker,  who 
is  a  pagan,  refers  to  "  the  omen  "  (Bar.  Ann.  ann. 
3i'2,  14),  and  ten  years  after  another  orator, 
Nazarius,  also  a  pagan,  alludes  to  "  the  common 
talk  of  all  the  Gallic  provinces  that  hosts  were 
seen  who  bore  on  them  the  character  of  divine 
messengers  "  (ap.  Bar.  Ann.  312,  11).  Gibbon 
alludes  to  a  medal  extant  in  the  last  century  bear- 
ing the  figure  of  the  labarum  with  the  inscription, 
"  In  this  sign  thou  shalt  conquer  "  (Newman,  on 
Mir.  cxxxiii.  ;  Gibbon,  xx.).  On  the  feast  of 
Pentecost,  May  7,  a.d.  351,  a  cross  appeared  in 
the  sky  at  Jerusalem,  stretching  from  Mount 
Calvary  to  Mount  Olivet,  and  shining  with  a 
brilliancy  equal  to  that  of  the  sun's  rays.  The 
apparition  lasted  for  several  hours  ;  the  whole 
city  beheld  it,  and  all,  residents  and  visitors, 
Christians  and  unbelievers,  alike  joined  in  the 
acknowledgment  that  "  the  faith  of  the  Christians 
did  not  rest  upon  the  persuasive  discourses  of 
human  wisdom,  but  upon  the  sensible  proofs  of 
divine  intervention  "  (Cyril,  Ep.  ad  Const.  Imp.). 
Of  this  phenomenon  Cyril,  then  patriarch  of 
Jerusalem,  wrote  an  account  to  the  emperor 
Constantius,  who  at  the  time  was  fighting 
against  Maxentius  in  Pannonia,  where  also, 
according  to  Philostorgius  (Hist.  Eccles.  iii.  2G), 
it  was  seen  by  the  contending  armies  to  the 
confusion  of  the  pagan  and  the  encouragement 
of  the  Christian  host  (Theoph.  62,  63  ;  Migne, 
Diet,  des  Mir.  torn.  i.  247).  To  other  appearances 
of  the  cross  in  the  sky  we  may  thus  briefly  refer. 
Gretser  mentions  two  towards  the  beginning  of 
the  4th  century — one  as  seen  by  Gregory,  bishop 
of  Armenia,  and  the  other  by  Tiridates,  king  of 
that  country,  and  by  his  fellow-converts  on  the 
occasion  of  their  baptism.  Cedrenus  another, 
to  which  Gregory  Nazianzen  alludes  (^Orat.  v.  7), 


WONDERS 


2053 


at  Jerusalem  on  the  occasion  of  Julian's  attempt 
to  rebiiild  the  temple,  as  surpassing  in  point  of 
brilliancy  that  recorded  by  Cyril  (Hist.  Compend. 
i.  p.  537).  The  same  writer  mentions  two  appear- 
ances of  a  cross,  which  he  terms  avfJ-e'ia,  at 
Constantinople,  one  in  the  second,  the  other  in 
the  third  year  of  the  reign  of  Constantine 
Copronymus  (ibid.  ii.  p.  5),  while  another  was 
vouchsafed  to  St.  Euphemia  shortly  before  her 
martyrdom,  which  took  place  at  Chalcedon  in 
the  Diocletian  persecution  (Martyr.  Bom.  16 
Sept.),  "  a  symbol,"  writes  Asterius,  bishop  of 
Amasea,  "of  the  punishment  she  was  to  undergo." 

(2)  As  examples  of  crosses  appearing  on  the 
garments  of  men,  we  read  that  when  the 
emperor  Julian  was  entering  Illyricum  the  vines 
appeared  laden  with  unripe  grapes,  although  the 
vintage  had  taken  place,  and  that  dew  falling 
from  them  upon  the  garments  of  the  emperor 
and  his  companions  left  upon  them  the  imprint  of 
crosses ;  a  phenomenon  which  by  some  was  sup- 
posed to  portend  that  the  emperor  should  perish 
prematurely  like  unripe  grapes  (Sozomen,  H.  E. 
i.  5).  The  appearance  of  the  luminous  cross  in 
the  sky  on  the  occasion  of  Julian's  attempt  to 
rebuild  the  temple,  was  accompanied  by  the 
appearance  on  the  bodies  and  garments  of  men 
of  crosses  which  were  luminous  at  night  (Ruf. 
i.  37),  in  some  instances  of  a  dark  colour 
(Theodor.  iii.  20)  and  would  not  wash  out  (Socr. 
iii.  20).  Nor  was  the  phenomenon  confined  to 
Jerusalem,  being  seen  in  Antioch  and  other 
cities  likewise  (Theoph.  81 ;  Cedren.  Hist.  Com- 
pend. i.  537).  See  Newman  on  Mir.  clxxvi. ; 
Migne,  Diet,  des  Mir.  t.  ii.  1117.  Crosses  "as 
of  oil  "  (ffTavpia  eKaiwSri)  appeared  in  Constanti- 
nople in  the  sixth  year  of  the  reign  of  Constan- 
tine Copronymus  on  the  garments  of  men  as 
they  walked  in  the  streets,  and  on  the  altar- 
cloths  of  churches.  Those  whose  clothes  were 
thus  marked  were  attacked  with  mortal  illness. 
The  pestilence  which  prevailed  was  such  as  to 
turn  the  capital  into  a  desert.  The  Catholic 
party  attributed  both  it  and  the  portents  to  the 
iconoclasm  of  the  emperor  (Cedrenus,  Hist.  Com- 
pend. ii.  8 ;  Migne,  Diet,  des  Mir.  i.  248). 

(3)  Of  crosses  appearing  on  animals  we  find 
the  following  instances.  When  the  emperor 
Julian  was  inspecting  the  entrails  of  an  animal 
he  was  offering  in  sacrifice,  he  beheld  in  them 
the  figure  of  a  cross  encircled  by  a  crown 
(Sozom.  V.  2);  cpptKijv  Trope'trxe  Kalaywviav,  writes 
Gregory  Nazianzen  (Orat.  iv.  54).  St.  Placidas, 
when  hunting  a  stag,  beheld  amidst  its  horns 
a  luminous  cross  and  the  figure  of  the  Cruci- 
fied, and  heard  a  voice  saying :  "  Quid  me 
persequeris,  Placida  ?  Ecce  propter  te  adsum : 
ego  sum  Christus  quem  ignorans  veneraris " 
(Niceph.  iii.  19).  St.  Meiuulphus  also  saw  a 
cross  amidst  a  stag's  horns  (Gobenus  in  Vita  S. 
Meinulphi). 

The  above  classification  of  apparitions  and 
visions,  according  to  the  form  of  the  one  and  the 
subject  of  the  other,  has  placed  in  less  promi- 
nence the  notion,  but  not  precluded  a  passing 
notice  of  their  object  and  purpose.  The  use 
of  apparitions  and  visions  has  been  exemplified 
under  other  sections  of  our  subject — for  their 
use  in  admonishing  the  guilty,  see  section  II. 
under  miracles  of  power  wrought  by  relics.  For 
their  use  in  animating  the  courage  of  the  faith- 
ful   we    may   refer   to    the   visions    by   which 


2054 


XANTIPPE 


Pei'petua  was  sustained  in  prospect  of  her  mar- 
tyrdom (Rob.  i.  68),  and  for  their  use  as  prog- 
nostics of  approaching  calamity  we  may  instance 
those  which  were  vouchsafed  to  the  church  in 
Africa,  A.D.  480  circ,  to  prepare  her  for  her 
persecution  by  the  Vandals  (J6.  i.  500  ;  Vict.  Vit. 
ii.  6). 

Lastly,  in  the  eyes  of  the  monkish  and  episcopal 
chroniclers  of  the  dark  ages  celestial  or  atmos- 
pheric phenomena,  such  as  comets,  meteors, 
displays  of  the  aurora  borealis,  wore  the  aspect 
of  "  wondei-s"  (prodigia),  especially  when  coin- 
cident with  or  preceding  the  deaths  of  saints, 
e.  g.  St.  Liudger,  A.D.  809  {Acta  SS.  Ben.  saec. 
iv.  pt.  i.)  or  princes,  e.  g.  Theodebald  (Greg. 
Turon.  iv.  9)  Merovechus  (v.  19),  Gundobald 
(vii.  11),  or  the  occurrence  of  plagues  and  pesti- 
lences (iv.  31).  Certain  concomitants  of  these 
phenomena,  such  as  a  shower  of  blood  from  the 
clouds  besprinkling  the  garments  of  men  and 
the  interior  walls  of  a  house  (vi.  14),  and  the 
conversion  of  the  water  of  a  pond  into  blood 
(viii.  25)  do  not  it  is  true  belong  to  the  same 
natural  order  of  things.  [C.  G.  C] 


X 


XANTIPPE,  Sept.  23,  commemorated  in 
Spain  with  her  sister  Polyxena,  disciples  of  St. 
Paul  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Menol.  Graec.  Sirlet.  ; 
Mart.  Horn.).  [C.  H.] 

XENODOCHIA.  Guesthouses  for  the  re- 
ception of  strangers  and  pilgrims.  [Hospitals.] 
There  were  four  such  of  ancient  foundation  in 
Rome,  which,  having  fallen  into  decay,  were 
restored  by  pope  Stephen  II.,  a.d.  752-757,  and 
furnished  with  all  things  needful  both  within 
and  without.  He  also  founded  a  "  xenodochium  " 
where  a  hundred  poor  men  were  fed  daily 
(Anastas.  §  228),  and  built  two  without  the 
walls  near  St.  Peter's,  which  he  attached  to  the 
ancient  "  diaconiae  "  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  and  St. 
Silvester  (ibid.  §  229).  Pelagius  II.,  a.d.  557-590, 
converted  his  own  house  into  a  guesthouse  for 
poor  and  aged  men  {ibid.  §  112).  Belisarius,  c. 
540.  erected  a  "  xenodochium  "  in  the  Via  Lata 
{ibid.  §  102).  We  find  these  Roman  guesthouses 
distinguished  by  diflerent  names,  probably  those 
of  the  founders,  e.g.  "  xenodochium  Valerii " 
(§  274);  "xenodochium  Firmi,"  containing  an 
oratory  of  the  Virgin  (§  385),  and  adorned  with 
gifts  by  Leo  III.  (§  402)  ;  and  the  "  xenodochium 
quod  appellatur  Tucium,"  containing  an  oratory 
of  SS.  Cosmas  and  Damian  (§  408).  [Pilgrim- 
age, §  vii.  p.  1641.]  [E.  v.] 

XENOPHON,  monk,  "holy  father,"  cir. 
520,  commemorated  on  Jan.  26  with  his  sons 
Arcadius  and  Joannes  (Basil.  Menol.  ;  Daniel, 
Codex  Liturg.  iv.  251).  [C.  H.] 

XEROPHAGIA  {i,7)po<payia,  aridus  victus, 
dry  food).  This  word,  as  expressive  of  the  act 
or  habit  of  living  on  dry  food  or  a  meagre  diet, 
is  in  common  use  by  ecclesiastical  writers,  both 
Greek  and  Latin,  to  denote  the  Christian  rule  of 
fasting.     TertuUian    compares   its   adoption  by 


YEAR 

Christians  for  spiritual  ends,  to  its  practice  bv 
the  heathen  athletes  for  earthly  victories  {de 
Jejun.  cc.  i.  xvii.).  'Svpo(paye'ii'  is  employed  of 
the  Lenten  fast  in  the  fiftieth  canon  of  the 
council  of  Laodicea,  a.d.  390  ;  of  the  fast  in  Holy 
Week  by  Epiphanius  {Compend.  Doct.  Gath.  vol. 
ii.  pp.  295,  296,  361,  ed.  Paris,  1622),  when  bread 
and  salt  was  the  only  solid  food  allowed,  and  water 
was  drunk  only  in  the  evening.  For  the  varieties 
of  practice  which  existed  with  regard  to  fasting 
in  the  early  church,  see  Socrates,  Eccles.  Hist. 
V.  22 ;  Balsamon,  Epist.  de  Jejun.  in  Cotelerii 
Eccles.  Grace.  Mon.  tom.  ii.  p.  498,  edit.  1681. 
[F.  E.  W.] 
XYSTUS  (SiXTUS  II.),  pope,  martyr,  com- 
memorated on  Aug.  6  {Mart.  Met.  Bed. ;  Mart. 
Bed.,  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Rom.). 

[C.  H.] 


YEAR,  THE  Ecclesiastical.  The  object  of 
this  article  is  to  supplement  that  on  Calendar 
[p.  256],  by  giving  a  complete  account,  accord- 
ing to  the  principal  calendars,  of  the  arrange- 
ment and  designations  of  the  several  Sundays  of 
the  ecclesiastical  year,  as  also  of  the  Festivals 
in  the  weeks  corresponding  with  them. 

This  Calendar  presents  an  abnormal  number 
of  Sundays  (57),  in  order  to  shew  the  full 
arrangement  of  these  for  both  an  early  and 
late  Easter,  according  to  the  position  of  which 
festival  some  either  of  the  earlier  or  of  the 
later  Sundays  in  the  Calendar  would  need  to  be 
omitted  ;  it  must  be  remembered,  however,  that 
in  different  years  the  correlation  of  Sundays 
would  vary,  inasmuch  as  those,  whose  place 
depends  upon  that  of  Easter,  ma}'  occur  more 
than  a  month  earlier  than  in  our  Calendar, 
while  other  Sundays,  dependent  upon  fixed  festi- 
vals can  only  be  a  few  days  earlier  or  later 
in  the  year.  While  care  has  been  taken  to 
exclude  festivals  of  later  origin  than  the  9th 
century,  the  alternative  names  (mostly  Latin)  of 
festivals  and  Sundays,  the  precise  period  of  the 
origin  of  which  is  uncertain,  have  generally 
been  included,  on  account  of  their  common  use 
in  early  and  mediaeval  documents ;  and  the 
Latin  introits  are  also  given  for  the  same  reason. 
Besides  other  obvious  abbreviations  the  following 
have  been  used : — D.  Dominica  dies,  Hebd.  heb- 
domada,  Sab.  Sabbatum,  fest.  festum,  mart, 
martyr,  com.  companion.  An  alphabetical  index 
to  the  names  of  the  Sundays  and  festivals  is 
subjoined. 

The  chief  authorities  used  in  the  compilation 
of  the  Calendar  are  :  the  ancient  Roman  {Rom.) 
and  Greek  {Gr.)  Calendars  to  be  found  in 
Allatius  {de  Domin.  et  Hebd.  Graecis);  the  Am- 
brosian  {Amb.)  and  Mozarabic  {Moz.)  Calen- 
dars ;  the  Sacramentary  bearing  the  name  of 
Gregory  the  Great  {Greg.)  ;  the  Armenian  {Arm.) 
and"  Georgian  {Georg.)  Calendars  ;  the  Gothic 
{Goth.)  Calendars  in  Migne  {Patrology)  ;  the 
Syrian  {Syr.)  and  Nestorian  {Nest.)  in  Etheridge 
{Syrian  Churches)  and  Assemanus  {Bibl.  Orient. 
iii.    2,    380);    for  the    British    and   Irish    {Br.) 


YEAR 

Gallican  (Gall.)  and  German  (Germ.)  churches, 
Hampson  (Medii  Aevi  KaL).  Reference  has  also 
been  made  to  Neale  (fnt.  to  Hist.  East.  Church), 
Fortescue  (Arm.  Church),  L" Art  de  Verifier  les 
Dates,  and  Ducange  (Glossariurn). 

Dominical  and  Weekly  Calendar, 
from  Christmas  to  the  following  Christmas. 

I.  F.  I.  eve  (sc.  of  the  Sabbath)  after  the  NAirviTT,  Nest. 
S.  1.  post  Natale  Domini,  Kom.,  Amhi:,  Gr.,  Nest.; 

VI.  of  II.  Pentecost  (the  50  days  before   the  Arm. 

Nativitj',  Jan.  6),  Arm.   Inir.,  Dura  medium  silen- 

tinm. 
W.  Media  septimana,  quarta  Sabbati  (week). 
F.  II.  after  the  Natfv'itt  ;  the  Virgin  Mary  (all  the 

Fridays  of  the  year  with  the  Nestorians  are  days  of 

special  observance  and  name,  and  dedicated  to  their 

chief  Saints),  Nest. 

II.  S.  [Infra  octavam  Circumcisionis] ;  before  the  Lights 

(np'o  Toiv  <f>u}Tuiv),  Gr. ;  vii.  of  ii.  Pentecost,  i.  before 
the  Nativity,  Arm. ;  post  Strenas  (Jan.  I) ;  vacans 
vel  vacat. 
F.  I.  of  the  Epiphany  ;  John  Bapt.,  Nest. 

III.  S.  I.  post  Epiphaniam,  Jiom.,  Ambr.,  Arm.,  Nest. ; 
alter  the  Lights,  Gr. ;  i.  post  Theophaniam,  Greg. 

*  Disputatio  cum  doctoribus.    Intr.,ln  excelso  throno. 
M.   Dies   perdlta  (the  Christmas   feast   being  over); 

Plough  and  Rocli  M.,  Distaff's  day. 
F.  II.  of  the  Epiphany,  aps.  Peter  and  Paul,  Nest. 

IV.  S.  II-  post  Epiphaniam,  Bom.,  Arm.,  Nest.;  xii.  of 
Lulie,  or  of  the  *Ten  Lepers,  Gr. ;  post  octavas  Epi- 
phaniae.  Festum  *Architriclini.  Jntr.  Omnis  terra, 
Omnes  gentes. 

F.  III.  of  the  Epiphant,  rv.  Evangelists,  Nest. 

V.  S.  Ill-  post  Epiphaniam,  Boiu.,  Arm.,  Nest.;   xrv. 

of  Luke,  Gr. ;  ante  Candelas  (Candlemas,  Feb.   2), 
Intr.,  Adorate  Dominum. 
F.   IV.  of   the    Epiphany,    Stephen    the  first  mart. 
{Nest.). 

VI.  S-  rv.  post  Epiphaniam,  Bovi.,  Arm.,  Nest. ;  xv.  of 
Luke,  or  of  *Zacchaeus,  Gr.     Adoraie  secundum. 

F-  V.  of  the  Epiphany  ;  Diodorus,  Theodore  and  Nes- 
toTius,  doctors  of  the  Greeks ;  Nest. 

VII.  S.  V.  post  Epiphaniam,  Bom.,  Arm.,  Nest. ;  xxii. 
of  Matthew,  Gr.     Adorate  tertium. 

M.,  Tu.,  W.,  of  the  Prayer  of  the  Niuevites;  Nest. 

W.  Monk  Anastasius,«Ko?re. 

Th.  Thanksgiving,  Nest. 

F.  VI.  of  the  Epiphany ;  the  Syrian  doctors,  Ephraem, 

Narses,  Abraham,  Julian,  John,  Michael,  Job,  Eshai, 

andBarsuma;  A'est. 

VIII.  S.  VI.  post  Epiphaniam,  iJcm.,  Arm.,  Nest. ;  xii. 
of  Luke,  or  of  the  *Publican  and  Pharisee.  Trio- 
dion  or  Prosphonesimus  S.,  Gr.  Adorate  quartum. 

Week.    Prosphonesimus  (irpoo-c^uiTjcrinos),    Gr. ;    ob- 
served as  a  fast  (Artziburion)  by  Arm. 
AV.  and  F.  are  not  observed  as  fasts  in  this  week,  Gr. 
F.  VII.  of  the  Kpiphany,  patr.  Maraba ;  Nest. 
Sa.  Alleleuaticae  Exequiae. 

IX.  S.  in  Septuagesima,  Bom.,  Amb. ;  vii.  post  Epi- 
phaniam. Bom.,  Arm.,  Nest. ;  of  the  *Prodigal  Son, 
Gr. ;  Lost  S.,  Alleluia  S.,  Carnisprlvium,  Privicar- 
nium  sacerdotum ;  festum  Keposilionis  (sc.  AUeluiae), 
qua  Alleluia  clauditur,  Alleluia  dimissum  or  clausum, 
Alleleuaticae  Exequiae.     Intr.,  Circumdederunt  me. 

Week  of  Apocreos  (dTroKpews),  Gr. 

M.  Blue  M.,  Germ. 

F.  viii.  of  the  Epiphany,  the  xi,.  marts. ;  Nest. 

Sa.  of  Apocreos,  Gr. 

X.  S-  in  Sexagesima,  Amb.,  Bom. ;  viii.  post  Epipha- 

niam, Bom.,  Arm.,  Nest. ;  of  Apocreos  (or  Carnis- 
privium,  as  the  last  day  of  eating  meat),  Gr., 
(Khortzitha  aghebisa)  Georflr.  7n<r.,  Exsurge  Domine. 

*  An  asterisk  is  prefixed  to  appellations  taken  from 
portions  of  the  services  for  the  day;  frequently  the 
subject  of  Gospel  or  Lesson,  as  well  as  the  lutroit,  thus 
furniBhes  a  title  to  the  Sunday. 


YEAR 


2055 


Week  of  Tyrophagus  {rvpo^id.yo';),  Gr. 

V.  IX.  of  the  Epiphant,  comm.  of  the  Departed ;  Nest. 

Sa.  Fest.  Ovorum  ;  Sabbaium  in  xii.  lectionibus. 

XI.  S.  in  QniNQnAGEsiMA,  Amb.,  Bom. ;  ix.  post  Epi- 
phaniam, Rom. ;  of  Tyrophagus  (as  the  last  day  of 
eating  cheese),  Apotyrosis,  Tyrine,  Gr. ;  Cheese  S. 
(Queliereth),  Georg.;  S.  before  the  Fast,  Arm.; 
of  the  entrance  in  the  Fast,  Nest. ;  ante  carnes 
tollendas,  Mozar. ;  Shrove  S.;  E.\carnalium,  Carnis- 
piivium  novum  ;  Clericorum  vel  Dominorum  Bac- 
chanalia (Fassnacht,  Germ.);  in  capite  jejunii,  ante 
Diem  Cineris;  ante  Brandones.    Jntr.,  Esto  mihi. 

Week  I.   of  the  Fast  (commencing  this  day),  Gr. ; 

Chaste  (casta)  W.,  Cleansing  W. ;  inter  duo  carnis- 

pi ivia. 
M.  CoUop  M. 

M.  and  T.  Antecinerales  feriae;  Shrovetide. 
T.    Quadragesima  intrans ;    Carameutrannus,  Carem- 

prenium,    Carnicapium,    Carnibrevium,  Carnivora ; 

Fastens  even.    Shrove  Tuesday. 
W.  Ash   Wednesday,   Br. ;  Caput    .iejunii,    Mozar. ; 

Shere  day  (Schuertag),  Germ.;  Cinerum  dies,  Pul- 

veris  festum,  Cineralia;  Cilicii  dies;  Caput  Quadra- 

gesimae  vel  Carenae ;  Carniprivium. 
W.  to  Sa.  Cleansing  days,  Br. ;  dies  quatuor. 
Th.  Crastinum  cinerum,  i.  post  cinerum. 
Sa.  Sabbatum  post  cinerum. 

XII.  S.  I-  in  Quadragesima,  Amh.,  Mozar. ;  in  Quadrag. 
(ad  Lateranis),  Bom. ;  Caput  Quadragesimae,  Gall. ; 
Quadrag.  intrans,  Dominica  quadraginta;  I.  of  the 
Fast,  Orthodoxy  S.  (from  the  restoration  of  image 
worship),  Gr. ;  ii.  in  the  Fast,  Arm.,  Nest. ;  Quintana 
(v.  from  Passover);  Privilegiata ;  Caruisprivlum 
vetus ;  dies  Burarum,  Brandonum,  vel  Branduruui ; 
dies  focorum,  de  lignis  (Funcken  Tag,  Germ.) ;  Holy 
Day.    Jntr.,  Invocavit  me. 

Week  n.  of  the  Fast,  Gr. ;  Brandons,  Br. ;  Chaste  W. 
M   I.  day  of  the  Fast,  Gotho-Hisp.,  Bom.,  Greg.  Jntr., 

Sicut  oculi  servoruni. 
W.,  F.,  and  Sa.  Tempora  de  Primavera,  Ember  days. 
Th.  Cananaeae. 

XIII.  S.  II-  in  Quadragesima,  *Samaritanae,  Amb. ;  i. 
mensis  primi.  Bom. ;  n.  of  the  Fast,  Gr. ;  iii.  in  the 
Fast,  Arm.,  Nest. ;  of  the  *Prodigal  Son,  Arm.  ; 
*Cananaeae,  de  *Transfiguratione ;  post  Focos  vel 
Ignes.   Jntr.  Reminiscere. 

Week  III.  of  the  Fast,  Gr. 

XIV.  S.  HI-  in  Quadragesima,  Amb.,  Bom. ;  in.  of  the 
Fast,  of  the  Adoration  of  the  Cross  (SraupoTrpocr- 
Kui'Tjcretus),  Gr. ;  IV.  in  the  Fast,  Arm.  Nest. ;  of  the 
*Unjust  Steward,  Arm.;  de  *Abrahame,  Amb.; 
*Daemonis  muti;  Adoiandae  Crucis.  Jntr.,  Oculi 
mei. 

AVeek  of  the  Mro  Fast  (|U.ecr»)  riav  vri<TTeiS>v,  ixcvovt^cttl- 
;oio5),  Gr. ;  septimana  media  jejuniorum  Paschallum. 

AV.  Dies  magni  Scrutinii. 
XA'.  S.  IV.  in  Quadragesima,  Amb.,  Rom. ;  rv.  of  the 
Fast,  Gr. ;  v.  in  the  Fast,  Arm.,  Nest. ;  of  the 
*Unjust  Judge,  Arm.;  Dom.  Mediante,  Mozar.; 
Media  Quiidraginta,  Mid  Lent  ;  Bragad  (Braggot)  S., 
Simnel  S.,  Br.  ;  *Caeci  Nati,  Amb. ;  de  *Panibus. 
D.  *Jerusalem,  Mothering  S. ;  de  Fontanis,  Refec- 
tionis.    Jntr.,  Laetare  Hierusalem. 

AVeek  v.  of  the  Fast,  Gr. ;  Hebd.  mediana  Quadra- 
gesimae. 

AV.  Difs  caeci  nati. 

Th  *.Magnificet. 

Sa.  *Sitientes  venite  ad  aquam. 
XA^I.  S.  V.  in  Quadragesima,  Amb.,  Bom.,  Mozar. ;  v.  of 
the  Fast,  Or.;  vi.  in  the  Fast,  Arm.,  Nest.;  of 
the  *Entry  of  Christ,  Arm. ;  de*Lazaro,  Amb.;  *Isti 
suiitdies;  Repositus  (from  the  replacing  of  Images)  ; 
Mediana,  Mediana  octava;  D.  quintanae  (sc.  ludi), 
ante  Palma,  in  Passione  Domini,  Passion  S.,  Black 
S.,  Care  or  Carling  S.  Intr.,  Judica  me  Deus. 

AVeek.    Palm    W.,    Gr.;    Pa^sionalia,    Passion  W., 
Hebd.  Passionls. 

Sa.  Sab.  Akathistl,  Resurrection  of  Lazarus,  Gr. 
Arm. ;  Sab.  vacans,  aute  ramos  palmarum,  dationis 


2056 


YEAR 


eleemosynae  vel  ferinenti,  in  Traditione  Symbol!; 
Mandatum  pauperum. 

XVII.  S.  VI.  in  Quadragesima,  Rom. ;  vn.  of  the  Fast, 
Arm.;  Olivarum,  Amb.;  Palm  S.  (t<ui/  Patuiv),  Gr., 
Arm. ;  Prostitution  S.  (*Bzobisa  from  Mary  Magda- 
lene), Georg. ;  de  Traditione  Symboli  (Catechumens 
then  learning  the  Creed),  Mozar. ;  Hosanna  S.,  Nest. ; 
in  raniis  Palmaruin,  Greg. ;  Eamalia,  Oschophoria ; 
dies  Palniarum,  gestationis  Palmarum,  0.-.annae; 
Indulgenliae,  Pascha  petitum  vel  competentium; 
Broncheriae,  Calicis,  Capitilavium :  Pascha  florum, 
Verbenalia  :  D.  Lazari.    Intr.,  Domlne  ne  longe. 

Week.  Holy  and  Great  W.,  of  the  Redeeming 
Passion  (o-unjptou  ndOov;),  Gr. ;  last  of  the  Fast, 
Nest. ;  Hebd.  Poenosa  vel  Poenalis,  Laboriosa,  Magna, 
Major,  Authentica,  Crucis,  Indulgentiae,  Muta. 
Quindena  (Quinquenna)  Puschae  (including  also  the 
week  after  Easter). 

M.  Fest.  of  the  Ckeation  of  the  Woeld,  Arm. 

M.,  Tu.,  and  W.  Dies  *Lamentationis. 

Tu.  Holt  and  Gkeat  T.,  Gr. ;  last  T.  of  the  Fast, 
.Vest. ;  Fest.  of  the  Deluge,  or  Ten  Virgins,  Arm. ; 
feria  III.  mugna  vel  major. 

W.  Fest.  of  the  Destruction  of  Sodom,  or  the  Be- 
trayal, Arm. ;  Succinctio  Campanarum. 

W.,  Th.,  and  F.  Tenebrae;  dies  Muti. 

Th.  Fest.  of  the  Mystic  Supper,  Arm. ;  natalis  Calicis, 
Coena  Domini,  Mandati  dies  (Maundy  Th.),  dies 
Jovis  in  mandato ;  Th.  of  the  Pascha,  Nest. ;  Pec- 
catrix  poenitentialis,  Aljsolutionis  dies,  Capitu- 
lavium,  dies  Viridium ;  Green,  Shere  orSchire,  Chare, 
and  Good  or  Holy  Th. 

F.  Day  of  Salvation  (ra  o-oiT^pia),  Day  or  Pascha  of 
the  Cross,  Gr. ;  great  or  holy  Preparation  (Para- 
sceve,  napaa-Keviq),  Gr.,  Lat. ;  Passion  and  Mystery 
(eucharist)  of  the  Pascha,  Nest. ;  Coena  pura  ;  Good 
F.,  Br.;  Care  F.  (Charfreytag) ;  Biduana,  Veneris 
dies  Adoratus,  Mortis  Christi ;  fest.  Compassionis  vel 
VII.  dolorum  V.  Mariae,  Toledo. 

Sa.  Holy  and  Great  Sabbath,  Gr.;  Sab.  Sanctum 
(Pascbae),  Bom. ;  Great  Sab.,  Rest  of  Christ  (Requies 
Domini  corporis,  Lat.),  Nest. ;  fest.  of  the  Burial, 
Arm.;  Sab.  Luminum ;  Benedictio  (Praeconium) 
Cerei  et  Fontium;  Nox  sacrata  velsancta;  Easter 
Eve. 

XVIII.  S.  Easter  S.,  Pace  or  Paas  day.  Journey  Fes- 
tival, Br. ;  D.  Sancta  in  Pascha,  Bom. ;  Dies  Sanctus 
Paschae,  Amb. ;  D.  Sancta,  Greg. ;  Dies  Dominicus 
((car'  i^oxrj"),  Tertul. ;  Resureectionis,  Amb.,  Gr., 
Nest. ;  Pascha,  Arm.,  Gr. ;  Bright  S.  (Aa/uTrpa),  Gr. ; 
S.  of  Sundays,  Nest. ;  Annus  Novus ;  dies  Regalis ; 
fest.  Azymorum;  Piischa  bonum,  carnosum,  com- 
municans  ;    Prima  Dominica,  Primum  Pascha. 

Week  of  the  Renewal  (6iaKai^(Tt^io5),  Gr. ;  of  the 
Sabbath  of  Sabbaths,  Nest.;  in  Albis,  Greg.;  infra 
Albas  Paschae,  Hebd.  Albana;  dies  Boni  et  jSIeo- 
phytorum,  Feriatae  vel  Feriati. 

M.  Paschalis  dies ;  All  Souls,  Arm. 

W.  Pascha  medium. 

F.  All  Confessors,  Nest. ;  ad  S.  Mariam  ad  Martyres, 
Bom. 

Sa.  Sab.  in  Albis,  infra  Albas ;  i.  post  Pascha ; 
Lawson  Eve,  Br. 

XIX.  8.  Octava  I'aschae,  Rom.,  Mozar.;  Clausum 
Paschae,  Gothico-Gall. ;  in  Albis  Depositis,  Amb. ; 
Nevit  S.,  Arm.,  Gr.;  Antipascha,  S.  of  S.  Thomas 
(koii/^,  via  KvpiaKr)  toO  di'TiTrao-xa,  i/(i7Aa<|)7)cris  Tov 
©ujiid,  also  SeuTepojrpconj),  Gr. ;  S.  after  Pascha, 
Nest.;  Octava  Infantium ;  Doni.  post  Albas  vel  in 
Albis ;  Dom.  Inferius  (Low  S.),  Mensis  Paschae, 
Missae  Domini,  Alleluia.  Intr.,  Quasimodo  geniti. 

Week  of  Antipascha,  or  ii.  after  Pascha,  Gr. 

M.  W.and  F.  Jejunium banni,  bannitum,  vel  magnum. 

XX.  S.  II.  post  Pascha,  Amb.,  Nest. ;  i.  post  octavas 
Paschae,  Rom.,  Greg. ;  i.  post  clausum  Paschae ; 
III.  after  Pascha,  of  the  Ointment  bearers  (twi'  (uupo- 
4>6piov,  who  anointed  our  Lord's  body),  comm.  of 
Joseph  of  Arimathaea;  Green  S.,  Arm.:  trium 
septimanarum  Paschae;   post  Oatensionem  reliqui- 


YEAR 

arum;    Mapparum    albarum;    Mirabilia    Domine, 
Pastor  Bonus.  Intr.,  Misericordia  Domini,  et  Uiiam 
Domini. 
Week  III.  after  Pascha,  or  of  the  Ointment  Bearers, 
Gr. 

XXI.  S.  III.  post  Pascha,  ^m6.,  A'esf. ;  ii.  post  octavam 
Paschae,  Rom.;  ii.  post  clausum  Paschae,  Domi- 
nicum  ii.  post  Pascha;  rv.  S.  after  Pascha,  of  the 
♦Paralytic,  Gr.;  Beautiful,  or  Red  S.,Arm.;  *Deus 
qui  errantibus.  Intr.,  Jubilate  omnis  terra. 

Week  IT.  after  Pascha,  or  of  the  Paralytic,  Gr. 
W.  Feast  of  Mid  Pentecost  begins,  lasting  a  week, 
Gr. 

XXII.  S.  rv.  post  Pascha,  Ambr.,  Nest.;  in.  post 
octavam  Paschae,  Rom. ;  in.  post  clausum  Paschae  ; 
v.  after  Pascha,  Arm.,  Gr. ;  MiD  Pentecost,  Gr. ; 
of  the  *Samaritan  woman,  Gr.,  Lat.  Intr.,  Cantate 
Dumino. 

XXIII.  S.  v.  post  Pascha,  Amb.,  Nest.;  iv.  post 
octavam  Paschae,  Rom. ;  rv.  post  clausum  Paschae  ; 
VI.  after  Pascha,  Arm.,  Gr. ;"  of  the  *Blind  Man, 
Gr.;  Dom.  Rogationum,  vel  ante  Litanias;  lest. 
Evangelismi.    Intr.,  Vocem  jucunditatis  annunciate. 

AVeek  of  the  Ascension,  Gr. ;  Hebd.  Crucium ;  Proces- 
sion, Rogation,  Grass  W. 

M.,  T.,  and  W.  Gang  days,  Br. ;  Rogation  days, 
Litania  minor,  Triduana ;  jejunium  Ascensionis. 

T.  End  of  Pascha,  Gr. 

W.  Vigilia  de  Ascensa  Domini,  Rom. 

Th.  Ascension  of  our  Lord,  Rom.,  Arm.,  Nest., 
(dt'dA.7)i//is)  Gr. ;  Episozomene  (eTrta-tofo/ite'j/i}),  Cappa- 
docia. 

F.  I.  of  the  Ascension,  Nest. 

XXIV.  S.  post  Ascensionem  (Ascensa  Domini,  Rom.), 
Amb.,  Arm.,  Nest. ;  vii.  S.  after  Pascha,  of  the 
cccxviii  fathers  of  the  council  of  Xice,  Gr.;  vn. 
in  Easter,  ii.  Palm  S.,  Arm.  Intr.,  Exaudi  Domine. 

Week.  Hebd.  Expectationis. 

Th.  David  of  Garedj,  Georg. 

F.  II.  of  the  Ascension,  Nest. ;  All  the  faithful 
Departed,  Gr. 

Sa.  Sabbatum  ante  Descensum  Fontis,  Greg.;  jeju- 
nium Sab.  Pektecostes  ;  Sab.  xii.  lectionum  ;  in 
Albis,  prima  viii.  dierum  Neophytoriim,  Albas 
Pentecostes. 

XXV.  S.  Pentecostes,  Amb.,  Arm.,  Nest.,  Gr. ;  D. 
sancta  Pentecostes,  Rom. ;  Quinquagesima,  Gall. ; 
Pentecoste  collectorum;  fest.  Spieitus  Sancti;  D. 
Alba  (White  S.) ;  Charismatis  dies ;  Rosalia,  Rosa- 
ceum,  Rosarum. 

Week  I.  after  Pentecost,  Gr. ;  Pentecostmas  W. 

M.  Fast  of  the  Apostles  begins,  lasting  vn.  weeks. 
Nest. 

W.,  F.,  and  Sa.  Jejunium  aestivale.  Ember  Days; 
Pentecostes  Media. 

Th.,  F.,  and  Sa.  Rogation  days,  Spain. 

F.  Golden  F.,  i.  of  Pentecost,  Nest. 
XXV^I.  S.  I-  post  Pentecosten,  Amb.,  Gr. ;  fest.  S.  Tri- 
nitatis,  Amb.;  Dom.  octava  Pentecostes,  Rom.;  i. 
S.  after  the  Descent,  Ar7n. ;  i.  S.  of  the  Apostles 
Nest.;  I.  S.  of  *Matthew,  of  All  Saints,  Gr.;  Con- 
ductus  Pentecostes;  Dom.  Duplex,  i.  aestatis;  *Deus 
omnium  exauditor,  *Domine  in  tua  misericordia, 
*Spiritus  Domini  replevit.    Intr.,  Benedlcta. 

Week  II.  of  Matthew,  Gr. ;  Hebd.  Trinitatis,  Duplex. 

T .  Fast  of  aps.  Peter  and  Paul  begins,  Gr. 

F.  II.  of  Pentecost,  Nest. 
XXVII.  S.  II-  post  Pentecosten,  Amb.,  Rom.,  Gr., 
Mozar. ;  n.  after  the  Descent,  Arm. ;  ii.  of  the 
Apostles,  Nest. ;  ii.  of  *Matthew,  of  the  *Teaching 
of  Christ,  Gr. ;  1).  trium  septimanarum  Pentecostes, 
in  Quindena  Pentecostes.    Intr.,  Factus  est  Dominus. 

Week  HI.  of  Matthew,  Gr. 
X.WIII.  S-  HI.  post  Pentecosten,  Amb.,  Rom.,  Gr.; 
III.  after  the  Descent,  Arm. ;  in.  of  the  Apostles, 


»  So  AlUitius;  the  Synaxaria  and  Triodion  make  this 
S.  the  filth,  and  accordingly  the  previous  Sundays  after 
Pascha  one  less  in  their  number. 


YEAR 

Xest. ;    III.   of    *Matthew,    Gr.    Intr.,    Respice    in 
me. 
Week  IT.  of  Matthew,  Gr. 

XXIX.  S.  i'^'-  post  Pentecosten,  Amh.,  Horn.,  Gr. ;  iv- 
after  the  Descent,  Arm.;  iv.  of  the  Apostles, 
yest. ;  IV.  of  *Matthew,  of  the  *Centurion,  Gr. ;  Intr., 
Pominus  illuminatio  mea. 

XXX.  S-  '^-  post  Pentecosten,  Anib.,  Horn.,  Gr.;  v. 
after  the  Descent,  Arm. ;  v.  of  the  Apostles,  Nest. ; 

V.  of  *Mattbew,  of  the  *Two  Demoniacs,  Gr. ;  Intr., 
Exaudi  Domine. 

Sa.  Feast  of  Petee  and  Paul  and  Apostles,  Arm. 

XXXI.  S.  VI.  post  Pentecosten,  Amb.,  Gr.;  vi.  after 
the  Descent,  Arm.;  vi.  of  the  Apostles,  coram,  of 
Ezechiel  Dakuk,  Nest. ;  vi.  of  *Matthew,  of  the 
*Paralytic,  Gr. ;  Intr.,  Dominus  fortitudo  mea. 

Week,  last  of  the  Apostles,  A'tst. ;  Fast  of  the  Tbans- 

figdkation,  Arm. 
F.  The  Lxsii.  Disciples,  Nest. 
Sa.  Comm.  of  Old  and  New  Covenants,  Am. 

XXXII.  S.  ■VII.  post  Pentecosten,  Amb.,  Gr.;  vn.  of 
♦Matthew,  of  the  *Two  Blind  Men,  Gr.;  i.  of 
SuMMEK,  feast  of  All  the  Apostles,  Nest.;  Trans- 
figuration S.,  Arm. ;  Intr.,  Omnes  gentes. 

M.  All  Souls,  Arm. 

F.  I.  of  the  beginning  of  Summer,  comm.  of  James  of 
Kisibis,  Nest. 

XXXIII.  S.  VIII.  post  Pentecosten,  Amb.,  Gr.;  vni.  of 
*Matlhew,  of  the  *Five  Loaves  and  Two  Fishes,  Gr. ; 
II.  of  SuMsiER,  Nest.;  ii.  after  the  Transfiguration. 
Arm.  Intr.,  Suscepimus  Deus.!" 

XXXI V.-^  S.  IX.  post  Pentecosten,  Amb.,  Gr.;  ix.  of 
•Matthew,  of  *Walking  in  the  Sea,  Gr.;  i.  post 
octavam  Apostoloeum,  Bom. ;  in.  of  Summer, 
Nest. ;  III.  after  the  Transfiguration,  Arm. ;  Dom. 
Reliquiarum.  Intr.,  Ecce  Deus  adjuva  me. 
Week  X.  of  Matthew,  Gr. 

XXXV.  S-  X.  post  Pentecosten,  Amb.,  Gr.;  x.  of 
♦Matthew,  of  the  *Lunatlc,  Gr. ;  Tv.  of  Summer, 
Nest. ;  TV.  after  the  Transfiguration,  Arm.  Intr., 
Dum  clamarem. 

M.  Fast  of  the  Assumption  begins,  lasting  xrv.  days. 
Nest. 

XXXVI.  S.  XI.  post  Pentecosten,  Amb.,  Gr. ;  xi.  of 
♦Matthew,  of  the  *Parable  of  the  King,  Gr.;  v. 
of  Summer,  xXest. ;  v.  after  the  Transfiguration, 
Arm.   Intr.  Deus  in  loco  sancto. 

F.  Samonas  and  sons  marts..  Nest. 

XXXVII.  S.  XII.  post  Pentecosten,  Amb.,  Gr. ;  xn.  o 
♦Matthew,  of  the  ♦Rich  Man  questioning  Jesus,  Gr.; 

VI.  of  Summer,  Nest. ;  vi.  after  the  Transfigura- 
tion, Arm,.  Intr.,  Deus  in  adjutorium. 

Week.  Fast  of  the  Assumption,  Arm. 
F.  comm.    of  Rabban  Moses   Beth  S.-yara,  John  Bar 
Chaldon,  and  patr.  Simeon  Barsaba  and  com. ;  Nest. 

XXXVIII.  S-  xrii.  post  Pentecosten,  Amb.,  Gr.;  xiii. 
of  ♦Matthew,  of  the  ♦Parable  of  the  Vineyard,  Gr. ; 

VII.  of  Summer,  Nest. ;  Assumption  S.,  Arm.  Intr., 
Respice  Domine. 

M.  Fast  of  Elijah  or  of  the  Cross  begins,  lasting  vii. 

weeks.  Nest. ;  All  Souls,  Arm. 
XXXI.V.  S.  XIV.  post  Pentecosten,  Amb.,  Gr.;  xrv.  of 

♦Matthew,    of  the   ♦Wedding    Guests,   Gr.;    i.    of 

Elijah,  Nest. ;    ii.    after    the    Assumption,  Arm. 

Intr.,  Protector  noster  aspice  Deus.<* 
F.  comm.  of  Catholicus,  Nest. 
XL.   S.    XV.    post    Pentecosten,    Amb.,  Gr.;   xv.    of 

♦Matthew,  of  the  ♦Lawyer  questioning  Jesus,  Gr. ; 

II.  of  Elijah,  Nest. ;  Invention  of  the  Girdle  of  V. 

Mart,  Arm.  Intr.,  Inclina  Domine  aurem  tuam. 


"  The  Sundays  which  follow  June  29  are  sometimes 
numbered  "post  Natale  Apostolorum"  {Rom.).  See 
I'ETEB,  p.  1623. 

«  No  name  is  given  to  this  and  the  following  Sundays 
in  the  Mozarabic  Calendar. 

<i  The  Sundays  which  follow  Aug.  10  are  sometimes 
numbered  "  post  S.  Laurentii  "  {Rom.) 


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2057 


XLI.  S.  XVI.  post  Pentecosten;  hi.  of  Elijah,  Nest.;  S. 
before  the  Exaltation  of  Holy  Cross,  Gr. ;  S.  before 
Holy  Cross,  .4 rm.  Intr.,  Miserere  mei  Domine. 
Week.  Fast  of  Holy  Cross,  Arm. 
XLII.  S.  XVII.  post  Pentecosten;  iv.  of  Elijah,  i.  of 
the  Invention  of  the  Cross,  Nest.;   S.  after  the 
Exaltation  of  the    Holy  Cross,  Gr. ;  S.  of  Holy 
Cross,  Arm.  Intr.,  Justus  es  Domine. 
Week  I.  of  Luke,  Gr. 
M.  All  Souls,  ^rm. 
XLIII.  S.  XVIII.  after  Pentecost,  i.  of  *Luke,  of  the 
♦Fishing,  Gr.;  v.  of  Elijah,  ir.  of  the  Invention. 
Nest. ;  II.  after  Holy  Cross,  Arm.  Intr.,  Da  pacem. 
M.,  W.,  and  F.  Fasts  (as  W.  and  F.  are  generally 
throughout  the  year)  ;  Arm. 
XLIV.  S.  XIX.  after  Pentecost,  ii.  of  ♦Luke,  of  ♦Love 
to  Enemies,  Gr. ;  vi.  of  Elijah,  hi.  of  the  Inven- 
tion, Nest. ;  III.  after  Holy  Cross,  Arm.  Intr.,  Salus 
populi  Ego  sum. 
M.,  W.,  and  F.  Jejunium  banni. 
XLV.   S.    XX.  after  Pentecost,  hi.  of  ♦Luke,  of  the 
♦Widow's  Son,  Gr.;  vii.  of  Elijah,  iv.  of  the  In- 
vention, Nest. ;   IV.  after  Holy  Cross,  Arm.    Intr. 
Omnia  quae  fecisti.e 
F.  IV.  of  the  Intention,  of  the  last  week  of  Elijah, 
comm.  and  fast  of  proph.  Elijah,  Nest. 
XLVI.  S-  XXI.  after  Pentecost,   rv.  of  ♦Luke,  of  the 
♦Parable  of  the  Sower,  Gr.;  i.  S.  of  Moses,  Nest;  v, 
after  Holy  Cross,  Arm.    Intr.,  In  voluntate  tua. 
T.  of  V.  week  after  Holy  Cross,  comm.  of  Ananias  of 
Damascus,  Matthias,  Barnabas,  Philip,  Stephen, 
Silas,  and  Silvanus,  and  xii.  Apostles  ;  Arm. 
W.  of  I.  week  of  Moses,  comm.  of  Elias  of  Hirta  ; 
Nest. 
XLVI  I.  S-  xxii.  after  Pentecost,  v.  of  ♦Luke,  of  the 
♦Rich  Man  and  Lazarus,  Gr. ;  ii.  of  Moses,  Nest. ; 
VI.  after  Holy  Cross,  Arm.  Intr.,  Si  iniquitates. 
XLVIII.  S-  XXIII.  after  Pentecost,  vi.  of  ♦Luke,  of  the 
♦Demoniac  Legion,  Gr. ;  iii.  of  Moses,  Nest. ;  vii. 
after  Holy  Cross,  Arm.  Intr.,  Dicit  Dominus  Ego 
cogito. 
M.  Omnium  fidelium  Defunctorum,  Amb. 
XLIX.  S-  XXIV.  after  Pentecost,  vii.  of  ♦Luke,  of  the 
♦Ruler's  Daughter,  Gr.;  iv.f  of  Moses,  Nest.;  viii- 
after  Holy  Cross,  Arm. 
Week  VIII.  of  Luke,  Gr. 
L.  S.  XXV.   after   Pentecost,    viii.   of   *Luke,   of   the 
♦Lawyer  questioning  Jesus,    Gr.;    ix.  after  Holy 
Cross,  Arm. 
F.  comm.  of  Eugenius  and  com. ;  Nest. 
LI.  S.  XXVI.  after  Pentecost,  ix.  of  ♦Luke,  of  the  ♦Rich 

Man,  Gr.;  x.  after  Holt  Cross,  Arm. 
LII.  S-  xxvii.  after  Pentecost,  xiii.  of  ♦Luke,   Gr.; 

I.  in  Auventu,  Amb.,  Mozar. ;  xi.  after  Holy  Cross, 
Arm. 

AVeek.  Fast  of  Second  Pentecost,  Arm. 
LIII.  S.  xxviii.  alter  Pentecost,   xrv.   of  ♦Luke,   Gr.; 

II.  in  Adventu,  Amb.,  Mozar. ;  v.  ante  Natalem 
Domini,  Greg. ;  i.  of  the  Second  Pentecost,  vi. 
before  the  Nativity,  Arm. 

LIV.  S.  !•  de  AD^•ENTU,  Rom. ;  i.  of  the  Annunciation, 
(Subora)  Nest. ;  iii.  in  Adventu,  Amb.,  Mozar. ;  iv. 
ante  Natalem  Domini,  Greg. ;  xxix.  after  Pentecost, 
XV.  of  ♦Luke,  of  ♦Zacchaeus,  Gr. ;  ii.  of  the  Second 
Pentecost,  v.  before  the  Nativity,  Arm. ;  ♦Aspi- 
ciens  a  longe.  Intr.,  Ad  te  levavi. 
Advent  season.     Nati  Adventus;  Quadragesima  S. 

Martini  vel  Parva. 
M.  Fast  of  the  Annunciation  begins,  lasting  rv.  weeks, 
Nest. 

LV.  S.  II-  de  Adventu  ;  n.  of  the  Annunciation,  Nest., 
II.  ante  Natale  Dominf,  Rom.,  Arm.;  m.  ante 
Natalem,   Greg. ;    iv.   in    Adventu,  Amb.,  Mozar. ; 


"  The  Sundays  which  follow  Sept.  26  are  sometimes 
numbered  "  post  S.  Cypriani "  (Rom.). 

f  The  number  of  these  Sundays  may  be  less  than  four 
as  required. 


205E 


YEAE 


YEAR 


XXX.  after  Pentecost,  x.  of  *Luke,  of  the  *Woinan 

with  a  Spirit  of  Infirmity,  Gr. ;  iii.  of  the  Second 

Pentecost,  Arm. ;  D.  de  Jerusalem.  Intr.,  Populus 

Sion. 
LVI.  S-  in.  de  Adventu  ;  iir.  of  the  Annunciation, 

Keit. ;   III.  ante  Natale  Domini,   Eom.,  Arm. ;  ii. 

ante  Natalem,  Greg. ;  v.  in  Adventu,  Amb.,  Mozar. ; 

XI.  of  *Luke,  of  the  *Wedding  Gue.sts,  of  the  holy 

Forefathers,   Gr.;    iv.  of   the  Second  Pentecost, 

Arm. 
W.  Ad  *Angelum. 
AV.,  F.,  and  Sa.  (of  i.  complete  week  before  Christmas). 

Jejunium  hiemale  iv.  teniporum.  Ember  days. 
Sa.  Sabbatum  de  Gaudete  ;  Sab.  xii.  lectionuni. 
LVII.  S.  rv.  de  Adventu  ;  iv.  of  the  Annunciation, 

^'est.•,   I.    ante  Natalem   Domini  (D.   vacat.    Cod. 

Cal.),  Greg. ;  n.  before  the  Nativity  (Jan.  6),  v.  of 

the  Second  Pentecost,    Arm. ;    vi.    in    Adventu, 

Am.b.,  Mozar. ;  S.  before  the  Birth  of  Christ,  Gr. ; 

Dominica  de  0  ;  *Canite  tuba.  Intrs.,  Memento  mei, 

Eorate  Coeli. 
Week.  Hebd.  de  Excepto. 

INDEX    OF    NAMES    OF    SUNDAYS,    ETC. 

The  Soman  numerals  refer  to  the  preceding  list. 


Abrahame,  D.  de,  xiv 
Absolutionis  dies,  xvii 
Adorate  Dominum,  v,  vi, 

vii,  viii 
Adventu,    Dominicae    in 

(de),  lii-lvii 
Akaihisti  Sabbatum,  xvi 
Alba  Dominica,  xxx 
Albiina  hebd.,  xviii 
Albas,  D.  post,  xix 
Albas     Puschae,     infra, 

xviii 
Albas  Pentecostes,  xxiv 
Albis,  in,  xviii 
Alleluia,  xix 
Alleluia  clausum,  ix 
All  Saints,  S.  of,  xxvi 
Angeluni,  ad,  Ivi 
Annunciation,  Sundays  of 

the,  liv-lvii 
Annus  Novus,  xviii 
Antecinerales  feriae,  xi 
Aiilipascha,  xix 
Apocreos,  ix,  x 
Apo^tles,  fast  of  the,  xxv, 

xxxi 
Apostles.  Sundays  of  the, 

xxvi-xxxi 
Apotyrosis,  xi 
Architriclini,  festum,  iv 
Artziburion,  viii 
Ascensiiinem,  1).  post,  xxiv 
Ascen<;ioii  of  Chriht,  xxiii 
Ash  Wednesday,  xi 
Aspiciens  a  lunge,  liv 
Assumption  Sunday, 

xxxviii 
Authentica  hebd.,  xvii 
Azymorum  festum,  xviii 

Bacchanalia  clericorum  vel 
dominorum,  xi 

Banni,  vel  bannitum,  jeju- 
nium, xix,  xliv 

Beautilul  Sunday,  xxi 

Benedicta,  xxvi 

Betrayal,  F.  of  the,  xvii 

Biduana,  xvii 

Birth  of  Christ,  S.  before 
the,  Ivii 

Black  Sunday,  xvi 

Blind  man,  S.  of  the,  xxiii 

Blinil  men,  S.  of  the  two, 
xxxii 

Blue  Monday,  ix 

Boni  dies,  xviii 

Braggut  Sunday,  xv 

Brandonum  dies,  xii 

Bright  Sunday,  xviii 

Br.incheriae  Dominica,  xvii 

Burarum  dies,  xii 

Burial,  F.  of  the,  xvii 


Caeci  nati  Dominica,  xv 
Calicis  Dominica,  xvii 
Campanarum     succinctio, 

Cananaeae,  xii 
Candelas,  D.  ante,  v 
Canite  tuba,  Ivii 
Cantate  Domino,  xxii 
Capitilavium,  xvii 
Caput  Jejunii,  xi 
Caramentrannns,  xi 
Care  Friday,  xvii 
Care  Sunday,  xvi 
Caiiing  Sunday,  xvi 
Carnes  tollendas,  D.  ante, 

Carnisprivium,  ix,  x 
Carnisprivium  novum,  xi 
Carnisprivium  vetus,  xii 
Casta  Ijebdomada,  xi 
Centurion,  S.  of  the,  xxix 
Cerei  benediciio  (praecon- 

ium),  xvii 
Chare  Thursday,  xvii 
Charismalis  dies,  xxv 
Chaste  week,  xi,  xii 
Cheese  Sunday,  xi 
Cilicii  dies,  xi 
Cinernm  dies,  xi 
Circumcisiunis,   D.   infra 

octavam,  ii 
Circumdederunt  me,  ix 
Clausum  Paschae,  xix 
Coena  Domini,  xvii 
Coena  pura,-xvii 
I'oUop  Monday,  xi 
Communibus,    feriae    in, 

xlvi 
Compassionis  V.  Mariae,  F., 

Conductus       Pentecostfs, 

xxvi 
Covenants,  Comm.  of  Old 

and  New,  xxxi 
Creation  of  the  World,  F. 

of  the,  xvii 
Cross,  day  of  the,  xvii 
Cross,  fast  of  the,  xxxviii, 

xii 
Cioss,    Pascha    of    the, 

xvii 
Cross,  S.  before  holy,  xii 
Cross,  S.  of  the  Adoration 

ot  the,  xiv 
Cross,  Sundays  after  holy, 

xliii-lii 
Cross,  Sundays  of  the  In- 
vention ot  the,  xlii-xlv 

Daemonis  muti  Dominica, 

xiv. 
Da  pacem,  xliii 


Dationis  eleemosynae  Sab., 

xvi. 
Decies  quadratum,  xi 
Deluge,  F.  of  the,  xvii 
Descent,    Sundays    after, 

xxvi-xxxi 
Deus  in  adjutorium,  xxxvii 
ileus  in  loco  sancto,  xxxvi 
Deus  omnium  exauditor, 

xxvi 
Deus  qui  errantibus,  xxi 
Deuteroprote  Sunday,  xix 
Dicit  Duminus,  xlviii 
Distaff's  day,  iii 
Doctors,  Christ,withthe,  iii 
Domine  in  tua  inisericordia, 

xxvi 
Domine  ne  longe,  xvii 
Dominica  vacaus,  ii,  Ivii 
Dominions  dies,  x-i-iii 
Dominus    fortitude     mea, 

xxxi 
Douiinus  illuminatio  mea, 

xxix. 
Dum  clamarem.  xxxv 
Dum  medium  silentium,  i 
Duplex  Dominica,  xxvi 

Easter  Sunday,  xviii 
Ixce  Deusadjuva  me  xxxiv 
Elijah,  fast  of,  xxxviii,  xiv. 
Klijah,  Sundays  of,  xxxix- 

xlv 
Ember     days,    xii,    xxv, 

Ivi 
Entry  of  Christ,  S.  of  the, 

xvi 
Epiphaniam,     Dominicae 

post,  iii-xi 
Episozomene,  xxiii 
Esto  mihi,  xi 
Kvaiigelismi  festum,  xxiii 
Exaudi  Domine,  xxiv,  xxx 
Excarnalium,  xi 
Kxceptb,  hebd.  de,  Ivii 
Expectationis  hebdomada, 

xxiv 
Exsurge  Domine,  x 

Factus  est  Dominus,  xxvii 
Fast,  S.  of  the  entrance  in, 

xi 
Fast,  Sundays  of  the,  xii- 

XV  ii 
Felicissimus  dies,  xviii 
Feriatae  dies,  xviii 
Fermenti  Sabbatum,  xvi 
Fishing,  S.  of  the,  xliii 
Five  loave:i  and  two  fishes, 

S.  of  the,  xxxiii 
Focorum  dies,  xii 
Focos,  D.  post,  xiii 
Fontanis,  D.  de,  xv 
Kontium  benedictio,  xvii 
Forefathers,  S.  of  the  holy. 


Galilaei,  xviii 
Gang  days,  xxiii 
Gaudete,  Sabbatum  de,  Ivi 
Gaudii  dies,  xviii 
Golden  Friday,  xxv 
Good  Friday,  xvii 
Good  Thursday,  xvii 
Grass  week,  xxiii 
Great  Sabbath,  xvii 
Green  Sunday,  xx 
Green  Thursday,  xvii 

Holy  Sabbath,  xvii 
Holy  week,  xvii 
Holy  day,  xii 
Holy  Thursday,  xvii 
Hosanna  Sunday,  xvii 

Ignes  D.  post,  xiil 
Inclina     Domine     aurem 

tuam,  xl 
Indulgentiae  dies,  xvii 
In  excelso  thronu,  iii 
Infantium  octava,  xix 
luferius  Dom.,  xix 


Infirmity,  S.  of  the  Woman 
with  a  spirit  of,  Iv  j 

Invention,  Fridays  of  the,  i 

xlii-xlv 

Invocavit  me,  xii 

In  voluntate  tua,  xlvi 

Isti  sunt  dies,  xvi 

Jerusalem,  Dominica  de, 

XV,  Iv 
Journey  festival,  xviii 
Jubilate  omnis  terra,  xxi 
Judica  me  Deus,  xvi 
Justus  es  Domine,  xlii  ^ 

King,  S.  of  the,  xxxvi  ' 

Laboriosa  hebd.,  xvii  ] 

Daetare  Hierusalem,  xv  I 

Lamentationis  dies,  xvii  j 

Lawson  Eve,  xviii 
Lawyer  questioning  Jesus,  ' 

S.  of  the,  xl,  1 
Lazari  Dominica,  xvi,  xvii  i 

Lazarus  and  the  Rich  Man,  i 

xlvii 
Legion,  S.  of  the,  xlviii  \ 

Lent,  xi 

Levavi,  11  v  . 

LepiTS,  S.  of  the  Ten,  iv 
Lights,  S.  after  the,  iii 
Lignis,  dies  de,  xii  i 

Lo.,t  S.,  ix 

Love  to  Enemies,  S.  of,  xliv 
Low  Sunday,  xix 
Luke,  Sundays  of,  iv,  v,  vi, 

viii,  xliii-lvi 
Luminum  Sabbatum,  xvii 
Lunatic,  S.  of  the,  xxxv 

Magna    hebdomada,   xvi, 

xvii 
Magnificet,  xv 
Magnum  jejunium,  xix 
Major  hebd.,  xvii 
Mandati  dies,  xvii 
Mandatum  pauperum,  xvi 
Mapparum  albarum  Dom.,  ] 

XX 

Matthew,  Sundays  of,  vii, 

xxvi-xl  ' 

Maundy  Thursday,  xvii 
Mediana  Dominica,  xvi 
Media  Penteco>tes,  xxv 
Media  septimana,  i 
Memento  mei,  Ivii 
Mid-Fast,  xiv  j 

Mid-Lent  Sunday,  xv  I 

Mid-  Pentecost,  feast  of,  xxi 
Mid-Pentecost  S.,  xxii  1 

Mirabilia  Domine,  xx 
Miserere  mei  Domine,  xii 
Misericordia  Domini,  xx 
Missae  Domini,  Dom.,  xix 
Jloses,  Sundays  and  weeks 

of,  xlvi-xlix 
Mothering  Sunday,  xv 
Muta  hebdomada,  xvii 
Mystery  of  the  Pascha,  xvii 

Natale  Domini,  i  D.  post,  i 
Natali"  r,alicis,  xvii 
Nativ:  y,  Sundays  before 

the,  liii-lvii,  i,  ii 
Neophytorum  dies,  xviii 
New  Sunday,  xix 
Nice,  S.  of  the  fathers  of 

the  council  of,  xxiv 
Ninevites,  Prayer  of  the,  vii 
Nox  sacrata  vel  sancta,  xvii 

Oculi  mei,  xiv 

0,  Dominica  de,  Ivii 

Ointment  Bearer.-*,  S.  and 

2ek  of  the,  xx 
Olivarum  Dominica,  xvii 
Omnes  gentes,  xxxii 
Omnia  quae  fecisti,  xiv 
Omuis  terra,  Omnes  gentes, 
iv 


Orthodoxy  Sunday,  xii 
Osannae  dies,  xvii 


ZABULUS 


ZENDO 


2059 


Oscophovia,  xvii 
Ovoruin,  festum,  x 

Pace  day,  xviii 
Palmas,  D.  ante,  xvi 
Palm  Sunday,  xvii 
Palm  Sunday,  Second,  xxiv 
Panibus,  D.  de,  xv 
Paralytic,  S.  of  the,  xxi, 

xxxi 
Parasceve,  xvii 
Pascha,  xviii-xxiii 
Pascha  florum,  xvii 
Passionalia,  xvi 
Passion  Sunday,  xvi 
Pastor  bonus,  xx 
Peccatrix     poenitentialis, 

xvii 
Pentecost,  xviii,  xxv 
Pentecosten,      Dominicae 

post,  xxvi-lv 
Pentecost,  Fast  of  Second, 

lii 
Pentecost,  Fridays  of,  xxv, 

xxvi 
Pentecost,  Sundays  of  the 

Second,  liii-lvii,  i,  ii 
Perdita  dies,  iii 
Plough  Monday,  iii 
Poenalis  hebd.,  xvii 
Populus  Sion,  Iv 
Preparation,  great  or  holy, 

xvii 
Privioamium  sacerdotum, 

ix 
Privilegiata  Dominica,  xii 
Procession  week,  xxiil 
Prodigal  Son,  S.  of  the,  ix, 

xiii 
Prosphonesimus,  viii 
Prostitution  Sunday,  xvii 
Protector  noster,  xxxix 
Publican,  S.  of  the,  vUi 
Pulchra  dies,  xviii 
Pulveris  festum,  xi 

Quadragesima,  Dominicae  in, 

xii-xvii 
Quadragesima  parva,  liv 
Quadragesima  S.  Martini, 

liv 
Quatuortempora,  xii,  xxv, 

Ivi 
Quindena  Paschae,  xvii 
Quindena  Pentecostes,  xxv 
Quindena  Pentecostes,  D.  in, 

xxvii 
Quinquagesima,  S.  in,  xi 
Quinquenna  Paschae,  xvii 
Quintana  Dominica,  xii 
Quintanae  Dominica,  xvi 

Ptamalia,  xvii 
Red  Sunday,  xxi 
Refectionis,  Dominica,  xv 
Ivegalis  dies,  xviii 
Reliquiarum,     Dominica, 

xxxiv 
Reliquiarum,  D.  post  osten- 

sionem,  xx 
Reminiscere,  xiii 
Renewal,  xviii 
Repositionis  festum,  ix 
Repositus,  xvi 
Respice  Domine,  xxxviii 
Respice  iu  me,  xxvii 
Rest  of  Christ,  xvii 


Resurrectionis    Dominica,  -' 

Rich  man  questioning  Jesus, 

S.  of  the,  xxxvii 
Rich  man,  S.  of  the,  li 
Rocli  Monday,  iii 
Rogation  days,  xxiii,  xxv 
Rogationum  Dominica,  xxiii 
Rorate  coeli,  Ivii 
Rosarum,  Dominica,  xxv 
Ruler's  Daughter,  S.  of  the, 

xlix 

Sabbath  of  Sabbaths,  xviii 
Sabbati  quarta,  i 
Sabbatum,  in  xii  lectioni- 

bus,  X,  xxiv,  Ivi 
Sabbatum  vacans,  xvi 
Salus  populi  Ego  sum,  xliv 
Salvation,  day  of,  xvii 
Samaritan  woman,  S.  of  the, 

Sancta  Dominica,  xviii 
Sancti  dies,  xi 
Sanctum  Sabbatum,  xvii 
Scrutinii,  dies  magni,  xiv 
Septuagesima,  S.  in,  ix 
Sexagesima,  S.  in,  x 
Shere  day,  xi 
Shere  Thursday,  xvii 
Shrovetide,  xi 
Sicut  oculi  servorum,  xii 
Si  iniquitates,  xlvii 
Simnel  Sunday,  xx 
Sitientes  venite  ad  aquam,  xv 
Sodom,  F.  of,  xvii 
Sower,  S.  of  the,  xlvi 
Spiritus  Sancti  festum,  xxv 
Spiritus  Domini,  xxvi 
Suscepimus  Deus,  xxxiii 
Symboli,  D.  de    traditione, 
xvii 

Teaching  of  Christ,  S.  of  the, 

xxvii 
Tenebrae,  xvii 
Thanksgiving  Thursday,  vii 
Theophanlam,  i  D.  post,  iii 
Thomas,  S.  of  St.,  xix 
Transfiguratione,  D.  de,  xiii 
Transfiguration         Sunday, 

xxxii 
Triduana,  xsiii 
Trinitatis,  festum  S.,  xxvi 
Triodion  S.,  viii 
Two  Daemoniacs,  S.  of  the, 

xxx 
Tyrophagus,  x,  xi 

Unam  Domini,  xx 
Unjust  Judgp,  S.  of  the,  xv 
Unjust  Steward,    S.  ot  the, 
xiv 

Veneris  dies  adoratus,  xvii 
Verbenalia,  xvii 
Vineyard,  S.  of  the,  xxxviii 
Virgins,  F.  of  the  Ten,  xvii 
Vocem  jucunditatis,  xxiii 

Walking  on  the  Sea,  S.  of, 

xxxiv 
Wedding  Guests,  S.  of  the, 

xxxix,  Ivi 
White  Sunday,  xxv 
Widow's  Son,  S.  of  the,  xiv 

Zacchaeus,  S.  of,  vi,  liv 

[E.  B.  W.] 


ZABULUS,  another  form  of  Diaholus,  as  a 
desicrnation  for  Satan,  often  found  in  the 
writings  of  the  Fathers.  It  is  well  known  how 
readily  the  letter  C  passes  into  5.     (Cf.  Zevs  = 

ClIPJST.  ANT.— VOL.    II. 


Aeus,  api(ri\os  =  apiSrjXos,  (vyou  for  Svoydv, 
and  conversely  Sta-  into  (a-.  Of  this  we  have 
examples  in  (dffaros  =  Sidffaros,  (dSriXos  = 
SidS-nKos,  and  in  Latin  zacones  =  jiaconi, 
zametrus  =  diametrus,  zebus  =  diebus,  zeta  = 
diaeta  (Ronsch,  Itala  und  Vulgata,  p,  509).  We 
find  instances  of  the  use  of  Zihulus  in  Cyprian, 
"  nobis  a  Zahulo  obsistitur  "  (^Orat.  ii.),  "  Zabulum 
qui  zelum  imitatur  "  {Zel.  et  Liv.  lib.  iv.),  "  in- 
vidia  Zabuli"  (c.  8),  "in  laqueum  ZabuH");  in 
Ambrose,  who  denounces  Arius  as  being  worse 
than  "  pater  suus  Zahulus.  Zabulus  enim  verum 
Dei  filium  fatebatur,  Arius  negat  "  (de  Fid.  lib. 
V.  c.  8)  ;  in  Augustine,  who  says  of  St.  Lawrence, 
"adversus  omnes  Zabuli  terrores  .  .  .  animus 
immobilis  perstat  "  (De  diversis ;  Senn.  123). 
Lactantius  uses  it  frequently  ;  cf.  providens  Deus 
ue  fraudibus  suis  Zahulus  ,  .  .  corrumperet 
(Instit.  ii.  14.  1),  "novem  praeliis  Zabulum 
debellasti "  (De  Mort.  Persec.  16.  5),  "  a  te 
Zabulus  victus  est "  (ibid.  16.  10).  It  is  also 
found  in  Hilary  in  Matt.  xii.  can.  12;  Matt, 
xxiv.  can.  26;  Paulinus,  pp.  28,  50,  55,  291, 
498,  and  Commodian,  Instr.  i.  35 ;  ii.  17,  18, 
31).  [E.  v.] 

ZACCHAEUS  (1),  (Zacharias),  bishop  of 
Jerusalem,  commemorated  on  Aug.  23  (Mart. 
Usuard.,  Aden.  Vet.  Rom.,  Rom. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS. 
Aug.  iv.  555). 

(2)  Oct.  3,  martyr,  commemorated  at  Antioch 
(Syr.  Mart.)  [C.  H.] 

ZACHAEIAH,  prophet,  commemorated  on 
Feb.  8  (Gal.  Byzant.;  Basil.  Menol.;  MenoL 
Graec.  Sirlet. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  iv.  253) ; 
Sept.  3  (Cat.  Armen.);  Sept.  6  (Mart.  Bed., 
Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Notker.,  Wand., 
Rom.).  A  church  was  built  and  dedicated  to 
him  at  Constantinople  by  a  lady  from  Carthage 
in  the  5th  century  (Basil.  Menol.  Jan.  10 ;  Du 
Cange,  Cpolis.  Christiana,  lib.  iv.  p.  105). 

[C.  H.] 

ZACHAKIAS  (1),  pope,  commemorated  in 
the  later  martyrologies ;  Mar.  14  (Notker.)  ; 
Mar.  15  (Rom.  ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Mart.  ii.  406). 

(2)  June  2,  presbyter,  one  of  the  martyrs  of 
Lyons  (Mart.  Usuard.). 

(3)  June  10,  commemorated  at  Nicomedia 
(Mart.  Usuard.,  Notker.,  Rom.). 

(4)  Sept.  5,  son  of  Barachias  (Cal.  Ethiop.). 

(5)  Sept.  5,  father  of  John  the  Baptist  (Cal. 
Byzant. ;  Menol.  Graec.  Sirlet. ;  Nov.  5  (Mart. 
Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Rom.  Wand.,  Rom.). 

[C.'H.] 
ZEBENNUS,  Jan.   13,  martyr,  commemo- 
rated at  Antioch  (Syr.  Mart.)  [-0.  H.] 
ZELLA,  COUNCIL  OF.    [Telepte.] 

ZENAIS,  Oct.  11,  of  Tarsus,  and  her  sister 
Philonilla,  reputed  relatives  of  St.  Paul  (Basil. 
Menol. ;  Menol.  Graec. ;  Mart.  Rom. ;  Boll.  Acta 
SS.  Oct.  V.  502).  A  church  dedicated  to  her 
at  Constantinople  is  mentioned  in  the  Menaea 
under  May  7.  (Du  Cange,  Cpolis.  Christ,  lib.  iv. 
p.  151.)  [C.  H.] 

ZENAS.     [Zi:xo  (3).] 

ZENDO  (j^j|     j^J,  pi.).  The  name  in  the 

Syrian  churches  for  the  iniiJ.aviKia  of  the  Greek 
church.      [Maniple.]      Among   the   Christians 


2060 


ZENO 


of  St.  Thomas  in  Southern  India  the  term  zando 
is-  still  used  (Howard,  Christians  of  St.  Thomas 
and  their  Liturgies,  p.  133).  See  also  Payne 
Smitii's  Thesaurus  Syrtacus,  s.  v.  [R.  S.] 

ZENO  (1),  Jan.  19,  Fob.  23,  martyr,  com- 
memorated at  Ni'  a  .'a  with  Cosconius  and  Melan- 
ijipus  (Mart.  S[/i     . 

(2)  Apr.  18,       [Victor  ((!)]• 

(3)  Jun.  23  martyr  with  Zenas  under 
Maximian,  coni..iemorated  at  Philadelphia  in 
Arabia  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Mcnol.  Graec.  Sirlet, ; 
Mart.  Rom. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jun.  iv,  474). 

(4)  July  9,  martyr,  commemorated  at  Rome 
with  ten  thousand  two  hundred  and  three  others 
(3fart.,  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Horn.,  Notker., 
Jiom.;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jul.  ii.  687). 

(5)  July  15,  martyr,  commemorated  at  Alex- 
andria with  Philippus,  Narseus,  and  ten  infonts 
{Mart.  Usuard.,  Notker.,  Earn.). 

(6)  Dec.  20,  martyr,  commemorated  with 
Ammonius  at  Alexandria  (^Mart.  Usuard.,  ^\•t. 
Jioin.). 

(7)  Dec.  28,  martyr  under  Maximiau  with 
Iiides,  Gorgronius,  and  Petrus  (Basil.  Mcnol.). 

[C.  H.] 
ZENOBIA.    [ZENOBitJS  (3).] 

ZENOBIUS  (1),  presbyter,  martyr  under 
Diocletian,  commemorated  at  Tyre,  Feb.  20,  with 
Tyranuio  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Bom.)  ;  he  may 
be  the  presbyter  Zenobius,  martyr,  "  in  the  last 
persecution,"  commemorated  at  Sidon,  Oct.  29 
{Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Rom.,  Wand.,  Rom.). 

(2)  June  12,  martyr,  commemorated  in  Isauria 
{Syr.  Mart.). 

(3)  IMartyr  with  his  sister  Zenobia,  com- 
memorated on  Oct.  30  {Cal.  Byzant. ;  Menol. 
Graec.  Sirlet.;  Daniel,  Cod.  Ziturg.  iv.  273; 
Mart.  Rom.);  Oct.  31  (Basil.  Menol.).  A 
monastery  called  after  Zenobius  existed  at  Con- 
stantinople in  the  6th  century  '  (Mansi,  viii. 
989  a;  Du  Can^e,  Cpolis.  Christ,  lib.  iv.  p.  141). 

[C.  H.] 
ZEPHANIAH,  prophet,  commemorated  on 
June  28  {Cal.  Ethiop.).  [C.  H.] 

ZEUGIMA,  COUNCn.  OF  (Zeugmatense 
Concilium),  at  432,  at  the  instance  of  Theodoret, 
bishop  of  Cyrus  the  historian,  to  whom  the 
peace  re-established  between  John  of  Antioch 
and  St.  Cyril  of  Alexandria  was  not  acceptable ; 
but  no  details  of  what  was  done  there  have  been 
preserved  (Mansi,  v.  1161),  though  the  authors 
of  L'Art  de  ve'rif.  les  Dates  affect  to  supply 
them  (i.  146).  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

ZOA,  July  5,  wife  of  Nicostratus,  martyr, 
commemorated  at  Rome  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Wand., 
Vet.  Rom.,  Adon.,  Rom. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jul.  ii. 
221).  [C.  H.] 

ZODIAC,  SIGNS  OF.  A  drawing  is  given 
by  Boldetti  (p.  500)  of  a  bracelet  discovered  in 
a  Christian  burial-place  engraved  with  the  con- 
ventional symbols  of  the  signs  of  the  zodiac. 
This  is  reproduced  by  Martiguy  (art.  Zodiaque), 


ZOTICUS 

who  speaks  of  the  extreme  rarity  of  examples 
of  this  nature.  [E.  V.] 

ZOE,  May  2,  martyr  with  her  sons  and 
Hesperus  in  Italy  under  Hadrian  (Basil.  Menol. 
Mcnol.  Graec.  Sirlet. ;  Mart.  Rom.).  A  magnifi- 
cent church  was  dedicated  to  her  at  Con- 
stantinople by  Justinian  (Procop.  de  Aedif.  lib. 
i.  cap.  3).  [C.  H.]  1 

ZOELLIIS  (1),  (ZUELUS,  ZoiLUs),  May  23, 
martyr,  commemorated  at  Lystra  {Syr.  Mart.). 

(2)  May  24,  martyr,  commemorated  with 
Servilius  and  others  in  Histria  {Mart.  Usuard., 
Vet.  Rom.,  Adon.,  Notker.,  Rom.);  Zebellus 
{Hio-on.).     Ado  names  him  Joellus. 

(3)  Jun.  27,  martyr,  commemorated  at  Cor- 
dova {Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Notker,  Wand., 
Rom.).  [C.  H.] 

ZOSIMA,  July  15,  martyr  with  her  sister 
Bonosa  and  Eutropius,  commemorated  at  Portus 
Romanus  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet.  Rom., 
Notker.,  Rom.).  [C.  H.] 

ZOSIMUS  (1),  Jan.  4,  Cilician  monk,  martyr 
with  Athanasius  Comentaresius  {Cal.  Byzant. ; 
Basil.  Menol.)  ;  Jan.  3  {Mart.  Rom.)  ;  Jan.  3  or  4 
{Mcnol.  Grace.  Sirlet. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jun.  i. 
128). 

(2)  Jan,  21,  bishop  of  Syracuse  (Cal.  Byzant. ; 
Basil.  Mcnol.) ;  Mar.  30  {Menol.  Graec. ;  Boll. 
Acta  SS.,  Mart.  iii.  837). 

(3)  June  1,  martyr,  commemorated  with 
Octavius  at  Antioch  {Syr.  Mart.) ;  with  Tecla 
at  Antioch  (Notker. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jun.  i.  42). 

(4)  June  19,  of  Apollouias,  martyr  under 
Trajan  (Basil.  Menol. ;  Mcnol.  Graec. :  Mart. 
Rom. ;  Boll.  Acta  SS.  Jun.  iii.  812). 

(5)  Sept.  28,  martyr  under  Diocletian,  com- 
memorated with  Alphaeus,  Alexander,  Marcus 
(Basil.  Menol.  ;  Menol.  Graec. ;  Mart.  Rom.). 

(6)  Dec.  14,  martyr,  commemorated  with 
Drusus  and  Theodorus  at  Antioch  {Mart.  Usuard., 
Vet.  Rom.,  Adon.,  Rom.). 

(7)  Dec.  18,  martyr,  commemorated  with 
Rufus  at  Philippi  {Mart.  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Vet. 
Rom.,  Rom.) ;  Dec.  17  (Wand.).  [C.  H.] 

ZOTICUS  (1),  Feb.  10,  martyr,  commemo- 
rated at  Rome  with  Irenaeus,  Hyacintlnis, 
Amantius  {Mart.  Bed.,  Usuard.,  Adon.,  Yet. 
Rom.,  Rom.,  Notker.). 

(2)  Apr.  18,  20  [Victor  (6)]. 

(3)  Aug.  21,  martyr  {Syr.  Mart.). 

(4)  Aug.  22,  martyr,  commemorated  with 
Agathonicus  (Basil.  Menol.  ;  Menol.  Graec. 
Sirlet. ;  Mart.  Rom.). 

(6)  Oct.  21,  mai-tyr,  commemorated  with 
Dasius  and  Gains  at  Nicomedia  {Mart.  Syr. ; 
Basil.  Menol.  ;  Menol.  Graec. ;  Mart.  Rom.). 

(6)  Dec.  23,  one  of  ten  Cretan  martyrs  under 
Decius  (Basil.  Menol.). 

(7)  Priest,  founder  of  an  orphanage  at  Con- 
stantinople in  the  4th  century  ;  commemorated 
on  Dec.  30  {Cal.  Byzant. ;  Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg. 
iv.  278)  ;  Dec.  31  {Menol.  Graec. ;  Mart.  Rom.). 

[C.H.] 


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