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WORKS ISSUED BY
CJe llalilugt ^oetetg*
DIVERS VOYAGES TOUCHING THE
DISCOVERY OF
AMERICA,
BIO.
M.DCCC.I..
DIVERS
VOYAGES
TOUCHING THE DISCOVERY
OE
AMERICA
AND THE ISLANDS ADJACENT.
COLLECTED AND PUBLISHED
BY RICHARD HAKLUYT,
PBEBENDABY 07 BRISTOL,
IN THE TEAB 1582.
EDITED,
WSSLitfi Jtote^ an)i an Sntrotiuctton,
BY
JOHN WINTER JONES,
OF THE BRITISH MUSEUM.
f . e *
■>. * '
LONDON :
PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
m>ccc.t.
4-
\U/vmA
LONDON:
RICHARDS, PRINTER.
I- V
, J ^ w t (.
X ^ .- W W V V
• ^ " " ^ ^ ^^ -
^ w
vCr/yS.-S'4^-Pb^
THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
SIR RODERICK IMPEY MURCHISON, G.C.StS., F.R.S., Corr. Mem. Inst. Fr.,
Hon. Mem. Imp. Acad. Sc. St Petersburg, Ac, Ac, President.
VirE-PRESIDEKTS.
Vice-Admibal Sia CHARLES MALCOLM, Knt.
The earl OF ELLESMERE.
Rear-Admiral Sib FRANCIS BEAUFORT, K.O.H.
CHARLES T. BEKE, Esq., PhiL D., F.S.A.
Captain C. R. DRINKWATER BETHUNE, 11.N., C.B.
The lord ALFRED S. CHURCHILL.
WILLIAM DE8B0R0UGH COOLEY, Esq.
BOLTON CORNEY, Esq., M.R.S.L.
The Right Rev. LORD BISHOP OF ST. DAVID S.
Sir henry ELLIS, K.H., F.R.S.
JOHN FORSTER, Esq.
R W. GREY, Esq., M.P.
THOMAS HODGKIN, Esq., M.D.
JOHN HOLMES, Esq.
JOHN WINTER JONES, Esq.
P. LEVESQUE, Esq.
The very Rev. the DEAN OF ST. PAUL'S.
THOMAS RUNDALL, Esq.
The Right Hon. the LORD ADVOCATE OF SCOTLANJ:).
The Hon. HENRY E. J. STANLEY.
R. H. MAJOR, Esq., F.R.G.S., Hoxoratiy Sectietaky.
INTRODUCTION.
The " Divers Voyages touching the Discoverie of
America", was the first publication of the active-
minded and public-spirited clergyman from whose
name the Hakluyt Society has derived its designation.
To many members the question will naturally suggest
itself, why, having thought thu name worthy adoption,
the work should have been so long postponed. The
following is the explanation of this circumstance.
When the Hakluyt Society was instituted, the first
work proposed for publication was the " Divers Voy-
ages"; but it having been ascertained that the late
intelligent American bookseller, Mr. Rich', had con-
templated publishing a fac-simile reprint, and that he
had had cut a fount of black-letter type for that pur-
pose, application was made to him, in order to ascer-
tain whether he still proposed carrying that design
into effect. Mr. Rich, in reply, stated that lie was
willing to leave the work in the hands of the Society,
provided the Council would print it as he himself had
proposed to do, and would purchase the type he had
had cast for it. As it was not deemed advisable
to adopt this proposition, and as a separate publica-
tion by the Society would have interfered prejudicially
INTBODncnON.
with Mr. Rich's prior right, it was considered proper
to forego what would certainly have been the most
appropriate leader of their series, and to adopt some
other work. When, however, after the lapse of three
years, the subject was again mentioned to Mr. Rich,
he stated that he had abandoned his intention of
publishing the book ; and the Society, being now un-
fettered, lost no time in placing it in course of pre-
paration.
Before making any remarks upon the work itself,
it will be proper to say something of the compiler ;
than whom few, perhaps, have better deserved an
honourable place in the memory of their countrymen,
and none have commanded more general respect with
those who have taken the trouble to make themselves
acquainted with his far-seeing and patriotic views, and
the untiring perseverance with which he sought to
make his views effective. It is hardly necessary to
refer here to the solitary exception to this feeling of
admiration for the labours of an honest, upright man,
which is presented in the person of 11 r. Biddle, in his
Memoirs of Sebastian Cabot. Mr. Tytler, in his
Historical View of the Progress of Discovery on the
more Northern Coasts of America, has sufficiently
exposed the animus of Mr. Biddle's strictures.
The ancestors of Hakluyt were established at a very
early period in the county of Hereford. The family seat
was at Yatton ; and they must have ranked amongst
the principal landowners of the county. In the list
of sheriffs, given by Duncumb in his History of Here-
fordshire^ we find that "Walter de Hackluit filled that
INTBODUCTION.
office in the first, second, third, and fourth years of
Edward II ; Hugh Hackluit, in the tenth and eleventh
years of the same reign ; Edward Hackluit, in the
thirty-first, thirty-second, and thirty-third years of
Edward III ; Leonard Hackluit, knt., in the second
year of Hen. IV; and a Ralph Hackluit in the seven-
teenth year of Edw. IV, and again in the twenty-third
of Hen. VII, and tenth of Hen. VIII. The list of
members for the county, contained in the same work,
presents us with Walter de Hackluite, in the sixth
year of Ed. II ; Edmund Hakelute, in the first year
of Ed. Ill ; Edmund Fitz-Edraund Hackluit, in the
twenty-eighth of Ed. Ill ; Edward Hackluit, in the
thirty-first of Ed. Ill ; and Leonard Hakkluyt, in
the ninth, eleventh, and seventeenth years of Rich. II.
We also learn, from the General Introduction to the
same work, that Walter Hakelut was knighted, with
several others, in the thirty-fourth year of Ed. I ;
and in a return of the principal inhabitants of Here-
fordshire, made to royal commissioners in the twelfth
year of Henry VI, we find, in the list of knights,
Walter Hackluit, and in that of the gentlemen, AVil-
liam Hackluit, Hugh Hackluit, and Egidius Hackluit.
One Thomas Hakeluyt was chancellor of the diocese
of Hereford in the year 1349. It appears also, from
the two following documents, that Thomas Hakeluytt,
probably the head of the family, was in the wardship
of Henry VIII, and Edward VI. Vizt. :
1. "An indenture, made the 8th day of August, anno 28
Hen. VIIIj between William Beuyle, gentleman, Roger
Acton, gentillman, twoo of the cousins and beyrca of John
IHTBODUCTION.
Suggewas, deceased, Philip Baskcrwile, Esq., and Elizabeth,
his wife, late wife of James May, one other of the cousins
and heyrea of the said John Suggewaa, and Richard Watkyn,
gentilnian, the king's comittee of the body and lands of
Thomas Ilakeluytt, sonne and heyre of John Hakeluytt,
Esq., deceased, one other of the cousins and heyrea of the
said John Suggewaa, on the one partie, and John "White, on
the other partye, etc., for a messuage in Grafton in com,
Heref, Datum A°. 21, H. 8," — Visitation of Huntingdonshire,
p. 43, published by the Camden Society.
2, " Extract from a Court Roll held at Kyngstaple, in the
county of Hereford, 26 April, 1 Ed. VI, containing a memo-
randum that Thomas Havarde, Eaq., the ting's feodary, had
granted to Thomas Mynde all thepurpartie of Thomas Hake-
luyt, gent., the king's warde, and one of the lords of King-
staple, of the copice of Gary Wooddc and lands in Castell-
dichefelde, Vaughans Welle, and Moche Cavene, to hold
during the minority of the same Hakeluyt, paying yearly the
sum of three shillings and eight pence." [Additional Char-
ters and Rolls, No. 1351, Brit. Mua.]
The subject of this memoir was bom about the
year 1553, in or near London as it has been conjec-
tured, but upon what authority does not appear, un-
less it be the circumstance of his having been educated
at Westminster school, in which he informs us he was
one of the queen's scholars. He was elected to Christ
Church College, Oxford, in the year 1570, being
then seventeen years of age. He took his degree of
Bachelor of Arts on the 19th of February 1574, and
that of Master of Arts on the 27th of June 1577.
The love of cosmography, and maritime discovery,
for which he became so justly distinguished at a later
period of his life, had been implanted in him while he
was yet a scholar at Westminster, The following is
the graphic account of his introduction to this fasci-
nating pursuit, given by himself in the dedication to
Sir Francis "Walsinghain, prefixed to the first edition
of his General Collection of Voyages and Travels.
" I do remember that being a youth, and one of her Ma-
jestie's scholara at Westminster, that fruitful nurserie, it was
my happe to visit the chamber of M, Richard Hakluyt, my
cosin, a gentleman of the Middle Temple,' well knowen unto
you, at a time when I found lying open upon his boord ccr-
teine bookes of cosraographie with an nniveraall mappc : he
seeing me somewhat eurious in the view thereof, began to
instruct my ignorance by shewing me tlie division of the
earth into three parts after the aide account, and then ac-
cording to the latter and better distribution into more. He
pointed with his wantl to all the known seas, gulfs, bayes,
straights, capes, rivers, empires, kingdoms, dukedoms, and
territories of ech part ; with declaration also of their spe-
cial commodities and particular wants which by the benefit
of trafBke and intercourse of merchants are plentifully
supphed. From the mappe he brought me to the Bible,
and turning to tlie 107th Psalme, directed mee to the
23rd and 24th verses, where I read that they which go
downe to the sea in ships and occupy by the great waters,
they see the works of the Lord and his woonders in the
deepe, etc., whicli words of the Prophet, together with my
cousins discourse (things of high and rare delight to my yong
nature) tooke in me so deepe an impression, that I constantly
' Wootl, in his Athenm Oxonienses, vol. ii, p, 186, edit. Bliss, falls
into a cocfuaion between the couEins, and states tbat our author
studied law in the Temple. The mistake is natural, inasmuch as
Kicliard Hukluyt of Yattun was himself distinguished for his geo-
graphical knowledge, and frequently applied to for advice by mer-
chants aud others.
VI INTEODUCTION.
resolved if ever I were preferred to the imiveraity, where
better time and more convenient place might be ministred
for these studies, would, by God'8 assiatancej prosecute that
knowledge and kinde of literature, the doorea whereof (after
a sort) were so happily opened before me."
He did not forget this resolution when the oppor-
tunity for carrying it into effect arrived. He pro-
ceeds, in the same dedication ; — " According to which
my resolution, when not long after I was removed to
Christ Church in Oxford, my exercises of duety first
performed, I fell to my intended course, and by degrees
read over whatsoever printed or written discoveries
and voyages I found extant either in the Greeke,
Latine, Italian, Spanish, Portugall, French or English
languages ; and in my publike lectures was the first
that produced and shewed both the olde and imper-
fectly composed and the new lately reformed mappes,
globes, spheares and other instruments of this art for
demonstration in the common schooles, to the singular
pleasure and generall contentment of my auditory."
It is much to be regretted that Hakluyt does not
say specifically where these lectures were delivered.
Oldys, in his memoir of Hakluyt, printed in the
Biographia JBritanmca, expresses himself in such a
manner as to lead to the supposition that they were
read at Oxford, but the silence of Anthony a Wood on
the subject at least throws much doubt upon the cor-
rectness of such an inference. It may not be out of
place here to mention a curious error into which
Oldys has fallen respecting this same lectureship.
Speaking of the publication of the present work he
IHTRODUCTION. Vll
says, quoting from notes he tells us he had made
many years before, "It appears, in the epistle dedi-
catorie, that his lecture of navigation, before mentioned,
was so well approved of by the renowned Sir F, Drake,
that he made some proposals to continue, and establish
it in Oxford, upon the prospect, which Mr. Habluyt
soon after had, of some engagement abroad." It is
difficult to imagine, as the reader wiU be able to
judge for himself by turning to page 16, that the
man who wrote this sentence could possibly liave
seen the epistle dedicatorie in question. The proposal
iovjounding a lectureship, not continuing one, came
from Hakluyt himself, in consequence of what he had
heard of the good results of such establishments in
Spain, and of what he knew of the fatal consequences
resulting from the too general ignorance of our own
seamen : and the place was not Oxford, where, for
the purpose he had in view, it would be totally useless,
but London, or about Eatcliffe ; in the very centre, in
fact, of the localities most frequented by mariners of
all grades. It had no reference whatever to Hakluyt's
lectureship, whether at Oxford or elsewhere ; of which,
although his own statement is specific that he did, at
some time before 1589, deliver lectures on cosmo-
graphy, he leaves us to form our own conclusions
as to the probable period and locality. There is,
no doubt, however, as to the reality and earnest-
ness of Hakluyt's exertions in this direction. He
returns to the subject in the dedication of the first
volume of the second edition of his Collection, where
he urges on the Lord Admiral Howard the impoi't-
via INTRODUCTION.
ance of establishing such a lectureship in London.'
The honour due to the suggestion was not the less
that the suggestion itself was allowed to pass unheeded
by those with whom it rested to give this boon of
nautical instruction to our seamen. Let us hope that
this now national reproach is about to be effectually
removed.'
' See also HakewilFa Apology, 3rd edit. 1635, fol. p, 310, wLere
Hakluyt's suggestion is particularly noticed.
* In a paper addresaed to Lord Mahon, president of the Society
of Antiquaries, and printed in vol. xxxviii of the Archmologia,
p. 283, 5Ir, Payne Collier puhlishes for the first time two highly
_intere8ling letters from Hakluyt to Sir F. Walsingham. The first
letter is for the most part upon the subject mentioned in the test.
Aa Mr, Collier does not say where the original is to be found,
we print it as it appears in the Archmologia,
" Right Honorable,
" The famouse dis^tations in al partes of the mathematikes,
which at this present are held ic Paris, for the gayning of the
lecture which was erected by the worthy scholer Petrus Ramus, to
the great increase of those excellent sciences, put me in mynd to
sollicite your honour agayne and agayne for the erection of that
lecture of the arte of navigation, whereof I have had some speach
with your honour. Sir Francis Drake, and Alderman Barnes and
other. And that you might meet with al inconveniences, which
might frustate the expected profit, which is hoped for by the erec-
tion of the same, I send your honour hero the testament of Petrus
Ramus, newly put out agayne in printe, and sent unto mee by
monsur Bergeren, Ramus his executor; whereby you may see, first
the exceeding zeale that man had to benefit his countrey, in be-
stowing 500 livers, which (as your honour knoweth) is fiftie pound
sterling, upon establishing of that lecture, bequeathing not halfe so
much to al the kindred and friends he had. Secondly, you may
note, that he, being one of (he most faraouse clerkes of Europe,
thought those sciences, next after divinitie, to be most necessarie
for the common welth, in that he erected a newe lecture of the
same, whereas there was one before erected, and endued with fiftie
ISTRODUCTION.
at is very probable that some proposals had been
made to Hakluyt to accompany Sir Humphry Gilbert in
his last and fatal voyage to Newfoundland, in the year
ponnd stipend, by tbe kinges of France. Tliirdly, that most pro-
vident order, which the good mtin by hia will halh taken, is most
requisite to be put in execution in England; which is, that everie
three yeares there shalbe publicke disputation, signified to al men
by pnblicke writing, wherein it shalbe free for any man, for three
monethes space, to dispute agaynst the reader for the tyme being;
who, yf he be fonnd negligent, or yf any one of the competitoura
be found more worthy by the opinion of certnyne indifferent men
of lerningc, chosen ont of the purpose to be judges, that then the
unworthie shall give place to the more sufllicientj who, so being
placed, is bound in three yearea space to read through the course
of the mathematikea,
" Yf, by your houonr's instigation, her Majealie might be en-
dnced to erecte such a lecture in Oxford, and the like for ihe arte
of navigation might by some other meanes he eslablished at
London, allowing to each of them fiftie poiJBdes yearly, with the
same conditions, in my simple judgment it would be the best hun-
dred poundea bestowed these five hundred yeares in England. For
it is not unknowne to your wisdome, how necessarie for service of
warres arithmetieke and geometrie are, and for our new discoveries
and longe voyages by sea, the arte of navigation is, which is com-
pounded of many partes of the aforesajd sciences.
" Understandinge hearlofore of your honour's great abundance
of busines, and your dangerouse sicknes, I thought it not meet to
trouble your honour with such thingea aa I had carefully sought
out here in France, concerning the furtherance of the westerne
discoveries, but choso rather to imparte the same with Mr. Carliie,
which thing also I did. But, being lately advertised of your re-
covery (for which I humblie thanke almightie God), I was bold to
aignifie unto your honour my dealing with Horatio Palavicini, to
become an adventurer in those westerne voyages, and, among other
talke, alleadged your good disposition to the same; wliich he hearing
of, replyed very cheerfully, that yf he were moved thereto by the
least word from your honour, be would put in his hundred pound
adventure or more. If Mr. Carliie be gone, yet it might come in
INTBODUCTION.
1583 ;' but no particulars arc to be found recorded.
The circumstance that Hakluyt contemplated taking
part in the expedition is alluded to in a letter ad-
good tyme to serve Mr. Frobisher's turue, yf your wisdome ahall
like well of jt, seeing be setteth not fortb, as I understand, until
the beginning of May.
" I uaderatand that the papistes give out secretly in the ton-ne,
that there shall shortly come forth a confutation of the defence of
the execution of justice in England, which was set forth in English
and French in Loudon. When yt cometh forth, I trust to have it
with the first,
" There is good hope that the minister, and those that were
taken lately with him in Paris, by the abbot of St. 6eneveva, shall
very shortly be set at libertie; for the King secretly seemelb to
favour tbeni; and they have very discreetly aunswered for them-
selves, that tbcy were not at any communion or sermon, but that
they met together to consult whether to go out of Paris to some
place lawful by the edict. A frind of myna told niee he beard a
frier inveigh very Breeding bitterly agaynat them in a sermon
before a great congregation of people.
" Wee have heard by divers letters from Geneva that, besides
the earthquake, which was there about the end of Fehruarie, which
nntyled many houses, and overthrewe many chymneis in the towne,
there is besides a whole village, in the contrey of Vallaye, swallowed
up, being foure dayea journey of Geneva.
" Those that favour the Spanish here in the towne have spred al
abroad, these two or three dayea, that Monsur is dead, which ia
nothing so.
" Thus leving other matters and advertisementes of importance
to them unto whom they apperleyne, with remembraunce of the
continuance of ray humble diitie to your honour, and your worthy
and vertnouse sonae in lawe, I leve you to the merciful protection
of the Almightie. Paris, tlie first of April, 1584.
" Don Antonio, his captaynea, and his fleet, are not yet departed
from Paris, but look every day to depart.
" Tour honour's most humble
" EiCHABD Haklttyt."
^ The second letter from Uiikluyt to Sir F. Walsinglmm, pub-
WTRODUCnON. XI
dressed to him by Stephanus Parraeniug, of Buda
(one of those engaged in the expedition), on their
arrival at the port of St. John. His words are
lished by Mr. Collier \a the paper before quoted from (ante p. viii),
refers to a " motion lieartofore made" to him by Sir F. Walsinghum
whether he coulil be contented to accompany an espedition to
America, io which he expresses his willingness to go and to employ
all his observations, readings and conference wlintsuevcr for that
object. It does not appear that he contemplaled any pecuniary
adventure in tbe undertaking, as lie refers his " entertaynmont in
this voyage" to Walsingham. The voyage here contemplated was
moBt probably that of Sir Francis Drake to the West Indies and
Carthagena in South America, the English fleet leaving England in
the month of September 1585. It is certain, however, that Hak-
luyt did not accompany it. The letter, as given by Mr. Collier, is
as follows ; —
" Right Honourable,
" I understand from your servant Curtis your good accepiation
of my hastie letter, your special favour and good will towardes
meo, as also your expectation of my diligent inquiric of such thingea
as may yeld any light unto our westerne diacoverie. For the two
former I yeld you most humble thankes; and for the later, I nether
have nor will omitte any possible diligence, expecting intelligences
thereof from Roon, Diepe, and St. Malo very shortly.
" In Paris I have seen in one man's house, called Perosse, the
value of five thousand crownes worth of furres, as sables, bevers,
otters, and other sortes, which he bought in Au£>uet lasle of the
men of St. Malo; and the yeore before, he told mee he bestowed
four thousand crownes with them in the like commodilie. He gave
roe further to understand that he saw great quantitie of buffo hides,
which they brought home, and sent into the lowe coiintreys to sell.
All which coramodities, with diverse other of noe lesae value, are
brought oat of the most northerly paries of those counlreya, where-
nnto our voyage of inhabiting is intended.
"And DOW, because I knows that this present enterprise is like
soone to waxe colde, and fall to the ground, unlesse in this second
voyage all diligence in searching evei'ie hope of gayne he used; and
calling to mynd that your honor made a motion heartofore unto me,
I
ISTEODUOTION.
" Nori statiierani ad te scribere, ciiin in mentern veniret
promissum literarum tuarum. Putebas te supcrtore
jam Junto nos subsecuturum. Itaque de meo statu
whether I cold be contented to goe rayselfe i
to put your honor out of doubte, that for myne o
Lion, these are
e parle, I am
most witling to goe now in the same this present setting forth, and
iu the service of God and my counlrey to employ al my simple
obseryationa, readioges, and confereoce whatsoever. For obtaining
leave of my L. Ambassador heere to departe, I doubt not but to
find meanea of myselfe, seeing he may have inough to supply my
" For leave of my colledg, and enterlaynment in this voyage, I
wi!l wholly referro yt unto your honor, who wish me ao well as you
will not see my poure estate impared. Because the tyme is ex-
ceeding ehorte, I wold desire your honor's present aunswere; uppon
sight whereof, with winges of Pegasus, I wold ily in England.
" I have talked twise with Don Antonio of Portugal, and with
five or sixe of his beat cnptaynes and pilots, one of whom tvns born
in Eaate India. They al wish al prosperitie to Her Majestic and
yourselfe, and say that, if the Queene of England wold joyne with
their master, whose strength by sea they commend unto the skyes,
they know how the King of Spajnc, our mortal ciiemy, might
easily be met withal, and she much eni'icheil. The number of
Portingalls which hange uppon the poore King are aboute an hun-
dred or sise score ; diverse of them are lately come out of the
Easte India, overlande by THpoly in (riria. They have a voyage
in hand, with five or sixe sajle of ships, which are in preparing at
Newe Haven for the coste of Guinea, and the castle of Mina,
wherein most parte of the Portingalls aforesayd are to be employed,
being joyned in company with the French. They set forward, as I
he are, within this moneth,
" One Sinior Andreas, borne in Savoy, is nowe, I heave, in
Paris, which hath bin lately in the Island of Japan, with whom, by
meanes of Doctor Pena, I shall have conference within a day or
two. Diverse other intelligences, teuding toward the furtherance
of our western planting and discoverie, I looke for fi-om sondry
places very shortly. In the meane season, with remembrance of
my humble dutie to your honor, and to jour worthy and honorable
INTRODUCTION. Xlll
ex doctore Humfredo certiorem te fieri jusseram.
Verum sic tibi non esset satiaf'actum, etc." — Hak~
lut/t, vol. iii, p. 161. Whatever may have been
his intention in this respect, it may be presumed
that his plans were changed, in consequence of his
having been appointed chaplain to Sir Edward
Stafford, ambassador from Queen Elizabeth to the
court of Prance. At this period, also, he is said
to have held a professorship of divinity, but we
are not told where ; it could hardly have been at
Oxford, for if so it would not have been omitted in
the Athena Oxonienses. In the month of May 1585,
during his residence at Paris with the British em-
bassy, the reversion of the next prebendal stall that
should become vacant was secured to him by the
queen's mandate ; and in the same, or the following
year, he, by virtue of this grant, took possession of
the first stall in the cathedral of Bristol, which at
that time became vacant by the death of Dr. John
Gough. Notwithstanding this preferment he did not,
as he informs us himself, give up his post of chaplain
sonne-in-lawe, I cease for the present, and beseech the Almighlie
to hold yon boihe in bis safe gnrde.
" It was told me by Perosse, of whom I spake before, and by
Andrew The; et, (he Kinges cosmograpfaer, that Duke Joyeuze,
Admiral of France, and tlie Cardinal of Burbon and their frindes,
have had a meaning to send out certayne ships to inhabite some
pbce of the north part of America, and to carry lliitlier many friers
and other religiouse persona; but I llnnke thoy be not in haste to
doe yt, Paris, from my Lord Ambassadour'a house, the vijtb of
Janunrle, 1584.
'■ Ynur iiunor'M most humble to command,
"' RicHARr Uakluxt, Pve&c\\er-"
INTRODUCTIOy.
to the British embassy at Paris until the year 1588,
when he returned to England with Lady Sheffield,
sister to his early patron the Lord Admiral Howard,
after a residence in France of five years.
Elizabeth had granted to Sir Walter Raleigh letters
patent, dated the 25th of March 1584, authorising
him, in the usual terms, to discover, search, and find
out such remote heathen and barbarous lands, coun-
tries, and territories not actually possessed by any
Christian prince, nor inhabited by Christian people,
as to him, his heirs, etc., should seem good. This
patent Raleigh, in the latter part of this year 1588,
assigned to Hakluyt, and several other gentlemen
and merchants, as a corporation of counsellors, as-
sistants, and adventurers, for the purpose of carrying
out the object of the patent. On the 20th of April
1590, he was instituted to the rectory of Wetteriiigsett
cum Blochford, in the county of Suffolk, The next
event we find recorded in the Hfe of Hakluyt, apart
from his literary labours, is that of his marriage, which
is supposed to have taken place in or about the year
1594. About the year 1605, he succeeded Dr. Richard
Webster as a prebendary of Westminster.
Hakluyt, by his writings, and by his personal exer-
tions with several persons of influence, was the chief
promoter of a petition, addressed to King James in
the year 1606, praying that he would grant patents
for the colonization of Virginia. A charter was in
consequence granted, bearing date April 10, 1606,
by which two companies were formed, subsequently
known as the London Company, and the Plymouth
INTKODUCTION. XV
Company. The tract of country lying between the
thirty-fourth and forty-fifth degrees of latitude was
to be divided into nearly equal portions, one of which
was to be enjoyed by each of the said companies.
The first settlement was effected by the London, or
South Virginian Company ; the chief adventurers in
which, as patentees, were Sir Thomas Gates, Sir
George Somers, Richard Hakluyt, and Edward Maria
Wingfield.
/"Notwithstanding the extraordinary interest our
author took in maritime discovery, and his extensive
intercourse with seafaring men of all grades, it does
not appear that he was ever tempted to quit his
native country, with the exception of his sojourn In
France. Contenting himself with the peaceful task
of collecting and recording the accounts of other
men's doings, it is not surprising that his life should
afford so little of incident to be recorded. He died
on the 23rd of November 1616, and was burled in
St. Peter's Church, in Westminster Abbey, on the
26th of the same month. He left one son, who in-
herited from his father a fair estate, which, it is said,
he had not the prudence to keep, and an illustrious
name, which he knew not how to value,
Hakluyt had three brothers ; one older, and two
younger than himself. Of the eldest, Thomas, we are
only told that he was elected from "Westminster school
to Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1567. The next,
Oliver, was educated at the same college, and after-
wards practised, with distinction, as a physician.
The youngest, Edmund, held the post, for four years,
ISTHODUCnON.
of tutor to the Lord William Howard, tlie eldest son
of the earl of Nottingham.
Having given this hasty sketch of the life of our
author, we now proceed to the discussion of those
labours, by which his name has become inseparably
connected with the history of maritime discovery and
enterprise. It has been already stated, that he had
been chosen to lecture on cosmography and naviga-
tion ; but his views extended much farther than in-
structing his countrymen in these branches of know-
ledge. He saw clearly the course in which lay the
advantage and glory of his country ; he saw that
maritime traffic, and the acquisition of territory by
colonization, were the means by which England was
to improve the moral condition of her people, and main-
tain her position aa a great naval power. Anxious to
promote these object3,he cultivated the acquaintance of
all who could give hira information, and sought the pro-
tection of men who, appreciating his views, could assist
him in carrying them into effect. No labour, no ex-
pense deterred him. In the account of the " English
Voyage to Newfoundland in 1536", given by him in
his General Collection, p. 517-519; vol. iii, p. 129-
131 ; he says, " One Master Hore, of London, a man
of goodly stature, and of great courage, and given to
the studie of cosmography, encouraged divers gentle-
men, and others, being assisted by the king's favour
and good countenance, to accompany him in this
voyage of discovery", and that " his persuasions tooke
such effect, that within short space many gentlemen
of the innes of court, and of the chancerie, and divers
INTHODtJCTION.
others of good worship, desirous to see the strange
things of the world, very willingly entered into action
with hira." This was a very disastrous voyage ; re-
markable for the intense sufferings of the crew, and
the very curious incident of their obtaining partial
relief for their hunger by taking from an osprey's
nest the fish the parent bird brought in great abund-
ance to its young. Hakluyt was so anxious to obtain
correct particulars of this voyage, that he rode two
hundred miles, in order to obtain the facts from the
lips of one Thomas Butts, then the only survivor of
the adventurers in the said voyage. He was inces-
santly employed in the examination, collection, tran-
script, and translation of accounts of voyages and
travels, charters, letters, and documents bearing in
any way upon his subject, and in correspondence with
men eager to impart information, obtain advice and
assistance, or to encourage him in his laudable and
patriotic efforts. The celebrated Abram Ortelius,
and Gerard Morcator, were among those who ex-
changed with him friendly communications upon the
subjects of common interest between them. Sir
Francis "Walsinghara, Sir Robert Cecil, the Lord High-
Admiral Howard, Sir Philip Sydney, and Sir Francis
Drake, were among those who supported him in
bis labours by their commendations, and encouraged
him to proceed. On the 11th of March 1583, Sir F.
"Walsingham writes to Hakluyt, thanking hira for the
exertions he had made to assist in " the discovery of
the western parts yet unknown", and wishing him to
continue " his travaile in these, and like matters." —
INTHODirCTION.
HaMuyt Collection, vol. iii, p. 181. And by a letter
of the same date, addressed to the Mayor of Bristol,
Sir Francis Walsingham recoinmends the Bristol
adventurers to confer with the bearers of his letter,
R. Hakluit and Thomas Steventon, on the subject of
some ships these Bristol merchants were about to fit
out for the purpose of accompanying Sir Humphry
Gilbert in his ill-fated expedition before referred to. lb.
(The first work which issued from our author's pen
was the collection now republished ; and it is not im-
probable that it may have been this work to which
Sir F, Walsingham more particularly alluded in his
letter of the 11th March 1582, when he spoke of
Hakluyt's exertions to assist in the discovery of the
western parts yet unknown. It would be impossible
to explain Hakluyt'a views, or the object towards
which his exertions were directed, more clearly than
he has himself done in the epistle dedicatory to Sir
Philip Sydney, prefixed to this work. The glory of
England ; the advantages of colonization, as a means
of employing the idle, of rendering the laws less san-
guinary, by diminishing the necessity for capital
punishment, and of enlarging the commerce of the
country ; the extension of the knowledge of navigation,
particularly amongst our merchant seamen ; and the
conversion of the savage, and consequent promotion
of the worship and glory of God, are all brought
forward in their turn. "We shall have much to
say, in the course of this Introduction, upon the
various pieces of which this collection is composed ;
but we postpone our remarks for the present, in
1KTBM>H0TI0».
order to dispose of the other works which either
emanated from our author, or were produced at his
suggestion. These will be taken in the order of their
production, as nearly as we have been able to ascer-
tain it.
He did not neglect his favourite pursuit during his
residence in France ; but made diligent inquiries for
information, not only among cosmographers and others,
but also in the libraries, both public and private.
During his researches he discovered a manuscript
account of Florida, a country which had been visited,
and to a certain extent explored, by Ribault in 1562,
and by Laudonniere in the following years. Perceiving
the interest and importance of this work, ho engaged,
at his own expense, Martin Basanier to publish the
book at Paris, in French, in the year 1586.' It is dedi-
cated to Sir Walter Raleigh ; and the editor takes
occasion to bestow high praises upon Sir Walter, for
the enterprise he displayed in his then late discovery
of Virginia. This wq^k does not contain Ribault's
own account of his voyage. The attention this book
excited in France, encouraged Hakluyt to present
it to his countrymen in an English dress, and it was
published in London, in the year 1587, with the fol-
lowing title :
" A notable historie containing foure voyages made by
ccrtayne French captayncs unto Florida ; wherein the great
richea and fruitefulnes of the countrey, with the maners of
the peojile, hitherto concealed, are brought to hght ; written,
' See Dedication to vol. ii, of the 2nd edition of liis general col-
INTRODUCTION.
all saving the last, by Monsieur Laudonniere, who remained
there himselfe as the French king's lieuetenant a yere and a
quarter; newly translated out of French into English by
R. H. London : impriutcd by Thomas Dawson, 1587. 4to."
Hakliiyt has prefixed to hia translation a dedicatory
epistle to Sir Walter Raleigh, encouraging him to
prosecute the colonization of Virginia, by pointing out
the advantages, and probable resources of the district.
In the year 1587 he also published, at Paris, a re-
vised edition of Peter Martyr Anghiera's work, De
orbe now. This edition appeared with the following
title:
" De orbe novo Petri Martyris Anglerii Mediolanensis
Protonotarii et Caroli quinti Senatoria Decades oeto, dili-
genti temporum obaervatione et utilisaimis annotationibus
illustratEG, suoque nitori restitntte, lab ore et industria
Riehardi Hakluyti Oxoniensis Angli, etc. Parisiis, 1587." 8°.
Amongst other improvements in this edition, men-
tioned in the Latin dedication to Sir Walter Raleigh,
prefixed to the work, ho observes: " Cartam geogra-
phicam praecipua operis loca continentem ut perpen-
dicularem appendicem adjunxi, memor illius quod vere
dicitur ' Geograpbiam esse historiie oculum'." The map
here referred to is one of the world, and is dedicated to
Hakluyt in the following words: " Doctiss. et ornatiss.
Rich. Hakluyto F.G.S. Cui potius quam tibi orbem
hunc novum dicassem ? cum tn assidiiis eniditisque
libris tuis ipsum eundem in dies illustriorem reddas.
Earn igitur uti tua humanitate dignura est accipe,
tequenosvicissimamabimus. Paris. Cal. Maij. 1587."
This map is of very rare occurrence. There is pre-
IHTEODUCTION.
fixed a dedication, in Latin, to Sir Walter Raleigh,
occupying nine pages Many years afterwards, Michael
Lok, whose name is intimately connected with the
maritime history of this period, translated Anghiera's
work into English at the recommendation oi' Hakluyt.
The title is as follows :
" The historic of the West Indies, containing tlie Actes
and Adventures of the Spaniards which have conquered and
peopled those countries, inriched with varietie of pleasant
relation of the manners, ceremonies, lawea, governments, and
warres of the Indiana, Published in Latin by Mr. Hakluyt,
and translated into English by M. Lok. Gent. London.
Printed for Andrew Webb."
This publication preceded by a very short time the
permanent colonization of Virginia, the first English
settlement In America ; and it is but just to presume,
that the public and private efforts of our author must
have had a most important influence in directing at-
tention towards these establishments, from which
such mighty results subsequently followed. We shall
have to refer to his exertions in this respect on more
than one occasion.
It has been stated, in the early part of this narra-
tive, that Hakluyt was one of those to whom, in the
year 1588, Sir Walter Ralegh assigned his patent for
the prosecution of discoveries in heathen lands.
Whether this circumstance directed his attention more
particularly towards the maritime exertions of the
English, or whether, as he himself states,' he was
roused by the reproach of want of enterprise, brought
' Dedication to tbe first edition of his general collection.
XXll TNTEODUCTION.
against his countrymen by foreigners, certain it ia
that about this time he bent all his efforts towards
the arrangement of materials for a work which should
show that the English had not been idle, or unsuc-
cessful. This project, and its author, are thus referred
to by Philip Jones, in the dedication to Sir Francis
Drake, prefixed to his Certain briefe and speciall
Instructions for Gentlemen, ^c, employed in ser-
vices abroad. London: 1589. 4to.
" I coufcsse that although my propeusiou was alwaics to
eudevor aomthing for the inlargcment of your name aud
honor, having so well deserved of this commonwealth and of
every particular thereofj yet I was motioned to remember
yourselfe in the impression of this lodes hy my very good
and leamed friend Mr. Richard Hackluyt, a man of in-
credible devotion towarde yourselfe and of speciall careful-
nease for the good of our nation ; as the world injoying the
benefit of some of Ids travels can give testimonie, and is pos-
sible to give better if that rare and excellent worke which he
now plyeth once come to publike view. In the mean time I
record his diligence," etc.
The result of these labours appeared toward the end
of the year 1589, in the pubhcation of a folio volume,
with the following title: —
The priucipall navigations, voiages and discoTeiies of the
English nation made by sea or over land to the most remote
and farthest distant quarters of the earth at any time within
the compasse of these 1500 yeerea ■ derided into three severall
parts according to the positions of the regions whenmto
they were directed. The first conteiniug the personal! tra-
vels of the English into Judtea, Syria, Arabia, the river
Euphmtes, Babvlon, Balsara, the Persian Gulfe, OiTuiiz,
\ ^^^ Enp.
INTRODUCTION.
Cbaul, Goa, India, and many islands adjoyuuig to the south
parts of Asia ; together with the like unto Egypt, the chiefest
porta and places of Africa within and without the streight of
Gibraltar, and about the famous promontorie of Buona Espe-
ranza. The second, comprehending the worthy discoveries
of the English towards the north and uorth-east by sea, as of
Lapland, Scrikfinia, Corelia, the Baie of S. Nicholas, the
Isles of Colgoieve, Vaigata, and Nova Zcmbla toward the
great river Ob, with the mightie empire of Uussia, the Cas-
pian sea, Georgia, Armenia, Media, Persia, Boghar in Bactria,
and divers kingdoms of Tartaria. The third and last, in- )
eluding the English valiant attempts in searching almost all
the comers of the vaste and new world of America from 73
degrees of northerly latitude southward to Meta Incognita,
Newfoundland, the maiue of Virginia, the point of Florida,
the baie of Mexico, all the inland of Nova Hispania, the
coast of Terra Firma, Brasill, the river of Plate to the streight
of Magellan and through it, and from it in the South Sea to
Chili, Peru, Xalisco, the gulfe of California, Nova Albion
upon the backside of Canada further than ever any Christian
hitherto hath pierced. Whereunto is added the last most
renowned Enghsh navigation round about the whole globe of
the earth. By Richard Hakluyt, master of artes and student
some time of Christchurch in Oxford. Imprinted at London
by George Bishop and Ralph Newherie, 1589." Fol,
The dedication to Sir Francis Walsingham, prefixed
to this edition, contains some interesting particulars
relating to the life of the author ; and of which Oldys,
in his memoir of him in the Biographia Britannica,
has made good use. In the address to the reader, ■
Hakluyt explains the character of his work in the fol-
lowing concise terms.
K I meddle in this work with the navigations onely of our
/ ISTBODUCTION.
s nation. And albeit I alleage in a few places (aa the
' matter aud occasion required) some strangers as witnesses of
the things done, yet are they none but such as either fayth-
fiilly remember or sufficieutly confirmc the travels of our
owne people, of whom (to speake traetli) I have received more
light in some respects than all our owne historians could
affoord me in this case. Bale, Foxe, and Eden onely excepted."
His anxiety to communicate the best information he
possessed, is shown in the account of " The Ambassage
of Sir Hierotne Bowes, to the einperour of Moscovie,
1583", printed at page 491 of the first edition of his
General Collection, in some copies of which this nar-
rative will be found to have been reprinted, with the
title altered, as follows :
" A briefe disconrse of the voyage of Sir Jerome Bowes,
knight, her majesties ambassadour to the empcrour of Mus-
covia, in the ycere 1582: and printed this second time
according to the true copie I received of a gentleman that
went in the same voyage for the correction of the crrours in
the former impression."
Having now given a definite form to his work,
he went on with increased energy. " The honour
and benefit of this commonwealth", he says, "hath
made all difficulties seem easy, all pains and industry
pleasant, all expenses of Ught value and moment to
me." In 1598 he pubhshed the first volume of a
second edition of his Collection, and two other volumes
followed in the two succeeding years. The first
volume is dedicated to the Lord Charles Howard, Earl
of Nottingham ; and it may be mentioned (par paren-
tMse) as a curious fact that, neither in this dedica-
INTRODUCTION.
tion, nor in any part of the introductory matter, does
he make the slightest allusion to the first edition.
The second and third volumes are dedicated to Sir
Robert Cecil, the principal secretary of state, *' whose
earnest desires to do him [Hakluyt] good, lately
broke out into most- bountiful and acceptable effects."
The titles of the several volumes of this edition are as
follows :
" The principal navigations, voiagea, traffiquea and dis-
coveries of the English nation made by aea or over land to
tlie remote and farthest distant quaxters of the earth at any
time within the compasse of these 1500 yeeres : devided into
three severall volumes according to the positions of the
regions whereunto they were directed. This first volume
containing the woorthy discoveries, etc, of tlie Englisli toward
the north and nortb-eaat by sea, as of Lapland, Serikfinin,
Coreliaj the haie of S. Nicholas, the ialea of Colgoicve,
Vaigatz, and Nova Zembla toward the great river Ob, with
the mighty empire of Russia, the Caspian sea, Georgia,
Armenia, Media, Persia, Boghar iu Bactria, and divers king-
doms of Tartaxia. Together with many notable monuments
and testimonies of the antient forren trades and of the warre-
hke and other shipping of this realme of England in former
ages, Whereunto is annexed also a briefe commentarie of
the true state of Island and of the Northern seas and lands
situate that way. And lastly the memorable defeate of the
Spanish huge Armada, anno 1588, and the famous victorie
atchieved at the citie of Cadiz, 1596, are described. By
Richard Hakluyt, etc. Imprinted at London, by George
Bishop, Ralph Newberie, and Robert Barker, 1598." Fol.
In the dedication to the volume, Hakluyt addresses
Lord-Admiral strongly on the subject of the
XXVI INTRODUCTION.
establishment of a lectureship, on navigation, in the
city of London.'
" The second volume of the principal navigations, voyageSj
traffiques, and discoveries of the English nation made by sea
or over land to the south and south-east parts of the world
at any time within the compasse of these 1600 yeres : divided
into two severall parts. Whereof the first containeth the
personall travels, etc., of the EngUsh through and within the
atrcight of Gibraltar to Algcr, Tunis, and Tripolis in Barhary,
to Alexandria and Cairo in j^Igypt, to the isles of Sicilia,
Zante, Candia, Bhodus, Cyprus and Chio, to the citie of Con-
stantinople, to divers parts of Asia Minor, to Syria and
Armenia, to JeruBalem and other places in Judtea; as also to
Arabia downe the river of Euphrates to Babylon and Balsara,
and so tlirough the Persian gnlph to Ormuz, Chaul, Ooa, and
to many islands adjoyning upon the south parts of Asia j and
likewise from Goa to Cambaia and to all the dominions of
Zelabdim Eehebar, the great Mogor, to the mighty river of
Ganges, to Bengala, Aracan, Bacola, and Chonderi, to Pegu,
to Jamaliai in the kiugdome of Siam, and almost to the very
frontiers of China. The second comprehendeth the voyages,
ti'afiicks, etc., of the English nation made without the streight
of Gibraltar to the islands of the Azores, of Porto Santo,
Madera, and the Canaries, to the kiugdomes of Barbary, to
the isles of Capo Verde, to the rivers of Senega, Gambra,
Madrabumba, and Sierra Leona, to the coast of Guinea and
Benin, to the isles of S. Thome and Santa Helena, to the
parts about the cape of Buona Esperanza, to Quitangone
' In some copies of the first volume of the second edition, tbe
voyage to Cadiz in I59G is altogether suppressed or reprinted.
Where this is tlie case, the title-page is found to bear date 1599,
and that part of it which refers to the expedition to Cadia is
omitteil ; other alterations of a minor character being also intro-
duced into it.
INTRODUCTION.
aeere Mozambique, to the iaies of Comoro and Zanzibar, to
tlie citie of Goa beyond cape Comori, to the isles of Nicubar,
Gomes Polo, and Pulo Pinaom, to the maine land of Malacca
and to the kingdome of Junsahion. By Richard Haekluyt,
etc. Imprinted at London by George Bishop, Ralph New-
bery, and Robert Barker, anno 1599,"
" The third and last volume of the voyages, navigations,
traffiques and discoveries of the English nation, and in some
few places where they have not been, of strangers, performed
within and before the time of these hundred yeeres to all
parts of the Newfound world of America or the West Indies,
from 73 degrees of northerly to 57 of southerly latitude: as
namely to Engronland, Meta Incognita, Estotiland, Tierra
de Labrador, Newfoundland, up the Grand bay, the gulfe of
S, Laurence, and the river of Canada, to Hochelaga and
Saguenay, along the coast of Arambcc to the shores and
niFunes of Virginia and Florida, and on the west or backside
of them both to the rich and pleasant countries of Nueva
Biscaya, Cibola, Tiguex, Cieuic, Quirira, to the 15 provinces
of the kingdome of New Mesieo, to the bottome of the gulfe of
California, and up the river of Buena Guia ; and likewise to
all the vies, both small and great, lying before the cape of
Florida, the bay of Mexico, and Tierra firma, to the coasts
and inlands of Newe Spaine, Tierra firma and Guiana, up the
mighty rivers of Orenoque, Dessekebe, and Marannon, to
every part of the coast of Brasil, to the river of Plate, through
the streights of Magellan forward and backward, and to the
south of the said streights as far as 57 degrees r and from
thence on the back side of America along the coaates, har-
bours and capes of Chili, Peru, Nicaragua, Nueva Espanna,
Nueva Galicia, Culiacan, California, Nova Albion, and more
northerly as farre as 43 degrees. Together with the two
renowned and prosperous voyages of Sir Francis Drake and
Mr. Thomas Oandish round about the circumference of the
whole earth, and divers other voyages intended and set forth
INTRODUCTION.
for that course. Collected by Richard Hakluyt, preacher,
etc. Imprinted at London by George Bishop, Ralfe New-
berie and Robert Barker. Anuo Dom. 1600."
This and the preceding volume, as we have
already stated, arc dedicated to " Sir Robert Cecil,
principall secretarie to Her Majestie." In the de-
dication to the second volume, Hakluyt strongly
urges on the minister the expediency of colonizing
Virginia, and refers to the circumstance of Cecil
having consulted him, in 1597, "touching the state
of the country of Guiana, and whether it were fit
to be planted by the English?" In the dedication
to the third volume, Hakluyt takes an opportunity to
refer to the subject of a lectureship on navigation for
the benefit of English mariners, and to urge its esta-
blishment, referring to the good example of Spain in
this respect.
But Hakluyt was not satisfied with labouring him-
self, and encouraging others to labour; he endea-
voured to provide against the time when professional
or other cares might interfere with his great pursuit,
In the dedication of the third volume he saya:
" As I long since foresaw that my profession of di^iaity,
the care of my family, and other occasions, might call and
divert me fi'om tliese kind of endeavours, I therefore have for
three years past encouraged and furthered in these studies of
cosmography and foreign histories my honest, industrious,
and learned friend, Mr. John Pory ; one of special skill and
extraordinary hope to perform great matters in the same and
beneficial to the commonwealth,"
The result of this encouragement was a translation
INTRODUCTION. XXIX
of tlie History of Africa by John Leo, commonly
cflUtd Leo Africanus, which Mr. Pory published in
lie year 1600, with the title —
"A geographical Listorie of Africa, written in Arabicke
and Italian, by John Leo, a More, borne in Granada and
brought up in Barbarie, etc. Before which out of the best
ancient and moderne wiiters is prefixed a gcncrall description
of Africa, and also a particular treatise of all the maine lands
and isles undescribed by John Leo. And after the same is
annexed a relation of the great princes and the manifold
religions in that part of the world. Translated and collected
by John Pory, lately of Gonevill and Caius College in Cam-
bridge. Londini, Impensis Gcorg. Bishop, 1600." JFol.
In his dedication to Sir Robert Cecil, the translator
refers to the interest Hakluyt took in the work, in
the following terms : " M. Richard Hakluyt, who out
of his mature judgement in these studies, knowing
the excellencic of tiiis storie above all others in the
same kinde, was the only man that mooved me to
translate it."
Pory was not the only person whom Hakluyt en-
couraged to make translations of works bearing upon
his favorite pursuit. Parke, in the preface to his
translation of the History of China, from the Spanish
of Gonzalez de Mendoza, bears the following testimony
to his active zeal :
" Which labours I have undertaken at the earnest request
and encouragement of my worshipfull friend Master Richard
Hakluyt, late of Oxfordc, a gentleman, besides his other
raanifolde learning aud languages, of singular and deepe
insight in all histories of discoverie aud partes of eosmo-
graphie. And also for the zeale he bcavcth to the honor of
INTBODUCnOH.
y
his countrie and cornitrimen brought the same [t. e. Gon-
zalez de Mendoza'a work] first above two years since over
into this court," etc.
Again, about the year 1 612, P. Erondelle published
a translation of part of Lescarbot'a Histoire de la
Nouvelle France, under the title of —
" Nova Francia, or the description of that part of New
France which ia one continent with Virginia. Described ia
the three late voyages and plantation made by Monsieur de
Monts, Monsieur de Pont-Grave, and Monsieur de Poutrin-
court, into the countries called by the French men La Cadie,
lying to the south west of Cape Breton. Together with an
excellent treatise of all the commodities of the said countries,
and inaners of tlie naturall inhabitants of the same, etc.
London, printed for Andrew Webb." 4.to.
Fi'ora the preface we learn that Hakluyt was also
the instigator of this work.
" Gentle reader, the whole volume of the navigations of
the French nation into the West Indies (comprised in three
bookes) was brought to me to be translated by Mr. Richard
Hackluyt, a man who for his worthy and profitable labours,
is well known to most men of worth not only of this king-
dome but also of forrain parts, and by him this part was
selected and chosen from the whole worke, for the particular
use of this nation, to the end that comparing the goodnesse
of the lands of the northern parts heerein mentioned with
that of Virginia, which (though in one and the sclfc same
continent, and both lands adjoining) must be far better hy
reason it stands more southerly ncerer to the sunne, greater
encouragement may be given to prosecute that generous and
goodly action in planting and peopling that country to the
better propagation of the Gospel of Christ, the salvation of
innumerable souls, and general benefit of this hind, too much
IKTRODOCTION.
pestrcd with over many people. ... If a man tbat sheweth
fourth effectually tlie zealous care he hath to the wellfare and
common good of his country desen^eth praises of the same, I
refer to the judgement of them that abhor the vice of ingra-
titude (liatefull ahove all to God and good men) whether the
8iud Mr. Hakluyt (as well for the first procuring of this
translation, as for many workes of his set out hy him for the
good and everlasting fame of the English nation) deserveth
not to reape thaukes."
In the following year, 1601, Hakluyt gave to the
world a translation, from the Portuguese, of a work
by Antonio Galvam. entitled — ■
" Tratado doa varies e diversos camiuhoB por onde nos
tempos passadoa a pimenta e especiaria veyo da India tia
nossaa partes e assim de todos oa descubrimentos antigos e
modernos que sao feitos ate a era dc 1550. Com os nomes
particulares das pessoas que os fizeraa em que tempos e suas
alturas. Lishoa por JoaS Barrcira, 1563." 8vo.
This work was edited and published, after the author's
death, by Francesco de Sousa Tayares. To the English
version Hakluyt gave the title —
" The discoveries of the world from their first originall
unto the yeere of our Lord 1555. Briefly written in the
Portugall tongue by Antonie Galvauo, Governonr of Ternate,
the chiefe island of the Malucoa : corrected, quoted, and now
published in English by Richard Hakluyt, sometimes student
of Christchurch in Oxford. Londini, Impensis G. Bishop,
1601." 4to.
This translation was not his own, as he himself
states in the dedicatory epistle to Sir Robert Cecil.
,^s words are —
Ef Now touching the translation, it may please you, sir, to
INTKODUCTION.
be advertised that it was first done into our language by some
honest and well affected marehant of our nation, whose name
by no means I could attain unto, and that, as it seemeth, many
yeeres ago. For it hath lien by me above these twelve
yeeres. In all which space, though I have made much
inquirie and sent to Lisbon, where it aeemeth it was printed,
yet to this day I could never obtain the originall copie;
whereby I might reforme the manifold errours of the trans-
lator."
He then proceeds to describe the trouble it cost him
to verify the facts from the original hiatories, and to
annex the marginal quotations to the work.
His last publication was a translation of Fernando
t' de Souto's discoveries in Florida, which he printed
under the following title :
" Virginia richly valued by the description of the maine
land of Florida her next neighbour : out of the foure yeerea
continuall travell and discovorie for above one thousand miles
east and west of Bon Ferdinando de Soto, and sixe hundred
able men in his companie, "Wherin are truly observed the
richea and fertilitie of those parts abounding with things
neccssarie, pleasant and profitable for the life of man : with
the natures and dispositions of the inhabitauta. Written by
a Portugall gentleman of Elvas emploied in all the action,
and translated out of Portugese by Richard Hakluyt. At
London, printed by Felix Kyngston for Matthew Lownes,
1609." 4to.
This work was evidently intended to encourage the
young colony in Virginia, and procure support for
the undertaking. The hardships, naturally attendant
upon the first attempts at colonization in Virginia,
had been greatly increased by mismanagement, and
INTRODTJCTTOjr.
the losses and discouragement of the settlers had ar-
rived at such a height that, but for the opportune
arrival of Lord Delawarr in the month of June, 1610,
the colony would have been abandoned ; the settlers
being actually on their way to the sea coast when
they were met by their new governor, with supplies
of stores and men. It was, probably, for the purpose
of again stimulating the exertions of the colonists,
depressed by much suffering, and of procuring the
additional support, of which they stood so much in
need, that in the year 1611 the title of the Virginia
richly valued, was altered as follows:
" The wortliye and famous historic of the travailes, disco-
Tery, and conquest of that great continent of Terra Florida,
being lively paraleld with that of our now iuLabited Virginia.
Ab also the comoditiea of the said country, with divers excel-
lent and rich myues of golde, silver, and other metals, etc.,
which cannot but give us a great and exceeding hope of our
Virginia, being so neere of one continent, etc. London,
printed for Matthew Lowuea, 1611." 4to.
The preface is addressed " To the right honorable
the right worshipfull counsellors, and others, the
cheerefuU adventurers for the advancement of that
Christian and noble plantation in Virginia", whom,
perhaps, it was found necessary to excite by a direct
reference to " riche mynes of golde, silver, and other
metals." It will be evident from all that has been
said, that Hakluyt took a deep interest in the success
of the Virginian colony. Robertson, in his Hisiory of
America,\Q[,\v, p. 171, 10th edit., bears honorable tes-
timony to our author, in the following words : " The
/
XXXIV INTRODnCTION.
most active and efficacious promoter of this (the
colonization of Virginia) was Richard Hakluyt, pre-
bendary of Westminster, to whom England is more
indebted for its American possessions than to any
man of that age."
The esteem in which he was held by mariners is
evidenced by the fact, that in a voyage of discovery
made by Hudson in the year 1608, at the charge of
the Muscovy company, a promontory, on the continent
of Greenland, was named Hakluyt's Headland ;' and
three years later, in a voyage of discovery to Pechora,
in Russia, made at the expense of the same company,
by "William Gourdon, a river was named by the navi-
gators Hakluyt's River.^
Wc have already mentioned that his estate de-
scended to his son, who is reported to have squandered
it. His unpublished manuscripts, sufficient to have
formed a fourth volume to his Collection, had a better
fate, by falling into the hands of Purchaa, who in-
serted them, in an abridged form, in his Pilgrimes.
It is to be regretted that this compiler should have
adopted the plan of curtailing all his narratives ; we
get more facts, within a given compass, it is true, but
this advantage is more than compensated by the loss
of the interest, and indeed confidence, which a genuine
unabridged narrative always inspires. Purchas, how-
ever, was fully able to appreciate the merit of such a
' Parclios, vol. iii, p, 464. The name of Hakluyt's Headland
no longer exists, noi' can tbe locality be identified.
^ Purchas, vol. iii, p. 531. This river cannot be identified at
tbe present day.
INTBODUCTION.
man as Hakluyt, and has not neglected to give him the
praise he deserves ; "thereby", says Oldys, "concurring
with those writers of eatabhshed judgment who liave
distinguished, according to his deserts, the surpassing
knowledge and learning, diligence and fidelity, of this
□aval historian."
In Wood's Athena- Oxonienses, edit. Bliss, a refer-
ence to three of Hakluyt's manuscripts, in the Selden
Collection, is given as follows : viz., —
i. " Notes of certain commodities in good request in the
East Indies, the Moluccas, and China." 2. " The chiefs
places where sondry sorte of apices do growe in the East
Indies, gathered out of sondry the best and latest authors by
R. Hackluyt." 3. " The remembrance of what is good to
bring from the Indyes into Spayne, being good marchandize
and bowght by him that is skillfull and trusty."
These manuscripts the Editor has printed in the \
Appendix to this work. There is every reason to con-
jecture that these notes were drawn up for the use of
acme body of merchants ; the nature of the notes
themselves, and the language used in several places,
leave little room for doubt on this point. The ques-
tion is, for whose use were they intended ? It is not
probable that they were framed for the Muscovy Com-
pany, which had been incorporated by Philip and Mary
as far back as the year 1554, and, in all probability,
stood in little need of such assistance. But in the year
1600, the date of the Notes, Queen Elizabeth granted a
charter to an association of merchants, with whose
gigantic growth there is no parallel in the history of
commercial success. This association, " The United
INTRODUCTION.
Company of Merchants of England trading to the East
Indies", commonly called " The East India Company",^
sent out their first venture in the same year. Notes
such as those drawn up by Hakluyt, contain precisely
the information which would be required by men about
to trade to the East ; and when we look at the coinci-
dence in the dates of the charter and the notes, we
cannot but come to the conclusion that it was for
the use of the East India Company that llakluyt
framed them.^
We now turn to the discussion of Hakluyt's
first publication, the Divers Voi/ages touching the
Discoverie of America. This work is of extreme
rarity ; when perfect it contains two maps, fac-
similes of which are given with this edition. We
are not aware of the existence of more than five
copies of the book j and of these two only con-
tain both the maps, and a third has one map. The
two perfect copies are in the British Museum. One
of these was acquired in the year 1841, at the
sale of the library of the late Mr. George Chalmers,
and is the most interesting of all, having the auto-
graph signature of the author subscribed to the
11.
iv their legal title by the 3rd and 4th Wm. IV, c. 85,
* The Editor's acknowledgments are due to Thomas Rundall,
Esq. of the East India House, for his kitidoess in searching in the
archives of the Company for evidence of these notes having been
communicated to it. Memoranda of " What the Indies do vent",
etc. were found by that gentleman, hut not in such a form as to
identify tlieiQ with the " Notes". This want of success, however,
can hardly be considered to affect the question.
INTRODUCTION.
"Epistle Dedicatorie", and of which signature a fac-
similu is here fjiveii.
^^KTHg second is contained in the Greiiville Collection.
I A third copy is in the Bodleian Library, at Oxford:
this copy Las only one map, that by Michael Lok. A
fourth copy is in the possession of Mr. Edward A.
Crowninsbield, of Boston, with the maps supplied in
fac-aimile ; and the fifth is in the library of Mr. Jamea
Lennox, of New York, tlie maps being also supplied
in fac-simile.'
It may be said of this, as of every other work of
[ ' At & meeting of the Society of Antiquaries, held in the month
of March 1850, a copy of Michael Lok's map was exhibited by
Mr. Payee Collier, and a letter read, addressed by that gen-
tleman to the president, comprising " Some ohBervations on Richard
Hakluyt, and American discoveries," Speaking of tlie " Divers
"Voyages", Mr. Collier says: " Another copy has come to light,
from which the map before the society has been extracted for
exhibition this evening ; and I apprehend that a third copy of the
Tolnme is preserved in the cabinet of a chary lover of old books,
vho was glad to obtain it at a higli price, although it has not
rither of the maps that properly belong to it," Unfortunately, the
names of the lucky possessors, or supposed possessors of these
copies, ore not given by Mr. Collier. The map, so exhibited,
makes the fourth known, and not, as Mr. Collier supposes, only
the second.
XXKVIIl INTHOBUCTION.
which Hakluyt waa either the author or promoter,
that it had a direct and practical object. At the
period when he commenced his geographical studies
there waa but one English book in existence present-
ing even a limited view of maritime discovery; viz.,
Eden's Historte ofTrnvayle; and this was confined
to a translation of four decades of Peter Martyr, of
Oviedo's History of the West Indies, and of extracts
from various writers on geographical subjects, as Zi-
glerus, Paulus Jovius, Haiton, Herberstein, and others.
The English, in general, knew little of what had
been accomplished by their own countrymen, and
still less of the labours of foreigners. Merchant ad-
venturers collected information for the purposes of
their traffic, but they had no interest in making it
public, and a gold-mine, or a galleon, was in general
the real object of expeditions professing to aim at
higher purposes. "With this spirit pervading all classes,
it is not surprising that Hakluyt should express him-
self in the following language, in his epistle dedicatory
to Sir Robert Cecil, prefixed to the Engltah transla-
tion of Galvam's work :
" Now if any man shall marvel that, in these discoveries of
the world for the space almost of fower thousand yeeres here
set downe, our nation is scarce fower times mentioned, he
is to understand that wlien this author ended his discourse
{which was about the yeere of grace 1555) there was little
extaut of men's travailes. And for aught I can see there
had no great matter yet come to light if my selfe had not
undertaken that heavie burden, being never therein enter-
tained to any purpose untill I had recourse unto yourselfe,
by whose speciall favour and bountifull patronage I have
INTROCTJCTION. XXXIX
been often much encouraged and as it were revived. Wliich
traTailea of our men, because as yet tbey lie not come to
ripenes, and have been made for the most part to places first
discovered by others, when they shall come to more perfection
and become more profitable to the adventurers, will then be
more fit to be reduced into bricfe epitomes by myselfe or
some other endued with an honest zeale of the honor of our
coiintry."
And, again, in the preface to the first volume of the
second edition of his General Collection, he says, —
" For the bringing of which into this homely and rough-
hewn shape which here thou aeeat, what restlease nights,
what painefuU dayes, what heat, wliat cold, I have endured ;
how many long and changeable journeys I have travailed j
how many famous libraries I have searched into ; what va-
rietie of ancient and modeme writers I have perused; what
a number of old records, patents, privileges, letters, etc., I
have redeemed from obscuritie and perishing : into how ma-
nifold acquaintance I have entred ; what expenses I haye not
spared; and yet what faire opportunities of private gaine,
preferment and ease I have neglected, albeit thyselfe canst
hardly imagine, yet I by daily experience do finde and feele,
and some of my eutier friends can sufficiently testifie," etc.
At the period when this was ivritten the history of
travel was in truth to the English reader all but a
blank, and it is not too much to say, that when our
author wished to enlist the sympathies of his country-
men in favour of his enlightened views for the moral
and political improvement of the nation, he found few
or no evidences to which he could point in support of
his proposals.
Hakluyt was an ardent advocate for emigration. But.-.
xl TNTHOnUCTION.
emigration to the states of a foreign power would give
strength to such power at the expense of England.
In order to be beneficial it must be connected with a
sound system of colonization ; and he naturally looked
towards the vast continent of America as the only field
upon which any such system could be carried out ■with
effect. Here again he had to find information not
only for the nation at large, but for those through
whom the accomplishment of his designs was to be
effected. For this purpose he brought together va-
rious accounts showing the discovery of the whole of
the east coast of North America. The materials for
this collection had to be gathered from various sources.
One only was printed to his hand, viz. Ribault's dis-
covery of Florida, and this, he informs us, was ao rare,
that had he not reprinted it, it would have utterly
perished. The rest were either in manuscript or
printed in a foreign language. A very slight examina-
tion of this little work will show that it is skilfully put
together for the object in view. After a list of writers
of geography and another of travellers, we have a
short chapter showing the great probability of a pas-
sage to India by the north-west. This is followed by
the epistle dedicatorle to '* Master Phillip Sydney,
Esquire," in which the author esplalns his views upon
many subjects : The letters patent granted by King
Henry VII to John Cabot and his three sons for ex-
ploring unknown regions : and, A note of Sebastian
Cabot's voyage to the coast of North America. ATe
then have a declaration of the Indies and lands disco-
vered unto the emperor and the king of Portugal,
INTRODUCTION.
xli
written by Robert Thome, and showing that the
northern part of America remained for " King Henrie
the Eight to take in hande" ; and The booke made by
Master Robert Thorne, being an information of the
parts of the world discovered by him [the Emperor
Charles V] and the king of Portingale ; and also of the
way to the Moluccaes by the north. This is followed
by the relation of John Verazzani, in which he gives
an account of his voyage of discovery along the eastern
coast of America from about South Carolina to New-
foundland. Then come the Discoverie of the Isles of
Erisland, etc., made by Nicolas Zeno and his brother
Antonio ; and The discovery of Florida by Captain
John Ribault. Having thus given the reader the
fullest particulars then known respecting the coast of
America, he proceeds with notes given to Arthur Pett
and Charles Jackraan, sent by the merchants of the
Muscovy Company for the discovery of the north-cast
streight, " not altogether unfit for some other enter-
prises of discoverie hereafter to be taken in hande."
These notes are evidently framed with a view to com-
mercial enterprise, but they are followed by " Notes
to bee given to one that prepared for a discoverie",
which are drawn up as instructions to colonists. The
whole is wound up by the " Names of certain commo-
dities growing in part of America not presently inha-
bited by any Christians from Florida northward",
containing a goodly list of objects available both for
the necessaries and the luxuries of life.
In a work so suggestive as this before us, it is dif-
ficult to avoid the innumerable temptations to dis-
Xlil INTRODUCTION.
cursiveiiess which beset almost every page. Minute
annotation would, however, be out of place in the
present instance. No more notes, therefore, have
been given than appeared to be necessary for the pro-
per elucidation of the text, reserving for this Intro-
duction such further remarks as might be desirable
for the purpose of illustration. These will now be
made, in as concise a form as possible, upon the
several pieces, in the order in which they occur in
the Collection.
Our author commences with "The names of certaine
late writers of Geographie, with the yeere wherein
they wrote", and "The names of certaine late travay-
lers, both by sea and by lande, which also for the
most part have written of their owne travayles and
voyages."
In order to make these lists really useful, the
works of the respective authors should be enumerated.
This deficiency it is now proposed to supply, giviifg
in every instance the title of the first edition, where
it could be ascertained.
1. Ismail Ibn Ali Abulfeda. The work whicb
entitles him to a place in this list is named " Taku-
wirau 1-boldan" (t. e., The description of the coun-
tries), and is the most complete and best geographical
work in Arabic. Portions have been published from
time to time by European scholars, as follows :
I, Deacriptio ClioraamifB ct Mawaralnahrse {i.e., regionum
extra Oxum). Arabice cum veraione J. Gravii. Lon-
dini, 1650. 4to.
INTKODTJCTION.
H
II. Descriptio Pciiinaulse Arabite (printed with the Descriptio
Chorasmise), Arab. Lat. ; in vol. 3 of Geographise veteris
Scriptores Grseci minores. [Edited by J. Hudson.] Oso-
nisE, 1698-1712. 8vo.
in. Tahula SyriBe, Arabice cum versione Latina et notis J. B.
Koehler, et cum observationibus J. J. Reiskii. Lipaise,
1766. 4to.
IV. Descriptio jEgypti, Arab. Lat. et cum notis J. D. Mi-
chaelis. Goettingte, 1770. 8vo.
V. Tabulffi qusedam geographicaj . . . nunc primum Arabice
ed. F. T. Rinck. Lipsise, 1791. 8vo.
Descriptio regiouum Nigritarum, Arabice. Printed at
the end of Makrizi, Historia Hegum lalamiticorum ia
Abissiuia . . . cum versione Latina F. T. Rinck. Lngdimi
Batavorum, 1790. 4to.
. Sir John Mandeville. He wrote an account of
his travels in the east. This work is said to have
been composed originally in French in the year 1355,
at Liege, to which place he had retired some years
before his death. We give the titles of four editions
(in as many languages), whicli were printed prior to
the year 1500.
Ce li\Te est eppelle madeville et fut fait et compose par
monsieur jehan de mandeville chevallier natif dagleterre
de la ville de saict alei. Et parle de la terre de promis-
■sion cest assavoir de jernaalcm et de pluseurs autrea isles
de mer et lea diverses et estranges choses qui sont es
dites isles. End. Cy finist ce tresplaisant livre nome
Mandeville.. ..Et fut fait la 1480 ]e un jour davril. Fol.
This is supposed by Brunct to be the first edition in any
language.
le first Italian edition is without title, but has the
following colophon :
UlT
ISTBODUCTTON.
Explicit Joliannes d' Madevilla impreasHS Mediolaiii ductu
et auapiciii! maglstri Petri de comeno pridie Cullendas
auguBti 1480, Johaoe Galeazio Maria Sfortia Viccco-
tnittc Duce uoatro inTictissimo ac principe Jucondia-
simo. 4to,
ItiuerariuB domini Johanis de madcnlle militis. Printed
about the year 1480. 4to.
It is not certain whether the first English edition
was that printed by Wynkyn de Worde in 1499, or
that by Pynaon, without date. Pynson's, however,
was probably earlier than 1499; it has no title, bat
the colophon is as follows:
Here cndeth the boke of John Maimdvyle knyght of
waycs to Jerusalem and of marveylya of ynde and of
other couutrees, Emprentcd by Eychai'd Pynsou. 4to.
3. Albert Krantz. His historical and geographical
works are —
I, Polonia: ct reipublicBE descriptio. Erfiirti, 1575; fol,
11. Vandalia. Colouite, 1519; fol.
m. Regnorum aquilonarium Daniae, Sueciae, Norviigia:,
Chronica. Prancofurti ad Moeiium, 1575 ; fol.
IV, So.\oma. Prancofurti ad Moenum, 1575 ; fol.
4. Pietro Martire Anghiera. His works are —
I. Opera. Legatio Babylonica; Oceani decas {one only);
Poemata; Epigramniata, Hispali, per Jacobu Cormn-
berger, 1511 ; fol.
II. Do Orbc uovo decades tres (with the Legatio Babylo-
nica). Alcala, 1516; fol.
III. De Orbe novo decades (viii). First complete edition.
Compluti, 1530; fol.
IV. De nuper snh Carolo repertia insulis, aimulq : incolarum
moribus, R. Petri Miu-tyiia Enchiridion, Dominse Mar-
garita IMui Max. C'a;s. filia; dicatum, Basilca;, 1521 ; 4to.
WTBODUCTION.
of
S
"7. Opus epiatolaru Petri Martyria Anglerii Mediolaneais
Protonotarii aplici atq : a cosiliis rerii Indicarii nuc
pmu et natu et mediocri cura excusum : quod cjde
praeter stili venuatate nostrorii qqj teporum historie loco
ease poterit. Copluti, 1530; fol.
5. Gonsalvo Hernandez de Oviedo y Valdez. He
te—
La historia general y natural de las ludiaa Occidentales.
Toledo, 1536 ; fol.
La historia del estrecbo de Magallauea; which also
forms book xx of the preceding work. Printed sepa-
rately, 1553; fol.
NavegacioQ del rio Maraiion. Printed in Ramusio ;
Yol. 3, p. 415, edit. 1565.
6. Robert Thome. What he wrote appeared for
le first time in the " Divers voyages".
7. Girolarao Fracastoro. His geographical writ-
igs are comprised in his letters to Giambattista
Ramusio, in which, amongst other subjects, he dis-
cusses at considerable length the periodical risings
of the Kile. — Ramusio, vol. i, fol. 284 b. Edit.
50.
8. Reinerus Gemma. He wrote a cosmography,
Iso " Charta, qua continetur totlus orbis descriptio",
and "De principiis astronomia^ et cosmographise ac
usu globi a se edlti"; all which occur in the following
Hi. Cosmographia Petri Apiani per Gemmam Pri8ium...,jani
■ demum ab omnibus vindicata mendis, ac nonnullis quo-
H que locis aucta. Additis ejusdem argument! libellis
^k ipsius Gemmce Prisii. AntverpiEe,GregorioBoutio,1550;
xlvi
INTBODUCTION.
u. De Astrolabo Catholico Liber ; which is inaerted in
Joannes Bellerua'a edition of the Cosmo graphia of
Appianus and Gemma, printed at Antwerp in 1584; -ito.
9. Antonio de Mendoza. His papers and despatches
were used by Herrera in the composition of his
" Historia general de los hechos de los Castellanos en
las ialas y tierra firine del mar Oceano"; and he also,
while viceroy, caused a work to be written, entitled
" De las cosas naturales y raaravillosas de Nueva
Hispaiia", the authorship of which has been generally
attributed to him.
10. Gerard Mercator. Besides the numerous maps
and charts laid down by him, he published —
I. Tabulie geographies ad mentem Ptolemffii restitutse et
eraendatffi. Lovanii, 1589 ; fol.
II. Chronologia a mmidi exordio ad annum 1568, ex eclyp-
sibua & observationibua astronomicis ac Bibbis sacris ;
opus Onuplirio Panvinio probatiim. Colonic, 1568 ; fol.
ni, De usu annuli Astronomici. Lovanii, 1552.
IV. He edited also Globi terrestria Sculptura, 1541. And,
V. Olobi ccelestis Sculptura. Lovanii, 1551.
VI. GalliEE tabulie gcographicic, Germanic tabulae geogra-
phic£e. Duysburgi Clivorum, 1585; fol.
VII. Italic, Sclavonic et Greecis tabulre geographicse.
Duiaburgi, 1589; fol.
viii. Atlas, sive cosmographicje meditationes et fabrica mundi
et fabricati figura. Duisburgi Clivorum, 1595; fol.
11. Giovanni Battista Guicciardini. He published
a map, entitled —
Univcrai terrarum orbis imago, maxima forma; quam
Bijuila bicepa, alis expands, compreheudit. Antverpi
154&.
INTRODirCTION.
^2. Giovanni Battista Ramusio.' He compiled
; volumes of voyages and travels; the first was
published anonymously, the second and third with
his name. The first volume, which appeared in 1550,
has the following title —
^^^^Primo volume delle navigatiom et viaggi nel qual si contiene
^^^^k la descrittione dell' Airica, et del passe del Frete Jatini,
^^^^■' con varii viaggi del mar Bosso a Calicut et iDsin all'
^^^^B Isole Molucclie dove nascono le spctieric et la nnviga-
^^^^H tione attoriio 11 mondo. In Venetia, appresso gU heredi
^^^^P di Lucantonio Giunti, Tanno 1550.
' The second volume appeared in 1559; and the third,
three years earlier, viz., in 1556. That which is
called the second volume was not published until two
years after Kamusio's death. The titles of these
- volumes, as taken in an abridged form from the
editions of 1574 and 1565, are as follows:
Secondo volume deUe navigationi, etc. Nel quale ai con-
tengono I'Historia delle coae de' Tartari e diverai fatti
de" loro imperatori....varie descrittioni di diversi auttori
dell' Indie Oricntali, deUa Tartaria, deUa Persia, Arme-
nia, Mengrelia, Zorzania, e altre provincie, &c. Et il
viaggio della Tana, Con la descrittione de' nomi de'
popoli, cittk, fiumi et porti d'intorno al mar Maggiore,
&c. In Venetia nelia stamperia de' Giunti, 1574; fol.
Terzo volume delle navigatiom, &c. Nel quale ai con-
tengono le navigationi al mondo "nuovo, agli antichi
incognito, fatte da Don Christoforo Colombo.... con gl'
flcquiati fatti da lui e accreacinti poi da Fernando Cor-
teae, da Franceaco Pizarro et altri valorosi capitani, &c.
I
I T(
^^^^P 'Bam u BIO was born at Trevigi in 148a, and not at Venice
I486, as erroneounly stated in Note 11, at the foot of p. 3.
IHTEODUCTION.
Le navigationi fatte dipoi alle dette Indie poste nella
parte verso maestro Tramoutaaa dette liora la Nuova
Francia, &c. In Venetia nella stamperia de' Giunti,
1565 ; fol.
The materials for a fourth volume had been col-
lected, but were destroyed by fire at the printer's.
13. Sebastian Miinster. He was the author of —
I. Coamographci oder Beachreibung aller Lander, Heer-
schaften, fiirnemsten Stetten, Gescliictcn, Gebreuchen,
Hantierimgen, etc, Zum dritten inal trefilicli sere
gemerct und gcbeBsert. Basil, H. Petri, 1550 ; fol.
The first edition was printed at the same place, and
by the same printer, in 1541. From this work Richard
Eden translated —
A treatise of the newe India with other new founde landes
and itandes, as well eastwarde as westwarde, as they are
knowen and found in these oure dayea, after the deserip-
cion of Sebastian Munater in his bote of universall cos-
mographie. London, by Edward Sutton, 1553; 8vo.
II. TabulsG novffi ad geographiam PtolemEci adjectte.
ui. Descriptio Germania; pro tabula Nic.Cuaae intelligenda,
cum canonc ejusdem tabulee. Printed in Sehardius,
Historicum opus, commonly called Eerum Germanica-
rum Scriptorca. Tom. i. Basilete ; fol.
14. Tommaso Giunti, The only connexion he
appears to have had with the history of maritime
discovery, was as one of the printers of Ilamusio's
Collection of Voyages and Travels. In 1559, after
the death of RamusJo which occurred in 1557, Tom-
maso Giunti printed a second volume of the Collection,
with a preface laudatory of Eamusio. At the end of
the account of the Discovery of the Isles of Frisland,
INTRODUCTION.
xlix
etc., post, p. 90, this passage occurs: " Tliis discourse
. was collected by Rainusio, secretarie to the state of
Venice {or by the printer, Tkos. Gtunti). John
Saptista Ramusio died in Padua in July 1557."
15. Clement Adams. See post under Kichard
Chancellor, No. 41.
16. Oronce F'mA. Hia works are —
I. De mundi sphtera sive cosmogrdpluEe libri v. PariaUs,
1530; fol.
u, Nouvelle description de la France (a map). Paris,
1525.
ui and IV. Two other maps, entitled, respectively; Nova
descriptio terrarum ad intelligentiam utriusque testa-
menti ma:i^ime conducentium. Parisiis, 1536: And;
Orbis totiua rccena et Integra descriptio ad cordis Luiuani
cffigiem. Pariaiia, 1536.
17. Abraham Ortel. His geographical worka
Antwerp, 1570; fol.
Antwerp, 1578; 4to.
Antwerp, 1596; fol,
Antwerp, 1584; fol.
1. Theatrum orbis terrarum.
II. Syaonymia gcograpliiej
UI. Thesaurus geographicus.
IV. Italiie antique specimen.
V. Gallia Cisalpina. Antwerp, 1590 ; fol.
VI. Itinerarium per nonnullas Gallic BelgicEe partes, ab
Ortelio et Joanne Viviano descriptum. 1584; 12mo.
"vn. Parergon, sive veteris Geographite aliquot tabulse; item
nomenclator Ptolcmaicus. Antwerp, 1595 ; fol.
Vm. Descriptio civitatum in agro Leodiensi. In number 2
of M. Z. Boshornii autorea priecipui de Leodicnsi re-
publica, Amsterdam, 1633 ; 16mo.
ra. Tabula veteris et nova" Hispaniae. In the HispaniaillLis.
trata. Tom. 1. Pranckfort, 1603; fol.
, Jeronimo Osorio. He wrote, inter alia —
//
1
INTROnDCTION.
Dc rebus Emmanuelis regis Liiaitaniie virtiite et auapicio
geatia libri duodecim. Ulyssipon<e, 1571; fol.
This work contains an account of the discoveries
and conquests by the Portuguese in the East Indies.
19. Andr6 Thevet. He laid down several maps,
and also wrote —
I. Cosmographie dn Levant. Lion, Jeau de Tournea,
1556; 4to.
II. Lea singularites de la France AntarctiquCj autrement
nommee Amerique, et de plusieurs terrea et isles deeou-
vertea de nostre temps. Anvers, C. Plantin, 1558;
8vo.
III. Cosmographie universcUe. Paris, Lhuillicr, 1575 ; fol.
IV. Le grand insulaire et pilotage.
V, Description de plusieura ialea.
VI. Second voyage dans lea terrea australea et occidentales.
The last three works are in manuscript, in the
Bibliotheque du Roi, at Paris.
20. Fran9oi3 Belleforest. He edited, with great
additions and numerous alterations, Miinster's Cos-
mography, under the title —
La CosraograpMe univeraeUe de tout le moiide....Auteiir
en partie Munater, niais bcaucoup plus augmcutee, omee
et enrichie par F. dc Belleforest, tant de aea recherchea,
comme de I'aide de pluaieurs meraoirea par hommes
amateurs de lliistoire et de leur patrie. 2 vols. Paris,
eliez Michel Sonniua, 1575; fol.
21. Sir Hnmfrey Gilbert. He wrote —
A discoiu'se of a discovery for a new passage to Cataia.
Imprinted at London, by Henry Middleton, for Richard
Ihoncs, 1576, Aprilis 12; 4to,
In this work there is a curious map, with the title
UmtODUCTIOH.
li
" A general map, made onelye for the particular
declaration of this discovery"; in which all impedi-
ments in the way of the north-west passage are cleared
away in a most summary manner.
22. Dionysius Settle. He wrote —
A true reporte of the last for rather the second] voyage
Pinto the west and nortliwest regions, &c., 1577, wortliily
Btchieved by captaine Erobisher, of tlie sayde voyage
the first fiadcr and generall. With a description of tlie
people there inhabiting, and other circumstances notable.
London, by llcnrie Middlcton, 1577; Svo.
Two editions of tliis worli were printed in the
year 1577.
23. George Best. He wrote an account of the
three voyages of Sir Martin Frobisher for the disco-
very of the north-west passage, under the title of —
k true discourse of the late voyages of diacovcric, for the
■ finding of a passage toCathaya by the north -weast, under
■ tlie conduct of Martin Frobisher, generall ; devided into
rthrce bookes. In the first wberof is shewed his first
} Toyage, wherein also, by the way, is sette out a geogra-
phical description of the worlde, and what partes thereof
have bin discovered by the navigations of tlie English-
men. Also, there are annexed certayne reasons to prove
y all partes of the worldc habitable, with a generall mappe
|.»djoyned. In the second is set out his second voyage,
I with the adventures and accidents thereof. In the thirde
lis declared the strange fortunes which hapned in the
Lthird voyage, witli a severall description of the countrey
md the people there inhabiting. "With a particular card
Kthereunto adjoyned of meta incognita, so farre forth
! the secretes of the voyage may permit. London,
11578; 4to.
INTRODUCTION.
24. Nicholas Chancellor. He drew up —
The second journal of Arthur Pet and Charles Jackman, m
theu- diacoverie nortlieastward, in the yeere 1580, with
two barkes, the one called the William, the other the
George.— Hakluyt, vol. i, p. 476.
25. The Rabbi Benjamin Ben Jonah, He wrote
an account of hia travels in Hebrew; the first edition
of which in that language was published at Constan-
tinople, at the Soncino press, in 1543, in 8vo. The
earliest Latin edition has the following title:
Itinerarium Benjaraini Tndelensis, in quo res memorabiles
quas ante quadringentoa annos totum fere terrarum
orbeni notatis itineribus dimenaus vel ipse vidit vel a
fide dignis suse aetatis hominibua accepit, breviter atque
diliicide describuntur ; ex Hebraiea Latinuni factam,
Bened, Aria Montauo interprcte. Antwerpia;,1575; 8vo.
26. Marco Polo. His work comprises an account
of the travels of his father Nieol6, bis uncle Maffeo,
and himself, in the east. There has been much
discussion, whether the account of these travels was
written originally in Italian or in Latin ; but it
appears to be now generally admitted, that it was
composed by Marco in the Venetian dialect, and not
in the Latin language. Transcripts and translations
were, however, speedily multiplied ; and in the year
1477, the first printed copy issued from the press.
This, however, was neither in Latin nor in Italian,
but in German. The following is the title :
Hie hebt sich an das puch des edeln Rittera vii landtfarers
Marcho polo. In dem er schreibt die grossen wunder-
lichen ding dicser welt. Sunderlichen von den grossen
kiinigen vnd keysern die da herscheii in den aelbigcn
INTHODUCTION.
lii^
^^^|%mdeii vnd von irem volck vnd seiner gewoDheit da
II selba. End. Diss hat gedruckt Friez Creussner zu
Niirmbcrg, 1477; fol.
The first edition in Italian was printeil at Venice
by " Zoanne Baptista da Sessa" in the year 1496,
with the following title:
Marco Polo da Venieaia de le merauegliose cose del
iQondo ; 8vo.
The Latin edition, like many books printed in the
fifteenth century, has no title-page, but begins as
follows :
In nomine dni nri ihu xpi filii dei viui et veri amen. lu-
cipit plogua i libro dni marci pauli de veiiecijs de cosue-
tudinibus et codicionibus orientaliu regionu. It was
printed about tbe year 1490 ; 4to.
27. Hatto. He drew up an account of various
places in the east. His work is said to have been
written in the French language, and it has been trans-
lated into many others. We give the titles of four
editions (i. e., two in French, one in Latin, and one
in English), all of which were printed within a short
time of each other, and between each of which there
is more or less variation. That which immediately
follows is supposed to be the earliest.
L'byatori merveilleusc, plaiaante et recreative du grad
emperenr de Tartarie seigneur des Tartres nome le grad
Ui. Cotenat bis livres ou parties : Doiit Ic premier
cte des singularitez et conditions des xiiii Royaulmes
Vsye subject/, audict grand Chan. Le secoud parle
empereurs qui.. ..out regne et encore a present regnent
isie....Le tiers deacript ^lle chose on doibt faire avat
commencer la guerre. Lc quart parlc du voyage
it ung rcligicux des frcres ysdieurs iiltaut,.,.oultrG
INTRODUCTION.
mer preschcr lea meacreaa,...Le cm^^esme cotict comraet
ung aultre religieux dc3 frercs luinciirs alia oultre mer
pour preacher les iufidellea. Et fust jusques en laterre
prebstre Jaii....Le sixiearac pie du paya de aurye et dea
yillea aur mer degiptc du desert du mot de Synny darabe
&c. Imprimee nouvellement a Paris en I'au 1529, pour
Jeliaii sainct deuya ; fol.
In the commencement of this edition, it is stated that
the author, after having for a long time follo^ved the
profession of arms under his uncle the king of Arme-
nia, became a monk of the Premonstratensian Order
in the kingdom of Cyprus in the abbey of the Epi-
phany, in which he wrote this book in the year 1310.
And that this book was translated from Latin into
French by Jean de Londit, a Benedictine monk of
the abbey of St. Bertin, at St. Omer, in the year 1351 .
Another French edition, printed without date, but
certainly within a few years of the above, differs
from it materially both in language and aubatance,
and is entitled as follows:
Lea fleura des Lystoyres de la terre Dorient. Copillees par
frcre Haycon seigneur du core et cousin germain du roy
Darraenie par le comandcment du pape. Et sont divisecs
en ciuq parties. La premiere partie contient la aitua-
tion dea royaidmes Dorient. La secondc parle des
seigneurs (^ en orient out regne depuis lincaruation de
urC seigneur. La tierce partie parle des tartariua. La
quarte pie dea sarrazina et dea turcz depuis le pmier
jus^a aux presens q out conqueate rhodea, hougrie et
demieremet aasailly Austriche. La v. parle de Sophy
roy de Perse et du prince Taraburlan. Nouvellement
imprimee a Paris. 4to. With the device of Denia Janot
1 tlic V
of the last leaf.
INTR0D1LTCTI0?T.
Iv
The earliest Latin translation has tlio following
title:
Liber hlHtoriarum partiura Orientis sive passagium terrae
sanctiBj Haythono ordinia prEemonstratensis authore :
scriptua anno Rcdemptoris nostri 1300. Haganote, per
Johan. Sec, anno 1539 ; 4to.
The preface to this edition, after stating that it was
compiled by Haytho, adds: — "Which I, Nicholas
Salconi, by command of Pope Clement V, flrst wrote
in the French language in the city of Poitiers, as the
said Friar Haytho verbally dictated it to me, without
note or copy. And from the French I have trans-
lated it into Latin in the year 1307."
Not later than the same year (1529), Richard
Pynson printed an English translation in folio, cor-
responding very closely with the Latin edition, but
with the addition of matter not found in any of the
three editions above mentioned. The title is —
Here begynneth a lytell cronycle translated and imprinted
at the cost and charge of Rycharde Pynson, by the
comaun dement of the ryght liigli and mighty prince
Edwarde dnke of Buckingham, yerle of Glouceatre
StafFarde and of Nortbamptou,
It is stated in the colophon, that this chronicle was
translated out of French.
28. Nicolo and Antonio Zcno. The account of the
travels of these brothers was published in the year
1558. The following is the title of the work in which
it is found:
Dei Commentarii del viaggiq in Persia di M. Caterino Zeno
il K. e delle guerre fattc nelt' imperio Persiano dal tempo
Ivi
INTBODTTCTION.
(Ji UssTincassaiio in qui. Libri due. Et dello scopri-
mento dell' Isolc Frieslanda, Eslandaj Engrovelanda,
Estotilanda, et Icaria fatto aotto il Polo Artico da due
fratelli Zenij M. Nicolb il K. e M. Antonio. Libro uno.
Con un disegno particolare di tutte le dette parti di Tra-
montana da lor acoperte. In Venetia, per Francesco
Marcolini, 1558; I2nio.
29. Nicoli di Conti. He communicated his travels
in the east to Poggio Bracciolini, by whom they were
committed to writing in the Latin language, and form
the fourth book of his Historia de varietate Jbrturup,
first published in 1723, by D. Georgi, from a mana-
script in the Ottoboni Library. Georgi says in bis
preface, that this fourth book was published sepa-
rately about 1492 : " Quartus vero continet eleganfem
. . .Tndiie. . .descriptlonem quain a Nicolao de ComitibuS
cive Veneto qui turn ex iis oris venerat Florentise
bausit. Hie porro liber separatim prodiit circa annum
1492." No authority is given for this latter assertion ;
nor does an edition of 1492 appear to be known.
Ramusio has inserted a translation into his Collectionj
vol. i, p. 365, edit. 1550; but his translation was made
from a Portuguese version by Valentin Fernandez.
30. Cristoforo Colombo. The letters of Columbus
comprise accounts of his first, third, and fourth
voyages of discovery to the West Indies. The first
letter, which was written in Spanish on the 14th of
March 1493, was translated into Latin and published
in the same year, with the title :
Epistola Chriatofori Colom : cui etas nostra multum debet ;
de insulis Indie supra GMigem nuper invetia. Ad quas
perquircndas octavo antea mense anspiciis et ere iuvic-
INTRODCCTION.
Ivii
asimorum Fernandi ac Helisabet Hiapaniaf regu missus
fiierat ; ad magnificum dnm Gabrielem Sanches ; eoniii-
dem Serenisaimorura Regiim Tesaurariu missa: Qua'
generosus ac litteratus \ii Leander de Cosco ab Hispana
idioraate iu Latinu covertit ; tertio kalen Mali, 1493.
Pontificatus AJcxandri Sexti anno primo. Impressit
RoniEe Eucharius Argenteus anno dni 1'193 ; 4to.
The remaining letters, and also a memorial relating
to the second voyage, and addressed to Ferdinand and
Isabella, are printed in " Navarrete, CoUeccion de loa
viages y descubrirnientoa que hicieron por mar los
Espafioles desde fines del siglo 15." Madrid, 1825;
8vo.
31. Sebastian Cabot, Habluyt refers to " Mappes
and Discourses drawne and written by himself (CabotJ,
which are in the custodie of the Worshipful Master
William Worthington, etc." (post p. 26); but they are
no longer to be found. The " Navigatione nelle parti
settentrionali", generally attributed to him, and in-
serted in the second volume of Ramusio, edit. 1583,
is nothing more than the Journal of StephcnBurrougb's
" Navigation and discoverie toward the river of Ob."
This was first noticed by Mr. Biddle, in his Memoir of
Cabot. We also find in Hakluyt, p. 259, edit. 1589:
" Ordinances, instructions, and advertisements of and
for the direction of the intended voyage for Cathaye,
compiled .... the 9 day of May in the yere of our
Lord God 1553."
32. Vasco da Gama. He wrote —
Rela^ad da viagem a India em a anno de 1597. MS.
33. Duai'te Barboaa. He wrote au account of his
Iviii
INTRODUCTION.
travels in tbc east, wliich lias been translated into
Italian, and inserted in the first volume of Ramusio's
Collection, p. 288. Ramusio's translation was made
from a copy of the Portuguese manuscript, original
then at Lisbon.
34. Fernando de Magalhaena. He wrote —
I. Roteiro da sua navcga^ao (MS.).
II. Mandado escrito eiu o caaal de todos os Santos a 21 de
Novcmbro de 1530 em O qual ordena a todos os capitaens
a advirtaS em tudo que for conveuieute ao bom successo
da JorDada que hia porseguiendo. Published in BarroSj
Decad. 8, da India, liy. 5, cap. 9.
35. Joao de Barroa. He wrote —
Primcira decada da Asia, dos feitoa que os Portuguezea
fizerao no deseuljrinieuto e conquista dos mares e terras
do Oricnte. Liaboa, 1552; fol, Sccunda decada da
Asia, &c. LisLoa, 1553; fol. Tercoira decada da India,
&c. Lisboa, 1563; fol.
At his death he left a fourth Decade unSnished in
inanuacript, which was completed many years after-
wards by Joao Baptista Lavanha, by order of Philip II
of Portugal, and published at Madrid in 1613, in fol.
Amongst his unpublished works are —
I, Decada da Africa.
II. Geographia universalis,
in. Hiatoria natural do Orientc.
IV. Summario que trata das provincias do mundo em
especial das ludias assi dc Castella como das de Por-
tugal, &c,
36. Jacques Cartier. We iiave accounts of three
voyages made by J. Cartier- The first account which
w
INTRUDtJCTION.
lix
■was printed was of the second voysige, undertaken in
the year 1535. The title is as follows:
Brief recit et succincte narration de la navigation faicte ca
j ysles de Canada, Hochelage, et Sagiienay et autres, avec
particulieres meurs, langaige, et cerimonies des habitans
^^^^ d'icelles : fort delectable a vcoir. Paria, par Ponce
^^^BjJBoffet diet FaucheuT et Anthoiue le Clerc, fieres, 1545 ;
^^ 1^
I title—
^^^Ucoi
^^Ue(
1598, the first voyage appeared under the
lurs du voyage de Jacques Cartier aux terras neufves
le Canada, Norimbergue, Hochelage, Labrador, et pays
jacens ditcs Nouvelle i>auce, en 1534. Rouen, Raph.
du Petit, 1598; 8vo.
The Journal of the third voyage is printed in the
third volume of Hakluyt's Collection. It does not
appear that any of these journals were ivritten by
Cartier himself; indeed, the presumption is the other
way.
37. Frances Vasques de Coronado, Tlie third
volume of Ramusio (p. 354, edit. 1565) contains —
Somraario di due sue lettcre del viaggio fatto da Fra Marco
da Nizza alle scttc citt&. di Cevola.
38. Juan Gaetano. He wrote —
Relatione del diacoprimento dell' Isole Molucche per la via
dcU' Indie occidentali. In vol. i of Ramusio, fol, 403;
edit. 1550.
39. Francois Xavier. Much geographical informa-
tion is contained in his letters, written during his
bng residence in the east. The first publication was
entitled —
Ix
nmtODCcnoK.
Copic d'une lettre missive envoiee des Indes par monsieur
maistre Fran^oia Xaiier a son prevost monsieor Egoace
de Layola. Paris, Jcban Corbon, 1545 ; 8to.
In 1600, Horatius Tursellinus printed at Mentz a
collection of the letters of Xavier, under the title —
Francisci Xaverii epistolanim Ubri quatuor in Latinum
conversi ex Hispano. 8vo.
And in 1661, Petrus Posainus printed at Paris the
reinitinder, with the title —
S. Franciaci Xaverii.... Indiamm apostoli epistolee novffi
xviii nunc primum ex autograpliis partim Hispanids
_partira Lusitanicis Latinitate et luce donatse. 12mo.
40. Sir Hugh Willoiighby. In Hakluyt, vol. i,
p. 265, edit. 1589, we find—
The true copie of a note found written in one of the two
ships, to wit tlie Speranza, wliich wintered in Lappia,
where sir Hugh Willoughby and all his companie died,
being frozen to death. Anno 1553-4. O. S. This
note is Hiiid to have been in the handwriting of sir Hugh
Willoughby, and contains the names of the ships and
their respective companies ; the jiu-amentum, or othe
ministrcd to the captaine ; the othe ministred to the
maister of the ship, fee. ; followed by a journal of the
voyage from the 10th of May to the 18th of September.
41. Richard Chauncellor. He wrote —
The book of the great and mighty emperor of Russia and
Duke of Moscovia, and of the dominions, orders and
commodities thereunto belonging. — Hakluyt, vol. i, p.
237; edit. 1598.
*' The newe navigation and discoverie of the king-
dome of Moscovia by the north-east in the yeere
I 1553", is said to have been drawn up by Clement
INTRODUCTION.
Isi
work
Adams, from the dictation of Chancellor. — Hakluyt,
vol. i, p. 270, edit. 1589; where the account is given
in Latin and English.
42. Antonio Galvam. He was the author of a
work entitled—
^atado doa varioa e diversoB caminhos por onde noa tem-
■ poB passadoa a pimenta e espcciai-ia vcyo da India as
J partes, e assim de todos oa descubrimeutos anti-
gos e modernoB que sao feitos ate a era de 1550, Jfcc.
Lisboa, por Joao Barreiraj 1563; 8vo.
He is also said to have written a work entitled —
Historia doa Molucas, da uatureza e descubiimento daquel-
las terras,
. But it was never printed entire, and the original is
not known to be now in existence ; a great part, how-
ever, is said to have been inserted by Damiao de Goes,
in his " Chronica del rey D. Manoel".
43. Stephen Burrough. He ■wrote —
The nayigation and discovery toward the river Ob (i, c.
Obe), intending the discovery of the north-caat passage :
I and, The voyage, an. 1557', from Colmogro to AVard-
L house, which was sent to seeke the Bona Speranza, the
m Bona Confidentia, and the PhUip and Mary, which were
■ not heard of the yeere before. In Hakluyt, vol. i,
V p. 374-290.
mU- William Burroughs. All that we appear to
ave of this navigator's writings, are the following
short pieces :
I, The eopie of a letter sent to the emperour of Moacovie by
■ Christopher Hodstlon and William Burrough, anno ISrO,
) informing him that William Burroughs had taken five
' ships of the f re ebootera.— Hakluyt, vol, i, p. 425; edit.
1589.
II. The depoaitioii of Mr. Wm. Burrough to certaine inter-
rogatoriea tainistrcd unto hira concerning the Narve,
Kegor, &c., to what king or prince they doe appertainc
and are snbjectj made the 23 of June 1576. — Ibid,
p. 438.
III. Certaine reasons to dissuade the use of a trade to the
Narve aforeaayd, by way through Sweden. — lb. 439.
IV. The opinion of Master Wm, Bnrrongh sent to a friend
requiring his judgement for the fittest time of the de-
parture of onr ships towards S. Nicholas in Russia. —
lb. 487.
45. Anthony Jenkinson. He wrote the accounts
of his several voyago.s, as follows :
1. The first voyage made by master Anthony Jenkinson
from the citic of London toward the land of Russia,
begonne the twelfth dayc of Mnye in the yeere 1557.
\ n. The voyage, wherein Osepp Napea, the Moscovite am-
j bassadour to Queen Maria, returned home into bis coun-
/ trey. And a large description of the manners of the
countrey, &c.
voyage of mr. Anthony Jenkinson, made from the
citie of Mosco in Russia, to the citie of Bogbar in Bac-
tria, in the yere 1558.
IV. A compendious declaration of the Jouiney of M. Anth.
Jenkinson into the land of Persia, passing tlio
Moscovia, and Mare Caspium. Anno 1561.
V. The voyage of Anthony Jenkinson into Russia the tliird I
time, an. 1566.
VI. The voyage of Anthony Jenkinson into Russia the fi
time, an, 1571.
These several accounts are printed in Hakluyt, i
I>p. 310, 314, etc.
46. Jean Ribault. He wrote, in French, an accoug
of his voyage to Florida in the year 1562. Tlf
/ trey, i
•^ countre
^L iiiT^he vo'
ITTROnUCTION.
Ix
appears to be no longer extant ; but the title of the
English translation, published in 1563, and which
Hakluyt has reprinted in this collection, is given at
p. 17 post.
47. Luke Ward. He wrote —
The voyage intended towards China, wherein Mr. Edward
Fenton was appointed generall. Written by Mr. Luke
Ward, his vice-admiral and captains of the Edward
Bonaventure, begun anno Dora. 1583. In Ilakluyt,
vol. iii, p. 757; edit. 1600.
48. Edward Heyes. He wrote —
A report of the voyage and successe thereof attempted in
the yeere 1583, by Sir H. Gilbert, knight, with other
gentlemen, intended to discover and to plant Christian
inhabitants upon those large and ample countries ex-
f tended northward irom the Cape of Florida ; written by
^^^BU>. Edward Kaies, the principal actor in the same voy-
^^^P^e. In Hakluyt, vol. iii, p. 143; edit. 1000.
^^*^A very late and great probabilitie of a passage of
the north-west part of America in fifty-eight degrees
of northerly latitude", refers most probably to Hud-
son's Straits. It is well known that the Spaniards
made some feeble attempts to discover the north-west
passage, but whether the expedition here referred to
as sent out by one Anus Cortereal be one of them, or
whether such an expedition was ever sent out at all,
it is impossible now to ascertain. Hakluyt was a man
of easy faith, and too apt to repeat accounts as he
I received them, without stopping to verify or correct
them. This " late probabilitie" would doubtless be
an important addition to the eight reasons mentioned
Isiv
INTRODirCnON.
in his epistle to Sir Philip Sidney, and as such, not
lightly to be rejected. It is much to be regretted,
however, that he has not informed us who the " singu-
larly grave and experienced man of Portingale", his
informant, was. The eight reasons alluded to in proof
of the probability of a north-west passage are ; 1 . The
opinion of Cabot that all the north part of America is
divided into islands. 2. That the passage is laid
down in the map by Verazzani. 3. The story of Gil
Gonsalva, recorded by Franciscus Lopes de Gomara,
which, however, amounts to no more than a statement
that Gil Gon9alez de Avila in 1522 explored the
western coast of Mexico from Capo Blanco to Capo de
Fonseca, for the purpose of finding a strait which it
was said by the pilots existed thereabouts, and by
which they could pass from the South Sea to the
Atlantic Ocean.' 4. The report of the people of
Saguinay to Jacques Cartier, that upon their coasts
westward there was a sea the end whereof was
unknown to them, 6. The assertion, by the inha-
bitants of Canada, that it is a month's space to sail
to a land where cinnamon and cloves are growing.
6. That the people of Florida stated to Ribault
that they might sail from the river of May unto
Cevola and the South Sea through their country in
twenty days. 7. The experience of Frobisher and
Drake, one on the west coast of America, and the
other on the east. 8. The opinion, or rather con-
jecture, of Mercator, that there must be a short way
' Lopez dn Gomara. T-a Historia general de las Indias, fol. 258.
Adtws, ISoJ. 12qio.
ISTBODUCTION,
Ixv
open into the west. It is not necessary at the present
day to enter into any arguments to show the utter
futility of theae eight reasons. In the year 1582,
however, the case was widely different : enough had
been discovered to whet the appetite. To say nothing
of the pretended voyages of tlie Zeni at the end of the
-fourteenth century, which were then universally re-
ceived as genuine, Sebastian Cabot, there is great
reason to believe, penetrated as high as 67 degrees of
north latitude, discovering Hudson's Straits and Fox's
Channel, in his search after the north-west jjassage to
India. Gaspar Cortereal, in 1500, explored the eastern
coast of America with the same object, and discovered
the St. Lawrence, and also Hudson's Straits. Jacques
Cartier in 1534 found the St. Lawrence, and explored
it as high as Montreal, and from the statements of the
natives, great expectations were entertained that the
passage so ardently desired had been at length disco-
vered. Frobisher, in his first voyage, in 1576, disco-
vered in latitude 63 the strait which long bore his
name, and has subsequently been called Lumley's
Inlet ; and in his second and third voyages, made in
the two following years, he penetrated further into the
strait, and also made his way into Hudson's Straits,
idthough with no better success than on his former
Toyages. The time mentioned by Hakluyt, " not
above eight yeres past", would be about 1574, and as
the attention of navigators had since that time been
always directed to Frobisher's Straits, this apparently
■new discovery might well be considered by him worthy
of special mention.
INTRODUCTION.
The next piece in the collection is the epistle dedi-
catorie to " Master Philip Sydney, Esquire". It is
well known that Sir Philip Sidney took a great in-
terest in whatever tended to the honour and advantage
of his native country, and it cannot be supposed that
he looked with only ordinary interest upon the efforts
made by such men as Frobisher and Drake for en-
larging the limits of geograpliical knowledge. Al-
though little is said by his biographers upon this
point, it is more than probable that he occupied a
prominent place among those who favoured the various
adventurers in search of gold mines and new worlds.
In October 1576, Frobisher returned from his first
voyage in search of a north-west passage. His sup-
posed success, both on this point and in the discovery
of gold ore, caused great excitement in England, and
Sidney wrote to his early friend and watchful adviser,
Hubert Linguet, in such glowing terras of Frobisher
and this expedition, as to draw from him (Linguet) a
long and striking reply, in which he says : " Si vera
sunt qua; de vestro Forbissero scribis, ille hand dubie
obscurabit non solum Magellani sed etiam ipsius
Chrlstophori Columbi famam Ego vero ad te
respicio qui banc ob rem exaltas perinde ac si patria
esset optime consultum, cum prsesertira superiore vera
in te animadverterim cupiditatem aliquam suscipiendse
ejusmodi navigationis." Linguet was right in his
conjecture that Sidney contemplated undertaking one
of these voyages of discovery. There can be little
doubt that he entered into arrangements with Sir
Humphrey Gilbert, taking from him an assignment of
INTfiOHUCTIIIN.
part of Ilia interest under the letters jmtent granted to
him by Queen Elizabeth in 1578.' He also, at a later
period, made secret preparations for associating him-
self with Sir Francis Drake in Ids second expedition,
of which he (Sidney) was to have had the principal
direction, and had even engaged to equip a naval and
land armament, and to make a vigorous attack upon
the Spanish settlements in America. He was only
prevented carrying this design into eifect by the ex-
press command of the queen. It was not without
reason, therefore, that Hakluyt addressed to Sir Philip
Sidney a collection of documents, the object of which
was to induce his countrymen to make permanent
settlements in America : and we find that when in
1584 a bill was brought into parliament for confirming
the letters patent granted by the queen to Sir Walter
Raleigh for discovering remote heathen lands, it was
committed, on the second reading, to the care of Sir
Pliilip Sidney jointly with Hatton, then vice-cham-
berlain, Sir Francis Drake, and others.^
Full as this epistle is of various and most important
topics, the author has laid out his views in so clear
and concise a manner as to render any additional
explanation here altogether superfluous. One of the
points upon which he insists is " the title which we
have to that part of America which is from Florida
to 67 degrees northwarde, by the letters patentes
graunted to John Gabote and his three sonnes, Lewis,
' See Gentleman's Magazint
' Zouch'a Life of Si/dnei/ :
. 176-177.
, Feb. 1830, p. 116, el seqq.
Linguet, Epist. ad P, Si/ilne
ixviii
INTRODUCTION.
Sebastian and Santius, with Sebastian's owne certifi-
cate to Baptiata Ramusius of his diacoverie of Ame-
rica, and the teatimonie of Fabian our old chronicler."
This forms tlie subject of the next division of the
collection before us.
The honour of having discovered North America is
claimed by most English writers for John Cabot, or
Gabota, a Venetian, who was residing in Bristol as a
merchant in the year 1594. In the preceding year all
Europe had been astonished by the unloolied-for dis-
coveries of Columbus, and Cabot, who appears to have
possessed a bold and adventurous spirit, conceived the
idea of following in the same track. With this object
in view, he solicited the sanction of the liing, Henry
VII, to his undertaking, and on the 5th of March
1496,' the letters patent above referred to were granted
to John Cabot and his three sons. The expedition
did not sail until the following year, and no very
intelligible details of the voyage are in existence.
There are, however, several accounts more or less
contradictory. Hakluyt has inserted no less than six
in his general collection. Perhaps the most precise is
that which was inscribed in Latin by Clement Adams
upon a map drawn by Sebastian, and engraved by
Adams, but which is no longer in existence. This
notice runs as follows : " In the year of our Lord
> This patent is sometimes snid to have been granted ia 1495,
which would be correct according to the compulation of the civil
year iit that period, viz., from the 25th of March ; but as Henry
VJI commenced his reign on the 22nd of August 1485, the
5tli of March in the eleventh year of his reign would i'ail in the
year 1496, according to the historical computation.
INTBODUCTION.
Ixix
1497, John Cabot, a Venetian, and his son Sebastian,
discovered that country, which no one before his time
had ventured to approach, on the 24th of June, about
five o'clock in the morning. He called the land
Terra priinum visa, because, as I conjecture, this was
the place that first met his eyes in looking from the
sea. On the contrary, the island which lies opposite
the land, he called the island of St. John — as I sup-
pose, because it was discovered on the festival of St.
John the Baptist. The inhabitants wear beasts' skins
and the intestioes of animals for clothing, esteeming
them as highly as we do our most precious garments.
In war their weapons are the bow and arrow, spears,
darts, slings, and wooden clubs. The country is
steril and uncultivated, producing no fruit ; from
which circumstance it happens that it is crowded with
white bears and stags of an unusual height and size.
It yields plenty of fish, and these very large, such as
seals and salmon i there are soles also above an ell in
length ; but especially great abundance of that kind
of fish called in the vulgar tongue baccalaos. In the
same island also breed hawks, so black in their colour
that they wonderfully resemble ravens ; besides which
there are partridges and eagles of dark plumage."
The map upon which this account was inscribed was
engraved in the year 1549,' fifty-two years after the
event recorded took place ; but it has been suggested
Adams i
plausibility''
nay I
* Parchos, vol. iii, p. 807,
Kj Tytler, Historical View of the Progress of Discover// o
^Northern Coasts of Amrrica, p. 23. Ediitb. IS32, 12m
Ixx
INTRfinUCTION.
employed by Sebastian Cabot himself to engrave this
map in order to gratify Edward VI, with whom he
was in great favour, and that this account of the dis-
covery of Newfoundland may have been supplied by
Sebastian.
The author of the Memoirs of S. Cabot argues with
great show of reason, that the land first visited by
John Cabot was Labrador, and not the island of
Newfoundland. The name of the vessel which first
touched the shores of America was the Matthew, of
Bristol. The fact of this diseoveiy having been made
by John Cabot and not Sebastian, is alluded to in a
second patent granted to " John Kabotto, Venetian",
giving him license to sail with six ships "to the land
and isles of late found by the said John in our name
and by our commandment." It is not our object to
enter into any examination of the various accounts
extant respecting the voyages of the Cabots, father
and son ; neither do we purpose attempting to settle
the respective claims of these two great men to the dis-
covery of the North American continent. To an im-
partial mind the quotations given above would, in all
probability, prove sufficiently conclusive. The author
of the Memoirs of S. Cabot however takes a far different
view of the question, and we cannot therefore quit
this part of our subject without noticing the perti-
nacity and ingenuity with which he endeavours to set
aside John Cabot, and disputes all evidence calculated
to disprove his theory in favour of Sebastian.^ The
' See Memoir of Sebastian Cabot, cap. x, where the author
treats thia subject at Bome length, and brings forward many inte-
i-esting particulars.
INTROnUCTION.
Ixxi '
^
H^"'
ft
tract given by Hakluyt from Fabyan, must refer ]
the voyage made by Sebastian after tlie second
,tent had been granted to his father.
The next paragraph of Hakluyt's worlt refers to
three savage men, said to have been brought home by ,
Sebastian in 1498, and presented to the king. Here
again Mr. Biddle steps in to defend his protegfe,'
and contends that these men were not brought home i
ly Cabot, repelling with great energy the charge that
le would be guilty of so cruel an act as carrying off |
"the aborigines of the country. This cruel act, he "
contends, must have been perpetrated by "three
Portuguese", who, jointly with Richard Warde,
homas Ashehurst, and John Thomas, obtained ,
itters patent from Henry VII in 1501, conferring i
upon thera the same powers, and couched in the same i
terras as we find in the letters patent granted to John ,,
Cabot and his sons in 1496.
"While upon this part of our subject, it may not be 1
t of place to give a list of the several patents
granted by the sovereigns of England for the dis-
covery and planting of unknown lands.
The first is the patent granted by Henry VII in
1496 to John Cabot and his sons, as mentioned above,
and which is printed in this collection, /los/, p. 19.
On the 3rd of February 1498, Henry VII granted
second patent to John Cabot alone. This patent
lias often been referred to, but was printed for the
first time in the Memoir of Sebastian Cabot by Mr.
Biddle, who discovered this interesting document in
' Meutoir of S. Cxbol, p. 229.
Ixxii
INTnODUcnON.
the Rolls' chapel. It is of much importance in *
amining the question of the first discovery of America,
and we therefore give it at length.
Meraoraudum quod tertio die Februarii anno regni Regis
Henrici Septimi xiii ista Billa delibata fait Domino Cancel-
lario Angliae apud Westmonasterium exequenda.
TO THE KINGE.
Please it your liiglmesse of your most noble and habun-
daunt grace to graunte to John Kabotto, Venecian, your
gracious Lettres Patents in due fourme, to be made accord-
yng to the tenor hereafter ensuyng, and he shall continually
praye to God for the preaenacion of your moste noble and
roiaU astate longe to endure.
H. R.
Rex.
To all men to whom theis presenteis shall come send'
gretyng ; kuowe ye that we of our grace especial! and for
dyvers cauaia ua raovying, we have geveu and graunten, and
by theis presentis geve and grauute to our welbeloved John
Kabotto, Venecian, sufficiente auctorite and power, that he
by him, his deputie or deputies sufficient, may take at his
pleasure vi EngUsshe shippes in any porte or portea or other
place within this our realme of England, or obeisancej so
that and if the said shippes be of the bourdeyn of cc tonnes,
or under, with their apparail requisite and nccessarie for the
safe conduct of the said shippes, and them convey and lede
to the londe and isles of late founde by the aeid John in
oure name and by our commauudemcnte, paying for theym
and every of theym aa and if we should in or for our owen
cause paye and noon otherwise. And that the said John,
by hym, his deputie or deputies sufficiente, maye take and
receyve into the said shippes, and every of theym, all such
niaistera, maryncrs, pages, and other subjects, as of their
H
M
INTEODtTCTIOIf.
Ixxiii
owen free wille wole goo ami passe with him in the same •
ahippes to the seid londe or ilea without anye impedy-
mente, lett, or perturhance, of any of our officers or ministres
or subjects, whatsoever they he, by theym to the scyd Jolin,
his deputie, or deputies, and all other our seid subjects, or
any of theym passinge with the seid John in the seid shippea
to the seid londe or iles, to he doon, or suffer to be doou or
attempted. Geving in commaundement to all and every
our officers, ministers, and subjects, aeying or herying theis
our Lettres Patents without any ferther eommaiiudemeut
by us to theym, or any of theym, to be gevcu to perfourme,
and socour the said John, his deputie, and all our said sub-
jects 80 passyng with hym, according to the tenor of theis
our Letters Patentis. Any Statute, Acte, or Ordeunance,
to the contrarye made or to be made in any wise notwith-
standing.
The next patent, in order of date, was granted by
Henry VII on the 19th of March 1501, to Richard
Warde, Thomas Ashehurst, and John Thomas, of
Bristol, and John Fernandua, Francis Fernandus, and
John Gunsolus, subjects of the King of Portugal.
This document also was first brought to light by
Mr. Biddle. It was discovered by him in the Rolls'
chapel, and is printed in the Appendix to his Memoir
of Cabot, As it is not likely to become very generally
known througheitherof these channels we have thought
it advisable to give it here at length. It is as follows :
Memorandum quod xis die Marcii, an»o regni Regis
Heurici Septimi xvi, ista Billa delibata fuit Domino Custodi
Magni Sigilli Anglia3 apud Westmonastcrium esequenda.
TO THE KUNG
iVEREKJIi; LOUD.
e it your Highness of your most noble and habnndauut
Ixxiv
nrrHODCCXiON.
' Grace to graunt unto your welbcloved subjects Richard
Wai^e, Thomas Asslieliurst, and John Thomaa, merchants of
your Towne of Bristowe, and to John Femandua, Francis
Feniaudua, and John Gunsolua, Squyers, borne in the lale of
Surrya under the obeisaunce of the Kynge of Portingale, yonr
gracioua Lettres Patentia, under your Greate Scale, in due
forme to be made according to the tenour hereafter ensuying;
and that this Byll, aygned with your gracious hand, may be to
the Reverend Fader in God, Henry, Byshop of SaJesbury,
Keeper of your Greate Scale, sufficient and immediate
■warrant for the making, sealyng, accomplyaahyng, of your
said Lettres Patentes, and they shall duryng ther lyves pray
to God for the prosperous contynuance of your most noble
and ryall aatate.
H. R.
Bex univerais et singnha ad quoa prsesentes Literje Nostrse
pervenerint Salutem : Notum sit vobis et manifeatum quod
ex certia considerationibus noa moventihus de advisamento
Consilii Noatri, conceasimus et hcentiam dedimus, prout per
PrEeseutes concedimus et licentiam damns, pro Nohis et
hseredibua nostris quantum in Nobis est, dilectis aubditis
nostris Ricardo Warde, Thomas Asshurat, et Johanni Thomas,
mercatoribus viUse nostrte BristolUse ac dilectis nohis Johanni
Femandua, Frauciaco Fernandus, et Johanni Gun solus,
armigeris in insuhs de Surrys sub obedicneia llegia Por-
tugalise oriundis, et eomm cuilibct ac cujualibet eorum haere-
dihus, attornatia, factoribus, aeu deputatis ac eia et eorum
cuilibet plenam ac liberam auctoritatcm, facultatem et potesta-
tem committimusnayigandi et se tranaferendi ad omnes partes,
regiones et fines Maris Orientalis, Occidcntalis, Australia,
Borealis et Scptentrioiialia, aub banueris, ct insigniia nostris
cum tot et tantis et tahbus navibua aive batcllis quot sibi
placuerint et neeessariae fuerint, cujuscunque portagii quilibet
nayis sive batella extiterit, cum magistris, contromagiatris,
moriuariia pagettis aliiaque hominibus pro gubernatione.
INTEODUCTION. Ixxv
salva cuatodia et defensione navium et batellaruia pribdic-
tarum competeutibua reqiiiaitia et neccBsariia, ad cuatua et
onera dicti Ricardi et aliorum priedictonim et pro hujuamodi
salariiB, vadiis et atipendiis prout inter eoa potenmt concordare
ad ioveniendum, recuperandum, diacoperieiidum et investi-
gandum iuaulaa, patriaa, regionea sive provincias quaa-
cunque geiitilium et iufidclium in quacunque muudi parte
poaitas quee Christiania omnibus ante Lsec tempora fuerunt
et in prEeaeoti aunt incognita.
Ac hujusmodi bauneras et insignia nostra in quacunque
Tilla, oppido, castro, insula seu terra-firma a ae aic noviter
inventis atSgendi, ipsaaque villaa, opptda, castra, insulaa et
terras firmaa pro nobis et nomine nostro intrandi et capiendi
et ea tanquam vasalti nostri ac guberuatores, locatencntea et
deputati noatri, eorumque dominio, titulo, dignitate et prte-
eminencia eorundem nobis semper reaervatis, occupandi,
poseideadi et subjugandi,
Et insuper quaudocumque, impoatenun, hujuamodi insulse
patris, teiTffi et prorinciEB per praefatoa Ricardum et alioa
prffivocatoa adeptse, recuperatae et inventse fuerint, tunc vo-
lumus et per prffisentea concedimus quod omnca ct ainguli
tam viri ^uam fosmiuic Iiujua regni nostri cseterique subditi
nostri et insulas hujusmodi aic noviter inventaa viaitare et in
eisdem inhabitare cupientea et deaiderantea, poaaint et valiant
licite et impune ad ipsas patrias, inaulas et loca cum eorum
oavibua, hominibua et servientibua, rebus et bonis aula uni-
versis transire et. in eisdem aub protectione et regimine
dictorum Ricardi et aliorum prienominatorum morari et
inhabitare, divitiaaque, fructus et emolumcnta patriarum,
terrarum et locorum priedictorum adquirere et obtinere.
Dantes insuper et coucedeutes prtefatis Ricardo, Thomae et
Johanni, Johanni, Francisco et Johauni et eorum cuilibet
plenam tenore PrEesentium poteatatcm et auctoritatem omnea
et ainguloa homiuca, marinarioa cfeteraaque personaa ad insu-
las, patrias, proviuciasj terras firmas et loca prEedicta es causa
1-xxvi
INTRODUCTION.
prsstlicta, ae divertcntes ct confluentos tarn in comitiva dictorum
Bicardi et aliorutn prienoniinatorum quam in comitiva aJiorum
illuc impostcrum recuraum habere coutin gentium tarn supra
mare quam in insulis, patriis, leiris-firmia et locia hujusmodi
post quam inventa et rccuperata ftierint regendi et gubemandi
legesque ordinationea, statuta et proclamationea pro bono
et quieto regimine et gubernatione dictorum hominum,
magiatrorum, marinariorum, et aliarum personarum pnedic-
tarum facie ndi, stabiliendi, ordinandi et constitucndi ct
superinde proclamationea facieudi ac omnea et ainguloa quos
in hac parte coiitrarios et rebelles ac legibua, statutis et
ordinacionibus pradictia inobedientca invenerint ac omnes
illos qui furtura, homicidia, rapinaa commiaerint et perpe-
trarint aut aliquas mulieres insularum seu patriarum pne-
dictarum, contra eornm voluntatem ant atiter, rapuerint et
violayerint juxta leges et atatuta per ipaos in hac parte ordinata
caatigandi et punieudi. AcetiamconcessimuapriefatisEicardo,
Thomae, Johanni, Johanni, Franciaco et Johanni hEcrediboa et
asaiguatia suia quod postquam aliquEeiuaulae,provinci£e, teme-
firmse, regio seu provincia imposterum per ipaum Bicardum
et alios prssnomiuatos inventa fueriut tunc uon licebit aliciii
seu aliquibus subdito seu subditis nostris durante termino
decern annos proximo et immediate aequentea ad ipaaa villas,
provinciaa, iusulas, terraa-firmas et loca causa mercandisandi
ac bona acquirendi absque licentia nostra regia et [the words
in italics illegible, but supplied coujecturally from the cor-
responding paragraph in the anbaequent patent of 9th
December 1503] dictornm Ricardi ct aliornm prsenomina-
torum hiEredum et assignatorum suorum cum auis navibus
irequentare aut se divertere aut in eadem ingredi seu in
eiadem pro aliquibus bonis acquirendi intromittere.
Et post terminum dictorum deccm annorum quod nnllus
ex noatria subditis ad aliquam terram-firmam, inanlam,
patriam seu loca per ipaos Bicardum et Thomam et alios
pra:dictos sic noviter iovcnta navigare et frequentarc prcesu-
INTRODUCTION.
Ixsvii
mat absque licenlia nostra pradieta et [the words in italics
supplied as before] prEedictorum Ricardi et CEeterormn sub
pasna araissionia et foriafacturaj omnium bonorum, mercan-
diaarmn, remm et navium quarumcunque ad ea loca sic
noviter iaveata navigare et in eadem ingredi prsesumentium
(videlicit) una medietas inde erit ad opua nostrum et alia
medietas ad opua dictorum Ricardi et aliorum prffinoniinato-
rum et liaBredum suorum.
Et ultiua ex abundant! gratia nostra concessimus et
per Prieaentea concedimus ])ro Nobis et hieredibua nostris,
quantum in Nobis eat, praifatis Ricardo, Thomie, Johanni,
Johanni, Francisco et Jobanai et eorum quilibet mercandisas,
mercimonia, aurum et argcntum in massa, lapidea preciosos et
alia bona quaecumque de crescentia patriarum, inaularumque
et locorum pnedictorum per ipsoa sic recuperaudorum et
inveniendorum tarn in dictis navibus et batellia quam aliis
quibuscumque navibus esteria a dictis patriis, iusulis, terris-
iirmis et locia in hoc regnum nostrum Auglice ad quemcunque
portum seu alium locum ejusdem adducere et cariare et
adduci aeu cariari facerc poasit ct valeat, eaque vendere et
distribuere ad eorum proficium et advantagium, abquo statuto,
actu, ordinatione seu provisioue inde iu coiitrarium factia
sive ordinatia nonobatantibuH.
Ac Nos intime considerautes graudia custus et onera quee
circa prseraiasa facienda et perimpleuda rcquiruntur, volentea
igitur prsefatia Ricardo, Thoma; et aliis memoratis personia
gratiam provide facere specialem concessimus (proutj per
Pneaentea concedimua eisdem, liaeredibus et aasignatis suis
quod ipsi et eorum quilibet bteredea et assignati sui praedicti
de tempore in tempus durante termino quatuor aunorum a
tempore recuperationis et inventionis insulanim, et pro-
vinciarum pnedictarum proximo et immediate sequentea,
mercandisas, mercimonia c^teraque bona in uuo navi tantum
eujuscunque portagii fuerit eskippata et onustata ac in hoc
regnum nostrum AngUa; adduccnda et transportanda in portu
INTRODUCTION.
seu loco pnedicto ad terrain ponere, eaque vendere, esponere
et pro libito suo distribuere possint de tempore iu tempus,
quolibet viagio, duraiite termino dictorum quatuor aniio-
rum, absque aliquibus cuatunuB, Bubsidiis, seu aliia deveriiB
pro eisdem bonis merelmoniis et cteteris pr^miBsis in dicta
unica navi tautum coiitentis et eskippatis nobia aut hseredi-
bus nostris infra dictum regnum nostrum Anglue aliqualiter
solvendis.
Proviso tamen quod Nobis de custumis, Bubsidiia, pondagiis
et aliis deveriia Nobis pro cteteris mercandisis, mercimoniis et
bonis in omnibus aliis navibus coutentis debitis juxta con-
Buetutbnem in hoe regno nostro Anglise haetenus usitatam
fideliter respondeatur ut est justum. Et inauper volmnus et
concedimuB per Preesentes quod quilibet eapitalis magister,
contra magister et marinarius cujualibet uavis ad aliquam
terram-fimaam, insulam, patriam, proyinciam et locum prte-
dictum frequentautia et aavigantis habeant, gaudeaiit et per-
cipiant de bonis et mercimoniis a dictis insulia, terris-firmis
et provinciia in hoc regnum Anglian adducendis custumas et
subsidia sequenti^, videlicit.
Quod qiiilibet magister habeat, gaudeat et percipiat sub-
sidia et custumas, quolibet viagio, quatuor dolionim.
Et quilibet contramagiater vel quarter- magister custumaa
et subsidia duorum doliorum.
Ac quilibet marinarius custumas et subsidia unius dolii.
Licet sint caveata et eskippata [the worda in italics sup-
plied as before] ut bona sua propria aut ut bona alicujus
alteriua personie eujuacunque et hoc absque aliquibua cua-
tumis, subditis debitis seu deveriia infra lioe regnum uoatrum
AngliEe ad opus nostrum aut hseredum nostrorum pro eiadem
doUia abqualiter solvendis seu pcteudis.
Et si contingat aliquem vel aliquos mercatorem seu mer-
catores hujua regni nostri ad dictas insulas, patriaa et loca
sub licencia dictorum subdictorum uostrorum aut absque
licencia causa babendi mercandisas et mercimonia adveutare
rNTHODUCTION.
Ixxix
et laborare ad bona ct morcimonia ah cisdem partibua in hoc
regniun nostrum adducere, tunc voluraus et concedimus, per
prassentes, pnefatia Ricardo, Tlioma:, Johanni, Jobanni,
Francisco, Johanni heeredibus et assignatis suia qnod ipsi
durante termino decern annonun antedicto habeant de quo-
libet liujnsmodi mercatore, solutis nobis custumis, subaidiis
et aliis deveriis Nobis in hac parte debitis et consuetis, viccsi-
mam partem omnium hujusmodi bononmi et mercimonianim
per ipsos a dictis inaulis, patriia et locia quobbet viagio
duruite dicto termino decem annorum in boc regnuni nos-
trum Angliac traducendorum et caricandorum liabendam et
capiendam bujusmodi vicesimam partem in portu ubi con-
tigerit dicta bona discaricari et exonerari.
Proviso semper quod predict! Ricardus et abi praedicti,
hseredes et assignati sui et non alii omnino imposterum
durante dicto termino decern annorum sint Factorea et At-
tomati in dictis insulis, terris-firmia et patriis pro qutbus-
cunque bujusmodi mercatoribua abisque personis illuc ex
cauea prasdieta confluentibi:^ in et pro eorum factis merca-
toriia in eisdem.
Proviso eliam quod nulla navis cum bonis et mercandisis
a dictis partibua sic novitcr invcntis carcati et onusta post-
guam in aliijuam portum hujus [tbe words in italics supplied
as before] Ecgni noatri adducta fuerint noo exoneratur de
eisdem bonis et mercandisis nisi in prieaentia prsefactorum
Ricardi et aliorum prsedictorum eorumve haeredum seu depu-
tatorum ad hoc aasignandum aub poena forisfacturie eorumdem
bonarum et mere and i sarum ; unde una medietas ad opua
nostrum et aba medietas priefatis Ricardo et aliis prienomi-
natis et literedibus suis appbcentur.
Et si imposterum abqui estran-ei aut alia [the part in
italics supplied as before] persouEe ad ipsaa partes contra
voluntatem ipsorura Ricardi et aborum preenominatomm
causa habendi divitias navigare et ea vi et annis ingredi ac
dictos Ricardum et abos pncdictos aut hseredes suos ibidem
Ixxx
nJTRODUCTlON.
inaultarc ac eos expellerc et debellare aut alifis inquietare
presumpserint quod tunc volumua ac eisdeni aubtlitis nostris
tenore Frsesentium damua ct committimus ipsos extraneos
licet sint subditi et vasalli alicujus priucipis Nobiscum in
liga et amicitia esiatentis totis suis viiibus tarn per terrain
qitam per mare ct aquas dulces expugnandi, resisteudi et
gucriam contra eos levaudi et faciendi eosque capiendi, aub-
peditandi et incarccrandi ibidem quouaque fines et redemp-
tloncs cisdem subditis nostris faceriot moratur aut alias
secundum sauam discretionem ipsorum subditorum nostorum
et ha;redum suorum castigandi et puniendi.
At etiam prcefatis subditis nostris cffiteriaque peraonis prffi-
dictis plenam tcnorc PrEesentium potestatem damua et com-
mittimus sub ae quoscumque capitaneoa, locatenentes ct
deputatos in singulis civitatibus, vUlis, oppidis et locis
dictarum inaularum, pro vinci arum, patriarum et locorum
pnedictorum ad regendum et gubernandum omnes et sLugu.
las personas in eisdcm partibus aub rcgiminc et gubematione
dictorum subdictorum nostorum ibidem commorantium ac
ad juatitiam eisdem secundum tenorem et effectum ordiua-
tionum, atatutorum et proclamationum prsedictorum debite
cxequendum et administrandum per Litcras suas Patentes
sigtllis eorum sigUlaudas, faciendi, constituendi, nominandi
et aubatituendi. Et iuauper conceasimua et per Prtesentea
concedimua prsefatis Rieardo, Thomie, Johauni, Johanm,
Franciaco et Johanni ad termiiium vitte suae et cujuslibet
eorum diutius viventis officiuin Admiralli supra Mare in
quibuacunque locis, patriia, et proviiiciis a se sic noviter
inventia et imposterum inveniendis et recuperandis, ipaosque
Ricardum, Thomam, Johaunem, Johanncm, Franciscum,
Johaunem et eorum qucmlibet conjunctim et divisim Ad-
miralloa noatros in eisdem partibus facimus, constituimua,
ordinamua et deputamus, per Praiseiitea dantea et concedentes
ciadem et eorum cuilibet plenam tenore Pneaentiarum potes-
tatem ct axictoritatem ca omnia et singula quae ad oEBcium
INTROnUCnON.
Ixxxi
Admirallitatis pertinent faciendij exercendi et cxequendi se-
cundum legem et eonsuetudinem maritimam in hoc regno
nostra Anglije usitatam.
Ac etiam postqiiam praefati Ricardus Warde, Thomas
Ashhurst et Johannes Thomas, ac Johannes Femandus,
Franciscus Fernandas et Johannes Grunsolus aliquas terras-
firmas, iusulas, patrias et provincias, oppida, castra, civitates
et villas per assistentiam nostram sic invenerintj obtinuerint,
et subjugaverint tunc volumus et per Pneaentea concedimus
eiadem, hffiredihus et aaaignatis auia, quod ipsi et hseredes sui
haheaut, teueant et poasideant sibi, hEeredibus et aaaignatis
suis omnia et singula talia et tanta, terras-firmas, insulaa,
patrias, provincias, castra, oppida, fortallicia, civitates et
villas qualia et quanta ipai et homines tenentea et servientes
Bui possnint inhabitare, custodire, sustinere et manutenere :
Habenda et Tenenda easdera terras, insulaa et loca prsedicta
sibi, hseredibus et aasignatia auis et cujualibet eorura dc nobis
et hseredibua nostris imperpetuiim per fidelitatem tantum
absque aliquo compoto sen aliquo aUo nobis aut haercdibus
uostris proinde reddendo seu facieudo, Dignitatc, Domiiiio,
Regalitate, Jurisdictione, et Pre-eminentia in eisdem nobis
seniper salvia et omnino reservatis.
Et ultitis concessimus prsefatis fiicardo, Thomas, Johanni,
Johanni, Francisco, Johanni quod ipsi, hseredes et asaignati sui
praidicti dictaa terras-firm as, insulas et provincias ipais et ha;-
redibus suis praedictia ut prEemittitnr sic eoncessas, postquam
inventse et recupcrata; sint, ac cum in plena poaaesaione earnn-
dem fiieriut teneant, poasideant et gaudeant liberS, quiete, et
pacifice absque irapedimento ahquah nostri aut hairedima nos-
trorum quarumcunque. Et quod nullus ex aubditis uostris
eos eoi'um ahquem de et super poasessione et titulo suis de et
in dictis terris-firmis, iiisulis et proviuciia se ahquahter contra
voluntatem auam expellat quovia modo seu aliquis extraiieus
aut aliqiii extranei virtute aut colore alicujus concessionia noalrte
si&i Magno Sigillo Nostra per aalea faclie aut imposterum
Ixxsii
iNTBonucnoN.
hiered
^H^ mater!
^^^H repute
^^^P Kostri
I— „ecal
I omnin
facienda cum altquibits aliis locis et insults el con-
tiffuit ac membris et parceUtK prafatis insults, terris-firmis
provinmis et locia absque licentia
mbditomm nostrorum et aliorum preenominatorum aliquo modo
intromittat nee inlromittant. [Through the words in italics
the pen is drawn in the original, and a space then occurs,
from which the writing has been carefully and completely
erased."]
Promittentea boua-fide et in verbo regio Nos ratum gratum
et firmum habituros totum et quicquid pnefati Ricardua,
Thomas, Johannes, Johannes, Franciscua et Jobjmnea et
corum qui lib et pro prffimissorum corapleraento fccerint
fieriqiie procuraverint in hac parte. Et quod Nos ant bsredes
nostri nullo unquam tempore in fiitiu-o ipsos ant eorum
aliquem hseredes et assignatos auos in jure, titulo et poases-
sione suis inquietabimua, impcdiemus aut raolcstium eis
faciemus nee per alios nostros aubditos aut alios quoscunque
quantum in nobis fuerit fieri sen procurari permittemtia sen
procurabimua, nee ipsos hseredes et assignatos sues pro
aUqua causa imposteruni cmcrgente seu contingente ab
eiadem terris-firmis, provinciis et locis nullo modo amovebi-
mu8 ant amoveri sou expelli per subditos nostros procurabimua.
Et ultius es uberiori gratia nostra et mero motu nostro con-
cessimua et per Pr^sentes coneedimus pro nobis et hsere-
dibua quantiun in nobia est Johanni Fernandus, Francisco
Feruandus et Johanni Gunsolus, Armigeris de Insulis de
Surrj-a aubditos Regis Portugaliie oriuudis et eorum cuilibet
quod ipai et eorum quilibet ac omnes libori sui tarn proereati
quam procreandi in perpetuum sint indigeni et ligei nostri et
bieredum nostrorum et in omnibus causia, querelis, rebus et
materiis (luibuscumque habeantur, pertractarentur.teueantur,
reputentur et gubcrneutur tanquam veri et fidelea ligei
Nostri infra regnum nostrum Anglise oriundi et non aliter
alio modo. Et quod ipai et omnes liberi sui prcedicti
omnimudo actiones reales, personales et mixtas in omoibtis
^^^■Mii
INTRODCCTION.
Ixxxiii
Ib, locis et juris diction! bus nostris quibuscimque habere,
esercere, eisque uti et gaiidere ac eaa in eisdem placitare et
implacitari, respondere et responderi, defendere ac defend!
poaaint et eorum quilibet possit in omnibus sicuti veri et
fideles ligei nostri infra regnum nostrum praedictum oriuudi.
Et quod ipsi ct eorum quilibet terras, tencmenta, reditus,
reversiones, aervitia et alias posaeasiones quascunque tam in
dominio quam in reversione infra dictum regnum nostrum
AngUte ac alia dorainia et loca aub obedientia nostra per-
quirere, eapere, recipere, habere, tenere, poaaidere et htere-
ditare aibi, hseredibua et assignatia auis imperpetuum vel alio
modo quocunque, ac ea dare, vendere, alienare et legare
cuicunquc peraonee siye quibuscunque personia sibi placnerit
libere, quiete, licitc et impune poaaint ct quilibet eorum possit
ad libitum suum adeo libere, integre et pacilice sicut poaait et
valeat aliquis ligeorum nostrorum infra regnum nostrum
Anglife oriundua. Ita tamen quod prfedicti Johannca Fer-
nandus, Franciscus et Johannea Gunsolua et omnea libcri aui
pnedicti solvaut aut solvi faciant et eorum quilibet solvat seu
solvi faciat talia custumaa, subsidia et alia demandia pro
bonis, mercibus, mercandiais ct inercimoniis suis in Regaum
nostrum Angliaj adducendia vel extra idem Regnum educen-
dis qualia alienigeni nobis Bolvant aut aolvcrc deberent vel
eonaueverunt. Et quod idem Johannes Pernandus, Franciscus
et Johannes Gunsolus et omnes libcri sui prsedieti de csetero
in futuro colore seu vigore ahcujua atatuti, ordinacionia sive
conceasiouis in Parliamento noatro aut extra Parliamentura
noatrum facti vel fiendi non arcteantur seu compellantur nee
eorum aliquis arcteanetur, teneatur, seu compellatur ad sol-
vendujn, dandum vel supportandum nobis vel alicui hasredum
nostrorum seu cuicunquc altcri aliqua taxas, taUagia seu
alia onera qufficunquc pro terris, tenementis, bonis vel per-
sonia suis prseterquam talia et tanta qualia et quanta alii
fideles ligei nostri infra dictum regnum nostrum oriuudi
pro bonis, terris tenementis seu pcraonis suis aolvuut, dant.
IxKxiv
INTKODTrcnON.
^
I Et
L dissii
^H Magi
faciunt vel supportant aut solvere, dare, facere vel siipportare
consuevenmt et teneautur, sed quod p^a^dicti Johaunes Fer-
nandus, Franciscus et Johannes Gmisolus et omnea libcri
Bui priedicti habere el poasidere valeant et possint et eorum
quilibet valcat et posait omuia vt onmimodo alia libertatea,
privilcgia, franchesias et cuatumas ac eia uti et gaudere pos-
sint et eorum quilibet possit infra dictum regnum uostrum
Angliaj, juri a diction es et dominia nostra quiecimque adeo
plene, Hbere, quiete, integre et pacifice sicut cseteri ligei
Qostri infra idem regmun nostrum oriundi Labent, utunt et
gaudent aut habere, poasidere, uti et gaudere debeant et
valeant aliqno atatutOj acto, ordinacione vel aliqua alia causa,
re, vel materia qnacunque nonobatante.
Proviso semper quod pnefati Jobannea Fernandus, Fran-
eiacua et Jobannea Gunaolus homagium ligeum Nobis faciant
et eorum quilibet faciat ac lotto ct acotto et aliia oneribna
in regno nostro prredicto debitia ct consuctia eontribuant et
eorum quilibet eoutribuat sicnt abi ligei nostri infra dictum
regnum nostrum oriundi faciunt.
Proviso etiam quod iidem Johaunes Fernandus, Frandscua
et Johannes Gunsolus solvant et eorum quilibet solvat nobia
et haeredibus nostria tot et t^nta custumas subaitUa et alia
deveria pro bonis et mercandisis suis prout alienigeni nobis
solvere et reddcre tcneantur.
Et ultcriua ex uberiori gratia nostra concessimus prsefatis
Ricardo, Tbomffi, Jobanni, Johanni, Praneiaeo, ct Jobanni
quod ipsi habcant Pneaentca Literaa Noatras in Canecllaria
nostra absque aliquo fine sou feodo aut abquibua fiiiibus sen
feodis pro eiadem Literis nostria aut aliqua parte eorundem
aut pro Magno Sigillo nostro ad opus nostrum in Hanna-
perio dicta; Cancellariae nostra; aliquabtcr aolvendis.
Et volumus ct concedimua per PrEesentes quod Reveren-
dissimus in Cbristo Pater Henricus Epiacopua Salisb. Gustos
Magni Sigilli nostri auctoritate prsesentis Conceasionia nostrse
fieri faciat et aigillari tot et talia Brevia sub Magno Sigillo
TNTRODUCnON.
Is
noatro sigillando ciistodi aive clerico Hanaperii noatri diri-
genda pro exoueratione dictorum fluium ct fcodonim qaot
et qualia iu liac parte neceaaaria fuerint et requisita, absque
aliqno alio Warranto aut proa cent i one penea Nos in hac
parte faciendia.
In cujua, etc.
In the following year, viz., on the 9th of December
1502, Henry VII granted by his letters patent to
Hugh Elyot, Thomas Ashehurst, John Gunsolus, and
Francis Fernandns, and their heirs — " Auctoritatem,
facultatem et potestatem navigandi et se transferendi
ad omnes partes et fines maris orientalis, occideutalis,
australis, borealis et aeptentrionalis sub banneris et
insigniis nostris ... ad inveniendum, recuperandum,
discooperiendum et inyestigandum insulas, patrias,
regiones sive provinciaa quaacunque gentilium et inti-
delium in quacunque mundi parte positsis." It was
enjoined that no one should be at liberty to visit the .
places discovered by the patentees for the purposes of
trade for the period of forty years after such disco-
very, without the licence of the patentees.
Phihp and Mary, by their charter dated the 6th of
February, in the first and second years of their reign
(1555),' incorporated "William Marquis of Winchester,
Henry Earl of Arnndel, and others, by the name of
Merchant adventurers of England for the discovery
of lands, territories, isles, dominions and seignoriea
unknown; and appointed Sebastian Cabot to be the
first Governor of the Company, This Corporation
was commonly called the Muscovy Company, and
' 1554 old style.
I
\
IxXXVi INTRODUCTION.
enjoyed under their charter most extensive privileges
for exclusive traffic in northern parts. In the year
1566, Queen Elizabeth, in consequence of various
traders having encroached upon the monopoly of the
Muscovy Company, granted them a fresh charter of
incorporation, by the name of the Fellowship of Eng-
lish Merchants for discovery of new trades.
Queen Elizabeth, by her letters patent, dated June
11th, in the twentieth year of her reign (1578),
granted unto Sir Humphrey Gilbert, of Corapton, in
the county of Devon, and to his heirs and assigns for
ever, free liberty and licence from time to time, and
at all times for ever, to discover, find, search out,
and view, such remote, heathen, and barbarous lands,
countries, and territories, not actually possessed of
any Christian prince or people, as to him, his heirs,
and assigns, and to every or any of them, shall seem
good, and the same to have, hold, occupy, and enjoy,
to him, his heirs, and assigns, for ever.
By letters patent, dated the 6th of February, in
the twenty-sixth year of her reign (1584), Elizabeth
granted to Adrian Gilbert, of Sandridge, in the county
of Devon, and to any other person, by him or his heirs
to be assigned, and to those his associates and assist-
ants whose names are written in a schedule thereunto
annexed and to their heirs and to one assignee of each
of them, and each of their heirs, free liberty; power,
and full authority to depart out of the realm into all
or any isles, countries, regions, provinces, and all
manner of other places whatsoever, that by the north-
westward, north-eastward, or northward, should be by
INTRODUCTION.
Ixxxvii
him, his associates or assigns, discovered. The patent
then grants the exchisive trade to all such places as
aforesaid, and confers upon the said Adrian Gilbert
and his associates the name of the " ColleagTies of
the fellowship for the discovery of the northwest
By letters patent, dated 25th March, in the twenty-
sixth year of her reign (1584), Elizabeth granted
unto Sir Walter Raleigh, his heirs and assigns for
ever, free liberty and licence from time to time, and
at all tiraes for ever, to discover, search, find out, and
view, such remote, heathen, and barbarous lands,
countries, and territories, not actually possessed of
any Christian prince, nor inhabited by Christian
people, as to him, his heirs, and assigns, should seem
good, and to hold the same to him, his heirs, and
assigns, for ever.
The two pieces next in order, are " The declaration ]
of the Indies ... by Master RoVjert Thorne, merchant I
of London", the object of which is to induce Henry '
VllI to promote voyages of discovery for a passage
to the East Indies, by the north, north-east, or north-
west ; and " The Booke made by Master Robert
Thome ... being an information of the parts of the
world discovered by fthe emperor] and the king of
Portingale : and also of the way to the Moluccaes by
the north."
The subjects treated of in this latter piece are very
various and of much interest, but they are not of a
nature to call for remark here. The map which
accompanies It is not mentioned by Hakluyt in his
Ixxxviii
mTKODtTCnON.
Epistle Dedicatorie; it is, however, not only curious
in itself, but derives an additional interest from the
explanation of it given by Thorne.
I The " Relation of John Verarzanus" comprises an
I account of his voyage along the coast of North
America, from Florida as high as Cape Breton. The
expedition consisted originally of four ships, fitted
out by Francis I, and which sailed under the com-
mand of Verazzaai in the year 1523. Their first
operations were directed against the Spaniards, and
for this purpose they cruised for some time ofi^ the
coast of Spain. Three of the vessels were greatly
damaged in a storm, and Verazzani, after refitting,
proceeded alone on his voyage of discovery, — the
details of which are comprised in this relation.
This is the earliest voyage embracing a description
I of the eastern coast of North America, of which any
particulars are found recorded. Verazzani, however,
' was not the first by whom at least a great part of
this coast had been visited. Peter Martyr {Dec. in,
cap. ¥i) informs us that '* These Northe seas have
byn searched by one Sebastian Cabot. ... He furnished
two shippes in England at his owne charges: and
fyrst mth three hundreth men directed his course so
farre toward the Northe pole, that even in the raooneth
of July he founde monstrous heapes of Ise swimming
on the sea, and in maner continual day lyght. ... Thus
seyng suche heapes of Ise before hym, he was enforced
to tourne his sayles and folowe the Weste, so coaet-
yngc styll by the shore, that he was thereby broughte
so farre into the southe by reason of the lande bend-
INTRODUCTION.
ynge so muche southward, that it was there almoate
equall in latitude with the Sea cauled Fretum Hercu-
leum, havynge the north pole elevate in maner in the
same degree. He sayled liliewisc in this tracte so farre
towarde the weste, that he had the islande of Cuba [on]
bis lefte hande in maner in the same degree of longi-
tude.'" The statement by Gomara on the same
subject is to the same purpose. He says: — "He
armed two ships in England at the expense of
King Henry VII, who was desirous of trading in the
spicery as did the King of Portugal. Some say that
he bore the cost himself, and that he promised King
Henry to go by the north to Catayo, and to bring
thence spices in less time than the Portuguese could
accomplish it by the south. He also went for the
purjjose of ascertaining what kind of country the
Indies would be to colonise. He took with him three
hundred men, and directed his course for Cape La-
brador, as high as fifty-eight degrees. . . . Then Cabot
yielding to the cold and the strangeness of the land,
turned towards the west, and refitting at the Bac-
calaos, he ran along the coast as far as thirty-eight
degrees, and thence returned into England."^
This was most probably the second voyage, — that
made in 1598, after the granting of the second patent
to John Cabot.
The map which accompanies this relation is twice
referred to by Hakluyt in his Epistle Dedicatorie.
' Eden'a Translati
^ Lopez do Goma
ay, fol. 31. Auvers
m, 1555, 4to., fol. 118.
'a. La Hisloria general^de las Ind'ias, ^
1554, 12rao.
XC INTKODUOTION.
Speaking of the practicability of the north-west
BSge (p. 11), he saya : " Secondly, that Master John
Verarzanus, which had been thrise on that coast, in
an olde excellent mappe which he gave to King Henrie
the Eight, and is yet in the custodie of Master Locke,
doth so lay it out as it is to bee scene in the mappe
annexed to the end of this boke, beeing made accord-
ing to Verarzanus plat." AnJagairi (at p. 17): "The
mappe is Master Michael Locke's, a man for his know-
ledge in divers languages, and especially in cosmo-
graphie, able to doc hia countrey good, and worthie, in
my judgment, for the manifolde good partes of him, of
good reputation and better fortune."
The name of Michael Lock must always occupy a
place in the history of maritime discovery. But little
has appeared in print respecting him beyond the fact
that he was consul at Aleppo for the Company of
Merchants of Turkey. In the Cotton MSS. in the
British Museimi (Otho, e, viii.) are various papers
relating to his affairs with the Turkey Company,
among which (fol. 41) is the following piece of auto-
biography. "My late father, S' William Lok, knight,
alderman of London, kept me at scholes of grammer in
England till I was xilj yeres olde, which was A". Dni.
1545, and he being sworn servant to King Henry the
viii"" his mercer and also his agent beyond the seas
[in] dyvers affayres, he then sent me over seas to
li'landera and France to learn those languages and to
know the world. Synce which tyme I have contynued
these xxxij jreres in travaile of body and study of
mynde, following my vocation in the trade of mer-
rNTRODUCTIOS.
chantlise, whereof I have spent the first xv yeres in
contynuall travaile of body, passing through allmost
all the cuntrees of Christianity. Namely out of Eng-
land into Scotland, Ireland, Flanders, Germany,
France, Spayne, Italy, and Greece, both by land and
by sea, not without great labo™, cares, dangers and
expenses of mony incident : having had the charge (as
capitayn) of a great ship of burden 1000 tuns, by the
space of more then iij yeres in dyvers voyages in the
Levant seas, wherwithall I returned into England. In
which travailes, besides the knowledge of all those
famous common languages of those cuntriea, I sought
allso for the knowledge of the state of all their common
wealths, chiefly in all matters apperteining to the
traffique of merchants. And the rest of my tyme I
have spent in England under the happy raigne of the
Queenes Ma'^^ now being," etc. The remainder is in-
jured by fire.
It appears from the same manuscript that he was a
great promoter of the voyages of Martin Frobisher to
discover a north-west passage to Cathay, acting as
treasurer for the first three expeditions, and in two
instances at least being left to make up a very con-
siderable sum out of hia own funds. This must have
taken place some time before his engagement as consul
or agent at Aleppo for the Turkey Company.'
Hakluyt speaks of three voyages made by Veraz-
zani.^ At present nothing Is known of any other
1 For further particulars respecting Lock, see Additional MSS.
in the Brilisli Museum, Nos. 12497, 12503, 12504, and the Life
of Sir Jaliits Casar (who was his stepson), 1810, 4to. pp. 8, 9.
i
INTHODDCTIOK.
voyage than that the particulars of which are given i
the following collection. Tiraboschi, vol. vit, p. 383,
edit. 1827, mentions a manuscript account of a voyage
by Verazzani in the following words : " JSella libreria
Strozziana in Firenze oltre la relazion sopraccenata
conservasi manoscrltta una narrazione cosmografica
assm bene distesa di tutti i paesi ch'egli avea in quel
viaggio osscrvati, e da essa raccogliesi ch'egli ancora
evea formato il disegno di tentar per que' mari il
passaggio all' Indie orientali." A copy of this manu-
script is now on its way to England, but we are in-
formed that the particulars it contains are substantially
the same as those of which we are already in posses-
sion. Annibale Caro, in one of his letters {Lettere
Familiari^ p. 7, edit. 1610) speaks of a brother of
Verazzani as a discoverer of new lands. There may
probably be a confusion between the two, but this
point, as well as those of the connection, if any, of
Giovanni with Henry VIII,' and the time and manner
of his death, appear to be involved in the utmost ob-
scurity.^
" The discoverie of the Isles of Frisland, Iseland,
Engroveland, etc.," which followa next in the collec-
tion, has been passed over without any editorial anno-
tation, a careful perusal of the account having led us
to the perfect conviction that the story as a whole is
a fabrication. Some of the materials of which it is
composed may be true, but the true is so blended with
the palpably false as to be no longer separable from it
crf:herwise than by the application of a process of ana-
' See/wjV p, 11. ' Seepos(p.93.
ISTBODnCTION.
lyzation far too tedious for the present work. Pal-
pably incredible, however, as this relation is, the
genuineness of its details have been contended for by
more than one modern writer of intelligence; and an
amount of labour has been spent upon the investigation
which could only be justified by the degree of credit
the account enjoyed during a period of nearly two
hundred years, and the influence this ill-placed faith
exercised on the early progress of geographical know-
ledge. Although, as we have said above, the scope of
the present work will not allow of a complete exagai-
nation and exposure of all the points of this imposture,
neither should we have thought it advisable to rest
upon the bare denunciation of falsehood against it,
bad the subject not been treated so clearly and" in so
satisfactory a manner by Captain C. C. Zahrtmann,
in the fifth volume of the Journal of the Royal Geo-
graphical Society of London, p. 102. In this most
excellent paper the author contends:
First. — That there never existed an island of
Frisland ; but that what has been rei)resented by
that name in the chart of the Zeni is the Ferijc
Islands.
Second. — That the said chart has been compiled
from hearsay information, and not by any seaman
who had himself navigated in those seas for several
years.
Third. — That the " History of the voyages of
the Zeni" — ^more particularly that part of it which
relates to Nicoli — is so replete with fiction, that it
XCIV IHTBODUCnON.
cannot be looked to for any information whatever
as to the state of the North at that time.
Fourth.— That both the history and the chart
were most probably compiled by Nicol6, a de-
scendant of the Zeni, from accounts which came to
Italy in the middle of the sixteenth century, being
the epoch when infonnation respecting Greenland
first reached that country, and when interest was
awakened for the colony which had disappeared.
It is not our purpose to follow Captain Zahrtmann
through his chain of proofs in support of these several
positions. His arguments appear to us most conclu-
sive; and they are easily accessible to allwho take
sufficient interest in the subject to desire to foUow out
the investigation.
At the period when Ribault wrote his account of
" the true and last discoverie of Florida," and for a
very long time afterwards, the name of Florida was
applied to that vast tract of country extending from
Canada to the Rio del Norte. The present boundaries
of the state were not definitively fixed until the year
1795, when they were settled by treaty with Spain.
Ribault, in the early part of his narrative, says
that " many from time to time have gone about to
finde out this great lande, and to inhabite there, who
neverthelesse have alwaies faded, and beene put by
from their intention and purpose; some by fear of
shipwrackes, and some by great windes and tempeetes,
that drove them backc to their marveilous griefe."
That this assertion was substantially true, not only
INTBODUCTION.
of the district then known as Florida, but also of the
entire country from Mexico northwards, will appear
from the following facts. Of the voyage of Sebastian
Cabot in 1498, but slight particulars have come down
to us : supposing, however, that he left some of his
three hundred men as colonists on any part of the
American coast, it is certain that the settlement never
took root. The voyage of Verazzani produced no
result. Jacques Cartier in the years 1534 and 1535
visited the higher parts of North America. In the
first voyage he discovered the gulph of St. Lawrence,
and in the second the river of that name, up which he
Bailed three hundred leagues, and took possession of
the country (which he called New France,) in the
name of his sovereign Charles IX. In both voyages
he wintered in the country, returning home in the
spring, but made no settlement. In the year 1540 he
was dispatched thither again by Francis I, with five
ships, for the purpose of extending his discoveries in
Canada and Hochelaga, to which latter district he gave
the name of Montreal. It was now determined that
the work of colonization should be vigorously prose-
cuted, and that Cartier should be followed as speedily
as possible by Francois de la Roche, Sieur de Roberval,
as governor of Canada, with emigrants, and all
necessary stores. Cartier arrived in Canada in August
1540, and waited until 1542 for Roberval (who had
been detained in France by various obstacles), when
finding himself reduced to great extremities, be re-
turned to France. Koberval arrived in Canada this
same year and planted his colony, shortly after which
INTBODDCTION.
he also returned to France, and the colony was totally
neglected. In 1549 Roberval again erabapfeed for the
St. Lawrence, accompanied by his brother and many
emigrants, but they were never heard of afterwards.
Another attempt at colonization on the American
coast was made in the year 1555, under the auspices
of the Admiral Coligny, who was actuated by the
double object of promoting the welfare of his native
country, and of providing for the Protestants of
France a refuge from religious persecution, of which
he foresaw they would ere long stand in great need.
The Chevalier de Villagagnon, who had embraced the
tenets of the Reformed Church, was chosen to com-
mand the expedition, which consisted of two ships.
In this instance Villagagnon selected South America,
and landing at the river Janeiro, constructed a fort,
to which he gave the name of his patron Coligny.
This fort was soon washed away by the sea. Three
ships arrived at the settlement in the year 1557, car-
rying colonists, and also fourteen missionaries sent
out by the Church of Geneva; but Villagagnon had
in the mean time abandoned the Protestant religion,
and returned to his old faith. The settlers, treated
by him with harshness, became discouraged, and the
greater number returned home in the following year.
Many of those who remained were murdered by the
Portuguese, who compelled the few survivors to quit
the colony in the year 1560. This attempt having
proved abortive, Coligny, anxious to carry out his
project of colonization, selected Jean Ribault as the
captain of an expedition to the coast of North America.
INTBODUCTION. XCVll
saan more fit for his purpose could not have been
chosen. The account of this voyage which Hakluyt
has printed, is of the most interesting character ; but
it breaks off with the departure of Ribault from the
shores of Florida on his return to France, leaving his
readers in ignorance of the fate of the small band of
brave men he left behind him. Fortunately we
possess an account of this same voyage, and of
two which succeeded it, edited and published by
Basanier at the instigation and expense of Hakluyt in
the year 1586, and translated and published by
Hakluyt himself in the following year.' From this
work we learn' that when Kibault had explored the
coast and neighbouring country, as described in his
own Account, and while at Port Royal, he called his
men together, and addressed them in the following
terms: "I thinke there is none of you that is ignoraunt
of howe greate consequence this our enterprise is, and
also howe acceptable it is to our young king; there-
fore, my friends, as one desiring your honour and
beuefite, I woulde not fayle to advertise you all of the
exceeding greate good happe which shoulde fall to them,
which as men of valurc and worthy courage, would
make triall in this our first discoverie of the benefites
and commodities of this newe lande : which should be,
as I assure myselfe, the greatest occasion that ever
could happen unto them to arrise unto the title and
degree of honour. And for this cause I was desirous
to propose unto you, and set downe before yeour eies,
e ante p. xix,
^We quote from Ilakluyl's tvrinslftlion.
XCVlll INTHODDCTION.
the eternall incmorie which of right they deserve,
which forgetting both their parents and their countrey,
have had the courage to enterprise a thing of such
importance, which even kinges themselves understand-
ing to be men aspiring to so high degree of magnani-
mitie, and increase of their majesties, doe not disdaine
so wel to regarde, that afterwardes, employing them
in matters of weight and of high enterprise, they make
their names immortal for ever. How beit I woulde
not have you persuade yourselves, as raanie do, that
you shall never have such good fortune, as not being
knowen neither to the king nor the princes of the
realme, and besides descending of so poore a stock that
few or none of your parents having ever made pro-
fession of armes have beenc knowen unto the great
estates. For albeit that from my tender yeeres I my
self have applied al my industry to follow thera, and
have hazarded my life in so many dangers for the
service of ray prince, yet could I never attaine ther-
unto (not that I did not deserve this title and degree
of government) as I have seen it happen to many others,
only bicause they descended of a noble race, since
more regard is had of their birth than of their vertue.
For well I knowe that if vertue were regarded, there
would more be found better to deserve the title, and
by good right to be named noble and valiant. I mil
therfore make sufficient answeare to such proposi-
tions and suche thinges as you maye object against
raee, laying before you the infinite examples which
we have of the Eomaines ; which, concerning the
point of honour, were tlio first that triumphed over
IHTBOnCCTION. XCIX
the world. For how many find we among them
which for their ao valiant enterpriaea, not for the
greatnesse of their parentage, have obtayned the
honour to triumph. If we have recourse unto their
ancestors, wee shall finde that their parentes were of ao
meane condition, that by labouring with their handes
they lived verie basely. Asthefatherof ^Elius Pertinax,
which was a poor artisant ; his grandfather likewise
was a bondman, as the historiographers do witnesse :
and neverthelesse, being moved with a valiant courage
he was nothing dismayed for al this, but rather de-
sirous to aspire unto high things, he began with a
brave stomache to learne feates of armes, and profited
so well therein, that from steppe to step he became at
length to be emperour of the Romaines. For all this
dignitiehe despised not his parentes; but contrariwise,
and in remembrance of them hee caused his father's
shoppe to be covered with a fine wrought marble, to
serve for an example to men descended of base and
poore linages, and give them occasion to aspire unto
high things notwithstanding the meanness of their
anceators. I will not paase over in silence the ex-
cellencie of prowes of the valiant and renowned
Agathocles, the sonne of a simple potter ; and yet,
forgeting the contemptible estate of his father, he so
applied himself to vertue in his tender yeeres, that by
the favour of armes he came to be king of Sicilia ; and
for all this title he refused not to be counted the sonne
of a potter. But the more to eternise the memorie
of his parents and to make his name renowned, he
commanded that he should be served at the table
IMTaODUCnON.
with vessels of gold and silver and others of earth;
declaring thereby that the dignitie where in he was
placed came not unto him by hia parents, but by his
owne vertue onely. If I shall speak of our time, I
will lay before you onely Riisten Bassha, which may
be a sufficient example to all men ; which, though he
were the sonne of a poor heardman, did so apply his
youth to all vertue, that being brought up in the
service of the great Turke he seemed so to aspire to
great and high matters in such sorte, that growing in
yeeres he increased also in courage, so farre foortb
that in fine for his excellent vertues he married the
daughter of the great Turke his prince. How much
then ought so many worthy examples to move you to
plant here ? Considering also that hereby you shalbe
registered for ever as the first that inhabited this
strange countrey. I pray you therefore all to advise
your selves therof and to declare your minds freely
unto me, protesting that I will so well imprint your
names in the king's earos, and the other princes, that
your renowme shall hereafter shyne unquenchable
through our realme of Fraunce."
This speech excited the greatest enthusiasm among
his men, and the volunteers to remain were so numer-
ous that the only difficulty was whom to select.
Twenty-eight men were ultimately chosen, at the
head of whom he placed Albert de la Pierria, " a
souldler of long experience, and the first that from
the beginning did offer to tarry". His next care was
to find a fit place for the settlement, and after some
search he fixed upon a spot generally supposed to be
INTRODUCTION. CI
the site of the present town of Beaufort. Here he
erected a fort, to which he gave the name of Charles-
fort, after the reigning sovereign of France ; and
having supplied it abundantly with stores of all kinds,
resigned it to the settlers with the following observa-
tions : " Captayne Albert, I have to request yon, in the
presence of all men, that you would quite yourselfe bo
wisely in your charge, and governe so modestly your
small company which I leave you, which with so
good cheere remayneth under your obedience, that I
never have occasion but to commend you, and to re-
count unto the king, as I am desirous, the faithful
service which before us all you undertake to doe him
in his New France : And you, companions, quoth
he to the souldiers, I beseech you also to esteems of
Captayne Albert as if it were myselfe that stayed
here vnth you; yeelding him that obedience which a
souldier oweth unto his general! and captayne, living
as brethren one with another without all dissension,
and in so doing God will assist you and bless your
enterprises." After this admirable exhortation Ri-
bault and his company took leave of the settlers and
returned into France.
Albert and hia companions now set themselves dili-
gently to work to fortify their position. This neces-
sary work accomplished, they spent their time in
exploring the country and forming friendships with
the Indians. All this was wisely and prudently done :
but unfortunately they neglected one most important
duty ; they made no provision for their future sus-
Hjtenance. As a natural consequence, when the stores
INTBODDCTION.
left them by Ribault were exhausted, they were forced
to apply for assistance to the natives. This appeal
was responded to readily and with great liberality,
and they had just begun to feel themselves at ease as
regarded the means of existence, when their fort acci-
dentally caught fire and was burnt to the ground.
Again the Indians came forward, and lent their aid
with such hearty good will that in twelve hours their
fort was rebuilt. Want of provisions was for some
time their principal ground of complaint, but at length
dissensions arose among them, the administration of
the affairs of the colony by Albert became unpopular,
and the hostile feeling arose at last to so great a height
that he was put to death, and a man named Barre
chosen as captain in his place. The account of this
tragedy, as given by Laudonniere, is as follows: —
" But misfortune, or rather the just judgment of
God, would have it that those which coulde not be
overcome by fire nor water, shoulde be undone by
their o^vne selves. This is the common fashion of
men, which cannot continue in one estate, and had
rather to overthrovve themselves than not to attempt
some new thing daily. We have infinite examples in
the auncient histories, especially of the Romanes,
unto which number this little handful of men, being
far from their countrey and absent from their countrie-
men, have also added this present example. They
enfred therfore into partialities and dissentions which
began about a souldier named Guernache, which, was
a drummer of the French bands ; which, as it was
told me, was very cruelly hanged by his owne captaine
INTRODUCTION. Clll
and for a small fault ; which captaine also using
to threaten the rest of his souldiers which staied be-
hind under his obedience, and peradventure, as it is to
be presumed, were not so obedient unto him as they
should have bin, was the cause that they fell into a
mutiny, because that many times bee put his threat-
nings in execution ; whereupon they so chased him
that at the last they put hira to death. They
assembled themselves together to choose one to be
governour over them, whose name was Nicholas
Barr^, a man worthy of commendation, and one which
knew so well to quite himself of his charge, that all
rancour and dissention ceased among them and they
lived peaceably one with another."
This account was derived by Laudonni^re from the
mutineers themselves, whose interest it was to throw
all the blame upon the murdered man. But
Williams, in his Teiritory of Florida (New York,
1837, 8vo.) presents us with a somewhat different
version of the story. He says (p. 170) : " Albert
visited the Indian princes in his neighbourhood, cul-
tivating their friendship and paying every attention to
their wants, and such was his success that they readily
supphed his people with provisions, and made them
many presents of pearls, crystals, silver, etc. The
colonists, however, were licentious, lazy and quarrel-
some, and to preserve peace between them and the
natives, he was obliged to exercise a very strict disci-
pline ; this they would not endure. Among the co-
lonists was one Lachan [query. La Chfere], who was a
popular demagogue : he endeavoured to reduce some of
INTEODtrCTION.
the Indians to slavery, winch Albert would not permit,
and compelled him to do justice to the natives. A mu-
tiny was the consequence, in which Albert lost his life.
The Indians then refused to supply them with provi-
sions, and none being likely to arrive from France, the
colonists resolved to leave the fort and return to their
country, etc."
Whatever may have been the circumstances by
which Albert was led to adopt those measures of
severity which cost him his life, his murder doubtless
increased the difficulties of the settlers, and rendered
it necessary that they should devise means for quitting
Florida. With great labour, none of them being
acquainted with the art of ship building, they con-
structed a small pinnace ; the natives supplied them
with cordage, and the sails they made out of their
shirts and the sheets of their beds. In this ill-con-
structed vessel they put to sea, scantily supplied with
provisions even for an uninterrupted voyage. Again
the consequences of their want of foresight fell heavily
upon them. When they had made about one-third of
their voyage, the wind, which had hitherto been fa-
vourable, fell, and they lay becalmed for three weeks,
making in all this time only about twenty-five leagues.
Their provisions were soon exhausted, and after expe-
riencing all the ordinary suiferings of famine, they
were forced to the crowning horror, that of sacrificing
one for the safety of the rest. A man named La
Chere voluntarily offered himself. Before it became
necessary to sacrifice a second victim, they were
picked up by an English vessel, who, after putting the
INTRODUCTION.
moat feeble on shore (we are not told on what land)
carried the rest to England, where they were pre-
sented to Queen Elizabeth.
The civil war which raged in France at the time
of Eibault'a return prevented the government from
giving any attention to the settlement in Florida; but
on the restoration of peace, Laudonniere was appointed
to command three ships fitted out for the' purpose
of carrying succours to Albert and his companions.
They set sail on the 22nd of April 1564, and arrived
on the coast of Florida on the 22nd of June following.
On this occasion, finding the settlement at Charlesfort
abandoned, they selected a spot for their plantation
near the mouth of the river May (now called the St.
John), where they erected a fort, to which they gave the
name of Fort Caroline in honour of Charles JX
of France. They do not appear to have taken any
■wiser measures for a permanent settlement than those
adopted by Albert, spending their time lilic him in
exploring the country, and also suffering like their
predecessors from want of provisions. After the
lapse of more than a year, during which time they
were often reduced to the brink of starvation, the men
became clamorous to return to France, but two of
their vessels having been carried away several months
previously by some of their mutinous companions,
they no longer possessed the means of transport.
On the 3rd of August, 1565, however, Sir John
Hawkins came upon the coast, and through his hu-
manity and kindness the suffering Frenchmen were
put in a condition to escape from this wretched con-
l>
/
INTKODUCTION.
dition. TliG following is tlie account given by Lau-
donnicre of the generous conduct of the British com-
mander, who voluntarily offered them a free passage
to France, and ultimately, at the desire of Laudonniere,
sold them one of his ships. " We therefore tooke a
viewe of the shippe ivhich the generall would sell,
whom we drewe to such reason that he was content
to stand unto mine owne men's judgment, who
esteemed it to be worth seven hundred crowns, wherof
we agreed very friendly. AVherfore 1 delivered him in
earnest of the summe two bastards, two mynions, one
thousand of iron and one thousand of powder. This
bargaine thus made he considered thenecessity wherein
we were, having for all our sustenance but rayl and
water : whereupon being moved with pitle, he offred
to relieve me with twenty barrels of meale, six pipes
of beanes, one hogshead of salt, and a hundred of waxe
to make candels. Moreover, forasmuch as he sawe my
souldyers goe barefoote, he offred me besides fifty
payres of shoes, which I accepted, and agreed of a
price with hym, and gave hyra a by 11 of mine hand for
the same, for which untill this present I am indebted
to hym. He did more than this: for particularly he
bestowed uppon myselfe a great jare of oyle, a jare of
vynagre, a barill of olyves, and a great quantitye of
ryce, and a barill of wliite biscuit. Besides he gave
diverse presents to the principall officers of my com-
panye according to their qualities ; so that I may saye
that wee receaved as manye courtesies of the generall
as it was possible to receive of any man living."
Having made all necessary preparations, they were
INTHODUCnON.
about to depart on the 28th of August, when several
vessels were discovered making for the shore. This
proved to be Ribault, who had returned to Florida
with seven ships, carrying emigrants and stores, and
with authority to supersede Laudonnitire in the go-
vernment of the colony. About a week after his
arrival, six large Spanish ships appeared on the coast,
and anchored in the road, where four of the French
sliips lay which were too large to enter the river.
The Frenchmen, distrusting the intentions of the
Spaniards, shpped their cables, and stood out to sea.
The Spaniards immediately gave chase, and fired upon
them, but finding the French too fast for thera, they
returned to the coast, and entered a river about eight
leagues from the River May, named by Ribault, in
his first voyage, the Dolphins. The French vessels
soon afterwards returned to their former position off
the mouth of the River May. Ribault was at this
time on shore with Laudonniere, who was confined by
fever. When the arrival of the Spaniards was reported
to Ribault, he determined to attack them with the
three ships that were in the river, notwithstanding
the remonstrances of Laudonniere, whose objections he
silenced by producing a letter from the Admiral
Coligny, containing these words : — " While I was
sealing this letter, I received certain advice, that Don
Pedro Melendes is departing from Spain to go to the
coast of New France. See that you suffer him not to
encroach upon you, and that you do not encroach
upon him." On the 10th of September Ribault
departed on tliis expedition, taking with him almost
CVIU INTHODUCTION.
every man accustomed to bear arms, and thus depriv-
ing Laudonuiire of all means of offering effective
resistance to tlie Spaniards should they attack him,
as he fully anticipated they would do. He endeavoured
as far as he was able to repair and strengthen the
fort, but a violent storm commenced immediately
after liibault's departure, and continued with such
severity, that the works were greatly impeded. The
same cause, however, which checked their defensive
operations, gave them a delusive sense of security, as
they imagined the Spaniards would never attempt an
attack during such tempestuous weather. In this,
however, they were fatally mistaken. On the 20th of
September, the Spaniards suddenly appeared, having
been guided overland by a deserter named Francois
Jean, and captured the fort after a very shght resist-
ance — the greater part of those who attempted to
defend it were slain, and Laudonniere himself escaped
with difficulty to the woods. The only chance of
safety consisted in reaching the French ships, which
lay at the mouth of the river. To accomplish this
he had to wade through the marshes, and passed the
night standing up to his neck in water, supported in
the arms of one of his soldiers: in the morning be
got safely on board, and succeeded in picking up
about eighteen or twenty others, the rest being all
butchered by the Spaniards. Dismal us was the fate
of Laudonniere and his company, that of Ribault wae
yet more disastrous. The storm which we have
already mentioned as having arisen immediately after
his departure from the River May, wrecked all his
INTEODnCTION. CIX
ahips, and he and his men, to the number of about
sis hundred, escaped with difficulty to shore in the
neighbourhood of the spot where the Spaniards had
encamped. It is said, that even under these unfa-
vourable circumstances, Ribault might have attacked
the enemy with a prospect of success, but his men
were discouraged. One party of two hundred gave
themselves up, and were forthwith led by tens behind
a sand-hill and butchered in cold blood. Three days
afterwards, Ribault and one hundred and fifty more
surrendered, and were in like manner murdered. Le-
scarbot, in his Histoire de la Nouvelk France, says,
that Ribault was flayed alive, and his skin sent into
Spain. Of the remainder, twenty escaped to the
"Woods, and were never heard of afterwards j and the
rest, being too insignificant to cause any fear to the
Spaniards, were spared. The French settlement was
thus utterly destroyed by the Spaniards, who, it must be
torne in mind, were at this time at peace with France.
They attached labels to their murdered victims, on
which were inscribed the words, " Not aa Frenchman,
but as heretics" — the poor Frenchmen being Hugue-
nots. These atrocious deeds were bitterly revenged
by Dominique de Gourgues, who in the year 1567,
fitted out a private expedition, and in his turn utterly
annihilated the settlement raised by the Spaniards on
the ruins of Fort Caroline — hanging those who were
not destroyed by the sword, to whom he attached
labels, with the words, " Not as Spaniards, but as
murderers". The particulars of this expedition are of
high interest, but the scope of the present work does
INTEODDCnON.
not permit us to carry any further the history of the
colonization of America.
On the 14th day of September 1585, Sir Francis
Drake sailetl from England on his voyage to the West
Indies, in command of twenty-five ships. He first
directed his course to the coast of Spain, and anchored
within the isles of Bayona, now called the islands of
Cies, at the mouth of the Bay of Vigo. His appear-
ance caused the greatest consternation among the
Spaniards ; and the Marquis of Santa Cruz, High-
Admiral of Spain, drew up suggestions for the neces-
sary defences, both on the coast of Spain, and for the
Spanish possessions in the East and \yest Indies. A
translation of a small part of this plau, in the hand-
writing of Hakluyt, is now in the possession of Mr.
Henry Stevens. By the kind permission of this gen-
tleman, we are enabled to present the members of the
society with a fac-simile of this highly interesting
fragment, of which we also append a transcript for
the benefit of those of our readers to whom the hand-
writing of the sixteenth century may not be familiar.
" That the castles of this citic, river, and teritorie, bee
victuayled ; aud that they bee provided of powder, mach,
and leade, and al things els touchinge artiUcrie : as I Lave
craved the same in ray supplications, w'''' I sent unto his
ma"*" the seventh of Mai'ch tliis present yere 1585.
1; " That the galies bee provided for fower monetbes, and
'' that sixe more bee brought from Spayne unto tliis river
" w"' 120 soldiers in every gabe, that they may bee devided
e
\
araongc those eiglit W'' are here in this river of Lisbon.
And in case that it fall out that the English army goe not
for the Indies, and occupie it aelfe in this kingdome,
because there bee English ships W^ will doe the one and
the other, wee shall bee enforced to make another army
for the safe conduct of the Indian fleete of twelve ships,
fower patachea, and fifteene hundred soldiers, beside ma-
linera.
" Al these things sceme unto me to bee necessarie for
Ilia ma'^^' service to bee prepared w* greate diligence and
care, and to provide money needful for the same without
preferringe the one before the other, but that al may bee
don without oraittinge of any pnrte. Yet I referre vay-
selfe wholely to better advice and riper judgment. Written
in Lisbon the 26 of October, after the Spanish accompte,
1585.
THE ENDE.
w
Translated out of Spanish by Richard
HaJtlnyt, preacher.
" The opinion of Don Alvaro Ba9aii, Marches of Santa
Cniu, and late Admiral of Spayne, tonching the array of
Francis Drake, lying at the yles of Bayona, on the cost of
Galizia, declaring what harme hee might doc in al the
West Indies,"
The document of which the above is a portion, is
piinted entire in Hakluyt's General Collection, vol.
iii,p. 532. Edit. 1600.
DIVERS
voyages touching the discouerie ofl
America and the Hands adiacent
»ynto the same, made first of all by our
Englishmen and afterwards bif the French-
men and Britons.
And certaiiie notes of aduertisements and obaerua-
tions, necessarie for such as shall heereafter
make the like attempt.
Mit!^ tbo j|£l«ppctf aniiriTl] Ijcci'tunto tor tgt
plamtr unHctstantiing o( tljr li)I)oU
matter.
Imprinted at Lon-
don for Thomas Woodcocke,
dwelling in paules Church-Yard,
at the signe of the blacke beare.
1582.
I THE NAMES OF CERTAINE LATE WRITERS OF
GEOGRAPHIE, WITH THE YEERB
WHEREIN THEY WROTE.
1800. Abelfada Ismael, Prince of Syria, Persia, and Assyria,'
1320. John Maodeuill, Englishman.*
1500. Albertus Crantzius of H ami) urge.*
1530. Peter Martyr, Millanoyse.'
1525. Gonsaluo Ouiedo, Spaniarde.^
1527. Robert Thome, Englishman.
1530. Hieronymua Fracastor, Italian.*
1539. Gemma Frisius.'
1540. Antonie di Mendoza, Spaniard.^
1541. Gerardus Mercator, Fleming.^
1549. John Baptista Guicchardinej Florentine.'"
1553. John Baptista Ramusius, hee gathered many notable
things."
1554. Sebastian Munster, Germane.'*
1554. Thomas Giunti, Venetian.'^
1655. Clement Adams, Euglishmaii,
1555. Orontius Finteus, Frenchman.'*
(}) Ismail Ibn Ali Abulfeda., King of Hammah, in Byria, bom in tKc
jCM ia73, (*) Sir John Mandeville, bom at St. Albane. (S) Albert
Krantz, a native of Hamburg. (^) Pietro Martire Anghiera, bom at
Arona in 1455. (S) Oonaalyo Hernandez de Oviedo y Valdez, bom at
Madrid about 1478. (') Qirolaino Fracastoro, a native of Verona, bom
in the year 1483. {J) Reinerus Gemma, born at Dockum, in Frieflland,
in 1508. (S) Antonio de Mendoza, Viceroy of Mexico. (^) Gerard
Mereator, born at Bupclmond, in 1312. (}") Giovaniii Batista Guic-
ciardini. ('^) Giovanni Batista Ramiisio, bom at Venice in 1486,
(H) Sebastian Munster, born at Ingclhcim in 1489. (") 1
Giunti, a celebrated printer at Venice. (") Oronce Fine, bor
1564. Abraham Ortelius, Fleming.*^
1574. Hierome Osorius^ Portingall.*®
1575. Andreas Theuet, Frenchman.*^
1575. Francis Belforest, Frenchman.^®
1576. Humfrey Gilbert Enigbt^ Englisbman.^^
1577. Dionyse Settle, Englishman.
1578. George Beste, Englishman.
1580. Nicolas Chauncellor, Englishman.
an9on in the year 14d4. (^^) Abiam Ortel, a native of Antwerp, was
born in the year 1527. Q^) Jeronimo Osorio, bom at Lisbon in 1506.
(17) Andre Thevet, a native of Angouldme. (i^) Frangois Belleforest,
bom at Sarzan, near Samatan, in 1530. (l^) Sir Humphrey Gilbert,
bom in Devonshire in 1539.
: NAMES OF CERTAINE LATE TR4UAYLEB8, BOTH
I BY SEA AND BY LANDE, WHICH ALSO FOR THE
MOST PART HAtJE WRITTEN OF THEIR
OWNS TRAUAYLES AND VOYAGES.
The VBTB Df
aar torde.
1178, Beniamiii Tudeleasis, a lewe.'
1270. Marcus Paiilua, a Venetian.''
1300. HartoUj an Armenian.'
1320. John Mandeuilc Knight, Englishman.
1380. Nicolaua and Antonins Zeni, Venetians.
1444. Nicolaua Conti, Venetian.
1492. Christopher Columbus, a Genoway.'
1497. Sebastian Gabot, an Englishman, the aonue of a
Venetia.*
1497. M. Thornc and Hugli Eleot of Briatowe, Englishmen.
1497. Vasques de Gama, a Portingale.^
1500. Gasper Cortereahs, a Portingale.'
1516. Edoardus Barbosa, a Portingale.*
1519. Femandus Magalianes, a Portingale.'
1530. John Barros, a Portingale. '"
1534. Jaquea Cartier, a Briton."
1540. Francis Vasques de Coronado, Spaniarde.
1542. John Gaeton, Spaniarde.'^
(') Benjamin Ben Jona, born at Tudela iu the first half of the twelfth
century, (') Marco Polo, a native of Venice. (') Hatto, Hajto, Aitho-
nua, Ajthonus, Haithonua, or Aytonue, Prince of Oorigoa, in Cilicia.
(*) Criatoforo Colombo, a, native of Genoa, bom about the year 1447.
(*) Sebaatian Cabot, born at Bristol about the year 1467. (S) Vasco da
Gama, bom at Sines, in Portugal. (') Caspar Corteroal, bom at Lisbon.
(S) Duarte Barbosa, a native of Lisbon. (S) Fernando de Magalbacna
(10) loaS de Barros, was bom at Viseu, in Portugal, ia the year 149fi.
(*^) Jacques Cartier, bom at St, Malo. C^) Juan Oaetano.
Prancis Xauier, a Portingale.'^
HughWillowbie knight and Richard Chauncellor,Eng.
Francis Gahiano, a Portingale."
Steuen and William Burros, Englishmen,'*
Antonie Jenkinson, Englishman.
John Ribault, a Frenchman.
Andrewe Thenet, a Frenchman.
Martin Frobisher, Englishman.'*
Francis Drake, Englishman."
Arthur Pet and Charles Jackma, Englishmen.
Edwarde Feuton and Luke M'arde, Englishmen.
Humfrey Gilbert knight, Edwajd Heyes, and Autonie
Brigham, Englishmen.
(iB^ Francois Xavier, Saint, born at the Castle of Xavier, at the foot of
the Pyrenees, in 150E1. {^*) The person here meant appears to he Antonio
Qalvam, Governor of the Moluecaa, horn in 1503 at Liahon; or, according
to Barbosa Machado, in the East Indies. (}^) Stephen Burrough, bom
at Northam, in Deyonshiro, in 1525. (18) Sir Martin Frobisher, born at
Doncaster. (") Sit Francis Dtake, horn near Tavistock, in Devonshire,
in 1645.
A VERIE LATE AND GREAT PROBABIIITIE OF A PASSAGE
BY TEE NORTH-WEST PART OF AMERICA IN FIFTT-
EIGHT DEGREES OF NORTHERLY LATITUDE.
ks excellent learned man of Portingale, of singuler grauety,
authoritiej and experience, tolde mee very lately, that one
Anus Corlereal,' Captayne of the vie of Tercera, about the
yeere 1574, which ia not aboue eight yeres past, sent a Shippe
to disconer tlie North-west passage of America, and that the
same shippe arriuing on the coast of the saide America, in
fiftie eyghte degrees of latitude, founde a great entrance ex-
ceeding deepe and broade without all impediment of ice, into
whiche they passed aboue twentie leagues, and found it alwaies
to trende towarde the South, the lande lying lowe and plaine
on eytber aide : And that they perswaded them seluea verely
that there waa a way open into the south sea. But their
victailes fay ling them, and being but one ahippe, they returned
backe agayne with ioy. This place seemeth to lie in equal
degrees of latitude with the first entrance of the sounde of
Denmark, betweeue Norway and the head land, called in
Latin Cimbrorwn promontarium^ and therefore like to bee
open and nauigable a great port of the yeere. And this
report may be well annexed unto the other eight reasons
mentioned in my epistle dedicatorie, for proofe of the likeli-
hood of this passage by the north-west.'
* i.e., loaO, or loannea. ' Anglic^, the Skaw.
' This litatement is estremelj vague. There ca.a be do doubt hut that
the "great entrance" mentioned in the text was Hudson's Straits ; but,
unfortunately, wc have no further a,ccount of this expedition. It is, to
BB.J the least, siogular, that the names of Oaspar Cortereal and his de-
scendant or relative Anus (or JoEmnes), should be connected with tno
independect discoveries of *tiia great inland sea, at the distance of iioarlj
tiglit; years from each other.
TO THE RIGHT WORSHIPFULL AND MOSt
VERTUOUS GENTLEMAN MASTER
PHILLIP SYDNEY, ESQUIRE.
I MiRCAiLE not a little (right worshipfull) that since the fi
discouerie of America (which ia nowc fuU foureacore and
tenne yeeres}, after so great conquests and phmtings of the
Spaniardes and Portingales there, that wee of Englande could
neuer haue the grace to set fast footing in such fertill and
temperate ptacea as are left as yet vnpossessed of them. But
againe, when I consider that there is a time for all men, and
see the Portingales time to be out of date, and that the
nakednesse of the Spaniards and their long hidden secretes'
arc nowe at length espied, whereby tliey went about to delude
the worlde, I conceiue great hope that the time approcheth
and nowe is, that we of England may share and part stakes
(if wee will our seluea), both with the spaniardc and the
Portingale, in part of America and other regions, as yet vn-
discouered. And aurely if there were in va that desire to
aduaunce the honour of our countrie which ought to bee in
euery good man, wee woulde not all this while haue forealowne*
the possessing of those landea, whiche of equitie and right
appertaine vnto vs, as by the discourses that foilowe shall
appeare most plainely. Yea, if wee woulde beholdewitli the eye
of pitie how ai our Prisons are pestered and filled with able men
to serue their Countrie, which for small roberies are dayly
hanged vp in great nimibers, euen twentie at a clappe, out of
one iayle (as was scene at the last assizes at Rochester}, wee
' Bj " hidden Becretea", it \s presumed that the author alludes to the
Mho pretence of religion used by the Spaniarda as a cloak for their cruel
oppressiou of tho ludiaus; or, as he expreasea it in a subsequent paasftge,
" pretending to convert infidels, but seeking their goods."
! Foreslowne — Forborne, in the sense of nefflected.
woulde hasten and further euery man to liis power the de-
ducting' of some Colonies of our superfluous people into those
temperate and fertile partes of America, whicli, being within
sixe weekes sayling of England, are yet vnposseased by any
Christians : and seeme to offer themselues vnto va, stretching
ueerer Ynto her Maieatics Dominions then to any other part
of Europe. Wee reade that the Bees whe' they grow to he
too many in their own hiues at home, are wont to bee led
out by their Captaines to swarme abroad and seeke thetn-
selues a new dwelling place. If the examples of the Gre-
cians and Carthaginians of olde time and the practise of our
age may not mooue vs, yet let vs learne wisdome of these smal
weake and vnreasonable creatures. It chaiinced very lately
that Tpon occasion I had great conference in matters of Cos-
mographie with an excellent learned man of Portingsde,
most prinie to all the discoueries of his nation, who wondered
tliat those blessed countries from the point of Florida North- Ti
ward were all this while vnplanted by Christians, protesting
with great affection and zeale, that if hee were nowe as
young as I (for at this present hec is threescore yeeres of
age) hee woulde sel all hee had, being a man of no small wealth
and honour, to furnish a conuenient number of sliips to sea
for the inhabiting of those countries, and reducing those
gentile people to christian itie. Moreouer, hee added, that
John Barros, their ehiefe Cosmographer, being moued with ^
the like desire, was the cause that Bresilia was first inhabited ™
by the Portingales :^ where they haue nine baronies or lord- at
' Deducting, i, e., cooTejing.
' This Btateraent must be reoeired with caution. The coast of Bniii]
waa discoTered by Vicente Yafiez Piuzon, ia the joar 1499, and posses-
sion taken for the crown of Portugai by Pedro AItsfcz Cabral in 1500.
The first settlement was made aa early aa tbe year 1503, by Amerigo
Vespucci. Joao dc Barros, who was not born until the year 149G, held
BitcoessiTely the offices of Captain or Gosernor of Fort 6t. George da
Mina, Treasurer of the Colonial Department, and Factor or Agent-
OeneTal for the Colonial Posseasions of Portugal in India and Africa.
I
I
10 THE EPISTLE
sliipBj and thirtic eugennies or auger miUes, two or three
hundred slauea belonging to cche myll, with a ludgc and
other officers and a Church: so that euerymill is as it were a
httle common wealth: and that the countrie was first planted
by such men aa for small offences were saued from the rope.'
This hee spake not onely iiTito mee and in my hearing, but
also in the presence of a friend of mine, a man of great skill
in the Mathematikea. If this mans deaire might bee exe-
cuted, wee might uot only for the present time take posses-
sion of that good land, but also, in short apaee, by God's
grace, finde out that ahorte and eaaie passage by the North-
About 1Q39 he obUtined tlic Captaioc; (or ia other words & grant) of a
district in the Brazils called Maraulium, but that was ten jcnra after the
attention of the Portuguese goTemmeut had been steadily directed
towards the calonization of the Bradls, and the system of dividing
tbe country into captaincies had been adopted. His great work, the
Decads, was not published until the year 1553, and these contained the
history of the East Bud not of the West ludioa. It appeon, therefore, that
neither his official nor his historical labours pointed towards the American
continent ; and although he mai/ have iollueneed tbe movemoatB of his
gOTeroment in this respect, there is no evidence on record to support the
broad assertion contained in tbe text. — See Barbosa Machado, BiUiotkeca
Lutitana. — Southey's Hidory of Ute BraiiU, part i, page 32-19.
' The Portuguese and Spaniards, but particularly tbe former, set the
example to modern Europe of transporting crimiuals to theix colonies.
The first legislatire enactment in England, upon the subject of transport-
ation, was the statute 39 Eliz. c. 4, by the fourth section of which it was
enacted — that "if any rogues shall appear to be dangerous to the inferior
sort of people, ic, they may lawfully bee banished out of this realme
unto Buch parts beyond yc seas, as shall be at any time hereafter for that
purpose assigned by the Privy Councell or by any sixe or more of
them," The practical interpretation of this act was given by James I,
who, by a letter addressed to the Treasurer and Council of the Colony of
Virginia in the year 1619, commanded them " to send a hundred disso-
lute persons to Virginia, which the Knight Marshal would deliver to
them." Virginia appears thus to have been the first British settlement in
America to which English criminals were transported ; and the system
was afterwards extended, particularly from the reign of Charles II, to
Maryland, Delaware, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, New Jereej,
New York, and Pennsylvania. — See also Lang, Tramxporiatio'n and C" '
■nisation, \i. 8, et Bcqq.
DEBICATOaiE. 1 1
which we haiie hetherto so long desired, and whereof J
wee haue many good and more then prohahle coniectures : a
fewe whereof I thiiike it not aniisse lieere to set downe,
although your worship knowc them as well as my selfe.
First, tiicrefore, it is not to be forgotten that Sebastian
Gabot wrote to Master Baptista Eamusiua, that he veryly
beleeued that all the north part of America is diuided into
Ilandes.i Secondly, that master John Verazanus, which
had been thrise on that coast, in an olde excellent mappe
which he gaue to King Henvic the eight, and is yet in the
cnatodie of master Locke, doth so lay it ont aa it is to bee
seene in the mappe annexed to the end of this boke, beeing
made according to Verazanua plat. Thirdly, the story of
Gil Gonsalua, recorded by Pranciscus Lopes de Gomara,
which is saide to haue sought a passage by the Northwest,
Bcemeth to argne and proue the same.' Fourthly, in the
second relation of laquea Carticr, the 12 chapter, the people
of Saguinay doe testifie that vpon their eoastes Westwards
there is a sea, the ende whereof is vnknowne vnto them.'
Fiftly, io the end of that discourse is added this, as a special
remembrance, to wit, that they of Canada say that it ia a
monethes space to saile to a lande where cinamou and clones
■ growing.* Sixtly, the people of Florida signified vnto
Bamusio, Naviffationi, vol. iii, Preface, p. IS.
For the passage referred to in the test, see Lopez de Gomara, His-
toria ffentral de lot Indias, fol. 253. Anvers, 1554, 12".
3 The following is the passage referrecl to in the text : " We understood
of Donnacooa and of others, that the said rirer is called the River of
Bit^ciiay ■ ■ . and that beyond Saguenay the said river entercth iato two
or three great lakes, and that there is a sea of fresh water found ; and as
they have heard saj of those of Saguanaj, thofo was never man heard of
that found out the end thoreof : for as they totd ub, they themselves were
never there." — JIakluyt, vol. iii, p. 225. The river here meant ia the
St. Lawrence ; and the lakes and eea, Xiakes Ontario, Erie, Huron, Michi-
gan, and Iiahc Superior.
* Halduift, vol. iii, p. 232. This statomont is far too vague to admit of
any conjecture as to the Iimd meant.
12 TBS XPISTLB
JFohn Ribanlt (as it is expressed in his discourse lieereHitlmll
imprinted), that they might saile from tlie Biuer of May
vnto Ceuola and the south sea through their couutrie witliin
twentie dayes. Seuenthly, the experience of captain Fro-
bisher' on the hyther side, and Sir Frauiices Drake on the
back side of America,* with the testimoiiie of Nico)ana and
Anthonius Zeni, that Estotilanda is an Ilande,' doth yeelde
no small hope thereof. Lastly, the judgement of the ex-
cellent Geographer Gerardus Mercator, which his sonne,
' Frobisher made threa vojagea in search of a nortli-wast passage : the
first ta the year 1576, and the second and third in the two following
yeoTB. On each occasion lie penetrated far enough to excite hopes
of ultimate success ; but not so far as to meet with anj of those discou-
raging circumstances which at a later period checked the spirit of adven-
ture in this quarter, and it is to be hoped will at length be allowed their
due weight in determining how fur it is expedient to risk the lives of
brave men in solving a geographical problem, — the explanation of which,
however complete, can lead to no practical result. In the first vojage
those Straits were discovered whieh have sinee borne Frobisher'a name ;
"Ho entered", the account saya, "the same the one and twentieth of
Julj, and passed above fifty leagues therein . . having upon either band
a great raaine or continent."— //aiiayf, vol. iii, p. 68. In the third
Toyage, the ships missed Frobisher's Straits, and bearing to the south of
Queen Elizabeth's Foreland, entered Hudson's Straits by mistake, — "of
which mistaken straights, considering the circumstance, we have great
cause to confirm our opinion, to like and hope well of the passage in this
place. For the foresaid !my or sea, the further we sailed therein, the
wider we found it, with great litolihood of endless continuance," — lb.
vol. iii, p. 80.
" The voyage of Drake, in which he discovered and took possession of
California, under the name of Now Albion, was performed in the years
1677-80. There is no circumstance connected with this voyage calcu-
lated to raise hopes of the practicability of the north-west passage, beyond
the fact, that Drake sailed as high as the forty-eighth degree of north
latitude, with the bold design of returning home by a north-east passage,
and still found an open sea before him : at this point, however, the suffer-
ings of his men from cold obliged him to turn southwards again. It is
worthy of notice, that ia the description of New Albion, contained in the
account of this voyage, the following passage occurs : " There is no part
of earth here to be taken up wherein there is not some probable show of
gold or silver."' — HaUuyt, vol, i
J. 730.
' See;jo«i, under " The Discoverie of the Isles of Frisland, Iseland," etc.
Ritmold Mcrcatop, ray friende, shewed mec in hia letters, and.
drewe out for mee in writing, is not of wise men lightly to
he regarded- His words are these — Magna tametsi pauca \
de noua Frobisheri nauigatione acribis, quam miror ante multoa
annoB rid juisse atteniatam. Non enim dubium est, guin recta
ei breuis via pateat in occidenlem Cathaium vsq;. In quod
regnu, si rede nauigationem inslituant, nobUiBsimaa totius
mundi merces coUigent et muliis Gentibus adhuc idololairw
Christi nomen communicabunt. You write (saith hee to his
Sonne) great matters, though very briefly, of the new dis-
couerie of Frobisher, which I wonder was neuer these many
yeerea heretofore attempted. For there is no doubt but that
there is a straight and short way open into the Wcatj euen
Tnto Cathay. Into which kingdomej if they take their course
aright, they shall gather the most noble merchandise of all
the worlde, and shall make the name of Christ to bee knowne
vnto many idolatrous and Heathen people. And heere, to
conclude and shut vp this matter, I haue hearde my aelfe of
Merchants of credite,that have liued long in Spaine,that Kiug
Phillip hath made a lawe of late that none of his subiectes
shall discouer to the Northwardes of hue and fortie degrees of
America ; whiche may bee thought to proceede chiefly of two
causes, tlie one, least passing farther to the North they
should discover the open passage from the south sea to our
north sea : the other, because they haue not people enongh
to possesse and keepe that passage, but rather thereby
shoulde open a gappe for other nations to passe that way.
Certes, if hetherto in our owne diseoueries we had not beeue
led with a preposterous desire of seeking rather gaine then
Gods gloric, I assure my self that our labours had taken farre
better effecte. But wee forgotte that Godlinesse is great
riches, and that if we first seekc the kingdome of God all
other thinges will be gincn vnto vs, and that as the light ac-
companieth the Sunne, and the heate the fu-e, so liisting riches
do waite vpon them that arc zealous for the aduauncement
of the kingdome of Christ and the enlnrgemeiit of his glori-
ous Gospell : as it is aayde, I will honour them that honour
mee. I truate that nowe, being taught by their manifoWc
losses, our men will take a more godly course, and Tse some
part of their goods to his glorie ; if not, he will turne eueu
their couetouanes to seme him, aa he hath done the pride
and auarice of the Spaniards and Portingalea, who, pretend-
ing in glorious words that they made their diacoueries chiefly
to conuert Infidelles to our most holy faith (as they say) in
deed and truth, sought not them but their goods and riches^^
Whiche thing, that our nation may more speedily and happily
performe, there is no better meane, in my simple indgemet,
then the increase of knowledge in.the arte of nauigatiou and
breading of skilfulnease in the sea men : whiche Charles the
Eraperour, and the king of Spaine that nowe is, wisely consi-
dering, haue in their Contractation house' in Siuill, appointed
a leai'ned reader of the sayde art of Nauigatiou, and ioyned
with him certayue examiners, and haue distinguished the
orders among the sea men, as the groomet, whiche is the
basest degree, the marriner, which is the seconde, the
master the thirde, and the pilot the fourth, vnto the which
two last degrees none is admitted without hoc haue heard the
reader for a certaine space (which is commonly an excellent
Mathematician, of which number were Pedro di Medina,^
which writte learnedly of the art of nauigatiou, and Alonso
di Chauez' and Ilieronimus di Chauez, whose works likewise
' ContractatioD-housc, i.e., the house in which Bgieetncnts are lamde
for tho promotion of trado— the Exchange.
* Pedro de Medina, bom at Seville. He wrote — 1, Arte de I(avegaT,
Beville, 1546, fol. 2, Begimiento de Na-negacion, Seville, 1563, ito, 3,
Lii-ro de las Orandeza3>/ Cosaa memorabhs de Espana, Seville, 1543, fol.
4, Chrofiica brtve de JSspana, Seville, 1648. 5, Chronica (fe h» Dugnei
de Medina Sidonia, MS. 6, Dicdogos de la Verdad sobre la Coiwersion del
Peeador, Talladolid, 1G45, fol. 7, Tabula Sispatiice OeogTophiaa ; used
by Ortelius, in hia TKeainem, Orbia TerraTum.
* Alonao do Chaves was a Spanish cosmographer, and one of the cxa-
miueta of pilotfl (neirera, Historia general de las Ilechos de las CiMteHaiiea
DEDICATDKie< 15
I haue secne),' and being foimde fitte by him and hia assis-
tantes, which are to examine matters touching experience,
they are admitted with as great aolemnitic and giuing of pre-
sents to the ancient masters and Pilots, and the reader and
examiners, as the great doctoTs in the Vniucraitiea, or our
great Sergcantes at t!ie law when they proceed, and so are
admitted to take charge for the Indies. And that your wor-
shippc may knowc that this is true. Master Steven Borrows,* m
Howe one of the foure masters of the Queenc'a nauie, tolde
me that, newely after hia rcturne from the discouery of Moa-
couie by the North in Uueene Maries daiea, the Spaniards
hauiDg iuteUigence tliat he was master in that discouerie,
tooke him into their cotractation house at their making and
e>i lot Idesy Tierra Firme dd Mar Ocea>io,'De<:.iii,'p. 219; I7,p. 30), but
we catmot find &nj account of hia irorks.
' Garoinino de Cha<r<iB, a aatire of Seville. His works are— 1, Tratado
de la E»fera, qve com^iuo d doctor Juan de Saerobuslo, eon miicltas adi-
cio-aes, traducido eon eieolioa y Jigiirag, Seville, 1546, 4to. 2, Ckronogror
fhia Rtperlorio de !o3 Tiempoa, Seville, 1554, 4to, 3, He was also the
author of two maps : one of America;, which was never published ; and
the other of Seville ajid its territory, which was used hy Ortelius, in his
Theatrum Orbii Terrarrm.
* The following inscription occurs on a monumental brass, in the
middle aisle of Chatham Church, and is here given from a rubbing, with
Whioh we have been favoured by Willinm Thomas Wright, Esq., of
QraveBend : — "Here licth buried the bodie of Steuen Borough, who
departed this life ye Kijth of July, in ye yere of our Lord 1584, and was
b<^e at Northam, in Deuonshire, ye xavth of Septemb', 1G25. He in
bu life-time discouered Muscouia, by the Northerno sea passage to Bt,
Kicholafi, in the yere 1563. At his settinge foorth of England, he was
accompanied with two other shippes. Sir Hugh Willobic beinge Admiiall
of the fleete, who, with all the Company of ye said two ahippes, were
frosen to death in Lnppia ye same winter. After his discouerie of Rooaia,
and ye Coastes there to adioyuinge — to wit, Lappia, Nova Zemla, and
the Cuntrle of Samoyeda, etc. ; bee frequented ye trade to St. Nicholas
yearlie, oi chiofe pilot for ye voyage, imtill he was chosen for one of ye
fowre principall Masters in ordinarie of ye Queen's Ma''« royall Navy,
where in he continued beinge imployed as occasiou required, in charge
of Bundric sea semises, till time of his death." This inscription is
printed in the lier/iifCrum liofeiisf.-p. 731.
admitting of masters and piluts, giuing him great honour,
and presented him with a payre of perfumed gloues, woorth
""f °' fiue or six Ducates. I speake all this to this ende, that the
"^e like order of erecting such a Lecture here in London, or
!<i Id about Ratcliffe, in some conuenieut place, were a matter of
great consequence and importance for the sauing of many
mens liucs and goods, which iiowe, through grosse ignorance,
are dayly in great hazerd, to the no small detriment of the
whole realme.^ For whiche cause I haue dealt with the right
worshipfull sir Frances Drake, that seeing God hath blessed
him so wonderfully, he woulde do this honour to him selfe
and benefite to his countrey, to bee at the cost to erect such
a lecture : Whereunto, in moat bountifull mancr, at the verie
hoonu. firgtj he answered, that he liked so well of the motion, that
'racis jjg would giue twentie pouiidea by the yeere standing, and
naibo twentie poundes more before hand to a learned man, to fur-
n. ""^ nish him with instruments and maps, that wotdde take this
thing vpon him : yea, so readie he was, that he earnestly re-
quested mee to helpe bim to tlie notice of a fitte man for that
purpose, which I, for the zeale I bare to this good actio', did
presently, and brought him one, who came vnto him and con-
ferred with him thereupon : but in fine he would not vnder-
take the lecture vuless he might haue fourtie pouude a yeere
' In the course of nearly three hundred years, but little improvement,
if auy, appears to have been effected in this respect. In the jear 1S48,
certain papers relating to the commercial marine of Great Britain nore
presented to both Houses of Parliament: they consist of answers addressed
to Mr, Murray, of the Foreign Office, in reply to queries submitted to
several of the British Consuls abroad^ — having a particular reference to
the character and conduct of British shipmasters and seamen. Two sen-
tences from these documents will suffice to show how closely the preseot
state of things resembles that against which Hakluyt so strongly pro-
tests ;— " There is no system of regular education for the merchant ser-
Ticc of Great Britain ; but in foreign countries this is much attended
to" (page 1). Again : — " Is it justifiable, that the lives of thousands of
persona should be jeoparded, because shipowners have a right to place
incompetent persons in charge of vessels '/ " (page 142).
standing, and so the matter ceased for that time : howebeit,
the wortliie and good Knight remaineth still constant, and
will be, as he told nie very lately, as good as his worde,
Nowe, if God shoulde put into the head of any noble man
to contribute other twentie pounde to make this lectiu'e a
competent lining for a learned man, the whole realmc no
doubt might reape no small benefite thereby. To leave this
matter and to drawe to an ende I hane heare, right worship-
fall, in tliia liastic workc first put downe the title which we
hane to that part of America which ia from Florida to 67 de-
grees northwarde by the letters patentes graunted to lohn ^"^
Gabote aud his three sonnes, Lewes, Sebastian, and Santius, '^H.
with Sebastians owne Certificate to Baptista Itamusius of bis
discouerie of America, and the testimonie of Fabian, our
own Chronicler. Nest, I have caused to bee added the letters
of Mr. Robert Thome to King Ilenrie the eight, and his dis-
course to Lis Ambassadour, doctor Ley, in Sptiiue, of the like
ai^umeut, with the Kings setting out of two ships for dis-
couerie in the 19 yere of his raigne. The' I have translated
the voyage of lohu Verarzanus from tbirtie degrees to Cape
Briton (aud the last yeere, at my charges and other of my
friendes, by my exhortation, I caused laques Cartiers two
voyages of discouering the grand Bay, and Canada, Sagui-
nay, and Hochelaga, to hee translated out of my Volumes,
which are to be annexed to this present translation). More-
ouer, following the order of the map, and not the course of
time, I have put downe the discourse of Nicholaua and An-
toniiiB Zenie. The last treatise of lolm Ribaidt is a thing
that hath been alreadie printed, but not nowe to be liad,
vnlesse I had caused it to be printed againe.' The mappe is
• The title of the first edition of this treatise is " The whole and true
diacouerje of Terra Florida, (englished the Florlshing lando) Coatejiiing
agwell the wondcrfull strnunge natures and maners of the people, with
the meniejlous conunoditica and treasuces of the country : Aa also the
plesaunt Fortes, Enuena and wayes therevnto. Neuer foundo out hefora
the l»st jere 1562. Written in Frencbe h; CapCaine Ribauld, tbe fyrnt
18
THE BPI8TLB DKDICATOftlK.
master Michael Lockes, a man, for his knowledge in diuers
lan^iages, ami especially in Cosmographie, able to doe his
countrey good, and worthie, in my iudgraent, for the mani-
folde good partes in him, of good reputation and better for-
tune. This cursoric piimphlet I am ouer bold to present
vnto your worahippe : but I had rather vant a litle discretion
then to bee founde vnthankfnl to him which hath been alwaie8_
80 readie to pleasure me and all my name.
Heere I cease, craning pardon for my ouer boldnesae^ J
trusting also that your worshippe will continue
and increase your accustomed fauour to-
wards these godly and honourable
discoueriea.
Your worshippe's humble alwayes
to commaunde. R. Hj
that whollye discouored tlie same. A.nd DoiTa neirlj set forthe in Eng-
lisho the xsi of Muy. 1563. Prjntud at London by Roiiland Hall for
Thomaa Haoket." A copy ia in the general library of the British
MuBeum, but the work is of great rarity.
A LATINE OOPIE OF THE LBTTBRB PATBHTE8
'NG HENRIE THE SEVENTH, GRAUNTED
lohn Galjote and bis three Sonues, Lewes,
Sebaatian, and Santius, for the diacoueriiig of
nowB and vnknowen Landea.
Hgnmcus dei gratia rex Angliee et FrancitB et dominus kiber-
mtBj omnibus ad quos prtssentes literui nostra peruenerint, salu-
tern. Notum sit el manifestum: quod dedimus et concessimus, ac
per prasenles damus et concedimus pro nobis el hieredibus nos-
tria dilectis nobis loanni Gaboto ciui Veneciarum, Lodouico,
Sebastiano et Santio, filiis dicti loannis, el eorum et cuiuslibet
eorum Jiaredibus et depulatis, plenam ac Hberam aulhorilate
facultatem el potestatem nauigandi ad oiUTtes paries, regionea
et sinus maris orimlalis, ocddentalis, et septentrionalis, sub
barmeris, vexillis et insigniis nostris, cum quinque nauibus siue
nauiffijs cuiuscungue porliturte el qualitatia existant et cum tot
et tantis nautis et hominibus quot et quantos in dictis nauibus
secum ducere voltierint, suis et eorum prqpriis sumptibus et ex-
pensis ad inueniendum, discoperiendum et inueatigandum quaa-
cunque insutas, patriaa, regiones siue prouincias gentilium et
infidelium guorumcungue in quaamque parte mundt positas, qua
Chrislianis omnibus ante kac tempora fuervrU incognita. Con-
cessimus etiam eisdem el eorum cuilibet eorumque et cuiuslibet
eorum haredibua et depulatis ac Ucentiam dedimus ad affigen-
dwm pradiclas banneras nostras et insignia in guacunque villa,
op^ido, caatro, insula aeu terra firma a se nouiter inuentis.
El quod pnmominatus loannea et fiUi eiusdem seu hteredes
et eorundem depulati quascunq; huiusmodi villas, castra, oppida
et insulas a se inuenlas qua subiugari, occapari, posaideri pos-
slut, subiugare, occupare, possidere valeSt lanqud vasatli nostri
et gubematores, locatenentea et deputati, eorunde^n dominium,
20 LBTTERS PiTENTEB.
titulum et iurisdictiontm eanmdem villarum, caalroiitin, oppi-
dontm, insttlarum, ac terriE Jirmts sic inueniorum nobis acqui-
rendo. Ita tamen vt ex omnibus fruclibus, projicvis, emolu-
tnentis, commodis, lucris, et obuentionibua ex huiusmodi naui-
gatione prouenientibus, prtefatua loannes et filii ac hoRfedes, et
eorum deputati teiiealur et tint obligali nobis pro omni viagio
mto, lolies guolies ad porta nostra BristolluE appHcuerint fad
quern omnino applicare taiestur et sint aatrictij deduciis omni-
bua siiptibus et impetms necessariis per eosdem factis, quintam
partem capitalis lucri facti, siue in merdbus siue in pecumis
persoluere. Dantea nos et concedetes eisde suisq: htsredibus et
deputatia, vt ab omni solutione cuslumarum omniu et singu-
lorum bonorum ac mercium, quas secam reportarint ab illia
locis sic nouiter inttetiiis, liberi sint et immunes. Et inxuper
dedimus et coacessimua eisdem ac suis hieredibus et deputatis,
quod terra omnes firmte, insula, villte, oppida, castra et loca
qvMcunq ; a se inuenta, quot-quot ab eis inueniri contigerit, non
possinl ab aliis quibuxuis nosttis subditis frequeniari seu visi-
lari, abaq: licentia prtedictomm loannts et eius jtUorum suo~
rumq; deputatorum, sub pcena amissionis td nauium, quam
bonorum omniu quorumcuaq; ad ea loca sic inuenta Tiamgarc
prasHeniiu. Volentes et strictisaime mandantea omnibus et sin-
gulis nostris subditis tarn in terra quam in mari constitutis, vt
prtefato loanni et eius filiia, ac deputatia, bona aasistentiam
faciant et tarn in armandia nambus seu namgiia, quam in pro-
uisione quietatus et victualium pro sua pecunia emendorum, atq :
aliarum omnium rerum sibi prouidendarum pro dicta nauiga-
tione sumenda, suos omnes fauores et auscHia impertiant. In
cuius rei testimonium haa literas nostras fieri fecimua patentes :
teste me ipso apud Wesimonasieriii quinto die Marlii, anno
regni nostri vndecimo.
^^^F THE
THE SAME LETTERS ['ATliNTS IN E.VGLISH.
Hekrie, by the grace of God, king of England and France,
and Lorde of Irelande, to all, to whom these preaentea shall
come, greeting. Be it knowen, that we haue giuen and
granted, and by these preaentes doe giue and grant for us
and our Leyres, to our well beloned John Gabote, citizen of
Venice, to Lewes, Sebastian, and Santiua, sonnes of the saide
John, and to the heires of them and euery of them, and tlieir
deputies, full and free authoritie, leaue, and power, to sayle
to all partes, countreys, and seas, of the East, of tJie West, and
of the North, under our banners and enaignes, with fine ships ^
of what burden or quantitie aoeuer they be: and as many hi
mariners or men as they will haue with them in the saide w
ships, upon their owne proper costes and charges, to seeke in
out, discouer, and finde, whatsoeuer iles, countreyes, regions •"
or prouincea, of the heathen and infldelles, whatsoeuer they
tee, and in what part of the worlde soener they be, whiche
before this time haue been vnknowen to all Christians. We
haue granted to them also, and to euery of them, the heires
of them, and euery of them, and their deputies, and haue
giuen them licence to set up our banners and ensignes in
euery village, towne, castel, yle, or maine laude, of them
newely founde. And that the foresaid John and his sonnes, ^ __
or their heires and assignes, may subdue, occupie, and pos- "".^leShosa
sesse, all such townes, cities, castles, and yles, of them foimde, ti,°"kinf?
which they can subdue, occupie, and posscsse, as our vas-
aailes and lieutenantes, getting vnto vs the rule, title, and
iurisdiction of the same villages, townes, castles, and firme
laude so founde. Yet, so that the foresaide John and his
sonnes and heires, and their Deputies, bee holden and bouuden
of all the fruites, profites, gaines, and commodities, growing
of such nauigution, for euery their voyage, as often as they
shall arriue at oiu- port of Bristoll (at the which port they
shall be boimde and hglden only to arriiic), all manner of
1
23 LEri'ERS P1TENTE9.
necessarie eostes and charges by them made beiug deducted,
to pay vnto us iu wares or mouey the^fth part of the Capi-
tal! gaine so gotten. Wee giuiug and graunting vnto them
and to their heirea and Deputies, that they shall bee free &om
all paying of customes of all and singulev such merchandize
as they shall bring with them from those places so newely
founde.
And, moreouer, wee haue giuen and graunted to them,
their heires and Deputies, that all the firme landea, lies. Vil-
lages, Townea, Castles, and places, whatsoeuer they be, that
tliey shall channce to finde, may not of any other of onr suh-
. iectcs bee frequented or ^'isited without the licence of the
foresayd John, hia sonnes, and their deputies, under psine of
forfayture as well of their sbippes as of all and singuler
goods of all them that shall presume to saylc to those places
so founde. Willing and most straightly commaunding all
and singuler onr suhiectes, as well on landc as on sea, ap-
pointed officers, to giue good assistace to the aforesaid John
and Ilia sonnes and deputies, and that as well in arming and
furnishing their ships or vessels, as in prouision of quiet-
nesse, and in buying of victualles for their money, and all
other thinges by them to be prouided, necessarie for the
saide nauigation, tjn ^^do e giue them all their helpe and
fauour. In witnesse tm^^f, wee have caused to bee made
^ these our letters pateutea. ^^itnesse our selfe at Westmin-
ster, the fifte day of March, iu thexlT«ere of our reigne.
K^NOTE OF SEBASTIAN GABOTES VOYAGE OF
Discouerie, takeu out of an old ClironiclCj written by
Robert Fabian, sometime Alderman of London,
which is in the custodie of Johu Stowe, Citizen,
a diligent Bearcher aad presenier of Antiquitiea,
as yeere the King (by mcaues of a Venetian, whiche made in uw
himselfe very expert and cunning in knoweledge of the cir- R'^'
cuite of the worlde and Ilandes of tbe same as by a Carde
and other demonstrations reasonable hee shewed), caused to
man and victuall a sliippe at Bristowe, to search for an Ilande, »"■«■
■wticbe hee aaide bee knewe well was riche and replenished
-witb ricbe commodities. Wbicli Ship, thus manned and vic-
tualed at the kinges cost, diuers merchants of London ven-
tured in her small stockes, being in her as chiefe Patrone the
saide Venetian. And' in the companie of the saide sbippe
sayled also out of Bristowe tliree or fourc small ahips fraught ^'^"'
■with sleight and grosse merchandizes, as course cloth. Caps,
Iiacea, points, and other trifles, and so departed from Bris-
towe in tbe beginning of May : of whom in this Maiors time J'™"
Tetumed no tidings. u^ldo.'
I
Of three sauage men which hee brought home and presented vnto the
king in the XTii jeere of his raigne.
This yeere also were brought vnto tbe king three men, Thiw
taken in the new founde Hand,' that before I spake of in ^^
William Purehaa time, being Maior. These were cIoth^y|i
beastea skinnes, and ate rawe fleshe, and spake such speech 'k,„,
that no man coulde understand them, and in their demca- skiS
nonr like to bruite beastes, whom the ki^g^tept a time after.
' Hands.— Stone, Aniifils, p. 48i). Edit. 1615.
24
Of the whicli vpon two yeeres past after I saw two apparcUed
after tlie niaiier of EnglisLmeu, in Westminster pallace, which
at that time I collide not disceme from Englishemen, till 1
was learned what they weie. But as for speech, I heard
none of them vtter one worde.
John Baptist* Bamiisius, ia his preface to thu thitdo volume of llie
naulgations,' writcth thus of SabiLxtkn Gabot ; —
In the latter part of this volume are put certaine relations
of John de Verarzaiia, a Florentine, and of a great Captaiue^
a Frenchman, and the two voyages of Jaques Cartier, a Briton,'
who sailed vnto the lande set in fiftie degrees of latitude to
the north, which ia called New France : and the which landes
hitherto it ia not throughly knomie whether they doe ioyne \
with the firme lande of Florida and Noua Hlspania, or
whether they be separated and diuided all by the Sea as
Uands : and whether that by that way one may goe by Sea,
vnto the countrie of Cathaio :' as many yeeres past it was
■ written vnto me by Sebastian Gaboto, our countrie man Vene-
tian, a man of great experience, and very rare in the art of
> Pftge 6. Edit. 1Q65.
S The title of this piece is as follows :— "Discorao d'un gran capitano
di mare Franceee del luoco di Bieppa sopra le naTJgationi fatte aUa
terra nuova dell' Indie ocoidentali, chiamata la nuova Francia, d» gradi
40 fino a gvadi 47 eotto il polo artico, e sopra la terra del Brasi], Guinea,
Isola di San Lorenzo e quoUa di Summatra, fino allc quali hanno uavigato
to caravelle o navi Franoesi." Who the great captain may have Ijeen
dees not appear,
' i. e.j from Brittany.
* CiTHAii, or Cathat, has been mentioned by writers us a great-
kingdom, as early as the thirteenth cegtuij : it is not easy, however, t(^ I
ascertain what district was comprised under this appellation. The locality^
was the north of China ; hut the notions of the eaily coamograpkera i
appear to have been far from definite upon the subject. ^See a learnei3
dissertation, by Andreaa MiiUer, entitled Disqvisitio Oeograjihiea a His-
torica de Ghataja, in which he discusses " Quronam Chataja sit, et an sjf
idem ille terrarum tractua quern Sinas et vulgo Cbinam vocant, aut v an
ejus aliqua?" Berolini, 1C71, 4to.
BEBABTIAN 6AB0TBS VOYAGE.
don and the knowledge of Cosmograpbie: wlio sayled
along and beyonde tliis laude of Newe Fraimcej at the charges
of King Henrie the seneuth, king of Englande. And hee g^
tolde mee, that hauing sayled a long time West and by North "'
beyonde these Ilandes vnto the latitude of 67 degrees and an
halfe under the North Pole, and at the 11 day of June, find- ■
ing stiU the opan Sea without any manner of impediment,
hee thought verily by that way to haue passed on still the ««
Tray to Cathaio, which ia in the East, and woulde haue done ^^
it, if the mutinie of the shipmaster and marriners had not
rebelled, and made him to returne homewardes from that
place.' But it seemeth that God doth yet still reseruc this ^'
great enterprise for some great Prince to discouer this voyage g..
of Cathaio by this way; whichfor the bringing of the spiceries Printo-
from India into Europe were the most easie and shorteat of
all other wayes betherto founde out. And, surely, this en- xhi<war
terprise woulde bee the most glorious, and of most impor- SU'Suilr"
'tance of all other, that can be imagined, to make liis name TLisdia™-
great, and fame immortall, to all ages to come, farre more molt Binri.'
"then can be done by any of all these great troubles and i-tiM.
1 There is much contradictory evidance, and of an eariy date, as to the
degree of north latitude actually reached by S. Cabot ; and the natural
conaeq^uence has been great discrepancy in the Btatemeots of later writers,
according as they have foUowed one or other of the earlier anthoilties. J
The doubt is, whether he stopped short at 5G degrees, or had penetrated H
as high as 67, when compelled to turn Ijack by the mutinous fears of his ^
crew. There is a strong presumption in favour of his having actually
discovered Hudson's Straits, and gained the 67th degree through Foa'a
Channel.— See Bamueio, Ifamffatiotii, vol- i, fol. 402. Edit. 1S60. Jil.
Tol. iii, fol. 417. Edit. 1565 ; the various statements in Hakluyt'a
Principaa NavignHons, vol iii, ■p. e-9, 25, 26. Edit. 1600; vol. iv, p. 417.
Edit. 1811 : Oomura, Eitloria general dt las Indias, tol. 31. Edit. 15S4 ;
and also the Memoir of S. Cabot, by Biddlc, where the subject will bo
found discuaacd at coosiduruble length. It ia to be regretted that this
gsntleman haa not been as careful in the arrangement of the very valuable
materiale he has brought together, as he boa been diligent in the coUec-
tion of them: wo can luroiy be certain that we have got all the informa-
tion contained in his book upon any given subject.
£^
20 SEBASTIAN GABOTES VUYAfiE.
warres, wliicli dayly arc vaed in Europe among the miserable
Christian people.
This much concerning Sehastion Gahotes discouerie may
suffice for a present cast ; but shortly, God wilhng, ahaJl
come out in print, all hia owne mappes and discourses, drawne
and written by himselfe,' which are in the cuatodie of the
worshipfull master Willia Worthington,* one of her Maieaties
Pensioners, who (because so worthie raonumentea shoulde not
be buried in perpetuall obhuion) is very willing to suffer
them to be ouerseene and pubUsbed in as good order as may
bee, to the encouragement and benefite of our Conntriemeu.
1 Cabot's Maps and Di^couraeB were never printed. See also Memoir
of S. Cabot, page 221, where Mr. Biddle suggests that Worthingtoii may
havo been a croatme of Philip 11 of Spain, and have been emplojed bj
him for the purpose of gaining possession of all Cabot's charts and
papom.
* William Worthington. One of the " ordinarj gentlemen and pen-
sioners" of King Edward VI, and " bailiff and collector of the rents and
revenues of lUl the loaaora, messuages, and hereditaments, withia the
citj of London and countj of Middlesex, which did belong to colleges,
guilds, fraternities, or free chftpels."^Strjpe, Eedesiastical Memoria/s,
Tol. ii, part If, page 234. Oxford, 1622,
A DECLARATION OF THE INDIES AND LANDES
diacouered and subdued vnto the Emperour and the king
of Portugttle ; anil iilso of other partes of the Indies and
rich eotintriea to be discouereil, which the leorihijifiill
Master Ttohert Thorne, merchant of London (who
dwelt long in the city of Biuil, in Spaine), exported
King Hemie the eight to taJte iu hanila.
Experience proueth that naturally all Princes bee desirous to
extend and enlarge their dominions and kingdomes. Wher-
fore it is not to bee maruelled to see them euery day procure
.t° same, not regarding any coat, perill, and labour, that may
thereby chaunce; but rather it is to bee maruciled If there
be any prince content to line quiet with his owne dominions.
for surely the people would thinke he lacketb the noble
courage and spirit of all other. The worlde knoweth that
the deairea of Princes haue beene so feruent to obtaine their
Xxirpose, that they haue aducntured and proucd things to
:knans conieotnre impossible, the which they haue made pos-
sible, and also thiugs difficult haue made facil ; and thus to
v)btaine their purpose, haiie in maner turned vp and downe
the whole worlde so many times, that the people inhabiting
in the farthest regio of the Occident, haue pursued with great
desires, labours, and perils, to penetrate and enter into the
farthest regions of the Orient : And in likewise those people of
the said partes of the Orient haue had no lease labour and desire
to enter and penetrate into the farthest land of the Occident,
and so following their purchase [purpose ?] bane not seased
vntill they could passe no farther by reason of the great Seas.
This natural! inchnation is cause that scarsely it may bcc
28 DEtl.ARA'nOS OF
saide there is any kingdome stable, nor king quiet, but that
his owne imagioatioQ, or other Priiicea hia neighbours, doe
trouble him. God and nature hath prouided to your Grace,
and to your Gracious progenitors, tliis Kealme of Englande,
aud set it in so fruitefull a place, and within auche limites,
that it shoulde seeme to bee a place quiet and aparted from
all the foreaaidc desires. Que speciall cause ia, for that it is
compassed with the Sea : by reason thereof it aeemes, this
notwithstanding, their desires and noble courages haue been
most commonly like vnto others : and with marueilous great
labours, costea, aud perilles, they haue trauelled aud passed the
Seas, making warre not onely with kings and dominions mgh
neighbours, but also with them of farre countries, and so
hath wonnc and conquered many riche and faire Dominions,
and amplified this your Graces Realme with great victorie
and glory. And also nowe of late, your Grace hauing like
courage and desire, aud not without iust cause to eularg?
this your kingdome, and demaund your limites aud tribute
of the French king, which at that present hee restrained,
your Grace in person passed with a great power into France,'
putting your Grace's person to great paine aud labour, and
without doubt victoriously you had conquered the saide
Realme of Fraunce as yee began, if your aduersarie bad not
reconciled him, and knowledged your Graces riglit and title:
and ao promised truely to pay the tribute then due, and ful-
fill your request in all thingea, and also desired your Grace
for peace, the which of your clemencie you could not refuse.
Nowe I, considering this yoiu: noble courage and desii'e, and
also perceiuing that jom Grace may at your pleasure, to your
greater glory, by a godly meane, with litle cost, perill, or la-
bour to your Grace or any of your Subiectes, amplilie and
inriehe this your saide Realme, I knowe it is my bouude dutie
to manifest this secrete vnto your Grace, which hitherto, as I
' Henry VIII passed o
Frauce in the moiitli of June, 1G13.
suppose, hath beene hid : which ia, that with a small number N"W.
of shippes there may bee discouered diuers newe landes and
kingdomes, in tlie whichc, without douhtj your Grace shall
winne perpetuall glory and your Subiects infinite profile.
To which places there is left one way to disccuer, which ia
into the North : For that of the foure parts of the worlde it
seemeth three partes are discouered by other Princes. For
out of Spaine they haue diacouercd all the Indies and Seas
Occideutall, and out of Portugale all the ladies and Seas Ori-
ental : So that by this part of the Orient and Occident they
haue compassed the worlde. For the one of them departing
towarde the Orient, aud the other towarde the Occident, met
againe in the course or way of the middeat of the day, and
80 then was discouered a great part of the same Seas and
coastes by the Spaniardes. So that nowe rest to bee dis-
couered the said North partes, the which it seemeth to mee
is' onely yoiu* charge and dutie. Because the situation of this
your Bealme is thereunto neerest and aptest of all other: and
also for that you haue alreadie taken it in hande : And, in "oie
mine opinion, it will not seeme well to leaue so great and
profitable an enterprise, seeing it may so easily, and with so
little coste, labour, and daunger, bee followed and obteiued :
Though, heretofore, yowr Grace hath made theereof a proofe,
and founde not the commoditie thereby as you trusted, at
this time it shall bee no impediment. For there may bee
nowe pronided remedies for thingea then lacked, and the in-
conueniences and lettes remooued that then were cause your
Grace's desire tooke no full effect, which is, the courses to be
chaunged, and foUowe the aforesaid new courses, ' And con-
1 In Hatluyt's Callectieyts, vol. i, page 515, we find an account of " The
Toyage of Sir Thomas Port and 9, Oabota to Brasil, St. Domingo, and St.
John de Porto Ricco, an. 1516." This is the only voyage of the kind in
Henry VlII's reign, prior to the time when Thome UTote this Declaration ;
and is, no donbt, the " proofe" referred to in the test. Haklujt declares
that the expedition failed through the cowardice of Sir Thomas Pert ;
but we arc not informed whether the object were the discoTcry of new
32 DECLARATION OP THE INDIES.
doubt they shal find there y^ richest lads and Hands of the
worlde of Golde^ precious stones^ balmes^ spices^ and other
thinges that wee here esteeme most: which come out of
Strang coimtreys^ and may retume the same way.
By this^ it appeareth your Grace have not onely a greate
aduantage of the riches^ but also your subiectes shal not
trauell halfe of the way that other doe^ which goe rounde
about as aforesaide.
I
GBadnfiSo. ^
huiut cart;
nxvideniur u
oppofitu Incipi
gere,8c.grjdus |
incipiunt.ipoi|
THE BOOKE MADE BY THE RIGHT WORSHIPFUL
Master Robert Thomcj in the yeere 1527, in Siuill, to
Doctour Ley,' Lorde Ambassadour for King Heurie the
^^^^ eight, to Charlea the Emperour, being an information
^^^^k of the parts of the world discouered hj him and
^^^^B the King of Fortingale : And also of the waj
^^^" to the Moluccaes by the north.
Right Noble akd Rexjeeesiie ik, etc. — I receiued yotir
letterSj and haue procured and sent to kuowe of your semant
who your Lordeahip wrote shoulde bee sicke in Merchena.*
1 can not there or els where heare of hinij w'out he be re-
turned to you or gone to S. Lucar and sbipt. I can not iudge
but that of some contagions sicknes he died, so that the owner
of the house for defaming his house woulde bury him secretly
and not be known of it. For such things haue ofte times
happened in this countrey.
Also, to write to your Lordshippe of the newe trade of
spicerie of the Emperour, there is no doubt but that the
Handes^ are fertile of cloues, nutmegs, mace, and cinnamon:
And that the saide llandcSj with other there about, abounde
in gold. Rubies, Diamonds, Balasses,'' Granates,^ iacincts, and
other stones and peai'les, as al other lads that are vnder and
nere y" equinoctial. For we see where nature giueth any
thing she is no nigarde. For as with vs and other, that are
1 Dr. Edward JJee, chaplain and almoner to King Henry Till, and
afterwards archbishop of York. — Wood, Alheius Oxon. toI. i, page 138.
Edit. 1813.
' Marcbeua, neat Seville.
* The Philippine Islands, discovered by Magellan for the crown of
Spiiin, in the year 1S21.
* The BalasB ruby, of a faint rod colour.
' Oranatc, or grenatite ; piiamatic garnet, of a Bhining, trnnapareut,
yellowish red.
34
sparted from the aayde equinoctiall, our mettallea be lead,
tynne, and yron, so theirs be golde, siluer, and copper. Anil as
our fruites and graines be aples, nuttes, and corne, so theirs bee
dates, nutineggcSj pepper, cloucs, and other spices. And as
wee haue iette, amber, cristall, iasper, and other like atones,
so haiie they rubies, diamonds, balassea, saphires, lacinctB,
and other like. And though some say that of such precious
mcttals, graines, or kind of apices, and precious stones, the
abouudance and quantitie is nothing so great as o»ir mettaU,
fruites, or stones, aboue rehearsed : yet, if it be well consi-
dered how the quantitie of the earth vnder the equinoctiall
to both the tropicall lines (in which space is founde the said
golde, spices, and precious stones), to be as mncli in quan-
titie as almost aU the earth from the tropickes to both the
poles: it cannot be denied but there is more quantitie of the
said mettels, fruites, spices, and precious stones, then there
is of the other mettels and o^her thingea before rehearsed.
And I see that the preciousnesse of these thinges is measured
after the distance that ia betweene vs, and the things that
we haue appetite vnto. For in this nanigation of the spicerie
waa diacouered, that these Hands nothing set by golde, but
set more by a knife and a nayle of yron, then by his quan-
titie of Golde : and with reason, as the thing more necessarie
for mans sernice. And I doubt not but to them shoulde
bee as precious our come and seedcs, if they might haue
them, as to vs their spices : and likewise the peeces of glasse
that heare wee haue counterfayted, are as precious to them as
to vs their stones : which by experience ia scene daylie by
them that haue trade thither. This of the riches of those
countries is sufficient.
Touching that your Lordship wrote, whether it may be
pro6table to the Emperour or no, it may be without doubte
of great profit : if, as the King of Portingall doth, he woulde
become a marchant and proiude shippes, aud their lading,
and trade thither alone, and defende the trade of these
MASTER BOBERT THOENE. 35
Hands for himaelfe. But otter greater busines withholdetli
him from this. But still, as nowe it is begunne to bee occu-
pied, it would come to much. For the ships comming in
safetie, there would thither many euery yeere, of whiche to
the Emperour is due of all the wares and Juelles that come
from thence the fift part for his custome clcare without any
cost. And besides this, he puttetli in euery flote a certayn
quantitie of money, of whiche hee enioyeth of the gaines
pounde and poundes, like as other aduenturers doe. In a
flote of three shippes and a carauell, that went from this
citie, armed by the marchauntes of it, which departed in
Aprill last past, I and my partener haue 1400 Ducates, that n.
we employed in the sayde fleete, principally for that two
Englishmen, friends of mine, whiche are somewhat learned in
Cosraographie, ahoulde goe in the same sliippes, to bring mee
certaine relation of the situation of the countrey, and to bee
experte in the Nauigation of those seas, and there to haue
informations of many other things and aduise that I desire
to tnow especially. Seeing in these quarters are shippes
and marriners of that countrey, and cardes by which they
aayle, though much vnlike ours ; that they should procure
to haue the said Cards, and leame howe they vnderstande
them, and especially to know what Nauigation they haue for
those Ilandes Northwardea and North east war de.
For if from the sayde Ilandes the Sea do extende without ni
interposition of lande, to sayle from the North poynt to the
Northeast poynt, 1700 or 1800 leagues, they should come to
the Newe founde Ilandes that wee discouered, and so wee
shoulde bee neerer to the sayde apicerie by almost 2000 leagues
then the Emperour or the king of Portingal are. And to
aduise your Lordshippe whether of these spiceries of the
King of Portingal or the Emperours is neerer, and also of
thetitles that eytherofthem bath, and howe our Newe founde
landes are parted from it (for that by writyng without some
demonstration it were harde to giue any declaration of it).
r
I
THE BOOKE J
receyne herewiA
hiche I feare mee '
I have caused that your Lordesbippe shall receyne h
a little Mappe or Carde of tlie worlde : the whiche I feare mee
shall put your Lordahippe to more labour to imderstande
the'ii mcc to make it, only for that it is made in so little
roome that it cannot be but obscurely set out, y' is desired
to be scene in it, and also for y' I am in this science Httle
expert : Yet to remedy in part this diificultie, it is necessary
to declare to your Lordshippe my intent, with which I trust
you shal perceiue in this card part of your desire, if, for that
I cannot expressc mine intent with ray declaratio, I doe not
make it more obscure.
First, your Lordship knoweth that the Cosmographers bane
deuided the earth by 360 degrees in latitude, and as many in
longitude, vnder the which is comprelieuded al the round-
nesseofthe earth: the latitude beeing deuided into 4 quarters,
ninetie degrees amount to euerie quarter, whicli they mea-
sure by the altitude of the poles, that is, the North and South
starres, beeiug from the hne equiuoctiall, till they come right
vnder the North starre, the saide ninetie degrees : and as
muche from the sayde line equinoctiall to the South stajre
bee other ninetie degrees. And asmuche more is also from
eyther of the saide starres agayne to the equinoctiall. Which,
imagined to be rounde, is scone perceiued thus 360 degrees
of latitude to be consumed in the said foure quarters, of
uinetie degrees a quarter, so that this latitude is tlie measure
of the worlde from North to South, and from South to North.
And the longitude, in which are also counted other 360, is
counted fro West to East or from East to West, as in the card
is set. The said latitude your Lordship may see marked and
deuided in the end of this carde ou the left hande. So tlmt
if you woulde know in what degrees of latitude any region
or coast standcth, take a eompasse and set the one foote of
the same in the equiuoctiall line right against the said region,
and apply the other foote or eompasse to the saide region or
coast, and then set the sayd compiisse at the cude of the
UABTEB SOBEBT THOBNi:.
carde, where the degrees are deuided. And the one footc of
the copasse standing in the line equinoctial!, the other will
Bhewe in the scale the degrees of altitude or latitude that the
aayd region is in. Also, the longitude of the worlde I have
Bet out in the nether part of the carde, contayning also 360
degrees : which hegin to be coiitedj after Ptolome and other
Cosmographers, from an head land, called Capo verde,' which
ia ouer against a little crosse, made in the part occidentall,
where the ditiision of the degrees heguineth and endeth in
y same Capo verde. Nowe, to knowe in what longitude to
any lande is, your Lordshippe must take a ruler, or a com- 1^
passe, and set the one foote of the compasae upon the lande,
or coast, whose longitude you woulde knowe, and extende
the other foote of the compasse to the nextc parte of one of
the transuersall lines in the Oriental! or Occidental! part :
which done, set the one foote of the compasae in the saide
transuersall lyne at the ende of the nether scale, the scale of
longitude and the other foote sheweth the degree of longi-
tude that the region is in. And your Lordshippe must vnder-
stande, that this carde, though little, conteyueth the vniuersal!
whole worlde betwiste the twoo coUaterall lines, the one in
the Oecidentall parte deacendeth perpendicular ^-ppon the 175
degree, andthe otherin the OrientaD on the 170 degree, whose
distaunce measureth the scale of longitude. And that whiche
ia without the two aayde transuersall lyiies is onely to shew
howe the Oriental part is ioyned with the Occident, and Occi-
dent with the Orient. For that that is set without the line in
' The meridian adopted bj Ptolemy is not Capo Verde, but Ferro, the
moat westerly of the Canary Islaada, whicli were well known to the
ancients as the Insulce Fortunittte, although gradually forgotten after the
deatraction of Carthage, the great maritime power of antiquity. Some
have fixed the first meridian at the island of St. Nicholas, near Cape
Verde ; Bome at the island of Corvo, one of the Azores. The Dutch have
chosen the Peak of Teueriffe ; others, the Isle of Pahna, one of the Cana-
ries ; and the French have reckoned, nitbin the last hundred years, both
from the Island of Ferro. and from Paris.
f 98 THE BOOKE MADE BV «
the Orient parte is the same that ia set within the other line ill
the Occidental! parte : and againe, that that is aette without
the line in the Occidentall part is the same that is set within
the line on the Orientall parte : To shewc that thongh this
figure of the worlde, in playne or flat, seemeth to bane an
ende, yet one imagining that this sayde carde were set vpon
a round thing, where tlie endes shoulde touche hy the lines,
it would plainely appeare ho we the Orient part ioyneth with
the Occident, as there without the lines it is described and
figured. And for more declaration of the said card, your
Lordship shall vnderstand, that beginning on the parte Occi-
dentall within the iyne, the first land that is set out is ye
mayne land, and Hand of the Indiea' of ye Empcrour. Which
mayne lande or coast gocth Northwarde, and finisheth in the
lande that wee founde, which is called heere Tejra de Labra-
dor. So that it appeareth the saydc lande that wee founde,
and the Indies, to bee all one mayne lande. The sayd coast
from the saide Indies Southwarde, as by the carde your
Lordshippe may see, cometh to a certaine straite sea, called
« csiirf Bstrecho de todos Sanctos: by which straite Sea the Spaniardes
!8iun(. go to the spicerieSj as I sliall declare more at large : the
which straite sea is right against the three hundred fifteene
degrees of Longitude, and is of Latitude or altitude from the
Equinoctiall fiftie-three degrees. The first lande from the
sayd beginning of the carde towardc the Orient, is certaine
Ilandes of the Canaries, and Ilandes of Capo verde. But
the first mayne lande next to the bne Equinoctiall, ia the
sayde Capo verde, and from thence northwarde by the streite
of this sea of Italie,' And so followeth Spayne, Fraunce,
Flaunders, Almaine, Denmarke, and Norway, which is the
highest parte toward the North. And oner against Flaun-
ders are our Hands of England and Irelande. Of the landes
and coastes within the straites, I haue set out onelye the
:o and the West In dies.
' The StTaitE of GibralUxJ
UASTER ROBBBT TBOONE. 39
Regions, deuiding them by lynes of their lymittes, by wliiche
playnelie I thiuke your Lordship may see, in what aituatio
euery region is, and of what highnease, and with what regions
it is ioyned. I doe tbinke few are Icfte out of all Europe.
In the partes of Asia and Affrica, 1 could not so well make
the said diuisions : for that they be not so well knowen, nor
neede not so muche. This I write, because in the sayde
cnrde bee made the sayde lynes, and strikes that your Lord-
shippe should vnderstande wherefore they doe serue. Also,
returning to foresaydc Capo verde, the coast goeth Soutb-
warde to a cape, called Capo de dona speransa:' which is right
oner agayust the sistye and sixtic-fifte degree of Longitude.
And by tliis cape goe the Portingales to their spicerie. For
from thifl cape towarde the Orient, is the Lande of Calicut, aa
your Lordshippe may see in the bead lande oner against the
130 degree. From the said Cape of Botta Speransa the coast
retumeth toward the Hne Equinoctial], and jtaasing foorth,
entreth the read sea, and returning out, entreth agaiiie into
the gulfe of Persia, and retm-neth towarde the Equinoctiall
line, till that it commeth to the headland called Callieut'
aforesaide, and from thence the coast, making a Gulfe,^ where
is the ritter of Ganges, retumetb towarde the line to a head
lande called Malacba, where is the priucipall spicerie : And
from this cape, retiirnctli and maketh a great Gulfe,' and after,
the coast goeth right toward the Orient, and oner against
this last giilfe and coast be manie Ilandes," which be Ilandes
ofthespiceriesof theEmperonr. Upon which the Portingales
and he be at variaimee. The said coast goeth towarde the n
Orient and endcth right against the 155 degrees, and after
retumetb toward the Occident Northwarde : which coast not
yet plainely knowne, I may ioyne to the new found land
found by va, that I spake of before. So that I finishe with
• Cape of QooJ IIopo.
I The Baj of Bengal.
' Tbc Philippine Islands.
4D THB BOOKS MAUE BY
this, a briefe declaration of the carde aforcsayde. Well I
knowe I shoulde also haiie declared how the coastes withiu
the streites of the Sea of Italie runne. It is plaiue, that
passing the streites on the Nortliside of that Sea after the
Coast of Grauado, and with that which pertaynea to Spayne,
is the coast of that which Fraunce hath in Italie. And then
foUoweth in one peece all Italie, which lande hath an arme
of a sea, with a gulf, which ia called Mare Adriaticum. And
in the bottome of this gulfe is the eitie of Venice. And on
the other part of the said gulfe is Sclauonia,' and nexte
Grecia, then the streites of Constantinople,' and then the Sea
called Euxinus, which is within the saide streites : and com-
ming out of the said straits, floweth toward Tiircia maior.
(Though now on both sides it is called Turcia.) And so the
coast runneth Southward to Syria, and ouer against the said
Turcia are the Hades of Rhodes, Candie, and Cyprus. And
ouer against Italie arc the Ilandes of Sicilia and Sardinia.
And ouer against Spaine ia Maiorea and minorca. In the
ende of the gulfe of Syria ia ludea. And from thence
retumeth the coast toward the Occident, till it commeth to
the streites where wee beganne, whiche all is the coast of
Aflricke or Barbaiie. Also, your Lordshippe shall vnder-
stande, that the coastes of the Sea throughout all the world
I haue coloured with yellow, for that it may appeare that all
that is within the line coloured yellow, is to be imagined to
be mayne land, or Hand : and all without the aayde line so
coloured to bee Sea ; whereby it ia eaaie and light to know it.
Albeit, in this little roome, any other description would
rather haue made it obscure then cleere. Also, the sayd
coasts of the Sea are all set iiistly after the manner and forme
1 Istria, Croatia, and Dalmntia, to which the term Sclaronia was for-
merly applied, (is wtll as to that part of Europe which is known at the
present day as SclaTonia Proper, situate between the Save, the Danube,
and the nioTa.
2 Thu Dardanelles and Sea of Marmora.
MiflTBa ROBERT THORNE.
41
as they lye, as the natiigation approoueth the throughout all
the carde, saue onelj the coastes and Ilea of the apicerie of
y° Emperoiir, which is from ouer against the 160 to the 215
degrees of Longitude. For these coaates and situations of
tlie Hands, euery of the Cosmographers and pilots of Portin-
giJl and Spayne doe set after their purpose. The Spaniards,
more towards the Orient, because they should appear to apper-
taine to the Emperour : and the Portingalles more toward
the Occident, for that they should fall within their iuriadic-
tion. So that the Pilots and nauigants thither, which in
such cases should declare y^ truth, by their industrie doe set
the falsely enery oue to fauour his prince. And for this
cause can be no certaine aituatio of y' coast and Hands til
this difference betwixte them be verified, Nowe, to come to
the purpose of your Ijordsliippes demaunde, touching tlie
difference betweene the Emperour and the king of Portin-
gall, to raderstad it better, I must declare y'' beginning of
tliis discouering. Though, pcradueture, your Lordship may
say, y' in that I haue writte ought of purjiose, I fall in the Pro-
uerbe, A gemino ouo bellum .- But your Lordship commauuded
rae to he large, and I take licence to be prolixouse, and shal
be, peraduenture, tedious, but your Lordship knoweth that
nihil ignoranlia verbosias. In the yeere 148'1,' the king of
Portingal minded to armc certaine caruelles to discouer this
spicery. Then forasmuch as he feared that being discouered,
euerie other prince would send and trade thither, so y' the
cost and peril of discouering should be his, and the profite
common : wherefore, first, he gane knowledge of this his
mynd to all princes christened, saying, y' he would seeke
amogst y" infidels newe possessios of regions, and therefore
I In this year Congo was discovered by Diego Cam, a Portuguese. —
BawoB, Asia, Dec. i, fol. 39. This waa tha first yojage in which atona
pillars were used by the Portuguese to mark their diaooveriea i they had
preTioualy used wooden crosses. We do not find in the different hiritoiies
of Portuguese diseoverj, any account of the application to the various
la of Europe, mentioned in the text.
42
THK BOOKS HADE BY
would make a certain army : and y" if any of the would help
in y* cost of y^ said army, he shoidd euioy hia parte of the
profite, or honour, that ahoulde come of it. And as then this
discouering was bolden for a strauugc thing and vncertainc.
Nowe they say, that all the Princes of Christcadome aun-
Bweared, that they woulde bee no parte of such an army, nor
yet of the profite y' might come of it. After the which, he
gaue knowledge to the Pope of his purpose, and of the answere
of all the Princes, desiring him, y' seeing that none would
helpe in the costes, that hee woidde iudge all that shouMe
he founde and discouered to be of his iiuisdiction, and com-
maund that uone other Princes should intermeddle there-
with. The pope aaidc not, as Christ saith, Chiis me constituit
iudinem inter vos? He did not refuse, but making himaelfe
as Lorde and Iudge of all, not only grauted that all that
should be discouered from Oriet to Occidct should be the
kings of Portingall, hut also, that vpon great censures no
other Prince should discouer but he ; And if they did, all to
he the kinges of Portingall,' So he armed a fleete, and in
the yeere 1487 was discouered y* Hands of Calicut,' from
1 See BarroB, Aina (Dec. I, fol. 14-39. Edit. 162H), as to the granta to
tiiiB effect by various popes (beginning with Martia V, down to Seitua
IV), of all that might be discovered by tbc Portuguese from Cape
Bojadol to the East Indies incluaive. Also, Bee i, lib. ii, cap. 4 ; Bnd
Navarrete, CoUecdon de Viageg, torn, ii, p. 23 et set/q.; m to the bulla of
Pope Alexander TI, dated '2ad and 3rd May 1493, granting to Spain the
whole of the -western hemiephere, to commeDCC at a line drawn from tlie
north to the south pole, one hundred leagues westward &om the Asores
and Cape Verde Islands.
^ What is here termed the discovery of the islands of Calicut, or in
other words, the passage to the East Indies by the Cape of Good Hope,
was not accomplished until the year 1498. But in 1487, the practica-
bility of the passage was proved by Bartholomeu Diss, who actually
doubled tho cape in that year. — Barros, Alio, Deo. i, fol. 43. Edit. 1628.
On the 8th of July 1497, Vaaco da Gama set aall from Lisbon for the
purpose of accomplishing the passage to the east by this route; and after
exploring the eastern coast of Africu as far as Meliuda, he steered across
the Indian Ocean, and made land in India for the first time at tho city
of Calicut, on the 18th of May 1498.— M. Dec. i, fol. 63-73.
UAST&IC ROBBaT THOBME. 43
whence is brought all the spice he hath. After this, in the
yeere 1492, the king of Spaiae, willing to discouer landea
towarde the Occident, without making any such diligence, or
talcing licence of the king of Portingale, armed certayne
caruclies, and then diacouered this India Occidentall, espe-
cially two Ilandes of the saide India, that in this carde I set
foorth, named, the one Ladominica, and the other Cuba,' and
brought certaine gold from thence. Of the which, when the
king of Portingall had knowledge, he sent to the king of
Spayne, requiring him to give him y said Hands. For that
by the sentence of the Pope, all that should be discouered
was his, and that he should not proceede fiirther in the dis-
conerie without his hcence. And at the same time it seemcth,
that out of Caatill into Portingale had gone, for feare of
burning, infinite number of lewes that were expelled out of
Spayne, for that they would not turne to be Christians, and
carried with the infinite number of gold and silver. So that
it seemeth that the King of Spayne answered that it was
reaso that the king of Portingall asked, and that to bee
obedient to that which the pope had decreed, he would
giue him the said Hands of the Indies. Now, for as much as
it was decreed betwixt y° said kings, y' none shoidd receiue
y° others subiccts, fugitiues, nor their goodes, therefore the
king of Portingale should pay and returue to the king of
Spaine a million of Golde or more, that the lewcs had car-
ried out of Spaine to Portingale; and that so doing, he would
giue these Ilandes, and desist from any more discoucring.
And not fulfilling this, he would not onely not giue these
Hands, but prociu'e to discouer more where him thought best.
It seemeth that the king of Portingale would not, or could
not, with his ease pay this mony. And so not paj-ing that, he
conlde not let the King of Spaine to discouer : so that hee
■ The island of Dominica was diacoTered bj Columbus, on the 3rd of
November 14:}3 ; and Culm in the month of Outobor liS'i.—tkUct LeUers
of Columbus, edited by Major for the Itakhijt Society, pp. 2, 31.
u
CDterpriacd not toiVHnl tlie Orient where he bad begun and
foiind the spicery. And consented to the king of Spaine,
that touching this discouering, they should deuide the worlde
bctweeue them two. And that all that should be diacouered
fro Capo verde, where this carde beginneth to be counted in
the degrees of longitude, to 180 of the aayde scale of longi-
tude, which is halfe the worlde toward the Orient, and
finisheth in this carde right oner agaiust a little crosse made at
the sayde 180 degrees, to he the king of Portiugallea. And
all the lande from the sayde Crosse towarde the Occident
vutill it ioyneth with the other Crosae in the Orient, which
conteiueth the other hundreth and eightie degrees, that is
the other halfe of the worlde, to bee the king of Spaynes.
So that from the lande ouer agaynst the sayde hundreth
and eightie degrees vntill it finish in the three hundred and
sistie on both the endes of the carde, is the iurisdiction of
the king of Spayne. So after this manner they deuided the
worlde betweene them.' Nowe, for that these Ilanda of
spicerie fall neere the terme and lymites betweene these
Princes {for as by the sayde carde you raaye see they beginne
from one hundred and sixtie degrees of Longitude, and ende
in 215), it seemeth fill that falleth from 160 to 180 degrees
ehoulde bee of Portingall r and aU the rest of Spayne. And
for that their Cosmographers and Pilots could not agree in
the situation of the said Hands (for the Portiugals set them
al within their 180 degrees, and the Spaniards set them all
without : and for that in measuring, all the Cosmographers
of both partes, or what other that euer haue beene, canot
giue certaine order to measure y* logitude of the world as
^ See ante, p. 42, note 1. An agreement Letween Spain and Portugal
was concluded on the Ttb of June 1494, and is known as the Capitulsi-
tion of TordeEillaB. Its object waa to secure to Portugal all that tnlglit
be diacoTereJ within a line, to be drawn from the north to the south
pole, at the distance of three hundred and seventy leagues from the Cape
Verde Islands. — Kavarrete, CoUtccion de Viaget y Desciil^rimieiiloi, tflm.
ii, p. 130 et ieqq.
5ETTH0RNE.
they do of y' latitude : for y' there is no starre fixed fro ti
East to West, as are y^ starrs of the polea from North to \o
Southj but all mooueth with tlie mouiiig diuine) ; no niafier
can be found how certaiiiely it may be measured, but by con-
iectiires, as the Nauigantes haue esteemed the way tliey haue
gone. But it is manifest, that Spayne bad the situatiou of
all the landes fi-om Capo verde towarde the Orient of the
Portiugales to their 180 degrees. And in all their cardes
they neuer hitherto set the sayd Hands within their limita-
tio of the sayd 180 degrees {Though they knew very well of
the Ilandes) til nowe that the Spaniards diaeouered them.
And it ia Icnowue that the king of Portingale had trade to
these Hands afore, but would neuer suffer Portingale to goe
thither from Cahcut : for ao much as hee knewe that it fell
out of his dominion : least by going thither there might
come some knowledge of those other Ilandea of the King of
Spayne, but bought the clones of Merchauntea of that
countrie, that brought them to Calicut, mucli deerer then
they would haue cost if he had set for the, thinking after
this maner it would abide alwaies secrete. And now that it
is diaeouered he scndea and keepes the Spauierds from the
trade all that he can. Also, it should seeme, that when this
foreaaide consent of the diuiaion of the worlde was agreed
of betweene them, the king of Portingale had alreadye dia-
eouered certayne Ilandes that lye ouer against Capo verde^
and also certayne parte of the mayne lande of India towarde
the South, from whence he fet Brasill, and called it the lande
of Brasill,' So for that all shoulde come in his terme and
1 The Cape Verde Islands were diBcoTcred by Antonio Nolle, a Oeno-
Tese, in the servica of the Infante Bon Henry of Portugal. Geographers
are not agreed as to the year in whicli tliia discovery nas mudo : accord-
ing to Chelmieki (Gorogrf^a C'aho-Verdiana, p. 2), it was in the month
of May 1446 ; but we find it also assigned to the years 1440, 1449, 1449,
1460, and 14G0,
* The natural conclusion to he drawn from this and the following pas-
sage is, that the Portuguese had discovered Srazil before the agreement
as to the three hundred and seventy leagues had been entered into. But
46
THK BOOIUt UADE BT
UmiteB, hee tooke three hundred and seucntie leagues be-
yonde Capo verde : and after this, his 180 degreeSj being his
part of the worlde, shoulde beginne in the Carde right ouer
against the 340 degrees, where I baue made a little conipasBe
with a croase, and shoulde finiahe at the 160 degree, where
also I baue made an other little marke. And after this com-
putation without any cuntroueraie, the Ilandes of the spicerie
fall out of the Portingales domination. So that nowe the
Spaniardes say to the Portingales, that if they woulde be-
ginne their 180 degrees from the saide Capo Verde, to the
intent they shoulde extetide more towarde the oriente, and
80 to touche those Ilandes of the spicerie of the Emperour,
which is all that is betweene the two crosses made in this
carde, tliat then the Ilandes of Capo verde, and the lande of
BrasUl that the Portingales nowe obtaioe, is out of the sayde
limitation, and that they are of t!ie Eraperonrs. Or if their
180 degrees they count from the 370 leagues bcyonde the
sayde Capo verde, to include in it the sayde Ilandes and
landes of Brasill, then plainely appeareth the saide 180
degrees shoulde finishe longe before they come to these
Ilandes of the spicerie of the Emperour : As by this Carde
your Lordeshippe may see. For their limittes shoulde be-
ginne at the 340 degrees of this Carde, and ende at 160
degrees, where I haue made two little marks of the compasse
with crosses in them.
this ia not correct, the Capitulation of Tordesillns hearing date five years
liefore the coast of Brazil was known. Tho name given to the countiy
by the discoverers waa Santa Cruz, which was afterwards changud to
Brazil, from the immense quantity of the wood so called found there.
There is early evidence to prove that the wood gave the name to the
country, and not tho country to the wood. The following passage occurs
in the Lihtr Radtewni of tho Rabbi Kimchi, a Spaniard, who lived in the
thirteenth century. "Alguinmim(2 Ohron. ix, 10), alias Almugim [1
Kings, X, 12) : both stand for the same, and in common language it is
called Corallo; but some persona declare it to be a sort of wood used for
dying, called in Arabic Albahim, and iu common Janguago Braeil "z:s^
Kimchi, LH. Rud, svb voce, OS?.
MASTER ROBEST THOBJJB.
47
So that plainely it shoiUde appeare by reason, that the
Portingalca shoulde leaue these Ilandes of Capo verde, and
land of Brasill, if they would haue part of the spicerie of the
EmperouTB : or else holding these, they haue no parte there.
To this the Portingales say, that they will beginne their 180
degrees from the selfe same Capo verde : for that it inaye
extende so muche more towarde the orieute, and touche
these Ilandes of the Emperoura : and woiilde winne these
Handea of Capo verde and lande of Eraaill nener the lesae, aa
a thinge that they poaaesaed before the conaent of this limi-
tation was made.'
So none ean verylye tell whiche hath the best reason.
They bee not yet agreed, Quare sub ludice lis est. But
without doubte, by all coniecturcs of reason, the sayde Ilandes
fall all without the limitation of Portingale, and pertayne to
Spaiae, aa it appearctli by the most parte of all the Cardea
made by the Portingales, saue those they haue falsified of
late purposely.* But nowe touching that your Lordeshippe
• See anle, page 9, note, as to the discovery of Brazil.
' In the year 1524, aaerioua effort was made to settle these differencea,
and commiEsioDera from both crowns met at the boundarj between
Badajoz and Yelvea. It had been preyioualy agreed, that the Portuguese
should be allowed the three hundred and serenty leagues mentioned in
the test, and the points to be discussed were— 1, Ujion nhat medium
the line of demarcation should be made, whether upon the marine
cha^rt, or upon the spherical map ; 2, How they should £x the propel
situation of the Cape Verde Islands ; and 3, Prom which of the Cape
Verde Islands they shonld commence the measurement of the three hun-
dred and Boventy leagues, for the line of demarcation. Difficulties imme-
diately arose. There wajj found to be a difference of seventy leagues
between the situation of places, aa laid down in the maps produced bj
the Spaniards and the Portuguese. Again, the Portuguese wished to
measure the thiee hundred and seventy leagues from La Sal, the most
eastern of the Cape Verde Islands ; the Spaniards, from San Antonio, the
most western ; the distance between the two being not loss than seventy
leagues. The Fortugueso rejected both the marine charts and maps of
the Spaniards, and eodeavouted to confine the inquiry to the question of
actual possession of the Spice Islands. The Spanish commissioners, on
the other hand, insisted upon fixing the line of demarcation, affirming,
48 THX BOOKB MADE BT
wrote, whether that which wee discouered toucheth any
"^ thing the foreaayde coiistes : once it appeareth plainely, that
"" the Newe founde lande that wee discouered is all a mayne
laiide, with the Indies occidentall, from whence the Enape-
rour hath all the golde and pearles : and so continueth of
coaste more then 5000 leagues of length, as by tlds Carde
appeareth. For from the saide newc landea it proceedeth
toward the occidct to the Indies^ and from the Indies return-
eth toward the orient, and after tumeth aouthwarde vp till
it come to the straytes of Todoa Saiictoa, whiche I reckon to
bee more then 5000 leagues.
So that to the Indians it shoulde seeme that wee haue acme
title, at least, that for our discouering wee might trade thither
as other doe. But all thia is nothing neere the apicerie.
I i>T Nowe then (if from the aayde newe foujide landea the Sea
bee Nauigahle), there ia no doubte, hut sayling Northwarde
and passing the pole, descending to the equinoctiall lyne,
wee shall hitte these Ilandea, and it shoulde hee much more
shorter way then eyther the Spaniardes or the Portingalcs
haue. For wee bee distaunt from the pole but 39 degrees,
and from the pole to the Equinoctiall bee 90, the which
added together be 129 degrees, leaguea 2480, and myles
7440. Where wee shoulde finde these Ilandes. And the
Nauigation of the Spaniardes to the spicerie is, as by this
Carde you may see, from Spayne to the Ilandes of Canarie,
and from these Ilandes they runne ouer the lyne Equinoc-
that the line of partition for the three huniJred and serentj leagues rnnat
commence at the luland of San Antonio, nnd that the Moluccaa, Sumatra,
Malacca, the Philippine Islands, imd also China, fell within the line of
demarcation for Castille, by many degrees ; and that their situation waa
not in the longitude affirmed b; the Portuguese. In the midst of thesQ
discuBsione, the term for which the commission nas appointed expired,
and the commissioners ultimately came to the decision that thej could
decide nothing ; and not knowing what better to do, left the matter to be
settled by their respective sovereigns. — Herrera, ffiatoria dt la Eepajhi,
torn, i, DescripcioD, p. 2, Dec. iii, lib. vi, cap. 3-8 ; Nayarrete, CoUfccion,
torn, iv, p. 310 et eeqq.
tiall Southwarde to the cape of the mayiie lande of Indians,
called the Cape of Sainte Augustine, and from this cape
Soutliwardes to the straytes of Todos Sanctoa, in the whiche °^^=
Nauigation to the sayde atraitcs is 1700 or 1800 leagues: and *""'''
from these straytea, being past them, they returns towarde
the line Equinoctiall to the Ilandes of spicerie, whiche are
distante from the sayde straitea 4i200 or 4300 leagues.
The Nauigation of the Portingallea to the sayd Hands is,
departing from Portingale Southwarde towarde the Capo
verde, and from thence to auotlier Cape, passing the lyiie
equinoctiall, called Capo de bona speransa, and from Por-
tingale to the cape is 1800 leagues, and from this cape to the
Ilandes of spicerie of the Emperour is 2500 leagues.
So that by this nauigation amounteth all to 4300 leagues.
So that as afore is sayde, if betweene our Newc founde landes,
or Norway, or lalande, the Seas towarde the north be Naui-
gable, wee shouldc goe to these Ilandes a shorter way by
more then 2000 leagues. And though wee went not to the
saide Ilandes, for that they are the Emperoiirs or Kinges of
Portingale, wee shoulde by the way, and comming once to '^"'^
the line Equinoctiall, finde landes no lesse riche of Golde
and spicerie as all other landes are vnder the saide hne Equi-
noctiall : and also shoulde, if wee may pasae vnder the North,
enioye the Nauigation of all Tartaric.
Which should bee no lesse profitable to our commodities ^™^^
of clothe, then these spiceiies to the Emperour and king of
Portingale.
But it is a generall opinion of all Cosmographers, that oh'ccn
passing the seuenth clyme,' the sea is all ice, the colde so
1 A climate ia a space of the surfftce of the globe comprised between
two circles parallel to the equator. The general rule for determining
the region embraced by each climate has been a certaiu variance in the
length of the longest clay, bo that the longest da; at the parallel nearest
to the equator shall exceed the longest daj at the parallel nearest to the
pole by the period of time fixed upon. Ptolemy made a quarter of an hour
his rule ; but most geographers, up to a period long subsequent to the time
w
much that none can aixffer it. And hitherto they had all the
like opinion, that VTider the lyne Equinoctiall for niuchc
heate the lande was inhahjtahle.^
Yet HincD hy experience is prooued no lande so miich
habitable nor more temperate, And to conclude, I thinke
the same sLoulde bee founde vnder the North if it were expe-
rimented. For aa all iudge. Nihil fit vacuum in rerum natura:
So I iudge there is no lande iuhahitable nor Sea innauigable.
If I should write the reason that presenteth this vnto mec, I
shoulde bee too prolixe, and it seemeth not requisite for this
present matter. God knoweth that though hy it I shoulde
baue no great interest, yet I hane had and still haue no httle
°' minde of this businease : So that if I had facultie to my
will, it should bee y* first thing that I woulde vnderstande,
' euen to attempt, if our Seas Northwarde bee nauigable to the
"" Pole, or no. I reason, that aa some sicknesses are heredi-
tarioua and come from the father to the sonne, so this inelin-
nhen Thorrio wrote, ni9,de half an hour the boundary of each climate, wbich
would bring the "seventb clyme" mentioned in the text to about 50^ de-
grees north. TbiH, however, would not at all bear out the assertion, that
" it is a general opinion of all cosmographers, that passing the sevenlh
clyme, the sea ia all ice, the cold eo much chat none can suffer it." Geogra-
phers have been far from unanimous on the subject. Riccioliua, in his Oeo-
graphia el Hydrograpkia reformaia, page 268, Edit. Venetiia, 1672, fol.
commences a vorj learned disquisition, " De climatum diversitatflj" by
observing, " There is a marvellouB confusion respecting them, and not a
little need of reformation." It is quite clear, that the opinion quoted by
Thome, must have been founded upon tables verj different from those
generally given; and that hia "seventh clyme" must have been much
farther north. Jan Janson, referring to the necessarily increasing con-
traction of the climates aa they receded from the equator, when the
Tarianco of time is made the basis of the limit, proposed that the
northern and southern hemispheres should be divided into ten climatoa
of ten degrees each,— thus rejecting all consideration both of time and
of temperature. This would bring the northern limit of tha seventh
climate to seventy degrees ; but this division, which was adopted by
Blaeu, nas not introduced nntil more than a century after Thome
wrote. — Jauson, Noms Atlas, torn, i, cap. 6, Introd. Edit. 1658 ; Blaoii,
De Globis, cap. 4, No. 3.
1 A( pro liOJ!, i, 0,, «o( habitable.
ation or desire of this diacouerie I inlierited of my father,
which with another merchant of Briatowe, named Hugh
Eliot, were the discouerers of the aewe found lada, of the
which there is no doubt, aa now plainly appeareth, if the ^ji
marriners woulde then hane been ruled, and folowed their "^
pilots mind, the lands of the west Indies, from whence all ^'i
the gold commeth, had been ours. For all is one coaste, as wr
by the carde appeareth, and is aforesaide. Also in this carde, ^
by the coastea where you see C, your Lordship shall ^Tider-
stand it is set for Cape or head land; where I, for Hand;
where P, for Port ; where R, for Riuer. Also in al this little
carde, I thinke nothing be erred touching the situation of
the land, saue onely in these Hands of spicery : which for
that as afore is sayd, euery one setteth them after his minde,
there can be no certification how they stand. I doe not
deiiie that there lacke many things that a consumate carde
should haue, or that a right good demonstration desireth.
For there should be expressed all the mountainea and riuers
that are principall of name in the earth, mth the names of
Portes of the sea, the names of all principall cities, whiche
all I might haue set, but not in this Carde, for the little space
would not consent.
Your Lordship may see that setting only the names almost
of euery region and yet not of all, the roome is occupied.
Many Hands are also left out for the saide lacke of roome :
the names almost of all portes put to silence, with the roses
of the windes or poiutes of the compasse : For that this is
not for Pilots to sayle by, but a suramaric declaration of that
which ymu: Lordsliip commaunded. And if by tliis your
Lordsliippe cannot well perceiue the meaning of this carde,
of the which I woulde not maruell, by reason of the rude
composition of it, wiU it please your Lordship to aduise mee
to make a bigger and a better mappe, or els that I may cause
_oue to bee made. For I knowe i
I
' RamuBio, -Vufijotiu,
, vol. i
! my selie in tlua am
). 6, Preface. Edit, 13Q5.
THi; BOOKX UADE BT
other nothing perfect but Licet semper digceng, nunqiiam
tamen ad perfectam sdentiam peruenienl. Also I knowe to
set the forme Sphericall of the worlde in Piano after the true
rule of Coainographie, it would haue been made otherwise
then this is : howbeit the demonstration shoulde not haue
beene bo plaine. Ajid also these degrees of longitude, that
I set in the lower part of this Card, shold haue been set
along by the line equinoctiall, and so then must bee ima-
gined. For the degrees of longitude neare either of the poles
are nothing equal in bignes to them in the equinoctiall.
But these are set so, for that setting them a long the Equi-
noctiall, it would haue made obscure a great parte of the
mappe. Many other curiosities may be required, which for
the nonce I did not set downe, as well for that the intent I
had principally was to satisfie yoiu- doubt touching the apicerie,
as for that I lacke leysnrc and time. I trust your Lordahippe,
correcting that which ia erred, will accept my good will,
which is to do any thing that I maye in your Lordshippea
seruice. But from henceforth, I knowe your Lordsliippe wil
rather commande me to keepc silence then to be large, when
you shalbe weeried with the reading of this discourse. lesus
prosper your estate and health.
Your Lordahippes Robert
Thorne, 1527.
Also this Carde, and that which I write touching the van-
aunce betweene the Emperour and the king of Portingale,
ia not to bee shewed or communicated there with many of
that Courte. For though there is nothing in it preiudiciall
to the Emperour, yet it may bee a cause of paine to the
maker : as well for that none may make these Gardes but
certaine appointed and allowed for masters, as for that per-
aduenture it woulde not souiide well to them, that a stranger
shoulde knowe or discouer their secretes: and wolde appeare
4
UASTER UOBERT THDBNE. 63
worst of all, if tliey vnderstand that I write toucting y' short
way to the spicerie by our Seas. Though, peraduenture, of
troth, it is not to bee looked too, a« a thing that by all opi-
Tiions is vnpossihlej and I thinke neuer will come to effect :
and, therefore, neither heere nor elswhere is it to bee spoken
of. Fur to moue it amongest wise men it shonlde bee had
in derision. And, therefore, to none I wovilde bane written
nor spoken of such things bnt to your Lordship, to whome
boldly I commit in this all my foolish fantasie aa to my selfe.
But if it please God that into Englande I may come with your
Lordship, I will shewe some coniectures of reason, though
against the gencrall opinion of Cosmographers, by which
shall appeare this that I say not to lacke some foundation.
And tyll that time, I beseeche your Lordship let it bee put
to silence : and in the meane season it may please Gud to
sende our two Englishmen, that are gone to the spicerie,
which may also bring more plaine declaration of y' which in
this case might bee desired.' Also I knowe, it needed not to
haue beene so probxe in the declaration of this Garde to your
Lordship, if the saide Garde had beene very well made after
the rules of Cosmographie. For your Lordship woulde soone
vnderatande it better then I, or any other that coulde haue
made it : and so it shoulde appeare that I shewed Delphinum
natare. But for that I haue made it after my rude mancr,
it is necessarie that I be the declarer or gloser of mine owne
work, or els your Lordship should haue had much labour to
vnderstande it, which nowe with it also cannot bee excused
it ia so grossely done. But I knewe you looked for no
curious things of mee, and therefore I trust yoxu- Lordshippe
will accept this and hokle mee for excused. In other mens
letters that they write, they eraue pardon that at this present
1 See ante, p. 35, where Thome informs us, that he and his partner had
Tentured 1400 ducats in a certajn &eei of Spanish merchantmen, princi-
patl; that he might have an opportunity of sending two Englishmen nith
tbeu, who might therehy haye an opportunity of observing the naviga-
tion to the Spice Iiilands.
THE BOOKE UADB BY HLSTSK BOBSRX THORNS.
they write no la^er : but I must finish, asking pardon, that
at this present I write so largely. leaus preaenie yoiir Lord-
ship with augmentation of dignities.
Your seruant Robert Thome. 1527.
Tliis Exhortation to king Henrie the eight, with the dis-
course to Doetor Ley, his Ambassadour in Spaine, was pre-
serued by one master Emmanuel Lueor, executour to master
Robert Thome, and was friendly imparted vnto mee by
master Cyprian Lucar, his soiinc, an honest Gentleman, and
very forwardc to further any good and laudable aetion. And
that it may bee knowne that this motion tooke present efiFect
with the king, I thought it good herewithall to put downe
the testimonie of ouur Chronicle that the king set our shippea
for this discouerie in his lifetime. Master Hall ' and master
Grafton' in their Chronicles write both thus : This same
moneth king Henry the eight sente two faire ships well
manned and victualed, hauing in them diuera cunning men,
to seeke strange regions : and so they set foorth out of the
Thames the xs day of May, in the xix yeere of his raigne.
In the yeere of our Lorde 1527.'
1 Vol. ii, foL 158, b. Edit. 1S50. a Page 1149. Edit. 1569,
" Tlieae two ships were the Matj of Guildford and tho Sampson, which
sailed from Plymouth on the 10th of June 1537. The Mary of Guild-
ford arrived at Newfoundland on the 21st of Julj ; but the Sampson had
been separated from her consort in a storm about the tst of Julj, and
was never heard of afterwards. The fullest account of the voyage, and
that extremely meagre, ia given by John Rut, the master of the Mary of
Guildford, in a letter addressed by him to King Henry VIIl, from Bt.
John's Bay, Newfoundland, and dated August 3rd, 1627. — Purchaa, Pil-
grimes, vol. iii, p. 809. See also Haltluyt (vol. iii, p. 129), who evidently
bad not seen But^s letter, and was very imperfectly acquainted with the
particulars of this voyage ; and Memoirs of CcHjot, p. 272, et ieijq.
/
E*CD THE MOST CHKISTIAN KINR OF FRAUNCE,
FRAUNCES THE FIRST.
' THE RELATIO>r OP JOHN VERARZANUS, A
Florentiue, of the lande by him discouered in
the name of his Maieatie, written in Diepo
the eight of July 1524.
)TB not to your Maieatie (most Cliristian Mug) since
(jtune wee suffered the tempest in the North partes, of
iccesse of the foure Ships which your Maiestie sent
Forth to diacouer new lands by the Ocean, thinking your
Maieatie had been alreadie duly enfomied thereof. Nowe
by these presents I will giue your Maieatie to vnderstand
howe by the violence of the wiudes wee were forced with y^
two ships, the Norman and the Dolphin, in such euill case
as they were, to lande in Eritaine.' Whereafter wee had
repaired them in all pointes as was necdefuU, and armed
them very well, wee tooke our course a long by the coast of
Spaine. Afterwardes, with the Dolphin alone, wee deter-
mined to make discouerie of newe Countries, to prosecute
the nauigation wee had alreailie begun, which I purpose at
this present to recount ^Tito your Maieatie, to make manifest
the whole proceeding of the matter. The 17 of lanuarie, the [
yeere 1524, by the grace of God, wee departed from the dis-
habited Rocke,' by the Isle of Madera, appertaining to tlie
king of Portingall, with fiftic men, with victuals, weapon,
and otlier sliip munition very well prouided and furnished
Brittany.
* One of the Duiertas.
for 8 monetbes: And sayling westwards witli a faire Easterly
winde, iu 25 dayes wee ruiine 500 leagues, and the 20 of
Fcbruarie wee were ouertaken with as sharpe and terrible a.
tempest aa euer any saylera suffered : whereof with y° diuine
helpe and mercifull assistaunce of Almightie God, and the
goodnesse of our ship, accompanied with the good hap of her
fortunate name, wco were deliuered, and with a prosperous
wind followed our course West and by Nortli, and in other
25 dayes wee made aboue 400 leagues more : where wee dia-
couered a newe land,' neuer before seene of any man, either
anncient or modcrne, and at the first sight it seemed some-
what lowe, but beeing within a quarter of a league of it, wee
pereeiued by the great fiers that wee sawe by the Sea coaste
that it was inhabited : and saw that the lande stretched to
the Southwards ; Jin seeking some conuenient barborough
whereby to come a lande and bane knowledge of the place,
wee saylcd fiftie leagues in vaine, and seeing the lande to
runn still to the Southwards, wee resolued to returne Ijacke
againe towardes the North, where we found our seines trou-
bled with the like difficulty : at length, heeing in despaire
to finde any port, wee caste anker upon the coast, and sent
our Boate to shore, where we sawe great store of people, which
came to the Sea aide, and seeing va to approche they fled
away, and sometimes would stande still and looke backe,
beholding vs with great admiration : but afterwardes, beeing
animated and assured with signes that wee made them, some
of them came liardc to the Sea side, seeming to reioyce yery
much at the sight of vs, and marueiling greatly at our appa-
rell, shape, and whiteucs, shewed vs ty sundry aignes where
wee might most comraodioualy come a land with our Boat,
offering vs also of their victuals to eate.^JNowe I will briefly!
declare to your Maiestie their life and manners, as farre as
wee conlde haue notice thereof : These people goe altogea-
' ProbaTilj in the oeigbhourliood of Cliarloston, in South Carolina, or
HOIIUH BEGA.'
ther naked, except only that tliey coiier their priuie partes
with certaiiie skiimea of beastes like vnto MarternSj which
they fasten vnto a iiarrowe girdle made of grasse, verye arti-
ficially wronght, hanged about with tailea of diuers other
beastea, which rounde about their bodies hang dangling
downe to their kneea. Some of them weare garlandes of
byrdea feathers. The people are of colour russet, and not
much vnbke the Saracens, their hayre blacke, thicke, and
not very long, which they tye togeather in a knot behiude,
and weare it like a taile. They are wel featured in their
limbs, of meane statnrc,^ and commonly somewhat bigger
then we, brode breasted, strong armcs, their legges and
other partes of their bodies wcU fashioned, and they are dis-
figured in nothing, sauing that they haue somewhat brode
visages, and yet not all of them : for wee sawe many of them
well fauoured, hauing blacke and great eyes, with a cheerefull
and stedie looke, not strong of body, yet sharpe witted,
nymble and great runners, as farre as we conlde learne by
experience ; and in those two last qualities they are like to
tbc people of the East partes of the worlde, and especially to
them of the vttermoat partes of China, wee conlde not leame
of this people their manner of Uuing, nor their particular
costomes, by reason of y* short abode we made on the shore,
' This should be NorumLega, or Nurumbega, as appears bj the follow-
ing passages, from a piece entitled "Disoorio d'-un gran Cupitano di Mare
Francese", inserted bj Ramusio in his Collection, vol. iii, p. 426, Edit,
1565 ; — "Delia terra di Nbrumiega." "La terra 6 detta da pnesani
Buoi ^urinnbeffa", etc. According to Michael Lok's map, and also that
of OrtoIiUB and aome other geographers, Nurumbega comprised the dis-
trict between the rirer and Qulph of St. Lawrence and the Hudson river.
OluTeriuB, however, in his Introd'oedo ad UniiKTsam Oeographiam, p. 6fi2,
Amstel. 1697, eajs ; " Pars tamen ejus [Nora Franoia], jtttB ad niare
accedit Norumbega ab urbe cognomine dicta." And this corresponds with
the map in Ramusio (vol. iii, page 424. Edit. 15G5), where Nurumbega
appears to comprise the southern portion of that district, from Long
Island Sound to the Bay of Fundy.
^ I.e., middle or medium stature.
V
THE illSCOtlBBIB OF
our compaiiie being but small, and our ship ryding farre of
[in the Sea. And not farre from these we founde an other
people) whose liuing wee thiiike to bee like vnto theirs (as
heereafter I will declare vnto your Maieatie), shewing at this
(1 [present the situation and nature of the foresaide lande ; The
\\ shore is all couered with small sande, and so ascendeth vp-
, wardes for the space of fifteeue footc, rising in forme of little
1 hilles about fiftie paces broade. And sajling forwards, wee
I founde certaine small Riuers and armes of the Sea, that enter
1 at certain crcekea, washing the shore on both sides as the
I coast lyeth.' And beyonde this wee sawe the open Countrie
rising in height abouc the aandie shore, with many fayre
fieldes and plaines, full of mightie great woods, some verie
I thicke and some thinne, replenished with diners sortes of
trees, as pleasiiunt and delectable to beholde as is possible to
I imagine. And your Maiestie may not thinke that these are
like the woodes of Hereinia,^ or the wilde Desertes of Tartary,
' and the Northeme Coastes full of fmitlesse trees : But full
of Palme trees. Bay trees, and high Cypresse trees, and many
other sortes of trees \Tiknowne in Europe, which yeeld most
_sweete sauours, farre from the shore ; the propertie whereof
■ wee coulde not leai-ne for the cause aforesaide, and not for
I any difficultic to paase through the woods : Seeing they are
Inot so thicke but that a man may passe through them.
Neither doe wee thinke that they part taking of the East
worlde rotinde about them are all to geather voide of drugs or
spiceric and other richesse of gold, seeing the colour of the
lande doth so much ai-gue it. And the lande is full of many
ioeastes, as Stags, Deare, and Hares, and likewise of Lakes
and Pooles of Fresh water, with great plentie of foulea, con-
nenient for all kinde of pleasant game. This lande is in
' This descriptian coirespondB with the character of the shore and
countrj about George Town and Long Bay.
^ A vast forest in antieot QeTmanj, remarkable for its wild character
in the time of CeeEar. The Black Forest in Suabia is a portion of it, and
attests bj its name the character of its gloom; parent.
latitude 34 D, with good and holaQme ayre, temperate be- or
twecne hot and colde, no vehement windcs doe blowe in
^hose Regions, and those that doe commonly raigne in those
Coastes, are the North West and West windes in the Som-
mer season (in the beginning whereof wee were there), the
skie cleere and faire, with very little raine : and if at any
time the ayre hee cloudie and mistie ^vith the Sowthernc
winde, immediately it is diaaolued, and waxeth cleare and
fayre agayne. The Sea is caulme, not hoysterous, the wanes
gentle, and although all the shore bee somewhat lowe and
with out harborough: yet it is not daungerous to the saylers,
beeing free from rockes and deepe, so that within foure or
fine foote of the shore, there is twentie foote deepe of water
without ebbe or ilood, the depth still increasing in such vni-__|
forme proportion. There is very good ryding at Sea: for any
Ship beeiug shaken in a tempest, can neuer perishe there by
breaking of her cables, which wee haue proued by experienee.
For in the beginning of March (as is vsual in all Regions),
beeing in the Sea oppressed with Nortbeme windes, and
riding there, woe fonnde our anker broken before the earth
fayled or mooued at all. Wee departed from this place, still
running a long the coaste, which we found to trende towarde
the East,' and wee saw euerie where verie great fiers by reason
of the multitude of the inhabitants. While we rode on that
Coaste, partlie because it had no harborough, and for that
wee wanted water, wee sent our Boat a shore with 25 men :*
where, by reason of great and continual waues that beate
against the shore, being an open coast, without succour, none
of our men coulde possible goe a shore without loosing our
boate. We sawe there many people, which came vnto the
shore, making diners signes of friendship, and shewing that
they were content wee shoulde come a lande, and by trial we co
found the to be very courteous and gentle, as your maiestie ?■■'
-I
' Probahlj Onslow Bay.
2 Pruliabiy about Rnloiyb I
60
THE DI9C0UEKIE OF
shal vnderstaiid by the successe. To tlic intent we might
sende them of our thinges, which the Indiaiia commonly
deaier and eateeme, aa Bheetea of Paper, glasses; belles, and
such like trifles : Wee seut a young man, one of our Mar-
riners, a shore, who swimming towards them, and being
within 3 or 4 yeards off the shore, not trusting tliem, cast
the thinges vpon the shore, seeking afterwardea to returne,
liee was with sueh violence of the wauea beaten vpoa the
shore, that he was so bruised that hee lay there almost dead,
whiche the Indians pcrceiuing, ranne to catche him, and
drawing him out, they carried him a little way of from the
sea ; The young man perceiuing they caried him, beeing at
the first dismaide, began tlieu greatly to feare, and cned out
pitiously, likewise did the Indians, which did accompanie
him, going about to cheere him and giue him com^age, and
then setting him on the grounde at the foote of a little hCI
against the sunne, beganne to beholde bjin with great admi-
ration, marueiliug at the whitenesae of his fleshe : and put-
ting oflF his clothes, they made him warme at a great fire, not
without our great feare which remained in the boate that
they would haue rosted him at that fire aud haue eaten him.
The young mau hauing recouered his strength, aud hauing
stayed a while with them, shewed them by signes that hee
was desirous to returne to the ahippe : And they with great
loue clapping him fast about with many embraeings, accom-
panying him vuto the sea, aud to put him in more assurance,
leaning him alone, they went vnto a high grounde aud
stoode there, beholding him, vntil he was entred into the
boate. Tliis youg man obaerued, as we did also, that these
are of colour enclining to Blacke, as the other were, with
their fleshe verie shining, of meaue stature, handsome visag,
aud dehcate limmes, and of verie httle strength: but of
prompt witte, farther wee obserued not.
Departing from hence, following the shore, which trended
somewhat towai-de the North, in 50 leagues apace, wee came
to another laiide,' wliicli shewed much more faire (ind full of
woods, being very great, where we rode at Ancker, and that
wee might haue some knowledge thereof, wee sent 20 men a
lande, which entred into the countrey about two leagues,
and they founde that the people were fledde to the woods for
feare, they sawe onely one olde woman with a young maide
of 18 or 20 yeeres olde, which, seeing our companie, hid them-
selues in the graase for feare, the olde woman caried two
Infantes on her shoulders, and beliinde her necke a childe
of 8 yeeres olde : the yong woman was laden likewise with
as many : hut when our men came vnto them, the women
eryed out, the olde woman made signes that the men were
fled vnto the woods as aoone as they sawe vs : to quiet them
and to winne their fauour, our men gaue them suche victuals
as they had with them to eate, which the old woman receiued
thankfully : but the yong woman disdained them al, and
threwe them disdainefully on the grounde, they tooke a
childe from the olde woman to bnng into Frauucc, and
going about to take the young woman, which was verye
beawtifull, and of tal stature, they could not possibly, for y"
great outcries that shee made, bring her to the sea, and espe-
cially hauing great woods to passe through, and being farre
from the shippe, wee purposed to leaue her behinde, hearing
away the childe onely. We found those folkes to bee more
white than those that we founde before, being clad with cer-
taine leaues y' hang on boughes of trees, which they sowe
together with thredes of wilde hempe, their heads were
trussed Tp after the same manner as the former were, their
ordinarie foode is of pulse, whereof they haue great store,
differing in colour and taste fro ours, of good and pleasant
taste. Moreouer, they line by fishing and fouling, which
they take with ginnes, and howes made of hard wood, the
arrowes of Canes, being headed with the bones of fishe and
other beastes. The heastes in these parts are much wilder
' About latitiiile 38 north.
^:
THE DISCODKRIR Of
the in our Europe, by reason they are continually chased and
hunted. Wee sawe many of their boateSj made of one tree,
20 foote long, and 4 foote broade, which are not made with
Iron, or stone, or any other kiude of metal (because that in all
this countrie, for the space of 200 leagues whiche we ranne,
wee neuer sawe one stone of any sort) ; they help themseluea
with fyre, burning so much of the tree as is sufficient for the
hollownessc of the boatc, the like tbey doe in making the
Sterne and the forepai-te, vntill it be fitte to saile vpou the
sea. The lande is, in situation, goodnesse, and fairenea, like
the other : it hatli woods hke the other, thinne and fidl of
diners sortes of trees : but not so sweete, because the countrey
is more northerly and cold. \ . , ,r.^
Wee aawe in this Countrey many Vines growing naturally,
which growing vp take hold of the trees, as they do in
Lombardie, w'' if by husbandmen they were dressed in good
order, without all doubte they woulde yeelde excellent wines:
for wee hauiug oftentjines seene the fruite tliereof dried,
whiche was sweete and pleasaunt, and not differing from
ours. Wee doe thinke that they doe csteeme the same, be-
cause that in euery place where they growe, they take away
tlie vnder brauncbes growing rounde about, that the fruite
thereof may ripen the better.
We found also roses, violettes, lillies, and many sorts of
herbes, and sweete and odoriferous flowers, different from
ours. We knewe not their dwellinges, because they were
farre vp in the lande, and we iudge by manye signca that wee
sawe, that they are of wood and of trees framed together.
Wee doe beleeue also, by majiy coniectures and signes,
that many of them sleeping in the fieldes, haue no other
couer then the open skye. Further knowledge haue wee
not of them, we thinke y' all the rest whose countreys we
passed line all after one manner. Hauing our aboade three
dayes in thia cuntrey, riding on the coast for want of har-
boroughs, we concluded to departe from thence, trending
along the shore betweene the North and the East, sayhng
onely iii the daytime, and riding at ancker hy night. In the
space of 100 leagues sayling, wee founde a very pleasant
place, situated amongst certaine iitle steepe hilles : from
amiddest the wliich hilles there ran down into the aea a
great streame of water, which within the moiith was very
deep, and from y° sea to y" mouth of same, with the tyde,
which wee found to rise 8 foot, any great veasell laden may
passe vp,'
But because wee rode at Ancker iu a place well fcnsed
fipom the winde, wee woulde not venture our selues without
knowledge of the place, and wee passed vp with our hoate
ouely into the sayde Riuer, and sawe the Countrey very wel_
peopled. The people are almost like vnto the others, and
clad with the fethera of fonles of diuers colours, they came
towardes vb very cherefully, making great showtes of admi-
ration, shewing vs where we might come to lande most safely
with our boate. We entred vp the said riuer into the lande
about halfe a league, where it made a most pleasant lake
about 3 leagues in compasse : on the which they rowed Irom
the one side to the other, to the number of 30 of their amall
boates ; wherein were many people, whiche passed from one
shore to the other to come and see vs. And heholde, vpon the
aodaine (aa it is wont to fall out in say ling), a contrarie flawe
of winde comming from the sea, wee were euforced to returne
to our Shippe, leaning this lande to our great discontent- 1
ment, for the great commoditie and pleasantnesse thereof, r
whiche wee suppose is not without some riches, all the hills
shewing minerall matters in the. We weied Ancker, and
sayled towarde the East, for so the coast trended, and so i
alwayes for 50 leagues, being in the sight thereof, wee diaco- ^
uered an Ilande in the forme of a triangle, distant from the
■ The mouth of the Hudson River answers to this description. The
Hudson is, most jitobablj, the river known in this localitj to the geogra-
phers of the siKtceuth century a,s the Rio Grande.
/I
.4^
^
I
Wa
64 THE DISCOUERIE OP
maine lande S leagues, about the bignease of the Ilaiide of
the Rodes, it was full of hilles, couered with trees, well
peopled, for we isawe fires all along tlie coaste, wee gaue the
name of it of your Maiesties mother,' not staying there by
reason of the weather being contrarie.
And wee came to another lande, being 15 leagues distant
■ from the Ilande, where wee founde a passing good baueu,
wherein being entred we foimde about 20 small boates of the
people, which with diuers cries and wondringa came about
our shippe, commiug no nerer then 50 paces towards va, they
stayed and behelde the artiBeialuesse of our ship, our shape,
and apparel, tha they al made a loud ahowte together, declar-
ing that they reioyced : when we had something animated
them, vaing their geaates, they came so neere vs, that wee
cast them certaine bells and glasses and many toyes, wMche
when they had receiued, they lookte on them with laughing,
and came without feare aborde our ship. There were amongst
these people 2 kings, of so goodly stature and shape aa is
possible to declare, the eldest was about 40 yearcs of ag, the
second was a yong man of 20 yeerea old. Their apparell was
' Or ntthoT hiB fint wife, Claudia. Oeaerallj aupposed to be the iBland
now ciUled Martha's Vineyard. If this suppoaition be correct (and it wcold
be difficult to substitute any more plausible coojeeture), it beoomea im-
poBslble to make Clie subsequent account uf Terazzani'a course corrcBpond
with the present character of the coast, unless we admit, that at this
point he sailed back a few leaguee. He says ; " Wee came to another
laud, being !S leagues distaut from the Itande, where we founde a, pass-
ing good haven";- — and, subsequently, describes the land as lying east
and west, and the mouth of the haven as open to the south. Sailing from
Martha's Vineyard eastward, and following the coast, no haven would
be found cocresponding in any particular with that described la the text,
nearer than Boston, which, however, is much more than fifteen leagues from
Martha's Vineyard, which opens to the east and not to the south, and
where the land runs north and south, and not east and west ; not to
mention other points of differeoco. If, on the other hand, we suppose
that on leaving Claudia, he approached the main land to the north-west,
the fifteen leagues would bring him to Narraganset Bay, which in all its
main features corresponds with tho " passing good haven", as described
in the text.
65
on ttia maner : the elder had iipo his naked body a harts
akin, wrought artificialie with diuers braiinchca like Damaske,
his head was bare, with tlie haire tyed vp behinde with diuera
knottes ; About hia necke he had a large chainc, garnished
with diners stoiies of sundrie colours, the young man was
almost appareled after the same manner. This is the good-
liest people, and of the fairest conditions, tliat wee haue found
in this our voyage. They exceed vs in bignes, they are of
the colour of brasse, some of the encline more to whitnesa :
others are of yellowe colour, of comely visage, with long and
blacke heire, which they are very careful! to trim and decke
vp, they are blacke and quicke eyed. I write not to your
Maiestie of the other parte of their bodie, hauing all suche
proportion as appertayneth to anye handsome man. The
women are of the like conforraitie and Beawtie, verie hand-
some and well-fauorcd, they are as well mannered and con-
tinente as auye women of good education, they are all
naked, saue their priuie partes, whiche they couer with a
Deares skinne, braunehed or embrodered, as the men vse :
there are also of them whiche weare on their armes verie
riche skinnes of leopardes, they adome their heades with
diuers omamentes made of their owne heirc, whiche hange
downe before on both sides their brestes, others Tse other
kinde of dressing them seines, like vnto the women of Egypt
and Syria, these are of the elder sorte : and when they are
inan-ied, they weare diuers toyes, according to the vsage of
the people of the East, as well men as women.
Among whom wee sawe many plates of wrought coper,
which they eateeme more then goldc, whiche for the colour
they make no accompt of, for that among all other it is
counted the basest, they make most aecompt of Azure and
red. The things that they esteemed most of al those which
we gaue them, were bels, cristall of Azure colour, and other
toies, to hang at their eares or about their necke. They did
not desire cloth of silke or of goldc, much lesse of any other
r
THE DISCOnEBIK OF
sorte, neither cared they for thiiigee made of Steele and
Iron, wliieh wee often shewed them in our armour, whiche
they made no wonder at, and iu beholding them they onely
asked the arte of making them : the like they did at our
glasses, which whe they behelde, they Bodainely laught and
gaue them vs agaiue. They are very liberal, for they giue
that which they haue ; we became great friendca with these,
and one day wee catred into the hauen with our shippe,
where as before wee rode a league of at sea by reason of the
contrary weather. They came in great companies of their
small boatea vnto the ship with their faces all bepainted with
diners coloiu^, shewing vs y' it was a signe of ioy, bringing
vs of their victuals; tlicy made signes vnto vs where wee
might safest ride in the hauen for the safegarde of our shippe,
keeping still our companie : and after we were come to an
Ancker, we bestowed fiftcene dayea in prouiding om* selues
many necessary things, whether euery day the people re-
payred to see our ship, bringing their wiues with them,
whereof they are very ielous : and they themselues entring
abrode the shippe, and stayinge there a good space, caused
their wiues to stay in their boatcs, and for al the intreatie
we could make, offering to giue them diners things, we could
ncuer ohtaine that they would suffer them to come aborde
our ship. And oftentimes one of the two kings comming
with his qucene, and many gentlemen for their pleasure, to
see vs, they all stayed on y^ shore, two hundred paces fiw
vs, sending a small hoate to giue vs intelligece of their com-
ming, saying they would come to see our shippe, this they
did in token of safetye ; and assoone as they had answere
from vs, they came immediately, and hauing stayed a while
to beholde it, they wondered at hearing the eryes and noyes
of the marriners. The quecne and hcn.4flaids stayed in a
very light boate, at an Hand a quarter of a leage off, while
the king abode a long space in our ship, vttering diuers
conceitea with geasturea, viewing with great admiration all
HOBDH BSQA.
67
the furaiture of the shippe, demaunding the propertie of
euerie thing perticiilarly. He tootc likewise great pleasure
iu beholding our apparell, and in tasting our meates, and so
courteously taking his leaue departed. And sometimes our
men staying for two or three dayea on a little Ilande nere
the ship for diners necessariea (as it is y^ vse of seamen), he
returned with 7 or 8 of hia gentlemen to see what we did,
and asked of va oft times if wee meant to make any long
aboade there, offering vs of their prouision : then the king
drawing his bowe, and running vp and downe with his gen-
tlemen, made much sporte to gratifie our men; wee were
oftentimes within the landc 5 or 6 leagues, wLicli we found
as pleasant as is possible to declare, very apt for any kinde
of husbandry, of come, wine, and oyle : for that there are
plaines 25 or 30 leagues broad, open and without any impe- '
diment of trees of such fruitfuluesse, that any seede being
sowne therein, will bring forth most excellent fruite. We
entred afterwards into the woods, which wee found so great
and thicke, that any armie, were it neuer so great, might
baue hid it aelfe therein, the trees whereof are okes, cipres
trees, and other sortes, vnknoweii in Europe. We found
Pomi appii,' Damson trees, and Nutte trees, and many other
sorts of fruits, differing fro ours : there are beasts in great __ ft
abundance, as hartes, deares, leopardes, and other kinds,
which they take with their nets and bowes, which are their
1 A particulu' kind of apple ; but this term is not in usa at the preEent
day, and probablj never extended beyond Italy. Pliny {Ifuioria Natu-
ralit, b. 16, c. 14) saya ; " Ab Appio e Claudiana gonto Appiana sunt
cognominata" ; from which we may infer, either that Appiua introduced
them into Italy from some foreign country, or that he produced them
from some particular graft. Matthioli, in his Disconi tt^i ael L&ri dt
Diosnoriih (toin. i, p, 260), observes r " In Tuscany, tioae [apples] called
' appie' and ' mcle rose', arc prized before all others, because in these two
species an aromatic and pleasing odour is found combined with a very
agreeable taate. Wherefore, I think that those would not err much who
should call the 'appie' the hojic^ apjile, MiO. the'mele r ~ ' ~ '
iijij'le of Dio,
1 appie I
chiefe weapous; the arrowes wliiche they vse are made with
great cunning, and in stcade of iron they head them with
smerigUo,' w' iasper atone, and hard marble, and other sharp
stones, which they vse in stead of iron to cut trees, and make
their boates of one whole piece of wood, making it hollowe
with great and wonderful! art, wherein 10 or 12 men may
bee coraodiously ; their oares are shorte, and broad at the
cude, and they vse them in the sea without anye dannger,
and by maiue force of armes, with as great speedinesae as
they liste them selucs. We sawe their houses, made in cir-
culer or rounde foui'me, 10 or 12 foote in compasse, made
with halfe circles of timber, seperate one from another, with-
out any order of building, couered with mattes of atrawe
wrought cunningly together, which aaue them from the
winde and raine, and if they had the order of building, and
; perfect skil of workmaship as we haue, there were no doubt
1 but y' they would also make eftsoones great and stately
u buildings. For all the sea coastea are full of cleare and glis-
utering stones, and alablaster, and therefore it ia full of good
1 haueus and harbarours for ships. They mooue the foresaide
houses from one place to another, according to the commo-
ditie of the place and season, wherein they will make their
aboade, and only taking of the couer they haue other houses
builded incontinent. Tiie father and the whole familie dwell
together in one house in great number : in some of them we
sawe 25 or 30 persons. They feede as the other doe afore-
aaide, of pulse, whiche doe growe in that coimtrey with better
order of husbandry the in the others. They obserue in their
somng the course of the Moone, and the rising of certaine
starres, and diners other cuatomea spoken of by antiquitie.
Moreouer, they liue by hunting and fishing ; they line long,
and are seldome sicke, and if they chaunce to fall aicke at
any time, they heale themselues with fire, without any phisi-
tion, and they say that they die for very age. They are very
\ pitiful and charitable towardcs their neighbours, they make
great lamentations in their adueraitie and in their miserie,
the kinred reclcen vp all their felicitie, at their departure out
of life, they vse moumiugj mist w' singing, w' coiitinuctb
for a log space. This is asmuch as wee coulde leame of
them. This lande is situated in the Paralele of Rome, in 41
degrees and 2 tercea : but somewhat more colde by accidentall
cause and not of nature (as I will declare vnto your higb-
nesse els where), describing at this preaeut the situation of
the foresaide countrie, which lyeth East and West, I say that
the mouth of the hauen lyeth open to the South lialfe a
league broade, and being entred within it, betweene the
East and the North, it stretcheth twelue leagues : where it
waseth broder and broder, and maketh a gulfe aboute 20
leagues in compasse, wherein ai-e iiue amaU lalandes, very
fruitfull and pleasant, foil of hie and broade trees, among the
which Ilandes any great Nauie may ryde safe without any
feare of tcmpeat or other daunger. Aftcrwardcs, turning
towards the South, and in the entring into the Hauen, on
both sides there are most pleasant hilles, with many riuers of
most cleere water falling into the Sea.'
In the middest of this entraunce there is a rock of free-
stone growing by nature, apt to builde any Castle or For-
tresse there, for y^ keeping of the hauen. The fift of May,
being furnislied with all thinges neceaaarie, we departed from
y'' said Coast, keeping along in the sight thereof, and we
sayled 150 leagues, finding it all wayes after one manner
but the lande aomcwhat higher with certaine mountainea, all (~A
which beare a ahewe of mincrall matter ; wee sought not to
lande there in any place, because the weather serued our
turne for aayling ; but wee suppose that it was like to the
^ After a rer; careful examination of the beat printed maps, — Ame-
rican and English, and many MSS ,— we have come to the conclitsion,
that this haven is Narraganset Bay. In folloning a, route like tbia of
YeraKzani, it muat be borne in mind, that manj of the statements as to
distance will bo merely rough estimates ; and that oven on the [loint of
degrees of latitude, it will not he safe to give writers of thin early period
credit for strict accuraoy.
s>
I
!]®
f
H
70 THE DISCOUBRIE OF
former ; the Coast ranue Eastward for the space of fiftie
leagues. And trending afterwardcs the North, wee founde
another landc' high, full of tltickc woods, tlie trees whereof
were firres, Cipresscs, and such like, as are wont to growe in
colde Countries. The people differ much from the other,
and looke how much the former seemed to be courteous and
gentle, HO mnch were these full of rudenesae and ill manners,
aud ao barbarous, that by no signes that euer wee coulde
make, wee could haue any kinde of traf&cke with them.
They cloth thcaelues with Bearea skinnes, and Lcopardes,
aud scalles, and other beastes skinnes. Their foode, as farre
as wee coulde perceiue, repayring often vnto their dwellings,
wee suppose to bee by hunting and fishing, aud of certaiue
fhiites, which are a kinde of rootes which the earth yeeldeth
of her owne accord. They haue no graine, neither sawe wee
any kinde or signe of tyllage, neither is the Kude, for the
barren ues therof, apt to beare frute or seed. If at any time
we desired by exehaunge to haue any of their commodities,
they vsed to come to the Sea shore v-pon certaine craggie
rocks, and wee standing in our Boats, they let downe with a
rope what it pleased them to giue vs, crying eontinually that
wee should not approch to the lande, demanding immedi-
ately the exchange, taking nothing but kniues, fisbookes,
and tooles to cut withall, neither did they make any account
of OUT curtesie. Aud when we bad nothing left to exchange
with them, when we departed from them, the people shewed
all sigues of discourtcsic and disdaine, as was possible for any
creature to inuent. Wee were, in despight of them, two or
three leagues within the lande, being in number 25 armed
men of vs. And when we went on shore, they shot at vs
with their bowes, making great outcries, and afterwardea fled
into the woods. Wee founde not in this lande any thing
notable, or of importance, sauing very great woods and cer-
taine hilles, they may haue some mynerall matter in them,
because wee sawe many of the haue bcadstones of Copper
About Portsmouth, in Non Hampshire, or the goutlioro part of Maine.
liSOmnt BEGA.
hanging at their earcs./ We departed from tlience, keepiug ,
our course North-East along the coaste, which wee founde /
more pleasant champion, and without woods, with high moun-
taiues within the lande ; continuing directly along the coast '
for the space of fiftie leagues, wee discouered 32 Ilelaudea'
lying all ueare the lande, being small and pleasant to the
viewe, high, and hauing many turnings and windings be-
tweene them, making many fayre barboroughes and chanels,
as they doe in the goulfe of Venice in Saluonia, and Dal-
matia; wee had no knowledge or acquaintance with the people :
wee suppose they are of the same maners and nature that the
others are. Sayling Northeast for the space of 150 leagues,
we approched to the lande that in times past was discouered
by the Britons, which is in fiftie degrees.^ Hauing now spent
all our prouision and victuals, and hauing discouered about
700 leagues and more of newe Countries, and being fur-
nished with Water and Wood, wee concluded to retiame into
Fraunce.
Touching the religion of this people which wee haue
founde, for want of their language, we could not vnderstand,
neither by sigues nor gesture, that they had any rehgion or
lawe at all, or that they did acknowledge any first cause or
mouer, neither that they worship the heauen or starres, the
Suune or Moone, or other Planets, and much lesse, whether
they bee idolaters ; neither coulde wee Icarne whether that
they vsed any kinde of Sacrifices or other adorations, neither
in their villages haue they any Temples or houses of prayer.
We suppose that they haue no religion at all, and y' they hue
at their owne lihertie. And y' all this proceedeth of igno-
rance, for tliat they are very easie to bee persuaded : and all
that they see vs Christians doe in our diuine seruice, they
did the same, with the like imitation as they sawe vs to
doe it.
^^1 lye conjeoture this to be Penobscot Bay. ' Newfoundland.
THE DISCOUERIE OF THE ILES OP FUISLANl
laelaud, Engroucland, Estotilaud, Drogco, and Icaria,
niadf l)j M. Nicolas Zeno, Kuight, aiiJ M, Antonio
hifl Brother.
In the ycre of our Lord 1200, There was in the Citie
Venice a famous Gentleman, named M. Marino Zeno, who for
hia great vertue and singular wiaedome, was called and elected
gouernour in certain comnaon wealthes of Italy, in the admi-
uistratiou whereof hee bore himselfe so discreetly, that hee
was bcloued of all men, and Lis name greatly reuerenced of
those that neuer knewe or sawe his person. And among
sundrie his worthie workes, this is recorded of him, that hee
pacified certaine greeuous ciuilc dissentions that arose among
the Cittzens of Verona : whereas otherwise if by his grane
aduise and great diligence, they had not beene preuented, the
matter was likely to breake out in hot broiles of warrc. Hee
was the first Agent that the common wealth of Venice kept
in Constantinople in the yeere 1205, quando n'era palrona,
cordi baroni fracesi. This Gentleman had a sonne, named
M. Ketro, who was the father of the Duke Rioieri, which
Dnke dying with out issue, made his heyre M. Andrea, the
Sonne of M. Marco hia brother. This M. Andrea waa cap-
toine generaU and Procurator, a man of great reputation for
many rare partes, that were in him. He had a sonne M, Ri-
nieri, a worthie Senatour and prudent councellour : Of whom
descende M.Pietro, Generall of the league of the Christians
against the Turkcs, who was called Dragon, for that in his
armes hee bare a Dragon. Hee was father to M. Carlo, the
famous Procurator and Generall againste the Genowayes in
those cruel warres, when as almost all the chiefc princes
w
OF MOnUM BEGA. 73
Europe did oppugne and seek to ouerthrow our Empire and
libertie, where by his great valiancie and prowesse, like an
other Furius Camillua, he delivered his Countrie from the
present perill it was in, being readie to become a pray and
spoyle vnto the enemie, wherefore hee was afterwarde siir-
named the Lion, and for an eternall remembrance of hia
fortitude and valiant exploits he gaue the Lion in hia armes.
M. Carlo had two brethren, M, Nicolo the knight and Anto-
nio, the father of M. Dragon, of whom issued M. Caterinoj
tbefatlier of M. Pietro, this M.Pietrohadsonnes M. Caterino
that dyed the last yeere, M, Francisco, M. Carlo, M. Battista,
and M. Vincenzo. That M. Caterino was father to M. Nicolo
that is yet liuing. Now M, Nicolo the knight, being a man
of great courage and very nobly minded, after this foresaide
warre of Genona, that troubled so our predecessours, entred
into a wonderfull great desire and fansie to see the fashions -^ x/*e-*«-*y
of the world, and to trauaile, and to acquaint himselfe with ^l^t^
the manners of suudry nations, and learne their languages, "
whereby afterwards 17)6 occasions hee might be y* better able
to do seruiee to his coutrie and purchase to himselfe credite
and honor. Wberfore hee caused a shippc to bee made, and
liauing furnished her at his proper charges ^as hee was very
wealthie), hee departed out of our Seas, and passing the
straites of Gibralterra, he sailed for certaine dayea vpon
y° Ocean, keeping his course stil to y' Northwards, w' intent
to see Englaund and Flaunders. Where being assaulted in
those Seas by a tenible tempest, was bo tossed for the space
of many dayes with the Sea and winds, that hee knewe not j,
where hee was, till at length hee discouered lande, and not
beeing able any longer to aiistaine the violence of the tempest,
the ship was east away vpon the Isle of Pi'iseland. The men
were saued and most part of the goods that were in the Ship. J^"'
And this was in the yeere 13B0. The inhabitants of the J^j
Ilsnd came running in great multitudes w' weapons to set ijs
vpon M, Nictdo and his men, who beeing sore wether beaten
1
I
4
7i fSEDisoorBaiK op
and ouerlaboiired at Sea, and not knowing in what part of
the worlde they were, were not able to make any resistaunce
at all, much lease to defende them selues couragiously, as it
behooued them in such dangerous case. And they ahoulde
haue been doubtlesse very discourteously entreated and
cruelly bandeled, if by good hap there had not been hard by
the place a Piince with armed people. Who vnderstanding
that there was euen at that present a great ship cast away
vpon the Hand, came running at the noyse and outcries that
they made against our poorc Mariners, and drilling away the
la inhabitants, spake in latine, and asked them what they were
Q- and from whence they came, and perceiuing y' they were
"■- Italians and all of one Countrie, he was surprised with mar-
" ueilous great ioy. Wherefore promising the all that they
I. shoulde receiue no discourtcsie, and that they were come into
a place where they shoulde bee well vsed and very welcome,
he tooke them into his protection vpon his faith. This was
a great Lord, and possessed certaine Hands, called Porland,
lying one the Southside of Frisland, being y" richest ojid
most populous of all those partes ; his name waa Zichmni ;
and beside the said little Hands, he was Duke of Sorani,
: lying within the land towards Scotland. Of these North
partes I thought good to draw the copie of a Sea carde, which
amongest other antiquities, I haue in my bouse, which al-
tliough it be rotten through many yerea, yet it falleth out
indifferent well, and to those that are delighted in these
things, it may serue for some light to the vnderstanding of
that, which without it cannot so easily be conceiued. Zi-
chmni, being Lordc of those Seignories (as is said), was a very
warlike and valiant man, and aboue all things famous in Sea
causes. And hauing this yeere before giuen the ouerthrowe
le to the king of Non\'ay, who was Lord of the Ilande, beeing
desirous to winne fame by featea of armca, was come on land
with hia me to giue the attcpt, for y* winning of Frisland,
■which ia an Hand much bigger then Ireland. Wherefore
UOEUH B£OA.
76
seeing tliat M. Nicolo was a ma of iudgemGat and discretion,
and very expert both in Sea matters and martiali affaires, hce
gaue him commission to goe aboord his nauie with all his
men, charging the captaine to honour him, and in all things
to vse his eounsatle. This Nauie of Zichmui was of thirteene
vessels, wherof two only were with oares, the rest small
barkea, and one ship, with the which they sayled to the
Weatwardes, and with little paines wonne Ledouo and Ilofe,
and diners other small Ilandcs, and turning into a bay called
Svdcro, in the hauen of the towne named Sanestol, they
tooke certaine small Barks laden with salt fish. And heere
they founde Zichmni, who came by land with his armie,
conquering aU the countrie as he went j they staied here hut
a while, but held on their course to the Westwards, tiU they
came to the other Cape of the goulfe or bay, then turning
agaioe, they found certaine Ilelandea and broken landes, which
they reduced all vnto the Seignorie and possession of Zichmni.
These Seas for as much as they sayled, were in maner
nothing but sholds aud rocks, in sort that if M. Nicolo and
the Venetian mariners had not beene their Pilots, the whole
Fleete, in iudgement of all that were in it, had been cast away,
so small was j' skill of Zichmnis men in respect of oura, who
had been trained vp in the ai't and practice of nauigation all
the dales of their life. Now the Fleete hauing doone such
things (as is declared), y^ Captaine, by the counsel of M. Ni-
colo, determined to goe a lande at a towne called Bondendon,
to vnderatande what successe Zichrani had in his warres,
where they heard, to their great content, that he had fought
a great battaile and put to flight the armie of his enemie ;
by reason of which yictorie they sent Embassadours from all
partes of the Ilande to yeeld the countrie vp into his handes,
taking down their enseignes in euery towne and castell : They
thought good to stay in that place for his comming, being
reported for certaine that he would bee there very shortly,
At his commiug there was great congratulatio aud many
76
THB DtSCOU£IUB 0?
sigiics of gliidQCS sLewedj as wel for the victorie by lande as
for that by Sea, foi' the which the Venetians were honoured
and extolled of all men, in sucli sort y' there was no talke
bat of them, and of y* great valour of M. Nicolo. A\Ticrfore,
the Prince, who waa a great fauourer of valiant men, and
especially of those that coulde behaue thera seines well at the
Sea, caused M. Nicolo to bee brought before him, and hauing
commended him with many honourable speeches, and praysed
his great industrie and dexterie of wit, by the which he
acknowledged himselfe to bane reeeiued an inestimable
benefite, as the sauing of his Fleete and the winning of many
; places, he made him Knight, and rewarded his men with
''''^"' ""'■ many riche and bountifuU giftes : Then departing from
^th'fish''™ thence, they went in triumpliing maner towardes Friseland,
ft" pu^- tbe chief Citie of y° Ilande, situate on the Southest side of the
i^e, eTb- Isle within a goulf (as there are very many in that Hand).
imdlNn^ In this goulfe or bay there is such great abundance of fish
Buin^ii*. takeijthat many ships are laden therewith, to seme Flauuders,
('bK^ufT* Britaine, England, Scotland, Norway, and Denmarke, and
ih?™" by this ti-ade they gather great wealth.
Aiettcr aeni And tlius much is taken out of a letter that M. Nicolo sent
^.z^^' vnto M. Antonio his brother, requesting him that heewoolde
lend m hia seeke Bome meanes to come to him. Wlierefore bee, who
vmi'M"Eoa ^^ ^ great desire to trauaile as his brother, bought a Ship,
ktiir.""' ''■i'^ directing hia course that way, after hee had sayled a
great while, and escaped many dangers, hee arrived at length
in safetie with M. Nicolo, wlio reeeiued him very ioyfully, for
that hee was his brother not only in fleshe and blood, but
also in valour and good qualities. M.Antonio remained in
Friaelande, and dwelt there for the space of fourteene yeeres,
foure yeeres with M. Nicolo, and ten yeeres alone. Where
tliey came into such grace and favour with the Prince, that
hee made M, Nicolo Captaine of his Nauie, and with great
preparation of wan'C, they were sent foorth for the enterprise
\J of Estlande, which lycth iq)on tlic coaste between Friscland
MOItUU BEOA.
77
and Norway, where they did many domagea, hut hearing that
the king of Norway was comming towardes them with a great
Fleet, they departed w' such a terrible flaw of wind y' they
were driue vpo certain aholdea. Where a great part of their
ships were cast away, y^ rest were saued upo Grisland, a great ^
Hand, but dishahitcd. The king of Norway Mb fleete being
taken with the same storine, did rtterly perishe in those
seas. Whereof Zichmni hauing notice, by a shippe of his
enemies, that was cast by ehaunce upon Grialand, hauing
repayred his fleete, and pcrceyuing him selfe northerly neere
Ynto the Islandes, determined to set vpon Islande, which
together with the rest was suhiect to the king of Norway ;
but he foundc the countrey ao well fortified and defended,
that his fleete being so small, and very ill appointed both of
weapons and men, liee was gladde to retire. And so hee
left that enterprise without perfourming any thing at all, and
in the same chanelles he assaulted y' other lies, called the
Islands, which are seven : Talas, Broaa, Iscant, Trans, Mi-
uant, Damhere, and Bres, and hauing spoyled them all, bee
built a fort in Bres,- where he left M. Nicolo, with certaine
small barkes and men and munition. And nowe thinking he
had done well for this voyage, with those fewe shippes which
were left hee returned into Prieslande. M. Nicolo remayning
nowe in Bres, determined vpon a time to goe forth and dis-
couer lande, wherefore arming out their small barkes in the
moneth of July, he aayled to the Northwardes, and arriued
in Engrouelande. Where he founde a monastery of Fryers Enmiit-
of the order of the Predicafors, aud a church dedicated to pi-faiLiDB i _ v
S, Thomas, harde by a hill that casteth forth fire hke Vesu- Thomm. \f
uius and Etna. i ,', i' '
There is a fountayne of hot burning water, with the whiche ■
they heatc the Churche of the monasterie and the Fryers
chambers; it commeth also into the kitchen so boyling
hotte, that they vsc no other fire to dresse their meate, and
putting their bread into brassc pottea witliout any water, it
i/'
r\'' I
./
A^
THE DISCOOKSIB OF
v:
^(locth bake, as it were in a hot ouen. They haiie also small
' gardens couered ouer in the winter time, which being watered
with this water, are defended from the force of the snowe and
colde, wljich in those paints being- situate farre vuder the
" pole, is very extreeme, and by this meanes they produce
flowers atid fruites and Lerbes of sundrie sortes, euen as in
other temperate countreys in their seasons, in suche sorte that
the rude and sauage people of those partes seeing these
supematurall effectes, doe take those Friers for Gods, and
bring them many presentes as chickens, fleshe, and diners
other thinges, and haue them all in great reuerence as
Lords. "When the frost and snowe is great, they heate their
houses in maner before said, and will, by letting in the water
or opening the windowes, temper the heate and colde at
their pleasure. In y° hnildiuga of the monastery, they vse
no other matter but that which is miuiatred vnto them by
the fire, for they take the burning stones that are cast out as
it were sparkles or ceindres at the firie mouth of the hill,
and when they are most enflamed, cast water vpon them,
wherby they are dissolued and becomeexcellet white lime,
and so tough, that being contriued in building, it lasteth for
ener. And the very sparkles after the fire is out of them do
aerue in steede of stones to make walles and vautes : for being
once colde, they will neuer diasolue or breake except they be
eut with some iro toole, and the vautes that are made of them
are so hght, that they need no suBteutacle or proppe to bolde
them vp, and they wil endure continually very fayre and
whole. By reason of these great commodities, the friers
haue made there so many buildings and walles that it is a
wonder to see. The couerts or roofes of their houses for the
most part are made in this maner ; first they rayse the wall
vp to his full height, then they make it enclining or bowing
in by litle and litle in forme of a vaute. But they are not
greatly troubled with raine in those partes, for that, by reason
of the pole or eoldc cbmate, the first snowe being falue, it
UOBUU BEOA.
thaweth no more for the space of nine monelhs, for ao long
dureth their winter. They feede of the fleahe of wilde beastea
and of fish, for where as the wanne water fnlleth into the sea,
there is a lal-ge and wide hauen which by reason of the heate
of the water, doeth nener freeze aR the winter, by meanea,
whereof there is euchc concourse and flocks of sea fonle and
aach aboundance of fislie, that they take thereof infinite mnl-
titudes, whereby they maintayne a great number of people
rounde about, whiche they keepe in continuale workc, both in
building and taking of foules and fishe, and in a thousande
other necessarie affaires and busines about the monastcrie.
Their houses are builte about the hill on euery side, in
fourme rounde, and 35 foote broade, and in mounting vp-
wardes they goe narower and narower, leaning at the toppe a
litle hole, whereat the ayre commeth in to giiie light to the
house, and the flore of tlie house is so hot, that being within
they feele no colde at all. Hither in the aommer time come '
many barkes from the Hands there about, and from the I
Cape aboue Norway, and from Trondon. And bring to the |
Friers al maner things that may be desired, taking in '
change thereof fishe, which they dric in the sunne, or in the
colde, and skins of diuers kindes of beastcs. For the which
they haue wood to hiu-ne, and timber vcrie artificially earned,
and corne and cloth to make them apparell. For in change
of the two foresaydc commodities, all the nations bordering
rounde about them couet to trafficke with them, and so they
without any trauell or expences haue that which they desire.
To this monastcrie resort Friers of Norway, of Suetia, and i
of other countreys, but the most part are of the Islandes. i
There are eontinuaDy in that part many barkes, whiche are J
kept in there by reason of the sea being frozen, wayting for J
the season of the yeere to dissolne the Ice. The fishers '
boates are made like vnto a weauers shuttle ; taking the
skins of fishes, they fashio them with the bones of the same
fishes, and sowing the together in many doubles, they make
I
THE DISCOUERIK OP
them BO sure and substanciall, that it is miraculous to see
how in tempests they will sliut theselues close within, and
let the sea and winde carrie them, they care not whether,
without any feare eyther of breaking or drowning. And if
they cliance to he driuen vpo any rocks they remaine soonde,
without the least bruac in the worlde : And they haue, as it
were, a slecue in the bottome, which is tied fast in y* middle,
and when there cometh any water into their boat, they put
it into the one halfe of y" sleeue, the fastning y* ende of it
w' two peeces of wood, and loosing y' band beneath, they
conuey the water forth of the boate : and this they doe as
often as they haue occasion, without any perill or impedi-
ment at all.
Moreouer, the water of the monasterie, being of sulphiirious
or brimstone nature, is conueyed into the lodginges of the
principall Friers by certaine vessels of brasae, tinne, or stone,
so hottc, that it hcatcth the place as it were a stowe, not car-
rying with it any stinke or other noysome smell.
Besides this, they haue another conueyance to bring hot
water, with a. wall \-nder the ground, to the endc it should
not freese, vnto the middle of the court, where it falletli into
a great vessel of braaae, that standeth in the middle of a
boyling fountayne, and this is to heate their water to drinke,
and to water their gardens, and thus they haue from the hill
the greatest commodities that may be wished ; and so these
1 Fryers employ all their trauaile and studie for the most part
\ in trimming their gardins, and in making faire and beawti-
\ fhll buildings, and especially handsome and commodious j
neythcr are they destitute of ingenious and painefull artificers
for the purpose, for they giue very large payment, and to
them that bring them fruitea and seedes they are very boun-
tifuU, and giue they care not wliat, So that there is great
resort of workmen and raaisters in diners faculties, by reason
of the good gainea and large allowance that is there.
The most of them speake the Latin tongue, and especially
HOBXJH BBOA. 81
the auperiours and principalis of the monaaterie. Aud this is i
as muche as is knowen of Engrouclande, which is all by the J
relation of M. Nicolo, who maketh also particular description T,
of a riuer that he discouered, aa is to be seene in the carde '
that I drewe. And in the ende, N, Nicolo, not being vsed
and acquainted with these cruell coldes, fell aicke, and a
little while after returned into Frialande, where he dyed. He
left behinde him in Venice two sonnea, M. Giouanni and M.
Toma, who had two aonnea, M, Nicolo, the father of the
famous Cardinal Zeno and M. Pietro, of whom deacended the
other Zenoa that are liuing at this day.
Now M. Nicolo being dead, M, Antouio succeeded him, i
both in his goods and in his dignitiea and honour, aud albeit i:
he attempted diucrs wayes, and made greate supplication, hee
coulde nener obtaine licence to returne into hia Countrey,
for Zichmni had determined to make himaelfe Lorde of the
aea. "Wherefore, vsing alwayes the counaaile and aemice of
M. Antonio, heo sent hym with some amall barkee to the
Westwardes, for that towardea those partes some of hia fish-
ermen had disconered certaine Ilandea verye rich and popu-
lous ; which discoueric, M. Antonio, in a letter to his brother
M. Carlo, recounteth from point to point in this manner,
sauing that wee haue cliaunged some olde woordes, leaning
the matter entire aa it was. E
Sixe and twentie yeeres agoe there departed foure Fisher [
boates, the whiche a mightie tempest arising, were toased for \
the apace of manye dayea verye desperately ypon the Sea, i
when at length the tempeste ceassying, and the weather;
waxing fayre, they discouered an Ilande called Estotilaade^ ]
lying to the Westwardes aboue 1000 Miles fromTrislaude,
Ypon the whiche one of the boates waa caste awaye, and
men that were in it were taken of the inhabitauntea, and
brought vnto a verye fayre and populous Citie, where the
kyng of the place sent for manye interpreters, but there was
none coulde bee founde that ^Tiderstoode the language of the
h»nBon fishermen, excepte one that spake Latin, who was also cast
iiaium. by cbauncG vpon the same liande, wlio in the behalfe of the
kyng asked them wliat Couutreymen they were, and so
vnderstanding thcyr case, reliearsed it vnto the King, who
r wmbo willed that they shoulde tarrie in the Countrey, wherefore,
aui'imdo. they obeyinge his commaundement, for that they eoulde not
i<,tibe otherwise doe, dwclte fiue yeeres in the Ilande, and learned
™nd re- the language, and one of them was in diners partes of the
niamd. Ilande, and reporteth that it is a verye riche Countrey,
DtfiBiidt abounding with all the commodities of the worlde, and that
"njing it is little lesse than Islaude, but farre more fruitefull,
JJ™*'^ hailing in the middle thereof a verye hyghe moimtayne, from
'''"' the whiche there riseth foure Riuers, that passe throughe the
L whole Coimtrey. <;v^i;*'''"
The inhabitantes are very wittie people, and bane all the
artes and faculties as wee bane : and it is credible, that in
time past they haue had trafficke with our men, for he sayde
' that be sawe latin bookes in the Kings library, whiche they
L*^ I at this present doe not VTiderstaude, they haue a peculiar
^■.'- 1 language, and letters, or caracters, to themseluea. They
iundmim haue mines of all manner of mettals, but especially they
idf ivom I abounde with golde. They haue their trade in Engroueland,
EnRTd"- from whence they bring skins, and brimstone, and pitch ;
msioac. ' And he saith, that to y^ southwards there is a great populous
la. Dome, coutrey, very rich of gold. They sowe corne, aud make bere
or ale, which is a kind of drinkc that the north people doe
vse, as we do wine. They haue mightie great woods j they
make their buildings with wals, and there are many cities
in^oitita and castles. They build smal barkes, and haue aayling, but
they haue not the lodestone, nor know not the vse of the
copasse. Wherefore these fishers were liad in great estimar-
tio, insomuch that the king sent them with 12 barkes to the
^DiuiiMy southwardes, to a countrey whiche they call Drogio ; but in
their voyage they had snche countrary weather, that they
thought all to haue perished in the sea, but yet escaping that
cruell death, they fel into another more cruet. For they
were take in the countrey, and the most parte of them eaten
by the Sauage people, which fecdc vpon mans fleshe, as the
sweetest meate in their iudgementea that is.
But that fisher, with his fellowes, sliewyng them the raaner ^
of taking fiahe with nettes, saued their lines : and woulde o
goe enery day a fishing to the sea and in fresh riuers, and u
take great aboundance of fish, and giue it to the chiefe men
of the countrey, whereby hee got himselfe so great fauour, •>
that hee was very well beloncd and honoured of euery one. \
The fame of this man being spred abroad in the countrey,
there was a Lorde thereby that was verie desirous to haue
him with him, and to see how hee vsed his miraculous arte
of catching fishe, in so muche that he made warre with the
other Lorde, with whom liee was before, aud in the ende pre-
uayling, for that hee was more mightie and a better warriour,
the fisherman was sent vnto him, with the rest of his com-
pany. And for the space of thirtceiie yeeres that hee dwelt ii
in those partes, he aaith that he was sent in this order to ^
more than 25 Lordes, for they had coutinnall warre amongest s
them seluea, this Lorde nith that Lord, and he with another, J,',
onely to haue him to dwell with them ; so that wandring vp "
Mid downe the Countrey, without any ceriayne abode in one fu
place, hee knewe almost all those partes. He saith that it
is a very great countrey, and, as it were, a newe world, the i
people very rude and voyde of all goodnesse ; they goe all i
naked, so that they are miserablie vexed with colde; neyther
haue they the wit to couer their bodies w' beasts skins, ^
w' they take in huntinge; they haue no kind of metal; they
Hue by hiiting; they carie certain lances of wood, made sharp
at y* point; they haue bowea, the stringes whereof are made
of beaates skinnes ; They arc a very fierce people, they make
cruell warres one with another, and cate one an otlier, they
haue gouernours and eertayne lawcs verye diners amongest
themsclucs. But the farther to the Southwcstwardes, the
7
84
THE DiaCOUEBIE OF
Prislsnde.
more ciuility there is, the ayre being somewhat temperat, so
that there they haue Cities and temples to Idolls, wherein
they sacrifiee men, and afterwardea eate them; they hane
there some knowledge and vse of gold and siluer,
Nowc this fisher hauing dwelt so many yeerea in those
countreys, purposed, if it were possible, to retnme home into
his countrey, but his companions dispayring euer to see it
agayne, let him goe in Gods name, they kept them aelties
where they were. ^VTierefore hee bidding them farewel,
fledde through the woods townrdes Drogio, and was verie
well receiued of the Lorde that dwelt next to that place, who
kuewe him, and was a great cnemie of the other Lorde, and
so running from one Lorde to an other, being those by who
hee had passed before, after long time and many trauelles,
he carae at length to Drogio, where bee dwelt three yeeres.
When aa by good fortune he heard by y' inhabitants y' there
were certaine boatcs arriucd upon y^ coast, wherefore, en-
triug into good hope to accoplish his intent, he went to y" sea
side, and asking the of what countrey they were, they
answered of Estotiland, whereat he was exceeding glad, and
requested that they woulde take him into them, whiche they
did verye willingly, and for that hee had the language of tlie
r Countrey, and there was none of them that coulde speake it,
they vsed him for their interpreter.
And after that, hee frequented that trade with them, in
such sorte, that hee became verye riche, and so furnishing
out a barke of his owne, hee retiu-ned into Frislande, where
, hee made reporte vnto this Lorde of tliat wclthie Countrey.
And hee is throughly credited, because of the Mariners
who approoue many straunge thinges that hee reporteth to
, hee true. Wherefore, this Lorde is resolued to sende me
foorth ^Tith a fleete towardes those partes, and there are so
manye that desire to goe in the voyage for the noueltie and
strangenesse of the thing, that I thiuke we shall be very
strongly appointed, without any pubUkc cxpence at all. And
UOBUM BEQA.
this is the tenor of the letter, before mentioned, which I haiie |
heere set downe to giue intelligence of an other voyage, that !
M. Antonio made^ being set out with many Burkes and men, i
notwithstanding hee was not captaine as hee had thought at
the 6r8t bee shoulde, for Zicbmni went in hia owne person :
and concerning this matter, I haue a letter in forme, as fol- '
loweth. Our great preparation for the voyag of Estotiland, ,
was begun in an vuluckic houre, for three dayes before our |
departtire, the fisherman died that shoulde liaue been onr '
guid ; notwithstanding, this Lorde woulde not giue ouer the .
enterprize, but in steade of the fisherman, tooke certayne
Marriners that returned out of the Ilaude with him, and so
making onr nauigation to the Westwards, we discouered cer-
tayne Ilandes subiect to Frislande, and haning passed cer-
tayne shelues, we stayed at Ledouo for the space of 7 dayea
to refreshe our selues, and famish the fleete with neceasarie
pronision. Departing from heneCj we arriued the first of
.July at the He of Ilofe, and for that the winde made for vs
wee stayed not there, but passed forth, and being vpon the
maine sea there arose immcdiatly a cruell tempest, where-
with for eight dayes apace wee were miserably vexed, not
tnowing where wee were, and a great part of the Barkes
were cast away; afterwarde waxing faire wether, we gathered
vp the broken peeces of the Barkes that were lost, and sayl-
ing with a prosperous winde, wee discouered lande at West.
Wherefore, keeping our course directly vpon it, wee arriued
in a very good and safe harborough, where wee sawe an infi-
nite companie of people readie in arraes, come running very
furiously to the water side, as it were for defence of the
Ilande. Wherefore, Zichmui causing his men to make aignea
of peace vnto them, they sent tenne men vnto va that coulde
epeake tenne languages, but wee conlde vnderstaude none
of them, except one that was of Island. He being brought
before our Prince and asked what was the name of the Hand,
aud what people inhabited it, and who goucrned it, answered.
that the Ilaffcl was called Icaria, and that all the kiuges that
had raigo^d there, were called Icari, after the name of the
first ki^g of tliat place, which, as they say, was the aonne of
Dedalus, king of Scotland, who conquering that Hand, left
his soiiue there for king, and left the those lawea that they
retain to this present, and after this, he desiring to sayle fur-
ther, in 8 great tempest that arose, was drowned; wherefore,
for a memoriall of his death, they call tlioae Seaa yet the
Icarian Sea, and the kings of the Hand, leari ; and for that
they were contented with that state which God had give
them, neither whold they alter one iote of their lawes and
customes, they would not receiue any straunger, wherefore
they requested our Prince that hee woulde not seeke to violate
their lawes, which they had rcceiued from that king of wor-
thie raemorie, and obsemed very duly to that present : which
if hee did attempt, it woulde redounde to his manifest destruc-
tion, they being all resolutely bent rather to leaue their life,
than to loose in any respect the vse of their lawea. Not-
withstanding, that wee should not thinke they did altogether
refuse the conuersation and trafEcke with other men, they
tolde vs for conclusion, that tliey would willingly receiue one
of our men, and prcferre him to be one of y" chiefe amongest
them, only to learne my language the Italian tongue, and to
bee enforraed of our maners and customes, as they had
alreadie receiued those other tenue of tenne sundrie nations,
that came vnto their Hand. To these things our Prince
answered nothing at aU, hut causing his men to seeke some
good harborough, hee made signes as though he would come
on laude, and sayling round about the Hand, hee espied at
length a harborough on the East side of the Eande, where
he put in with all his Fleet, the mariners went on land to
take in wood and water, which they did with as great speede
as they coulde, doubting, least they shonlde he assaulted by
the inhabitants, as it fell out in deed, for those that dwelt
there abouts, making sigiies vnto the other with fire and
MOHDM BEGA. 87
Bmoke, put them selues presently in armes, and the other
comming to them, they came all running dowiie to the Sea
side vpon our men with bowes and arrowes and other wea-
pons, that many were slaine and dinei-a aore wounded. And
we made signes of peace vnto them, but it was to no purpose,
for their rage encreaaed more and more, as though they had
fought for life and liuing. Wherefore, wee were forced to
depart, and to sayle along in a great circuite about the Hand,
being ^waies accompanied vpon the hil tops and the Sea
coast with an infinite multitude of armed men, and so dou- in
bling the Cape of the Hand towardes the North, wee found ?«
many great sholdes, amongst the which for the space of ten
daies we were in continual danger of loosing our whole
Fleete, but that it pleased God all that while to send ts very
faire weather. "Wherefore, proceeding on till we came to
y" Eaat cape, we sawe the inhabitaunts still on the hiU tops
and by the Sea coast kecpe with vs, and in making great out-
cries, and shooting at vs a farre of, they vttered tlieir olde
spitefuU affection towards vs. Wherefore we determined to
stay in some safe harborough, and sec if we might speak
once agaiue with the Islander, bnt our determination was
frustrate, for the people, more like vnto beastes than men,
stood continually in armes, w' intent to beat vs backe if we
should corae on lande. Wherefore, Zichmiii seeing hee
coulde not preuaile, and thought if hee shoulde hane per-
seuered and followed obstinately his purpose, their victuals
woidd haiie failed them, hee departed with a faire winde, and
sailed sixe dayes to the Westwards, but the winde chaung- pj
ing to the Southwest, and the Sea waxing rough, wee sayled 4 „■.
dayes with the wind in the powpe, and at length discouering
land, wee were afraide to approch neere vnto it, being the ?!
Sea growen, and we not knowing what lande it was, but God
prouided for vs, that the winde ceasing, there came a greate
calme. AMierefore, some of our companie rowing to land
with oares, returned and brought va word to our great com-
I
\^j
lOOffOod
hWRiS."
■»-/f
\\
THE DlSCOUIRlfOF
forte, that they had founde a very good Countrie, and a better
harborough, vpon which iiewea wee towed our sliips and
smal Barkca to lande, and being entred into the harborough,
wee aawe a farre of a great mountaine y' cast forth smoke,
which gaue vs good hope that we shouldc finde some inha-
bitantes in y° Hand, neither would Zichmni rest, although it
were a great way of, but send a 100 good souldiers to searoh
the Countrie, and bring report what people they were that
inhabited it; and in the meane time they tooke in wood and
water for the prouision of the Fleetc, and catcht great store
of fishe and Sea foule, and founde such abundance of birdes
egges, that our men that were halfe famished were filled
withaU. Whiles we were riding here, began the moneth of
June, at which time the ayre in the Hand was so temperate
and pleasant as is impossible to cxpresse; but when we coulde
see no people at all, wee suspected greatly that this pleasant
place was desolate and dishabitcd. We gaue name to the
hauen, calling it Trub, and the point that stretched out into
y" sea we called Capo di Trim. The 100 souldiers that were
sent foorth, eight dayes after rettirned, and brought worde
that they had been through the Hande, and at the moun-
taine, and that the smoke was a naturall thing, proceeding
from a great fire that was in the bottome of the hill, and
that there was a spring, from which issued a certaine matter
like pitch, which ran into the Sea, and that there aboutes
dwelt greatc multitudes of people half wilde, hiding theselues
in caues of the groimde, of small stature, and very fearefull,
for as soone as they sawe them, they fled into their holes ;
and that there was a great riuer and very good harborough.
Zichimni being thus informed, and seeing that it had a hol-
aome and pure ayre, and a very fruitefiill soyle, and fayre
Tiuers, with aundrie other commodities, fell into such liking
of the place, that he determined to inhabite it, and build
there a Citie. But his people being weary and faint with
their long and tedious trauaile, began to tumult and mur-
mure, saying, that they iFonld returne into their Countrie, ■^'^T'i''^"^
for that the winter was at hand, and if they entred into the ih™||L»JnB.
harhorough, they should not he ahle to come out againe i^,i"4t
before the next Somraer, "Wherefore, hee retaining only the i^kes wiih
Barkes with Oares, and such aa were willing to stay with "^"'^'[,
him, sent all the rest with the shippes hacke againe, and'^f''^'J'™'
willed that I (though vnwilling) siiould bee their Captaine. ^X^""?^
I therefore departing, sayled for the space of twentie dayes wnio z»qo'
to the Estwards without sight of any land, then turning my "'"f »'
course towardes Southeast, in fiue dayes I discouered lande, ^„nio
and founde my aelfe vpon the lie of Neome, and knowing ^g^ ofNc-
the Countrie, I perceiued I was past Islande : Wherefore, Hn/ifhim-
taking in some fresh victuals of the inhabitants, being l''';'"'-. ^
subiect to Zichmni, I sayled with a faire winde in three dayes *"""■
to Frisland, where the people, who thought they liad lost
their Prince, because of his long absence, in this our voyage, ■
receiued vs very ioyfuUy. |
"What followed after this letter, I know not but by coniec- a peece of ■'
ture, which I gather out of a pcece of an other letter, which
I will set downe heere vnderneath ; That Zichmni builte a
towne in the portc of the Hand that hee discouered, and that J
hee searched the Countrie very diligently and discouered it H
all, and also the riucrs on both sides of Engroueland, for §
that I see it particularly described in the Sea card, but the
discourse or narration is lost. The beginning of the letter BtemninB
is thus. Concerning those things that you desire to knowe
of mee, as of the men and their manners and customes, of
tbe beastes, and the Countries adioyning, I haue made thereof
a particular booke, which, by God's helpe, I will bring with
mee : Wlierein I haue described the countrie, the monstrous
fishes, y* customes and lawes of Frisland, Island, Estland,
the kingdome of Norway, Estotiland, Drogio, and in the end,
the life of Master Nicolo, the knight our brother, with the
discouerie which lie made, and of Groland. I haue also
written the life and acta of Zichmni, a Prince as worthie of
90 THB DiscotmniE or hokdh bega.
immortftll memory aa auy that euer liued, for his great vali-
ancie and siiigulcr liumanitie, wherein I hauc described the
disccmcrie of Kngroueland on both aides, and the Citie that
hce builded. Therefore, I will speeke no further hereof in
this letter, hoping to be with you very shortly, and to satisfie
you in sundrie other thinges by worde of mouth. All these
letters were written by master Antouio to master Carlo, his
brother. And it greeueth me, that the booke and diuers
other writiuges concerning these purposes, are miserably lost :
For I beeing but a child wlieu they came to my hands, and
not knowing what they were (as the manner of children is),
I tore them, and rent them in peeces, wliich now I cannot
call to remembrance but to my greef. Notwithstanding that
the memory of so many good thinges shoulde not bee lost ;
whatsoeuer I could get of this matter, I haue disposed and
put in order, in the former discourse, to the ende that this
age might bee partly satisfied, to y* which we are more be-
liolden for the great discoucrics made in those partes, then
to auy other of the time past, beeing moat studious of the
relations of the discoueries of strange Countries made by the
great mindes and industry of our auncetoura.
This discourse was collected by Ramusio, Secretarie to the
state of Venice (or by the Printer, Tho. Giuntij.
John Baptista Kamusio died in Padua, in July 1557.
' The first time that this account appears in Ramusio 's Collection, it
in tho edition of the second volume puiiliiihed in 1574, sevonteen years
after the death of Ramusio : and it is not probable that ho -would hlxaaelf
have selected for publication a " discourse" lilie that of the Zeoi, nbich
bears upon it tho evident impress of fabrication. Whut share Tommaso
Giunti had in this edition, beyond printing it, and prefixing a preface, is
not known.
The object of the Haklujt Society is to extend the knowledge of the
hold and energetic and successful eflfortB of early dlscoverors, uot to bring
prominently forward clumsy compilations and absurd fictions. For this
reason, no attempt has been made to distinguish by annotation tho pro-
bably true from the certainly false in the above narriitivu.
the
i
THE TRUE AND LAST DTSCOUERIE OF FLORIDA,
made by Captain John Ribault in the yeere 1 562.
DeJieateJ to a great ntilile man of Frautice,' and
tranalated into Englislie by one Thomas Ilackit,
Wheee as in the yeere of our Lorde God 1562, it pleased
God to mono yonr honour to choose and appoint va to dis-
couw and view a certaine long coast of the West India, fiom
the head of the landc called Laflorida, drawing towarde the
North part, vnto the head of Britons," distant from the saide
head of Laflorida 900 leagues or there about : to the ende wee
might certifie you and make true report of the temperature,
fertUitie, Fortes, Hauens, Riuers, and generally of all the
commodities that bee seeue and found in that lande, and also
to leame what people were there dwelling, which thing you
haue long time agoe desired, beeing stirred therevnto by this
zeale: ThatFraunce might one day through newe discoueries
haue knowledge of strange Countries, and also thereof to
receiue (by raeanes of continuall trafficke) riclie and inesti-
mable commodities, as other nations haue done, by taking in
hand such farre nauigations, both to the honor atid prowes of
their kings and princes, and also to the encrease of great
profite and vse to their common wealthes, countries, and
dominions, which is most of all, w'out copariso, to be consi-
dered and esteemed. It aeemeth well y' yee haue been stirred
hereunto euen of God aboue, and led to it by the hope and
desire you haue that a number of brutishe people and igno-
' Gaspare! de Coligny, admiral of France, an earnest promoter of the
attempts made to est'^bliah colonies Id America, which ho regarded as
the future aajlum for the Freucl) Protestants.
' Cape Breton, ia lat. 4Ci N.
91
rant of Jesus Christe, may by Lis grace come to Bome know-
ledge of his holy Lawes and Ordinauuces. So therefore it
seemeth that it Lath pleased God by his godly prouidence to
rcserue the care which hec hath had of their saluation vntill
this time, and ivill bring them to our faith at the time by
hinisclfe alone foreseenc and ordeincd. For if it were need-
full to shewe howe many from time to time bane gone about
to finde out thia great laudc and to iuhabite there, who neuer-
thelesse haue alwaica failed, and beeiie put by from their
intention and purpose : some by feare of shipwraekes, and
some by great windes and tempestes, that droue them backe,
to their merneiloua griefe. Of the which there was one, a
.<<iiasiiiin ^^"7 ^'unioua stranger named Sebastian Gabota, an excellent
mhuw. Pylot, scut thither by king Henry the yccrc 1498, and many
others, who neuer could attaine to any habitation, nor take
possession thereof one only foote of grouude, uor yet approche
/^ or enter into these parties and faire riners, into the which
God hath brought va. Wherefore (my Lorde) it may bee
well saide, that the huing God hath reaerued thia great lande
tor your poore seruantes and aubiectcs, as well to the ende
they might bee made great ouer this poore people and rude
nation, as also to approue the former affection which our
kings haue had vnto this.discouerie.
For y^ late king Frances the first (of happie memorie), a
Prince endued with excellent vertues, the yeere 1524 sent a
Fuim Vi' famous and notable man, a Florentine, named Master John
''"'■"■ Verarzan,' to search and diacouer the West parts as farre as
might be ; Who, departing from Deepe^ with two vessels little
difl'ering from the making and burden of these two Fiiinacea
of the kinges which your honour hath ordciued for this pre-
sent nauigation. In the which land they haue found the
eleuation [of] the Pole, an viii degrees.* The Countrie {as he
1 OioTBnni Verazzani. — See anit, p. 65. s Dieppe.
^ We have no sccoimt of any of the voyages of Vurazzani, but the first
iu 15^ ; anil it does uat appear that ou this occasion he pcDetrated fur-
/TEEttA VtOSmk.
-' /
wnteth) goodly, fruitfull, and so good temperature, that it is
not possible to haue a better : beeing then as yet of no ma
seen nor discerned. But they not being able to bring to
passe at this first voyage that which he had intended, nor to
arriue in any Port, by reason of aundrie incoueniences
(which comoly happe) were costrained to return into Fraunce:
where, after liis arriuall, he neuer eeassed to maie suite vntill
he was sent thither againe, where at last he died.' The which
occasion gaiie small courage to sende thither agaync, and
was the cause that this laudable enterprise was left of, vntill
the yeere 1534, at which time his Maiestie (desiring alwayes
to enlarge his kingdome, countreys, and dominions, aud the
aduauncing the ease of hia subiectes) sent thither a Pilote of
S. Mallowes, a Briton named James Cartier, well seene in^
the art aud knowledge of Nauigatioii, and especially of the
North parts, commonly called the new land, led by some
hope to find passage that waies to the south seas : Who, heing
ther south Vh&a about tweuty-eiglit degrees. The eight degreea men-
tioned in the text, ma; be a miatalic for twenty-eight ; we caunot under-
etaud it io any other manner.
J The time and manner of Veraziani'a death ia not known. In the
introduction to his voyage in 1524, published in the tJiird volume of
Saimmo (p. 417 b.), the following passage .occurs :— " In the last vojage
which he made, having landed together with some of his oompaniouB,
thej were all liilled by the natives, and roasted and eaten in the presence
of those who remained on board the ships." Mr. Biddle, in the Memoirs
of CaioC, p. S78, contends, that he was the Piedmontese pilot who accom-
panied an English vessel on a voyage of discovery to the north in 1527,
and having ventured on shore at Fewfoundland, was killed by the natives.
There are two objections to this theory ; one, that Veraziani was a Flo-
rentine, and not a Piedmontese ; and the other, that Annibale Caro, in a
letter dated ten years afterwards, — viz., on the 13th of October 1337, —
addresses himself to one " Yerrazzano, a seeker of new worlds and of
their matvela", and says ; " Wo have passed no lands that have not been
discovered either by yourself or by your brother." {Lettfre FamUiari,
page 7, Edit. 1010.) We think that it is proper to lay these facts
before the reader, but cannot pretend to draw any conclusion from them.
— See Tiraboschi, ISloHa ddla LeUmihira Italium, torn, vii, page 383.
Edit. 1824,
E BISCOUEBIE OF
not able at his first going to bring any thing to passe that lie
preteded to do, was sent tliither againe the yeere followingj
and likewise Le sire Hemerall ;' and as it is well bnowen
they did iuhabite and builde, and plant the kings armiea in
the North part, a good way in the lande, aa f ar aa Taimdu and
Ochisaon,^ Wherefore (my Lord) trust iustly that a thing
80 commendable, and worthie to bee with good conrage
attempted, that God woulde guid and keepe V3, desiring
alwayes to fulfill your com maun dement. When wee had done
your businessc, and made our preparations the XYiii day of
Februarie 1563, through the fauour of God wee departed with
our two vessels out of the haueu of Claue de Grace^ into the
road Caur :* and the nest day hoystcd x-p saile (the winde
being in y° East), which lasted so flue daies, that wee coulde
not arriue at the nauch,^ that is from betweene the coast of
Briton' and Englaude and the lies of Surlinoa' and Wiskam :*
So that the Winde blowing with great fury and tempest out
of the West and West Southwest, altogether contrary to our
way and course, and all that we could doe was to none efiecte,
besides the great daunger of breaking of our Mastes, as also
to be hindered in our other labours. Wherefore aa well to
shonne many other inconueniences which might follow to the
preiudice and breach of our voyage, hauing regard also to
the likely daunger of death, y' some of our gentlemen aud
' The person here meant must be Francois de la Roche, sieur de
R«heryal, who was appointed goTernor of Canada by Francis I, in 1540,
and sailed for America with emigmnts in 1543.
3 The English edition of Rihault's voyage, nhich Haklujt has here
reproduced, ia diafigiired by several gross inaccuracies, particularly la Uie
proper names. The French original is not tnown to esist, and it is
doubtful if it was ever printed. Probably, this translation was made from
the manuscript, and hence the extraordinary mis-readings we shall have
to correct in the course of our remarks upon this voyage. The two
names, Tavidu and Ochisaon, must bo Canada and Hoohelaga, to which
latter district Carticr gave the name of Montreal.
* Havre de Grace. ^ Brittany.
* Cans. ' The SoJlly Islands.
6 The Manclio, or Euylish Channel. ^ Ushant.
TBB.RA FLORIDA. 95
Bouldiers being troubled with feuers and wbot Bicknesses,
might haue fallen into : as also for other eonaiderationa wee
thought good to fall into the road of Brest, in Britaiue, to
see there our sick folke on land, and suffer the tempest to
passe. From whence (after wee had taried there two dayes)
wee returned agfdue to Seawardc to followe our nauigation ;
BO that (my Lorde) albeit the winde was for a long season
Tery much against vs, and troubleaome, yet at the eude (God
giuing vs, through his grace and accustomed goodnesse, a
meetely fauourable winde), I determined with all diligence
to proue a newe course which hath not beenc yet attempted:
tranersing the Seas of Oction' 1800 Leagues at the leastj
wbiche in deed is the true and sliort course, that hereafter
must be kept to the honour of our nation, reiecting the old con-
serued opinion, which so long time hath beene holden as true.
Which is, as it was thought a thing impoBsihle to haue the
winde at East, Northeast, and keepe the race and course wee
enterprised, but that we shoulde be driuen towarde the region
of Affrica, the lies of Canaria, Madera, and other landes there
aboutes. And the cause why wee haue beene the more pro-
uoked and assured to take this new race, hath bin because
that it seemed to euery one that we might not passe nor goe
in this Nauigation without the sight and touching of the
Antilhes and Lucaries,* and there soioume and take fresh
waters and other ncceasaries, as the Spaniards doe in their
voyage to new spaine : wherof (thanked be God) we haue
had no neede, nor entered the chanell of Roham;* which hath
' Seas of Oction. The firat edition of this narrative, printed in I5fi3,
has Oct!i7n. We presume that what is here rendered "the seas of Oction",
was in the French original either " Lea mers d'occuknt", taeanxag the
Western or Atlantic Ocean ; or " La mer ooeane", the main ocoan : and
that the translator, being unable to read the tnaauacript before him, made
a iTord for the occasion.
2 Antillics — The Caribboo lalands ; Lucaries— The Lucajes, or Bahama
Islands.
S Roham — This must be a mia-reading for Bahiuna ; the passage referred
to being through the old Bahaioo Channel and the Gulf of Florida.
.^
90 THE DI3C01IER1E OP
bin tlionght impossible. Foreseeing also that it was not
expedient for va to passe through the Ilandes, as wel to shune
many inconueniences that might happen in passing that way
(wherof springeth nothing but innumerable quarrels, plead-
ings, cofusions, and breach of al worthy enterprises and
goodly nauigationa, whereof enaueth complaintes and odious
questions bctweene the subiectcs of the king and his friends
and alies) as also to the ende they might v-nderatand that, in
the time to eome (God haumg shewed vs such graces, aa these
his wonderfull beuefites firste shewed to the poore people of
this so goodly newe framing' people, of so gentle a nature,
and|a countrcy so pleasant and fraitefull, lacking nothing at
all that may aeeme nccessarie for mans foodjl we would not
haue to doe with their Ilandes and other lalfdes, which {for
that they first discouered them) they keepe with much ielousie :
trusting that if God will suffer the king (through your per-
swation) to cause some part ofjthis incomparable countre^to
be peopled and inhabited with auch a number of his poore
subiectcs aa you shall thinke good, there neuer happened in
the memory of man ao great and good commoditie to France
as this ; and (my Lorde) for many causes, whereof a man ia
neuer able to say or write to the ful, as vnder the assured
hope that we haue alwayea had in executing vprightly that
which I had receiued in charge of you, God woulde blease
our wayes and nauigatious. After we had constantly and
with diligence, in time conuenient, determined upon the way,
wee shoulde haue thought it uoysome and tedious to all our
companie if it had before bin knowc vnto any without tourn-
ing or wauering to or fro from their first ententio. And not-
withstanding that Satan did often what lie could to sowe
many obstractes, troubles, and lettes, according to his accus-
tomed aubtiltiea, ao it is come to paase that God, by hia onely
goodnes, hath giucu vs grace to make the furthest arte and
' There is, most piobablj, a. misUke here : but we ^re unable to sug-
gest an explanation of it.
trauiira of tlie seas, tliat euer was made in our memorie or
knowledge, in longitude from the East to the West:' and
therefore was it commonly sayde both in Frannce and Spaine,
and also among vs, that it was impoasihle for vs safely to
arriue thither, whither the Lord did conduct vs. Al which
perswaded hut of ignoraunce and lacke of attempting : wliich
wee haue not bin afrayde to giue aduenture to prooue. Albeit
that all Mariners Cardea doe set the CoasteH with shipwrackes,
without partes or Riuers : wliich wee haue found otherwise,
as it followeth.
Thursday the last of Aprill, at the hreake of the day, wee
diacouered and clearely perceyued a fayre Coast, stretchyng
of a great length, couered with an infinite number of high
and feyre trees, wee being not past 7 or 8 leagues from the
shore, the couutrey seeming vuto vs plaine, without anye ,
shewe of hila, and approchiug neerer, within foure or fine
leagues of the land, we east an ancker at ten fadome water,
the hottome of the Sea being plaine with muehe Ociaa,' and
fast holde on the South side, as farre as a certaine point or
Cape situate vnder that Latitude of nine and twentie degrees
and a halfe, which we haue named Cape Fran9ois,'
Wee could espie neither Riuer nor Bay, wherefore wee
sent our Boates, furnished with men of experience, to sounde
and knowe tlie coast uecre tlie shore : who returning to vs
about one of the clock at after noone, declared that they ha<l
founde, among other thinges, vrii fadome of water at the
harde hancke of the sea. Wherevpon haning diligently waycd
vp our Anekers, and hoystcd vp our sayles with wind at will,
•«
1 See, howeveT, the relation of Qioranni Verazzani (ante, page 66), nho
also croBsed the Atlantic without touching %t anj of the Weat Indian
Islands.
s Ooias — Another blunder ; perhaps For the word osiers.
' The nearest cape to the latitude 29^ is Cape Canaveral, which is
situate in latitude 28° 16' 50". " Under that latitude", we are inclined
to conjecture, means to the south of the latitude of the spot where they
TSB DISOOTJKBIE OF
^^
,'^ie
. . _,. — and vewcd the coast all along with v nepeakab le
/ pleasure, of the odorous_aHjelI and beawti&ofJLejanie. And
because there appeared \Tito va no signe of any Porte, about
the setting of the sunnc we cast ancker againe : which donej__^
we did behold Ito and fro the goodly order of the woodaj
•^ wberewitH^od hatli decked euery way the sayd land/^ Then
I perceiuing towarde the North, a leaping and a hrCTsing of
the water, aa a streame falling out of the lande into the Sea.
For the whiclie wee set vp aayles againe, to double the same
while it was yet day. And as wee had so done, and passed
beyond it, there appeared vnto vs a fayre entrie of a faire
riuer, whieh caused ra to cast Auekcr agayne there nerer the
land : to the end the next day we might see what it was, and
though that the wiude blew for a time vehemently to the
shoreward ; yet the hold and Anckerrage was so good, that
one cable and one Ancker helde vs fast with out danger or
sliding.
The next day, in the morning, being the first of May, wee
assayed to enter this Porte with two newe barges and a boate
well trimmed, finding little water barges wliiche might haue
astonied and caused vs to returne baeke to shipborde, if God
' had not speedily brought vs in. Where finding 36 iadome
^ water, entred into a goodly and great riuer,' which as we
went founde to encrease still in depth and largenesse, boyl-
V ing and roaring through the multitude of all kiud of fish.
This being entred, wee perceiued a great number of y^ In-
dians, inhabitants there, comming along the sandes and Sea
I bankes, comming neare vnto vs, without any taking of feare
or doubt, shewing vnto ts the easiest landing place : and
thereupon, we giuing them also on our parts thanks of assu-
rance and fricndlinesse. Forthwith, one of appearance out
of the best among them, brother vnto one of their kinges or
' This mas, most probablj, St. John's river ; there is no other near
the loealit; pointed out in the text that corresponds with the auttior's
deflcription.
TBEEA IXO&IDA.
goiiernoura, commaunded one of the Indians to enter into
the water, and to approacli our boats, to show va the coastea
landing place. We seeing this (without any more doubting
or difficultie), landed, and the messenger (after we had re-
wai'ded him with some looking- glasse, and other pretie things
of small value) ran incontinently toward his Lord : who forth-
with sent mee his girdle, in token of assurance and friend-
ship, which girdle was made of red leather, as well couered
and coloured as was possible : aud as I began to go towards
him, hee set foortli and came and recciued rae gently, and
reiaed after his manner, all his men following with great _ffl^
lence und m odestie : yea, more then our men did. And after
we had awhile with gentle vsage congratulated with him, we
fell to the ground a little way from them, to call upon the
name of God, and to beseech Him to cotinne still His good-
nesse towards va, and bring to the knowledge of our Saviour
Clirist this poore people. While wee were thus praying (they
sitting vpon the grounde, which was strawed and dressed with
Bay bowes), bcheldc and hearkened vntovs very attentiuely,
without cither speaking or mouing : and as I made a aigne
vnto their king, lifting vji mine arm, and stretching foorth
one finger, only to make them looke vp to hcauen ward : He
likewise lifting vp his arme towards heauen, put foorth two
fingers, whereby it seemed that he made vs to vnderstande
that they worsbippid the Sunne and jr moone for Gods : as
afterwardea wee vnderstoode it so. In the meane time, their
numbera increased, and thither came the kings brother that
was first with vs, their mother, wiues, sisters, and children,
and being thus assembled, they caused a great number of
Bay boughea to bee cut, and therewith a place to be dressed
for V8, distant from theirs two fadom. For it is their maner
to talke and bargaine sitting : and the ehiefe of them to bee
apart from the meaner sort, with a shewe of great obedience
to their kinges, superiours, and elders. They bee all naked,
y
and of a goodly stature, mightie, and as well shapen and
proportioned of body, as any people in y world ; very gentle,
curteons, and of a good nature.
The most part of them couer their raines and priuities with
faire Harts skinnes, painted most commonly with sundrie
colours i and the fore part of their body and armes bee painted
with pretie deuised workes, of Azure, red and blacke, so well
I and so properly, aa the best Painter of Europe coulde not
amende it, The women haue their bodies painted with a
certaine Herbc like vnto Mosae, whereof the Cedar trees, and
all other trees, bee alwayea couered. The men for pleasure
doe alwayea trimme them acluea therwith, after sundrie
fashions : They bee of tanny colour, hauke noaed, and of a
pleasant countenance. The women be well fauoured, and
^ will not suffer one dishonestly to approch too neare them.
But wee were not in their houses, for we sawe none at that
After we had taried in this North side of the riner the
„ moat part of the day (which riuer wee haue called May for
u BO that wee discouered the same the firate day of the Moneth}
wee congratulated, made aliaunce, and entred into amitie
with them, and presented the king and his brethren with
Gownes of blewe cloth garnished with yellowe Flonrcdeluces,
And it seemed that they were sory for our departure : so that
the most part of them entred into the water vp to the necke,
to set our boates aflote.
Putting into vs simdry kinde of fishes, which with mer-
ueilous spcede they ranne to take in their packs made in the
water with great Keedcs, ao well and cunningly set togeather,
after the fashion of a Laberinth or Maze with so many
turnea and crookes, aa it is impossible to do it without much
\_/cunndng and Industrie.
But desiring to imploy the rest of the day on the other
«de of this riuer, to viewe and know those Indiana that wee
TEBOA. ShOBlDA..
w
aawe there, we trauersed tiither, and witliout any diffi-
cultie landed amongeat them who receiued vs very gently and
with great humanitie : putting va of their iruites, euen into
our boates, Mulbcries, Raspis, and such other fniitea as they
fouude ready by the way.
Soone after this came thither the king with his brethren,
and others with bowes and arrowea in their handes, vsing
therewithal! a goodly and a graue fashion, with their beha-
uiour right aoiildierlike, and as warlike boldnea as may be.
They were naked and painted as the other, their haire like-
wise long, and trusaed vp (with a lace made of herbea) to the
top of their heads : but they had neither their wiues nor
children in their companie. After we had a good while
louingly enterteined and presented them with hke gifts of
habersher wares, cuttiug hookes and hatchets, and clothed
the king and his brethren with like robes, as we had giuen to
them on the other side : we entred and viewed the countrie /
thcreahoutea, which is the fairest, fruitfullest, and pleasantest
of al the world, abounding in hony, venison, wilde foule, ^_^
forests, woods of all sortea, Palme trees, Cyprease and Cedars, ^y^ ^'
Bayea y" highest and greatest, with also the fayrest vines in <S^ "^H
aU the world, with grapes according, which without natural ^^|
art and without mans heipe or trimming will grow to toppes ^^|
of Okea and other trees that be of a wondcrfuU greatnesae ^H
and height. And the sight of the faire medowes is a pleasure ^H
not able to be expressed with tongue : full of Hemes, Cur- ^H
lues. Bitters, Mallards, Egreptlis,' woodcocks and all other ^H
kinde of small birds : with Harts, Hindes, Buckes, wilde ^H
Swine, and aU other kindes of wilde beastes, as we perceiued ^H
well, both by their footing there, and also afterwardes in / ^H
other places, by their crie and roaring in the night. ^H
Also, there be Conies and Hares : Silke wormes in mer- | ^H
ueilous number, a great deale fairer and better then be our ^H
^^]k wormes. To bee short, it is a thing vnapeakable to ^H
^^^1 ' Egrets : beautiful birds, like hcroas, but whits. ^^H
102
THE DISCOUEOIE OF
consider the tliinges that bee scene tliere, and ahalbe founde
more and more in this incomperable landc, which neuer yet
broken with plough yrons, bringeth forth al things accord-
ing to hia firat nature, wlicrewith the etemall God indued it.
About their houses they labour and till the grounde, sowing
their fieldes with a graine called Mahis, whereof they make
their meale: and iu their Gardens they plant beanea, gourdes,
cucumbers, Citrons, peaaon, and many otlier fruits and rootes
vnknowen vnto vs. Their spadea and mattocks be made of
Wood, so well and fitly aa is possible: which they make with
certaine stones, oyster shelleSj and muscles, wherewith also
they make their bowes and smal launcea: and cut and polish
all sortes of wood that they imploye about their buildings and
, neceasarie vse ; There groweth also many Walnut trees,
l^asell trees, Cheritrees, very feire and great.
And generally wee hane scene thereof the same simples
and herbea that wee haue in Fraunce, and of the like good-
nesse, sauour, and taste. The people be very good arcliers,
and of great strength ; Their bowe stringes are made of
Leather, and their arrowes of Reedes, which they doe head
with the teeth of fishes. As we now demannded of them
concerning y^ land called Seuola,' whereof some haue written
' The correct form of this name appears to bo Siliola, or Cibok.
Sibola. is the name of an Indian district, or province, situnte un the river
Qila, and about one thousand miles north-west from Mexico. The
attention of the Spaniards vitLs first directed tovrords it hj a missioDary
named Marcos de Nii^a, who, in the jear 1639, penetrated into this at that
time unconquered region. On hia return to Mexico, he gave such a glow-
ing description of the wealth and populousnesa of Sibola and its seven cities,
that an expedition was fitted out for the conquest of the country, under
the command of Rodrigo del Rio, the governor of New Biscay. The
result of this enterprise was far Irom justifying the representations of the
friar. The Spaniards became masters of the district at the expense of
considerable loss in men and lioraca, aud of great suffering from cold and
starvation ; but the gold and precious stones they had been taught to
expect were nowhere to be found.— Lopea de Gomara, SiiC. Geti. de l<u
Jndias (Anvers, 16S4 ; fol. 272) ; Herrera, Hist, de las Itidias (Dec. vi,
lib. vii, viii). See also tho Maps of America by Orteliua and Mercator.
TEEBA FLOmHA.
103
not to bee farrc from thence, and to bee situate within the
lande, and toward the Sea called the South Sea. They
shewed vs by signes that which we vnderstood well enough, ^^^°}^
that they might goc thither with their Boatea (by riuers) in '^'^^
twentie dayes.' They that haue written of thia kingdome ri""r □
and towne of Seuola, and other townes and kingdomes there-
aboutea, say, that there is great aboundance of goldc and 1
sduer, precious stonca, and other great riches : and that the /
people had their arrowea headed (in steede of yron) with
sharpe pointed Turqueaaes. Thus the night approching, it
was conucnient for vs to returne by day a ship-boorde.
Wee tooke leaue of them muche to their griefe, but more to
ours without comparison, for that wee had no meane to enter
the riuers with our shippe. And albeit, it was not their
custome eyther to eate or drinke from the Sunne rising till
his going downe : yet the ting openly woulde needea drinke
with va, praying vs verie gently to giue him the cuppe where-
ont we had drunke : and ao making him to vnderatande that
wee woulde see him againe the next day, we retired to our
shippes, which lay about sixe leagues from the hauen to
the sea.
The next day in the morning we returned to land againe,
accompanied with the Captaines, Gentlemen, and Souldiers,
and other of our small trope : carrjang with vs a Pillour or
columne of harde stone, our kings armes graued therein, to
plant and set the same in the enteric of the Porte in some
high place, where it might bee easely scene, and being come
thither before the Indians were assembled, we espied on the 1
south syde of the Riuer a place very fittc for that purpose j
ypon a little hill, compaaaed with Cypres, Eayes, Paulmea, 'j
s. '
and other trees, with sweete
and pleasant shrubbes.'
1 From the eBBtem shore of Florida to Sibolaia about two thousand miles
in a direct lino. There was, therefore, as little possibilitj of the joumoy,
if practicable at all, being accomplished in twenty days, as there was
probability that the Indians of Florida knew anything of the country in
104
THB DISOOnERIB OP
In the middle whereof we planted tlie first bound or limit of
his Maicstie. This done, perceiuing our first Indians assem-
bled, not without some misliking of those on the South
parte, where we had set the limitte, who taried for vs in the
same place where they met with va the day before, seeming
vnto vs that there is some enimitie betweene them and the
others. But when they perceyued our long tarying on this
side, they ran to see what we bad done in that place, where
we landed first, and liad set our limitte : which tbcy vewed
a great while without touching it any way, or abassing, or
euer spealcing to va thereof at any time after. Howebeit, we
could skat depart, but as it were w' griefe of minde, fro this
our first alliance, they rowing vnto vs all along the riuer
from all parts, and presenting vs with some of tbeir harts-
skins, painted and vupainted, meale, htlc cakes, freshe water,
rootes like vnto Rinbabe,' wbicb tbey haue in great estima-
tion, and make therof a potion of medicine : also they brought
little bagges of redde colours, and some small spices like
vnto Vire, pcrceyuing among them seines fayre thiuges
painted as it had bin with graine of scarlet, showing vnto vs
"'J- hy signes that they bad in the lande golde and siluer and
•^ copper: whereof wee baue brought some. Also lead, like
isara vnto OUTS, wliich we shewed. Also turquesses and great
eafiiB^ aboundance of pearles, whicbe, as they dcclai-ed vnto vs,
I ../ they tooke out of oysters, whereof there is taken euer along
T" Kmiies. the nucr aide, and among the reedes, and in the marshes :
■■**^ and so merneyloua aboundance as is skant credible ; and we
'■^^^'l hane perceiued that there be as many and as faire pearles
r' found there as in any countrey of the worlde. For we aawe
a man of theirs, as we entered into our boates, that had a
PMi-itaiB pearle hanging at a coUer of golde and siluer about his
"oraf"- necke, as great as an Acorne at y^ least. This man, as he
had taken fisbe in one of tbeir fiabing packs, thereby brought
that same to our boatea, and our men perceiuing the great-
' ]\toat probablj rhubarb.
TBHRA FLORIDA. 105
nesae therof, one of them putting his finger toward it, the
man drewe backe, and woulde no more come neare the
boate : not for any feare that lie had that they woulde hane
taken his Poller and Pearle from liim, for he woiild hauc
^uen it them for a looking glassc or a knife :
But that hec doubted lest they woidde haue pulled him into
the boate, and so by force hune caried him away. He was
one of the goodliest men of all the company. But for that
we had no leasure to tary any longer with them, the day
being well passed, whiche greeued vs, for the comraoditic and
great riches, whiche as wee vndcrstoodc and sawe, might bee
gotten there, desiring also to employ the rest of the day with
our aeconde alianee, the Indiana on the south side, as we
perceiued them the day before, which still taried looking for
vs : Wee passed the riuer to their shore, where as wee founde
them tarying for vs, quietly and in good order, with newe
paintings vpon their face, and feathers vpon their heads : the
King, with his Bowe and Arrowes lying by him, sate on the
grounde, strawed with boughcs, betwecne his two brethren,
whiche were goodly men and well shapen, and of a wondcr-
full show of actiuities, hauing vpon their hcades, one haire
trussed vpright of heyght, of some kinde of wild beast,
gathered and wrought together with great cunning, wrethed
and fasted after the forme of a Diademe. One of them had
hanging about his necke a rnnndc plate of redde copper well
polished, with one other lesser of Siluer in the middeat of it,
and at his eare a litle plate of Copper, wherewith they vse tQ_>
stripe the sweat from their bodies. They shewed vs that
there was great store of this mettell within the countrey,
about fine or sixe daies ioimiey from thence, both in the
aouthside and northaide of the sajoe riuers, and that they
went thither in their Boates.' Which Boates they make biit
1 Copper ia no longer named among tho mineral productions of the
countrj. T1i<< HtAtoment in the text teas most prohublj either on exag-
geration on tho part of thcMtiicB, or a misconception on the part of tlic
French.
106
THE DISCOITBItllS OP
\J
of ouc piece of a tree, woorking it whole so cunniugly aud
featly, tliat they put in one of these boates fifteene or twcntie
persons, and go their waycs very safely. They that rowc
atande vpright, hauing tlicir ores short, after the fashion of
a Peele, Thus being among them, they presented vs with
meale dressed and baked, very good and wel tasted, and of
good nourishmet, also heancs and fish, as crabbes, lobstars,
creuisea,' and many other kinde of good fishes, shewing ts by
signcs y' their dwellings were farre off, and if their prouision
had been neere hande, they woulde hane presented vs with
maiiye other refreshinges.
The night nowe approaching, we were faine to retume to
onr Sbippe, very much to oiu- griefc : for that we durate not
haztirdc to enter with our Shippe, by reason of a barre of
sande, that waa at tlie enterie of the Porte, howe he it, at a
fall Sea there is two fadomc and a halfe of water at the least,
and it is but a leape oner a surge to passe this Barre, not
passing the length of two cables, and then forthwith euery
where within sixe or seuen fadome water. So that it maketh
a very fayre hanen, and Shippea of a meane burden, from
fourcscore to a hundred tunnes, may enter therein at all
floodea, yea, of a farre greater burthen, if there were French
men dwelUng there that might akoure the enterye, aa they
doe in Fraunce : for there is nothing lacking for the lyfe of
man, /The situation is vuder the elenation of xxx degrees,
~a~good climate, hcalthfnll, and of a good temperature, mer-
neilous pleasat, y^ people good and of a good and amiable
nature, which willingly will obay : yea, be content to seme
those that shall with gentlenes and humanitie goe about to
allure them, as it ia needful for those that be sent thither here-
after so to doe, and as I hane charged those that he left there
to do, to the ende they may aske and learne of the where
they take their gold, copper, aud turquesses, and other things
yet vnknowen vnto va ; by reason of the time we soioum ed
: craj-fisli, or lol)?tl
"flEHA FLOBIDA. 107
there./. For if any rude or rigorous meanes should be vaed
towarda this people, they woulde flie hitherand thither through
the Woods and Forests, and abandon their habitations and
countreys.
The nest day being the thirde day of May, desiring alwaies
to finde out harbours to rest in, we set vp saile againe : And
after we had raiuiged the coast as neere the shore as we could,
there appeared vnto va, about aeuen Icaguea of on this side of
y" riuer of May, a great opening or Bay of some riuer, whithe r -
with one of our boates we rowed, and there found one entrie
almost like y' of the riuer of May, and within the same as
great a depth, and as large a diuiding it aelfe into man y
great streames, great and broadc stretchiuges towardes the
high lande^_with many other lease, that diuidc the countrey
into faire and great landes, and great number of amall and
fayrejilfidowes. Being entred into them about three leagues,
wee found in a plaee very coramodiona, strong, and pleasant
of situation, certayne Indiana, who receiued va very gently ;
Howe be it, we being aoraewhat neare their houses, it seemed
it was somewhat against their good willes that we went thither,
for at their cries and noyaes they made their wiues and chil-
dren and hoshonlde atuffe to be earied into the Woods :
Howe be it they suffered va to goe into their houses, but
they themselues woulde not accompany va thithei-. Their
houses bee made of Wood, fitly and close, set vpright and
couered with Reedes : the moat part of them after the fashion
of a pauilion. But there was one house amongest the rest
verie long and broade, with settles rounde about made of
Reedea, trimly couched together, which serue them both for
beddes and seates, they be of height two foote from the
grounde, set vpon great rounde pillers, painted with red,
yelowe, and blewe, well and trimlie polished : some sorte of
this people perceiuing that we had in no maner wise hurted
their dwellings nor gardens, which they dressed very dili-
gently, they returned all vnto vs before our inbarking, seem-
108
ing very well coutented by their gining vnto vs water, &uiteB,
J and Hart skinncH. It is a place wonderfidl fertill, and of
.1 strong situatio, the ground fat, bo that it is likely that it
' would bring forth Wheate and all other come twise a yeerCj
and the commodities for liuelihood and the hope of more
richesj bee like vnto those we found and considered vpon the
riuer of May : without comniing into the sea, this arme doth
diuide, and maketh many other lies of May, as also many
other great Ilandes : by the which wee traucll from one
Ilande to another, betweene lande and land. And it seemetb
that men may sayle without danger through al the coimtrey,
and neuer enter into the great sea, which were a wonderfull
aduantage.
This ia the lande of Checere^ whereof some hane written,
and which many haue gone about to find out, for y^ great
riches they percciued by some ludiaus to be founde there.
' lit is set vnder so good a climate, that none of our men,
I (though wee were there in the hotest time of the yeere, the
tunne entring into Cancer), were troubled with any sicknesses.
The people there liue long and in great health and strength,
so that the aged men goe without staues, and are able to goe
and mnnc like the youngest of them, who onely are knowen
to be oldc by the wrincklca in their fecc, and decay of sight.
Wee departed from them verie friendly, and with their cou-
tentation. But the night ouertaking vs, we were constrayned
to lye in onr ships all that night, till it was day, floting vpon
this riuer, which we have called Sene,* because that the en-
' Checerc, Ohicom, or Cliicuria,, a, province ia Florida, probabtj the
locality afterwarda called St. Helena, in South Carolina. — Sec GaroilasBO
de 1a Vegii, La J'^oncia del Inca (page 4; Madrid, 1723; fol.); Cardenas,
Eniayo Cronologico para la Hiitoria OeTural de la Florida (pages 4, 5,
etc. i Madrid, 1723 ; fol,).
' This ba; and river ma; bo either Nassau Inlet and Rirer, or Cum-
borland Sound and St. Mary's River ; most probably the latter, the
inland connexion between that and the St. John's River, which we con-
jecture to he the ris-or May, correspondiug very closely with the descrip-
tion in the text.
TEBIli fLOaiDA.
tery of it is fis broade as from hauer degrace vnto Honesleuc'
At the breakc of the day wee espied out of the South syde
one of the fayrest, pleasauutest, and greatest medowe grounde
that might be scene, into the which wee went, finding at the
very entrie a long, faire, and great Lake, and an innumerable
number of footesteps of great Haxtes and Hiudea of a wonder-
full greatnease, the steppea being all fresh and new, and it
seemeth that the people doe nourish them like tame Cattell,
in great hoards : for we saw the ateppes of an Indian that
folowed them.
The Chanell and depth of this riuer of Seyne is one y' side
of the medowe that is in the lie of May. Being returned to
our ships, we aayled to knowe more and more of this coast,
goying as neere the shore as we eoulde. And as wee had
Bayled about sixe or seuen leagues, there appeared vnto va
another Bay, where we cast anker, and tarrying so all the
night, in the morning wee went thither, and finding (by our
sounding) at the entrie many banks and beatings, we durst
not enter there with our great ahip, hauiug named the riuer
Somme,' which ia 8, 9, 10, 11 fadome depth, diuiding itselfe
into many great Hands, and small goodly medow grounds and
pastures, and euery where such abundance of fish aa is in-
credible, and on the Weast Northwest side, there ia a great
riuer that commetli fro the conutrie of a great length ouer
and another on the Northeast side, which retume into the
Sea, So that (my Lord} it is a countrie full of hauens, riuers,
and Ilauds of such fruitfnlnes, as cannot with tongue be ex-
pressed : and where in short time great and precious como-
dities might bee found. And besides this wee diseouered
and found also vii riuers more, as great and as good, cutting
and diuiding the land into faire ajid great Hands. The In-
dians inhabitants there he like in manners, and the countrie
t«
I
4i
' Honflcur.
' The river Sommi: apiiears to corruBjmnil moBt nearly with the t
St. Ilia and Jykil), or St, AuOrew'e Sound.
no
THE DISCOUEEIB OK
I in fertUlitie apt and commodious throughout, to bcarc and
' bring foorth plentifully all that men would plant or sowc
vpon it. There hee euery where the highest and greatest
' Pirtrees yt can be scene, very well smelling, and where out
might bee gathered {with cutting the only bark) as much
Rosen, Turpentine, and Frakeacnce, as men would desire.
Ayd t.n be short t horc^ac keth nothing. "Wherefore being
not able to enter and he with our great vessels there, we
could make uo long abiding, nor enter so farre into the riuera
and countries aa wee would faine haue done : for it is well
knowue how many inconueniences haue happened vnto men,
not only in attempting of newe diacoueriea, but also in all
places by leaning their great vcasels in the Sea, farre from
the land, vnfurnished of the heads and best men. As for
y" other riuers we haue giuen them names aa followeth ; and
vnto the Ilandes ioyning vnto them the same name that the
next riuer vnto it bath, as you shall see by the portratnres or
Gardes y' I haue made thereof. Aa to the fourth name of
Loire, to y" fift Chamet, toy sixt Caro, to the 7 riuer Bdile,
" to ye 8 riuer Graude, to the 9 port Royall, and to the tenth
Belle Virrir.'
Upon Whitsunday the xxvii day of May, after wee had
percciued and considered that there was no remedie, but to
assay to find the meanea to barber our ships, as wel to amend
and trimme them, as to get va fresh water, wood, and other
necessaries, whereof wee hauing opinion that there was no
fayrer or fitter place for the purpose then port Royall, and
' The names of these rivers, as given by Laudonniere {L'ffitioire
SoUAle de In Floride, edited by Basanior, Paris, 1586, foL 10, 11), aro
Loire, Chareute, G^Dnne, Oironde, Bdle, Grande, and the last, Belle d
Veoir. Ho indications aro given in the text hy which these seven rivora
can be distinguished at the present daj. More than one writer has
offered coT^/'edurei on this point ; but aa proof ia impossible, we have
thouglit it unadyiaable to follow their example. The flame remark vdll
apply to the two rivers named respectively, by Ribault, Liboume and Che-
nonceau.— See Holmes, Annuls of Arnica, page 566, and the authoritii
there cited.
TEERA FLORIDA,
when wcc had sounded the entrie of the ChancU, (thanked
be God), wee entered safely therein with our shippes, against J'^JS^/j^''
the opinion of many, finding the saino one of the fayrest and bK^.
greatest Hauons of the worlde.
Howe be it, it must be remembred, least men approaching soie.
nearc it within aeuen leagues of the lande, bee abashed and
afraide on the Eastside, drawing towarde the Southeast, the
groundc to be flattc, for nenerthelesse at a full sea, there is
euery where fourc fadome water keeping the right Chanel.
In this part there are many riuers of meane bignesae and
large, where without daunger the greatest ahippea of the
worlde might bee harboured, which wee founde no Indian
inhabiting there aboutes. The Porte and Riuers side is neerer
then tenne or twelue leages vpwardes into the countreys, .
although it bee one of the goodliest, best, and fruitefullest \ ,r~, .4
countreys that euer was seene, and where nothing lacketh, 1 '
and also where as good and likely commoditica bee founde j f^j
as in other places thereby.
For we founde there a great number of Pepertrees, the pi.^pct.
Pepper yet greene and not ready to bee gathered : Also the
best water of the world, and so many aortes of fishes thatj'ee
may take them without net or angle so many aa ye will.
Also a n innumerabl e sort of wilde foule of all sortes, and in f7Ln/j
little Bandes at the entrie of this hauen, on the East North- '
caat side, there is so great number of Egrepes that the bushes
bee all white and eouered with them, so that one may take
of the young ones with his hande as many as hee will carry
away. There bee also a number of other foules, as Hemes,
Bitters, Curlues. And to bee short, ^here is so many small
byrdes, that it ia a atratige tiling to bee scene. Wee founde
the Indians there more doubtfull and fearcfiill then the others
before ; Yet after we had been in their houses and congre-
gated with them, and shewed curtesie to those that we founde
to baue aljandoned there through boats meale, victual!, and
small hoiissholde stuffc, .ind both in not taking awaye or
112
TITE DISCOFEUTE OF
i
toudiing any part thereof, aud in leaning in that place whd
they dressed their meatc, Kniues, Looking glaaaea, little
Beadca of glasse, which they louc and estceme aboue galde
and pearles, for to hang them at their eares and neck, and to
giue them to their wiues and children : they were somewhat
emboldened.
For some of them came to our boates, of the which wee
carried two goodly and strong ahoorde om- shippes, clothing
and vsing them as gently aa it waa possible. But they ceased
not day nor nyght to lament, and at length they escaped
away. Wherefore albeit I waa willing (according to your
^^ commaunderaent and memoriall) to bring away aome of them
with vs, on the Princes behalfe and yours, 1 forbare to doe so
for many considerationa and reaaona that they told mee, and
for that we were in doubt that (leauing aome of onr men
there to inhabite) all the Countrie, men, women, and children,
wouldc not haue ceased to pursue them for to haue theirs
againe : aeeing they bee not able to consider and way to
what entent wee shoulde haue carried them away ; and this
may bee better doone to their contentation, when they haue
better acquaintance of vs, and know that there is no suche
emeltic in vs aa in other people and nations, of whom they
haue beene beguiled vuder colour of good faith : whiche doing
in the ende turned to the doera no good. Thia is the riuer
of Jordain' in mine opinion, whereof so much hath beene
■ It appears by a passage in Oarcilasao do la Voga's Florida del Inca,
pages 3-4, that Lucas Tasqiiez He Ajllon and six others, fitted out tiro
vesBels io San Pomingo, about the year 1520, and sailed to the coast of
Florida, for the purpose of obtaining Indians to work in their gold mines.
The ships vrero driven by bad weather to a cape, " which they named
Saint Elena, 1>ecanBe it was on that saint's day that they arrived there,
and into a river -which, they called Jordan, because the seamen who first
saw it HO named it." The Jordan is, moat probably, the Broad Biver in
South Carolina, as wo find from Cardenas, Ensayo C-Tonologico, pages 4-5,
and 44, that the province of Chicora, in which the Jordan is said to be
situated, was afterwards called Saint Elena : " El rcino de Chicora qni
despuoi sc Ham 6 Santa Elena," etc.
V
TESBA. FLOaiDi. 113
spoke, wMch ia very faire, and the coutrie good hoth for
y« easie habitation, and also for many other things which
should bee long to write.
The twentie of May wee planted another eolumne or pillor
graneu with the kinges armes on the South side, in a high
placeoftheentrieofagreatriuer, which wee called Liboume;
where there is a lake of fresh water very good, and on the\
sanae side, a httle lower towards the entrie of the Hauen, is '
one of the fayi-est fountaines that a man may drink of, which
falleth by violence down to the riuer from an high place out
of a red and sandy ground, and yet for all that fruitefuU and
of good ayre, where it shoukle seeme that the Indians haue
had some faire habitation.
There we sawe the fayrest and the greatest vines, with ^jj^^^s
grapes according and young trees, and smal woods, very wel g"»"io"-j»
smelhng, that euer were seen : whereby it appeareth to be . x
the pleasantest and moat commodious dwelling of al y world. J
Wherefore (my Lorde) trusting you will not thinke it
araisse (considering the commodities that may be brought
thence) if we leaue a number of men there, which may for-
tifie and prouide themselues of things necessary : for in all u°^^
new discouei-ies it is the chiefest thing that may be done, at "n^n°^e
the beginning to fortifie and people the countrey. I had not
80 soone set forth this to our companie, but many of them
affraid' to tary there, yet with such a good will and ioly
coragc, that such a number did thus offer themselues as we
had much to do to stay their importunitie.
And namely of our ahipmaisters and principall pdotes, and 39 i^n* bo-
such as we could not spare. How bee it, wee lefte there but dwiiesuiib.
to the number of thirtie in all, Gentlemen, souldicrs, and
marriners, and that at their own suit and prayer, and of their
owne free willes, and by the aduice and deliberation of the
Gentlemen sent on the behalfe of the Prince and youra."
' A^iud. Ihis must be a, mispriot for offenil.
' The state of afiairs in France at the time of Ribault's return, pre-
lU
THE DI3C0CEIUE OF
And haue left \Tito the forehead and riilers (foUowing
therein your good will) Captaine Albert de la Picrria, a
aouldier of long experience, and the first that from the begin-
■ ning did offer to tarry. And further by theyr aduice, ehoycc,
and will inskaled and fortified them in an Hand on the north
side, a place of strong situation and commodious, vpon ii
riuer which wee named Chenonceau, and the habitation and
Fortresse Charlefote.'
After we had instructed and duly admonished them of that
they ahoulde doe (as well for their maner of proceeding, as
for the good and louing behanior of them) the xi day of the
moneth of June last past, we departed from port Royal :
minding yet to range and view the coast vntill the XLdegrees of
the eleuation : But for as much as there camevpon vs trouble-
some and clondie weather, very incommodious for onr purpose,
and considering also amongst many other thinges, that we
had spent our cables and furniture thereof, which is the moat
principall thing that longeth to them that go to discouer
countreys, where continually both night and day they must
lie at ancker : also our victualls beeing perished and spilte,
our lacke of Boateawaines to set forth our rowe barges and
leaue our vessels furnished. The declaration made vnto va
of our Pilots and some others that had before been at some
of those places, where we purposed to sayle, and haue been
already found by some of the kings subjects, the daunger
also and inconueuiences that might thereof happen vuto va :
d and by reason of the great mystes and fogges wherof the
\. seaao was already come, we perceiued very well wheraa we
vented any attention being directed towards this colony until 1564. The
coIonistB in tlic mean titao had hccn oldigcd to abandon the country : the
circumstances which led to this resolution on their part, will be found
stated in the Introduction.
' It is gcDerally supposed, that Charlesfort was constructed noax the
site of tlie present tonn of Beaufort. Charlesfort must uot be eon-
founded with Fort Carolin, erected by Laudonniero tvfo years afterwards,
about two leagues from the mouth of the River May.
TBRBA FLORIDA. 115
were, y* we could do no good, and that it was to late, and
y* good and fit season for to vndertake this thing already
past. All these thinges thus well considered and wayed, and
also for that we thought it meet and necessarie that your
honour should with diligence be aduertised (through the help
of God) to retume homewards to make relatio vnto you of
the effect of our nauigation. Praying God that it may please
him to keepe you in long health and prosperitie.
E PRiurE ^^n
NOTES IN WEITING BESIDES MORE
Mouth that were giueii by a Gentleman, Anno 1580, to
M. Atthurc Pette and to M. Chai'lea Jackman, seat by
ihe Marchants of the Muscouie Companie for the
discouerie of the northeast atrajte, not altogethor
vnfit for some other eoterpriaea of discouorie,
hereafter to bee tnJica in haode.
I
Wh&t respect of IlandeB is to be had, and why.
Whereas the Portingales liaue in their course to their Indies
in the Southeast, certaine portes and fortiflcatios to thrust
into by the way, to diuers great purposes : So you are to see
what Hands and what portes you had neede to haue by the
way in your course, to the Northeast. For which cause I
wish you to enter into consideration of the matter, and to
note all the Hands, and to set them downe in plat,' to two
eudes, that is to say. That wee may deuise to take the bene-
fitcby them. And also foresee how by the the Sauageaorciuill
Princes may in any sort anoy vs in our purposed trade that
way.
And for that the people to the which wee purpose in this
voyage to goe, be no Christians, it were good that the masse
of our commodities were alwayea in our owno disposition and
not at the will of others. Therefore it were good that we
did aeeke out some small Hand in the Scithian Sea,' where
we might plant, Foi-tificjand Staple safely, fro whece (as time
shoulde serue) wee might feede those heathen nations with
1 Plat ; i.e., a map or chart.
^ That part of the Arctic Ocean which lies to the oast of Nora
Zemblft.
NOTKS IN WRITING.
117
our commodities without cloying them, or without venturing
our hole masae in the bowels of their countrey.
And to whiche Hande if neede were (and if we shoulde
thinke so good) we might allure the Northeast navie, the
nauieof Cambalu^ to resort with their commodities to vs there
phinted, and stapling there.
And if such an Hand might be found so standing as might
shorten our course, and so standing as that the Nauie of
Cabulu, or other those parties might coneniently saile vnto
w'out their dislike in respect of distace : the would it fal out
wel. For so besides lesae dauger, and more safetie, our ships
might there vnladc and lade againe, and returne the selisame
sommer to the ports of England or of Norway.
And if such an Hand may be found for the stabling of our
commodities, to the wliich they of Cambalu would not saile,
yet we might, hauing sliippes there, imploy them in passing
betweene Cambalu and that stapling place.
Respect of hauens and hitrbarowes.
And if no such Ilandes may be found in the Seithw sea
toward the firme of Asia, then you are to search out the
ports that be about Noua Sembla, all along the tract of that
land, to the end you may winter there the first yeere, if you
be let by contrarie winds, and to the ende that if wee may
in short time come vnto Cabalu, and vnlade and set saile
1 Cathay, as we haye already explained (page 24), is the name which
was formerly given to tlio northern part of China, and Cambalu, Kanbolu,
or Kian-balik, or Khan-haligli, the name given to ita capital, is the
modem Pekiu. It is an old Mongolian form, and means " the city of the
Lord"; or, m other words, the residence of the Khan. The name was in
use iu the time of Marco Polo, who describes the city as situated towards
the noTth-eastem extremity of the province of Kataia, and says, that it
waa the winter residence of the Khan : it also occurs as late as 1653, in
an account of the Russian embassy to China in that year. — Traveh of
Marco Polo. Translated with notes, by W, Maraden. London, 1818, 4to,
page 300.
IIR
NOTES IN WEITIXG.
againe for retume without ventering,' there at Cabalu, that
you may on your way come aa farre in returne as a port
about Nouasebla : That the Sommer following, you may the
sooner be in England for the more speedy vent of your East
coiuodities, and for the speedier diacharge of your Mariners ;
if you can not goe forward and backe in one selfe same
sommer.
And touching the tract of the land of Noua sembla, toward
the East, out of the circle Artick, in the more temperate
zone, you are to haue regard, for if you finde the soyle planted
with people, it is like y' in time an ample vet of our warm
wolle clothes may be founde. And if there be no people at
al there to be found, then you shall specially note what
plentie of whales and of other fish is to be found there, to
the end wee may tume our newfoSd land fishing, or Island
fishing, or our whalefishing, y' way, for the ayde and cofort
of our new trades to the Northeast to the coasts of Asia.
Respect of tishe and certajne other thingca.
And if the ayre may be foimd vpon that tract tempei
and the soyle yeelding wood, water, land, and grasse, and
the seas fish, then we may plant on the mayne the offals of
our people, as the Portingals doe in Brasil, and so they may
in our fishing in our passage, and diners wayes yeelde com-
moditie to England, by harbouring and vitelling of vs.
And it may be, that the inland there may yeelde mastes,
pitch, tarre, hempe, and all thinges for the Nauie, aa plen-
tifully as Eastland^ doth.
The ilandes to bo ooted with their conimoditiies and waotes.
To note the Hands, whether they be hie lande or lowe
land, moutanie or flat, sandy, grauelly, clay, chalchy, or (rf
' i. e., wintering. ' Eathonia.
a IN WEITINO,
119
what soyle, wooddy or not wooddy, with springs and riuers,
or not, and what wyld heaata they haue in the same.
And whether there aeeme to be in the same apt matter to
build withall, aa stone, free or rough, and stone to make
lime withalt, and wood or coale to bnme the same withall.
To note the goodnes or the badnes of the hauens and har-
borowes in the Ilandes.
If a Btratte be fouDde, what is to bee done, and what greate importsDco
it may beo of.
And if there be a strayte in the passage into the Scithian
Seas, the same is specially and with great regard to bee
noted, especially if the same straite be narrow and to be
kept, I say it is to be noted aa a thing that docth mueh im-
porte, for what Prince soeuer shall be Lorde of the same,
and shall posaesse the same, as the king of Denmarke doth
poaaesse the straite of Denmarke, he onely shall haue the
trade out of these regions into the Nortbeaat partca of the
world for himselfe, and for his priuate profit, or for his auh-
iectes only, or to enioy wonderfull benefite of the toll of the
same, like as the king of Demarke doth enioy of his straitea,
by suffering the Merchantes of other Princes to passe that
way. If any such straite he found, the eleuatiou, the hie
or lowe lande, tlie hauens neere, the length of the straites,
and all other such circustauncea, are to he set downe for many
purposea : And all the Mariners in y^ voyage are to be
awome to keepe close al such thinges, that other Princea
preuent vs not of the same, after onr retume, vpon the dis-
closing of the mariners, if any auche thing should happe.
Which way the Sauage may be made able to purehasi
other their w antes.
r cloth, and
If you findc any Hand or mayne lande populous, and that
the same people hath neede of cloth ; Tlien are you to
NOTES IN warriNO.
dcuise what commodities tLey haue to purchase the same
withall.
If they be poore, then you are to consider of the aoyle,
and how by any poaaibilitie the same may be made to enrich
the, that hereafter they may haoe somthing to purchase the
cloth withall.
If you enter into any mayne by portable riuer, and ahall
finde any great woods, you are to note what kynd of timber
they be of : That we may know whether they are for pitche,
tarre, mastes, deleborde, clapborde, or for buylding of ships
or houses, for so if the people haue no vsc of them, they
maye be brought perhaps to vse.
Not to venture tho losae of any one man.
You must haue great care to preseme your people,
your number is s
any wise.
small, and not to venture any one man in
since I
an in
To bring home besides marchandiao certaine trifles.
Bring home with you (if you may) from Cambalu, or other
ciuill place, one or other young man, although you leaue one
for him.
Also the fruitea of the countries, if they will not of thti-
selues dure, drie thera, and ao preseme them.
And bring with you the Curnellea of peres and apples,
and the stones of such stone ihiites as you shall find there.
Also the seedea of all strange herbea and flowres, for auch
aeedes of fruites and hearhea comming from another part of
the world and so farre off, wil delite the fancie of many, for
the strangenes, and for that the same may growc and con-
tinue the dehte long time.
If you aniue at Cambalu or Quinsay,^ to bring thence the
1 Tho proper
; of tliis city is Hang-chcu-fuw :
KOTBS IT WKITING, 121
Mappc of tlmt Countrey, for so ahall you haue the perfectc
description, wliicli is to great purpose.
To bring thence some old printed booke, to see whether
they haue had print there before it was denised in Europe,
as some write.'
^B To note their force by sea and by Itinde.
^ If you arriue in Carahalu or Quiuaay, to take a special!
viewe of their Nauie, and to note the force, greatnesse, raaner
river Taien-tADg-kiaiig ; waa the ancient capital of Southern China, and
is now the capital of the province of Che-kiang. QuinFai, Kin-aai, Ein-
tsay, or according to Morrison, King-sze, appeara to have been no mora
than a descriptive appellation, signifying, saya Marco Polo, " the celes-
tial city", "and which it merits, from its preeminence to all others in the
world in point of grandeur and beauty." The literal signification is —
" The residence of the Imperial Court". — Travels of Marco Polo : Edited
by W. Marsden. London, 1818, 4to., p. 508 et seqq. ; Morrison's Chinese
DictionaTy, p. 794,
' There is much reason to believe, that the art of printing books, aa
exercised by the Chinese at the present day, was known to them as
early as the first half of the tenth century. — See Medhurst, China, its
Stale and Praspeeis, p. 573. London, 1838. The earliest work, however,
of which ne have been able to obtain an account, irom one having had
the opportunity of personalSy inspecting it, bears date the eighth year of
the last period of the reign of Shun Te, or A.n. 1348. M'. Prevoat, our
informant, who is at present engaged in cataloguing the splendid collec-
tion of Chinese books in the British Museum, has favoured ua with the
following description of the book, " The title ia Chin Tsaou TsSen Wan,
or The Thousand Character Clasaie. It is one of the most popular works in
China, and conaiats of exactly one thousand different characters, not one
being repeated. It is composed in octosyllabic versea, which rhyme in
couplets ; each verse presenting to the student some useful Chinese
notion, either in morals or in general knowledge. The object of this
work is to teach the written character, both in its semi-cursive and in ita
stenographic form, termed Tsaou, or grass-writing ; the text is, therefore,
printed in paraUe! columns, alternately in the Chin, or correct, and the
Tsaou, or cursive character. The author lived in the first half of the
sbtth century." Thia work, when seen by M''. Provost, was in the pos-
aession of Colonel Tynte.
12S ' NOTES IN vsn
of building of them, the eajleSj tlic taokeU, the anckers, the
furniture of them, with ordinauuce, armour, and munition.
Also, to note the force of the whHbb and bulwarkes of their
cities, their ordinaunce, and whether they liaue any caliuers,
and what powder and shot.
To note what armour they hnue.
What swordea.
Wliat pikes, halbertes, and billes.
What horses of force, and what light horses they haue.
And so throughout to note the force of the countrey, I
by sea and by lande.
Things ti> lifl morkud to uialcti coniectiuex hy.
To take speciall note of their buildings, and of the orna-
ments of their houses within.
Take a speciall note of their apparell and furniture, and
of the substance that the same is made of, of which a mar-
chaut may make a gesse, as well of their commodities as also
of their wantes.
To note their shoppea and warehouses, and with what com-
modities they abounde, the price also.
To see their shambles, and to viewe all such thinges as are
brought into the markets, for so you shall sone see the com-
modities, and the manor of the people of the inlande, and so
giue a gesse of many things.
To note their fieldes of graync, and their trees of fruite,
and howe they abounde or not abounde in one and other,
and what plentie or scarcotie of fislie they haue.
Tliinges to be carried with jou, whereof more or leaflc in to lio caried for
a sbewo of our commodities t« bee made.
Kersies of all orient coulours, specially of stunicl,' brodc
cloth of orient colours also.
NOTES IK wRirms. 133
Prisadoes,' motleys,' bristowe frices, Spanish blaiikettes,
Layes of all colloura, specially with stameD, wosteds, carels,'
aayes/ wedmoles,' flanelles, rashe,* etc.
Peltcs of diuers colours.
Taffeta hats,
Deepe eappes for maxineva coloured in stamell, whereof if
ample vent may be found, it wouldc turne to an infinite
commoditie of the common poore people by knitting.
Quilted Cappes of leiiant Taffeta of diuers colours, for the
night.
Knit stockea of silke of orient colours.
Knit stockes of Jersey yernCj of orient colours, whereof if
ample vent might followe, the poore multitude shoulde be
set in worke.
Stocks of keraey, of diuers colours, for men and foi-
women.
Garters of SilkCj of aeuerall kindes, and of coloui'S diuers.
Girdels of Buffe, and all other leather, with gilt and
ungilt Buckles, specially wast girdels, waat girdles of veluet.
Gloues of all sortes, knit and of leather.
Gloues perfumed.
' Frisadoea. ThiN appenis to have been n Spanish term, applied to
Eriezed cloths.
' Motleya — Cloth of mixed colours.
s Carels^ClothB mado of fustian.
■• Sayea — Thin woollen stuff, or serge.
' Wedmole. This stuff, aa also the name, is of northern origin. Mol-
bech, in higi)ajiisAi)!rtiOfM)j^, describes itjUnder the word Vadmel, as "A
kind of coarse home-made stuff, universaUy worn by the common people."
It was also in use in Iceland, Sweden, Norway, and tho Zetland Islands.
Keunett, in the Glossarj to his Parochial Antiquities (Oxford, 1818,
4to.), has the following entry : " Waddemole, now called Woadmel, and
in Oxfordshire, Woddenell, a coarse sort of stuff used for the covering of
the collars of cart-horses. Mr. Bay, in hia collection of east and south
country words, describes it to he a hairy coarse stuff made of Iceland
wool, and brought thence by our seamen to Norfolk, Suffolk, etc."
■L ■ Basht — A species of inferior silk, or silk and stuff manufacture.
]:.'4
KOI'KS IN WKITINO.
Poyntcs of all aortea of silke, threed, and letter, of all
raaner of colours.
Sliooes of spaiiishe leather, of iliuers colours, of diuers
lengthes, flit and iTicut.
Shooes of other leather.
Vcluet ahooes and pantoplcs,'
These shooes and pantoples to be sent this timCj ra ther
for a showc theu for any other cauae.
Purses knit, and of leather.
Night cap pes knit and other.
A Gamishe of Pewter, for a showe of a vent of that Eng-
lishe commoditie, Bottelles, flagons, apoones, etc., of that
metall.
Glasses of Englishe making.
Venice glasses.
Looking glasses for women, great and fayre.
Small dials, a few for proofe, although there they wil not
hold the order they do heere.
Spectacles of the common sort.
Others of Cristall, tryramcd with silucr and otherwisej
Owre glasses.
Commes of luorie.
Commes of Boxe.
Commes of Home.
Linen of diuera sorts.
Ilandkerchewes, with silke of seuerall colours, wroughta
Glaaen eyea to ride with against dust,
Kiiiuea in sheathe a, both single and double, of good edge.
Nccdlca, great and small, of euery kinde.
Buttons, greater and smaller, with mouldea of leather and
not of wood, and such aa be dnxable of double silke, and that
of Bundrie colours.
Boxes with weightes of golde, and of euery kinde of the
coyne of golde, good and badde, to ahewe that the pe opte
' Paotoples — Pantabk'S, elipijors with high soles.
NOTES nr WRITIKO.
here vse weight and measure, which is a certayne showe of
wisedome, and of a certayne gouemment sctled here.
All the seiicrall siluer Coynes of our EngUshe moneys to
bee caried with you, to bee showed to the gouemours at
Cambalu, which is a thing that shal in silence sperdie to wise
men more then you im.agine.
Lockea and keyes, hinges, boltcs, haspea, etc., great and
small, of excellent workemanshippe, whereof if vent may bee
hereafter, wee shall set our aubicctcs in worke, whichc you
must haue in great regarde. For in finding ample vente of
any thing that is to be wrought in this realme, is more
worth to our people besides the gaine of the marchant, then
Christcburch, Bridewel, the Sanoy, and all the Hospitals of
Englande.
Foe baokcting on atipbocde j
s of crodite.
First, the sweetest perfumes to set viidcr hatches to make
the place sweete against their commiug aborde, if you arriue
at CambalUj Quinsey, or in such great cities, and not among
Marmelade.
Sucket.'
Figges barelled.
Reysings of the sunne.
Comfets of diuers kindea made of purpose, that shall not
disBolue, by him that is most excellent.
Prunes damaske.
Dried peres,
Walnuttes.
Almondea.
Smalnuttes.
Oliucs, to make them taste their wine.
' Sucket — A sweetmeat.
126
NOTBS TW WFITINQ.
*
The Apple lotn, that duretb two yeeres, to make sLowe
of oui' fruites.
Hullocke.'
Sacke.
Vials of good sweet waters, and casting bottels of glasses,
to bcsprinckel the gests withall, after their commiug aborde.
Suger, to vse with their wine, if they will.
The sweete oyle of Santie,' and excellent Frenche vineger,
and a fine binde of Bisket, stiped in the same, doe make a
banketting dishc, and a little Suger cast in it cooletb and
comforteth, and refreaheth the spiritea of man.
Synomome water fis to be had with you to make a shew
Imperiall water t of by taste, and also to comfort your
^sicke in the voyage.
With these and such like, you may banket where you
arriuc the greater and beat persons.
Or with the gift of these Marmelade^ in small boxes, or
small riolles of sweete waters, you may gratifie by way of
gift, or you may make a merchandise of them.
The mappe of England ' and of Loudon.
Take with you the mappe of Eugiande set out i
faire i
colours, one of the biggest sort I meane, to make shewe of
your Countric from whence you come.
And also the large mappe of London, to make ahewe of
your Citie, and let the riuer be drawne fidl of sbippes of all
sortes, to make the more shewe of your greate trade and
trafficke in trade of merchandise.'
Hum^ I
' Hullocke — Hollock, a kind of aweet wine.
' Santie— Zante.
' The map here recommended to be taken, was either that by Hun-
piirey Uuyd, or Lloyd, published by Ortolius, in his Thentram OrhU
Terramm, (Antwerp, 1573) ; or Saxton's, published in his Atlas, at
London, in 1579,
' This must be the large plan of London, miide by Ralph Aggns, the
NOTES IN WRITINfl.
Ortelius booke of mappes.'
If you take Ortelius booke of mappea with you to marke
all these regions, it were not amisse, and if neeile were to
present the same to the great Cam, for it would bee to a
Prince of merucilous account.
The booke of the attjre of all oationa.^
Such a booke carried with you and bestowed in gift, woulde
be much esteemed, as I persuade ray aelfe.
Boofcea.
if any man will lende you the newe Herball,* and suelie
bookes as make sliewe of Hcrbes, Plantes, Trees, Fishes,
Foules, and Eeastcs, of these regions, it may much delight
the great Cam, and the nobilitie, and also their merchants,
to haue the viewe of them : for all things in these parties so
BurrejOT, about the year ISSO, and entitled " CivitBiB Londinuia". It is
of estreme rarity in its origiDal state, but has been frequently re-pub-
lished, -with alteratioDa and additions, showing the altered state of the
' The title of this work is Tkeatrum, Oriis Terrantm.
' There are two works, either of which mnj he here oJluded to, viz. —
Omnivmi pcene Gentium Imaginei uii Orit totimque Corporis el Vestimn
HaJiitua diligentisaime e^primunlur, by H. Danunan and A, Bruyn,
(Cologne, 1577, fol.) ; and Habitv^ Variorum Orbis Qetdium, by J. J.
Boissard (fol. 1S81), The first is moat probably the work alluded to.
^ The book which bests corresponds with this description is " A New
Herball, wherein are conteyned the names of Hcrbes, in Greke, Latin,
Euglyali, Duoh, Prenche, and in the Poticaries and Hcrbaries Latin,
with the properties, degrees, and natumll places of tho same, gathered
and made by Wylliam Turner, phisicion unto the Duke of Someiaettes
Grace. Imprinted at London, by Steven Mierdman," 1631, fol. It
was enlarged by the addition of a second and third part ; and a new
edition of the entire work was published in 1568. At the time Hoklujt
wrote, it had moat probably quite superseded "The Gretc Herbal", first
printed by Peter Trovoris, iu 151(1, fol.
NOTia IM WHITING.
uiuch differing from the thingea of those regions, since they
may not be here to see the, by meane of the distance, yet
to see those things in n shadowe, by this meane will delight
them.
The booke of Rates.
Take with you the booke of Rates, to the ende you may
pricke all those commodities there specified that you shall
chaunce to find in Cambalu, in Quinsey, or in any part
the East, where you shall chaunce to bee.
Rowlea of Parchment, for that we may vent much witl
hurt to the Itealme, and it lyes in small roome.
u-t of I
To carrye Glewe, for that wee haue plcntic, and want
R«d Okar for Pamters.
To sceke vent, because wee haue great mines of it,
haue no vent.
Sope of both kindes.
To trie what vent it may haue, for that we make of both
kindes, and may perhaps make more.
i
Saflron.
To trie what vent you may haue of Saffron, because this
Realme yceldes the beat of the worldc, and for the tillage
and other labours, may act the poore greatly in work to
their reliefe.
Aquauitas.
By newe deuise wondcrfull quantities may bee made ba
and therefore to sceke the vent.
NOTES IS WRITIMG.
Slltcke Conic skinnt
To trie the vent at Cambalue, for that it lyes towardes
the North, and for that wee abomide with the commoditie,
and may spare it.
Threade of all colours.
The vciit thereof may set our people in worke.
Copper Spurres, and haukea belles.
To see the vent, for it may aet oiir people in worke.
A uote and a caueat for tho merchant.
That before you offer your commodities to sale, that you
indeuour to learue what eommodities the Countrie there
hath. For if you bring thither veluet, taffeta, spice, or any
such commoditie, that you your selfe desire to lade your
selfe home with, you must not sell yours deare, least here-
after you purchase theirs not so cheape aa you woulde.
Seedes for sale.
Carrie with you for that purpose all sortes of Garden
aeedes, as well of sweete strawing herbes and of flowers, as
also of pot herbes, and all sorts for rootes, ete.
Leadde of the first melting.
Leadde of the second melting of the slaggcs.
To make triall of the vent of Leadde of all kindes,
English yron, and wyer of jron and copper.
To trye the sale of the same.
Brjmstone.
To trie the vent of the same, because wee abouude o
made in the Realm e.
NOTKB IM WRITtNO.
Anthiinone;, a miiienll.
To see whether they hane any ample vae there for it, for
that wee may lade whole iiauies of it, and haue no vae of it,
vnlcaBG it bee for some small portion in founding of belles,
or a lithel that the Alcumistes vae, of this you may haue two
Bortea at the Appoticaries,
Tinder boxes, with Steele, flint, and matches and tinder,
the matches to be made of Gineper,' to auoide the olFence of
brim at one.
To trie and to make the better sale of Brimstone by shew-
ing the vse.
Candles of waxe to light.
A painted Bellow es.
For that perhaps they haue not the v:
A pot of cast J
To trie the sale, for that it is t
this Realme.
naturall commoditie of
All mau«i of eJge toolcs.
To bee sold there, or to the lesse ciuill people, by the way
where you shall twich.^
What I wouMq haue jou there t« remember.
To note specially what excelleut dying they vse in theS
regions, and therefore to note tlieir garments and omamenta
of houses : and to see their die houses, and the materialles
1
J of I
4
and simples that they vse about the e
and to bring
' Oineper — Juniper, used for matcbeB, in order that the strong amell
pf the wood might ovcqiowor that of the brimstone.
' Touch,
NOTES IN WRITING. 131
Musters^ and shewes of the colours and of the materials^ for
that it may serue this clothing reahne to great purpose.
To take with you for your owne vse.
All maner of Engyns to take fishe and foule.
To take with you those thinges that bee in perfection of goodnesse.
For as the goodnesse nowe at the first may make your
commodities in credit in time to come : So false and sophis-
ticate commodities shall drawe you and all your commodities
into contempt and ill opinion.
^ Samples or patterns.
NOTES FRAMED BY A GENTLEMAN HERETOFORE
to bee giuen to one that prepared for a diacouerie, an^'
went not; and not vnfltt to Ije committed to print, considering
the same may etirre vp considerations of these and of
such other thinges, not vnnieeto in such new voyages
an maj lie nttemptcd hereafter.
That the first Seate be chosen on y* seaside, so as (if it mi
be) you may haue your owne Nauie within Bay, riiier, or
lakCj within your seat safe from the cnemie. And so as the
enemie shalbe forced to lie in ope rode abroaiie without, to be
dispersed with all windes and tempests that shall arise. Thus
seated you shall bee least subiecte to annoy of the enemie, so
may you by your Nauie within, passe out to all partes of the
worlde, and so may the shippes of Englande haue acceaae to
you to supply all wantes, so may your commodities be caried
away alao. This seate is to bee chosen in temperate Climat,
in sweete ayre, where you may possesse alwayes aweete water,
wood, scacolea, or turfe, with fish, flesh, grayne, fruits, herbes,
and rootes, or so many of those, aa may suffice very' neces-
sitie for the life of such as shall plant there. And for the
possessing of mines of golde, of siluer, copper, quicksiluer,
or of any snche precious thing, the wautes of diners of those
needfull thinges may be supplied from some other place b'
sea, etc.
RE
' ETory.
NOTES FRAMED BY A BENTLBMAN.
133
Are to be looked for as
thinges without which
DO Citie may bee
made, nor people iu
ciuill sorte be kept
together.
Stone to make Lyme of.
Slate stone to tile withall, or
such clay as maketh tyle.
Stone to wall witlial, if Brycke
may uot bee made.
Timber for building easely to
be conueied to the place.
Reede to couer houses, or such
like, if tile or alate be not.
The people there to plant and to continue, are eyther to
line without trafficke, or by trafficke and by trade of mar-
chandize. If they shall Hue without aea trafficke, at the
first they become naked by want of linen and wolleu, and
very miserable by infinite wantes that will otherwise ensue,
and so will they be forced of them seines to depart, or els
easely they will bee consumed by the Sp.' by the Fr.^ or by
the naturaU inhabithantea of the countrey, and so the inter-
price becomes reprochfull to our nation, and a lett to many
other good purposes that may be taken iu bande.
And by trade of marchandize they can not line, escepte
the sea or the lande there may yeelde commoditie for cora-
moditie. And therefore you ought to haue most special!
regarde of that point, and so to plant, that the naturall com-
modities of the place and seatc may drawe to you accesse of
Nauigation for the same, or that by your owne Nauigation
you may carie the same out, and fctche home the supplye of
the wantes of the aeate.
Such nauigation so to bee employed, shall, besides the
supply of wantes, bee able to encounter with forreyne force.
And for that in the ample vente of suche thinges as are
brought to you out of eugl. by sea, atandeth a matter of
great conaequeucc, it bchouetli that all humanitie and cur-
tesie, and much forbearing of reuenge to the inland people,
be vsed, so shall you haue firme amitie with your neyghbours,
1 Spaniards. * French.
184
NOTISB FKAHED BX A OSNTLEHAN.
BO akall you have their inland commodities to maintajiie traf-
ficke, and so shall you waxe rich and strong in force. Diners
and seueraU commodities of the inland arc not in great
plentie to be brought to your handea, without the ayde of
some portable or Nauigable ryucr, or ample lacke, and there-
fore to haue the helpe of suche a one is most requisite : And
BO is it of eifectc for the dispersing of your owne commodi-
ties in exchange into the inlandes.
Nothing is more to be indeuoured with the Inland people
then familiaritie. For so may you best discouer al the
naturall commodities of their countrey, and also all their
wantes, all their strengthes, aU their weakenease, and with
ffhome they are in warre, and with whome considerate in
peace and amitiCj etc., wliiche knowen, you may woorke
many great effectes of greatest consequence.
And in yonr planting, the consideration of the chmate and
of the Boyle bee matters that are to bee respected. For if
it be so that you may let in the salt sea water, not mixed
with the fresh, into flattes, where the sunns is of the heatc
that it is at Rochell, in the Bay of portingall, or in SpainCj
then may you procure a man of skill, and so you haue wonne
one noble eoramoditie for the fishing, and for trade of mar-
chandize, by making of Salt.
Or if the soyle and clymate bee such as may yeelde you
the Grape as good as that at Burdens,' as that in Portingale,
or as that about Siui' in Spainc, or that in the Hands of the
Canaries, then there resteth but a woorkeman to put in exe-
cution to make wines, and to dresse Resings of the sunne
and other, etc.
Or if you finde a soyle of the temperature of the South
part of Spaine or Barbarie, in whiche you finde the OUf tree
to growe : Then you may bee assured of a noble marchan-
dize for this realme, considering that our great trade of
(Nothing doth require oyle, and weying howc deere of lat^^;
' Bourdiiaujt. ' Seville.
NOTKS KKAUBD BY A OENTLSUiLlI.
is become by the vent they haue of that commoditie in the
West Indies, and if you finde the wilde olif there it may be
graffcd.
Or if you can finde the berrie of Cochenile, with whiche
wee colour Stammelles, or any Roote, Berrie, Fruite, wood,
or earth, fitte for dying, you winue a notable thing fitt for
our state of clothing. This Cochenile is naturall in the
west Indies on that firme.
Or if you haue hides of beastes fit for sole Lether, etc., It
wilbe a marchandize right good, and the sauagea there yet
can not tanne Lether after our Idnde, yet excellently after
their owne maner.
Or if the soyle shall yeelde Figges, Almondes, Sugar
Canes, duinces, Orenges, Lemons, Potatos, etc., there may
arise some trade and trafficke, by figges, almonds, sugar,
marmelade, Sucket, etc.
Or if great woods bee founde, if they be of Cypres, chests
may bee made, if they bee of some kinde of trees, pitche and
tarre may be made, if they bee of some other, then they may
yeelde Rosin, Turpentine, etc., and al for trade and trafficke,
and Caskes for wine and oyle may be made : likewise, ships
and houses, etc.
And because trafficke ia a thing so materiall, I wish that
great obseruation be taken what euery aoyle yeeldeth natu-
rally, in what commoditie aoeuer, and what it may be made
to yeeld by indeuour, and to send vs notice home, that
therevppon wee may deuise what meanes may be thought of
to rajse trades.
Nowe admit that we might not be suffered by the sauages
to enioy any whole couutrcy, or any more the the scope of a
Citie, yet if wee might enioy tralEcke, and be asaiu-ed of the
same, wee might bee much inriched, our Nauie might be
increased, and a place of aafetie might there be found, if
change of religion or ciuill warrea shoulde happen in this
realme, wliieli are tliingcs of great bcncfitc. But if we may
136
XOTES 7IUHED BY A eCNTLElUN.
inioy any large Territorie of apt soyle, we might so vse the
matter, as we should not depende vpon Spaine for oylea,
sacks, resinges, oreiigcs, lemons, Spanish akinnes, etc. Nor
vppon Fraunee for woad, baysalt, and Gascoyne wines, nor
on Estlande for flaxe, pitch, tarre, mastes, etc. So we shoulde
not so eshaust our treasure, and so exceedingly inriche our
doubtfull friendes, as we doe, but shoulde purchasse the com-
modities that we want for halfe the treasiu-e that now we do :
but should by our own industries and the benefits of the
soile there, cheapely purches oyles, wines, salt, fruits, pitch,
tarre, flaxe, hempe, mastes, boordes, iishe, gold, siluer, cop-
per, tallowe, hides, and many commodities : besides, if there
be no flatts to make salt on, if you liaue plentie of wood you
may make it in sufficient quantitie for common vses at home
there.
If you can kcepc a safe hauen, although you haue not the
friendship of the neere neyghbours, yet you may haue traf-
ficke by sea vpon one shore or other, vpon that firme in time
to come, if not present.
If you finde great plenty of tymber on the shore aide, or
vpon any portable riuer, you were best to cut downe of the
same the first wynter, to bee seasoned for ahippes, barkes,
botes, and houses.
And if necre such wood there be any riuer or brooke, vpon
the which a sawing mill may be placed, it woulde doe great
seruice, and therefore consideration woulde bee had of suche
place.
And if such port and chose place of setling were in pos-
sessio, and after fortified by art, although by y« land aide our
Englishme were kept in, and might not inioy any traffick
with the next neighbours, nor any vittel : yet might they
vittel thcmsclucs of fishe to seme verie necessitie, and enter
into amitie with the enemies of their next neighboura, and
so haue vent of their marcbandize of England, and also haue
vittel, or by meanes hcrcvpon to be vsed, to force the next
NOTES lEiMED BY A GENTLEMAN. 137
neighbours to amitie. And keeping a nauie at the setling
phice, they shoulde finde out along the tracte of the laude to
haue trafEcke, and at diucrs Ilandes also. And ao this first
seatc might in time become a stapling place of the commo-
(hties of many countreys and territories, and in tyme tliis
place myght become of all the prouinces round about the
only gonemotir. And if the place first chose should not so
wel please our people, aa some other more lately founde out :
There might bee an easie remoue, and that might be raaed,
or rather kept, for others of our nation to auoyde an ill
neyghbour, etc.
If the soyles adioyning to such eonuenient hauen and
setling places be founde marshie and boggie, then men skilful
in draining are to be caried thither. For arte may workc
wonderfull effecte.'i therein, and make the soyle rich for
many vsea.
To plante vppon an Hande in the mouth of some notable
riuer, or vpon the poynt of the lande entring into the riner,
if no such Ilaud be, were to great ende. For if sueh riucr
were nauigable or portable farre into the lande, then would
arise great hope of planting in fcrtill soyles, and trafficke on
the one or on thother side of the riuer, or on both, or the
linking in amitie with one or other petie king conteding
there for dominion.
Such riuers founde, both barges and boates may bee made
for the safe passage of such as ahal perce y" same. These
to bee couered with doubles of course linnen, artificially
wrought, to defend the arrow or the dart of the sauagc from
the rower.
Since euery soyle of the world by arte may be made to
yeelde things to feede and to cloth man, bring in yom-
retume a perfect note of the soyle without and within, and
we shall deuiae if ncede require to amende the same, and to
draw it to more perfectio. And if you finde not fmits in
NOTES FRAMED BT A GENTLBMAlC
your planting place to your liking, we ahal in v drifets' ftur-
niah yon w' such kinds of plants to be caried thither y^ win-
ter after yoiu* planting, as shall the very nost summer folow-
ing, yeeld you some &uite, and the yere next folowing, as
much as shal suffice a townc as big as Callice, and that
shortly after shall be able to yeeld you great store of strong
durable good aider to drinke, and these trees shalbe able to
increase yon within lesse then vii yeres as many trees pre-
sently to beare as may suffice the people of diners parishes,
which at the first setliug may stand you in great steade, if
the soyle haue not the commoditie of fruites of goodnesse
already. And because you ought greedily to hunt after
thinges that yeelde present rehefe, without trouble of ca-
riage thither, therefore I make mencion of these thus spe-
cially, to the ende you may haue it specially in mynde.
I Boies, or packmg--CB.8ea.
THE NAMES OF CERTAINE COMMODITIES GROW-
Iing in part of America, not presently inhabited by
any Christians, fro Florida northward, gathered out of
the discoiiraee of Verarzanua, Thome, Cartier,
Bjbaltj Theuet, and Sest, which haue bin person-
ally in those Coantreys, and haue aeeue these
things amongst man; others.
Leopard eb
Wildes wine
White beares
A beast faire bigger then an ox
Wolues
Dogges
A kinde of beast like a Connj'
Beuers
Martems
Otters
Weesels
A beast called Bu, being Hkc
Bull.'
Eaukes
Bittera
Curlewes
Herons
Woodcockes
Plentie of foule for al pleaa
Aporates
Blackbirdea
Cranes
Crones, like Oomish Choug^es
Duckes
Qodetes'
Margaues'
Peasants
Snannes
Thrushes
Turtles
Pjntchoa
Nightingales, etc.
Coddes
Salmons
Scales
Makerels
Tortoyaes
Whales
Horsefiahes*
A fish like a grajhound good
meate
Lampreys
Ciaboea
Crcfishes
Lobaters
The riuers full of incredible store
of all good fiahe.
• This may be the elk. * The bison,
^ Most probably the marmot. * Probably the godwit.
s Perhaps the uiuckawis ; caprimulgua mfas.
8 The hippocampus.
^^P 140 ^S^^^^ffiSill^^^^^^^H
^^M W'oma.
Utarbti mid I'louni. ^^M
^^^ft suite wormes fujro and great.
Many sortes of herbes, differj^^n
Many sunples, like those of Fr&unce
^^^1 Treet
^H
Hempe ,
^H C7pro»
Farseley ^^J
^^^B DumsoQ
( Rcdde ^^M
^H Palme
Roses i White ^^H
^^^1 Manj troes yeelding awoet sauour
^^K Okea
^^H Nuttreei
( Damaske. ^^H
^^H
^^1 Fim
Grayne and Pvite. ^^^H
^^H
^H
^^^1 Cabene, good ogamet dovboq
^^B Ceilara ( Haself trees
Come, like Rie ( Myllet ^^H
Gates \ Boanes of diu^ |
Peason ( coulers
^^H Cheritreea } Walnut treea
^^H Pepper trees
Another strftge come, of good
^^^r Amcda, which healeth many die-
nourishment 1
Maiz. ^^J
' Ashe /ElmeB
1 Boie J Whitelmes
J Cidron \ Pynes
MetaUes. ^^H
^_ YewB IwiUoweB
^^^L Filbixd trees, better than oure
Gold, in good quantitie ^^^|
^^H Whitetbomes, bearing a berrie as
Siluer ^H
^^H big ea a. Damson
Coper ^H
^^H Tines, bearing a great grape.
Leade ^H
^^H
Many hills shew mineral mattoc^^H
^^1
^^^H Conciimbeis ( Quordea
Precious iSlojitg. ^^M
^^H CytroDs } Mulberries
^H
^^H Ba«pia 1 Almands
^^^H Apples 1 Melons
Turqueaes ^H
Rubies ^H
^^^ Damsons \ Figges
■ Reasons, great and small
Pearles, great and faire ^TIB
Precious atones, of diners colours '
r Muske mdoQS ( Lemons
1 Orenges ( Dates, very great
Esurgni, a stone much estemed
there
Eiph, a kmd of stone shining
^^H Gooseberries, red and white.
bright.
^^H
Other Stones. ^H
^^B Rosen ( Pitche. Tarre
^^^1 Turpentine I Bonnie
Marble, very bard j Jasper ^^^H
Alabaster { Freestone .^^H
Quarries of glistring stones. ^^H
^^^^1 Spicei and Drugges.
^^M
^^M
^^P SmOl spices, like to vire
^^ Reubarbe in Florida : diuerso othei'
Yew (»^g^ ^1
^^^"^ \ Ronro colour ^^M
1 kindes.
GKOWING IN PART OF AMERICA.
141
Deare skinnes, wrought like branch-
ed Damaske
Harts skinnes, paynted and died^
of diuers colours
Bagges of red colours
A roote called Auaty, that they
dye red withall in Florida.
So (u the commodities already
knowen, besides mmvy yet vnr
knotoen, are these, ana that
in greai qtuintitie.
Fleshe C Fruites
Fish { Grayne
Beueradges, or drink, of diuers
sortes
Golde 5 Copper
Silver
fl^it ) Feathers
Drugges ( q ,
Silke
Hides vndressed
Beasts skins, wrought like Damaske
Lether died
Hartes skinnes painted
Stones for fayre building
Precious stones
Colours
All kinde of good wood.
Imprinted at London, at the
three Cranes, in the Vine-
tree, by Thonuu Daw-
eon. 1582.
APPENDIX.
THE WILL OF EICHAED HAKLUYT. — THE CHIEFB PLACES WHERE
SONDRY SORTS OF SPICES DO GROWE, ETC. — ^NOTES OF
CERTAYNE COMODITIES IN GOOD REQUEST IN
THE BAST INDIES, ETC.
APPENDIX.
The following pieces have never before been made public.
The Will is printed from an official copy in the possession of
Bolton Comey, Esq,, to whom the editor is indebted for the
loan of this very interesting document. The Notes have
evidently been drawn up by Hakluyt at the request of some
person or persons of consideration, desirous of availing them-
selves of his intimate acquaintance with all particulars bearing
upon maritime enterprise, and were most probably intended
for the use of some company of merchants. They are per-
haps rather curious than valuable at the present day; but
their practical utility at the time they were framed must
have been great ; and from whatever point of view we may
regard them, they will be found to possess considerable
interest.
THE WILL OF RICHAED HAKLUYT.
THH PBBftOQATIVB OODB!
In tbe name of God, Amen. The twente daye of August,
in the yeare of Lord God one thowsand sixe hundreth and
twelve, I, Richard Hackluit, person of Wetheringsett, in the
conntie of Suffolke, beinge of good and ffcct memorie
thanked be God, revokinge and frustratinge hereby all
former willes or testaments whatsoevei- heretofore by me
thought vpon or made, doe make, declare, and ordaine, this
my last will or testament hereafter followinge. First, I
coniend luy soule into the haudes of God, from whence
I rcceaved the same, trusting thorow the only merits of
Jesus Christ and the sanctilication of the blessed Spirit, to
he both in body and soule a member of His most holy and
heavenly kingdomc. And as conceminge my body, I yeald
it (by course of natiu'e and God hia ordinance) vnto the
earth to be neverthelesae decentlie buried (in hope of a
happie resurrection) by the discretion and charges of my
executor. Item, I give \Tito Edmond Hackluit, viy my only
Sonne, and to his heires for ever, all that my manour called
Bridg-place, w* all royaltiea, prerogatives, profGtta, and
advantages, w"" all the landea, meadowes, pastures, wooda,
underwoods, or other the appurtenances to the said maiionr,
any waye belonginge or appertayninge, in as full and ample
maner, as I lately purchased the same nf Mr, John Scrive-
ner, late of Barbican, in the suburbs of the cittie of London.
Also, I geve vnto the said Edmonde Hackluit, and to hia
heires for ever, all that my tenement, w'^ the landcs their-
Tnto belonginge, lyinge and heiuge in Leominster Oare, now
demised hy my brother Oliver Hackluit, for sixtene nobles
a yeare ; further, I give vnto the said Edmond Hackluit, and
to hia heires for ever, all those my tenements lying in the
north-weat end of Tuttell-atreete, in the cittie of West-
minster, vi'^ I lately purchased in fee of one Mr.
Line, neere adioyninge to the inn called the White Ilarte,
vpon condition neverthelesse hereafter followinge and not
otherwise, — that is to aaye, that the said Edmond or hia
aasignes doe paye, or cauae to be payed, vnto Mr. Thomaa
Peters, late of Fleete-atreete, in London, to the use of Francis
Hackluit, the wife of me Iliehard Hackluit, the full and
whole aome of three hundi-eth pounds of lawful! English
money, in full contentacon and satisfaction of a certaine
bond obligatorie heretofore hy me sealed and delivered, for
the contentment, rehefe, and maintyiiance of the said Francis,
in such manner and forme as in the said bond is specified.
Howbeit, my meaninge, intent, and will, is, that y{ the said
Francis, or her assignes, doo deliver into the hands of my
said Sonne Edraond, the said bond obligatorie, whereby it
may be lawfully cancelleil, and he freed and for ever law-
fully discharged from the said dett of three hundreth
ponndes, and of all penalties or forfaytures therevpon arising
or to arise at any tyme hereafter w*in one moaeth and
imediatcly ensewinge after my decease, w'^out fraud, cooven,
or delaye, that then I will, that after the dcliverye of the
bond aforesaid, tliat all the said tenements lyinge and beinge
in the north-west end of Tnttell-streete aforesaid, de\*ised to
my Sonne Edmond, shalbe and remain fully and wholye to
my said wife Francis and to her heires for ever, as fully and
whollye as I had before appointed them to my said sonne
and his heirs, any gifte or graunt whutsoei-er to the con-
trarye in any wise notw^standinge. Also, I will that the
said Francis my wife shall have all the plate, jcwellcs, and
houshold stnffe, of what nature soever, w'^'' are in the posses-
sion of me, in any place whereof the said Francis was pos-
sessed in the tyme of her widowhood by administration.
Item, I give and bequeath vnto Oliver Hackluit my brother,
the some of tenn pounds, to be payd vnto him or his assignes
w*in one yeare next ensewiug after my decease, to he
bestowed amongste his sonnes at his owne discretion. Item,
I geve and bequeath to Joane Hackluit, daughter of the
said Oliver, other tenn pounds, to bee payed vnto her w*in
two monethes nexte and iiiiediatelye ensewinge after the day
of her manage, the same beinge lawfully demaunded. Item,
I give vnto my sister Katberine Merer, dwellinge in Hol-
houme, the some of twentie pounds ; tenn pounds whereof I
will to be payed vnto her w'^'in one moneth after my decease,
and the other tenn pounds w'''in sixe monethes after my
decease. Item, I give and bequeath to John Morer, her
Sonne, fiftie shillings, to be payed vnto him w^in one yeare
after my decease ; and likewise other fiftie shillings to
I
Barljary Moorcr, her daughter, to be payed lier also w'^'in
one yeare after niy decease. Item, I give to Mistris Longe,
dwellinge in the Tower, twentie shillingcs. Also, to Mr.
Thomas Peters, and to Lis wife, to either of them, twentie
shillinges, which last three poimdes I will slialbe payed
w"'in one yeare after my decease. Item, 1 give unto Mr.
Edward Bigges twentie shillinges and my beat caasockj de-
Biringe hira to preach a fiinerall sermon at my bnriall.
Item, I geve to Mr. Collmau, my curate, tenn shillingea and
my old gowne. Item, I geve to my sister Bacon tenu shil-
linges; and to my servant, Thomas Button, tenn shillinges;
and to Lionell Pearson, five shillinges ; and to Mary Upson,
three shillinges and four-pence. Also, I geve to the towns-
men of Wetheringset and Brockford, to be distributed to
the poore people, by the discretion of my executor and the
churchwardens for the tyme beinge, the soine of five markes,
to be payed w"'in one year after my decease. Item, I doe geve
to the right worshipfull colledge of Westminster the some of
five pounds, to be payed into the handes of the treasurer w"'in
sise monethes after my decease, towards the rcpajTinge of the
north windowc of the said church. Also, whereas I have a table,
a bedsted, and certaine furniture of hangings, pictures, and
other implements, in a chamber belonging to me in the Savoye,
I doc give and bequeath them all i-nto the said howae, to the
use of the Dorturye their. Also, whereas I have at Bristow
aondry implements, hangings, and furniture their, in my lodg-
inge and chambers, I do freely geve all to the only vae and
benefitt of the said Colledge,to he disposed at the discretion of
the right worshipfull Mr. Deane. Item, I geve to my cosen,
Thomas Haclduit, two dnblets, two paire of britches, one of
my best shirts, and twenty shilhngs in money. I geve to
Oliver Cogram, my good friend, one of my old cassocks, an
old dublett, and a paire of old britches, and a paire of course
shetes. Further, I geve to my sister Katherine one of my
gownes, w"^* my sonne Edward thinketh good, and to be
delivered before winter. Lastly, I geve to my lovinge coaen,
Mistris Dorothe Patriekson, tlie some of fyve pounds, to be
payed Yato her w"'in six monthes after my decease. And
likewise I geve to the worshipfull Mr. John Davyes, her sonne,
the some of other five pounds, to be likewise payed him
w*in six monethcs after my decease; whom I heartelye in-
treate and apoiut to be the only supravisour of this my last
irill and testament, that accordingly, in all poynts, it may be
truelye and efifectuaUy pfourmed ; whose counsaile I have
Tsed heretofore iu my two late purchases, of Bridge-place in
Suffolke, and my tenements iu Tuttell Streete, as is afore
remembred. Also, I geve to Mr. Richard Ireland and to Mr.
Wilson, now scholemaster of Westminster, to either of them
tenn shillinges, as a token of my love and good will towards
them; and to Michaell Locke the younger, other tcnn shil-
linges. And I ordayne Edmond Hackluit, my aonnc, my sole
and only executor of this ray last will and testament, vnto
whome I geve hereby all my ready money, plate, jeweUs,
billea, bondca, debtts, and dutyes, bowsholdstufFe, goods,
cattell, come, implements, chatties, or whatsoever ela to me
helongeth or appertayueth, to the end he shall paye my debts
and legacies, tr^ all fuuerall expences, and vndertake the
proovinge of this my will, and all other things w'^'' in right
helongeth to an executor. Iu Wettncss whereof I have here-
vnto sett my hand and scale the day and yeare first above
written. By me, Richard Hakluyt, person, of Wetheringset.
These being witnesses : Edward Rigges, John Cohnan, David
ARBhais.
Probatima fuit testamentum suprascriptum apud Loudon,
coram venerabili viro Magro Edmujido Pope, legum Doctore
Surrogato venerabiiia viri Domini Johannis Benet, militis,
legum etiam Doctoria, Curie prerogative Cantuariensis Magri
Custodis sive Coiiiissarij legitime constituti, vicesimo tertio
150 APPENDIX.
die mensis Novembris, anno Dni millessimo sexcentesimo
decimo sexto^ juramento Edmundi Hacklnit, fiUj nralis et
Itimi dicti defunct!^ et executoris in eodem testamento nomi-
nat^cui comissa fuit administraco bonorum^ jurium et credi-
torum dicti defuncti, de bene et fideliter administrando,
etc.^ ad sancta Dei Evangelia jurat'.
Chas. Dyneley
John Iggulden
W. F. Gostling
Deputy
Registers.
Bibl. Bodl MS. Arch. Seld. B. 8.
THE CHIEFE PLACES WHERE SONDRY SORTER
of spices do growe in the East Indies, gathered out
of Bondry the best and latest authours, by
B, Oaklujt.
The places where Peper groweth.
The greatest parte of the peper browght by the Portugales
out of the East Indies unto Lisbon, groweth in the coimtry
of Malabar, and is embarqued at the townes of Onor, Bar-
zelor, Mangalor, Cananor, Crangenor, Cochin, and Coulan.
All which places are in the Portugalaa possession. It groweth
also about Calicut ; but the kinge of Calicut and they are
seldom e in amity.
Places jieldiog Peper out of the Portugales iurisdiction.
First, in the Isle of Zeilon, — Cresar Fredrick,^ Cap. de Zei-
lon, and John Huighen van lAnschoten,^
' The title of the English edition of this work is " The Voyage and
Travaile of M. Ciesar Frederick, Merchant of Venice, into the Bast
ludia, the Indies, and Lcjond the Indies. Wherein are contained very
pleasant and laco matters, with the customes and rites of those countries.
Also heerein are discoyered the merchandises and commodities of those
countreycs, as well the aboundaunce of goulde and siluer, as spices,
drugges, pearles, and other jewelles. Written at eea in the Hercules of
London. Comming from Turkie this 25 of March 1588." London,
1688, 4tD. This is a, translation from an Italian original, which was pub-
lished at Venice in 1S87, in Svo., under the title " Viaggio di M. Cesara
de i Fcdorici nell' India Orientale e oltra 1' India. Nelquale ... si deacri-
Tano le spetiarie, droghe, gioie c perle che d'essi si oayano." etc.
' " John Huighen van Linschoten, his discours of Tojages into y^ Eaate
and West Indies. Devided into foure Bootes. Printed at London by
John Wolfe." This work was published originally in Dutch, from which
the above translation was made by William Phillip.
at ail H^-
Plocei where Peper growelh ii
1. Daia
2. Achen
3. Pcdii-
4. Pacera
5. Camper
the Isle or Suraatrfi,
6. Andragiri
7. Jambe
8. Speriamon
9. Baroa
10. Dampiu.
Places where Pcpei groweth in tlio Isle of laua Maior,
first voyage of the Hoi., cap. 15 and 20.'
OvtofA
1. Pariban 10. Anier
3. Cherugiun 11. Bantam
3. Buatna 12. Punctau
4. Labuaii 13. Panarucnn; where longe
5. Cberola peper groweth, as also in
6. Cliarita Pegu and Bangala, Gom.
7. Meleaaaari de OajedJ^andCeea.Fred.,
8. Cangabaia in the end of this dis-
9. Chuconin course.
Pepcr also groweth in Queda, on the Maine of Malaca,
over against Achen. Linsch., cap. 17; and the 1 Voy. oftJte
Hoi., cap. 17.
It groweth also in the kingdome of Patan^ on the east
side of tlie sayde Maine of Malaca. Hist, of China,' cap. 32,
* " Premier livra de I'histoire de la Navigation am Indes Oricntalea
par les Hollandois, etc. Plus les Monnojes, Espices, Drogues ot Mar-
chandises et la prifl d'icelles, etc. Par G. M. A. W. L." AmBtolredam,
1598. fol. A very indiSerent abridgment of this account was published
in English, under the following title : " The description of a Toyaga
made by certaiae ships of Holland into the East Indies. With their
adventures and successe : together with the deacription of the countriea,
towucs, &nd inhabitautes of the same, etc. Translated out of Dutch
into English by W. P." The transUitor is William Phillip,
* " Oviodo de la natural hystoria de las Indias." Toledo, 1526, fol.
S " The Historic of the great and mightic tingdome of China and the
APPENDIX. 153
It groweth likewise in the kingdome of Siam. Ibidem.
Also it groweth in the territories neere Malaca. Linsch.,
cap. 63.
Item. There groweth excellent peper in the Isles of Nica-
bar, somewhat to the north of Sumatra, Hist. China, cap. 25.
There groweth also longe peper in the Isle of Baratene, as
appcareth by the testimony of Sir Frances Drake, in the 3rrf
volume of my English Voiages, pag. 741.
The price of peper may be read in Linsch., pag. 161.
The places nhore Sinamon growetb.
The best sinamon groweth in the Isle of Zeilon, the kinge
whereof is the Portugales mortall enemy ; where, neuerthe-
lesa, they have a amaU forte, called Colombo. C(es. Fred,,
Cap. de Zeilon.
Wild sinamon, called by the Portugales Canella de Mato,
groweth in the Malabar, on the back side of Cochin, and ia
browght in greatc quantitye into Europe for the best.
lAnsch., cap. 14.
In the Isles of Nicuhar, lying to the north-west of Suma-
tra, between the latitude of 6 and 10 degrees, are many trees
of sinamon, which is the best in all the world, and is sold at
a smalt price. Hist. China, cap. 25.
Likewise there groweth in the ialande of Java, and on the
raaine by Malaca. Linsch. , cap, 63.
The places where Clovea do growe.
Cloves do growc in the isles of Maluco, namely in Tarenate,
Tidore, Motelo, Machian, Bachian, Alatua ; on the north-
west end of the Isle of Ceiran, and in the isles of Ambonio,
situation thereof. Togither with the great riches, huge cittiea, politike
govemcnieiit, and rare inventioDs in the same. Translated out of Spanish
by R. Parke. Loudon : Printed by J. Wolfe, 1588," 4to.
The above is a trsiiiglatioa fiom the Spanish of Gonzalez de Meudoza,
AIPXNDIX.
In the isles of Tidore and Ambonio the Portugalca have
two small fortcSj as appeareth by the greate Italian map,
taken in the Madrc di Dioa, which I have translated and
caused to be drawne for the Company.
Great store of cloves are to be sold in Bantam.
Cloves are also browght from Siam to Malaca. Hisi. Chin.,
cap. Z2.
The pliLces where KuHmcgges and Maco do groire. ^^M
Nuttmeggca and maces grow chiefly in the Isle of Ban^
and the seven small isles thereto adjoyninge.
They likewise grow in three other islands greater then
Banda, lyinge to the north-west thereof, called Ama, Liazer,
and RuceUas. As appcereth out of the foresayd greate
Italian map.
Nuttmegges also eorae from the greate Isle of Borneo.
Hist. Chia,, cap. 23.
Sir Frances Drake found nuttraeggs, ginger, and longe
peper, growing in the Isle of Baratave. Vol, 3 of my Eng.
Voi., pag. 741.
Nuttmcggs also grow in the isles of Java and Sunda.
lAnsch., cap. 66.
Pkces Trhere Camphora groweth..
The beat camphora groweth in canes, in the Isle of Borneo.
It groweth also about ChincheUj in a citty of China.
It groweth likewise in the isles of Sumatra and Java. It
is much used in medicines, and is one of the richest wares of
India. Limch., cap. 80, and the 1 Voy. of the Hal., pag. 14.
It groweth in Cambaya; but is sold good cheape in
Bantam, the chiefe citty of Java. TTie 1 Voy. of the Hoi,.
pug. 20.
Amber.
It is fownd on the coaatc of Africa, about Gofala, Mozam- ^
bique, and Malinde.' ^
It is also fownd neere the isles of Maldivar, aa likewise on uJ
the coast of China. Linsch., cap. 70.
Much ia browght also from the West Indies, and from the
coast of llorida, which is of two sorts, — liquid amber, and
clare amber.
EMuske.
Muske Cometh from Tartaric and from China. It ia often
falsified by the Chiuoia and Jewes. Cces. Fred., pag, 38, and
Linsch., cap. 70.
1
Civut.
^
Civet, called by the PortugaleSj Algalia, is fownd in Ben-
gala, which the people falaifie ; but the best cometb. from the
Nina, on the coast of Guinie, and from the isles of Cabo verde.
Linsch,, cap, 70.
k
Ecniamin groweth much in the kingdome of Siam, and alao
in the island of Sumatra, and in the isles of Java, and in the
country ncere luito Malaca. There arc two sorts, white and
black. The black is best, which groweth out of the youngest
treea. Linsch., cap. 71. It ia one of the costliest druggs of
all the East, becanac it excelleth all other in sweetenes.
Fraakincenso.
Frankincense, called in Latin, Thus, groweth in Arabia
Felix. The best is white, like drops, and is called the male ;
the worst is black : both are the gurae of a tree. Linsch.,
cap. 72.
' Melindn,
APPBNDIX.
Myrrhe groweth like beniamin and frankincense, and
comiueth out of Arabia Felix, and out of the contry of the
Abasdns.' Ibidem.
Manna.
Manna commeth out of Arabia and Persia, but most out of
the province of Usbeke, lyinge behind Persia, in Tartarie.
There be four sorts thereof : 1, whitish ; 2, reddish ; 3, that
which cummetli in greate peces, with the leaves among it ;
the 4th kind is browght in lether bags, and is melted like
hony, and is of a white coulor, Linach., cap. 73.
Bheubarbe.
Rheubarb groweth about Campion, a province and citty
lyinge north of China. It is most brought by land through
the contry of Usbeke, lyinge to the east of Persia in Tar-
taric, and adjoyning to Persia on the back side of India, and
80 commith to Ormus, and thence to Sumatra and Java.
The best is browght, for the most parte, over land to Venice.
Read Ramiiaius, in the preface of his 3 volume.
Rheubarb also groweth abundantly iu the country of Ma-
labar.
It also commeth from Cathaio or China to Malaca,
water. Ramus., vol. ii, cap. 323, and lAnsch., cap. 37.
Sundalo, or Sanders.
%
Sandalo, or sanders, are of three sorts, white, yellow, and
red. The white and the yellow, which is the best, come from
the islands of Timor and Solor, and another island nest ad-
joyninge ou the west, whether the Captaiue of Malaca seudeth
' Abjsainiana.
APPENDIX. 157
yearly a shippe. C^s. Fred., fo. 19. The red sandera grow iu
Coromandel and Tenaaaeri, on the coast of Pegu. Linsch.,
cap. 74.
Snukewood, or Palo da cobnt.
Snakewoodj or Palo da cobra, groweth most in the Isle of
Zeilon. One ounce thereof, bruised and mixed with water,
is good against all poison and sicknea, and the stinginge of
snakes, wherof it hath the name. Wherfore it is now
much browglit and carryed into all countryea, especially into
Portufale, and thence hether. lAjisch., cap. 75.
Lignum Aloes, or Cal&mba.
The lignum aloes, which, in India, is called Calamba, and
Palo d'aguilla, is moat plentifull in Malaca, in the Isle of Su-
matra, Camhoya, Siam, and the contries borderinge on the
same. The best and finest la called Calamba; and the other,
Palo d'aguilla. The Calamba, yf it be good, is sold by
weight against aillver and gold. Linsch,, cap. 76.
The Root of China.
The roote of China beinge a most sovereigne remidie
against the French pose, is very common, and so good cheape
in the Indies, that it is not worth above halfe a pardao the
pound, which is a teston and a halfe of Portugale money.
The best rootea are the blackest, with few knotta, and white
within. They grow in no place but in China. lAnsch.,
cap. 77.
Of opium, faraarindi, mirabolana, spikenard, aloe zoco-
trina, anacardi, calamus aromaticus, costus, cubebea, galanga,
etc., read Linsch., from the 78 to the 83 chapter, where you
shall find their proper names in the Indiea, the placea where i
they growe, the several kindes of them, their uses, pricea, etc.
Of tlie severall prices of precious stonea and spices, with
their weights and measures, aa they were accustomed to be
8old by the Moores and Gentiles, as also of the places where
they growe, I have 3 severall treatises : one of Ramusius, in
Italian and English ; the second, of Csea. Fred., in English;
and the third, in my first volume of English Voyages.
Of the prices of pearles and certeine pretious stones, I
delivered your worships a note in Portugese and English, and
more may be fownd therof in Linachot., cap. 8i and 91.
Likewise I have delivered you a catalogue of the severall
conunotlitiea good for the East Indies, wherof sence I have
fownd a greater uomber. I have also provided for you two
copies of that large Italian intercepted map of the Malncos,
the notes wherof, for the better understandinge, are trans-
lated into English.
I have also large uotea, of 20 yeares observation, concem-
inge the north-weat passage, which your worships shall com-
mand, yf you shall have occasion to use the same.
Diamants ' perfect, of one graine lavardos de
toto fondo,' are worth 3 milreis' -
Diamants of 1^ graine are worth
Diamants of 2 graines are worth
Diamants of 3^ graines are worth
Diamants of 3 graines are worth
Diamants of 3^ grainea are worth
Diamants of 1 quilate are worth
Dimauts of this sorte, perfect in all their grownds, are of
' The "notes" from this place to the end of the section will be found
repeated in substance at p. 162.
* See this term explained at p. 162, where it is rendered " wrought
thiougbout". It menns, properly, cut the same on the under as on du
upper side.
BE AS.
3,000
4,000
8,000
- 10,000
- 15,000
18 and 20,000
- 25,000
ortb,
I, 71d.
APPENDIX. ' 159
this vallew ; yf they be of a greater weight tliey go by qui-
latea,' and rise doublfi in rallew.
Diamants chapas,^ which are to be bought, and gaiue made
in workinge them.
Diamants chapas, 3 to a quilate, worth 6,000
reis 6,000
Diamants of 4 to a quilate, worth - - 5,000
Diamants of 5 to a quilate, worth from 3 to 4,000
Diamants of 1 quilate, worth - - , 10,000
Diamanta of 2 to a quilate, worth - - 10,000
Diamants of 15 to a quilate, worth, being
pointed, 3,000
Rubies, being perfect, of 5 and 6 in a quilate,
worth - 6,000
Rubies of 4 to a quilate, worth 20 crusados^ - 8,000
Rubies of 2 to a quilate, worth 30 cmsados - 12,000
Rubies of 1 quilate, worth 30 cnisadoa - 12,000
Towchinge rubies, sometime they be at a high rate, and
sometime at a lower, these ought to be perfect in all respects,
and to be bought as good cheape as you may.
Pearlea of 1 graioe arc worth 1 vintaine,* yf reis.
they be perfect ----- 20
Pearles of 1| grainc, worth halfe a toatornc - 050
Pearlea of 2 grainea, worth 2 rialls, beinge
perfect - - - - . . 080
Pearlea of 2i grainea, worth 5 rialls - - 200
Pearles of 3 grainea, worth 8 rialls - - 320
Pearles of 3^ grainea, worth 10 riaUs - - 400
Pearles of 1 quilate, beinge 4 graincs, worth
12 rialls ---._. 480
1 A quila.te is four grains, or one carat.
' Table dia,!iiond3.
' A crusado is worth 2a. 3d.
' A Tintin (s of the value of l^d. or not quite three halfpence.
.80 APPENDIX.
Pearles of 5 grKines, worth 15 rialla
Pearles of Ij quilate, beinge 6 graines, worth
20rialls
PearlcB of 7 graines, worth 3 crusados -
Pearlea of 2 quilates, 8 graincB, worth 3 milries
Pearles of 9 graines, worth 7 crusados -
Pearles of 2^ quilate, 10 graines, worth 10
crusados - - ....
Pearles of 11 graines, worth . . .
Pearles of 3 quilates, worth _ . .
Pearles of 13 graines, worth 20 crusados
Pearles of 31 quilates, worth 30 crusados
Pearles of 15 graines, worth 40 crusados
Pearles of 4 quilates, worth 70 crusados
Pearles of 17 graines, worth 90 crusados
Pearles of 4 quilates and i, worth 110 crusados
Pearles of 19 graines, worth 130 crusados
Pearles of 5 quilates, worth 150 crusados
4,0001
5,000 j
6,000
8,000
12,000
16,000
28,000 J
36,000 I
44,OOoJ
54,00al
600,000*
These pearlea ought to be perfect in all respects. Towch-
inge the buying of these pearlea, it must be accordinge to the
time, and they may be bowght at sometime cheaper then at
another; for a man may gaine by them according to the
vallew and estimation that every person bath of them, for
they be things without certeine limits or estimation, and are
esteemed accordinge to the time.
A EEMEMBRANCE of what is good to bring from the Indyi
into Spayne, beinge good marchandize, and bowght by him
that ia skillfull and trusty.
Small seede pearrell, naturall white, of the first size. Of
the same sorte, of the second size. Small sede pearrell, of
the same sorte, of the 3i-d size. And of the 4tli s
.re
08 "n
APPENDIX.
13 called Ane. Of the 5th and 6th sorte, which hath not
croaae nor yellow. Small pearrell of the 7th and 8th siize.
Small sede pearrell, that ia called Anc ervell ; let it be of
the largest you can gett.
Bringe no sede pearle of the first 2 nor 3 size, hut briage
of the 4th sorte, for they yeld more proffitt and gaine then
other sizes.
Euhis, perfect of coullor, of 5 or 6 enfanos.' Yf yon can R'
find any good aapbires, well coullored or white, beinge bowght
chcape and cleane, they will yeld greate gayne.
Uiamondea bought by him that hath knowledge of the new
or old eutt, or poynted, being cleane, from 3 to 6 in man-
gellin.
Diamondea, poynted, from 1 to 2 mangelins.' And mbiBj
beinge perfect, yf ye find any, buy them aecordinge to the
state of the contry, for in these things there ia no certeine
price, but they are things that yeld most proffitt.
Hesre follow the prizes.
Small pearle, nattirall, of the first size, are worth heere,
8,000 or 10,000 res. per ounce. Small pearle of the seconde
size, 6,000 or 7,000 res. The 3rd and 4th size are worth
4,500 res. per ounce. Small pearle of the 5th and 6th size
are worth heere, this yeare, 2,200 res. The 7tli and 8th size,
1,100 res. Small pearle, called Ane ervell, hath no limitted
price, but are esteemed according to the greatnes and good-
nes of them, and are of many prizes.
Pearle of the 4th size are sold heere for 30 and 35 ryalls
and 40, accordinge to their wayght. Rubis of 5 or 6 infanos,
being perfect, are worth heere 5 or 6000 res.
You must vnderstand, that things naturall, and espinellas,"
' For the explanation of tiiia word, sec poat, p. 165.
' The word mangalis, or mnjigeiim, ia here the aame as the quilate or
carat, but it is alao used to express five, six, or Beven and a half graiQg.
' A kind of rubj.
that are large and good, are to be bowglit the best cheape
you can gett tliem, for they have no certeyn prize,
Yf you can find any amatistes or jacincts, buy them in
like aorte as you can.
Oiamondcs of 3 in mangelin ronga, are worth 6,000 rea. ;
of the 4th in roangelin, 5,000 res.
Diamondes of 5 and of 6 in maDgelin, are worth 3 and
4,000 res.
Diamondes of 15 in mangeUin, pointed, 3,000 res, Dia-
mondcH of 1 mangellin, 8 and 10,000 rea.
Diamondes of 2 mangellins, 15,000 res. These thiages
are worth more or lessc, accordinge to the times ; but these
arc the best marchandize for stones.
Diainondea nrought throughout.
Diamondes wrought of every aide, of 1 grayne, arc worth
3,000 rea ; of 1 graine |, 4,000 res.
Diamondes of 2 graines arc worth 8,000 res. Diamondes
of 2^ graines are worth 10,000 rea.
Diamondes of 3 graines, 15,000 res.
Diamondes of 3| [graines], 20,000 rea.
Diamondes of 1 quartine, which is 4 graines, are worth
25,000 rea. Diamondes of thia aorte, beinge perfect, and
wrought on every side, are the things moat esteemed j and
the bigger sizes are worth in vallew by waight. Diamondes
rough are so to be bought that I may gaine by workinge of
them.
Diamondes rough, of 3 quartinea, which is 13 graines,
6,000 res.
Diamondes rough, of 4 quartainea, are worth 5,000
Diamondes of 5 quartaincs are worth 4,000 res.
Diamondea of 1 quartaine, and of 3 pointed, are worth
10,000 res.
Rubis perfect of 5 or 6 quartines, are worth 6,000 res.
Kubis of 4 quartinea, 8,000 res.
APPENDIX,
Kubia of 2 quartaines are worth SO Da.'
Rubis of 1 qixartinGj 30 Ds. Towchinge rubis, they are
bought cheaper, or deerer, aa time Bervea, but they must be
perfect in all perfection.
Prizes of Pearles.
Pearlea bcingc perfect of 1 graine are worth 20 res.
Pearlea of 1^ graines, 50 rea.
Pearlcs of 3 graines are worth 80 rea.
Pearles of 2^ gi'ainea are worth 200 res,
Pearlea of 3 grainesj 320 res. Of 3^ graines, 400 rea.
Pearlea of a quartine, being 4 graines, 480 rea.
Pearles of 5 grainea are worth 600 res.
Pearles of6 graines, 800 rea. Pearlea of 7 graines, 1,200 res.
Pearlcs of 2 quartines, 2,000 res.
Pearles of 9 graines, 2,800 rea.
Pearles of 10 graines, 4,000 res.
Pearles of 11 grainea, 5,000 rea.
Pearles of 3 quartines, 6,000 res.
Pearles of 13 grainea, 8,000 rea.
Pearlea of 3 quartinea i, 12,000 res.
Pearles of 15 graines, 16,000 res.
Pearlea of 4 quartinea, 28,000 res.
Pearlea of 17 grainea, 36,000 res.
Pearlea of 4 quartines i, 44,000 res.
Pearles of 19 grainea, 54,000 res.
Pearles of 5 quartines, 600,000 res.
These pearlcs must be perfect in all perfection ; towchinge
their prizes, it wilbe accordinge to the time j but they are
things much esteemed; buy them as cheape aa you can.
NiCUOLAS.
SOBEAS.
igLt
A EBMEMBRANCE of suche things as are good mfurcl
to bringe from the Est lodiea into Spayne, beinge houglit
by a skyllfull and trusty factor.'
Aliofre,' or perlea of the first sorte or size.
Aliofre of the second sort.
Aliofre of the third sort.
Aliofre of the fourthe sort, which is called Ane.
Aliofre of the 5 and 6 sorte, which have no Calixo, nof
not yellow.
Aliofre of the 7 and 8 sorte.
Aliofre, which is called Ane crvcl, which must be of the
bigcst sort that can be gotten.
Bringe not into Europe any Perles of the first, second, or
third sort, but those of the -Ith sorte, in which there is more
gayue then in the others.
To buy Rubies perfect of hart, of 5 or 6 Enfeaon, beinge
about 2 caratts of Venice weight.
Saphirea good of hart or white, and cleane, and baratas,
wheria a marchaut may do much good.
Diamondes bought by one that hath skill of the new or
old rockes, which have their chapas and poiutea cleane, from
3 to 6 in a mangaUu, beinge | of a carate. Diamondes
pointed from one mangali, unto 2 mangalis, and rubies per-
fect, which must go together with them, which must be
bought accordinge to the custome of the country, for heerin
there is no certeine price sett dowue, and these are the
commodities wherein a man may do most good accordinge
to the time.
The severall prices of pearles, rubies, saphires, spinels,
amatists, jacynthes, or ballasses.
' This section is substantial; the eame as the first page and a half of
that which precedes it : as there are some variations, however, it has
been thought advisable not to oanit tins part of the manuscript.
' A corruption of the Portuguese and Spanish word Aljofiir, which la
again a corruption uf the Arabic word E! Jauhar.
AFPBMDIS. 165
Aliofre imtaraou, or pearles of the first jueira or size,
beinge perfect, are worth 8,000 and 10,000 reyoa the ounce.
AEotre of the second sort are worth from 6,000 to 7,000
reies the ounce.
Aliofre of the 3rd and 4th sorte are woorth 4,500 rcies.
Aliofre of the 5th and 6th sorte were sold this yeare at
3,200 reics.
Aliofre of the 7th and 8th sorte is sold, and is worth heere
i,100 rcies.
Aliofre Ane Cruel (or seedc pearle) hath uo certeine price,
because it is sold accordinge to the bigues and goodnes
therof, and is of many prices.
Pearles of the 4th sorte are sold in the Indies at 30 reies,
at 35 reies, and at 40 reies, accordinge to their difference in
weight.
Rubies which be perfect, of 5 and G to an enfanon (beiage
a kind of weight which contcineth about 3 carates of Venice
weight), arc worth 5,000 or 6,000 reies.
Saphieres are at unccrteine prices, which a man must buy
as good cheape as he may.
Good and greatc spiuella, beinge a kind of base rubies,
must be bought as good cheape as you may, for they are not
sold at any certeine price.
Amatistes, or jacinthes, and balasses, are bought after the
Diamants of 3 to a mangaliu beinge chapas, are sold at
6,000 reies; of 4 to a mangalin, 5,000 reies; of 5 and 6 to
a mangalin, they are worth from 3,000 to 4,000 reies.
Diamoudes of 15 to a mangalin, beinge pointed, are sold
at 3,000 reies.
Diamantes of one mangalin are worth from 8,000 to
10,000 reies.
Diamantes of 2 mangahns are worth 15,000 reies.
At certeine times the prices of these juells riseth and
fallctli, but these arc the best marcbaudize of all other juells.
p
1 ,5SokB.
NOTES OP CERTATNE COMODITIES IN GOOD REQUEST IN
the East Indies, the Malucoes, and China, gathered outu
of the last and best authours which have lived and
trafficked in those parts, hy Bichai'd IlaMuft.
Out of Cicmr Fredericte, a Venetian, who lived 18 jeres
parte of the East Indies.
Velvets, damaskH, satina, armesine of Portugal, which is a
kind of silke taiFata, safron and skarleta. — -fol. 10, pag. 3.
The ships that come from the atreight of the Red Sea or
Mecca, bring to Pegu and Siviou wollen cloth (made at
Venice, of these coullonra, to witte, murrey, violet, red-
raosine, skarlet, light or grasse greene), skarlets, velvets,
opinno or afi'ron, and chekiues of gold.— foL 32, paff. 1, and
foL3G,p. 1.
Bracelets of elephants teeth of diverse colours, much
esteemed. — fol, 6, paff. 2.
The money of Pegu called Gansa, is made of copper and
lead, which two mcttals may therefore prove good marchan-
dize.— /o/. 33, pag. 2.
i
Notes of Comnioditiea fit for the Eoat Indies. Out of JoU
ITui/ffeii Van Linschoten,
Wyue, as sacks, canarie wyne, and malmesies. — pag. 4c.
Oyle of olives. — pagina 4.
Hollaud cloth and cambricke good marchandizc in Jaua.
— p. 54.
Wollen cloth good marchandize in China. — pag. 40.
Reals of 8, wyne, both Portugale and Indian, oylea of
olive greatly desired, velvet, cloth of skarlet (whereof they
have none, nor yet can make any, although they have both
sheepe and woll iuough), looking glasse, ivorie, al kind of_
cristalj and glasse, arc wcl sold iu China. — pagina 44.
Emraulds, wrouglit and imwrouglit, very gayneful mar-
chandize to bee carried to India, Pegu, and other places,
brought thither from Cairo, and the Spanish Indies, which
in these oriental parts are much worne and esteemed : So
that many Venetians that have travayled thither with em-
raulds, and bartered them for rubies, are become very rich,
because amonge them men had rather have them then
rubies. — -pag. 134.
Costly wares carried from Turkic into India by the
Streight of Mecca. — -pag. 214.
Notoa out of Th.( Histofie of China, in English.
Noe wollen cloth is made in China. — pag. 20.
Spanish wolleu cloth much esteemed in China. — -pag. 163.
Helmets of tynne gilded over, worne in China. ^ja^r. 188.
Notes out of Mr, Lancaster's Toyage, printed in the second
volume of Richard BaMui/t.
There were found in the galeon of Malacca, which Mr,
Lancaster tooke in the entrance of the Streight of Sincapura,
300 butts of canarie wynea, al kind of haberdash ware, aa
hats, redde caps knit of Spanish wol, worsted stockings knit, h
which are worne of the mastizoes, shooes, velvets, taffatacs, ^
chamlets, and silks, Abonndance of auekets, Venice glasses
of al sorts, eertayne papers of counterfeiete stones, which an
Italian brought from Venice to deceve the rude Indians
withal, abundance of playing cards, 2 or 3 packs of French
paper. — -pag. 107.
Kotea of Commodities csirisd bj the Hollanders ia their first
voyage, printed in folio in Latine and French.^
Hatchets good marehandise abonte the Cape of Bona Hniohsu. J
Sperane. Barres of yron. — fol. 4i,pag. 2.
* It Tfa£ also printed at Amsterdam, in Dutch, in the same year (lfiD8),
a which the Prench and Latin editions appeared.
^
1.,.,
On the cost of MftdagascaT.
Beadea. — folio 5, paff. 2.
' White and redde woUen caps. — -folio 5 and 6.
Little looking glasses, red caps, beads, tynne spoones,
much esteemed in the river of St. Anguatine ou the north-
west parte of the Isle of Madajrascar. — -folio 7.
A fayre oxe given for a tynne spoonc. — fot. 7, paff. 2.
Three or 4 shcepe given for one tyn spoone. — fol. 7.
A yong girle offred for a tjTine spoone.— /o/.
Lynen hankerchicfe, beads, and bracelets, good wares i
the isle of St. Marie on the coste of Madaga8ear.---/o/. 10.
Earings, beads, small looking glasses, diinking glasseSj^J
fol. 10, p. 2.
Pynnea. — folio 11.
Wollen cloth esteemed. — folio 11.
Lynen cJoth stroked in use. — folio 11.
Beads, chaplets, and bracelets. — folio 12,
Spanish wyne greately desired in the bay of Antengil
Madagascar. — folio J2, paff. 2.
Fyne lynen doth.— folio 12, etc.
Bracelets of brasae. — folio 12, pag. 1.
Bracelets of tynne or false silver .—/o/io 13, pag. 2.
Greene glasse bracelets much esteemed. — folio 14.
Jet bracelets, rings, earings, beads, like to be good mar-
chandise, which are chiefely to bee had in England.
orth-
es in
-il ill '
4
Commodities uttCTod in Sumatia, Jaua, Hnd Balj.
Lynen cloth in request in Sumatra. — folio IG.
Shirts redie made. — folio 18, paff. 2.
J Knives exchanged for spices. — folio IS, paff. 2.
•Ed 3*0- Eight elnea of greene caffa, given for a present to th(
T^T^ ses- Admiral and Sabandar of Bantan. — folio 19, paff. 2.
™™i^ke!' Three small Norumberge looking glasses, exchanged for
ptMiTcoiur. a great jarre of moyst Indico. — folio 20, paff. 2.
The preseuts given to the viceroy, were christal vessels, a
gilded looking glaaae, and a piece of akarlet. — fol. 20, p. 1 .
Greene velvet and akarlet given to the viceroy,-— /o/. 20,
p.H.
Drinking glasses given to tlie viceroy. — fal. 21, p. 2.
Blacke and redde clotli worne by the noblemen.— /o/. 27,
pi.
Armor some what like shirts of mayle, used in Bantam.—
fol. 27, p. 2.
Waxe sold by weight in Bantam. — -folio 28, w
Tynne and leade. — folio 28, pag. 3.
SafFron much used by the Javans in their meate and '^^
rice.— /o?. 39, ^-
Yron and lead much desired in the isle Lebock,' on the
north syde of Jaua. — /o/io 4'3, pag. 2.
The greate desire of yron in other places.—/*)/. 44, pag. 1.
Wrought velvet, red coral, christal glasses, looking glasses, Ri
sent to the king of the isle of Baly,— /o/. 47, pag. 3.
Greate store of gold in Ealy.— /o?. 48, pag. 1 ,
Notea oat of The Hollanders Second Voyage to Jana and the idea
of the Mahccoei, began 1598 and ended 1600.'
There presents to the kiage of Bantan were, A fayre
covered cuppe of silver and gilt, certayne velvets and cloth
of sylke, very fine drinking glasses, excellent fyne looking
Pewter and other weres. — pag. 7.
Belles. — pag. 8. b
' Luboct.
' " The Jouraall, ot dajlj register, contaynjng a true mBnifeatntion
and historical declarution of the vojage acooroplished by eight shippea
of AmeteTdam, under the conduct of Jacob Comeliszea Neck, admirall,
and Wybrandt van Warwiok, vice-admirall, which sajled from Amster-
dam the first daj of March 1598. London, 1601," 4to. This is a trans-
Intion from the Dutch, of which, ire have only been able to see editions
printed subsequently to the above voraion.
Notes out of Tht fist Voyags of the HoUandert
to the Moliieoet.^
Yron nayles anil spikes good marchaodiae. — fi
pag. -i.
' This, moat probably, refers to the eecond voyage to the ea,at, by Van
Neck, an account of which was jiublished under tho title " Kort cnde
wacritcbtigh Terhuel van de tweede Schipvaerd, by de Hollanders op
Ost-Indicn gcdaon, ooder den Heer Admiiael Jacob van Nuck, getogen
uyt het Joumae! van Boelof Roelofg;5, vermaender op' t Schip AmaCerd«a»
ende doorgaeni uyt andere Schryvers Termeeidert."
CERTATNE NOTES GATHERED OF SUCH AS HAVE HAD
much familiaritie with the Portugales that trade in the
East Indies, by Richard Haktuyt.
. Yron wyer.
. Axes and hatchets heads.
. Cutting hookes,
■. Ivory combes and boxe combes,
. Spectacles.
I. Amber of Danske yelowe iu greate request.
'. Emraulda wrought.
1. Saphires.
I. Wase candles used in there mesquitoes and pagodes,
0. False sylver lace and false sylver threed.
1. False gold lace and false gold threed in greate qui
3, to decke there hangings and garments.
APPENDIX. 171
12. Cruses or potts of red and white earth, such as they
melt gold and sylver in, packed up in bran in pipes and
barels.
A jueller, a paynter, and certayne musisians, are very
neeessarie for the voyage. Yf you goe
^ ^ without a
But above al others, a trustie interpretour in the Easterne «^^ ^J^^®
Arabian tongue ; for by using the Portugal tonge, you are vS?^4ehSf
in greate danger of being betrayed, as the Hollanders were ^^e,be
„ , .,,.«, fore you goi
7 tymes m their first voyage. foorth.
THE END.
BICHABUS, PBINTEB, 100, ST. MARTINS LANE.
INDEX.
AbelfaDa (iHLuoel). see Abulfcda
Abulfeda (laaiail Ibn Ali), geogra-
phjcal works, alii ; birth, eta., 3
Adama (Clement), 3
AithonUH, see Hayto
Alexander VI, Pope, grant to Spain
in 14S3 of the Western Hemisphere,
America, " Divers yojagea touohlng
the diflcoTerie oF*, description of
this work, xxxvi ; futile attempts to
colonize America, xcv ; arguments
in favour of sending colonies to, from
Englaod, 8, 9; names of i^ommoditJes
growing in flome parte ot, 1S9
Anghiera {Pietro Martire), works,
liiv; birth, etc., S
Barbosa (Duarte), works, Ivii ; birth,
etc, 6
Barros (Joao de), works, Iviii ; birth,
ete., 5 ; account of, 9 ; said Co have
caused Brazil to be colonized by the
Portuguese, 9 ; this rtatemeut doubt-
ful, ji.
Bellefbrest (FraEfoU), works, 1 ; birth,
etc., d
Benjamin, Taddenais, works, lii ; birth,
etc., 6
Best (Geoige), works, li, 4
Brazil, when dissevered, 9 ; colonized
by the Portuguese, ib. ; origin of
name and its antiquity, ii
Brigham (Anthony), 6
Burrongh (Stephen), works, lii ; birth,
etc., 6 ; account of, on a menu-
niental brass in Chatham church, 15
Burrongh (William), works, bfi, 8
BurroB (Steven), aec Burrougb
Burroa (William), >ee Burrongh
Ixviii ; account of his eipedition h
lists, ib. ; tetters patent granted b
hiiu and to his three sous by Henry
VII, 19
Cahot (Sebastian), works, Ivii ; birtli,
etc. , 5 ; argument in &,vour of a
north-west paflsa^, 11 ; extract
from Peter Martyr respecting his
voyage along the east coast of North
America, Ixxxviii ; extract from
Oomaracn the same subject, Ixxxix ;
note of his voyage, 23 ; extract from
llainusio respecting his voyage to
the north, 24 ; maps and discoursea
in the possession of William Wor-
thington, 26
Cabral (Pedro Alvarei), took posaea-
aion of Brazil in 1600, 9
Calicut, Vasco da Gama arrives at, by
sea in 1498, 42
Cam (Diego), discovers Congo in 1484,
41
Cape Verde islands, discover; of, 45
Cartier (Jacques), Iviii, xov, S
Cathaia, explanation i^, 24
Chancellor (Nicholas), works, lii, 4
ChaoceUor (Richard), works, Ix, 6
Charias V, emperor of Gerraany, atudy
of navigHtionpromoted by, 14
Chart, by R. Thome, explanation o^
30
Chaves (AloDSO de), account of, 14
Chicoria, described, 108
Clandia island, discovered by Veraz-
zani, fl3
Climate, described, 49
Colombo (Cristoforo), works, Ivi ; birth,
etc., 5
Congo, discovered by Di^o Cam, In
1484, 41
(Nicoli di), works, Ivi,
Cont
(, 14
Coronado (Fku
Vasijuea
Corlereal (Anus), ship sent by him
1574 to discover a north-west [
sage, 7
Curterenl (nupar), G
CnuitziiiH (AlbertDB), ■« KiauU
CuIh. diBcovereti by Columbus in 1492,
Diamonds, prices of, 158, 191,104, IBS
Dial (Barlholomeu), JoubleK the Cape
uf Good Hope for the first time in
U87, 42
Diiminicai, diicovered by Columbus in
14S3, 43
Crake (Sir Francis), S ; makes a voyage
tif discovery along the weitem coatit
of North America as high as the
4Sth degree, 12 ; offer to found a
lectureship in oavigatian, 16
Drogeo, discovery of, 72
Eleol (Uugb), (M Elliot
Engroreland, discovery of, 72 ; Fran-
ciscan nionaateij at, d^eribed, 77 ;
Ziclimui arrives tbere, and builds a
city, 87
Erondolle (P.), tnuwlation of part of
Leecarbot's ' ' Hiatoire de la Nouvolle
Franco," xiut
Estotilacd, discovery of, 72 ; descrip-
tion of, 81
Qaet<ni (John), lec Gaetano
Galvain (Antonio), works, Ixi ; I
etc., S ; hia "Ttatado", publkhed inJ
English by Ilakluyt, uuti
Galvanu (Francis) me Oilvam
Gama (Vasco da), woriu, Ivii ;
' ;. G ; doubles the Cape Ot G
]pe in 14S7, and arrives at (
t in 14»S, 42
Gemma, PrUina, tee Qemnia (R.)
Qemma (Relnenis), works, xlv ; birth,,!
etc. 3 J
Geograpby, namee of writers on, S, 4
Qilbert (Sir Humpbrt^), works, L ;
birth, et«. 4, 8
Giiuiti (Tommaso), xlviii ; birth, etc 3
Gonsalvn (Oil) s^d to have aoughl B
passage by the Dorth-west, Ixiv, 11
Oonialez de Mendma, (- ), History
of China translated by Farke, xzix
Good Hope, Cape o^ doubled ibr the
first tame by Bartbolomen Diaz in
14S7, 42
Grafton (RJohard), eitnict from his
chronicle, retatitig to tiie voyage of
discovery by two ships in 1627, 64
Guiooiardini (Oiovanni Batisb '
xlvi ; birth, etc
Tact fi^jm his
tie voyage of J
IS in 1527, 64 I
^tista), works, ^^H
Fen ton (Gdvrard), 9
Finsjus (Orontius), we Fin£
Fin£ (Oronce), works, xlix ; birth,
etc., 3
Florida, first French colony in, onder
Albert de [a Pierria, xciv ; mismai
agement and sufierings of the fin
inption ot the c
bitants and produoi
Fracastoro (Girolanio), works, xlv ;
birth, etc., 3
Frisland, discovery of the island of, 72
Fmbisher (Sir Martin), 6 ; made three
voyages in search of the nurth-^
pa£«age, 12
Haithonus, aa; Hatto
Uakluyt, Familii of ; account of, ii-iv
Hakluyt, (Wchard), birth and educa-
'" ' ' ' ^ which led him
navigation, vii ; addreaaes
the Lord Admiral Howard on the
subject, vii ; letter to Sir Francia
subject, vii ; letti
W^singhnm prtn
ipally upor
propoHal to
Gaetano (Juan), works, lix.
I subject, viii ; proposaf to him
to accompany Sir Humphrey Gilbert
in bis voyage to Newfinmdland in
1G83, ix; second letter to Sir F.
Walsingham, xi ; appointed chaplain
to Sir Edward StaDord, ambassador
to the Court of France, ziii ; made
a prebendary of Bristol, xiii ; one of
those to whom Sir Walter Raleigb
assigned bis letters patent for dis-
coveries in heathen lands, xiv ; in-
stituted to the rectory of Wettering-
aet-cmn-Blochford, in Suffolk, liv ;
his marriage, xiv ; chief promoter of
a petition to King James for a char-
ter for the colonization of Virginia,
x\v ; death, xv ; his anxiety to pro-
mote geographicaJ rlisoovery, xs '
his exertions to procure ii^formatit
xvii; encouraged by Sir F. WaS
xvii; his first work, the "Divora
Vojagea", xviii ; induces Basanier
to edit the voyages of Ribault and
otberB to Florida, and also pub-
lieheB on English tntnsUtioD of the
work, xix ; publiehes an edition of
Peter Martjr Anghiera'B work. Do
orbe noyo, n ; publishes hia " Prin-
cipal Navigations of the Eng-
lish Nation", etc. isii-xiyiii; induces
Pory to publish a translation of the
History of Africa by Leo Afticanus,
xxix ; induces Parke to publish a
ttanslatioD of the History of China,
iiDin the Spanish of Gonzalez de
Mendoza, xxix ; induces P. Eron-
delle to publish a translation of port
of Leacarbot's Hlstoire de la Qouvelle
France, xix ; pabhshes an English
tr^nslationof a work by A. G^yam,
ixid ; translates F. de Souto's Dis-
coreries in Florida, xuii ; a promon-
tory OTL the continent of Qreenland
named after him, xxxiv ; a river dis-
covered in a voyage to Pechora
named after him, ib, ; description of
his " Divers Voyages," xjntvi aieq,;
Will. 145 ; note o! the chief places
where spices grow in the Eiwt In-
dies, ISl ; of the several prices of
precious stones and spices, 158 ;
good merchandize Co bring &om the
East Indies into Siwin, 160 ; note of
commodities in good request in the
East Indies, the Moluccas, and China,
IBS
Hall (E.}, extract from his chronicle re-
lating to the voyage of diBcoyerjby
two ships in 1B27, 54
Horton, tet Hstto
H^to, works, liii ; birth, etc. 5
Haylo, lee Hatto
Henry VII., king of EngUnd, letters
patent granted by him to John Cahot
and his three sons, kxi, 19 ; letters
patent granted to Kichard Warde
and others, Ixxiii ] also to Hugh
Elyot and others, Ixxxr
Hernandez de Oviedo y Valdez (Gon-
salvo), works, zlv ; birth, etc. 3
Heyes (Edward), works, biii, fl
Hudson's straits, discovered byGaspar
Corterenl, and by the ship said tt
have been sent out by Anns Cor-
Iceland, discovery of, 72
Jenkinflon (Anthony), works, 1
Jordan, river, 113
Krantz (Albert), works, xliv
the country and endeavours to do
liate the natives, ci ; is put to deatb
by his companions, cii.
LfludonniSre ( ), sails to Florida is
conunand of three ships, with emi-
grants, ov ; erects a fort named Ca- I
roline, on the nver St. John, eA. ^ 1
reheved by Ribault when about to i
abandon the colony in despair, cvii ;
colony destroyed by the SpanianlB,
Lee (Edward), account of, S3
Leo, Afrieania, History of Africa, ti
lated by J. P017, xxix ,
Lescorhot (M.) Histoirede la NoavellB n
France, translated by Erandelle,xzz
Letters patent, granted by the sove-
reigns of Engird for the diacoveiy
and planting of unknown lands, Ixxi
Lock (Miohael) translation of Hakluyt'a
edition of Peter Martyr Anghiera's
work, De OrhoNovo, ixi ; autobio-
graphical account of, sc
Longitude, adopted by Ptolemy, and
by different countries, 37
Luoar (Cyprian), 5*
Lucar (Emanuel), 54
Magalhaene(FemaQ Jo de), works, Iviii, 6
MagBliaDeB(Femandiis), lee Magalhaena
Mandeville (Sir John), works, i""
birth, etc. 3
Martyr (Peter), lee Anghiera
Mary of Ghiildfiird, voyage of disooveiy I
to the north. Si '
May, river, discovered, 93
Medina (Pedro de), works, 14
Mendoza (Antonio de), works, xlvi ;
birth, etc. 3
Meroator (Gerard), works, xlvi ; birth, 1
etc. 3 ; opinion in iavour of the e
istence of the north-west passage, 13
Meridian, aee Longitude
Miineter (Sebastian), worka,slviii; birth.
H«vig»Uon, atuJy at, recominendod,
H ; Reuler in the art uf, >piiuiiite(l
liy the Emperor CharlB* V, iJ. ; Im-
portonoe of fbnndiuK s lectureship
tm, in London, 16 ; mnrinera igno-
nuit of navigation in the sixteenth
oentui; and at the present day, ib.
IfifK (Marcos de), diH»ven tfdbok, 102
NuUe (Antonio), diacovera the Cape
Verdo laUodB, 46
North-west psHsage, probabilitv and
advaotRgea oT, 7, 11, 2i, 29, 3S, 48.
Norumhe^ origin of the nuae, 67
I Notea given to Pet(« and Jackraan,
aent out by the Muscovy Company
far the discovery of the north-eoet
pasSBge, 116 ; notes to lie given to
one that prepared fur a discovery,
132 ; notes of oerCain commoditieB
in good request in the HjlBt Indies,
the HoluocM, and China, ISS
Ortol (Abram), worits, lUi ; liirth,
Oaorio (Jeronimo), works, xlix ; birth,
etc., i
Oviedo y Voldez (Oongalvo Heman-
dez de), lee Uenianciei
P.
Parke (B,.), Translation of the History
of China from the Spanish of Gon-
aalei de Menduia, xxix
PauluB (Marcus), ur Polu
Pearls, prices of, 1B9, 161, 163, 164,
166
■, 33
ibund there, Hi.
Pierria (Albert de la), «ff La Pi»rria
Pinion (Vicente Yaflez), di<»vered
Brazil in 1499, 9
Polo (Maroo), works, lii ; birth, etc., E
PoFii Appii, description of, 67
Portugal, grants to, by different popoa,
of all diaooveriea from Cape BojcMior
to the Kast Indies, 42 ; the world
divided iKfeween Portugal and Spain,
44 ; all discoveries nithin 370
leagues west from the Cape Verde
IslflJids secured to Portugal, . iS.
I oonnniaaionen" appointed by Spai
[ and Portugal to jjetUe the lino i
k demiTciition for these S70 leagues, 47
Wry (John), Translation of the Bistoi?
Ramuaio ^(iinvanni Batista), worlc%J
xlTii ; birth, etc., ib, ; extract fr
respecting S. Cabot, 24
Ribault (Jotn), 6 ; title of Srst editioi
of hie work in English, 17 ; speedf
to the first settlers in Florida, xcrli ;
second voyage to Floridain 1566, cvii.
Sails ag^nst the Spaniards who had
wrecked, di ; he and 350 of b'- "
men surrender, and are monlBn
by the Spaniards, ois ; voyage
discovery to the east coast of Nortll^
America, 91 ; arrives on the coast M
of Florida, 97 ; ^ters the Kiver
May, or St. John's Kiver. and com-
municates with the iubaliitants on
both hanks, 98, 101 ; inhabitants
described, 100 ; productions
country, 101, 104, 108 ; <ai
the coast northwards, 10? ;
vera severol rivers, 108 j boilda 4
fort named Charlesfbrt, on a rivM
called Chenoncean, snil leaves tbir^^
men there under tbe command tit "
Captiun Albert de ta Pierria, 113
Rochester, twenty men bung in, al oni
Rubie
s of. 169, 161,162, 161,1
passage, 11
Sajnpaoti, voyage of discovery of IJ
ship Sampson to tbe north, 54
Savage men, three brought home, 23
Sclavonia, district formerly comprised 1
witbin this term, 40
Settle (Dionysus), works, li, 4
Seyne, river, discovered, 108
Sibola, described, 102
■ Philip),
maritime discovBry,
takes an assignment of part of t1
interest of Sir Humphrey Gilijertlj
under the letters patent granted tr
him in 157S, kvii
Somme, river, discovered, 100
Souto (Fernando de), discoveries ii
Florida, translated by Hakluyt, xxnii
Spain, grant to, by Pope Alexander
VI, i- ■""" ' ■■ . . ■
TordeaiUaB, capitulation of, Becuring tc
Porti^ all diBcoveriBB within three
hundred and seventy leaguea west
from the Cape Yerde Islands, 44 ;
"" ' '/) cany the oapitulation into
. 17
Transportation, first adopted, in mo-
dem times, by the Portugneaa and
Spaniards, 10; when introduced intr
tbe penal code of England, t6.
Travellers, names of, 5, 6
Tasques de Coronado (FranciB), worliB,
lis. 5
VeraKiani (Oi
hin voyage, Ixxicviii ; manuacript
account of his voyage, icii ; sets out
a north-west pass^e in his map, 1 1 ;
relation of hia voyage of diai
65 ; departs from one of tl
lertas, ib , ; discovers land,
neighbourhood of Charleston
tha Savannah, 56 ; mannei
La of the natives, ib, ; c
tion of the country and its an
68 ; sails northward to what
posed to he George Town and Long
Ilay, 58 : sends a young man oi
shore, probably about K^eigh Baj
with presents, who is thrown on th
beach hy the violence of the surf,
and stunned, but kindly treated by
'~ ; sends twenty
ashore, about lat. SS degrees, who
examine the country, and endeavour
to bring off a young woman and
child, hut are obliged to content
themselves with the child, 81 ; de-
scription of the boats of the natives,
and mode of construction, SI ; vines
grow naturally here, ib. ; sails one
hundred leagues further, and arrives
at what is supposed to be the mouth
e Hudson, 63 ; enters the river,
ib, ; sails fifty leagues further, and
island supposed to bo Martha's Vine-
yard, 64 ; sails fifteen te^ues fur-
ther, and arrives at what is supposed
to be Narraganset Bay, 64 ; asso-
oiatea with the natives, ib. ; deacrip-
tiun of them, and of their manners
and customs, 66, 68 ; have copper,
which they esteem more than gold^ ,
65 ; would not allow their womim
go on board the ship, SS ; do-
sails one hundred and fifty leagnea
fiirther, to about Portsmouth, in
New Hampshire, or the Boutbem
part of Maine, 69 ; finds the natives
fierce and discourteous, ib. ; saiLi
along the coast for fifty leagues, and
discovers thir^-two ialands, sup-
posed to be Penobscot Bay, 71 !
smIs north-east for one hundred and
fifty lei^ues, and approaches New-
foundland, at which point be deter-
mines to return to France, ib, ; time
and manner of his death not known,
93 ; Mr. Biddle's hypotheus concem-
Veapncci (Amerigo) made the first set-
tlement in BrazQ in 1603, d
Virginia, the lirst British penal aettle-
WardTLuke), works, bdii, 8
WillDUghby (Sir Hugh), works, li, fl
Worthington (William), aocour' -' "
Xavier (Fraiitjois), works, lis ; birth,
Zabrtman (C. C), remarks
alleged voyages of N. and A. i
6
INDEX.
Z&ai, family of, genealogy, 72
BDO^ntonio), joins his brother Nicold
in Frisland, 76 ; his letter, g^^fin^
an account of the discovery of Esto-
tiland, 81 ; sails, with Zichmni, for
Estotiland, discovers Icaria and En-
groveland, 85
Zeno (Nicold) sails firom Venice in the
year 1880, 78 ; cast away, in a storm,
upon the Island of island, ib. ;
attacked by the natives, but pro-
tected by Zichmni, duke of Sorani,
74 ; Zichmni sends him on board his
fleet, and takes him into his service,
75 ; made captain of Zichmni*8 navy.
and attacks Estiande, 76; left in
command of the Island of Bres, 77 ;
sails to Engroveland, where he finds
a monasteiy of Friars Preachers, 77 ;
death, 81
Zeno (Nicolo and Antonio), observa-
tions on their voyases, xcii
Zichmni, saves Nicolo Zeno from the
natives of Frisland, 74 ; conquers
Frisland, 75 ; attacks Iceland, and
Talas, Broas, Iscant, Trans, Minant,
Dambere, and Bres, 77 ; expedition
towards Estotiland^ and discovers
Icaria and Engrovdand, in which
latter place he builds a city, 85
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