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EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 



EARLY OPERA IN 
AMERICA 



By 

O. G. SONNECK 

Chief of the Division of Music 
Library of Congress 

Author of 
"Early Concert-Life in America," etc. 



lb 



• * • J » 






6. SCHIRMER 

New York : 3 East 43d St. . London, W. : 18, Bebnebb St. 
Boston : The Boston Music Co. 

iX 



I V 



A/A/7// 
b/b031 

Copyright, 1915, by 

G. SCHIRMER 
25313 






,-> 



PREFATORY NOTE 

This book was written for serial publication in the 
"New Music Review." The first part appeared there 
from June to August, 1907 and is here reprinted, prac- 
tically intact, with the kind permission of the H. W. 
Gray Co. Of the other part merely a summary could 
be published by the "New Music Review" from August 
to October, 1908. The book had grown too bulky for 
magazine purposes, notwithstanding a merciless pruning 
of my material and a persistent effort at condensation, 
illustrated, for instance, by the somewhat unusual 
tabular form of dry but indispensable statistics of per- 
formances. That the book is written with a somewhat 
lighter touch than my other books, explains itself for 
similar reasons. 

Had this survey of Early Opera in America originally 
not been intended for serial publication, which forbade 
instructive and perhaps entertaining but not absolutely 
necessary digressions into general operatic history, it 
would easily have assumed the proportions of my 
pendant book on "Early Concert-Life in America." 
Nothing essential, I believe, has been discarded; and I 
hope that the book will serve the twofold purpose of 
laying bare the roots of opera in America and of throwing 
light on the customs and manners of olden times. 

The above paragraphs were written in September, 
1910. Since then pressing duties absolutely forbade the 
revision of the manuscript with reference to recent 
literature that may shed additional light on our early 
operatic history. To be perfectly frank, I had neither 
the time nor the inclination to continue systematically 



vi PREFATORY NOTE 

to search for such data. Important new data may have 
appeared elsewhere and they may affect our knowledge 
of early opera in America in detail, but I hardly believe 
that they will affect the main historical currents, as 
here investigated. 

To this perhaps dangerous confession I add the regret 
that my knowledge of eighteenth-century English opera 
seven years ago, when this book was written, was not 
what it is to-day. Not that I lay claim to deep research 
since then in a woefully neglected field of musical 
history; but during these seven years my duties as a 
musical librarian brought me into frequent contact with 
much historical information that might have been 
utilized advantageously in this book, if I could have 
done so without recasting the manuscript. Those of 
my friends who know the history of my book, before it 
attracted the attention of its present publishers, will 
appreciate the deterring influences against any attempt 
to bestow much additional labor on a book, almost cast 
aside by me as * 'hopeless." 

O. G. SONNECK 
Washington, D. C, May IS, 1914 



CONTENTS 

PART I PAGE 

PRE-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 3 

PART II 
POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 

1. A Survey from 1781 to 1792 • . • . 57 

2. The End of the Century (1793-1800) 

NEW YORK 84 

PHILADELPHIA • 109 

BOSTON AND NEW ENGLAND 133 

BALTIMORE, CHARLESTON AND THE SOUTH . . 162 

epilogue: FRENCH OPERA 197 

INDEX 221 



vu 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 

Facing 
page 

Frontispieceof Anthony Aston*s*The FooFs Opera* 5 

A page from Andrew Barton's *The Disappoint- 
ment* 39 

Interior of the John Street Theatre, New York 42 

Thomas Wignell in the character of "Darby" 69 

John Hodgkinson in the character of "Robin" 85 

Mrs. Hodgkinson in the character of "Cora" . 86 

Mrs. Wrighten as "Fatima" in *Cymon* ... 88 

The first Park Theatre in New York .... 92 

Portrait of James Hewitt 95 

Song "Why, huntress, why," in Carr's opera 

'The Archers' 99 

Portrait of Benjamin Carr 102 

Chestnut Street Theatre, Philadelphia (interior) 113 

Portrait of Alexander Reinagle 118 

Bulfinch Medal, with facade of Federal Street 

Theatre, Boston 137 

The Haymarket Theatre, Boston 146 



vm 



PART I 
PRE-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 



EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

PART I 

PRE-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 

Until the close of the eighteenth century opera played 
a secondary part in the theatrical affairs of our country, 
very much in the same manner as it still does in the small 
provincial towns of the European continent. But, 
whereas there the repertory is not wholly restricted to 
the historical descendants of the old Singspiele, operettas 
and the like (plays interspersed with songs, etc.), the 
Americans of the eighteenth century were treated almost 
exclusively to ballad-operas, using this term here, for 
want of a better one, not only for such English operas in 
which popular ballads, airs, folk-songs were pressed into 
service, but for all light English operas in which the plot 
is carried on in spoken dialogue instead of by recitative. 
So closely are the vicissitudes of early opera in America 
interwoven with the early history of the American 
theatre in general that the historian of the latter inci- 
dentally will contribute perceptibly to a history of the 
beginnings of opera in our country. If this historian 
brings thoroughness to his difficult task, then the musical 
historian, after carefully and independently digging 
through the mass of contemporary sources, will find 
it very much easier to treat the musical side of the 
historical structure from a more musical standpoint, to 
remove unmusical misconceptions and to make correc- 
tions and additions. 

This task of writing a "History of the American 
Theatre" has been accomplished by George A. Seilhamer 
in three bulky volumes, carrying theatrical events from 

3 



EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 



1749 down to 1797. His work is truly monumental and 
so astonishingly full of information that merely to ex- 
tract and copy the musical data would mean to have 
compiled a fairly exhaustive monograph on our early 
opera, opera singers, opera houses, and so forth. Yet, 
though Mr. Seilhamer's magnum opus appeared almost 
twenty years ago, very few musical historians have, to 
this day, taken cognizance of it! Whoever cares to in- 
form himself or write on early opera in America must 
study Seilhamer, be it only to produce a popular second- 
hand compilation. Obviously, a second-hand compilation 
from Seilhamer this book of mine is not. Though it owes 
much to Seilhamer's industrious research and though 
its sources are often necessarily identical with his, yet 
this book just as often goes beyond his sources and is 
really the ultimate result of independent research. Also, 
it digests the more recent serious contributions to the 
history of the American stage, and deals impartially with 
those earlier historians against whom Mr. Seilhamer in the 
heat of conflict has pressed his points too polemically. 
I have principally William Dunlap in mind, the famous 
author of the first important '* History of the American 
Theatre.'* In fact, the Dunlap Society was not slow 
in coming to the rescue of their patron, whom Seilhamer, 
at times, attacks too savagely. Of course, Mr. Seil- 
hamer's own work is not perfect, and especially did he 
not show his usual lucky hand when gathering together 
the obscure data on the beginnings of the theatre in 
America, though he knew a good deal more about them 
than Dunlap. 

Mr. Seilhamer had the misfortune to overlook a paper 
on the "First Theatre in America," written, read and pub- 
lished by Mr. Charles P. Daly in the sixties of the last 
century. This paper was reprinted with a supplement by 
the Dunlap Society in 1896, and is the chief source on the 
introduction of drama into America. In the supplement 
attention was drawn to "a small quarto volume, now 



PRE'REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 



excessively rare, published in the eighteenth century 
by Anthony Aston, or, as he was generally known, 
Tony Aston, who has been an actor in the West Indies 
and afterward came to Virginia and New York, who, 
according to his own statement, acted in the city of New 
York in 1702." In other words, Mr. McKee, of New 
York, the possessor of this rarity — only one copy secerns 
to be extant in the United States' — ^held, or rather be- 
lieved that he held, in his hands the means for dating the 
beginning of the American theatre about fifty years earlier 
than most historians. Mr. Daly contented himself with 
the hint as quoted, because Mr. McKee was expected to 
print a paper on Aston and his career. His death in- 
terfered, and the book passed into other hands for the 
handsome sum of eighty-one dollars. As this copy of 
Aston's "volume** was not generally accessible, we 
were left somewhat in the dark regarding its contents. 
Yet from time to time further hints, and even excerpts, 
appeared in the press, and it will be seen how easily one 
could date, without having seen the book itself and rely- 
ing upon the accuracy of such hints, not only the intro- 
duction of the drama, but also of opera, in America as 
early as New York, A. D. 1702. I myself plead guilty 
of having gone so far as to write of unmistakable signs. 
It is about time that the matter be settled once for ever. 

The title of the "small quarto volume** — really a 
duodecimo of nineteen pages, as I convinced myself at 
the British Museum — reads: 

"The Fool*s Opera; or. The Taste of the Age. Written 
by Mat Medley and performed by His Company in 
Oxford. To which is prefix*d [sici] A Sketch of the Au- 
thor*s Life, Written by Himself. 

"London: Printed for T. Payne. . . ** 

The pseudonym Mat. Medley is not puzzling, as on 
p. IS the heading appears : "A Sketch of the Life . . . 
of Mr. Anthony Aston, commonly caird Tony Aston. 

1 Another copy now in the Library of Congress. 



EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 



Written by himself," and furthermore, the very droll 
narrative is signed "Your humble Servant, A. Aston." 
It was intended merely as a "cursory touch" of his life, 
and I do not know if he ever extended his autobiography 
beyond the three pages in this sketch. However, Tony 
Aston proceeds "ad rem at once," addressing "my merry 
hearts" thus: 



You are to know me, as a Gentleman, Lawyer, Poet, Actor, 
Soldier, Sailor, Exciseman, Publican; in England, Scotland, Ire- 
land, New York, East and West Jersey, Maryland, Virginia (on both 
sides Cheesapeek), North and South Carolina, South Florida, Bahamas, 
Jamaica, Hispaniola, and often a Coaster by all the same. 

That Tony was the son of a lawyer in Staflfordshire, 
that his mother was Irish, that he indulged in "innocent 
pranks and mercurial disposition," that he drifted from 
making verses and reading plays into acting them and 
writing some himself, does not concern us here, nor 
how he was knocked about in his travels, except in so far 
as his narrative relates to his theatrical experiences in 
America — and these were very few! He arrived quasi 
accidentally in the "beginning of Queen Anne's reign" 
at Port Royal Harbour, where Gk)vemor Moore anchored 
with a fleet about to start on his unsuccessful expedition 
against St. Augustine. Aston accompanied Moore, and 
goes on to say: 

"Well, we arrived in Charles-Town, full of Lice, Shame, Poverty, 
Nakedness and Hunger: — I turn'd Player and Poet, and wrote one 
Play on the Subject of the Country." 

Not a further syllable on acting until he reached 
New York: 

"There I lighted on my old Acquaintance Jack Charlton, Fencing 
Master — and counsellor Reignieur, sometime of Lincolns-Inn, 
supply 'd me with business — . . . after acting, writing, courting, 
fighting that Winter . . . my kind Captain Davis .... 
gave me free passage for Virginia, where the noble Governor Nicholson 



PRE'REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 



treated me handsomely till the fleet under Commodore Evans 
. . . convoy'd above 500 sail out of the Capes. The generous 
Captain Pulman . . . gave me my passage Home. . . . 
We arriv'd in the Downs in August — up to London . . . 

No Other theatrical references appear in the autobio- 
graphical sketch, and those quoted are meagre enough. 
Yet one point is now, for the first time, established 
beyond a doubt: If the honor of having introduced plays 
in America belongs to Tony Aston, then he did so at 
Charleston^ 5. C, and not at New York. And when? Mr. 
Daly, and, with him others, say 1702, but this, too, is 
incorrect. Governor Moore started on his expedition in 
September, 1702, and returned to Charleston in January, 
1703. Consequently Aston played at Charleston in 
1703, and at New York during the winter of 1703-4! 
This, then, is the accurate chronological and local basis 
for the next query: Did his repertory, and that of the 
other strolling players, include operas of any description? 

On the title-page of The Fool's Opera' no date ap- 
pears, and without having seen the libretto, and relying 
upon the several rather inaccurate hints, one might be 
induced to answer in the affirmative, as far as The 
Fool's Opera* is concerned. A cross-examination of the 
libretto, however, destroys that possibility. Aston uses 
the pseudonym Mat. Medley, and it is significant that he 
did not set up his ''medley," evidently a kind of theatrical 
entertainment, until having "acted up and down England, 
Scotland, Ireland" after his return from America. Fur- 
thermore, the libretto is followed on pp. 12-13 by ''A 
Ballad call'd a Dissertation on the Beggar's Opera," 
first performed, as everybody knows, in 1728. For this 
reason the authorities at the British Museum added to 
their copy after the imprint: [1730?]. This approximate 
date can apply only, of course, to this particular edition, 
and arguing that it is a rather queer proceeding to offset 
the effectiveness of a pseudonym by unveiling one's 
real name twice a few pages further on, the point may be 



8 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

raised that perhaps the libretto of The Fool's Opera* 
was published originally, which means previously, with- 
out the cursory touch and the dissertation on the Beggar's 
Opera, or, at any rate, that it was written previous to 
the year 1730. Still, after having exhausted all tricks 
of bibliographical distinction, it is safe to say that the 
Fool's Opera was neither written nor performed by Aston 
in America. At all events, it was not the play Aston 
delivered himself of at Charleston '*on the subject of the 
country," as the libretto contains no reference to America. 
Nor does his 'Tastora, or, the Coy Shepherdess. An 
Opera," performed 1712 and also preserved at the 
British Museum. Consequently these two operas drop 
out and the whole delicate problem turns around the 
query, Can Aston possibly have performed other operas 
in America during the years 1703 and 1704 at Charleston 
and New York? 

Probably not, but to deny the possibility would be 
rather incautious. The Italian operas of that age, with 
their costly machinery and the "buzzing and squeaking 
Trilladoes," as D'Urfey put it, may be eliminated, as 
also English operas, set after the Italian manner with 
recitative instead of spoken dialogue, e. g., D'Avenant's 
*Siege of Rhodes,' with music by Henry Lawes and 
others, or Purcell's 'Dido and ^Eneas.* Just as im- 
probable is Aston's meddling with the English semi- 
operas, as Burney called them for their lack of recitative, 
e. g., Matthew Locke's 'Psyche* or Purcell's 'King 
Arthur.* What remains? English operas, which we in 
America in distinction from grand operas would style 
light or comic operas, preferably the latter, having to 
deal with a Mat. Medley. But here we touch the weak 
spot in the history of English opera. Walking leisurely 
in the shadow of Burney's ghost, who was loath to con- 
cede the title of opera to any but the grand Italian operas 
with their Trilladoes, machines, humbug and recitative, 
and almost invariably dating the beginning of light or 



PRE-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 



comic English opera from the Beggar's Opera, the his- 
torians have neglected to trace the forerunners of Gay- 
Pepusch's masterpiece. I, for one, am of the opinion that 
the musical novelty of the comic Beggar's Opera, if it 
really was a novelty, which I sincerely doubt, consisted 
mainly in the use of popular ballads instead of songs made 
to order, and that for reasons of parody. In other words, 
the ballad-operas proper constituted only one special 
branch of early English comic opera. Leaving aside 
the anti-masques invented by Ben Jonson as parodies of 
the masques in 1609, how about Aston's 'Medley,' 
his Tastora,* Carey's 'Contrivances* (1715), D'Urfey's 
'The Two Queens of Brentford. A musical farce or 
comical opera" (rehearsed but not acted, and published 
1721), in which grand opera is parodied by the juxta- 
position of stilted recitative and "Scotch songs," and 
more particularly D'Urfey's The Wonders in the Sun' 
(performed 1706), in which, as Bumey says, the songs 
were all set to ballad tunes of a true English growth?^ Here 
is, in my humble opinion, a practically unexplored field. 
If research brings to light comic operas of this stamp that 
were written before 1702, and which Tony Aston may 
have known, then no arguments will be strong enough 
to destroy the possibility that such musical farces were 
included in his American repertory, and not until it has 
been conclusively proven that such works did not exist 
can the possibility of the introduction of English opera 
in America in 1703 be shelved. 

The same line of reasoning prevails with increasing 
force as the years go by before an opera is positively 
mentioned by name as having been performed on Ameri- 
can soil. If, within that period, the existence of theatres 
in America, theatrical companies and theatrical per- 
formances can be traced, though such of operas be not 



1 He forgot that for the dialogue "Pray now, John," in Act III, music by 
Lully was used. 'The Contrivances' was not a ballad-opera in the strict sense, 
since the piece was written and composed by Henry Carey. 



10 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

mentioned ; and if, within that period, English operas are 
known to us which reasonably came within the perform- 
ing capacity of Thespians in America, then the possi- 
bility, at least, cannot be refuted that such operas were 
performed in America. Unfortunately, only extremely 
few data are available to strengthen this possibility.^ 

The first theatrical reference after Tony Aston's re- 
turn to England appears in a letter by Judge Sewall of 
Boston, dated March 2, 1714, in which he protests 
against the acting of a play at the Council Chamber. 
As this attempt to introduce plays in Boston was sup- 
pressed not less promptly than the one in 1686, of which 
Increase Mather wrote in his 'Testimony against pro- 
fane and superstitious customs," it is quite unnecessary 
to conjecture music into the ill-fated play. In fact, 
Boston remained a negligible quantity in matters the- 
atrical and operatic until towards the end of the century; 
this was owing to the stringent act passed against 
''public stage-plays, interludes and other theatrical 
entertainments" in 1750 after two young Englishmen, 
assisted by some volunteer comrades, had horrified the 
Hub with a performance of Otway's 'Orphan.* 

Different views on life in general and on the pleasures 
of life in particular prevailed at Williamsburg, the capital 
of Virginia. There, as we know from Jones's "Present 
State of Virginia," published at London in 1724, a 
Play-House existed near the Market Place as early as 
1722. Indeed, it might have been in existence in 1718, 
when Governor Spottiswood expressed his indignation 
at the refusal of some of the members of the House of 
Assembly to "solemnize His Majesty's Birthday" at his 
house or "go to the play which was acted on the occasion." 

iTo avoid crowding the pages with foot-notes giving my sources, I desire 
it to be understood that all my data are based either on the books dealing with the 
American theatre and accessible to everybody, or on my own independent re- 
searches covering the same ground. When necessary, the source will be mentioned 
in the text. This rule will apply particularly if I have reason to contradict the 
statements of Daly, Seilhamer, Durang, Ford, Dunlap Clapp, Irdand, Ritter, 
Armstrong, etc. 



PRE'REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 11 

Further than this we know nothing about the Play House 
at Williamsburg, probably the first erected in America, 
and this is not surprising, as no newspaper was printed 
in Virginia until 1732. That the house still stood in 
1736 appears from the Virginia Gazette for September 3, 
10, when performances of Addison's "Cato" and three 
comedies by the "young gentlemen of the college" and 
"by the gentlemen and ladies of this country" were ad- 
vertised. 

We are equally in the dark concerning the repertory 
of the company that walked the boards of "the New 
Theatre in the building of the Hon. Rip Van Dam, 
Esq.," at New York, opened, as we know from the 
New England and Boston Gazette of January I, 1733, on 
December 11, 1732, with George Farquhar's "Recruiting 
Officer," in which the part of Worthy was acted "by 
the ingenious Mr. Thos. Heady, barber and peruque 
maker to his Honor." There seems to have been a tempo- 
rary interruption in the career of this new theatre (which 
does not necessarily imply that an older one had existed), 
for a manuscript prologue by Archibald Home has been 
preserved "intended for the second opening of the theatre 
at New York, anno 1739." If the "Long Room" of 
Mr. Henry Holt, the dancing master, was identical 
with the New Theatre in Rip Van Dam's building, then 
the theatre actually had its second opening. At any rate, 
it appears from the New York Weekly Journal, February 
5, 1739, that on Monday the 12th was to be performed 
at Holt's 

"A New Pantomime Entertainment in Grotesque 
Characters, call'd the 'Adventures of Harlequin and 
Scaramouch, or. The Spaniard Trick'd.' To which will 
be added an Optick." 

Now it should be remembered that by this time 'The 
Beggar's Opera,' The Devil to Pay,' 'Flora,' and a 
host of other ballad-operas had come to light abroad; 
and, as the intercourse between London and the Colonies 



12 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

was regular, as moreover the comedians probably had 
drifted to America with the tide of immigration, and 
as a pantomime was given which necessarily called for 
music, there is nothing to prevent us from assuming that 
such ballad-operas were performed at New York from 
1732 on. On the contrary, it is probable, for why should 
operas not have been given in those days at New York, 
if they were performed about the same time at Charles- 
ton, S. C? And now, at last, we gain terra firma. 

. . . we presume to usher in those Arts 
Which oft have warm'd the best and bravest Hearts. 
Faint our Endeavours, wide are our essays, 
We strive to please, but can't pretend to Praise; 
Forgiving Smiles o'er pay the grateful task, 
Those all we hope and all we humbly ask. 

With these, the closing words of the Prologue, was 
ushered in the first theatrical season at Charleston, S. C, 
on January 24, 1735, at the Courtroom. Otway's *0r- 
phan* was the piece. By perusing the exceptionally 
fine files of the South Carolina Gazette at the Charleston 
Library Society we are enabled to determine that at 
least five performances took place until March 25. 
The third, on February 4, presented a double bill, the 
'Orphan* being followed by The Adventures of 
Harlequin and Scaramouch.* In the fourth, on Feb- 
ruary 18, 1735, this pantomime was honored by being 
coupled as afterpiece with the first opera advertised 
by title for performance on American soil. This adver- 
tisement, historically so important, runs thus in the 
South Carolina Gazette, February 8, 1735: 

On Tuesday the 18th inst. will be presented at the Courtroom 
the opera of 'Flora, or Hob in the Well,' with the Dance of the two 
Pierrots, and a new Pantomime entertainment, called the Adventures 
of Harlequin Scaramouch . . . 

Tickets to be had at Mr. Shepheard's in Broad street at 40/ 
each. To begin at 6 o'clock precisely. 



P RE-RE FOLUTION ART OPERA 13 

No cast is mentioned, nor do the advertisements of 
the next season yield more definite information. In 
May, 1735, "any gentlemen that are disposed to en- 
courage the exhibition of plays next winter" had been 
invited to apply for shares in the subscription. The 
fund raised evidently was sufficient for defraying ex- 
penses, as the second season opened on February 12, 
1736, and lasted until the middle of March. A third, 
equally short series, which seems to have escaped other 
historians, began on November 11 and came to an end 
in December of the same year. The performances took 
place at the **New Theatre in Queen street," fitted up 
with 'Titt and Boxes at 25/; Gallery 15/". Of ballad- 
operas on the repertory of the anonymous company the 
Gazette mentions *The Devil to Pay,' presented on 
March 16 and 23, 1736, and Tlora,' on November 23, 
1736. The performances began at an hour now reserved 
by English-speaking people for an indulgence in tea, then 
considered a more objectionable drink than Madeira, 
namely 5 P. M., and of the several odd managerial 
details one will not fail to amuse. It was announced on 
February 7, that 

. . . the Doors will be open'd all the afternoon. The Sub- 
scribers are desired to send to the Stagedoor in the forenoon to 
bespeak places, otherwise it will be too late. 

With these three series the promising introduction of 
drama and opera came to grief at Charleston for a num- 
ber of years. The doors of the New Theatre were opened 
on May 26, 1737, for the entertainment of the "Ancient 
and Honourable Society of Free and Accepted Masons," 
when The Recruiting Officer* was given and Masonic 
songs were sung on the stage, but after that the theatre 
was turned over to the several dancing-masters for balls 
and assemblies. 

No further references to theatrical affairs appear in 
the old sources until 1749. To be sure, "an agreeable 



14 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

comedy or tragedy" was to be performed every evening 
at Philadelphia from December 30, 1742, on, "at the 
Sign of the Coach and Horse, against the State House" 
{Pennsylvania Gazette, December 30); but these were 
acted "by changeable figures of two feet high," and 
"Punch Opera, Bateman or the Unhappy Marriage," 
given in September, 1747, at New York, "late from 
Philadelphia" {New York Weekly Post Boy, August 31), 
and James Wyatt's "Punch Company of Comedians," 
which entertained New Yorkers in November, 1749 
{New York Gazette, October 30), clearly belonged to 
the same category of puppet-shows. Still, if James 
Wyatt was as spirited, witty and musical as some of his 
colleagues in Italy are, these affairs must have been 
quite entertaining. 

While his changeable figures thus were kept busy, 
actors of flesh and blood had invaded Philadelphia. A 
Mr. John Smith entered in his MS. journal under date 
of "Sixth Month, 22d, 1749," a performance of Addi- 
son's *Cato* at Philadelphia. We know not if this was 
the first play night, but it probably was not the last, 
as otherwise the remonstrance of the Recorder of the 
corporation of the city of Philadelphia in the minutes 
of January 8, 1750, would be without a point. The 
substance of his report, quoted by Durang, is this, that 

. . . certain persons had lately taken upon them to act plays 
in this city, and as he was informed intended to make a frequent 
practice thereof, which, it was feared, would be attended with very 
mischievous effects. 

To this the Board agreed and requested 

• . • the Magistrates to take the most effectual measures for 
suppressing this disorder by sending for the actors and binding them 
to their good behaviour or by such other means as they should judge 
most proper. 

The magistrates preferred the other means. The 
company evacuated William Plumstead's warehouse in 



PRE-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 15 

King street, where they had put up a theatre, and has- 
tened to New York. The New York Gazette on February 
26, 1750, duly recorded the arrival 'last week of a com- 
pany of comedians from Philadelphia,'* and as the news- 
papers of New York continued to open their columns to 
the actors, or rather as Messrs. Kean and Murray, the 
managers of the company, regularly advertised their 
weekly performances, we are enabled to form an ade- 
quately correct opinion of their activity. 

They fitted up "one of the buildings lately belonging 
to the Hon. Rip Van Dam, Esq.," and called it 'Theatre 
in Nassau Street.** It was opened *'by his Excellency*s 
permission** on March 5, 1750, with Cibber*s alteration 
of the ''Historical Tragedy of King Richard HI.,*' 
closed on July 23, reopened on September 13, and closed 
again after a series of the usual time-honored benefits 
for the individual actors, on July 8, 1751. The repertory 
contained about a dozen plays and an equal number of 
farces. The latter were usually performed as after- 
pieces, and among these the ballad-operas figured quite 
prominently. Ascertaining, as far as still possible, the 
dates of performance, the following operas were selected 
to delight the New Yorkers: 

Fielding's *Mock Doctor' (1750, April 30; 1751, March 11). 

'The Beggar's Opera' (1750, December 3, 10; 1751, January 14, 
February 18, May 13). 

Hill's The Devil to Pay' (1751, January 8, 28, February 4). 

Gibber's *Damon and Phillida' (1751, February 18, 25, March 5, 
May 6, July 8). 

Fielding's 'Virgin Unmask'd' (1751, April 22, 29, May 13). 

'Flora, or Hob in the Well' (1751, May 20, 27). 

'Colin and Phcebe,' a pastoral sketch (1751, January 8). 

Between the acts, or between the plays and after- 
pieces, "entertainments of singing" were given, e. g., 
on February 25, 1751, the ''favourite dialogue called 
'Jockey and Jenny,* to be sung by Mr. Woodham and 



16 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

Mrs. Taylor" ; on January 14, an "oratorio/ 'by Mr. Kean, 
alias probably a sacred song; and on April 29 the patrio- 
tic ode ''Briton's Charter." From the advertisements of 
benefits we are enabled to glean the names of the princi- 
pal performers: Messrs. Thomas Kean, Walter Murray, 
Charles Somerset Woodham, Tremain, Scott; Mrs. 
Taylor, Miss Osborne and Miss Nancy George. The 
principal vocalists seem to have been Mr. Kean, Mr. 
Woodham and Mrs. Taylor. 

The path of these acting vagabonds, for such they 
were in the estimation of the eighteenth century, was not 
exactly strewn with roses. Mr. Kean in 1751 was almost 
on the point of taking to his original profession of writing, 
a Mr. Jago (nomen est omen) needed a benefit badly, 
being "just come out of prison," and a Mrs. Davis was 
granted one ''to buy off her time," this probably meaning 
that she was unfortunate enough to be a Redemptioner, 
or practically a slave. Even filled to its capacity, the 
theatre cannot have been a gold mine, for we know from 
answers made to certain reflections on the managers 
that the number of tickets printed was "161 Pit, 10 
Boxes and 121 Gallery"; and as the price of admission — 
no money was taken at the doors — ^was "Box, 5/; Pit, 
4/; Gallery, 2/" it is easy to figure out that the house held 
936/ or $234. How much of the receipts went to the 
orchestra it would be difficult to state, because no 
musicians are mentioned in the papers. Though half 
a dozen fiddlers, etc., could easily have been picked up 
in New York, presumably Messrs. Murray and Kean 
contented themselves with a harpsichord for the ac- 
companiment of the musical numbers. How remote 
the whole affair still was from these our own days of 
all modern improvements is illustrated by the delightful 
announcement which appeared in one of the papers: 

The house, being new-floored, is made warm and comfortable, 
besides which Gentlemen and Ladies may cause their stoves to be 
brought. 



P RE-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 17 

Neither this privilege — quite in keeping, by the way, 
with the custom of that age — nor Messrs. Kean and 
Murray's rather ambitious dramatic repertory appears 
to have attracted crowds to the Nassau Street Theatre. 
Otherwise the managers would have settled at New 
York instead of trying their luck in the South. 

From Burke's ''History of Virginia** we know that 
Acting Governor Richard Lee gave permission in 1751 
to ''the New York Company of Comedians ... to 
build a theatre in Williamsburg,'* and the lamented 
Paul Leicester Ford gathered from the Virginia Gazette 
into his interesting monograph on "Washington and the 
Theatre** the several facts pertaining to this enterprise. 
It would seem that, as in New York, they had first 
sought to fit up a room suitable for a Play House — 
evidently the first theatre was no longer available; but 
they had to desist and boldly proposed the erection of 
a real theatre by way of subscription. This appeal met 
with favor, and during the winter of 1751 to 1752 a series 
of performances took place at Williamsburg, where 
life was gay and money plentiful. In May the 
company played at Hobb*s Hole, and I leave it to 
others to locate this suspicious sounding community 
on a map of Virginia. They then proceeded to Frede- 
ricksburg "to play during the continuance of June Fair,** 
and it was in the course of this tour that George Wash- 
ington, according to his ledger for June 2, 1752, loaned 
his younger brother Samuel "by cash at the play house 
1/ 3d.,** so that they might attend the performance to- 
gether — the first play the theatre-loving George saw on 
Virginian soil. 

Though Mr. Ford does not mention any operatic en- 
tertainments, it is safe to say that such were not missing, 
for the managers certainly cannot have considered 
Virginia less musically inclined than Maryland, where 
they arrived the middle of June. The "Company of 
Comedians from Virginia** opened the "New Theatre in 



18 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

Annapolis'* on June 22, 1752, with the best drawing 
card of that age: Gay-Pepusch's 'Beggar's Opera,* and, 
according to the extant files of the Maryland Gazette^ 
followed this up with performances of the 'Virgin Un- 
mask'd* Quly 13), the 'Mock Doctor' (July 21), 
'Damon and Phillida* (July 27), and the 'Devil to 
Pay* (July 31). 

At the beginning of the season the managers had 
mapped out a tour to Upper Marlborough and to two 
places with the euphonious names of Piscataway and 
Port Tobacco. On July 2 they then notified the public 
of Annapolis: 

"As the Company have now got their Hands, Cloaths, 
etc., compleat, they now confirm their Resolution of 
going to Upper Marlborough as soon as ever Encourage- 
ment fails here." 

Encouragement failed by the end of July, and our 
"Company of Comedians from Annapolis" opened "The 
New Theatre at Upper Marlborough" on August 20, 
and again with the "Beggar's Opera." This classic seems 
to have been a special favorite at Upper Marlborough 
and, ludicrous though this may be, we have to look to 
Upper Marlborough for the place where, for the first time 
in the history of opera in America, the employment of an 
orchestra is recorded. Trusting the Maryland Gazette 
of August 27, there was to be at the request of the Ancient 
and Honourable Society of Free and Accepted Masons 
on September 14, 1752, a performance of 

"The 'Beggar's Opera': With Instrumental Music to 
each Air, given by a Set of Private Gentlemen." 

Tempi passatil And perhaps we should feel thankful, 
or can the gentle reader imagine 'Salome' being en- 
trusted to a set of private gentlemen? 

Not all of Kean and Murray's original constituents had 
gone South with them. A few remained in New York 
and made part of "a new company of comedians" that 
occupied the Nassau Street Theatre during the winter of 



PRE-REFOLUTIONARY OPERA 19 

1751-52, without much success. The short-lived career 
of this company deserves attention for two reasons 
only; first, because it introduced, on March 2, Carey's 
'*Honest Yorkshireman" (partly a ballad-opera, partly 
composed by him) to America, and second, because it 
was headed by Robert Upton, the rather unscrupulous 
advance agent of a company which was to raise the 
American theatre to a comparatively high level, namely, 
Woiio«n>c T r^ryAr^ry Pi^^i^^ny of Comcdlans, whlch Started 

its American career late in 1752 at Williamsburg, Va. 
The history of this company, subsequently known as the 
American Company and still later as the Old American 
Company, is a twice told tale, but it never has been told 
from the musical standpoint. 

The capitalist and backer of the London Company of 
Comedians was William Hallam. He little thought that, 
when he sent Robert Upton well supplied with funds to 
New York to survey the field, erect a theatre and pre- 
pare the path of the company, it would be the last he 
saw of this gentleman. Upton's perfidy is well set forth 
in a card entitled **The case of the London Company of 
Comedians, lately arrived from Virginia," in the New 
York Mercury^ July 2, 1753. But William Hallam was 
not so easily deterred and, prompted by the persuasive 
powers of several gentlemen in London and Virginia 
Captains, shipped the company with his brother Lewis 
as manager to the Colonies. They arrived in Virginia 
the end of June, proceeded to Williamsburg, obtained 
the Governor's permission to entirely alter the old 
Play-House *'to a regular theatre, fit for the reception 
of ladies and gentlemen and the execution of their own 
performances," and informed the public through the 
medium of the Virginia Gazette that they would open on 
September 15, 1752, with The Merchant of Venice* 
and the farce of The Anatomist.* Unfortunately, the 
Virginia Gazette has not withstood the ravages of time, 
war and carelessness, and its extant files yield hardly any 



20 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

further information. Lewis Hallam's card, however, 
tells us that the company stayed eleven months at 
Williamsburg, where they ''performed with universal 
applause and met with the greatest encouragement." 
John Esten Cooke's entertaining novel, * 'Virginia Come- 
dians," in which the Hallams hold the centre of the stage, 
is, therefore, full of poetic and historic license, yet it 
must be admitted that the author has succeeded in fixing 
the milieu — ^and, after all, what more do we expect of 
a historical novel? On the whole, he made the best of 
his scarce historical data, and if I remember correctly 
even introduced the harpsichordist of the company at 
Williamsburg, Peter Pelham. He had not been imported 
with the others, but, as readers of my book on "Early 
Concert Life in America" may remember, hailed from 
Boston as son of the engraver and dancing-master Peter 
Pelham, Sr., and had drifted down to Virginia as 
music-master in the forties. 

Having been told that they "were really expected" 
at New York and would find "a very fine Play-House 
Building" there, the London Company moved to New 
York in the summer of 1753, armed with a certificate 
of Governor Dinwiddie recommending, as Ireland put it, 
the comedians as actors and testifying to the correctness 
of their conduct as men. Such a true bill of moral health 
was necessary, for, at first, the authorities entertained 
some grave doubts as to the advisability of welcoming 
the actors. This difficulty removed, Lewis Hallam saw 
himself confronted by the necessity of tearing the old 
theatre in Nassau street down and erecting "a very fine, 
large and commodious New Theatre" on the same spot 
which would be more in keeping with his ambitions and 
dignity. And all this happened between June and Sep- 
tember 13, 1753, the opening night "by his Excellency's 
authority." Certainly the world's record up to that 
time for building a brand new theatre ! The performances 
were advertised for Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays; 



P RE-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 21 

and now the historian is confronted with his difficulties, 
as the newspapers were printed on Mondays only and 
consequently contain the announcements of one-third 
only of Lewis Hallam's activity. The season lasted 
until March 25, 1754, and during these six months at 
least twenty-one different plays and twelve farces, in- 
clusive of the ballad-operas, are known to have been 
performed, and if one considers how the company must 
have been handicapped at first, this record becomes all 
the more remarkable, even for a good company such as the 
London Company undoubtedly was. 

So far as opera is concerned, the repertory did not go 
beyond that already known to New Yorkers, but the 
difference, of course, was made up in quality. On Sep- 
tember 13, 1753, the opening night, the ballad-farce 
* Damon and Phillida* was given as afterpiece to "The 
Conscious Lovers,** and then followed, always re- 
membering the Monday weeklies, on 



1753, Oct. 


8: 


Virgin Unmasked. 


Nov. 


5: 


Flora; or, Hob in the Well. 




12: 


Devil to Pay. 




19: 


Beggar's Opera. 


Dec. 


10: 


Harlequin Collector; or, The Miller Deceived. (A 
so-called speaking pantomime.) 




26: 


Damon and Phillida. 


1754, Jan. 


14: 


Damon and Phillida. 




21: 


Devil to Pay. 


Feb. 


18: 


Harlequin Skeleton; or, The Miller Deceived. 




25: 


Virgin Unmasked. 


Mar. 


4: 


Harlequin Skeleton. 




18: 


Beggar's Opera. 






Devil to Pay. 




25: 


"A new pantomime." (The name is not men- 
tioned.) 



Lewis Hallam introduced the custom of announcing 
the full casts. It is unnecessary to quote them all, the 
more so as they may be found in Ireland and Seilhamer; 
but two may also find a place here, that of 'Damon 



22 



EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 



and Phillida/ on September 13, 1753, because it pre- 
sumably was the first full opera-cast ever printed in 
America, and that of the 'Beggar's Opera,* on Novem- 
ber 19, as it will display the strength and supply of 
histrionic talent of the London Company of Comedians. 

Damon and PhiUida 

Damon By Mr. Adcock 

Areas Mr. Bell 

Mopsus Mr. Haliam 

Aegon Mr. Rigby 

Corydon Mr. Clarkson 

Cymon Mr. Miller 

PhiUida Mrs. Becceley 



Beggar* s Opera 



Peachum 

Locket 

Macheath 

Filch 

Mat o* th* Mint 

Wat Dreary . 

Nimming Ned 

Mrs. Peachum 

Polly . . 

Lucy 

Mrs. Coaxer 

Diana Trapez 

Mrs. Vixen 

Jenny Diver 

Molly Brazin 



By Mr. Haliam 
Mr. Malone 
Mr. Adcock 
Mr. Miller 
Mr. Bell 
Mr. Singleton 
Mr. Hullet 
Mrs. Adcock 
Mrs. Becceley 
Mrs. Clarkson 
Miss Haliam 
Mrs. Adcock 
Mrs. Rigby 
Mrs. Love 
Mrs. Clarkson 



Great as Lewis Hallam's contempt was for his "thea- 
trical predecessors" in America, he did not deviate from 
their custom of entertaining the audience with dancing 
and singing between the acts. Here are two specimens of 
these sandwiched musicales, since grown to be a veri- 
table nuisance. On March 1 1 , Haliam presented between 
the acts 

A Punch's Dance, by Master A. Haliam. 
A Tambourin Dance, by Mrs. Hulet. 



PRE-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 23 

As Chloe Came into the Room, Sung by Master L. Hallam; 

and 
The Reasonable Lover. 
End of the Play, a Hornpipe, by Mr. Hulet. 
The Quaker* s Sermon on the violin; and a Solo on the 
Hautboy, by Mr. Love. 

The names of William C. Hulett^ and Charles Love 
confront us immediately with the problem of the or- 
chestra employed by the company. Dunlap, when 
describing how the Old American Company was forced 
in the nineties to fall in line with Wignell and Reinagle's 
company by improving their orchestra, writes of the 
''one Mr. Pelham and his harpsichord, or, the single 
fiddle of Mr. Hewlett," during the early career of the 
company. Possibly these two gentlemen did murder, 
d quatre mains, the operas at Williamsburg, but the very 
fact that Pelham did not join the company at New York 
and that Dunlap does not mention Charles Love in 
connection with the London Company makes his off- 
hand statement suspicious. It is clear that Charles 
Love, ''musician from London,** husband of Mrs. Love 
and teacher of half a dozen instruments, but not of the 
harpsichord (N. Y. Mercury, July 2, 1753), was con- 
nected with Hallam*s company as violinist or oboist, or 
both. The newspapers also bear testimony to the fact 
that William C. Hulett, while perhaps engaged princi- 
pally as dancer — ^he remained the most fashionable 
dancing-master at New York for many years — played the 
violin, as did all dancing-masters, and well enough to 
lead in concerts. But with one or two fiddles, or one 
fiddle and one oboe, even ballad-operas could not very 
well be executed, and at least, in addition, a harpsichord 
was needed. Is it not reasonable to suppose that Lewis 
Hallam did not import the half dozen instrumentalists 
he needed, because he expected to find enough at New 

1 1 state here in passing that quoted matter is spelled as found in my sources, 
but that in the text names, etc., are given in the form which I have reason to 
believe is correct. 



24 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

York? If he did entertain such expectations, my book 
on *' Early Concert Life in America'* will have proved 
that he was not mistaken. Bearing in mind that about 
this time New York and other American cities were 
becoming used to performances of the best music of 
the time by orchestras, possibly smaller than the small 
orchestras used abroad, but sufficiently large to render 
overtures, concerti grossi, and symphonies, it may se- 
riously be doubted whether Lewis Hallam would have 
dared to treat New York to the ballad-operas with '*the 
single fiddle of Mr. Hewlett." 

On the surface, the item '*To Music: Messrs. Harrison 
& Van Dienval, £3 12/," on the account published after 
the performance of January 25, 1762, for the benefit of 
the poor, would seem to interfere with this opinion, but 
it stands to reason that Thomas Harrison (organist of 
Trinity Church, by the way!) and Alexander Van Dienval 
did not receive 36/ each for one night's exertion. Rather 
am I inclined to interpret the item thus: They received 
the sum for themselves and whoever else they engaged 
to play under them, somewhat in the same manner as 
the arrangement between concert-master and manager 
nowadays. 

Granting that possibly at first only a miniature or- 
chestra may have been employed, perhaps at the very 
beginning only a harpsichordist and one fiddler, it did 
not take many years before the scores were treated more 
respectfully, and it might be well to prove this here 
by two quotations from the old newspapers. On Septem- 
ber 24,1767, the Pennsylvania Journal distinctly mentions 
the "band of music" which was to play the music 
between the acts, and in the advance notice of Milton's 
*Comus* in the same newspaper on March 8, 1770, it is 
said: *The orchestra to be conducted by Mr. Hallam." 
Finally, it should not be forgotten that in those days 
provincial orchestras were often made up of professional 
musicians />/w5 * 'gentlemen performers" who sat in the 



P RE-RE VOL UTIONAR Y OPERA 25 

orchestra for their own enjoyment and, of course, re- 
ceived no payment. Of this custom traces are also to be 
found in America, and a notice in the Pennsylvania 
Gazette of November 30, 1769, illustrates the point with 
a vengeance: 

"For the future, the days of performance will be 
Tuesday and Friday. The Orchestra, on Opera Nights, 
will be assisted by some musical Persons, who, as they 
have no View but to contribute to the Entertainment of 
the Public, certainly claim a Protection from any Man- 
ner of Insult." 

What prompted Lewis Hallam to risk the very ex- 
istence of his company by * 'intending for Philadelphia" 
is a mystery. That he anticipated stubborn opposition 
there is clear, otherwise he would not have sent his col- 
league, Malone, the possessor **of a tongue that could 
wheedle with the devil" (Durang), and William C. 
Hulett there as his ambassadors to Governor Hamilton. 
But the number of such influential persons who pleaded in 
favor of the theatre was so strong as finally to break the 
opposition and Hallam received leave to give twenty- 
four performances on condition that nothing indecent 
or immoral should be presented. So it happened that 
Plumstead's warehouse again saw a theatrical season. 
The first performance took place on April 15, 1754, the 
last on June 27. Exceedingly little is to be gleaned from 
the papers on this limited season of two months. On 
June 17 'Harlequin Collector* was given, and it is 
also said that 'Flora* was considered moral and decent 
enough to be presented, but beyond this the history of 
opera in Philadelphia possibly will never be enriched 
by further data. If the opponents of the theatre, as 
Durang tells us, went so far as to send one of the un- 
friendly petitioners as a spy to the opening performance 
— the result being a great tumult in the pit and the 
bodily ejection of the gentleman — it is clear that this 
Philadelphia season ended in failure. So much so that 



26 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

Lewis Hallam betook himself and his company by way 
of Charleston (where he performed in October and No- 
vember, 1754) to Jamaica. There he died a year later, 
and the company disbanded. 

Hallam's widow married a gentleman by the name of 
David Douglass, and forthwith drama in America re- 
ceived a new lease of life. A skilled actor and a man of 
great business acumen and administrative ability, 
Douglass controlled theatrical destinies in our country 
from 1758 on, until the impending War of the Revolu- 
tion forced him to leave the continent and return to 
Jamaica, where he became a judge; he died there in 1786. 

Douglass arrived at New York in 1758. In the mean- 
time, the Nassau Street Theatre had been converted 
into a place of worship and consequently Hallam's 
successor saw himself obliged to look for a suitable place 
for the erection of a theatre. He selected Cruger's 
wharf, and after having, by some clever diplomacy, 
softened the anti-theatrical hearts of the magistrates, 
he opened, on December 28, 1758, with 'Jane Shore* 
and the ballad-farce of the *Mock Doctor.' Of this first 
night the New York Mercury condescended to remark, 
on January 1, 1759, that the company * 'acted with 
great applause, to a most crowded audience." It might 
be of interest to quote from the announcement of the three 
nights in the first week of January a few managerial 
details that are characteristic of the age: 

Tickets to be had at the Printing-office in Hanover Square, at 
the Coffee House, and at the Fountain Tavern, and nowhere else. 

The Doors for the Gallery will be opened at Four o'clock, but 
the Pit and the Boxes, that the Ladies may be well accommodated 
with seats — not till Five — ^and the Play begins precisely at Six. 

Box, 8 shillings. Pit, 5 shillings. Gallery, 2 shillings. 

N, B, — No more tickets will be given out than the House will 
hold. And positively no money taken at the Door. 

Occasionally, Mr. Douglass made an exception to this 
last rule, and in course of time it permanently gave way 



PRE-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 27 

to the more modern and sensible institution of selling 
tickets not only in advance by deputy, but also at the 
door, or rather at the ticket window, shortly before 
the performance. Another strange custom, however, 
was expedited to speedier oblivion. In those days, 
gentlemen, sportive and otherwise, not only had free 
access behind the scenes, but were in the habit of crowd- 
ing the stage proper during performance and conversing 
with the actresses while they were waiting for their lines, 
and in this respect the well-known, delightful scene in 
Cooke's "Virginian Comedians" is by no means ex- 
aggerated. As long as the audience submitted to the 
nuisance, managers were, of course, loath to stop it, but 
by 1761 Mr. Douglass had received several complaints, 
and he then took it **as a particular favour if no gentle- 
man will be offended that he be absolutely refused ad- 
mittance at the Stage Door, unless he has previously 
secured himself a place in either the Stage or Upper 
Boxes." Gradually this polite request was heeded and 
the vicious custom became obsolete. The prerogatives 
of the gallery-gods were of a different nature. Unruly 
to this day, their manners in the eighteenth century 
kept the managers and the ladies in the boxes and pit 
in constant fear lest some missiles should follow the 
laws of gravitation with a vengeance. But if Douglass 
found it necessary in May, 1762, to offer a 

Pistole Reward — ^To whoever can discover the person who was 
so very rude as to throw Eggs from the Gallery upon the Stage, last 
Monday, by which the Cloaths of some Ladies and Gentlemen were 
spoiled and the performance in some measure interrupted 

it must not be imagined that such things happened in 
the Colonies only. They happen, as everybody knows, 
even to-day, and preferably in college towns. 

Douglass's first season at New York lasted until 
February 7, 1759, including on this evening 'Damon and 
Phillida.* He then proceeded to Philadelphia, having 
obtained Governor Denny's authority to build a wooden 



28 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

theatre on ''Society Hill" in the Southern Liberties, 
and to give performances before his inroad on the moral- 
ity of the good citizens of Philadelphia became known. 
But once known, the Quakers, the German Lutherans, 
the Presbyterians, were up in arms against **the idle 
persons and strollers [who] have come into this Pro- 
vince from foreign parts in the character of players." 
A blue Law against Plays was enacted on May 31, 
1759, condemning every **person and persons whatso- 
ever" who should transgress this law from and after 
the first of January, 1760, to a fine of **five hundred 
pounds lawful money." Governor Denny, anxious to keep 
faith with Douglass, could do nothing except filibuster 
until the middle of June. On June 20 he was forced to 
sanction the antediluvian measure, but the King had sense 
enough to set it aside in Council, September 2, 1760. 

Douglass hastened to make the best of his em- 
barrassing position as long as he could, and gladly 
agreed to Governor Denny's stipulation that one night 
be given for the benefit of the Pennyslvania Hospital. 
He began operations on June 25, 1759, and wound up 
(with debts amounting to several hundred pounds law- 
ful money), on December 28, with the charity benefit. 
But Douglass was even more generous than the Gover- 
nor expected him to be, for on December 27 he gave a 
benefit performance ''towards raising a Fund for the 
purchasing of an Organ to the College Hall and in- 
structing the Charity Children in Psalmody," which was 
ushered in by Francis Hopkinson's "Prologue in Praise of 
Music: Spoken by Mr. Hallam." And here may be the 
proper place to remark that the several elaborately 
prepared and minutely reported performances of Arne's 
''Masque of Alfred" at the College Hall in January, 1757, 
with omissions, alterations and additions — Hopkinson 
probably contributing the additional music — ^were given 
merely in concert garb as an "Oratorial Exercise" for 
and by the young gentlemen of the college. 



PRE'REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 



29 



It will be seen from the following list of performances 
that Douglass added nothing to the operatic repertory 
of his predecessors. He presented on 



1759, June 25: 


Vu^n Unmasked. 


July 6: 


Honest Yorkshireman. 


13: 


Mock Doctor. 


Aug. 17: 


Harlequin Collector. 




Beggar's Opera. 


24: 


Beggar's Opera. 


Nov. 9: 


Beggar's Opera. 


Dec. 7: 


Virgin Unmasked. 


21: 


Harlequin Collector. 



The reorganization of the London Company had 
brought about a material change in its personnel. The 
difference will appear immediately from the casts for 
the double bill on November 9 : 



Beggar's Opera 



Macheath 






1 


3y Mr. Harman 


Peachum 






Mr. Tomlinson 


Moll Brazen 








Mr. Douglass 


Lockit .... 








Mr. Scott 


Mat o' the Mint . 








Mr. Reed 


Beggar . 








Mr. Morris 


Player 








Mr. Douglass 


Jemmy Twitcher 








Mr. Allyn 


Filch 








Mr. A. Hallam 


Harry Paddington 








Mr. Home 


Polly .... 








Mrs. Love 


Mrs. Peachum 








Mrs. Harman 


Diana Trapez 








Mrs. Harman 


Mrs. Coaxer 








Mrs. Douglass 


Mrs. Slammekin . 








Mrs. Tomlinson 


Harlequin Collector 


Harlequin Mr. Hallam 


Miller . . 








Mr. Allyn 


Clown 








Mr. Douglass 


Conjuror 








Mr. Harman 


Doctor . 








Mr. Tomlinson 


Columbine 








Mrs. Douglass 



30 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

Most of the actors remained true to Douglass down 
to the Revolution. The Harlequin Mr. Hallam was 
Lewis Hallam, the younger, then eighteen years of age, 
destined in after years to become one of Douglass's 
successors in every respect. Next in importance was 
Owen Morris, who lived to be the dean of the company 
at the end of the century. He died in 1809 at the patri- 
archal age of ninety years. Mrs. Love evidently was 
regarded as the star soubrette. Her husband Charles, 
however, no longer seconded her vocal triumphs, nor 
did he preach **The Quaker's Sermon" on the violin 
to the Quakers, as by 1757 (see Pennsylvania Gazette^ 
December 27) he was wanted in Virginia for running 
away from a Mr. Philipp Ludwell Lee with a "small 
white horse" and "a very good bassoon." He was then 
*'a tall, thin Mann, about sixty of age." 

Ostracized by Philadelphia, Douglass experimented 
with Annapolis. He had no difficulty in obtaining per- 
mission to erect a theatre there, and while the building 
was in course of construction the company invaded 
Chester-Town. The Annapolis theatre was opened on 
March 3, 1760, and the Maryland Gazette took notice of 
the event with this amusing bit of local patriotism: 

'*The applause which attended the whole representa- 
tion did less Honour to the abilities of the actors than 
to the Taste of their auditors." 

When the season closed in May, the same newspaper 
made a departure in American journalism by printing 
the full list of the plays performed, and thus we are 
enabled also to put on record the ballad-operas which 
gave Annapolis an opportunity to show the taste of the 
auditors: 



1760, Mar. 8, 24: 


Mock Doctor. 


29: 


Damon and Phillida. 


April 8: 


Honest Yorkshireman. 


9,10: 


Devil to Pay. 


12: 


Mock Doctor. 



PRE'REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 31 

April 14: Flora. 

16: Devil to Pay. 

17, 24: Honest Yorkshireman. 

May 5: Virgin Unmasked. 

For the first time, it would seem, in the history of the 
American Theatre, the 'Beggar's Opera* had been slighted ! 

Douglass then moved his "Wandering Theatre" 
(as it was called on the last night, in a bombastic "Ad- 
dress to the Ladies" containing amongst other things a 
spicy contrast between the "Gallic beauty" of France's 
"painted dames" and "English charms") to Upper 
Marlborough, where on May 26 The Virgin Unmasked,' 
and on June 16 'The Devil to Pay,' were sung. In the 
winter following, the company turned up at Williams- 
burg. To no other company can George Washington's 
entries "by play tickets at sundry times [£] 7.10.3." 
on October 8, 1760, and similarly in March, 1761, 
possibly have reference. But we need no circumstantial 
evidence of this kind, for Douglass, after having "per- 
formed in this colony for near a twelve-month," took 
with him a recommendation signed by the Governor, 
Council and one hundred of the principal gentlemen of 
Virginia, and this certificate he printed in the Newport 
(R. I.) Mercury of August 11, 1761, when announcing 
his intention "to entertain the town for a short time 
with theatrical performances." To conciliate the en- 
emies of the theatre — ^we must remember Mr. David 
Douglass had ventured into New England — ^he resorted 
to performances under the disguise of "Moral Dialogues,'^ 
a foretaste of the tricks of the managers shortly after the 
Revolutionary War. From Newport the company re- 
turned to New York in the winter of 1761-1762, again 
visited Newport in 1762, proceeded toProvidence, R. I.^ 
and then invaded Philadelphia for a second time. It is 
unnecessary to dwell on these New England experiments. 
Those interested may be referred to George O. Willard's 
"History of the Providence Stage." 



32 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

Cured by previous experiences, Douglass did not go 
to New York during the winter of 1761-1762 before 
having the permission of the proper authorities in his 
pocket. This, however, was only one of his problems. 
Theatre-building was another, to an extent which would 
fill even Oscar Hammerstein with envy. The house on 
Cruger's Wharf had been abandoned and a new theatre 
was erected in Chapel Street at an estimated cost of 
$1,625. Originally, Douglass received leave only for 
sixteen performances, but such was the resourcefulness 
of this remarkable man that he forced a season of five 
months on the authorities. It did not enrich the history 
of opera in America, but as a matter of permanent 
record the few data that are obtainable from the news- 
papers follow here: 

1761, Nov. 26: Honest Yorkshireman. 
Dec. 1: Damon and Phillida. 

18: Flora. 

21: Devil to Pay. 

1762, Jan. 1: Beggar's Opera. 

7: Honest Yorkshireman. 

20: Harlequin Collector. 

Feb. 4: Virgin Unmasked. 

10, 15: Damon and Phillida. 

18: Harlequin Collector. 

Mar. IS : Harlequin Collector. 

22: Flora. 

Apr. 12: Devil to Pay. 

19: Mock Doctor. 

26: Honest Yorkshireman. 

During these five months the opposition against the 
theatre had become violent and a newspaper war pro et 
contra was waged in miniature. Indeed, when Thomas 
Harrison, the organist of Trinity Church, in December, 
1761, lost *'a lady's hoop-ring" coming from the play, 
and another person a few days later a valuable letter- 
case at the Play-House itself, the theatre in Chapel 
Street seems to have come into disrepute. Under the 



PRE'REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 33 

circumstances, David Douglass found it useless to 
struggle against the tide, so he left New York not to 
return for several years. Fortunately so for him, since 
we know from Dunlap that in 1764 or 1766 the New 
York mob was so incensed against theatres and every- 
thing connected with them that they brutally wrecked 
the Chapel Street Theatre. 

Between 1762 and 1766 other historians record a 
hiatus in Douglass's career or claim, like Durang, that 
the company embarked for the West Indies. These 
statements are only partly true. George Washington's 
ledger proves that he frequented the Play-House at 
Williamsburg in November, 1762, and in the spring of 
1763. This would have given a clue, and by consulting 
in the Providence (R. I.) Gazette of December 31, 1763, 
a communication from *'Charlestown, in S. Carolina, 
Nov. 3," it would have been noticed that 

**A Company of Comedians arrived here last Monday 
from Virginia who are called the American Company, 
and were formerly under the direction of Mr. Lewis 
Hallam, 'till his death.' Amongst the principal per- 
formers, we hear, are Mr. David Douglass. ... A 
theatre is already contracted for, 75 feet by 35, to be 
erected near where that of Messrs. Holliday and comp. 
formerly stood, and intended to be opened the 5th of 
December next." 

It was indeed opened and performances took place in 
this "New Theatre in Queen-street" by the American 
Company until April, 1764, as the extant files of the 
South Carolina Gazette will prove. What Douglass did 
after this until he, as we also learn from the South Car- 
olina Gazette of October 30, 1766, returned from London, 
I do not know. Nor does this hiatus matter much in 
view of the fact that he brought with him 

• • . a most excellent set of scenes done by Mr. Doll, principal 
scene-painter to Covent Garden House, and collected some very 
eminent performers from both the theatres in London, particularly 



34 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

in the Singing Way, so that the English Comic Opera, a species of 
entertainment that has never yet appeared properly on this side of 
the water, is likely to be performed here this winter to advantage. 

Not content with reorganizing his forces, Douglass 
was bent upon conquering Philadelphia to his cause in 
spite of Quakers, Lutherans and Presbyterians. He 
put up a new theatre, and this house, substantial though 
ugly, known as the Southwark Theatre in South Street, 
continued to be used for theatrical exhibitions until the 
beginning of the nineteenth century. Later it was con- 
verted into a warehouse, but was partly destroyed by an 
incendiary attempt in 1821. Fortunately for the Ameri- 
can Company, John Penn, a lover of music, governed 
the Commonwealth, and though an elaborate Remon- 
strance against the designs of Douglass was submitted 
to him, he did not pay much attention to it. Not being 
further molested, the American Company opened the 
Southwark Theatre in November, 1766. These per- 
formances were preceded in May and June of the same 
year "by authority" of Governor Penn by some sham 
theatricals at the Academy, alias the Assembly Room in 
Lodge Alley. The plays and operas were not acted, 
but "read," as appears from the announcements, and in 
the case of operas was added, "all the songs will be sung 
accompanied by instrumental musick." In this ludi- 
crous concert garb were presented, on June S, 1766, 
*Damon and Phillida'; June 13, the 'Beggar's Opera'; 
and on June 19, Dr. Arne's pasticcio *Love in a Village* 
— of course, with the usual musical incidentals, as for 
instance, at the end of *Damon and Phillida,* "Water 
Parted from the Sea," from Arne's *Artaxerxes.' 

Some confusion seems to linger about the date of the 
opening of the Southwark Theatre. Durang, Seilhamer 
and others give it as November 21, but I find in the 
Pennsylvania Journal of October 31 that the theatre 
"will be opened on Monday the tenth of November," 
no further particulars being mentioned, and again on 



PRE'REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 35 

November 6 a performance was advertised for November 
12, but, as on November 13 the identical program was 
announced for the following night with the ''musical 
(entertainment of 'Thomas and Sally, or, the Sailor's 
Return,' " it stands to reason that the performance was 
postponed to November 14. Perhaps it will be best to 
let the chronological record precede the comments and a 
few interesting data that have come down to us: 

1766, Nov. 14: Thomas and Sally. 

26: Beggar's Opera. 
Dec. 19: Devil to Pay. 

1767, Jan. 9: Mock Doctor. 

16: Devil to Pay. 

Feb. 16: Damon and Phillida. 

20: Thomas and Sally. 

27: Damon and Phillida. 

Mar. 3, 9: Harlequin Collector. 

19: Love in a ViUage. (Announced as "the fourth 
night." Consequently three performances 
must have preceded this.) 

23: Harlequin Collector. 

Apr. 2, 9: The Witches; or, Harlequin Restored. 

20, 24: Contrivances. 

27: Devil to Pay. 

May 1 : Flora. 

28: Love in a Village. 

June 4: The Chaplet ("never performed here"). 

8: Contrivances. 

18: Flora. 

(Plays such as 'Theodosius,' 'Lethe,' *Romeo and Juliet,' 
or 'Macbeth,* which were interspersed with dirges, marches, songs, 
etc., are passed over in this study in order not to crowd the narrative 
with foreign matter.) 

During the summer of 1767, while Mr. Douglass was 
again busy building a theatre, this time at New York, the 
Southwark Theatre saw another brief season. It lasted 
from September 24 to November 23, and the musical 
entertainments presented were these: 

1767, Oct. 9: Harlequin Restored. (Also called "The Witches.") 
23: Harlequin Collector. 



36 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

1767, Oct. 26: Love in a Village. 
30: Devil to Pay. 
Nov. 13: Chaplet. 

In the lists given above, the works printed in italics 
were novelties for America, and at last the threadbare 
repertory of the last thirty years had been interwoven 
with new material. Considering the vogue abroad of 
Carey's 'Contrivances' (1715) or Boyce's 'Chaplet' 
(1749), it is surprising that these operas were not im- 
ported sooner. On the other hand, the arrival of Arne's 
'Thomas and Sally' and 'Love in a Village' in America 
occurred at a comparatively early date, as the former was 
brought out in London in 1760 and the latter in 1762. 
Thereafter the operatic intercourse between England 
and America remained pretty lively, everything con- 
sidered, and from 1766 on, with occasional relapses, 
the operatic repertory grew steadily. A demand for 
these works in the "singing way" certainly was in the 
air, otherwise book dealers like Bradford hardly would 
have regularly included in their bargain lists numerous 
opera librettos, and from selling European editions to 
publishing American was but one step. 

In order to keep the reader in touch with the principal 
stars, big and small, who adorned the American stage in 
those days, I give the original casts of 'Thomas and 
Sally' and 'Love in a Village.' 

Thomas and Sally 

Dorcas Miss Cheer 

Sally Miss Wainwright 

Squire Mr. Woolls 

Sailor Mr. Wall 

Love in a Village 

Justice Woodcock .... Mr. Douglass 

Hawthorn Mr. Woolls 

Sir William Meadows Mr. Morris 

Young Meadows Mr. Wall 



PRE-RE VOLUTION ARY OPERA 37 

Eustace Mr. AUyn 

Hodge Mr. Hallam 

Lucinda Miss Hallam 

Mrs. Deborah Woodcock . Mrs. Douglass 

Margery Mrs. Harman 

Of the newcomers, Margaret Cheer was considered 
the most talented and most versatile, and it was a dis- 
tinct loss to the American public, though a decided 
gain to herself, that she married in August, 1768, Lord 
Rosehill in Maryland — the first and the last instance 
during the eighteenth century that an actress married a 
title on American soil. Her successor became, in course 
of time. Miss Maria Storer, sister of the less important 
Fanny Storer. Subsequently the last wife of John Henry, 
who had the chronic marrying habit, Maria Storer is said 
by Dunlap to have "possessed both beauty and talent, 
and until the year 1792 was the best public singer America 
had known." She was immensely popular in spite of her 
frequently silly and capricious conduct. She retired 
from the stage in 1794, and followed her husband to 
Rhode Island. His death in 1795 so preyed upon her 
mind that she died a lunatic at Philadelphia in the same 
year. She made her first bow to an American audience 
on January 8, 1768, at New York. Fanny Storer after- 
wards became Mrs. Mechtler, and as such she appears 
very often on the play-bills in the nineties. Mrs. Cath- 
arine Maria Harman was a grand-daughter of CoUey 
Cibber, and principally played old ladies. She died 
in 1773. 

Two of the other artists. Miss Wainwright and Stephen 
Woolls (the leading singer of the company, who died 
in New York in 1799), are said by Durang to have been 
pupils of Dr. Arne. If true, this relation cannot have 
failed to infuse a proper tradition into the interpretation 
of Arne's operas. Indeed, the first critical notice on 
opera printed in America would have us believe that the 
American performances of *Love in a Village* fell not 



n EJMLT OFERJ IS AMEMICA 

far bdov tiicne in Loodatt, Said die critic in die Pi 
syhamia GaxeUe^ January, 1767: 




betxcr §lkd 



Mr. WooDs was a special favorite with tlie pohGc in 
tbe "entertainments between the acts,** and for a Joag 
tisne to oome these were not kft, as nowaday^s^ to die 
**band of nittsiCt** of which, contrary to the mle, special 
mention was made in the Pemnyshamia Jamnud of Sep- 
tember 24, 1767, but to the most popular vocalists. 
These quasi concerts were frequendy mentioned, but 
not alwa>^ so minutely as in the announcement of the 
Petmsyhania Journal, June 4, where we read this at- 
tractive program: 



End of Act I. , God Bve the King, hy Mr. WooOs and MisB W 
wnijat. End of Act U., The Spinnii^ Wheel,' by Mias Wainwnght. 
End of Act III^ a Duet, written on the Marriage of the IVinoesB 
Augusta and the Prince of Bmnsvick, composed by Dr. Ame, and 
sting before their Majesties. End of Act I\^, 'Lovely Xancy/ by 
Miss Wainwr^^. After the Play, dandi^ by Mr. Matthews. 

The year of 1767, be^des |MX>ving I>ouglass*s promise 
of more English comic opera to be sincere, came pretty 
near being the birth-year of American opera, or, to put 
it less extravagantly, of opera made in America. For 
April 20 was announced the first performance of "a new 
Comic Opera, called the 'Disappointment, or, the Fcmxx 
of Credulity,' " but on April 16 the Pennsylvania 
Gazette suddenly notified the public that " 'The Disap- 
pointment' Tthat was advertised for Monday), as it 
contains penonal reflections, in unfit for the stage.'* 




tay loimt, b«t JOB ^^Bpfi ' 

dac pities yOu- ^Ps 

Flac. Well, fo r win .hen. 

(Utt. Well deo— Mr. Hum 1 
hii Slier in EnglamJ, »id an ^^ 

hondred couliuitl pound, dat hsj buricQir oM BUck- 
beard dcpiraR ;wid de dnught where ic iiUd — and we 
tcnow de beiy (pot ($« ii^ £ia)andl'tl gib you^ j-.s 
ayeir far pin-money ; i^'^i) sod well lide \a deccach 
logeder ; IKiJii) and »e'l! go to de yiay cogcder (^^j) 
»ad dea w'll come home ind g» m btd lagedcriif/^u] 

aadiien welt a yog little logoeyou. {Kr£it mga:H.) , 

S Plar:. And do you rally [hinit you'll Gud ir ;— Why. 
if you knew where all cbe trez'iite in liie world WW bo- 
lyd, you'ti never obtain ii viiithout*conjui«r 

&if. Yei, Bjr deaf, bm we hab a coO!ur«^-we"b- 
got Mr, Raltlecrap-, he luidediaiidi Urology aid de 
migiC'nt, better dea ^y oun in de gubetmen: — and 
di» night ws intend to nuke de [rial— and 1 mu.l go , 
dii infimt, and fettle de p)a<:e of mccung. 

Ptac. Cwyaaleavemerafoon. ir.y d^jrCouney ? 

KaCCOOB^'nff. 

AIR IV. Yankee Uoodle^ 

Ot h-^jcyf-IjklCl Ibl. 

»Whm 1 fit it maiay, 
1 vmH iriwg it mi Is Jee i 
O .'" Wf JiMing L-Ofcy. 
(Exit, Jingiiig thry iHi-ui, yanJtec d«odte, Wf. 

fiac. By'e, b'ye Cooney There be gpes. and , 

■oodtoek attend him — poor old foo! ihe thiok' I have \ 
prodigious ton dncG iDihiin — and lb 1 have fei bit better | 
part. i!i3T'ihii money — He has been deficient in payment t 
for IbmeiioK pail : but he ilunki he tnakci that u[i with 
ibrt tani^gc ; for he Cdllj Die hii pet, hii dove, tu< poc( | 
tir^. and a thouTjnd fuch fuft names ; and I keep p^ce | 
wiih hin, as welt as 1 can ;' for I call hin Cooney, i 
cock-a pid^eoii, fu^ar-plumbj cBck-a-dasdy, and all | 



A PAGE FROM 
BARTON'S "THE DISAPPOINTMENT," 
The tint ballad-opera libretto printed in America 



P RE-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 39 

Those who had not been taken into the secret had not 
long to wait to satisfy their curiosity, as a few days later 
the Philadelphia papers advertised for sale: 

The 'Disappointment, or, the Force of Credulity/ a new American 
Comic Opera of two Acts, By Andrew Barton, Esq. [verses]. 
New York: Printed in the year MDCCLXVII, 

Such is the title of the first American opera libretto, 
rehearsed but never performed, of which several copies 
are extant in American libraries. It is not difficult to 
see why pressure was brought to bear on Mr. Douglass 
to withdraw the piece. Had this ballad-opera been per- 
formed, certain well-known Philadelphians, who were 
industriously searching for the hidden treasures of the 
pirate Captain Blackbeard, would have become the 
butt of public ridicule.^ Coarse, and at times obscene, 
as this libretto is in its language, it is also full of genuine 
wit, and the plot is developed with surprising instinct for 
theatrical effectiveness, I must content myself here 
with these few hints. Those interested in The Disap- 
pointment* will find a full description and history of the 
libretto in my study on *' Early American Operas," 
in the Sammelbande of the I. M. S., 1904-5. 

Immediately after the Southwark Theatre closed its 
doors, the American Company moved to New York, 
where, in the meantime, Douglass's John Street Theatre, 
a frame building painted red and holding about eight 
hundred dollars, had been finished. The season lasted 
from December 7, 1767, to June 2, 1768, comprising the 
following opera nights: 

1767, Dec. 21: Thomas and Sally. 

1768, Jan. 11: Love in a Village. 

— : Contrivances. 
15, 18: Witches, 
25 : Flora. 

1 John Macpheraon in his letter to William Patterson, May 30. 1767, discloses 
the identity of "the actors of this real farce," but unfortunately he does not help 
us to decide the vexed question whether or not the author's name, Andrew 
Barton, was an assumed name. (Comp. Pa. Mag. of Hist., v. 23, 1899, p. 52.) 



40 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 



1768, Jan. 28: 


Damon and Phillida. 


Feb. 1: 


Devil to Pay. 


8: 


Love in a Vilk^e. 


11. 22: 


Hariequin Collector. 


29: 


Honest Ycn-kshireman. 


Mar. 14: 


Chaplet. 


19: 


Witches. 


21: 


Honest Ycn-kshireman. 


Apr. 4: 


Witches. 


8: 


Harlequin Collector. 


May 16: 


Thomas and Sally. 


19: 


Love in a Village. 


26: 


Honest Yorkshireman. 


30: 


Devil to Pay. 



Though the American Company gave New York an 
opportunity to listen to not less than sixty-four tragedies, 
comedies, farces and operas — a record absolutely beyond 
the conception of a modem manager — this season 
brought David Douglass almost to the brink of bank- 
ruptcy, as the undercurrent against theatricals, fre- 
quently visible in the newspapers, was so strong that 
his exertions to gain public favor availed nothing. In 
fact, in his despair, Douglass offered to pledge in ad- 
vance **some part of the receipts of the next season" to 
any public-spirited men who would step forward and 
prevent the dissolution of the company. It is not sur- 
prising that under the circumstances the vocalists of the 
company sought to make an extra and safe penny by 
giving concerts. This grew into a custom, and from now 
on the history of our early concert-life became closely 
affiliated with the history of opera. 

If Mr. Douglass ran short of funds, the historian now 
runs short of data that would moisten a necessarily 
more or less dry record, unless refuge is taken to such 
glimpses into bygone times as, e. g., the custom of send- 
ing the servants in the afternoon to guard the seats 
in the boxes against usurpers until the ''Gentleman and 
his Lady" should arrive, or the custom of the managers 



PRE-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 41 

and actors to '*wait" in person on fashionable theatre- 
going folk to solicit their patronage, and their profuse 
apologies, if involuntarily they had forgotten to pay their 
respects to some influential person; or again the per- 
plexities that would arise if towards the close of the 
season, when the benefits began, the actor to be bene- 
fited lost the tickets on his wearisome rounds of visits 
to the patrons of the theatre and the poor devil would 
not know what to do lest the lucky finder should fill 
the house with himself and his friends as deadheads. 

After his New York failure, Douglass returned to his 
Southwark Theatre at Philadelphia, and as business 
was unexpectedly good he extended the season beyond 
the three weeks originally proposed. Musically the per- 
formances contained nothing new, as the dates will 
prove. In fact, not more than two operas seem to have 
been played during the two months: 

1768, Oct. 21: Honest Yorkshireman. 
Dec. 9: Contrivances. 

1769, Jan. 6: Contrivances. 

Less than a fortnight afterwards, the American Com- 
pany was back again in New York and occupied the 
John Street house until the end of June. The repertory 
at last received an addition by the introduction of 
Dibdin's The Padlock' and Samuel Arnold's 'Maid of 
the Mill.' How fast even in those days the news of 
hits travelled may be seen from the fact that 'The 
Padlock' was brought out at Drury Lane in October, 1768, 
with a run of fifty-three nights. In New York the opera 
was first presented in May, 1769! Durang says that 
Hallam, who played Mungo, brought to the personification 
of this part a special study of the negro character, and 
that he remained unrivalled in the part until 1807, one 
year before his death. Seilhamer even claims that he sur- 
passed Dibdin himself. The few opera-nights of the 



38 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

far below those in London. Said the critic in the Penn- 
sylvania Gazette, January, 1767: 

I must beg leave to inform the public that the pleasing 'Love 
in a Village' is done here beyond expectation, and must give real de- 
light to every person void of ill- nature. Miss Wainwright is a very good 
singer, and* her action exceeds the famous Miss Brent. Mr. Hallam 
exceeds everything in the character of Hodge, and Mr. Woolls 
almost equals Beard in Hawthorne. Miss Hallam deserves uni- 
versal applause and encouragement. I could wish to see the house 
better filled whenever this justly applauded entertainment is 
exhibited. 

Mr. Woolls was a special favorite with the public in 
the "entertainments between the acts," and for a long 
time to come these were not left, as nowadays, to the 
"band of music," of which, contrary to the rule, special 
mention was made in the Pennyslvania Journal of Sep- 
tember 24, 1767, but to the most popular vocalists. 
These quasi concerts were frequently mentioned, but 
not always so minutely as in the announcement of the 
Pennsylvania Journal, June 4, where we read this at- 
tractive program: 

End of Act I., God save the King, by Mr. Woolls and Miss Wain- 
wright. End of Act n.. The Spinning Wheel,' by Miss Wainwright. 
End of Act HI., a Duet, written on the Marriage of the Princess 
Augusta and the Prince of Brunswick, composed by Dr. Arne, and 
sung before their Majesties. End of Act IV., 'Lovely Nancy,' by 
Miss Wainwright. After the Play, dancing by Mr. Matthews. 

The year of 1767, besides proving Douglass's promise 
of more English comic opera to be sincere, came pretty 
near being the birth-year of American opera, or, to put 
it less extravagantly, of opera made in America. For 
April 20 was announced the first performance of "a new 
Comic Opera, called the 'Disappointment, or, the Force 
of Credulity,' " but on April 16 the Pennsylvania 
Gazette suddenly notified the public that **The Disap- 
pointment* (that was advertised for Monday), as it 
contains personal reflections, in unfit for the stage." 



PRE-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 43 

"run up a perpendicular scene twenty feet high," or 
Mr. Wall was to recite an epilogue riding on an ass» 
or when Mr. Douglass announced that he would be 
obliged to any lady or gentleman who would "lend him 
the burlesque opera of the 'Dragon of Wantley.' *' In 
this respect, too, David Douglass was the prototype of 
the American manager! 

However, this season, which began the middle of 
September (not in November, as Mr. Seilhamer be- 
lieved), was to be the most interesting the American 
theatre had yet seen, also in matters operatic. The public 
was acquainted, on September 29, with a "pantomime 
entertainment, never performed in America, called 
'The Dwarfs^ or, the Cascade Assignation,* . . . 
with entire new machinery, songs, etc." Then followed, on 



69, Nov. 8: 


Padlock. 


14, 17: 


Padlock. 


24: 


Midas, (Ballad-burletta by O'Hara, "neveracted 




in America.") 


Dec. 1: 


Midas. 


5: 


Love in a Village. 


8: 


Midas. 


12: 


Padlock. 


15: 


Beggar's Opera. 


19: 


Harlequin Collector. 


22: 


Midas. 


29: 


Harlequin Collector. 


70, Jan. 2: 


Padlock. 


5: 


Maid of the Mill. 


— : 


Harlequin Restored. 


6: 


Padlock. 


9: 


Flora. 


12: 


Maid of the Mill. 


— : 


Harlequin Restored. ("With alterations.") 


16, 19, 23, 29: 


Neptune and Amphitrite, ("Grand masque." 




London, 1746. Music by Arne.) 


Feb. 2: 


Neptune and Amphitrite. 


— : 


Padlock. 


9: 


Damon and Phillida. 


Mar. 6: 


Neptune and Amphitrite. 


—J 


Padlock. 



44 



EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 



1770, Mar. 9 


: Comus. (Presumably Dalton-Ame's version of 




Milton's masque.) 


16: 


Harlequin Restored. 


19: 


Neptune and Amphitrite. 


— ; 


Devil to Pay. 


Apr. 2: 


Harlequin Collector. 


16: 


. Thomas and Sally. 


20: 


: Padlock. ("The tenth time.") 


27: 


: Devil to Pay. 



Considering that usually two performances only were 
given weekly, and that, of course, drama was the back- 
bone of the enterprise, surely a remarkable showing! 

After this the American Company invaded Virginia 
and Maryland, where, in the meantime, independent 
organizations, partly recruited from the malcontents in 
Douglass's forces, had entertained the people, and pre- 
ferably during the racing season. First we notice the 
''Virginia Company," which "by permission of the 
Worshipful the Mayor of Williamsburg at the old Theatre, 
near the Capitol," began operations on April 4, 1768, 
with the tragedy of ^Douglas,* and 'The Honest 
Yorkshireman' in this cast: 



Sir Penurious Muckworm 

Gaylove 

SapscuU . 

Slango 

Blunder . 

Arabella . 

Combrush 



By Mr. Bromadge 

Mr. Verling 

Mr. Parker 

Mr. Godwin 

Mr. Walker 

Mrs. Osborne 

Mrs. Parker 



This first night was followed by a few more ventures into 
the realm of ballad-opera and pantomime. Those of 
which the dilapidated files of the Virginia Gazette make 
mention are: 



April — 

15 

June 3 



Damon and Phillida. 
Harlequin Skeleton. 
Beggar's Opera. 



when "the musick of the opera [was] to be conducted 
by Mr. Pelham and others.** 



PRE'RE VOLUTION ARY OPERA 45 

Partly reorganized, probably with Mr. Godwin as 
manager, who in 1766 had been a member of the Ameri- 
can Company and had drawn others after him, this 
Virginia Company, but now styling itself the New Ameri- 
can Company, proceeded to Annapolis, Md., where they 
had a remarkably active season from February to 
June 1 769. This company must have been of some merit, 
otherwise it could hardly have borne the burden of the 
following repertory: 



1769, Feb. 


18: 


Virgin Unmasked. 




22: 


Honest Yorkshireman. 




25: 


Beggar's Opera. 


Mar. 


11: 


Honest Yorkshireman. 




15: 


Mock Doctor. 




16: 


Devil to Pay. 




18: 


Damon and Phillida. 


Apr. 


1: 


Devil to Pay. 




22: 


The Genii; or. The Birth of Harlequin. (Possibly 
a simpler, Americanized version of Henry 
Woodward's spectacular pantomime first acted 
in 1752 at Drury T^ne.) 




29: 


Honest Yorkshireman. 


May 


4: 


Damon and Phillida. 




18: 


Beggar's Opera. 




20: 


Harlequin Skeleton. 




23: 


Mock Doctor. 




27: 


Chaplet. 


June 


10: 


Love in a Village. 




13: 


Devil to Pay. 



The next year Douglass boldly invaded Godwin's 
territory and soon made this gentleman's merits that 
**were not of the transcendent kind" fade from the 
memory of the theatre-goers. At least this was the 
opinion of one Y. Z., who, during the American Com- 
pany's brief season at Annapolis, 1770-71, expressed his 
opinion thus in the Maryland Gazette: 

The merit of Mr. Douglass's company is notoriously, in the 
opinion of every man of sense in America whose opportunities give 
him a title to judge — ^take them all in all — superior to that of any 



46 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

company in England, except those of the metropolis. The dresses 
are remarkably elegant; the dispatch of the business of the theatre 
uncommonly quick; and the stillness and good order preserved 
behind the scenes are proofs of the greatest attention and respect 
paid to the audience. 

Especially Miss Hallam created a sensation as Imogen, 
and it was about this time that her admirers called on 
Charles Wilson Peale to paint her in this part. 

Few data only concerning this Annapolis season have 
come down to us, but it is known that on August 26, 
1770, Thomas and Sally' was played, and on Septem- 
ber 1 *Love in a Village.* Still more meagre are re- 
ferences to the Williamsburg season during the following 
winter. Mr. Seilhamer, for instance, merely mentions 
the performance of 'The Honest Yorkshireman' on 
April 22, 1771, and even Paul Leicester Ford could add 
nothing to the entries in George Washington's ledger 
which prove him to have visited the theatre very much 
more frequently than Presidents are nowadays in the 
habit of doing. From Williamsburg Douglass turned to 
Fredericksburg, and theperformances given in the fall 
of 1771 at Williamsburg, including 'Damon and Phil- 
lida' and The Padlock' on November 23 and Decem- 
ber 21, were due to the efforts of an anonymous com- 
pany. By this time Douglass had received the necessary 
financial backing to erect at Annapolis what Durang 
claims to have been the first theatre in America made of 
brick. It was built on ground leased from St. Anne's 
Parish in West Street and had the modest seating capa- 
city of about six hundred persons. It was opened with 
a frightfully long and tedious prologue on September 
9, 1771, and the few performances recorded included, on 
September 20, The Maid of the Mill.' About the 
beginning of February the company hurried back to 
Williamsburg, where they remained until "the end of 
the April Court," presenting on April 21 Thomas and 
Sally.' 



PRE'REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 



47 



Engagements then called Douglass to the northward, 
and after stopping at Annapolis in September he gave 
a fourth and prolonged season at his Southwark Theatre 
in Philadelphia with a repertory of more than fifty-three 
different pieces. They included these operas, with Dib- 
din's pasticcio 'Lionel and Clarissa' (London, 1768) as 
novelty: 

1772, Oct. 28: Padlock. 
Nov. 2: Midas. 

4: Love in a Village. 
23: Honest Yorkshireman. 
25: Maid of the Mm. 
Dec. 9: Devil to Pay. 

14: Lionel and Clarissa. 
23: Thomas and Sally. 
30: Padlock. 

1773, Jan. 4: Lionel and Clarissa. 

11: Devil to Pay. 

27: Midas. 
Feb. 1 : Neptune and Amphitrite. 
8: B^[gar's Opera. 

10: Honest Yorkshireman. , 

15: Lionel and Clarissa. 
Mar. 10: Flora. 

15: Padlock. 

3 1 : Neptune and Amphitrite. 

The cast of 'Lionel and Clarissa,' presented at 
Philadelphia under the title of 'The School for Fathers, 
or, Lionel and Clarissa,* was this 



Col. Oldboy . 

Lionel 

Sir John Flowerdale 

Mr. Jessamy . 

Harman . 

Jenkens 

Clarissa 

Lady Mary Oldboy 

Jenny 

Diana Oldboy 



By Mr. Goodman 
Mr. Woolls 
Mr. Douglass 
Mr. Wall 
Mr. Henry 
Mr. Parker 
Miss Storer 
Mrs. Harman 
Mrs. Henry 
Miss Hallam 



The Orchestra to be conducted by Mr. Hallam. 
**The Songs of this Opera are sold at the Coffee-House. 



48 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

During this season actors and audience alike were 
exposed to practical jokes of the unruly elements in the 
gallery, and the protests of the injured and insulted in 
the newspapers made matters only worse. Just as bad 
and foreshadowing turbulent times was the behavior of 
the gallery at New York, where the American Company 
performed from the middle of April to August, 1773, at 
the John Street Theatre. On May 3, Mr. Douglass 
saw himself obliged to insert this card in the New 
York Mercury: 

The repeated insults which some mischievous persons in the 
gallery have given, not only to the stage and orchestra, but to the 
other parts of the house, call loudly for reprehension. 

And he threatened to point the culprits out to the 
constables, and unless the nuisance stopped **the gallery 
for the future will be shut up.'* 

The list of performances includes: 

1773, Apr. 19: Padlock. 

May 3: Midas. 

7 : Love in a Village. 

10: Padlock. 

14: Midas. 

17: Maid of the Mill. 

21: B^gar's Opera. 

June 3: Neptune and Amphitrite. 

4: Damon and Phillida. 

14: Midas. 

21: Comus. 

July 1 : Harlequin Collector. 

12: Flora. 

Aug. 5 : Padlock. 

This was the last theatrical season at New York until 
the officers in the beleaguered British army set up their 
amateur theatricals, recruiting the orchestra from the 
several military bands, and it is interesting to note how 
this procedure was anticipated even before the war, 
as on June 21, 1773, ^'between the masque [Milton's 



PRE'REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 49 

'Comus*] and between the acts, some pieces of Musick by 
the Band belonging to his Majesty's Regiment of Royal 
Welsh Fusileer's" were to be played. 

After having contributed to the gaieties of the racing 
season at Annapolis, the American Company once more, 
but only for a fortnight, made its way to Philadelphia, 
presenting, on November 1, 1773, 'Lionel and Clarissa,* 
and on the tenth The Padlock.' Even if Mr. Douglass 
had not announced beforehand his intention to set sail 
for Charleston, S. C, it may be doubted that he would 
have cared to stay at Philadelphia any length of time, 
for the attacks on the theatre now became very insulting. 
Over the signature of Philadelphus^ for instance, a card 
was addressed to the Pennsylvania Gazette^ on November 
10, in which these extraordinary lines appear: 

It is a matter of real sorrow and distress to many sober inhabi- 
tants of different denominations to hear of the return of those stroll- 
ing Comedians, who are travelling thro' America, propagating vice 
and immorality. And it is much to the disreputation of this City 
that more encouragement should be given them here than in any 
other place on the Continent. 

After quoting all kinds of authorities from Hawkins's 
Pleas of the Crown to the Select Works of William Penn, 
Mr. Philadelphus sums up by claiming: 

From what has been said, I think it appears: 1st, That common 
Players, etc., are vagrants and sturdy beggars. 2d, That the Play- 
House in this city is a common nuisance. 

This gentleman should have married Cleopatra^ who 
on November 1, 1773, in the South Carolina Gazette , 
amiably dubbed the theatre the Devil's Synagogue. It 
would have been a perfect match and Charlestonians 
would have become rid of the indignant lady who evi- 
dently had not the slightest idea of what her pen-name 
stands for in the history of morals, and who sought to 
interfere with the pleasures of her fellow-citizens for 
which they were craving. If Cleopatra resolved never 



50 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

to set foot in the Devil's Synagogue, she did not make 
many proselytes, as the American Company played at the 
New Theatre from December, 1773, to May, 1774, before 
the largest and most brilliant audiences in its career. 
The repertory of this season, on the other hand, is almost 
staggering: Fifty-nine nights with seventy-seven distinct 
playl, farces and operas! Of the latter, Charleston had 
occasion to enjoy on 

1774, Jan. 3: Love in a Village. 

24: Honest Yorkshireman. 

25 : Beggar's Opera. 

29: Devil to Pay. 

Feb. 4: Love in a Village. 

7: Midas. 

17: Thomas and Sally. 

24: Damon and Phillida. 

Mar. 4: Lionel and Clarissa. 

7: Padlock. 

10: Maid of the MilL 

14: Padlock. 

21: Devil to Pay. 

26: Flora. 

Apr. 4: Lionel and Clarissa. 

6, 13: Contrivances. 

18: Witches. 

25 : Midas. 

May 16: Devil to Pay. 

Considering the fact that Charleston was one of the 
four musical centres of America in those days, owing 
to the stimulus the St. Coecilia [sici] Society had given 
to musical affairs, it is perhaps surprising that Douglass 
presented only thirteen operas. Still, even that is a 
good showing, and that his efforts were appreciated 
appears from the fact that the news of his success tra- 
velled as far north as to the New York Mercury ^ where 
we read on February 21, 1774, under date of Charlestown, 
December 24: 

On Wednesday last the new theatre in this Town was opened. 
. . . The scenes, which are new and well designed, the dresses, 



P RE'RE VOLUTION A RY OPERA 51 

the musick, and what had a very pleasing effect, the disposition 
of the lights, all contributed to the satisfaction of the audience, who 
expressed the highest approbation of this entertainment. 

Another contemporary may be quoted here for a 
glimpse into olden times, as his words indirectly bear 
on the subject here treated. Josiah Quincy's "Journal 
of a Voyage to South Carolina, etc.," in 1772, has been 
preserved, and while he does not mention having gone to 
the opera, he devotes several entries to music (interesting, 
as they throw light on the St. Coecilia Society, its or- 
chestra, the audience, etc.) which, by an oversight, I 
unfortunately omitted in my book on ** Early Concert 
Life in America." Says Josiah, e. g., under March 17 : 

Dined with the Sons of St. Patrick. While at dinner six violins, 
two hautboys, etc. After dinner, six French horns in concert: — 
most surpassing music. Two solos on the French horn, by one who 
is said to blow the finest horn in the world. He has fifty guineas for 
the season from the St. Cecilia Society. 

This might stand in a modern diary, but the delight- 
ful entry of March 3 bears the unmistakable stamp of the 
eighteenth century: 

The concert-house is a large, inelegant building, situated down 
a yard, at the entrance of which I was met by a constable, with his 
staff. I offered him my ticket, which was subscribed by the name 
of the person giving it, and directing admission of me by name. The 
officer told me to proceed. I did, and was next met by a white waiter, 
who directed me to a third, to whom I delivered my ticket, and 
was conducted in. The music was good — ^the two base viols and 
French horns were grand. One Abercrombie, a Frenchman just 
arrived, played the first violin, and a solo incomparably better than 
any one I ever heard. He cannot speak a word of English, and has 
a salary of five hundred guineas a year from the St. Cecilia Society. 
There were upwards of two hundred and fifty ladies present, and 
it was called no great number. In loftiness of headdress, these ladies 
stoop to the daughters of the north, — in richness of dress, surpass 
them, — in health and floridity of countenance, vail to them. In 
taciturnity during the periormances, greatly before our ladies; in 
noise and flirtation after the music is over, pretty much on a par. 
If our ladies have any advantage, it is in white and red, vivacity 



52 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

and spirit. The gentlemen, many of them dressed with richness 
and elegance, uncommon with us: many with swords on. We had 
two macaronis present, just arrived from London. 

The success of the Charleston season had been so 
encouraging that Douglass confided to the press his 
very elaborate plans for the future, culminating in the 
promise of revisiting Charleston with **a theatrical force 
hitherto unknown in America." However, on October 
4, 1774, Congress, less from puritanical feeling than from 
the necessity of meeting the exigencies of the coming 
national struggle, passed the resolution: 

That we will discourage every species of extravagance and dissi- 
pation, especially horse-racing, and all kinds of gaming, cock-fighting, 
exhibition of shows, plays and other expensive diversions and enter- 
tainments. 

Douglass was notified of this resolution in a letter from 
Peyton Randolph, the President of Congress, He took 
the hint, embarked with most members of his company 
at New York on February 2, 1775, for Jamaica, and 
therewith ended the pre-revolutionary career of the 
American Company. 

During the war, of course, our people had little incli- 
nation or time to listen to plays or operas, and when in 
the autumn of 1778, after the British had evacuted Phila- 
delphia, some actors attempted to lure the members of 
the American Congress into the Southwark Theatre, 
these attempts were quickly discouraged by another 
resolution. Yet these resolutions had not the desired 
effect everywhere, and it is a fact that in 1781, two years 
before the close of the war, a theatre was built at Balti- 
more, opened under the management of Messrs. Wall and 
Lindsay, and kept open until the end of the war, and 
after. However, as these Baltimore performances 
properly belong to post-revolutionary times, they do not 
concern us here. It is different with Burgoyne's Thes- 
pians, Howe's Thespians and Clinton's Thespians, as 



PRE-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA S3 

Mr. Seilhamer tersely names the theatrical companies 
made up of British officers and their **ladies" at Boston, 
Philadelphia and New York. Any allusion to them after 
they had evacuated the United States would manifestly 
be out of place, and consequently they call for some 
attention here. 

Burgoyne's Thespians may be disregarded in this 
interlude in the history of opera in America. Howe's 
Thespians occupied the stage first at New York and then 
at Philadelphia during the memorable winter of 1777 
to 1778. As far as I can see, the only opera given in 
both cities by the officers in Howe's army, who then 
still considered the war a farce, was the "Mock Doctor." 
They became ambitious after Clinton had led them safely 
back to New York, and from 1778 to 1783 without 
many interruptions New York was at the mercy of these 
military players — in more ways than one. But while 
these performances, at least as far as the gentler sex is 
concerned, stood under the influence of unwritten laws 
of conduct, it must be said for the honor of the * 'Society 
of Gentlemen of the Army and Navy" that they com- 
bined throughout their efforts to make garrison life in 
the beleaguered city as gay as possible with 

The laudable purpose of raising a supply for the widows and or- 
phans of those who have lost their lives in His Majesty's service, 
as well as for such other generous charities as their funds may en- 
able them to perform. 

And it is hardly necessary to add that Major Andr6 
played a prominent part in these affairs as manager, 
actor and scene-painter. Naturally, opera was pushed 
somewhat to the background and comparatively few 
opera nights are on record. 

1778, Feb. 22: Mock Doctor. 
May 5: Devil to Pay. 

1779, Jan. 28: Mock Doctor. 
Mar. 3: Mock Doctor. 
Dec. 29: Mock Doctor. 

1780, Feb. 7: Mock Doctor. 



54 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 



1780, 


Feb. 27: 


Mock Doctor. 




Apr. 19: 


Flora. 




May 1: 


Flora. 




Oct. 30: 


Flitch of Bacon. (London, 1778. 
Music compiled and com- 
posed by Shield.) 


1781, 


Jan. 15: 


Mock Doctor. 


1782, 


Jan. 28: 


Mock Doctor. . 



Up to this time the casts, at any rate the male parts, 
were entrusted entirely to officers, but in the fall of 1782 
Mr. Wall, manager of the Baltimore theatre — ^a most 
extraordinary proof that actors were considered a neutral 
power on both sides — ^found his way to New York and 
brought with him a company of professionals. Thea- 
trical affairs, however, were not turned over to them 
entirely, for on September 30 "some of the characters 
[were taken] by Gentlemen of the Army and Navy," 
and (see Royal Gazette^ October IS) on October 16 'Love 
in a Village* was entirely performed by these gentlemen 
"for their amusement." This arrangement prevailed to 
some extent even in 1783, but, as most of the perfor- 
mances were given "by permission," as, for instance, 
on July 12 *The Witches,* when the "band will be led by 
Signior Gaetano Franceschini," it is clear that the "Royal 
Theatre" had become more or less a professional affair. 

The operatic repertory of Clinton's Thespians cer- 
tainly was meagre and seems to indicate that, while the 
officers possessed courage enough to conquer the dramatic 
classics, they did not feel quite so sure of their bearings 
when it came to operas. Indeed, it might be taken for 
granted that the music was rendered less satisfactorily 
on the stage than in the orchestra, where the best musi- 
cians in the several r^mental bands were pressed into 
serNdce. At any rate, Dunlap claims that the orchestra 
employed by the Society of the Gentlemen of the Army 
and Navy in the Royal Theatre "was better filled than in 
the times of the real players. They had fourteen per- 
formers at a dollar the night." 



PART II 
POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 



PART II 

POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 

1. A Survey from 1781 to 1792 

The first period in the history of opera in America 
clearly ended with Robert Upton's failure to establish 
himself at New York. The second began with the advent 
of Hallam's London Company of Comedians, and closed 
with their forced withdrawal from America in 1774 after 
having become known as the Old American Company. 
The third period was inaugurated by the return of this 
company shortly after the War for Independence and 
embraced about a decade. Then a fourth began with 
the rivalry between the Old American Company and 
Wignell and Reinagle's New Company founded at 
Philadelphia in 1793, with the conquest of new fields of 
activity, with the gradual formation of Southern com- 
panies, and with the tentative introduction of French 
and even Italian operas by political refugees, as charac- 
teristic features. Between the second and third periods 
the military Thespians enacted a kind of operatic inter- 
mezzo, and attention was drawn to the somewhat ludi- 
crous episode towards the end of this intermezzo when 
professional player-folk plied their trade between Balti- 
more and New York without breach of neutrality and 
without interference from either belligerent. 

Though this Baltimore company did not exercise any 
far-reaching influence on the history of opera in our 
country, its existence and the fact that it formed a 
chronological link between the old and the new era 
call for a brief description of its career. 

Possibly, pleasant memories of a performance which 
the Old American Company had given in 1772 at 

57 



58 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

Baltimore, in a stable fitted up for the purpose, prompted 
Mr. Wall, for many years a member of this company, 
to try his luck as manager and leading man at Baltimore, 
then a city of about ten thousand inhabitants. He as- 
sociated himself with Mr. Adam Lindsay, proprietor 
of the Coffee House on Fell's Point, and these two gentle- 
men combined their brains and money to erect a "well 
regulated" theatre in East Baltimore Street in 1781, 
which was to house what they termed the Maryland 
Company of Comedians. From the Maryland Journal 
of December 25 it would appear that neither house nor 
company was complete at that time because the man- 
agers were still "resolved to give suitable encourage- 
ment to any person . . . possessed of proper tal- 
ents for the stage," provided his character stood the 
test of inquiry. With a motley combination of amateurs 
and professional talent they opened the New Theatre 
on Jan. 15, 1782. They could have opened it sooner but 
for one difficulty, namely, to obtain "good musicians" — 
that is, an orchestra; and as if to head off all criticism, 
the managers on Jan. 8 notified the public that it would 
not be their fault if good music could not be procured. 
This obstacle partly removed, the Maryland Company 
embarked on a career ambitious enough to have taxed 
the abilities of a professional company of merit, and — 
what is interesting in view of the Congressional resolu- 
tions of 1778 against costly amusements of all kinds — 
"by permission." The first season lasted until summer, 
1782, and included performances of the following operas: 

1782, Feb. 15, 26: Contrivances. 
March 1 ; 
April 23: Padlock. 
April 30; May 3, 7: Thomas and Sally ("Children in laps will not 

be admitted!"). 

The cast of the 'Contrivances' was this: 

Argus Mr. Heard 

Hearty Mr. Street 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 



59 



Rovewell 


. . . Mr. Wall 


Robin .... 


Mr. Shakespeare 


First mob 


Mr. Kilgour 


Second mob . 


. . . Mr. TUlyard 


Boy 


. . . Miss Wall 


Arethusa 


. . . Mrs. Wall 


Betty .... 


Mrs. Elm 



Mr. Heard was the poet-laureate of the company, and 
from a prologue which he concocted it would appear 
that also the 'Honest Yorkshireman' was given. On 
August 6 notice was served on "the performers be- 
longing to the Baltimore theatre ... to repair to 
Baltimore" by the end of the month ; and thus summoned 
for rehearsal, it would seem, from less artistic professions, 
they began their second season under Wall and Lindsay's 
management on Sept. 13, and closed it, with a brief 
excursion to Annapolis during the races, Oct. 25 to 
Nov. 6, in February, 1783. It is hardly necessary to 
give more than a record of performances, and that 
necessarily incomplete: 



1782, Sept. 27: 

Nov. 29: 

Dec. 20: 

I783,jan.7, 14, 17: 

Jan. 24: 

Jan. 28, Feb. 7: 



Padlock. 

Harlequin Landlord (pantomime). 

Hob in the Well (better known as 'Flora'). 

Witches (pant.). 

Beggar's Opera. 

Mock Doctor. 



With this last performance Messrs. Wall and Lindsay 
yielded the managerial scepter to Dennis Ryan, who 
had joined the company with his wife. Under his aus- 
pices the theatre reopened on February 11 and remained 
open for four months. The operas and pantomimes 
performed were the following, and it will be seen that one 
novelty had something of an American flavor, if it was 
not an American production altogether: 

1783, Feb. 14; Mar. 4; April 11: Witches (pant.). 

Feb. 21, 25: Trick upon Trick; or, Harlequin Skeleton ("a 

new [?] pantomime entertainment" by Yarrow). 



60 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

Mar. 21: Columbus; or, the Discovery of America, with 
Harlequin's Revels ("a new pantomime enter- 
tainment, being the second time of perform- 
ance"). 

April 4; May 13: Mock Doctor. 

Dennis Ryan took his company the end of April for 
a few weeks to Annapolis and after the close of the 
Baltimore season to New York, when it was already found 
in more or less harmonious cooperation with the gentle- 
men of the British army and navy. He evacuated New 
York simultaneously with them and returned to Baltimore, 
where he boldly christened his company the American 
Company, though both Mr. Hallam and Mr. Henry 
by that time had arrived in our country. The season 
lasted from Dec. 2 to Feb. 14, 1784. After adding 
theatrical amusement to the races at Annapolis im- 
mediately afterwards, Dennis Ryan and his company 
disappeared temporarily from Maryland. As Ryan's 
company had been strengthened perceptibly, it is not 
surprising that he gave opera a freer sway than pre- 
viously. The list bf performances will prove this: 

1783, Dec. 6, 27 : Love in a Village. 

23: B^;gar'8 Opera. 

1784, Jan. 3: Beggar's Opera. 

7: Love in a Village. 

9: Thomas and Sally. 

16: Harlequin in Hdl ("a new pantomime'')* 

24: Mock Doctor. 

31: Witches. 

Feb. 3, 11: Virgin Unmasked. 

14: Chaplet. 

Before leaving Baltimore, it may not be amiss, in 

order to keep track of the heroes and heroines that 

adorned the American stage in those years with more 

or less success, to print here at least one cast. I select 

that of -. . _-.„ 

Lave tn a Village 

Young Meadows .... By Mr. Wall 
Eustace Mr. Smith 



POST'REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 



61 



Hodge 

Hawthorne 

Sir William Meadows 

Justice Woodcock . 

Deborah 

Lucinda . 

Rosetta . 



Mr. Davids 
Mr. Lewis 
Mr. Keating 
Mr. Heard 
Mr. Davids 
Mrs. Ryan 
Mrs. Hyde 



Mr. Seilhamer claims that Ryan dropped the pirated 
name of American Company after a few weeks, probably 
in consequence of objections from either Hallam or 
Henry. This is quite incorrect, as newspaper advertise- 
ments prove that he continued to use the designation 
during the remainder of his career as manager. Mr. 
Seilhamer may be correct in surmising that Ryan boldly 
invaded Quebec during the fall of 1784, but he is again 
in error when he calls the season of 1783-84 Ryan's 
last season in Maryland and when he tells us that Ryan 
made his home in Baltimore, where he died in January, 
1786. Only the last part of the statement is true, as 
his widow soon afterwards solicited public patronage 
for a benefit performance by a house to house canvass. 
As a matter of fact, Dennis Ryan on August 26, 1785, 
protested in the Maryland Journal against certain 
"illiberal* * and "scandalous" interpretations of his 
absence from Baltimore, explained it with ill-health and 
his "connections in Virginia," assured the public that 
the property of the Baltimore Theatre, which had cost 
him two thousand pounds, was now entirely in his 
possession, and added that his American Company, 
"now in Bath," would soon be back in town. The thea- 
tre was indeed opened on Sept. 7, 1785, and did not 
close its doors until June, 1786; after Ryan's death in 
January presumably under the management of his 
widow or possibly again of Mr. Wall, who was still a 
member of the company. The repertory of this, Ryan's 
last earthly season, included such favorites as 'The 
Padlock' (Sept. 7), Thomas and Sally' (Sept. 17), 



62 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

'Beggar's Opera* (Sept. 13), 'Contrivances' (April, 1786), 
and on May 9, 1786, The Honest Yorkshireman.* 

But where was Ryan with the American Company 
during the first half of the year 1785? At Charieston, 
S. C! Mr. Seilhamer dates the revival of the American 
Theatre at Charleston under the Stars and Stripes, 1786. 
It was his misfortune to overlook not only a notice in 
the Maryland Journal j Baltimore, of April 12, 1785, in 
which it is distinctly stated that Dennis Ryan, having 
obtained the necessary permission from the magistrate 
of Charleston, was performing there "before crowded 
audiences, with great applause" and would return to 
Baltimore ''in the course of next month," but he over- 
looked also the announcement in the State Gazette of 
South Carolina of March 28, 1785, which proves that 
Ryan's brief season at Charleston began on that day. 
The only real item of importance, in connection with 
this season, is the fact, also unknown to Seilhamer, that 
the very talented Maria Storer, later an American 
favorite as Mrs. Henry, belonged to Ryan's troupe; in 
other words, that she returned to America in 1785 and 
not in 1786. 

Until then the Southern cities seem not to have as- 
sumed the hypocritical attitude of permitting theatrical 
performances under all kinds of disguises, some speci- 
mens of which will soon amuse the reader. This wave 
of hypocrisy struck Charleston in 1786. Mr. Godwin, 
dancing and fencing master by trade but actor by am- 
bition — ^as such he had belonged to Douglass* company 
before the war — came to Savannah, Ga., from Jamaica 
in 1786 and forthwith proceeded to try his luck as 
manager. Not meeting with much success he went to 
Charleston, found a backer in a "principal merchant" 
of that city and erected "Harmony Hall, at Louisburgh, 
without the city." The fame of this suburban retreat 
traveled as far as New York, where the Independent 
Journal on August S, 1786, stated that it had cost more 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 63 

than £500 sterling, that it contained ''22 boxes with 
a key to each box," that it was devoted to "music 
meetings, dancing and theatrical amusements," and 
that it had been opened with a grand concert of music 
gratis for the satisfaction of the principal inhabitants 
who wished to see it previous to the first night's exhibition. 
The theatrical amusements began the end of September 
and continued until spring, 1787, when the enterprise 
came to grief partly because Godwin was not making 
enough money ''to pay up the salaries," partly because, 
as Mr. Godwin himself stated in the Charleston Morning 
Posty May 31, 1787, he had *4n consequence of a late 
act of the Legislature relinquished theatrical repre- 
sentations." As lectures, interspersed with songs, etc., 
were "tolerated throughout the States with universal 
approbation," Harmony Hall was converted into a lec- 
ture-hall and served also as fencing-school where, it 
seems, "sharp trials" were held which Godwin in- 
stigated by some highly ludicrous public challenges. 
The decision of the legislature must have been in 
the air, because Godwin's theatrical amusements, 
while they lasted, were usually presented as "concerts 
of music," with comedies, farces, tragedies, operas 
"between the acts." They were performed by a 
company picked up from everywhere, including Mr. 
Shakespeare and several other members of Ryan's de- 
funct American Company. The ill-fated company does 
not yield much for a history of opera. 'Flora' was 
performed on March 14 and 23, 1787; the 'Elopement,' 
a pantomime brought out at Drury Lane in 1767, 
was introduced to Charleston on Jan. S, and popular 
pantomimes like 'The Witches' figured conspicuously 
on the repertory. One other pantomime deserves at- 
tention, as it possibly was a real novelty: 'The Ani- 
mation and Death of Harlequin' performed on Nov. 24, 
1786, with "dresses, music, scenes and decorations 
entirely new." 



64 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

In the meantime, the Old American Company was 
finding its bearings. Leaving aside the confusing 
activity of several more or less anonymous, mysterious 
and obscure companies that frequented the South in 
those years, but which contributed exceedingly little 
to the development of opera in our country, it now be- 
comes necessary to return to the years immediately 
following the war, when the real American Company 
showed signs of tiring of its half voluntary, half com- 
pulsory expulsion to Jamaica. 

Early in 1782, John Henry embarked from Jamaica 
on a scouting visit to the United States, to look after the 
several properties of the Old American Company and 
also to survey chances for a permanent return. The 
Maryland Assembly without much hesitation confirmed 
the company's title to the theatre erected at Annapolis 
in 1771; but at Philadelphia Henry's troubles began. 
In vain he pleaded in a letter to William Moore, the 
President of the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsyl- 
vania, that he found the theatre entirely out of repair and 
a debt for ground rent and taxes incurred to the amount 
of £l74 7/ 6d. Nor did it avail him much to point 
out that a wire dancer by the name of Templeton had 
been granted permission to use the theatre belonging 
to the Old American Company for his performances. 
Henry's modest and reasonable request for the use of 
his own theatre for Stevens' famous, popular and cer- 
tainly harmless 'Lecture on Heads' was turned down 
and the anti-theatre law of 1778 was not repealed 
officially until 1789. All Henry could do was to save the 
property of the company from encroachment and de- 
struction. He then went to New York, gave a series of 
lecture-entertainments, and presumably returned to 
Jamaica. 

But Henry's trip to Philadelphia had borne some fruit, 
because when Lewis Hallam in January, 1784, laid a 
petition before the General Assembly to repeal the act 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 65 

of 1778, it was endorsed by influential citizens who, in 
fact, on January 14, had called a meeting for that effect, 
and the committee in charge actually reported in its 
favor, but it was voted down. Thereupon Hallam 
on Feb. 21 publicly gave thanks in a card *To the Friends 
of the Drama" who had supported him, and had at 
least succeeded in not being molested when he repeatedly 
in April and May, 1784, delivered at the theatre *'A 
Lecture upon heads and strictures upon the most 
eminent dramatic authors, serious, comic and satiric." 
The whole was "properly diversified with music, 
scenery and other decorations." Equally popular, and 
naturally so, became "A Monody to the Memory of the 
Chiefs who have fallen in the cause of American Liberty ^ 
accompanied with vocal incantations (the music of 
which is entirely new) adapted to the distinct periods of 
the recital." This was printed by Bradford, but seems 
to have perished like so many other early American 
publications. 

In December, 1784, Hallam reopened his theatre, now 
surrounded by the nucleus of a company. It comprised 
Mr. Allen, with whom Hallam soon was to enter into 
partnership, and the dancer John Dura ng, a native of 
Lancaster, Pennsylvania, to whose entertaining theatri- 
cal reminiscences, as edited and published by his son in 
the Sunday Dispatch^ 1855, we have to look as one of 
the best sources for the history of the American stage. 

With Hallam's second season the beating about the 
bush began in earnest. The entertainments now assumed 
the title of * 'Lecture, being an entertainment of represen- 
tation and harmony," or more appeasing still, ''Lecture 
Moral and Entertaining." As a kind of feeler, as if to see 
if the law-makers objected to all theatrical entertainments 
or merely to plays proper, an imitation of Garrick's 
pantomimical 'Shakespeare's Jubilee* was first exhibited 
under the harmless title of "Garrick'sOde on dedicating 
a building to Shakespeare, with the original music, vocal 



66 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

and instrumental, scenery, machinery and decorations 
entirely new." As the people willingly took the bait, 
"pantomimical action" and "pantomimical fStes" with 
all the accessories mentioned, flourished at Philadelphia 
until August. The nearest Hallam dared approach to 
opera was on July 27, 1785 with 

A Grand Serenata^ called Peace and Liberty: Consisting of 
Recitation, Recitative, Airs and Choruses. The parts recited are 
selected from the works of Thompson, Sterne, etc., etc. The music, 
vocal and instrumental, composed by Handel, Arne, Tenducci, 
Fisher and Valentino, etc., etc. There are a number of additional 
voices engaged, and every endeavour exerted upon this occasion to 
render the Serenata as complete and pleasing as any Piece that has 
ever been exhibited at this theatre. 

Shortly afterwards the company made its way to New 
York, and reopened the John Street theatre on August 11, 
1785. From the beginning, of course, they met with 
opposition, especially from the clergy. To make things 
worse, Hallam and Henry did not consider it necessary 
to request official permission to exhibit plays, and when 
they offered the proceeds of a charitable performance 
to the authorities for distribution amongst the poor, the 
gift was refused with the remark that the managers* 
behavior was /'a thing unprecedented and oflfensive." 
However, the desire for theatrical representations was 
too strong. The players were not seriously molested, 
and before long they could drop the mask of 'Lectures* 
and call a play a play. In November Mr. Allen and a 
few others withdrew from the company and tried their 
luck independently at Albany during the winter of 
1785-86. In the meantime, John Henry had returned to 
tlie United States with a company of his own, comprising 
Mr. Woolls, Mr. and Mrs. Morris, the pre-revolutionary 
favorilCH, and some new members imported from the 
WcHt IndicH. This combination he called, and not in- 
w>rrc(!tly, the Old American Company. He seemed at 
firnt bent upon competing with the other twin-half of 
the time-honored organization, but he bethought himself 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 



67 



of something better and suggested a partnership. 
This Hallam accepted and from Nov., 1785, on for seven 
years, as Mr. Seilhamer correctly puts it, the Old 
American Company controlled the amusement field 
from New York to Annapolis. 

Perhaps it will be best to give first a chronological 
record of the performances, adhering to the rule of 
italicizing novelties: 

Genii of the Rock (pant.; music by John Bentley). 

\ Cave of Enchantment; or, the Stockwell Wonder 
J (pant.; music by John Bentley). 

\ Touchstone; or, Harlequin Traveller (pant. ; music 
/ by John Bentley). 

Witches. 
> Flitch of Bacon (Shield). 

} Elopement; or, the Triumph of Genius (pant.). 



1785, Aug. 20 

Aug. 26 
29 



Sept. 
Oct. 



Sept. 23 

Sept. 27 
30 

Sept. 30 
Oct. 4 

Oct. 4 

7 

1786, June 23 

1785, Oct. 11 

Oct. 14 
Nov. 1 

1786, Feb. 10 

1785, Dec. 2 

7 
26 

1786, Jan. 18 

23 

Feb. 27 

Mar. 3 

8 

13 

22 
April 17 
May 24 

31 
June 26 
July 21 

Dec. 5 



1785, 
1786, 



June 4 
14 

Jan. 6 

Jan. 11 
13 
25 

Mar. 6 



\ 



Thomas and Sally. 
Damon and Phillida. 
Mock Doctor. 



Poor Soldier. (Shield; Dublin and London, 1783, 
and originally called *The Shamrock.' Perform- 
ances advertised on Jan. 2, 3, 4 as "Fifth time," 
h were apparently postponed; performance of 
Feb. 27 "for the eighth time"; March 8, "the 
tenth"; June 26, "sixteenth"; July 21, "eigh- 
teenth.") 



• Padlock. 



Devil to Pay. 



> Robinson Crusoe (pant.; music by Linley, 1781). 



68 



EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 



Mar. 

April 
June 

April 
May 

May 
June 
July 
May 

May 
July 

June 

June 
July 



July 
July 



24 

31 

24 

2 

19 

21 

5 

10 

3 
19 

7 

29 

29 
10 

5 
12 

19 

10 



Midas. 



Rosina (Shield, London, December 31» 1782). 



• Love in a Village. 

Maid of the Mill. 

Daphne and Amintor; or, the Fairies (altered from 
Mrs. Gibber's 'Oracle.' Pasticcio, London, 
1765). 

> Harlequin's Invasion (pant., London, 1759). 

Comus (masque, music by Ame). 

Duenna (Linley, London, 1775; in New York 
"with the permission of the patentee of Convent 
Garden Theatre, the original overture and ac- 
companiments"). 

14: Flora. 

17: Tte^o Aft^^5; or. Mufti's Ghost (Dibdin, London, 
1775). 



Evidently a new era was beginning. The old favorites 
remained in the repertory, but the managers sailed 
under fresh winds and henceforth nothing could check 
the speedy and steady importation of novelties. Not 
only this, but American productions received a reasonable 
share of publicity and the press began to show more 
critical interest in the stage. The importation of the 
masterpieces by Shield and his rivals demanded that 
the generally creditable interpretation by the actor- 
singers be seconded by a reasonably adequate orchestra. 
Perhaps the most striking instance that we are now 
approaching modern times is the fact that Shield's 
'Poor Soldier,* for years the favorite of the American 
public from (George Washington down to the humblest 
gallery god, enjoyed a regular run of eighteen nights, 
something unprecedented in the annals of our stage. 
This success was due, of course, in the first place to the 
charms of the opera, but its effectiveness was enhanced 







'**iSi- ^ -J* . 



4$rV 






THOMAS WIGNELL (d. I80J1 



-1 



POST-REFOLUTIONARY OPERA 



69 



by the universally applauded personification of Darby 
by Thomas Wignell. Therewitii tiie star regime which 
had commenced witii tiie younger Hallam's Mungo re- 
ceived its second impetus in our company. The ori- 
ginal American cast of the Toor Soldier' has been pre- 
served, and though it does not disclose the full strength 
of the company it may follow here as a kind of historical 
document: 



Patrick . . . . 


Mr. Henry 


Captain Fitzroy . 


Mr. Harper 


Dermot 


. . Mr. WooUs 


Darby 


. . Mr. Wignell 


Norah 


Miss Tuke 


Kathleen . . . . 


Mrs. Morris 



That everybody would enjoy and appreciate the new 
school of English opera could not be expected. As 
always, what suited the younger generation did not 
suit the taste of the older, and the conservative (or 
rather retrospective) element, while forgetting that much 
nonsense stood in the real ballad-operas of olden times, 
were quick in showering their contempt on the poetic 
nonsense and nonsensical poetry in the librettos of 
O'Keefe and others. In fact, even in the silliest hits 
of our own time, things like this in one of his songs 
would be difficult to duplicate: 

Ditherum doodle adgety 

Nagity, tragedy, rum, 
Goostnerum foodie nidgety, 

Nigety, nagety mum. 

or again, part of a song in the 'Castle of Andalusia* : 

A master I have, and I am his man. 

Galloping dreary dun, 
And he will get married, as fast as he can 
With my haily, gaily, gamboraily, 
Giggling, niggling, galoping, galloway, 

Draggletail, dreary dun. 



70 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

Rank nonsense like this filled the opponents of the 
stage with fear lest the intellect and morals of our nation 
be further corrupted, and it was actually brought forward 
by the politicians of Philadelphia as an argument against 
repealing the anti-theatre act of 1778, as a lengthy 
correspondence from there to the New York Packet of 
Dec. S, 1785, may prove. It would be a mistake to 
suppose that this attitude was shared by the people 
at large. It was not only essentially English music 
which appealed to them, but, strange to say, the librettos 
as well, for otherwise there would have been no commer- 
cial reason for attempting to supplant the imported 
English editions of these librettos by numerous American 
reprints. 

On the other hand, it is true that the people objected 
to the temporary predominance of the "superb" speak- 
ing pantomimes in grotesque characters. Perhaps it 
was the intention of the managers to test the attitude 
of their patrons and see their way clear towards a more 
legitimate opera, that the first three novelties on the list 
were pantomimes with ''the music selected and compiled" 
by John Bentley, one of our prominent musicians in 
those days. Hallam and Henry did not have to wait 
long for an expression of public opinion. In Xh^New York 
Packet, Oct. 10, 1785, a lay-critic admitted that ''a 
theatre might and ought to be a school for virtue, ele- 
gance and politeness in general," but he regretted ''that 
the theatre in this city is not such a school," and then 
went on to say: 

Instead of those energetic tragedies, abounding in excellent morals, 
with which our language abounds, and comedies replete with justest 
satire, where vice and folly meet perhaps the severest castigation, 
and the last of ridicule, we have the Genii of the Rock, the Witches, 
Harlequin in the Moon, with a thousand other pantomimical mum- 
meries at which common sense stands aghast, and idiots wonder. 

The managers after this had no reason for not remedy- 
ing the evil, though the speaking pantomimes continued 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 71 

to be attractive to many people until the end of the 
century. The criticism following the performance of 
'The Maid of the Mill' on May 29 sounded quite different. 
It was the "theatrical intelligence*' conveyed from New 
York to the Pennsylvania Journal^ June 7, 1786. As 
an early and characteristic specimen of musical criticism 
in those days it follows in full : 

New York, May 31. 
Theatrical Intelligence, 

On Monday evening, for the benefit of Mr. Henry, notwithstand- 
ing the inclemency of the weather, there was as numerous and re- 
spectable an audience as ever we remember to have seen in this 
city, above two hundred persons went away finding it impossible 
to gain admission. The performance of the Maid of the Mill gave 
general satisfaction .... all the performers exerted them- 
selves in a particular manner, but we should do great injustice to 
the ambitions of Miss Maria Storer, if we did not remark that her 
singing is truly masterly, infinitely beyond any thing ever heard on 
this side of the Atlantic. Her voice is harmony itself; to be equalled 
only by her refined ear and great taste; her performance was both 
chaste and judicious; she seems not only to have made singing, but 
speaking her particular study. Her adoption of different dresses 
were elegantly characteristic of approved judgment and fancy. 
The afterpiece showed her knowledge of the vis comical and was 
received with unbounded applause. 

It will be noticed that not a word is said about the 
orchestra. Nor was it often considered necessary in later 
years to bestow some credit for the success of the operas 
on the men who labored in the orchestra. It would be an 
error to trace this indifference to a charitable application 
of the maxim "the less said, the better." As a matter of 
fact, the musicians in our orchestras were fairly capable 
men. If they were skillful enough to give pleasure on the 
concert-stage in symphonies, overtures, concertos, as my 
book on our 'Early Concert-Life' has proved abundantly, 
they certainly possessed the necessary qualifications to 
play the overtures, accompaniments, etc., in the old 
English operas. These accompaniments generally were 
not written out. They had to be supplied from the 



72 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

figured bass by the official composer or arranger of the 
company and consequently could and would be so ar- 
ranged as to fit local conditions, that is to say, the size 
of the orchestra. It will be well to keep this point in 
mind, as otherwise the frequent remark in the old an- 
nouncements, "accompaniments by ," might be con- 
strued (and it has been so construed) to mean that the 
musician mentioned was an accompanist in our modem 
sense. The orchestra's share in the pantomimes given 
at the beginning of the season is not quite clear, for, 
strange to say, John Bentley, harpichordist, composer, 
arranger, also figures in the casts as pantomimist. 
Probably in such cases he had a substitute, but when 
Hallam and Henry joined forces, the orchestra evidently 
had assumed the usual provincial size and one character- 
istic feature of it has lasted to this day. John Durang 
says: 

The orchestra was composed of the following musicians. Mr. 
Philo [ recU Phile ] leader; Mr. Bentley, harpsichord; Mr. Woolf, 
principal clarinet; Trinuner, Hecker and son, violoncello, violins, etc. 
Some six or seven other names, now not remembered, constituting 
the musical force. The latter were all Germans. 

From New York the Old American Company went to 
Baltimore. Though the old theatre, built in 1781, was 
still standing, Hallam and Henry, for some reason, gave 
their exhibitions in a new theatre erected on Philpot's 
Hill. It was opened on Aug. 17, 1786, and excited the 
admiration of the Maryland Gazette, which called it com- 
modiously built and bestowed praise on the "truly ele- 
gant" scenery and decorations. The appreciative audi- 
ences were treated on Aug. 22 (not on Aug. 23, as Mr. 
Seilhamer says), Aug. 29 and Sept. 8 to The Poor Sol- 
dier,' and on Sept. 19, during the ''last week," to Shield's 
'Rosina; or, the Reapers.' From Baltimore the company 
hastened to Annapolis in time for the October races. 
Then, it seems, they proceeded by agreement with 
Alexander Quesnay, erstwhile dancing-master, but now 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 73 

the proprietor of an ambitious Academy, to Richmond, 
Va., where Quesnay, as a kind of esthetic dSpendance of 
his academy, had erected a theatre to hold about sixteen 
hundred people. Again the Toor Soldier* proved the 
best drawing card. 

By this time Hallam and Henry had accumulated 
sufficient courage to again defy the watch-dogs of 
Philadelphia's morals. The expedition from Richmond 
overland to Philadelphia in those days of slow coaches 
and slow-moving vans was very much more of an under- 
taking than in our days of rapid transit by rail. Sure 
enough, the opening of the Southwark Theatre had 
to be postponed from Jan. 5 to Jan. IS, 1787, because, 
from the badness of the roads — eighteenth-century 
Virginia roads at that! — part of the scenery had not 
arrived in time. When finally the theatre did open, 
the managers were again obliged to assume the character 
of veiled prophets. The fact had been established that 
the authorities frowned more on real tragedies and come- 
dies than on operas or pantomimes, or rather on music 
and anything connected with music. Hence, Hallam and 
Henry chose as vehicle for their performances the term 
"Concert of music," between the acts of which would be 
delivered "Lectures, moral and entertaining,** to conclude 
with "pantomimical finales.*' How legitimate opera was 
smuggled in, the program for Jan. 19, 1787, may illustrate: 

A Concert of Music, Vocal and Instrumental. Between the several 
partsof the Concert will be delivered Lectures , Moral and Entertaining. 

FIRST ACT 
Overture Kammel 

PROLOGUE AND LECTURE 
Song Mr. Wools 

SECOND ACT 
Simphonia Schwindl 

LECTURE 
Song . . Mr. Harper 

CLARINET CONCERTO 



74 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

(By Desire) 

The Overture to Rosina, to which will be added, a Pantomime 
called 'Harlequin's Frolic,' in which will be introduced a Musical 
Entertainment, called 'The Reapers,' with the original music. 

In this manner Hallam and Henry succeeded in fooling 
tlie official legal minds of Philadelphia, who, as legal 
minds sometimes will do, interpreted the letter of the law 
rather than its spirit, until the middle of February. 

To what absurdities the half-hearted opposition to 
theatrical exhibitions on the one hand and the diplomatic 
evasion of the law on the other hand led is fittii^ly re- 
corded by Durang, who says that independently of the 
Southwark ruse: 

The first representation of the 'Poor Soldier' in Philadelphia 
was made through the medium of puppets at a house in Second 
Street .... The puppets were made by John Durang. The 
dialogue and songs of the opera were conducted by some of the 
actors and actresses formerly belonging to the Southwark company. 
The puppet theatre was located in the third story and it was crowded 
every night at fifty cents a ticket. 

The Federal Convention, soon to frame our Constitu- 
tion, was in session when Hallam and Henry again ven- 
tured to Philadelphia and on June 25, 1787, very diplo- 
matically opened the Southwark with a benefit for the 
American captives in Algiers. Indeed, conditions in- 
duced them to actually call their theatre in August an 
Opera-House, probably the first time that any building 
in our country had been thus honored. While, during the 
previous season, the performances were headed 'Con- 
certs,' the managers now adopted the more learned 
*Spectaculum Vitm' as main heading for their so peculiarly 
mixed entertainments. This designation was deemed 
sufficient protection when operas were performed, but 
for plays something still more baffling to legal minds 
was invented. Not only were the titles of the plays so 
disguised as sometimes to be beyond recognition, but 
they were garnished with strictly moral and educational 
motives, for instance, Hamlet as '*a moral and instructive 



POST-REFOLUTIONARY OPERA 75 

tale" as "exemplified in the history of the Prince of 
Denmark.** Thus prepared, they were offered — ^how 
sly and ingenuous this is — gratis between the *acts* of 
the so-called concert. The climax of the mummery was 
reached when, on Sept. 26, 1788, the Independent 
Gazetteer announced : 

Private Audience, 
The Philadelphian in Jamaica; or, Zuleff and Zelinda will be 
performed to a select audience, this evening the 26th instant. 
Several gentlemen who have been so extremely kind as to distribute 
tickets on this occasion having declined receiving money renders 
this advertisement necessary, to inform such gentlemen as shall 
please to accept tickets, that the money will be received at the door. 
Every effort will be used to render the entertainment as agreeable 
as possible. Proper paintings are prepared and a Band of Music 
with Singing to which alone the purchasing of tickets are necessary, 
the lectures on the Slave Trade being delivered gratis, as on Thursday 
last they were with the approbation of several gentlemen of repu- 
tation and taste. 

But even the Faschingsschwank of Philadelphia could 
not last for ever. It came to an end primarily through the 
efforts of the Dramatic Association, formed in January, 
1789. Many of the best and most influential people of 
Philadelphia belonged to the association; and they pre- 
sented a really remarkable memorial to the Grand Assem- 
bly on Feb. 16. It was preceded by a public petition 
signed by two thousand persons who were described as 
*'men of science, friends of virtue and approved guard- 
ians of their country"; and though a counter-petition 
followed with more than three thousand names, in- 
cluding, it was charged, schoolboys and even negroes, 
the Dramatic Association clearly had the upper hand 
in the ensuing battle of arguments. They were backed 
in the debates by such men as Robert Morris, General 
Wayne, and George Clymer, and — indirectly — George 
Washington's avowed fondness for the theatre and the 
fact that he frequented it just then influenced the vote 
of the majority, who, generally speaking, will follow an 



76 EARLY OPERA IN J M ERIC J 

energetic and clear-minded minority, if it only be per- 
sistent enough. After ten years of skirmishing a bill 
to repeal the anti-theatre act of 1778 was made a law on 
March 2, 1789, and a week later the Southwark theatre 
was opened '*by authority" as a theatre. It matters 
little that now troubles of a different kind began, that 
the friends of Hallam and Henry commenced to find 
fault with them, that they were censured for allowing 
smoking in their theatre, that the price of tickets — 
box 7/ 6d., gallery 3/ 9d. — ^was considered too high, that 
the performances were unfairly criticized as not being 
equal to the very latest in London. The main object 
had been accomplished, the battle for tolerance of art 
for art's sake had been won at last. 

The history of opera in America during those years is 
so clearly a part of the history of the Old American 
Company that a local treatment of the subject may 
conveniently be disregarded. By this time the regular 
circuit Philadelphia-New York-Baltimore, and, as a 
more negligible quantity, Annapolis, had been established. 
Suffice it to say that the Company, after leaving Philadel- 
phia, performed from the middle of February until the 
middle of June, 1787, at New York, then returned to 
Philadelphia, began a summer season at Baltimore the 
end of August, went to Annapolis for the races in October, 
appeared at Baltimore in November, and then made its 
way to New York. There the winter season began in 
December and lasted until the end of May, 1788. It 
was followed until November by the ludicrous 'Spec- 
taculum Vitae' mummery at the Southwark Theatre 
in Philadelphia, interrupted by a journey to Baltimore 
in August and September. On March 9, 1789, the Old 
Americans began their first season under the wings of 
law at Philadelphia. These performances '*by authority" 
lasted three weeks, and then the John Street Theatre in 
New York was reopened from April until Dec. IS, 1789, 
and was made the scene of many a brilliant gathering, 



ill 



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■ l{ 



^ 3 : 






i ■: 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 77 

as New York was now the seat of government with our 
first, and theatre-going, President in her midst. 

From January, 1790, until the middle of July, 1791, 
with an interruption during the summer of 1790, Phila- 
delphia monopolized the Old Americans. They again 
played at the John Street Theatre in New York from 
October, 1791, to May, 1792. When the company re- 
appeared at Philadelphia in September, 1792, its per- 
sonnel differed considerably. This reorganization, to- 
gether with the signs of birth of Wignell and Reinagle's 
rival company, properly inaugurates a new chapter in 
the history of opera in America. 

During the six years preceding the reorganization 
the following works received a hearing by the Old 
Americans. [See Table A.] 

Fifty different operas, musical farces, pantomimes and 
ballads performed ''with the original overture and ac- 
companiments** (as the term went), and the list does 
not pretend to be absolutely complete! By tracing 
more carefully pantomimes like Sheridan's 'Robinson 
Crusoe* and the inexhaustible supply of harlequinades, the 
list could easily be swelled to sixty different works. 
This minuteness of detail may properly be left to local 
historians. They will also have a not very fascinating 
opportunity for giving the absolutely correct dates of 
performance, if they are able to do so. It should not 
be forgotten that usually only three performances a 
week took place, sometimes less, and that postponements 
and changes of the bill were frequent. For these reasons 
no two historians will ever give exactly the same dates 
or numbers of performances, and those they give will 
sometimes conflict, as may be proved by a comparison 
of my statistics with those in Seilhamer. But, after all, 
these statistics are of minor importance. Allowing for 
unavoidable inaccuracy and omissions, for which in 
part the state of preservation of the contemporary 
sources is to be held responsible, one very important 



78 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

and interesting historical fact stands out in bold relief, 
the fact that the Old American Company had in its 
repertory, besides an equal number of tragedies, come- 
dies and farces, between fifty and sixty musical enter- 
tainments, and these mostly novelties! This amazing 
activity opens a wide field for suggestion and compari- 
son. In the first place, it proves that together with our 
early concert enterprises, which in many respects de- 
pended on the vocalists and instrumentalists in the 
theatrical companies, opera, metaphorically speaking, 
filled our principal cities with music and to an extent 
which cities of similar size do not possess to-day. If 
we turn to New York with her five million inhabitants, 
it is true enough that the quality of the repertory has im- 
proved immensely. In quantity, even New York has 
not fulfilled the promises of the eighteenth century, and 
in character her operatic life with its polyglot tendency is 
very much more of a hot-house product than inolden times. 
The excellence of the performances must not obstruct the 
historical view of the problem — and it is a vital problem 
for the future of our musical life. Why, then, this contrast 
in conditions, in the fundamental attitude towards opera, 
why this change of front in the current of evolution? 
For the historian, I believe, the answer is simple enough, 
and anybody with an open mind, not biassed by local 
pride, will perceive where the evils common to our nation's 
musical life in general have their root, but, be it hoped, 
an artificial and destructible root. 

I can hardly be expected to go into details covering 
all the works enumerated. Nor would this be an easy 
task, as the attempt would be handicapped by the la- 
mentable lack of anything like an adequate and com- 
prehensive history of English opera. For instance, I 
confess my inability to trace, without a loss of time 
quite out of proportion to the results possibly to be ob- 
tained, several of the operas enumerated. In part this 
may be due to the fact that our American managers, as in 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 79 

the case of 'Darby and Patrick,* sometimes rechristened 
their English importations. The Banditti' is another 
case in point. Nobody would suspect, without seeing 
the cast, that this was ''taken" from Samuel Arnold's 
'Castle of Andalusia,* first performed at London in 
1781, or that 'Modern Love* was identical with 'Lionel 
and Clarissa,* or that 'True Blue' was a ballad-farce 
based on Carey's 'Nancy.* In this skit the American- 
ization was carried so far as to treat the audience to a 
scene of the Battery in New York. On the other hand, 
if the music to Royall Tyler's libretto 'May Day in 
Town; or. New York in an Uproar,' was "compiled 
from the most eminent masters with an overture and 
accompaniments," it must not be supposed that this 
procedure was characteristic of primitive conditions in 
America. Such pasticcios were quite the rage and the 
proper thing in England. Not that the English com- 
posers lacked sufficient ideas — ^it must be insisted that 
they were men of considerable talent, and an English 
historian will not find it very difficult to do his country- 
men full justice in this respect in a comprehensive work, 
which does not yet exist — ^but the powerful influence of 
the Beggar's Opera, the classic among[ English pasticcios, 
was still at work. It was part of the form of most of such 
popular operas as Arne's 'Love in a Village,' Arnold's 
'Maid of the Mill,' Dibdin's 'Lionel and Clarissa,' that 
the composers borrowed, not surreptitiously stole like 
Handel and other master-cleptomaniacs,airs from Italian 
and even English operas. Indeed, it is very interesting 
to read in Hogarth how carefully, even in this part of 
the work, Sheridan laid his plans when he wrote the 
libretto of 'The Duenna,' the most successful English 
opera since the 'Beggar's Opera.' That the procedure 
could be exaggerated to the point where there was 
madness in the method, and assume the proportions 
of a veritable pot-pourri, is illustrated by Linley's 
'Selima and Azor.* While Gr6try*s 'Z6mire and Azor' 



80 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

formed the basis of this adaptation, the music was 
plainly announced as ''compiled from the Italian, Ger- 
man, French and English operas." To this species of 
pasticcio 'Orpheus and Eurydice* did not belong. 
Distinctly called a "burletta," it was a forerunner of 
Offenbach's 'Orphte aux enfers,* and possibly had been 
derived from the pantomime of 1740, written by Henry 
Sommer and composed by J. F. Lampe. There are 
also indications that the work was identical with the 
"humorous entertainment" by David Garrick called *A 
Peep Behind the Curtain,' as the ''burletta" wound 
up with "a grand dance of shepherds, cows, sheep, 
goats, trees, etc." At any rate, in the second act of 
Garrick's play of 1767 there appears *The burletta of 
Orpheus,* composed by Barth^lemon. Also William 
Dunlap's 'Darby's Return,* written to order for 
Thomas Wignell, was intended to raise the loud 
laugh ; Cand how dangerously near hurting the feel- 
ings of George Washington the author came, readers 
of my article on the musical side of our first President 
will perhaps remember. In fact, it must be said that the 
species of comic opera which inundates our modern stage 
and is turned into a hybrid between legitimate comic 
opera or operette and legitimate vaudeville — on one 
occasion this term was actually used — ^was about to be 
born. For instance, on Oct. 8, 1789, at New York 
'The Agreeable Surprise' was followed by a pantomime 
finale called 'The Shipwreck,* in which "a real Air BaU 
loon*' was exhibited. And again on May 12, 1788, at 
New York, between the play and 'Love in a Camp,' 
"a grand F6te with a variety of picturesque scenes and 
decorations** and numerous popular ballads was squeezed 
in. The whole concluded "with an attack upon a 
Spanish fort by the Algerian fleet, the arrival of the 
fleet of Spain, and a general engagement in which the 
Algerines are totally defeated by fire ships, bombs from 
the fort, and blowing up their vessels." 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 81 

These spectacular features, together with the dancing 
feats of Mr. and Mrs. John Durang and others in the 
pantomimes, were still harmless as compared with the 
card Mr. Hallam played when, owing to the absence of 
his partner Mr. Henry in Europe, the withdrawal from 
the company of such favorites as Thomas Wignell and 
Mr. and Mrs. Morris, the death of Mrs. Harper (Oct. 3, 
1791), and other setbacks, he found himself in January, 
1792, in somewhat desperate circumstances. It was then 
that he engaged * 'Monsieur Placide, first rope dancer 
to the King of France, and his troop." The arrival of 
Alexandre Placide at Charleston, S. C, a few weeks 
previous and his ready acceptance of Hallam's offer 
must have relieved the latter greatly, because Alexandre 
Placide, whatever his right to the title of His Most 
Christian Majesty's first rope dancer might have been, 
was indeed a European celebrity, having, so the story 
goes, proved as great an attraction at Sadler's Wells in 
1781 as the Vestris were at the Opera House. Hallam 
had promised this European sensation "for a few nights 
only," but Placide remained with him for more than a 
year, and reading the old papers one really gains the im- 
pression that Placide was featured as the main attraction 
of the company. At any rate, the list of performances 
proves that the repertory was swelled with Placide's 
grotesque and acrobatic pantomimes to a degree war- 
ranted only by circumstances. Yet Placide must have 
been quite up to his reputation if he could, as announced, 
**dance with two boys tied to his feet, and after that 
with two men in the same manner." That Mr. Hallam, 
who certainly treated his audiences to an otherwise 
excellent dramatic repertory, believed in thus catering 
to the vaudeville instinct of the masses, may sincerely be 
doubted, but the box-office was a power in olden times, 
too, and furthermore this was still the age of benefit 
performances for the individual actors. They naturally 
sought to make their benefits, which began towards the 



82 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

end of the season, as attractive to their admirers and 
their own pockets as possible. This tendency cannot 
be more fittingly illustrated than by an announcement 
of the veteran actor WooUs on July 19, 1791, that "the 
Indian kings with their chief lately arrived [at Philadel- 
phia] on their way to Congress intend honoring the 
theatre with their presence this evening," selected for 
Woolls' benefit. 

It is not for the purpose of tying these actors and 
actresses to the historical whipping-post, but for the 
sake of personal record and comparison, that the full 
cast of the Old Americans in Linley's 'Duenna' is given 
here: 

Don Ferdinand Mr. Harper 

Don Antonio Mr. Woolls 

Jerome Mr. Biddle 

Carlos Mr. Hallam 

Isaac Mendoza Mr. Wignell 

Lopez Mr. Morris 

Donna Louisa Mrs. Morris 

Duenna Mrs. Harper 

Donna Clara Mrs. Henry 

Though a cast like this must have filled the connoisseurs 
of days by-gone with thrills of expectation, it means 
nothing to a later generation, unless we revive the voice 
of some dead critic whose private opinion coincided 
with that of the public. Fortunately, reviews of the 
principal theatrical events were becoming more frequent, 
and while the art of criticism was then perhaps still 
in its infancy in our country, the advance notice of a 
performance of The Duenna,* printed in The Federal 
Gazette f Philadelphia, June 16, 1790, possesses at least 
some historical interest: 

On Thursday evening, Mr. Woolls has proposed an entertainment 
to the public which happily unites all the powers of music with 
poetry and machinery. The opera of The Duenna,' if it is less 
perfect than 'The School for Scandal,' is, perhaps, more pleasing, 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 83 

as an amiable woman is more agreeable than a mere beauty. The 
wit of 'The Duenna' is of that pure kind which excites mirth with- 
out offending delicacy, or torturing sensibility, and its moral, if not 
striking, is at least innocent. In this piece, indeed, Mr. Sheridan has 
shewn the superiority of his genius; for, if it were performed without 
a song, the language, sentiment, incidents and humour, would still 
entitle it to the praise of an excellent comedy. But, in adding to 
these the force of harmony, the author has rescued that species of 
the drama called opera, from the imputation of insipidity, to which, 
even in its native Italy, it has hitherto been subject. The combina- 
tion of wit, poetry and music, the introduction of probable circum- 
stances, and the display of interesting characters are the merits of 
the author; but those, who have heard Mrs. Henry in the gentle 
Clara, will naturally be led to consider some part of the evening's 
entertainment as depending on her performance, in which the taste 
of the actress, is only surpassed by the talents of the singer. In 
other operas that lady has shown her power in raising the admiration 
of the judgment, by her skill and execution. The music of the 
Duenna (consisting principally in a fortunate adoption of the 
best Scotch airs) will afford her an opportunity of captivating 
the heart, by that melody, which is indeed "the food of love," or, 
with a more melancholy cadence, chaunts the lamentable tale 
of 'Old Robin Gray.' 

While the curtain is falling on this chapter of opera 
in America, a few passing remarks may be made on 
Peter Markoe's ill-fated The Reconciliation; or, The 
Triumph of Nature. A comic opera in two acts,' 
Philadelphia, 1790. Strictly speaking, this was a libretto 
for a ballad-opera founded on Gessner's 'Erastus.' Ill- 
fated it was because, like Andrew Barton's 'The Dis- 
appointment,* it was accepted by the Old American 
Company but not performed. I have given the history 
of Markoe's case, a description of his work and a quo- 
tation from the "impartial review" in the Universal 
Asylum in my study on 'Early American Operas' 
(Sammelbande der I. M. G.), and content myself here 
with the opinion that the fate of Peter Markoe's 'Re- 
conciliation' was at least a trifle more enviable than that 
of ambitious American operas of our own time which 
are not even accepted for performance. 



2. The End of the Century : 1793-1800 

NEW YORK 

In the preceding chapter it was stated that the troubles 
of the Old American Company were only beginning 
when the Thespians won their decisive victory over the 
Philistines, for now the friends of the drama could turn, 
as it were, from foreign to domestic politics. Nothing 
that the managers did, seemed to satisfy them. As a 
matter of fact, their forces really had been crippled, 
the Southwark Theatre was accessible only through 
unpaved streets, it was unbearably hot during the 
summer season, so much so that after all kinds of venti- 
lating experiments in 1791, "the public was respectfully 
informed that in order to render the House as cool as 
possible, in addition to the wind sail: fire engines will, 
during the afternoon, be kept constantly playing on the 
roof and walls of the theatre" — these and the well-known 
fact that negotiations were pending for the erection of a 
new theatre in Chestnut Street which would outclass 
the Southwark theatre, made improvements, at least in 
the personnel of the Old Americans, obviously im- 
perative. Accordingly, John Henry set sail for Europe. 
When he returned in 1792, after a half-year's absence, 
he brought with him a company which was far above 
mediocrity. The career of his recruits has been so care- 
fully traced by several historians that the briefest possible 
remarks will be sufficient to introduce the principal 
new members to the reader. Before doing so, one general 
observation is necessary. English operas were then 
still practically plays interspersed with music. The dia- 
logue was spoken. Consequently, these operas called for 
good actors, perhaps more than the grand operas with their 
recitative in which superior musical abilities might cover 

84 



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^ifn^ /u-r'^ lA^jivU'ing Can 



J 



JOHN IIODliKIXSOX ( 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 85 

histrionic shortcomings. This has led to the fallacy 
that the interpreters of English opera were merely good 
actors with tolerable but untrained voices. In individual 
cases this may have been true, but it does not apply, 
I think, to the majority of the stars in English opera. 
Contemporary accounts do not permit of the fallacy just 
alluded to, and the burden of proof rests with those who 
do not concede thewell-balanced combination of histrionic 
and musical training in the English actor-singers of 
those days. 

The brightest star in the new firmament was un- 
questionably Jol ^n Ho^ yli^i^g^" Though only twenty- 
six years of age when engaged by Mr. Henry, Hodgkinson 
— ^whose real name was Meadowcraft — had lived a busy, 
successful and, to put it mildly, romantic life. He was 
playing an engagement at Bath and was about to invade 
London when Henry captured him for America. All 
accounts agree that Hodgkinson possessed a phenomenal 
memory and an equally phenomenal versatility as 
tragedian, comedian and vocalist. With these character- 
istics he combined exceptional powers of interpretation, 
and probably his biographer Carpenter did not exaggerate 
much when he dubbed him the provincial Garrick. 
But Hodgkinson was also incurably vain and, as Dunlap 
put it, "his ambition for play-house applause was in- 
ordinate, and he was as rapacious for characters as 
Bonaparte has since been for kingdoms.*' Owing to this 
Napoleonic tendency, the history of the Old American 
Company soon became one of grumbling, discontent, 
strife, and worse things. First, Hodgkinson succeeded 
in 1794, with the connivance of Lewis Hallam, whose 
maxim was to "divide and govern," in driving John 
Henry from the active management of the company, 
putting himself in his place; but the firm of Hallam and 
Hodgkinson, with such a par nobile fratrum at the head, 
could not possibly live long. Napoleon Hodgkinson and 
Odysseus Hallam immediately began to quarrel, with 



86 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

the result that in 1796 Hallam resigned as manager and 
continued with the company as a mere salaried actor. 
Fortunately, in the same year, William Dunlap, the 
dramatist and historian, had been admitted into the 
partnership, and he endeavored with more or less success 
to counteract the results of Hodgkinson's pranks and 
frolics as a manager. This partnership lasted exactly 
two years. Then Hodgkinson, whatever his reasons 
were, followed the example set by Lewis Hallam and 
returned, with occasional relapses into his hobby of mis- 
managing companies, to the ranks of the players. 
Neither his failure as a manager, nor his utter lack of 
tact, seriously interfered with his popularity as an actor. 
He was idolized in almost every part in drama and opera 
which he essayed. His career came to an untimely end 
when he died at Washington of yellow fever in 1 805 . * * No 
succeeding performer," says Mr. Ireland, **has ever en- 
joyed an equal reputation for versatility and general 
merit, and in many characters of comedy, both high 
and low, he excelled every contemporary," 

Next in consequence among Henry's recruits was 
Miss Brett, whom Hodgkinson described as second only 
to Mrs. Billington as a singer, reason enough to marry 
her after some unsavory preliminaries after their arrival 
in America. Mrs. Hodgkinson's **forte was opera," 
and "her voice, both in speaking and singing, was power- 
ful and sweet," says Dunlap. Until her death — she died 
at New York of consumption in 1803 — she remained the 
favorite soubrette. Had she not been the young, beautiful 
and exemplary wife of John, who pushed her systematic- 
ally to the front, undoubtedly Mrs. Pownall would have 
reigned supreme as the operatic star of the Old Americans, 
for she was none other than the celebrated Mrs. Wrighten 
of Drury Lane. Though she had passed her prime when 
she reached our shores, our people had never before 
come into contact with a vocalist of finer artistic fibre, 
who at the same time was a really great actress. To 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 



87 



this must be added a generous and sympathetic character; 
and it is not at all surprising that the elopement of one 
of her daughters with Alexandre Placide, the pantomi- 
mist, proved so great a shock to her pride that she died 
of a broken heart at Charleston, S. C, in 1796, 

Instead of repeating the twice-told tales of the other 
members of the company, less important, of course, 
but all capable, I give a typical cast to show the strength 
and distribution of the company in opera. It is the one 
of 'The Maid of the Mill' as performed at New York 
in the first season after the reorganization: 



Lord Ainsworth . 

Sir Harry Sycamore 

Mervyn 

Fairfield 

Giles 

Ralph . 

Lady Sycamore 

Fanny . 

Theodosia 

Patty . 



Mr. Hodgkinson 
Mr. Prigmore 
Mr. West 
Mr. Ashton 
Mr. WooUs 
Mr. Hallam 
Mrs. Hamilton 
Mrs. Kenna 
Mrs. Hallam 
Mrs. Pownall 



The changes in the personnel of the orchestra were 
due, naturally, less to recruiting trips to Europe than to 
an adaptation to local conditions. As New York became 
the main battlefield of the Old Americans after their re- 
organization, logically the orchestral forces were princi- 
pally selected from resident musicians. By the way of 
inference we may argue that the "principal performers" 
who appeared on the local concert-stage, also formed the 
backbone of the theatre orchestra. That it had not in- 
creased materially in numbers since John Bentley's time 
is almost certain. I should have to content myself with 
the rather vague statement that it was just like other 
provincial orchestras of the time, perhaps better, had 
not Mr. Ireland mentioned its members by name when 
speaking of the opening of the Park theatre in 1798. He 
says: "Mr. Hewitt, leader of the orchestra, which 



88 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

consisted of Messrs. Pellesier, Gilfert, Everdell, Nicolai, 
Samo, Ulschoeffer, Henri, Lilrecheki [recte Libeschesky], 
Dupuy, Nicolai, jr., Adet, Hoffman and Dangle.*' 

In all, fourteen musicians, who cost the management 
$140 a week, or approximately ten per cent, of the 
entire expenses. Occasionally a few performers might 
have been added, but it is questionable if the orchestra 
ever contained more than twenty musicians. At any 
rate, as late as about 1822, fewer than this number 
appear in a picture of the interior of the Park Theatre, 
preserved by the New York Historical Society, when the 
veteran George Gillingham was leader. The musicians 
mentioned by Mr. Ireland, however, are exactly those 
whom one would expect to find in a good theatre or- 
chestra if confronted with those frequently mentioned 
in old concert programs. At least two may with safety be 
recorded as men of real merit, measured by any standard : 
James Hewitt and (as I prefer to give the name spelled 
in many different ways) Victor Pelissier, horn virtuoso 
and, together with Hewitt, the accredited composer and 
arranger of the Old American Company. 

This indulgence in personalities has a pertinent histori- 
cal reason. Quite apart from the desire to perpetuate 
their memory it is the necessity, in the face of previous 
historical impressions, to insistbyallpossiblemeanson the 
fact that not only a great number of operas were made 
familiar to American audiences, but also that they were 
well given and that the performances, from the very nature 
and career of the performers, could bear comparison with 
those in England, with the possible exception of London. 
This will become all the more clear, with very obvious 
inferences, when the company formed by Wignell and 
Reinagle in competition with the Old Americans passes 
review. 

After its reorganization the Old American Company 
first proceeded to Philadelphia, and did not present itself 
at the John Street Theatre in New York until Jan. 28, 



^ POST-RE VOL UTIONA R Y OPERA 89 

1793. The season lasted into June. The theatre was 
reopened in November, and closed the end of June, 

1794. The players returned in the middle of December 
for a similar period. The yellow- fever epidemic at New 
York during the fall of 1795 caused the company to flee 
to Boston ; they did not return to their New York home 
until February, 1796, when they again played until the 
end of June. After a recess of about three months the 
John Street Theatre was occupied by Hallam, Hodg- 
kinson and Dunlap from the end of September, 1796, 
for the usual season. During the summer and fall of 
1797 the company visited Newport and Boston, awaiting 
with anxiety the completion of their new center of acti- 
vities, the Park Theatre at New York; but on their 
return it was not quite ready for occupancy, and the John 
Street Theatre was therefore reopened from December 
11, 1797, until January 13, 1798. This was to be the 
last performance on the boards of the good old John 
Street temple of dramatic art, then looking back on a 
more or less glorious career of thirty years. 

Wignell and Reinagle, not satisfied with building their 
Chestnut Street Theatre in Philadelphia, entertained 
plans of boldly invading the sphere of interest of their 
NewYork rivals. They must have succeeded in interesting 
some monied persons in this scheme, as the Daily Ad- 
vertiseroi Jan. 14, 1793, contains the announcement of a 
meeting of the subscribers to Wignell and Reinagle's 
"New Theatre in this City.** For some reason the 
Philadelphians dropped their plan. Yet the mere sugges- 
tion of a possible rival must have put Hallam and Henry 
on their guard, and actually in the following year adver- 
tisements appeared in the papers showing that Hallam 
and Henry hurried to take the wind out of the sails 
of their opponents by also proposing a new theatre. 
Committees were appointed, and they reported that 
no place was found **so eligible as where the present 
theatre stands.'* In other words, a stock company was 



90 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

to be formed to tear the John Street Theatre down and 
build a new one on the same spot. This plan, too, 
failed, and gradually a proposition to erect a theatre in 
Park Row assumed tangible shape. This, the Park 
Theatre, was thus first projected in 1795 and the plans 
for its construction were originally furnished by Marc 
Isambard Brunei, the celebrated French engineer; but 
as carried out they lost much of their intended splendor, 
and were revised beyond recognition in 1806 by Mr. 
Holland. Well adapted for its purpose, substantial but 
plain and barn-like of exterior, the Park Theatre was 
erected at an estimated cost of $42,375, but the actual 
cost, Mr. Ireland claims, amounted to more than 
$130,000. It should have been ready for occupancy in 
October, 1797, but could not be opened — and then in 
an unfinished state — until Jan. 29, 1798. The Park 
Theatre enjoyed a theatrical career of exactly fifty 
years. It was destroyed in by fire 1848.* 

From 1793 until the season of 1799-1800 closed, the 
following operas, pantomimes and kindred works were 
performed by the Old Americans, first at the John 
Street and then at the Park Theatre. [See Tabh B.] 

In eight years, more than one hundred and twenty 
musical dramas, operas, musical entertainments, musical 
farces, ballad-operas, speaking pantomimes, ballets, or 
whatever other names was bestowed upon the dramatic 
music of the age! And besides hearing the operas that 
had runs of upwards of one hundred nights at London and 
sometimes, as it were, by return mail. New Yorkers were 
deluged with the favorite songs from these and other 
operas at the concerts where the opera-stars reigned 
supreme as vocalists. In order not to become tiresome 
with my theories on early music in America, I ask the 

iBut see "Chapters of Opera" (1908) by Mr. Krehbid, who says: "At the doae 
of the season of 1820, the Park Theatre was destroyed by fire .... On its 
site was erected the new Park Theatre, which was the original [New York] home 
of Italian opera, performed in its original tongue, and in the Italian manner. . ." 
Of this old new Park Theatre destroyed by fire in 1848. Mr. Krehbiel has a facade 
view in his book. 



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POST'REFOLUTIONARY OPERA 91 



reader to draw his or her own inferences from this 
chronological record which, though carefully extracted 
from a voluminous mass of notes, does not pretend to 
be infallible or beyond the possibility of additional 
works and dates of performance. 

The repertory quoted is full of suggestions in several 
ways. In the first place it will be noticed that some 
French works had crept in, but I prefer to draw attention 
to this new branch on our tree of operatic knowledge in 
the finale of my monograph. Then, we modems are 
somewhat puzzled by the great importance attached to 
the pantomimes. Strictly speaking, many of them were 
not real pantomimes but, to use the hybrid term of the 
age, "speaking" pantomimes. How far the English 
pantomime writers and composers learned their lesson 
from the French this is hardly the place to discuss. 
Exaggerating a trifle, it might be said that the genuinely 
French opera grew out of such ''speaking pantomimes" 
and — now exaggerating still more — it might even be 
said that the grand opera i la Meyerbeer was merely the 
degenerate historical descendant of the old French 
speaking pantomimes and ballets. Lully and Rameau 
proved the artistic possibilities of the genre in practice 
and men like Noverre in theory, and the nineteenth 
century witnessed a nation's pride centered in the 
beautiful dramatic ballets of a master, namely the 
sadly neglected grand old man of Denmark, Johann 
Peter Emil Hartmann. In fact, the speaking pantomimes 
or ballets with their mixture of all the arts came, in 
theory at least, very near being a Gesamtkunstwerk in 
the sense of Wagner and his predecessors. Indeed, the 
English speaking pantomimes, leaving aside the harle- 
quinades, a by-product the world over in those days, 
not infrequently impress us as deserving the name of 
opera more than the works which created a furore on 
the English stage under the name of musical dramas, 
operas, and what not. In our country, the dramatic 



92 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

features of the pantomimes soon seem to have been 
driven to the background for the display of what had 
become their strong and at the same time their weak 
points, "dancing, machinery, scenery and dresses/' 
This tendency does not appear to have been exposed 
in the earlier importations. The juxtaposition of the 
announcements of two grand pantomimes will make this 
clear. Taking Gluck's *Don Juan' ballet as the musical 
starting-point, Mr. Delphini had "composed" (that is, 
written) a tragic pantomimical entertainment in two 
acts, and William Reeve had weeded out some of Gluck's 
music and planted "songs, duets and choruses" of his 
own composition in the score, which was thus brought 
out with Mr. Dixon's scenery at London in 1787. As 
'Don Juan; or, the Libertine Destroyed,* we know how 
popular the pasticcio became in our country after 1793; 
and here is an announcement of *Don Juan' in the 
American Minerva, Feb. 27, 1796: 

On Saturday evening the 27th • . . the grand pantomime 
of Don Juan; or, the Libertine destroyed, with all the music, songs, 
dances, etc., etc. 



Don Juan .... 


Mr. Hodgkinson 


Don Guzman (the Com- 




mandant) .... 


Mr. Hallam 


Don Ferdinand . 


Mr. Tyler 


Pedro 


Mr. Durang 


Villagers .... 


Messrs. King, Munto, Cleve- 




land, Hallam, jr., etc. 


Alguazales .... 


Messrs. WooUs, Johnson, 




Roberts, etc. 


Sailors .... 


Messrs. Lee, Durang, Des 




Moulins, etc. 


Furies .... 


Messrs. Leonard, M 'Knight, 




etc. 


Scaramouch .... 


Mr. Jefferson 


Confidante .... 


Mrs. Brett 


Banqueting ladies 


Mrs. Hodgkinson, Mrs. Mun- 




to, Mrs. Tyler, Mrs. King, 




Mrs. Tompkins, etc. 


Village lasses 


Mrs. Hallam, Mrs. Durang, 




Mrs. Cleveland, etc. 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 



93 



Cottagers 
Donna Anna 



Miss Brett and Miss Broad- 
hurst 

Mrs. Gardie 



How carefully the dramatis personae are enumerated 
in this earlier pantomime! Now the announcement in 
in the same paper, June 8, 1796: 

Never performed here, a splendid National, Historical, Panto- 
mime in 2 acts, called The Independence of America; or, the ever 
memorable 4th of July, 1776. 

America Mde. Gardie 



Britannia 

Goddess of Liberty 
Senator .... 
1st British Officer 
2d British Officer 

Characters 
The General 
Officer .... 
1st Citizen . 
2d Citizen 

Messenger from Boston 
President 
Citizens 

Citizen Soldiers . 

Old Woman . 



%n 



Mrs. Cleveland 
Mrs. Hallam 
Mr. Cleveland 
Mr. Munto 
Mr. Lee 

the Pantomime 

Mr. Tyler 

Mr. Jefferson 

Mr. Durang 

Mr. WooUs 

Mr. Lee 

Mr. Hallam, jr. 

Messrs. Roberts, M'Kenzie, 
etc. 

Messrs. Leonard, M 'Knight, 
Jenkins, etc. 

Mr. Francesquy. 



IN ACT 1st 
The principal event that happened on that day. 

IN ACT 2d 

The Destruction of Despotism. A pastoral dance and 
verses, sacred to Liberty. 

The whole to conclude with The Declaration of Indepen- 
dence. And the Rights and Privil^es of America; with 
a Country Dance by the characters. Previous to the 
Pantomime an All^orial Prologue. Vivat RespubHcal 

In this American pot-boiler there is already a suspicion 
of weakening. Still, the center of attraction had not 
been shifted, but compare the 'Independence of America' 



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WA^ONGTOirS MARCH 
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JAMES HEWITT ( 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 95 

PRESIDENT'S MARCH 

12. Federal Constitution 

13. American Navy 

To conclude with a song and chorus. 

This certainly was a bona fide pantomime of the 
Hippodrome brand, and both Dryden and Garrick would 
have shuddered at the atrocious taste displayed in this 
masque, which was merely a more learned and dignified 
title for pantomime. 

Evidently, anti-esthetic tendencies were here at work 
in the name of a public daily craving more and more 
for sensational /m5(?n^, and how viciously the managers 
would confuse the already muddled terminology of the 
different genres of dramatic music may fittingly be il- 
lustrated by an announcement in the New York Gazette, 
June 1, 1799: 

.... never performed here, a play in three acts, inter- 
spersed with music, written by Harriet Lee, called **The Myste-- 
rious Marriage; or, the Heirship of Roselva." 

Scene 1. The Entrance and distant view of the castle 
of Roselva. In act 1. A grand chorus of hunters, re- 
turning from the chase. End of act 1. A procession of 
the domestics of the Count, a grand march, with an ac- 
companiment of Cymbals, Drums, etc., by Turkish 
slaves — they are met by the retinue of Lord Albert, 
and the procession enters the castle. In act 3. Distant 
chorus of peasants over the grave of Constantia. Scene, 
the chapel of the castle, a view of the altar, and the 
tomb of Constantia hung with garlands of flowers. 
Chorus of peasants in honor of their victory over the 
Turks. — Procession of soldiers, peasants and Turkish 
captives in chains. — ^Scene the last . Glee and Full chorus 
by peasants and soldiers over the body of the Count. 
They drop their banners and invert their spears, while 
the curtain falls to slow music. 
The music and accompaniments composed by Mr. 
Hewitt. 

The Biographia Dramatica, this vast storehouse of 
entertaining information, claims that the 'Mysterious 



96 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

Marriage* was never acted; this may be true as far as 
England is concerned, but the play certainly was per- 
formed in America, though in a manner to destroy the 
dividing lines between play, opera and pantomime. 
But the climax of the esthetic confusion is reached with 
the announcement in the New York Daily Advertiser, 
July 4, 1799, of 

. . . . a splendid, allegorical, musical drama, never exhibited, 
called **The Fourth of July; or, Temple of American Independence." 
In which will be displayed (among other scenery, professedly in- 
tended to exceed any exhibition yet presented by the theatre) a 
view of the lower part of Broadway, Battery, harbor and shipping, 
taken on the spot. 

After the Shipping shall have saluted, a military procession in 
perspective will take place, consisting of all the uniform companies 
of the city, horse, artillery and infantry in their respective places, 
according to the order of the march. The whole to conclude with 
an inside view of *The Temple of Independence* as exhibited on the 
birthday of Gen. Washington. Scenery and machinery by Mr. 
Ciceri. — Music by Mr. Pelesier. 

This patriotic speaking pantomime was called "a 
splendid, allegorical musical drama"! However, all 
this happened at the end of the century, when suddenly 
a temporary anticlimax in musical taste generally ap- 
pears to have set in. Until then, and on the whole, such 
aberrations were sporadic, and in their more serious 
efforts American authors strove to continue in the vein 
of O'Keefe, Colman, Prince Hoare, Sheridan, and their 
musical Dioscuri Dibdin, Linley, Arnold, Arne, Reeve, 
Shield, Storace, and others. If they further diluted 
the blood in this vein, that is but natural, and the 
clever, attractive works of the Englishmen were Ameri- 
canized only in so far as Victor Pelissier, Alexander 
Reinagle, James Hewitt and Benjamin Carr found it 
necessary to write new orchestral accompaniments or 
new music for the changes in the librettos adopted for 
the American stage. I have given a fairly complete list 
of such rearrangements in my study on 'Early American 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 97 

Operas' and, to repeat it, have there described with suffi- 
cient minuteness the more serious, original American 
operas by these and other Americanized composers. 

To these serious efforts 'Needs must; or, the Ballad 
Singers* did not belong. It merely served for the re- 
appearance of Mrs. Pownall, who had broken a leg and 
was still on crutches when the skit was made public. 
Apparently the plot had been so concocted by Mrs. Anne 
Julia Hatton as to allow Mrs. Pownall to sing favorite 
ballads without moving about the stage. Nor was 
John Hodgkinson's *The Launch; or. Huzza for the 
Constitution' of much account. It was a patriotic 
trifle in honor of '*the Frigate Constitution breasting the 
curled surge," and in an advance notice on Sept. 13, 
1797, in the Columbian Centinel of Boston, when the 
piece was first performed there, it is said to contain a 
great diversity of national character, and incidental 
song. ''The idea is novel, the occasion happy." Hodg- 
kinson also appeared in his r&le as author, for which 
Dunlap concedes him extremely little talent, in 'The 
Purse; or, American Tar.' His reasons for bestowing 
"alterations and additions" on Cross's 'The Purse; or. 
Benevolent Tar,* set to music by William Reeve, do 
not appear. 

One of Hodgkinson's first contributions to literature 
was his prologue to Mrs. Anne Julia Hatton's "serious 
opera," 'Tammany; or, the Indian chief,' with music 
by James Hewitt. Only the lyrics of the libretto seem 
to have been preserved, and if the whole book revelled 
in equally impossible flights of poetic imagination the 
loss is not to be regretted. This serious opera was taken 
seriously only by the Anti-Federalists, and one critic 
insisted that Hallam and Henry had put it on the stage 
only because the powerful Tammany Society so decreed, 
being of the opinion that it was "one of the finest things 
of its kind ever seen. " The New York Magazine, on th^ 
other hand, called it "that wretched thing," and William 



98 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

Dunlap, a Federalist, dubbed it "literally a melange of 
bombast." He was not quite so severely outspoken on 
the merits of his own productions. For instance, of his 
opera 'Sterne's Maria; or, the Vintage,' for which Victor 
Pelissier composed the music, he remarks in his History 
of the American Theatre: "The piece pleased and was 
pleasing, but not sufficiently attractive or popular to 
keep the stage after the original performers in it were 
removed by those fluctuations common in theatrical 
establishments." In his operatic version of Kotzebue's 
"Der Wildfang," under the misleading title of "The Wild- 
goose Chase," he seems to have taken greater pride, for 
he made desperate efforts to save it from speedy oblivion. 
First brought out in four acts, Dunlap cut it down in 
Feb., 1800, to three; and when this amputation did not 
prove satisfactory he compressed it in December, 1800, 
into only two acts. How James Hewitt, his musical 
collaborator, liked these surgical operations, which, of 
course, must have affected his share in the work, we are 
not told, nor am I even in a position to criticize his music, 
as the "favorite songs" published in February, 1800, 
in Joseph Carr's Musical Journal have not yet come to 
my notice. 

Without doubt Dunlap's most ambitious contribution 
to opera-lore was his 'Archers; or, the Mountaineers of 
Switzerland,' received at New York "with unbounded 
applause." of which Benjamin Carr, the composer, re- 
ceived his full share. It is one of the blemishes in Seil- 
hamer's History that his antagonism to Dunlap led him 
to treat this work with superficiality and contempt. 
The Archers' deserves neither. In the essay on "Early 
American Operas" I have summed up my impression of 
the libretto as follows: 

. . . Dunlap was not a master-poet, but merely a dramatically 
gifted stage manager. However, it would be unjust to deny 'The 
Archers' some forcible monologues and skilfully contrasted scenes 
in which the mongrel form of English opera is well kept in mind. 



1 1 


Li 
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nil 


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POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 99 

It would also be unjust to condemn Dunlap where his version differs 
from Schiller's later masterwork merely because it differs . . 
For instance, no esthetic objection can be raised against Dunlap's 
endeavors to picture Tell as an active 'politician/ or to keep Tell's 
wife more in the foreground than Schiller did. 

Dunlap falls short less in such details than in his arid lyrics and in 
the general aspect of the play. The Tell story is bound to be the 
theme for a serious drama, and no theme is less appropriate for a 
comic opera, as the story contains no comic elements whatsoever. 
If therefore an author stoops to make of it a comic opera, he will 
be forced to use violence. This Dunlap has done, and this com- 
bination of heterogenous elements has been futile; the more so, as 
the comic scenes decidedly smack of low comedy. 

Of Benjamin Carr, as the predecessor of Rossini, 
very little can be said, because the music seems to be 
lost except the dainty Rondo from the overture pub- 
lished in No. 7 of Joseph Carr's Musical Miscellany in 
1813 and the song "Why, huntress, why," published 
by B. Carr about 1800 in his "Musical Journal." 
The original cast of *The Archers* — ^a comparison 
with Schiller's dramatis personae will prove instructive — 
was this: 

William Tell, Burger of Altdorf, 
Canton of Uri .... Mr. Hodgkinson 

Walter Furst, of Uri Mr. Johnson 

Werner Staffach, of Schweitz Mr. Hallam, jun. 

Arnold Melchthal, of Unter- 
walden Mr. Tyler 

Gesler, Austrian Governor of Uri Mr. Cleveland 

Lieutenant to Gesler . . . Mr. Jefferson 

Burgomaster of Altdorf . . Mr. Prigmore 

Conrad, a seller of wooden ware, 
in Altdorf Mr. Hallam 

Leopold, Duke of Austria . Mr. King 

Bowmen Messrs. Lee, Durang, etc. 

Pikemen Messrs. M unto, Tomkins, 

etc. 

Burghers Messrs. Des Moulins, 

Woolls, etc. 

Portia, Tell's wife . . . Mrs. Melmoth 

Rhodolpha, Walter Furst's 
daugnter Miss Broadhurst 



100 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

Cecily, a basket woman . . Mrs. Hodgkinson 

Boy, Teirs Miss Harding 

Maidens of Uri .... Madame Gardie,Madame 

Val, Miss Brett, etc. 

Whatever may be the defects of Dunlap's 'Archers/ 
they were not so self-evident as those of Elihu Hubbard 
Smith's *Edwin and Angelina,' accepted in 1794, re- 
modelled into an opera, and as such performed in 1796 
with Victor Pelissier's music for the first and last time. 
For the lyrics, Mr. Smith availed himself liberally of 
Goldsmith's own words, but for the rest certainly not 
of Goldsmith's spirit. The plot, though simple, is 
full of improbabilities and complicated developments. 
The language is disagreeably exalted and sublime, as in 
so many productions of the Storm and Stress era, and the 
characters show an impossible mixture of sentimentality 
and stage- villainy. As for the "opera" * Edwin and 
Angelina,' suffice it to remark that the heroes and heroines 
all come in for their share of the dozen lyrics which 
protract the dramatic agony, and that the whole winds 
up with an elaborate but commonplace finale. 

These American operas clearly took the English 
operas for models and therefore contained, if not their 
virtues, their esthetics defects; though it is perhaps worth 
noticing that they refrained from the double-entendres to 
which our people frequently objected in their English 
favorites. If their dramatic value was not very great, 
we must not forget that their English models called for 
similar strictures. The plots in these were often little 
more than hastily though cleverly constructed vehicles 
for charming, catchy music set to more or less witty, 
sentimental and easily remembered Arcadian and 
Bacchanalian verses. Perhaps it would be unjust to 
expect light operas and operettas — ^for such most of these 
English operas were, after all is said — to comply with all 
the dramaturgic laws as expounded since Aristotle. On 
the other hand, it is curious to note that the American 



POST-REVOLV-TIOi^ARY OPERA 101 



critics of the time were not blind Xoi-these defects. In- 
deed, possessing as one admitted "iiHgtisntific ears" for 
music, they usually directed really critically attention 
towards the literary merits or demerits' ef.-the operas 
which often sailed under the flag of musical dramas and 

therefore logically invited criticism as dramas. Wihe 

' « > « •■ 

newspapers of the time no sustained effort was mad€f^'_ 
comment critically on the several theatres and their', 
repertory, dramatic or operatic. This was considered 
the province of the magazines, but they, too, only slowly 
and tentatively embraced the opportunity to be public 
mentors in matters artistic. The most notable step in 
this direction was taken by the New York Magazine 
in the years 1794 and 179S, and a careful perusal of its 
Theatrical Register **of every piece played" is indis- 
pensable for anybody who wishes to understand the 
attitude taken by American audiences, or, at least, by our 
literary men towards the dramatic productions of the 
time. Incidentally, this Theatrical Register reflects the 
impression made by the several members of the Old 
American Company; in short, it is a kind of dramatic 
mirror for these years. Throughout this book, stray 
criticisms are interspersed to keep the reader in touch 
not only with the operas and actors but with the public. 
Consequently, it is not necessary here to follow step by 
step the arguments advanced by the contributors to the 
New York Magazine. One quotation will suffice to prove 
that our early professional critics had their matter well 
in hand and that they did not accept anything and every- 
thing in the spirit of ignorant and unprogressive grati- 
tude. I select for my purpose the criticism of Arne's 
'Love in a Village' as it appeared in the December 
number (1794) of the New York Magazine: 

The merit of Love in a Village^ though superior to many of those 
heterogenous performances which pass under the indefinite title of 
operas, is not of a very distinguished nature. The plots are too numer- 
ous, the higher characters destitute of any striking discrimination, 



102 



EARLY OPJiRji IN AMERICA 



and the piece passes, off .V,;tjiout leaving upon the mind any distinct 
and useful impressk>V ^fWe recollect generally, that we have been 
pleased; but we Bitd a difficulty in determining with what in parti- 
cular: for the«€^ faults we are, however, compensated, in part, by a 
lively and^pSeasing dialogue and, occasionally, by just and useful 
sentinipiits. This praise cannot be extended to all parts of the play. 
The two- best drawn characters (Hodge and Madge) are a disgustful 
■.isa^yjltion of folly and vice; and what adds to their impropriety is 
We imperfect conclusion of this plot, which might have been ren- 
dered eminently moral and important. The character of Hodge is a 
representation of the detestable villainy which is not restrained to 
persons of more polished education and which the low and ignorant 
fail not to imitate and practise. Considered in this view, the charac- 
ter is moral, but the effect is weakened, nay, almost destroyed, by 
the slight mortification which the wretch receives, while the un- 
fortunate victim of his wickedness is left to shame, misery and the 
town. We hope the managers will not esteem us too officious if we 
take this opportunity of recommending to them several omissions 
in these parts, should this piece be again exhibited. This would be 
the more agreeable, as the performance is much too long; and the 
inattention of the audience during the third act, is a strong hint 
for the suppression of those songs which may be omitted without 
injury to the opera. Justice Woodcock's song, we are sure, will, on 
reflection, appear to the managers imcompatible with the professions 
made by one of them to the house last night. This song might be 
altered very easily, still keeping its characteristic excellence, and 
expunging its reprehensible expressions. Indeed the whole scene 
between the justice and Rosetta in the garden, is indelicate in the 
highest degree, and would be omitted with great advantage to the 
piece, both in respect to decency and interest. The opera was thus 
cast: 



Young Meadows , 

Hodge . 

Eustace 

Justice Woodcock 

Sir W. Meadows 

Hawthorn 

Madge . 

Lucinda 

Deborah 

Rosetta 



Mr. Can- 
Mr. Hallam 
Mr. Munto 
Mr. Prigmore 
Mr. Richards 
Mr. Hodgkinson 
Mrs. Pownall 
Mrs. Solomons 
Mrs. Hamilton 



Mrs. Hodgkinson 

Mr. Can* made on this occasion his first appearance on our stage; 
and we confess, to us a very prepossessing first appearance. Good 
sense and modesty, united to a perfect knowledge of his profession 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 103 

as a musician, and a pleasing and comprehensive voice are not the 
only qualifications which this young gentleman possesses for the 
stage; he speaks with propriety » and we doubt not but practice will 
make him a good actor, in addition to his being an excellent singer. 

Mr. Hallam's Hodge is too well known, and his excellence in 
this line of acting too generally acknowledged to require our com- 
mendation. 

Mr. Munto is new to our stage. His person is manly and pleasing. 
He spoke low, but appeared to us to have a good voice. Eustace 
is not a character in which we could judge thoroughly of his abilities; 
not but that superior qualities will make every part, founded on 
truth, respectable. 

We compliment Mr. Prigmore upon his improvement in his 
old men. Justice Woodcock was a well supported character. Sir 
William Meadows was a very well supported character. 

Mr. Hodgkinson's Hawthorn was justly conceived and inimitably 
executed. The song of "My Molly was the fairest thing" ranks him 
as a musical performer almost as high as he stands in the higher 
lines of his profession. 

To say that Madge was very well played would not be saying 
enough, it was extremely well played. As indiscriminate praise is no 
praise at all, Mrs. Pownall will pardon us if we think that she made 
use of the word "lingo" to the injury of the author and the effect 
of a very comic, and otherwise very well delivered speech. The song 
of "How happy were my days" was exquisitely ^sung. 

We were pleased with Mrs. Solomon's appearance (another can- 
didate) — ^we were pleased with her speaking generally; but we were 
very much pleased with her speaking these words, "I was frightened 
out of my wits lest you should not take the hint," and pronounce 
her a valuable acquisition to our stage. 

Deborah was supported by Mrs. Hamilton in her usual manner, 
which is always respectable in parts of this cast. 

Though last, not least is the charming Rosetta; with voice and 
power of expression equal to her taste, she never fails to fascinate 
both eye and ear. Mrs. Hodgkinson adds a propriety of speaking 
and playing, both serious and comic, with her delightful singing, 
so as to render her undoubtedly the most generally useful performer 
on the stage .... 

Until 1796 the Old American Company practically 
controlled the amusement field at New York, but in 
this year Ricketts' Amphitheatre in Broadway **in ad- 
dition to the great variety of Equestrian exercises and 



104 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

Stage performances" added to its attractions such 
pantomimes as 'The Power of Magic ; or, Harlequin every- 
where,' and Triumph of Virtue; or, Harlequin in New 
York,' evidently forerunners of the amusing globe- 
trotting nonsense of the Rogers brothers. Mr. Ricketts 
soon enriched his entertainments with concert music. 
His successes emboldened him to open a New Circus 
in 1797 in Greenwich Street, where he continued with 
his pantomimic entertainments, among them as novelty 
*The Old Soldier.' But his successes also proved to a 
Mr. Lailson that the circus business was profitable, and 
this gentleman forthwith erected in the very same street 
another New Circus, run on still more ambitious lines. 
He presented, for instance, on Oct. 26, 1797, the heroic 
pantomime in three acts 'Peter of Provence, and La 
Belle Maguelone,' on Nov. 2 "a grand tragic-comic panto- 
mime ballet, in 3 acts, never performed here, called 'The 
New Deserter; or, the Supposed Marriage' . . . . 
the music and the original overture by the celebrated 
Gr6try," and on Nov. 14 "a first representation of 'Richard 
Coeur de Lion,' an historical pantomime, in three 
acts, with military evolutions, dresses, scenery and de- 
corations, as performed in Paris with the greatest 
applause." Mr. Lailson, of course, forgot to tell New 
York that Gr6try had not intended his master-opera 
as a vehicle for pantomimic pageantry. Though properly 
these performances should be relegated to the promised 
French finale of my book, mention was made of them 
here because they interfered with the business prospects 
of certain gentlemen. 

The Old Americans had gone to Boston after the close 
of their New York season and Mr. John SoUee, the 
French proprietor of the City Theatre, Charleston, con- 
sidered the time opportune for occupying their John 
Street Theatre with his Southerners and the principal 
performers of the Boston Theatre. Originally he in- 
tended to stay two nights only, beginning with Aug. 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 105 

18, 1797, and it would have strengthened his financial 
status had he adhered to this plan. Instead, he pro- 
tracted his sojourn until Oct. 17, and left New York a 
sorely disappointed man who had found out that at 
least a slight knowledge of the English language and 
literature was necessary to manage theatricals success- 
fully in New York. During his unprosperous expedition 
to New York, he presented to lovers of opera, etc. : 

Oct. 7: Adopted Child 

Oct. 10: Deserter of Naples (pant.) 

Sept. 5: Highland Reel 

Aug. 21; Oct. 5, 23: Mountaineers 

Oct. 3: Poor Soldier 

Aug. 24: Romp 

Sept. 21; Oct. 17: Sultan; or, Peep into the Seraglio 

Sept. 1: Waterman 

What could the ill-advised Mr. SoUee expect, if 
simultaneously the most formidable rivals possible 
were competing for public favor and occasionally with 
the same pieces on the same night as announced by him? 
These rivals were none other than Wignell and Reinagle, 
who had at last ventured to New York, had taken pos- 
session of Ricketts' circus in Greenwich Street and fitted 
it up as the "New Theatre." At least, Mr. SoUee had 
the satisfaction that they, too, were made to feel very 
uncomfortable by Mr. Lailson towards the end of their 
season, which lasted from Aug. 23 (postponed from 
Aug. 21) until Nov. 2S. However, posterity is less in- 
terested in Wignell and Reinagle's financial affairs than 
in their artistic efforts. It will be seen from the following 
record that they lived up to their reputation by devoting 
themselves strongly to opera: 

Nov. 10: Abroad and at Home (Shield, 1796) 

Sept. 8: Adopted Child 

Nov. 22: Agreeable Surprise 

Oct. 9, 13: Animated Statue ("anacreontic ballet") 

. Oct. 30: Castle of Andalusia 



106 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

Oct. 20: Columbus; or, a World Discovered (music by 
Reinagle) 
Sept. 30; Oct. 4: Death of Captain Cook (pantomime-ballet) 

Aug. 23: Dermot and Kathleen (pant, based on Shield's 
'Poor Soldier/ "composed*' by Mr. Byrne, 
the company's pantomimist. A pantomime 
of the same title was performed at London 
in 1793) 

Deserter (Dibdin) 

Drunken ProvenQol (pant.-ballet, "composed" 
by Byrne) 

Farmer 

Harlequin's Invasion (pant.) 

Highland Reel 

Inkle and Yarico 

Iron Chest 

Lock and Key 

Mountaineers 

Peeping Tom of Coventry 

Poor Soldier 

Prize 

Purse 

Robin Hood 

Romp 

Rosina 

Waterman 



A peculiar feature of these performances was this, 
that the operas were repeatedly advertised as "composed 
into an after-piece." This was the first and last visit 
of the Philadelphians to New York. To remain longer 
would have been incompatible with hygienic principles. 
Ricketts' circus must have been detrimental to the health 
of the audiences and the actors alike, for the managers 
found it necessary to announce on November 22 that 
"large fires will be kept in the theatre, the remainder 
of the season." 

Leaving aside the few stray performances in the New 
Circus, Greenwich Street, of 'Rosina' (Aug. 6, 1798) 
and "positively, absolutely and categorically" of Inkle 
and Yarico' on Aug. 8 by Mr. Prigmore, who had been an 





Sept. 


25: 




Aug. 


25: 




Oct. 


20: 




Nov. 


20: 




Nov 


.8: 




Nov. 4 


.6: 




Oct. 


11: 


Sept. 


27; Nov 


. 1: 




Oct. 


23: 




Sept 


.5: 


Sept. 


1; Oct. 


18: 




Aug. 


25: 


Sept. 


13; Nov. 


17: 




Oct. 9, 


16: 




Sept. 


29: 




Sept. 


22: 




Sept. 


11: 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 107 

unruly element in Hallam and Henry's company, I 
hasten to the first Summer Theatre established at New 
York. It was Joseph Corr6, the famous caterer, who 
conceived the happy idea of engaging the principal 
performers of the Park Theatre for the theatre opened in 
his Mount Vernon Garden in July, 1800, and Dunlap 
willingly admits that Corr6 was a more successful man- 
ager than he. The public were respectfully informed that 
"there will not only be a select dramatic piece of two, 
and sometimes three acts, each night, but a regular 
Grand Concert, leader of the band, Mr. Hewitt." Indeed, 
Corr6 carried the plan to a successful end on September 
19, and part of his success was due to his well-known 
desire to please his patrons whenever he could. For 
instance, though the season was drawing to a close, he 
informed the public that "it having been reported to him 
the inconvenience of an audience, seeing on a level 
surface, he has raised and elevated seats sufficiently 
for between 4 and 500 persons in such a manner as they 
can see the whole performance without being in the 
least incommodated." 

To this Summer Theatre New York flocked to enjoy 
the following operas and pantomimes: 

Aug. 18: Adopted Child 

Sept. 15: Children in the Wood 

Aug. 22; Sept. 5: Highland Reel. 

July 11: Love and Magic (pant.) 

Sept. 17: Medea and Jason (pant.) 

July 14, 16: Old Soldier (pant.) 

Sept. 19: Poor Soldier 

Aug. 11: Purse 

Aug. 15: Romp 

Sept. 3: Shipwreck 

Sept. 12: Wildgoose Chase 

To give an idea of the nature of these mixed enter- 
tainments, which began at nine o'clock (weather per- 
mitting), cost four shillings admission and were enhanced 



108 



EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 



by the allurements of Corr^'s culinary genius, I append 
the announcement for Aug. 18: 



Summer Theatre, Mount Vernon Garden . . . this Even- 
ing .... the much admired musical drama of the Adopted 
Child; or, Milford Castle. 

Mr. Hodgkinson 
Mr. Hallam, jr. 



Michael 

Sir Bertrand 

Le Sage 

Spruce 

Flint . . 

The Adopted Child 

Nell . . 

Lucy 

Jeannette 

Clara 



Mr. Fox 
Mr. M'Donald 
Mr. Lee 
Miss Harding 
Miss Brett 
Miss Westray 
Mrs. Hogg 
Mrs. Hodgkinson 



After the drama there will be a Grand Concert 
Leader of the band, Mr. Hewitt. 

Sinfonie Haydn 



Son^, 'Bonny Bet* 
Recitation, 'The Pilgrims and 

the Peas' .... 
Son^, 'What can a lassy do' 
Recitation, The Pictures of the 

audience, taken by 
Son^, 'John Bull was a bumpkin' 
Recitation and Song of True 

Glory 



Mr. Fox 

Mr. JeflFerson 
Miss Brett 

Mrs. Hodgkinson 
Mr. Jefferson 

Mr. Hodgkinson 



PHILADELPHIA 

The record of opera at Philadelphia was carried down 
to the season of 1791-92. It will presently be seen that 
the Old Americans did not immediately drop the Quaker 
City from their sphere of interest, in fact did not do so 
even after Wignell and Reinagle had established head- 
quarters at Philadelphia. 

But more significant for the fact that managers 
could count on a sufficient interest in theatrical per- 
formances to compete with each other in the same 
city, is the pressure of another company at Philadelphia 
whilst the Old Americans still occupied their Southwark 
Theatre. 

This other company consisted of the Kenna family 
and some minor comedians who belonged to and 
probably were the best of the several strolling com- 
panies that may be traced during these and subse- 
quent years in all directions throughout our country. 
The Kennas had slowly moved northward until 
they reached Philadelphia in 1791. Under the ambi- 
tious name of the "New American Company" they 
turned the Concert Hall in the Haymarket, Northern 
Liberties, into a theatre and from April 1791 to May 
1792 defied the Old American Company to oust them 
from the city, though Durang doubts that they were 
very successful financially. 

During this year they also contributed in a modest 

way to the city's knowledge of opera. As my own 

notes yield but meagre information I have to rely 

almost entirely on Mr. Seilhamer for a record of their 

activity: 

109 



110 



EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 



TITLE OF OPERA 



1791 



1792 



Agreeable Surprise 

Devil to Pay 

Duenna 

Harlequin Barber (pant.) 

Harlequin Dead and Alive (pant.)- 

Harlequin Magician (pant.) 

Harlequin Turned Doctor (pant.)... 
Padlock 

Poor Soldier. 

Tempest of Harlequin (pant.) 

Thomaa and Sally 

Virgin Unmasked 

Waterman (Dibdin, 1775) 



Sept. 14, Nov. 26 

Nov. 29 

Dec. 3, 6 

Dec. 1 

Dec. 13 

Dec. 10 

Aug. 22. 27 

Sept. 21; Nov. 5 

Nov. 14 

Oct. 5; Nov. 5 
Oct. 1 
Apr. 8, 11 



Jan. 17; Mar. 3 
May 16 



May 11 



Feb. 10 
Jan. 23 
Jan. 27 



The Harlequinades in this short list gave some French 
dancers, connected with the Kennas, an opportunity 
to show their dexterity; indeed, the Kennas on more 
than one evening relied upon them to fill the bill. This 
**New American Company" did not risk another season 
at Philadelphia, but the Kennas allowed themselves 
to be absorbed temporarily by the Old Americans. Even 
had this not happened, it would have been folly to con- 
tinue independently, for Mr. Henry, as we know, was 
just then in Europe engaging the best foreign talent 
available for the next year's campaign. 

With the Hodgkinsons and their other stars, Hallam 
and Henry reopened the Southwark Theatre the end of 
September, 1792, and remained there until the middle 
of January, 1793. In the meantime the New Theatre 
in Chestnut Street was nearing completion, but this 
did not deter the Old Americans in the least. Bent on 
reaping harvests as long as they could, they certainly 
were not disgruntled because of Wignell and Reinagle's 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 



111 



preparedness to begin operations at their new theatre. 
Accordingly, Hallam and Henry hastened from New 
York to Philadelphia for a summer season covering the 
months of July and August, 1793. Then the famous 
yellow-fever epidemic, one of the worst in our country's 
history, set in at Philadelphia, and neither company 
could have opposed this dreadful foe. After the city 
had shaken off the signs of the pestilence, Wignell and 
Reinagle at last saw their way clear to start operations. 
Hallam and Henry were wise enough not to compete 
with an organization in no way inferior to their own, 
and which had the additional advantage of novelty; but 
when in the fall of 1794 Wignell and Reinagle betook 
themselves to Baltimore, the Old American Company, 
under Hallam and Hodgkinson, once more and now for 
the last time opened the doors of their Southwark 
Theatre, as if to make sure that they were no longer 
wanted or needed at Philadelphia. This, their last 
season in the city of Brotherly Love, lasted from the end 
of September 1794 until early in December. Without 
further comment, I submit the operatic record for these 
three intermittent and asthmatic efforts of the Old 
Americans to endear themselves to Philadelphia: 



TITLES OF OPERA 



1792 



1793 



1794 



Agreeable Surprioe 

America Discovered (==Tammany). 
Battle of Hexham 

Beggar's opera. 

Bird Catcher (pant.) 

Birth of Harlequin (pant.) 

Children in the Woods 

Danaides (pant., Pelissier) 

Deserter 

Devil to Pay 



Dec. 14. 28 



Oct 3. 8 

Oct. 19 
Dec. 31 



Jan. 2 
Aug. 9 



July 31 



July 5 



Nov. 7 

Oct. 17. 20 

Nov. 31 

Nov. 1^ 

Nov. 24 
Dec.4 

Oct. 10. 13 



112 



EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 



TITLE OF OPERA 

Don Juan (pant.-ballet, Gluck-Reeve, 
1787) 

Fanner 

Flitch of Bacon 

HarleQuin Paslry<ook (pant., Peliaeder) 
Haunted Tower 

Highland Reel 

Hunt the Slipper 

Lionel and Clarissa 

Love in a Village 

Maid of the MiU 

Midas 

No Song, no Supper (Storace. 1790) 

Padlock 

Poor Soldier 

Quaker 

Rival Candidates 

Robin Hood 

Romp 

Rosina 

Sophia of Brabant (pant.. Pelissier) 

Tammany 

Two Philosophers (pant.) 

Wedding Ring 



1792 



1793 



1794 



Dec. 19 



Oct. 1. 5 
Nov. 26 



Oct. 10 
Nov. 9 

Oct. 15. 17 
Nov. 14 

Nov. 23 

Nov. 30 

Dec 5, 7. 17 

Dec 31 

Sept. 28 
Nov. 5 

Dec 3 



Oct. 22, 26 

Oct. 29 
Nov. 7, 14 
Nov. 17 

Dec. 10. 12 

Oct. 24 
Nov. 2. 24 



Jan. 4 
Aug. 16 



July 27 
Aug. 5, 12 



July 3 



July 18 
Aug. 23 



July 20 



Aug. 2 



J Tan. 9 
y 22, 29 

Jan. 11 
July 25 



Oct. 27 



Nov. 21 

Dec 2 

Oct. 3 
Nov. 5 

Nov. 26 



Sept. 24 



Sept. 29 
Oct. 24 



Oct. 1 

Oct. 6 
Oct. 15 
Oct. 10 



Sept. 22 
Nov. 28 



Oct. 29 

Nov. 1 

Oct. 18 
Nov. 10 

Oct. 24 
Dec 4 

Nov. 12 



When Thomas Wignell, whose personification of such 
parts as Darby were so excellent that for years even his 
best rivals did not summon courage to compete with 
him, broke away from the Old American company, he 



POST^REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 113 

experienced little difficulty in convincing some financiers 
of Philadelphia that the erection of a new theatre 
garrisoned with a company to defy comparison would 
pay. The project soon assumed tangible shape; a stock 
company was formed and Wignell and Alexander 
Reinagle, the gifted musician, were appointed managers, 
each for his respective department. Then Wignell went 
abroad to recruit acompany, while Reinagle superintended 
the erection of the New Theatre in Chestnut Street. The 
plans for the building were entrusted to Mr. Richards, 
Reinagle's brother-in-law, who had furnished the designs 
for remodelling Covent Garden theatre. The interior of 
the Philadelphia establishment was a perfect copy of the 
Theatre Royal at Bath and though the facade, measuring 
ninety feet on Chestnut Street, was not finished until 1805, 
the theatre was ready for occupancy long before Wignell 
arrived with his company. Indeed, so energetically had 
the erection of the theatre been pushed, that the Federal 
Gazette on Jan. 29, 1793, could offer its readers a descrip- 
tion, stating that the theatre could hold **2000 people, or, 
about 600 pounds." The building soon came to be con- 
sidered one of the seven wonders of America, and Henry 
Wansey inhis "Excursion in the United States of North 
America in the Summer of 1794*' admits that it was "an 
elegant and convenient theatre, as large as that of 
Covent Garden." In its April number, 1794, the New 
York Magazine had a plate illustrating the "Inside 
view of the New Theatre in Philadelphia." This was 
accompanied by a good description, with comments on 
the "pencil and genius of Mr. Milbourne," the scene 
painter; but I prefer to quote the description contained 
in a letter by Ezekiel Forman to his friend John C. 
Rockhiil, dated March 2Sth, 1793, [error for 1794] and 
reprinted in the Pa. Mag. of Hist, in W. J. Potts' article 
on "Amusements, and Politics in Philadelphia, 1794": 

• • • When I had the pleasure of seeing you last in town, 
the New Theatre was then expected to be opened in a short time, 



114 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

which was done on Monday evening the 17th of February last 
with one of the most brilliant and numerous audiences I ever beheld 
on a similar occasion. — ^The stated days or rather evenings of per- 
formance are Monday, Wednesday & Friday Nights in every Week 
& sometimes occasionally on Saturday evenings. — The doors open 
at five — ^The curtain draws up at six, [the] exhibition commonly 
finishes at about twelve o'clock. — I will however attempt to give 
you a short description of the House & Performers as well as my 
poor abilities are capable of. 

The Boxes run in the form of a semi-circle by which construction 
you have a full view from any part of them without having it 
obstructed by those near to the stage which was too generally the 
case in all the old theatres. — ^There are three rows of Boxes, two 
of which extend from the stage quite round the House & that f>art 
of them fronting the Stage is immediately underneath the Gallery, 
while the third & upper row extends only half way on each side till 
it meets the Gallery which is separated from it by a partition & 
iron banister with sharp pointed spikes, & the front part of course 
forms the Gallery in the front of which & over the board wall is 
an iron railing of two bars so that a person is in very little risque of 
falling into the Pit. — ^The ascent from the front to the back parts 
of both Pit and Gallery (but more particularly the latter) is very 
steep, which tho' it may appear a little inconvenient at the first 
entering of them still proves a great advantage to the persons in the 
hinder parts, as it renders their view of the Stage, unobstructed by 
those sitting in front of them. — ^The Stage is large and commodious — 
the lights numerous & good & the Scenery & decorations may be 
justly said to partake of both the beautiful and sublime, especially 
those used for some particular plays almost surpass description — 
of which those used in a new Opera lately introduced here, called 
* Robin Hood; or, Sherwood Forest,' very much partakes. The 
Orchestra may justly boast of having a band of Music & Musicians 
superior to what any other theatre in America ever did or does now 
possess. — 

Over the stage & in full view of the whole House two beautiful 
& descriptive figures are painted, one representing the Genius of 
Tragedy who sits in a mourning mellanchoUy [!] attitude, & the 
other that of the Genius of Comedy, who stands a little to the left 
of where the other sits and in her hand she holds a scarf on which 
these words are inscribed in large legible characters: 'The Eagle 
suffers little Birds to sing,' & over the heads of these two figures the 
American Eagle with extended wings is displayed. 

As the stockholders showed considerable impatience, 
Reinagle soothed their ruffled spirits by first throwing 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 115 

the doors open for public inspection of the house and 
then by arranging three popular concerts in February, 
1793. After this the house was again closed for exactly 
one year. The reasons for this strange procedure were 
simple enough. In the first place, Wignell exercised 
such deliberation in the selection of his company that 
he did not reach America until September, 1793, and 
when he arrived the first news from Philadelphia con- 
veyed to him was that of the terrible yellow-fever epi- 
demic. Under the circumstances, the company could 
not very well proceed to the stricken city. It had to be 
quartered in the villages of New Jersey until Wignell 
saw his way clear to counteract the bad effects of idleness 
by a theatrical trip to Annapolis in December, 1793, 
and January, 1794. As by the terms of the contracts, 
so the actor-manager William B. Wood informs us in 
his "Personal Recollections of the Stage," the actors were 
to receive pay from the moment of their arrival in 
America, and as they had to be boarded and fed, Wignell 
incurred debts to the amount of $20,000 before he could 
open the Chestnut Street Theatre on February 17, 1794, 
with Arnold's 'Castle of Andulasia' ! 

The best-known vocalist in Wignell and Reinagle's 
troupe was Miss George of the Haymarket Theatre and 
Drury Lane, who was equally famous as an oratorio 
singer. She is said to have had a voice of astonishing 
compass and sweetness and her taste and execution were 
pronounced equal to that of any singer on the English 
stage. She seems to have resembled Mrs. Eames of our 
own time in this that, as one critic put it, "she had been 
taught apparently rather to astonish the ear than to 
please the heart.'* Just previous to her American en- 
gagement she married Sir John Oldmixon, a noted beau 
of the day, and as Mrs. Oldmixon she won the enthu- 
siastic applause of American audiences for many years. 

Only a little less resplendent as a star was Miss 
Broadhurst, whom Wignell captured at Covent Garden 



116 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

when she was barely out of her teens. In fact, she had 
not reached the age of twenty when she made her first 
bow to an American audience. Here and abroad, con- 
sidering her age, as Mr. Seilhamer says, her musical 
accomplishments were considered truly wonderful and 
they shone with equal brilliancy on the concert-stage. 
On the other hand, Dunlap claims that Miss Broadhurst 
never developed much skill as an actress. Verdicts 
like these of old-timers — they might be duplicated by 
the score — should set those thinking who still entertain 
the notion that during the eighteenth century the acting 
abilities of the great operatic stars counted for little 
or nothing. 

These two ladies were seconded, besides by Wignell 
himself, by such experienced artists as Mr. and Mrs. 
Marshall (the latter subsequently known as Mrs. Wil- 
moth), the Warrell family, and the Darleys, who all 
enjoyed a good reputation in England. Of Mr. Marshall, 
Durang had this to say: he "was a vocalist of very fine 
powers, sustaining the principal tenor in opera, and 
being excellent in fops and Frenchmen . . . He 
returned to England in 1801"; and of his wife: **Her 
operatic powers were of a very fine order. She possessed 
a melodious, powerful and extensive soprano voice 
which she used with skill and musical precision." 

These personal remarks may be concluded with a 
reference to Mr. and Mrs. William Francis. Wignell 
must have congratulated himself in after years on his 
selection of these popular and clever dancers and panto- 
mimists, particularly as Mr. Francis* skill in arranging 
and superintending pantomimes and ballets, many the 
"compositions" of his own fertile brain, was of no 
mean order. This worthy couple combined talent with 
thrift, and old Francis died in fairly comfortable cir- 
cumstances in 1827, aged 64 years. 

The cast of The Castle of Andalusia' will give a good 
idea of the team-work of the company: 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 



117 



Don Scipio Mr. Finch 


Don Caesar . 


• 






Mr. Darley 


Don Fernando 


» < 






Mr. Marshall 


Don Juan 


t 






Mr. Morris 


Don Alfonso 


• 






Mr. Moreton 


Perdrillo 


• 






Mr. Bates 


Spado . 


» 






Mr. Wignell 


Sanguino 


» 






Mr. Green 


Philippo 


• 






Mr. Darley, jr. 


Victoria 


» a 


« 




Mrs. Warrell 


Lorenza 


1 


» « 




Mrs. Marshall 


Isabella . 


« 


• 




Mrs. Bates 


Catalina 


• 


• 




Miss Broadhurst 



The company — and this was quite in keeping with the 
ambitious policies of the managers — ^was supported by a 
good orchestra, probably the best yet united in this 
country. Durang corroborates Ezekiel Forman's state- 
ment above quoted, thus: 

The orchestra department was under the direction of manager 
Reinagle and the musicians were deemed equal in general ability 
with the stage artists — ^the celebrated violinist from London, George 
Gillingham [being] the leader. In truth, the orchestra contained 
about twenty accomplished musicians, many of them of great 
notoriety as concert players on their respective instruments. 

As a characteristic feature of this orchestra, and his- 
torically important because the predominance of the 
Germans was temporarily destroyed, must be mentioned 
the fact that it was largely composed of Frenchmen, 
musicians either by choice or by necessity, as almost 
without exception they were political refugees. Indeed, 
tradition has it that pseudo-marquises and counts 
back of the footlights were accompanied by real mar- 
quises and counts in the orchestra. Dunlap devotes 
considerable space to the romantic, or, more justly, 
tragic fate of some of these ill-starred persons whose 
troubles by no means came to an end when they reached 
our shores. A cloud of mystery seemed to hover over 
many of them and quite an effective libretto of the 



118 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

realistic neo-Italian brand might be constructed, for 
instance, on the career of Monsieur Gardie, a French 
nobleman who, with his wife, a beautiful and deservedly 
admired balleteuse, barely escaped the guillotine, first 
joined Wignall and Reinagle, shortly afterwards the 
Old Americans, and in a fit of despondency in 1798 
murdered his wife and then committed suicide. 

But back from such gruesome tales to Alexander 
Reinagle, the distinguished general of the musical 
forces, whom C. Ph. Em. Bach esteemed enough to 
request his silhouette for his cabinet of friends and cele- 
brities. Data on the life of Reinagle, who made this 
country his home in 1786, are now so easily accessible 
that they may be dispensed with here. Suffice it to say 
that Reinagle, together with Raynor Taylor and Benjamin 
Carr, who about this time was singing minor operatic 
parts with the Old Americans, formed a trio of accom- 
plished virtuosos and composers of whom Philadelphia 
was and remained justly proud. Instead of biographical 
data I prefer the pen-picture of Reinagle as conductor 
in Durang's reminiscences, a pen-picture singularly 
fitted to allow a curious glimpse into music and manners 
of by-gone times: 

Who that only once saw old^ manager Reinagle in his official 
capacity, could ever forget his dignified personne. He presided at 
his pianoforte looking the very personification of the patriarch of 
music — investing the science of harmonious sounds, as well as the 
dramatic school, with a moral influence reflecting and adorning its 
salutary uses with high respectability and polished manners. His 
appearance was of the reverend and impressive kind, which at once 
inspired the universal respect of the audience. Such was Reinagle's 
imposing appearance that it awed the disorderly of the galleries, or 
the fop of annoying propensities and impertinent criticism of 
the box lobby, into decorum. No vulgar, noisy emanations, were 
heard from the pit of that day; that portion of the theatre was then 
the resort of the well informed critic. The intellectual taste and 
analytical judgment of our city congregated there to listen, to follow 

1 This is an afterthought. Reinagle was not yet forty when the new theatre 
opened, and he died at the premature age of fifty-threel 



POST'RE VOLUTION A RY OPERA 119 

the track of the actor's readings .... It was truly inspiring 
to behold the polished Reinagle saluting from his seat (before the 
grand square pianoforte in the orchestra) the highest respectability 
of the city, as it entered into the boxes to take seats. It was a scene 
before the curtain that suggested a picture of the master of private 
ceremonies receiving his invited guests at the fashionable drawing- 
room. Mr. Reinagle was a gentleman and a musician. His com- 
positions evinced decided cleverness and originality and some of his 
accompaniments to the old operas were much admired by good judges. 

The observation that Reinagle's imposing appearance 
awed the disorderly of the galleries, is not only interesting 
but fortunate, as it leads with ease to another pen-picture 
by Durang. Though in its first part it refers to the South- 
wark Theatre, the scene described may be considered 
typical of the decorum surrounding our President's ap- 
pearances at the theatre in those days: 

The east stage box in the South Street Theatre, was fitted up 
expressly for the reception of Gen. Washington. Over the front 
of the box was the United States coat of arms; red drapery was 
gracefully festooned in the interior and about the exterior, the seats 
and front were cushioned. Mr. Wignell, in a full dress of black, 
hair powdered and adjusted to the formal fashion of the day, with 
two silver candlesticks and wax candles, would thus await the gener- 
al's arrival at the box door entrance, and, with great refinement of 
address and courtly manners, conduct this best of public men and 
suite to his box. A guard of the military attended. A soldier was 
generally posted at each stage door; four were posted in the gallery, 
assisted by the high constable of the city and other police officers, 
to preserve something like decorum amongst the sons of social 
liberty • • . • 

A few lines from Wansey's Excursion may supplement 
this delightful glimpse into aristocratic democracy. Says 
he, when describing Wignell and Reinagle's New Theatre : 

• . . • to judge from the dress and appearance of the company 
around me, and the actors and scenery, I should have thought I 
had still been in England. The ladies wore the small bonnets of 
the same fashion as those I saw when I left England; some of 
chequered straw, etc., some with their hair full dressed, without 
caps, as with us, and very few in the French style. The younger 
ladies with their hair flowing in ringlets on their shoulders. The 



120 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

gentlemen with rounded hats, their coats with high collars, and cut 
quite in the English fashion and many in silk striped coats. The 
scenery of the stage excellent, particularly a view on the Skuylkill, 
about two miles from the city. The greatest part of the scenes, 
however, belonged once to Lord Barrymore's theatre at Wargrave. 

But pen-pictures of a nature not quite so idyllic have 
also been preserved. For instance, Durang wrote: 

With all [the] array of civil and military power and preventive 
police regulations it was sometimes a matter of difEculty to keep the 
house in reasonable order. As soon as the curtain was down, the 
gods in the galleries would throw apples, nuts, bottles and glasses 
on the stage and into the orchestra. That part of the house being 
always crowded it was hard to discover the real perpetrators . . . 
Vociferating with Stentorian lungs 'Carlisle's march,' 'Cherry Char- 
lotte's Jig,' 'Mother Brown's Retreat.' These were the names of 
notorious characters, with their slang and flash appellations, as 
given by the rowdies of that day. 

Possibly the severest rebuke of our early manners was 
administered by Monsieur Perrin Du Lac in his "Voyage 
dans les Deux Louisianes . . . en 1 80 1 , 1 802 et 1 803 , * * 
when he narrates his experiences at the theatre in Phila- 
delphia: 

II ne r^gne dans I'int^rieur de la salle ni ordre ni d^cense. Le 
bruit des allans et venans trouble continuellement I'attention du 
spectateur qui, malgr6 les defenses port^s sur les afEches, a souvent 
encore beaucoup k souffrir de la mauvaise odeur des cigarres qui 
Ton y fume continuellement. Les hommes gardent le chapeau sur 
la t^te et restent aussi places devant les dames; il s'en trouve 
rarement d'assez galans pour leur ofFrir leur place. Tout y prouve 
que la politesse et la liberty marchent difficilement'de compagnie. . " 

Be it said in fairness to Philadelphia that the "mau- 
vaise odeur des cigarres" was not confined to her limits, 
for Weld and other travellers have commented on this 
same then national and "shocking custom** of ours. How 
things have changed, by the way! No American gentle- 
man still ''guards** his chapeau sur la tite^ whereas this 
shocking custom has in the meantime taken possession of 
such "polite** countries as France and Italy! 



POST'REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 121 

Worse scenes than described by Durang would occa- 
sionally be enacted. For instance, on Nov. 2, 1796, at 
New York, two sea-captains — I am quoting Dunlap — 
doubtless intoxicated, being in one of the stage boxes, 
called during an overture for 'Yankee Doodle.' The au- 
dience hissed them, they threw missiles into the orchestra 
and defied the audience, some of whom pressed on the 
stage and attacked the rioters in conjunction with the 
peace officers ; one of the latter was injured by a blow from 
a club. The rioters were dragged from their box, one 
turned into the street and the other carried into a dress- 
ing-room. These madmen afterwards returned with a 
number of sailors, attacked the door of the theatre, and 
were only secured by the city watch. 

On such incidents of rowdyism Ritter worked up his 
theory that Americans were not prepared to enjoy classi- 
cal music ! He could have found still worse things in Dun- 
lap's book, worst of all the disgusting fashion of the day to 
suffer professional beauties and beautiful professionals tcf\\ 
use the best boxes in the house as a kind of stock exchange. / * 
This custom became so unbearable that the managers, 
when called upon to regulate some other abuses, in- 
formed the public on Jan. 21, 1795 that henceforth **no 
persons of notorious ill fame will be suffered to occupy any 
seat in a box where places are already taken." The man- 
agers wished their theatre to be * 'esteemed a moral, 
rational and instructive amusement free from the least 
riot and disorder"; and with this view in mind they at- 
tacked another time-honored custom (corroborated by 
Weld) when they announced in Nov., 1796: 

Much confusion having arisen from the introduction of liquor 
into the house during the performance, the managers respectfully 
hope that Gentlemen will not call for any till the conclusion of the 
first piece, as the door keepers are, in the strictest manner, ordered 
to prevent its admission. 

It would be utterly absurd to attribute such things to 
the unpreparedness of the American public for good 



122 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

music, or even to consider such behavior an indigenous 
American characteristic. The truth of it is that our audi- 
ences were just as well or ill behaved as those of Europe, 
and that in our country, too, the theatre was used occa- 
sionally for other purposes than the enjoyment of dramas 
and operas. Here the latest gossip was passed from box to 
box and here politics were discussed and political senti- 
ments publicly and noisily aired whenever the lines of the 
actors seemed to have any bearing on political issues. 
Just then the French Revolution was raging, and though 
the Frenchman of the Jacobin type certainly was not the 
best-mannered man in public, yet, being a Frenchman, he 
was the arbiter elegantiarum both in Europe and America. 
Add to this the fact that the two opposed political parties 
in our country were, in substance, savagely either pro- 
French or anti-French, and it is clear that occasionally 
scenes were enacted at our theatres which compared in 
quality with those enacted at the theatres in Paris. The 
climax would be reached when the managers and actors 
themselves wilfully stimulated the political feuds. Says 
Dunlap: 

It was customary (and very naturally so) for the actors, who 
were all emigrants from the English stage, to interpolate jests and 
witticisms at the expense of the French, who were then at war with 
England; and these often gave great offence, excited disapprobation 
and sometimes created great uproar in the house. The anti-Federal 
(or as it was then called, the Jacobin) party, were so exceedingly 
sensitive that they took great offence at the representation of 
*The Poor Soldier/ pretending that the character of Bagatelle was 
a libel on the whole French nation. They were encouraged in this 
by the French consul, then residing in Boston. A pretty smart 
quarrel was excited between him and the editor of t\i& Boston Gazette; 
and the controversy at last became so bitter, that a mob on one 
occasion attempted to stop the performance of this farce, and did 
considerable damage to the benches, doors and windows of the 
offending house. 

Such outbursts of passion were, of course, childish, but 
occasions occured when the public exhibitionsof patriotism 



POST'REFOLUTIONARY OPERA 123 

or politics at the theatres really must have been im- 
pressive or at least picturesque. For instance, Dunlap re- 
membered this scene preceding a performance of the 'Gre- 
cian Daughter/ put on the bill to celebrate the evacua- 
tion of New York by the British. 

One of the side boxes was filled by French ofEcers from the ships 
of war in the harbor. The opposite box was filled with American 
officers. All were in their uniforms as dressed for the rejoicing day. 
French officers and soldier-sailors (we find the expression in a note 
made at the time) and many of the New York militia, artillery, in- 
fantry, and dragoons mingled with the crowd in the pit. The house 
was early filled. As soon as the musicians appeared in the orchestra, 
there was a general call for Qa ira. The band struck up. The French 
in the pit joined first and then the whole audience. Next followed 
the Marseillois Hymn. The audience stood up. The French took 
off their hats and sung in a full and solemn chorus. The Americans 
applauded by gestures and clapping of hands. We can yet recall 
the figure and voice of one Frenchman, who, standing on a bench 
in the pit, sung this patriotic song with a clear loud voice, which his 
fine manly frame seemed to swell with the enthusiasm of the moment. 
The hymn ended, shouts of 'Vivent les Frangois,' *Vivent les Am&*i- 
cains', were reiterated until the curtain drew up, and all was silent. 

As stated, Wignell and Reinagle opened their New 
Theatre in Chestnut Street on Feb. 17, 1794, with 
Arnold's 'Castle of Andalusia' and did not close it until 
the middle of July. The fall was spent at Baltimore, as 
that city had been decided upon as a permanent sub- 
station. The first days in December, 1794, saw them 
back at the Chestnut Street Theatre, where they did not 
close until early in July, 1795. This same schedule was 
repeated in 1795-96. After this until the end of the cen- 
tury the company was obliged by the trips south and 
north of Philadelphia, including the expedition to New 
York, to close in May, but Wignell and Reinagle only 
once deviated from the rule of opening in December, when 
they did not begin the season at Philadelphia until Feb- 
ruary 5, 1799. Of course, when the century drew to its 
end, the company did not show the same faces as on the 
memorable February 17. Some changes had taken 



124 



EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 



place, especially after Wignell and Reinagle overhauled 
their troupe in 1797. To follow these changes in detail 
would be futile, but to allow a comparison with the cast 
of The Castle of Andalusia' in 1794 and to show that the 
reorganization of the company did not materially affect 
the operatic department, I select from my voluminous 
collection of casts the one of the Beggar's Opera, as 
announced in a deodorized version for April 8, 1799: 



Peachum 
Lockit . 
Macheath 
Filch 

May o' Mint 
Ben Budge . 
Nimming Nad 
Harry Paddington 
Wat Dreary . 
Jenny Twitcher 
Robin of Badshot 
Mrs. Peachum 
PoUy . . 
Lucy 

Mrs. Vixen . 
Mrs. Slamakin 
Molly Brazen 



Mr. Warren 
Mr. Francis 
Mr. Marshall 
Mr. Blisset 
Mr. Darley 
Mr. Fox 
Mr. Warrell, jr. 
Mr. Warrell 
Mr. Doctor 
Mr. Lavancy 
Mr. WooUs 
Mrs. Morris 
Mrs. Marshall 
Mrs. Warrell 
Mrs. Lavancy 
Miss L'Estrange 
Mrs. Doctor 



From 1794 until the season of 1799-1800 the Chestnut 
Street company performed the following operas, panto- 
mimes, etc. [See Table C] 

The fact that an opera was selected by Wignell and 
Reinagle to inaugurate their career as managers of the 
Chestnut Street Theatre, is significant, because the whole 
project was based on the idea of giving equality to the 
dramatic and the operatic departments. Much has been 
made of this by the historians of this departure, so fruitful 
for the development of high-class opera in English, and 
to this departure is attributed Wignell and Reinagle's fail- 
ure, that is, failure to enrich the stockholders. To be ab- 
solutely impartial in this matter, I quote from Wood's 
"Personal Recollections of the Stage" (1855, pp. 92-95) a 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 125 

few pertinent lines. They give a contemporary actor- 
manager's point of view and incidentally throw suggestive 
side-lights on the stage-affairs of those days: 

The musical part of the entertainment being now made so 
prominent, greatly swelled the expenditures. These included the 
enormous charge of a perfect orchestra of instrumental performers 
of undoubted abilities, carefully selected from the great theatres 
abroad. The musical instruments of all kinds, (then the property 
of the manager,) including two grand pianos and a noble organ, 
swelled this sum yet more. Then again the skeleton of a chorus, 
to be constantly kept and filled up as wanted, formed another item. 
The orchestra music, (afterwards destroyed by fire,) was obtained 
at an expense of nearly two thousand dollars. The Darleys, Mar- 
shall, Mrs. Oldmixon, Miss Broadhurst, Mrs. Marshall and Mrs. 
Worrall [Warrell], with many others, were engaged as principals 
from the London theatres, and at the highest salaries .... 

It is needless to say the discords among the singers proved a 
great addition to the poor manager's cares. As most of the operas 
had been composed with a view to the peculiar powers and voices 
of some original representative, it frequently happened that these 
pieces were not suited to the ability of later singers, and it became 
necessary to omit much of the composer's music, substituting such 
popular and approved airs as were most certain of obtaining ap- 
plause. As a natural consequence, each artist insisted on a share of 
this privilege until the merciless introduction of songs, encored by 
the admirers of the several singers, protracted the entertainment 
to 80 late an hour, as to leave the contending songsters to a show 
of empty benches, and a handful of tired-out hearers; the audience 
preferring to retire at a reasonable hour • • • 

In its connection with the regular drama, it is useless to say that 
opera, occasionally, increases the receipt of the house. It does, 
undoubtedly, often increase gross receipts, and these are all the 
public judges from. But thb b a matter of balance of receipts and 
expenditures; and our books have constantly proved that the extra 
expenditure for a large chorus force, additional performers, and band, 
added to the enormous demands of the principal singers, render a 
profit scarcely within probability. The great sacrifice of time neces- 
sary to produce an opera with any effect, and its limited run, is 
also a matter of serious disadvantage. Besides, during a musical 
preparation, the stage is so daily occupied as to utterly prevent any 
successful attempt to furnish other novelties. Late instances, 
since the price of singing has been so enormously advanced, give 
lamentable proof of the truth of the assertion, in the fact that more 



126 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

than one theatre has been abruptly closed in consequence of the 
failure of some ill-judged operatic experiment. To show how badly 
the union of the two entertainments affected the manager, Mr. 
Wignell used to refer in later times the advocates of the junction 
to his books of receipts, which presented such contrasts as 'Love in a 
Village/ 'Robin Hood/ or 'Artaxerxes/ (all musical dramas,) 
performed to an audience of one hundred to one hundred and fifty 
dollars, while the 'Revenge,' 'Romeo and Juliet,' 'Alexander,* or 
almost any other tragedy, seldom fell below a receipt of from five 
hundred to seven hundred dollars. My own management confirms 
his views. I myself remember listening to one of the best operas, 
and well sung, which yielded a receipt of only forty dollars. 

Dunlap and Durang held similar views, and it cannot 
be denied that the system of combining in one huge and 
extraordinary company tragedy, comedy, opera, panto- 
mine and ballet was costly and complicated — a herculean 
task, as Durang fitly calls it. Only men of the determi- 
nation of Wignell and Reinagle could carry this system to 
its sweet or bitter end, a system which, in a country where 
municipal or state subvention of theatres is still a matter 
of constitutional doubt and a dream of the dim future, was 
bound to become antiquated. Viewing the problem in 
this light, what does a post-mortem examination reveal? 

Of course, there must be several grains of truth in the 
contemporary verdict against Wignell and Reinagle's 
error of judgment, but my statistic tables, with all 
allowance for the perfidy of statistics, prove that the 
Old American Company cultivated opera in New York 
j ust as strenuously, and this company prospered ! Nor can 
the equal encouragement of opera be held responsible 
for the yellow-fever epidemic in 1793 and its only a trifle 
less virulent outbreak in 1797 at Philadelphia; and a 
manager who starts operations with debts amounting 
to twenty thousand dollars on salaries alone (in those 
days a very considerable sum of money), is surely 
seriously handicapped, no matter what he does after- 
wards; even though Durang places the receipts for the 
premiere of 'Castle of Andalusia' from an overcrowded 
house at $850. 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 127 

Mr. Wood says, and we have no reason to doubt him, 
that Wignell himself — ^he died, by the way, in 1803 — 
later referred the advocates of the equal encourage- 
ment of drama and opera to his books of receipts, which 
presented such contrasts as *Love in a Village' and 
'Robin pood* performed to an audience of one hundred 
to one hundred and fifty dollars, while * Romeo and 
Juliet' and other dramas seldom fell below five hundred 
to seven hundred dollars. Indeed, Mr. Wood remem- 
bered having listened to one of the best operas, and well 
sung, which yielded a receipt of only forty dollars. This 
bait has been taken greedily by several historians, con- 
necting it with 'Robin Hood,* but, as a matter of fact, 
Mr. Wood neither mentions any particular opera by 
name nor even makes it clear whether this happened 
under Wignell's management or his own. However, 
'Romeo and Juliet* was worth from five to seven hundred 
dollars to the manager! Is it not curious then that, 
exactly as in New York, the full vocal and instrumental 
strength of the company was thrown into the perform- 
mances of 'Romeo and Juliet* with Arne's music, of 
'Macbeth* with that of Locke, of the 'Tempest* with 
that of Purcell, and that the managers took evident 
pride in featuring this incidental music? Mr. Wood 
further forgot to tell us if these minimum receipts were 
taken in on nights of first performances, which would 
throw a different light on the subject, because, strange 
as it may seem, the craze for the premiere was yet a thing 
of the future. Here is a curiously interesting bit. of 
evidence for what I mean. Said the Philadelphia 
correspondent of the New York Daily Advertiser on 
October 10, 1800, when reviewing the reopening of the 
New Theatre: "As the beau monde repudiates the idea of 
a first night performance, we were not surprised at meet- 
ing but few ladies there**! 

The historical truth of the matter is, that with two 
yellow-fever epidemics against them, with a company 



128 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

numbering between fifty and sixty artists, with salaries 
ranging from $37 to $10, and only three or four (fre- 
quently fewer) performances a week and with $20,000 in 
debts to be paid off, the Chestnut Street Theatre could 
not have become a gold mine, even if opera had not been 
cultivated at all by the company. There are still other 
points which have not properly been taken into con- 
sideration. 

It was the crucial period in our country's history, 
when Colonial tastes, standards and traditions were 
making place for those of an infant democracy, politically, 
economically, socially unsettled and with a population 
which was becoming kaleidoscopic in its (often undesir- 
able) elements. The spectacular, the sensational in- 
stincts in this heterogeneous and somewhat crude new 
mass of humanity were bound to make their demands, 
and, just like their colleagues in New York, Wignell 
and Reinagle had to supply these demands as best they 
could. Hence perhaps the amazingly large numbers of 
pantomimes and ballets, gotten up by Mr. Francis alone 
or in conjunction with Mr. Byrne, formerly of Covent 
Garden, and Mr. Milbourne, the scene painter. By no 
means all of these were original with these hard-working 
gentlemen, and though they were frequently announced 
as ''composed by," it would be comparatively easy to 
show that most of them were mere adaptations and 
Americanizations of pantomimes, etc., received, as the 
phrase went, with unbounded applause at London or 
Paris. Some, however really seem to have been born on 
American soil, as, for instance, 'The Battle of Trenton,' 
Byrne's 'Alonzo and Imogen,* his 'Dermot and Kath- 
leen' (based on the 'Poor Soldier'), or his 'William 
Tell,' or 'Harlequin Shipwrecked, or, the Grateful 
Lion* : 

The music compiled by Mr. De Marque from Pleyel, Gr6try, 
Giornowicki, Giordani, Shield, Reeve, Morehead, etc., etc. With 
new scenes designed and executed by Mr. Milbourne. The panto- 
mime under the direction of Mr. Francis. 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 129 

But, whether original or imported, these generally 
short-lived affairs entailed a considerable expenditure, 
probably more than the operas. To make matters 
worse, just then began the era of the American circus; 
and the novelty of equestrian and acrobatic feats com- 
bined with pantomimes sumptuously gotten up, like 
'Bucephalus* or *Don Juan,* presented year after year 
first at Rickett's circus, then at Lailson's, and finally at 
both, must have seriously interfered with the business 
of Wignell and Reinagle and therefore incidentally 
with the healthy development of opera at Philadelphia. 
Indeed, in 1796 the competition became very bitter and 
Rickett did not hesitate to perform his pantomimes 
every evening, or even to include regular comedies in his 
repertoire; and Mr. Lailson actually went so far as to 
include Gr6try*s *Le Tableau parlant,' not as a panto- 
mime, but as an opera! How hard Wignell and Reinagle 
must have been pressed appears from their attack on 
Rickett's establishment located also in Chestnut Street, 
in the skit T'Other Side of the Gutter,* in which Joseph 
Doctor, of Sadler's Wells, glorified in his feats of tum- 
bling, equilibrium, dexterity and what not. Yes, in their 
desperation, they even stooped to put a ''real** elephant 
into the cast of a play that happened to call for a pro- 
cession. But this was the ''rational" age, and I am sure 
that the elephant did not draw as well as the telegraph 
which — ^we are told — conveyed messages one hundred 
miles in seven minutes and which smart Mr. Rickett 
made the main feature of his show for a while. 

Just as damaging to their prospects was the rumor, 
shortly after the new theatre had been opened, that the 
building was unsafe. Though the managers hastened 
to trace the rumor to the breaking of a bench and though 
at their request some experts, amongst them Major 
L'Enfant, examined the building and pronounced it 
absolutely secure, the doubters were not to be downed. 
In addition to all this, in 1798 some of the public favorites 



130 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

made their exit from the company without paying the 
slightest attention to their contracts, as stars will do. 
Moreover, in those years, the world over, a change in 
literary taste was latent. Perhaps not so much in the 
plots, because the psychological problems which con- 
front the dramatist will ever remain essentially the same, 
but as to the manner of expression, make up, style of 
utterance. The managers themselves could not very 
well stamp a new literature out of the ground and were 
therefore often at a loss what to do. People began to 
object especially to the broad suggestiveness of the dia- 
logues, or at least they were becoming tired of the low 
garb in which slippery double-entendres were presented 
during the eighteenth century, and the hypocritically 
prudish, high-collared, but just as slippery nineteenth 
century was not yet born. In America this propaganda 
for a fig-leaf from crown to sole was assisted by the 
peculiar attitude which our people assumed towards the 
theatre, illustrated by many '^cards'* and communica- 
tions to the press and the fairly frequent editorals on 
the subject. In our young and somewhat crude de- 
mocracy the didactic, political, ethical, and "have- 
a-good-time" ingredients of art were supposed to be 
of greater importance than the artistic essentials, and 
it was just then that the absurd and American custom 
originated of taking children to plays really intended 
and fit only for adults, and some only for adults of 
more brains and culture than the average citizen musters. 
That those parts of the plots in drama and opera the 
meaning of which was most obvious, namely, the 
double-entendres, would arouse the indignation of 
parents acting as escorts to their children, was but 
natural under the circumstances. Indeed, in 1798 one 
father, guilty of that American sin against common 
sense, aired his disgust vehemently after he had led 
his two daughters into the moral slaughter-house in 
Chestnut Street. 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 131 

Perhaps the most outspoken protest against the 
theatrical literature of this time was delivered by 
"Spectator" in the Columbian Centinel, Nov. 19, 1796. 
He made a rather strong case of his grievances, com- 
menting on the "corrupted morals'* of British audiences 
and regretting that "through a deficiency of native 
genius or some other cause, we are obliged to import our 
plays from Europe," which are "not calculated, in many 
respects, to please a New England audience." Then, 
directing the missiles of his wrath against the "grossness 
of the double-entendres," he concluded his diatribe by 
challenging in a lapidary sentence the manager to make 
"the Boston theatre, what no theatre has ever yet been 
place in which a modest woman need never blush to be 



seen.** 



I have dwelt at some length on these matters because 
it appears to me that the last decade of the eighteenth 
century was a transitional period in theatrical history. 
I am not prepared to span by a bridge this period and 
the first quarter of the nineteenth century, but however 
my observations may be modified by those who care to 
build on these foundations, it is certain that English 
opera was gradually being condemned to a Cinderella 
existence. Under the circumstances it is not surpris- 
ing that the industrious activity of the talented Alex- 
ander Reinagle as opera-composer or chaperon of "ac- 
companiments" in the imported works was doomed to 
speedy oblivion. Not a single score of his has turned up; 
and if we remember what a deep impression was made 
by the *Monody* which he and Raynor Taylor composed 
in Dec., 1799, as a tribute to the memory of George 
Washington, this loss certainly is to be regretted. 

The reorganized Old American Company and Wig- 
nell and Reinagle's Chestnut Street Company undoubted- 
ly, on the whole, raised the standard of opera in our 
country. Of course, the original companies did not 
remain intact. Interchanges — intermarriages, as it were 



132 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

— took place, new members were added; others seceded 
and joined other companies or returned to England ; but 
the changes did not visibly affect the historical aspect. 
Philadelphia and New York/* says Dunlap tersely, 
became from this time territories of rival monarchs, 
who, after annual invasions and hostile incursions, for 
a short time found it necessary to divide the United 
States between them until other potentates raised in- 
dependent standards and every city, town and village 
had to own its own stage, and its own king of shreds and 
patches.*^ 



tt 

41 



BOSTON AND NEW ENGLAND 

At Boston the anti-theatre blue law of 1750 had put 
an effective check on the establishment and development 
of opera. It could not, however, exterminate those per- 
sons who were merely waiting for an opportunity to 
brush the law aside. Nor could it prevent the theatrical 
instincts of Boston from coming to the surface on more 
than one occasion. For instance, on Feb. 19, 1751, the 
Boston Gazette announced: 

Propos'd to be printed by subscription. The Suspected Daughter ; 
or, the Jealous Father, a farce of three acts, both serious and comic, 
as it was acted by a number of gentlemen and ladies. Written by 
T. T. jun." 

Though this farce might have been on the repertory 
of the rebuffed company of the previous year, yet some 
Bostonians apparently must have been known not to 
turn their minds with horror from things theatrical. 
This holds true if Rivington & Miller of the London 
Bookstore in 1762 saw fit to advertise their importation 
of the 'Musical Lady,' 'Don Quichote,' *Love in a 
Village' (first performed in this very year!), and other 
plays. 

The opera just mentioned was among those pieces 
which this clan of Bostonians in July and October, 
1769, went to hear read "at a large room." In the follow- 
ing spring, on March 23, the 'Beggar's Opera' seems to 
have made its appearance in very much the same manner 
as the amazingly clever Leopoldo Fregoli nowadays 
renders grand opera. The "Person who has read and 
sung in most of the great towns in America" announced 
that "the songs (of which there are sixty-nine) will be 
sung" and further that "he personates all the characters 
and enters into the different humours, or passions, as they 

133 



134 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

change from one to another throughout the opera." 
This person was Mr. Joan, whom I believe to be identical 
with the American would-be Stradivari, James Juhan; 
and John Rowe, the genial merchant-prince of Boston, 
who was among the ''upwards one hundred people," 
noted in his diary that Mr. Joan "read but indifferently, 
but sung in taste." In this manner also 'Damon and 
Phillida' was "performed." 

Then followed by a "number of officers and ladies 
having formed a society" some theatrical amusements 
in 1775, the "overplus" of which was to be "appro- 
priated to the relief of distressed soldiers, their widows 
and children." After the war, during the fall of 1788, 
Mr. and Mrs. Smith, by permission, indulged in some 
'Moral Lectures* at Concert Hall, including among 
other blood-curdling but morally instructive things a 
"dialogue on the horrid crime of murder, from 
Shakespeare's Macbeth." 

Two years later Hallam and Henry of the Old American 
Company submitted a formal petition for permission 
to open a real theatre at Boston. It was refused, and 
now the friends of the drama would submit to the ante- 
diluvian attitude of the authorities no longer. In the 
autumn of 1791 two meetings were held at Faneuil 
Hall to urge the repeal of the law of 1750. The meetings 
must have been stormy if even Samuel Adams could not 
gain the ears of the assembly when he attempted to speak 
in favor of the act. Mr. Tudor was instructed to bring 
the grievance of the meeting before the legislature. This 
he did on Jan. 17, 1792, and now the channels for argumen- 
tative discussion pro and contra were dug wide and deep. 
The most elaborate effort in favor of the repeal was that 
of John Gardiner, subsequently printed as a pamphlet. 
Though the committee in charge admitted that he 
delivered "a learned and elaborate essay," and though 
they admitted the "blaze of eloquence" displayed by 
Dr. Jarvis, they succeeded in convincing the house of the 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 135 

necessity of voting the petition down. This vote by no 
means settled the problem. Defiance of the law without 
getting into its grip now became the watchword, and a 
number of influential gentlemen forthwith proceeded to 
erect a building in Board-Alley which would be a theatre 
in everything but name. Mr. Seilhamer and Mr. Clapp 
have minutely described this amusing crusade against 
the Philistines. For my purposes it is sufficient to state 
that this first theatre at Boston was called the ''New 
Exhibition Room," and that it was opened on Aug. 16, 
1792, by Mr. Harper, Mr. Woolls, Mr. and Mrs. Placide 
(the dancers and pantomimists), with a "Gallery of 
Portraits," songs, feats of tumbling and the ballet- 
pantomime of 'The Bird Catcher.' Before the end of the 
month, ladies had found the courage to venture into this 
new abode of 'Lectures, Moral and Entertaining,' and 
by the end of September the company had been strength- 
ened sufficiently to attempt the usual dramatic repertory 
of the day. The papers sided with the law-breakers and 
paid considerable attention to these performances, 
though, it is curious to note, they did not quite like 
opera. The 'Romp,' for instance, was considered by 
one critic "flat, stale and unprofitable." While the 
benefits were in progress, in December, 1792, Governor 
Hancock suddenly remembered the act of 1750, and as 
the disguise of 'Lectures, Moral and Entertaining' was 
a trifle too thin for his Excellency, he instructed the 
Attorney-General to begin legal proceedings against the 
players. This was done. Mr. Harper was arrested in 
the midst of a performance, but released later on bail and 
thus ended the first theatrical season of the Hub. During 
these few months, the musical people of Boston had 
occasion to relish or not to relish the following operas and 
pantomimes: 

1792 Nov. 26: Bear Hunters (pant.) 

Aug. 16; Nov. 7: Bird Catcher (pant.) 
Sept. 10: Birth of Harlequin 



136 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

1792 Nov. 28: Devil to Pay 

Oct. 12: Duenna 

Nov. 9: Harlequin Balloonist (pant.) 

Aug. 27; Sept. 18: Harlequin Doctor (pant.) 

Sept. 3: Harlequin Skeleton (pant.) 

Aug. 29: Harlequin Supposed Gentleman (pant.) 

Nov. 19: Indian Heroine; or, Inkle and Yarico 
(pant.) 

Nov. 23: Love in a Village 

Oct. 17: Mock Doctor 

Aug. 22 : Old Soldier (pant.) 

Nov. 12, 16: Padlock 

Sept. 26; Oct. 9; Nov. 2: Poor Soldier 

Sept, 24: Robinson Crusoe (pant.) 

Dec. 3: Romp 

Oct. 15, 26: Rosina 

Oct. 10: Thomas and Sally 

Aug. 20; Sept. 3: Two Philosophers (pant.) 

Sept. 5; Nov. 23: Two Woodcutters (pant.) 

Sept. 10: Virgin Unmasked 



To give an idea of the company, I quote the cast of 
the "moral lecture 'Rosina' as delivered by" Messrs. 
Harper, Murry, Solomon, Robinson, Roberts, Mrs. 
Gray, Mrs. Solomon, Mrs. Morris. To these must be 
added, of course, Mr. and Mrs. Placide, without whose 
pantomimic activity the company possibly would have 
come to grief sooner. Mr. Seilhamer states that the 
orchestra was led by Mr. Reinagle. This I have not 
been able to verify, and am inclined to doubt it for 
obvious reasons. Our historian is certainly in the wrong 
in giving us the impression that with the Attorney- 
General's raid the performances at the New Exhibition 
Room came to a sudden end. They were merely re- 
duced to vaudeville features, and I find in the Columbian 
Centinel that towards the end of January 1793 Mr. and 
Mrs. Placide again saw their way clear to fill the gaps 
between their feats of activity with pantomines, come- 
dies and operas, e. g., on March 1, the 'Virgin Unmasked.' 
More than this, at the end of March they acquainted 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 137 

Boston with French operas, but these will be considered 
later. That they could so defy the law was due to the 
fact that the friends of the drama had gained the ascend- 
ency over their opponents, and early in 1793, at least, 
the prohibition act of 1750 was argued to eternal slumber, 
though it is said not to have been really repealed by the 
customary two-thirds of both branches of the legislature. 
Immediately a fund was raised for the erection of a 
theatre at the corner of Federal and Franklin Streets. 
Charles Stuart Powell was appointed manager and was 
sent early in June to England to engage a suitable 
company. In the meantime, the New Exhibition Room 
continued to thrive and, besides the French, such English 
operas, etc., as the *Mock Doctor' (May 1), 'Rosina* 
(May 13, 23; June 10), Tadlock' (May 17), Toor Sol- 
dier' (May 29; June 10), were performed by substantially 
the same company as had, the winter previous, made the 
acquaintance of the sheriff. 

The Federal Street Theatre, a substantial brick build- 
ing 140 feet long, 61 feet wide and 40 feet in height, was 
ready for occupancy in January, 1794; but the first per- 
formance did not take place until February 3, when, as 
Judge Sumner tells us in a letter to Judge Wm. Gushing, 
dated Roxbury, 14 February, 1794 (N. E. Hist. & Gen. 
Reg., 1854), "gallery tickets were sold by speculators for 
more than twelve times their prime cost." The trustees 
went about their business with the utmost seriousness, 
and were bent on running a model institution which should 
give offence to nobody. Indeed, so great was their 
respect for the sentiments of the community, that when 
the Rev. Mr. Belknap selected a playnight for one of 
his lectures at the church in Federal Street, the theatre 
remained closed! The orderly manner in which the 
trustees desired the Federal Street Theatre to be managed 
became dear when they published on January 22 a long 
set of "Regulations" which went beyond anything Ameri- 
can audiences until then had been requested to observe. 



138 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

But also the actors received their share of admonition and 
the third paragraph read: 

If in the opinion of the trustees, there be a deficiency in the music, 
the manager at their request, shall be held to enlarge the band, and 
if any of the performers on the stage or in the orchestra, shall be 
guilty of gross misconduct, the manager shall dismiss the delinquent 
at the request of the trustees. 

In order to enforce all the regulations, Col. John S. 
Tyler was appointed**Masterof Ceremonies," and, indeed, 
the whole management was exceedingly ceremonious. 

Col. Tyler's first pronunciamento, however, was rather 
unceremonious, as he publicly requested 

The ladies, as may be seated in the boxes where the seats are 
low, would attend without hats, bonnets, feathers or any other high 
head dress, that the sight of the gentlemen, who are seated behind them, 
may not be obstructed! 

Our master of ceremonies further decreed that 

The music will be assigned for each evening — it is therefore re- 
quested that no particular tunes may be called for by the audience, 
as the compliance with such a request would destroy the arrangement 
and of course cannot be attended to. 

This was too much for the "mobility" — not I, but 
Mrs. John Adams is responsible for this fearful pun — 
and what they proceeded to do becomes clear from the 
manly protest submitted through the press on Feb. 22, 
1794: 

The musicians that perform in the orchestra of the Boston 
Theatre, assure the public that it is not more their duty than it is 
their wish to oblige in playing such tunes as are called for, but at the 
same time they wish them to consider the peculiar poignancy of 
insult to men not accustomed to it. Thus situated they entreat a 
generous people so far to compassionate their feelings as to pre- 
vent the thoughtless, or ill disposed, from throwing apples, stones, 
etc., into the orchestra, that while they eat the bread of industry in a 
free country, it may not be tinctured with the poison of humiliation. 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 139 

This protest was timely, for the music assigned for each 
evening as curtain raiser was of such a character that 
no true musician and no true Bostonian could possibly 
submit to these insults without indignation. One 
assignment, the one for the opening performance of 
February 3, will suffice : 

YANKEE DOODLE 
Grand Battle Overture in Henry IVth [Martini] 
General Washington's March 

Between the Acts 

A Grand Symphony .... Sig. Charles Stamitz 

Grand Overture Sig. Vanhall 

Grand Symphony .... Sig. Haydn 

Grand Symphony .... Carlos Ditters 

The ceremonious management of the Federal Street 
Theatre was praiseworthy in many ways,but unfortunate- 
ly, as Mr. Seilhamer correctly puts it, "between news- 
paper suggestions and strictures and the quarrels and 
jealousies in his theatrical family, the manager had a 
lively time from the outset." Indeed, Boston's attitude 
towards the stage, or at least that of her leading champions 
of the theatre, was entirely too didactic. One need but 
read the "Effects of the stage on the manners of a people, 
and the propriety of encouraging and establishing a 
Virtuous Theatre. By a Bostonian [William Haliburton], 
Boston, 1792," to feel this. Such a curious mixture of 
lofty ideas, phantastic enthusiasm, pedantry, imprac- 
ticability, erudition, ignorance, common sense and com- 
mon nonsense has rarely left the press. His treatise was to 
be a panacea for all social evils, a school for virtue in 
which even angels would have blushed like sinners, a gold 
mine for Boston, Massachusetts, the whole United 
States — with a seating capacity of 6200 in a community 
of about 20,000 inhabitants! In this vast structure for 
esthetic discipline Haliburton provided for ''a band of 
music, of which one to be a master of composition, two 
viols, three vocal performers." A few pages further on. 



140 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

however, the calculation concluded "six of the band, 
150£ each, two viols 250£ and three vocal performers, 
300£." And with this ludicrous consortium our Boston- 
ian intended to put opera on a pedestal so high that 
Richard Wagner would have looked dwarfish. I cannot 
refrain from quoting from among the bombast woven 
around this proposed American Bayreuth in the clouds 
of Boston, the most salient and surely entertaining 
passages: 

The theatre should be a mirror of life with its good and bad. The 
good to encourage the good and the bad to move the bad to leave the 
scene with "solemn vows of amendment" . • • . 

Here music lends her aid divine, softens the savage heart, awakes 
the sympathetic powers of love and melting pity, lifts the rapt soul 
to Him who educes good from evil, who sees and shelters virtue in 
distress. With the animating descriptions of the Stage, music 
combines her soft, deep-felt, retentive sounds, her enhancing powers, 
and thenceforth united they return with trebled energy, dwell on the 
fancy and govern the man when busied on the daily concerns of life. 

The burthen of the interludes should be the praise of the virtues 
of heroic souls, and all such personages as truly deserved the name 
of great; particularly the virtuous characters described in the scenes 
then acting, previously composed by the author of the play, in 
numbers well adapted to the subject, most affecting, and set to 
music by the greatest masters. 

Banished forever, should be all unintelligible Italian airs, trills, 
affected squeaks and quavers, nothing but the deep-felt voice of 
nature, in harmonic sounds (vocal and instrumental united) can 
convey with fullest energy, the powers of music to the enraptured 
soul. Hence the stage would become to America not only the nurse 
of wisdom, but the school of oratory, sculpture, painting and music. 

The modern music is not only faulty in such unintelligible sounds, 
but the variety of loud harsh notes, of bassoons, trumpets and 
hautboys combined (better adapted to excite the rage of war and 
drown the cries of battle) and the noisy organ are such that the 
human voice cannot be heard, and all sentiment is lost, instead of 
soothing or raising the soul and delighting the delicate fine ear, 
they only serve to rack and torture it with the violence of sounds. 
Therefore to the attentive, feeling mind, to the delicate, exquisite 
ear, the appeal is made and the following trial proposed. 

Let sublime, affecting sentiment in the voice of manly or feminine 
harmony, be accompanied with some instrument or instruments 



POST-RE FOLUTION A RY OPERA 



141 



capable of the full, deep, and well toned bass, as the viol, aided by 
the clear symphonic of the violin, tuned and executed in]such manner, 
as only to give harmony to the human voice, and leave the senti- 
ment at liberty, when the heart is thus attuned to take full possession 
of the soul, and lift it in ecstacy, to the loftiest heights of passion; 
or, move it delighted, into the profoundest depths of softened 
humanity, (etc.)* 

But back to reality! An idea of the Boston company 
under Powell may be gained from the cast of the first 
opera performed, The Farmer,' on Feb. 10, 1794: 



Farmer Blackberry 

Capt. Valentine 

Col. Dormant 

Fairly . 

Rundy . 

Counsellor Flummery 

Jemmy Jumps (the Stay Maker) 

Betty Blackberry 

Louisa . 

Molly Maybush . 



Mr. Collins 
Mr. Nelson 
Mr. S. Powell 
Mr. Kenna 
Mr. Bartlett 
Mr. Baker 
Mr. Jones 
Mrs. Baker 
Miss Baker 
Mrs. Abbot 



That Powell's company was not without merit, even 
Wansey in his "Excursion" conceded. Calling "Boston 
the Bristol, New York the Liverpool and Philadelphia 
the London of America," and thinking the Old Americans 
of New York ''altogether far inferior to the Boston 
company," he had this to say about the Federal Street 
Theatre and its occupants: 

A very elegant theatre was opened at Boston about three months 
ago, far superior in taste, elegance and convenience to the Bath or any 
other country theatre that I have ever yet seen in England. I was 
there last night with Mr. and Mrs. Vaughan. The play and farce 
were Inkle and Yarico, and Bon Ton; I paid a dollar for a ticket. 
It held about twelve hundred persons. One of the dramatis per- 
sons was a negro, and he filled his character with great propriety. 
The dress of the company being perfectly English and some of the 
actors (Jones and his wife) being those I had seen perform, the 
last winter at Salisbury, in Shatford's company, made me feel myself 
at home. Between the play and farce, the orchestra having played 
(7a ira, the gallery called aloud for Yankee Doodle, which after some 



142 



EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 



short opposition was complied with. A Mr. Powell is the manager 
of the play-house. Mr. Goldfinch, the ingenious architect of this 
theatre • • • • 

This season of 1794 closed on July 4 and Mr. Powell 
again hastened to England to strengthen the company. 
The theatre was reopened on Dec. 15, 1794, but when 
shut towards the end of June, 1795, Mr. Powell was 
practically bankrupt. Tired of the attacks upon his 
management, which was at least characterized by good 
taste, he withdrew in a frame of mind so bitter that he 
announced for publication by subscription **A true and 
perfect account of the Rise, Progress and Tragi-Comical 
Revolution of the Boston theatre, interspersed with 
curious and whimsical anecdotes, by S. C. P., late man- 
ager of said house." 

The company recruited by Mr. Powell on his second 
trip to Europe did not contain celebrities, but the new 
members are said to have been well known in the pro- 
vinces. Together with the old members they formed 
quite a respectable company. The cast of *No Song, no 
Supper' on June 1, 1795, will help to form their ac- 
quaintance: 



Robin 






Mr. Tones 


Crop 


• • * 


. • 


Mr. Collins 


William 


. • • 


• • 


Mr. Hipworth 


Endless (with a 


song in character) • 


Mr. Taylor 


Frederick 


• . • 


• . 


Mr. Bartlett 


Margaretta . 


... 




Mrs. Hellyer 


Louisa . 


. . • 


. * 


Miss Harrison 


Dorothy 


• . • 


• • 


Mrs. Jones 


Welly . . 


• . • 


• • 


Mrs. Collins 



It is curious to note that the Federal Street Company, 
though not the best in America (with all due respect for 
Mr. Wansey's contemporary judgment), was treated in 
Boston to more critical consideration in the jpress than 
had been customary. Nor were the critics satisfied with 
praising or condemning. There are signs that they, for 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 143 

the first time in Boston, now considered it their duty 
to instruct the artists on technical points. For instance, 
Mr. Nelson was told on one occasion in the Theatrical 
Department of the Columbian Centinel that the cold- 
ness and indifference of the audience could only be ac- 
counted for by "his not throwing out his voice sufficiently 
to fill the house and permit the pianos to reach the 
distant parts of the building.*' Mrs. Abbot, otherwise 
the favorite during the first season, was told that as 
Leonora in the 'Duenna' "she was much deficient in action 
and seemed more like a statue than a volatile Miss." 
The critic felt happy that in the same opera Mrs. Baker 
"appears practically sensible of her precipitancy in some 
parts of her periods." Mr. Clifford's "style of singing 
is that of the most approved authors." From the per- 
formance of Mrs. Hellyer, the future Mrs. Gottlieb 
Graupner, much pleasure was expected "when she can 
get the better of those palpitations which have been 
visible every time she has appeared," and that her "ele- 
gant voice only wants professional experience to make 
it captivating — study and a little stage degagSe will 
render her highly agreeable." On the other hand, the 
critic expressed his infinite regrets at the shocking 
contrast between Mr. Taylor's Octavian in the *Moun- 
taineers', which would "sanction any eulogium," and 
Mrs. Hughes' "total languor and insipidity" as Flor- 
entine in the same opera. As a rule, however, the 
criticisms were friendly in spirit, with discrimination, and 
the old-time ammunition of such phrases as "in their 
Syren notes [Mrs. Abbot and Mr. Powell] the audience 
fully realized the pleasure they anticipated" was visibly 
being exhausted. A change in taste and a gradual 
adoption of new weights and measures! 

After Mr. Powell withdrew from the management, the 
Master of Ceremonies, Col. Tyler, was entrusted with 
the furtherance of the Federal Street Theatre. He ac- 
cepted the call and proved the wisdom of the choice by 



144 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

immediately entering into arrangements with Hallam 
and Hodgkinson to bring on the New York company, with 
the result that this combination of the "House of York 
with the House of Boston" — Mr. Clapp's bon-mot in his 
Record of the Boston Stage — brought before the public 
a company, for the time being the strongest in America. 
But this feast of talent lasted only from November, 1795, 
to January, 1796, when the Old Americans had to hasten 
home and the Bostonians were again left to themselves. 
In April Col. Tyler voluntarily resigned. He was suc- 
ceeded until the middle of May by Mr. J. B.Williamson, 
from the Covent Garden theatre, and a recent acquisition 
to the Boston company. The fourth season began ex- 
ceptionally early, the middle of September, 1796, and did 
not end until January, 1797. The fifth began exception- 
ally late, in January, 1798. Early in February, just when 
everything betokened prosperity under Messrs. Barrett 
and Harper, fire broke out in one of the dressing-rooms 
and the whole theatre, with wardrobe and scenery, fell 
a prey to the conflagration. Though not protected by 
insurance, and consequently heavy losers, the share- 
holders resolved to rebuild it, and they certainly did 
not heed the wise and knowing who saw in the calamity 
the hand of God. Mr. Bulfinch, the architect, did his 
best to make the new building one of Boston's attrac- 
tions, and it remained a landmark until 1852. The 
erection of the new Federal Street Theatre pro- 
gressed so rapidly that John Hodgkinson, the new 
lessee, could open it the end of October, 1798. The 
season lasted only until April, 1799. Nor was his suc- 
cessor G. L. Barrett much luckier with the equally 
short season of 1799-1800. He tried to pay off debts 
contracted in New York by his earnings in Boston, 
and it was his further misfortune that the grief prevailing 
throughout the community at the irreparable loss of 
George Washington was detrimental to theatrical 
exhibitions everywhere. 



I 



9. 

£ 

S 

X 



-J 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 145 

During these ups and downs in the career of the Fed- 
eral Street Theatre as far as it concerns us here, Boston 
was treated to the following repertory, with Monsieur 
Trille Labarre, later Mr. Van Hagen, as leader and pur- 
veyor of ready-made arrangements. [See Table D,\ 

At first glance this record seems to fall far below that 
of Philadelphia and New York, as would become a city 
just in her operatic teens; but it will be noticed that the 
difference really lies in a less extravagant display of 
pantomimes and ballets. This cannot but have had a 
beneficial effect on the taste of Boston, or rather, it was 
not deteriorated by artificial means. On the whole, the 
repertory impresses one as conservative, and certainly 
the several managers of the Federal Street Theatre did 
hot cater to "American Opera," though on the other hand 
the custom of singing patriotic American airs between the 
acts, particularly during the troublesome year 1798, was 
carried farther in Boston than elsewhere. John Hodg- 
kinson especially delighted in thus endearing himself to 
the public and incidentally reaping the "unbounded** 
applause for which he so craved with such patriotic airs 
as the "Green Mountain Farmer,' 'Adams and Washing- 
ton,' or 'Hail Columbia.' The two latter, though non- 
partisan, owed their birth to our diplomatic difficulties 
with France, and Hodgkinson or other imported English 
vocalists would naturally put all their heart into them. 
Had they been partisan songs, it is very questionable 
if the stockholders would have countenanced their per- 
formance night after night, as the Federal Street Theatre 
was owned by the Jacobin element of Boston, the poli- 
tical friends of France. This led to certain ludicrous 
neutralizations of favorite plays like the 'Poor Soldier', 
in which the character of Bagatelle, become offensive to 
American Frenchmen, was cut out and replaced by the 
makeshift character of Domingo, a negro valet. 

This party standpoint was further made an issue when 
Boston was called upon to support a second play-house. 



146 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

Whether it was his revenge for previous treatment at the 
Federal Street House, or an idiosyncrasy to manage 
theatres, or his opinion that Boston, though still in her 
theatrical teens, could support two rival companies, 
Mr. Charles Stuart Powell in April, 1796, advertised 
proposals for erecting a new theatre near the comer of 
Tremont and Boylston Streets, which he called the 
Haymarket. The sixty shares at $200 each were rapidly 
subscribed for, and a fourteen-year lease at an annual 
rental of $1200 was granted the ambitious promoter. 
While the new theatre, an immense wooden structure 
with three tiers of boxes, pit and gallery, and said to 
have been just as spacious as Covent Garden, was being 
built, Powell hastened to England, where he engaged the 
vocalists Williamson, Mr. and Mrs. Barrett, Mr. and 
Mrs. Simpson and the three Misses Westray, who were 
soon to turn the heads of men, young and old, in Boston. 
These, together with some faithful members of the old 
company and American favorites like Miss Broadhurst, 
opened the Haymarket Theatre on Dec. 26, 1796. Now a 
ludicrous war began between this and the Federal Street 
Theatre, for the supporters of the Haymarket were 
known to be Federals, that is, friends of John Bull and 
enemies of Monsieur Pantalon. Powell's company 
could not compare in merit with their rivals, and he there- 
fore resorted to rather artificial and sensational methods 
to gain the upper hand. Not only did he produce 
typically American plays like John Burk*s 'Bunker Hill' 
and William Brown's West Point Preserved,' which 
naturally would appeal to patriotic Americans of both 
parties and fill his house from both sides, but he soon 
imitated the Old Americans and Wignell and Reinagle 
by making pantomimes and ballets a feature. Conse- 
quently, for a while, the Haymarket Theatre played to 
crowded audiences. To offset this, the owners of the 
Federal Street Theatre, who were wealthier than their 
rivals, gave to every shareholder a benefit night, which 



POST-RE FOLUTIONARY OPERA 147 

meant, in this case, that he had to pay all expenses and 
incidentally that he took pride in cramming the house 
with deadheads. In return, these were supposed to pledge 
themselves never to enter the Haymarket Theatre. 
Not only this, the trustees sought to kill competition 
by lowering the price in the pit to fifty cents and in the 
gallery to twenty-five. The net result of these machi- 
nations was that neither institution flourished, but 
the main purpose was accomplished: Mr. Powell 
found himself sometimes unable to pay salaries. He 
gave up his lease and disbanded his company in June, 
1797. One month later, John Hodgkinson, whom nothing 
could cure of his mania to manage theatres at the 
greatest possible cost, opened the Haymarket for a 
"regular summer and fall season," recruiting his forces 
among the several stranded companies. At the end of 
July he entered into an agreement with John Sollee, the 
proprietor of the City Theatre, Charleston, by which they 
leased both theatres at Boston for five years — ^with the 
understanding that the Haymarket was to be reserved 
for summer exhibitions and the Federal Street Theatre for 
winter. The plan for the latter further provided that 
one company should play in Boston and one in Charles- 
ton, to be exchanged every season. These plans evi- 
dently miscarried, and this is perhaps the reason why 
the alliance has escaped the attention of all other his- 
torians. However, they were formulated and published; 
proof for this statement will be furnished in the chapter 
on Charleston. 

In November of the same year a few stray benefits took 
place at the Haymarket. Then came the conflagration of 
the Federal Street Theatre and Bostonians immediately 
realized what a by far more dangerous fire-trap the 
immense wooden pile of the Haymarket Theatre was. 
Indeed, one of the shareholders promised to con- 
tribute three hundred and forty dollars if the authorities 
would only decree that the theatre be demolished and that 



148 



EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 



no other be erected in Boston. He and others were up in 
arms when Messrs. Barrett and Harper and their company, 
whom the conflagration of the Federal Street Theatre 
had reduced to most uncomfortable circumstances, at- 
tempted to reopen the Haymarket without proper per- 
mission. But the differences between them, the trustees 
and Hodgkinson, the nominal manager, were adjusted; 
and, adopting the motto: "Necessitas legem non habet," 
Barrett and Harper occupied the Haymarket from April 
to June 1798. After this, its career was very asthmatic 
indeed during the period covered by this monograph. 
In fact, only an equally short spring season in 1799 under 
Hodgkinson himself is worth noticing. In the accompany- 
ing table all the performances given at the ill-fated 
Haymarket Theatre are tabulated regardless of the 
different managements. [See TMe £.] 

A good idea of the forces assembled at the Haymarket 
Theatre under Powell's management may be gained from 
the typical announcement in the Columbian Centinel^ 
Jan. 25, 1797: 



This evening will be presented the Historical Tragic, Comic 
Opera, called the Battle of Hexham; or, Days of Old. With new 
scenery, dresses and decorations. Music by Dr. Arnold. Orchestra 
accompaniments entirely new, composed by Mr. Van Hagen, leader 
of the Band. 



Gondibert (Capt. of the Banditti) . 

Prince of Wales (her first appearance) 

Lavasenne 

Fool 

Barton . 

Drummer 

Fifer 

First Robber 

Corporal 

Villagers 

Gregory 

Adeline 

Queen Margaret 



Mr. Barrett 
Miss E. Westry 
Mr. Taylor 
Mr. S. Powell 
Mr. Marriot 
Mr. Dickinson 
Mr. Wilson 
Mr. Williamson 
Mr. Hughes 
Miss Broadhurst, 
Mrs. Pick .... 
Mr. Simpson 
Mrs. S. Powell 
Mrs. Barrett 



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POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 149 

As the disastrous competition of the two theatres at 
Boston, carried even to the point of presenting the same 
works, throws no new light on the subject of opera in Am- 
erica, either as to repertory, critics and criticism, for- 
mation of orchestras, behavior of audiences, and so on, 
we may turn our attention to other cities in New England. 
But before so doing, a few remarks are necessary on one 
enterprise at Boston, which is absolutely unique in the 
early annals of the American stage: operas and panto- 
mimes performed by children. 

This hideous spectacle was another immediate result 
of the conflagration of the Federal Street Theatre. Mr. 
Lege, the ballet master of the fire- victims, * 'having 
witnessed the great success of exhibitions performed by 
children" in Europe, and anxious to let the public of 
Boston "judge by themselves if performances done by 
children, perfect in their respective parts, were not worthy 
their attention," met "with some children whose dis- 
position and forwardness" prompted him to thus try 
the experiment on the good people of Boston. Accord- 
ingly, Mr. Lege rented Mr. Dearborn's Exhibition Room, 
called it Mr. Dearborn's Theatre, and here the poor 
little "forward" creatures, in February, 1798, gave a series 
of "infantile exhibitions," including the opera *The 
Purse' and pantomime-ballets like the 'Hunter's Recon- 
ciliation' and the 'Collier and the Miller.' 

Comparatively few of the actors who found their 
way to America returned to England. As the number of 
imported Thespians was speedily increasing, as the large 
companies were repeatedly reorganized, strengrfiened 
or weakened, it is clear that an outlet for the surplus 
must be created. It was found in decentralization. 
Thus it happened that theatrical performances occurred 
in many small cities of the Union which, under ordinary 
circumstances, would hardly have been deemed suffi- 
ciently lucrative stations on the theatrical circuit. This 
point ^ould be kept in mind, if a fair appreciation of 



150 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

the theatrical activity in our country at the end of the 
eighteenth century is desired. We should not forget that 
Philadelphia in 1800 was a city of only 70,000 inhabit- 
ants, New York of only 60,000 and Boston of only 25,000. 
Baltimore was of about the same size as New England's 
metropolis, whereas Charleston, S. C, contained only 
20,000 inhabitants. These were the large cities in our 
country, but mark the contrast between them and 
Richmond, Va., with about 6,000, Washington, 3,000, 
Salem, Mass., 8,000, New Haven, Conn. ,4,000, Providence, 
R. I., 9,000, Portsmouth, N.H., 5,000, or Hartford, Conn., 
with 3,000 inhabitants only. Yet all these and a good 
many more towns came in for one or several "seasons." 
That gave them an opportunity to form at least a 
superficial acquaintance with the English opera of the 
day in more or less creditable performances. This fact 
is significant so far as the towns of New England are con- 
cerned, for there, we have been taught, the pleasures of 
life were not looked upon as necessities, as down South. 
It cannot be denied that outside of Boston the people 
of New England were just a trifle shy of widening the 
channels of the legally authorized pleasures of life, yet 
it is a curious fact that while Boston was still handcuffed 
by the prohibitory act of 1750, a company of comedians, 
headed by a Mr. Watts, appeared in the summer of 
1792 at Portsmouth, N. H., without being molested. 
The performances there took place in a warehouse, but 
in 1796 the Assembly Room was turned into a theatre, 
and there Mrs. Arnold and her daughter with the as- 
sistance of **gentlemen of Portsmouth" gave, among other 
works, *Rosina* (Sept. 26) and The Devil to Pay' 
(Oct. 28; Nov. 2). When she left, Mrs. Arnold sub- 
mitted through the medium of the "Oracle of the Day" a 
proposition for erecting a real theatre at a cost of $1,500, 
where **good performers" were to **play twice or oftener 
in every week during the summer months." I do not 
know what became of this fantastic plan. At any rate, 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 151 

when she returned as Mrs. Tubbs, in February, 1797, 
for a season of three nights, the Assembly Room was 
again occupied by a fairly good company, including 
among others Mr. Harper, Boston's first manager. The 
ambitions of this combination ran as high as the 'Moun- 
taineers' (Feb. IS) and the 'Battle of Hexham* (Feb. 27), 
with a plentiful supply of incidental amusements. 

Possibly Mrs. Tubbs was responsible for the scheme 
of erecting a theatre at Portsmouth, since "Mrs. Tubbs, 
late Mrs. Arnold of the Theatre Royal Covent Garden 

and now from the Boston Theatre," in 

the middle of November, 1796, mentioned in a concert 
announcement that Mr. Tubbs intended setting up a 
theatre at Portland, Me. But here again they contented 
themselves with the Assembly Room, where on Dec. 12 
'The Devil to Pay' and the pantomime 'Harlequin 
Skeleton' adorned the boards. This cannot have been the 
first night, for on the same day "a correspondent [to the 
Eastern Herald] who at first censured and afterwards 
praised the theatrical performances in their town, thinks 
it necessary to make further observations." According 
to these, 'The Waterman' was given on Dec. 2 and the 
'Padlock* on Dec. S. On Dec. 16, Messrs. Clapham and 
Partridge had their benefit with the 'Devil to Pay'; on 
Dec. 30, Mrs. Tubbs, with the 'Mountaineers' and 
'Rosina'; and Miss Arnold on January 12, 1797, with the 
'Deserter,' "translated from the French." That the 
company was not assisted by an orchestra is pretty 
certain, for "the whole of the music of 'Rosina' [was] to 
be accompanied on the pianoforte by Mr. Tubbs." 
This pianistic ability proved to be Mr. Tubbs' downfall, 
as our correspondent in his observations had already 
taken occasion to remark: "Mr. Tubbs performs well 
on the pianoforte, but he cannot sing. Why does he not 
oftener introduce that instrument? and why does he 
attempt to sing at all?" Poor Tubbs fared still worse 
when he put some amateurs on the stage. Public 



152 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

opinion, as represented by our critic, rebelled against 
this imposition, "and every one present seemed literally 
to sweat with relief. The exhibition and the sweat con- 
tinued about one hour and a half!*' It is really not sur- 
prising that Portland, Me., after this preferred the feats 
on wire of "Don Pedro Cloris, known in general by the 
name of Doneganey,*' or in 1798 "the exhibition of 
innocent amusements" by Mr. Maginnis, a ventriloquist 
who performed, with "real figures,*' John Hodgkinson's 
'Launch.' 

The few exhibitions of Mr. Hogg, "late of the Boston 
theatre," in the Hall over the School Room at Worcester, 
Mass., in June 1797 were probably not less primitive than 
Mr. Tubbs' exertions, and perhaps some local historian 
will be able to garnish the performances of the 'Waterman' 
and 'Oracle; or. Daphne and Amintor' (June 21) with 
curious observations k la Portland. Somewhat less 
primeval, to judge from the tone of the announcement, 
was the attempt of Mrs. Solomon, a favorite Southern 
actress, to introduce drama and opera at New London, 
Conn., between Nov. 1791 and Jan. 1792. At any rate, 
the newspapers prove that New London had occasion to 
enjoy the 'Romp' on Nov. 4, the 'Female Madcap* and 
the 'Padlock.' on Nov 11, the 'Mock Doctor' on Jan. 
13, and the 'Virgin Unmasked' on Jan. 20. 

New London was not the only town in Connecticut — 
village would perhaps be more appropriate — ^which 
tasted the sweets of operatic lore in those years. Hart- 
ford was another, and keeping in mind that Connecticut's 
capitol then counted but 3,000 souls, Mr. N. H. Allen's 
amazement was very natural when he was writing his 
noteworthy, interesting articles on "Old-time music and 
musicians" for the Connecticut Qvurterly^ Vols. I-IV, and 
saw himself confronted by Hartford's first plunge into 
drama. Like others, he had laid weight at first on sacred 
music, but as his work progressed he became "conscious 
of having done scant justice to the stage player who 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 153 

entertained and instructed the Hartford people during 
the summer months of several years preceding the act 
of May, 1800, which forbade theatrical representations." 
He made amends for his sins of omission, and it would 
be well for the history of music in our country if local 
historians would systematically take up the threads of 
history in a manner similar to that of Mr. Allen, as it is 
hardly the business of the general historian (and cer- 
tainly not in a survey like mine) to gather all the local 
threads into one big Gordian knot. 

The fact is, that the Old American Company made 
Hartford one of their main stations and performed there 
from July 3, 1794, until the close of the century almost 
every summer with a very considerable contingent of its 
forces, mangled by John Hodgkinson. Also contingents 
from the Boston and even the Charleston, S. C, theatres 
would appear there, e, g,^ in 1797, including the best 
ballet-dancers, pantomimists and prestidigitateurs 
America could boast, Mme. Gardie, Monsieur Lege, and 
others. Just why Hartford was selected is not clear, 
because before long everybody, except perhaps John 
Hodgkinson, saw that a hamlet of 3,000 souls could not 
properly support such a company. However, this does 
not concern us here, whereas the surprising fact should 
briefly but forcibly be pointed out, that Hartford in those 
years was really an operatic summer resort. Just where 
the performances took place at first, I do not know. 
Perhaps Mr. Frederick Bull's Long Room had been 
turned into a "theatre," as the announcements were 
headed. At any rate, the theatre contained "boxes" at 
3/9, pit 2/3 and gallery at 1/6, "children under 12 years 
of BJge, gallery tickets 9d." For the convenience of the 
public, the box office was moved to the Post Office, where 
places could be taken during post hours and — ^what was 
unusual — tickets could be had until after seven on play 
evenings, which were to be "on Mondays, and Thursdays, 
without variation." 



154 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

In July, 1795, however, Hallam and Hodgkinson in- 
vited Hartford to the "New Theatre," where they in- 
tended to perform, beginning with Aug. 3, three times a 
week; and it is, therefore, pretty certain that they must 
have erected or at least remodelled a suitable building 
for theatrical exhibitions. The detachment of the Old 
Americans consisted in 1794 only of minor members 
such as Mr. and Mrs. Martin, Mr. and Mrs. King, 
Hodgkinson appearing only as what Germans call a 
"guest"; but in the following years the company at 
Hartford was sometimes almost as strong as at New 
York! Of course, the Hartford campaigns were but 
skirmishes in the history of opera in America and did 
not turn the current in any new direction. The record 
of Hartford's seasons, therefore, follows here without 
further comment. [See Table F.] 

Hartford was not only accorded the honor of first 
American performances, but was also distinguished 
by an almost unique deviation from theatrical custom. 
Usually all the actors and actresses everywhere would 
come in for their benefits, but it was quite contrary to 
the rule to accord this privilege to the members of the 
orchestra. It is therefore worth noticing that on Nov. 
1, 1799, the benefit took place for the treasurer and Mr. 
William Priest, leader of the band. On the whole, though 
Hallam and Hodgkinson reaped no harvest, they could 
not complain of bad treatment at Hartford. The files 
of the Connecticut Courant leave no doubt that at Hartford 
audience and actors lived on terms of mutual good will. 
The city seemed to feel proud of her selection and was 
perfectly willing to endorse the boast of a correspondent 
in 1795, namely, that persons who had been in London and 
Paris agreed that the performances at Hartford did not 
fall far below such in the Old World and were equal to 
those in New York and Boston. Nevertheless, as the 
custom did not yet prevail to try novelties on provincial 
audiences before setting them before the supposedly 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 155 

more critical public of New York, the managers always 
hastened to remark in the advance notice that the work 
had met with "unbounded" applause in New York, 
Philadelphia or Boston. They also begged the people 
of Hartford to drop the prejudice against the stage and 
to believe that **a theatre well conducted, may and ought 
to be considered as a National School, where the unwary 
are taught to guard against vice of every kind, and in- 
spired with a love of all that is great and good." This 
was well put, and several friends of the drama used the 
columns of the Connecticut Courant to elaborate on this 
idea and to convince the unbelieving that the theatre 
was really a place for "rational" and moral enjoyment. It 
became a school for scandal, however, when the managers 
quite unintentionally violated the principals of truest 
democracy. Noticing that the ladies of Hartford still 
entertained the time-honored prejudice against fre- 
quenting the pit, with its mauvaise odeur of "segars," 
the managers first notified the public that a partition 
would be set up for their female customers. When this 
did not prove satisfactory they explained that everywhere 
else in the world merchants and their wives and persons 
of moderate income preferred the pit to the more ex- 
pensive boxes. Immediately the hated class-distinction 
was scented between the lines of this explanation and the 
managers very apologetically protested against such a 
construction of their advice to the "most respectable 
citizens with their families" — ^and reduced the price of 
admission to the boxes to three quarters of a dollar; 
pit, half a dollar; gallery, one quarter of a dollar, the 
latter, by the way, the price of admission for colored 
people. 

The open door policy with reference to theatricals was 
adopted in Rhode Island about the same time. Here Mr. 
Joseph Harper, after his release from prison in Boston, 
made the rival cities of Newport and Providence the 
centres of his activity. Although the law against 



156 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

theatrical entertainments was not repealed in Rhode 
Island until February, 1793, public opinion, so Mr. 
Willard in his History of the Providence Stage says, 
condemned its severity. This attitude is apparent, since 
Mr. Solomon and Murry's company of comedians were 
permitted to present themselves towards the end of 
February, 1792, in such works as the Toor Soldier.' 
Accordingly, Mr. Harper did not find it difficult 
to obtain the Court House of Providence for his ex- 
hibitions in December 1 792 and January 1 793 on condition 
that the proceeds of the sale of tickets on every fifth night 
be paid into the town treasury. The performances 
given, for safety's sake, in the traditional disguise of 
"Moral Lectures," proved profitable, and a movement 
was started to provide Providence with a real theatre. 
When Mr. Harper returned in Dec. 1794 to remain until 
the middle of April 1795, he had to content himself with 
a makeshift affair in the rear of the building known as the 
Old Coffee House; but in April 1795 subscriptions for a 
new theatre were so liberally promised that in August 
the workmen commenced raising the edifice which stood 
at the corner of Westminster and Mathewson Streets. 
Indeed, such was the enthusiasm for the enterprise, 
that the carpenters of the town, clubbing together, 
formed a "bee" and, abandoning all other employments, 
laboured without fee or reward upon the edifice until 
the opening night, Sept. 3, 1795. The company which 
ushered in the season, of course, was recruited among 
members of the Old Americans and such other players as 
were available, and while numerically not very strong 
was a creditable one. The season closed in November, 
when "Harper and Co." joined Hodgkinson at Boston. 
After this he returned regularly for the summer season, 
if this term may be stretched to include, as in 1797, the 
latter part of April and the autumn. It is also worth 
noticing that the long season of 1797 proved rather 
asthmatic, owing to an outbreak of yellow fever and 



T 



TITLE OF OPERA 

Adopted Child 

Beggar's Opera * 

Children in the Wood 

Cooper (pant.) 

Devil to Pay 

Farmer 

Highland Reel 

Inkle and Yarico 

Lock and Key 

Love in a Village 

Mirza and Lindor (pant.) 

Mountaineers 

No Song, no Supper 

Oscar and Malvina (pant.) 

Padlock 

Poor Soldier 

Prize 

Purse 

Quaker 

Robinson Crusoe (pant.) 

Romp 

Rosina 

Son-in-law 

Sultan 

Thomas and Sally 

Three Quakers (pant.) 

Triumph of Mirth; or. Harlequin's Vagaries 

Two Philosophers (pant.) 

Witches (pant.) 



1795 



Apr. 13 
Oct. 12 



Apr. 6; 


Oct. 


29 




Apr 


.3 




Apr. 17; 


Oct. 


29 


Oct. 


19 







Mar. 5 
Feb. 6, 21; Sept. 11 



Sept. 4 
Nov. 2 



Jul 



Mar. 16; Apr. 10; Sept. 3 



Mar. 9 



Oct. 6 

Sept. 25 

Sept. 18, 20; Oct. 2 



pt. 5 



)ept. 8 



1797 



Apr. 20 
June 5 



July 14; Sept. 4 



July 21 



Apr. 24 
June 9 
July 7 



Sept. 8 
June 19 



June 23 



June 16 
July 10 



Nov. 16 
June 5 



1798 
Sept. 3 

Sept. 4 



Sept. 17 
Sept. 6 



Sept. 20 
Oct. 5 



Sept. 21 



1799 



July 26 



Sept. 6 



July 26 



Sept. 6 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 157 

other causes. Not only this, Mr. Harper found himself 
obliged to rely very much on the rope-dancing, etc., of 
Mr. Spinacuta, Mr. Francisquy, Mad. Val and their 
allies in order to make both ends meet. The * 'moral 
lectures" of 1792-93 included the 'Poor Soldier' (Dec. 26) 
and the pantomime * Births Death and Animation of 
Harlequin' (Jan. 1), a very modest contribution indeed 
to the history of opera in Providence; but from 1795 
on Harper & Co. became more ambitious, as the following 
table will show. [See Table G.\ 

It is obviously impossible to keep track of the com- 
panies as they stroll through the country shifting their 
personnel and their abode with lightning rapidity, until 
the local historians have supplied the general historian 
with road-houses for shelter and information. Newport, 
Providence's rival, is a case in point. But, by combining 
the data in Mr. Willard's book and that of Mr. Seil- 
hamer with my own, extracted from the musty, dusty 
files of contemporary newspapers, at least a superficial 
account may be given of the beginnings of opera at New- 
port. Here Alexander Placide, the pantomimist, in 
1793 obtained permission to convert the upper stories 
of the brick market of 1762 into a play-house, and it was 
also here that Joseph Harper in 1793 and 1794 kept his 
company busy, while he was awaiting developments at 
Providence. These performances were preceeded on Jan. 
21, 1793, by an anonymous representation of the "comic 
lecture" the 'Padlock' at the Court House for the benefit 
of the poor. Mr. Harper's, together with Mr. Placide's, 
experiments at Newport included: 

1794, July 19: Beggar's Opera 

1793, July 3: Bird Catcher (pant.) 

1794, June 26: Devil to Pay 
1793, Aug. 8: Harlequin Skeleton 

Sept. 12: Harlequin Skeleton 

Oct. 3: Love in a Village 

Aug. 28: No Song, no Supper 

Aug. 29: Padlock 



158 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 



1794, July 1 

1793, July 10 

1794, May 22 
June 10 
July 15 

1793, Aug. 8 

1794, May 29 
Aug. 14 

1793, Oct. 3 

1794, July 31 



Quaker 

Robinson Crusoe (pant.) 

Romp 

Romp 

Romp 

Rosina 

Thomas and Sally 

Thomas and Sally 

Two Philosophers (pant.) 

Witches (pant.) 



In 1796 the pantomime and ballet contingent of the 
Old Americans together with some other player-folk 
visited Newport and treated the city to the 'Cooper,' 
'Robinson Crusoe,' ^Harlequin's Ramble,' and similar 
works. Their most serious efforts were bestowed on 
'Inkle and Yarico', turned into a pantomime, and on the 
'Poor Soldier' (July 19). From a pitiful appeal to the 
public it would appear that John Durang and his as- 
sociates barely escaped starvation. In the following 
year (1797) Mr. Harper again descended on Newport 
from April until August, with interruptions. His 
repertory this time included 'Love in a Village' (April 5), 
'Rosina' (April 12), 'Poor Soldier' (June 27), 'Mountain- 
eers' (Aug. 2), 'Romp' (Aug. 23). 

The vulgar fellow with a wry neck, as Dunlap dubbed 
Mr. Watts, the same who had given Portsmouth, N. H., 
a taste of drama and opera, made himself and his com- 
pany agreeable at Salem, Mass., from Nov. 1793 to 
Jan. 1794 — so agreeable, indeed, claims Mr. Seilhamer, 
that even the families of several of the clergy went to 
see the wicked players. Mr. Watts' company was not 
without merit, as it included Mr. and Mrs. Solomon and 
Mrs. Mechtler, nie Fanny Storer, a popular soubrette. 
They had selected Washington Hall, Court Street, for 
their purposes and there they exhibited in the operatic 
line the 'Poor Soldier' (Nov. 19); 'Padlock' (Dec. 16, 
Jan. 14); 'Agreeable Surprise' (Dec. 20); 'Thomas and 
Sally' and the 'Romp' (Dec. 26). That the company, 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 159 

whose members (as was often the case on provincial tours) 
appeared both in comedy and opera, did not include 
an orchestra, appears from the announcement that music 
would be obtained from Boston. It is also curious to 
note that the Tadlock' seems to have been considered 
an especially complicated and difficult opera, since 
"the public was respectfully informed that no disap- 
pointment will take place with respect to the performance 
of the Padlock on account of the music." 

After his venture to Salem, Mr. Watts moved to 
Dorchester, then to Boston, and silence seems to have 
reigned at Salem in the realm of opera until 1797. By 
this time, it will be remembered, Mr. Powell had reached 
the climax of his Boston career and outlets had become 
necessary for the talent accumulated at Boston. One 
outlet was found at Washington Hall at Salem, practically 
a suburb of the Hub, during June and July of 1797. The 
company comprised such experienced actors (mostly 
Mr. SoUee's Southerners) as Mr. Cleveland, Mr. and 
Mrs. Jones, Mr. and Mrs. Hughes and Mrs. Graupner, 
whose husband Gottlieb, fairly famous in American 
musical history, very probably sat in the orchestra. 
At Washington Hall, "fitted up like a regular theatre," 
the Salemites had occasion to listen to the following 
works during this their second operatic experience: 

July 12 1 : Battle of Hexham 

June 21: Inkle and Yarico 

June 30, July 4: Mountaineers 

June 23: No Song, no Supper 

July 21: Padlock 

July 4: Poor Soldier 

June 29, July 7 : Purse 

July 14: Romp 

July 12: Rosina 

As the whole season consisted of only fifteen nights, 
it follows that the honors were about evenly divided 
between drama and opera. Apparently the company did 



160 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

a fairly profitable business at Salem; otherwise it would 
not have returned, with slight differences in the per- 
sonnel, to Washington Hall in 1798. This third season 
lasted from May to early July. Headed by a Mr. Simp- 
son they reappeared in June 1799, but, contrary to ex- 
pectation, interest in theatricals flagged, and after a 
fortnight the manager betook himself to other climes, 
brooding over his losses. The performances of 1798 
and 1799 were characterized by a plentiful supply of 
incidental popular and patriotic songs. To judge from 
the advance puffs he received in the Salem Gazette^ 
the "comic" Mr. Villiers must have braved storms of 
applause with *Hail Columbia,' 'Death or Liberty,' and 
the local* *Salem Patriotic song to the tune of Yankee 
Doodle." Other patriotic songs which here as elsewhere 
helped to enliven matters on several occasions were 
^Washington's Council for ever' and *Adams and Liber- 
ty.' Such songs illustrate just as well as ponderous 
political histories the mood of our people in the cloudy 
year 1798. The less patriotically and more sentimentally 
inclined received their dues when Mrs. Graupner, ac- 
companied by Gottlieb's hautboy, would move their 
souls, with 'Sweet Echo' and 'How d' ye do,' and it is a 
delightful touch of the times that Gottlieb Graupner 
"presents his compliments to the public and informs 
them that to prevent a disappointment he will himself go 
to Boston for the instrument." The operas, etc., per- 
formed at Salem in 1798 and 1799, always allowing for 
irrelevant omissions, were: 



1798, 


May 23: 


Adopted Child 




June 22: 


: Agreeable Surprise 




June 26 


Farmer 




June 29: 


; Harlequin Skeleton (pant.) 




July 3 


: Harlequin Skeleton (pant.) 




June 5 


: Inkle and Yarico 


1799, 


May 28 


; Inkle and Yarico 


1798, 


May 25: 


: Mountaineers 




June 26: 


: No Song, no Supper 



POST'RE VOLUTION A RY OPERA 161 



1798, May 30: 


Padlock 


June 12: 


. Padlock 


May 28: 


Poor Soldier 


May 11 


Purse 


May 16: 


Romp 


June IS 


Rosina 


May 30: 


Sicilian Romance 


Junes 


Sicilian Romance 


1799, June 14 


: Waterman 



It cannot be said that outside of Boston opera was 
of great moment in New England, but Puritan New 
England did not and seemingly would not escape its 
fascinations and these sporadic and asthmatjg seasons 
should not be underestimated. At least, the people of 
New England received a taste of opera, generally well 
performed, and if it be kept in mind that the sojourn 
of theatrical companies invariably led to concerts given 
by the vocalists and instrumentalists with more or less 
noteworthy programs, it is clear that these attempts at 
provincial and country opera helped to broaden the 
musical horizon of the people and to lead them out of 
the narrow channels of psalmody into which they had 
been drifting. The New Englanders could not help but 
notice the difference between the amateurish singing of 
their townsmen who figured as soloists at the Singing 
Societies and local musical events and that of these 
professional songsters, or again between the skill of a 
Gottlieb Graupner and that of some self-taught local 
and probably very irritable, melancholical, yet con- 
ceited oboist. After all, tas£fiJs-i»efely--Ae-iacult32-£Qi: 
4isliac^on, and once the seed of distinction has been 
sown, it will grow even in arid soil, though perhaps at 
first but slowly. For these reasons, readers with a 
historical retina may smile, but they certainly will not 
laugh at these somewhat irregular injections of opera 
into New England. 



BALTIMORE, CHARLESTON, AND THE SOUTH 

In a previous chapter the operatic history of Baltimore 
was traced down to the year 1788 in connection with the 
career of the Old America Company before its reorgan- 
zation. No mention, however, was made of the com- 
paratively few operas, etc., performed during the last 
season of 1787 and 1788. They may be enumerated here 
for the completion of the record together with the two 
opera performances by the Old Americans between the 
the middle of August and October, 1790: 

1788, Sept. 19: Banditti 

1790, Sept. 22: Dead Alive 

1787, Sept. 11: Deserter 

Sept. 25: Duenna 

Oct. 5: Duenna 

Sept. 7: Love in a Camp 

1790, Sept. 24: Love in a Camp 

1787, Aug. 31: Love in a Village 
Sept. 25 : Love in a Village 

Sept. 14: Neptune and Amphitrite (masque) 

1788, Sept. 12: Padlock 
1787, Aug. 27: Poor Soldier 

Aug. 29: Poor Soldier 

Sept. 23: Robinson Crusoe (pant.) 

Just three months previous to the summer season of 
the Old Americans, Baltimore received her first taste 
of French opera by a motley company of French refugees. 
In Feb., 1791, Messrs. West and Bignall, "managers of 
the Virginia company," invaded Baltimore, but their 
performances at the New Assembly Room consisted 
only of that "elegant and fashionable pasticcio, the 
Evening Brush for rubbing off the rust of care," a curious 
mixture of recitations, songs and such pieces as the 

162 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 163 

'Battle of Prague.' One month later they were followed 
by the Kenna family's self-appointed "New American 
Company," but announcements of operas performed by 
them at the Old Theatre near the Middle Bridge must 
have escaped me, if indeed they performed any. Another 
set of strolling players reached Baltimore in April, 1793. 
They called themselves the Maryland Company and 
were managed by two of the most erratic actors America 
then knew, M'Grath and Godwin, Though joint- 
managers, they were not friends, and on parting both 
indulged in invectives of no mean order. Godwin, for 
instance, described his ex-partner in one of Baltimore's 
papers as "a spoiled priest, turned itinerant player," 
but he, at least, gave Christopher Charles M'Grath 
(who died at Reading, Pa., in 1799) credit for being 
"capable of doing up a smart piece either in prose or 
verse." Both gentlemen were jacks of all trades — 
singers, actors, authors, managers. In this latter 
capacity their combined energy gave to Baltimore 
shortly after their arrival a "New Theatre." situated 
near the Market, between Philpot's and the Lower 
Bridge. It was opened "by authority" at the end of 
April, a fact evidently unknown to Mr. Seilhamer, as 
he merely mentions performances by M'Grath and God- 
win in September. The company included Mr. and 
Mrs. Solomon, Mr. and Mrs. Murry, and others. The 
break between the two managers occurred in September, 
when Godwin took sudden leave for Annapolis. On the 
surface everjrthing seemed to be smooth, since over the 
signature of both gentlemen on Oct. 2, 1793, a card ap- 
peared in the Maryland Journal to the effect that the 
theatre would remain closed until the arrival of rein- 
forcements for the Maryland Company. These did not 
come. At any rate, I have found only one performance 
annoimced in November, for the benefit of Mrs. Solomon, 
and in the cast neither M'Grath's nor Godwin's name 
appears! Culling the dates and titles from the Maryland 



164 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

Journal I find that the following operas, etc., were 
in M'Grath and Godwin's repertory in 1793: 

June 21, 25: Agreeable Surprise 

July 5: America's Independence; or, Fourth of July 

Aug. 2 : Beggar's Opera 

July 5 : Damon and Phillida 

July 16: Devil to Pay 

June 14: Elopement (''musical farce") 

Aug. 2: Honest Yorkshireman 

June 8: Padlock 

June 4: Romp 

Nov. 11: Romp 

Nov. 11: Thomas and Sally 

July 30: Waterman 

July 5 : Woodman 

This repertory contained nothing very bold or new, 
but in one respect this Baltimore season is interesting, 
even important, though in another direction. It is 
known that Joseph Hopkinson, when he wrote the words 
of *Hail Columbia' in 1798, had not forgotten certain 
striking lines in his father's 'Temple of Minerva'; but 
it is not known that the very title of his patriotic hymn 
did not originate with him. If proof for this somewhat 
startling discovery is desired, we need but turn to the 
announcement of the above-mentioned *New prelude, 
called America's Independence; or, the Fourth of July' 
in the Maryland Journal of July 2, 1793. The perform- 
ance was **to conclude with *Hail! Columbia!' with an 
application to General Washington." (!!) Was this 
patriotic song, too, perhaps set to the tune of the 'Pre- 
sident's March' and was Christopher Charles M'Grath, 
who is known to have written patriotic poetry, perhaps 
responsible for the words of this first and original 
*Hail Columbia'? 

Baltimore was now duly prepared for a more sub- 
stantial theatrical diet. As previously stated, it was 
administered by Wignell and Reinagle, who selected 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 165 

Baltimore for their professional summer and fall outings. 
The "New Theatre," probably the one erected or adapted 
by their predecessors, was to be opened by them on Sept. 
24, 1794, but the first performance did not take place 
until Sept. 25. After two nights the theatre was closed 
until Oct. 13, at the request of the Committee of Health, 
on account of the outbreak of yellow fever. The season 
ended Nov. 22 — not Oct. 31, as Mr. Seilhamer claims. 
The company returned at the end of July, 1795, and 
did not leave the city until early in December. The next 
year's season began about the same time, but closed 
the end of October. In the winter of this year (1796) 
several gentlemen contemplated building a ** Private 
Theatre,** the parts dramatic and musical to be taken 
by amateurs; but what became of this enterprise I do 
not know. When the Philadelphia company returned 
in the middle of May, 1797, they announced that the 
prices of admission "established many years ago in the 
infancy of the American stage'* had been found im- 
practicable. They were raised for box seats to 1 dollar 
25 cents; pit, 7/8 of a dollar. It would therefore seem 
that M'Grath and Godwin had not provided a gallery 
in their theatre. We are not told how the public greeted 
the advance in the price of admission, but probably 
the fact that the season ended on June 10 was not due to 
the unwillingness of Baltimore to support Wignell and 
Reinagle on these new terms. Then came the lean years 
in the career of the Philadelphia company. Still, it is 
very likely my fault that I did not find more than two 
performances in Baltimore recorded for 1798, and these in 
May. The managers themselves gave the best clue 
to the extent of the season of 1799, as it was announced 
on May 30 to last "for eight nights only," but the theatre 
was reopened on Oct. 1 and did not close until Nov. 23. 
That the attitude of the public towards the company 
had changed, is illustrated by the fact that full casts 
were then hardly ever printed in the papers, and indeed 



166 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

the whole tenor of the announcements leaves the im- 
pression of a policy of retrenchment. This must have 
poured joy into the soul of the critic of the Maryland 
Journal, who in 1795 treated the company to a series of 
curtain-lectures, unprecedented in the annals of the 
American stage. He would, to be sure, occasionally find 
a few words of praise, but not one of Wignell and 
Reinagle's costly imported stars escaped severe attacks, 
epithets like ''wretched style," "a laboured piece of 
acting," "horribly insipid," **more ridiculous than the 
piece," coming from the critic's pen with delightful 
fluency. This treatment lasted three weeks, until the 
Maryland Journal shut down on its critic. It was the 
first time in our history that the liberty of the press was 
tampered with by the press itself in the interest of the 
advertising department; and the introduction of this 
deplorable principle into American journalism is cer- 
tainly more to be regretted than the attitude of the 
critic, who failed to see that he was dealing with a com- 
pany which could not have been duplicated outside of 
London. That Wignell and Reinagle and their company, 
including the useful pantomimist Francis, Lege and 
Byrne, did much during these limited seasons to de- 
velop Baltimore's musical taste, will appear from the 
appended record. [See Table H.] 

Reviewing this table, we notice that during these 
summer seasons operas were given at Baltimore three 
and four times a week, sometimes two on the same even- 
ing, a practice which was slowly gaining ground every- 
where if one opera was not long enough for an evening's 
entertainment, and in lieu of a mixed exhibition of drama 
and opera. Indeed, Wignell and Reinagle would seem 
to have laid greater stress on opera than on drama at 
Baltimore. Still, Baltimore was not an operatic centre, 
but merely an operatic suburb of Philadelphia. It was 
different with Charleston, S. C. Throughout the cen- 
tury the then Queen of the South was practically inde- 





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POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 167 

pendent of the North in matters musical, and the fact 
that the ambitious, wealthy St. Cecilia Society adver- 
tised on one occasion in northern papers for musicians, 
should not be construed to mean that Charleston 
was compelled to draw her musical forces from the 
North. It merely indicates that the managers of the 
society desired to attract the best talent available, no 
matter from which comer of our country. In opera, of 
course, the great distance would have interfered with 
any attempt to make the city a regular station on the 
circuit of either the Old Americans or Wignell and Rei- 
nagle's company. Hence, Charleston retained her in- 
dependence even in opera. Not alone this, but, as the 
logical result of geographical conditions, she, in turn, be- 
came the theatrical centre of the South, supplying other 
Southern cities in competition with more Northern 
companies with theatrical entertainments and producing 
novelties simultaneously with or even prior to the great 
Northern companies. This much is certain. On the 
other hand, the gradual development of the theatre at 
Charleston during the last decade of the eighteenth 
century is not so easily traced as elsewhere. 

After Mr. Godwin's failure in 1787, when Harmony 
Hall became a sort of Vauxhall, no tangible clues to 
theatricals appear until Messrs. Bignall and West, 
managers of the Virginia Company of Comedians, which 
flourished from at least 1790 on, turned attention towards 
Charleston. They started or were connected with a 
movement to erect a theatre there. The fame of the 
plans for this theatre travelled as far as New York, where 
in the September number (1792) of the New York Maga- 
zine the following communication from Charleston 
(dated Aug. 18) was printed, which I quote in full, 
as it seems to have escaped proper attention : 

On Tuesday last the ground was laid off for the new theatre on 
Savage's Green. The cornerstone of the foundation is to be laid 
the 20th instant. The dimensions, we are informed, are as follows: 



168 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

125 feet in length, the width 56 feet, the height 37 feet, with an hand- 
some pediment, stone ornaments, a large flight of stone stei>s, and 
a courtyard palisaded. The front will be in Broadstreet and the 
pit entrance in Middletonstreet. The different offices will be cal- 
culated so as not to interfere with each other; the stage is to be 56 
feet in length, the front circular, with three rows of patent lamps; 
the boxes will be constructed so that small parties may be accom- 
modated with a single box; to every box there will be a window and a 
Venetian blind; three tiers of boxes, decorated with 32 columns; to 
each column a glass chandelier, with five lights; the lower tier 
balustraded; the middle and upper boxes paneled; fancy paintings, 
the ground French white, the mouldings and projections silvered; 
in the ceiling there will be three ventilators. The frontispiece, 
balconies and stage doors, will be similar to those of the opera-house, 
London. 

The theatre is to be built under the immediate direction of Mr. 
West. When it is considered that this gentleman has had near 
thirty years experience in many of the first theatres in England, 
that he is to be assisted by artists of the first class, Capt. Toomer and 
Mr. Hoban, we may expect a theatre in a style of elegance and novelty. 
Every attention will be paid to blend beauty with conveniency, 
and to render it the first theatre on the continent. The contractors 
have engaged to complete the building by the tenth of January next. 

The Charleston Theatre in Broad street was opened 
on February 11, 1793, with Shield's 'Highland Reel,' in 
this cast: 

Old M 'Gilpin Mr. J. Kenna 

Sergeant Jack Mr. West 

Sandy Mr. Courtney 

Charley Mr. J. Bignall 

Capt. Dash Mr. Kedy 

Croudie Mr. Hamilton 

Laird of Racey Mr. Dunham 

Laird Donala Mr. Andrews 

Benin Mr. RiflFetts 

Shelby (the laughing piper) Mr. Bignall 

Jenny Mrs. Decker 

Miss Moggy M 'Gilpin (the little High- 
land soldier) Mrs. Bignall 

To these actors were added during the season princi- 
pally the Sully family and the "star" Mr. Chambers. The 



POST'REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 169 

price of admission was **Boxes, 6s.; Upper boxes, 6s.; 
Pit, Ss.; Gallery, 3s. 6d." which proves that the house 
actually contained several tiers of boxes and that it must 
have been of considerable capacity. The opening per- 
formance was honored with this report in the City Gazette^ 
one of the most characteristic criticisms to be found in the 
old papers: 

Monday evening the New theatre was opened with the Highland 
Red and Appearance is Against Them, 

Whilst we express our approbation of the zeal and activity exerted 
by the managers, in the rapid erection and fitting up this theatre — 
we must, at the same time, pay a just tribute of applause to the 
liberality and taste evinced by them in the scenery, decorations and 
embellishments, which, however they may be exceeded in gaudy 
glitter, can nowhere be surpassed in neatness and simple elegance. . 

The opera was well cast; and the principal parts performed with 
a spirit and truth of colouring which afford a pleasing presage of the 
el^;ant and refined enjoyment our citizens are likely to experience 
by an attendance on this most rational amusement. 

To particularize the merits of some performers, may appear 
invidious; yet we are under the necessity of confining ourselves to 
a partial specification. 

Mr. West, in Sergeant Jack, finely portrayed this artful and 
designing son of Mars, with a boldness and fancy which threw ad- 
ditional consequence on the character. 

Old ITGilpin, with all his unfeelingness of heart, his avarice, 
pride and ambition, was justly personified by Mr. Kenna. 

Mr. Bignall was everything that the author could wish in Shelby; 
he gave his character with such original and native humour that the 
house was literally in a continued roar of mirth and hilarity. 

Mrs. Bignall, in Miss Moggy M*Gilpin, dbplayed such comic 
powers, gaiety and naivetie [!]^, that we may safely pronounce her the 
Jordan of America; and doubt not she will ever experience a con- 
tinuance of that public approbation and applause which she so 
deservedly received on her first appearance. 

The other performers were critically just and correct in their 
delivery and action. 

The Highland Reel, like most of Mr. O'Keefe's productions, is 
wild and eccentric, and not to be judged by the strict rules of the 

iDr. Theodoxe Baker, to whom I am indebted for relieving me of much of the 
labor of aeeing this book through the press, here made the following marginal 
remark: "Dear Author: Very likely 'naivette' was the local pronunciation! Up- 
State in New York, at the present time, they pronounce dicoUeti deck-o-le«t//" 



170 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

drama. There is a romantic air through the whole, which, while it is 
not strictly reconcileable to sound reason, does not fail to interest 
and exhilarate the mind. 

The music, the greater part of which consists in familiar Scottish 
airs, has in general strong claims to approbation. Several of the 
songs were encored 

West and Bignairs first season came to a successful 
end on May 31, 1793. The only obstacle was removed 
by the tact of the managers. Charleston was a peculiar 
city in those days; while as patriotically American as 
any other, yet the city, as a matter of tradition, retained 
a fondness for things English. At the same time she 
welcomed with fervor hosts of French political refugees 
and West Indian refugees, and it became a policy to 
offend neither. In the 'Siege of Belgrade' some hyper- 
tactful souls scented "many expressions and reflections 
injurious to the character of the English and French 
nations.** Very cleverly Mr. Bignall denied this and 
referred to his **past conduct" as a guarantee that **he 
never would present any piece with a view of gratifying 
one part of the audience at the expense of wounding the 
feelings of any party whatever.*' 

The second season opened in January, 1794, and closed 
the end of June, the managers having strengthened their 
company visibly by such acquisitions as Mr. Clifford, 
poet, composer and vocalist, and Mr. Edgar. That Mr. 
Eklgar*s name is mentioned particularly, is not so much 
because he was the inventor of an air-pump designed to 
keep the house cool in imitation of the pumps used on 
board ships, as because he soon was to try his hand as a 
manager at Charleston. Nor was this wonderful air- 
pump the main attraction of the season. It so happened 
that**some French play-actors** after a series of misfor- 
tunes had found their way to Charleston and under the 
heading 'Trench Play'* they announced on February 8, 
that Messrs. West and Bignall had generously given 
them the use of the Charleston Theatre for one night. 



POST'REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 171 

If the kind-hearted managers entertained, a hope that 
these newcomers would soon leave town, they were mis- 
taken. The French comedians had come to stay, and 
soon established themselves at the City Theatre in 
Church Street, which apparently was not identical with 
the surburban Harmony Hall, as Mr. Seilhamer would 
have us believe. Messrs. West and Bignall could not 
oust the French comedians, but they calculated that a 
combination of the two companies might be to the ad- 
vantage of both. Accordingly they engaged the French 
company bodily for the ensuing season of 1794-95, with 
the understanding that the plays were to be performed 
by the English actors and **the pantomimes, etc.,*' by 
the French. On August 4 they first notified the public 
of this arrangement, together with plans for * 'cheaper 
and more convenient terms than ever were offered on 
this continent." These terms consisted in the first 
attempt in our country at an imitation of the European 
abonnement or en location system. They proposed to 
issue 458 shares, ''208 of which to be subscribed for by 
ladies and 250 by gentlemen at the very low sum of £9, 
and the last £12, besides £l entrance for both sexes, 
which will carry them to the plays the whole year through ; 
and at three plays a week in winter and but two plays 
a week in summer, [would] be only Is. 6d. each represen- 
tation to the ladies and 2s. each to the gentlemen, for 
125 representations in the year and as the shares [could] 
be transferred or lent, it [would] be great accommodation 
to such as may reside part of the year in the country.*' 
The only disturbing feature of this scheme to the his- 
torian is, that the calculation was based on the seating 
capacity of the Church Street or City Theatre, whereas 
the American-French alliance actually took effect, be- 
ginning with Oct. 6, at the Charleston Theatre in Broad 
Street. The alliance lasted until the end of April, 1795, 
when the French company, headed by our enterprising 
friend Alexander Placide, continued in command of the 



172 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

Charleston Theatre until early in August. Similar ar- 
rangements apparently were resorted to during the 
following years. These condensed data will have made 
it clear that the advent of French opera and pantomimes 
was more than a negligible incident in the theatrical life 
of Charleston. The joint efforts of the two companies 
could properly be recorded jointly, but as I have reserved 
a rapid survey of French opera in America for a special, 
final chapter, I prefer to weed out the French perfor- 
mances and to consider here only the attention paid to 
opera in English. 

When the Charleston Theatre opened again after a 
hiatus of nearly a year in February, 1796, theatrical af- 
fairs had assumed a very different appearance in the 
meantime. The City Theatre in Church Street had 
again been thrown open to a strong company of which 
Mr. SoUee of New York and Boston became the manager. 
This competition proved to be very much more serious 
than that of the Frenchmen had been before they 
entered into the curious alliance mentioned above. In- 
deed, as far as I can see, the Charleston Theatre re- 
mained closed from June 1796 until January 1798. That 
it was no longer managed by West and Bignall would 
appear from the fact that in 1797 the West family had 
joined the City Theatre Company. 

On how treacherous ground the historian is now tread- 
ing, may be further demonstrated by the fact that 
towards the end of the season of 1796, after the dis- 
bandment of Mr. Sollee's City Theatre Company, part 
of his contingent evidently joined the rival company, 
including Mrs. Pownall, who, to repeat it, died in August, 
1796, of a broken heart, the cause of her untimely end 
being the elopement of Alexander Placide with one of 
her daughters, who thus replaced the former Mrs. 
Placide. This shifting process was repeated several 
times until the century closed, and it is therefore difficult 
to keep track of the managerial summersaults. For 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 173 

instance, *'Mr. Jones and Company," that is to say, 
Sollee's cohorts from Boston, played at the City Theatre 
from November 7 until the end of December, 1797. 
Suddenly, beginning with January 1, 1798, the announce- 
ments of the very same company are headed "Charleston 
Theatre." The patient historian is about to breathe a 
sigh of relief when on February 13 the advertisements 
again begin to read ^'Charleston Theatre." The ex- 
planation is simple enough if one happened to notice in 
the City Gazette of February 12 a card by '*the Proprietor 
of the City Theatre" in which he announces his removal 
to the Charleston Theatre in Broad Street for the re- 
mainder of the season. 

Logically, these performances given until March 29, 
1798, by the City Theatre Company at the Charleston 
Theatre cannot be credited to the latter. Otherwise the 
utmost confusion would ensue, as less than a fortnight 
later the Charleston Theatre was reopened by a totally 
different company, called **The Charleston Comedians." 
The members had in part drifted South by the way of 
Wilmington, names like Tubbs and Arnold being familiar 
to the reader. Headed by Mr. and Mrs. E^igar, the 
Charleston Comedians cannot be said to have contributed 
much to the cultivation of opera at Charleston. Their 
short-lived career at Charleston is recorded here as a 
kind of intermezzo. They performed, allowing for a few 
probable postponements: 

1 798, April 2 1 ; 23 : Deserter 

April 18: Flora 

April 21: Mysteries of the Castle 

April 28; 30: Rosina 

Why Mr. Sollee, the proprietor of the City Theatre in 
Churdi Street, should have left his own house in favor 
of the Charleston Theatre in Broad Street, would be 
rather puzzling were it not for some communications to 
the papers when his successors Messrs. Williamson, Jones, 



174 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

and Placide repeated the shift of gravity in 1799. From 
January until the middle of March they played at the 
City Theatre, which had been considerably enlarged and 
''beautified, surrounded by a brick wall and secured by a 
terrace on each side of the roof." Then, until about April 
19, they moved their company to the Charleston Theatre 
''by the advice of many respectable friends" {City 
Gazette f March 13). This advice was undoubtedly due 
to apprehensions as to the safety of the City Theatre, 
for when on July 20 the managers acquainted the public 
of the renewal of their lease they spoke of "the accident 
last season," mentioned that the building had been 
strengthened and thoroughly examined, and also cor- 
roborated this statement over the signature of seven 
architects who pronounced "the house much stronger 
than it ever was and consequently safe for any audience." 
Notwithstanding this formidable array of expert opinion, 
the managers, after having performed in the supposedly 
safe City Theatre from Oct. 28 1799 until the end of 
March 1800, found it safer to again lease the Charleston 
Theatre from April to the end of the season, about the 
middle of May. Therewith ends the career of the Charles- 
ton Theatre during the eighteenth century, and as a kind 
of odd epilogue the fact may be mentioned that the 
managers of the ill-fated institution in the summer of 
1800 opened on Sullivan's Island **a spacious and well 
ventilated saloon .... to be distinguished as the 
South Carolina Lyceum," where for twenty nights plays, 
readings, concerts and assemblies were dispensed "for uti- 
lity, amusement and instruction." 

From what has been said, it is clear that all perform- 
ances at the Charleston Theatre, excepting those by Mr. 
Edgar's "Charleston Comedians," are to be accredited 
to the City Theatre Company; the following table there- 
fore records the career of the Charleston Theatre only 
until 1796, that is, as long as it was managed by West and 
Bignall. These gentlemen emphasized the competition 



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POS T'RE VOL UTIONAR Y OPERA 175 

in 1796 to the point of performing the same operas 
on the same nights, but unfortunately the precise dates 
are missing in my notebooks and they will have to be 
supplied by local historians from the files of the City 
Gazette. [See Table /.] 

It remains to round out the history of the City 
Theatre in Church Street. A company brought by Mr. 
Edgar from Savannah opened it on Dec. 19, 1794. 
Practically consisting only of the manager and his wife, 
Mr. and Mrs. Henderson, Mr. Francis and Mr. Spinacuta, 
ordinarily a tight-rope walker and general acrobatic 
utility man, but who was pressed into service for minor 
parts, the company was not a match for West and Bignall. 
The efforts of Mr. Edgar's comedians in opera were 
restricted to such easy works as 

1795, Jan. 15; Romp 

Feb. 7: Romp 

Feb. 3: Thomas and Sally 

Jan. 31: Virgin Unmasked 

Then, as stated, Mr. John SoUee — the name occurs also 
as Solee — drove a wedge into the property of the Charles- 
ton Theatre people by transplanting from Boston into 
Southern soil a rather strong company, including Mrs. 
Pownall, her daughters the Misses Wrighten, Mrs. 
Hellyer, Mr. and Mrs. Jones and others, several of 
whom had seceded from the Old Americans. The cast 
of the 'Castle of Andalusia' as given on December 5, 
1795, will display the merit and distribution of Sollee's 
company in opera at a glance: 

This evening . . . the comic opera of the Ca5//6 of i4nJa/t^ia, 
with new scenery, dresses and decorat 

Don Scipio .... 

Don Caesar, or, Ramirez 

Don Fernando 

Don Juan .... 

Don Alphonso 

Pedrillo 



ons. 

Mr. TurnbuU 
Mr. Collins 
Mr. Fawcett 
Mr. Watts 
Miss M. Wrighten 
Mr. Jones 



176 



EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 



Spado 

Sanguino 1- Banditti . 

Calvette 

Philippo 

Valquez 

Victoria 

Lorenza 

Isabella 

Catalina 



The manager requests that no gent 
or pit. 



" Mr. Hipworth 
Mr. Patterson 
^ Mr. Heely 

Mr. Bartlett 

Mr. Miller 

Mrs. Hellyer 

Miss C. Wrighten 

Mrs. Miller 

Mrs. Pownall 



eman will smoke in the boxes 



With this company, of which Mr. TumbuII, just from 
London, was the poet-laureate, SoUee began operations 
on Nov. 10, 1795, and closed his first season early in May, 
1796. A conflagration which destroyed several blocks 
and a number of prominent buildings on June 13 inter- 
fered with his plans for a summer season, and only a few 
performances from June 29 to about the middle of July 
are on record. It deserves to be noticed that the proceeds 
of this short season were offered by John SoUee and his 
associates to the victims of the conflagration. We are 
not told if this generosity was reciprocated when the 
company returned for the first season of 1797, which 
lasted from January until the end of June. However, 
Monsieur SoUee must have felt encouraged, as he sent 
the following characteristic letter from Boston to the 
City Gazette, Aug. 16, 1797: 



THEATRICAL INTELLIGENCE. 

Copy of a letter from Mr. SoUee, dated Boston, 25th of July, 1797. 

Dear Sir: 

I am very happy to announce to you that my 

exertions to procure to the city of Charleston the first company in 
America, have been crowned with the most compleat success. You 
will see by the newspapers of Boston, that I have settled a very im- 
portant piece of business for the theatrical entertainment of this 
place and Charleston. The two companies already fixed upon are 
of equal strength, and by exchanging them every winter, it will 
bring a very satisfactory novelty to the public .... 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 177 

AUTHENTIC. 

Boston, July 25. 

The citizens of Boston are assured that for five years to come their 
amusements will not be disturbed by any opposition between the 
two theatres. A formal agreement has taken place between Mr. 
Hodgkinson, manager of the New York Company, and Mr. Sollee, 
proprietor of the City Theatre in Charleston, who have engaged the 
two theatres in town. The Haymarket will be reserved for summer 
exhibitions, the Federal Street for winter. The plan for the winter 
theatre is to have one company for Boston and one for Charleston 
to be exchanged every season. The persons already fixed upon and 
partly engaged are: 

For Boston: Mr. and Mrs. Barrett; Mr. and Mrs. Marshall; 
Mr. and Mrs. C. Powell; Mr. and Mrs. S. Powell; Mr. and Mrs. 
Harper; Mr. and Mrs. Graupner; M. and Mad. Lege; M. and Mad. 
Cardie; Messrs. Villiers, Kenny, Dickinson and J. Jones; Mrs. 
Allen and Miss Harrison. 

For Charleston: Mr. and Mrs. Williamson; Mr. and Mrs.Whitlock; 
Mr. and Mrs. Jones; Mr. and Mrs. Cleveland; Mr. and Mrs. Hughes; 
Mr. and Mrs. Placide; Mr. and Mrs. Rowson; Messrs. Chalmers, 
Williamson, Downie and M'Kenzie; Misses Broadhurst and Green. 

We know, at least as far as Boston was concerned, that 
these ambitious plans miscarried, but the news must 
have filled the theatre-loving folk of Charleston with 
considerable joy. To these Mr. Edgar surely did not 
belong. He had leased the City Theatre for September 
and October, 1797, and when towards the end of the 
latter month information reached the city that the 
"winter company" was really approaching, Alexander 
Placide promptly went on a strike and poor Mrs. Edgar 
saw herself obliged to relinquish her benefit. Neverthe- 
less, she respectfully tendered "her acknowledgements to 
the public for the very flattering prospect they gave her 
of a good house.** With the further career of the City 
Theatre, and of the company engaged for it, the 
reader has been acquainted by the cursory data on the 
odd shifting process between the two theatres Charleston 
boasted in those years. 

As I have tried in previous chapters to show by quota- 
tion what "public opinion" — alias critics, amateur and 



178 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

professional — thought of the companies which put drama 
and opera on a firm and comparatively high footing in the 
respective cities, it is but fair to record the impression 
made by Mr. SoUee's company on a "correspondent** of 
the City Gazette, 'Thilo" had expressed his surprise at 
the **so curious — so unaccountable procedure** of the 
managers in depriving the audience of *'the pleasure of 
hearing the French popular tunes,** and he added some 
further strictures. Thereupon said correspondent on 
Nov. 21, 1795, had this to say: 

''Much has been said against the present Company of Comedians 
in Church Street. The subject has not, as yet, been taken upon 
the general grounds it ought to be considered; for it is not certainly 
in Charleston that we ought to expect to see, at the theatre, the 
first of the profession; the emoluments are not sufficient to pay the 
salaries of the first rate actors — this observation has entirely escaped 
Philo. In every profession mediocrity is more than half the world 
arrives at; if, then, the present company of comedians exceeds the 
generality, they are certainly entitled to consideration; they are 
entitled to more. Mr. Jones is certainly possessed of great abilities 
in the comic, and (which is rarely found) does not overact his part, 
the strict observance of which entitles him to much commendation, 
and pronounces him a good judge of propriety. The abilities of 
Mrs. Pownall are well known; it may be truly said that she is a 
perfect actress. Mr. Hipworth has merits in genteel comedy, and 
if he was to confine himself to the author would certainly be much 
better. Mr. Turnbull shows a perfect idea of the characters he 
represents which entitles him to the rank of a perfect actor. Mrs. 
Jones is equal with Mr. Turnbull, perfectly at home on the stage, 
places the emphasis where it ought to be, which, joined to a good 
voice, entitles her to a place much above mediocrity. The other 
performers make a very decent appearance. Upon the whole, the 
present company is the best we have had in Charleston. Mr. PhUo^ 
by the terms he makes use of, shows a dislike to theatrical amuse- 
ments, forgetting that it is not the profession that disgraces, but the 
professor. He would do well when he intrudes again on the public, 
to divest himself of prejudice and ill nature; for whoever reads his 
criticisms, must be convinced that it is the profession he writes 
against and not the performers. 

Before submitting Mr. SoUee's operatic record, a few 
further remarks are necessary on something quite 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 179 

peculiar to Charleston. I do not mean by this the city re- 
gulation that no person of color could be admitted into 
any part of the house, nor other odd data of this charac- 
ter, but the frequency with which the public was pre- 
pared for novelties by a more or less detailed synopsis of 
the plays, operas or pantomimes. In my monograph 
on 'E^rly American Operas' I quoted the elaborated 
description of the ''new musical and allegoricail masque, 
never yet printed or performed, entitled Americania and 
Elutheria." This W2is perhaps the most striking instance 
of the kind, but it is by far too long for quotation here. 
It may therefore suffice to remark that a similar treat- 
ment was accorded, though not at such length, to 
several other works. Amongst these figured prominently 
(see S. C. State Gazette, April 22, 1796) the 

. . . grand allegorical finale, called thei4 />o//^05i5 of Franklin; or, 
His Reception in the Elysian Fields. The paintings and machinery 
executed in a masterly manner by Mons. Audin. 

The above pantomime, of which Mr. Audin is the author, 
is a beautiful one, such as never was performed on the Continent 
for the honor and dignity of Americans, and to the glorie, energie, 
and virtue of Franklin. From scene to scene the Company will 
be more and more surprised by a new set of decorations made on 
purpose for this pantomime, with new dresses and new musical 
grand overture, agreeable to the subject, executed by the first 
musicians. 

We are not told by whom the music to 'Franklin's 
Apotheosis* was furnished, but probably this duty fell 
to Mr. Bergman, leader of the orchestra and the ac- 
credited arranger of the orchestral accompaniments to 
such works as Storace's pasticcio 'Doctor and Apothe- 
cary.* That Mr. Bergmann, if the manager intended 
to make the 'Apotheosis* a big affair, could depend on 
a full orchestra for adding ear-dazzling colors to the 
enchantment of the eye, goes without saying, as the 
theatre orchestra, even if it contained only the usual 
dozen or dozen and a half pieces, could easily have been 
strengthened by the forces of the St. Cecilia Society. 



180 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

Furthermore, readers of my book on Early Concert- 
Life in America will perhaps remember that the versatile 
and cultured Mrs. Pownall was assisted in her ''musical 
festival" in 1796 — ^at which was performed among other 
classic works Haydn's 'Stabat Mater' — by an orchestra of 
more than thirty musicians. However, though the regular 
theatre orchestra certainly was smaller than this, it is 
safe to say that it was formed of really capable musicians. 

Mr. Sollee's record at the City Theatre was this [see 
Table J\, 

It is comparatively easy to trace the beginnings of 
opera in New England, because the primary sources for 
any historical investigation of our early musical life 
are still accessible there. I mean the old newspapers. By 
farmore annoying are thedifficulties if an insight isdesired 
into the musical life of the South. It is one of the caprices 
of history that where, from the very nature of social 
conditions and instincts, one would expect to reap a 
harvest of data, the access to our sources has been ob- 
structed and partly destroyed by indifference, careless- 
ness, and the Civil War. When this does not apply, 
then usually distance interferes with the efforts of the 
historian not at leisure to visit and revisit the libraries 
of the South. Furthermore, next to nothing has been 
done by local historians to clear the underbrush. The 
reconstruction of the historical edifice will therefore for 
a long time to come and possibly forever remain frag- 
mentary at best, as far as the South outside of Charleston 
is concerned. Still, these fragments will retain their 
value, for they indicate, as it were, the historical sky- 
line. To fill in gaps may properly be left to local his- 
torians with sound methods. Without their painstaking 
enthusiasm no comprehensive and accurate history of 
music in America will ever become possible, particularly 
for a later period. 

This last remark applies with peculiar force to New 
Orleans. In 1800 the population of the city was only 



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POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 181 

about 10»000 souls, at least half of them negroes. In other 
words, New Orleans' white population was merely that of 
a hamlet, and with all due respect for the artistic instincts 
of the Latin race, New Orleans remained until 1800 a 
negligible quantity in opera. Pertinent information to 
be gleaned from the books on New Orleans is exceedingly 
meagre. Moreover, it is contradictory. For instance. 
Miss Grace King on p. 149 of her well-known book on 
"New Orleans'* (1895) says: 

In 1791, among the first refugees from San Domingo came a com- 
pany of French Comedians. They hired a hall and commenced to 
give regular performances. The success they met, it may be said, 
endures still, for the French drama has maintained through over a 
century the unbroken continuity of its popularity in the city ... 
The hired hall in course of time became the ''Th£&tre St. Pierre" 
or "La Commie" on St. Peter street, between Bourbon and Orldanb 
streets, and barring a two month's respite, regular performances 
were given on its boards winter and summer for twenty years — 
classic drama, opera, ballet, pantomime " 

Of this theatre W. H. Coleman wrote, in his "His- 
torical Sketch Book and Guide*' (1885): 

In 1802, New Orleans possessed a theatre — such as it was — situated 
on St. Peters Street. . . It was a long, low, wooden structure, 
built of cypress and alarmingly exposed to the dangers of fire. Here, 
in 1799, half a dozen actors and actresses, refugees from the in- 
surrection in San Domingo, gave acceptable performances, ren- 
dering comedy, drama, vaudeville and comic operas. But owing to 
various causes the drama at this place of amusement fell into decline, 
the theatre was closed after two years, and the majority of the 
actors and musicians were scattered. Some, however, remained and 
these, with a few amateurs, residents of the city, formed another 
company in 1802. 

In his admirable "Historical Sketch of New Orleans" 
(1880, U. S. Census Report on Social Statistics of Cities; 
1887) George W. Cable says: 

In 1793. . . The Marseillaise was wildly called for in the 
theatre which some French players from St. Domingo, refugees of 
1791, had opened, and in the drinking shops was sung defiantly the 
song "Qa ira, ga ira, les aristocrates k la lanteme." 



182 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

In Mr. Henry Righton's **Standard History of New 
Orleans** (1900) we first read the same account of the 
San Domingo refugees of 1791, and then: 

The first theatre in New Orleans was erected in 1808, the Th^tre 
St. Philippe on St. Philippe street. The building was afterward 
turned into the Washington Ball Room. . . 

The newspapers of 1810 make mention of a theatre on St. Peter 
street, but very little is known of it and the writers upon the history 
of New Orleans of that period make no mention of it. 

. . . Both grand opera and opera bouffe existed in New Orleans 
long before it was established in any other city of America. 

It would serve no useful purpose to show wherein 
these accounts contradict each other; and until 
definite data are put before me, extracted perhaps from 
Le Moniteur de la Louisianne (founded in 1794) or other 
contemporary sources, I am inclined not to exaggerate the 
extent of "classic drama, opera, ballet, pantomime** at 
the Creoles* **sorry little theatre,** as George W. Cable 
elsewhere called it, before 1800. The fact is, nothing de- 
finite appears to be known either about the repertoire or the 
company. At any rate, Gayarre in his famous History 
of Louisiana has nothing whatever to say thereon. He 
merely dates the * 'origin of regular dramatic exhibitions 
in New Orleans** from 1791, tracing it to the San Do- 
mingo refugees. 

Although Mr. David Barrow Fischer in his interesting 
article on **New Orleans's Rise as a Music Centre*' 
{Musical America^ 1914, Vol. 19, No. 19, pp. 3-5) 
has a photograph of the **Th6&tre St. Pierre,** he unfor- 
tunately forgot to inform us of the age of the print from 
which the photograph was taken. Or did he merely 
photograph a "sorry, little** house now standing, which 
rightly or wrongly bears the inscription *Th6&tre St. 
Pierre**? Mr. G. Cusachs, President of the Louisiana 
Historical Society, informed me that this theatre, "built 
during the end of the 19th century** — I take it that he 
meant end of the 18th century — "is still in existence. 
The house has been altered to make residences out of it." 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 183 

Mr. T. P. Thompson of New Orleans lately drew my 
attention to Berquin-Duvallon's account in his * Travels 
in Louisiana. ... in the year 1802." This is at least 
fairly contemporary with the period here under dis- 
cussion and carries more weight than later stories. 
Berquin-Duvallon speaks of conditions in 1802 as fol- 
lows: 

Nearly in the centre of the town is a small theatre, where on my 
arrival, I saw several dramas performed with considerable ability. 
The company was composed of half a dozen actors and actresses, 
refugees from the theatre of Cape Fran^ais, in the island of San 
Domingo. 

John Davis, the translator of Berquin-Duvallon's 
Travels, added this foot-note: 

This little theatre is built of wood, and consists of one row of 
boxes only, with a pit and gallery. The inhabitants of New Orleans 
are musical, and gentlemen often perform in the orchestra of the 
theatre. 

The reader, I think, now knows the source of all the 
more modem accounts from Gayarre down; and he will 
agree with me, I trust, that nothing of importance has 
been added to the remarks of Berquin-Duvallon and 
John Davis by local historians.^ 

With reference to Savannah, Ga., I am merely prepared 
to say that theatrical performances took place there in 
1794, as Mr. Edgar invaded Charleston, S. C., by way 

iWhile the above i>aragraph8 were in proof, Mr. G. Cusachs sent me the following 
letter under date of Nov. 19, 1914, but unfortunately neglected to mention his 
source of information: 

"In answer to your inquiries about the theater in N. O. prior or up to 1800. 

"A troop of comedians under the direction of Mr. Louis Tabary appeared for the 
first time in N. O. in 1791. Their representations were given in one house, then 
in another, under a tent, even in the open air. Tired of that wandering life a theater 
was opened on St. Pierre Street between Royal and Bourbon on the second story 
of a house which bears to-day the number 716. The lower floor was used as a 
dance hall. 

'*In 1807 the theater was rebuilt. It is the theater that Mr. A. M. Barrow Fischer 
has photographed. This same building is still in existence with some changes in 
the building. 

"Up to 1800 the St. Pierre Street theater was the only one in N. O. I know of 
no play-bills or of newspaper prior to 1800. The only name we have of the first 
company in N. O. is that of Louis Tabary. He was the director of the troupe." 



184 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

of Savannah. Fortunately, local papers of that period 
have been preserved, and it might be an easy matter to 
follow this clue. Indeed, the theatrical life of Savannah, 
after the War for Independence, began with performances 
by Messrs. Godwin and Kidd's company in 1785, but 
beyond this Mr. Seilhamer, too, was forced to keep a re- 
spectful silence. That Mr. Edgar was not the last 
manager to visit Savannah appears from the Augusta 
Chronicle, Augusta, Ga., Nov. 26, 1796, when Mr. God- 
win solicited "patronage in favor of a dramatic piece 
to be published by him, called 'A School for Soldiers; or, 
the Deserter.' '* In this appeal he speaks of "the New 
Theatre erecting at Savannah by subscription," and 
ends by "proposing to give intuition in fencing and 
dancing during the period of his acting at Augusta and 
Savannah.** 

At Augusta these performances, which may have in- 
cluded ballad-operas, took place at the Court House, and 
to judge by the same paper (Nov. 19) were made possible 
"by the members of the Dramatic Association." 

Exjually meagre is the information which I have to 
offer on opera at Columbia, S. C. There, on Aug. 30, 
1799, Messrs. Williamson and Jones performed the 
'Devil to Pay.' From the South Carolina State Gazette of 
the same day it would appear that this was the first in a 
series of a "few nights." 

The Kenna family was responsible for the theatricals 
at Newbern, N. C, and Wilmington, N. C, in 1788. 
Nine years later, on Feb. 9, Mr. Edgar gave Wilmington 
another taste of drama and opera. On that evening the 
"theatre" was opened with 'Inkle and Yarico,' and 
the season Isisted until March 2. In the Wilmington 
Gazette, Mr. Edgar expressed his hope "that after the 
conclusion of the farce no songs or other amusements not 
mentioned in the bill, will be called for. Any lady or gentle- 
man desirous of particular songs, and will honour Mr. 
Edgar with their commands on the morning of the play 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 185 

day, shall be obliged in rotation, as far as the abilities of 
the company can extend . ' ' This ultimatum evidently did 
not offend Wilmington, as Mr. Edgar, when announcing 
on April 15 a performance of the Toor Soldier* at New- 
bern, N. C, notified the public that he would leave 
Newbem in a few days for Wilmington. In March 1798 
he returned again with what he called **a part of the 
Charleston Company" for **nine nights," on the first of 
which, March 8, he presented the ballet *Lisette and 
Annette; or, the Bird Catchers,* and the Toor 
Soldier.' 

On approaching Virginia, the data flow somewhat 
more generously. Richmond, the capital, may have pre- 
cedence over Fredericksburg, Petersburg, Norfolk, Alex- 
andria, for chronological reasons, if not for any other. 
It was here that Alexander Quesnay, pedagogue, dancing- 
master and promoter, erected in 1786 a theatre with a 
seating capacity of sixteen hundred persons as part of 
his ambitious Academy, and for which he engaged Hallam 
and Henry's Old American Company. They opened on 
Oct. 10, 1786, with the Toor Soldier,' but it is not known 
when the first season of this curious enterprise closed. 
Indeed, a good deal of mystery surrounds this attempt 
to introduce an esthetic culture course into the curri- 
culum of Quesnay's Academy. However, during Novem- 
ber and December of the following year Richmond was 
again treated to some theatricals, this time at 'The New 
Theatre, Shockoe Hill." The fact that the performance 
of Nov. 17 was given **for the purpose of finishing the 
Academy" would indicate that Monsieur Quesnay again 
was the promoter. The performances included on Dec. 
6 the 'Beggar's Opera,' and the names mentioned in the 
cast, such as Mr. Kidd, Mr. and Mrs. Rankin, Mr. Bisset 
and others, make it clear that the Old Americans had 
no part in the exhibitions. Then, from the middle until 
the end of October, 1790, the same theatre was occupied 
by the "Virginia Company." This was managed by 



186 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

Messrs. West and Bignall and was the nucleus of 
the company that later moved its headquarters to 
Charleston. 

To enumerate the members of the company, most of 
whom disappeared from the theatrical horizon as sudden- 
ly as they appeared, is hardly necessary. Still, to judge 
by the few casts printed in the Virginia Gazette, it was 
strong and capable enough to present Shield's 'Farmer' 
(Oct. 18, possibly the first American performance) and 
'Poor Soldier '(Oct. 28). The same company, though with 
considerable changes in its personnel, reappeared at 
Richmond from the middle of October until the end of 
December, 1795, presenting on Oct. 12 Ame's 'Cymon 
and Sylvia' and the ballet-pantomime 'The Bird Catcher' 
under the supervision of "the celebrated Monsieur 
Placide from Paris," who also indulged in some dancing 
on the tight rope, playing the violin at the same time. 
He was followed on Oct. IS by "Mr. Francisquy from 
the Opera House, Paris" in his "ballet pantomime comic" 
the 'Two Hunters and the Milkmaid,' based on Duni's 
opera 'Les Deux chasseurs.' The same gentleman was 
responsible for the grand pantomime 'American Inde- 
pendence; or, the Fourth of July, 1776,' given on Dec. 
24 as afterpiece to the 'Maid of the Mill.' The Charles- 
tonians reappeared at Virginia's capital during December, 
1796, and part of January, 1797, again laying particular 
stress upon the inevitable pantomime-ballets, such as 
'Oscar and Malvina' (Dec. 14). Of the operas performed 
I noticed the 'Son-in-law' (Dec. 28), 'No Song, no 
Supper' (Dec. 28), 'Peeping Tom of Coventry' (Dec. 23), 
'Love in a Village' (Dec. 26), the 'Romp' (Jan. 6, 1797). 
Mr. Turnbull was the star of the company and on Dec. 
26, his benefit night, Richmond had occasion to admire 
him in his triple capacity of actor, vocalist and poet, as on 
this evening his 'Ode to Columbia' was sung, in which 
he took part "as a philosopher patriot." The composer 
of this scurrilous piece is not mentioned. 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 187 

Even such insignificant Southern villages as Lansing- 
burgh — ^whereMr.Hammer'sLongRoom had been**fitted 
up in a theatrical manner" for the Toor Soldier* (May 13, 
1795) — ^and Dumfries, had their share of strolling talent. 
Though the performances here and in similiar places 
would come under the head of what is called in German 
stage-slang Schmiere^ it is worth noticing, as a proof that 
everywhere in our country at least an interest was taken 
in drama and opera, that a "Theatrical Society" existed 
at Dumfries in 1796. The members, presumably together 
with some professional comedians, performed among other 
things on May 5 of this year the 'Waterman.* 

At Fredericksburg, Va., less primitive conditions must 
have existed, as, nothwithstanding thedifficulty of access 
to Southern papers of the period, theatrical entertain- 
ments may be traced there from 1788 until the end of 
the century. The "Olio of theatrical entertainments" 
given in June 1788 by Mr. and Mrs. Lewis "to discharge 
some few debts," were the beginning. Then came the 
Kennas (end of October, 1789), and remained until about 
the middle of November, and though I found no operas 
mentioned it is safe to say that one or the other of the 
easier English works of the kind were included in their 
repertory. They were followed by Godwin and M'Grath's 
Company, who gave some performances beginning with 
April 29, 1790, at "The Theatre Fredericksburg, ele- 
gantly fitted up at the Market House." On May 6 they 
presented the 'Agreeable Surprise,* and on the opening 
night "a musical farce" (taken from the comic opera of 
the Duenna) called theEhpement; or, Cunning Outwitted, 
evidently a simplified version of Sheridan's witty libretto. 

In August, September and October of the same year 
another company made its appearance with the Toor 
Soldier* (Aug. 20) and the 'Virgin Unmasked* (Oct. 7), 
and then Messrs. West and Bignall, "viewing with regret 
the imperfect state of dramatic exhibitions in this part 
of the world, are determined from motives of duty as 



188 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

well as that of interest, to exert themselves in the service 
of their generous patrons and the public at large, by 
augmenting their company with characters of real merit." 
After some further clever remarks in this vein they "offer 
very liberal salaries to young gentlemen of figure and 
education who may incline to make the stage their 
profession." This curious document, which, by the way, 
served as stock in trade in several other towns, appeared 
in the Virginia Herald y Nov. 4, 1790, but I do not know 
if Messrs. West and Bignall found the desired "characters 
of real merit" in that year. However, their "Virginia 
Company" gave a series of noteworthy performances at 
Fredericksburg in August and September, 1791, including 
'Romp' (Aug. 5), 'Inkle and Yarico' (Aug. 12), the 
'Farmer* (Aug. 26), 'Love in a Village' and the 'Poor 
Soldier* (both on Sept. 2), and Dibdin's 'Quaker* 
(Sept. 16). 

Whether or not West and Bignall returned regularly 
thereafter, I am not prepared to say, but it is not at all 
unlikely. At any rate, a company, made up of their 
Charleston contingent, occupied the New Theatre at 
Fredericksburg from the middle of August until the 
end of October, 1797. The cast of the 'Highland Reel' 
"with the original music, and Scotch medley overture," 
as offered on Sept. 11, will show that the company was 
not without merit: 

M'Gapin Mr. Turnbull 

Sergeant Jack Mr. West 

Charley Mr. T. West 

Sandy Mr. Bartlett 

Captain Dash Mr. Radcliffe 

Laird Donald Mr. Heely 

Laird Raasey Mr. Ashton 

Groudy Mr. Hamilton 

Berim Mr. Morton 

Selby (the Scotch bagpiper) Mr. Bignall 

Jenny Mrs. Green 

Moggy M 'Gilpin Mrs. J. West 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 189 



Operas which I was able to trace "on the days of 
playing, Monday, Wednesdays and Fridays," were 



Aug. 


16: No Song, no Supper 


Sept. 


4: Adopted Child 


Sept. 


6: Romp 


Sept. 


13: Poor Soldier 


Sept. 


^- r Fontainebleau 
^^'IDeviltoPay 


Oct. 


14: Mountaineers 


Oct. 


21: Farmer 



and the pantomimes 

Sept. 20: Death of Captain Cook 

Sept. 30: Don Juan ("The fireworks by Mr. T. West*') 

Oct. 7 : CasOe Besieged 

Part of the same company returned in Aug., 1798, 
with 'Cymon and Sylvia* (Aug. 3) and the 'Poor Sol- 
dier* (Aug. 31), and then Messrs. Radcliffe and McKinzie 
occupied the 'Temporary Theatre in the Hall of the 
Market House" during April and May, 1799, though it 
does not appear if they ventured into the realm of opera. 
That they were not the last to invade Fredericksburg 
during the eighteenth century is certain, as a performance 
of the 'Flitch of Bacon* is on record for Oct. 8, 1799. 

Another important station on West and Bignall's circuit 
was Norfolk, Va. A Mr. Heard is credited with performan- 
ces there in the eighties ; but not until the arrival of West 
and Bignall did Norfolk receive substantial theatrical 
nourishment. As they remarked of a performance in 
1796 "for the first time these three years,** it follows that 
they visited the town as early as 1 793. This season I have 
not be able to trace otherwise, and my data on that of 
1795 are not much fuller. They presented in this year 
"by authority'* at the Norfolk Theatre the 'Quaker* 
(May IS), the 'Rival Candidates* (May 18), the 'Agree- 
able Surprise* (May 29), and probably some other works. 
They returned in 1796 for a comparatively long season 



190 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

(middle of July until Sept. 20), when they occupied the 
New Theatre. The announcements during this year 
were lengthy, descriptive of the plots, and the managers 
did not avoid the expense of printing full casts in the 
American Gazette and Norfolk Herald, This may serve 
as a clue for those who wish to elaborate on my data in 
the interest of local history. It will suffice here to trace 
the operas and pantomimes presented: 

July 20: Don Juan (pant.) 

Aug. 1 : Mountaineers 

Aug. 3: Fanner 

Aug. 5: Robinson Crusoe (pant.) 

Aug. 8: Inkle and Yarico 

Aug. 8: Forftt Noire (pant.) 

Aug. 27 : Honest Yorkshireman 

Sept. 5 : Beggar's Opera 

Sept. 12: Doctor and Apothecary (for the benefit of Mrs. Graup- 

ner, assisted in some incidental numbers by her 

husband, Gottlieb) 
Sept. 19: Quaker 

and for Mr. Edgar's benefit on Sept. 21 the masterpiece 
of Monsigny, to wit: 

. . (for the first time these three years) the justly admired 
Entertainment of the Deserter, Translated from the celebrated 
French opera, called Le Deserteuff one of the most favourite Musical 
Pieces on the French stage. 

Henry Mr. King 

Russet Mr. TurnbuU 

Simkin Mr. Bignall 

Flint Mr. Watts 

Soldiers 

Skirmish Mr. Prigmore 

Louisa Mrs. Graupner 

Margaret Mrs. TurnbuU 

Jenny Mrs. Edgar 

Part of the same company, to judge by the beneficiaries 
mentioned, reappeared at Norfolk in December, 1796, 
and may be traced there also in April, 1797. Though in 
the newspaper files accessible to me I found only the 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 191 

announcement of *No Song, no Supper* for March 29, 
it goes without saying that the usual operas must have 
been performed. During October and November of the 
year 1796 the company visited Petersburgh, Va., as- 
sisted by some French actors. They gave among other 
works Turnbull's 'Recruit' (Oct. 28), the 'Purse' (Oct. 24), 
the 'Highland Reel' (Nov. 2), and on "the last night 
till January, 1797," 'Rosina' (Nov. 4). The company 
kept their promise and returned from Norfolk in time to 
open the Petersburgh Theatre on Jan. 18, and remained 
there until March 7. During this season were heard the 
*Romp' (Jan. 20), 'Peeping Tom of Coventry* (Feb. 3), 
'Adopted Child' (Feb. 17), 'Purse' (Feb. 24), 'Robinson 
Crusoe' (Feb. 28), 'Oscar and Malvina' (Feb. 23). 
Toward the end of April some further performances 
must have been given, as I found 'Lock and Key' an- 
nounced for April 27, and for May 8 Matthew Locke's 
disputed music to 'Macbeth' and Arnold's 'Children in the 
Wood.' Finally, the Petersburgh Theatre was again 
opened "for Race week" on May 29 of the same year 
with performances on every evening. They included 
the 'Poor Soldier' (May 29) and 'Lionel and Clarissa' 
(May 30). Probably this same or virtually the same 
company took advantage of "Race week" during sub- 
sequent years, an event of particular social exertions, 
entertainments and jollification in all Southern cities; 
but references to such visits have escaped me except for 
the year 1797, when the fall races took place in October. 
On the last day of this month, for instance, the 'Quaker' 
was presented, but as Lailson's Circus was also in town 
it may seriously be doubted that the actors were success- 
ful financially. 

Mr. Seilhamer, in a chapter on "American Strollers," 
credits a Mr. Fitzgerald with performances at Alexandria, 
Va., in November, 1793. This is only partly correct. He 
overlooked that this gentleman was under the manage- 
ment of Mr. McGrath, king of American strollers, in 



192 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

whom Mr. Seilhamer takes a very lively interest. The 
performances, e. g., on Nov. 16 with the 'Poor Soldier/ 
were given "at Fullmore's Long Room/' and to accom- 
modate families, children under ten years of age were 
admitted upon one ticket. Two years later, in October, 
Mr. and Mrs. Henderson "from the Theatre Charleston" 
occupied Mr. FuUmore's Long Room, and they evinced 
their civic interest by giving a performance "for the 
benefit of the streets." Probably, though the heading 
"Theatre Alexandria" was used, the same long room was 
pressed into theatrical service when McGrath revisited 
Alexandria from the middle of June to the middle of 
August, 1796. His star performance occurred on July 4 
with "the civic prelude called 'The Fourth of July; or, 
American glory,' " and as a tribute to the favorite sons of 
Alexandria and vicinity he introduced "the republican 
song of Mount Vernon and the Land of Freedom," 
written by himself. 

By this time theatrical entertainments must have 
aroused sufiident interest in Alexandria to warrant the 
desire for a real theatre, because I find that in July, 1797, 
a share in the theatre "now building" was offered for 
sale. It is therefore strange that the. longest and most 
substantial theatrical season of Alexandria before 1800, 
namely from January to May, 1798, was again offered 
at "the theatre in Mr. Fullmore's Long Room .... 
fitted up in as commodious a style ... as its size 
will permit." Mr. Hamilton, apparently the manager, 
Mr. Bartlett, Mrs. Decker, Mr. Radcliffe and several 
other comedians took particular care "to prevent im- 
proper characters intruding themselves into the boxes," 
and on April 19 informed the public that "several gentle- 
men of the town, Amateurs, have politely offered, as on 
similar occasions, to assist the music, which will add 
much to the entertainment of the audience." With the 
help of these enthusiasts they ventured on a rather am- 
bitious operatic repertory, as it included: 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 191 

Feb. 1, 6: Purse 

Feb. 9; March 24: Rosina 

Feb. 13; March 21: Fanner 

Feb. 2; March 2: Quaker 

Feb. 14; April 10: Son-in-law 

Feb. 16: Devil to Pay 

Feb. 19; March 7: Padlock 

April 14: Padlock 

Feb. 21 ; March 5 : Inkle and Yarico 

March 19; April 21: Inkle and Yarico 

Feb. 26; March 9: Romp 

March 16; April 3: Poor Soldier 

March 31; May 5: Mountaineers 

April 17: Sicilian Romance 

April 20: No Song, no Supper 

On June 12 of the same year the 'Mountaineers' were 
to form part of a season **of three nights only," but were 
postponed to the following evening **on account of the 
very disagreeable weather.** Simultaneously, Lailson's 
Circus with his full "band of musicians" had arrived in 
town and it probably was well for the Thespians that they 
did not compete with wild animals, mountebanks, clowns, 
etc. In December of 1798 FuUmore's Long Room was 
occupied by a ''society of Gentlemen." This is a further 
instance of the frequency which theatrical companies 
formed by amateurs for theirown pleasure and incidentally 
for the benefit of the poor are met with in the South. This 
company was hardly identical with the one that an- 
nounced on Feb. 19, 1799, for "the last night of the 
company's performance in town," the double bill of the 
'Mountaineers' and the 'Purse,' as two professional 
actors, Mr. Hamilton and Miss Miller, are mentioned 
by name. These performances took place at the Old 
Theatre, presumably at FuUmore's, whereas a number of 
performances which may be traced in June, 1799, in- 
cluding the 'Prize' Qune 5), the 'Mountaineers' (June 
13), and "a new ballet, composed by Mr. Warrell, 
junior," called *A Trip to Curro^ were presented at the 
just completed "New Theatre." 



194 EARLY OPERA I\ J M ERIC J 

Mr. Warrell's name connects us again with Northern 
companies. When outlining the career of W^;nall and 
Reinagle's Philaddphia company, it was remarked that 
these gentlemen repeatedly ventured as far South as 
Annapolis, Md., preferably during the races. It is hardly 
necessary to go into details, the less so as Annapolis was 
installed on the circuit more to keep the company busy 
than for pecuniary considerations. Indeed, inasmuch as 
"Messieurs" Reinagle and Francis in July 1799 were 
"desirous of employing their leisure time in attending 
a few scholars" with "music and dancing," it would seem 
that the theatrical buaness alone did not pay. Possibly 
the people of Annapolis were more interested in Mr. 
Salenka and "his sagacious dog," who visited the town 
in 1797, than in a season of twelve nights in 1798 by the 
best company in America. This they could easily verify 
by comparison, as Hallam and Henry's Old Americans 
came to town in 1 790 ; the so<alled " New American Com- 
pany" in Feb., 1791 ; in November of the same year "The 
French Company from Paris"; McGrath's stnJlers in 
May, 1798; and, in May, 1799, "Messrs. Hamilton and 
Co." 

This chapter, I believe, has fully corroborated by 
independent research Mr. Seilhamer's statement that 
the ^^rginia towns of this period were overrun with 
strolling players; though Mr. BignaU, the poet-actor- 
manager, thought: 

Too many Madisons in them are found 
Instead of fun, who study now the nation. 
And talk of politics and reformation. 

Exception must be taken to Mr. Seilhamer's view in 
so far only as they were not strollers. It has become clear, 
I think, that Messrs. West and Bignall's stock company 
controlled the theatrical destinies of the South in those 
years, and this company was far from being inefficient. 
Nor is this point essential. Strollers in the deprecatory 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 195 

sense of the term or not, these actors gave the small 
towns in our country, like Newark, N. J. (1797, Oct., 
'Highland Reel' and Toor Soldier,' 1799, August, 
'Agreeable Surprise*) and even such embryonic settle- 
ments as Harrisburg and York, Pa., their first or second 
taste of the stage. They prove that a surprising surplus 
of histrionic talent had been accumulated which had to 
spread into every corner of our country to escape star- 
vation. They paved the path which their successors 
travelled and still travel. They prepared the foundations 
for— what might have been. The conditions of opera in 
our country are peculiar, but these peculiarities have their 
history, and their roots lie in the eighteenth century. 
If history really means explanation, then much that is 
strange in our present operatic situation may be explained 
by just reading now and then between the lines of history. 
If we look below the surface, we must observe that opera 
was cultivated in our country in olden times in very 
much the same manner as it was and still is cultivated in 
England, France and Germany in such towns as do not en- 
joy a regular subvention from courts or municipalities. 
The American who visits Germany, for instance, usually 
knows next to nothing of her artistic (and inartistic) 
life outside of musical centres and sub-centres. Many 
towns larger than those of Virginia in olden times exist 
in Germany which to this day have not been honored 
by theatrical companies half as capable as West and 
BignaH's, not to mention the Old Americans or Wignell 
and Reinagle's company. Indeed, I know it to be a fact 
that a certain German town, of about the size of Alex- 
andria in 1800, depended for years on operatic efforts 
culminating in a murderous assault upon 'Lohengrin,* 
in what Americans would have called a Long Room, by 
pupils of a near-by conservatory who could neither 
sing nor act and who were merely supported by a piano- 
forte, recalling to our mind the orchestral "Besetzung" 
of the Virginia company of 1752. Municipal and court 



196 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

subvention has made Germany an operatic country; 
and it would be interesting to know if this supposedly 
"unconstitutional" artistic doctrine ever occured to any of 
our politicians and statesmen in the interest of American 
art and art in America when Wignell and Reinagle in 
the year 1800 extended their sphere of influence to 
Washington, D. C, remodelled Blodgett's Inn for their 
purposes and gave it a name so full of suggestion : The 
United States Theatre! 



EPILOGUE : FRENCH OPERA 

A short but not wholly accurate title, as it is meant 
to comprise less French operas given in English than 
French operas given in French. The title is also in- 
tended to include the exceedingly few Italian operas 
performed on American soil lintil 1800. That they were 
not sung in the vernacular is certain, and consequently, 
unless evidence to the contrary is discovered (which would 
not surprise me in the least) ^ the year 1825 may still be 
considered the birthyear of Italian opera in Italian with 
the Garcia family at the cradle.^ The German Singspiel 
had no place in our early repertory. True, Mr. Krehbiel 
in his fine article on opera in the United States in the 
revised Grove says: "there are even traces of a German 
Singspiel, Benda's 'Ariadne,* being on the New York 
list of 1791" ; but these traces can hardly be verified. In 
fact, Mr. Krehbiel relied on my authority. I had in- 
cluded Benda's melodrama in some notes hastily com- 
piled from my materials for Mr, Krehbiel when he was 
collecting the latest data for his excellently comprehensive 
article. However, the point is immaterial. As to the 
French operas in French, their appearance in our early 
repertory was a mere episode. The very fact that towards 
the end of the century the French comedians gradually but 
steadily, not to say, suddenly, vanish from the horizon, 
proves this. It is also clear that the shortlived French 
invasion which began in 1790 was wholly due to the French 
Revolution and its aftermath in the West Indies. Then 



lit should constantly be kept in mind that such English pasticcio operas as 
•The Contrivances,' 'Love in a Villiage,' 'Lionel and Clarissa.' etc., etc., were full 
of music by Italian opera composers. By compiling a list of composers pressed into 
service for the English librettos, it can be shown that American audiences know- 
ingly or unknowingly got a taste of many a famous Italian opera composer of the 
eighteenth century, from Porpora down. 

197 



198 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

suddenly thousands of French refugees poured into our 
country. Considerable French blood was infused into 
our orchestras, and suddenly French vocalists, profession- 
al either by training or from necessity, appear on our 
concert programs. They treated American audiences 
preferably to arias from French and Italian operas in 
vogue at Paris, indeed to such an extent as to acquaint 
Americans fairly well, by way of excerpts, with the 
works of Gr6try, Monsigny and lesser masters. It is 
certainly not surprising that these same refugees went 
one step further and cooperated by forming theatrical 
companies which performed, as well as circumstances 
and their abilities would permit, some of the same operas 
in their entirety. These performances, of course, could 
not compare in merit with those given by the English 
companies, and when the novelty had worn off, the 
French episode came to its natural and logical end. Per- 
haps this end was hastened by the shrewd move of the 
English managers to absorb the French companies 
whenever they could. The instrumentalists would then 
naturally prefer to remain with the stable English com- 
panies rather than to live from hand to mouth, and 
the French vocalists, deprived of orchestral support, 
could not think of continuing their experiments with 
French opera in French for any length of time. 

The language problem also militated against their 
permanency. This difficulty did not interfere with the 
enjoyment of ballets and pantomimes. Consequently, 
where the actors proper failed, pantomimists like Alex- 
ander Placide, Mons. Lege, Mad. Gardie and Mons. Fran- 
cisquy flourished and they kept themselves busy either 
by reproducing ballets known to the European public or 
''composing" such for the American public, or turning 
French operas into pantomime pasticcios. The lists of 
operas, strewn through this book, contain a remarkable 
number of the latter species. To trace these works, which 
added indirectly to the French repertory, in every 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 199 

instance to their original source would be obviously 
impossible, and I have refrained from any such futile 
attempt. 

As far as I can see, Baltimore was the first port of 
entry for opera given in French in America, an exotic 
weed at its best. There, on June 14, 1790, postponed 
from June 12, a 'Trench Company of Comedians'* 
added, to a comedy and number of ariettas. 

An opera, called The Mistress and Maid. The music by the 
celebrated Italian Pere Golaise [sic] 

Randolphe Mr. De Lisle 

Zerline Mrs. De Lisle 

Scapin Mr. Musart 

This was, of course, the English title for *La Servante 
maitresse,* parodiSe, as the term then went, from Per- 
golesi's *Serva padrona.' The other members of the 
company were Mrs. St. Firmain, Mrs. Floricourt and 
Mr. Beaufort who spoke "the German, English and 
Italian in French Gibberish" on June 21 in a skit 
called 'The Useless Resolution.' This remained the 
first and last attempt of these French strollers at opera 
and their further, like their previous effort, consisted at 
Baltimore and Philadelphia of concerts with really 
fine French programs. 

The second attempt at French opera was made in the 
fall of 1790 at New York. Here, on October 7, the City 
Tavern saw the American pretniire of Audinot-Gossec's 

Le TonneUier, with proper scenery, machinery and decorations. 

Le Tonnellier Mr. Gammas 

Colin Mr. St. Aivre 

Fanchette Mrs. St. Aivre 

At the end of the opera, the favourite song of 'O Richard! O mon 
Roi!* by Mr. St. Aivre. 

After which there will be a Grand Ball. 

Other arias by Gr6try figured prominently on the pro- 
gram when **Le Devin du Village, an opera of one act by 



200 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

the celebrated John Jacques Rousseau, ornamented with 
beautiful new decorations," was introduced to an Ameri- 
can public on Oct. 21. From the tenor of the announce- 
ment we are almost led to infer that Mr. St. Aivre made 
the desperate effort to interpret these and subsequent 
operas in English. Said he on Oct. 14 in the Daily 
Advertiser: 

The public will excuse his not being able fully to satisfy their 
expectations at the last opera, as he was very much fatigued, and 
laboured under the disadvantage of not understanding the language 
of this country. 

That the performances did not even cover the expenses 
appears from St. Aivre's appeal to the generosity of the 
public when he announced that at the request of several 
gentlemen 'Le Devin du village' and Te Tonnellier' 
would be repeated on Oct. 26 with Henri Capron as 
leader of the orchestra. Then came on Nov. 9, after 
some postponements, Duni's *Les Deux chasseurs* and 
Rousseau's **lyric scene," alias melodrama, ^Pygmalion.* 
As Mr. St. Aivre remarked that he would have the latter 
"translated into the English language," it stands to 
reason that, notwithstanding the possible inference allow- 
ed by the above quotation, the works really were, as a 
rule, given in French. *La Servante maltresse' was to 
have followed together with 'Les Deux chasseurs' on 
November 24, but was postponed to December 9 on 
account of the Subscription Ball at the City Tavern. 

After this, silence reigned in the French camp until 
January 28, 1791, when Mr. St. Aivre announced in the 
Daily Advertiser that he had opened a subscription for 

Four new operas and dances of character to commence on Tues- 
day the 15th of February next, the second the 1st of March, the 
third the 8th and the fourth the 15th do., at the City Tavern. The 
Price to subscribers One Guinea .... The four operas 
. . . . under the direction of Mr. P. A. Van Hagen, Sen., late 
Director of the Concerts in Holland. 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 201 

Subsequently he changed the dates to Feb. 28, March 
14, 27, April 4 **at Corr6's Hotel* ' and offered as special 
attraction "Peter, the Indian, lately arrived from his 
own country," in a genuine war dance and other more 
legitimate incidentals. St. Aivre actually carried his 
season to a successful end, though with the usual post- 
ponements. On February 28 he performed *La Servante 
maltresse' and *Les Deux chasseurs'; the second night 
escaped me; but as the third of the series came on 
March 28, postponed from March 21, 

Arianne abandonnSe in the Island of Naxos, a new dramatic opera, 
which was performed with great success in Paris, and (when trans- 
lated into English) in London. 

Mr. St. Aivre has neglected nothing to embellish the scenery 
of the sea and the rock from which Arianne precipitates herself; 
he hopes that ladies and gentlemen will be pleased to honor with their 
presence a performance which will be very expensive to him. 

The composer is not mentioned. Without the meagre 
details of the announcement before me, it is now clear 
how I became guilty of misleading even Mr. Krehbiel. 
That this was not Benda's famous and revolutionary 
melodrama 'Ariadne' appears conclusively from the an- 
nouncement. Its tenor leaves no doubt that Mr. St. 
Aivre presented French opera, and we need not hesitate 
in connecting the work performed at New York with the 
opera 'Arianne dans Tile de Naxos,' composed, and 
brought out at Paris in 1782, by Joh. Fr. Edelmann, the 
Alsatian who was guillotined at Paris in 1794. The last 
* 'subscription opera" on April 4 was divided into three 
**acts," each with a different opera. This curious triple 
bill consisted of *Le Devin du village,' *Le Tonnellier' 
and *La Laitifere,' subtitle of Duni's *Les Deux chasseurs.' 
Therewith ended Mons. St. Aivre's dream of transplanting 
French opera to American soil, and he continued, 
perhaps with greater encouragement, in his profession of 
dancing-master. Possibly he would have renewed his 



202 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

efforts as manager, had not Mr. Cammas, the star of 
this enterprise, returned to the West Indies in 1791. 

The French dancers connected with the Kenna family 
during the season of 1791-92 at the Northern Liberties 
Theatre, Philadelphia, do not seem to have gone beyond 
Harlequinades. We may therefore safely turn our at- 
tention towards Boston, where Alexander Placide and 
his associates occupied the New Exhibition Room from 
January until the middle of May, 1793. The repertory, 
as stated in the chapter on Boston, was a mixture of 
English and French works. The latter consisted mostly 
of ballets, such as *Mirza and Lindor' and the *Bird 
Catcher,' original title *Les Oiseliers.' None of these 
deserve special consideration here, except the "heroic 
pantomime entertainment in two acts, called, Richard 
the First, sur-named Coeur de Lion," presented for the 
benefit of Mad. Placide on May 29. Unless all signs 
deceive me, I am inclined to believe that this was a 
ballet-adaptation of Gr6try*s masterwork 'Richard 
Coeur de Lion,' detached arias from which had already 
become standard concert pieces in our country. For this 
reason, it is curious that Alexander Placide did not 
attempt to perform the opera as an opera, inasmuch as 
his pantomimistic tendencies did not extend to the 
adaptation of *The Blacksmith,^ **a French opera for the 
firsttimein America" (March 25) — Philidor's*LeMar6chaI 
ferrant,' of 1761?— The Cooper,' alias *Le Tonnellier' 
(April 3, 29), and (April 24, May 1) his most important 
contribution so far to the history of French opera in 
America: 

. . . . In three parts, a grand French opera, called The 
Deserter, With original overture, by Monsigny. All the favourite 
Songs, Duets, etc. 

Alexis (the Deserter) .... Mons. Douvillier 
Jean Louis (an invalid) Mons. St. Poll 

Bertrand (a clown) ^ .. M ii «• 

Courchemin (guard of the camp) / ' • a e 

Crie (keeper of the prison) Mons. Trouche 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 203 

Montaudl (a soldier) . M. Placide 

Louisa Mme. Douvillier 

Jeannette Mme. Placide 

In Act third, a Military Procession to the execution of the 
Deserter. (Plans of the opera delivered at the doors of the Exhi- 
bition Room, gratis). 

Probably the meteor of French opera would have 
vanished very soon after its appearance at Boston, had 
not the black insurrection in the West Indies given it a 
fresh impetus a few months later. Thus two terrible 
revolutions were required to establish French opera 
temporarily — New Orleans permanently — on a solid 
basis in our country, and it is a noteworthy touch of 
the times that the combination of Placide's forces with 
the newcomers from the West Indies was eflfected not in 
the North, but in the South, at Charleston, S. C. As a 
human and historical document their first manifesto may 
follow here as printed in the City Gazette, Feb. 8, 1794: 

FRENCH PLAY. 

This evening, February 8. Some French play actors, lately 
from St. Domingo, after having been plundered by privateers, 
and conducted to Providence, where they experienced a number of 
misfortunes, have at length arrived at Charleston, this hospitable 
city, where the French have been for several months welcomed and 
treated as brothers. These play actors, notwithstanding the difficul- 
ties they foresee in exercising their profession in a country where their 
language is not generally understood, think they can, however, ven- 
ture this resource, the only one which is left to them to alleviate 
their distress, in hopes, that, being French and unfortunate men, 
these two titles will be sufficient to recommend them to the public 
benevolence. In consequence, they applied to Messrs. West and 
Bignall for the use of their house for a night, to give a representation 
for their benefit. Those gentlemen, whose hearts are always open 
to the relief of the distressed, willingly and humanely granted their 
request: under which circumstances should they be honoured by the 
benevolent attendance of the public, their utmost efforts will be 
exerted to meet their suffrage. 
1st. PygmaUan 

Scene lyrique of the celebrated John James Rousseau, with the 
interludes in music by the same author; in which piece Mr. Dainville 
will perform the part of Pygmalion and Mrs. Val that of Galatee. 



204 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

2d. Two Pastoral Dances 
will follow, by Mr. Francisquy. 

3d. The Plebeian become a Man of Consequence 
A comedy full of disguises, in which Mr. Dainville will personate 
seven different parts, and Mr. Val that of the Plebeian. 

4th. The English Dance or Hornpipe, by Mr. Francisquy 
5th. The Two Chasseurs; or. Hunters and the Milkmaid 
A grand ballet comic, in which Mr. Francisquy will personate the 
part of Guillot, Mr. Dainville that of Colas, Mrs. Val that of the 
Milkmaid and Mr. Val that of the Attoumey. 

Tickets at the usual prices .... The same regulations will 
be observed as have been adopted by Mrs. West & Bignall at their 
performances. 

On the strength of this performance the French actors 
forthwith announced (on March 26) their intention to 
open a "French Theatre.** The proceeds of the first 
performance were intended for the benefit of their un- 
fortunate brethren, the American prisoners in Algiers. 
The fact that **the musicians which [would] compose their 
orchestra,** also offered their services gratis goes to show 
that the orchestra was not imported from San Domingo 
but recruited from among the musicians of Charleston. 
Three performances a week were planned and the pro- 
spective subscribers were notified that the performances 
would consist 

Of dancing, pantomimes, ballets or dances, Harlequin panto- 
mimes, rope dancing, with many feats and little amusing French 
pieces and to satisfy many who wish it, the grand pieces of the 
French Theatre. 

Being willing to offer to those who are learning the French 
language, a sure way of perfecting themselves, the theatre being a 
place where the French language is spoke in its purity, they propose 
to the admirers of the French language, a fourth representation, 
weekly, by subscription, to be composed of tragedies, dramas and 
the first comic pieces. 

It will have been noticed that opera was not men- 
tioned in this prospectus and indeed no attempt at 
opera was made until May 17, 1794, when Duni's 
'Les Deux chasseurs' was given. After this until the 



POST'REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 205 

end of August opera continued to be on an equal footing 
with drama, comedy, ballet, pantomime, rope dancing, 
etc. It is a very odd glimpse into this exotic enterprise 
that the announcements were printed both in French and 
English under the respective headings *Le Th^itre 
Frangais' and Trench Theatre,' but, whereas the explan- 
atory remarks in French were very brief, those in English 
were very long for the obvious purpose of permitting an 
American audience to know beforehand what all the 
dialogues, monologues, arias, etc., in French signified. 
It was after this first season that Messrs. West and 
Bignall engaged the Frenchmen for their Charleston 
Theatre, and the very fact that they did so would seem 
to prove conclusively that Placide and Francisquy had 
managed their Th^itre Frangais too successfully to 
allow further independent competition. During the next 
two years, as stated in a previous chapter, the career of 
the French actors is linked with that of their English 
colleagues, and this combination of English and French 
opera under one management may safely be said to have 
been the first serious instance of the kind in our country. 
The French repertory during these three years was ap- 
proximately this: 

' 29- i ^^""^ Catcher (pant., French title *Les Oiseleurs') 

April 21: \^ , . ^ , . 

26* / ^°"*^son Crusoe (pant.) 

Ad il 25- f ^^^^ ^^ ^^ "^^ ("grand ballette pantomime 
Mav 3 • I *^ ^^^ acts,"very probably based on Monsigny's 
I opera *Rose et Colas*) 
Aoril 26* i ^^^^y^^^^ Disguises; or, the Useless Resolution 
\ ("comedy . . . intermixed with singing") 
April 29: 1 Harlequin Doctor; or, the Power of Magic 
Aug. 13: / (pant.) 
May 1: Harlequin; or. Supposed Conjuror (pant.) 
May 6: \ Milliners ("La Marchande demode," "comic 

17:/ pantomime' ') 
May 8: \ Old Soldier; or, the Two Thieves ("historique 
Aug. 1: / pantomime with dances") 



206 



EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 



Aug. 10: Harlequin a Supposed Nobleman (pant.) 

' Wood Cutters; or, the Militia man ("grand mili- 
tary pantomime," based on Philidor's 'Le 
BOcheron; ou, le Milicien') 



Aug. 15:, 
29: 



1795. 
1794, 

1795, 
1794, 



Two Hunters and the Milkmaid (Duni's Tjcs 
Deux chasseurs et la laidte') 



May 17: 
July 12: 

14: 
May 20: J 

May 20: ^ Three Philosophers; or, the Dutch (Coffee house 
Dec 13: > ("ballet-pantomime," also called the 'Three 
July 27 : J Quakers,' the 'Two Quakers,' etc) 
May 22: \ 

24: y Harlequin ballooniste (pant.) 
June 3: J 
June 27: ^ 



1795, 

1796, 
1794, 



1795, 



1794, 



1796, 
1794, 



31: 

Dec 19: 

23: 

June 14:' 

July 8: 

28: 

May 25: 

July 24: 

June 9:. 

June 17: 

July 2: 

Oct. 11: 

May 28: 



June 24 
Aug. 1 
Oct. 27 



July 8: 
July 16: 

Aug. 4: 
Dec. 13: 
July 16: ] 

18: 
May 15: 

July 21: 
Aug. 1: 



Belle Doroth6e ("heroic pantomime in 4 acts") 



Deserter (Monsigny's 'Dterteur') 



Speaking Picture (Grdtry's Tableau parlant') 

Orpheus andEurydice ("An heroic drama . . 
with the music and original overture by the 
celebrated Paisielo." [But P. is not known as the 
composer of such an opera. Was it perhaps 
Gluck's?] Mr. Dainville sang the Orpheus and 
Mrs. Val the Eurydice) 

Mirza and Lindor (pant, in 3 acts) 

Annette et Lubin (comic opera by Blaise) 



Pygmalion (Rousseau) 



Fusiliers; or, the Clown outwitted. (Dibdin ; Mrs. 
Placide's "first attempt in an English 
character") 

Tw \\ \ ^^^ ^^ village (Rousseau) 
j-^ec 0: ^ 



POST'REFOLUTIONJRY OPERA 



207 



July 23 

30 

Oct. 20 



Nina; or, the Distracted Lover ("a celebrated 
opera, in two acts, with the original overture" 
by Dalayrac, first perf. at Paris in 1786. The 
cast was this: 

Count, father of Nina . . . Mr. Dainville 
Germeuil, lover of Nina . . Mr. Douvillier 

George, foster-father of Nina Mr. Placide 

Several peasants of the village, with chorus 

Messrs. Val, Spina- 
cuta, Latte 

Nina Mrs. Douvillier 

Elisa, governess of Nina . Mrs. Val 

Country women with chorus Mrs. Placide, Miss 

Scully, Miss Du- 

the, etc. 

The subject of this much admired opera is so well known that 

Mr. Francisquy thinks it unnecessary to give an explanation of it; 

everybody is well acquainted with the beauty of its music and the 

various affecting scenes which frame the whole of it. 

' Blaise and Babet ("grand pantomime ballet in 2 
acts .... the subject .... is 
extracted from the celebrated opera of that 
name and Mr. Francisquy, anxious to give 
it all the beauty it is susceptible of, hath pro* 
vided himself with its delightful music and ori- 
ginal overture, com posed by Monsieur Dez^de") 
July 30: \ American Independence; or, the 4th of July 1776 
July 4: / ("grand patriotic pantomime in three acts") 
A 4- i ^^ ^^^^ of June; or, the Attack on Fort Moultrie 
* I ("patriotic pantomime" with fireworks) 



1794, 



July 23: 
28: < 
Nov. 1: 



1795, 
1794, 



1795, 



Aug. 6 

8 

June 9 



f 



Zimire and Axor ("much admired opera, in 4 acts, 
composed by the celebrated Gr6try, with the 
original overture, and decorated with new 
scenery." Cast: 



1794, 
1795, 



Mr. Douvillier 
Mr. Dainville 
Mr. Placide 
Mrs. Douvillier 
Mrs. Val 
Mrs. Placide 



UAmant statue ("composed by the celebrated au- 
thor Mr. Dalerac," first perf. at Paris, 1785) 



Azor 

Sander .... 

Aly, Sander's servant . 
Z6mire "j 

Fatime [ daughters of Sander 
Lisbe J 

Aug. 12 

Oct. 13 

June 6 
12 



208 



EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 



1794, 



Aug. 12: 
Sept. 20: 



1795, 
1794, 





Oct. 11: 




15:" 




Nov. 5: 


1795, 


April 15 : 


1794, 


Nov. 10: 




Nov. 14: 




17: 



Nov. 19: 



Dec. 1 

5 

May 20 

Dec. 12: 
15: 

Dec. 17; 



1795, March 9: 

April 15: 

March 28: 

April 17: 

June 6: 

July 17: 

24: 

April 6: 

April 17: 
Aug. 6: 

April 29: 
May 29: 



Genevieve of Brabant; or, Virtue triumphant 
(**new historic pantomime in three acts") 

Pyrame and Thisbe ("lyric drama with the ori- 
ginal overture," probably not Rebel and Fran- 
coeur's opera, but possibly Baudron's lyric 
scene, perf. at Paris, in 1783) 

Whims of Galatea ("pastoral pantomime ballet," 
perhaps adaptation of Andr6 J. Rigade's 
ballet *Acis et Galathee,' Paris, 1768) 
Four Valiant Brothers; or, the Clemency of Charle- 
magne ("grand historic and military panto- 
mime . . . with new music, scenery, 
dresses, etc.") 

Merry Rustics; or. Trick upon Trick ("grand 

French pantomime ballet") 
f The 14th of July, 1789; or, the Destruction of the 

Bastille ("new grand pantomime, in two acts 

. . . . with new music, etc.") 
Le Braconnier; or, the Game Laws ("new grand 

French pantomime," perhaps based on Ray- 

mont's opera, Paris, ca. 1785) 

For6t Noire ("domestic pantomime tale") 

Le DSserteur Francis; or, the Supposed Marriage 
("grand tragic comic ballet pantomime," 
probably based on Monsigny) 

Le Ballet des Provengaux; or, the Sailor of Mar- 

seillois 
Lion with the Thorn; or. Harlequin protected by 
Neptune ("entire new Harlequin pantomime") 
Cupid*s Revenge (ballet-pant., based on Hook?) 
' Jupiter and Europa; or, the Jealousy of Juno 
("for the first time in America, an heroic pan- 
tomime, with new scenery, dresses, decora- 
tions, music, etc." This pant, had been in 
rehearsal for three months! Possibly based 
on Galliard's pant, of the same title) 
Miller and Cottier (ballet) 
' Cooper ("New pantomime ballet composed by 
Mr. Francisqui," apparently based on *Le 
Tonnelier*) 

\ Sampson; or, theTreanchery of Delilah ("favourite 
/ pantomime in three acts") 



\ 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 



209 



June 3: 

18: 

22: 

July 27: 

1796, Sept. 21: 

1795, June 9: 



False Magic ("grand opera in 2 acts," Gr6try*s 
'La Fausse Magie') 



June 16 

27 

July 27 

June 20: 
22: 

July 1: 



Poacher; or, the Game Laws (apparently identical 

with *Le Braconnier') (pant.-ballet) 
' Mdomania; or, Musical Madness (announced as 
"a favourite opera of the celebrated Gretry;'* 
but the one-act *La M^lomanie* was by Stanisl. 
Champein, Paris, 1781) 
Re-capture of Toulon by the French army; or, 
The Young Female Soldier ("new pantomime 
in three acts") 
Rose Bush of Salency ("grand pastoral ballet 
pantomime"; probably based on either Gr^try's 
or St. Amant's opera *La Rosi^re de Salency,* 
possibly even on the older (1769) opera by 
Philidor, Blaise, Monsigny and van Swieten) 
July \Q:\ Alexis and Justine (2 -act opera by DezMe, 
17:/ Paris, 1785). Cast: 
Longpre, father of Alexis . Mr. Lavalette 

Alexis, lover of Justine . . Mr. Douvillier 

Thierry, foster-father of Alexis and 

father of Justine . . By an amateur 

Thomas (sylly man in love with Justine) Mr. Placide 



A Bailiff . . . . 
Country men (with chorus) 



Mr. Dubois 
Messrs. Val, Spina- 

cuta, Latte, Fayol, 

Duport, etc. 

Mrs. Placide 
Mrs. Val 
Mrs. Douvillier 



1796, June 



Genevieve (mother of Justine) . 
Magdelaine (an old servant maid) . 

Justine 

July 21 : Les Dettes; or, the Way to Pay Debts (Champein, 
Paris, 1787) 

July 21: American Heroine; or, the Cruel Return ("his- 
torical and military pantomime") 
Aug. 3: f Cafa»ano/Ca4fo(CaravaneduCaire, Paris, 1784). 
Announced as "opera in three acts, never per- 
formed here before .... with the ori- 
5. J ginal overture, composed by the celebrated 
9. Gr6try. Accompanied by the Recitatives at 
the Theatre de TOp^ra at Paris with great suc- 
cess. Ornamented with new scenery and dec- 
orations") 



210 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 



St. Phar, son of Florestan f , *1 », r^ -n. 

, , t T f slaves of Mr. Douvillier 

and lover of Zelima •{ „ r %# t^ •«. 

^ ,. Husca Mrs. Llouvillier 

Zelima, a princess I J 

Company of travellers and gang of slaves Messrs. Val, Dubois, 

Fayol, Latte, Spi- 
nacuta, Duport, 
Mrs. Val, Miss 
Duthe, etc. 

French woman .... Mrs. Placide 

Troop of Arabians .... 

Chief of Arabians .... Mr. Francisqui 

Basha of Cairo Mr. Lavalette 

Florestan, commander of a French 
squadron By an amateur 

Officers of the squadron . Messrs. Fayol, Du- 

bois, Val, etc. 

Tamorin, confident of the Basha . Mr. Latte 

The Basha's retinue .... 

Almeida, favourite of the Basha Mrs. Placide 

Then followed a minute description of the stage 
evolutions rather than of the plot. That of the first 
act may serve as a specimen: 

A halt of the caravan on the bank of the Nile. Several groups 
of travellers, some free and the others slaves, the former chanting 
in chorus the pleasure they feel on their return to Cairo, the latter 
deploring the state of slavery which awaits them. 

A dance in character, by Master Duport. The Arabians descend 
from the mountains and attack the caravan. — ^The travellers prepare 
for combat. — ^St. Phar requests Husca to release him from his irons 
and to permit him to fight the Arabians — ^his valour preserves the 
caravan from pillage and as a reward of his victory Husca gives him 
his freedom. St. Phar, whose only view in engaging in the combat 
was to ensure the safety of Zelima, requests of Husca to emancipate 
her instead of him; but Husca, who had great hopes of obtaining a 
large price from the Basha for Zelima, on account of her superior 
beauty, remains inflexible to all entreaties. 

The caravan proceeds on its journey, and the camels cross the 
mountains. 



In the performance of June 9, 1796, Mrs. Pownall 
and the Misses Wrightens" gave **the public an oppor- 
tunity of witnessing their theatrical abilities in a foreign 



POST'REFOLUTIONARY OPERA 211 

language/' a conclusive proof, if such still be asked 
for, that the French operas were actually sung in French. 
Mrs. Pownall took the part of Zelima. 

1796, Feb. 16: Brother Quakers ("new comic ballet") 

April ?: Maid of Orleans; or, Joan of Arc ("grand heroic 
historical pantomime in three acts .... 
new music") 

May ?: Echo and Narcissus ("speaking pantomime,'' 
possibly based on Gluck, or an American setting 
of Mrs. Cowley's unpublished dramatic pastoral) 

May 30: Rinaldo and Armida ("new heroic pantomime in 
three acts never performed in America," 
possibly also based on Gluck) 

1797, May 15: Princess of Babylon ("pantomime in four acts," 

"to the different incidents of which [was 
adapted by Monsieur Lavallette, the author] 
a select choir of musical pieces taken from the 
celebrated French operas of Panurage [Panurge, 
Gr^try], the Golden Fleece, Iphig^nie [en] 
Tauride [Gluck?] etc., none of which has ever 
yet been performed in America") 
May 15: Servant mistress (probably the French parodie 
of Pergolesi's *Serva padrona') 

This record makes it clear that the era of French opera 
practically ended at Charleston in 1796; but it is also 
apparent that during the three years of its hot-house 
existence there, Charleston had a by far better oppor- 
tunity than any other American town to enjoy exotic 
opera, not to mention the startling number of pantomimes 
re-boiled or * 'composed** to order. The weakest point in 
this by-product of two revolutions was, of course, the 
language question. Even in Charleston not enough 
pr6cieuses ridicules apparently could be found to support 
this musical Berlitz school for any length of time, but 
when the handful of exponents of the purity of the 
French language as spoke on the stage, again ventured 
outside of Charleston, they were doomed to speedy 
failure, particularly so, as the enthusiasm for things 
French was rapidly giving way to resentment at the 



212 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

insults heaped on our government by Citizen Genet and 
his successors. 

Independently of the Charleston Theatre Frangais 
Madame Gardie, the fascinating balletteuse, gave for 
her benefit at New York on May 4 Duni's *Deux 
chasseurs* together with a pantomime in one act, * Jeanne 
d'Arc' ; but the 'Trench performers" whom the managers 
of the Old American Company engaged in March 1796 
were none other than some of the Charlestonian French- 
men headed by Mons. Francisquy . They were engaged 
for two performances only, and I find that they presented 
on March 3 Duni's *Deux chasseurs* turned into a 
''grand comic pantomime dance** by Mons. Francisquy 
under the title of 'The Two Huntsmen and the Milk- 
maid; or, the Death of the Bear,* 'Le Tonnellier' {alias 
the Cooper) treated similarly and Rousseau*s Pygmalion. 
The second performance escaped me, but Mons. Francis- 
quy and Mr. and Mrs. Val were still thriving under the 
auspices of the Old Americans when on April 21 the 
'Children in the Wood,* were followed by *Les Deux 
chasseurs,* this time as an opera, in which even the genial, 
gentle-minded Victor Pelissier, erstwhile first French 
horn at Cape Francois, took a part as Colas. The per- 
formance closed with one of Francisquy's so-called 
compositions, the "comic ballet pantomime*' ^ Rural 
Waggish Tricks.^ Shortly afterwards, the several 
circuses turned their attention to French pantomime, 
and they appear to have offered the last haven of refuge 
to Francisquy and colleagues, who probably did not 
regret this change, as it was Mr. Lailson's ambition to 
surround with all possible splendor such ballet productions 
(Nov. 2) as 'The New Deserter;or, Supposed Marriage,* 
"got up under the immediate direction of Mr. Francis- 
quy. The music and the original overtures by the 
celebrated Gr6try,** and (Nov. 14) this master's 'Richard 
Coeur de Lion' turned into "an historic pantomime with 
military evolutions." 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 213 

Other cities fared even worse than New York. Balti- 
more, for instance, as far as I can see, had occasion to 
become acquainted after 1790 only with Duni's *Les 
Deux chasseurs,' turned into a pantomime by Mons. 
Lege "from the Italian theatre at Paris," with the ori- 
ginal music, the accompaniments by Mr. De Marque 
on Aug. 22, 1795, and with Champein's *M61omanie' 
on March 14 at the Theatre Francois. The announce- 
ment of the latter was printed both in English and French 
in the Federal Gazette^ even to the extent of giving the 
price of admission in revolutionary French, to wit: 

"On prendra un Gourde aux loges et 3 Gourdins au Parterre, 
les billets d'entr6e se distributent au Bureau k Tentr^e de la Salle.'' 

Richmond's invasion by the Frenchmen in 1795 has 
already briefly been recorded and it merely remains to 
trace Philadelphia's participation in French opera. 

On Dec. 17, 1796, Messrs. Wignell and Reinagle, the 
managers of the New Theatre, **ever solicitous to vary 
and improve the exhibition at the theatre and evince 
their gratitude for the patronage they receive," respect- 
fully informed the public that they had engaged a French 
Company of Comedians in addition to their present 
establishment. This company presumably was identical 
with our friends from Charleston. Their short career 
at Philadelphia was ushered in on the evening of the 
announcement with Gr6try's *Le Tableau parlant' and 
Duni's *Les Deux chasseurs'. To this they added on 
Dec. 24 Al. Mar. Ant. Fridzeri's *Les Souliers mordor6s.' 
Their connection with Wignell and Reinagle apparently 
lasted into the following year, as on Jan. 7, 1797, they 
presented DezMe's 'Blaise et Babet,' attributing it 
here, too, incorrectly to Gr6try. As far as I can see, their 
last attempts to conquer the public of Philadelphia were 
on Jan. 14 with Champein's *La M61omanie' and 
Dalayrac's *Les Deux petits Savoyards' and on Jan. 21 
with a repetition of *Le Tableau parlant.' 



214 



EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 



When, after this, a French opera appeared on the 
repertory on March 25, 1798, it was an English transla- 
tion and adaptation: Gr6try's 'Richard Coeur de Lion' 
with accompaniments by Linley. But this was not the 
first rendition of the brilliant Belgian's masterpiece, 
nor was it the last. To Boston, where on Jan. IS, 1796, 
Mad. Gardie had selected for her benefit, evidently in 
French, Duni's *Les Deux chasseurs,' belongs the 
credit of having greeted at the Federal Street Theatre 
on Monday, Jan. 23, 1797: 

. . • . (for the first time on the continent of America) the 
grand historical Romance, called Richard, C(tur de Lion, with all 
the original music, songs, and choruses, composed by Gr6try. The 
orchestra accompaniment entirely new, composed by Mons. Labarre. 
New scenery and decorations by Mr. Cullager. 

Richard Mr. Marshall 

Mr. Cleveland 
Mr. Rowson 
Mr. Downie 
Mr. Hogg 
Mr. Villiers 
Mr. Kenny 
Mr. McKenzie 
Mr. Clarke 
Mr. Williamson 
Mrs. Graupner 
(her first appear- 
ance these two 
years) 

Julie Miss Solomon 

Dorcas Mrs. Rowson 

CoUette Miss Green 

Matilda Mrs. Marshall 

A Pastoral Dance, 
Incidental to the piece, by Miss A. Duport, Miss Solomon and 
Miss Hogg. First Shepherdess with a Pas Seul, by Miss Duport. 
The new scenery consists of a distant view of the Castle at Sunrise. 
An interior view of the fortifications, with the area, in which Richard 
is confined; and, the double parapet, from which Matilda endeavours 
to gain a sight of the King. 

The whole to conclude with the Assault and Taking of the Castle, 
by storm; and the deliverance of Richard by the Cavaliers. 



Blondel . 

Sir Owen 

Florestan 

Sureschall 

Guillot . 

Old Mathew 

William 

Pilgrim 

Antonio 

Laurette 



POST'REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 215 

Evidently in this premiire the original score was ad- 
hered to except that Monsieur Trille LaBarre, the 
leader of the orchestra, furnished new, probably simpler 
orchestral accompaniments for the arias. This is the 
nearest the American public was allowed to approach 
the original, for when James Hewitt selected the same 
opera for his benefit at New York on May 21, 1800, as 
"never performed*' there, he conducted a version for 
which Victor Pelissier had composed the accompani- 
ments. 

Simple as Gr6try*s music sounds to us to-day, it was 
not so considered in an era which looked aghast at the 
bold innovations and complications of Papa Haydn, not 
to mention the anarchist Mozart. If Gr6try still held 
the reputation of a master of difficult music in Europe, 
very much more so, of course, in our country, where 
practically none but the easily understood, light English 
operas were known. The advent of his 'Richard, Coeur 
de Lion' was hailed therefore very much in the same spirit 
as we would to-day receive Tell6as et M61isande,' but 
it is also characteristic of the innate musical common- 
sense of the public that they hailed this masterwork 
**with peals of applause." The criticism of the premiere 
in the Columbian Centinel, Jan. 25, 1797, which accom- 
panied the announcement of a repetition on this evening 
is of a nature as to throw more light on the whole subject 
than any historical post mortem arguments: 

THEATRICAL. 

On Monday evening the grand dramatic romance of 'Richard^ 
Cceur de Lion,* was performed at the Boston Theatre, for the first 
time on the continent of America. — ^The audience was brilliant and 
crowded; the peals of applause, which were frequent during the 
performance, were instantaneous and unequivocal; and the success of 
the piece, attested by the general satisfaction, unprecedented in the 
novelties of this season. Its annunciation by the manager for a 
second representation this evening, was supported by a burst of 
approbation from every part of the house. 



216 



EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 



In the preparations, necessary for the performance of the opera, 
the respective talents of Mr. Labarre and Mr. Gullager evinced a 
decided superiority to any prior exhibition of music or painting; 
and we presume the amateurs of the fine arts have never known the 
orchestra accompaniments of any opera in thb metropolis, composed 
with so much genius; nor the scenery and mechanism of a grand 
stage spectacle designed with so much elegance and invented with so 
much ingenuity. 

The attention and industry of Mons. Labarre in perfecting the 
supernumerary vocal performers in their respective choruses also 
deserves much credit. 

It has heretofore been invariably the attendant fatality of all 
operas, produced on our stage, that from the inability of the per- 
formers, either in the science or numbers, to execute compound music, 
they never have supported with success a musical dialogue, in which 
more than three voices were concerned. This imputation, how- 
ever, was entirely removed by the performance of Monday Evening; 
for the choruses, with which the opera abounds, and all of them 
difficult and intricate music, were filled throughout with an ample 
power of voice, and given with a pleasing accuracy of execution . . 

The merit of the performers in the characters of the piece was 
generally acknowledged to be of superior kind. Their respective 
drafts on the public patronage were all honored at sight, and paid in 
the sterling ore of genuine approbation. As the piece is given out for 
a second representation this evening, a particular critique on the 
performance is deferred. 

This particular critique either escaped me or did not 
appear, nor was, to my knowledge, any critical comment 
made on the first performance in English (apparently 
with the original accompaniments!) of Gr6try— Lin- 
ley's charming Selima and Azor on March 31, 1797, 
"with new dresses, scenery, decorations and the ori- 
ginal music," and in this cast: 



Azor 


Mrs. Marshall 


Scander 


Mr. Rowson 


Ali ... 


Mr. Cleveland 


Lesbia . 


Mrs. Solomon 


Fatima . 


Miss Rowson 


Selima . 


Mrs. Marshall 



Either for lack of encouragement or lack of scores 
and parts, which is^perhaps more plausible, no further 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 217 

attempt at French grand opera in English was made at 
Boston. Only Rousseau's ''interesting melodrama" 
'Pygmalion' was brought out on May 10, 1797, and I have 
also already alluded in the statistical record under Boston 
to the performance of The Garden of Love' on April 
21, 1800. To judge by the synopsis in the Columbian 
Centinelf April 19, this might be termed a pastoral 
pantomime pasticcio: 

"A Musical Interlude from the most chaste compositions of the 
French, selected and got up under the direction of Mr. Audin, with 
entire new scenery and decorations. Entitled the Garden of Love; 
or, the Wounds of Cupid healed by Hymen. 

Curtain rises and discovers a Shepherdess reposing on a bank of 
verdure, in the Garden of Hymen; Hymen sitting on a fountain of 
real water; — Harmonic music at a distance; — Cupid descends, throws 
his dart, and flies off — ^The shepherdess awakes and sings 'Sweet 
Echo' — during which the Shepherd appears; his countenance ex- 
pressive of the tenderest love — they are joined by Hymen — Con- 
cluded with a duet. 

Shepherd Mr. Munto 

Shepherdess Mrs. Graupner 

Hymen Miss Graupner 

Cupid Miss C. Graupner 

These performances at Boston, the production of 
Rousseau's Tygmalion' at Charleston, 1797, Monsigny's 
'Deserter' at Norfolk, Va., 1793, the few stray perform- 
ances of French works at New York, Baltimore, Phila- 
delphia already recorded, constitute about all that would 
properly come under the head of French opera in English. 
Surely very little, but as much as one may reasonably 
expect to find in a country which borrowed its mode of 
conduct in matters operatic from England. How this 
tender root of French opera in English expanded until 
by force of circumstances and the inoculation of the 
polyglot system the whole aspect of opera in our country 
was changed into the supremacy of performances in 
foreign languages — another worthy pendant and sequel 
to conditions in England where, just as in America, 



218 EARLY OPERA IN AMERICA 

English opera and opera in English have been driven, 
generally speaking, into the abyss of operetta — ^how this 
tender root of French opera in English expanded I am 
not prepared to say. Yet the probabilities are that, 
if an earnest effort is made to follow the trail into the 
nineteenth century, strong connecting links will be found 
between the era which has been the subject of this essay 
and the era with which we all are familiar. More than 
this, it will appear that the standard French, Italian and 
German operas were sung in English and well sung and 
received with just as much pleasure as the English 
operas; and again the historian will sigh for — ^what might 
have been and still is bound to come, once our people 
see the folly of their ways, or at least the folly of their 
operatic purveyors. 

During the eighteenth century, to repeat it, French 
opera was a mere episode and entirely subordinate to 
English opera. The latter, however, surely was culti- 
vated in America to a very considerable extent, inter- 
preted skilfully and enjoyed intelligently. This survey 
of early opera in America proves these three points 
beyond serious doubt and I hope has laid foundations 
solid enough for others to use for a reliable history of 
opera in America during the nineteenth century. 

Of one thing I am absolutely certain: if opera in Amer- 
ica is ever to attain to the distinction of being more than 
a sensational and exotic, though sincerely enjoyed, luxury 
of the relatively few in a few cities, it will have to be 
by the way of good performances of good operas in good 
English. Esthetically, of course, performances of operas 
in the original language as perfect as money and inter- 
pretative genius can make them will always be superior 
to those in translations, even with an equal investment 
in money and interpretative genius, but a decrease 
in esthetic value will be more than offset by the cultural 
value to the people, if they are properly encouraged to 
listen to musical dramas in a language which they 



POST-REVOLUTIONARY OPERA 219 

understand. Even in matters of art, subtle esthetics can- 
not overrule the demands of common-sense for long 
without injuring the prospects of art and of native art 
in particular. I, for one, am heartily glad that these 
views are being shared by a steadily increasing number 
of sincere lovers of opera; and it is not a visionary 
prediction that sooner or later the glorious but gaudy, 
polyglot past of opera in America will be remembered 
with a sigh of relief by all except the foreigners. Let us 
wish a long life for the Metropolitan Opera House as 
an institution, unique and financially able to strive after 
model performances of foreign operas au naturel, but 
let us also wish that the operatic life of the rest of our 
country be based in the main on opera in English. 



INDEX 



N. B. For titles of operas, i>antomimes. etc., (indexed in italics) 

consult also the Tables A>J 



Abbot, 141 

Abroad and ai home, 105 
"Accompaniments by" (explan- 
ation of the term), 71 
Acts et GalathSe, 208 
Actors, singers as, 116 
"Adams and Liberty", 160 
"Adams and Washmgton," 145 
Adcock, 22 

Admission, price of. See Tickets. 
Adopted ChM, 105, 107, 108, 160, 

189, 191 
Advance notices, 33, 160, 190 
Advertisers and criticism, 166 
Advertising, 34 
Adventures of Harlequin and 

Scaramouch^ 11, 12 
Agreeable Surprise, The, 80, 105, 

111, 158, 160, 164, 187, 189, 

195 
Albany, N. Y., 66 
Alexandria, Va., 191 
Alexis and (el) Justine, 209 
Alfred, 28 
Algiers, charity performance for 

American prisoners in, 204 
Allen, 66 
Allen, N. H., 152 
AUyn, 29, 37 
Alonzo and Imogen, 128 
VAmant statue, 207 
Amateurs in opera and drama, 

11, 18, 24, 25, 150, 165, 188, 

192, 193, 209, 210 
America Discovered, 111 
Americans Independence, 164 
American Company, The, 19, 33, 

34, 60 
American Heroine, 209 
American Independence, 186 
American operas, etc., 39, 83, 96, 

98, 99, 100 
Americania and Elutheria, 179 
Americanization of plays, etc., 

79. 128 
Andr^, Major, 53 
Andrews, 168 

Anglo-French Company, 172 
Animated Statue, 105 



Animation and Death of Harle- 

quin, 63 
Annapolis, Md., 18, 30, 45, 46, 

47, 49, 59, 60, 72, 76, 115, 

163, 194 
Annette elLubin, 206 
Anonymous Disguises, 205 
Anti-esthetic tendencies, 94, 95 
Apotheosis of Franklin, 179 
Archers, The, 99 
Arianne {ahandonnie) dans Vtsle 

de Naxos, 201 
Ame, T. A., 28, 34, 36, 37, 38, 

43, 44, 68, 79. 101, 127, 186 
Arnold, S., 41, 79, 148, 150, 173, 

191 
Artaxerxes, 34 
Arthur and Emmeline, 94 
"As Chloe came," 23 
Ashton, 87, 188 
Aston, T., 5 
Audiences, behavior of, etc., 25, 

26, 48, 119. 120, 121, 138, 185 
Audin, 179, 217 
Audinot. 199 
Augusta, Ga., 184 

Baker, 141 

Ball, after opera, 199 

Ballet, 214 

Ballet des Provengaux, 208 

Baltimore, Md., 52, 57, 60, 72, 

76, 123. 162-166, 199, 213 
Banditti, The (same as the Castle 

of Andalusia) 
Barrett, 144, 146, 148 
Barrett and Harper, 144, 148 
Barth^lemon, 80 
Bartlett, 141, 142, 176, 188, 192 
Barton, A., 39 
Bateman, 14 
Bates, 117 
Battle of Hexham, HI, 148, 151, 

159 
Battle of Trenton, 128 
Baudron, 208 
Bear Hunters, 135 
Beaufort, 199 
Becceley, 22 



221 



222 



INDEX 



"Bee" for building an opera 
house, 156 

Beggar*s Opera, The, 15, 18, 21, 
22, 29, 32, 34, 35, 42, 43, 44, 
45, 47. 48, 50, 59, 60, 62, 111, 
133. 157, 164, 185, 190 

Bell, 22 

Belle DorothSe, 206 

Benda, 197 

Benefits, 16, 41, 146, 154 

Bentley, 67, 70, 72 

Bergman, 179 

Berquin-Duvallon, 183 

Biddle, 82 

Bignall. 168, 188, 190, 194 

Bird Catcher, 111, 135, 157, 186. 
202, 205 

Birth of Harlequin, 111, 135 

Bisset, 185 

Blacksmith, The, 202 

Blaise, 206, 209 

Blaise and (et) Babet, 207, 213 

Blisset, 124 

"Bonny Bet," 108 

Boston, 10, 133, 149, 214, 215 

Boyce, W., 36 

Braconnier, 208 

Brett, 92, 93. 100, 108 

Brett, A. (later Mrs. Hodgkin- 
son), 102 

Brick theatre, first, 46 

British Army and Navy theat- 
ricals, 48, 52-54 

"Briton's Charter," 16 

Broadhurst, Miss, 99, 115, 117, 
146. 148, 177 

Bromadge, 44 

Brother Quakers, 211 

Brown, W., 146 

Bucephalus, 129 

BUcheron, 206 

Bulfinch, 144 

Bunker HiU, 146 

Burk, J., 146 

Byrne, 106, 128, 166 

Cable, G. W., 181 

"Ca ira," 141. 181 

Cammas, 199, 202 

Capron, 200 

Caravan of Cairo (Caravane du 

Caire), 209 
Carey, H., 19, 36, 79 
"Carlisle's march," 120 
Carr, B., 99, 102 
Carr's Musical Journal, 98 



Carr's Musical Miscellany, 99 

Castle Besieged, 189 

Cctstle of Andalusia, 69, 105, 
162. 175 

Casts, 16, 21, 22, 29, 36, 42, 
69, 82, 87, 92, 93. 99, 102, 108, 
117, 124, 141. 142, 148, 168, 

190, 207, 209, 210, 214 
Cave of Enchantment, 67 
Chalmers, 177 
Chambers, 168 
Champein, 209, 213 
Chaplet, The, 35, 40, 45, 60 
Charity performances, 28, 74, 

157, 176, 204 
Charleston, S. C, 6, 7, 12, 13, 

33, 49, 62, 81, 166 
Charleston Comedians, The, 173 
Charleston Company, 185 
Cheer. M., 36 

"Cherry Charlotte's Jig," 120 
Children, admission price, 192 
Children at the theatres, 130 
Children in the Wood, 107, 111, 

191, 212 

Children, operas, etc., performed 

by, 149 
Chorus, 125, 216 
Ciceri, 95 
Circuits, 76 
Circus, 103, 104, 105, 106, 129, 

191, 193, 212 
Clapp, 144 
Clarke, 214 
Clarkson, 22 

Class distinction resented, 155 
Clergy, attitude of the, 158 
Cleveland, 92, 93, 99, 177, 214, 

216 

CliflFord, 170 

Coleman, W. H., 181 

Colin and Phcsbe, 15 

Collins, 141. 142, 175 

Colonial tastes, disappearance 

of, 128 
Colored people at opera, 155 
Columbia, S. C, 184 
Columbus, 60, 106 
Company of Comedians from 

Annapolis, 18 
Company of Comedians from 

Virginia, 17 
Comus, 44, 48, 68 
Concerts by operatic singers, 40, 

91, 108 



INDEX 



223 



Conductors and leaders, 23, 25, 

44, 47, 72, 87, 108, 117, 118, 

154, 179, 200, 201 
Contracts, breaking of, 130 
Contrivances f 35, 39, 41, 42, 50, 

58,62 
Cooke, J. E., 20 
Cooper, The, 159, 202, 208 
Corr6, J., 107 
Cost of theatres, 90 
Court houses used for opera, 156, 

157, 184 
Courtney, 168 
Critics and criticisms, 30, 37, 

38,46,68, 70, 71,82,98, 101, 

102, 135, 142, 143, 151, 166, 

169, 178, 215 
CuUager, 214 
Cupid's Revenge, 208 
Cusachs, G., 182 
Customs of olden times. See 

Managerial details 
Cymon and Sylvia, 186, 189 

Dainville, 203, 206, 207 

Dalayrac, 207, 213 

Daly, C. P., 4 

Damon and PhiUida, 15, 18, 21, 

22, 27, 30, 32, 34, 35, 40, 42, 

44, 45, 46, 48, 50, 67, 164 
Danaides, 111 
Dances, incidental, 214 
Daphne and Amintor, 68 
Darby and Patrick, 79 
Darby's Return, 80 
Darley, 116, 117, 124 
Davids, 61 
Davis, J., 183 
Davis, Mrs., 16 
Days of performance, 20, 114 
Dead alive, 162 

Death of Captain Cook, 106, 189 
"Death or Liberty," 160 
Decentralization of actors, due 

to surplus, 149 
Decker, 168, 192 
De Marque, 128 
Dermot and Kathleen, 106, 128 
Des Moulins, 92, 99 
Deserter, 106, 111, 151, 162, 173, 

190 
Deserter, The (Monsigny), 202, 

206 
Deserter of Naples, 105 
DSserteur, 202, 206 
DSserteur frangais, 208 



Dettes, Les, 209 

Deux Chasseurs, 186, 200, 201, 

204, 212, 213, 214 
Deux Chasseurs et la laitihre, 206 
Deux petits Savoyards, 213 
DevU to pay. The, 13, 15, 18, 21, 

30, 31, 32, 35, 40, 42, 45, 47, 

50,53,67, 111, 136, 150, 151, 

157, 164, 184, 189, 193 
Devin du village, 199, 200, 201 
DezMe, 207, 209, 213 
Dibdin, C, 41, 47, 68, 79, 106, 

188, 206 
Dickinson, 148 
Didactic tendencies, at Boston, 

139 
Difficulty of the old operas 

(historically considered), 215 
Disappointment, The, 39 
Disguises, Opera and drama in, 

62, 63, 66, 73, 133, 135, 136, 

156 
Doctor, 124 

Doctor and Apothecary, 179, 190 
Doll, 33 
Don Juan, 92, 112, 129, 189, 

190 
Dorchester, Mass., 159 
Double-entendres, 120 
Douglass, 26, 29, 32-37, 45-52 
Douvillier, 202, 207, 209, 210 
Downie, 177, 214 
Dramatic Association of Au- 
gusta, Ga., 184 
Dramatic Association, Phila., 75 
Drunken Provengal, 106 
Dryden, J., 94 
Dubois, 209, 210 
Duenna, 68, 79, 82, 110, 136, 

162 
Dumfries, 187 
Dunham, 168 
Duni, 186, 200, 204, 206, 212, 

213, 214 
Dunlap, W., 4, 33, 54, 80, 86, 

98 
Duport, 209, 210, 214 
Durang, 25, 33, 46, 74, 81, 92, 

93, 99, 118, 158 
Duthe, 207, 210 
Dwarfs, This, 43 

Echo and Narcissus, 211 
Edelmann, 201 

Edgar, 170, 173, 175, 177, 184, 
190 



224 



INDEX 



Edwin and Angelina^ 100 

Elm, Mrs., 59 

Elopemeni, The, 63, 67, 164, 187 

Encores, 170 

Ensemble, 216 

Entertainments between the acts, 

38, 108 
Entr'acte music, 138, 139 
L'Estrange, 124 
"Evening brush," 162 
Expense of opera, 124 

False Magic, 209 

Farmer, The, 106, 112, 141, 160, 
186, 188, 189. 190, 193 

Fausse magie, 209 

Fawcett, 175 

Fayol, 209, 210 

Federal and Anti-Federal par- 
ties, 122, 123 

Female Madcap, 152 

Festivals, 180 

Finch, 117 

Fireworks, 207 

First American opera, 38 

First nights not fashionable, 127 

First opera advertised by title, 12 

First orchestra mentioned, 18 

First theatre erected in America, 
11 

Fisher, D. B., 182 

Fitzgerald, 191 

Flitch of Bacon, 54, 67, 112, 189 

Flora, 12, 13, 15, 21, 25, 31, 32, 
35, 39, 42, 43, 47, 48, 50, 54, 
59, 63, 68, 173 

Floricourt, 199 

Fontainebleau, 189 

FooVs Opera, 5-8 

Ford, P. L., 17, 46 

ForH noire, 190, 208 

Forman, E., 113 

FourUenth of July, The, 208 

Fourth of July, The, 96, 192 

Four valiant brothers, 208 

Fox, 108, 124 

Francis, 116, 124, 166, 175 

Frandsquy, 93, 157, 186, 198, 
204, 205, 207, 208, 210, 212 

Fredericksburg, Va., 17, 46, 187 

**The French Company from 
Paris," 194 

French Company of Come- 
dians, 199 

French, decrease of enthusiasm 
for, 212 



French musicians, influx of, 198 

French musicians in orchestra, 88 

French opera, 162, 170, 181, 182, 
197-219 

French opera in English, 217 

French operas turned into pan- 
tomimes, 207-213 

French refugees, 117 

French Revolution, influence of, 
122, 123, 198, 203 

French Theatre (Charleston, 
S. C), 204 

Fridzeri, 213 

Fusiliers, 206 

Gallager, 216 

Garden of Love, The, 217 

Gardie, 93, 100, 118, 153, 198, 

212, 214 
Gardiner, J., 134 
Garrick, D., 94 
Gayarre, 182 

"General Washington's March," 

139 
Genevieve of Brabant, 207 
Genii, The, 45 
Genii of the Rock, 67 
George, Miss N., 16, 115 
German opera, 197 
Germans, predominance of in 

orchestras, 72, 88 
Gilfert, 88 
Gillingham, 88, 117 
Gluck, 92, 112, 206, 211 
"God save the king," 38 
Godwin, 44, 45. 62, 163, 167 
Godwin and Kidd, 184 
Godwin and McGrath, 187 
Goodman, 47 
Gossec, 199 

Governmental subvention, 195 
Grand opera, 197 
Graupner, 159, 160, 190, 214, 217 
Gray, 136 

Green, 117, 177, 188, 214 
"Green Mountain Farmer," 145 
Gr6try, 79, 104, 129, 198, 199, 

202, 206, 207, 209, 211, 212, 

213, 214, 215, 216 

Hagen, P. van, 145. 148, 200 
"Hail Columbia," 145, 160, 164 
Haliburton's" Virtuous Theatre, " 

139 
Hallam, 19-21, 22, 23, 25, 26, 
29, 30, 37, 41, 46, 47, 64, 82, 
87, 92, 93, 99, 102, 108 



INDEX 



225 



Hallam and Henry, 110, HI, 

134, 194 
Hallam and Hodgkinson, 144, 154 
Hamilton, 87, 102, 168, 188, 192, 

193 
Hamilton and Co., 194 
Harding, 100, 108 
Harlequin, or. Supposed Con- 

Juror, 205 
Harlequin a Supposed Nobleman, 

206 
Harlequin Balloonist, 136, 206 
Harlequin Barber, 110 
Harlequin Collector, 21, 25, 29, 

32. 35, 40, 43, 48 
Harlequin dead and alive, 110 
Harlequin Doctor, 136, 205 
Harlequin in Hell, 60 
Harlequin Landlord, 59 
Harlequin Pastry-cook, 112 
Harlequin Restored, 43 
Harlequin Skeleton, 21, 42, 44, 

45. 136, 151. 157, 160 
Harlequin Suffposed Gentleman, 

136 
Harlequin Turned Doctor, 110 
Harlequin's Frolic, 74 
Harlequin's Invasion, 68, 106 
Harlequin's Ramble, 158 
Harman, 29, 37, 47 
Harper, 13, 69, 81, 82, 135, 151, 

155, 157, 158 
Harper and Co., 156 
Harrisburg, Pa., 195 
Harrison, 142 
Hartford, Conn., 152-155 
Hatton, A. J.. 97 
Haunted Tower, 112 
Haydn, J., 108, 180 
Heard, 58. 59, 61, 189 
Heating of theatres, 16, 106, 108 
Hecker, 72 
Heely, 176, 188 
Hellyer, 142, 176 
Henderson, 175, 192 
Henry, 47, 64, 69, 82, 84 
Hewitt, J., 87, 95, 96,98, 107,215 
Highland Reel, 105, 106, 107, 112, 

168, 188, 191, 195 
Hipworth, 142, 176 
Hoban, 168 
Hobb's Hole, 17 
Hob in the Well (same as Flora) 
Hodgkinson, 85, 86, 87, 92, 97, 
99, 100, 102, 108, 145, 147, 
149, 153, 156 



Hogg, 108, 152, 214 

Honest Yorkshireman, 19, 29, 
30, 32, 40, 41, 42, 44, 45, 46, 
47, 50, 59, 62, 164, 190 

Hook, J., 208 

Hopkinson, F., 28 

Home, 29 

Horn players, 212 

Hours of performance, 12, 13 

"How d' ye do," 160 

Hughes, 148, 159, 177 

Hulett, 22, 23 

Hunt the Slipper, 112 

Hyde, 61 

Improper characters, 192 
Incidental entertainments (see 

also VaudevUle), 15, 22, 163, 

204 
Incidental music for plays, 38, 43 
Independence of America, The, 93 
Indian Heroine, 136 
Indian music, 94 
InkU and Yarico, 106, 158, 159, 

160, 184, 188, 190, 193 
Inns as theatres, 196, 199 
Intercourse between England 

and America, 36 
Introduction of opera, 5-9, 11, 12 
Iphiglnie en Tauride, 211 
Ireland, 21, 87 
Iron Chest, 106 
Italian opera, 197 
Italian opera airs in the English 

operas, 197, 198 

Jago, 16 

Jeanne d'Arc, 212 

Jefferson, 92, 93, 99, 108 

Jenkins. 93 

Joan, Mr. (- Juhan), 134 

"Jockey and Jenny," 15 

"John Bull was a bumpkin," 108 

Johnson, 92, 99 

tones, 141, 142, 175, 177 

Jones and Co., 173 

Jupiter and Europa, 20S 

Kean, 16 

Kean and Murray, 15 

Keating, 61 

Kedy, 168 

Kenna, 87, 109, 141, 163, 168, 

184, 187, 202 
Kenny, 214 
Kidd, 185 
KUgour, 59 



King, 92, 99. 154, 181, 190 
Katz«bue, 9S 
Krehbie!, 197 



212 

LaiiHre, La (same as Les Deui 
chasseurs) 

Lansingburg, 187 

Latte, 207, 209, 210 

iouTW*, The, 97, 152 

Lavalette, 209,210, 211 

Lavanc>-, 124 

Laws against opera and drama- 
See Opposition 

Leaders. See Conductors 

"Lectures" {Opera given as. See 
Di^:uiseB) 

Lee, 92, 93, 99, 108 

Lege, 149, 153. 166, 198, 213 

Leonard, 92, 93 

Lethr, 35 

Lewis, 61, 187 

Librettos, 36, 39, 47, 69, 79, 203 

Lighting of theatres, 42, 51 

Lindsay, 47 

Linley, T., 67, 68, 79, 214, 216 

Lioml and Clarissa, 47, 49, 50, 
79, 112, 191 

Zton with the Ihom, 208 

Liquor, Sale of, in the theatres, 
121 

JAsette and AnnetU, 185 

Lisle, de, 199 

Local historians. Task of, 180 

Lock and Ke\, 106. 191 

Locke, 127, 191 

London Company of Come- 
dians, 19 

Love, 22, 23, 29, 30 

Love and Magic, 107 

Love in a Camp, 80, 162 

Love in a Village. 34, 35, 36, 39, 
42, 43, 45, 46, 47. 48, SO, 60, 
68, 79, 101, 112, 136, 157, 162, 
186, 188 

"Lovely Nancy," 38 

Macbeth. 35. 127. 191 

M'Donald, 108 

M'Grath, 163, 164, 191. 194 

M'Keniie, 93. 177 

M'Knight, 92. 93 

Maid of Orleans. 211 

Maid, of Ike Milt, 42, 46, 47, 48, 
50,68,71,79,87, 112, 186 



Mallet, 202 

Malone, 22. 25 

Managerial details, 12, 13, 16, 

31. 25. 26, 27, 40, 41, 42, 44, 

51, 80, 106,118,119,121,125, 

126, 137-139 
Marchande de -modes, 205 
Marichai Jerranl, 202 
Markets as opera houses, 157, 

187, 189 
Markoe, 83 
jMarque, de, 213 
Mamot. 148 
"Marseillaise," 123 
Marshall, 116, 117, 124, 214, 216 
Martin, 154 

Maryland Company, 163 
Maryland Company of Come- 



Mas 



i, 58 



;, 13 



Mather, 10 

May Day in Town, 79 

Mechtler, 158 

Medea and Jason, 107 

Medley, Mat., 5 

Meimoth, 99 

"Melodrama", 217 

Melomania (LaM61oraanie),209, 

213 
Merry Rustics, 208 
Midas, 43, 47, 48, 50. 68, 112 
Milbourne. 113, 128 
Military band music, 54 
Military band musicians in 

opera orchestras, 49 
Miller, 22, 176, 193 
MUkr and Collier, 208 
MiUiners, The, 205 
Mirza andLindor, 202, 206 
Mistress and the maid. The, 199 
Mock Doctor, 15. 18, 26, 29, 30, 

35, 45, 53, 60. 67, 136, 137, 152 
Modem Love (same as Lionel and 

Clarissa) 
Monsigny, 198,202,205,208,209 
Moreton, 117 
Morris, 29, 30. 66. 69, 81, 82. 

117, 124, 136 
Morton, 188 

"Mother Brown's retreat," 120 
Mountaineers, 105, 106, 151, 

158, 159, 160, 189, 190, 195 
Municipal improvements, per- 
formances for, 192 
Munto, 92. 93, 99, 102, 217 
Murray. 16 



INDEX 



227 



Murry, 136, 156, 163 
Musart, 199 

Mysteries of the Castle, 173 
Mysterious Marriage, The, 95 

Nancy, 79 

Needs must, 97 

Nelson, 141 

Neptune and Amphitrite, 43, 47, 
48, 162 

New American Company, 45, 
109, 163. 194 

Newark, N. J., 195 

Newbern, N. C, 184 

New Deserter, 104, 212 

New England, 133-161 

New London, Conn., 152 

New Orleans, 181-183 

Newport, R. L, 31, 157 

New York, 6, 7, 11, 14, 15, 16, 
18, 20, 27, 31, 33, 40, 41, 48, 
60. 66, 76, 84-108, 199, 212 

New York Company of Come- 
dians, 17 

Nicolai, 88 

Nina, 207 

Norfolk, Va., 189 

No Song, no Supper, 112, 142, 
157, 159, 160, 186, 189, 191, 193 

"Ode to Columbia", 186 

Oiseliers, Les, 202, 205 

Old American Company, 19, etc., 
64, 76, 89, 104, 110, 185, 
194, 212 

Oldmixon, 115 

Old Soldier, 104, 107, 136, 205 

Opera in English, general re- 
marks, 197, 218 

Opera-house, first use of the 
term, 74 

Opposition to drama and opera, 
10. 28. 136, 147, 155, 156 

Oracle, The, 152 

Orchestra, 16, 18, 23, 24, 38, 
44, 47. 51, 54, 58, 68, 71, 87, 
114, 117, 136, 148, 151, 159, 
167, 179, 193, 198, 204 

Orchestral library, 125 

"O Richard! O mon roi," 199 

Orpheus and Eurydice, 80, 206 

Osborne, 16, 44 

Oscar arid Malvina, 186, 191 

Padlock, The, 42, 43, 46, 47, 48, 
49,50,58,59,61,67,110,112, 
136, 137, 151, 152, 157, 158, 
159, 161, 162, 164, 193 



Paisiello, 206 

Pantomime, introduction of, 1 1 

Pantomime versus opera, 198 

Pantomimes, expensiveness, 129 

Pantomimes, popularity, 70 

Panurge, 211 

Parker, 44, 47 

Pasticcios, 79 

Pastora, 8 

Patriotic and popular airs, 16, 

38, 108, 120, 123, 139, 145, 

160, 178, 186 
Patterson, 176 

Peeping Tom of Coventry, 106, 186 
Pelham, 20, 44 
Pelissier, 88, 96, 100, 112, 212, 

215 
Penn, J., 34 
Pergolesi, 199, 211 
Perrin du Lac, 120 
Peter of Provence, 104 
Petersburg, Va., 191 
Philadelphia, 14, 25, 27, 31, 34, 

41, 42, 47, 49, 66, 73, 109-132, 

213 
Philadelphian in Jamaica, 75 
Phile, 72 

Philidor, 202, 206, 209 
"Pilgrims and the peas. The" 108 
Piscataway, 18 
Placide, 81, 87, 135. 136, 157, 

171, 177, 186, 198, 202, 203, 

205, 207, 209, 210 
Play-bills, 42 
Plays interspersed with music, 

35, 127 
Poacher, 209 
Politics in the theatre, 97, 122, 

123, 145, 146, 170 
Poor Soldier, 67, 72, 73, 105, 106, 

108, 110, 112, 136, 137, 158, 

159, 161, 162, 185, 186, 187, 

188, 189, 191, 192, 193, 195 
Popular songs. See Patriotic 

and . . . 
Porpora, 197 
Portland, Me., 151 
Portsmouth, N. H., 150 
Port Tobacco, 18 
Post office as box office, 153 
Powell, 137, 141, 142, 147, 148 
Power of Magic, 104 
Pownall, 86, 87, 97, 102, 176, 

180, 210 
Presidential visits, ceremonies, 

119 



im 



INDEX 



tt 



Price a(f tickeu. SeeTkkeu 
Priest 154 

Pripnon, S7, 99, 102, 106, 190 
Pnnuss ofBohylcn^ 211 
"Private pefforfnancw, 75 
PrivAU theatre, 165 
Pfte. rilre, 106, 193 
Providence, R, L. 31, 156 
Pubtications of operatic mufic, 

9»,99 
Punch opera, 14 
Puppet fihows, 14, 74, 152 
Purcell, 127 
Puru, The, 97, 106, 108, 149, 

159, 161, 191, 193 
PygmaUon, 200, 203, 206, 217 
Pyrame and ThishCf 208 

Quaker, The, 112, 158, 188, 189, 
190, 191, 193 
Ouaker'i Sermon, The," 30 
uality of performances, 78 
e(>ec, 61 
esnay, 72, 185 
uincy, J., 51 

''Races'' and opera, 191 

Radcliffc, 188, 192 

RadclifTe and McKinzie, 189 

Rankin, 185 

Raymont, 208 

Reapers (same as Rosina) 

Rel>cl and Francoeur, 208 

Recapture of Toulon, 209 

Rccciptfl, 125, 127 

Rccitativcfl, 209 

Reconciliation, The, 83 

Recruit, 191 

Reed, 29 

Reeve, W., 92, 97, 112 

Rcffulationfl, curious, at Boston, 

137-1 38 
Rcinaglc, 96, 106, 114, 117, 118, 

131, 136, 194 
Repertoire, changes in taste, 130 
Repertoire, extent of, 78, 90 
Repertoire, general remarks, 90 
Reputation of actors, moral, 49 
Richard Cceur de Lion, 104, 202, 

212, 214, 215 
Richard the First, Coeur de Lion, 

202 
Richards, 102, 113 
Richmond, Va., 73, 185-186, 213 
Rickett, 103 
Riffetts, 168 



! R«auie,20g 

I R«by.22 

; R^too, H., 182 
RmoUo and Armida, 211 
Riou, 121, 122 
Rjtter, F., 121 
i Rival Candidates, 112, 189 
Roberto, 92, 93, 136 
RMn Hood, 106, 112 
Robinson, 136 
Robinson Crusoe, 67, 136, 158, 

162, 191, 205 
Romeo and Juliet, 35, 127 
Romp, The, 105, 106, 108, 112, 

135, 136, 152, 158, 159, 161, 

164, 175, 186, 188, 189, 191, 

193 
Rose and the Bud, 205 
Rosebush of Salency, 209 
Rose et Colas, 205 
Rosihre de Salency, 209 
Rosina, 68, 72, 106, 112, 136, 

137, 150, 151, 159, 161, 173, 

191, 193 
Rousseau, T. J., 200,203,206,217 
Rowson, 177, 214, 216 
Runs, 67, 68 

Rural Waggish Tricks, 212 
Ryan, 59, 61, 62 

St. Aivre, 199, 200, 201 

St. Amant, 209 

St. Cecilia Society, Charleston, 

S. C, 50, 51, 167, 179 
St. Firmain, 199 
St. Poll, 202 

Salaries, 24, 51, 115, 128 
Salem, Mass., 158, 159 
"Salem Patriotic Song," 160 
Sampson, 208 
San Domingo, 181, 203 
Savannah, Ga., 62, 175, 183 
Scarcity of documents in the 

South, 180 
Scene painters, 33, 113, 128, 

179, 214 
Scenery, 33, 46, 51, 65, 66, 80, 

94, 95, 96, 113, 128, 179, 199, 

200, 209, 210, 214, 216, 217 
School for Fathers (same as 

Lionel and Clarissa) 
Scott, 16, 29 
Scully, 207 
Seilhamer, G. A., 3, 21, 43, 46, 

53, 61, 62, 99, 136, 158, 171, 

184, 191 



Selima and Aaor, 79, 216 

Servant mistress (La Servante 
mattresse), 211 

Servante matlresse, La, 199, 200, 
201, 211 

Serva badrona.La, 199, 211 

Sewall, Judge, 10 

Shakespeare, 59, 63 

Sham theatricals, 34 

Shield, W., 54, 67, 68, 72, 105, 
106, 168, 186 

Shipwreck, The, 108 

Sicxiian Romance, 161, 193 

Silliness of librettos, 69 

Simpson, 146, 148, 160 

Singers, ability of, 85, 86 

Singleton, 22 

Size of theatres, 16. 33, 63, 113, 
137, 141, 146, 167. 168, 185 

Smith, 60, 100, 134 

Smoking in theatres, 120, 176 

SoUee, 104, 147, 159, 172, 175 

Solomon, 136, 152, 156, 158, 
163, 214, 216 

SoJomons, 102 

"Song of Mount Vernon," 192 

Son-in-iaw, 186, 193 

Sophia of Brabant, 112 

Soldiers mordoris, Lei, 213 

South Carolina Lyceum, 174 

Speaking Picture, 206 

Spectacular, tendency towards 
the, 80 

"Spectaculum viti." (See Dis- 
guises) 

Spinacuta, 157, 175, 207, 209, 210 

"Spinning wheel, The," 38 

Statistics, impossibility of ac- 
curate, 77 

Sterne's Maria, 98 

Storace, 179 

Storer, 37. 47, 62, 71, 158 

Street, 58 

Strolling players, 194 

Subscription opera, 200, 201 

Subscription system. 171 

Sully, 168 

Sultan, The, 105 

Summer (open air) theatre, 107 

"Sweet Echo," 160 

Swieten, van, 209 

Synopsis of plot, advance an- 
t, 205, 210 



EX 229 

Tammany, 97, 112 
Tammany Hall, 97 
Taste, standard of, raised by 

opera, 161 
Taylor, Mrs., 16 
Taylor, R., 131. 142, 148 
Tempest, The, 127 



Theatres (buildings devoted to 
drama and opera), 10, 11, 
13, 14, 15, 17, 18, 19, 20, 26, 
27, 30, 32, 33, 34, 39, 46, 47, 
50, 52, 72, 89, 105, 113, 135, 
137, 144, 146, ISO, l5l, 154, 
156, 163, 167, 174, 181, 134, 
185. 187 190, 192, 193, 196 

Theatrical Society (Dumfries), 
187 

Theodosius, 35 

Thomas and SaUy, 35, 36, 39, 
42, 44, 46, 47, 50, 58, 60, 62, 
67, no, 136, 158, 164, 175 

Thompson. T. P., 183 

Three Fkiloso'phers, 206 

Ticket speculators, 137 

Tickets, theatre-, price of, etc., 
12, 13, 16, 26, 76, 147, 153, 
155, 165, 169, 200, 213 

Tillyard. 59 

Tom kins, 99 

Tomlinson, 29 

Tompkins, 92 

TonnelUer, Le, 199, 200, 201, 
202, 212 

Toomer, Capt., 168 

Touchstone, 67 

Town treasury, funds from 
opera, 156 

Tremain, 16 

Trick upon Trick (same : 
lequin Skeleton) 

Trimmer, 72 

Triple bill, 201 

Trip to Curro, 193 

Triumph of Virtue, 104 



sHar- 



s Nancy) 



Trouche, 202 

True blue (same a 

"True glory," 108 

Tubbs, 151, 173 

Tuke, 69 

Turnbull, 175, 176, 186, 188, 

190, 191 
Twenty-eighth of June, 207 
Two Hunters and the Milkmaid, 

186, 206 



230 



INDEX 



Two Huntsmen and the Milk- 
maid, 212 
Two Misers, 68 

Two Philosophers, 112, 136, 158 
Two Woodcutters, 136 
Tyler, 79, 92, 93, 99, 138, 144 

United States Theatre (Wash- 
ington, D. C), 196 
Upper Marlborough, 18, 31 
Upton, 19 

Val, 100, 157, 203, 206, 207, 

209, 210, 212 
Vaudeville injected into opera, 

43, 80. 81, 82, 157, 201 
Ventilation, 84, 168, 170 
Verling, 44 
Villiers, 160, 214 
Virginia Company, 44, 162, 185, 

188 
Virgin Unmasked, 15, 18, 21, 

29, 31, 45, 60, 110, 136, 152, 

175, 187 

Wainwright, 36, 37 38, 

Walker, 44 

Wall, 36, 59, 60, 61 

Wansey, 113 

Warrell. 117, 124, 193 

Warren, 124 

Washington, George, 17, 31, 33, 

46, 75, 80, 119 
Washington, D. C, 196 
"Washington's council for ever," 

160 
"Washington's March," 94 
Waterman, The, 105, 106, 110, 

151, 152, 161, 164, 187 
"Water parted from the sea," 34 
Watts, 150, 158, 159, 175, 190 
Wedding Ring, 112 
West, 87, 168 
West and Bignall, 162, 167, 172, 

186, 187, 189, 194, 204, 205 



West Point Preserved, 146 

Westray, 108, 146 

"What can a lassy do," 108 

Whims of Galatea, 208 

Whitlock, 177 

Wignell, 69, 80, 81, 82, 112, 117 

Wignell and Reinagle, 89, 105, 

124-130, 164, 196, 213 
Wild-goose Chase, 98, 107 
Willard, G. O., 31, 156 
Williamsburg, Pa., 31 
Williamsburg, Va., 10, 16, 19, 

44 46 
Williamson, 144, 146, 148, 177, 

214 
Williamson and Jones, 184 
Williamson, Jones and Placide, 

174 
William TeU, 128 
Wilmington, Del., 173 
Wilmington, N. C, 184 
Wilmoth, 116 
Wilson, 148 
WUches, The, 35, 39, 42, 50, 59, 

60, 63, 67, 158 
Wood 124 
Woodcutters, The, 206 
Woodham, C. S., 15, 16 
Woodman, 164 
Woolf, 72 
WooUs, 36, 38, 60, 69, 82, 87, 

92, 93, 99, 124, 135 
Wools, 37, 47 
Worcester, Mass., 152 
Wrighten, 175, 211 
Wrighten, Mrs. {See Pownall, 

Mrs.) 
Wyatt, 14 

"Yankee Doodle," 139, 141 
Yellow fever epidemics, 115, 126, 

156, 165 
York, Pa., 195 

Zhnire and (et) Azor, 207 



ML 1711 .8699 

Early opera In Amancm, 
Stanford Unf*^ 



C.2 




ML / 
^ 1711 
c S699 

cop. 2 ; 



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